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UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS STUDIES
IN THE
SOCIAL SCIENCES
VOL. 111. NO. 4 DECEMBER, 1914
Church and State in Massachusetts
1691 - 1740
BY
SUSAN MARTHA REED, Ph. D.
Head of the Department of History, Lake Erie College
Sometime Fellow in History, University of Illinois
PRICE $1.05
PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS
URBANA
COPYRIGHT, 1914
BY THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS
PEEFACE.
Six years ago I was working on a brief study of the
ecclesiastical development of provincial Massachusetts, to
present as a master's thesis at the University of Illinois.
In putting together the material I was struck with the fact
that there were some broad empty spaces in the story of
the gradual encroachments on the old Puritan system by
religious dissenters. By the middle of the eighteenth cen-
tury Anglicans, Baptists and Quakers were all recognized
in ecclesiastical law and possessed certain privileges, but
the process by which these results had been gained was not
clear. Histories of New England Baptists showed that
the real work of this sect was practically limited to the
second half of the century; local histories of Anglican
churches recounted the efforts of the Massachusetts
Churchmen; but neither explained the steps by which all
three groups gained a fairly comfortable status in Massa-
chusetts law before the middle of the eighteenth century.
A solution of this problem has been found in the early
records of the Society of Friends in New England and in
London. The best collection of New England Quaker rec-
ords, the minutes of the New England Yearly Meeting and
of the Rhode Island Quarterly, are in the library of the
Moses Brown School at Providence. Others may be found
at the Newport Historical Society, the New Bedford meet-
ing house and the meeting house at Lynn. All have been
used again and again for local and genealogical purposes
but rarely for any general study. In every case they show
so close a connection between the Quakers of Massachusetts
and those of England that the records of the London
Yearly Meeting and the London Meeting for Sufferings
are essential for a clear understanding of what the New
England Quakers of the early eighteenth century were
doing. At Devonshire House, Bishopsgate, the records of
the London Quakers are preserved in the Friends' Refer-
3
4 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASS A (II USETTS [458
ence Library and tell a story of astonishing Quaker activ-
ity, of which the work done for New England was but a
small part.
I wish to express grateful appreciation to the mem-
bers of the Society of Friends who put their time at my
disposal and made it possible for me to use the various
Quaker records. Here I would mention especially Dr.
Edward T. Tucker of New Bedford, Dr. Seth K. Gifford
of the Moses Brown School at Providence, and Norman
Penney of the Friends' Reference Library in London.
Aside from the Quaker collections my materials have
been found in the State House at Boston, the Massachu-
setts Historical Society, the New England Baptist Histor-
ical Society, the Boston Public Library, the Khode Island
Historical Society, the John Carter Brown Library at
Providence, Essex Institute at Salem, Bristol County
(Mass.) Court House at Taunton; and in London at the
S. P. G. House, the British Museum, Dr. Williams' Li-
brary, the library of Fulham Palace, the Public Record
Office, and the office of the Privy Council.
I especially want to acknowledge the courtesy and
kindness of Mr. C. F. Pascoe who made it possible for me
to use the letters and journal of the Society for the Propa-
gation of the Gospel, and the Kev. Sadler Phillips who put
at my disposal certain boxes of papers belonging to the
library of the Bishop of London.
For constant assistance and advice I am indebted to
Professor Evarts B. Greene of the University of Illinois,
under whose direction this study has been completed.
SUSAN MARTHA REED.
LAKE ERIE COLLEGE,
SEPTEMBER, 1914.
CONTENTS
PAGE
Preface 3
CHAPTER I
Introduction 7
CHAPTER II
The Ecclesiastical System of Provincial Massachusetts 19
CHAPTER III
Opposing Elements 35
CHAPTER IV
The System in Practice 50
CHAPTER V
The Quakers and Their Allies 86
CHAPTER VI
The Church of England 148
Conclusion) ^. 190
Bibliography _ 195
Index 203
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
The year 1691 opens the second period in the constitu-
tional history of Massachusetts. From the coming of the
Puritan settlers of the town of Boston in the stirring days
of Charles I's reign to the last years of the restored Stuarts,
the Bay Colony had nothing more elaborate than the old
charter of 1629 as its instrument of government. This was
not primarily a document for the governing of a colony
but the charter of a commercial company, organized by
certain English Puritans with a view of settling the Mas-
sachusetts shore, but not then ready to state their purpose
of becoming colonizers. With the sudden transformation
of the stockholders of the Massachusetts Bay Company
into settlers of Massachusetts Bay, this charter, carried
across the Atlantic, became the source of authority in the
local administration of affairs, and by a gradual process of
stretching and adapting its provisions to suit the new con-
ditions it was made to serve as a colonial constitution for
over half a century. In this way an unusual degree of inde-
pendence was maintained by the local authorities, and the
spirit of the leaders in this Puritan experiment in govern-
ment became strongly fastened on the manners of the col-
ony. A governor and council as well as an assembly were
elected by the freemen of the colony, and the legislative
body kept up the traditions of the first-comers in maintain-
ing a theocratic and exclusive form of government which
was fully developed and fairly aggressive by 1660.
This in itself was irritating to the restored Stuarts,
who were suspicious of an independent colonial govern-
ment so thoroly Puritan; but the attack which was
begun upon Massachusetts in Charles IPs reign was pri-
marily economic. The Navigation Acts of England were
fashioned to produce a more efficient commercial system
7
8 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [462
throughout the empire. To promote this scheme, every
province must bury its individual advantage for the good
of the whole, a thing which the colony of Massachusetts
Bay was not content to do. The resistance to authority
which Massachusetts offered, with other evidences of an
independent spirit, was the cause of the investigation or-
dered in the colony in the sixties, of the coming of Edward
Randolph as royal agent, and of the subsequent quo war-
ranto proceedings which resulted in the loss of the charter.
Pending the organization of a strong royal government,
Massachusetts during part of the year 1686 was under the
authority of a governor and council appointed by the king.
Then followed its incorporation in the Dominion of New
England, a territory planned to embrace all the broad
lands lying between the Delaware and the St. Lawrence,
and placed in the hands of Sir Edmund Andros as governor
and representative of the royal prerogative of the later
Stuarts. Widespread dissatisfaction with the Andros re-
gime found a chance to express itself when the news of the
English revolution of 1688 reached Boston, and the royal
government was then overthrown.
In the meantime Increase Mather, who had been dis-
patched to England as the representative of Massachusetts
in the general resistance to Andros, had been making every
effort in frequent audiences with James and later with
William to secure the old charter once more. This proved
impossible and inadvisable; all that remained was to at-
tempt to obtain a new charter from William and Mary
which should reserve to the governing powers of Massa-
chusetts as much as possible of their former rights and
privileges. The result was the province charter of 1691
which opened the second period of Massachusetts history.
During the interim between the overthrow of Andros and
the arrival of the new charter a temporary government
along the old lines managed affairs but gave way to the
new regime when the second charter reached Boston. The
method of reorganization in Massachusetts indicates the
extent to which William III continued the colonial policy
463] INTRODUCTION 9
bequeathed him by the Stuarts. In the charter of 1691
Massachusetts, which now included Plymouth, was made
a royal province. The governor was to be appointed by the
king and to possess an extensive veto power, while the king
himself held the further right of refusing colonial legisla-
tion. By these means the authority of the General Court
would be much limited and the province would be forced
to fall in line to a certain extent with the wishes of the
English government. The old order suffered severely by
these limitations of its political power. It suffered also as
an ecclesiastical state through a change in the franchise.
The older rule of church membership as a qualification for
voting now gave place to a property qualification, and many
persons formerly excluded now had a voice in the govern-
ment. Thus it came about that Massachusetts began the
second period of her history with an enlarged boundary
and under a royal government, on aristocratic lines as
before, but no longer as a theocracy. The influence of the
new government on the relation between church and state
was soon to become apparent.
The Massachusetts charter, as we have seen, illus-
trates the way in which William III followed the colonial
policy of the last two Stuarts in its political and economic
phases. William believed, as had the Stuarts, that the
well being of the empire lay in the enforcement of the
Navigation Acts; he believed that colonial governments
which had shown a tendency to resist such law in a spirit
of independence must be controlled, and that the way to do
this was to be found in uniting them and bringing them
more closely under the crown. In the reign of Charles II
there had appeared some indications of a desire to advance
a religious policy, suggesting the ambitions of Archbishop
Laud in the days of Charles I. That unity, so desirable in
the administration of the colonies, might be forwarded by
supporting the missionary work of the Anglican Church
in the British possessions beyond the seas, and by means
of the establishment of Episcopacy as the state church
throughout the colonial empire the royal government might
10 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [464
have a definite hold upon the colonies. That variety in
religious forms and creeds, which was characteristic of
British America, was increasing the growth of particular-
ism which the authorities at home were anxious to prevent,
as it made more difficult the problems of administration.
It is doubtful if such a plan was ever frankly recognized
as a governing policy. Certain it is that while the com-
mercial greatness of England was an object which each
reigning house and each political party came more and
more to seek, the enforcement of such a religious policy as
this depended too much upon the attitude of monarch or
chief minister toward the English Church.
If such a scheme was in existence, lying dormant, at
the accession of William and Mary, it was not to be called
to activity by a representative of Dutch Protestantism and
low churchmanship. Succeeding reigns, which adhered to
the enforcement of British imperial control over the polit-
ical and economic life of the colonies, were inconsistent in
ecclesiastical affairs. This side of colonial policy was for
the most part neglected during the century introduced by
the coming of William of Orange except under Queen
Anne. The reign of William and Mary was in this way a
disappointment to the English Church, and much more so
was the period of the early Georges, when the Church in
its enterprises over the seas received little sympathy from
Walpole. For this reason the Church of England, during
the greater part of this time, found itself on almost the
same footing in the colonies as any one of the dissenting
sects. The laws which proclaimed an establishment at
home were not generally considered as extending to the
colonies. Whatever attempts were made to advance Epis-
copacy in the provinces belonged not to the government
but to the Church itself, working through individuals and
organizations in both England and America, and only on
rare occasions assisted by governmental authority.
While the government failed to carry out the plan of
promoting the Church in the colonies, the Church itself
turned to the matter with zeal. Beginning with the efforts
465] INTRODUCTION 11
of the Bishop of London, acting as diocesan of the colonies,
and continued by the Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge ( S. P. C. K. ) , under the influence of Dr. Bray,
the work culminated in the formation of the Society for
Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts (S. P. G.), which
was to devote itself entirely to the British possessions
beyond the seas. In the reign following that of William
and Mary, when the influence of Queen Anne was cast on
the side of the Society, it made a real beginning and grew
rapidly.
The Church of England's enthusiastic interest in mis-
sionary work among the colonies of British America had
no counterpart in any of the other Protestant sects of the
mother country except the Quaker body. At the opening
of the eighteenth century the Protestants of England out-
side of the Anglican Church were divided among four
important denominations, Presbyterian, Congregational,
Baptist and Quaker, and these sects possessed certain
differences which distinguished them from one another as
clearly as from the established church. Closest to the
Church of England were the Presbyterians who still fa-
vored a state church but disapproved of much of the form
and ceremony which the Anglicans maintained. The Con-
gregationalists, with doctrinal views which were little
different from those of the Presbyterians, denounced the
theory of a church establishment, and were therefore more
in sympathy with the Baptists than with the Presbyterians,
except in theology. The Baptists, the term covering a
number of dissenting groups which traced their origin to
the continent, were more radical in their treatment of the
ideas of the Reformation than any of the other noncon-
formists except the Quakers. The latter far surpassed
them, standing alone as the Protestants of Protestants,
unique in belief, in an exclusive attitude toward other
Christians, and in their customs. During the last decade
of the seventeenth century the leaders of the Presbyterians
and the Congregationalists, the two sects having most in
common, made some earnest attempts to unite on a single
12 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [466
platform, but neither group as a whole responded with
enthusiasm, and the plan fell through. The same fate met
another scheme for bringing together Presbyterians, Con-
gregationalists and Baptists into a loose union. Through
all these years the Presbyterians were the most favored by
the Church and were far more inclined to compromise in
matters of form and ceremony than the more rigid Baptists
and Congregationalists who accordingly looked upon them
with some distrust.
Union among these three bodies of dissenters was
apparently impossible, and as time went on it became
evident that they were less numerous and less vigorous
than their early history had predicted. They were no
longer growing rapidly, adding to their ranks at the ex-
pense of the Church of England, as they had in earlier
days; they were at odds with one another and they were
torn with religious controversy, each within itself. In the
last decade of the seventeenth century came the lengthy
discussion connected with the various attempts made to
secure the passage of a comprehension bill which would
make it possible for many of the nonconformists to be
gathered again into the national church. When this failed,
bringing out the points of difference rather than of likeness
among Presbyterians, Congregationalists and Baptists,
and the impossibility of broadening the Church so as to
include any great number of them, they were almost im-
mediately overtaken by the reactionary legislation of the
early eighteenth century. After their vain struggle, during
Queen Anne's reign, to oppose the Occasional Conformity
and Schism Acts which seriously limited the political
sphere and educational advantages of all who were not
Churchmen, many gave up the position they had held as
too costly a luxury. The great men of the first generation
had not been followed by others of so high a degree of
eminence, able to lead their followers in the face of changed
conditions, and many of the prominent nonconformists,
when convinced that no method of comprehension could be
arranged, or when occasional conformity was made illegal,
467] INTRODUCTION 13
returned to the Anglican Church. Finally, the reign of
Queen Anne was hardly ended when the anti-Trinitarian
controversy became acute, stretching over a period of many
years and dividing the ranks of the nonconformists once
more, now on new lines. Real vigor and unity were con-
spicuously lacking in the three English nonconforming
sects which traced their origin to the Reformation.
The case of the Quakers was very different. By the
second quarter of the eighteenth century their strangely
rapid decline had begun but in George Fs reign it was not
yet apparent that their days of steady growth were num-
bered, and these years mark for them a period of great
vigor as a religious body and as a political force. Actual
persecution was now a thing of the past, and they were
living like the other dissenters under the Toleration Act.
In wealth and political influence they occupied a position
second only to that of the established church. Their polit-
ical power should in large measure be traced to their
strongly centralized organization over which the London
Yearly Meeting exercised supreme authority. Difficulties
carried by weekly and monthly meetings to this central
body were turned over by it to the Meeting for Sufferings
which in frequent sittings considered all subjects with due
care and took active measures for redress. Through nu-
merous wealthy and prominent members who were close
to the government in William's reign the ear of authority
was reached with little difficulty. It was in Quakerism
that the Anglican Church of the late seventeenth century
saw its most dangerous adversary and in the Quaker doc-
trine read a statement of belief which it looked upon as
non-Christian and attacked accordingly. The conversion
of the Quakers of England was one of the purposes of the
S. P. C. K., while work among the Quakers of the colonies
was an important object of the S. P. G.
The duel between the Quakers and the Anglicans in
the colonies, each backed by a powerful influence at home,
the London Yearly Meeting and the English Church, be-
came a leading feature of the ecclesiastical situation in
14 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [408
America in the early eighteenth century. The period saw
the highest point in numerical strength which Quakerism
reached in America as well as in England, and it saw also
the most important strides taken by the Church of England
in the colonies between the Restoration and the Declara-
tion of Independence. Successful attempts were made to
establish Episcopacy by law in several colonies, and Angli-
can churches, the result of missionary enterprise, sprang
up in the whole line of English settlements from New
England to the West Indies.
While the other nonconformists were relatively
stronger in the colonies than in England, they were, as in
the mother country, less influential on the whole than the
Society of Friends. The various sects had little or no
official support from parent groups at home and were even
more disunited than they. Of these the Presbyterians
were to be found in no great numbers as yet for the chief
Presbyterian immigration, that from Scotland and Ireland,
belongs to a later period. The Baptists of the colonies
were more closely allied with the Quakers than with either
Congregationalists or Presbyterians, for their insistence on
the separation of church and state placed them at odds
with the nonconforming established churches of Massachu-
setts and Connecticut. The latter, which called themselves
Congregational but were usually known as Presbyterian
or Independent, had drifted so far from any corresponding
group in England that they were looked upon rather un-
sympathetically by English nonconformists, especially be-
cause of the extremes in ecclesiastical legislation of which
both colonies were guilty.
The weakening of the tie between the nonconformists
of England and New England had come gradually and
through no voluntary act on the part of either. It had
come in spite of a friendly intercourse between the leaders
on the two sides of the Atlantic. Increase Mather was as
closely associated with the nonconformists of England as
with those of his native land; many of the New England
ministers of 1700 had visited England or corresponded
469] INTRODUCTION 15
with nonconformists at home and the works of English
divines were read eagerly in Massachusetts. One primary
cause for the independent growth of the churches of New
England was the lack of a central organization binding
them to the churches of the mother country, as existed in
the case of the Anglican and Quaker bodies. Founded
independently by the two branches of English dissent, the
Nonconformists proper and the more radical Independents,
the colonies of Massachusetts Bay and Plymouth had kept
in close touch with the English Puritans through the Civil
War and Commonwealth periods because of their common
cause at a stirring time. Only with the Kestoration came
the dissolution of the bond of interest that united New
England with nonconformity at home, and in view of the
lack of a governing system held in common, it is small
wonder that the two divisions fell gradually apart. There
was no longer the exciting interest in a great common
cause, an interest stimulated by the conditions in the last
years of Charles Fs reign; nor was there the common ex-
citement which belonged to the period of the Civil War in
England when many of the New England Puritans re-
turned to enter the army.
From the Kestoration on the nonconformists of Eng-
land and New England had diverse interests and developed
differently. On the Massachusetts shore the two Puritan
colonies grew more and more closely together and worked
out a system of church and state government which drew
inspiration from both Plymouth and the Bay. At the time
of the province charter, which joined Plymouth to its larger
neighbor, the final compromise was effected and the two
systems merged into one. This was the basis of Massa-
chusetts ecclesiasticism in the eighteenth century. At the
same time the aggression of outside forces was helping to
weld together more firmly the members of the "standing
order." Such was the coming of the Quakers with the
conversion to Quakerism of many persons of the Massa-
chusetts towns who had already given evidence of a varying
form of theology. A little later the recognition of the
16 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [470
Church of England worship in Boston, in James IPs reign,
tended to increase that rigidity in theology and ecclesiasti-
cism which was a characteristic of the second and third
generations of New England nonconformity. This devel-
opment in Massachusetts failed to attract much attention
from the English nonconformists who would not have been
very sympathetic toward it ; and conditions in England, al-
ready described, were in the meantime holding their atten-
tion and giving them interests which made little appeal to
New England Congregationalism. The discussion con-
nected with the comprehension bill emphasized distinctions
between Anglican and Puritan which New England had
taken for granted and had no desire to minimize. The
reactionary legislation of Queen Anne's reign did not
extend to the colonies. The anti-Trinitarian movement,
which convulsed England in the early eighteenth century,
had no great effect in New England until almost a century
later. From these ecclesiastical and theological contests
waged in England during the reign of William and Mary
and that of Anne New England Congregationalism was
therefore well nigh free, and in proportion to this freedom
it hardened and narrowed, drawing apart and caring little
for the constantly developing and increasingly liberal
dissent of England.
In spite of this failure on the part of New England
nonconformity to maintain a close union with the dissent-
ers in England, the strength of the state church in both
Connecticut and Massachusetts was such that Quakerism
made but slight inroads in the former and in the latter was
pushed out into the border counties. For this reason the
Church of England, when planted in Connecticut, was
facing not the Quakers but rather the strongly established
Congregational system. Massachusetts, on the other hand,
offers the unique case of a three-cornered combat in which
the two bodies which possessed most vigorous support at
home and were victorious, one or the other, in most of the
middle and southern colonies, were here outnumbered and
long defied. Their adversaries, the Congregationalists,
471] INTRODUCTION 17
while not receiving systematic, organized help from a
parent group abroad, were so united and so rigid that for
a long time they Were able to deny any concessions.
Altho the New England nonconformists were not
receiving direct aid from the dissenting bodies in England
they were supported indirectly by William's government.
The Massachusetts province charter itself indicated the
extent to which sympathy might be expected from this
Dutch Protestant ruler who was frankly disappointed in
the failure of the comprehension bill and in his inability
to do better for the English nonconformists than to secure
the Toleration Act. The new charter, the work of Increase
Mather, under the authority of William, specified that
liberty of conscience should be allowed throughout the
province, and no special recognition of the Church of
England was demanded. It failed therefore to support
the encroachments of Episcopacy which had appeared in
the previous decade, aided by Randolph and Andros. The
next few years saw the allowance by the king in council
of Massachusetts legislation which practically renewed the
ecclesiastical system of the seventeenth century. While to
a certain extent continuing the methods of the Stuarts in
dealing with political and economic problems in New Eng-
land, William was not ready to make great use of the
English Church as an agent in accomplishing his object.
The opposition to the established church of Massachu-
setts which had been opened by the intruders of the mid-
seventeenth century was renewed soon after 1691 and now
had an altered basis for attack in the terms of the new
charter. The Quakers were the first to enter the conflict,
drafting appeals to the governor and to the Friends of
London before the S. P. G. had even been organized. They
were regularly supported by the Baptist churches of the
province, but the assistance thus given them w r as meager,
as the Baptists were not a numerous sect in New England
until after the religious revival of the middle of the century
known as the Great Awakening. The Anglican invasion
of Massachusetts, pushed forward after the founding of
18 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [472
the S. P. G., was an important factor in the progress toward
the new era, but was less effective than the Quaker move-
ment for reasons that will appear. The Work of Anglican
and Quaker, while slow and difficult, was aided by the low
condition of spiritual vitality which New England experi-
enced in the years immediately preceding the Great Awak-
ening. The very absence of spiritual vigor demanded many
laws to enforce customs which were now tending to lapse,
as the people were no longer interested in maintaining the
old standards. The elaborate ecclesiastical structure reared
in order to meet the situation was artificial, and had no
strength of its own to resist continued pressure upon it.
The nature of this artificial structure and the scheme
of attack made against it by outside forces will be treated
in the following discussion. As a study of institutions it
places some emphasis upon the actual constitution of the
Massachusetts church town at the highest point of its
development and just before its disintegration began. As
a study of English influence on colonial life it pays some
attention to the political and religious forces at work in
England to show what part they played in the events
which occurred in Massachusetts.
CHAPTER II.
THE ECCLESIASTICAL SYSTEM OF PROVINCIAL
MASSACHUSETTS.
The province of Massachusetts Bay offers an unusual
field for the study of contending religious forces in Amer-
ica in the early eighteenth century. Against a stronghold
of rigid church establishment, in the hands of nonconform-
ists, two religious bodies, Anglican and Quaker, contended
for years with little apparent effect but with ultimate suc-
cess. In so doing they gradually broke down the Massa-
chusetts ecclesiastical system which had come into being
in the seventeenth century, had withstood the attacks of
Antinomians, Baptists and early Quakers, had lapsed dur-
ing the Andros regime but was later revived under the
province charter. In elaborateness of detail and rigid
formality the system reached its highest development in
the first quarter of the eighteenth century, in the years
when organized attacks upon it caused it to draw its mantle
of exclusiveness more closely, and before the attacking
forces had begun to gain their demands. It was, therefore,
under the provincial government and not during the colo-
nial period that this eminence was attained, a fact surpris-
ing in view of the many ways in which the province charter
created a new era.
Postponing for the moment a consideration of the
structure of the Massachusetts system as it was formed in
the seventeenth century and hardened in the early eight-
eenth, let us examine the status of the man who did not
sympathize with the existing order in the period before the
provincial government. Perfect sympathy, as expressed
in church membership, was required as a qualification for
admission to the privileges of the body politic under the
first charter, and an increasing majority of the inhabitants
19
20 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [474
of the colony were thus excluded from the franchise in
spite of the results of the half-way covenant. Actual hos-
tility, such as appeared in the views of certain dissenting
sects which had crept in, was the attitude which the perse-
cuting laws of the seventeenth century were framed to
meet. Permitted more and more to lapse, these laws
became a dead letter with the abrogation of the charter and
under the governments which immediately succeeded. In
the commission by which James II constituted a president
and council for Massachusetts Bay, a "liberty of con-
science" was ordered to "be allowed unto all persons," the
Church of England to be "particularly countenanced and
encouraged." 1 While the Churchmen of Boston, under the
leadership of Randolph and Mason, the only Anglicans on
the council, failed to make hoped-for headway, the New
England Quakers were recording their appreciation of the
changed conditions when they met in the summer of 1686.
"We enjoy outward Peace at present," they wrote to the
London Yearly Meeting, "the parsecuting spirits being
under contemp themselves, and much awed by the present
Power in England, so that we enjoy our Meetings Peace-
ably." 2 The injunctions issued to Dudley, when repeated
in the Andros commission, 3 resulted in very unusual con-
cessions which were allowed to both of these hostile bodies.
The progress which was made by the Episcopal group in
Boston was among the causes of the attempt to regain the
charter, as well as of the revolt against authority in 1689 ;
the other religious sects were well satisfied in finding
*5 Mass. Hist. Colls., IX, 150.
2 Epistles Received, I, 19. A letter written to London later in the same
year expresses more strikingly the same idea. "Them that were secure
and had made their nests in the Stars, are now in some measure brought
to the Dust; their Dagon is fallen, and their Arke is taken, And now are
crying whose sorrows are like ours : This we see is the Lords doings,
and it appears Marvellous to many, that in the Bloody Town of Boston,
and other places where Friends were a hising and by work among them :
have now Equal privilege with their persecutors, by reason of the Kings
indulgence for Liberty of Conscience." Ibid., I, 21.
3 3 Mass. Hist. Colls., VII, 147-148.
475] MASSACHUSETTS ECCLESIASTICAL SYSTEM 21
themselves for the time being relieved from taxation for the
support of the Congregational system. 4
While the towns in general went back to their former
methods when the old order was resumed in 1689, its basis
was entirely altered when the new charter went into effect
two years later. Provisions regarding the relation of
church and state are conspicuously lacking in this docu-
ment, and because no special prohibition was there laid
down it was possible for the General Court to renew the
ecclesiastical framework of the seventeenth century with-
out exceeding the law. The only limitation appeared in a
clause which stated that
for the greater Ease and Encouragement of Our Loveing Subjects Inhab-
iting our said Province or Territory of the Massachusetts Bay and of
such as come to Inhabit there Wee doe by these presents for Our heires
and Successors Grant Establish and Ordaine that for ever hereafter there
shall be a liberty of Conscience allowed in the Worshipp of God to all
Christians (Except Papists) Inhabiting or which shall inhabit or be resi-
dent within our said Province or Territory. 5
Later controversy raised a storm over the meaning of
"liberty of conscience ... in the Worshipp of God."
Examined in the light of events in England at the opening
of William's reign and of conditions prevailing in Massa-
chusetts during the years of the Dominion of New England,
the meaning is obvious. As an echo of the Toleration Act
the province charter was attempting to bring the noncon-
formists of New England a full assurance that they should
suffer no interference in their method of worship by the
state church of England. It was therefore in accordance
with one of the special requests submitted by Increase
Mather. Further than this it gave assurance to the sev-
eral dissenting sects in Massachusetts that the general tol-
*The London Yearly Meeting, recognizing the opportunity afforded
by the appointment of Andros, had urged the New England Quakers to
appeal to him, and the latter answered with the report that upon applica-
tion he "has taken off that oppression and Yoak that Friends were under
for Maintenance of Ministers so called : And Friends have a good Interest
in him : and he is very kind & Curteous to us." Epistles Received, I,
58-59. See also Palfrey, New England, III, 522. A Quaker petition bear-
ing on this matter in an individual case appears in Mass. Archives, XI, 40.
*Mass. Prov. Laws, I, 14.
22 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [476
eration which they had attained by the end of the colonial
period should be continued.
Neither the hierarchy of Massachusetts nor the dis-
senter was satisfied that the interpretation should stop
here. The hierarchy found expression for its view in the
laws for "maintaining religion" which renewed the old
ecclesiastical system; the scattered representatives of the
other sects denounced such action as an infringement of
the same clause. The view of the elder Mather appears in
the election sermon which he preached in 1693.
Your religion is secured to you, [he announced.] Now you need not fear
being sent to Prison (as some of you were under a late Government)
because you scruple Swearing by a Book. You may Worship God in the
greatest Purity, and no one may disturb you. If you set apart Daies for
Solemn Praier or Praises, as the Divine Providence may call thereunto,
you need not fear being interrupted or Obstructed therein as it was here
six years ago. You may by laws not only Protect, but encourage that
Religion which is the General Profession of the Country. 6 Religion is
forever secured, [repeated his son,] a righteous and generous liberty of
conscience established. And the General Assembly may, by their acts,
give a distinguishing encouragement unto that religion which is the gen-
eral profession of the inhabitants. 7
The policy here recommended was hardly expressed in
public law before the opposing forces were announcing
their interpretation of liberty of conscience. A Quaker
appeal of 1702, complaining of taxes for the ministry,
begged for a "Liberty of Conscience in the Exercise of
Religion as a Priviledge granted by their Majestyes Char-
ter," 8 and later petitions to the provincial assembly and to
the crown repeated over and over the same idea. To favor
one system of theology and church practices, taxing all
persons for the support of the favored method, was looked
upon by those not in sympathy with the establishment as
an infringement of the charter. 9 Many years later Isaac
I. Mather, The Great Blessing of Primitive Counsellors, 21.
7 C. Mather, Parentator, 141.
^Bristol Sessions, I, 38.
"The position is carefully taken in an elaborate representation to the
crown from the Baptists of Rehoboth in 1715.
"whereas King Charles the Second of happy memory. When Complaint
was made unto his sacred Majestic of the Cruell abuses that his Loyall
477] MASSACHUSETTS ECCLESIASTICAL SYSTEM 23
Backus, the Baptist historian, in critical comment on
Cotton Mather, made the assertion that for the General
Assembly to "give a distinguishing encouragement" unto
a certain form of religion was nothing less than to "em-
power some to judge for others about worship, and to
enforce their judgments with the sword; which is the
root of the worst persecution in the world." 10 These two
conflicting opinions in regard to the meaning of the char-
ter and the rights of the dissenting sects in the province
became the basis of the struggle which continued through
a large part of the eighteenth century.
In pursuance of the Mather theory that laws might
be passed for the encouragement of that form of religion
which received popular favor, the General Court began to
put once more into operation the system for financial
support for the orthodox ministers of the towns which, so
far as it was a matter regulated by the central authority,
had recently lapsed. In Boston no difficulty had been
occasioned because of the long standing custom of sup-
porting ministers by voluntary contributions. 11 In the
subjects met with all in the Massathusetts Collony in New England,
Namely, the Baptists, and the Quakers, and that from the Independant
and Presbiterian parties, and that upon the Account of Religion, Some
they Severely fined, some weer Cruelly punished, and put to Death, he
Did quickly put a Stop to their Tirannie and Enlarged the Libertye of his
poor Distressed subjects, to his Immortal honour, Granting Libertye of
Conscience in the Worship of God to all his good Subjects in this Prov-
ince which we Enjoyed allsoe in the Reign of King James the Second,
and Confirmed by King William the third and Queen Mary, By Charter
for the Better Encourageing of there Subjects in New England,
and when your Sacred Majestic Came to the throne you was pleased
to Indulge the tender consciences of your good and Loyall subjects in
this Province, for which we owe all true Allegiance to the Church of
England for Ever, Yett notwithstanding it has been the Practice of many
towns within this province, and Still is to Rate and make Distress Upon
the Estates of men whoe Differr in Point of Worship, as the Case is with
us in this town of Rehoboth." S. P. G. Papers, B I, No. 169.
"Backus, Baptists, I, 446.
11 /&iU, I, 448. In 'The Present State of New England", Randolph
writes, "The Ministers in Boston are paid by a Collection weekly made in
the several Congregations by the Elders, who give the Ministers what
24 CHURCH AND STATE IX MASSACHUSETTS [478
country, however, especially in towns least in sympathy
with the state church, a real problem had presented itself,
as the ministers had found themselves unable to collect
their salaries. 12 By a law of the 17th of June 1692, the
preamble of which stated that
several taxes or assessments, necessary for the support of the ministry
and other public charges arising in the several counties and towns within
this province, have been laid upon the inhabitants, and 'orderly committed
to the constables or collectors by the selectmen or assessors in the several
towns . . . and in many places remains uncollected,
it was ordered that the constables and collectors be re-
quired to collect all such rates and pay them to the county
treasurer in each county or the selectmen in the town
where they were made before the 10th of the following
December. In any county or town where such taxes had
been agreed on but not assessed, the selectmen of the sev-
eral towns were ordered to make such rates and commit
them to the constables to be collected in the same
manner. 13
Toward the end of the same year came the first of the
acts "for the settlement and support of ministers and
schoolmasters" under the provincial government, differing
only slightly from seventeenth century legislation on the
same subject. Each town in the province was ordered to
take due care to be provided with an "able, learned ortho-
dox minister or ministers, of good conversation," the same
to be suitably maintained by the inhabitants of the town.
If the inhabitants failed to make a contract, then, upon
complaint to the quarter sessions of the peace for the
county, the latter was empowered "to order a competent
they think fitt, but in other Towns they have a settled maintenance by a
rate laid upon every Inhabitant, & houses are provided for them." Perry,
Ch. Docs., Mass., 6. "In some Churches, the Salary of the Minister is
raised by a Voluntary contribution; especially in populous Places, and
where many Strangers resort." C. Mather, Ratio Disciplinae, 20.
12 "Discoragmts upon the hearts of the ministers increase by reason
that a licentious people take the advantage of a liberty to withold main-
tenance from them." Samuel Willard to Increase Mather, 10 July, 1688,
4 Mass. Hist. Colls., VIII, 571, Mather Papers.
13 Mass. Prov. Laws, I, 28.
479] MASSACHUSETTS ECCLESIASTICAL SYSTEM 25
allowance unto such minister according to the estate and
the ability of the town; the same to be assessed upon the
inhabitants by warrant from the court, directed by the
selectmen," who were then to assess the same and cause
it to be levied by the constables. The act further provided
that in case a town was without a minister for six months
the court of quarter sessions should order such town to
provide itself immediately; and in case it failed to do so,
the court should procure and settle a minister there "and
order the charge thereof and of such minister's maintam-
ance to be levied upon the inhabitants of such town." So
far no new theory was involved but in the fourth section
appeared a new principle. Under the colonial government
it had been customary for the members of a church to elect
the man who should become their minister; but as church
members only could become freemen and hence voters in
town affairs, this was practically equivalent to the election
of a minister by the town in those towns of the province
which still had but one church. That it was looked upon
in this way is probable from the fact that the new law
ordered that a minister should be chosen by the major part
of the inhabitants of a town in town meeting; and that the
whole town should then be obliged to pay towards his set-
tlement and maintenance. 14 Immediately there arose a
difficulty, for the new charter had done away with the old
church membership qualification for voting and had sub-
stituted a property basis which, now applied, meant that
a far larger group of people than the members of a church
would be electing its minister. 15 Further than this it
failed to satisfy the conditions existing when there was
more than one church in a town, particularly true of Bos-
ton where even the provision in regard to maintenance was
/., I, 62.
"'That the world would soon have power over the church." Isaac
Backus to Jedediah Morse, 9 March, 1791. Backus Papers (New England
Bap. Hist. Soc.), Portfolio 42. Cf. the Massachusetts state constitution
of 1780 which again introduced this method, thereby causing difficulties
at the time of the Unitarian movement which hastened the separation of
church and state.
26 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [480
a dead letter because of the well established method of
voluntary contributions to which the Boston churches
were accustomed.
Before dissatisfaction with these provisions had
caused any change in legislation, the General Court con-
tinued its supervision of ministerial support in an act for
regulating townships and town officers. It was enacted (16
November, 1692) that the selectmen or townsmen should
assess the inhabitants and other residents of a town and
the lands and estates lying within its bounds to all town
charges ordered by the inhabitants in town meeting "for
the maintenance and support of the ministry, schools, the
poor, and for the defraying of other necessary charges
arising within the said town," the constable or constables
thereupon to levy and collect such assessments,
and to make distress upon all such [as] [who] shall [neglect or] refuse to
make payment. And for want of goods or chattels whereon to make
distress, to seize the person and commit him to the common goal of the
county, there to remain until he pay the sum upon him assessed as afore-
said, unless the same, or any part thereof, upon application made unto the
quarter sessions, shall be abated.
A penalty of five pounds was then declared for refusing to
take the oath when duly chosen to serve in the office of
constable, and in case the delinquent constable refused to
pay this fine, it was to be levied by distress and sale of his
goods, the overplus returned. 16
Meanwhile, the unsatisfactory provisions of the act
for the settlement and support of ministers was causing
annoyance, and to dispel it an act was passed on February
17, 1693, to explain and alter some of its clauses. The new
law repealed the fourth section of the older one and gave
each church power to choose its own minister with the re-
striction that this act of the church to be valid must be
concurred in by "the major part of such inhabitants as do
there usually attend on the publick worship of God, and
are by law duly qualified for voting in town affairs." 17
18 Mass. Prov. Laws, I, 66.
"More simply this expression might read, "the majority of the towns-
men qualified to vote in town meeting," for it was in town meeting that
the matter was decided. By "Such inhabitants as do there usually attend"
481] MASSACHUSETTS ECCLESIASTICAL SYSTEM 27
The clause allowing for his settlement and support was
made more explicit, ordering that whether it be an incor-
porated town or merely a "part of a town, or a place lim-
ited by law for upholding the publick worship of God, all
the inhabitants, and rateable estates lying within" it should
be obliged to pay in proportion. In the case of Boston an
exception was made in both of these matters and this town
was allowed to continue its "accustomed method and prac-
tice," each church responsible for the choice of its minister,
and his support dependent upon the voluntary contribu-
tions of its adherents. In dealing with defective towns the
second law was much more definite and went farther.
Where a town neglected its duty in regard to maintenance
of the ministry, the court of quarter sessions, upon com-
plaint, should summon the selectmen or other assessors
and impose a fine upon them
not exceeding forty shillings each person for the first offense; and upon
a second conviction of such neglect to impose a fine of four pounds upon
each person; and the like sum of four pounds for every after conviction;
such fines to be levied by distress and sale of the offender's goods (re-
turning the overplus if any be). 18
Such definite measures as these were the result of new con-
ditions created by the provisions of the province charter.
With the merging of Plymouth Colony in Massachusetts
there came under the Boston government three new coun-
ties, in each of which were towns that for thirty years had
is meant the persons who are included in the precinct, whether church
members or not, and who would be expected to attend at that meeting.
Nowhere is the exact situation, when finally developed, more clearly stated
than in Ratio Disciplinae, 15-16. Mather here says that after the church
members have voted to call a certain minister, they "have a Meeting with
the other Inhabitants of their Neighborhood, who are not yet arrived into
the State of Communicants, When they do all together put it unto the Vote,
Whether they have no Objection against the Choice of Mr. A. B. to be
the Minister of the Place; but shall concurr, to support him in the Exer-
cise of his Ministry.
Except the Major-Part of the Inhabitants (inclusive of the Commu-
nicants) do agree to this latter Vote, the Act of the Church, does not in
the Law, make the whole Taxable in the Maintenance of the Minister,
which the Church doth chuse."
18 Mass. Prov. Laws,l, 102; Backus, Baptists, I, 448.
28 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [482
been establishing independent religious services recognized
by their own town government and resisting the Plymouth
General Court. To provide against this state of affairs
among the Baptists and Quakers of Buzzards Bay, Cape
Cod, and the Khode Island border was the chief purpose
of the ecclesiastical legislation of Massachusetts for the
next thirty-five years.
The law just quoted went into effect in the winter of
1693. One year from the following May, at the time of
meeting of the general assembly of Massachusetts Bay,
when, as was customary, the ministers of the province were
assembled in their annual convention at Boston, 19 they
framed a memorial to present to the General Court de-
scribing certain difficulties which some of their number
were experiencing under the existing legislation.
Inasmuch as destitute Churches are plunged into Extreame Difficultys,
[ran this memorial,] in their Election & settlement of Ministers by ye
Opposition wo their Acts find from ye Non-concurrence of ye other Inhab-
itants in their Towns, It is requested that ye Late Act of ye Generall
Court referring thereunto, may be Explained, with an Additional Clause,
Declaring, what shall bee done by Churches, In Case ye other Inhabitants
in a Town Oppose their Acts in ye Calling of a Minister, without giving
Satisfactory Reasons for their Non-concurrence.
It was suggested that the inhabitants of the town might in
such a case call a council of representatives from several
other churches who should consider the question under
discussion, and in case of agreement with church rather
than town could annul the vote of the town meeting. The
charges arising from the entertainment of such a council
should be paid by a levy upon the whole town. 20 No law
to this effect was passed in this session, but in the following
year the ministers again reminded the court of the "many
parts of the Country which from year to year live without
any settled Ministry," and urged that "This Hona Court
would take it into their Consideration whether a Commit-
tee may not be appointed ... to Tender fit Methods for
the Establishment of the Christian Religion in those
"Walker, Creeds and Platforms of Congregationalism, 467-469;
Mather, Ratio Disciplinae, 176-177.
20 Mass. Prov. Laws, VII, 537.
483] MASSACHUSETTS ECCLESIASTICAL SYSTEM 29
places." 21 The court now took action. On June 13, 1695,
the substance of the memorial of 1694 became law in so
far as it provided for the calling of a council "consisting
of the elders and messengers of three or five neighboring
churches" in case of the non-concurrence in the church's
act by the town. 22 It did however suggest the possibility
21 Mass. Archives, XI, 90.
22 "In Case of a Difference between the Church and the Inhabitants
on this Occasion," Mather writes, "the Law provides the Remedy of a
Council, from three Neighbour Churches, to decide, Whether the In-
habitants ought to acquiesce in the Choice, wherein the Church has gone
before them.
Tho' the Law of the Place, about the Chusing and Settling of a Min-
ister, (which has had the Royal Sanction) be a very wholesome Law, and
have much of the Gospel in it, yet there grows too much upon the Inhab-
itants, who are not yet come into the Communion of the Churches, a
Disposition to supersede it, and over-rule it; Many People would not
allow the Church any Priviledge to go before them, in the Choice of a
Pastor. The Clamour is, We must maintain him!"
Mather next quotes "Some of our Divines" who say, " 'A Body of
Christians, Associated for all the Ordinances of the Gospel, are a
CHURCH of our Glorious LORD, which have among other precious
Priviledges, a RIGHT from HIM, To chuse their own Pastors.
********
To introduce a Practice in the Choice of a Pastor, which, being fol-
lowed, may soon bring a Pastor to be chosen for a Church, which few,
yea, none of the Church have ever Voted for, would be to Betray and
even Destroy a most Valuable RIGHT, that such a Society has a Claim
unto, and many evil Consequences are to be expected from it.
Nevertheless a CHURCH, in the Exercise of its RIGHT, ought in
all possible Ways, consistent therewithal, to consult the Edification and
Satisfaction of their Neighbours, especially of those, on whose Assistance,
to carry on their Affairs, they may have much Dependence.
The Church ought to so manage their Choice, that, if the Neighbours
have any just Dissatisfaction, all the Respect, required by Scripture, Rea-
son, and Gratitude, may be paid unto it.' "
Mather finally adds, "To express the Condescention, in the close of
these Conclusions, the Churches, do sometimes, by their Vote, make a
Nomination of Three or Four Candidates; For every One of which the
Majority of the Brethren have so Voted, that whomsoever of these the
Choice falls upon, it may still be said, The Church has Chosen him.
And then they bring this Nomination unto the other Inhabitants, to join
with them in a Vote, that shall determine, which of them shall be the
Man." Ratio Disciplinae, 16-18.
30 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [484
of this council's favoring the town's choice rather than that
of the church by ordering that in this case the church
should "proceed to the election of another minister;" con-
cerning the expenses of the council it failed to take any
action whatever. 23
Two years later came a law regarding town rates
which rounded out this early legislation dealing with the
settlement and support of the ministry. Since certain
constables and collectors of town rates had proved defect-
ive and negligent of duty, it was enacted that in case they
failed to issue their accounts with the town treasurer by
the time prefixed in their warrants, they should be "lyable
to the action or suite of the treasurer" of the town who
might "sue for and recover all such rates and assessments,
or any arrears thereof, of and from those constables or
collectors." 24
From the foregoing laws may be outlined briefly the
workings of the Massachusetts ecclesiastical system at the
beginning of the provincial period, reproducing as closely
as possible the system developed in the seventeenth cen-
tury. Three governmental bodies were concerned with the
church as related to the state, the town meeting, the court
of quarter sessions of the county, and the Massachusetts
General Court. The legislative body passed the ecclesias-
tical laws ordering that each town be provided with a
minister and that he should be supported by public taxa-
tion in that town, his salary to be collected by the consta-
ble or collector with the other town rates. The General
Court also made it the duty of the court of quarter sessions
to make sure that these laws were put into execution.
Towns which failed to supply themselves with ministers
were to be supplied and selectmen or assessors who failed
to assess the rates might be prosecuted by this court.
Lastly the town itself played an all important part in this
system, for it bore the financial burden entailed and was
23 Mass. Prov. Laws, I, 216; Backus, Baptists, I, 455.
24 Mass. Prov. Laws, I, 276.
485] MASSACHUSETTS ECCLESIASTICAL SYSTEM 31
responsible for ratifying the choice of a minister made by
the church members.
The laws of 1693 and 1695 offered a clear program for
dealing with normal towns in their relation to the church,
minister and support of religious worship. There had,
however, already begun to appear that undercurrent of
determination to manage effectively the communities
where a large number of dissenters to the standing order
prevented a willing support of the system. Trouble with
them continued, and an act of 1702 for the first time stated
the case by saying that
in some few towns and districts within this province, divers of the inhab-
itants are Quakers, and other irreligious persons averse and opposite to
the publick worship of God, and to a learned orthodox ministry, and find
out ways to elude the laws provided for the support of such, and prevent
the good intentions thereof, to the encouragement of irreligion and pro-
faneness.
The law of 1692 for the fining of delinquent selectmen or
assessors was now re-enacted with the further provision
that the court of general sessions might in their places
appoint "three or more sufficient freeholders within the
same county, to assess and apportion the sum agreed or
set for the yearly support and maintenance of such minis-
ter," which would then be passed with a warrant for its
collection by two justices of the peace to the constables of
the town to collect the amount and pay to the minister,
the constables who failed of a due execution of such war-
rant to "incur the like pains, penalties and forfeitures as
for not collecting and paying in any other rate or assess-
ment to them committed." The court of general sessions
was also to order a recompense to the assessors for this
purpose appointed out of the fines set upon the delinquent
selectmen or assessors, the remainder to go to the county. 25
For the next few years following this enactment the
court of general sessions for Bristol County found such
determined resistance to this legislation in the Quaker
towns of Dartmouth and Tiverton that the legislative body
2S Ibid., I, 505. An unsuccessful attempt was made by the Bishop of
London to secure the disallowance of this act by the crown. Ibid., I, 509.
32 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [486
of the province was forced to come to its aid with the act
of November 14, 1706. The justices of the general sessions
of the peace were ordered, at the opening of their court, to
give special charge to the grand jury to make presentment
of all towns and districts within the county destitute of a
minister or failing to provide for his support, and upon
such presentment to put into execution vigorously the laws
relating to neglects of this kind. If their orders were then
eluded by the towns concerned, the justices were to make
report of their proceedings at the next meeting of the Gen-
eral Court. Upon receipt of this report the General Court
of the province should take upon itself the care of securing
a minister for such town or district, and provide for his
maintenance. The course by which the latter was to be
obtained carried the prerogative of the provincial govern-
ment in ecclesiastical matters to the highest point which
it ever dared assume. It was to add so much to the pro-
portion of such town or district in the public taxes as
might be deemed sufficient for that end, these additional
sums to be assessed, collected, and paid into the public
treasury, together with the other public taxes, to be drawn
out by warrant from the governor by and with the advice
and consent of the council and duly paid to the minister
concerned. 20 On December 20, 1715, this law was re-
enacted with the further provision that the general assem-
bly in procuring a minister for a destitute town or pre-
cinct must find one who was recommended by three or
more settled, ordained ministers. 27 This law was re-en-
acted July 5, 1722. 28
In the meantime a series of enactments dealing with
assessing and collecting of town taxes, especially where
more than one precinct made up the town, modified the
methods by which the minister's rate was gathered. The
privileges and rights of the "precinct" as a distinct church-
state were rapidly becoming crystallized. In 1702 such a
n -*Ibid., I, 595-
-Vbid., II, 26; Backus, Baptists, 482.
- 8 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 243.
487] MASSACHUSETTS ECCLESIASTICAL SYSTEM 33
district or precinct was empowered to appoint a clerk
(corresponding to town clerk) and separate assessors for
raising a maintenance for its minister, as well as to make
out a warrant "in form as by law prescribed for town
rates or assessments, directed to the constables of the town
or district, for the collecting and levying of the same."
In case the assesors so appointed refused or neglected to
perform their duty the selectmen of the town from which
such a district or precinct was set off were required to
assess the inhabitants of the sum set for the maintenance
of the minister thereof. 29 This law, extending only to the
sums agreed on for the support of the ministry, was ex-
tended in 1718 so as to include charges for the building
and repairing of meeting houses. 30
The existence of assessors apart from the selectmen
was arranged by law, for the assessing of the province rate,
as early as 1700, 31 and in 1707 they were ordered to assess
county and town taxes as well, the duties of the selectmen
becoming thus limited. Each town was also given option
in the choice of a collector distinct from the constable to col-
lect town and county charges as he already gathered the
country rate. 32 In 1710 the idea was repeated more
definitely, tho the duty remained optional, and was applied
to precincts as well as towns. 33 The re-enactment of this
law in 1720 included a penalty for failure to serve. Anyone
who refused to accept this unsought office or neglected to
29 Ibid., I, 505.
30 Ibid., II, 99, ch. i, 19 June, 1/18; Backus, Baptists, I, 499.
31 Mass. Prov. Laws, I, 406, ch. 26, 20 March, 1700.
z -Ibid., I, 606, ch. 2, ii June, 1/07. The ministry rate seems to have
been assessed separately under ordinary circumstances, "But," said Mather,
"Where Quakerism is troublesome, some Towns are so wise to involve
the Salary of the Ministry in a general Rate for all Town Charges, and
so the Cavils of those, who would else refuse to pay the Rate for the
Ministry, are obviated." Ratio Disciplinae, 22. "They have the Year past
brought in another of their Ministers into this town of Rehoboth wherein
we Dwell and have Rated us to him allso mixing up both his and their
other ministers Rate with the town Debts." Representation from the
Baptists of Rehoboth, i Jan., 1714/15, S. P. G. Papers, B I, No. 169.
33 Mass. Prov. Laws, I, 653, ch. 5, 28 June, 1710.
34 CHURCH AND STATE IX .MASSACHUSETTS [488
take the oath was to be fined three pounds ; and if he refused
to pay his fine he was to suffer the same prosecution as one
refusing to serve in the office of constable. 34
Such is a brief outline of the legislation of the early
Massachusetts Bay Province relating to the state church
and its maintenance. Starting with the system already
worked out in the seventeenth century, the General Court
was forced to modify the old plan when it found that its
orders went unheeded. The state church of Massachusetts
was in the first instance a distinctly local affair, the town
playing the chief part, the county giving assistance and
the General Court acting principally as the source of
authority. Variations from the normal in certain parts of
the enlarged province caused a change which brought the
legislative body into closer relation with the individual
towns and caused it to assert a greater authority over
them. After giving the county court very special powers
and seeing them eluded, the General Court entered the
breach, and endowed itself with the power to secure a
minister where one was lacking and to pay his salary
from the public treasury, adding such sum to the town's
province rate. In this and in other instances the General
Court came to play a very prominent part in the church
life of the town. Before examining further the exact na-
ture of the Massachusetts church town and its intimate
relation to the county court and to the general assembly
of the province, a short study will be made of the opposing
elements in the ecclesiastical life of the province, which
will throw further light on the laws above enumerated and
explain the changes which occurred. While the principle
of the Massachusetts system remained in force for more
than a hundred years longer, its claim to complete author-
ity was broken down at the beginning of the second quar-
ter of the eighteenth century. We shall deal with the
external causes and the nature of the change which the old
system suffered.
34 Ibid., II, 181, ch. 6, 29 Nov., 1/20.
CHAPTER III.
OPPOSING ELEMENTS.
By the year 1700 New England had lost much of the
homogeneity which in the period of settlement had been
possessed by the two larger colonies. In religious matters
its inhabitants represented a fair sweep of opinion altho
as yet they were all alike dissenters to the Church of Eng-
land except the small body of worshippers at King's Chapel
in Boston. 1 Khode Island, extending toleration as it had
from the first to all sects, and hence including several thou-
sand persons of various creeds, was under a Quaker gov-
ernment, 2 and the prestige which this fact gave to the sect
reached well beyond its own borders. While Rhode Island
had marched steadily onward in its theory of religious
liberty, the case of Connecticut represented the opposite
extreme. Here the strictness of early Calvinism had been
modified far less than in Massachusetts Bay and, tho va-
rious intruders had gained a foothold, they failed to thrive
as in certain other parts of New England. 3 Between these
a "An Account of the State of Religion in the English Plantations in
North America, by Col. Dudley, Governor of New England," Prot. Episc.
Hist. Soc. Colls., I, xiv, v.
2 Samuel Cranston, elected governor in 1696 to succeed Walter Clarke,
tho not himself a Quaker, was a nephew of Clarke and in sympathy with
Quaker policy. Jones, Quakers, 199.
3 As a case in point may be mentioned the Rogerines of New London.
Mass. Prov. Laws, VIII, 155, ch. 102; 555. The Quakers made compara-
tively little impression on Connecticut. Bownas, the Quaker preacher,
who visited New England in 1702-1703, recorded that no meetings were
held for two hundred miles in Connecticut, and remarked, "The People
being mostly rigid Presbyterians, counted it to be a great Crime to be at
a Quakers Meeting." Bownas, Life and Travels, 116. About the time
that the Connecticut law against heretics was revived, John Fothergill
wrote, "After staying a few Meetings on Long-Island we set out for
New-England, having near two hundred Miles to travel by land through
the Colony of Connecticut ; in which Space there were few or no Friends,
35
36 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [490
two positions Massachusetts was maintaining herself in a
way that could not fail to become increasingly difficult.
One problem had been presented to her by the annexation
of New Hampshire and Maine towns which were communi-
ties of a strikingly different character from those reared
under her own theocratic system. These were settlements
made by persons who were primarily interested in trade
and commerce and careless of her dearest theories in regard
to church and state. Tho a menace to theocratic govern-
ment, the inhabitants were at least neutral regarding the
spread of other denominations. With the merging of
Plymouth Colony in Massachusetts a far more difficult
problem was offered by the presence of a few Baptist
churches and a number of Quaker communities which had
not been effectively dealt with by Plymouth court, far
more tolerant and less aggressive as it always was than
the assembly of the old Bay Colony.
Massachusetts at the time we are considering, includ-
ing Maine and Plymouth, was made up of about eighty
villages, scattered all the way from the fishing communities
of the Maine coast, Falmouth and Scarboro, Wells, York
and Kittery, to the settlements of Martha's Vineyard and
Nantucket. Passing over a large section of rough hill
country in the present county of Worcester, it likewise
held possession of a number of promising towns in the
Connecticut valley, closely related to the river towns of
Connecticut. Starting at Springfield, settlers had pushed
up the Connecticut and its branches until Northampton,
Hadley, Hatfield, Deerfield and Westfield had all come
into existence as farming hamlets, forming the county of
Hampshire. Just below the New Hampshire border lay the
villages of Essex county, some of them among the earliest
settled communities in the colony, yet sharing many of the
same frontier and trading interests as their neighbors to
the northward. Here were the coast towns of Salem,
and the People generally very shy of us, and partly by reason of some
severe Laws then in force there, they were afraid to converse with
Friends." Fothergill, Life and Travels, 39.
491] OPPOSING ELEMENTS 37
Gloucester and Marblehead and the exposed settlements
of Haverhill, Andover, Amesbury and Salisbury. 4 Boston
was the center of the thickly populated region of Suffolk
and Middlesex counties, the former including the capital
and the old towns to the southward, Roxbury, Dorchester
and Milton, and farther toward Plymouth the early settle-
ments of Weymouth and Braintree. 5 Middlesex county, in
covering a much larger area, contained some of the oldest
places in the province, such as Cambridge, Charlestown,
Newton and Watertown, and likewise another group of
frontier communities requiring garrisons during the In-
dian wars. Among these were Dunstable, Groton, Lancas-
ter and Oxford. 6
Of the three new counties which Plymouth had re-
cently contributed, Plymouth county itself represented the
town of Plymouth, its neighbor Scituate, the Quaker com-
munities of Duxbury and Marshfield, and the town of
Bridgewater. The broad sand dunes of Barnstable county
boasted the Cape Cod villages of Barnstable, Eastham,
Sandwich and Yarmouth, and the county of Bristol was
made up of the six thriving towns of Taunton, Rehoboth,
and Swansea, Dartmouth, Little Compton, and Bristol,
with the less vigorous Freetown, Tiverton, and Attlebo-
rough. 7
In many of the frontier villages and near some of the
older towns as well were scattered numerous plantations of
Indians whose conversion had been a matter of serious
importance to the colony in earlier days and was later
taken up by the province. Here were a number of native
Indian preachers and these were assisted by such of the
4 The others represented in the Massachusetts General Court in 1700
were Newbury, Beverly, Boxford, Ipswich, Lynn, Rowley, Topsfield and
Wenham.
'Also Dedham, Hingham and Medfield.
The" list also included Billerica, Chelmsford, Concord, Marlborough,
Maiden, Medford, Reading, Sherburne, Sudbury and Woburn.
7 Oldmixon, Brit. Emp. in Am., I, 81-88; Mass. Prov. Laws, VII, 238.
The eastern shore of Narragansett Bay, including Bristol, Tiverton and
Little Compton, was later surrendered to Rhode Island.
38 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [492
regular ministers as were interested in visiting and preach-
ing in this type of parish. 8 Even the General Court took
some limited measures for their evangelization. 9
Of the organized towns of the province none lacked its
regular minister except an occasional frontier community
or the old settlements of Bristol county which were of a
spirit definitely hostile to the purposes of the standing
order.
The situation in the town of Boston at the beginning
of the eighteenth century was not typical of the church life
of the province. There were in Boston in 1700 four Con-
gregational churches : the old First, the Second, under the
direction of the Mathers, the South Church under Mr.
Willard, and the Brattle Street Church which, because it
had been founded recently on a slightly broader basis of
creed and platform, was still looked upon askance by the
other churches. 10 The voluntary method of contributing
to the support of church and minister had very early sep-
arated church and state in the chief town of the colony, so
far as this phase of the matter was concerned. Further
than this the presence of three "dissenting meetings" in
this town materially changed the effect which a uniformity
in creed and service would have produced. 11 The society
of the French Protestants, organized in Boston in 1687,
had little to do with the result, as the Calvinism of the
Huguenots was sufficiently close to that of New England
to make the Massachusetts ministers unusually cordial.
There was even some special legislation in their favor and
some definite financial support given them from the public
treasury. 12 It was the three "dissenting sects" of Baptists,
Anglicans and Quakers which gave the religious life of
*Typographus Lectori, with Joseph Baxter, Sermon, 89-98.
9 Mass. Prov. Laws, VII, 254, ch. 45.
10 Winsor, Boston, II, 188 et seq.
ll lbid., 192 et seq.
* 2 Mass. Prov. Laws, VII, 250, ch. 34, 29 June, 1700. Under the date
of 8 Jan., 1686/87, Cotton Mather records in his diary, "I would show all
the Kindness that I can, unto the French Refugees arrived in this Coun-
try." 7 Mass. Hist. Colls., VII, 134.
493] OPPOSING ELEMENTS 39
Boston so different a flavor from that of the other colonial
towns.
Of these three the Church of England was the first to
receive recognition and permission to build a church in
Boston. Orders came from Charles II to the Massachu-
setts authorities that the right of using the Book of Com-
mon Prayer should be denied to no one, and through
Bandolph's influence an Episcopal clergyman was secured
for the church of Boston who reached the town May 16,
1686. A building was begun soon after, and, tho it suffered
in the revolution of 1689, was soon after open again, and
represented a well recognized organization by the end of
the century. 13 The first Baptist church in Boston, tho
organized as early as 1685, was oppose^ so strenuously
that it had no meeting house for many years. By 1700,
however, the body was in general on friendly terms with
the authorities and was more fortunate than the Anglican
society in its freedom from political entanglement. 14 To-
ward Quakers the change of attitude in Boston had pro-
gressed even more rapidly than toward the other groups of
intruders. In forty years they had passed from the violent
persecution, meted out to them at their first coming, to the
possession of a brick meeting house, and were no longer in
general odium. 15 In 1700, then, Boston had four churches
13 Foote, Annals of King's Chapel, passim.
"Backus, Baptists, I, 173-199, 205, 383-384 ; Wood, First Baptist Church
of Boston, passim. As late as 1696 Mather could write of "A Preacher
in my Neighborhood, who, I hope, is a good Man, however hee bee not
of my Perswasion, but a froward Anabaptist." 7 Mass. Hist. Colls., VII,
209.
"While the general tendency was to be increasingly tolerant of this
sect, there were two parties in the matter, each including various shades
of opinion. One of these was regretful of the former persecutions, the
other only sorry that these had not been more effective. It is disappoint-
ing to find Sewall among the latter. He records that in a council meeting
on August 23, 1708, he opposed granting a petition for the privilege of
building a Quaker meeting house on the ground that he "would not have
a hand in setting up their Devil worship." 5 Mass. Hist. Colls., V, 82,
Sewall's Diary. In spite of the presentation of the Quakers in Magnolia,
(VII, 22, 23) and the author's description of them in -another place as
40 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [494
of the standing order, a French Protestant congregation, a
Baptist church, a Quaker meeting, and King's Chapel.
Each of these was independent financially except for the
missionary help which had been given to the Huguenots;
for the Congregational churches maintained themselves
exactly as the Baptists were forced to do.
If Boston was not characteristic of the province at
large in its method of church support, it was essentially
unlike the country towns in its inclusion of four recognized
sects within a single township. While Quakerism and
Baptist doctrines were present in various sections of the
province and appeared side by side in several places, yet,
in those districts where they were strongest, the standing
order was comparatively inconspicuous. Moreover there
was, as early as 1700, not a single Episcopal church in all
Massachusetts except the Anglican congregation in Bos-
"Malicious as well as ... Pernicious Enemies" (Election Sermon, 1690,
34), Cotton Mather had already taken a stand against their persecution on
which he prided himself. "Among other things, I ran the Hazard of
much Reproch by testifying in that Sermon (Election Sermon, 1692)
against the Persecution of erroneous and conscientious Dissenters, by the
civil Magistrate. I feared that the Zeal of my Country had formerly had
in it more Fire than should have been ; especially, when the mad Quakers
were sent into the Gallowcs, that should have been kept rather in a Bed-
lam. I did therefore on this great Occasion bear my Testimony; hoping,
that if the General Assembly now thank'd me for it, their doing so, would
bee accepted both by God and Man. I think, I am the only Minister Liv-
ing in the Land, that have testifyed against the Suppression of Haeresy, by
Persecution." 7 Mass. Hist. Colls., VII, 149, Cotton Mather's Diary, 14
May, 1692. The Quaker, Thomas Chalkley, visiting Boston in 1698, wrote,
"I being a Stranger and Traveller could not but observe the barbarous
and unchristianlike Welcome I had in Boston, the Metropolis of New-
England. 'Oh! what pity, (said one,) it was that all of your Society was
not hanged with the other Four!'" Chalkley, Journal, 18. "Remarkable
was the Answer that one of his Neighbours made him, 'I wonder you are
not ashamed to say so ; for you know that the Judgments of God have
been on our Country ever since.' " Chalkley, Answer to Metcalf, 389.
Twenty years before this, Mr. Holmes, minister at Duxbury who had re-
cently died, was described by John Cotton as "one of those who impute
these dreadful frownes of Providence to our dealing with the Quakers."
John Cotton to Increase Mather, 3 Jan., 1675/76, 4 Mass. Hist. Colls.,
VIII, 228.
495] OPPOSING ELEMENTS 41
ton. 16 King's Chapel itself was an outgrowth of the royal
prerogative in the capital. Outside of the chief town of
the province, Episcopacy had so little reason for existence
that there was no real attempt to introduce it until the
formation of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel
in the following year, and even under its nourishing care
the Church in Massachusetts continued to be a foreign
plant.
On the other hand, the two religious bodies with which
the standing order first came into conflict expanded natu-
rally with the inevitable reaction to the strictness of seven-
teenth century Calvinism. The opposition aroused appeared
in two distinct attacks upon the Massachusetts system as
it had worked out and applied the teachings of Calvin.
One of these was the attack on the alliance between church
and state which the Massachusetts government had carried
farther than it had ever been in Geneva. The second was
the opposition to reliance on authority in religious belief.
On this point the Puritans of the late seventeenth century
were hardly less traditionalists than the Roman Catholics
themselves, for they had substituted the authority of the
Bible for that of the Church. In the attack on the relation
between church and state, Roger Williams was the fore-
runner of both Quakers and Baptists of the later seven-
teenth century. In comparison with this principle, for
which the Baptists have always stood, their doctrinal di-
vergences, especially of the Particular or Calvinistic Bap-
tists, were inconspicuous. On the question of the source
of authority in religious belief, Anne Hutchinson and the
Antinomians foreshadowed the later Quaker teaching. In
their opinion divine revelation had not ceased and was to
be sought in the immediate communion between the indi-
vidual and God. "Heretical" doctrines such as these
needed little stimulus from foreign sources and spread
through Massachusetts with astonishing speed, dwelling
16 Cf. George Keith. "In all the Continent of New England there is
no Church of England I think, but at Boston, I have travelled through
much of it, but never heard of any but that one." Prot. Episc. Hist. Soc.
Colls., I, xi-xii.
42 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [496
under the surface and then asserting themselves, dividing
communities, causing migrations. 17 To such ideas as these
the founding of Rhode Island was due in part, while within
the Plymouth government, far less rigid as it was than the
Bay Colony, were several regions which became the resort
of refugees from Massachusetts. Even in Massachusetts
itself Salem was early the abode of persons of the mystic
type of mind, the one territory within the boundaries of the
old colony where they persisted, tho they never flourished
here as in the Rhode Island region.
Upon such ground as this fell the seeds of Quakerism
when the first members of the society reached New England
in 1656 and 1657, and tho suffering banishment, perse-
cution and finally death, succeeded in planting the doctrine
which was to be the greatest foe of New England orthodoxy
for almost a century. Along theological lines the Quakers
outstripped the Baptists, placing before all else the efficacy
of the "inner light," and thus directly assaulting the
Calvinist's emphasis upon the Scriptures as authority, the
latter interpreted by the trained Calvinistic theologian.
The appeal made by the Quaker doctrine in New England
was therefore twofold. It attracted the more tolerant of
the younger generation in whom was dawning an apprecia-
tion of religious liberty. It attracted likewise the religious
individualist who fought authority in matters of belief.
Among such were many of the third generation in
Plymouth Colony who were carrying the principles of
Independency to their logical conclusions. In the main,
however, the Quaker apostacy in Massachusetts was not so
much a thought movement as a popular reaction to a gov-
ernment aristocratic in political and ecclesiastical affairs,
a government in which a large number of the people had
little to say. This explains the fact that, with certain
exceptions, the Quaker of New England occupied a far
lower social position than the Philadelphia Friend.
"The pre-Quaker movement in New England has been described in
Rufus M. Jones, The Quakers in the American Colonies, London, 1911.
497] OPPOSING ELEMENTS 43
Between the coming of the Quakers and the beginning
of provincial government, when an extended boundary, a
new franchise, and a greater liberty of conscience modified
the Massachusetts ecclesiastical system, the Society of
Friends was spreading rapidly. Within the limits of the
old Bay Colony the one center, as already indicated, was
Salem and Lynn, and from the north shore itinerant
preachers traveled into the Piscataqua region which em-
braced the New Hampshire towns and the villages of the
Maine coast. But of all the divisions of New England
which in 1700 made up the province of Massachusetts Bay,
the three counties which had once formed Plymouth Colony
offered the most serious problems in the relation of Congre-
gationalist and Friend. The reasons for this have already
appeared. Among the Plymouth Colony people there was a
tendency to resist a rigid ecclesiasticism such as Massa-
chusetts was forming. This found expression in the
Quaker and Baptist leanings of many individuals and in
the comparative liberality of the Plymouth government
toward dissenting sects. While it is not true that the
authorities at Plymouth were in any way friendly to the
Quakers, they may have been influenced in the direction
of persecution by the Boston government. They were
severe in restrictive laws and fined and imprisoned through
a period of many years ; but they failed to enforce the law
in the outskirts of the colony and never made use of the
death penalty. 18 The close proximity to the liberal towns
of Rhode Island was of importance in maintaining this
spirit in southeastern Massachusetts.
Of the three counties which had formerly belonged to
Plymouth Colony and were at the beginning of the
eighteenth century a part of the province of Massachusetts
Bay, each maintained a thriving Quaker center. Plymouth
town in her consistent aversion to the sect had relegated it
to her neighbors on the northward; but here, in Scituate,
Marshfield and Duxbury, to which towns missionaries from
"Backus, Baptists, I, 229, 450-453, 465; Thomas, Quakers, 209; Ellis,
New Bedford, 34-36.
44 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [498
Rhode Island had come after 1658, the Society of Friends
was holding a meeting as early as 1660. 19 In the county
of Barnstable the two towns at the base of the cape, Sand-
wich and Falmouth, formed a vigorous Quaker community
which held a meeting by 1672. The third Quaker center
within the boundaries of old Plymouth Colony, embracing
all the southern part of the Massachusetts Bay Province,
was Bristol county. 20 There is a certain embarrassment in
treating this region as a part of Massachusetts. Including
as it did in 1700 not merely the townships which are still
within its borders, but the whole eastern shore of Narra-
gansett Bay as well, it represented a greater liberality and
independence along political and religious lines than any
other section of the province. These towns did indeed
belong to Rhode Island in their history, their sympathies
and their purposes, and were only geographically and
politically a part of Massachusetts. The history of the
religious development in them was parallel to that on the
island. In many there was a mixture of beliefs unified
only by an insistence upon independence of authority in
both spiritual and temporal concerns. Others possessed
a unity in doctrine best represented in the almost solid
Quakerism of old Dartmouth. The assembly of Plymouth
Colony had attempted to legislate in regard to public
worship and the ministry here, but was never able to
enforce its orders on the town. 21
While Bristol county was preeminently the stronghold
of Massachusetts Quakerism at the beginning of the
eighteenth century, to neglect the presence of the Baptists
within its borders would be unjust to a sect which, tho
more restricted at this period, was destined to become the
political successor of the Society of Friends. Backus
recognizes only two communities including Boston in which
there were Baptist churches before 1700 and mentions no
other before 1736. 22 While this is accurate only if a
19 Thomas, Quakers, 212.
20 Jones, Quakers, 39, 40, 57, 58, 60.
21 Potter, First Cong. Soc. in New Bedford, 14.
"Backus, Baptists, II, 306-310.
499] OPPOSING ELEMENTS 45
restricted notion is held of the qualifications of such an
organization, it is nevertheless indicative of the small
numbers of this group of dissenters in Massachusetts in the
first quarter of the eighteenth century. 23 It is again sig-
nificant of the nature of Bristol county that the first
Baptist society within the boundaries of the present state
was permitted to establish itself in this region many years
before it had any sister church except the group at Boston.
This church was founded by a body of Baptists from a town
in Wales who left home with their pastor at the ejectment
of the nonconforming ministers in the early days of the
Kestoration, found favor with certain Plymouth magis-
trates of liberal views, and secured the region of Swansea
in which to settle. The remarkable feature in the grant of
New Swansea in 1667 is that it was only a territorial grant
and made no condition as to settlement and government.
The immediate growth of the church was due to the fact
that there had existed for several years in this part of old
Kehoboth a group of persons who opposed the established
church and had taken up with certain Baptist principles.
Amicable relations were maintained with the orthodox
members of the community, a condition made possible by
the unusual catholicity of the Welsh pastor, while the
church stood out only for independence from government
control. Not until he was succeeded by a man who pro-
fessed more rigid views in theology and drew the church
with him, did religious controversy between Baptist and
Congregationalist begin, in time splitting the church on
sectarian lines. 24
23 Backus quotes a letter from Edward Wallin of London to Callen-
der, dated 9 March, 1720, which says, "I am indeed troubled at the paucity
of those of our denomination, in New England ; though I cannot wonder at
it, considering the treatment they have generally met with." Baptists, I,
487.
24 Bicknell, Harrington, passim; Backus, Baptists, I, 282-284, 453; II,
24; E. Williams to I. Backus, 25 Nov., 1774, Backus Papers (New Eng-
land Bap. Hist. Soc.), Portfolio 2; I. Backus to J. Morse, 9 March, 1791,
Backus Papers (R. I. Hist. Soc.), I, 15.
46 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [500
Another early church in Bristol county was the one at
Dartmouth itself, whose first teacher had found it profitable
to leave the older part of Plymouth Colony because of
liberal views. John Cooke had been deacon in Plymouth
church for some years, 25 but was said to have been excom-
municated for causing dissension and "running into-
sectarian and anabaptistical principles ;" leaving Plymouth
he finally settled in Dartmouth. A church was probably
founded in the west part of the town about 1685. 26 At
Tiverton a Baptist church is said to have been organized
in the previous year. 27
This description of the first Quaker and Baptist meet-
ings within the limits of the later Massachusetts Bay
Province has dwelt only on the more important centers of
the propaganda. There were Baptists in all the Rhode
Island border towns 28 and on the islands adjacent to Cape
Cod, 29 while in small numbers they appeared in many other
villages of Plymouth Colony. There w r ere also a few in
the Piscataqua region. 30 Quakers were found between
1698 and 1705 in many of the communities to the northward
such as Hampton (Amesbury), 31 Salisbury, 32 Exeter , 33:
Jamaica, 34 Newbury, 35 Haverhill 36 and Strawberry Bank
(Portsmouth) 37 as well as the Isles of Shoals. 38 They
"John Cotton to Cotton Mather, 19 Apr., 1681, 4 Mass. Hist. Colls.,
VIII, 251-252.
28 Backus, Baptists, I, 452-454.
Z1 i75th Anniversary of the Organisation of the United Congregational
Church of Little Compton, R. I., 13.
28 Samuel Lee to Increase Mather, 25 Aug., 1687, 4 Mass. Hist. Colls.,
Vin, 540, Mather Papers.
29 Bownas, Life and Travels, 120; Keith's Journal, 22, 23.
80 Backus, Baptists, I, 405.
81 Chalkley, Journal, 18, 20; Keith's Journal, 8; Bownas, Life and
Travels, 121.
82 Chalkley, Journal, 21 ; Keith's Journal, 10.
33 Bownas, Life and Travels, 121.
84 Chalkley, Journal, 21.
&s Keith's Journal, 13 ; Bownas, Life and Travels, 121.
88 Chalkley, Journal, 21.
"Keith's Journal, 12-13.
88 Chalkley, Journal, 20.
501] OPPOSING ELEMENTS 47
were living in the towns near Scituate, 39 in the region at
the base of the cape around Barnstable and Yarmouth, 40 on
the adjacent islands, 41 in all the little settlements on both
sides of the Acushnet river, 42 while in even greater numbers
they lined the shore of Narragansett bay. It has been
estimated that there were three thousand within the limits
of old Plymouth Colony and that one-third of the Pisca-
taqua region was Quaker. 43
Before 1702 there were eight monthly meetings for
business in New England. These were the meeting of
Greenwich, covering the Narragansett country; of Rhode
Island, which included Tiverton and Little Compton; of
Dartmouth; of Sandwich, embracing Falmouth and Yar-
mouth; of Pembroke, which included Scituate, Marshfield
and Duxbury; of Salem; of Hampton; and of Dover.
These monthly meetings were not long in grouping to form
the quarterly meetings in which bodies the Friends did a
large share of their most important work. The monthly
meetings of Barnstable and Plymouth counties made up
the Sandwich and Scituate Quarterly Meeting. Dart-
mouth and Ehode Island Monthly Meetings joined Green-
wich to form the Rhode Island Quarterly, while all the
northern towns, whether in Massachusetts proper, New
Hampshire, or Maine, united in 1705 to make up the Salem
Quarterly Meeting and to this the Boston Friends likewise
belonged. 44 This centralized organization was completed
3S Ibid., 39, 45-
40 Ibid., 22, 39, 45 ; Fothergill, Life and Travels, 40.
"Chalkley, Journal, 19, 39; Bownas, Life and Travels, 120.
42 Chalkley, Journal, 39, 45.
43 Jones, Quakers, XV. Keith was underrating the Quaker strength in
Massachusetts, with a view to encouraging the authorities who had sent
him to lead the Quakers from their error, when he wrote, "Few Quakers
are at Boston. There are some at Sandwich, some at Piscataway and
others scattered Places, but very few." Prot. Episc. Hist. Soc. Colls., I,
xii.
4 *Jones, Quakers, 141, note 2; 142, note i; Moses Brown Papers,
XVIII, 55; N. E. Yr. M., passim; A Brief Account of the Yearly Meeting
of Friends for New England, with the Subordinate Meetings of which it
is composed, 11-22.
48 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [502
in the New England Yearly Meeting, occurring every June
on Rhode Island, and attended by representatives from all
the Quaker towns and villages who flocked to Rhode Island
in great numbers. As a business meeting its importance
can hardly be overestimated, for by making the local prob-
lems of all parts of two governments a matter for group
consideration, it effected results for scattered hamlets
which could never have been secured by anything but united
efforts. The corresponding organization in England was
no more thoro in this regard.
During the years of this development in the organiza-
tion of New England Quakerism, there had come a decided
reaction from that spirit of intolerant hatred which had
been shown toward the first comers. Prejudice had les-
sened but little in the forty years since Quakerism first ap-
peared in Massachusetts; but New England orthodoxy was
learning that the Society of Friends was not advocating the
practices of Mtinster in spite of the extremes to which some
of the fanatics had resorted in days gone by. That tendency
among the more ignorant of the first converts which the
New England Yearly Meeting styled "ranterism" had
existed in the earlier days but was rapidly disappearing. 45
Frowned on from the first by the better social class among
the Friends, it became less and less conspicuous until little
ground for complaint on this score might be found. 46 In
45 Jones, Quakers, 113. "The old spirit and Principle of ye ranters
the Lord hath brought down in these parts, Truth having Gained ye vic-
tory over them, so yt we meet with little opposition from them." Epistle
to Lond. Yr. M., 1699, Epistles Rec'd, I, 301; Lond. Yr. M., II, 302 ;j
"Aaron Atkinson's account of his Travels in America," Lond. Yr. M., II,
313-
4 The memorial of the Massachusetts government in respect to Qua-
ker grievances in 1708 said, "nor are those that go Under the Denomina-
tion of Quakers now such as were then [i7th century], who were some of
them Open bold Disturbers of the Publick Peace and their Principles no-
toriously known to be Heretical, but are much refined both in principles
and Conversation." Mass. Archives, XI, 279-280. Four years later the
New England Yearly Meeting was writing to the London Friends, "our
Yearly meeting hath been Very Large, and Through the great Love and
Contineued ffavor of ouer gratious God and Heavenly ffather, wee have
503] OPPOSING ELEMENTS 49
all its early history Quakerism suffered seriously on both
sides of the Atlantic from a failure on the part of its
adversaries to appreciate the teachings of George Fox and
his followers. It was the inevitable lack of sympathy
between the mystic and the religious traditionalist, the
latter represented by New England Puritan as well as by
English Churchman. To the English clergy and to the
New England ministers the doctrine of the inner light and
the Quaker treatment of the Bible were nothing less than
the overthrowing of the Scriptures as the source of
authority, with the substitution of the all sufficiency of the
light within. Yet more sacrilegious was the denial of the
efficacy of Christ's life and death, the inner light again
becoming all important and acting as a substitute for the
atonement. The emphasis of the Church of England was
on the sacraments, of the Puritan on the Bible. The
Quaker in breaking away from the absolute necessity of
either was, therefore, it seemed to both schools of
theologians, not merely heretical but actually non-Chris-
tian. With increasing knowledge and a better apprecia-
tion of the Quaker's creed and purposes a far kinder spirit
was awakened, while in the meantime the industry and
piety of the individual Friend was beginning to make an
impression which was bound to have visible results before
many years had elapsed.
Enioyed the Same without aney Disturbance; Ye Spirit of Ranterism
which fformerly Interrupted our-Quiett and peaceable assemblies being
well Extingueshed." N. E. Yr. M., 72 ; Land. Yr. M., IV, 326-
CHAPTER IV.
THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE.
Between the inauguration of royal government in
Massachusetts and the first legal confession that the Con-
gregational church-state system was weakening and forced
to make concessions, there were just thirty-six years. In
this period various forces were struggling together. On
the one hand appeared seventeenth century Calvinism, still
guiding creed and platform, but troubled by what appeared
to be the degeneracy of the times, a falling away from the
fervent piety of the earlier generation. On the other hand
there loomed large the spirit of persistent opposition to
authority in matters ecclesiastical w r hich was at last to
make its impression because of changes that were at the
time working within. These thirty-six years saw two
failures of the clergy to secure governmental sanction for
the holding of a synod; it saw the death of the elder
Mather; it saw also the beginnings of the Anglican move-
ment in New England and its support by the royal govern-
ors; and it saw the persistent increase in the number of
Quaker and Baptist meetings which finally brought about
the first exemption laws in their favor. It is for these
reasons that the first quarter century under the province
charter was conspicuously transitional, and yet, in the first
twenty years at least, it represented the highest point which
the Massachusetts church-state system reached, so far as
detailed legislation and the execution of effective measures
were concerned. In the colonial period the name "theoc-
racy" best expressed the nature of the government; in the
early provincial period there existed the anomaly of an
enterprising royal province executing laws which main-
tained the shell of a weakening ecclesiasticism, the glory
and fervor of which had departed. Yet another century
had to pass before the system was allowed to expire and
50
505] THE SYSTEM IX TRACTICE 51
the opposing elements were at this time only beginning to
organize. On the threshold then of new adjustments in the
old order, that system can best be examined, for those first
adjustments made changes that greatly altered the whole
legal procedure in ecclesiastical affairs. The foundation
of the system was the passage of the first laws under the
charter for maintaining religion; its opposing elements
were the inward declination from standards of former days
and the pressure from without of new hostile forces.
The strong feeling of particularism which the first
churches of Plymouth Colony transmitted to the more
Presbyterianly inclined meetings of the Bay had had its
effect in producing a church establishment in which the
central government was at first little more than a source
of authority, shifting all the execution of its ecclesiastical
laws upon the individual towns. The provincial assembly,
having ordered that each tow T n be provided with a minister,
put it into the hands of that town and its church to procure
him and bargain with him; likewise the assembly, having
ordered that he be maintained, left it with each town to
assess and collect the taxes therefor. A little later the
county court began to play an important part in super-
vising the towns. Only when difficulties ensued did the
General Court appear on the scene of action, acting as
court of high appeal or giving advice to contending parties.
This was the marked tendency of the last of the seventeenth
and the first of the eighteenth century, and shows clearly
in what direction matters were traveling. The orthodox
towns were tending more and more to rely on central
authority, while nothing short of rigorous action on the
part of the government could maintain in the whole
province the conditions which had been the natural expres-
sion of the religious views of the first comers. To get any
idea of the actual working of the Massachusetts church-
state system and of the position which the General Court
came to occupy in ecclesiastical affairs, it is necessary to
study local conditions; and this study will be far from
perfect because of the nature of the material upon which
it must be founded.
52 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [506
The church and state relation was the conspicuous
feature of the Massachusetts community. Whether the
latter existed as a plantation, as yet unorganized, as a town
proper with all its accompanying privileges, as a second
precinct of an original town formed on the basis of religious
needs, or finally as a second separate town when the new
precinct warranted such a measure, 1 the connection
between the church and the town, as no less between each
of these and the court of general sessions or the general
assembly of the province, was close and vital. 2
In the transitional or first stage through which a plan-
tation passed before its erection as a town, there was often
a movement, especially in those frontier settlements which
1 Channing, Town and County Government, 35.
2 A number of excellent attempts have been made to define the terms
relating to New England local government in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries. These are usually broader than the present subject
requires and should be slightly modified before a perfectly clear idea can
be gained of the Massachusetts ecclesiastical system in the early provincial
period. Township, which Channing tells us (Town and County Govern-
ment, 35) at first meant merely a tract of land granted to persons who
intended there to settle a town and gather a church, is already used
synonymously with town, tho less often, and when so used is likely to
have a territorial sense in contradistiction to town as a civil organization.
A group of homesteads not to be considered as a civil organization may be
termed a village; and if it is the outlying settlement of some older town
the name hamlet is not uncommon, as Salem village (later called Danvers)
or the hamlet of Billingsgate, a part of Eastham. Plantation, while some-
times used in a general way for town, has more often the technical mean-
ing, observed by Channing, of a community which has not yet acquired
the dignity of a town. (Town and County Government, 35.) The pre-
cinct, parish or district, as it was interchangeably called, tho far less
clearly defined than the town itself, was a most essential part of the
Massachusetts ecclesiastical system. Briefly it was a division of a town
cut off for convenience in regard to attendance at worship and support of
the ministry. It had at the same time non-ecclesiastical causes and
characteristics which are inclined to detract from its real significance as a
little church state, its most important element This fact is underestimated
by Howard (Local Constitutional History, 52.) and his definitions are
therefore less satisfactory. The name parish was not used interchangeably
with town. Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 65.
507] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 53
grew but slowly, for some encouragement of the ministry
several years before township rights were granted. 3 Upon
an appeal to the General Court the latter often responded
with a direct money grant. 4 This transitional stage is
comparatively rare in the provincial period, limited almost
exclusively to the garrison towns, for by this time all the
older townships were well established with extensive
boundaries including practically all the accessible parts of
the province.
The change from unorganized plantation to town
proper therefore is seen mainly in the frontier com-
munities. 5 Upon the organization of these frontier posts
as towns, the regular laws for maintaining religion went
into effect; but since the circumstances of their condition
were unusual, numerous exceptions were made in their
favor which gave the transition and resulting conditions
an abnormal character.
The normal method of forming a new town in the
provincial period was to cut off a part of an older township
and erect it as a new one, or to create one from a part of
an older township which had already been recognized as a
separate precinct. The former was the more direct method
and was sometimes resorted to when any friction in town
or church affairs was likely to make the precinct system
impracticable. Several towns by this means skipped the
precinct period. 6
However normal and direct this immediate formation
of a new town from the outskirts of an old settlement may
seem, it was not the usual custom in the provincial period ;
and in the history of the "precinct", its origin, its nature,
3 Buck, Mass. Ecc. Law, 151, refers to the organization of the church
before the town as the custom of the country but this method was not
sufficiently general in the early provincial period to warrant such a state-
ment.
4 Brookfield, 1698, 1702. Mass. Prov. Laws, VII, 197, ch. 37, 346, ch. 27.
5 Biddeford, 1716, 1718. Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 475, ch. 42; 626, ch. 98.
Brookline, 1705. Mass. Prov. Laws, VIII, ch. 22; 145, ch. 73 et alia;
Sunderland, 1718. Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 621, ch. 88.
54 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [508
its relation to the parent town, can well be exhibited the
application of the church-state system. 7
The first settled towns of Massachusetts resembled
small counties in their broad-lying boundaries, and the
meeting house, which represented the political as well as
the religious center of the community, was often many miles
from those townsmen who had taken up with the more
distant holdings. As time went on and population
increased, it was natural for the outlying farms to form
together in smaller groups which, as they increased in size,
became more and more dissatisfied with their long distance
from the towns' center and growingly eager to begin a new
community life of their own. As there were often reasons
why the formation of a new town was undesirable, the
precinct system was initiated, and was fairly well estab-
lished when the provincial government began.
Considered as an ecclesiastical unit the precinct may be defined as a
geographical division of a town the inhabitants of which were in ecclesi-
astical law the attendants at a single meeting house. Channing (Town
and County Government, 36) follows Buck (Mass. Ecc. Law, 17-18).
Because of the close relation between church and state this formation
involved also a civil status for the precinct, of chief importance in the
collection of taxes. For this purpose the precinct generally had its separ-
ate constable or collectors and a separate precinct meeting with its own
moderator and business. It was therefore equivalent to a constablewick.
Mass. Prov. Laws, VIII, 141, ch. 64. A separate school was usually sup-
ported by the new precinct which in this way became a second district.
Channing, Town and County Government, 36. The precinct was in the
third place a military unit, such a condition sometimes occurring within
a town before a second ecclesiastical precinct had been formed. Baintree,
1707. Mass. Archives, XI, 241. Precinct and less often parish were the
technical names for such a division of a town, the latter becoming later
associated chiefly with its ecclesiastical functions, a meaning which it has
brought down to the present day in a modified form. Mass. Prov. Laws,
X, 288, ch. 5. The name society which was applied to the persons of a
precinct in their corporate existence has continued in the organization of
the older Congregational churches of New England to the present day.
The religious body organized as the church relegates its non-religious
functions to the corporate body known as the society which is made up
of the enfranchised members of the parish and manages the finances of
the church. Mass. Prov. Laws, VII, 246, ch. 19.
509] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 55
The order of events was somewhat in this wise. In a
corner of some old township a group of farmers, who num-
bered some twenty growing families, wished to have a
church of their own. 8 There might have been friction
between them and the leading members of the congregation,
or the roads to town were well nigh impassable, or a river
was dangerous of fording in the winter time. A movement
would accordingly be started in the "hamlet" to petition the
town to agree that they might be set off as a separate pre-
cinct. If permission was secured without further trouble,
the matter sometimes ended here, with the running of the
boundary line between the old and new precincts and a
mutual agreement with regard to the other matters, tho
an order from the General Court must in the end be gained. 9
It was far more usual for the parent town to be very
loath to lose a large and flourishing section. The hamlet
might not even apply to the town, quite aware of what the
result would be, or upon application and refusal it would
appeal to the General Court for interference in the matter.
This petition, which came from the inhabitants of the dis-
trict concerned, was usually referred to a committee made
up of members of the court or inhabitants of neighboring
towns, 10 whose recommendations were usually accepted.
But often the town was informed of the application,
especially if the petition had come direct from the hamlet
without previous appearance in town meeting, and then the
8 Cotton Mather, Ratio Disciplinae, 1-2, describes this same develop-
ment from the point of view of church government. "A number of
Christians," he writes, "either swarmed into a New Plantation, or finding
the Church, to which they have belonged, grown to such Circumstances,
that it may be for the general advantage to have a New Church formed
in the Neighborhood, first settle their Number, and assure themselves that
their Number is Competent, and Resolved for the Undertaking."
9 Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 447, ch. 147.
10 West Springfield, 1696. Mass. Prov. Laws, VIII, in, ch. 12. Of
the committee here appointed Edward Taylor was minister of the church
in Westfield, Samuel Partridge the representative from Hatfield in the
General Court, Aaron Cooke from Hadley and Samuel Root from West-
field, the towns in Hampshire county nearest to the west precinct of
Springfield.
56 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [510
two sides were given a hearing and long and elaborate
negotiations followed. These struggles give a wonderfully
clear picture of the ambitions and interests of rural
Massachusetts in the early eighteenth century. 11 In the
history of Springfield, for example, there appear during
this period two particularly animated cases of attempts by
outlying districts to gain precinct privileges. The inhabi-
tants of the west side of the Connecticut river 12 applied for
this degree of independence on the ground that bad roads
were as nothing in comparison with the danger of crossing
the stream at some seasons of the year. But as Springfield
offered a dogged resistance to such curtailment, the matter
was soon carried (1695) to the General Court, which sum-
moned both parties and appointed an able committee to
investigate the matter. While the inhabitants of the west
side were assuring the town of their ability to support a
separate minister and stating that "wee have not the least
thought of separating from you, or becoming a Townshipe,
deeming it contrary to our Interest, and an infringement
of our priviledges soe to doe," 18 Springfield was grimly
replying that they were too few to attempt any such thing
and that "to row a boat or paddle a canoe is no worse than
to saddle and bridle a horse." 14 The committee of the
General Court was favorable to the west side, and on
December 4, 1696, the order was made for erecting West
Springfield into a separate precinct. Even more deter-
mined did Springfield prove in her relation to the district
of Longmeadow 15 which had found the town so obdurate
that after numerous attempts in town meeting covering the
years between 1703 and 1706 she finally petitioned the
"The case of Watertown between 1692 and 1707 is typical. Mass.
Archives, XI, 63, 64? 73, 86-87, 75, 85, 81 ; Mass. Prov. Laws, VII, 55, ch.
20 et passim; Cat. of St. Papers, Col. Series, Am. and the W. I., 1700;
241, 246.
12 Mass. Archives, XI, 109, 107, 112, 114, 118, 130; Mass Prov. Laws,
VII, 77, ch. 9; in, ch. 12; 127, ch. 45.
ia .Mass. Archives, XI, no, 12 May, 1696.
"Ibid., XI, 114.
Ibid., XI, 215-217; Mass. Prov. Laws, VIII, 198, ch. 91; 233, ch. 13.
511] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 57
General Court for assistance. In this appeal was the state-
ment that "wee have constantly paid our Dues towards
maintainance of the Towne Minister & have for the Greatest
part of these three years past upon our owne Charge hiered
& provided a minister amongst ourselves & must without
Releived be forced to do the same for the future except
releefe be Granted." 16 In spite of Springfield's plea that
she could not afford such a condition, now that the west
side of the river had been cut off, and that she had placed
the meeting house with the express purpose of accommo-
dating Longmeadow, the court was not slow in granting the
request, and within eight months after the date of the
petition Longmeadow was made a separate precinct. 17
Between 1692 and 1728 some twenty new precincts
were formed in this way by order of the General Court. In
the customary resistance on the part of the town economic
factors played an important part. In locating the final
dividing line therefore, it was not unusual to bear in mind
where lay the best land for cultivation and to make the
division accordingly. 18
The orders issued by the General Court for the estab-
lishment of new precincts were usually accompanied by
regulations of the relation between the two parts of the
town thus divided, these more or less elaborate as the case
might require. They regulated the financial method by
which the new meeting house should be built and both
maintained, the way in which the two ministers should be
supported, and the disposal of the ministry land. Nor-
mally the new precinct would be excused from any further
payment toward the repair or rebuilding of the old meet-
ing house or the support of the minister, as it was now
responsible for its own. Normally also it must relinquish
its right to the parsonage lot of the original town and
procure one for its future minister within its own boun-
Mass. Archives, XI, 215, 18 Oct., 1706.
"/&*</., XI, 215.
18 Plymouth, 1695. Mass. Archives, XI, 92-100; Scituate, 1700. Ibid.,
XI, 144, 145, 156, 159-
58 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [512
daries. But the exceptions to this simple arrangement
were numerous, caused by earlier town agreements or by
special conditions in the township. 19 The complicated
affairs of Sudbury between 1714 and 1722 20 introduced a
custom of allowing a town as a whole to support its two
precinct churches. 21 This possibility of a general assess-
ment to be divided between two or more societies was
recognized in several petitions submitted to the General
Court 22 and became increasingly popular.
On some occasions a first precinct continued to levy
ministerial rates on the inhabitants of a new one after a
court order had gone into effect, especially if the new
precinct had been allowed conditionally, the old parish
maintaining that the conditions had not been fulfilled. 23 If
there had been special agreement with a minister at his
settlement into which the whole town had entered in a
peculiar way, the formation of a new precinct did not free
its inhabitants from their obligation during his lifetime.
But if the court deemed that taxes were being levied un-
justly by the old upon the new precinct, it was ordered to
desist. 24
Most serious of all matters regulated when a new
precinct was formed was likely to be the settlement of the
proprietorship of the ministry land. 25 In addition to the
"settlement" which a town voted its minister, and which
in the early days was in land, later commuted to money,
19 Chelmsford, 1724, Mass. Prov. Laws, X, 516, ch. 238.
Ibid., IX, 350, ch. 6; 374, ch. 83; 451, ch. 155; X, 80, ch. 4; 134, ch.
87; 166, ch. 23; 179, ch. 62; 224, ch. 188; 225, ch. 191.
21 Ibid., X, 225, ch. 191.
"Eastham, 1722. Ibid., X, 173, ch. 43; Marblehead, 1715. Ibid., IX,
426, ch. 107. The religious situation in southeastern Massachusetts resulted
in a similar arrangement for Rehoboth because of the presence of many
Baptists in one of the precincts. Mass. Archives, XI, 387; Mass. Prov.
Laws, IX, 165, ch. 138; 241, ch. 27.
28 Salem, 1712. Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 258, ch. 82; 261, ch. 93.
24 Lynn, 1718/19. Ibid., IX, 640, ch. 131.
"Springfield and West Springfield, 1695-1705. Mass. Archives, XI, 128,
170, 177, 180, 181, 182, 196; Mass. Prov. Laws, VII, 349, ch. 33, 369, ch. 6;
VIII, 120, Ch. 10.
513] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 59
there were always the ministry or parsonage lands, gen-
erally including the "ministry house" or parsonage, which
could be held by the minister only during his pastorate.
Since this holding was more than likely to be in separate
parcels in order to include the various kinds of land, such
as wood lot, pasture and tilled land, the inevitable result
was that if some of it fell within the borders of the new
precinct, trouble ensued. On such an occasion the General
Court would settle the affair with a compromise.
In arranging the boundaries between two precincts
the General Court was often involved in intricate problems
respecting certain farms which had expressed a definite
preference for one precinct or the other. When these were
adjacent to the boundary line there was little difficulty in
arranging a survey which would place them in the section
which they preferred. If, on the other hand, such farms
lay well within the precinct limits, special exceptions for
their convenience were included in the precinct order or
in a later resolve, with explicit directions regarding the
payment of taxes. 26
In many cases these separate farms found themselves
applying for transference not merely from one precinct
to another but to a neighboring town which had set a
meeting house much nearer them than was their own par-
ish center. Even then the court might grant the request. 27
Between two of the Cape Cod towns an unusual situation
of this kind appeared. For several years previous to 1719
a number of families living on the eastern side of Harwich
and bordering on Eastham had been attending the East-
ham meeting house and had become members of the church,
while all the time taxed to Harwich and giving nothing
to Eastham, for the people of the latter place were "so
kind as to allow them the Benefit of the Meeting House
without paying support." In 1719, however, there was
26 Plymouth, 1695. Mass. Archives, XI, 97-98, 100; Weymouth, 1722,
Mass. Prov. Laws, X, 220, ch. 175; Salem, 1719, ibid., IX, 687, ch. 94;
Ipswich, 1715-20, ibid., IX and X, passim.
"Dorchester, 1721/22. Mass. Prov. Laws, X, 132, ch. 82, 468, ch. 102,
500, ch. 197.
60 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [514
built in the southern part of Eastham and only two miles
from the Harwich farmers a meeting house which they
would naturally attend; and they now considered it un-
reasonable to accept such a favor from Eastham as for-
merly, especially as Eastham now had the expense of two
meeting houses. As it would be unjust to be obliged to
pay their proportion towards support of worship in Har-
wich when they received no benefit from it, and yet pay
their part of the charge at Eastham, they approached the
town of Harwich to allow them to be cut off to Eastham.
This was refused and the General Court, after considering
the matter, produced a compromise measure whereby "the
region was to be annexed to Eastham in all things relating
to the public worship of God, but in all other respects to
belong to the town of Harwich as formerly." 28
Even when a court order had been obtained, a diffi-
culty might occur if a group of farms which had been "set
off" to another town did not succeed in asserting its rights.
In 1715 six farmers of Newton, who two years before had
been joined to Roxbury in ecclesiastical affairs, brought
the assembly's attention to the fact that they were being
rated to Newton, and some imprisoned for nonpayment.
The court finally interfered with a resolve in their favor. 29
In the absence of special legislation it was not ex-
pected that a man would frequent a meeting house outside
of his own precinct or town. He would inevitably be taxed
to the ministry in the precinct in which he lived and was
then likely to find himself rated in the other as well, unless
the latter was of a very generous spirit. 30
2 *Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 621, ch. 8; 678, ch. 73.
29 Ibid., IX, 289, ch. 16; 418, ch. 87; X, 230, ch. 205.
30 There was also some question whether a communicant who belonged
within the limits of some other town or precinct and hence paid no minis-
terial tax for the benefit of his own church should have power to vote
in calling a minister. The matter came up for decision in 1735 and was
decided in the negative when the House of Representatives resolved "that
no person in communion with any church and dwelling without the
limits of the town or precinct to which such church belongs, and by which
town or precinct cannot be rated or taxed for the support of their minis-
515] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 61
The foregoing statements have shown how the Mas-
sachusetts system of taxation for ministerial support was
applied in the formation of towns from unorganized
plantations, or of new precincts from old townships. With
the last transformation, that of the precinct into the full
fledged town, we reach the final step and here may best
study the actual application of the laws of 1692, 1693, and
1695, which were the basis of the ecclesiastical system in
the provincial period. The town must be provided with
an "able, learned orthodox minister" who, according to the
law of 1693, must be chosen by the church with the concur-
rence of the town, "all the inhabitants, and ratable estates
lying within" the precinct to pay proportionally for his
maintenance. This maintenance was based on three things,
the ministry land which every town must put aside for the
church and of which each minister had the use during his
ministry; the "settlement", at first an additional piece of
land to be made over directly to the settled minister and
to remain in his family, later commuted to a money
payment; 31 and finally the salary. 32 Settlement and salary
were matters which required much consideration when-
ever a new minister was obtained, but the law had secured
its requirements by stating that if a town neglected its
duty in regard to maintenance of the ministry, the court
of quarter sessions, upon complaint, should impose fines
ter, hath, nor ever had nor ought to have any vote or power of acting in
inviting, calling, supporting, continuing or separating from such minister,
or any other affair that may affect the interest or charge of any town or
precinct." Mass. Prov. Laws, I, 108.
31 "Now they proceed into a Salary, to be offered unto the Minister,
whom they have chosen. [To which there is usually added somewhat
also, which they call, A settlement, in order to some Subsistence of his
Family, in case he dy among them." C. Mather, Ratio Disciplinae, 19.
82 In creating a township in 1717 the proviso which the General Court
included in the order ran, '"provided they have there at least forty
families settled there with an orthodox Minister within the space of three
years, and that a Lott and other accommodations as large and convenient
as may be the Place will admit of in the Judgment of said committee be laid
out to the first settled Minister, Also a Lott for the Ministry and an other
for the Use of the School." Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 548, ch. 79.
62 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [516
upon and even imprison those officials who failed to carry
out their duties. The law of 1695 included a ministerial
council for the enforcement of the law for choosing a
minister, for the case had arisen of a town's failing to
approve of a church's choice, and the council was to act
much in the capacity of arbiter. Yet, over all the General
Court remained the final appeal from both county court
and ecclesiastical council, and by holding the purse strings
of the province treasury could exert an effective influence
in carrying out her own commands.
There are several records of special permits in regard
to ministry land, 33 but on the whole the General Court
was called upon less often to arrange matters regarding
this than either settlement or salary.
The settlement was a variable quantity, large in the
first instances and in the poorer towns, where land could
be more easily secured than money, and growing smaller
as time went on and the salary grew more definitely fixed.
In 1723 the proprietors of the Indian town of Natick asked
that they might be empowered to give to Mr. Oliver Pea-
body, upon his settling among them in the work of the
ministry, a lot, or lots, containing one hundred acres of
land and meadow and to make him a commoner or pro-
prietor in such plantation, "they being uncapable of giving
any other encouragement." 34 Money settlements were
later introduced, and these could be raised either by sub-
scription or by a rate. 35
On the whole the question of settlement was a town
matter, but in arranging for the call of a minister and his
salary the courts of general sessions were on the alert and
the provincial assembly was ready to support them. While
Maiden between 1705 and 1708, just after the death of a
pastor, "wth all manner of Application Endeavoured a
New Settlemt of the Ministry among them, and [had]
given an Invitation to Several worthy Gentlemen to Preach
8S Suffield, 1703. Mass. Prov. Laws, VII, 370, ch. II ; VIII, 17, ch. 24.
"Ibid., X, 249, ch. 264.
**Ibid., VIII, 779.
517] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 63
wth them for a Taste of their Gifts in Order to a further
proceedure," the town found itself under presentment for
being destitute of a minister and was immediately supplied
by the court of quarter sessions for Middlesex county. But
as the town had just taken steps to call another man it
was obliged to appeal to the General Court to approve the
minister of its own choice rather than the protege of the
justices. 36 This same year saw a part of the long struggle
between the town of Medford and the Middlesex justices
who had interfered some time before, charging Medford
with being destitute of a minister, as they did not recog-
nize the questionable incumbent, Mr. Woodbridge. Eccle-
siastical councils and many court sittings failed to settle
the matter, so it finally reached the provincial assembly.
The investigating committee appointed reported that they
were of the opinion that "their wound is Incurable and that
it is necessary that the Reverend Mr. Benja Woodbridge
and the town of Medford be parted; according to the Ad-
vice of the Council of Churches there, July 10th 1705. and
the Orders of Quarter Sessions of Middlesex." Upon his
removal the town was ordered to pay him forty pounds and
"the Nine Sabbaths Contribution now in the hands of Mr.
John Whitmore." It was also directed to procure speedily
and settle another minister "And this Court do Advise mr
Woodbridge by no means to discourage the Coming and
Settlement of another Minister among them." 37
It was not usually these older towns of the province,
where orthodox Congregationalism was strongest and the
order of church government best developed, that called for
interference; it was rather those outlying districts
where external causes created a different type of commu-
nity existence. This was the situation in the many frontier
towns of Hampshire and Worcester counties, of the New
36 Mass. Archives, XI, 276; Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 30, ch. 74.
S7 Mass. Prov. Laws, VIII, 253, ch. 84, 28 Nov., 1707; IX, 19, ch. 41,
30 June, 1708; VIII, 776-793. Another famous example of the super-
vision of the authorities over the settlement of ministers appears in the
history of Watertown in 1722. Mass. Prov. Laws, X, 196, ch. 99; 221,
ch. 176.
64 CHURCH AND STATE IX MASSACHUSETTS [518
Hampshire border and along the Maine coast. Yet many
of these towns were planned on lines which showed an
effort to conform to standing rules in ecclesiastical mat-
ters and were merely prevented by the exigencies of the
situation. Very different was the atmosphere in the un-
orthodox towns of the old Plymouth Colony whose early
history has already been described. With these two types
of towns the justices of the peace and the lawmakers of
the province had the closest connection in the affairs of
church and state.
If a plantation or town was a recognized garrison, it
was natural that the selection of a chaplain should go
with the other military appointments and that the public
treasury should pay him. A chaplain would then act as
minister of the town about the garrison and in time of
peace might continue there. Other frontier towns, which
had not been made garrisons but had found themselves
destitute by reason of war or the desertion of settlers,
prayed the provincial assembly for financial assistance in
the support of their ministers or that the court would
procure and send some to them. 38
The Maine frontier was an early and successful beg-
gar. In 1693 the court, in answer to a petition from Sam-
uel Wheelwright, representative of York and Wells in
the assembly, appointed chaplains for the garrisons at
those outposts and ordered fifty shillings a month for their
pay out of the province treasury, "over and above what
shall be allowed them by the inhabitants." 39 Not long af-
ter, the upper part of Kittery, later known as Berwick,
encouraged by the success of York and Wells, sent in a
similar appeal, and received ten pounds out of the province
treasury. 40 From this time until 1712, when special
38 The address of Governor Bellomont to the Council and Assembly
in May, 1 700, included this exhortation : "I recommend to your care the
ministers in the remote parts of the Province who have narrow stipends."
Cat. of St. Papers, Col. Series, Am. and the W. I., 1700, 485.
39 Mass. Prov. Laws, VII, 34, ch. 10.
"Ibid., VII, 88. ch. 43.
519] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 65
orders of this kind for Wells, York and Berwick ceased,
something over two hundred pounds was in this way voted
outright for the support of the ministry in these three
towns, part of which was for the building of meeting
houses. 41 Soon after Wells, York and Berwick were on
their feet and no longer needing public aid, the far east-
ward settlement of Winter Harbor began to receive assist-
ance. Between 1717 and 1725 more than two hundred
pounds were voted for the support of the ministry at this
garrison and settlement which in 1718 was made the town
of Biddeford and after 1723 shared its minister with the
neighboring Arundel, the "Gentleman that performs the
Said Service to preach on the Lords Day alternately ... If
the Weather will permit." 42 During the last years of
payments to Biddeford and Arundel, the town of Scar-
borough received sixty pounds on account of the low cir-
cumstances to which it had been reduced by the Indian
wars, 43 while ninety pounds went to Falmouth on Casco
Bay. 44
Among the newer frontier towns, lying along the New
Hampshire border and in Worcester County, Dunstable,
Lancaster and Brookfleld were the most favored. The
year 1696 saw thirty pounds voted towards the mainten-
ance of a minister at the garrison at Dunstable and twenty
pounds were paid in the following year. 45 At the close of
the war the town was loath to lose public assistance, and
the inhabitants, the selectmen, the town's representative
in Boston, and the minister himself sent in a constant
stream of petitions to the court between 1698 and 1714
which resulted in twelve separate grants, varying from ten
to twenty-six pounds, and becoming after 1709 practically
41 Mass. Prov. Laws, VII, 160, ch. 28; 202, ch. 53; 304, ch. 49; 222, ch.
19; 247, ch. 22; 252, ch. 41; 304, ch. 49; 341, ch. 16; VIII, 36, ch. 77, 78;
69, ch. 14; IX, 213, ch. 120; 241, ch. 26.
* 2 Ibid., IX, 395, ch. 25; 537, ch. 45; 589, ch. i ; 626, ch. 98; X, 9, ch. 10;
80, ch. 3; 199, ch. 109; 303, ch. 36; 448, ch. 45; 558, ch. 368; 592, ch. 43.
49 Ibid., X, 377, ch. 275 ; 378, ch. 279 ; 462, ch. 84 ; 599, ch. 63.
**Ibid., X, 172, ch. 41 ; 725, ch. 422.
"Ibid., VII, 113, ch. 17; 168, ch. 49.
66 CHURCH AND STATE IX MASSACHUSETTS [520
a regular payment of twenty pounds per annum. 40 The
death of the Rev. John Whiting in the attack on Lan-
caster, September 11, 1697, with the subsequent difficulty
which the inhabitants felt they would have in persuading
anyone to settle with them, resulted in the first petition
for aid sent by this town, and the response of twenty
pounds from the province treasury. 47 In 1704 forty pounds
were allowed for building a meeting house. 48 Brookfield,
lying far to the westward on the Connecticut trail, was
maintained as a garrison many years before its estate
warranted township privileges and received many grants
for the ministry between 1698 and 1714, the total reaching
over two hundred pounds. 49
On the western frontier the two river towns lying
well to the northward and hence open to the Indian incur-
sions which followed down the Connecticut, were for
several years pensioners of the public treasury. Deer-
field, as a garrison, was paid ten pounds in 1696 50 and
double that sum in 1703. 51 In the year following the
Deerfield massacre, when John Williams was carried into
captivity, the court resolved to send a chaplain to the town
to serve in his place, and voted him twenty pounds for six
months' service, repeating the order in the following
year. 52 With the return of Williams the grants were not
suspended, and over one hundred pounds were in five years
voted to defray his expenses, the individual amounts vary-
ing from ten to forty pounds. 53 Northfield, where settle-
ment was hindered by the progress of the war, received her
"Mass. Prov. Laws, VII, 197, ch. 36; 311, ch. 68; VIII, 41, ch. 90;
126, ch. 29; 259, ch. 101; IX, 36, ch. 89; 86, ch. 90; 121, ch. 7; 146, ch. 83;
366, ch. 64.
"Ibid., VII, 168, ch. 47.
*Ibid., VIII, 99, ch. 96.
*Ibid., VII, 197, ch. 37; 346, ch. 27; VIII, 34, ch. 74; 143, ch. 69;
201, ch. 100 ; 246, ch. 55; IX, 38, ch. 100; 252, ch. 65; 303, ch. 62; 377,
ch. 96.
80 /fctrf., VII, 113, ch. 16.
"7Md., VIII, 35, ch. 75-
"Ibid., VIII, 84, ch. 55; 143, ch. 68.
S3 Ibid., VIII, 209, ch. 126; 242, ch. 43; IX, 38, ch. 98; 148, ch. 93;
238, ch. 13; 252, ch. 63.
521] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 67
first instalment of public funds as late as 1718, when the
sum of forty pounds was voted for the support of the
minister, and an additional thirty pounds in 1724. 54 Va-
rious other grants were made in a similar manner to
frontier villages and Indian settlements during the first
thirty years under the province charter. Among such
may be mentioned Stow, Leicester and Tisbury on Martha's
Vineyard. 55
So long as the recipient of these money payments was
simply a chaplain at a garrison there was nothing unusual
in this method of appointing and maintaining him, but
since, even when chaplain, he was also considered the
minister of the small community grouped around the fort
and was often retained when the immediate necessity for
a garrison had ceased, his position in relation to the
church is interesting. Between 1693 and 1725 almost six-
teen hundred pounds, varying in amounts from ten to fifty
pounds, were in this way voted by the Massachusetts Gen-
eral Court to the maintenance of the ministry or the
building of meeting houses in frontier communities. The
direct method of appropriating money was the one most
often used, but on various occasions certain indirect means
were adopted. The amount of the province tax was re-
duced with the understanding that town rates for the
support of the minister could then be assessed and col-
lected, or the whole amount was ordered to be turned back
to the constables for the use of the ministry. Occasionally
some special means of taxation was allowed which would
bring in more money than the normal method would have
procured. 56 This was likely to bear heaviest on non-resi-
54 Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 604, ch. 38; X, 533, ch. 287. A much earlier
grant was made in 1701 of fifteen pounds for the payment of a garrison
chaplain who had served at Northfield in the time of Sir Edmund Andros.
Ibid., VII, 303, ch. 46.
Ibid., VII, 173, ch. 60, 17 Dec., 1697; X. 699, ch. 341, 8 Dec., 1725;
VII, 293, ch. 23, 26 June, 1701; IX, 533, ch. 33, 18 June, 1717; 597, ch. 22,
18 June, 1718; VIII, 118, ch. 5, 8 June, 1705.
58 In 1700 Wrentham secured the remitting of 20 pounds of her
province rate of 1696. Ibid., VII, 633. In 1703 the province treasurer was
68 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [522
dent proprietors. 37 In 1720 the House of Representatives
excused three towns for failing to send representatives to
Boston, Needham, and Brookfield, because of the charge
they were under in building meeting houses, and Manches-
ter because it was settling a minister. 58
This rigorous paternalism in the enforcement of
ecclesiastical law was not limited; as has been observed, to
the frontier communities of the province, tho it was
most often exercised there. For them the General Court
was merely contimiing a policy adopted in the colonial
period and explicable on the ground that as religious wor-
ship was deemed essential to the good morals of a town or
plantation, and hence of the province as a whole, it was a
pious duty to appropriate funds for the support of religious
worship where poverty or meager population made an
independent maintenance difficult. After 1691 a new and
curious problem presented itself, the cause and nature of
which have already been discussed. In dealing with the
"unorthodox" communities of Barnstable and Bristol coun-
ties the Massachusetts General Court assumed a new and
very different position from that which she had held in
managing her frontier posts. In the enforcement of eccle-
siastical law in Swansea, Freetown and Attleboro, Dart-
mouth, Tiverton and Little Compton, Sandwich and
Falmouth she became preeminently the dictator of ortho-
doxy, in two of these towns using her powers to displace
a religious organization which represented the almost
unanimous opinion of the inhabitants.
directed to order Wells and York to pay their minister the sums of 15
and 10 pounds respectively of the province rate last levied on those towns.
Mass Prov. Laws, VIII, 36, ch. 77, 78.
67 In 1724 permission was given Rutland to tax her unimproved land
towards the support of the ministry. Ibid., X, 532, ch. 284. Similar
orders were issued for Enfield, Hopkinton and Scarborough. Ibid., X,
479, ch. 136; 450, ch. 51; 378, ch. 279. The taxing of non-resident pro-
prietors had been resorted to in the colonial period. Mass. Archives, XI,
13-14. Worcester and Oxford came under this ruling in 1716 and 1718.
Mass. Prov. Laws, X, 318, ch. 82.
69 House Journal, 1720, 3.
523] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 69
In 1692, when the assembly began to put once more
into legislation the old ecclesiastical system, it was facing
but two groups of dissenting interests in the rural towns.
Of these the Baptists had but one strongly organized body
and the Quakers were limited to certain definite sections
of territory. On Cape Ann, that region of the old Bay
Colony where heretical opinions best flourished and Qua-
kerism found a ready acceptance, this element never
reached sufficient prominence in any town to cause the
interference of the General Court. Though there was al-
ways difficulty at Salem and Lynn in collecting from the
Quakers the ministerial assessments, 59 they were never in
sufficient numbers to block legislation, and no towns in
Essex county ever suffered presentment for lack of a
minister. 60
In the newly acquired section of territory, embracing
Plymouth, Barnstable, and Bristol counties, the vicinity of
Plymouth presented a similar state of affairs. 61 On Cape
Cod 62 the difficulties were greater as the Quakers were
here more numerous, tho not usually in the majority. At
Sandwich and Falmouth they resisted the collectors for
many years and were regularly distrained of their goods in
accordance with the law. 63 When in 1707 the general
sessions of Barnstable county discovered that these two
towns were "defective with respect to the ministry," they
gave orders according to the law of 1706, but enforcement
was difficult. When the matter reached the General Court,
this body voted twenty pounds from the province treasury
for the ministry at Falmouth, 64 by this act setting a pre-
cedent for future years. The year 1713 saw the sum of forty
pounds held out as an inducement to the building of a
Salem Mo. M., passim.
6< >Essex Sessions.
^Pembroke Mo. M., passim.
62 The records of the court of general sessions of the peace for the
county of Barnstable are not in existence.
63 Sandwich Mo., M., passim.
"Mass. Archives, XI, 256, 257.
70 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [524
meeting house. 65 On later occasions the General Court
was forced to coine to the assistance of Joseph Metcalf, the
minister, 66 when he complained of the depreciation of the
paper currency, of which the town refused to take account
when paying his salary. 67 In 1714 and 1717 he was allowed
forty pounds from the province treasury, but finally, in
1719, his case was turned over to "the Committee, that
receiv'd the Charity of this Province Collected the Last
Year, upon a Brief Issued by this Government for the
Propagating of the Gospel." 88
If in Barnstable county Massachusetts had a sugges-
tion of the problems which could be created by elements
unfriendly to her system, in Bristol the difficulty was many
times magnified. At Swansea the enforcement of ecclesi-
astical law was thwarted by a firmly organized Baptist
society; at Dartmouth was the most vigorous Quaker
meeting of the province, always supported by the Baptists
in its borders; at Tiverton was a smaller Quaker commu-
nity ; while Attleboro, Freetown, and Little Compton were
towns of mixed type, harboring various sects and sympa-
thizing keenly with Rhode Island in her ideas of religious
liberty. In this region also a further element of resistance
**Mass Prov. Laws, IX, 292, ch. 27.
86 Metcalf was the author of a work on "enforced maintenance" in
which he argues strongly in favor of the system. The work has not sur-
vived but can be followed closely in the reply to it by the Quaker, Thomas
Chalkley. Chalkley, Answer to Metcalf.
87 This difficulty regarding paper money which many other ministers
soon encountered became so acute by 1724 that the General Court was
obliged to consider the matter. The report of a committee from this body
recommended that a law be made to compel every parish to make up
to its minister an amount equal to the difference, the county court to
determine how much the currency had depreciated. While this report
did not become law, a resolve was passed recommending it to every town
and precinct, this resolve to be read in every congregation on the next
Lord's day and in the parish meetings of the following March. Mass.
Prov. Laws, X, 563, ch. 385.
**Mass Prov. Laws, IX, 673, ch. 56. The organization of this fund
seems to be the cause for the cessation of grants from the public treasury
to the ministry throughout the province. Freetown was voted its bene-
faction in the same year. House Journal, 1719, i.
525] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 71
to the Massachusetts state church appeared in the first
decade of the eighteenth century when the missionaries of
the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel met some
success in the Khode Island border towns. 69 Here they left
behind them a number of groups which had announced
their allegiance to the Church of England. On this basis
these proceeded to resist the ecclesiastical laws of the
province but seldom united in this purpose with the Bap-
tist and Quaker societies.
The first attack made by the court of general sessions
of Bristol county in accordance with the laws of 1692 and
1693 was upon Swansea, whose only meeting was the
Baptist church now thirty years old. To enforce upon it
the Congregational ministry and public taxation for its
support was to upset the whole system. When presented
for not having a minister according to law, Swansea in
town meeting proceeded to approve the Baptist preacher
as her minister. 70 The law had not made it plain how the
justices were to proceed in such a case, and the matter was
dropped for the time being.
In 1698 Bristol sessions began to deal vigorously with
all the defective towns within its jurisdiction, and contin-
ued its efforts for a period of thirty years. But so clearly
defined was the type of community which it had to master
and so determined was the opposition to its authority, that
the attempt resulted only in a series of compromises, many
of which foreshadowed the coming exemption laws. In all
these years it was never possible to enforce the law in this
section of Massachusetts.
69 "As to the Case of ye Church of Tivertone Swanzey ffreeton and
little Compton in ye whole of these I believe there may be betwixt 2 or 300
people that are Church people & are resolved never to have any other
Minister but a Church Minister unless the Government of ye Collony of
Massachusetts under whose Government they are) force and independant
upon them, wch they have done in ffreetown already, & will in the rest
if their is not a Missionary Sent to take possession of that Church built
in Tivertone." Stewart to Nicholson, 12 Feb. 1719/20, 5. P. G. Letters,
A XIV, 162.
70 Bicknell, Barrington, 133, 179, 201.
72 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [526
In 1698 failure to procure a minister was reported by
the grand inquest for Swansea, Dartmouth, Tiverton,
Freetown and Attleboro, while most of this group with
Rehoboth and Little Compton lacked school masters. 71
The selectmen of these towns summoned to Bristol had
various reports to submit. Swansea, as previously stated,
sent word that she was provided, but the statement was for
a time not accepted, and she was ordered to procure a
minister immediately. 72 By April of 1699, however, the
justices had been informed of the exact situation in Swan-
sea and agreed not to interfere with the ministry of Samuel
Luther. 73 As a matter of fact the Baptist church of
Swansea, by standing for principles so liberal that it was
able to include the Congregationalists in the region, long
saved the town from an effective attack by the general
sessions. Not until it was remolded upon a more extreme
Baptist form did the Congregationalists of Swansea be-
come dissatisfied. The result of this dissatisfaction was a
petition to the general sessions in 1707 asking the assist-
ance of the justices in procuring an orthodox minister.
The selectmen of Swansea who were summoned at this
time reminded the general sessions of the long continued
recognition by that body of their minister, and after post-
ponement and much discussion a compromise was agreed
upon. 74 While it was decided that orthodoxy must be
introduced into Swansea and a sum assessed upon the town
for the support of the ministry, it was agreed that the work
of Luther ought to be recognized. Accordingly it was voted
that half of the yearly assessment should be settled on
him, the rest to go to the minister of the standing order. 75
But no very satisfactory arrangement was discoverd 76 until
^Bristol Sessions, I, 13.
Ibid., I, 15.
Ibid., I, 17, 19-
it/bid., I, 121, 129; Bicknell, Barrington, 139-141.
^Bristol Sessions, I, 133.
76 The result of the negotiations was the coming of John Fisk to
Swansea in the office of Congregational minister, but so bitter was the
feeling between the two sects in the town that trouble continued. One of
527] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 73
the town was divided, the Congregationalists forming the
new parish. 77 After the death of Luther there was a mo-
mentary difficulty as Swansea's dispensation had related
to him only. The matter was settled by a vote of the gen-
eral sessions in 1719 to accept his successor as minister of
the town, and the selectmen, who had been summoned to
state the case, were dismissed. 78
The affairs of Dartmouth and Tiverton during this
same period represent the methods employed by the govern-
ment in handling well defined Quaker communities. In
Dartmouth the people were almost universally Quaker, the
Congregational and Baptist societies being very small; in
Tiverton, while the majority supported Quaker teaching,
there were among the inhabitants many who shared the
general characteristics of the eastern border of the bay.
With their freedom in theological opinion which often kept
them from allying themselves with any sect, there was a
certain volatility in their make-up which occasionally car-
ried them into some religious body and out again in a brief
time. The S. P. G. in dealing with them met constant
disappointment for it was long in learning that a crowded
service here meant little real allegiance. These people
were no less trying to the Quakers than to the Anglican
and Congregational churches.
The general sessions of October, 1698, which had at-
tacked Swansea, took up the cases of both Dartmouth and
the means taken by the Baptist selectmen to rid the town of Fisk was to
issue a warrant to the constable "Requiring him in her Majties Name to
warn John Fisk to depart the Town in fourteen days time &c." C. O. 5,
865. The constable, knowing that Fisk belonged in none of the classes
of undesirable persons included under the law of ejectment, appealed to
the quarter sessions for advice. The latter discharged him from the duty
of serving the warrant, summoned the selectmen and admonished them
for this "Illegal & unpresidential" conduct. Bristol Sessions, II, 150, 151,
155; Dudley to the Board of Trade, i Mar., 1708/9, C. O. 5, 913, 114, 115;
"Memorial of the ministers in Bristol County to the General Assembly,"
Oct. 1711, Mass. Archives, XI, 385.
77 Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 180, ch. 22; 201, ch. 78; 249, ch. 50; 548, ch.
78; 563, ch. 114.
''^Bristol Sessions, III A, 59, 61 ; Backus, Baptists, I, 499.
74 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [528
Tiverton. Dartmouth, like Swansea, stated that she was
provided with ministers already, naming two Quaker
preachers of the town. Neither this nor Tiverton's answer
was accepted, and both towns were ordered to supply
themselves before the winter sessions. 79
For some time the relation between the court of gen-
eral sessions and the towns of Dartmouth and Tiverton
was little changed. Over and over they suffered present-
ment and repeatedly sent answer, that they were properly
supplied in the persons of the Quakers whom they named,
basing their argument on the fact that nowhere in the law
was it stated what was meant by orthodox. 80
This state of affairs continued until the autumn of
1703. 81 Bristol court then became exasperated and took a
step which was significant. Eelying upon the right which
a recent law (1702) had given her to appoint special as-
sessors, the court of general sessions decided to enforce the
law of 1692 which gave her the power of appointing minis-
ters to negligent towns. It was agreed that eighty pounds
per annum be levied on Dartmouth and fifty on Tiverton
for the support of ministers whom she should appoint. Not
knowing suitable persons for these missions the court or-
dered that a letter be written to the president and fellows
of Harvard College and Mr. William Brattle of Cambridge
for their advice. 82
Tho going so far as to take these measures the jus-
tices now allowed the matter to slide 83 until April of 1706
when they renewed their application to authority, includ-
78 'Bristol Sessions, I, 15.
80 Ibid., I, 17, 19, 21. In January 1702 the selectmen of Tiverton pre-
sented to Bristol sessions a paper pleading for "a Liberty of Conscience
in the Exercise of Religion as a Priviledge granted by their Majestyes
Charter and Recipting Several Passages out of the Province laws. Re-
ferring to the Priviledges of Churches in the Quallifications choise and
Settlement of ministers." Ibid., I, 38.
81 /&trf., II, 20, 23, 47.
"Ibid., II, 47.
"Ibid., II, 93.
529] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 75
ing now the Boston ministers. 84 Their next meeting
dispatched two of its members to Dartmouth and Tiverton
to enquire for a place with some family where a minister
might be entertained, 85 and upon receiving a most pessi-
mistic report once more agreed to state the situation in
Boston. 86
The episode was at least making an impression on the
ministerial circle in the capital town tho progress with
effective measures was slow. 87 Once more it was hoped
that results might be gained by further legislation, and the
act of November, 1706, now passed, went much further than
any previous laws had done. The failure of Bristol ses-
sions in dealing with her troublesome towns was to be
obviated by bringing the General Court itself into the
situation. After making the necessary orders on a delin-
quent town and failing with results, the court of general
sessions was now ordered to make report of its proceedings
at the next session of the General Court, and the latter was
not only to supply a minister to such town but was also to
provide for his support by a sum added to the town's
province tax. By concealing this amount within the coun-
try rate the General Court expected to gain its purpose in
towns which had never failed to remit their assessments.
Bristol sessions in the following year gave Dartmouth and
Tiverton one more chance, but when they still neglected
her orders, 88 immediately agreed to carry the matter to the
General Court. 89
A complete report of the contest between Bristol
84 Bristol Sessions, II, 98; Mass. Archives, XI, 231 ; Potter, First Cong.
Soc. of New Bedford, 101.
^Bristol Sessions, II, 104.
Ibid., II, 107.
"Increase Mather, in his Maintenance Due to those That Preach the
Gospel, Boston, 1706, p. 57, writes, "It is a doleful thing, that there should
be Towns in New-England, able to Support the Preaching of the Gospel,
and yet not one man found therein willing to give Entertainment to a
Minister of Christ."
^Bristol Sessions, II, 113.
*Ibid., II, 116; Mass. Archives, XI, 231; Potter, First Cong. Soc. of
New Bedford, App. A, 102.
76 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [530
sessions and the towns of Dartmouth and Tiverton, with
an elaborate petition, was now submitted to the assembly.
An appeal was made by the latter to the fellows of the
college, 90 and before another year had gone by a minister
had been sent to each town, Joseph Marsh 91 to Tiverton and
Samuel Hunt 92 to Dartmouth. 93 Their regular appoint-
ments were made in the court session of the following
summer when their salaries were voted with the under-
standing that the sums were to be added to the province
rates of the towns. 94 The opposition raised by Dartmouth
and Tiverton upon their discovery of what had occurred
was one of the first and most important steps taken by the
New England Quakers in their struggle against the Massa-
chusetts ecclesiastical laws. In spite of petitions from a
Dartmouth town meeting 95 and the Dartmouth Monthly
Meeting of the Friends 96 the matter was pushed forward
by the authorities. Within a short time both towns were
in arrears of taxes and their assessors in gaol at Bristol. 97
Succeeding events in both Dartmouth and Tiverton
show how the General Court was forced to compromise ii
spite of her legislation of 1706. Samuel Hunt whom the
court had sent to Dartmouth proved to be a man of unusual
breadth in his relation to the town. He refused to have
90 Potter, First Cong. Soc. of New Bedford, App. A, 100; Mass. Ar-
chives, XI, 23o-23i,contains the original papers.
91 Mass Archives, XI, 320.
* 2 Old Dartmouth Hist. Soc. Colls., No. 3, p. 9.
93 Potter, First Cong. Soc. of New Bedford, 17, note. Bristol sessions,
tho now relieved of responsibility, continued to interest itself in the
delinquent towns. It was Tiverton which reminded the court "that the
Case Reffering to a mister was laid before the great and generall Court
and therefore thought it hard measure to be presented & sent for from
Court to Court." The general sessions saw the justice of this plea and
decided that the "prsons & Case by dismist till the mind of the sd great
and generall Assembly be ffurther known." The same was decided in the
case ef Dartmouth. Bristol Sessions, II, 128.
*Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 9, ch. 8; II, 269; IX, 17, ch. 36.
95 Potter, First Cong Soc. of New Bedford, App. A, 104.
^Dartmouth Mo. M., 43.
"Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 47, ch. 124; Dartmouth Mo. M., 46-48.
531] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 77
the laws enforced on Dartmouth for his advantage, main-
taining constantly that he was a missionary and as such
should be regularly paid by the province. 98 For this reason
the difficulties so serious in 1708 subsided in subsequent
years.
The General Court complied with his request and,
beginning with a grant of fifteen pounds to finish the
meeting house in Dartmouth, 09 voted him various payments
of fifteen or twenty pounds between 1709 and 1716. 100 A
large grant of one hundred pounds made in 1722 upon a
petition from the orthodox inhabitants for an annual salary
for Hunt, and added by the General Court to the province
rate of the town upset this arrangement and became the
occasion of a long and obstinate battle.
The chief difference between these events in Dartmouth
and the corresponding occurrences in Tiverton was that the
General Court, in spite of repeated efforts, was never able
to keep a Congregational minister long in the latter town.
In 1710 twenty-one pounds were voted from the province
treasury for the brief services of two men whom the General
Court had sent to Tiverton, 101 but upon an appeal from the
orthodox inhabitants for a further appointment, 102 the
assembly merely ordered the ministers of the neighboring
towns to preach at Tiverton during the summer at
twenty shillings a Sunday, paid from the public treas-
ury. 103 When in October the order was repeated, an
earnest expostulation came from Samuel Danforth, min-
ister at Taunton, who foresaw the difficulties of travel-
ing to Tiverton in the winter and urged the appoint-
ment of a resident minister on the ground that a
98 Potter, First Cong. Soc. of New Bedford, 20, 25, App. A, no; Mass.
Prov. Laws, IX, 42, ch. 112.
"Mass. Archives, XI, 293.
100 Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 109, ch. 162; 114, ch. 175; 224, ch. 153; 434,
eh. 123; 492, ch. 95; X, 177, ch. 56; II, 269; Potter, First Cong. Soc. of
New Bedford, App. A, 106-107.
101 Mass. Archives, XI, 320; Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, ch. 168.
2 Mass. Archives, XI, 293.
103 Afaw. Prov. Laws, IX, 70, ch. 42; II, 269.
78 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [532
meeting house was already partly built. 104 Thereupon a
man was secured at twenty shillings a week, 105 but his
congregation was meager and his stay brief. 106 In 1712
the General Court ordered twenty-five pounds for the min-
istry at Tiverton or "in proportion for such part of the
year as they are supplied with a learned, orthodox Minis-
ter," 107 but the inducement accomplished little. The fol-
lowing years saw only fruitless attempts by the general
sessions and the assembly to carry out the law, for cajolery,
threats and further ecclesiastical legislation proved of no
avail. 108 While it was as early as 1717 that the General
Court voted seventy pounds from the public treasury for
the support of a minister 109 whom the general sessions had
recently voted to secure, 110 it was not until 1722 that this
sum was actually added, as in the case of Dartmouth, to
the town's country rate. The resistance made by the Qua-
kers in behalf of the assessors of the two towns, imprisoned
for failure to assess these sums, won an Order in Council
on their behalf and was the indirect cause of the first local
exemption legislation.
194 Mass. Archives, XI, 304. Danforth made another plea for Tiver-
ton in the memorial presented by the ministers of Bristol county to the
general assembly in 1711. Mass. Archives, XI, 385.
*Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 131, ch. 42; 166, ch. 141.
10 "Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 95.
107 Af<m. Prov. Laws, IX, 249, ch. 54.
**Bristol Sessions, II, 203; III A, 4, 7, 10; III B, 9, 302, 311; Mass.
Prov. Laws, X, 177, ch. 57. In 1724 the Bristol court was wearily
agreeing to ask the general assembly if it might not accept the Quaker,
Joseph Wanton of Tiverton, as the minister of the town. Bristol Ses-
sions, III B, 9.
i*Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 572, ch. 140. The representatives of the
S. P. G. felt great resentment at such proceedings. "They are endeavour-
ing from Boston to Introduce an Independent Minister to Tiverton. I
should have been very glad they had been prevented by a Missionary
from England and I hope it is not yet too late." Honeyman to the
Secretary, 15 May, 1718, 5. P. G. Letters, B XIII, 503-504. The inefficacy
of these attempts is expressed in an exaggerated statement in another
of Honeyman's letters. "In Litle Compton there is an Independent
Teacher, and now and then one in Freetown, but in Tivertown never Any."
Honeyman to the Secretary, 7 Sept., 1727. S. P. G. Papers, B I, No. 222.
^Bristol Sessions, III A, 33.
533] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 79
In Swansea and Dartmouth the court of general ses-
sions of Bristol county and the Massachusetts General
Court were meeting the opposition of well defined religious
bodies fighting for a principle; in Tiverton the same was
true in less degree. In the towns of Attleboro, Little
Compton and Freetown, which Bristol sessions included in
her attack of October 1698, the justices found themselves
baffled by a lack of religious enthusiasm united with an
ardent spirit of independence rather than any strong heter-
odox opinions. In the course of events the Massachusetts
authorities learned that if they took these unusual condi-
tions into consideration and modified their regular system
more could be done in such a place than in a strongly anti-
Congregational community. The settlement of the ministry
in these towns was an economic and social rather than a
religious question.
The unwillingness of the inhabitants of Freetown to be
interfered with in a matter where pocketbooks were in-
volved is suggested in their answer to Bristol court's
warning in 1698. The "Poverty & inability" of the town
were the alleged causes for their failure to comply with
the law; and in the following year "their poor low &
scattered Condition was one Eeason (notwithstanding
their Endeavors for divers years past) why they Could not
obtaine a minister." 111
For the next few years Freetown gave sufficient evi-
dence of attempts to settle a minister to avoid presentment
and in 1704 did secure William Way to serve as minister
and schoolmaster; 112 but various facts indicate that he was
not "learned and orthodox." He agreed to accept from his
parish a voluntary contribution rather than a public main-
tenance and failed to receive the necessary approbation of
Samuel Danforth of Taunton. 113 In the meantime the
preaching of the first missionaries of the S. P. G. had made
an impression in Freetown. Of two important things the
111 Bristol Sessions, I, 15, 18.
112 Fowler, Fall River, 39.
113 Bristol Sessions, II, 113.
80 CHURCH AND STATE IX MASSACHUSETTS [534
people were convinced: that a member of the Church of
England could not be taxed by any other ecclesiastical
body and that a missionary sent to them from England
would have to be recognized by the standing order. More-
over he would need no great financial support, at least no
regular legal assessment, since he would have a salary
from the Venerable Society. The majority of the towns-
men accordingly were induced to declare for the Church
of England, a town vote to this effect was passed and a
letter written to Samuel Myles of King's Chapel, Boston,
urging him to forward their declaration to the Bishop of
London. In the following months Freetown turned aside
various warnings from the county court on the ground
that she was waiting to hear from England. 114 In the
meantime matters were not pushed by the general sessions
as the justices had come to the conclusion that orthodoxy
could never be forced upon Freetown without some assist-
ance from the public treasury. 115
That such a recommendation was to be made to the
General Court may have reached the ears of a minority in
Freetown who were led by the Congregationalists. Per-
haps aware of the money grants which Dartmouth and
Tiverton had already received, this group petitioned the
General Court in 1709, 116 and were supported in their
appeal by Samuel Danforth of Taunton. 117 The wording
of Danforth's communication indicates that he recognized
ll4 Bristol Sessions, II, 131, 136, 140, 141.
" 5 /Wrf., II, 141.
ll Mass. Archives, XI, 291. The names of the more important free-
holders of Freetown are absent from the list of signers of this petition.
11T "Some of them," Danforth wrote, "give Encouragem't that if they
could have twenty pounds allowed to a Preacher among them for two or
three yeer, they should & would Rayse among themselves so much more
as would be Competent to subsist a minister there & severall who decline to
sign the Petition out of a little humor, Yett promise they will do theyr parts
Equivalent in proportion to any of the Petitioners for subsisting a min-
ister whensoever this Court shall send one among them: I do humbly
pray that this Court would make a tryall of their Ingenuity by allowing
twenty pounds for one yeer to such a minister whom this Court shall
appoint for them." Mass. Archives, XI, 304.
535] THE SYSTEM IX PRACTICE 81
conditions in Freetown were so peculiar that some special
dispensation might have to be granted if a Congregational
minister was to be settled in the place. The support of
those withholding their names from Freetown's petition
might be gained by yielding "forced maintenance" and al-
lowing the town to pay the minister by voluntary contri-
butions as it had done in the case of William Way.
This suggestion was accepted and proved successful.
Joseph Avery who was sent to Freetown received in addi-
tion to the province grants 118 only the voluntary pledges
of his hearers, and on this basis was able to win the support
of many of the townsmen. 119 After his departure the town
lapsed once more into dissension 120 which was only in-
creased by the advent in 1715 of Thomas Craghead who
was sent by the General Court. 121 Of an impetuous and
domineering character he was unwilling to let matters rest
as they had in Avery's time, but went in January, 1718,
and procured an act of Bristol court to compel Freetown
to pay him a salary of sixty-five pounds a year, beginning
on the day that he was chosen minister. 122 The older
118 In addition to the twenty pounds allotted in 1709 the General Court
voted at the end of a year a sum "after the rate of twenty pounds per
annum to Mr. Joseph Avery, for each Sabbath, he hath or shall preach at
Freetown." Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 166, ch. 142; 195, ch. 63; 249, ch. 53;
299, ch. 52; 361, ch. 44; 409, ch. 67; 502, ch. 124; 561, ch. 107.
119 Mass. Archives, XI, 369.
120 Bristol Sessions, II, 214, 219, 220; III B, 43 (insert), 37 (insert),
43, 63, 64.
"The Conditions of several Churches, calls for my most exquisite
Care, to gett them delivered out of their Temptation.
Moreover I must gett that Matter well settled, the ordaining of
Ministers whom we send unto places destitute of the Gospel ; and em-
powering of them to act as Ministers. Freetown particularly should be
accommodated in this matter." 7 Mass. Hist. Colls., VIII, 232, Cotton
Mather's Diary, 23 Aug., 1713.
121 Stewart to Nicholson, 12 Feb., 1719/20, 5". P. G. Letters, A XIV, 162.
122 Backus, Baptists, I, 500. Neal observed (New England, II, 250-
251) of the Massachusetts customs that "in the Countries, the Minister
contracts with his People for a certain Stipend, which is usually but
small, and very indifferently paid. The Minister indeed has his Remedy
at Law against Defaulters, but if he should sue any of his Parishioners,
he must bid adieu to his Preaching at that Place."
82 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [536
method of handling Freetown with leniency was now
abandoned and later events show with what little success.
The money demanded by Craghead was assessed in
1717, 1718, and 1719, tho the constables failed to collect it.
They were then imprisoned, and not released in spite of
appeals to both Bristol court and the general assembly. 128
In March, 1720, Craghead, determined to gain some part
of his salary still in arrears, applied to the General Court
for certain sums against the three constables. This appli-
cation resulted in a court order to the justices of the gen-
eral sessions of the peace for the county of Bristol to
grant out warrants of distress to the sheriff to distrain
the goods or estates of these defective collectors. 124 Altho
Craghead soon severed his connection with Freetown, his
attempt to gain his unpaid salary extended into the sum-
mer of 1723. While his efforts were never crowned with
success he was backed constantly by the justices of Bristol
county and by the general assembly of the province. 125
The chief result of the later policy of the government
in dealing with Freetown was the alliance of many of the
opponents of "forced maintenance" with the Quakers or
with neighboring Baptists both of whom stood for their
primary principle, the separation of church and state.
In 1729, 1730, 1732, and 1733 Freetown was presented for
lack of a minister, 126 and when in 1747 a Congregational
preacher was actually settled in the place, it was with the
express understanding between himself and the people that
he should not "directly nor indirectly take advantage of
ye Laws of this Province to get a salary settled on me in
ye town of Freetown, but look for and expect my support
by the free will offering of ye People." 127
The conditions in Little Compton slightly resembled
those in Freetown ; for altho there was an orthodox society
there at an early date, it was long unable to maintain
*- 3 Bristol Sessions, III B, 64, 65; House Journal, 1719, 12, 13, 18, 23, 24.
l2 *Mass. Prov. Laws, X, 70, ch. 156.
125 /&rf., X, 291, ch. 12; 305, ch. 42; 330, ch. 119.
12 *Bristol Sessions, III B, 122, 129, 132, 198, 212.
127 Fowler, Fall River, 43 ; Kurd, Bristol County, 297.
537] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 83
itself without careful supervision by the general sessions.
In 1699, in response to an appeal from this church, the
court gave the town a legal order for raising forty pounds
to be paid to the minister. When the selectmen failed to
assess this sum they were fined forty shillings each. 128 The
same occurred with their successors in 1700 and again in
1701. 129 It was this situation at Little Compton which
was chiefly responsible for the legislation of 1702, giving
the county court the right of appointing a special board
of assessors if the town officers neglected their duty. In
the case of Little Compton this measure was resorted to ; 130
but progress was now blocked by the constables who failed
to collect the sums assessed. 131 A compromise was finally
reached which lasted until the time of the exemption
legislation. 132
The difficulties which Attleboro encountered in eccle-
siastical affairs were due to two causes, her semi-frontier
location and her close relation to the most unorthodox
settlements of New England. From 1698 to 1708 her
affairs often figured in the business of Bristol sessions. At
first the excuse given was her "low, smale & Divided Con-
dition." Later she reported repeatedly that she was taking
steps to provide herself with a minister as ordered, but
found it difficult to attract anyone on account of her pov-
erty and small extent. 133 Final success came after an
appeal to the General Court, for the latter responded to
Attleboro's petition by reannexing to her authority some
128 Bristol Sessions, I, 19, 21.
129 /&tU, I, 25, 27, 36; II, 4, 14.
180 /&tU, II, 25.
131 Ibid., II, 28. At this point the constables were sued by the
treasurers. C. O. 5, 864.
I32 Bristol Sessions, II, 90. One influence brought to bear upon the
settlement of a minister at Little Compton was the Society for the
Propagation of Religion, patterned upon the similar societies in England.
Edward Bromfield to the Secretary, 24 Feb., 1707. S. P. G. Letters
A III, 178.
133 Bristol Sessions, I, 15, 17; II, 93, 113, 116.
84 CHURCH AND STATE IX MASSACHUSETTS [538
fourteen families which had previously been transferred
to another town. 134
The main structure of the church-state system of
Massachusetts in the early eighteenth century can be
traced in the provincial ecclesiastical laws, but only by a
study of their enforcement can one obtain a clear idea of
church life in the individual town and hence of the actual
working of the church-state system. In the above study
two facts present themselves. One of these is the tendency
on the part of the General Court to assume responsibility
in ecclesiastical affairs ; the second, the increasing strength
of hostile elements. The appearance of the two side by
side suggests that the former was after all a technical
rather than a real increase in power; but so long as it
lasted it was an important part of the Massachusetts
church-state system. In relation to the various towns and
precincts, existing as ecclesiastical units, the authority of
the General Court was greater than appeared on the face
of any act. By law a minister was chosen by his church
with the approval of the town, and bargained with the
latter for his salary. But the General Court took a con-
spicuous place in the appointment and removal of minis-
ters as well as in naming a choice when two were offering
claims. It was often called upon to settle disputes regard-
ing the method of paying his salary and the disposition of
the ministry lands when new precincts were formed. The
appeals came from the towns or precincts concerned, from
ecclesiastical councils, or from county courts. For the
towns the General Court decided whether circumstances
warranted the formation of a new precinct, and if so, what
arrangements should be made. The proper location of the
meeting house was always an important matter as this
building formed the civic center of the community. From
church councils came to Boston various ecclesiastical mat-
ters, principally relating to the choice of ministers. From
the county courts came the problem of dealing with delin-
quent towns and town officials. The assembly might sanc-
134 Daggett. Attlcborough, 226 and note.
539] THE SYSTEM IN PRACTICE 85
tion or reverse council or county court orders. Finally
the Great and General Court, by holding the purse strings
of the province, was able in great measure to enforce her
own commands. In the frontier towns the settlement of
the ministry was so largely an economic matter that a
vote of money from the public treasury was all that was
required; while a money grant was the first means taken
to establish orthodoxy in towns actively hostile to the
Congregational system.
Only when such measures were utterly ineffective
because of organized opposition did the General Court
begin a policy of increasing her own authority by direct
legislation. Assuming certain functions which had at first
belonged only to the towns themselves and had been later
placed in the hands of the general sessions, the court took
upon itself the duty of procuring a minister for a negligent
town and of paying his salary, the money apparently to
come from the public treasury but being actually added to
the town's province rate. While on the way toward this
policy of coercion the assembly found itself obliged on
more than one occasion to alter its scheme of ecclesiastical
control in places where the opposition formed a majority
of the inhabitants. Hence in several towns of Massachu-
setts the early years of the eighteenth century saw the
voluntary system in use for the support of the ministry,
and in one of these towns a Baptist preacher was accepted
as the minister of the place. The assumption of greater
powers on the part of the General Court with its evidence
of a determination to get results forced the outside ele-
ments to become aggressive. The ecclesiastical legislation
was running by the side of, but in a losing race with, the
growing independence of the dissenters. We shall next
see the means whereby the opposing forces accomplished
their ends, carrying the struggle beyond the limits of
Massachusetts and involving various interests across the
seas. The contest at this point becomes therefore a part
of a larger movement, touching English politics and Brit-
ish colonial policy.
CHAPTER V.
THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES.
The assault upon the ecclesiastical system of eight-
eenth century Massachusetts was made by three religious
bodies, the Baptists, the Society of Friends, and the
Church of England. In the opposition which was raised
the Anglican Church stood aloof from the others, showing
little desire to fraternize with the sects which were still
more or less despised in England, and basing most of its
arguments on the fact of its own superiority as the estab-
lished church in the mother country. The Baptists and
Quakers very early joined forces on the common ground of
disapproval of church establishment of any sort or any
legal recognition of one sect over another. During the
latter half of the century the Baptists were the stronger
of these two groups and the leaders ; before 1740 the Quak-
ers held this position. The exchange in influence was
merely the accompaniment of the exchange in numerical
strength which the two bodies experienced in the second
quarter of the eighteenth century. In their decline the
New England Quakers were merely suffering the fate which
early came to the whole society in both the old and the
new world. In their growth the Baptists of New England
gained something at the expense of the Quakers but far
more at the expense of the Congregationalists themselves,
for a large number of the strict, "separate" churches which
dated from the Great Awakening became Baptist. It has
never been fully appreciated that in the years before 1740
the Quakers were doing as large a work as the Baptists
carried on after that date. Such would not be the case if
the Quakers had produced an historian. It is true that at
one time Moses Brown of Providence, contemporary and
friend of Isaac Backus, 1 was contemplating a history of
1 Isaac Backus, The History of New England with special reference
to the denomination of Christians called Baptists, 3 vols., 1777-1796.
86
541] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 87
New England Quakerism, but he never went farther than
to collect some material. 2 The situation was not to be
changed by the typical New England historians of the
nineteenth century. Interested primarily in those ele-
ments in the community which were represented in the
General Court they underestimated the influence of other
forces. 3
The Quakers of the eighteenth century had passed
beyond the period of active persecution and now enjoyed
both in England and in the colonies a power quite out of
proportion to their numerical strength. This influence
was due to their organization in a great body, strong and
2 Among the Moses Brown Papers (XVIII, 55), is a paper entitled
"Materials toward the History of Friends in New England." It contains
a series of excerpts from the records of the New England Yearly
Meeting relating to the first settling by the Yearly Meeting of the various
quarterly and monthly meetings. Moses Brown also spent some time
in 1782 gathering material relating to the proceedings in England
in 1723-1724 when the affair of the imprisoned assessors of Dartmouth
and Tiverton was before the Board of Trade and the Privy Council.
Moses Brown Papers, portfolio entitled "Papers regarding imprisonment
of Quakers."
3 Comments on the Massachusetts Quakers of the early eighteenth
century are relegated by Palfrey to a footnote in connection with other
events of 1724. "From this time," Palfrey concludes, "Quakerism in
Massachusetts was unmolested and insignificant." New England, TV, 449,
note.
In recent years some good local work has been done, among which
should be mentioned William J. Potter, The first congregational society
in New Bedford, Mass: its history as illustrative of ecclesiastical evolu-
tion, New Bedford, 1889, which prints many documents ; also Edward T.
Tucker's contributions to the history of the Friends in the vicinity of
Dartmouth. Leonard B. Ellis, History of New Bedford and its vicinity,
1602-1892, Syracuse, 1892, discusses in Chapter 2 the Quakers of the
whole region, while Chapter 27 gives an abstract of Potter and an
article by Tucker on the Friends' Society. More general accounts of
Massachusetts Quakers appear in Henry W. Foote, Annals of King's
Chapel, Boston, 1882, and Abner C. Goodell, "Notes on Quakers," in
Pubs, of the Col. Soc. of Mass., Vol. I, Transactions, 1895, 140. These are
brief and are concerned merely with the Quaker in his relation to the
state church. A broader treatment may be found in Rufus M. Jones.
The Quakers in the American Colonies, London, 1911.
88 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [542
centralized, still warm with religious enthusiasm, and in-
cluding among its members many influential men. The
weekly, monthly and quarterly meetings of New England,
centering in the great yearly meeting at Rhode Island,
were only the repetition of the same organization in the
Quaker colonies and in England. Communication between
the various yearly meetings was constant and the London
Yearly Meeting took a supervising interest in all. 4 The
"Meeting for Sufferings" which was organized in London
received the complaints not only of all the smaller meetings
in England, but from Quakerism wherever it had been
established.
The method used by the English Quakers of recording
their sufferings with the purpose of carrying them before
local meetings and thence to London was a well recognized
custom in New England several years before the date of
the province charter. In Massachusetts these sufferings
were of three kinds : fines and distraint or imprisonment
for (1) refusal to train with the militia or go with a mili-
tary expedition; (2) refusal to take any oath of office or
for service on a jury; (3) refusal to pay the rate for the
Congregational minister or to assess or collect such a rate
in the office of selectman, assessor, or constable. With the
last mentioned we are chiefly concerned, as it alone affected
the individual churches in their relation to the civil gov-
ernment.
As early as 1677 the Salem Monthly Meeting proposed
that "Care might be taken in ye buseness relating to friends
Sufferings" which were to "be recorded, and Coppies
4 The annual interchange of letters between London and Newport
early became a feature of the New England Yearly Meeting. Among the
men appointed to the work of transcribing and signing the "epistle to
London" were the most prominent members of the society. They were
regularly asked to give an account of "truth" among the New England
Friends and receive whatever returns came from across the water. The
letter when written was read in the whole meeting for approval and
ordered sent with an account of "sufferings" enclosed. N. E. Yr. M.,
Passim.
543] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 89
thereof sent to Rodisland." 5 The recommendation had
probably come from the Yearly Meeting which has no
extant records for so early a period. In 1683 the Yearly
Meeting desired
that due Care be taken by friends in their respective meetings to record
all their Sufferings, and by whome they Suffered, the time when, the
manner how, and the Cause why they Suffered, and to bring them to the
next Yearly meeting att Rodisland. 6
The method here recommended for recording sufferings
was the one adopted by the monthly meetings throughout
New England, they communicating it to their weekly meet-
ings. Tho an occasional reminder proved necessary, 7 the
yearly reports were duly carried to Rhode Island and
thence dispatched with the yearly epistle to the London
Friends. 8
The next step was taken in 1692 when the Yearly
Meeting arranged for a special gathering on certain days,
early in the morning, before the time for the public meeting
for worship, at which representatives from the several
meetings were to bring in their accounts of sufferings "if
Aney Bee." 9 At these little special "meetings for suffer-
ings" it became customary to call the roll by monthly
meetings at which time the reports were given and
recorded. 10
In 1701 the Yearly Meeting drew up a list of "Some
Queries to Bee made at Quarterly and monthly meetings,"
covering all phases of Quaker life and doctrine, for the
purpose of bringing the weaker communities into line.
*Salem Mo. M., 2.
*Ibid., 2.
7 R. I. Mo. M., I, 89; Salem Quart. M., I, 19; N. E. Yr. M., 98, in, 123.
8 The first item of this nature entered in the records of the Yearly
Meeting is as follows: "At a generall yearly mans meeting at Rhod
island At ye house of William Codington the 14 day of ye 4 month
J686 ... It is ... agreed yt ffriends in their seaverall Respective monthly
meeting Boock Record their sufferings & bring them in to this meeting
yearly to be Recorded here and sent for Ingland." N. E. Yr. M., 3.
8 JV. E. Yr. M., 5-6.
10 See for example the report of the Yearly Meeting for 1701. N. E.
Yr. M., 15.
90 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [544
Among these were three relating to sufferings :
9 Are friends Cearfull to Bring in thear Sufferings for Truths Testa-
money, yt theye may Bee Recorded.
10 Wheather ffriends doe Keepe up Truths Testamoney ; agaynst
Bearing of armes & Trayning; & Things of that nature
ii. How doe are ffriends Keep Theare testamoney to ye Truth in
Refusing to paye to ye maintainance of ye heyerling minestry. 11
Five years later, feeling that the collecting and record-
ing of sufferings might well have more attention, the
Yearly Meeting appointed a committee of two or three
prominent men for each of the four quarterly meetings in
existence at that time, to handle the matter and bring in
exact accounts.
ffriends are Desird, [ran the resolution,] to take Ceare in Bringing in
theare Sufferings to Each Quarterly meeting & take notis of ye Daye of
ye month & the yeare, and also ye name of ye person that grants fforth
the Warant and the names of ye persons that takes awaye theare goods
and the use ffor what it is taken wheather Priest or others with the name
of ye place wheare the ffriends Liveth and all ye persons above named
and the some Demanded & ye vallew of what is taken. 12
This increasing solicitude of the Yearly Meeting was shown
also in the purchase of a book for the recording of suffer-
ings and the appointment of an official recorder. 13
While the Quakers insisted strongly upon resistance
to the payment of taxes in certain cases, they were, on the
whole, law-abiding citizens, the various meetings using
their influence to accomplish this result. The Khode Island
Quarterly Meeting was in 1705 much distressed by com-
plaint that certain Friends "Eastward" refused to pay any
public taxes to the government on the ground that a great
part of the money was used for war. A paper was drawn
up on the subject and travelling Friends were asked to
urge Hampton and Dover people to pay the rates. 14
Resistance to taxation for an established church was
one of the first rules of the Quaker body. Recording of
"AT. E. Yr. M., 19; R. I. Mo. M., I, 184; R. I. Quart. M., 46, 47.
12 AT. E. Yr. M., 31-32.
"Ibid., 33-
l *R. I. Quart. M., 38, 39. Another case appears in Dartmouth Mo. M.,
47, 48.
545] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 91
sufferings was very early an important duty of the indi-
vidual Friend. The first record we have of a deliberate
decision on the part of a New England meeting to raise
the question of the legal right of the government to exact
ministerial taxes, belongs to the Monthly Meeting held at
Lynn on January 10, 1697/98. At this time a letter was
written to London describing the sufferings of the Quakers
in that region, more intense than in the southern county
of Bristol, because the Quaker element was here more com-
pletely overpowered by the standing order, and inquiring
"Whether the Presbiterian Clergye have power to sue for
Tythes." The London Meeting for Sufferings which took
up this case agreed that the correspondents for New Eng-
land should investigate the matter, to discover whether
any laws which might be made in New England could
empower the "presbiterians to sue for Tythes and cast
people into prison." 15 Application was immediately made
in the form of queries to two English lawyers, for a legal
statement of opinion. 16 Their reply is important as the
first such statement obtained by either Quaker or Anglican
body in its struggle against the Massachusetts church-state
system.
Query i Whether Presbiterian Ministers not being Inducted accord-
ing to the Cannons of the Church of England, have power to sue for,
Distrain and cast into prison, Persons yt refuse to pay the Tax of the
Country made in January, 1693. in the Towne of Lyn in New England.
Answer Unless there is a Law in the Country Confirmed in England
to Justifye it, I conceive they cannot; for a Presbiterian Minister is a
Person not taken of in our Law, and if he was the Law of England doth
not warrant such proceedings ; I find by the Warrant to the Constable his
behaviour in this Case
Q : 2 Which way ye Person so Prosecuted distrained or Imprisoned
may be Relieved agst the said Law or Prosecution aforesaid.
Ans: The Person so prosecuted If his goods were distrained may
bring a Replevin or Action of Trover for Recovery of them: If he is
Imprisoned he may bring an Action of ffalse Imprisonmt or an Habeous
Corpus ye Cause of his Committment appearing on return thereof, a Judge
ought to discharge him his Committmt being Illegal.
Lond. M. for Sufferings, XII, 192-193.
19 Ibid., XII, 224, 230, 241, 247.
92 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [546
Q: 3 Whether any of the Country Laws of the Said New England
made by their select men yt are repugnant to the Laws of England can be
Lawfully Imposed upon the Inhabitants thereof.
Answer I Presume by their select men, they mean their Assembly,
If so I take it yt no Law yt is made by them yt is repugnant to the Law
of England will bind the Inhabitants Unless it be Transferred to England
and there confirmed.
J. Scroope
I am of the same opinion with Mr. Scroope
Tho: Newton 17
On the strength of this statement the London Friends
now wrote to the New Englanders urging them to try a
test case and if local judgment proved unsatisfactory, to
carry the suit to the proper court in England. 18 Here was
the first suggestion of the later appeal to the King in
Council. Further encouragement along the same line soon
came to the New England Yearly Meeting from Governor
Bellomont. The Lynn meeting, not yet ready for a test
case, carried its difficulties to the Yearly Meeting of 1699,
which appointed a committee to "consider & Draw up an
Accot of frinds Sufferinges at Linn & Yarmouth or eals-
where in order to present to ye Governer Bellomont to
obtaine Reeleefe from him." 19 His reply was to call the
Quakers' attention to the fact that the laws of which they
complained had been confirmed in England so that he had
no authority in the matter "without order from thence."
He did however give the Quakers to understand that he
would send their petition to England and obtain some
answer for them. 20
Altho this petition never reached England, Bellomont
had made a contribution in his statement that the Massa-
chusetts law had had the approval of the crown. It re-
mained for the London Friends to prove this statement to
their own satisfaction and this they did through the work
l7 Book of Cases, II, 22-23.
Lond. M. for Sufferings, XII, 235-236.
19 N. E. Yr. M., 12.
20 Epistles Rec'd, I, 301-303, Epistle from the N. E. Yr. M., 1699;
Lond. Yr. M., II, 302.
547] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 93
of investigating committees. 21 Richard Diamond and Wil-
liam Crouch, who visited the Plantation Office at the
request of the meeting, reported the existence of the law
of 1692, 22 and John Field, who was shortly afterwards sent
to discover whether the law had received royal approba-
tion, reported that it had been confirmed by the King in
Council. 23
Nothing daunted, the English Quakers determined to
proceed farther, first taking the precautionary measure of
recommending to all meetings in the various colonies that
they watch their respective legislatures and give timely
notice of the passage of a law if they wished to have it
disallowed in England. 24 In regard to Massachusetts- the
London Friends observed that it might not be in accord-
ance with the Massachusetts charter to "force maintenance
to a Nonconforming Ministry dissenting from ye Church
of England." If the New England Quakers were convinced
that this was the case they were urged to approach the
governor once more and remind him of this fact, in order
that he might inform the Privy Council against the allow-
ance of further legislation. In the meantime it would be
well for them to draw up a petition directly from them-
selves to the king that the English Friends might solicit
for them and have a stop put to further legislation. 25
While the London Friends were waiting for a reply
from New England, they were investigating the various
questions which had recently presented themselves. Wil-
liam Crouch brought from the Board of Trade information
of a fact which they were already suspecting: that when
once a law made in the plantations had been allowed in
England there was no way of repealing it "but by the
Assembly that made it." The meeting which received
this statement appointed a committee to discover whether
the law which was under consideration did "agree with the
21 Lond. M. for Sufferings, XIV, 224-225, 272.
22 Ibid., XIV, 229-230.
23 Ibid., XIV, 277.
2 *Ibid., XIV, 277-278.
^Epistles Sent, I, 367-368, Epistle to N. E., 1700.
94 CHURCH AND STATE IX MASSACHUSETTS [548
Original Patten or Governours Instructions." 26 Three
months later William Crouch appeared with the Massa-
chusetts charter, secured at the Plantation Office, and it
was filed by the Meeting for Sufferings with the laws of
1692. 27 Convinced by their perusal of the charter that
laws for the support of one form of worship were not in
accordance with this document and that they should be
disallowed on this basis, they wrote a further letter to
New England in which the Massachusetts Quakers were
again urged to keep watch of their assembly and make
protests before it was too late. 28
The first suggestion made by the English Friends in
their letters of 1700, that a petition to the king be drawn,
was followed by the Quakers of Lynn, who in the follow-
ing year produced a timid representation. It was approved
in the New England Yearly Meeting and dispatched to
London. 29 The Massachusetts Quakers had not yet grasped
the full significance of allowance by the crown of colonial
legislation and made the simple prayer that they might be
eased of the imposition of tithes. 30 In recent months the
London Meeting for Sufferings had been gaining a clear
idea of colonial administration and recognized the fruit-
lessness of such a petition unless new legislation was before
the Privy Council. Its only act, therefore, was the ap-
pointment of a committee to approach the man who should
be made governor of New England and ask his moderation
toward the Friends there. 31 Other matters of importance
to Quakers were already occupying the attention of the
London meetings and crowded out consideration of this case
for the present. The sufferings of the Lynn Quakers did
not again appear as a separate issue until 1705.
The assurance with which the English Quakers made
promises of effective support in the case of further ecclesi-
z *Lond. M. for Sufferings, XIV, 281-282.
"Ibid., XIV, passim; XV, 87, 93, 106.
/&., XIV, 350, 353, 360; XV, 38.
2 AT. E. Yr. M., 15; Epistles Rec'd, I, 345, Epistle to London, 1701.
80 This petition appears in full in Epistles Rec'd, I, 346.
91 Lond. M. for Sufferings, XV, 184.
549] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 95
astical legislation in Massachusetts was well founded. In
the years following the revolution, when the Toleration
Act had recognized the Quaker body with other dissenters,
and further laws passed in their favor were giving them
various rights and privileges, the growing influence of
these people received increasing recognition. In govern-
mental circles this was due in large part to the importance
of individuals among them who represented ability, wealth
and large business interests. There has been present in
the make-up of many adhering to Friends' principles a
strong business sense and financial keenness which, com-
bined with deep religious feeling and sincerity of lofty
purpose, has given great material strength to the society.
William Penn was himself a possessor of these character-
istics. In New England they appeared conspicuously in
the lives of Richard Borden and Thomas Richardson, the
former a farmer and land surveyor of Tiverton, 32 the latter
a prosperous merchant of Newport. 33 These were the two
men who probably did the greatest work individually for
the Quaker cause in Massachusetts. Among the English
Friends who were backing the New England meetings at
the opening of the eighteenth century many could be men-
tioned who were primarily men of business. The name of
William Crouch appears among the signatures to a petition
(29 Jan., 1702/03) against granting a charter of incorpo-
ration to Sir Mathew Dudley and others for furnishing
her Majesty with naval stores. It was offered on the
theory that such a charter would be destructive to the
trade of the provinces and be "a very great prejudice" to
all merchants and traders to those parts, among whom the
32 Richard Borden showed his business keenness in the purchase, with
his brother, of twenty-six and one half thirtieths of the mill stream and
mill lot at Fall River, which brought wealth to his descendants. Peck
and Earl, Fall River, 227. He was the son of John Borden of Quaker
Hill, Portsmouth, R. I., with whom George Keith records in his journal
an amusing encounter. Journal, 23, 30 Aug. 1702.
33 The manuscript letter books of Thomas Richardson, which give an
idea of the extent of his business, are in the possession of the Newport
Historical Society.
96 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [550
petitioners were numbered. The charter was not granted. 3 *
Other important Quakers were John Field, Edward Hast-
well, Theodor Eccleston and Joseph Wyeth, and in later
years John Gurney, 35 Thomas Hyam 36 and Richard Part-
ridge. 37 John Kelsall, a young Quaker who attended the
London Yearly Meeting of 1704, records in his diary a list
of the noted Friends present, in which are as many names
which represent public importance as stand for eminence
in preaching or writing. 38
This was the type of Englishman which had opposed
William Ill's methods of dealing with foreign trade and
economic affairs in the colonies, calling into existence the
body officially known as the Lords Commissioners for
Trade and Plantations. The first members of the Board
of Trade were chosen largely to satisfy the demands of
English business interests. 39 In such interests Quakers
were represented, and to this fact may be due something
of the close relation existing between the Board of Trade
in its early history and the London Yearly Meeting. At a
later date, when the Board had lost much of its early vigor
and colonial affairs were in Newcastle's hands, the influ-
ence of the English Quakers in the problems of the Ameri-
can Friends was no less conspicuous. In these later years
the Quaker body not only continued to form a strong
element in the Whig party, but included among its mem-
8 *C O. 5, 9io, 381-382.
S6 He presented the case of the wool weavers before the House of
Lords in 1720. Biog. Cat., 294; Diet. Nat. Biog.
86 In 1718 Hyam signed a petition to the Board of Trade from the
"Merchants Trading to New England, Virginia and Carolina," asking
them not to discontinue the bounty granted by Parliament on pitch, tar
and turpentine imported from the plantations. C. O. 5, 867.
37 Jones, Quakers, 205-207 and note.
ss Kelsall Diaries, 1704, I, 25, 30. Here for example are the names of
William Penn, Thomas Ellwood, John Field, Theodor Eccleston, Richard
Claridge, Daniel Philips, Joseph Grove, Joseph Wyeth, Daniel Quare,
Edward Hastwell, Robert Haydock, James Dickenson, and Benjamin
Beating.
89 Dickerson, Am. Col. Gov., 20-57.
551] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 97
bers several men who could command the attention of
Walpole and the Duke of Newcastle. 40
This political influence of the important Quaker lead-
ers appears in many contests which they entered for the
sake of the Friends in the colonies, just at the opening of
the eighteenth century. Here may be mentioned their
resistance to the Maryland tobacco act with taxation for
the Church of England, opposition to the newly published
Connecticut law against heretics, and their long continued
struggle against the crown's attack upon proprietary gov-
ernments. Tho they were in these acts opposed by the
Church of England, the colony of Connecticut and the
general policy of the Board of Trade respectively, the
Quakers were able to get unusual recognition. Two of
these struggles bear an indirect relation to Massachusetts
Quakerism.
In the attack on proprietary governments the Quakers
of England saw a two-fold danger. In the first place they
foresaw the fall at the hand of the Board of Trade of the
thriving Quaker colonies of Pennsylvania and Rhode
Island, and immediately sent letters to both Philadelphia
and Newport to advise of the situation and urge that state-
ments of defense be sent to England. 41 Beyond this and as
a prime motive, they were convinced there w T as an endeavor
on the part of the English bishops and clergy, especially
Dr. Bray, and their "more meaner Instruments," as they
termed Randolph and Jeremiah Basse, royal governor in
New Jersey, to secure the introduction of governmental
institutions which could best be used as the civil arm for
establishing the Church of England in these colonies, wel-
coming missionaries and collecting tithes. 42 Before them
40 John Gurney was offered a seat in Parliament by Sir Robert Wal-
pole but declined the offer on the ground that such a position was incom-
patible with his religious views. Biog. Cat., 294-296. See also J. Belcher
to R. Partridge, 20 May, 1740, 6 Mass. Hist. Colls., VII, 507; J. Belcher
to [T.] Hyam, 25 Oct., 1740, Ibid., VII, 522 et alia.
**Lond. M. for Sufferings, XV, passim; Cal. of St. Papers, Col.
Series, Ant. and the W. I., 1701, 286.
* z Epistles Sent, I, 408-410, Epistle to R. I., 1701.
98 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [552
they imagined lay the same battle in these colonies that
they were already waging for Maryland. It was in certain
part due to the efforts of a vigorous committee of the
London Meeting for Sufferings that the matter was dropped
in 1701.
When the attack on the charter governments of Rhode
Island and Connecticut was renewed in subsequent years,
the situation was changed by the presence of Joseph Dud-
ley as governor of Massachusetts. While determined to
enforce the British imperialistic policy of w r hich he was
the exponent 43 and conscious that this was impossible
without great changes in the liberties of Rhode Island, he
had a keen sense of the importance of the Quaker in Eng-
land. His problem w r as to keep on good terms with a
vigorous religious body, while advancing schemes for colo-
nial control w r hich conflicted with the political and less
directly the religious interests of this sect. During his
whole period of government he was remarkably successful
in clearing himself from accusations made by English
Quakers and in giving a distinct impression of cordiality
to the New England Friends.
On May 20, 1703, the London Yearly Meeting took
notice of the revival in Connecticut of an old law against
various heretics, including Quakers. 44 The New England
Yearly Meeting, in sending this law along with an epistle
to London begging for its "repeal," were carrying out the
suggestion which the English Friends had made when, two
years before, they urged the timely report of such legisla-
tion. Two distinct measures were adopted by the London
Meeting for Sufferings at this time. The committee to
whom the matter was assigned was not only to visit the
Plantation Office, with a view to learning whether this law
had yet arrived and been confirmed ; it was also to acquaint
the Presbyterian and Independent ministers of London of
the existence of this colonial legislation. 45 The committee,
upon discovering that this law was at the Plantation
43 Kimball, Joseph Dudley.
"Land. Yr. M., Ill, 77.
**Lond. M. for Sufferings, XVI, 294-295.
553] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 99
Office, 46 wrote a letter to the Presbyterian and to the
Congregational ministers of London asking them to join
the Quakers in a petition to the Queen for disallowing
such laws as were inconsistent with that liberty of con-
science for which they were all supposed to stand. 47 The
answer from the ministers, while acknowledging that they
as well as the Quakers were for liberty of conscience every-
where, did not accept the invitation. It stated merely that
both bodies were writing to the Congregationalists of New
England, repeating the complaint of the Quakers, and
remarked that they could go no further until they should
obtain a reply. 48
"Ibid., XVI, 299-300.
"Ibid., XVI, 305, 3".
f Presbiterian
To the ministers and Elders of the j y , .Congregations.
There being severall severe Laws made by your Brethren in New
Engld both in the Massachusets Bay Province and also in the Colony
of Connecticutt agst. our ffriends the People called Quakers only for their
Conscientious Dissent from ye Nationall Way there, and not for any
Crime or Evill fact done by them.
Now if you are for liberty of Conscience to those that Dissent
from you and are willing our friends in New England should Enjoye the
like liberty of their Consciences there, as you with us doe here, We
request you to mannifest your sincerety herein, not only by shewing your
dislike thereof to your Brethren there, but also by your Concurrent
application (with us) to ye Queen, that she would be favourably pleased
to disallow all such Laws and in the meantime we hope you will find it
Expedient to give your publick declaration agst. the said Laws.
We desire your speedy answer and Remain your Christian ffriends.
Wm. Crouch
Wm. Mackett
Theodr. Eccleston
Londo. the 22 9/m 1703 Jno. Whiting
John Field
.George Whitehead"
Book of Cases, II, 140-141. There is another copy in the Public Record
Office, C. O. 5, 864.
* 8 "To Mr. Wm. Crouch, Mr. Jno. Field, Mr. George Whitehead, Mr.
John Whiting and Mr. Wm. Mackett.
Gentlemen
Your Papers having been Communicated to us severally we
have in complyance with your desire wrote two distinct Letters to our
100 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [554
The letter which was written at this time by the Lon-
don Congregational ministers finally reached Increase
Mather. 49 In it the writers showed a much less clear
conception than the English Quakers possessed of the basis
and methods of New England legislation, as they had
studied the Magnalia, rather than the Plantation Office.
NeVertheless, with some opening apologies, they made a
strong case regarding "penal laws for matters of meer
Conscience." 30
In the meantime 51 the London Quakers grew weary of
waiting for the Independents, and the Yearly Meeting of
1704 gave its approval, with financial support, to a petition
which the Meeting for Sufferings had prepared and was
ready to lay before the Queen in Council. 52 Succeeding
meetings followed this petition in its course through Lords
Committee and Board of Trade, arranged for answering
Brethren in New England and therein laid before them the matter of your
complaint.
You will easily allow that we must expect their answer before we
can f airely take any farther steps : only as we have in those Letters fully
signifyed to them, soe we doe in this Joyntly declare to you, that we are
most unfeignedly for such a liberty of Conscience every where, as you
with us doe here by Law enjoy.
Wee are
Your servts. in the Lord
J Spademan Thos : Rowe
Josh: Oldfield Ben: Rowe
Ben : Robinson Matth : Clarke
Ro : Fleming Robt. Bragge"
January I7th. 1703/4
Book of Cases, II, 141.
49 A letter was also written by the Presbyterians (Lond. M. for Suf-
ferings, XVI, 325, 328) and is probably the one printed in Calamy, Baxter,
I, 670-672. It is here described as "Sign'd by severall of the other Three
Denominations of Dissenters and sent in their common Name to some
Ministers of Reputation in New England, to be communicated to their
Brethren." It may never have reached its destination.
5<>C. O. 5, 864.
Lond. M. for Sufferings, XVII, 257.
**Lond. Yr. M., Ill, 125.
555] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 101
Sir Henry Ashurst 53 in his defense of Connecticut and for
seeking advice from William Penn. They supplied specific
instances of persecution when called upon and finally,
when the Order in Council had been secured, filed it with
the other papers. 54
A second attempt was made by the English Quakers to
gain the support of the Nonconformists in 1705, after the
receipt of the Order in Council. A committee of Quakers
then visited the Independents with the invitation to join
them in sending to New England the appeal that the "Tol-
leration act may by yt Governmt be there admitted by
consent in its full force." As neither body took the steps
for which the Quakers were hoping, 55 the Meeting for
Sufferings independently sent off a copy of the Order in
Council to the governor of Connecticut with an earnest
recommendation for the future. 56
In this question Dudley became involved through the
accusation by Sir Henry Ashurst that it was he who had
unearthed this bit of old legislation and published it in
Boston in order to stir up in England further hostility to
the government of Connecticut. 57 While this w T as not a
fact, the charge was a clever one, as it took account of
Dudley's appreciation of the importance of the Quakers
and of the evidence he was already giving of a desire to
conciliate them. Watching from Boston their activities in
England he saw that in their first appeals they were asso-
ciating Massachusetts with Connecticut in treatment of
53 In Book of Cases, II, 144-154, appear the following papers:
Memorial of Sir Henry Ashurst to the Board of Trade, Answer to
Ashurst by the Quakers, Ashurst's second petition, Answer by the Quakers,
Instances of prosecution under Connecticut law, Letter from the Quakers
to the governor of Connecticut.
6 *Lond. M. -for Sufferings, XVII, 108, 112, 156 . . . 212, 226, 234, 241,
274, 276, 291, 299, 303, 309.
**Ibid., XVII, 316-317, 320; XVIII, 26.
56 John Field and Joseph Wyeth to the Governor of Connecticut, Book
of Cases, II, 152-154. The act had been repealed by Connecticut before
this letter arrived. Lond. M. for Sufferings, XVIII, 178.
"Dudley to the Board of Trade, 2 Oct., 1706, C. O. 5, 912, 274-276;
Trumbull, Hist, of Conn., I, 420.
102 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [556
dissenting sects. He accordingly wrote (1 Jan., 1703/04)
to William Crouch, one of the London Quakers, to explain
the situation, saying "there are no Laws in ... [Massa-
chusetts] yt Affect any perswasion of the Reformed Ke-
ligion and . . . their Laws wch were formerly made agst
friends are abolished." 58
William Crouch, tho convinced of Dudley's friend-
ship, had gained, in the course of his investigations at the
Plantation Office, information of the letter which Dudley
had written to the Board of Trade, September 17, 1702,
berating severely the Quaker government of Rhode Is-
land. 59 As a result of this discovery his answer to Dudley's
letter contained a rebuke. 60
Meanwhile the letter written to New England by the
Congregational ministers of London, carrying with it a
copy of the London Quakers' letter to them, had reached
Increase Mather. Not long afterwards (29 October, 1705)
there appeared in the Boston News Letter, under the
editorship of John Campbell, certain insinuations against
the London Quakers based upon their letter to the Congre-
gational ministers. The chief point here made was that
the London Quakers in this letter had misrepresented the
Massachusetts government, accusing it of great unfriendli-
ness to the Quaker element and in this including Dudley.
To the London Friends this was a direct challenge from
Dudley as the paper bore the usual heading, "printed by
authority." John Field and Joseph Wyeth, who acted as
a committee in this affair, 61 visited the Lords of Trade and
secured their promise that a letter would be written to
clear the London Friends of any suspicion of opposing
Dudley's government. A letter written soon after by the
Lond. M. for Sufferings, XVII, 268.
B9 Ca/. of St. Papers, Col. Series, Am. and the W. I., 1702, 966.
Book of Cases, II, 154-157. At the same time the London Meeting
for Sufferings agreed to send to the Rhode Island Meeting the com-
plaints which Dudley had made in his letter to the Board of Trade in
order that the Rhode Island Quakers might prepare to defend themselves
if occasion arose. Land. M. for Sufferings, XVII, 276, 282.
"Land. M. for Sufferings, XVIII, 11.
557] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 103
Board of Trade to the governor of Massachusetts con-
tained this statement:
And whereas several of the Quakers here have complained to Us of a
paper said to be printed at Boston by Authority, Entituled, The Boston
News Letter, Dated the 2Qth of October last, containing reflections upon
their proceedings here in England : We think it fit to give you this notice
that none of that perswasion have made any Application to this Board in
reference to New England otherwise than against the forementioned Law
Entituled Hereticks and that the Spreading of false News cannot but tend
to the Creating of heats & Animosities amongst her Majesty's subjects. 62
So it was that Dudley received within a few months
of each other two letters which called upon him to state
his position in relation to Quakerism. To each he returned
a reply.
To Wm. Crouch in answer to his dated the 3d 6m 1705.
Boston ye 15th of Apr ill 1706.
Sr This is the first oppertunity Since I had your kind letter and it
is to thank you for your respect therein and so freely to accept your
Chiding if I have deserved it, it is certain there is no Law of these Prov-
inces in force agst any of your perswasion nor pretence thereto but they
are as Easie in all points as any others to attend their own Method of
Worship and I believe none of them will complain that I have not always
Treated them with freedom and respect as well as Justice, but in the
matter of Road Island of wch you write it is not a Business of Religion
but of a Civil Nature referring to the Jurisdiction of the Admiralty Court
in which I did nothing but wt I was Expressly Commanded by her Majesty
and their Refusal was agst the Law as is given for the Opinion of her
Maties Councill in the Law to wch they and I ought to submitt, however
that matter is now over and need never be Remembred or Repeated, I
heartily Wish you well and shall be glad of a letter now and then from
you and pray you will give my service to Mr. Pen when you may see him.
I am Sr. your very humble servt
J. Dudley: 83
To the Board of Trade on October 2, 1706 he wrote :
I am very sorry that the News Paper should give your Lordships the
least disturbance referring to the Quakers here is no Law in being that
reflects upon them or is grievous, saving the Military Laws, which demand
Fynes for want of Service, which was made before I came hither, but has
been used as moderately as I can bring to pass, There are none of that
perswasion here, but will give Testimony if need were of my friendship
82 Board of Trade to Dudley, 4 Feb., 1705/06, C. O. 5, 9^2, 119-120.
**Book of Cases, II, 167-168; Land. M. for Sufferings, XVIII, 139.
104 CHURCH AND STATE IX MASSACHUSETTS [558
and kind reception of them at all times, 64 and in this Matter I have
reprimanded the writer, and required him to tell his News without any
reflection for the future, which I am sure he will obey, and of this the
Quakers here are knowing and well satisfyed. 85
This somewhat intricate episode is of importance in
the light which it throws on numerous civil and ecclesi-
astical questions. Dudley appears as the exponent of
British imperialism, ready to carry out the wishes of the
authority which he represented, with the underlying policy
of placating rather than disturbing various religious inter-
ests. The London Quakers give marked evidence of their
constant support of the smaller groups in Congregational
New England and of their ability to enlist the government
in their behalf; the Congregational and Presbyterian min-
isters of London in their few utterances show how little
sympathy and understanding remained between them and
the established dissent of New England; they show like-
wise the weakness of their organization which was often
met when an attempt was made to bring them to share all
together in a common cause. 66
* 4 There are several proofs of the truth of this statement. In 1703 a
petition from Sandwich Quakers reached Dudley, and he seems to have
taken some interest, perhaps attempting to find out the number of the sect
in the province. Sandwich Mo. M., 51 ; N. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg., II, 149.
5 C. O., 5, 912, 274-276. In addition to making this statement to the
Board of Trade Dudley, in his interview with Campbell, so frightened
him that the latter sent in all haste to the Board of Trade a letter of
apology. C. O. 5, 864.
"Cotton Mather's utter disgust with the interference of the English
nonconformists finds vent in his diary on September n, 1706. "More-
over, the wicked Quakers having made their Addresses and Complaints
and Clamours, at home in England against the Countrey, whereof an
Account was address'd unto us, by the Independent Ministers in London;
as if we had persecuting Lawes among us : I thought this a good Oppor-
tunity, not only to vindicate my injured Countrey, but also to discover
more and more of the wicked Spirit of Quakerism, and to demonstrate,
that their Light within is a dark, feeble, sinful Creature, and that to sett
it up for Christ and God, which is done in Quakerism, is a very horrible
Idolatry. I composed a Treatise on this Occasion; and sent it over unto
the Ministers in London; under the Title: NEW AND REMARK-
ABLE DISCOVERIES OF THE SPIRIT OF QUAKERISM." 7 Mass.
Hist. Colls., VII, 571.
559] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 105
During the progress of these events the Quakers of
Massachusetts had not been idle. Tho interested primarily
in the Massachusetts legislation, 67 the Friends of Lynn
threw themselves heartily into resistance to the Connecticut
heretic law, and the New England meetings together sent
twenty-four pounds to aid in securing its disallowance. 68
In 1706 the London Meeting for Sufferings was beginning
to take up with the Board of Trade the further disabilities
of the New England Quakers in both Connecticut and
Massachusetts but was for a time delayed by the Connecti-
cut agent. 69 At this moment events occurred in Massa-
chusetts which roused all the little meetings and carried
the center of the struggle back to the New England shore.
The immediate cause of the rising of the little meet-
ings of Massachusetts was the law of November 14, 1706.
The weekly meeting which especially stirred itself was that
of Little Compton whose relations with the Bristol Court
of General Sessions were somewhat strained. This meet-
ing, with an appeal to the Governor in mind, on December
3, 1706, applied to the Rhode Island Monthly Meeting of
which it was a member; but the latter suggested that it
would be better to delay matters until "sufferings were
better put in order," and a concerted action possible. 70
Representatives from Rhode Island Monthly now car-
ried the idea to the Rhode Island Quarterly Meeting and
there urged that all Friends be instructed to collect their
sufferings "Especially wt is taken for ye Priest." Rhode
Island Quarterly Meeting approved, and Richard Bordon
was chosen to
Send to ye other monthly or Quarterly meeting in Newengland to doe ye
Like ; & So to bring in order Sd Sufferings to Rhoad Island yearly meeting
7 Lond. M. for Sufferings, XVII, 257, 309, 321.
68 This money was collected from Rhode Island, Salem, Lynn, Sand-
wich, Dartmouth, Scituate, and Boston. Epistles Rec'd, II, 27-30, Epistle
from Lynn Mo. M., 12 Jan., 1707/08; Land. M. for Sufferings, XIX, 65-66;
Dartmouth Mo. M., 27; Salem Mo. M., 25; R. I. Mo. M., I, 199, 200, 203;
N. E. Yr. M., 35-36.
Lond. M. for Sufferings, XVIII, 179, 184, 230, 245.
R. I. Mo. M., I, 82, 184.
106 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [560
yt friends may fairly Apeal to ye Masetusus Governer & So for England
if Acation be for Releaf. 71
Salein Quarterly Meeting was the next to consider the
situation. On April 7, 1707, it was ordered that some of
its principal members send to England the law "lately mad
for ye maintananc of there Priests" and all others of like
nature, and appointed Samuel Collins and Walter New-
bury, two of its prominent members, to "acquaint ye Gov-
ernar of ye Sd Laws and there intentions before they send
it for England." 72
This committee, obedient to instructions, took up the
task immediately, but the occurrence of the Yearly Meeting
two months later made it possible for them, by carrying the
matter to Rhode Island, to broaden their appeal, so as to
involve a large part of the Quakers in Massachusetts, tho
Richard Borden's independent work in the limits of the
Rhode Island Quarterly Meeting was not included. The
Yearly Meeting ordered the gathering of "an account of
friends Sufferings ffor not paying the priest Ever since
Governor Dudley hath Beene present governor for Reliefe
and that to Bee done by the ffrst 2d daye of the next month
and send in the Same to Walter Newberry, in order ffor
him & Saml Collins to Laye before ye Governor ffor
Releiefe." 73
The work of Newbury and Collins when finally com-
pleted comprised a petition and a paper entitled: "A
True Accompt of the sufferings of the People Called
Quakers. In divers parts of this her Majtys Colony of New
England, for consienciously refusing to pay towards the
Maintenance of their Priests." 74 It included the various
recorded instances of distraint and imprisonment for
priest's rates belonging chiefly to the towns of the Salem
Quarterly Meeting, Lynn, Salisbury, Haverhill, Amesbury
and Kittery with a few entries for Falmouth and Mendon
of the Sandwich Quarterly. The sufferings of the Lynn
"/?. /. Quart. M., 47.
^Salem Quart. M., I, 5.
73 tf. E. Yr. M., 36.
74 Mass. Archives, XI, 237.
561] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 107
Quakers in 1705 and 1706 were estimated at seventy-one
pounds six shillings and five pence. The accompanying
petition reminded the governor and council of their power
to block this oppressive legislation and warned them that,
unless something were done at Boston for the relief of
Quakers, application would surely be made to England. 75
While Dudley had no grudge against the Quakers, the
Council was not very friendly. The cause had not yet
become a vital issue. A delay was voted and objections
raised. No promises were made. 76
Immediately after this, difficulties in Bristol County
became so acute that the Salem committee became unim-
portant and interest settled on the Rhode Island Quarterly
Meeting for which Richard Borden was at work. The exe-
cution of the law of 1706 did, as we have seen, particularly
affect the Quakers in the towns of Dartmouth and Tiver-
ton ; but it was not until September, 1708, that their affairs
were taken up systematically by the society. At that time,
in the Dartmouth Monthly Meeting, the "business con-
cerning the Rate which is required of this town by the Gen-
eral Court or Assembly at Boston, part of which rate is
supposed to be for the maintenance of a hireling priest,"
was referred to the Quarterly Meeting at Rhode Island
and John Tucker, the leading Quaker of Dartmouth, was
sent to Boston with a petition from the Dartmouth Friends
to be laid before the governor. 77 In the following meeting
Tucker reported that he had been at Boston but had not
been able to get a satisfactory answer. 78
In the meantime the Rhode Island Monthly Meeting
had begun consideration of the similar situation at Tiver-
ton, that town lying within its boundaries. The law of
1706 was denounced and a committee appointed to inform
the governor in writing of the "detriment to Friends"
caused by the law. It was to request relief and, should its
"This petition appears in full in Mass. Archives, XI, 235.
Epistles Reed, II, 27-30, Epistle from Lynn Mo. M., 1707/08 ; Land.
M. for Sufferings, XIX, 66.
''"'Dartmouth Mo. M., 43.
45.
108 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [562
petition be disregarded, threaten an address to the Queen. 79
At the following meeting Richard Borden reported that he
and Joseph Wanton, another prominent Tiverton Quaker,
had delivered the paper as ordered and had received from
Dudley a verbal answer to the effect that they should have
a hearing before the General Court. In this message there
was nothing sufficiently encouraging to deter the meeting
from ordering more lines, this time to be presented to the
Rhode Island Quarterly Meeting, that with its sanction
they might be sent to the governor as a second appeal. 80
The two monthly meetings of Dartmouth and Rhode
Island had made their independent appeals to Governor
Dudley. Both had likewise referred the matter to the
Rhode Island Quarterly in which they were represented.
This meeting accepted its task and went promptly to work
appointing Ebenezer Slocum
for to Speake with ye Govener of ye masathuset Bay, in behalf of ffrinds
Concerning the Great oppresion ytt Is Likely to fall upon ffrinds In ytt
Colloney by ye Priests Raits being Joyned In with ye gineral Publick
Tax. 81
This petition did little more than repeat what the Rhode
Island Monthly Meeting had already written. 82
Ebenezer Slocum found Dudley willing to give him a
personal interview and distinctly friendly, as he had
proved in his conversation with Borden and Wanton.
While the governor was not able to effect any improve-
ment in the situation, the lower house standing firm to the
law of 1706, he took matters into his own hands to the
extent of including in a letter to the Board of Trade a
review of events in Dartmouth and Tiverton with an ex-
pression of personal opinion.
I thought it my Duty to Acquaint Your Lordships herewith, Expecting
a Complaint thereupon, I am sorry for their Suffering though it be not
upon the head of Religion, and am also sorry that they would be Assessors
of the Tax to bring themselves into trouble, they think it hard to be Taxed
"/?. /. Mo. M., II, 15.
M Ibid., II, 16.
S1 R. I. Quart. M., 53.
82 This petition appears in full in R. I. Quart. M., 54.
563] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 109
to the Maintenance of the Ministry, and if those yt are Strictly of their
profession were quitted it would be no great loss but it is Expected that
if such an Indulgence be given, a great many will profess themselves
Quakers, to quit themselves of this charge, as they have done from bearing
Arms, and Many Villages in the Country would be left without any
Publick Worship on the Lords Day. I humbly offer it to Your Lordships
Consideration having no Interest in the Matter, but that Religion may be
Maintained. 83
The petition of 1708, tho failing to secure any relief
to the Quakers, had gained something in this letter of
Dudley's. Two other results accompanied it. The Quakers,
convinced that nothing could be done through the local
government, decided to carry out their alternative and
make a vigorous application home to England to prevent
the allowance of the law of 1706, 84 while the General Court,
foreseeing this action, proceeded to draw up a memorial
to be laid before the Queen justifying this legislation. 85
This lengthy document, which is a handbook of Massachu-
setts ecclesiastical orthodoxy, had practically no effect. 86
The petition from the Quakers to the Queen, which
was the third result of their solicitations at Boston in
1708, was temporarily delayed. The petition to the gov-
ernor from the Ehode Island Quarterly Meeting had failed,
and the following month saw the seizure by the sheriff of
Bristol County and imprisonment at Bristol gaol of the
neglectful assessors, Eichard Borden of Tiverton and
83 Dudley to the Board of Trade, i Mar., 1708/09, C. O. 5, 913, 113-114.
**R. I. Quart. M., 55.
ss Mass. Archives, XI, 279-280. The paper is entitled "A Memorial of
the Governour Council & Assembly of Her Majties Province of the
Massachusetts Bay in New England for their Vindication against the
Suggestions and Insinuations of any who may accuse them of harshness
and Severitys towards such as are of different perswasions from them in
matters of Religion." An undated copy of this document is filed among
the Board of Trade Papers for the years 1718-1720. C. O. 5, 869, No. 9.
88 From a letter written by Dummer to Sewall (7 Dec., 1709) it would
appear that it did little more than intensify the irritation which the Board
of Trade felt toward Massachusetts. Lond. M. for Sufferings, XX, n.
The answer written by the Board of Trade to Dudley's letter of March
I, 1708/09, and sent to him Jan. 16, 1709/10, ignores the whole discussion.
110 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [564
Thomas Taber and Deliverance Smith of Dartmouth. 87 At
this the Rhode Island Monthly Meeting of November 30,
1708, decided to give the governor one more chance ; but in
case he failed to answer their requests, the Quakers de-
clared, "then this meeting Doth Continue ... to write to
the Queen." 88 At the following meeting the petition to
the Queen was read, and ordered sent to England. 89
This petition, which reached London in the spring of
the following year, was given careful consideration by the
Meeting for Sufferings. It was agreed, however, that in-
stead of addressing the Queen it would be well to write
once more to the Presbyterian and Congregational minis-
ters of London. 90 A meeting between the delegation from
the London Meeting for Sufferings, headed by John Field,
and the Congregational ministers occurred in the latter
part of November, 1709, and gave the Quakers good cause
for encouragement. From the discussion which took place
they were once more convinced that the English noncon-
formists had very little feeling of sympathy for their
brethren in New England and "seemed Inclined to be
Assisting to friends in Endeavouring to get yt Law Ke-
pealed wch friends complain of." 91 At a meeting in the
following month the Quakers received the offer from the
Congregationalists to write once more to New England
urging that the annoyances of which the Quakers com-
plained, might cease. 92
"During the whole time of imprisonment of these men the Monthly
Meetings of Rhode Island regularly arranged for the support of their
families. Thomas Taber was a Baptist rather than a Quaker but was
included in this benevolence. R. I. Mo. M., II, 21 ; Dartmouth Mo. M.,
46-47, 49-
88 #. I. Mo. M., II, 19.
*Ibid., 20.
Lond. Yr. M., IV, 58; Lond. M. for Sufferings, XIX, 296, 301, 307,
310.
91 Lond. M. for Sufferings, XIX, 324.
* 2 "Joseph Grove Reports his and some other friends being with the
Independt Preachers according to appointment and were Civilly Treated
by them and they seem to shew their great dislike to their Brethren in
New Englands proceedings agst our friends there and offered their
565] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 111
Whether or not the dissenting ministers carried out
their promise as they had on a previous occasion, an even
more effective measure was taken by Jeremiah Dummer,
at this time agent for Massachusetts. In consequence of
the lengthy memorial from the General Court to the Board
of Trade and the action in the London Quaker meetings
which might end in a petition to the Queen, he wrote to
Samuel Sewall, at this time a member of the governor's
council in Massachusetts and Judge of the Superior Court
at Boston. In this letter he reminded Sewall of the ill
name which Massachusetts magistrates had with the gov-
ernment for their many independent actions, and suggested
that the Queen would have little sympathy with dissenters
for giving severe treatment to Quakers and Baptists who
were looked upon in England as equal with the Presbyte-
rians and Independents under the Toleration Act. 93
The chief reason why the Quakers did not apply to
the Privy Council in 1709 was that the very meeting which
received the Rhode Island Monthly Meeting's petition
learned also of the liberation of the imprisoned assessors.
After dispatching to London their petition to the Queen,
the monthly meetings of New England proceeded to take
what measures they could for the immediate relief of the
imprisoned assessors. The Dartmouth Monthly Meeting of
January 17, 1708/09, sent John Tucker to Boston to ask for
the release of the prisoners 94 and the results of his efforts
were most satisfactory. Between the years 1706 and 1714
Tiverton was regularly, with the exception of the present
year, assessed the sum of one hundred seventy pounds
while Dartmouth was rated for an amount varying be-
tween three hundred forty-five pounds and three hundred
seventy. The charges for 1708-1709 of two hundred pounds
and four hundred thirty-seven pounds and eleven shillings
Assistance in writing over to them, to stop the prosecution agst our
friends and one of their ministers that intends sudenly to goe over
declar'd he would be assisting therein." Land. M. for Sufferings, XIX, 331.
93 Dummer to Sewall, 7 Dec., 1709, Land. M. for Sufferings, XX, u.
9 *Dartmouth Mo. M., 47.
112 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [566
respectively showed therefore a ministerial rate of thirty
pounds for Tiverton and about sixty for Dartmouth. The
selectmen not only failed to assess the one hundred pounds
extra but declined to have anything to do with the whole
rate. Their imprisonment was therefore legal even without
the ecclesiastical legislation of 1706. Through a compro-
mise now effected the assessors of Tiverton agreed to assess
the town's regular rates and the additional tax was re-
moved "for the present." 95 In the case of Dartmouth the
two assessors were unexpectedly discharged. 96
The probable explanation of these events appears in a
vote of the New England Yearly Meeting which soon oc-
curred. Richard Borden and Thomas Cornell were ap-
pointed to write to Governor Dudley "a sallutation of
Respects and acknowledgments of his severall ffavors and
Kindnesses shewed unto our ffriends." 97 The Governor
of Massachusetts had expressed in his attitude toward the
Quakers in his province, the general policy of the Board
of Trade as well as what was probably his own personal
sympathy. It is significant that the next serious troubles
between the Massachusetts authorities and the Quakers
of Dartmouth and Tiverton did not occur until after the
death of Queen Anne and the removal of Dudley.
In 1715, the year of Lieutenant-Governor William
Tailer's authority, the Quakers became much concerned
upon learning that the Massachusetts Church was taking
means to secure governmental sanction for holding a synod,
as had been done in the early days of the colony. In this
attempt the New England Yearly Meeting saw on the part
of the ministers a determination to have the Congrega-
tional Church receive more legal recognition. To them it
seemed that an act of the legislature, giving the right to
hold such a synod, upon receiving royal allowance, would
95 Mass. Prov. Laws, IX, 47, ch. 124.
^Dartmouth Mo. M., 47-48, 49; Lond. Yr. M., IV, 58.
97 N. E. Yr. M., 52. Further Quaker approval of Dudley may be found
in Epistles Rec'd. II, 29-30, Epistle from the Lynn Mo. M., 1707/08;
ibid., II, 63-64, Epistle from the N. E. Yr. M., 1708; Lond. Yr. M., IV, 58.
A different view is taken by Palfrey, New England, IV, 449, note.
567] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 113
make the Congregational Church the true established
church of Massachusetts, like "Presbitery ... in North
Britain," 98 as they argued it had never really been. A
memorial from the Congregational ministers was before
the upper house on May 31 when it was voted by the coun-
cilors "That the Synod and Assembly above-mentioned, is
agreeable to them, and the Keverend Ministers, are Desired
to take their own time for the said Assembly." On June 1
it was concurred in by the Representatives." The Yearly
Meeting which now opened its sessions appointed a com-
mittee to watch the progress of the ministers' memorial
and if necessary, inform the London correspondents, that
they might prevent the allowance of any such law. 100 The
London Meeting for Sufferings, upon receiving this infor-
mation, was on the alert 101 but action was unnecessary, as
Increase Mather opposed the synod in an address to the
House of Representatives and it was never authorized. 102
The law of November 14, 1706, was enacted for seven
years only. If the English crown had seen fit to order it
disallowed when addressed in 1708, or if the Massachusetts
General Court had been willing to let it lapse when its time
was run out, the stirring events among the Quakers which
began once more in 1717 and culminated in an appeal to
the Privy Council in 1723 would never have occurred. The
legislation of 1706 was practically repeated in 1715, and the
law of 1715 was reenacted in 1722. While the legislation
*Lond. M. for Sufferings, XXII, 125.
"House Journal, 1715, 8.
o.V. E. Yr. M., 90; Epistles Rec'd, II, 186, Epistle from N. E. Yr. M..
* 01 Lond. Yr. M., V, 155-156; Land. M. for Sufferings, XXII, 125, 127.
"Our friends of New England had but too much Reason for giving us a
hint of their design Because ye Ministers and Elders of Boston had con-
certed Such a Project among themselves and That Cotton Mather &
Ebenezer Pemberton, Two of their Preachers had agreed to undertake
the voyage as agents; But when they came afterwards to lay their
Intentions before the Assembly, such Reasons were there offered against
it, yt it was Quasht, at least for the present." Lond. M. for Sufferings,
XXII, 230; Epistles Sent, II, 238; Lond. Yr. M., V, 220.
102 House Journal, 1715, 17, 18.
114 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [568
of 1715 continued the chief provisions of the law of 1706,
it was not followed, as in 1708, by a strict application. For
this reason it aroused little immediate excitement among
the Quakers. The first evidence we have that they had
discovered the act of 1715 is in the action of the Dart-
mouth Monthly Meeting of May 20, 1717, when a committee
was chosen
to Draw up some account to Walter Newbury Concerning a Late act for
ye maintenance of ministers and Desire him to take ye said act along with
him to Old England and deliver it to John Whiting or some other friend
yt he shall think suitable. 103
It was at this same time that the affairs of Dartmouth
Quakers were again before the General Court. Peleg
Slocum and John Tucker owned land on the Elizabeth
Islands and were accordingly rated to the minister of
Chilmark, in the boundaries of which town it was located,
altho both men resided on the mainland and hence far
from Martha's Vineyard.
Not only did the two men petition the General Court
but the Yearly Meeting 104 also addressed a representation
to the governor who was now His Excellency Samuel
Shute. The Council, perhaps realizing from the affair of
1709 what the course of events might be, voted a hearing
for the following session, all prosecution to cease in the
meantime. But the House of Representatives, when finally
forced to consider the case, proceeded to vote a dismissal
of the whole affair. Even when the minister and town of
Chilmark went so far as to ask that the estates of Slocum
and Tucker might be exempted from paying toward Chil-
mark's ecclesiastical charges and the Council was ready to
grant this request, the lower house met the situation with
a twice repeated "non concurred." 105
The result of the events of 1717 was that the Quakers
of New England in the following year once more took up
103 Dartmouth Mo. M., 115.
104 JV. E. Yr. M., 98, 99; Epistles Rec'd, II, 211, Epistle from N. E.
Yr. M., 1717.
105 House Journal, 1717, 21, 24, 25, 27.
569] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 115
their problem of relationship to the established system of
the province. Their work so far had shown no lack of
energy. Beginning with the systematic recording of suf-
ferings and an endeavor to discover the constitutional
basis of the laws of which they complained they were soon
pouring applications for redress before the governor of the
province and the London Yearly Meeting. Several formal
petitions to the Queen in Council had crossed the water;
but the English Quakers for one reason or another had
failed to push these, tho always ready to do what they
could for the New England meetings. As a matter of fact,
whatever the New England Quakers did before 1718, tho
sincere and strenuous, was accomplished largely through
individuals or the smaller meetings, and lacked system.
The work done in and after 1718, altho it was started by
the separate appeal to Boston by Slocum and Tucker, was
based on a new theory. All efforts were to center in the
Yearly Meeting and by it a common treasury for this spe-
cial end was organized, to back up a petition to the crown
in England.
This policy is recorded in the minutes of the New
England Meeting.
The Consideration of the Contineued Sufferings of ffriends Under the
Prisbeterian, or Independiant Priest; haveing taken hold of this meeting;
it is agreed that ffriens doe as soone as with Conveniency they Can wright
to our ffriends in great Brittain Requesting Their Endevours ffor ouer
Relief in that Case and In order to Carey on Said business ; and to Deffray
the Charge thearof it is agreed that the Quarterly meeting of Rhoad
Island doe Colect the Some of thirtey pounds; & ye Quarterly meeting
of Salem the Some of ffifteen pounds & ye Quarterly meeting of Sand-
wich & Sittuat the Some of ffifteen pounds ; and when Colected to be
ordered into the hands ; of John Wanton & Thomas Richardson ; they to
remit Ye Same home in ye best method thay Can and this meeting will
Supply with more money ffor that Sarvice if wanted; and Said John
Wanton & Thomas Richardson are desired to Take Ye management of
that Affair Uder their Ceare 10
Not waiting for this committee to act, the writers of
the epistle to London included in their letter a statement
of the case and the request that the London Meeting should
10< W. E. Yr. M., 102.
116 CHURCH AND STATE IX MASSACHUSETTS [570
immediately take up the same with the government. 107 The
official communication from the New England Yearly
Meeting to the London Friends, by the hand of Thomas
Richardson, was dispatched two months later. In it special
emphasis was laid upon the sixty pounds which the meet-
ing was then raising to help defray the expenses of an
application to the crown. 108
According to the order of the Yearly Meeting and the
promise of Richardson to the London Friends, the three
quarterly meetings of New England went systematically
to work to raise the sum of sixty pounds agreed upon as
a necessary beginning. In its meeting of July 11, 1718,
the Rhode Island Quarterly apportioned its thirty pounds
among its five monthly meetings, asking Rhode Island to
contribute ten pounds, Dartmouth the same, Greenwich
three, Providence two and Nantucket five. 109 Dartmouth
and Rhode Island, the two meetings which had felt most
keenly the weight of the Massachusetts law, each volun-
tarily contributed an extra forty shillings. 110 While there
was somewhat less enthusiasm outside of the bounds of
the Rhode Island Quarterly Meeting, by the beginning of
1719 the sum of sixty pounds two shillings and six pence
had been collected and was dispatched by Richardson to
England. 111 Tho the English Friends had so far failed to
answer the earlier letter dated in August, that Richardson,
when he consigned the money in January, 1719, begged
for some word, 112 later events proved that the Londoners
were not idle. In fact the answer of the London Yearly
Meeting was already on its way to Massachusetts. 113
The London Meeting for Sufferings of November 28,
1718, had considered the Yearly Epistle from New Eng-
107 N. E. Yr. M., 101, 103; Epistles Rcc'd, II, 239, Epistle from N. E.
Yr. M., 1718; Lond. Yr. M., V, 363.
106 Letter Book of Thomas Richardson, II, 158-159.
109 fl. I. Quart. M., 96.
110 Ibid., 99, 100.
"^V. E. Yr. M., 104.
112 Letter Book of Thomas Richardson, II, 181-182.
lls Ef>istles Sent, II, 285, Epistle to N. E. Yr. M., 1718.
571] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 117
land with its account of sufferings and promise to send
money for an application to the government, and appointed
a committee to consider the situation. 114 The report which
was brought in one month later so far assured the meeting
of the injustice of the Massachusetts law that an immedi-
ate agreement was reached to appeal to the government. 115
Through the rest of 1718 and the following year this
committee was retained on the New England affair, and
by May, 1719, had progressed so far as to have read in the
Privy Council a petition which it had drawn. 116 As in the
previous petitions to the Governor and Council of Massa-
chusetts the Quakers here set forth
the great hardships they suffer by not paying the Demands of the Priests
there [and humbly prayed] in regard the Charter granted to that Colony
by King William, Allows a free Exercise and Liberty of Conscience to
all subjects that should settle there (except Papists) That His Majesty
will Commisserate their Case, and Direct the Governor of said Province
to Relieve Them herein.
This petition was referred to the Board of Trade May 26,
1719. 117
At this point it was suddenly dropped as the result of
information given the London Friends by one of the Mas-
sachusetts agents. From him the English Friends heard
that the local government was contemplating some sort of
legislation for the relief of Quakers, 118 and decided that
before going farther they would investigate this rumor. A
letter was written to New England asking that the matter
be looked into; and the Rhode Island Quarterly Meeting
responded by sending John Wanton and Thomas Richard-
son to consult with Thomas Fitch and Jonathan Belcher
of the Governor's Council. 119 It was probably at their
suggestion that the Rhode Island Quarterly Meeting irnme-
"L<mrf. M. for Sufferings, XXII, 341-342.
115 /frtrf., XXII, 342, 356; Epistles Sent, II, 285.
119 Epistles Sent, II, 295, Epistle to N. E. Yr. M., 1719.
Acts of the Privy Council, II, 761.
9 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 270.
110 R. I. Quart. M., 104. It is difficult to discover how much Belcher
did for the Quakers at this time.
118 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [572
diately voted to send a delegation to the General Court at
its opening once more to state the case. 120 This order was
approved by the Yearly Meeting 121 and an elaborate peti-
tion drawn up which was before the Council on July 21,
1720. 122
The Council went so far at this time as to appoint a
committee "to Consider what may with Justice & due Re-
gard to the Laws of this Province be done for their Ease,
And more especially to prevent their being oppressed upon
any Distress made upon their Estates," while further dis-
cussion was postponed until the following session. 123 In
all the House concurred.
While the Council was now ready to be conciliatory,
the Assembly was still opposed to any great concessions
and the following months were disappointing to the New
England Meeting. Wanton and Borden were retained as
a committee but repeatedly reported lack of success in
Boston. 124 The following year (1721) saw the second ap-
pointment in the Council of a committee, 125 which went
even farther than its predecessor in suggesting a method
for relief of Quakers. Constables or collectors were to be
"obliged to take as near as may be the Value of the Sum
or Sums assess'd," and in case of seizure of stock and a
disagreement concerning the value, after an interval of
four days, during which time the charge of keeping was
to devolve upon the owner, the assessors of the town were
to appraise the same, the constable to accept this decision
and return the overplus "after the necessary Charges of
Taking & Keeping the same are deducted." Poor compro-
mise tho it was, it savored far too highly of a leniency to-
. /. Quart. M. f 105.
121 AT. E. Yr. M., 108; Epistles Rec'd, II, 291, Epistle from N. E. Yr.
M., 1720.
12Z Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 270.
3 /6U, II, 270; Land. M. for Sufferings, XXIII, 78-79.
12 R. I. Quart. M., 114, 115; Epistles Rec'd, II, 312-313, Epistle from
N. E. Yr. M., 1721.
B Mo. Prov. Laws, II, 270.
573] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 119
ward irreligion to find favor in the lower house. The
Representatives failed to concur. 126
At this Dartmouth called a town meeting, voted to
assess only that part of the province rate which excluded
the one hundred pounds additional, sent an agent to state
the case before the General Court and agreed that any
troubles to which the selectmen might be put by reason of
the town's vote regarding the tax should be met by a town
rate. 127 When Dartmouth's petition secured the attention
of the General Court on December 26, it was again re-
ceived favorably by the Council which recommended a
discharge of the whole matter if Dartmouth would pay the
amount assessd upon her in the previous year; but the
lower house, unwilling to concur, allowed the case to run
over to the following session. 128
As a result of Dartmouth's town vote her province
rate remained partly uncollected, and in May her assess-
ors, John Akin and Philip Taber, were arrested by the
sheriff and carried to Bristol. There they met Joseph
Anthony and John Sisson of Tiverton who, as assessors of
that town, had had an experience much like that of the
Dartmouth men.
The divergent opinion between the Council and House
of Representatives which had already manifested itself
appeared even more strongly exhibited in the summer of
1723, in a dispute between the two houses, respecting the
tax bill for this year. The Council, in considering the
petitions from Dartmouth and Tiverton, paid careful atten-
tion to technicalities in the laws of 1692 and 1715. The
result was an important decision in the case of each town.
The laws, so said the Council, directed how ministers
should be chosen; viz. either by the church with sanction
of the town, or in case they be negligent, then by the gen-
eral sessions of the peace which should provide and settle
129 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 270.
127 Potter, First Cong. Soc. of New Bedford, 26; Mass. Prov. Laws,
II, 271.
128 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 271.
120 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [574
an orthodox minister. Only after they had done this and
found their orders eluded, might they represent the matter
to the General Court which should then settle and provide
for a minister by assessing a rate additional in the prov-
ince tax. In applying these laws the Council concluded
that it did "not appear That the Sessions of the Peace for
the County of Bristol ever appointed and sent a Minister
to Tiverton," and until that step should be taken it did
not seem to the Council lawful that the General Assembly
should appoint a minister as they had attempted to do.
In the case of Dartmouth it was discovered that while the
town had an orthodox minister he had never made any con-
tract with the town for his maintenance and the General
Sessions of the Peace had never made any order on the
town for his support, "Nor could they by Law, until the
sd Minister had made a Complaint," which he had never
done. In view of this decision the Council could not think
it right that Dartmouth or Tiverton should be assessed in
the coming tax bill beyond what was their proportionate
rate with the other towns. 129
In spite of this decision victory went to the lower
house. Just two days later the Representatives were busy-
ing themselves over the ministry in Dartmouth and Tiver-
ton. The sum of one hundred pounds was voted to Samuel
Hunt of Dartmouth from the province treasury, which
sum was to be added to Dartmouth's proportion in the
province tax for 1723. 130 Tiverton, still neglectful and re-
fusing to settle an orthodox minister, was to be provided
with one by order of the General Court, and his salary of
seventy-two pounds and eleven shillings was to be paid
and raised in similar manner. 131 With both resolves the
Council now concurred, for one of its technical objections
to previous measures had been obviated. The House of
Representatives in its order placed the execution of the
law in both instances upon the justices of the county of
129 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 271.
130 /frrf., II, 272; X, 316, ch. 77.
M Ibid., II, 272; X, 317, ch. 78.
575] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 121
Bristol; and on the following day passed the tax act of
1723 with its large rates additional on Dartmouth and
Tiverton. 132
In the meantime the court of general sessions had
been busy enforcing previous legislation. When this law
was passed the Dartmouth and Tiverton assessors had
already been in Bristol gaol a month for their failure to
assess the province rate for 1722. In fact on the very day
that the General Court passed the tax bill for 1723, it was
called on to consider two petitions, one from Dartmouth
and one from Tiverton, asking that these assessors might
be released upon payment of the proportionate rates of
those two towns. In both cases the Council voted a hearing
on the whole case for the fall session, with the immediate
release of the prisoners upon promise to return. Once
more the House asserted itself as upon previous occasions
and refused to concur. 133 This action upon the part of the
lower house proved to be the decisive stroke with the Quak-
ers. For a quarter of a century they had been pouring
their woes into the ears of Governor, Council, and House
of Representatives. On numerous occasions the governors
had shown kindness and made promises; in the last few
years the Council had given signal evidence of a desire to
concede; but no impression had been made on the repre-
sentatives of the towns of the province who, in this matter
which involved a religious question, showed their provin-
cialism even more strongly than in the consideration of
other matters which were of greater concern to the royal
governors.
The time for an appeal to England was now ripe. We
have traced the close relation between the London and the
New England Friends during this period and have seen
how much Richard Partridge and his associates had al-
ready done, especially in the year 1719, and how the matter
had been dropped in anticipation of what the local govern-
ment might be willing to do. When the Friends of New
132 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 293, ch. 8.
19 *Ibid., II, 272.
122 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [576
England resolved once more to make application to the
crown it was with the determination to send an agent to
England, well armed with authority and funds, who should
push the matter until some definite result should really be
accomplished.
The agent chosen by the New England Yearly Meeting
to present the case of the Dartmouth and Tiverton assess-
ors in London was Thomas Richardson of Newport who
in the spring of 1723 was making preparations for a voyage
to England. 134 Richardson was to explain the whole situa-
tion to the London Quakers and urge them to renew their
earlier efforts, with the understanding that the New Eng-
land Yearly Meeting would continue to back them
financially in anything which they would undertake. 135
Richard Partridge of London was no sooner apprised
of the further application which the New England Friends
were making than he began to take necessary measures.
There was certainly no man in England better able, in
training and in interests, to carry the wishes of the Massa-
chusetts Quakers before the Privy Council and the Board
of Trade, than Richard Partridge. Born and educated in
New England, he was well acquainted with the ecclesias-
tical system of Massachusetts; an important member of
the Society of Friends in London, he had the interests of
its people at heart. Of the greatest value was his position
as a colonial agent, who had for years been dealing with the
various branches of the government, especially those which
handled colonial affairs. The appreciation which Part-
ridge had of the value and best use of money in bribes and
fees, his employment of the right persons and his constant
presence on every occasion to see that his case was not
allowed to drop : these were the means by which the Order
in Council of June 2, 1724, was gained.
During the entire time when Partidge was at work on
the New England affair, he had the constant support of
the London Meeting for Sufferings which advanced money
/e. I. Mo. M., II, 211, 212.
. E. Yr. M., 119.
577] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 123
and voted him an able committee to assist with the work. 136
As soon as Thomas Richardson, the New England Quakers'
agent, reached England, he was associated with Partridge ;
but in all matters the latter was leader.
Before Richardson's arrival Partridge had interviewed
Chief Justice Weargs for advice as to the best way to pro-
ceed 137 and had secured John Sharpe as attorney to prose-
cute the case. It was Sharpe who drew up the petition
and on October 21 succeeded in having it put in the paper
of business which the Privy Council was to take up on the
following day.
Accordingly it was on October 22 that the petition
which Richard Partridge and Thomas Richardson pre-
sented, in behalf of the four imprisoned assessors of Dart-
mouth and Tiverton and also the Quakers in general, was
first taken up by the Privy Council and was on that day
referred to committee. 138 The details connected with the
actions of Partridge and his associates in succeeding
months are of value in the light which they throw upon
the ways and methods by which the disallowance of colo-
nial legislation was secured. As the case was passed from
Privy Council to committee, from committee to the Board
of Trade, and from the Board of Trade to the Board's
attorney, Richard West, and back again, it was followed
ceaselessly by Richard Partridge and Thomas Richardson,
the auxiliary committee of the London Meeting for Suf-
ferings, and John Sharpe, the Quakers' lawyer. 139 Richard
West in drawing up his opinion summoned Sanderson and
M. for Sufferings, XXIII, 346, 347, 349.
1S7 Moses Brown Papers, "Papers regarding imprisonment of Quakers."
l38 Acts of the Privy Council, III, 58. This famous petition may be
found in contemporary manuscript form in the Mass. Archives, Board of
Trade Papers, Moses Brown Papers, Book of Cases. It has been printed
in Backus, Baptists, Gough, Quakers, Hallowell, Pioneer Quakers, and
elsewhere.
139 The important documents belonging to this case are printed in
Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 273, 277 ; additional documents of interest are among
the Moses Brown Papers, entitled "Papers regarding imprisonment of
Quakers." See also Acts of the Privy Council, III, 58, 59-
124 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [578
Dimmer to present the side of the Massachusetts General
Court, and Sanderson and Sandford with Bampfield as
their attorney appeared on the day of the hearing before
the Board of Trade. The journals kept by John Sharpe
and Richard Partridge in connection with their accounts
of expenditure show just when their presence was most
needful to keep their case in the business of the meetings,
and at what points it was necessary to pay the largest
fees. Before submitting his opinion on the tax act Richard
West received four pounds and five shillings. On the eve
of the final hearing before the Lords Committee, when only
counsel could argue, Partridge paid ten pounds and fifteen
shillings each to the attorney and solicitor-general and
thirteen pounds two shillings and six pence to Talbot.
These methods brought the success on which Partridge was
determined. The first report rendered, that of Richard
West, on the tax act of 1722 in point of law, was not alto-
gether encouraging. In this act West saw nothing uncon-
stitutional, as nothing upon the face of the act indicated
that the additional sums levied upon Dartmouth and Tiv-
erton were for the support of the ministry. The report
of the Board of Trade, tho based upon this, was more
satisfactory. The tax act of 1723 had been unofficially
reported to the Board and the latter was quite ready to
take exception to it.
We think it our duty, [wrote the Lords of Trade] to represent to Your
Excelcys that by the Charter granted to the Massachusets Bay, the foun-
dation of this Colony was laid in an absolute & free liberty of conscience
for all Christian Inhabitants there, except Papists, But the Presbyterians
having absolutely the ascendant in the Assembly of this Province, have
assum'd to themselves the authority of an established Church, and would
compel the Quakers even in the Towns of Dartmouth and Tiverton, where
they are infinitely the majority, to pay a large maintenance to Presbyterian
Ministers, whom they call Orthodox, for the service of some few Presby-
terian Families only.
When the act of 1723 made its official appearance, the
Board stood by this statement of opinion and recommended
its disallowance. Altho the Lords of Trade were repeating
West's legal opinion in replying to the order of the com-
579] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 125
mittee of the Council, this statement was obviously favor-
able to Quakers. The Lords Committee went one step
farther. On the ground that the additional sums were in
fact illegal in spite of the act's containing nothing on its
face to prove them so, and that the legal taxes of 1722
were now already collected and could not be affected by a
disallowance, they recommended that the act be disal-
lowed. During the whole procedure the Massachusetts
General Court had made a poor showing. Its agents had
been sent no instructions and, not knowing how to proceed,
had thrown their efforts into causing a delay. Not until
the day of the hearing before the Board of Trade did the
General Court take up the matter, at that time ordering
instructions sent to the Massachusetts agents in London
for the defense of the province ; but it is doubtful whether
they were ever prepared.
The official arrival of the Massachusetts tax act of
1723, during the course of proceedings, sent Partridge
back to the Board of Trade to hurry it on to the Privy
Council, 140 but the final Order related only to the earlier
act.
This Order in Council of June 2, 1724, was triumph-
antly reported to the London Meeting for Sufferings of
July 3 141 and sent off to New England. Tho the order
therefore reached the Lieutenant-Governor of Massachu-
setts in a roundabout way, it was given full value. 142
Governor and Council ordered the sheriff of Bristol
**Acts of the Privy Council, III, 59; Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 277;
Backus, Baptists, I, 504; 6 Mass. Hist. Colls., II, 170-171, Sewall's Letter
Book.
^London M. for Sufferings, XXIII, 402.
142 The Quakers were in too great haste to wait for a delivery by the
government as this might mean further delay. It is probable that the
order was brought to Rhode Island by Thomas Richardson. It was placed
in the hands of "one of the assistants" of Rhode Island who in turn gave
it to Charles Church, Sheriff of Bristol County. Church submitted it to
the Lieutenant-Governor and received his orders. Lond. Yr. M., VI, 301 ;
6 Mass. Hist. Colls., II, 171, Sewall's Letter Book; Moses Brown Papers,
"Papers regarding imprisonment of Quakers;" Epistles Sent, II, 378-379.
126 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [580
County 143 to see it carried out; and Joseph Anthony, John
Sisson, John Akin and Philip Taber, after an imprison-
ment of fifteen months, were set free.
This was the literal fulfilment of an order which
related only to the tax act and imprisonment of 1722. The
bill of 1723, passed in June and definitely stating the
reason for the high rate on Dartmouth and Tiverton, had
been followed by the imprisonment of delinquent assessors
far more speedily than its predecessor. Jacob Taber and
Beriah Goddard, assessors of Dartmouth, failed to make
the rate on their town. 144 Tiverton had neglected to qualify
any assessors whatsoever. 145 In August, when the order
came for the release of the prisoners of 1722, the Massa-
chusetts government showed no inclination to be more
liberal than necessary. Taber and Goddard had been in
Bristol gaol almost nine months, 146 but were obliged to see
the others depart without them. Their release which came
in November was the result of a petition from Henry
Howland, the third of Dartmouth's selectmen, who ex-
plained that he was unable to do his duty in making
assessments or performing the other functions of his office
because of the absence of his colleagues. The committee
of the upper house to which the matter was referred re-
turned a significant report.
That whereas His Majtys Royall Pleasure has been lately signified to this
Government for remitting the Additional Tax of the same Nature with
this withinmentioned laid by the Genii Court upon the Towns of Dart-
mouth & Tiverton in the Year 1722 & for releasing from Imprisonment
143 The expenses incurred by Charles Church, sheriff of Bristol County,
in committing the assessors of Dartmouth and Tiverton to gaol in the two
years 1722 and 1723 amounted to 8 pounds and 7 shillings. In June, 1724,
the General Court ordered the general sessions of the peace to take this
account into consideration, and in November, 1725, allowed the sum from
the province treasury. Mass. Prov. Laws, X, 457, ch. 68; 650, ch. 198.
144 The warrant for the arrest of Taber and Goddard is preserved
among the Moses Brown Papers.
148 Maw. Prov. Laws, X, 441, ch. 26; 457, ch. 68.
146 The financial assistance which the Dartmouth Monthly Meeting
voted to John Akin and Philip Taber was repeated for Jacob Taber and
Beriah Goddard. Dartmouth Mo. M., 183.
581] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 127
the persons committed to Gaoll on the same account on which the persons
withinnamed were committed, It may be therefore adviseable for this
Court to testify their ready & dutiful Compliance with His Majties de-
clared Will and Pleasure in this Matter, by ordering that the Said Jacob
Tabor & Beriah Goddard be released from Imprisonment, Upon the said
Tabor & Goddard's paying or giving Sufficient Security to the province
Treasurer for the payment of the Sum of 8i.i2/, laid on the said Town
as their proportion of the province Tax for ye year I723. 147
In Tiverton further trouble was averted by the failure
of the General Court and the Bristol justices to keep a
minister in the town for any length of time. Theophilus
Pickering who was procured in 1722 was paid in two
instalments the seventy-two pounds eleven shillings prom-
ised him, 148 but left "after a Years Trial being Discouraged
by the preverse and Untractable Temper & Carriage of
the Said people." 149 In 1723 the General Court was unable
to find anyone. 130 This failure ended the immediate quar-
rel of the authorities with the town for it was now ordered
that the treasurer of the province receive the sum of
twenty-seven pounds nine shillings as Tiverton's tax for
the year. 151 This was the last attempt which the General
Court made to establish or assist orthodoxy in Tiverton.
Dartmouth had at least two more grants, one of thirty
pounds in 1724 and another in 1725, but these sums were
not added to the province tax. 152
The Quakers and Baptists had won their case. There
was no further attempt by the General Court to add min-
isterial rates to a town's province tax. The next efforts
of the dissenters were directed toward procuring laws
which should make it unnecessary to pay ministerial
charges even when they were, as normally, a part of the
town rate.
147 Mass. Prov. Laws, X, 498, ch. 191 ; Land. Yr. M., VI, 299 ; Lond.
M. for Sufferings, XXIII, 437-438.
148 Mass. Prov. Laws, X, 387, ch. 308.
wibid., X, 458, ch. 69.
Ibid., X, 317, ch. 78; 387, ch. 308.
Ibid., X, 458, ch. 69.
1B2 /&tU, X, 541, ch. 311 ; 598, ch. 62.
128 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [582
Thomas Richardson, returning to New England soon
after the important June 2, when the Order in Council
was secured, carried with him the large bills of expense
which he and Partridge had been obliged to incur in pur-
suing their object. The total amount was one hundred
fifty-eight pounds fifteen shillings and five pence. 153 Rich-
ard Partridge soon afterwards wrote that if further solici-
tations in England were desired more funds would be
needed. 154
In succeeding months the General Court, altho the
Order in Council was obeyed, and even the prisoners of
1723 discharged, was not inclined to go farther with the
laws which the Quakers demanded. As a result the former
troubles continued. The ministerial rate was assessed
with the town charges and the constable was under obli-
gation to collect, distrain, or imprison as need be. Espe-
cially in the vicinity of Dartmouth, where the recent suc-
cess of the Quakers had caused much feeling, difficulty
was inevitable and the old question between the land own-
ers of the Elizabeth Islands and the tow r n of Chilmark
was revived. Peleg Slocum and John Tucker, whose case
had been carried to the Assembly seven years before, were
again under the law. Upon their failure to pay a rate for
building a meeting house in Chilmark, John Mayhew,
constable of the town, seized eighty sheep belonging to
Slocum and a horse and a heifer which were the property
of Tucker. The sheep sold for seven pounds more than the
demand, and Tucker's property for five pounds in excess,
so that the usual complaint of exorbitant distraint waa
entered. 155 A rumor of this incident reaching the Rhode
153 The largest item, John Sharpe's account, was 57 pounds 3 shillings
3 pence toward which Partridge had paid 15 pounds 15 shillings in April,
leaving a balance of 41 pounds 8 shillings 3 pence. To the Clerk of the
Council had been owing 30 pounds 8 shillings 6 pence. The rest was due
Partridge. The New England Yearly Meeting had already paid 91 pounds
18 shillings n pence, and the London Friends 20 pounds 17 shillings 9
pence, leaving only the small remainder of 4 pounds 10 shillings 6 pence.
Moses Brown Papers.
l -'*R. I. Quart. M., 139.
l **Dartmouth Mo. M., 182-183.
583] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 129
Island Quarterly Meeting, it was ordered immediately,
that an exact account of the matter be prepared, as agita-
tion was already beginning for another mighty effort to
be released from the "oppression of Prebyterian &c.
Priests." 156
This was the situation confronting the Yearly Meeting
when in June, 1725, it met at Newport. Thanks were first
of all voted to the London Friends whose energy had se-
cured the Order in Council of the previous year with the
added request that they return the New England Meet-
ing's hearty acknowledgment to the King for this favor. 157
In considering sufferings, "all on Accott of Priests Rates
and building their Meeting hous at Chilmark," it was
agreed that the London Friends had been so much more
successful than the petitioners at Boston that the account
of this situation, no more trivial than the troubles of Akin
and Taber, should be sent to England. But in the message
which John Wanton and Thomas Richardson were re-
quested to send to Richard Partridge, they were to state
that if money was needed for further solicitation, as he
had warned them it would be, he was to take it on interest
until the Yearly Meeting could make him a remittance.
Experience had shown the New Englanders that prog-
ress through the various bodies in England dealing with
British colonial government was so slow that, if immediate
relief was to be gained, it must be through the authorities
at Boston. Accordingly another committee was asked to
travel to Boston as speedily as possible, apply to the
General Court, and report their success to John Wanton
and Thomas Richardson that it might be included in the
letter to Partridge. 158
Results were not so gratifying as to deter the English
Quakers from complying with the request of the Dart-
mouth Friends. On the second of September, just three
months after the Yearly Meeting had sent its message, and
. I. Quart. M., 138.
^Epistles Reed, II, 378, Epistle from N. E. Yr. M., 1725.
15 <W. E. Yr. M., 122.
130 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [584
four days after the London Meeting for Sufferings had
made him head of a committee, 159 Partridge was again
before the Privy Council. On this day the register records
reference to committee of the
petition of Richard Partridge on behalf of Peleg Slocum, John Tucker,
and other Quakers, inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay,] who are under
Severe Sufferings for Conscience Sake, praying the Repeal of such Laws
past in that Province as Directly or Consequently affect the Liberties,
Properties, Religion or Consciences of His Majestys Protestant Subjects
in the said Province, etc. 180
The fate of this petition was not due to lack of funds 161
9 Lond. M. for Sufferings, XXVI, 22-23.
Acts of the Privy Council, III, 121.
181 The money which the New England Yearly Meeting of 1725 told
Richard Partridge to take on interest until it could be raised in New
England Partridge advanced himself, and by June, 1725, the New England
collectors had sent him 120 pounds. As more was still needed the New
England Yearly Meeting of 1726 voted 150 pounds additional which was
apportioned, 100 pounds to Rhode Island Quarterly, 20 pounds to Sand-
wich and Scituate, and 30 pounds to Salem. N. E. Yr. M., 125, 127;
Dartmouth Mo. M., 185, 189; Epistles Rec'd, II, 386, Epistle from N. E.
Yr. M., 1726. The money was assessed by the several quarterly meetings
on their monthly meetings and by the latter upon the weekly meetings.
R. I. Quart. M., 144.
A little later someone conceived the idea of making a generous gift
in money to Partridge to express the appreciation of the New England
Yearly Meeting. The idea was adopted at the Yearly Meeting of 1728
which also apportioned the sum on the quarterly meetings, the latter
continuing the method as before. N. E. Yr. M., 132. The amount (60
pounds) was assessed as follows :
. I. Mo 24
Dartmouth . .. 10
R. I. Quart,
40
Nantucket 6
Providence o | omitted because not affected by
Greenwich o j Massachusetts law.
Sandwich & Scituate j Sandwich Mo 5 5/
8 I Scituate 2 is/
v Salem Mo 5
Salem *
I ( Salem Mo 5
< Hampton & Amesbury 3 io/
( Dover 3 io/
It was all reported paid by June, 1729. JV. E. Yr. M., 135, 136; Mo. M.
Book of Scituate, Marshfield and Duxbury, 59; R. I. Quart. M., i 54-155;
Sandwich Mo. M., 127; Salem Quart. M., II, 7; Salem Mo. M., 88 b.
585] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 131
or of interest 162 or even Quaker influence, but to the polit-
ical situation in England. In the London epistle to Ehode
Island of September, 1726, the London Quakers wrote:
As to ye Sufferings ffriends are still under in the Massacusets Government
on account of Priests maintenance, there has been some steps taken in
Order to obtain a more General Ease, in that Case, which at present lyes
for a more suitable Opportunity to prosecute it in, and then we hope ye
Necessary care will not be neglected. 163
A year later they were still saying that "the present state
of publick affairs will not allow us to move for anything of
this Nature." 164 The end of George I's reign had come
very inopportunely for the Quakers. Since 1723 a change
had come over the British Board of Trade in the appoint-
ment of the Duke of Newcastle as Secretary of State, for
his assumption of control in colonial affairs was removing
authority from the Board. In spite of the close relation
between the Quaker body and both Walpole and Newcastle,
it was impossible to accomplish anything during the stress
of circumstances attending the close of George IPs reign,
as the Whig leaders were engaged in the vital issue of
maintaining control of the government.
The failure of the London Meeting to succeed with the
petition of 1725-1727 turned responsibility back upon the
New England Yearly Meeting, altho it was known that the
London Meeting planned to renew its application when a
suitable season appeared. 165 Sufferings in Massachusetts
continued 166 and resulted in the further work of Joseph
Wanton and Kichard Borden before the General Court. 167
Funds for their work were voted by the Yearly Meeting 168
162 The London Meeting for Sufferings listened to the report of
progress which Partridge submitted on September 3, 1725, the day follow-
ing his visit to the Council, and brought the matter up at each meeting
through the five following weeks. Lond. M. for Sufferings, XXIV,
23, 24, 26, 28, 29, 31 ; Epistles Sent, II, 392. See also AT. E. Yr. M., 130,
Epistle to London, 1727.
3 Epistles Sent, II, 399-400, Epistle to N. E. Yr. M., 1727.
1M /Wd., II, 416, Epistle to N. E. Yr. M., 1727.
16! W. E. Yr. M., 133-134, Epistle to London, 1728.
Salem Quart. M., II, 3 ; R. I. Quart. M., 153.
. I. Quart. M., 153.
. E. Yr. M., 131-132.
132 CHURCH AND STATE IX MASSACHUSETTS [586
and their efforts were suddenly crowned by the passage of
the law of June 20, 1728. 169 After a preamble which cites
the fact that application had frequently been made to the
court in behalf of these people who refused to pay taxes
for the support of the ministry, "alledging a scruple of
conscience for such their refusal," the law stated that
hereafter any belonging to a society of Anabaptists or
Quakers should be exempt from having their "polls" taxed
for such an object, "nor shall their bod(ie) (y)s be at any
time taken in execution to satisfy any such ministerial rate
or tax assess'd upon their estates or faculty," provided
such persons were in the habit of attending their own
meeting on the Lord's day and lived within five miles of a
place of worship. Of the Quakers, whose opinions the
orthodox were likely to regard with suspicion, a declara-
tion of fidelity and belief in the Trinity and divine inspi-
ration of the Scriptures was demanded, to be given before
the court of general sessions. To discover who these Ana-
baptists and Quakers might be, some one of one denomi-
nation or the other, appointed by the justices in each
county, was to bring annually to the court of general
sessions a list of persons professing themselves to be Ana-
baptist or Quaker and in the habit of attending meeting,
these lists to be submitted by the clerk of the peace to the
assessors of each town or precinct. Upon all not exempt
the assessors were ordered to levy the rate, and only they
who paid the tax for support of orthodox religion could
vote in any matter relating to the ministry of the town.
The act was to be in force for five years. 170
The inclusion of Baptists as well as Quakers in the
exemption law of 1728 is suggestive of the close connection
between the two. sects in Massachusetts. While the Bap-
tist teachings, particularly in those Baptist sects which
169 The Baptists and Quakers seem to have ignored entirely the law
passed December 19, 1727, in favor of the Church of England, by which
the ministerial taxes taken from Churchmen were to be paid over to their
own clergymen. Such an arrangement was entirely distasteful to the
opponents of an "hireling ministry," like the Quakers.
170 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 494. ch. 4.
587] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 133
were Calvinistic, resembled Congregational far more than
Quaker doctrine, theology was not the point at issue.
Some of the Baptists, like the Quakers, disapproved of a
paid ministry; others were opposed to public taxation for
the ministry even when the money was made over to a
Baptist preacher; all refused to submit to taxation for the
support of a sect to which they did not belong. As they
were far less numerous in Massachusetts than the Quakers
and lacked entirely the centralized organization of the
Friends, their early work was unsystematic and their ap-
peals came only from small and scattered groups. In
general they were willing to let the Quaker body assume
responsibility, standing with them when occasion offered.
Their discomforts were no less than the Quakers', as the
extant records show, and in the famous case of 1723, when
the Dartmouth and Tiverton town officers were imprisoned,
two were Baptists and two Quakers.
While there were scattered Baptists of one sort or
another in most of the towns where Quakerism flourished
the only well organized church outside of Boston, whose
existence was recognized in the period under discussion,
was the one at Swansea. Such complaints as reached the
Massachusetts government directly from Baptists came
from this group; but because of the special dispensations
which were made in favor of Baptists living in the town
itself, these complaints usually originated with the mem-
bers of the Swansea church who belonged to neighboring
villages. Most determined in their efforts to resist minis-
terial taxes were the Baptists in the near-by town of
Rehoboth who felt the weight of the law when they tried
to ally themselves with the group at Swansea. They ap-
pealed to the governor on more than one occasion in
Dudley's time, seeing the cordiality with which he met
Quaker petitions, 171 and in 1715, after his removal, they
sent an account of their difficulties to the King through
the agency of the S. P. G. 172 At the time of the arrest of
111 Mass. Archives, XI, 223, 388.
172 S\ P. G. Papers, B I, No. 169.
134 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [588
the Dartmouth and Tiverton assessors, Elder Ephraim
Wheaton of Rehoboth and Thomas Hollis of London were
in correspondence in regard to the taxes imposed and Hol-
lis showed a willingness to take some active measures in
the affair. 173 The work of these Baptists was sufficient to
keep their difficulties in view, and the legislation of 1728
included Baptists as well as Quakers in the exemption
granted.
This was the first law made in Massachusetts which
in any way exempted these two sects from the financial
oppression of the ecclesiastical legislation. Such as it was
it went into effect. 174 How little relief it afforded the
unhappy dissenters may be seen in their further action.
No expression of gratitude came from the next Yearly
Meeting at Newport and no change appears in the general
condition of the two sects ; the dissenters found the system
too bungling to be practicable, and the five mile limit
upset the whole affair for many of them. 175 The general
opinion found expression in the words of the Rhode Island
Quarterly Meeting which met in the following month and
agreed that "the Assembly last Seting in Boston have done
little or Nothing for the case of Sufferings ffds," and again
asked Joseph Wanton and Richard Borden
to continue their Endevours with the Authority there, for a discharge
from these Sufferings they are under and if not Obtain'd to collect those
papers & Coppyes which may be propper to be Sent to our ffriends in
England which may Enable them the better to seek for Releif there and
bring the charge thereof to Our Next Quarterly Meeting. 178
At the end of three months Wanton and Borden had spent
eleven pounds and sixteen shillings but had no encourage-
ment to offer and at the end of a half year had "not pro-
173 Wheaton to Hollis, 13 March, 1723, quoted in Backus, Baptists,
I 509-510.
17 *Several orders of Bristol sessions relating to the making of lists
under this law appear in the records. Bristol Sessions, III B, 109, 126.
178 Backus, Baptists, I, 518-519. Such as it was it deterred the London
Quakers from further application to the government Land. M. for Suf-
ferings, XXIV, 231.
1 R. /. Quart. M., 154 ; Sandwich Mo. M., 127 ; Diary of John Comer,
62; R. I. Quart. M., 160; Salem Quart. M., II, 7; N. E. Yr. M., 136.
589] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 135
ceeded any farder with the Assembly at Boston on behalf
of Suffering ffriends." 177 In spite of this they were con-
tinued by the Yearly Meeting 178 and through their work
further legislation was produced.
This second law, secured like the first one by the
efforts of a committee, backed by the Yearly and the
quarterly meetings, was passed December 20, 1729. The
preamble explained that by the preceding act the polls
only of Anabaptists and Quakers were exempted from
charge in the support of the ministers of the churches by
law established, and the law now ordered that the estates,
real and personal, of such Anabaptists and Quakers should
be exempt from taxation for the support of ministers. A
proviso, occasioned by the troubles at Chilmark, at the
same time made it clear that no person was to be freed
from the charge toward building any meeting house when
the assessment had already been made. This law was
enacted for three years and a half. 179
While this legislation seemed more favorable to the
dissenters than that of the preceding year, it came little
nearer to solving their difficulties on account of its rigid
limitation. 180 Among some of the Quakers there was a dis-
tinct aversion to taking advantage of the privilege offered
by this or the preceding legislation, on the ground that
exemption was not liberty. 181 Troubles continued which
were reported to the Yearly Meeting in the following sum-
mer. 182 The result of these reports was a further appoint-
ment of John Wanton and Thomas Richardson to send the
accounts of sufferings to England with an appeal that the
English Friends renew their endeavors, while Joseph
. I. Quart. M., 156, 157.
"*N. E. Yr. M., 136, 137-
179 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 543, ch. 6; Backus, Baptists, I, 519.
180 This legislation was described by the Quakers as "something
tending to our ease but not fully in Such Manner as ffriends can Accept."
N. E. Yr. M., 142.
181 Bristol Sessions, III B, 146, 147.
182 AT. E. Yr. M., 139, 140.
136 CHURCH AND STATE IX MASSACHUSETTS [590
Wanton and Richard Borden were ordered to give any
possible assistance. 183
This last vote of the New England Yearly Meeting to
apply for help from the London Friends was made unneces-
sary by the appointment of Jonathan Belcher as Governor
of Massachusetts. The basis of Belcher's kindness toward
Quakers was not, as in Dudley's case, that larger policy of
colonial control toward which each question as it appeared
was forced to bend. Succeeding governors had been on the
whole neutral, leaving matters to their councils, which as
the years passed showed growing leniency, opposed only
by the lower house. With the coming of Belcher the
weight of the governor was thrown heavily on the side of
the Quakers. The family connection between Belcher and
Richard Partridge was the primary cause for Belcher's
interest in the Quakers and had been the means of his
making many friends among that body in England. 184
Their wealth, organized power and political influence with
the Whig leaders he had recognized and, looking into the
future, saw the possibility of securing the support of the
whole organization by assuming the cause of the local
meetings in his province. 185 Just before leaving England
he received a delegation of prominent English Friends sent
to him by the London Meeting for Sufferings to solicit his
support for the New England Quakers. 188
Jonathan Belcher's opening speech to the Assembly,
while not making special reference to Quakers, recom-
mended that they "imitate the Royal Indulgence of our
183 A r . E. Yr. M., 140.
184 J. Belcher to J. Belcher Jr., 12 Aug., 1732, 6 Mass. Hist. Colls.,
VI, 164; same to same, 12 Nov., 1740, ibid., VII, 523-524. The Belcher
Papers contain a good deal of correspondence between Belcher and
English Quakers; the names which most often appear are those of Rich-
ard Partridge, John Gurney and Thomas Hyam. Richard Partridge was
Jonathan Belcher's brother-in-law.
185 J. Belcher to Rip Van Dam, n Oct., 1731. 6 Mass. Hist. Colls.,
VI, 451 ; J. Belcher to F. Harrison, 15 Nov., 1731, ibid., VI, 455; J- Belcher
to R. Partridge, 30 Oct., 1739, Ibid., VII, 236.
18 Lond. M. for Sufferings, XXIV, 352, 35&
591] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 137
gracious Sovereign, that none of our Laws may carry in
them a Spirit of Rigour or Severity towards those who
consciently differ from us in the modes of divine wor-
ship." 187 Among the New England Friends Belcher's rep-
utation had preceded him and his coming was looked upon
with delight. 188 He had not been in the province two
months when almost simultaneously two of the quarterly
meetings determined to address him in behalf of the
Friends, while one of the monthly meetings took steps to
show a personal allegiance at the expense of its loyalty to
the Assembly. It was Dartmouth which signed a paper to
be sent to Belcher "signifying our willingness to Comply
with giving him his Salary according to the King's Instruc-
tions." 189 In the meantime the Sandwich Quarterly Meet-
ing appointed two of its members to write and sign a paper
in behalf of Friends for Belcher's inspection, 190 and the
Rhode Islanders, meeting a few days later, once more
charged Joseph Wanton and Richard Borden with their
earlier duty.
Sine Governer Belcher is arrived to the Government of the Massechusets,
[runs their record,] and that while he was agent in London he Manifested
An Inclination to discharge ffriends from Persecution on Account of
Priests Rates It is thought propper for ffriends to Apply to him to see what
Releif can be had Our ffriends Joseph Wanton & Richard Borden are
therefore desired Either to goe or Wright to Sd Governer Belcher on
that Account. 191
Not until they were reminded of this duty at the next
Quarterly Meeting did Wanton and Borden set to work ; 192
but in the winter or early spring they obeyed the order,
and were ready to report at the Yearly Meeting in June
that they had found some encouragement from the new
governor. Still nothing had been done yet and conditions
167 Pubs. of the Col. Soc. of Mass., Vol. I. Transactions, "Note on
Quakers" by A. C. Goodell, 143 ; Palfrey, New England, IV, 534.
*Dairy of Z Collins, 17.
^"Dartmouth Mo. M., 222.
Sandwich Quart. M., 22.
191 /?. /. Quart. M. t 171.
171.
138 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [592
were far from satisfactory. 193 While Sandwich this year
reported "Ease with respect to Priests Rates," Rhode
Island submitted an account of twenty-three pounds and
seventeen shillings from the Rochester Friends for "Priests
Rats," and Salem brought in the report from Kittery of
ten pounds seventeen shilling and six pence. 194 As a result
the Yearly Meeting continued the appointment of Joseph
Wanton and Richard Borden, desiring them "to make far-
der Application." 195 It was now generally agreed that,
since the Massachusetts governor had expressed himself
as a friend to Quakers, the New England Meeting would
no longer need to trouble Friends at home. 196 The London
Meeting for Sufferings readily agreed to discontinue the
"New England affair." 197
The direct result of the appeals of the committee
appointed and financed by the Yearly Meeting of 1731 was
the law of December 24 of the same year. Belcher, writing
to Partridge just before the opening of the fall session,
said:
The Assembly sits here again this week, and you may depend on every
thing in my power for the relief of the Quakers, and I think I shall be
able to get a bill past that will be pleasing. The Quakers are very sensible
of my readiness & sincerity to serve them. 198
On December 2 he addressed the Assembly referring to his
earlier speech and spoke of the repeated applications which
the Quakers were making.
They are Generally, [said he,] a Sett of Vertuous and inoffensive people
and good members of the Common Wealth and their Friends in England
are a great Body of men, and esteemed as well as attached to His Majesty
and His Royal House as any of the best of his Subjects ; I would therefore
upon all these Considerations think it an Instance of your prudence and
Wisdom to pass Some further Law for their Quiet and ease. 199
19S For conditions in Bristol county at this time see Bristol Sessions,
III B, 160.
19 *JV. E. Yr. M., 142.
19B /frk/., 143. The sum of 30 pounds was voted for the necessary
expenses. Salem Mo. M., 93.
l "N. E. Yr. M., 144, Epistle to London, 1731 ; Land. Yr. M., VII, 331.
Lond. M. for Sufferings, XXV, 40.
198 J. Belcher to R. Partridge, i Nov., 1731, 6 Mass. Hist. Colls, VI, 37.
10 Mass Prov. Laws, II, 635.
593] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 139
A few days later, when writing to Partridge, Belcher en-
closed a copy of this speech with the comment,
"You'll see by my speech inclosed that I am leading the Assembly to the
case of your Friends, and I have reason to believe by the influence I have
on many of the members that a good bill will be past before the Court
rises." 200
The bill was passed December 24, 1731. In the pre-
amble it was expressly stated that the Quakers had been
complaining of the difficulties in complying with the acts
already made for their relief and had been making fre-
quent applications to the court for redress. Its special
provision of importance, occasioned by the difficulties met
under the special certificate system described in the two
preceding laws, was the new method for indicating who
might be of the Quaker persuasion. The assessors of any
town where Quakers were found or owned land, were an-
nually to make a list of all such persons and give it to the
town clerk to be entered in the town records and handed
out at six pence a copy to any Quaker desiring to own one.
If a Quaker found his name omitted he was to inform the
assessors in writing, his statement certified by two of the
principal members of his society, appointed by the society
for that special purpose. All such were to be exempt from
the payment of any taxes whatsoever for the support of
the ministry or for building meeting houses. 201 This ex-
plicit wording was to correct the troubles which the Quak-
ers had suffered since 1728 and 1729. While exempt from
certain rates, if once able to prove himself to be a Quaker
living within five miles of a place of meeting, the Massa-
chusetts Friend had found it was not easy to establish his
identity, for advantage was taken of every technicality.
The enforcement of this law for five years would prove
whether this new method of exemption was practicable.
In the passage of this bill Belcher's influence had been
important 202 and the results were gratifying. The lower
200 J. Belcher to R. Partridge, 7 Dec., 1731, 6 Mass. Hist Colls., VI, 82.
201 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 619, ch. II.
202 J. Belcher to R. Partridge, 3 Jan., 1731/32, 6 Mass. Hist. Colls.,
VI, 94.
140 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [594
house had made it no small work for the governor, but the
satisfaction of the Quakers and their allegiance to Belcher
in after years were the reward. This Belcher frankly
anticipated, expressing himself to Partridge in a letter as
early as January 3, 1731/32. 203 He also confided to his
son Jonathan the hope that the New England Yearly Meet-
ing would present an address to the King in his behalf. 204
In this hope Belcher was disappointed, altho the New
England Friends had much to say in his favor. The Yearly
Meeting of 1732, the last which ever recorded "sufferings
for priests rates," attributed the new law to Belcher 205 and
repeated recognition of his influence in the London epis-
tles of the next three years. 206 The Yearly Meeting of
1732 voted that
An Acknowledgment be Rendered to the general Assembly for what
ffavour they have Shown us & in a perticuler Manner to Governer Belcher
who we understand has been candid in his Endevours on friends behalf
and also to Acquaint Richard Partridge of the Governers ffavour
therein. 207
The delegation which presented this acknowledgment met
a kind reception and found the governor "Pleased to Sig-
nifie his Intentions of ffuture Kindness as it might fall
with in his Power." 208
The news from New England was quickly reported by
Richard Partridge to the London Meeting for Sufferings
which was instructed by the Yearly Meeting to "write to
Such Persons in yt Government as have been Instrumental
in Procureing this Great favour and to make such Grate-
full acknowledgments of their kindness in this Respect as
203 J. Belcher to R. Partridge, 27 Apr., 1732. 6 Mass. Hist. Colls.,
VI, 123.
204 J. Belcher to J. Belcher Jr., 28 Apr., 1732, 6 Mass. Hist. Colls.,
VI, 125.
* w Epistles Re^d, II, 477, Epistle from N. E. Yr. M., 1732; Land. M.
for Sufferings, XXV, 246-247.
2 <*Epistles Rec'd, II, 488-489, 497, 506.
207 JV. E. Yr. M., 145-146.
208 /W</., 148.
595] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 141
they shall think proper." 209 Although Belcher was disap-
pointed that no representation in his favor was sent to the
King by either the New England Yearly Meeting or the
London Meeting for Sufferings, he made the most of their
memorials to himself. 210
Outside of the Quaker body the result of the law of
1731 was to arouse both the Baptists and the Anglicans of
the province. The law of 1731, unlike those which preceded
it in 1728 and 1729, was limited to the Quaker sect and
did not include Baptists. As the law of 1729 expired in
1733 and nothing had succeeded it regarding Baptists,
advantage was immediately taken of this fact. A number
of Baptists in Bristol County were taxed for ministerial
rates and some even imprisoned for non-payment. 211 Upon
application to the legislature they were released and a law
made for the Baptists similar to that of 1731 for Quakers.
This law, passed July 4, 1734, repeated the Quaker legis-
lation of the earlier year with the added proviso that
the act should not extend to new towns granted with the
customary condition of settling an orthodox minister and
erecting a meeting house, until these things had been
accomplished. 212 This law was practically reenacted on
June 30, 1740, for seven years. 213
In the meantime the Quaker law of 1731 had started
a commotion in the Episcopal camp, as the adherents to
the Church of England, tho they were the first sect to gain
some exemption, had made no aldvances since 1727 and were
under greater disabilities in 1731 than either the Quakers
or Baptists. Immediately after Belcher's speech to the as-
209 Lond. M. for Sufferings, XXV, 155. The success of Massachusetts
made a profound impression upon the English Quakers on account of the
resistance which they were making to payment of tithes. Papers relating
to the Quakers Tythe Bill, 5.
210 J. Belcher to [T.] Richardson, 14 Aug., 1732, 6 Mass. Hist. Colls.,
VI, 481; J. Belcher to J. Belcher Jr., 18 Sept., 1732, ibid., VI, 182; J.
Belcher to R. Partridge, 21 May, 1734, ibid., VI, 462.
211 Backus, Baptists, II, 30.
2l2 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 714, ch. 6.
2is lbid., II, 1021, ch. 6 ; Backus, Baptists, II, 34.
142 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [596
sembly of December 2 and the appointment by the lower
house of a committee to prepare a draught of a bill for the
relief of the Quakers, came a memorial from Roger Price of
King's Chapel to the Governor, Council and House of Rep-
resentatives. In it Price called attention to the fact that the
members of the Church of England suffered the same diffi-
culties and discouragements as the Quakers, as they were
not exempted from taxes for the Congregational minister
unless living within five miles of a church and not even then
if the church lay outside of the province, and had suffered
both distraint and imprisonment. 214 Belcher, upon viewing
this memorial, appeared sympathetic and promised his in-
terest, and a joint committee of the two houses was ap-
pointed to take it into consideration. In spite of this the
case of the Anglicans was allowed to slide and the officials
of King's Chapel and Christ Church, seeing the Quaker law
was about to pass, decided to raise a sum of money and ap-
ply to the crown for its disallowance. 215 The churchmen
were so far successful that the answer from the Privy Coun-
cil, dated February 2, 1736, stated that only the fact that it
was a temporary law, about to expire, prevented the Lords
Justices from asking for its repeal. This statement was
made on the ground that, as the charter of Massachusetts
granted a liberty of conscience to all Christians except
Papists, consequently such exemption ought not to have
been limited to any one sect, but extended to all Protest-
ants. Since the act was so near expiration it did not seem
necessary to call for its repeal, but to prevent a renewal
or the passage of similar acts it was recommended that an
additional instruction be prepared for the governor to
forbid him to give his assent to any such law unless the
exemption be made general. The Board of Trade was
accordingly directed to prepare such an instruction for
Belcher. 216
214 Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 272-273.
218 Updike, Narragansett Church, II, 504-505.
219 Pubs. of the Col. Soc. of Mass., Vol. I. Transactions, "Note on
Quakers" by A. C. Goodell, 143; Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 635; Acts of the
Privy Council, III, 491-492; Foote, Annals of King's Chapel, 442 et seq.
597] THE QUAKERS AND THEIE ALLIES 143
The result of this order and the instruction to Belcher
was not the cessation of Quaker legislation but the alter-
native mentioned in the report of the Lords Committee.
Already, on July 4, 1734, the Baptists had won their cause
and a year later a law had been made which exempted the
polls and the estates of the Episcopalians for five years.
It was far from satisfactory but its passage gave Belcher
the right to listen to the next appeals which came from
his friends the Quakers. The Yearly Meeting of 1736,
foreseeing that the law of 1731 was about to expire, de-
cided to speak for its renewal with the possibility of greater
concessions, and appointed a committee to attend the Gen-
eral Court. 217 The result of their work was the law of
June 28, 1737, which practically renewed the legislation
of 1731 for ten years. 218 Corresponding legislation for the
Baptists was obtained in 1740. 219 Altho the Friends had
hoped for a greater satisfaction at this time they were
forced to admit that the old inconveniences were no longer
troublesome. 220
While making this confession the Yearly Meeting of
1738 failed to vote Governor Belcher the expression of
appreciation which he was expecting. This omission came
at an awkward moment in his affairs for he was growing
more and more certain that his removal was approaching
and was gathering together all possible elements which
might support him. 221 Of great importance among these
were the English Quakers to whom he wrote asking that
they would use their influence with Walpole and the Duke
of Newcastle to have him retained as governor of Massa-
chusetts. 222 A petition presented in his behalf by Richard
21 W. E. Yr. M., 159, 163, 165 ; Epistles Rec'd, II, 543.
2 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 876, ch. 6.
219 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 1021, ch. 6.
22 <W. E. Yr. M., 168, Epistle to London, 1738.
221 There was apparently at this time a certain coolness toward Belcher
among the New England Quakers which was reflected in the London
Meeting for Sufferings. Diary of Z. Collins, 10 Nov., 1737; R. I. Quart.
M., 198; Land. M. for Sufferings, XXVI, 324, 354; XXVII, 34-35.
222 J. Belcher to R. Partidge, 15 Jan., 1739/40, 6 Mass. Hist. Colls.,
VII, 262.
144 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [598
Partridge in January, 1739/40, referred to the work he
had done for the Quakers of Massachusetts. 223 In recog-
nititon of these services of the English Friends, which
tided the matter over for another year, Belcher sent a
memorial of thanks "To my GOOD & WORTHY FRIENDS, the
people calPd QUAKERS, in Gt Britain," dated May 9, 1740,
which speaks of "the great respect & friendship you have
manifested to me upon the many efforts my enemies have
been making to have the comissns I have the honour
to hold superseded." "I shall take all occasions," wrote
Belcher, "to return the late kind offices you have acted
towds me in evry reasona way & manner yt can be desired
or expected." 224 In private letters likewise to London
Friends Belcher expressed himself strongly in this same
strain, 225 placing in the Quakers such confidence as later
events failed somewhat to justify. 226 An application in
the autumn of 1740 failed to secure what Belcher had
hoped for 227 and he was superseded in the following year.
In spite of their failure Belcher never lost regard for this
body of people. 228
223 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 636.
22 *6 Mass. Hist. Coils., VII, 505.
225 J. Belcher to R. Partidge, I May, 1740, 6 Mass. Hist. Colls., VII,
284; same to same, 7 May, 1740, ibid., VII, 284; J. Belcher to Bubb
Dodington, 8 May, 1740, ibid., VII, 295-297 ; J. Belcher to [T.] Hyam and
J. Gurney, 9 May, 1740, ibid., VII, 505. To his son Belcher wrote (19
May, 1740) "I can't enough express my gratitude for his [Richard Par-
tridge's] great & unwearied care, vigilance & fidelity to my interest &
service. Such a friend is worth the name of one & my heart is fir'd with
gratitude to the whole body of Quakers who have at this juncture given
such signal proof of their sincerity to serve me at a time when I so much
wanted their interest & friendship." Ibid., VII, 301.
226 "I really beleive an earnest letter sign'd by Mr. Gurney, Hyam &
some other of your principal Friends & directed to Sr. Rob could still
secure me in both provinces." J. Belcher to R. Partridge, 20 May, 1740, 6
Mass. Hist. Colls., VII, 507; J. Belcher to [T.] Hyam, 25 Oct, 1740, ibid.,
VII, 522.
227 J. Belcher to R. Partridge, 26 Jan., 1740/41, 6 Mass. Hist. Colls.,
VII, 363; J. Belcher to J. Belcher Jr., 27 Jan., 1740/41, ibid., VII, 366-367.
228 J. Belcher to R. Partridge, 7 May, 1741, 6 Mass. Hist. Colls., VII,
382; same to same, 31 Aug., 1741, ibid., VII, 546; J. Belcher to J. Belcher
599] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 145
The progress made by the Quakers of Massachusetts
in securing exemption from the ecclesiastical laws of the
province falls into three distinct periods: from the be-
ginning to 1718; 1718 to 1730; 1730 to 1740. 1. In the
first of these periods the various local meetings of New
England were busy with the collection of sufferings and
with numerous petitions to governor and council, con-
stantly reporting their progress to the London Yearly
Meeting. The English Quakers paid careful attention to
these reports, studied Massachusetts legislation and took
certain measures to secure relief for the New England
Friends. During this time, however, they were not push-
ing this case with the Board of Trade and the Privy
Council. 2. In 1718 the London Meeting for Sufferings,
now informed of the existence of a fund in the treasury of
the New England Yearly Meeting to support a Quaker
protest in England, determined to address the King in
Council on Massachusetts affairs, and from then until 1730
was almost constantly before the government upon this
business. A temporary pause was made in 1719 when the
rumor was circulated that the Massachusetts General
Court was about to pass a law favoring Quakers; but in
1723-1724 the test case of the Dartmouth and Tiverton
assessors was pushed to a successful conclusion. A fur-
ther petition (1725-1727) failed to secure attention be-
cause of the stress of the political situation in England,
coming as it did just at the close of George I's reign.
3. In 1730 the London Meeting agreed not to pursue the
matter further as a governor favorable to the Quakers had
reached Massachusetts. From that time on the con-
test was in Boston and was finally won through Belcher's
influence.
While Belcher's work for the Quaker cause was im-
portant, the result would have been impossible without the
great change which had come over both houses of the Gen-
Jr., 17 June, 1741, ibid., VII, 542. Belcher's late appointment as governor
of New Jersey has been attributed to the work of the English Quakers.
Palfrey, New England, IV, 562, note.
146 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [600
eral Court since 1700. The Council had first grown more
liberal, far less provincial as it always was than the lower
house; and in later years the representatives had been
forced into line by authoritative messages from England.
The royal disallowance of a law had to receive recogni-
tion; and it was useless to pass further legislation which
would suffer similar treatment. In relation to an ecclesi-
astical question the opinions of crown officials were con-
sistent with the general policy of imperial control. The
General Court of Massachusetts had been resisting impe-
rial authority, and the case of the Quakers was decided in
1724 at the cost of the Massachusetts assembly. Such had
been the policy of Joseph Dudley as the exponent of the
imperial system. While he was, on the whole, anxious to
suppress unruly religious elements, he was distinctly favor-
able to the Quakers. The weakness of the Quaker cause
in his time was due to the fact that the question had not
yet become a vital issue.
The Order in Council of 1724 was not inconsistent
with the Board of Trade's general policy ; but it could not
have been obtained so easily had it not been for the support
rendered the Massachusetts Quakers by the Society of
Friends in England. In the time of William and Mary
and during the opening years of Anne's reign, the English
Quakers had been recognized as an important element in
English society, representing large trading interests and
great wealth. With the accession of George I they as-
sumed once more a place of importance, at the return of
the Whigs to power, and numbered among their ranks men
who in later years were very close to W T alpole and the
Duke of Newcastle. Their interest in the Quaker cause
in New England was kept constantly before the Board of
Trade and the Privy Council by the work of the London
Meeting for Sufferings through its important representa-
tive, Richard Partridge.
If the success of the Quakers of Massachusetts was
directly due to the sympathy of Governor Belcher and the
changed attitude of the General Court, both of these were
601] THE QUAKERS AND THEIR ALLIES 147
in turn dependent upon the political influence of the Lon-
don Quakers under the Walpole regime. Belcher recog-
nized their importance and adopted their cause with a
view to future support from them ; the General Court saw
the repeated successes of the Quakers with the Board of
Trade and realized the uselessness of continued resistance.
We shall next see how the same general conditions
affected the cause of the Anglicans in Massachusetts.
CHAPTER VI.
THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
In the year 1691 there was but one Episcopal church
in the whole province of Massachusetts Bay. By 1725 the
number had increased to five, which included King's
Chapel and Christ Church of Boston and the rural parishes
of Bristol, Newbury and Marblehead. This growth was
representative of the work which the Church of England
was in this interval doing in the whole line of colonies
from Maine to South Carolina and the West Indies.
The advance made by the English Church in the years
following the accession of William and Mary was not due
to a consistent policy on the part of the English govern-
ment. In spite of the close personal relation between
William III. and Henry Compton, Bishop of London,
William's reign, tho friendly to the low churchmen, was
concerned especially in ecclesiastical affairs with the
interests of the dissenters and was more or less indifferent
to the ambitions of the English Church. In the reign of
Anne the sympathy of the monarch was thrown in dis-
tinctly with the interests of the Church, which was able to
take unusual strides in the direction of exclusive rights
during the Tory ascendency just preceding her death, but
lost this preeminence in the succession of the House of
Hanover. Unperfected plans were abandoned under the
Whigs whom the accession of George I placed in power,
and the authority which soon came to be exercised by
Walpole did not in any way improve the situation, as he
openly expressed a lack of sympathy. 1
1 The relation between the government and the English colonial church
during the reigns of Anne and the Georges may be followed in the Jour-
nals of the S. P. G. Among the favorable actions taken in the later years
of Anne's reign may be mentioned the Order in Council granting appeal
from inferior courts to the Queen in Council without limitation, in eccle-
148
603] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 149
It was therefore in a period of comparative indiffer-
ence, so far as the government was concerned, that the
great colonial work of the English Church was begun, and
at the end of forty years was still vainly looking for gov-
ernmental support. In spite of this deficiency very definite
advances were made by the Church of England in the colo-
nies through the work of individuals and organizations.
Two particular forces came together to effect these
results. On the one hand the Bishop of London, Henry
Compton, early took a lively interest in the transat-
lantic portion of his diocese, and through his whole life
time did what lay in his power to advance the interests of
the Church over the seas. 2 The influence which he did
possess in William's reign was the result of his low church
and Whig leanings which had earlier cost him his author-
ity under James II. He had acted upon the committee of
the Privy Council dealing with trade and foreign planta-
tions, 3 and later, at its organization, became an ex officio
member of the Board of Trade. In questions which con-
siastical cases, S. P. G. Letters, A VII, No. 49, Report of Board of Trade,
25 Nov., 1712; 5". P~ G. Journal, II, 212, 214, 258, July 1712 Jan., 1712/13;
the ready extension of the Queen's bounty to the Society's missionaries,
Fothergill, List of Emigrant Ministers to America, 1690-1811; S. P. G..
Journal, II, 341; Popple to the Sec'y, 3 Feb., 1703/04, S. P. G. Letters,
A I, No. 26; Queen Anne's approval of a colonial bishop, Cross, Ang.
Episc., 101; 5". P. G. Journal, II, 381. Under George I the attempt to
establish bishoprics in America was abandoned, Cross, Ang. Episc., 101 ;
S. P. G. Journal, IV, 94, 4 Mar., 1719/20; and the whole period of the
Walpole regime was full of disappointments. See attempt to have New
Jersey act in favor of Quakers disallowed, S. P. G. Journal, III, 69, 372,
385, 412; IV, 1-2, II, I July, 1715-19 Dec., 1718; question of the lands in
St. Christopher, 5". P. G. Journal, IV, 94, 96, March, 1719/20; Maryland
act regarding ministers' salaries, 5". P. G. Journal, V, 210, 211-12, 216, 225,
June-Nov., 1729; bill in Parliament to restrain the disposition of lands,
5". P. G. Journal, VII, 22, 23, 35, March-May, 1736.
2 Compton made an attempt to secure a legal basis for his authority
in the colonies ; he obtained from Charles II a bounty of twenty pounds
for each minister and schoolmaster going to the West Indies ; he insti-
tuted the practice of appointing commissaries ; he was instrumental in
securing the charter of the S. P. G. Cross, Ang. Episc., 25-36.
'Cross, Ang. Episc., 31 ; Dickerson, Am. Col. Gov., 19.
150 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [604
cerned ecclesiastical affairs in the colonies it was cus-
tomary for the Board to secure the recommendations of
the Bishop of London, 4 altho his advice was not always
followed. 5
The second force behind the growth of the colonial
church in the provincial period was an organization whose
origin was due to the interest in the formation of religious
societies conspicuous in England at the close of the seven-
teenth century. The connecting link between the Bishop
of London and the religious societies appears in the person
of Thomas Bray, bishop's commissary in Maryland, who
was instrumental in the founding of the Society for Pro-
moting Christian Knowledge and in the organization of
the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts. Indications of the later work of the S. P. G. appear
in the original constitution of the S. P. C. K. At home
this society w r as to promote religious and secular education
through the establishment of libraries and schools ; abroad
it was to assist the bishop's missionaries in those colonies
where no financial provision was made for them, pension
ministers' families and establish libraries. 8 The S. P. G.,
in absorbing the functions abroad of the S. P. C. K., ob-
tained a charter which did little more than repeat these
duties with modifications. There had appeared however,
particularly in the work of George Keith for the S. P. C.
K., a secondary object toward which the earlier society
moved and in which it was followed by its successor. In
the Quaker of the last decade of the seventeenth century
the English Churchman saw not one of an irritating but
harmless dissenting sect, but the member of a great organi-
zation, non-Christian in its teaching, eccentric in its cus-
4 Dickerson, Am. Col. Gov., 123-127.
"The Massachusetts act of 1702 for the settlement and support of
ministers was opposed by Compton before the Board of Trade, but his
recommendations did not result in its disallowance. Mass. Prov. Laws, I,
509.
a "A General Plan of the Constitution of a Protestant Congregation
or Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge." Allen and McClure, 200
years of the S. P. C. K., 22.
605] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 151
toms. 7 The strongest opposition to its supremacy which
the Church of England met in the early eighteenth century
came from the Quaker meetings of England and America.
In the attack upon them the Quakers saw not only reli-
gious intolerance but political injustice as well, for the
Anglican was the church of the state, and the Quakers,
even more conspicuously than the other English dissent-
ers, were hemmed in by political disabilities. In the colo-
nies the struggle resolved itself into a duel in which the two
sides were not unevenly matched. Backed by the two
parent bodies at home, the London Yearly Meeting and the
English Church, the latter working through the Bishop of
London and the S. P. G., the contending parties fought out
the battle. In Pennsylvania, where Quakerism had its
stronghold, the Anglican was less successful ; in Maryland
where Bray's chief work was done, opposition set up by
the Quakers to the establishment of the English Church,
was in time defeated and the act of religion passed and
allowed.
As the situation was in each colony modified by con-
ditions resulting from the nature of the colony's early
settlement, in New England three varying types of the
struggle appeared. In Connecticut the Quaker-Anglican
conflict was practically non-existent, for unorthodox reli-
gious ideas found little encouragement within its borders.
The Church of England, when finally introduced, came
among people who were already Anglicans and later prose-
lytized from the Congregational churches of the colony.
In Rhode Island the Church found itself facing a number
of different religious groups, united in their opposition to
7 "To reduce the Quakers, who are so numerous in those parts, to the
Christian Faith, from which they are totally Apostatiz'd, and so may be
look'd upon as a Heathen Nation, it were to be wish'd that a support
could be provided for some Missionaries to be sent amongst them, in
order to convert them, in the manner that George Keith does travail
amongst them here in England to that blessed end, and not without good
success." "Memorial given in by Dr. Bray." Allen and McClure, 200
years of the S. P. C. K., 23 ; John Chamberlayne to Elias Neau, Oct., 1700,
ibid., 227.
152 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [606
an ecclesiastical system when joined to the state, but
differing much among themselves. Of these the Quakers
were the largest and most influential body and the only
one having a strong support in England. Among these
people there was a large number who claimed no particu-
lar religious affiliation. In Massachusetts existed a condi-
tion midway between these two. As in Connecticut the
Congregational church stood firmly supported by legisla-
tion which protected it as the favored system. In addition
to it, however, there were in the province, as the previous
chapters have shown, so many communities of Quakers or
of people with other unorthodox religious ideas, that they
had, from the beginning of the provincial government,
formed a serious problem in the enforcement of Massachu-
setts ecclesiastical law. For a decade the most important
work done by the S. P. G. in Massachusetts was among
these people.
The situation in New England was understood by
Thomas Bray who distinguished carefully between Rhode
Island and the two larger colonies. To the former he
would have missionaries immediately sent to deal with
atheism; with the dissent of Massachusetts and Connecti-
cut he had no wish to interfere. 8 In two of its other pur-
poses the S. P. G. in its early years gave evidence not only
of an unwillingness to clash with New England noncon-
formity but even of an eagerness to act in conjunction
8 "In ROAD-ISLAND, for want of a Clergy, many of the Inhabitants
are said to be sunk downright into Atheism. The New Generation, being
the Off-spring of Quakers, whose children, for want of an Outward
Teaching, which those Enthusiasts at first denied, being meer Ranters;
as indeed the Sons of Quakers are found to be such in most Places, and
equally to deny all Religion Nor do I think myself oblig'd to
speak here of New-England, where Independency seems to be the Religion
of the Country. My design is not to intermeddle, where Christianity
under any Form has obtained Possession ; but to represent rather the
deplorable State of the English Colonies, where they have been in a man-
ner abandoned to Atheism; or, which is much at one, to Quakerism, for
want of a Clergy settled among them." Bray, A Memorial representing
the Present State of Religion on the continent of North America, London
1700. Printed in Steiner, Bray, 159 et seq.
607] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 153
with it. When in 1704 the secretary was communicating
with the Board of Trade in regard to work among the
Indians, he was informed of the existence of the old So-
ciety for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England
and urged to discover how its funds were employed. A
later letter from Sir William Ashurst to the secretary
described most cordially the work of this organization. 9
At about the same time an account came to the S. P. G. of
an organization in New England known as the Society for
the Propagation of Religion, founded on the pattern of
the corresponding societies existing in London. The S. P.
G. exchanged publications with this society. 10
The principle laid down by Bray was carried out in
the work of George Keith and John Talbot, its first mis-
sionaries. George Keith especially, having himself passed
from Quakerism to Keithian Quakerism and thence to the
Church of England, made his great work to lead his former
friends from their "errors." With this in view Keith and
Talbot went early to Rhode Island, the center of New
England Quakerism. 11 There they found one Anglican
church already in existence, as Newport had been favored
by Bray three years before the founding of the Venerable
Society. Its first two ministers, both sent out by Comp-
aq. P. G. Letters, A I, No. 26; A II, No. 148. See also references to
this society in S. P. G. Journal, II, 259-266, 16 Jan. and 13 Feb., 1712/13.
10 Edward Bromfield to Thomas Bromfield, 9 Oct., 1704, 5". P. G. Let-
ters, A II, No. 29; Edward Bromfield to the Sec'y, 24 Feb., 1707, ibid.,
A III, No. 178. In later years the cordiality between the S. P. G. and
this organization in New England disappeared as the leaders of the latter
society became interested in placing Congregational ministers in "unor-
thodox" towns. In some of these the S. P. G. was already at work.
"The religious situation in Rhode Island at this time is described in
a memorial sent by Honeyman to Nicholson. It is called a "Melancholy
Scene," the people divided into many sects and presenting "a dismal view
of the Triumph of the Empire of darkness over the Kingdom of Our
Lord Jesus." Among these are i. Quakers, 2. Anabaptists divided between
those observing the first and those the seventh day of the week, 3. Gor-
tonians, 4. those living with no religion at all, 5. Independents and a few
members of the 6. Church of England. S. P. G. Papers, B I, No. 176.
154 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [608
ton, 12 were followed in 1704 by the Rev. James Honeyman
who had crossed originally to be in the Narragansett
country. 13 Many letters were written in the early days
of the Society, urging that a missionary be sent to the west
shore of Narragansett Bay, 14 but the place was not sup-
plied until 1717. 13 In 1723 the little church in Providence
received a minister. 18
In Massachusetts Keith and Talbot visited chiefly the
towns which most closely resembled Rhode Island, on Cape
Ann and in the boundaries of the old Plymouth Colony.
It was not, however, in the strongly Quaker community of
Dartmouth or in the part-Quaker, part-Congregational
towns of Salem and Lynn, Sandwich and Falmouth, that
they met their warmest welcome. Instead of this it was
in that group of Rhode Island border settlements which
had given the Bristol justices their greatest problem in
administration, through an indifference to religious teach-
ing and a strong determination to have political and per-
sonal liberty, that these men were most kindly received.
Around a nucleus of sincere Churchmen gathered a group
of independent or negative thinkers, more than ready to
meet Massachusetts ecclesiasticism with any stronger
weapon. 17 Such was the condition in Freetown, Tiverton,
12 Bray to the Sec'y, 24 May, 1704, S. P. G. Letters, A I, No. 164;
Church at Newport to the Sec'y, 29 Sept., 1702, ibid., A I, No. 54; J.
Brenton to the Sec'y, 15 Nov., 1710, ibid., A VI, No. 6.
13 Pascoe, 200 Years of the S. P. G., 42; J. Brenton to the Sec'y, IS
Nov., 1710, S. P. G. Letters, A VI, No. 6.
14 5 % . P. G. Journal, I, 29, 27 Feb., 1701/02; S. Myles to Bp. of Glouc.,
8 July, 1702, 5. P. G. Letters, A I, No. 32; Bp. of London to the Sec'y,
ibid., A I, No. 35.
"Guy to the Sec'y, 10 June, 1717, 5". P. G. Letters, A XII, 447-448;
Shute to the Sec'y, 14 June, 1717, ibid., A XII, 449.
"Humphreys, Hist. Acc't of the S. P. G., 323; Johnson's Rep., 18
Jan., 1722/23; S. P. G. Letters, A XVI, 42-44 et alia; Sec'y to Ch. at
Prov., 20 July, 1723, ibid., A XVII, 394-395 ; Sec'y to Pigot, 20 July, 1723,
ibid., A XVII, 397; Pigot to the Sec'y, 13 Jan., 1723/24, ibid., A XVII,
362-365.
""Their good will to ye Church se'ms mostly to [be] from their
aversion to Independency & so secure themselves agt ye penal Laws of ye
609] THE CHURCH OP ENGLAND 155
and Little Compton and less conspicuously in Swansea. 18
Swansea and Little Compton decided for Church of Eng-
land ministers at an early date, 19 and the group in Swan-
sea under the leadership of one John Brown persisted for
several years. Samuel Myles, who was especially fond of
this little church, often preached at Swansea, lent books
to the people and repeatedly wrote to England in their
behalf, 20 but the attempt made by the Society to procure
a minister for the town was unsuccessful. 21
The work of John Brown for the Church of England
ministry in Swansea was paralleled by that of Col. Vesey
in Braintree, a town which lay outside the lines of the non-
Congregational influence and would probably not have
been affected by the S. P. G. work but for him. George
Keith's report submitted to the society in 1702 stated that
the only churches in New England were the one at Boston,
the newly founded church at Newport, "and another in
Braintry which has no Minister." 22 As early as 1689 there
is evidence of Churchmen in Braintree; 23 and in 1702 nu-
province of ye Massachusets Bay wch exacts a maintenance for ye Dis-
sentg (or the Established Clergy as they call them) not only from
dissenters of all Denominations, but from ye profess'd & actual members
of ye Church of Engld & that too where they have a Minr of their own
to help to Support." McSparran to the Sec'y, 7 Jan. 1723/24, S. P. G.
Letters, A XVII, 359-362. Also Bridger to Lucas, 7 Oct., 1718, ibid.,
A XIII, 521-523; Pigot to the Sec'y, 13 Jan., 1713/14, ibid., A XVII, 362-
365.
18 Prot. Episc. Hist. Soc. Colls., I, xxvi; Bp. of London to the Sec'y,
19 Feb., 1702/3, 5". P. G. Letters, A I, No. 53.
19 Keith's Journal, 22, 23, 27 and 30 Aug., 1702; Prot. Episc. Hist.
Soc. Colls., I, xv ; Samuel Myles to the Bp. of Glouc., 8 July, 1702, 5". P. G.
Letters, A I, No. 32; Bp. of London to the Sec'y, ibid., A I, No. 35;
Keith to the Sec'y, 29 Nov., 1702, ibid., A I, No. 50.
20 Myles to Bp. of Glouc., 8 July, 1702, S. P. G. Letters, A I, No. 32;
John Brown to Archbp. of Canterbury, 23 Feb., 1703/04, ibid., A I, No.
158; Myles to Dr. Beveridge, 26 Feb., 1703/04, ibid., A I, No. 160; Myles to
the Sec'y, 15 Aug., 1707, ibid., A III, No. 123 ; Myles to the Sec'y, 16 Dec.,
1708, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 83.
21 5". P. G. Journal, I, 150, 156, 16 June, 1704.
22 Prot. Episc. Hist. Soc. Colls., I, xv.
28 Adams, Hist, of Quincy, 37.
156 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [610
merous applications were made in their behalf. 24 The
Society responded in the following year by sending Wil-
liam Barclay to the town, but his stay was brief. 25 As a
matter of fact, the inevitable hostility between the stand-
ing order and the Churchmen had been increasing and at
this time broke out in the prolonged warfare which the
town waged over the questions of increasing the minister's
salary and forming a second precinct. 26 In this struggle
the standing order resorted to any means to deride the
Churchmen, while the small Episcopal group was not
above allying with itself the disaffected of the commu-
nity. 27
From the time of Barclay's departure the affairs of
Braintree were considered by the Society in connection
with the other towns of southeastern Massachusetts, and
about them all Henry Compton was very doubtful. 28 Tho
Myles, who as late as 1708 was writing in their behalf,
finally reached the conclusion that the number of sincere
Churchmen was too small to warrant sending a mission-
ary, 29 appeals from the various towns continued. 30 The
inhabitants of Freetown went so far as to vote in town
2 *C. Bridge to G. Keith, 19 Nov. 1702, 5. P. G. Letters, A. I, No. 49;
Myles to Bp. of Glouc., 8 July, 1702, ibid., A I, No. 32; Lewis Morris to
Archdeacon Beveridge, 27 July, 1702, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 72-73; Bp.
of London to the Sec'y, 19 Feb., 1702/03, S. P. G. Letters, A I, No. 53.
25 Talbot to the Sec'y, 7 April, 1704, Pro*. Episc. Hist. Soc. Colls., I,
xlii ; Bp. of London to the Com., 13 May, 1704, 5. P. G. Letters, A I, No.
156.
28 Adams, Hist, of Quincy, 29-33, 42; Foote, Annals of King's Chapel,
I, 147-
"Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 84-85. The belief of the Episcopal party
was that the attempt made to divide the town had as its purpose the pre-
vention of a Church of England minister's coming to the place. Perry,
Ch. Docs., Mass., 91-93, 95; Pres. Leverett to the Sec'y, i Nov., 1711,
S. P. G. Letters, A VI, No. 156.
28 Bp. of London to Myles, 14 Feb., 1705, Fulham Mss., R. I.
29 Myles to the Sec'y, 16 Dec., 1708, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 83;
Colman to White Kennett, Nov., 1712; Turell, Colman, 124; Pres. Leverett
to the Sec'y, i Nov., 1711, 5. P. G. Letters, A VI, No. 156.
80 Honeyman to the Sec'y, 27 Oct., 1709, 5". P. G. Letters, A V, No. 54;
Honeyman to the Sec'y, 6 Nov., 1710, ibid., A VI, No. 7.
611] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 157
meeting in 1707 to apply to the Bishop of London for a
missionary, arguing that by this means they could free
themselves from presentment for lack of a minister. 31
Upon this principle the town pleaded when presented in
1708 ; 32 but the Court of General Sessions failed to view
the matter in the same light, and, upon a petition from
the selectmen, who were not in favor of the movement,
appointed a minister for the town. 33
The Venerable Society in the meantime was having
difficulty in procuring ministers for independent villages
of the type of Freetown and Tiverton. James Honeyman
of Newport, who in 1709 began to hold week day lectures
regularly in the towns on the eastern shore of the bay,
reported that the people were "very ignorant and rude in
religious matters, . . . yet very grave and attentive at
Divine worship." 34 Of this same parish William Guy
wrote a few years later that the "generality of the people
(as I am well informed) are almost (in all these places)
as ignorant as the very Heathens." 35 As the numerous
attempts which the Society made to supply this region
met with little success, Honeyman continued this work for
many years, preaching usually at Tiverton but also at
Freetown and Little Compton. 36
When in 1712 Thomas Eager was sent by the Society
to Braintree, he was ordered to preach likewise at Swansea
and Little Compton; but distance as foreseen made the
task difficult and Eager's speedy departure ended the
scheme. 37 The church now declined rapidly and no suc-
3l Bristol Sessions, II, 131, 132.
* 2 Ibid., II, 136, 140, 141.
**Ibid., II, 214-
34 Humphreys, Hist. Acc't of the S. P. G., 62; "Memorial concerning
Braintree," 9 Dec., 1713, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 95.
33 Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 129.
86 Honeyman to the Sec'y, 12 July, 1711, S. P. G. Letters, A VI, No.
106; Honeyman to Nicholson, 3 Dec., 1714, ibid., A X, 278-279; Honeyman
to the Sec'y, 4 Jan., 1714/15, ibid., A X, 279; Honeyman to the Sec'y, 16
Sept., 1715, ibid., A XI, 381-382.
37 Dudley to the Bp. of London, 19 Dec., 1712, 5". P. G. Papers, B I,
No. 127; ibid., B I, No. 164.
158 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [612
cessful attempt was made to revive it for many years. 38
It was at this time that the case was taken up by Sir
Francis Nicholson, one of the most aggressive of the royal
governors, who held appointments at various times in Vir-
ginia, New York and South Carolina. As an ardent
Churchman he took special interest in the situation, and
recommended a lay reader for Braintree and two itiner-
ants for the whole group of country villages. 39 But
neither suggestion was accepted and Honeyman continued
his work on the mainland, using Tiverton, the most cen-
trally located, as his chief place of labor, 40 and establishing
there a regular lecture in a meeting house formerly built
for a Congregational minister but unused at the time. 41
In 1716 Honeyman was ordered to withdraw his services
from the eastern shore 42 as it was included in the parish
of William Guy, sent by the Society to officiate at Narra-
gansett, Tiverton, Freetown and Little Compton; 43 but at
Guy's sudden departure, he again resumed his former
labors. 44 In 1721, when some of the inhabitants of the
growing town of Bristol made application to the Society
for a Church of England minister, giving promises to build
a church, the Episcopalians of the neighboring Freetown,
Tiverton, Swansea, and Little Compton were included. 45
Although James Orem, who arrived in the following year,
3S S. P. G. Papers, B I, No. 164; Braintree to Nicholson, n Dec.,
1713; ibid., B I, No. 168; Sir Chas. Hobby to the Sec'y, n Dec., 1713;
5". P. G. Letters, A VIII, 529-530.
"Nicholson to the Sec'y, i Dec., 1713, 5". P. G. Letters, A VIII, 526-
527; same to same, n May, 1714, 5. P. G. Papers, B I, No. 178.
*S. P. G. Journal, II, 369, 30 Mar., 1714.
41 Honeyman to the Sec'y, 3 Oct., 1715, S. P.. G. Letters, A XI, 383.
42 Sec'y to Honeyman, 23 Apr., [1716], S. P. G. Letters, A XI, 417.
43 Shute to the Sec'y, 14 June, 1717, ibid., A XII, 449.
44 Honeyman to the Sec'y, 26 Aug., 1718, ibid., A XIII, 519-520 et alia;
Honeyman to the Sec'y, 18 Oct., 1718, ibid., A XIII, 530-532 et alia.
45 McSparran to the Sec'y, 24 May, 1721, ibid., A XV, 127-129; McSpar-
ran to Nicholson, 26 May, 1721, ibid., A XV, 131; Bristol to the Society,
30 May, 1721, ibid., A XV, 132-133; Bristol to the Society, 8 Dec., 1721,
ibid., A XV, 152-153; Honeyman to the Sec'y, 15 Mar., 1721/22, ibid.,
A XVI, 273-275; et alia.
613] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 159
stayed only a few months, 46 the church began at this time
a permanent existence, and was for many years the only
Anglican society in southeastern Massachusetts. With
the establishment of the church at Providence the Episco-
palians at Attleboro and Barrington, Swansea and Reho-
both became associated with this group, but the Bristol
church remained the center for Freetown, Tiverton and
Little Compton, 47 and Honeyman continued his week-day
lecture among them. 48
In addition to the towns already mentioned there
were several others in the region south of Boston which
by 1735 numbered some Anglicans among their inhabit-
ants. Until separate churches were founded these scat-
tered people were included in the parish of Christ Church,
Boston, and Timothy Cutler often travelled into the coun-
try to hold special services. When in 1725 he went to
Braintree to administer the sacrament, he found the people
collecting money to build a small church and anxious to
revive the society which had died out a dozen years
before. 49 In 1727 the Society responded to their applica-
tion for a minister 50 and sent over Ebenezer Miller who
served the church at Braintree for thirty-four years. 51 The
46 Bristol to the Society, 4 June, 1/22, 5. P. G. Letters, A XVI, 275-276;
Orem to the Sec'y, 4 July, 1/22, ibid., A XVI, 292-296; Orem to the Sec'y,
30 Oct. 1/22, ibid., A XVI, 314-315; James McSparran of Narragansett
who helped supply the Bristol parish at Orem's departure wrote, "the 3
Towns now menconed [Freetown, Tiverton and Little Compton] have
each of them a few (& but a few people that incline to ye Ch : of Engd
but have hitherto made no advances towds having the Worship of God
accordg to yt way setled among them, Save that ye building of Bristol
Church." McSparran to the Sec'y, i May, 1723, ibid., A XVII, 342-345.
47 Usher to the Sec'y, 27 Dec., 1726, ibid., A XIX, 459-460; Pigot to
the Sec'y, n Sept., 1727, 5\ P. G. Papers, B I, No. 223.
48 Honeyman to the Sec'y, 10 April, 1728, S. P. G. Letters, A XXI,
403-404; Honeyman to the Sec'y, 6 July, 1731, ibid., A XXIII, 251-252;
Honeyman to the Sec'y, 27 Nov., 1734, ibid., A XXV, 159.
49 Checkley to Thos. Bennet, 15 June, 1725, Slafter, Checkley, II, 174-
175 5 Cutler to the Sec'y, 23 Sept., 1725, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 184-185.
50 Braintree to Nicholson, 28 Dec., 1726, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 208-
209.
"Foote, Annals of King's Chapel, I, 259.
160 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [614
first service held in Scituate was also in 1725, and during
the next few years Cutler and Miller supplied the town. 52
A church was built in 1732 53 which accommodated the
neighboring towns of Pembroke and Hanover, 54 Marshfield
and Halifax, 55 and a minister arrived in the following
year. 56 Soon after this Cutler reported preaching at Ded-
ham and also at Mendon, the partly Quaker town north
of Providence, 57 while the ministers of Braintree and
Scituate alternated in officiating at Bridgewater. 58
Success in the founding of a church in Bristol several
years before any other town south of Boston boasted a
permanent organization is explicable. Tho in the be-
ginning its establishment seems to be due to the anti-Con-
gregational feeling in the region for which it was county
seat, the later history of the church there shows that it
was largely economic causes that assured its success.
Bristol was a growing commercial town sharing with
Providence and Newport the trade of Narragansett Bay.
Because of this commerce there was a constant arrival
from across the sea of English strangers, many of them
Anglican in sympathy. 59
To this same cause may be traced the early demand
for an Episcopal Church in Marblehead, the chief commer-
cial town of northern Massachusetts. John Talbot, preach-
ing at Marblehead in 1707, found the people "terribly
pleased (as their phrase is)" and ready to subscribe to-
ward building a church. 60 In 1714 they petitioned the
"Miller to the Sec'y, 25 May, 1729, S. P. G. Letters, A XXII, 163-164;
same to same, 5 Oct, 1732, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 289-290; Cutler to the
Sec'y, 29 Nov., 1732, S. P. G. Letters, A XXIV, 97-98; S. P. G. Abstract,
1728-1729, 47.
53 Miller to the Sec'y, 5 Dec., 1732, 5*. P. G. Letters, A XXIV, 154.
"Petition from people of Scituate, 30 Nov., 1732, ibid., A XXIV, 160-
161.
"Davenport to the Sec'y, 10 Nov., 1735, ibid., A XXV, 324-328.
56 Davenport to the Sec'y, 3 Nov., 1733, ibid., A XXIV, 431.
"Cutler to the Sec'y, 9 Nov., 1734, ibid., A XXV, I 54-155-
"Miller to the Sec'y, 26 Dec., 1734, ibid., A XXV, 168.
"Munro, History of Bristol, R. I.
Talbot to the Sec'y, 13 Dec., 1707, S. P. G. Letters, A III, No. 158.
615] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 161
Society for a missionary, 61 who arrived in the person of
William Shaw in the following year. 62 In succeeding years
Marblehead became the center for the church service in the
region north of Boston and had many communicants in
the neighboring coast town of Salem which in 1734 erected
a church of its own. 83
There were also by 1735 Churchmen in the towns of
Ipsw T ich, 64 Newbury, Amesbury and Salisbury, in the vi-
cinity of Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and in the Maine
towns of York, Kittery and Piscataqua. 65 One of these,
Newbury, was the first community in the province outside
of Boston to organize permanently an Anglican church
and to be supplied with a resident missionary. The move-
ment was, however, not caused by a Church of England
group within the town but came out of a long protracted
struggle between two factions in the precinct Congrega-
tional Church of West Newbury. The minority, angered
by the actions of their opponents and a General Court
order in favor of the latter, were approached by John
Bridger of Portsmouth, N. H., surveyor general of Her
Majesty's forests, and agreed at his suggestion to proclaim
a definite schism from their neighbors by declaring for
t. Episc. Hist. Soc. Colls., I, 61; Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 113;
Marblehead to the Society, 5 April, 1714, 5". P. G. Papers, B I, No. 171;
Marblehead to Nicholson, 5 April, 1714, ibid., B I, No. 172. In referring
to this letter Nicholson wrote, "The town of Marblehead is ... one of
the most thriving in the Country, by reason of the Fishing Trade very
many Ships loading there with dry Cod fish for Portugall Spain and the
Streights ; If the Society would be pleased to send a good Missionary
thither & that as soon as possible I beleive there would be a very consid-
erable Congregation of the Church of England." n May, 1714, ibid., B I,
No. 178; Myles to the Sec'y, 23 July, 1714, ibid., B I, No. 188.
62 Shaw to the Sec'y, 13 Jan. 1715/16, ibid., A XI, 385-386.
83 Pigot to the Sec'y, 29 Apr., 1728, ibid., A XXI, 405; Pet. of Salem
to the Society, i Aug., 1733, ibid., A XXIV, 417-418; Salem to the So-
ciety, 30 Dec., 1734, ibid., A XXV, 171-172; Mass. Archives, XI, 413.
"Pigot to the Sec'y, 6 Aug., 1733, S. P. G. Letters, A XXIV, 419.
65 Plant to the Sec'y, 24 Sept., 1732, ibid., A XXIV, 139-140; Pigot to
the Sec'y, 29 Oct., 1733, ibid., A XXIV, 426; Plant to the Sec'y, 6 Dec.,
1734, ibid., A XXV, 162.
162 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [616
the Church of England. 66 Bridger assured the people that
if they would petition for a Church of England minister,
they would be freed from contributing to the precinct
church, while a missionary would come supplied with a
salary by the Society. This argument was of importance
in effecting the results, but later events proved that a
misunderstanding had occurred. 67
John Lambton, a chaplain of the Queen's navy, offi-
ciated in Newbury for a short time in 1713-1714, and was
succeeded by Henry Lucas, an eccentric man, who painted
a picture of his unusual parish in dark colors. According
to Lucas the first steps were taken to frighten the precinct,
never with the thought that the Honorable Society would
actually grant the petition and send a minister. 68 While
there doubtless were several sincere Churchmen among the
apostates of Newbury, the group as a whole was, according
to Benjamin Colman, simply a typical country church
faction, possessing, in the matter of church practices,
those very prejudices which made them look w T ith horror
upon such tendencies as the Brattle Street church repre-
sented, and as far from Episcopacy as could well be
imagined. 69
"Coffin, Hist, of Newbury, 151 et seq.; Currier, Ould Newbury,
363-395 ; Currier, History of Newbury, Mass., 332-357 ; 369-374 ; "Mem. of
John Bridger," 4 Dec., 1711, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 99; Pet. of Newbury
to the B'p. of London, 5. P. G. Letters, A VII, 93; Bp. of London to the
Sec'y, 4 Feb., 1712/13, ibid., A VII, 45; et alia.
87 "Mem. of John Bridger," 4 Dec., 1711, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 99;
Bridger to Lord Dartmouth, 2 Feb., 1711/12, ibid., 102; Lucas to the Sec'y,
19 June, 1720, ibid., 132; "But they chuse the Church because they would
save their Rates to the other Ministers is very plaine to me." Bridger to
Lucas, 7 Oct., 1718, 5. P. G. Letters, A XIII, 521-523.
68 Lucas to the Sec'y, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 127.
'Colman stated that while Belcher of the West Precinct of Newbury
was a man of unusually catholic principles, the people of Queen Anne's
Chapel were "till now among the most narrow and rigid Dissenters, who
would before this have disowned me in particular, for the Use of the
Lord's Prayer, reading the Scriptures and a freer Admission to the
Lord's Table, than has been generally practiced in these Churches." Col-
man to White Kennett, Nov., 1712, Turell, Colman, 124.
617] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 163
From this review of the work of the S. P. G. in rural
Massachusetts it will appear that in its beginning and
during the first ten years of the Society's history it was
little more than the local application of the great Anglican-
Quaker struggle going on in all the colonies. By the end
of that time the Church had found a foothold and other
causes accounted for its growth. These were principally
two, the increase of the over-sea element in the commer-
cial towns of the province, and the subsequent proselytiz-
ing from the churches of the standing order. A town
quarrel was the basis of the introduction of the Anglican
service at Newbury, and in various other communities local
disagreements helped to feed the missionary establishment
of the Church of England.
Coincident with this second phase of the Church's
development in the province, came a new alignment of
parties. The Massachusetts Congregationalist had come
to see in the Anglican minister not a missionary to "Qua-
ker and irreligious" towns or to the Indian natives, but
rather the representative of an organization and practice
which the Puritan of two generations before had come into
the wilderness to escape, and which in spreading would
exert a political as well as a religious influence which
might prove hostile to the system of the land. Succeeding
years therefore witnessed the conflict between the ecclesi-
astical laws of Massachusetts and the demands of the
Anglican churches throughout the province.
The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel had
scarcely begun its work w r hen it discovered the difficulty
which it had to meet in Massachusetts where a state church
was supported by public taxation. 70 As early as 1703 the
Churchmen in Braintree appealed to Joseph Dudley, ask-
ing that the governor and council would order that their
estates need not be taxed for ministerial support until a
legal trial be held or Her Majesty's pleasure be known. 71
70 "Account of the State of the Church in North America by Mr.
George Keith and others." Prot. Episc. Hist. Soc. Colls., I, xv.
"Documents relating to the case are in the Public Record Office.
C. O., 5, 863.
164 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [618
Not receiving satisfaction at that time they were in 1710
complaining to the Bishop of London that they were
termed Papists and Idolaters and their worship called the
"mass," while their estates were forcibly taken from them
"by those whose wills are the measure of their actions, for
the support of Dissenting ministers." 72
It is not without some significance that it was the
church at Newbury which was the first to go systematically
to work, and not altogether ineffectively, to gain exemp-
tion. Disgust at ministerial assessments, levied upon them
after they supposed they would be immune, was united to
a certain resentment long felt against their fellow towns-
men. The attempt made early in 1712 to collect from them
a ministerial tax, voted before the schism, was the cause
of an appeal which they made to Dudley. The petition
stated that it was "a thing unknown in her Majesty's
dominions that the members of the Church of England
should be forced to contribute to the support of the toler-
ated dissenting Teachers." 73
Dudley's relation to religious and ecclesiastical con-
cerns within his province was a curious one. Born in
Massachusetts, of an old family of the standing order, he
was trained in all the customs of his native land and was
a member of the church in Roxbury. But while governor
of the Isle of Wight he became a communicant of the
Church of England; in 1701 he was made correspondent
of the S. P. C. K. for that province, 74 and later a member
of the S. P. G., 75 becoming a strong supporter of its
work. 76 Returning to New England he soon found that he
had incurred the hatred of his own circle, but was at the
same time never able to gain the full confidence of Massa-
chusetts Churchmen. 77 This result came as an inevitable
"Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 84-85.
~ 3 Ibid., 99-108; Sewall's Diary, 27 Feb., 1711/12.
T4 "Minutes of the S. P. C. K", McClure, Eng. Ch. Hist., 140, 299, 306.
n S. P. G. Journal, I, 37, 43.
76 Keith to the Sec'y, 5". P. G. Letters, A I, No. 9 ; Dudley to the Sec'y,
10 Oct., 1706. ibid., A III, No. 4; S. P. G. Journal, 18 Jan., 1711/12, II, 153.
77 Foote, Annals of King's Chapel, 147, 175.
619] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 165
consequence of his application in ecclesiastical affairs of
his theories as a representative of the British imperial
system. His affiliation with the Anglican Church was a
practical expression of his advocacy of the enforcement of
English law. In his dealings with the religious parties in
New England he was above all eager to suppress petty
jealousies, to placate the various parties, and by the ar-
rangement of compromises to allay the strife of religious
factions as he succeeded to a certain extent with political
ones. It was with this object in view that he had given
an impression of friendliness to the Quakers, John Tucker,
Richard Borden, Joseph Wanton and Ebenezer Slocum,
while doing little for them. The same principle he applied
in dealing with the Anglicans. 78 Knowing that the matter
presented by the representatives of the church at Newbury
was outside of his authority, he was, however, anxious to
remedy the situation. The result of his consideration was
embodied in a communication to the justices of Essex
County, dated 28 Feb., 1711/12. After reciting the situa-
tion presented in the Newbury petition, Dudley concluded :
I am therefore of opinion that the said Petitioners and others that join
with them ought to be peaceably allowed in their lawful proceedings
therein for their good establishment and ought not to be taxed or im-
posed upon for the support and maintenance of any other public worship
in the said Town of wch I desire all persons concerned to take notice
accordingly. 79
This was no order but a mere recommendation, tho the
Honorable Society always thought otherwise and was led
by Dudley so to believe. 80 This encouragement prompted
the Churchmen of Newbury to go on with their church
building and continue resistance to taxation ; but the other
78 In a letter to the Bishop of London, dated i Aug., 1705, Dudley
justifies the legislation of 1702 and his own attitude. "I freely told the
Council when the additional Law was made that it must not be supposed
to refer to the Church of England but to such persons profane & irre-
ligious as the preface mentions." Fulham Mss., Mass.
"Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 108.
80 Dudley to the Bp. of London, 19 Dec., 1712, 5". P. G. Papers, B I,
No. 127; Dudley to the Sec'y, I May, 1714, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 97;
Pascoe, Digest of the S. P. G., 43-
166 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [620
townsmen were no less determined upon success. Impris-
onment followed, from which in the first instance Dudley
issued a discharge. 81 A later suit resulted in an appeal to
the Inferior Court of Common Pleas, which upon a techni-
cality reversed the judgment previously submitted by the
justices of Essex County. 82 This result was in large part
due to Sir Francis Nicholson to whom the Newbury
Churchmen had applied for aid, as the chief patron of the
Church in the colonies. 83 Nicholson employed counsel
from his own fortune and went to work with the double
purpose of freeing the prisoners and discovering whether
there was real authority for their imprisonment. He
would doubtless have made a strong appeal to the home
government had he found any illegality in the latter, but
in this he was disappointed. He did, however, write to
the Society 84 while Bridger applied to Dudley. Whatever
the governor may have done at this time the west precinct
of Newbury registered its understanding of the recent turn
events had taken by voting, 2 April, 1714, "to free all those
persons that are or shall be for the Episcopal way of
worship in ye Precinct from paying any rates to the main-
tenance of ye Ministry amongst us." 85 Tho an attempt
was later made to revive the tax, matters were for the time
being quiet.
"Dudley to the Bp. of London, 19 Dec., 1712, S. P. G. Papers, B I.
No. 127.
82 Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 109.
8s Prot. Episc. Hist. Soc. Colls., I, xxiii, xxv, xxxiii; S. P. G. Sermon
and proceedings, 1712-1713, 42; Lambton to Nicholson, I Jan., 1713/14,.
27 Jan., 1713/14, 3 Feb., 1713/14, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 87, 88, 89. There
is also a petition from Newbury to the Queen preserved in the Public
Record Office, C. O. 5, 751. This petition was covered by Bridger with a
letter to the secretary of the Board of Trade, dated 7 Dec., 1713.
84 Nicholson to the Sec'y, 17 Feb., 1713/14, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 91.
85 Quoted from the records of Newbury in Currier, Ould Newbury,
383. In this order Quakers were also included. The account of his
travels in America submitted by James Dickenson to the London Yearly
Meeting of 1715 records that "at Boston they had large meetings and
Service, and also at Newberry where friends as well as the Church
of England People (so called) are Exempted from paying to the
National Presbyterian Priests there." Lond. Yr. M., V, 134.
621] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 167
During the course of these proceedings in Xewbury
the Churchmen of Braintree began to take similar meas-
ures regarding their treatment at the hands of the standing
order. Early in 1713, soon after the coming of Eager, a
petition signed by William Vesey and others, and asking
that they be freed from ecclesiastical charges, was pre-
sented to the Governor and Council. 86 It was considered
on May 7 and then referred to the General Court on the
ground that it lay within the authority of that body. 87 The
petition was accordingly tendered to the General Court
in June; 88 but the latter took advantage of a technicality
and refused to consider it. 89 It was at this point that
Eager sent an appeal to the Venerable Society. "We
cannot find," said he "that any of our Communion upon
this Northern part of this Continent are obliged to support
the Dissenters, but this poor handful of this Town only." 90
Eager's letter produced a communication from the secre-
tary to Governor Dudley. 91
The Society conceive this to be a very great hardship [ran the letter] and
apprehend it is very much in your Excellency's power to do and procure
to be done that which is just and equal to such who are so oppressed,
and the rather because they observe in a Letter from your Excellency to
the late Lord Bishop of London of the igth December last, you are
pleased to say, that as to such Inhabitants who had declared for the
Church of England you had at their request exempted them from pay-
ment of taxes to any other Ministers but of the Church. 92
Such a statement shows how Dudley had succeeded in
giving the Bishop of London a different impression from
what was actually the case. In his relation to the Episco-
pal churches of the province Dudley had not gone farther
than to make recommendations to the justices of Essex
County, and those only in regard to the single town of
88 Isaac Addington to Wm. Vesey, 23 Apr., 1713, Fulham, Mss., Mass.
^Council Minutes, 7 May, 1713, Fulham Mss. Mass.
88 "The Case of the Church of Brantry," 2 June, 1713, ibid.; Sewall's
Diary, 2 June, 1713.
89 Wm. Tailer to Wm. Vesey, 19 June, 1713, Fulham Mss., Mass.
90 Eager to the Sec'y, 12 Aug., 1713, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 91-93
91 Sec'y to Eager, 18 Dec., 1713, 5. P. G. Letters, A VIII, 588.
92 Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 96.
168 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [622
Newbury. 93 The Society believed that he had issued gen-
eral orders and upon this supposition based their appeal
to him in the present case. Dudley must have felt some
uneasiness at the misunderstanding for he hastened to
write, 1 May, 1714, to explain to the secretary that what
he had formerly said referred only to Newbury. He was,
however, not obliged to confess that this had been nothing
but a statement of opinion. Between his two letters affairs
at Newbury had developed, and he was now able to record
the vote of the west precinct which exempted Anglicans
from ministerial charges. 94
The matter of Braintree was dropped soon after this
because of the departure of Eager and the decline of the
church.
During the administration of Joseph Dudley the prin-
cipal application made by the Massachusetts Churchmen
for relief from ministerial taxes were to the governor.
His effort to smooth matters over and give an appearance
of authority prevented the Anglican element from carrying
many urgent appeals to the Bishop of London or the
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. Had such
appeals been made at this time and solicitations in Eng-
land followed, it is possible that results for the provincial
Churchmen might have been obtained which were long
postponed by the death of the strenuous Henry Compton
and of Queen Anne.
Lieutenant-governor William Tailer, who acted as
chief executive for the year between Dudley's removal and
the appointment of Shute, had the confidence of the
Anglican ministers in the province as well as of the So-
98 The secretary referred to the following statement. "Those that
brought me, that address, carry'd Home with them Immediately an order
under my Hand Commanding that nothing upon any pretence whatsoever
Should be taken from any of them that Declar'd for the Church of Eng-
land, for the Maintenance of any other Minister." Dudley to the Bp. of
London, 19 Dec., 1712, 5. P. G. Papers, B I, No. 127.
M Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 97.
623] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 169
ciety, 95 but was not called upon to settle any questions of
church and state.
His successor Samuel Shute, altho belonging to an
English nonconforming family, 90 became a member of the
S. P. G. 97 and pledged himself to support its missionaries. 98
He had occasion to frame a very definite policy regarding
the Episcopal churches of the province, and took matters
into his own hands. With him a determination to enforce
English law was unaccompanied, as in the case of Dudley,
with political astuteness and an understanding of New
England institutions, so that he was induced to stretch his
prerogative in dealing with the Anglican churches.
Not long after Shute's arrival the wardens and vestry
of the church at Marblehead presented him with the
grievances which they felt in being forced to contribute to
the support of dissenting ministers. The governor's re-
sponse gave temporary satisfaction. He seems to have sent
a communication to the selectmen of the town to the effect
that the Churchmen ought not to be taxed. 99 The feeling
of security which this support gave the church at Marble-
head 100 was in reality unfounded, for the selectmen of the
town defied Shute's recommendation. The assessors pro-
ceeded once more to rate the Churchmen for the support
of the ministry and the constables to distrain their
95 Ministers etc. of the Ch. of Eng. in Boston to the Bp. of London,
29 Sept., 1714, Fulham Mss., Mass.; Sec'y to Tailer, 17 Dec., 1716,
S. P. G. Letters, A XI, 421.
96 The appointment of Shute was a matter of satisfaction to New
England Congregationalists until they discovered his policy. Cotton
Mather to Lord Barrington, 4 Nov., 1718, / Mass. Hist. Colls., I, 105, 106;
"Address to His Majesty from the Convention of the Ministers of Christ
in New England, "30 May, 1717, C. O. 5, 752.
97 S. P. G. Journal, IV, 49, 15 May, 1719.
98 Shute to the Sec'y, i Jan., 1718/19, S. P. G. Letters, A XIII, 547.
"Marblehead to the Sec'y, 10 May, 1717, Perry, Ch. Docs. Mass.,
126-127; Shute to the Sec'y, 10 May, 1717, S. P. G. Letters, A XII, 442;
Sec'y to Shute, 16 Dec., 1717, ibid., A XII, 473; Marblehead to the Sec'y,
Feb., 1717/18, ibid., A XIII, 498.
100 Shaw to the Sec'y, 31 Mar., 1718, Perry, Ch. Does., Mass., 130.
170 CHURCH AND STATE IX -MASSACHUSETTS [624
goods. 101 Mossom, who in the meantime had succeeded
Shaw, 102 wrote to the secretary asking that the Society
would communicate with Shute and secure his intercession
for his parishioners. 103 Without waiting for this sugges-
tion to take effect he applied to the governor himself in a
petition dated June 27, 1722, with the request that His
Excellency would be pleased "effectually to interpose" and
require the Justices of the Peace and selectmen to exempt
members of the church in Marblehead. 104 The result was
highly satisfactory to the Anglicans as Shute assumed
authority. He immediately addressed an order to the
Justices of the Peace and the selectmen of the town of
Marblehead requiring them to forbear laying any taxes
upon people belonging to the English Church of the town
toward the support of "any dissenting Minister." 105
Altho this order had no effect upon the town or county
officials, it inspired the Churchmen of Newbury to make a
like appeal. Disregarding its vote of April 2, 1714, the
town had recently renewed the taxation of Churchmen.
Just one month after issuing the order in regard to Marble-
head, Shute wrote a similar one upon Newbury to the
Justices of the Peace. 106 It is probable that he repeated
the same for Bristol at about this time. 107
In no one of the towns which Shute favored was his
order obeyed. At Marblehead the goods of two men were
distrained and several others threatened, upon which Mos-
som in December, 1722, petitioned the justices at General
Sessions, but succeeded only in getting them to write a
101 Mossom to the Sec'y, 17 Apr., 1719, 5. P. G. Letters, A XIII, 548;
same to same, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 134-135.
102 Sec'y to Shute, 27 Aug., 1718, 5. P. G. Letters, A XIII, 544-545-
103 Mossom to the Sec'y, n June, 1722, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 137.
104 Petition printed in Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 139.
105 Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 140; Mossom to the Bp. of London, 28
Apr., 1724. Fulham Mss., Mass.; Slafter, Checkley, I, 79, note.
10< Order in full from Records of Queen Anne's Chapel, printed in
Currier, Ould Newbury, 383.
107 Plant to the Sec'y, 20 Dec., 1726, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 207;
Slafter, Checkley, II, 33.
625] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 171
letter to the town urging the people to be at peace. 108 In
Newbury the situation was similar, 109 and in Bristol a
number of persons were imprisoned 110 for failure to pay to
the support of the newly arrived Congregational minister,
Nathaniel Cotton. 111
At this point occurred the sudden departure for Eng-
land of his Excellency Samuel Shute; and the Episcopal
clergymen, in continuing their business with the provincial
government, found themselves facing the lieutenant-gov-
ernor Jeremiah Dummer. From the first Dummer an-
nounced a policy very different from his predecessor's.
While willing to arrange the differences in the Episcopal
towns of the province, he recognized far better than Shute
what was his own relation to the law. As a native New
Englander like Dudley, he was aware that, if concessions
were to be made, they must come from the legislative and
not the executive body. Orem and Mossom both addressed
Dummer soon after Shute's departure and were pleasantly
received with the promise from the governor that he would
use his influence in their favor. 112 He explained, however,
and reiterated many times in the following months, when
approached on the same subject, that the laws of the prov-
ince absolutely supported what the selectmen and consta-
bles were doing, so that relief must come in the way of
legislation through the General Court.
While Dummer was announcing these facts to the
New England clergymen, events were occurring in Eng-
108 Mossom and Orem to the Bp. of London, Fulham Mss., Mass.;
petition printed in Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 140.
109 Plant to the Sec'y, 7 Sept., 1726, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 203.
110 Updike, Narragansett Church, II, 469, quoting Records of St. Paul's
Church, Narragansett; Munro, Hist, of Bristol, 140.
111 Bristol to the Bp. of London, 8 Jan., 1721/22, 5". P. G. Letters,
A XVI, 269-273; Bristol to the S. P. G., 29 Oct., 1722, ibid., A XVI,
306-309.
112 Mossom to the Bp. of London, 28 Apr., 1724, Fulham Mss., Mass.
Orem brought to Dummer a petition from the imprisoned Churchmen of
Bristol. Munro, Hist, of Bristol, 141, quoting New England Courant,
ii Feb., 1722/23; Updike, Narragansett Church, II, 469, quoting Records
of St. Paul's Church, Narraganett.
172 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [626
land which soon exerted an important influence upon con-
ditions in Massachusetts. In 1723 John Robinson, Bishop
of London and diocesan of the colonies, was succeeded by
Edmund Gibson whose ideas in regard to the supremacy
of the English Church and the importance of ecclesiastical
control in America resembled the theories of Henry Comp-
ton. In Compton's time the number of Anglicans in New
England was so small, and Dudley had been so eager to
keep the religious elements in some degree of quiet, that
the complaints which had reached the Bishop and the
Society had not created any great disturbance. Under
Shute's government the dissatisfaction with conditions had
become more expressive; but the Society, not prodded by
an active bishop, turned the matter over to the governor;
and Shute, by assuming an unconstitutional authority,
relieved the Society of further responsibility in the matter.
The legal status of the Massachusetts Churchman was not
appreciated by the Venerable Society in these years.
The change came at about the time of Gibson's trans-
lation to the see of London. He could not have been long
in his new position when he received an elaborate commu-
nication drawn up by Orem and Mossom soon after the
imprisonments at Bristol, seconded by Samuel Myles and
Henry Harris of Boston, and urging the presentation of a
petition to the King asking for relief. 113 Gibson's imme-
diate reply was a letter to the lieutenant-governor asking
for his protection for the clergy of the province; 114 but with
characteristic force he went farther. Wishing to under-
stand better ecclesiastical conditions of the colonies, Ed-
mund Gibson at once sent out a set of queries to the various
commissaries of his predecessor. Among them was the
question : "What public Acts of Assembly have been made
& confirmed, relating to the Church or Clergy within that
Govt?" The reply made by Samuel Myles, answering for
Massachusetts, said:
*Fulhom Mss., Mass.
114 Cutler to Gov. and Council, 24 Apr., 1724, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass.,
144-
627] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 173
There are Several laws for the Establishing of Independants, & Settling
Orthodox Ministers chosen by the people. The Church of England only
indulged, as the Anabaptists & Quakers for never in any of the Laws is
the case supposed that the Clergy of the Chh of Engld, should be here
Supported.
In reply to another question he stated his belief that
It would tend very much to the advantage of the Church, and comfort of
the Clergy, if the members of the Chh were freed from any compulsion
to pay to the independant ministers, as they are forced to do in many
places Particularly in Bristol where the Church people have been impris-
oned for not paying their rates towards the maintenance of Mr. Cotton a
Dissenting Minister of that Town. 115
Even before this information could have reached Gib-
son, the Society was giving serious attention to an account
from Mossom of difficulties at Marblehead and of Shute's
order. His letter was referred to a committee
to inspect the Laws of that Country, and to examine what has been the
practice in other Church of England churches in New England, and also
what has been the Usage and Practice in other Governments where the
Church of England is the Established Church. 116
The result of this committee's investigation showed that
"every person is rateable by the Governmt there to pay to
the Minister chose by the Majority of each Town." 117
This information, with the facts which the Society
was constantly receiving from the Massachusetts clergy
and churches, resulted in a new line of action for which
Gibson was probably responsible. Shute, who was present
at a number of the Society's meetings and was now aware
of the unconstitutional position which he had previously
taken, 118 was instructed to write to the lieutenant-governor
to use what influence he could. But it was agreed that if
115 Myles to the Bp. of London, i June, 1724, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass.,
153-154; Cross, Ang. Episc., 65-66.
116 5". P. G. Journal, IV, 310-311, 19 June, 1724.
ll Ubid., IV, 312-313, July, 1724. The authority used by the S. P. G.
was a compilation made by Nicholas Trott of "Laws relating to the
Church and Clergy in America," which had been submitted to the Society
in 1720 and published upon its order. Ibid., IV, 104, 105, 8 and 29 Apr.,
1720.
11S S. P. G. Journal, V, 70, 17 Dec., 1725; Sec'y to Mossom, 3 Jan.,
1725/26, S. P. G. Letters, A XIX, 270-271.
174 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [628
Dummer's efforts with the General Court failed, the matter
would be taken to the proper place, the King in
Council. 119
The course of these events was interrupted by another
ecclesiastical question in which the Bishop of London had
been much concerned. In May 1725 the ministers of Mas-
sachusetts made their second attempt to secure govern-
mental sanction for the holding of a synod. 120 A petition
from the convention of ministers in Boston was presented
to the General Court on May 27. Ten years earlier the
New England Yearly Meeting had done its utmost to pre-
vent the sanction of such a synod. Now it was the Boston
clergymen who were on the alert before the Yearly Meeting
had gathered. Their point of attack was similar to that
which the Quakers had taken, that approval in England
of such an act would be the recognition of the Congrega-
tional church as the established church of Massachusetts.
The dismissal by the Representatives of a petition
from Myles and Cutler against the ministers' memorial
was the occasion of an appeal from Myles directly to the
Bishop of London. Edmund Gibson in presenting the case
to the Duke of Newcastle dwelt upon the constitutional
phase of the question, the legal status of the Church of
England in the colonies. 121 Beyond that were the unfor-
119 See the Mossom correspondence on Shute's Marblehead order,
Sec'y to Mossom, 25 Aug., 1724, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 165; 5. P. G.
Journal, IV, 310-311, 312-313, 317, 19 June, 17 July, 21 Aug., 1724; ibid.,
V, 61, 19 Nov., 1725, quoting a letter from Mossom to the Sec'y, 16 Dec.,
1724; Mossom to the B'p. of London, 7 Jan., 1725/26, Fulham Mss., Mass.
120 Cross, Ang. Episc., 67-76; Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 170-190.
121 The two sides of the argument over what was in point of law the
established church of Massachusetts appears in numerous writings from
the time of the province charter. The clearest statements are by John
Checkley and Benjamin Colman. The stand taken by the former is that
the Church of England was extended as an established church to the
colonies by the Act of Union. Colman's argument is that the King in
Council by sanctioning Massachusetts ecclesiastical laws had recognized
the Congregational as the established church of Massachusetts. Checkley
to Z. Grey, 28 Jan., 1725/26, Slafter, Checkley, II, 221; Checkley to T.
Bennett, 15 June, 1725, ibid., II, 175; Colman to White Kennett, 17 Dec.,
1725, Turell, Colman, 137.
629] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 175
tunate results which might occur in England should such
a privilege be granted. An example must not be given
either to the lower clergy or to the nonconformists. A
Whig decision between nonconformists and Anglicans was
likely to favor nonconformity rather than churchmanship ;
but the question was presented in such a way that other
interests were at stake. The matter was hurried through
the necessary bodies and a judgment rendered which satis-
fied the higher clergy. Dummer received from the Privy
Council a rebuke for his failure to veto the bill, 122 and the
matter never came up again in the General Court.
The year following Shute's letter to Dummer saw the
arrival of fresh information from Massachusetts but no
account of success in the legislature. Relying perhaps
upon the outcome of the synod project, the Society in Sep-
tember, 1726, after rereading two special communications,
one from the clergy of New England and the other from
Mossom, decided that a committee should be appointed to
draw up a representation to lay before His Majesty. 123
In the following month a petition framed by this committee
was read before the Society "concerning the Members of
the Church of England in Connecticut Colony and Massa-
chusetts Bay in New England who are aggrieved in being
forced to pay towards the Maintenance of Independent or
Dissenting Teachers." William Sharpe was secured to act
as counsel and the treasury of the Society was put at the
disposal of the committee which was asked to present the
Massachusetts and Connecticut laws to the Attorney and
Solicitor General for their opinion whether the colonies
by virtue of their Charters had power to make such laws
"in prejudice of the Church of England/' 124 In conse-
quence of the opinion rendered Sharpe was ordered to
draw up a representation "in the name of the private Per-
sons who have sent over complaints of their Grievances,
122 Chas. Delafaye to the Gov. of N. E. by order of the Lords Jus-
tices, 7 Oct., 1725, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 189.
123 5\ P. G. Journal, V, 99, 16 Sept., 1726.
*/&#., V, 101, 21 Oct., 1726.
176 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [630
to be laid before his Majesty." 125 This petition was lodged
in the Council office March 20, on May 13 referred to com-
mittee, and on July 14 passed on to the Board of Trade, 126
which considered it on November 10. 127 The document in
many respects resembled the Quaker appeal of 1723 but
went farther. While the Quakers had been concerned with
a disallowance of a particular law, the Anglicans asked
for the "repeal" of the whole mass of Massachusetts eccle-
siastical legislation under the province charter as incon-
sistent with the religious provisions of that document. 128
On November 14 the Board of Trade, with the Bishop of
London present, gave directions for writing to the Attor-
ney and Solicitor General for their opinion whether the
said acts were repugnant to the charter, and if so whether
it was in the King's power to repeal them. 129 The failure
of the Board of Trade to secure any answer at this time
must have been due in part to the political situation. The
failure of the Bishop of London and the Society to push
the matter farther was in a measure at least occasioned
by the Massachusetts law of December 19, 1727.
The solicitation of Dummer by the Venerable Society,
falling in as it did with his own policy, was not without
effect, tho the progress of events was slow. One of the
chief difficulties which had developed in Massachusetts was
the imprisonment or distraint of Anglicans in outlying
towns who attempted to attend the church service in Bris-
tol, or in Newport, or Providence, outside of Massachusetts
125 S. P. G. Journal, V, 109, 20 Jan., 1726/27.
126 Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 202; Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 477; Acts of
the Privy Council, III, 156.
127 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 481. This petition is printed in full in Mass.
Prov. Laws, II, 478-481.
128 As English lawyers later observed there was at this point a con-
fusion. If the laws were repugnant to the charter no repeal in the legis-
lature was needed but a test case carried to England, resulting in annul-
ment. If they were not repugnant to the charter they could not be
repealed without the consent of the General Court as they had already
received the royal approbation.
12g Mass Prov. Laws, II, 481-482; Foote, Annals of King's Chapel, I,
453'. Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 202.
631] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 177
jurisdiction. 130 Among the northern towns which experi-
enced the same trouble in less degree was Marblehead
whose church had several members living in Salem. The
case of Philip English was carried by petition before the
lieutenant-governor in the winter of 1725 and he ordered
a speedy compromise. 131 Altho Salem greatly resented
this interference, a large part of the rate was remitted. 132
Dummer showed on all these occasions a steady support
of the Anglican clergy and churches, 133 but disappointed
the clergy in his continued policy of non-interference. In
repeated complaints to Dummer Matthias Plant of New-
bury attempted to gain redress for a number of his parish-
ioners living north of the Merrimac River in the town of
Amesbury, w r here they were rated to the minister of that
town. The governor received Plant cordially and went so
far as to write to the selectmen of Amesbury, urging them
not to molest the Churchmen, until the pleasure of the
General Court was known; but the measure was ineffect-
ive. 134
The efforts made by Plant were contemporaneous with
the second founding of the church in Braintree which was
hardly on its feet before it attempted to gain the gover-
nor's order which the other churches in Shute's time had
secured. Plant's final memorial and one from Braintree
were before the Governor's Council on the same day, No-
vember 30, 1726. While Dummer recognized that action
on this question, to be valid, must come from the General
Court, he had in mind and did propose that a law should
immediately be made "that the taxes of those belonging
to the Church of England be paid by the collectors to the
130 Updike, Narragansett Church, 477, quoting Records of St. Paul's
Church, Narragansett; Providence to the Sec'y, 12 May, 1725, S. P. G.
Letters, A XIX, 228-229.
131 AT. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg., XXXV, 163.
132 Mossom to the Bp. of London, 7 Jan., 1725/26, Fulham Mss., Mass.
133 Dummer to the [Bp. of London], 15 Nov., 1725, ibid.; Harris and
Mossom to the Bp. of London, 7 Dec. 1725, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 200;
Mossom to the Bp. of London, 7 Jan., 1725/26, Fulham Mss., Mass.
134 Plant to the Sec'y, 20 Dec., 1726, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 207.
178 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [632
Ministers of the Church of England to whom they severally
do belong." A committee was appointed, Duminer intend-
ing that it might report some such measure to recommend
to the lower house; but it dismissed the question, merely
expressing its opinion that such applications should be
made directly to the whole court. 135
Braintree attempted such application, but its memo-
rial was thrown out by the representatives so promptly
that Newbury declined the suggestion. Plant, to whom
Dummer explained the case, refused to approach anyone
but the governor on the ground that the Bishop of London
and the Honorable Society were expecting the Church
people to be "protected from rates only by his Honor's
orders." To this Dummer replied that "by this time he
believed his Lordship, the Bishop of London, and the So-
ciety were better informed vizt, that he could not do it." 136
Not long afterwards Dummer carried out his policy in
regard to Braintree by writing a letter to Col. Quincy, who
was then a member of the Council, asking him to use his
influence in adjusting the Anglican difficulties in the
town. 137
Discouraged by the events of November, 1726, both
Newbury and Braintree gave up hope of obtaining any-
thing from the local government and turned again to the
Bishop of London and the Venerable Society. Plant's
letter to the secretary was dated December 20, 1726, 138
and a memorial from Braintree to Nicholson eight days
later. "We have done making Application to the Author-
ity here," ran the Braintree statement, "and are quite
tired, as you may see by the papers we have sent ... to
be laid before his Lordship & the Honble Society." 139
In spite of his apparent failures it was the attitude
of Dummer which forced upon the General Court some
action regarding the exemption of Anglicans. Letters from
135 Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 206; Dummer to Plant, 12 Dec., 1726, ibid.,
205.
138 Plant to the Sec'y, 20 Dec., 1726, ibid., 207.
137 Dummer to Quincy, 7 Apr., 1727, Mass. Archives, XI, 419.
188 Plant to the Sec'y, 20 Dec., 1726, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 207.
139 Braintree to Nicholson, 28 Dec., 1726, Fulham Mss., Mass.
633] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 179
I
the Bishop of London and from the secretary of the Society
with the continuous stream of complaints from Bristol
and Marblehead, Newbury and Braintree only strength-
ened his opinion of the general wisdom of such action.
The General Court had repeatedly thrown out applications
from members of dissenting sects, but by 1727 conditions
had somewhat changed. On December 5, 1727, there was
read in the Governor's Council a proposed act which was
little more than a repetition of the scheme which Dummer
had outlined in a letter to Plant just twelve months before.
Its origin in substance then may be traced to the lieuten-
ant-governor. Its passage in the lower house was due to
the events which had occurred in England since the assem-
bly, a year earlier, had thrown out the Braintree memorial.
In the spring of the year (1727) news had reached Massa-
chusetts of the progress of the petition which Gibson and
the Society were following from Privy Council to Board
of Trade. 140 The decision of the crown lawyers regarding
the tax act of 1722, rendered three years before this, and
of the letter sent to Dummer by the Privy Council in
regard to sanctioning a synod, were fresh in the minds of
the representatives. The assembly was inclined to believe
that a partial exemption of Churchmen, scarcely more than
many of them already had secured, was better than a dis-
astrous decision. The Council, already inclined to favor
Quakers, made no opposition. 141 On December 7 the act
was passed in the upper house, was read in the assembly,
and finally on the twelfth concurred in with certain amend-
ments. 142
This act of December 19, 1727, which was in reality
an act for the settlement and support of ministers, con-
tained a clause which gave a limited exemption to Angli-
140 Cutler to the Sec'y, 24 May, 1727, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 222;
Dummer to the Bp. of London, 20 June, 1727, Fulhant Mss., Mass.
14 *Pubs. of the Col. Svc. of Mass., vol. I. Transactions, 142. Jona-
than Belcher who was a member of the Council at this time later stated
that he did all in his power to promote it. Belcher to the Bp. of London,
5 Oct., 1733, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 292-293.
142 Mass. Archives, XI, 472.
180 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [634
cans. Ministerial rates were to be collected from them as
usual; but the money of those who lived within five miles
of an Anglican church where there was a "person in orders
according to the rules of the Church of England" should
be turned over by the collectors to the Episcopal minister.
The Churchmen were also exempt from paying to the build-
ing of meeting houses. A proviso, however, limited the
usefulness of the act. It was stated that if a deficiency
occurred in the salary of the Congregational minister by
reason of this arrangement, a second assessment could be
made in which Churchmen were to be included. 143
Very general dissatisfaction was felt at so slight a
concession. The five mile radius was particularly trying
in the parish of the Bristol church; the probability of a
second assessment was a cause of complaint ; the temporary
character of the act was annoying. 144 The people of Bar-
rington and Rehoboth who had joined with the new church
at Providence were particularly stirred because no arrange-
ment had been made to cover their position. 145
Gibson soon learned of the passage of the act 146 and
on June 21, 1728, laid it before the Society with criticism.
The S. P. G. immediately instructed Sharpe to watch for
the arrival of the act at the Board of Trade and inform the
Society, that it might be followed to the Privy Council. 147
The bishop also wrote to William Burnet, the newly ap-
pointed governor of Massachusetts; but Burnet was too
deeply concerned with the salary question between himself
and the assembly to do anything more than send a friendly
reply to Gibson. 148
143 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 459, ch. 7.
144 Cutler to Capt. John Delapp, 13 May, 1731, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass.,
264-266.
"'Providence to the Sec'y, 8 July, 1730, S. P. G. Letters, A XXIII,
118-119; a petition in behalf of these people was read by the Governor's
Council, 5 Sept., 1728, C. O. 5, 898.
146 Checkley to the Bp. of London, 31 Mar. 1728, Perry, Ch. Docs.,
Mass., 250; Miller to the Bp. of London, 10 May, 1728, ibid., 253.
147 5 > . P. G. Journal, V, 164, 21 June, 1728.
148 "As to the two acts about the Lords day, and exempting church
men &c I think them both very wrong, and wish they were repealed by
635] THE CHURCH OP ENGLAND 181
Since November 14, 1727, the petition which the Ven-
erable Society had drawn up in the name of the Massachu-
setts clergymen had lodged with the Attorney and Solicitor
General, and was neglected for various reasons. The
passage of the act of 1727 somewhat altered the situation
but a new petition was not immediately framed. Sharpe
on May 21, 1729, at last succeeded in securing an order
from the Board that Popple should write again to the
Attorney and Solicitor General to remind them that no
answer had been made to the question submitted November
14, 1727, but nothing came of this. 149
Two years more passed before the English Churchmen
were able to secure the attention which they desired. By
that time the Massachusetts act of 1727 had arrived offi-
cially, as well as the first Quaker and Baptist legislation
which made better concessions than the earlier act had
given to the Anglicans. 150 Dissatisfaction with the act of
1727 was expressed in a petition drawn up again in the
name of Timothy Cutler to the King in Council which on
October 28, 1731, was considered and referred to the Lords
Committee. 151 On November 1 it was passed on to the Board
of Trade 152 who gave it their consideration. This second
petition reminded the Board that it had failed to return
a report on the earlier memorial but stated that the situa-
tion now was somewhat changed by the legislation of 1727.
The objections to the recent act were set forth. Finally
His Majesty was besought once more to consider the va-
rious acts before mentioned as well as the present law, take
action upon them and enjoin the governor not to pass any
His Majesty I beleive it would have a good effect if they were so, and
the objections mentioned by your Lordship against ym seem to be all well
founded, and I wish they could be taught to know that the Independents
here are no Established church." Burnet to the Bp. of London, 27 Nov.,
1728, Fulhatn Mss., Mass.
** 9 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 482.
150 Cutler to Capt. John Delapp, 13 May, 1731, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass.,
264-266.
Acts of the Privy Council, III, 156.
152 Mow. Prov. Laws, II, 482-483; Acts of the Privy Council, III, 156;
Foote, Annals of King's Chapel, I, 455.
182 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [636
act for the future "whereby any Tax shall be laid on the
Members of one perswasion for the support of the ministers
of any other." 153 As in the former case the Board of
Trade, receiving the petition on November 30, 1731, read
it and referred it (5 January 1731/32) to the Attorney and
Solicitor General with a second reminder of the letter of
November 14, 1727. 154
In the meantime the arrival of Governor Belcher with
his friendly attitude toward the Quakers of Massachusetts
Bay had caused among the Anglicans of New England a
greater commotion than the feeble Quaker legislation of
1728 and 1729 had produced. While the Quaker bill of
1731 was being drafted by a committee of the lower house,
Roger Price, in his new official capacity as commissary for
New England, presented a memorial to the Governor,
Council, and House of Representatives in behalf of the
Churchmen. 155 Belcher in receiving his appointment had
been given instructions which contained a new clause bear-
ing on ecclesiastical matters. The recent legal recognition
of the Bishop of London's jurisdiction in the colonies was
now particularly drawn to the various governors' attention
with the charge that they give special care to encouraging
the bishop's commissaries in their duties. 156 In spite of
Belcher's strong anti-Episcopal feeling he was prepared
for political reasons to do what was necessary to satisfy
Anglican interests in England, and now promised his
support. 157
The committee of the General Court in whose hands
the affair was placed was not inclined to make immediate
158 This petition is given in full in Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 483, and in
Foote, Annals of King's Chapel, I, 454.
1M JlfoM. Prov. Laws, II, 483-484.
155 Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 272-273; Foote, Annals of King's Chapel,
455-
156 C. O. 5, 916, 306-307, 20 Mar., 1729/30.
1B7 Belcher's answer to Cutler's address to the Governor, Boston Ga-
zette, 10-17 Aug., 1730; Belcher to the Duke of Graf ton, 12 Dec., 1730,
Fulham Mss., Mass.; Price to the Bp. of London, Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass.,
272; Belcher to the Bp. of London, 4 Dec., 1731, 6 Mass. Hist. Colls., VI,
72-73; Belcher to Richard Partridge, 27 Apr., 1732, ibid., VI, 123.
637] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 183
concessions and asked for further proof of disabilities
under existing legislation. In spite of immediate action
by the joint vestries of King's Chapel and Christ Church,
with financial support, nothing came of this petition.
Upon receiving news of its failure they proceeded to draw
up a further memorial to present to the King in Council, 158
and solicited contributions from the rural churches of
New England. 159 On Feb. 7, 1731/32, the new petition
was considered by the vestries of the two Boston churches
and ordered sent to the Bishop of London; Thomas Sand-
ford was chosen as agent to prosecute the petition to the
King, and a local committee was appointed to correspond
with him and forward money. John Checkley at this time
went into the rural towns to get the memorial signed and
to obtain further evidence of distraint. 160
This petition had no immediate result as the Bishop
of London was still busy with the Massachusetts memorial
of 1731 for which the Board of Trade's attention had been
recently secured. Certain difficulties which made it im-
possible to gain the attention of authority in 1727 had
now been overcome and an opinion from the Attorney and
Solicitor General was at last secured, August 16, 1732.
Taking up the first petition, drawn before the act of 1727
and complaining of Massachusetts ecclesiastical law, the
lawyers pointed out that of the acts therein mentioned the
first three had been duly confirmed by the crown, and the
subsequent ones had become law when not within the allot-
ted time disallowed in England. In either case such laws
could not be repealed by His Majesty without the concur-
rence of the Massachusetts General Court. The lawyers
next proceeded to consider whether the acts were repug-
nant to the charter and hence void from the beginning.
158 Foote, Annals of King's Chapel, I, 456-457, quoting the Records of
Christ Church.
169 Updike, Narragansett Church, II, 504-505, quoting Records of the
Narragansett Church. The Narragansett Church pledged 28 pounds 15
shillings.
160 Foote, Annals of King's Chapel, I, 457-459, quoting the Records of
King's Chapel and of Christ Church.
184 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [638
They pointed out that, while the charter granted liberty of
conscience, it did neither institute nor expressly prohibit
a provincial church to be established in the colony. To
provide for the celebration of the public worship of God
and for the maintenance of ministers did not seem to them
inconsistent with liberty of conscience. Even if the acts
were illegal no extrajudicial declaration could pronounce
them so ; a judicial proceeding on a test case was necessary.
The act of 1727, discussed in the second petition, Yorke
and Talbot were asked to pass upon in point of law. But,
as they said, it was not a legal objection which was entered
against it but prudential, the act not going far enough to
please the people whom it was framed to pacify. 161
Edmund Gibson, when informing Price of this action
by the law officers of the crown, expressed the regret that
the Church had not taken steps earlier and before the
power w r hich the Massachusetts dissenters exercised had
become so well established. 162 It is possible that an appli-
cation in Queen Anne's reign might have proved effective,
but for political reasons in England rather than because
of developments in Massachusetts Bay. The Hanoverian
succession w r ith its substantial Whig support had altered
conditions among English Churchmen, and these condi-
tions were reflected in America. There was little chance
of obtaining from law officers of the crown any legal opin-
ion at the expense of dissenters during the Walpole regime.
Other decisions resembled this one. Gibson was forced to
confess that his influence at court was too weak to oppose
the party strength of the dissenting interests. 163
In spite of this condition and the unwillingness of the
Honorable Society to push matters under such circum-
stances, the united vestries of King's Chapel and Christ
Church were determined to go farther. Meeting June 26
mPerry, ch. Docs., Mass., 274-288.
182 Bp. of London to Price, 6 Feb., 1/32/33, Foote, Annals of King's
Chapel, I, 461.
163 Petition of the Massachusetts Churchmen to the Archbp. of Can-
terbury, Foote, Annals of King's Chapel, I, 464.
639] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 185
and October 19, 1733, they voted to try the one remaining
mode of procedure, a test case. A committee was accord-
ingly appointed to seek the prosecution of such officers as
distrained or imprisoned members of the Church of Eng-
land in the province, to defend Churchmen in traveling to
church on Sunday, and Church of England ministers for
marrying in the manner of the Church. 164 This measure
was followed by a vigorous prosecution of the case of
Matthew Ellis of Medford who, upon imprisonment for
failure to pay a ministerial tax, sued Richard Sprague the
constable. The case went through the Inferior Court of
Common Pleas, the Superior Court and the Court of Re-
view. An appeal was denied by the judges of the Superior
Court, but was granted by the King in Council, and
Sprague w r as summoned to appear before a committee of
the Privy Council to answer for the imprisonment of
Ellis. 165
Meanwhile the Bishop of London, who had met best
success when dealing with the Massachusetts governor, ap-
plied once more to the same authority; and Belcher now,
as Dummer formerly, assumed certain responsibility. The
General Court w r as once more led to consider the disabili-
ties of Churchmen and, probably influenced by the recent
action of the Boston Episcopal churches, took up the ques-
tion of exemption. On July 4, 1734, the Baptists were
given the same privileges which the Quakers had obtained
two years and a half before; and on December 27, 1735,
the Anglicans received a similar recognition.
The law, tho not proving entirely satisfactory to the
Church of England in the province, did away with the
two chief objections to the act of 1727. While it provided
merely for a return of taxes rather than a clear exemption,
as in the case of the Baptists and Quakers, and still in-
cluded Churchmen in a possible second assessment, it took
a step forward in its abolition of the five mile clause. A
a ' 4 Foote, Annals of King's Chapel, I, 464, quoting Records of King's
Chapel and of Christ Church.
165 /&tU, 464, 465, 467; Perry, Ch. Docs., Mass., 311-312.
186 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [640
system of identification, similar to the Baptist and Quaker
method, was instituted, the minister and church wardens to
indicate to the town treasurer who were members of or gave
attendance at the Anglican church. The act was in force
for five years. 100
The passage of these two acts, the Baptist and the
Anglican laws of 1734 and 1735, rendered practically
unimportant the action taken by the Board of Trade and
the Privy Council at just this time. At the failure of the
petitions in the name of Timothy Cutler which had ab-
sorbed the attention of the Bishop of London and the
S. P. G. a failure caused by the unsympathetic decision of
Yorke and Talbot, there still lay before the bishop the
Quaker legislation which King's Chapel and Christ Church
were denouncing. At the beginning of the year 1736 Gib-
son and William Sharpe were on the alert regarding it, 167
as a decision was imminent ; but the result was not all that
might have been desired. The real problem was avoided.
In accordance with a report submitted by the Board of
Trade the Lords Committee (2 Feb., 1735/36) stated that
as the charter granted liberty of conscience to all Chris-
tians except Roman Catholics, such exemption ought not
to be limited to any one sect of Protestants but extended
to all. The act was therefore considered not proper for His
Majesty's approbation and was only saved from an un-
favorable recommendation by its temporary character, as
it was about to expire. The Board of Trade was ordered
to draft an additional instruction to Belcher to restrain
him from giving his assent in the future to any law of this
kind unless the exemption be made general. The order
was read at the Board on March 18, 1736. 168
Belcher was not given an opportunity to show his
recognition of this order as there was no attempt to pass
further exemption laws during his term of office. Each of
the three important dissenting sects had secured a tolerable
9 Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 782, ch. 15, 27 Dec., 1735.
18T Sharpe to the Bp. of London, 10 Jan., 1735/36, Fulham Mss., Mass.
188 Acts of the Privy Council, III, 491-492; Mass. Prov. Laws, II, 635.
641] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 187
arrangement which tho irritating was not impracticable.
The Anglican law of 1735 was made perpetual in 1742. 169
The Anglicans of Massachusetts were behind the
Quakers in beginning their struggle to resist maintaining
the state church, as there were very few of them in the
country towns of the province until after the founding of
the S. P. G. When once started the struggle resembled the
Quaker conflict in the support which it received from the
parent body at home, when it met failure in Boston, as well
as in its dependence for success upon political conditions
in England. The Massachusetts provincial governors un-
derstood that their function in ecclesiastical matters was
to use their influence in suppressing warring religious fac-
tions and in maintaining "liberty of conscience," as their
instructions commanded, in accordance with the wording
of the province charter. In the instructions of the early
provincial governors of Massachusetts there were no spe-
cial charges in regard to support of the Church of Eng-
land, but the natural sympathy of men who were stanch
Anglicans or who supported the state church of England
for political reasons offset this omission, and the governors
were generally looked upon as the protectors of Anglican
interests. Dudley, who had the clearest vision of his mis-
sion as the exponent of British colonial policy, was espe-
cially anxious to curb warring ecclesiastical interests and
showed a friendly consideration for Quaker as well as
Anglican when they came armed with petitions to gov-
ernor and council, while he readily discharged ecclesiastical
prisoners of either body. In spite of his adopted Anglican
sympathies he recognized his limitations when faced by
any Massachusetts law which had been allowed in England ;
and in spite of repeated proddings by the Churchmen, he
went only so far as to make urgent recommendations to
stubborn towns where the Anglicans were in an uncom-
fortable position. Shute, less well versed in the rights
of the Massachusetts legislature, carried the policy of pro-
tecting the Church to the point of overstepping his pre-
*Mass. Prov. Laws, III, 25, ch. 8, I July, 1742.
188 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [642
rogative when he made definite orders in regard to the
treatment of Anglicans. Dummer, who like Dudley recog-
nized that relief for "dissenting sects" must come from
action by the General Court, nevertheless supported the
cause of the Church when he used his influence to secure
a law in favor of Anglican interests. His work was so
effectual that the Massachusetts act of 1727, relating to the
maintenance of the ministry, contained a clause for the
partial exemption of Anglicans.
Back of the royal governors during this whole period
the English Church was itself working busily, through the
S. P. G. and the Bishop of London. The scattered Church-
men of Massachusetts very early began to make application
to the Society and to the Bishop, seeking relief from
ecclesiastical charges, and some earnest recommendations
came to Dudley, Tailer, and Shute from across the water.
If the number of Churchmen in the country towns of
Massachusetts had been larger, their appeals might have
had more effect, but they were not pushed consistently, and
the opportunity to accomplish something before the death
of Queen Anne was lost. A little later the belief that Shute
had authority and was exercising it for the benefit of the
local Churchmen relieved the Society of responsibility. A
changed conception of the power of the governor and a
better appreciation of the legal status of Episcopacy in
Massachusetts came to the Society at about the time that
Gibson succeeded Robinson in the see of London ; and under
his influence the organization took up seriously the problem
of gaining exemption for New England Churchmen. After
a study of the Massachusetts ecclesiastical law and an ap-
peal to Dummer to use what influence he could, the Society
agreed to carry the affair before His Majesty and address
the King in Council. Politics delayed immediate action
but the agitation was not without its effect on the Massa-
chusetts General Court. This body was conscious of its
unpopularity with the Board of Trade; it feared an un-
friendly decision and anticipated it by following Dummer's
suggestions and passing the law of 1727. The activity of
643]
THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND
189
the Church party was therefore reflected in Massachusetts
legislation but not so far as to satisfy the Anglicans.
Finding that the law had gained practically nothing for the
local Churchmen, the Society agreed to revive its previous
attempt with the crown, a decision soon strengthened
by the passage of the Massachusetts Quaker laws of 1728,
1729 and 1731. The influence of the Bishop of London was
not sufficient to gain results satisfactory to ecclesiastical
interests, but again the General Court was guided by fear
of the possible course which events in England might fol-
low. Governor Belcher's recommendation in favor of a
satisfactory law was accepted ; the act of 1735 was passed
and in 1742 it became perpetual.
CONCLUSION.
This study of church and state in Massachusetts of
the early eighteenth century may properly be closed with
a summary of the main conclusions which have been
reached. While some of these are of local interest merely,
others have a much broader significance. The object of
the study has been to reconstruct the ecclesiastical system
of provincial Massachusetts and to show the steps by
which it was broken down through the efforts of hostile
forces.
In the year 1691 Massachusetts faced the problem of
an ecclesiastical adjustment when she found herself re-
constituted as a royal province with an enlarged boundary
and a broadened franchise. Her first step was to pass a
series of legislative acts and resolves which renewed as
far as possible the ecclesiastical law of the seventeenth
century, while technically granting liberty of conscience,
as decreed by the province charter. When these laws
failed to be effective by reason of the pressure of elements
opposed to their execution, subsequent laws made an at-
tempt to carry through by pressure what the earlier legis-
lation had been unable to accomplish. Fines, distraint,
and imprisonment became more and more common as the
laws hardened in a firm endeavor on the part of the law
makers to maintain the old standards in the face of
changed conditions.
The opposing forces which gave the leaders most un-
easiness were two, the Episcopal element which appeared
in the country towns of the province soon after the organi-
zation of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel,
and the growing communities of Baptists, Quakers, and
"other irreligious persons" who were to be found mainly
in the region which had formerly belonged to Plymouth
Colony. This second group was made up chiefly of de-
190
645] CONCLUSION 191
scendants, in the second and third generations, of the
Puritan founders of the commonwealth or of Plymouth
Colony, who were inclined to carry to its logical conclu-
sion the spirit of independent thinking which had been
their heritage. Moving on from the older towns where
extreme orthodoxy was the order and social prestige de-
pended on it, they settled in the newer plantations of the
northern and southern counties where their variations
made less stir with the government at Boston or Plymouth.
In due time many of them accepted Baptist or Quaker doc-
trines, either finding the theology of these sects more
satisfying than the extreme Calvinism of Massachusetts
orthodoxy, or attracted by a freer political doctrine than
that on which they had been reared. There were many
who still sympathized with much of the old Puritan teach-
ing and yet stood for a complete separation of church and
state such as Khode Island maintained. Others and
these doubtless made up the greater part of the inhabitants
of the villages least under the control of the government
were frankly uninterested in church platforms and creeds,
tho not violently opposed to religious teaching. Among
such men the leaders of the hierarchy met little opposition
so long as they were willing to finance the churches which
they were trying to establish and did not endeavor to en-
force the law for the maintenance of the ministry.
Such was the condition in Massachusetts in the last
decade of the seventeenth century. The old ecclesiastical
system was failing to maintain itself in its earlier vigor,
and as the laws were made increasingly elaborate, with a
view to strengthening the position of the state church,
the opposition grew more determined to defy them. The
opening of the eighteenth century saw this opposition in
two organized camps, that of the Anglican Church, working
principally through the Society for the Propagation of
the Gospel, and that of the Quakers, supported by the
Society of Friends in England. In tracing the steps by
which these bodies secured the exemption legislation of
the eighteenth century, we observe that the Anglicans
192 CHUECH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [646
were for a long time less successful than the Society of
Friends, and that this difference was caused in very great
measure by political conditions in England.
The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, begin-
ning its work at the opening of the eighteenth century and
given an added impulse by the Queen's favor in the years
immediately following, failed to realize the opportunity
which her support offered, and met reverses after her
death. During the early years of the eighteenth century
the Society, when receiving appeals from Massachusetts
Churchmen, turned to the royal governors with the ex-
pectation that they would use their authority to relieve
the situation. The governors were distinctly favorable to
the Church ; and one at least went so far as to issue orders
to town officials in a way that went quite beyond his
authority. Most of the governors, however, were conscious
of their limitations and recognized that a change, if made,
must come from the General Court or through disallow-
ance of Massachusetts legislation by the King in Council.
When the Venerable Society was at last persuaded of the
truth of these statements, it assumed responsibility and
carried the matter before the proper body in England.
In doing so it met new difficulties, as it was almost impos-
sible to obtain favorable decisions or any real support
from the government during the Walpole regime, for the
nonconformists constituted too strong a wing of the Whig
party to be offended. As a Church society the S. P. G.
was finding itself less well supported under the House of
Hanover than by the high-church sympathies of Queen
Anne. Thus, in spite of the support of the royal gover-
nors, the Bishop of London and the Venerable Society,
the attempts made by the provincial Churchmen upon
Massachusetts ecclesiastical law, were for a time side-
tracked, and final success was reached only after the other
dissenters had gained recognition and exemption.
Meanwhile the same conditions of English politics
which hindered the Venerable Society distinctly favored
the English Quakers when they came to make appeals for
647] CONCLUSION 193
their people in Massachusetts. Between 1700 and 1718
innumerable complaints were sent to the London Yearly
Meeting by the Quakers of New England and in the latter
year, finding earlier methods unavailing, the English
Friends decided to address the government and follow up
their plea with vigor. The Board of Trade, which was
the principal body handling colonial affairs, was domi-
nated by Newcastle during the following critical years of
ecclesiastical controversy concerning Massachusetts. The
Board was therefore ready to favor Whig interests and
was responsible, as we have seen, for a number of decisions
in favor of nonconformists as opposed to Churchmen. The
situation was altered when the question was one involving
Quaker against Puritan for two of the dissenting sects
were here opposing each other. The strong organization
of the Society of Friends in England, with its wealth and
its political influence, worked in favor of the Quakers in
the colonies. The Massachusetts Puritans, on the other
hand, were not consistently backed by an influential and
wealthy body in England and were therefore left almost
alone to resist the attacks of the Quakers on their system.
They were, moreover, closely associated in the minds of
the British government officials with resistance to law;
by its ignoring of the Navigation Acts the General Court
of Massachusetts had opposed the British commercial sys-
tem ; it was likewise playing at this time a very independ-
ent role in its treatment of the royal governors. The
English government took the part of the Quaker in his
opposition to the New England Puritan and in doing so
struck a blow at the unpopular assembly of Massachusetts.
It was in this way that a small matter of local signifi-
cance, the application of seventeenth century ecclesiastical
law in provincial Massachusetts, was influenced by Eng-
lish party politics and the enforcement of the British colo-
nial system. Throughout the eighteenth century the crown
failed to maintain a consistent policy of favoring the Eng-
lish Church in the colonies. The Churchmen of Massa-
chusetts were therefore handicapped in their efforts to
194 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [648
resist the authorities at Boston in spite of the support of
the royal governors, the Bishop of London, and the Vener-
able Society. The Quakers on the other hand, because of
their political influence in England, were better able to
make headway against the unpopular General Court of
Massachusetts.
Altho the exemption legislation gained in this period
was not the real religious liberty which was desired, it
marked the first retreating step on the part of the aggres-
sive state church of Massachusetts. Since a full disestab-
lishment was not gained until 1833, laws of this sort
marked the legal position of the dissenters for almost a
hundred years. In the second half of the eighteenth cen-
tury the Baptists were the great opponents of the Congre-
gational system, and the Church of England was at work
during both Quaker and Baptist periods; but the Society
of Friends was the agent most responsible for the success
gained over Massachusetts ecclesiasticism in the first half
of the eighteenth century.
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202 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [656
Walker, Williston. Creeds and platforms of Congregationalism. New
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Jenkins, Charles W. Early history of the town of Falmouth. Falmouth,
Mass., 1889.
Little Compton, R. I. The i?5th anniversary of the organization of the
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Munro, Wilfred H. The history of Bristol, R. I. Providence, R. I., 1880.
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INDEX
Akin, John, 119, 126.
Andros, Edmund, 8, 17, 20.
Anglicans, see Church of England.
Anne, Queen, 10, n, 148.
Anthony, Joseph, 119, 126.
Ashurst, Henry, 101.
Ashurst, William, 153.
Attleboro, 68, 70, 72, 83, 159.
A very, Joseph, minister at Freetown, 81.
Backus, Isaac, 22-23, 44> 86.
Baptists in England, 11-13; in the colonies, 14; church in Boston, 39; in
Mass, in 1700, 44-46; increase in Mass., 50, 86; resistance to ecclesias-
tical law at Swansea, 71-73; attack on Mass, church-state system, 17,
86, 132-134, 141. For exemption laws, see Laws.
Barclay, William, Anglican missionary at Braintree, 156.
Barnstable County, 37; Quakers in, 44; enforcement of ecclesiastical law
in, 69-70.
Barrington, 159.
Belcher, Jonathan, member of the Council, 117; governor, 136; relation
to Quakers, 136-144, 145 ; relation to Anglicans, 182-189.
B'ellomont, Earl of, governor, 92.
Board of Trade, origin, 96; attack on proprietary governments, 97; change
in character after 1723, 131 ; relation to Quakers, 93, 98-99, 100, 102,
117, 123-25, 146; relation to Anglicans, 176, 181-182, 186.
Borden, Richard, 95, 105, 107, 108, 109, 112, 118, 131, 134, 136, 137-138.
Boston, ministerial support in, 23, 25-26, 27, 38; churches in i/oo, 38.
Braintree, 155-158, 159, 163-164, 167, 177-179-
Bray, Thomas, II, 97, 150, 152.
Bridger, John, 161, 166.
Bristol, 148, 158-159, 160, 171, 180-187.
Bristol County, 37; character, 38, 44, 73; enforcement of ecclesiastical law
through Court of General Sessions, 31, 70-84, I57J Anglicans in, 71,
I54-I5S, 156-159, 160; Baptists in, 44-46; Quakers in, 44.
Brown, John, 155.
Brown, Moses, 86.
Burnet, William, governor, 180.
203
204 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [658
Charles II, 8, 9.
Charter, Mass, charter of 1629, 7; Mass, charter of 1691, 8-9, 17, 21, 94,
142.
Checkley, John, 183
Christ Church, Boston, 148, 159, 183, 185.
Church of England, relation to imperial policy, 9-10; relation to Quakers,
13-14, 49, 97, 141-143, 150-151; introduced in Mass., 15-16, 39, 50;
strength in Mass, in 1725, 148; attack on Mass, church-state system,
17, 163-189. For exemption laws, see Laws.
Colonial policy, 7-8.
Compton, Henry, Bishop of London, 148-149, 153-154, 156.
Congregationalists, in England, 11-13, 16; relation to English Quakers,
98-101, no; relation to New England Congregationalists, 14-16, 99-
102, no.
Connecticut, ecclesiastical system, 16, 35 ; law against heretics, 97, 98-101,
105; Anglicans in, 151.
Convention of ministers, 28, 174.
Council of Churches, 28-30, 84.
County, see General Sessions of the Peace.
Craghead, Thomas, minister at Freetown, 81-82.
Crouch, William, 93-94, 95, 102, 103,
Cutler, Timothy, 159, 160, 174, 181.
Danforth, Samuel, minister at Taunton, 77, 79, 80.
Dartmouth, Baptists in, 46, 70; Quakers in, 70; resistance to ecclesiastical
law in, 31, 68, 72, 74-77, 107-112, 119-127.
Diamond, Richard, 93.
Dissenters in Mass., see Church of England, Baptists, Quakers.
Dudley, Joseph, president of the Council, 20; governor, 98; policy, 146,
165; relation to Quakers, 98, 112, 146, 165; relation to Anglicans, 163-
168, 187.
Dummer, Jeremiah, Mass, agent, in, 124; governor, 171-179, 188-189.
Eager, Thomas, Anglican missionary at Braintree, 157.
Eccleston, Theodor, 96.
Essex County, 36; Quakers in, 6p; Anglicans in, 160-163.
Exemption legislation, see Laws.
Falmouth, 44, 68, 69-70.
Field, John, 93, 96, 102, no.
Franchise, in I7th century, 19-20; affected by charter of 1691, 9, 25.
Freetown, 68, 70, 72, 79-82, 154, 156-159.
Friends, see Quakers.
Frontier settlements, 52-53, 63-68, 83-84, 85.
659] INDEX 205
General Court, authority limited by charter of 1691, 9; relation to estab-
lished church, 30; responsible for enforcement of ecclesiastical law,
32, 75; formation of precincts, 55-60; regulation of land for use of
ministry, 62; concerned with securing ministers, 62-63; relation to
frontier settlements, 53, 63-68; 83-84; management of "unorthodox"
communities, 68-84; memorial to the Queen, 109; change in attitude
toward Quakers, 145-146. For exemption legislation, see Laws.
General Sessions of the Peace, 27, 30, 31, 32, 63, 84-85.
Gibson, Edmund, Bishop of London, 172-188.
Goddard, Beriah, 126-127.
Gurney, John, 96
Guy, William, Anglican missionary at Narragansett, 157-158.
Hampshire County, 36.
Harris, Henry, 172.
Harvard College, 74-76.
Hastwell, Edward, 96.
Hollis, Thomas, 134.
Honeyman, Anglican missionary at Newport, 154, 157, 158.
Howland, Henry, 126
Huguenots, in Boston, 38.
Hunt, Samuel, minister at Dartmouth, 76-77.
Hyam, Thomas, 96.
Independents, see Congregationalists.
Indians, 37-38, 153.
James II, 8.
Keith, George, 150, 153, 154, 155.
King's Chapel, Boston, 41, 148, 183, 185.
Lambton, John, Anglicans' missionary at Newbury, 162.
Land, for use of ministry, 58-59, 61-62.
Laws of Massachusetts, for maintenance of ministers, (1692), 24, 26, 61,
93, 119-120; (1693), 26, 61; (1695), 29-30, 62; (1697), 30; (1702), 31,
83; (1706), 32, 75, 105; (1715), 32, II3-H4, 119-120; (1722), 32, 113;
(1727), 179-180; for exemption of Anglicans, (1727), 176, 179-180,
188; (1735), 142, 185, 189; (1742), 187, 189; for exemption of Bap-
tists, (1728), 132; (1729), 135; (1734), 141, 185; (1740), 141, 143;
for exemption of Quakers, (1717), 114; (1720), 117-118; (1721), 118-
119; (1728), 132; (1729), 135; (I73i), 138-139; (1737), 143.
Little Compton, 70, 82-83, 105, 154-159.
Lucas, Henry, Anglican missionary at Newbury, 162.
Luther, Samuel, Baptist minister at Swansea, 72-73.
Lynn, 91, 94, 105.
206 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [660
Marblehead, 160, 169-170.
Marsh, Joseph, minister at Tiverton, 76.
Maryland, 97, 98, 151.
Massachusetts, composition and character in 1700, 35 et seq.
Mather, Cotton, 22.
Mather, Increase, 8, 14, 22, 50, 100, 102.
Metcalf, Joseph, minister at Falmouth, 70.
Middlesex County, 37.
Miller, Ebenezer, Anglican missionary at Braintree, 159-160.
Ministers, see Court of General Sessions, General Court, Land, Laws,
Salaries.
Mossom, David, Anglican missionary at Marblehead, 170, 171, 172, 173, 175.
Myles, Samuel, 80, 155, 172-173, 174.
Narragansett, 154.
Newbury, 148, 161-163, 164, 165-166, 170-171, 178-179.
Newbury, Walter, 106, 114.
Newcastle, Duke of, 96-97, 131, 146.
Newport, 153.
Nicholson, Francis, 158, 166, 178.
Orem, James, Anglican missionary at Bristol, 158-159, 171, 172.
Partridge, Richard, 96, 122-124, 128, 129-130, 136, 138-139, 140, 144.
Penn, William, 95, 101.
Pennsylvania, 97, 151.
Pickering, Theophilus, minister at Tiverton, 127.
Plant, Matthias, Anglican missionary at Newbury, 177, 178.
Plymouth Colony, 27, 36, 42, 43, 44.
Plymouth County, 37, 43.
Precinct, 53-60.
Presbyterians, 11-13, I4 16, 98-99.
Price, Roger, 142, 182.
Privy Council, Quaker appeals to, 92, 100; (1719), 117; (1723), 123-126;
(1725), 130-131, 146; Anglican appeals to, (1726), 175-176; (1731),
181-182; (1732), 183-184; (1736), 142, 185-186; concerned with Mass,
synod, 175.
Proprietary governments, attack on, 97-98.
Providence, 154, 159.
Puritans, see Congregationalists.
Quarter Sessions, see General Sessions of the Peace.
Quakers, in England, 11, 13; influence, 95-97, 144, 146; doctrine, 42; atti-
tude of Puritan toward, 48; attitude of Church of England toward,
49; organization, 87; London Yearly Meeting, 13, 91 et seq., 145;
London Meeting for Sufferings, 87 ft seq.; opposition to attack on
661] INDEX 207
proprietary governments, 97; decline, 86; in the colonies, 13-14; fore-
shadowed by Antinomians, 41; arrival in Mass., 15, 42; in Boston,
39; numbers in Mass, in 1700, 43-44, 46-47; attitude toward Mass.
charter of 1691, 22; New England Yearly Meeting, 47-48, 89 et seq.;
Sandwich and Scituate Quarterly, 47, 137 > Rhode Island Quarterly,
47, 90, 105, 107, 108, 117-118, 129, 134, 137; Salem Quarterly, 47, 106-
107; Greenwich Monthly, 47; Rhode Island Monthly, 47, 105, no;
Dartmouth Monthly, 47, 76, 107, in, 114, 137; Sandwich Monthly, 47;
Pembroke Monthly, 47; Salem Monthly, 47, 88, 91, 92; Hampton
Monthly, 47; Dover Monthly, 47; resistance to ecclesiastical law at
Dartmouth and Tiverton, 73-78; attack on Mass, church-state system,
86, 91-147. For exemption laws, see Laws.
Quincy, Col., 178.
Randolph, Edward, 8, 17, 20, 97.
Rhode Island, 35, 42, 97, 151, 153.
Richardson, Thomas, 95, 115, 116, 117, 122-123, 128, 129, 135.
Robinson, John, Bishop of London, 172.
Salaries of ministers, 61, 62, 82, 85.
Salem, 161.
Sandwich, 43, 68, 69.
Scituate, 160.
Sharpe, John, 123-124.
Sharpe, William, 175, 180-181, 186.
Shaw, William, Anglican missionary to Marblehead, 161.
Shute, Samuel, governor, relation to Quakers, 144; relation to Anglicans,
169-171, 173, 187-188.
Sisson, John, 119, 126.
Slocum, Ebenezer, 108.
Smith, Deliverance, no.
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, n, 13, 150.
Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, founded, n, 150;
purposes, 13, 150-153; work in Rhode Island, 153; work in Mass., 41,
71, 79-80, 154-163.
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England, 153.
Society for the Propagation of Religion, 153.
Society of Friends, see Quakers.
Suffolk County, 37.
Swansea, Baptist church in, 45, 70; resistance to ecclesiastical law, 68, 71-
73, 133; Anglican church in, 154-155, 159-
Synod, 50, 112, 174-1 75. %
Taber, Jacob, 126-127.
Taber, Philip, 119-126.
Taber, Thomas, no.
208 CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS [662
Tailer, William, lieutenant-governor, 112, 168-169.
Taxes, general, 32-34, 90; for maintenance of ministers, regulation of in
forming new precincts, 57-58; added to province assessment, 32, 74,
78, 85, IO7, III-II2, I2O-I2I.
Tiverton, Baptists in, 46; Quakers in, 70; Anglicans in, 154-159; resistance
to ecclesiastical law, 31, 68, 72, 74-78, 107-112, 119-127.
Town, 61-85.
Town meeting, 30-31.
Tucker, John, 107, in, 114, 128-130.
Vesey, Col., 155, 167.
Voluntary contributions to ministers, see Salaries.
Walpole, Robert, 10, 97, 131, 146, 148.
Wanton, John, 115, 117-118, 129, 135.
Wanton, Joseph, 108, 131, 134, 136, 137-138.
Way, William, minister at Freetown, 79-81.
West, Richard, 123, 124.
Wheaton, Ephraim, 134.
Whigs, see Walpole.
William III, relation to Mass, charter, 8, 17; relation to Mass, ecclesias-
tical legislation, 17; colonial policy, 96; religious policy, 148.
Wyeth, Joseph, 96, 102.
