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HISTORY 
FOR  READY  REFERENCE 

FROM  THE  BEST 
HISTORIANS,  BIOGRAPHERS,  AND  SPECIALISTS 

IHEIB  OWN   WORDS  IN  A  COMPLETE 

SYSTEM  OF  HISTORY 

FOR  ALL  USES,   EXTENDING  TO  ALL  COUNTRIES  AND   SUBJECTS, 

AND  REPRESENTING  FOR  BOTH   READERS  AND  STUDENTS  THE  BETTER  AND 

NEWER   LITERATURE    OF    HISTORY    IN   THE 

ENGLISH  LANGUAGE 


ARNED 

WITH  NUMEROUS  HISTORICAL  MAPS  FROM  ORIOD^AL  STUDIES  AND  DRAWINGS  BY 

ALAN  C.  EEILEY 


IN  FIVE  VOLTOIES 


VOLUME  III  — GREECE  to  NIBELUNGEN  LIED 


SPRINGFIELD,  AiASS.  H- 1  ^  i 

THE  C.  A.  NICHOLS  CO.,  PUBLISHERS 

MDCCCXCV^ 


i  'i 


JAN2M974 


:'h 


^i//V  Ul  \'^'"^, 


CoPTRionT.  IWM. 
BY   I.  N.  LARNED. 


The  hiviiaide  Frets,  Cambridge,  Mais.,  U  S.  A. 
Printed  by  II.  O.  UougbtoD  &  Compauy. 


LIST   OF  MAPS. 

Map  of  India,  abiiit  the  close  of  the  Sixteenth  Century,  and  map  of  the  growth 

of  the  Anglo-Indian  Empire,       To  follow  page  1708 

Two  maps  of  Italy,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Seventh  Century,  an.l  A.  D.  1492,    To  follow  page  li304 

Two  maps  of  Italy,  A.  D.  1815  to  1859,  and  1801 To  follov  page  1804 

Pour  maps  of  the  En-.pire  of  Alexander  the  Great  and  his  successors,    ...    To  follow  page  2061 
Map  of  the  Mongol  Empire,  A.  D.  1300 On  page  2223 


LOGICAL  OUTLINE,  IN  COLORS. 

Irish  history To  follow  page  1754 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLES. 

The  Seventh  Century, On  page  2073 

The  Eighth  Century On  page  2074 


QliEECE. 


Thf  Land. 


QIl££CB. 


GREECE.* 


The  Land.— Itt  geographical  characteris- 
tics, and  their  influence  upon  the  People.— 

"Tlu!  oonHiiliTiiblc  part  played  by  the  peiinle  iit 
Greece  duriiiK  many  ii^es  must  undoubtedly  bo 
ascrtlied  to  the  geographical  powition  of  their 
coiMitry.  ( )ther  tribes  hnving  the  suine  oriL'lii, 
but  inhabiting  countries  less  happily  situated  — 
sucli,  for  instance,  as  tho  Pelasgians  of  Illyria, 
who  are  bclieve'l  to  lie  tlic  ancestors  of  the  Al- 
banians—have never  risen  above  a  state  of  bar- 
barism, whilst  the  Hellenes  placed  tliemselves  at 
the  head  of  civilised  nations,  and  opened  fresh 
patlis  to  their  enterprise.  If  Greece  Imd  remained 
for  ever  what  it  was  during  the  tertiary  geologi- 
cal epoch  —  a  vast  plain  attached  to  the  deserts 
of  Libya,  and  run  over  by  lions  and  the  rliino- 
ccros  — would  it  have  become  the  native  country 
(if  a  Phidias,  an  .Escliylos,  or  a  Demosthenes? 
Certainly  not.  It  would  have  shared  the  fate  of 
Africa,  and,  far  front  taking  the  Initiative  in 
civilisation,  would  liave  waited  for  an  impulse  to 
be  given  to  it  fiDin  bevond.  Greece,  a  sub- 
penins\da  of  tho  peninsula  of  tlie  Balkans,  was 
even  more  completely  protected  by  transverse 
motmtnin  barriers  in  the  north  than  was  Thracia 
or  Macedonia.  Greek  culture  was  thus  able  to 
develop  itself  without  fear  of  being  stitlcd  at  its 
birth  by  successive  invasions  of  barbarians. 
Mounts  Olympus,  Pelion,  and  Ossa,  towards  the 
north  and  east  of  Thessaly,  constituted  the  first 
line  of  formidable  obstacles  towards  ^laccdonia. 
A  second  barrier,  the  steep  range  of  the  Otlirys, 
runs  along  what  is  the  present  political  boundary 
of  Greece.  To  the  south  of  the  Gulf  of  Lamia  a 
fresh  obstacle  awaits  us,  for  the  range  of  the  (Eta 
closes  the  passage,  I'nd  there  is  but  tho  narrow 

Siss  of  the  ThermopylcB  between  it  and  the  sea. 
aving  crossed  the  mountains  of  the  Locri  and 
descended  into  the  basin  of  Thebff,  there  still  re- 
main to  be  crossed  the  Parnes  or  tlie  spurs  of  tho 
Citha;ron  before  we  reach  the  plains  of  Attica. 
The  '  isthmus '  beyond  these  is  again  defended  by 
transverse  barriers,  outlying  ramparts,  as  it  were, 
of  the  mountain  citadel  of  the  Peloponnesus,  that 
acropolis  of  all  Greece.  Hellas  has  frequently 
been  compared  to  a  series  of  chambers,  tlio  doors 
of  which  were  strongly  bolted ;  it  was  difflcult  to 
get  in,  but  more  dilffcult  to  ^et  out  again,  owing 
to  their  stout  defenders.  Michelet  likens  Greece 
to  a  trap  having  three  compartments.  You  en- 
tered, and  found  yourself  taken  first  in  Macedonia, 
then  in  Thessaly,  then  between  the  Thermopylo) 
and  the  isthmus.  But  the  difficulties  increase 
beyond  the  isthmus,  and  Laccdtemonia  remained 
impregnable  for  a  long  time.  At  an  epoch  when 
the  navigation  even  of  a  land-locked  sea  like  the 
jEgean  was  attended  with  danger,  Greece  found 
herself  sufliciently  protected  against  the  invasions 
of  oriental  nations;  but,  at  the  same  time,  no 
other  country  held  out  such  inducements  to  the 
pacific  expeditions  of  merchants.  Gulfs  and 
harbours  facilitated  access  to  her  vEgean  coasts, 
and  the  numerous  outlying  islands  were  avail- 
able as  stations  or  as  places  of  refuge.  Greece, 
therefore,  was  favourably  placed  for  entering  into 
commercial  intercourse  with  the  more  highly 
civilised  peoples  who  dwelt  on  the  opposite 
coasts  of  Asia  Minor.     The  colonists  and  voy- 

•  An  important  part  of  Greek  history  is  treated  more 
fully  under  the  heading  "  Athens '"  (in  Vol.  1),  to  which 
the  reader  is  referred. 


agors  of  Eastern  Ionia  not  only  supplied  their 
Acliicau  and  Pelasgian  kinsmen  with  foreign  com- 
nxHlities  and  merrhan<li»e,  but  they  also  imparted 
to  them  the  myths,  the  poetry,  the  sciences,  and 
the  arts  of  their  native  country.  Indeed,  tho 
geographical  configuration  of  Greece  points 
towards  tlie  ca-ot,  wh'jnce  she  lias  receive<l  lier  first 
cnliglitenmeut.  Her  peninsulas  and  c:  lying 
islands  extend  In  that  directi(m;  tlie  harboi  -s  on 
her  eastern  coasts  are  most  commodious,  and 
afford  the  best  slielter;  and  the  mountain-sur- 
rounded  plains  there  offer  the  best  sites  for  pop- 
ulous cities.  .  .  .  The  most  distinctive  feature 
of  Ilcllas,  as  far  as  concerns  the  reli(  l  of  tho 
ground,  co.isists  in  the  large  number  of  small 
basins,  separated  one  from  the  other  by  rocks  or 
mountain  ramparts.  The  features  of  the  ground 
thus  favoure<l  the  division  of  the  Oreeli  people 
into  a  multitude  f  .f  independent  republics.  Every 
town  had  its  river,  its  ampliitheatro  of  hills  or 
mountains,  its  acropolis,  its  fields,  i);islures,  and 
forests,  and  nearly  all  of  them  had,  likewise,  ac- 
cess to  tlie  sea.  All  the  elements  reciuireil  by  a 
free  community  were  thus  to  be  found  within 
each  of  these  small  districts,  and  the  neiglibour- 
hood  of  other  towns,  equally  favoured,  kept  alive 
perpetual  emulation,  too  frequently  degenerating 
into  strife  and  battle.  The  islr.nds  of  the  vEgean 
Sea,  likewise,  had  constituted  themselves  into 
miniature  republics.  Local  institutions  thus  de- 
veloped themselves  freely,  and  even  the  smallest 
island  of  the  Archipelago  has  its  great  represen- 
tatives iu  history.  But  whilst  there  thus  exists 
tlie  greatest  diversity,  owing  to  the  configuration 
of  the  ground  and  the  multitude  of  i.slands,  tlio 
sea  acts  as  a  binding  element,  washes  every  coast, 
and  penetrates  farfnlaml.  These  gulfs  and  num- 
erous harbours  have  miule  the  maritime  inhabi- 
tants of  Greece  a  nation  of  sailors  —  amphibia, 
a:4  8trabo  called  them.  From  the  most  remote 
times  the  passion  for  travel  has  always  been 
strong  amongst  them.  When  the  inhabitants  of 
a  town  grew  too  numerous  to  support  tliemselves 
upon  the  produce  of  tlieir  land,  tliev  swarmed 
out  like  bees,  explored  the  coasts  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, and,  when  they  had  found  a  site  which 
recalled  their  native  home,  they  built  themselves 
a  new  city.  .  .  .  The  Greeks  held  the  smue  posi- 
tion relatively  to  the  world  of  the  ancients  which 
is  occupied  at  the  present  time  by  tlie  Anglo- 
Saxons  with  reference  to  the  entire  earth.  There 
exists,  indeed,  a  remarkable  analogy  between 
Greece,  with  its  archipelago,  and  the  British 
Islands,  at  the  other  c;;tremity  of  the  continent. 
Similar  geographical  aihrvnt.i  :es  have  brought 
about  similar  lesults,  as  far  nu  commerce  is  con- 
cerned, and  between  the  J^lgean  and  tlie  British 
seas  time  and  space  have  effected  a  sort  of  har- 
mony."— E.  Reclus,  I'lte  Earth  and  its  Inhabi- 
tants: Europe,  p.  1,  pp.  30-38. — "Tlie  indepen- 
dence of  each  city  was  a  doctrine  stamped  deep 
on  the  Greek  political  mind  by  the  very  nature 
of  the  Greek  land.  How  truly  this  is  so  is  hardly 
fully  understood  till  we  see  that  land  witli  our 
vwn  eyes.  The  map  may  do  something;  but  no 
map  can  bring  home  to  us  the  true  nature  of  the 
Greek  land  till  we  have  stood  on  a  Greek  hill-top, 
on  the  akropolis  of  Athens  or  the  loftier  akropolia 
of  Corinth,  and  have  seen  how  thoroughly  the 
land  ^as  a  land  of  valleys  cut  off  by  hills,  of 
islands  and  peninsulas  cut  off  by  arms  of  sea. 


1566 


GREECE 


iiiyratiima  nf  the 
Tribe: 


GREECE. 


from  tln-lr  nclplilKmni  on  cither  slile.  Or  wo 
iiiIkIiI  iii")rc  truly  wiy  tlmt,  wlillo  tlip  liills  fenced 
tlieniiitT  frmn  llielr  iieiKlilxiurH,  tlie  iirnm  of  the 
tu'ii  luicl  Iheni  open  to  their  nelj;hl)ours.  Their 
wiiterH  MilKht  liriiiK  either  frIeniU  or  enemies; 
Imt  they  bronjjlit  both  from  one  wholly  distlnet 
und  iHolnted  piece  of  land  to  iinotlier.  Every 
I.Hliind,  every  viilley,  every  promontory,  Itcciime 
the  (M'at  of  11  sepiinite  city;  thitt  Is,  iiecordin;?  to 
Greek  notions,  the  sent  nt  an  independent  |)ower, 
owning  indeeil  many  ties  of  hrolherhoiKl  to  each 
of  llie  other  cities  whicli  ludped  to  nialte  up  the 
whole  (Jreek  nation,  but  each  of  which  claimed 
the  right  of  war  iin<l  peace  and  separate  diplo- 
matic Intercourse,  alike  with  every  other  Greek 
city  unu  wilh  powers  beyonil  the  Imunds  of  the 
Greek  worlil.  Corinth  could  treat  with  Athens 
and  Athens  with  Corinth,  and  Corinth  and  Athens 
cou!d  each  eriually  treat  with  the  King  of  the 
Macedonians  and  with  the  Great  King  of  I'crsla. 
.  .  .  How  close  the  Greek  states  are  to  one  an- 
other, and  yet  how  physically  distinct  they  are 
from  f)ne  another,  It  needs,  for  me  at  least,  a 
journey  to  Greece  fully  to  take  In."— E.  A.  Free- 
man, Tlie  PractioU  Ueimngn  of  Eiir<>i>e(tn  llitt. 
(IjCcI'i  to  Am.  AudienMn),  pp.  243-iJ44. 

Ancient  inhabitants.— Tribal  divisions.  See 
Pei.asoians;  Hki.i.knkh;  Aciiaia;  ./Eolians; 
and  DoniANH  amu  Io.nianr. 

The  Heroes  and  their  Age. — "The  perlo<l 
Included  between  the  first  appearance  of  the 
Hellenes  In  Thessaly  and  the  return  of  the  Greeks 
from  Troy,  Is  commonly  known  by  the  name  of 
the  heroic  age,  or  ages.  The  real  Hunts  of  this 
penod  cannot  be  exactly  defined.  Tlie  date  of 
the  siege  of  Troy  la  only  the  result  of  a  doubtful 
c''.  !  aiion  [ending  B.C.  1183,  as  reckoned  by 
Eratosthenes,  but  hxed  at  dates  ranging  from  83 
to  03  years  later  by  Isocmtcs,  CallTmachus  and 
other  Greek  writers] ;  and  .  .  .  the  reader  will 
see  that  it  must  be  scarcely  possible  to  ascertain 
the  precise  beginning  of  the  i)eriod :  but  still,  so 
far  as  its  traditions  admit  of  anything  like  a 
chronological  connexion,  its  duration  may  be 
estimated  at  six  genciations,  or  about  200  years 
[say  from  some  time  in  the  14th  to  some  time  in 
the  18th  century  before  Christ].  .  .  .  The  history 
of  the  heroic  age  is  the  history  of  the  most  cele- 
brated persons  belonging  to  this  class,  who,  i  i 
the  language  of  poetrj',  are  called  'heroes.'  The 
term  'hero'  is  of  doubtful  origin,  though  it  was 
clearly  u  title  of  honour;  but,  in  the  poems  of 
Homer,  it  is  ap])lled  not  only  to  the  chiefs,  but 
also  to  their  followers,  the  freemen  of  lower  rank, 
without,  however,  being  contrasted  with  any 
other,  BO  as  to  determine  its  precise  meaning.  In 
later  times  its  use  was  narrowed,  and  in  some 
degree  altered:  it  was  restricted  to  persons, 
whether  of  the  lieroic  or  of  after  ages,  who  were  be- 
lieved to  be  endowed  with  a  superhuman,  though 
not  a  divine,  nature,  and  who  were  honoured  with 
sacred  rites,  and  were  imagined  to  have  the  power 
of  dispensing  goo<l  or  evil  to  their  worshippers ; 
and  it  was  gradually  combined  with  the  notion 
of  prodigious  strength  and  gigantic  stature. 
Here,  however,  we  have  only  to  do  with  the 
heroes  as  men.  The  history  of  their  ige  is  filled 
with  their  wars,  expeditions,  and  i  dventurcs, 
and  this  is  the  great  mine  from  whicu  the  mate- 
rials of  the  Greek  i>oetry  were  almost  entirely 
drawn."— C.  Thirlwall,  Ilht.  of  Greece,  ch.  5 
(r.  1). — The  legendary  heroes  whose  exploits  and 
adventures  became  the  favorite  subjects  of  Greek 


tragedy  and  song  were  Perseus,  Hercules,  The- 
siiiH.  the  Argonauts,  and  the  heriK's  of  the  Siege 
ofTriiv. 

The  Migrations  of  the  Hellenic  tribes  in  the 
Peninsula. — "  It  there  is  any  point  in  the  annals 
of  Greece  at  which  we  can  draw  the  line  between 
the  days  of  mvth  and  legend  and  the  l)ogl-ming« 
of  authentic  hiMtory,  It  is  at  the  moment  of  the 
great  migrations.  .lust  as  the  irruption  of  tlio 
Teutonic  tril)es  Into  tlie  lionmn  empire  inthc/Jth 
century  after  Christ  marks  the  cominencement  of 
an  entfrely  new  era  In  miMlern  Europe,  so  does  the 
Invnsicm  nf  Houtliern  and  Central  Greece  l)y  the 
Dorians,  and  the  other  tribes  whom  they  set  la 
motion,  form  the  first  landmark  in  a  new  perliKl 
of  Hellenic  history.  Before  these  migrations  wo 
arc  still  in  an  atmosphere  which  we  cannot  recog- 
nize as  thatof  the  historical  Greece  that  we  know. 
Tlu!  states  have  dlllcrent  boundaries,  some  of  tho 
most  famous  cities  have  not  yet  been  fo\inded, 
tribes  who  are  destined  to  vanish  occupy  promi- 
nent places  in  the  land,  royal  houses  of  a  forclen 
stock  are  established  everywhere,  the  dlstlncUi  a 
l)etween  HeHene  and  Itarbarlan  is  yet  unknown. 
AVe  cannot  realize  a  Greece  where  Athens  is  not 
yet  counted  as  a  grea*  city,  while  Mycenae  is  a 
seat  of  empire;  wher>'  the  Achaian  element  is 
everywhere  predominar  t,  and  the  Dorian  element 
is  as  yet  unknown.  When,  however,  the  migra- 
tions are  ended,  we  at  once  find  ourselves  in  a 
land  which  we  recognize  as  tlie  Greece  of  liLstory. 
The  tribes  have  settled  into  the  districts  which  aro 
to  be  their  iiermanent  alxnles,  and  liave  assumed 
their  distinctive  characters.  .  .  .  Tho  original 
impetus  which  set  the  Greek  tribes  in  motion 
came  from  the  north,  and  the  whole  inov  ni'ni 
rolled  southward  and  eastward.  It  started  with 
the  invasion  of  the  valley  of  the  Peneus  by  the 
Thessallans,  a  warlike  but  hitherto  obscure  tribe, 
who  had  dwelt  about  Dodona  in  the  uph.nds  of 
Eplrus.  They  crossed  the  passers  of  Pindus,  and 
flowled  down  Into  the  great  plain  to  which  the 
were  to  give  their  name.  Tlie  tribes  which  liad 
previously  held  it  were  either  crushed  and  en- 
slaved, or  pushed  forward  into  Central  Grecoe  by 
the  wave  of  invasion.  Two  of  tlie  displaced  races 
found  new  homes  for  themselves  by  conquest,  '.riio 
Arnaeans,  who  had  dwelt  in  the  southern  low- 
lands along  the  courses  of  ApidauusaudEnipeu.s, 
came  through  Thermopylae,  pushed  the  Locrians 
aside  to  right  and  left,  and  descended  into  the 
valley  of  the  Cephissus,  where  they  subdued  th? 
Minyae  of  Orchoraenus  [see  Minti],  and  then, 
passing  south,  utterly  expelled  the  Cadmeians  of 
Thebes.  The  plain  country  which  they  had  con- 
quered received  a  single  name.  Boeotia  became 
the  common  title  of  the  basins  of  the  Cephissus 
and  the  Asopus,  which  liad  previously  been  in 
the  hands  of  distinct  races.  Two  generations  later 
the  Boeotians  endeavoured  to  cross  Cithacron,  and 
add  Attica  to  their  conquests;  but  tlieir  king 
Xanthus  fell  in  single  combat  with  Melanthus, 
who  fought  in  bclialf  of  Athens,  and  his  host  gave 
lip  the  enterprise.  In  their  new  country  the 
Boeotians  retained  their  national  unity  under  tho 
form  of  a  league,  in  which  no  one  city  had  au- 
thority over  another,  though  In  process  of  time 
Thebes  grew  so  much  greater  than  her  neighbours 
that  she  exercised  a  marked  preponderance  over 
the  other  thirteen  members  of  the  confederation. 
Urchomeniis,  whose  Minyan  inhabitnuta  had  been 
subdued  but  not  exterminated  by  the  invaders, 
remained  dependent  on  the  league  without  iHiing 


1566 


GHEECE. 


iMtrinn  Cimquent  of 
Betojtonne$ut. 


OUEECE 


nlflrBtnmRlffnmnlod  with  it.  AhocoikI  trllK' wlio 
wi'r«'fx,)('llc(l  by  I  lie  Irrupt  Idh  of  llic  Tlicsstilliuis 
were  the  Dorliiim,  ii  riicp  wlinw  iiiiiiR'  Is  Imrdly 
hi'iiril  In  Homer,  iiiul  whose  eiirly  history  hiitt  beeii 
ohseurc  anil  liisiKriltlciiril.  Thev  Imd  till  now 
dwelt  idoriK  the  western  slope  of  I'liidiiH.  Swept 
on  by  the  Inviiders,  they  crossed  Mount  Ollirys, 
imd  (Iwi'lt  for  a  time  Ui  the  valley  of  the  Sper- 
eheius  and  ou  the  shoulders  of  Oeta.  But  the 
land  was  loo  narrow  for  them,  and.  after  a  t?en 
eratlon  had  pas.se(l,  the  l;idk  of  the  nation  moved 
southward  to  s<'ek  a  wider  home,  while  a  small 
fraction  only  remained  in  the  valleys  of  Oeta. 
Legends  tell  \is  that  their  lirst  advance  was  inu(h; 
l)y  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth,  and  was  repulsed  by 
the  allied  slates  of  IVloponnesiis,  Ilylius  the 
Dorian  lender  having  fallen  in  the  flglit  by  the 
hand  of  Kchenius,  Kingof  Tegca.  But  the  grand- 
sons of  Ilyllus  resumed  his  enterprise,  and  met 
witli  greater  success.  Their  invasion  was  made, 
as  we  are  told,  in  conjunction  with  tlieir  neigii- 
hours  the  Aetolians,  and  took  the  Aetolian  i)ort 
of  Naupactus  as  its  base.  I'ushing  acioss  the 
narrow  strait  at  the  mouth  of  the  Corlnthia-i  Gulf, 
the  allied  hordes  landed  in  I'eloponnes'is,  and 
forced  their  way  down  the  level  countiy  on  its 
western  coast,  then  the  land  of  the  Epelans,  but 
afterwards  to  I)e  known  as  Ells  and  Pisatis.  This 
tlic  Aetolians  took  as  their  sliare,  while  the  Dori- 
ans pressed  further  soutli  and  east,  and  succes- 
sively conijuercd  Mes.senia,  Laconla,  and  Argolls, 
destroying  the  Cauconian  kingdom  of  I'yios  ami 
the  Acliaiai>  suites  of  S.^'irta  and  Argos,  Tliere 
can  be  little  doubt  that  the  legends  of  the  Dorians 
pressed  into  a  single  generation  the  coiupiests  of 
a  long  series  of  years.  ...  It  is  highly  probable 
that  Messenia  was  the  first  seized  of  the  tliree  re- 
gions, and  Argos  the  latest  .  .  .  but  of  the  de- 
tails or  dates  of  the  Dorian  conquests  we  know 
absolutely  nothing.  Of  the  tribes  whom  the 
Dorians  supplanted,  some  remained  in  the  laud  as 
subjects  to  their  newly  found  masters,  while 
others  took  ship  and  tied  oversea.  The  stoutest- 
heartcd  of  the  Achalans  of  Argolis,  under  Tlsa- 
nieuus,  a  grandson  of  Agamemnon,  retired  uortli- 
ward  when  the  contest  became  hopeless,  and 
threw  themselves  on  the  coast  cities  of  tlie  Corin- 
thian Gulf,  where  tip  to  this  time  the  Ionic  tribe 
of  the  Aegialeans  Iiad  dwelt.  Tlie  lonians  were 
worsted,  and  fled  for  refuge  to  their  kindred  in 
Attica,  while  the  conquerors  created  a  new  Achaia 
between  the  Arcadian  Mountains  and  the  sea,  and 
dwelt  in  tlie  twelve  cities  wliicli  their  predecessors 
liad  built.  The  rugged  mountains  of  Arcadia 
were  tlie  only  part  of  Peloponnesus  whicli  were 
to  escape  a  change  of  nia.sters  resulting  from  the 
Dorian  invasion.  A  generation  after  the  fall  of 
Argos,  new  wur-bands  thirsting  for  land  pushed 
on  to  the  north  and  west,  led  by  descendants  of 
Temenus.  The  Ionic  towns  of  Sicyon  and  Phlius, 
Epidaurus  and  Troezen,  all  fell  before  them. 
Even  the  inaccessible  Acropolis  which  protected 
the  Aeolian  settlement  of  Corinth  could  not  pre- 
serve it  from  the  liandsof  the  enterprising  Aletes. 
Nor  was  it  long  before  tlie  conquerors  pressed  on 
from  Corinth  beyond  the  isthmus,  aiul  attacked 
Attica.  Foiled  in  their  endeavour  to  subdue  tlie 
land,  they  at  least  succeeded  in  tearing  from  it 
its  western  districts,  wliere  the  town  of  Jlegara 
was  made  tlie  capital  of  a  new  Dorian  state,  and 
served  for  many  generations  to  curb  the  power 
of  Athens.  From  Epidaurus  a  short  voyage  of 
fliteen  miles  took  the  Dorians  to  Aegiua,  where 


tliev  formed  a  sFttlenieat  which,  first  as  a  vnunl 

to  l':i)ldaiiriis,  and  then  as  an  Independent  com- 
munity, I'njoyed  a  liigli  degree  of  roinmendal 
prosperity.  It  Is  not  tlie  h'ast  curious  fealuri'  of 
the  Dorian  invasion  that  the  leaders  of  the  vic- 
torious trllM',  who,  like  most  other  royal  houses, 
claimed  to  descenil  from  the  gods  and  boasted 
that  Heracles  was  their  ancestor,  should  have  as- 
serte<l  that  they  were  not  Dorians  by  ra<i',  but 
Achalans.  Whether  the  rude  northern  invaders 
were  in  I'-.ilh  guided  by  princis  of  a  <lltTerent 
bliHid  and  higher  civilization  than  themselves,  it 
is  liupo>'Nlble  to  say.  ...  In  all  probability  the 
Dorian  invasion  was  to  a  considerable  e.\teiit  a 
check  in  the  history  of  the  development  of  Greek 
civilization,  a  supplanting  of  a  richer  and  more 
cultured  by  u  poorer  and  wilder  race.  The  ruins 
of  tlie  prehistoric  cities,  which  were  siipiilanted 
by  new  Dorian  foundations,  noint  to  a  state  of 
wealth  to  which  the  country  did  not  again  attain 
for  many  generations.  On  tlie  other  hand,  the 
invasion  brought  about  an  increase  In  vigour  and 
moral  earnesfiess.  The  Dorians  throughout  their 
history  were  the  sturdiest  and  most  manly  of  the 
Greeks.  The  g(Kl  to  whose  worship  lliey  were 
especially  devoted  was  A|)ollo,  the  purest,  the 
noblest,  the  most  Hellenic  member  of  the  (.)lym- 
plan  family.  By  tlieir  peculiar  reverence  for 
this  noble  conception  of  divinity,  the  Dorians 
m!irked  themselves  out  as  the  most  moral  of  the 
Greeks."  —  C.  W.  C.  Oman,  I/M.  <•/  Oreere,  eh.  O. 

Also  in  :  M.  Dunckcr,  Jlint.  of  (freece,  bk.  8  (r. 
1).— C.  O.  MUller,  IIM  and  Antiq.  of  the  Doric 
Jlitee,  introd.,aiul  hi:  l,ch.  1-5. — G.  Grote,  Hint,  of 
Oreeee,  pt.  2,  eh.  dS  (v.  8),— See,  also,  I)ouia>-h 
AND  Ionianb;  Acuaia;  .^olians;  Tiikssalv; 
and  BfflOTiA. 

The  Migrations  to  Asia  Minor  and  the 
Islands  of  the  JEgear. — iColian,  lonit  n  and 
Dorian  colonies.  See  Asia  Minou:  T;:i',  tUtcEK 
Coi.oniks. 

Mycena  and  its  kings. — The  unburied  me- 
morials.— "Thucydides  says  that  before  the  Do- 
rian con(|uest,  the  date  of  which  is  traditionally 
fi.xed  at  B.  C.  1104,  Mycenae  was  the  only  city 
whence  ruled  a  wealthy  rat*  of  kings.  Archae- 
ology pnxluces  the  bodies  of  kings  ruling  at 
Jlyccnae  about  tlie  twelfth  century  and  spreads 
their  wealth  under  our  eyes.  Tliucydldes  says 
that  tids  wealth  was  brought  in  the  form  of  gold 
from  ''hrygia  by  the  founder  of  the  line,  Pelops. 
Archaeology  tells  us  that  the  g(dd  foiiiul  at  Jly- 
cenae  may  very  probably  have  come  from  the 
opposite  coast  of  Asia  Minor  wliich  abounded  in 
gold;  aiii'  further  that  the  patterns  impressed  ou 
the  gold  work  at  Mycenae  bear  a  very  marked  re- 
semblance to  the  decorative  patterns  fountl  ou 
graves  iu  Phrygiu.  Thucydides  tells  us  tliat 
though  Mycenae  was  small,  yet  its  rulers  had  the 
hegemony  over  a  great  part  of  Greece.  Archie- 
o'.ogy  shews  us  that  the  kings  of  Mycenae  were 
wealthy  and  important  (juite  out  of  proportion 
to  the  small  city  wliich  tiiey  ruled,  and  that  the 
civilisation  which  centred  at  Jlycenae  spread 
over  south  Greece  and  the  Aegean,  and  lasted  for 
.some  centuries  at  least.  It  seems  to  me  that  the 
simplest  way  o%  meeting  tlie  facts  of  the  case  is 
to  suppose  that  we  liavo  recovered  ut  Jlycenao 
the  graves  of  the  Pelopid  race  of  monarchs.  It 
will  not  of  course  do  to  go  too  far.  ...  It 
would  be  too  much  to  suppose  that  we  have  re- 
covered the  bodies  of  tlie  Agamemnon  who  seems 
iu  the  Iliad  to  be  as  familiar  to  us  as  Caesur  or 


1667 


GREECE. 


KtnluUon  n/ 
the  leiulina  Slatt: 


OUEECE. 


AIcxiukIit,  or  nf  IiIm  fallicr  AlrpiiH,  cir  nf  IiIh 
I liiirlnlri  r  nnil  llio  rrnt.  W'c  cuimot  of  ((iiirHC 
provu  tlio  Iliiiii  III  1m- liiHiiiry ;  ami  If  wi'  ciiulil, 
tliii  world  wciiilil  Im'  piHin.T  lliati  iR-forc.  Hut  wi- 
can  InitUt  iipnii  It  tliiit  tlic  li'^cniU  uf  litruic 
Urcoci)  tiitvo  iiiiireiif  tin;  liUlorlc  clciiieiit  In  tlii'tn 

AHuiiniliiK  llifii  tiijil  \\r  may  falrfy  <laHs  tlir  I'cl"- 
i)lila(>  ax  A(  liai'nii,  and  may  ri'Kard  the  rciiialriM  at 
MycciuMMisrIiuracterlKtIcDf  tliv  Ai'Imi'aii  ilvillsa- 
tioii  of  (Jrcccc,  Ih  It  |)oHitil)lc  to  tnu'<!  wllli  l)oldiT 
hand  the  hlMtnry  of  Achaean  (IreceeV  Certtilnly 
we  K'dn  aHsi'.lanee  In  our  endeavour  to  reuH/.e 
what  llie  iireDorlan  Hlule  of  I'elojionnesiis  waM 
like.  We  w'ciire  a  hol<l  upon  IiIf'  !■  y  whieli  l» 
thoroiijjhly  olijcellve,  while  -.o  the  hiMtory  whii'li 
before exisl'd  Was  ho  vaf;u(;  and  Ir'jiKiuallve  that 
the  clear  lujid  of  (Iroto  refused  to  rely  tipon  It  at 
all.  Hut  llic  precise  ilates  are  more  llian  we  can 
Venture  to  lay  ilown,  In  thu  prewnt  condition  of 
our  knowled^tc.  .  .  .  The  Achaean  civillKation 
waH  coriteinp<irary  wllh  tlio  eighteenth  Kn'vi>- 
tlan  dynasty  (H.  V.  17(H>-14<H)).  It  '  .sled  <lurlnK 
the  Invasions  of  Egypt  from  tlio  norlli  (i:l(M)- 
IKM)).  Wh.  n  it  ceased  we  cannot  say  willi  cer- 
tainly. There  Ih  every  historical  proliabilily  that 
It  waH  broui^'itto  a  violent  end  In  the  Dorian  in- 
vaglon.  Tiie  traditional  date  of  that  Invasion  i.s 
B.  V.  111)1.  Uut  it  U  obviouH  tliat  this  date  can- 
not be  relied  imon." — P.  Oarduer,  AVc  Vhapters 
in  a  reek  llii>t.,'rh.  2-8. 

Ai.w)  IN:  H.  Schllcnmnn,  tVi/ren/r. — C.  Sclmch- 
hanlt,  S-/iliemiiitii'ii  K-rcitriiliniiji^  cli.  4. 

Ancient  political  and  g-eographical  division!. 
— "Oreeco  Was  not  a  Hingle  country.  .  .  .  It  wius 
broken  np  Into  little  districts,  each  wltli  its  own 
goveriunent.  A  ny  little  city  might  be  a  complete 
State  in  itgelf,  aiu!  Independent  uf  Its  nelgli- 
oours.  It  miglit  posscHii  only  a  few  nules  of  land 
and  a  few  hunilred  inhabitants,  and  yet  have  its 
own  liws,  its  own  government,  am!  ity  own  army. 
...  In  a  Hpace  smuller  than  an  English  county 
there  might  l)e  several  independent  cities,  bime- 
(Imc)  at  war,  sometimes  at  p<'ace  with  one  an- 
other. Therefore  when  we  say  that  the  west 
;oust  of  Asia  Minor  was  part  of  Oreeee,  we  do 
not  mean  tliat  this  coast-land  and  European 
Greece  were  under  one  law  and  one  government, 
tor  both  were  broken  up  Into  a  nundxr  of  little 
IndL'pendeiit  States:  but  we  mean  that  the  peop''j 
who  lived  on  the  west  coast  of  Asia  Minor  were 
jiist  as  nuich  Greeks  as  the  people  who  lived  in 
European  Greece.  They  spoke  the  sumo,  lan- 
guage, and  had  much  the  same  customs,  and  they 
called  one  another  Hellenes,  in  contrast  to  all 
other  nations  of  the  world,  whom  they  called 
barbarians  .  .  .  ,  that  is, 'the  unintelligible  folk,' 
bi.'cause  they  could  not  understand  their  tongue." 
— C.  A.  Fvfte,  IIM.  of  Oreeee  (IliHory  Primers), 
ell.  1. — '•'I'he  nature  of  the  country  liad  ...  a 
powerful  cITect  on  the  development  of  Greek 
politics.  The  whole  land  was  broken  up  by 
mountains  into  a  number  of  valleys  more  or  less 
isolated;  there  was  no  central  point  from  which 
a  powerfid  monarch  eoidd  control  it.  Hence 
Greece  was,  above  all  other  coimtrics,  the  home 
of  independence  and  freedom.  Each  valley,  and 
even  the  various  hamlets  of  a  valley,  felt  tlieni- 
selvcs  possessed  of  a  separate  life,  which  they 
were  jealous  to  preserve." — E.  Abbott,  Ilist.  of 
Oreeee,  pt.  \,elt.  1. — See  Akakn.vnians;  Acii.\ia; 
JJoiNA;  .^Etoi.ia;  Aucauia;  Aiioos;  Athens; 
Attica;     Bosotlv;     C'okinth;      Uoius     asd 


DitvoriH;  Ei.ih;  Ei'iuim;  Ki'IUKa;  Koiikyha; 
I-<Hiii;  .MA<'KiM>NiA;  .Maniinka;  Mk<IAI.OI'()- 
I.IH;  .SIkoaua;  .Mkhsk.nK;  Oi.yNTIII'm;  I'ho- 
kianh;  I'l.AT.v.A;  Skvon;  Hpauta;  Tiikiikn; 
and  TiiKSMAi.v. 

Political  evolution  of  the  leading  States. — 
Variety  in  the  forms  of  Government.— Rite  of 
democracy  at  Athena. — "Tlie  Hellenes  followed 
no  conunon  political  aim.  .  .  .  Ind<'p<  iident  and 
Kclf-centred,  tiny  created,  in  a  ronstant  Htruggle 
of  elti/.en  witli  citizen  and  statu  with  stale,  thu 
groundwork  of  thonu  formi>of  government  which 
have  been  4'stablislied  in  thu  world  at  large.  VVu 
see  monarchy,  aristocracy,  democracy,  rising  hIiIu 
by  side  and  one  after  another,  thu  changes  being 
regulated  in  each  conn  ..ity  by  its  past  experi- 
ence and  its  spechd  Interests  in  thu  Immediate 
present.  Tiie.se  forms  of  government  did  not 
appear  in  their  normal  slmpllcily  or  inconforndty 
with  a  distinct  ideal,  but  under  thu  mcKlitleationii 
neces-sarv  to  give  them  vitality.  An  examide  of 
this  is  Lakediemon.  If  onu  of  thu  families  of 
the  lleracleldie  [the  two  royal  families  —  see 
SfAiuA;  Tiii;l'o.NsTrriTioN)  alined  at  a  tyranny, 
whilst  another  entered  Into  relations  with  the 
native  and  subject  population,  fatal  to  tliu 
prerogatives  of  thu  concpierors,  we  can  under- 
stand that  in  the  third  ease,  that  of  thu  Spartan 
cummuiuty,  the  aristocratic  principle  was  main- 
tained with  the  greatest  strictness.  Indepen- 
dently ot'  this,  the  divisions  of  the  Lakcdaimonian 
monarchy  between  two  lines,  neither  of  which 
was  to  have  precedcnw,  was  intended  to  guard 
against  the  repetition  in  Sparta  of  that  which 
had  happened  In  Argos.  Above  all,  the  members 
of  thu  Uerusia,  in  which  the  two  kings  had  only 
equal  rights  with  the  rest,  held  a  positUm  which 
wouhl  have  been  unattainable  to  the  elders  of  thu 
Homeric  age.  But  even  the  Oerusia  was  not  in- 
dependent. There  existed  In  addition  to  it  a 
general  as.sembly,  which,  whilst  very  aristocratic 
as  regards  the  native  ami  subject  populatiim,  as- 
sumed a  democratic  aspect  in  contrast  with  the 
king  and  the  elders.  The  internal  life  of  thn 
tsp.ir'an  constitution  depended  upon  the  relations 
between  ih'.'  Oerusia  and  the  aristocratic  demos. 
.  .  .  The  Sparttin  aristocracy  domintited  the 
Peloponnesus.  But  the  constitution  contained  a 
democratic  element  working  through  the  Ephors, 
by  means  of  which  thu  conduct  of  affairs  might 
be  concentrated  in  a  succession  of  powerful 
hands.  Alongside  of  this  system,  the  purely 
aristocratic  constitutions,  which  were  without 
such  a  centre,  could  nowhere  hold  their  ground. 
Tlie  Bacchiadiu  in  Corinth,  two  hundred  in 
number,  with  a  prytanis  at  their  head,  and  inter- 
marrying oidy  among  themselves,  were  one  of 
the  most  di.stlnguislujd  of  these  families.  They 
were  deprived  of  their  exclusive  supremacy  by 
Kypselus,  a  man  of  hiunbic  birth  on  his  father  s 
side,  but  connected  with  the  Baechiaduj  through 
his  mother.  ...  As  the  Kypseliduj  rose  in  Cor- 
inth, the  metropolis  of  the  colonies  towards  the 
west,  so  in  the  corresponding  eastern  metropolis, 
Miletus,  Thrasybulus  r;;iscd  himself  from  the 
dignity  of  prytjinis  to  that  of  tyrant;  in  Ephe- 
sus,  Pythagoras  rose  to  power,  and  overthrew 
the  BasllidiB;  in  Samos,  Polycrates,  who  was 
niiister  also  of  the  Kyklades,  and  of  whom  it  is 
recorded  that  he  conflscated  the  property  of  thu 
citizens  and  then  made  them  a  present  of  it 
again.  By  concentrating  the  forces  of  their  sev- 
eral communities  the  tyrants  obtained  the  means 


1568 


OUKECE. 


l)emt>tracy  at 
Atknu. 


OHKECK. 


i)f  fiiirriiiiiiilinK  tlu'iiiKclvcH  with  a  rortiiln  Rplcii- 
(lor,  mill  uliKVo  all  of  lilicnilly  ciKiMiriiKitiK  pn- 
I'try  iiiiil  iirt.  To  IIh'ho  j'olyfnili'H  oprmil  liU 
citiiilil,  mill  111  It  wr  lliiil  Armcrfoii  iiiul  IliyriiH; 
Kypsclim  ilcillcillril  II  filuliiUH  hIuIuc  to  /rlH.  III. 
Olymplii.  TlicHfliool  of  iirt  at  HIkyoii  wiit  with- 
out  It  rival,  mill  at  the  court  of  IVriaiiilfr  with 
Ifiitli'Ti'd  till'  Kcvt'ii  KiiKCti  —  men  In  wlioiii  ii  ilis- 
tliigiilnlK'tl  political  pimltloii  wax  coinliliicil  with 
till'  |irmlciitliil  wIhiIipih  ilcrlvcil  from  the  experi- 
ence of  life.  Tliisls  tlie  ipoeli  of  tlie  IctflHlator 
of  AtlieiiH,  Solon  [see  Atiiknh;  U.  C:.  SIU),  who 
more  than  the  rest  Ims  iiltnieted  to  himself  the 
notice  of  posterity,  llu  is  the  founiler  of  tlui 
Athenian  ilcmocnicy.  .  .  .  ills  proverb  '  Nothing 
In  excess  '  Inilleates"  his  eharai'ter.  lie  was  a  man 
who  knew  exactly  what  the  lime  has  ii  rljjlit  to 
cull  for,  anil  who  utilized  existing;  complications 
to  briii^?  attout  the  needful  clianj^es.  It  Is  im- 
possilile  adeiiuately  to  ex|)ress  what  he  was  to 
the  people  of  Vlliens,  and  what  servicis  lie  ri'n- 
dercil  them.  That  removal  of  their  peeiiiiiary 
burdens,  the  selsaclitheia  [see  Dku'I',  Laws  Cti.v- 
ckh.ninu:  Anciknt  Oiikek],  ii.:'do  life  for  the 
tirst  time  endurable  to  the  liuuibler  classes. 
Solon  cannot  Im!  said  to  have  Introduced  democ- 
racy, but,  in  making  the  share  '^f  the  upper 
classes  In  the  jtovernment  dependent  upon  the 
KikhI  pleasure  of  the  community  at  large,  he  laid 
fts  foundations.  The  people  were  Invested  by 
him  with  attributes  which  they  afterwards 
endeavored  to  extend.  .  .  .  t'  'm  himself  lived 
long  enough  to  sec  the  order  wh  i  he  established 
serve  as  the  basis  of  tlie  tyranny  hich  he  wished 
to  avoid;  it  was  the  Four  Hundred  themselves 
who  lent  i\  hand  to  the  change.  The  radical 
cause  of  failure  was  that  the  democratic  eltiuent 
was  too  feebly  constituted  to  control  or  to  re- 
press the  violence  of  the  families.  To  elevate 
the  democracy  Into  a  true  power  in  the  state 
other  events  were  necessary,  which  not  only  ren- 
dered possible,  but  actually  brought  about,  its 
further  development.  The  conflicts  of  the  prin- 
cipal families,  hushed  for  a  moment,  were  re- 
vived under  tlio  eyes  of  Solon  himself  with 
redoubled  violence.  The  Alcmieonidie  [banished 
about  595  B.  C— see  Athens:  U.  C.  613-,59r)] 
were  recalled,  and  gathered  around  them  a  party 
consisting  mainly  of  tlie  Inhabitants  of  the  sea- 
coast,  who,  favored  by  trade,  had  the  money  in 
their  hands ;  the  genuine  oristocrats,  described  as 
the  inhabitants  of  the  plains,  wlio  were  in  pos- 
session of  the  fruitful  soil,  were  in  perpetual 
antagonism  to  the  Alcmieonidre ;  and,  whilst 
these  two  parties  were  bickering,  a  tliird  was 
formed  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  mountain 
districts,  inferior  to  the  two  others  in  wealth,  but 
of  superior  weight  to  either  in  tlie  popular  as- 
semblies. At  its  bead  stood  Peislstratus,  a  man 
distinguished  by  warlike  exploits,  and  at  an 
earlier  date  a  friend  of  Solon.  It  was  because 
his  adherents  did  not  feel  themselves  strong 
enough  to  protect  their  leader  that  they  were  in- 
duced to  vote  him  a  body-guard  cliosen  from  their 
own  ranks.  ...  As  soon,  however,  as  the  Urst 
two  parties  combined,  the  third  was  at  a  dis- 
advantage, 80  that  after  oome  time  sentence  of 
baDlshmcnt  was  passed  upon  Peislstratus.  .  .  . 
Peisistratus  .  .  .  found  means  to  gather  around 
him  a  troop  of  brave  mercenaries,  with  whom, 
and  witli  the  support  of  his  old  adherents,  he  then 
invaded  Attica.  Hisopponents  made  but  a  feeble 
resistuuce,  and  he  became  without  much  trouble 


master  Imth  of  the  citv  and  of  the  couniry  [koo 
ArilKNH:  U.  ('.  .■(ll(l-.'(Mll.  lie  thus  attaiiini  to 
power;  It  Is  true,  witli  tlii^  appniballon  of  the 
people,  but  nevertheless  by  armed  force.  .  .  . 
\Ve  have  almost  to  stretch  a  ixiint  in  order  toenll 
Peislstratus  a  tyrant— a  word  which  carries  with 
it  the  invidious  sense  of  a  hcIHsIi  exercise  of  power. 
Nouutliorlty  could  have  been  more  rightly  placed 
than  Ills;  Itcoinblneil  Atlienlan with  I'anhellenist 
tendencies,  liiit  for  him  AtheiiH '.voiilil  not  have 
been  what  she  aflerwaril;i  bicame  to  the  world. 
.  .  .  Nevcrlhcli'Hs,  it  must  III' admitted  that  Pei- 
slstratus governed  Athens  absolutely,  and  evi'ii 
took  steps  to eMtabllsh  a  pcrnianent  tyranny.  He 
did,  ill  fact,  succeed  in  leaving  the  power  lie  |M)S- 
scssed  to  his  sons,  Ilipplas  and  Hipparcliu)i. 
.  .  .  I)f  the  two  brotliers  It  was  the  one  who  had 
rendered  must  service  to  culture,  Hipparchiis, 
who  was  murdered  at  the  festival  of  the  Paim- 
theniea.  It  was  an  act  of  revenge  for  a  personal 
insult.  .  .  .  Ill  bis  dread  lest  he  sliould  be  visited 
by  a  similar  (loom,  Illppias  luttually  bceainu  un 
odious  tyrant  and  excited  universal  discontent. 
One  clfcct,  however,  of  the  loss  of  stability 
which  the  authority  of  the  dominant  family  e\- 
perieiiced  was  that  the  U'luling  exiles  ejected  '.)y 
I'eisistratus  combined  In  the  enterprise  wl  icli 
was  i\  necessary  coiidition  of  their  return,  the 
overthrow  of  Hippias.  The  Alenucouidu'  took 
the  principal  part.  .  .  .  The  revolution  tc  which 
this  opened  tlie  way  could,  it  might  seem,  have 
but  one  result,  the  establishment  of  an  oligarchi- 
cal government.  .  .  .  Hut  the  matter  had  a  very 
different  issue,"  resulting  In  tlie  constitution  of 
CIcisthenes  and  the  estiiblishnienl  of  democracy 
at  Athens,  despite  the  iiostlle  opposition  and  In- 
terference of  Sparta. — L.  von  Uanke,  U:nrrml 
lIMory:  The  oUlent  UUtorical  Group  of  Nationt 
and  the  UreikK,  eh.  Ti. — See,  also,  Athens:  15.  C. 
.01O-5O7.  and  r)(H)-r>0(i. 

B.  C.  752. —  The  Archonship  at  Athens 
thrown  open  tc  the  whole  body  of  the  people. 
See  Athens:  r'lioM  the  Doiu.vn  Miukation  to 
U.  U.  683. 

B.  C.  C.i?4,--The  Draconian  leg^islation  at 
Athens     See  Athens:  H.  (".  «-.>4. 

B.  C.  610-600. — War  of  Athens  and  Megara 
for  aalamis, — Spartan  Arbitration.  See  Ath- 
ens: H.  V.  OlO-.WO. 

B.  C.  595-586.— The  Cirrhaean  or  first  Sa- 
cred War.  See  Atiie:;s:  U.  C.  ClO-.WtJ;  and 
DEi.riii. 

B.  C.  500-493. — Rising  of  the  lonians  of  Asia 
Minor  against  the  Persians. — Aid  rendered  to 
them  by  the  Athenians. — Provocation  to  Da- 
iius. — Tlie  Ionic  Greek  cities,  or  states,  of  Asia 
-Minor,  (irst  subjugated  by  Cra-sus,  King  of 
Lydia,  in  the  sixth  century  IJ.  C,  were  swal- 
lowed up,  in  the  same  century,  with  all  other  parts 
of  tiie  dominion  of  C'riesus,  in  the  conquests  of 
Cyrus,  and  formed  part  of  the  great  Persian  Em- 
pire, to  the  soverciguty  of  which  Cambvses  and 
Darius  succeeded.  In  the  reign  of  Danus  there 
occurred  a  revolt  of  the  lonians  (about  503  B.  C), 
led  by  the  city  of  Miletus,  under  the  influence  of 
its  governor,  Aristagoras.  Aristagoras,  coming 
over  to  Greece  in  person,  sought  aid  against  tlie 
Persii'-'s,  first  at  Sparta,  where  it  was  denied  to 
him,  and  then,  witli  better  success,  at  Alliens. 
Presenting  himself  to  the  citizens,  just  after  tliey 
had  expelled  the  Pisistratidte,  Aristagoras  said  to 
them  "that  the  Milesians  were  colonists  from 
Alliens,  and  that  it  was  just  that  the  Atheniaus, 

1569 


GREECE,  n.  C.  r>0(M98. 


Thi"  litnian  ret'iilt 
iiijaiimt  I'erain, 


GREECE,  B.   C.  493-401. 


t)clng  80  inlglity,  hIioiiM  deliver  tlicni  from  slii- 
very.  Ami  becmisc  his  iiecil  wiis  greiit.  tliere 
waH  notliiiiK  Unit  he  did  not  promiHc,  till  at  the 
liiHt  he  nermiiicled  them.  For  it  is  eiisier,  it  seems, 
to  deceive  a  multitude  than  to  deeeive  one  miin. 
Cleomenes  tlie  S])iirtaii,  Ix'itig  but  one  nmn,  Aris- 
ttt(?oni8  could  not  <ieeeive;  liut  he  broufjht  over 
to  his  i)ur|)ose  the  people  of  Atliens,  beinj;  thirty 
thousiiiid,  So  the  Allienians,  beinj,'  persuaded, 
made  n  (lerree  to  send  twenty  ships  to  help  the 
men  of  Ionia,  and  appointed  one  Melanthius,  i> 
man  of  reputation  among  them,  to  be  eaptaiu. 
These  ships  were  the  beginning  of  trouble 
both  to  the  Greeks  and  the  barbarians.  .  ,  . 
When  the  twenty  ships  of  the  Athenians  were 
arrived,  and  with"  them  Ave  .ships  of  the  Eretri- 
ans,  .  hieh  eame,  not  for  any  love  of  the  Atheni- 
ans, but  iH-eause  the  Milesians  had  helped  theni 
In  tile  old  time  against  the  men  of  Clialcis,  Aris- 
tagoras  sent  an  army  against  Sardis,  but  he  him- 
self alxHle  in  Jlifetus.  This  army,  crossing 
jMoimt  Tmolus,  took  the  eity  of  Sarilis  without 
any  Inudranee;  but  the  oitadel  they  took  not, 
for  Artai)heriies  held  it  with  a  great  force  of  sol- 
diers. Hut  though  tliey  took  the  city  they  had 
not  the  plunder  of  it,  and  for  this  reason.  The 
houses  in  Sardis  were  for  the  most  jiart  built  of 
reeds,  and  such  as  were  built  of  bricks  had  llicir 
roofs  of  reeds;  and  when  a  certain  soldier  set  tire 
to  one  of  these  houses,  the  Are  ran  (pnckly  from 
house  to  house  till  the  whole  city  was  consumed.. 
And  while  the  city  was  burning,  such  Lydians 
and  Persians  as  were  in  it,  seeing  they  were  cut 
oil  from  escape  (for  the  Are  was  in  all  the  out- 
skirts of  the  city),  gathered  together  in  haste  to 
the  market-place.  Through  tins  market-place 
flows  the  river  Pactolus,  which  comes  down 
from  Mount  Tmolus,  having  gold  in  its  sands, 
and  when  it  has  passed  out  of  the  city  it  flows 
into  the  Ilermtis,  which  Hows  into  the  sea.  Here 
then  the  Lydiaiis  and  Persians  were  gathered  to- 
gether, being  constmined  to  defend  themselves. 
And  when  the  men  of  Ionia  saw  their  enemies 
how  many  they  were,  and  that  these  were  pre- 
paring to  give  battle,  they  were  stricken  with 
fear,  and  lied  out  of  the  city  to  Mount  Tmolus, 
and  thence,  when  it  was  uight,  they  went  back 
to  the  sea.  In  t.  is  manner  was  burnt  the  city  of 
Sardis,  and  in  it  ;he  great  tcmi)le  of  the  goddess 
Cybele,  the  burning  of  which  temple  was  the 
cause,  as  siud  the  Persians,  for  which  afterwards 
they  burnt  the  temples  in  Greece.  Not  long 
after  came  a  host  of  Pe 'sians  from  beyond  the 
river  Ilalys ;  and  when  they  found  that  the  men 
of  Ionia  had  departed  from  Sardis,  they  followed 
hard  >ipon  their  track,  and  came  up  with  them 
at  Ephesus,  And  when  the  battle  was  joined, 
the  men  of  Ionia  fled  before  them.  Many  indeed 
were  slain,  and  such  as  escaped  were  scattered, 
every  man  to  his  own  city.  After  this  the  ships 
of  the  Atheinans  departed,  and  woidd  not  help 
the  men  of  Ionia  any  more,  though  Aristagoras 
besought  them  to  stay.  Nevertheless  the  lonians 
ceased  not  from  making  preparations  of  war 
against  the  King,  making  to  themselves  allies, 
soTiie  by  force  and  some  by  persuasio.i,  as  the 
cities  of  the  Hellespont  and  many  of  the  Carians 
and  the  island  of  Cyprus.  For  all  Cyprus,  save 
Amathus  oidy,  revolted  from  the  Iviug  under 
Gnesihis,  brother  of  King  Qorgus.  When  King 
Darius  heard  that  Sardis  had  been  taken  and 
burned  with  lire  by  the  lonians  and  the  Atheni- 
ans, with  Aristagoras  for  leader,  at  the  lirst  he 


took  no  heed  of  the  lonians,  as  knowing  that 
they  would  surely  suller  for  their  deed,  but  he 
asked,  '  Who  are  these  Atheidans  V '  And  when 
they  told  him  he  took  a  bow  and  shot  an  arrow 
into  the  air,  .saying,  '  O  Zeus,  grant  that  I  may 
avenge  my.self  on  these  Athenians. '  And  he  com- 
manded his  servant  that  every  day,  wlien  his 
dinner  was  served,  he  should  sjiy  three  times, 
'Master,  remember  the  Atheni.uis.'  .  .  .  Mean- 
while the  Persians  took  not  a  few  cities  of  the 
lonians  and  ..•Eolians.  But  while  they  were  busy 
about  tlie.se,  the  Carians  revolt<'d  from  the  King; 
whereupon  the  captains  of  the  Persians  led  their 
army  into  f'ar'a,  and  the  men  of  Caria  came  out 
to  meet  tuem;  and  tlwy  met  them  at  a  certain 
place  which  is  called  tiic  White  Pillars,  near  to 
the  river  Mieander.  Then  there  were  many  coun- 
sels among  the  Carians,  whereof  the  best  was 
this,  that  tliej  shoidd  cross  the  river  and  so  con- 
tend with  the  Persians,  having  the  river  behind 
them,  that  so  th'^re  lu'ing  no  scape  for  them  if 
they  fled,  they  might  suriuss  themselves  in 
courage.  Hut  this  counsel  did  not  lyevail. 
Nevertheless,  when  the  Persians  had  crossed  the 
jVtoandcr,  the  Carians  fought  against  them,  and 
the  battle  was  exceeding  long  and  flerce.  B\it  at 
the  last  the  Carians  were  vancpiished,  being  over- 
borne by  numbers,  so  that  there  fell  of  them  ten 
thousanil.  And  when  they  that  escaped — for 
many  had  fled  to  Labranda,  where  there  Is  a  great 
temi)Ie  of  Zeus  and  a  grove  of  i)lane  trees — were 
doubting  whether  they  should  yield  themselves 
to  the  King  or  depart  altogether  from  Asia,  there 
came  to  their  help  the  meu  of  Jllletus  with  their 
allies.  Thereupon  the  Carians,  putting  away 
their  doubts  altogether,  fought  with  the  Persians 
a  second  time,  and  were  vanquished  yet  more 
grievously  than  before.  But  on  this  day  the 
men  of  Jliletus  suffered  tI,o  chief  damage.  And 
the  Carians  fought  wit'i  the  Persians  yet  again  a 
third  time ;  for,  hearing  that  these  were  about  to 
attack  their  cities  one  by  one,  they  laid  an  am- 
bush for  them  on  the  road  to  Pedasus.  And 
the  Persians,  marching  by  night,  fell  into  the 
ambush,  and  were  utterly  destroyed,  they  and 
their  captains.  After  these  things,  Aristagoras, 
seeing  the  power  of  the  Persians,  and  having  no 
more  any  hope  to  prevail  over  them  —  and  in- 
deed, for  all  that  he  had  brought  about  so  much 
trouble,  he  was  of  a  poor  spirit  —  called  to- 
gether ins  friends  and  said  to  them,  '  We  must 
needs  have  some  place  of  refuge,  if  we  be  driven 
out  of  Miletus.  Shall  we  therefore  go  to  Sar- 
dinia, or  to  Myrcinus  on  the  river  Strymon, 
whicli  King  Darius  gave  to  Histiicus  ? '  To  this 
Ilecateus,  the  writer  of  chronicles,  made  answer, 
'  Let  Aristagoras  binld  a  fort  in  Leros  (this  Lc  •> 
is  an  islaud  thirty  miles  distant  from  Mdetus)  and 
dwell  there  quietly,  if  he  be  driven  from  Miletus. 
And  hereafter  he  can  come  from  Leros  and  set  him- 
self up  again  in  Jliletus.'  But  Aristagoras  went 
to  Myrcinus,  and  not  long  afterwards  was  slain 
while  he  besieged  a  certain  city  of  the  Thraciaus. " 
— Herodotus,  T/ie  Stori/  of  the  Perinan  War  (cer- 
sioii  of  A.  J.  Church,  ch.  2). — See,  also,  Persia:  - 
B.  C. "521-493:  and  Athens:  B.  C.  501-490. 

B.  C.  490.— War  of  Sparta  with  Argos. — 
Overwhelming  reverse  of  the  Argives.  See 
Aiwos:  B.  C.  490-421. 

B.  C.  492-491. — Wrath  of  the  Persian  king 
against  Athens. — Failure  of  his  first  expedi- 
tion of  invasion. — Submission  of  '  Medizing  ' 
Greek  states.— Coercion  of  /Egina.— Enforced 


1570 


GREECE.  B.  C.  402-401. 


lietiinning  of  thf 
Peraian  War. 


GKEECE,  B.  r,  490. 


union  of  Hellas.— He*dship  of  Sparta  recog- 
nized.—The  assistance  givon  by  Athens  to  the 
Ionian  revolt  stirred  the  wrath  of  the  Persian 
monarch  very  deeply,  and  when  he  had  put(h)wn 
the  rebellion  he  prepared  to  chastise  the  auda- 
cious and  insolent  Greeks.  ' '  A  great  llect  started 
from  the  Hellespont,  with  or<ler.s  to  sail  rr  -id 
the  peninsula  of  Jit.  Athos  to  the  Gulf  of  Thcr  , 
while  JInrdonius  advanced  by  laud.  His  mar 
was  so  harassed  by  the  Thracians  that  when  lie 
had  elTccted  the  conquest  of  JIacedonia  his  forre 
was  too  weak  for  any  further  attempt.  The 
fleet  was  overtaken  by  a  storm  off  iVIt.  Athos,  on 
whose  rocks  800  ships  were  dashed  to  pieces,  and 
20,000  men  perished.  JIardonius  returned  in  dis- 
grace to  Asia  with  the  remnant  of  Ills  fleet  and 
army.  This  failure  onlv  added  fury  to  the  reso- 
lution of  Darius.  WInle  preparing  all  the  re- 
sources of  his  empire  for  a  second  expedition,  he 
sent  round  heralds  to  tlie  chief  cities  of  Greece, 
to  demand  the  tribute  of  earth  and  water  as  signs 
of  his  being  their  rightful  lord.  Most  of  them 
submitted :  Athens  and  Sparta  alone  ventured  on 
defiance.  Both  treated  the  demand  as  an  out- 
rage which  annulled  the  sanctity  of  the  herald's 
person.  At  Athens  the  envoy  was  plunged  into 
the  loathsome  Barathrum,  a  pit  into  which  the 
most  odious  public  criminals  were  cast.  At  Sparta 
the  herald  was  hurled  into  a  well,  and  bidden  to 
seek  his  earth  and  water  there.  The  submission 
of  .^gina,  the  chief  maritime  state  of  Greece, 
and  the  great  enemy  of  Athens,  entailed  the  most 
important  results.  The  act  was  denounced  by 
Athens  as  treason  against  Greece,  and  the  design 
■was  imputed  to  .^gina  of  calling  in  the  Persians 
to  secure  vengeance  on  her  rival.  The  Athenians 
made  a  formal  complaint  to  Sparta  against  the 
'  Medism '  of  the  ^ginctans ;  a  charge  which  is 
henceforth  often  repeated  both  against  individ- 
uals and  states.  The  Spartans  had  recently  con- 
cluded a  successful  war  with  Argos,  the  only 
power  that  could  dispute  her  supremacy  in  Pelo- 
ponnesus ;  and  now  this  appeal  from  Athens,  the 
second  city  of  Greece,  at  once  recognized  and 
established  Sparta  as  the  leading  Hellenic  state. 
In  that  character,  her  king  Clcomenes  undertook 
to  punish  the  Medizing  party  in  .^Egina  '  for  the 
common  good  of  Greece';  but  he  was  met  by 
proofs  of  the  intrigues  of  his  colleague  Demaratus 
in  their  favour.  .  .  .  Clcomenes  obtained  liis 
deposition  on  a  charge  of  illegitimacy,  and  a  pub 
lie  insult  from  his  successor  Le(  ychides  drove 
Demaratus  from  Sparta.  Hotly  pursued  as  a 
'Medist,'  he  effected  his  escape  to  Darius,  whose 
designs  against  Athens  and  Sparta  were  now 
stimulated  by  the  councils  of  tlieir  exiled  sover- 
eigns, Hippias  and  Demaratus.  Meanwhile, 
Clcomenes  and  his  new  colleague  returned  to 
.^gina,  ■which  no  longer  resisted,  and  having 
seized  ten  of  her  leading  citizens,  placed  them  as 
hostages  in  the  hands  of  the  Athenians.  jEgina 
was  thus  effectuftily  disabled  from  throwing  the 
■weight  of  her  fleet  into  the  scale  of  Persia: 
Athens  and  Sparta,  suspending  their  political 
jealousies,  were  united  when  their  disunion 
would  have  been  fatal;  their  conjunction  drew 
after  them  most  of  the  lesser  states :  and  so  the 
Greeks  stood  forth  for  the  first  time  as  a  nation 
prepared  to  act  in  unison,  under  the  leadership  of 
Sparta  (B.  C.  401).  That  city  retained  her  proud 
position  till  it  was  forfeited  by  the  misconduct  of 
her  state  'uen."— P.  Smith,  Iligt.  of  the  World: 
Ancient,  eh.  13  (».  1).  . 


Also  IN-:  O.  W.  Cox,  The  Greeknanilthe  Per- 
»iiiiin,  eh.  6. — G.  Grote  JIi»t.  of  dreeee,  ch.  36 
(,..  4.)— See,  also.  Athkns:  B.  C.  501-400. 

B.  C.  490.— The  Persian  Wars :  Marathon. 
—The  second  and  greater  expedition  launched  by 
Darius  against  tlie  Greeks  saded  from  the  Ciliciah 
coast  in  the  summer  of  the  year  400  B.  C.  It 
•vas  under  the  command  of  two  generals, —  a 
Medc,  named  Datis,  and  the  king's  nephew,  Ar- 
tapherncs.  It  made  the  passage  safely,  destroy- 
ing Naxos  on  the  way,  but  sparing  the  sacred 
island  and  temiile  of  Delos.  Its  landing  was  oi> 
the  shores  of  Euba-a,  where  the  city  of  Eret'ia 
was  easily  taken,  its  inhabitants  dfagge<l  into 
slavery,  and  the  first  act  of  Persian  vengeance 
accomplished.  The  expedition  tlien  sailed  to  the 
coast  of  Attica  and  came  to  land  on  the  plain  of 
Marathon,  wliich  spreads  along  the  bay  of  that 
name.  "Maratlum.  situated  near  to  1  buy  on  the 
eastern  coast  of  Attica,  and  in  a  direc'Jon  E.  N.  E. 
front  Athens,  is  divided  by  tlie  high  ridge  of 
Mount  Pentelikus  from  the  city,  with  which  it 
communicated  by  two  roads,  one  to  the  north, 
another  to  the  south  of  that  mountain.  Of  these 
two  roads,  the  northern,  at  once  the  shortest  and 
the  most  difficult,  is  22  miles  in  length.  .  .  . 
[The  plain]  Ms  in  length  about  Jx  miles,  in 
breadth  never  less  than  about  one  mile  and  a  half. 
Two  marshes  bound  the  extremities  of  the  plain ; 
the  southern  is  not  very  large  and  is  almost  dry 
at  the  conclusion  of  the  great  heats;  but  the 
northern,  which  generally  covers  considerably 
more  than  a  square  mile,  offers  several  parts 
which  are  at  all  seasons  impassable.  Both,  how- 
ever, leave  a  broad,  firm  sondy  beach  between 
them  and  the  sea.  The  unin'  irrupted  flatness  of 
tlie  plain  is  hardly  relieved  by  a  single  tree ;  and 
an  amphitheatre  of  rocky  hills  and  rugged  moun- 
tains separates  it  from  the  rest  of  Attica." — G. 
Grote,  Hist,  of  Greece,  pt.  2,  ch.  88  (c.  4).— The 
Athenians  waited  for  no  nearer  approach  of  the 
enemy  to  their  city,  but  met  them  at  their  land- 
ing-place. They  were  few  in  number — only 
10,000,  with  1,000  more  from  the  grateful  city  of 
Plataja,  which  Athens  had  protected  against 
Thebes.  They  had  sent  to  Sparta  for  aid,  but  a 
superstition  delayed  the  march  of  the  Spartans 
and  they  came  the  day  after  the  battle.  Of  all 
the  nearer  Greeks  none  came  to  the  lielp  of 
Athens  in  that  hour  of  extreme  need;  and  so 
much  the  greater  to  her  was  the  glory  of  Mara- 
thon. The  ten  thousand  Atiienian  hoplites  and 
the  one  thousand  brave  Platfeaus  confronted  the 
great  host  of  Persia,  of  the  numbers  in  ■which 
there  is  no  account.  Ten  generals  had  the  right 
of  command  on  successive  days,  but  Miltiades 
was  known  to  be  the  superior  captain  and  his 
colleagues  gave  place  to  him.  "On  the  morning 
of  the  seventeenth  day  of  the  month  of  Motagit- 
nion  (September  13t'  /,  when  the  supreme  com- 
mand according  to  the  original  order  of  succes- 
sion fell  to  Miltiades,  he  ordered  the  army  to 
draw  itself  up  according  to  tlie  ten  tribes.  .  .  . 
The  troops  had  advanced  with  perfect  steadiness 
acro.ss  the  trenches  and  palisadings  of  their  camp, 
as  they  had  doubtless  already  done  on  previous 
days.  But  as  soon  as  they  had  approached  the 
enemy  within  a  distance  of  5,000  feet  they 
clianged  their  march  to  a  double-quick  pace, 
which  gradually  rose  to  the  rapidity  of  a  charge, 
while  at  the  same  time  they  raised  the  war-cry 
with  a  loud  voice.  AVhen  the  Persians  saw  these 
men    rushing   down    from   the    heights,    they 


1571 


GREECE,  n.  C.  490. 


I'll  foil  agalntt 
/Vraid. 


GREECE,  B.  C.  ^80. 


thouglit  they  beheld  iimdmen;  tliey  quickly 
placed  themselves  in  order  of  buttle,  l)ut  before 
they  had  time  for  an  orderly  dist^lmr^re  of  iirrows 
the  Athenians  were  upon  them,  reudy  in  their 
exeiteiment  to  begin  a  closer  contest,  miin  against 
man  in  hundto-hand  liKlit,  wliicli  is  decided  by 
personal  courage  and  gymnastic  agility,  by  the 
momentum  of  heavy-armed  warriors,  and  by  the 
(180  of  lance  and  sword.  Thus  tlie  well-managed 
and  bold  attack  of  the  Atlienians  had  succeeded 
in  bringing  into  play  the  whole  capability  of  vic- 
tory whicii  belonged  to  the  Athenians.  Yet  the 
residt  was  not  generally  succe.ssf ul.  The  enemy's 
centre  stood  llrm.  .  .  .  But  meanwhile  both 
wings  had  thrown  themselves  npon  tlie  enemiy; 
and  after  tliey  had  effectwl  a  victorious  advance, 
the  one  on  the  way  to  Uhamnus,  tlie  other  towards 
the  coast,  Miltiades  .  .  .  issued,  orders  at  the 
right  moment  for  the  wings  to  return  from  the 
pursuit,  and  to  make  a  combined  attack  upon  the 
Persian  centre  in  its  rear.  .Hereupon  llio  rout 
speedily  became  general,  and  in  their  flight  the 
troubles  of  the  Persians  increased;  .  .  .  they 
were  driven  into  the  morasses  and  there  slain  in 
numlwrs." — E.  Curtius,  JIM.  of  Greece,  bk.  3,  ch. 
1  (t>.  2).— The  Athenian  dead,  when  gathered 
for  the  solemn  obsequies,  numbered  lO'J;  the  loss 
of  the  Persians  was  estimated  by  Herodotus  at 
6,400.— Herodotus,  Hiat.,  bk.  0. 

Also  in:  E.  S.  Creasy,  Fifteen  Decisive  Battles, 
eh.  \.—C.  Thirlwall,  Ilitt.  of  Oreeec,  eh.  U  (v.  2). 
— 0.  W.  Cox,  Tlie  Oreek»  and  Persians,  ch.  6. — 
Sir  B.  Biilwer  Lytton,  Athena :  Its  Rise  and  Fall, 
bk.  2,  ch.  5. 

B.  C.  489-480.— The  lEginetan  War.— Naval 

Sower  of  Athens  created  by  Themistocles. 
BE  Athens:  B.  C.  489-480. 
B.  C.  48.  479. — Congress  at  Corinth. — Hel- 
lenic union  againstt  Persia. — Headship  of 
Sparta. —  "When  it  was  known  in  Greece  that 
XJrxes  was  on  his  march  into  Europe,  it  became 
necessary  to  take  measure's  for  the  defence  of  the 
country.  At  the  instigation  of  the  Athenians, 
the  Spartans,  as  the  acknowledged  leaders  of 
Hellas  and  head  of  the  Peloponnes'.in  confeder- 
acy, called  on  those  cities  which  had  resolved 
to  uphold  the  independence  of  their  country  to 
send  plenipotentiaries  to  a  congress  at  tlie  Isth- 
mus of  Corinth.  "When  the  envoys  assembled,  a 
kind  of  nellenic  alliance  was  formed  under  the 
presi.^ncy  of  Sparta,  and  its  unity  was  confirmed 
by  an  oath,  binding  the  members  to  visit  with 
severe  penalties  those  Greeks  who,  without  com- 
pulsion, liad  given  earth  and  water  to  the  envo3-s 
of  Xer.xes.  This  alliance  was  the  nearest  ap- 
proach to  a  Hellenic  union  ever  seen  in  Greece ; 
but  though  it  comprised  most  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Peloponnesus,  except  Argos  and  Achrea, 
the  Megarians,  Athenians,  and  two  cities  of 
BcBotia,  Thespli-  and  Platoca,  were  the  only 
patriots  north  of  the  Istlimus.  Others,  who 
would  willingly  have  been  on  that  side,  such  as 
the  common  people  of  Thessaly,  the  Phocians  and 
Loorians,  were  compelled  by  the  force  of  circum- 
stances to  'medize.'  From  the  titue  at  which  it 
met  in  the  autumn  or  summer  of  481  to  tlie 
autumn  of  480  B.  C,  the  congress  at  the  Isthmus 
directed  the  military  affairs  of  Greece.  It  flxed 
the  plan  of  operations.  Spies  were  sent  to  bar- 
dis  to  ascertain  the  extent  of  the  forces  of  Xerxes ; 
envoys  visited  Argos,  Crete,  Corcyra,  and  Syra- 
cuse, in  the.  hope,  which  proved  vain,  of  obtain- 
ing assistance  in  the  impending  struggle.     xVs 


soon  as  Xerxes  was  known  to  be  in  Europe,  an 
army  of  10,000  men  was  sent  to  hold  the  pass  of 
Temiie,  but  afterwards,  011  the  advice  of  Aiexan 
der  of  Alaceiiou,  this  barrier  was  abandoned ;  and 
it  was  Unallv  resolved  to  await  the  approaching 
forces  at  Thermopylre  and  Artemisium.  Tlic 
supreme  authoritv,  both  by  land  and  sea,  was  in 
llie  hands  of  the  Spartans;  they  were  the 
natural  leaders  of  any  army  whicli  the  Greeks 
could  put  into  the  field,  and  the  allies  refused  to 
follow  unless  the  ships  also  were  under  their 
charge.  .  .  .  Wlien  hostilities  were  suspended, 
the  congress  re-appears,  and  the  Greeks  once 
more  meet  at  the  Isthmus  to  apportion  the  spoil  and 
adjudge  the  prizes  of  valour.  In  the  next  year  we 
hear  of  no  common  plan  of  operations,  the  fleet 
and  army  seeming  to  act  independently  of  eacli 
other;  yet  we  observe  that  the  chiefs  of  tlio 
nieiliziiig  Tliebans  were  taken  to  the  Isthmus 
(Corinth)  to  be  tried,  after  the  battle  of  Platrea. 
It  appears  then  that,  under  the  stress  of  the  great 
Persian  invasion,  *he  Greeks  were  brought  into 
an  alliance  or  confederation;  and  for  the  two 
years  from  midsummer  481  to  midsummer  470  a 
congress  continued  to  meet,  with  more  or  less 
interruption,  at  the  Isthmus,  consisting  of  pleni- 
potentiaries from  the  various  cities.  This  con- 
gress directed  the  nllairs  of  the  nation,  so  far  as 
they  were  in  any  way  connected  with  the  Persian 
invasion.  Wlien  the  Barbarians  were  fln  \lly  de- 
feated, and  there  was  no  longer  any  alarm  from 
that  source,  the  congress  seems  to  have  discon- 
tinued it9  meetings.  But  the  alli8.'',jc  remained; 
the  cities  continued  to  act  in  common,  at  any  rate, 
so  far  as  naval  operations  were  concerned,  and 
Sparta  was  still  the  leading  power." — E.  Abbott, 
Vcriclcs  ami  the  Golden  Age  of  Athens,  ch.  3. 

Also  in  :  C.  0.  MttUer,  Hist,  and  Antiq.  of  the 
Doric  liace,  t.  1,  a  pp.  4. 

B.  C.  480.— The  Persian  War:  Tliermopy- 
lae. — "Now  when  tidings  of  the  battle  that 
had  been  fought  at  Marathon  [B.  C.  400]  reached 
the  ears  of  King  Darius,  the  son  of  Hystaspes, 
his  anger  against  the  Atlienians, "  says  IIero<lotu8, 
"  which  had  been  nhcady  roused  by  their  attack 
on  Sardis,  waxed  blill  fiercer,  and  he  became 
more  than  ever  eager  to  lead  an  army  against 
Greece.  Instantly  he  sent  off  messengers  to 
make  proclamation  through  the  several  states 
that  fresh  levies  were  to  be  raised,  and  these  at 
an  increased  rate;  while  ships,  horses,  provisions 
and  transports  were  likewise  to  be  furnithed. 
So  the  men  published  his  commands;  and  now 
all  Asia  was  in  commotion  by  the  space  of  three 
years."  But  before  his  preparations  were  com- 
pleted Darius  died.  His  son  Xerxes,  who  as- 
cended the  Persian  throne,  was  cold  to  the  Greek 
undertjiking  and  required  long  persuasion  before 
he  took  it  up.  When  he  did  so,  however,  his 
preparations  were  on  a  scale  more  stupendous 
than  those  of  his  fatlier,  and  consumed  nearly 
five  years.  It  was  not  until  ten  years  after 
^larathon  that  Xerxes  led  from  Sardis  a  host 
whicli  Herodotus  computes  at  1,700,000  men,  be- 
sides lialf  a  million  more  which  manned  tlie  fleet 
lie  had  assembled.  "Was  there  a  nation  in  all 
Asia,"  cries  the  Greek  historian,  "  which  Xerxes 
did  not  bring  with  him  against  Greece  ?  Or  was 
there  a  river,  except  tiiose  of  unusual  size,  which 
sulSced  for  his  troops  to  drink  ? "  By  a  bridge  of 
boats  at  Abydos  tlie  army  crossed  the  Hellespont, 
and  moved  slowly  through  Thrace,  Macedonia 
and  Thessaly;   while  the  fleet,  moving  on  the 


1572 


GHEECE,  u  C.  480. 


Thernopulte  and 
ArtemiHum. 


GHEECE,  B.  C.  480. 


crist  circuit  of  tlie  same  countries,  avoided  tlie 
perilous  promontorv  of  Mount  Atlios  by  cutting 
n  cnniil.  Tlie  GrecKs  liiid  determined  nt  first  to 
ninke  their  stand  npainst  the  invaders  in  Tlies- 
siily,  at  the  vale  of  Tempe;  but  tliev  found  the 
post  untenable  and  were  persuaded,  instead,  to 
guard  the  narrower  Pass  of  Thcrniopyla?.  It 
was  tlu^re  that  the  Persians,  arriving  at  Trachis, 
near  the  Malian  gulf,  found  themselves  faced  by 
a  small  body  of  Greeks.  The  spot  is  thus  de- 
scribed by  iferoilotus:  "As  for  the  entrance  into 
Greece  by  Trachis.  it  is,  at  its  narrowest  point, 
about  fifty  feet  wide.  This,  however,  is  not  the 
place  wliere  the  passage  is  most  contracted ;  for 
it  is  still  narrower  a  little  above  and  a  little  be- 
low Thermopylm.  At  Alpeni,  which  is  lower 
down  than  that  i)Iacc,  it  is  only  wide  enough  for 
a  single  carriage;  and  up  above,  at  the  river 
Phoenix,  near  tlic  town  called  Anthela,  it  is  the 
same.  AVcst  of  Thermopylae  rises  a  lofty  and 
precipitous  hill,  impossible  to  climb,  winch  runs 
up  into  tlie  chain  of  ffita;  while  to  the  east  the 
road  is  shut  iu  by  the  sea  and  by  marshes.  In 
this  place  are  the  warm  springs,  which  the 
natives  call  'The  Cauldrons';  and  above  them 
stands  an  altar  sacred  to  Hercules.  A  wall  had 
once  been  carried  across  the  opening;  and  in 
this  there  had  of  old  times  been  a  gateway.  .  .  . 
King  Xerxes  pitched  his  camp  in  the  region  of 
JIalis  called  Trachinia,  while  on  their  side  the 
Greeks  occupied  the  straits.  These  straits  the 
Greeks  in  general  call  Thermoi)yla!  (the  Hot 
Gates);  but  the  natives  and  those  who  dwell  in 
the  neighbourlnod  call  them  Pyloc  (the  Gates). 
.  .  .  The  Greeks  who  at  this  siiot  awaited  the 
coming  ci  Xerxes  were  the  following:  —  From 
Sparta,  3o0  men-at-arms;  from  Arcadia,  1,000 
Tegeans  and  Mantincans,  500  of  each  people; 
120  Orchomenians,  from  the  Arcadian  Orclio- 
menus;  and  1,000  from  other  cities;  from  Cor- 
inth, 400  men;  from  Plilius,  200;  and  from 
Slyceno;  80.  Such  was  the  number  from  the 
Peloponnese.  There  were  also  jire.sent,  from 
Boeotia,  700  Thespians  and  400  Thebans.  Be- 
sides these  troops,  the  Locrians  of  Opus  and  the 
Phocians  had  obeyed  the  call  of  their  country- 
men, and  sent,  the  former  all  the  force  they  had, 
the  latter  1,000  men.  .  .  .  Tlie  various  nations 
had  each  captains  of  their  own  under  whom  they 
served;  but  the  one  to  whom  all  especially  looked 
up,  and  who  had  the  command  of  the  entire 
force,  was  the  Lacedaimonian,  Leonidas.  .  .  . 
The  force  witli  Leonidas  was  sent  forward  by  the 
Spartans  in  advance  of  their  main  body,  that  the 
sight  of  them  miglit  encourage  the  allies  to  fight, 
and  hinder  them  from  going  over  to  the  Jledes, 
as  it  was  likely  they  miglit  have  done  had  they 
seen  Sparta  backward.  They  intended  jiresently, 
when  they  had  celebrated  the  Carneiau  festival, 
which  was  what  now  kept  them  at  home,  to 
leave  a  garrison  in  Sparta,  and  hasten  in  full 
force  to  join  the  army.  The  ii  U  of  the  allies 
also  intended  to  act  similarly;  for  it  happened 
that  the  Olympic  festival  fell  exactly  at  this  same 
period.  Xone  of  them  looked  to  see  the  contest 
at  Thermopyliv  decided  so  speedily."  For  two 
days  Leonidas  and  his  little  army  held  the  pass 
against  the  Persians.  Then,  there  was  found  a 
traitor,  a  man  of  Mails,  who  betrayed  to  Xerxes 
the  secret  of  a  pathway  across  the  mountains,  by 
which  he  might  steal  into  the  rear  of  the  post  held 
by  the  Greeks.  A  thousand  Plioeians  had  been 
stationed  on  the  mountain  to  guard  this  path ;  but 


they  took  fright  when  the  Persians  came  upon 
them  in  the  early  dawn,  and  (led  without  a  blow. 
When  Ix'onidas  learned  that  the  way  across  the 
mountain  was  open  to  the  enemy  lie  knew  that 
his  defense  w'«  hopeless,  and  lie  ordered  his 
allies  to  retreat  while  there  was  vet  time.  But 
he  and  his  Spartans  remained,  thinking  it  "un- 
seemly" to  quit  the  post  they  had  been  specially 
sent  to  guard.  The  Thcsiiiaiis  remained  with 
them,  and  the  Thebans  —  known  partisans  at 
heart  of  the  Pereians  —  were  forced  to  stay.  The 
latter  deserted  when  the  enemy  approached;  the 
Spartans  and  the  Thespians  fouglit  and  perished 
to  the  last  man. — Herodotus,  Jlistori/  {(runs,  by 
7'iiwliii»oit),  bk.  7. 

Also  in:  E.  (luriius.  Hist,  of  Greece,  bk.  3,  eh. 
1.  — G.  Groto,  Ilht.  of  Grerce.  pt.  2,  ch.  40  (r.  4). 
—See,  also,  Atiikns;  B,  (,'.  48(M79. 

B.  C.  480.— The  Persian  Wars :  Artemis- 
ium.— On  the  approach  of  the  great  invading 
army  and  fleet  of  Xerxes,  the  Greeks  resolved  to 
meet  the  one  at  the  pass  of  Thermopylo!  and  the 
othor  at  the  northern  entrance  of  the  Euba-an 
channel.  "  The  northern  sideof  Eubcca  alTorded 
a  commodious  and  advantageous  station:  it  was 
a  long  beach,  called,  from  a  temple  at  its  eastern 
extremity,  Artemlslum,  capable  of  receiving  the 
galleys,  if  it  should  be  necessary  to  draw  iliem 
upon  the  shore,  and  commanding  a  view  of  the 
open  sea  and  the  coast  of  Magnesia,  and  con- 
sequently an  opportunity  of  watching  the  ene- 
my's movements  as  he  advanced  towards  the 
south;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  its  short  dis- 
tance from  ThermopyUB  enabled  the  fleet  to  keep 
up  a  quick  and  easy  communication  with  the  land 
force. " — C.  Thirlwall,  Hist,  of  Greece,  ch.  13  (c.  1). 
— The  Persian  fleet,  after  suffering  heavily  from 
a  destructive  storm  on  the  Magnesian  c  ast, 
reached  Aidieta;,  opposite  Artemisium,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Pagasajan  gulf.  Notwithstanding 
its  losses,  it  still  vastly  outnumbered  the  arma- 
ment of  the  Greeks,  and  feared  nothing  but  the 
escape  of  the  latter.  But,  in  the  series  of  con- 
flicts which  ensued,  the  Greeks  were  generally 
victorious  and  proved  their  superior  naval  genius. 
They  could  not,  however,  afford  the  heavy  losses 
which  they  sustained,  and,  upon  hearing  of  the 
disaster  at  Thermopylo;  and  the  Pereian  posses- 
sion of  the  all-important  pass,  thev  deemed  it 
necessary  to  retreat. — W.  Mitford,  llist.  of  Greece, 
ch.  8,  sect.  4  (i\  2). 

B.  C.  480. — The  Persian  Wars  :  Salamis. — 
Leonidas  and  bis  Spartan  band  having  perished 
vainly  at  Thennopylie,  in  their  lieroic  attempt 
to  hold  the  pass  against  the  host  of  !>'erxes,  and 
the  Greek  ships  at  Artemisium  having  vainly 
beaten  their  overwhelming  enemies,  the  whole  of 
Greece  north  of  the  isthmus  of  Corinth  liy  com- 
])letely  at  tlie  mercy  of  the  invader.  The  The- 
bans and  other  false-hearted  Greeks  joined  his 
ranks,  and  saved  their  own  cities  by  helping  10 
destroy  their  i)  eighbors.  The  Platajans,  the  'Thes- 
pians and  the  Athenians  abandoned  their  liomes 
in  haste,  conducted  their  families,  and  such  prop- 
erty as  they  might  snatcli  away,  to  the  nearer 
Islands  and  "to  places  of  refuge  in  Peloponnesus. 
The  Greeks  of  Peloponnesus  rallied  in  force  to 
the  isthmus  and  began  there  the  building  of  a 
defen.sivc  wall.  Their  fleet,  retiring  from  Arte- 
misium, was  drawn  together,  with  some  re-en- 
forcements, behind  the  island  of  Salamis,  which 
stretches  across  the  entrance  to  the  bay  of  Eleu- 
sls,  off  the  inner  coast  of  Attica,  near  Athens. 


1573 


GUEECE,  B.  C.  480. 


fiotamiii  ami 
tlttlira. 


GREECE,  B.  C.  470. 


Miiintlme  the  IVrHiiiiiH  Imd  advimccil  through 
Atticii,  cnUTt'd  the  (li'Hcrtfd  city  <if  AtliciiH,  tikcn 
till'  Acroi/,)li8,  which  n  small  body  of  (h'sppriito 
pittriots  rt'solvcd  to  hold,  had  Hiaiii  itH  dcfcndi-rs 
and  burned  its  tcmidcs.  Their  Meet  hud  also 
liccn  iisscniblfd  in  tin-  hay  of  I'lialeniin,  which 
was  the  more  easterly  of  the  three  harbors  of 
Atliens.  At  Halaniis  the  Greelts  were  in  dispiite. 
The  Corinthians  and  the  Peloi)onnesians  were 
bent  upon  falling  back  with  the  fleet  to  the  isth- 
mus; the  Atheidans,  liic  KKlnetuns  and  the 
Mejfarians  looked  upon  idl  as  lost  if  the  present 
eonil)ination  of  the  whole  naval  power  of  Hellas 
in  the  narrow  strait  of  Salamis  was  permitted  to 
\n-  broken  up.  At  lenjfth  Tlicmi.stocles,  t/>e 
Athenian  leader,  a  man  of  fertile  brain  and  over- 
t)earing  resolution,  determined  the  (iiiestion  by 
8<'ndlni;  a  wcret  message  to  Xer.xes  that  the 
Greek  ships  had  prepared  to  escape  from  him. 
This  brought  down  the  Persian  fleet  upon  them 
at  once  and  left  them  no  chance  for  retreat.  Of 
the  memorable  flght  which  ensued  (Sept.  20  B.  C. 
480)  the  following  is  a  jiart  of  the  description 
given  by  Hero<lotus:  "Against  the  Athenians, 
who  held  the  western  extremity  of  tlie  line 
towards  Eletisis,  were  placed  the  Phienicians; 
against  the  Lacedivmonians,  whose  station  wa.s 
eastward  towards  tlie  Pincus,  tlie  lonians.  U' 
tliese  last,  a  few  only  followed  the  advice  of 
Thcmistoeles,  to  fight  backwardiy;  the  greater 
number  did  fur  otherwise.  .  .  .  Far  the  greater 
number  of  the  Persian  ships  engaged  iu  this  bat- 
tle were  disabled,  either  by  the  Athenians  or  l)y 
the  Eginctans.  For  as  the  Greeks  fouglit  in 
order  and  kept  their  line,  while  the  barbarians 
were  in  confusion  and  had  no  plan  iu  anything 
that  they  did,  the  issue  of  the  battle  could  scarce 
be  other  than  it  was.  Yet  the  Persians  fought 
far  more  bravely  here  than  at  Eubtea,  and  indeed 
surpassed  themselves;  each  did  his  utmost 
through  fear  of  Xerxes,  for  each  tho'iglit  that 
the  king's  eye  was  upon  himself.  .  .  .  D\iring 
the  whole  time  of  the  battle  Xerxes  satf  at  the 
base  of  the  hill  called  .^Egaleos,  over  against 
Salamis;  and  whenever  he  saw  any  of  his  own 
captains  pe.-form  any  worthy  exploit  he  inquired 
concerning  him ;  and  the  man's  name  was  taken 
down  by  his  scribes,  together  with  the  names  of 
his  father  and  his  city.  .  .  .  When  the  rout  of 
the  barbarians  began,  and  they  sought  to  make 
their  v  cape  to  PhalOrum,  the  Eginetans,  await- 
ing t'.K,'m  in  the  channel,  performed  exploits 
woi  Jiy  to  be  recorded.  Tlirougli  the  whole  of 
the  confused  struggle  the  Athenians  niployed 
themselves  iu  destroying  such  ships  as  either 
made  resistance  or  fled  to  sliore ;  wliile  the  Egine- 
tans dealt  with  those  which  cndeavc  n  -d  to  escape 
down  tlie  straits;  so  that  the  Persia  i  vessels  were 
no  sooner  clear  of  the  Athenians  i  lian  straight 
way  they  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Egineta 
squadron.  .  .  .  Such  of  the  barbarian  vessels  as 
escaped  from  the  battle  fled  to  PliaWnim,  and 
there  slielteretl  themselves  under  the  protection 
of  tlie  land  orniy.  .  .  .  Xerxes,  when  ho  saw 
the  extent  of  his'loss,  began  to  be  afraid  lest  the 
Greeks  might  be  counsc'lled  by  the  lonians,  or 
■without  their  advice  might  ueterminc,  to  sail 
straight  to  the  Hellespont  and  break  down  the 
bridges  there ;  in  which  case  lie  would  be  blocked 
up  iu  Europe  and  run  great  risk  of  perishing. 
He  therefore  made  up  his  mind  to  fly." — Herod- 
otus, IlUtory  (ed.  and  tr.  by  JiaicUnwit),  bk.  8, 
iiect.  85-07  (r.  4). 


Also  in  :  E.  Curtius,  Ili»l.  of  Greece,  bk.  8,  cli. 
1  (r  2).— (J.  Grote,  Jliiit.  of  Gvctce,  pt.  2,  eh.  i(r. 
4).— \V.  W.  Goodwin,  T/ie  IMHe  of  tyilami* 
{I'lijicrg  of  the  Am.  Sehinil  (it  Atheim,  r.  1). 

B.  C.  479.— The  Persian  Wars :  Plata*.— 
When  Xerxe.H,  after  the  defeat  of  his  fleet  at 
tSalamis,  fled  back  to  Asia  with  part  of  his  dis- 
ordered host,  he  left  his  lieutenant,  )Iardonius, 
with  a  still  forinidalile  army,  to  repair  the  disas- 
ter and  acconiiili.sh,  if  possible,  tiie  contiuest  of 
the  Greeks,  -ilardonius  retired  to  Thcssaly  for 
the  winter,  but  returned  to  Attica  in  the  spring 
and  drove  the  Athenians  once  more  from  their 
shattered  city,  which  they  were  endeavoring  to 
repair.  He  made  overtures  to  them  which  they 
rejected  with  scorn,  and  thereupon  he  destroyed 
everything  in  city  and  country  which  could  be 
destroyed,  reducing  Athens  to  ruins  and  Attica 
to  a  desert.  The  Spartans  and  other  Pclopon- 
nesians  who  had  promised  support  to  the  Atheni- 
ans w  ere  slow  in  coming,  but  they  came  in  strong 
force  at  last.  Murdonuis  fell  back  into  Bocotia, 
where  he  took  up  a  favorable  position  in  a  plain 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Asopus,  near  Plat«a. 
This  was  in  September,  B.  C.  470.  According 
to  Herodotus,  he  had  300,000  "barbarian"  troops 
and  .'50,000  Greek  allies.  The  opposing  Greeks, 
who  followed  him  to  the  Asopus,  were  110,000  iu 
number.  The  two  armies  watched  one  another 
for  more  than  ten  days,  unwilling  to  otfer  battle 
because  the  omens  were  on  both  sides  discourag- 
ing. At  length  the  Greeks  undertook  a  change 
of  position  and  3Iardoiiius,  mistaking  this  for  a 
movement  of  retreat,  led  his  Persians  on  a  run  to 
attack  them.  It  was  a  fatal  mistake.  The  Spar- 
tans, who  bore  the  brunt  of  the  Persian  assault, 
soon  convinced  tlie  deluded  Mardonius  that  they 
were  not  in  flight,  while  the  Athenians  -'  ,'alt 
roughly  with  his  Tlieban  allies.  "The  baruari- 
ans,"  says  Herodotus,  "  many  times  seized  hold 
of  the  Greek  spears  and  brake  them ;  for  in  bold- 
ness anil  warlike  spirit  the  Persians  were  not  a 
whit  inferior  to  the  Greeks;  but  they  were  with- 
out bucklers,  untrained,  and  far  below  the  enemy 
in  respect  of  skill  iu  arms.  Sometimes  singly, 
sometimes  in  bodies  of  ten,  now  fewer  and  now 
more  in  number,  (hey  dashed  forward  upon  the 
Spartan  ranks,  and  so  perished.  .  .  .  After  Mar- 
donius fell,  and  the  troops  with  him,  which  were 
the  main  strength  of  the  army,  perished,  the  re- 
mainder yielded  to  the  LaccdiBinoniana  and  took 
to  flight.  Their  light  clothing  and  want  of 
bucklers  were  of  the  greatest  hurt  to  them;  for 
tliey  liad  to  contend  against  men  heavily  armed, 
while  they  themselves  were  without  any  such 
defence."  Artabazus,  who  was  second  in  com- 
mand of  the  Persians,  and  who  had  40,000  im- 
mediately under  him,  did  not  strike  a  blow  in  the 
battle,  but  (juitted  the  field  as  soon  as  he  saw 
the  turn  events  had  taken,  and  led  his  men  in  a 
retreat  which  liad  no  pause  until  they  reached 
and  crossed  the  Hellespont.  Of  the  remainder 
of  the  300,000  of  Mardonius'  host,  only  3,000, 
according  to  Herodotus,  outlived  the  battle.  It 
was  tlie  end  of  the  Persian  iuvasions  of  Greece. 
— Herodotus,  Ilistori/  {tr.  by  liaiclinson),  bk.  9. — 
G.  Grote,  Iliat.  of  Greece,  pt.  2,  ch.  42  (p.  5).— C. 
Tliirlwall,  Hist,  of  Greece,  ch.  10  (v.  1).— G.  W. 
Cox,  nut.  of  Greece,  bk.  2,  ch.  7  (c.  1). — In  cele- 
bration of  tlie  victory  an  oltar  to  Zeus  was 
erected  and  consecrated  by  the  united  Greeks 
with  solemn  ceremonies,  a  (luintennial  festival, 
called  the  Feast  of  Liberty,  was  instituted  at 


1574 


GREECE,  B.  C.  470. 


ri'f  Dfllan 
Confederacy. 


GREECE,  B.  C.  478-477. 


Pliitao,  and  the  territory  of  tlic  riiitn?an8  was 
declared  sacred  and  inviolable,  so  lonj;  as  they 
slioidd  maintain  the  appointed  sacrifices  anS 
fiincnd  honors  to  the  dead.  Hut  these  agree- 
ments did  not  avail  to  protect  the  Platieans  when 
the  suhsciiucnt  Peloponiiesian  War  broke  out, 
and  they  stood  faithfully  among  the  allies  of 
Athens.  "The  last  act  of  the  assembled  army 
was  the  expedition  against  Tliebes,  in  order,  ac- 
cording to  the  obligation  incumbent  upon  them, 
to'takc  revenge  on  the  most  obstinate  ally  of  the 
national  enemy.  Eleven  days  after  the  battle 
Pausanias  appeared  l)eforc  the  city  and  demanded 
the  surrender  of  the  party-leaders,  responsible 
for  the  policy  of  Thebes.  Not  until  the  siege 
had  lasted  twenty  days  was  the  surrender  ob- 
tained. .  .  .  Tiniagenidas  and  the  other  leaders 
of  tlie  Thebans  were  executed  as  traitors  against 
the  nation,  by  order  of  Pausanias,  after  he  had 
dismissed  the  confederate  army." — E.  Curtius, 
—//(■*/.  of  Orcece,  bk.  3,  ch.  1  (v.  2). 

B.  C.  479. — The  Persian  Wars :  Mycale.— 
The  sfiine  day,  in  September,  B.  C.  470,  on  which 
the  Greeks  at  Platica  destroye<l  the  army  of 
.Mardonius,  witnessed  an  almost  equal  victory 
won  by  their  compatriots  of  tlie  tleet,  on  the  const 
of  Asia  Minor.  Tlie  Persian  fleet,  to  avoid  a 
battle  with  them,  hr.  1  retreated  to  Alycalo  on  the 
narrow  strait  between  the  island  of  Samos  and 
the  mainland,  where  a  land-army  of  60,000  men 
was  stationed  at  the  time.  Here  tliey  drew  their 
ships  on  sliore  and  surrounded  them  with  a 
rampart.  The  Greeks,  under  I.ieotycliides  the  La- 
cediemoniau,  landed  and  attacked  the  whole  com- 
bined force.  The  louians  in  the  Persian  army 
turned  against  their  masters  and  liclped  to  de- 
stroy them.  Tlie  rout  was  complete  and  only  a 
small  remnant  esca|)ed  to  reach  Sardis,  where 
Xer.\es  was  still  lingedng. — Herodotus,  Ilintory 
(tr.  by  liuwlinson),  bk.  0. 

Also  in:  C.  Thirlwall,  Hist,  of  Oveece,  (It.  16 
(».  1).— G.  Qrote,  Uixt.  -of  Greece,  pt.  3,  eli.  43  (c  5). 

B.  C.  47^478. — Athens  assumes  the  protec- 
tion of  Ionia.— Siege  and  capture  of  Sestus. — 
Rebuilding  and  enlargement  ot  Athens  and  its 
walls.— Interference  of  Sparta  foiled  by  The- 
mistocles.    See  Atiikns:  B.  C.  479-478. 

B.  C.  478-477. — Reduction  of  Byzantium. — 
Mad  conduct  of  Pausanias.— His  recall.— 
Alienation  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks  from  Sparta. 
—Their  closer  union  with  Athens.— With- 
drawal of  the  Spartans  from  the  war. — Forma- 
tion of  the  Delian  Confederacy.— "  Sestos  had 
fallen;  but  Byzantion  and  the  Thrakivin  Do- 
riskos,  with  Eion  on  the  Stryinon  and  many  otlier 
places  on  the  not  hern  shores  of  the  Egean,  were 
still  held  by  Persian  garrisons,  when,  in  the  year 
after  the  battle  of  Plataiai,  Pausanias,  as  com- 
mander of  the  confederate  fleet,  sailed  with  20 
Peloponnesian  and  80  Athenian  ships  to  Kypros 
(Cyprus)  and  thence,  having  recovered  the  greater 
part  of  the  island,  to  Byzantion.  The  resistance 
here  was  as  obstinate  perhaps  as  at  Sestos;  but 
the  place  was  at  length  reduced,  and  Sparta 
stood  for  the  moment  at  the  head  of  a  triumphant 
confederacy.  It  was  now  in  her  power  to  weld 
the  isolated  units,  which  made  up  the  Hellenic 
world,  into  something  like  an  organised  society, 
and  to  kindle  in  it  something  like  national  lift;. 
._.  .  But  she  had  no  statesman  capable,  like 
Themistokles,  of  seizing  on  a  golden  omjort unity, 
while  in  her  own  generals  she  found  her  great- 
est enemies."     Pausanias  "was,  it  would  seem, 

15 


dazzled  by  Persian  ,vealth  and  enamoured  of 
Persian  pleasures.  He  had  roused  the  indi<;na- 
tion  of  his  own  porple  by  having  his  name  in- 
scribed, us  leader  of  all  the  Greek  forces,  on  the 
tripod  wliieli  was  to  commemorate  the  victory  of 
Plataiai:  and  now  his  arrogance  and  tyranny 
were  to  e.xeite  at  Byzuitiim  a  discontent  and  im- 
patience destined  to  lie  followed  by  more  serious 
consequences  to  his  country  as  well  as  to  him- 
self. On  the  fall  of  Byzantion  he  sent  to  the 
Persi.in  king  the  jjrisoners  taken  in  the  city,  and 
spread  the  rejiort  that  they  had  escaped.  lie  for- 
warded at  the  same  time,  it  is  said,  ...  a  letter 
in  wliich  he  informed  Xerxes  tliat  he  wished  to 
marry  his  daughter  and  to  make  him  lord  of  all 
Hellas."  Xerxes  opened  negotiations  with  him, 
and  "the  heail  of  this  miserable  man  was  now 
fairly  turned.  Clad  in  Persian  garb,  he  aped  the 
privacy  of  Asiatic  despots ;  ami  when  he  came 
forth  from  his  palace  it  was  to  make  a  royal 
progress  tlirough  Thrace,  surrounded  by  Median 
and  Egyptian  life  guards,  and  to  show  his  in- 
solence to  men  who  were  at  least  his  equals. 
The  reports  of  this  significant  change  in  the  be- 
haviour of  Pausanias  led  to  his  recall.  He  was 
put  on  his  trial ;  but  his  accusers  failed  to  estab- 
lisli  the  personal  charges  brought  against  him, 
wliile  his  Medisin  also  was  dismissed  as  not  fully 
proved.  The  suspicion,  however,  was  so  strong 
that  he  was  deprived  of  his  command.  .  .  .  All 
these  events  were  tending  to  alienate  the  Asiatic 
Greeks  and  the  islanders  of  tlie  Egean  from  a 
state  which  showed  itself  incapable  of  maintain- 
ing its  authority  over  its  own  .servants."  Even 
before  the  recall  of  Pausaiiius,  "the  Asiatic 
Greeks  intreated  Aristeides  the  Atlicnian  com- 
mander to  admit  them  into  direct  relations  with 
Athens;  and  the  same  change  ot  feeling  had 
passed  over  all  the  non-medising  Greek  states 
with  the  exception  of  the  Pelopouuesiun  allies  of 
Sparta.  In  short,  it  had  become  clear  that  all 
Hellas  was  divided  into  two  great  sections,  the 
one  gravitating  as  naturally  to  Sparta,  the  great 
land  power,  as  the  other  gravitated  to  Atliens 
with  her  maritime  preponderance.  Wlien  tlicre- 
fore  a  Spartan  commission  headed  by  Dorkis  ar- 
rived with  a  small  force  to  take  the  place  of 
Pausanias,  they  were  met  by  passive  resistance 
where  they  had  looked  for  submission ;  and  their 
retirement  f'om  the  field  in  which  they  were  un- 
able to  compel  obedience  left  the  confederacy  an 
accomplished  fact." — G.  W.  Cox,  Jlitit.  of  Greece, 
bk.  3,  ch.  8  (v.  2).— This  confederacy  of  the  Asiatic 
Greeks  with  Athens,  now  definitely  organized,  is 
known  as  tlie  Confederacy  of  Delos,  or  the  Delian 
League.  "To  Athens,  as  decidedly  the  prepon- 
derant power,  both  morally  and  materially,  was 
of  necessity,  and  also  with  free  good-will,  con- 
signed the  headship  and  chief  control  of  the 
affairs  and  conduct  of  tlie  alliance;  a  position 
tliat  carried  witli  it  the  responsibility  of  the  col- 
lection and  administration  of  a  common  fund, 
and  the  presidency  of  the  assemblies  of  delegates. 
As  time  went  on  and  circumstances  altered,  the 
terms  of  confederation  were  modified  in  various 
instances;  but  at  first  the  general  rule  was  the 
contribution  not  only  of  money  or  ships,  but  ot 
actual  personal  service.  .  .  .  We  have  no  precise 
enumeration  of  the  allies  of  Atliens  at  this  early 
time,  but  the  course  of  the  history  brings  up  the 
mention  of  many.  .  .  .  Crete  was  never  directly 
aflfected  by  these  events,  and  Cyprus  was'also 
soon  to  be  left  aside;  but  otherwise  all  the  Greek 

*•- 
iO 


GREECE.  B.  C.  478-477. 


Alhrnt 
and  Sjmrtu. 


OllEECE,  D.  C.  477-461. 


islands  of  tlic  AcKi'minorthwiinls  —  except  Melos, 
Tlierii,  Aegiim,  tiiiil  Cyt'ieni  — were  ((mtiihiltory, 
iiieliKliiiK  Eiib(K'ii;  iis  were  tli<  cities  on  the 
(oiists  of  Tliriwe  iiiid  the  Chaleidie  peninsulu 
from  llie  MHiediitiian  bipiindary  to  tlie  lleiles- 
jioiit;  Uyzimliiini  and  various  <i"ties  on  tlie  coasts 
of  tlie  I'roponlis.  and  h'ss  ( irtalidy  of  tlie  Eu.\iiie ; 
tlie  important  series  of  cities  on  tUv  western  coast 
of  Asia  Minor— thciujrli  apparci.tly  Willi cousider- 
nble  exceptions  — Aeolian,  Ionian,  Dorian,  niid 
(arian,  as  far  as  ('annus  at  least  on  the  borders  of 
Lyeia,  if  not  even  round  to  tlie  C'lielichniian  isles. 
Tlie  sacred  inland  of  Delos  was  cho.seu  as  the  de- 
pository of  tlie  CDiiinioii  treasure  and  the  jilaccof 
ineetinir  of  the  contributors.  Apart  from  its 
central  (diiveiiieiice  and  defensibleness  as  an 
Island,  ami  the. saiicity  of  the  temple,  .  .  .  it  was 
n  traditional  cent  re  for  solemn  reunions  of  lonians 
from  cither  side  the  Aegi'aii.  .  .  .  At  the  distinct 
reiiuest  of  the  allies  the  Athenians  appointed 
Arislidesto  superintend  tlie  dillicull  process  of 
assi'8.sing  the  vari(ms  forms  and  nmounts  of  con- 
tribution. .  .  .  The  total  annual  amount  of  the 
ns.sessment  was  the  large  sum  of  4(iO  talents 
(tlia.l'W),  and  \h\&  perliaps  not  inclusive  of,  but 
only  supplementary  to,  the  costly  sup])ly  of 
CM|uippeii  sliips."— VV.  W.  iAoyK..' The  Aye  of 
Veridtf,  ch.  14  (r.  1). 

Ai.so  IN:  E.  Abbott,  IIM.  of  Greece,  pt.  2,  ch. 
6  II  lift  H. 

B.  C.  477-462.  —  Advancing  democracy  of 
Athens. — Sustentation  of  the  Commons  from 
the  Confederate  Treasury. — The  stripping  of 
power  from  the  Areopagus.  iSee  ATiiii.ss:  B.C. 
47T-1(1'-'. 

B.  C.  477-461.— Athens  as  the  head  of  the 
Delian  League.  —  Triumph  of  Anti-Spartan 
policy  at  Athens  and  approach  of  war. — Ostra- 
cism of  Cimon. — '•  Between  the  end  of  the  Per- 
sian war  and  the  year  464  B.  C,  Sparta  liad  sunk 
from  the  clianinion  of  the  whole  of  Hellas  to  the 
lialf-discredited  leader  of  tlie  Peloiionnese  only. 
Athen.s,  on  the  contrary,  had  risen  from  a  subor- 
dinate inemiier  of  the  league  controlled  by  Sparta 
to  be  the  leader  and  almost  the  mistress  of  a 
league  more  daijgerous  than  that  over  wliicli 
Sparta  lield  sway.  Sparta  umiuesticmably  en- 
tertained towards  Athens  the  jealous  hatred  of  a 
defeated  rival.  By  what  s.eps  Athens  was  in- 
creasing lier  control  over  the  Delian  League,  and 
changing  Iier  position  from  that  of  a  president  to 
that  of  an  absolute  ruler  [see  Athens:  B.  C. 
40C-4.'">4],  will  be  explained.  .  .  .  She  was  at  the' 
same  time  i)roseciiting  the  war  against  Persia 
with  conspicuous  success.  Her  leader  in  this 
task  was  Cimon.  In  the  domain  of  practice 
Athens  produced  no  nobler  son  than  this  man. 
He  was  the  sou  of  Jlilliades,  the  victor  of  Mara- 
thon, and  Ijy  heredity  and  inclination  took  Ids 
stand  with  the  conservative  jiarty  in  Athens  [see 
ATni-;N8:  B.C.  477-4«'J,  to  400U49].  He  suc- 
ceeded liere  to  the  leading  po.sitiou  of  Aristides, 
and  he  jiossessed  all  that  statesman's  purity  of 
character.  ...  It  was  as  a  naval  commander, 
and  as  a  supporter  of  a  forward  policy  against 
Persia,  that  Cimon  won  his  greatest  renown. 
But  he  had  also  a  keen  interest  in  the  domestic 
development  of  Athens  and  her  attitude  to  the 
other  states  of  Greece.  To  maintain  friendship 
with  Sparta  was  the  root  of  all  liis  policy.  His 
perfect  honesty  in  supporting  tliis  policy  was 
never  questioned,  and  Sparta  recognised  his  good 
will  to  them  by  uppointing  him  Proxeuus  in 


Athens.  It  was  his  duty  in  this  capacity  to  pro- 
tect any  Spartan  resident  in  or  visiting  Athens. 
His  chamtterand  personality  were  eminently  at- 
tractive. .  .  .  ruder  Ids  guidance  the  Athenian 
fleet  struck  Persia  blow  on  blow.  ...  In  4(M(, 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Kurvmedon  in  Pamphvlia 
[see  Atiikns.  B.  C.  4rO-4««],  the  Persian  licet 
was  destroyed,  and  after  a  llerce  struggle  her 
land  forces  also  were  defeated  with  verj'  great 
slaughter.  It  was  long  l)efore  Persian  influence 
cotiiited  for  anything  again  on  the  waters  of  the 
Mediterranean.  Cimon,  with  the  personal  qiutli- 
ties  of  Aristides,  had  obtained  the  successes  of 
Theniistocles.  Opposition  to  Cimon  was  not 
wanting.  The  Athenian  democracy  had  entered 
on  a  path  that  seemed  blocked  by  his  personal 
supremacy.  And  now  the  party  of  a<lvancing 
democracy  jiosscsscd  a  leiuler,  the  ablest  and 
greatest  tliat  it  was  ever  to  possess.  Pericles 
was  about  thirty  years  of  age.  .  .  .  He  was  re- 
lated to  great  families  tlirough  both  father  and 
mother,  and  to  great  families  that  had  cham- 
l)ioned  tlie  democratic  side.  His  fatlier  Zaiilhip- 
juis  liad  prosecuted  Miltiades,  tiie  father  of 
Cimon.  ...  To  lead  the  i)arty  of  advanced  de- 
mocracy was  to  attack  Cimon,  against  whom  he 
had  hereditary  hostility.  .  .  .  When  in  465  Tiia- 
sos  rebelled  from  Athens,  defeat  was  certain 
unless  she  found  allies.  She  appl'ed  to  Sjiartii 
for  assistance.  Alliens  and  Sparta  were  still 
nominally  allies,  for  tlie  creation  of  the  Delian 
League  had  not  openly  destroyed  the  nlliancc 
that  had  subsisted  between  them  since  the  days 
of  the  Pcreian  war.  But  the  Thasiaiis  hoped  that 
Sparta's  jealousy  of  Athens  might  induce  her 
to  disregard  the  alliance.  And  tliey  reckoned 
rightly.  The  Spartan  fleet  was  so  weak  tliat  no 
interference  upon  the  sea  could  be  thought  of, 
but  if  Attica  were  attacked  by  land  tlie  Athe- 
nians would  be  forced  to  draw  off  some  part  of 
their  armament  from  Thasos.  Sparta  gave  a 
secret  promi.se  that  this  attack  .should  be  made. 
But  before  they  could  fulfil  their  promise  their 
own  city  was  overwhelmed  by  a  terrible  earth- 
quake. .  .  .  Only  five  houses  were  left  standing, 
and  twenty  thousand  of  the  inhabitants  lost  their 
lives.  King  Arcliidamus  saved  tlic  state  from 
even  more  appalling  ruin.  "While  the  inhabitants 
were  dazed  with  the  catastrojihe,  ho  ordered  the 
alarm-trumpet  to  be  blown ;  the  military  instincts 
of  tlie  Spartans  answered  to  the  call,  and  all  that 
were  left  assembled  outside  of  the  city  safe  from 
the  falling  ruins.  Archidamus's  presence  of 
mind  saved  them  from  even  greater  danger  than 
that  of  eartlKjuake.  The  disaster  seemed  to  the 
masses  of  Helots  that  surrounded  Sparta  clear 
evidence  of  the  wrath  of  the  god  Poseidon.  .  .  . 
The  Helots  seized  arms,  therefore,  anil  from  nil 
sides  rushed  upon  Sparta.  Thanks  to  Archida- 
mus's action,  they  found  the  Spartans  collected 
and  ready  for  battle.  They  fell  back  uponMes- 
senia,  and  concentrated  their  strength  round 
Mount  Ithome,  the  natural  Acropolis  of  that  dis- 
trict. .  .  .  All  the  efforts  of  their  opponents, 
never  very  successful  in  sieg^a,  failed  to  dis- 
lodge them.  At  last,  in  464,  Sparta  had  to  ap- 
peal to  her  allies  for  help  against  her  own  slaves ; 
and,  as  Athens  was  her  ally,  she  appealed  to 
Athens.  Should  the  help  be  granted  ?  .  .  .  Cimon 
advocated  the  granting  of  Sparta's  demand  with 
all  his  strengtli.  .  .  .  But  there  was  much  to  be 
said  on  tlk'  other  side,  and  it  was  said  by  Epliial- 
tcs  and  Pericles.   The  whole  of  Pericles's  foreign 


1576 


GREECE,  B.  C.  477-461. 


Corinth  unJ  ^Kginit 
Of.uii'ut  Alhen$. 


GREECE,  B.  C.  458-486. 


policy  is  founded  on  the  nssumption  tlint  ui\ion 
i)etween  Athens  nud  Sparta  was  undesirable  and 
irnpossildc.  In  evcrytliiug  tliey  8too«l  at  opposite 
poles  of  thought.  .  .  .  Cimon  gained  tlie  vote 
of  tlie  people.  He  went  at  once  witli  a  force  of 
four  tliousand  heavy  armed  soldiers  to  Ithonie. 
Atlienian  soldiers  enjoyed  a  great  reputation  for 
their  ability  in  tlie  conduct  of  sieges;  but,  de- 
spite tlieir  arrival,  tlie  Helots  in  Itliomo  still 
lield  out.  And  soon  tlie  Spartans  grew  suspici- 
ous of  tlic  Atlienian  contingent.  Tlie  failureof 
Spuria  was  ro  clearly  to  tlie  interest  of  Athens 
tliat  tlie  Spartans  could  not  lielieve  tliat  the 
Atlienians  wi'ro  in  earnest  in  trying  to  prevent 
it;  and  at  lasi  Cimon  was  told  that  Sparta  no 
longer  liad  need  of  the  Atlienian  force.  Tlie  in- 
sult was  all  the  more  evident  because  none  of  the 
other  allies  were  uismissed.  Cimon  at  once  re- 
turned to  Athens  [see  Messenian  Wak,  The 
Tiiiud].  ...  On  his  return  ho  still  opposed 
those  complete  democratic  changes  that  Pericles 
and  Ephiaites  were  at  this  time  introducing  Into 
the  state.  A  vote  of  ostracism  was  demanded. 
The  reiiuisite  number  of  votes  fell  to  Cimon,  and 
he  had  to  retire  into  exile  (401).  .  .  .  His  ostra- 
cism doubtless  allowed  the  democratic  cliauges, 
In  any  cose  inevitable,  to  be  accompllslicd  with- 
out much  opposition  or  obstruction,  but  it  also 
deprived  Athens  of  her  best  soldier  at  a  time 
wlien  she  needed  all  her  military  talent.  For 
Athens  could  not  forget  Sparta's  insult.  In  401 
she  renounced  the  alliance  with  her  that  had  ex- 
isted since  the  Pereiau  wars;  and  that  this  rup- 
ture did  not  mean  neutrality  was  made  clear 
when,  immediately  afterwards,  Athens  contracted 
an  alliance  with  Argos,  always  the  enemy  and 
now  the  dangerous  enemy  of  Sparta,  and  with 
the  Thessallans,  who  also  had  grounds  of  hos- 
tility to  Sparta.  Under  such  circumstances  ivar 
could  not  be  long  in  coming." — A.  J.  Grant, 
Greece  in  tin  Age  of  Pericles,  cii.  5. 

Ai,8o  IN :  Plutarch,  Cimon ;  Pericles.  —  C. 
Thirlwall,  His',  of  Greece,  ch.  17  (o.  3).— E.  Ab- 
bott, Pericles  and  the  Golden  Age  of  Athens,  ch. 
5-0. 

B.  C.  460-449. — Disastrous  Athenian  expe- 
dition to  Eeypt. — Cimon's  last  enterprise 
against  the  Persians. — The  disputed  Peace 
of  Cimon  or  CalUas.— Five  years  truce  be- 
tween Athens  and  Sparta.  Sec  ATiiBys:  B.  C. 
400-449. 

B,  C.  458-456.  —  Alliance  of  Corinth  and 
.£gina  against  Athens  and  Megara. — Athe- 
nian victories, — Siege  and  conquest  of  .£Kina. 
— The  Spartans  in  Bceotia. — Defeat  of  Atnens 
at  Tanagra.  —  Her  success  at  CEnophyta. 
— Humiliation  of  Thebes. — Athenian  ascen- 
dancy restored.-  -Crippled  by  the  great  earth- 
quake of  464  B.  vJ.,  and  harassed  by  the  succeed- 
ing Messenian  War,  ' '  nothing  could  be  done,  on 
the  part  of  Sparta,  to  oppose  the  establishment 
and  extension  of  the  separate  alliance  between 
Athens  and  Argos ;  ond  accordingly  the  states  of 
Northern  Peloponnesus  commenced  their  arma- 
ments against  Atliens  on  their  own  account,  in 
order  to  obtain  by  force  what  formerly  they  had 
achieved  by  secret  Intrigues  and  by  pushing  for- 
ward Sparta.  To  stop  tlie  progress  of  the  Attic 
power  was  a  necessary  condition  of  their  own 
existence ;  and  thus  a  new  warlike  group  of  statra 
formed  itself  among  the  members  of  the  disrupt- 
ed confederation.  The  Corinthians  entered  into 
a  secret  alliance  with  .<£gina  and  Epidaurus,  and 


emleavored  to  exten<l  their  territory  and  obtain 
strong  iM)sitions  bevoml  the  Isllimus  at  tlie  ex- 
pense of  Megara.  this  they  considered  of  special 
importance  to  them.  Inasmuch  as  they  knew  the 
Jlegareans,  whoso  small  country  lay  in  the  midst 
between  tlio  two  hostile  alliances,  to  be  allies 
little  deserving  of  trust.  .  .  .  The  f^ars  of  the 
Corinthians  were  realized  sooner  than  they  had 
anticipated.  The  Megareans,  under  the  pressure 
of  events,  renounced  their  treaty  obligations  to 
Sparta,  and  joined  the  Attico-Arglve  alliance. 
.  .  .  The  passes  of  the  Geranea,  the  Inlets  and 
outlets  of  the  Doric  peninsula,  now  fell  into  tlio 
littuds  of  the  Athenians ;  Megara  became  an  out- 
work of  Athens;  Attic  troops  occupied  Its  towns; 
Attic  ships  cruised  in  the  Gulf  of  Corinth,  where 
harbors  stood  open  to  them  at  Pegie  and  ..Egos- 
thena.  The  Athenians  were  eager  to  unite 
Jlegara  as  closely  as  possible  to  themselves,  and 
,for  this  reason  Immediately  built  two  Hues  of 
walls,  which  connected  Megara  with  its  port 
Nisico,  eight  stadia  off.  and  rendered  both  places 
Impregnaolo  to  the  Peloponiiesians.  This  ex- 
tension of  the  hostile  power  to  the  boundaries  of 
the  Isthmus,  and  into  tlie  waters  of  the  western 
gulf,  seemed  to  the  maritime  cities  of  Pelopon- 
nesus to  force  them  into  action.  Corinth,  Epi- 
daurus, and  .^gina  commenced  an  offensive  war 
against  Athens  —  a  war  which  opened  without 
having  been  formally  declared ;  and  Atliens  un- 
hesitatingly accepted  the  challenge  thrown  out 
with  sutnclent  distinctness  in  the  armaments  of 
her  adversaries.  Myronldes,  an  experienced 
general  anil  statesman,  .  .  .  landed  with  an  At- 
tic squadron  near  H.ilieis  (where  the  frontiers  of 
the  Epidaurians  and  Argives  met),  and  here 
found  a  united  force  of  Corinthians,  Epidaurians, 
and  ^Eglnetans  awiiting  him.  Myronldes  was 
unsuccessful  In  his.  campaign.  A  few  months 
later  the  liostlle  tteiits  met  off  the  island  of  Cecry- 
phaleu,  between  ..Egiua  and  the  coast  of  Epi- 
daurus. The  Athenians  were  victorious,  and  the 
struggle  now  closed  round  ..Eglna  Itself.  Imme- 
diately opposite  the  island  ensued  a  second  great 
naval  battle.  Sei'enty  of  the  enemy's  ships  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Athenians,  whose  victorious 
fleet  without  delay  surrounded  JSgiua.  The 
Peloponneslans  ivere  fully  aware  of  tlie  impor- 
tance of  J5glna  to  them.  Three  hundred  hop- 
lltes  came  to  the  relief  of  the  island,  and  the 
Corinthians  murclied  across  the  Geranea  Into 
Megaris  to  the  velief  of  ..Eglna.  It  seemed  im- 
possible that,  while  the  fleet  of  the  Athenians 
was  fighting  in  the  land  of  the  Nile,  and  another 
was  lying  be';'ore  ^gina,  they  should  have  a 
third  army  in  readiness  for  >legara.  But  the 
PeloponnesiaEs  had  no  conception  of  the  capa- 
bilities of  action  belonging  to  the  Athenians. 
True,  the  whole  military  levy  was  absent  from 
the  country,  and  only  enough  men  were  left  at 
home  for  the  mere  defence  of  the  walls.  Yet  all 
were  notwithstanding  agreed  tliat  neither  should 
.Eglna  be  given  up  nor  the  new  allies  be  left  In 
the  lurch.  Myronidcs  advanced  to  meet  the 
Corinthians  with  troops  composed  of  those  who 
had  passed  the  age  of  military  service  or  not  yet 
reached  It.  In  the  first  fight  he  held  his  ground: 
wlien  the  hostile  forces  returned  for  the  second 
time,  they  were  routed  with  tremendous  loss. 
Megara  was  saved,  and  the  energy  of  the 
Athenians  had  been  most  splendidly  established. 
In  attestc.tlon  of  it  the  sepulchral  pillars  were 
erected  in  the  Ceramicus,  ou  which  were  inscribed 

77 


GHEECE,  B.  C.  488-486. 


Triumph  of 
Athmt, 


aUEECE,  D.  C.  448-445. 


the  numog  <if  llio  Atlicninii  nolilicrs  who  liiul 
fftllon  ill  one  niid  llin  siimo  yi'iir(()l.  Ixxx  !J;  B.  C. 
4.1H-7)  off  ('yjirim,  in  E^ypt,  I'lKi-nicIa,  irnlitls, 
.■Eglim,  iiiid  McK«ni.  A  friiKnicnt  of  tlii«  re- 
inikrl(ubli-  liiHtorical  (icxMiniciit  Is  prcHcrvcd  to  tliis 
(lay.  Wlillf  lliim  miiiiy  vfiirs'  acciiiniiiiilioii  of 
coml)U8tllilc  mntcrliiiH  liiiil  Hii(l(iciily  lirolicn  out 
Into  It  lliiino  of  tlio  llerccHt  wiir  iiiCciitriil  Oreece, 
new  comiiliriitioiis  uIbo  iirose  in  tin-  iiortli.  Tlio 
Tlictmiis,  will)  liaii  suffiTcdsodci'pftliuiniliation, 
bcllfvcd  tlif  liiiK'  to  !iuvo  arrived  wlieii  tlie 
events  of  tlie  past  were  forgotten,  and  wlien  they 
could  attain  to  new  Imnortanco  and  power.  In 
opposition  to  tlicm  tlio  I'liociang  put.  forth  their 
strength.  .  .  .  After  the  dissolution  of  the 
Hellenic  Confc<Icration,  and  the  calamities 
which  had  befallen  the  Spartans,  the  I'liocians 
thought  they  might  venture  an  attack,  upon  tlic 
Dorian  tetrapolis,  In  order  to  extend  their  fron- 
tiers In  this  direction.  .  .  .  For  Sparta  it  was  a 
point  of  honor  not  to  desert  the  primitive  com- 
munities of  the  Dorian  race.  She  roused  herself 
to  u  vigorous  effort,  and,  notwithstanding  all  her 
losses  and  the  contiiiiiancu  of  the  war  in  Mcs- 
scnla,  was  able  to  send  11,800  men  of  her  own 
tr(M)p3  and  those  of  the  confederates  across  the 
Isthmus  Ijcforc  the  Athenians  hod  time  to  place 
any  obstacles  in  their  way  [B.  C.  457].  The  PUo- 
cianswcro  forced  to  relinquish  their  concjucsts. 
But  when  the  Spartan  troops  were  about  to  re- 
turn homo  across  the  Isthmus  they  found  the 
mountain- passes  occupied  by  Athens,  and  the 
Gulf  of  Corinth  made  equally  insecure  by  the 
presence  of  hostile  sliips.  Notiiing  remained  for 
the  Lacediemonians  but  to  marcli  into  Bu'otia, 
where  their  presence  was  welcome  to  Thebes. 
They  entered  the  valley  of  the  Asopus,  and  en- 
camped In  Uie  territory  of  Tanagra,  not  far  from 
the  frontiers  of  Attica.  Without  calculating  the 
consequences,  the  Athenians  had  brouglit  them- 
selves into  an  extremely  dangerous  situation. 
.  .  .  Their  diniciiltics  increased  when,  contem- 
poroneoiisly,  evil  signs  of  treasonable  plots  made 
their  appcarnnce  In  the  interior  of  tiie  city  [see 
Athens:  B.  C.  480-449].  .  .  .  Tims,  then,  It 
was  now  necessary  to  contend  simultaneously 
against  foes  within  and  foes  without,  to  defend 
the  constitution  as  well  as  the  independence 
of  the  state.  Nor  was  the  question  merely 
as  to  an  Isolated  attack  and  a  transitory  danger; 
for  the  conduct  of  the  Spartans  in  Ba-otla  clearly 
showed  that  It  was  now  their  intention  to  restore 
to  power  Thebes  .  .  .  because  they  were  anxious 
to  have  in  the  a>ar  of  Athens  a  state  able  to  stop 
the  extension  of  the  Attic  power  in  Central 
Greece.  This  intention  could  be  best  fulfilled  by 
supporting  Thebes  in  the  subi  ligation  of  the 
otlier  Bcpotian  cities.  For  this  purpose  the 
Peloponnesians  had  busily  strengthened  the 
Thcban,  i.  e.  the  oligarchical  party,  in  the  whole 
of  the  country,  and  encircled  Thebea  itself  with 
new  fortiflcations.  Thebes  was  from  a  country 
town  to  become  a  great  city,  an  independent 
fortified  position,  and  a  base  for  the  Pelopon- 
nesian  citusc  in  Central  Greece.  Hence  Athens 
could  not  have  found  herself  threatened  by  a 
more  dangerous  complication.  Thj  wliole  civic 
army  accordingly  took  the  field,  amounting,  to- 

f ether  with  tlie  Argivcs,  and  other  allies,  to 
4,000  men,  besides  a  body  of  Thessalian  cavalry. 
In  the  low  ground  by  the  Asopus  below  Tanagra 
the  armies  met.  An  ardiinu"  and  sanguinary 
struggle  ensued,  in  wliii  the   first   time 


Athens  and  Sparta  mutually  tested  tlieir  powers 
In  a  regular  battle.  For  a  long  time  liio  result 
wou  doubtful;  till  in  the  very  thick  of  tliu  battio 
tlie  cavalry  went  over  to  the  enemy,  probably  at 
the  Instigation  of  the  Laconian  iia'rty.  This  act 
of  treiiHon  decided  tlie  day  in  favor  of  Sparta, 
although  patriotic  Atlienians  would  never  con- 
sent to  count  this  among  the  battles  lost  by 
Athens.  Tlie  Spartans  were  fur  from  fuHIIIIng 
the  jxpectntions  of  the  party  of  the  Oligarclig. 
As  soon  as  they  knew  that  the  pa8S4'8  of  tlie 
Isthmus  were  once  more  open,  they  took  their  de- 
parture, towards  the  fall  of  the  year,  through 
Alegarik,  making  this  little  country  suiTer  for  Its 
defection  by  the  (levo«tJitlon  of  iu*  territory.  .  .  . 
Tliey  reckoned  upon  Thebes  lielng  for  the  pres- 
ent strong  enough  to  maintain  herself  against 
her  neiglilM)rs;  for  ulterior  offensive  operations 
against  Athens,  Tanagra  was  to  servo  as  a  base. 
The  plan  was  goo<l,  andtheccmjunctureof  affairs 
favoralile.  But  wliatever  the  Spartans  did,  they 
did  only  by  halves:  they  concluded  a  truce  for 
four  months,  and  quitted  t!ic  ground.  The 
Atlienians,  on  the  other  hand,  had  no  Intention 
of  allowing  a  menacing  power  to  establish  itself 
on  tho  frontiers  of  their  country.  Without 
waiting  for  the  return  of  the  fair  season,  they 
crossca  Mount  Fames  two  months  after  the 
battle,  before  any  thoughts  of  war  were  enter- 
tained in  Bceotia;  Myronides,  who  was  lu  com- 
mand, defeated  the  Theban  army  which  was  to 
defend  the  valley  of  the  Asopus,  near  (Enophyta. 
This  battle  with  one  blow  put  an  end  to  all  the 
plans  of  Tlicbes;  the  walls  of  Tanagra  were 
razed.  Myronides  continued  his  march  from 
town  to  town ;  everywhere  the  existing  govern- 
ments were  overthrown,  and  democratic  consti- 
tutions established  with  the  help  of  Attic  par- 
tisans. .  .  .  Thus,  after  a  passing  humiliation, 
Athens  was  soon  more  powerful  tlian  ever,  ami 
her  sway  extended  as  far  as  the  frontiers  of  the 
Phocians.  Nay,  during  the  same  campaign  she 
extended  her  military  dominion  as  far  as  Locris. 
.  .  .  Meanwhile  the  .^Eglnctana  also  were  gradu- 
ally losing  their  ))ower  of  resistance.  For  nine 
months  they  had  resisted  the  Attic  squudron. 
.  .  .  Now  their  strength  was  exhausted ;  and  the 
proud  island  of  the  iEacldie,  which  Pindar  had 
sung  as  the  mother  of  the  men  who  in  the 
glorious  rivalry  of  the  festive  games  shone  out 
before  all  other  Hellenes,  had  to  l)ow  down  before 
the  Irresistible  good  fortune  of  the  Athenians, 
and  was  forced  to  pull  down  her  walls,  to  deliver 
up  her  vessels  of  war,  and  bind  herself  to  the 
payment  of  tribute.  Contemporaneously  with 
this  event,  the  two  anns  of  walls  [at  Athens] 
.  .  .  between  the  upper  and  lower  town  were 
completed.  Athens  was  now  placed  beyond  the 
fear  of  any  attack.  .  .  .  The  Peloponnesian  con- 
federation was  shaken  to  its  very  foundations; 
and  Sparta  was  still  let  and  hindered  by  the 
Messcnian  revolt,  while  the  Athenians  were  able 
freely  to  dispose  of  their  military  and  naval 
forces."— E.  Curtius,  Ilht.  of  Greece,  bk.  3,  ch.  2 
(».  2). 

Ai-so  IN :  Q.  W.  Cox,  Uitt.  of  Greece,  bk.  2,  eh. 
9  (p.  3).— Thucydides,  Pehponnenan  War  (Ir.  by 
Jowett),  bk.  \.seet.  107-108. 

B.  C.  449-445. — Quarrel  of  Delphians  and 
Phocians.— Interference  of  Sparta  and  Athens. 
—  Boeotian  revolution.— Defeat  of  Athenians 
at  Coroneia.— Revolt  of  Euboea  and  Megara. 
—The  Thirty  Years  Truce.— In  440  B.  C.  "on 


1578 


GREECK,  B.  C.  iU-Ur,. 


Cnit»r»  tif  thr 
/V/op<mnrM»ii  War. 


(UlKKCi:,   U.  C.  4!15-4!W 


occAKion  of  a  (lIspiiU'  iR-twccn  tlin  DclpliliinH  luiil 
tlu'  I'liocinns  na  to  which  should  Imvt;  tli(!  care  of 
the  ti'inple  iiml  Its  tri'iiHuros,  tlin  liiicoilii'miiniiins 
sent  nil  iirmy,  iiml  guvo  them  to  the  foriiuT;  hut 
»»  WHJII  us  thi'y  were  gone,  Pericles  led  thither 
an  Athenian  army,  and  put  the  I'hocians  In  pos- 
session. Of  this  the  Laoediemonlans  took  no 
notice.  The  rljiht  of  Pronianty,  or  first  consult- 
ing the  oracle,  which  had  hcen  given  to  Sparta 
iiy  the  Delphlans,  was  now  bssIk  'd  to  Athens 
by  the  Phocians;  and  this  honor  was  probably 
the  cause  of  the  Interference  of  both  states.  As 
the  Athenians  had  given  the  upper  hand  to  the 
democratic  party  In  B(Botla,  there  was  of  course 
a  large  n\imbcr  of  the  opposite  party  In  exile. 
These  had  made  themselves  masters  of  Orcho- 
menus,  Chieroneln,  and  some  other  places,  and 
if  not  checked  in  time,  might  greatly  endanger 
tile  Athenian  influence.  Tiilmidas,  therefore, Ted 
an  army  and  took  and  garrl8one<l  Chieronela ; 
but,  as  he  was  returning,  he  was  attacked  at  C'oro- 
neia  by  the  exiles  from  Orchoincnus,  joined  bv 
those  of  Eubcea  and  their  other  friends.  Tolml- 
das  fell,  and  his  troops  were  all  slain  or  made 
prisoners.  (01.  83,  2.)  [B.  C.  447.]  The  Athe- 
nians, fearing  a  general  war,  agreed  to  a  treaty, 
i)y  which,  on  their  pristmers  being  restored,  they 
evacuated  BiBotia.  The  exiles  returned  to  their 
several  towns,  and  things  were  placed  on  their 
old  footing.  .  .  .  Eu.  i  was  now  (01.  83,  8) 
[B.  C.  446]  in  revolt;  ai.d  while  Pericles  was  at 
the  head  of  an  army  reducing  It,  the  party  In 
Megara  adverse  to  Athens  rose  and  massacred  all 
the  Athenian  garrisons  except  that  of  Nisiea.  Co- 
rinthians, Sicvonians,  and  Epldaurinns  came  to 
their  aid;  ami  the  Peloponnesinns,  led  by  one  of 
tlic  .Spartan  kings,  entered  and  wasted  the  plain 
of  Eleusis.  Pericles  led  back  his  arinv  from 
Euboea,  but  the  enemy  was  gone;  he  then  re- 
turned and  reduced  that  island,  and  having  ex- 
pelled the  people  of  Ilestlioa,  gave  their  lands  to 
Athenian  colonists;  and  the  Athenians,  being 
unwilling  to  risk  the  chance  of  war  with  the 
Dorian  confederacy,  gladly  formed  (01.  83,  4) 
IB.  C.  445]  a  truce  for  thirty  years,  surrendering 
Nisfea  and  Pegte,  and  withdrawing  a  garrison 
which  they  had  in  Tnezen,  and  ceasing  to  in- 
terfere in  Achaia.  "—T.  Keightley, //«■»<.  of  Greece, 
pt.  2,  ch.  1. — "The  Athenians  saw  themselves 
compelled  to  give  up  their  possession.s  in  Pelo- 
ponnesus, especially  Acliaia,  as  well  as  Troezene 
and  Pagre,  an  important  position  for  their  com- 
munication with  the  peninsula.  Even  Nisrea  wa.s 
abandoned.  Yet  these  losses,  semibly  as  they 
affected  their  influence  upon  the  Clreclan  conti- 
nent, were  counterbalanced  by  a  couf^ssion  still 
more  significant,  the  acknowledgment  of  the 
Delian  League.  It  was  left  open  to  states  and 
cities  which  were  memlx^rsof  neither  confederacy 
to  join  either  at  pleasure.  These  events  hap- 
pened in  01.  83,  3  (B.  C.  44.5)  — the  revolt  of  Me- 
gara and  Euboea,  the  invasion  of  Pleistoanax, 
the  re-conquest  of  Euboea,  and  the  conclusion  of 
the  treaty,  which  assumed  the  form  of  an  armis- 
tice for  thirty  years.  Great  importance  must  be 
attributed  to  this  settlement,  as  involving  an  ac- 
knowledgment wliicli  satisfied  both  parties  and 
did  justice  to  the  great  interests  at  stake  on 
either  side.  If  Athens  renounced  some  of  her 
possessions,  the  sacrifice  was  compensated  by 
the  fact  that  Sparta  recognized  the  existence  of 
the  naval  supremacy  of  Athens,  and  the  basis  on 
which  it  rested.     We  may  perhaps  assume  that 


the  conipromlRC  iK'tween  Pericles  and  Pleistoanax 
was  the  result  of  the  couviclion  felt  bv  iHitli 
tlK'se  leading  men  that  a  fundamental  dlssoclu- 
tidii  of  the  Peloponnesian  from  the  Delian  league 
was  a  matter  of  neceswity.  The  Hpartans  wished 
to  be  absolutely  supreme  in  the  one,  and  re- 
signed the  other  to  the  Athenians." — L.  von 
itmke,  Unirerml  IlUt.:  The  Oldest  Jlitt.  Group 
of  Xiitiont  and  the  (lreek>,  ch.  7,  Kct.  2. 

Ai.wil.N;  Sir  E.  B.  I-ytfon,  Athens:  Its  Rise 
and  Fall,  hk.  5,  ch.  1. 

B,  C.  445-431.  — Splendor  of  Athens  and 
g^reatness  of  the  Athenian  Empire  under  the 
rule  of  Pericles.     See  Atukss:  II.  (!.  44.')-431. 

B.  C.  440.— Subjugration  of  revolted  Samoa 
by  the  Athenians.— Spartan  interference  pre- 
vented by  Corinth.   SeeATltKNs:  H.  C.  440-437. 

B.  C.  435-^33.- Causes  of  the  Peloponnesian 
War. — "  In  B.  C.  431  the  war  broke  out  between 
Athens  and  the  Pelopimnesian  League,  which, 
after  twenty-seven  years,  ended  in  flio  ruin  of 
the  Athenian  empire.  It  began  through  a  quar- 
rel between  Corinth  and  Kerkyra  [or  Korkyni, 
or  Corcyra],  in  which  Athens  assisted  Kerkyra. 
A  congress  was  held  at  Sparta;  Corinth  and 
other  States  complained  of  the  conduct  of  Athens, 
and  war  was  decided  on.  The  real  cause  of  the 
war  was  that  Sparta  and  its  allies  were  jealous  of 
the  great  power  that  Athens  had  gained.  A  far 
greater  number  of  Greek  States  were  engaged  in 
this  war  than  had  ever  been  engaged  in  a  single 
undertaking  before.  States  that  had  taken  no 
part  in  the  Persian  war  were  now  fighting  on  one 
side  or  the  other.  Sparta  was  an  ollg.irchy,  and 
the  friend  of  the  nobles  everywhere ;  Athens  was 
a  democracy,  and  the  friend  of  the  common  peo- 
ple ;  so  that  the  war  was  to  some  extent  a  strug- 
gle between  these  classes  all  over  Greece." — C. 
A.  Fyffe,  Hist,  of  Greece  (History  Primer),  ch.  5. 
— "The  Peloponnesian  War  was  a  protracted 
struggle,  and  '•.'•?nded  by  calamities  such  as 
Hellas  had  never  known  within  a  like  period  of 
time.  Never  were  so  many  cities  captured  and 
depopulated — some  by  Barbarians,  others  by  Hel- 
lenes themselves  fighting  against  one  another; 
and  several  of  them  after  tlielr  capture  were  re- 
peopled  by  strangers.  Never  were  exile  and 
slaughter  more  frequent,  whether  in  the  war  or 
brought  about  by  civil  strife.  .  .  .  There  were 
earthquakes  unparalleled  in  their  extent  and  fury, 
and  eclipses  of  the  sun  more  numerous  than  are  re- 
corded to  have  happened  in  any  former  age ;  there- 
were  also  in  some  places  great  droughts  causing- 
famines,  and  lastly  the  plague  which  did  Imniense- 
harm  and  destroyed  numbers  of  the  people. 
All  these  calamities  fell  upon  Hellas  simultane- 
ously with  the  war,  which  began  when  the  Atheni- 
ans and  Peloponnesians  violated  the  thirty  years'' 
truce  concluded  by  them  after  the  recaptui  of 
Euboea.  Why  they  broke  it  and  what  were  the 
grounds  of  quarrel  I  will  first  net  forth,  that  ia 
time  to  come  no  man  may  be  at  a  loss  to  know 
what  was  the  origin  of  this  great  war.  The  real 
though  unavowed  cause  I  believe  to  have  been 
the  growth  of  the  Athenian  power,  which  terri- 
fied the  Lacedaemonians  and  forced  them  into 
war." — Thucydides,  History  (tr.  byjowett),  bk.  1, 
sect.  23.  —  The  quarrel  between  Corinth  and 
Korkyra,  out  of  which,  as  an  immediate  excite- 
ment, the  Peloponnesian  War  grew,  concerned 
"the  city  of  Epldamnus,  known  afterwards,  in 
the  Roman  times,  as  Dyrrachiura,  hard  by  the 
modern   Durazzo— a   colony    founded   by  the 


1579 


onEECE,  B.  C.  485-483. 


Atfienti,  t  iiriuth 
mill  Kurkyru. 


QltKECE,  B.  C.  489-481. 


Korkyrenn*  on  the  coont  of  Illyria,  In  the  Ionic 
gulf,  conHidoniWy  to  tin;  nortli  of  tln'lr  own  In- 
Iitnd."  Tlic  ollKiircliy  i>f  Kpldiituniis,  driven  out 
by  tlio  |M'()|)lc,  Imd  idlk'd  tlicniselvri  wllli  tlio 
ni'lglilioHnu'  Illyrlium  ntid  wcro  Imniiwlng  tliu 
<'lty.  Korkyrii  refiiwil  aid  to  tli(3  hitter  whim  np- 
iM'iilcd  to,  but  Corinth  (of  which  Korkyrii  was 
Itw'lf  11  colony)  promptly  rcndfrod  lii'lp.  This 
Involved  Corinth  and  Korkyrii  In  hostllltU's,  iind 
Athens  jfftvo  HUppiirt  to  the  hitter.— E.  Ciirtlus, 
lliit.  of  (iretcf.  r.  ;i.  W-.  4. 

Also  in:  C.  Thirlwnll,  UM.  of  (ireeet,  eh.  10- 
80.— O.  Grote,  Hint,  of  (/mrf,  /it.  2,  r/t.  47-W 
(r.  5). 

B.  C.  433.— Great  Sea-fight  of  the  Corinthi- 
an! with  the  Korkyrians  and  Atheniani.— 
Revolt  of  Potidtea.— "  AIiIioukIi  Korkyni  be- 
ciinie  the  iilly  of  Athen.s,  the  f(irce  sent  to  lienild 
was  conflned  to  the  gniiiU  number  of  ten  ships, 
for  the  express  purpose  of  niiiking  It  eleiir  to  the 
Corinthians  that  no  aggressive  measures  were 
Intended;  and  the  generals  received  precise  In- 
struclions  to  remain  strictly  n  utriil  unless  the 
Corinthians  should  attempt  to  elTeet  .t  landing 
cither  on  Korkyra  or  on  any  Korkyraian  settle- 
ments. The  Corinthians  lost  no  time  in  bringing 
the  quarrel  to  an  issue.  With  a  lleet  of  l.W 
ships,  of  which  00  were  furnished  by  their  allies, 
thoy  sailed  to  the  harbor  of  Cheimerion  pear  the 
lake  through  which  tlic  r'ver  Acheron  llnds  its 
way  into  tho  sea  about  thirty  miles  to  the  cast  of 
the  southernmost  promontory  of  Korkyra.  The 
conQict  which  ensued  cxhiliited  a  scene  of  confu- 
sion which  tho  Atlienian  seamen  probably  rc- 
ganled  with  inflnlto  cimtempt.  After  a  hard 
stnigglo  the  Korkyralans  routed  tho  right  wing 
of  tho  enemy's  tleet,  and  chasing  It  to  Its  camp 
on  shore,  lost  time  In  plundering  it  and  burning 
the  tents.  For  tills  folly  they  paid  a  terrible 
price.  Tho  remainder  of  tho  Korkyraian  fleet, 
homo  down  by  sheer  force  of  numbers,  was  put 
to  flight,  and  probably  saved  from  utter  ruin 
only  by  tho  open  Interference  of  the  Athenians, 
who  now  dashed  Into  tho  tight  without  scruple, 
and  camo  into  direct  conflict  with  the  Corintlii- 
nns.  The  latter  were  now  resolved  to  press  their 
advantage  to  the  utmost.  Sailing  through  the 
enemy's  ships,  tliey  applied  themselves  to  tho 
task  not  of  tailing  prizes,  but  of  indiscriminate 
slaughter,  to  widen  not  a  few  of  their  own  jwople 
fell  victims.  After  this  work  of  destruction, 
they  conveyed  their  disabled  ships  with  their 
dead  to  Sybota,  and,  still  unwearied,  advanced 
again  to  the  attack,  although  It  was  now  late  In 
tho  day.  Their  Palan,  or  battle  cry,  had  already 
rung  through  tho  air,  when  they  suddenly  backed 
water.  Twenty  Athenian  ships  had  come  into 
sight,  and  the  Corinthians,  supposing  them  to  be 
only  tho  vanguard  of  a  larger  force,  hastily  re- 
treated. Tho  Korkyraians,  ignorant  of  the  cause 
of  this  movement,  marvelled  at  their  departure : 
but  the  darkness  was  now  closing  in,  and  they 
also  withdrew  to  their  own  ground.  So  ended 
the  greatest  sea-flght  In  which  Hellenes  had  thus 
far  contended  not  with  barbarians  but  witli  their 
own  kinsfolk.  On  the  following  day  the  Korky- 
raians sailed  to  Sybota  with  sucli  of  their  ships 
as  were  stiil  fit  for  service,  supported  by  tho 
thirty  Athenian  ships.  But  tho  Corinthians,  fa' 
from  wishing  to  come  to  blows  with  the  new- 
comers, were  anxious  rather  for  their  own  safety. 
Concluding  that  the  Athenians  now  regarded  the 
Thirty  Years'  Truce  as  broken,  they  were  afraid 


of  l)clng  forcil)ly  hindered  by  them  In  their  home- 
ward voyage.  It  bei'iime  liercsMarv  therefore  to 
learn  wdiat  they  meant  to  dn.  '1  he  answer  of 
the  Athenians  was  plain  and  decisive.  They  did 
not  mean  to  break  the  truce,  and  the  CorlntnlaUH 
might  go  where  they  |)lnisi'd,  so  long  as  they  dhl 
not  go  to  Korkyra  or  to  any  city  or  settleinent 
iMdongIng  to  her.  .  .  .  Upwards  of  a  thousand 
prisoners  had  fallen  intd  the  hands  of  the  ('o- 
rlnthlans.  Of  lhesi'2.V)  were  conveyed  to  Corinth, 
and  treiiteil  with  tho  greatest  kinilness  and  care. 
Like  the  Athenians,  the  Corinthians  were  acting 
only  from  a  regard  to  their  own  interests.  Their 
object  was  to  send  thesis  prlsDners  back  to  Kor- 
kyra. nominally  under  pledge  to  pay  a  heavy 
ransom  for  their  freedom,  but  having  really  cove- 
nanted to  put  down  till!  Demos,  anil  thus  to  in- 
sure the  hearty  alllan.'c  of  Korkyrii  with  Corinth. 
Tliese  men  returned  home  to  stir  up  the  most 
savage  seditions  that  ever  disgraced  un  Hellenic 
city."— O.  \V.  Cox,  Oeneml  Hint,  of  IJreece,  hk. 
3,  ch.  1.  —  "  The  evils  of  this  imprudent  interfer- 
ence of  the  Atheidans  began  now  to  bo  seen.  In 
conseiiuencc  of  the  Corcyrlan  alliance,  the  Athe- 
nians Issued  an  order  to  Potidiea,  a  Macedonian 
town  acknowledging  their  sup'cinacy,  to  de- 
mol'sh  its  walls:  to  send  buck  certain  otHcers 
whom  they  had  received  from  Corinth,  and  to 
give  hostages  for  their  good  conduct.  Potidnca, 
although  an  ally  of  Atliens,  had  originally  been 
a  colony  of  Corintli,  and  thus  arose  the  jealousy 
which  occasioned  the.se  harsli  and  peremptory 
orders.  Symptoms  of  universal  hostility  to 
Athens  now  api)eared  in  tho  states  around.  Tho 
Corinthians  and  tlieir  allies  were  much  Irritated; 
the  opprcbsed  Potida'ans  w  ere  strongly  instigatod 
to  revolt ;  and  Perdiccas,  king  of  Macedon,  who 
had  some  time  since  been  at  open  war  with  tho 
Athenians,  now  gladly  seized  tho  opportunity  to 
distress  them,  by  exciting  and  assisting  tlie  mal- 
contents. Tho  Potidieans,  however,  deputed 
ambassadors  to  Athens  to  deprecate  tho  harsh 
orders  which  liiid  been  sent  them;  but  in  tlio 
mean  time  to  prepare  for  tho  worst,  they  also 
sent  messengers  to  Sparta  entreating  support, 
where  they  met  deputies  from  Corinth  and  Mo- 
gara.  By  these  loud  and  general  cotnplalnts 
Sparta  was  at  length  roused  to  head  tho  con- 
spiracy against  Athens,  and  tho  universal  flames 
of  war  shortly  afterwards  broke  forth  through- 
out Greece."  The  revoii;  of  Potidnea  followed 
immediately;  the  Corintliiaus  placed  a  strong 
force  in  the  town,  under  Arisieus,  and  tho  Athe- 
nians sent  an  army  under  Phormion  to  lay  siege 
to  it. — Early  Iliat.  ofOret'X  (Ene.  MetropoUtaiui), 
p.  283. 

B.  C.  432-431.— Charges  brought  bv  Corinth 
against  Athens. — The  tiearing  and  the  Con- 
gress at  Sparta. — Decision  for  war. — Theban 
attack  on  Plataea. — The  Peloponnesian  War 
begun. — The  Corinthians  "invited  deputicb lirom 
the  other  states  of  the  corifedcracy  to  meet  th-.,m 
at  Sparta,  and  there  charged  the  Athenians  with 
having  broken  tho  treaty,  and  trampled  on  tho 
rights  of  the  Peloponnesmns.  The  Spartans  held 
an  assembly  to  receive  tlie  complaints  of  their 
allies,  and  to  discuss  the  question  of  peace  or 
war.  Here  tho  Corinthians  were  seconded  by  sev- 
eral other  members  of  the  contederacy,  who  had 
also  wrongs  to  complain  of  against  Athens,  and 
urged  the  Spartans  for  redress.  .  .  .  It  happened 
that  at  this  time  Athenian  envoys,  who  had  been 
sent  on  other  business,  were  still  in  Sparta.    Tuey 


1580 


OHKECE,  B.  C.  483-481. 


Thtbnn  ntlnck  un 
FUilira. 


QHEECE,  B.  C.  483-481. 


(Ipiilred  pcrnilinlon  to  nttond  nnd  ndilroM  Ihc 
iiiuM'inbly.  .  .  .  When  the  HlniiiKiTH  luid  nil  Ix'cn 
lii'HnI,  iWy  were  dfslri'd  to  witlidriiw,  that  tlir 
llMH-inlily  llli){llt  dt'liliiTiitc.  TIk'  ficlliiK  iiK>>i»'<t 
till'  AtlifniiiiiH  wiiH  uiiivcrsnl;  nioHt  voiirit  wort: 
for  ItiHtuiit  wiir.  .  .  .  Till'  dcpullcH  of  tlic  iiIIIch 
wore  then  Infornicd  of  the  ri'solutloii  which  tho 
nwM'inlilv  hiid  adoptiMl,  and  that  ii  Ki'iicfal  ('oii- 
({rcs.H  (Y  till'  coiifidcracy  woiilil  Hliorlly  lie  Kiiiii 
liioiM'd    to  di'lllHTatr   on  the  KaiiK^  i|iU'Htlon,  In 

ordrr  that  war,  If  decided  d^ht  he  decreed 

by  coiiiinon  e<>n»eiif.  .  .  .  The  conK'reHH  decided 
on  the  war;  Imt  the  confederacv  was  totally  un- 
prepared lor  coniinencinK  lioHtllltieH,  anil  llioiiu'h 
the  iiecesHury  iireparatlonH  were  Iniinedlately  1«'- 
giiD  and  vrKiirouHly  primecuted,  nearly  a  year 
elapsed  before  It  watt  ready  to  MuK  an  army  Into 
the  Held.  In  the  meantime  etnliasHles  were  Kent 
to  AtlieiiH  with  vaiiouH  renionsi ranees  and  de- 
inaiiils.  for  the  doulile  purpose  of  ainusluff  the 
AthenlanH  with  the  prospect  of  peace,  and  of 
nuiltlpl.vlnx  pretextH  for  war.  An  attempt  was 
made,  not,  perhaps,  so  foolish  as  It  was  insolent, 
to  revive  the  popular  dread  of  the  curse  which 
had  been  supposed  to  handover  the  Alcmieonlils. 
The  Athenians  were  called  ilixai,  in  the  name  of 
the  gods,  to  biudsh  all  who  rei.iained  amoii)' 
tlieni  of  that  bloodstained  race.  If  they  had 
compiled  with  tids  demand,  tiiey  must  liave 
parted  with  IVricles,  who,  t>y  the  inother's  side, 
was  coimeeted  with  the  Alcmieonids.  TIds,  in- 
deed, was  not  expected;  but  it  was  lioped  tliat 
lliu  refusal  ml{;ht  alToril  a  pretext  to  his  enendes 
at  Atliena  for  treating  him  as  the  author  of  the 
war.  The  Atheidans  retorted  by  reijuiring  the 
Spartans  "to  expiate  the  pollution  with  which 
tliey  had  pr(<faned  the  sanctuary  of  Tienarus,  by 
dragging  from  it  Home  Helots  who  had  taken 
refuge  there,  and  that  of  Athene,  liy  the  death 
of  l*au.sjudas.  .  .  .  Still,  war  had  been  only 
threatened,  not  declared;  and  peaceful  inter- 
course, though  not  wholly  free  from  distrust,  was 
Btill  l\"pt  up  between  the  Rul).)ects  of  the  two 
confederacies.  Hut  early  in  tin  following  spring, 
B.  C.  431,  in  the  lifteentli  year  of  the  Thirty 
Years'  Truce,  au  event  took  place  Avhich  closed 
oil  prospects  of  peace,  precipitated  the  com- 
mcnceuient  of  war,  ind)iltereil  the  anhnosity  of 
the  contending  parties,  and  prepared  some  of  the 
most  tragical  scenes  of  the  ensuing  liLstory.  In 
the  dead  of  night  the  city  of  I'latiea  was  sur- 
prised by  n  Ixxly  of  300  Tliebnns,  conunanded  by 
two  of  the  great  officers  called  Uieotardis.  They 
liad  been  invited  by  a,  I'latieau  named  >'auclide8, 
and  otliers  of  the  same  jiarty,  who  lioped,  witii 
the  aid  of  tlie  Tliebans,  to  rid  tliemselves  of  their 
political  opponents,  and  to  l)reak  oil  the  relation 
in  whieli  tlieir  city  was  standing  to  Athens,  and 
transfer  its  alliance  to  Tiiebes.  The  Tliebans, 
foreseeing  that  a  general  war  was  fast  npproadi- 
ing,  felt  tlie  less  scruple  in  strengtlioning  tliem 
selves  by  this  acquisition,  while  it  nnglit  be  made 
witli  !ittle  co:it  ami  risk.  Tlie  gates  were  un- 
guarded, as  in  time  of  peace,  and  one  ot  them 
was  secretly  opened  to  the  invaders,  wlio  ad- 
vanced without  interruption  into  tlie  market- 
place. .  .  .  Tlie  Piata?an8,  wlio  were  not  in  the 
plot,  imagined  the  force  by  which  their  city  liad 
been  surprised  to  be  mucli  stronger  than  it  really 
was,  and,  as  no  liostile  treatment  wis  offered  to 
them,  remained  quiet,  and  entered  into  a  parley 
witli  tlie  Tliebans.  In  the  course  of  these  con- 
ferences they  gradually  discovered  that  the  num- 


ber of  the  enemy  wan  nmall,  and  might  Im>  raiiily 
!   overpowered.   .   .   .   Having  liarrlcitded  tlie  ulreetit 
with  wagons,  nnd  made  such  other  pre))iimtionii 
,   as  they  thought   neceHwiry,  a  Utile   U'liire  dny- 
I    break  ihev  suddenly  fell  lipon  the  Tliebans.  The 
;    little  band  made  a  vigoniiis  defence,  and  twice 
or  thrice  reiiulHi'd   the  aKKillanls;  but  as    Iheso 
sliil  returned  to  the  charge,  and  were  iiMlsted  by 
the  women  and  slaves,  who  showered  stones  and 
tiles  from  the  houses  on  the  enemy,  all,  at  the 
same  time,  raising  a  tunudluous  clitmi        nnd  a 
heavy  rain  IncreaM'd  the  confusion  cnus.  il  by  the 
darkncKs,  they  nt  length  lost  their  presence  of 
mind,  nnd  toiik  to  lllght.     Kiit  most  were  iiu- 
nble  to  tlnd  their  way  in  the  dark   through  a 
[   strange   town,  and   wveral  were  slain  as   they 
I    wanderi'd  to  and  fro  in  m'arcli  of  an  outlet.  .   .   . 
The  main  liody.  which  had  kept  log;'llier,   en- 
I   tereil  a  large  bulMing  adiolning  the  walls,  hnv- 
1   ing  mistaken  its  gates,  wliiili  they  found  open, 
for  lliostt  of  the  town,  and  Were  shut  In.     The 
I'lata'ans  at  first  thought  of  setting  lire  to  the 
j   building;  but  at  length  the  men  within,  as  well 
I   as  the  rest  of  the  Tliebans,  who  were  still  wan- 
'   dering  up  and  down  the  streets,  surrendered  at 
!   discretion.     IJefore  their  departure  from  Thebes 
it  had  lieen  concerted  tliat  as  large  a  force  an 
I   could  be  raised  should  march  the  same  night  to 
1   support  them.     The  distance  between  the  two 
'   places  was  not  (|uite  nine  udles,  and  these  troops 
!   were  exi)ected  to  reach  the  gates  of  I'lata'n  Im'- 
I   fore  the  morning;  but  the  AHopu8,wliicli  crossed 
i   their  mail,  had  l)een  swollen  by  the  rain,  and  the 
state  of  tile  ground  and  tlie  weather  olherwiso 
retarded  them,  so  that  they  were  still  on  tlieir 
way  wlien  they  iienrd  of  the  failure  of  the  enter- 
prise.    Thougli  tliey  did  not  know  tlie  fate  of 
their  countrymen,  as  it  was  possible  that  some 
might  have  been  taken  prisoners,  thev  were  at 
first  inclined  to  seixe  as  many  of  the  I'fntieans  as 
they  could  find  witliout  the  walls,  and  to  keep 
tliein  as  hostages.  .  .  .  The  Thelians  afterward 
alleged   that  they  had  received  a  promise,  con- 
firmed liy  an  oaili,  that,  on  condition  of  their  re- 
tiring from  the  I'lata'an  teiritory,  the  pri.'oners 
sliould  be  released ;  and  Thueydides  seems  dis- 
l)osed  to  believe  this  -.atenient.     The  Platieans 
denied  that  tliey  had  pledged  themselves  to  spare 
the  lives  of  the   prisoners,  iniless   they   should 
come  to  terms  on  the  whole  matter  with  the  Tlie- 
bans; but  it  does  not  seem  like'y  that,  after  as- 
certaining  tlie  stole  of  the  case,    the  Thebnns 
would  ha\e  been  sntiaflcd  with  so  slight  n  se- 
curity.    It  is  certain,  iiowcver,  that  they  retired, 
nnd  tliat  tlie  Plata'ans,  as  soon  as  tliey  had  'rans- 
ported  their  movable  property  out  of  the  country 
..;o  the  town,  put  to  death  all  the  prisoners  — 
amounting  to  130,  and  including  Eurymachus, 
tlie  principal  author  of  the  enterprise,  and  the 
man  who   jiossessed   the  greatest    influence  in 
Thebes.     On  the  first  entrance  of  tlie  Tliebans 
into  Platien,  a  messenger  had  been  despatched  to 
Athens  with  the  intelligence,  and  theAtlieniaLS 
had  immediately  laid  all  the  Bccotians  in  Attica 
under    arrest;    and    when    another    messenger 
tirought  the  news  of  the  victory  gained  by  the 
PiatJears,  tliey  sent  a  herald  to  request  that  they 
would  reserve  the  prisoners  for  the  disposal  of 
the  Athenians.    The  herald  came  too  late  to  pre- 
vent the  execution ;  nnd  the  Athenions,  foresee- 
ing that  Plntrea  would  stand  in  great  need  of 
defence,  sent  a  bo<ly  of  troops  to  garrison  it, 
supplied  it  with  provisions,  and  removed   the 


1581 


OltKKCK,  II.  C.  489-4)11 


JirUltit  in  Ihn  War. 


GItEECE.  B.  C.  499-4I7. 


woitM-n  nn<l  rhllilrrn  nml  all  |M>nMmit  tiiitlt  for 
wrvlci'  III  n  ult'K''      AfliT  tliU  i-vi'iit  If  wim  np- 
luiri'iit  lliiil  llic  i|iinrn'l  i  niild  milv  Ik'  ilcciili'il  liv 
iiriiiH.      IMiitii'ik  wnx  Ml   tiiliiiiiiti'ly  iiiiiti'il   wllli 
Atlictm,  Hint  till'  AtlK'iiliiiiit  flit  tli<>  Htliick  wlili'li 
IiikI  Im'i'Ii  iniiili*  nn  it  im  an  iiiitrn)ii'  olTi'ri'il  to 
tlii'inM'lvcH.  ami  iiri'iiarcil  fur  liniiii'illali'  lumilll 
tli'N.     Spuria,  tiKi,  liiNtiiiitly  Hint  iiotlci'  to  all  liir 
allli'K  to  i[vt  tlirir  coiitlnvi'iitx   n'aily  liy  an  up 
iMiliitnl   ilav    for   till'   liivaHlon   of    Attlcu." 
Tlilrlaall,  }fitl.  ,f(lnfc<;  rh.  10  (r.  I). 

Al.wi  IN:  Tliiir.villili'H,  lli'lnry,  hk.  l-'.>, 

B.  C.  431-439.'— The  Peloponnetian  War: 
Mow  Hellai  wat  divided.— The  opposing 
campt. — Peloponneiian  invaiioni  of  Attica. — 
The  Plague  at  Athens.— Death  of  Pericles.— 
Surrender  of  Potidca  to  the  Athenians.— "All 
llrllas  wax  cXi  ilt'd  liy  the  roiiiiiiK  roiitlirt  be- 
twicii  licr  two  ilili'f  rltli'M.  .  .  .  Till'  fccUiij;  if 
iiiaiikiiicl  wan  Htroii^Iy  on  Hie  nidi'  of  the  I.i'.c- 
iliK'iiioniaiis;  for  tliuy  profcHHcil  to  Im'  the  III  'ra- 
torn  of  lIcllaH.  .  .  .  Till-  K<'t"'i°'>l  liiillKi>atlon 
aKahiNt  tlu*  Atlicninim  w»h  iiiti'nsc;  Honic  were 
loiiKlnx  to  Ih'  (It'llvcri'il  from  tliciii,  otlicrH  fearful 
of  lalliiiK  under  tlieir  sway.  ,  .  .  The  Laeedae- 
inoiilan  confederacy  Included  all  the  I'elopon- 
neNlniiH  with  tlic  exception  of  the  ArKlves  Mud  the 
AchiieanN  —  they  were  both  iiciitnil;  only  the 
AchaealiH  of  I'ellene  took  part  with  the  l.acedae- 
liionianH  ut  tIrHt ;  afterwards  all  the  AclmennK 
joined  Iheni.  Ik'yoml  the  borderH  of  the  I'elopon- 
iieiu',  thcMegariaiiH.  I'lKM'laiis,  LiMTiaiiH,  liiM'otfans, 
AmbmciotH,  liCiicadianx,  and  Anactoriang  were 
their  iiUles.  Of  these  the  Corinthians,  .Me^nirians, 
Sioyonians,  Pellenlans,  Kleans,  Ainbniciots,  and 
I.«ucadians  provided  11  navy,  the  Hoeotians,  Plio- 
cinns,  niid  Locriaim  furnlHlied  cavalry,  the  other 
8tnte8  only  infantry.  The  allies  of  the  Athenians 
were  Chios,  Lesbos,  I'lutaen,  the  Messi'iilans  of 
Naupactiis.  the  gr<  ..let  oart  of  Acamaiiia,  Cor- 
cyra,  Zacynthus,  i.nd  cities  in  many  other  coun- 
tries which  were  t'leir  tributaries.  There  was  the 
innrltlinu  region  of  Cnria,  the  adjacent  Dorian 
peoples,  Ionia,  the  Hellespont,  the  Thracian 
coast,  the  Islands  that  lie  to  the  east  within  the 
line  of  Peloponnesus  and  Crete,  including  nil  the 
Cycladcs  with  the  exception  of  Meios  nnd  Tliera. 
Chios,  Ia'sIios  and  Corcyra  furnished  a  navy;  the 
rest,  land  forces  nnd  money.  Thus  much  con- 
cerninK  the  two  coufederaclus,  nnd  tlio  character 
of  their  respective  forces.  Imincdintely  after 
the  nllair  at  PIntaea  the  Lacedneinonians  deter- 
mined to  invade  Attica,  r.nd  sent  round  word  to 
their  Peloponncsinu  nnd  other  allies,  bidding 
them  equip  troops  nnd  provide  nil  things  neces- 
sary for  a  foreign  expedition.  The  various  states 
made  their  prciiarations  as  fast  as  they  could, 
and  at  the  appointed  time,  with  contingents  num- 
bering Iwotliinla  of  the  forces  of  each,  met  at 
the  Isthmus."  Then  followed  the  invasion  of 
Attica,  the  siege  of  Athens,  the  plague  in  the 
city,  the  death  of  Pericles,  and  the  success  won 
by  the  indomitable  Athenians,  at  Potidaea,  in  the 
midst  of  tlieir  sore  distress.— Thucydidcs,  Hit- 
tory  (tram,  by  Jowett),  bk.  2,  tect.  8-1O  {c.  1). 

Al.BO  in:  JG.  Abbott,  Perides,  ch.  13-15.— See 
Atiikns:  B.  C.  431  and  430-420. 

B.  C.  429-437.— The  Peloponnesian  War  : 
Siege,  capture  and  destruction  of  Platza. — "  In 
the  third  spring  of  tlie  war,  the  I'eloponnesinns 
changed  their  plan  of  offence.  By  the  invasion 
and  ravage  of  Attica  for  two  following  summers, 
the  much  injury  had  been  done  to  the  Athenians, 


lltth' ndvnntage  had  accrued  to  theinwlves:  the 
liiKity  v.'iis  far  from  paying  the  exix'iice  of  the 
expedition:  the  eneniv,  It  was  found,  could  not 
Ih'  provoked  to  risk  alialtle.  and  the  great  iiur- 
pose  of  the  Aiir  was  little  forwarded,  riie  Pelo- 
lioiiiiesianN  were  yet  very  uiir(|Ual  to  attempt 
iii'vjil  operations  of  miy  consequence.  {)t  tfiu 
I'ontlneiilal  dependi'iicles  of  Athens  none  was  so 
III-  oiini  to  their  attacks,  none  ho  completely  er 
C.  eluded  from  naval  prolei-tloii.  none  so  likely 
its  danger  to  superliidiice  that  war  of  the  Held 
which  they  wislied,  as  I'lalU'a.  Against  that 
town  therefore  it  was  determined  to  dlreil  the 
principal  elTort.  .  .  .  L'nder  the  cotiimand  still 
of  Arclildainiis,  the  confederate  army  accordingly 
entered  the  Platieiil,  and  ravage  was  immediately 
begun.  .  .  .  The  town  was  small,  as  may  lio 
judged  from  the  very  Niiiall  force  wlilcli  sutllced 
for  an  eirectiial  garrison;  only  401)  Platieans, 
with  HO  Alheiilans.  There  were  Is'sides  In  the 
)ilace  110  women  to  prepare  provisions,  and  no 
other  person  fri'o  or  slave.  The  Ix'sleging  army, 
coni|)osed  of  the  Mower  of  the  Pelopcmneslnu 
youth,  was  numerous.  The  tirst  oncralion  was 
to  siirrounil  the  town  with  a  |ialisnde,  which 
might  prevent  any  ready  egress;  the;  iieigliboriug 
forest  of  Cithieron  siipiilying  inaterials.  Then, 
in  a  chosen  spot,  ground  was  broUen,  acconling 
to  the  iniHlern  phrase,  for  making  appn>aches. 
The  business  was  to  till  the  town-ditch,  nnd 
against  the  wall  to  form  a  mound,  on  which  a 
force  suMlcient  for  assault  might  ascend.  .  .  . 
Such  was  at  that  time  the  inartiticial  process  of  a 
siege.  Thucydidcs  appears  to  hnve  been  well 
awniu  that  it  did  no  credit  to  the  science  of  his 
age.  ...  To  oppose  this  nuxle  of  attack,  the 
first  measure  of  the  besieged  wns  to  raise,  on  that 
part  of  their  wall  against  which  the  mound  was 
forming,  a  strong  woinlen  frame,  covea'd  in  front 
with  leather  andhides;  and,  within  this,  to  build 
a  ramimrt  with  bricks  from  tlie  neighlxirlug 
houses.  The  wooden  frame  bound  the  whole, 
and  kept  it  firm  to  a  considerable  height:  the 
covering  of  hides  protected  both  work  and  work- 
Tiien  against  weapons  discharged  against  them, 
especially  tiery  arrows.  But  tlie  moufid  still  ris- 
ing ns  the  superstructure  on  tlie  wall  r  e,  and 
this  superstructure  becoming  unavoidably  weaker 
with  increasing  height,  wliilc  the  mound  was 
liable  to  no  counterbalancing  defect,  it  was  nec- 
essary for  tlie  besieged  to  devise  other  opposi- 
tion. Accordingly  they  broke  through  the  bot- 
tom of  their  waU,  where  the  mound  bore  against 
it,  and  brought  in  the  earth.  The  Peloponne- 
sians,  soon  aware  of  this,  instead  of  loose  earth, 
repaired  their  mound  with  clay  or  mud  inclosed 
in  baskets.  Tiiis  requiring  more  labor  to  re- 
move, the  licsieged  undermined  tlie  mound ;  nnd 
thus,  lor  a  long  time  unpcrceived,  prevented  it 
from  gniuing  height.  Still,  however,  fearing  that 
the  efforts  of  their  scanty  numbers  would  bo 
overborne  by  the  multitude  of  hands  which 
the  besiegers  could  employ,  they  had  recourse  to 
another  device.  Within  their  town-wall  they 
built,  in  a  semilunar  form,  a  second  wall,  con- 
nected with  the  first  at  the  extremities.  These 
extended,  on  either  side,  beyond  the  mound ;  so 
that  should  the  enemy  possess  themselves  of  the 
outer  wall,  their  work  would  be  to  be  renewed 
in  a  far  less  favorable  situation.  ...  A  ram, 
advanced  upon  the  Peloponnesian  mound,  bat- 
tered the  superstructure  on  the  Plataian  rampart, 
nnd  shook  It  violently ;  to  the  great  alarm  of  the 


1582 


UUKKCfi,  B.  C.  43(M3T 


Drtli-uetttin  nf 
PlaiiTii. 


(WIKKCE,  H.  f    4'.'0-43: 


Kttrrlnoii,  Init  wuS  llttli-  fiirtliiT  i-ITcrl  Olliir 
iniU'liiiK'Hiif  \hv  Hiirri-  kind  wiTiTiiiployi'il  itKoinitt 
(IIITcri'iit  |mrtiii>(  llif  wull  Itntlf,  Imt 'to  yt't  Icwt 
i)ur|>oM).  .  .  .  NouivMiiitliowcvtTwcri' iii'KltTliMl 
liy  till)  !)CilcKi'ni  llml  ciilicr  iipprovi'il  priictirt' 
miKKi'Hli'il,  or  tlit'lr  ImkiiiuIIv  coiild  iIcvIhi',  ti. 
priiinoU'  lliclr  piirpnw;  yd,  after  imuli  of  tlin 
Hiiiiiiiicr  coiiHUiiii'd,  llH'y  fouiiil  fvcry  rITort  tt 
lliclr  ininu'roiM  forci'H  wi  cufiinlclrly  tmllli'd  by 
llu)  vIxlliiiKT.  activity,  anil  resolution  of  the  lilllc 
uiirrlHoii,  Unit  tlicv  lic«iui  to  despair  of  micccul- 
Injf  liy  nHmiiill.  Itcforc  however  tlu'y  would  re- 
cur to  llie  tedloiiM  iiiotlKMl  of  lilockiidc,  llicy  dc- 
ternilni'd  to  try  one  more  experiment,  for  wlili  li 
tlieir  numbers,  and  the  nelKliltoriiiK  wimmIs  of 
('Itliicron,  Kave  tlicin  more  tliau  ordinary  fac.lity. 
Preparing  a  very  urcat  quantity  of  faK^olH  tlicv 
fllled  with  tlicm  the  town  ditch  in  the  nar'H  mi- 
Joining  to  tliclr  mound,  and  dlsposi-if  |),leH  In 
otiier  parts  iiroimd  the  placo.  wherever  /(rouiiil 
or  any  other  clrcumstaiico  gave  most  adv  Mta)?e. 
On  the  fiiKK*'!**  tliey  put  lulphur  and  pl'.ch,  and 
then  wt  nil  on-Hre.  The  rontlaKmtlon  '.as  such 
as  wiis  never  before  known,  says  Tliuc\  dides,  to 
iinve  been  prepared  and  made  by  the  hands  of 
men.  .  .  .  IJul  fortunately  for  the  (/arrlsoii,  a 
lienvy  rain,  broiijtht  on  by  a  thunderstorm  with- 
out wlixi,  extlnf{iiished  the  lire,  aiul  relleveil 
them  from  an  attack  far  more  forir.ldable  tliim 
niiy  they  had  beforu  cxpcrlencud.  This  attcmiit 
fulling,  thu  I'eloponneslaiis  determined  Imiiiedl- 
ntely  to  re<luce  the  siege  to  a  blcK4ade.  .  .  .  To 
the  palisade,  which  already  surrounded  the  town, 
a  coiitravallatlon  was  added;  witl'  a(loubl<!(lltoli, 
one  without,  and  one  within.  A  HulHcient  iMMly 
of  troops  living  then  appointed  to  the  guard  of 
thcM)  works,  the  liieotians  undt  rtaking  ouc  half, 
the  other  was  allotted  to  detachments  drafted 
from  the  tr(K)ps  of  every  state  of  the  confederacy, 
and,  a  little  after  the  middle  of  Heptembcr,  the 
rest  of  the  army  was  dismissed  for  the  winter." 
— W.  Mltford,  tliiil.  of  (lw(,  eh.  15,  utrt.  1  (r.  2). 
— Wlicn  the  bhxiknde  had  ciulured  for  more  than 
a  Year,  and  food  in  the  city  grew  scarce,  about 
half  of  the  defcniiing  force  made  a  bold  dtt8!i  for 
liberty,  one  stormy  iiig'it,  scaled  the  walls  of 
cireumvnilation,  and  escaped.  The  remainder 
lield  out  tmtil  some  tiniii  in  the  next  year,  when 
they  surrendered  and  were  all  put  to  death,  the 
city  Indng  destroyed.  The  families  of  the  Pla- 
ta'nns  had  been  slicltered  at  Athens  before  the 
siege  iMignn.— Thucydides,  Ilhtory,  hk.  2-3. 

B.  C.  439-427.— The  Peloponnesian  War : 
Phonnio'a  sea-fig;hts. — Revolt  of  Lesbos. — 
Siege  and  capture  of  Mitylene. — The  f»rori'  j 
decree  of  Cleon  rfiverseo. — "At  the  .>aiin,  .imo 
that  Archidamus  laid  siege  to  Plataea,  a  small 
Peiopounesion  expedition,  under  a  Spartan  otHc(;r 
nonied  Cnemus,  hud  crossed  tlie  mouth  of  the  Gidf 
0/  Corinth,  and  jf.ined  the  land  forces  of  the  Leu- 
cadians  ond  Ambniciot"  They  were  bent  on  coq- 
qiiering  the  Acarnnniins  and  the  Messeniaus  of 
Naupactus,  the  inly  continental  allies  whom  Ath- 
ens possessed  in  Western  Greece.  .  .  .  Wiien 
Cnemus  hail  beer  joined  by  the  troops  of  Leucas 
and  the  other  Coriiithiiin  towns,  ond  had  further 
strengthened  liimself  by  sumnioniug  to  Ids  stan- 
dard a  numb.,-!'  of  the  predatory  barbarian  triljcs 
of  Epirus,  liy  advanced  on  Stratus,  the  chief  city 
of  Acarnaniii.  At  tlie  same  time  a  squadron  of 
Peloponnesian  ships  collected  at  Corintli,  and  set 
sail  down  the  gulf  towards  Naupactus.  The 
only  Atheoiaa  force  in  these  waters  consisted  of 


twenty  galleys  under  an  able  nfllcer  nniniMl  Phor- 
mill,  who  wiiN  cruising  olT  the  straits  of  Ithlum, 
to  protect  Naupactus  and  bliH-kade  the  Co- 
rlnthlan  Oiilf.  tiothby  land  and  by  sea  the  oper- 
ations of  the  I'eloponnesiaiis  miscarried  miser- 
ably. Ciirmus  collected  a  very  considerable 
arn'iy,  but  as  lie  sent  his  iiiiii  forwuni  to  allack 
Stratus  by  three  s<'parate  roads,  he  exposed  tlii'in 
to  defeat  In  detail.  .  .  .  liy  sea  the  defeat  of  tlu' 
PeloponncNlaim  was  even  more  disgraceful:  tlie 
C'orinlhian  admirals  .Machaon  and  IwK'rates  were 
so  scared,  when  they  came  across  the  squadron  of, 
Phormlo  at  the  mouth  of  the  gulf,  that,  aitliough 
they  mustered  47  ships  to  his  20,  tliey  lisik  up  the 
defensive.  Huddling  together  In  a  circle,  lliey 
Hhriink  from  his  attack,  and  allowed  themselves 
to  Ih>  hustled  and  worried  into  tint  Achaian  liar 
liiiurof  Palme,  losing' Hcvenii  ships  I  .  tlieir  tliglit. 
Presently  relnforcciiicnis  arrived  ;  the  Peloponne- 
sian licet  was  raim-d  to  no  less  than  77  vessels, 
and  three  Spartan  olllcers  were  sent  on  board,  to 
compel  tlie  Corintlilan  ailiiiirals,  who  had  Ik'- 
liaved  so  badly,  to  do  their  liest  in  future.  The 
whole  siiiiadron  then  set  out  to  hunt  down  Plior 
mio.  Tliev  found  him  wltli  his  20  ships  coasling 
along  the  Aetollan  shore  towards  Naupactus,  and 
at  onc(-  set  out  in  pursuit.  The  lonu  chase  sep- 
arated the  larger  lleet  into  ">cattered  knots,  and 
gave  the  lighting  a  dis'M.iiiiectcd  and  irregular 
character.  While  the  rear  ships  of  Phorinio's 
squadron  were  compelled  to  run  on  shore  1  few 
miles  outside  Naupactus,  the  U  leading  vessels 
reached  the  harbour  in  safety.  Finding  that  he 
was  now  only  pursued  by  about  a  score  of  the 
enemy  —  the  rest  having  stayed  lieiilnd  to  take 
possession  of  the  strandetl  Athcnlau  vessels  — 
Phormio  camo  boldly  out  of  port  again.  His  11 
vessels  took  0,  and  sunk  one  of  their  pursuers; 
and  then,  pushing  on  westward,  actually  suc- 
ceeded in  recaiitiirlng  most  of  the  0  ships  which 
had  lieen  lost  in  the  morning.  This  engagement, 
though  it  ha  I  no  great  results,  was  considered 
the  most  daring  feat  perfonned  by  the  Athenian 
navy  during  the  whole  war.  .  .  .  The  winter 
passed  uneventfully,  and  the  war  seemed  as  far 
as  ever  from  showing  any  signs  of  pro<iucing  a 
dvtinitc  result.  But  althougli  the  Spartan  inva- 
sion of  428  U.  C.  had  no  more  elTect  than  those 
of  the  iireceding  years,  yet  in  the  late  summer 
there  occurred  an  event  so  fraught  with  evil 
omens  for  Athens,  as  to  threaten  the  whole  fab- 
ric of  her  empire.  For  tlie  first  time  since  tlio 
commencement  of  hostilities,  an  impoitant  sub- 
ject state  made  an  endeavour  to  free  Itself  by  tlio 
I  lid  of  the  Spartan  fleet.  Lesbos  was  ouc  of  the 
two  Aegean  islands  which  still  remained  free 
rom  tribute,  ond  possessed  a  considerable  war 
:  avy.  Among  its  live  towns  Mitylene  was  tlie 
t  lief,  and  far  exceeded  tin;  others  in  wealtli  and 
resources.  It  was  governed  by  an  oligarchy, 
who  had  long  lieen  yearning  to  revolt,  and  liuil 
made  careful  preparation  by  accumulating  war- 
like stores  and  enlisting  foreign  mercenaries.  .  .  . 
The  whole  island  except  Methymnu,  where  a 
democracy  ruled,  rose  in  arms,  and  determined 
to  send  for  aid  to  Sparta.  The  Atlieniiins  at  once 
despatched  ogainst  Mitylene  a  squadron  of  40 
ships  under  Clei'ppides,  wliicli  had  just  been 
equipped  for  a  cruise  in  Peloponnesian  waters. 
Tills  force  luul  an  engagement  witli  the  Lesbian 
fleet,  and  drove  it  back  into  tlie  harbour  of  Mity- 
lene. To  gain  time  for  assistance  from  across 
the  Aegean  to  arrive,  the  I<.>sbians  now  pretended 


1583 


GREECE.  B.  C.  420-427.     miytfnr.-Sphacteria.-       GREECE,  B.  C.  423. 

Cteon  the  Dvmayogxie. 


to  bo  anxious  to  siirrprMlcr,  niitl  cnjin^cd  ClcVp- 
pldi's  In  a  long  und  fruitless  ncgotiiitidn,  wl)Me 
tlicy  wore  repeating  their  demunds  at  8partu. 
But  nt  lust  the  Athenian  grew  suspicious,  estiib- 
lishcd  a.  close  blocliade  of  Mitylene  by  sea,  and 
landed  a  small  force  of  lioiiliteslo  hold  a  fortitied 
camp  on  shore.  .  .  .  Helieviug  the  revolt  of  the 
I^'sbians  to  1)0  the  earnest  of  a  general  rising  of 
all  the  vassals  of  Athens,  tlie  Peloponuesiaus  de- 
termined to  make  a  vigorous  effort  in  their 
favour.  The  land  contingents  of  the  various 
States  were  summoned  to  the  Isthmus  —  though 
the  harvest  was  now  ripe,  and  the  allies  were 
loath  to  leave  their  reaping  —  while  it  was  also 
determined  to  liaul  over  the  Corinthian  Istluuus 
the  lleet  whidi  had  fought  against  Pliormio,  and 
then  todesiiatch  it  to  relieve  Mitylene.  .  .  .  The 
Athenians  were  furious  at  tlie"  idea  that  their 
vassals  were  now  about  to  be  stirred  up  to  revolt, 
and  strained  every  nerve  to  defend  them.selvcs. 
AVhile  the  blockaile  of  Mitylene  was  kept  up, 
and  lot)  galleys  cruised  in  the  Aegean  to  Inter- 
cept any  succours  sent  to  Lesbr>s,  another  sijuad- 
ron  of  100  ships  sidled  round  Peloponnesus  and 
harried  the  coastlaud  with  a  systematic  ferocity 
that  surpa.ssed  any  of  their  previous  doings.  To 
complete-  the  crews  of  the  250  ships  now  afloat 
and  in  active  service  proved  so  great  a  drain  on 
the  military  force  of  Athens,  that  not  only  the 
Thetes  but  citizens  of  the  higher  classes  were 
drafted  on  shipboard.  Nevertheless  the  effect 
which  they  designed  by  this  display  of  power 
was  lully  "prwluced.  To  defend  their  own  har- 
vests tlie  confederates  who  had  met  at  the 
Isthmus  went  homewards,  while  the  dismay  at 
the  strength  of  the  Athenian  licet  was  so  great 
tluit  the  plan  of  sending  naval  aid  to  Lesbos  was 
jiut  off  for  tlie  present.  .  .  .  All  through  the 
winter  of  428-7  B.  C.  the  blockade  of  Mitylene 
wivs  kept  up,  though  its  maintenance  proved  a 
great  drain  on  the  resources  of  Athens.  On  the 
land  side  a  considerable  force  of  hoplites  under 
Paclies  strengthened  the  troops  already  on  the 
spot,  and  made  it  possible  to  wall  the  city  in 
with  lines  of  circunivallation.  .  .  .  When  the 
spring  of  427  B.  C.  arrived,  the  Spartans  deter- 
mined to  make  a  serious  attempt  to  send  aid  to 
Lesbos ;  but  tlie  fear  of  imperilling  all  their  naval 
resources  in  a  iingle  c.xpeclition  kept  them  from 
despatching  a  licet  of  sullicient  size.  Only  42 
galleys,  under  an  admiral  named  Alcidas,  were 
sent  forth  from  Corintli.  This  squadron  man- 
aged to  cross  the  Aegean  witliout  meeting  the 
Atlienians,  by  steering  a  cautious  and  circuitous 
course  among  tlie  islands.  But  so  much  time 
was  lost  on  the  way,  that  on  arriving  ofT  Emba- 
tum  in  Ionia,  Alcidas  found  tliat  ilityleiie  had 
surrendered  just  seven  days  before.  .  .  .  Learn- 
ing the  fall  of  Mitylene,  he  made  off  southward, 
and,  after  intercepting  many  merchant  vessels 
off  the  Ionian  coast  and  brutally  slaying  their 
crews,  returned  to  Corinth  witliout  having  struck 
a  single  blow  for  the  cause  of  Sparta.  Paches 
soon  reduced  Antissa,  Eresus,  and  Pyrrha,  tlie 
three  Lesbian  towns  which  had  joined  in  the  re- 
volt of  Mitylene,  and  was  then  able  to  sail  home, 
taking  with  hira  tlie  Lacouian  general  Salaethus, 
who  had  been  caught  in  hiding  at  Mitylene,  to- 
gether with  the  other  leaders  of  the  revolt. 
When  the  prisoners  arrived  at  Athens  Salaethus 
was  at  once  put  to  death  without  a  trial.  But 
the  fate  of  the  Lesbians  was  the  subject  of  an 
important  and  characteristic  debate  in  the  Eccle- 


sia.  Led  by  the  demagogue  C'leon,  the  Athenians 
at  tlrst  passed  the  monstrous  resolution  that  the 
whole  of  the  Mitylenaeans,  not  merely  the  prison- 
ers at  Atliens,  but  every  adult  male  in  the  city, 
should  be  i)Utto  death,  and  their  wives  and  fanii- 
lies  sold  as  slaves.  It  is  some  explanation  but  no 
excuse  for  this  horrible  decree  that  Lesbos  had 
been  an  especially  favoured  ally,  and  that  its  re- 
volt had  for  a  moment  put  Athens  in  deadly  fear 
of  a  general  rising  of  Ionia  and  Aeolis.  Clcon  the 
leather-seller,  the  author  of  this  infamous  de- 
cree, was  one  of  the  statesmen  of  a  coarse  und  in- 
ferior stamp,  whose  rise  liad  been  rendered  pos- 
sible by  the  democratic  changes  which  Pericles 
had  introtluced  into  the  state.  .  .  .  On  the  eve 
of  the  first  day  of  debate  the  motion  of  Cleon  had 
been  passed,  and  a  galley  sent  off  to  Paches  at 
Mitylene,  bidding  him  slay  all  the  Lesbians;  but 
on  the  next  morning  .  .  .  the  decree  of  Cleon 
was  rescinded  by  a  small  majority,  and  a  second 
galley  sent  off  to  stay  Paches  from  the  massacre. 
.  .  .  By  extraordinary  e.xertionsthebearersofthe 
reprieve  contrived  to  rcocli  Lesbos  only  a  few 
liours  after  Paches  had  received  the  first  despatch, 
and  before  he  had  time  to  put  it  into  execution. 
Thus  the  majority  ot  tlie  ^Mitylenaeans  were 
saved ;  but  all  their  leaders  and  prominent  men, 
not  less  than  1,000  in  number,  were  put  to  death. 
.  .  .  The  land  of  the  Lesbians  was  divided  into 
3,000  lots,  of  which  a  tenth  wasconsecmted  to  the 
go<l8,  while  the  rest  were  granted  out  to  Athenian 
cleruchs,  who  became  the  landlords  of  the  old 
owners." — C.  W.  C.  Oman,  lliat.  of  Orecce,  ch.  28. 

Also  in:  Thucydides,  llistory,  bk.  2,  sect.  80- 
03,  and  bk.  3,  sect.  1-50.— E.  Curtius,  Hist,  of 
Greece,  bk.  4,  ch.  3  (c  3). 

B.  C.  425. — The  Peloponnesian  War :  Spar- 
tan catastrophe  at  Sphacteria. — Peace  pleaded 
for  and  refused  by  Athens. — In  the  seventh  year 
of  the  Peloponnesiun  War  (B.  C.  425),  the  enter- 
prising Athenian  general,  Demosthenes,  obtained 
permission  to  seize  and  fortify  a  harbor  on  the 
west  coast  of  Messenia,  with  a  view  to  harassing 
the  adjacent  Spartan  territory  and  stirring  up 
revolt  among  the  subjugated  Messenians.  The 
position  he  secured  was  the  promontory  of  Pylus, 
overlooking  the  basin  now  called  the  Bay  of 
Xavarino,  which  latter  was  protected  from  the 
sea  by  the  small  island  of  Sphacteria,  stretching 
across  its  front.  TI12  seizure  of  Pylus  created 
alarm  in  Sparta  at  once,  and  vigorous  measures 
were  taken  to  expel  the  intruders.  The  small 
force  of  Demosthenes  was  assailed,  front  and  rear, 
by  a  strong  land  army  and  a  powerful  Pelopon- 
nesian fleet;  but  he  had  fortified  himself  with 
skill  and  stoutly  held  his  ground,  waiting  for 
help  from  Athens.  Meantime  his  assailants  had 
landed  420  men  on  the  island  of  Sphacteria,  and 
tlicse  were  mostly  hoplites,  or  heavy-armed 
soldiers,  from  the  best  citizenship  of  Sparta.  In 
this  situation  an  Athenian  fleet  made  its  sudden 
and  unexpected  appearance,  defeated  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian fleet  completely,  took  possession  of  the 
harbor  and  surrounded  the  Spartans  on  Spliac- 
*eria  witb  a  ring  from  which  there  was  no  escape. 
To  obtain  the  release  of  these  citizens  the  Spar- 
tans were  reduced  to  plead  for  peace  on  almost 
any  terms,  and  Athens  had  her  opportunity  to 
end  the  war  at  that  moment  with  great  advantage 
to  herself.  But  Cleon,  the  demagogue,  per- 
suaded the  people  to  refuse  peace.  The  be 
leaguered  hoplites  on  Sphacteria  w:."p  made 
prisoners  by  force,  and  little  came  ox  ..  in  the 


1584 


GREECE,  B.  C.  435. 


Exploit 
of  Bntiidat, 


GREECE,  B.  C.  424-431. 


end.— Thmydidcs,  IIi»t.,  hk.  4,  teet.  2-88.— Pylug 
remaini'd  it.  tlie  possession  of  tlie  Atlieninns  until 
B.  C.  408,  wlien  it  was  retaken  l)y  tlie  Spnrtiins. 
— G.  Grote,  JIM.  of  Greece,  pt.  2,  ch.  52. 

Al.BOiN:  E.  Curtlus,  Hint,  of  Greece,  bk.  4,  ch. 
2  (c.  3). 

B.  C.  434-421.  — The  Peloponnesian  War: 
Brasidas  in  Chalcidice.— Athenian  defeat  at 
Delium.— A  year's  Truce.— Renewed  hostili- 
ties.—Death  of  Brasidas  and  Cleon  at  Amphip- 
oljs.—  The  Peace  of  Nikias  (Nicias).— ' '  About 
the  jcgiiuiiiig  of  424  IJ.  C.  Urasidns  did  for 
Sparta  what  Demosthenes  had  done  for  the 
Athenians.  Just  as  Demosthenes  had  under- 
stood that  the  severest  blow  which  he  could 
inflict  on  Sparta  was  to  occupy  the  coasts  of 
Laconla,  so  Brasidas  understood  that  the  most 
effective  method  of  assailing  the  Athenians  was 
to  arouse  the  allies  to  revolution,  and  by  all 
means  to  aid  the  uprising.  But  since,  from  lack 
of  a  suttlcient  naval  force,  he  could  not  work  on 
the  islands,  he  resolved  to  carry  the  war  to  the 
allied  cities  of  the  Athenians  situated  on  the 
coast  of  Macedonia;  especially  since  Perdikkas, 
king  of  Macedonia,  theirha'jitantsof  Chalkii.^ke, 
and  some  other  districts  s  abject  to  the  Athenians, 
had  sought  the  assistance  of  Sparta,  and  ha(l 
asked  Brasidas  to  lead  the  undertaking.  Sparta 
permitted  his  departure,  '  ut  so  little  did  she  ap- 
pear disposed  to  assist  him,  that  she  granted  him 
only  700  Helots.  In  addition  to  these,  however, 
he  succeeded,  through  the  money  sent  from 
Chalkidike,  in  enrolling  about  1,000  men  from 
the  Peloponnesus.  With  this  small  force  of  1,700 
hoplites,  Brasidas  resolved  to  undertake  this  ad- 
venturous and  important  expedition.  He  started 
in  the  spring  of  424,  and  reached  Macedonia 
through  eastern  Hellas  and  Thessaly.  He  effected 
the  march  with  great  daring  and  wisdom,  and  on 
his  way  he  also  saved  Jlegara,  wjiich  was  in  ex- 
treme danger  from  the  Athenians.  Ueaching 
Macedonia  auil  uniting  forces  with  Perdikkas, 
Brasidas  deto.-hed  from  the  Athenians  many 
cities,  promising  them  liberty  from  the  tyranny 
they  suffered,  and  their  association  In  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian alliance  on  equal  terms.  He  made 
good  these  promises  by  great  military  experience 
and  perfectly  honest  dealings.  In  December  he 
became  master  of  Amphipolis,  perhaps  the  most 
important  of  all  the  foreign  possessions  of  Athens. 
The  histdiian  Thucydides,  to  whom  was  intrusted 
the  defense  of  that  important  town,  was  at 
Thasos  when  Brasidas  surprised  it.  He  hastened 
to  the  assistance  of  the  threatened  city,  but  did 
not  arrive  in  time  to  prevent  its  capture.  Dr. 
Tbirlv.all  says  it  does  not  appear  that  human 
prudeiK?  and  activity  could  have  accomplished 
anythii^  more  under  the  same  circumstances; 
yet  his  unavoidable  failure  proved  the  occasioii 
of  a  sentence  under  which  he  spent  twenty  years 
of  his  life  in  exile,  where  he  composed  his  history. 
.  .  .  The  revolution  of  the  allied  cities  In  Mace- 
donia astonished  the  Athenians,  w  ho  almost  at 
the  same  time  sustained  other  misfortunes.  Fol- 
lowing the  advice  of  Kleon,  instead  of  directing 
their  main  efforts  to  the  endangered  Chalkidike, 
they  decided,  about  the  middle  of  424,  to  recover 
Ba'olla  Itself,  in  conjunction  as  usual  with  some 
malcontents  in  the  Bceotian  towns,  who  desired 
to  break  down  and  democratize  the  oligarchical 
governments.  The  undertaking,  however,  was 
not  merely  unsuccessful,  but  attended  with  a 
rumous  defeat.    A  force  of  7,000  hoplites  [among 


them,  Socrates,  the  philosopher — see  Deliijm], 
several  hundred  horsemen,  and  25,000  light- 
armed,  under  command  of  Hippokrates,  took 
possession  of  Delium,  a  spot  stnmgly  situated, 
overhanging  the  sen,  about  Ave  miles  from 
Tanagra,  and  very  near  the  Attic  confines.  But 
while  the  Athenians  were  still  occupied  in  raising 
their  fortifications,  thev  were  suddenly  startled 
by  the  sound  of  the  ba'otian  pican,  and  found 
themselves  attacked  by  an  army  of  7,000  hoplites. 
1,000  horse,  and  500  iicltasts.  The  Athenians 
suffered  a  complete  uefeat,  and  were  driven 
away  with  great  loss.  Such  was  the  change  of 
affairs  which  took  i)lacein424  B.  C.  During  the 
preceding  year  they  could  have  ended  the  war  in 
a  manner  most  advantageous  to  them.  They  did 
not  choose  to  do  so,  and  were  now  constantly  de- 
feated. Worse  still,  the  seeds  of  revolt  spread 
among  the  allied  cities.  The  best  citizens,  among 
whom  Nikias  was  a  leader,  finally  persuaded  the 
people  that  it  was  necessary  to  come  to  terms  of 
peace,  while  affairs  were  yet  undeciiled.  For, 
although  the  Athenians  had  suffered  the  terrific 
defeat  near  Delium,  and  had  lost  Amphipolis  and 
other  cities  of  .Macedonia,  they  were  still  masters 
of  Pylos,  of  Kylhera,  of  Methone,  of  Nisa-a,  and 
of  the  Spartans  captured  in  Sphakteria;  so  that 
there  was  now  an  equality  of  advantages  and  of 
losses.  Besides,  the  Lacedajmoniaus  were  ever 
ready  to  lay  aside  the  sword  in  order  to  regain 
their  men.  "  Again,  the  oligarchy  in  Sparta  en- 
vied Brasidas,  and  <lid  not  look  with  pleasure  on 
his  splendid  achievements.  Lately  they  had  re- 
fused to  send  him  any  assistance  whatever.  The 
opportunity,  therefore,  was  advantageous  for  the 
conclusion  of  peace.  .  .  .  Such  were  the  argu- 
ments by  which  Nikias  and  his  party  finally 
gained  the  ascendency  over  Kleon,  anil  in  the 
beginning  of  42il  B.  C.  persuaded  the  Athenians 
to  enter  into  an  armistice  of  one  year,  within 
which  they  hoped  to  be  able  to  put  an  end  to 
the  destructive  war  by  a  lasting  peace.  Unfor- 
tunately, the  armistice  could  not  be  carried  out 
in  Chalkidike.  The  cities  there  continued  in 
their  rebellion  against  the  Athenians.  Brasidas 
could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  leave  them  unpro- 
tected in  the  struggle  which  they  had  undertaken, 
relying  on  his  promises  of  assistance.  The  war- 
like party  at  Athens,  taking  advantage  of  this, 
succeeded  in  frustrating  any  definite  conditions 
of  peace.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Lacedtemo- 
nians,  seeing  that  the  war  was  continued,  sent  an 
ample  force  to  Biasidas.  This  army  did  not 
succeed  in  reachiog  him,  becatise  the  king  of 
Macedonia,  Perdikkas,  had  in  the  meantime  be- 
come angered  with  Brasidas,  and  persuaded  the 
Thessalians  to  oppose  the  Lacedoemonians  in  their 
passage.  The  year  of  the  armistice  passed,  and 
Kleon  renewed  h*3  expostulations  against  the  in- 
competency of  lue  generals  who  had  the  control 
of  affairs  in  Chall-.idike.  .  .  .  The  Athenians  de- 
cided to  forward  a  new  force,  and  intrusted  its 
command  to  Kleon.  He  therefore,  in  August, 
422  B.  C,  started  from  the  Peiroeus,  with  1,200 
hoplites.  300  horsemen,  a  considerable  n\imber  of 
allies,  and  thirty  triremes.  Reaching  Chalkidike, 
he  engaged  in  battle  against  Brasidas  in  Am- 
phipolis, suffered  a  disgraceful  defeat,  and  was 
killed  while  fieeing.  Brasidas  also  ended  his 
short  but  glorious  career  in  this  battle,  dying  the 
death  of  a  hero.  The  way  in  which  his  memory 
was  honored  was  the  best  evidence  of  the  deep 
impression  that  he  bad  made  on  the  Hellenic 


1585 


GREECE,  B.  C.  424-421. 


Peace  of  Xiciat, 


GREECE,  B.  C.  4ai-418. 


world.  All  tlic  iillics  nttrndcd  liis  funeral  in 
urins,  find  interred  liini  at  the  piiblie  expense,  in 
front  of  tlif  inarket-plaee  of  Aniiiliipoli.s,  .  .  . 
Thus  di8ni)pe»red  the  two  foremost  chanijiionsof 
the  war  —  its  go(«l  spirit,  Brasidas,  anil  its  evil, 
Kleon.  The  l)arty  of  Niliias  (uially  prevailed  at 
Athens,  and  that  general  so(  after  arranged  a 
couferenee  with  King  I'leistoanax  of  Sparta,  who 
wa.s  also  anxious  for  peaee.  I)iscus.sions  coi.- 
tinned  during  the  whole  autumn  and  winter  after 
the  battle  of  Ainphipolis,  without  any  actual 
hostilities  on  either  side.  Finally,  at  the  be- 
ginning of  'he  spring  of  421  H.  C,  n  peace  of 
fifty  years  was  agreed  tipon.  The  princ^ipal  con- 
ditions of  this  peace,  liiiown  in  history  ao  tlic 
'peace  of  Niliias,'  were  as  follows:  1.  The 
Lneediemonians  mid  their  allies  wero  to  restore 
Ainphipolis  and  all  the  prisoners  to  the  Athe- 
nians. They  were  further  to  reliuquisli  to  the 
Athenians  Argilus,  Stageirus,  Acanthus,  Skolus, 
Olynthus,  anu  Spartolus.  But,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Ainphipolis,  these  cities  were  to  remain 
independent,  paying  to  the  Athenians  only  the 
usual  tribute  of  the  time  of  Aristcides.  2.  Tlie 
Athenians  should  restore  to  the  Laccdtemonians 
Koryphasium,  Kythera,  Jlethone,  Pteleuni,  and 
Atafantc,  witli  all  the  cuptives  in  their  linnds 
from  Sparta  or  her  allies.  3.  Respecting  Skione, 
Torone,  Serniylus,  or  any  other  town  in  the  pos- 
session of  Athens,  the  Athenians  should  have  the 
right  to  adopt  such  measures  as  they  pleased. 

4.  The  Laccda;nionians  and  their  allies  should  re- 
store I'aiiaktum  to  the  Athenians.  When  these 
terms  were  submitted  at  Sparta  to  the  considera- 
tion of  tlic  allied  cities,  the  majority  accepted 
them.  The  Boeotians,  Megarians,  and  Corin- 
thians, liowever,  summarily  refused  their  con- 
sent. The  Pelopounesian  war  was  now  con- 
sidered to  be  at  an  end,  precisely  ten  years  from 
its  beginning.  Both  the  combatants  came  out 
from  It  terribly  maimed.  Sparta  not  only  did 
not  attain  her  object — the  emancipation  of  the 
UcUeuic  cities  from  the  tyranny  of  the  Athenians 
—  but  even  olflcially  recognized  this  tyranny,  by 
consenting  that  the  Athenians  should  adopt  such 
measures  as  they  choose  toward  the  allied  cities. 
Besides,  Sparta  obtained  an  ill  repute  throughout 
Hellas,  because  she  had  abandoned  the  Greeks  in 
Cbalkidike,  who  had  at  her  instigation  revolted, 
and  because  she  had  also  sacrificed  the  interests 
of  her  principal  allies.  .  .  .  Athens,  on  the  other 
hand,  preserved  intact  her  supremacy,  for  which 
she  undertook  the  struggle.  This,  however, 
was  gained  at  the  cost  of  Attica  ravaged,  a 
multitude  of  citizens  slain,  the  exhaustion  of 
the  treasury,  and  the  increase  of  tlie  common 
hatred."— T.  T.  Timayenis,  Hist,  of  Greece,  pt. 

5,  ch.  4  {v.  1). 

Also  in:  C.  Thirl  wall,  Hiit.  of  Preece,  ch. 
23  (v.  3). 

B.  C.  421-418.— The  Peloponnesian  War : 
New  combinations. — The  Argive  League 
against  Sparta.— Conflicting  alliances  of  Ath- 
ens with  both. — Rising  influence  of  Alctbiades. 
— War  in  Argos.— Spartan  victory  at  Man- 
tinea. -"Revolution  in  Argos.— "  All  the  Spar- 
tan allies  in  Peloponnesus  and  the  Boeotians 
refused  to  join  in  this  treaty  fof  Nicias].  The 
latter  concluded  with  the  At'  .  ■.  .s  only  a  truce 
of  ten  days  .  .  .  ,  probably  ..  oondition,  that, 
if  no  notice  was  given  to  the  contrary,  it  was  to 
be  constantly  renewed  afte-  the  hpse  of  ten  days. 
With  Corinth  there  existed  no  truce  at  all.    Some 


of  the  terms  of  the  peace  wero  not  complied 
with,  though  this  was  the  case  much  less  on  the 
l)art  of  Athens  than  on  that  of  Sparta.  .  .  .  The 
Spartans,  from  the  first,  were  guilty  of  infamous 
deception,  ami  this  immedi:itery  gave  rise  to  bit- 
ter feelings.  But  before  matters  had  come  to 
this,  and  when  the  Atliunians  were  still  in  the 
full  belief  that  the  Spartans  were  honest,  all 
(Jreece  was  slartled  by  a  treaty  of  ..lliame  be- 
tween Alliens  and  Sparta  against  tlieir  common 
eiiomies.  Tliis  treaty  was  concluded  very  soon 
after  the  peace.  .  .  .  The  consenuence  was,  that 
Sparta  suddenly  found  lierself  deserted  by  all  her 
allies;  the  Corinthians  and  Boeotians  renounced 
her,  because  they  found  themsi'Ives  given  over 
to  the  Atheiiiaris,  and  tlie  Boeotians  perhaps 
thought  tliat  the  Spartans,  if  they  could  but  re- 
duce the  Eleans  to  the  condition  of  Helots,  would 
readily  allow  Boeotia  to  be  subdued  by  theAtlie- 
iiiaiis.  Thus  Argos  found  the  means  of  again 
following  a  policv  which  ever  since  tlie  time  of 
Cleomenes  it  had  not  ventured  to  think  of,  and 
.  .  .  became  the  centre  of  an  alliance  with  Man- 
tinea,  '  wliicli  had  always  been  opposed  to  the 
Lacedaemonians, '  and  some  other  Arcadian  towns, 
Achaia,  Elis,  and  some  jilaees  of  the  Acte.  Tlie 
Arcadians  had  dissolved  their  union,  tlie  three 
jieople  of  the  country  had  separated  themselves, 
though  sometimes  tlicy  united  again ;  and  thus  it 
happened  that  only  some  of  their  towns  were 
allied  with  Argos  Corinth  at  first  would  listen 
to  neither  party,  and  chose  to  remiiiu  neutral; 
'  for  although  for  the  moment  it  was  higlily  ex- 
asperated against  Sparta,  yet  it  had  at  all  times 
entertained  a  mortal  hatred  of  Argos,  and  its  own 
interests  drew  it  towards  Sparta.'  But  when, 
owing  to  Sparta's  dislionesty,  the  affairs  on  the 
coasts  of  Tlirace  became  more  and  more  compli- 
cated, when  the  towns  refused  to  submit  to  Ath- 
ens, and  when  it  became  evident  tliat  this  ivas 
the  consequence  of  the  instigations  of  Sparta, 
then  the  relation  subsisting  between  the  tv\'0 
states  became  worse  also  in  Greece,  and  various 
negotiations  and  cavillings  ensued.  .  .  .  After 
much  delay,  the  Athenians  and  Spartans  were 
already  on  the  point  of  taking  up  arms  against 
each  otlier;  but  then  they  came  to  the  singular 
agreement  (Olynip.  89,  4),  that  the  Athenians 
should  retain  possession  of  Pylos,  but  keep  in  it 
only  Athenian  troops,  and  not  allow  the  Helots 
and  Messenians  to  remain  there.  After  tliis  the 
loosened  bonds  Between  the  Spartans,  Corinthi- 
ans, and  Boeotians,  were  drawn  more  closely. 
The  Boeotians  were  at  length  prevailed  upon  to 
surrender  Panacton  to  the  Spartans,  who  now 
restored  it  to  the  Athenians.  This  was  in  accor- 
dance with  the  undoubted  meaning  of  the  peace ; 
but  the  Boeotians  had  first  destroyed  the  place, 
and  the  Spartans  delivered  it  to  tlie  Athenians 
only  a  heap  of  ruins.  The  Athenians  justly 
complained,  that  this  was  not  an  honest  restora- 
tion, and  that  the  place  ought  to  have  been  given 
bacli  to  them  with  its  fortifications  uninjured. 
The  Spartans  do  not  appear  to  have  had  honest 
intentions  in  any  way.  .  .  .  While  thus  the  alli- 
ance betw^een  Athens  and  Sparta,  in  the  eyes  of 
the  world,  still  existed,  it  had  in  reality  ceased 
and  become  an  impossibility.  Another  alliance, 
however,  was  formed  between  Athens  and  Argos 
(Olymp.  89,  4)  through  the  influence  of  Alcibia- 
des,  who  stood  in  the  relation  of  an  hereditary 
proxenus  to  Argos.  A  more  natural  alliance 
than  this  could  not  be  conceived,  and  by  it  the 


1586 


GREECE,  B.  C.  421-418. 


Alclbiade*. 


GREECE.  R.  C.  418. 


Athenians  gained  the  Mantlneans,  Eleans,  and 
other  Pcloponni'sinn»  over  to  their  side.  Alci- 
hiades  now  exercised  a  decisive  influence  upon 
the  fate  of  his  countiy.  ...  We  generally  con- 
ceive Alcibiades  as  a  man  whose  beauty  was  liis 
ornament,  and  to  wliom  the  follies  of  life  were 
tlie  main  tliinj?,  and  we  forgot  tliat  part  of  Ids 
character  wldch  history  reveals  to  us.  .  .  . 
Tliucydides,  wlio  cannot  be  suspected  of  having 
been  particularly  partiid  to  Alcibiades.  mo.st  ex- 
pressly recognises  tlie  fact,  tlint  tlie  fate  of  Alli- 
ens depended  upon  liim,  and  thut,  il  he  had  not 
separated  his  own  fate  from  th.it  of  his  native 
city,  at  first  from  necessity,  l)ut  afterwards  of  his 
own  accord,  the  course  of  tlie  Peloponnesian 
war,  tlirongh  Ids  personal  influence  alone,  would 
liave  taken  quite  a  different  direction,  and  that 
he  alone  would  have  decided  u  in  favour'of  Ath- 
ens. This  is,  in  fact,  the  general  opinion  of  all 
antiquity,  and  there  is  no  ancient  writer  of  im- 
portance who  does  no',  view  and  estimate  him  in 
this  light.  It  is  only  tlie  moderns  tliat  entertain 
a  derogatory  opinion  of  liim.  and  speak  of  him 
as  an  eccentric  fool,  wlio  ouglit  not  to  bo  named 
among  tlie  great  statesmen  of  antiquity.  .  .  . 
Alcibiui'  is  quite  a  peculiar  character;  and  I 
know  ii  u  in  tlie  --vhole  range  of  ancient  his- 
tory whi  iidght  be  compared  witli  him,  though 
I  have  sometimes  thought  of  Caesar.  .  .  .  Alci- 
biades \ftia  opposed  to  the  peace  of  Nicias  from 
entirely  personal,  perli;ii)s  even  mean,  motives. 
...  It  was  on  his  advice  that  Athens  concluded 
the  alliance  with  Argos  and  Elis.  Athens  now 
had  two  alliances  which  were  equally  binding, 
and  yet  altogether  opposed  to  each  other:  the 
one  with  Sparta,  and  an  equally  stringent  one 
with  Argos,  the  enemy  of  Sparta.  This  treaty 
with  Argos,  the  Pcloponnesians,  etc.,  was  ex- 
tremely formidable  to  the  Spartans;  and  they 
accordingly,  for  once,  determined  to  act  quickly, 
before  it  should  be  too  la.o.  The  alliance  with 
Argos,  liowever,  did  not  confer  much  real  strength 
upon  Athens,  for  the  Argives  were  iazy,  and 
Elis  did  not  respect  them,  whence  the  fc'iiartans 
had  time  again  to  unite  tlieinsclves  more  closely 
with  Corinth,  Boeotia,  and  Megara.  When, 
therefore,  the  war  between  the  Spartans  and  Ar- 
gives broke  out,  and  the  former  resolutely  took 
the  fleld,  Alcibiades  persuaded  the  Athenians  to 
send  succour  to  tlie  Argives,  and  thus  the  peace 
with  Sparta  was  violated  in  an  unprincipled  man- 
ner. But  still  no  blow  was  struck  between  Ar- 
gos and  Sparta.  .  .  .  King  Agis  had  set  out  with 
a  Spartan  army,  but  concluded  a  truce  with  the 
Argives  (Olymp.  00,  2) ;  this,  however,  was  taken 
very  ill  at  Sparta,  and  the  Argive  commanders 
■who  had  concluded  it  were  censured  by  tlie  peo- 
ple and  magistrates  of  Argos.  Soon  afterwards 
the  war  broKe  out  again,  and,  when  the  Athenian 
auxiliaries  appeared,  decided  acts  of  hostility 
commenced.  The  occasion  was  an  attempt  of 
the  Mantlneans  to  subdue  Tegea:  the  sad  con- 
dition of  Greece  beciime  more  particularly  mani- 
fest in  Arcadia,  by  the  divisions  which  tore  one 
and  the  same  nation  to  pieces.  The  country  was 
distracted  by  several  parties ;  had  Arcadia  been 
united,  it  would  have  been  invulnerable.  A  bat- 
tle was  fought  (Olymp.  90,  3)  in  tlie  neighbour- 
hood of  Mantinca,  between  the  Argives,  their 
Athenian  allies,  the  Mantineans,  and  part  of  the 
Arcadians  ('  the  Eleans,  annoyed  at  the  conduct 
of  the  Argives,  had  abandoned  their  cause ' ),  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  Spartans  and  a  few  allies 


on  the  other.  The  Spartans  gained  a  most  de- 
cisive victory ;  and,  although  they  did  not  follow 
it  up,  yet  the  consequence  was,  that  Argos  con- 
cluded peace,  the  Argive  alliance  broke  up,  and 
ot  Argos  a  revolution  took  place,  in  whicli  an 
oligarchical  government  was  instituted,  and  'ly 
which  Argos  was  drawn  into  the  interest  of 
Sparta  (Olymp.  1)0,  4).  This  constitution,  how- 
ever, did  not  Inst,  and  very  soon  gave  way  to  a 
ilemocratic  form  of  government.  Argos,  even 
nt  this  time,  and  stillniore  at  a  later  period,  is  a 
sad  cxnmiile  of  the  most  degenerate  anil  deplora- 
ble democracy,  or,  more  properly  speaking,  an- 
archy."—B.  G.  Niebuhr,  Lects.  on  Ancient  lli»t., 
Icct.  40  (V.  2). 

Also  in:  Plutarch,  Alcibiades. — W.  Slitford, 
Ilint.  of  Uirece,  cli.  17  (v.  3). 

B.  C  416. —  Siege  and  conquest  of  Melos 
by  the  Athenians.—  Massacre  of  the  inhabi- 
tants.— "It  was  in  the  beginning  of  summer 410 
B.  C.  that  tlio  Athenians  undertook  the  siege  and 
conquest  of  the  Dorian  island  of  MClos,  one  of 
the  ("yclades,  and  the  onlv  one,  except  ThOra, 
wir  li  was  not  already  included  in  their  empire. 
MClos  and  Tliflra  were  both  ancient  colonies  of 
Lacediemon,  witli  whom  they  had  strong  sym- 
pathies of  lineage.  They  had  never  joined  the 
confederacy  of  Delos,  nor  been  in  any  way  con- 
nected with  Alliens;  but,  at  the  same  time, 
neither  had  they  ever  taken  part  in  the  recent 
war  against  her,  nor  given  her  any  ground  of 
complaint,  until  she  landed  and  attacked  them  in 
the  sixth  year  of  the  recent  war.  She  now  re- 
newed her  attempt,  sending  against  the  island  a 
considerable  force  under  KleomCdOs  and  Tisias." 
— G.  Grote,  Hist,  of  Greece,  pt.  3,  ch.  56.— "  They 
desired  immediate  submission  on  the  part  of 
Melos,  any  attempt  at  resistr  '"e  being  regarded 
as  an  inroad  upon  the  omnipotence  of  Athens  by 
sea.  For  this  reasou  they  were  wroth  at  the  ob- 
stinate courage  of  the  'slanders,  who  broke  off 
all  further  negotiations,  ai.d  thus  made  it  neces- 
sary for  the  Athenians  to  co  i.inence  a  costly  cir- 
cumvallation  of  tlie  city.  The  Melians  even 
succeeded  on  two  successive  occasions  in  break- 
ing through  part  of  tlie  wall  built  round  them  by 
the  enemy,  and  obtaining  fresh  supp"es;  but  n 
relief  arrived ;  and  they  had  to  undergo  sufferings 
which  made  the  '  Melian  famine '  a  proverbial 
phrase  to  express  the  height  of  misery;  and 
before  the  winter  ended  the  island  was  forced 
to  surrender  unconditionally.  .  .  .  There  was  no 
question  of  quarter.  All  the  islanders  capable 
of  bearing  arms  who  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
tlie  Athenians  were  sentenced  to  death,  and  all 
tlie  women  and  children  to  slavery." — E.  Curtius, 
Hist,  of  Greece,  bk.  4,  ch.  4  (».  3). 

Also  in:  Thucydides,  History,  bk.  5,  sect.  84- 
116. 

B.  C.  415. — The  mutilation  of  the  Hermae  at 
Athens.    See  Athens:  B.  C.  415. 

B.C.  415-413.  —  The  Peloponnesian  War: 
Disastrous  Athenian  expedition  against 
Syracuse. — Alcibiades  a  fugitive  in  Sparta. — 
His  enmity  to  Athens.  See  Syracuse:  B.  C. 
415-413. 

B.  C.  413.— The  Peloponnesian  War :  Ef- 
fects and  consequences  of  the  Sicilian  expedi- 
tion.— Prostration  of  Athens. — Strengthening 
of  Sparta. —  Negotiations  with  the  Persians 
against  Athens. —  Peloponnesian  invasion  of 
Attica.— The  DcceHan  War.— "The  Sicilian 
expedition  ended  in  a  series  of  events  which,  to 


1587 


GREECE,  n.  C.  413. 


ProitraHon  of 


GREECE,  D.  C.  418. 


this  (lay,  it  is  impossible  to  rccull  witliout  n 
feeling  of  horror.  .  .  .  Since  the  I'ersinn  wnrs  it 
liiul  never  come  to  pass,  tliiit  on  tl.o  one  side  all 
had  been  so  comiiletely  lost,  while  on  the  other 
all  WHS  won.  .  .  .  When  the  Athenlnns  recovered 
from  the  first  stiipefaelion  of  grief,  they  called 
to  mind  the  causes  of  the  whole  calamilv,  and 
hereupon  In  passionate  fury  turned  rouml  upon 
all  who  had  advised  the  expedition,  or  who  had 
eucouniged  vain  hopes  of  victory,  ns  orators, 
l)rophets,  or  soothsayers.  Finally,  the  general 
excitement  passed  into  the  phase  of  despair  and 
terror,  conjuring  up  dangers  even  greater  and 
more  imminent  than  existed  in  reality.  The 
citizens  every  day  expected  to  see  the  Sicilian 
fleet  wi''i  the  I'eloponnesians  appenroff  the  har- 
bor, to  take  possession  of  the  defenceless  city; 
and  they  believed  tliat  the  last  days  of  Athens 
had  arrived.  .  .  .  Athens  had  rislied  all  her  mili- 
tary and  naval  resources  for  the  purjiose  of  over- 
coming Syracuse.  Jlore  than  200  sliips  of  state, 
with  their  entire  equipment,  had  been  lost;  and 
if  wo  reckon  up  the  numbers  despatched  on  suc- 
cessive occasions  to  Sicily,  the  sum  total,  inclu- 
sive of  the  auxiliary  troops,  may  be  ciilculated 
at  about  (10,000  men.  A  squadron  still  lay  in  the 
waters  of  Naui)actus;  but  even  this  was  in  dan- 
ger and  exposed  to  attack  from  the  Corinthians, 
who  had  e(iuipped  fresh  forces.  The  docks  and 
naval  arsenals  were  emiity,  and  the  treasury  like- 
wise. In  the  hopes  of  enormous  booty  and  an 
abundance  of  new  revenues,  no  expense  had  been 
spared;  and  the  resources  of  •the  city  were  en- 
tirely exhausted.  .  .  .  But,  far  heavier  than  the 
material  losses  in  money,  ships,  and  men,  was  the 
moral  blow  which  had  been  received  by  Athens, 
and  which  was  more  dangerous  in  her  case  than 
in  that  of  any  other  state,  because  her  whole 
power  wfts  based  on  the  fear  inspired  in  the  sub- 
ject states,  80  long  as  they  saw  the  fleets  of 
Athens  absolutely  supreme  at  sea.  The  ban  of 
this  fear  liad  now  been  removed;  disturbances 
arose  in  those  island-states  wliich  were  most  nec- 
essary to  Athens,  and  whose  existent c  seemed  to 
be  mostindissolubly  blended  with  that  of  Attica, 
—  in  Eub'i'a,  Chios,  and  Lesbos;  everywhere  the 
oligarchical  parties  raised  their  head,  "in  order  to 
overthrow  the  odious  dominion  of  Atliens.  .  .  . 
Sparta,  on  the  other  hand,  had  in  the  course  of 
a  few  months,  without  sending  out  an  army  or  in- 
curring any  danger  or  losses,  secured  to  herself  the 
greatest  advantages,  such  as  she  could  not  have 
obtained  from  the  most  successful  campaign. 
Oylippus  had  aijain  proved  the  value  of  a  single 
Spai'tan  man:  inasmuch  as  in  the  liour  of  the 
greatest  danger  his  personal  conduct  had  altered 
the  course  of  the  most  important  and  momentous 
transaction  of  tlie  entire  war.  He  was,  in  a  word, 
the  more  fortunate  successorof  Brasidas.  Tlie  au- 
thority of  Sparta  in  the  Peloponnesus,  which  the 
peace  of  Nicjas  liad  weakened,  was  now  restored ; 
with  the  exception  of  Argos  and  Elis,  all  her  allies 
were  on  amicable  terms  with  her;  tlie  brethren 
of  her  race  beyond  the  sea,  who  had  hitherto 
held  aloof,  had,  by  the  attack  made  by  the  Athe- 
nian invasion,  been  drawn  into  tlie  war,  and  had 
now  become  the  most  zealous  and  ardent  allies 
of  the  Peloponnesians.  .  .  .  Jforeover,  the  Athe- 
nians had  driven  tiie  most  capable  of  all  living 
statesmen  and  commanders  into  the  enemy's 
camp.  No  man  was  better  adapted  than  Alci- 
biades  for  rousing  the  slowly-moving  Luccdtemo- 
uians  to  energetic  action;  and  it  was  he  who 


supplied  them  with  the  bes  Ivice,  and  with  the 
most  accurate  information  o  Athenian  politics 
and  localities.  Lastly,  the  .Spartans  were  at  the 
present  time  under  a  warlike  king,  the  enterpris- 
ing and  ambitious  Agis,  the  son  of  Archidamus. 
.  .  .  Nothing  was  now  required,  except  jiecu- 
niary  means.  And  even  these  now  unexpectedly 
olTered  themselves  to  the  Spartans,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  events  which  had  in  the  meantime 
occurred  in  the  Persian  empire.  .  .  .  Everywhere 
[in  that  empire]  sedition  ndsed  its  head,  par- 
ticularly in  Asia  Minor.  Pissuthnes,  the  son  of 
Hystaspes,  who  had  on  several  previous  occa- 
sions interfered  in  Greek  affairs,  rose  in  revolt. 
He  was  supported  by  Greek  soldiers,  under  the 
command  of  an  Athenian  of  the  name  of  Lycon. 
The  treachery  of  the  latter  enabled  Darius  to 
overthrow  Pissuthnes,  whose  son,  Amorges, 
maintained  himself  by  Athenian  aid  in  Caria. 
After  the  fall  of  Pissuthnes,  Tissaphernes  and 
Pharnabttzus  appear  in  Asia  Minor  as  the  first 
dignitaries  of  the  Great  King.  Tissaphernes  suc- 
ceeded Pissuthnes  as  satrap  in  the  maritime  prov- 
inces. He  was  furious  at  the  assistance  offered 
by  Athens  to  the  party  of  his  odversary ;  more- 
over, the  Great  King  (possibly  in  consequence 
of  the  Sicilian  war  and  tlio  destruction  of  the 
Attic  fleet)  demanded  that  the  tributes  long 
witliheld  by  the  coast-towns,  which  were  still  re- 
garded as  subject  to  the  Persian  empire,  should 
now  be  levied.  Tissaphernes  was  obliged  to  pay 
tlie  sums  according  to  the  rate  at  wliich  they 
were  entered  in  the  imperial  budget  of  Persia; 
and  tlius,  in  order  to  reimburse  himself,  found 
himself  forced  to  pursue  a  war  policy,  .  .  . 
Everything  now  depended  for  the  satrap  upon 
obtaining  assistance  from  a  Greek  quarter.  He 
found  opportunities  for  this  purpose  in  Ionia 
itself,  in  all  the  more  important  cities  of  which 
a  Persian  party  existed.  .  .  .  The  most  impor- 
tant and  only  independent  power  in  Ionia  was 
Cliios.  Here  the  aristocratic  families  had  with 
great  sagacity  contrived  to  retain  tlie  govern- 
ment. ...  It  was  their  government  which  now 
became  the  focus  of  the  conspiracy  against 
Athens,  in  the  first  instance  establishing  a  con- 
nection on  the  opposite  sliore  with  Erythraj. 
Hereupon  Tissaphernes  opened  negotiations  with 
botli  cities,  and  in  conjunction  with  them  des- 
patched  an  embassy  to  Peloponnesus  charged 
with  persuading  the  Spartans  to  place  themselves 
at  the  head  of  the  Ionian  movement,  the  satrap 
at  tlie  same  time  promising  to  supply  pay  and 
provisions  to  the  Peloponnesian  forces.  The 
situation  of  Pharnabazus  was  the  same  as  that 
of  Tissaiihernes.  Pharnabazus  was  the  satrap 
of  the  northern  province.  .  .  .  Pharnabazus  en- 
deavored to  outbid  Tissaphernes  in  his  promises; 
and  two  powerful  satraps  became  rival  suitors 
for  the  favor  of  Sparta,  to  whom  they  offered 
money  and  their  alliance.  .  .  .  While  thus  the 
most  "dangerous  combinations  were  on  all  sides 
forming  against  Alliens,  the  war  had  already 
broken  out  in  Greece.  This  time  Athens  had 
been  the  first  to  commence  direct  hostilities.  .  .  . 
A  Peloponnesian  army  under  Agis  invaded  At- 
tica, with  the  advent  of  the  spring  of  B.  C.  413 
(01.  xci.  3);  at  which  date  it  was  already  to  be 
anticipated  how  the  Sicilian  war  would  end. 
For  twelve  years  Attica  had  been  spared  hostile 
invasions,  and  the  vestiges  of  former  wars  had 
been  effaced.  The  present  devastations  were 
therefore  doubly  ruinous ;  while  at  the  same  time 


1588 


GREECE,  B.  C.  413. 


Intrlgyei 
of  Atcibiaties. 


GREECE,  B.  C.  411-407 


it  was  now  Impossllile  lo  tnko  vengeance  upon 
the  Peloponncsmus  by  means  of  naviil  t-xpetli- 
tions.  And  tlie  worst  point  in  tlie  case  wiis  tliat 
tlicy  were  now  fully  resolved,  instead  of  recurring 
to  tlicir  former  mctlimi  of  carrying  on  tlie  war  and 
uiulertjiking  annual  campaigns,  to  occupy  per- 
manently a  fortified  position  ou  Attic  soil.  The 
invaders  seized  a  strong  position  at  Decelea,  only 
fourteen  miles  northward  fiom  Atlu'ns,  on  a 
roclty  peali  of  Jlouiit  Fames,  and  fortifleil  tliem- 
selves  so  strongly  that  tlic  Athenians  ventured 
on  no  attempt  to  dislodge  them.  From  tliis 
secure  station  they  ravaged  the  surrounding 
country  at  pleasure.  "  Tliis  success  was  of  such 
importance  that  even  in  ancient  times  it  gave  tlic 
name  of  tlic  Decelcan  War  to  tlic  entire  last 
division  of  tlie  Peioponncsian  AVar.  The  occu- 
pation of  Decelea  forms  tlie  connecting  link  be- 
tween the  Sicilian  War  and  tiio  Attico-Pelopon- 
nesian,  wliicli  now  broke  out  afresh.  ...  Its 
immediate  object  ...  it  failed  to  cffecl; ;  inas; 
mucli  as  tlie  Athenians  did  not  allow  it  to  pre- 
vent their  despatciiing  a  fresli  armament  to 
Sicily.  But  when,  half  a  year  later,  all  was  lost, 
the  Athenians  felt  more  heavily  than  ever  the 
burden  imposed  upon  tliem  by  the  occupation  of 
Deceli  a.     Tlie  city  wos  cut  oil  from  its  most  im- 

f)ortant  source  of  supplies,  since  the  enemy  had 
D  his  power  the  roads  communicating  witli 
Euboea.  .  .  .  One-tliird  of  Attica  no  longer  be- 
longed to  the  Athenians,  ond  even  in  tlie  imme- 
diate vicinity  of  the  city  communication  was 
unsafe;  large  numbers  of  the  country-people, 
deprived  of  labor  and  means  of  subsistence, 
thronged  the  city ;  the  citizens  were  forced  night 
and  day  to  perform  tlie  onerous  duty  of  keeping 
watch.  — E.  Curtius,  Hist,  of  Greece,  bk.  4,  eh. 
4-5  (».  8). 
Also  in:  G.  Grote,  Sitl.  of  Greece,  ch.  61  (p.  7). 
B.  C.  413-^12.  —  The  Peloponnesian  War : 
Revolt  of  Chios,  Miletus,  Lesbos,  and  Rhodes 
from  Athens.  —  Revolution  at  Samos.  —  In- 
trigues of  Alcibiades  for  a  revolution  at  Athens 
and  for  his  own  recall. — "Alkibiades  .  .  .  per- 
suaded the  Spartans  to  build  a  fleet,  and  send  it 
over  to  Asia  to  assist  the  lonians  in  revolting. 
Ho  liimself  crossed  at  once  to  Cliios  with  a  few 
ships,  in  order  to  begin  the  revolt.  The  govern- 
ment of  Chios  was  in  tiie  hands  of  tlio  nobles; 
but  they  had  hitlierto  served  Athens  so  well  tliat 
the  Athenians  had  not  altered  tlie  government 
to  a  democracj'.  Now,  iiowever,  they  revolted 
(B.  C.  413).  Tills  was  a  heavy  blow  to  Athens, 
for  Chios  was  tlie  most  powerful  of  the  Ionian 
States,  and  others  would  be  sure  to  follow  its 
example.  Jliletus  and  Lesbos  revolted  in  B.  C. 
412.  The  nobles  of  Samos  prepare<l  to  revolt, 
but  the  people  were  in  favour  of  Athens,  and 
rose  against  tlie  nobles,  killing  200  of  tliem,  and 
banisliing  400  more.  Atlieus  now  made  Samos 
its  free  and  equal  ally,  instead  of  its  subject, 
ond  Samos  became  tlie  head-quarters  of  the 
Atlienian  fleet  and  army.  .  .  .  The  Atlieniaus 
.  .  .  had  now  manned  a  fresh  navy.  They  de- 
feated the  Peloponnesian  and  Persian  fleets  to- 
gether at  Miletus,  and  were  only  kept  from  be- 
sieging Miletus  by  the  arrival  of  a  fleet  from 
Syracuse.  [This  reinforcement  of  tlie  enemy  held 
them  powerless  to  prevent  a  revolt  in  Rliodcs, 
carried  out  by  the  oligarchs  though  opposed  by 
the  people.]  Alkibiades  had  made  enemies 
amon^  the  Spartans,  and  when  he  had  been  some 
time  m  Asia  Minor  an  order  came  over  from 


Sparta  to  put  him  to  dcatli.  lie  escaped  to  Tia- 
gapliernes,  and  now  made  up  his  mind  to  win 
back  the  favour  of  Alliens  liy  breaking  up  tlm 
alliance  between  Ti.ssaplierucs  and  tlie  Spartans. 
He  contrived  to  make  a  quarrel  between  them 
about  the  rate  of  i)»y,  and  persuaded  Tissaplier- 
ncs  that  it  would  be  the  best  thing  for  Persia  to 
let  the  Spartans  and  Athenians  wear  one  another 
out,  witlumt  giving  lielp  to  either.  Tissaplier- 
nes  therefore  kept  llie  Spartans  idle  for  montlis, 
always  iiretending  that  he  was  ou  tlio  point  of 
bringing  up  his  fleet  to  help  them.  Alkiliiades 
now  .sent  a  lying  message  to  the  generals  of  the 
Atlienian  army  at  Samos  that  he  could  get  Athens 
the  help  of  Tissaphernes,  if  the  Athenians  would 
allow  him  to  return  from  liis  exile:  but  he  said 
that  he  could  never  return  while  there  was  a 
democracy;  so  that  if  they  wished  for  tlic  help 
of  Persia  they  must  ciia'-gc  the  government  to 
an  oligarchy  (B.  C.  412).  In  the  army  at  Samos 
there  were  many  ricli  men  willing  to  see  an  oli- 
garchy  cstablisheil  at  Athens,  and  ])eace  made 
with  Sparta.  .  .  .  Therefore,  tliougli  the  great 
mass  of  tlie  army  at  Samos  was  democratical,  a 
certain  number  of  powerful  men  agreed  to  the 
plan  of  Alkibiades  for  changing  tlie  government. 
One  of  the  conspirators,  named  Pisander,  was 
seut  to  Athens  to  instruct  the  clubs  of  nobles 
and  rich  men  to  work '  secretly  for  this  object. 
In  tliese  clubs  tlie  overtlirow  of  the  democracy 
was  planned.  Citizens  known  to  be  zealous  for 
the  constitution  were  secretly  murdered.  Terror 
fell  over  the  city,  for  no  one  except  the  consi)iia- 
tors  knew  wlio  did,  and  who  did  not,  belong  to 
the  plot ,  and  at  last,  partly  by  force,  tl*  assembly 
was  brought  to  abolisli  the  popular  govern- 
ment."— C.  X.  Fyffe,  Ilitt.of  (Jreece(Uiat.  Primer), 
eh.  5,  sect.  86-30. 

Also  rs;  G.  W.  Cox,  The  ADienian  Empire, 
ch.  0.— Tliueydides,  Ilintori/,  bk.  8,  ch.  4-51. 

B.  C.  411-407.— The  Peloponnesian  War: 
Athenian  victories  at  Cynossema  and  Abydos. 
— Exploits  of  Alcibiades. — His  return  to  Ath- 
ens and  to  supreme  command. — His  second 
deposition  and  exile. — While  Athens  was  in  tlio 
throes  of  its  revolution,  "tlie  war  was  pro.se- 
cuted  witli  vigour  on  tlie  coast  of  Asia  Minor. 
Mindarus,  wlio  uow  commanded  the  Peloponne- 
sian fleet,  disgusted  at  length  by  the  often-broken 
promises  of  Tissaphernes,  and  the  scanty  and 
irregular  pay  whicli  he  furnished,  set  sail  from 
>Iiletus  and  proceeded  to  tlie  Ileliesixmt,  with 
the  intention  of  assisting  the  satrap  Pliarnaba- 
zus,  and  of  effecting,  it  possible,  tlie  revolt  of 
the  Athenian  dependencies  in  that  quarter. 
Hither  he  was  pursued  by  the  Atlienian  fleet 
under  Tlirasyllus.  In  a  few  days  an  engagement 
ensued  (in  August,  411  B.  C),  in  the  famous 
straits  between  Sestos  and  Abydos,  in  which  the 
Athenians,  thougli  with  a  smaller  force,  gained 
the  victory,  and  erected  a  trophy  ou  the  promon- 
tory of  Cynossema  [see  Cynossema],  near  the 
tomb  and  chapel  of  the  Trojan  queen  Plecuba. 
Tlie  Athenians  followed  up  their  victory  by  tlie 
reduction  of  Cyzicus,  whicli  had  revolted  "from 
them.  A  month  or  two  afterward,  another  ob- 
stinate engagement  took  place  between  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian and  Athenian  fleets  near  Abydos, 
which  lasted  a  whole  day,  and  was  at  length  de- 
cided in  favour  of  the  Atlieuiuns  by  tlie  arrival 
of  Alcibiades  with  his  squadron  of  18  ships 
from  Samos."— W.  Smith,  Smaller  Hist,  of  Greece, 
ch.     13.  —  Alcibiades,    altkougli    recalitd..    had 


1589 


GREECE,  B.  C.  411-107. 


Return  of  AicibiuiUi 
to  Athriit. 


OKEECE,  D.  C.  411-407. 


"  resolved  to  (Iflny  li in  return  until  he  had  prr- 
fonncd  giicli  exploltH  ii»  niij;ht  throw  frt'.sh  lustre 
over  hia  nftine,  and  endear  him  to  all  classes  of  his 
fellow-eitl/.eiis.  With  this  and>itlon  he  sailed 
with  a  small  s(|Uadron  from  Sumos,  and  having 
gained  information  that  .Mimlurus,  with  the  Felo- 
ponnesian  fleet,  had  gone  in  pursuit  of  tlie  Athe- 
nian navy,  he  hastened  to  afford  his  countrymen 
succour.  Happily  he  arrived  at  the  scene  of 
action,  near  Abydos,  at  n  most  critical  moment ; 
when,  after  a  severe  engagement,  the  Spartans 
had  on  one  side  obtained  an  advantage,  and  were 
piirsuing  the  broken  lines  of  the  Athvnians.  .  .  . 
lie  speedily  decided  the  fortune  of  the  day,  com- 
pletely routed  the  Spartans,  .  .  .  broke  many  of 
their  ships  in  pieces,  and  t(K)k  30  from  them.  .  .  . 
Ills  vanity  after  this  signal  success  had,  however, 
nearly  destroyed  him ;  for,  being  desirous  of  ap- 
pearing to  Tissaphernes  as  a  concpieror  instead  of 
a  fugitive,  he  hastened  with  a  splendid  retinue 
to  visit  him,  wlien  the  crafty  barbarian,  think'ng 
he  should  thus  appease  the  suspicions  of  tlic 
Spartans,  cavisi'd  him  to  be  arrested  and  con- 
lined  in  prison  at  Sardis.  Hence,  however,  lie 
found  means  to  escape.  .  .  .  He  sailed  immedi- 
ately for  tlie  Athenian  camp  to  dilTusc  fresh  ani- 
mation among  tlic  soldiers,  and  induce  them 
hastily  to  embark  on  an  expedition  against  Miu- 
darus  and  Pharnahazus,'wlio  were  then  with  tlie 
residue  of  the  Peloponnesian  fleet  at  Cyzicum" 
(Cyzicus).  Mindurus  was  defeated  and  killed 
and  Pharnabazus  driven  to  flight  (B.  C.  410). 
"Alcibiades  pursued  his  victory,  took  Cyzicum 
without  dilllculty,  and,  staining  iiis  conquest 
with  a  cnielty  with  which  he  was  not  generally 
chargeable,  put  to  death  all  the  Peloponnesians 
whom  he  found  within  the  city.  A  very  short 
space  of  time  elapsed  after  this  brilliant  success 
before  Alcibiades  found  another  occasion  to  de- 
serve the  gratitude  of  Athens,"  by  defeating 
Pharnabazus,  who  iiad  attacked  the  troops  of 
Thrasyllus  wldle  they  were  wasting  the  territory 
of  Abydos.  He  next  reduced  Chalcedon,  bring- 
ing it  back  into  the  Athenian  alliance,  and  once 
more  defeating  Pharnabazus,  when  the  Persian 
satrap  attempted  to  reliovo  tlie  town.  ^le  also 
recovered  Selymbria,  and  took  Byzantium  (which 
had  revolted)  after  a  severe  flght  (B.  C.  408). 
"Alcibiades  having  raised  the  fortunes  of  his 
country  from  tlie  lowest  state  of  depression,  not 
C'uly  by  his  brilliant  victories,  but  his  conciliating 
pclicy,  prepared  to  return  and  enjoy  tl.o  praise 
of  his  successes.  He  entered  the  Pirwiis  [B.  C. 
407]  in  a  galley  adorned  with  the  spoils  of  nu- 
merous victories,  followed  by  a  long  line  of  ships 
which  he  had  tJiken  from  the  foe.  .  .  .  The 
whole  city  came  down  to  the  harbour  to  see  and 
welcome  him,  and  took  no  notice  of  Thrasybulus 
or  Therameues,  his  fellow-commanders.  ...  An 
assembly  of  the  people  being  convened,  he  ad- 
dressed them  in  a  gentle  and  modest  speech,  im- 
puting his  calamities  not  to  their  envy,  but  to 
some  evil  genius  which  pursued  him.  He  ex- 
horted them  to  take  courage,  bade  them  oppose 
their  enemies  with  all  the  fresh  inspiration  of 
their  zeal,  and  taujjht  them  to  hope  for  happier 
days.  Delighted  with  these  assurances,  they  pre- 
sented him  with  a  crown  of  brass  and  gold, 
which  never  was  before  given  to  any  but  the 
Olympic  victors,  invested  him  with  absolute  con- 
trol over  their  naval  and  military  affairs,  restored 
to  him  his  confiscated  wealth, 'and  ordered  the 
ministers  of  rcligiou  to  absolve  him  from  the 


curses  which  they  had  denounced  against  hini. 
Tlu'(Mlorus,  however,  the  high-priest,  evaded  the 
last  part  of  the  decree,  by  alleging  that  he  had 
never  cast  any  imprecation  on  him,  if  he  had 
committed  no  offence  against  the  republic.  The 
tablets  on  which  the  curses  against  fiini  had  been 
inscribed  were  taken  to  the  shore,  and  thrown 
with  eagerness  into  the  sea.  His  next  measure 
heightened,  if  possible,  the  brief  lustre  of  his 
triumph.  In  conseiiuence  of  the  fortification  of 
Decelea  by  the  Lacediemonians,  and  their  having 
])os.seKsion  of  the  passes  of  the  country,  the  pro- 
cession to  Kleusis,  in  honour  of  Athene,  liad  been 
long  unable  to  take  its  usual  course,  and  being 
conducted  by  sea,  had  lost  many  of  its  solemn 
and  august  ceremonials.  He  now,  therefore, 
offered  to  conduct  the  solemnity  by  land.  .  .  . 
His  iiroiiosai  being  gladly  accepted,  he  placed 
sentinels  on  the  hills;  and,  surrounding  the  con- 
si'crated  band  with  his  soldiers,  conducted  the 
whole  to  Kleusis  and  back  to  Athens,  without 
the  slightest  opposition,  or  breach  of  that  order 
and  profound  stillness  which  lie  had  exhorted  the 
troops  to  maintidn.  After  this  graceful  act  of 
homage  to  the  religion  he  was  once  accused  of 
destroying,  he  was  regarded  by  the  common  peo- 
ple as  something  more  tlian  human;  they  looked 
on  him  as  destined  never  to  know  defeat,  and  be- 
lieved their  triumph  was  certain  so  long  as  he 
was  their  commander.  But,  in  the  "cry  height 
of  his  popularity,  causes  of  r  second  e/'.'.e  were 
maturing.  The  great  envied  him  in  proportion 
to  the  people's  confidence,  and  that  confidence 
itself  became  the  means  of  his  ruin:  for,  as  the 
people  really  thought  the  spell  of  Invincibility 
was  upon  him,  they  were  prepared  to  attribute 
the  least  pause  in  his  career  of  glory  to  a  treach- 
erous design.  He  departed  witYi  a  hundred  ves- 
sels, manned  under  his  inspection,  with  colleagues 
of  his  own  choice,  to  reduce  the  isle  of  Chios  to 
obedience.  At  Andros  he  once  more  gained  a 
victory  over  both  the  natives  ond  the  Spartans, 
who  attempted  to  assist  them.  But,  on  his  ar- 
rival at  the  chief  scene  of  action,  ho  found  that 
lie  would  be  unable  to  keep  the  soldiers  from 
deserting,  unless  he  could  raise  money  to  pay 
them  sums  more  nearly  equal  to  those  which  the 
Lacedaemonians  offered,  than  the  pay  he  was 
able  to  bestow.  He  was  compelled,  therefore,  to 
leave  the  fleet  [at  Notium]  and  go  into  Caria  in 
order  to  obtain  supplies.  AVliile  absent  on  this 
occasion,  he  left  Atitioclius  In  the  command.  .  .  . 
To  this  oflicer  Alcibiades  gave  express  directions 
that  he  should  refrain  from  coining  to  an  engage- 
ment, whatever  provocations  ho  might  receive. 
Anxious,  however,  to  display  his  bravery,  Anti- 
ochus  took  the  first  occasion  to  sail  out  in  front  of 
tlie  Lacedfemonian  fleet,  which  lay  near  Epliesus, 
under  the  command  of  Lysander,  and  attempt, 
by  insults,  to  incite  them  to  atta('k  him.  Lysan- 
der accordingly  pursued  him ;  the  fleets  came  to 
the  support  of  their  respective  admirals,  and  a 
general  engagement  ensued,  in  which  Antiochus 
was  slain,  and  the  Athenians  completely  defeated. 
On  receiving  intelligence  of  this  unhappy  re- 
verse, Alcibiades  hastened  to  the  fleet,  aud  eager 
to  repair  tlie  misfortune,  offered  battle  i  the 
Spartans ;  Lysander,  however,  did  not  choose  to 
risk  the  loss  of  his  advantage  by  accepting  the 
challenge,  and  the  Athenians  were  compelled  to 
retire.  This  event,  for  which  no  blame  really 
attached  to  Alcibiades,  completed  the  ruin  of  his 
influence  at  Athens.    It  was  believed  that  this, 


1590 


GREECE,   n.  C.  411-407. 


GREECE,  n.  C.  405. 


the  first  instance  of  his  fnlluro,  must  hfive  arisen 
from  corruption,  or,  nt  Icitst,  from  li  want  of  in- 
clinntion  to  servo  liis  country.  IIn  wn.s  nlso  nc- 
cuscd  of  ienving  tlic  navy  under  tlie  direction  of 
those  wlio  hud  no  other  rccommendiition  to  the 
charge  but  having  been  sliarers  in  his  luxurious 
bancjuets,  and  of  having  wandered  about  to  in- 
dulge in  profligate  excesses.  .  .  .  On  these 
groun<l»,  the  people  in  his  absence  toolc  from  him 
Ills  eoinmnnd,  ond  cf>ntided  it  to  otlier  generals. 
As  soon  as  he  heard  of  this  new  act  of  ingrati- 
tude, lie  resolved  not  to  return  home,  but  witli- 
drew  into  Thrace,  and  fortified  three  castles  .  .  . 
near  to  Perinthus.  Here,  having  collected  a 
formidable  band,  as  an  Indepeadent  captain,  ho 
made  incursions  on  the  territories  of  those  of  tlic 
Tliraciaus  who  acicnowledged  no  settled  form  of 
government,  and  acquired  considerable  spoils." — 
SirT.  N.  Talfourd,  EdrlylUat.  of  Greece  (Enci/clop. 
Metropolitana),  eh.  11. 

Also  in:  C.  Thirlwall,  Hist,  of  Greeee,  eh.  29 
(d.  4). — Plutarch,  Alcibiatle». — Xenophon,  Ilelleii- 
tea,  bk.  1,  ell.  1-4. 

B.  C.  406.  —  The  Peloponnesian  War  : 
Battle  of  Arginusae. — Trial  and  execution  of 
the  generals  at  Athens. — Alciliiades  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Conon  and  nine  colleagues  in  command 
of  the  Athenian  fleet  on  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor. 
The  Athenians,  soon  ofterwards,  were  driven 
into  the  harbor  of  Jlitylene,  on  the  Island  of  Les- 
bos, by  a  superior  Peloponnesian  fleet,  com- 
manded by  Callicratidas,  and  were  blockaded 
there  with  small  chance  of  escape.  Conon  con- 
trived to  send  news  of  their  desperate  situation  to 
Athens,  ond  vigorous  meosures  were  promptly 
taken  to  rescue  the  fleet  and  to  save  Mitylene. 
Within  thirty  days,  a  fleet  of  110  triremes  was 
fitted  out  at  tlie  f'ineus,  and  monned  witli  a  crew 
whicii  took  nearly  the  lost  able-bodied  Athenian 
to  make  it  complete.  At  Samos  tliese  were 
joined  by  40  more  triremes,  making  ISO  in  oil, 
against  which  Callicratidas  was  oble  to  bring 
out  only  120  ships  from  Mitylene,  when  the  re- 
lieving armament  opprooched.  The  two  fleets 
encountered  one  another  near  the  islonds  of  Ar- 
ginustc,  off  Cape  Molca,  the  soutliern  promon- 
tory of  Lesbos.  In  the  battle  that  ensued,  wliicli 
was  the  greatest  naval  conflict  of  the  Peloponne- 
sian War,  the  Atiienians  were  completely  vic- 
torious; Collicrotidas  was  drowned  and  no  less 
than  77  of  the  Peloponnesian  ships  were  de- 
stroyed, while  tlie  Athenians  themselves  lost  25. 
As  the  result  of  this  battle  Sparta  agoin  mode 
overtures  of  peace,  as  she  had  done  after  the 
battle  of  Cyzicus,  and  Athens,  led  by  her  dema- 
gogues, again  rejected  them.  But  the  Athenian 
demagogues  and  populace  did  worse.  Tliey 
summoned  home  the  eight  generals  who  had 
won  tlie  battle  of  Arginusre,  to  answer  to  o 
chorge  of  having  neglected,  after  the  victory,  to 
pick  up  the  flooting  bodies  of  the  Athenion  dead 
and  to  rescue  tiie  drowning  from  the  wrecked 
ships  of  their  fleet.  Six  of  the  accused  generals 
came  home  to  meet  the  charge ;  but  two  thought 
it  prudent  to  go  into  voluntary  exile.  The  six 
were  brought  to  trial ;  tlie  forms  of  legality  were 
violoted  to  their  prejudice  and  all  means  were 
unscrupulously  employed  to  work  up  the  popular 
passion  ogainst  them.  One  man,  only,  omong 
thfc  prytanes  — senotors,  that  is,  of  the  tribe  then 
presidmg,  ond  who  were  the  presidents  of  the 
popularassembly  — stood  out,  without  flinching, 
ogainst  the  lawless  roge  of  his  fellow  citizens, 


and  refused,  in  calm  scorn  of  all  flerci)  threats 
against  himself,  to  join  in  taking  the  unconstitu- 
tional vote.  That  one  was  the  philosopher  Hoc- 
nites.  The  g<'nerals  were  condennied  to  deatli 
and  received  the  fatal  draught  of  hemlock  from 
the  same  pop\ilace  which  pressed  it  a  little  later 
to  the  lips  of  the  philosopher.  "Thus  died  the 
son  of  Pericles  and  Aspiusia  [one  of  the  generals, 
who  bore  his  father's  name],  to  whom  his  father 
had  made  a  fatal  gift  in  obtaining  for  him  the 
Attic  citizenship,  ond  with  liim  Krasinides,  Thro- 
sylus,  Lysias,  Aristocrates,  and  Diomedon.  The 
last-nomed,  the  most  innr)cent  of  oil,  who  had 
wished  thot  the  whole  fleet  should  inmiediotely 
be  employed  in  search  of  the  wrecked,  addressed 
the  people  once  more;  he  expressed  a  wisli  that 
the  decree  dooming  liim  to  death  miglit  Ihj  lK>ne- 
ficittl  to  the  state,  and  called  upon  his  fellow- 
citizens  to  perform  tlie  thanksgiving  oilerings  to 
the  saving  gods  which  they,  the  generals,  had 
vowed  on  account  of  their  victory.  Tliese  words 
moy  have  su.'ik  deep  'nto  the  hearts  of  many  of 
his  hearers ;  but  their  only  effect  has  been  to  cast 
a  yet  brighter  halo  in  the  eyes  of  subsequent 

fenerations  aro'.ind  the  memory  of  these  martyrs, 
heir  innocen™  is  best  proved  by  the  series  of 
gloring  infro'Jtions  of  low  and  morolity  which 
were  needed  to  ensure  their  destruction,  oa  well 
OS  by  the  shame  and  repugnance  whicli  seized 
upr.il  the  citizens,  wlicn  tliey  had  recognized  how 
fearfully  they  had  been  led  ostroy  by  a  traitorous 
faction.  — E.  Curtius,  IIM.  of  Oreeee,  bk.  4,  eh. 
5  (p.  3). — Mr.  Grote  attempts  to  uphold  a  view 
more  unfavorable  to  tae  generals  and  less  severe 
upon  the  Athenian  people. — G.  Grote,  Hist,  of 
Greece,  pt.  2,  eh.  64. 

Also  in:  Xenophon,  JTellenica,  bk.  1,  eh.  5-7. 
See,  also,  Athens:  B.  C.  424-406. 

B.  C.  405.— The  Peloponnesian  War:  De- 
cisive battle  of  Aigospotamoi. — Defeat  of  the 
Athenians. —  After  the  execution  of  the  gen- 
erals, "  no  long  time  passed  before  the  Atiienians 
repented  of  tlieir  madness  and  their  crimes:  but, 
yielding  still  to  their  old  besetting  sin,  they  in- 
sisted, as  they  had  done  In  the  days  of  Miltiodes 
and  ofter  the  cotustrophe  at  Syracuse,  on  throw- 
ing the  blame  not  on  themselves  but  on  tlieir  ad- 
visers. Tills  greot  crime  began  at  once  to  pro- 
duce its  natural  fruits.  The  people  were  losing 
confidence  in  their  officers,  who,  in  their  turn,  felt 
that  no  services  to  the  state  could  secure  them 
agoinst  illegal  prosecutions  and  arbitrary  penal- 
ties. Corruption  was  eating  its  woy  into  the 
heart  of  the  state,  and  treason  wos  losing  its  ugli- 
ness In  the  eyes  of  many  who  thought  themselves 
none  the  worse  for  dallying  with  it.  .  .  .  The 
Athenian  fleet  had  fallen  back  upon  Samos;  and 
with  this  island  as  a  bose,  the  generals  were  oc- 
cupying themselves  with  movements,  not  for 
crusiiing  the  enemy,  but  for  obtaining  money. 
.  .  .  The  Spartans,  whether  at  home  or  on  the 
Asiatic  coast,  were  now  well  aware  thot  one  more 
battle  would  decide  the  issue  of  the  war;  for 
with  another  defeat  tlie  subsidies  of  the  Per- 
sians would  be  witlidrawn  from  them  as  from 
men  doomed  to  failure,  and  perhaps  be  trans- 
ferred to  the  Athenians.  In  tlie  array  and  fleet 
the  cry  was  raised  that  Lysandros  was  the  only 
man  equal  to  the  emergency.  Spartan  custom 
could  not  appoint  the  some  man  twice  to  the 
office  of  admiral ;  but  when  Arokos  wos  sent  out 
with  Lysandros  [Lysonder]  os  his  secretory,  it 
was  understood  thot  the  latter  was  really  the 


1591 


GREECE,  B.  C.  40.1. 


Npnrtnn 
U'lir  with  Vrrtiu. 


OIIEECE,  D.  C.  800-887. 


mnn  In  power."  In  tlic  gummcr  of  40.1  H.  C. 
Lywtnilrog  mnilc  it  snililcn  iiiDVciiK'iit  fnim  the 
guutlivrn  ..EKcnii  to  the  llcllcsiiont.  aiiil  laid  hIi'^c 
to  tliu  r\v\\  town  of  LiiiiipwicuH,  on  tlio  A»iatlc 
»l(le.  The  Atlicnlan.s  followed  lilni.  bnt  not 
nromntly  lmioukIi  to  save  Lampsaciis.wliicli  llicy 
foiHul  In  111.1  poNScsNion  when  they  iirrlvcil.  Tliry 
took  tliclrHtation,  thi'rciipon,  at  the  nioiitliof  tliu 
little  stream  called  the  AiKo.^polaniol  (the  Uoat's 
Stream),  direcllv  opi)i>site  to  Lampsacus,  and  en- 
deavored for  tour  Muccessive  (lay.i  to  provoke 
LyHandros  to  fli;lit.  lie  refuwd.  watehlng  hl.s  op- 
portunity for  the  surprise  which  he  elTeete<l  on 
the  flflli  day,  wlien  he  dashed  across  the  narrow 
channel  ancf  caught  the  Athenian  sldps  unpre- 
pared, their  crews  mostly  scattered  on  shore. 
One  only,  of  tlic  si.x  Athenian  generals,  t'onon, 
had  fores<'en  danger  an<i  was  alert.  Conon,  with 
twelve  triremes,  escaped.  The  remnining  ships, 
al)out  one  hundred  and  seventy  in  numher,  were 
captured  almost  without  the  loss  of  u  man  on  the 
Pelopomicslan  side.  ( )f  the  crews,  some  three  or 
four  thousand  Athenians  were  pursued  on  shore 
and  taken  prisoners,  to  he  afterwards  slaughtered 
in  cold  bl(H)d.  Two  of  the  Incapaldo  generals 
shared  their  fate.  <Jf  the  other  generals  who 
escaped,  some  nt  least  were  helieveil  to  have  iH'en 
l)rihe(l  liv  Lysjuulros  to  betray  the  fleet  into  his 
hands.  The  blow  to  Athens  was  deadly.  She 
had  no  power  of  resistance  left,  and  when  her 
enemies  closed  around  licr,  a  little  later,  she 
starved  within  her  walls  tnitil  resistance  seemed 
no  longer  heroic,  and  then  gave  herself  up  to  their 
mercy. — G.  AV.  C'ox,  The  Athiiiiaii  Empire,  ch.  7. 

Ai'so  in:  C.  Tliirlwall,  JlUt.  of  Oveece,  eh.  80 
(v.  4). — Plutarcli,  Lyximier. — Xenophon,  lleUen- 
iea.  bk.  2,  ch.  1. 

B.  C.  404. — End  of  the  Peloponnesian  War. 
—Fall  of  Athens.    See  Athens:  U.  C.  404. 

B.  C.  404-403.  —  Tlie  Year  of  Anarchy  at 
Athens. — Reign  of  the  Thirty.  See  Athens: 
B.  t'.  404-40;J. 

B.  C.  40i-'400.  —  The  expedition  of  Cyrus, 
and  the  Ketreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand  Greeks. 
Sec  Persi.*.:  B.  C.  401-400. 

B.  C.  390-387.— Spartan  war  with  Persia.— 
Greelc  confederacy  against  Sparta.. — The  Co- 
rinthian War.— Peace  of  Antalcidas. — Tlic  suc- 
cessful retreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand  from  Cu- 
naxa,  through  the  lengtli  of  the  Persian 
dominions  (B.  C.  401-400),  and  the  account  wliich 
they  brought  of  tlie  essential  liollowncss  of 
the  power  of  the  Great  King,  producnl  an  im- 
portant change  among  the  Greeks  in  their  esti- 
mate of  the  Persian  monarchy  as  an  enemy  to  bo 
feared.  Sparta  became  ashamed  of  having  aban- 
doned the  Greek  cities  of  Asia  Minor  to  their  old 
oppressors,  as  she  did  after  breaking  the  strength 
of  tlieir  protector,  Athens,  in  the  Peloponnesian 
War.  When,  therefore,  the  Persians  began  to 
lay  siege  to  the  coast  cities  which  resisted  them, 
Sparta  found  spirit  enough  to  interfere  (B.  C. 
399)  and  sent  over  a  small"  army,  into  which  the 
surviving  Cyrcans  were  also  enlisted.  The  only 
immediate  result  was  a  truce  with  the  Persian 
satrap.  But,  meantime,  the  Athenian  general 
Conon — he  who  escaped  with  a  few  triremes  from 
^Egospotami  and  tied  to  Cyprus  — had  there 
established  relations  with  the  Persian  court  at 
Susa  and  had  acquired  a  great  influence,  which 
he  used  to  bring  about  the  creation  of  a  power- 
ful Persian  armament  against  Sparta,  himself  in 
command.     The  news  of  this  armament,  reach- 


ing Sparta,  provoked  the  latter  to  a  more  vigorous 
prosecution  of  »lie  war  In  Asia  Minor.  King 
Agesilaus  took  the  fleld  In  lonin  with  a  strimg 
army  and  conducted  two  brillinnt  campaigns 
(B.  (\  aUfl-SO.I),  pointing  the  way,  nsitwere,  lotlio 
expedition  of  Alexander  a  couple  of  generations 
later.  The  most  important  victory  won  was  on 
the  Pactoliis,  not  far  from  Sardls.  But,  in  the 
midst  of  Ills  successes,  Agesilaus  was  called  homo  , 
by  troubles  wliicli  arose  In  Greece.  Sparta,  by 
Iier  arrogance  :ind  oi)pres8ivo  policy,  hail  already 
alienated  all  the  Greek  states  which  helped  her 
to  break  down  Athens  in  the  Peloponnesian  War. 
Persian  agents,  with  money,  had  assisted  her 
enemies  to  organize  a  league  against  her.  Thebes 
and  Alliens,  first,  then  Argos  and  Corinth,  with 
several  of  the  lesser  states,  became  eonfedcrated 
in  an  agreement  to  overtiirow  her  domination. 
In  an  attempt  to  crush  Thebes,  the  Spartans  were 
badly  beaten  at  lIaliartus(B.  C.  39,'5),  where  their 
famous  Ly.sander,  conqueror  of  Athens,  was 
killed.  Their  power  in  central  and  nortliern 
Greece  was  virtually  annihilated,  and  then  fol- 
lowed a  struggle  witli  their  leagued  enemies  for 
the  control  of  the  Corinthian  isthmus,  whence 
came  the  name  of  the  (.'orinthian  War.  It  was 
this  situation  of  things  at  home  which  called  back 
King  Agesilaus  from  his  campaigns  in  Asia  Minor. 
He  had  ecarcely  crossed  the  Hellespont  on  his  re- 
turn, In  July  B.  C.  394,  before  all  his  work  in 
Asia  was  undone  by  an  overwhelming  naval  vic- 
tory achieved  at  Cnydus  liy  the  Athenian  Conon, 
commanding  the  Persian-Phipniclau  fleet.  With 
his  veteran  army,  including  the  old  Cyreans,  now 
returning  home  after  seven  years  of  incredible 
ndventur'.i  and  hardships,  lie  made  his  way 
tlirough  all  enemies  into  Ba^otia  and  fought  a 
battle  with  the  league  at  Coronea,  In  which  lie  so 
far  gained  a  victory  that  he  held  the  fleld,  although 
the  fruits  of  it  were  doubtful.  The  Spartans  on 
the  isthmus  had  also  just  gained  a  considerable 
success  near  Corintii,  on  the  banks  of  the  Nemea. 
Gn  the  whole,  the  results  of  the  war  were  in  their 
favor,  until  Conon  and  the  Persian  satrap,  Phar- 
nabazus,  came  over  with  the  victorious  fleet  from 
Cnydus  and  lent  its  aid  to  the  league.  The  most 
importJint  proceeding  of  Conon  was  to  rebuild 
(B.  C.  393),  with  the  help  of  his  Persian  friends, 
the  Long  Walls  of  Athens,  which  the  Pelopon- 
ncsians  had  required  to  be  thrown  down  eleven 
years  before.  By  this  means  he  restored  to 
Athens  her  inijependence  and  secured  for  her  a 
new  career  of  commercial  prosperity.  During 
six  years  more  the  war  was  tediously  prolonged, 
without  important  or  decisive  events,  while 
Sparta  intrigued  to  detach  the  Persian  king  from 
his  Athenian  allies  and  the  latter  intrigueu  to  re- 
tain his  friendship.  In  the  end,  all  parties  were 
exhausted — Sparta,  perhaps,  least  so  —  and  ac- 
cepted a  shomeful  peace  which  was  practically 
dictated  by  the  Persian  and  had  the  form  of  an 
edict  or  mandate  from  Susa,  in  the  following 
terms :  "  The  king,  Artaxerxes,  deems  it  j  ust  that 
the  cities  in  Asia,  with  the  islands  of  Clazoraenae 
and  Cyprus,  should  belong  to  himself ;  the  rest  of 
the  Hellenic  cities  he  thinks  it  just  to  leave  inde- 
pendent, both  small  and  great,  with  the  exception 
of  Lemnos,  Imbros,  and  Scyros,  which  three  are  to 
belong  to  Athens  as  of  yore.  Should  any  of  the 
parties  concerned  not  accept  this  peace,  I,  Artax- 
erxes, will  war  against  him  or  them  with  those 
who  share  my  views.  This  will  I  do  by  land  and 
by  sea,  with  ships  and  with  money. "    By  this. 


1592 


OIUOKCE,  H.  V.  309-387. 


Sfnirtitti 


(lUKKOK,   U.  ('.  a7U  ;I71 


oiillwl  tlio  PcttW!  of  Antiilcldns  (B.  (".  3«7)  from 
till'  Ijiiccdii'inonliiii  wlm  wils  iiislruinriitiil  in 
liriiixiiijj  It  about,  till'  liiiiiiiti  (irri'kH  wcrr  oiiii' 
morn  abaiiiloiii'd  to  llii'  I'lTslaii  kliiK  anil  IiIm 
satraps,  wliili-  Sparta,  wliicli  assumcil  to  bctlir 
adniiiiiHlratoranil  cxiTiitor  of  tlii' tri'aty,  wascoii- 
llrmed  in  licr  Kiipri'inacy  over  the  ollii'r  (Jrcrian 
states. — Xciioi>lii>ii,  lliileiticnitr.  Inj  JJiiAyim),  l)k. 
3-5(11,2). 

Also  in;  C  Sanltcy,  Tlw  8mrliiii  and  Tltdxm 
.Sujireiimrien,  eh.  7-1).— W.  Mitford,  irM.  ••fdmec, 
ch.  %i-lTt  (v.  4).— (>.  llawiinso",  Tlu:  Fiiv  (Inal 
MiiiKirdiifn,  I'.  !1;   I'l'iMiii,  c/i.  7. 

B.  C.  385,— Destruction  of  Mantinea  by  tlie 
Spartans.— TIk;  MaMliiu'iaiis.  liavin;,'  iliM|)Ia.vril 
UMfricndliiifsa  to  Hparta  diiriiif?  tlio  Coriiitliian 
War,  were  rciiuiri'd  l)y  tliu  latter,  .ifter  llie 
Peace  of  Antaleidas.  to  deinoli.sli  llicir  wall.s. 
On  their  refu-sid,  kinn  Agesipoliswa-s  sent  tosiili 
due  tliein.  By  <iainndii)^  up  tlie  waters  of  the 
river  Oi)his  lie  liooded  the  city  and  broiif^lit  it  to 
terms.  "The  city  of  Alantineia  was  now  liroUen 
up,  and  tlio  inlnibltants  w(!ru  distributed  again 
into  the  Ave  constituent  villages.  (Jut  of  four- 
llftiis  of  the  population  each  man  pulled  down 
his  liouse  in  tliu  city,  and  rebuilt  it  in  the 
village  near  to  which  liis  property  lay.  The  re- 
maining (iftli  continued  to  occtipy  Maiitineia  as 
u  village.  Each  village  was  placed  luider  oligar- 
chical government  and  left  vuifortilled. " — (i. 
Qrote,  JIM.  of  Greeee,  pi.  2,  ch.  7(1  (c.  «). 

A1.80  in:  Xenoplioii,  Ildliiiica,  hk.  5,  ch.  2. 

B.  C.  383,— The  betrayal  of  Thebes  to  the 
Spartans, — When  the  Hpartans  sent  their  e.\pe- 
<lition  against  Olynthus,  in  383  IJ.  C. ,  it  nmrclied 
in  two  divisions,  tlie  last  of  wiiicli,  under  Plioe- 
bidns,  lialted  lit  Tliel)es,  on  the  way,  probal)ly 
having  secret  orders  to  do  so.  "On  reaching 
Thebes  tlio  troops  encamped  outside  tlio  city, 
round  tlie  gymnasium.  Faction  was  rife  within 
the  city.  Tlio  two  polemarclis  in  office,  Ismenias 
and  Leontiades,  were  diametrically  opposed,  be- 
ing the  respective  heads  of  antagonistic  political 
clubs.  Hence  it  was  that,  while  Ismenias,  ever 
inspired  by  hatred  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  would 
not  come  anywhere  near  tlio  Spartan  general, 
Leontiades,  on  the  other  hand,  was  assiduous  in 
courting  him;  and  when  a  sutlicient  intimacy 
was  established  between  tliem,  he  made  u  propo- 
sal as  follows:  'You  have  it  in  your  power,' he 
said,  addressing  Phoebidas,  '  tliis  very  day  to  con- 
fer supreme  benefit  on  your  country.  Follow 
me  with  your  hoplites,  and  I  will  intioduce  you 
into  the  citadel.'" — Xenophon,  Ilellenica  (tr.  by 
Dakyns),  bk.  5,  ch.  2  (o.  2).—"  On  the  day  of  the 
Thesmophoria,  a  religious  festival  celebrated  by 
the  women  apart  from  the  men,  during  wli':  -. 
the  acropolis,  or  Kadmcia,  was  consecrated  to 
their  exclusive  use,  Phoebidas,  affecting  to  have 
concluded  his  lialt,  put  himself  in  marcli  to  pro- 
ceed as  if  towards  Thrace;  seemingly  rounding 
the  walls  of  Tliebes,  but  not  going  into  it.  The 
Senate  was  actually  assembled  in  tlie  portico  of 
tlie  agora,  and  the  heat  of  a  summer's  noon  had 
driven  every  one  out  of  the  streets,  when  Leon- 
tiades, stealing  away  from  the  Senate,  hastened 
on  horseback  to  overtake  Phoebidas,  caused  him 
to  face  about,  and  conducted  the  Lacedtemonians 
straight  up  to  the  Kadmeia;  the  gates  of  which, 
as  well  as  those  of  the  town,  were  opened  to  his 
order  as  Poleraarch.  There  were  not  only  no 
citizens  in  the  streets,  but  none  even  in  the  Kad- 
jneia;   no  male  person  being  permitted  to  bo 

^"l        .  1593 


iiresont  at  the  feminine  ThcRinoplioria;  so  that 
I'hii'bidas  and  his  army  liecame  pimsesscd  of  tliu 
Kailnii'ia  witliout  the  smalli'sl  oppositinii.  .  .  . 
The  news  of  tlii'  Kci/.ure  of  the  Kadmeia  and  of 
the  revolution  at  Thelii'S  |was|  .  .  .  rereived  at 
Sparta  with  Ilie  greatest  siirprl.se,  as  well  as  with 
a  ini.vi'd  feeling  of  shame  and  .Hatisl'aetion. 
Kverywiiere  throughout  (ireece,  probably,  it  ex- 
cited a  greater  Hciisation  than  any  event  sinru 
tli(^  battle  of  .Kgospotami.  Tried  by  the  recog- 
nised public  law  of  (ireeie,  it  was  a  liagillolH 
iiiiiiuity,  for  wliieli  Sparta  had  not  tlie  shadow 
of  a  pieliiue.  ...  It  stoiid  (Diidemned  by  llio 
indignaiil  sentiment  of  all  Ureeee,  unwillingly 
testilieil  even  by  the  philo-Laioniaii  Xenoplioii 
liiinself.  lint  it  was  at  the  same  time  an  im- 
mense accession  to  Spartan  power.  .  .  .  I'hiebi- 
das  niiglil  well  claim  to  have  struck  for  Sparta 
the  most  iinportant  blow  since  .Kgosiiotaini,  re- 
lieving her  from  one  of  her  two  really  formidable 
enemies." — (i.  Grole.  Ilinl.  af  < I rn-iv ,  jit.  2,  ch.  7(1. 
Also  IN":  (',  Tliirlwall,   llul.  of  (lircci-,  ch.  37 

B.  C.  383-379.— Overthrow  of  the  Olynthian 
confederacy  by  Sparta.  —  Among  tlie  Ureidt 
cities  which  were  founded  at  an  early  day  in 
that  peninsula  of  .Macedonia  called  C'lialcidice, 
from  C'lialcis,  in  Eiibiea,  which  colonized  the 
greater  number  of  them,  Olynthus  became  the 
most  im|)ortant.  It  long  maintained  its  inde- 
pendence against  the  Macedonian  kings,  on  one 
hand,  and  against  Atliens,  wlien  Athens  ruled 
the  yKgean  and  its  coasts,  on  tlio  other.  As  It 
grew  in  power,  it  took  under  its  protection  the 
le.sser  towns  of  the  peninsula  and  adjacent  Mace- 
donia, and  formed  a  confederacy  among  them, 
which  gradually  extended  to  the  larger  cities 
and  ac(iuired  a  formidable  character.  Hut  two 
of  the  Chalcidion  cities  watched  this  growth  of 
Olynthus  with  jealousy  and  refused  to  bo  con- 
federated with  her.  More  than  that,  they  joined 
the  Macedonians  in  standing  an  embassy  (U.  C. 
383)  to  Sparta,  then  all-powerful  in  Greece,  after 
the  Peace  of  Antalcidiis,  and  invoked  her  inter- 
vention, to  suppress  tlie  ri.siug  Olynthian  con- 
federacy. The  response  of  Sparta  was  prompt, 
and  although  the  Olynthiaus  defended  them- 
selves witli  valor,  inflicting  one  severe  defeat 
upon  the  Laccdiumonian  allies,  they  were  forced 
at  lust  (B.  0.  37U)  to  submit  and  the  confederacy 
was  dissolved.  "By  the  peace  of  Antalkidas, 
Sparta  had  surrendered  the  Asiatic  Greeks  to 
Persia ;  by  crusliing  the  Olynthian  confederacy, 
she  virtually  surrendered  the  Thraciun  Greeks  to 
the  Macedonian  princes.  .  .  .  She  gave  tlio  vic- 
tory to  Amyntiis  [king  of  Macedonia],  and  pre- 
pared the  indispensable  basis  upon  whicli  his  son 
Philip  afterwards  rose,  to  reduce  not  only  Olyn- 
thus, but  .  .  .  the  major  jiart  of  the  Grecian 
world,  to  one  common  level  of  subjection." — G. 
Orote,  Jlist.  of  Greece,  pt.  2,  ch.  76  (».  9). 

Also  in:  £,.  A.  Freeman,  Ilist.  of  Federal 
OoDt.,  ch.  4,  sect.  3. 

B.  C.  379-371.— The  liberation  of  Thebes 
and  her  rise  to  supremacy. — The  humbline  of 
Sparta. — For  three  years  after  the  betrayal  ot  the 
Acropolis,  or  Cadniea,  of  Thebes  to  the  Spartans, 
the  city  groaned  under  the  tyranny  of  the  oli- 
garchical party  of  Leontiades,  whom  the  Spartans 
supported.  Several  hundreds  of  the  more  prom- 
inent of  the  democratic  and  patriotic  party  found 
a  refuge  at  Athens,  and  the  deliverance  of  Thebes 
was  effected  at  last,  about  December,  B.  C.  379, 


(JHKKCK,   II.  <  .  ;I7(»-!IT1. 


Thtbtt. 


(UiKKCE,  B.  C,  071-863. 


by  a  iliirinu;  pntiTprlsc  on  the  |mrl  tif  m'iuv  of 
IhifM-  cxilcH.  Tliclr  pliiiiH  wiTc  (diiciTtcd  wllli 
frlcnilM  lit  TIicIm'H.  cmihi  liilly  witli  mir  IMiyllldim, 
who  Imil  rcliiiiicil  the  tdiiliilciici' of  the  piirlv  In 
IHUVcr,  Ixiii);  sdiclnry  to  tlir  polciniircllH.  I'lii! 
Iciiilcr  of  till'  iiiiiliTtak'lnjf  was  Niclon,  "After  a 
(frtiiin  Interval  Milon,  aeeonipanled  liy  hIv  of  the 
Iruslli'Kt  coinrailes  lie  could  Ihid  iinion>?  IiIh  fel- 
low exllex,  Hit  oir  for  Tlielies.  Tliey  were  iiniied 
Willi  nolliiiiK  '"It  dat-'iriTH,  iind  llrst  of  nil  erept 
inio  the  MciKhlioiirliood  iukUt  rover  of  nU'ht. 
The  whole  of  tlii'  next  day  they  lay  concealeil  in 
It  (IcHert  place,  and  drew  near  to  the  <lly  itnlvn  In 
tlie  K>dHC  <>f  lalioiirerH  n'tiirnin);  home  with  the 
laU'Ht  coinerH  from  the  HcIiIh.  Having'  got  wifely 
within  the  eily,  they  Hpent  the  whole  of  that 
ni>;hl  at  thi!  hoiiHe  ol^^  a  man  niiined  Chitron.  anil 
UKaln  the  next  day  In  the  Hiinie  fa.slilon.  I'hylli- 
da8  meanwhile  wiiH  liiisiiy  talten  up  willi  the  con 
ceriiH  of  lilt)  polemarcliH,  who  were  to  eeiehrate 
It  feiist  of  ApliriHlite  on  ({"'"K  <'"t  <>'  oUh'e. 
Amoii/{Ht  other  thiuKH,  tlie  secretary  was  to  take 
UiIh  opportunity  of  f  nltlllinf^  an  old  undertitkiii);. 
which  was  the  inlrcMluetion  of  eertitin  women  to 
the  polenmrchs.  They  were  to  l)e  the  most  ma- 
iestic  and  the  most  heautifiil  to  he  found  in 
Thelies.  .  .  .  Hiippcr  was  over,  and,  thanks  to  thu 
zeal  witli  which  the  master  of  the  ceremonies  re- 
sponded to  their  miK)d,  they  were  speedily  intoxl- 
cut<  il.  To  their  oft-repeiitcd  orders  to  introduce 
their  niistre8s<'S,  he  went  out  and  fetched  Melon 
und  the  rest,  three  of  them  dressed  up  as  ladies 
mid  the  rest  as  their  attendant  maidens.  ...  It 
wits  preconcerted  that  as  soon  us  they  were 
sciited  they  weO!  to  throw  aside  tlieir  veils  and 
strike  home.  That  is  one!  version  of  the  death  of 
the  poleinarclis.  Accorling  to  unotlier.  Melon 
nnd  his  friends  came  in  as  revellers,  und  so  des- 
putched  their  vi(!tims. " — Xenoiihon,  IhUenira 
(tr.  b>i  Jhi/ii/iiJi),  Ilk.  5,  eh.  4. — Having  thus  made 
way  with  the  polemarclis,  the  conspinitors  sur- 
pri8<'d  Ijeonliadcsinhisown  house  and  slew  him. 
They  then  liberated  and  armed  the  prisoners 
whom  they  found  in  conllnement  und  sent  her- 
olds  through  the  city  to  proclaim  the  freedom  of 
Thebes.  A  general  rally  of  the  citizens  followed 
promptly.  The  party  of  the  oppression  was  to- 
tally crushed  and  its  prominent  metubers  ]iut  to 
death.  The  Spartan  garrison  in  tlie  Cadmeii  ca- 
pitulated and  was  siilTered  to  march  out  without 
molestation.  The  government  of  Thebes  was  re- 
organized on  It  more  popular  basis,  and  with  u 
view  to  restoring  the  Hieotian  League,  in  a  per- 
fected state,  with  Thebes  for  its  head  (see 
TiiBiiKs:  B.  C.  378).  In  the  war  with  tipartu  which 
followed,  Athens  was  soon  involved,  and  the 
Spartjins  were  driven  from  uU  their  footliolds  in 
the  Bu'otian  towns.  Then  Athens  and  Thebes 
(luarreled  ufresli,  and  the  Spartuns,  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  the  isolation  of  the  latter,  invaded  her 
territxjry  once  more.  But  Thebes,  under  the 
training  of  her  great  statesman  and  soldier, 
Epaminondas,  had  become  strong  enough  to  face 
her  Laeeda-'monian  enemy  without  lielp,  and  in 
the  niomentoua  battle  of  Leuctra,  fought  July  6, 
B.  C.  371,  on  a  plain  not  far  from  Plata-ic,  the 
domineering  power  of  Sparta  was  broken  forever. 
"It  was  the  most  important  of  ull  the  battles  ever 
fought  between  Greeks.  On  this  day  Thebes  l)e- 
camc  an  independent  power  in  Greece,  and  a  re- 
turn of  Spartan  despotism  was  henceforth  impos- 
sible for  ull  times."— E.  Curtius,  Ilitt.  of  Oretce, 
bk.  0,  ch.  1  (p.  4). 


Al.sii  IN  :  Plutarch,  y'W»/(i(/iM.— (J.  drote,  lli»t. 
•■f  llrrfd.  lit.  ',',  ell.  77-7H  — ('.  Hankey,  Tlie  ^jmr- 
tun  mill  'lliiliiiii  Siiiirrmiicim,  I'/i.  10-11. 

B.  C.  378-357.— The  new  Athenian  Con- 
federacv.— The    Social    Wan     See    Atiiknr: 

M.  ('.  !ifM-,ri7. 

B.  C.  371.  -The  Arcadian  union. — Restora- 
tion of  Mantinea.— Building  of  Megalopolis. 

—  One  of  lh(!  first  cITc  els  of  tlie  battle  of  Leuctni 
(It.  ('.  371),  which  eiideil  the  domination  of  Sparta 
ill  Greek  alTitirs,  was  to  emancipate  the  Arcadiaim 
and  to  work  great  changes  among  them.  Miin- 
tiiiea,  which  llie  Spartans  had  destroyed,  was  re- 
built tlie  sami!  year.  Then  "the  cidefs  of  the 
parties  opposed  to  the  Spartan  interest  in  tlu' 
|)rlnclpal  Arcadian  totviis  eoneerted  a  plan  for 
H<'('iiring  till!  iiidepeiidcncit  of  Arcadia,  anil  for 
raising  it  to  u  higher  rank  than  it  had  hitherto 
held  in  the  political  nyHtem  of  Grec  ■.  With  a 
territory  more  extenfive  limn  any  other  region  of 
l'elop(mnesus,  peopl''d  by  a  hanly  race,  proud  of 
its  ancient  origin  and  immemorial  possessiim  of 
the  land,  and  of  its  lu'culiar  religious  traditions, 
Arcadia  —  tlic  Greek  Hwitzerlaiid  —  had  never 
possessed  any  weiglit  in  the  ulTiiirsof  the  niilion; 
tlie  land  only  served  us  a  thoroughfare  for  Jiostile 
armies,  und  sent  I'ortli  its  sons  to  recruit  the 
forces  of  foreign  powers.  .  .  .  Tlio  object  wan 
to  unite  the  Arcadian  people  in  one  body,  yet  so 
as  not  to  destroy  the  Independenceof  the  particu- 
lar states;  and  with  tills  view  it  was  proposed  to 
found  a  metropolis,  to  institute  a  national  coun- 
cil wliicli  should  be  invested  witli  supreme  au- 
thority in  foreign  ufTiiirs,  partieularly  with  re- 
gard to  pence  and  wiir,  und  to  establisli  a  military 
force  for  the  jirotection  of  th(!  public  safety.  .  .  . 
Within  a  few  months  uft<'r  the  battle  of  Leuctra, 
a  meeting  of  Arcadians  from  all  the  principal 
towns  was  held  to  deliberate  on  the  measure; 
and  under  its  decree  a  body  of  colonists,  collected 
from  various  quarters,  proceeded  to  found  a  new 
city,  which  was  to  be  the  seat  of  the  general  gov- 
ernment, und  wits  called  Megalepolis,  or  Mega- 
lopolis (the  Great  City).  Tlie  site  chosen  was  on 
the  banks  of  the  llelisson,  u  small  stream  tribu- 
tary to  the  Alphcus.  .  .  .  The  city  was  designed 
on  It  very  large  scuh',  and  the  mu^nitude  of  tlie 
public  buildings  corresponded  to  Us  extent;  the 
theutre  wus  ilio  most  spucioiis  in  Greece.  .  .  . 
The  |)opulation  was  to  be  drawn  .  .  .  from  a 
greut  number  of  the  most  unciimt  Arcudian 
towns.  Pausadias  gives  a  list  of  forty  which 
were  required  to  contribute  to  it.  The  greater 
part  of  them  appear  to  have  been  entirely  de- 
serted by  their  inhabituuts." — C.  Thirl  wall,  Iltiit. 
of  Greece,  ch.  30  ((,'.  !>). — "Tlio  patriotic  enthu- 
siasm, however,  out  of  wliicli  Slegalopolis  liiul 
first  arisen,  gradually  became  enfeebled.  The 
city  never  attained  that  preeminence  or  power 
which  its  founders  contemplated,  and  which  had 
caused  the  city  to  be  laid  out  on  a  sciile  too  large 
for  the  population  actually  inhabiting  it." — G. 
Qrote,  Jlist.  of  Greece,  pt.  3,  ch.  78. 

B.  C.  371-362. — Popular  fury  in  Argos. — 
Arcadian  union  and  disunion. — Restoration 
of  Mantinea.  —  Expeditions  of  Epaminondas 
into  Peloponnesus. — His  attempts  against 
Sparta. — His  victory  and  death  at  Mantinea. 
— "In  many  of  the  Pelopouncsiaa  cities,  when 
the  power  of  Sparta  seemed  visibly  on  the  wane, 
internal  commotions  had  arisen,  and  much  blood 
had  been  shed  on  both  sides.  But  now  Argos 
displayed  the  most  fearful  example  of  popular 


1594 


ORBECB,  H.  C.  371 -IW.' 


MMimiHoiKiiu  anil  Ihr 


(lltKKCE,  H.  C.  a71-8«2. 


(iirv  rpfonli'il  In  (Irrck  iuiiiiiIh,  rrd  \\»  tliry  iirc 
with  talcM  iiT  civil  hloixlslii'il  'I'lii-  (Iciiiornilic^ 
|Hi|)uliic-<!  (Iclcclcil  11  cmisplnnv  iiiiuiii«  llic  oil 
Utiircli»,  mill  thirty  "f  H"'  <l"l«'f  rlH/''""  w<rtt  ul 
once  put  to  (Iciitir  The  <'Xi.'ltc>iiciit  of  the  iwoplii 
wiiH  liitliiiiii'd  liy  Ilic  liiiranKiicM  of  iIciiiiikokik'H, 
and  the  mob,  lirniJMK  itself  «illi  ciidKclH,  com 
niiiiccd  a K'''"'''!''  max»ii<'r<'-  When  l.'JiHlciti/.criH 
hiiil  fallen,  the  |)o|iiilar  orators  interfered  to 
check  the  alrocilles,  hilt  met  with  tile  Name  fate; 
uiid.  Hated  at  ieii^tth  with  hloodslii  cl,  the  multi- 
tude Htayed  the  deadly  work.  hut  where  the 
nrcHHuru  of  Spartan  Interference  had  been  heav- 
iest and  most  constant,  there  the  reaction  was 
naturally  most  strlkinK.  Tlie  iiopular  linpulaeH 
which  were  at  work  In  Arkadia  \wv.  above  |  found 
their  tlmt  outlet  in  tlie  rebuilding  of  Maiitlnela." 
But  there  was  far  from  unanimity  in  the  Ar 
kadlaii  national  movement.  "In  Te>?eu  .  .  . 
public  opinion  wiih  divided.  The  city  had  been 
treated  by  Hparta  with  Hpcclal  consideration,  and 
had  for  centuries  been  her  faltliful  ally;  hence 
the  oligarchical  government  looked  with  disfa- 
vour upon  the  project  of  union.  Hut  tlie  deino- 
crutical  party  was  jjowerful  and  unscrupulous; 
and,  with  the  help  of  the  Mantineians,  tliey  ef- 
fectx'd  a  rovoiution,  in  wlilcli  mauv  were  killed, 
and  80O  exiles  lied  to  Hparta. "  The  Spartans, 
umhT  Agesiiaos,  aveiigeil  them  by  ravaging  the 
plain  in  front  of  Mautineia.  "Tills  Invasion  of 
Arkadia  Is  chlelly  important  for  tlie  pretext 
wliieh  it  furnished  for  Tliebaii  lnt<Tventioii,  The 
Mantineians  oppllcd  for  help  at  first  to  AtiiCim, 
and,  meeting  with  a  refusal,  went  on  to  Thebes. 
For  this  request  EpameiiioiKhis  must  have  been 
thoroughly  prepared  beforehand,  and  he  was 
soon  on  the  march  with  a  powerful  anny.  .  .  . 
On  his  arrival  in  tlie  I'eiopoimcse  |U.  ('.  il70],  he 
found  that  Agesiiaos  hail  already  retired ;  and 
some  of  the  Tlieban  generals,  consldcjing  tli(! 
season  of  the  year,  wished  at  once  to  return." 
Hut  Kpameinondas  was  persuiuled  by  the  allies 
of  Thebes  to  make  an  attempt  upon  Sparta  It.self. 
"In  four  divisions  the  invading  liost  streamed 
into  the  land  which,  according  to  the  proudest 
boast  of  its  inhabitants,  had  felt  no  hostile  tread 
for  000  years.  At  Sellasia,  not  ten  miles  distant 
from  Sparta,  tlie  army  reunited;  and,  having 
plundered  and  burnt  tlie  town,  swept  down  into 
the  valley  of  the  Eurotas,  and  marched  along 
the  left  bank  till  it  reached  the  bridge  opp(>- 
site  the  city.  Within  Sparta  itself,  tliough  a 
universal  terror  prevailed,  one  man  rose  equal 
to  the  emergency.  AVhile  the  iiicu  fainted  in 
spirit  as  they  thought  how  few  they  were,  and 
how  wide  their  unwallcd  city,  .  .  .  Ageailaos 
accepted,  not  without  mistrust,  the  services  of 
6,000  helots,  collected  reinforcements,  preserved 
order,  suppressed  conspiracy,  stamped  out  mu- 
tiny, post<'d  guards  on  every  vantage-ground, 
and  refused  to  be  tempted  to  a  battle  by  the 
taunts  of  foes  or  the  clamours  of  over-eager 
friends.  .  .  .  After  one  unsuccessful  cavalry 
skirmish,  the  Tliebau  general,  who,  in  a  cam- 
paign undertaken  on  his  solo  respcmsibility,  dared 
not  risk  the  chance  of  defeat,  decided  to  leave 
the  '  wasps'-nest '  untaken.  lie  completed  his 
work  of  devastation  by  ravaging  the  whole  of 
southern  Lakonia,  .  .  .  and  then  turned  back 
Into  Arkadia  to  devote  liimself  to  the  more  per- 
manent objects  of  his  expedition."  Mesaene  was 
now  rebuilt  (see  Mkshknian  Waii,  the  Tuiud), 
and  "  the  descendants  of  the  old  Mcsscniau  stock 


weregatlien-d  lo  rorm  a  new  nation  from  Ithegion 
and  MeHseiie  | Sicily],  and  fnnii  tlie  parts  of 
lA'bia  round  Kyreiie'.  .  .  .  Ily  thus  restoring  the 
IVfeKNcniansto  thelraneleiit  territory,  ICpameliKm 
duH  deprived  Sparta  at  one  blow  of  nearly  half 
her  iHmsesMlims.  ...  At  last  Epamcinondas  liad 
done  Ills  work;  and,  leaving  I'ammenes  with  a 
garrison  In  Tegea,  he  liasleiied  to  leail  Ids  soldiers 
liome.  At  the  Istiimus  be  found  a  Imslile  army 
from  Atliens,"  which  had  been  persuaded  to  send 
succor  to  Sparta;  but  the  Athenians  did  not  care 
to  give  battle  to  llie  coniiuerlng  Tliebans,  and 
the  latter  pa.sNcd  unopposed.  On  llie  arrival  of 
Epameiiiondas  atTlielx'S,  "  the  leadersof  a  petty 
faction  tliiiali'iK'd  to  bring  him  and  bis  colleagucH 
to  trial  for  retaining  their  command  f<ir  four 
months  beyond  the  legal  term  of  otilce.  Hut 
Epamelnondiui  stocMl  up  in  tlie  assembly,  and 
told  Ills  simple  tale  of  victorious  generalship  and 
still  more  triunipliant  Htatesmanshlp;  and  the  in- 
vidious cavils  of  snarling  intriguers  were  at  once 
forgotten."  Sp'ii  .4  and  Athens  now  formed  an 
alliance,  with  tlie  si-nseless  agreement  that  com- 
mand of  the  common  forces  "should  be  given 
alternately  to  each  state  for  live  days.  .  .  .  The 
first  aim  of  tlie  confederates  was  to  occupy  tlie 
passes  of  the  Isthmus,"  but  Epameiiiondas  forced 
a  passage  for  his  armv,  captured  Hikyon,  ravaged 
the  territory  of  Epitmuros,  and  made  a  bold  liut 
unsuccessful  attempt  to  surprise  l.'orlnth.  Then, 
on  the  arrival  of  reinforcements  to  tlie  Spartans 
from  Syracuse',  he  drew  back  to  Thebes  (H.  C. 
!)(I8).  t'or  a  time  tlio  Tliebans  were  o<'cuple(l 
witli  troubles  in  Tliessaly,  and  their  Arkadian 
proteges  in  Peloponnese  were  carrying  on  war 
against  Sparta  independently,  with  so  much  mo- 
mentary success  that  they  became  ovcr-conlldent 
and  rasli,  They  paid  for  their  foolhardini'Hs  by 
a  frightful  defeat,  which  cost  them  10,000  men, 
whilst  no  S|)artan  is  said  to  have  fallen;  lieiico 
the  tight  was  known  in  Sparta  as  the  Tearless 
Battle.  "This  defeat  probably  caused  little 
grief  at  Thebes,  for  it  would  prove  to  the  arro- 
gant Arkadians  that  they  could  not  yet  dispense 
witli  Tlieban  aid;  anil  it  decided  Epameinondus 
to  make  a  third  expedition  into  the  l'cloi)oiine.se. " 
The  result  of  his  tliird  expedition  was  tlie  enrol- 
ment of  a  number  of  Aclialan  cities  as  Tlieban 
allies,  which  gave  to  Thebes  "  the  control  of  the 
coast-line  of  the  Corinthian  gulf."  Hut  the 
broad  and  statesmanlike  terms  on  wliicli  Epam- 
eiiiondas arranged  these  alliances  were  set  aside 
by  his  narrow-niin<led  fellow  citizens,  and  a 
policy  adopted  by  which  Acliaia  was  "  converte<l 
from  a  lukewarm  neutral  into  an  enthusiastic 
supporter  of  Sparta.  In  this  unsettled  state  of 
Greek  politics  tlie  Thelimis  resolved  to  have  re- 
course, like  the  Spariuis  before  them,  to  the 
authority  of  the  Great  King.  Existing  treaties, 
for  which  they  were  not  responsible,  acknowl- 
edged his  right  to  interfere  in  the  internal  affairs 
of  Greece,"  Pelopidas  and  otlier  envoys  were 
accordingly  sent  to  Susa  (B.  (-'.  860),  where  they 
procured  from  Artaxerxes  a  rescript  "which 
recognised  tlie  independence  of  Messene  and 
ordered  the  Athenians  to  dismantle  their  tleet. " 
But  the  mandate  of  the  Great  King  proved  void 
of  effect.  "After  this  the  confusiim  in  Greece 
grew  infinitely  worse.  An  accident  transferred 
the  town  of  Cronos  .  .  .  from  the  hands  of  Ath- 
ens to  those  of  Theb';8 ;  and  as  the  Peloponuesian 
allies  of  the  Athenions  refu8(!d  to  help  them  to 
regain  it,  they  bi-oke  with  them,  and,  in  spite  of 


1595 


OKKKCK.   M    ('    :«71-!Wil 


l-MUpi>/»lar<Hl.,n         (JUKKCJE.   B.   C.  MT-aM. 


tho  cfTiirlii  of  Kpiiiiii'InoiiclitM,  fi>riii<'<l  itii  nlllikiicr 
Willi  ArkiKilii.  .  .  .  'I'Ik'  Athiiiliitii  iimdf  mmn 
ftfl.ru  Milii  Jilliiiipt  !■>  wl/.i'  till'  frliiiilly  illy  cif 
Ciirliilli,  iiMil  till-  illN)fiiMl(il  ('(.riiilhlaiiH.  loKcllicr 
witli  llii' rlli/.i'iisiir  KpliliiiiriM  mill  I'llllniiH,  .  .  . 
iilitiiiiii'ii  ilir  KriKlt(;liij{  iiiiiHi'iil  ipf  S|mrtii.  iiiiil 
niilili'  Ik  Hi'|iiirilli'  pnirc  wllli  Tlldxit.  An  .mili  iiH 
Iniiiiiiillllly  wiiHri'tliiri'il  liiniiciiuiirlrr,  IiiiiiidIIiit 
llir  lliiiiii' I'lf  wiir  HiMilil  iiKiilii  I)  ;ist  forlli."  Iih 
next  oiitliiTiik  (H.  ('.  !«W)  whh  Im'Iwitii  KIIh  i  iiI 
Arkiiijlii,  llii'  former  liclnic  ii.'*>il'«li'<l  liy  H|m...i, 
itiiil  lid  priiiclpiil  c'vciil  wii.i  a  ilrH^irnili'  biitlli! 
(diiKlit  forllii'  piiHHi'iwlDii  iif  OK'iipiii.  Tim  Ar- 
kmliitiiH  lii'lil  part  of  llie  city  ami  iiripilri'il  pim 
w'Hulim  of  ihr  Hiicri'il  Iri'UBiM-i'B  In  tlic  Olympliui 
UMiipIr,  whlcli  llwy  ili'tcriiiliifil  lo  apply  lo  Hn' 
cxpi'iiNrH  of  llio  wa'.  "  Italsiiijf  Hit!  try  of  Hiicrl- 
Intr'',  II"'  Maiilliiclaiirt,  who  wcri)  jriiloiis  liolli  of 
Ti!(f<'a  mill  .Mi'^fiili'polii,  at  oiicd  liroke  loo.w  ami 
«liiit  llirlr  Kali'H."  Himn  aflrrwiirilK,  Manlliiclii 
m^piirittcil  licTHcIf  wliiilly  fniiii  the  Arkailiaii  coii' 
fcHlcracy  mi. I  eiiliTcil  llie  Simrlaii  allimirc  Thin 
wa.saini>iiK  thecitiisi'H  which  tirew  KpmucimindaH 
oiKM!  more,  mill  for  the  liiHt  time,  into  the  I'elo- 
ponneHi!  (IJ.  ('.  :Wi).  "The  armies  of  Oreccu 
were  now  ^I'l'"-''''''*?  from  all  (luarterH  for  the 
ttreat  KiriiKt;'''-  *'»  t'"'  '""-'  •*'''"  nIoihI  Hparia, 
Athens,  Klin,  Acliaiii,  iiml  a  part  ol  Arkiuliii,  led 
by  Maiilineia;  on  the  oilier  nlde  were  ranfjed 
Ikilotia  I'l'lieliesl,  Argos,  McHHeiiia,  mid  the  rest 
of  Arkndia,  while  a  few  of  the  Hinaller  Htatos  — 
08  riiokis,  I'liliims,  and  (-'oriiith  —  ri'inained  neu- 
tral." At  the  oiilset  of  IiIh  campaign,  Kpamei- 
nunilax  made  a  bold  altempt,  by  a  riipid  night 
niurch,  to  Hiirprise  Hparta;  but  a  traitorous  war.i- 
ing  had  been  given,  the  Spartans  were  barricaded 
and  nrepared  for  defence,  and  the  undertaking 
failed.  Then  lie  nmrched  iiulckly  to  Alantinela, 
and  failed  in  lii.s design  there,  likewise.  A  pitched 
buttle  was  necessary  to  decide  the  Issue,  and  it 
was  fought  on  the  plain  between  Mmilineiu  and 
Tcgen,  on  the  :td  day  of  July,  H.  ('.  3«3.  The 
fine  di.scipllne  of  Hie  Tlieban  troops  and  the  skil- 
ful tactics  of  Kpameinoiidas  had  given  tlie  vic- 
tory Into  his  hands,  when,  "  suddenly,  the  aspect 
of  the  battle  changed.  K.xccpt  among  the  light 
troops  on  the  extreme  right,  the  i.avunco  was 
everywhere  stayed.  The  Spartan  hoplltes  were 
In  full  HIght,  but  the  conquerors  did  not  stir  a 
step  In  til'  jiursuit.  .  .  .  The  fury  of  the  battle 
bad  lustmitly  ceased.  .  .  .  Epuniclnoudus  had 
fallen  wounded  to  death,  and  this  was  the  result. 
.  .  .  Every  heart  was  broken,  every  arm  i)aru- 
lyscd.  .  .  .  Both  sides  claimed  the  victory  in  the 
battle,  mid  erected  the  usual  trophies,  but  tho 
real  advantage  remained  with  the  Thebans.  .  .  . 
By  the  peace  thut  ensued,  tho  independence  of 
)Ies8enlu  wus  secured,  and  Megalopolis  and  tho 
Pan-Arkadian  constitution  were  jireserved  from 
destruction.  The  work  of  Kpmneinondus,  though 
cut  short,  was  thus  not  thrown  away ;  and  tlio 
IK)wer  of  Sparta  was  conflned  within  the  limits 
which  he  had  assigned."— C.  Sankey,  The  Spar- 
tan arut  TUeban  tiupremaciea,  ch.  12. 

Also  in:  Xenophon,  Hdlcniea,  hk.  5-0. — E. 
Curtlus,  Iliat.  of  Greece,  bk.  0,  ch.  3.—  O.  Grotc, 
IIM.  of  Greece,  pt.  2,  ch.  80  (v.  10) 

B.  C.  359-358.— First  proceedings  of  Philip 
of  Macedonia.— His  acquisition  of  Amphipolis. 
— The  famous  Philip  of  Mucedou  succeeded  to  the 
Macedonian  throne  in  359  B.  C,  at  the  age  of  28. 
In  his  youth  he  bad  been  delivered  to  the  Tbebans 
as  one  of  the  hostages  given  upon  the  conclusion 


of  a  treaty  of  iieuce  in  HOH.  "  Ills  reNlilencn  at 
TlieU'S  gave  him  some  tincture  of  Ori'dan  phi 
loHophy  and  literature;  but  the  most  Important 
lesson  which  Ik'  learned  at  that  city  was  the  art 
of  wiir,  with  all  the  Imnroveil  tactics  IntriHliiced 
by  Kpamiiioiidas.  I'hliip  .  .  .  dlsiilujed  at  the 
beginning  of  his  reign  his  exiraordlnury  energy 
and  abilities.  After  defcutlng  the  Illyrlans  Tie 
eslalilLslied  a  Hliindliig  army,  in  which  discipline 
was  piescrveil  by  the  severest  piiiilshmenls.  lie 
IntriHliiced  till!  far  fmiicil  Macedonian  phalanx, 
which  was  lU  men  deep,  armed  with  long  pro- 
jecting spears.  Philip's  views  were  first  turned 
towarils  the  casti'm  frontiers  of  his  domliilonM, 
where  his  interests  claslKMl  with  lho.se  of  the 
Athenians.  A  few  years  before  the  .Vtbeiilans 
had  made  various  unavailing  atlenipts  to  obtain 
possession  of  Amphipolis,  once  the  Jewel  of  their 
empire,  but  w  liirli  they  had  never  recovered  since 
lis  capture  by  Brasidiis  In  the  eighth  year  of  the 
Peloponnesluii  war." — W.  Sniilli,  Smnllcr  Hint. 
iifilrccre,  ch.  10. — The  importaiii'e  of  Amphipolis 
to  tile  Atlieniaiis  arose  chietly  from  its  vicinity 
to  "  the  vast  forests  which  clothed  the  iiioiintJilns 
that  enclose  IIk!  basin  of  the  Stry  on,  and 
alToriled  an  inexhituslible  supply  of  slii  imiier." 
l''<ir  the  same  reason  that  tlie  Athenians  desired 
ardently  to  regain  possesHion  of  Amplilpolis  their 
enemies  were  strong  in  tho  wish  to  keep  it  out 
of  tlieir  liand.s.  Moreover,  as  the  Macedonian 
kfngdom  became  well  knitted  In  the  strong  hands 
of  the  mnbltloiis  Philip,  the  city  of  "  tho  Nino 
Ways"  assumed  Importance  to  that  rising  power, 
and  Philip  resolved  to  possess  It.  It  was  at  this 
lioliil  that  his  ambitions  tlrst  came  into  coiilllct 
with  Athens.  But  tlie  Athenians  were  not  aware 
of  his  aims  until  too  late.  He  deceived  them 
completely,  in  fact,  by  a  bargain  to  give  help  in 
aci|uirlng  Am|)lii|)i)lis  for  tlii^in,  anil  to  receive 
help  ill  gaining  I'ydna  for  himself.  But  when 
Ills  preparations  were  com|)lete,  he  suddenly  laid 
siege  to  Ani|)lii)iolls  and  made  himself  muster  of 
the  city  (B.  C.  35H),  besides  taking  Pydnaaswell. 
At  Athens,  "Philip  was  henceforth  viewed  as  an 
open  enemy,  and  this  was  the  beginning — though 
witliout  any  formal  declarutlon  —  of  a  state  of 
hostility  between  tho  two  powers,  which  was 
called,  from  its  origin,  tho  Amphlpolltan  War." 
—V.  'I'hirlwall,  Hint,  of  Orrece,  ch.  43  (v.  S). 

B.  C.  357-336. —  Advancement  of  Philip  of 
Macedonia  to  supremacy. — The  Sacred  Wars 
and  their  coase^uences. — The  fatal  field  of 
Chseronea. — Philip's  preparations  for  the  inva- 
sion of  Asia. — His  assassination. — A  war  be- 
tween the  Thebans  and  their  neighbors,  the 
Phocians,  which  broke  out  in  857  or  856  B.  C, 
ussiimed  great  importance  in  Greek  history  and 
was  called  the  Sacred  War, — us  two  curlier  con- 
tests, in  which  Delphi  was  concerned,  bad  beeii 
likewise  named.  It  is  sometimes  called  the  Ten 
Years  Sacred  War.  Thebes,  controlling  the 
shadowy  Amphlctyonic  Council,  bad  brought  a 
charge  of  sucrilege  against  tho  Phociuns  and 
procured  a  decree  imposing  upon  them  a  heavy 
lino.  The  Phocians  resisted  the  decree  with  un- 
expected energy,  and,  by  a  bold  and  sudden 
movement,  gulned  possession  of  Delphi,  where 
they  destroyed  the  records  of  tho  Amphictyonle 
Judgment  against  them.  Having  tho  vast  accu-  — 
mulution  of  the  sacred  treasures  of  tho  Delphic 
temple  in  their  hands,  they  <lld  not  scruple  to 
appropriate  them,  and  were  ablo  to  maintain  a 
powerful  army  of  mercenaries,  gathered  from 


1696 


HltKKCK.  It.  I    :m7-!««i 


/•*./.|..i/i/mf./im.  OKKKl'l':.    II.    V.    !W7-!)llfl. 


rvfiV  pnrt  of  (Inicf,  wllli  wlilcli  Micy  riiviiKcd 
till'  It'iTltorlcH of  lldMitliiHiiil  LimtIii,  m.l  juMiiilrcd 
conlrol  of  till'  piiHsof  'I'lii  riiiopvlii'  I"  ti.  •  iiildsl 
of  lliilrHiiccrswH  II117  wiTi'  tiillrd  upon  for  'iclp 
liV  the  I V mill,  of  I'licrii'  III  'riicKiml.v,  llirii  Im^Ik,' 
iittiick.'il  liy  riiillp  of  MiuvcloM  (H.  C.  :i5!t).  Tho 
I'liotliiiiM  oppow'il  I'lilllp  with  mull  HiicicHH,  nt 
llfMl,  Hint  III'  rilrciitiil  from Tlii'HKiily ;  but  ItwiiM 
only  to  ri'irull,  iiiiil  niuiliimto  IiIm  iiriiiy.  Hi'lurii- 
Iii«  pri'Mt'iitlv  I"'  ovcrthri'w  llii"  I'lioi'liiii  iiriiiy, 
wRli  (frciit  HliMlKliltr— OiMiiiinrilniH,  itn  Inidir, 
liiliiK'  hIu'.ii  — mid  iiiml"  liliiisi'lf  iiiiiKtcr  of  all 
■riic'SHiiJy.  Uolli  Allii'iiH  mid  Hpiirtu  were  now 
iiliiriiicil  by  tlilH  rapid  iidviwui'  Into  (Vntnil 
(Jrrrcu  of  till'  coniinrrlnK  arniH  of  the  ainliltloUH 
Maci'donlan,  and  both  Kent  forci'H  to  thii  hilp  of 
th(!  IMioclaiiH.  'I'hi'  fornicr  wan  ho  cncrifctli-  that 
an  army  of  .l.tMlO  Atlirniaii  foot  koIiIIiti*  and  tiMI 
horw'  rnifhod  Thirniopyla'  (May  JI.VJ  H.C.)  brfori- 
I'hilip  had  biTii  ablr  to  push  forward  from  'I'Iich- 
Kaly.  Wlirii  he  did  ■idvaiu'i',  prorlaimlnn  Ills 
|iurpo»i'  to  rcHcni'  thi-  Di'lphlaii  tniipli'  from  sac- 
rilctjlous  roblicrrt,  In:  wan  rcpulsi'd  at  thr  pass  and 
dri'W  biiik.  !twusthi'l)i'),'liinln«of  tin-  slriiB^jli! 
for  (Iri'ck  IndrpMidciirf  aK'aliiHt  Maci'doniaii  cn- 
(■fKy  ami  amliitlon.  \  frw  months  lairr  Di'inos- 
llii'iu'sdrlivcri'd  thi'tirstof  his  immortal  orationH, 
called  aftrrwards  I'liillppics,  in  wliirlihr  slroVKto 
keep  III!'  alrrady  laiiKiilshiiiK  energy  of  tlio  Atlii'- 
niaiisidivi',  iniinfnlti'rini,'  ri'siHliMirctoiluMli'Klgns 
oi  i'liilip.  For  six  yean*  thcro  wasiistato  of  war 
iNitwcrn  I'liiiip  and  tho  Atht'iilans  with  thrirullU'H, 
hut  IlK^conipu'stM  of  till!  former  In  ThraciMind  the 
Clialeidian  peninsula  were  steadily  pressed.  At 
lentflh  (II.  ('.  !M<I)  Athens  was  treacherously  per- 
suaded into  a  treaty  of  pi  lue  with  I'liilip  (tho 
I'liiee  of  I'hilocrates)  which  excluded  the  I'lio- 
clans  from  Its  terms.  No  sooner  had  he  thus 
isolated  the  latter  than  ho  marched  iiuiekly  to 
'riiermopyla ,  secured  pos.sesslon  of  the  pass  and 
declared  himself  the  supiiorter  of  TlieheH.  Tho 
Hacreil  War  was  ended,  Dclnhi  rescued,  I'hocis 
punished  without  niorcv,  and  (Jreceo  was  under 
the  feet  of  a  master.  'I'liis  bciiifj  accomplished, 
tho  I'eaco  of  I'hilocrates  was  doubt  fully  main- 
tained for  about  six  years.  Then  iiuarrels  broke 
out  which  led  up  to  still  another  Hacred  War, 
and  which  Ruvo  I'hilip  another  opportunity  to 
tmmiilc  im  thu  liberties  of  Greece.  Curiously, 
tho  provoking  causes  of  tliis  outbreak  wore  an 
inheritance  from  tliat  iiioro  ancient  Hacred  War 
which  brought  ruin  upon  tho  town  of  (,'irrlia  anil 
a  lasting  curso  upon  its  soil.  The  Loerlans  of 
Amphis.sa,  dwolling  near  to  tho  ftccursod  terri- 
tory, had  ventured  in  tho  course  of  years  to  en- 
croach upon  it  with  biick-kilns,  and  to  make  use 
of  it-s  harbor.  At  a  meeting  of  the  Amphictyonic 
Council,  in  tlie  spring  of  It.  ('.  3;)9,  this  violation 
of  tho  Sacred  fjaw  was  brought  to  notice,  by  way 
of  retaliation  for  some  offence  wliich  tho  deputies 
of  Ainphissa  had  given  to  those  of  Athens.  Hos- 
tilities ensued  between  tho  citizens  of  Delphi, 
pushed  on  by  thu  Ampliictyons,  on  one  side, 
and  tho  Amphissians  on  the  other.  The  influence 
of  Philip  in  the  Amphictyonic  Council  was  con- 
trolling, and  his  partisans  liad  no  dilliculty  in 
summoning  him  to  act  for  the  federation  in  set- 
tling this  portentous  affair.  lie  marched  into 
HiL'otia,  took  possession  )f  the  strong  city  of 
Elatea,  and  very  soon  made  it  manifest  that  lie 
contemplated  something  more  than  mere  dealing 
■with  the  refractory  trespassers  of  Amphissa. 
Athens  watched    his    movements  witli    terror. 


and  even  Thebes,  hU  forn^T  ally,  li>.  k  alarm. 
Through  the  cxcrthms  of  Kcini'stlicnci*.  TIicIich 
and  AtlieiiM,  unci'  more,  but  too  late,  ga\i'  ii|> 
their  ancient  eiiinily  mid  united  llielr  Htrenglll 
mid  resources  in  a  llrm  league.  Megara,  Corniih 
and  other  states  were  Jnlnid  to  them  and  rniiimon 

I.  MHO  was  made  with  the  l.ncrians  of  Aniphlwui. 
Thiv  •  movements  coiisiiined  a  winter,  and  war 
opened  !•'  the  spring.  I'lilll|i  gained  successes 
fniin  the  1.  'rlnning.  lie  look  Amphls-sa  by 
surprise  and  cai.!"d  Naiipaclus  hv  storm.  Hut 
it  was  not  iinlll  AiigUhi,      the  llrstday  of  August, 

II.  {'.  it;lH  — that  tho  two  ciiiii!).ittint»  caiiio  to 
gether  in  force.  This  occurred  In  the  Il't'otian 
valley  of  the  CephisiiH,  near  the  town  of  Clia'- 
/onea,  which  gave  Its  name  to  the  battle.  The 
Haired  Hand  of  Thebes  and  the  hoplites  of 
Athens,  with  their  allies,  fought  obslliiaiely  and 
well;  but  they  were  no  match  for  tho  veteninn 
of  the  .Macedonian  phalanx  and  most  of  them 
perlNlied  on  the  Held.  It  was  the  last  struggle 
for  (irecian  inileiieiidence.  llenceforth,  pracli- 
callv  at  least,  Hellas  was  swallowed  up  In  Mace- 
donia. We  can  see  very  plainly  that  I'hiiip's 
"  conduct  towards  Athens  after  the  victory, 
under  the  anpearance  of  generosity,  was  ex 
Iremely  prudent.  His  object  was,  to  separate 
tho  Tliebans  from  the  Alhenlans,  and  he  at  oncu 
advanced  against  tho  former.  The  Athenian 
lirlHoiiers  he  wiit  home,  free  and  clnthed,  accom 
panied  by  Antipater;  he  ordered  thedead  hollies 
to  be  burned,  and  their  aslies  to  be  conveyed  to 
Athens,  while  the  Tiiehans  had  to  purchase  t,ieii 
dead  from  him.  He  then  entered  Tliebes,  which 
he  seems  to  have  taken  williout  any  resislai.''c, 
placed  n  .Macedonian  garrison  in  tlie  Cailmea, 
and,  with  tin  same  policy  wliich  Hparia  had  fol 
lowed  at  Athens  after  the  reloponiiesiaii  war,  he 
establislied  aii  oligarcliy  of  !ll)(l  of  his  partizans, 
who  were  for  Mm  most  part  returned  exiles,  and 
who  now,  under  the  protection  of  tlio  garrison  in 
the  Cadmea,  ruled  like  tyrants,  and  raged  in  a 
fearful  mamr.'r.  .  .  .  I'liilip  accepleil  all  the 
terms  whicli  were  agreeable  to  the  Athenians; 
no  investigations  were  to  bo  instituted  against 
his  enemies,  and  none  of  them  was  to  he  sent  into 
exile.  Athens  was  not  only  to  remain  a  perfectly 
sovereign  city,  hut  retain  Lemnos,  Inibros,  and 
Hcyros,  nay  (!ven  Sanios  oud  f-'liorsonnesus, 
thongli  ho  might  have  taken  tho  latter  without 
any  difllculty,  and  though  tho  Athenians  had 
most  cleriichiao  in  Samos.  Thus  ho  bought  over 
tho  Athenians  tlirougli  this  peace,  against  which 
hemosthenes  anil  otiiers,  who  saw  fartlier,  could 
not  venture  to  protest,  becauso  Philip  offered 
more  than  they  could  give  liiin  in  return.  .  ,  . 
The  only  thing  which  tho  Athenians  conceded  to 
Philip,  was,  tliat  they  concluded  a  symmachia 
witli  him,  and  conferred  upon  him  tlio  supremo 
command  in  tlie  Persian  war.  For  with  groat  cun- 
ning Philip  suniiiKmed  an  assembly  of  the  Greeks 
wliom  ho  called  his  allies,  to  Corintli.  to  deliberate 
upon  tho  war  against  Persia.  The  war  of  re- 
venge against  the  Persians  had  already  become 
a  popular  idea  in  Greece,  .  .  .  Philip  now  en- 
tered Peloponnesus  witli  his  whole  army,  and 
went  to  tho  diet  at  Corintli,  where  the  Greek 
deputies  received  his  orders.  In  Peloponnesus 
he  acted  as  mediatcr,  for  he  was  invited  as  such 
by  the  Arcadians,  Messenians,  and  Argivos,  to 
decide  their  disputes  with  Lacedaemon,  and 
they  demanded  that  he  should  restore  to  them 
their  ancient  territories.     The   Arcadians    liod 


159' 


GREECE,  B.  C.  357-336.        I'hilipo/Maced.m.        GREECE,  B.  C.  336-3315. 


formerly  possessed  iniiiiy  pliiccs  dm  the  Eurotas, 
iind  the  Mi'ssi'iiiims  wxtl'  still  very  fur  from 
Imvinj^  rocovercd  all  tlicir  arick'Hl  territories, 
He  accordingly  fixed  the  Ixmndaries.  and  greatly 
diminished  the  extent  of  La<;oiiiu.  .  .  .  The  Spar- 
tans, on  tliat  oecasicm,  l)elinve(l  in  a  digiulied 
manner;  they  were  the  only  ones  who  refused 
to  aeknowlerfife  Philip  as  generuli.ssimo  against 
Persia.  .  .  .  liven  the  ancients  regarded  the  day 
of  Chaeronea  as  the  death-day  of  Greece;  every 
principle  of  life  was  cut  off;  the  Greeks,  indee(l, 
continued  to  exist,  but  in  si)irit,  and  politically, 
they  were  dead.  .  .  .  Philip  was  now  at  the 
height  of  his  power.  IJyzantium,  and  the  other 
allied  cities,  had  submitted  to  the  conqueror, 
when  he  sent  his  army  against  them,  and  lie  was 
already  trying  to  establish  him.self  in  Asia.  'A 
detachment  of  troops,  under  Attalus,  had  been 
sent  acro.ss,  to  keep  open  the  road  for  the  great 
exix'dition,  and  had  encamped  on  mount  Ida.' 
Philip  was  thus  enabled  to  commence  his  passage 
across  the  Hellespont  whenever  he  pleased.  Hut 
the  close  of  his  career  was  already  at  hand."  He 
was  assns-sinated  in  Aug\ist,  H.  V.  3U6,  l)y  a  cer- 
tain i'ausanias,  at  the  instigation,  it  is  said,  of 
Olympias,  one  of  Philip's  several  wives  —  and 
the  mother  of  his  famous  son  Alexander — whom 
he  had  repudiated  to  please  a  younger  bride. 
"Philip  was  unquestional)ly  an  uncommon  and 
extraordinary  man,  and  the  opinion  of  several 
among  the  ancients,  that  by  the  foundation  of  the 
Macedonian  state  he  did  something  far  greater 
than  Alexander  by  the  application  of  the  powers 
he  inherited,  is  quite  correct.  .  .  .  When  we  re- 
gard him  as  the  creator  of  his  state,  by  tuiiting 
the  most  dilTcrent  nations,  5Ii>  ^edonians  and 
Greeks;  .  .  .  when  we  rellect  what  a  man  Ik; 
must  have  been,  from  whom  ])rocceded  the  im- 
pulse to  train  such  great  generals,  .  .  .  to  whom 
Alexander,  it  imist  be  observed,  did  not  add  one, 
for  all  Alexander's  generals  proceeded  from  the 
school  of  I'liilip,  and  there  :s  not  one  whom 
Alexander  did  not  inherit  from  i'hilip;^  when 
we  perceive  the  skill  with  which  lie  gained  over 
nations  and  states,  .  .  .  we  cannr  t  but  acknowl- 
edge that  he  was  an  extrivordinar/  man.'' — 15.  G. 
Niebuhr,  Ijects.  on  Ancient  Iliu.,  lecls.  09  ami 
66  (p.  2). 

Also  in:  C.  Thirlwall,  Jlist.  of  Greece,  eh.  43- 
46  (r.  5-6).— T.  Leiand,  Jlut.  of  tlie  Life  and 
lieign  of  Philip  of  Maeedon,  bk.  3-5. 

B.  C.  351-348.— The  Olynthian  War.  —  De- 
struction of  Olynthus  by  Philip  of  Macedonia. 
—  After  the  overthrow  of  Sjiartau  donunation  in 
Greece,  Olynthus  recovered  its  independence  and 
regained,  during  the  second  quarter  of  the  fourth 
century  B.  C,  a  considerable  degree  of  prosperity 
and  power.  It  was  even  helped  in  its  rise  by 
the  cunning,  dangerous  hand  of  Philip  of  Mace- 
don,  who  secured  many  and  great  advantages  in 
his  treacherous  diplomacy  by  playing  the  mu- 
tual jealousies  of  Athens  and  Olynthus  against 
one  another.  The  Olynthian  Confederacy,  formed 
anew,  just  served  its  purpose  as  a  counterpoise 
to  the  Athenian  Confederacy,  until  Philip  bad 
no  more  need  of  that  service.  He  was  the  friend 
and  ally  of  the  former  until  he  had  secured  Ain- 
phipolis,  Methone.  and  other  necessary  positions 
in  Macedonia  and  Thrace.  Then  the  mask  be- 
gan to  slip  and  Olynthus  (B.  C.  351)  got  glimpses 
of  the  true  character  of  her  subtle  neighbor. 
Too  late,  she  made  overtures  to  Athens,  and 
Athens,  too  late,  saw  the  vital  importance  of  a 


league  of  friendship  between  the  two  Greek  con- 
federacies, against  the  half  Hellenic,  half  bar- 
baric Macedonian  kingdom.  Three  of  the  great 
speeciies  of  Demosthenes  —  the  "  Olynthiac  ora- 
tions"—  were  made  upon  this  theme,  and  the 
orator  succeed  mI  lor  the  first  time  in  persuading 
his  degenerated  countrymen  to  net  upon  hiscleiir 
view  of  the  situation.  Athens  and  Olynthus  were 
joineu  in  a  defensive  league  and  Athenian  shirs 
imd  men  were  sent  to  the  (Jhalcidian  peninsul,'., — 
too  late.  Partly  by  the  force  of  his  arms  ai.;! 
partly  by  the  power  of  his  gold,  bujing  traitors, 
Philip  took  Olynthus  (B.  C.  348)  and  all  the  thirty- 
two  lesser  towns  that  were  federated  with  her.  IIc! 
took  them  and  he  destroyed  them  most  brutally. 
"  The  haughty  city  of  Olynthus  vanished  from 
the  face  of  the  eai'tli,  and  together  with  it  thirty- 
two  towns  inhabited  by  Greeks  and  tloiirishing 
as  commercial  communities.  .  .  .  The  lot  of 
tlios?  who  saved  life  and  liberty  was  happy  in 
comparison  with  the  fate  of  those  who,  like  the 
majority  of  the  Olynthians,  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  conqueror  anil  were  sold  into  slavery,  while 
their  pos.sessions  were  burnt  to  ashes  or  (lung  as 
booty  to  the  mercenaries.  .  .  .  The  mines  con- 
tinued to  be  worked  for  the  royal  treasury;  with 
this  exception  the  whole  of  Chalcidice  became  a 
desert." — E.  Curtius,  Hint,  of  Greece,  bk.  7,  eh.  3 

{"■  ay 

Also  in:  A.  M.  Curteis,  llise  of  the  Macedonian 
Jimpire,  ch.  4-5. — B.  G.  Niebuhr,  rA:cta.  on  An- 
cient I  list.,  ki-t.  60-08  (c.  2). 

B.  C.  340. — Siege  of  Byzantium  by  Philip 
of  Macedonia. — The  enmity  between  Athens  and 
Byzantium  yielded  in  340  B.  C.  to  their  common 
fear  of  Philip  of  >Iacedon,  and  the  exertions  of 
Demosthenes  brought  about  an  alliance  of  the 
two  cities,  in  which  Perinthus,  the  near  neighbor 
of  Byzantium,  was  also  joined.  Philip,  in  wrath, 
proceeded  with  a  fleet  and  army  against  both 
cities,  laying  siege,  first  to  Perinthus  and  after- 
wards to  Byzantium,  but  without  success  in 
either  case.  He  was  compelled  to  withdraw, 
after  wasting  several  months  in  the  fruitless  un- 
dertaking. It  was  one  of  the  few  failures  of  the 
a))le  ^Macedonian. — G.  Grote,  Iliat.  of  Greece,  pt. 
2,  i-h.  90  (f.  11). 

B.  C.  336-335. — Northern  campaign  of  Alex- 
ander of  Macedonia. — Revolt  at  Thebes. — 
Destruction  of  the  city. — "Alexander  .  .  .  took 
up  and  continued  the  political  and  military 
schemes  whiclf  his  father  had  begun.  We  tirst 
make  acquaintance  with  him  and  his  army  dur- 
ing his  campaign  against  the  tribes  on  the  north- 
ern frontier  of  MaKcdonia.  This  campaign  he 
carried  out  with  energy  equal  to  that  of  Philip, 
and  with  more  success  (spring  of  835  B.  C). 
The  distinctive  feature  of  the  war  was  that  the 
Makedoniau  phalanx,  the  organization  and  equip- 
ment of  which  were  adapted  from  Grecian  models, 
everywhere  won  and  maintained  the  upper  hand. 
.  .  .  Even  at  this  epoch  Byzantium  was  rising 
into  importance.  That  city  had,  owing  to  its 
hostility  with  Persia,  deserted  the  side  of  the 
Greeks  for  that  of  the  Makedonians.  It  was 
from  Byzantium  that  Alexander  summoned  tri- 
remes to  help  him  against  the  island  in  the  Dan- 
ube on  which  the  king  of  the  Triballi  had  taken 
refuge.  .  .  .  The  great  successes  of  Alexander 
induced  all  the  neigliboring  nationalities  to  accept 
the  proposals  of  friendship  which  he  made  to 
them.  ...  In  Greece  false  rei)orts  concerning 
the  progress  of  events  in  the  north  had  raised  to 


1598 


GREECE.  B,  C.  336-335. 


Alerawier  Ihf 
Oreal. 


OKEECK.   ».  C.  321-312. 


fever  he.it  the  gcnerol  ferment  which  nnliirally 
existed.  Alexiuuler  nulled  upon  the  resolutions 
of  tlie  Lei.gue  of  tlie  I'uljlii^  Pence  [fornie(i  l)y 
tlie  Oongre .--s  at  Corintli],  wliicli  hud  recognized 
Ilia  fatlier  mid  afterwards  liimselt  as  its  liead. 
But  li,-  was  low  opposed  by  all  those  who  were 
unable  to  forget  their  former  conditicm.  and  who 
])ref(!rred  the  a!liunc(!  with  Persia  which  had  left 
them  independe  It,  to  the  league  with  Makedonia 
which  rol)bed  I'lem  of  their  autonomy.  .  .  . 
Thebes  took  the  I  wl  of  the  maleontenis,  and  set 
about  ridding  lierse'f  of  the  garrison  which  Philip 
had  placed  in  the  v'/admeia.  She  thus  became 
the  centre  of  the  whol.^  Hellenic  opposition.  The 
enemies  of  JIakedon,  who  had  been  exiled  from 
every  city,  assembled  in  Thebes.  .  .  .  The  same 
party  was  stirring  in  Lakedicmon,  in  Arcadia,  in 
.(Etolia,  and,  above  all,  at  Athens.  From  Athens 
the  Thebans  were  supplied,  through  the  medi- 
ation of  Demosthenes,  and  doubtless  bj'  means  of 
I'ersian  gold,  with  arms,  of  which  they  were 
likely  to  stand  in  need.  .  .  .  Alexander  had  no 
sooner  settled  with  his  enemies  in  the  north  than 
he  turned  to  Ilellas.  So  rapid  was  his  move- 
ment that  he  found  the  pass  of  Thermopylic  still 
open,  and,  long  before  he  was  expected,  appeared 
before  the  walls  of  Thebes. "  The  fate  of  tlic  city 
was  decided  by  a  battle  in  which  the  Makedoni- 
ans  were  overwhelmingly  victorioiis.  "In  the 
market-place,  in  the  streets,  in  the  very  houses, 
there  ensued  a  hideous  nias.sacre.  .  .  .  The  vic- 
tors were,  however,  not  satistied  with  the  slaugh- 
ter. Alexander  summoned  a  meeting  of  his 
League,  by  which  the  complete  destruction  of 
Thebes  was  decreed,  and  this  destruction  was 
actually  carried  out  (October,  335  B.  C).  [At 
the  same  time  Platu,'a,  which  Thebes  had  de- 
stroyed, was  ordered  to  be  rebuilt.]  In  Grecian 
liistory  it  was  no  unheard-of  event  that  the  mem- 
bers of  the  defeated  nation  should  be  sold  into 
slavery,  and  so  it  happened  on  this  occasion. 
Tlie  sale  of  the  slaves  supplied  Alexander  with  a 
sum  of  money  which  was  no  inconsiderable  addi- 
tion to  his  military  chest.  But  his  main  object 
was  to  strike  terror,  and  this  was  spread  through 
Greece  by  the  ruthless  destruction  of  tlie  city  of 
(Edipus,  of  Pindar,  and  of  Epameinondas.  .  .  . 
Deep  and  universal  horror  fell  upon  the  Greeks. 
.  .  .  The  clo.sc  connection  that  existed  at  this 
moment  between  Grecian  and  Persian  affairs  for- 
bade him  to  lose  a  moment  in  turning  his  arms 
towards  Asia.  ...  A  wai  between  Alexander 
and  Persia  was  inevitable,  ,ot  only  on  account  of 
the  relation  of  tlic  Grec'  t  to  aiakedon,  whose 
yoke  they  were  vcrv  loth  to  bear,  but  on  account 
of  their  relation  to  Persia,  on  whose  support  they 
leaned.  .  .  .  The  career  wliicli  Philip  had  be- 
gun, and  in  which  Alexander  was  now  proceed- 
ing, led  of  necessity  to  a  struggle  with  the  power 
that  held  sway  in  Asia  Minor.  Until  that  power 
were  defeated,  the  Makedonian  kingdom  could 
not  be  regarded  as  iirmly  established."— L.  von 
Uanke,  Universal  History :  The  Oldest  Hist.  Group 
of  Nations  and  the  Greeks,  ch.  10,  pt.  2. 

Also  in:  Arrian,  Anabasis  of  Alexander,  bk. 
1,  rh.  1-10.— T.  A.  Dodge,  Alexander,  eh.  14-17. 

B.  C.  334-323.— Asiatic  conquests  of  Alex- 
ander the  "jreat.  Sec  Macedonia:  B.  C.  334- 
330 ;  and  330-323. 

B.  C.  323-322.  —  Attempt  to  break  the 
Macedonian  yoke.— The  Lamian  War.— Sub- 
jugation of  Athens.— Suppression  of  democ- 
racy.—Expulsion  of  poor  citizens.— Death  of 


Demosthenes.— On  the  death  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  11.  C.  323,  a  party  at  Athens  which  still 
hoped  for  freedom  in  Greece  set  on  foot  a  vigor- 
ous movement  dtsigned  to  break  the  Macedonian 
yoke.  A  league  was  formed  in  which  many 
cities  joined  —  a  larger  assemblage  of  Hellenic 
states,  says  Mr.  Grote,  than  that  wliidi  resisted 
Xerxes  in  480  B.  V.  A  powerful  army  of  Greek 
citizens  and  mercenaries  was  fonned  and  placed 
under  the  command  of  a  capable  Athenian, 
Leostlicnes,  who  led  it  into  Tlicssaly,  to  meet  the 
Macedonian  general  Antipater,  who  now  ruled 
Greece  (.see  Mackdo.nia:  B.  C.  323-31G).  The 
latter  was  defeated  in  a  battle  which  ensued,  and 
was  driven  into  tlic  fortified  Tlies.salian  town  of 
Lamia,  where  he  was  besieged.  Unfortunately, 
Leostlienes  was  killed  during  the  progress  of  the 
siege,  and  a  long  interval  occurred  before  a  new 
commander  could  be  agreed  on.  '"'his  gave 
Antipater  time  to  obtain  succor  from  Asia.  A 
Macedonian  aiiiiy,  under  Leonuatus,  cr()s.sed  the 
Hellespont,  and  the  besiegers  of  Lamia  were 
forced  to  break  up  their  camp  iu  order  to  meet  it. 
Tliey  did  so  with  success;  Lconnatus  was  slain 
and  his  army  driven  back.  But  meantime  An- 
tijiater  escaped  from  Lamia,  joined  the  defeated 
troops  and  retreated  into  Macedonia.  The  war 
tlius  begun,  and  which  took  the  name  of  the 
Lamian  War,  was  continued,  not  unfavorably  to 
the  C()nf(!derates,  on  the  whole,  until  the  follow- 
ing summer  —  August,  333  B.  C.  —  when  it  was 
ended  by  a  battle  fought  on  the  plain  of  Kran- 
noii,  in  Tlicssaly.  Antipater,  who  had  been 
joined  by  Kraterus,  from  Asia,  was  the  victor, 
and  Athens  with  all  her  allies  sul)mitted  to  the 
terms  whicli  he  dielated.  lie  established  a 
jMacedonian  garrison  in  Jlunychia,  and  not  only 
suppressed  tlie  democratic  constitution  of  Athens, 
but  ordered  all  the  poorer  citizens  —  all  who 
possessed  less  than  2,000  drachmai's  worth  of 
property,  being  13,000out  of  the  31,000  who  then 
possessed  tne  Athenian  franchise  —  to  be  driven 
from  the  city ;  thus  leaving  a  selected  citizenship 
of  9,000  of  the  richer  and  more  manageable  men. 
The  banished  or  deported  13,000  were  scattered  in 
Thrace,  lllyria,  Italy  and  even  in  nortliern  Africa. 
The  leaders  of  the  anti-Macedonian  rising  were 
pursued  with  unrelenting  animosity.  Demos- 
tlienes,  the  great  orator,  who  had  been  con- 
spicuous among  them,  was  dragged  from  a  temple 
at  Kalauria,  to  which  he  had  fled,  and  took  poison 
to  escape  the  worse  death  which  probably  awaited 
him. — G.  Grote  Hist,  of  Greece,  pt.  3,  ch.  95 
(f.  12). 

B.  C.  323-301.— Wars  of  the  Diadochi  or 
Successors  of  Alexander.  Sec  Macedonia: 
B.  C.  323-310;  315-;U0;  anl  310  301. 

B.  C.  321-312.— The  contest  for  Athens  and 
Peloponnesus,  between  Cassander  and  Poly- 
sperchon. — Execution  of  Phocion.— Restora- 
tion of  Thebes.—"  Antipater,  after  the  termina- 
tion of  the  Lamian  war,  passed  over  to  Asia  and 
took  part  in  the  affairs  there  [sec  Macedonia: 
A.  D.  333-316].  Being  appointed  guardian  to 
tlio  Kings,  as  the  children  imd  relatives  of  Alex- 
ander were  called,  he  returned  to  Macedonia, 
leading  them  with  him.  .  .  .  Antipater  died  (Ol. 
115,  3)  shortly  after  his  return  to  Macedonia. 
He  directed  that  Polysperchon,  his  ancient  mate 
in  arms,  should  succeed  him  in  his  oflice,  while  to 
his  son  Cassander  he  left  only  the  sccon.:  i  lace. 
But  Cassander,  an  ambitious  youth,  looked  upon 
his  father's  authority   as  his  inheritance;   and 


1599 


'JUKKCE,  n.  ('.  :i21-;tl2. 


('nJtsnyttiertind 
I'iilynjivrchtm . 


OHEKCE,  n.  V.  n21-312. 


rrlyiiig  on  the  aid  of  tlip  nriRtorriUic  party  in  {\w 
(Ircciiui  RiatcR.  i.f  I'tolcimi'iis,  wlio  ruled  in 
K(,'ypl,  and  of  A  iliu'onns,  tlif  most  powt-rfid  ircii- 
cral  in  Asia,  In-  ti'solvcd  to  diRpnto  it  witli  I'oly- 
sprrrlion.  I'nd  r  pri-toxt  of  Koinj?  aliiintinjr,  lie 
pscapi'd  otit  of  Macedonia,  and  passed  over  lo 
Asia  to  ronrer,  matters  with  Antigoniis.  Poly- 
Rpcrolion,  Kce'iii;  war  inev'talile,  resolved  to  de- 
tach Orec'CP,  if  iiossible.  froi::  ''assander.  Know- 
injf  that  the  olipirehies  established  in  the  dJlTerent 
states  hy  Antipaler  wonld  l>n  likely  to  espousL 
the  raiise  of  his  son,  he  issued  a  ])onipous  edirt, 
in  the  name  of  the  Kinf;s,  restoring  the  democ- 
rari.\s.  ...  At  Athens  (Ol.  11.5,  4)  [B.  V.  317 ], 
Nicanor,  wlio  eominanded  in  the  Miinyohia,  find- 
ing that  the  jieople  were  inclined  toward  I'oly- 
Bpcrchon.  secretly  collected  troops,  and  seized 
the  Pira'cus.  The  jieople  sent  to  him  Phocion, 
Conon  the  son  of  Timothel\s,  and  Clcarchiis,  men 
of  distinction,  and  his  friends ;  but  to  no  purpose. 
A  letter  also  came  to  hini  from  Olympias,  Ale.x- 
nndei's  mother,  whom  Polysperchon  had  recalled 
from  Epeirus,  and  given  tiie  charge  of  her  infant 
Krands')n,  ordering  him  to  Kiiiicnder  botli  the 
Munychia  and  the  Pirieeiis;  but  to  as  little  elTcct. 
Finally,  Polysperchon's  son  Alexander  entered 
Attica  with  an  army,  and  encamped  before  the 
Pira.>eiis.  Phocion  and  other  chiefs  of  the  aris- 
tocracy went  to  Alexander,  and  advised  him  not 
to  give  these  i)laces  up  to  the  people,  but  to  hold 
them  himself  till  the  contest  with  Cassander 
should  be  terminated.  They  feared,  it  is  evident, 
for  their  own  safety,  and  not  without  reason;  for 
the  people,  ferocious  with  the  recovery  of  power, 
soon  after  held  an  assembly,  in  which  they  deposed 
all  tho  former  magistrates,  appointed  the  most 
furious  democrats  in  their  room,  and  passed  sen- 
tences of  death,  binishment,  and  eonliscation  of 
jjoods  on  thosi  \  ho  had  governed  tinder  the 
oligarchy.  PI  m  and  his  friends  fled  to  Alex- 
ander, who  rec(  ived  them  kindly,  and  sent  them 
with  letters  in  their  favor  to  his  father,  who  was 
now  in  Pliocis.  The  Athenians  also  despatched 
nn  embassy,  and,  yielding  to  motives  of  interest, 
Polysperf^hon  sent  his  su])pliants  prisoners  to 
Athens,  to  stand  a  trial  for  tlicir  lives  before  the 
tribunal  of  an  anarchic  mol).  .  .  .  The  prisoners 
were  condemned  and  led  olt  to  prison,  followed 
by  the  tears  of  their  friends  and  the  triumphant 
execrations  of  their  mean-spirited  enemies.  'I'hey 
drank  the  fatal  liemlock-iuicc,  and  their  bodies 
wore  cast  unl)uried  beyond  the  confines  of  Attica. 
Four  days  after  tlic  death  of  Phocion,  Cassa.:der 
arrived  at  the  Piriceus  with  ii.5  ships,  carrying 
4,000  men,  gi\"n  Iiim  by  Antigonus.  Poly- 
sperchon imniediii>ly  filtered  \ttica  with  20  0()0 
Macedonian  foot  a*-  •  <.0(jO  of  those  of  the  allies, 
1,000  horse,  and  05  elepi.  nts,  which  ho  had 
hrotight  from  Asia,  and  encamped  near  the  Pi- 
nceus.  IJut  as  the  siege  was  likely  to  be  tediotis. 
and  sufficient  provisions  for  so  large  an  army  could 
not  be  had,  he  left  a  force  sucli  as  the  country 
could  support  with  his  son  Alexander,  and  passed 
with  the  remainder  into  I'eloponnesus,  to  force 
the  Megalopolitans  to  submit  to  the  Kings;  for 
they  alone  sided  witli  Cassander,  all  the  rest  hav- 
ing obeyed  the  directions  to  ])ut  to  death  or 
banish  his  adherents.  The  whole  serviceable 
population  of  Megalopolis,  slaves  included, 
nmounted  to  15,000"inen:  and  under  the  direc- 
tions of  one  Damis,  who  had  served  in  Asia  under 
Alexander,  they  prepared  for  a  vigorous  defence. 
Polysperchon  sat  down  before  the  town,  and  his 


nnni  r>  in  a  short  time  sticceeded  in  throwing 
down  three  towers  and  a  part  of  the  wall.  He 
attempted  a  storm,  but  was  obliged  to  draw  off 
his  men,  ixiU'T  an  obstinate  conllict.  .  .  .  Tlie 
Athenians  meantime  saw  themselves  excluded 
from  the  sea,  an<l  from  all  their  sources  of  profit 
and  enjoyment,  winle  little  aid  was  to  be  ex- 
pected from  Polysi)erchon,  who  had  been  forced 
to  raise  the  sieg<!  of  Megaloj)(dis,  and  whose  fieet 
had  just  now  been  destroyed  by  Antigonus  in 
the  Hellespont.  A  citizen  of  sonic  consideration 
ventured  at  length  to  propose  in  tho  assemblj' 
an  arrangement  with  Cas-sander.  The  ordinary 
tumidt  at  first  was  raised,  Init  the  sense  of  in- 
terest finidly  prevailed.  Peace  was  procured,  on 
the  conditions  of  tli(^  Munychia  remaining  in 
Cassander's  hands  till  the  end  of  t  o  present  con- 
test; political  privileges  being  restricted  to  those 
jiossessed  of  ten  minas  and  upwards  of  i)roperty, 
and  a  person  appointed  by  Cassander  being  at  the 
head  of  the  government.  The  iierson  selected 
for  this  office  was  Demetrius  of  Phaleron,  a  dis- 
tinguished Athenian  citizen;  and  under  his  mild 
and  C(|uitable  rule  the  people  were  far  happier 
than  tliey  could  have  been  under  a  democracy, 
for  which  they  had  proved  themselves  no  longer 
fit.  Cassander  then  passed  over  into  Pelopon- 
nesus, and  laid  siege  to  Tcgea.  While  here,  he 
heard  that  Olympias  had  i)ut  to  death  several  of 
his  friends  in  Macedonia;  among  the  rest,  Philip 
Aridieus  and  his  wife  Eurvdico,  members  of  the 
royal  family.  He  at  (mce(()l.  11«,  1)  [B.  C.  316] 
set  out  for  JIacedonia ;  and,  as  the  pass  of  Pyliu 
was  occtipied  by  the  vKtolians,  he  embarked  his 
troops  in  Locris,  and  landed  them  in  Thessaly. 
He  liesieged  Olympias  in  Pydna,  forced  her  to 
surrender,  and  put  her  to  death.  Macedonia  sub- 
mitted to  him,  ai;d  he  then  set  forth  for  PeU)pon- 
msus,  where  Polysperchon's  son  Alexander  was 
at  the  head  of  an  army.  Ho  forced  a  pa.ssage 
through  Pylic,  and  coming  into  IJceotia,  an- 
noimced  his  intention  of  restoring  Thebes,  which 
had  now  lain  deso.,.te  for  twenty  years.  Tlie 
scattered  Thebans  were  collected ;  the  towns  of 
Dopolia  and  other  parts  of  Greece  (Athens  in  par- 
ticular), and  even  of  Italy  and  Sicily,  aided  to 
raise  tho  walls  and  to  supply  the  wants  of  the 
returning  exiles,  and  Thebes  was  once  more  num- 
bered among  tho  cities  of  Greece.  As  Alexander 
gmirded  the  Isthmus,  Cassander  i)assed  to  Me- 
gara,  wdicre  he  embarked  his  troops  and  ele- 
phants, and  crossed  over  to  Epidaurus.  Ho  made 
Argos  and  ^Messcne  come  over  to  his  side,  and 
then  returi.ed  to  Macedonia.  In  the  conflict  of 
interests  which  prevailed  in  this  anarchic  period, 
Antigonns  was  ere  long  among  the  enemies  of 
Cassander.  He  sent  one  of  his  generals  to  La- 
conia,  who,  having  obtained  pernussion  from  the 
Spartiins  to  recruit  in  Peloponnesus,  raised  8,000 
men.  The  command  in  Peloponnesus  was  given 
to  Polysperchon,  whose  sou  Alexander  was  sum- 
moned overto  Asia  to  accuse  Cassander  of  treason 
before  tho  assembly  of  the  Macedonian  soldiers. 
(^"as.sinidcr  was  proclaimed  a  public  enemy  unless 
he  submitted  to  Antigonus;  at  the  same  time  tho 
Greeks  were  declared  independent,  Antigoinis 
hoping  thus  to  gain  tliem  over  to  his  side.  He 
then  sent  Ah^xauder  back  with  500  talents;  and 
when  Ptolemieus  of  I^gyjit  heard  what  Antigonus 
had  done,  he  also  hastened  to  declare  tin;  inde- 
pendence of  the  Greeks ;  for  all  the  contending 
generals  were  anxious  to  stand  well  with  the 
people  of  Greece,  from  which  country,  exclusive 


1600 


OUEECE,  n.  V.  ;!21-:tl2.  Tiir  AnliuimiiU.   (iUKECE,  H.  C.  31>  CENTURY. 


of  otlierndviinUiges,  t'i"ydrow  tlicir  best  sol<li('rs, 
.  .  .  Antiftonus,  lo  sliow  the  OrtM'ks  Mmt  III!  \Mis 
in  oiirni'st  in  liis  iironiise  to  restore  tlicin  to  mii1<- 
pcndcnce,  sent  one  of  his  peneriils,  named  Teles- 
phorns,  witli  a  fleet  nnd  army  to  Peloponnesus, 
who  expelled  Cassnnder'g  garrisons  from  most  of 
the  towns.  The  following  year  (Ol.  117,  1)  [B.  ('. 
312]  he  sent  an  oflUer,  named  Ptolema-iis,  with 
another  licet  and  army  to  Grecee.  Ptolema'Us 
landed  in  Hceotia,  ami  being  joined  by  3,200  foot. 
and  l.iWO  horse  of  tlie  H(eotians,  he  passed  oyer 
toEub(ea;  where  having  expelled  the  Maeedonian 
garri.son  from  ('halris(the  onljr  town  there  which 
Cassander  held),  he  left  it  without  any  foreign 

farrison,  as  a  proof  that  Antigonua  meant  fairly. 
le  then  took  Oroj/us,  and  gave  it  to  the  JUvo- 
tinns;  he  enteri'd  Attica,  and  the  people  forced 
Demetrius  Phalereus  to  make  a  truce  with  him, 
and  to  send  to  Antigonus  to  treat  of  an  alliance. 
Ptolcma'us  returned  to  liirotia,  expelled  I  lie  garri- 
son from  the  Cadmeia,  and  liberated  Thebes."— 
T.  Keightley,  Jliat.  of  Greece,  ])t.  3,  ch.  5. 
Also  in:   C.  Thirlwall,  IIM.  of  Greece,  eh.  58 

B.  C.  307-197.— Demetrius  and  the  Anti- 
gonids.— In  the  spring  of  the  year  307  15.  C. 
Athens  was  surprise  1  by  an  expedition  sent  from 
Ephesus  by  Antigonus,  under  his  adventurous 
son  Demetrius,  surniimed  Poliorcetcs  (see  Mack- 
noNiA:  R  {'.  310-301).  The  city  had  then  been 
for  ten  yeara  subject  to  Cas-sander,  the  ruling 
chief  in  Macedonia  for  the  time,  and  aiipe ".rs  to 
liave  been  mildly  governed  by  Cas.sander's  lieu- 
tenant, Demetrius  the  Phalerian.  •  The  coming 
of  the  other  Demetrius  offered  nothing  to  the 
A*'ieni"-"  but  a  change  of  masters,  but  they  wel- 
comed him  \  Uh  extravagant  demonstrations. 
Their  dcgenerai  y  was  shown  in  proceedings  of 
Asiatic  servility.  They  deified  Demetrius  and  his 
father  Antigonus,  erected  altars  to  them  and  a])- 
pointed  ministering  priests.  After  some  niontlis 
spent  at  Athens  in  the  enjoyment  of  these  adula- 
tions, Demetrius  returned  to  Asia,  to  take  i)art 
in  the  war  which  Antigonus  was  waging  with 
Ptolemy  of  Egypt  and  Lysimachus  of  Thrace, 
two  of  his  former  partners  in  tlie  partition  of 
the  empire  of  Alexander.  lie  was  absent  three 
years,  and  then  returned,  at  the  call  of  the 
Athenians,  to  save  them  from  falling  again  into 
the  hands  of  (!assander.  He  now  made  Athens 
his  capital,  as  it  were,  for  something  more  than 
a  year,  wliile  he  acquired  control  of  Corintli, 
Argos,  Sieyon,  Chalcis  in  Eubira  and  other  ini 
portant  places,  greatly  reducing  the  dominion  of 
the  Macedonian,  Cassander.  His  treatment  at 
Athens,  during  this  i)eriod,  v.  is  marked  by  the 
same  impious  and  disgraceful  STvility  as  before. 
He  was  called  the  guest  of  the  goddess  Alheni- 
nnd  lodged  in  the  Parthenon,  which  lie  polluted 
with  intolerable  debaucheries.  But  in  the  sum- 
mer of  301  B.  C.  this  clever  adventurer  was 
summoned  again  to  Asia,  to  aid  his  father  in  the 
last  great  struggle,  which  decided  the  partition 
of  the  empire  of  Alexander  between  his  se'f- 
constituted  heirs.  At  the  battle  of  Ipsus  (see 
Macedonia  :  B.  C.  3lO-801),  Antigonus  i)erished 
nnd  Demetrius  was  stripped  of  the  kingdom  he 
expected  to  inherit.  He  turned  to  Athens  for 
consolation,  and  the  fickle  city  refused  to  admit 
l.im  within  her  walls.  But  after  some  iieriod  c' 
wanderings  and  adventures  the  uncon(iuerabie 
prince  got  together  a  force  with  which  he  com- 
lielled  the  Athenians  to  receive  liim,   on   more 


definite  terms  of  submission  on  their  part  nnd  of 
mastery  on  lii.s.  .Moreover,  he  established  his 
rule  in"  the  irreater  part  of  I'eloponnesus,  and 
finally,  on  the  death  of  Cassander  (B.  C.  21>7),  he 
acquired  llu^  crown  of  .Macedonia.  Not  snti.sfled 
with  what  fortune  had  thus  given  him,  he  at- 
tempted to  recover  the  Asiatic  kingdom  of  his 
father,  and  died,  B.  C.  283,  a  captive  in  the  hands 
of  the  Syrian  monarch,  Seieucus.  His  Jlacedo- 
nian  kingdom  had  meantime  been  seized  by 
Pyrrlms  of  Epirus;  but  it  was  ultimately  recov- 
ered by  flic  eldest  legitimate  son  of  Demetrius, 
called  Antigonus  Gonatu.s.  From  that  time,  for 
a  century,  until  the  liomans  came,  not  oidy 
Macedonia,  but  Greece  at  large,  Athens  included, 
was  ruled  or  dominated  by  tliis  king  and  his  de- 
scendants, known  as  tlie  Antigonid  kings. — C. 
Tliirlwall,  IliKt.  of  Greece,  ch.  .'il'l-OO  (r.  7-8). 

B.  C.  297-280. —Death  of  Cassander. —  In- 
trigues and  murders  of  Ptolemy  Keraunos  and 
his  strange  acquisition  of  the  Macedonian 
throne.     See  Mackdonia:  K.  V,.  2(17-280. 

B.  C.  280-279.— Invasion  by  the  Gauls.  See 
Oaui.s:  B.  C.  280-279. 

B.  C.  280-275.  —  Campaigns  of  Pyrrhus  in 
Italy  and  Sicily.     See  Komi;:  B,  C.  282-27."). 

B.  C.  3d  Century.  —  The  Hellenistic  world. 
— As  tlie  result  of  the  conquests  of  Alexander 
and  tlu!  wars  of  his  successors,  there  were,  in 
tint  third  century  before  Christ,  three  great 
Hellenistic  kingdoms,  "Macedonia,  Egypt,  Syria, 
which  lasted,  each  under  its  own  dynnsty,  till 
Home  swallowed  them  up.  The  first  of  these, 
which  was  the  poorest,  nnd  the  smallest,  but 
historicnlly  the  most  important,  included  the 
ancestral  possessions  of  Pliilip  and  Alexander  — 
Mncedonia,  most  of  Thrace,  Thessaly,  the  moun- 
tainous centre  of  tlie  peninsula,  as  well  ns  a  pro- 
tectorate more  or  less  definite  nnd  nbsolute  over 
tircece  jiroper,  the  Cyclndes,  nnd  certain  tracts 
of  Caria.  .  .  .  Next  came  Egypt,  including  Cy- 
rene  nnd  Cyprus,  nnd  n  general  protectorate  over 
the  sea-coast  cities  of  Asia  Minor  up  to  the  Black 
Sea,  together  with  claims  often  asserted  with 
success  on  Syria,  and  on  the  coast  lands  of 
Southern  Asia  ..Minor.  .  .  .  Thirdly  c«ine  what 
was  now  called  Syria,  on  account  of  the  policy 
of  the  house  of  Seleucus,  who  Imilt  there  its 
capital,  and  determined  to  make  the  Greek  or 
Hellenistic  end  of  its  vnst  dominions  its  politicnl 
centre  of  gravity.  The  Kingdom  of  Syria  owned 
the  south  nnd  southeast  of  Asia  Jlinor,  Syria, 
and  generally  Palestine.  Mesopotamia,  and  the- 
mountain  provinces  adjoining  it  on  the  Eiwt, 
with  vague  claims  further  east  when  there  was 
no  king  like  Snndracottus  to  hold  India  and  the 
Punjaub  with  a  strong  hand.  There  was  still  ii 
large  element  of  Hellenism  in  these  remote  parts. 
The  kingdom  of  Bactria  was  ruled  by  a  dynasty 
of  kings  with  Greek  names  —  Euthycleinus  is  the 
chief  —  who  coined  in  Greek  style,  and  must 
therefore  have  regarded  themselves  as  successors 
to  Alexander.  There  are  many  exceiitions  and 
limitations  to  this  general  description,  and  many 
secondary  nnd  semi-independent  kingdoms, 
which  make  the  picture  of  Hellenism  infinitely 
various  nnd  complicated.  There  was,  in  fact,  a 
chain  of  independent  kingdoms  reaching  from 
Media  to  Sparta,  all  of  wliich  asserted  their  com- 
plete freedom,  and  generally  attained  it  by 
balancing  the  gre-.t  powers  one  against  the  other. 
Heri!  tl'.cy  arc  .n  I'leir  order.  Atropatene  was 
the  kingdom  in  the  northern  and  western'iiarts 


1601 


greecp:,  n.  c.  an  centuhv.    tv.^  /irtn*..™ 


GREECE,  B.  C.  280-146. 


<if  the  prDviiicf  <if  Media,  by  Alropalcs,  tlio 
Hiitriip  of  AlcxatKlor,  who  claiiiicil  ilcscciil 
from  the  Hcven  I'crsiaii  cliicfH  wlin  put  DariiiH 
I.  on  the  tliKiiie.  Next  came  Armenia, 
Imrillv  comiuered  liy  Alexander,  and  now 
<'stal)lislied  under  ii  dynasty  of  its  own.  Tlien 
Cappadotia,  llie  land  in  tlie  heart  of  Asia  Minor, 
wliere  it  narrows  between  Cilicia  and  I'ontiis, 
ruled  by  sovereiens  also  tlaimiiii;  royal  Pei-sian 
deseent.  .  .  .  Fourthly.  I'ontus,  under  its 
e(pially  Persian  dynast  .Slithridates  — 1\  kinplom 
which  inalii'S  a  jLcreat  tif,'ure  in  Kastern  history 
under  the  later  Honian  U<'publi(\  There  was 
moreover  a  dynnst  of  Hithynia,  .set  up  and  sup- 
ported by  the  robber  state  of  the  Celtic  Oula- 
lian.s,  which  had  just  been  fomided,  and  was  a 
source  of  strenjrth  and  of  (lanj;er  to  all  its  neigh- 
bours. Then  I'erjjjamum,  just  being  foui  (led 
and  strengthened  by  the  first  Altalid,  Wiilota'rus, 
an  olUcer  of  Lysimachus,  and  jiresently  to  be- 
come on<^  of  the  lending  exponents  of  Hellenism. 
.  .  .  Almost  all  these  second-rate  states  (aTid 
witli  them  the  free  Greek  cities  of  Ileraeleia, 
C'yv.icus,  Byzantium,  ice.)  were  fragments  of  tin; 
.shattered  kingdom  of  Lysininclius,  .  .  .  We 
liave  taken  no  account  of  ii  very  iieculiar  feature 
extending  nil  through  even  the  Greek  kingdoms, 
c.si)ecinlly  tlint  of  the  Selueids  —  the  number  of 
large  Hellenistic  cities  founded  as  special  centres 
of  culture,  or  points  of  defence,  and  organized 
us  .such  with  a  certain  local  independence.  The.sc 
cities,  most  of  which  we  only  know  by  name, 
were  the  real  backbone  of  Hellenism  in  the 
world.  Alexander  had  founded  seventy  of  them, 
all  called  by  his  name.  Many  were  upon  great 
trade  lines,  like  the  Alexandria  which  still  ex- 
ists. JIany  were  intended  as  garrison  towns 
in  the  centre  of  remote  provinces,  like  (/'andaliar 
—  a  corrui)tion  of  Iskanderieh,  Iskcndar  being 
the  Oriental  form  for  Alexander.  Some  were 
mere  outposts,  where  Macedoni.in  soldiers  were 
forced  to  settle,  and  guard  the  frontiers  against 
the  barbarians,  like  the  Alexandria  on  the 
laxartes.  ...  As  regards  Seleuciis  ...  we  have 
ii  remarkable  statement  from  Ajjpian  that  he 
founded  cities  through  the  length  and  breadth  of 
his  kingdom,  viz.,  sixteen  Antiochs  called  after 
his  fatlicr,  five  Laodiceas  after  his  mother,  nine 
Seleucias  after  himself,  three  Apameias  and  one 
Stnitoniccia  after  his  wives.  ...  All  through 
Syria  and  Upper  Asia  there  are  many  towns 
bearing  Greek  and  Mnccdoninu  names  —  Berea, 
Edessii,  Perinthos,  Aehten,  Pclla,  &c.  The  num- 
ber of  these,  which  have  been  enumerated  in  a 
special  catalogue  by  Droysen,  the  learned  his- 
torian of  Hellenism,  is  enormous,  and  the  first 
question  which  arises  in  our  mind  is  this:  where 
were  Greek-speaking  people  found  to  fill  them? 
It  is  indeed  true  that  Greece  proper  about  this 
time  became  depopulated,  and  that  it  never  has 
recovered  from  this  decay.  .  .  .  Yet  .  .  .  the 
whole  population  of  Greece  would  never  have 
.sulliced  for  one  tithe  of  the  cities  —  the  great 
cities  —  founded  all  over  Asi.i  by  the  Diadochi. 
We  nre  therefore  driven  to  the  conclusion  that 
but  a  small  fraction,  the  soldiers  and  officinls  of 
the  new  cities,  were  Greeks  —  Macedonians, 
when  founded  by  Alexander  himself— generally 
broken  down  veterans,  mutinous  and  discon- 
tented troops,  and  camp  followers.  To  these 
were  associated  people  from  the  surrounding 
country,  it  being  Alexander's  fixed  idea  to  dis- 
f  uunfcuancc  sporadic  country  lite  in  villages  and 


enconrngo  town  comnninities.  The  towns  ac- 
cordingly received  considerable  privileges.  .  .  . 
'I"he  (ireek  language  and  political  habits  were 
thus  the  imc  bond  of  union  among  them,  and  the 
extraordinary  colonizing  genius  of  the  Greek 
once  more  proved  itself." — J.  P.  MabaiTy,  T/ie 
Stiirji  of  AUxnmlef'n  Kiiijiiiv,  ch.   10. — See,  also, 

Hi;i  •  IC.NIC  (IKNIIIS  AND  I.NFI.IKNCIO. 

B.  C.  280-146. — The  Achaian  League. — Its 
rise  and  fall. —  Destruction  of  Sparta. —  Su- 
premacy of  Rome. — The  Achaian  League,  which 
bore  a  leading  part  in  the  alTairs  of  Greece  dur- 
ing the  last  half  of  the  third  and  first  half  of  the 
second  century  before  Olirist,  was  in  some  sense 
the  revival  of  a  more  ancient  confederacy  among 
the  cities  of  Achaia  in  Peloponnesus.  The  older 
League,  however,  was  confined  to  twelve  cities 
of  Achaia  and  had  little  weight,  apparently,  in 
general  Hellenic  politics.  TIk!  revived  League 
grew  beyond  the  territorial  boundaries  which 
were  indicated  by  its  name,  and  embraced  the 
larg<'r  part  of  Peloponnesus.  It  began  about 
280  B.  v.  by  the  fornung  of  a  unicm  between  the 
two  Achaian  cities  of  Patrai  and  Dyme.  One  by 
one  their  neighbors  joined  them,  until  ten  cities 
were  confederated  and  acting  as  one.  "The  first 
years  of  the  growth  of  the  Achaian  League  are 
contem|)orary  with  the  invasion  of  Macedonia 
and  Greece  by  the  Gauls  and  with  the  wars 
between  Pyrrhos  and  Antigonos  Gonatas  [see 
Macki)oni.\,  &c.  :  B.  C.'277-244J.  Pyrrhos,  for  a 
moment,  expelled  Antigonos  f'  om  the  Macedo- 
nian thione,  which  Antijionos  recovered  while 
Pyrrhos  was  -warring  in  Peloponnesos.  By  the 
time  that  Pyrrhos  was  dead,  and  Antigonos  again 
firmly  fixed  in  Ma<;edoiua,  the  League  had  grown 
tip  to  maturity  as  far  as  regarded  the  cities  of  the 
old  Achaia.  .  .  .  Thus  far,  then,  circumstances 
had  favoured  the  tiuiet  and  peaceful  growth  of  the 
League."  It  had  had  tlie  opportunity  to  grow 
linn  enough  and  strong  enough,  on  the  small 
scale,  to  offer  some  lessons  to  its  disunited  and 
tyrannize(i  neighbors  and  to  exercise  nu  attractive 
inHuence  upon  them.  One  of  the  nearest  of  these 
neighbors  was  Sikyon,  which  groaned  under  a 
tyranny  that  had  l)een  fastened  upon  it  by  Mace- 
donian influence.  Among  the  exiles  from  Sikyon 
was  a  remarkable  young  man  named  Arntos,  or 
Aratus,  to  whom  the  successful  working  of  the 
small  Achaian  League  suggested  some  broader 
extension  of  the  same  political  organism.  In 
B.  C.  251,  Aratus  succeeded  in  delivering  his 
native  cit'  from  its  tyrant  and  in  bringing  about 
the  annexation  oPSikyouto  the  Achaian  League. 
Eight  years  later,  having  meantime  been  elected 
to  the  chief  oflice  of  the  League,  Aratos  accom- 
plished the  expulsion  of  the  Macedonians  and  their 
agents  from  Corinth,  Megara,  Troizen  and  Epi- 
dauros,  and  persuaded  those  four  cities  to  unite 
themselves  with  the  Acbaiaus.  During  the  next 
ten  years  lie  made  similar  progress  in  Arkadia, 
winning  town  after  town  to  the  federation,  until 
the  Arkadian  federal  capital,  Megalopolis,  was 
enrolled  in  the  list  of  members,  and  gave  to  the 
League  its  g'  st  acquisition  of  energy  and 
brain.     In  "  C.  the  skill  of  Aratos  and  the 

prestige  of  igue,  taking  advantage  of  dis- 

turbances ii  Ionia,  effected  the  withdrawal 

of  the  Macedi  .1  garrisons  from  Athens  and  the 
liberation  of  that  city,  which  did  not  become 
confederatetl  with  its  liberators,  but  entered  into 
alliance  with  them.  Argos  was  emancipated 
and  annexed,  B.  C.  228,  and  "the  League  was 


1602 


GREECE,  a  C.  280-140, 


Human  Conguent      GItEECE,    ».    ('.    14«-A.    D.    180 


now  the  greatest  power  of  Orococ.  A.  Fedem- 
tioii  of  ciiuiil  cities,  (Icmocrnticiilly  governed, 
eml)raccd  tlie  whole  of  old  Aclmia,  the  whole  of 
the  Argollc  peniiisuln,  the  greater  part  of  Arka- 
(lia,  together  with  Phlious,  Silcvon,  Corinth,  Me- 
gara,  and  the  island  of  Aigiua.  '  The  one  rival 
of  the  Aeliaian  licague  in  Peloponnesus  was 
.Sparta,  which  loolicd  with  jealousy  upon  its 
growing  power,  and  would  not  t)(i  confederated 
with  it.  The  conse(iuencesof  that  jealous  rivalry 
were  fatal  to  the  hopes  for  Greece  which  the 
Achaian  union  had  seemed  to  revive.  Unfor- 
tiuialely,  rather  than  otherwi.se,  the  Laccdicnio- 
nian  tlirouo  came  to  he  occupied  at  this  time  hy 
the  last  of  the  hero-kings  of  tlie  Ilcrakleid  race 
—  Kleomcnes.  When  the  inevitahle  collision  of 
war  between  Sparta  and  the  I.ieugue  occurred 
(B.  C.  227-221),  the  personal  figure  of  Kleomenes 
loomed  so  large  in  tlie  conflict  that  it  took  the 
name  of  the  Klcomenic  War.  Aratoa  was  the 
worst  of  generals,  Kleomenes  one  of  the  greatest, 
and  the  Achaians  were  stiMidily  beaten  in  the 
field.  Driven  to  sore  straits  at  last,  tliey  aban- 
doned the  whole  original  purpose  of  their  federa- 
tion, hy  inviting  tlie  king  of  Macedonia  to  help 
them  cVusli  the  independence  of  Sparta.  To  win 
his  aid  they  gave  up  Corinth  to  him,  and  under 
his  leadership  they  achieved  the  shameful  victory 
of  Sellasia  (B.  C.  231),  where  all  that  is  worthy 
in  Ijacedoemonian  history  came  to  an  end.  The 
League  was  now  scarcely  more  than  a  depen- 
dency of  tlie  Macedonian  kingdom,  and  figured 
as  such  in  tlie  so-called  Social  War  with  tlie 
iEtolian  League,  B.  C.  219-217.  The  wars  of 
Uome  with  Macedonia  which  followed  renewed 
its  political  importance  considerably  for  a  time. 
Uecoming  tlic  ally  of  Uome,  it  was  able  to  main- 
tain a  certain  dignity  and  influence  until  the  su- 
])remacy  of  the  Koman  arms  had  been  securely 
proved,  and  tlien  it  sank  to  tlie  heliiless  insig- 
nificance wliich  all  Roman  alliances  led  to  in  the 
cn<l.  It  was  in  that  state  when,  on  some  com- 
plaint from  Rome  (B.  C.  1C7),  a  thousand  of  the 
chief  citizens  of  Achaia  were  sent  as  prisoners  to 
Italy  and  detained  there  until  less  than  300  sur- 
vived to  return  to  their  homes.  Among  them 
was  the  liistorian  Polybios.  A  little  later  (B.  C. 
140)  there  was  a  wild  revolt  from  the  Roman 
yoke,  in  wliicli  Corinth  took  tlie  lead.  A  few 
months  of  war  ensued,  ending  in  a  decisive 
battle  at  Leukopetra.  Then  Corinth  was  sacked 
and  destroyed  by  the  Roman  army  and  the 
Achaian  League  disappeared  from  history. — E. 
A.  Freeman,  JIiKt.  of  Federal  Govt.,  ch.  5-9. 

Also  in  :  C.  Tliirlwall.  Hist,  of  Greece,  ch.  61- 
00  (v.  8).— Polybius,  IIMory. 

B.  C.  214-1^6.— The  Roman  conquest.— The 
scries  of  wars  in  which  the  Romans  made  them- 
selves masters  of  Greece  were  known  in  their 
annals  as  the  Macedonian  Wars.  At  the  be- 
ginning, they  were  innocent  of  aggression.  A 
young  and  ambitious  but  unprincipled  king  of 
Macedonia  —  Philip,  who  succeeded  the  able 
Aiitigonos  Dos.. a  —  had  put  himself  in  alliance 
with  the  Carthaginians  find  assailed  the  Romans 
in  tlie  midst  of  their  desperate  conflict  witli 
Hannibal.  For  tlie  time  tliey  were  unable  to  do 
more  than  trouble  Philip  so  far  as  to  prevent  his 
bringing  effective  reinforcements  to  tlie  enemy 
at  their  doors,  and  this  they  accomplished  in  part 
by  a  treaty  with  the  ^tolians,  wliich  enlisted 
that  tinscrupulous  league  upon  their  side.  The 
first  Macedonian  war,  which  began  B.  C.  314,  was 


terminated  by  the  Peace  of  Dyrracliium,  B.  C. 
20.').  Tlie  Peace  was  of  five  years  duration, 
and  Philip  employed  it  in  reckless  underUikings 
against  Pergamus.  against  Rhodes,  against 
Athens,  ev(!ry  one  of  which  carried  com- 
plaints to  Rome,  the  rising  arbiter  of  the  Medi- 
terranean world,  whose  hosfillty  Pliilip  lost  no 
opportunity  to  jirovoke.  On  the  Ides  of  March, 
B.  C.  200.  the  Roman  .senate  declared  war.  In 
the  spring  of  B.  V.  197  this  se<M)iid  iMacedonian 
War  was  ended  at  the  battle  of  (^ynoscephalie— 
so  called  from  the  name  of  a  range  of  hills 
known  as  the  Dog-head.s — wliere  the  Macedonian 
army  was  annihilated  hy  the  consul  T.  Quinclius 
Flamininus.  At  tlie  next  assembly  of  the  Greeks 
for  the  Isthmian  Games,  a.  crier  made  proclama- 
tion in  the  arena  that  the  Roman  Senate  and 
T.  Quiuctius  the  General,  having  conquered  King 
Philip  and  the  Macedonians,  declared  all  the 
Greeks  who  had  been  subject  to  the  king  free 
and  independent.  Henceforth,  whatever  free- 
dom and  independence  tlie  states  of  Greece  en- 
joyed were  according  to  the  will  of  Rome.  An 
interval  of  twenty-five  years,  broken  by  the  in- 
vasion of  Antiochus  and  his  defeat  by  tlie  Romans 
at  Thermopylno  (see  Sklki;ciu.«:  B.  C.  224-187). 
was  followed  by  a  third  Macedonian  War. 
Pliilip  was  now  dea<l  and  succeeded  by  his  son 
Perseus,  known  to  be  hostile  to  Rome  and  ac- 
cused of  intrigues  witli  her  enemies.  The  Roman 
Senate  forestalled  his  int(Mition8  hy  declaring  war. 
The  war  whicli  opened  B.  C.  171  was  closed  by 
tlie  battle  of  Pydna.  fought  .Tune  22,  B.  C.  168, 
where  20,000  Alacedonians  were  slain  and  11,000 
taken  prisoners,  wliile  the  Romans  lost  scarcely 
100  men.  Perseus  attempted  flight,  hut  was 
soon  driven  to  give  himself  up  and  was  sent  to 
Rome.  The  Macedonian  kingdom  was  then  ex- 
tinguished and  its  territory  divided  between  four 
nominal  republics,  tributary  to  Rome.  Twenty 
years  after,  there  was  an  attempt  made  by  a  pre- 
tender to  reestablish  the  Macedonian  throne,  and 
a  fourth  Slacedonian  War  occurred ;  but  it  was 
soon  finislied  (B.  C.  146— see  above,  B.  C.  280- 
140;.  The  four  republics  then  gave  way,  to  form 
a  Roi.  an  province  of  Macedonia  and  Epirus, 
while  Ui^  remainder  of  Greece,  in  turn,  became 
tlie  Roman  province  of  Achaia. — C.  Tliirlwall, 
Hist,  of  Greece,  ch.  64-08  (0.  8). 

A1.8O  in:  II.  G.  Liddell,  Hut.  of  Rome,  ch.  39, 
43  and  45. — E.  A.  Freeman,  Hist,  of  Federal 
Gout.,  ch.  8-9. — Polybius,  General  History. 

B.  C.  191. — War  of  Antiochus  of  Syria  and 
the  Romans.     See  Seleucid^:   B.  C.  224-187. 

B.  C.  146— A.  D.  180. — Under  the  Romans, 
to  the  reign  of  Marcus  Aurelius. — Sufferings 
in  the  Mithridatic  war  and  revolt,  and  in  the 
Roman  civil  wars. — Treatment  by  the  emper- 
ors.—  Munificence  of  Herodes  Atticus. — "It 
was  some  time  [after  the  Roman  conquest]  be- 
fore the  Greeks  had  great  reason  to  regret  their 
fortune.  A  combination  of  causes,  which  could 
hardly  have  entered  into  the  calculations  of  any 
politician,  enabled  them  to  preserve  their  national 
institutions,  and  to  exercise  all  their  former  social 
influence,  evon  after  the  annihilation  of  their  po- 
litical existence.  Tlieir  vanity  was  flattered  by 
their  admitted  superiority  in  arts  and  literature, 
and  by  the  respect  paid  to  their  usages  and  pre- 
judices by  tlie  Romans.  Their  political  subjec- 
tion was  at  first  not  very  burdensome;  and  a 
considerable  portion  of  the  nation  was  allowed  to 
retain  the  appearance  of  independence.     Athens 


1603 


flUEECE,  n.  r.  140-A.  n.  IHO.       noman  Rulf.       OHEECE,  n.  C.   140-A.  n.   IHO. 


and  Spartii  wcrn  linnourcil  with  the  liilr  of  iiUics 
of  Koine.  lAllii'tisri'tuini'd  tliis  indciicndcnl  v\- 
iHtoncf,  piirlakiiift  somcthinij  of  tin-  position  of 
Iliimhiir);  in  tlK>(knniini<'  lioily,  until  tlictiniuof 
CuriK'iillii,  wlicn  its  citizens  iverc?  iiltH<irl)ed  into 
the  Itomiin  empire. — Footnote,]  TIk^  niUioniility 
of  the  (Jreelis  was  so  interwoven  witli  llieir  inii- 
nieipiil  institutions,  tlitit  tlie  Koinuns  found  it  iin- 
poHsiblu  to  idiolisli  the  loctd  iiduiinistration;  and 
nn  imperfect  attempt  made  at  tlie  time  of  tlie 
cotKpiest  of  Aelinia  was  soon  ahanchmed.  .  .  . 
Tlio  Homan  senate  was  evidently  not  witliout 
great  jealousy  and  .some  fear  of  tlie  Greeks;  luid 
great  ijrudence  was  displayed  in  adopting  a  num- 
l)er  of  measures  by  wliieii  they  were  gradually 
weakened,  and  cautiously  broken  to  the  yoki!  of 
their  eomiuerors.  .  .  .  It  was  not  until  after  the 
time  of  Augu.stus,  when  the  con<iuest  of  every 
portion  of  the  Greek  nation  had  been  completc(l, 
tliat  the  Homiuis  began  to  view  the  Greeks  in  the 
contemptible  light  in  which  they  arc  repres<.'ntcd 
by  tlie  writers  of  the  capital.  Crete  was  not  re- 
duced into  til"  form  ;>f  a  province  initil  about 
eight  yea's  after  the  s  d)jeetion  of  Aeliaia,  and 
its  comi'iest  was  not  eifected  without  '.lilllculty, 
after  a  war  of  three  vi'ars,  by  the  presence  of  a 
consular  army.  The  r  'sistaiice  ii  oflored  was  so 
obstinate  that  it  was  aln.'>^t  depopulated  ere  the 
Uonians  could  complete  its  conriuest.  .  .  .  The 
Itoman  government  .  .  .  soon  adopted  measures 
tending  to  diminish  the  resources  of  the  Greek 
states  when  received  as  allies  of  the  republic. 
...  If  we  could  place  implicit  faith  in  the  testi- 
mony of  so  lirm  and  partial  an  adherent  of  the 
Itomans  as  Polybius,  wo  must  believe  that  the 
lioman  administration  was  at  first  characterised 
by  a  love  of  justice,  and  that  the  Roman  magis- 
trates were  far  less  venal  than  the  Greeks.  .  .  . 
Ijcss  than  a  century  of  irnsponsible  power 
elTccted  a  wonderful  change  in  the  conduct  of 
the  Itoman  magistrates.  Cicero  declares  that  the 
senate  made  a  tralflc  of  justice  to  the  provincials. 
.  .  .  But  as  the  government  of  Uoinc  grew  more 
oppressive,  and  the  amount  of  the  ta.\es  levied 
on  tlio  provinces  was  more  severely  exacted,  the 
increased  power  of  the  republic  rendered  any  re- 
bellion of  the  (Jreeks  utterly  hopeless.  .  .  .  For 
sixty  years  after  the  conquest  of  Achaia,  tlio 
(Greeks  remained  docile  subjects  of  Home.  .  .  . 
The  number  of  liomaa  usurers  increased,  anil  the 
exactions  of  Itoinan  publicans  in  collecting  the 
taxes  became  more  oppressive,  so  that  when  the 
army  of  Mithridates  invaded  Greece,  B.  C.  80, 
wliilo  Rome  appeared  plunged  in  anarchy  by  the 
civil  broils  of  the  partisans  of  JIaritis  and  Sylla, 
tlie  Greeks  in  otllce  conceived  the  vain  hope  of 
recovering  their  independence  [see  Mitiihid.\tic 
"Waiis;  and  Athens:  B.  C.  87-80J.  .  .  .  Both 
parties,  during  the  Mithridatic  war,  inllictod 
severe  injuries  on  Greece.  .  .  .  JIany  of  the 
losses  were  never  repaired.  The  foundations  of 
national  prosperity  were  undermined,  and  it 
henceforward  l)eeame  impossible  to  save  from 
the  annual  consumption  of  the  inhabitants  the 
suras  necessjiry  to  replace  the  accut.iidated  capi- 
tal of  ages,  winch  this  short  war  had. annihilated. " 
— G.  Finlay,  (h-ccce  under  the  Uoiimhk,  cIi.  1. — 
"Scarcely  had  the  storm  of  Roman  war  passed 
by,  wlien  the  Cilician  pirates,  finding  the  coasts 
of  Greece  peculiarly  favorable  for  their  maraud- 
ing incursxms,  and  tempted  by  the  wealth  accu- 
nuilated  in  'h.'  cities  and  temples,  commenced 
their  depredations  on   so  gigantic  a  scale  that 


Rome  felt  obliged  to  put  forth  all  her  military 
forces  for  their  suppression.  The  exploits  of 
I'ompey  the  Great,  who  was  clothed  with  auto- 
cratic powi'r  to  destroy  this  gigantic  evil,  fill  the 
brightest  chapter  in  tlu'  history  of  that  celebrated 
hut  too  unfortunate  commander  [see  ('ll.lciA, 
I'lilATlcs  ok|.  .  .  .  The  civil  wars  in  which  the 
great  Republic  expired  liad  the  fields  of  Greece 
for  their  theatre.  Under  the  tramp  of  cont<'nd- 
ing  armies,  her  fertile  plains  were  desolated,  and 
Roman  blood,  in  a  cause  not  her  own,  again  and 
again  moistened  her  soil  [see  Romk:  H.  C  48, 
44—12,  and  III),  But  at  length  the  civil  wars 
have  come  to  an  end.  and  the  Empire  introduces, 
for  the  llrsl  time  in  the  melancholy  history  of 
man,  a  state  of  universal  peace.  Greece  still 
maintains  her  prceminc'ice  in  literature  and  art, 
and  her  .schools  arc;  frequented  by  the  sons  of 
the  Roman  aristocntcy.  Her  elder  jxiets  serve 
as  models  to  the  literary  genius  of  the  Augustan 
age.  .  .  .  The  historians  form  themselves  on 
Attic  prototypes,  and  the  i)hilo8ophers  of  Rome 
divide  themselves  among  the  Grecian  sects,  while 
in  Athens  tlu;  Platonists,  the  Stoics,  the  IVripa- 
tetics,  and  the  Epicureans  still  haunt  the  scenes 
with  which  the  names  of  their  musters  were  in- 
separably as.sociated,  ,  ,  .  The  establishment  of 
the  Empire  made  but  little  change  in  the  admin- 
istration of  Greece.  Augustus,  indeed,  showed 
no  great  solicitude,  except  to  maintain  the  coun- 
try in  subjection  by  his  military  colonies, —  es- 
pecially those  of  Patrc  and  Nicopolis.  IIo  even 
deprived  Athens  of  the  privileges  she  had  en- 
joyed under  the  Republic,  and  broke  down  the 
remaining  power  of  Sparta,  by  declaring  the  in- 
dependence of  her  subject  towns.  Some  of  his 
successors  treated  the  country  with  favor,  and 
endeavored,  by  a  clement  use  of  authority,  to 
mitigate  the  sulTerings  of  its  decline.  Even 
Nero,  the  amiable  fiddler  of  Rome,  was  proud  to 
display  the  extent  of  his  musical  abilities  in  their 
theatres.  .  .  .  The  noble  Trajan  allowed  the 
Greeks  to  retain  tiieir  former  local  privileges,  and 
did  much  to  improve  their  condition  by  liia  wise 
and  just  administration.  Hadrian  was  a  pas- 
sionate lover  of  Greek  art  and  literature.  Athens 
especially  received  the  amplest  beneflts  from  his 
taste  and  wealth.  IIo  finished  the  temple  of 
Olympian  Zeus;  establislied  a  public  library; 
built  a  pantheon  and  a  gymnasium ;  rebuilt  the 
temple  of  Apollo  at  Megara;  improved  the  old 
roads  of  Greece  and  made  now  ones.  .  .  .  An- 
toninus and  Marcus  Aurelius  showed  good  will 
to  Greece.  The  latter  rebuilt  the  temple  at 
Eletisis,  and  improved  the  Athenian  schools, 
raising  the  salaries  of  the  teachers,  and  in  various 
ways  contributing  to  make  Athens,  as  it  had 
been  before,  the  most  illustricus  seat  of  learning 
in  the  world.  It  was  in  the  reign  of  this  Em- 
peror, in  the  second  century  of  our  era,  that  one 
of  the  greatest  benefactors  of  Athens  aiul  all 
Greece  lived, —  Ilerodes  Atticus,  distinguislicd 
alike  for  wealth,  learning,  and  eloquence.  Born 
at  JIarathon,  .  .  .  educiUed  at  Athens  by  the 
best  teachers  his  father's  wealth  could  procure, 
he  became  on  going  to  Rome,  in  early  life,  the 
rhetorical  teacher  of  Marcus  Aurelius  himself. 
Antoninus  Pius  bestowed  on  him  the  honor  of 
the  consulship ;  but  ho  preferred  the  career  of  a 
teacher  at  Athens  to  the  highest  political  digni- 
ties .  .  .  ,  and  he  was  followed  thither  by  young 
men  of  the  most  eminent  Roman  families,  from 
the  Emperor's  down.  ...  At  Athens,  south  of 


1604 


GUEECE,   A.   I).   180. 


Hyzantine  a  tut 
'J^irkiati  rule. 


GUEKCK,  A.   1).   1454-1470. 


tlic  Illssiis,  li(>  liiiilt  the  stiuliuin  .  .  .  anil  tlu- 
tluMitrc  of  lU'Killii.  .  .  .  At  Cnriiitli  lie  liiiilt  a 
tliciitro;  lit  Olyinpiii,  an  aiiucdiict ;  at  Delphi,  a 
nioucoiirse ;  uiid  at  Tlicriiiopyla',  a  liospital. 
I'clopoiint'sus,  Eiilid'a,  Hd'olia.aiid  Kpoinis  ex- 
perieiucd  his  hounty,  and  rv<'n  Italy  wast  not 
forgotten  hi  the  lavisii  distrihution  of  his  wcaitli. 
He  died  in  A.  1).  180."— C,  ('.  Felton,  (/recee. 
Aiirii'iil  mid  .\fmh'ni.  4lh  roiirm',  Itct.  !{ (r.  2). — 
On  the  inlluene(r  wliieli  Greek  genius  and  uulturo 
exercised  npon  the  Uoniuns,  see  Hkllenicoemiub 

AND    INKI.UKNCK. 

Also  in:  T.  Moniinsen,  Hint,  of  Jlniiif.  The 
Pioi'imrH,  fit.  7  (c.  1).—.!.  1*.  MahalTy,  The  (lm:k 
World  iiiidtr  Ilomnn  Sinn/. — Sti",  also,  Atiikns: 
B.  (;.  li»7-A.  I).  i:l8. 

B.  C.  48.— Caesar's  campaign  against  Pom- 
peius.— Pharsalia.     .See  Ko.mk:  IJ.  V,.  48. 

A.  D.  258-395. — Gothic  invasions.  Mee  Ootiis. 

A.  D.  330.  —  Transference  of  the  capital  of 
the  Roman  Empire  to  Byzantium  (Constanti- 
nople).    See  CdNSTANTlNol'Lli:  A.  1).  '■VM). 

A.  D.  394-395- — Final  division  of  the  Roman 
Empire  between  the  sons  of  Theodosius. — 
Definite  organization  of  the  Eastern  Empire 
under  Arcadius.     See  ko.Mi;;  A.  I).  ;ii)4-;«r), 

A.  D.  425. — Legal  separation  of  the  Eastern 
and  Western  Empires.  See  Home:  A.  1). 
433-4.-|(). 

A,  D.  446.  —  Devastating  invasion  of  the 
Huns.     See  llrNS:  A.  I).  441-440. 

A.  D.  527-567.  — The  reign  of  Justinian  at 
Constantinople.  —  His  recovery  of  Italy  and 
Africa.    See  Uomk:  A.  1).  ^'il-TMl.  and  ,'5;i.')-,').5:j. 

7th  Century. — Slavonic  occupation  of  the 
Peninsula.    See  Slavonic  Peoples:  6th  and 

7TII  (-"KNTlIIUKa. 

A.  D.  717-1205.— The  Byzantine  Empire  to 
its  fall.  See  Byzanti.nk  Emi-iuk:  A.  I).  717,  to 
1204-12015. 

A.  D.  1205-1261.— Overthrow  of  the  Byzan- 
tine Empire  by  the  Crusaders.  —  The  Latin 
Empire  of  Romania;  the  Greek  Empire  of 
Nicsa;  vhe  dukedoms  of  Athens  and  Naxos  ; 
the    principality    of   Achaia.     Sec   Uomania; 

<iUKKK  EMI'IUE  OK  NiC/KA  ;  ATHENS:   A.  I).  120.5; 

Aciiaia:  a.  I).  1205-1387;  and  Naxos. 

A.  D.  1261-1453.  — The  restored  Byzantine 
or  Greek  Empire.  See  Constantinople:  A.  I). 
1261-1453;  and  Byz.vntine  E.mpiue:  A.  D.  1361- 
1453. 

A.  D.  1453-1479.  — The  Turkish  Conquest. 
SeeTuiiKs:  A.  D.  1451-1481 ;  Constantinople: 
A.  D.  1453,  and  1453-1481;  and  Athens:  A.  D. 
1456. 

A.  D.  1454-1479.— War  of  Turks  and  Vene- 
tians in  the  Peninsula. — Siege  of  Corinth.— 
Sack  of  Athens— Massacres  at  Negropont 
and  Croia. — "The  taking  of  Constantinople  by 
the  Turks,  and  the  captivity  of  the  Venetians 
settled  in  Pera,  threatened  [the  power  ot  Venice] 
.  .  .  in  the  East;  and  she  felt  no  repugnance  to 
enter  into  a  treaty  with  the  enemies  of  her  reli- 
gion. After  a  year's  negotiation,  terms  were  con- 
cluded [1454]  between  the  Sultan  and  Venice; 
by  which  her  possessions  were  secured  to  her, 
and  her  trade  guaranteed  throughout  the  empire. 
In  virtue  of  this  treaty  she  continued  to  occupy 
Modou,  Coron,  Napoli  di  Romania,  Argos,  and 
other  cities  on  the  borders  of  the  Peninsula, 
together  with  Euboea  (Negropont)  and  some  of 
the  smaller  islands.  But  this  good  understand- 
ing was  interrupted  in   1463,  when  the  Turks 


contrived  an  excuse  for  attacking  the  Venetian 
territory.  I'nch'r  pretence  of  resenting  the 
asylum  alTonh'd  to  a  Turkish  refugee,  the  Pasha 
of"  till'  .Morea  besieged  and  eaplured  Aigos;  and 
the  Hepulilic  felt  itself  eoinpelled  Immediately  to 
resent  the  aggression.  A  re-lnforcenieiit  was  sent 
from  Venice  to  Napoli,  and  Argos  was  iiuirUly 
recaptured.  Corinth  was  next  besieged,  and  the 
project  of  fortifying  the  isthmus  was  onee  more 
renewed.  .  .  .The  labour  of  3I),(M)0  work- 
men aceoniplislied  the  work  in  15  days:  a  stone 
wall  of  more  than  12  feet  high,  defended  by  a 
ditch  and  tlanked  by  136  towers,  was  drawn 
across  the  isthmus.  .  .  .  But  the  approach  of  the 
Turks,  whose  numbers  were  probably  exaggerated 
by  report,  threw  the  Venelians  into  distrust  and 
consternation ;  and,  unwilling  to  contide  in  the 
strength  of  their  rampart,  they  abandoned  the 
siege  of  Corinth,  and  retreated  to  Najioli,  from 
which  the  inlidels  were  repulsed  with  the  loss  of 
5,000  men.  The  Peloponnesus  was  now  expo.sed 
to  the  predatory  retaliations  of  the  Turks  and 
Venetians;  and  the  Christians  apjieared  anxious 
to  rival  or  surpass  the  IMahomediins  in  the  retine- 
ment  of  their  barbarous  inliictions.  ...  In  the 
year  1465,  Sigismondo  Malatesta  landed  in  the 
Alorea  witli  a  re-inforcement  of  1,000  men;  and, 
without  elTecting  the  reduction  of  the  citadel, 
captured  and  burned  Misitra  [near  the  ruins  of 
ancient  Sparta].  In  the  following  year,  Vittorc 
C!appello,  with  the  Venetian  Heet,  arrived  in  the 
straits  of  Euiipus;  and  landing  at  Anils  inarcheu 
into  Attica.  After  making  himself  master  of  the 
PiriBus,  belaid  siege  to  Athens;  her  walls  were 
overthrown ;  her  inhabitants  plundered ;  and  the 
Venetians  retreated  with  tlie  spoil  to  the  opposite 
shores  of  Eubiea.  The  victorious  career  of  Mat- 
thias Corviuus,  King  of  Hungary,  for  a  time 
diverted  the  Sultan  from  the  war  in  the  Morea; 
bu*.  ...  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1470  a  fleet 
of '-  J8  gallics,  besidesa  number  of  smaller  vessels, 
mamieii  by  a  force  70,000  itrong,  issued  from 
the  liarbour  of  Constantinop  e,  and  sailed  for  the 
straits  of  Euriptis.  .  .  .  The  army  landed  with- 
out molestation  oi-  the  island,  which  they  united 
to  the  mainland  by  a  bridge  of  boats,  and  im- 
mediately proceeded  to  lay  siege  to  the  city  of 
Negropont.  .  .  .  The  hopes  of  the  besieged  were 
now  (I  Mtred  in  the  Venetian  fleet,  which,  under 
the  command  of  Nicolo  Canale,  lay  at  anchor  in 
the  Saronic  Gulf.  But  that  admiral,  whilst  he 
awaited  a  re-inforcenient,  let  slip  the  favourable 
opportunity  of  preventing  the  debarcation  of  the 
enemy,  or  of  shutting  up  the  Turks  in  the  island 
by  the  destruction  of  their  half-deserted  fleet  and 
bridge  of  boats.  By  an  unaccountable  inactivity, 
he  sulTcred  the  city  to  be  attacked,  which,  after 
a  vigorous  resistance  of  nearly  a  month,  was  car- 
ried by  assault  [July  12, 1470];  and  all  theinhabi 
tants,  who  did  not  escape  into  the  citadel,  were 
put  to  the  sword.  At  length  that  fortress  was 
also  taken ;  and  the  barbarous  conqueror,  who 
had  promised  to  respect  the  head  of  the  intrepid 
governor,  deemed  it  no  violation  of  his  word  to 
saw  his  victim  in  lialves.  After  this  decisive 
blow,  which  reduced  the  whole  island,  Mahomed 
led  back  his  conquering  army  to  Constantinople. 
.  .  .  This  success  encouraged  the  Turks  to  attack 
the  Venetians  in  their  Italian  territory ;  and  the 
Pasha  of  Bosnia  invaded  Istria  and  Priuli,  and 
carried  Are  and  sword  almost  to  the  gatesof  Udine. 
In  the  following  year  [1474],  however,  the  Tiirlis 
were  baffled  in  their  attempt  to  reduce  Scutari  in 


1605 


GHEECE.   1454-1470. 


Siidimal 
IndrlMnnlrilir 


OHEECE,  1821-1820. 


Allmnin,  whl<'h  Imd  liei-n  (Icllvcri'd  liy  the  piilliint 
SriitidcrlK'jc  t(i  llic  tfiiunliiiii  cure  i>f  Venice. 
K<nn(^  iiliiirllve  iie>f(>tiiitii>iiH  for  peiiei.'  Huspenilecl 
hiwUlilles  until  1477,  when  tlie  troops  of  .Mii- 
lioiiied  liiid  Kiege  to  (.'roiii  in  Alliiuiiii.  whieli  tliey 
reiliiced  to  tlie  severest  distress.  Hut  a  new  in 
j'ursion  Into  Kriiili  struck  ii  panic  into  the  iidmlii- 
Innts  of  Venice,  wlio  bclield,  from  tlie  tops  of 
llieircliurcliesand  towers,  IlieniK'nj;  llanics  widcli 
devoured  the  neij;lil)ourin^'  villages."  'riieTiirl<s, 
however,  willuircw  into  All)ania,  wlicn^  tliesiej;c 
of  ('riiia  was  tcrniinaled  liy  its  surrender  and  tlie 
masHuvru  of  its  inhal)itant,s,  and  tlie  .Sultan,  in 
person,  renewed  tlie  attack  on  Scutari.  Tlie 
stubliorn  garrison  of  tliat  strongliold,  however, 
resisted,  with  fearful  glaugliter,  a  continuous  as- 
sault made  upon  tlielr  walls  during  two  days  and 
a  niglit.  Mahomed  was  forced  to  convert  tlie 
Hiege  into  a  blockade,  and  his  troops  reappeared 
in  Friuli.  "These  repealed  aggressions  on  her  ter- 
ritories made  Venice  every  day  more  anxious  to 
c(mclu(lo  a  peace  with  the  Sultan,"  and  a  treaty 
was  signed  in  April,  1479.  "  It  was  agreed  that 
the  islands  of  Negroiioiit  and  Mitylen(^  with  the 
cities  of  Croia  and  Scutari  in  Albania,  and  of 
Tenaro  in  the  Morea,  should  be  consigned  to  the 
Turk;  whilst  other  conquests  were  to  bo  recip- 
rocally restoreil  to  their  former  owners.  A  trib- 
ute of  10,000  ducats  was  imposed  ujion  Venice, 
and  the  inhabitants  of  Scutan  [now  reduced  to 
500  men  aiHl  150  women]  were  to  be  permitted  to 
evacuate  the  city." — Sir  1{.  Comyn,  Jlist.  of  the 
Wentern  Empire,  c/i.  ill  (r.  2). 

Also  in  :  Sir  E.  S.  Creasy,  Hint,  of  the  Ottomati, 
Turks,  ch.  5. 

A.  D.  i64S-x669.— The  war  of  Candia,— Sur- 
render of  Crete  to  the  Turks  by  the  Venetians. 
SeoTtiliKS:  A.  1).  l«4.')-l«(ll). 

A.  D.  1684-1696.— Conquests  by  the  Vene- 
tians from  the  Turks.  See  Turks;  A.  D.  1084- 
1«00. 

A.  D.  1699.— Cession  of  part  of  the  Morea 
to  Venice  by  the  Turks.  See  IIunoauy:  A.  1). 
108;j-l(i'jy. 

A.  D.  1714-1718.— The  Venetians  expelled 
again  from  the  Morea  by  the  Turks.  —  Corfu 
defended.     Sec  TtiiKs:  A.  1).  1714-1718. 

A.  D.  1770-1772.— Revolt  against  the  Turk- 
ish rule. — Russian  encouragement  and  deser- 
tion.   SecTuuKs:  A.  1).  1708-1774. 

A.  D.  1821-1829.— Overthrow  of  Turkish 
rule. — Intervention  of  Russia,  England  and 
France.— Battle  of  Navarino. — Establishment 
of  national  independence. — "The  Spanish  revo- 
lution of  1820  [see  Spain;  A.  D.  1814-1827], 
■whictli  was  speedily  followed  by  the  revolutions 
of  Naples,  Sicily,  and  Piedmont,  caused  agreatex- 
dtement  throughout  Europe,  and  paved  the  way 
for  the  Greek  revolution  of  1821.  Since  the  be- 
ginning of  the  ccntnry  the  Greeks  had  been  pre- 
paring for  the  struggle;  in  fact,  for  more  than 
lifty  years  there  had  been  a  general  movement  in 
the  direction  of  indepen.  ence.  .  .  .  There  had 
been  many  insurrectioni  against  the  Turkish  au- 
thority, but  they  were  generally  suppressed  with- 
out dilllculty,  though  wii  U  the  shedding  of  much 
Greek  blood.  Nearly  every  village  in  Greece 
suffered  from  pillage  by  the  Turks,  and  the  fam- 
ilies were  comparatively  few  that  did  not  mourn 
a  father,  son,  or  brother,  killed  by  the  Turks  or 
carried  into  slavery,  or  a  daughter  or  sister 
transported  to  a  Turkish  harem.  .  .  .  Notwith- 
standing their  subjugation,  many  of  the  Greeks 


were  rommcrcially  prosperous,  and  a  large  part 
of  the  tralllc  of  the  Ka.sl  was  in  their  lianils. 
Tliey  condiiited  nearly  all  the  coasting  trade  of 
the  Levant,  and  a  few  years  before  I  lie  revolu- 
tion they  had  (100  vessels  mounting  0,000  guns 
(for  defenci!  again.st  pirates)  and  maniied  by 
18,000  seamen.  .  .  .  In  laying  their  plans  for  in- 
dependence the  Onrks  resorted  to  the  formation 
of  si'cret  societies,  and  so  well  was  the  scheme  con- 
tluctcd  that  everytliing  was  ripe  for  insurrection 
before  the  Turkish  rulers  had  any  suspicion  of  the 
state  of  affairs.  A  great  association  was  formed 
which  included  Greeks  everywhere,  not  only  in 
Greece  and  its  islands,  but  in  (.'onstantinople, 
Austria,  Cermany,  England,  and  other  countries, 
wheniver  a  Greek  could  be  found.  Men  of  other 
nationalities  were  occasionally  admitted,  but  only 
when  their  loyalty  to  the  Greek  (uiuse  was  be- 
yond (luesticm,  and  their  oflUial  positions  gave 
them  a  chance  to  aid  In  the  work.  Several  dis- 
tinguished* Uussians  were  members,  among  them 
Count  Capo  DTstria,  a  Greek  by  birth,  who  held 
the  ofllce  of  jirivato  secH'tary  to  the  Emperor 
Alexander  I.  of  Russia.  The  society  was  known 
as  the  lletaira,  or  Iletairist,  and  ccmsisted  of  sev- 
eral degrees  or  grades.  The  highest  contained 
only  sixteen  persons,  \>  lio.se  names  were  not  all 
known,  and  it  was  impossible  for  any  member 
of  the  lower  classes  to  ascertain  them.  .  .  .  All 
the  Ilctairists  looked  hopefully  towards  Russia, 
l)artly  in  conseinience  of  their  community  of  re- 
ligion, and  partly  because  of  the  fellow-feeling  of 
the  two  countries  in  cordially  detesting  the  Turk. 
.  .  .  The  immediate  cause  of  the  revolution,  or 
ratlicr  the  excuse  for  it,  was  the  death  of  the 
llospodar  of  Wallacliia,  .lanuary  30,  1821,  fol- 
lowed by  the  appointment  of  his  successor.  Dur- 
ing the  interregnum,  which  naturally  left  the 
government  in  a  weakened  condition,  the  lle- 
tairists  determined  to  strike  their  blow  for  lib- 
erty. A  band  of  150  Greeks  and  Arnauts,  under 
the  command  of  Theodore  Vladimiruko,  formerly 
a  lieutenant-colonel  in  the  Russian  service,  inarcli- 
cd  out  of  Bucharest  and  seized  the  small  town  of 
("zernitz,  near  Trajan's  Bridge,  on  tlie  Danube. 
There  Theodore  issued  a  proclamation,  and  such 
was  the  feeling  of  discontent  among  the  jieople, 
that  in  a  few  days  he  had  a  force  of  12,000  men 
under  his  command.  Soon  afterwards  there  was 
an  insurrection  in  Jassy,  the  capital  of  Moldavia, 
headed  by  Princ  '  Alexanilcr  Ipsilanti,  an  ofHccr 
in  th(!  Russian  service.  lie  issued  a  proclama- 
tion in  which  the  aid  of  Russia  was  distinctly 
pnmiised,  and  as  the  news  of  this  proclamation 
was  carried  to  Greece,  there  was  u  general  move- 
ment in  favor  of  insurrection.  The  Russian 
minister  assured  the  Porte  that  "his  government 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  insurrection,  and  the 
Patriarch  and  Synod  of  Constantinople  issued  a 
proclamation  emphatically  denouncing  the  move- 
ment, but  in  spite  of  this  assurance  and  procla- 
mation the  insurrection  went  on.  Count  Nessel- 
rode  declared  officially  that  Ipsilanti's  name 
would  be  stricken  from  the  Russian  army  list, 
and  that  his  act  was  one  for  whicli  ho  alone  was 
responsible.  This  announcement  was  the  death- 
blow of  the  insurrection  in  Moldavia  and  Wal- 
lachia,  as  the  forces  of  Theodore  and  Ipsilanti 
were  suppressed,  after  some  sliarp  fighting,  by 
the  hordes  of  Moslems  that  were  brought  against 
them.  .  .  .  Nearly  the  whole  of  Greece  was  in 
full  insurrection  ui  a  few  months,  and  with  far 
better  prospects  than  had  the  insurrection  on  the 


1606 


(»|{EKC!K,  1831-18!{0. 


Wititnuil 
InilffH-mlriwr. 


(JHEECK,   1821-1820. 


DitiiiilH'.  TurkH  nnd  (Irccks  witc  I'mlillttTi'd 
a).'aiiiHl,  ciich  otiicr;  tin-  wiir  cryof  the  Turk  wiis, 
■  Dciilli  1(1  llic  Clirlslliml '  wliilf  llml  t.f  IhcClirls- 
tiiiii  wiw,  '  Dentil  til  the  Turk:'  The  cxiiiuiilc 
wiiH  set  by  the  Turks,  iiucl,  to  the  ete'-ml  (lis- 
jfnieo  of  the  Turkish  >?(>veriuiu'iit,  shi.r  ler  in 
rolil  lilood  WHS  inii(h'i)l11ei:il.  It,  wiiH  liy  t,  order 
iui(lii»lhi)rityi)f  the  I'orte  Hint  (Ire^ory,  I'litrlareh 
of  Coiistiintinolile,  ii  revered  jirehite,  eighty  yeurs 
of  aire,  was  seized  on  Kaster  Sunday,  as  he  was 
(UsrendiiiK  frcuii  the  altar  wliere  lie  had  been 
eelebraliiiK  divine  service,  and  lian>;ed  at  tlie  (,'iite 
of  hisarehiepiseoiial  palaee,  amid  thi^  siiouts  and 
liowls  of  a  Slosieni  mob.  After  liarifjinj;  tliree 
hours,  tlie  body  was  cut  down  and  deiivere<l  to 
KOUH!  Jews,  wlio  draj,'!,'<'<l  it  al)out  the  streets  atid 
threw  it  into  tlie  sea,  wlienco  it  was  re  vered 
tiic  same  ni(;lil  by  .some  Christian  tlsliermen. 
Some  weeks  later  it  was  taken  to  Odessa  an<l 
buried  witii  great  ceremony.  Tliisaetof  murder 
was  the  more  ntroeions  on  tlio  part  of  tlie  Turks, 
ginco  the  I'utriarcli  had  denounced  the  insurrec- 
tion in  a  publico  proclamation,  and  Ids  life  and 
character  were  most  blameless  and  exemplary. 
It  Is  safe  to  say  tliat  this  barbarity  bad  more  to 
do  witli  fanning  the  llresof  revolt  tlian  any  other 
act  of  tlie  Turkish  government.  Hut  it  was  by 
no  means  the  only  act  of  the  kind  of  which  tlie 
Turks  were  guilty.  The  Patriarcli  of  Adrianopie 
witli  eight  of  bis  ecclesiastics  was  beheaded,  and 
so  were  the  dragoman  of  the  Porte  and  several 
other  eminent  residents  of  Constantinople,  de- 
scended from  Greek  settlers  of  two  or  three  cen- 
turies ago.  (,'hurches  were  everywhere  broken 
open  and  plundered ;  Greek  citizcnsof  tlie  liighcst 
rank  were  murden'd.  tlieir  properly  stolen,  and 
their  wives  and  daughters  sold  as  slaves;  on  the 
latli  of  June  five  archbishops  and  a  great  num- 
ber of  laymcu  were  hanged  in  tlie  streets,  and 
450  mechanics  were  sold  and  tratisported  into 
silvery;  at  Salonica  the  battlements  of  the  town 
Were  lined  witli  Cliristian  heads,  from  which  the 
blood  run  down  and  discolored  the  water  in  tlie 
ditch.  In  all  the  great  towns  of  the  empire  tiiere 
were  similar  atrocities;  some  were  the  work  of 
mobs,  wiiich  the  authorities  did  not  seek  to  re- 
strain, but  the  greater  part  of  them  were  ordered 
by  the  governoi-s  or  other  oflleials,  and  met  tlie 
approval  of  the  Porte.  At  Smyrna,  tlie  Christian 
population  was  massacred  by  tliousands  without 
regard  to  age  or  sex,  and  in  the  island  of  Cyprus 
a  body  of  10,000  troops  sent  by  tlu!  Porte  ravaged 
the  island,  executed  the  metropolitan,  li  ve  bishops, 
and  thirty-six  other  ecclesiastics,  and  converted 
the  whole  island  into  a  scene  of  rapine,  blo<xl- 
Bhcd,  and  rolibery.  Several  thousand  Cliristians 
were  killed  before  the  atrocities  ceased,  and  hun- 
dreds of  their  wives  and  daughters  were  carried 
into  Turki;,li  harems.  These  and  similar  out- 
rages plainly  told  the  Greeks  that  no  hope  re- 
mained except  in  complete  independence  of  the 
Turks,  and  from  one  end  of  Greece  to  the  other 
the  fires  of  insurrection  were  every  wliere  lighted. 
Tlic  islands,  as  well  as  the  mainland,  were  in  full 
revolt,  and  the  tloet  of  coasting  vessels,  nearly  all 
of  them  armed  for  resisting  pirates,  gave  the 
Turks  a  great  deal  of  trouble.  ...  On  the  land, 
battle  followed  battle  in  different  parts  of  the 
country,  and  the  narration  of  the  events  of  the 
insurrection  would  fill  a  bulky  volume.  .  .  . 
During  the  latter  part  of  1821,  the  advantages  to 
the  Greeks  were  sufficient  to  encourage  them  to 
proclaim  their  independence,  which  was  done  in 


■lanuary.  1H\2'>.  In  the  .same  month  the  'I'lirkn 
beHieged  Corinth,  and  in  the  following  Aiiril  they 
iK'slegeil  and  captured  Chios  (S<'io),  ending  the 
capture  with  the  slauglil'  r  of  ll^OOO  inhabitants, 
tlie  most  horrible  tim»Ha(  !.•  of  modern  times.  In 
.luiy,  the  Greeks  weri^  victorious  at  Tbcrmopyla'; 
in  "tlie  saini'  moiitli  Corinth  fcdl,  witli  great 
slaughter  of  the  dcfen  '  rs.  In  April,  lH2:t,  the 
Greeks  held  a  nation  <c)ngress  at  Argos;  (he 
victories  of  Marco  Bo//.aris  occiirri'd  in  the  fol- 
lowing June,  and  in  August  lie  was  killed  in  u 
night  attack  upon  the  Turkish  camp;  in  August, 
too,  [..ord  Ilyron  landed  at  Athens  to  taki^  part  in 
the  cause  of  Greece,  which  was  attracting  tlii!  at 
tcntion  of  tlie  whole  civilized  world.  The  first 
Greek  loan  was  issued  in  Kngland  in  Febriiarv, 
IH24;  l,ord  Uyrondied  at  .Vissolonghi  in  tlie  fdl- 
lowiiig  April;  in  August  tlie  Capitan  Paslia  was 
defeated  at  Samos  with  heavy  loss;  in  October, 
the  provisional  government  of  Greece  was  setup; 
and  the  fighting  became  almost  continuous  in  the 
mountain  districts  of  Greece.  In  February,  1H2.">, 
Ibrahim  Paslia  arrived  with  a  powerful  army 
from  Egypt,  which  capturi'd  Navarino  in  .May, 
and  Tripolit/a  in  June  of  tlie  same  year.  \n 
July,  tlie  provisional  government  invoked  the 
aid  of  England;  in  the  following  April  (I82(t), 
Ibrahim  Pasha  took  Missolonghi  after  a  long  and 
lieroic  defence  [for  twelve  montlis|;  and  nearly 
a  year  later  Ueschid  Paslia  captured  Athen.s. 
Down  to  the  beginning  of  182(1,  the  Greeks  had 
felt  .seriously  the  deprivation  of  Uussiau  sympathy 
and  aid  for  wliicli  they  bad  been  led  to  look  be- 
fore the  revolution.  The  death  of  Alexanih'r  I., 
and  the  accession  of  Nicliolas  in  December,  1825, 
caused  a  change  in  tlie  situation.  Tlie  ISritisli 
government  sent  tlio  Duke  of  Wellington  to  St. 
Petersburg  ostensibly  to  ccmgratulate  Nicholas 
on  his  elevation  to  the  throne,  but  really  to  secure 
concert  of  action  in  regard  to  Greece.  On  the 
•Itli  of  April  a  protocol  was  signed  by  the  Duke 
of  Wellington,  Prince  Lieven,  and  Count  Nessei- 
riMle,  wliidi  may  be  considered  the  foundation  of 
Greek  independence.  Out  of  this  protocol  grew 
the  treaty  of  July  0,  1827,  between  Knglaud, 
liiissia,  and  France,  by  wliieli  it  was  stipulated 
that  those  nations  should  mediate  between  tlie 
contending  Greeks  and  Turks.  Tliey  i)roposed 
to  the  Sultan  that  he  should  retain  a  nominal  au- 
thority over  the  Greeks,  but  receive  from  them  a 
fixed  annual  triliute.  .  .  .  The  Sultan  .  .  .  re- 
fused to  listen  to  the  scheme  of  mediation,  and 
immediately  made  preparations  for  n  fresli  cam- 
l)aign,  and  also  for  the  defence  of  Turkey  in  ease 
of  an  attack.  Ships  nnd  reinforcements  were 
sent  from  Constantinople,  and  the  Egyptian  fleet, 
consisting  of  two  84-gu>'  sliips,  twelve  frigates, 
nnd  forty-one  transports,  was  <lespntclied  from 
Alexandria  with  5,000  troops,  and  reached  Na- 
varino towards  the  end  of  August,  1827.  The 
allied  powers  had  foreseen  the  possibility  of  the 
Porte's  refusal  of  mediation,  and  taken  measures 
accordingly ;  an  JZnglish  fleet  under  Admiral  Sir 
P^dward  Codrington,  nnd  a  French  fleet  under 
Admiral  Dc  Higny.  were  in  the  ^Mediterranean, 
and  were  shortly  afterwards  joined  by  the  Rus- 
sian fleet  under  Admiral  lleiden.  .  .  .  Tlie  allied 
admirals  held  a  conference,  and  decided  to  notify 
Ibrahim  Pasha  that  he  must  stop  the  barbarities 
of  plundering  and  burning  villages  and  slaugh- 
tering their  inliabitants.  But  Ibrahim  would  not 
listen  to  their  renionstmnces,  and  to  show  his 
utter  disregaril  for  the  powers,  ho  commanded 


1607 


UUKKCK,   INJI-lSJlt 


Thr  nuiilfrti 
ICinu>Uim. 


UltEECE,  lUaO-ltMi). 


four  of  IiIh  hIiI|ih  tn  will  Id  the  (illll'  of  I'lltrilH  to 
<Mrii|),v  MiHsiiloiii-hl  iiikI  ri'lli'vi'  siiiiic  'I'lirkiNli 
forts,  ill  I'lTrcl  Id  cli'iir  IliDsc  wiitrrs  of  every 
(IreeU  limii  of  wiir  wliieli  wiis  hlatlDiiecl  tliere. 
This  III'  lilil  eiiHily,  tlie  iillieij  Hi|iiailrDllM  lieiiiK 
leiiiixinirlly  iiliseii'l.  Acliiilral  ('DilrliiirlDn  pur- 
sueil  Mini  luid,  willunit  ililllciilly,  drove  liliii  hiiek 
to  Niiviiriiio.  ...  A  «<'■'<'■"'  iiii"*'<'r  of  all  the 
HhipM  was  ordered  by  Adiniral  CodriiiKlon,  Com 
liiaiider  ill  Chief  of  the  wiiiailroii.  .  .  .  The  al- 
lied tliet  iiioiinled  I.H'il  KUlis,  while  the  ('oiiilillieil 
Tiirkisli  and  Ktrypllaii  Heel  inoiinUd  -',','40  kuiis. 
To  this  Hiiperlo'rily  In  the  Miiiiilii'r  of  ^'uim  on 
board  must  be  added  the  liiillerieH  on  Mhore, 
whieli  were  all  in  the  hands  of  llie  Turks,  lint 
tie  Christians  bad  a  point  in  their  favor  in  their 
superiority  in  ships  of  the  line,  of  whieb  they 
poHse,Hsed  tell,  wliili'  the  Turks  had  but  three. 
.  .  .  The  allied  licet  entered  the  Day  of  Navaiino 
about  two  o'clock  on  the  aflernoon  of  (tctolier 
20,  Wi~.  ...  In  less  than  four  hours  from  the 
btXiiminK  of  the  contest  the  Ottoman  Heel  had 
ceased  to  lie.  Kvery  armed  ship  was  burnt,  sunk, 
or  destroyed  ;  the  only  reinuininj?  vessels  boloni; 
injj  to  the  Turks  and  Egyptians  wore  twenty  live 
of  till'  smallest  transports,  whieli  were  spared  by 
order  of  Admiral  ('iKlriiiKton.  It  was  estimated 
that  the  loss  in  men  on  tlio  Turkish  und  Egyptian 
vc8.sels  was  fully  7,0tM).  On  the  side  of  the  allies, 
uo  vessels  were  destroyed,  but  the  Asia,  Albion, 
and  (ienoa  of  the  English  fleet  were  so  much  in- 
jured, that  Admiral  ('odrington  sent  them  to  Malta 
for  repairs  whieb  woidil  enable  them  to  Htand  the 
voyage  home  to  Engliind.  Seveiity-tivo  men 
were  killed  and  197  wounded  on  the  liritish  fleet, 
and  the  loss  of  the  French  was  4!1  killed  and  IH 
wounded.  The  Russian  loss  was  not  reported. 
...  It  was  feared  that  when  the  news  of  the 
event  at  Navarino  reached  Constantinople,  the 
lives  of  all  Europeans  in  that  city,  including  the 
foreign  ambassadors,  would  bo  in  great  dangc^r, 
hut  happily  there  was  no  violence  on  the  part  of 
the  Turks.  The  ambassadors  ])ri'sse(l  for  an  an- 
swer to  their  note  of  August  lOtli.  and  at  length 
tlic  Sultan  replied :  '  My  positive,  absolute,  delini- 
tive,  unchangeable,  eternal  answer  is,  that  the 
Sublime  Porte  does  not  accept  any  ])roposition 
regarding  the  Greeks,  und  will  persist  in  its  own 
will  regarding  them  even  to  the  last  day  of  judg- 
ment.' The  I'orte  even  demanded  compensation 
for  the  destruction  of  the  fleet,  and  satisfaction 
for  the  insult,  and  that  the  allies  should  abstain 
from  all  interference  in  the  allairs  of  Greece. 
The  reply  of  the  ambassadors  was  to  the  eirect 
that  the  treaty  of  July  obliged  them  to  Uofen(l 
Greece,  and  that  the  Turks  liud  uo  claim  whiit- 
«vcr  for  reparation  for  the  affair  of  Navarino. 
The  ambassadors  left  Constantinople  on  '.'le  8th 
Decentber,  and  soon  afterwards  Count  CajM) 
D'lstria,  who  liad  been  "lected  President  of 
Greece,  took  his  seat,  and  issued  a  proclamation, 
declaring  that  the  Ottoman  rule  over  the  country 
was  at  an  end  after  three  centuries  of  oppression. 
Thus  was  the  independence  of  Greece  established. 
There  was  little  lighting  after  the  events  of  Na- 
varino, and  early  in  1828  Admiral  Codrington 
and  Ibrahim  Pasha  held  a  convention  and  agreed 
upon  measures  for  evacuating  the  land  of  the 
Hellenes.  During  the  summer  und  uutuniu  Pu- 
tras,  Nuvurino,  and  Modon  were  successively  sur- 
rendered to  the  French,  and  the  Morea  wos  evacu- 
ated by  the  Turks.  Missolonghi  was  surrendered 
to  Greece  early  in  1829,  and  by  the  Treaty  of 


Adrianoiile  in  Septemlirr  of  the  wiine  year  the 
Porte  iK'knowledged  the  independence  of  (livew, 
which  was  henceforth  to  Ik!  one  in  the  family  of 
nations." — T.  \V.  Knox,  Ikeiiire  UitttUt  lince 
Wiilirt.H,,  eh.  a. 

Also  in:  C.  A.  FylTc,  llinl.  of  Mailirn  Kiint/i,', 
r.  2,  f/i.  4.— ».  (J.  I  [owe,  llhto'iifiU  SketrU  of  ll„; 
(link  llir. — T.  Gordon,  l/inl.  <if  tlic  (I reek  lieo. — 
Lord  Hyron,  /.iltern  dnil  JmiriKilii,  lH!i!l-4  (o.  2). 
— E.  .1.  Treluwny,  llironlt  nf'shdlii/,  Hi/ron.ete., 
rli.  111-20  (/>.  2).— S.  Walpole,  //int.'of  Jiiig.,  ch.  U 
•mil  II  {'I.  -2). 

A.  D.  1833-1833.— The  CoHKreiaof  Verona. 

Hee  VkIIONA,  TiIK  CONOIIKHS  OK. 

A.  D.  1830-1862.— The  independent  king- 
dom constituted  under  Otho  of  Bavaria. — Its 
unsatisfactoriness. — Dethronement  of  King 
Otho.— Election  of  Prince  George  of  Den- 
mark.— •'  On  Februury  !id,  IHIIO,  a  jirotocol  was 
signed  which  cimstituted  Greece  aii  independent 
iState;  and  on  llie  tltli  of  the  same  month  Prince 
Leopold  of  Ili'lgium  accepted  the  crown  wliich 
wasolfored  to  him  by  the  Powers,  lie,  however, 
soon  resigned  the  honour,  giving  for  his  main 
reason  the  liopeles.sness  of  eslablisblng  a  Greek 
kingdom  from  which  KnMe,  Epeiros.andTliessaly 
were  to  be  excluded.  The  northern  boundary, 
as  drawn  in  18;!0,  stretched  from  the  Gulf  i)f 
Zoitoiin  to  the  mouth  of  the  Aspropotumos,  thus 
deiiriving  Greece  of  the  greater  part  of  Akar 
nania  and  Ailolia.  After  the  assassinatiim  [by 
the  family  of  an  insurgent  cliief|  of  Count 
Capodistriu  (who  was  the  popularly  elected 
President  of  Greece  from  April  14tli,  1827, 
to  October  9th,  18:tl),  and  after  the  Powers 
bad  selected  Prince  Otho  of  Uuvaria  for 
the  position  declined  by  Prince  Leopold, 
an  arrangement  was  concluded  between  Eng- 
land, France,  Itussia,  and  Turkey,  whereby 
the  boundary  was  drawn  from  the  Gulf  of  Artu 
to  the  sumo  termination  in  the  Gulf  of  Zeltoun. 
Hut  u  few  months  later  the  district  of  Zeitoun, 
north  of  the  Spercheios,  was  added  to  Greece; 
und  the  now  kingdom  paid  to  the  Porte  an  in- 
demnity of  40,000,000  iiiustres,  or  about  11400,000. 
The  Powers  guaranteed  a  loan  to  Greece  of 
00,000,000  francs,  out  of  which  the  payment  of 
the  indemnity  was  made ;  and  thus,  at  last,  in  tliu 
autumn  of  1832,  the  fatherland  of  tlie  Greeks  was 
redeemed.  Under  Otho  of  Uuvuriu  the  country 
was  governed  at  first  by  a  Council  of  Regency, 
consisting  of  Count  Armanspcrg,  Professor 
Muurcr,  and  General  Ileidcck.  Maurcr  was  re- 
moved in  1834,  and  Armunsiierg  in  1837 ;  and  at 
the  clo.se  of  the  latter  year,  ufter  the  trial  of  an- 
other Bavarian  us  president  of  the  Council,  a 
Greek  was  for  the  first  time  appointed  to  the 
principal  post  in  the  Ministry.  The  greatest 
bonetit  conferred  upon  the  country  by  its  German 
rulers  was  the  reinforcement  of  the  legal  system, 
and  the  elevation  of  the  authority  of  the  law. 
liut,  on  the  other  hand,  an  unfortunate  attempt 
was  made  to  centralize  the  whole  administration 
of  Greece,  lier  ancient  municipal  rights  and  cus- 
toms W(Te  overlooked,  taxation  was  almost  as  in- 
discriminate and  burdcusomu  us  under  the  Turks, 
whilst  large  sums  of  money  were  spent  upon  the 
army,  and  on  other  objects  of  an  unremuncrative 
or  insulliciently  remunerative  character,  so  that 
the  young  State  was  laden  with  pecuniary 
liabilities  before  anything  hod  been  done  to  de- 
velope  lier  resources.  .  .  .  No  national  assembly 
was  convened,   no  anxiety  was  shown  to  cou- 


1608 


allBECE,  1880-l«fl3 


Thr  miHifm 
Kinyitom. 


(JUKKCE.   IH40-18(». 


clllntn  thf  iM'oplc,  llhcrty  of  ("xpn'sMlon  v/ixn  ciir 
tiillnl,  iicrHipiiiil  Dlfirirc  wuh  kIv"'"  l>y  tlic  for 
cliriHTS,  unci  l)y  Ariiiiiiis|wT){  In  |mrtlciiliir ; 
hrlKinxl'iK*-'  "»'•  pln"')'  ll"urlsln'ii,  mid  (Irinn 
Im'Kiui  to  milTiT  nil  the  I'vlls  wliicli  iiilK'lit  Imvi' 
Im'i'II  oxpccU'd  to  nrJHc  from  llif  Kiivcriimcnl  of 
iiimympiitlK'llc  iilifiiM,  ...  In  mldltloii  to  tlii^ 
nipld  !ind  nlannhiK;  Incrciisc  of  lirlKunilimi-  by 
limd  iind  pinicv  t>y  »"•».  ""'f  wit.'  pipidnr  In 
BiirrcctioMH  in  Sli'Mwhiii,  .Miiiim,  Akiinmniii,  iind 
clucwIitTc.  One  of  tlii'  MioHtcii|)iil)li!  HnKll-i'iniiii 
win)  hiivii  ever  cHponscil  tlir  ciiuhi"  of  tliu  OveckM, 
(Icnrnil  (iordon,  was  conunksloncd  in  tMM.'i  to 
clear  noil  liiTn(  in  rti' of  the  inanuidcrH  liy  wlioni 
it  was  ovcmiii.  lie  rxccnicd  IiIh  iiiiH.Hioii  in  an 
adnilrablc manner.  Hweepiii),' llie  wlioleof  I'liokiM, 
Aitolla,  and  Akariiaiiia.  Jind  seenrinjt  tlie  eoi^p- 
erallonof  the 'riirkisli  I'aslm  at  Kariss.i,  Hun- 
dreds of  liriKanils  wen^  put  to  llii;lil,— out  only 
to  ledirii  aKuin  next  year,  ami  to  enjoy  us  ^reiit 
Imniiinity  lis  ever.  .  .  .  Inlliealisenre  of  amroii)? 
and  aelive  orjtaiiizatlon  of  tlin  national  fones, 
lirijfandaj^e  in  (Jreeee  was  uii  iiier.idiealilo  iiistitii- 
tidii:  and,  as  it  mailer  of  fuel,  it  was  not  sup- 
pressed iinlii  llie  year  IHrO.  Oradually  tlie  dis- 
content of  llie  people,  and  the  feelileiie.ss  and 
Infatuation  of  IIk^  (Jovernment,  were  lirei'dinj,' a 
revolillion.  .  .  .  The  three  (}iiaranleeiiii;  Powers 
urKed  on  Ollioand  his  advisers  tlic  necessity  of 
granliiiBuConslitiitioii.  which  had  liecn  promised 
on  tlio  cstahlislinient  of  the  UiiiKdom;  and  moral 
support  WHS  thus  niveii  to  two  very  strong 
parties,  known  by  the  titles  of  I'liilorUiodo.x  and 
Coiislitiitioiial,  whose  leaders  liMiUed  to  Uiissia 
and  Kiif,'land  respectively.  The  Kiii){  and  the 
Uovernnient  iiejjlccled  syiiiploms  which  were 
<'unspicuous  to  all  besiiles,  and  the  revolution  of 
18111  found  them  pracliially  unpri'pared  and 
lielplcs.s.  On  the  loth  of  Si'ptember.  afler  a  well- 
contrived  demoiistralioiiof  tlie  troops,  which  was 
ucipiiesced  in  and  virtually  sanctioned  by  the 
represciitiitives  of  tlie  three  Powers,  Kin.i;  Otlio 
gave  way,  and  signed  the  decrees  wliieli  had  been 
submitted  to  liiiii.  The  Havariaii  Ministers  were 
(lismissc'd,  ^lavrokordatos  was  made  I'remier,  ii 
National  Assembly  was  convoked,  and  a  Ooiisli- 
tution  was  granted.  lAir  the  first  time  since  the 
Roman  eoiuiuest,  Greece  resumed  the  diiriiity  of 
sclf-governnient.  The  Constitution  of  18-U  was 
by  no  means  an  adeiiuate  one.  It  did  not  fully 
restore  the  iirivilegesof  local  self-rule,  and  itonly 
partially  modilied  the  system  of  centralization, 
from  wliieli  so  many  evils  had  sprung.  Hut  it 
was  nevertheless  a  great  advance  towards  popular 
liberty.  .  .  .  The  dilllcnlties  which  arose  between 
Russia  and  Turkey  in  IS.j;!.  and  which  led  up  to 
the  Crimean  War,  inspired  the  Greeks  with  a 
hope  that  their  '  grand  idea ' —  tlie  iiilu'ritance  of 
the  dominion  of  Turkey  in  Europe,  so  far  as  the 
Greek-speaking  provinces  are  concerned  —  might 
lie  on  the  eve  of  ncconiplishmeiit.  .  .  .  The 
Russian  army  crossed  the  Prutli  in  July,  1853, 
and  preparations  were  at  once  made  by  tin; 
Greeks  to  invade  Turkey.  .  .  ,  The  temper  of 
the  whole  country  was  such  that  England  and 
France  deemed  it  necessary  to  take  urgent  meas- 
ures for  preventing  an  alliance  between  Russia 
and  Greece.  In  May,  18ri4,  an  Anglo-French 
force  was  landed  at  the  I'eiraios,  where  it  re- 
mained until  February,  18r)7.  Pressure  was  thus 
brought  to  bear  upon  King  Otlio,  who  was  not 
in  a  position  to  resist  it.  .  .  .  The  humiliation  of 
the  Greeks  under  the  foreign  occupation  weak- 

3-4 


eiied  ihe  aiithorlly  of  the  Kingitml  hU  MlnUterA, 
and  the  iinhappv'counlry  was  once  more  n  prey 
to  rapine  and  ilisorder.      .   .   From  the  year  I M.ll) 

II  new  portent  began  to  make  itself  apparent  In 
(Jreeee.      As  theinsiirreelion  of  \H->[  may  be  siiid 

III  have  lerlvcd  some  of  its  eii'Tgy  from  the  up 
heiiva'  of  France  and  Europe  in  llie  preceding 
decM  les,  so  the  Greek  revolulion  of  IHO'J  wa.s 
d.Hiblless  hastened,  if  not  HUggcsted,  by  tint 
Italian  regeneration  of  IHIH-IHOI.  .  .  .  On  Feb 
riiary  t;ilh,  lH()u>,  the  garrison  of  Nauplia  ro- 
volleil :  oilier  oiilbreaks  followed  :  and  at  last,  In 
Oclolier,  during  an  ill  advised  absence  of  llio 
Monarch  from  Ids  capital,  the  garrison  of  Athens 
broke  out  into  open  insiirreclion.  A  Provisional 
(JoviTiiiiieiit  was  nominated:  Ihe  deposition  of 
King  Ollio  was  proclaimed;  and  when  the  royal 
couple  hurried  back  to  Ihe  city  they  were  refused 
an  ciilrance.  The  representatives  of  Ihe  Powern 
were  appealed  to  In  vain;  and  the  iinfortnnatii 
liavarian,  aflcr  wearing  the  crown  for  llilrty 
vears,  sailed  from  Ihe  Peiraios  never  to  return, 
'riie  hopes  of  Ihe  Greeks  at  oncecenlreil  in  Prineo 
.Vlfred  of  Knglaiid  for  Iheir  future  king.  .  .  . 
Hut  Ihe  agreeiiient  of  tlii'  three  Powers  on  lliii 
cslablishnieiit  of  the  kingdom  expressly  exeluilcd 
from  Ihe  Ihronc  all  nienibers  of  llie  reigning 
faniiliesoflCngland,  France, and  Russia;  andtlius, 
altlioui;li  Prince  Alfred  was  elected  king  with 
practical  unanimily,  llii!  English  Government 
would  not  saiiclion  Ids  ac  ceplance  of  the  crown. 
The  (■lioiec  eveiilually  mid  happily  fell  upon 
Prince  George  of  Denmark,  the  present  King  of 
llie  Hellenes;  and  neillier  Greece  nor  Europe  has 
had  reason  1o  regret  the  seleclion.  .  .  .  From 
tills  liiiK'  forward  Ihe  history  of  modern  Greece 
enters  upon  a  brigliter  phase." — E.  Sergeant, 
(h't'(Ti\  t'h,  Ti, 

Ai.so  IN :  The  same,  Nt'ir  Orece,  /it.  '.i,  eh.  8-10. 

A.  D.  1846-1850.— Rudeenforcement  of  Eng- 
lish claims. — The  Don  Pacifico  Affair. —  ■  Greek 
indepcndenee  had  been  eslablislied  under  the 
joint  guardianship  of  Ru.ssia,  France,  and  Eng- 
land. Constitutional  government  had  been  guar- 
anteed. It  bad  however  been  constantly  delayed. 
Ollio,  the  Bavarian  Prince,  who  had  been  placed 
upon  the  throne,  was  absolule  in  his  own  ten- 
ilencies,  and  supported  by  the  absolute  Powers; 
and  France,  eager  to  establish  her  own  inlluenco 
in  the  East,  .  .  .  had  sided  willi  Ihe  Absolutists, 
leaving  England  the  sole  supporter  of  constitu- 
lional  rule.  The  Oovernnient  and  administration 
were  deplorably  bad.  .  .  .  Any  demands  raised 
by  the  English  against  the  Government  —  and 
the  bad  administration  alTordcd  abundant  oppor- 
tunily  for  dispule — were  ccriain  to  encounter 
tlie  opposition  of  Ihe  King,  supported  by  the 
adviie  of  all  the  diplomatic  body.  Such  ipies- 
tions  had  arisen.  lonians,  claiming  to  be  liritish 
subjects,  had  been  maltreated,  the  boat's  crewof 
a  Queen's  ship  roughly  handled,  and  in  two  eases 
the  money  claims  of  English  subjects  against  the 
Government  disregarded.  They  were  trivial 
enough  in  tliemselves;  a  piece  of  land  belonging 
to  a  Mr.  Finlaj'  [the  liistorian  of  mediieval  and 
modern  Greece],  a  Scotchman,  had  been  incorpo- 
rated into  tlie  royal  garden,  and  the  price  —  no 
doubt  somewhat  exorbitant — wliicli  lie  set  upon 
it  refused.  The  house  of  Don  Pacltico,  a  .Jew, 
a  native  of  Gibraltar,  had  been  sacked  by  a  mob, 
witlioutdue  interference  on  the  part  of  the  police. 
I  le  demanded  compensation  for  ill-usage,  for  prop- 
erty destroyed,  and  for  tlie  loss  of  certain  papers, 


1609 


GliKKCK,   lH4(V-lHfM). 


KirtfjiUtm. 


GJIEECK.   lWIS-1881. 


thrnnly  pr<Kif  iiMlii'ili'cliiri'dofiiHiifm'wIinldiiul'l 
(ill  I'litiiii  iiKiiliiNl  llii'  I'lirliiKiii'w  Ocivfriiiiiiiil. 
HiiclicliiliiisliillH'urillinirvcoiirwMifililiiKHHliniilil 
huv(!  Iktm  iimili'  In  llir  (Jnik  l,»w  (■..iirl.  Hut 
Liiril  I'jilmiTHiiiii,  pliirlnit  iin  lrii"t  In  llii^  Ji;Htirc 
til  III'  tliiri'olitiilni'il,  nmili'  lliriii  inllrrct  imllniml  i 
clitini  upon  till'  OdViTiiinrnl.  K'lr  hi'vitiiI  yriini, 
■III  viirliiUH  pii'IrnrrM.  Ilif  wllliiiirnt  of  tlio  ipli's 
tliin  liiiil  Ih'I'II  pimlpiiiinl.  anil  I'ltliiii-niton  liuil 
uvcn  wiininl  KukmIii  tliiil  lir  kIhiuIiI  hoimi'  iliiv 
Imvr  til  put  MiriiiiK  pri'HHuri'  iipim  llii'  (Irrrk 
('i)url  111  iilitaln  Ilir  illviliarK'n  nf  llifir  ilrblH,  At 
Irnntll.  at  llii'  rlnw  nl  i»W,  IiIh  palli'llii'  iMTiinir 
I'xImuHli'il.  Ailiiilral  I'arkcr,  with  Ilir  Urlll»li 
ttf.vi,  wiiM  iinliTiil  III  till'  I'ini'UH.  Mr.  Wym;  Ilir 
KiikM>'I>  AniliaHsailiir,  iiiiliarkiil  In  It.  The  clalinH 
wiTr  a/r-lii  fnriiially  lalil  lirfnrr  llii'  KitiK,  iiml 
illiiiii  llii'ir  lii'inK  ilrrllniil  tlii'  I'lni'im  wiiH  liliirk- 
Hili'il.  HlilpH  of  Ilir  (Irrik  navy  lapluri'd,  iiml 
liii'ri'liant  vrfisi'lM  Hcrurril  liy  way  iif  luatcrlal 
Kuariinli'i'  for  iiiiv'tr  I.  'I'fii'  KrVncli  anil  iln' 
UussliiiiH  wcrr  iiidlKniuit  "t  tlii«  unrxpccliil  ait 

(if  vJKimr."   Till' UuMHlanKtlirtMili'iiril;  tin;  Fri Ii 

olTirril  nirilialiiin,  which  was  airiptcil.  Tlui 
Krrmli  ni'notiiitliins  iit  Alhi'iw  liail  no  HUccrHs; 
liut  III  I.iinilon  there  wiiH  pmniiai'  of  ii  frlcnilly 
wttliiiH-nt  of  llie  miillcr.  whiii  Mr.  WyMr,  the 
Kiij,'lisli  .Mlnislir  at  thr  Orcck  t'oiirt,  licinj,'  left 
ill  i(;iiiiramr  of  tlir  sllualion,  brouj^lit  fresh  pres- 
Hiire  to  hear  upon  Kin;;  Ollioaiiit  extorleil  pay- 
ment of  Ills  elaiins.  'I'lie  Kreneli  were  eiiriiKod 
Hiiii  williilrew  tlieir  .Minister  from  I.oniloii.  "Fur 
till!  time,  this  trumpery  little  alfair  eauseil  tlio 
gnriiteHt  e.xei Lenient,  ami,  lieing  rejjardeil  us  a 
typieiil  insliinee  of  Lord  I'almerston'K  miuinge- 
inent  of  the  Kureljjn  Olllee,  it  formed  llie  (ground 
of  u  verv  Herioiis  iittiu'k  upuii  the  Clovernini'nt." 
—J.  F.  IJrislit,  IIM.  iif  h'ntj.,  /leriml  4,  pp.  200- 

8oa. 

Al.tM)  IN:  H.  Waipiile,  Ilinl.  of  liiti/.,  from  1815, 
ell.  ii  (r.  4).— .1.  .MeCarlhy,  Hint,  of  Our  Otrii 
Tiiiiif,  rli.  lit  (r.  2).— See,  iilso,  Eniii.anu:  A.  1). 
184U-18riO. 

A.  D.  1863.— Annexation  of  the  Ionian  Is- 
lands.   8"e  loNiv.N  Isi,.\Nl)s:  A.  1).  lMI,">-lH(ii. 

A.  D.  1863-1881.— The  Cretan  struggle  and 
defeat. —  The  Greek  (question  in  the  Berlin 
Congress.— Small  cession  of  territory  by  Tur- 
key.— "Tilt  anne.xinioii  of  the  Ileptannesos  |tlie 
seven  (loniiiu)  isliiiui'sj  was  a  great  henelit  to 
Hellas.  It  was  not  only  a  piece  of  good  fiirluiui 
for  tile  present  but  an  earnest  of  the  future.  .  .  . 
''"here  still  remiiined  the  delusion  of  the  Integrity 
of  llie  Tiirkisli  Kmpiro;  but  the  Christians  of  the 
East  really  eanni.t  believe  in  tlie  sincerity  of  all 
tlie  I'owers  who  pruclaiiu  and  sustain  tliis  ex- 
traordinary tlgnie'it,  any  More  than  they  are  able 
to  fall  a  iirey  to  the  hallucination  it-selr  The  re- 
union of  the  Ileptannesos  Nvitii  the  rest  of  Hellas 
was  therefore  regarded  as  marking  tlie  beginning 
of  anotlier  and  Ix'tter  era  —  a  sanction  to  tlio 
hopes  of  other  reunions  in  tl<e  future.  The  first 
of  the  Hellenes  who  ei  deavoured  to  gain  for 
themselves  the  same  good  fortune  wliich  had 
fallen  upon  the  lonians  w  ere  at-ain  the  Cretans. 
They  defied  Turkey  for  three"  years,  1800-7-8. 
With  the  exception  of  certain  fortresses,  the 
wliole  island  was  free.  Acts  of  heroism  and 
sacritice  such  as  those  which  had  rendered  glori- 
ous the  first  War  of  Indeiiendcnce,  again  dial- 
lengcd  the  attention  of  the  world.  Volunteers 
from  the  West  recalled  the  Philhellenic  enthu- 
siasm of  old  days.     The  LlcUenes  of  the  main- 


Innil  dill  not  leave  their  brethren  nione  In  thn 
hour  of  ilanger;  they  hiiHteneil  to  light  at  lliiir 
side,  while  they  opened  111  their  own  lioiiieN  a 
place  of  refuge  for  the  women  and  ehlldren  of 
the  Island.  Nearly  (lil,INH)  fugitives  found  pni- 
teetion  there.  For  a  ivhlle  tliere  wiiH  room  for 
believing  tliat  the  deliveranee  of  Crete  was  at 
last  iweoniplishi^L  ({iissla  and  France  wern 
favourably  illspoHtd.  I'liliapplly  Hie  goiui  will 
of  these  two  I'owers  could  not  overcome  the  op- 
position of  Kngluud,  strongly  supl«)rted  by 
Austria,  nipiomacy  fought  foVtluM'nslavement 
of  the  Cretans  witli  as  much  persiHtence  and 
more  success  tliaii  those  with  which  it  had  op- 
powd  the  deliverance  of  (Ireece.  Freedom  has 
not  vet  come  for  (,'rete.  The  IsiaiiderH  obtained 
by  llieir  struggle  nolhiiig  but  a  doubtful  amelio- 
ration of  tluMr  condlMoii  by  means  of  a  sort  of 
eharter  which  wasexiraeled  from  the  unwilling- 
ness of  thn  I'orte  in  18118,  luider  the  name  of  the 
■Organic  Itegiilation.'  This  edict  has  iw^ver 
been  honestly  put  in  force.  However,  even  If  It 
had  been  carried  out,  it  would  not  have  been  a 
settlement  of  the  Cretan  i|Uestiim.  The  ('ri'tanS' 
have  never  concealed  What  they  want,  or  ceased 
toproelalm  tlieir  intention  of  demanding  It  until 
tliey  obtain  it.  At  tlie  lime  of  Hie  Congress  of 
Herlln  they  tliought  once  more  that  tliey  would, 
succi'cd.  They  got  nothing  but  another  promise 
from  tlie  I'orte  '  fo  enforce  scrupulously  the 
Organic  Uegulalioii  of  1868,  with  sucii  modifica- 
tions as  might  be  judged  eipiitable.'.  .  .  Tho 
history  of  the  Greek  Ciuestion  at  tlie  Congress  of 
Berlin  and  the  cimferences  wliieh  followed  It,  is 
not  to  be  treated  in  detail  here.  The  time  is  not 
come  for  knowing  all  that  look  placi;.  ,  .  .  We 
do  not  know  why  Hellas  herself  remained  so  long 
with  lier  sword  undrawn  during  the  Kusso-Turk- 
Ish  War  —  what  promises  or  what  threats  held 
her  back  from  moving  when  the  armies  of  Uiis- 
sia,  diecked  before  I'levna,  would  have  welcomeiL 
a  diversion  in  the  West,  and  when  the  Hellenic 
people  both  witliin  ami  without  the  Kingdom, 
were  chafing  at  the  do-nothing  attitude  of  the- 
(}overnment  of  Athens.  Everyone  in  Oreece  felt 
that  the  moment  was  come,  i'lie  measures  taken 
by  hordes  of  Hashi-UaKooks  were  hardly  sulH- 
cient  to  ri'press  the  insurrection  which  was  ready 
in  al'  iinarters,  and  which  lit  length  broke  out 
in  tlie  mountains  of  Thessaly.  ...  It  was  only 
at  the  last  moment,  when  tlie  war  was  on  the- 
point  of  being  closed  by  the  treaty  which  victo- 
rious Itussia  compelled  Turkey  to  grant  at  San 
Stefano,  that  the  Greek  Government,  unde{  the  ■ 
Presidency  of  Koumoundouros,  yielded  tardily 
to  the  pressure  of  tlie  nation,  and  allowed  the' 
army  to  cross  the  frontier.  It  was  too  late  for 
the  diversion  to  be  of  any  use  to  Russia,  and  It . 
could  look  for  no  supjiort  from  any  other  Gov- 
ernment in  Europe.  This  fact  was  realized  at. 
Athens,  but  men  f<dt,  at  the  same  time,  tliat  it  ■ 
was  needful  to  remind  the  world  at  any  price- 
tliat  there  is  a  (Jreek  Question  connected  with  the- 
Eastern  Question.  Tlie  step  was  taken,  but  It- 
wastjiken  with  a  hesitation  wliicli  betrayed  itself 
in  act  as  well  as  in  word.  .  .  .  Diplomacy  saw 
the  danger  of  the  fresh  conflagration  wliicli  the- 
armed  intervention  of  Greece  was  capable  of 
kindling.  The  utmost  possible  amount  of  pres- 
sure was  tliercfore  brought  to  bear  upon  the 
Government  of  Athens  in  order  to  induce  it  to- 
retrace  the  step,  and  in  the  result  an  order  was 
obtained  to  the  Greek  Cummander-in-Chief  to 


1610 


(>KKK(;K,  1M»-lH8t. 


OIIKKK   KMI'IUK  OF  MC.KA 


n-rniM  Ihr  frontier,  upon  tlir  wjlcnin  nwtumnrpof 
till'  K"'"'  I'owcrH 'Unit  till'  iiiitiiiiml  iiMiilnitliins 
hihI  Inti'n'MlM  of  the  Orri'k  piiiiiiliitliiim  hIhiiiIiI  Ih' 
till'  Hiihji'ct  i>f  tlii'ilclllMTiilliitm  of  till'  iip|iriiii('li 
InK  I'onifri'HH,'.  .  ')ii  July  H.  1N7M.  tlii'  Con 
ifrcsH  iicci'pti'il  till-  n'Hcilutlim  iirnpimcil  by  tlin 
?'icii(li  pli'Tilpdtriitliirv.  'inviting  tlii'  I'n'rtr  (ii 
coriii'  to  lui  UMilrrMliinillm:  with  (Irri'ii'  for  li  rer- 
lillciill  'II  of  till'  front liTM  In  Tlii'HHiily  ami  KplroH, 
II  ri'Ctlllriitloii  wlilrli  limy  follow  tlii'  viilli'y  of 
till-  I'l'ni'UH  upon  till-  KiiHliTii  kIiIi',  iiiiiI  Unit  of 
till-  'I'liyiinilH  (or  KiiliiiimH)  upon  tlir  Wi'Nti'rn.' 
In  ollirr  worilH,  tliry  iikhIhii  to  IIcIIiih  tliu  wliolo 
of  'riii'HMiilv  iiiiij  a  larjfc  partof  KplroH.  Notwitli- 
HtjiniliiiK  till'  aliiiniloniiK'ntof  tin'  IhIiiiiiI  of  Cri'ti', 
tlilH  wiut  Koiiii'  MiliNfartloti  for  tilt!  wronKH  which 
nhi-  Imd  HiilTcri'il  at  tlir  ili'Ilinitation  of  tlii'  KIdk- 
iloiii.  .  .  Ilul  tlir  Hchi'iiii'  HUKK''*"'''''  ''.V  lln' 
('onuri'HH  anil  Hanrtionril  by  tlii'  i'onfrri'nri'  of 
jk'rllii  on  July  I.  IHHO,  waH  not  ciirrli'd  out. 
Wlii'ii  'rurki'y'founil  that  hIii"  wiih  not  i^onfMntcd 
by  an  Kuropi'  ili'trrnilnril  to  bi-  olwyi'il,  hIh"  ri'- 
ruMcil  to  Hubinit.  Anil  llii'ri  the  I'liwcrH,  whose 
main  anxiety  wan  peaee  iit  nny  price,  Insleail  of 
iiiHlxtlnK  upon  her  coninllan'e,  put  upon  llelliiH 
ull  the  (iressure  which  tliey  vere  able  to  exerclKe, 
to  inilui'e  her  to  Hubinit  the  ipieHtlon  of  the  fron- 
tiers to  a  fresh  arbitmtlnn.  .  .  .  Hellas  haii  to 
yli'lil,  anil  on  July  2,  IMHI,  three  years  after  the 
liiKnin)^  of  the  famous  I'rotiK'ol  of  li<>rlin,  8lie 
Hi)(iieil  the  convention  by  which  Turkey  redeil 
to  her  the  tial  part  of  Thessaly  and  a  Hliiall  scrap 
of  Kpiros." —  I),  liikelas,  NfCH  Kmuii/ii  on  Chrin- 
till II  (Irirre,  emuiil  It. 

A.  D.  1864-1893. — Government  under  the 
later  constitution.^  A  new  ■onstitiition,  framed 
liv  tlie  National  Assembly,  "  was  ratltled  by  the 
Kinn  on  November  21,  1H(I4.  Abollshlnij  the 
old  Senate,  It  established  a  Iti.  prescntative  Cham- 
lier  of  l.V)  lieputieH,  since  iniTcascd  to  100,  and 
nfrain  to  !107,  elected  by  ballot  by  nil  males  over 
the  age  of  twenty-one,  from  .■qual  electoral  dis- 
tricts (they  were  aftcrwarilii  elected  by  iiom- 
a'cliics;  tho  Bysttiin  now  is  hy  eparchies).  Mr. 
Bi^rgeant  gives  the  niiinlier  of  electors  (In  1879)  at 


GREEK,  Oris^in  of  the  name.     See  IIki.i.as. 
GREEK  CHURCH,  The.     Sec  Chuistian- 

iTv;  A.  I).  ;i;«i-i()54. 

GREEK  EDUCATION.  See  Education, 
Anciknt. 

GREEK  EMPIRE,  called  Byzantine  :  A.D. 

700-1204.      See  UV/.A.NTINK  EMlMllK. 

GREEK  EMPIRE  OF  CONSTANTINO- 
PLE (A.  D.  1361-1453).  See  ('onmantinoi-i.k: 
A.  I).  12(11-145!). 

GREEK  EMPIRE  OF  NICVEA:  A.  D. 
1204-1361.— The  conijuest  of  Constantinople  by 
the  Venetians  and  the  Crusad^'rs,  in  1204,  broke 
the  Byzantine  Empire  into  many  fragments,  some 
of  which  were  secured  liy  the  conquerors  and 
loosely  bound  together  in  the  feudal  emiiire  of 
Itimiania,  while  others  were  snatched  from  the 
ruin  and  preserved  by  the  Greeks,  themselves. 
For  the  sovereignty  of  these  latter  numerous 
claimants  made  haste  to  contend.  Three  fugitive 
emperors  were  wandering  in  tl'.e  outer  territories 
of  the  shattered  realm.  One  was  that  Alexius 
111.,  whoso  deposition  of  Isaac  Angelo-s  had  af- 
forded a  pretext  for  tlie  crusading  conquest,-  and 
who  had  ttcd  when  Isaac  was  restored.  A  second 
was  Alexius  V.  (Murtzuphlos),  who  pushed  Isaac 
Aiigelos  and  his  sou  Alexius  lY.  from  tho  sMk- 


iill  per  I.INNI,  but  I  do  not  know  what  he  iliMti 
with  the  wiimi'ii  and  inlnorM,  who  miixt  be  about 
T.'S  per  cent  of  Ibc  piipiilatlon.  The  present 
|IMI»;t|  inimberof  ehi  tors  Is  4.'iO,(MH»,  or  im  per 
I.OtK).  The  King  has  eoiiHiderabli'  power:  he  is 
Irri'spoiiHibii';  he  appoints  and  dismlsHcs  his  inin 
iHters  and  all  ollliers  and  olllchils;  and  he  can 
prorogue  or  sUNpeiid  I'lirliament.  Nor  Is  his 
power  merely  nominal.  In  IHllll  the  Chamber 
iiehaved  illegally,  and  tlie  King  promptly  dis 
Bolvi'd  it;  in  IHyfl  again  llie  King  successfully 
Hti'i  red  his  country  out  of  a  whlrl|MHil  of  corrup- 
tion: and,  liiHtly.'in  IHII2,  his  .Majesty,  tlnding 
M.  Deleyannes  olisllnate  in  his  tlnanclal  dilatorl- 
ni'HS,  dismlssi'd  him.  .  .  .  liefore  King  Otho 
there  were  4  administrations;  under  his  rule  24 
(III  before  the  Constltutinn  was  granleii  and  II 
after),  10  in  the  interregnum,  and  42  under  King 
(li'orge.  TIiIm  gives  70  iidministratiinH  in  (12 
years,  or  alsiiit  one  every  10^  months,  or,  licdnct- 
uig  the  two  kingless  jieriods,  RO  aduiiiiistrations 
111  (to  years — lliat  is,  with  an  average  diiratloii 
of  nearly  HI  months.  This  eomnares  for  stability 
very  well  with  the  duration  of  French  .Ministries, 
2H  of  which  have  lasted  22  years,  or  about  Ui 
months  each.  It  should  iiIko  lie  stated  that  there 
has  been  a  distinct  tendency  to  greater  Minis- 
terlal  longevity  of  late  years  in  (Ireece.  I'nder 
King  Otho  there  were  seven  I'arliaments  in  IH 
years,  which  allows  2  years  and  7  months  for 
i'lich  I'arliami  ;itary  perliHl.  Under  King  Oeorge 
there  have  In  en  IH  in  2H  years,  or  with  a  life  of 
2  years  and  2  months  each.  However,  vn'  know 
that  I'lirliament  had  not  the  same  free  iday  under 
the  first  King  that  it  has  had  under  tlie  second; 
and,  besides,  the  present  Parliament,  considering 
tlie  I'rinie  .Minister's  enormous  niajority.  Is  likely 
to  continue  some  time,  and  bring  up  tlii!  Ueor 
ghin  average.  .  .  .  There  have  lieen  no  notable 
changes  of  the  Greek  Con.stitiition  since  its  first 
promulgation,  though  there  hi.  .been  a  natural  ex- 
pansion, especially  In  the  judicial  section.  This 
very  fact  is  of  itself  a  vindication  of  Hellenic  n.i 
tloual  stability."— U.  A.  H.  Bii^kford-Smith, 
Ureecf  iiniler  King  Oeorye,  eh.  18. 

ing  throne  when  Constantinople  resolved  to  de- 
fend itself  agaiiisi  lie  Cliristiansof  the  West,  but 
who  abandoned  t'u  city  in  the  last  hours  of  tho 
siege.  The  third  was  Theodore  Lascaris,  scm-in- 
law  of  Alexius  HI.,  who  was  elected  to  the  im- 
perial ollice  as  soon  as  the  flight  of  Alexius  V. 
iiecame  known — even  after  the  besiegers  hod 
entered  tho  city — and  who,  then,  could  do  nothing 
but  follow  his  fugitive  predecessors.  Tliis  last 
was  the  only  one  of  the  three  who  found  a  piece 
of  defensible  t'>rritory  on  which  to  set  up  his 
throne.  He  established  himself  in  liithynia,  as- 
sociating his  claims  with  those  of  his  worthless 
father-in-law,  and  contenting  himself  with  tho 
title  of  Despot,  at  first.  But  the  convenient 
though  objectionable  father-in-law  was  not  per- 
mitted to  enjoy  any  share  of  the  sovereignty 
which  ho  acquired.  Theodore,  in  fact,  managed 
his ailalrs  with  great  vigorand  skill.  Tho  district 
in  whicli  his  authority  was  recognized  widened 
rapidly  and  the  cityof  Niciua  became  his  capital. 
There,  in  1206,  bo  received  the  imperial  crown, 
more  fori,  .ally  and  solemnly,  anew,  and  rallied  the 
Greek  resistance  whicii  was  destined  to  triumph, 
a  little  more  tlian  half  a  century  later,  over  the 
insolent  aggression  of  the  Latin  West.  The  smali 
empire  of  Nicifia  had  to  contend,  not  merely  with 


1611 


GUEEK  EMPIUE  OF  NIC^A. 


GHEENLANI). 


the  Lai  ins  in  {-'onstimlinoplc  1111(1  Orcccc,  rind  witli 
lli('  'I'lirlusli  Siiltiin  iif  I(u)niuiii.  I'lit  also  witli 
ani)lli(T  iiiuDilioiis  fraffiucnt  of  (Jrcck  oinplrc  at 
Tr(l)i»(>ncl,  wliicli  Klii>w:ii  itself  pcrsislcnlly  hos- 
tile. Ilis  suricssors,  moreover,  were  ill  eonlliet 
with  a  lliiril  sueli  fra^riiieiit  in  Kurope.  it  Tliessa- 
loniea.  But.  t,n  years  after  tlie  tlijjht  i)f  Theo- 
dore from  Coiislniitiiiople.  Ilis  empire  of  Niea'U 
"exIi'iHled  from  iferaeliia  on  the  Black  Sea  to 
the  head  of  the  (tulf  of  Nie(,media:  from  thenee 
it  embrace  il  the  coast  of  the  OpsiUian  theme  us 
fur  iisCyzieus;  and  then  descendini;  to  the  south, 
incliideil  l'erj;ainus.  and  joined  the  coast  of  the 
/KKcan.  Theodore  had  already  extended  his 
power  over  lliu  valleys  of  the  Jlermiis,  the 
Caister.  and  the  Ma'ander. "  Theodore  Lascaris 
died  in  1~'".  le.ivin.ir  no  son,  and  .lohii  DiiUas 
Vatatzes,  or  Vataces  an  his  name  is  written  by 
somi'  historians,  a  man  of  eminent  abilities  and 
liijfli  ipialities,  who  bail  married  Tlieodore's 
daiisrbter,  was  elected  to  the  vacant  throne.  He 
was  .siil'ili'd  us  .lolin  HI. — assuming  a  con- 
tinuity from  the  Hy/.antinc  to  tlie  Xiiican  series 
of  enipurors.  In  a  reifjii  of  thirty -three  years, 
this  prudent  and  capable  emperor,  as  Uilibon  ex- 
prcs.scs  th'  fact,  "rescued  the  provinces  from 
imtional  and  foreign  usurpers,  till  he  pres.sc(i  on 
all  sides  theimiieri.i'  city  |('onstantiiiop!e],  a  leaf- 
less and  sapless  trunk,  wliicli  must  fall  at  the 
first  stroke  of  the  axe."  He  did  not  live  lo  ap- 
ply that  blow  nor  to  witness  the  fall  of  the 
coveted  capital  of  the  Kasl.  Hut  the  event  oc- 
curred only  six  years  after  his  death,  and  owed 
nothing  to  the  energy  or  the  capability  of  his  suc- 
cessors. His  son,  Theodore  H.,  reigned  but  four 
years,  and  left  at  liis<leatli,  in  I'i'tH.  a  son,  .John 
IV.,  only  eight  yeais  old.  The  api)ointcd 
regent  and  tutor  of  this  youth  was  soon  assas- 
sinnted,  and  .Michael  Palcologos,  an  able  ollicer, 
who  had  some  of  the  bliMxl  of  the  imperial 
An.gelos  family  in  his  veins,  was  made  in  the 
lirsl;  instance  tutor  to  the  young  emperor,  and 
soon  afterwards  raised  to  the  throne  willi  him  as 
a  colleague.  In  l!2(iO  the  new  emperor  made  an 
attack  on  Con.stantinople  and  was  repulsed.  Hut 
on  the  25111  of  .luly  in  the  next  year  the  city  was 
taken  by  a  sudden  surprise,  wliile  0,000  soldiers 
■'  its  garrison  were  absent  on  an  expedition 
^ain.st  Daphnusia  in  the  Hlack  Sea.  It  was 
acquired  almost  without  resistance,  the  Latin 
emperor,  Baldwin  II.,  taking  promptly  to  llight. 
The  destruction  of  life  was  sliglit ;  but  the  sur- 
prising party  fireil  a  considerable  part  of  the  city, 
lo  cover  the  smallness  of  its  numljcrs,  and  Co'n- 
slanlinople  suffered  once  more  from  a  disastrous 
contlagralion.  On  the  recovery  of  its  ancient 
capital,  the  Grei^k  eini)irc  ceased  to  l)ear  the  name 
of  Niciea.  and  its  history  is  continued  under  the 
more  imposing  appellation  of  t\u\  Greek  empire 
of  Con8tantinoi>le.— G.  Kinlay,  Ilht.  of  the  Jli/zaii- 
tiiu  and  Gnvk  Kmpirex,  from  716  to'WWA^  bk.  4 
ch.  1  (c.  2). 

Also  in  :  E.  Gibbon,  Dedine  and  Fall  of  the 
lioninn  Kinpirr,  eh.  62. 

GREEK  EMPIRE  OF  TREBIZOND. 
See  Tkkhizond:  A.  I).  12()-H-161. 

GREEK  FIRE.— 'The  importjint  secret  of 
compounding  and  directing  this  arliticial  flame 
was  imparted  [in  the  later  part  of  the  seventh 
century  to  the  Greeks,  or  Byzantines,  at  Constan- 
tinople] by  Cailinicus,  a  native  of  Heliopolis,  in 
Syria,  who  deserted  from  the  service  of  the  caliph 
to  that  of  tlio  emperor.    The  skill  of  a  chemist 


and  engineer  was  equivalent  to  the  succour  of 
fleets  and  armies;  and  this  discovery  or  improve- 
ment of  the  military  art  was  fortunately  reserved 
for  the  distressful  pericxi  when  the  (leg<'nerate 
Homans  of  the  East  were  incapable  of  contend- 
ing with  the  warlike  entliushism  and  youthful 
vigour  of  tli<^  Saracens.  The  historian  who  pre- 
sumes to  anal3'ze  this  extraordinary  composition 
should  suspect  bis  own  ignorance  and  that  of  his 
Byzantine  guides,  so  |)rone  to  the  marvellous,  so 
careles.s,  and.  in  this  instance,  so  jealous  of  the 
truth.  From  their  obscure,  and  i)erhaps  falla- 
cious hints,  it  should  seem  that  the  principal  in- 
irredient  of  tlie  Greek  tire  was  yie  naphtha,  or 
li(|uid  bilumen,  a  light,  tenacious,  and  inllamma- 
ble  oil,  which  s])rings  from  the  earth.  .  .  .  The 
naphtha  was  mingled,  I  know  not  by  what  meth- 
ods or  in  what  proportions,  with  sulphur  and 
with  the  pilch  that  is  extracted  from  evergreen 
flrs.  From  Ibis  niixture.  which  produced  a  thick 
smoke  and  a  loud  explosion,  ])rocee(led  a  tierce 
and  obstinate  tlame  .  .  .  ;  instead  of  being  ex- 
tinguished it  was  nourished  and  <|uickcned  by 
the  clement  of  water;  and  sand,  urine,  or  vinegar 
were  the  only  remedies  that  could  damp  the  fury 
of  this  jiowerful  agent.  .  .  .  It  was  either  poured 
from  the  ramparts  |of  a  besieged  town]  in  large 
boilers,  or  laundied  in  red-hot  balls  of  stone  and 
iron,  or  darted  in  arrows  and  javidins,  twisted 
round  with  Max  and  tow,  which  had  deeply  im- 
bibed the  inllaiumable  oil ;  sometiiues  it  was  de- 
posited in  lire  ships  .  .  .  and  was  most  commonly 
Idown  through  long  ttibes  of  cojjper,  which  were 
planted  on  the  prow  of  a  galley,  and  fancifully 
shaped  into  the  mouths  of  savage  monsters,  that 
seemed  to  vomit  a  .stream  of  licpiid  and  con.sum- 
iiig  Are.  This  imjiortant  art  was  preserved  at 
('onslantinoi)le,asthepalladiuniof tliestate.  .  .  . 
The  secret  was  eonflned,  above  400  years,  to  the 
Komans  of  the  East.  .  .  .  It  was  at  length  either 
discovered  or  stolen  bj'  the  Mahometans;  and,  in 
the  holy  wars  of  Syria  and  Egypt,  they  retorted 
an  invention,  contrived  against  themselves,  on 
the  heads  of  the  Christians.  .  .  .  The  use  of  the 
Greek,  or,  as  it  might  now  be  called,  the  Saracen 
tire,  was  continued  to  the  mid<lle  of  the  four- 
teenth century." — E.  Gilibon,  Decline  and  Fidl 
of  (he  Iloiiiait-  Empire ,  eh.  .'52. 
■  GREEK  GENIUS  AND  INFLUENCE. 
See  IIei.i.knic  Gknus.  &!■. 

GREELEY,  Horace,  and  the  Peace  Con- 
ference at  Niagara.  Si'c  I'mtkd  St.mks  ok 
Am.  :  A.  1).  1864  (.It  i.y) Presidential  candi- 
dacy and  defeat.  'Sec  Uniti;u  SiArics  ok  Am.  : 
A.  D.  1872. 

GREEN,  Duff,  in  the  "  Kitchen  Cabinet  " 
of  President  Jackson.  See  United  ST.vrKs  ok 
Am.  ;  A.  I).  182il. 

GREEN  MOUNTAIN  BOYS.  Sec  Vku- 
mont;  a.  I).  1749-1774. 

GREENBACK  PARTY,  The.  See  Ixitod 
St.vtks  OK  A.M. ;  A.  I).  1880. 

GREENE,  General  Nathaniel,  and  the 
American  Revolution.  See  Unitkd  States  ok 
Am.:  a.  1).  1775  (.May— August);  1780-1781; 
and  1781  (.Januauv— May). 


GREENLAND:  A  D.  876-984.— Discovery 
and  •settlement  by  the  Northmen.  See  Nok- 
MANs.— Noutiimen;  A.  I).  876-984. 

A.  D.  14^0-1585.- The  lost  Icelandic  colony, 
absorbed  by    Eskimo.  —  Rediscovery  of  the 


161: 


GREENLAND. 


QUAYANA8. 


country.     Sec    Amkiiican 
MMA.N  Family. 


AiioitioiNES:    Ebki- 


GREENS,  Roman  Faction  of  the.  SicCiii 
lis   Factions  <ik  tiik  IJoman. 

GREENVILLE  TREATY  WITH  THE 
INDIAN  TRIBES.  Sif  Noiniiwiosr  Ti:itui- 
T.illY;  A.  I>.  IVM-lUm. 

GREGORIAN  CALENDAR.  —  GREGO- 
RIAN ERA.     Sec  Cat,kni>au,  (}iii;(ioiiian. 

GREGORY   I.   (called   The   Great),   Pope, 

A.  1).  r>!l(Mi(l» Gregory  II.,  Pope,  Tirt-im. 

Gregory  III.,   Pope,   731-741 Gregory 

iv.,  Pope,  M27,844 Gregory  V.,  Pope,  090- 

090 Gregory    VI.,     Pope,     1044-1(UO 

Gregory    VII.,    Pope,    l()7r)-108r, Gregory 

Vlir.,  Pope,    1187,  October  to   Documbcr, 


Gregory  IX.,  Pope,  1227-1341 Gregory  X., 

Pope,  1371-1276 Gregory  XL,  Pope,  1371- 

1378 Gregory   XII.,  Pope,    <<"«•<"■■ 

"ifl.,   ~ 


rego 

.,  Pope,    1400-i4tr). 

Gregory  Xiri.,'Pope,   ir)73-ir)8r) Gregory 

XIV.,  Pope,  l.TOO-inOl Gregory  XV.,  Pope, 

l«21-l(i33  .  . .  .Gregory  XVI.,  Pope,  1831-1840. 

GRENVILLE  MINISTRY,  The.  Seo 
En(ii,.\ni):  a.  n.  1700-1703;  uml  1705-1708. 

GREVY,  Jules,  President  of  the  French 
Republic,  1870-1887.  Si'u  Fuanci::  A.  D.  187.')- 
1880. 

GREY,  Earl,  The  Ministry  of.  See  Eno- 
land:  a.  D.  1830-lb33:  mid  1834-1837. 

GREY  FRIARS.    See  Mendicant  Oudkhs. 

GREY  LEAGUES,  The.  See  Switzeu- 
I.ANI):  A.  1).  1300-1400. 

GREYS,  OR  BIGI,  of  Florence,  The.  See 
Bun. 

GRIERSON'S  RAID.  See  United  States 
OF  Am.:    a.    D.    1803    (Ariui.— May:   Mibsis- 

BIPPI). 

GRIQUAS.— GRIQUALAND.— "The  Gri 

qiias  or  Uaiistards.  ii  ini.xed  race  sprung  from 
the  intercourse  of  tile  'Hocr.s'  [of  South  Africa] 
with  their  Hottentot  slaves,"  migrated  from 
Ciii)e(!olony  after  the  Eniuncipation  Ac;t  of  1833, 
■and,  under  the  chiefs  AVaterboer  and  Adam 
Kok,  settled  in  the  country  north  of  the  conflu- 
ence of  the  Orange  and  Vaal,  tlie  present  Gri- 
qualand  West.  Subseiiuently,  in  1852,  Adam 
Kok's  section  of  tlie  Uriciuas  again  migrated  to 
the  t<;rritory  then  called  No  Man's  Land,  be- 
tween Kafraria  and  southern  Natal,  now  known 
as  Oriqualand  East,  or  Xew  Griqualand.  .  .  . 
In  consequence  of  the  discovery  of  diamonds  in 
the  Oriqua  countrv  in  1807,  and  the  rush  tliither 
of  thousands  of  Europeans  from  all  the  sur- 
rounding states,  as  well  as  from  Europe,  Amer- 
ica, and  Austnilia,  tlie  chief  Waterlioer  ceded  his 
rights  to  the  British  Government,  and  this  region 
was  annexed  to  the  Cape  Colony  as  the  Lieuten- 
ant-Governorship of  Griqualand  West  in  1871." 
— HellwaUl-.Tohnston,  Africa  {Stanford's  Compeii- 
lUiiiii),  e/i,  23,  sect.  5. 

ORISONS,  The:  Achievement  of  demo- 
cratic independence.  SeeSwiTZKULAND:  A.  D. 
1300-1409. 

The  Valtelline  revolt  and  war.  See  France  : 
A.  1>.  1024-1620. 

GROCHOW,  Battles  of  (1831).  Sec  Poland: 
A.  1).  1830-1832. 

GROL,  Capture  of  (1627).  See  Nethek- 
Landh;  a.  I).  1621-1033. 


GRONENBURG:  A.  D.  1593.— Capture  by 
Prince  Maurice.  See  Nktmkui.ands:  A.  1). 
1588-1503. 

GROS  VENTRE  INDIANS,  The.  See 
Ameuican  AiioKKilSKs:  IIiDAisA,  and  A  (.iiON- 
lit'iAN  Family. 

GROSS  BEEREN,  Battle  of.  See  Oer- 
many:  a.  I).  1813  (Ai(irsT). 

GROSS  GORSCHEN,  OR  LUTZEN, 
Battle  of.  Sec  (Jkumany;  A.  I).  1813  (Arm L— 
.May). 

GROSSE  RATH,  The.    See  Switzerland: 

A.  1).    IStH-lHlK). 

GROSSWARDEIN,  Treaty  of.  See  lIuN- 
oAiiv:  A.  I).  1520-1567. 

GROTIUS,  HUGO,  Imprisonment  and  es- 
cape of.     See  Nktiikulands;  A.  1).  lO'Ci-  lolO. 

GROVETON,  Battle  of.  See  United  States 
OK  A.M. :  A.  D.  1863  (AiioimT — Seitemueu). 

GRUTHUNGI.The.  See  Goths  (Visi'.orim): 
A.  1).  370. 

GROTLI,  or  ROTLI,  The  Meadow  of. 
See  Swrr/.KiiLAND:  Tut;  Tiiuee  Foiikht  (  an- 
tonn. 

GRYNEUM,  The  Oracle  of.  See  Oracles 
OK  THE  Gukeks. 

GUADACELITO  OR  SALADO,  Battle  of 
(1340).     SeoSl-AiN:  A.  1).  127:5-1460. 

GUADALETE,  Battle  of  the.  See  Spain: 
A.  D.  711-713. 

GUADALOUPE  HIDALGO,  Treaty  of. 
See  Mexico:  A.  I).  1848. 

GUADALUPES.     See  Gaciiupines. 

GUAICARUS,  The.  See  Amekican  Abo- 
KHiiNEs:  Pampas  Tuiheb. 

GUAJIRA,  The.  See  American  Aborioi- 
neh:  Coa.hko. 

GUANAJUATO,  Battles  of.  See  Mexico: 
A.  1).  1810-1810. 

GUANAS, The.  See  American  Aborigines: 
1'ampas  Tuiues. 

GUANCHES,  The.     See  Libyans. 

GUARANI,  The.  See  American  Aborioi- 
neh:  Trpi. 

GUASTALLA,  Battle  of  (1734).  See 
Fu.vnce:    i'    I).  1733-1735. 

GUATEMALA:  The  name.— "According 
to  Fuentes  y  Guzman,  derived  from  'Coctec- 
iiialau ' —  that 's  to  say  '  Palo  dc  leclie, '  milk-tree, 
commonly  called  'Yerba  mala,'  found  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Antigua  Quatemaln.  ...  In 
the  Jlexican  tougue,  if  we  may  believe  Vasqucz, 
it  was  called  '  Quaulitimali,'  rotten-tree.  .  .  . 
Others  derive  it  from  '  Uhatezmalha,'  signifying 
"the  hill  which  discharges  water';  and  .Tuarros 
suggests  that  it  may  be  from  .Iiiitemal,  the  first 
king  of  Guatemala." — H.  H.  Bancroft,  Ilisl.  of 
the  Parip'f  Stdtcn,  r.  1,  p.  620,  foot-note. 

Aboriginal  inhabitants,  and  ruins  of  Ancient 
Civilization.  See  Ameuran  Abohkhneh: 
Mayas,  and  QriciiEs;  also,  Mexico,  Ancient. 

A.  D.  1524.  —  Conquest  by  Alvarado,  the 
lieutenant  of  Cortes.  See  Mexico:  A.  1).  1521- 
1534. 

A.  D.  1821-1871. — Separation  from  Spain. — 
Brief  annexation  to  Mexico. — Resistance  to 
C^tral  American  Federation. — The  wars  of 
the  states.     See  Central  Ameuica:  A.  D.  1831- 

1671. 

♦ 

OUAYANAS,   The.    See    American    Ano- 
I  iuoineb:  Pamp.^s  Tribes. 


1613 


OUCK  OK  COr-O  TRIBES. 


OUELPS. 


GUCK  OR  COCO  TRIBES.  SeoAMKRicAN 
Aiiokkii.nkm:  (iuiK  oil  CiKO  Uhduiv 

GUELDERLAND:  A.  D.  :o79-i47J— Un- 
der the  House  of  Nassau.— Acquisition  by  the 
Duke  of  Burg^undy. —  'The  iinililo  cxti'iit  of 
Oucldcrliiiid,  it.s  cciitrul  poHition,  and  thi>  iiiinibe.' 
of  its  iiucicnt  towus,  rendered  it  lit  nil  times  of 
^reut  importuiiee.  The  men  of  Zutplien  mid 
Arnhcim  were  foremost  nmong  the  claiiimnts  of 
eivie  freedom;  and  lit  Tiel  and  nommel  industry 
struck  early  root,  and  striijis'L'd  bravely  to  ma- 
1  urily  through  countless  storms  of  feudal  violence 
and  ra])iiie.  Uuelderland  was  constituted  u 
county,  or  earldom,  by  Henry  III.  [Emperor, 
A.  I).'  1070],  and  bestowed  on  Otho,  count  of 
Nassau;  and  thus  originated  the  inlUicncc  of  that 
eelehrated  family  in  the  affairs  of  the  Nui..^r- 
lands.  Three  centuries  later  the  province  was 
created  a  duchy  of  the  enii)irc.  Vigour  and 
abilily  continued  to  distinguish  the  house  of 
Niis.sau,  and  they  were  destined  to  become  event- 
ually the  most  popular  and  powerful  family  in 
the  nation.  Apart  from  their  influence,  however, 
Oueldcrland  hardly  occupies  as  important  a 
place  in  the  gi^nefal  history  of  the  country  as 
Utrecht  or  Holland."  In  1473,  when  the  House 
of  Burgundy  had  acquired  sovereignty  over  most 
of  the  Netherland  states,  Charles  the  Bold  availed 
himself  of  a  domestic  quarnn  between  the  reign- 
ing prince  of  Guelderland  and  liis  heir  "to  pur- 
cliase  the  duchy  from  the  former  for  03,000 
crowns  of  gold.  The  old  duke  died  before  the 
pecuniary  portion  of  the  bargain  was  actually 
compIet<'d;  and,  the  rightful  heir  being  detained 
in  prison,  the  grasping  lord  of  Burgundy  en- 
tered into  possession  of  his  purchase,  for  which 
no  part  of  tlie  price;  was  ever  paid." — W.  T. 
McCullagh,  IiiduHtrial  Hist,  of  Free  NntioM,  ch. 
8  and  10  (p.  2). 

A.  D,  1713.— The  Spanish  province  ceded  to 
Prussia.    ScoUtkeciit:  A.  D.  1713-1714. 

GUELF  PARTY,  Captains  of  the.  See 
FhOKENCK:  A.  I).  13,'58. 

Guelfic  origin  of  the  House  of  Hanover,  or 
Brunswick-LUneburg.  See  England:  A.  I). 
1714;  also,  Guklfs  and  Ghibelmneb;  and 
EsTE,  House  ok. 


GUELFS,ORGUELPHS,ANDGHIBEL- 
LINES:  German  origin  of  these  Factions 
and  their  feuds.— On  the  death  (A.  D.  1125)  of 
Henry  V.,  the  last  of  the  Franconian  dynasty  of 
Germanic  emperors,  Lothaire,  Duke  of  Saxony, 
was  elected  emperor,  in  rather  a  tumultuous  and 
irregular  manner  Lothaire,  and  the  Saxons 
generally,  were  embittered  iu  enmity  against  the 
house  of  Franconia,  and  against  the  new  family 
—  the  Suabian  or  Hohenstauffen  —  which  suc- 
ceeded by  inheritance,  through  the  female  line, 
to  the  Franconian  claims.  It  was  the  object  of 
his  reign,  moreover,  to  pass  the  imperial  crown 
from  his  own  head  to  that  of  his  sonin-Iaw, 
Henry  the  Proud.  Hence  arose  a  persecution  of 
the  Huabian  family,  under  Lrthaia-,  which 
stirred  deep  passions.  Henry  the  Proud,  for 
whose  succession  Lothaire  labored,  but  vainj^i', 
united  in  himself  several  ancient  streams  of 
noble  blood.  He  "  was  fourth  in  descent  from 
Wclf  [or  Quelf],  son  of  Azon  marquis  of  Este, 
by  Cunegonda,  heiress  of  a  distinguished  family, 
tUo  Welts  of  Altorf  in  Suabia,  '     His  ancestor, 


Wclf,  had  been  invested  with  the  duchv  of  Ba- 
i-aria.  He  liimseif  represented,  by  right  of  his 
mother,  the  ancient  ('ucal  house  of  Saxony ;  and, 
by  favor  of  his  iin])erial  fatlier-in-hiw,  the  two 
jiowerfiil  duchies,  Bavaria  and  Saxony,  were 
botli  conferred  on  him.  He  also  received  Han- 
over and  Brunswick  as  the  dowry  of  his  wife. 
"  Or  the  death  of  Lothaire  in  1138  the  partisans 
pf  the  house  of  Huabia  made  a  hasty  and  irregular 
election  of  Conrad  [one  of  the  HohcnstaulTen 
princes],  in  which  the  Saxon  faction  found  it- 
self obli!;ed  to  acquiesce.  The  new  emperor 
availed  himself  of  the  jealousy  whicli  Henry  the 
Proud's  aggrandizement  had  ejcited.  Under 
pretence  that  two  duchies  could  not  legally  be 
held  by  the  same  person,  Henry  was  summoned 
to  resign  one  of  them,  and  on  his  refusal,  the 
diet  i)rououuced  that  he  had  incurred  a  forfei- 
ture of  l)oth.  Henry  made  but  little  resistance, 
and  before  his  death,  which  happened  soon 
afterwards,  saw  himself  stripped  of  all  his  he- 
reditary as  well  as  acejuired  i)08sessions.  Upon 
this  occasion  the  famous  names  of  Guelf  for 
Guelph]  and  Ghibeliu  were  first  heard,  which 
were  destined  to  keep  alive  the  flame  of  civil 
dissension  in  far  distant  countries,  and  after 
their  meaning  had  been  forgotten.  The  Guelfs, 
or  Welfs,  were,  as  I  have  said,  the  ancestors  of 
Henry,  and  the  name  has  become  a  sort  of  pat- 
ronymic in  his  family.  The  word  Ohibelin  is 
derived  from  Wibclung,  a  town  in  Franconia, 
whence  the  emperors  of  tliat  line  are  said  to  have 
sprung.  The  house  of  Suabia  were  considered 
iu  Germany  as  representing  that  of  Franconia; 
as  tlie  Guelfs  may,  witliout  much  impropriety, 
be  deemed  to  represent  the  Saxon  line." — H. 
llallam.  The  Middle  Agen,  ch.  5  (».  2).— Sir  An- 
drew Ilallidiiy,  in  his  "Annals  of  the  House  of 
Hanover,"  traces  the  genealogy  of  the  Guelfs 
with  great  minuteness  and  precision  —  with  more 
minuteness,  perhaps,  in  some  remote  particulars, 
and  more  precision,  than  seems  consistent  with 
entire  credibility.  He  carries  the  line  back  to 
Edico,  king  or  prince  of  the  Heruli,  or  Rugii,  or 
Scyrii, — the  stock  from  which  came  Odoacer, 
who  overturned  the  Western  Koman  Empire  ami 
made  himself  the  first  king  of  Italy.  Edico, 
wlio  was  subject  to  Attila,  and  the  favorite  ad- 
viser of  the  king  of  the  Huns,  is  thought  to 
have  had  a  son  or  brother  named  Guelf  or  Wclf, 
who  fell  in  battle  with  the  Ostrogoths.  It  is  to 
him  that  Sir  Andrew  is  disposed  to  assign  the 
honor  of  being  the  historical  chief  of  the  great 
family  of  the  Guelfs.  If  not  from  this  shadowy 
Guelf,  it  is  from  another  of  like  name  in  the 
next  generation  —  a,  brother  of  Odoacer — that 
he  sees  the  family  spring,  and  the  story  of  its 
wide-branching  and  many-rooted  growth,  in 
Friuli,  Altdorf,  Bavaria,  old  Saxony,  Bruns- 
wick, Hanover, — and  thence,  more  royally  than 
ever,  in  England, —  is  as  interesting  as  a  narra- 
tive of  highly  complicated  genealogy  can  be. — 
Sir  A.  Hailiday,  Annals  of  the  House  of  Han- 
orer. — From  the  Guelf  uncertainly  indicated 
above  were  descended  two  Marquesses  of  Este, 
"successively  known  in  German  and  Italian 
story  as  the  first  and  second  of  that  name.  .  ,  . 
Azo,  the  second  Blarqucss  of  Este  in  Italy  (born 
A.  I).  005,  died  1007),  the  head  of  the  Italian 
(junior)  branch  of  Guelphs  [see  Este],  mairied 
Cunigunda,  the  sole  heiress  of  the  German 
Guelphs  of  Altdorf,  thus  uniting  in  his  family 
the  blood,  wealth,  and  power  of  both  branches 


1614 


GUELFS. 


GUIANA. 


of  tlic  old  Guclplis,  and  iMicomiiiR  llic  <>ommnn 
fiitlxT  of  tlic  Inter  Oeriimn  and  Italian  princes  of 
tlie  name  of  Quclpli.  No  wonder,  tlien,  tliat  lie 
was  elected  by  the  Emperor,  Henry  III.,  as 
Ids  representative  in  Italy.  .  .  .  Cunigunda,  the 
lirat  wife  of  Azo  II.,  bore  him  one  sou,  Guelph, 
who  was  known  in  German  history  as  Guelph 
VI.  He  fucceeded  to  his  mother's  titles  and 
vast  estates  on  her  death,  A.  D.  lO.").";,  and  to 
those  of  his  father,  A.  1).  1097.  .  .  .  Henry  IV. 
invested  him  with  the  Duchy  of  Havaria,  A.  I). 
1071  —  ft  title  first  a.ssumed  170  years  before 
(A.  I).  000)  by  Ills  almost  mytlioloi;ical  ancestor, 
Henry  of  the  Golden  Chariot."  This  Guelph  VI. 
was  the  grandfather  of  Henry  the  Proud,  Duke 
■of  Saxony  and  Bavaria,  referred  to  above. — 
P.  M.  Thornton,  The  lirunmcick  Aceeannn,  eh.  1. 
AiiSO  in:  O.  Browning,  Ouelfxnnd  OMMliiuii. 
—See,  also,  Saxony;  A.  D.  1178-1183;  and  Gi.;k- 
many:  a.  D.  1138-1268;  and.  also,  Estb,  Housk 

OF. 

The  outcrop  of  the  contention  in  Italy, — Its 
beginnings,  causes,  course  and  meaning.  See 
Italy:  A.  D.  1315;  and  Flouenck;  A.  D.  1248- 
1378. 

♦ 

GUELFS,  White  and  Black  (Bianchi  and 
Neri).  Sec  Fi.ouknck:  A.  I).  129r)-li)00;  and 
1801-1313. 

GUELPHS  OF  HANOVER,  The  Order 
of  the. — "The  Hanoverian  troops  having  much 
distinguished  themselves  at  the  battle  of  Water- 
loo, George  IV.  (then  prineo  regent)  determined 
to  found  an  order  of  merit  which  might,  with 
t'special  propriety,  be  conferred  upon  such  of 
them  as  deserved  the  distinction,  and  the  12th  of 
August.  1815,  was  fixed  upon  as  the  date  of  its 
foundation.  By  the  second  statute,  the  Order  is 
inseparably  annexed  to  the  possession  of  the 
Hanoverian  crown,  by  vesting  the  grand-master- 
ship in  the  sovereign  of  that  coiuitry  for  the 
time  being,"— C.  U.  Dodd,  Manual  of  Dignitiei, 
pt.  3. 

GUERANDE,  Treaty  of.  See  Bhittanv: 
A.  I).  1341-1305. 

GUERNSEY,  The  Isle  of.     Sec  Jersey  and 

GirKKNSKY. 

GUERRA  DOS  CABANOS.  See  Bbazii,: 
A.  D.  1835-1805. 

GUERRILLAS.— A  term  of  Spanish  origin, 
derived  from  '  guerilla',  signifying  little  or  petty 
warfare,  and  applied  to  small,  irregtdar  bands  of 
troops,  carrying  on  war  against  an  enemy  by 
harassing,  destructive  raids. 

GUEUX  OF  THE  NETHER"  AND 
REVOLT.  SeeNETiiEKLANDs:  A.  I).  1503-1566. 


GUIANA:  The  aboriginal  inhabitants.  See 
Amruican  Ahouiginkk;  ('auiiis. 

l6th  Century.— The  search  for  El  Dorado. 
See  El,  DoiiADo.  • 

A.  D.  1580-1814.- Dutch,  French  and  Eng- 
lish settlements  and  conquests. — "There was 
one  European  nation  which  was  not  likely  to  hunt 
for  a  golden  city,  when  gold  was  to  be  earned  by 
I)lain  and  matter  of  fact  commerce.  The  Dutcli 
had  as  early  as  1543  established  a  systematic  if 
contraband  trade  witli  the  Spanish  5lain ;  and  in 
1580  they  began  to  settle  in  Guiana  by  planting  a 
(Iep6t  on  the  river  Pomeroon,  in  what  is  now  the 
county  of  Essequibo.  In  1509  they  built  two 
forts  at  the  mouth  of  the  Amazon,  but  were 
driven  out  by  the  Portuguese;  and  about  1013 


they  cstablislied  a  colui.y  rn  the  Esscqtiibo,  build 
lug  the  fort  of  'Kyk  over  al',  'Look  over  all,' 
on  an  island  where  the  Massannii  Hows  into  the 
Es8e(|uibo.  The  cohmy  was  foimded  by  Zee- 
land  merchants,  was  known  as  Nova  Zeelandia, 
and  came  under  the  control  of  the  Netherlands 
West  India  Company,  whicli  was  incorporatitl  in 
1021.  Shortly  afterwards  colonisation  began 
further  to  the  cast  on  the  Bcrbice  river.  The 
founder  was  a  Flushing  merchant,  Van  Peere  by 
name;  he  founded  his  .settlement  about  1024,  and 
be  held  his  rights  under  contract  with  the  Cham- 
t)erof  Zeeland.  .  .  .  Thus  was  the  present  prov- 
ince of  British  Guiana  colonised  by  Dutchmen. 
.  .  .  While  English  discovery  was  attracted  to  the 
west  and  Orinoco,  the  first  attempts  at  English 
settlement  were  far  to  the  east  on  the  Wyaiioco 
or  Oyapok  river.  Here,  in  1004,  while  lialegh 
was  in  prison,  Captain  Charles  Leigh  founded  a 
colony  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  ...  In  1009 
Kobert  Harcourt  of  Stanton  Ilarcourt  in  Oxford- 
shire took  lip  th(!  work  in  which  Leigh  had 
failed.  ...  In  1013  he  obtained  from  King 
James  a  grant  of  '  all  that  part  of  Guiana  or  con- 
tinent of  America  lying  between  the  river  of 
Amazones  and  the  river  of  Desscquebe,' which 
was  not  octually  possessed  or  inhabited  by  any 
Cliristian  power  in  friendship  with  England.  .  .  . 
In  1019  a  scheme  was  started  foran  Amazon  Com- 
pany, the  leading  spirit  in  which  was  Captain 
Roger  North.  .  .  .  The  company  was  fortunate 
enough  to  secure  the  powerful  patronage  of  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham.  Harcourt  threw  in  his 
lot  with  them,  and  on  the  19th  of  May  1037  a 
royal  grant  was  made  to  the  Duke  of  Bucking- 
bam  and  55  other  adventurers,  including  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke  and  Montgomery,  who  were 
incorporated  under  the  title  of  '  the  governor  and 
company  of  noblemen  and  gentlemen  of  England 
for  the  plantation  of  Guiana  '  The  Duke  of 
Buckingham  was  Governor,  North  was  Deputy- 
Governor,  and  the  grant  included  the  '  royal ' 
river  of  the  Amazon.  For  about  two  years  the 
company  did  some  solid  work,  sending  out  four 
ships  and  200  colonists;  an  .ittempt  was  then 
made  in  1029  to  bring  the  territory  covered  by 
their  pram,  immediately  under  royal  protection, 
and  upon  its  failure  their  efforts  at  cohmisation 
appear  to  have  gr.;  dually  died  away.  The  Eng- 
lish were  not  the  only  ^Duropeans  who  tried  their 
hand  at  settlement  in  the  east  of  Guiana.  .  .  . 
In  1013,  lOO  French  familicLi  settled  in  Cayenne. 
The  first  colony  failed,  but  in  1034  and  1026 
fresh  attempts  were  made  a  litti."  to  the  west 
on  the  rivers  Sinamari  and  Cananiima;  an;!  in 
1043  a  Uoucn  Company,  incorporated  ,>nder  the 
name  of  the  Cape  North  Company,  sent  outthrflc 
or  four  hundred  men  to  Cayenne  under  the  Sieur 
de  Bretigny.  Bret igny  ruined  the  scheme  by  sav- 
age ill-treatment  of  Indians  and  coloni.sts  alike, 
and  the  remains  of  the  settlement  were  absorbed 
by  a  new  and  more  powerful  Normandy  Com- 
pany." This  failed  in  its  turu,  and  gave  way  to 
a  "French  E(iuinoctial  Company,"  organized 
under  the  auspices  of  Colbert,  which  sent  out 
1.200  colonists  and  fairly  established  them  at 
Cayenne.  Colbert,  in  1005,  placed  the  colony, 
"with  all  the  other  French  possessions  in  the 
West  Indies,  under  one  strong  West  India  Com- 
pany. Such  were  the  beginnings  of  colonisation 
in  the  west  and  east  of  Guiana.  Between  them 
lies  the  district  now  known  as  Dutch  Guiana  or 
Surinam. "    The  first  settlement  in  this  was  made 


1615 


(iUlANA. 


(JLILDS. 


In  1«;tO  by  tlO  Kntflisli  colDiiists,  under  a  Captain 
Marslmll.  The  <i.l<inv  failiil,  anil  was  revived  in 
KLW  liv  I-nrd  W'illouKldn,  tian  represent inj?  Hie 
fiij,'ilive  Kinj;  CliarUs  II!,  as  (iiivernor  of  Barba- 
d(KS.  In  lOtilt,  after  lla^  Hestoration,  Lurd  Wil- 
loughby,  ill  eonjunelion  willi  Lawreiu'e  Hyde, 
wcond  son  of  tlie  Karl  of  Clarendon,  received 
lA'tters  I'atent  "  eonslitutinf;  tlieni  lords  and  pro- 
jirietorsof  the  dislriel  between  the  Copenam  and 
the  .Maroni  (wbich  inelude<l  the  Surinam  riv;  >•) 
under  the  nani<'  of  U'illouj;hby  liand."  Soon 
afterwards  "  war  broke  out  with  the  Duteh,  and 
in  .March  1(107  the  colony  capitulated  to  Hie 
Dutch  aclniiral  Crynsenn.  The  i)eace  of  Hreda 
littween  (irrat  Britain  and  the  Netherlands, 
■which  was  sittned  in  the  followiuf,'  .luly,  pro- 
vided that  either  nation  should  retjdn  tlu!  con- 
(juests  which  it  had  nia<le  by  the  precetling  10th 
of  .May,  and  under  this  arranfjenient  Surinam 
wag  ceded  to  the  Netherlands,  while  New  York 
became  a  British  jiosst'ssioii.  ,  .  .  Thus  ended 
for  many  long  years  all  IJritish  connexion  with 
Guiana.  .  .  .  When  at  length  the  Knglish  re- 
turned [in  1796  and  lH();j,  during  the  subjection 
of  the  hutcli  to  Napoleon,  and  while  they  were 
forced  to  take  part  in  his  wars],  tlwy  came  as 
conquerors  rather  than  as  settlers,  and  by  a 
strange  perversity  of  history,  the  original  Duteh 
colonies  on  the  IJerbiee  and  Essecjtiibo  became  a 
British  dependency,  while  the  Netherlanders  re- 
tiiin  to  this  day  the  part  of  Guiana  which  Lord 
WiUoughby  marked  out  for  his  own."  These 
urrangenients  were  settled  in  the  convention  be- 
tween Great  Uritain  and  the  Netherlands  signed 
at  London  in  1H14. — C.  P.  Lucas,  Hint.  Geu(j.  of 
the  Uritish  L'ol<iiH('»,  r.  3,  met.  3,  ch.  8. 

Also  i.n:  II.  G.  Dalton,  Jlint.  of  lintish  (Jiii- 
ttiiii. 

GUIENNE,  OR  GUYENNE.— A  corruption 
of  the  name  of  Aqintaine,  which  came  into  use, 
apparently,  about  the  Ktth  centurv.  See  Aqui- 
TAiNic:  A.  I).  HH4-11.-,I. 

GUILDS,  OR  GILDS,  Mediaeval.— "Tlie 
history  of  the  Gild  .Merchant  begins  with  the 
Norman  {'on<iuest.  Tlie  latter  widened  the  hori- 
7.(m  of  the  Kpglish  merelmut  even  more  than  tliat 
of  the  Knglish  annalist.  The  close  union  be- 
tween Kngland  and  Normandy  led  to  an  increa.se 
in  foreign  eonimerce,  which  in  turn  mu.st  have 
greatly  stimulated  int(!rnal  trade  and  industry. 
Aloreover,  the  greatly  enhanced  power  of  the 
English  crown  tempered  feudal  tiu'bulenee, 
afforiling  a  measuri^  of  sec^urity  to  traders  in  Kng- 
land that  was  as  yet  unknown  on  the  continent. 
.  .  .  With  this  expansion  of  trade  the  mercantile 
clement  would  become  a  more  potent  factor  in 
town  life,  atui  would  soon  feel  tlie  need  of  joint 
action  to  guard  its  nascent  jirosperity  against  en- 
croachments. Not  until  there  was  something  of 
importance  to  protect,  not  until  trade  and  in- 
(histry  began  to  predominate  over  agriculture 
within  the  borough,  would  a  protective  iinion 
like  the  Gild  .Merchant  come  into  being.  Its  ex- 
istence, in  short,  iiresupposes  a  greater  mercan- 
tile and  industrial  development  than  that  which 
prevailed  in  England  in  the  tenth  century.  This 
circumstance  and  the  absence  of  all  mention  of 
the  Gild  Merchant  in  the  records  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  period  render  it  probable  that  this  fra- 
ternity lirst  appeared  in  England  soon  after  the 
Conqueror  had  established  his  sway  and  restored 
order  in  the  land.     Whether  it  was  merely  a  re- 


organization of  older  gilds,  a  spontaneous  lulaptii- 
lion  of  the  gild  idea  to  the  newly-lH-gotten  triulo 
interests,  or  a  new  institution  directly  trans- 
planted from  Normandy,  we  have  no  means  of 
determining  with  certairity.  TJie  last-mentioned 
view  is  strongly  favoured  by  th<!  circumstance 
that,  at  the  time  of  the  (^mcjuest,  the  Gild  Jler- 
cliant  doubtless  existed  in  Northern  France  and 
Flanders.  From  the  Frenchmen  wdio  became 
burgesses  of  English  towns,  and  from  the  Nor- 
man merchants  who  thronged  tin-  marts  of  Eng- 
land after  the  Conquest,  the  English  would  soon 
a.scertain  the  advantages  of  formal  trade  organi- 
zation. The  earliest  di.stinct  references  to  the 
Gild  Merchant  occur  in  a  charter  granted  by 
Robert  Fitz-Hamon  to  the  burgesses  of  Burford 
(1087-1107),  and  in  inlocument  drawn  up  while 
An.selm  was  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (1093- 
1109).  .  .  .  Whether  we  place  tlie  inception  of 
the  frsiternity  immediately  before  or  after  the 
Norman  Conquest,  whet  her  we  make  it  a  continua- 
tion of  older  Anglo-Saxon  gilds,  or  a  derivative 
from  Normandy,  or  a  wholly  new  and  spontane- 
ous growth,  it  was  doubtless  at  tir.st  merely  a 
private  society,  unconnected  with  the  town  gov- 
ernment, having  for  its  objec^t  the  protection  of 
its  members,  the  tradesmen  of  the  borough,  and 
the  maintenance  of  the  uewly  invigorated  trade 
interests.  During  the  twelfth  century  it  gntdu- 
ally  became  a  recognised  part  of  the  town  con- 
stitution, thus  entering  upon  its  second  stage  of 
development.  How  this  came  to  pass  can  be 
easily  realised  from  the  later  history  of  English 
gilds  in  general.  For  in  the  fourteenth  and  fif- 
teenth centuries  ...  a  simple  social-religious 
gild  at  times  attained  such  power  in  a  commun- 
ity that  it  came  to  be  regarded  as  an  important 
constituent  element  of  the  civic  administration. 
Quite  similar  must  have  fieen  the  growth  of  the 
Gild  ^Merchant,  which  from  the  outset  was  doubt- 
less composed  of  the  most  influential  burgesses, 
and  which,  as  the  exponent  of  the  mercantile  in- 
terests, must  always  liave  been  greatly  concerned 
in  the  increase  of  the  privileges  and  prosperity  of 
the  borough  in  genend.  It  was  very  natural 
that  the  town  authorities  should  use  such  a  so- 
ciety for  public  purposes,  entrusting  to  it  the 
surveillance  of  the  trade  monopoly,  in  which  its 
members  were  particularly  interested, —  allowing 
it  to  gradually  become  an  important  part  of  the 
civic  administrative  machinery.  .  .  .  The  begin- 
ning of  this  third  and  final  stage  of  development 
cannot  be  definitely  fixed;  for  in  some  places  it 
was  of  an  earlier  date  than  in  others.  The  four- 
teenth century  may  in  general  be  called  the 
period  of  gradual  transition.  In  the  fifteenth 
century  the  transformation  was  completed.  In 
this  and  the  following  centuries  the  term  '  Gilda 
Slercatoria '  became  less  and  less  frequent.  In 
many  places  it  soon  wholly  disappeared.  Where 
it  continued  to  Subsist,  the  Gild  no  longer  had 
an  individuality  of  its  own.  Its  alderman  and 
other  peculiar  otlicers,  its  whole  organization 
as  a  distinctive  entity,  had  vanished.  It  had 
merged  its  identity  in  that  of  the  general  muni- 
cii)al  organism.  The  head  of  the  fraternity  was 
now  the  head  of  the  town;  borough  and  Gilci, 
bm-gcsses  and  gildsmen  were  now  identical. 
What  had  once  be(!n  a  distinct  integral  part  of 
the  civic  body  politic  becjxme  vaguely  blended 
with  the  whole  of  it.  The  old  Gild  Jlerchant 
was  now  rarely  mentione<l  in  connection  with  the 
municipal  trade  restrictions  and  regulations,  the 


1(516 


GUILDS. 


fjuiLns. 


Inttcr  boinp  rommoiily  applied  to  ImrppssM's, 
cniftHmcii,  frcfincii,  or  '  fiiri'igiiirs.'  Tlic  c.xcjic- 
hU  of  tliia  transfonjiiitioii  .  .  .  was  due  iiminly 
to  llirc'C  causfn:  (1)  the  expansion  of  trade  and 
the  mulliplicalion  of  the  eriift  and  niereantih' 
fraternities,  wliieli  alisorlx'd  tlieaneient  functions 
of  tlie(tild  .Merelianl  an<l  rendered  it  superllnous; 
(2)  tlie  growtli  of  the  select  goveniinK  body, 
which  iisuriK'd  most  of  the  privileges  of  the  old 
hurshers  at  large,  and  hence  tended  to  obliterate 
the  (listinction  betwi'cn  them,  or  their  less  ])riv- 
ileged  successors,  and  the  ancient  gildsnien.  leav- 
ing botli  only  certain  trad(!  immunities;  (:!)  tlie 
decay  of  the  leet  —  the  rallying  point  of  the  old 
burghers  as  distingijishcd  from  that  of  the  gilds- 
men —  the  functions  of  which  passed,  in  part,  to 
the  crafts,  but  mainly  to  the  selet't  body  and  to 
the  justices  of  the  peaee.  Hut  even  after  th(! 
Gild  Merchant  ami  the  borough  had  thus  beccmic 
Identical,  the  old  dual  idea  did  not  com])letely 
disappear,  the  Gild  being  often  regarded  as  a 
piirticular  phase  or  function  of  the  town,  namely, 
the  municipality  in  its  character  of  a  trade  mo- 
nopoly. Hence  the  mcxlern  survivals  of  the  Gild 
Merchant  help  to  elucidate  its  actual  functions 
in  ancient  times.  In  a  few  boroughs  the  select 
governing  b<Kly  of  the  town  —  the  narrow  civic 
corporation,  in  distinction  from  the  burgesses  or 
freemen  at  large  —  succeeded  to  the  name  and 
traditions  of  the  Gild  Mer"hant.  In  some  of 
these  cases  the  signification  of  the  latter  gradu- 
ally dwindled  down  to  a  jieriodical  civic  feast  of 
the  privileged  few.  ...  In  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury we  meet  the  word  much  less  fre(}uently  than 
in  the  seventeenth ;  and  toward  the  begimnng  of 
the  present  century  it  became  very  rare.  The 
Municipal  Corporations  Commission,  in  IBii.l, 
found  it  still  used  in  only  a  few  borouglis.  The 
icmnants  of  the  Gild  Jlerchaiit  and  of  the  craft 
fraternities  were  rapidly  vaiushing  before  the 
new  ideas  of  a  more  liberal  age, — the  age  of 
laisscz  faire.  The  onerous,  self-destructive  re- 
strictions of  gilds  were  now  being  stipers(!ded  by 
the  stimulating  measures  of  Chambers  of  Com- 
merce. More  than  8i.\  centuries  elapsed  before 
the  enactment  of  Magna  Carta  that  all  merchants 
'  may  go  through  England,  by  land  and  water,  to 
buy  and  sell,  free  frora_all  unjust  imposts,'  be- 
came a  realised  fact  throughout  the  realm.  The 
Municipal  Corporations  Act  of  18:t.5  provided 
that '  every  person  in  any  borough  may  keep  any 
shop  for  the  side  of  all  lawful  wares  an<l  mer- 
chandizes by  wholesale  or  retail,  and  u.se  every 
lawful  trade,  occupation,  mystery,  and  handi- 
craft, for  hire,  gain,  sale,  or  otherwise,  within 
any  borougli.'  In  a  single  town  of  England  the 
Gild  Jlerchaut  still  subsists,  but  only  as  the 
shadow  of  its  former  self  —  a  spectre  from  the 
distant  past.  At  Preston  the  Gild  Merchant  1ms 
been  'celebrated'  regularly  once  every  twenty 
years  for  more  than  three  centuries,  on  which 
occasions  the  burgesses  renew  their  freedom  and 
indulge  in  all  the  festivities  of  a  civic  carinval. 
The  last  Gild  Jlerclmnl  was  held  in  1882.  There 
was  then  much  feasting  and  (dancing,  there  were 
gay  processions  of  townsmen,  and  much  talk  of 
the  glories  of  the  past.  And  yet  how  few  even 
of  the  scholars  and  noblemen  there  as8end)lecl 
from  various  jiarts  of  Great  Britain  knew  what 
an  important  role  tlut  Gild  Merchant  had  played 
in  the  annals  of  English  municipal  history,  what 
Rtrange  vicissitudes  it  had  undergone,  what  a 
remarkable   transformation   the    centuries   bad 


wrought  in  it."-  ('.  (iross,  The  (lihl  }rrrelmitt. 
cli.  1  luid  0  (r.  1).— "The  rise  of  the  craft  gilds 
is,  roughly  speaking,  a  century  later  |lhan  th<^ 
rise  of  the  merchant  gilds);  isolati'd  examples 
occur  early  in  the  Iweltth  century,  tlicy  become 
more  iiuiiieroiis  as  the  century  advances,  and  in 
tlie  thirteenth  century  they  appear  in  all  branches 
of  mi.nufacture  and  in  every  industrial  centre. 
Craft  gilds  were  associations  of  all  the  artisans 
engaged  in  a  i)arti<'ular  indu.stry  in  a  particular 
town,  for  certain  common  purposes.  .  .  .  Their 
appearance  marks  the  second  stage  in  the  history 
of  industry,  the  transition  from  the  family  sys- 
tem to  the  artisan  (or  gild)  system.  In  the 
former  there  was  no  (;Iass  of  artisans  properly  so 
called;  no  class,  that  is  to  say,  of  men  whoso 
time  was  entindy  or  chiefly  devoted  to  a  particu- 
lar manufacture;  and  this  because  all  the  needs 
of  a  faiinly  or  other  domestic  group,  whether  of 
monastery  or  manor-house,  were  satislled  by  the 
labours  of  the  members  of  the  group  itself.  The 
latter,  on  the  contrary,  is  marked  by  the  presence 
of  a  body  of  men  each  of  whom  was  occupied 
more  or  less  completely  in  one  particular  manu- 
facture. The  very  growth  from  the  one  to  the 
other  system,  therefore,  is  nn  examjile  of  liivis- 
ionof  labour,' or,  to  use  a  better  phrase,  of  'divis- 
ion of  employments.' .  .  .  When  the  place  of  the 
young  manufactures  of  the  twelfth  century  in 
"the  development  of  mediicval  society  is  thus  con- 
ceived, the  discussion  as  to  a  possible  Homan 
'  origin '  of  the  gilds  loses  much  of  Its  interest. 
No  doubt  modern  historians  htive  exaggerated 
the  breach  in  continuity  between  the  l{oman  atid 
the  barbarian  world;  no  doubt  the  artisans  in 
the  later  Uoman  P^mpire  bad  an  orgaidzation  some- 
what like  that  of  the  later  gilds.  .Moreover,  it  is 
])ossible  that  in  one  or  two  jjlaces  in  Gaul  certain 
artisiui  corporations  may  have  bad  a  continuous 
existence  from  the  fifth  to  the  twelfth  ('eiitury. 
It  is  even  possible  that  Uoman  regulations  may 
have  served  as  models  for  the  organization  of 
servile  artisans  on  the  lands  of  monasteries  and 
great  nobles, —  from  which,  on  the  continent, 
some  of  the  later  craft  gilds  doubtless  sprang. 
Hut  when  wo  see  that  the  growth  of  an  artisan 
class,  as  di.stinginshcd  from  isolated  artisans  here 
and  there,  was  impos.sil)le  till  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, because  society  had  not  yet  reached  the 
stage  in  which  it  was  protitable  or  safe  for  a  con- 
siderable number  of  men  to  confine  themselves 
to  any  occupati(m  except  agriculture;  and  that 
the  ideas  which  governed  tlie  craft  gilds  were 
not  peculiar  to  themselves  but  common  to  the 
whole  society  of  the  time;  then  the  elements  of 
organization  which  may  conceivably  have  been 
derived  from  or  suggested  by  the  Homan  artisiin 
corporations  become  of  (piite  secondary  impor- 
tance. There  is,  as  wc  liave  siud,  little  doubt 
that  some  of  the  craft  gilds  of  France  and  Ger- 
many were  originally  organizations  of  artisan 
serfs  on  the  manors  of  great  lay  or  ecclesiastical 
lords.  This  may  also  have  been  tiie  case  in  some 
places  in  England,  but  no  evidence  has  yet  been 
adduced  to  show  that  it  was  so.  .  .  .  The  rela- 
tion of  the  craft  gilds  to  the  merchimt  gild  is  a 
still  more  diflicult  question.  In  many  of  the 
towns  of  Germany  and  the  Netherlands  a  <lespe- 
rate  struggle  took  place  during  the  thirteenth  and 
fourteenth  centuries  between  a  burgher  oli- 
garchy, who  monopolized  the  municipal  govern- 
ment, and  were  still  further  strengthened  in 
many  cases  by  union  in  a  merchant  gild,  and  the 


16r 


GUILDS, 


OUNnEBERTUS. 


artltinnl  orgnnl/.i'd  In  lliclrcnifl  Kilds:  thornifts 
inni  tlKlitiiiK  first  for  the  HkIiI  of  liiivih;,'  ffild.sof 
their  own,  and  tlicn  for  ii  slmrc  in  the  govern- 
mi^nt  of  tlic  town.  'I'licso  fuels  Imve  been  easily 
lilted  into  a  svninietrlcal  tlieorv  of  iniliistrial  de- 
velopiueiit:  tlie  nierelmnt  gilds,  it  is  said,  were 
first  formed  for  proteetion  against  feudal  lords, 
Iml  lieeaine  exeliisive,  and  so  rendered  nece.ssary 
the  formation  of  craft  gilds;  and  in  the  saino 
way  llie  enifl  gilds  liiranie  exclusive  afterwards, 
anil  tlie  jiMinieynien  were  eoinpelled  to  form  so- 
eieties  of  their  own  for  proteelioii  against  the 
Minsters.  .  .  .  The  very  neatness  of  sueh  ii  theory, 
the  readiness  willi  whieh  it  has  l)een  aeeepted  by 
popular  writers  in  spite  of  the  paucity  of  Eng- 
lish evidence,  have  perhaps  led  some  historians 
to  treat  it  with  scant  eonsiileralion.  .  .  .  At  the 
end  of  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  there  were  in 
Iiondon  forty-eight  companies  or  crafts,  each 
with  a  separate  organi/ation  and  ollieers  of  its 
own,  Ji  number  which  hud  increased  to  at  least 
■sixty  hefore  tlio  close  of  the  century." — W.  .1. 
Ashley,  An  Introiliiction  to  Kiif/iinh  Kconomie 
Ilintoni  and  Theory,  bk.  1,  ch.  3  (r.  1), — "The 
unions  known  by  the  names  of  mystery,  facility, 
trade,  fi'llowship.  or  (from  tlie  fact  of  possessing 
nartif  uli'.r  costumes)  livery  company,  existed  in 
large  i.uml)ers  throughout  the  realm,  and  were 
fn'fiueiitly  divided  into  two  or  tlirec  categories. 
Thus  ill  London  the  principal  crafts  were  the 
twelve  'substantial  companies'  or  'livery  com- 
panies '  [Mercers,  Or<M;ers,  Drapers,  Fishmongers, 
Oolilsniitlis,  .Skinners,  Merchant  Ti'ilors,  Haber- 
dashers, Saltcrs,  Ironmongers,  Viii  ners,  Cloth- 
workers].  ...  A  perfect  ncquain,'  >  ce  with  the 
details  of  the  trade  and  the  desire  as  well  as  the 
ability  to  iiriMluce  good  work  were  in  all  cases 
lireliiiiiiiary  reiiuisites  [of  membership].  In  fact 
the  main  provisions  of  the  craft,  the  very  soul  of 
its  constitution,  were  the  regulations  intended  to 
■  ensure  the  cxcelleuco  of  the  pnMiucts  and  the 
capacity  of  ilie  workman.  .  .  .  The  whole  chnr- 
acter  oi  the  craft  guild  is  explained  by  these 
regulations,  designed  to  |)revent  fraud  and  de- 
ception of  tlie  public." — E.  R.  A.  Seligman, 
Mediaml  Ouilds  of  England  (Am.  Econ.  A»s'ii, 
V.  2,  no.  5),  pt.  2,  sect.  2. 

Also  in:  W.  S'ubbs,  Const.  IIi»t.  of  Eng.,  ch. 
11.— W.  Herbert,  Hist,  of  Twelve  Great  Livery 
Compnnie)!. — See,  also.  Commune. 

GUILDS  OF  FLANDERS.— "In  the  course 
of  the  tenth  century  Bruges  had  waxed  great 
and  wealthy  through  its  trade  with  England, 
while  the  Ghent  people  constructed  a  port  at  the 
junction  of  their  two  rivers.  The  Flemings, 
nevertheless,  were  still  noted  for  the  boorishness 
of  tlieir  ilenicanour,  their  addiction  to  intemper- 
ance, and  their  excessive  turbulence.  Their 
pagan  ancestors  had  bei  accustomed  to  form 
associations  for  their  mutual  protection  against 
accidents  by  lire  or  water,  and  similar  misadven- 
tures. These  unions  were  called  'Minne,'  or 
Friendships— an  idea  rcpnxluced  in  the  '  Amici- 
tiic,' to  which  allusion  is  so  frecjucntly  made  in 
the  deeds  of  ancient  corporations.  .  .  .  After  a 
time  the  name  of  '  Minne '  came  to  be  supplanted 
by  that  of  •  Ghilde,"  meaning  a  feast  at  tlie  com- 
mon expense.  Each  ghilde  was  placed  under  the 
tutelage  of  a  departed  hero,  or  demigod,  and  was 
managed  by  otlicers  elected  by  the  members- 
8(X!ial  e(juality  being  the  foundation  of  each  fra- 
ternity. Subsequent  to  the  introduction  of 
Christianity  the  demigod  was  rephicedbj  a  saint, 


while  the  members  were  enjoined  to  practise 
works iif  piety.  .  .  .  The  Ghildes  were  the  base 
of  the  niiinicipal  administration,  and  gradually 
assumed  the  government  of  the  town,  but  look 
anotlier  form  and  appellation.  The  word  was 
thenceforward  applied,  in  its  restricted  sense  of 
(Juild,  as  referring  to  trade  corpomticms,  while 
the  previous  organisation  came  to  be  descrilied 
in  French  and  Latin  documents  as  (,'onimunc  or 
Comniunin,  and  embraced  ail  who  were  entitled 
to  gather  together  in  the  cauter,  or  ])ublie  place, 
when  the  bell  rang  out  the  summons  from  the 
town  belfry.  In  Flanders  the  Communes  grew 
out  of  popular  inslitiitiors  of  ancient  date,  and, 
tliough,  no  doubt,  their  influence  was  sensibly 
increased  by  their  confirmation  at  the  hands  of 
King  or  Count,  tliey  did  not  owe  their  origin  to 
royal  or  seigniorial  charters." — ,1.  Ilulton,  Jamen 
(iiid  Philip  Van  Artcrdd,  pt.  1,  eh.  1. 
GUILDS  OF  FLORENCE.  Sec Ploiience  : 

A.  I).  i2r)0-r.29:t. 

GUILFORD  COURT  HOUSE,  Battle  of 
(1781).  See  Uniti:i>  Statks  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  1780- 
1781. 

GUILLOTINE,   The    origin   of  the.—'"  It 

was  during  these  winter  months  [of  the  session 
of  the  French  National  Assembly,  17U0]  that 
Dr.  Giiillotin  read  his  long  discourse  upon  the 
reformation  of  the  penal  code;  of  whicli  the 
'Moniteur'  has  not  preserved  a  single  word. 
This  discourse  attracts  our  atte  ition  on  two 
accounts: —  First,  it  proposed  a  decree  that  there 
should  be  but  one  kind  of  punishment  for  capi- 
tal crimes;  secondly,  that  the  arm  of  the  execu- 
tioner should  be  replaced  by  the  action  of  a 
machine,  which  Dr.  Guillotin  had  invented. 
'  Witli  the  aid  of  my  machine, '  said  the  glib 
doctor,  'I  will  make  your  head  spring  off  in  the 
twinkling  of  an  eye,  and  you  will  suffer  nothing. ' 
Hursts  of  laughter  met  this  declaration;  never- 
theless, the  Assembly  listened  with  attention, 
and  adopted  the  proposal. "— Q.  H.  Lewes,  Life 
<f  liubeitpierre,  ch.  10. 

ALSt)  IN :  G.  Evcritt,  Guillotine  the  Great  and 
her  Suceemors.—i.  W.  Croker,  Hist,  of  tlie  Guillo- 
tine. 

GUINEGATE,  Battle  of  (1478).— A  bloody 
but  indecisive  battle,  fought  between  the  French, 
on  one  side,  and  Flemish  and  Burgundian  troops 
on  the  other,  in  the  war  produced  by  the  attempt 
of  Louis  XI.  to  rob  Mary  of  Burgundy  of  her 
heritage.  It  was  followed  by  a  long  truce,  and 
a  final  treaty. — E.  Smedley,  Hist,  of  F)-atux,  pt. 
1,  ch.  17. 

Battle  of  (1513).  Sec  France  :  A.  D.  1518- 
1515. 

GUINES,  Treaty  of  (1547).  See  France: 
A.  D.  15;J3-1547. 

GUISCARD,  Robert,  and  Roger  and  the 
Norman  conquest  of  Southern  Italy  and  Sicily. 
See  Italy:  A.  D.  1000-1090;  and  1081-1194. 

GUISE,  Duke  of,  Assassination.  See 
France:  A.  D.  1584-1589. 

GUISES,  The.  See  France:  A.  D.  1547- 
1559. 

GUIZOT'S  MINISTRY.  See  France: 
A.  D.  1841-1848. 

GUJERAT,  Battle  of  (1849).  See  India: 
A.  D.  1845-1849. 

GUNDEBERTUS,  King  of  the  Lombards, 
A.  D.  683-673. 


1618 


GUNPOWDER  PLOT. 


GYMNASIA. 


GUNPOWDER    PLOT,  The.      8co  Eno 
land:  a.  I>.  um. 

GURKHAS,  OR  GOORKAS,  The.  S.<' 
India:  Tiik  aiioiikhnai.  imiahitanth. 

GURU,  OR  GOOROO.     See  Sikhs. 

GUSTAVUS  (I.)  Vasa,  King  of  Sweden, 
A    I).    l.T2;t-l.l(il).     Sec  SCANDINAVIAN  Statks: 

A    I).   l;i()7-l">37,  mill    l.VJ:t-ltK)4 Guatavus 

(11.)  Adolphus,  King  of  Sweden,  1011-101)3.— 
Campaigns  and  death  in  Germany.     Sec  Okk- 

many:  A.  D.  i«:i()-i«:tt,  to  i(;;u-ioa3 Gus- 

tavus  III.,    King  of  Sweden,    1771-171)3 

Gustavus  Adolpnus,  King  of  Sweden,  171)3- 
IHO!). 

GUTBORM,  King  of  Norway,  A.  I).  1304- 
1305. 

GUTENBERG,  and  the  invention  of  Print- 
ing.    See  PuiNTlNu:  /e.  I).  HitO-U.-iO. 

GUTSTADT,  Battle  of.  Sec  Geumany: 
A.  1).  1H07  (Fkdkiauy— .h'NK). 

GUTHRIE,  The  founding  of  the  city  of. 
SeeUNiTKDSTATKMOK  Am.  :  A.  I).  1889-1800. 

GUTTONES,  The.      Sec    Puussian    Lan 

OlIAflK.  TlIK  Ol.I). 

GUUCHIES,  The.  Sec  American  AiioiikiI' 
NEs:  Pami'as  TiiiiiKS. 

GUY  FAWKES'  DAY.— November  5,  tlic 
nnnivcrsiiry  of  the  tliiv  on  wliicli  the  conspirators 
of  the  "Gunpowder  I'lot"  intended  to  blow  u]) 
King  and  I'arliiiment,  in  Kiigland.  See  Eno- 
land:  a.  D.  1005. 

GWENT.     SeeBiiiTAiN:  Otii  Centuuy'. 

GWLEDIG.— A  Welsh  title,  signifyiug  ruler, 
or  prince,  which  was  taken  by  the  native  leader 
in  llritiiiu  after  the  Komans  left.  He  was  the 
successor  of  the  Uoman  Duke  of  Britain. — ,1. 
Uliya,  Celtic  Bntaiii,  ch.  3. — See,  also,  Autiiur, 
Kino. 

GWYNEDD.    See  Bkitain:  6tii  Centuky. 

GYLIPPUS,  and  the  defense  of  Syracuse. 
Sec  SvUAClisE:  B.  ().  415-413. 

GYMNASIA,    German.      See    Education, 

MoDEUN:      EUKOPEAN      C0UNTIUE8. — PRUSSIA: 

A.  I).  1874. 

GYMNASIA,  Greek. —  "  Amongst  public 
buildings  [of  the  ancient  Greeks]  we  mentioned 
first  tlie  gymnasia,  which,  originating  In  the  re- 
quirements of  single  persons,  soon  became  centre- 
points  of  Greek  life.  Corporeal  exercise  was  of 
great  importance  amongst  the  Greeks,  and  the 
games  and  competitions  in  the  various  kind^  of 
bodily  skill  .  .  .  formed  a  chief  feature  of  their 
religious  feasts.  This  circumstance  reacted  on 
both  sculpture  and  architecture,  in  supplying  the 
former  with  models  of  ideal  beauty,  and  in  set- 
ting the  task  to  the  latter  of  providing  suitable 
places  for  these  games  to  be  celebrated.  For 
purposes  of  this  kind  (as  far  as  public  exhibi- 
tion was  not  concerned)  the  paltcstrai  and  gym- 
nasia served.  In  earlier  times  these  two  must  be 
distinguished.  In  the  paltcstra  .  .  .  young  men 
practised  wrestling  and  boxing.  As  these  arts 
were  gradually  developed,  larger  establishincnts 
with  separate  compartments  became  necessary. 
Originally  such  placr!s  were,  like  the  schools  of 
the  grammarians,  kept  by  private  persons;  some- 
times they  consisted  only  of  open  spaces,  if  pos- 
sible near  n  brook  and  surrounded  by  trees. 
Soon,  however,  regular  buildings  —  gymnasia  — 
became  necessary.  At  first  they  consisted  of  an 
uncovered  court  surrounded  by  colonnades,  ad- 
joining which  lay  covered  spaces,  the  former 
being  used  for  running  and  jumping,  the  latter 


for  wrestling.  In  the  same  degree  as  thoso  pxer- 
(i.ses  became  more  developed,  and  as  grownup 
men  began  to  take  an  interest  in  these  youthful 
sports,  and  spent  a  great  part  of  their  day  at  the 
gymnasia,  these  grew  in  size  and  splendour. 
Tliey  soon  bi'came  a  nci  ■s.sary  of  life,  and  no 
town  could  be  without  tin  rn,  larger  cities  often 
containing  several."— E.  (iiihl  and  W.  Koner, 
/-(/;■  (/  tlie  (Inek-ii  ami  Juwi'iim,  sect.  25.— Of 
gymnasia  "there  were  many  at  Athens;  though 
three  only,  those  of  the  Academy,  Lyceum,  and 
C'ynosarges,  have  acquired  celebrity.  The  site 
of  the  first  of  these  gymnasia  being  low  and 
marshy  was  in  ancient  times  infested  with  ma- 
laria, but  having  been  drained  by  CImon  and 
planted  with  trees  it  became  a  favourite  prome- 
nade and  place  of  exercise.  Here,  in  walks 
shaded  by  the  sacred  olive,  might  be  seen  young 
men  with  crowns  of  rushes  in  fiower  upon  their 
heads,  enjoving  the  sweet  odour  of  the  sinilax 
and  the  w-hite  poplar,  while  the  platanos  and  the 
elm  mingled  their  murmurs  in  the  breeze  of 
spring.  The  meadows  of  tlu;  Academy,  accord- 
ing to  Aristophanes  the  grammarian,  were  planted 
with  the  Apragmosune,  a  sort  of  flower  so  called 
as  though  it  smelt  of  all  kind  of  fragrance  and 
safety,  like  our  heart's-casc  or  flower  of  the 
Trinity.  This  place  is  supposed  to  have  derived 
its  name  from  Eeadamos,  a  public-spiriteil  man 
who  bciiueathed  his  property  for  the  purpose  of 
keeping  it  in  order.  .  .  .  The  name  of  the  Ly- 
ceum, sometimes  derived  from  Lycus,  son  of 
Pandion,  probably  owed  its  origin  to  the  temenos 
of  Lycian  Apollo  there  situatetl.  It  lay  near  the 
banks  of  the  Ilissos,  and  was  adorned  with  stately 
edifices,  fountains  and  groves.  ...  In  this  place 
anciently  the  Polemarch  held  his  court  and  the 
forces  of  the  republic  were  exercised  before  they 
went  forth  to  war.  Appended  to  the  name  of 
the  Cynosarges,  or  third  gymnasium  surrounded 
with  groves,  was  a  legend  which  related  that 
when  Diomos  was  sacrificing  to  Ilcstia,  a  white 
dog  snatched  away  a  part  of  the  victim  from  the 
altar,  and  running  straightway  out  of  the  city 
deposited  it  on  tjje  spot  where  this  gymnasium 
was  afterwards  erected." — J.  A.  St.  John,  The 
Ifelleiu's,  bk.  3.  ch.  5. — "The  name  of  that  most 
illustrious  of  the  Athenian  gymnasia,  the  Acad- 
emy, has  been  preserved  through  the  dark  a^es, 
and  exactly  in  the  situation  indicated  by  ancient 
testimony.  We  are  informed  that  the  Academy 
was  six  or  eight  stades  distant  from  a  gate  in  the 
wall  of  the  asty  named  Dipylum,  and  that  the 
road  from  thence  to  the  Academy  led  through 
that  part  of  the  outer  Cerameicus,  in  which  it 
was  a  custom  to  bury  the  Athenian  citizens  who 
had  fallen  in  battle  on  important  occasions. 
Dipylum  was  the  gate  from  whence  l)egan  the 
Sacred  Way  from  Athens  to  Eleusis.  ...  It  ap- 
pears also  that  the  Academy  lay  between  the 
Sacred  AVay  and  the  Colonus  Hippius,  a  height 
near  the  Cephissus,  sacred  to  Neptune,  and  the 
scene  of  the  QCdipus  Coloneus  of  Sophocles;  for 
the  Academy  was  not  far  from  Colonus,  and  the 
latter  was  ten  stades  distant  from  the  city.  That 
part  of  the  plain  which  is  near  the  olive-groves, 
on  the  northeastern  side  of  Athens,  and  is  now 
called  Akadhimia,  is  entirely  in  conformity  with 
these  data.  It  is  on  the  lowest  level,  where  some 
water-courses  from  the  ridges  of  Lycabettus  are 
consumed  in  gardens  and  olive  plantations." — 
W.  M.  Leake,  Topograph;/  of  Athens,  met.  3. — 
See.  also.  Education,  Ancient-  Greece. 


1619 


OYMNASIAUCII. 


OVI'HIES. 


GYMNASIARCH.    S..^  l.irnt.iiKH. 

GYPSIES,  The.  — "Iliiviiij;  in  viiHoiih  ami 
(lisluiit coinilrir.H  livcil  ill  liiiliilsur  iiilinmiy  witli 
lllfHC  |i((>|>Ii'.  I  li:ivr  (ciiiic  III  till-  ruliinviiiK  cull 
rlusidiiH  ri'spcrtiiij;  tliciii;  tliiil  wliircvcr  lliiy 
iiri'  fimiid,  liirir  iiiiimirrs  iiiid  ciistDiiis  iirr  virlu 
iilly  llic  (Miiiir,  tliiiiiuli  hDiiii'wImt  iiiiMlitlnl  liv 
(iri'iiiiisliinns,  ami  that  llir  laiiifiiaiic  lliry  spruk 
«in<iiij.'Mt.  Iliciimclvcs,  ami  uf  hIiIcIi  lliry  arc  par 
llciilarly  iiiirioiis  lo  kicp  ollicrs  in  iKimriiiicc,  is 
in  ail  cdiiiitrics  one  anil  llic  same,  lint  lias  liccii 
Kiiliji'clcil  mure  iirlcHS  toiiiiMlltlciitinn:  ami  last  I  v, 
tlial.  Ilii'ir  ciiiiiilcnanccs  cxiiiltit  ii  ilccidcil  family 
rcsciiililiiiicc,  hut  arc  darker  <ir  fiiinT  accordinj? 
to  tlic  tenipcratiire  of  tlic  climate,  tmt  invarialily 
darker,  at  least  in  Kiirope,  than  the  natives  of 
the  cdiintricM  in  which  they  dwi^ll,  for  example, 
KuKlaiid  and  Kiissia,  (ierinaiiy  and  Spain.  The 
names  by  wliicli  they  are  known  diller  with  llu! 
coimlry,  thoiif;li,  with  one  or  two  exceptions, 
not  nmterially;  for  example,  they  are  styled  in 
Hiissia,  Ziftani ;  in  Turkey  and  I'ersia,  iCiiipirri; 
and  in  Oennany,  ZiKcuner;  all  which  words  ap 
parently  sprinj;  from  tlie  same  etymon,  which 
there  is  no  Improliability  in  supnosing  to  lie 
'Zineali,'  a  term  liy  whieli  tliest:  peopie,  especi- 
ally tliost!  of  Spain,  sometimes  designate  thetn- 
wlves,  and  the  meaning  of  whieli  is  believed 
to  be,  'The  black  men  of  Zend  or  Iiid.'  In 
KiiKland  and  Spain  tliey  are  commonly  known 
as  Uypsies  and  Oitunos,  from  a  general  belief 
that  Ihey  were  originally  Kgyptians,  to  which  the 
two  words  are  tantamount ;  and  in  Fnuice  as 
Ilohemians,  from  tlie  circumstance  that  Hohe- 
mia  was  the  tlrst  country  in  civilized  ?^irope 
wliere  they  made  their  appearance;  tlioi-gh 
there  is  reason  for  supposing  that  they  had  beer, 
wandering  in  the  remote  regions  of  Sclavonia  for 
a  considerable  time  iirevious,  as  their  language 
abounds  with  words  of  Sclavonic  origin,  which 
could  not  have  been  adopted  in  a  ha.sty  passage 
thri.ugh  a  wild  and  half  popidated  country. 
IJnt  they  generally  style  tlicinselvcs  and  the 
lang.iage  which  they  speak,  Kommany.  This 
word  ...  is  of  Sanscrit  origin,  and  .signifies, 
'The  Husbands,' or  that  which  jiertjuneth  unto 
them.  Krom  whatever  motive  this  appellation 
may  have  originated,  it  is  perhaps  more  applica- 
ble than  any  other  to  a  sect  or  caste  like  them, 
who  have  no  love  and  no  affection  beyond  their 
own  race;  who  are  capable  of  making  great  sac- 
rilices  for  eacli  other,  and  who  gladly  jirey  upon 
all  the  rest  of  the  liuniim  species,  whom  tliey 
detest,  and  by  whom  they  are  hated  and  despi.sed. 
It  will  perhaps  not  be  out  of  jilace  to  observe 
here,  that  there  is  no  reason  for  supposing  that 
the  word  Uoma  or  Kominany  is  derived  from 
the  Arabic  word  which  signitles  Greece  or  Gre- 
cians, as  some  people  not  much  aciiuainti'd  with 
the  language  of  the  race  in  iiuestiou  have  imag- 
ined. .  .  .  Scholars  have  asserted  that  the  lan- 
guage which  they  speak  proves  them  to  be  of 
Indian  stock,  and  undoubtedly  a  great  number  of 
their  words  are  Sanscrit.  .  .  .  There  is  scarcely 
a  part  of  the  habitable  world  where  they  are  not 
to  be  found;  their  tents  are  alike  pitclied  on  the 
heaths  of  Hraidl  and  the  ridges  of  the  Himalayan 
hills,  and  their  liinguage  is  lieard  at  Moscow  and 
.Madrid,  in  the  street-s  of  London  and  Stamboul." 
— O.  Borrow,  The  Zinmli,  i\  1,  /;/i.  2-.").—  'One 
day,  450  years  ago,  or  thereabouts,  there  knocked 
at  the  gates  of  the  city  of  LUnebiirg,  on  the 
Elbe,  as  struuge  a  rubble  rout  us  hud  ever  been 


seen  by  German  burgliir.  There  were  iMKt  of 
them,  men  and  women,  accompanied  by  an  ex- 
traonlinary  niimlH'r  of  chililrcii.  They  were 
dusky  of  skin,  with  jet-black  hair  and  eyes; 
they  wore  strange  garments;  thev  were  un- 
washed and  dirty  even  beyond  the  liberal  limits 
tolerated  by  the  cold  water-fearing  citi/ens  of 
LiUiebiirg;  they  had  with  Ihcni  horses,  donkeys, 
and  <'urts;  they  were  led  by  two  men  whom  they 
di'scribed  as  Duke  and  Count.  .  .  .  All  the 
lillni'burgcrs  turneil  out  to  ga/.e  open  inouthed 
at  these  pilgrims,  while  tlii!  Duke  and  the  Count 
told  the  authorities  their  tale,  which  was  wihl 
and  romantic.  .  .  .  Many  years  before,  they 
explained,  while  the  tears  of  penitence  stood  in 
the  eyes  of  all  but  the  youngest  chiUlrcn,  they 
had  been  u  ('hristian  community,  living  in  ortho- 
doxy, and  therefore  happiness,  in  a  far-otl  coun- 
try known  as  Kgvpt.  .  .  .  Thev  were  then  a 
happy  Christian  llock.  To  their  valley  came 
the  Saracens,  an  execrable  raci-,  worsbiiiping 
.Mahound.  Yielding,  in  an  evil  hour,  to  thu 
threats  and  persecutions  of  their  con(|uerorH, 
they  —  here  they  turned  their  faces  and  wept 
aloiid  —  they  abjured  Christ.  Hut  therenftcr 
tliey  had  no  rest  or  iieiice,  and  a  renior.se  so  deep 
fell  upon  their  souls  that  they  were  fain  to  arise, 
leave  their  homes,  and  journey  to  Koine  in  hope 
of  getting  recoiicilhition  with  the  Church.  They 
were  graciously  received  by  the  I'ope,  who 
promised  to  admit  tliem  back  into  the  fold  after 
seven  years  of  penitential  wandering.  They  had 
letters  of  credit  from  King  Higismund  —  would 
the  LUneburgers  kindly  look  at  them'/  —  grant- 
ing safe  conduct  and  recommending  them  to 
the  protection  of  all  honest  people  The  LUne- 
burg  folk  were  touched  at  the  recitul  of  so 
much  suffering  in  a  cause  so  good;  they  granted 
the  leiiuest  of  the  strangers.  They  allowed 
them  to  encamp.  .  .  .  The  next  day  the  stran- 
gers visited  the  town.  In  the  evening  n  goinl 
manv  things  were  missed,  especially  those  un- 
considered trilles  which  a  housewife  may  leave 
about  her  doorway.  Poultry  became  suddenly 
scarce;  eggs  doubled  in  price;  it  was  rumoured 
that  liurses  had  been  lost  while  their  owners 
gazed  at  the  strangers ;  cherished  cups  of  silver 
were  not  to  be  found.  .  .  .  While  the  LUne- 
burgers took  counsel,  in  their  leisurely  way, 
how  to  meet  u  case  so  uncommon,  the  pilgrims 
suddenly  decamped,  leaving  nothing  behind 
them  biit  the  ashes  of  their  tires  and  tiie  picked 
bones  of  the  purloined  poultry.  .  .  .  This  was 
the  first  historical  appeanuice  of  Gipsies.  It  was 
a  curious  place  to  appear  in.  The  mouth  of  the 
Kibe  is  a  long  way  from  Egypt,  even  if  you 
travel  by  sea,  which  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  the  case ;  and  a  journey  on  land  not  only 
would  have  been  infinitely  more  fatiguing,  but 
would,  one  would  think,  have  led  to  some  notice 
on  the  road  before  reaching  LUneburg.  There, 
however,  the  Gipsies  certainly  are  first  heard  of, 
and  henceforth  history  has  plenty  to  say  about 
tlijir  doings.  From  Laneburg  they  went  to 
Hamburg,  Lttbeck,  Hostock,  Griefswald,  tmvcl- 
ling  In  an  easterly  direction.  Tliey  are  men- 
tioned as  having  appeared  in  Saxony,  where 
they  were  driven  away,  as  at  LUneburg,  for 
their  thievish  propensities.  They  travelled 
through  Switzerland,  headed  by  their  great  Duke 
.Michael,  and  preteiuling  to  have  liecn  expelled 
from  Egypt  by  the  Turks.  Their  story  in  these 
early  years,  thougli   it  varied   in  purticulurs, 


1620 


CIVPSIES. 


OYUWAS. 


rnnnini'il  the  huiiic  in  cHxi'iitiiils.  In  Provonrc 
llicy  nilli'il  tlicMlsclvi's  Siiniiriis;  in  Swiiliia  llicy 
were  K);y|itiiinH  (Iodiiii'iI  t<i  cvrrl  tin^r  wiiiidcr 
ifi^M  for  iiiivinji  n'fiiscii  liiwpiliiiil  \  lo  tin-  Virgin 
anil  .Iiiscpii;  »t  llilli',  wlinf  llicy  cxliihitcd  let- 
Icrs  of  safi!  condncl  from  ilic  ('o|>('.  llicy  were 
alwi  KKypli'in"*-  Always  llic  Land  of  Ilic  Nile; 
always  tlie  same  preic  nee,  or  il  limy  1)«!  remi 
niscence,  of  sojourn  in  t-n.VP' :  always,  lo  soollie 
llie  suspicions  of  pricsis,  faithful  and  sulimissive 
sons  of  the  Church.  From  the  very  tirst  their 
real  eliaraelcr  was  a])parcnt.  They  lie,  cheat, 
and  steal  at  I.UncOmijt :  they  lie  and  steal  every- 
where'; they  tell  fortunes  and  cut  purses,  tliev 
huy  and  s('ll  hoisi's,  they  poison  pii;s,  tliey  rult 
ami  plunder,  tlu'y  wander  and  they  will  not 
work.  They  llrst  came  to  I'aris  in  tiic  year 
14-7.  when  more  people  went  to  sec  them,  we 
arc  told,  than  ever  crowded  to  the  Kiiir  of  Lau- 
dct.  .  .  .  Tliey  remained  at  St.  Denis  for  a 
montli,  when  they  received  peremptory  orders  to 
ipilt  for  the  usual  reason.  ...  In  the  Ultli  cen- 
tury trouble  hcKaii  fur  the  Koman  folk.  I$y  this 
time  their  ciiaiiictiT  was  jierfcetly  well  known. 
They  were  called  Hohemians,  Heathen,  (litanos. 
I'haraohites,  Uohhcrs,  Tartars,  and  Zi.i?cuner. 
They  had  abandoned  the  old  lyinj,'  story  of  the 
penitential  wanderings;  they  were  outcasts; 
their  hand  was  against  every  man's  hand ;  their 
customs  were  the  same  tlicn  as  they  are  described 
now  by  Leland  or  Horrow." — (lijmiiii  iinil  their 
Fi'ieiitlsCranitle  lhii\  r.  47).  ?)/'•  "•'•-•I7. — "Since 
the  |)ubli<ation  of  I'ott's  book  upon  the  gypsies 
[/)ii'  /if/iiiiiir  ill  ICiirojMi  mill  Axiiii] — about  IK) 
years  ago  —  we  have  come  to  icf;ard  the  origin 
i)f  this  singular  people  with  considerable  una- 
lumity  of  opinion.  Almost  nobody  doubts  now 
that  they  arc  Indians;  and  the  a.ssumption  that 
all  the  gypsies  scattered  throughout  Kuropc  are 
<lc.Hcendt'd  from  one  parent  .stock  meets  with 
little  contradiction.  Hotli  of  these  beliefs  are 
the  outcome  of  the  investigation  of  their  lan- 
guage. .  .  .  Pott,  in  the  introduction  to  his 
book,  and  quoting  from  the  'Shah-Name 'of  Fir- 
dotisi,  informs  us  tliat,  during  tlieoth  century  of 
our  era,  the  Persian  moiiai(di,  Uehraui  Qour,  re- 
ceived from  an  Indian  king  12,000  niusicinns  of 
both  sexes,  who  were  known  ns  Luris.  Now,  as 
this  is  the  name  by  which  the  gypsies  of  Persia 
are  known  oven  at  the  present  day,  and  as,  morc;- 
over,  the  author  of  the  Persian  work  '  Jlodjmal 
at-tawarikir  emphatically  says  that  the  LuriH  or 
IjuHs  of  modern  Persia  "are  the  descendants  of 
these  same  12.000  musicians,  there  is  no  ha/.ard 
in  the  assumption  that  we  have  here  the  first  rc- 
conled  gypsy  migration.  Conflrmatioii  of  this 
is  alTonlcd  by  the  Arabian  historian,  Ilamza  of 
Ispahan,  who  wrote  half  a  century  before  Fir- 
donsi,  and  who  was  well  versed  in  the  history  of 
the  Sassnsinidcs.  It  is  related  by  this  author 
thai,  Hehram  Gour  caused  12,000 musicians,  called 
Zott,  t(>  be  sent  from  India  for  the  benefit  of  his 
.subjects.  And  '  Zott '  is  the  name  by  which  the 
gypsies  were  known  to  the  Arabs,  and  which 
they  even  bear  in  Damascus  at  the  present  day. 
In  the  Arabic  dictionary  '  al-Kamus '  this  entry 
occurs:  'Zott,  arabicized  from  Jatt,  a  people  of 
Indian  origin.  The  word  might  bo  pronounced 
Zatt  with  equal  correctness.' .  .  .  For  the  father- 
land of  these  Zott,  or  .hxit,  wo  have  not  long  to 
seek.  Istnkhri  and  Ibn-IIaukal,  the  celebrated 
lOtli-century  geographers,  recount  as  follows;  — 
'  Between  al-Momuru  uud  Mokrau  the  waters  of 


the  Indus  have  formed  ninrMhoH,  tlie  bonlers  of 
which  are  inhabited  bv  certain  Indian  Irilies, 
called  Zott;  those  of  tfiem  who  dwell  near  the 
river  live  in  huts,  llki'  llie  huts  of  the  llerbers, 
and  subsist  chielly  on  tish  and  water  fowl;  while 
those  iHcupying  tlie  level  country  further  inland 
live  like  tin"'  Kurils,  siH)porllng"  themselves  on 
milk,  c:lieos<',  anil  maize.  In  these  same  regions 
there  are  yet  two  more  tribes  placed  by  these 
geographers,  namely,  the  llodlia  and  Ihi'  Meld. 
The  fiirmer  are  properly,  according  to  Ibn  llau- 
kal,  a  subdivision  of  tlie  Zott.  ...  In  course  of 
time  the  Meds  (to  adopt  the  spelling  favour  d  by 
Sir  Henry  Klliott) overcame  tlie  Zotts,  whom  they 
treated  with  such  severity  that  llicy  had  to  leiivo 
the  country.  The  Zotts  then  established  them- 
selves on  the  river  Pchen,  where  they  soon  lio- 
came  skilful  sailors  ";  while  those  living  farther 
to  the  north,  known  as  Kikan.  became  famed  aH 
bleeders  of  horses  and  herders  of  biilTalos. 
When  the  Arabs,  in  their  career  of  cianpiest, 
came  in  contact  with  the  Zotts,  the  latter  joineii 
tlicm,  and  large  colonics  of  them  were  removed, 
for  some  reason,  to  western  Asia,  and  settled  with 
their  herds  on  tlie  lower  Kuphrates  and  Tigri.s, 
and  in  .Syria.  Tlie  Zotts  on  the  Tigris  liccame 
strong  and  troublesome  in  time,  aiKl  in  H;(4  the 
klialif  Motacem.  after  subjugating  them  by  force, 
removed  tlicm  Irian  the  country,  to  the  number 
of  27,000,  sending  them  to  Ainzarba,  on  tlici 
northern  frontier  of  Syria.  In  M.").!,  Ainzarba 
was  captured  by  the  Hyzantines,  who  carried  olT 
the  Zotts,  with  "all  tliei"r  bulValo  herds.  "Hero, 
then,  we  have  the  tirst  band  of  gypsies  brought 
into  the  Greek  Empire.  .  .  .  As  regards  the  lU'S- 
tinies  of  tlie  Zotts  after  they  had  been  brought 
to  Asia  Minor  from  Ainzarba,  in  the  year  H,"),!,  I 
have  been  unable  —  in  the  course  of  a  hurried 
search — to  di.scovcr  anytliing.  But,  now  that 
we  know  the  year  in  which  they  enterod  Byzan- 
tine territory,  others  may  be  more  successful. 
Whether  the  name  Zott,  or  rather  its  Indian  form 
.latt  (or  Jaut),  has  also  been  brought  with  them 
into  Europe.  I  am,  of  course,  as  little  able  to 
.say." — M.  .1.  de  Goejc,  A  Vontribution  In  the 
Hint,  of  the  (ri/iiniiH  {In  "  Aec'ts  of  the  (Ji/pnieH  of 
Imlid," ed.  hi/' I).  .lA./c/Wc/ii'i).— "Students  of  the 
gipsies,  and  especially  those  who  have  interested 
them.selves  in  the  history  of  the  race,  will  liavu 
road  with  regret  the  announcement  of  the  death, 
at  Paris,  on  March  1st.  of  the  veteran  'tsigan- 
ologiic,'  M.  Paul  Hataillard.  For  the  last  half 
century  he  had  devoted  his  leisure  time  to  the 
study  of  the  early  notices  of  the  iiresence  of  gip- 
sies in  Iluropc.  .  .  .  Il  was  his  opinion  that  tlioro 
have  been  gipsies  in  Eastern  Europe  since  prehis- 
toric times,  and  that  it  is  to  them  Europe  owes  its 
knowledge  of  metallurgy.  Heterodox  although 
this  opinion  may  be,  it  has  recently  been  observed 
by  Mr.  F.  II.  Groomo  that  '  Bataillard's  theory  is 
gaining  favour  with  ioreignarch!Vi)logi.-)i.s,iimong 
whom  MM.  MortilU*.  Clhantre,  and  Burnouf 
had  an'ivod  indcp' i.dently  at  similar  conclu- 
sions.'"—  The  Atheiufum,  Jfnrrh'M,  1H94. 

Also  in:  C.  O.  Lolaiid,  Eiii/lish  (tipnies,  eh.  8- 
10. — W.  Sim.son.  liiiit.  of  the  Gijmes. 

CVRWAS.— "Fen-folk"  — the  name  t«ken 
by  a  body  of  Engle  freebooters  who  occupied 
the  islands  in  the  Fen  district  of  England  for  ii 
long  time  before  they  were  able  to  possess  the 
Homan-British  towns  and  country  on  its  border. 
—J.  K.  Green,  The  Miikin;i  of  England,  ch.  3.— 
See  Englaku:  A.  D.  547-633. 


1621 


IIAAIUJiM. 


HAMATII. 


H. 


HAARLEM:  A.  D.  i57a-«573 -Si»ge  and 
capture  by  Alva't  Spaniardi.  Sio  Nktiiku 
I.ANIW:  A.  I).  l.'i7J-|.')7;i 

HABEAS  CORPUS,  Act  and  Writ  of.  Str 
KNdi.AMi:  A    1>    ItlTlMMAVi. 

HABSBURG,  or  HAPSBURG,  Origin  of 
the  Houie  of.     Sic  Ai  «ilii\     A    D.  rJlll-l'JH'J. 

HAESBURG-LORRAINE,  The  House  of. 
H<<'  Aihtkia:  a.  i>.  1745  (Hkitkmiikh— OcTo- 
Bi-.ii). 

HACKINSACKS.The.  S.r  Amkbican  Alio- 
liiiiiNKH:  AiiioMjtiAN  Family. 

HADI,  Al,  Caliph,  A    1).  7H(t-H00. 

HADRIAN,   Roman   Emperor,  A.   I>.    117- 

i:tH         Hadrian  I.,  Pope,  77J-7l(.'i Hadrian 

II.,  Pope,  H(i7-H7,' Hadrian  III.,  Pope,MH4- 

8H.-,         Hadrian  IV.,  Pope,  1  Irt^-l  151) Ha- 
drian v..  Pope,  12711,  July  to  AiiKust. 

HADRIANOPLE.     He    Adiiianoi-lk. 

HADRIAN'S  MAUSOLEUM.  Sec Carti.e 
8t.  ,\n(ikt.o. 

HADRIAN'S  WALL.     S.  .•  H.iman  Wai.i.h 

IN  UlllTAIN. 

HADRUMETUM,  OR  ADRUMETUM. 

B<'<'  ('AllTIIAdK,  TfIK  lloMIMON  OK. 

HiEDUI,  The.    S«r  ,Ki)ii. 

H.£MUS,  Mount.— Tliu  ancient  name  of  the 
Italkiin  cliulii  i>f  nxiiiiitaliia 

HiERRED,  The.    Sec  IIint>iiki),  Tiik. 

HAGENAU,  Treaty  of  (1330).  See  Al  KTIUA : 
A.  I).  i;i:io-i;i»it. 

HAGUE,  The:  Origin  and  Name.— "Unliki; 
ntlicr  Dutch  citicH,  tlic  llit^ui'  owed  its  iiiipor- 
tjuuc,  iKit  to  cinmucrcc  or  iimnufactiirL'S,  but  to 
Imviu)!  curly  liccn  niailc  the  scat  of  government 
of  llio  rtilli'il  I'roviiiccs,  and  to  the  constant 
presence  of  the  olllcers  of  state  an<I  the  foreljj.i 
ministers  a<crc(lllc(l  to  the  republic.  For  four 
centuries  tlii^  abode  of  the  counts  of  Holland,  it 
derives  its  name  from  the  '  llaeR '  or  liedKO  en- 
circling the  inagnitlceiit  park  which  ff)rmc(r  their 
ancient  hunting  ground,  and  the  majestic  trees 
in  which,  at  this  day,  attract  the  admiration  of 
Europe," — .1.  It.  Hrodhcad,  IUkI.  nf  the  iStiite  of 
N.  )',,  r,  1,  /..  (II, 

HAGUE NAU:  Cession  to  France.  Sec 
Gi.UMANV:  A.  I),  1«48. 

HAIDAS,  The.  See  Ameihcan  Aiiokiginer: 
Skittaoktan  Family, 

HAIDERABAD,  OR  HYDERABAD,  The 
Nizam  of.  See  India;  A,  I).  10G3-1748;  and 
1H77, 

HAINAULT.  — llainanlt,  the  region  of  the 
Netherlands  occupied  anciently  by  the  Nervii, 
became;  a  coimty  under  hereditary  lords  in  the 
0th  century.  In  the  11th  century  it  was  joined 
by  marriage  to  the  territories  of  the  counts  of 
Flanders,  and  so  remained,  until  the  beginning  of 
the  Uth  century.  In  130()  Ilainault  and  Ilolland 
became  joined  under  the  same  family  of  counts. 
Bee  Netheulands:  A.  D.  922-1345. 

HAITI.     Seell.KATl. 

HAKO,  OR  HAKON   I.  (called  the  Goodk 

King  of  Norway,  A,  1),  940-963 Halco  II. 

(Jarf),  King  of  ^lorway,  977-095 Hako  III., 

King    of    Norway,    12()'2-1'204 Hako    IV., 

King  of  Norway,  1207-1263 Hako  V.,  King 

of  Norway,  1299-1319 Hako  VI.,  King  of 

Norway,  1343-1380. 
HALF-BREEDS.    See  Stalwarts. 


HALFWAY  COVENANT,  The.  See  Bon- 
To.M  A.  I),  1(1.57-1(109 

HALIARTUS,  Battle  of  (B.C.  395).  Seo 
(}iii;wk;   II,  (',  399  ;IH7, 

HALICARNASSUS.  See  Cakiaism;  and 
Asia  Mi.Miii:  Tin:  (Iiikkk  ('oi,<inieh;  uIso, 
.Maieihima:   It.  ('.  334-330. 

HALIDON  HILL,  Battle  of  (1333).  Sei< 
Ueiiwicki'I'onTweei):  A.  I).  1293-1333;  and 
S<(.Tl,A.Nli:  A.  1).  133'2-1333, 

HALIFAX:  A.  D.  1749.  -The  founding  of 
the  city.— "In  llie  year  |1749|  after  th<*  pi'aiu 
[of  Ai.\  laChapelli'l  llie  land  forces  in  (Ireat 
Ilrllain  were  reiluccd  to  little  more  than  IH.IHIO 
men:  those  In  .Minorca,  Oibraltar,  iiiul  the  Ameri- 
can plantations,  to  lO.IMIO;  whih^  the  saUors  re- 
tjilned  in  the  Koyal  Navy  were  under  17,(H)0. 
From  the  large  number  both  of  soldiers  and  Kea- 
men  suddenly  discharged,  it  was  feared  that  they 
might  be  either  driven  to  distress  or  tempted  to 
depredation.  Thus,  both  for  th<'ir  own  comfort 
and  for  the  (|ulet  of  tlie  remaining  coinmunity, 
emigration  seemed  to  afford  a  safe  an<l  excellent 
resource.  The  province  of  Novji  Scotia  was 
pitched  upon  for  this  c.xpcrimcnt,  and  tlie  frce- 
liold  of  (ifly  acres  was  offered  to  each  settler, 
with  tell  acres  more  for  every  child  brought  with 
hliii,  besides  a  free  passage,  and  an  e.vemption 
from  all  faxes  during  a  term  of  ten  years.  Al- 
lured by  such  advantages,  above  4,0(M)  persons, 
with  their  families,  embarked  under  tlie  comnnuid 
of  Colonel  Cornwallis,  ami  landed  at  the  harbour 
of  Chebucfow.  The  new  town  which  sotm  ariwe 
from  their  labours  received  Its  name  from  the 
Karl  of  Halifax,  who  presided  at  the  Hoard  of 
Trade,  and  who  had  the  principal  share  in  the 
foundation  of  this  colony.  In  the  first  winter 
tliere  were  but  300  huts  of  wood,  surrounded  by 
a  palisade." — Lord  Malum  (Earl  Stanhope),  Hint. 
of  Km/.,  17i;)-17H3,  r/i.  31  (r.  4).— See,  also,  Nova 
Scotia:  A.  I).  1749-17.55. 

HALIFAX  CURRENCY.— "For  many 
years  Canada  used  what  was  called  '  Halifax  cur- 
rency,' in'whicli  the  nomenclature  of  sterling 
money  was  that  employed,  but  having  a  pound 
of  this  currency  valued  at  four  dollars." — Q. 
Hryce,  S/iort  Hint,  of  the  Ciiimdiiin  Piaplf,  p.  433. 

HALIFAX  FISHERY  AWARD.  See 
FisiiEKiEs,  NoiiTii  Amekican:  a.  I>.  1877-1888. 

HALLECK,  General  Henry  W.  Com- 
mand in  Missouri.  See  United  States  of 
Am,:  A.  D.  1861  (.Iily— Nove.miiek) Com- 
mand in  the  Valley  of  the  Mississippi.  Seo 
United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  I).  1863  (Fehuuauv 
—  Apiui.:  TENiNESsEE);  (Ai'kii.  —  May:  Ten- 
nessee—  Mississippi);  (June  —  Octoheh:  Ten- 
nessee—  Kentucky) Command  of  all  the 

armies.     See  United  States  ok  Am.  :   A.    D. 
1862  (Septemheu — Octoueh:  Mississippi). 

HAMADAN.— The  capital  city  of  ancient 
Media. 

HAMATH,  Kingdom  of. — "It  is  impossible 
to  doubt  that  the  llamathites  are  identical  witli 
the  Canaanitlsli  tribe  that  was  settled  in  the 
town  of  Hamath,  afterwards  called  Epiphania, 
on  tlie  Orontes,  between  the  llittites  and  the 
Amoritcs  of  Kadesli.  After  the  time  of  David 
they  were  succeeded  in  that  town  by  the  Ari- 
micans." — F.  Lcuormaiit,  Manual  of  Ancient 
lliit.  of  Vic  K<t»t,  bk.  6,  ch.  1  (c.  '2). 


1622 


ilAMIIL'lUS. 


IIANOVKIl. 


HAMBURG  :  The  origin  of  the  city,  iti  free- 
doTi  and  commercial  rise.     Sit  IIanh.v  Townh. 

A.  D.  1801-1803.  — One  of  lix  Free  Citlei 
which  lurvived  the  Peace  of  Luneville.  S<<i 
Okiimany:   a.  I>.  lw)l-lH(Kt. 

A.  D.  1806.— Occupied  and  oppretied  by  the 
French.  SicUkiimany;  AD.  IMMi  ((Iitohkii 
—  Dkckmukii). 

A.  D.  1810.— Annexation  to  France.  Stc 
Kiianck:   a.  I).  lHl()(I"'i;mn  AiiY  — Di'.cKMiiKii). 

A.  D.  1810-1815.  — Loii  and  recovery  of  the 
autonomy  of  a   Free   City.     Scr   ('itikh,    Im 

I'KlllAI.  AMI  KlIKK,  OF  (iKIt.MANY. 

A.  D.  1813.— Expulsion  of  the  French.     Sec 

(iKHMANV;     A.    I).    IMl'J-IHlit. 

A.  D.  1813.— Defense  by  Marshal  Davoust. 
Sip  (Jkumany;   A.  I>.   IHlit  (OrroiiKii— Dkckm 

IIKIl). 

A.  D.  1815.— Once  more  a  Free  City  and 
a   member    of  the   Germanic    Confederation. 

H('C  ViK.NNA,  TllK  COMIUI'.HH  ( 

A.  D.  1888.— Surrender  of  ce  privileges.— 
Absorption  in  the  Zollverein  and  Empire. 
SccdK.llMANY:    A.  I).   I8HH. 

HAMILCA*?  BARCA,  and  the  First  Punic 
War.    See  I'inic  War,  'I'mk  KruHT. 

HAMILTON,  Alexander,  and  the  framing 
and  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution. 
H('c  Unitki)  iSPATKN  in-  A.m.;   A.   I).   1787,  iinil 

1787-17H9 Financial    organization   of   the 

United    States    Government.      Sec     I'NrrKn 

Statkhof  Am.:    A.  I).  1780-1793;  iilso,  Taiiiff 

I.K(imi.ATioN(UNrrKDHTATKB):  A.  I).  1789-1701. 

.The  Federal  Party.     See  Unitkd  8t.\tes 

okAm.  ;   A.    1).    1789-1792,  and  1707-1799 

Fatal  duel  with  Aaron  Burr.  Sec  United 
St.vi-kh  OF  Am.  :  A.  1).  1800-1807. 

HAMITES.-HAMITIC  LANGUAGES. 
—Till'  niimo  Hiiinitcs,  ii.s  now  used  ainon);  eth- 
nologists, is  restricted  more  elosely  than  it  onco 
was  to  certjiin  African  races,  whose  liinguages 
arc  found  to  be  related.  The  lanj;wages  clu.sse(f 
as  Ilamltlu  are  those  of  the  ancient  Egyptians, 
and  the  mroleni  Copts,  most  of  the  Abyssinian 
tribes,  the  QuUas  and  the  Berbers.  Some  of  tlu! 
older  wrlt<!rs,  [.enorniant,  for  (.'.\ample,  embraced 
the  Plxpnicians  and  all  their  Canaanito  neigh- 
bors among  the  Ilaniites;  but  this  is  not  now  an 
accepted  view.  It  was  undoubtedly  formecl  un- 
der the  influence  of  the  theory  from  which  tlie 
name  Ilaniites  came,  namely  that  the  people  so 
designated  were  descendants  of  Ham:  and  it 
sought  to  adjust  a  division  of  the  Humitic  family 
to  four  lines  of  descent,  indicated  by  the  Uiblieal 
accoimt  of  the  four  sons  of  Hani, —  Cush,  .Miz- 
raim.  Phut,  and  Canaan.  This  hypothesis  iden- 
tified the  Cushitcs  with  the  Kthiopians  (modern 
Abyssinians  and  Nubians),  the  descendants  of 
.Miznum  with  the  Egyptians,  those  of  Phut  witli 
the  Libyans,  and  those  of  Canaan  with  the 
Cnnaanitcs,  including  the  Plucnicians.  Some 
held  that  the  llamites  occujued  originally  11  great 
part  of  western  and  southern  Asia;  that  they 
were  the  primitive  inhabitants  of  southern  Meso- 
potamia, or  Chaldea,  southern  Persia,  and  .south- 
<Tn  Arabia,  and  were  displaced  by  the  Semites; 
also  that  they  once  inhabited  the  most  of  Asia 
Minor,  and  that  the  Carians  were  a  surviving 
remnant  of  them.  But  the  more  conservative 
sense  in  which  the  term  Hamitc  is  now  used  re- 
stricts it,  as  stated  above,  to  certain  races  which 
are  grouped  together  by  a  relationship  in  their 


languages.  VVIu'llicr  or  not  Ihe  llamltic.  tongui's 
have  an  alllnily  to  the  Scndtlc  seeiiiH  Hiill  an 
open  (iiii'Mtlon;  and,  in  fact,  the  whole  subject  Is 
In  an  inidctcrmincd  slate,  as  may  be  Inferred 
from  Ihe  following  extract:  "  The  socalled 
Hjimlth'  or  subScmltlc  languages  of  Northeni 
Africa  .  .  .  exhibit  resemblances  to  the  Ian 
guage  of  ancient  Kgvpt  as  well  as  to  tjiose  of 
llu'  Si'inllic  family.  In  the  Libyan  diale<tH  we 
llnd  the  same  double  verbal  form  employed  with 
the  same  double  function  as  in  Assyrian,  and ' 
throughout  the  'Haniitic'  languages  the  causa- 
tive is  denoted  by  a  prellxed  Hibllant  as  It  was  In 
the  parent  Semitic  speech.  We  cannot  argue, 
however,  from  language  to  race,  .  .  .  and  the 
Libyans  have  ethnologically  no  connection  with 
the  Semites  or  the  Egyj)ti]ins.  Moreover,  In 
several  instances  the  ■Hamille'  dialects  are 
spoken  by  tribes  of  negro  or  Nubian  origin, 
while  the  jdiysiological  charai'leristies  of  the 
Egyptians  are  very  dilTerent  from  those  of  the 
Semite."— A.  II.  Sayce,  77w  liaeei  of  the  OU 
'I'lHtiDiieiit,  fti.  4. 

HAMPDEN,  John.  See  Enoi.anu:  A.  D. 
1(I!U-1();17;  1(140-1(U1;  1(113  (.Ianuauv).  (Otrro- 
HF.it— Dkckm  lu-.n);  and  1043  (AtmusT— Skitkm- 
iu:u). 

HAMPDEN  CLUBS.  See  En(ii,a'jd;  A.  D. 
181(t-lH30. 

HAMPTON  COURT  CONFERENCE. 
See  E.niii.and:  A.  1).  ItlOl. 

HAMPTON  ROADS  PEACE  CONFER- 
ENCE.    See  Unitkd  Statks  of  Am.  :   A.  D. 

180.")  (l-'KnUlAUY). 

HANAU,  Battle   of.     See  Okiimany;   A.  D. 

18l:t  (OcTOUKIl — DKCKMnKK). 

HANCOCK,  John,  and  the  American  Revo- 
lution. See  Unitkd  States  o>  Am.  ;  A.  D.  1775 
(.May— Au(irsT);  and  n7(KJM,v). 

HANDVESTS.    See  Netiieki.andb:   A.  D. 

\Tm-\rm. 

HANES. —  An  ancient  Egyptian  city,  once 
mentioned  In  the  Bible  by  that  name  (Isaiali  xxx. 
4).  Its  ruins  have  been  identitled,  about  70  miles 
above  Cairo,  on  the  western  bunk  of  the  Nile. 
The  Egyptian  name  of  the  city  was  Chencnsu ;. 
the  Greek  name  Ilcracleopolls. — H.  8.  Poole, 
('itie»  of  Ki/i/pt,  ell.  3. 

HANNIBAL,  The  war  of,  with  Rome.  See 
PfNic  Wau,  Tiik  Skconi). 

HANOVER,  OR  BRUNSWICK-LtJNE- 
BURG :  Origin  of  the  Kingdom  and  House, 
See  Saxony:  The  Old  Dccuv,  and  A.  D.  1178- 
1183. 

The  Guelf  connection.  Sec  Guki.fs  ani> 
(iiiinKi.t  inks;  and  Este,  House  of. 

A.  D.  1529. — The  Duke  joins  in  the  Protest 
which  f^ave  origin  to  the  name  Protestants. 
See  I'Ai-AC";  A.  1).  loi.'i-l.V^O. 

A.  D.  1546.  —  Final  separation  from  the 
Wolfenbiittel  1- ranch  of  the  House. —  The  two 
principalities  of  Brun.swick  and  Ltlneburg,  which 
had  been  divided,  were  reunited  by  Ernest,  cidlcd 
the  Confessor.  On  his  death,  in  1546,  they  were 
again  divided,  the  heir  of  his  elder  sop.  taking 
Brun.swiok-WolfenblUtcl,  or  Brunswick,  and  tho 
younger  receiving  Brunswick-LUneburg,  or  Han- 
over. From  the  latter  bninch  sprang  the  Elec- 
toral House  of  Hanover,  and  the  present  royal 
family  of  England ;  from  the  former  descended 
the  Ducal  Brunswick  family. — Sir  A.  Halliday, 
Annuls  of  the  House  of  ITanuter,  bk.  9  (v.  2). 


1623 


I A  NOV  Kit 


IIANHA  TtlWNrt. 


A.  D.  1648.  Loitet  and  acquiiitioni  in  the 
Peace  of  Wettphalia.  The  alternatinK  Bith- 
opric.     H.r  (iPiiMANV     A    l».  MUM 

A.  D.  169a.  Rise  to  Electoral  mnk.  Sn' 
(iKliMA.sv:   A.  I>    MUH   IM.-.;  iiikI  I  I'.T.   I  IVJ. 

A.  D.  1694-1696.  The  war  of  the  Grand 
Alliance  against  Louia  XIV.  .Si  Iiumi  AD. 
imii;  aii.i  iiiii:i  imm 

A.  D.  1701.  Settlement  of  the  Succession 
of  the  Rrunswiclc-LUneberg  line  to  the  Eng- 
lish Crown.     Sic  Kmu.ami;  \.  I».   1701, 

A.  D.  1714. —Succession  of  the  Elector  to 
the  British  Crown.     S<  !•  Kmilvnii:  A   I).  1711 

A.  D.  1730.  -Acauisition  of  the  duchies  of 
Bremen    and    Veraen    by    the    Elector.     Sci' 

.><1   VMIINWUN    Sl'VIKS   I.SWKDI  N):     \.    I).     1711)- 

A.  D.  1741.— The  War  of  the  Austrian  Suc- 
cession: Neutrality  declared.  Sir  .\i.'<TiitA: 
A.  II,  l?tl  (Ann  HI— Nom:miii:ii) 

A.  D.  1745.— The  English-Hanoverian  de- 
feat at  Fontenoy.  Nrc  Nktiikhi,.\M)i*  (Tiik 
ArwnuvN  I'lim  iNt  i>):  A    D.  1745, 

A.  D.  1757-1763.  French  attack  and  British 
defense  of  the  electorate  in  the  Seven  Years 
War  .Sr  Okkmanv:  .\.  1)  17."i7  (.In.v  -l)i; 
(■i.Miii;ii),  III  17(11   170,!, 

A.  D.  1763.— The  Peace  of  Paris,  ending 
the    Seven   Years  War.     See  Skvkn   Ykahh 

\V  \lt:    'I'lIK  TllKATII.S, 

A.  D.  1776.— Troops  hired  to  Great  Britain 
for  service  in  the  American  War.  Sir  IMrco 
Stati,»  111''  Am.:  .\.  1»,  177(1  (.I,\niaiiv -.Icm), 

A.  D.  1801-1803. — Annexation  of  Osnabruck. 
See  (ii;iiM\NV:    A,  D,   1H(M    lHt»;t, 

A.  D.  1803-1806.— Seizure  by  the  French.— 
Cession  to  Prussia.  See  Kkam  i;;  A.  1).  IHO'.'- 
IMo;!;  mill  (}i;(tMANV:   1S(HI(,I.\m  aiiy— At  iicht), 

A.  D.  1807.— Absorbed  in  the  kingdom  of 
Westphalia.    Sio  (ii:itMANV:  A,  D,  1W)7(.1inio 

— Il  I.YI, 

A.  D.  1810.— Northern  part  annexed  to 
France.     S«>  Fiia.nck:  A.  1).  INK)  (Kkiiiiiahv 

— 1)1  >  I  MllK.ll). 

A.  D.  1813.— Deliverance  from  Napoleon.— 
Restoration  to  the  King  of  England.  Src 
(!i;iim\ny:    A,  D,  l^K!  (OirixiKii — Dkckmiii-.iO, 

A.  D.  1815.— Raised  to  the  rank  of  a  king- 
dom,  with   territorial   enlargement.     Sri'   \  i- 

K.NNA.  TlIK  CoMiltKSS  (IK. 

A.  D.  1837  — Separotion  of  the  Crown  from 
that  of  Great  Britain. — "  rroiii  the  hour  lli!i( 
llic  (niwn  iif  tlicso  kiiiKilmnH  [tirciit  Hritiiiii  luiii 
Irclaiiill  ilrvolvcil  upnii  (Jiurii  Victoria,  dates  a 
tliaiiu'c  wliicli  \va,H  a  real  lik'S.sin>,'  in  the  rclatioiis 
of  the  Sovcrcisu  to  the  ('oiitiiiiiit.  of  Kiiropc. 
Ilaiiovi'r  wan  at  tlmt  instant  wholly  scparati'd 
from  Great  ISrilain.  Hy  tlif  law  of  that  coimtiy 
II  female  coulil  not  reijru  e.xeept  in  (Icfiuilt  (if 
heirs  male  in  the  Hoyiil  family.  Hut  in  lulilition 
to  the  (fri'"' 'I'lviinta.U'e  of  .separating  tlic  policy 
of  Knghind  wholly  from  the  intrijriics  nnd  coiii- 
pHcations  of  11  petty  ttornian  Stale,  it  avus  nn  im- 
mediate happiness  that  the  most  hated  and  in 
some  res|)ects  the  most  danueroiis  man  in  these 
islands  was  removed  to  a  sphere  w  here  his  politi- 
cal system  niijjht  he  worked  out  with  le.ss  dani;er 
to  the  good  of  society  than  amongst  a  people 
where  his  iiillueiice  was  as,sociatcd  with  the 
grosfd'St  follies  of  Torvi.sm  and  the  darkest  de- 
signs ofOrantreism.  ()n  the  24111  of  .lunetheduke 
of  Ciimherland.  now  become  Eniest  Aujrustiis, 
King  of  Hanover,  left  London.     On  the  38th  he 


iimdi'  II  Milemn  iiilnince  Into  the  capital  of  liU 
Hlale  ,  anil  at  once  exhlliltcil  In  IiIh  new  muIiJccIh 
Ills  chiinicter  and  iliNiioMiliini  liy  refilNing  to  n' 
ci'lve  a  depulatiiiii  ol  the  ClmiiilicrM,  who  ciilne 
to  otTcr  lilm  their  lioiiiave  iiiiil  their  ciingrittiila- 
lions,  lly  a  priH'liuiialion  of  the  5tli  of  .Mily  he 
iiniiotinrcil  his  intention  to  uIhiH  ,h  llie  repri'M'ii 
t.'illvi'  ciinstltiillon,  which  he  hud  prcvloiiNly  re 
liiscil  III  rccoKiil/.e  by  the  ciistoiiiary  onth.  We 
slmll  have  Utile  further  occiihIoi)  to  notice  Hie 
course  of  thU  worst  disciple  of  the  old  n4'Iiihi1  of 
Inloleriince  and  irrcspoiiHible  governnieiil,  and 
we  may  therefore  at  once  state  that  he  Hiiccceded 
in  ileprivlng  Hanover  of  the  forms  of  frcedoni 
iinilcr  which  she  hail  begun  In  live;  ejected  friini 
their  olllces  and  banished  some  of  the  alilest  pro 
fessors  of  the  Inivcrsily  of  <i(Htingcii,  who  hud 
vciitiircil  to  tliltik  thai  leltirs  would  tloiirlHli  best 
in  u  free  soil;  and  reached  Ibe  height  of  bis  am 
billon  ill  lieeimiliig  the  represcniullve  of  what 
ever  ill  sovereign  power  was  most,  repii^'iiiint  to 
the  spirit  of  the  age."— C.  Knight,  I'liitular  Hint. 
of  h'li;/..  1:  H.  !•//,  ill. 

A.  b.  1866.— Extinction  of  the  kingdom.— 
Absorption  by  Prussia.  S  i-  Okilmanv  :  A.  I). 
IHIKI. 

-♦-     - 

HANOVER,  The  Alliince  of.  See  Si-ain: 
A.  I).  I7i;!-I7','.'-|, 

HANOVER  JUNCTION,  Engagement  at. 
See  LMri;i)  Stati:s  ok  Am,  ;  A.  U.  1«IW  (.May— 
.Ii:nk:  Viuoima). 

HANSA  TOWNS,  The.— "In  coiise(|iience 
of  the  liberty  and  seciiri  y  enjoyed  by  the  in- 
hubilanls  of  the  free  to'vns  |iif  (icriiiunv  —  see 
CrriKs:  Imi'Kuiai,  A^■I>Flll■:K.<l^•()I•;llMANY|,whllo 
the  rest  of  the  country  v.as  a  prey  to  all  the  evils 
of  feudal  anarchy  and  oppression,  thi^y  made  a 
comparatively  rapid  'irogress  in  wealth  and 
population.  Niirciiib'Tg,  .Vugsburg,  WoriiiH, 
Spires,  Kmiikfort,  ami  other  cities,  became  at  an 
early  period  cclebrat.'d  alike  for  the  extent  of 
their  commerce,  the  •nagnitlceiue  of  their  build- 
ings, and  tho  opul.'iie(!  of  their  citizens.  .  .  . 
The  commcreial  sjs'rit  awakened  in  the  north 
about  tiie  Btimetimi'  as  in  the  south  of  (ierinany. 
Hamburgh  was  founded  by  Cliarleniagni^  in  the 
beginning  of  tlKMiiiitli  century,  in  the  inlention 
of  serving  as  a  fort  to  bridle  the  Sa.xons,  who 
had  been  snbjiiLrated  by  the  emperor.  Its 
favourable  situalion  on  the  Kibe  net^cssarily 
rendered  it  a  <■(  inmercial  emporium.  Towards 
the  close  of  the  •  welflli  century,  the  inhabltunts, 
who  had  already  been  extensively  engaged  in 
naval  cnter]iri/.(  s,  began  to  fonn  the  design  of 
emancipating  th.'iiiselves  from  the  authority  of 
their  counts,  and  of  becoming  a  sovereign  and 
independent  slate;  and  in  llMi)  they  obtained  an 
Imperial  clmrtcr  which  gave  them  various  priv- 
ileges, including  among  others  the  power  of  elect- 
ing councillors,  or  aldermen,  to  Avhom,  in  cim- 
jnnction  witli  t,ie  deputy  of  the  count,  tile 
government  of  the  town  was  to  be  entrusted. 
Not  long  after  Hamburgh  became  entirely  free. 
In  l',J2-t  ihe  citizens  purchased  from  Count  Al- 
bert the  renuneiution  of  all  his  rightjs,  whether 
real  or  pretended,  to  any  property  in  or  sover- 
eignty over  the  town,  and  its  iininediate  vicinity. 
And  the  government  was  thus  early  placed  on 
that  liberal  footing  on  which  it  has  ever  sinco  re- 
mained. Lubeck,  situated  on  the  Trave,  was 
foundeil  about  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century. 
It  nipidly  grew  to  be  a  place  of  great  trade.     It 


1624 


HANHA  TOWNS. 


HAN8A  TOWNH 


Wonmc  tin-  iirliirlpul  i'iii|iiirliiiii  for  llic  rum 
iiirri'i' lit  till'  liiillii'.  iitiil  llH  liiirrlmiits  cxli'liilril 
thrlr  ilnilliiKH  tii  Italy  aiiil  tlir  l.iviiiil.  At  ii 
IiitIimI  wlii'ii  riiivlKallnM  wait  Htlll  liniMrli  rl,  ami 
whin  ll.c  M'liH  w«Ti'  liifi'»U'il  wllli  plratiM,  it  wan 
of  );rrat  liii|iiirtaii('i'  to  lio  alilc  to  iiiiiiiitiiln  a  Hiifi' 
intiTi'iiiiriMt  liy  lanil  iH'twccii  I.iilMck  ami  Hani' 
ItiirKli,  ni*  l>y  tlx't  iiii'uiiH  llm  illllli'iilt  ami  dan- 
jri'Mim  nnvlifatloii  nf  tlir  Hnimil  was  avolili'd. 
Ami  It  Ih  Halil  li.v  Hiiiiii',  that  Ihc  first  iiolltlcal 
llliliin  liilwiTli  tlicMi'  cltlrs  hail  llir  |iriitiilliill  iif 
mcrclmmll/.i'  carrlcil  lictwciii  thi'tii  liy  laml  for  Its 
Miilc  iili|rrt.  Hut  IIiImIk  riiiitrailli'ti'il  liv  Laiiiliir 
ill  IiIh  'OrlKliU'it  IIaiiilmrK<'ii'«'!('  (lih.  xl.,iia.  ','tl). 
.  Hut  whati'Vcr  may  havii  hccii  tlir  imillvrM 
which  It'll  tDtlii'alllaiiii'  lit'twci'ii  tlu'Ki' twotllii's, 
It  waHthftirlKliiiif  Ihc  faiiKiiin  llansi'iitlc  I.caK'Ui'. 
HO  cailcil  friim  the  Ocrmaii  wnnl  'haiisa,'  hIkiiI 
fyiiiK  a  ci)rpi)ratliiii.  There  is  no  vrry  ilistiiict 
<'vlili'm  r  an  to  thr  lliiii'  wlii'ii  thf  alliaiirr  in  i|iit'M- 
tiiiii  wa»  I'slalillslifil ;  hut  thr  mnri'  ({L'lifral 
ii|)liiiiiii  w^cnis  to  hu  that  it  ilali-s  from  tin  year 
l'<!41.  .  .  .  From  tlie  lii't'lniiiiiic  of  thr  twelfth 
<:enlury,  the  proKresH  of  (.'onimi  rce  ami  naviga- 
tion In  llit^  north  was  exeeeiliiiKlv  rapiil.  The 
eounlrles  whieli  Htretch  aliinif  the  lioltom  of  the 
liailic  from  llolHtein  to  Hiissla,  ami  wlileli  liail 
been  oieupleil  liy  liartiaroiis  tribes  of  Silavoiile 
■origin,  were  then  siibjiijjateii  liy  tlie  Kiiijfs  of 
I)eninari<,  the  Dukes  of  Haxoiiy,  ami  other 
primes.  The  )i;reater  part  of  tlu!  ii)lml)llants 
liehiK  exterminated,  their  place  wa.s  llileil  liy 
Oerman  eoloiiists,  who  foiimleil  tlie  towns  of 
HtralHuml,  Uostock,  Wismar,  etc.  I'riis.sla  ami 
PolamI  were  aftcrwanis  siibJuBateil  by  the 
Christi'.n  princes,  ami  the  KiiIkIiIs  of  llie  Teu- 
tonic oriier.  80  tliat  in  a  eompariitively  short 
poriiHl,  the  foiinilatioim  of  civilization  ami  tlie  arts 
were  laiii  in  countries  wliose  Imrbarism  had  ever 
remained  impervious  to  the  lioman  jiowcr.  Tlio 
cititM  that  \voru  estaliiished  along  tlie  coasts  of  the 
IJttltic,  uud  even  in  tlio  interior  of  the  countries 
bordering  upon  it,  eagerly  idined  the  IIan.seatic 
confederation.  Tliey  were  imielited  to  the  mer- 
chants of  Lubcck  for  supplies  of  the  comiiKxlitlea 
produced  in  more  civilized  countries,  and  they 
looked  up  to  them  for  protection  against  tlit; 
barbarians  by  whom  they  were  surrounded. 
The  progress  of  the  league  was  in  conse<].uencu 
singularly  rapid.  Previously  to  the  end  of  the 
thlrteeiitli  century  it  embraced  every  considcraiile 
city  in  all  tho.se  vast  countries  extending  from 
Livonia  to  Ilollaml;  and  was  a  match  fur  the 
most  powerful  nionarchs.  Tlic  Ilanscatic  con- 
federacy was  at  its  highest  degree  of  power  and 
splendour  during  tlio  fourteenth  and  fifteenth 
centuries.  It  then  comprised  from  sixty  to 
eighty  cities,  which  were  distributed  into  four 
classes  or  circles.  Lubeck  was  at  1  lie  head  of  the 
first  circle,  and  had  under  it  Hamburgh,  Bremen, 
Uostock,  VVismar,  etc.  Cologne  was  at  the  head 
of  the  second  circle,  with  twenty-nino  towns 
under  it.  Brunswick  was  ot  the  head  of  the 
third  circle,  consisting  of  tliirtecn  towns.  Dantzlc 
was  ot  the  head  of  the  fourtli  circle,  having  under 
it  eight  towns  in  its  vicinity,  bcsitfes  several  that 
were  more  remote.  The  supreme  authority  of 
tlie  League  was  vested  in  the  deputies  of  the 
il'flerciit  towns  assembled  in  Congress.  In  it 
they  discussed  all  their  measures ;  decided  upon 
tile  sum  that  each  city  should  contribute  to  the 
common  fund ;  and  upon  the  questions  that  arose 
Octweea  the  confederacy  and  other  powers,  as 

^  1625 


well  as  IlifMie  that  frci|Ucntly  aroKc  between  the 
illfTcit'iil  iiitnibiis  of  the  ciiiifi'ilcraiy.  'Uhe 
iilacc  for  till'  iiifcling  of  (  ongriHs  was  not  flxcil. 
iiut  it.  was  iiioxt  frciiiicnlly  hcltl  at  Lubeck,  w  hlcli 
was  ciiiiHlilcrcil  as  tlic  capital  of  the  League,  ami 
tliirt!  its  archives  were  kept.  .  .  .  IIcsIiIck  the 
liiwiis  alreaily  mcnliomil  there  wcrt' others  tliiit 
were  ilenomiiiati'il  loiift' leralctl  cities,  or  allii's. 
.  .  .  Till'  (ioldi'ii  Bull  proHcrlbi'd  all  Horis  ;f 
IcagU' H  ami  asKociations.  as  cuntrary  ti>  tlie 
fumlamcntal  laws  of  the  empire,  ami  to  the  sub- 
orilliiatliiii  iliic  to  till'  I'liiiieror  ami  the  liilfcrciit 
princes.  Hut  Charles  I\.,  the  author  nf  this 
famous  edli't,  Juilged  it  cxpi'dicnt  to  concillatu 
till'  llaiisi'iitic  League;  and  his  HiiccesHorH  seem 
gi'iicrally  to  have  fnllowid  his  cxaiiiple.  As  the 
power  nf  the  ciiiifi'dcrateil  cities  was  iiicrcaseil 
and  coiiHiillilated,  tlicy  became  more  amliilious. 
Insteaii  of  limiting  tlieir  elTiirts  to  the  iiiere  ml' 
viiiicement  of  commerce  ami  their  own  protec- 
tion, they  emleavourcd  to  aci|iiiri'  the  monopoly 
of  the  trade  of  Ilie  North,  mid  to  ^^\^'rcls^'  tlie 
Hiime  .sort  of  doiiiiiiloii  over  Ihc  Baltic  tliiit  the 
V'l'iieliaiis  exercised  over  the  Adriatli'.  Fortius 
purpose  llioy  succeeili'tl  In  obtaining,  jmrtly  in 
rctiiiii  for  loans  of  nioiiey,  and  partly  by  force, 
various  privileges  and  immunities  from  tlio 
Northern  sovereigns,  which  Kccurcd  to  them 
almo.st  the  wiiole  foreign  commerci^  of  Hcanili- 
navia,  Denmark.  I'riissia,  Fnland,  Uussia,  etc. 
They  exclusively  carried  on  Ilic  herrlngllshery 
of  the  Hound,  at  the  same  time  that  they  en- 
riiavoiired  to  obstruct  and  hinder  tlie  navigatiou 
of  foreign  vessels  in  tlie  Baltic.  .  .  .  The  Kings 
of  Denmark,  Hwcilen  and  Norway  were  fre- 
ipientiy  engaged  in  hostilities  with  the  llan.su 
towns.  Tliey  regarded,  and  it  must  lie  admitted 
not  witliout  pretty  good  reason,  the  privileges 
acquired  by  tiie  League  in  tlieir  kingdoms  as  so 
many  usurpations.  But  their  efforts  to  aboli.sh 
tlii'se  iirivileges  served,  for  more  tlian  two  cen- 
turies, only  to  augment  and  extend  them.  .  .  . 
Waldemar  III.,  who  ascended  tlie  Danish  throne 
in  l>i4U,  engaged  in  a  furious  contest  with  the 
League.  Success  seemed  at  first  r.Ulier  to  inclinu 
to  liTa  arms.  L'illnmteiy,  however,  he  was  com- 
pletely defeated  by  the  forces  of  the  League  and 
Its  allies,  and  was  even  obliged  to  liy  from  his 
kingdom.  In  his  exile  he  prevailed  on  tlie  Em- 
peror and  the  Pope  to  interpose  in  his  favour.  But 
neither  tlie  imperial  rescripts  nor  tlie  thunders  of 
the  Vatican  were  able  to  divert  tlie  confederated 
cities  from  tlieir  purposes.  At  length,  in  1370, 
tlie  n^gents,  to  whom  the  government  of  Den- 
mark liad  been  intrusted  during  tlie  absciico  of 
the  niuuarcli,  concluded  a  peace  with  the  League 
on  tlie  conditions  dictated  by  tlie  latter;  one  of 
which  was  that  most  of  the  strong  places  in  tlie 
kingdom  siiould  be  given  up  to  tlie  League  for 
fifteen  years,  in  security  for  the  faitliful  per- 
formance of  the  treaty.  Waldemar  having  as- 
sented to  tucse  liuiniliating  terms,  returned  soon 
after  to  Denmark.  In  the  early  part  of  the 
fifteenth  century  the  Ilaiise  towns  having  es- 
poused the  side  of  the  Count  of  Holstein,  who 
was  at  war  witli  Eric  X.,  King  of  Denmark,  sent 
an  armament  of  upwards  of  200  ships,  having 
more  tlian  12,000  troops  on  board,  to  the  ossis- 
t«nce  of  their  ally.  This  powerful  oid  decided 
the  contest  in  his  favour.  Nearly  ot  the  some 
time  the  League  raised  tlieir  ollv,  Albert  of 
Mecklcnburgh,  to  the  throne  of  Norway,  who 
contlrmud  to  tUcm  several  important  commurciul 


IIANHA  TOWNS. 


IIAI'ISHUUG. 


privilcf,'<'s.  In  tlirir  contcsls  with  Sweden,  (lur- 
ing the  fourtci'iitli  imd  Ilftccrilli  cinliirics,  llii! 
Umikuc  wen;  cfumlly  successful.  Such,  iiidccil, 
wiis  tlicir  nHccuiliiticy  in  timt  kingdom,  that  tlicv 
wen-  iiutliorizc'l  In  I'lonilnntc  sofm;  of  tlic  priiic! 
pill  nmijistnilcs  in  most  of  the  Swedish  nniritimc 
towns  of  any  importance!  .  ,  .  Tlie  town  of 
Wishy,  situated  on  the  west  coast  of  theislandof 
Gothland,  liecanie,  durinj;  tlie  ascendancy  of  tlic 
Lea^'ue,  <ine  of  its  principal  depots,  and  also 
one  of  the  hest  freijuenled  emporiums  of  the 
North.  But  Wisby  is  cliietly  famous  from  its 
name  Iiavimr  become  identitled  with  the  code  of 
maritime  laws  that  was  Umg  of  paramount 
authorily  in  the  Hallic.  .  .  .  Tin;  principal 
Northern  jurists  and  historians  regard  the  Wisby 
code,  or  compilation,  as  anterior  to  the  code,  or 
;ompilatio",  denominated  the  Uules  or  .Judg- 
ments (!f  Gleron,  and  as  being  in  fact  the  most 
iineieut  monument  of  the  maritime  laws  of  the 
middle  ages.  Hut  no  learning  or  ingenuity  can 
give  plausibility  to  so  improbable  ii  theory.  .  .  . 
In  order  to  facilitate  and  extend  their  comm(trcial 
transactions,  the  League  established  various 
factories  in  fondgn  coimtries,  the  principal  of 
which  were  at  Novogoroil  in  Russia,  Ijondcai  in 
England,  Bruges  iu  the  Netherlands,  and  Bergen 
in  Norway.  Novogorod,  situated  at  the  con- 
ll',ien(!c  of  the  Volkof  with  the  Imler  Lake,  was, 
for  a  lengthened  period,  the  most  renowned  em- 
porium m  the  north-eastern  parts  of  E\irope. 
.  .  .  The  merchants  of  the  Ilanse  towns,  or 
Hansards  ns  thoy  were  then  commonly  termed, 
were  established  m  London  at  a  very  early  [jcriod, 
and  their  factory  here  was  of  considerable  magni- 
tu(i^-  and  importance.  They  enjoyed  various 
privileges  and  inununities;  they  were  iiermitted 
to  oOVL'rn  themselves  by  their  own  laws  and 
'egulations;  the  custody  of  one  of  the  gates  of 
the  city  (Bishopsgate)  was  committed  to  their 
care;  and  the  duties  on  various  sorts  of  imported 
commodities  were  considerably  reduceil  in  their 
favour.  These  privileges  necessarily  e.vcited  the 
ill-will  and  animosity  of  the  English  merchants. 
.  .  .  The  League  exerted  themselves  vigorously 
in  defence  of  their  privileges;  and  having  de- 
clared war  against  England,  tliey  succeeded  in  ex- 
cluding our  vessels  fro'u  the  Baltic,  and  acted 
with  such  energy,  tli^  'ward  IV.  was  glad  to 
come  to  an  aceommodaL.  n  witli  them,  on  terms 
wliieh  were  anything  but  honourable  to  the 
English.  In  the  treaty  for  this  jjurposc,  nego- 
tiated in  U74,  tlie  privileges  of  the  merchants  of 
tlie  Ilanse  towns  were  renewed,  and  the  king 
assigned  to  tliem,  in  absolute  pro|)erty,  a  large 
space  of  ground,  with  the  buildings  upon  it,  in 
Thames  Street,  denominated  the  Steel  Yard, 
whence  the  Ilanse  merchants  have  been  com- 
monly denominated  the  Association  of  the  Steel 
Yard.  .  .  .  Iu  1498,  all  direct  commerce  with  the 
Ne'lierlands  being  suspended,  the  trade  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Ilanse  merchants,  whose  com- 
merce was  in  consetpience  very  greatly  extended. 
But,  according  as  the  spirit  of  commercial  enter- 
prise awakened  in  the  nation,  and  as  the  benefits 
resulting  from  the  prosecution  of  foreign  trade 
came  to  be  better  known,  the  privileges  of  the 
Hbnse  merchants  became  more  and  more  ob- 
noxious. They  were  in  consequence  considerably 
modified  in  tlie  reigns  of  Henry  VII.  and 
Henry  VIII.,  and  were  at  length  wholly  abol- 
ished in  1597.  The  different  individuals  belong- 
ing to  the  factory  in  London,  as  well  as  those  be- 


longing to  I  he  other  factories  of  the  League,  lived 
together  at  a  common  tjibk^  and  were  enjoined 
to  observe  the  strictest  celibacy.  .  .  .  Uy  means 
of  their  factory  at  Bergen,  and  of  the  privileges 
which  had  lieen  cither  granted  to  or  usurped  by 
them,  the  League  enjoyed  for  a  lengthened 
pi^riod  the  monopoly  of  the  commerce  of  Norway. 
Hut  the  principal  factory  of  the  League  was  at 
Hruges  in  the  Netherlands.  Bruges  became,  at 
a  very  early  period,  one  of  the  first  commercial 
cities  of  Europe,  and  the  centre  of  the  most  ex- 
tensive tnule  carried  on  to  the  north  of  ItJiIy. 
The  art  of  navigation  in  the  thirteenth  and  four- 
teenth centuries  was  so  imperfect,  that  a  voyage 
from  Italy  to  the  Baltic  and  back  again  could  not 
be  performed  in  a  single  season,  and  hence,  for 
the  sake  of  their  mutual  convenience,  tlie  Italian 
and  Ilanseatic  merchants  determined  on  estatilish- 
ing  a  magazine  or  storc-bou.se  of  their  respective 
l)ro(Iuct8  in  some  intermediate  situation.  Hruges 
was  fixed  upon  for  this  purpose,  a  distinction 
which  it  seems  to  have  owed  as  much  to  the 
freedom  enjoyed  by  the  inhabitants,  and  the 
liberality  of  the  government  of  the  Low  Countries, 
as  to  the  conveniency  of  its  situation.  In  conse- 
(juence  of  this  preference,  Bruges  speedily  rose 
to  the  very  highest  rank  among  commercial 
cities,  and  became  a  place  of  vast  wealth,  .  .  . 
Erom  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  the 
power  of  the  confederacy,  though  still  very  for- 
midable, began  to  decline.  This  was  not  owing 
to  any  misconduct  on  the  part  of  its  leaders, 
but  to  the  progn.'ss  of  that  improvement  it 
had  done  so  much  to  promote.  .  .  .  Lvibeck, 
llamburgb,  Hrenien,  and  the  towns  in  their 
vicinity,  were  latterly  the  only  ones  that 
had  any  interest  in  its  maintenance.  The  cities 
in  Zealand  and  Holland  joined  it,  chiefly  because 
they  would  otherwise  have  been  excluded  from 
tlie  commerce  of  thcHaltic;  and  those  of  Prussia, 
Poland  and  Russia  did  the  same,  because,  hud 
they  not  belongc'  to  it,  they  would  have  been 
shut  out  from  all  intercourse  with  strangers. 
When,  liowever,  the  Zealandera  and  Hollanders 
became  suflieiently  powerful  at  sea  to  be  able  to 
vindicate  their  right  to  the  free  navigation  of 
the  Baltic  by  force  of  arms,  they  immediately 
8(,'ce(led  from  the  League ;  and  no  sooner  had  the 
ships  of  the  Dutch,  tlie  English,  etc.,  begun  to 
tnide  directly  with  the  Polish  and  Prussian 
Ilanse  Towns,  than  these  nations  also  embraced 
the  first  opportunity  of  withdrawing  from  it. 
.  .  ,  At  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century 
the  cities  of  Lubeck,  Hamburgh,  and  Bremen 
were  all  that  continued  to  acknowledge  tlie 
authority  of  the  League." —  Ilintory  of  the  Ilan- 
iieatic Lea;iue  (Foreir/ii  Qiiarterh/  Iter. ,  Jan.,  1831). 

Also  in:  8.  A.  Dunham, ///«<.  of  the  Qeriiuinic 
Empire,  hh.  1,  eh.  4  (c.  2).— C.  Walford,  Outline 
Hint,  of  the  Ilanseatic  Leagrc  (Uoyal  Hist.  Soc. 
Trann.,  r.  9). — H.  Zimmern,  The  Ilansa  Towns 
{Stories  of  the  Nations). — .1.  Yeat;i,  The  Orotcth 
and  Vicissitudes  of  Commerce. — Se^,  also.  Cities, 
Impeuiai,  and  Fuee,  ok  Geumawy;  and  Scanhi- 
NAviAN  States:  A.  D.  1018-i;)07. 

HANSE  OF  LONDON.  The  Flemish.  See 
Fi.ANDEHs:   IStii  CENTUU' . 

HANSEATIC  LEy.GUE.  See  Hansa 
Towns 

HAC      \.     See  Soma. 

HAPSdURG,  OR  HABSBURG,  Origin 
and  rise  of  the  House  of.  See  Austria  :  A.  D. 
1^46-1283. 


1626 


HAPSBURG  LORRAINE. 


HA8TENBACK. 


HAPSBURG-LORRAINE,  The  House  of. 
Sic   Aukthia;   A.   I).    I'i'*  {Si:i-tkmiik.k— OiTO- 

IIKTt) 

HARALD  IV.,  King  of  Norway,  A.  I). 
Ii;t4-li;l(l Harald  Blaatand,  King  of  Den- 
mark,  »41-1)U1 Harald  Graafield,  Kine  of 

Norway,  U«3-«77 Harald  Hardrade,  King 

of    Norway,   104~-tO(iO Harald    Harfager, 

King  of  Norway,  nmi-WU Harald  Sweyn- 

son,  King  of  Denmark,  H)7«-1080. 

HARAN.— "From  Ur,  Abriilmm's  fiitliiir  had 
migratod  to  Huriiii,  in  the  northern  piirtof  Meso- 
potamia, on  the  high  roiid  which  led  from  Bnby- 
lonia  and  Assyria  into  Syria  and  Palestine.  Why 
ho  should  have  migrated  to  so  distant  a  city  has 
been  a  great  puzzle,  and  has  tempted  scholars  to 
place  both  Ur  and  llaran  in  wrong  localities; 
but  here,  again,  the  cuneiform  inscriptions  have 
at  last  furnished  iis  with  the  key.  As  far  back 
as  the  Accadian  epoch,  the  district  in  which 
Haran  was  built  belonged  to  the  rulers  of  Baby- 
lonia; Ilaran  was,  in  fact,  the  frontier  town  of  the 
empire,  commanding  at  once  the  highway  into  the 
west  and  the  fords  of  the  Euphrates ;  the  name 
itself  was  an  Accadian  one,  signifying  '  the  road. ' " 
— A.  H.  Sayce,  /Ven/t  Light  from  the  Ancient 
Monuments,  eh.  2.— The  site  of  Haran  is  generally 
identified  with  tliat  of  the  later  city  of  (Jarrha;. 

HARD-SHELL  DEMOCRATS.  See 
United  Statks  ok  .\m.  :  A.  1).  1845-1846. 

HARDENBURG'S  REFORM  MEAS- 
URES IN  PRUSSIA.  See  Geiim.vnv:  A.  I). 
1807-1808. 

HARDICANUTE,  OR  HARTHACNUT, 
King  of  Denmark,  A.  I).  103,5-1043;  King  of 
England,  A.  I).  1040-1042. 

HARDINGE,  Lord,  The  Indian  administra- 
tion of.     See  Ini>i.\:  A.  1).  1845-1849. 

HARFLEUR.— Capture  by  Henry  V.  See 
Fkance:  A.  D.  1415. 

HARGREAVE'S  SPINNING-JENNY,  In- 
vention of.      See  C^OTTON  MANrFACTl'UK. 

HARII,  OR  ARII,  The.     See  Lyoi.\n9. 

HARLAW,  Battle  ^of  (141 1).  — A  very 
memorable  battle  in  Scottish  history,  fought 
July  24.  iH,il,  between  the  Highlanders  and 
Lowlr.iiders  of  the  country.  Donald,  Lord  of 
tlie  Isles,  was  then  practically  an  independent 
sovereign  of  the  western  Highlands  of  .Scotland, 
OS  well  as  the  islands  opposite  their  shore.  lie 
claimed  still  larger  domains  and  invaded  the 
lowland  districts  to  make  his  claim  good.  The 
defeat  intlicted  upon  him,  at  heavy  cost  to  the 
victors,  was  felt,  sjiys  Jlr.  Benton  in  his  "  History 
of  Scotland,"  as  a  more  memorable  deliverance 
even  than  that  of  Bannockburn.  The  indejien- 
dence  of  the  Lord  of  the  Isle  was  not  extin- 
guished until  sixty  years  later.  "The  battle  of 
Harlaw  and  its  consequences  were  of  the  highest 
importance,  since  they  miglit  be  said  to  decide 
the  superiority  of  the  more  civilized  regions  of 
Scotland  over  those  inhabited  by  the  Celtic 
tribes,  who  remained  almost  as  savage  as  tlieir 
forefathers  the  Dalriads.  "—Sir  W.  Scott,  llixt.  of 
Scotlaiul,  ch.  17. 

HARLEM.    See  Haaulem. 

HARMAR'S  EXPEDITION  AGAINST 
THE  INDIANS.  See  Kouthwest  Tkuui 
TORY:  A.  D.  1790-1795. 

HARMOSTS.    See  Spauta;  B.  C.  404-403. 

HAROLD  (the   Dane),   King  of  England, 

A.  0.  1037-1040 Harold  (the  Saxon),  King 

of  England,  1006. 


HAROUN   AL   RASCHID,  Caliph,  A.  1). 

78(1-809. 

-♦ 

HARPER'S  FERRV  ;  A.  D.  1859.— John 
Brown's  invasion.  Sec  rNi''-.n  Statksok  Am.  : 
A.  1).  wn\). 

A.  D.  1861  (April).— Arsenal  destroyed  and 
abandoned  by  the  Federal  garrison.— Occu- 
pied by  the  Rebels.  See  United  States  ok 
Am.:  A.  1).  18(11  (Aritii.) 

A.  D.  1862.— Capture  by  the  Confederates. 
See  United  .States  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  1863  (Sei-- 

TEMUEU:    MAItVl,.\ND). 

HARRISON,  General  Benjamin,  Presiden- 
tial election  and  administration.  See  United 
States  ok  Am.  :  A.  1).  1888,  to  1893. 

HARRISON,  General  William  Henry  :  In- 
dian campaign  and  battle  of  Tippecanoe.     Sec 

United  States  ok  A.m.  :  A.  D.  1811 In  the 

War  of  1813.    See   United   States  ok  A.m.  : 

A.  I).  1812-1813 Presidency  for  one  month. 

— Death.  See  United  States  ok  Am.:  .\.  I). 
1840. 

HARRISON'S  LANDING,  The  Army  of 
the  Potomac  at.  See  United  States  ok  Am.  : 
A.I).  1803  (.IiiNE— July:  Vikgini.v),  and  (July 
— AftiusT:  Vikoinia). 

HARROW    SCHOOL.       See     Education, 

JIoDBUN:    El'IlOPEAN  COUNTUIEB. — ENGLAND. 

HARTFORD,  CONN.:  A.  D.  1634-1637.— 
The  beginnings  of  the  city.  See  Connecticut: 
A.  1).  1631;  and  1634-1P37. 

A.  D.  1650.- The  Treaty  with  the  Dutch  of 
New  Netherland.    See  New  York:  A.  1).  1050. 

A.  D.  1687.— The  hiding  of  the  Charter.  See 
Connecticut:  A.  I).  1685-1687. 

HARTFORD  CONVENTION,  The.  .See 
United  States  ok  -V.m.  :   A.   1).   1814  (Decem- 

IlEU). 

HARTHACNUT.     See  Hakdicanute. 

HARUSPICES,  The.— "The  haruspices, 
nearly  related  to  the;  augures,  were  of  Etruscan 
origin.  Under  the  [Roman]  Republic  they  were 
consulted  only  in  a  few  individual  cases;  under 
the  emperors  they  gained  more  importance,  re- 
maining, however,  inferior  to  the  other  priestly 
colleges.  They  also  expounded  and  procured 
lightnings  and  'prodigies,'  and  moreover  ex- 
amined the  intestines  of  sacrificed  animals.  .  .  . 
Heart,  liver  and  lungs  were  carefully  e.xan  \cn, 
every  anomaly  being  explained  in  a  favourable 
or  unfavourable  sense. " — E.  Guhl  and  W.  Koner, 
Life  of  thi'  (IrtekK  and  lionmns,  sect.  103. 

HARVARD  ANNEX.  See  Editcvtion, 
Modern:  Hekormh.  &c.  :  A.I).  1804-1891. 

HARVARD  COLLEGE  AND  UNIVER- 
SITY. See  Edi'cation,  Modkhn:  A.meuica: 
A.  I).  1635,  and  1636. 

HASHEM,  Caliph :  A.  D.  724-743. 

HASMONEANS,OR  ASMONEANS.  See 
.Jews:  B.  C.  166-40. 

HASSAN,  Caliph :  A.  D.  061. 

HASSIDIN,  The.— A  sect  of  Jewish  mystics 
which  rose  during  the  17th  century  in  Podolia, 
Wallachia,  Moldavia,  Hungary  an(l  neighboring 
regions. — H.  II.  Milman,  lli»t.  of  the  Jews,  d.  3, 
bk.  38. 

HAST  ATI.    See  Legion,  Roman. 

HASTENBACK,  Battle  of.  See  Germany: 
A.  D.  1757  (July- December). 


1627 


HAHTINO 


HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS. 


HASTING,  The  Northman.  Sic  Xohm.\ns; 
A.   I).  Hl!»-,Si|il. 

HASTINGS,  Marquisof  (Lord  Moira).— The 
Indian  administration  of.  St'u  India:  A.  1). 
I80r)-1KH1, 

HASTINGS,  Warren  :  His  administration 
in  India.— His  impeachment  and  Trial.  Sec 
India    .\.  1),  1T7:!-17m.");  iiml  IT.-^.VlTll.-). 

HASTINGS,  OR  SENLAC,  Battle  of.  fS<(! 
Encii.am);  a.  I).  l()li(!(0(T()lil-.H). 

HATFIELD  CHASE.— A  vast  swamp  in 
th.;  West  liiiliiif,'  «f  Yorkshire,  Kiigliuul,  180.000 
iicrts  in  extent,  which  wa.s  solil  by  the  crown  in 
the  ni);nof  Charles  I.  to  a  Hollander  who  drained 
and  reclaimed  it.  It  had  been  a  forest  in  early 
limes  and  was  the  scene  of  a  great  battle  between 
I'enila,  Kin;,'  of  Mercia,  and  Edwin  of  Northuni- 
berlaud. — .1.  C.  Brown,  Forestii'if  Kmjlaml,  pt.  1, 
e/i.  2,  mrt.  2. 

HATRA.— "  llatra  [in  central  Mesopotamia] 
became  known  asa  i)laceof  importance  in  theearly 
part  of  the  second  century  after  Christ.  It  .suc- 
cessfully resisted  Tr.ajan  in  A.  I).  116.  and  Severus 
in  A.  I).  l'J8.  It  is  then  described  m-  ;i  large  and 
populous  city,  defended  by  strong  ii  I  extensive 
walls,  and  containing  within  it  a  temple  of  the 
8un,  celebrated  for  the  great  value  of  its  olTerings. 
It  enjoyed  its  own  kings  at  this  time,  who  were 
regarded  as  of  Arabian  stock,  and  were  among 
the  more  important  of  the  Parthian  tributary 
monarchs.  l!y  the  year  A.  I).  iiOSJ  Ilatra  had 
gone  to  ruin,  and  is  then  described  as  '  long  since 
deserted.'  Its  nourishing  period  thus  beUmgs  to 
the  space  between  A.  1).  100  and  A.  I).  iiOO." 
The  ruins  of  Hatra,  now  called  El-'Iadhr,  were 
"visited  by  .Mr.  Layard  in  1846,  and  described  at 
length  by  Mr.  Ro.ss  in  the  ninth  volume  of  the 
'Journal  of  the  Hoyal  Geographical  Society,' as 
well  as  by  Jlr.  Fergusson,  in  his  '  History  of 
Architecture.'"  —  O.  Hawlinson,  .S'W/t  Great 
Oricntitl  Mo.iarcl  ',  eh.  22. 

HATS  AND  CAPS,  Parties  of  the.  Sec 
Scandinavian  Statks  (Sweden):  A.  D.  1720- 
1792. 

HATTERAS  EXPEDITION,  The.  See 
United  St.vtes  of  Am.;  A.  I).  1861  (Auousr: 
North  (,'auolina). 

HATUNTAQUI,  Battle  of.  See  Ecuador; 
The  AnoiiKHNAi.  kinodo.m. 

HAVANA.     See  CuiiA:  A.  D.  1514-1851. 

HAVELOCK'S  CAMPAIGN  IN  INDIA. 
See  India:  A.  I).  1857-18,-)8. 

HAVRE :  A.  D.  1563-1564.— Occupation  by 
the  English.  —  Siege  and  recovery  by  the 
French.     See  Fuance:  A.  I).  1563-1564. 

HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS,  The.— The  Ha- 
waiian or  Sandwich  Archipelago,  in  the  North 
Pacific  ocean,  "consists  of  the  seven  large  and 
inhabited  volcanic  islands  of  Oahu,  Kainii,  Nii- 
hau,  Maui,  Jlolokai,  Lanni,  and  Hawaii,  and  the 
four  bare  and  rocky  islets  of  Kaula,  Lchua, 
Kahoolawc,  and  Molokini,  with  a  total  area  of 
8,000  sijuare  miles,  and  a  population  of  scarcely 
more  than  50,000  golds.  .  .  .  The  Kanakas,  as 
the  natives  are  called,  are  amongst  the  finest  and 
most  intelligent  races  of  the  Pucilic,  and  have 
become  thoroughly  'Europeanised,' or,  perhaps 
rather, 'Americanised.'.  .  .  The  Ilawaiians,  like 
all  other  Polynesians,  are  visibly  decreasing  in  a 
constantly  increasing  xviiw."— Stanford's  Com- 
pendium of  Oeog.  :  Amtralaxia,  (;;i.'24.— "Gae- 
tano  discovered  one  of  the  Sandwich  [Hawaiian] 
Islands  in  1542;    and.   following    Urn,   Ouiros 


found  Tahiti  and  the  New  Hebrides.  .Sea  voy- 
ages in  the  Pacific  multiplied,  but  that  sea  long 
continued  the  exclusive  theatre  of  the  enterpiises 
of  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese.  .  .  .  tsative 
traditions  refer  to  the  arrival  of  strangers  a  long 
time  before  Cook's  appearance.  In  the  .seven- 
teenth century  Spanish  merchantmen  were  cro.ss- 
ing  the  Pacific,  and  might  have  refreshed  at  these 
isliinds.  The  buccaneers,  too,  may  have  found 
the  small  liarbour  a  convenient  place  of  ccmceai- 
inent." — M.  Hopkins,  Ilmraii :  I'liC  Past,  Prewnt 
mill  Future  iif  the  Inland  Kiiir/doiii,  pp.  83,  87. — 
"It  is  about  a  century  since  His  Majesty's  ships 
'Kesolution'  and  'Adventure,'  Captains  Cook 
and  Clerke,  turned  back  from  Bchring  Strait 
after  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  discover  the 
North-AVest  Passage  But  the  adventurers  were 
destined  to  light  up(ai  fairer  lands  than  those; 
which  they  had  failed  to  find.  On  the  18tli  of 
January,  1778,  whilst  sailing  through  the  Pacific, 
the  look-out  man  reported  land  ahead,  and  in  the 
evening  they  anchored  on  the  shores  of  that 
lovely  group  of  twelve  islands,  which  they 
named  in  honour  of  the  then  First  Lord  of  the 
Admiralty  —  Lord  Sandwiitji — better  known  to 
the  satirists  of  his  dayas  'JeminyTickler,'one  of 
the  greatest  of  statesmen  and  most  abandoned  of 
men.  The  natives  received  the  strangers  gladly ; 
but  on  the  14th  of  February,  1779,  in  nn  alterca- 
tion con.sequent  on  the  theft  of  a  boat,  Captain 
Cook  was  killed  in  Kealakeakua  or  Karakakoa 
Bay,  \v  the  Isliind  of  Hawaii,  or  Owhyliee,  from 
which  the  olliciiil  name  of  the  country  —  the 
kingdom  of  Hawaii  —  takes  its  name" — R. 
Browii,  '/'/(/;  Coinilriis  of  t/ie  World,  v.  4,  ;).  22.— 
The  several  islands  of  the  Hawaiian  group  were 
politically  independent  of  each  other  and  ruled 
by  dilferent  chiefs  at  the  time  of  Captain  Cook's 
visit ;  but  a  few  years  later  a  chief  named  Kanie- 
haineha.  of  remarkable  qualities  and  capabilities, 
succeeded  to  the  sovereignty  in  the  Island  of 
Hawaii,  imd  made  himself  master  in  time  of  the 
whole  group.  Dying  in  1810,  he  loft  a  consoli- 
dated kingdom  to  his  son  Lilioliho,  or  Kanie- 
hameha  II.,  in  whose  reign  "tabu "and  idolatry 
were  abolished  and  Christian  missionaries  begau 
their  labors.  The  dynasty  founded  by  Kame- 
hameha  held  tlie  throne  until  1873.  In  1840  u 
constitution  was  proclaimed,  which  created  u 
legit,lative  body,  composed  of  hereditary  nobles 
and  seven  rejiresentativcs  informally  elected  by 
the  iieoplo.  In  1843  the  United  States,  by  an 
olBcial  letter  from  Daniel  AVebster,  then  Secre- 
tary of  State,  "recognized  the  independence  of 
the  Hawaiian  Kingdom,  and  declared,  '  as  the 
sense  of  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
that  the  government  of  the  Sandwich  Islands 
ought  to  be  respected ;  that  no  power  ought  to 
take  possession  of  the  islands,  either  as  a  con- 
quest or  for  the  purpose  of  colonization;  and 
tb"*  •"->  ■-('^wer  ought  to  seek  for  any  undue  con- 
trol over  tu>;  existing  government,  or  any  exclu- 
sive privileges  or  preferences  in  mattsrs  of  com- 
merce.'" The  following  year.  Franco  and  Eng 
land  formally  recognized  "  the  existence  in  tjie 
Sandwich  Islands  of  >>  government  capable  of 
providing  for  the  regularity  of  'ts  relations  with 
foreign  nations," and  agreed  "never  to  take  pos 
session,  either  directly  or  tinder  the  title  of  a  pro 
tectorate,  or  under  any  other  form,  of  any  part 
of  the  territory  of  which  they  are  composed."  In 
1853  the  constitution  was  revised.  The  legis 
lature,  formerly  sitting  i:i  one  body,  was  now 


1^28 


HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS. 


HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS. 


divided  into  two  liousos  nnd  botli  piilnvgcd.  In 
IHIU.  Iiowovor,  King  Kanielmnielm  V.  forced  tlm 
adoption  of  a  new  ronstitution  wliich  reversed 
this  bicaniend  arranRenient  and  restored  tlie 
sinRlo  cliumber.  A  doulile  (lualilieation  of  tlie 
siifTrage.  by  i)roperty  anil  by  edueation,  was  also 
introduee(i.  Witli  the  deatli  of  Kamehanieha  V., 
in  187'J,  liis  line  ended.  His  successor,  Lunidilo, 
was  elected  by  the  legislature,  and  tlic  choice 
mtitled  by  a  popidar  vote.  Tlic  reign  of  Luna- 
lilo  lasted  but  two  years.  His  successor,  David 
Kalakaua,  was  raised  to  the  throne  by  election. 
In  the  year  after  his  accession,  Kalakaua  visited 
the  United  States,  nnd  soon  afterwards,  in  1875, 
a  treaty  of  reciprocity  between  the  two  countries 
was  negotiated.  This  was  renewed  and  enlarged 
in  1887.  In  1881  tlie  King  made  a  tour  of  the 
world.  In  the  fall  of  1890  ho  came  to  California 
for  his  health;  in  January,  1801,  he  died  at  San 
Francisco.  His  sister,  Liliuokulani,  widow  of 
an  American  resident,  succeeded  him. — W.  D. 
Alexander,  liricf  Jlintory  of  the  llmraiian  People. 
— In  1887  a  new  constitution  had  been  adopted. 
"This  new  constitution  was  not  framed  by  tlio 
king  but  by  the  jieoplc  through  their  own  ap- 

fiointed  citizens  nnd  members  of  the  courts.  The 
egislative  powers  of  the  crown  which  had  been 
abridged  by  tli  •  constitution  of  1804  were  now 
entirely  removed  and  vested  in  the  representatives 
of  the  people.  By  this  the  crown  became  an 
executive.  In  addition  to  this  jirovision  there 
was  one  making  the  ministry  a  responsible  body 
and  depriving  tlie  king  of  the  right  to  nominate 
members  of  the  house  of  nobles.  .  .  .  The  legis- 
lature consists  of  a  House  of  Nobles  composed  of 
twenty-four  members,  who  are  elected  for  a  term 
of  six  j'cars,  and  a  House  of  Uepresentatives  con- 
sisting of  from  twenty-four  to  forty-two  mem- 
bers elected  for  two  years.  The  IIousos  sit  in 
joint  session.  In  addition  to  these  public  olHcers 
there  is  a  cabinet  composed  of  four  ministers 
appointed  by  the  sovereign  holding  executive 
power  and  who  maj'  be  removed  upon  siifHcient 
cause  by  the  legislature.  Such  was  the  fcm  of 
government  in  vogue  up  to  the  time  of  the  recent 
revolution  which  has  excited  the  interest  of  the 
American  government.  On  the  15th  of  January 
[1893]  .  .  .  Queen  Liliuokalani  made  the  at- 
tempt to  promulgate  a  new  constitution,  obvi- 
ously for  the  purpose  of  increasing  her  power  in 
the  government.  It  has  been  hinted  that  the 
queen  desired  to  benefit  in  a  pecuniary  waj'  by 
granting  conces.sion8  for  the  establishment  of  a 
lottery,  and  the  importation  of  opium  into  the 
king(Iom,  Loth  of  which  had  until  a  year  ago 
been  prohibited.  It  is  best,  however,  to  adhere 
to  fact.  The  queen  desired  more  power.  This 
new  constitution,  as  framed  by  her,  deprived  for- 
eigners of  the  right  of  franchise,  abrogated  the 
House  of  Nobles,  and  gave  to  the  queen  herself 
the  power  to  appoint  a  new  House.  This  blow 
aimed  directly  ..^  'he  foreigners,  who  are  the 
largest  property  holders  in  the  kingdom,  stirred 
them  to  prompt  action.  The  queen's  own  minis- 
try were  unsuccessful  in  their  efforts  to  dissuade 
her  from  the  ottempt  to  put  the  new  constitution 
into  effect.  The  resolve  was  not  to  be  shaken, 
however,  and  her  determination  to  carry  out  her 
plan  incited  the  people,  chiefly  the  foreigners,  to 
op])ose  the  measure.  The  outcome  was  a  revo- 
lution in  which  not  a  single  life  wu.s  sacrificed." 
— A.  A.  Black,  The  Ilawaiian  Islands  (Chaiitau- 
quan,  April,   1893,   pp.   54-57).— A   provisional 


government  .set  up  by  the  revolutionists  was  im- 
mediately recognize(l  by  the  United  States  Min- 
ister, Mr.  Stevens,  and  commis.sioners  were  sent 
to  Washington  to  apply  for  the  annexation  of 
the  islands  to  the  United  Slates.  On  the  Ifith  of 
February,  180;^  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  Mr.  Harrison,  sent  a  message  to  tlio  Sen- 
ate, submitting  an  annexation  treaty  and  recom- 
hiending  its  iiititleation.  Meantime,  at  Himo- 
lulu,  on  the  9th  of  February,  the  United  States 
Minister,  acting  witliout  instruction.s,  had  estab- 
lished a  protectorate  over  ilie  Hawaiian  Islands, 
in  the  name  of  ilie  United  States.  On  the  4th  of 
Marcli,  a  change  in  the  Presidency  of  the  United 
States  occurred,  Mr.  Cleveland  succeeding  Mr. 
Harrison.  One  of  the  earliest  acts  of  President 
Cleveland  was  to  send  a  message  to  the  Senate, 
withdrawing  the  annexation  treaty  of  his  prede- 
cessor. A  commissioner,  Jlr.  Blount,  was  then 
sent  to  the  Hawaiian  Islands  to  examine  and  re 
port  upon  the  circumstances  attending  the  change 
of  government.  On  the  18tli  of  the  following 
December  the  report  of  Commissioner  Blount 
was  sent  to  Congress,  with  an  accompanying 
message  from  the  President,  in  whidi  latter  [la- 
per  the  facts  set  forth  by  the  Commissioner,  and 
the  conclusions  reached  and  action  taken  by  the 
United  States  Qovernment,  were  summariziMl 
partly  as  follows:  "On  Saturday,  January  14, 
1893,  the  Qi,'  ?n  of  Hawaii,  wlio  had  been  con- 
templating tl  '  proclamation  of  a  new  constitu- 
tion, had,  in  deference  t:)  the  wishes  and  remon- 
strances of  her  Cabinet,  renounced  it  for  the 
present  at  least.  Taking  tliis  relinquished  pur- 
pose as  a  basis  of  action,  citizens  of  Honolulu, 
numbering  from  fifty  to  one  hundred,  mostly 
resident  aliens,  met  in  a  private  room  and  selec- 
ted a  so-called  committee  of  safety  composed  of 
thirteen  persons,  nine  of  whom  were  foreign 
subjects,  and  composed  of  seven  Americans,  one 
Englishman,  and  one  Oernian.  This  cimimittee, 
though  its  designs  were  not  revealed,  had  in 
view  nothing  less  than  annexation  to  tlie  United 
States,  and  between  Saturday,  the  14th,  and  the 
following  Sunday,  the  18th  of  January  —  though 
exactly  wliat  action  was  taken  may  never  be  re- 
vealed—  tliey  were  certainly  in  communication 
with  the  United  States  Minister.  On  Monday 
morning  the  Queen  and  her  Cabinet  made  public 
proclamation,  with  a  notice  which  was  specially 
served  upon  the  representatives  of  all  foreign 
governments,  that  any  changes  in  the  constitu- 
tion would  be  soug'it  only  in  the  methods  pro- 
vided by  that  instrument.  Nevertlieless,  at  the 
call  and  under  the  auspices  of  the  committee  of 
safety,  a  mass  meeting  of  citizens  was  held  on 
that  day  to  protest  against  the  Queen's  alleged 
illegal  and  unlawful  proceedings  and  jmrpose. 
Even  at  this  meeting  the  committee  of  safety 
continued  to  disguise  their  real  purpose  and  con- 
tented themselves  with  procuring  tlie  passage  of 
a  resolution  denouncing  the  Queen  and  empower- 
ing the  committee  to  devise  ways  and  means  '  to 
secure  the  permanent  maintenance  of  law  and 
order  and  the  protection  of  life,  liberty,  and 
property  in  Hawaii.'  This  meeting  adjourned 
lietween  3  and  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  On 
the  same  day,  and  immediately  after  such  ad- 
journment, the  committee,  unwilling  to  take 
further  steps  without  the  co-operation  of  the 
United  Stjites  Minister,  addressed  him  a  not(! 
representing  that  the  public  safety  wa,s  menaced 
and  that  lives  and  property  were  in  danger,  and 


ir)29 


HAWAIIAN  ISLANDH 


HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS. 


conchulcd  as  follows:  '  Wc  arc  unable  to  protect 
(iurs<;lvi'S  witlioiit  aid,  and  therefore  pray  for  the 
protection  of  the  United  States  forces.'  What- 
ever nuiy  Ih^  thought  of  the  other  contents  of  this 
note,  the  absolute  truth  of  tliis  latter  statement 
is  Incontestable,  Wlien  the  noti!  was  written 
and  delivered,  thocomniitlee,  so  far  as  it  appears, 
had  neither  a  man  nor  a  Run  at  their  command, 
and  after  its  delivery  they  became  so  panic- 
stricken  at  their  position  that  they  sent  some  of 
their  number  to  interview  the  Minister  and  re- 
quest him  not  to  land  the  United  States  forces 
till  the  ne.xt  morninK,  but  he  replied  the  troops 
liafl  been  ordered  and  whether  the  committee 
were  ready  or  not  the  landing  should  take  place. 
Ami  80  it  happened  tliut  on  the  lOtli  day  of 
January,  180;),  between  4  and  5  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  a  detachment  of  marines  from  the 
United  States  steamship  Boston,  with  two  pieces 
of  artillery,  landed  at  Honolulu.  The  men,  up- 
wards of  one  hundred  and  si.xty  in  all,  were  sup- 
plied with  double  cartridge  belts,  tilled  with 
amnuniition,  and  with  haversacks  and  canteens, 
and  were  accompanied  by  a  hospital  corps  with 
stretchers  and  medical  supplies.  This  military 
demonstration  upon  the  soil  of  Honolulu  was  of 
itself  an  act  of  war,  unless  made  either  with  the 
con.sent  of  the  Government  of  Hawaii  or  for  the 
bona  iide  purpose  of  protecting  the  imperilled 
lives  and  ])r()perty  of  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States.  But  there  is  no  i)retense  of  any  such  con- 
sent on  the  part  of  the  Government  of  Hawaii, 
which  at  that  time  was  undisputed,  and  was  both 
the  de  facto  and  the  de  jure  Government.  In 
point  of  fact  the  Government,  instead  oi  re(iuest- 
ing  the  presence  of  an  armed  force,  protested 
against  it.  There  is  little  basis  for  the  pretense 
that  such  forces  landed  for  the  security  of  Amer- 
ican life  and  i)roperty.  .  .  .  When  tliese  armed 
men  were  landed  the  city  of  Honolulu  was  in  its 
customary  orderly  and  peaceful  condition.  There 
was  no  symptom  of  riot  or  disturbance  in  any 
quarter.  .  .  .  Thus  it  appears  that  Hawaii  was 
taken  i)osscssion  of  by  the  'Jnited  States  forces 
without  the  consent  or  wish  of  the  Government  of 
the  Islands,  or  anybotly  else  so  far  as  known,  ex- 
cept the  United  States  Slinister.  Therefore,  tlie 
military  occupation  of  Honolulu  by  the  United 
States  on  tl-3  day  mentioned  was  wholly  without 
satisfaction,  cither  as  an  occupation  by  consent  or 
as  an  occupation  necessitated  by  dangers  tlireat- 
cning  American  life  and  property.  It  must  be 
accounted  for  in  some  other  way  and  on  some 
other  ground,  and  its  real  motive  and  purpose  are 
neither  obscure  nor  far  to  seek.  The  United 
States  forces  being  now  on  the  scene  and  favor- 
ably stationed,  the  committee  proceeded  to  carry 
out  their  original  scheme.  They  met  the  next 
morning,  Tuesday,  the  17th,  perfected  the  plan 
of  t«;mporary  government  and  fixed  upon  its 

Erincipal  olBcers,  who  were  drawn  from  13  mem- 
crs  of  the  committee  of  safety.  Between  1  and 
a  o'clock,  by  sqniids  and  by  diflTerent  routes  to 
avoid  notice,  and  having  first  taken  the  precau- 
tion of  ascertaining  whether  there  was  anyone; 
there  to  oppose  them,  they  proceeded  to  the 
Government  building  to  proclaim  the  new  Gov- 
ernment. No  sign  of  opposition  was  manifest, 
and  thereupon  an  American  citizen  began  to  read 
tlie  proclamation  from  the  steps  of  the  Govern- 
ment Buil'lmg  almost  entirely  without  atiditors. 
It  is  said  that  before  the  reading  was  finished 
quite  a  concourse  of  i)ersons,  variously  estimated 


at  from  HO  to  100,  some  armed  and  some  ini- 
armed,  gatln^red  about  the  committee  to  give 
them  aid  and  ('(lntidenc(^  This  statement  is  not 
important,  .since  the  one  controlling  factor  in  the 
whole  alTair  was  unciucstionably  the  United 
States  murines,  wlio,  drawn  up  luider  arms  with 
artillery  in  readiness  only  70  yards  distant,  dom- 
inated the  situation.  The  Provisional  Govern- 
ment thus  proclaimed  was  by  the  terms  of  the 
|)roclamati<m  '  to  exist  until  terms  of  the  Union 
with  the  United  States  had  been  negotiated  and 
agreed  upon.'  The  United  States  Minister,  pur- 
suant to  i)rior  agreement,  recognized  this  Govern- 
ment within  an  hour  after  the  reading  of  the 
l)roclamati(m,  and  before  .T  o'clock,  in  answer  to 
an  inijuiry  on  behalf  of  the  Queen  and  her  Cabi- 
net, announced  that  he  had  done  so,  .  .  .  Some 
hours  after  the  recognition  of  the  Provisional 
Government  by  the  United  States  Minister,  the 
barracks  and  the  i)olice  station,  with  all  the  mili- 
tary resources  of  the  country,  were  deliviired  up 
by  tlie  tjueen  upon  the  reiiresentation  made  to 
her  that  her  cau.sc  would  thereafter  be  reviewed 
at  Washington,  and  while  protesting  that  she 
surrendered  to  the  superior  force  of  the  United 
States,  whose  Minister  had  caused  United  States 
troops  to  be  landed  at  Honolulu  and  declared 
that  he  woidd  support  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment, and  that  she  yielded  her  cuthority  to  pre- 
vent collision  of  armed  forces  and  loss  of  life, 
and  oidy  until  .such  time  as  the  United  States, 
upon  the  facts  being  presented  to  it,  sliould  undo 
the  action  of  its  representative  and  reinstate  her 
in  the  authority  she  claimed  as  the  constitutional 
sovereign  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands.  This  jiro- 
test  was  delivered  to  the  chief  of  the  Provisional 
Government,  who  indorsed  it  in  his  acknowledg- 
ment of  its  receipt.  ...  As  I  apprehend  the 
situation,  we  are  brought  face  to  face  with  the 
fact  that  the  lawful  government  of  Hawaii  was 
overthrown  without  the  drawing  of  a  sword  or 
the  firing  of  a  shot,  by  a  process  every  stop  of 
wliich,  it  may  safely  be  asserted,  is  directly 
traceable  to  and  dependent  for  its  success  upon 
the  agency  of  the  United  States  acting  through 
its  diplomatic  and  naval  representatives.  .  .  . 
Believing,  therefore,  that  the  United  States  could 
not,  under  the  circumstances  disclosed,  annex  the 
islands  without  justly  incurring  the  imputation 
of  acquiring  them  by  unjustifiable  tnethods,  I 
shall  not  again  submit  the  treaty  of  annexation 
to  the  Senate  for  its  consideration,  and  in  the  in- 
structions to  Ministci"  Willis,  a  copy  of  which 
accompanies  this  mes'age,  I  have  directed  him 
to  so  inform  the  Provisional  Government.  But 
in  the  'jresent  instance  our  duty  does  not,  in  my 
opinion,  cad  with  refusing  to  consummate  this 
questionable  transaction.  ...  I  mistake  the 
American  people  if  they  favor  the  odious  doc- 
trine that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  international 
morality ;  that  there  is  one  law  for  a  strong  na- 
tion and  another  for  a  weak  one ;  and  that  even 
by  indirection  a  strong  power  may,  with  im- 
punity, despoil  a  weak  one  of  its  territory.  .  .  . 
The  Queen  surrendered,  not  to  the  Provisional 
Government,  but  to  the  United  States.  She  sur- 
rendered not  absolutely  and  permanently,  but 
temporarily  and  conditionally  imtil  such  facts 
could  be  considered  by  the  United  States.  .  .  . 
In  view  of  the  fact  that  both  the  Queen  and  the 
Provisional  Government  had  at  one  time  appar- 
ently acquiesced  in  a  reference  of  the  entire  case 
to  the  United  States  Government,  and  considering 


1630 


HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS. 


IIAYTI. 


the  fiirtlipr  fart  tliiit,  in  iiiiy  event,  llio  Pro- 
visional (ioveninient,  by  its  own  declared  limita- 
tion, win  only  'to  exist  until  lerina  of  union 
with  the  United  States  of  America  have  been  ne- 
gotiated and  agreed  upon,'  1  h()|)e(l  that  after 
the  iisauranec!  to  the  members  of  that  Govern- 
ment that  Hiieli  tniiou  eould  not  bo  consummated, 
I  might  compass  a  peaceful  adjustment  of  the 
dilllculty.  Actuated  by  these  desires  and  p\ir- 
poses,  and  not  luunindful  of  the  inherent  per- 
plexities of  the  situation  nor  limitations  upon  my 
part,  I  instructed  Mr.  Willis  to  advise  the  Queen 
and  her  supiiorters  of  my  desire  to  aid  in  the 
restoration  of  the  status  existing  before  the  law- 
less landing  of  the  United  States  forces  at  Hono- 
lulu on  the  17th  of  January  last.  If  such  restora- 
tion could  .e  effected  ui)on  terms  providing  for 
clemency  s  well  as  justice  to  all  parties  con- 
cerned. .  lie  conditions  suggested  contemplated 
a  geni'ral  anmestv  to  those  concerned  in  setting 
up  the  Provisional  Government  and  u  recognition 
of  all  the  bona  fide  acts  and  obligations.  In 
short,  they  recpure  that  the  pa.st  shoul<i  be  buried, 
and  that  the  restored  Oovermiient  should  rc- 
assunu^  its  authority  as  if  its  continuity  had  not 
l)een  interrupted.  These  (■onditions  have  not 
proved  acceptable  to  the  Queen,  and  though  she 
has  been  informed  that  they  will  be  insisted  upon, 
and  tliat  unless  ncccded  to  the  elTortof  the  Presi- 
dent to  aid  in  the  restoration  of  her  Government 
will  cease,  I  have  not  thus  far  learned  that  she  is 
willing  to  yield  them  lier  acquiescence."  Tlie 
refusal  of  the  Queen  to  consent  to  a  general  am- 
nesty forbade  further  thought  of  her  restoration ; 
while  the  project  of  annexation  to  the  United 
States  was  extinguished  for  the  time  bj'  the  just 
action  of  President  Cleveland,  sustained  by  the 
Senate,  llic  unauthorized  protectorate  a.ssumed 
l)y  Minister  Stevens  having  been  withdrawn,  the 
Provisional  government  remains  (March,  1894) 
in  control  of  the  Government  of  the  Hawaiian 
Islands,  and  a  republican  constitution  is  said  to 
be  in  preparation, 

HAWKINS"  FIRST  THREE  VOYAGES. 
See  Amkiuc.\:  A.  D.  1562-1567. 

HAWKWOOD,  Sir  John,  The  Free  Com- 
pany of.     See  Italy:  A.  D.  1343-1393. 

HAWLEY,  Jesse,  and  the  origin  of  the 
Erie  Canal.     See  Niiw  Yoiik:  A.  D.  1817-1825. 

HAYES,  General  Rutherford  B.,  Presiden- 
tial election  and  administration.  See  United 
Statks  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1876-1S77,  to  1881. 

HAYNE  AND  WEBSTER  DEBATE, 
The.  See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1828- 
1833. 

HAYTI,  HAITI,  OR  SAN  DOMINGO 
(Originally  called  Hispaniola) :  Its  names.— Its 

beauty.— "  Columbus  called  the  island  Hispanio- 
la, and  it  has  also  been  called  St.  Domingo 
from  the  city  of  that  name  on  its  southeastern 
coast;  but  Hayti  or  Haiti  (the  mountainous 
country)  was  its  original  Carrib  name.  The 
French  bestowed  upon  it  the  deserved  name  of 
'la  l{eine  dcs  Antilles.'  All  descriptions  of  its 
niagnilicence  and  beauty,  even  those  of  Wash- 
ington Irving  in  his  history  of  Columbus,  fall 
far  short  of  tlie  reality.  It  seems  beyond  the 
power  of  language  to  exaggerate  its  beauties,  its 
productiveness,  the  loveliness  of  its  climate,  and 
its  desirableness  as  an  abode  for  man.  Colum- 
bus labored  hard  to  prove  to  Isabella  that  he 
had  found  here  the  original  garden  of  Kden.  "— 


W.  H.   Pearson,  ITai/ti  ami  the  ITaitiam  (Put- 
iiitni'x  Miiiitlily  Mar/.,  Jan.,  I8,'i4). 

A.  D.  1493-1505. — Discovery  and  occupation 
by  Columbus.     See  Amekica:  A.  D.  1492;  1493 

-1496;  and  1498-1505. 

A.  D.  1499-1542.— The  enslavement  of  the 
natives. — System  of  Repartimentos  and  En- 
comiendas. — Introduction  of  negro  slavery. — 
Humane  and  reforming  labors  of  Las  Casas. 
See  Slaveuv,  Modeun:  Of  the  Indians,  and 
Slavery,  Neoko:  Its  heginninos. 

A.  D.  1632-1803.  —  Partly  possessed  by 
France  and  partly  by  Spain. — Revolt  of  the 
Slaves  and  rise  of  Toussaint  L'Ouverture  to 
power.  —  Extinction  of  Slavery. — Treachery 
of  the  French. — Independence  of  the  island 
acquired. — "Aliout  1632  the  French  took  pos- 
session of  the  western  shore,  and  increased  so 
rapidly  that  the  Spaniards  fountl  it  impossible  to 
drive  them  out;  and  the  footing  they  had  gained 
was  recognized  by  the  Treaty  of  Ryswick,  in 
1097,  when  the  western  portion  of  Haiti  was 
conllrmed  to  Prance.  The  latter  nati<m  was 
fully  conscious  of  the  importance  of  the  new  ac- 
(juirement,  and  under  French  rule  it  became 
of  great  value,  supplying  almost  nil  Europe  with 
cotton  and  sugar.  Hut  the  larger  eastern  iiortiou 
of  the  island,  which  still  belonged  to  Spain,  had 
no  share  in  this  progress,  remaining  much  in 
the  same  condition  as  formerly ;  and  thus  matters 
stood  —  a  sluggish  community  side  by  side  with 
a  thriving  one  —  when  the  French  Revolution 
broke  out,  and  plunge<l  the  island  into  a  state  of 
ferment.  In  1790  the  popuhition  of  the  western 
colony  consisted  of  half  a  million,  of  which 
numlicr  38,300  were  of  Euroijcan  origin,  1:8,370 
free  people  of  colour,  and  the  whole  of  the  re- 
mainder negro  slaves.  The  government  of  the 
island  excluded  the  free  people  of  colour  — 
mostly  mulattoes — from  all  political  privileges, 
although  they  were  in  many  cases  well-educated 
men,  and  themselves  the  owners  of  large  estates. 
...  On  the  15th  Jlay,  1790,  the  French  National 
Assembly  passed  a  decree  declaring  that  people 
of  colour,  born  of  free  parents,  were  entitled  to 
all  the  privileges  of  French  citizens.  When  this 
news  reached  the  colony,  it  set  the  inhabitants  in 
a  perfect  frenzy,  the  inulattoc",  manifesting  an 
unbounded  joy,  whilst  the  whites  boiled  at  tlie 
indignity  their  class  had  sustained.  "The  repre- 
sentations of  the  latter  caused  the  governor  to 
delay  the  operation  of  the  decree  until  the  home 
government  could  be  communicated  with  —  a 
measure  that  arou.sed  the  greatest  indignation 
amongst  the  mulattoes,  and  civil  war  appeared 
inevitable,  when  a  third  and  wholly  unexpected 
party  stepped  into  the  arena.  The  slaves  rose  in 
insurrection  on  August  23r(l,  1791,  marching  with 
the  body  of  a  white  infant  on  a  spear-head  as  a 
standard,  and  murdering  all  Europeans  indis- 
criminately. In  the  utmost  consternation  the 
whites  conceded  the  required  terms  to  the  mu- 
lattoes, and,  together  with  the  help  of  the  mili- 
tary, the  rising  was  suppressed,  and  there  seemed 
a  prospect  of  peace,  when  the  A.sserably  at  Paris 
repealed  the  decree  of  the  15tb  May.  The  mu- 
lattoes now  flew  to  arms,  and  for  several  years  a 
terrible  struggle  was  sustained,  thn  uorrors  of 
which  were  augmented  by  vindictive  ferocity  on 
both  sides.  Commissioners  sent  from  France 
could  effect  no  settlement,  for  the  camp  of  the 
whites  was  divided  into  two  hostile  sections, 
royalist     and    republican.       The    Etigliah    and 


1631 


IIAYTI. 


HAYTI. 


Spnnlanis  Imlli  (Icscciidcd  on  the  islnnd,  iind  the 
liliickH,  under  able  cliicfs,  liild  Inipri'K""'"''"  !>"■ 
nilii>nH  in  llu'  nKiiinluins.  Apiirclicnsivt;  of  it 
Hrilisli  inviiHlon  in  force,  llii'  Coini.iissioners,  Iind 
ins  tliey  eonid  not  Cdniiiicr  (lie  lilacks,  resolved 
■>n  c'oneiliiilint,' lliein;  and  in  Anf,'iiNt,  171»;i,  unj- 
vcrsal  freedom  was  iiroelainied  —  a  measure  rati- 
fied liy  llii:  National  Convention  early  in  the 
following  year.  .Meaiiwliile  llie  KiiKlish  lia<l 
taken  I'ort  auPrinee.  atid  were  liesieKln.i;  the 
Krenili  j,'overnor  in  I'ort  de  la  I'aix,  when  the 
blacks,  relyinj?  on  the  recent  proclamation,  came 
to  his  aMslslaiiee,  under  the  eonnnand  of  Tons- 
Kaint  L'Ouverture,  and  elTectcd  his  release.  .  .  . 
Fraiivois  Dominicnic  Toussaint,  a  negro  of  pure 
Mood,  a  slave  and  the  ofTsprinii,'  of  slaves,  was 
liorti  in  IT-IH,  and  on  attainini;  manhood  was  first 
eniployi'd  as  a  coachman,  and  afterwards  held  a 
post  of  trust  in  connexion  with  the  sugar  ninini- 
factory  of  the  estate  to  which  ho  belonged.  The 
overseer  having  taken  a  fancy  to  him,  he  was 
taught  to  reail  and  write,  luid  even  picked  up 
some  slight  knowledge  of  l.atln  and  mathemat- 
icB."  lie  was  slow  to  .join  tlie  rising  of  the 
blacks;  "but  at  length,  after  having  secured  tlic 
escape  of  his  master  and  family,  he  joined  the 
negro  army  in  a  medical  eaitacily,"  but  quickly 
rose  to  leadership.  "At  llrst  the  blacks  f(mght 
with  the  Spaniards  against  the  French;"  but 
Toussaint  came  to  the  conclusion  that  they  had 
more  to  hope  from  the  French,  and  persuaded  his 
followers  to  march  to  the  relief  of  the  French 
governor,  Levaux.  When  the  latter  heard  that 
Tous.sidnt  had  won  the  blacks  to  tlds  alliance,  ho 
exclaimeil,  "  '  JIais  eet  lioinme  fait  ouverturo 
partout,'  and  from  that  day  the  black  comman- 
derin-chief  received  the  surname  of  L'Ouverture, 
by  which  he  is  best  known  iu  history.  Acting 
with  wonderful  energy,  Toussaint  effected  a 
junction  with  Levaux,  drove  the  English  from 
their  positions,  took  'iS  Spanish  batteries  in  four 
days,  and  finally  the  British  al)andoned  the  island, 
wliilst  the  Spaniards  [1797]  gave  tip  all  claim  to  its 
western  end.  Toussaint  L'Ouverture  —  now  hold- 
ing the  position  of  commander-in-ehicf,  but  vir- 
tually dictator  —  succeeded  with  great  skill  in 
combining  all  the  hostile  elements  of  the  colony. 
I'eace  was  restored,  commerce  and  agriculture 
revived,  the  whites  were  encouraged  to  reclaim 
their  estates,  and  by  a  variety  of  prudent  and 
temperate  measures  Toussaint  showed  the  re- 
markable administrati'-^  abilities  that  lie  pos- 
sessed. At  this  stage  lie  assumed  great  state  in 
public,  being  always  guarded  by  a  chosen  body 
of  L.^OO  men  in  brilliant  uniform,  but  iu  i)rivate 
life  lie  was  frugal  and  moderate.  In  the  ad- 
ministration of  affairs  he  was  assisted  by  a  coun- 
cil of  nine,  of  whom  eight  were  white  "planters. 
This  body  drew  up  a  Constitution  by  wliii^h 
Jj'Oiiverture  was  named  president  for  life,  and 
free  trade  established.  The  draft  of  this  con- 
stitution, together  with  an  autograph  letter,  ho 
forwarded  to  Uonaparte;  but  the  First  Consul 
had  no  toleration  for  fellow-uiistarts,  and  ri  cd, 
'lie  is  a  revolted  slave  whom  we  must  piinish; 
the  honour  of  France  is  outraged.'  At  this  time 
the  whole  island  of  Haiti  was  under  Toussaint's 
sway.  As  some  excuse  for  Bonaparte  it  mie-'  'k^ 
acknowledged  that  Toussaint  undoubtedly  i 
templated  independence.  .  .  .  Anxious  to  "divest 
his  new  presidency  of  even  nominal  subjection 
to  France,  lie  declared  the  independence  of  the 
island,  with  himself  as  supreme  chief,  in  July 


IHOl.  Most  unfortunately  for  the  Haitian  gen- 
eral, hostilities  had  for  the  moment  ceased  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  France,  and  the  First 
Consul  was  enabled  to  bestow  bis  close  attenfi(m 
on  the  former  French  c^olony.  Determined  to  re- 
possess it,  lionaiiarte  sent  (iut  ail  army  of  !i().(M)() 
men,  with  0(1  ships  of  war,  under  the  coninianil  of 
his  brother-in-law  General  Leelerc.  .  .  .  During 
Toussaint's  presidency  he  bad  abolished  slavery, 
the  negroes  still  working  the  plantations,  but  as 
free  men,  and  under  the  name  of  'cultivators.' 
.  .  .  Leclere  now  endeavoured  by  proclamations 
to  turn  the  cultivators  against  their  chief,  and 
also  laboured  to  sow  dissension  in  the  ranks  of 
the  black  army,  by  making  tlie  oflicers  teini)tiug 
offers,  which  they  too  often  believed  in  and  ac- 
cepted. For  months  a  bloody  war  raged,  in 
which  great  cruelties  were!  intlieted;  but  tlie  dis- 
cipline of  the  French  was  slowly  telling  in  tlieir 
favour,  when  Leclerc  made  n  political  blunder 
that  dcstroved  the  a<lvaiitages  ho  had  gained. 
Thinking  tliat  all  obstacles  were  overcome,  ho 
threw  oil  the  mask,  and  boldly  declared  the  real 
r.bject  of  the  expedition —  the  re-enslavement  of 
the  negro  population.  This  news  fell  like  a 
thunderbolt  amongst  the  blacks,  who  rallied 
round  Toussaint  in  thou.sand.s."  Alarmed  at  tlio 
effect,  Leclerc  recalled  his  proclamation,  ac- 
knowledged it  to  bo  an  error,  and  promised  the 
summoning  of  an  assembly  representative  of  all 
mees  alike.  "This  specious  programme  won 
over  Cristophe,  Dessalines,  and  other  negro  gen- 
erals; anil  finally,  on  receiving  solemn  assurances 
from  Leclerc,  Toussaint  aecepti'd  his  offers,  and 
peace  was  concluded."  .Soon  afterwards,  by  an 
act  of  the  blackest  treachery,  the  negro  statesman 
and  soldier  was  lured  .into  the  hands  of  his  mean 
enemy,  and  sent,  a  prisoner,  to  France.  Confined, 
without  trial,  or  any  hearing,  in  the  dungeons  of 
the  Chateau  Joux,  in  the  department  of  Doubs, 
he  was  there  "allowed  to  pine  away,  without 
warm  clothing  and  with  insufllcient  food.  .  .  . 
Finally  the  governor  of  the  prLson  went  away 
for  four  days,  leaving  his  captive  without  food 
or  drink.  On  his  return  Toussaint  was  dead, 
and  the  mts  had  gnawed  his  feet.  It  was  given 
out  that  apoplexy  was  the  cause  of  death.  .  .  . 
This  breach  of  faith  on  the  part  of  the  French 
aroused  the  fury  and  indignation  of  the  blacks. 
.  .  .  Under  Dessalines,  Cristophe,  Clerveaux, 
and  others,  the  fires  of  insurrection  blazed  out 
afresh."  At  the  same  time  yellow  fever  raged 
and  Leclerc  was  among  the  victims.  General 
Uochambeau,  who  succeeded  him,  continued  the 
war  with  unmeasured  barbarity,  but  also  with 
continued  defeat  and  discouragement,  until  he 
was  driven,  in  1803,  to  surrender,  and  "the 
power  of  the  French  was  lost  on  the  island." — 
C.  II.  Eden,  The  WiM  IikUcs,  ch.  13. — Toiinniniit 
L'Ouverture:  A  ISiar/.  (by  J.  li.  Beard)  and  an 
Autobiog. 

Also  is:  H.  Martineau,  The  Hour  and  the 
Mitn. — J.  Brown,  llht.  of  St.  Dmningo. — H. 
Adams,  llistoricttl  Ennays,  ch.  4. 

A.  D.  1639-1700.  —  The  Buccaneers.  See 
A.mi:kka:  A.  D.  1039-170U. 

A.  D.  1804-1880. —  Massacre  of  whites. — 
The  Empire  of  Dessalines. — The  kingdom  of 
Christophe.  —  The  Republic  of  P6tion  and 
Boyer. —  Separation  of  the  independent  Re- 
public of  San  Domingo. — The  Empire  of  Sou- 
louque. —  The  restored  Republic  of  Hayti. — 
"  In  the  beginning  of  1804  the  independence  of 


lfi32 


IIAYTI. 


nAYTI. 


Ihp  noijrnrs  nndrr  Dcssiilinrs  wns  siifllrlonlly 
HHsuri'd:  hut  they  v.vrt'  not  siitiHilcd  \iMtil  Ihry 
lind  ((implcli'd  ii  Kciu^ral  mnssiicrc  of  nearly  the 
whole <,f  tlie  whit('!<,  liuliiiliiift  a^eil  men.  women 
and  eliildreti,  who  remained  in  the  island,  mim- 
lierinj;,  aeeordinf,'  to  the  lowest  estin\ate,  2,.'((H) 
souls.  Thus  did  Dessnlines,  in  his  own  savaK" 
words,  render  war  for  war,  crime  for  eriine.  and 
outrage  for  outrnKe,  to  tlio  Kuropean  eannihids 
who  had  so  long  preyed  upon  his  unhappy  raoe. 
The  negnM'S  <leclared  Dessalines  Kmperor:  and 
in  Octoher  1H04  he  wasrrowned  ail'orl-aul'rince 
1)V  tlie  title  of  .lames  I.  Dessalines  was  at  once 
ahrave  man  and  a  cruel  and  avaricious  tyrant, 
lie  ac((uired  great  inlluenco  over  the  negroes, 
who  long  remembered  him  with  aiTeetionatu  re- 
gret: hut  he  was  not  warmly  supported  hy  the 
nudaltoes,  who  wore  hy  far  the  most  intelligent 
of  the  llaytians.  lie  aholislied  the  ndlitia,  and 
set  up  a  standing  army  of  4(1,000  men,  whom  he 
found  himself  unable  to  i)ay,  from  thounivers.il 
ruin  wliicli  had  overtaken  the  island.  Tho  plan- 
tation labourers  refused  to  work.  .  .  .  Dessa- 
lines authorised  the  landowners  to  flog  them. 
Dessalines  was  himself  a  largo  planter:  ho  had 
il2  large  plantations  of  his  own  at  work,  and  ho 
forced  his  labourers  to  work  on  them  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet.  Both  ho  and  his  successor, 
C'hristophe,  like  Maliomed  AH  in  Egypt,  grew 
rich  by  being  the  chief  merchants  in  their  own 
domimons.  ...  lie  failed  in  an  expedition 
against  St.  Domingo,  the  Spanisli  part  of  the 
island,  whence  the  Krencli  general  Ferrand  still 
threatened  him:  and  at  length  some  sanguinary 
acts  of  tyranny  roused  again.st  'him  an  insurrec- 
'  tion  headed  by  his  old  comrade  C'hristophe.  Tho 
insurgents  marched  on  Port-aii-Prince,  and  the 
lirst  black  Kmperor  was  shot  hy  an  ambuscade 
at  the  Pont  Kongo  outside  the  town.  The  death 
of  l)es.salines  delivered  \ip  Hayti  once  more  to 
the  horrors  of  civil  war.  The  negroes  and 
nndattoes,  who  had  joined  cordially  enough  to 
exterminate  their  common  enemies,  would  no 
longer  hold  together;  and  ever  since  tho  death 
of  Dessidines  their  jealousies  and  dilTcrenccs  have 
been  a  source  of  weakness  in  tho  black  republic. 
In  the  old  limes,  Hayti,  as  the  French  part  of 
the  island  of  Espafiola  was  henceforth  called, 
had  been  divided  into  three  provinces:  South, 
East,  and  North.  After  the  death  of  Dessalines 
each  of  these  provinces  became  for  a  time  a  sepa- 
rate state.  Christopho  wished  to  maintain  the 
milimiled  imperialism  which  Dessalines  had  set 
up:  but  the  (Jonstituent  Assembly,  which  he 
summoned  at  Port-au-Princo  in  1800,  had  other 
views.  They  resolved  upon  a  Kepid)lican  con- 
stitution." Christopho,  not  contented  with  tho 
offered  presidency,  "collected  an  army  with  the 
view  of  dispersing  the  Constituent  As.seml)ly :  but 
they  collected  one  of  their  own,  under  Potion,  and 
forced  him  to  retire  fnmithc  capital.  Chri.stopho 
maintained  himself  in  Cap  Francois,  or,  as  it  is 
now  called,  Caji  llaytien ;  and  hero  he  ruled  for 
14  years.  In  1811,  despising  tlio  imperial  title 
which  Dessalines  had  desecrated,  he  took  the 
royal  style  by  tho  name  of  Henry  I.  Christophe, 
as  a  man,  viis  nearly  as  great  u  monster  as  Des- 
sidincs.  .  .  .  Yet  Christophe  at  his  best  was  a 
man  capable  of  great  aims,  and  a  sagacious  and 
energetic  ruler."  In  1820,  finding  himself  de- 
serted in  tho  face  of  a  mulatto  insurreciion,  he 
committed  suicide.  "In  n  month  or  two  after 
Cbristophe's  suicide  the  whole  island  was  united 


under  the  rule  of  President  Iloypr. "  Boyer  wnR 
the  successor  of  Pelion,  who  hail  been  elected 
in  the  North,  imdcr  the  republican  constitution 
which  ('hrisloplie  rifuscil  submLssion  to.  Petion. 
"a  nudalto  of  the  best  type."  ed\icated  at  the 
milil.'iry  academy  of  Paris,  and  full  of  Kuropean 
ideas,  had  ruleilthe  province  which  lu!  controlled 
ably  and  well  for  eleven  years.  In  discourage- 
ment he  then  took  his  own  fife,  and  was  succ<'eded, 
in  1818.  by  his  lieutenant,  Jean  Piern^  Buyer,  a 
nndatto.  "On  the  suicide  of  (JhWstoplie,  the 
army  of  the  Northern  Prr)vince,  weary  of  tho 
tyramiy  of  one  of  their  own  race,  dceland  for 
lioyer.  The  French  jiart  of  th<^  island  was  now 
once  more  underasingle  government:  and  Boyer 
turned  his  attontitJii  to  the  nuich  larger  Spanish 
territory,  with  tho  old  capital  of  St.  Doming", 
when-  a  Sitanianl  named  .Muflczde  Caceres,  with 
the  aiil  of  the  negroes,  liad  now  followed  the 
example  in  the  West,  and  proclaimed  an  inde- 
pendent government.  The'  Donnnicans,  how- 
ever, were  still  afraid  of  Spain,  and  were  glad  to 
put  themselves  under  the  wing  of  llavti:  Hoycr 
was  not  unwilling  to  lake  ])()sse.ssioii  of  tho 
Spanish  colony,  and  thus  it  happened  that  in 
1822  ho  united  the  wholi^  island  under  his  Presi- 
dency. In  the  same  year  he  was  elected  President 
for  life  under  llie  constitution  of  Petion,  whose 
general  policy  he  maintained:  but  his  govern- 
ment, especially  in  his  later  years,  was  almost  aa 
despotic  as  that  of  Christophe.  Boyer  was  tho 
tlrst  Ilaytian  who  united  the  blacks  and  mulattooa 
under  his  rule.  It  was  inaiidy  through  conlidenco 
in  him  that  the  government  of  Hayti  won  the 
recognition  of  the  Kuropean  pow'crs.  ...  In 
1825  its  independence  was  formidly  recogni.sed 
by  France,  on  a  compensation  of  l.')0,()0(),00(> 
of  francs  being  guaranteed  to  the  exiled  planters 
and  to  the  liome  government.  This  vast  sum  was 
afterwards  reduced:  but  it  still  weighed  heavily 
on  the  inipoverished  state,  and  thi^  discontents 
which  tlie  necessary  taxation  produced  led  to 
Boycr's  downfall,"  in  184;!,  when  ho  withdrew  to 
.laniaica,  and  afterwards  to  Paris,  where  he  died 
in  18.")0.  A  singular  .stjite  of  affairs  ensued. 
The  eastern,  or  Spanish,  part  of  tho  island  re- 
Slimed  its  independence  (1844),  under  a  rei>ublican 
constitution  resembling  that  of  Venezuela,  and 
with  Pedro  Santana  for  its  President,  and  has 
been  known  since  that  time  as  the  Hepublic  of 
San  Domingo,  or  tho  Dominican  Hepublic.  In 
the  Western,  or  Haytian  Hepublic,  large  numbers 
of  the  negroes,  "under  the  names  of  l'i(|uetsand 
Zinglins,  now  formed  themselves  into  armed 
bands,  and  sought  to  obtain  a  general  division  of 
property  under  some  comnuinistic  monarch  of 
their  own  race.  Tlio  mulatto  officials  now  ca- 
joled the  poor  negroes  by  bribing  some  old 
negro,  whoso  name  was  well  known  to  the  mass 
of  th(!  people  as  one  of  the  heroes  of  the  war  of 
liberty,  to  allow  himself  to  be  set  up  as  Presi- 
dent. The  B(.yerists,  as  the  mulatto  oligarchy 
were  called,  thus  succeeded  in  re-establishing 
their  power,"  and  their  system  (for  describing 
which  tho  word  "  gerontocracy "  has  been  in- 
vented) was  carried  on  for  some  years,  until  it 
resulted,  in  1847,  in  the  election  tt)  tho  Presidency 
of  Qenend  FaustinSouloufiiic.  "  Soulomiue  was 
an  illiterate  nt  to  whose  reconimendations  to 
power  were  that  ho  was  old  enough  to  have  taken 
]>art  in  the  War  of  Independence,  having  been  a 
lieutenant  under  Petion,  and  that  li<!  w.is  popular 
with  the  negroes,  being  devotedly  attached  to 


163;? 


HAYTt. 


HKCATOMH/h;()N. 


tlio  RtronKO  mixture  of  fri'i'innHnnry  nnd  fotUli 
worMlilp  l)V  wliicli  till!  Ilaytiiiii  liliii'kfi  iiiuiiitiiiii 
tliclr  itolitiiiil  orKiiiiisiitioii. "  Tlic iirw  I'rcsiili'iil 
t<K)k  IiIh  clcviitiiiii  iiicin!  wriouHly  than  wim  ex- 
pocti'il,  mill  pnivcil  III  Im'  inure  tliiui  ii  iiiiitch  for 
the  iiiuluttiH'H  who  tlioii^'ht  to  iiiiiiie  him  their 
|)ilppi't.  lie  gathered  the  reiiiH  Into  his  own 
liuniis,  mill  eriisheil  the  iiiiilatloes  at  I'ortuu- 
I'rliue  by  II  neiienil  iimssiiere.  lie  then  "ciULseil 
hinihelf  to  lie  proelainieil  Kniperor,  liy  thu  title 
(if  KaiiHtiniiH  the  First  (l^()l)),  "  ami  esialiiislieil  a 
Krotesi|iie  imperial  eoiirl,  with  a  fantastic  no- 
liilily.  in  wliii'h  ii  Diilie  lii^  I.emiinaile  tiKUred  liy 
tlu;  side  of  u  I'rinee  Tiipe-A-l'ieil.  This  lusted 
iinlil  Deceinlier  IMfiS.  when  Soliloii(|iie  was  de- 
throned and  sent  out  of  llie  eoiiiitry,  to  take 
refiiKi' in.lamaicii,  and  therepulilie  was  restored, 
witli  KalireNiehoiasOelTrard,  a  mulatto  j;eiieral, 
ut  its  head,  (leirrard  lield  the  Presidency  for 
ei){iit  years,  when  he  followed  his  predt'ec.s.sor 
into  ('xiie  in  .Jamaica,  mid  was  succeeded  by  Oeii- 
eial  Salnave,  ti  iiei;ro,  wlio  tried  to  reestablish 
llie  Kiiipire  and  was  sliot,  18(i!),  Siiire  tlint  time 
revolutions  liave  been  frei|iii>nt  and  notlii;i>,'  has 
lieeii  conslmit  except  the  disorder  and  decline  of 
tlie  country.  Jleunlinie,  tlie  Dominican  Kepublic 
lias  siilTered  scarcely  less,  from  its  own  disorders 
and  tlie  attacks  of  its  Ilaytian  neiijlibors.  In 
WOl  it  was  surrendered  by  a  provisional  f;overn- 
ment  to  Spain,  but  recovered  mdepeiidence  three 
years  later.  Hoon  afterwards  one  of  its  parties 
.S()nj,'iit  annexation  to  the  rnited  Stales,  and  in 
lK(m  tlie  President  of  the  latter  reimblic,  General 
Grant,  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Dominican 
Kovernnient  for  the  ces.sion  of  the  peninsula  of 
Samana,  and  for  the  placing  of  San  DominRo 
under  American  protection.  Put  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States  refused  to  ratify  tlie  treaty. 
— E.  J.  Payne,  Hint,  nf  /■Jiirojudii  Ciiliiiiicn,  cli. 
15. 

Ai.Ho  in:  Sir  S.  St.  John,  Hayti,  or  the  Black 
Republic,  ch.  3. 

-♦-     - 

HEAD-CENTER,  Fenian.  See  Ikklanb: 
A.  I).  I.HW-IHOT. 

HEARTS  OF  OAK  BOYS.— HEARTS 
OF  STEEL  BOYS.  See  Iuici.ani):  A.  I). 
1700-1798. 

HEAVENFIELD.  — Battle  of  the  (635).— 
Defeat  of  the  Welsh,  Willi  tlio  dentil  of  Cad- 
wallon,  the  "last  great  hero  of  the  British  race," 
bv  the  Ilnglish  of  Hernicia,  A.  D.  OlSri.  "The 
victory  of  the  Heaven-field  indeed  is  memorable 
113  the  close  of  the  lust  rally  which  the  Britons 
ever  made  against  their  conquerors. "  — J.  U. 
Green,  The  Mnkiiu/  <,/  Eiiylaud,  p.  37.'>. 

Also  in:  Bedc,  Jicdemmlienl  llinton/,  bk.  'A. 
ch.  Wi. 

HEBERT  AND  THE  HEBERTISTS 
IN  THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION.  Sec 
Fkance:  a.  1).  1790;  1793  (Maucii  —  .luNE), 
(Skptembku— Decemueu),  to  17il3-1794(NovEM- 
UEU— June), 

HEBREW,  The  Name.  See  Jews:  Tiieiu 
National  Na.mks. 

.  ?»F,,?^-°^S  OR  WESTERN  IS- 
LANDS, The.  — "The  Hebrides  or  Western 
Islands  comprise  all  the  numerous  islands  and 
islets  whieli  extend  along  nearly  all  the  west 
const  of  Scotland ;  and  they  anciently  comprised 
)i  so  the  peninsula  of  Cantyre,  the  i.'jlands  of  the 
Clyde,  the  isle  of  Unchlin,  and  even  for  some 


time  the  Ulc  of  Man." — Ilintorical  Tale*  of  the 
Wdn  of  ScotlniKt,  r.  !).  /).  (10. 

9th-i3th  Centuries.— The  dominion  of  the 
Northmen.  Si'e  Noumans. — Noutiimicn:  8tii- 
»rii  Centiiiikh,  and  lOrii-lIhii  ('entuhiks; 
also,  SoDou  ANi>  Man. 

A.  D.  1266. —  Cession  to  Scotland.  See 
.Scotland:  A.  I).  Vim. 

A.  D.  1346-1504,— The  Lords  of  the  Isles. 
— In  tll4C,  tlie  dominion  of  most  of  tlie  Hebrides 
became  consolidated  under  John,  son  of  Uonald 
or  Angus  Oig,  of  Islay,  and  he  assumed  the  title 
of  "  Lord  of  the  Isles."  Tlie  Lords  of  the  Isles 
became  Hubstantially  independent  of  thu  Scottish 
crown  until  the  buttle  of  Ilarlaw,  iu  1411  (see 
II AULA w.  Battle  ok).  The  lordship  was  ex- 
tinguished in  1504  |see  Scotland  :  A.  I).  1502- 
\rM).—mdorical  Talet  of  t/ie  War*  of /Scotland, 
pp.  65-73. 

♦ 

HEBRON.— In  the  settlement  of  tho  tribes  of 

Israel,  after  tlii^  comitie.st  of  Cmiaun,  Caleb,  one 
of  the  heroes  of  Judali,  "look  possession  of  the 
territory  round  the  famous  old  city  of  Hebron, 
mid  thereby  gained  for  bis  tribe  u  seat  held 
sacred  from  Patriarchal  times.  .  .  .  Beginning 
with  Hebron,  he  aciiiiired  for  liimself  u  consid- 
erable terrilory,  wliicli  even  iu  David's  time  was 
named  simply  Caleb,  and  was  distingui.slied  from 
the  rest  of  Jiiiiah  as  u  peculiar  district.  .  .  . 
Hebron  remained  till  after  David's  time  celc- 
bialcd  us  the  main  seat  and  central  point  of  the 
entire  tribe,  around  wliicli  it  is  evident  that  all 
the  rest  of  Jiidah  gradually  clustered  in  good 
order." — II.  Ewalil,  Hint,  of  hniel,  hk.  2,  sect.  3, 

A.  — "  Hebron  was  a  Ilittitc  city,  the  centre  of 
an  ancient  civiiixation,  which  to  some  extent  hud 
been  inherited  by  the  tribe  of  Juduli.  It  was 
undoubtedly'  the  capital  of  Juduli,  u  city  of  the 
highest  religious  clmracter  full  of  recollections 
and  traditions.  It  could  boast  of  tine  public 
buihiings,  good  water,  and  u  vast  and  well-kept 
pool.  The  unification  of  Israel  bad  just  been 
accomplished  there.  It  was  only  natural  that 
Hebron  should  become  tho  capital  of  the  new 
kingdom  [of  David].  ...  It  is  not  easy  to  say 
what  induced  David  to  leave  a  city  which  had 
such  ancient  and  evident  claims  for  11  hamlet  like 
Jebus  [Jerusalem],  which  did  not  yet  belong  to 
him.  It  is  probable  that  he  found  Hebron  too 
exclusively  Judahitc." — E.  licuan,  llUt.  m"  the 
I'eojile  of  Israel,  hk.  2,  ch.  18. — See,  also,  Zoan; 
and   Jews:    Tije    Ciiildrkn    ok    Israel    in 

EUYI-I'. 

HECANA,  Kingdom  of.  —  One  of  the  small, 
short-lived  kingdoms  of  the  Aigles  ):i  early  Eng- 
land. Its  territory  was  iu  inode.'s  Hereforilshire. 
— W.  Stubbs,  Coimt.  Hint,  of  Eng.,  ch.  7,  sect.  70. 
—See  Enoland:  A.  D.  547-033. 

HECATOMB.—  "Large  sacrifices,  where  a 
great  number  of  animals  were  slaughtered, 
[among  the  ancient  Greeks]  are  called  heca- 
tombs."—O.  F.  SchOmann,  Antin.  of  Greece: 
The  Slate,  p.  00. 

HECATOMBiEON,    Battle    of.  — Fought. 

B.  C.  324,  by  Cleomenes  of  Hpartu  with  the 
forces  of  the  Aclia,'an  League,  over  which  he 
won  a  complete  victory.  The  result  was  the 
culling  iu  of  Autigonus  Dosou,  king  of  Mace- 
donia, to  become  the  ally  of  the  League,  and  to 
be  aided  bv  it  in  crushing  the  lust  independent 
political  life  of  Pcloponnesiun  Greece.- C.  Tliirl- 
wall.  Hist,  of  Greece,  ch.  03. 


1634 


hecatomupkdon. 


HKLLAS 


HECATOMPEDON.The.  Sir  1'autiiknon 
AV  Atiiknh. 

HECATOMPYLOS.— Tlic  c/iitf « ily  <>f  Vnr 
tliiit  I'ropcr,  fouiidiMl  by  AlcxaiidtT  llic  (Irnil, 
and  loiis  miiaiiiini;  mir  iif  Ilic  ciipltalH  of  Ilic 
I'artliian  I'tiipirc 

HEDGELE Y  MOOR,  Battle  of  (1464).  Sec 
KNdl.ANi):  A,  1).  1455  I  IT  I. 

HEDWIGA,  Queen  of  Poland,  A.  I).  1382- 

y.wn. 

HEELERS.     Sec  HoumwM, 

HEERBAN,  The.  — Tiio  "  Iiwrlmn  "  waH  a 
iiillilary  Mystciii  liiHtiliiliMl  by  CliarloiiiaKix',  which 
f{av(!  way  to  tlm  feudal  systi'in  under  hl.s  HUe- 
ceHsors.  "  The  basis  of  llie  lieerbjui  wystein  was 
the  (iuty  of  every  tifjlitinj;  man  to  answer  di- 
rectly tlie  eall  of  tlie  l<in)j  to  arms.  Tlie  free- 
in'in,  not  only  of  tlie  Franks,  but  of  all  the  sub- 
ji'C^  peoples,  owed  military  service  to  the  kin)? 
iilonc.  Tills  duly  is  insisted  upon  in  tlie  laws  of 
CliarleniaKiie  with  constant  ri^pelition.  The  sum- 
mons (lieerlmn)  was  issue<l  at  the  spring  mectinjr, 
and  sent  out  by  the  counts  or  missi.  The  soldier 
was  obliged  to  present  himself  at  tlie  "Iveii  time, 
fully  armed  and  equipped  willi  all  j>ii  vision  for 
tlie  campaign,  excci)t  lire,  water,  and  fodder  for 
tli(^  horses." — K.  Enicrlon,  liilroiluction  to  the 
Stiiih/ (if  tlir  }fi(lille  Af/it,  cli.  14. 

HEGEMONY.— "A  hegemony,  the  i)olitical 
ascendancy  of  some  one  city  or  comniunity  over 
a  number  of  subject  commoinveaiths." — 8ir  H. 
8.  Maine,  Dissertiitionn  on  Kuril/  hiw  and  Cut- 
toiii,  p.  1!U. 

HEGIRA,  The.    Sec  Mahometan  Conquest : 

A.  I).  fl()i)-(i;)3. 

HEGIRA,  Era  of  the.  8co  EiiA,  Mahome- 
tan. 

HEIDELBERG:  A.  D.  1622.— Capture  by 
Tilly.     8eeGKK.MANv:  A.  D.  1621-l«2!i. 

A.  D.  1631. — Burning  of  the  Castle.  See 
Oekmany-  a.  D.  10;U-103i. 

A.  D.  1690. — Final  destruction  of  the  Castle. 
See  FlLVNtZ:  A.  1).  1080-1 61(0. 

HEIDELBERG  UNIVERSITY.  See  Edu- 
cation. Mkdi.kvai,:  (Ik.hmany. 

HEILBRONN,  Union  of.  See  Oeiimany; 
A.  I).  I«:i2-10:!4. 

HELAM,  OR  HALAMAH,  Battle  of.— A 
decisive  victory 'won  by  King  David  over  the 
Syrians.— IT.  Samuel,  x.  15-19. 

HELENA,  Arkansas,  The  defense  of.  See 
Unitkd  States  of  Am.:  A.  I).  1863  (July:  On 

THE  MiSSIHSIPl'l). 

HELEPOLIS,   The.      See   Rhodes:    B.  C. 

30.5-:i04. 

HELI.£A,  The. —  Under  Solon's  constitution 
for  the  government  of  Athens,  "  a  body  of  0,000 
citizens  was  every  year  created  by  lot  to  form  a 
supreme  court,  called  lleliiea,  which  was  divided 
into  several  snuiller  ones,  not  limited  to  any 
l)rccise  number  of  persons.  The  qualifications 
required  for  this  were  tlie  same  with  those  which 
gave  admission  into  the  general  assembly,  except 
that  the  members  of  the  former  might  not  be 
under  the  age  of  thirty.  It  was,  therefore,  in 
fact,  a  select  portion  of  the  latter,  in  which  the 
|>owers  of  the  larger  body  were  concentrated  and 
exercised  imder  a  judicial  form."— C.  Thirlwall, 
IIM.  of  Greece,  eh.  11. 

HELICON.    See  Thessalt. 


HELIGOLAND:  A.  D.  1814.— Acquisition 
by  Great  Britain.  See  Scandinavian  States: 
A.  I).  1H1;1-1H14. 

A.  D.  1890.— Cession  to  Germany.  Hoe 
Akhica:  A.  I).  1884-1M1)1. 

HELIOPOLIS.    See  On. 

Battle  of.    See  Fuanuk:  A.  D.  1800(jA»tiABT 

-.Iine). 

HELLAS.—  HELLENES.— CRAIKOI.— 

GREEKS.— "Til  llic  (Irerk  of  the  historical 
ages  the  idea  of  Hellas  was  not  associated  with 
any  dellnite  geographical  limits.  Wherever  u 
Oreek  settlement  existed,  there  foi  the  colonists 
was  Hellas.  ...  Of  a  llellas  lying  within  cer- 
tain specified  bounds,  and  containing  within  it 
onlv  Greek  inlialiitarits,  tliev  knew  nothing." — 
(}.  ^V.  Cox,  JlUt.ofUrnre,  hk.  1,  <-li.  1.— "Their 
language  was,  .  .  .  from  tlK^  tx'ginniiig,  tho 
token  of  recogniliim  among  the  nellenes.  .  .  . 
Where  this  language  was  spoken  —  In  Asia,  in 
Europe,  or  in  Africa  —  there  was  Hellas.  .  .  . 
A  considerable  number  of  the  Greek  tribes  which 
immigrated  by  land  [from  Asia)  into  the  Eu- 
ropean ])eninsula  (of  Greece]  followed  the  tracks 
of  the  Italicans,  and,  taking  a  westward  route 
through  I'leonia  and  Maeedoniii,  penetrated 
tiiroiigh  lUyria  into  the  western  half  of  the 
Alpine  country  of  Northern  Greece,  which  the 
formation  of  its  liill  ranges  and  valleys  renders 
more  easily  accessible  from  the  north  tlian  Thes- 
.sjily  in  its  secluded  hollow.  The  numerous 
rivers,  abounding  in  water,  wliich  Mow  close  by 
one  another  thrimgh  hmg  gorges  into  the  Ionian 
Sea,  here  facilituted  an  advance  into  tlie  south; 
and  tho  rich  pasture-land  invited  immigration; 
so  that  Epirus  became  the  (l.velling-place  of  11 
dense  crowd  of  population,  which  commenced  its 
civilized  career  in  the  fertile  lowlands  of  tho 
country.  Among  tlu^m  three  main  tribes  were 
marked  out,  of  wliich  the  Cliaones  were  regarded 
as  the  most  ancient.  .  .  .  Farther  to  the  south 
the  Thesprotians  had  settled,  and  more  inland,  in 
the  direction  of  Pin'dus,  the  Molossians.  A  more 
ancient  appellation  than  those  of  this  triple  divis- 
ion is  tliat  of  the  Greeks  (Graikoi),  which  tho 
Hellenes  thought  the  earliest  designation  of  their 
ancestors.  The  same  name  of  Gricci  (Greeks) 
the  Italicans  applied  to  tho  whole  family  of  peo- 
p'.es  with  whom  they  had  once  dwelt  together  in 
these  districts.  This  is  the  first  collective  namo 
of  the  Hellenic  tribes  in  Europe.  .  .  .  Far  away 
from  the  coast,  in  tha  seclusion  of  tho  hills,  where 
lie  closely  together  the  springs  of  the  Thyamis, 
Aous,  Aracthus,  and  Aehclous,  extends  at  the 
base  of  Tomarus  the  lake  loannina,  on  the  thickly 
wooded  banks  of  which,  between  fields  of  corn 
and  (lamp  meadov/s,  lay  Dodona,  a  chosen  seat 
of  the  Pelasgian  Zeus,  tho  invisible  God,  who 
announced  his  presence  in  the  rustling  of  the 
oaks,  whose  altar  was  surrounded  by  a  vast  circle 
of  tripods,  for  a  sign  that  ho  was  tho  first  to  unite 
the  domestic  lieartlis  and  civic  communities  into 
a  'r  '  association  centering  in  himself.  This 
Do(  IS  the  central  sentof  the  GnBci;  it  was 

a  Sill  tro  of  the  whole  district  before  the 

Italicans  uimenced  their  westward  journey; 
and  at  the  same  time  the  place  where  the  subse- 
quent national  name  of  the  Greeks  can  be  first 
proved  to  have  i)revoilcd ;  for  tho  chosen  of  the 
people,  who  administered  the  worship  of  Zeus, 
were  called  Selli  or  UcUi,  and  after  them  tlio 


1636 


IIEIXAS. 


IIKM-ENIC  GKNirs  AND  INFLUKNCE. 


Kiirriiiimlini;  rniinlry  IIillopln  nr  IlrlliiK.  "— F;. 
CiirlluM,  llitt.iif  (Iri'eee,  M:  1,  r/i.  I  ,iml  Hr.  I). 

Ai.w>  IN:  (l."<Jnit<v  Ifi'l.  of  (Inn-i;  /it.  a,  cA.  2 
(f.  2).— (».  \V.  ('(IX,  l/M.  iifilmw.  I,k.  I,  eh.  4.— 
W.  K.  (lliiilHtimc,  Jim  nlim  Miiiiili.  fli.  4. 

HELLENIC  GENIUS  AND  INFLU- 
ENCE. HELLENIC  AND  HELLENIST- 
IC CULTURE. -HELLENISM.-"ll  wiis 
llii-  prIvlU'K''  "f  tlic(iri'fkH  tu  (Uscuvcr  the  Hovcr- 
ii(fii  cMlriiry  of  n'liHon.  Tlicy  cnlcnMl  cm  tlic  pur- 
mill  of  kniiwlrd);!'  wllliii  sure  mid  jnyixiH  Insliiict. 
Hiilllcd  and  \n\/:iM-i\  they  inljjlit  lie,  l)ilt  llii-y 
never  \iTfVi  wciiry  <if  the  ipicst.  The  Kpcciilii- 
live  fiiciilly  uliiclircarhcd  ilHlii'ii;ht  in  Plato  iind 
Arislotir,  WHH,  when  we  nmk.'  due  nllowuncc  for 
lliiic  and  clrcninHlamc'.  Hcarcrlv  less  eminent  in 
(lie  Ionian  pliilosopliers;  and  (t  was  Ionia  Unit 
jtave  liirlli  to  im  idea,  wliieli  was  foreign  to  tlie 
Kiist,  but  liiiH  Ix'ronu!  the  HtartiriKpolnl  of  mod- 
cm  Kfieiiee, —  llii'  idea  tliat  Nailing  works  by  llxed 
laws.  A  fragment  of  Knrlpid-.'S  speaks  of  lilni 
lis  '  happy  who  lias  learned  to  search  into  causes,' 
wlio  'discerns  the  deathless  and  ai;eless  onhT  of 
nature,  whence  it  arose,  the  liow  and  tlie  why.' 
The  early  poet  philosoplnrs  of  Ionia  ^rave  tin* 
iinpulsc  wliieli  has  <arried  llie  hiiniaii  intellect 
forward  across  the  line  which  separates  enipirical 
from  seientilU^  knowledge;  and  tlie  (Ireek  jirc- 
ciH'ity  of  miiiil  in  this  direction,  unlike  that  of  the 
Orientals,  had  in  it  the  promise  of  iininterruptcil 
advance  in  tlie  future, — of  j;reat  discoveries  in 
matheiiiatics,  jreonietry.  experimental  physics,  in 
medicine  also  and  physiolojry.  .  .  .  Ity  tlii!  iiiid- 
die  of  the  llflli  c<'ntury  U.  (',  tlie  j^eneral  con- 
ception of  law  in  the  pliysical  world  was  firmly 
CKtablished  in  the  mind  of  Greek  thinkers.  Even 
llie  more  obscure  iihenomena  of  disease  were 
lm)Uj;ht  within  the  rule.  Hippocrates  writiu); 
iiliout  a  malady  wliicli  was  conimon  anions  the; 
Srythiiins  and  was  thoiii;lit  to  be  preternatunil 
says;  '  As  for  me  I  think  that  tliese  maladies  are 
divine  like  all  others,  but  that  none  is  more 
divine  or  more  human  than  another.  Kacli  has 
its  natural  i)rinciple  and  none  exists  without  its 
natural  cause'  AKnin.  thiMlrceks  set  themselves 
to  discover  a  rational  basis  for  conduct.  Uij;or- 
oiisly  they  brought  their  actions  to  the  test  of 
reason,  and  that  not  only  by  the  mouth  of  plii- 
losopliers, butthrougli  their  poets,  historians,  and 
orators.  Tliinking  and  doing  —  dear  thought 
und  noble  action  —  did  not  stand  opposed  to  the 
On'ck  mind.  The  antitlie.sis  ratiier  marks  a 
period  when  the  Helleni(^  spirit  was  i)ast  its 
prime,  and  liad  taken  a  one-sided  bent.  The 
Atheniiuis  of  tlie  IVriclean  age  —  in  whom  we 
must  recognise  the  purest  embodiment  of  Hellen- 
ism—  had  ill  truth  the  peculiar  power,  wliieli 
Tliueydides  cliiims  for  them,  of  thinking  before 
they  acted  and  of  acting  al.so.  ...  To  Greece 
.  .  .  we  owe  the  love  of  Science,  the  love  of 
Art,  the  love  of  Freedom;  not  Science  alone,  Art 
alone,  or  Freedom  alone,  but  these  vitally  corre- 
lated with  one  anotlier  and  lirought  into  organic 
union.  And  in  tliis  union  we  recognise  the  dis- 
tinctivf!  features  of  tlie  AVest.  The  Greek  genius 
is  the  European  genius  in  its  tirst  and  brightest 
bloom.  From  a  vivifying  contact  with  the  Greek 
spirit  Europe  derived  that  new  and  mighty  im- 
pulse wliich  we  call  Progress.  Strange  it  "is  to 
tliiiik  tliiit  the.se  Greeks,  like  the  other  members 
of  tlie  Indo-European  family,  probably  had  their 
cradle  in  tlie  East ;  that  behind  Greek  civilisation, 
Greek  language,  Greek  mythology,  there  is  tliat 


^^kMtcrn  backKrniind  to  which  tli<'  coinpanitive 
NcienccH  Kceiii  to  poinl.  Hut  it  is  no  more  than  a 
background.  In  spile  of  all  rcHcmblanceH,  in 
spite  of  <'oiiinion  customs,  common  words,  com- 
mon syntax,  cominon  giMls,  the  spirit  of  the 
Greeks  and  of  their  KaHlcrn  kiiisinen  —  the  spirit 
of  tlicir  civiliHation,  art,  language,  an<l  liiytliol- 
ogy  —  remaiiiH  essentially  (lislincl.  .  .  .  From 
(Jreece  came  that  llrst  miglity  impulse,  wliow- 
farolT  workings  are  felt  by  us  to-day,  and  which 
has  brought  it  about  that  progress  has  lieen  ac- 
cept"d  as  the  law  and  goal  of  human  endeavour. 
Greece  tirst  tiMik  up  the  task  of  ei|iiippiiig  man 
with  all  that  tils  him  for  civil  life  and  promotes 
Ills  secular  wellbeing;  of  unfolding  and  expand- 
ing every  inborn  faculty  and  energy,  bodily  and 
menial ;  of  striving  restlessly  after  the  perfectiiai 
of  the  whole,  and  linding  in  this  elTort  after  an 
uiiallainable  ideal  that  by  which  man  becomes 
like  to  the  gods.  Tlie  li^'  of  the  Hellenes,  like 
that  of  their  Kpic  hero  Achilles,  was  brief  and 
brilliaiil.  But  tliey  hiive  been  endowed  with  the 
gift  of  renev  ing  their  youth.  Henan,  speaking 
of  the  nations  that  are  lilted  to  play  ii  iiart  in 
universal  liistory,  says  'that  tliey  must  (lie  flml 
tliat  the  World  may  \\\v.  Ihroiigli  tiiem;'  that  'a 
people  must  elioosi!  between  the  prolonged  life, 
tlie  tranquil  and  obscure  destiny  of  one  who 
lives  for  liiniself,  and  tli(^  troubled  stormy  career 
of  one  who  lives  for  iiuinanily.  Tlie  nation 
wliicli  revolves  williin  its  breast  social  and  re- 
ligious ])robleiiis  is  always  weak  politically. 
'I'lius  it  was  with  the  .lews,  wlio  in  order  to  make 
llie  rcligiiais  con(|uest  of  the  world  must  needs 
disappear  as  a  nation.'  'Tliey  lost  a  material 
city,  they  opened  the  reign  of  tlie  spiritual 
.leriisalem.'  So  too  it  was  with  Greece.  As  a 
people  she  ccasiul  to  be.  When  her  freedom  was 
overthrown  at  C'haeronea,  tlie  page  of  her  history 
was  to  all  appearance  closed.  Yet  from  that 
iiioment  she  was  to  enter  on  it  larger  life  and  (Ui 
universal  empire.  Already  during  tlie  last  days 
of  her  independence  it  had  been  possible  to  speak 
of  a  new  Hellenism,  which  rested  not  on  ties  of 
blood  but  on  spiritual  kinship.  This  presenti- 
ment of  Isocrates  was  marvellously  realised.  As 
Alexander  passed  ciaicpiering  tiiroiigh  Asia,  he 
restored  Jo  tlu^  East,  as  garnered  grain,  that 
Greek  civilisation  whose  seeds  liadlong  ago  been 
received  from  the  East.  Eacli  con(iueror  in 
turn,  the  Macedonian  «nd  the  lioman,  bowed  be- 
fore con(iuered  Greece  and  learnt  lessons  at  her 
feet.  To  the  modern  world  too  Greece  has  been 
tlie  great  eiviliser,  llie  oecumenical  tcaclier,  the 
disturber  and  regenerator  of  slumbering  societies. 
She  is  tile  source  of  most  of  the  quickening 
ideas  wliich  re-makc  nations  and  renovate  litera- 
ture and  art.  If  we  reckon  up  our  secular  pos- 
sessions, the  wealtli  and  heritage  of  tlie  past,  the 
larger  sliare  may  be  traced  back  to  Greece.  One 
half  of  life  slie  has  made  her  domain, —  all,  or 
well-nigh  all,  that  belongs  to  the  present  orderof 
things  and  to  the  visible  world." — S.  H.  Butcher, 
Sinne  Aspects  of  the  Greek  Genius,  pp.  0-43. — 
"The  part  assigned  to  [the  Greeks]  in  the  drama 
of  the  nations  was  to  create  forms  of  beauty,  to 
tinfold  ideas  wliich  shoidd  remain  operative  when 
the  short  bloom  of  their  own  existence  was  over, 
and  thus  to  give  a  new  impulse,  anew  direction, 
to  the  whole  current  of  human  life.  The  pre- 
diction wliich  Thucydides  puts  into  the  moutli 
of  the  Athenian  orator  has  been  fulfilled,  though 
not  in  the  sense  literally  conveyed;  'Assuredly 


1636 


IIKM-ENIC  GENIUS  AND  INFM'ENCK 


irEfJ.KNIC  aENIUH  AND  INFLUENCE. 


we  Mhiill  iKil  lie  without  wIliii'SHrs,'  Miiys  I'rrlclcs; 
'then'  iiri'  mlKlity  (lociiinciitH  of  our  powir. 
which  Hhiill  iimkc  iiH  the  woiiihr  of  this  iiii',  miil 
of  itgCH  to  coilli'.'  lie  WilH  thhikillK  of  thcmr 
wide  Hprt'iiil  HcttlciiicntH  whirh  jittcHlcil  the  cm 
|iiic  of  Athctm.  Hilt  the  hiiiiiortal  wItiicKscs  of 
hiH  nice  lire  of  iiiiotlier  kind.  Mkc  the  victiiiw 
of  the  wiir,  whoHe  epltapli  hi'  wils  |iroiioiiiiclii){, 
thellclleiieH  hiive  their  ineinoriiil  In  all  laiiils, 
f;riivi'ii,  not  on  stone,  lull  in  the  heartM  of  man 
kind.  .  .  .  Are  we  not  warranted  liy  what  we 
know  of  (Ireek  work,  imperfect  thoiiKh  our 
knowlcdu'e  in,  in  wiving  Unil  no  people  han  yet 
iippeiired  ill  the  world  whose  facnlly  for  art,  In 
(lie  larjieHt  ncnse  of  the  term,  Iiiih  lieen  soeonipri^ 
IiciihIvcY  And  there  is  a  further  poinl  that  luiiy 
lie  noteil.  It  has  liecn  siiiil  that  the  man  of 
)(enius  wimetimcH  is  such  in  virtue  of  comliiniiiK 
the  teniperaiiicnt  distinctive  of  Ids  nation  with 
some  ififl  of  his  own  which  Is  foreli;n  to  that 
temperanient ;  as  in  Shakespeare  the  basis  is 
Kn^disli,  and  the  individual  Kilt  "  Ih'.^lhilily  of 
spirit  which  is  not  normally  Knullsh.  Hnl  we 
taiinot  apply  this  remark  to  the'  j;reatest  of 
ancient  Greek  writers.  'I'hcv  present  certainly  a 
wide  range  of  individual  (lilTcrcnccs.  Yet  so 
distlnetivu  anil  so  potent  is  the  Hellenic  nature 
tliiit,  if  any  two  of  such  writers  be  compared, 
liiiwever  wide  thti  individual  diirercnces  inav  lie, 
—  as  between  Aristoiihancs  and  I'liito,  or  I'lndar 
and  Demosthenes, —  such  Individual  dilTercnces 
are  le.ssslgnillcant  than  those  common  character' 
istics  of  tliu  Hellenic  mind  which  separate  both 
the  men  compared  from  all  wlio  are  not  Hellenes. 
If  it  were  jMissible  to  trace  th(!  process  by  which 
the  llidlcnic  race  was  originally  .separated  from 
their  Aryan  kinsfolk,  the  physiological  basis  of 
their  (|iialltles  might  perhaps  be  traced  in  the 
mingling  of  diirerenl  tribal  ingredients.  As  it  is, 
there  is  no  clue  to  these  secrets  of  nature's 
alchemy:  the  Hellenes  appear  in  the  dawn  of 
their  history  with  that  unlipie  temperuinent 
already  distinct:  wo  can  point  only  to  one  cause, 
and  that  a  subordinate  cause,  which  must  have 
aided  its  developmont,  namely,  the  ^eogruphical 
position  of  Greece.  No  people  of  the  ancient 
world  were  so  fortunately  placed.  Nowhere  are 
the  aspects  of  external  natiu'e  more  beautiful, 
more  varied,  more  stimulating  to  the  energies  of 
body  and  mind.  A  cllinatc  which,  within  three 
parallels  of  liultude,  nourishes  the  beeches  of 
I'indusand  tlie  palms  of  the  Oyclades;  inountaiu- 
barriers  which  at  once  created  a  framework  for 
the  growth  of  local  federations,  and  encouraged 
a  sturdy  spirit  of  freedom;  coasts  abounding  in 
natural  harl)ors;  a  sea  dotted  with  islands,  and 
notable  for  the  regularity  of  Its  wind-currents ; 
ready  access  alike  to  Asia  and  to  the  western 
Mediterranean, —  these  were  circumstances  hap- 
pily congenial  to  the  inborn  facidties  of  the 
Greek  race,  and  adtnirably  fitted  to  expand 
them." — U.  C.  Jebb,  T/ie  Growth  and  Influence 
of  CUisniail  Greek  Pot  try,  pp.  27-31. — "The  sense 
of  beauty  which  the  Greeks  possessed  to  a 
greater  extent  than  any  otlier  people  could  not 
fail  to  be  caught  by  the  exceptioually  beautiful 
natural  surroundings  in  which  they  lived ;  and 
their  literature,  at  any  rate  their  poetry,  bears 
abundant  testimony  to  the  fact.  Small  though 
Greece  is,  it  contains  a  greater  variety,  both  in 
harmony  and  contrast,  of  natural  beauty  than 
most  countries,  however  great.  Its  latitude  gives 
it  a  southern  climate,  while  its  mountains  allow 


of  the  growth  of  a  vegetation  found  In  mon- 
northern  cllmi's.  Within  ii  short  spiire  occur  all 
the  degrees  of  transition  from  snow  lopped  hllU 
to  viiie-clail  fountains.  And  the  Joy  with  which 
the  beauty  of  ilrircounlry  tilled  the  (irceks  may 
be  traced  "through  all  llndrpiM'try.  .  .  .  Thelwo 
leading  fiuts  in  the  physical  aspect  of  (Jrecce  are 
the  sea  and  the  mountains.  As  Kiirope  Is  the 
most  indented  and  has  relatively  the  longest 
coast  llneof  all  the  cuntinents  of  tlie  world,  so  of 
all  the  countries  o'  Kiirope  the  liinil  of  Greece  is 
themost  interpenetrated  wltharinsofthesea.  .  ,  . 
'Two  voices  are  there:  one  Is  of  the  Hea, 
One  of  the  Mountains:  each  a  mighty  voice: 
In  both  from  age  to  age  thou  didst  rejoice; 
They  were  thy  cho.si'ii  niiisii'.  Liberty!' 
Iloth  voices  Hpiike  Impressively  to  (Jreeee,  and 
her  literiitiin^  echoes  their  tones.  Ho  long  as 
Greece  was  free  and  the  spirit  of  frei'dom  ani- 
mated the  Greeks,  so  long  their  literature  was 
creiillve  and  giiuus  marked  it.  When  liberty 
perished,  literature  declined.  The  Held  of  Chie- 
roneii  was  fatal  alike  to  the  political  liberty  anil 
to  tht^  literature  of  Greece.  The  love  of  liberty 
was  indeed  pushed  even  loan  extreme  in  Greece; 
and  this  also  was  due  to  the  physical  contlgura- 
tlon  of  the  country.  Moiintauis,  It  has  been 
said,  divide;  seas  unite.  The  rise  and  the  long 
continmince  in  so  small  a  country  of  so  many 
cities,  having  their  own  laws,  constitution,  sep- 
arate history,  and  independenl  existence,  cini 
only  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  in  their  early 
growth  they  weri^  protected,  each  by  the  moun- 
tains which  surrounded  it,  so  elTcctually,  and 
the  love  of  liberty  in  this  time  was  developed  to 
such  an  extent,  that  no  single  city  was  aide  to 
estiililish  its  domlidon  over  the  others.  .  .  . 
}■  'y  one  of  the  numerous  states,  whose  aepa- 
rui.  political  existence  was  guaranteed  by  the 
mountains,  was  actually  or  i)otentlally  a  separate 
ciMitre  of  civilisation  and  of  literature.  In  some 
one  of  these  states  each  kind  of  literature  could 
find  the  conditions  appropriate  or  necessary  to  Its 
development.  Even  a  state  which  iirmluccd  no 
men  of  literary  genius  itself  might  become  the 
centre  at  which  poets  collected  and  encouraged 
the  literature  it  coidd  not  produce,  as  was  the 
case  with  Hparta,  to  which  Greece  owed  the 
developmont  of  choral  lyric.  .  .  .  The  eastern 
basin  of  the  Mediterranean  has  deserved  well  of 
literature,  for  it  brought  Greece  into  ccmimunica- 
tion  with  her  colonies  on  the  islands  and  on  the 
surrounding  coasts,  and  enabled  the  numerous 
Greek  cities  to  co-operate  in  the  production  of  a 
rich  and  varied  literature,  instead  of  being  con- 
tlned  each  to  a  one-sided  and  incomplete  develop- 
ment. The  process  of  communication  began  in 
the  earliest  times,  as  Is  shown  by  the  spread  of 
epic  literature.  Originating  in  Ionia,  it  was 
taken  up  in  Cyprus,  where  the  epic  called  the 
Cypria  was  composed,  and  at  the  beginning  of 
tlie  sixth  century  it  was  on  the  coast  of  Africa 
in  the  colony  of  Cyreue.  The  rapid  spread  of 
elegiac  poetry  is  even  more  strikingly  illustrated, 
for  wu  find  Solon  in  Athens  quoting  from  his 
conteiniiorary  Mininermus  of  Colophon.  Choral 
lyric,  which  originated  in  Asia  Minor,  was  con- 
veyed to  Sparta  by  Alcmau,  and  by  Simonides 
of  Ceos  all  over  the  Greek  world.  IJut  although 
in  early  times  we  find  as  much  interchange  and 
reaction  in  the  colonies  amongst  themselves  as 
between  the  colonies  and  the  mother-country, 
with  the  advance  of  time  we  find  the  centripetal 


loa; 


IIKLLENIC  0ENIU8  AND  INFLUKNlK. 


IIKM.KNK)  (JBNIU8  AND  INKI-UENC'K. 


li'iiili'iiry  iM'comlriK  (lonilniiiil.  Tlir  iiinll'cr 
iipimlry' Imtoimch  iiiii;i'  iiriil  liinrc  llir  riiiirr  I" 
whtrli  till  litiriiliiriMinil  iirl  (iriivlrali"*.  At  tlic 
iH'Kliiiiiii);  <if  llirt<Ulli  ci'iiliiry  Mimrtji  allniclnl 
piM'tH  friiiii  llic  I'liliitiiri  III  AhIii  >liiicir,  l>iil  tin- 
iiiily  fiiriii  iif  llliniliiri'  wlilcli  Mpjirlii  rcwiirdi'il 
lUKlmcdiiriitfcd  wiiH  clinnil  lyrli'.  No  hiuIi  iiiir 
rowiiOM  clmriiiliTl^'il  Alicim.  iiiiil  wlicn  kIii'  «'k- 
IuIiIIhIiciI  lii'DU'ir  iiM  tliii  iiitt'Ili'Ctiiiil  ni|iitiil  of 
Orrci'f,  all  iiK'ii  of  ffciiiiiM  rcccivid  ji  welcome 
there,  anil  we  Itml  all  foriiinof  litenitiire  desert 
iiii<  tlieir  fiiilive  liomeH,  even  llieir  imllvc  dIaleelM, 
to  eoine  lo  Alliens.  ...  An  loiij;  an  llleratiirr 
liad  nianv  eentres,   there  was  no  danger  of  all 


falling  l)y  a  single  stroke;  but  when  it  was  cen 

In   Athens,  and  tliM  blow   delivered   by 

I'liilip  at  ClniTimea  lia<l  fallen  on  Athens,  claHsl- 


ral  (in'i'k  llli'ratiire  perlslr'd  in  a  generation.  It 
is  somewhat  (llllleidt  todistin);iilsh  race  <|nallties 
from  lilt!  characteristics  imprc,is<'d  on  a  people 
by  the  conditions  under  which  It  lives,  since  the 
hitler  by  iiccnniiiliition  and  trunsmission  from 
generation  to  generation  eventually  liecome  race- 
(|iialllies.  Thus  the  Spartans  pos.u'SKed  (|iialities 
common  to  them  and  tlii!  Dorians,  of  whoni  they 
were  a  brunch,  and  also  qualilies  peculiar  to 
themselves,  which  distinguished  them  from 
other  Dorians.  .  .  .  'I'lie  ordinary  11 'e  of  a  Spar 
tan  cili/.en  wiw  that  of  a  soldier  in  camp  or 
irarrison,  rallier  than  that  of  umem>ierof  a  po- 
Utical  community,  and  this  system  of  life  was 
highly  unfavourable  to  literature.  .  .  .  Other 
Dorians,  not  hemmed  in  by  sucli  unfavounible 
condilioiiH  as  the  Spartans,  did  provide  some  con- 
Iribniions  to  the  liteniture  of  Oreece,  and  in  tlie 
nature  of  their  contributions  we  may  d'teet  the 
((ualities  of  tlie  nice.  The  Dorians  in  Sicily 
sowed  the  s«'eds  of  rhetoric  and  carried  comc<ly 
to  considerable  perfeclion.  Of  imagination  the 
race  si^ems  destitute:  it  did  not  pHsluce  poets. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  race  is  eminently  practi- 
cal as  well  us  prosaic,  and  their  humour  \.as  of 
a  niiture  which  corresponded  lo  llie.se  (luidities. 
.  .  .  Tlie  .Eoliaiis  form  a  conlru.st  both  to  the 
Spartans  and  to  the  Athenians.  The  de\elop- 
ment  of  individuality  is  as  cliuracleri«lie  of  the 
/Kolians  us  its  absence  is  of  the  Spartans.  Hut 
the  yKolians,  first  of  all  Oreeks,  po8,sesse(l  a  cav- 
alry, and  this  means  that  tliey  were  wealthy  and 
arisUKTalic.  .  .  .  This  gives  us  the  distinc.ion 
iH^tween  the  .,12oliuns  und  the  Atheuinns:  among 
the  former,  individuality  was  developed  in  llie 
aristocracy  alone;  among  the  latter,  in  all  the 
citizens.  The  .Kolians  added  to  the  crown  of 
(Jreek  liti'rature  one  of  tlie  brightest  of  its 
jewels — lyric  peetry,  as  we  understand  lyric 
in  mo<lern  times,  that  is,  the  expression  of 
the  poet's  feelings,  on  any  subject  whiitevei, 
as  his  individual  feeling.  .  .  .  Hut  it  was  the 
lonians  who  rendered  the  greatest  services  to 
Greek  literature.  They  were  a  ([iiick-witted 
race,  full  of  enterprise,  full  of  resources.  In 
them  we  see  rellected  tlic  eharueter  of  the  sea, 
as  in  the  Dorians  the  character  of  the  moun- 
tains. The  latter  partook  of  the  narrowness  and 
exclusiveness  of  their  own  homes,  hemmed  in  by 
mountains,  and  by  them  protected  from  the  in- 
cursion of  strangers  and  strange  innovations. 
The  loniuns.  on  the  other  hand,  were  open  as  the 
sea,  and  had  ns  many  moods.  They  were  emi- 
nently susceptible  to  beauty  in  ulfits  forms,  to 
the  (-hurm  of  change  und  to  novelty.  They 
were  ever  ready  to  put  any  belief  or  iiutitution 


lo  the  test  of  dlHCiisMioii.  and  were  i^ovi^rniMl  as 
much  by  hieus  as  by  seiillmeiils.  KeennesM  of 
intellect'  taste  In  all  multersof  literature  and  art, 
grace  in  expression,  anil  mciisure  in  evcrylhing 
dlHllng.iisheil  them  above  all  Orei-ks.  'I  he  de 
velopmenl  of  epic  peetry,  the  origin  of  prose,  the 
cultivation  of  phllimi  pby,  are  the  proud  dlHline- 
lion  of  the  Ionian  ruce.  In  Athens  we  have  the 
i|Ualiliesof  Hie  Ionian  race  in  llieir  llnest  tliiwer." 
—  V.  H.  .levons,  ,1  llifloni  nf  tlrnk  /.ilcriilun, 
l>li.  •JH.V4H0.— Hellenitm'»nd  the  Jewi.— "The 
•lewish  region  .  .  .  was,  in  uiicierit  times  as  Well 
as  in  the  (traeco  Uoiiian  pcriixi,  surrounded  on 
all  sides  liy  heathen  dislrlcls.  Only  at  .lumnia 
and  .liippa  had  the  .lewis.'i  element  advanced  us 
far  as  the  sea.  KIsewhere,  even  to  the  west,  it 
was  not  the  sea,  but  the  (lentilo  region  of  the 
I'hillstine  und  I'henieiun  cllies,  that  formed  the 
boundary  of  the  .lewish.  These  healhen  lands 
Were  far  more  deeply  penel rated  by  Hellenism, 
than  the  country  of  the  •lews.  No  reaction  likn 
t\w  rising  of  the  Maccabees  had  here  put  a  stop 
to  it,  lieshles  wliieli  heathen  |iolytlielsin  wns 
udapted  in  ipiiti!  a  dilTerent  manner  from  .liidaism 
for  blending  with  llellcnism.  While  therefore 
the  further  advance  of  Hellenism  was  obstructed 
by  religious  barriers  in  the  interior  of  I'ulestine, 
it  had  atlained  here,  as  hi  all  utherdistrictg since 
its  triumphunt  entry  under  Alexander  the  Great, 
its  natural  preponderance  over  Oriental  culture. 
Hence,  long  before  the  commencement  of  the 
Koman  perusl,  the  educated  world,  espeeially  in 
the  great  cities  in  the  west  and  east  of  I'ulestine, 
was,  we  may  well  say,  completely  Hellenizcd. 
It  is  only  with  tlie  lower  strata  ol  the  popula- 
tions and  the  dwellers  in  rural  districts,  tliut  this 
must  not  be  ei|ually  assumed.  Hesides  how 
ever  tlio  borderlands,  the  .le.visli  districts  in  the 
interior  of  I'ulestine  were  occupied  by  llellenisin, 
especially  Scythopolis  .  .  .  und  the  town  of  Sa- 
maria, where  iMacedonian  <'olouists  had  already 
been  plunled  by  Alexander  the  Great  .  .  .  while 
the  national  Samurituns  liad  their  central  pointat 
Sicliem.  The  victorious  penetrationof  Hellenistic 
culture  is  most  plainly  and  comprehensively 
shown  by  the  religious  worship.  Tlie  niitivo  re- 
ligions, especially  in  the  I'hilistine  and  I'lienieian 
cities,  did  indeed  in  many  respects  inuiutuin 
tliemselves  in  their  essential  character;  but  still 
in  such  wise,  that  they  were  transformed  by  and 
blended  with  Greek  elements.  IJut  lM.'sides  these 
the  purely  Greek  worsliii)  also  guineil  un  entrance', 
and  in  uiuny  places  entirely  supplunted  the 
former.  Unfortunately  our  sotirces  of  iuforniu- 
tion  do  not  furnish  us  the  iiieuns  of  separating 
tile  Greek  period  proper  from  the  Honian;  the 
best  are  ullorded  by  coins,  und  thc'se  for  the  most 
part  belong  to  the  Honian.  On  the  whole  how- 
ever the  picture,  wliicli  we  obtain,  holds  good 
for  the  pre-Uoinan  period  ulso,  nor  are  we  entirely 
witliout  direct  notices  of  this  age.  ...  In  the 
Jewish  region  proper  Hellenism  was  iu  its  re- 
ligious aspect  triumphantly  repulsed  by  the  rising 
of  the  Muceabees;  it  was  not  till  after  the  over- 
throw of  Jewish  uationulily  in  the  wars  of  Ves- 
pasiun  und  Iludriun,  that  uu  entrance  for  heathen 
rites  was  forcibly  obtained  by  the  Uomons.  In 
sayiii';  this  however  we  do  not  assert,  that  the 
Jewisli  people  of  those  early  times  remained 
altogether  unufTected  by  Hellenism.  For  the 
hitter  was  u  civilising  power,  which  extended  it- 
self to  eveiy  department  of  life.  It  fashioned  in 
a  peculiar  niaiiuer  the  orguni/utiou  uf  the  state, 


ltJ38 


MKI-LKNIC  OKNIl'K  AND  INKI.IKNCE. 


IIKI.I.KNK'  (»ENlLrt  AND  INKLOKNCK. 


Ii-kIhIiiiIoii,  llir  lulinlnltttnitlon  of  JUMtlcc,  piilillc 
«rriin(?i'inriilH,  iirl  iiml  K-ii'iioc,  triidc  iiiul  In 
(limlry,  iiiul  llu'  ciimIihiis  of  diillv  llfi'  clown  to 
fiiahion  unci  cirniiincnlH.  unci  IIuih  linicrcKNcd  upon 
fVcTV  clcpiirlnicril  of  life.  wlicrcvcT  IIh  intliit'iic'c 
rc'iiclic'cl,  llic  Htiinip  of  tlif  Ori'i'k  mind.  It  In  Irui- 
(liut  llc'llcnlHtic  Is  not  Identical  with  llcllt'iili-cul 

tiiri'.     Tlio  linporliinc f  llu-  foriiwr  on  tin-  con 

triirv  liiy  In  the  fiic  t,  llml  by  Its  reception  of  the 
iiviifliiliU' cIcrnenlH  of  nil  foreign  cmIiiiics  within 
ItH  reach,  It  lieciinic-  n  world  i  ;:1V"".  IJut  thU 
very  world  cull iirc'  liecanie  In  Its  turn  a  peculiar 
whole,  In  which  the  preponderant  (JreeU  element 
wan  the  nditi)?  keynole.  Into  the-  stream  of  this 
ll>"llcnlitll<!  cidtiire  the  .IcwIhIi  people  wiiH  also 
drawn;  slowly  Indeed  and  with  reliictane<',  but 
yet  IrresUtlbly,  for  though  rellKlons  zeal  was 
able  to  banish  heathen  worship  and  all  connecled 
therewith  from  Israel,  itcoidcl  not  for  any  length 
of  tiriie  restrain  the  tide  of  lleUcMlstic  ccdtiire  In 
other  departments  of  life.  Its  svviTal  stages 
cannot  Indeed  be  any  longer  traced.  lint  when 
we  rellect  that  tlio  small  Jewish  country  was  en- 
clowd  on  almost  every  side  by  Hellenistic  re- 
gion.s,  with  vhich  it  was  compelltMl,  evc'U  for  the 
sako  of  tnido,  to  hold  continual  intercourse,  and 
when  we  remember,  that  even  tho  rising  of  tb« 
Maccabees  was  In  the  main  directed  not  against 
Ihilenlsni  In  generid,  but  oidy  agidnst  tlii^ 
heathen  religion,  that  the  later  Asmonaeans  bore 
In  every  respect  a  Hellenistic  Btamj)  —  employed 
foreign  mercenaries,  nunted  foreign  coins,  look 
(ireck  names,  etc.,  and  that  some  of  them,  e.  g. 
Aristubidus  I.,  were  direct  favourers  of  Hellen- 
ism,—  when  all  this  Is  considered,  it  may  safely 
be  asauined.  that  Hellenism  had,  not  witliNlandlng 
the  rising  of  the!  .Maccabees,  giuned  access  in  no 
Inconsiderable  measure  Into  Palestine  even  before 
the  commencement  of  the  Itonnui  period." — K. 
Schtlrcr,  Jlist.  of  the  Jeieinh  I'eojile  in  the  Time 
of  Ohrint,  (lir.  3,  r.  1,  ;)/).  29-30.— Hellenism  and 
the  Romans. — "  In  the  Alexandrian  age,  with 
all  lis  close  study  and  imitation  of  the  classical 
models,  nothing  is  more  remarkable!  than  the  ab- 
sence of  any  proidise  that  the  Hellenic  spirit 
which  aniniatecl  those  masterpieces  was  destined 
to  have  any  abiding  latluenc^c  in  the  world.  .  .  . 
.\iid  yet  it  is  true  that  the  vital  power  of  the 
Hellenic  genius  wan  not  fully  revealed,  until, 
after  sulfering  some  temporary  eclipse  In  th<! 
superficially  Greek  civilizations  of  Asia  and 
Kgypt,  it  emerged  in  a  new  ([iiidity,  as  a  source 
of  illumination  to  the  literature  and  the  art  of 
Home.  Early  'tuman  literature  was  indebted  to 
Greece  for  the  greater  part  of  its  material ;  but  a 
more  important  debt  was  In  respect  to  the  forms 
and  muulds  of  composition.  The  Ijatin  language! 
of  the  third  century  li.  C.  was  already  in  full 
po.s8C8sion  of  the  qualities  whlehalwaysrcniained 
distinctive  of  it;  it  was  clear,  strong,  weighty, 
precise,  a  language  made  to  be  spoken  In  the 
imperative  mood,  a  fitting  interpreter  of  govern- 
ment and  law.  Hut  it  wan  not  flexible  or  grace- 
ful, musical  or  rapid;  it  was  not  suited  to  express 
delicate  shades  of  thought  or  feeling ;  for  literary 
purpo.ses,  it  was,  in  compurison  with  Greek,  a 
jioor  and  rude  idiom.  The  development  of  Latin 
into  the  language  of  Cicero  and  Virgil  was 
gradually  and  lalioriously  acconiplisheiT  under 
the  constant  inUuence  of  Greece.  That  finish  of 
form,  known  as  classical,  which  Komau  writers 
share  with  Greek,  was  a  lesson  which  Greece 
slowly  impressed  upon  liome.  ...  A  close  and 


prolongcci  study  of  the  Greek  iiichIcIs  could  not 
enci  in  a  mere  clisciplliic' of  form;  the  beauty  of 
the  best  Greek  nKKlelH  depcncls  toomuc  h  on  their 
vital  spirit.  Not  only  was  the  Unman  iLiaglna 
lion  enrie  heel,  but  the  Komaii  IntcllccI,  tlirough 
literary  Intercourse  wilh  the  <lre>ek,  graduaily 
acciulr'd  a  lle.<(lblllly  anci  a  plastic  power  whicli 
hael  not  been  among  Its  original  gifts.  Through 
Kciinaii  Ilteriture  'hi!  Greek  Inlliienco  was  trans 
milled  t<)  later  times  In  a  shape  whieii  obscured, 
indeed,  niuiii  of  Its  liiarm,  but  wide  h  was  also 
tltti'd  to  extend  Its  empire,  and  to  win  an  en 
Iriuice  for  It  In  regions  'vhleli  would  have 
been  Ic.ss  ae'ccHslbli!  to  a  puriT  form  of  Its 
maiiifeslatlon." — It.  ('.  .Iciib,  The  (Iroirtli  nnit 
liitliiemr  of  (.'latnienl  (I reek:  Ihietry,  eh.  M. — 
"  Italy  liiel  been  subject  to  the'  InllueiK'e  of 
Greece,  ever  sliu-c  It  had  a  history  at  all.  .  .  . 
lint  the  Hellenism  e<f  the  Romans  of  the  ])resenl 
peiiod  (se'cond  century  II.  ('.  |  was.  In  lis  causes 
as  well  as  its  consceiuences,  something  essentially 
new.  The!  Itomaiis  began  to  feci  the  lack  of  a 
richer  Intellectual  life,  and  to  be-  startled  as  it 
were  at  their  own  utter  want  of  mental  cultiirt!; 
and,  If  even  nations  of  artistic  gifts,  sueii  as  the 
Knglisli  and  Germans,  have*  not  disdained  in  the 
pauses  of  their  own  prcMluctlveness  to  avidi  them- 
seives  of  the  paltry  French  culture  for  tilling  up 
the  gap.  it  need  excite  ne,>  surprise  that  the  Italian 
nation  now  Hung  Itself  with  eager  zeid  on  the 
glorious  treasures  as  we  II  as  on  the  vile  refuse  of 
the  Intellectual  deviiopmcntof  Hellas.  Hut  it  was 
an  Impulse  still  more  profound  liiid  deep  reH)ted 
which  carried  the  Komans  irresistibly  Into  tlii! 
Hellenic  vortex.  Hellenic  (ivillzation  still  as- 
sumed that  name,  but  it  was  Helleide!  no  longer; 
llwas,  it  fact,  humanl.stic  and  cosmopolitan.  It 
had  solved  the  problem  of  moulding  a  mass  of 
dilTerent  nations  into  one  whole  eemipletely  in  the 
lieiel  of  Intellect,  and  to  a  certidn  degree  in  that 
of  politics,  and,  now  when  the  same  task  on  n 
wider  scide  devolved  on  Koine,  she  I'ntered  on 
the  possession  of  Heilenism  along  with  the  rest 
of  the  inheritance  cd'  .Mexander  the  Great.  Hei- 
lenism therefore  was  no  longer  a  mere  stimulus, 
or  subemliuute  Intliience ;  it  iienetrate!d  the  Italian 
nation  to  the  very  core.  Of  course,  the  vigorous 
home  life  of  Italy  strove  against  the  foreign  ele- 
ment. It  was  only  after  a  most  vehement  strug- 
gle tl.at  the  Italian  farmer  abandoned  the  field  to 
the  cosmopolite  of  the  capital;  and,  as  in  Ger- 
many the  Frcneii  coat  called  forth  the  natioiud 
Germanic  frock,  so  tlie  reaction  against  Hellen- 
ism 'iroused  in  Home  a  tendency,  which  opposed 
the  hiHuence  of  Greece  on  principle  In  a  style  to 
rtiiieii  earlier  centurh'S  were  altogether  unaccus- 
tomed, and  in  ehiing  so  fell  not  iinfree|uently  into 
ehiwnright  follies  and  absurdities.  No  ilepart- 
ment  of  human  action  or  thought  remaineel  iin- 
ullected  by  this  struggle  be!tween  tlie  new  fashion 
luiel  tliC!  old.  Kven  political  relatiems  were  largeiy 
iutluenced  by  it.  The  whimsicid  project  of 
emancipating  the  Hellenes,  .  .  .  the  kindred, 
likewise  Hellenic,  idea  of  combining  republics  in 
a  common  opposition  to  kings,  and  the  desire  of 
jjropagating  Hellenic  polity  at  the  expense  of 
eastern  despotism — wiiich  were  the  two  prin- 
ciples that  regulated,  for  in.staiice,  the  treatment 
of  Macedonia  —  were  fixed  iden'*  of  the  new 
schcK)!,  just  as  dread  of  the  ('  ,  inians  Wiis 
the  fixed  idea  of  the  old;  and  ■'"  •'>  pushed 
the  latter  to  a  ridiculous  excess,  cllcnism 

now  and  then  indulged  in  cxtravugUL    s  at  least 


1639 


HELLENIC  oi:nii'.s  and  influence. 


HELLENIC  GENIUS  AND  INFLUENCE. 


ns  foolish.  .  .  .  Hut  tlic  real  slrii;rfrli'  iK'twccn 
Ilcllciii.siii  anil  its  national  antafjonists  during  tlif 
])ri  lent  poriod  was  carried  (jii  in  tlu'tii'ld  of  faitli, 
of  manners,  and  of  ..rt  and  literature.  ...  If 
Italv  Mtill  possessed— what  had  long  been  a  mere 
iinti"(;uari:'n  curiosity  in  Hellas— a  national  reli- 
gion, it  wai  already  visilily  liefriiuiin);  to  he  o.ssi- 
lled  into  theoloKy"  The  torpor  creeping  over 
'■"'th  is  ■lowhere  perhaps  so  distinctly  apparent 
as  in  the  alterations  in  the  eeononiy  of  divine 
KtTvicc  an('.  of  the  priesthood.  The  public  8cr- 
viie  of  the  pods  became  not  only  more  tedious, 
but  above  all  more  and  more  costly.  .  .  .  An 
augur  like  liUcius  Paullus,  who  regarded  the 
priesthood  as  a  science  anil  not  as  a  mere  title, 
was  already  a  rare  e.xei'iit ion:  and  coidd  no,  but 
bt  .so,  when  the  government  more  and  more 
<i|)eidy  and  uidicsitatingly  employed  the  nus- 
])ices  for  the  aecomplinhuient  of  its  political  de- 
signs, or,  in  other  words,  treated  the  national  reli- 
gion in  accordance  with  the  view  of  Poljbius  as 
a  superstitjin  useful  for  iinposiug  on  the  public 
at  large.  Where  the  way  was  thus  paved,  the 
Hellenistic  irreligious  spirit  found  free  course. 
In  coTuiectii.n  with  the  incipient  taste  for  art  the 
sacred  images  of  the  gods  began  evci  in  Cato's 
time  to  be  eiiii)loyed,  like  oiher  furniture,  to  em- 
l)ellish  the  chambers  oi  the  rich.  More  danger- 
ous wounds  were  intlicted  on  religion  by  the 
rising  literature.  .  .  .  Thus  the  old  natioinil  re- 
ligion w  .IS  visibly  on  the  decline ;  and,  as  the  great 
trees  of  the  primeval  forest  were  uprooted,  tb' 
soil  b-eameiovered  with  a  rank  growth  of  thorns 
and  briars  and  with  weeds  that  had  never  been 
seen  before.  Native  superstitious  and  foreign 
impostures  of  the  most  variotis  hues  mingled, 
competed  and  conflicted  with  each  other.  .  .  . 
The  Hellenism  of  that  c()och,  already  dcnation- 
alized  and  pervaded  by  Criental  mysticism,  in- 
troduced not  only  unbelief  but  also  superstition 
in  its  m,)bt  offensive  and  dangerous  forms  to 
Italy ;  and  these  vagaries,  moreover,  had  a  special 
charm,  precisely  because  they  were  foreign.  .  .  . 
Rites  of  the  most  abominable  character  came  to 
the  knowledge  of  the  Itoman  authorities:  a  secret 
nocturnal  festival  in  honour  of  the  god  Bacchus 
liad  been  first  introduced  into  Etruria  by  a  Greek 
priest,  and  spreading  like  a  cancer,  had  rapidlv 
reached  Home  and  i)ropagated  itself  over  all 
Laly,  everywhere  corrupting  families  and  giving 
rise  to  the  most  heinous  crimes,  imparalleled  un- 
chastity,  falsifying  of  testaments,  and  murder- 
ing by  poison.  More  than  7,000  men  were  sen- 
tenocd  to  punishment,  most  of  them  to  death,  on 
this  recount,  and  rigorous  enactments  were  issued 
as  to  the  future.  .  .  .  The  ties  of  family  life  be- 
came relaxed  with  fearfid  rapidity.  The  evil  of 
griseltes  and  boy-favourites  spread  like  a  i)esti- 
lencc.  .  .  ,  Luxury  prevailed  more  and  more  in 
dress,  ornaments  and  furniture,  in  the  i)uildings 
and  on  the  tables.  Especially  after  the  expedi- 
tion to  Asia  Minor,  which  took  place  in  564, 
[B.  0. 190]  Asiatico-IIellcnic  luxi.ij,  such  as  pre- 
vailed at  Ephesus  and  Alexandria,  transferred  its 
empty  refinement  and  its  iietty  trifling,  destruc- 
tive alike  of  money,  time,  and  i)leasure,  to  Uonie. 
.  .  .  As  a  matter  of  course,  this  revolution  in 
life  a-id  manners  brought  •  n  economic  revolution 
in  its  train.  Uesidouce  m  the  capital  became 
ir-re  and  more  coveted  as  well  as  more  costly. 
Rents  rose  to  an  unex:impled  height.  Extrava- 
gant prices  were  i)aid  for  the  new  articles  of 
luxury    .   .    .  The  influences  which  stimulated 


the  grow  th  d  Roman  literature  W(>re  of  a  char- 
acter altogether  peculiar  and  hardly  paralleled 
in  any  other  nation.  .  .  .  By  means  o,'  the  Ital- 
ian slaves  and  freedmen,  a  very  largo  ])ortion  of 
whom  were  Greek  or  half  Greek  ))y  birth,  the 
Greek  language  and  Greek  knowledge  to  a  cer 
tain  extent  reached  ev<n  the  lower  ranks,  of  the 
jiopidation,  especially  in  tiie  capital.  Th;  >me 
dies  of  this  period  indicate  that  even  the  humbler 
clas.ses  of  the  capital  Avere  familiar  with  a  sort  of 
Latin,  which  coidd  no  more  be  properly  under- 
stood without  a  knowledge  of  Greek  than  Sterne's 
English  or  AV'ieland's  German  without  a  knowl- 
edge of  French.  Jlen  of  senatorial  families,  how- 
ever, not  only  addressed  a  Greek  audience  in 
Greek,  but  even  ])ublislied  their  speeches.  .  .  . 
Under  the  influence  of  stich  circumstances  Roman 
education  developed  itself.  It  is  a  mistaken  opin- 
ion, that  anti(|uity  wa';  materially  inferior  to  our 
own  times  in  the  gcu'  dilfiision  of  ehanentary 
attainments.  Even  iig  the  lower  classes  and 
slaves  there  wa.sconM  h  lable  knowledge  of  read- 
ing, writing,  and  counting.  .  .  .  Elementary  in- 
struction, as  well  as  instruction  in  Greek,  must 
have  been  long  ere  this  period  impaited  to  a 
very  con.siderablc  extent  in  Rome.  But  the  epoch 
now  before  us  initiated  nn  education,  the  aiii.  of 
which  was  to  communicate  not  merely  an  out- 
ward expertne.ss,  but  a  real  mental  culture.  The 
int'  inal  decomposition  of  Italian  nationality  had 
already,  particidarly  in  the  aristocracy,  advanced 
•so  far  as  to  render  the  substituJon  of  a  broader 
human  culture  for  that  nationality  inevitable: 
and  the  craving  after  a  mon'  advanced  civiliza- 
tion was  already  i«)werfidly  stirring  men's  minds. 
The  study  of  the  Greek  language  as  itworospou- 
taneously  met  this  craving.  The  classical  lites 
ture  of  Greece,  the  Iliad  and  still  more  the 
Odyssey,  had  all  along  formed  the  basis  of  in- 
struction; the  overflowing  treasures  of  Hellenic 
art  imd  .'.cience  were  already  by  this  means  siiread 
before  the  eyes  of  the  Italians.  Without  any 
outward  revolution,  strictly  speaking,  in  the  char- 
acter of  instruction  the  natural  result  was,  that 
the  empirical  study  of  the  language  became  con- 
verted into  a  liigher  study  of  tlie  literature ;  thu* 
the  general  culture  connected  with  such  literary 
studies  was  communicated  in  increased  measure 
to  the  scholars;  and  that  these  availed  themselves 
of  the  knowledge  thus  accjuired  to  dive  into  that 
Greek  literature  which  most  powerfully  inthi- 
enced  the  spirit  of  the  age  —  the  tragedies  of 
Euripides  and  the  comv''esof  Slenaiider.  In  a 
similar  way  greater  importance  came  to  be  at- 
taclav:  to  the  study  of  Latin.  The  higher  society 
of  Rome  began  to  feel  the  need,  if  not  of  ex- 
changing their  mother-tongue  fcr  Greek,  at  least 
of  refining  it  and  adapting  it  to  the  changed  state 
of  culture.  .  .  .  But  a  Latin  culture  presupposed 
a  literature,  and  no  such  litcrat.ire  existed  in 
Rome.  .  .  .  The  Romans  desired  a  theatre,  but 
the  pieces  were  wanting.  On  tliese  elements 
Roman  literature  was  based;  and  its  defective 
character  was  from  the  first  and  necessarily  t?ie 
result  of  sucli  an  origin.  .  .  .  Roman  poetry  in 
particular  had  its  immediate  origin  not  in  the 
inward  impulse  of  the  poet,  but  in  the  outward 
demands  of  the  school,  which  needed  Latin 
manuals,  and  of  the  stage,  which  needed  Latin 
dramas.  Now  both  institutions — the  school  and 
the  s'.age — were  thoroughly  anti-Roriian  and  rev 
olutionary.  .  .  .  Tlic  school  and  the  theatre  be- 
came the  most  elfective  levers  in  the  hands  of 


1640 


HELLENIC  GENIUS  AND  INFLUENCE. 


HELVECONES. 


tlie  new  spirit  of  tlin  nco.  and  nil  the  more  so 
that  tlic>-  used  the  Ijiiliii  toiifim'.  Men  inijilit 
pcrlmpSEpcnk  and  write  (Jroek,  and  yet  notecase 
to  l)e  Uoniuns;  hut  in  this  ease  they  were  in  the 
hahit  of  speaking  in  Mie  Homan  language,  while 
the  whole  inward  hcing  and  life  were  Greek.  It 
is  one  of  the  most  pleasing,  but  it  Is  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  and  in  a  historical  point  of  view 
most  instructive,  f.iets  in  tins  brilliant  era  of 
Homan  conservatism,  that  during  'ts  course  Hel- 
lenism struck  root  in  the  whole  Held  of  intellect 
not  immediately  political,  and  that  the  school- 
master and  the  nialtre  de  plaisir  of  the  great  pub- 
lic in  close  alliance  created  a  Homan  liternture." 
-T.  Jlomnisen,  The  J/ittory  of  Home,  bk.  3,  ch. 
13  (c.  2). — Panii'tius  was  the  founder  of  "that 
Homan  Stoicism  which  plays  so  prominent  a  part 
in  the  history  of  tlie  Emi)ire.  He  came  from 
lihodes,  and  was  a  iiupil  of  Diogenes  at  Atliens. 
The  most  important  part  of  his  life  was,  how- 
ever, spent  at  Home,  in  the  house  of  Sf  ipio  /Emi- 
lianus,  the  centre  of  the  Scipionic  circle,  where 
he  trained  up  a  uuiuImt  of  Homan  nobles  to 
understand  and  to  adopt  his  views.  lie  seems  to 
have  taken  llie  i)lace  of  Polybius,  and  to  have 
acccmipanied  Scipio  in  his  tour  to  the  East  (113 
B.  C).  He  died  as  head  of  the  Stoic  school  in 
Atliens  about  110  13.  C.  This  was  the  man  who, 
under  tlie  influence  of  tlie  age,  really  modilied 
the  rigid  tenets  of  his  sect  to  make  it  the  prac- 
tical rule  of  life  for  statesmen,  politicians,  mag- 
nates, w'.ioliad  no  time  to  sit  all  day  and  dispute, 
but  !■  ho  required  something  better  than  tlTete 
polyiheisin  to  give  them  dignity  in  ilieir  leisure 
ftiKl  tt'adfastness  in  the  day  of  trial.  .  .  .  With 
the  pupils  of  Panoitius  begins  the  lo  g  roll  i-' 
Homan  Stoics.  .  .  .  Ilercthen,  after  all  the  disso- 
lute and  disintegrating  influences  of  Hellenism, 
— its  coma'dia  palliata,  its  parasites,  its  panders, 
its  minions,  its  chicanery,  its  mendacity — had  pro- 
duced their  terrible  clTect.camo  an  antidote  which, 
above  all  the  human  influences  we  know,  purified 
and  ennobled  the  world  It  afTeotcd,  unfortu- 
nately, only  the  higher  classes  at  Home;  and  even 
among  tliem,  as  among  any  of  the  lower  classes 
that  speculated  at  all,  it  Iiad  as  a  dangerous  rival 
that  clieap  and  vulgar  Epicureanism,  which  puffs 
up  common  natures  with  the  belief  that  their 
trivial  and  eoarse  reflections  liave  some  philo- 
sophic basis,»ai;d  ci>.n  be  defended  with  subtle  ar- 
guments. But  among  the  best  of  tlie  Homans 
Hellenism  produced  a  tj'pe  seldom  excelled  in  the 
world's  history,  a  tjpe  as  superior  to  the  old 
Homan  model  as  the  nobleman  is  to  the  burgher 
in  most  countries — a  tyjie  we  see  in  Rutilius 
Rufus,  as  compared  with  the  elder  Cato.  ...  It 
was  in  this  way  that  Hellenistic  philosophy  made 
iti„.lf  a  home  in  Italy,  and  acquired  pupils  who  in 
the  ne.xt  generation  became  masters  in  their  way, 
and  showed  in  Cicc.ii  and  Lucretius  no  mean 
rivals  of  the  contemporary  Greek.  .  .  .  Till  tlic 
poeni  of  Lucretius  and  the  works  of  Cicero,  we 
may  siiy  nothing  in  Latin  wortli  reading  existed 
on  the  subject.  Whoever  wanted  to  stiuiy  phi- 
losophy, therefore,  down  to  that  time  (00  B.  C.) 
studied  it  in  Greek.  Nearly  the  same  thing  may 
be  said  of  the  arts  of  architecture,  painting,  and 
sculpture.  There  were  indeed  distinctly  Homan 
features  in  architecture,  but  tliey  were  mere  mat- 
ters of  building,  and  whatever  was  done  in  the 
way  of  design,  in  the  way  of  adjling  beauty  to 
strcngtn,  was  done  wholly  under  the  advice  and 
direction  of  Greeks.     The  subservience  to  Ilel- 

1641 


lenism  in  the  way  of  internal  househ;.;,!  .irna- 
ment  was  even  inor:-  complete.  .  .  .  And  with 
the  oriaments  of  the  house,  tlit  prorer  serving 
of  tlie  house,  especially  the  more  delicate  de- 
partments— the  cooking  of  state  iii.ners,  the  at- 
tendance upon  guests,  the  care  of  ti.e  great  man's 
intimate  comforts — could  only  '  e  done  fiushion- 
ably  by  Greek  slaves.  .  .  .  Hut  of  course  these 
lower  sides  of  Hellenism  had  no  more  potent  ef- 
fect in  civilising  Home  than  the  employing  of 
Frencli  cooks  and  valets  and  the  purchase  of 
Kreuch  ornaments  and  furniture  liad  in  improv- 
ing our  grandfathers.  Much  ii'ore  serious  was 
the  acknowledged  supremacy  of  the  Greeks  in 
literature  of  all  kiniis,  and  still  more  their  insis- 
tence that  tliis  superiority  depended  mainly  upon 
a  careful  system  of  intellectual  education.  .  .  . 
This  is  the  point  where  Polybius,  after  his  seven- 
teen yeai-s'  experience  of  homan  life,  finds  the 
capital  flaw  in  the  conduct  of  public  affairs.  In 
every  Hellenistic  .state,  he  says,  nothing  engrossL's 
tlie  attention  of  legisiatoi-s  more  than  the  question 
of  educati(m,  whereas  at  Home  a  most  moral  am! 
tierious  government  leaves  the  training  of  tlie 
young  to  tlie  mistakes  and  hazards  of  private 
enterpri.se.  That  this  was  a  grave  Itlunder  as  re- 
gards the  lower  clas.ses  is  probably  true.  .  .  . 
But  when  Home  grew  from  a  city  controlling 
Italy  to  an  on'pire  directing  the  world,  siicli  men 
as  /Emiii  ..•>  Pauflus  saw  iihiinly  that  they  must  do 
B(mieiliing  more  to  tit  their  children  for  the  splen- 
did position  they  had  themselves  attained,  and 
so  they  were  oliliged  to  keep  foreign  teachers  of 
literature  and  art  in  their  houses  as  private  tutors. 
The  highest  classof  these  private  tutors  was  tliat 
of  the  pliilosophers,  whom  we  havcconsidered,  and 
while  the  State  set  itself  against  their  public  es- 
tablishments, great  men  in  the  State  openly  en- 
couraged tliem  and  kept  them  in  their  lio'uscs. 
.  .  .  As  r3gards  literature,  however,  in  the  close 
of  the  second  century  B.  C.  a  cliange  was  visible, 
which  announced  the  new  and  marvellous  results 
of  the  first.  .  .  .  Even  in  letters  Homan  culture  be- 
gan to  take  its  place  beside  Greek,  and  tlie  wliole 
t'i  'ilised  worUi  was  divided  into  those  who  knew 
Greek  letters  and  those  who  knew  Konian  only. 
There  was  no  nntasuuism  in  spirit  between  them, 
for  the  Romans  never  ceased  to  venerate  Greek 
letters  or  to  prize  a  knowledge  of  that  language. 
But  of  course  there  were  great  domains  in  the 
West  beyond  the  influence  of  the  most  western 
Greeks,  even  of  Massilia,  where  the  first  higher 
civilisation  introduced  was  with  tlie  Roman 
legions  and  traders,  and  where  culture  assumed 
pemanently  a  Latin  form.  In  the  East,  though 
the  '{omans  a.sserted  themselves  as  conquerors, 
they  always  condes  tended  to  use  Greek,  and  there 
were  pnetors  proud  to  give  their  decisions  at 
Romr,  ,1  as.size  courts  in  that  language." — ,1.  P. 
Malialfy,  The  Greek  World  under  Roman  Hway, 
eh.  5. 

HELLENION,  The.     See  Naukratis. 

HELLESPONT,  The.— The  ancient  Greek 
name  of  what  is  now  called  the  straits  of  The 
Dardanelles,  tlie  channel  which  unites  tlie  Sea  of 
Marmora  with  the  yEg-  an.  The  name  (Sea  of 
IIcUc)  came  from  the  myth  of  Ilellc,  who  was 
said  to  have  lieen  dn^wned  in  those  waters. 

HELLESPONTINE  SIBYL.     See  SmvLf 

HELLULAND.     See  A.MiiuiCA:   10tii-11t 

CKNTrUIKS, 

HELOTS.     SeeSpAUTA:  The  CiTV. 
HELVECONES,  The.    See  Lyoianj. 


IIELVKTIAN  HKPUBLIC. 


IIENUY. 


HELVETIAN  REPUBLIC,  The.  — Switz- 

(•rlaiid  is  Hdinclinics  ciiIIimI  llu-  llclvetinn  Ki'- 
imlilic,  for  no  Ix'tlir  reason  tliiin  is  found  in  the 
fact  that,  the  country  occupicil  hy  the  Ilplvctii 
of  Ca'sar  is  (■mt)rac((i  in  thi'  modern  Swiss  (!on- 
feileraey.  lint  tlie  original  ronfedcTation,  out  of 
wldeli  grew  tlie  federal  re|)ul)lie  of  Switzerland, 
did  not  touch  Helvetian  groinid.  See  Switzkk- 
LAND;  Till-:  TiiKEK  FouKST  CANTONS,  and  A.  I). 
i:t:)'j-t4«o.  „  ^. 

HELVETIC  REPUBLIC  OF   1798,  The. 
Sei' SwiiZKltl.ANi):  A.  1).   ITit-.'-lTllS. 

HELVETII,  The  arrested  migration  of  the. 
—  "The  lleivetii.  who  inhabited  a  great  partof 
modern   Switzerland,  had   grown  inipatient  of 
the  narrow  limits  in  which  they  were  crowded 
together,  and  harassed  at  the  same  time  by  the 
encronehnients  of  the  advancing  German  tide. 
The  Alos  and  .Jura  formed  birriers  to  their  dif- 
fusion (in  the  south  and  west,  and  the  jiopuUition 
thus  conlined  outgrew  the  scanty  mraus  of  sup- 
port alToriled  bv  its  mountain  vali'/ys.  .  .   .  The 
Helvetii  delcruiined  to  force  their  way  through 
the  country  of  the  Allobroges.  and  to  trust  eitlier 
to  arms  or  persuasion  to  obtain  a  passage  through 
th('  [Uomap]  province  and  across  the  Rhone  into 
the  centre  I'f  Gaul.  .  .  .  Having  conijileted  their 
prei)arati(ins,  [tlievl  aiipoinled  tlie  SHth  day  of 
March  [U.  (".  .W)  for  tlie  meeting  of  their  com- 
bined  forces  at  the  western  oiUle',  of  tlie  Laki,' 
Lcmiinus.     The  whole  population  of  the  assem- 
bli'd  trii.es  amounted  to  808.000  souls,  including 
the  womenand  children;  the  number  tliat  bon; 
arms  was  02.000.     They  cut  themselves  olT  from 
the  means  of  retreat  by  giving  ruthlessly  to  the 
flames  every  city  and  village!  of  their  land;  twelve 
of  one  class  and  four  hundred  of  the  other  ..ere 
thus  sacriticed,   and  with  them  all  thei."  super- 
fluous stores,  their  furniture,  arms  and  imple- 
ments." When  the  news  of  this  portentous  move- 
ment reached  Home,  Ca'sar,  then  lately  appointed 
to  the  gov.'rnment  of  the  two  Gauls,  was  raising 
levies,  but  had  no  force  ready  for  the  field.     He 
flew  to  the  scene  in  person,  making  the  journey 
from  Home  to  Geneva  in  eighvdays.    At  Geneva, 
tlie  frontier  towi:  of  the  eon(iue.-ed  Allobroges, 
the  Honians  had  a  garri.son,  and  C'e'sar  qinckly 
gathered  to  that  point  the  one  legion  stationed  in 
the  province.     Breaking  down  the  bridge  which 
had   spanned   the  river  and   constructing  with 
characteristic  energy  a  ditch  and  rampart  from 
the  outlel  of  the  lake  to  the  gorge  of  the  .Jura, 
he  held  the  passage  of  the  river  with  his  single 
legion  and  forced  'he  migratory  horde  to  move 
0IT  by  the  dilMcult  route  down  the  right  bank  of 
the  rihone.      this  accomplished,  Ciesar  hastened 
back  to  Italy,  got  five  legions  together,  led  them 
over  the  C'ottian  Alps,  crossed  the  Rhone  above 
Lyons,  and  cauglit  up  with  the  Helvetii  before 
the  last  of  their  cumbrous  train  had  got  beyond 
the  Saone.     Att.icking  and  cutting  to  pieces  this 
rear  guard   (it  was  the   tribe  of  the  Tigurini, 
which  the  Romans  had  encountered  disiistrnusly 
half  II  century  before),  he  bridged  the  Saone  and 
crossed  it  to  purstie  the  main  body  of  the  enemy. 
For  manv  days  he  followed  them,  refusing  to 
give  battle  to  the  great  barbarian  army  imtil  he 
saw   the  moment   opportune.      His  blow   was 
struck  at  last  in  the  neighborhood  of  tlie  city  of 
Uibracte,   the    capital   of    the  ^diu  —  mcxlern 
Autun.  The  dcfeatof  the  Helvetii  was  complete, 
and,  although  a  great  body  of  them  .-scaped,  they 
were  set  upon  by  the  Gau'..  of  the  country  and 


wore  soon  glad  to  surrender  themselves  uncon- 
ditionally to  the  Roman  proconsul.  Ciesar  com- 
pelled them— 110, 0(M)  survivors,  of  the  »t!8,0(H) 
who  left  Switzerland  in  the  spring— to  go 
back  to  their  nKnintains  and  rebuild  and  re- 
occupy  the  homes  tliey  had  destroyed. — C.  Mcri- 
vale,  llint.  of  the  liomnvn,  eh.  0  (c.  1), 

Also  in:  Cir.sar,  OMU  Warn,  eh.  1-20.— 0. 
Long,  Declineof  the.  HmiKin  Hepuhlie,  v.  4,  eh.  I 
—Napoleon  III'.,  Hint,  af  Julius  Ccemr,  hk.  3,  r/. 
;i  (r.  2). 

HELVII,  The.— The  llelvii  were  a  tri  le  of 
Gauls  whose  country  was  between  the  Kiiono 
and  the  Cevcnnes,  in  the  modern  department  of 
th'  ArdOche.— (}.  f.ong,  Deeline  of  the  liomiin 
Repiihlie,  r.  4,  eh.  17. 

HENGESTESDUN,  Battle  of.— Defeat  of 
the  Danes  and  Welsh  by  Kcgbehrt,  .h(!  West 
Saxon  king,  A.  D.  835.  , 

HENNiERSDORF,  Battle  of  (i74S)-  See 
ArsTiiiA:  A.  D.   1741-17-15. 

HENOTICON  OF  ZENO,  The.     See  Nks- 

TOHIAN  AND  MoNOI'lIYSITE  CONTKOVERSV. 

HENRICIANS.     See  PiiTiioimusiANS. 

HENRY,  Latin  Emperor  at  Constantino- 
ple (Romania),  A.  I).   I20G-12U) Henry  (of 

Corinthia),  King  of  Bohemia,  i;!07-i;ilO 

Henry,  King  of  Navarre,  1270-1274 Henry, 

King  of  Portugal,  ir)78-1580 Henry,  Count 

of  Portugal,  10"j;i-in2 Henry  (called  the 

Lion),  The  ruin  of.     See  Saxony:  A.  D.  1178- 

1183 Heny  (c.-Ued  the  Navigator),  Prince, 

The   explorations  oi'.     See   I'ohtioal;   A.  1). 

141.5-1400 Henry  (called  the  Proud),  The 

fall    of.    See    Guki.fs    and   Giiiuki.i.inks 

Henry  L.Kingof  Castile,  1214-1217 Henry 

I.,  King  of  England,  !100-113.-> Henry  I., 

King  ofFrance,  1031-1000 Henry  I.  (called 

The  Fowler),  King  of  the  East  Franks  (Ger- 
many), !I1'J-0:10 Henry  II.,  Emperor,  A.  1). 

1014-1024;  King  of  the  East  Franks  (Ger- 
many), 1002-1024;  King  of  Italy,  1004-1024. 
Henry  II.  (of  Trastamare),  King  of  Cas- 
tile and  Leon,  1309-1370 Henry  11.  (first  of 

the   Plantagenets),   King  of  England,   liril- 

1189 Henry   II.,   King    of    France,    l.W- 

1."),j9 Henry  III.,  Emperor,  King  of  Ger- 
many, and  King  of  Burgundy,  1039-10r)0 

Henry  III.,  King  of  Castile  and  Leon,  1390- 

1407 Henry  III.,  King  of  England,  1216- 

1272 Henry  III.,  King  of  France  (the  last 

of  the  Valois),  1.574-1. WO;    King    of   Poland, 

1.573-1.574 Henry  IV.,  Emperor,  1077-110(i; 

King  of  Germany,  1050-1100 Henry    IV., 

King    of   Castile    and    Leon,    14.54-1174 

Henry  IV.,  King  of  England  (first  of  the  Lan- 
castrian royal  line),  1899-1413 Henry  IV. 

(called  the  Great),  King  of  France  and  Na- 
vrre  (the  first  of  the  Bourbon  kings),  1.58!)- 
1010.— Abjuration.  See  Fuance:  A.  I).  1.591- 
1.593.— Assassination.      See    Fhance:     A.    1). 

1,599-1010 Henry  V.,  Emperor,  1112-1125; 

King   of    Germany,    MOO-1125 Henry  V., 

King  of   England,    1413-1422 Henry  VI., 

King  of  Germany,  1190-1197;  Emperor,  1191- 

1197;  King  of  Sicily,  11"1-1197 Henry  VI., 

King  of  England,   1422-1401 Henry  VII. 

(of  Luxemburg),  Kingof  Germany,  1308-1313; 

King   of  Italy  and  Emperor,   1312-1313 

Hen.7  VII.,  King  of  England,  148.5-1.509 

Henry  VIII.,  King  of  England,  1.509-1.547. 

HENRY,  Patrick,  and  the  Parson's  cause. 
See  Vikoinia:    A.   D.   1763 The  American 


1642 


lIENRy. 


llEIiMil!;  AT  ATHENS. 


Revolution.  Roe  Unitko  States  of  Am.  ;  A.I). 
ill)')  Ukckition  ok  thk  Nkww  ok  tiik  Stamt 
Act,  1774  (Skptk.miiku),  177.")  (Aimiil  — .Ii'nk), 
177H-177n  Ci.akkk'h  CoNQn;.  r:  also,  Vikcinia: 
A.  I).  1770 Opposition  to  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution. Sic  I  NiTKi)  States  op  Am.  :  A.  I). 
1787-1789. 

HENRY,  Fort,  Capture  of.  See  Unitko 
Status  OK  Am.  :  A.  I).  1H02  (.Ianuaiiy  — Febki:- 
aky:  Kk.nticky  — Tknnkss..:e). 

HEPTANOMIS,  The.— The  northern  dis- 
trict of  Upper  Ecypt,  embracing  seven  prov- 
iuees,  ornonies;  whi'ncc  its  name. 

HEPTARCHY,  The  so-called  Saxon.  See 
E.Ndi.ANn:  7tli  CicNTUUV. 

HERACLEA.— The  earliest  capital  of  the 
Venetians.     See  Vi:ni('K.:  A.  I).  697-810. 

HERACLEA,  Battle  of  (B.  C.  280).  See 
Komk:  15.  ('.  28'>-')7.-., 

HERACLEA  PONTICA,  Siege  of.— Ilera 
clea,  a  llourishinjr  town  of  Greek  origiu  on  the 
I'liryijian  coast,  called  IIera<'lea  Pontiea  to  distin- 
guish it  from  other  towns  of  like  name,  was  he- 
siejred  for  some  two  years  by  the  Uomans  in  the 
Third  Milhridatie  \Var.  It  was  surrendered 
through  treacliery,  B.  C.  70,  and  suffered  so 
greatly  from  the  ensuing  pillage  and  massacre 
that  it  never  recovered.  The  Homan  comman- 
der, CottJi,  was  afterwards  prosecuted  at  Homo 
for  appropriating  the  plunder  of  Mcraclea,  wiiich 
included  a  famous  statue  of  Hercules,  witli  a 
pokien  club. — (i.  Long,  Decline  of  the,  Itomnii 
'itciiidilir.  1:  -A.  eh.  Tt. 

HERACLEID.(E,  OR  HERAKLEIDS, 
The.  —  Amoii^' 'lie  ancient  Greeks  the  reputed 
descendants  of  the  demigod  hero,  llerakies,  or 
nerculcH,  were  V(  .y  numerous.  "  Distingui.shed 
families  are  everywhere  to  be  traced  wlio  hear 
his  patronymic  and  glory  in  the  belief  that  they 
are  his  descendants.  Among  Achteans,  Ka(l- 
mciaiis,  and  Dorians,  IlOraklOs  is  venerated:  the 
latter  especially  treat  him  n  ■  their  principal  hero 
— the  Patron  IIcro-God  of  the  race:  the  HPra- 
klei''a  form  among  all  Dorians  a  privileged  gens, 
in  which  at  Sparta  the  special  lineage  of  the  two 
kings  was  included." — G.  Qrote,  Hist,  of  Greeec. 
])t.  1,  eh.  4  (r.  1).  —  "The  most  important,  aud 
the  most  fertile^  in  consequences,  of  all  the  migra- 
tions ol  Grecian  races,  and  whicli  continued  even 
to  the  latest  periods  to  exert  its  influence  upon 
the  Greek  eharactef,  was  the  expedition  of  the 
Dorians  into  Peloponnesus.  .  .  .  The  tradition- 
ary name  of  this  expedition  is  '  the  Peturn  of  the 
Descendanis  of  Hercules'  [or  'the  Ueturn  of  thi 
HeroclidnB '].  Hercules,  the  son  of  Z»us,  is  (even 
in  the  Iliad),  both  by  birth  and  destiny,  the 
hereditary  prince  of  Tiryns  and  My  'enie,  and 
iider  of  the  surroui:ding  nations.  Bu  through 
some  evil  chance  Eurysthcus  obtained  the  pre- 
cedency and  the  son  of  Zeus  was  compelled  to 
serve  him.  Nevertheless  he  is  represented  as 
having  bequeathed  to  his  descendants  his  claims 
>'■>  the  dominion  of  Peloponnesus,  which  they 
afterwards  made  good  in  conjunction  with  the 
Dorians;  Hercules  having  also  performed  such 
actions  in  behalf  of  this  race  that  his  descendants 
were  always  entitled  to  the  possession  of  one- 
t.iird  of  the  territory.  The  heroic  life  of  Her- 
eidcs  was  therefore  the  mythic,"!  title,  through 
which  the  Dorians  were  made  to  appear,  not  as 
unjustly  invading,  hut  merely  asrecon((uering,  a 
covmtry  which  had  belonge<l  to  their  princes  in 
former  times."— C.  O.  Mtlller,  JIi.1t.  and  Anliq. 


of  the.  Dorie  linee,  bk.  1,  ch.  3.— See,  also,  DoniANS 

A.NH  lONIANS. 

HERACLEIDiEOF  L  YD!  A.  — The  second 

dynasty  of  the  kings  of  Lydia  —  so-called  by  the 
Greeks  as  reputed  descendants  of  the  sun-god. 
The  dynasty  is  rei)resen*ed  as  ending  with  ("an- 
daul"S.— M.  Duncker,  Hint,  of  Antiquity,  hk  4, 
ch.  17. 

HERACLEONAS,  Roman  Emperor 'East- 
ern), A.  I).  ((41. 

HERACLIUS  I.,  Roman  Emperor  (East- 
ern), A.  1).  nio-«4i. 

-  -     -♦- 

HERAT:  B.  C.  330.— Founding  of  the 
city  by  Alexander  the  Great.  See  Maikhonia: 
\\.  V.  ;i;!0-;i',':t. 

A.  D.  1221.  —  Destruction  by  the  Mongols. 
See  KhouassaN:  A.  D.  1220-1221. 

HERCTE,  Mount,  Hamilcaron.  ScePcNic 
Wak,  Thk  I-'ikst. 

HERCULANEUM.     See  Pompkii. 
HERCULIANS     AND     JOVIANS.      Sec 

PU/KTOItlAN  GL'AUDS;    A     1).   1)12. 

HERCYNIAN  FOREST,  The.  —  "The 
Ilercynian  Forest  was  known  by  report  to  Era- 
tosthenes and  some  other  (ireeks,  under  the 
name  Orcynia.  The  width  of  this  forest,  as 
Caesar  says(H.  G.  vi.  S.!),  was  nine  days'  journey 
to  a  man  without  any  incumbrance.  It  com- 
menced at  the  territory  of  the  Ilelvetii  [Swit/.er- 
liind]  .  .  .  and  following  the  straight  course  of  the 
Danube  reached  to  the  coiuitry  of  the  Daci  and 
the  Anartes.  Here  it  turned  to  the  left  in 
dilVerent  directions  from  the  river,  and  extended 
to  the  territory  of  many  nations.  No  man  of 
western  Germany  could  allirm  that  he  had 
reached  the  eastern  teruunationof  the  forest  even 
after  a  journey  of  six  days,  nor  that  he  had 
heard  where  it  did  terminate.  This  is  all  that 
(/'aesar  knew  of  this  great  forest.  .  .  .  TIk;  nine 
days'  journey,  which  measures  the  width  of  the 
Ilercynian  forest,  is  the  width  from  south  to 
north;  and  if  we  assume  this  width  to  bo  esti- 
mated at  tlie  western  end  of  the  llercynia,  whicli 
part  wo\dd  be  the  best  known,  it  would  cor 
respond  to  the  Schwarzwald  and  Gdenwald, 
which  extend  on  the  east  side  of  the  Uhine  from 
the  neighbourhood  of  IWlc  nearly  as  far  north  as 
Frankfort  on  the  .Main.  The  eastern  parts  of  the 
forest  would  extend  on  the  vorth  side  of  the 
Danube  along  the  Pauhe  Alp  anrt  the  Poehmer- 
wald  and  still  fartli-r  east.  Caesar  mentions 
another  German  fc  ^st  named  Pacenis  (B.  O. 
vi.  10),  but  all  that  he  could  say  of  it  is  this:  it 
was  a  forest  of  boundless  extent,  and  it  separa'  ed 
the  Suevi  and  the  Clierusci;  from  which  weniay 
conclude  that  it  is  represented  by  the  Thllringer- 
walil,  Er/gcbiri;e  Piesengcbirge,  and  the  moun- 
tain ranges  farther  east,  which  separate  the  basin 
of  the  Daiuibe  from  the  basins  of  the  Oder  and 
the  Vistula." — G.  Long,  Decline  of  the  limndn, 
liepuhr;. ,  r.  4,  ch.  2. 

HERETOGA.     See  Eai.douman. 

HEREWARD'S  CAMP  IN  THE  FENS. 
See  Enoi.ani):  A.  I).  10(19-1071. 

HERIBANN.  See  Si.avkuv,  Mk»i.«\ai.: 
Pranck. 

HERKIMER,  General,  and  the  Battle  of 
Oriskany.  See  United  St.vpeh  ok  Am.:  A.  I). 
1777  (.Iri.v — OiTOHEU). 

HERM^E  A-:"  ATHENS,  Mutilation  of  the. 
See  Atiiicns:  P.  C.  41.'). 


1643 


IIERMiEAN  PROMONTORY. 


HIDE  OF  LAND. 


HERMiEAN   PROMONTORy.-Tlio  an 

ricnt  iiariK'  of  tlio  iKirtli  rastcni  Imni  of  the  Oulf 
of  Tunis.  iKiw  calli'd  ('ape  Hon.  It  was  the 
limit  f\xvi\  liy  tlie  oh!  trcalics  lictwccn  Cartilage 
and  Komc,  beyond  wli'.di  Hoinan  ships  nnist  not 
m),_J{.  H.  Smith,  Carthage  and  the  Carthai/in- 
Idim,  fh.  ."i. 
HERMANDAD,  The.    See  IIdi.y  BnoTiiKii- 

"  HERMANRir.  OR  ERMANARIC,  The 
empire  of.  rti'c  Odtiih:  A.  1).  It.'iO-:)*.'! ;  and  376. 
HERMANS  TADT,  Battle  of  (1442).  Stc 
Ti  UKs:  A.  I).  1403-14r>l, . . ,  ',V  Schellenberg,) 
Battle  of  (1599).     Si'i'  HAi,K.\r  .\M)  Damiihax 

StATKS:    Uril-lHTH('K.NTrUIEh(U<)(;.MANIA,&r.). 

HERMINSAULE,  The.   8i,c  Saxons:  A.D. 
77'v>-M()4. 
HERMIONES,  The.     See    Gkbmany:    As 

KNOW.N  TO  'I'Acrn^s. 

HERMITS.    See  ANCiionjxKS. 

HERMONTHIS.     See  On. 

riERMUNDURI,  The.— Among  the  German 
tribes  of  llie  time  of  Taeitus,  "a  people  loyal  to 
Rome.  Consecpiently  they,  alone  of  the  Germans, 
trade  not  merely  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  but 
far  inland,  and  in  tlie  most  llourishinjr  colony  of 
the  province  of  Htetia.  Everywhere  tliev  are  al- 
lowed to  passwitlunit  a  guard;  and  while  to  the 
other  tribes  we  display  only  our  arms  and  our 
camps,  to  them  we  havi'  thrown  open  our  houses 
and  country  seats,  which  they  do  not  covet." — 
Tacitus,  XfiiKir  Works,  tnin.i.  by  Church  ami 
liroilrihh :  The.  Gcrmanji. — "The  settlements  of 
the  llermunduri  must  have  been  in  Bavaria,  and 
seem  to  have  stretched  from  Ratisbon,  north- 
wards, as  far  as  Bohemia  and  Saxony. " —  Oeog. 
noten  tit  mme. 

HERNICANS,  The.— A  Sabine  tribe,  who 
anciently  occupied  a  vallej'  in  the  Lower  Ap- 
penincs,  between  the  Anio  and  the  Trcrus,  and 
who  were  leagued  with  the  Romans  anil  the 
Latins  against  the  Volscians  and  tho-iEquians. — 
H.  G.  Liddcll,  IIU.  of  Home.  hk.  2,  ch.  0. 

HERODEANS,  the.  See  Jews:  B.  C.  40- 
A.  I).  44.     Rehin  <)k  th'.v  Heuodeans. 

HEROIC  AGE  OF  GREECE.  SccGueece: 
The  IIekoes. 

HEROOPOLIS.  See  Jews:  The  Route 
ov  THE  Exodus. 

HERRINGS,  The  Battle  of  the  (1429),— In 
February,  1421),  while  the  English  still  held 
their  ground  in  France,  and  while  the  Duke  of 
Bedford  was  besieging  Orleans  [see  FnA^"CE: 
A.  D.  1429-1431],  a  large  convoy  of  Lenten  pro- 
visions, salted  herring  in  the  main,  was  sent 
away  from  Paris  for  the  Englili  army.  It  was 
under  the  escort  o'  Sir  John  Fastolfe,  with  1,.500 
men.  At  Rouvray  en  Bcausse  the  convoy  was 
attacked  by  r>,000  French  cavalry,  including  the 
best  knights  and  warriors  of  the  "kingdom.  The 
English  entrenched  themselves  behind  their 
wagons  and  repelled  the  attack,  with  great 
slaughter  anil  humiliation  of  the  French  chivalry ; 
but  in  the  mOlee  the  rcd-licrrings  were  scattered 
thickly  over  the  field.  This  caused  the  encounter 
to  bi;  nam.L'd  the  Battle  of  th  Herrings.— C.  M. 
Yonnjc,  Co  metis  from  E'lr/.  Hist.,  •id  series,  c.  'in. 

HERRNHUT.    See  Moravian  on  Bohemian 

BUETHUEN. 

HERULI,  Vhe. —  The  Ileruli  were  a  people 
closely  associated  with  the  Goths  in  their  history 
and  undoubtedly  akin  to  them  in  l)lood.  The 
great  ^jiratical  expedition  of  \.  I).  2fi7  from  the 


Crimea,  which  struck  Athens,  was  made  up  of 
Ilerules  as  well  as  Goths.  The  Ileruli  passed 
with  the  Goths  under  the  yoke  of  the  Ilun.s. 
After  the  breaking  up  of  the  empire  of  Atlila, 
they  were  found  occupying  the  region  of  modem 
Hungary  which  is  between  the  Carpathians,  the 
ujiper  Theiss,  and  the  I)an\ibc.  The  Ilerules 
were  numerous  anumg  the  barbarian  auxiliaries 
()f  the  Roman  army  in  the  last  days  of  the  em- 
pire.— II.  Bradley.  Story  of  the  Goths. 

Also  in;  T.  \uk\s^\ii,  Italy  and  ller  Invaders, 
bk.  3,  ch.  8  (c.  2). 

HERZEGOVINA:  A.  D.  137S-1S76.— Re- 
volt against  Turkish  rule.— Interposition  of 
the  Powers.     See  Tiuks;  A.  I).  lH(il-lH77, 

A.  D.  1878.— Given  over  to  Austria  by  the 
Treaty  of  Berlin.     See  Ti:iiK8;  A.  I).  1878. 

HESSE:  A.  D.  1866.— Extinction  of  the 
electorate. — Absorption  by  Prussia.  See  Geii- 
MANv;  A.  1).  180(1. 

HESSIANS,  The,  in  the  American  War. 
See  Uniteu  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D.  1770  (Jam;- 
Aiiv — Feiuuauv). 

HESTIASIS.— The  feasting  of  the  tribes  at 
Athens.     Sef  Litcuoiks. 

HESYCHASTS,  The.    See  Mysticism. 

HETiERIES,  Ancient.— Political  clubs 
"  which  were  lialiitual  and  notorious  at  Athens; 
a.ssociations,  bound  together  by  oath,  among  the 
wealthy  citizens,  i)artly  for  i)urposes  of  amuse- 
ment, but  cliietiy  pledging  the  members  to  stand 
by  each  other  in  objects  of  political  ambition,  in 
judicial  trials,  in  accusf  don  or  defence  of  ollieiul 
men  after  the  period  of  ofliee  had  expired,  in 
carrying  points  through  the  public  assembly,  ic. 
.  .  .  They  furnished,  when  taken  together,  a 
formidable  anti-i)opular  force." — G.  Grote,  Hist, 
of  Greece,  pt.  2,  ch.  03  (c.  7). 

Also  in:  G.  F.  SchOmann,  Antiq.  of  Gree.e; 
The  State,  pt.  3,  ch.  3. 

HETAIRA.— HETAIRISTS,  Modern.  See 
Greece  ;  A.  D.  1821-1829. 

HETMAN.  See  PoLAtn:  A.  D.  1068-1696; 
also,  Cossacks. 

HEXHAM,  battle  of  (14'54).  See  Enqland; 
A.  I).  14.5.-)-1471. 

HEYDUCS. —  Servian  Christians  who,  in  the 
earlier  period  of  the  1  urkish  domination,  tied  into 
the  forest  and  became  outhnf  s  and  robbers,  wore 
calkKl  lleyducs. — L.  Ranke,  I/ist.  of  Sen  to,  ch.  3. 

HIAWATHA  AND  THE  IROQUOIS 
CONFEDERATION.    See  InoQUOiB  Confeu- 

EIIACY.  « 

HIBERNIA.    See  Tuki.ani). 

HICKS  PASHA,  Destruction  of  the  army 
of (1883).     SeeEoYl-T:  A.  U.  1870-1883. 

HIDALGO.— "  Originally  written  '  tijodalgo,' 
son  of  something.  Jiater  applied  to  gentlemen, 
country  gentlemen  jierliaps  more  particularly. 
.  .  .  In  the  Die.  Univ.  authorities  are  quoted 
showing  that  the  word  '  hidalgo '  originated  with 
the  Rom;.  1  colonists  of  Spain,  called  '  Italicos.' 
who  were  exempt  from  imposts.  Hen<'(!  those 
enjoying  similar  benefits  were  called  '  It.dicos,' 
which  word  in  lapse  of  time  became  'hidalgo,'" 
--H.  II.  Bancroft,  Hist,  of  the  Pacific  States.  i\  1, 
}).  'im,  foot-note. 

HIDATSA   INDIANS,  The.     See   Amehi 

CAN  AliOUKilNES:    IIlDATS.A. 

HIDE  OF  LAND.--CARUCATE.— VIR- 
GATE.— "  In  the  [Hundred)  rolls  for  lluntiujr- 


1644 


IIIDK  OF  LAND. 


lilEROOLYPIIICS. 


iloiislilro  [Enplftiiii]  n  scrii's  of  cntrios  orours, 
(li'scriliiug,  ((irilrary  to  tin;  usual  liractico  of  tlu; 
rompilLTS.  Ilio  iiiiiii'lior  of  acres  in  a  virKatc,  and 
the  number  of  virgates  in  a  liide,  in  several 
manors.  .  .  .  They  show  elearly  — (1)  That,  the 
bundle  of  scattered  strips  called  a  virijate  did  not 
always  contain  the  same  number  of  acres.  (2) 
That  the  hide  did  not  always  contain  the  same 
number  of  vir,i;ates.  Hut  at  the  same  time  it  is 
evident  that  the  Indc  in  Huntingdonshire  ino.st 
often  contained  120  acres  or  thereabouts.  .  .  . 
We  may  gather  from  the  instances  given  in  the 
Hundred  Kolls  for  Huntingdonshire,  that  the 
'  normal '  hide  consisted  ns  a  rule  of  four  virgates 
of  about  thirty  acres  each.  Tlio  really  important 
conseijucnce  resulting  from  this  is  the  recogni- 
tion of  the  fact  that  as  the  virgato  was  a  bundle 
of  so  many  scattered  strips  in  tlie  open  fields,  the 
hide,  so  far  as  it  consisted  of  actual  virgates  in 
villenage,  was  also  a  bundle  —  a  compoiuid  and 
fourfold  bundle  —  of  scattered  strips  in  tlie  open 
fields.  ...  A  trace  at  least  of  the  original  reason 
of  the  varying  contents  and  relations  of  the  hide 
and  virgate  Is  to  bo  found  in  tlic  Hundred  Uolls, 
as,  indeed,  almost  evcrywliere  else,  in  the  use  of 
another  word  in  the  place  of  hide,  when,  instead 
of  the  anciently  as8e.s:jed  hi('ago  of  a  manor,  its 
modern  actual  taxable  value  is  examined  into 
and  e.xprefscd.  This  new  word  is  'carucatc' — 
'tlie  land  of  a  plough  or  plough  team,' — 'caruca' 
being  the  mediieval  Latin  term  for  both  plo\igh 
and  plough  team.  ...  In  some  ca,ses  the  caru- 
catc seems  to  be  ideiilical  with  the  normal  hide  of 
120  acres,  but  other  instanccii  sho'vthal  the  caru- 
catc varied  in  urea.  It  is  the  laud  cultivated 
by  a  plough  team;  varying  in  acreage,  therefore, 
accoriling  to  the  lightness  or  licaviness  of  tlio  soil, 
and  according  to  the  stren|;th  of  the  team.  .  .  . 
In  pastoral  districts  of  England  and  AVales  the 
Uoiuan  tribute  may  possibly  have  been,  if  not  a 
hide  from  each  plough  team,  a  hide  from  every 
family  holding  cattle.  .  .  .  The  supposition  of 
such  an  origin  of  the  connexion  of  tlie  word 
'hide'  with  the  'I'lndof  a  family,' or  of  a  plough 
team,  is  mere  conjecture;  but  the  fact  of  the 
connexion  is  clear." — F.  Seebohm,  Enulhh  \'U- 
higc  Coinmiiinty,  eh.  2,  mvt.  4,  and  ch.  10,  nect.  0. 

Ai.so  in:  J.  M.  Kemble,  The  Suxoiia  in  Kiiy- 
land,  liK:  1,  ch.  4. — See.  also,  M.^NOiiS. 

HIERATIC  WRITING.  Sec  Hierogi.ypii- 
us. 

HIERODULI,  The.— In  some  of  the  early 
Greek  communities,  the  Ilierodidi,  or  ministers 
of  the  gods,  "formed  a  class  of  persons  bo\md  to 
certain  services,  duties,  or  contributions  to  the 
temple  of  some  god,  and  .  .  .  sometimes  dwelt 
in  the  position  of  serfs  on  the  sacred  ground. 
They  appear  in  considerable  numbers,  and  as  an 
integral  jiart  of  the  population  only  in  Asia,  as, 
e.  g.,  at  C'omana  in  Cappadocia,  where  in  Strain's 
time  there  were  more  than  0,000  of  them  at- 
tached to  the  temple  of  the  goddess  JIa,  who 
was  named  by  the  Greeks  Enyo,  and  by  the 
Romans  BcUona.  In  Sicily  too  the  Erycinian 
AphrcMlite  had  numerous  nnnisters,  v.'homCitero 
calls  Vcnerii,  and  classes  with  tlie  ministers  of 
Mars  (Martiales)  at  Larinum  in  South  Italy.  In 
Greece  wc  n.aj'  consider  the  Clraugallidm  as 
Ilieroduli  of  the  Delphian  Apollo.  They  belonged 
apparently  to  the  race  of  Dryopes,  who  are  said 
to  have  been  at  some  former  time  con(iuered  liy 
Heracles,  and  dcditMitcd  by  him  to  the  gwl.  The 
greater  part  of  them,  we"  are  told,  were  sent  at 


the  command  of  Apollo  tothePcloponnesc,  whilst 
the  C'raugallidiu  remained  beiiind.  ...  At  Cor- 
inth too  there  were  nunierous  HiertKluli  at- 
tached to  Aphrodite,  some  of  whom  were  women, 
who  lived  as  HetaTie  and  paid  a  certain  tax  from 
their  earnings  to  tlio  goddess." — O.  Schilmann, 
Ant  ill.  of  Gnerr:  The  State,  pt.  2,  eh.  4. — See, 
also,  Doitis  AND  DnvoiMs. 

HIEROGLYPHICS,  Egyptian.— "Tlic 
Greeks  gave  the  name  of  Hieroglyi)liics,  that  is, 
'Sacred  Sculpture,'  to  the  national  writing  of 
the  Egyptians,  composed  entirely  of  pictures  of 
natural  ol  jccts.  Although  very  inapplicable, 
this  name  has  been  adopted  by  modern  writers, 
and  has  been  so  completely  accepted  and  used 
that  it  cannot  now  be  replaced  by  a  more  appro- 
l)riate  appellation.  .  .  .  For  a  long  scries  of  ages 
the  d(  cipbermcnt  of  the  hieroglyphics,  for  whi(th 
the  classical  writers  furnish  no  as.sistance,  re- 
mained a  hopeless  mystery.  The  acute  genius  of 
a  Frenchman  at  last  succeeded,  not  fifty  years 
since,  in  lifting  the  veil,  liy  a  prodigious  eir.irt 
of  induction,  and  almost  <livination,  .lean  Fran- 
cois (,'lianipollio'i,  who  was  born  at  Figeac  (Lot) 
on  the  2!id  of  December,  1790,  and  died  at  Paris 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1832,  made  the  greatest  dis- 
covery of  the  nineteentli  century  in  the  domain 
of  historic;'.!  science,  and  succeeded  in  fixing  on 
a  solid  basis  the  principle  of  reading  hiero- 
glyphics. Nunierous  seliolars  have  followed  the 
path  opened  by  him.  ...  It  would  .  .  .  bo 
very  far  from  the  truth  to  regard  hieroglyphics 
as  always,  or  even  generally,  symbolical.  No 
doubt  there  are  symbolical  characters  among 
them,  generally  easy  to  understand ;  as  also  there 
are,  and  in  very  great  number,  figurative  charac- 
ters directly  representing  the  object  to  be  desig- 
nated; but  the  majority  of  tlio  signs  found  in 
every  liicroglyphic  text  are  characters  ])urely 
phonetic;  that  is,  representing  either  syllables 
(and  these  are  so  varied  as  to  offer  .sometimes 
serious  difliculties)  or  the  letters  of  an  only  mod- 
erately complicated  ali)liabet.  These  letters  are 
also  i)ictu','S  of  objects,  but  of  objects  or  animals 
whose  Egyi)tian  name  commene(^d  witli  the  letter 
in  (luestion,  while  also  the  syllabic  characters  (true 
rebusscs)  represented  objects  designated  by  tliiit 
syllable." — F.  Lenormant  and  E.  C'hevidlier, 
Mannal  of  the  Ancient  Jlistun/ of  the  EiiKt,  bk.  3, 
ch.  5(0.  1). — "The  system  of  writing  employed 
by  tlie  people  called  Egyptians  was  probably 
entirely  pictorial  either  at  the  time  when  they 
first  arrived  in  Egypt,  or  during  the  time  tliat 
they  still  lived  in  their  original  home.  We, 
however,  know  of  no  inscription  in  which  pic- 
torial characters  alone  are  used,  for  the  earliest 
specimens  of  their  writing  known  to  us  contain 
alphabetical  characters.  The  Egyptians  had 
three  kinds  of  writing  —  Hieroglyphic,  Hieratic, 
and  Demoiic.  .  .  .  Ilieroglyplncs  .  .  .  were 
commonly  empl(,yed  for  inscriptions  upon  tem- 
ples, tombs,  cofflns,  statues,  nud  stelic,  and  many 
copies  of  the  Hook  of  tlio  Dea<l  were  written 
in  them.  Tho  earliest  hieroglypiiic  inscription 
a'  present  known  is  found  on  the  inoiiumeut  of 
Slur-i.  ))ti'isof  which,  are  preserved  in  tlio  Ash- 
molcan  ^Museum  at  Oxford  and  in  tho  Gi/.eh 
-Museum;  it  dates  from  tlie  Ilnd  dynasty.  Hie- 
roglyphics were  used  in  Egyi)t  f()r  wri'ing  the 
names  of  Roman  Emperors  and  for  roligicus 
imrposos  iintil  the  third  century  after  Clirist,  at 
least.  IPsratic  .  .  .  was  a  stylo  of  cursive  writ- 
ing much  used  Ity  the  priests  in  copying  literary 


1645 


HIEnoOLYPlIICa 


HINDMAN. 


romposltloiis  on  piipyruH;  (luring  the  Xlth  or 
XIUli  (lyimsty  wcmkIcii  collins  wtiro  inscribed  in 
liicriitlc  Willi  rcliKi()ii»  texts.  Tin-  oldcsl  dorii- 
MiKiit  in  liicmlic  k  tlic  fiiinoim  I'lissc  iiajiyriis, 
wliii-li  rcciirdH  llu!  coiiMstls  <if  I'lali  lictc|)  to  liis 
win;  tli(!  conipositiori  ilscif  is  iiljout  a  lliouHimd 
years  older  llian  tins  papyrus,  wlneli  was  prol)a- 
l)ly  iii.seril)e(i  aliout  llii!  Xltli  dynasty.  Drafts 
of  inscriptions  were  written  upon  lialies  of  cal- 
cari'ous  stone  in  lueratlc,  aiui  at  a  coniimrativeiy 
early  date  Ideratie  was  used  in  writing  copies  of 
tlie  Hook  of  the  Dead.  Hieratic  was  used  until 
al)out  the  fourth  century  after  (Mirist.  Demotic 
...  is  a  purely  convention  1  modification  of 
hieratic  eharaeteVs,  which  pri  rve  little  of  their 
original  form,  and  was  used  for  soeiul  and  l>usi- 
nc88  purjioses;  in  tiie  early  days  of  Egyptian  de- 
cipherment it  was  called  enchorial.  .  .  .  Tlie 
Demotic  writing  appuirs  to  linve  come  into,  use 
about  JJ.  (/'.  (lOd,  and  it  survived  until  al)out  the 
fourth  century  after  (.'lirist.  In  the  time  of  the 
i'lolemies  tbri'e  liinds  of  writing  were  inscribed 
side  by  side  \ipon  documents  of  pul)lic  impor- 
tunce,  lderogly])luc,  Oreelt,  and  Demotic;  ex- 
amples are  the  stele  of  Canopus,  set  up  in  the 
ninth  year  of  tlie  reign  of  Ptolemy  III.  Euer- 
getes  1.,  IJ.  {'.  'iil-i'i'i,  at  Cauopus,  to  record 
the  benefits  wliicli  tliis  liing  liad  conferred  upon 
Ilia  country,  and  '.lie  famous  I^osetta  Stone,  set 
up  at  l{osettii  in  tlie  eight !i  year  of  tlie  reign  of 
I'toleniy  V.  Epiplianes  (B.  C.  205-183),  iiliowise 
to  (!omiiienioiate  tlie  benefits  conferred  upon 
Egypt  liy  liimseif  and  Ids  family,  etc.  ...  A 
century  or  two  after  tlie  Christian  era  Oreelc 
had  olitained  such  a  iiold  upon  tlie  iniiabitaiits  of 
Egypt,  tliat  tlie  native  Christian  poi)uliition,  the 
disciples  and  followers  of  Saint  Marie,  were 
'ibliged  to  use  tlie  Oreeli  alpliabet  to  write  down 
til*)  Egyptian,  that  is  to  say  Coi>tic,  translation  of 
tlio  boolis  of  the  Old  ancf  New  Testaments,  but 
tliey  borrowed  six  signs  from  tlie  demotic  forms 
of  ancient  Egyptian  cliaracters  to  express  tlie 
sounds  wliich  tliey  found  unrepresented  in 
Greek." — E.  A.  Wallis  Budge,  T/ie  Mummy,  pp. 
853-!t54.— See,  also,  1{o8Etta  Stoke. 

HIEROGLYPHICS,  Mexican  (so-called). 
Sec  AZTKC  ANM)  ,Mava  Pictdke-wuiting. 

HIERONYMITES,  The.— "A  number  of 
solitiuies  residing  among  tlie  mountains  of  Spain, 
Por -ugal,  and  Italy,  gradually  formed  into  a 
community,  and  called  themselves  Hieronymitcc, 
cither  because  tliey  liad  compiled  their  Uule 
from  tlie  writings  of  St.  Jerome,  or  because, 
adopting  tlie  rule  of  St  Augustine,  they  had 
talcen  St.  Jerome  for  tlieir  patron.  .  .  .  The 
community  was  app.oved  l)y  Gregory  XI..  in 
1374.  The  famous  monaster/  of  Our  Lady  of 
Quadaloupe,  iu  Estreniadura ;  the  magnili(  v  ut 
Escurial,  with  its  wealth  of  literarv  treasures, 
and  the  monastery  of  St.  Just,  where  Charles  V. 
sought  an  asylum  in  tlie  decline  of  his  life, 
attest  tlieir  wonderful  energy  and  zeal."— J. 
Alzog,  Manual  of  Universal  Church  Hint.,  v.  3, 
Jh  149. 

HIGH  CHURCH  AND  LOW  CHURCH: 
First  use  of  the  names.  See  England:  A.  D. 
108!i  (Ai'iiii, —  AtiousT). 

HIGH  COURT  OF  JUSTICE.  Sec  CuBtA 
Reoib. 

HIGH  GERMANY,  Old  League  of.  See 
8wiTZEKLANi>:  A.  1).  1333-1460. 

HIGH  MIGHTINESSES,  Their.  See 
Netheiilands:  A.  D.  1851-1C80. 


HIGHER  LAW  DOCTRINE,  The.— Wil- 
liam II.  Seward,  speaking  in  tiie  Senate  of  the 
United  Stales,  Marcli  11,  IsnO,  on  tlie  uuestion 
of  the  admission  of  (.'aiifornia  into  tlie  Union  oh 
a  Free  State,  u.sed  tlio  following  language: 
"'The  Constitution,'  lie  said,  'regulates  our 
stewardship;  tlie  Constitution  devotes  tlio  do- 
main to  union,  to  justice,  to  defence,  to  welfare, 
and  to  liberty.  But  there  is  a  liigher  law  than 
the  Constitution,  wiiich  regulates  our  authority 
over  the  domain,  and  devotes  it  to  the  same 
noble  purposes.  The  territory  is  a  part,  no  in- 
consideralile  i)art,  if  the  common  lieritage  of 
mankind,  l)cstowi  apon  them  by  the  Creator  of 
the  universe.  We  are  His  stewards,  and  must 
so  discharge  our  trust  as  to  .secure  in  the  higliest 
attainable  degree  their  liappiness. '  This  pulilic 
recognition  liy  a  Senator  of  tlie  Uiiit<.'d  States 
tliat  tlie  laws  of  the  Creator  were  'liiglier'  than 
those  of  liiinian  enactment  excited  niucli  aston- 
islimcnt  and  indignation,  and  cailud  forth,  in 
Congress  and  out  of  it,  measureless  abuse  upon 
its  author." — H.  Wilson,  lli»t.  of  the  Uine  and 
Fall  of  the  Sl<ne  Poirer  in  Am.,  v.  3,  ;).  303-363. 
— In  the  agitations  tliat  followed  upon  the  adop- 
tion of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  the  otlier 
compromise  measures  attending  tlie  admission  of 
California,  this  Higher  Law  Doctrine  was  much 
talked  aliout. 

HIGHLAND  CLANS.     See  Clans. 

HIGHLANDS  OF  SCOTLAND,  See 
Scotch  Hkiiii.ani)  and  Lowland. 

HIKENILDE  -  STRETE.  See  Roman 
Roads  in  Uhitain. 

HILDEBRAND  (Pope  Gregory  VII.),  and 
the   Papacy.    See  Pai-acy:    A.  1).  1050-1122; 

Geu.many:   a.  D.  073-1133;   and   Canobsa 

Hildebrand,  King  of  the  Lombards,  743-744. 

HILL,  Isaac,  in  the  "  Kitchen  Cabinet "  of 
President  Jackson.  See  United  States  ok 
Am.:  a.  I).  1839. 

HILL,  Rowland,  and  the  adoption  of  penny- 
postage.     See  England:  A.  D.  1840. 

HILTON  HEAD,  The  capture  of.  See 
United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1801  (Octobbb 
— Decemheu:  South  Carolina — Geougia). 

HIMATION,  The.— An  article  of  dress  in 
the  nature  of  a  cloak,  worn  by  both  men  and 
women  among  tlie  ancient  Greeks.  It  "  was  ar- 
ranged so  tliat  the  one  corner  was  thrown  over 
the  left  shoulder  in  front,  so  as  to  be  attaclicd  to 
tlie  body  by  means  of  tlie  left  arm.  On  the 
back  tiie  dress  was  pulled  toward  tlie  right  side, 
so  as  to  cover  it  completely  up  to  the  riglit 
slioulder,  or,  at  least,  to  the  armpit,  in  wliicii 
latter  case  tlie  riglit  sliouider  remained  un- 
covered. Finally,  tlie  liiniation  was  again  tlirow  n 
over  tlie  left  shouldc,  so  tliat  the  ends  fell  over 
tlie  back.  ...  A  second  way  of  arranging  the 
iiimation,  wliicli  left  the  light  arm  free,  v.'as 
more  picturesque,  and  is  tlierefor'-  usually  found 
in  pictures."— E.  Gulil  and  W.  Koner,  Life  of 
the  Greeks  and  Romans,  sect.  43. 


HIMERA,  Battle  of.    See  Sicily:  B.  C.  480. 
Destroyed  by  Hannibal.    See  Sicily:  B.  C. 

409-405.  ^ 

HIMYARITES,  The.    See  Arabia. 

HIN,  The.     SeeEi-iiAH 

HINDMAN,  Fort,  Capture  of.    See  United 

TAT, 

»A8). 


1646 


HINDOO  K008U. 


UISTOKY. 


HINDOO  KOOSH,  The  Name  of  the.     See 
C'aucasi'h,  Tiik  Indian. 
HINDUISM.    M('i)  India:  The immiobation 

AND  ('()N(JIKS1K  OF  Till';  AUYAS. 

HINDUSTAN.     Hco  India:  Tiik  N'a.mk. 
HINKSTON'S    FORK,   Battle   of   (1782). 
Sue  Kkntiicky:  A.  D.  1775-1781. 

HIONG-NU,   The.     See  TuiiKS:   6tu  Cen- 

•I'UKY. 

HIPPARCH. —  A  commander  of  cavalry  In 
the  military  orf^anization  of  the  ancient  Atlic- 
niiuia. — O.  F.  SchOmaun,  Antiii.  of  (/reece:  The 
."^tiili:.  pt.  3,  eh.  3. 

HIPPEIS. — Among  the  Spartann,  the  honor- 
ary title  of  llippeis,  or  Kniglits,  was  given  to 
the  members  of  a  Chosen  body  of  three  hiintlre<l 
young  men,  the  flower  of  the  Spartan  youth, 
who  had  not  reached  thirty  years  of  age.  ' '  Their 
throe  leaders  were  called  llippagret^u,  although 
in  war  they  served  not  as  cavalry  but  as  hop- 
lites.  The  name  may  possibly  have  survived 
from  times  in  which  they  actually  served  on 
horseback."  At  Athens  the  term  Ilippeis  was 
applied  to  the  second  of  the  four  property  classes 
into  which  Hoh)n  divided  the  population, —  their 
jiroperty  obliging  then:  to  serve  as  cavalry. — G. 
SchiJmann,  Aiitii/.  of  Greece,  The  State,  pt.  3,  ch. 
1  and  3.— See,  also,  Athens:  B.  C.  504. 

HIPPIS,  Battle  of  the.— Fought,  A.  D.  550, 
in  what  was  Imown  as  the  Lazio  War,  betveen 
the  Persians  on  one  side  and  the  Romans  and  the 
Lazi  on  the  other.  The  latter  were  the  victors. 
— Q.  Uawliuson,  Seventh  Great  Oriental  Monar- 
chy, ch.  30. 

HIPPO,  OR  HIPPO  REGIUS.— An  ancient 
city  of  north  Africa,  on  the  Numidian  coast. 
See  NuMiuiANs;  and  Cauthaoe:  Dominion  of. 

A.  D.  430-431.— Siege  by  the  Vandals.  See 
Vandals:  A.  D.  429-439. 

HIPPOBOTiE,  The.    See  Eubosa. 

HIPPODROME.  —  STADION.  —  THEA- 
TER.—"The  arts  practised  in  the  gymnasia 
were  publicly  displayed  at  the  festivals.  The 
buildings  in  which  tliese  displays  took  place  were 
modified  according  to  their  varieties.  The  races 
both  on  horseback  and  in  chariots  took  place  in  the 
hippodrome;  for  the  gymnastic  games  of  the  pen- 


tathlon served  the  stadion ;  while  for  the  acme 
of  the  festivals,  the  musical  and  dramatic  per- 
formances, theatres  were  erected." — K.  Ouhl  and 
\f.  IConer,  Life  of  the  Greeks  and  liDinanH  (tr.  hi/ 
HiH'pr),  xcct.  28-30. 
HIPPOTOXOTiC,  The.    See  Hlythians.  oh 

.SCVTII.K,  OF  At1IKN«. 

HIRA. — "Th',  historians  of  the  age  of  Justin- 
Ian  represent  the  state  of  the  indepcmlent  Arabs, 
who  were  divided  by  interest  or  atfeetion  in  the 
long  (luarrel  of  the  East  [between  the  lionmns 
and  Persians  —  3rd  to  7th  centuryj :  the  tribe  of 
Oassan  was  allowed  to  (encamp  on  tlu^  Syrian 
territory;  the  princes  of  llira  were  permitted  to 
form  a  city  about  40  miles  to  the  southward  of 
the  ruins  of  IJabylon  Their  service  in  the  Held 
was  speedy  and  vigorous;  but  tlieir  friendship 
was  venal,  their  faith  inconstant,  their  enmity 
capricious:  it  was  an  e.isier  task  to  excite  than  to 
disarm  these  roving  barbarians;  and,  in  the 
familiar  intercourse  of  war,  they  learned  to  see 
and  to  despise  the  splendid  weakness  both  of 
l{oine  and  of  Persia." — E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and 
Fall  of  the  Itoman  Empire,  ch.  50  (».  5). — ^"The 
dynasty  of  Palmyra  and  the  western  tribes  em- 
braced Christianity  in  the  time  of  Constantine; 
to  the  east  of  the  desert  the  religion  was  later  of 
gaining  ground,  and  indeed  was  not  adopted  by 
the  court  of  Hira  till  near  the  end  of  the  Otli 
century.  Early  in  the  7th,  Ilira  fell  from  its 
dignity  as  an  inilependent  power,  and  became  a 
satrapy  of  Persia." — Sir  William  Muir,  Life  of 
Mahomet,  introd.,  eh.  1. — In  0^3  Ilira  was  over- 
whelmed by  the  Mahometan  co;<i|uest,  and  the 
greater  city  of  Kufa  was  built  onl_>  3  miles  dis- 
tant from  it.  See  Mahometan  Conques'i  :  a.  D. 
C32-051 ;  also,  UussouAii  and  Kufa. 

HISPALIS.— The  name  of  Seville  under  the 
Romans.     See  Skvim.e. 

HISPANIA  CITERIOR  AND  HISPANIA 
ULTERIOR.     See  Spain:  B.  C.  218-25. 

HISPANIOLA.— The  name  given  by  Colum- 
bus to  the  island  now  divided  between  the  Repub- 
lics of  Hayti  and  San  Domingo.  See  Ameuica  : 
A.  I).  1403;  1493-1496,  and  after;  and  Hayti. 

HISSARLIK.— The  site  of  ancient  Troy,  as 
supjjosed  to  be  identified  by  the  excavations  of 
Dr.  Schliemann.  See  Asia  Minou  :  TuE  Guebk 
Colonies;  also,  Tuoja,  and  IIouek. 


HISTORY. 


Definitions. — "With  us  the  word  'history, '  like 
its  equivalents  in  all  modern  languages,  signifies 
either  a  form  of  literary  composition  or  the  ap- 
propriate subject  or  matter  of  such  composition  — 
cither  a  narrative  of  events,  or  events  which  may 
be  narrated.  It  is  impossible  to  free  the  term 
liom  this  doubleness  and  ambiguity  of  meaning. 
Nor  is  it,  on  the  whole,  to  be  desired.  The  ad- 
vantages of  having  one  term  which  may,  with 
ordinary  caution,  be  innocuously  applied  to  two 
things  so  related,  more  than  counterbalances  the 
dangers  involved  in  two  things  so  distinct  having 
the  same  name.  .  .  .  Since  the  word  history  has 
two  very  different  meanings,  it  obviously  cannot 
liiive  merely  one  definition.  To  define  an  order 
of  facts  and  a  form  of  literature  in  the  same 
tciins  —  to  suppose  that  when  either  of  them  is 
<leHned  the  other  is  defined  —  is  so  absurd  that 
one   would   probably   not   believe  it    could    be 


seriously  done  were  it  not  so  often  done.  But  to 
do  30  has  been  the  rule  rather  than  the  exception. 
The  majority  of  so-called  definitions  of  history 
are  definitions  only  of  the  records  of  history. 
They  relate  to  history  as  narrated  and  written, 
not  to  history  as  evolved  and  acted;  in  other 
words,  although  given  as  the  only  definitions  of 
history  needed,  they  do  not  apply  to  history  itself, 
but  merely  to  accounts  of  history.  They  may 
tell  us  what  constitutes  a  book  of  history,  but 
they  cannot  tell  ua  what  the  history  is  with 
which  all  books  of  history  are  occupied.  It  is, 
however,  with  history  in  this  latter  sense  that  a 
student  of  the  science  or  philosophy  ol  history 
is  mainly  concerned.  ...  If  by  history  bo  meant 
history  in  its  widest  sense,  the  best  definition  of 
history  as  a  form  of  literature  is,  perhaps,  either 
the  very  old  one,  'the  narration  of  events,'  or 
W.  von  Iluniboldt's,  •  the  'jxUibition  of  what  has 


1647 


IIISTOIIY, 


Drfinilion:— 
SubJrcU.—Olijixtt. 


IIISTOKY. 


luippciH'il '  (ilio  Diirstcllimjr  ilos  flcRrlH'liciu'ii). 
The  fxccllciicc  of  tlicw  (IchliilidriH  lies  ill  tlicir 
clciir  unci  cxplicil  iiKlicatiiui  cif  wliiil  history  us 
•  llcctiiulcilor  truii.HiicU'd  Is.  Il  coiisisUof  iveiits; 
it  Is  (Ills  (ii'srliclii'iic.  It  Is  tlif  «!iilirc  (■(Mirsc  of 
events  in  lime.  It  Is  ull  lliut  lius  liuppened  pre 
eisely  us  it  liuppened.  Wliutever  happens  is  his- 
tory. Klenml  uiid  uneliuiij,'inK  beiiifr  liiis  no 
history.  Tilings  or  pheiioineiiii  eonsldered  us 
existent,  eoiineeted,  and  eonipreliended  in  siiaee, 
compose  what  N  culled  nature  us  dlstiii>;ii!slied 
from  history.  .  .  .  I'roliubiy  l>.oysen  liiis  found 
a  neuter  uiiil  terser  fornuilu  for  it  In  German  than 
any  whieli  the  KiikHsIi  lanKun>,'e  could  supply. 
Nature  he  descrilK's  as  'da.s  Nebeneinander  (h's 
H<'lenden,'  and  history  as  '  das  Nacheinunder  des 
Oewordenen.'  .  .  .  'I'he  only  kind  of  history  with 
which  we  have  here  directly  to  dual  la  thut  kind 
of  it  to  which  the  namo  is  generally  restricted, 
history  i)ar  excellence,  huniuii  lilstory,  what  has 
happened  within  the  sphere  of  human  aj^ency 
and  Interests,  tlio  actloim  and  creations  of  men, 
events  which  liavenllceted  the  lives  and  destinies 
of  men,  or  which  have  been  pr(«luced  by  men. 
This  Is  the  ordinary  sense  of  the  word  history. 
.  .  .  To  attempt  further  to  detlne  it  W(.uld  bo 
worse  than  useless.  It  would  be  \uiduly  to 
limit,  and  to  distort  and  pervert,  its  meanhi);. 
In  pr<x)f  of  this  a  few  brief  remarks  on  certain 
typieul  or  celebrated  deth  iti<ms  of  history  may 
perhaps  be  of  service.  The  defliiltidn  given  In 
the  Dictionary  of  the  Frcjch  Academy — '  This- 
toirc  est  le  reeit  des  choses  dignes  de  meinoire ' 
—is  a  Bi)eeiinen  of  u  very  numerous  species.  Ac- 
cording to  such  (letinltions  history  consists  of  ex- 
ccptloiiul  things,  of  celebrated  or  notorious 
events,  of  the  lives  and  actions  of  great  and  ex- 
alted men.  of  conspicuous  achievements  in  war 
and  politics,  in  science  and  art,  In  religion  and 
literature.  But  this  Is  a  narrow  and  superficial 
conception  of  history.  History  is  made  up  of 
what  is  little  as  well  as  of  what  is  great,  of  what 
is  conimoii  as  well  as  of  what  is  strange,  of  what 
is  counted  mean  us  well  us  of  what  is  counted 
noble.  .  .  .  Dr.  Arnold's  definition — 'history  is 
the  biography  of  a  society'  —  has  been  often 
praised.  Isor  altogether  undeservedly.  For  it 
directs  attention  to  the  fact  thut  ull  history  ac- 
cords with  biography  in  supi>'j.ii.:i;  in  its  subject 
a  certJiin  unity  of  iife,  work,  and  ;'Md.  ...  It 
docs  not  follow,  however,  thut  blogruphy  is  u 
more  general  notion  than  history,  aiul  history 
only  a  8pe>;ies  of  biography.  In  fact,  it  is  not 
only  us  true  and  intelligible  to  say  that  biography 
is  the  hislory  of  an  individual  as  to  say  that 
history  is  the  biography  of  a  society,  but  more  so. 
It  is  the  word  biogniphy  in  the  latter  case  which 
is  used  in  u  secoiulury  anil  unulogicul  sense,  not 
the  word  history  in  the  former  case.  .  .  .  Ae- 
cordin,^  to  Jlr.  Freeman,  '  history  is  ])ast  politics 
and  polities  are  prc^ient  history.  This  is  not  a 
mode  of  definition  which  any  logician  will  be 
found  to  Bunctioii.  It  is  ciiuivulcut  to  saying 
thut  politi  s  and  history  are  the  same,  and  aay 
both  be  divided  into  past  141UI  present;  but  li 
does  not  tell  us  what  either  is.  To  iitlirm  Jiut 
this  was  that  and  that  is  this  is  not  a  definition  of 
this  or  that,  but  only  an  assertion  that  somet:  "•;, 
may  be  called  either  this  or  thut.  Besides,  the 
identification  of  history  with  politics  proceeds,  as 
has  been  alreidy  indicated,  on  u  view  of  history 
which  is  nt  once  narrow  and  arbitrary.  Further, 
it  is  just  as  true  that  mathcmutical  history  is  past 


mathematics  and  malheiiiutlcH  aro  prrscnt  histo- 
ry, as  that  political  history  is  piist  politics  and 
politics  are  present  liist(;ry.  .  .  .  TIk!  whole  of 
man's  past  was  onci^  present  thought,  feeling, 
iiiid  iietlon.  There  is  nothing  peculiar  to  polltiea 
in  this  respc<'t." — U.  Flint,  /linliin/  of  the  J'/ii- 
lomiji/ii/of  l/iKtiifi/  :  FniiiCf,  itc.,jiji.  5-10. 

The  subjects  and  objects  of  History. — "The 
position  for  which  1  have  always  striven  Is  this, 
that  hislory  is  past  polities,  that  j)olitles  arc^ 
present  history.  The  true  subject  of^  history,  of 
any  history  that  deserves  the  name,  is  man  in 
his  ])oliticul  cupuclty,  man  as  the  nieniber  of  an 
organi/.ed  society,  governed  according  to  law. 
History,  in  any  other  aspect,  hardly  rises  above 
uiitiipiurianism.  though  I  am  far  from  holding 
that  even  siinple  antl(piarianisin,  even  the  merest 
scraping  together  of  local  and  genealogicul  de- 
tail, is  necessarily  antl(|Uiirian  rubbish.  I  know 
not  why  the  pursuits  of  the  antiiiuary  should  be 
called  rubbish,  any  more  than  the  pursuits  of  the 
seeker  after  knowledge  of  any  other  kiiid.  Mllll, 
the  pursuits  of  the  anticpiary,  the  man  of  local 
u'ld  s]iecial  d>'tuil,  the  man  of  buildings  or  coins 
or  weap<uis  or  manuscripts,  are  not  in  tlieinselvcs 
history,  though  they  are  constantly  found  to  be 
most  valuable  helps  to  history.  The  collections 
(if  tlie  anticiuury  ure  not  history;  but  the}'  iire 
inuteriuls  for  history,  materiuls  of  which  the  his- 
torian makes  grateful  use,  and  without  which 
he  would  often  be  sore  put  to  in  doing  bis  own 
work.  ...  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  no 
kind  of  knowledge,  of  whatever  kind,  will  be 
useless  to  the  historian.  There  is  none,  however 
seemingly  distant  from  his  subject,  which  may 
not  stand  him  in  good  steail  at  some  ))incli,  soimcr 
or  later.  But  his  immediate  subject,  that  to 
which  all  other  things  are  secondary,  is  man  us 
the  member  of  u  political  comnuinitj'.  Uightly 
to  understund  man  in  thut  character,  he  must 
study  him  in  all  the  forms,  in  all  the  develope- 
ments,  thnt  political  society  has  taken.  Elfcts 
have  to  be  traced  up  to  thcr  causes,  causes  huve 
to  1)0  truced  up  to  their  eifeels;  .iiul  we  cannot 
go  through  either  of  those  needful  processes  if 
we  confine  our  studies  either  to  the  politlcul  so- 
cle ties  of  ourownduy  or  to  politlcul  societies  on  a 
great  physical  scale.  The  object  of  history  is  to 
watch  the  'vorkings  of  one  side,  and  that  the 
highest  side,  of  human  nature  In  all  its  shapes; 
und  we  do  not  sec  huniun  nature  in  ull  its  shapes, 
unless  we  follow  1'^  into  ull  times  und  ull  circum- 
stances under  which  we  have  any  means  of 
Ktudying  it.  .  .  .  In  one  sense  it  is  perfectly  true 
that  history  fs  always  repeating  itself;  in  another 
sense  it  would  be  equally  true  to  say  that  history 
never  repeats  itself  at  all.  No  historical  position 
can  be  sxiictly  the  same  as  any  earlier  historical 
position,  if  only  for  the  reason  tiiat  the  earlier 
position  has  gone  before  it.  .  .  .  Even  where 
the  reproduction  is  unconscious,  where  the  like- 
ness is  simply  the  result  of  the  working  of  like 
causes,  still  the  two  results  can  never  be  exactly 
the  same,  if  only  because  Uie  earlier  result  itself 
takes  i;s  plucc  among  the  causes  of  the  later  re- 
sult. Differences  of  this  kind  must  always  be 
borne  in  mind,  and  they  are  quite  enough  to 
hinder  unj'  two  historical  events  from  being 
exact  doubles  of  one  another.  .  .  .  We  must 
varefully  distinguish  bcween  causes  und  occa- 
sions. It  "3  one  of  the  oldest  and  one  of  the 
wisest  remarks  of  politics'l  philosophy  that  great 
events  comiuonly  ;uise  from  great  causes,  but 


1648 


HISTORY. 


Hcitnce. 


UlSTORY. 


from  smnll  orrnsloriH.  A  ccrliiln  turn  of  mind, 
oni-  wliiili  is  more  ronrcrni'd  with  KOHsIp,  ulil  or 
iiuw,  timn  witli  ri'iil  history.  (lclij;lilH  in  telling 
us  liow  tlio  gri'iitost  events  sprltii;  fn  in  tlic 
snmllest  ciiuses,  liow  tlic  fiites  of  niiliouH  anil  em- 
pires lire  (letermlneil  l)y  some  sheeriieeiilent,  or 
by  tlie  personal  ciiprici!  or  porsoiial  (luiirrel  of 
(MUiie  perlmps  very  inHi(5nill<aiit  person.  A  Koml 
(leal  of  court->!;osslp,  a  (;o<m1  deal  of  iiolitieal 
((iissip,  piisfjes  both  in  past  and  present  times  for 
real  history.  Now  ii  )?reat  deal  of  tliis  gossip  Is 
BJieer  gossip,  and  may  be  east  aside  witliout 
notice;  but  a  good  deal  of  it  often  does  contain 
truth  of  u  certain  kind.  Only  bear  In  nnnd  tlie 
diltercuce  between  causes  and  oceasions,  and  wo 
may  accept  n  good  many  of  tlie  stories  wliieli 
tell  us  liow  very  trltiing  incidents  led  to  very 
great  events.  .  .  .  When  I  spealt  of  causes  and 
occasions,  wlicn  Ispeaitof  small  personal  caprices 
and  (piarrels,  as  being  not  the  causes  of  great 
events,  but  merely  the  occasions,  1  wish  it  to  bc^ 
fully  understood  that  I  (h)  not  at  all  ])lace  the 
at,eiicy  of  really  great  men  umoi.g  mere  occa- 
sions: I  fully  give  it  its  i)lace  among  determin- 
ing causes.  In  any  large  view  of  history,  we 
must  always  boon  our  guard  against  either  under- 
rating or  oveiniting  the  actions  of  individual 
men.  History  is  simietliing  more  than  biogra- 
phy ;  but  biography  is  an  essential  and  a  most 
important  part  of  liistory.  We  must  not  think, 
on  the  one  hand,  that  great  men,  heroes,  or  what- 
ever ive  please  to  call  them,  can  direct  tiic  course 
(.f  history  according  to  their  own  will  and  pleas- 
ure, perhaps  according  to  their  mere  caprice, 
with  no  danger  of  their  will  being  tliwarted,  un- 
less it  should  run  counter  to  the  will  of  some 
other  great  man  or  hero  of  eiiual  or  greater 
power.  ...  On  tlie  other  hand,  wo  must  not 
deem  that  the  course  of  liistory  is  so  governed 
by  general  luws,  that  it  is  so  completely  in 
liondage  to  almost  mechaiiir.il  powers,  that  there 
is  no  room  for  the  free  agency  of  great  men  and 
of  small  men  too.  For  it  is  of  no  little  iinportanie 
that,  while  we  talk  of  the  intluenee  of  gr-at  men 
on  the  history  of  the  wcrld,  we  shoiilil  n  )t  forget 
the  intluenee  of  the  small  men.  Everj  man  liiis 
some  influence  on  the  course  of  history." — K.  A. 
Freeman,  T/ie  Prnctind  Beiiriiif/K  <ij  Eurofn-tu 
Uixtiiru  (Led'         >•■   Aineikan  Aiulknces\,   iip. 

•Ml  -air.. 

The  Philosophy  of  History. — "The  philoso 
pliyof  history  is  not  a  something  se|mrale  from  the 
lac's  of  history,  but  a  something  contained  in 
tlieni.  The  more  a  man  gets  into  the  meaning 
of  them,  the  more  ho  gets  into  it,  and  it  into 
liiic ;  for  it  is  sinii)ly  the  meaning,  tiie  rational 
interpretation,  the  knowledge  of  the  true  nature 
and  essential  relations  ol  .he  facts.  And  tliis  is 
true  of  whatever  species  >  r  order  tlic  facts  may 
lie.  Their  pliilosophy  is  not  something  separate 
and  distinct  from,  something  over  and  above, 
their  interpretation,  but  sim])ly  their  interpreta- 
tion. He  who  knows  about  any  jieople,  or  (poch, 
or  special  developineni  of  human  nature,  liow  it 
has  come  to  bo  what  it  is  and  what  it  tends  to, 
wliat  causes  have  given  it  the  cliaracter  it  has, 
and  what  hs  relation  is  to  the  general  develon. 
nient  of  humanity,  has  iittainod  to  the  philosophy 
of  the  liLstory  of  that  people,  epoch,  or  develop- 
ment. Philosophical  history  is  sometimes  spoken 
of  as  a  kind  of  history,  'lut  tlie  language  is  most 
inacc'initc.  Every  k'ind  of  history  is  philosoph- 
ical wliicli  is  true   and  thorough;    which  goes 


closely  and  deeply  enougli  to  work;  which  sliows 
the  what,  liow,  and  why  of  events  as  far  as  rea- 
son and  researcli  can  ascertain.  History  always 
participates  in  some  measure  of  pliiioHophy,  for 
events  are  always  connected  according  to  some 
real  or  siippo.sed  principle  either  of  elllclent  or 
llniil  causation." — H.  Flint,  I'/iilomip/ii/ nf  J/Mory, 

intt'inl. 

The  possibility  of  a  Science  of  History. — 
Mr.  Buckle's  theory.  —  "The  believer  in  the  pos- 
sibi'  ty  of  a  science  of  history  is  not  called  upon 
to  'lohl  eitlier  the  doctrine  of  predestined  events, 
or  that  of  freedom  of  the  will;  a'nd  the  only  po- 
st ions  which,  in  this  stage  of  tlio  inquiry,  I  slinll 
e:  pect  him  to  concede  are  the  following:  That 
when  wo  perform  an  action,  we  perform  it  in 
consccpience  of  some  motive  or  motives;  that 
tliose  motives  are  the  results  of  some  antece- 
dents; and  that,  tlieieforc,  if  we  were  aciinalntcd 
witli  the  wliole  of  the  antecedents,  and  witli  all 
the  laws  of  their  movcinents,  wo  could  witli  un- 
erring certainty  predict  the  wliolc  of  their  im- 
mediate n'sults.  This,  unless  I  am  greally  mis- 
taken, is  the  view  which  must  be  lield  by  every 
man  whose  mind  is  unbiased  by  system,  and 
who  forms  liisoiiinions  according  to  theevidenco 
actually  b.  fore  him.  .  .  .  Kejeeting,  tiieii,  the 
metciphysical  dogma  of  free  will  and,  the  theo- 
logical dogma  of  predestined  events,  we  arc 
driven  to  the  conclusion  that  the  actions  of  men, 
being  determined  solely  by  their  antecedents, 
must  have  a  character  of  uniformity,  that  is  to 
say,  must,  under  precisely  the  same  circumstan- 
ces, always  issue  in  jirecisely  the  .siimo  results. 
And  as  all  aiitecedents  are  eitlier  in  the  mind  or 
out  of  it,  wo  clearly  see  that  all  Ww  variations  in 
the  results  —  in  other  words,  all  the  changes  of 
wliidi'liistory  is  full,  all  the  vicissitudes  of  the 
human  race,  their  progress  or  tlieir  decay,  their 
Imppiness  or  their  misery  — must  be  the  fruit  of 
a  double  acti'in ;  an  action  of  external  phenom- 
ena upon  the  mind,  and  anollier  action  of  the 
mind  upon  tlie  phenomena.  These  are  the  ma- 
teriids  out  of  which  ii  philo.sopliic  history  can 
alone  be  constructed.  On  tiie  one  hand,  we  liavo 
the  human  mind  olieyiiig  the  laws  of  its  own 
existence,  and,  when  niieontrolled  by  external 
agents,  developing  itself  according  to  the  con- 
ditions of  its  organization.  On  the  other  hand, 
wo  have  what  is  called  Nature,  obeying  lilvcwi.so 
its  laws;  but  incessantly  coming  into  contact 
with  the  minds  of  men,  excitin„'  tlicir  jiassions, 
stimulating  tlieir  intellect,  and  therefore  giving 
to  their  actions  a  direction  which  they  would  not 
have  taken  witlioutsuch  disturbance.  Tlius  we 
have  man  modifying  na:ure,  and  nature  modify- 
ing man;  wi  Ic  out  of  this  reciprocal  niodirtciition 
all  events  must  necessarily  spring.  The  problem 
immediately  before  us  is  to  a.scertain  tlie  metliod 
of  discovering  the  lawj  of  this  double  modilica- 
tion." — 11.  T.  Buckle,  Hist,  of  CiriliznHon  in 
h'lif/laiid,  ch.  1. — "IJucklo  is  not  the  first  who 
has  attempted  to  treat  the  unscienlilic  character 
of  History,  the  '  methodless  matter,'  as  an  ancient 
writer  names  it,  by  the  method  of  exhibiting 
vital  plienomena  under  points  of  view  analogous 
to  tliosc  which  are  ilie  starting-point  of  the  exact 
sciences.  Hut  a  notion  which  others  have  inci- 
dentally broached  under  some  formula  about 
"latural  growth,'  or  carried  out  in  the  very 
inadequate  and  merely  tigurativo  idea  of  the 
inorganic;  wlmt  still  jothcrs,  as  t!omt'>  in  his  at- 
tratlive  'Philosophic  Positive,'  have  developed 


1649 


HISTOKV 


IIIHTOUY. 


Mpcciiliillvi'ly,  Iliii'kli'  iiMilrrtak)'*!  to  f^roiiiid  in  it 
<'iiiii|in'lirnHivi'  lilHlnriciil  i'X|iiiHiliiiii.  .  .  .  IIi! 
iiiiriHiHcs  til  rulHi'  IliNtdry  to  ii  Miicnri'  \iy  hIiiiwIiik 
liiiw  toili'iiiiiiiHtrat)'  liixtorinil  riictNoiilof  Kt'iiiTiil 
ItiwH.  Ill'  pitviH  till'  wuv  fur  this  liy  Ni'ttiiiK  forth 
tlmt  tlir  riirlii'Hl  iiml  niiii'st  ('oiiri'|itiiiiiH  tiiiirliiii)( 
till'  iKiirM'  of  liiiiimii  ilcHtiny  wrrr  tlKixc  iiiiliriilril 
liy  lliit  lilruH  iif  I'liiiiKC  mill  iircrsNily,  that.  '  in  all 
|iriilmliilitv  '  mil  of  tlicxu  ^ri'W  latir  tlir  'ilo^ 
MiaH'  of  ('ri'i'-will  anil  iirrilcHtiiialinn,  tliat  liotli 
arc  in  a  Knat  ili'Kri'i'  'nilitakrs,'  or  tliat,  iiH  Uv 
aiiils,  '  we  at  li'iiht  liavr  no  ailri|iiati'  proof  of 
their  truth.'  Ilu  tlnils  that  all  Ihi'  chanKCH  of 
which  IliHtory  Ih  full,  all  the  viclH.MitiiilL'8  which 
have  I'oiiiL'  upon  the  hiiiiiaii  race,  Iih  advance  anil 
itH  ilecliiic,  llH  hiippiiii'M  ami  Its  misery,  iniiHt  he 
the  fnilt  of  a  iloiihli'  agency,  thu  worldnii;  of 
outer  pheiioiiiena  upon  our  nature,  anil  the  work- 
liiK  of  our  nature  upon  outer  pheiionieiiu.  lie 
luiH  contliience  that  he  Iiiih  ili.icovereil  thu  '  litWH  ' 
of  IIiIh  iloulile  iiilliieiice,  ami  tliat  lie  haa  there- 
fore eleviiled  the  History  of  mankind  to  ii  sei- 
<'nce.  .  .  .  Iliiekle  does  not  8u  much  leave  thu 
freedom  of  tlie  will,  in  (U)niieetion  with  divine 
provlileiicc,  out  of  view,  liut  rather  declares  it 
un  illusion  and  throws  it  overboard.  Within  the 
precincts  of  philosophy  also  somethiiif;  Himilar 
lias  recently  been  taught.  A  thinker  whom  I 
regard  with  liersoiiai  esteem  says:  'If  we  call 
all  that  an  individual  man  is,  has  and  performs 
A,  then  this  A  arises  out  of  a  +  .r,  a  emhraciii); 
all  that  comes  to  the  man  from  Ids  outer  cireum- 
stanees;  from  his  country,  jieopie,  age,  etc., 
while  the  vanishingly  litllu  x  is  Ids  own  contri 
Imtiiin,  tlie  work  of  his  free  will.'  However  van- 
ishingly  small  this  J-  may  be,  it  is  of  intiiiite 
value.  Morally  and  humanly  considered  it  alone 
has  value.  The  colors,  tlie  brush,  tlio  canvas 
which  liaphaei  used  were  of  materials  which  he 
had  not  created.  He  had  leariieii  from  one  and 
another  master  to  apply  these  materials  in 
drawing  and  painting,  'flic  idea  of  tlie  Holy 
Virgin  and  of  tlie  saints  and  angels,  he  met  with 
in  church  tradition.  Various  cloisters  ordered 
jiictures  from  him  at  given  prices.  Tlmt  this 
mcitement  alone,  these  material  and  technical 
conditions  and  such  traditions  and  contempla- 
tions, should  'explain'  the  Sistine  Madonna, 
would  be,  in  tlie  t'ormuia  A  =  «  + j,  the  service 
of  the  vanishing  littie  J-.  Similarly  every w.'iere. 
Let  statistics  go  im  siiowing  that  in  a  certain 
country  so  aiul  so  many  illegitimate  births  occur. 
Suppose  that  in  the  formula  A  =  d  +  jr  this  a 
includes  al!  the  elements  which  'explain'  tlie 
fact  tlmt  among  a  thousand  mothers  twenty, 
thirty,  or  whatever  tlie  numberis,  are  unmarried; 
ouch  individual  case  of  the  kind  has  its  history, 
how  often  a  toucliing  and  affecting  one.  Of 
those  twenty  or  thirty  who  have  fallen  is  there  a 
single  one  who  will  be  consoled  by  knowing  tlmt 
the  statistical  law  'explains'  her  case?  Amid 
tlie  tortures  of  conscience  through  nights  of 
weeping,  many  a  one  of  tliein  will  be  profoundly 
convinced  tlmt  in  tlie  formula  A  =  a  +  x  the 
vanishing  little  .\  is  of  immeasurable  weight, 
tlmt  in  fact  it  embraces  the  entire  mori'.l  wortli  of 
the  human  being,  his  total  and  exclusive  value. 
No  intelligent  man  will  think  of  denying  that 
the  statistical  method  of  considering  liiunau  af- 
fairs has  its  great  worth ;  but  we  must  not  forget 
liow  little,  relatively,  it  can  accomplisli  and  is 
Meant  to  accomplish.  Many  and  perl'-ps  all 
human  relations  have  a  legal  side ;  yet  no  one 


will  on  (hat  iircoiint  bid  us  seek  for  the  under- 
standing of  the  Kniica  or  of  FuiiMt  among  Ju- 
rists' dellnitions  com^'riiiiig  inlelleutual  proper- 
ly."—.1.  0.  Droysen,  OiitUiw  of  tht  l'nneii>U»  of 
JlMory,  pp.  (W-(M  unit  77-71). 

History  aa  the  root  of  all  Science.— Lett 
Hiitory.—"  History,  as  it  lies  at  the  root  of  all 
scleiice,  is  also  the  tlrst  distinct  product  of  man's 
spiritual  nature;  his  earliest  expression  of  what 
can  l)c  called  Thought.  It  is  a  looking  both  be 
fore  and  after;  as,  indeed,  the  coming  Time  al- 
ready waits,  unseen,  vet  dellnlli  ly  Nlmped,  pre- 
determined and  inevitable,  in  (he  Time  come; 
and  only  by  the  combination  of  both  is  the  mean- 
ing of  either  completed.  The  Sibylline  Hooks, 
though  old,  are  not  the  iddest.  Some  nations 
have  prophecy,  some  have  not:  but  of  all  man- 
kind, there  is  no  tribe  so  rude  that  it  has  not  at- 
teiniited  History,  thougli  several  have  not  arilh- 
inetlc  cnoiigli  to  I'oimt  Five.  History  has  been 
written witliqiiipo-threads,  withfeather-iiUtureg, 
with  wampum-belts;  still  oftener  witii  earth- 
mounds  and  monumental  stone-heaps,  whether  as 
iiynimid  or  cairn ;  for  the  Celt  and  the  ("opt,  the 
Hed  man  as  well  as  the  White,  lives  iM'twcen 
two  eternities,  and  warring  against  Oblivion,  ho 
would  fain  iiniti^  himself  in  clear  con.scious  rela- 
tion, as  in  dim  unconscious  relation  he  is  already 
united,  with  the  whole  Future  and  the  whole 
Past.  A  talent  for  History  may  be  suhi  to  bu 
born  witli  us,  as  our  chief  inlierilance.  In  n  cer- 
tain sense  all  men  are  historians.  Is  not  every 
memory  written  unite  full  witli  Annals,  wherein 
joy  and  mourning,  coni|Uest  and  lo.ss  manifoldly 
alternate;  and,  with  or  witliout  philosophy,  the 
whole  fortunes  of  one  little  inward  Kingdimi, 
and  nil  Its  politics,  foreign  and  domestic,  stand 
ineffaci ably  recorded?  Our  very  speech  Is  curi- 
ously historical.  Most  men,  you  may  observe, 
speak  only  to  narrate;  not  in  imparting  what 
they  have  thought,  which  indeed  were  often  a 
very  small  matter,  but  in  exiiibiting  what  they 
have  undergone  or  seen,  whicli  is  a  ((uite  un- 
limited one,  do  talkers  ililate.  ('ut  us  off  from 
Narrative,  how  would  the  Htreiun  of  conversa- 
tion, even  among  the  wisest,  languisli  into  de- 
tached liaii'lfuls,  and  among  the  foolish  utterly 
evaporate!  Thus,  as  we  do  nothing  but  enact 
History,  we  say  little  but  recite  it:  nay  rather,  lu 
tlmt  widest  senst.',  our  whole  spiritual  life  is  built 
thereon.  For,  strictly  considered,  what  is  all 
Knowledge  too  but  recorded  Experience,  and  a 
proiluct  of  History ;  of  which,  tlierefore.  Reason- 
ing and  Belief,  no  le.ss  than  Action  and  Passion, 
arc  es.sential  materials  ?  .  .  .  Social  Life  is  the 
aggregate  of  all  the  Individual  men's  Lives  who 
constitute  society;  History  is  tlie  essence  of  in- 
numerable Biographies.  But  if  one  Biography, 
nay  our  own  Biograpliy,  study  and  recapitulate 
it  as  we  may,  remains  in  so  many  points  unin- 
telligible to  us;  how  much  more  must  these 
million,  the  very  facts  of  which,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  purport  o.  them,  we  know  not,  and  cannot 
know!  .  .  .  V/hicli  was  the  greatest  innovator, 
which  was  the  more  important  personage  in 
man's  history,  he  wlio  tlrst  led  armies  over  the 
Alps,  and  gained  tlie  victories  of  Canuu;  and 
Thrasymene;  or  the  nameless  boor  who  tirst 
hammered  out  for  himself  an  iron  spade  '(  When 
the  onk-tree  is  felled,  the  whole  forest  echoes 
with  it ;  but  a  hundred  acorns  are  |)lanted  silently 
by  some  unnoticed  breeze.  Battles  and  war- 
tumults,  which  for  the  time  din  every  ear,  and 


1(550 


HISTORY. 


Moral  l,tuun/i  iiiiil 
IVoeMcai  Vatu*. 


UWTOUY. 


with  Joy  or  tirror  liitoxiniti'  ovcry  lionrt,  piwH 
iiwjiy  like  tHvrrii  hriiwlH;  utui,  rxci'iit  hdiik'  fi-w 
MitnttliiiiiH  iinil  iMiirKiTtcim,  iin;  irnit'nilH'riMl  liy 
iirclclciil.  not  by  iIchitI.  Imv/h  llicinsclvcn,  po- 
liticnl  C'oiiHtitiiliiiiiH,  lire  not  our  Lifr,  but  only 
rliii  lioiiHO  wiiert'ln  our  \.\U',  U  li'il:  niiy  tlicy  iirc 
but  tliu  bitro  witllH  of  tlii'  house;  all  wIiohu  cHHt^n- 
tlitl  funiituri!,  tho  hivciitioim  iiuil  Inulltioim,  itiiil 
ilitlly  hiibitt)  thiit  n'Kulatit  luid  Mupport  our  cxiM- 
ti'ni!i>,  nri!  tho  work  not  of  DriicoHiind  lliiinpili'iiH, 
l)iit  of  I'hd'nicliirt  MiurlricrH,  <if  Itiiliaii  niiiHoim 
mill  Hikxon  nietullurKlMtH,  of  pliilosopliorH,  iilcliy- 
miKlH,  prophctH,  nml  itll  thu  Iouk  lorKolturi  triiiii 
of  nrtlstn  1111(1  itrtlHitim;  who  from  thu  llrHt  hiivu 
bfun  Jointly  IcuchlnK  uh  how  to  think  luiil  how 
to  iii't,  how  to  mil!  ovur  gplrltuiil  iind  over  physl- 
cnl  Niituru.  Well  nmy  wii  Hiiy  that  of  our  His- 
tory thu  more  Iniportiint  piirt  Is  lost  without  ri^- 
covcrv" — T.  ("iirlylc,  On  llintiiri/  ((,'ritiriil  iiiiil 
MiiieAlaniont  h'/imii/ii,  r.  2). 

Interpretation  of  the  Past  by  the  Present.— 
"Uut  how,  It  niny  Ix!  nskud,  iiro  wo  to  interpret 
thu  Past  from  tho  Preuunt,  If  thuru  aro  no  institu- 
tions ill  tho  prusunt  unswerlnK  to  those  In  tho 
past?  Wo  have  no  serfs,  for  oxampiu.  In  Enj?- 
land  at  tho  present  time,  how  tliun  are  wu  to 
iindorstand  a  state  of  Hoclety  of  wliieh  they  were 
a  component  element?  Tho  answer  Is  —  by  an- 
alogy, by  looking  at  tho  esseneo  of  tho  relation. 
Uetween  a  modern  master  and  his  lackeys  ami 
dependents,  tho  same  essential  relation  subsists 
us  between  tho  lord  and  serf  of  feudal  times.  If 
we  realise  to  ourselves  tho  full  round  of  this  re- 
lationship, deepen  the  sha<les  to  correspond  with 
thu  more  absolute  power  possessed  by  a  lord  In 
early  times,  allow  for  a  more  aristocratic  state  of 
opinion  and  belief,  tho  result  will  be  tlie  solution 
desired.  Tlik  metluxl  of  Interpreting  tho  Past 
from  the  "resent  has  been  followed  by  Blmkcs- 
pearc  In  h<s  great  historical  dramas,  with  such 
success  as  we  all  know.  lie  wishes,  for  ex- 
ample, t,)  give  us  a  picture  of  olil  lioinan 
times,  lie  gets  from  Plutarch  and  other  sources 
the  broad  historical  fads,  tho  form  of  Govern- 
ment and  Religion,  the  distribution  of  Power  and 
Authority :  this  is  tho  skeleton  to  which  he  has 
to  give  life  and  reality.  How  does  ho  proceed? 
Ho  simply  takes  bis  stand  on  the  times  in  which 
ho  himself  llvud;  notes  tho  effects  existing  In- 
stitutions have  on  his  own  and  other  minds; 
allows  for  the  differences  in  custom,  mode  of 
life,  and  political  and  religious  forms;  and  tho 
result  is  a  drama  or  dramas  more  real  and  lifelike, 
more  true  and  believable,  au  insiglit  Into  the 
working  of  Roman  life  more  subtle  and  profound, 
than  all  the  husks  with  which  the  historians  have 
furnished  us." — J.  B.  Crozier,  Civilizatinn  and 
Progress,  p.  35. 

The  Moral  lessons  of  History. — "Oibbon 
believed  that  th:  era  of  conquerors  was  at  an 
end.  Had  hu  lived  out  the  full  life  of  man,  ho 
would  have  seen  Europe  at  tho  feet  of  Napoleon. 
But  a  few  years  ago  wo  believed  tho  world  had 
grown  too  civilized  for  wor,  and  the  Crystal 
Palace  in  Hydo  Park  was  to  be  the  inauguration 
of  a  new  era.  Battles  bloody  as  Napoleon's  arc 
now  the  familiar  tale  of  every  day ;  and  the  arts 
which  have  nmde  greatest  progress  are  the  arts 
of  destruction.  .  .  .  What,  then,  is  tho  use  of 
History,  and  what  arc  its  lessons?  If  it  can  tell 
us  little  of  thu  past,  and  nothing  of  the  future, 
wli}-  waste  our  time  over  so  barren  a  study? 
First,  it  is  a  voice  forever  sounding  across  the 


renturles  tho  laws  of  right  and  wrong  Opin- 
ions alter,  manners  iliange,  ereeds  rise  and  tall, 
but  the  mnrai  law  i.i  written  on  llii-  tablets  of 
eternity.  For  every  fals<(  word  or  nnr!gbteous 
deed,  for  cruelty  and  oppression,  for  lust  or 
vanity,  the  price  has  to  be  paid  at  last;  not  ill 
ways  by  tlio  clih'f  olleiiders,  but  paiil  liy  soiiiu 
oni-.  .Iiistiee  anil  truth  alone  endure  and  live. 
Injustlei>  and  falsehood  may  be  long  lived,  but 
diiomsday  cmnes  at  last  to  them,  in  Krencli  revn- 
liitloiis  and  oilier  terrible  ways.  Tliat  Is  ono 
les.siiii  of  History.  Another  Is  that  we  should 
draw  no  horoHcopes;  that  wo  should  expect  Ut- 
ile, for  what  we  «'Xpeet  will  not  come  to  pass." — 
J.  A.  Froude,  S/mrt  Stuilie*  on  Ureal  Subjerti, 
pp.  a7-a8. 

The  Educational  and  Practical  value  of  His- 
tory.—  "It  is,  I  think,  "lie  of  lliii  best  schools 
for  tliat  kind  of  reasoning  whieli  Is  most  useful 
in  |)ra(^ti(iil  life.  It  teaches  men  to  weigh  con- 
lllcllng  prol)al)ilitles,  to  estimate  degrees  of  evi- 
donee,  to  form  a  sound  Judgment  of  tho  value 
of  authorities.  Reasoning  Is  taught  by  actual 
practice  much  more  than  by  any  a  priori  methods. 
Many  good  Judges  —  and  I  own  I  am  inclined  to 
agree  witli  tliem  —  doubt  much  whether  a  study 
of  formal  logic  ever  yet  made  a  good  reiisoncr. 
Mathematics  aro  no  doubt  Invaluable  in  this 
respect,  but  they  only  deal  with  demonstrations; 
and  it  has  often  been  observed  bow  many  excel- 
lent mathematicians  are  somewhat  peculiarly 
destitute  of  the  power  of  measuring  degrees  of 
probability.  But  History  Is  largely  concerned 
with  the  kind  of  probabilities  on  which  thu  con- 
duct of  life  mainly  depends.  There  is  one  hint 
about  historical  reasoning  which  I  think  may 
not  be  unworthy  of  your  notice.  When  study- 
ing some  great  historical  controve"8y,  place  your- 
self by  nn  effort  of  the  Imagination  iilturnately 
on  each  side  of  tho  battle ;  try  to  realibo  as  fully 
as  you  can  thu  point  of  view  of  tho  Ijcst  men  on 
either  side,  and  then  draw  up  upon  paper  the 
arguments  of  each  in  thu  strongest  form  you  can 
give  them.  You  will  find  that  few  practices  do 
more  to  elucidate  the  past,  or  form  a  butter  men- 
tal discipline."— W.  E.  II.  Lccky,  The  Political 
Value  of  Ilintory,  pp.  47-49. — "He  who  de- 
mands certainties  alone  as  the  sphere  of  his  action 
must  retire  from  thu  activities  of  life,  and  conflno 
himself  to  the  domain  of  mathematical  computa- 
tion. Ho  who  is  unwilling  to  investigate  and 
weigh  probabilities  can  have  no  good  reason  to 
hope  for  any  practical  success  wliatever.  It  Is 
strictly  accurate  to  say  that  tho  highest  successes 
In  life,  whether  in  statesmanship,  in  legislation, 
in  war,  in  the  civic  professions,  or  in  the  industrial 
pursuits,  are  attained  by  those  who  possess  thu 
greatest  skill  in  the  weighing  of  probabilities 
and  the  estimating  of  them  at  their  true  value. 
This  is  tho  essential  reason  why  the  study  of  his- 
tory is  so  importont  an  clement  la  tho  work  of 
improving  the  Judgment,  and  in  the  work  of 
fitting  men  to  conduct  properly  the  larger 
interests  of  communities  ond  states.  It  is  a 
study  of  humanity,  not  in  an  ideal  condition,  but 
as  humanity  exists.  The  student  of  history  sur- 
veys the  relations  of  life  in  essentially  tho  same 
manner  as  the  man  of  business  surveys  them. 
T'erhaps  it  ought  rather  to  be  said  that  the  his- 
torical method  is  the  method  that  nuist  be  used 
in  the  common  affairs  of  ovuryday  life.  The 
premises  from  which  the  man  of  business  has  to 
draw   his  conclusions  are  always  more  or  less 


1651 


HISTORY. 


Etlucational 
and  Practical  Value. 


HISTORY. 


Involvwl  and  uncertain.  Tho  gift  which  insures 
success,  therefore,  is  not  so  mucli  the  endowment 
of  II  powerful  reasoning  faculty  as  that  other 
(luality  of  intelligence,  which  we  call  trooil  judg- 
ment. It  is  the  ability  to  grasp  what  may  be 
culled  the  strategic  points  of  a  situation  l)y  in- 
stinctive or  intuitive  methods.  It  reaches  its 
conclusions  not  by  any  very  clearly  defined  or 
detlnable  process,  but  rather  by  the  method  of 
conjecturing  the  value  and  importjince  of  con- 
tingent elements.  It  is  the  ability  to  reach  cor- 
net conclusions  when  the  conditions  of  a  strictly 
logical  process  are  wanting.  To  a  man  of  alTidrs 
this  is  the  most  valuable  of  all  gifts;  and  it  is 
acquired,  so  far  ns  it  comes  by  elfort,  not  by 
studying  the  rigid  processes  of  necessary  reason- 
ing, but  by  a  large  observance  and  contempla- 
tion of  human  oifairs.  And  it  is  precisely  this 
n.-ethwl  of  studying  men  that  tlic  historical  stu- 
dent hos  to  use.  Ills  premises  are  always  more 
or  less  uncertain,  and  his  conclusions,  therefore, 
like  the  conclusions  of  every  day  life,  are  the 
product  of  his  jucV-rient  rather  than  the  product 
of  pure  reason,  ^t  is  in  the  light  of  this  fact 
that  we  are  to  explain  the  force  of  Guizot's  re- 
mark, that  nothing  tortures  Idstory  more  than 
logic.  Herein  also  is  found  the  reason  why  tlie 
study  of  history  is  so  necessary  a  part  of  a  good 
preparation  for  the  affairs  of  politics  and  states- 
manship. Freeman  has  said  that  history  is  sim- 
ply past  politics,  and  politics  are  simply  pres- 
ent history.  If  tliis  be  true  —  and  who  can  deny 
it?  —  the  study  of  history  and  the  study  of  poli- 
tics are  much  the  same.  The  kind  of  involved 
and  contingent  reasoning  necessary  for  the  suc- 
cessful formation  of  political  judgments  is  un- 
questionably the  kind  of  reasoning  which,  of  all 
studies,  liistory  is  best  adapted  to  give.  It  may 
also  be  siud  tliat  the  most  important  elements  of 
success  are  the  same  in  all  practical  vocations. 
The  conditions,  whether  those  of  statesmanship 
or  those  of  industry  and  commerce,  have  been 
essentially  the  same  in  all  ages.  Society  is,  and 
has  been,  from  its  first  existence,  a  more  or  less 
complicated  organism.  It  is  a  machine  with  a 
great  number  of  wheels  and  springs.  No  part  is 
independent.  Hence  it  is  that  no  man  can  be 
completely  useful  if  he  is  out  of  gear  with  his 
age,  however  perfect  ho  maybe  in  himself." — 
C.  K.  Adams,  A  Manual  of  Ilistoncal  Literature, 
pp.  15-16. — "To  turn  for  a  moment  to  the  gen- 
eral question.  I  should  not  like  to  be  thought 
to  bo  advocating  my  study  on  the  mere  grounds 
of  utility;  although  I  believe  that  utility,  both 
as  regards  the  training  of  the  study  and  the  in- 
formation attained  in  it,  to  bo  the  highest,  hu- 
manly speaking,  of  all  utilities;  it  helps  to 
qualify  a  man  to  act  in  his  character  of  a  poli- 
tician as  a  Christian  man  should.  But  this  Is 
not  all ;  beyond  the  educational  purpose,  beyond 
the  political  purpose,  beyond  tlie  philosophical 
use  of  history  and  its  training,  it  has  soraethin  g 
of  the  preciousness  of  everything  that  is  clear' y 
true.  In  common  with  Natunil  Philosophy  it 
has  its  value,  I  will  not  say  as  Science,  for  ^hat 
would  be  to  use  a  term  which  has  now  bei  ome 
equivocal,  but  it  has  a  value  analogous  to  the  \  alue 
of  science;  a  value  as  something  that  is  worth 
knowing  and  retaining  in  the  knowledge  for  its 
own  and  for  the  truth's  sake.  And  in  tliis  con- 
sists its  especial  attraction  for  its  own  votaries. 
It  is  not  the  pleasure  of  knowing  something  tliat 
the  world  does  not  know, — that  doubtless  is  a 


motive  that  weighs  with  iiany  minds,  a  motive 
to  be  accepted  as  a  fact,  though  it  may  not  be 
worth  analysis.  It  is  not  the  mere  pleasure  of 
investigating  and  finding  with  every  step  of  in- 
vestigation new  iKiiuts  of  view  open  out,  and 
new  fields  of  hibour,  new  characters  of  interest; 
—  that  investigating  instinct  of  human  nature  is 
not  one  to  be  ignored,  and  tlie  exercise  of  it  on 
such  inexhaustible  materials  as  are  before  us 
now  is  a  most  healthy  exercise,  one  that  cannot 
but  strengthen  and  develope  the  whole  mind  of 
the  man  who  uses  it,  urging  him  on  to  new 
studies,  new  languages,  new  discoveries  in  geog- 
raphy and  science.  Hut  even  this  is  not  all. 
Tliere  is,  I  speak  humbly,  in  common  with 
Natural  Science,  in  the  study  of  living  History, 
u  gradual  approximation  to  a  consciousness  that 
we  are  growing  into  a  perception  of  the  work- 
ings of  the  Almighty  Ruler  of  the  world.  .  .  . 
The  study  of  History  is  in  this  respect,  as  Cole- 
ridge said  of  Poetry,  its  own  great  reward,  a 
thing  to  be  loved  and  cultivated  for  its  own  sake. 
...  If  man  is  not,  as  wo  believe,  the  greatest 
and  most  wonderful  of  God's  works,  he  is  at 
least  the  most  wonderful  that  comes  within  our 
contemplation ;  if  the  human  will,  which  is  tho 
motive  cause  of  all  historical  events,  is  not  tho 
freest  agent  in  the  universe,  it  is  at  least  the 
freest  agency  of  which  we  have  any  knowledge; 
if  its  variations  are  not  absolutely  innumerable 
and  irreducible  to  classification,  on  the  generali- 
sations of  which  wo  may  formulate  laws  and 
rules,  and  maxims  and  prophecies,  they  are  far 
more  diversified  and  less  reducible  than  any 
otlier  phenomena  in  those  regions  of  the  universe 
that  wc  have  power  to  penetrate.  For  one  great 
insoluble  problem  of  astronomy  or  geology  there 
are  a  thousand  insoluble  problems  in  tlie  life,  in 
the  character,  in  tlie  face  of  every  m;in  that 
meets  you  in  tho  street.  Thus,  whether  we  look 
at  tho  dignity  of  the  subject-matter,  or  at  tlio 
nature  of  the  mental  exercise  which  it  requires, 
or  at  the  inexliaustible  field  over  which  tlie  pur- 
suit ranges.  History,  the  knowledge  of  tho  ad- 
ventures, the  development,  the  changeful  career, 
the  varied  growtlis,  the  ai.ibitions,  aspirations, 
and,  if  you  like,  the  approximating  .hstinies  of 
mankind,  claim  a  place  second  to  iioi'e  in  tlie 
roll  of  sciences." — W.  Stubbs,  Serenl£e,i  j^^ctnres 
on  the  Study  of  Medieval  and  Modern  Ilittory, 
led.  I  and  4. — "There  is  a  passage  in  Lord 
Bacon  so  mucli  to  this  purpose  that  I  cannot 
forbear  quoting  it.  'Althoujjh' (ho  says) 'we 
ore  deeply  indebted  to  tlie  light,  because  by 
means  of  it  we  can  find  our  way,  plv  our  tasks, 
read,  distinguisli  one  another;  and  yet  for  all 
that  the  vision  of  the  light  itself  is  more  excellent 
and  more  beautiful  than  all  these  various  uses  of 
it;  so  the  contemplation  and  sight  of  things  as 
they  are,  without  superstition,  without  impos- 
ture, without  error,  oud  without  confusion,  is  in 
itself  worth  more  than  all  the  harvest  and  profit 
of  inventions  put  togctlier.'  And  so  may  I  say 
of  History ;  tliat  useful  as  it  may  be  to  tho  states- 
man, to  the  lawyer,  to  the  schoolmaster,  or  the 
annalist,  so  far  as  it  enables  us  to  look  at  facts 
as  thej'  are,  and  to  cultivate  that  habit  within  us, 
the  importance  of  History  is  far  beyond  all  mere 
amusement  or  even  information  that  we  may 
gatlicr  from  it." — J.  8.  Brewer,  English  Studies, 
j).382. — "To  know  History  is  impossible;  noteven 
Mr.  Freeman,  not  Professor  Ranke  himself,  can 
be  said  to  know  History.  ...  No  one,  therefore, 


1662 


HISTORY. 


Hialnricnl  Romance 
and  Homantic  Hintory. 


HISTORY. 


should  be  discouraged  from  studying  History. 
Its  greatest  service  is  not,  so  niucli  to  increase 
our  knowledge  as  to  stimulai;-  tliouglit  and 
broaden  our  intellectual  horizon,  and  for  this 
purpose  no  study  is  its  e(iual."— W.  P.  Atkin.son, 
On  lIMory  and  the  Stiiili/  of  Ifinton/,  p.  107. 

The  Writing  of  History. — Macaulay's  view. 
— "A  history  in  wiiich  every  particular  incident 
may  be  true  may  on  the  whole  be  false.  The 
circumstances  which  have  most  influence  on  the 
happiness  of  mai'kind,  the  changes  of  manners 
and  morals,  the  transition  of  communities  from 
poverty  to  wealth,  from  knowledge  to  ignorance, 
from  ferocity  to  humanity  —  these  are,  for  the 
most  part,  noiseless  revolutions.  Their  progress 
is  rarely  indicated  by  what  liistorians  arc  pleased 
to  call  important  events.  Tliey  are  not  achieved 
by  armies,  or  enacted  by  senates.  Tliey  are 
sanctioned  by  no  treaties  and  recorded  in  no 
arcliivea.  They  are  carried  on  in  every  school, 
in  everv  church,  behind  ten  thousand  counters, 
at  ten  tliousand  firesides.  The  upper  current  of 
society  presents  no  certain  criterion  by  which  we 
can  judgo  of  the  direction  in  which  the  under 
current  flows.  Wc  read  of  defeats  and  victories. 
But  we  know  tliat  nations  may  be  miserable 
amidst  victories  and  i)rosperous  amidst  defeats. 
We  read  of  tlie  fall  of  wise  ministers  and  of  the 
rise  of  profligate  favourites.  But  we  must  re- 
member how  si.'iall  a  proportion  the  good  or  evil 
effected  by  a  single  statesman  can  bear  to  the 
good  or  evil  of  a  great  social  system.  .  .  .  The 
effect  of  historical  reading  Is  analogous,  in  many 
respects,  to  that  produced  by  foreign  travel.  The 
student,  like  the  tourist,  is  transported  into  a  new 
state  of  society.  He  sees  new  fashions.  He  hears 
new  modes  of  expression.  His  mind  is  enlarged 
by  contemplating  the  wide  diversities  of  laws,  of 
morals,  and  of  manners.  But  men  may  travel  far 
and  return  with  minds  as  contracted  as  if  they  had 
never  stirred  from  their  own  market-town.  In  the 
same  manner,  men  may  know  the  dates  of  many 
battles  and  the  genealogies  of  many  royal  houses, 
and  yet  be  no  wiser.  .  .  .  Tlie  perfect  historian 
is  he  in  wiioso  work  the  character  and  spirit  of 
an  age  is  exiiibitcd  in  miniature.  He  relates  no 
fact,  he  attributes  no  expression  to  his  characters, 
which  is  not  authenticated  by  siifflcient  testimony. 
But,  by  judicious  selection,  rejection,  and  ar- 
rangement, he  gives  to  trutli  those  attractions 
which  liave  been  usurped  by  Action.  In  his  nar- 
ritlve  a  due  subordination  is  observed:  some 
i.ausactions  are  prominent;  others  retire.  But 
the  scale  on  whiclihe  represents  them  is  increased 
or  diminished,  not  according  to  the  dignity  of 
the  pel  sons  concerned  in  them,  but  according  to 
the  degree  in  which  they  elucidate  tlie  condition 
of  society  r.nd  the  nature  of  man.  He  shows  us 
tlie  court,  the  camp,  and  the  senate.  But  he 
shows  us  also  the  nation.  He  considers  no 
anecdote,  no  peculiarity  of  manner,  no  familiar 
saying,  as  too  insignificant  for  his  notice  which 
is  not  too  insignificant  to  illustrate  the  operation 
of  laws,  of  religion,  and  of  education,  and  to 
mark  the  progress  of  the  human  mind.  Men  will 
not  merely  be  described,  but  will  be  made  inti- 
mately known  to  us."— Lord  Maeaulay,  History 
(Esmys,  v.  1). 

The  Writing  of  History.— Truthfulness  in 
Style. — "That  man  reads  history,  or  anything 
else,  at  great  peril  of  being  thoroughly  misled, 
who  has  no  perception  of  any  truthfulness  except 
Oiat  which  can  be  fully  ascertained  by  reference 


to  facts;  who  does  not  in  the  least  perceive  the 
truth,  or  the  reverse,  of  a  writer's  style,  of  his 
epithets,  of  his  reasoning,  of  his  mcxie  of  narra- 
tion. In  life  our  faith  in  any  narration  is  much 
influenced  by  the  personal  appearance,  voice, 
and  gesture  of  the  jierson  narnuing.  Tlure  is 
some  part  of  all  these  things  in  his  writing;  and 
you  must  Imjk  into  that  well  before  you  can 
know  what  faith  to  give  him.  Oue  man  may 
make  mistakes  in  names,  and  dates,  and  refer- 
ences, and  yet  have  a  real  substance  of  truth- 
fulness in  him,  a  wish  to  enlighten  himself  and 
then  you.  Another  may  not  be  wrong  in  his 
facts,  but  have  a  declamatory,  or  sophistical, 
vein  in  him,  much  to  be  guarded  against.  A 
third  may  be  both  inaccurate  and  untruthful, 
caring  not  so  much  for  any  thing  as  to  write  his 
book.  And  if  the  reader  cares  only  to  read  it, 
sad  work  they  make  between  them  of  the  memo- 
ries of  former  days." — Sir  A.  Helps,  Frii-inln  in 
Council,  v.  1,  pp.  199-200. 

Historical  Romance  and  Romantic  History. 
—  Sir  Walter  Scott. — "The  prodigious  ad(fi- 
tion  which  the  hapi)y  idea  of  the  historical  ro- 
mance has  mode  to  the  stories  of  elevated  lit- 
erature, and  through  it  to  the  happiness  ami 
improvement  of  the  human  race,  will  not  Im; 
properly  appreciated,  unless  the  novels  most  in 
vogue  before  the  immortal  creations  of  Scott  aji- 
]i"ared  are  considered.  .  .  .  Why  is  it  that  works 
so  popular  in  their  daj-,  and  abounding  with  so 
many  tnuts  of  real  genius,  should  so  soon  liave 
palled  upon  the  world?  Simply  because  tliey 
were  not  founded  upon  abroad  and  general  view 
of  human  nature;  because  they  were  drawn,  not 
from  real  life  in  the  innumerable  phases  which  it 
presents  to  the  observer,  but  imaginary  life  as  it 
was  conceived  in  the  mind  of  the  composer;  be- 
cau.se  they  were  confined  '  ^  one  circle  and  class 
of  society,  and  having  "x."  msted  all  the  natural 
ideas  v  Inch  it  could  mx'sent,  its  authors  were 
driven,  in  the  search  of  variety,  to  the  invention 
of  artificial  and  often  ridiculous  ones.  Sir  Walter 
Scott,  as  all  the  world  knows,  was  the  inventor 
of  the  historical  romance.  As  if  to  demonstrate 
how  ill  founded  was  the  opinion,  that  all  things 
were  worked  out,  and  that  originality  no  longer 
was  accessible  for  the  rest  of  time.  Provi- 
dence, by  tlie  meansof  that  great  mind,  bestowed 
a  new  art,  as  it  were,  upon  mankind  —  at  the 
very  time  when  literature  to  all  appearance  was 
effete,  and  inven'ion.  for  above  a  century,  had 
run  in  the  cramped  and  worn-out  channels  of 
imitation,  oibbon  was  lamenting  that  the  sub- 
jects of  history  were  exhausted,  and  that  modern 
story  would  never  present  the  moving  incidents 
of  ancient  story,  on  the  verge  of  the  French 
Revolution  and  the  European  war  —  of  the 
Reign  of  Terror  and  the  Moscow  retreat.  Such 
was  the  reply  of  Time  to  the  complaint  tliat 
political  incident  was  worr^  out.  Not  less  de- 
cisive was  the  answer  which  the  genius  of  the 
Scottish  bard  afforded  to  the  opinion,  that  the 
treasures  of  original  thought  were  exhausted, 
and  that  nothing  now  remained  for  the  sons  of 
men.  In  the  midst  of  that  delusion  he  wrote 
'  Waverley ' ;  and  the  effect  was  like  the  sun 
bursting  through  the  clouds." — Historical  Ho- 
mnnce  (Blackituod's  Magazine,  Sept.,  1845). — 
"Those  sticklers  for  truth,  who  reproach  Scott 
with  having  falsified  history  because  he  wilfully 
confused  dates,  forget  the  far  greater  trutii  which 
ihat  wonderful  writer  generally  presented.    If, 


1653 


HISTORY. 


Hiitorical  Romancf 
and  Romantic  UitUirii. 


UI8T0RY. 


for  liis  purposes,  lii^  (lisiimingrd  tlie  order  of 
events  11  little;  no  jfnive  liistoriiiii  ever  suceeeded 
iH'tler  in  piiiiitinj:  tlie  eliariieler  of  the  epocli. 
He  eoniniitted  errors  of  (ietnil  eiioUKli  to  nuilie 
iMrs,  Miirlilmni  sliudder.  Ho  divined  important 
historical  triitli  wliicli  liad  eseaped  tlie  sapicity 
(if  all  historians.  A  nKut  authority,  Augustin 
Thierry,  has  iironounccd  Scott  the  greatest  of  all 
historical  divlnators." — O.  H.  Lewes,  llintnrieal 
liomiiiice  (Wmtmiiiiilir  Uec,  Mar.,  ISIC).—  'The 
novel  of  Ivanhoe  places  us  four  generations 
after  the  invasion  of  the  Nortuaiis,  in  the  reign 
of  Hichard,Hoii  of  Henry  I'lantagenet,  sixth  king 
since  the  coM)uer<)r.  At  this  period,  at  which 
the  historian  Hume  can  oidy  represent  to  us  n 
king  and  Englund,  without  telling  us  what  a  king 
is,  nor  what  he  means  by  England,  Walter 
Scott,  entering  profoundly  into  the  examination 
of  events,  shows  us  classes  of  nu'n,  distinct  in- 
terests and  conditions,  two  nations,  a  double 
language,  customs  which  repel  ^uid  combat  each 
other;  on  one  side  tyranny  and  insolence,  on  the 
other  misery  and  hatred,  real  dt'Velopnients  of 
the  drama  of  the  conciuest,  of  which  the  battle  of 
Hastings  had  been  only  the  proh)gue.  ...  In 
the  mid.st  of  tlu^  world  which  no  longer  exists, 
Walter  Scott  always  places  the  world  which  does 
and  always  will  exist,  that  is  to  say,  human  na- 
ture, of  whicli  he  knows  all  the  secrets.  Every- 
thing jieculiar  to  tlie  time  and  place,  the  exterior 
of  men,  the  aspect  of  the  country  and  of  the 
habitations,  costumes,  and  manners,  are  de- 
scribed with  tlie  most  minute  truthfulness;  and 
yet  the  immense  erudition  which  has  furnished 
8o  many  details  is  nowliere  to  bo  perceived. 
Walter  Scott  seems  to  have  for  the  ])ast  that 
second  sight,  which  in  times  of  ignorance,  cer- 
tain men  attributed  to  themselves  for  the  future. 
To  say  that  there  is  more  real  history  in  his 
novels  on  Scotland  and  England  than  in  the 
philosophically  false  compilations  which  still 
possess  that  great  name,  is  not  advancing  any 
thing  strange  in  the  eyes  of  those  who  have  read 
and  understood  "Old  Mortality,'  'Waverley,' 
'Hob  Hoy,'  the  'Fortunes  of  Nigel,'  and  the 
'Heart  of  JlidLotliiau.' " — A.  Thierry,  Aur- 
rativcn  of  the  Jfcniriiii/itin  Km,  llislorical  Emii/s, 
etc.,  emidji  9. — "We  have  all  heard  how  the  ro 
mances  of  AValter  Scott  brought  history  home  to 
people  wli'/  would  never  have  looked  into  the 
ponderous  volumes  of  professed  historians,  and 
n<any  of  us  confess  to  ourselves  that  there  are 
large  historical  periods  which  would  be  utterly 
unknown  to  us  but  for  some  story  either  of  tiie 
great  romancer  or  one  of  his  innunieriible  imi- 
tators. Writers,  as  well  as  readers,  of  history 
were  awakened  by  Scott  to  what  seemed  to  them 
the  new  discovery  that  the  great  personages  of 
history  were  after  all  men  and  women  of  flesh 
and  blood  like  ourselves.  Hence  in  all  later  his- 
torical literature  there  is  visible  the  effort  to  make 
history  more  personal,  nuire  dramatic  than  it  had 
been  before.  We  can  hardly  read  the  interesting 
Life  of  Lord  Macaulay  williout  perceiving  that 
the  most  popular  historical  work  of  mmiern 
times  owes  its  origin  in  a  great  measure  to  the 
Waverley  Novels.  JIacaulay  grew  up  in  a  world 
of  novels ;  his  conversation  with  his  sisters  was 
so  steeped  in  rcminisceuccsof  the  novels  they  had 
read  together  as  to  be  unintelligible  to  those  who 
wanted  the  clue.  His  youth  and  early  manhood 
witnessed  the  appeanmce  of  tlie  Waverley  Novels 
themselves.  ...  He  became  naturally  possessed 


by  th(^  idea  which  is  expressed  over  and  over 
again  in  his  essays,  and  which  at  last  he  realized 
witli  such  wonderful  success,  the  idea  that  it  was 
(piite  possible  to  make  history  as  interesting  an 
romance.  .  .  .  .Macaulay  is  only  the  most  famous 
of  a  lar^e  group  of  writers  who  have  been  pos- 
ses.sed  with  the  same  idea.  As  Scott  founded 
the  historical  romance,  he  may  be  said  to  have; 
founded  the  romantic  history.  And  to  this  day 
it  is  an  established  popular  opinion  that  this  Is 
tlie  true  way  of  writing  history,  only  tliat  few 
writers  have  genius  enough  for  it.  .  .  .  It  must 
be  urged  against  this  kind  of  history  that  very 
few  subjects  or  periwls  are  worthy  of  it.  Once 
or  twice  there  have  appeared  glorious  cliaracters 
whose  perfection  no  cloipicnce  can  exaggerate; 
once  or  twice  national  events  have  arranged 
tliemsclvcs  like  a  drama,  or  risen  to  the  elevation 
of  an  epic  poem.  Hut  the  average  of  history  is 
not  like  this;  it  is  indeed  much  more  ordinary 
and  monotonous  than  is  commonly  supiiosed. 
The  serious  student  of  history  has  to  submit  to  a 
disenchantment  like  that  which  the  experience  of 
life  brings  to  the  imaginative  youth.  As  life  is 
not  much  like  romance,  so  history  when  it  is 
studied  in  origini.l  documents  looks  very  unlike 
the  conventional  reprericntation  of  it  which  his- 
torians have  accustomed  us  to." — .1.  U.  Seeley, 
Jlintori/  a  lid  PuliticH  ( .Mucin  ilia  n'n  Magazine,  Aug. , 
187«).  ■ 

How  to  study  History. — "The  object  of  the 
historical  student  is  to  bring  before  his  mind  a 
picture  of  the  main  (events  and  the  spirit  of  the 
times  which  he  studies.  The  first  st<'p  is  to  get 
a  general  view  from  a  brief  book'  tlie  second 
step  is  to  enlarge  it  from  more  elaborate  books, 
reading  more  tlian  one,  and  to  use  some  system 
of  written  notes  keeping  them  complete.  The 
next  step  is  to  read  some  of  the  contemporary 
writers.  Having  done  these  three  things  care- 
fully, the  historical  student  carries  away  an  im- 
pression of  his  period  which  will  never  bo 
effaced."— Prof.  A.  B.  Hart,  How  to /^liidy  Ilin- 
tort/iO/iantaiiqiiaii,  Oct.,  1893). 

The  Importance  of  a  knowledge  of  Univer- 
sal History. —  "When  I  was  a  schoolmaster,  I 
never  considered  a  pupil  thoroughly  educated 
unless  he  had  read  Gibbon  through  before  he 
left  me.  I  read  it  through  myself  before  I 
was  eigliteen,  and  I  have  derived  unspeakable 
advantage  from  this  expencnce.  Gibbon's  faults 
of  style  and  matter  nave  very  slight  effect  on 
the  youthful  mind,  wlier,  .;s  his  merits,  his  schol- 
arship, his  learning,  his  breadth  of  view,  his 
imagination,  and  his  insight,  afford  a  powerful 
stimulus  to  study.  .  .  .  I  .  .  .  wish  to  urge  the 
claims  of  two  subjects  on  your  attention  which 
1  ive  hitherto  been  unaccountably  neglected. 
Tl.e  first  of  them  is  universal  history,  the  gen- 
era! course  of  'he  history  of  the  world.  It  seems 
natural  to  tlii  jk  that  no  subject  could  be  more 
important  for  the  consi<leration  of  any  human 
being  than  the  knowledge  of  the  main  lines 
which  the  race  has  followed  since  the  dawn  of 
history  in  reaching  the  jiosition  which  it  has 
now  attained.  The  best  way  of  understanding 
any  situation  is  to  know  how  affairs  came  into 
that  positioii.  Besides  the  sjitisfaction  of  legiti- 
mate curiosity,  it  is  only  thus  that  we  can  be 
wise  reformers,  and  distinguish  between  what  is 
a  mere  survival  of  the  past  and  an  institution 
which  is  inherent  in  the  character  of  the  com- 
munity.   Our  German  cousins  arc  fully  aware 


1654 


11I8TOUY. 


Local  IliKtory. 


HISTOHY. 


I 


of  tliia  Iruth;  a  Ocrnian  parlour,  howcecr  moa- 
^rrly  fiirnislicii,  always  corilaiiid  two  ImkiRh,  a 
Uiblu  and  a  Wc'.tgesi'hiclitf.  I  suppose  that 
luring  the  present  century  from  a  hunilred  to  u 
luindrcd  and  llfty  of  thosu  universal  histories 
have  made  iheir  appeoraiice  in  Germany.  In 
England  I  only  know  of  two.  In  Germany, 
Italy,  and  Austria,  and,  I  believe,  in  France, 
Tmiversal  history  forms  an  es.seutial  part  of  edu- 
cation for  nearly  all  classes.  It  is  taken  as  a 
subject  under  certain  conditions  in  the  Abiturieii- 
ten-Exameu.  I  once  had  the  privilege  of  read- 
ing tun  notes  of  a  viva  voce  e.xaminulion  of  a 
student  in  this  stibject  who  did  not  pa.S8.  It 
covered  the  whole  range  of  ancient,  mcdiieval, 
and  modern  his'ory.  I  was  astonished  at  what 
the  student  did  know,  and  still  more  at  what  he 
was  expected  to  know.  I  should  like  to  see  the 
subject  an  essential  part  of  all  secondary  educa- 
tion in  England,  just  as  the  knowledge  of  Bible 
history  was  in  my  young  days  and  may  be  still. 
If  proper  text-books  were  forthcoming,  to  which 
1  again  direct  t'lO  attention  of  ciiterprising  pub- 
lishers, there  would  be  no  difliculty  in  mak- 
ing this  subject  an  accompaniment  of  nearly 
every  literary  lesson.  .  .  .  The  advantage  would 
be  the  enlargement  of  the  mind  by  tlie  contem- 
plation of  the  majestic  march  of  hiinian  events 
and  the  preparation  for  any  future  ourse  of  his- 
torical study.  'Boys  come  to  us,'  said  a  Ger- 
man piofcssor  once  to  me,  '  knowing  their  cen- 
turies.' How  few  English  boys  or  even  Englisli 
men  have  any  notion  of  their  centuries!  The 
dark  ages  are  indeed  dark  to  them.  I  once 
a.sked  a  boy  at  Eton,  wlio  had  given  me  a  date, 
whether  it  wiis  B.  C.  or  A.  I>.  Be:ng  liopelessly 
puzzled,  lie  replied  that  it  was  B.  U.  Many  of 
us,  if  we  were  honest,  would  give  a  ciniilar  an- 
swer."— O.  Browning,  The  Teaching  oj  Hist,  in 
Sch'iols  {lioi/al  Jliat.  iSoc,  Transactiotis,  new  eerie*, 
r.  4). 

The  Importance  of  Local  History. — "From 
a  variety  of  considerations,  the  writer  is  per- 
suaded that  one  of  the  be.-'^  introductions  to  his- 
tory that  can  be  given  in  Amer  can  high  schools, 
and  even  in  tliosc  of  lower  gri-de,  is  through  a 
study  of  the  community  in  which  the  school  is 
placed.  History,  like  charity,  begins  at  honl<^ 
The  best  American  citizens  are  tho.se  who  mind 
home  affairs  and  local  interests.  '  That  man's 
the  best  cosmopolite  who  loves  his  native  coiui- 
try  best.'  The  best  students  of  universal  history 
are  those  who  know  some  one  country  or  some 
one  subject  well.  The  family,  the  hamlet,  the 
neighborhood,  the  community,  the  parish,  the 
village,  town,  city,  county,  and  state  are  histori- 
cally the  ways  by  which  men  have  approached 
national  and  international  life.  It  was  a  pre- 
liminary study  of  the  geography  of  Fraukfort- 
on-the-iHain  that  led  Carl  Hitter  to  study  the 
physical  structure  of  Europe  and  Asia,  and  thus 
to  establish  the  new  science  of  comparative  ge- 
ography. He  says:  'Whoever  has  wandered 
through  the  vallevs  and  woods,  and  over  the  hills 
and  mountains  of  his  own  state,  will  be  the  one 
capable  of  following  a  Herwlotus  in  his  wander- 
ings over  the  globe.'  And  we  may  say,  as 
Hitter  said  of  the  science  of  geography,  the  first 
step  in  history  is  to  know  thoroughly  the  district 
where  we  live.  .  .  .  American  local  history 
should  be  studied  as  a  contribution  to  national 
history.  This  country  will  yet  be  viewed  and 
reviewed  as  an  organism  of  historic  growth,  de- 


veloping from  minute  germs,  from  the  very  pro- 
toplasm of  state  life.  And  some  day  this  coun- 
try will  be  studied  in  its  international  relations, 
as  an  organic  jiart  of  a  larger  organism  now 
vaguely  called  the  World  State,  but  as  surely 
developing  through  the  operation  of  economic, 
legal,  social,  and  acientilic  forces  as  the  American 
Union,  the  German  and  British  Empires  are 
evolving  into  higher  forms.  American  history 
in  its  wideat  relations  is  not  to  bo  written  by  any 
one  man  nor  by  any  onc!  generation  of  men.  Our 
history  will  grow  witli  the  nation  and  with  its 
developing  consciousness  of  int'  •  u.tionality. 
The  present  possibilities  for  the  real  progress  of 
historic  and  economic  science  lie,  first  and  fore- 
most, in  the  development  of  a  generation  of 
economists  and  practical  historians,  who  realize 
that  history  is  past  politics  and  poiitics  present 
history;  secondly,  in  the  expansi(m  of  the  local 
consciousness  into  u  fuller  sense  of  its  historic 
worth  and  dignity,  of  the  co.smopolitan  relations 
of  modern  local  life,  and  of  its  wholesome  con- 
servative power  in  the.se  days  of  growing  cen- 
tralization. National  and  international  lifo  can 
best  develop  upon  the  constitutional  basis  of 
local  self-government  in  church  and  state.  .  .  . 
If  young  Americans  are  to  appreciate  their  re- 
ligious and  political  inheritance,  they  must  learn 
its  intrinsic  worth.  They  must  be  taught  to  ap- 
preciate the  common  and  lowly  things  around 
them.  They  shoidd  grow  up  with  as  profound 
respect  for  town  and  parish  meetings  as  for  the 
State  legislature,  not  to  speak  of  the  Houses  of 
Congress.  They  should  recognize  the  majesty 
of  the  law,  even  in  the  parish  constable  as  well 
as  the  high  sherilf  of  the  country.  They  should 
look  on  selectmen  as  the  head  men  of  the  town, 
the  survival  of  the  old  English  reeve  and  four 
best  men  of  the  parish.  They  should  be  taught 
to  see  in  the  town  common  or  village  green  a 
sutvival  of  that  primitive  institution  of  land- 
community  upon  which  town  and  state  are  based. 
They  should  be  taught  the  meaning  of  town  and 
family  names;  how  the  word  'town'  means, 
primarily,  a  place  hedgc-d  in  for  the  pui  poses  of 
defence ;  liow  the  picKet-fences  around  home  and 
house-lot  are  but  a  survival  of  the  primitive 
town  idea;  how  home,  hamlet,  and  town  live  on 
together  in  a  name  like  Hampton,  or  Home-town. 
They  should  investigate  the  most  ordinary  thing 
for  these  are  often  il.o  most  archaic.  ...  It 
would  certiiinly  bo  an  excellent  thing  for  the  de- 
velopment of  historical  science  in  America  if 
teachers  in  our  public  schools  would  cultivate 
the  historical  spirit  in  their  pupils  with  special 
reference  to  the  local  environment.  ...  A  multi- 
tude of  historical  associations  gatlier  aroimd 
every  old  town  and  hamlet  in  tlie  land.  There 
are  local  legends  and  traditions,  househokl  tales, 
stoiics  told  by  grandfathers  and  grandmothers, 
incidents  remembered  by 'the  oldest  inhabitants.' 
But  above  all  in  importance  are  the  old  docu 
ments  and  manuscript  records  of  the  first  setth^rs, 
the  early  pioneers,  the  founders  of  our  towns. 
Here  are  sources  of  information  mort  authentic 
than  tradition,  and  yet  often  entirely  neglected. 
.  .  .In  order  to  study  history  it  is  not  necessary 
to  begin  with  dead  men's  bones,  with  Theban 
dynasties,  the  kings  of  Assyria,  the  royal  fami- 
lies of  Europe,  or  even  with  the  presidents  of  the 
United  States.  These  subjects  have  their  impor- 
tance in  certain  connections,  but  for  beginners  in 
history  there  are  perhaps  other  subjects  of  greater 


1655 


HISTOHY. 


H0CII8TADT. 


intorPBt  nnd  vitality.  Tho  most  nntural  cntmnce 
to  II  knowledge  of  the  liislory  of  the  world  is 
from  II  locid  environment  through  wi(lcnin>j 
cireleHof  interest,  until,  from  the  rising  ground 
of  the  present,  the  broad  hiiri/.on  of  the  pii.st 
comes  cleiirly  into  vii'W.  ...  A  study  of  the 
eomniunit,\  in  which  the  student  dwells  will 
serve  to  connect  that  community  not  only  with 


the  origin  and  growth  of  the  State  nnd  Xatlon, 
l)ut  with  the  niothcr-coiintry,  with  tlie  Oernmn 
fatlierland,  with  village  conimimities  tliroughout 
tho  Arj'an  world, —  from  (lernnuiy  and  Hussiii  to 
old  Greece  and  llome;  from  these  clu.ssic  lands  to 
Persia  and  India." — il.  U.  Adams,  Methods  of  JJin- 
torieal  Study  (Johnii  llupkint  Univertity  Studien, 
Heeond  Hericn,  1-2),  j^p.  10-31. 


HITCHITIS,  The.     See    Amehican   Abo- 

HIIIINKS:    MtHKUOOKAX  FaMII.Y. 

HITTIN,  Battle  of  (1187).  Sec  Jeihisai.EM : 
A.  1).  lMit-llH7. 

HITTITES,  The.— The  lliltites  mentioned 
in  the  Bible  were  iinown  as  the  Khita  or  Kliatta 
to  tlie  Kgyptians,  with  wliom  they  were  often  at 
war.  Kecont  discoveries  indicate  that  tliey 
formed  a  more  civilized  and  powerful  nation  and 
played  a  more  important  part  in  the  early  liistory 
of  Western  Asia  than  was  previously  riUppose(!. 
Many  inscriptiens  and  rock  sculptures  in  Asia 
Minf>r  and  Syria  which  were  formerly  inexplicable 
are  now  attributed  to  tlie  ilittites.  The  inscrip- 
tions liave  not  yet  been  deciphered,  but  scholars 
arc  confident  that  tlie  key  to  their  secret  will  b(! 
found.  The  two  chief  cities  of  the  Ilittites  were 
Kii.iesh  on  tho  Oroutes  and  Carchemisli  on  the 
Euphrates ;  so  tliat  their  siait  of  empire  was  in 
nonliern  Syria,  but  tlieir  power  was  fell  from  tlie 
extremity  01  Asia  Jlinor  to  the  confines ./!'  a^gypt. 
It  is  conjectured  thattliese  people  wereoriginally 
from  tlie  Caucasus.  "Their  descendants, "says 
Prof.  Sayce,  "are  still  to  be  met  with  in  the  de- 
files of  the  Taurus  and  on  tlio  plateau  of  Kap- 
]ia(lokia,  tliough  they  have  utterly  forgotten  the 
language  or  languages  their  forefathers  spoke. 
What  that  language  was  is  still  uncertain,  though 
the  Ilittite  proper  names  which  occur  on  tTie 
monuments  of  Egypt  and  Assyria  show  that  it 
was  neither  Semitic  nor  Indo-European." — A.  II. 
Sayce,  Kresh  Light  from  the  Ancient  MominwntK, 
eh.  5.  — "We  may  .  .  .  rest  satisfied  with  tho 
conclusion  that  tlio  existence  of  a  Ilittite  empire 
extending  into  Asia  Minor  is  certified,  not  only 
by  tho  records  of  ancient  Egypt,  but  also  by 
Ilittite  monuments  which  still  exist.  In  tho  days 
of  Kamses  II.,  when  the  children  of  Israel  were 
groaning  iindor  tho  tasks  allotted  to  them,  the 
enemies  of  their  oppressors  were  already  exercis- 
ing a  power  nnd  a  domination  which  rivalled  that 
of  Egypt.  The  Egyptian  monarch  soon  learnecl 
to  his  cost  that  the  Hittite  prince  was  as  '  great ' 
a  king  as  himself,  and  could  summon  to  his  aid 
the  inliabitanta  of  tlie  unknown  north.  Pharaoh's 
claim  to  sovereignty  was  disputed  by  adversaries 
as  powerful  as  the  ruler  of  Egypt,  if  indeed  not 
more  powerful,  and  there  was  always  a  refuge 
among  them  for  those  who  were  oppressed  by  the 
Egyptian  king.  When,  however,  we  speak  of  a 
Ilittite  empire,  we  must  understand  clearly  what 
that  means.  It  was  not  an  empire  like  that  of 
Rome,  where  the  subject  provinces  were  consoli- 
dated together  under  a  central  authority,  obeying 
the  same  laws  and  the  same  supreme  head.  It 
wa.s  not  an  empire  like  that  of  the  Persians,  or 
of  the  Assyrian  suc:;essorsof  Tiglath-pileser  III., 
which  represented  '  3  organised  union  of  numer- 
ous states  and  nations  under  a  single  ruler.  .  .  . 
Before  the  days  of  Tiglath-pileser,  in  fact,  empire 
in  Western  Asia  meant  the  power  of  a  prince  to 
forc'j  a  foreign  people  to  submit  to  his  rule. 
The  concjuered  provinces  had  to  be  subdued 
again  and   again;  but  as  long  as  this  could  be 


done,  as  long  as  tho  native  struggles  for  freedom 
could  be  crushed  by  a  campaign,  so  hmg  did  tlie 
empire  exi.t.  It  was  an  empire  of  tliis  sort  that 
the  Ilittites  establi.shed  in  A.sia  Minor.  How  long 
it  lasted  we  cannot  .say.  Hut  so  long  as  the  dis- 
tant races  of  the  West  answered  the  summons  to 
war  of  the  Ilittite  princes,  it  remained  a  reality. 
The  fact  that  the  tribes  of  the  Troad  and  Lydhi 
are  found  fighting  under  the  command  of  the 
Ilittite  kingsof  Kixlcsh,  proves  tliat  they  acknowl- 
edged the  supremacy  of  tlieir  Ilittite  lords,  and 
followed  them  to  battle  like  tlie  vassals  of  some 
feudal  ».hief.  If  Ilittite  armies  liiid  not  marched 
to  the  slioies  of  tho  yEgean,  ami  Ilittite  princes 
been  able  from  time  to  time  to  exact  liomiige  from 
the  nations  of  the  far  west,  Egypt  would  not 
liave  had  to  contend  against  the  populations  of 
Asia  Minor  in  its  wars  with  the  Ilittites,  and  tlie 
figures  of  Ilittite  warriors  would  not  have  been 
sculiitiired  on  the  rocks  of  Karabel.  There  was  a 
time  when  the  Ilittite  name  was  feared  as  far  as 
the  western  extremity  of  Asia  Minor,  and  when 
Ilittite  siitraps  had  their  seat  in  the  future  cap- 
ital of  Lydia.  Traditions  of  tliis  period  lingered 
on  into  classical  days."  —  A.  H.  Sayca,  Tht 
Jlitliten,  eh.  4. 

Ai.so  in:  W.  Wright,  The  Empire  of  the, 
Ilittite*. — See,  also,  Amoritks;  and  Italy, 
Ancient:  Eaui.y  Italians. 

HIVITES,  The.— The  "  Itlidlanders, "  who 
dwelt  in  the  middle  of  Canaan  when  the  Israel- 
ites invaded  it.     See  Amalekites. 

HL.ffiFDIGE.    See  Lady. 

HLAFORD.    See  Loud. 

HLUDWIG.     See  Lonis. 

HOARD.— HORDERE.    See  Staller. 

HOBKIRK'S  HILL,  Battle  of  (1781).  See 
United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1780-1781. 

HOCHE,  Campaigns  of.  See  France  :  A.  D, 
1793  (Joi.Y — Decemiiek),  Progress  of  the 
war;  1794-1796;  1796-1797  (October— April). 

HOCHELAGA.— Tlie  name  of  an  Indian  vil- 
lage found  by  Cartier  on  the  site  of  the  present 
city  of  Montreal.  An  extensive  region  of  sur- 
rounding country  seems  to  have  likewise  borne 
tlie  name  Ilochelaga,  and  Cartier  calls  the  river 
St.  Lawropco  "the  river  of  Hochelaga,"  or  "the 
great  river  of  Canada."  See  Americ\:  A.  I). 
1534-1535,  and  Canada:  Names. 

HOCHHEIM,  The  storming  of.  See  Ger- 
many: A.  D.  1813  (October- December). 

HOCHKIRCH,  Battle  of.  See  Germany: 
A.  D.  17.58. 

HOCHST,  Battle  of  (1622).  See  Germany: 
A.  D.  1631-1623. 


HOCHST ADT,  Battle  of  (1704).— The  great 
battle  whicli  English  historians  name  from  tlie 
village  of  Blenheim,  is  named  by  the  French 
from  tho  neighboring  town  of  Hochstadt.  See 
Germany:  A.  D.  1704. 

Battle  of  (i8oo).  See  France:  A.  D.  1800- 
1801  (May— February). 


1656 


IIODEIBIA. 


HOLY  ALLIANCE. 


HODEIBIA,  Truce  of.  Sec  Mahometan 
CoNH^iLsr;  A.  1).  (iOD-dW. 

HOFER,  Andrew,  and  the  Tyrolese  revolt. 
Set'  (Ikumany:    A.  I).   18(K)-lHlit  (Ai-itii.— Kkii 

HlIAItV). 

HOHENFRIEDBERG,  Battle  of  (1745). 
Sep  ArniuiA;  A.  D.  17U  174r), 

HOHENLINDEN,  Battle  of  (1800).  Sic 
Fhan<-i::  A.I).  1800-1801  CM.vv— Fkhhuaiiy). 

HOHENSTAUFEN  OR  SUABIAN  FAM- 
ILY, The.  See  Okii.many:  A.  I).  1IH8-1308; 
iiml  Italy:  A.  D.  1154-1102,  to  A.  I).  118iJ- 
I'jriO. 

HOHENZOLLERN:  Rise  of  the  House  of. 
— '•  Iloheiizollcrn  lies  far  sdiith  in  Schwiibcii 
(Suiibiii),  on  the  sunward  slope  of  the  Haulie-Alj) 
Country ;  no  great  way  noi  Ih  from  Constance  and 
its  Lake;  but  well  aloft,  near  the  spriiif;s  of  the 
Danube;  it,sback  leaning  on  the  Black  Forest;  it 
is  perhaps  definable  as  the  sotithern  summit  of 
that  same  huge  old  llercynian  Wood,  which  Is 
6'"\  c'dled  the  Sehwarzwald  (Black  Forest), 
♦  »'.igh  now  comparatively  bare  of  trees.  Fan- 
irul  Dryasdust,  doing  a  little  etymology,  will 
tell  you  the  name  '  Zollern '  is  equivalent  to  '  Toll- 
cry  or  Place  of  Tolls.  Whereby  '  Hohenzollern  ' 
comes  to  mean  the  '  High '  or  Upper  '  Tollery  ' ; 
—  and  gives  one  the  notion  of  antique  pedlars 
climbing  painfully,  out  of  Italy  and  the  Swiss 
valleys,  thus  far;' unstrapping  their  packhorses 
here,  and  chaffering  in  unknown  dialect  about 
'  toll. '  Poor  Si  a'.U  ;  —  it  may  be  so,  but  we  do  not 
know,  nor  shall  it  concern  us.  This  only  is 
known:  That  a  human  kindred,  probably  of 
some  talent  for  coercing  anarchy  and  guiding 
mankind,  had,  ccnttiries  ago,  built  its 'Burg' 
tliere,  and  done  that  function  in  a  small  but 
creditable  way  ever  since." — T.  Carlyle,  Freder- 
ick the  Great,  bk.  3,  ch.  5. — "The  title.  Count 
of  Zollern,  was  conferred  by  Ileury  IV.  in  the 
eleventh  century.  ...  In  1100  Henry  VI.  ap- 
pointed the  Count  of  Zolleru  to  the  imperial 
ofllce  of  Burgrave  of  Nuremberg.  By  fortunate 
marriages  and  prudent  purchases,  his  descen- 
dants, who  retained  the  office,  gradually  acquired 
extensive  estates  in  Franconia,  Moravia,  and 
Burgundy,  and  their  wisdom  and  growing  power 
steadily  increased  their  weight  in  the  councils  of 
the  German  princes.  .  .  .  Frederick  VI.  was  en- 
riched by  Sigismund  with  large  gifts  of  money, 
and  was  made  his  deputy  in  Brandenburg  in  1411. 
The  marclies  were  in  utter  confusion,  under  the 
feuds  and  ravages  of  the  unrestrained  kniglit- 
hood.  Frederick  reduced  them  to  order,  and  at 
the  Council  of  Constance,  in  1417,  received  from 
Sigismund  the  margraviate  of  Brandenburg  with 
the  dignity  of  Elector."— C.  T.  Lewis,  IlUt.  of 
Oermany,  bk.  3,  eh.  13,  sect.  1. — See  Branden- 
Huno:  A.  D.  1108-1417. 

HOHENZOLLERN  INCIDENT,  The. 
See  Fuanck:  A.  I).  1870  (.June — July). 

HOLLAND:  The  country  and  its  Name. 
See  Nktiieiilands. 

A.  D.  1430. — Absorbed  in  the  dominions  of 
the  House  of  Bureundv.  See  Xktueiu.ands; 
A.  D.  1417-1430. 

A.  D.  1477.— The  "  Great  Privilege  "  granted 
by  Mary  of  Burgundy.  See  Netiieulands: 
A.  D.  1477. 

A.  D.  1488-1491.— The  Bread  and  Cheese 
War.— End  of  the  Party  of  the  Hooks.  Sec 
Netherlands  :  A.  D.  1483-1493. 

165 


A.  D.  1494. — The  Great  Privilege  disputed 
by  Philip  the  Handsome.— Friesland  detached. 
See  Ne'ihkki.andh:  A.  I).  1 41(4- 1. 'ill*. 

A.  D.  1506-1609.— The  Austro-Spanish  tyr- 
anny.— Revolt  and  independence  of  the  United 
Provinces.  See  Netiieulands:  A.  D.  1494- 
1511),  to  1,')B4-1«09. 

A.  D.  1651-1660. — Supremacy  in  the  Repub- 
lic of   the  United   Provinces.      See   Netijkh 
lands:  A.  I).  l«r)l-l««0. 

A.  D.  1665-1747.- Wars  with  England  and 
France.    Sec  Netheulands:  A.  I).   KHLVitKIO. 

A.  D.  1746.— The  reutored  Stadtholdership. 
See  Nktueulands:  A.  I).  1740-1787. 

A.  D.  1793-1810.— French  invasion  and  con- 

3uest. — The  Batavian  Republic. — The  king- 
om  of  Louis  Bonapurte.  —  Annexation  to 
France.  Se(^ Fuanck:  A.  I).  1793(Feuuiiauy— 
Aphil);  1794-  179r>(()cTonE«— May);  and  Netii- 
eulands: A.  D.  1800-1810. 

A.  D.  1813-18/4 — Independence  regained. — 
Belgium  annexed.  -The  kingdom  of  the  Neth- 
erlands. See  JS;iT;:EKLANDs;  A.  D.  1813; 
Fkance:  a.  I>.  1814.. \vuil— June);  and  Vibn- 
na,  The  Conouess  ok. 

A.  D.  1830-1832.— Dissolution  of  the  king- 
dom of  the  Netherlands. —  Creation  of  the 
kingdoms  of  Hnlland  and  Belgium.  See  Netii- 
eulands: A.  D.  1880-1832. 

HOLLAND  PURCHASE,  The.  See  New 
Youk:  a.  1).  1786-1799. 

HOLLY  SPRINGS,  Confederate  capture. 
See  United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D.  1803  (Decem- 
UEU:  On  the  Mississippi). 

HOLOCAUST.— "The  sacriflce  of  a  whole 
burnt-offering,  where  nothing  was  kept  back  for 
the  enjoyment  of  men,"  was  called  a  holocaust 
by  the  ancient  Greeks. — G.  F.  SchOmauu,  Antiq. 
of  Greece :  The  State,  p.  60. 


HOLSTEIN:  A.  D.  1848-1866.— The Schles- 
wig-Holstein  question.  See  Scandinavian 
States  (Denmauk):  A.  D.  1848-1863;  and  Gek- 
MANY:  A.  D.  1801-1800. 

A.  D.  1866. — Annexation  to  Prussia.  See 
Germany:  A.  D.  1800. 

HOLY  ALLIANCE, The.— "The  document 
called  the  Holy  Alliance  was  originally  sketched 
at  Paris  [during  the  occupation  of  the  French 
capital  by  the  Allies,  after  Waterloo,  in  1815],  in 
the  French  language,  by  [the  Czar]  Alexander's 
own  hand,  after  a  long  and  animated  conversa- 
tion with  Madame  de  KrUdoner  and  Bergasse. 
It  was  suggested,  perhaps,  by  words  spoken  Ijy 
the  king  of  Prussia  after  the  battle  of  Bautzen, 
but  was  chietly  the  result  of  the  influence,  upon 
a  mind  always  inclined  to  religious  ideas,  of  the 
conversation  of  3Iadame  de  KrUdener  and  of  the 
l)hilo.sopher  Bader,  the  admirer  of  Tauler,  Jacob 
Boehm,  and  St.  Martin,  the  deadly  foe  of  Kant 
and  his  successors  in  Germany.  .  .  .  The  Czar 
dreamt  of  founding  a  Communion  of  states, 
bound  together  by  the  first  principles  of  Chris- 
tianity. .  .  .  The  king  of  Prussia  signed  the 
paper  from  motives  of  friendship  for  the  Czar, 
without  attaching  much  importance  to  what  he 
did.  .  .  .  The  emperor  of  Austria,  the  least  sen- 
timental of  mankind,  at  first  declined  to  sign, 
'because,'  he  said,  'if  the  secret  is  a  political 
one,  I  must  tell  it  to  Mettornich ;  if  it  is  a  religious 
one.  I  must  tell  it  to  my  confessor. '    Metteruich 

7 


HOLY  ALLIANCE. 


HOLY  ALLIANfK. 


ncconiinjfly  was  lold,  iitid  uliscrvcd  scornfully, 
'{VcHl  (III  vcrblitKi'. '  liiilcril  iiii  one  of  llic 
prilitTH  who  aillicrcil  to  the  Holy  Alliaiicr,  with 
the  Kindle  cxccplion  of  Alrxamlrr  himself,  rvcr 
tiHik  it  Hcrioiislv.  It  WHS  (loomcil  from  its  Mrtli. 
Ah  .M.  (Ic  IhTiidurdl  observes:  '  ft  Hiiiik  wilhoiil 
leiivhi;;  n  trace  ill  the  stream  of  evelitH,  never 
lieeame  a  reality,  and  never  had  the  Klightest 
real  iiiiporlance. '  \Vlijit.  had  real  importanei! 
wax  the  eoiitiniiaiiei^  of  the  ^ood  understanding 
between  the  powers  who  had  put  down  Napo- 
leon, and  their  common  fear  of  France.  This 
t:<Mn\  understanding^  mid  that  coinnuai  fear  led  to 
the  treaty  of  the  20th  November  IHI,'),  by  which 
it  was  siipulated  that  the  Powers  should,  from 
time  to  time,  hold  Congresses  with  a  view  to  reg- 
ulating the  welfare  of  iialious  and  the  peace  of 
Euro|ie.  It  was  these  Congresses,  and  not  the 
Holy  Alliance,  which  kept  up  close  relations 
between  the  rulers  of  Hussia,  Prussia,  and  Aus- 
tria, and  enabled  them,  when  the  liberal  inove- 
ineut  on  the  Continent,  which  followed  the  eon 
elusion  of  the  war,  began  to  be  alarming,  to  take 
measures  for  a  combined  system  of  repression." 
— M.  E.  G.  I>utT,  Stiidua  in  Jiiirnpeiiu  Politic*, 
eh.  2.— The  te.xt  of  the  Treaty  is  as  follows; 
"In  the  name  of  the  Most  Holy  and  Indivisible 
Trinity :  Holy  Alliance  of  Sovereigns  of  Austria, 
Prus.sia,  and  Russia.     Their  Majesties  the  Em- 

Iieror  of  Austria,  the  King  of  Prussia,  and  the 
Cmperor  of  Uu.ssia,  having,  in  consequence  of 
the  great  events  which  have  marked  the  course 
(d'  the  three  last  years  in  Europe,  and  especially 
of  the  blessings  which  it  has  plea.scd  Divine 
Providence  to  shower  down  upon  those  States 
which  place  their  confidence  and  their  hope  on  it 
alone,  ac'iuired  the  intimate  conviction  of  the 
necessity  of  settling  the  steps  to  be  observed  by 
the  Powers,  in  their  reciprocal  relations,  upon 
the  sublime  truths  which  the  Holy  Religion  r)f 
our  Saviour  teaches;  They  soleminy  declure  that 
the  present  Act  has  no  other  object  than  to  pub- 
lish, in  the  face  of  the  whole  worhl,  their  fi.xed 
resolution,  botli  in  the  administration  of  their 
respective  States,  and  in  their  political  relations 
with  every  other  Government,  to  take  for  their 
sole  guide  the  precepts  of  that  Holy  Religion, 
namely,  the  precepts  of  Justice,  Christian  C!har- 
ity,  ami  Peace,  which,  far  from  being  applicable 
only  to  private  concerns,  must  have  an  immedi- 
ate influence  <m  the  councils  of  Princes,  and 
guide  all  their  steps,  as  being  the  only  means  of 
consolidating  human  institutions  and  remedying 
their  imperfections.  In  conse(iuence,  their  Maj- 
esties liave  agreed  on  the  following  Articles: — 
Art.  I.  Conformably  to  the  words  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  which  command  all  men  to  consider 
each  other  as  brethren,  the  Three!  contracting 
Monarchs  will  remain  united  by  the  bonds  of  a 
true  and  indissoluble  fraternity,  and  considering 
each  other  as  fellow  countrymen,  they  will,  on 
all  occasions  and  in  nil  places,  lend  each  other 
aid  and  assistance ;  and,  regarding  themselves  to- 
wards their  Kiibjects  and  armies  as  fathers  of 
families,  they  will  leail  them,  in  the  same  spirit 
of  fraternity  with  which  thev  are  animated,  to 
protect  Religion,  Peace,  and"  Justice.  Art  II. 
In  consequence,  the  sole  principle  of  force, 
whether  between  the  said  Governments  or 
between  their  Subjects,  shall  be  that  of  doing 
each  other  reciprocjil  service,  and  of  testify- 
ing by  unalterable  good  will  the  mutual  affec- 
tion with  which  they  ought  to  be  animated,  to 


consi<ler  themselves  all  ns  members  of  one  and 
the  same  Christian  nation;  the  three;  allieii 
Princ;s  looking  on  themselves  as  iiieridy  d(  le- 
gated by  Providence  to  govern  three  branches  of 
the  One  family,  namely,  Austria,  Prussia,  and 
Russia,  thiiseonfe.s.sing  that  the  Christian  world, 
of  which  they  and  their  jx-ople  form  a  part,  has 
in  reality  no  other  Sovereign  than  Him  to  whom 
alone  power  really  belongs,  because  in  Him  alone 
are  found  all  the  treasures  of  love,  science,  and 
infinite  wisdom,  that  is  to  say,  God,  our  Divine 
Saviour,  the  Word  of  the  Jlost  Higli,  the  Word 
of  Life.  Their  Majesties  consequently  recom- 
mend to  their  people,  with  the  most  tender  solici- 
tude, as  the  8<de  means  of  enjoying  that  Pence 
which  nri.ses  from  a  good  conscience,  and  which 
alone  is  durable,  to  .strengthen  themselves  every 
day  more  and  more  in  the  principles  and  exer- 
cise of  the  duties  which  the  Divine  Saviour  has 
taught  to  mankind.  Art.  HI.  AH  the  Powers 
who  shall  choose  solemnly  to  avow,  the  sacred 
principles  which  have  dictated  the  present  Act, 
and  shall  acknowledge  how  important  it  is  for 
the  happiness  of  nations,  too  long  agitated,  that 
these  truths  should  henceforth  exercise  over  the 
destini.'S  of  mankind  all  the  influence  which  bo- 
longs  to  them,  will  be  received  with  equal  ardour 
and  affection  into  this  Holy  Alliance.  Done  in 
triplicate,  and  signed  at  Paris,  the  year  of  Grace 
1815,  4|th  September."  "It  is  stated  in  "Mar- 
tens' Treaties'  that  the  greater  part  of  'die  Chris- 
tian Powers  acceded  tp  this  Treaty.  France 
acceded  to  it  in  1815;  the  Netherlands  and  Wur- 
temberg  did  so  in  ISlij ;  and  Saxony,  Switzerland, 
and  the  Ilansa  Towns  in  1817.  IJiit  neither  the 
Pope  nor  the  Sultan  were  invited  to  accede."— »« 
E.  Hertslet,  Map  of  Europe  by  Treaty,  v.  1,  no.  36, 
pp.  817-319.—"  Tiio  Treaty  of  the  Holy  Alliance 
was  not  graced  with  he  name  of  the  Prince 
Regent  [of  Great  Britain],  but  the  Czar  received 
a  letter  declaring  that  his  principles  had  tlie  per- 
sonal ai)proval  of  this  great  aut'iority  on  religion 
and  morality.  The  Kings  of  Naples  and  Sar- 
dinia were  the  next  to  subscribe,  and  in  due 
time  the  names  of  the  witty  glutton,  Louig 
XVIII.,  and  of  the  abject  Ferdinand  of  Spain 
were  added." — C.  A.  FyfTe,  Hist,  of  Modern 
Europe,  v.  3,  eh.  1. — "Alettemich,  tlie  worldly- 
wise,  smiled  I'.t  this  manifesto  as  '  nothing  more 
than  n  philai  ihropic  aspiration  clothed  in  a  re- 
ligious garb.'  He  upected  that  the  evil-minded 
wotild  misinterpret  and  that  the  jokers  would 
ridicule  it,  but  none  knew  better  than  he  the 
tlimsiness  of  diplomatic  agreements,  and  accord- 
ingly he  consented  to  it.  Christianity  has  had 
many  crimes  committed  in  its  name;  the  Holy 
Alliance  made  Christianity  the  cloak  under 
which  the  kings  of  Europe  conspired  to  perpetu- 
ate the  helotage  of  their  subjects.  Metternich 
found  it  all  the  easier  to  ilircet  kings  whose  com- 
mon interest  it  was  to  uphold  the  paternal  sys- 
tem therein  approved.  He  exerted  his  influence 
over  each  of  them  separately;  if  the  monarch 
were  obdurate,  he  wheedled  his  minister;  if  the 
minister  were  wary,  he  prejudiced  the  monarch 
against  him.  Now  by  flattery,  and  now  by 
specious  argument,  he  ^.'on  his  advantage.  .  .  . 
Like  a  trickster  at  cards,  he  marked  every  card 
in  the  pack  and  could  always  play  the  ace.  .  .  . 
'  He  told  the  truth  when  he  knew  it  would  not  be 
believed ;  he  prevaricated  when  he  intended  his 
falsehood  should  pass  for  truth.  This  was  diplo- 
macy, these  the  'Christian  precepts'  by  which 


1658 


HOLY  ALLIANCE. 


HOLY  BROTHEnUOOD. 


one  liiinilrcil  iitiil  tifly  millidns  of  Kuropwtiis 
were  govcriii'd.  Iti  ii  wicicty  where  <'Very  one 
lien,  litlxelioods  of  e(|Uiil  <'i:ii:iiiif;  nullify  each 
olher.  Metlernieh  took  cure  that  his  shiiiihl  ex- 
eel  in  verisiniilituile  and  in  siilillety,  It  was  an 
(iiieii  l)attle  of  craft;  tmt  liis  craft,  was  as  supe- 
rior to  tliat  of  Ins  eoinpelilors  as  a  slow,  \inde- 
teetalile  poison  is  more  often  fatal  than  the  liasly 
stab  of  a  bravo,  lie  tished  both  with  hooivs  and 
nets;  if  one  broite,  the  otlnT  held.  .  .  .  lU- was, 
we  may  alllrni,  sincerely  insincere;  strongly  nt- 
tttched  to  the  llap.sbnrj?  dynasty,  and  i)atriotie 
in  Bo  far  as  tlu;  aKgrandi/enient  of  that  IIousu 
corresponded  with  the  interests  of  tlie  Austrian 
State.  Hut  the  central  lljiure  in  his  persi)ective 
was  always  himself,  whom  ho  regarded  as  the 
luivior  of  a  social  onler  whose  preservation  held 
back  the  world  from  cliaos.  ...  He  spoke  of 
his  mission  as  an  'apoatolat<'.' .  .  .  To  resist  ail 
change, —  tliat  was  bis  policy;  to  keep  the  sur- 
face smooth, —  that  was  his  peace.  ...  lie  lik- 
ened himself  to  u  spider,  spinning  a  vast  web. 
'I  begin  to  know  the  world  well,'  he  said,  'and 
I  believe  that  the  Hies  are  eaten  by  the  8i)iders 
only  because  they  die  naturally  so  young  that 
they  have  no  time  to  gain  experience,  an<l  do 
not  know  what  is  the  nature  of  a  spider's  web.' 
How  many  Hies  'le  caught  during  his  forty  years' 
spinning  1  but  his  success,  he  admitted,  was  due 
quite  as  much  to  their  blindness  as  to  his  ciui- 
niug.  .  .  .  He  seemed  to  deliglit  in  royal  confer- 
ences in  order  that  be  might  have  the  excitement 
of  ntanipulating  Alexamler  an<l  Frederick  Wil- 
liam; for  his  own  Emperor,  Francis,  was  as 
pliable  as  putty  in  bis  hands.  Such  was  Metter- 
nich,  'the  most  w  irldly,  the  most  dexterous,  the 
most  fortunate  of  politicians,'  the  embod;  iient  of 
that  Old  Kegime  strangely  interpolated  in  the 
nineteenth  century.  Knowing  him,  we  shall 
know  the  natu'c  of  the  reai.stance  wlu(!h  checked 
eve/y  patriotic  Impulse,  every  elTort  towards 
progress  in  italy,  between  1815  and  1848.  Few 
names  have  been  hated  as  his  was  hated,  or 
feared  as  his  was  feared.  The  Italians  pi(;tured 
to  ther.'-^slvss  a  monster,  a  worse  than  Herod, 
who  gloated  over  binnan  ..'ulTering.  and  spent 
his  time  in  inventing  new  tortures  for  his  vic- 
tims. He  regarded  them,  and  all  liberals,  as 
natural  ene  lies  to  the  order  in  which  he  nour- 
ished ;  and  lie  had  no  more  mercy  for  them  than 
the  Spanish  luqidsitors  bail  for  hen^tics." — 
W.  U.  Thayer,  The  Dawn  of  Italian  Imkpcn- 
dencc,  bk.  3,  ch.  1  (r.  1). 

HOLY  BROTHERHOOD,  OR  HER- 
MANDAD,  The.— Uef  r"  the  close  of  the  Kith 
century,  there  tirst  arose  in  Spain  "an anomalous 
institution  peculiar  to  Castile,  which  sought  to 
secure  the  public  tran<iuillity  by  means  scarcely 
compatible  themselves  with  civil  subonlination. 
I  refer  to  the  celebrated  Hermandad,  or  Holy 
Brotherhood,  as  the  association  was  sometimes 
called, —  a  name  familiar  to  most  readers  in  the 
lively  fictions  of  Le  Sage,  though  convoying 
there  no  very  adequate  idea  of  the  extraordinary 
functions  which  it  assumed  at  the  period  imder 
review  [13tb-14th  centuries].  Instead  of  a  regu- 
larly organized  police,  it  then  consisted  of  a  con- 
federation of  the  principal  cities,  bound  together 
by  a  solemn  league  and  covenant  for  the  defence 
of  their  liberties  in  seasons  of  civil  anarchy.  Its 
affairs  were  conducted  by  deputies,  who  assem- 
bled at  stated  intervals  for  this  purpose,  trans- 
acting their  business  under  a  common  seal,  en- 


acting laws  which  they  wen;  careful  to  transndt 
to  the  nobles  and  oven  the  sovereign  himself,  anri 
enforcing  their  measures  by  an  armed  for<'e.  ,  .  . 
One  hundred  cities  asKcK'iated  in  the  Hermandad 
of  nuri.  In  that  of  I'Jliri,  weri' thirty  four.  Tho 
kidglils  and  inferior  nobility  frecpieiitly  mado 
partof  thiMisHociation.  .  ,  .  In  one  of  |  the  articles 
<if  confederation  I  it  is  declared  that  if  any  noble 
Kliall  dexrivi  a  member  of  the  association  of  his 
proiierty,  and  refuse  restitution,  hit  house  shall 
1(0  ra/ed  to  tlu^  groutid.  In  anolhci,  that  if  any 
one,  by  emnmand  of  the  king,  shall  attempt  to 
collect  an  unlawful  tax,  be  shall  bo  put  to  death 
on  tho  spot,"  Under  the  government  of  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella,  among  the  mensures  adopted 
for  checking  the  license  and  di.sc.rder  which  had 
become  prevalent  in  Castile,  and  restoring  a 
more  ellective  administration  of  justice,  was  one 
for  a  reorganization  of  the  Santa  Hernnindad. 
"The  project  for  the  reorganization  of  this  in- 
stitution was  introduced  into  theeortcn  held,  tho 
year  after  Isabella's  accession,  at  Madrigal,  1476. 
.  .  .  The  new  institution  differed  essentially 
from  tho  ancient  hernumdades,  since,  insteiul  of 
being  partial  in  its  extent,  it  was  designed  to  em- 
brace the  whole  kingdom;  and,  instead  of  being 
directed,  as  had  often  been  the  case,  against  tho 
crown  it.self,  it  was  sot  in  motion  at  tho  sugges- 
tion of  the  latter,  and  limited  in  its  operation  to 
the  maintenance  of  pidilic  order.  The  crimes 
reserved  for  its  jurisdiction  wore  all  violence  or 
tlieft  committed  on  tho  higbwiiv's  or  in  tho  open 
count  ry,  and  in  cities  by  sucli  offenders  as  escaped 
into  tlie  country ;  house-breaking;  rape;  and  re- 
sistance of  justice.  .  .  .  An  annual  contribution 
of  18,000  muravedis  was  assessed  on  every  100 
veeinos  or  householders,  for  the  e(iuipinent  and 
maintenanei^  of  a  horseman,  whose  duty  it  was 
to  arrest  offenders  and  enforce  the  sentence  of 
the  law.  On  the  tlight  of  a  eriniiual,  the  tocsins 
of  the  villages  through  wbicl.  ho  was  supposed 
to  have  pas.Ted  were  sounded,  and  the  quadril- 
leros  or  ollicers  of  the  brotherhood,  .stationed  on 
the  different  points,  tooli  up  the  pursuit  with 
such  promptness  as  left  little  chance  of  es- 
cape. A  court  of  two  alcaldes  was  established  'n 
every  town  containing  thirty  families,  for  tho 
trial  of  all  crimes  within  the  jurisdiction  of  tho 
hermandad;  and  an  appeal  lay  from  them  in 
specified  cases  to  a  supreme  couu'  il.  A  general 
junta,  composed  of  deputies  from  tlio  cities 
throughout  the  kingdom  was  annually  convened 
for  the  regulation  of  affairs,  and  their  instruc- 
tions wore  transmitted  to  provincial  juntas,  who 
superintended  the  execution  of  them.  .  .  .  Not- 
withstanding the  popular  constitution  of  the  her- 
mandad, and  the  obvious  ad.antages  attending 
its  introduction  at  this  juncture,  it  experienced  so 
decided  an  opposition  from  the  nobility,  who  dis- 
cerned the  check  it  was  likely  to  impose  on  their 
authority,  that  it  required  all  the  queen's  address 
and  perseverance  to  effect  its  general  adoption. 
.  .  .  The  important  benefits  resulting  from  tho 
institution  of  tho  hermandad  secured  its  confir- 
mation by  successive  cortes,  for  the  period  of  23 
years,  in  spite  of  the  repeated  opposition  of  the 
aristocracy.  At  length,  in  1498,  the  objects  for 
which  it  was  established  having  been  completely 
obtained,  it  was  deemed  advisable  to  relieve  the 
nation  from  the  heavy  charges  which  its  mainte- 
nance imposed.  The  great  salaried  officers  were 
dismissed ;  a  few  subordinate  functionarias  were 
retained  for  the  administration  of  justice,  over 


1659 


HOLY  UltOTilKHIlool). 


IIO.MKU  AND  THE  HOMEHK;  POEMH. 


whom   tlic  ri'tfiilar  ( ris  (if  I'rlrnliml   law   pns- 

M'Hmcl  ii|>|ii'llitii' Jiirisilirtidii;  iiiiil  llic  niiiK»<ll>'<'i>' 
iiltpiiriiliis  (if  liic  Siiiitii  lIcnimridiKl,  stripped 
of  iill  livit  tlic  tcrrorHof  IIh  iiiuiio,  (Iwiiidltd  into 
uii  onllimry  police,  hucIi  jih  it  liiiH  existed,  witli 
various  modilleiitloMs  of  form,  down  to  tlie 
present  eeiitiir.v."— \V.  II.  !'re^^eott.  Hint,  of  the 
JMi/ii  'if  /■'mil  nil  ml  mid  ImiluU't.  hilrml.,  mfl.  1, 
mill  fiiiitiiolr.iinil  lit,  I.  I'll.  tl. 

HOLY  BROTHERHOOD  IN  MEXICO. 
Hee  Mi:x[(<.:  A.  D.  l.-iliri-tH^-J. 

HOLY  GHOST,  The  military  Order  of  the. 
HeeFliANCK:  A.  D.  inTH-l.W). 

HOLY  JUNTA,  The.  See  Spain:  A.  I). 
1518-1523. 

♦ 

HOLY  LEAGUES:  Pope  Julius  II.  against 
Loui.  XII.  of  France.  See  Itai.v:  A.  I).  1510- 
15i:t. 

Pope  Clement  VII.  against  Charles  V.  See 
Italy:  A.  I).  l,W;i-1527. 

German  Catholic  princes  against  the  Prot- 
estant League  of  Smalcatd.  See  Okkmany: 
A.  I).  l.^itU-lMd. 

Spain,'Venice  and  Pope  Pius  V.  against  the 
Turlcs.     See  TiUK«:  A.  I).  15t)«-l.')71. 

Of  the  Catholic  party  in  the  Religious  Wars 
of  France.  See  Fiianck:  A.  1).  1570-1585,  to 
150;)-15U8. 

Pope  Innocent  XI.,  the  Emperor,  Venice, 
Poland  and  Russia  against  the  Turks.  Sec 
Tuukh:  a,  I).  1084-lOUO. 

HOLY  LION,  Battle  of  the  (156S).  See 
Nktiikui.ands:  A.I).  15(W-157a. 

HOLY  OFFICE,  The.  See  Inquisition: 
A.  I).  120!)- 152.5. 

-♦ 

HOLY    ROMAN    EMPIRE:    Its    origin. 
See   Roman   K.mi-iuk,  The  Holy:  A.  D.  968. 
Its  extinction.     See  Qeilmany:  A.  I).    1805- 

180(1.  ^ 

HOLY  ROOD  OF   SCOTLAND,    The.— 

"  A  certified  friiginent  of  the  true  cross  i)reserved 
in  a  shrine  of  gold  or  silver  gilt.  It  was  brought 
over  by  St.  Margaret,  and  left  as  a  sacred  legacy 
to  her  descendants  and  their  kingdom.  .  .  .  The 
roo<l  liad  been  the  sanctifying  relic  round  which 
King  David  I.  raised  the  house  of  canons  regular 
of  the  Holy  Hood,  devoted  to  the  rule  of  St. 
Augustin,  at  Edinburgh.  The  kings  of  Scotland 
afterwards  found  it  so  convenient  to  frequent 
this  religious  house  that  they  built  alongside  of 
it  a  royal  residence  or  palace,  well  known  to  the 
world  B8  Holyroo<l  House." — .T.  II.  Burton,  Iliitt. 
of  Beotland,  ch.  20  (v.  2).  — The  Holy  Itood,  or 
Black  Rood  as  it  was  sometimes  called,  was  car- 
ried aw;iy  from  Scotland,  olong  with  the  "  coro- 
nation Btone,"  by  Edward  I.  of  England,  after- 
wards got  back  by  treaty,  and  then  Tost  again  at 
the  battle  of  Neville's  Cross,  from  which  it  went 
as  a  trophy  to  Diirliani  Abbey. 

HOLY  WAR,  Mahometan.  See  Dak-ul- 
lei.AM. 

HOMAGE.    See  Feudal  Tenuhes. 

HOME  RULE  MOVEMENT,  The  Irish. 
See  Ikklanu:  A.  I).  1878-1H7(».  to  1893. 

HOMER  AND  THE  HOMERIC  POEMS. 
— "When  we  use  the  word  Homer,  w;  do  not 
mean  a  person  historically  known  to  us,  like  Pope 
or  Milton.  We  mean  in  the  main  the  author, 
whoever  or  whatever  he  was,  of  the  wonderful 


iMiems  called  re.spectlvely.  not  bv  tin  iritlior,  but 
by  the  World,  the  '  Iliml  '  an(f  the  Odvsw^y.' 
Ills  name  is  conventioiinl,  and  its  sense  in  ety- 
mology is  not  very  dlllereiit  from  that  which 
would  be  couvf^yed  by  our  phrase,  '  the  author." 
...  At  the  first  dawn  of  the  historic^  period, 
we  find  the  poems  estiiblislied  in  popular  renown  ; 
atid  so  proininent  thiitii  scIkioI  of  luitisficlH  lakes 
the  name  of  '  llomeridie '  from  niaUiiig  it  their 
busines.s  to  preserve  ittid  to  recite  them.  Still, 
the  ((lU'stion  whether  the  poems  us  we  have  them 
can  betrusted,  whether  they  iireseiilsubstanliidly 
the  chanicter  of  what  may  \)f  termed  original 
ilocumentH,  is  one  of  great  but  gradually  diiidn- 
ishiiig  dilllcidty.  It  is  also  of  importance,  be- 
cause of  the  nature  of  their  contents.  In  the 
first  iilace,  they  give  a  far  greater  amount  of  in- 
formation than  is  to  be  found  in  any  other  liternry 
production  of  the  same  compass.  In  the  second 
place,  that  information,  speak'ng  of  it  generally, 
is  to  be  had  nowhere  else.  In  the  third  place.'il 
is  information  of  the  iitmo.st  interest,  and  evenof 
great  moment.  It  introduces  to  us,  in  the  very 
begimiings  of  their  experience,  the  most  gifted' 
people  of  the  world,  and  enables  us  to  judge 
how  they  became  such  as  in  later  times  we  know 
thenw  .  .  .  And  this  picture  is  exhibited  with 
such  a  fulness  both  ~if  particulars  and  of  vital 
force,  that  perhaps  ni  ver  in  any  country  hug  nn 
age  been  so  comi)letely  ])laced  upcm  record.  .  .  . 
We  are  .  .  .  i)robal)ly  to  conceive  of  Homer  as 
of  a  Bard  who  went  from  i)lace  to  place  to  earn 
his  bread  by  his  profession,  to  exercise  his  knowl- 
edge in  his  gift  of  song,  and  to  enlarge  it  by  an 
ever-active  observation  of  nature  and  exiierieuce 
of  men.  ...  It  has  .  .  .  been  extensively  be- 
lievcd  that  he  was  a  Greek  of  Asia  Minor.  And 
as  there  were  no  Greeks  of  Asia  Minor  ul  the  time 
of  the  Trojan  War,  nor  until  a  wide  and  searching 
revolution  in  the  peninsula  had  substituted  Do- 
rian manners  for  those  of  the  earlier  Achaian  age, 
which  Homer  sang,  this  belief  involves  the  fur- 
ther proposition  tliat  the  poet  was  severed  by  a 
considerable  interval  of  time  from  the  subjects 
of  his  verse.  The  last-named  opinion  depends 
very  much  tipon  the  first;  and  the  first  chiefly, 
if  not  wholly,  upon  a  perfectly  vague  tradition, 
which  has  no  jiretence  to  an  historical  character. 
.  .  .  The  question  .  .  .  has  to  be  decided  .  .  . 
by  the  internal  evidence  of  the  poems.  This  evi- 
dence, I  venture  to  say,  strongly  supports  the 
belief  that  Homer  was"  an  European,  and  if  an 
European,  then  certainly  also  an  Achaian  Greek: 
a  Greek,  tliat  is  to  say,  of  the  pre-Doric  perio<l, 
when  the  Achaian  name  prevailed  and  principally 
distinguished  the  race.  .  .  .  Until  the  18th  cen- 
tury of  our  era  was  near  its  close,  it  may  be  said 
that  all  generations  had  believed  Troy  wos  ac- 
tually Troy,  and  Homer  in  the  main  Homer; 
neither  taking  the  one  for  a  fable,  or  (quaintest 
of  all  dreams)  for  a  symbol  of  solar  phenomeiui, 
nor  resolving  the  other  into  a  nmltiform  asscm- 
l)lage  of  successive  bards,  whose  verses  were  at 
length  pieced  together  by  a  clever  literary  tailor. 
.  .  .  After  slighter  premonitory  movements,  it 
was  Wolf  that  made,  by  the  publication  of  his 
■  Prolegomena '  in  1795,  the  serious  nttnck.  . 
Wolf  maintained  that  available  writiug  was  not 
known  at,  or  till  long  after,  the  period  of  their 
composition ;  and  that  works  of  such  length,  not 
intrusted  to  the  custody  of  written  characters, 
could  not  have  been  transmitted  through  a  course 
of    generations  with  any  approach  to  fidelity. 


1660 


HOMER  AND  TIIK  HOMEIUC  POEMS. 


HONDUUA8. 


Tlirrcforo  they  roiild  only  be  ii  miriilicr  of  wp- 
limit'  Kt)iij?H,  liroujflil  toKfllicr  iil  ii  Inter  date." — 
W.  E.  (lliulHtonr,  llniin r  {Lili  riilnre  I'liiinrii).  r/i. 
1-3.  — "  llomcrit;  jji'OKnipliy  i.s  riilirfly  pre  Do- 
riiiti.  Total  uiicoimcioiisiirHs  of  iiiiy  niicIi  event  ii.h 
tlie  Dorl.iii  liivnNioii  reigns  hotli  in  the  lliiul  iind 
<)(lys8oy.  ...  A  BJletice  so  reinarkiible  can  l)(^ 
explained  only  l)y  tlie  slinpl;'  Hiiiip<isiti<>a  tliat 
wlien  tlicy  wereci/rnposed  tlie  revolution  ln(|UeH- 
lion  lind  not  yet  (HTurred.  Otiier  eireuniHtiinees 
{■onllrin  this  view." — A.  M.  Clerlte,  h'aiinliiir 
Stiidiin  in  Itoiiu-r,  cli.  1. — "  It  is  .  .  .  in  tlie  <lls- 
eoveries  of  Or.  Scldleinann  that  we  have  IIk;  itn- 
piilsu  wideli  seems  to  be  sendhi)^  IIk;  balane(^ 
over  towimls  the  belief  in  the  European  instead 
of  in  tlio  Asiatic  orlK'"  of  tlie  poems.  We  now 
know  that  at  the  very  point  wbieli  Homer  makes 
the  chief  royal  city  of  (Jreeee  then;  did,  in  fact, 
exist  a  rivllisatlon  wlil-li  did,  in  fact,  offer  just 
the  eonditioim  for  the  rise  of  a  poetry  such  as  tli(! 
Homeric — a  fjreat  city  'rich  in  >;old,'  with  a  cul- 
tivation of  the  nmterial  arts  such  as  is  wcml  to 
po  liand  In  hand  with  the  growth  o."  poetry  ^see 
(liiKKCE:  Myckn.«  and  its  KiNds].  .  .  .  It  is 
no  longer  possible  to  doubt  tliat  tlio  world  which 
tlie  poems  describe  was  one  which  really  existed 
in  tlie  place  where  they  put  it.  Even  in  details 
the  poems  have  received  striking  illustration  from 
the  remains  of  Mykcnai.  .  .  .  It  appears  that  we 
may  date  tlie  oldest  part  of  the  Iliad  at  least  to 
some  time  before  the  Dorian  invasion,  which,  ac- 
cording to  the  traditional  chronology,  took  place 
about  1000  H.  C.  .  .  .  Hut  the  poems  can  hardly 
be  much  earlier  than  the  invasion;  for  there  are 
various  signs  wliidi  indicate  tliat  the  civilisation 
whicli  they  depict  had  made  some  advance  be- 
yond that  of  whicli  wo  find  the  material  remains 
in  tlie  'sliat't  toml)s,'  discovered  by  Dr.  Hclilie- 
mann  in  the  Acropolis  of  Mylienai.  And  the  date 
of  tliese  has  now  been  lixed  by  Mr.  Pctric,  from 
comparison  witli  Egyptian  remains,  at  about 
1150.  We  can  tberet'oie  hardly  be  far  wrpng,  if 
tlic  poems  were  composed  in  Adinian  Greece,  in 
dating  their  origin  at  about  lono  B.  C.  There 
still  remains  tlie  questicm  of  tlio  historical  basis 
wliicli  may  underlio  the  story  of  the  Hiad.  The 
poem  may  give  us  a  true  picture  of  Acliaian  Greece 
and  its  civilisation,  and  yet  be  no  proof  tliat  the 
armies  of  AganiemnoTi  fought  beneath  the  walls 
of  Troy.  Hut  here  again  the  discoveries  of  re- 
cent years,  and  notably  those  of  Sohliemann  at 
Hissarlik,  have  tended  on  the  whole  to  conlirm 
the  belief  that  there  is  n  liistoric  reality  behind 
the  tale  of  Troy.  .  .  .  The  hypothesis  that  the 
Hiad  and  Odyssey  arc  the  work  of  more  tlian  one 
poet  ...  is  one  wliicli  has  been  gaining  ground 
ever  since  it  was  seriously  taken  up  and  argued 
at  length  by  AVolf  in  his  famous  '  Prolegomena,' 
just  a  century  ago.  But  it  has  from  t^le  (irst  en- 
countered strong  opposition,  and  is  still  regarded, 
in  England  at  least,  as  the  heretical  view. " — W. 
Leaf,  Companion  to  the  Iliad,  introd. — "  It  seems 
clear  that  the  author  or  authors  of  the  Iliad  and 
Odyssey  lived  long  before  the  time  wlien  ^l^'oliaii, 
Ionian,  Dorian,  were  the  three  great  tribal  names 
of  Greece,  and  far  from  tho  coast  on  which  these 
three  names  were  attached  to  successive  portions 
of  territory.  If  wo  are  to  decide  the  ancient  con- 
troversy about  the  birthplace  of  Homer,  we 
must  turn  away  from  Asia,  and  set  ourselves  to 
consider  the  claims  of  three  districts  of  Greece 
proper:  Thessaly,  the  home  of  the  chief  hero 
and    the    most    ancient   worship;     Btt'otia,    the 


ancient  wat  of  the  Muhch,  and  the  first  In  tlio 
very  ancient  (If  not  actually  Homeric)  muster- 
mil  of  theslilps;  and  Argolis,  tlu'M'atof  Aclia'an 
empire."  —  D.  B.  .Monro.  Iliniicr  mid  the  h'lii/i/ 
llifliirii  of  liiiive  (h'lii/linh  Jlinloiiail  Hii:,  .Inn., 
IHNII).  — '°'  I  hold  that  the  original  nucleus  of  tin; 
Iliad  was  iliie  to  u  single  Acliaean  poet,  living  in 
Thessaly  before  the  immigration  whicli  partly 
displaced  the  primitive  Hellenes  there.  This 
prihiary  Iliad  mav  liave  been  iisoldasthtM'levcnth 
centiiry  H.  ('.  It  was  afterwards  brought  by 
Achaean  emigrants  to  Ionia,  and  there  enlarged 
by  successive  Ionian  poets.  The  original  iiikIcuh 
of  the  Odyssey  was  also  composed,  probably,  in 
Greece  proper,  licfon-  the  Dorian  coii(|uest  of 
the  Peloponnesus;  was  ciirri<'d  to  loniii  by  emi- 
grants whom  the  conipierors  drove  out;  and  was 
there  "xpandcd  into  an  cpii!  which  blends  tho 
local  traits  of  its  origin  with  Xhv.  spirit  of  Ionian 
adventure  and  Ionian  society." — 11.  V,.  ivhh, 
Tlif  i/mirth  nnd  injliieiicf  of  C'ldimiriil  (I nek 
I'otlfji,  p.  14. — The  siiine,  Ifonicr:  An  Introduc- 
tion to  '.he  Hind  nnd  thi:  Odi/HHtj/.  — "  We  acec^pt 
the  Iliad  as  one  epic  by  oiu'  liand.  Tin;  incim- 
Histencics  wliicli  arc  the  basis  of  thi;  opposite 
theory  seem  to  us  reconcilcable  in  many  places, 
in  others  greatly  exaggerated.  .  .  .  To  us  the 
hypothesis  of  a  crowd  of  great  harmonious  jioets, 
working  for  centuries  at  tlie  Iliad,  and  sinking 
their  own  fame  and  identity  in  Homer's,  ajipears 
more  dilllcult  of  belief  than  the  opinicm  that  ime 
great  poet  may  mako  occasional  slips  and  blun- 
ders." As  for  tho  Odyssey,  "we  have  ...  to 
deal  with  critics  who  do  not  recognise  tlie  uiiitj . 
tlic  marshalling  of  incid(;n','-;  towards  a  given 
end.  We  have  to  do  witli  vrilics  who  find,  in 
place  of  unity,  patchwork  and  compilation,  and 
evident  traces  of  diverse  <latcs,  an<i  diverse  places 
of  composition.  Tims  argument  is  ii'ellieieut, 
demonstration  is  inipossiliie,  and  the  final  judge 
must  be  the  opinicm  of  the  most  trustworthy  lit- 
erary critics  and  of  literary  tradition.  These  are 
unanimous,  as  against  the  '  inicroseopc'-inen,'  in 
favor  of  the  unity  of  tlie  Odyssey." — A.  Lang, 
Homer  and  the  Epic,  eh.  1  and  13. 

HOMERITES,  The.  Seo  Abyssinia:  6tii 
TO  HItii  Ckntukiks. 

HOMESTEAD  ACT,  The.  See  United 
Stati-.s  of  Am.  :  A.  I).  1H(13  (May). 

HOMILDON  HILL,  Battle  of.— A  victory 
for  tlio  Englisli,  under  "  Hotspur,"  over  a  ralil- 
ing  army  of  tho  Scots,  A.  I).  1403.  It  was  won 
almost  entirely  by  the  English  cross-bow.  By 
some  liistorians  it  is  colled  tlie  Battle  of  Ilumblc- 
don.     See  Scotland:  A,  D.  !40O-14li«. 

HOMOOUSION  AND  HOMOIOUSION. 
See  Aui.'..;iK.>i. 

HON'S,  Battle  o'  (1833).  See  Tuhks:  A.  1). 
18!il-l«40. 

HONDSCHOTTEN,  Battle  of  (1793).  See 
Fuance:  A.  I).  1793(.IiiiA — Dece.miieu). 


HONDURAS:  Aboriginal  inhabitants.— 
Ruins  of  Ancient  Civilization.  See  A.mkkican 
AnoiiKiiNKs:  Mayas,  and  (Jukiiks. 

A.  D.  1502. — Discovery  by  Columbus.  See 
Amekica:  A.  D.  1498-1505. 

A.  D.  1524. — Conquest  by  Olid  and  Cortes. 
See  Mexico:  A.  I),  1531-1.534. 

A.  D.  1821-1871. — Separation  from  Spain 
and  independence. — Brief  annexatio.i  to 
Mexico. — Attempted    federations    and    their 


1661 


noNnrRAH 


MOSPITALLKHS  OP  ST.  .KHIN. 


failure.— The   British  colony. 
Amkhica:  a    I).  IM'Jl-lHTI. 


Sec    ('K.>TU.\I. 


HONDURAS,  Britiih:  A.  D.  1850.- The 
Clavton-Bulwer  Treaty.  S«r  Nii  au.\(ii  a  ; 
A.  I)    IM.V>. 

HONE,  William,  The  Trials  of.  Hcf  Emi- 
I.ANl.:  A    I).  IHKI-IHyo. 

HONEIN,  Battle  of.  Hi-e  MAnoHKTAN  Con- 
yiiMT:   A.  I>.  (Mil)  (l:l2. 

HONG-KONG:  A.  D.  184a.— Ceded  to 
Great  Britain.     See  CiitNA;  A.  1).  1h;11»-1H|'J. 

HONG  MERCHANTS.  Sic  (  iii.na;  A.  O. 
lH:ti»  IHI'j 

HONORIUS,  Roman  Emnrror  (Wejtern), 

A.  I>  m">  f.'.'l Honoriui  I.,  Pope,  tl.'.V(i:)H. 

Honorius  II.,  Pope,   I'.:;*-!!:!!) Hono- 

rius  III.,  Pope,   121fl-ia'J7 Houorius  IV., 

Pope,  I'jH.'i-iaH;. 

HONOURS,  Escheated.— "  WliiMi  11  crrut 
liiiriiny  I'V  fiirfi'ilurccircsrlinit  fell  into  the  lianils 
i)f  IIm'  [I'^nKlixli]  (Town,  instciid  of  liciii);  lixnr- 
ponilrd  with  tlic  Ciiii'nil  lioily  of  the  coimly  or 
coiinlicH  ill  wliirli  it  l.iv,  it  rcliiiiii'il  11  illstiiict 
corponito  i'xiHt('ii('(^  uixl  tli<^  wlioir  iippariitiis 
of  jiiPfclictloii  .vliicli  it  Imd  possessed  before. 
Under  tlie  lille  of  an  Honour,  it  eitlier  (Oiiliiuied 
ill  tiie  possession  of  the  king  and  was  fanned 
like  11  sliire,  or  was  granted  out  ii^'ain  to  aiiotlier 
lord  lis  a  lieredllary  lief."— \V.  ,Stiil)l)s,  Oinnt. 
J/ihI.  "f  I'Jilf/..  cli.   11,  HfCt.   120(»'.   1). 

HOOD,  General  John  B.— The  Atlanta  cam- 
paign. See  l.'.srrKii  Statks  OK  Am.  :  A.  I).  IWll 
(May — Skitkmiiku:  Ohokoia)  to  (Ski'TKMiiku— 
OCTOIIKK:    Nkokoia). 

HOOKER,  General  Joseph,  Commander  of 
the  Army  ofthe  Potomac.  See  Unitfii  Statkh 
OK  Am.:  a.  I).  18(i:i  (.Iani;aiiv— .'Vriiii.:  V'lii- 
(iiNiA),aiid(Ai'nii. — Mav;  Viikiima) Trans- 
fer to  Chattanooea.  See  Unitki>  Htatks  ok 
Am.  :  A.  I).  1H(!;|  (.Rti.y— Novkmiiku:  Viiuiinia). 
...  At  Chattanoog^a. —  The  Battle  above  the 
Clouds.    See  I'nitkd Htatks oc  Am.  :  A.  I).  IHOli 

(OCTOIIKU — NoVKMliHK:   TkNNKSSKK). 

HOOKS  AND  KABELJAUWS,  OR 
HOOKS  AND  CODS.  See  Nktiikiu.ands 
(Holland):  A.  I).  IW.Vlim;  also,  1483-141)3. 

HOOVER'S  GAP,  Battle  at.  Sec  United 
Status  OK  Am.  :  A.I).  1803  (June — July:*Ten- 
nksskk). 

HOPLITES.  —  Heavy  armed  footsoldiers  (.•" 
the  (Jrecks.     See  PiiYLiH. 

HORESTII,  The.    See    Bhitain:    Celtic 

TllIllKS. 

HORIKANS,   The.     See    Ameuican   Abo- 

UIOINKS:    HOHIKANS. 

HORITES,  The.  — The  aborigines  of  Ca- 
naan,—  dwellers  in  caves,  Troglodytes.  "At  the 
time  of  the  Israelitisli  conquest  .  .  .  there  still 
existed  many  remains  of  the  Aborigines  scattered 
through  the  land.  They  were  then  ordinarily 
designated  by  a  name  •which  suggests  very 
dilTcrent  ideas  —  Rephainf,  or  Giants."  — H. 
Ewald,  llut.  of  hrwl,  introd.,  oecM.— P.  Len6r- 
mnnt  considers  the  Rephaini  a  distinct  race, 
divided  into  the  Rephaiin  of  Bashan,  the  Einim, 
the  Zamzummim,  the  Zumira  and  the  Anakiin. 
— Mimual  of  Anrienl  Hut.,  hk.  0,  ch.  1.— .See, 
also,  .Jews;  Tiik  Eauly  Hkbuew  IIistouy. 

HORMUZ,  Battle  of.— The  decisive  battle, 
fought  A.  D.  226,  on  the  plain  of  Hormuz,  in 
Persia  Proper,  in  which  the  Parthian  monarchy 
■was  overthrown,  its  last  king,  Artabauus,  slaiii. 


and  the  New  Persian,  or  Saiwaniitn  empire  estab- 
lished by  Artaxerxes  I.  — (1.  Kawliiison,  Seventh 
(liriit  Orietttdl  .)ft)iiitri'/it/,  r/i.  !t, 

HORN,  Count,  and  the  nUxigglt  in  the 
Netherlands.  See  Nktiikulandh:  A.  I)  J.^KI- 
iritiM, 

HORN,  Cape.— Discovered  by  Drake  (1578). 
Sei'  A  M KKic  \ :   A .  I ).  I  r,V>  I .•|M0. 

HORTENSIAN  LAWS,  The.     See  Romk: 

n.  V.  •.'««. 

HOSEIN,    The    martyrdom    of.     Seo    Ma- 

IIOMKTAN  ('()N(jrKMT:    .\.  I).  (HO. 

HOSPES.-  HOSPITES.— HOSPITIUM. 

— "Ill  tile  curlier  stiiges  of  society,  espe<ially  in 
(Ireeee   ami    Italy,    where   the    population   <'oii- 

■sistedof  iiiiiiieroiis  iiid' 'ident  tribes  constantly 

at  variance  willi  each  otlier,  every  stranger  was 
looked  upon  with  suspicion.  .  .  .  Hence  it  Ih;- 
caiiie  coininoii  fur  a  person  wlio  was  engaged  in 
cnininerce,  or  any  otlier  occupation  wliicli  might 
compel  him  to  visit  a  foreign  country,  to  form 
previously  a  connection  with  u  cill/.en  of  tliat 
country,  who  might  be  ready  to  receive  hlin  asa 
friend  and  act  as  liis  protector.  Such  a  coiince- 
tloii  was  always  strictly  reciprocal.  ...  An 
alliance  of  tliisdescription  uastcrineil  llospitiiim, 
the  parties  wlio  concluded  it  wi'rc  termed  Hos- 
pites  in  relation  to  each  otiier,  and  thus  tlie  word 
llospes  bore  a  doiilile  signillcation,  denoting,  ac- 
cording to  circumstances,  either  an  entertainer  or 
a  guest.  TIk^  obligations  imposed  liy  tlic  cove- 
nant were  regarded  as  of  tlu;  most  sacred 
character.  .  .  .  The  league  of  llospitiiim,  when 
once  formed,  was  liereditarv.  .  .  .  Tlie  jiartics 
interchanged  tokens,  by  wiiich  they  or  ilieir  de- 
scendants niiglit  recognise  eacli  otlier.  Tliis 
token,  called  '  tessera  lio.spitalis,'  was  carefully 
preserved.  .  .  .  In  process  of  time,  anvmg  liotli 
tlie  Greeks  and  Romans,  it  became  common  for  a 
state,  when  it  desired  to  pay  a  marked  compli- 
ment to  any  individual,  to  pass  a  resolution  de- 
claring him  the  Hospesof  the  whole  community." 
— W.  Ramsay,  Maiiunl  of  Uoiimn  Antii/.,  ch.  3. 


HOSPITALLERS  OF  ST.  JOHN  OF 
JERUSALEM,  The  Knights:  A.  D.  iii8- 
1310. — The  origin   and  rise  of   the  order. — 

"Some  citizens  of  Amalli,  in  Italy,  who  traded  to 
the  East,  had  [some  time  before  tlie  (irst  crusade], 
witii  the  permission  of  the  Egyptian  khalcefch, 
built  a  convent  near  tlie  church  of  the  l{csurrec- 
tion  [at  .lenisalem],  wliicli  was  dedicated  to  the 
Virgin,  and  named  Santa  Maria  do  Lat'na,  whoso 
nbliot  and  monks  were  to  receive  f'd  entertain 
jiilgrims  from  the  West.  A  nunnery  was  after- 
wards added,  and  as  the  conllucnce  of  pilgrims 
increased,  a  new  '  liospitinm '  was  erected,  dedi- 
cated to  St.  .lolin  ElcPmon  ('coinpa8.sionate '),  a 
former  patriarcli  of  Alexandria,  or,  as  it  asserted, 
witii  perhaps  more  probability,  to  St.  .lolin  the 
Baptist.  'I  his  hospital  was  siipportej  by  the 
bounty  of  tlie  alibot  of  Sta.  Maria  and  the  alms 
of  the  faithful,  and  the  sick  and  poor  of  the  pil- 
grims here  met  with  attention  and  kindness.  At 
the  time  of  the  taking  of  .Jerusalem,  Gerhard,  a 
native  of  Provence,  presided  over  the  hospital; 
and  the  care  taken  by  him  and  his  liretliren  of 
tlie  sick  and  wounded  of  tlu!  crusaders  won  them 
universal  favour.  Gixlfrey  bestowed  on  them 
his  domain  of  Monboire,  in  Bnibant ;  liis  example 
was  followed  by  others,  and  the  brethren  of  the 
Hospital  soon  found  themselves  ricli  enough  to 
separate  from  the  monastery.     They  adopted  tho 


1G02 


IIOHI'ITALLEIW  OF  HT.  JOHN. 


HOSPITALLEIW  OF  ST.  JOHN. 


rtili'  of  tli(<  AiiKUHtlnliin  caiiDnfi,  and  aHtitiiiicd  for 
tlu'ir  ImiiH  It  lilui'k  iiiiiiitli',  with  ii  wliiti^  crosH  of 
I'ixlii  points  on  tilt.'  icft  l)r('iiHt.  Muny  liniKlili 
will)  iiiiil  c'oiiu-  to  Asiii  to  coiiilmt  tlio  liiMiit'iH 
now  liild  iisid''  tlu'ir  Nwords,  unci,  iih  lirctlirun  of 
ilic  lIoHpilal,  dt'voti'd  tlicnis<'lvi'S  to  tlut  trmiiiiK 
of  tlio  Hicit  and  relieving  of  tlie  poor.  Among 
these  WHH  II  liniglit  of  I)iuiiiliine,  mimed  Itiiy- 
inond  Dupuy,  who,  on  tlie  deiitli  of  Oerhiird.wiis 
chosen  to  l)e  Ids  siieeessor  if  olllee.  Uiiymond, 
in  tlie  ycnr  lllH,  giive  tlie  oriler  its  llrst  reguliir 
orgiuil/iition." — T.  Kelglilley,  '/'Ac  ('nnutilin,  ch. 
2.  —  '"n  Kiiynumd  Dupiiy  "tlie  Oriler  owed  its 
<liHtiiietly  milltjiry  ehnriieter,  anil  that  WDnderfiil 
organlziition,  loniliininij;  the  care  of  the  siek  and 
poor  witli  the  profession  of  arms,  wliieli  clianie- 
torizvd  the  Kni;rhts  of  tjt.  John  during  all  their 
BUbseiincnt  history.  .  .  .  Anew  and  revised  eon- 
stltution  was  drawn  up,  liy  wliicli  it  was  pro- 
vided that  tliero  should  he  three  elasses  of  mem- 
bers. First,  tlio  Knights,  who  should  bear  arms 
and  forii.  a  military  body  for  serviee  in  the  Held 
against  the  enemies  of  Clirist  in  general,  and  of 
the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  in  parlieular.  These 
were  to  be  of  neces,Hity  Uu  n  of  nol)h!  or  gentle 
birth.  Heeondly,  the  Clergy,  or  (.'haplains.  .  .  . 
Thirdly,  the  Serving  Brethren,  who  were  not  re- 
<iuired  to  be  men  of  rank,  and  who  aeted  as 
ICsqiiiros  to  the  Knights,  anil  assisted  In  the  eari! 
(if  the  hospitals.  A'l  persons  of  those  three 
classes  were  considered  alike  memliers  of  the 
Order,  and  took  the  usual  three  inouastio  vows, 
and  wore  the  armorial  be,  ngsof  the  Order,  and 
enjoyed  its  rights  and  \n\  'cges.  As  the  Order 
spread  and  tlie  number  of  us  members  and  con- 
vents increased,  it  was  found  desirable  to  divide 
it  fiirtiicr  into  nations  or  'Langes'  [tongues,  or 
languages],  of  which  tlioru  were  ultimately  seven, 
viz.,  tlio.soof  Provence,  Auvergne,  France,  Italy, 
Aragon,  Germany,  and  England.  The  habit  wts 
a  lilack  robe  with  a  cowl,  having  a  cross  of  white 
linen  of  oight  points  upon  the  left  breast.  Tliis 
was  at  iirst  worn  by  all  Hospitallers,  to  which- 
ever ol'  the  three  classes  they  belonged ;  but  Pope 
Alexander  IV.  afterwards  ordered  that  tlio 
Knights  should  be  distinguished  by  a  white  cross 
upon  a  red  ground.  ...  It  was  not  long  before 
the  new  Order  found  a  field  for  the  exercise  of 
its  arms.  .  .  .  From  this  time  the  Hospitallers 
were  always  found  in  the  ranks  of  the  Cliristian 
army  in  every  battle  that  was  fought  with  the 
Moslems,  and  the  fame  of  their  gallantry  and 
bravery  soon  spread  far  and  wide,  and  attracted 
frv'sli  recruits  to  their  ranks  from  the  noblest 
families  of  every  country  of  Europe.  They  be- 
canu  the  right  hand  of  the  King  of  Jerusalem." 
sharing  the  fortunes  of  the  nominal  kingdom  for 
nearly  two  centuries,  and  almost  sharing  its  ulti- 
mate fate.  The  handful  who  escaped  from  Acre 
in  1391  (see  Jeiiusalk.m  :  A.  D.  1291)  took  refuge 
in  Cyprus  and  rallied  there  the  Knights  scattered 
In  other  lands.  Itebuilding  and  fortifying  the 
town  of  Limisso,  they  made  that  their  citadel 
and  capital  for  a  few  years,  finding  a  new  voca- 
tion for  their  pious  valor.  They  now  took  up 
war  upon  the  naval  side,  and  turned  their  arms 
specially  against  the  iloslem  pirates  of  tlie  Medi- 
terranean. They  litted  out  armed  shijjs  "  which 
began  to  cruise  between  Palestine  and  European 
ports,  conveying  pilgrims,  rescuing  captives, 
and  engaging  and  capturing  the  enemy's  galleys. " 
But  not  finding  in  Cyprus  the  independence  they 
desired,  the  ICuights,  ere  long,  established  them- 


iM'lves  in  a  more  satlHfactory  iiotn"  on  tlio  Island 
of  UhiKles.— F.  C.  WoiMlhonse,  ililiUiry  IliUyiout 
Oiilerii  of  the  Sliildle  Am'.  !>'.  '.  ''''•  !*-" 

Al.HolN:  Abbe  de  Vertol,  //«><.  (/  Mo  h'liii/lill 
ILmpitiiUeni,  Ilk.  l-;l  (c.  1).— A.  Sutherland, 
AihiiriincnU  of  the  Kiii'/htu  of  Malta,  eh.  1-1) 
('•.  1). 

A.  D.  1310.  — Conquest  «nd  occupation  of 
Rhodes.  — "  The  most  important  coniiuest  of  tho 
time  .  .  .  was  that  of  Kliodes,  by  the  Knights 
Uospllallers  of  Hi.  John  of  Jeriisafem,  both  from 
its  diirabilily  and  troni  the  renown  of  the  con- 
querors.  The  kniglits  had  settlrd  in  ('ypriis 
after  tlicy  had  been  expelled  from  Acre,  Init  they 
were  soon  disiontented  to  remain  as  vitKsals  of 
the  ICing  of  Cyprus.  They  aspired  to  form  u 
sovereign  state,  but  it  was  not  easy  to  make  any 
coniiuests  from  the  Intldi'ls  in  a  position  which 
they  could  hope  to  inaiiitain  fur  any  length  of 
time.  They  therefore  soliciled  permission  from 
the  Pope  to  turn  their  arms  against  tlie  Greeks. 
His  Holim  <s  applauded  their  Christian  zeal,  and 
bestowed  on  them  innumerable  blessings  and  in- 
dulgences, b.  sides  nine  thousand  diiials  to  aid 
their  enterprise.  Under  the  preti  xl  of  a  cnisado 
f'lr  the  recovery  of  ('lirisl's  tomb,  ;he  knights 
collected  a  force  witli  which  they  besieged 
Uliodes.  So  great  was  their  contempt  for  llie 
Greek  emperor  tliat  tliey  sent  an  embassy  to  Con- 
stantinople, reipiiring  Adronicus  to  withdriiw 
his  garrisons,  and  cede  the  i.sland  and  its  de- 
pendencies to  tliem  as  feudatories,  oirering  to 
supply  him  nilh  a  subsidiary  forci;  of  tiiree 
hundred  cavalry.  Ailroni'-^us  dismissed  the  am- 
bas.sa(lors,  and  sunt  an  army  to  raise  the  siege; 
but  his  troops  were  defeated,  and  the  kniglits 
took  the  city  of  liiiodes  on  the  l.'itii  August, 
1310.  As  sovereigns  of  tliis  beautiful  island, 
they  were  long  the  bulwark  of  Christian  Europe 
against  the  Turkish  power;  and  the  memory  of 
the  chivalrous  youth  who  for  successive  ages 
found  an  early  tomb  at  this  verge  of  the  Christian 
world,  will  long  shed  a  romantic  colouring  on  the 
history  of  Uliodes.  They  sustained  the  declining 
glory  of  a  state  of  society  that  was  hastening  to 
become  a  vision  of  the  past ;  they  were  the  heroes 
of  a  class  of  which  the  Norse  sea-kings  had  been 
tlio  demigods.  The  little  realm  they  governed 
as  an  independent  state  consisted  of  Uliodes, 
witli  the  reighbouring  islandsof  Kos,  Kalymnos, 
Syme,  Leros,  Nisyros,  Telos,  and  Clialke ;  on  the 
opposite  continent  they  possessed  the  classic  city 
of  Il'iiicarnassus,  ami  several  strong  forts,  of 
which  tho  picturesque  ruins  still  overhang  tho 
sea." — G.  Finlay,  Hint,  of  the  liyiantine  and 
Oreek  Empires,  bk.  4,  ch.  2  (v.  3). 

Also  in  :  W.  Porter,  Iliat.  of  the  Kniqhts  of 
Miiltd,  eh.  7-10  (c.  1). 

A.  D.  1482.  —  Treatment  of  the  Turkish 
Prince  Jemshid  or  Zizim.     See  TiruKs:  A.  1). 

UHi-i.m 

A.  D.  1522. —  Siege  and  surrenderor  Rhodes 
to  the  Turks.  — In  1533,  the  Turkish  sultan, 
Solyman  tho  Magnificeijt,  "  turned  his  victorious 
arms  against  tlie  island  of  Uhodes,  the  seat  at 
that  time  of  tlie  Knights  of  St.  John  of  Jeru- 
salem. This  small  state  he  attackcii  with  such  a 
numerous  army  as  the  lords  of  Asia  have  been 
accustomed,  in  every  age,  to  bring  into  the  field. 
Two  hundred  thousand  men,  and  a  fleet  of  400 
sail,  appeared  against  a  town  defended  by  a  gar-  • 
risen  consisting  of  5,000  soldiers  and  600  kniglits, 
under  the  command  of  Villicrs  de  L'Isle  Adam. 


1G63 


HOSPITALLERS  OF  ST.  JOHN. 


II0SPITALLEH8  OF  ST.  JOHN. 


tlip  K''"'"'""'"''"'''.  wliosc  wisdom  1111(1  valour  rcn- 
(liTcd  liiin  worthy  of  tlint  stiilioii  iit  such  inliin- 
gcroua  junrturc.  No  sooner  did  ho  bogin  to 
BiiHpect  the  dcstiimtion  of  Solymim's  va:  t  armii- 
ments  than  iKMlcspiitclicd  im'ssengcrs  to  all  the 
(Jhristian  coiirlH,  imploring  their  aid  against  the 
common  enemy.  IJiit  though  every  prineo  in 
that  age  acknowledged  Hhodes  to  he  the  great 
l)uhvark  of  (;hrist<'ndom  in  tlie  Ka-st,  and  trusted 
to  the  gallantry  of  its  knights  as  the  best  sc- 
eurity  against  the  progress  of  the  Ottoman  arms, 
—  though  Adrian,  with  a  zeal  which  became  the 
head  and  father  of  the  Clnircli,  exhorted  tlic  con- 
tending powers  to  forget  their  private  quarrels, 
and,  by  uniting  tlieir  amis,  to  prevent  the  infidels 
from  (lestroying  a  society  which  did  honour  to 
the  Christian  name, —  yet  so  violent  and  imp'... 
cable  was  the  animosity  of  both  parties  [in  the 
wars  of  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  and  Francis  L 
of  F  anee],  tl'at,  regardless  of  the  danger  to 
which  they  exposed  all  Europe,  .  .  .  they  suf- 
fered Solyman  to  carry  on  his  operations  against 
Uhodes  without  disturbance.  The  grand-master, 
after  incredible  eflorta  of  courage,  of  patience, 
and  of  military  conduct,  during  a  siege  of  six 
mcmths, —  after  sustaining  many  assaults,  and 
dis|)iiting  every  post  with  amazing  obstinacy, — 
was  oliliged  at  last  to  yield  to  numbers;  and, 
having  olilained  an  honourable  capitulation  from 
the  sultan,  who  admired  and  respected  his  virtue, 
he  surrendered  the  town,  which  was  reduced  to 
a  heap  of  rubbish,  and  destitute  of  every  re- 
source, ('harles  and  Francis,  ashamed  of  having 
occasioned  such  a  loss  to  Christendom  by  their 
ambitious  contests,  endeavoured  to  throw  the 
blame  of  it  on  each  other,  while  all  Europe, 
with  greater  ju.stice,  imputed  it  equally  to  both. 
The  emperor,  by  way  of  reparation,  granted  the 
Knights  of  St.  John  the  small  islaml  of  Malta,  in 
which  they  fixed  their  residence,  retaining, 
though  with  less  power  and  sjilendour,  their  an- 
cient spirit  and  implacable  enmity  to  the  in- 
fidels."— W.  Robertson,  JIM.  of  the  Reign  of 
Chnrkii  V..hk.  2  (r.  1). 

Also  in  :  C.  Torr,  lihodt's  in  Modern  Timen, 
c/i.  1.— J.  8.  Brewer,  The  lieiyn  of  Henry  VIII., 
eh.  10  (0.  1). 

A.  D.  1530-1565.— Occupation  of  Malta.— 
Improvement  and  fortification  of  the  island. — 
The  great  siet;e. — The  Turks  repelled. — 
"  Malta,  which  .  .id  been  annexed  by  Charles 
[the  Fifth's]  predecessors  to  Sicily,  had  descended 
to  that  monarch  as  part  of  the  dominions  of  the 
crown  of  Aragon.  In  .  .  .  ceding  it  to  the 
Knights  of  St.  John,  the  politic  prince  consulted 
his  own  iiiterests  tjuite  as  much  as  those  of  the 
order.  lie  drew  no  revenue  from  the  rocky  isle, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  was  charged  with  its  de- 
fence against  the  Jloorish  cor.sairs,  who  made 
frequent  descents  on  the  spot,  wasting  the  coun- 
try, and  dragging  oft  the  miseiable  people  into 
lilavcry.  By  this  transfer  of  the  island  to  the 
military  order  of  St.  John,  he  not  only  relieved 
himself  of  all  further  exjpense  on  its  account,  but 
secured  a  permanent  bulwark  for  the  protection 
of  his  own  dominions.  ...  In  October,  1530, 
L'Isle  Adam  and  his  brave  associates  took  posses- 
sion of  their  new  domain.  ...  It  was  not  very 
long  before  the  wilderness  before  them  was  to 
blos.-om  like  the  rose,  under  theirdiligent  culture. 
Earth  was  brought  in  large  quantities,  and  at 
great  cost,  from  Sicily.  'Terraces  to  receive  it 
were  hewn  in  the  steep  sides  of  the  rock ;  and  the 


soil,  quickened  by  tlie  ardent  sun  of  Malta,  was 
soon  clothed  w  Uh  the  glowing  vegetation  of  the 
South.  ...  In  a  short  time,  too,  the  island 
bristled  with  fortifications,  which,  combined  with 
its  natural  defences,  enabled  its  garri.son  to  defy 
the  attncks  of  the  corsair.  To  the.se  works  waa 
added  the  constru<!tion  of  suitable  dwellings  for 
the  accommodation  of  the  order.  But  it  was 
long  after,  nn<l  not  until  the  land  h?.'\  been  di'so- 
lated  by  the  siege  on  which  we  are  now  to  enter, 
that  it  was  crowned  with  the  stately  edifices  that 
eclipsed  liiose  of  Rhodes  itself,  and  made  Malta 
the  pride  of  the  Mediterranean.  .  .  .  Again  tlieir 
galleys  sailed  forth  to  battle  with  the  corsairs, 
and  returned  laden  with  the  spoilsofvictorv.  .  .  . 
It  was  not  long  before  the  name  of  the  linights. 
of  JIalta  became  as  formidable  on  the  southern 
shores  of  the  Mediterranean  as  that  of  the  Knighta 
of  Rhodes  ha<l  been  in  the  East."  At  length  the 
Turkish  sultan,  Solyman  the  Magnificent,  "re- 
solved to  signalize  the  close  of  his  reign  by  driv- 
ing the  knights  from  Malta,  as  he  had  the  com- 
mencement of  it  by  driving  them  from  Rhodes," 
and  he  made  his  preparations  on  a  formi<lablo 
scale.  The  grandmiuster  of  Malta,  Jean  Parisot 
de  la  Valette,  had  his  spies  at  (;on.stantinoplc, 
and  was  not  long  in  ignorance  of  the  Turkish 
project.  He,  too,  prepared  himself  for  the  en- 
counter with  prodigious  energy  and  forethought, 
lie  addressed  appeals  for  help  to  all  the  Christian 
powers.  "  He  summoned  the  knights  absent  in 
foreign  lands  to  return  to  !Malta,  and  take  part 
with  their  brethren  in  the  coming  struggle.  He 
imported  large  supplies  of  provisions  and  mili- 
tary stores  from  Sicily  and  Spain.  Ho  drilled 
the  militia  of  the  island,  and  formed  an  effective 
body  of  more  than  3,000  men;  to  which  was. 
added  a  still  greater  number  of  Spanish  and 
Italian  troops.  .  .  .  The  fortifications  were  put 
in  repair,  strengthened  with  outworks,  and  placed 
in  the  best  condition  for  resisting  the  enemy.  .  .  . 
The  whole  force  wliicli  Lsv  Valette  could  muster 
in  defence  of  the  island  aincunted  to  about  0,000- 
men.  This  included  700  knights,  of  whom  about 
flOO  had  already  arrived  [when  the  siege  began]. 
The  remainder  were  on  their  way,  and  joined 
him  at  a  later  period  of  the  siege."  The  Turkish 
fleet  made  its  appearance  on  the  18th  of  May, 
ir)65.  It  comprised  130  royal  galleys,  with  fifty 
of  lesser  size,  and  a  number  of  transports.  "  The 
number  of  soldiers  on  board,  independently  of 
the  mariners,  and  including  0,000  janizaries,  was 
about  30,000, —  the  flower  of  the  Ottoman  army. 
.  .  .  The  command  of  the  expedition  was  in- 
trusted to  two  ofiicers.  One  of  these,  Piali,  was 
the  same  admiral  who  defeated  the  Spaniards  at 
Gelves  [see  Bauh.vuy  States:  A.  D.  1543-1560]. 
He  had  the  direction  of  the  naval  operations. 
The  land  forces  were  given  to  Mustapha,  ■ 
veteran  nearly  70  years  of  age.  .  .  .  The  Turk- 
ish armada  steered  for  the  southeastern  quai  ter 
of  the  island,  and  cast  anchor  in  the  port  of  St. 
Thomas.  The  troops  speedily  disembarked,  and 
spread  themselves  in  detached  bodies  over  the- 
land,  devastating  the  country.  ...  It  was  de- 
cided, in  the  Turkish  council  of  war,  to  begin 
operations  with  tlic  siege  of  the  castle  of  St. 
Elmo  "—  a  small  but  strong  fort,  built  at  the  point 
of  a  promontory  which  separates  Port  Jiusietto, 
on  the  west,  from  what  is  now  known  as  Valetta 
harbor,  then  called  the  Great  Port  The  heroic 
defense  of  St.  Elmo,  where  a  mere  handful  of 
knights  and  soldiers  withstood  the  whole  army 


1664 


HOSPITALLERS  OF  ST.  JOHN. 


HOSPITALLEIiS  OP  ST.  JOHN. 


nnd  navy  of  the  Turks  for  an  entire-  month,  is 
one  of  tlie  grand  episodes  of  war  in  tlie  Ktth  c  ii- 
tnry.  Tho  few  surviving  defenders  were  (.ver- 
whelmed  in  tlie  Unal  ns.sault,  whicli  toolv  plac(^ 
on  tlie  2M  of  June.  "Tlie  number  of  Christians 
who  fell  in  this  siege  amounted  to  about  1,500. 
Of  the.se  123  were  members  of  the  order,  and 
among  them  several  of  its  most  illustrious  war- 
riors. Tlie  Turkish  lor,s  is  estimated  n'  '<.000,  it 
the  head  of  whom  stocxl  Dragut,"  th  'amo.is 
l)aslia  of  Tripoli,  who  had  joined  tlie  hi  eger.s, 
with  ships  and  men,  and  who  lia<l  reciived  a 
morlid  wound  in  one  of  the  assavilts.  A'ter  the 
loss  of  St.  Elmo,  "the  strength  of  tho  order  was 
.  .  .  concentrated  on  the  two  narrow  slips  of 
land  which  run  out  from  tho  eastern  side  of  the 
Great  Port.  .  .  .  The  northern  peninsula,  occu- 
pied by  the  town  of  II  llorgo,  and  at  the  extreme 
point  by  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  was  defended 
by  works  stronger  and  in  lietter  condition  than 
the  fortifications  of  St.  Elmi).  .  .  .  Tho  parallel 
slip  of  land  was  crowned  by  the  fort  of  3t. 
Michael."  Early  in  July,  the  Turks  opened 
their  batteries  on  both  St.  Angelo  and  St.  Michael, 
and  on  the  ISth  they  attempted  tho  storming  of 
the  latter,  but  were  bloodily  repulsed,  losing 
3,000  or  4,000  men,  according  to  the  Christian 
account.  Two  weeks  later  they  made  a  general 
as.sault  and  were  again  repeMed.  On  the  aiith  of 
August,  the  valiant  knights,  wasted  and  worn 
with  watching  and  fighting,  wore  reli<!ved  by 
long-promised  re-enforcements  from  Sicily,  and 
the  disheartened  Turks  at  once  raised  tho  siege. 
"The  arms  of  Solyman  II.,  during  his  long  and 
glorious  reign,  met  with  no  reverse  so  humilia- 
ting as  his  failure  in  the  siege  of  Malta.  .  .  .  The 
waste  of  life  was  prodigious,  amounting  to  more 
than  30,000  men.  .  .  .  Yet  the  loss  in  this  siege 
fell  most  grievously  on  the  Christians.  Full  200 
knights,  3,500  soldiers,  and  more  than  7,000  in- 
habiUints, —  men,  women,  and  children, — are  said 
to  have  perished." — \V.  II.  Prescott,  Hist,  oftlus 
lieign  of  Philip  II.,  bk.  4,  ch.  3-5. 

Also  in:  W.  Pr-ter,  IliKt.  of  the  Kni(/hta  of 
Malta,  ch.  ly-18  (v.  2).— S.  Lane-Poole,  Story  of 
the  liarbary  Cormim,  ch.  13. 

A.  D.  1565-1879.— DecUiic  and  practical  dis- 
appearance of  tne  order. — "  Tho  Great  Siege  of 
1.565  was  the  last  eminent  exploit  of  the  Order  of 
St.  John.  From  that  time  their  fame  restc<l 
rather  on  the  laurels  of  the  past  than  the  deeds 
of  the  present.  Rest  and  affluence  produced 
gradually  their  usual  consequences — dimii.ished 
vigour  and  lessened  indepen  '  ince.  The  'esprit 
de  corps'  of  the  Knights  became  weaker  after 
long  years,  in  which  there  were  no  events  to  bind 
them  together  in  united  sympathies  and  common 
struggles.  ^lany  of  them  had  become  suscep- 
vlblo  of  bribery  and  petty  jealousies.  In  1789  the 
Fioncli  Uevohition  burst  out  and  aroused  all 
Eui  ipoan  nations  to  some  decided  policy.  The 
Order  of  St.  John  had  received  special  favours 
from  T>ouis  XVI.,  and  now  showed  their  grateful 
appreciation  of  his  kindness  by  cheerfully  con- 
tributing a  largo  portion  of  their  revenue  to  as- 
sist him  in  his  terrible  emergencies.  For  this 
they  suffered  the  confiscation  of  all  tie  property 
of  tho  Order  in  France,  when  the  revolutionists 
obtained  supreme  power."— \V.  Tallack,  Malta, 
sect.  8.— "In  September,  1793,  a  decree  was 
passed,  by  which  the  estates  and  property  of  the 
Order  of  St.  John  in  France  were  annexed  to  the 
state.     Many  of  the  knights  were  seized,  im- 


prisoned, and  executed  as  aristocrats.  The  prin- 
cipal house  of  the  Order  in  Paris,  called  the 
Temple,  was  converted  into  a  prison,  and  there 
the  unfortunate  L.mis  XVI.  and  his  family  were 
incarcerated.  The  Directory  also  did  its  best  to- 
destroy  tlie  Order  in  Germany  and  Italy.  .  .  . 
All  this  time  the  Directory  had  agents  in  Malta, 
who  were  propagating  revolutionary  (hictrines, 
and  stirring  up  tlie  lowest  of  the  people  to  n^bel- 
lion  and  violence.  There  were  in  the  island  332 
knighls  (of  whom  many,  however,  were  aged 
and  infirm),  and  about  6,000  troops.  On  Jt.ne 
9,  1798,  the  French  fl-et  appeared  before  Slana, 
with  Napoleon  himself  on  board,  and  a  fc-vv  di;ys 
after  troops  were  landed,  and  began  pilh  ging  tiio 
country.  They  were  at  first  successfully  op- 
posed by  the  soldiers  of  the  Grand  Master,  but 
tho  seeds  of  sedition,  which  had  been  so  freely 
sown,  began  to  boar  fruit,  and  the  soldiers 
mutinied,  and  refused  to  obey  t.'ieir  otlicers.  All 
the  outlying  forts  were  taken,  and  tho  kniglits 
who  commanded  them,  who  were  all  French, 
were  dragged  before  Xapolcon.  He  accused 
them  of  taking  up  arms  against  their  country, 
and  declared  tliat  he  would  have  them  shot  as 
traitors.  Meanwhile  sedition  was  rampant 
within  the  city.  The  people  rose  and  attacked 
the  palace  of  the  Grand  Master,  and  murdered 
several  of  the  kniglits.  They  demanded  thai  the 
island  sliouhl  be  given  up  to  the  French,  ami 
finally  opened  the  gates,  and  admitted  Napoleon 
and  his  troops.  After  some  delay,  articles  of 
capitulation  were  agreed  upon,  jfalta  was  de- 
clared part  of  Fii.nce,  and  all  the  knights  were 
required  to  quit  tho  island  within  tl'.roe  days. 
Napoleon  sailed  for  Egypt  on  Juno  19,  taking 
with  him  all  tiie  silver,  gold,  and  jewels  that 
could  be  collected  froui  the  churches  and  the 
treasury.  ...  In  the  following  September,  1798, 
Nelson  besieged,  and  iiuickly  obtained  possession 
of  the  island,  wliich  has  ever  since  remained  in 
the  hands  of  the  English.  In  this  way  tlie 
ancient  Order  of  St.  Jolin  ceased  to  be  a  sover- 
eign power,  and  practically  its  history  came  to 
an  end.  Tlio  last  Grand  Master,  Uaron  Ferdi- 
nand von  Ilompesch,  after  tlie  loss  of  ]Malta,  re- 
tired to  Trieste,  and  shortly  afterwards  abdicated 
and  died  at  Jlontpelier,  in  1805.  .Many  of  the 
knights,  however,  had  in  the  mean  time  gone  to 
Russia,  and  before  the  abdication  of  Ilompesch, 
they  elected  the  Emperor  Paul  Grand  Master, 
who  had  for  some  time  been  protector  of 
the  Order.  This  election  was  undoubtedly  ir- 
regular and  void.  By  the  terms  of  the  Treaty  of 
Amiens,  in  1803,  it  was  stipulated  that  Malta 
should  be  re  tored  to  the  Order,  but  that  there 
should  bo  neither  French  nor  English  knights. 
Hut  before  the  treaty  could  be  carried  into  effect 
Napoleon  returned  from  Elba,  and  war  broke  out 
again.  By  the  treaty  of  Paris,  in  1814,  Malta  was 
ceded  to  England.  ...  In  1801,  the  assembly 
of  the  Kniglits  at  St.  Petersburg  .  .  .  petitioned 
Pope  Pius  VII.  to  select  a  Grand  Master  from 
certain  names  which  fhcy  sent.  This  ho  de- 
clined to  do,  but,  some  time  afterwards,  at 
the  request  of  the  Emperor  Alexander,  and 
the  King  of  Naples,  and  without  consulting  the 
knights,  the  i^ope  appointed  Count  Giovanni  di 
Tommasi  Gran(i  Master.  Ho  died  in  1805,  and 
no  Grand  Slaster  has  been  since  appointed.  On 
his  death-bed,  Tommasi  nominated  the  bailitf, 
GuevanvSuardo,  Lieutenant  Master.  .  .  .  [Such] 
lieutenants  liave  presided  over  an  association  of 


1605 


HOSPITALLERS  OF  ST.  JOHN. 


IIUMAS. 


titular  kniKlils  at  Home,  wliicli  is  styled  '  tlie 
Hiicred  Couneil.'  In  IHll,  the  Frencli  kiilKlils 
nHsembled  ut  I'liris  und  elected  »  eapitulury  com- 
niission  for  the  f^overnineiit  of  the  Order.  .  .  . 
Iti  or  about  the  year  1826,  the  Eui;lish  '  Lniige ' 
of  the  Order  of  the  Knights  of  Malta  was  re- 
vived. ...  A  regular  succession  of  Prions  has 
iK'cn  continued  to  the  present  time  [18791,  and 
the  Duke  of  .Manchester  is  the  i)re.sent  Prior. 
Th(  metnbers  of  the  Order  devote  themselves  to 
relic  irig  the  poor,  and  assisting  hospitals." — F. 
V.  AVciodhousc,  Militun/  Itdi'jious  Orders  of  the 
MiMle  Aga,  pt.  1,  eh.  20. 

HOSPODAR.  — "A  title  of  Slavonic  or  Rus- 
sian origin  (Hu.ssian,  Oospodin  =  Ijord). " — J. 
Samucl.son,  lloiuiiuiu'd,  p.  209,  foid-note. 

HOSTIS.     See  Peiikokini. 

HOTTENTOTS,  The.  See  Soltii  Akiuca  : 
TiiK  AnouKiiN  Ki,  iNiiAHiTANTs,  and  A.  I).  148(1- 
IWXi;  also,  Akhka:  Tiik  ixiiAniTi.NO  races. 

HOUSE  OF  COMMONS.  See  Pauliament, 
Tiik  Knomsu;  am!  K.moiits  OK  the  SniiiE. 

HOUSE  OF  KEYS,  The.  See  Manx  King- 
dom. 

HOUSE  OF  LORDS.     Sec  Lords,  House 

OK. 

HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES.    Sec 

CONOIIKSS  OK  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

HOUSECARLS.— "No  English  King  or 
Ealdorman  had  hitherto  kepi  a  permanent  nnli- 
trny  force  in  his  i)ay.  But  Cnut  [or  Canute, 
A.  D.  1018-103.5]  now  organi/.ed  a  regular  paid 
force,  kept  constantly  under  iirm.s,  and  ready  to 
march  at  a  moment's  notice  These  were  the 
famous  Tliini;nien,  the  Ilousecarl.s,  of  whom  we 
hear  so  much  imdcr  CnUt  and  under  his  suc- 
cessors. .  .  .  The  Housecarls  were  in  fact  a 
standing  army,  and  a  standing  army  was  an  in- 
stitution which  later  Kings  and  great  Earls,  Eng- 
lish as  well  as  Danish,  found  it  to  be  their  interest 
to  continue.  Under  Cnut  they  formed  a  sort  of 
military  guild  with  the  ling  at  their  head." — E. 
A.  Freeman,  Norman  OinqiieKt,  ch.  0,  met.  2,  diul 
a])}).,  note  kH:  (p.  1). 

HOUSEHOLD  FRANCHISE.  See  Eng- 
land: A.  D.  1884-188.5. 

HOUSTON,  Sam.,  and  the  independence  of 
Texas.     See  Texas:  A.  D.  1824-1838. 

HOVAS,  The.    Sec  Malayan  Race. 

HOWE,  George  Aug^ustus,  Lord,  Debth  at 
Ticonderoga.     See  Canada  :  A.  D.  1758. 

HC  WE,  Richard,  Admiral  Lord,  and  the 
War  of  the  American  Revolution.  See  United 
States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1776  (August) Na- 
val Victory  (1794).  See  France:  A.  D.  1794 
(March — July). 

HOWE,  General  Sir  William,  and  the  War 
of  the  American  Revolution.  See  United 
States  op  Am.  :  A.  D.  1775  (April— JIay), 
(Junk);  1776  (August),  (September— Novem- 
ber); 1776-177  ;  1777  (January— December); 
1778  (June). 

BRINGS  OF  THE  AVARS.  See  Avars, 
Rings  of  the. 

HUAMABOYA,  The.  See  American  Abo- 
KiniNEs:  Andebians. 

HUANCAS,  The.  See  Peru:  The  Aborigi- 
nal Inhahitants. 

HUASTECS,  The.  See  American  >bo- 
bicixes:  JIayas. 

HUAYNA  CAP  AC,  The  Inca.  See  Peru: 
TuK  Empire  of  the  Incas 


HUBERTSBURG,    The    Peace    of.      See 

Seven  Yeaus  War:  The  tu.;aties 

HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY.  See  Can- 
ada: A.  1).  1 809- 187;), 

HUDSON'S  BAY  TERRITORY,  Relin- 
quished by  France  to  Great  Britain  (1713), 
Sec  Utreoiit:  A.  I).  1712-1714. 

HUDSON'S  VOYAGES,  Explorations  and 
Discoveries.  Sec  Amehica:  A.  D.  I(i07-l<i08, 
and  1009. 

HUECOS.The.  See  American  Aborioiner: 
Pawnee  (Caddgan)  Family. 

HUGH  CAPET,  King  of  France,  A.  D. 
987-990. 

HUGUENOTS.— First  appearance  and  dis- 
puted origin  of  the  name.— Quick  formation 
of  the  Calvinistic  Protestant  Party  in  France. 
See  France:  A.  1).  15.59-1.501. 

A.  D.  1528-1562.- Ascendancy  in  Navarre. 
See  Navaure:  A.  I).  1.528-1. 5(i;!. 

A.  D.  1554-1565.— Attempted  colonization 
in  Brazil  and  in  Florida. — The  Massacre  at 
Fort  Caroline.  See  Florida;  A.  D.  1502-1.503, 
to  1507-1508. 

A.  D.  1560-1598.— The  Wars  of  Religion  in 
France.  See  France:  A.  D.  1500-1.503,  to  1,593- 
1598. 

A.  D.  1598-1599.— The  Edict  of  "Nantes. 
See  France:  A.  1).  1598-1.599. 

A.  D.  1620-1622. — Their  formidable  organi- 
zation and  political  pretensions. — Continued 
desertion  of  nobles. — Leadership  of  the  clergy. 
— Revolt  and  unfavorable  Treaty  of  Montpel- 
lier.     See  France:  A.  1).  1020-1023. 

A.  D.  1625-1626.— Renewed  revolt. — Second 
Treaty  of  Montpellier.  Sec  P'rance:  A.  D. 
1624-1026. 

A.  D.  1627-1628.—  Revolt  in  alliance  with 
England. —  Richelieu's  siege  and  capture  of 
La  Rochelle. — End  of  political  Huguenotism 
in  France.     See  France:  A.  D.  1027-1028. 

A.  D.  1661-1680.  —  Revived  persecution  un- 
der Louis  XIV.  See  France:  A.  D.  1061- 
1680. 

A.  D.  1681-1698. — The  climax  of  persecution 
in  France. — The  Dragonnades. — The  Revoca- 
tion of  the  Edict  of  Nantes. — The  great  exo- 
dus.    See  France;  A.  D.  1081-1698. 

A.  D.  1702-1710. —  The  Camisard  uprising 
i      the  C<vennes.     See  France;  A.  D.    1702- 

.0. 

♦- 

HULL,  Commodore  Isaac. — Naval  exploits. 

See  United  States  or  Am.:  A.  D.   1813-1813. 

HULL,  General  William,  and  the  surrender 
of  Detroit.  See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D. 
1812  (June — Octoiiek). 

HULL:  Siege  by  the  Royalists.— Hull,  oc- 
cupied by  the  Parliamentary  forces  under  Lord 
Fairfax,  after  their  defeat  at  Adwalton  Moor, 
was  besieged  by  the  Royalists  under  the  Earl  of 
Newcastle,  from  September  3  until  October  11, 
1643,  when  they  were  driven  off. —  C.  R.  Mark- 
liain.  Life  of  the  Oreat  LoM  Fairfax,  ch.  13. — 
See,  also,  Winceby  Fight. 

HOLSEMANN  LETTER,  The.  See 
United  States  or  Am.  :  A.  D.  1850-1851. 

HULST,  Battle  of  (1642).  See  Germany: 
A.  D.  1040-1645. 

HUMANISM.    See  Renaissance. 

HUMAS,  OR  OUMAS,  The.  See  Ameri- 
can Aborigines;  Mcskiiogean  Family. 


1666 


IIUMAYUN. 


HUNOARIAXS. 


HUT^AYUN,  Moghul  Emperor  or  Padi- 
schah  of  India,  A.  1).  l.lliO-irwd. 

HUMBERT,  King  of  Italy,  A.  I).  1H7H— . 

HUMBLE  PETITION  AND  ADVICE, 
The.     Spo  ENdi.ANi):  A.  I).  1(154-1058. 

HUMBLEDON,  Battle  of.  See  Homildon 
Ilii.r.,  Battle  of. 

HUNDRED,  The.— "The  union  of  n  nuni- 
Ijorof  townships  for  the  purpose  of  judiciul  nd- 
nunlstriition,  peace,  and  defenee,  foinieil  what  is 
known  as  the  'hundred,'  or  'wapentake';  a  dis- 
trict answering  to  the  'pagus'  of  Tacitus,  the 
'  hojrred '  of  Scandinavia,  the  '  huntari '  or  '  gau ' 
of  Germany.  .  .  .  The  name  of  the  hundreil, 
which,  like  the  wapentake,  llrst  appears  in  the 
laws  of  Edgar,  has  its  origin  far  buck  in  the  re- 
motest anti(iuity,  but  the  use  of  it  as  a  geo- 
graphical expression  is  discoverable  only  in  com- 
])aratively  late  evidences.  The  '  pagus '  of  the 
Germania  sent  Its  hundred  warriors  to  the  host, 
and  appeared  by  its  hundred  judges  in  the  court 
of  the  'princeps.'  The  Lex  Salica  contains 
al)\uulant  evidence  that  in  the  fifth  century  tlu^ 
administration  of  the  hundred  was  the  chief,  if 
not  the  only,  machinery  of  the  Frank  judicial 
system;  and  the  word  in  one  form  or  other  enters 
into  the  constitution  of  all  the  German  nations. 
It  may  be  regarded  then  as  a  certain  vestige  of 
primitive  organisation.  But  the  exact  relation 
of  the  territorial  hundred  to  the  hvuidred 
of  the  Germania  is  a  point  which  is  capable 
of,  and  has  received,  much  discussion.  It  has 
been  regarded  as  denoting  simply  a  division 
of  a  hundred  hides  of  land;  as  the  district 
which  furnished  a  hundred  warriors  to  the  host; 
as  representing  the  original  settlement  of  the 
hinidred  warriors;  or  as  composed  of  a  lumdred 
hides,  each  of  which  furnished  a  single  warrior. 
The  question  is  not  peculiar  to  English  history, 
and  the  same  result  may  have  followed  from 
very  different  causes  as  probably  as  from  the 
same  causes,  here  and  on  the  continent.  It  is 
very  probable,  as  already  stated,  that  the  colonists 
of  Britain  arranged  themselves  in  hundreds  of 
warriors;  it  is  not  probable  that  the  country  was 
carved  into  equal  districts.  The  only  conclusion 
that  seems  reasonable  is  that,  under  the  name  of 
geographical  hundreds,  we  have  the  variously 
sized  pagi  or  districts  in  which  the  hundred  war- 
riors settled.  .  .  .  The  hundrcd-gemot,  or  wapen- 
take court,  was  held  every  month ;  it  was  called 
six  days  before  the  day  of  meeting,  and  could 
not  be  held  on  Sunday.  It  was  attended  by  the 
lords  of  lands  within  the  hundred,  or  their 
stewards  representing  them,  and  by  the  parish 
priest,  the  reeve,  and  four  best  men  of  each 
township.  .  .  .  The  criminal  jurisdiction  of  tlie 
hundred  is  perpetuated  in  the  manorial  court 
Icct. " —  W.  Stubbs,  Cotist.  Hist,  of  Eng. ,  eh.  5, 
sect.  45  (».  1).— "By  the  13th  century  the  im- 
portance of  the  hundred  had  much  diminished. 
The  need  for  any  such  body,  intermediate  be- 
tween township  and  county,  ceased  to  be  felt, 
and  the  functions  of  the  hundred  were  gradually 
absorbed  by  the  county.  Almost  everywhere  in 
England,  by  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  the  hundred 
had  fallen  into  decay.  It  is  curious  that  its  name 
and  some  of  its  peculiarities  should  have  been 
brou^dit  to  America,  and  should  in  one  state  have 
remamed  to  the  present  day.  Some  of  the  early 
settlements  in  Virginia  were  called  hundreds,  but 
they  were  practically  nothing  more  than  parishes, 
and  the  name  soon  became  obsolete,  except  upon 


the  n\ap,  where  we  still  see,  for  example.  Ber 
muda  IJundred.  Hut  in  Maryland  the  hundred 
lliiurished  and  became  the  political  unit,  like  the 
township  in  New  England.  The  hunilrcd  was 
the  militia  district,  an(l  the  diiitrictfor  the  assess- 
ment of  taxes.  In  the  earliest  times  It  was  also 
the  representative  district.  .  .  .  The  hundred 
had  also  its  ass<'mbly  of  all  the  people,  which 
was  in  many  respects  like  the  New  England 
town-meeting.  These  hundred-meetings  enacted 
by-laws,  levied  taxes,  ai)poiiited  committees,  and 
often  exhibited  a  vigorous  political  life.  But 
after  the  Hevoluti(m  they  fell  into  disuse,  and  in 
1834  the  hundred  became  extinct  in  Maryland, 
its  organization  was  swallowed  \\\>  in  that  of  the 
Dunty.  In  Delaware,  however,  the  himdred  re- 
mains to  this  day."  — J.  Fiske,  Civil  Ooverninent 
ill  the,  IT.  8.,  ch.  4,  i>rrt.  1. 

HUNDRED  DAYS,  The.— The  period  of 
Napoleon's  recovery  of  power  in  France,  on  his 
return  from  the  Isle  of  Elba,  ard  until  his  over- 
throw at  Waterloo  and  final  abdication,  is  often 
referred  toasTj^e  Hundred  Days.  See  Fhanck: 
A.  I).  1814-1815,  to  1815  (Junk— August). 

HUNDRED  YEARS  WAR,  The.  Sec 
Fuance:  a.  D.  1337-1300. 


HUNGARIANS,  The.— "Gibbon  is  correct 
in  connecting  the  language  of  tlie  Hungarians 
with  that  of  the  Finnish  or  Tschudish  race.  Tlie 
original  abode  of  the  Hungarians  was  in  the 
country  called  Ugria  or  Jugoria,  in  the  southern 
pait  of  the  Uralian  mountains,  which  is  now  in- 
habited by  the  Voguls  and  Ostiaks,  who  are  the 
eastern  branches  of  the  Finni-sh  race,  while  the 
most  important  of  the  western  branches  are  the 
Finns  and  Lappes.  Ugria  is  called  Great  Hun- 
gary by  the  Franciscan  monk  Piano  Carpini,who 
travelled  in  1420  to  the  court  of  the  Gr'^:,',t  Khau. 
From  Ugria  the  Hungarians  were  expelled  by 
the  Turkish  tribes  of  Petcheneges  and  Chazars, 
and  sought  refuge  in  the  plains  of  the  Lower 
Danube,  where  they  first  appeared  in  the  reign 
of  the  Greek  Emperor  Theophilus,  between  839 
and  843.  They  called  themselves  Magyars,  but 
the  Russians  gave  tUem  the  name  of  Ugri,  as 
originating  from  Ugria ;  and  this  name  has  been 
corrupted  into  Ungri  and  Hungarians.  Although 
it  is  dilflcult  to  believe  that  the  present  Magj'urs, 
who  arc  the  foremost  people  in  Eastern  Europe, 
arc  of  the  same  race  as  the  degraded  Voguls  and 
Ostiaks,  this  fact  is  not  only  attested  by  histori- 
cal authority,  and  the  unerring  afllnity  of  lan- 
guage ;  but,  when  they  first  appeared  in  the  cen- 
tral parts  of  Europe,  the  description  given  of 
them  by  an  old  chronicler  of  the  ninth  century 
(quoted  bv  Zeuss,  p.  740)  accords  precisely  with 
that  of  the  Voguls  and  Ostiaks. "-P-'.  W.  Smith, 
Note  to  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  ch.  55. — "That  a  2\Iajiar  female  ever 
made  her  way  from  the  Ural  Mountains  to  Hun- 
gary is  more  than  I  can  find ;  the  presumptions 
being  against  it.  Hence  it  is  just  jiossible  that  a 
whole-blooded  !Majiar  was  never  born  on  the 
banks  of  the  Danube.  Whether  the  other  ele- 
ments are  most  Turk  or  most  Slavonic  is  more 
than  I  vcuture  to  guess." — R.  Q.  Latham,  Eth- 
nology of  Europe,  ch.  11. — "According  to  their 
own  primitive  traditions,  the  ruling  caste,  the 
main  body  of  the  nation,  were  the  children  of 
Mogor  tiie  son  of  IVIagog.  The  Hebrew  name 
Slogor  signifies  '  Terror ' ;  and  slightly  varied  by 
the  Orientals  into  Magyar  became  the  rallying 


1667 


llUNOAniANS. 


IIUNGAKY.  A.  D.  072-1114. 


cry  (if  the  oiu'e-8{)li'niliil  IIuiij;nriiiii  nationality." 
— Sir  F.  I'aljcravp,  Hint,  of  yorinamly  and  Jin;/., 
bk   1,  rh.  •A(r.  \). 

Also  in:  A.  J.  Patterson,  The  Magyan,  t\  1, 
rh.  1. 

Ravages  in  Europe  and  settlement  in  Hun- 

?;ary.— "Tlic  MiiKyars  (the  idiomatic  synonym 
or  llunsuriiiiis,  anil  jjroliably  tli(!  ])roi)('r  name 
of  one  of  their  trilics),  driven  by  internal  dis.scn- 
sions  from  tlieir  native  deserts,  found  a  home  for 
centuries  around  the  Caucasus  and  along  the 
barren  shores  of  the  Wnk'H.  About  the  end  of 
tlie  9(li  century  they  suddenly  struck  their  tents, 
and  iiressed  irresistibly  forward  to  the  very  heart 
of  Europe.  .  .  .  hnmediatcly  after  crossing  the 
eastern  frontier  (A.  1).  880),  the  Magyars  elected 
for  their  chief  Arpad,  the  son  of  Almos,  who  con- 
ducted Ihem  to  the  frontiers  of  Hungary.  The 
latter  did  not  survive  to  sec  the  conrjuest.  The 
whole  body  under  Arpad's  guidance  consisted  of 
about  a  million,  numbering  among  them  about 
200,000  warriors,  and  divided  into  seven  tribes, 
each  having  its  chief.  The  country  which  they 
prepared  to  take  possession  of,  and  the  central 
part  of  which  was  then  called  I'annonia,  was 
broken  tip  into  small  parts,  and  inhabited  by 
races  dissimilar  in  origin  and  language;  as  Scla- 
vonians,  Wallaehians,  a  few  Huns  ami  Avars,  as 
well  as  some  Germans.  .  .  .  Arpad  soon  de- 
scended with  Ilia  followers  on  those  wide  plains, 
whence  Attila,  four  centuries  before,  swayed  two 
parts  of  the  globe.  Most  dexterous  horsemen, 
armed  with  light  spears  and  almost  luierring 
bows,  these  invaders  followed  their  leader  from 
victory  to  victory,  soon  rendering  themselves 
masters  of  the  land  lying  between  the  Theiss  and 
the  Danube,  carrying  at  the  same  time  their 
devastations,  on  the  one  hand,  to  the  Adriatic, 
and,  on  the  other,  towards  the  German  frontiers. 
Having  achieved  the  conquest,  Arpad  took  up  his 
residence  on  the  Danubian  isle,  Csepel,  though 
the  seat  of  the  court  was  Buda  or  Attelburg. 
.  .  .  The  love  of  their  new  ilominior.  was  far 
from  oirbing  the  passion  of  the  Magyars  for  dis- 
tant bloody  adventure  and  plunder.  The  most 
daring  deeds  were  tmdertaken  by  single  chiefs, 
during  the  reign  of  Zoltaa  and  his  successor  Tak- 
sony,  which  tilled  up  the  first  part  of  the  tenth 
century.  The  enervated  and  superstitious  popu- 
lation of  Europe  thought  the  Magyars  to  he  the 
scourge  of  God,  directly  dropped  down  from 
heaven ;  the  very  report  of  their  approach  was 
sufficient  to  drive  thousands  into  the  recesses  of 
niountains  and  depths  of  forests,  while  the  priests 
increased  the  common  panic  by  mingling  in  their 
litanies  the  words,  '  God  preserve  us  f  om  the 


Magyars.'.  .  .  The  irruptions  of  the  Magyars 
were  simultaneously  felt  on  the  shores  of  the 
Baltic,  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  Alps,  and  at 
the  very  gates  of  Constantinople.  The  emperors 
of  the  East  and  of  Germany  were  repeatedly 
obliged  to  purchase  momentary  peace  by  heavy 
tributes;  hut  Germany,  as  may  be  conceived 
from  her  geographical  position,  was  chielly  ex- 
posed to  the  ravages  of  these  new  neighbours. " 
— E.  Szabad,  IltiiK/an/,  Pitst  and  Present,  pt.  1, 
ch.  1.— SeeGKiiMANY:  A.  I).  Ull-OIW. 

Ai  D.  900-924. — Ravages  in  Italy.  See  Italy  : 
A.  I).  «()()-y24. 

A.  D.  934-955. — Repulse  from  Germany. — 
"  The  deliverance  of  Germany  and  Clnistcndom 
was  achieved  by  the  8axon  princes,  Henry  the 
Fowler  and  Otho  the  Great,  who,  in  two  memora- 
ble battles,  forever  broke  tlie  power  of  the  Ilun- 
farians."  Twenty  years  after  their  defeat  by 
lenry  the  Fowler  (A.  I).  934)  the  Hungarians 
in  vailed  the  empire  of  his  son  (A.  D.  955),  "  and 
their  force  is  defined,  in  the  lowest  estimate,  at 
100,000  horse.  They  were  invited  by  domestic 
faction;  the  gates  of  Germany  were  treacherously 
unlocked,  and  they  spread,  far  bejond  the  Uhino 
and  the  Meuse,  into  the  heart  of  Flanders.  But 
the  vigour  and  prudence  of  Otho  dispelled  the 
conspiracy;  the  princes  were  made  sensible  that, 
unless  they  were  true  to  each  other,  their  religion 
and  country  were  irrecoverably  lost;  and  the 
national  powers  were  reviewed  in  the  plains  of 
Augsburg.  They  marched  and  fought  in  eight, 
legions,  according  to  the  division  of  provinces  and 
tribes  [Bavarians,  Franconiar.s,  8axons,  Swabi- 
ans,  Bohemians].  .  .  .  The  Hungarians  were  ex- 
pected in  the  front ;  they  secretly  passed  the  Lech, 
a  river  of  Bavaria  that  falls  into  the  Danube, 
turned  the  rear  of  the  Christian  army,  plundered 
the  baggage,  and  disordered  the  legions  of  Bo- 
hemia and  Swabia.  The  battle  [near  Augsburg, 
Aug.  10,  95.5]  was  restored  by  the  Franconians, 
whose  duke,  the  valiant  Conrad,  was  pierced 
with  an  arrow  as  he  rested  from  his  fatigues ;  the 
Saxons  fought  under  the  eyes  of  their  king,  and 
his  victory  surpassed,  in  merit  and  importance, 
the  triumphs  of  the  last  two  hundred  years. 
The  loss  of  the  Hiuigarians  was  still  greater  in 
the  flight  than  in  the  action ;  they  were  encom- 
passed by  the  rivers  of  Bavaria;  and  their  past 
cruelties  excluded  'hem  from  the  hope  of  mercy." 
— E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Em- 
pire, ch.  55. 

Also  in:  W.  Menzel,  Ilist.  of  Oermany,  eh. 
185  (».  1). — Sir  F.  Palgrave,  Hist,  of  Normandy 
and  Eng.,  r.  2,  pp.  650-665.— A.  W.  Grube, 
Heroes  if  History  and  Legend,  ch.  9.  • 


HUNGARY. 


Ancient.    See  Dacia,  and  Pannonia. 

The  Huns  in  possession.    See  Huns. 

The  Avars  in  possession.    Sec  Avaks. 

A.  D.  972-1  IM.—  Christianization  of  the 
Magyars.— Kingship  conferred  on  the  Duke  by 
the  Pope.— Annexation  of  Croatia  and  conquest 
of  Dalmatia.  — "  King  Geiza  [of  the  house  of 
Arpad— see  Hunoauxans:  Uavagks  in  Eiiuope] 
(972-997)  was  the  first  pacific  ruler  of  pagan 
Hungary.  .  .  .  Hungary  was  enclosed  within 
limits  which  she  was  never  again  able  to  cross, 
and  even  within  these  limits  the  Magyars  were 


not  the  only  inhabitants;  in  almost  every  part 
they  were  surrounded  by  Slavs,  whose  language 
ancl  laws  were  to  exercise  over  them  a  lasting 
influence,  and  on  the  south-east  they  touched  on 
that  Komance  or  Wallachian  element  which, 
from  the  time  of  tlie  Roman  colonies  of  Trajan, 
had  continued  to  develop  there.  Numerous 
marriages  with  these  neighbours  gradually  mod- 
ified the.  primitive  type  of  the  Magyars.  .  .  . 
Geiza  I.  had  married  as  his  second  wife  a  sister 
of  the  duke  of  Poland,  Mieczyslaw.  She  had 
been  converted  to  Christianity,  and,  like  Clotilde 


1668 


HUNOAUY,  A.  D.  973-1114. 


ConVfTtiim  of  the 
Uaayara. 


IIUNOAKY,  A.  I).  1114-13U1. 


of  France,  tb's  princess  know  how  to  use  her  in- 
fluence in  fiivour  of  iicr  religion.  Slie  persuaiicd 
lier  huslmnil  to  receive  (lie  missiuniiries  wlio 
Clinic  to  ])rcacli  tlie  Gospel  in  tlie  country  of  tlie 
MiiKyars,  and  Piljjrini.  iirclil)isli()p  of  Lorcli, 
undcrtooli  tlie  systeniiitic  conversion  of  tlic 
nation.  The  mention  of  him  in  tlie  '  Nibclungen 
Lied  '  in  cDnnection  with  Etzel  (Attila),  king  of 
the  Huns,  is  doubtless  due  to  the  memory  of  this 
mi.s.sion.  He  sent  priests  from  lii.s  diocese  into 
Hungary,  and  in  974  lie  was  able  to  announce  to 
the  pope  5, 000  conversions.  .  .  .  The  great 
Chekh  apostle,  St.  A(lall>ert  or  Vojtech,  bishop 
of  Prague,  continued  the  work  liegun  by  Pil- 
grim. About  994,  he  went  to  Gran  (Ksztergoni), 
where  the  duke  of  Hungary  then  dwelt,  and 
solemnly  baptized  the  sou  of  Geiza,  to  whom  ho 
gave  the  name  of  Stephen.  Henceforth  the  court 
of  the  <luke  became  tlie  resort  of  knights  from  all 
the  neigiibouring  countries,  'Mit  especially  from 
Germany,  and  these  kniglus,  eiileriiig  into  inti- 
mate relations  with  the  native  nobility,  drew 
Hungary  and  the  empire  into  still  closer  union. 
Prince  Stephen,  heir  presumptive  to  the  throne, 
married  the  princess  Qisella,  daughter  of  the 
duke  of  Bavaria,  while  one  of  tlie  daughters 
of  Geiza  became  the  wife  of  the  Polish  duke 
Boleslaw,  and  another  married  Urseolus,  doge 
of  Venice.  Through  these  alliances,  Hungary 
obtained  for  itself  a  recognized  place  among 
European  states,  and  the  work  begun  so  well  by 
Geiza  was  completed  by  Stephen,  to  whom  was 
reserved  the  honour  of  establishing  the  position 
of  his  kingdom  in  Europe  and  of  completing  its 
conversion.  .  .  .  'Hungary  became  Catholic,' 
says  a  Magyar  historian,  '  not  through  apostolic 
teaching,  nor  through  the  invitation  of  the  Holy 
See,  but  through  the  laws  of  king  Stejihen  ' 
(VerbOczy).  He  was  not  always  content  to  use 
persuasion  alone  to  lead  his  subjects  to  the  new 
faith ;  he  hesitated  not  to  use  threats  also.  .  .  . 
Stephen  sent  an  ambassador  to  Home,  to  treat 
directly  with  pope  Sylvester,  who  graciously 
received  the  homage  (lone  by  him  for  his  king- 
dom, and,  by  a  letter  dated  the  27th  of  March, 
1000,  announced  that  he  took  the  people  of 
Hungary  under  the  protection  of  the  Church. 
By  the  same  brief  he  granted  the  roj'al  crown  to 
Stephen.  .  .  .  Besides  this,  he  conferred  on  him 
the  privilege  of  having  the  cross  always  borne 
before  him,  as  a  symbol  of  the  apostolic  power 
which  he  granted  to  him.  The  authenticity  of 
this  pontiflcal  letter  has  indeed  been  (Msputed; 
but,  however  that  may  be,  tlie  emperor  of  Aus- 
tria, king  of  Hungary,  still  bears  the  title  of 
Apostolic  Majesty.  .  .  .  Under  this  great  king, 
Hungary  became  a  completely  independent  king- 
dom between  the  two  empires  of  the  East  and 
West.  .  .  .  The  laws  of  Stephen  are  contained 
in  56  articles  divided  into  two  books.  His  ideas 
on  all  matters  of  goveriimeiit  are  also  to  be  found 
in  the  counsels  which  he  wrote,  or  caused  to  be 
written,  for  his  son  Emerich.  .  .  .  The  sou  for 
whom  the  great  king  had  written  his  ma.xims 
died  before  his  father,  iu  1031,  and  is  honoured 
as  a  saint  by  the  Church.  The  last  years  of  king 
Stephen  were  harassed  by  rivalries  and  plots.  He 
died  on  the  15th  of  August,  1038.  .  .  .  Stephen 
had  chosen  as  his  successor  his  nephew  Peter, 
the  son  of  the  doge  Urseolus. "  But  Peter  was 
driven  out  and  sought  help  in  Germany,  bringing 
war  into  the  country.  The  Hungarians  chose 
for  their  king,  Samuel  Ala,  a  tribal  chief;  but 


soon  deposed  him  and  elected  Andrew,  son  of 
Ladislas  the  Bald  (1040).  Andrew  was  dethroned 
by  his  brother  Hela,  in  1001.  Both  An-'.rew  and 
Brla  had  bitlei  struggles  with  revived  pagan- 
ism.  which  was  (inally  suppressed.  Bela  died  in 
1003.  "According  to  the  Asiatic  custom,  which 
still  prevails  in  Turkey,  he  was  succeeded  by 
his  nephew  Solimion.  .  .  .  This  prince  was  only 
twelve  years  of  age,  and  the  emperor,  Henry  IV., 
took  advantage  of  Ins  youth  to  place  him  in  u 
liumiliating^iosition  of  tutelage.  .  .  .  The  ene- 
mies of  Solomon  accused  him  of  licing  the  crea- 
ture of  the  Germans,  and  reproached  him  for 
having  done  homage  to  the  ejnperor  for  a  state 
which  belonged  to  St.  Peter.  Pojie  Gregory 
Vn.,  who  was  then  struggling  against  the  em- 
peror [see  Papacy:  A.  I).  1050-1123],  encouraged 
tlie  rebels.  '  The  kingdom  of  Hungary,'  he  said, 
owes  obedience  to  none  but  the  Church.'  Prince 
Geiza  was  proclaimed  king  in  the  place  of 
Solomon,  but  he  died  witliout  having  reigned. 
He  was  succeeded  by  Ladislas  the  Holy  (1077), 
who  was  able  to  make  himself  equally  mdejien- 
dcnt  of  emperor  and  pope.  .  .  .  The  dying  Lad- 
islas clioso  his  nephew  Koloman  as  his  successor. 
.  .  .  The  most  important  act  of  this  reign  [Kolo- 
mau's,  1095-1114]  was  the  annexation  of  Croatia. 
In  1090,  St.  Lauislas  had  been  elected  to  the 
throne  of  Croatia,  and  he,  on  his  death,  left  the 
government  of  it  to  his  nephew  Almos,  who  very 
soon  made  himself  unpopular.  Koloman  drove 
him  out  of  Croatia,  and  had  himself  proclaimed 
king.  He  next  set  about  the  conquest  of  Dal- 
inatia  from  the  Venetians,  seized  the  principal 
towns,  Spalato  (Spljct),  Zara  (Zadir),  and  Trogir 
(Trail),  and  granted  tliem  full  power  of  self- 
government.  Then(1103)he  had  himself  crowned, 
at  Belgrade,  king  of  Croatia  and  Dalmatia. 
From  this  time  the  position  of  Croatia,  as  re- 
garded Hungary,  was  very  much  the  same  as  the 
position  of  Hungary  in  regard  to  Austria  in 
later  times." — L.  Legcr,  Inst,  of  Austro-Hiiii- 
gary,  ch.  5-6. —  See  Balkan  and  Danuhian 
States,  Otii-IOth  Centuries  (Bosnia,  Seuvia, 

ETC.). 

A.  D.  1096.— Hostilities  with  the  first  Cru- 
saders.    See  Cucsades:  A.  D.  1090-1099. 

A.  D.  1114-1301.— The  Golden  Bull  of  King 
Bela. — Invasion  and  frightful  devastation  by 
the  Tartars. — The  end  of  the  Arpad  dynasty. 
— "  Coloman  was  succeeded  on  the  throne  by  his 
son  Stephen,  who,  after  a  short  reign,  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Bela  the  Blind.  The  most  important 
event  of  these  reigns  was  the  war  with  Venice 
about  the  possession  of  Dalmatia,  and  the  annex- 
ation to  the  Hungarian  crown  of  liaina,  a  part 
of  Servia.  In  1141,  Geisa  II.  ascended  the 
throne  of  St.  Stephen.  His  reign  was  marked 
by  several  important  events.  Having  entirely 
reduced  Transylvania,  he  invited  many  Saxons 
and  Flemish  into  his  kingdom,  some  of  whom 
settled  in  the  Banat,  in  the  south  of  Hungary, 
and  others  in  Transylvania.  In  this  principality 
the  German  settlers  received  from  the  king  a 
separate  district,  being,  besides,  exempted  from 
many  taxes  and  endowed  with  particular  privi- 
leges. .  .  .  The  following  years  of  the  13th  cen- 
tury, filled  up  by  the  reigns  of  Stephen  III., 
Bela  III.,  and  Emerick,  are  marked  by  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  Venetian  war,  but  present  no 
incidents  deserving  of  particular  notice.  More 
important  was  the  reign  of  Andrew  II.,  who  as- 
cended the  throne  In  1205.  .  .  .  Andrew,  by  the 


1669 


UUNGAUY,  1114-1301. 


KiiU  «/  the  Ar/Huta. 


IIUNOAUV.   1301-1413. 


ndvice  of  the  Popp,  hvl  out  with  ii  liirKf  nrmy  to 
tli<-  Holy  Land  f  laiO— wc(;ui-.hai)K8;  A.  1).  121(i- 
1'.>2U|,  iioiiiinaliiiK  tlic  Itaii.  callccl  lianko,  vice- 
roy of  Hungary.  While  tlif  llmii;ariaii  Wm^ 
spent  liix  time  in  I'onHtantinoiili',  anil  aflerwanls 
in  operations  round  .Mount  'labor,  llunj^ary  l)e- 
cuine  u  scene  of  violence  unci  rapine,  nK^ravated 
by  till*  cnrvless  anil  uncon.slitutional  aaniinistra- 
lion  of  the  (picen's  foreiirn  favourites,  as  well  as 
l>y  tin;  extortions  committed  by  the  oligarchy  on 
their  inferiors.  Ueceivinf;  no  support  from  the 
kinjf  of  Jerusalem,  Andrew  resolved  on  return- 
ing home.  On  his  arrival  in  llun.i;ary,  he  had 
the  niortiticiition  of  Undine;,  in  addition  to  a  dis- 
alTected  nobility,  a  rival  to  the  throne  in  the  person 
uf  his  son  Hela.  As  the  com|)laintsof  the  nobles 
became  daily  louder,  .  .  .  the  king  resolved  to 
conllrm  the  privileges  of  the  country  by  a  new 
charter,  culled  ThcOolden  Hull.  This  took  place 
in  the  year  1223.  The  chief  provisions  of  this 
chart*!r  were  as  follows:  —  1st,  That  the  states 
were  henceforth  to  be  annually  convoked  either 
under  the  presidency  ol'  the  king  or  the  palatine; 
2<1,  That  no  nobleman  was  to  be  arrested  without 
l)eing  previously  tried  and  legally  sentenced; 
3<1,  That  no  contribution  or  tax  was  to  be  levied 
on  the  property  of  the  nobles ;  4th,  That  if  called 
to  military  service  beyond  the  frontiers  of  the 
country,  they  were  to  be  paid  by  the  king ,  5th, 
That  high  olllces  should  ni.-'tlier  be  made  heredi- 
tary nor  given  to  foreigners  without  the  consent 
of  the  Diet.  The  most  important  point,  how- 
ever, was  article  31st,  which  conferred  on  the 
nobles  the  right  of  appealing  to  arms  in  case  of 
any  violation  of  the  laws  by  the  crown.  Other 
provisions  contained  in  this  charter  refer  to  the 
exemption  of  the  lower  clergy  from  the  payment 
of  taxes  and  tolls,  and  to  the  determination  of  the 
tithes  to  l)e  paid  by  the  cultivators  of  the  soil.  .  .  . 
Andrew  died  soon  after  the  iiromulgation  of  the 
charter,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  .sou  Bela  IV. 
Till!  beginning  of  this  prince's  reign  was  troubled 
with  internal  dissensions  caused  by  the  Cumans 
[an  Eastern  tribe  which  invaded  Ilungary  in  tjie 
later  half  of  the  11th  centiiry  —  see  Cossacks], 
who,  afti'r  having  been  van<i\iislied  by  St.  Ladis- 
laus,  settled  in  Ilungary  between  the  banks  of 
the  Theiss  and  3Iarosch.  But  a  greater  and 
((uite  unexpected  danger,  which  threatened  II\m- 
gary  with  utter  destruction,  orose  from  the  in- 
vasion of  the  Tartars.  Their  leuder  Batu,  after 
having  laid  waste  Poland  and  Silesia,  poured 
with  ins  innumerable  bunds  into  tlie  heart  of 
Ilungary  [sec  Monools:  A.  D.  1229-1294].  In- 
ternal dissensions  facilitated  the  triumph  of  the 
foe,  and  the  battle  fought  on  the  banks  of  the 
river  Sujo  (A.  D.  1241)  terminated  in  the  total 
defeat  of  the  Hungarians.  The  Tartar  hordes 
spread  with  astonishing  rapidity  throughout 
the  whole  countrj-,  which  in  a  few  weeks  was 
converted  into  a  chaos  of  blood  and  tlames. 
Not  contented  with  wholesale  massacre,  the 
Tartar  leader  devised  snares  to  destroy  the 
lives  of  those  who  succeeded  in  making  their 
escape  into  the  recesses  of  the  mountains  and 
the  depths  of  the  forests.  Among  those  who 
perished  in  the  battle  of  Sajo  was  the  Ilun 
garian  chancellor,  who  carried  with  him  the  seal 
of  state.  Batu  having  got  possession  of  the  seal, 
caused  a  proclamation  to  be  made  in  the  name 
of  the  Uungarian  king  [calling  the  people  back 
to  their  homes],  to  which  he  affixed  the  royal 
stamp.  .  .  .  Trusting  to  this  appeal,  the  miser- 


able' people  issued  from  their  hiding-i)laces,  nnd 
returned  to  their  homes.  The  cunning  barl)a- 
rian  llrst  caused  them  to  do  the  work  of  harvest 
in  order  to  supply  his  liordes  with  provisions, 
and  then  put  them  to  an  indiscriminate  death. 
The  king  Uclu,  in  the  meantime,  succeeded  in 
making  his  way  through  the  Carpathian  .Moun- 
tains into  Austria;  but  instead  of  receiving  as- 
sistance from  tlic  arcli-duke  Kredi'rick,  he  was 
retained  as  a  i)ri.soner.  Having  i)li'dged  three 
counties  of  Hungary  to  Frederick,  Bela  was 
aUowcd  to  de|)art.  ...  In  the  ineuntime  Batu 
was  as  pronijjt  in  leaving  Hungary,  in  coiise- 
(pience  of  the  death  of  tlie  Tartar  kliun.  .  .  . 
Bela  was  succeeded  on  the  throne  by  his  s(m 
Stephen,  in  the  year  1270. "  The  reign  of  Stephen 
was  short.  He  was  followed  by  Ludislaiis  IV., 
who  allied  himself  with  Uudolph  of  Hupsburg  in 
the  war  whidi  overtlirew  and  destroyed  Ottoacer 
or  Ottocar,  king  of  Bohemia  (see  Austuia:  A.  D. 
1240-1282).  "Tlie  reign  of  this  prince,  called 
the  Cuman,  was,  besides,  troubled  by  most 
devastating  internal  dissensions,  caused  by  the 
Cumans,  whose  uumbers  were  continually  aug- 
mented by  fresh  arrivals  .  .  .  from  their  own 
tribe  as  well  as  from  the  Tartars."  Ladislaus, 
dying  in  1200,  was  succeeded  by  Andrew  III., 
the  last  Hungarian  king  of  the  house  of  Arpiul. 
"This  prince  had  to  disput^i  his  throne  with 
Kuilolpli  of  Ilapsburg,  who  coveted  the  crown 
of  Hungary  for  his  son  Albert.  The  ajipearanco, 
however,  of  the  Hungarian  troops  before  the 
gates  of  Vienna  compelled  the  Austrian  emperor 
to  sue  for  peace,  which  was  cemented  bj'  a  family 
alliance,  Andrew  having  espoused  Agnes,  daugh- 
ter of  Albert.  .  .  .  Nor  did  tliis  matrimonial 
alliance  with  Austria  secure  peace  to  Ilungary. 
Pope  Nicholas  IV.  was  bent  upon  gaining  the 
crown  of  St.  Stephen  for  Charles  Martel,  son  of 
Charles  d'Aiijou  of  Naples,  who  put  forward  his 
claims  to  the  Hungarian  crown  in  virtue  of  his 
mother,  Mary,  daughter  of  king  Stephen  V.," 
transferring  tliem  at  his  death  to  Charles  Uobert, 
nephew  of  the  king  of  Naples.  Andrew  III., 
the  last  Arpud,  died  in  1301. — E.  Szabad,  JIiiii- 
(jarji.  Pant  (I lid  Present,  pt.  1,  e/i.  2. 

A.  D.  1285. — Wallachian  struggle  for  inde- 
pendence. See  Balkan  and  Danljuan  Statks, 
14tii-18tii  Centuuies  (Uou.mania,  etc.). 

A.  D.  1301-1442. — The  House  of  Anjou  and 
the  House  of  Luxembourg.  —  Conquests  of 
Louis  the  Great.  —  Beginnine;  of  wars  with 
the  Turks. —  The  House  of  Austria  and  the 
disputed  crown. —  On  the  extinction  of  the 
ancient  race  of  kings,  in  the  male  line  of  descent, 
by  the  death  of  Andrew  III.,  in  1301,  the  crown 
was  "contested  by  several  competitors,  and  at 
length  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  House  of  An- 
jou, the  reigning  family  of  Naples  [see  Italy 
(SouTHKRN):  A.  U.  1343-1389].  Charles  Itobert, 
grandson  of  Charles  II.  King  of  Naples,  by 
Slary  of  Hungary,  outstripped  his  rivals  [1310], 
and  transmitted  the  crown  to  his  son  Louis,  sur- 
named  the  Great  [1342],  This  prince,  character- 
ized by  his  eminent  qualities,  made  a  distin- 
guished figure  among  the  Kings  of  IT  ingary. 
He  conquered  from  tjie  Venetians  the  .vliole  of 
Dalmatia,  from  the  frontiers  of  Istria,  as  far  as 
Durazzo;  he  reduced  the  princes  of  ]\Ioldavia, 
Wullachia,  Bosnia  and  Bulgaria  to  a  state  of  de- 
pendence ;  and  at  length  mounted  the  throne  of 
Poland,  on  the  death  of  his  uncle,  Casimir  the 
Great.      Mary,   his  oldest  daughter,   succeeded 


1670 


UUNUAUY,  1301-144\ 


The  ilinpuleil 
('ruwn. 


nUNOAHY,  lMa-1458. 


Mm  In  thp  ktnK<lom  of  Ilungiirv  (1383).  TIiIh 
prinoeBs  inftrricil  HlKiHiiiiind  of  LiixcinboiirK 
fiifttTwiinls  EmpiTdr,  1  M  1-I4!t7— sec  (Ihiimany  : 
A.  I>.  i;W7-141);tJ,  who  tliiiH  united  the  immurcliy 
of  Huiigiiry  to  the  linpcriiil  crown.  The  r('i>,'n 
of  Sipisniund  in  Iliniffiiry  wa.s  nio.st  uiifortiiniitc 
.  .  lie  hud  to  sustiiin  tlio  first  war  iigiiin.st  Iho 
Oltoiimn  Turlis;  iind,  with  tlic  Knipcror  of  Con- 
Rtuntinopli'iis  hi.sally,  lii'  asscniliicd  ji  forniidalili.' 
army,  with  wIih'Ii  lio  undcrtool;  t\w  sic^L'  of  Ni- 
copolis  in  Unlgaria  [scoTiiikb  (Tiik  Ottomans)  : 
A.  1).  138i(-14();tl.  In  iiis  retreat  lie  wa.s  com- 
pelled to  embark  on  the  Danube,  and  directed 
his  tliglit  towards  Constantinople.  This  disaster 
was  foIlo\'ed  by  new  misfortunes.  Tlic  mulecon- 
tcnts  of  h'ungary  offered  their  crown  to  Ladis- 
laus,  called  the  Magnanimous,  King  of  Naples, 
who  took  possession  of  Dalmatia,  which  he  after- 
wards surrendered  to  the  Venetians.  Desirous 
to  provide  for  the  defence  and  security  of  his 
kingdom,  Sigismiuid  accpdrcd,  by  treaty  with  the 
Prince  of  Servia,  the  fortress  of  Belgrade  (1425), 
which,  by  its  situation  at  tho  contluence  of  *'-'j 
Danube  and  tlio  Save,  seemed  to  him  a  proper 
bulwark  to  protect  Hungary  against  the  Turks. 
He  tninsmitteil  the  crown  of  Hungary  [in  1437, 
when  he  died]  to  his  son-in-law,  Albert  of  Aus- 
tria, who  reigned  only  two  years." — C.  W.  Koch, 
Tlie  UevoliUion*  of  Europe,  period  5. — "Albert, 
afterwards  the  Emperor  Albert  II.,  was  the  first 
prince  of  the  House  of  Habsburg  that  enjoyed 
the  crowns  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  which 
he  owed  to  Ms  father-in-law,  the  Emperor  Sigis- 
mund,  whose  only  daughter,  Elizabeth,  he  had 
married.  Elizabeth  was  the  child  of  Barbara 
von  Cilly,  Sigismund's  second  wife,  whose  notori- 
ous vices  had  procured  for  her  the  odious  epi- 
thets of  the  'Bad,'  and  the  '  German  Alessalina.' 
Barbara  had  determined  to  supplant  herdaughter, 
to  claim  the  two  crowns  as  her  dowry,  and  to 
give  them,  with  her  hand,  to  Wiadislaus,  the 
young-King  of  Poland,  who,  though  40  years  her 
junior,  slie  lifid  marked  out  for  her  future  hus- 
band. With  this  view  she  was  courting  the 
Hussite  party  in  Boliemia:  but  Sigismund,  a  lit- 
tle before  his  death,  caused  her  to  bo  arrested; 
and,  assembling  tlie  Hungarian  and  Bohemian 
nobles  at  Znaym,  in  Moravia,  persuaded  them,  al- 
most with  his  dying  breath,  to  elect  Albert  as  his 
successor.  Sigismund  expired  the  uextday  (Dec. 
0th,  1437).  Albert  was  soon  after  recognised  as 
king  by  the  Hungarian  diet,  and  immcdiatelj-  re- 
leased his  mother-in-law  Barbara,  upon  her  agree- 
ing to  restore  some  fortresses  which  she  held  in 
Hungary.  He  did  not  so  easily  obtain  possession 
of  the  Bohemian  crown.  .  .  .  The  short  reign 
of  Albert  in  Hungary  was  disastrous  both  to  him- 
self and  to  the  country.  Previously  to  his  fatal 
expedition  a^r.nst  the  Turks  in  1439,  .  .  .  the 
Hungarian  t'at,  before  it  would  agree  to  settle 
the  succession  to  the  throne,  forced  him  to  accept 
a  constitution  which  destroyed  all  unity  and 
strength  of  government.  By  the  famous  'De- 
cretum  Alberti  Regis,'  he  reduced  himself  to 
be  the  mere  shadow  of  a  king;  while  by  ex- 
alting the  Palatine  [a  magistrate  next  to  the 
king  in  rank,  who  presided  over  the  legal  tri- 
bunals, and  discharged  the  functions  of  the  king 
in  the  absence  of  the  latter],  the  clergy,  and  the 
nobles,  he  perpetuated  all  the  evils  of  the  feudal 
system.  .  .  .  The  most  absurd  and  pernicious 
regulations  were  now  adopted  respecting  the 
military  system  of  the  kingdom,  awl  such  as 


rendered  it  almost  impossible  effectually  to  resist 
the  Turks.  ,  .  .  On  the  dcalli  of  Albert.  Wiadis- 
laus fLadlslausj  III.,  King  of  Poland  [the  second 
Polish  king  of  the  dynasty  of  Jagellon],  was 
.  .  .  elected  to  the  throne  f  Hungary.  .  .  . 
Albert,  besides  two  daughtei.'',  had  left  his  wifo 
Eli/.abeth  pregnant;  and  the  Hungarians,  driMid- 
iiig  a  long  minority  in  case  she  should  give  birth 
to  a  son,  compelled  her  to  offt  r  her  hand  to 
Wiadislaus,  agreeing  that  the  cro>i'n  shotdd  de- 
scend to  their  issue;  but  at  the  same  time  engag- 
ing that  if  ElizatR'th's  child  should  prove  a  male, 
they  would  endeavour  to  nnxMire  for  him  tho 
king(h)m  of  Bohemia  and  the  duchy  of  Austria; 
and  that  heshouUl  moreover  succeed  to  the  Hun- 
garian throne  in  case  Wiadislaus  had  no  issue;  by 
Elizabeth.  .  .  .  Scarcely  had  the  Hungarian  am- 
bassiulor  set  off  for  the  court  of  Wiadislaus  with 
these  proposals,  when  Elizat)pth  brought  forth  a 
son,  who,  from  the  circumstances  of  his  birth, 
waschristened  Ladisluus  Posthumus.  Elizabeth 
now  repented  of  the  arrangement  that  had  been 
made;  and  the  news  having  arrived  that  tho 
archduke  Frederick  had  been  elected  Emperor  of 
Germany,  she  was  induced  to  withdraw  her  con- 
sent to  marry  the  King  of  Poland.  ^Messengers 
were  despatched  to  recall  the  Hungarian  anibi's- 
sadors;  but  it  was  too  late — Wiadislaus  had  ac- 
cepted her  hand,  and  prepared  to  enter  Hungary 
with  an  army.  .  .  .  The  party  of  the  King  of 
Poland,  especially  as  it  was  headed  by  John  of 
Hunyad,  proved  the  stronger.  Elizabetli  was 
compelled  to  abandcm  Lower  Hungary  and  take 
refuge  at  Vienna,  carrying  with  her  the  crown  of 
St.  Stephen,  which,  with  her  infant  son,  she  in- 
trusted to  the  care  of  the  Emperor  Frederick 
III.  (August  3rd,  1440).  ...  In  November  1442, 
Elizabeth  and  Wiadislaus  had  an  interview  at 
Uaab,  when  a  peace  was  agreed  upon,  the  terms 
of  which  are  unknown;  but  it  is  probable  that 
one  of  the  chief  conditions  was  a.  marriage  be- 
tween the  contracting  parties.  The  sudden  death 
of  Elizabeth,  Dec.  24th,  1442,  not  without  sus- 
pjcion  of  poison,  prevented  the  ratification  of  a 
treaty  whicli  had  never  been  agreeable  to  the 
great  party  led  by  John  of  Hunyad,  whose  re- 
cent victories  over  the  Turks  gave  him  enormous 
influence." — T.  H.  Dy  r.  Hist,  of  Modern  Eurojte, 
tut  rod.  ()'.  1). 

A.  D.  1364.— Reversion  of  the  Crown  guar- 
anteed to  the  House  of  Austria.  See  Austria  : 
A.  D.  1330-i;i(}4. 

A.  D.  1381-1386. — Expedition  of  Charles  of 
Durazzo  to  Naples.  See  Italy  (Soutiikun): 
A.  1).  1343-1389. 

A.  D.  1442-1444. — Wars  of  Huniades  with 
the  Turks.  See  Tuuks (Tin;  Ottomans):  A.  D. 
1403-1451. 

A.  D.  1442-1458. —  The  minoritjr  of  Ladis- 
laus  Posthumus. — Regency  of  Huniades. — His 
defeat  of  the  Turks  and  his  death. — His  son 
Matthias  chosen  king  on  the  death  of  Ladis- 
laus. — Peace  between  the  factious  was  brought 
about  by  an  agreement  that  "the  Polish  king 
should  retain  the  government  of  Hungary  until 
Ladislaus  attained  his  majority;  that  he  should 
be  .possessed  of  the  throne  in  case  the  young 
prince  died  without  issue ;  and  the  compact  was 
scaled  by  affiancing  the  two  daughters  of  Eliza- 
beth to  tho  King  of  Poland  and  his  brother 
Casimir.  The  young  Ladislaus  was  also  ac- 
knowledged as  King  of  Bohemia;  and  the  ad- 
ministration during  his  minority  vested  in  two 


1671 


IIUNOAHY,  1448-14V. 


llHuiniieM  itnti  thr 
Turk: 


HLNOAHY,  1471-1487 


TloRont*;  Miilnurd.  Count  of  Nfiilmiis,  rliosi'ii 
on  till'  piirt  of  ihr  Ciitlidlics;  anil  llciirv  I'liirttko, 
iinil  iifliT  lilsilcMilli  (Ji'or).'('  I'odiiliriHl,  on  llmlof 
till'  IIiiHsiti'N.  Till'  ilnitli  of  riiiilisliiu.s  in  till' 
incnioriibli' liiiltli' of  Wiirnii  iik'hIii  lift  lluniriiry 
without  II  ruler;  and  as  Kri'dcric  III.  [H'rHistcd 
in  ri'liiiidnK  thr  yoiiii);  IjttdlHliiux  anil  the  croun 
of  St,  Sl('|ihi'n,  the  IIun>;arlanH  I'lilniHtcil  the 
Kovi'rninrnt  to  .lohn  ('(irviniis  (Iiinliidrs,  the  rc- 
doiililcd  di'firidrr  of  thrir  country."  In  lirr,', 
when  Ihc  Knipiror  KroilrHr  rcluriii'd  from  Italy 
into  (Ji-rinaiiy,  "  lii'  found  hiinsrlf  involvi'd  in  a 
dlH|iuti' with'tiii- AuHlrian.'*,  Ihr  lioheniians,  and 
till'  MiinjcarlanH,  in  rcHpcct  to  the  ('ustody  of  the 
youiiK  I<adlslaus.  ...  An  LadislauH  had  now 
arrived  at  the  a^t'  <>f  thirteen.  Ids  Hubjeets,  but 
more  particularly  the  Aiistriana,  ifrew  Impatient 
of  the  detention  of  their  sovereign  at  the  iin 
perlal  court.  WhlLst  I'odlebrad  continued  re 
gent  of  Hohendii,  and  Iliiniades  of  Hungary,  the 
alfairs  of  Austria  were  directed  by  Frederic;  and 
the  iinpopularily  of  bis  government  caused  a 
general  an.viety  for  a  change.  Hut  to  give  up 
the  custody  of  his  ward  was  contrary  to  the 
policy  of  the  Kinperor,  and  in  the  hope  of 
silencing  the  Austrlans  he  marched  with  a  force 
against  tliem.  His  enemies,  liowever,  proved  too 
numerous;  he  was  himself  endangered  by  a  siege 
in  Ncuctadt;  and  compelled  to  purchase  his  de- 
liverancc  by  resigning  the  person  of  Lailisluu.s. 
The  slates  of  Austria,  Bohenna,  and  Hungary 
then  as.sembled  at  Vienna;  Podiebrad  and  Huii- 
lades  were  conlirmed  in  their  regencies;  and  the 
administration  of  Austria,  together  with  the 
cnstiMly  of  Ladi.slaus,  was  conllded  to  his  ma- 
ternal greiU-imcle,  I'lric,  Count  of  ClUi.  The 
resentment  of  Frederic  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  vehement;  for  in  the  following  year  [HM] 
ho  raised  Austria  to  an  archdutchy,  and  by  u 
grant  of  especial  iirivileges  placed  tlie  iJiike  o;' 
the  province  on  a  level  with  the  Electors.  After 
being  crowned  King  of  liohemia  at  Prague, 
Ladislaus  was  invited  by  Ids  Hungarian  subjects 
to  visit  that  kingdom.  But  the  C'oimt  of  Cilli, 
jealous  of  the  power  of  lluniades,  so  far  worked 
upon  the  young  king's  mind  as  to  create  in  him 
.suspicions  of  the  regent's  integrity.  An  attempt 
was  niatle  to  seize  Huniades  by  enticing  lum  to 
Vienna;  but  he  eluded  the  snare,  exposed  the 
treachery  of  Ulric,  and  prevailed  on  Ladislaus  to 
visit  his  people.  At  Bnda,  an  apparent  recon- 
ciliation took  iilace  l)etween  the  count  and  the 
recent;  but  Ulric  still  persisted  in  his  design  of 
ruming  the  credit  of  a  man  whom  he  regarded 
as  a  dangerous  rival.  In  the  moment  of  danger, 
the  brave  spirit  of  Huniades  triumphed  over  his 
insidious  traduccr;  the  siege  of  Belgrade  by  the 
Turks  [1450],  under  Mahomed  II.,  threw  Hun- 
gary into  consternation ;  the  royal  pupil  and  Ids 
crafty  guardian  abandoned  the  Hungarians  to 
their  fate  and  [jrecipitately  tied  to  Vienna; 
whilst  Huniades  was  left  to  encounter  the  fury 
of  the  storm.  .  .  .  The  undaunted  resistance  of 
that  renowned  captain  pre-erved  Belgrade;  the 
Turks,  after  a  desperate  struggle,  were  com- 
pelled to  abandon  the  siege ;  their  loss  amoimted 
to  30,000  men;  and  the  Sultan  himself  was 
severely  wounded  [see  Tuukh:  A.  D.  1451-1481]. 
The  great  defender  did  not  long  survive  his  tri- 
umph ;  dying,  soon  after  the  retreat  of  the  enemy, 
of  a  fever  occasioned  by  his  extraordinary  exer- 
tions. Ilimiades  left  two  sons,  Ladislaus  and 
Matthias  Corvinus,  who  were  as  much  the  idols 


of  their  country  as  they  were  objects  of  jealousy 
to  riric  and  the  King.  The  latter,  indeed,  took 
care  to  treat  tbeni  with  every  mark  of  exiernal 
respect;  but  the  injurious  behaviour  of  the  count 
provoked  Ladislaus  Corvinus  to  open  violence; 
and,  in  a  personal  rencounter.  Ulric  received  u 
mortal  wound.  Kiiraged  at  the  death  of  Ids  fa- 
vourite yet  dreading  the  vengeance  of  the  people, 
King  Ladislaus  resorted  to  treachery;  and  the 
brotliers  being  lureil  into  his  power,  the  yo\inger 
was  iH'headeil  as  a  murderer  [1457|.  iMalthlas 
was  preserved  from  death  by  the  menaces  of  the 
indignant  Hungarians;  thtaerrilled  monarch  lied 
with  his  prisoner  to  Prague;  and  being  there  at- 
tacked by  a  maligtiant  (li.sease,  was  consigned  to 
a  premature  grave  after  sulTering  for  only  a  few 
hours.  The  death  of  Ladislaus  Postbumus 
plunged  the  Kniperor  into  new  dilllculties.  His 
succession  to  the  Austrian  territory  was  opi¥)Sid 
by  his  brother  Albert  VI.,  whose  hostility  had 
long  troubled  bis  repo.se.  The  Bohenuans  rc- 
je<'te(l  his  claim  to  tlieir  throne,  and  conferred  iho 
crown  on  the  more  deserving  Podiebrad  [14."»H|. 
The  Hungarians  testitled  tlieir  regard  for  tho 
memory  of  Huniades  Corvinus  by  electing  his 
son  Matthia.s,  who  purchased  his  liberty  from 
Podiebrad  for  40,000  ducats.  Tims  baffled  in 
bis  views,  Frederic  con.soled  himself  with  his  re- 
tention of  the  crown  of  St.  Stephen;  and  bis  per- 
tinacity in  respect  to  this  sacred  reliqtie  involved 
him  in  a  war  with  the  new  King  of  Hungary." — 
Hir  U.  Comyn,  Ilist.  of  the  Wentern  Empire,  eh. 
28  (('.  2). 

A.  D.  1444.— Wallachia  taken  from  the 
Turks.  See  TiUKs  (Tiik  Otto.mans):  A.  I). 
1403-1451. 

A.  D.  1468-1471.— King  Matthias  joins  the 
crusade  ag^ainst  George  Podiebrad  of  Bohemia 
and  claims  the  Bohemian  crown.  See  Bo- 
11K.MIA;  A.  1).  1458-1471. 

A.  D.  1471-1487.— The  wars  of  Matthias 
with  Bohemia,  Poland,  the  emperor  and  the 
Turks. — Conquest  and  occupation  of  Austria. 
—  Ladislaus,  elected  to  the  throne  of  Bohemia  on 
the  death  of  George  Podiebrad,  was  supported 
by  all  the  forces  of  his  father,  the  king  of  Poland, 
and  Matthias  of  Hungary  was  now  involved  in 
war  with  both.  Meanwhile,  "his  whole  king- 
dom was  agitated  by  intestine  commotions,  and 
a  strong  party  of  nobles  breaking  out  into  insur- 
rection, had  offered  the  crown  to  Casimir,  prince 
of  Poland.  At  the  same  time,  the  Turks  liaving 
subdued  Transylvania,  and  ravaged  Dalmatia 
and  Croatia,  built  the  fortress  of  Szabatch  on  the 
Save,  and  from  thence  harassed  Hungary  with 
perpetual  inroads.  From  these  impending  dan- 
gers, Matthias  extricated  himself  by  his  courage, 
activity,  and  prudence.  While  he  carried  the 
war  into  Bohemia  and  Silesia,  lie  awed,  by  his 
presence,  his  rebellious  subjects,  conciliated  by 
degrees  the  disaflfected  nobles,  expelled  the  Poles, 
and,  by  an  important  victory  in  the  vicinity  of 
Breslau,  over  the  united  armies  of  Poles  and  Bo- 
hemians, forced  the  two  sovereigns,  in  1474,  to 
conclude  an  armistice  for  three  years  and  a  half. 
He  availed  himself  of  the  suspension  of  arms  to 
repel  the  Turks.  He  supportei'  Stephen  Bathori, 
hospodar  of  Wallachia,  who  had  sliakcn  off  the 
Ottoman  yoke,  by  a  reinforcement  of  troops, 
enabled  him  to  defeat  Mahomet  himself  [on  tho 
plain  of  Kenyer-MesO,  October,  1479],  at  the 
liead  of  100,000  men,  and  soon  afterwards  secured 
hii  froutieis  ou  the  side  of  the  Danube  by  the 


16^2 


HUNOAnV,  1471-14''7. 


Foreign  Kingi, 


nUNGAUY.  1487-1M8. 


W|>ture  nf  S/.iklmtcli.  lIiivliiK  in  ('iinMt'(|U(>nrc  of 
tlMM  ■ucci'HHi'H  (li'livcri'd  IiIh  iloininiDiis  from  llio 
BJffrrpssloiis  of  tilt!  TurkH,  lie  Imslfiicil  to  (jriitlfy 
Ills  vcntri'iinci^  ii«iilnst  liic  ciiiptTor,  whose  con- 
(iucl  liiul  iilTordcil  «>  inniiy  cuuscs  of  coiiiplitliit. 
After  itistiKiitln^  MitttliliiH  to  niitke  war  on 
Qi'orKc  I'odielinul,  Frederic  liiid  iiliiuidoiied  liiin 
In  tlie  midst  of  the  contest,  liiid  refused  to  fiiltll 
Ills  promise  of  tiiveHtiiiu;  hlni  with  the  klnK<lom 
of  Kohenda,  had  eoiieliKled  an  alliance  with  the 
kliiKS  of  I'olaiid  and  Hohenda,  .mil,  on  thi>  Kith 
of  .Tune,  1477,  formally  con  rred  on  Ladlslaus 
the  Investiture  of  th(^  crown.'  Matthliis,  as  soon 
ns  ill!  had  freed  himself  from  the  Turks  (1470), 
declared  war  ajfainst  the  emperor  nnd  invaded 
Austria.  "  Frederic,  left  without  a  Blnglu  ally, 
was  unable  to  make  tlu!  Hmallest  resistance-,  and 
in  less  than  a  month  Matthias  overran  thi^  f^reater 
part  of  liOwer  Atlstria,  Invested  the  capital,  and 
cillier  besieged  or  captured  all  the  f()rlre.s.ses  of 
the  Danube,  as  far  as  Krems  and  Hteiri.  Frederic 
(led  in  dismay  to  Lintz,  and,  to  siivo  Ids  capital, 
was  reduced  to  accept  the  conditions  imposed 
by  tlie  conciueror."  which  included  a  pronused 
payment  of  100,000  diu'ats.  This  payment  the 
shifty  emperor  evaded,  wlien  Mattiiias  became 
involved  anew,  as  lio  presenti"  <lid,  in  hostilities 
with  Bohemia  and  Poland.  "Mattiiias,  irritated 
by  his  conduct,  concluded  a  peac(!  with  Ladls- 
laus, by  which  he  acknowledsetl  him  as  king  of 
]{ohemia,  nnd  ag-  (1  that  Moravia,  Silesia,  and 
Lu.satia  [which  I.  1  been  surrendered  to  liim  in 
1475]  should  revert  to  the  crown  of  Hohemia,  in 
case  of  Ids  death  without  issue.  lie  then  again 
invaded  Austria;  but  ids  arms  were  not  attended 
with  the  same  vapid  success  us  on  the  former  in- 
vashm.  ...  It  was  not  till  after  a  contest  of 
four  years,  which  called  forth  all  the  .skill  nnd 
perseverance  of  the  warlike  monarcli  nnd  his 
most  experienced  generals,  tliat  tliey  obtained 
possession  of  the  capital  [1485]  and  the  neigh- 
bouring fortresses,  and  completed  the  subjuga- 
tion of  Lower  Austria,  by  the  cuj)ture  of  Kew- 
stndt,  the  favourite  residence  of  the  emperor. 
Frederic,  driven  from  his  hereditary  donunions, 
at  first  took  refuge  at  Gratz;  and,  on  tlic  ap- 
proach of  danger,  wandered  from  city  to  city, 
nnd  from  convent  to  convent."  After  many  ap- 
peals, he  persuaded  All)ert,  duke  of  Saxony,  to 
take  the  field  in  his  belinlf ;  but  Albert,  with  the 
small  force  at  his  command,  could  only  retard 
the  progress  of  tlie  invader,  ai^d  lie  soon  con- 
cluded an  armistice  with  him.  "  In  consequence 
of  this  ngrecmcnt,  he  [Albert  of  Saxony],  in  No- 
vember, 1487,  abandoned  Austria,  and  Alatthias 
was  permitted  to  retain  pos*."ssion  of  tlio  con- 
quered territorien,  until  Frederic  had  discharged 
his  former  engagement,  nnd  reimbursed  the  ex- 
penses of  the  war;  should  Mattiiias  die  before 
that  perioti,  these  states  were  to  revert  to  their 
sovereign."— W.  Coxe,  Hist,  of  the  House  of  Aus- 
tria, eh.  18  (r.  1). 

A.  D.  1487-1526.— Deatli  of  Matthias.— Elec- 
tion ofWladislaw,  or  Ladislaus,  of  the  Polish 
house  of  Jagellon.— Union  of  the  crowns  of 
Hun|;ary  and  Bohemia.— Loss  of  the  Austrian 
provinces.— Treaty  of  Succession  with  Maxi- 
milian,— Insurrection  of  the  Kurucs. — Loss  of 
Belgrade.— Great  Turkish  invasion  and  ruin- 
ous battle  of  Mohacs.— The  end  of  Hungarian 
independence.— "  When  once  the  archduchy  of 
Austria  was  conquered,  Mathias.who  was  already 
master  of  Moravia  and  Silesia,  had  in  his  power 

^  1673 


a  state  almost  as  large  as  the  Austria  of  tho 
present  tinii!,  if  we  except  from  it  Galieia  and 
lioheiida.  Hut  his  power  had  n't  solid  founda- 
tion. While  the  intliience  of  the  liouso  of  Aus- 
tria had  been  increased  by  marriage,  Matlilas 
Corvlnus  liad  no  legitimate  lieir.  lie  inaiie 
several  attempts  to  have  Ids  natural  son,  Jolm 
Corvinus,  born  In  Hilesla,  n'cognizt'd  as  Ids  suc- 
cetwor;  but  he  <lled  su(ld(>nly  (I4U0)  at  the  age 
of  !W.  without  having  arninged  anything  dell- 
nitely  for  the  future  of  his  kingclom.  .  .  .  Hun- 
gary reaelie<l  her  highest  point  in  the  reign  of 
.Maihlas  Corvlnus,  and  from  this  time  we  shall 
have  to  watch  her  hopeh'ss  decay.  The  diet, 
ilivided  by  the  ambition  of  rival  ban>ns,  could 
decide  on  no  national  king,  and  so  turned  to  a 
.'oreigiier.  Wlaily.slaw  II.,  of  the  [I'olishl  house 
of  Jagellon,  vas  elected,  and  thus  a  king  of  Ho- 
hemia, and  ai;  (dd  rivjil  of  .Matlilas,  united  tho 
two  crowns  of  St.  Vaeslav  and  St.  Stephen  — 
a  union  wide  1  had  been  so  ardently  hoped  for 
by  Matlilas,  and  for  which  \\v  hail  waged  tho 
nilsi'rable  war  against  Hohemia.  .  .  .  The  be- 
ginning of  the  new  reign  was  not  fortunate. 
Maximilian  [son  of  the  Kmperor  Frederic]  re- 
covered the  Austrian  provinces,  and  .John  of 
I'oland  declared  war  against  his  brother,  Whiilys- 
law,  and  obliged  him  to  cede  part  of  Silesia  to 
him.  Maximilian  invaded  the  west  of  Hungary, 
.  .  .  whence  he  only  consented  to  ri'tiie  after 
Wladyslaw  had  agreed  to  a  treaty,  which  se- 
cured Hungary  to  the  house  of  Austria,  in  ca.so 
of  Wlndysmw  dying  without  children.  This 
treaty,  in  which  tlie  king  disposed  of  the  country 
vithout  consulting  the  diet,  roused  universal  in- 
dignation. .  .  .  Meanwhile,  the  Turks  thronged 
round  the  southern  frontier  of  the  kiugilom. 
Hajazet  U.  had  failed  to  capture  Belgrade  iu 
1402,  but  he  could  not  be  jirevented  from  forcing 
his  way  into  the  valley  of  the  Save,  and  beating 
the  Hungarian  army,  which  was  badly  paid  and 
bndly  discipliiied.  .  .  .  Wladyslaw  had  one  sou, 
Louis.  Surrounded  by  the  net  of  Au.strlan  di- 
plomacy, he  hnd  ndlanced  this  son  in  his  cradle 
to  Mary  of  Austria,  the  sister  of  Charles  V. ,  and 
later  on  he  undertook,  in  defiance  of  public 
opinion,  to  leave  the  crown  to  his  daughter  Anne, 
who  was  betrothed  to  Ferdinand  of  Austria,  if 
Louis  should  die  without  heirs.  ...  To  add  to 
the  miseries  of  his  reign,  a  peasant  rising,  a  ter- 
rible Jacquerie,  took  place.  ...  In  \'iVi,  Car- 
dinal Bacracz  came  from  Home,  bringing  with 
him  the  papal  bull  for  a  cru.sadc  against  the  infi- 
dels; whereupon  the  peasants  armed  themselves, 
as  if  they  were  nbout  10  inarch  against  the  Turks, 
nnd  then  turned  their  nrms  against  the  nobles. 
This  terrible  insurrection  is  called  in  Hungarian 
history  the  insurrection  of  tho  Kurucs  (Kourout- 
ses,  crueiati)  crusaders.  .  .  .  The  chief  leader  of 
the  insurrection,  the  peasant  Dosza,  w  1  one  of 
the  Szeklers  of  Transylvania.  .  .  .  Di-/a  was 
beaten  in  a  battle  near  Temesvar,  nnd  fell  into 
the  hands  of  his  enemies.  Their  vengeance  was 
terrible.  The  king  of  the  peasants  was  seated  on 
a  throne  of  tire,  and  crowned  by  the  executioner 
witli  a  red-hot  crown.  Ho  bore  his  frightful 
sufferings  with  a  courage  that  astonished  his 
adversaries.  .  .  .  The  feeble  Wladyslaw  died  iu 
L^lij,  and  the  reign  of  the  child-king,  Louis  II., 
may  be  summed  i-  '  i  two  catastrophes,  the  loss 
of    Belgrade  and  defeat  at  Jlohacs.     Tho 

young  king,  innrrii  in  his  cradle,  was  corrupt 
iind  dissolute,  and  quite  incapable  of  governing, 


UUNGAHV.  1W7-1S20.      imiiif/ M., 

iinil  Ills  (jimrilliitiH  cniild  ikiI  riw  i.i  the  lidtrlit  "f 
till'  (mciimIiiii  'I'Iic  lliiiilKCH  (if  llic  kliiKiliiMl  were 
in  Kri'iit  ill»<>rilrr,  anil  tlic  Iciiilini;  liaroiiH  iiui^r- 
ri'llcci  coiitlniiiilK'  nvcr  the  slirrilH  nf  Hovcrcltfiuy 
Hllll  left.  .  .  .  '1"Ii1h  »mii'  i>f  lliln>:M  wuh  of  tlic 
Kri'iilcHt  use  tn  the  Turku,  fur  while  IIiiiiKarv 
wiiM  HinkinK  i-vit  (Ii'c|ht  inli)  nMiiicliy,  Tiirki'.v 
wan  riilcil  by  llii'  jtrrat  Mivcrrijrn  wlm  was  calli'd 
HdIIiihiii  till'". M'lt'nitli  lilt.  It  wiih  iint  loiix  hcfnre 
In."  fiMinil  II  |)rii<'Xt  for  war  in  lln'  iirrcHt  of  one  of 
IiIh  HuliJri'tH  an  u  Hpy,  anil  asNciiihli-il  IiIh  troopH 
at  So|iliia,  nipturi'i'i  HIialialH  [S/.iiliittclil,  liiiil 
hicKc  to  ih'iKniili'  anil  took  it,  making  it.  tlicncc- 
forwaril  a  MiiitHuliiian  forlrcMi*  (I.V.J1).  Tlio  key 
of  tlic  Danulx' wiiHnow  in  tin-  liandxof  the  Turku. 
.  .  .  Kill)?  liOiilH  l)cj{jf('tl  for  lirlp  on  every  Nlile. 
.  .  .  Tlie  Austrian  nrinceH  were  ready  to  help 
liim  from  iiitercHteil  niotives;  but  even  when 
joined  with  lliinffiiry  thev  were  too  feeble  to 
eonipier  the  arnileH  of 'the  .Miignltlcent.'  On 
the  SMh  of  April,  1520,  Sollman  quitted  C'on- 
Hlantinople,  bringing  with  him  1(K),(M)0  men  and 
1100  eaniion,  taklnji;  up  ariiiH  not  only  n);alnHt 
lliinfrary.  but  agaiiiHt  the  emjilre.  One  of  the 
prclixtH  for  hm  expedition  was  the  captivity  of 
rramis  I. ;  he  wished,  lie  said,  to  save  'the  bey 
of  Kranee'  from  the  hands  of  tlie  Oermans  and 
their  allies  the  llunijariiins.  IleerosHed  theHiivo 
near  Osiek  (Essek),  eaptured  I'etervardin,  and 
eame  tip  with  the  Hiin;;ariana  at  Moliaes,  on 
the  richt  bank  of  the  Danube  (Atijfiist  26,  l.VJd). 
The  MajjyarBrmy  was  eoinmanded  by  the  king 
in  jierson,  assisted  by  Paul  Tomory,  archbishop 
of  Kalocsa,  one  of  the  warlike  bisliopg  of  whom 
Hungary  gives  us  ho  many  examples;  by  George 
Szaiiolvai,  and  by  I'eter  I'erenyl,  bishop  of 
Nai"  Varad  (Great  Varadin).  I'efcnyl  wished 
to  inat  with  the  Turks,  in  order  to  ^niin  time 
for  help  to  reach  them  from  t'roatia  and  Tnm- 
sylvania,  but  the  impetuosity  of  Tomory  decided 
on  immediate  battle.  ...  At  first,  it  seemed  as 
If  the  battle  was  in  favour  of  the  Magyars;  but 
iSolinian  had  conimaiiiled  that  the  front  ranks  of 
his  army  should  give  way  before  the  ]Iungarian 
cavalryl  and  that  then  the  main  body  of  his 
troops'  should  clo.se  around  them.  When  the 
Magyars  were  thus  easily  within  reach,  they 
were  overwhelmed  by  the  Turkish  artillery  and 
forced  to  retreat.  They  took  refuge  in  somo 
marshy  land,  in  wliiob  many  of  them  lost  their 
lives.  The  king  had  disappeared ;  Toniory  was 
slain;  seven  bisliops,  23  barons,  and  22,000  men 
were  left  upon  the  field.  The  road  to  Budii  lay 
open  before  the  invaders,  and  after  having  laid 
waste  the  whole  country  on  tlieii-  way,  they 
reached  the  capital,  where  the  treasures  wlilch 
Mathias  Corvinus  had  collected  in  his  palace  and 
his  library  were  either  carried  oil  or  committed 
to  the  tlamcs.  .  .  .  Then  the  tide  of  invasion 
gradually  retired,  leaving  behind  it  a  land  covered 
with  ruins.  The  Independent  existence  of  Hun- 
fe.  '  ended  with  Louis  II."— L.  Leger,  llitt.of 
Aiidtro-lliiiigiiri/,  eh.  15. 

Also  in:  L.  Felbermann,  Hungary  and  its 
Pioiilf.  (h.  3. 

A.  D.  1526-1567.— Election  of  John  Zapolya 
to  the  throne. — Rival  candidacy  and  election 
of  Ferdinand  of  Austria.— Zapolya's  appeal  to 
the  Turks.— Great  invasion  by  Sollman. — 
Siege  of  Vienna.— The  sultan  master  of  the 
greater  part  of  the  country.— Progress  of  the 
Reformation.— Soliua.:'s  last  invasion. — "No 


lAor*.— 6'»ryr 
irniiii. 


HINGAKY,   l.V2tt-15«7, 


sooner  was  the  corpse  oi  Louis  II.  found  lying  in 


nnmnh.  iindiT  his  mniigleil  Nteed,  than  theneces- 
slly  of  Miieedily  electing  a  new  monarch  was 
powerfiilly  felt!  Louis  left  no  heir  to  the  thnme, 
while  his  wife  .Mary,  arcliilurliess  of  Austria,  far 
from  trying  to  poHiM'ss  herself  of  tlie  helm  of  the 
state,  was  already  on  her  way  to  Vienna.  I'Ven 
iH'fore  the  results  of  the  battle  of  Mnliacs  had 
become  fully  known.  The  vacant  throne  found 
thus  an  asi)irant  In  John  /apolya,  walvod  of 
Tmnsylvania  and  count  of  the  Zips,  who  lav  en- 
ca.iiped  with  a  mighty  army  at  H/.egedin.  on  his 
march  to  the  plain  of  .Moliaes.  .  .  .  The  Diet, 
which  met  on  the  plain  of  Itakos  (1520),  pro- 
claimed Zapolya  king.  .  .  .  The  day  of  corona- 
tion was  soon  fixed,  tlii^  wiiIvimI  receiving  his 
royal  unction  at  Weisi-nburg.  Htephen  Hatory, 
the  |>alatine,  however,  actuated  by  envy  rather 
than  ambition,  first  attempted  10  oppose  to  tlio 
new  king  the  Interests  of  the  widow  of  Louis  II. 
Hut  the  Austrian  archduchess,  unwilling  to  enter 
the  field  us  n  competitor  for  the  crown,  handed 
over  her  role  to  her  brother  Fenlinand  I.  of 
Austria,  who  was  married  to  Anne,  sister  of  tlio 
late  Hungarian  king.  Ferdinand  soon  repaired 
to  I'resburg,  a  town  beyond  the  reach  of  Zaiiol- 
ya's  arms,  where  he  was  elected  king  of  Hun- 
gary by  an  aristocratic  party,  headed  by  the 
palatine  Batory,  Francis  iWthany,  Ban  of  Croa- 
tia, and  Nadasdy."  After  n  fruitless  conference 
between  representatives  of  the  rival  kings,  they 
proceeded  to  war.  Zapolya  was  "  master  of  the 
whole  country,  except  some  parts  bey(md  the 
Dainibc,"  but  he  reinaineil  inactive  at  Buda  until 
the  Austrians  surprised  him  there  and  forced  him 
to  evacuate  the  capital.  "Not  able  to  iiiako 
head  against  the  foreign  mercenaries  of  Ferdi- 
nand, Zapolya  was  soon  obliged  to  confine  liim- 
si'lf  to  the  northern  frontiers,  till  he  left  the 
kingdom  for  Poland,  there  to  solicit  help  and 
concert  measures  for  the  renewal  of  the  war 
(1528)."  Beceiving  no  encouragement  from  the 
king  of  Poland,  Zapolya  at  length  addressed 
himself  to  the  great  enemy  of  Hungary,  the  sul- 
tan Holiman,  and  there  he  met  no  rebuff.  The 
Ottoman  comiueror  made  instant  preparations  to 
enter  Hungary  as  the  champion  of  its  native 
king.  Thereupon  "Zapolya  organized  a  small 
army,  ond  crossed  the  frontiers.  His  army  was 
soon  swelled  to  thousands,  and  he  had  possessed 
himself  of  the  greatest  part  of  Uiiper,  before 
Sollman  began  to  pour  down  on  Lower  Hun- 
ga'-v.  .  .  .  Proclaiming  to  the  people  that  his 
iwmy  was  not  come  to  conquer,  but  to  assiat 
their  elected  native  king,  Sollman  marched  on- 
wards, took  Buda,  Gran,  and  Haab,  all  of  them 
shomelesslv  given  up  by  Ferdinand's  merce- 
naries, anff  moveil  on  unopposed  to  the  walls  of 
Vienna  [1520],  Ferdinancl,  In  his  distress,  in- 
voked the  assistance  of  Germany ;  but  his  brother 
[the]  emperor,  as  well  f.s  the  Diet  of  Spires,  en- 
grossed with  Luther  and  his  followers,  .  .  .  were 
not  forward  to  render  their  assistance.  Vicuna, 
however,  though  neglected  by  the  German  em- 
peror, was  momentarily  8a\ed  by  the  advanced 
state  of  the  season;  for  winter  being  at  hand, 
the  Turks,  according  to  their  nsoge  at  that  sea- 
son, took  their  way  home.  [The  besieging  army 
of  'Turks  is  said  to  have  numbered  250,000  men; 
while  the  river  swarmed  with  400  Turkish  boats. 
Twenty  fierce  assaults  were  made  upon  the 
defenses  of  the  city,  in  as  many  days.  The  sub- 
urbs were  destroyed  and  the  surrounding  coun- 
try terribly  ravaged.    Beforo  raising  the  siege. 


1674 


HUNOARY,   IMO-IMT. 


Kulf  ../  iht  Turk:  lU'Xn  MIY.  1.167  HMM. 


till'  liiifllril  Turk  iiinHfinrn'cl  tlioiiNitiidH  of  I'nptivi'i), 
uiiiliT  llir  wiiIIh,  iinly  cnrrvliiK  iiwiiy  Into  MJiivi-ry 
tlif  yoiiiiK  '""'  fiilr  of  lioili  M'xcH.  'j'lif  rrpulsi- 
of  Solliiiiin  Ih  "an  cpocli  In  tlic  liNtory  of  ilii> 
worlil."— Sir  E.  S.  ('rciiNy,  //id/.  ,f  l/i,'  Ollnmiiii 
Tiirkii,  fh.VA  .  .  .  Zapolyii,  liuvliif^tiikcn  up  IiIn 
poMltlon  In  Iludn,  ruled  over  the  K<'<'<>t<'Nl.  part 
■  if  liuiignry;  wlilli>  Croatlii  HuliinittiMl  to  Ferdi- 
nand. ...  A  uwlcHH  war  wan  tliuH  for  a  while 
enrrlcd  on  between  the  two  rival  ioverelKng,  In 
tne  inldHt  of  whieh  Hudii  had  to  miHtuIn  a  heavy 
sletfc  eonihieted  hy  Oeiieral  KoK^endorf;  but  the 
ttarrifuin,  thoUKh  reduced  ho  far  hh  to  Ih)  obll);ed 
to  eat  liorHetleHli,  sureeeded  In  renelllnfi  niid  rout- 
ing t:.j  Austrian  besiegers  (15!l(l)."  Fenllnarid 
now  hunibh'd  himself  to  the  sultan,  iM'secehliiK 
Ills  friendship  and  support,  but  in  vnln.  The 
war  of  the  rival  kings  went  on  until  lfS88,  when 
it  was  suspended  by  what  Is  known  as  the  Treaty 
of  (JroHSwnrdeln,  which  conceded  to  each  party 
possession  of  the  parts  of  the  country  which  he 
then  occupleil ;  which  ativv  the  whole  to  Zapolya 
if  Ferdinand  died  wltlioiit  male  Issue,  and  the 
whole  tt>  Ferdinand  If  Za|iolya  died  before  hlin, 
even  though  Zapolya  should"leave  an  heir— but 
the  lielr.  In  this  latter  case,  was  to  marry  Ferdi- 
nand's dftughtor.  This  treaty  pn)duced  lin- 
inense  indignation  In  the  country.  "That  the 
never-despalrlng  and  andiltlous  Zapoly  i  meant 
that  step  rather  as  a  means  of  nioinenlury  repose, 
may  sai'ely  bo  assumed;  but  the  development  of 
Ills  schemes  was  arrested  by  the  hand  of  death 
(1540),  which  removed  the  weary  warrior  from 
these  scenes  of  blood,  at  the  very  moment  when 
his  ears  were  gladdened  by  the  news  that  he  hail 
become  the  fiitlier  of  a  son."  Ferdinand  now 
claimed  the  undivided  sovereignty,  according  to 
the  terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Grosswardeln ;  but 
the  (luecn-dowoger  Isabella,   wife  of  .John  Za- 

Solya,  maintained  tlie  rights  of  her  infant  son. 
he  Was  8Ui)ported  by  a  strong  party,  animated 
and  led  by  one  George  Martlnusslus,  n  jirlest  of 
extraordinary  powers.  Both  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella appeoled  to  the  sultnn,  as  to  an  acknowl- 
edged suzerain.  He  declared  for  yoting  Zapolya, 
and  sent  an  army  to  Uuda  to  cstarillsh  ids  author- 
ity, while  anotlier  Turkish  army  occupied  Transyl- 
vania. "Soliman  soon  followed  In  person,  made 
his  entry  Into  Biula  [1541],  which  he  determined 
to  keep  permanently  occupied  during  the  minor- 
ity of  aiglsmund ;  ond  assuring  Isabella  of  his  af- 
fection to  the  son  of  John,  bade  her  retire  ^tlth  the 
child  to  Transylvania;  n  piece  of  advice  which 
she  followed  not  without  some  reluctance  and 
distrust.  Buda  was  thus  henceforward  govern- 
ed by  a  pasha;  the  army  of  Ferdinand  was 
ruined,  and  Soliman,  under  the  title  of  an  ally, 
became  absolute  lord  of  the  country."  After  a 
few  years  "new  complications  anil  difllculties 
arose  in  Transylvania,  when  JIartinusslus,  who 
was  confirmed  by  Soliman  In  his  capacity  of 
guardian  to  the  young  Siglsmund  and  regent  of 
tliat  country,  began  to  excite  the  suspicion  of 
ejucen  Isabella.  Ferdinand,  aware  of  these  cir- 
cumstances, marched  an  army  into  Transylvania, 
headed  by  Costaldo,  who  was  instructed  to  gidu 
over  the  monk-tutor."  Martinus.sius  was  won 
by  the  promise  of  a  cardinal's  hat;  with  his  help 
the  (lucen-dowager  was  coerced  into  ab<llcating 
in  liehalf  of  her  son.  Having  brouglit  this 
about,  Ferdinand  basely  procured  the  assassina- 
tion of  the  monk  Martuuiasius.  "'For  from 
gaining  by  an  act  that  stamped  his  own  name 


wltli  eternal  sliaine,  Ferdinand  was  soon  driven 
by  the  Turks  from  TritiiHylvanlu,  and  lost  even 
the  places  iHciipled  by  his  troops  In  Hungary.' 
.  .  .  Transylvunla  owned  llii^  sway  of  SIf'iHiiiutid 
Zapolya,  wlille  Fenllnand,  in  spite  of  the  crown 
of  the  Oerinan  empire,  ri'cently  conferred  upon 
him,  .  .  .  was  fain  to  prcKi^rve  III  Hunv'iiry  Nome 
small  districts,  contiguous  to  Ids  Austrian  do- 
inlnlnns.  ...  In  tlie  year  intli),  Ferdinand  con- 
voked Ills  party  at  I'resbiirg,"  and  itrevalled 
uiion  tlieni  to  go  through  the  form  of  elcrling 
his  son  .Maximilian  to  the  Hun  .Ian  throne. 
"Fenllnanil  soon  after  dled(l,')04),  leaving  three 
sons.  Of  these,  Maximilian  Hueceeded  his  father 
In  Austria;  Ferdinand  inherited  the  Tyrol;  and 
Charles,  the  youngest  son,  got  possession  of 
Htyrla.  Maximilian,  who,  In  addition  to  his 
Austrian  dominions,  succeeded  to  the  throne  of 
Bohemia  am'  to  that  of  the  German  empire, 
proved  as  impotent  In  Hungary  as  Ills  father  had 
been.  The  I'aslia  of  Huda  ruled  the  greater 
part  of  Hungary  proper;  .Siglsmund  Zapolya 
continued  to  maintnin  his  authority  in  Transyl- 
vania. .  .  .  Ills  [Maxlmllian'sJ  reign  left  Hun- 
gary much  the  same  as  It  was  under  his  prede- 
cessor, although  much  credit  Is  due  to  the  neutral 
line  of  conduct  lie  observed  In  regard  to  religious 
alTalrs.  Unlike  the  rise  and  |)rogre8s  of  the 
Heformation  In  the  rest  of  hurope,  religious 
reform  in  Hungary  was  rather  an  additional 
element  in  the  pidltical  contllct  than  its  origina- 
tor. ...  By  the  battle  of  .Molmcs,  the  Heforma- 
tion was  freed  from  a  bigoted  king  and  many 
persecuting  prelates;  while  Ferdinand,  conniv- 
ing at  the  Protestant  party  in  Germany,  was 
withheld  from  persecuting  it  In  Hungary,  the 
more  so  from  the  dread  that  his  rival  might  win 
the  Protestant  party  to  his  interest.  The  Protes- 
tants thus  Increased  in  number  amid  the  din  of 
arms.  .  .  .  The  sectarian  spirit,  though  some- 
what later  than  elsewhere,  found  also  Its  woy  Into 
this  land  of  blood,  and  Hungary  was  soon  pos- 
sessed of  considerable  bodies  of  Lutherans  ond 
Calvinists,  besides  a  smaller  number  of  Anabap- 
tists and  Soclnlons.  .  .  .  Calvin's  followers  were 
mostly  Magyars,  while  Lutheronlsm  found  Its 
centre  point  m  the  Uermon  population  of  Tron- 
sylvonio. "  In  l.'itiG,  Maximilian,  eneoumgtd  by 
some  subsidies  obtained  from  his  German  sub- 
jects, began  ho.stlllties  against  the  Turks  and 
against  Siglsmund  In  Transylvania.  This  pro- 
voked another  formidable  invasion  by  the  great 
sultan  Soliman.  The  progress  of  the  Turk  was 
stopjied,  however,  at  the  fortress  of  Szigcth.  by  a 
smoll  garrison  of  3,000  men,  commanded  by  Nich- 
olas Zrlny.  These  devoted  men  resisted  tlie  whole 
army  of  the  Moslems  for  nearly  an  entire  month, 
and  perished,  every  one,  without  surrendering 
their  trust.  Soliman,  furious  at  the  loss  of 
20,000  men,  and  the  long  delay  which  their  ob- 
stinote  valor  caused  him,  died  of  apoplexy  while 
the  siege  went  on.  This  brought  the  expedi- 
tion to  an  end,  and  Maximilian  "bought  a  new 
peace  at  the  hands  of  Selim  II.,  son  of  Soliman, 
for  a  tribute  of  30,000  ducats  (1567).  Shortly 
after,  Maximilian  was  also  relieved  of  his  rival, 
John  Siglsmund  Zapolya,  who  died  a  sudden 
death." — E.  Szabad,  Hungary,  Past  and  Present, 
])t.  2,  c/(.  1. 

Ai.so  IN :  R.  W.  Eraser,  Turkey,  Ancient  and 
Mmlern,  eh.  12-13. 

A.  O.  1567-1604.  —  Successive  disturbances 
in  Transylvania. — Cession  of  the  principality 


1675 


IIUNOARY.  IMT-inoi 


Viuhr  Ikt  llotut 
11/  Autlrin. 


HUNOAItY,  1.W7-1004. 


to  the  Houie  of  Austria,  and  coniequent  re- 
volt. Reli({ioiii  periecutions  of  Rodol()h. 
Succeiiful  rebellion  of  Botskai.  Continued 
war  with  the  Turka.— Jolin  .SiKlBnioml  Zii|»il.vii 
n'fiiHcil  lit  llfHt  Ik  Im-  iMchiili'il  In  the  iMwc  wlilili 
Miixiinllliiii  iirmiiKi'd  with  tlic  Turkn,  and  I'li 
(Ifiivciri'd  1(1  Mllr  ii|>  iin  liiHiirrcctlciii  in  IIiiiiKitry ; 
but  hlH  Hcliniic  falli'il,  mill  " 'ir  I'uil  nn  ri'HiMinr 
jiiit  to  iirrc|)t  till'  trriiiH  iif  pt'iici-  otTiTi'il  liy  Mux 
iinilinn,  wlilrh  wrrr  iiilviiiilii-roiiH  to  iHitli  par 
tiiM  lli'i'ii)(ilK<'il  not  til  iiNHiiliir  lin  title  of  kiiiK 
of  HiiiiKiiry,  t'Xtcpt  in  Ills  nirri  .ndinlciiri!  wltli 
till' Tiirku,  nnil  to  iickimwlnlirii  lln'  <'iiip<'ror  an 
kinir.  IiIn  iiiipcrior  aiul  inuNtiT;  In  aililltlnn  to 
TriiiiHylvaniii,  im  nn  lirrcdlliiry  iirincipality,  lii' 
wiu  to  ri'tiiln  fur  life  tlio  coiintlcH  of  liiliuriiiid 
Muriniinmrli,  with  CraHna  nnil  /olnnk,  and  wliat- 
over  trrritorlrs  In-  could  htovit  from  tlii^  Turkn, 
In  ri'tiirn.  tlii-i'inpi'mr  proinlm'd  to  confer  on  lilni 
niu>  of  IiIh  nli'ccH  In  marriage,  and  to  cede  to  liiin 
Oppelen  In  HllcHla.  If  exiH'lled  from  TratiHylvatila. 
On  the  death  of  .lolin  Kipisinonil  without  isHue 
male,  TranHylvanIa  was  to  lio  conHldered  nn  nn 
elective  principality,  dependent  on  the  crown  of 
IIiuiKiiry.  The  Intended  marrlnf^o  did  not  take 
place,  for  .Tolin  SlKlMmond  dyiii);  on  the  tilth  of 
Miircii,  l.'iTl,  Hoon  after  the  pence,  all  IiIh  jiohsch 
gloiiH  In  Ilun^nry  reverted  to  Alaxiniilian.  The 
diet  of  Traimvlvanla  clione  Htenhen  liathorl,  who 
bad  acted  with  ureat  reputation  as  the  K*'ueral 
and  inlnUter  of  John  SiKlHinond;  and  Maximil- 
ian, althou^'h  lio  had  recoinmended  another  per- 
•on,  prudently  conllrmed  the  choice.  .  .  .  The 
new  wnlv(Klc  was  accordingly  contirined,  lioth  by 
Maximilian  and  the  Turks,  tiHik  the  oath  of  lldel- 
Ity  to  the  crown  of  Hungary,  und  continued  to 
live  on  torms  of  friendship  and  concord  with  the 
ompuror.  .  ,  .  AInximllinn  being  of  a  delicate 
congtitutlon,  and  declining  In  health,  employed 
the  lost  years  of  his  reign  ia  taking  precautions 
to  scciiro  Ills  dignities  i.nd  posHesHlons  for  Ills 
descendants.  Having  ll/st  obtained  the  consent 
of  the  Hungarian  states,  his  eldest  son  Kliodnlph 
was,  in  1572,  crowned  king  of  Hungary,  in  a 
diet  Ht  Prcsburgh."  Subseipiently,  the  election 
of  Hhodolph  bv  tlio  Bohemian  diet  was  likewise 
procured,  and  he  was  crowned  king  of  Bohemia 
on  the  22d  of  September,  1575.  A  few  weeks 
later,  the  same  son  v.'as  chosen  and  crowned  king 
of  the  Homnns,  which  secured  his  succession  to 
the  imperial  di/rnity.  This  laltcr  crown  fell  to 
him  the  followhi;^  year,  when  lis  father  died. 
Educated  in  Hpaln  and  by  the  Jesuits,  the  new 
emperor  was  easily  persuaded  to  reverse  the  tol- 
erant policy  of  his  father,  and  to  adopt  measures 
ot"  repression  and  persecution  against  the  Prot- 
estants, in  the  Austrian  provinces.  In  Hungary 
and  in  Bohemia,  which  could  not  long  be  endureil 
without  resistance.  "The  first  obTect  of  Hho- 
dolph had  been  to  secure  his  dominions  in  Hun- 
gary against  the  Turks.  In  order  to  diniiiiish 
the  enormous  expense  of  defending  the  distant 
fortresses  on  the  side  of  Croatia,  he  transfer/ed 
that  country,  as  a  fief  of  the  empire,  to  his  uncle 
Charles,  duke  of  Styria,  who,  from  the  contiguity 
of  his  dominions,  was  better  able  to  provide  for 
its  security.  Charles  accordingly  constructed  the 
fortress  of  Cnrlstadt,  on  the  Kulpa,  which  after- 
wards became  the  capital  of  Croatia,  and  a  mlli- 
tatff  stotion  of  the  highest  importance.  lie  also 
divided  the  ceded  tcr.,'ory  into  numerous  ten- 
ures, which  he  conferred  on  freebooters  anu  ad - 
venturers  of  every  nation,  and  thug  formed  a 


singular  uperle*  of  military  colony.  This  feudal 
eNliililiMlitiii'iit  grniliially  extendeif  along  the  fron- 
tliTN  of  Hclavonia  and  ('nuilla,  and  not  only  con- 
tribiited,  at  the  time,  to  check  the  InciirxlonH  of 
the  Turks,  but  afterwiinirt  mippiU'il  that  lawl'sa 
and  Irregular,  Ihoiigh  fnrnildalile  military  force 
.  .  .  who,  under  the  imiiies  iif  Croats,  l*iinilount, 
and  other  liarbaroiiH  iippeliationN,  Hpread  Niich 
terror  aiiiong  the  eneinieH  of  Austria  on  the  nIiIu 
(if  Kuriipe.  .  .  .  NiitwIthHtandlng  the  nrmistice 
ciincliided  with  tin*  Hiiltan  liy  .Maximilian,  and 
its  renewal  by  Itliislolph  In  l.W  and  15111,  a  pred- 
atory warfaif!  had  never  ceased  along  the  fron- 
tlem."  The  truce  of  15111  was  quickly  broken  In 
a  more  positive  way  by  Hiillan  Aniiirath,  wliosti 
forces  Invaded  Croatia  and  laid  siegi' to  Sist'ck. 
'I'liey  were  attacked  there  and  driven  from  their 
lines,  with  a  loss  of  r.>,IKIO  ni>  n.  "Irritated  by 
tl  1h  defeat,  .  .  .  Aniurath  piibllMlied  a  formal 
lieclaration  of  war,  and  poured  his  niimerotm 
Hordes  Into  Hungary  and  ('roalla.  The  two  fol- 
lowing years  were  piis.sed  In  various  sieges  and 
engagements,  altendcil  witii  iilternale  success  and 
defeat;  but  the  advantage  ultimately  rpst<'d  on 
the  side  of  the  Turks,  by  the  capture  of  Hiseck 
and  Haab.  In  151)5,  a  more  fiivnuralili!  though 
temporary  turn  was  given  to  the  Austrian  alTalrs. 
by  the  defection  of  the  prince  of  Transvlvanlii 
from  the  Turks.  On  the  elevation  of  Hlephen 
Halhorl  to  the  throne  <if  I'olund,  his  brother 
Christopher  Biicceeded  him  as  wnlvode  of  Trau- 
sylvaiilii,  and,  dying  in  15H3,  left  an  Infant  son,, 
HIglsmond,  under  the  protection  of  the  I'ortv. 
Higismond,  who  possesseil  the  high  spirit  and 
talt'iits  of  his  family,  had  scarcely  assumed  the 
reins  of  government  iK'fore  Iw.  liberated  himself 
from  the  galling  yoke  of  the  Turks,  and  In  15U5 
concluded  an  oltensive  alliance  with  the  house  of 
Austria.  ...  He  was  to  retain  Transylvania  oa 
an  Independent  nrincinallty,  the  part  of  Hun- 

f;ary  which  he  still  held,  and  Moldavia  and  Wal- 
acliia.  .  .  .  The  coniiiics's  of  Initli  parties  were 
to  be  c(iually  divided.  .  .  .  By  this  im|)ortant 
alliance  the  house  of  Austria  was  delivered  from 
nn  enemy  who  had  always  divided  its  efforts, 
and  made  n  powerful  diversion  in  favour  of  the 
Turks.  Sigismond  signalised  himself  by  his  he- 
roic courage  and  military  skill;  uniting  with  v.o 
waivodcs  of  Aloldavia  and  Wallachla,  he  de- 
feated the  grand  vizir,  Sinan,  took  Turgovltch 
by  storm,  and  drove  the  Turks  back  in  disgrace 
towanft  Constantinople.  Assisted  by  this  diver- 
sion, the  Auslrians  in  Iliincary  were  likewise 
successful,  und  not  only  checked  the  progress  of 
the  Turks,  but  distinguished  their  arms  by  the 
recovery  of  Gran  and  Vissegrad.  This  turn  of 
success  roused  the  sultan  Mahomet,  the  son  und 
successor  of  Amurath.  ...  He  put  himself,  in 
1590,  at  tlK  head  of  his  forces,  led  them  into 
Ilungarv,  took  Erlau,  and  defeating  the  Austri- 
ans  under  the  archduke  Maximilian,  the  late- 
ness of  the  season  alone  prevented  him  from 
carrying  his  arms  into  Austria  und  Upper  Hun- 

firy,  wliich  were  exposed  by  the  loss  of  Haab  and 
rlau.  As  Slahomct  could  not  a  second  time 
tear  himself  from  the  seraglio,  the  war  was  carried 
on  without  vigour,  and  the  season  passed  rather 
in  truces  tlinn  in  action.  But  this  year,  though 
little  distinguished  by  military  events,  was  mem- 
orable for  the  cession  of  Transylvania  to  Hho- 
dolph, by  the  brave  yet  fickle  Sigismond,  in  ex- 
change for  the  lordships  ot  Hatlbor  and  Oppelen 
in  Silesia,  with  an  annual  x)eusiuu."    The  cupri- 


1676 


IIUNOAHY.  1867-1004. 


Conllniutt  Wnr  ivtih 
III*  Turks. 


HUNOAHY,  ieo«-i6oo. 


(ioui  HIkI)|-''<>i><I,  liiiwcvrr,  mhiii  ri'priitUiK  «f  Mi  i 
l)iirj(iilri,  n'lliiltiii'il  iiiiil  ninvrrcil  IiIh  'rrmiHylvik' 
iiliiiKliiiiilnliii',  liiit  only  to  ri'Hi).'ii  il  ntci\\u,  \n'\K)\). 
til  IiIh  iiiii'Ii',  itliil  uitaUx  to  rciiiiHm'HM  it.  Not  un- 
til UM)'.',  after  niiicli  tlKlitiiiK  '»>'l  (liHonlcr,  wim 
tli<'  llrkic  liiindi'il  iinil  IrotililrHoini'  prince  Kent 
llniilly  to  reliretnent,  In  jtolieinlii.  Trimly Iviinia 
WHS  (hen  pliK'cil  under  the  K"^'<'<'i>inent  of  the 
linperliil  trenerul  Haitta.  "lllMcniel  an<lileHpotle. 
ailinliilHlratloii  tlrivlii);  the  natlven  to  tIeNpaIr, 
lliey  founil  II  ellief  in  .Mown  T/ekell,  who,  with 
other  inaKiiateH,  aftiT  InelTeelually  oppoNliiK  tlie 
eKtalillHhilient  of  tlie  AiiMtrian  K'>verntnent,  liail 
Niiii^ht  a  refii{{(i  nnion^  the  TiirkH.  Tzekell,  at 
the  head  of  IiIm  fellow  exIleM,  aHHisted  by  IkhIIi'M 
of  TiirkH  and  TarlarH,  entered  tlie  eimntry,  wiiH 
Joined  by  nunieroiiH  iidherentN,  and,  liaviiiK  ob- 
tained poHHeNMlon  of  till'  eapltal  and  the  adjiieent 
fortresseH,  wan  elected  and  iiiaiiKnrated  prince  of 
TranHylvania.  IIIm  relj{n,  liow«^ver,  wiih  Hcarcely 
more  permanent  than  that  of  hia  nredeccHHor; 
for,  iH'fore  he  could  expel  tlu^  t)erni,.iiH,  he  wan, 
In  1608,  defeateil  by  the  new  watvode  of  Wal- 
laclila,  and  killed  in  the  confiiNlon  of  tlio  bailie. 
InconHeiiuence  of  thia  illHaNter,  hia  followers  dU- 
persed,  and  Mastii  attain  recovered  poHM'HHlon  of 
the  principality.  I)iirlnf(  these  revolutions  In 
Transylvania,  l'lunj;ary  liad  been  the  scene  of  In- 
cessant warfare  between  the  Austrliins  and  tlio 
Turks,  which  exhausted  both  ])artlcs  with  llttlu 
advantage  to  either.  .  ,  .  Uliodolph  had  long 
lost  the  conlldcnco  of  his  HiinKuriaii  Hubjeets. 
...  He  treated  tho  complaints  nml  reinon- 
Btmncesof  his  suliiects  with  contempt  and  Indif- 
ference; and  the  Uermiui  troops  belnji;  free  from 
control,  filled  the  country  with  devastation  and 
pillage.  While,  however,  lie  abandoned  the  civil 
and  military  alTairs  to  eliance,  or  to  the  will  odds 
olllcers,  he  laboured  to  fetter  his  subjects  with  re- 
ligious restrictions,  and  the  most  Intolerant  edicts 
were  Issued  against  tho  Protestants,  In  various 
parts  of  the  kingdom.  .  .  .  The  dlsalTeoted  In- 
creasing In  numl)ers,  soon  found  a  leailer  in 
Stephen  Uotskal,  the  principal  magnate  of  Upper 
Hungary,  uncle  of  Blglsnioiid  Hathori.  .  .  .  The 
discoiiteuts  in  Transylvania,  arising  from  the 
same  causes  as  tho  rebellion  in  Hungary,  greatly 
contributed  to  tho  success  of  Botskiii.  .  .  .  Helng 
in  1004  assisted  by  a  Turkish  army,  which  the  new 
sultan,  Achmet,  despatched  into  Transylvania, 
he  soon  expelleil  the  Austrians,  and  was  lormally 
inaugurated  sovereign.  .  .  .  Jlut  Bot.ska'w  as 
too  (llslnteresled  or  too  prudent  to  accept  the 
regal  dignity  [as  king  of  Hungary,  which  the 
grand  vi/.ler  of  tho  sultan  proclaimed  hli  ^  . 
He  acted,  however,  with  the  s; '..it  .'.^our  i  id 
activity  as  if  he  had  a  crowu  lO  acquire;  bef  'o 
the  close  of  tho  campaign  ho  c.  inucred  allUpi.  'r 
Hungary,  almost  to  tlio  wall  ol  Presburgh;  t 
the  same  ti;uo  tho  Turks  rciiiccd  Gran,  Visse- 
gnul  and  Novigrud." — W.  Coxe,  Hist,  of  the 
tloute  of  Austria,  eh.  38-42  (p.  2). 

Also  in:  J.  \\.  Merle  D'Aubigne,  Hist,  of  the 
Pnt.  Church  in  Iluiif/nn/,  ch.  12-20. 

A.  D.  iS9S-i6o6.— The  Turkish  war.— Great 
defeat  at  Cerestes. — The  Peace  of  Sitvatorok. 
—  '  The  disasters  which  tho  Turkish  arms  were 
now  experiencing  in  Wallachia  and  Hungary 
made  the  Sidtnns  best  statesmen  anxious  that 
the  sovereign  should,  after  the  manner  of  his 
great  ancestors,  liead  his  troops  In  person,  and 
endeavour  to  give  an  auspicious  change  to  the 
fortune  of  the  war.  .  .  .  The  Imperialists,  under 


the  ,\rehdiike  Maximilian  and  the  Hungarian 
Count.  I'fiilty,  aldi'd  bv  the  revoMed  prln<  es  of 
the  Diuiiiblaii  I'riliclpiililieH,  dealt  defeat  and  dls- 
coiiragement  ainimg  the  (Mlomaii  ralikit,  and 
wrung  niimeroiiH  fort resNcs  and  illstricts  from  the 
empire.  The  cities  of  liran,  WisHgrixt,  and  lia- 
iHKsa,  hiul  falli'ii;  and  iiicH.'W'iigers  In  speedy «uc- 
ecHHlon  announced  tlie  Iohs  of  Hirall,  Varna, 
Kllic,  Ismail,  Slllslrla,  KuHlchuk,  Hiicharest,  and 
Akerman.  These  Ihlings  at  last  roused  the  mon- 
arch In  Ills  harem.  .  .  .  .Mahomet  III  left  his 
capital  for  the 'rontler  In  the  , June  of  l.'dMl.  .  .  . 
'I'lie  ilispliiy  of  the  sacred  standard  of  the  I'niplict, 
which  now  for  the  Unit  time  was  unfurled  over  a 
Turkish  army,  excited  .  .  .  the  zeal  of  the  Tr  lu 
Ilellevers.  .  .  .  TheOrand  Vizier,  Ibrahim  Pacha, 
Hassan  Sokolll  Pacha,  and  Cicala  Pacha,  were 
the  principal  commanders iiiid  rtheHullaii.  .  .  . 
The  Archduke  Maximilian,  who  commanded  tho 
Impcrlallsis,  retired  at  first  before  the  siipirlor 
numbers  of  the  great  Ottoman  aniiy;  and  tho 
Hiiltan  besieged  and  captured  Kriau.  Tho  Im- 
perialists now  having  elTected  a  Junction  with 
the  Transylvanlan  troops  under  Princu  Hlgig- 
mund,  advanced  again,  tli<iugli  ttsi  late  to  Mtvo 
KrIau;  and  on  October  2llrd,  ITilHI,  the  twoannles 
were  In  presence  of  each  other  on  the  marshy 
|iliiin  of  Cerestes,  through  which  the  waters  of 
the  CInela  oo/.i  town  ...  tlii^  river  Tlielss.  There 
were  three  days  iif  battle  at  Cerestes."  Ue- 
peate  Uy,  tho  elTeinlniito  Hiiltan  wished  to  order  a 
retreat,  or  to  betake  himself  to  lllglit;  but  was 
persuaded  by  his  coupscllors  to  remain  on  tlio 
Jield,  thoU).-h  safely  removed  from  tho  (M)iilllct. 
On  the  third  day  the  battle  was  dci'ldcd  in  favor 
of  tho  Turks  by  a  charge  of  their  cavalry  under 
Cicala.  "Terror  and  lllght  spread  through  every 
division  of  tlic  Imperialists;  and  In  less  than  half 
an  hour  from  the  time  wlien  Cicala  began  his 
charge,  Maximilian  and  bigisnuiiid  were  Hying 
for  their  lives,  without  a  sliiglo  Christian  regi- 
ment kc'iting  their  ranks,  or  making  an  endeav- 
our to  rally  and  cover  tho  retreat.  TiO.IMK)  (ler- 
mans  and  Tran.sylvanians  i)erlslied  in  the  marshes 
or  beneath  the  Ottoman  sabre.  .  .  .  .Mahomet 
III.  eagerly  returned  after  the  battle  to  Constan- 
tini)|)l(;^  to  receive  felicitations  and  adulation  for 
his  victory,  and  to  resume  his  usual  life  of 
voluptuous  indolence.  Tho  war  in  Hungary 
was  prohmged  for  several  years,  until  the  peace 
of  Sitvatorok  [November  11,  lOOtlJ  in  the  reign 
of  Mahomet's  successor.  .  .  .  N(.  change  of  im- 
portaneo  was  made  In  the  territo..al  pos.sessions 
of  either  party,  excei)t  that  the  Prince  of  Transyl- 
vania was  admitted  as  party  to  the  treaty,  and 
that  province  became  to  some  extent,  thougli  not 
entirelv,  independent  of  tho  Ottoman  Emi)ire." 
— 8ir  b.  8.  Creasy,  Hist,  of  the  Ottonuin  Turks, 
eh.  13. 

A.  D.  1606-1660.  — The  Pacification  of  Vi- 
.;nna.  —  Gabriel  Bethlem  of  Transylvania  and 
!;he  Bohemian  revolt. — Participation  and  ex- 
perience in  the  Thirty  Years  War. — In  KiOO, 
the  Archduke  Mathias  —  who  had  lately  been 
appointed  to  the  governorship  of  Hungary,  and 
who  had  been  acknowledged,  by  a  secret  com- 
pact among  the  members  oif  the  Hapsburg  family 
as  the  head  of  their  House  —  arranged  the  terms 
of  a  peace  with  Botskai.  This  treaty,  called  the 
"Pacification  of  Vienna,"  restored  the  religious 
toleration  that  had  been  practised  by  Ferdinand 
and  3Iaximiliun;  provided  that  Mathias  should 
be  lieutenant-general  of  the  kingdom;  gave  to 


1677 


HUNGAKY,  1600-1000, 


77.8  Thirtu  Years 
fi'ar. 


IIUNGAUY,  1000-1660. 


Botskal  the  Utlc  «!  I'rincc  of  Trnusylvania  nnd 
part  of  lliiugiiry;  (iiid  stipulntt'd  Hint  on  llie 
failure  of  Ills  male  issue  these  territories  slioulil 
revert  to  tlie  House  of  Austria.  "  This  treaty, 
at  last,  restored  ])eace  to  Hungary,  but  at  the 
expense  of  liur  unity  and  independence.  8ome 
Idea  may  be  formed  of  the  state  of  weakness  nnd 
lassitude  to  whleli  these  long  wars  had  reduced 
the  country  .  .  .  by  a  statement  of  the  divisions 
into  which  it  had  been  split  up  bv  the  various 
factions.  Hungary,  with  Croatia,  Sclavonia, 
and  the  frontiers,  was  tlieu  reckoneil  to  cover  an 
area  of  4,437  square  miles,  and  Transylvania  one 
of  786.  Of  these  5,103  nules,  Turkey  posse.s.sed 
1,850;  Botskai  in  Hungary  1,340,  in  Transylva- 
nia 730=2,  OHO ;  and  Austria  only  1,223.  Dotskai 
died  in  1000,  an<l  was  succeeded  by  Sigismond 
Knkoczl,  who,  iiowever,  soon  andicated  in  favour 
of  Gabriel  IJathori."  At  this  time  the  plans  of 
tlio  Austrian  family  for  taking  the  reins  of 
power  out  of  the  feeble  ar  J  careless  hands  of  the 
Emperor  Rodolph,  and  giving  tliem  to  his  more 
energetic  brother,  the  Archduke  Matliias,  came 
to  a  head  (see  Geumant:  A.  D.  1550-1000). 
JIathias  "marched  into  Bohemia':  and  Rodolph, 
after  a  feeble  resistance,  found  himself  aban- 
doned by  all  his  supporters,  and  compelled  to 
resign  into  the  hands  of  Mathias  Hungary,  Aus- 
tria and  Jloravia,  and  to  guarantee  to  him  the 
succession  to  the  crown  of  Bohemia ;  Mathias  in 
the  meantime  bearing  the  title  of  king  elect  of 
that  kingdom,  with  the  consent  of  the  states. 
Rodolph  at  the  same  time  delivered  up  the  Hun- 
garian regalia,  which  for  some  time  past  had 
been  kept  at  Prague."  Before  Ills  coronation, 
Mathias  was  required  by  tlie  Hungarian  diet  to 
sign  a  compact,  guaranteeing  religious  liberty; 
stipulating  that  the  Hungarii'n  Chamber  of  Fi- 
nances should  be  independent  of  that  of  Austria, 
that  all  offices  and  employments  should  be  filled 
by  natives,  and  that  the  JesuitH  should  possess 
no  real  property  in  the  country.  The  peace  of  the 
country  was  soon  disturbed  by  another  revolu- 
tion in  Transylvania.  "Gabriel  Bathorl,  who 
had  succeeded  Sigismond  Bathorl  on  the  throne 
of  the  principality,  had  suffered  his  licentious- 
ness to  tempt  him  into  insulting  the  wives  of 
some  of  the  nobles,  who  instantly  fell  upon  him 
and  murdered  him;  and  in  his  place  Gabriel 
Bethlera,  a  brave  warrior  and  an  able  statesman, 
was  unanimously  elected,  with  the  consent  and 
approbation  of  the  sultan.  Under  his  govern- 
ment his  dominions  enjoyed  a  full  measure  of 
peace  and  tranquillity,  and  began  to  recover  from 
the  horrible  devastations  of  preceding  years.  He 
did  not,  however,  assume  his  dignity  without 
dispute.  Transylvania  had  been  secured  to  tlie 
house  of  Austria  on  the  death  of  Botskai,  by  the 
Pacification  of  Vienna,  and  Mathias  was,  of 
course,  now  anxious  to  enforce  his  rights,  and  lie 
considered  the  present  opportunity  (1617)  favour- 
able, as  the  Turks  were  engaged  in  wars  on  the 
side  of  Asia  and  Poland.  He  therefore  sum- 
moned a  diet  of  the  empire,  to  the  throne  of 
which  he  had  succeeded  in  1013  by  the  death  of 
Rodolph.  .  .  .  But  the  diet  refused  all  aid,"  and 
he  was  forced  to  conclude  a  peace  with  the  sultan 
for  the  further  period  of  twenty  years.  "No 
mention  being  made  in  it  of  Transylvania,  the 
rights  of  Gabriel  Bethlem  -vere  thus  tacitly  rec- 
ognised. Jlathias  died  soon  after,  in  1019, 
leaving  his  crown  to  his  cousin,  Ferdinand  H." 
Then  followed  the  renewed  attempt  of  an  im- 


perial bigot  to  crush  Protestantism  in  his  domin- 
ions, and  the  Bohemian  revolt  (see  Bohemia: 
A.  I).  1011-1018)  which  kindled  the  (lames  of  tlio 
"Thirty  Years  War."  Hungary  and  Transyl- 
v..n;a  were  in  sympathy  witli  Bohemia.  "Ga- 
briel Bethlem  entered  Hungary,  in  answer  to  the 
call  of  the  Protestants  of  that  country,  at  the 
head  of  a  large  army  —  took  Cassau,  Tienian, 
Newhascl,  disjierscd  the  imi)crial  forces  uniler 
Homonai,  sent  18,000  men  to  enforce  Count 
Tliurn,  got  possession  of  Presburg  by  treachery, 
nnd  seized  upon  the  regalia. "  The  cause  of  the 
Bohemians  was  lost  at  the  battle  of  the  WIdte 
Mountain,  before  Prague;  but  "Gabriel  Beth- 
lem for  a  long  time  supported  the  p/estigo 
acijuired  by  his  earlier  successes.  Ho  was  pro- 
claimed king  of  Hungary,  and  obtained  consider- 
able advantages  over  two  generals  of  ability  and 
reputation."  But  a  treaty  of  peace  was  cim- 
cluded  at  lengtli,  according  to  which  Gabriel 
surrendered  tlie  crown  and  royal  title,  receiving 
the  duchies  cf  Oppeien  and  Ratibor  in  Silesia, 
and  seven  counties  of  Hungary,  together  with 
Cassau,  Tokay,  and  other  towns.  Ferdinand 
promised  coni])lete  toleration  to  the  Protestants, 
but  was  not  faithful  to  his  promise,  and  w'ar  waa 
soon  resumed.  Bethlem  "collected  an  army  of 
45,000  men,  joi;  ,'d  his  forces  with  those  of  Mans- 
feldt,  the  general  of  the  confederacy  [the  Protes- 
tant Union],  after  his  victory  over  the  imperial- 
ists at  Pre.sburg;  and  at  the  same  time  the 
Bashaw  of  Buda  entered  Lower  Hungary  at  the 
head  of  a  large  force,  captured  various  fortresses 
in  the  district  of  Gran,  and  laid  siege  to  Novi- 
grad.  They  were  opposed  by  two  able  generals, 
the  famous  Wallenstein  and  Swartzemberg, 
but  without  checking  their  progress.  Wallen- 
stein, however,  followed  Mansfeldt  into  Hun- 
gary, where  the  two  armies  remained  for  some 
time  Inactive  in  the  presence  of  one  another;  but 
famine,  disease,  and  the  approach  of  winter  at 
last  brought  the  contest  to  a  close.  The  king  of 
Denmark  had  been  defeated,  ond  Gabriel  Beth- 
lem began  to  fear  that  the  whole  force  of  the 
Austrians  would  now  bo  directed  against  liiin, 
nnd  concluded  a  truce.  The  bashaw  of  Buda 
feared  the  winter,  and  followed  his  example ;  and 
!Mansfeldt,  finding  himself  thus  abandoned,  dis- 
banded his  soldiers  [see  Geu.many:  A.  D.  1624- 
1636].  .  .  .  The  treaty  of  peace  was  again  re- 
newed, the  truce  with  the  Turks  prolonged." 
Gabriel  Bethlem,  or  Bethlem  Gabor,  died  in  1629. 
"  Tlie  Transylvaniaus  elected  George  Rakotskito 
fill  his  place,  and  during  nearly  four  years  Hun- 
gary and  Transylvania  enjoyed  the  blessings  of 
peace."  Then  they  were  again  disturbed  by 
attempts  of  Ferdinand  to  reduce  Transylvania  to 
the  state  of  an  Austrian  province,  and  by  hostile 
measures  against  the  Protestants.  The  latter 
continued  after  the  death  of  Ferdinand  II.  (1637), 
and  under  Iiis  son  Ferdinand  HI.  Rakotski  in- 
spired an  insurrection  of  tlie  Hungarians  which 
became  formidable,  and  which,  joining  in  alli- 
ance with  the  Swedes,  then  warring  in  Germany, 
extorted  from  the  emperor  a  very  favorable 
treaty  of  peace  (1647).  "At  the  same  time  Fer- 
dinand caused  his  son  of  tlie  same  name,  and  elder 
brothCi  of  Leopold,  to  be  elected  and  crowned 
king.  During  his  short  reign,  the  country  was 
traucjuil ;  but  in  1054  he  died,  leaving  his  rights 
to  Leopold.  The  reign  of  Leopold  [1055-1007] 
was  a  period  which  witnessed  events  more  im- 
portant to  Hungary  than  any  which  preceded  it, 


1678 


HUNGARY,  1000-1000. 


BattU 
0/  St.  aothard. 


HUNGARY,  1008-1083. 


or  Imve  followed  it,  savo  only  the  revolutionary 
yeiirs,  1848  iiiul  1849.  Xo  iiioiiiircli  of  llie  lioiiso 
of  Austriii  liiul  evor  niaile  so  (iL'tcrinincd  uttiiclis 
upon  Ilunfe'urian  liberty,  and  to  none  did  tliu 
Hungirians  oppose  a  l)raver  ami  more  strenuous 
resistauce.  Notliing  was  left  untried  on  tlie  one 
side  to  overtlirow  tlie  constitution ;  iiotliiag  was 
left  untried  on  tlie  otlier  to  upliold  and  defend 
it."— E.  L.  Godliin,  Hist,  of  Jliiiii/ari/,  ch.  1,5-17. 
A.  D.  1660-1664. — Turlcish  attacks  on  Upper 
Hungary.— The  battle  of  St.  Gothard.— Liber- 
ation of  Transylvania. — A  twenty  years  truce. 
— "Hostilities  liad  recommenced,  in  1000,  be- 
tween tlie  Ottoman  empire  and  Austria,  on  ac- 
count of  Transylvania.  Tlic  Turli  was  suzeniiu 
of  Transylvania,  and  directly  lield  Duda  and  tlie 
I)art  of  Hungary  on  tlio  west  and  soutli  of  tlie 
l)anube,  i)rojecting  Hive  a  wedge  between  Upper 
Hungary,  Styria,  and  Vienna.  George  Haiioczi, 
Prince  of  Transylvania,  liaving  perished  in  com- 
bat against  tlie  Sultan,  liis  suzerain,  tlie  Turlts 
had  pursued  tlie  House  of  Ralioezi  into  the  do- 
mains wliicli  it  possessed  in  Upper  Hungary. 
Tlie  Raltoczis,  and  the  new  prince  elected  by  the 
Trausylvanians,  Keineni,  involfed  tlie  aid  of  tlie 
emperor.  Tlie  Italian,  Montecuculi,  tlie  greatest 
military  chieftain  in  the  service  of  tlio  House  of 
Austria,  expelled  ''o  Turlis  from  a  part  of 
Transylvania,  but  oould  not  maintain  himself 
tliere;  Kemeni  was  killed  in  a  skirmish.  The 
Turks  installed  their  protege,  Michael  AbafB,  in 
his  place,  and  rem.  .ved  their  attacks  against 
Upper  Hungary  (1001-1002).  Tlie  secret  of  tliese 
alternations  lay  in  the  state  of  feeling  of  tlie 
Hungarians  and  Trausylvanians,  wlio,  continu- 
ally divided  between  two  oppressors,  the  Turk 
and  tlie  Austrian,  and  too  weali  to  rid  themselves 
of  cither,  always  preferred  the  absent  to  the 
present  master.  .  .  .  Religious  distrust  also  com- 
plicated political  distrust ;  Protestantism,  crushed 
in  Bohemia,  remained  powerful  and  irritated  in 
Hungary.  Tlio  emperor  demanded  tlie  pssis- 
tance  of  the  Germanic  Diet  and  all  the  Christian 
states  against  the  enemy  of  Christianity.  .  .  . 
Louis  XIV.,  at  the  first  request  of  Leopold,  sup- 
ported by  tlie  Pope,  replied  by  offers  so  magnifi- 
cent that  they  appalled  tlie  Emperor.  Louis 
proposed  not  less  tlian  00,000  auxiliaries,  half  to 
be  furnished  by  France,  half  by  the  Alliance  of 
tlie  Rhine ;  that  is,  by  tlie  confederates  of  France 
in  Germany.  .  .  .  The  Emperor  .  .  .  would 
have  gladly  been  able  to  dispense  witli  the  aid 
of  Franco  and  his  confederates;  but  the  more 
pressing  danger  prevailed  over  the  more  remote. 
Tlie  Turks  had  made  a  great  effort  during  tlie 
summer  of  1063.  The  second  of  the  Kiouproug- 
lis,  the  Vizier  Achmet,  taking  Austrian  Hungary 
in  the  rear,  had  crossed  the  Danube  at  Buda  with 
100,000  fighting  men,  invaded  tlie  country  be- 
tween the  Danube  and  '  the  Carpatliians,  and 
liurled  his  Tartars  to  tlie  doors  of  Presburg  and 
OlinUtz.  Jlontecuculi  had  with  great  ditHculty 
been  able  to  maintain  himself  on  the  island  of 
SclilUt,  a  species  of  vast  intrenched  camp  formed 
by  nature  in  front  of  Presburg  and  Vienna.  The 
fortified  towns  of  Upper  Hungary  fell  one  after 
another,  and  tlie  Germanic  Diet,  which  Leopold 
liad  gone  to  Ratisbon  to  meet,  replied  with 
maddening  dilatoriness  to  tlie  urgent  entreaties 
of  tlie  head  of  tlie  Empire.  Tlie  Diet  voted  no 
effective  aid  until  February,  1004;  but  the  Alli- 
ance of  tlie  Rliine,  in  particulur,  had  already  ac- 
corded 0,500  soldiers,  on  condition  that  the  Diet 


sliould  decide,  before  separating,  certain  ques- 
tions relative  to  tlie  interpretation  of  the  Treaty 
of  Westjilialia.  Tlie  I'one,  Spain,  and  tlie  Italian 
States  furuislied  subsidies.  Louis  persisted  in 
offering  notliing  liut  soldiers,  and  Leopold  re- 
signed himself  to  accept  0,000  Frenclimen.  He 
liad  no  reason  to  reiient  it.  .  .  .  When  the  junc- 
tion was  elfectul  [July,  1004],  tiie  position  of 
the  Imperialists  was  one  of  great  peril.  They 
liad  resumed  the  offensive  on  tlie  south  of  the 
Danube  in  the  beginning  of  the  year;  but  this 
diversion,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  Montecueuli, 
had  succeeded  ill.  The  Grand  Vizier  had  re- 
pulsed them,  and,  after  carrying  back  liis  prin- 
cipal forces  to  the  riglit  bank  of  the  Danube, 
threatened  to  force  the  passage  of  the  Ruab  and 
invade  Styria  and  Austria.  Tlie  Confederate 
army  was  in  a  condition  to  stand  the  shock  just 
at  the  decisive  inoment.  An  attempt  of  the 
Turks  to  cross  the  Raab  at  the  bridge  of  Ker- 
nient  was  repulsed  by  COligiii  [commanding  the 
French],  .July  20,  1064.  The  Grand  Vizier  reas- 
cended  tlie  ijaab  to  St.  Gothard,  where  were  the 
headquarters  of  the  Confederates,  and,  on  Au- 
gust 1,  the  attack  was  made  by  all  tlio  JIussul- 
mau  forces.  The  janizaries  and  spaliis  crossed 
the  river  and  overthrew  the  troops  of  the  Diet 
and  a  part  of  the  Imperial  regiments;  the  Ger- 
mans rallied,  but  tlie  Turks  were  continually  re- 
inforced, and  the  whole  Mussulman  army  was 
soon  found  united  on  the  other  side  of  tlie  Raab. 
The  battle  seemed  lost,  when  the  French  moved. 
It  is  said  that  Achmet  Kiouprougli,  on  seeing 
the  young  noblemen  pour  forth,  with  their  uni- 
forms decked  with  ribbons,  and  tlieir  blond  pe- 
rukes, asked,  '  Who  are  tliese  maidens  ? '  The 
'maidens'  broke  the  terrible  janiTaries  at  tlie 
fui)t  shock ;  the  nia.ss  of  the  Turkish  army  paused 
and  recoiled  on  itself;  the  Confederate  army,  re- 
animated by  the  example  of  the  French,  rushed 
forward  and  charged  on  the  whole  line;  the 
Turks  fell  back,  at  first  slowly,  their  faces  to- 
wards the  enemy,  then  lost  footing  and  fled  pre- 
cipitately to  the  river  to  recross  it  under  the  fli  e  of 
the  Christians ;  they  filled  it  with  their  corpses. 
The  fatigue  of  the  troops,  the  night  that  super- 
vened, tlie  waters  of  the  Raab,  swelled  the  next 
day  by  a  storm,  and  above  all  the  lack  of  har- 
mony among  the  generals,  prevented  the  immedi- 
ate pursuit  of  the  Turks,  who  liad  rallied  on  the 
opposite  bank  of  tlie  river  and  had  preserved  the 
best  part  of  their  cavalry.  It  was  expected, 
nevertheless,  to  see  them  expelled  from  all  Hun- 
gary, when  it  was  learned  with  astonisliment  that 
Leo.iold  had  hastened  to  treat,  witliout  the  ap- 
probation of  the  Hungarian  Diet,  on  conditions 
such  that  he  seemed  the  conquered  ratlier  than 
the  conqueror.  A  twenty  years'  truce  was  signed, 
August  10,  in  the  camp  of  the  Grand  Vizier. 
Transylvania  became  again  indepeudeat  under 
its  elective  princes,  but  tlic  protege  of  the  Turks, 
Abafll,  kept  his  principality ;  the  Turks  retained 
the  two  chief  towns  which  they  had  conquered 
in  Upper  Hungary,  and  the  Emperor  made  the 
Sultan  a  'present,'  that  is,  he  paid  him  200, (KX) 
Uorins  tribut«." — H.  Martin,  Hist,  of  France- 
Age  of  Louis  XIV.,  V.  1,  c/i.  4. 

Also  ix:  W.  Coxe,  Hist,  of  the  Houte  of  Aus- 
tria, ch.  02  (ii.  2). 

A.  D.  1668-1683. — Increased  religious  perse- 
cution and  Austrian  oppression.— Tekeli's  re- 
volt.—  The  Turks  again  called  in. —  Kara 
Mustapha's    great    invasion    and    siege    of 


1679 


HUNGARY,  1668-1C83. 


Sobicnkt'f  fleUrerance 
vf  Viennn. 


HUNGARY,  1668-1683. 


Vienna.— Deliverance  of  the  city  by  John  So- 
bieski.—  In  llimj;iiry,  "thf  iliHconlcnl  cimscd 
by  llic  oppressive  (Jovprniiicnt  and  the  faualical 
piTKccutioii  (if  I'mtt'stantisni  by  tlit-  Austrian 
Ciibinc't  liad  gone  (in  incrciising.  At  lengtli, 
the  Austrian  (l(iniinati(in  Iiad  rendered  itself 
thoroughly  odious  to  tlie  Hungarians.  To  liin- 
der  tlic  i)rogress  of  Protcsfantisni,  tlie  Kniperor 
Leopold,  in  tlie  excess  of  his  Catliolic  zeal,  sent 
to  the  galleys  a  great  number  of  preachers  and 
ministers;  and  to  all  the  evils  of  religious  perse- 
cution were  added  the  violence  and  (ievastations 
of  the  generals  and  the  German  administrators, 
who  treated  Hungary  as  a  conquered  province. 
The  Hungarians  in  vain  invoked  the  cliarters 
which  con.secniled  their  national  liberties.  To 
their  most  legitimate  complaints  Leopohl  replied 
by  the  intliction  of  ])\iuishments;  lie  spareil  not 
even  the  families  of  tlie  most  illustrious;  several 
magnates  jierished  by  the  hands  of  the  execu- 
tioner. Such  oppression  was  certain  to  bring 
about  a  revolt.  In  1668  n  conspirai.-y  had  been 
formed  against  Leopold  by  certair  Hungarian 
leaders,  which,  liowever,  was  discovered  and 
frustrated;  and  it  was  not  till  1077,  when  the 

?oung  Count  Emmerich  Tekeli,  I.aving  escaped 
rom  pri.son,  placed  himself  at  the  heiul  of  the 
malcontents,  that  these  disturbances  assumed  any 
formidable  imporiancc.  .  .  .  Tekeli,  who  pos- 
sessed much  military  talent,  and  was  an  uncom- 
promi.sing  enemy  of  the  House  of  Austria,  hav- 
ing entered  Upper  Hungary  with  13,000  men, 
defeated  the  Imperial  forces,  captured  several 
towns,  occupied  tlie  whole  di.ttrict  of  the  Car- 
pathian Mountains,  and  compelled  the  Austrian 
generals.  Counts  Wurmb  and  Leslie,  to  accept 
the  truce  he  oiTered."  Li  16&1  the  Emperor 
made  some  concessions,  which  weakened  tlie 
party  of  independence,  while,  at  the  same  time, 
the  Peace  of  Nimeguen,  with  France,  allowed  the 
House  of  Austria  to  employ  all  its  forces  against 
the  reiiels.  "  In  this  conjuncture  Tekeli  turned 
for  aid  towards  tlic  Turks,  making  an  appeal  to 
MalKmiet  IV. ;  and  after  the  conclusion  of  the 
Turkish  and  Russian  war  in  1681,  Kara  Jlustapha 
[the  Grand  Vizier]  determined  to  assist  the  in- 
surgents openly,  their  leader  olleriug,  in  ex- 
change, to  acknowledge  the  suzerainty  of  the 
Porte.  Tekeli  sought  also  succour  from  France. 
Louis  XIV.  gave  him  subsidies,  solicited  the 
Sultjtn  to  scnti  an  army  into  Hungary,  and  caused 
an  alliance  between  the  Hungarians,  Transylva- 
nians,  and  AVallaehians  to  be  concluded  against 
Austria  (1682).  The  truce  concluded  in  1665  be- 
tween Austria  and  Turkey  had  not  yet  expired," 
but  the  Sultan  was  persuaded  to  break  it.  "Tlie 
Governor  of  Huda  received  orders  to  support 
Tekeli,  who  took  the  title  of  King.  .  .  .  Early 
in  the  spring  of  1683  Sultan  JIahomet  marched 
forth  from  his  capital  with  a  large  army,  which 
at  Belgrade  he  transferred  to  tiie  command  of 
Kara  Mi;staplia.  Tekeli  formed  a  junction  with 
the  Turks  at  Essek."— 8.  Jlenzies,  Turkey,  Old 
and  Seir,  hk.  2,  ch.  9,  met.  3  (f.  1).—"  The  strengtli 
of  the  regular  forces,  which  Kara  Mustapha  led 
to  Vienna,  is  known  from  the  muster-roll  which 
was  found  in  his  tent  af  Uir  the  siege.  It  amounted 
to  275,000  men.  The  attendants  and  camp-fol- 
lowers cannot  be  reckoned ;  nor  can  any  but  an 
approximate  speculation  be  made  as  to  the  num- 
Ikt  of  the  Tartar  and  other  irregula'-  ♦  ,  s  that 
joined  tlie  Vizier.  It  is  probable  .  ..ot  less 
than  half  a  million  of  men  Avere  set  in  motion  In 


this  la.st  great  aggressive  elTort  of  the  Ottomans 
against  Christendom.  Tlie  Emperor  Leopold 
had  neither  men  nor  money  sulllcient  to  enable 
him  to  confront  such  a  deluge  of  invasion;  and, 
after  many  abject  entreaties,  he  obtained  a 
jiromise  of  lielp  from  King  Sobieski  of  Poland, 
whom  he  had  previously  treated  with  contumely 

and  neglect The  Turkish  army  proceedeil 

along  the  western  side  of  the  Danube  from  Bel- 
grade, and  reached  Vienna  without  experiencing 
any  serious  cheek,  though  a  gallant  resist -u(;e 
was  made  by  some  of  the  strong  places  wliicli  it 
besieged  during  its  advance.  The  city  of  Vienna 
was  garrisoned  by  11,000  men  under  Count 
Staliremlierg,  who  proved  himself  a  worthy  suc- 
cessor of  the  Count  Salni,  who  had  fulfilled  the 
same  duty  when  the  city  was  besieged  by  Sultan 
Solyman.  The  second  siege  of  Vienna  lasted 
from  the  IStli  July  to  the  12tli  September,  1683, 
during  which  the  most  devoted  lieroism  was  dis- 
lilayed  by  both  the  garrison  and  the  inhabitants. 
.  .  .  The  garrison  was  gradually  wasted  by  the 
numerous  assaults  which  it  was  called  on  to  rc- 
jnilse,  and  in  the  fre(iuent  sorties,  by  whicli  the 
Austrian  commander  sought  to  impede  the  jirog- 
less  of  the  besiegers.  Kara  Mustapha,  at  the 
end  of  August,  had  it  in  his  power  to  carry  the 
city  by  storm,  if  he  had  tliought  fit  to  employ 
his  vast  forces  in  a  general  assault,  and  to  con- 
tinue it  from  day  to  day,  as  Amurath  IV.  had 
done  when  Bagdad  fell.  But  the  Vizier  kept  the 
Turkish  troops  back  out  of  avarice,  in  the  hope 
that  the  city  would  come  into  his  power  by 
capitulation;  in  which  case  he  would  himself  be 
enriched  by  the  wealth  of  Vienna,  which,  if  the 
city  were  taken  by  storm,  would  become  the 
booty  of  the  soldiery.  .  .  .  Sobieski  had  been  un- 
able to  assemble  his  troops  before  the  end  of 
August ;  and,  even  then,  they  only  amounted  to 
20,000  men.  But  he  was  joined  by  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine  and  some  of  the  German  commanders, 
who  were  ut  tlie  head  of  a  considerable  army, 
and  the  Polisli  King  crossed  the  Danube  at 
Tulm,  above  Vienna,  with  about  70,000  men. 
He  then  wheeled  round  behind  the  Kaleniberg 
^lountains  to  the  north-west  of  Vienna,  witli  the 
design  of  taking  the  besiegers  in  the  rear.  The 
Vizier  took  no  heed  of  him ;  nor  was  any  opposi- 
tion made  to  the  progress  of  the  relieving  army 
through  the  diillcult  country  which  it  was  obliged 
to  traverse.  On  the  11th  of  September  the  Poles 
were  on  the  summit  of  the  Mount  Kalemberg," 
overlooking  the  vast  encampment  of  the  besiegers. 
Sobieski  "saw  instantly  the  Vizier's  want  of 
military  skill,  and  the  exposure  of  the  long  lines 
of  the  Ottoman  camp  to  a  sudden  and  fatal  at- 
tack. '  This  man,'  said  he,  '  is  badly  encamped: 
he  knows  nothing  of  war;  we  shall  certainly  beat 
him.'.  .  .  The  ground  through  which  Sobieski 
had  to  move  down  ffom  the  Kalemberg  was 
broken  by  ravines ;  and  was  so  diillcult  for  the 
passage-of  the  troops  that  Kara  Mustapha  might, 
by  an  able  disposition  of  part  of  his  forces,  have 
long  kept  the  Poles  in  check,  especially  as  So- 
bieski, in  his  hasty  march,  hod  brought  but  a 
small  part  of  his  artillery  to  the  scene  of  action. 
But  the  Vizier  displayed  the  same  infatuation 
ond  imbecility  that  had  marked  his  conduct 
tliroughout  the  campaign.  .  .  .  Unwilling  to 
resign  Vienna,  !Mustapha  left  the  chief  part  of 
his  Janissary  force  in  the  trenches  before  the 
city,  and  led  the  rest  of  his  anny  towards  the 
hills,  down  which  Sobieski  and  Ins  troops  were 


1680 


HUNGARY,  1668-1683. 


The  Crown  made 
hcrcttitary. 


HUNOAKY,  1683-1609. 


ndvnncinp.  In  some  parts  of  tlic  field,  wIrtp  tlio 
Turks  Im(i  piirtiftlly  intrenched  the  ronds,  their 
resistiince  to  the  Christians  was  obstinate;  hut 
Sobieski  led  on  his  best  troops  in  person  in  a 
direct  lino  for  the  Ottoman  centre,  where  the 
Vizier's  t<!nt  was  conspicuous;  and  the  terrible 
presence  of  the  victor  of  Khoczim  was  soon 
recognised.  '  By  Allah !  the  King  is  really  among 
us,'  t'.xclaimed  the  Khan  of  the  Crimea,  Sclini 
Gliirai;  and  turned  his  horse's  head  for  (light. 
The  mass  of  the  Ottoman  army  broke  and  fled  in 
liopeless  rout,  hurrying  Kara  JIustnpha  with 
them  frotn  the  field.  The  .lanissuries,  who  had 
been  left  in  the  trenches  beforu  the  city,  were 
now  attacked  both  by  the  gi'rrison  and  Mio  Poles 
^  and  were  out  to  pieces.  The  camp,  tiie  whole 
"  artillery,  and  tlie  military  stores  of  the  Ottomans 
became  the  spoil  of  the  conquerors;  and  never 
was  there  a  victory  more  complete,  or  signalised 
by  more  splendid  trophies.  The  Turks  con- 
tinued their  panic  flight  as  far  as  Kaab.  .  .  . 
"The  great  destruction  of  the  Turks  before  Vienna 
was  rapturously  hailed  throughout  Christendom 
as  the  announcement  of  the  approaching  downfall 
of  the  Mahometan  Empire  in  Europe."— Sir  E.  8. 
Creosy,  Hist,  of  the  Ottoman  Turks,  eh.  16. — "It 
was  cold  comfort  to  the  inhabitants  of  Vienna, 
or  to  the  King  of  Poland,  to  know  that  even  if 
St.  '  iihen's  had  shared  the  fate  of  St.  Sophia 
and  ome  a  mosque  of  Allah,  and  if  the  Polish 
standards  had  been  borne  in  triumph  to  the  Bos- 
phorus,  yet  that,  nevertheless,  the  undisciplined 
Ottomans  would  infallibly  have  been  scattered 
by  French,  German  and  Swedish  armies  on  the 
fields  of  Bavaria  or  of  Saxony.  Vienna  would 
have  been  sacked;  Poland  would  have  been  a 
prey  to  internal  anarchy  and  to  Tartar  inva.sion. 
The  ultimate  triumph  of  their  cause  would  have 
consoled  few  for  their  individual  destruction. 
...  So  cool  and  experienced  a  diplomatist  as 
Sir  William  Temple  did  indeed  believe,  at  the 
time,  that  the  fall  of  Vienna  would  have  been 
followed  by  a  great  and  permanent  increase  of 
Turkisli  power.  Putting  tliis  aside,  however, 
there  were  other  reaults  likely  to  spring  from 
Turkish  success.  The  Turks  constantly  maui;  .■> 
powerful  diversion  in  i.ivour  i^.  France  and  her 
ambitious  designs.  Turkish  victories  upon  the 
one  side  of  Germany  meant  successful  French 
aggressions  upon  the  other,  and  Turkish  schemes 
were  promoted  with  that  object  by  the  French. 
.  .  .  '  If  France  would  but  stand  neutral,  the  con- 
troversy between  Turks  and  Christians  might 
soon  be  decided,'  says  the  Duke  of  Lorraine. 
But  France  would  not  stand  neutral." — II.  E. 
JIalden,  Vienna,  1683,  ch.  1. 

Also  in:  G.  B.  Malleson,  Tlic  Battle- Fields  of 
Qermany,  ch.  9. 

A.  D.  1683-1687.— End  of  the  insurrection 
of  Tekeli. — Bloody  vengeance  of  the  Austrian. 
— The  crown  made  hereditary  in  the  House  of 
Hapsbure.—  The  defeat  of  the  Turks  was  like- 
wise a  defeat  for  the  insurgent  Tekeli,  or  TOkOli, 
"  whom  they  called  the  king  of  the  Kurucz,  and 
after  it  he  found  himself  reduced  to  guerilla 
warfare.  The  victory  over  the  Turks  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  capture  of  some  of  the  chief 
Magyar  towns  .  .  .  and  in  the  end  [1686]  Buda 
itself,  which  was  at  last  recovered  after  so  long 
an  occupation.  .  .  .  Kara  Mustapha  attrlLuted 
his  defeat  to  TOkOH,  and  had  his  former  ally 
arrested  and  imprisoned  in  Belgrade.  His  cap- 
tivity put  an  end  to  the  party  of  the  king  of  the 


Kuiucz.  .  .  .  An  amnesty  was  proclaimc<l  and 
inuncdiately  afterwards  violated,  the  Italian  gen- 
eral, CaralTa,  becoming  the  merciless  exec\itioner 
of  imperial  vengeance,  lie  established  a  court 
at  Eperjes,  and  tlie  horrors  of  this  tribunal  recall 
the  most  atrocious  deeds  of  the  Spaniards  in  the 
Low  Countries.  .  .  .  After  having  terrorized 
Hungary,  Leopold  thought  he  had  the  right  to 
expect  every  sort  of  concession.  Notwithstand- 
ing persecution,  up  to  this  date  the  monarchy 
had  remained  elective.  He  was  determined  ft 
shoidd  now  become  hereditary ;  and  the  diet  of 
1087,  in  conformity  with  the  wishes  of  the  sov- 
ereign, made  the  crown  hereditary  in  the  male 
line  of  the  house  of  Habsburg." —  L.  Leger,  Ilitt. 
of  Austro-Ifitngun/,  ch.  20. 

A.  D.  1683-1699.— Expulsion  of  the  Turks. 
— Battle  of  Zenta. —  Peace  of  Carlowitz. — 
After  the  great  defeat  of  the  Turks  before 
Vienna,  their  expulsion  from  Hungary  was  only 
a  question  of  time.  It  began  the  same  autumn, 
in  October,  by  the  taking  of  Gran.  In  1084,  the 
Imperialists  under  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  captured 
Visegrad  and  Waitzen,  but  failed  in  a  siege  of 
Ofen,  although  they  defeated  a  Turkish  army 
>ent  to  its  relief  in  July.  In  1685  they  took 
Neuhilusel  by  storm,  and  drove  the  Turks  from 
Gran,  which  these  latter  had  undertaken  to  re- 
cover. Next  year  they  laid  siege  again  to  Ofen, 
investing  the  city  on  the  21st  of  June  and  carry- 
ing it  by  a  final  assault  on  the  2d  of  September. 
"Ofen,  after  having  been  held  by  the  Porte,  and 
regarded  as  the  third  city  in  the  Ottoman  Empire, 
for  145  years,  was  restored  to  the  sway  of  the 
Habsburgs."  Before  the  year  closed  the  Aus- 
trians  had  acquired  Szegedin,  and  several  lesser 
tjwns.  The  great  event  of  the  campaign  of 
1687  was  a  battle  on  the  field  of  Jlohacs,  where, 
in  1526,  the  Turks  became  actual  masters  of 
Hungary,  for  the  most  p;  '*.  while  the  House  of 
Austria  acquired  nominally  the  right  to  its 
crown.  On  this  occasion  the  fortime  of  1520 
was  reversed.  "The  defeat  became  a  rout  as 
decisive  against  the  Tuples  as  the  earlier  battle 
on  the  same  spot  had  p.oved  to  the  Jagellons." 
Transylvania  and  Slavonia  were  occupied  as  the 
conseciuence,  and  Erlau  surrendered  before  the 
close  of  the  year.  In  1088,  what  seemed  the 
crowning  achievement  of  these  campaignr  as 
reached  in  the  recovery  of  Belgrade,  after  a  :>  _ge 
of  less  than  a  month.  A  Turkish  army  in  Bosnia 
was  destroyed ;  another  was  defeated  near  Nissa, 
and  that  city  occupied ;  and  at  the  end  of  168!) 
the  Turks  held  nothing  north  of  tlie  Danube  ex- 
oept  Temeswar  and  Grosswardein  (Great  Wara- 
dein);  while  the  Austrians  had  made  extensive 
advances,  on  the  south  of  the  river,  into  Bosnia 
and  Servia.  Then  occurred  a  great  rally  of 
Ottoman  energies,  under  an  able  Grand  Vizier. 
In  1690,  both  Nissa  and  Belgrade  were  retaken, 
and  the  Austrians  were  expelled  from  Servia. 
But  next  year  fortune  favored  the  Austrians 
once  more  and  the  Turks  were  severely  beaten, 
by  Louis  of  Baden,  on  the  field  of  Salankament. 
They  still  held  Belgrade,  however,  and  the  Aus- 
trians suffered  heavily  in  another  attempt  to  re- 
gain that  stronghold.  For  several  years  little 
progress  In  the  war  was  made  on  either  side; 
until  Prince  Eugene  of  Savoy  received  the  com- 
mand, in  1697,  and  wrought  a  speedy  change  iu 
the  military  situation.  Tlie  Sultan.  Mustapha 
II.,  had  taken  the  Turkish  command  in  person, 
"with  the  finest  army  the  Osmauli  had  raised 


1681 


HUNGARY,  lOSa-lOOO. 


Rrpulnion  iif  thv 
Turku. 


HUNGARY,  1689-1718. 


since  tlieir  (Ifleat  iit  Jlolmcs."  Prince  Eugene 
iittiieked  liiin,  September  11,  nt  Zenta,  on  tliu 
TheiHS,  and  tlestroj'ed  liis  army  almost  literally. 
"Wlientlie  l):ittle'cea»ed  about  2I),(H)()  Oamaiili 
lay  on  the  ifround;  some  10,000  had  been 
(irowned;  scarcely  1,000  had  reached  the  oppo- 
site bank.  'I'here  were  but  few  prisoners. 
Amongst  the  slain  were  the  Grand  Vizier  and 
four  other  Vi;!ier.s.  .  .  .  Uy  10  o'clock  at  night 
not  a  kimkIc  living  Osmanli  remained  ou  tlie  right 
biuikof  the  Theiss.  .  .  .  Tlie  booty  found  in  the 
''imp  8urpa.ssed  all  .  ,  .  expectations.  Every- 
'ling  liad  ')ecn  left  by  tlic  terror-stricken  Sul- 
tan. Tiiere  was  the  treasury-chest,  containing 
3,000,000  jiiastres.  .  .  .  Tiie  cost  of  these  spoils 
had  been  to  the  victors  only  300  killed  and  200 
wounded.  .  .  .  The  battle  of  ZeiitJi,  ,  .  .  re- 
garded as  part  of  the  warfare  which  had  raged 
ifor  2(X)  years  between  the  Osmanli  and  the  Im- 
perialists, .  .  .  was  the  last,  the  most  telling, 
tlie  decisive  blow."  It  was  followed  by  a  period 
of  inaction,  iluring  whicli  England  and  Holland 
undertook  to  mediate  between  the  Porte  and  its 
scvei  id  (.'hristian  enemies.  Their  mediation  re- 
sult-Hi in  the  meeting  of  a  Congress  at  Carlowitz, 
or  Iviirlowitz,  on  the  Danube,  which  was  attended 
by  representatives  of  the  Sultan,  the  Emperor, 
the  Czar  of  Russia,  the  King  of  Poland,  and  the 
rep\iblic  of  W'nice.  "  Here,  after  much  negotia- 
tion, lastin  '  seventy-two  days,  was  concluded, 
the  28th  Ju.uiary,  1099,  the  famous  Peace  of 
Carlowitz.  The  condition  tliat  each  party  should 
possess  the  territories  occupied  by  each  at  the 
moment  of  the  meeting  of  the  congress  formed 
its  basis.  By  the  treaty,  then,  the  frontier  of  Hun- 
gary, which,  when  the  war  broke  out,  extended 
only  to  within  a  short  distance  of  the  then  Turk- 
ish  towns  of  Gran  and  Neuhilusel,  was  pushed 
forward  to  within  a  short  distance  of  Temeswar 
and  Uelgrade.  Transylvania  and  the  country  of 
Bacska,  between  the  Danube  and  the  Theiss, 
were  yielded  to  the  Emperor.  To  Poland  were 
restored  Kaminictz,  Podolia,  and  the  supremacy 
over  the  lands  watered  by  the  Ukraine,  the  Porte 
receiving  from  her  in  exchange,  Soczava,  Nemos, 
and  Soroka ;  to  Venice,  wlio  renounced  the  con- 
uuests  she  had  made  in  the  gulfs  of  Corinth  and 
^gina,  part  of  the  Morea,  and  almost  all  Dalma- 
tia,  including  the  towns  of  Castelnuovo  and 
Cattaro;  to  Russia,  the  fortress  and  sea  of  Azof." 
By  the  Peace  of  Carlowitz  "the  Ottoman  Power 
lost  nearly  one-half  of  its  European  dominions, 
and  ceased  to  be  dangerous  to  Christendom. 
Never  more  would  the  discontented  magnates  of 
Hungary  be  able  to  find  a  solid  supporter  in  the 
sultan."— Q.  B.  Malleson,  Prince  Eugene  of 
Savoy,  ell.  2  and  4. 

Also  IN:  Sir  E.  S.  Creasy,  Hist,  of  the  Ottoman 
Turks,  ch.  17.— See,  also,  on  the  "Hoi',  War," 
or  War  of  the  ' '  Holy  League  "  ugainst  the  Turks, 
of  which  the  war  in  Hungary'  formed  only  a 
part,  tlie  TiuKs:  A.  D.  16«'4-lb96. 

A,  D.  1699-1718.— The  revolt  of  Rakoczy 
and  its  suppression.— The  Treaty  of  Szath- 
raar.— Recovery  of  Belgrade  and  final  expul- 
sion of  the  Turks.— Peace  of  Passarov^itz.- 
"  The  peace  of  Carlowitz,  which  disi)0sed  of  the 
Hungarian  territory  without  the  will  or  knowl- 
edge of  the  Hungarian  States,  in  utter  contempt 
of  repeatedly  confirmed  laws,  was  in  itself  a  deep 
source  of  new  discontent, —  which  was  con- 
siderably increased  by  tlie  general  policy  con- 
tinually pursued  by  the  Court  of  Vienna.     Even 


after  the  coronation  of  .Joseph  I. ,  a  prince  who, 
if  left  to  Iiim.self.  i|iiglit  have  perliaps  followed  a 
less  provoking  line  of  conduct.  Lei  1,  the  real 
master  of  Hungary,  did  not  relii  sli  his  de- 
sign of  entirely  demolishing  its  iustmitions.  .  .  , 
The  high  clergy  were  ready  to  second  any 
measure  of  the  government,  provided  they  were 
allowed  full  scope  in  their  persecutions  of  the 
Protestants.  .  .  .  Scarcely  had  three  years  passed 
since  the  peace  of  Carlowitz  was  signed,  when 
Leopold,  just  embarking  in  tlie  war  of  the  Span- 
ish succession,  saw  tlie  Hungarians  suddenly  rise 
up  as  one  man  in  arms.  .  .  .  The  head  auif  soul 
of  this  new  struggle  in  Hungary  was  Francis 
Ri  V  )czy  II.,  the  son  of  Helen  Zriiiy,  by  her  first 
husuaml,  after  the  death  of  whom  she  became 
the  wife  of  TiJkOli."  Rakoczy  entered  tlio 
country  from  Poland,  with  a  few  hundred  men, 
in  1703,  and  issued  a  proclamation  wliicli  brought 
large  numbers  to  his  support.  Tlie  Austrian 
forces  had  been  mostly  drawn  away,  by  the  war 
of  the  Spanish  succession,  into  Italy  and  to  the 
Rhine,  and  during  the  Urst  year  of  the  insurrec- 
tion the  Hungarian  patriot  liecame  master  of  the 
greater  part  of  the  couutry.  Then  there  oc- 
curred a  suspension  of  hostilities,  wliilo  the 
Englisli  government  made  a  fruitless  effort  at 
mediation.  On  the  reopening  of  warfare,  the 
Austrians  were  better  prepared  and  more  en- 
couraged by  the  circumstances  of  the  larger  con- 
test in  which  they  were  engaged ;  while  the 
Hungarians  were  correspondingly  discouraged. 
They  had  promises  of  help  from  France,  and 
France  failed  them ;  they  had  expectations  from 
Russia,  but  nothing  came  of  them.  "The  for- 
tune of  war  decidedly  turned  in  favour  of  the  im- 
perialists, in  consequence  of  wliicli  numerous 
families,  to  escape  their  fury,  left  their  abodes 
to  seek  shelter  in  the  national  camp ;  a  circum- 
stance which,  besides  clogging  the  military 
movements,  contributed  to  discouroge  the  army 
ond  spread  general  consternation."  In  1710 
Rakoczy  went  to  Poland,  where  he  was  long  ab- 
sent, soliciting  help  which  he  did  not  get.  "Bo- 
fore  his  departure,  the  chief  command  of  the 
troops  was  entrusted  to  Karoly,  who,  tired  of 
Rakoczy's  prolonged  and  useless  absence  iu 
Poland,  assembled  the  nobles  at  Szathmar,  and 
concluded,  in  1711,  a  peoce  known  as  the  Treaty 
of  Szathmar.  By  this  treaty  the  emperor  en- 
gaged to  redress  all  grievances,  civil  and  re- 
ligious, promising,  besides,  amnesty  to  all  the 
adherents  of  Rakoczy,  as  well  as  the  restitution 
of  many  properties  illegally  confiscated.  Rakoczy 
protested  from  Poland  against  the  peace  con- 
cluded by  Karoly ;  but  of  what  effect  could  be  the 
censure  and  remonstrance  of  a  leader  who,  in  the 
most  critical  emergency,  had  left  the  scene  of 
action  in  quest  of  foreign  assistance,  which,  he 
might  have  foreseen,  would  never  be  accorded. 
.  .  .  After  the  jieace  of  Szathmar,  Hungarian 
history  assumes  a  quite  different  character. "  Re- 
volts are  at  an  end  for  more  than  a  century,  and 
"Hungary,  without  producing  a  single  man  of 
note,  lay  in  a  state  of  deep  lethargy.'  In  1714, 
the  Emperor  Charles  VI.  (who,  as  King  of 
Hungary,  was  Charle*  IH.)  began  a  new  war 
against  the  Porte,  with  Prince  Eugene  again 
commanding  in  Ilungarj'.  ' '  Tlie  sultan  Achmet 
III.,  anticipating  the  design  of  the  imperial  gen- 
eral [to  concentrate  his  troops  on  the  Danube], 
marched  his  army  across  the  Save,  and,  as  will 
be  seen,  to  his  own  destriiction.     After  a  small 


1682 


HUNGARY,  1690-1718. 


of  Joseph  II. 


HUNOAUY,  1815-1844. 


success  gftlncd  by  Pnlfv,  Eugene  routed  the 
Turks  at  Peterviirdein  tAugust  13,  171CJ,  nnd 
captured  besides  uiarly  all  their  artillery.  Profit- 
ing by  the  geuerai  consternation  of  the-  Turks, 
Eugene  sent  Pulfy  and  tlie  Prince  of  W'urteni- 
berg  to  lay  Bie'jo"  to  tlio  fortress  of  Teinesvar, 
which  conunands  the  wliole  Hanat,  and  whicli 
was  surrendered  by  tlie  Turks  after  a  heavy 
siege.  By  these  reiieated  disasters  tlie  Mussul- 
mans lost  nil  confl(lence  iu  tlio  success  of  tlicir 
arms;  and  in  tlie  year  1717  they  opened  the  gates 
of  Belgrade  to  tlie  imperial  army.  Tlie  present 
campaign  paved  the  way  for  the  peace  of  Pas- 
sarowitz,  a  little  town  iu  Servia, —  a  peace  con- 
cluded between  the  Porte  and  the  Emperor  in 
J  1718.  In  virtue  of  tlie  provisions  of  this  treaty, 
,*  the  Porte  abnudoned  the  Banat,  tlie  fortress  of 
Belgrade,  and  a  part  of  Bosnia,  on  the  hither 
side  of  the  Unna,  promising  besides  tlio  free  navi- 
gation of  tlic  Danube  to  the  people  of  the  Aus- 
trian empire."  —  E.  Szabad,  Ilungnry,  Past  and 
Preneiit,  pt.  2,  eh.  o-C. 

Also  in:  L.  Felbermann,  Uimqarii  and  iU 
Piople,  ch.  4.  See,  also,  Ti;uks:  A.  1).  171-4-1718. 

A.  D.  1739. — Belgrade  restored  to  the  Turks. 
See  Russia:  A.  I).  1725-1739. 

A.  D.  1740. — The  question  of  the  Austrian 
Succession. — The  Pragmatic  Sanction.  See 
Avsrui.v:  A.  D.  1718-1738;  and  1740. 

A.  D.  1740-1741.— Beginning  of  the  War  of 
the  Austrian  Succession  :  Faithlessness  of 
Frederick  the  Great. — His  seizure  of  Silesia. 
See  Austria:  A.  D.  1740-1741. 

A.  D.  1741.— The  War  of  the  Austrian  Suc- 
cession :  Maria  Theresa's  appeal  and  the 
Magyar  response.  See  Austuia:  A.  D.  1741 
(.June — Septe.miieu). 

A.  D.  1780-1790. — Irritations  of  the  reign 
of  Joseph  II. — Illiberality  of  the  Hungarian 
nobles. — "  Tlie  reign  of  Joseph  II.  is  described 
by  the  historians  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia  as  a 
disastrous  time  for  the  two  countries.  Directly 
he  ascended  the  tlirone  he  began  to  carry  out  a 
series  of  measures  which  deeply  irritated  the 
Magyars.  With  his  philosophical  ideas,  tlie 
crown  of  Hungary  was  to  him  nothing  more  than 
a  Gothic  bauble,  and  the  privileges  of  the  nation 
only  the  miserable  remains  of  an  age  of  barbarism ; 
the  political  opinions  of  the  Hungarians  were  as 
distasteful  to  him  as  their  customs,  and  he  amused 
himself  with  ridiculing  the  long  beards  and  the 
soft  boots  of  the  great  nobles.  He  never  would 
be  crowned.  He  annoyed  the  bishops  by  his 
laws  against  convents,  while  his  tyrannical  tole- 
rance never  succeeded  In  contenting  the  Protes- 
tants. ...  On  the  7th  of  April,  1784,  he  ordered 
that  the  holy  crown  should  be  brought  to  him  in 
Vienna  and  placed  In  the  imperial  treasury.  To 
conflscate  this  symbol  of  Hungarian  indepen- 
dence was,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Magyars,  an  attempt 
at  the  suppression  of  the  nation  itself,  and  the 
affront  was  deeply  resented.  Up  to  this  time  the 
official  language  of  the  kingdom  had  been  Latin, 
a  neutral  tongue  among  the  many  languages  iu 
use  in  the  various  parts  of  Hungary.  Josepli 
believed  he  was  proving  his  liberal  principles  in 
substituting  Grcrman,  and  that  language  took  the 
place  of  Latin.  .  .  .  Joseph  II.  scon  learned  tliat 
it  is  not  wise  to  attack  the  dearest  prejudices  of  a 
nation.  The  edict  which  introduced  a  foreign 
language  was  the  signal  for  the  new  birth  of 
Magyar.  ...  At  the  time  of  Uie  deatli  of  Jo.sepli 
II.  Hungary  was  iu  a  state  of  violent  disturbauce. 


The  'comitat'  of  Pcsth  proclaimed  that  the  rule 
of  the  Ilapsburgs  was  at  an  end,  and  others 
threatened  to  do  the  saiiu-  unless  the  national  lib- 
erlii'S  were  restored  by  the  new  sovereign.  All 
united  in  demaniiing  the  convocation  of  the  diet 
in  order  that  the  long-sm)pres.sed  wishes  of  the 
people  miglit  be  heard.  The  revolutionary  wind 
which  had  passed  over  France  had  been  felt  even 
by  the  Magyars,  but  there  was  this  great  dilTer- 
enre  in  its  eifeet  upon  France  and  Hungary  — 
in  France,  ideas  of  equality  had  guided  tli<;  revo- 
lution; in  Hungary,  the  great  nobles  and  the 
S(iuirearch}'  who  form'nl  tlie  only  jiolitieal  ele- 
ment claimed,  under  the  name  of  lilierties,  privi- 
leges which  W"re  for  the  most  part  absolutely 
opposed  to  the  ideas  of  the  Revolution  of  1789. 
.  .  .  Among  the  late  reforms  only  one  hail  found 
favour  in  the  eyes  of  the  JIagyars,  nnd  that  was 
toliTation  towards  Protestants,  and  the  reason  of 
this  was  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  the  smitll 
landowners  of  Hungary  were  themselves  to  a 
large  extent  Protestant ;  yet  a  democratic  party 
was  gradually  coming  into  existence  which  np- 
jiealed  to  the  ma.sses.  .  .  .  When  France  declared 
war  against  Francis  II.  the  Magyar  nobles  showed 
themselves  quite  ready  to  support  their  sover- 
eign ;  they  asked  for  nothing  better  than  to  light 
the  revolutionary  democrats  of  Paris.  Francis 
was  crowned  very  soon  after  his  accession,  and 
was  able  to  obtain  both  men  and  money  from  the 
diet ;  but  before  loug,  the  reactionary  measures 
carried  by  Thugut  his  minister,  lost  liim  all  the 
j)opularity  which  had  greeted  him  at  the  begin- 
ning of  his  reign.  The  censorship  of  the  i)ress, 
the  employment  of  spies,  and  the  persecution 
of  the  Protestants  —  a  persecution,  however,  in 
which  the  Hungarian  Catholics  themselves  took 
an  active  part  —  all  helped  to  create  discontent." 
— L.  Leger,  Ifiit.  of  Atintro-IIunrjitri/,  ch.  23  and 
28. 

A.  D.  1 787- 1 79 1. —War  with  the  Turks.— 
Treaty  of  Sistova.  See  Turks:  A.  D.  1776- 
1792. 

A.  D.  1815-1844.— The  wakening  of  the  na- 
tional spirit.  —  Patriotic  labors  of  Szechenyi 
and  Kossuth. — "  The  battle  of  Waterloo,  iu  1815, 
put  an  end  to  the  terrible  struggle  by  which 
every  couutry  iu  Europe  had  for  twenty  years 
been  agitated.  Tlie  sovereigns  of  the  continent 
now  breathed  freely  .  .  .  and  their  first  act  was 
to  enter  into  a  league  against  their  deliverers,  to 
revoke  all  their  concessions,  and  break  all  their 
jiromiscs.  .  .  .  Tlie  most  audacious  of  all  tlioso 
who  joined  in  framing  the  Holy  Alliance  was 
the  emperor  of  Austria.  The  Hungarians  re- 
minded him,  in  1815,  of  his  repeated  promises  to 
redress  their  grievances,  while  they  were  voting 
him  men  and  money  to  defend  his  capital  against 
the  assaults  of  Napoleon.  He  could  not  deny 
the  promises,  but  he  emphatically  declined  to  ful- 
111  them.  Tliey  asked  him  to  convoke  the  diet, 
but  he  .  .  .  determined  to  dispens<!  with  it  for 
.  tlie  future.  ...  At  last  the  popular  ferment 
reached  such  a  pitch,  that  the  government  found 
it  absolutely  necessary  to  yield  the  point  in  dis- 
pute. In  1825,  Francis  I.  convoked  the  diet,  and 
from  that  moment  the  old  struggle,  which  the 
wars  with  France  had  suspended,  was  renewed. 
'.  .  .  The  session  was  .  .  .  rendered  for  ever  mem- 
orable by  an  incident,  in  itself  of  trilling  impor- 
tance, but  of  vast  significance  wlien  viewed  in  con- 
nexion with  subsequent  events.  It  was  in  It 
that  Count  Stephen  Szechenyi   made  his  first 


1683 


UUNOAUY,  lHl.5-1844. 


Sterheuffl  ami 
Kwutntti, 


IIUNOAKY,  18ir>-1844. 


snt'cch  In  till!  Magyar  liinftunge.  Tlio  life  of 
tills  i'.\lnii>r(lltmry  iimii  Is  nuirc  rcmnrkiibli'  as  an 
InstAiKc  of  what  iiia^v  be  achieved  liy  well  ili- 
rcctcd  energy,  latiourfiig  in  obedience  to  the  dic- 
tates of  i)atfiotlKni,  than  for  any  brilliant  tri- 
nniplis  of  elo<|uence  or  dlphnnacy.  .  .  .  Ilowas 
uo  grtMit  orator;  so  that  his  Inmienei'  over  the 
Magyars  — an  inllucnec  smh  as  no  private  Indi- 
vidual has  ever  accpnrcil  over  a  peopK-,  except, 
l)crhaps,  Kossuth  and  O'Connell  —  must  be  looked 
upon  rat  her  as  (lie  triumph  of  i)nictical  g(M)d  sense 
and  good  intentions  than  of  rhetorical  appeals  to 
prejudices  or  passion.  .  .  .  The  first  object  to 
wliicli  his  attention  was  directed  was  the  restora- 
tion of  the  iMagyar  language,  which,  under  the 
Uennanl/.Ing  efforts  of  Austria,  hud  fallen  into 
almost  total  disuse  amongst  the  higher  classes. 
He  knew  how  intimately  the  use  of  the  national 
language  is  connected  with  the  feeling  of  nation- 
ality. .  .  .  Hut  the  JIagyar  was  now  totally  neg- 
lec  ed  by  the  Magyar  gentlemen.  Latin  was 
I  lie  language  of  the  diet,  and  of  all  legal  and 
otlklul  documents,  and  German  and  French 
were  alone  used  in  good  society.  8zeclicnyi,  as 
the  first  step  in  his  scheme  of  reformation,  set 
about  rescuing  it  from  the  degradation  and  disuse 
Into  which  it  had  fallen;  ond  as  the  best  of  all 
ways  to  induce  others  to  do  a  thing  Is  to  do  It 
oneself  first,  he  rose  in  the  diet  of  1825,  and, 
contrary  to  previous  usage,  made  a  speech  In 
Magyar.  His  colleogues  were  surprised;  the 
magnates  were  shocked ;  the  nation  was  electri- 
fied. .  .  .  The  diet  sat  for  two  years,  and  during 
the  whole  of  that  period  Szecbeuyl  continued  his 
use  of  the  native  language,  in  which  he  strenu- 
ously opposed  the  designs  of  the  court,  and  was 
soon  considered  the  leader  of  the  opposithm  or 
liberal  party,  which  speedily  grew  up  around 
him.  His  efforts  were  so  successful,  that  before 
the  close  of  the  session,  Francis  was  compelled 
to  acknowledge  the  illegality  of  his  ])revious 
acts,  formally  to  recognize  the  independence  of 
the  country,  and  promise  to  convoke  the  diet  at 
least  once  In  every  three  years.  .  .  .  He  [Szecli- 
cnyi]  soon  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  the 
Hungarian  language  growing  to  general  use,  but 
he  was  still  vexed  to  see  the  total  want  of  unity, 
co-operation,  and  communion  which  prevailed 
amongst  the  nobles,  owing  to  the  want  of  a  new- 
paper  press,  or  of  any  place  of  re-union  where 
political  subjects  could  be  discussed  amongst 
men  of  the  same  party  with  freedom  and  confi- 
dence. This  he  remedied  by  the  establishment  of 
the  casino,  ut  Pesth,  upon  the  plan  of  the  Lon- 
don clubs  He  next  turned  bis  attention  to  the 
establishment  of  steam  navigation  on  the  Dan- 
ube. .  .  .  He  .  .  .  rigged  out  a  boat,  sailed 
down  the  Danube  right  to  the  Black  Sea,  ex- 
plored it  thoroughly,  found  it  navigable  in  every 
part,  went  over  to  England,  studied  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  steam-engine  as  applied  to  naviga- 
tion, brought  back  English  engineers,  formed  a 
company,  and  at  last  confounded  the  multitude 
of  sceptics,  who  scoffed  at  his  efforts,  by  the 
sight  of  a  steam-boat  on  the  river  in  full  work. 
This  feat  was  accomplished  in  October,  1830. 
...  In  the  interval  which  followed  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  diet,  Szechenyi  still  followed  up  his 
plan  of  reform  with  unwearied  diligence,  and 
owing  to  his  exertions,  a  party  was  now  formed 
which  sought  not  merely  the  strict  observance 
of  the  existing  laws,  but  the  reform  of  them, 
the  abolition  of   the  unjust  privileges  of  the 


noblcK,  the  emancipation  of  the  peasantry,  the 
estalilishnicnt  of  a  system  of  education,  the  equal 
distribution  of  the  taxes,  the  ec|nallty  of  all  re- 
ligious sects,  the  Improvement  of  the  commercial 
code  and  of  Internal  communication,  and  though 
last,  not  least,  the  freedom  of  the  press.  These 
projects  were  all  strenuously  debated,  but  on  this 
occasion  without  any  jtraetical  result.  The  next 
meeting  was  for  a  long  time  delayed,  upon  one 
pretext  or  another.  At  last  It  was  convened  In 
1H;W,  and  proved  in  many  resjiects  one  of  the 
most  Important  that  had  ever  a.ssembled.  .  .  . 
The  man  who  in  future  struggles  was  destined  to 
play  so  prominent  a  i)art,  (hiring  the  whole  of 
these.  .  .  proceedings,  was  merely  an  Intent  and 
diligent  looker-on.  .  .  .  He  was  a  gentleman  of 
noble  origin,  of  course,  but  his  whole  fortune  lay 
In  his  talents,  which  at  that  period  were  devoted 
to  j(mrnalism — a  profession  which  the  Hungari- 
ans had  not  yet  learned  to  estimate  nt  its  full 
value.  He  was  still  but  thirty  years  of  age,  and 
within  the  diet  he  was  known  as  a  promising 
young  man,  although,  amongst  the  world  with- 
out, his  name  —  thenameof  Lor''*  Kossuth,  which 
has  since  become  a  household  word  In  tv  o  lieini- 
spheres — had  never  vet  been  heard.  .  .  .Whether 
from  the  jealousy  of  the  jrovernment  or  the  apa- 
thy of  the  Magyars,  no  printed  reports  of  the  par- 
liamentary proceedings  had  ever  yet  been  pub- 
lished. ...  To  supply  this  defect,  Kossuth 
resolved  to  devote  the  time,  which  would  other- 
wise have  been  wasted  in  idle  listening,  to  care- 
fully reiiorting  everything  that  took  place,  ai,d 
circulated  it  nil  over  the  country  on  a  siti'll 
l)rinte(l  sheet.  The  importance  of  the  proceed- 
ings which  then  occupied  the  attention  of  the 
dietcau.sed  it  to  be  read  with  extraordinary  eager- 
ness, and  Kossuth  rendered  it  still  more  attractive 
by  amplifying,  and  often  even  embellishing,  the 
speeches.  The  cabinet,  however,  soon  took  the 
alarm,  and  although  the  censorship  was  unknown 
to  the  Hungarian  law,  prohibited  the  printing 
and  publication  of  the  reports.  This  was  a  heavy 
blow,  but  Kossuth  was  not  baflied.  He  instantly 
gathered  round  him  a  great  number  of  young  men 
to  act  as  secretaries,  who  wrote  out  a  great  num- 
ber of  copies  of  the  journal,  which  were  then  cir- 
culated in  manuscript  throughout  Hungary. 
The  government  was  completely  foiled,  and  new 
ardour  was  infused  into  the  liberal  party.  When 
the  session  was  at  an  end  ho  resolved  to  follow 
up  his  plan  by  reporting  the  meetings  of  the 
county  assemblies,  which  were  then  the  scenes  of 
fiery  debates.  .  .  .  The  government  stopped 
his  journal  in  the  post-olHce.  He  then  estjiblished 
a  staff  of  messengers  and  carriers,  who  circulated 
it  from  village  to  village.  The  enthusiasm  of  the 
people  was  fast  rising  to  a  flame.  A  crisis  was  im- 
minent. It  was  resolved  to  arrest  Kossuth.  .  .  . 
He  was  seized,  and  shut  up  in  the  Neuhaus,  a 
prison  built  at  Pesth  by  Joseph  II.  He  was, 
however,  not  brought  to  trial  till  1839,  and  was 
then  sentenced  to  four  years'  imprisonment.  The 
charge  brought  against  him  was,  that  ho  had  cir- 
culated false  and  maccurate  reports;  but  the  real 
ground  of  offence  was,  as  everyone  knew,  that  he 
had  circulated  any  reports  at  all.  .  .  .  Kossuth, 
after  his  liberation  from  prison,  had  taken  up  his 
abode  for  a  short  period  at  a  watering  place 
called  I'arad,  for  the  purpose  of  recruiting  his 
shattered  health,  and  for  a  time  wholly  abstained 
from  taking  any  part  in  public  affairs.  On  the 
first  of  January,   1841,   Iwwevcr,  a  printer  in 


1684 


HUNGARY,  181.'i-1844. 


for  Indfpvntlfnce. 


HUNGARY,  1847-1849. 


Pesl'i,  nnmcd  Liuiilcrcr,  obliiincd  ptTmiHsioii  to 
publish  n  Journiil  fiitltlcd  '  IVstlii  llirlap.'or  tlio 
Pt'Hlli  OiiZ(!tte.  lleolTiTod  tliiM'(lit(irslii|)  Id  Kos- 
suth, who  ncccpti'd  it,  l)ut  only  on  condition  I  hat 
he  should  be  ixTfectly  luitranunclled  in  the  ex- 
pression of  Ids  opinions.  .  .  .  Kossuth.  .  .  s(«)n 
riiised  the  circuliitioii  of  his  paixT  to  lO.OtM) 
copies  —  an  immense  number  in  a  country  wliere 
the  newspaper  press  luid  hitherto  hardly  had  a 
footinjr.  He  made  vigorous  onslaughts  upon  the 
privileges  of  the  noblesse,  and  pleaded  the  cause 
of  the  middle  an<l  lower  clas.ses  luianswerably. 
...  In  1844,  owing  to  a  change  of  mini.stry 
which  threw  the  liberals  out  of  olllce,  he  lost  the 
editorship  of  tile  Gazette;  but  he  liad  kindled  a 
(lame  whicli  now  blazed  fiercely  enough  of  itself." 
— E.  Ij.  Godkin,  llinturi/ of  Iluiiga)-y,  c/i.  21. 

A.  D.  1847-1849. — The  struggle  for  National 
Independence  and  its  failure. —  "  A  strong  spirit 
of  nationalitv  had  been  growing  up  for  many 
years,  greatly  fostered  by  Louis  Kossuth,  a 
newspaper  editor.  The  old  Magyar  language, 
which  had  been  treated  as  barbarous,  was  oilti- 
vated.  Books  luid  papers  were  printed  in  the 
tongue,  nil  witli  the  spirit  of  independence  as  a 
country  and  a  race  apart  from  that  of  the  Aus- 
trlans.  In  November,  1847,  Ferdinand  V.  had 
opened  the  Diet  in  person,  and  proposed  re- 
forms in  tlie  Constitution  were  put  before  him. 
Count  Batthyani,  Prince  Estcrhazy,  Kossuth, 
and  others,  drew  tip  a  scheme  which  was  laid  be- 
fore the  Emperor  in  the  April  of  1848,  amid  tlie 
crash  of  revolutions,  and  was  assented  to  by  1dm. 
But  the  other  tribes  within  the  kingdom  of  Hun- 
gary, the  Rascians  and  Croats,  began  to  make  sej)- 
arate  demands,  and  to  show  themselves  stronger 
than  the  Magyars  and  Germans  scattered  among 
them.  It  was  strongly  suspected  that  they  were 
encouraged  by  the  Austrian  powers  in  order  to 
break  down  the  new  Ilimgarian  constitution. 
The  Hungarian  council  applied  to  have  their 
national  troops  recalled  from  Lombardy,  where, 
under  Radetzky,  they  were  preserving  the  Em- 
peror's power;  but  this  could  not  be  granted, 
and  only  a  few  foreign  regiments,  whom  they 
distrusted,  were  sent  them.  Disturbances  broke 
out,  and  at  the  same  time  the  Wallachians  in 
Transylvania  rose,  and  committed  ravages  on  the 
property  of  Hungarians.  The  confusion  was 
great,  for  these  insurgents  called  the  constitu- 
tional government  of  Hungary  rebels,  and  pro- 
fessed to  be  upholding  tlie  rights  of  the  Emperor, 
and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Hungarian  govern- 
ment viewed  them  aa  rebels.  .  .  .  Meantime  a 
high-spirited  Croatian  offlcor.  Baron  Jellachich, 
had  been  appointed  Ban  of  Croatia,  and  coUecteci 
forces  from  among  his  wild  countrymen  to  put 
down  the  Hungarian  rule.  .  .  .  Jellachich  ad- 
vanced upon  Pesth,  and  thus  sliowed  the  Govern- 
ment there  that  in  Ferdinand's  eyes  they  were  the 
rebels.  Battliyani  resigned,  and  Kosstith  set 
himself  to  raise  the  people.  Jellachich  was  de- 
feated, and  entered  the  Austrian  states,  appear- 
ing to  menace  Vienna.  The  effect  of  this  was  a 
tremendous  insurrection  of  the  Viennese,  wlio 
seized  Latour,  the  minister  at  war,  savagely 
murdered  him,  and  liung  his  liody,  stripped 
naked,  to  a  lamp-post.  The  Viennese,  under 
the  command  of  the  Polish  General  Bem,  now 
prepared  for  a  siege,  while  Windischgratz  ami 
Jellachich  coUectedi  a  large  army  of  Austrians 
and  Croatians,  besieged  the  city,  stormed  it  on 
the  30th  of  October,  and  made  an  entrance,  when 


all  the  ringleaders  of  the  rebellion  were  treated 
with  great  severity.  Jellachich  then  prepared  to 
lead  his  Croats  into  Hungary,  which  was  a  very 
dilTcrent  matter,  since  the  constitutional  govern- 
ment there  had  been  formed  luiiler  the  .sanction 
an<l  encouragement  of  Ferdinand.  Kossuth  and 
the  rest  of  the  ministry  tlierefore  thought  them- 
selves just  illed  in  nanung  a  committee  of  public 
safety,  and  voting  the  raising  of  an  army  of 
201). 0(10  men.  Ferdinand  V.,  now  an  old  man, 
felt  himself  no  longer  ca]iable  of  coping  with 
all  the  discordant  forces  of  the  empire;  a  family 
council  was  held  at  OlmlUz.  whither  the  Court 
had  retired,  and  it  was  decided  that  he  shoulil 
i.bdicate,  and  that  his  next  brother,  Francis 
Charles,  should  waive  his  right  in  favcmr  of  his 
son,  Francis  Joseph,  a  i)romising  and  iimlabh! 
young  man  of  twenty,  who,  it  was  hoped,  would 
conciliate  matters.  On  December  2d,  1848,  the 
clKiiige  was  made,  and  the  new  Emperor  put 
forih  a  proclamation,  promising  constitutional 
government,  liberty  sf  the  press,  and  all  that 
could  conduce  to  true  freedom,  but  called  on  all 
faithful  subjects  to  repress  the  rebellions  that 
were  raging  u\  the  provinces.  Both  It  Lombardy 
and  in  Hungary  this  was  taken  as  dellance;  in- 
deed, the  Magyars  considered  that  neither  the 
abdication  of  Ferdinand,  nor  the  accession  of 
Francis  Jo.seph  to  their  throne,  was  valid  with- 
out the  con.sent  of  the  Diet.  Prince  Windisch- 
griitz  was  sent  to  reduce  them  with  a  consider- 
able army,  while  Kossuth  showed  remarkable 
ability  in  getting  together  supplies  for  the  Hun- 
garian force,  which  was  commanded  by  OeneraLs 
Bern  and  Giirgei.  The  dilHcultiesof  i)assing  the 
mountains  in  the  winter  told  much  against  tliu 
Austrians,  though  a  corps  of  Russians  was  sent 
to  their  assistance.  Five  considerable  battles 
were  fought  in  the  early  spring  of  1849,  and  in 
April  Windischgriltz  was  fairly  driven  across  the 
Danube  out  of  the  country." — C.  M.  Yonge, 
Landmarks  of  lUcent  lliatori/,  ch.  8,  pt.  5. — "On 
the  4tli  of  Slarcli  [1849]  a  new  Imperial  Charter 
was  promulgated  at  Olratltz,  containing  many 
excellent  provisions,  but  having  this  fatal  defect, 
that  in  it  Hungary  was  mergea  completely  in  the 
Austrian  Empire,  and  all  its  ancient  institutions 
obliterated.  On  the  14th  of  April  the  Imperial 
Decree  was  answered  by  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, in  which  the  Hapsburg  dynasty  was 
proclaimed  to  have  forfeited  all  right  to  the  Hun- 
garian throne,  and  to  be  banislied  for  ever  from 
the  country.  Kossuth  was  appointed  Governor, 
and  a  new  Ministry  was  chosen,  under  the  Pre- 
miership of  M.  Szemcro,  the  late  Minister  for 
Home  Affairs  in  the  Batthyany  Government. 
For  a  while  the  national  army  was  victorious. 
.  .  .  But  the  despotic  princes  of  Europe  were 
now  recovering  from  the  panic  that  had  demoral- 
ised them  and  their  principles  in  1848 ;  the  time 
had  come  for  absolutism  to  rally  its  forces  and 
reassert  itself  after  the  old  fashion.  Acting  on 
the  maxim  that  '  La  raison  du  plus  fort  est  tou- 
jours  la  meilleure,'  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  after 
previous  arrangement  with  his  imperial  brother 
in  St.  Petersburg,  felt  at  liberty  to  disavow  and 
ignore  the  arguments  for  constitutional  govern- 
ment which  had  seemed  so  cogent  to  his  prede- 
cessor. ...  In  July  the  Czar  s  troops  a  second 
time  entered  Hungary,  this  time  with  no  disa- 
vowal of  political  motives,  but  on  the  ground 
that  '  His  majesty,  liaving  always  reserved  to 
himself    entire    freedom   of    action    whenever 


1685 


IlLXnARY,  1847-1H40. 


TTir  dual  Kmptrt. 


IIUNOAUY,  18S6-t808. 


revoliiilonii  In  nolghlmriiiK  Hmtos  shoultl  plncc 
his  own  In  (liiiiKcr.  wan  imw  roiivinccd  tliiit  tlii- 
Internal  Hi-curlly  <if  Ills  cniiiirc  wan  nicnaccd  liy 
what  was  passlnjf  and  (irrparlns  In   IIunKarv.' 

...   In  Aiijfiisl,  Oorf,'el,  the  < iniandcr-ln-cliicf 

of  (he  national  army,  who  had  liccn  iioinlnatcil 
Iticlator  In  tlii'  iilac'c  of  KoNsutli,  was  invested 
with  full  powers  to  treat  for  a  peace,  and  In- 
Htruc'ed  to  act  according  to  the  iK'st  of  his  ability 
to  Mil, e  the  national  existence  of  HunKary.  At 
Vllafcos,  on  the  IHtli  of  Auciist,  the  Iliiiiji^anan 
arniy,  by  order  of  the  new  Dictator,  laid  down 
their  arms,  anil  surrenderee!  —  not  to  tlio  Austri- 
ans,  but  to  tin*  Hussian  ^'ciu'ral  HudiKcr.  Timnks 
totluMinitcdeirorts  of  300,000  of  the  llowcr  of 
the  Austrian  and  Uussian  troops,  tho  Hungarian 
ri'lH'llion  was  at  an  end,  .  .  ,  General  Haynau 
presided  over  the  Hloody  Assizes  of  Pesth  and 
Arad,  and  the  long  roll  of  Hungarian  patriots 
condonuied  to  death  at  the  hands  of  the  Austrian 
hangman  was  headed  by  such  names  as  Count 
Batthyiiny  and  General  Damvanics,  the  wounded 
leader  of  the  'Uedcaps,'  the  famous  student 
brigade.  Those  who  escaped  death  found  n 
refuge  in  England,  America,  orTurltey,  whither 
they  carried  with  them  bitter  memories  of  wrong 
and  siilTering  intlictcd,  and  an  undyii.g  love  for 
tho  country  of  their  birth.  Those  bitter  memo- 
ries have  happily  died  away,  \mdcr  the  healing 
intlucncc  of  time,  and  still  more  of  tliat  great 
worlt  of  reconciliation  which  a  wise  generosity 
on  both  sides  has  ellected  between  the  two  coun- 
tries."— Prancu  Deii/c,  llunyanan  Statetman :  a 
memoir,  eh.  14. — See,  also,  Austria  :  A.  D.  1848- 
1840. 

A.  D.  1849-1850.— Contemplatsd  recognition 
of  the  revolutionary  government  by  the  United 
States, — The  Hiilsemann  Letter  of  Daniel 
Webster.  See  I'mied  Statics  or  Am.  :  A.  I). 
18r)0-lH,51. 

A.  D.  1849-1859. — Completed  Emancipation 
of  the  peasantry. — Restoration  of  pure  abso- 
lutism.    See  Ai-sTHi.\:  A.  D.  1848-1859. 

A.  D.  1856-1868.— Recovery  of  nationality. 
— Formation  of  the  dual  Austro-Hung^  -'an 
empire.— 'ri  18.50,  tlie  Emperor,  Francis  Jose 
"proclaimed  an  amnesty  against  the  political 
offenders,  and  in  the  following  year  he  decreed 
the  restoration  of  their  estates,  and  further  steps 
were  taken  to  study  the  wislies  of  the  Hun- 
garians. In  1859  othei'  concessions  were  made, 
notably  as  to  provincial  Governments  in  Iltuigary, 
and  thcv  were  given  free  administration  as  to 
their  educational  and  religious  rites  in  the 
Magyar  tongue.  In  1860  the  'Curia  Regia' 
■were  reinstated,  and  finally,  in  1861,  tho  whole 
Con.stitution  was  restored  to  Hungary  and  its  dc- 
pen<lencies,  Transylvania,  Croatia,  and  Slavonia. 
The  Hungarian  Parliament,  which  had  been 
closed  for  so  many  years,  reopened  its  gates. 
These  concessions,  however,  did  not  satisfy  tho 
Magyars,  who  wanted  perfect  autonomy  for 
their  coimtry.  .  .  .  The  Hungarians  refused  to 
pay  taxes,  which  tlierefore  had  to  be  collected  by 
military  aid.  In  1865  the  Hungarian  Parlia- 
ment was  opened  by  tho  Emperor  in  person, 
wlio  gave  his  assent  to  the  Self-Government  of 
Hungary,  but  further  details  had  still  to  be  ar- 
ranged, and  the  war  which  broke  out  between 
Austria,  Prussia  and  Italy  in  1866  prevented 
these  from  being  carried  out.  On  the  strength 
of  the  Emperor's  iiromise  to  accede  to  the  wishes 
of    his    Hungarian    subjects,    the    Hungarians 


fought  most  bravely  In  Germany  and  In  Italy  for 
the  Austrian  cans*',  but  the  <li»organlzed  system 
that  then  existed  in  the  Austriati  army  was  the 
cause  of  their  defeat,  and  the  dlKsidutloii  of  tho 
German  confederation,  over  widcli  Austria  pre- 
sided for  so  many  years.  The  final  result  of  this 
was  that  a  perfect  autonomy  for  Hungary  was 
reinstated  in  1867,  and  the  Dual  System  was  in- 
troduced, by  which  Hungary  received  perfect 
freedom  an(iinde|)endence  as  to  the  administra- 
tion of  its  affairs  without  any  interference  from 
Austria,  and  became,  so  to  say,  a  i)artner  In  the 
newlyformed Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.  Tho 
Austro-Hiuigarian  Dual  Monarchy,  as  also  de- 
scribed In  tho  able  '  Memoir '  on  Francis  De&k, 
to  which  Sir  Mountstuart  E.  Grant-Duff  wrote  a 
preface,  Is  constituted  as  follows:  I.  The  Com- 
imm  Ministry  for  the  Austro-Hungarlan  mon- 
archy consists  of  a  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
for  War,  and  for  Finance.  II.  In  each  half  of 
the  monarchy  there  is  a  separate  Ministry  of 
Worship,  of  Finance,  Commerce,  Justice,  Agri- 
culture, and  National  Defence,  headed  respec- 
tively by  a  Minister-President  of  the  Council. 
HI.  The  Lower  House  In  the  A.ustrian  Helclis- 
rath  consists  of  853  members,  in  tho  Hungarian 
Diet  of  444,  now  chosen  In  both  cases  by  direct 
election.  IV.  Tho  Delegations,  composed  re- 
spectively of  sixty  members  from  each  half  of 
the  monarchy,  are  elected  annually  from  amongst 
their  parliamentary  representatives  of  the  ma- 
jority In  each  province  by  the  mendiers  of  the 
two  Houses  of  the  Austrian  and  Hungarian 
Legislatures.  V.  The  two  Delegations,  who 
meet  alternately  at  Vienna  and  Budapest,  de- 
liberate separately,  their  discussions  being  con- 
fined strictly  to  aifairs  of  common  Interest,  with 
regard  to  which  th"  Delegations  have  the  right 
to  interpellate  the  c'ommon  Minister  and  to  pro- 
pose laws  or  amendments.  In  case  of  disagree- 
ment between  the  two  Delegations  the  question 
of  policy  at  Issue  is  discussed  by  an  interchange 
of  written  messages,  drawn  up  in  the  ofilciul 
language  —  German  or  Himgurian  —  of  the  Dele- 
gation sending  tho  message,  and  accompanied  by 
an  authorized  translation  in  the  language  of  the 
Delegation  to  which  it  is  addressed.  VI.  If, 
after  the  interchange  of  three  successive  notes,  on 
agreement  between  tho  two  bodies  Is  not  arrived 
at,  the  question  is  put  to  the  vote  by  ballot  with- 
out further  debate.  The  Delegates,  of  whom  in 
a  plenary  session  there  must  be  an  equal  number 
present  from  each  Delegation,  vote  individually, 
tho  Emperor-King    having    the    casting    vote. 

VII.  By  virtue  of  tho  present  definition  of  com- 
mon affairs,  the  cost  of  the  diplomatic  service 
and  the  army,  except  tho  Honveds  (militia),  is 
defrayed  out  of  tho  Imperial  revenues,  to  which 
Hungary  contributes  a  proportion  of  30  per  100. 

VIII.  With  reference  to  the  former,  it  is  stipu- 
lated that  all  international  treaties  be  submitted 
to  the  two  Legislatures  by  their  respective 
Ministries;  with  reference  to  the  latter,  that 
whilst  the  appointment  to  the  military  command 
of  the  whole  army,  as  also  to  that  of  the  na- 
tional force  of  Hungary,  is  in  tlio  hands  of  the 
Sovereign,  the  settlement  of  matters  affecting 
the  recruiting,  length  of  service,  mobilization, 
and  pay  of  the  Ilonved  array  (the  militia)  re- 
mains with  the  Hungarian  Legislature.  IX. 
Those  matters  which  it  is  desirable  should  be 
subject  to  the  same  legislation,  such  us  cus- 
toms, indirect  taxation,  currency,  etc.,  etc.,  are 


1686 


HUNGARY,  19Se-lW»8. 


lUTNS,  A.  n.  43a-4.W. 


rcgulntod  by  means  of  trciitlcs,  Kiilijcct  totlipnp- 
provitl  of  till' two  I,('Kisl'iliir<'it.  lii  ••iistH  wliiTc 
the  two  piirtles  are  iiiialile  to  eome  to  nil 
Bjtreement,  eaeli  retains  the  rlfflit  to  deelde 
siu'h  questions  in  aecon lance  with  their  own 
special  interests.  X.  In  eoinnion  utTiiiis,  tlie 
(leeirlons  arrive<l  at  by  the  DeleKatioiis  (willi- 
in  the  seope  of  their  |)Owers),  and  saiielioned 
by  the  Sovereign,  beeonic  theneefortli  funda- 
mental laws;  eacli  Ministry  is  liound  to  an- 
nounee  tliem  to  its  respective  National  Legis- 
lature, and  is  responsible  for  their  execution. 
It  should  lie  here  mentioned  that  the  late  great 
and  lamented  Hungarian  i  lOtesinan,  Dei'ik,  and 
also  the  late  Count  Heust,  have  by  their  per- 
sonal elTorts  contributed  a  great  deal  to  these 
concessions  being  granted.  The  Hungarian  Par- 
liament was  reopened  in  1807,  and  the  late  Count 
Julius  AndrAssy,  .  ;  .  who  escaped  to  England 
from  the  noose  of  the  hangman,  became  its  Prime 
Minister.  .  .  .  In  1808  the  Emperorand  Empress 
entered  In  great  stflto  the  town  of  Buda,  and 
were  crowned  with  the  greatest  pomp  witli  tlio 


Apostolic  crown  of  St.  Stephen."  — L.  Folber- 
inann,  /finif/iiri/  (iml  Hh  I'iujiIc,  r/i.  ft. 

Al.HOiN:  FiuninH  Ihiik:  ii  immnir,  eh,  20-31. 
—  Count  von  Heust.  Mtmnirn,  r.  2,  r/i.  MM. — See, 
also,  AlsTllH:    A.  I).  1H00-1H07,  and  Fkiieu.\i. 

OoVEIlNMKNTS:    .MoDKlIN  Kf.DK.IIATIH.NB. 

A.  D.  1866-1887.— Difficulties  and  promises 
of  the  Austro-Hungarian  empire. — Its  am- 
bitions in  southeastern  Europe.  See  Aih- 
TKi.v:  A.  I).  IWIO-lbHT. 

A.  D.  1894. — Death  of  Kossuth. — Louis  Kos- 
suth, the  leader  of  the  revolutionary  movement 
of  184H,  died  at  Turin  on  tlie  20th  of  Maiu'h, 
1H04,  aged  ninety-two  years.  He  liatl  refused  to 
the  eiKlof  his  life  to  be  reconciled  to  the  Austro- 
llungarian  government,  or  to  countenance  the 
acceptance  by  the  Hungarians  of  the  dual  nation- 
ality established  by  the  constitution  of  1807,  and 
remained  an  e.xile  in  Italy.  After  his  death  his 
remains  were  brought  to  Kudapest,  and  their 
burial,  which  took  place  on  Sunday,  April  1st, 
was  nia<lu  tlu  occasion  of  a  great  national  dem- 
onstration of  respect. 


HUNIADES  AND  THE  HUNGARIAN 
WARS  WITH  THE  TURKS.  See  HiN- 
(lAHV:  A.  I).  1442-14.')8;  and  Tuuks (Ottomans): 
A.  D.  1402-1451. 

HUNINGEN,  Battleof.  See  France:  A.  D. 
17110  (Ai'hiIj — OcTOMKU). 

HUNKERS.  Sec  United  States  of  Am.  : 
A.  1).  1845-1840. 

* 

HUNS,  Gothic  account  of  the.— "  We  liave 
ascertained  that  the  nation  of  the  Huns,  who 
surpassed  all  others  in  atrocity,  came  thus  into 
being.  When  Filimer,  tifth  king  of  the  Goths 
after  their  departure  from  Sweden,  was  entering 
Scytliin,  with  his  people,  as  we  have  before 
dcscrilK'd,  he  found  among  them  certain  sorcerer- 
women,  whom  they  call  in  their  native  tongue 
Aliorumnas  (or  Al-runas),  whom  ho  suspected 
and  drove  forth  from  the  midst  of  his  army  into 
the  wilderness.  The  unclean  spirits  that  wander 
up  and  down  in  desert  places,  seeing  these 
women,  made  concubines  of  them;  and  from 
this  union  sprang  that  most  fierce  people  (of  the 
lluns)  who  were  at  first  little,  foul,  emaciated 
creatures,  dwelling  among  the  .swamps,  an<l  pos- 
sessing only  the  shadow  of  human  speech  by 
way  of  language.  .  .  .  Nations  whom  they 
would  never  have  vanquished  in  fair  fight  fleil 
horrified  from  those  frightful  —  faces  I  can 
hardly  call  them,  but  rather — shapeless  black 
coUopsof  fiesh,  with  little  points  instead  of  eyes. 
No  hair  on  their  cheeks  or  cliins  gives  grace  to 
adolescence  or  dignity  to  age,  but  deep  fur- 
rowed scars  instead,  down  the  sides  of  their 
faces,  show  the  impress  of  the  iron  which  with 
characteristic  ferocity  they  apply  to  every  male 
child  that  is  born  among  them.  .  .  .  They  are 
little  in  stature,  but  lithe  and  active  in  their 
motions,  and  especially  skilful  in  riding,  broad- 
shouldered,  good  at  the  use  of  the  bow  and 
arrows,  with  sinewy  necks,  and  always  holding 
their  heads  high  in  their  pride."— Jornandes, 
Ve  Jiehus  Oetiris,  trans,  by  T.  Hodgkin  in  lUtli/ 
and  Her  Invadcn,  bk.  1,  ch.  1. 

First  appearance  in  Europe.  Sec  GoTns: 
A.  D.  376. 

A.  D.  433-453-— The  empire  of  Attila.— 
After  driving  the  Goths  from  Dacia,  the  terrible 
Huns  had  halted  in  their  march  westward  for 


something  more  than  a  generation.  Tliey  were 
hovering,  meantime,  on  the  eastern  frontiers  of 
the  empire  "taking  part  like  other  barbarians  in 
its  disturbances  and  alliances.  Emperors  paid 
them  tribute,  and  Roman  generals  kept  up  a 
politic  or  a  questionable  correspondence  with 
them.  Stillcho  had  detachments  of  Huns  in  the 
armies  which  fought  against  Alaric ;  the  greatest 
Roman  soldier  after  Stillcho, — and,  like  Stilicho, 
of  barbarian  ))aientage, — Aetius,  who  was  to  be 
their  most  formidable  antagonist,  had  been  a 
hostage  and  a  messmate  In  their  camps.  .  .  . 
About  433,  Attila,  the  son  of  Mundzukli,  like 
Charles  the  Great,  equally  famous  in  history 
and  legend,  became  their  king.  Attila  was  the 
exact  prototype  and  forerumier  of  the  Turkish 
chiefs  of  the  house  of  Othman.  In  his  jirofound 
hatred  of  civilized  men,  in  his  scorn  of  their 
knowledge,  their  arts,  their  habits  and  religion, 
and,  in  spite  of  this,  in  Ids  systematic  use  of  them 
as  his  secretaries  and  offlcers,  in  his  rapacity 
combined  with  personal  simplicity  of  life,  in  his 
insatiate  and  indiscriminate  destructiveness,  in 
the  cunning  which  veiled  itself  under  rudeness, 
in  his  extravagant  arrogance,  and  audacious  pre- 
tensions, in  his  sensuality,  in  his  unscrupulous 
and  far-reaching  designs,  in  his  ruthless  cruelty 
joined  with  capricious  displays  of  generosity, 
mercy,  and  good  faith,  we  see  the  image  of  the 
irreclaimable  Turkish  barbarians  who  ten  cen- 
turies later  were  to  extinguish  the  civilization 
of  [eastern?]  Europe.  The  attraction  of  Attila's 
daring  character,  and  his  genius  for  the  war 
which  nomadic  tribes  delight  in,  gave  him  abso- 
lute ascendency  over  his  nation,  and  over  the 
Teutonic  and  Slavonic  tribes  near  liim.  Like 
other  conquerors  of  his  race,  he  imagined 
and  attempted  an  empire  of  ravage  and  desola- 
tion, a  vast  hunting  ground  and  preserve,  in 
which  men  and  their  works  should  supply  the 
objects  and  zest  of  the  chase." — R.  W.  Church, 
Bfginning  of  the  Middle  Ages,  eh.  1. — "lie 
[Attila]  was  truly  the  king  of  kings;  for  his 
court  was  formed  of  cliiefs,  who,  in  offices  of 
command,  had  learned  the  art  of  obedience. 
There  were  three  brothers  of  tlio  race  of  the 
Amales,  all  of  them  kings  of  the  Ostrogoths; 
Ardaric,  king  of  the  Gepidoe,  Ids  principal  con- 
fidant; a  king  of  the  Merovingian  Franks;  kings 


1687 


IIUNH.  A.  I>.  489-408. 


IIUN8.  A.   D.  481. 


of  the  niirKiiiKllnnn,  TliiirlniriniiH,  KiikIiiiin,  nnil 
Ilrrull,  who  I'ciintimiiilril  llml  purt  of  llii'lr  im- 
tiiiii  wlilcli  liiicl  ri'liialiii'diit  lioiiir,  w  liciitlii- iilhcr 
imrl  croHHcil  tlic  Uliiiic  Imlf  ii  icnliiry  liifori'.  "  — 
.1.  ('.  I,,  ilr  SiMiiiDlicIl,  Full  of  thf  Unman  Kiiiinre, 
fli.  7(1-.  1)  — "The  lUiiiiuiil  (pf  iil)Jr<t,  kIiivIhIi  fciir 
wlili'li  tliin  little  Nwiirtliv  Kiiliniick  xiieeceileiliii 
liiHllllliiK  i»t<>  iiiilllDiiH  of  liinniiii  lieiirtM  is  not  to 
lie  ciihIIv  iimlclii'il  in  the  history  of  inir  nice. 
Whether  he   hull   iiiiieh   mlliliiry  talent  iimy  be 

(loiilited,  (time  tl iily  ureiit  hiittle  In  which  he 

lljfiired  was  a  coiiiplele'  ilc'feat.  The  inipreHsldii 
left  upon  lis  liy  wlml  hlstury  records  of  him  Is 
thiit  of  a  );i^'aiitie  liiillv,  holding  i»  Ids  hands 
powers  iiiiei|intlled  in  l)u,'  world  for  ravage  and 
Hpolintioii.  .  .  .  Soiiio  <loiilit  has  recently  liecn 
thrown  on  the  received  uccoiiiits  of  tlie  wide 
extent  of  At  Ilia's  power.  .  .  .  Tlie  prince  who 
fell  Cliliia  on  his  left,  wlio  tlireatciied  I'ersi'polis, 
llyznntlmn.  Uavcmia  in  front,  wlio  ruleil  Den 
mark  and  its  islamis  in  his  rear,  and  wlio  ulti- 
iimlely  appeared  in  arms  on  the  soil  of  Cham- 
iiau'ne  on  ills  rixht,  was  no  minor  monarcli,  and 
liaii  his  cmiiin'  heeii  as  deep  as  it  was  wide- 
Hpread,  he  iiiifrht  worthily  Imve  taken  rank  with 
Cyrus  and  ;\lexaiider.  At  tlie  same  time  it  is 
well  to  reinemlier  that  over  far  the  Iur)?er  part 
of  this  territory  Attila's  can  Imve  lieeii  only 
an  over-lordship,  Teutonic,  Slavonic,  and  Tartar 
clileftaiiisof  every  name  liearlnt;  rule  under  1dm. 
Ills  own  personal  j^ovcrnmeiit,  if  (government  it 
can  he  <idled,  may  very  likely  have  been  con- 
lined  nearly  witliin  tlie  limits  of  the  modern 
Hungary  and  Transylvania."  —  T.  HiHlgkin, 
Italji  mill  Hfv  IniiuU'rn,  hk.  2,  rh.  2  (r.  2). — "As 
far  as  we  may  n.scertain  tlie  vai;uo  mid  ob.scure 
geography  of  I'risciis,  this  [Attila's]  capital  ap- 
jiears  to  liave  been  seated  between  the  Danube, 
the  Thei.ss  [Tcy.ss]  and  tho  Carpathian  hills,  in 
tlie  plains  of  Lppcr  Hungary,  and  most  proba- 
bly in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ja/.berin,  Agria,  or 
Tokay.  In  its  origin  it  could  bo  no  more  than 
an  accidental  camp,  which,  by  the  long  and  fre- 
fpient  residence  of  Attila,  liad  insensibly  swelled 
into  a  huge  village." — E.  Oililion,  Deeline  and 
Fall  iif  the  Human  Knijrire,  cli.  34. 

A.  D.  4^1-446.— Attila's  attack  on  the  East- 
ern Empire.  —  Attila's  first  assault  upon  the 
Koman  power  wiw  directed  against  tho  Eastern 
Empire.  The  court  at  Coustantinoplo  had  been 
duly  obsequious  to  him,  but  he  found  a  pretext 
for  war.  "It  was  pretended  that  the  Roman 
bisliop  of  SInrgus  hud  surreptitiously  introiluced 
himself  into  tlie  sepulchre  of  the  Iiuuulc  kings 
uud  stolen  from  it  the  buried  treasure.  Tlic 
Huns  immediately  fell  upon  u  Uoman  town  dur- 
ing the  time  of  a  fair,  and  pillaged  everything 
before  them,  slaying  the  men  and  carrying  off 
the  women.  To  nil  complaints  from  Constanti- 
nople the  answer  was,  'The  bishop,  or  your 
lives.'  The  emperor  thought,  and  with  rea.soii, 
that  to  give  up  an  innocent  man  to  be  massacred 
would  be  displeasing  to  Heaven,  would  alienate 
the  clergy,  and  only  appease  for  a  moment  the 
<lemands  of  his  merciless  enemy.  He  refused, 
though  timidly  and  in  vague  terms.  The  Huns 
replied  by  scouring  Pannouia,  laying  Sirmium, 
its  capital,  in  ruins,  and  extending  their  ravages 
far  south  of  the  Danube  to  the  cities  of  Naissa 
and  Sanlica,  upon  both  of  which  they  wrought 
the  extremity  of  their  vengeance.  A  truce  of 
four  years  only  increased  their  fury  and  aggra- 
vated it«  effects.     The  war  was  suddenly  recom- 


menced. Tills  time  tlipy  reached  Thessaly.  and 
renewed  willi  a  Koiiiewhitt  Hlmlhir  result  tlie  far- 
famed  pasHiiKc  of  Thcrmopylie  by  tli(>  hordes  of 
Xerxes.  Two  Uoman  armies  were  put  to  com- 
pleti-  rout,  and  seventy  cities  levelled  to  the 
ground.  TheodosliiH  purcha.sed  the  redemption 
of  his  capital  by  the  ci'ssion  of  territory  extend- 
ing for  llfteen  days' Journey  soutli  of  the  Danillie, 
by  an  immediate  payment  of  II.IHHI  pounds  of 
gold,  and  the  |iromi.s(^  of  2,I)(NI  iiioii'  as  an  annual 
tribute."—.!.  (1.  Hhepjiard,  Fall  vf  lh>m,\  lirt.  4. 
A.  D.  451.— Attila  s  invasion  of  Gaul.—  In 
the  spring  of  the  year4.''it  Attila  moved  the  great 
host  which  he  had  assembled  in  tlii^  Hungarian 
plains  westward  towanl  the  Hliiiie  and  the 
jirovinces  of  Oaiil.  lie  hesitated,  it  was  said, 
iM'tween  the  EaHtern  and  Western  Khipircsas  the 
objects  of  Ills  attack.  Hut  the  East  had  found 
an  emperor,  at  last.  In  Marcian,  who  put  somo 
idiirage  into  the  state, —  who  refused  tribute  to 
tlie  in.soleiit  lliin  and  sliowed  a  willingne  1  for 
war.  The  West,  under  Valentinian  HI.  and  his 
mother  I'lacidia,  with  the  Goths,  Vandals,  Uiir- 
gundians  and  I'Vanks  in  tlu^  heart  of  its  iirovinces, 
seemed  to  olfer  the  most  Inviting  Held  of  con- 
(juest.  Hence  Attila  turned  his  horses  and  \\w\v 
savage  riders  to  the  West.  "The  kings  and 
nations  of  (lermany  and  Scythia,  from  tlie  Volga 
perhaps  to  the  Danube,  obeyed  the  warlike  sum- 
mons of  Attila.  From  the  royal  village  in  tho 
plains  of  Hungary  his  standard  moved  towards 
the  West,  and  after  a  march  of  seven  or  eight 
hundred  miles  he  reached  the  contlux  of  the 
Uhlne  and  the  Neckar,  where  ho  was  Joined  by 
the  Franks  who  adhered  to  his  ally,  the  elder  of 
the  sons  of  Clodioii.  .  .  .  The  Ilercynlan  forest 
supplied  materials  for  a  bridge  of  Iniats,  and  tho 
hostile  myriads  were  poured  with  resistless  vio- 
lence into  the  Helgic  provinces."  At  Metz,  the 
Huns  "involved  in  a  promiscuous  massacre  tho 
priests  who  served  at  tho  altar  and  the  infants 
who,  in  the  hour  of  danger,  had  been  providently 
liajitized  by  the  bishop ;  the  flourishing  city  w'as 
delivered  to  the  flames,  and  a  solitary  chapel  of 
St.  Stephen  marked  the  place  where  it  formerly 
stood.  From  the  Uhlne  and  the  Moselle,  Attila 
advanced  into  tho  heart  of  Gaul,  crossed  the 
Seine  at  Auxerre,  and,  after  a  long  and  laborious 
march,  fixed  his  .camp  under  the  walls  of  Or- 
leans."— T^.ii\hhon,  Decline  and  Fallofthe  Uoman 
Kmpire,  ch,  35. —  Meantime  the  energy  of  the 
unscrupulous  but  able  Count  Aetiiis,  who  ruled 
the  court  and  commanded  the  resources  of  the 
Western  Empire,  bad  brought  about  a  general 
combination  of  the  barbarian  forces  in  Gaul  with 
those  of  the  Romans.  It  included,  first  in  im- 
portance, the  Goths  of  the  kingdom  of  Toulouse, 
under  their  king  Theodoric,  and  with  them  the 
Burgundians,  the  Alans,  a  part  of  the  Franks, 
and  detachments  of  Saxons,  Armoricans  and 
other  tribes.  There  were  Goths,  too,  and  Franks 
and  Hurgundians  in  the  host  of  the  llun  king. 
The  latter  laid  siege  to  Orleans  and  the  walls  of 
the  brave  city  were  already  crumbling  under  his 
battering  rams  when  the  banners  of  Aetius  and 
Theodoric  came  in  sight.  Attila  retreated  1  e- 
yond  the  Seine  and  took  a  position  somewhere 
within  the  wide  extent  of  what  were  anciently 
called  the  Catalaunian  fields,  now  known  as  tho 
Champagn  country  surrounding  Chalons.  There, 
in  the  early  days  of  July,  A.  D.  451,  was  fought 
the  great  and  terrible  battle  which  rescued 
Europe  from  the  all-conquering  Tartar.     The 


1688 


HUNS,  A.  D.  Ml. 


HUNS.  A.  D.  493. 


niiinlK'r  of  the  Hluln.  ncrortllri);  to  one  rhronl 
drr.  \\M  1()'.>,()(NI:  iirccinlliiuf  lo  otla-n  it()(),()(M). 
Nt'itlii'r  nriny  cimlil claim  a  victory;  both  fcircil 
to  renew  tlio  ciiffiiKciiiciiI.  Tlii'  Ootlis,  whoso 
kliiK  Thcodoric  wiis  hIiiIii,  wllliilrcw  In  one  illrcc- 
llori.  to  their  own  territory;  the  IIiuih  retreated 
in  the  other  (llrecllon  an)l'i|ultte<t  Oaiil  forever. 
Tlie  wily  Uotniin,  Aetlim,  was  orohably  liest 
uitUfled  with  n  reflult  which  erlppleil  both  Ooth 
nnd  Ilun.  Ah  for  the  liiittle,  its  latest  liistorhin 
mijR:  "I'oBterity  liim  chosen  to  call  it  the  battle 
of  Clialoim,  but  there  is  Kood  reason  to  tidnk 
that  it  wrtf  foujfht  llftv  miles  distant  from  (,'!::•- 
lonssur-Murne,  and  that  It  would  be  more  cor- 
rectly named  the  battle  of  Troyes,  or,  to  speaU 
with  complete  accuracy,  the  l)attle  of  .Merysur- 
Helne."—  r.  Ilod^kin,  Itiil//  nitil  Ihr  Inviukm, 
hk.  3,  eh.  8  (».  2).—"  It  was  durinfr  the  retreat 
from  OrleauA  that  a  Christian  hermit  is  reported 
to  have  approached  the  lIimnlHh  kini;,  nnd  fudd 
to  him,  'Thou  art  the  HcourKe  of  Ooil  for  tlie 
chastisement  of  Christians.'  Attlla  Instantly  as- 
sumed this  nev  title  of  terror,  whicli  thenceforth 
became  the  appellation  by  which  he  was  most 
widely  and  most  fearfully  known." — Sir  K. 
Creasv,  h\fteeii  IkeUirelinttles  of  the  W'ovUI,  eh.  (1. 
A.  b.  452. — Attila's  invasion  of  Italy. — In 
the  summer  of  4r)l  Attlla,  retreating?  from  the 
Moody  plain  of  Chalons,  recrosseil  the  Rhine  and 
returned  to  Ids  ((Uarters  In  Hungary.  There, 
through  the  following;  niitunm  and  winter,  he 
nursed  his  chagrin  and  his  wrath,  and  in  tlie 
spring  of  ATi'i  lie  set  his  host  in  motion  again, 
directing  Its  march  to  the  .lulinn  Alps  and 
thnmgh  their  pas.ses  Into  Italy.  Tho  city  of 
Atiuilela,  then  prominent  in  commerce,  and  pros- 
perous and  rich,  was  the  first  to  obstruct  the 
savngo  invasion.  The  defence  of  the  city  proved 
80  obiitlnatc  that  Attlla  was  at  the  point  of  aban- 
diming  his  siege,  when  a  flight  of  storks,  which 
his  shrewdness  construed  favorably  as  an. omen, 
cncouragcil  the  Huns  to  one  more  irresistible  as- 
sault and  the  doomed  town  was  carried  l)y  storm. 
"In  proportion  to  the  stubbornness  of  the  de- 
fence was  tho  severity  of  the  puulslinient  meted 
out  to  Aiiuilcia.  The  Roman  soldiers  were,  no 
doubt,  all  slain.  Attila  was  not  a  man  to  encum- 
ber himself  with  prisoners.  The  town  was  abso- 
lutely given  up  to  the  rage,  tho  lust,  and  the 
greed  of  tho  Tartar  liorde  wlio  had  so  long  chafed 
around  its  walls.  .  .  .  When  the  barbarians  con  hi 
plunder  no  more,  they  i)robal)ly  used  Are,  for 
the  very  buildings  of  Atiuilcia  perished,  so  that, 
as  .lornandes  tells  us,  in  his  time,  a  century  later 
than  the  siege,  scarcely  tho  vestiges  of  it  yet  re- 
mained. A  few  housLS  may  have  been  left  stand- 
ing, and  others  must  liave  slowly  gatlicred  round 
them,  for  tho  Patriarch  of  Aquileia  retained  all 
through  tho  middle  agos  considerable  remains  of 
his  old  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  and  a  large  and 
somewhat  stately  cathedral  was  reared  there  in 
the  eleventh  century.  But  tho  City  of  tho  North 
\yind  never  reolly  recovered  from  the  blow.  .  .  . 
The  terrible  invaders,  made  more  wratliful  and 
more  tcrriblo  by  the  resistance  of  Aquileia, 
streamed  on  through  tho  trembling  cities  of 
Vcnetia."  Patavium  (modern  Padua),  Altinum 
and  Julia  Concordia,  were  blotted  out  of  exis- 
tence. At  Vicenza,  Verona,  Brescia,  Bergamo, 
Pavia  and  Milan,  the  towns  were  sacked,  but 
spared  destruction,  and  the  inhabitants  who  did 
not  escape  were  carried  away  into  captivity. 
Many  of  the  fugitives  from  these  towns  escaped 

''-"  1G89 


the  Iluns  by  hiding  in  the  IslaniU  and  fens  of 
the  neighboring  Adriatic  coast,  ami  nut  uf  the 
jioor  fishing  villages  that  they  formed  there  grew, 
ill  lime,  the  great  <'onimerclal  city  and  republic 
of  Vriilce.  "The  valley  of  the  I'o  was  now 
wasted  to  the  heart's  conteiit  of  the  invailers. 
Should  they  cross  tho  Appemiliies  ami  blot  out 
Rome  as  they  had  blotted  out  Aipiili'la  from 
aniiing  the  ciiles  of  the  world  Y  Tills  was  the 
great  ((iK'Stlon  that  was  lieing  debated  In  the 
llunnlsh  camp,  and  stnmge  to  say,  the  voices 
were  not  all  for  war.  Already  Italy  began  to 
strike  tliat  strange  awe  into  tlie  hearts  of  her 
northern  coniiuerors  which  so  often  In  later  ages 
lias  been  her  best  defence.  The  remembrance  of 
Alarlc,  i'lit  olT  by  a  mysterious  death  liiiiiirdiately 
after  his  canture  of  Rome,  was  present  In  the 
mind  of  Attila,  ami  was  fr>  i|Uently  Insisted  upon 
by  his  counsellors."  So,  the  grim'  Ilun  was  pre- 
pared by  his  siiperstitioiiH  to  listen  to  the  embassy 
from  Rome  which  met  him  at  tiie  Tlciiio,  praying 
for  peace.  At  the  lieiui  of  the  embassy  was  the 
venerable  blslici  of  Rome,  I.eo  I. —  the  (irst  of 
the  great  Popes,  To  his  inlliience  the  piicltlc 
dis|)ositlon  into  which  Attila  was  persuaded  has 
been  commonly  ascribed.  At  all  events,  the 
king  of  the  Huns  con.sented  to  jieace  with  the 
Romans,  and  withdrew  beyond  the  Danube  in 
fullllment  of  the  treaty,  leaving  Italy  a  desert  to 
the  Ai)pcnnines,  but  liot  beyond. — T.  Ilodgkiu, 
Itiilji  iniil  Her  litriiihrn.  hk.  'i,  eh.  4  (e.  2), 

Also  in:  E.  Qibbon,  Ueeline  and  Full  of  the 
liomnn  Hmjnre,  eh.  35. — See,  also,  Venice:  A.  I). 
452. 

A.  D.  453.— Death  of  Attila  and  fall  of  his 
empire. — Attila  tiled  suddenly  and  mysteriously 
in  his  sleep,  after  a  drunken  debaucli,  some  tiino 
in  the  early  months  of  tho  year  453,  and  his  death 
was  the  end  of  the  "reign  of  terror"  imder 
which  he  had  reduced  half  the  world.  "Imme- 
diately after  his  death,  tho  Germans  refused  to 
submit  to  the  divided  rule  of  his  sons,  Tho 
army  of  Attila  split  up  into  two  great  cami)s;  on 
theone  side  were  tho  Qepida'  and  Ostrogoths,  with 
the  majority  of  tho  Teutonio  nations;  on  tho 
other  the  Huns,  the  Alans,  the  Sarmatlaus  or 
Blavonians,  and  tlic  few  Oermaus  who  still 
owned  allegiance  to  the  memory  of  Attila,  A 
vast  plain  between  tho  Drave  and  the  I):tnub<! 
was  selected  to  decide  this  vital  struggle,  known 
as  tlio  battle  of  Notad.  which,  though  less  famous 
in  history,  may  perliaps  claim  oiiual  im|iortaucc 
with  that  of  Clmious,  as  an  arbiter  of  the  des- 
tinies of  civilization.  .  .  .  Fortune  at  first  seemed 
to  favour  the  Huns;  but  German  8tcadfastnes.s 
prevailed ;  Goths  anil  Gepidio  scattered  tho  less- 
disciplined  bands  of  Asia;  and  Ardaric,  tlic  king 
of  the  latter  tribe  for  tlio  time,  ostablislied  him- 
self in  the  royal  resid  iice  of  Attila,  and  assumed 
tho  leading  position  in  tho  barbarian  worlil." — 
J.  G.  Sheppard,  Fall  of  Home,  lect.  4.— "Thirty 
thousand  of  the  Huns  and  tlieir  confederates  lay 
dead  upon  tlio  field,  among  them  p]llak,  Attila  a 
first-born.  .  .  .  The  rest  of  his  nation  Hed  away 
across  tlioDacian  plains,  and  over  the  Carpathian 
mountains  to  those  wide  stoppc-i  of  Soutliern 
Russia  in  whicii  at  the  comnieiuement  of  our 
history  we  saw  the  three  Gotliic  nations  taking 
up  their  abode.  Ernak,  Attila's  darling,  ruied 
tranquilly  under  Roman  protection  in  tho  dis- 
trict between  tho  ipwer  Danube  and  the  Black 
.Sea,  which  we  now  cail  tho  Dotirudscha,  and 
which  was  then  'the  lesser  Scythia.'    Others  of 


HUNH,  A.  D.  481. 


IIUHBKIN. 


bU  family  iirilriliilncd  a  nnTiirlmmfiMilliiK  IiIkIht 
uj>  llic  Mlri'iim.  ,  .  .  'IIhti-  Ih  imtliliiK  In  llic 
iifUT  liUliiry  (if  llicKii  friiifiiiinl'-  111  lli<^  imtliin  with 
wlili'li  liny  line  iiciil  ronrirn  lilinHcir.  .  .  .  Diirlii, 
Hint  |>iirt  of  lliiiiKiiry  wlili'li  lies  tiiKt  iind  mirlli 
i)f  (III'  Diimilir,  mill  wlilcli  liml  luiii  lln'  lii'tirl,  nf 
Atlila'i*  iliiiiiiiliiH,  fell  Id  till'  lilt  iif  till' (trlililiti', 
iiiiiliT  till' wIhi'  iiiiil  vl('l(irlmi.-t  Ai(l;irli'.  I'liiiiiii 
nlii,  Hint.  U  till'  wi'slrni  portliiii  of  lliiii^iiry, 
with  Hrliivonlii,  and  |)iiri-i<if  Cnnitlii,  Hlyrlil  iiMil 
LowiT  AuHtrlii.  wiiH  ruled  n  it  by  (hu  tJ'.ri't! 
Ainiil  drsci'iidcd  klu^H  iif  tlin  ()»triijf(itlm."— T. 
lliKl^'kln.  Itnty  ami  Her  Inmii-r;  hk.  8,  eh.  1 
(P.  a). 

AttiU  in  Teutonic  legend.—'  ijliort  m  wiiii  tiio 
•wily  of  Atllln  (from  4''irto  158),  tlio  terror  It  Imd 
iiiN|ilriul  luid  tlii'Krcal  coTiihiotlon  it  liiid  lirotiKlit 
over  llic  wliolf  i'l'iiton  and  Komaii  world,  wcro 
not  .  .  .  HiKiii  ../rnottcii.  .  .  .  Tlio  memory  of 
tliii  K^'Ot  clili-ftaiii  ii'.'  errd  for  a  lotiK  timi',  like 
u  bloody  phantom,  in  tliu  Itoniaii  ainuilH  and  In 
thii  Ucrmaii  hiikiih.  .  .  .  When  wi;  coinpurti  the 
I'iiitoric^al  Attila,  before  vIioho  piercing  iiiilaiico 
Konu!  and  ConHtjintinople  trcndiU'd,  with  Ktzel 
of  the  Nlbeluntfen  lied,  we  llnd  that  the  latter 
iM'urH  but  a  HiiKlit  retu^mblanee  to  tlio  former.  It 
Ih  true  that  Attlla's  powerful  Hway  is  still  re 
fleeted  in  the  NIbelungen  Med,  as  Kriemliild  at 
her  arrival  in  the  hind  of  the  Huns  is  surprised 
at  seeing  so  many  nations  submitted  to  his 
Bccptre.  Yet  upon  the  whole  Etzel  plays  in  tho 
German  epie  the  part  of  a  weak  ami  somel  lines 
even  contemptible  kiiijj,  while  Kl'mpf'S  of  his 
real  might  can  be  ilcleeteil  only  at  rare  intervals, 
tliittering  as  it  were  in  the  far-ilUtiint  biM'kffround 
of  u  bygone  time.  .  .  .  The  Kddas  ami  the  Vol- 
sunga  Haga  bear  the  impress  of  the  early  Teu- 
tonic era,  wlieii  the  king  was  little  more  than 
the  ehosen  leader  in  war;  and  the  Northern 
people  for  a  long  time  liad  in  their  political  iii- 
BtltutioMS  nothing  by  which  tho  conception  of  a 
great  numarchy,  or  still  less  of  a  far-stretching 
realm  like  that  of  Attila,  could  be  expressed." — 
().  'i.  nippold,  (Iriiit  Kpidi  of  .^frtli(rr<ll  (/iTiiuiiii/, 
cli.  •). 

HUNS,  The  White.  — "It  was  during  the 
reign  of  this  prince  [Varalirun  V.,  king  of  Persia, 
A.  I).  420^40]  that  those  terrible  struggles  com- 
menced between  the  Persians  and  their  neigh- 
bours upon  the  north-cast  which  continued,  from 
the  early  part  of  t  :e  fifth  till  the  niiddle  of  the 
sixth  century,  to  endanger  tho  very  existence  of 
tho  empire.  Various  names  are  given  to  the  peo- 
ple with  whom  Persia  waged  her  wars  during  this 
period.  They  i\rc  called  Turks,  Huns,  sometimes 
even  Chinese ;  but  these  terms  seem  to  be  used  in 
a  vague  way,  as  '  Scythian '  was  by  the  ancients; 
1 1  id  tho  special  ethnic  designation  of  the  people 
appears  to  bo  quite  a  dillereut  name  from  any  of 
tliem.  It  is  a  name  tlie  Persian  form  of  which 
is  'Ilanlial,'  or  •llaVtheleh,'  the  Armenian 
•  Heplithagh,'  and  the  Greeli  'Ephthalitcs,'  or 
sometimes 'Nephthalites.' .  .  .  All  that  we  know 
of  tho  Ephthalitcs  is,  that  they  were  established 
in  force,  during  the  flftli  and  sixth  centuries  of 
our  era,  in  the  regions  cast  of  the  Caspian,  especi- 
ally in  those  beyond  the  Oxus  river,  and  tliat 
they  were  generally  regarded  as  belonging  to  the 
Scythic  or  Pinno-Turkic  population,  which,  at 
any  rate  from  B.  C.  200,  had  become  powerful  in 
tliat  region.  They  were  called  '  White  Huns '  by 
some  of  the  Greeks;  but  it  is  admitted  that  they 


were  i|iilti'  dlHthii'l  from  the  Huim  who  inviidi  d 
Kurope  under  Attila.  .  .  .  'I'hey  were  a  light 
compli'xiiiiied  ni'T,  wliereiiH  (he  Huim  were  de- 
cidedly swarl ;  they  wen' not  lll-l<Hiklng,  whereHH 
till!  Huns  were  lililenuH;  they  were  an  agricul- 
tural peii|di',  while  till'  Huns  were  i^omailM;  they 
hud  good  laws,  and  were  liderublv  well  clvlllsecl, 
bat  tile  Htiiis  were  savages.  It  Is  probable  that 
thiy  I. 'longed  to  the  Thibetle  or  TiirklNh  stock." 
--til.  IdiwIlnNon,  Strtnlli.  limit  Itrimtdl  Mmi- 
rrelij/,  'A.  14.  — "  We  are  able  to  disllngiiisli  the 
two  gnat  dlvlhloiiH  of  these  formidable  exIleH 
(die  Huns],  which  directed  their  march  towanls 
<he  Oxus  and  towards  the  Volga.  The  tirst  of 
ihese  colonies  established  their  dominion  in  tho 
fruitful  and  extensive  plains  of  Hogdiana,  on  the 
easti'rn  side  of  the  Caspian,  where  they  preserved 
the  name  of  Huns,  witli  the  epithet  of  Euthall^eH 
ll'^phthalltesl,  or  Nephthalites.  Their  manneni 
went  softened,  and  even  their  features  were  In- 
sensibly improved,  by  the  mildness  of  the  climat« 
and  their  long  residence  in  a  tl.iurlsblng  iirovincc; 
which  night  still  retain  a  faint  impression  of  tlic 
arts  of  Greece.  The  White  Huns,  a  nanu!  which 
they  derived  from  the  change  of  their  complexion, 
soon  abandoned  the  pastoral  lifu  of  Hcythla. 
Gorgo,  widch,  under  the  appellation  of  Caiizl  , 
has  since  enjoyed  a  temporary  splendour,  \  i 
tho  rcuidenco  of  tho  king,  who  exercised  a  legal 
authority  over  an  oliedient  people.  Their  luxury 
was  nndntaincd  by  the  labour  of  tho  Hogdians. 
— E.  Gibbon,  J)eeune  ami  Fitllnfthe  Human  Km- 
pire,  eh,  30. — Tlie  White  Huns  were  subjugated 
by  till!  Turks.     Bee  TiMtKs:  HixTii  Ckni  uuv. 

HUNTER,  General  David.  —  Command  in 
Kansas,     Heo  Unitki>  Htayks  ok  A.m.  ;  A.  D. 

18(>1    (July  —  Novemiikii) Emancipation 

Order.     Hee  Unitkd  Ht.\tks  ok  Am.  :  A.  1).  1862 

(May) Command  in  the  Shenandoah.    Seo 

UnitkhHtatksoi.' A.M. ;  A.  1).  1804 (May— Junk: 

VllUllNIA). 

HUNTSVILLE,  Capture  of.  Seo  United 
Htatks  OK  Am  ;  A.  I).  18tt'J(Ai'iui. — May:  Ala- 
mama). 

HUPAS,  OR  HOOPAHS,  The.     Seo  Amkhi 

CAN  .\UOUIOINE8:    MOD<lCS. 

HURON,  Lalce:  Discovery.  See  Canada: 
A.  1).  1011-1010;  and  10;i4-I073. 

A.  D.  1679.— Navigated  by  La  Salle.  Hee 
Canada:  A.  D.  1000-1087. 

HURONS,  OR  WYANDOTS,  The.  Seo 
A-MKitlCAN  AiioitldiNKs:  HliKoNS,  aiid  Iltoquois 

CONKI'iDKUACY. 

HURST  CASTLE,  King  Charles  at.    See 

Enoi.and:  a.  1).  1048(Novh;miikk— Dkckmiieh). 

HUS  AND  THE  REFORMATION  IN 
BOHEMIA.     Seo  Hohkmia:    A.  D.   1405-1415. 

HUSCARLS.     See  Housecaiils. 

HUSSARS.— Matthias,  son  of  John  Hunyadi, 
was  elected  king  of  Hungary  in  1458.  "The 
defence  of  the  country  chictly  engaged  the  at- 
tention of  Matthias  at  tlie  commencement  of  his 
reign.  Measures  of  defence  were  accordingly 
carried  on  with  the  utmost  speed,  the  most  im- 
portant of  which  was  tlie  establishment  of  regu- 
lar cavalry ;  to  levy  which  one  man  was  enrolled 
out  of  every  20  families.  Tliis  was  tlie  origin  of 
the  '  Hussar,'  meaning  in  Hungarian  the  price  or 
due  of  twenty." — E.  Szabad,  llungary.  Past  and 
Present,  p.  50. 

HUSSEIN,  Shah  of  Persia,  A.  D.  1694-1722. 


1690 


IIUSTINQ. 


IIYKCANIA. 


HUSTINGS.     COURT  OF  HUSTINC- 

'■  Tliu  ■  liytfli  mill  iiiiiK-vcni '  ( 'duri  nf  .liistiiiK  of 
tlifl'ily  iif  Ijoii'l'i"  iHof  Aii>jlii  Siixfiii,  or,  ti)H|pciik 
nior«  uciumtt'ly,  of  Sciiiulliiitviitii  origin,  liciii^ 
It  ri'iiiiirkitlilo  iiiciiioritil  nf  tlu-  Hwiiy  nuv.i'.  oxer 
riM'dovrr  KiigliiiKl  liy  llii'  DuiicHiuidotlu'r  North- 
nii'ii.     Tli«  iiuinii  of  tlio  Court   In  il(>rlv('tl   from 

|llll!t|,  '  II    llOUHC,'   liiul    [llhillKl.   Ik    lllillK'.     '('UIIW',' 

or  'roiiiicll,'  and  hIkiiIiIi'm,  lU'cordiiiK  to  K<'"''f'd 
acci'ptiilioii,  'li  court  lii'ld  in  ii  Iiouhc,'  in  coiitni' 
(llHtinctlon  to  otluT  'tliiiinH,'  or  courts,  wlilcli  li\ 
8uxon  tiiiit'H  w<'rit  umiiilly  licid  in  tlic  open  air. 
.  ,  .  TIki  term  '  lluntlii){  or,  lcsHcorn'(!tIy,' lIuHt- 
ings'  iHcommonlv  applii^d  at  tliu  prcNcnt  day  to 
open  air  luiiMimblU'H  or  trmoorary  coiirtH,  UNiially 
hull!  In  Homi)  elcvaU'il  poHltlon,  forllu!  purpowMif 
eliu'tiuK  uicmlitTHof  Parlianu'iit  in  <'ouiiti"H  and 
borouKliH,  its  strict  ctynioloKlcai  nicaniiiK  lii'lu); 
limt  Hi^lit  of.  .  .  .  [Tlie  ('ourt  of  lIuHtiiiKl  Ih  till) 
olduDt  court  of  rvconl  witliin  tliu(.'ity,  and  at  one 
time  constituted  tho  solu  court  for  scttliiiK  iUh- 

Sutes  between  citizen  and  citizen." — H.  U. 
Iiarpo,  Intrml.  to  CaleiuUir  of  WilU,  Court  of 
llii»tinii,  Lomlim. 

HUTCHINSON,  Mrs.  Anne,  and  the  Anti- 
nomian  trouble!.  Hi'n  Mamhaciiuhk'ITh:  A.  D. 
Iti;m-l«;tH;  mid  HmodkIhi.and:  A.  I).  1(!;W-1(H(I. 

HUTCHINSON,  Governor  Thomas,  and 
the  outbreak  of  Revolution  in  Massachusetts. 
Hi'c  MAHHACuusKrrH:  A.  I).  1701;  and  IfNiTKO 
HtatksokAm.  :  A.  D.  170.),  Nkwhoftiib  Stamp 
Act;  I77a-I77;i;  1774  (.Mav— June). 

HWICCAS.— A  name  borne  by  the  West 
Saxons  who  first  settled  in  Oloucestersliiro  and 
Worceatersliire  when  that  rcfjlou  was  conquered. 
They  led  a  revolt  asuinHi  tlie  West  Saxon  kiiiK 
Ceawlln,  in  whicli  they  were  joined  by  tho  Hril- 
ims,  or  Welsh.  Tho  battle  of  Waiiborounh, 
fought  A.  1).  501 ,  drove  ('eawlln  from  tho  throne. 
—.1.  U.  (Jreen,  The  Afiikiiif/ of  Kiirj.,  pp.  12U-'..>08. 
— See  Enoi.and;  A.  I).  .'347  ■^'.i'ti. 

HYACINTHIA,  Feast  of  the.— "Tho  feast 
nf  the  Ilyacinthia  wa.s  held  mmually  at  Aniycltu 
[Liiceiliemoiiia],  on  the  lou>;e.st  day  of  the  Spar- 
tan month  Ilecutumbeiis,  corresponding  to  our 
Juno  and  July.  .  '.  .  Hyacintlius,  tho  beautiful 
youth  slain  accidentally  by  Apollo,  was  tlio 
chief  object  of  the  worship.  JIo  took  his  name 
from  the  Hower,  wliicli  was  an  emblem  of  death ; 
and  tlio  original  feast  seems  to  havu  been  alto- 
gether a  mournful  ceremony, —  a  lament iitiim 
over  tho  destruction  of  tho  flowers  of  spring  by 
the  summer  heat,  passing  on  to  a  more  geni^ral 
lament  over  deatli  itself." — O.  liuwlinsoi),  JIM. 
of  IlerodotM,^  Note,  bk.  U,  sect.  7. 

Also  in:  E.  Abbott,  Hist,  of  Greece,  v.  1,  p.  223. 

HYBLA.— "There  was  a  Sikel  goddess  Hy- 
bla,  whom  tho  Greeks  looked  on  as  the  same  with 
several  goddesses  of  their  own  njythology,  hero 
Willi  one,  there  with  another.  Three  towns  in 
Sicily  were  called  after  her,  one  in  tho  sou.a- 
eastern  part  of  the  island,  now  Itagusa,  another 
on  tho  coast  north  of  Syracuse,  near  tho  place 
■where  the  Greek  colony  of  Jlegara  was  afterwards 

Slanted.  This  gave  its  name  to  tho  Ilyblaiuu 
ills  not  far  off,  famous  for  their  honey ;  but 
there  is  no  hill  strictly  called  Mount  llybla.  The 
third  IJybla  is  inland,  not  far  from  Catania,  and 
is  now  called  Paterno." — E.  A.  Freeman,  Htory  of 
Sicily,  p.  83. 

HYDASPES,The.— Tho  ancient  name  of  the 
river  Jelum,  or  Jhelum..  in  the  Punjab,  on  tho 
banks  of  which  the  iadian  king  Porug  made  a 


vain  attempt  til  oppiMc  the  liivaNion  of  Alexitn 
dor  — ('   Tlilrlwall,  lli»t.  ,>f  (Irfw,  eh.  K\. 

HYDER  ALI  AND  tIPPOO  SAIB,  Ene- 
llsh  Wars  v»ith.  See  India;  A.  I)  17tl7-1700; 
17N(»-I7m;I;  iiiid  17H.-,-l7U:». 

HYDERABAD  OR  HAIDERABAD,  The 
Niiamof.    Sec  India:  A.  1).  1002-l71N;mid  1M77. 

HY-IVAR,  The.  Hee  Nouma.nh.  -Noutii- 
mi-;n:  Mtii-Dtii  (-'kntiiuikh,  and  1(»tii   IUtii  Ch;N- 

TI'IIIK.H. 

HYKSOS,  The.    See    Eovit:  Tiik   Hykhob. 

HYLLEANS,  The.— "The  llyllemis  are 
never  iiiiiitiiiMed  in  anv  liiKtorical  narrative,  but 
always  in  mytiiical  Klreek]  legends;  and  they 
appear  t^i  hiiv"  been  Known  to  tho  geogniplierH 
only   from  inythologieal  writers.     Yi'l  they  are 

f:enerally  placed  in  tho  islands  of  Melita  and 
llaek'dorcyra  to  tho  south  of  Mbiirnia. " — C. 
().  MUller,  lli»t.  aiul  AiUiq.  of  t/ui  i.\iric  lliiee,  v. 
1,  iiitrml. 

HYMETTUS.— One  of  the  noted  mountaiiis 
of  Attica,  "celebrated  for  its  excellent  liiuiey, 
and  tlie  broad  belt  of  flowers  at  its  base,  which 
scented  the  air  with  their  delieiouH  perfume." — 
M.  and  U,  P.  Willson,  JA/wi'r*  «/  (Ireeian  tlitt., 
;<.  9. 

HY-NIALS  AND  EUGENIANS.  — "As 
Burnmnes  were  not  generally  used,  cither  In 
Ireland  or  anywhere  else,  till  after  tho  lOtli  cen- 
tury, tho  great  families  are  distinguishublu  at 
first  only  by  their  tribe  or  dan  names.  Thus,  at 
tho  north  we  have  the  Ily-Nial  race;  in  tho  south 
tho  Eugcnian  race,  so  called,  from  NIal  and 
Eoghau,  their  miilual  ancestors."  — '.  I).  Mc- 
Oee,  I'oiniliir  Hint,  if  IrHiiitil,  hk.  1,  ch   2  (p.  1). 

HYPERBOREANS,  The.— A  my  thi-al  peo- 
ple, supposed  by  tho  ancients  to  dwell  beyond 
the  north  wind,  and  therefore  to  enjoy  a  perfect 
climate  in  the  cvtreiiio  north. 

HYPHASIS,  The. —The  ancient  name  of 
the  river  SiitloJ.  in  the  Punjab,  which  was  tho 
limit  of  Alexander's  iniirch  into  India. 

HYRCANIA.  -  HYRCANIAN  SEA.  - 
"The  nioiiiitiiiii  chain  which  skirts  tho  (ireat 
Plateau  [of  Iran]  on  the  north,  distinguished  in 
these  pages  by  tho  name  of  Elburz,  broadens  out 
after  it  passes  tho  south-eastern  corner  'if  tho 
(Caspian  Sea  till  it  covers  a  space  of  nearly  three 
degrees  (more  than  200  miles).  Insti^ad  of  tho 
single  lofty  ridgo  which  separates  tho  Halt  Desert 
from  tho  low  Caspian  region,  we  find  lietween 
the  54th  and  5l)th  ucgrcoB  of  east  longitude  three 
or  four  distinct  ranges,  all  nearly  parallel  to  one 
another,  having  a  general  direction  of  east  and 
west.  .  .  .  Here  in  Persian  times  was  settled  a 
people  called  Ilyrcani ;  and  from  them  the  tract 
derived  the  name  of  Ilyrcania  (Vehrkana),  while 
tho  lake  [CJuspian  Sea]  on  wliich  it  luljoincd 
came  to  be  known  as  '  tho  Ilyrcanian  Sea.'  The 
fertility  of  the  region,  its  broad  plains,  shady 
womis,  and  lofty  mountains  were  celebrated  by 
the  ancient  writers." — O.  Uawlinson,  Five  Ureal 
Afonurchics :  I'ernia,  ch.  1. —  "In  the  inscriptions 
of  tho  Achicmenids  their  land  [Ilyrcania]  is 
known  as  Varkana;  tho  modem  name  is  Jorjan. 
Here,  according  to  tho  Greeks,  the  mountains 
were  covered  with  forests  of  oaks,  where  swarms 
of  wile  bees  had  their  hives;  in  tho  valleys  vines 
and  flg-trccs  flourished,  and  the  soil  down  to  the 
sea  was  so  luxuriant  that  corn  grow  from  the 
fallen  grains  without  any  special  sowing. "  —  M. 
Dunckcr,  Hist,  of  Antiquity,  bk.  7,  ch.  1. — See, 
also,  Pakthia. 


1691 


lAPYOIANS. 


ICONOCLASTIC  CONTROVERSY. 


I. 


lAPYGIANS,  The.  See  Italy,  Ancient; 
also,  (Enotuianh. 

lAZYGES,  OR  JAZYGES,  The.    See  LiMl- 

OANTKS. 

IBERA,  Battle  at.    See  Pn?iic  Wah,   The 

Skcosi). 

IBERIANS,  The  eastern.— "The  Snpcires 
[of  llurodotuii]  ai)i>L'iir  to  lie  the  Iberians  of  later 
writers.  The  name  is  found  under  tlie  various 
forms  of  Saspeires,  Sapeires,  Sabeires,  or  Sa- 
bciri,  and  Abeires,  wlieuce  tlie  transition  to 
Ibercs  is  easy.  They  are  always  represented  as 
adjoininjj  on  the  Colchians  to  tlie  east  and  south- 
east, 80  th.it  they  must  evidently  have  inhabited 
the  fcreatc*  part  of  the  modern  province  of 
Georgia.  ,  .  .  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the 
modern  Oei irgiaus  —  still  called  'Virk'  by  tlieir 
neighbours  —are  their de.scendants,  and  preserve, 
in  tlie  original  seat  of  the  nation,  a  name  and  a 
nationality  wliieli  have  defied  the  destroying 
touch  of  time  for  more  than  twenty-four  cen- 
turies."—Q.  Rawlinson,  Hint,  of  JIcrocMiis,  bk. 
7,  app.  1.  —  See,  also,  Alauodi.\N8.  —  If  these 
Iberians  of  the  east  were  connected  in  race  or 
origin  of  name  with  tlie  Iberians  of  western 
Europe,  tlie  connection  docs  not  seem  to  have 
been  traced.  Iberia  was  devastated  and  subju- 
gated by  the  Seljuk  Turks  in  tlie  lltli  century. 
§eeTrnK8(SEi.JUKg):  A.  D.  1008-1073. 

IBERIANS,  The  western. — "The  numerous 
sktills  obtainiid  from  Basijue  cemeteries  possess 
exactly  those  characters  which  have  been  re- 
marked ...  in  the  Neolitliic  tombs  and  '_aves 
in  Britain  ond  on  the  Continent,  and  may  there- 
fore ho  taken  to  imjily  that  tlie  IBasque-sppaking 
peoples  are  to  be  looked  upon  as  a  fragment  of  the 
race  whicli  occupied  the  British  isles,  and  tiie 
area  west  of  the  Rhine  and  north  of  tlie  Alps,  in 
the  Neolitliic  oge.  .  .  .  Nor  can  there  be  any 
reasonable  doubt  as  to  tliis  small,  dark-haired 
people  being  identical  with  the  ancient  Iberians 
of  history,  who  have  left  their  name  in  the 
Iberian  peninsula  [Spain]  as  a  mark  of  their  for- 
mer dominion  in  the  west.  .  .  .  In  ancient  timi:s 
they  were  spread  through  Spain  as  far  to  t)ie 
south  as  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  and  a?  far  to  t  le 
north-cast  as  Germany  and  Denmar''  The  Ibtric 
population  of  the  British  Isles  wus  anparenlly 
preserved  from  contact  with  other  races  tlirough- 
out  the  whole  of  the  Neolithic  age.  On  tlie  Con- 
tinent, however,  it  is  not  so ;  a  new  set  of  men, 
differing  in  physical  characteristics  from  Ihcni, 
make  their  appearance.  .  .  .  Tlie  new  invader 
is  identified  by  Thumam  and  Huxley  witli  the 
Celtic  of  history.  .  .  .  Tlicse  two  races  were  in 
possession  of  Spain  during  the  very  earliest 
times  recorded  in  history,  the  Iberians  occupy- 
ing the  north-western  region,  and  the  Celts,  or 
Gauls,  extending  in  a  broad  band  soujh  of  the 
Pyrenees  along  tlic  Mediterranean  shore.  ...  In 
the  north  the  Vascones  tlien,  as  now,  held  the 
Basque  provinces  of  Spain.  Tlie  distribution  of 
these  two  races  in  Gaul  is  similar  to  tliat  which 
wc  have  noted  in  Spain.  .  .  .  Wlien  Caesar  con- 
quered Gaul,  the  Iberian  Aquitani  possessed  the 
region  bounded  by  the  river  Garonne,  the  Ce- 
veniies.  and  the  Pj'renees.  .  .  .  An  clliiiological 
connection  also  between  Aquitaine  and  Brittany 
(Arraorica)  may  be  inferred  from  the  remark  of 
Pliny,  'Aquitania  Armorica  ante  dicta.'  .  .  . 
Just  as  the  Celts  puslied  back  the  Iberian  popu- 


lation of  Gaul  OS  far  south  as  Aquitania,  and 
swejit  round  it  into  Sjmin,  so  they  crossed  the 
channel  and  overran  tlie  greater  portion  of 
Britain,  until  tlie  bilures,  identified  by  Tacitus 
with  tlie  Iberiaii-i,  were  left  only  in  tliose  fast- 
nesses wliicli  w:'re  siibsequentl.  a  refuge  for  the 
Welsh  against  the  English  invaders. "— W.  B. 
Dawkins,  A'nrly  Man  in  Britain,  ch.  9. 

Also  in:  I.  Ta;  lor,  Orif/in  of  the  Aryans,  ch. 
2,  seet.  5.— See  Celts;  LiuuniANs;  Aquitaine: 
The  ancient  Tribes;  and  Poutuoal:  Eauly 
Histouv;  and,  also,  v.  1,  Appendix  A. 

IBERION.     See  ALmoN. 

IBRAHIM,  Caliph,  A.  D.  744 Ibrahim, 

Turkish  Sultan,  1040-1040. 

ICARIA,  Attica. — One  of  the  denies  or  an- 
cient townships  of  Attica,  where  Icarius,  in  a 
Greek  legend,  was  taught  the  art  of  wine-mak- 
ing liy  Dionysus. 

ICARIA,  in  the  JEgeaa. — An  island  near 
Samos  and  ancle  Jtiy  belonging  to  the  Samiaus, 
wlio  used  it  ehielly  for  their  pasture  land. 

ICELAND:  Supposed  identity  with  the 
Ultima  Thule  of  the  ancients.    See  Tiiule. 

A.  D.  860-1 100.— Discovery  and  Settlement 
by  the  Northmen, — A  Norse  Commonwealth. 
— Development  of  the  Saga  Literature.  See 
Ngumans.— Northmen:  A.  D.  800-1100. 

A.  D.  1800-1874.— Political  relations  with 
Denmark.     See  Scandinavian  States  (Den- 
mark—Iceland): A.  D.  1849-1874. 
• 

ICELANDIC  "  THING,"  The.    See  Thing. 

ICENI,  The.  SeeBuiTAiN:  Celtic  Tribes; 
and  A.  D.  01. 

ICONIUM,  Sultans  of.  See  Turks  (The 
Seljuks):  A.  D.  1073-1092. 

ICONOCLASTIC  CONTROVERSY,  The. 
— "  Of  tlie  controversies  that  disquieted  this  age 
[the  eighth  century],  the  greatest  and  the  most 
pernicious  related  to  the  worship  of  sacred  im- 
ages. Originating  in  Greece,  it  tlience  spread 
over  the  East,  and  the  West,  producing  great 
harm  both  to  tlie  state  and  to  the  church.  The 
first  sparks  of  it  appeared  under  Phillippicus  Bar- 
danes,  who  was  emperor  of  the  Greeks  near  the 
beginning  of  tliis  century.  With  the  consent  of 
the  patriarcli  John,  in  the  year  712,  he  removed 
from  the  portico  of  tlie  church  of  St.  Sophia  a 
picture  representing  tiic  sixth  general  council, 
wliicli  condemned  the  Monothelites,  whom  the 
emi)eror  was  disposed  to  favour;  and-  he  sent  his 
mandate  to  Rome,  requiring  all  such  pictures  to 
be  removed  out  of  tlie  churches.  But  Constan- 
tine,  the  Roman  pontiff,  not  only  protested 
against  the  emperor's  edict,  but  .  .  .  ,  having 
assembled  a  council  at  Rome,  he  caused  the 
emperor  himself  to  be  condemned  as  an  apostate 
from  the  true  religion.  Tliese  first  commotions, 
iiowever,  terminated  tlie  next  year,  when  the  em- 
peror was  hurled  from  the  throne.  Under  Leo  the 
Isauriau,  a  very  heroic  emperor,  another  conflict 
ensued ;  which  was  far  more  terrific,  severe,  and 
lasting.  Leo,  unable  to  bear  with  tlie  extrava- 
gant superstition  of  tlie  Greeks  in  worshipping 
religious  images,  whicli  rendered  them  a  reproach 
both  to  the  Jews  and  tlie  Saracens;  in  order  to 
extiri)ate  the  evil  entirely,  issued  an  edict  in  the 
year  720,  comman<ling  all  images  of  saints,  with 
the  exception  of  that  of  Christ  on  the  cross,  to  be 


1692 


ICONOCLASTIC  CONTROVEHSY. 


lERNE. 


removed  out  of  the  churchca,  and  the  worship  of 
them  to  be  whollj'  discontinued  and  nhrogated. 
...  A  civil  war  broke  out;  lirst  in  tlie  islands 
of  the  Archipelago  uml  a  part  of  Asia,  and 
afterwards  in  Italy.  For  the  people,  either 
spoiitaneously,  or  being  so  instructed  by  the 
priests  and  monks,  to  whom  the  images  were 
productive  of  gain,  considered  the  emperor  as  nn 
apostate  from  true  religion.  ...  In  Italy,  the 
Roman  pontiffs,  Gregory  II.  and  Gregory  III., 
were  the  principal  authors  of  the  revolt.  .  .  . 
The  Romans  and  the  other  people  of  Italy  who 
were  subjects  of  the  Greek  empire,  violated 
their  allegiance,  and  cither  massacred  or  expelled 
the  viceroys  of  Leo.  E.\asperated  by  these 
causes,  the  emperor  contemplated  maknig  war 
upon  Italy,  and  especially  upon  the  pontiff:  but 
circumstances  prevented  him.  Hence  in  the 
year  730,  fired  with  resertment  and  indignation, 
he  vented  his  fury  against  images  and  their  wor- 
shippers, miich  more  violently  than  before.  For 
having  assembled  a  council  of  bishops,  he  de- 
posed Germanus,  bishop  of  Constantinople,  who 
favoured  images,  and  substituted  Anastasius  in 
his  place;  commanded  that  images  should  be 
committed  to  the  flames,  and  inflicted  various 
punishments  upon  the  advocates  of  them.  The 
consequence  of  this  severity  was,  that  the  Chris- 
tian church  was  unhappily  rent  into  two  parties; 
that  of  the  Iconoduli  or  Iconolatrae,  who  adored 
and  worshipped  images,  and  tliat  of  the  Icono- 
machl  or  Iconoclastae,  who  would  not  preserve 
but  destroyed  them ;  and  these  parties  furiously 
contended  with  mutual  invectives,  abuses,  and 
assassinations.  The  course  commenced  by  Greg- 
ory II.  was  warmly  prosecuted  by  Gregory  III., 
and  although  wo  cannot  determine  at  this  dis- 
tance of  time  the  precise  degree  of  fault  in  either 
of  these  prelates,  thus  much  is  untiuestionable, 
that  the  loss  of  their  Italian  possessions  in  this 
contest  by  the  Greeks,  is  to  be  ascribed  especially 
to  the  zeal  of  these  two  pontiffs  in  behalf  of 
images.  Leo's  son  Constantino,  surnamed  Co- 
pronymus  by  the  furious  tribe  of  Image-wor- 
shippers, after  he  came  to  the  throne,  A.  D.  741, 
trod  in  his  father's  steps;  for  he  laboured  with 
equal  vigour  to  extirpate  the  worship  of  im- 
ages, in  opposition  to  the  machinations  of  the 
Roman  pontiff  and  the  monks.  Yet  he  pursued 
the  business  with  more  moderation  than  his 
father  had  done:  and  being  aware  that  the 
Greeks  were  governed  entirely  by  the  authority 
of  councils  in  religious  matters,  he  collected  a 
council  of  eastern  bishops  at  Constantinople  in 
the  year  754,  to  examine  and  decide  this  contro- 
versy. By  the  Greeks  this  is  called  the  seventh 
general  council.  The  bishops  pronounced  sen- 
tence, as  was  customary,  according  to  the  views 
of  the  emperor ;  and  therefore  condemned  images. 
.  .  .  Leo  IV.,  who  succeeded  to  the  throne  on  the 
death  of  Constantine,  A.  D.  775,  entertained  the 
same  views  as  his  father  and  grandfather.  For 
when  he  saw,  that  the  abettors  of  images  were 
not  to  be  moved  at  all  by  mild  and  gentle  meas- 
ures, he  coerced  thero  with  penal  statutes.  But 
Leo  IV.  being  removed  by  poison,  through  the 
wickedness  of  his  perfidious  wife  Irene,  iu  the 
year  780,  images  became  triiunphant.  For  that 
guilty  woman,  who  governed  the  empire  during 
the  minority  of  her  son  Constantine,  with  a  view 
to  establish  her  authority,  after  entering  into  a 
league  with  Hadrian  the  Roman  pontiff,  assem- 
bled a  council  at  Nice  in  Bithynia  in  the  year 


z 


786,  which  is  known  by  the  title  of  the  second 
Niccne  council.  Here  the  laws  of  the  emperors, 
together  with  ihe  decrees  of  the  council  of  Con- 
stantinople, were  abrogated;  the  worship  of 
images  and  of  the  cross  was  established.  ...  In 
these  contests  most  of  the  Latins, —  as  the  Brit- 
ons, the  Germans,  and  the  French,  took  middle 
ground  between  the  contending  parties;  for  tli( 
decided,  that  images  were  to  be  retained  indee 
and  to  be  placed  in  the  churches,  but  that  no 
religious  worship  could  be  olTered  to  thcKi  with- 
out dishonouring  the  Supreme  Being.  In  particu- 
lar Charlemagne,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  French 
bishops  who  were  displeased  with  the  Niceuo 
decrees,  caused  four  Books  concerning  images  to 
be  drawn  up  by  some  learned  man,  and  sent 
them  in  the  year  700  to  the  Roman  pontiff  Ha- 
drian, with  a  view  to  prevent  his  approving  tho 
decrees  of  Nice.  In  this  work,  tho  arguments 
of  the  Nicene  bishops  in  defence  of  image- wor- 
ship, are  ocutely  and  vigorously  rombated.  But 
Hadrian  was  not  to  be  taught  by  such  a  master, 
however  illustrious,  and  therefore  issued  his 
formal  confutation  of  the  book.  Charlemagne 
next  assembled,  in  the  year  794,  a  council  of  300 
bishops,  at  Frankfort  on  the  Maine,  in  order  to 
reexamine  this  controversy.  This  council  ap- 
proved the  sentiments  contained  in  the  Books  of 
Charlemagne,  and  forbid  the  worship  of  images." 
— .1.  L.  von  Jlosheim,  Institutes  nf  Ecclesiastical 
Hist.,  bk.  3,  cenVy  8,  pt.  2,  ch.  3  (».  2). 

Also  in:  P.  Schaff,  Hist,  of  the  Christian 
Church,  V.  4,  ch.  10,  sect.  101.— E.  Gibbon,  De- 
cline ami  Fall  of  the  Itomaii  Empire,  ch.  49. — 
G.  Finhiy,  ]Iist.  of  the  JJi/zantiite  Empire,'  bk.  1. 
— 11.  F.  Tozer,  The  Church  and  the  Eastern  Em- 
pire, ch.  C— Sec,  also,  Papacy:  A.  D.  728-774. 

ICONOCLASTS  OF  THE  NETHER- 
LANDS.   See  Netiiehlands:  A.  D.  1500-1508. 

ICTIS. — An  island  olT  the  coast  of  Britain,  to 
which  tin  is  said  to  have  been  brought  from  the 
main  shore  by  natives  to  be  sold  to  Greek  mei- 
cluints.  Whother  it  was  the  Isle  of  Thanet,  ut 
the  mouth  of  the  Thames,  or  tho  Isle  of  Wight, 
or  St.  Michael's  Mount,  is  a  disputed  question. 

IDA,  Mount.     See  Tkcia. 

IDAHO :  The  Aboriginal  inhabitants.  See 
American  Abouioines:  Shosiionean  Family. 

A.  D.  1803. — Was  it  embraced  in  the  Louis- 
iana Purchase  ? — Grounds  of  American  pos- 
session.   See  Louisiana:  A.  D.  1798-1803. 

A.  D.  1863. —  Organized  as  a  Territory. — 
The  Tenitory  of  Idaho  was  created  by  an  act  of 
Congress  passed  March  3,  1863. 

A.  D.  1890. — Admission  to  the  Union  as  a 
State.  See  United  States  op  Am.  :  A.  D.  1889- 
1800. 

• 

IDES.    See  Calendajc,  Julian. 

IDLE,  Battle  of  the.— Fought  A.  D.  017. 
between  the  E.ast  English,  or  East  Angles,  ami 
the  Northumbrians;  the  former  victorious. 

IDOMENE,  Battle  of.— One  of  the  battles  of 
the  Peloponncsian  War,  in  which  the  Ambrakiots 
were  surprised  and  almost  totally  destroyed  by 
Jlessenians  and  Akarnanians,  under  the  Athe- 
nian general  Demosthenes  B.  C.  426. — G.  Grote, 
Hi.^t.  ofGrcecf,  pt.  2,  ch.  51  (r.  0). 

IDSTEDT,  Battle  of  (1850).  See  Scandi- 
navian St.vtes  (Denmark  >:  A.  D.  1848-1862. 

IDUMEANS,  The.    Sen  Edomites. 

lERNE.    See  Ireland:  Tub  Na.:f 


1693 


IGANIE. 


ILLINOIS. 


IGANIE,  Battle  of  (1831).  Hoc  Poland: 
A.  I).  iH;io-is;)3. 

IGUALA,  The  Plan  of.  See  Mexico:  A.  I). 
1820-18'.>», 

IGUALADA,  Battle  of  (1809).     Hoc  Spain: 

A.  I).  lH()H-lH()l)(I)i;(:i;MitKi'— March). 
IKENILD-STRETE.     See   Ko.man   Uoads 

IN  BllITAIN. 

ILA.— ILARCH.— Tin;  Spnrtan  boys  were 
(lividcil  into  ('onipiiiiies,  ii.:(;or()iiig  to  their  several 
ngcs;  each  company  was  called  an  Ila,  and  was 
commanded  by  a  yoimg  olllcer  called  an  Ilarch. 
— G.  Schumann,  Antiq.  of  Greece :  The  State,  pt. 
3,  ch.  1, 

ILERDA.  — Modern  Lerida,  in  Spain,  the 
scene  of  Ciusar's  famou.s  campaign  against  Afra- 
iiius  and  Petreius,  in  the  civil  war.     See  Roue: 

B.  0.  49. 

ILIAD,  The.     See  Homer. 
ILIUM.     ScpTuoja. 

ILKHANS,  The.     See  Persia:  A.  D.  1258- 
139ii. 
ILLINOIA,  The   proposed   State   of.      See 

NOUTIIWEHT   TkUUITOUV   OF  THE    U.  S.  OF   AM.  : 

A.  D.  1784. 

ILLINOIS:  The  aboriginal  inhabitants. 
See  Ameuican  AiiouiotNEs;  Alleghans,  Ai.- 
ooNQiiiAN  Family,  and  Illinois. 

A.  D.  1673. — Traversed  by  Marquette  and 
Joliet.    Sec  (Janada:  A.  D.  1«34-I(i73. 

A.  D.  i679-i682.—LaSalle's  fort  and  colony. 
See  Canada:  A.  D.  1009-1687. 

A.  D.  1679-1735. — The  French  occupation. 
See  Canada:  A.I).  1700-1735. 

A.  D.  1700-1750.— The  "Illinois  country" 
under  the  French. — "  For  many  j'ears  the  term 
'  Illinois  country  '  embraced  all  the  region  east  of 
the  Upper  Mississippi  as  far  as  Lake  Michigan, 
and  from  the  Wisconsin  on  the  north  to  the 
Ohio  on  the  south.  The  cnt  of  the  Illinois 
country  under  the  Frencli  iriod  but  little  from 
the  extent  of  the  present  State  of  Illinois.  At  a 
later  date,  its  limits  on  the  east  were  restricted 
by  the  'Wabash  country,'  which  was  erected 
into  a  separate  government,  under  the  comman- 
dant of  '  Po.st  St.  Vincent, 'on  the  Wabash  River. 
.  .  .  The  early  French  on  the  Illinois  were  rc- 
ni.irkablc  for  their  talent  of  ingratiating  them- 
selves with  the  warlike  tribes  around  them,  and 
for  their  easy  amalgamation  in  manners  and 
customs,  and  blood.  .  .  .  Their  settlements  were 
usually  in  the  form  of  small,  compact,  patriarchal 
villages,  like  one  great  family  assembled  around 
their  old  men  and  patriarchs." — J.  W.  Monette, 
Hist,  of  the  Discovery  and  Settlement  of  the  Valley 
of  the  MissiMippi,  v.  1,  pp.  181-183. — See,  also, 
Louisiana:  A.  D.  1710-1750. 

A.  D.  1751. — Settlements  and  population. — 
"  Up  to  this  time,  the  '  Illinois  country,'  east  of 
the  Upper  Mississippi,  contained  six  distinct 
settlements,  with  their  respective  villages. 
These  were:  1.  Cahokia,  near  the  mouth  of 
Cakokia  Creek,  and  nearly  five  miles  below  the 
presentsiteof  St.  Louis;  2.  St.  Philip,  forty-five 
miles  below  the  last,  and  four  miles  above  Fort 
Chartres,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Jlississippi ;  3. 
Fort  Chartres,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, twelve  miles  above  Kaskaskia ;  4.  Kaskas- 
kia,  situated  upon  the  Kaskaskia  River,  five 
miles  above  its  mouth,  upon  a  peninsula,  and 
within  two  miles  of  the  Mississippi  River;  5. 
Prairie  du  Rocher,   near  Fort  Chartres;  0.  St. 


Gcncvlfevc,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, and  about  one  milo  from  Its  bank,  upon 
Gabarre  Creek.  These  arc  among  the  oldest 
towns  in  what  was  long  known  as  the  Illinois 
country.  Kaskaskia,  in  its  best  days,  tinder  the 
French  regime,  was  (juitc  a  large  town,  contain- 
ing 3, 000  or  3, 000  inhabitants.  But  after  it  pas.sea 
from  the  crown  of  France,  its  population  for 
inanv  years  did  not  exceed  1,.500  souls.  Under 
llie  llritish  dominion  the  population  decreased  to 
400  souls,  in  1773."— J.  W.  Monette,  Hist,  of  the 
J)iscovcry  aiul  Settlement  of  the  Missianppi  Valley, 
T.  1,  pp.  i07-168.— "  The  population  of  the  French 
and  Indian  villages  in  the  district  of  the  Illinois, 
at  the  period  of  which  wo  write,  is  largely  a 
matter  of  conjecture  luid  computation.  Father 
Louis  Vivier,  a  Jesuit  missionary,  in  a  letter 
dated  June  8,  1750,  and  written  from  the  vicinity 
of  Fort  Chartres,  says:  'We  have  here  wh' .es, 
negroes,  and  Indians,  to  say  nothing  of  the  cross- 
breeds. There  arc  five  Frcncli  villages,  and  three 
villages  of  the  natives  within  a  space  of  twenty- 
five  leagues,  situate  between  the  Mississippi  and 
another  river  called  (Kaskaskia).  In  the  French 
villages  arc,  perhaps,  eleven  hundred  whites, 
three  hundred  blacks,  and  sixty  red  .slaves  or 
savages.  The  three  Illinois  towns  do  not  contain 
more  than  eight  hundred  souls,  all  told.'  This 
estimate  docs  not  include  the  scattered  Frcncli 
Hctllcrs  or  traders  north  of  Peoria,  nor  on  the 
W^abash.  It  is  stated  that  the  Illinois  nation,  then 
dwelling  for  the  most  part  along  the  river  of  that 
name,  occupied  eleven  different  villages,  with 
four  or  five  fires  at  each  village,  and  each  fire 
warming  a  dozen  families,  except  at  the  principal 
village,  where  there  were  three  hundred  lodges. 
These  data  would  give  us  something  near  eight 
thousand  as  the  total  number  of  the  Illinois  of 
all  tribes." — J.  Wallace,  History  of  Illinois  and 
Louisiana  nnder  the  French  Rule,  eh.  10. 

A.  D.  1703. —  Cession  to  Great  Britain. — 
See  Seven  Years  War. 

A.  D.  1763. —  The  king's  proclamation  ex- 
cluding settlers.  See  Northwest  Territory 
OF  THE  U.  8.  OF  Am.  :  A.  D.  1.J3. 

A,  D.  1765. — Possession  taken  by  the  Eng- 
lish.— "  The  French  ottlcers  had,  since  the  peace, 
been  ready  loyally  to  surrender  the  country  to 
the  English.  But  the  Illinois,  the  Missouri,  and 
the  Osage  tribes  would  not  consent.  At  a  coun- 
cil held  in  the  spring  of  1705,  at  Fort  Chartres, 
the  chief  of  the  Kaskaskias,  ttirning  to  the  Eng- 
lish oflBcer,  said:  '  Go  hence,  and  tell  your  chief 
th;'t  the  Illinois  and  all  our  brethren  will  make 
wai  on  you  if  you  come  upon  our  lands.'  .  .  . 
But  when  Frascr,  wiio  arrived  from  Pittsburg, 
brought  proofs  that  their  elder  brothers,  the  Seuo- 
cas,  the  Delawarcs  and  the  Shawnees,  had  made 
peace  with  the  English,  the  Kaskaskias  said: 
'We  follow  as  they  shall  lead.'  'I  waged  this 
war,' said  Pontiac,  'because,  for  two  years  to- 
gether, the  Pelawiires  and  Sliawnees  begged  mo 
to  take  up  arms  agiiinst  the  English.  So  I  be- 
came their  ally,  and  was  of  their  mind ; '  and, 
plighting  his  word  lor  peace,  he  kept  it  with 
integrity.  A  just  curiosity  may  ask  how  many 
persons  of  foreign  lineage  had  gathered  in  the 
valley  of  the  Illinois  since  its  discovery  by  the  mis- 
sionaries. Fraser  was  told  that  there  were  of 
white  men,  able  to  bear  arm.s,  700;  of  white 
women,  500;  of  their  children,  850;  of  negroes 
of  both  sexes,  900.  The  banks  of  the  Wabash, 
wc  learn  from  another  source,  wore  occupied  by 


1694 


ILLINOIS. 


ILLINOIS, 


about  110  French  families,  most  of  wliicli  were  at 
Viiicenncs.  Fraser  soiifjlit  to  overawe  tlie  Frciuli 
traders  witli  tlie  menaro  of  an  Knj^lisli  army  tliat 
was  to  coiiu^  imo.ig  tliein  ;  I)\it  tliey  pointed  to  tlie 
Mississippi,  Ijeynmi  wliicli  tlicy  would  be  safe 
from  English  jurisdiction  [France  having  ceded 
to  Spain  her  territory  on  the  western  side  of  the 
river],  ,  .  .  With  Croghan,  an  Indian  agent, 
who  followed  from  Fort  Pitt,  the  Illinois  nations 
agreed  that  the  English  should  take  possession  of 
all  ilie  posts  which  the  Frencli  formerly  held ;  and 
('aptuin  Stirling,  with  UK)  men  of  the  42d  regi- 
ment, was  detached  down  the  Ohio,  to  relieve  tlie 
French  garrison.  At  Fort  Charlres,  St.  Ange, 
who  had  served  for  fifty  years  in  the  wildernef  n, 
gave  them  a  friendly  reception;  and  on  the  morn- 
ing of  tlie  10th.  ?  October  lie  surrendered  to  them 
tlie  left  bank  of  the  Mississippi.  Some  of  the 
Frencli  crossed  the  river,  so  that  at  St.  Genevieve 
there  were  at  least  five -and-twenty  families,  while 
St.  Louis,  who.se  origin  dates  from  the  15tli  of 
February  170-1,  and  who.se  skilfully  chosen  site 
attracted  the  admiration  of  the  British  com- 
mander, already  counied  about  twice  that  num- 
ber, and  ranked  as  the  leading  settlement  on  the 
western  side  of  the  Mississippi.  In  the  English 
portion  of  the  distant  territory,  the  government 
then  instituted  was  the  absolute  rule  of  the  Brit- 
ish army,  with  a  local  judge  to  decide  all  dis- 
putes among  the  inhabitants  according  to  the  cus- 
tomsof  the  country,  yet  subject  to  an  appeal  to  the 
military  chief." — Q.  Bancroft,  Hint,  of  the  United 
iSlittai  {Aut/ior'n  Idst  revision),  f.  3,  ;)/).  ISl-LW. 

A.  D.  1765-1774. — Early  years  of  English 
rule. — ".last  before  and  during  tlie  first  years  of 
the  English  domination,  there  was  a  large  exodus 
of  the  French  inhabitants  from  Illinois.  Such, 
in  fact,  was  their  dislike  of  British  rule  that 
fully  one-third  of  the  population,  embracing  the 
wealthier  and  more  inllueutial  families,  removed 
with  their  slaves  and  other  personal  effects,  be- 
yond the  Mississippi,  or  down  that  river  to 
Natchez  and  New  Orleans.  Some  of  them  set- 
tled at  Ste.  Genevieve,  while  others,  after  the  ex- 
ample set  by  St.  Ange,  took  up  tlieir  abode  in 
the  village  of  St.  Louis,  which  had  now  become  a 
depot  for  the  fur  company  of  Louisiana.  .  .  . 
At  the  close  of  the  year  1705,  the  whole  number 
of  inhabitimts  of  foreign  birth  or  lineage,  in 
Illinois,  excluding  the  negro  slaves,  and  '.ncluding 
those  living  at  Post  Vincent  on  tlic  Wabash,  did 
not  much  exceed  two  thousand  persons;  and,  dur- 
ing the  entire  period  of  British  possession,  the 
influx  of  alien  population  hardly  more  than  kept 
pace  witli  the  outflow.  Scarcely  any  English- 
men, other  than  the  ofllcers  and  troops  compos- 
ing tlie  small  garris  ins,  a  few  enterprising  traders 
and  some  favored  land  speculators,  were  tlien  to 
bo  seen  in  the  Illinois,  I'nd  no  Americans  came 
liitlier,  for  the  purpose  ol  settlement,  until  after 
the  conquest  of  the  country  by  Colonel  Clark. 
All  the  settlements  still  remained  essentially 
French,  with  whom  there  was  no  taste  for  in- 
novation or  change.  But  the  blunt  and  sturdy 
Anglo- American  had  at  last  gained  a  Arm  foothold 
on  the  banks  of  the  great  Father  of  Kivers,  and 
a  new  type  of  civilization,  instinct  with  energy, 
enterprise  and  progress,  was  about  to  bo  intro- 
duced into  the  broad  and  fertile  Valley  of  tiio 
Mississippi.  .  .  .  Captain  Thomas  Stirling  began 
the  military  government  of  tlie  country  on  Octo- 
ber 10,  1705,  with  fair  and  liberal  concessions, 
calculated  to  secure  the  good-will  and  loyalty  of 


tlio  French-Canadians,  and  to  stay  their  further 
e.xodus;  but  his  administration  was  not  of  long 
duration.  On  the  4tli  of  the  ensuing  December, 
ho  was  succeeded  by  Major  Robert  Farmer, 
who  had  arrived  from  Mobile  with  a  dctachmcDt 
of  the  a-lth  British  infantry.  In  tln^  following 
year,  after  exercising  an  arbitrary  authority  over 
iliese  isolated  and  feeble  settlements,  Major  Far- 
mer ivas  displaced  by  Colonel  Edward  Cole,  who 
had  commanded  a  regiment  under  Wolfe,  at  Que- 
bec. Colonel  Cole  remained  in  commaml  at  Fort 
Chartres  about  eighteen  months;  but  the  position 
was  not  congenial  to  him.  ...  He  was  accord- 
ingly relieved  at  his  own  request,  early  in  the 
year  1708.  Ills  successor  was  (JoloncI  tlolin  Reed, 
wlio  proved  a  bad  exchange  for  the  poor  colo- 
nists. He  so(m  bec»nie  so  notorious  for  his  mili- 
tary oppressions  of  the  people  that  he  was  re- 
moved, and  gave  place  to  Lieutenant-Colonel 
John  Wilkins,  of  the  IHtli,  or  royal  regiment  of 
Ireland,  who  had  formca-ly  commanded  at  Fort  Ni- 
agara. Colonel  Wilkins  arrived  from  Philadel- 
phia and  assuiiK'd  the  coinniand  September  5, 
1708.  He  brought  out  witli  him  seven  compa- 
nies of  his  regiment  for  garri.son  duty.  .  .  .  One 
of  tlie  mo.st  noticeable  features  of  Colonel  Wil- 
kins' adniiniatration  was  the  liberality  with  which 
he  parceled  out  large  tracts  of  the  domain  over 
wliicli  he  ruled  to  his  favorites  in  Illinois,  Phila- 
delphia, and  elsewhere,  without  other  considera- 
tion than  requiring  them  to  re-convey  to  him  a 
certain  interest  in  the  same.  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Wilkins'  government  of  the  Illinois  country 
ev<'ntuallj'  became  unpopular,  and  speciflo 
charges  were  preferred  against  him,  including  a 
misappropriation  of  the  public  funds.  He  asked 
for  an  official  inve.;tigation,  claiming  that  he  was 
able  to  justify  his  public  conduct.  But  ho  was 
deposed  from  olHce  in  September,  1771,  and 
sailed  for  Europe  in  July  of  the  following  year. 
Captain  Hugh  Lord,  of  the  18th  regiment,  became 
AVilkins'  successor  at  Fort  Chartres,  and  con- 
tinued in  command  until  the  year  1775.  ...  On 
the  2d  of  June,  1774,  Parliament  passed  an  act 
enlarging  ar  "  extending  the  province  of  Quebec 
to  the  Alississippi  River  so  as  to  include  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  Northwest.  .  .  .  Who  was  the  im- 
mediate successor  of  Captain  Lord  in  command 
of  the  Illinois,  is  not  positively  determined." — J. 
Wallace,  Ilintory  of  lUiiwis  ami  Louisiana  under 
tlm  French  Rule,  eh.  20. 

A.  D.  1774.— Embraced  in  the  Province  of 
Quebec.     See  Canada:  A.  1).  1703-1774. 

A.  D.  1778-1779. — Conquest  from  the  British 
by  the  Virginian  General  Clark  and  annexa- 
tion to  the  Kentucky  District  of  Virginia. 
See  Umtkd  St.\te8  of  Am.  :  A.  I).  1778-1779, 

CI.AUK'S  CONIJUE8T. 

A.  D.  1784. — Included  in  the  proposed  states 
of  Assenisipia,  Illinoia,  and  Polypotamia.  Sec 
Noin'uwKST  Teuihtoky  ok  the  U.  S.  of  Am.  : 
A.  1).  1784. 

A.  D.  1785-1786. — Partially  covered  by  the 
vtrestcrn  land  claims  of  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut,  ceded  to  the  United  States.  See 
United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1781-1780. 

A.  D.  1787. — The  Ordinance  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Northwest  Territory. — Perpetual 
exclusion  of  Slavery.  See  Noutiiwest  'I'euui- 
TOUY  OF  THE  U.  S.  OF  Am.  :  A.  D.  1787. 

A.  D.  1809. — Detached  from  Indiana  and 
organized  as  a  distinct  Territory.  See  Indi- 
ana: A.  D.  1800-1818. 


1695 


ILLINOIS. 


niPEACIIMENT. 


A.  D.  1818.— Admission  into  the  Union  as  a 
State.  Scf  Inmiana;  A.  I).  1»(K)-1818;  iiiiil 
Wikconpin:  A.  1>.  1H().>-1H48. 

A.  D.  1832.— The  Black  Hawk  War.—"  In 

1830  a  treaty  was  iiiailc  with  llie  trilus  of  Sacs 
and  FoXfS,  tiv  wliicli  thfir  lands  in  lllinnis  wire 
ceded  to  tlie  I'niled  States.  Tlicy  were  iit-verthc- 
less  unwilling  to  leave  tlieir  country.  .  .  .  Ulack 
Ilawk,  a  chief  of  the  Sacs,  then  ahout  60  years 
of  HRe,  refused  sulimission,  and  the  next  year 
returned  with  a  small  force.  He  was  driven 
hack  by  the  troops  at  Kock  Island,  but  in  March, 
1833,  ho  reappeared,  at  the  head  of  abo\it  1,1)00 
warriors,  —  Sacs,  Foxes,  and  Winnebagos. — and 
penetrated  into  the  Hock  Hiver  valley,  ileclaring 
that  he  came  oidy  to  plant  corn.  Hut  either  he 
wo\dd  not  or  could  not  restrain  his  followers, 
and  the  devastation  of  Indian  warfare  soon 
spread  among  the  frontier  settlements.  .  .  .  The 
force  at  Hock  Island  was  sent  out  to  stay  these 
ravages,  and  Generals  Scott  and  Atkinson  ordered 
from  IJulTalo  with  a  rcCnforcemcnt,  which  on  the 
■way  was  greatly  diminished  bv  cholera  and  de- 
sertions. The  Governor  of  fllinois  called  for 
volunteers,  an<I  an  elTeetive  force  of  about  2,400 
men  was  socm  marched  against  the  enemy. 
Black  Hawk's  band  lied  before  it.  General 
Wliileside,  who  was  in  command,  burned  the 
Prophet's  Town,  on  Hock  Hiver,  and  pursued  the 
Indians  up  that  stream.  .  .  .  Tlie  Indians  were 
overtaken  and  badly  defeated  on  AVisconsin 
River;  and  the  survivors,  still  retreating  north- 
ward, were  again  overtaken  near  Had  Axe  Hiver, 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Jlississippi.  .  .  .  JIany 
of  the  Indians  were  shot  in  the  water  while  trying 
to  swim  the  stream;  others  were  killed  on  a  little 
island  where  they  sought  refuge.  Only  about 
60  prisoners  were  taken,  and  most  of  these  were 
squaws  and  children.  The  dispersion  was  com- 
plete, and  the  war  was  soon  closed  by  the  sur- 
render or  capture  of  Ulack  Hawk,  Keoktik,  and 
other  chiefs."— W.  C.  Bryant  and  8.  H.  Gay, 
Popular  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  v.  4,  ch.  13. 

Also  in:  T.  Ford,  HM.  of  llUiwia,  eh.  4-5  — 
J.  B.  Patterson,  ed.,  JIM.  of  Black  Hawk,  dic- 
tated hy  himself— Wis.  Hist.  Soe.  Coil's,  r.  10. 

A.  b.  1840-1846.— The  settlement  and  the 
expulsion  of  the  Mormons.  See  Mokmon- 
ibm:  a.  U.  1830-1840;  and  1840-1848. 


ILLUMINATI,  The.    See  RosicnuciAxs. 
ILLYRIA,    Slavonic    settlement    of.      See 
Balkan  and  Danuiuan  States:   7tii  CEXTUiiY 

(SeIIVIA.  CllO.VTIA.   ETC.). 

ILLYRIAN  PROVINCES  OF  NAPO- 
LEON. See  Germany:  A.  D.  1809  (July— 
Sei'temiier). 

ILLYRIANS,  The.— "  Northward  of  the 
trities  called  Epirotic  lay  those  more  nuinerous 
and  widely  extended  tribes  who  bore  the  general 
name  of  Illyrians,  boimded  on  the  west  by  tlie 
Adriatic,  on  the  east  by  the  mountain-range  of 
Skardus,  the  northern  continuation  of  Piiidus. 
and  thus  covering  what  is  now  called  Middle  and 
Upper  Albania,  together  with  the  more  nrtherly 
mountains  of  Montenegro,  Herzegovina,  and 
Bosnia.  Their  limits  to  the  north  aiid  north-east 
cannot  be  assigned.  .  .  .  Appian  and  others  con- 
sider the  Liburnians  and  Istrians  as  Illyrian,  and 
Herodotus  even  includes  under  that  name  the 
Eneti  or  Vcncti  at  the  extremity  of  the  Adriatic 
Gulf.  .  .  .  The  Illyrians  gencrallv  were  poor, 
rapacious,  fierce  and  formidable  iu  battle.     Tliey 


shared  with  the  remote  Thrncian  tribes  the  cus- 
tom of  tattooing  tlieir  bodies  and  of  offering 
human  .sacrilices:  moreover,  they  were  alwav* 
ready  to  sell  tlieir  ndlitary  service  for  hire,  like 
the  modern  Albanian  .Sclikipetars,  in  v.  hoin 
prol)ably  their  blood  yet  Hows,  thouglt  with  con- 
sidcrable  admixture  from  subseijuent  immigra- 
tions. Of  the  Illyrian  kingdom  on  tlio  Adriatic 
coast,  witli  Skodra  (Scutari)  for  its  capital  city, 
which  became  .'.  rmidable  by  its  reckless  piracies 
in  tiie  tliird  century  U.  C,  we  hear  nothing  in 
the  nourishing  period  of  Grecian  liistory." — G. 
Grote,  Hist,  of  Givere,  pt.  3,  eh.  35  (c.  3). 

A1.8O  IN:  T.  Monmisen,  Hist,  of  Home,  bk.  8, 
(•/(.  0. 

ILLYRICUM  OF  THE  ROMANS.— "The 
provinces  of  tlie  Danube  soon  acciuired  the  gen- 
eral appellation  of  Illyricum,  or  tlie  Illyrian  fron- 
tier, and  were  esteemed  the  most  warlike  of  the 
empire;  but  they  deserve  to  be  more  particularly 
considered  under  the  names  of  Hhfctia,  Noricum, 
Pannonia,  Dalmatia,  Dacia.  Mresia, Thrace,  Mace- 
donia, and  Greece.  .  .  .  Dalmatia,  to  wliich  the 
n:ime  of  Illyricum  more  properly  belonged,  was 
a  long  but  narrow  tract,  between  the  Save  and 
theAilriatic.  .  .  .  Tlie  inland  parts  have  assumed 
the  Sclavonian  names  of  Croatia  and  Bosnia." — 
E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Full  tf  the  Jloman  Em- 
pire, eh.  1.— Sec',  also,  Rome:  A.  D.  304-395. 

IMAGE-BREAKING  IN  THE  NETH- 
ERLANDS.  See  Netherlands:  A.  D.  150t>- 
1568. 

IMAMS— THE  IMAMATE.— "When  an 
assembly  of  Moslems  meet  together  for  prayer, 
an  Imr.m  is  cliosen,  who  leads  the  prayer,  aiul 
the  congregation  regulate  their  motions  by  his, 
prostrating  themselves  when  he  does  so,  aiul 
rising  when  he  rises.  In  like  manner,  the  klialif 
is  set  up  on  high  as  the  Imam,  or  leader  ot  the 
Faitliful,  in  all  the  business  of  life.  Ho  must  be 
a  scrupulous  observer  of  the  law  himself,  and 
diligent  in  enforcing  it  upon  others.  The  elec- 
tion of  an  Imam  is  imperative.  .  .  .  The  quali- 
ties re((uisite  in  an  Imam  are  four:  knowledge, 
integrity,  mental  and  physical  soundness.  .  .  . 
Among  strict  Moslems,  it  is  a  doctrine  that  Islam 
has  been  administered  by  only  four  veritable 
Imams — the  'rightly-guided  klialifs':  Abou 
Bekr,  Omar,  Otlinian,  and  All.  But  the  JIu- 
liammailau  world,  in  general,  was  not  so  exact- 
ing. Tliey  recognized  the  Commander  of  the 
Faithful  in  the  prince  who  ruled  with  the  title 
of  klialif  in  Damascus  or  Baghdad,  in  Cordova 
or  Kairo.  The  one  condition  absolutely  essential 
was  tliat  the  sovereign  thus  reigning  should  be  a 
member  of  the  tribe  of  Kuraish  [or  Koreisli]. '' — 
H.  D.  Osbom,  Islam  under  the  Khalifs  of  ISarjh- 
datl,  ft.  3,  ch.  1. — See.  also.  Islam. 

IMMACULATE  CONCEPTION  OF  THE 
VIRGIN  MARY,  Promulgation  of  the  Dogma 
of  the.    ScoPaiucy:  A.  D.  18.54. 

IMMiE,  Battle  of  (A.  D.  217).  See  Rome: 
A.  1).  1 113-284. 

IMMORTALS,  The.— A  select  corps  of 
cavalry  in  the  army  of  the  Persians,  undt^r  tlio 
Sassanian  kings,  bore  tli!  name.  It  numbered 
10,000. 

IMPEACHMENT  quisition    of     the 

right  by  the  Englis.  >use  of  Commons. 
See  England:  A.  D.  14 1..   1423. 

Revival  of  the  right. —  In  tlic  English  Parlia- 
ment of  1620-31  (reign  of  James  L),  "on  the 


1696 


IMPEACHMENT. 


INDEPENDENCE  HALL. 


motion  of  the  Ex-Chief  Jiislicc,  Sir  Etlwnrd  Col<c, 
II  cdinmittt'e  of  iucniiry  into  irrieviincfs  Imil  bi-cn 
I'lirly  iippointi'd.  Tlie  tlrst  iibiiso  to  wliicli  tlitir 
ftttc'iitioii  was  directed  was  tlmt  of  inoiioiiolies. 
and  tins  led  to  the  revival  of  the  antieut  right  of 
parliamentary  iniixaehmeiit  —  the  solemn  ac- 
cusation of  an  individual  by  the  Commons  at  the 
bar  of  the  Lords  —  which  had  lain  dormant  since 
the  impeachment  of  the  Duke  of  SiitTolk  in  1440. 
Under  the  Tudors  impenchnients  had  fallen  into 
disuse,  i)artly  through  the  subservience  of  the 
Commons,  and  partly  through  the  preference  of 
those  sovereigns  for  bills  of  attainder,  or  of  pains 
and  penalties.  Moreover,  the  power  wiehled  liv 
the  Crown  through  the  Star  Chamber  enabled  it 
to  inflict  punishment  for  many  state  offences 
without  resorting  to  the  ns.sistancc  of  Parliament. 
Witli  the  revival  of  the  spirit  of  liberty  in  the 
reign  of  James  I.,  the  practice  of  impeachment 
revived  also,  and  was  energetically  used  by  the 
Commons  in  the  interest  alike  of  public  justice 
and  of  popular  power.  "—T.  P.  Taswell- Lang- 
mead,  EiiiiUnh  Const.  Ui.it..  c/i.  i;). 

IMPEACHMENTS:  Warren  Hastings. 
See  Indi.\:  A.  I).  naVlTO.") President  John- 
son. See  United  Statks  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1HG8 
{M.\ucn— M.w) Strafford.      See  England: 

A.  D.  1040-1641.  ^ 

IMPERATOR.— "There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  title  Imperator  properly  signifies  one  in- 
vested with  Imperium,  and  it  may  very  probably 
have  been  assumed  in  ancient  times  by  every 
general  on  whom  Imiierium  Inid  been  bestowed 
l)y  a  Lev  Curiata.  It  is,  however,  eqmilly  cer- 
tain, that  in  those  periods  of  the  republic  with 
the  history  and  usages  of  which  wc  arc  most 
familiar,  the  title  Imperator  was  not  a.ssumed  as 
a  matter  of  course  by  those  who  liad  received 
Imperium,  but  was,  on  the  contrary,  a  much 
valued  and  eagerly  coveted  distinction.  Prop- 
erly speaking,  it  seems  to  have  been  in  the  gift 
of  the  soldiers,  who  hailed  their  victorious  leader 
by  this  appellation  on  the  field  of  battle;  but 
occasionally,  especially  towards  the  end  of  the 
commonwealth,  it  was  conferred  by  a  vote  of  the 
Senate.  .  .  .  But  the  designation  Imperator  was 
emi)loyed  under  the  empire  in  a  manner  and 
with  a  force  altogether  distinct  from  that  which 
wc  have  been  considering.  On  this  point  we 
have  the  distinct  testimony  of  Dion  Cassius 
(xliii.  44,  comp.  Mil.  17),  who  tells  us  that,  in 

B.  C.  46,  the  Senate  bestowed  upon  Julius  Ciesar 
the  title  of  Imperator,  not  in  the  sense  in  which 
it  had  hitherto  been  applied,  as  a  term  of  mili- 
tary distinction,  but  as  the  peculiar  and  befitting 
apijellation  of  supreme  power,  and  in  this  signifi- 
cation it  was  transmitted  to  his  successors,  with- 
out, however,  suppressing  the  original  import  of 
the  word.  .  .  .  Imperator,  when  used  to  denote 
supreme  power,  comprehending  in  fact  the  force 
of  the  titles  Dictator  and  Rex,  is  usually,  al- 
though not  invariably,  placed  before  the  "name 
of  the  indi- idual  to  whom  it  is  applied."— W. 
Rjimsay,  Manual  of  Jiomnii  Antiq.,  ch.  5. — See, 
also,  Rome:  B.  C.  45-44. 

Final  Sienification  of  the  Roman  title. — 
"When  the  Roman  princes  had  lost  sight  of  the 
senate  and  of  their  ancient  capital,  they  easily 
forgot  the  origin  and  nature  of  their  legal  power. 
The  civil  offices  of  consul,  of  proconsul,  of  cen- 
sor, and  of  tribune,  by  the  union  of  which  it  had 


been  formed,  betrayed  to  the  people  its  repub- 
lican extraction.  'I'lio.se  modest  titles  were  laid 
aside;  and  if  th<'y  still  distinguished  their  high 
station  by  the  appellation  of  Emperor,  or  Im- 
perator, that  word  was  understood  in  a  new  and 
more  dignified  sei'se,  and  no  longer  <lenoted  the 
general  of  the  Uoiuan  armies,  but  the  sovereign 
of  the  Roman  woild.  The  name  of  Emperor, 
which  was  at  first  o.f  a  military  nature,  was  asso- 
ciated with  anotlier  of  a  more  servile  kind.  Tho^ 
eiiithet  of  Dominus,  or  Lord,  in  its  primitive 
signification,  was  expressive,  not  of  the  authority 
of  a  prince  over  his  subjects,  or  of  a  commander 
over  his  soldiers,  but  of  the  despotic  power  of  a 
master  over  his  domestic  slaves.  Viewing  it  in 
that  odious  light,  it  had  been  rejected  with  ab- 
horrence by  the  first  C'resars.  Their  resistance 
insensibly  became  more  feeble,  and  the  name  less 
odious;  till  at  length  the  style  of  'our  Lord  and 
Emperor'  was  not  only  bestowed  by  fiattery, 
but  was  regularly  admitted  into  the  laws  and 
public  monuments."  —  E.  Giblxm,  Ikcline  iind 
Milldft/ic  JliiiiKiii  Empire,  ch.  13. — See  Rome: 

B.  C.  ijl-A.  D.  14. 

♦ 

IMPERIAL  CHAMBER,  The.     See  Geh- 

MANv:  A.  I).  i4();i-ir)iy. 

IMPERIAL    CITIES    OF    GERMANY, 

See  ('rriKs.  Lmtkijiai.  and  Fuke,  ok  Geumanv; 
and  (as  affected  bv  the  Treaties  of  Westphalia) 
Geumanv:  A.  ').  \r>\H. 

IMPERIAL  FEDERATION.  SeeFEUEKAl. 

GOVKHNMKNT:    liniTANNfC  FKDEKATION. 

IMPERIAL    INDICTIONS.     Sec    Indic 

TIOSS. 

IMPERIUM,  The.— "Thesupremoauthority 
of  the  magistrates  [in  the  Roman  Republic],  the 
'imperium,'  embraced  not  only  the  milifary  but 
also  the  judicial  jiower  over  the  citizens.  By 
virtue  of  the  imperium  a  magistrate  issued  com- 
mands to  the  army,  and  b}'  virtue  of  the  im- 
perium he  sat  in  judgment  over  his  fellow-citi- 
zens."—W.  Ihne,  Jliat.  of  Home,  bk.  6,  ch.  .'> 
(!'.  4). 

IMPE  Y,  Sir  Elijah,  Macaulay's  injustice  to. 
See  India:  A.  1).  17T3-1T«.). 

IMPORTANTS,  The.  SeeFiiANCE:  A.  D. 
164'2^164:!. 

IMPRESSMENT  OF  AMERICAN  SEA- 
MEN BY  BRITISH  NAVAL  OFFICERS. 
See  United  States  of  Am.:  A.  D.  1804-1800; 
and  1812. 

INC  AS,  OR  YNCAS,  The.  See  Peuu: 
The  Emi'ihe  ok  the  Incas. 

INCUNABULA.  See  Printinc:  A.  D. 
1430-14.')0. 

INDEPENDENCE,  MO.,  Confederate  cap- 
ture of.  See  United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  I). 
186'J  (July  —  Sei'temheu:  Missouki  —  Aukan- 

SAS). 

INDEPENDENCE  DAY.— Thcanniversary 

of  the  American  Declaration  of  Independence, 
adopted  July  4,  1776.  See  United  States  op 
Am.  :  A.  D.  1776  (Jitly). 

INDEPENDENCE  HALL.— The  Liberty 
Bell. —  The  hall  in  the  old  State  House  of  Penn- 
sylvania, at  Philadelphia,  witnin  which  the 
Declaration  of  American  Independence  was 
adopted  and  promulgated  by  the  Continental 
Congress,  on  the  4th  of  .July,  1776.  The  vener- 
able State  House,  which  was  erected  between 
1729  and  1734,  is  carefully  preserved,  and  the 
"Hall  of  Independence  is  kept  closed,  except 


169 


ini)ei'endp:nc'K  iiall. 


INDEPENDENTS. 


wlion  rurioiis  vixitors  Hcck  ciilnincp,  or  some 
Bpi'ciiil  <«riiKii)ii  opciiH  its  doiirs  to  the  public 
Notliiii),'  now  rcmiiiiis  "f  llio  old  fiiniitiire  of  tlii' 
imll  except  two  aiiti(|iin  iimlioKiiny  elmirs, 
covereil  with  red  leullier,  (lie  of  which  was  used 
by  lliincocli  as  president,  and  tlie  other  by 
Charles  Tlioiiisoii  as  secretary  of  ("onRress,  when 
the  Declaration  of  IiidepeiKleiice  was  adopted. 
...  I  ascended  to  the  steeple,  where*han}?»,  in 
silent  jfrandeur,  th(^  Liberty  liell.  It  is  four  feet 
ill  diameter  at  the  lip.  and  three  inches  thick  at 
the  heaviest  part.  Its  tone  is  destroyed  by  a 
(•rack,  wliicli  extends  from  the  lip  to  tin-  crown, 
passiiiij;  directly  tlirou^'h  the  naiiies  of  the  ])er- 
sons  who  cast  it.  An  attempt  was  made  to  re- 
store the  tone  by  sawiiin  the  crack  wider,  but 
without  success.  .  .  .  The  history  of  this  bell  is 
iiilerestinj,'.  In  IT.W,  a  lull  for  the  State  House 
was  iinport<'d  from  Eii(rl"''iil-  <>'>  f't'  Afst  trial- 
rinfiiiii;,  after  its  ariiv  il,  ii  was  cracked.  It  was 
recast  by  I'a.ss  and  Stow,  of  I'hiladclphia,  in  17.5:!, 
under  the  direction  of  Isaac  Norris,  Escj.,  the 
then  speaker  of  the  Ccloiiial  Assembly.  And 
that  is  the  bell,  'the  greatest  in  Kniilish  America,' 
which  now  lianas  in  the  old  State  House  steeple 
and  i'laims  our  reverei'.ee.  Upon  tillets  arouml 
its  crown,  cast  there  twenty-three  years  before 
the  (."ontinenlal  Congnjss  met  in  the  State  House, 
are  the  words  of  Holy  Writ;  'Proclaim  liberty 
throu.i;li(>ut  all  the  land  unto  all  the  inhabitants 
theri'of. '  How  ])roplietic!  Ueiiealh  that  very 
hell  the  representatives  of  the  thirteen  colonies 
'  proclaimed  liberty.'  Ay,  and  when  the  debates 
were  ended,  and  the  result  was  announced,  on 
the  4tli  of  July,  177(i,  the  iron  tongue  of  that 
very  ticU  first  '  proclaimed  lilierty  throujjlioiit  all 
the  land,  unto  all  the  inhabitants  tliereof, '  by 
rinjiing  out  the  joyful  annunciation  for  more 
than  two  hours."  —  15.  J.  Lossing,  Field-lHiok  af 
the  lierolittiun,  r.  2,  c/i.  ii. 

Also  in:  J.  T.  Scliarf  and  T.  Westcott,  Hist, 
of  l'lnla(U:li)hiii,  r.  1,  di.  \niind\~i. 

INDEPENDENT  REPUBLICANS.     See 
United  St.vtks  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  1884. 


INDEPENDENTS,  OR  SEPARATISTS: 
Their  origin  and  opinions. — "The  Puritans 
continued  members  of  the  church,  only  pursuing 
courses  of  their  own  in  administering  the  ordi- 
nan(-cs,  and  it  was  not  till  about  the  middle  of 
the  reign  of  Elizabeth  that  the  disposition  was 
manifested  among  them  to  break  away  from  the 
church  altogether,  and  to  form  communities  of 
their  own.  And  then  it  was  but  a  few  of  them 
who  took  this  course;  the  more  sober  part  re- 
mained in  the  church.  The  communities  of  i>er- 
sons  who  separated  themselves  were  formed 
eliielly  in  London:  there  were  very  few  in  the 
distant  counties,  and  those  had  no  long  continu- 
ance. It  was  not  till  the  time  of  the  Civil  Wars 
that  such  bodies  of  Separatists,  as  they  were 
called,  or  Congregationalists,  or  Independents, 
became  numerous.  At  flrsst  they  were  oft  i  ii  called 
Brownist  churches,  f rom  liobeft  Brown,  a  divine 
of  the  time,  who  was  for  a  while  a  zealous  main- 
taiiier  of  the  duty  of  separation."— J.  lIuMter, 
The  Founders  of  JVew  Plymouth,  pp.  Vi-Vi.— 
"  The  peculiar  tenet  of  Independency  .  .  .  con- 
sists in  the  belief  that  the  only  organization  rec- 
<ignised  in  the  primitive  Church  was  that  of  the 
voluntary  as.sociation  of  believers  into  h)eal  con- 
gregations, each  choosing  its  own  olflce-bcarers 
and  managing  its  own  aifairs,  independently  of 


neighbouring  congregations,  though  willing  oc- 
casionally to  hold  friendly  conferences  with  such 
iieiglibouring  congregations,  and  to  profit  by  the 
collective  advice.  Qradually,  it  is  asserted,  this 
right  or  habit  of  occasional  friendly  confiTenco 
iK'tween  neighbouring  congr<'gations  had  been 
mismanaged  and  abused,  until  the  true  indepen- 
dency of  each  voluntary  society  of  Christiana 
was  forgotten,  and  authority  <ame  to  be  vested 
in  Synods  or  ('ouncils  of  the  olllce-bearcrs  of  the 
churches  of  a  district  or  province.  This  usurpa- 
tion of  ])ower  by  Synods  or  ( 'ouncils,  it  is  said, 
was  as  much  a  corruption  of  the  primitive 
Church-discipline  as  was  Prelacy  itself.  .  .  .  So, 
1  believe,  though  with  varieties  of  expression, 
Kiigli.sh  Indeiiemlents  argue  now.  Hut,  while 
they  thus  seek  the  original  warrant  for  their 
clews  in  the  New  Testament  and  in  the  practice 
of  the  iirimitive  Church,  .  .  ,  they  admit  that 
the  th(!ory  of  Independency  had  to  be  worked 
out  afresh  by  a  new  jirocess  of  the  English  mind 
in  the  Kith  and  ITtli  centuries,  and  they  are  ('on- 
t<'nt,  I  l)cli('ve,  tliat  the  i-rude  immediate?  begin- 
ning of  that  ])rocess  slioulil  be  sought  in  the 
opinions  propagated,  between  I.WOand  ITiOO,  by 
the  erratic  Holiert  Hrown,  a  Hutlandshiie  man, 
bred  at  Cambridge,  who  had  becoini'  a  preacher 
at  Norwich.  .  .  .  Though  lirown  himself  had 
vanished  from  public  view  since  irilM),  the 
lirownists,  or  Separatists,  as  they  were  calh'd, 
had  persisted  in  lheircoiir.se,  through  execration 
and  persecution,  as  a  sect  of  outlaws  beyond  tlio 
jiale  of  ordinary  Puritanism,  and  with  whom 
moderate  Puritans  di.sowned  connexion  or  sym- 
pathy. Oni!  hears  of  considerable  numbers  of 
them  in  the  .shires  of  Norfolk  and  Essex,  and 
throughout  W^ales;  and  there  was  a  central  asso- 
ciation of  them  in  London,  holding  conventicles 
in  the  fields,  or  shifting  from  meeting-house  to 
meeting-house  in  the  suburbs,  so  as  to  elude 
Whitgift's  ecclesiastical  police.  At  length,  in 
1.593,  the  police  broke  in  upon  one  of  the  meet- 
ings of  the  London  Brownisls  at  Islington.  .  .  . 
There  ensued  a  vengeance  far  more  ruthless  than 
the  Government  dared  against  Puritans  in  gen- 
eral. Six  of  the  leaders  were  brought  to  the 
scaffold.  .  .  .  Among  the  observers  of  these 
severities  was  Francis  Bacon,  then  rising  into 
eminence  as  a  politician  and  lawyer.  His  feeling 
on  the  subject  was  thus  expressed  at  the  time: 
'  As  for  those  which  we  call  Brownists,  being, 
when  they  were  at  the  most,  a  very  small  num- 
ber of  very  silly  and  base  people  here  and  there 
in  corners  dispersed,  they  are  now  (thanks  be  to 
God),  by  the  good  remedies  that  have  been  used, 
suppressed  and  worn  out,  so  as  there  is  scarce 
any  news  of  them. ' .  .  .  Bacon  was  mistaken  in 
supposing  that  Brownism  was  extinguished. 
Hospitable  Holland  received  and  sheltered  what 
England  cast  out." — D.  Masson,  Life  of  John 
Milton,  r.  3,  W-.  4,  seet.  1-2.— "The  name 
'Brownist'  had  never  been  willingly  borne  by 
most  of  those  who  had  accepted  the  distinguish- 
ing doctrine  of  the  heicsiarcii  to  whom  it  related. 
Nor  was  it  without  reason  that  a  distinction  was 
alleged,  and  a  new  name  preferred,  when,  re- 
laxing the  offensive  severity  of  Brown's  system, 
some  who  had  adopted  his  tenet  of  the  absolute 
independence  of  churches  came  to  differ  from 
him  respecting  the  duty  of  avoiding  and  de- 
nouncing dissentients  from  it  as  rebellious, 
apostate,  blasphemous,  aiitichristian  and  ac- 
cursed.    To  this  amcndnieut  of  '  Brownism '  the 


1698 


INDKPKNnKNTS. 


INDEPENDENTS 


mfitnrp  roflortions  and  studicn  of  tlin  ojtrcllont 
Kolilnson  of  licydcn  conducted  liini;  itnd  with 
refcrenco  to  il  lit-  nnd  his  followers  were  some- 
tiniesciilli'd  '  Scmi-sopiinitists. '  Hucli  ii  deference 
to  reason  iind  to  diivnty  gave  ii  new  position  and 
attractiveness  to  the  sect,  and  appears  to  liave 
lieen  considered  as  entitling  Uoliinson  to  the 
character  of  'father  of  the  Independents.'  Im- 
mediately on  tlic  nicetinf?  of  the  r,on)^  Parlia- 
ment [1040],  '  the  Hrownists,  or  Independents, 
who  had  assenihled  in  private,  and  shifled  from 
house  to  house  for  twenty  or  thirty  years,  r<'- 
sumcd  tlieir  connipe,  and  sliowcd  lliemselves  in 
puhlic'  During  this  period  of  the  obscurity  of 
H  sect  which,  wlien  arrived  at  its  full  vigor,  was 
to  give  law  to  the  mother  country,  the  history  of 
tlie  progress  of  its  principles  is  mainly  to  be 
sought  in  New  England.  .  .  .  Their  oppcments 
and  their  votaries  alike  referred  to  iMassachusotts 
as  the  .source  of  the  potent  element  wliicli  had 
made  its  ap|)earance  in  the  religious  politics  of 
England." — J.  O.  Palfrey,  IIM.  tif  Neto  Krg., 
bk.  a,  eh.  3  (i\  2). 

Also  in:  D.  Neal,  IIM.  of  the  Piirilana,  v.  2, 
eh.  1,  3  and  7. — L.  IJacon,  (iene»iH  of  the  New 
Eng.  Gliurehc». — IJ.  Hanbury.  Hint.  Memorials  of 
the  IiuJejKiulenin,  v.  1. —  G.  I'unchard,  Iliat.  of 
Con;/ret}<ition(iliKin,  r. !!. — II.  >I,  Dexter,  T/w,  Con- 
(ireijntiimalism  of  the  hist  300  Ycdrn,  leet.  1-5. — 
See,  also,  England:  A.  D.  10i58-l«40,  and  Piiiii- 
tanh:  In  distinction  fko.mtiik  Indkpkndknts, 
ou  Skpahatiktn. 

A.  D.  1604-1617.— The  church  at  Scrooby 
and  its  migration  to  Holland. — "The  tlimsi- 
ncss  of  Urown's  moral  texture  jirevented  him 
from  becoming  the  leader  in  the  Puritaii  exodus 
to  New  England.  That  honour  was  reserved  for 
William  Brewster,  son  of  a  country  gentleman 
who  had  for  many  years  been  postmast(!r  at 
Herooby."  After  King  .James'  IIain|)ton  Court 
Conference  with  the  Puritan  divines,  in  1004. 
and  his  threatening  words  to  them,  noncon- 
formity began  to  assiime  among  the  churches 
more  decidedly  the  form  of  secession.  "The 
key-note  of  tlie  conflict  was  struck  at  Scrooby. 
8ta\mch  Puritan  as  he  was,  Brewster  had  not 
hitherto  favoured  the  extreme  measures  of  the 
Separatists.  Now  he  withdrew  from  the  church, 
and  gathered  together  a  company  of  mc^n  and 
wometi  who  met  on  Sunday  for  divine  service  in 
his  own  drawing-room  at  Scrooby  Manor.  In 
organizing  this  independent  Congrcgationalist 
society,  Brewster  was  powerfully  aided  by  John 
Bobinson,  a  native  of  Lincolnshire.  I{obin.son 
was  then  thirty  years  of  age,  and  had  token  his 
master's  degree  at  Cambridge  in  1000.  He  was 
a  man  of  great  learning  and  rare  sweetness  of 
temper,  and  was  moreover  distinguished  for  a 
broad  and  tolerant  habit  of  mind  too  seldom 
found  among  the  Puritans  of  that  day.  Friendly 
and  unfriendly  writers  alike  bear  witness  to  his 
spirit  of  Christian  charity  an<l  the  comparatively 
slight  value  which  he  attached  to  orthodoxy  in 
points  of  doctrine;  nnd  we  can  hardly  be  wrong 
ill  suiiposing  tliat  the  comparatively  tolerant 
bclinviour  of  the  Plymouth  colonists,  whereby 
they  were  contrasted  with  tlie  settlers  of  Massa- 
chusetts, was  in  some  measure  due  to  the  abid- 
ing influence  of  the  teachings  of  tliis  admirable 
man.  Another  important  member  of  the  Scrooby 
congregation  was  William  Bradford,  of  the 
neighlKiuring  village  of  Austerfleld,  then  a  lad 
of  seventeen  years,  but  already  remarkable  for 


maturity  of  intelligenro  and  weight  of  chararter, 
afterward  governor  of  Plymouth  for  nearlv 
thirty  years,  he  became  the  liistorian  of  his  cdl 
ony ;  and  to  his  |)icture.s(|U(?  chronicle,  written  in 
pure  and  vigorous  Englisli,  we  are  Indebted  for 
most  that  we  know  of  the  migration  that  started 
from  Herooby  and  ended  in  Plvniotith.  It  was 
in  1000  — two  years  after  King  .James's  truculent 
threat  —  that  this  independent  church  of  Scrooby 
was  organized.  Another  year  liad  not  ela|)sed 
before  its  members  had  suitered  so  much  at  the 
hands  of  oflicers  of  the  law,  that  they  began 
to  think  of  following  the  example  of  former 
heretics  and  escaping  to  Hollaiul.  After  an  un- 
successful attemiit  in  the  autumn  of  1007,  they 
at  length  succeeded  a  few  months  later  in  ac- 
complishing their  flight  to  Amsterdam,  where 
they  hoped  to  Iind  a  home.  But  here  they 
found  the  English  exiles  who  had  preceded  them 
so  fiercely  involved  in  doctrinal  controversies, 
that  they  decided  lo  go  further  in  search  of 
|)eac(!  and  quiet.  Tliis  decision,  which  we  may 
ascribe  to  Hobinson's  wise  counsels,  served  to 
keep  the  society  of  Pilgrims  from  getting  divided 
nnd  scattered.  They  reached  Leyden  in  iOOi),  just 
as  the  Spanish  government  liad  sullenly  aban- 
doned the  liopeles.s  task  of  conciuering  the  Dutcli, 
and  had  grautiMl  to  Holland  the  Twelve  Years 
Truce.  During  eleven  of  fliese  twelve  years 
the  Pilgrims  remained  in  Leyden,  supporting 
tliemselves  by  various  occupations,  wliile  their 
numbers  increased  from  ;i()0  to  more  than  1,000. 
.  .  .  In  .s])ite  of  the  relief  from  iiersecut ion,  how- 
ever, the  Pilgrims  were  not  fully  satistieil  with 
their  new  home.  The  expiration  of  the  truce 
with  Spain  might  prove  that  this  relief  was  only 
temporary;  and  at  any  rate,  complete  toleration 
did  not  till  the  measure  of  their  wants.  Had 
they  come  to  Holland  as  scattered  bands  of  refu- 
gees, they  mi.ght  have  been  absorbed  into  the 
Dutch  population,  as  Huguenot  refugees  have 
been  ab.sorbed  in  Germany,  England,  and  Amer- 
ica. But  they  had  come  as  an  organized  com- 
nuinity,  and  absorption  into  a  foreign  nation 
was  something  to  be  dreaded.  They  wislied  to 
preserve  their  Englisli  speech  and  English  tra- 
ditions, kee,j  up  their  organization,  and  find 
some  favoured  spot  wliere  they  might  lay  the 
corner-stone  of  a  great  Christian  stat(^  The 
spirit  of  nationality  was  strong  in  them;  the 
s|iirit  of  self-government  was  strong  in  them: 
and  the  only  thing  which  could  satisfy  these 
feelings  was  such  a  migration  as  had  not  been 
seen  since  ancient  times,  a  migration  like  that  of 
Phokaians  to  >Iassilia  or  Tynans  to  Carthage. 
It  was  too  late  in  the  world's  hi.story  to  carry  out 
such  a  scheme  upon  Euroi)ean  soil.  Every  acre 
of  territory  there  was  appropriated.  The  only 
favourable  outlook  was  ujjon  the  Atlantic  coast 
of  America,  where  English  cruisers  had  now  suc- 
cessfully disputed  the  pretensions  of  Spa.n,  and 
where  after  forty  years  of  disappointment  and 
disaster  a  flourishing  colony  had  at  length  been 
founded  in  Virginia." — J.  l"'iske,  The  lieginniiign 
of  New  JUngland.  eh.  2. 

Ai.soin:  G.  Piinchard,  Ifist.  of  Congregation- 
alism, V.  1,  eh.  12-15. — G.  Sumner,  Memoirs  of 
the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden  {Mass.  Ilist.  Soe.  Coll.,  3(i 
series,  v.  0). — A.  Steele,  Life  and  Time  of  Brew- 
ster, ch.  8-14.— D.  Campbell.  The  I'hiritan  in 
Holland,  Eng.,  and  Am.,  eh.  \1  {v.  2). 

A.  D.  1617-1620. — Preparations  for  the  exo- 
dus to  New  England. — "  '  Upon  their  talk  of 


1699 


INDEPENDENTH. 


INDIA. 


rcmovin(r,  sundry  nf  tlic  Diitrli  would  Imvc  tliem 
go  under  tliMii.  mill  iiiiidc  llnin  larifc  olTcrs';  liut 
an  iiiliiini  lnvf  fur  tlic  KiikIi^Ii  nation  iind  for 
lluir  niiitlicr  loniruc  led  llirni  lo  tint  >;cni;rous 
iiurpow  of  recovtri  \g  tlit-  protection  of  En^luml 
iiy  tnlartfinjr  lur  doi.'inions.  Tlicy  wcro  Tt'st- 
less'  with  llic  dt'sirr  to  remove  to  '  tliu  most 
nortlK-rn  parts  of  VIrKinia,'  liopln;;,  \indcr  the 
Kiniral  jjoverninent  of  that  proviiue,  'to  live  In 
II  diHtliict  liiHly  by  themselves.'  To  ohliiin  the 
consent  of  the  London  Company,  John  Carver, 
with  Itoliert  Cushman,  in  KMT,  repaired  lo  Kn^- 
land.  They  took  with  them  'seven  articles,' 
from  the  inendMTS  of  the  church  at  [icydcii,  to 
he  snhndtted  to  the  council  in  KiiKhind  for  Vir- 
ftinia.  These  articles  discussed  the  relations 
which,  as  si-pariitists  in  reli>rion,  they  bore  lo  their 
prince;  and  they  adoiited  the  theory  which  tlie 
udnuaiitions  of  Luther  and  a  century  of  persecu- 
tion had  developed  as  the  conunou  rule  of  pie- 
iK'ian  sectaries  on  the  continent  of  Kurope.  Tliey 
fxiiressed  their  concurrence  in  the  creed  of  the 
An^rlicau  church,  and  a  desire  of  spiritual  com- 
munion with  its  ineudiers.  Toward  the  king 
and  all  civil  authority  derived  from  him.  includ- 
inj,'.the  civil  authority  of  bishoiis,  they  promised, 
a8  they  would  have  dou('  to  Xero  and  the  Ko- 
nian  ixmtifex,  'obedience  in  all  thinjis,  active  if 
the  thinj;  commanded  be  not  against  (Jod's  word, 
or  pu-ssive  if  it  he.'  They  deided  all  power  to 
ecclesiastical  bodies,  unless  it  were  tivcM  hy  the 
temporal  magistrate.  .  .  .  The  London  company 
listened  very  willingly  to  their  proposal,  so  that 
their  agents  '  foimil  (jod  going  along  with  them' ; 
and,  through  the  induence  of  '  Sir  Edwin  Sandys, 
a  religious  gentleman  then  living,'  a  patent  might 
at  once  have  been  taken,  had  not  the  envoys  de- 
sired lirst  to  consult '  the  multitude  '  at  Leyden. 
On  the  l.^th  of  December,  1017.  the  pilgrims  trans- 
mitted their  formal  reiiuest,  signed  by  the  hands 
of  the  greatest  part  of  the  congregation.  .  .  . 
The  messengers  nf  the  pilgrims,  satisfied  with 
their  reception  by  the  Virginia  company,  peti- 
tioned the  king  for  liberty  of  religion,  to  be  con- 
firmed under  the  king's  broad  seal.  Hut  here 
they  encountered  insurmountable  didiculties. 
.  .  .  Even  while  the  negotiations  were  pending, 
a  royal  declaration  constrained  the  Puritans  of 
Lancashire  to  conform  or  leave  the  kingdom; 
and  nothing  more  could  be  obtained  for  the  wilds 
of  America  than  an  informal  promise  of  neglect. 
On  this  the  community  relied,  being  advised  not 
to  entangle  themselves  with  the  bishops.  '  If 
there  should  afterward  be  a  purpose  to  wrong 
us,'  thus  they  communed  with  thein.selves, 
'though  wo  had  a  seal  as  broad  ns  the  house- 
ll(Mn',  there  would  be  means  enough  found  to  re- 
call or  reverse  it.  Wo  must  rest  herein  on  God's 
providence.'  Jietterhopes  seemed  todawn  when, 
in  1610,  the  Loudon  company  for  Virginia  elected 


for  their  treasurer  Sir  ICd'vIn  Sandys,  who  from 
the  first  had  befriended  '.he  pilgrims.  rnderhlH 
presidency,  so  writes  ono  of  their  number,  the 
inemlH'rs  of  the  company  In  their  open  court  '  de- 
manded ourendsof  going;  which  being  related, 
the)'  said  the  thing  was  of  (Jod,  and  granted  a 
large  patent.'  As  it  was  taken  In  the  ininto  of 
ono  who  failed  to  aicompany  tli'j  expedition 
[.Mr.  John  Wincob],  the  patent  was  never  of  any 
service.  And,  besides,  the  i)ilgrinis,  after  In- 
vesting all  their  own  means,  had  not  sulll- 
cient  capital  to  execute  their  schemes.  In  this 
extremity,  Hobinson  looked  for  aid  to  the  Dutch. 
He  and  his  people  and  their  friemis,  to  the  num- 
ber of  -100  families,  professed  themselves  well 
inclined  to  emigrate  to  tho  country  on  the  Hud- 
son, and  to  plant  there  a  new  commonwealth 
un(k'r  the  command  of  the  stadholder  and  tho 
states  general.  The  West  India  company  was 
willing  to  transport  them  without  charge,  and  to 
furnish  them  with  cattle;  but  when  its  directors 
petitioned  the  states  general  to  promise  protec- 
tion to  the  enterprise  against  all  violence  from 
other  i)otontates,  the  request  was  found  to  be  in 
contlict  with  the  policy  of  the  Dutch  republic, 
and  was  refused.  The  members  of  tho  church  of 
Leyden,  ceasing  '  to  meddle  with  the  Dutch,  or  to 
depend  too  much  on  the  Virginia  company,' now 
trusted  to  their  own  resources  and  the  aid  of  pri- 
vate friends.  The  (isheries  had  commended 
American  expeditions  to  English  merchants; 
and  tho  a^'cnts  from  Leyden  were  able  to  form  a 
partnership  between  their  employers  and  men  of 
business  in  L(mdon.  The  services  of  each  emi- 
grant were  rated  as  a  caidtal  of  £10,  and  be- 
mnged  to  the  company;  all  profits  were  to  be  re- 
served till  the  end  of  seven  years,  when  the  whole 
amount,  and  all  houses  and  land,  gardens  ami 
fields,  were  to  bo  divided  among  tho  slmro-hold- 
crs  according  to  their  respective  interests.  Tho 
London  merchant,  who  risked  £100,  would 
receive  for  his  money  tenfold  as  much  as  the 
penniless  laborer  for  his  services.  This  arrange- 
ment threatened  a  seven  years'  chock  to  tho  pe- 
cuniary prosperity  of  the  community;  yet,  as  it; 
did  not  interfere  with  civil  rights  or  religion,  it 
was  accepted.  And  now,  in  July,  1620,  tho 
Knglish  at  Loyden,  trusting  in  God  and  in  them- 
selves, made  ready  for  their  departure." — O. 
Bancroft,  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.  (Author's  last  revU- 
ion),  pt.  1,  c/i.  13  ()\  1). 

A.  D.  1620. — The  exodus  of  the  Pilgrims  to 
New  England.  See  Mass.\chu8Etts  (Plymouth 
Colony):  A.  D.  1620. 

A.  O.  1646-1640.— In  the  English  Civil  War. 
See  Enoland:  A.  D.  1640  (Makcu);  1647  (Apuii. 
— August),  and  after. 


INDEX    EXPURGATORIUS,  The. 
Pai-acy:   a.  D.  1550-15U5. 


See 


INDIA. 


The  name.— "To  us  .  .  .  it  seems  natural 
that  the  whole  country  which  is  marked  off  from 
Asia  by  the  great  barrier  of  the  Himalaya  and 
the  Suleiman  range  .should  have  a  single  name. 
Hut  it  has  not  always  seemed  so.  The  Greeks 
had  but  a  very  vague  idea  of  this  country.  To 
them  for  a  long  time  the  word  India  was  for 
practical  purposes  what  it  was  etymologically, 


the  province  of  the  Indus.  When  they  say  that 
Alexander  invaded  India,  they  refer  to  the  Pim- 
jab.  At  a  later  time  they  obtained  some  inftr- 
mation  alioiit  the  valley  of  the  Ganges,  but  little 
or  none  about  the  Deccun.  >feanwnilo  in  India 
itself  it  tlid  not  seem  so  natural  as  it  seems  to  us 
to  give  one  name  to  tho  whole  region.  For  there 
is  a  very  marked  difference  between  the  northern 


1700 


INDIA. 


Th*  Aborlglrut. 


INDIA. 


niid  sniitliorn  parts  of  it.  The  pri'rtt  Aryim  coin 
iiiunity  whicli  Hpukc  Siiiiscrit  iiiiil  liivciili'il  liiiili- 
iiilnisin  Hjjn'iMl  Itself  rliirllv  fri)m  tin'  I'unjiil) 
nloiiff  tlic  great  viilley  of  llie  (iiiiiffes;  Inil  not 
tit  first  fur  southward.  Aceonlliiffly  the  iiniiie 
llliiddstau  ))r(>p<'rly  beloiiijs  to  this  iiorllierii 
rejtlou.  In  the  South  or  peiiliisulu  .  tiiul  other 
races  and  non-Aryan  lanKUajfes.  .  .  It  appears 
then  that  India  is  not  a  political  name,  hut  only 
a  geojrraphleal  expression  like  Eurojte  or  Africa. " 
— ^^J.  It.  Secley,  T/if  ETjiiiiiHi'in  of  /■'iiyluiid,  jiii. 
221-323. — "The  name  'Hindustan'.  .  .  is  not 
us<mI  by  the  natives  as  it  has  lieen  emjjloyed  liy 
writers.of  hooks  and  niapinnkers  in  Kurope.  .  .  . 
Tlie  word  really  means  'the  land  of  the  Hindus'; 
the  northern  jiart  of  the  I'enins\da,  dlstinp\iislied 
from  the  '  Decean,' from  which  it  is  parted  hy 
the  river  Narliada.  .  .  .  The  word  ' ''indu' is  of 
Zend  (ancient  Persian)  origin,  and  may  be  taken 
to  denote  '  rlver-l)eople,'so  named,  perhaps,  from 
having  llrst  appeared  on  the  line  of  the  Indus, 
(1.  d.,  'the  river.'"— H.  0.  Keene,  Sketeh  of  the 
Jlint.  (if  lliniluKtnn,  p.  1. — "Hinde,  India,  and 
Hindustan  are  various  representatives  of  the 
same  native  word.  'Hindu'  Is  the  oldest  known 
form,  since  it  occurs  in  one  of  the  most  ancient 
portions  of  the  Zendavesta.  The  Greeks  and 
homans  sometimes  called  the  river  Hindus,  in- 
stead of  Indus." — O.  Itiiwlinson,  Mce  Orcnt  Jfon- 
arcliiin:  I'erxiii,  eh.  1,  mite. 

The  aboriginal  inhabitants. — "Our  earliest 
>;limi)ses  of  liidla  disclose  two  races  struggling 
for  the  soil.  The  one  was  a  fair-skinned  people, 
which  had  lately  entered  by  the  nortli-westi'rn 
passes, —  a  people  who  called  themselves  Aryan, 
literally  of  'noble'  lineage,  speaking  a  stately 
language,  worshipping  friendly  aim  powerful 
gods.  Tlieso  Aryans  became  the  Bruhmans  and 
liajputsof  India.  The  other  race  was  of  a  lower 
type, who  had  long  dwelt  in  the  land,  and  whom 
the  lordly  newcomers  drove  back  into  the  moun- 
tains, or  reduced  to  servitude  on  the  plains. 
The  comparatively  pure  descendants  of  these 
two  races  ore  now  nearly  e(pial  in  numbers;  the 
intermediate  castes,  sprung  chiefly  from  the 
ruder  stock,  make  up  the  mass  of  the  present 
Indian  population.  .  .  .  The  victorious  Aryans 
called  the  early  tribes  Dasyus,  or  'enemies,'  and 
Dasas,  or  'slaves.'  The  Aryans  entered  India 
from  the  colder  north,  and  prided  themselves  on 
their  fair  complexion.  Their  Sanskrit  word  for 
'colour'  (varna)  came  to  mean  'race'  or  'caste.' 
The  old  Aryan  poets,  who  compo.sed  the  Veda 
at  least  8,000  and  perhaps  4,000  years  ago, 
l)rais<'d  their  bright  gods,  who,  'slaying  the 
Dasyus,  protected  the  Aryan  colour;'  who,  'sub- 
jected the  black-skin  to  the  Aryan  man.'  They 
tell  US  of  their  own  '  stormy  deities,  who  rush  on 
like  furious  hulls  and  scatter  the  black-.skin. ' 
Moreover,  the  Aryan,  with  his  finely-formed 
feat\ircs,  loathed  the  squat  Jlongolian  faces  of 
the  Aborigines.  One  \  cdic  poet  speaks  of  the 
nou- Aryans  as  'noseless'  or  flat-nosed,  while 
another  praises  his  own  '  beautiful-nosed '  gwls. 
.  .  .  Nevertheless  all  the  uon- Aryans  could  not 
have  been  savages.  We  hear  of  wealthy  Dasyus 
or  non-Aryans;  and  the  Vedic  hymns  speak  of 
their  'seven  castles'  and  'ninety  forts.'  The 
Aryans  afterwards  made  alliance  with  non- Aryan 
tribes ;  and  some  of  the  most  powerful  kingdoms 
of  India  were  ruled  by  non-Aryan  kings.  .  .  . 
Let  us  now  examine  these  primitive  peoples  as 
they  exist  at  the  present  day.    Thrust  back  by 


the  .Vryan  invaders  from  the  jilaliis,  they  have 
Inin  liid<len  away  in  the  mountains,  like'the  re- 
miiiiis  (if  i'Miiict*  animals  f'ounil  in  hill  caves. 
India  thus  forms  a  great  museum  of  races.  In 
which  we  can  stuily  man  from  his  lowest  to  his 
highest  stages  of  <  iilture.  .  .  .  Among  the 
rudest  frai;ments  of  niankinil  are  the  isohilcd 
.\ndanian  islandii';,  or  nr)ii  Aryans  of  the  Hay  of 
liengal.  The  ArM  nd  early  Kurop<'iui  voyagers 
described  tliein  ;  dog-faced  man  caters.  The 
ICngllsh  otlicers  si  III  to  the  Islands  in  IS.'m  to  is- 
tal)llsh  a  Ht'ltlement,  found  themselves  In  the 
midst  of  nakeilcannilials;  whodaubeil  themselves 
at  festivals  with  red  earth,  and  mourned  for 
their  dead  friends  by  plastering  thcnisilves  with 
dark  niuil.  .  .  .  Tin;  Annmalal  hills,  in  Southern 
JIadras,  form  the  ri'fuge  of  many  non-.Xrvan 
tribes.  The  long-liaireil,  wild-looking  I'ullars 
live  on  jungle  products,  mice  or  any  small 
animals  they  can  catch;  and  worship  demons. 
Another  clan,  the  Mundavers,  have  no  llxed 
dwellings,  but  wander  over  the  iiuiermost  liills 
with  their  cattle.  They  shelter  themselves  in 
caves  or  under  little  leaf  sheds,  and  seldom  re- 
main in  one  spot  more  than  a  year.  The  thick- 
lipped,  small-bodied  Kaders,  'Lords of  the  Hills,' 
are  a  remnant  of  a  higher  race.  They  live  by  the 
chase,  and  wield  .some  inlltience  over  the  ruder 
fore.st-folk.  These  hills  abound  in  tlie  great 
stone  monuments  (kistvaens  and  dolmens)  w  hicli 
the  ancient  non-Aryans  erected  over  their  dead. 
The  Nairs,  or  hillmen  of  South-Western  India, 
still  keep  u])  the  old  system  of  polyandry,  ac- 
cording to  which  one  woman  is  the  wife  of 
si'veral  husbamls,  and  a  man's  i)roi)eity  descends 
not  to  his  own  sons,  but  to  his  sister's  cliildreii. 
This  system  also  appears  among  the  non-Aryan 
tribes  of  the  Himalayas,  at  the  opposite  end  of 
India.  In  the  Central  Provinces,  the  non-Aryan 
races  form  a  large  part  of  the  population.  "  In 
certain  localities  tliey  amount  to  one-half  of  the 
inhabitants.  Their  most  important  race,  the 
Oonds,  have  made  advances  in  civilisation:  but 
the  wilder  tribys  still  cling  to  the  forest,  and  live 
by  the  chase.  .  .  .  The  Maris  fly  from  tlieir  grass- 
built  huts  on  the  approach  of  a  stranger.  .  .  . 
Farther  to  the  north-east,  in  the  Tributary  States 
of  Ori.ssa,  there  is  a  poor  tribe,  10,000  in  number, 
of  .luangs  or  Patuas,  liter.illy  the  '  leaf -wearers. ' 
Until  lately  their  women  wore  no  clothes,  but 
only  a  few  .strings  of  beads  around  the  waist, 
with  a  bunch  of  leaves  before  and  behind.  .  .  . 
Proceeding  to  the  northern  boundary  of  India, 
we  find  the  slopes  and  spurs  of  the  Himalayas 
l)eopled  \i)  a  great  variety  of  rude  non-Aryan 
tribes.  S(".me  of  the  As.sam  hillmen  have  no 
word  for  expressing  distance  by  miles  or  by  any 
land-measure,  but  reckon  the  length  of  a  journey 
by  the  number  of  plugs  of  tobacco  or  pan  which 
they  chew  upon  the  way.  They  hate  work ;  and, 
as  a  rule,  they  arc  fierce,  black,  undersiz.ed,  and 
ill-fed,  .  .  .  Many  of  the  aboriginal  tribes,  there- 
fore, remain  in  tlie  same  early  stage  of  liunian 
l^rogress  as  that  ascribed  to  them  by  the  Vedic 
pcx-ts  more  than  3,000  years  ago.  But  others 
liave  made  great  advances,  and  form  communi- 
ties of  a  well-di'veloped  type.  These  higher 
races,  like  the  ruder  ones,  are  scattered  over  the 
lengtli  and  breadth  of  India,  and  I  must  confine 
myself  to  a  very  brief  account  of  two  of  them, — 
the  Santals  and  the  Kanilhs.  The  Santals  have 
their  home  among  the  hills  which  abut  on  the 
valley  of  the  Ganges  in  Lower  Bengal.     They 


1701 


INIHA. 


n*  Aryiu. 


INDIA. 


ilwi'll  In  vIllnRpH  ipf  llirir  own.  iiiiurt   from  llii' 

|l)'l>|lll'lir  lill'    (lIllillK,  llt]ll   IIUIIllHTuilOllt  II  lllilllllll. 

AIiIiiiiikIi  Klill  cliiiKiii^  to  niiiiiy  riiHtiiiiiH  (if  a 
liiinliiiK  fiiriHl  trilir,  llu y  Imvc  Iciirmd  llic  iiho 
iif  till'  |iI<iiikIi,  and  Kcltlrirdnwii  Into  Hkilfiil  liiis- 
liaiiiltiK'M.  K»  li  liiiiiilct  is  KoviTiit'il  liy  itH  own 
licailinaii,  wlm  U  kii|i|i<im'iI  to  lir  a  (IcHct'iiilaiit  iif 
tlic  oriyliial  fiiiiiiiirr  (if  tlic  villajfc.  .  .  .  I'lilil 
mar  tlic  ciiil  nf  the  Itihl  (cntiiry,  tliu  HaiilalM 
lived  liy  pliiiiilcriiii;  llic  adjacent  pliiins.  lint 
under  ItrillNii  riilt^  tliev  Helllcd  ddwn  into  peacC' 
fnl  (idlivaliirH.  .  .  .  Tiie  KandliH,  literally 'The 
.MiiiinlaineerH,'  a  trilic  about  l(H).(MH)  Htnin);,  iii- 
lialilt  tlie  Kteep  and  fdreNt-CdVered  ranges  wideli 
rihi'  frimi  llic  Orlssa  eoaitt.  Their  idea  (if  ({(ivern- 
nient  in  purely  patrlarelial.  The  family  iMNtric^tly 
ruled  liy  the  father.  The  Kr**^^'')'"!*  '*<»>'*  hav<! 
[1(1  pniperty  duriuf;  hlH  life,  hut  livi!  in  his  luiusu 
with  their  wives  and  eldldreii,  and  all  share  thu 
t'drnUKin  meal  prepared  by  tho  grandmother. 
The  head  (if  the  trilie  is  usually  the  eldest  son  of 
the  patriarelial  fanuly.  .  .  .  'I  Ik^  Kandh  system 
of  tillage  repres<nts  a  stage  half  way  iM-twetn 
the  migratory  cultivation  of  thu  ruder  non- 
Aryan  tribes  and  tho  settled  ngrieulturo  of  the 
Hindus.  .  .  .  Wheuee  camo  these  primitive 
tieojiies,  whom  the  Aryan  invaders  found  in  tlie 
land  more  than  !),(M)0  years  ago,  and  who  are 
Hlill  scattered  over  India,  the  fragnu'nts  of  a  pre- 
historic world  V  Written  annals  they  do  not  pos- 
sess. Their  traditions  tell  us  little.  But  from 
tlieir  languages  we  (iiiii  that  they  belong  to 
three  stocks.  First,  the  Tibeto-Hurman  tribes, 
who  entered  India  from  the  northeast,  and  still 
eling  to  the  .skirts  of  the  Himalayas.  Sei'ond, 
the  Kolarians,  who  also  seem  to  have  entered 
Bengal  by  the  northeastern  jiasses.  They  dwell 
<'liielly  along  the  north-eastern  ranges  of  the 
three-sided  tableland  which  covers  the  southern 
half  of  India.  Third,  the  Dravidiiuis,  who  ap- 
jiear,  on  I  he  other  hand,  to  have  found  their  way 
into  the  Punjab  by  the  north-western  passes. 
They  now  inhabit  the  southern  part  of  the  thR'e- 
sided  tableland  as  far  down  as  Cape  Coniorin, 
the  southernmost  point  of  India.  As  a,  rule,  the 
non- Aryan  races,  when  fairly  treated,  are  truth- 
ful, loyal,  and  kind.  Tho.se  in  the  hills  make 
good  soldiers;  while  even  the  thieving  tribes  of 
the  plains  can  be  turned  into  clever  po'iee.  The 
non-Aryan  castes  of  Madras  supplied  the  troops 
wliich  eomiuered  Southern  India  for  the  Hritish; 
and  some  of  them  fought  at  the  battle  of  1'la.sscy, 
which  won  for  us  Bengal.  The  gallant  Gurkhas, 
a  non-Aryan  tribe  of  t!ie  Himalayas,  now  rank 
among  the  bravest  regiments  in  our  Indian  army, 
and  lately  covered  tliemselves  with  honour  in 
Afghanistan."— W.  W.  Hunter,  liriif  JUiit.  of  the 
India II  People,  ch.  2-3. 

Also  in:  U.  Brown,  Hmch  of  Mankiiul,  r.  4, 
fit.  1. — 1{.  G.  Latham,  Kthiuilogy  of  Jiriti/th  Colo- 
nut  and  l>e]tendencieii,  eh.  3.— See,  also,  Tuka- 

NIAN  ll.VCKS. 

The  immigration  and  conques'  s  of  the  Aryas. 
— The  hymns  and  prayers  of  their  religion. — 
Vedism. —  Brahmanism.  —  Hinduism.  —  "The 
immigration  of  the  Aryas  into  India  took  place 
from  the  west.  They  stand  in  the  closest  relation 
to  the  inhabitants  of  the  table-land  of  Iran,  especi- 
ally the  inhabitants  of  the  eastern  half.  These  also 
call  themselves  Aryas,  though  among  them  the 
word  becomes  Airya,  or  Ariya,  and  among  the 
Greeks  .\rioi.  The  language  of  the  Aryas  is  in 
the  closest  connection  with  that  of  the  A  vesta, 


the  rellgioiiN  booksof  Inin,  and  In  very  clone  con- 
nection with  the  language  of  the  monuinentR  of 
Darius  and  .Xerxes,  in  tlie  western  half  of  that 
region.  Tli<^  religiiius  ciincepllons  of  the  Irani- 
aiiH  and  Indians  exhibit  striking  tndts  of  a  hoiiio- 
gciKMiuH  character.  A  eoiisideralile  numberof  the 
iiaiiies  of  gods,  of  iriytlis,  Kacrilices,  and  eustoms, 
occurH  in  both  iiatfons,  though  tlii!  meaning  is 
not  always  the  same,  and  is  Sdiuetimes  diamelri- 
eally  opposed.  .Moreover,  the  .Vryas  In  India 
are  at  tirst  eoiitlned  to  the  borders  of  Iran,  thu 
region  of  the  Indus,  and  the  I'anjab.  Here,  in 
the  west,  lli<!  Aryas  had  Iheirmost  exlensivt^  set- 
tieiiients,  and  their  oldest  monuments  fre(|uciitly 
mention  the  Indus,  but  not  the  Ganges.  Even 
the  iiaiiie  by  which  the  Aryas  denote  the  land  to 
the  south  of  the  Vindhyas,  Daksbinapatha  (Dec- 
can),  i.  e. .  path  to  th(^  right,  conliriiis  tlu;  fact 
already  estalilished,  that  the  Aryas  came  from 
the  west.  From  this  it  is  beyond  a  doubt  that 
the  Aryas,  descending  from  the  heights  of  Iran, 
first  occupied  the  valley  of  the  Indus  and  thu 
live  tributary  streams,  which  combine  and  How 
into  the  river  from  the  north-east,  and  they  spread 
as  faras  tlu^y  found  pastures  and  arable  land,  i.  e., 
as  far  eastward  as  tlie  desert  which  separates  the 
valley  of  the  Indus  from  the  Ganges.  The  river 
which  irrigaU^d  their  land,  wat<!re(l  their  pastures, 
and  shaped  the  course  of  their  lives  they  called 
Hindhii  (in  I'liny,  Hindus),  I.  e.,  the  river.  It  is, 
no  doubt,  the  region  of  tht;  Indus,  with  tlie  I'an- 
jab, which  is  meant  in  the  Avesta  by  the  land 
haptu  hiudu  (hendu),  i.  e.,  the  seven  streams. 
The  inscriptions  of  Darius  call  the  dwellers  on 
the  Indus  Idlius.  These  names  the  Greeks  ren- 
der by  Indos  and  Indoi.  .  .  .  I'rodueta  of  India, 
and  among  them  such  as  do  not  belong  to  the 
land  of  the  Indus,  were  exported  from  tho  land 
about  1000  B.  C,  under  names  given  to  them  by 
the  Aryas,  and  therefore  the  Aryas  must  have 
been  settled  there  for  centuries  previously.  For 
this  reason,  and  it  is  conlirmcd  by  facts  which 
will  appear  further  on,  we  may  assume  that  the 
Aryas  descended  into  the  valley  of  the  Indus 
about  the  year  2000  IJ.  ('.,  1.  c,  about  the  time 
when  the  kingdom  of  Elam  was  predominant  in 
the  valley  of  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris,  when 
As.syria  still  stood  under  the  dolidnion  of  Baby- 
lon, and  the  kingdom  of  .Memphis  was  ruled  by 
the  llyksos.  .  .  .  Tho  oldest  evidence  of  the  life 
of  the  Aryas,  whose  immigration  into  the  region 
of  the  Indus  and  settlement  there  wo  have  been 
.able  to  fl.\  about  2000  B.  C,  is  given  iu  a  collec- 
tion of  prayers  and  hymns  of  praise,  the  Uigveda, 
i.  e. ,  'the  knowledge  of  thanksgiving.'  It  is  a 
selection  or  collection  of  juK'nis  and  invocations 
iu  the  possession  of  the  prii^stly  families,  of 
hymns  and  prayers  arising  iu  these  fandlies,  and 
sung  and  preserved  by  them.  .  .  .  We  cau  ascer- 
tain with  exactness  the  region  in  which  the 
greater  number  of  these  poems  grew  up.  The 
Indus  is  especially  the  object  of  pniise;  the 
'seven  rivers 'are  mentioned  as  the  dwelling- 
place  of  the  Aryas.  This  aggregate  of  seven  is 
made  up  of  the  ludus  itself  and  the  Ave  streams 
which  unite  and  flow  into  it  from  the  east — the 
Vitasta,  Asikni,  Iravati,  Vipa(;a,  (^'atadru.  The 
seventh  river  is  the  Sarasvati,  which  is  expressly 
named  'the  seven-sistered.'  The  land  of  the 
seven  rivers  is,  ns  has  already  been  remarked, 
known  to  the  Iranians.  The  '  Sapta  sindhava ' 
of  the  Rigveda  are,  no  doubt,  the  hapta  hendu 
of  the  Avesta,  and  in  the  form  Ilarahvaiti,  the 


1702 


iNDlA 


Vrdiitm,  firnhmnniitm, 
Himtnitim. 


INDIA.  B.  C.  887-819. 


AriU'lioliiH  of  IIh'  (JrcckH,  we  ngi\\n  lliid  the  .Siir 
axviiti  in  tlic  cast  of  tlir  tiil)li' laiiil  iif  Irati.  \n 
till'  Yiiinunit  iukI  tin-  (Jiiiikch  iirc  only  ini'iilioiicil 
ill  |)iiHHiii)(  .  .  .  anil  tlii^  Yiiidliya  iiinuiitaiiiH 
and  Nariiiadas  arc  not.  iiii'iitloni'd  at  all,  tlic  con- 
cliiMion  Ih  ciTtain  tliat,  at  tlictiinc  wlicn  tli<'  HiiiiLrH 
of  tlic  AryiiH  were  conipoKcd,  the  nation  was  con- 
tilled  to  tile  lanil  of  tlir  I'anjali,  tlioiif^li  tlicy  may 
have  already  iM'fjnn  to  move  eaNtward  beyond 
tlic  valley  of  tlie  HariiMvali.  We  j{atlier  from  tlie 
gongs  of  tlie  Klgveda  tliat  tlie  Aryan  on  tlic^ 
IndiiH  were  not  one  »ivi(^  ('iiinmiinity.  They 
wero  Kovcriu'd  liy  ii  nuniher  of  prinees  (raja). 
Home  of  tlieHe  ruled  on  tlie  hank  of  the  IndiiK, 
olluTH  in  the  iieiglilioiirhood  of  tlie  Sarasvati. 
Tliey  HoiiU'tiiiies  comhined;  they  alHo  fought  not 
ugninHt  the  DiiHyiiM  only,  hut  iiKithiHt  each  other. " 
— M.  Diincker, '//(W.  of  Aiitii/iiit//,  hk.  H,  ch.  1-3 
(ff.  4). — "Wlicn  the  Indhin  brancli  of  the  Aryan 
family  settled  down  In  tliu  land  of  tho  seven 
rivers  ....  now  the  I'aiijah,  ulioiit  tlio  ITitli 
century  H.  ('.,  tiielr  religion  was  Htill  nature- 
worHlifp.  It  was  Htill  adoration  of  the  forces 
wliicli  were  everywhere  In  operation  around  them 
for  priKliietion.  (lestruction,  and  reproduction. 
But  it  wiw  plivHiohitry  develojiln);  itself  more 
distinctly  into  fiirms  of  Theism,  I'olylhelsm,  An- 
thropomorphisni.  .nd  Puntiieism.  Tlie  phenoin- 
enii  of  nature  were  thoiif^ht  of  as  sonicthiii)^ 
moa'  than  radhint  beings,  and  soniething  more 
than  powerful  forces.  .  .  .  Tlicy  were  addressed 
as  kings,  fathers,  guardians,  friends,  benefactors, 
guests.  They  were  invoked  in  formal  liymiis 
and  prayers  (mantras),  in  set  metres  (chandas). 
Tlieso  hymns  were  composed  in  an  early  form  of 
tlie  Sanskrit  language,  at  difTerent  times  —  per- 
haps during  several  centuries,  from  the  Mth  to 
the  10th  ».  C— by  men  of  light  ami  leading 
(Uishis)  among  the  Indo- Aryan  immigrants,  who 
were  afterwards  held  in  the  highest  veneration 
as  patriarchal  saints.  Eventually  the  hymns 
were  bL'lieved  to  have  been  directly  revealed  to, 
rather  than  com])osed  by,  these  Uishis,  and  were 
tlien  called  divine  knowledge  (V'eilii),  or  the 
eternal  word  heard  (sruti),  and  transmitted  by 
tliein.  Tliese  Mantras  or  liymns  were  arranged 
in  three  principal  collections  or  continuous  texts 
(.Samhituj).  The  fli'St  and  earliest  was  called  the 
Ilymnveda  (Kig-veda).  It  was  a  collection  of 
1.017  hymns,  arranged  for  mere  reading  or  re- 
citing. Tills  was  the  first  bible  of  the  Hindu 
religion,  and  tlio  special  bible  of  Vedism.  .  .  . 
Vedism  was  the  onrlicst  form  of  the  religion  of  tho 
Indian  branch  of  the  great  Aryan  family.  .  .  . 
Brahinanism  grew  out  of  Vedism.  It  taught  the 
merging  of  all  the  forces  of  Nature  in  one  univer- 
sal spiritual  Being  —  the  only  real  Entity — which , 
when  unmanifcstcd  and  impersonal,  was  callecl 
BralimJ  (neuter);  when  manifested  as  a  personal 
creator,  was  called  Brahma  (masculine);  and  when 
manifested  in  the  highest  order  of  men,  was  called 
Bnlhinana  ('  the  Brahmaiis ').  Bralimanism  was 
rather  a  philosophy  than  a  religion,  and  in  its  fun- 
damental doctrine  was  spiritual  Pantheism.  Hiii- 
duismgrew  out  of  Bralimanism.  It  was  Brahman- 
ism,  .so  to  speak,  run  to  seed  and  spread  out  into 
a  confused  tangle  of  divine  personalities  and  in- 
carnations. .  .  .  Yet  Hinduism  is  distinct  from 
Brahmanism,  and  chiefly  in  this — that  it  takes 
little  account  of  the  primordial,  impersonal  Being 
Brahmil,  and  wholly  neglects  its  personal  mani- 
festation Brahma,  substituting,  in  place  of  both 
Bruluuil  aud  Bralimu,  the  two  popular  personal 


deities  Siva  and  Vishnu.  He  It  noted,  howovcr, 
that  the  emphivmeiit  of  the  term  lllMduism  is 
wholly  arbitrary  and  confessedly  iiiisatisfaclorv. 
Cnliappily  there  Is  no  other  expression  Hiilllcieiilly 
I'limprrheiislve.  .  .  .  Iliiidiiism  is  llraliniMnisin 
moililled  by  the  creeds  iiiiil  Hiiperslltiniis  of   llud 

dliists  |s<e  below  ;  U,  ('.  HI'J 1  and  Non  Aryan 

races  of  all  kiiiils.  inclii  'hig  Dnividiaiis.  Kola- 
rlans,  and  perhaps  pre  l\o|ariaii  aborigines.  It 
has  even  been  iiKHiitled  by  ideas  imported  from 
the  religions  of  later  coiniuering  races,  such  as 
Islam  aii'lCiirlstiaiiitv."— M.  Williams,  llilii/ioim 
Thiiiniht  mid  /.iff  in  tiidiii,  pt.  I,  c//.  1,  anil iiilrad. 
'  Also  in:  |{.  .Mitra,  tniloAri/unii.—  V.  .Mux 
MUller,  I/ikI.  if  Aiieimt  Sinitkrit  /Aleniliirr. — 
The  same,  eti.,  Sirnil  lliHik»  of  tlie  h'linl,  r.  1,  mid 
ot/ifm. — A.  Bartli,  IMii/innii  of  fndin.  —  Ilif/-  ^'l■ll<^ 
Utiiliita,  tr.  bfi  II.  II.  iri7«</i.--See,  also,  Aliv.VNS. 

6th  Century,  B.  C. — Invasion  of  Darius.    Sec 
I'i;nsi.\:  B.  ('.  ,Wl-40:i. 

B.  C.  327-313. — Invasion  and  conquests  of 
Alexander  the  Great.— Expulsion  of  the 
Greeks. — Rise  of  the  empire  of  Chandragupta. 
—  "Tlie  year  B.  C.  iW?  marks  an  imporlant  era 
in  tlie  liistoryof  India.  .More  than  two  ci'iituries 
are  su|iposed  to  have  elapsed  sini^e  tli(!  dealli  of 
(lotama  Buddha.  The  great  empire  of  Magadha 
was  apparently  falling  into  anarchy,  but  Brali- 
manism and  Biiddliism  were  still  e.xpoundiiig 
their  respective  dogmas  on  the  banks  of  the 
(langes.  At  tills  juncture  Alexander  of  .Mace- 
don  was  leading  an  army  of  Greeks  down  the 
Cabiil  river  towards  the  river  Indus,  wliicli  at 
that  tiiiu^  forine<l  the  western  frontier  of  the 
I'unjab  [see  .M.\(KIM)NI.\:  B.  V.  31)0-32:1].  .  .  . 
The  design  of  Alexander  was  to  concpier  all  the 
regicms  westward  of  the  Indus,  including  the 
territory  of  t'abul,  and  then  to  cross  the  Indus 
in  the  neigliliourliood  of  Attock,  and  march 
through  the  I'unjab  in  a  south-easterly  direction, 
crossing  all  tlie  tributary  rivers  on  his  way  ;  and 
finally  to  jiass  down  the  valley  of  tlie  Ganges 
and  .liimna,  via  Delhi  and  Agra,  and  con(|uer 
the  great  Gangetic  emjiire  of  .Slagadha  or  I'ata- 
lipiitra  between  tlie  ancient  cities  of  I'raynga  and 
Oour.  .  .  .  After  crossing  the  IikIus.  there  wen; 
at  least  three  kingdoms  in  the  I'unjab  to  be  sub- 
dued one  after  the  other,  namely; — thalof  Taxiles 
between  the  Indus  and  the  .Iliclum  ;  that  of  I'orus 
the  elder  between  the  .Ilielum  and  the  Clienab; 
and  that  of  I'orus  the  younger  between  the 
Clienab  and  tlie  Havee.  .  .  .  When  Alexander 
had  fully  established  his  authority  in  ('abul  he 
crossed  the  Indus  into  tlie  Punjab.  Here  he 
halted  .some  time  at  the  city  of  Taxila  [Taxiles, 
the  king,  having  submitted  in  advance],  and 
then  niarchcil  to  tlie  ri\(;r  .Ilielum,  and  found 
Unit  I'orus  tli(^  elder  was  encamped  on  the  op- 
])o.site  bank  witli  a  large  force  of  cavalry  and  in- 
fantry, togetlier  with  diariots  and  eh^phants. 
The  decisive  battle  wliidi  followed  on  the  .Ilie- 
lum is  one  of  tho  most  remarkable  actions  in 
ancient  story.  .  .  Porus  fought  with  a  valour 
w*iieli  excited  the  admiration  of  Alexander,  but 
was  at  last  wounded  ami  compelled  to  fiy.  Ulti- 
mately he  was  induced  to  ten<ler  his  submission. 
.  .  .  The  victory  over  Porus  established  the  as- 
cendancy of  Alexander  in  the  Punjab."  It  "  not 
only  decided  the  question  between  himself  and 
Porus,  but  enable<l  him  to  open  up  a  new  com- 
munication with  Persia,  via  the  river  Indus  and 
the  Indian  Ocean.  lie  sent  out  woodmen  to  cut 
timber  for  abip-building  in  the  northern  forests, 


1703 


INDIA,  H.  <'.  !m-313. 


UuMhum. 


INDIA,  U.  C.  ai9 . 


nrirl  to  flrmt  It  ilnwn  till'  .TIii'Immk  ntiil  lie  fmuiilcil 
twi)  rllicx,  lliiki'|iliiillii  mill   Mkii'ii.  m ii  ciirli 

hMi'   cif   III)'   .llllllllll.    .    .    .     W  lllNl    the    lll'l't    WIIH 

Ih'Iiiu  rritiHtriK'li'il,  AIcxiiihIit  (iiiillriiii'il  liU 
limn  li  til  till'  Cliriiiili.  mill  rroiiHi'il  llmt  rlviT  iiitci 
tlic  il>>iiiiiili>iiH  i>f  I'oriiH  till'  viiiiiiui'r,  "  who  lli'il 
ut  liU  iipiirimrli,  mill  wIiom'  liliiplniii  whh  iimili 
oviT  to  till'  I'lcliT  I'liriH,  liJH  iiiirii'.  "  AIi'XiiiiiIit 
iii'Xl  (TimHi'il  till'  Kavi'i',  ulirii  In-  wdh  nillril  Imrk 
liy  "  II  rrviilt  ill  IiIh  rriir.  wlilrli  lii'  mipprrKsi'il. 
"Milt  inriiiitlliir  till'  .Miirril'inliiiN  liiiii  Kl'owii 
wi'itry  of  tlirlr  riiiii|iaiuii  in  liullii.  .  .  .  'I'lirv 
,  ,  .  rcHlHtcil  I'VITV  llttrMI|it  to  Irilil  llirlll  lii'yoinl 
tliu  HiitlrJ;  anil  Ali'Xiiiiili'r,  iiiakliiu  ii  vlrtiir  of 
III  ri'HMJty,  at  litut  I'oiiHiiltril  tlir  onirli'H  anil  foiiiiil 
that  tlii'y  wi'ri'  iinfavoiiralilr  to  an  Diiwanl  iiiovi' 
nii'iit.  .  .  .  Ill'  rrtiirnril  with  lils  army  to  tin' 
Jlii'hini,  anil  iiiiliarki'il  on  Imanl  ilir  llrrt  with  a 
portion  of  Ills  troops,  whilst  llir  rrniainiiiT  of  liis 
ariiiv  inarrlirii  alon^  ritlirr  liaiik.  In  this  iiiiin 
iirr  III' priH'i'i'ilril  almost  iliii'  Hoiith  through  lln' 
I'linjiib  anil  Srinili'  .  .  At  last  he  rrarlinl  tlir 
IniHiin  Ori'an,  anil  ...liclil  for  tlii'  first  llnir  tliv 
|ilii'iiomriia  of  till'  tiilrs;  iiiiil  tlii'ii  laiiilril  his 
army  anil  iiiarrhril  through  Ilrloorliistaii  towanls 
Sllsa,  wliilst  Ncarchos  coniliictiii  tiic  llrrt  to  thr 
Persian  lliilf,  anil  tinally  joinril  him  in  tlii'  saiiii' 
i'ily.  .  .  .  AlrxaniliT  liiiil  Invailril  thr  I'linjal) 
(liiriii);  till'  niliiy  wasoii  of  H.  (',  !t'J7,  ami  rriiiliiil 
till'  Iniliiin  Ori'im  alioiit  tin-  miiiilli'  of  It.  ('.  it'.M). 
Mi'iuitinii'  I'hilip  reinaini'il  at  Tit.xila  as  his  lii'ii- 
ti'iiant  or  ilcpiit V,  niiil  commi.nilcil  a  garrison  of 
mrrrriiarii'S  nnil  a  liiHly-f^iiaril  of  Mai  riloniiuis. 
When  Alrxnnilrr  was  marrhiiig  throiijjh  Ui'Iimi- 
chUtan,  on  his  way  to  Siisa,  the  ni'ws  ri'iuhiil 
him  that  I'hilip  hail  lici'ii  inurili'reil  by  the  iiirr' 
■ci-narii's,  imt  that  nearly  all  the  inunlerers  hail 
been  slain  by  the  Macedonian  boily-giiarils. 
Alexaniler  immeiliately  ili'spatelieil  letters  ilireet  - 
liiK  tiie  Maei'ilonian  Kuilemos  to  carry  on  the 
Kovcrnnient  in  conjunction  with  Tiixilcs,  until 
lie  coulil  appoint  nnotlier  deputy ;  iind  this  pro- 
visioiml  arrangement  seems  to  have  been  con- 
tinued until  the  death  of  Alexander  In  IJ.  V.  S'i'.i. 
The  political  anarchy  which  followed  this  catas- 
trophe can  scarcely  be  realized.  .  .  .  Indlii  was 
forjtotlen.  Euilemos  took  advantajfo  of  the  dent h 
of  Alexander  to  munler  Porus;  but  was  ulti- 
mately driven  out  of  the  Punjab  with  all  his 
Macedonians  by  an  adventurer  who  was  known 
to  the  Greeks  as  Sundrokottos,  and  to  the  Him'  ; 
ns  dianilragupta.  This  indiviiluul  la  said  to 
have  delivered  India  from  a  foreign  yoke  only  to 
substitute  his  own.  .  .  .  Hv  the  aid  of  lianilitti 
he  captured  the  city  of  Patall-putni,  and  obtained 
the  throne;  and  then  drove  the  Greeks  out  of 
India,  and  established  his  empire  over  the  whole 
■of  Hindustan  and  the  Pun  jab.  "—J.  T.  Wheeler, 
JIht.  of  liiilia  :  Hindu,  Iluildhist  u)ifl  Brahma iii- 
fnl,  ch.  \. 

Also  in:  Arrlan,  Anabasis  of  Alexander  (tr.  by 
Chinniifk),  bk.  4-0.— T.  A.  Dodge,  Alexander,  c?i. 
38-13. 

B.  C.  312 .— Chandrag^pta  and  Asoka: — 

The  spread  of  Buddhism  and  its  Brahmanic 
absorption.— "Tlie  first  tolerably  trustworthy 
ihUe  In  Indian  history  is  the  era  of  Candra-gupta 
(— Sandro-kottus)  the  founder  of  the  Maurya 
dynasty,  who.  after  making  himself  master  of 
Pataliputra  (Palibothra,  Patna)  and  the  king- 
dom of  Magailha  (Behar),  extended  his  dominion 
over  all  Hindustan,  and  presented  a  determined 
front  towards  Aiexaiidcr's   successor    Sclcu.'ios 


N'Ikatnr,  the  ilato  of  the  romnicnremont  of  whnto 
ri'lun  wiiHiiboiil  lll'i  It.  < '.  Whin  the  latter  mn 
ti'iiiplati-il  liiviiiling  Indiii  from  Ids  kinitdom  of 
liaiiriii,  HO  elTi'i'tiial  was  the  resistanii'  olTcreil 
by  Canilra  giiptathat  the  Greek  thought  It  politic 
to  I'nriu  ail  alllaiii'i'  with  the  Illiiilu  king,  ami 
Ki'iit  Ills  own  countryman  .Megastlienes  as  an  am- 
liasHador  til  resiile  at  his  court.  To  tills  ciiciim- 
Ntiincc  we  owe  the  tlrst  autheiitii'  account  of 
Indian  in  iiiners,  customs,  and  religious  usages 
by  an  iiitclllgenl  observer  who  was  not  a  initlve, 
and  this  narrative  of  .Megastlienes,  preserved  by 
.stralm,  fiiriilshes  a  basis  on  which  we  may  fniiiiil 
a  fiiir  iiifercnee  that  Hrahmaiilsiii  ami  Ituddhlsm 
existed  side  by  side  ill  India  on  amicable  terms  In 
tile  fourth  century  H.  ('.  There  is  even  griiiiii<l 
for  believing  thai  King  ('andra-giipta  hiniHclf 
was  in  secret  a  Hiiildhist,  though  In  public  he 
paid  hiim.'igi'  to  the  gods  of  the  Hrahmans;  ut 
any  rate,  there  run  be  little  doubt  that  his  suc- 
cessor Asoka  did  for  liudilhism  what  Constan- 
tliie  did  for  Christianity  —  gave  an  inipetiis  to  its 
progress  by  adopting  it  as  his  own  creed.  liiiilil- 
iiisni,  tlienl  became  the  state  religion,  the  national 
faitli  of  the  whole  kingdom  of  Magailha,  uiiil 
therefoii-  of  a  great  i)iirtioii  of  India.  This 
AsoK.i  Is  by  some  regardeil  as  Identical  with 
Canilra-iiupta;  at  any  rate,  their  characters  and 
miirli  of  their  hislorv  are  slmilai'.  lie  is  proba- 
bly till'  same  as  King  Priviularsl,  whose  edicts 
on  stone  pillars  enjoiiiing  '  Dharma,'  or  the  prac- 
tice of  virtue  and  universiil  benevolence,  am 
scattered  over  India  from  Kiitak  In  tli"  cast  and 
(iiijarat  In  the  west  to  AUahab.iil,  Delhi,  and 
Afghanistan  on  the  north-west.  What  tlieii  is 
nuiiilhism?  It  Is  certainly  not  lirahmimisni,  vet 
it  arose  out  of  Hrahmanisin,  and  from  tin-  l[rst 
had  much  in  commoii  witli  it.  nrahmanism  and 
Diiddhism  are  closely  interwoven  with  each 
other,  yet  they  arc  very  dilTereiit  from  each 
other.  Hrahmanisiu  is  a  religion  which  may  be 
described  as  all  theology,  for  it  makes  Gixl 
cverytliing,  and  everything  Gixl.  Uuddhisni  la 
uo  rellj^loii  at  all,  and  certainly  no  theology,  but 
rather  u  system  of  duty,  morality,  and  beuavo- 
Icnce,  without  real  deity,  prayer  or  priest.  The 
name  Iliiiidha  is  simiily  an  epithet  meaning  '  the 
perfectly  enliglitened  one,'  or  rather  one  who,  by 
jierfect  knowledge  of  the  truth,  is  liberated 
i'rom  all  existence,  anil  who,  before  his  own  at- 
tainment of  Nirvana,  or  'extinction,'  reveals  to 
the  world  the  metliod  of  obtaining  it.  The 
Hnddlia  with  whom  we  are  concenicil  was  ody 
the  last  of  a  series  of  liudilhas  who  had  appeared 
in  previous  cycles  of  the  universe.  He  was 
born  at  Kapila-vastii,  a  city  and  kingdom  ut  the 
foot  of  the  mountains  of  Nepal,  his  father  Sudd- 
hodnna  being  the  king  of  that  country,  oud  his 
mother  Maya-devi  being  the  daughter  of  King 
iSiipnibuddlia.  Hence  ho  belonged  to  the  Ksha- 
triya  cla-ss,  and  his  family  name  was  Sakya, 
wliile  Ills  name  of  Gautama  (or  Gotaiim)  was 
taken  from  that  of  his  tribe.  lie  is  said  to  have 
arrived  a',  supremo  knowledge  under  the  Bodhi 
tree,  or  '  tree  of  wisdom'  (familiarly  called  '  the 
Bo  tree '),  at  Gaya,  in  Behar  (IMagadha),  about 
the  year  588  B.  C.,  and  1  have  commenced 
propagating  the  new  faith  at  Benares  soon  after- 
wards. .  .  .  Buddhism  was  a  |>rotest  against 
the  tyranny  of  Brahmanism  and  caste.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Budilha,  all  men  are  equal.  .  .  .  We 
have  live  marked  features  of  Buddhism:  1.  dis- 
regard of  all  caste  distinctions;   2.  abolition  of 


1704 


INDIA,  n.  c.  ni3-— . 


Vu  Ohntnnvlilfi. 


INDIA.  A.  n.  077-1200. 


nnlmiil  Rnrrltlii*  nixl  of  vIciiriouH  HiilTrrini;;  !). 
){rriit  Ntri'HN  liilil  oil  tlic<  iliii'triiii'  nf  traiiHiuiKni' 
tiiiii:  4.  nrvnt  Imixirtiinci' tisHlKiit'il  lo  wlf  imirll' 
IIc'iiIIkii,  iiiistcrlly,  mid  iiliHtnict  incilitittiiiii.  iih  itii 
iiiil  til  till'  Hiip|>ri'NHiiiii  iif  all  urtiiiii:  n.  ciiiici'ii' 
trill Idm  i>f  III!  Iiiiiiiiiii  ili'Nlrrx  mi  tlii'  iiliwiliili)  cx- 
tinrtliiri  of  all  Iii'Iiik'.  'I'lH'rc  U  Htlll  u  Hixtli. 
wliirli  in  prrliiipM  tlui  iiiiist  iiiili'Wiirtliy  of  iill; 
\i/,.,  tliiil  till'  llililillia  rrriiKiiixi'il  im  Miipri'iiii* 
di'ily.  Till'  iiiily  ki*<I>  '>*'  alllriiiril,  in  wlial  iimn 
l.lliiitcif  ran  hrroiiut.  A  ItiiilillilHt,  tlii'ri'fiiri', 
iH'vrr  rrally  pnivM,  lin  only  iiirilitati's  on  tlii'  prr- 
fcctloim  of  till'  lliiilillia  ami  llir  liiipi'  of  attainlii)( 
Nirvana.  .  .  .  llraliinaniHin  ami  ItiiilillilHin  |lii 
Iiiilia|  appi'iir  to  liavu  lili'iiilrd,  or,  iih  It*  wrrr, 
iiirltril  into  cai'li  otliiT,  aftiT  each  liail  n'ripro- 
cully  parlril  with  Honirlliin;;,  ami  cacli  liaii 
Iniparti'il  soiiirtliing.  \l  any  ratu  It  may  I'l- 
i|iu'slioiu'il  wlicllii'r  Ituilillii.sin  was  cvrr  forcilily 
cxpi'lii'ii  from  any  purl  of  liiiila  liy  dirrrt  prrsc- 
ciitioii,  I'xci'pt,  prrliaps,  in  a  irw  (solatrd  icntrrs 
of  jlralimaiilriii  fanaticism,  niicIi  iih  the  nciitli' 
liourliood  of  Uciiarcs.  Kvni  in  Itcniircs  ilic 
C'liini'st.'  traveller,  llioiicn  TlisaiiK,  found  ISrali- 
maiiism  and  IliidilliUm  llourlHhinx  amicalily  kIiIc 
liy  side  in  tliu  7tli  century  of  our  era.  In  the 
Hoiith  of  India  the  lliidilha'x  doctrines  Hcem  to 
have  met  with  acceptance  at  an  early  dale,  iiiid 
(.'eyloM  was  probalily  converted  as  early  as  !J.  ('. 
241),  Mion  after  tlie  third  Hiiddhisl  council  held 
under  ICing  Asoka.  In  other  parts  of  India 
there  was  probably  a  period  of  Bnilimanical 
hostility,  and  perliaps  of  occasinnal  persecution; 
hut  eveiilually  liuddhism  was  taken  by  tlio 
liand,  and  drawn  back  into  the  nrahmanical  Rys- 
tem  iiy  tlie  Hrahnmns  tliemselves,  who  met  it 
half  way  and  ended  by  boldly  adopting;  the 
liuddlia  as  an  incarnation  of  V'isliiiii.  .  .  .  Only 
a  Hinall  section  of  the  liuddhist  community  re- 
sisted all  coiu'iilatiim,  and  tlieso  are  probably 
represented  by  the  present  sect  of  .lains  [who 
are  found  in  I'irgo  numbers  in  various  parts  of 
India.  es|iecially  on  the  western  coast],  lie  the 
actual  state  of  thu  case  as  it  may,  nothing  can  be 
clearer  than  the  fact  that  liuddliism  has  di.sap- 
peared  from  India  (tlie  island  of  Ceylon  bcinji; 
excepted),  and  that  it  has  not  done  so  without 
liavinK  largely  contributed  towards  the  mould- 
ing of  Brahmnnism  into  the  Ilinduisin  of  the 
present  day." — M.  Williams,  IlimliiiKtn,  ch.  0. 

Also  IN:  The  same  author  (now  Sir  Monier 
Monier-Willlums).  Hitdd/iinin. — II.  Oldenburg. 
Buddha. — P.  Bigaiidet.  Life  or  lAgend  of  (!ii\i- 
daiiui. — A.  Lillio,  Ihiddha  and  the  Enrli/  Ihidd- 
hiHtM.—W.  W.  Kockhill,  The  fAfe  of  the 'ihiddha. 

A.  D.  077-1290.— Under  the  Ghaznavide  and 
Mameluke  empires, — "Aryan  civilisation  was 
.  .  .  gcrininoting,  but  it  was  in  uncongenial  soil. 
Like  tlie  descendants  of  Abraham  and  .liicob,  the 
inviulers  mingled  with  the  heathen  ami  learned 
their  ways.  The  older  inhabitants  were  bar- 
barous, multilingual,  indolent;  worshippers  less 
of  many  gods  than  of  many  devils.  The  fusion 
that  ensued  was  not  happy ;  though  the  origin 
and  growth  of  the  caste  system  prevented  com- 
plete union,  it  facilitated  some  of  its  evils;  tlio 
character  of  the  Aryan  settlers  became  disas- 
trously affected ;  the  want  of  commercial  com- 
munication by  land  and  sea  tended  to  perpetuate 
stagnation.  This  was  the  state  of  things  upon 
which  the  rising  tidi;  from  Central  Asia  began 
to  tlow  with  resistless  pertinacity  after  the  Mcii- 
golo-TurkisU  power  became  established  ou  the 

3-10 


Oxiin  nni!  the  Ili'lmaml.  It  was  not  to  1m'  won- 
dered at  If  the  Arabs  iiiaile  no  wide  or  lasting 
Imllaii  ciiiii|iii'HtH  ill  the  curly  iikcii  of  tJie  .>iiihiiI' 
iiiiin  era.  At  a  tliiii'  when  thi'y  were  engaged 
with  the  Chrislian  Knipires  of  the  Kiist  and  the 
West,  when  they  were  Npri'ildllig  the  piuM  r  of 
the  cri'sceiit  from  the  iMirdcntof  Klioriiwlii  to  llio 
Pillars  of  Hercules,  the  warriors  of  Islam  had 
perhaps  but  little  liinptation  to  undertake  further 
adventure.     Certain  it  is  tlial  beyond  the  con- 

tliicM  of  >|akraii  and  11  part  of  Hilidli  ( upied 

liHM  tliiin  a  hundred  years  after  the  Ilijra) — tlie 
Arab  com|iieHts  did  not  spread  in  India.  It  wiM 
Nasiriid  Din  Habuktigin  — certainly  a  .Merv  cap- 
tive and  popularly  believed  11  scion  of  the  .Sas- 
saniaii  dynasty  tliat  once  ruled  Persia  —  by 
whom  the  llrst  .Muslim  invasion  of  lllndiisian 
was  made  in  diirabli^  fashion.  Ills  master.  Alp- 
tigiii,  having  lied  from  the  oppression  of  the 
Saiiiiiiii  dynasty  of  lluktiara  In  tXI'J  \.  D.,  had 
founded  a  primlpality  at  Olia/ni.  Sabiikligin 
aci|iiired  his  favour,  and  was  able,  soon  iit'ler  his 
death,  to  aciiuire  the  succession  In  DTT  A.  D.  lie 
cslalilished  Ills  power  In  the  Punjab;  and  his 
armies  are  said  to  have  penetrated  iiH  far  iiH 
Itenares.  On  his  death,  01)7  A.  D.,  his  son,  the 
celebrated  .Sultan  Mahmiid,  Hiiccecdi'd  to  the  Km- 
[lire  extending  from  llalkli  to  Lahore,  if  not  to 
llamsi  [seeTt  iiKs;  A.  D.  01I0-11m;1|.  During  a 
reign  of  over  tliirty  veiirs  he  invadid  Ilindii.stan 
twelve  tinus,  inllictlng  terrible  carnage  on  thu 
Hindus  desecrating  their  idols,  and  ileinorallsing 
their  te  iiple.s.  Matluira,  KanaiiJ,  Homnatli;  to 
such  diitaiit  and  divergent  iiolnis  did  his  enter- 
prises leach.  Alahmud  died  l():tl)  A.  I),,  and  was 
buried  at  Oha/.ni,  where  his  monument  is  still 
to  be  seen.  For  about  one  hundred  years  the 
dynasty  continued  to  nih;  in  the  Punjab  and 
Afghanistan,  more  and  more  troulileil  by  tho 
iieiglibouring  tribe  of  tihor,  who  in  1187  A.  D. 
took  Lahore  and  put  an  end  to  the  Gha/.navido 
dynasty.  A  prince  of  the  Ghorians — variously 
known,  but  whose  nanu  may  be  taken  as  Mu- 
hammad Bin  Hani  —  was  placed  in  a  soil  of  al- 
most independent  viceroyiilty  at  Oliazni.  in  1101 
A.  I),  he  led  an  army  against  Sirhind,  .'-oiith  of 
the  Siitlaj  river.  Uai  Pithaura,  or  Pirllii  Hai, 
a  chief  of  the  Chaulians  (who  had  Intel  v  po.ssesscil 
themsgl ves  I 'fDclili),  marched  against  the  invaders 
and  defeat!  hem  in  a  battle  where  Din  Ham  liiiil 
a  narrow  escape  from  being  slain.  Hut  tiio 
sturdy  mountaineers  wouhl  not  be  denied.  Next 
year  tiiey  returned"  and  defeated  Pithaura. 
"The  towns  of  Mirat  and  Delili  fell  upon  his  de- 
feat; and  their  fall  was  followed  u  year  later  by 
that  of  Kanauj  and  Benares.  T'he  Viceroy  s 
brother  flying  at  tliis  juncture,  he  repaired  to 
Ills  uwn  country  to  establish  his  succession.  IIo 
was  killed  in  un  expedition,  1200  A.  D.,  and  tho 
affairs  of  Hindustan  devolved  upon  his  favourite 
Mameluke,  Kutli-ud-din  Aibak.  .  .  .  When  .Mu- 
hammad bin  Ham  had  gone  away,  to  rule  and 
ultimately  to  perish  by  violence  "in  his  native 
highlands,  his  acquisitions  in  Hindustan  caniu 
under  the  sway  of  Kutb-ud-din  Ailiak,  a  Mame- 
luke, or  Turkish  slave,  who  had  for  a  long  time 
lieen  his  faithful  follower.  One  of  the  Viceroy's 
first  undertakings  was  to  level  to  tho  ground  tl:o 
palaces  and  temples  of  the  Hindus  at  Dehli,  and 
to  build,  with  the  materials  obtained  by  their 
destruction,  a  great  Mosque  for  tlie  worship 
of  Allah.  .  .  .  From  1102  to  1206,  the  year  of 
Bin  Sam's  death,  Kutb  ud-diu  Aibak  ruled  as 


1705 


INDIA,  A.   D.  977-12D0. 


..lamclukrii 


INDIA,  1200-1398. 


Viceroy.  Hut  it  is  rcronlpd  tlint  tlip  ncxl  Emperor 
—  ffcli'nf,'  tlie  (liltlcully,  iifrlmp.s,  of  exercising 
liny  sort  of  rule  over  so  remote  n  depeiidency  — 
wilt  Aibiili  (I  patent  us  '  Sultan,'  accompanied  liy  a 
canopy  of  state,  a  tlironc  and  n  <iiadcm.  Hecom- 
ing  Sultan  of  Hindustan,  tlie  distinKuislied  and 
fortunate  JIamelulic  founded  wliat  is  linown  as 
•the  Sl:r-x' dynasty.'.  .  .  Aibak  died  at  Laliore, 
in  1310,  from  an  accident  at  a  gume  now  known 
ns  'polo.'  He  was  contemporaneous  with  the 
great  Miighul  leader  Chungiz  Khan,  hy  whom, 
however,  he  was  not  molested.  The  chief  event 
of  hia  reign  is  to  lie  found  in  his  successful  cam- 
paigns in  IJeiiar  and  Northern  IJengal.  .  .  .  The 
SliiKulnian  power  was  not  luiiversally  and  firmly 
cstalilishcd  in  the  Kastern  Provinces  till  tlie  reigi! 
of  Ballian  (circ.  12H2).  At  the  death  of  Aibak 
the  Empire  was  divided  into  four  great  portions. 
The  Khiljis  represented  the  power  of  Islam  in 
liihar  and  Hengal;  the  North- West  Punjab  was 
under  a  viceroy  named  Ilduz,  a  Turkman  shivc; 
the  valley  of  tlie  Indus  was  ruled  by  another  of 
these  Jlamelukes,  named  Kabacha;  while  an  at- 
tempt was  made  Rt  Delili  to  i)roclaim  an  incom- 
petent lad,  son  of  the  dccea.sed,  as  Sultan.  But 
the  Master  of  the  Horse,  a  third  Mameluke  named 
Altimsh,  was  close  at  hand,  and,  hurrying  up  at 
tlie  invitation  of  influential  persons  there,  speedily 
put  down  tlio  movement.  .  .  .  Altimsh,  having 
deposed  his  feeble  brother-in-law,  became  Suze- 
rain of  the  Empire.  His  satraps  were  not  disposed 
to  obedience;  and  bloody  wars  broke  out,  into 
the  details  of  which  wc  need  not  enter.  It  will 
be  sutticieiit  to  note  that  Ilduz  was  defeated  and 
slain  A.  I).  121.').  Two  years  later  Kabacha 
came  up  from  Sindh,  and  seems  [to]  have  en- 
ILstcd  some  of  the  Mughul  hordes  m  his  armies. 
These  formidable  barbarians,  of  whom  more 
anon,  were  now  in  force  in  Khorasan,  under 
C'hangiz  in  person,  assisted  bv  two  of  his  sons 
[see  MoNCioi.8:  A.  I).  11,');J-1227|.  Theydrove  be- 
fore them  the  Sultan  of  Khwarizm  (now  Khiva), 
and  occupied  Afghanistan.  The  fugitive, whoso 
adventures  are  among  tho  most  romantic  episodes 
of  Eastern  history,  attempted  to  settle  himself  in 
the  Punjab;  Imt  he  was  driven  out  by  Altimsh 
and  Kabacha  in  1223.  Two  years  later  Altimsh 
moved  on  tho  Khiljis  in  the  Eastern  Provinces, 
occupied  Gaur,  their  capital;  and  proceeding 
from  tlienco  made  further  conquests  south  and 
r"-»h  at  the  expense  of  the  Hindus.  In  1228  he 
t'  ,;d  against  Kabacha,  the  mighty  Satrap  of 
!  adh,  wlio  was  routed  in  battle  near  Ilakkhar, 
wiiere  he  committed  suicide  or  was  accidentally 
drowned.  In  1233-3  tho  Sidtan  reduced  Qwalior 
(in  spite  of  a  stout  resistance  on  the  part  of  the 
Hindus  under  Milak  Deo),  slaying  700  prisoners 
ut  the  door  of  Ids  tent.  In"l234  he  took  the 
province  of  Malwa;  where  he  demolished  the 
gteat  temples  of  Bhilsa  and  Ujain.  In  the  fol- 
lowing year  this  puissant  warridr  of  the  Crescent 
succombed  to  the  common  concpieror,  dying  a 
natural  death  at  Dehli,  after  a  glorious  reign  of 
twenty-si.x  (lunar)  years.  .  .  .  His  eldest  son, 
who  had  condiicted  the  war  against  the  Khiljis, 
had  died  liefore  him,  and  "the  Empire  was 
assumed  by  a  younger  son,  Rukn-ud-din  Firoz. 
...  [In  1241]  Lahore  was  taken  by  the  Mu- 
ghola  with  terrific  carnage.  Troubles  ensued; 
Dehli  was  besieged  by  the  army  that  had  been 
raised  for  its  defence  against  the  Mughols;  in 
May  1242  the  city  was  taken  by  storm  and  tlio 
new  Sultan  was  slain.     His  successor,  Alu-ud- 


din  I.,  was  a  grandson  of  Altimsli,  incompetent 
and  apathetic  as  young  men  in  his  position  huvo 
usually  been.  The  land  was  partitioned  among 
Turkish  satraps,  and  overrun  by  the  Mughols, 
who  penetrated  as  far  as  Gaur  in  Bengal.  An- 
other horde,  led  by  Matigu,  grandson  of  Changiz, 
and  father  of  the  celebrated  Kiblai  Khan,  ravaged 
the  Western  Punjab.  Tlie  Sultan  marched 
against  them  and  nict  with  a  partial  success. 
This  turned  into  evil  courses  the  little  intellect 
that  he  had,  a  plot  was  organi.icd  for  his  de- 
struction. Ala-ud-<lin  was  slain,  and  his  uncle 
Nasir-ud-din  was  placed  upon  the  vacant  throne 
in  Jtine  1240.  Nasir's  reign  was  long,  and,  so  far 
as  his" personal  exploits  went,  would  have  been 
uneventful.  But  the  risings  of  the  Hindus  and 
the  incursions  of  the  Mughols  kept  the  Empire 
in  perpetual  turmoil."  Nasir  was  succeeded  in 
1280-7  by  his  grandson,  Kui  Kobad.  "  This  un- 
fortunate young  man  was  destined  to  prove  the 
futility  of  Iiuman  wisdom.  Educated  by  his 
stern  and  serious  grandfather,  his  lips  had  lu^ver 
touched  those  of  a  girl  or  a  goblet.  His  sudden 
elevation  turned  his  head,  lie  gave  himself  up 
to  debauchery,  caused  his  cou.sin  Khusru  to  be 
murdered,  and  was  himself  ultimately  killed  in 
his  palace  at  Kilokhari,  wlnle  lying  sick  of  the 
palsy.  With  his  death  (1200)  came  to  an  end  the 
Mameluke  Empire  of  Hindustan." — H.  G.  Kecne, 
Sketch  of  the  Hist,  of  lUndiisUtn,  bk.  1,  eh.  1-3. 

Also  in  :  J.  T.  Wheeler,  Hist,  of  India,  r.  4, 
pt.  1,  eh.  3. — A.  Dow,  Hist,  eif  Hiiulustaii  (from 
the  Persian  of  Ferishtd),  v.  1. 

A.  D.  1290-1398.— From  the  Afghans  to  the 
Moghuls.— "In  1200  the  la.st  Sultan  of  the 
Afghan  slave  dynasty  was  assassinated,  and  a 
Sultan  ascended  the  throne  at  Deliii  under  the 
name  of  Jelal-ud-din.  He  was  an  old  man  of 
seventy,  and  made  no  mark  in  liistory ;  but  he 
liad  a  nephew,  named  Ala-ud-din,  who  became  a 
man  of  renown,"  and  who  presently  accpiircd 
the  throne  by  murdering  his  uncle.  "  When 
Ala-ud-din  wiis  established  on  the  throne  at  Delhi 
he  sent  an  army  to  conquer  Guzerat. "  Thiscon- 
quest  was  followed  by  that  of  liajputana. 
"Meanwhile  the  Moghuls  [Jlongols]  were  very 
troublesome.  In  the  previous  reign  the  uncle  of 
Ala-ud-din  had  enlisted  3,000,  and  settled  them 
near  Delhi ;  but  they  were  turbulent,  ref ructorj', 
and  mixed  up  with  every  rebellion.  Alu-ud-din 
ordered  them  to  be  disbanded,  and  then  they  tried 
to  murder  him.  Ala-ud-din  then  ordered  a  gen- 
eral massacre.  Thousands  are  said  to  have  been 
put  to  death,  and  their  wives  and  children  were 
sold  into  slavery.  Ahi-ud-din  was  the  first  Mu- 
hammadan  sovereign  who  conquered  Hindu  Ra- 
jas in  tlie  Dekhan  and  Peninsula.  .  .  .  Ala-ud- 
din  sent  his  general  Malik  Kufur  to  invade  these 
southern  countries,  ransack  temples,  and  carry  off 
treasure  and  tribute.  The  story  is  a  dreary  nar- 
rative of  raid  and  rapine.  .  .  .  Ala-ud-din  died 
in  1316.  His  dcatli  was  followed  by  a  Hindu 
revolt;  indeed  Hindu  influences  must  have  been 
at  work  at  Delhi  for  many  years  previously. 
Ala-ud-din  had  married  a  Hindu  queen;  his  son 
liud  married  her  (laughter.  Malik  Kafur  wus  a 
Hindu  converted  to  Islam.  The  leader  of  liie  re- 
volt ut  Delhi  in  1316  was  another  Hindu  convert 
to  Islam.  The  proceedings  of  the  latter  rebel, 
liowevcr,  were  of  a  mixed  character.  He  was 
proclaimed  Sultan  under  a  Sluhummadan  name, 
and  slaughtered  every  mule  of  the  royal  house. 
Meanwhile  his  Hindu  followers  set  up  idols  in 


1706 


INDIA,  1200-1308. 


BalHir. 


INDIA,  1300-1605. 


tlie  mosqwes,  and  soatcd  tlicmsclvcs  on  Konins. 
The  n.'bcls  held  possession  of  Delhi  for  tivo 
montlis.  At  the  end  of  tliat  time  the  city  was 
captured  by  tlie  Tiirkisli  governor  of  tlie  Piiujal), 
named  Tuglilak.  Tlic  conqueror  tlien  ascendo(l 
the  throne  of  Dellii,  and  founded  tlie  dynasty  of 
Tuglilak  Sultans.  The  Tughlak  Hultans  would 
not  live  at  Dellii ;  thev  probably  regarded  it  "H 
a  Hindu  volcano.  They  held  their  court  at 
Tiiglilakabad,  a  strong  fortress  about  an  hour's 
(Irive  from  old  Dellii.  Tlie  transfer  of  the  capi- 
tal from  Dellii  to  Tughlakabad  is  a  Ftandpoint 
in  history.  It  shows  tliat  a  time  had  come  when 
tlie  Turk  began  to  fear  the  Hindu.  The  con 
(jueror  of  Delhi  died  in  1325.  He  was  succeeded 
by  a  son  who  has  left  his  mark  in  history.  Mu- 
hammad Tuglilak  was  a  Sultan  of  grand  ideas, 
but  blind  to  all  experiences,  and  deaf  to  all  coun- 
sels. He  sent  his  armies  into  the  south  to  restore 
the  Muhammadan  supremacy  which  had  been 
shaken  by  the  Hindu  revolt.  Meanwhile  the 
Moghuls  invaded  the  Punjab,  and  Muhammad 
Tuglilak  bribed  them  to  go  away  witli  gold  and 
jewels.  Tlius  the  imperial  treasury  was  emptied 
of  all  the  wealth  which  had  been  accumulated 
by  Ala-ud-din.  The  new  Sultan  tried  to  improve 
his  tinances,  but  only  ruined  the  country  by  his 
exactions.  .  .  .  Then  followed  rebellions  and  rev- 
olutions. 'Bengal  revolted,  and  became  a  sepa- 
rate kingdom  under  an  independent  Sultan.  The 
Rajas  of  the  Deklian  and  Peninsula  withheld 
their  tribute.  The  Muhammadan  army  of  the 
Dckhan  broke  out  into  mutiny,  and  set  up  a 
Sultan  of  their  own.  Muhammad  Tughlak  saw 
that  all  men  turned  against  him.  He  died  in 
1350,  after  a  reign  of  twenty-live  years.  The 
history  of  Delhi  fades  away  after  the  death  of 
Muhammad  Tughlak.  A  Sultan  reigned  from 
1850  to  1388,  named  Firuz  Shah.  He  is  said  to 
have  submitted  to  the  dismemberment  of  the 
empire,  and  done  his  best  to  promote  the  welfare 
of  the  subjects  left  to  him ;  but  it  is  also  said 
that  he  destroyed  temples  and  idols,  and  burnt 
a  Brahman  alive  for  perverting  Muhammadan 
women.  In  1398-00,  ten  years  after  the  death  of 
Firuz  Shah,  Tiniur  Shah  invaded  the  Punjab 
and  Hindustan  [see  Tlmouu].  The  horrors  of 
tlie  Tartar  invasion  are  indescribable ;  they  teacli 
nothing  to  the  world,  and  the  tale  of  atrocities 
may  well  be  dropped  into  oblivion.  It  will  suf- 
fice to  say  that  Timur  came  and  plundered,  and 
then  went  away.  He  left  officers  to  rule  in  his 
name,  or  to  collect  tribute  in  his  name.  In  1450 
they  were  put  aside  by  Afghans; — turbulent 
Muhammadan  fanatics  whose  presence  must  have 
been  hateful  to  the  Hindus.  At  last,  in  1525,  a 
descendant  of  Timur,  named  the  Baber,  invaded 
India,  and  conquered  the  Punjab  and  Hindu- 
stan."— J.  T.  Wliccler,  Short  Hist,  of  India,  pt. 
2,  ch.  1. 

Also  in:  JI.  Elphinstone,  Hist,  of  India: 
Hindu  and  Mahometan,  bk.  0,  ch.  2-3. 

A.  D.  1398-1399. — Timour's  invasion  of  the 
Punjab.     See  TiMOun. 

A.  D.  1399-1605.— The  Saiyid  and  the  Lodi 
dynasties.— The  founding  of  the  Moghul  Em- 
pire by  Babar  and  Akbar. — "The  invasion  of 
Taimur  .  .  .  dealt  a  fatal  blow  to  an  authority 
already  crumbling.  The  chief  authority  lingered 
indeed  for  twelve  years  in  the  hands  of  the  then 
representative.  Sultan  ^lalimud.  It  then  passed 
for  a  time  into  the  hands  of  a  family  which  did 
not  claim  the  royal  title.    This  family,  known  iu 


liLstory  as  the  Saiyid  dynasty,  ruled  nominally 
in  Northern  India  for  about  33  years,  but  the 
rule  had  no  coherence,  and  a  powerful  Afghan  of 
the  Lodi  family  took  the  opiiortiuiity  to  endeav- 
our to  concentrate  power  in  his  own  hands.  The 
.Muhammadan  rule  in  India  had  indeed  beronic 
by  this  time  tlie  rule  of  several  disjointed  chiefs 
overseveral  disjointed  provinces,  subjictin  point 
of  fact  to  no  common  head.  Thus,  in  1450, 
Delhi,  with  a  small  territory  around  it,  was  held 
by  ilie  rcpresentiiti  ve  of  the  Saiyid  family.  With- 
in fourteen  miles  of  the  capitivl,  Alimad  Khan 
ruled  independently  in  Mewat.  Sambhal,  or  the 
province  now  known  as  Hohilkhand,  extending 
to  the  very  -.vails  of  Delhi,  was  occi'^ied  by 
Darya  Khan  Lodi.  .  .  .  Lahore,  Dipalp  •,  and 
Sirhind,  as  far  south  as  Panipat,  by  Belilul  Ivodi. 
Multan,  Jaunpur,  Bengal,  Malwa,  and  Gujarat, 
each  liad  its  separate  king.  Over  most  of  these 
districts,  and  as  far  eastward  as  the  country  im- 
mediately to  the  north  of  Western  Bihar,  Belilul 
Lodi,  known  as  Sultan  Belilul,  succeeded  on  the 
disappearance  of  the  Saiyids  in  asserting  his  sole 
authority,  1450-88.  llis  son  and  successor.  Sul- 
tan Sikandar  Lodi,  subdued  Behar,  invaded  Ben- 
gal, which,  however,  he  subsequently  agreed  to 
yield  to  AUah-u-din,  its  sovereign,  and  not  to 
invade  it  again;  and  overran  a  great  jjortion  of 
Central  India.  On  his  death,  in  1518,  he  had 
concentrated  under  his  own  rule  the  territories 
now  known  as  the  Punjab;  the  North-western 
Provinces,  including  Jaunpur;  a  great  part  of 
Central  India;  and  Western  Bihar.  But,  in 
point  of  fact,  tlie  concentration  was  little  more 
than  nominal."  The  death  of  Sikandar  Lodi  was 
followed  by  a  civil  war  which  resulted  in  calling 
in  the  Tartar  or  Jlongol  coiKpieror,  Babar,  a  de- 
scendant of  Timoiir,  who,  beginning  in  1404  with 
a  small  dominion  (which  he  presently  lost)  in 
Ferghana,  or  Kliokand,  Central  Asia,  had  made 
himself  master  of  a  great  part  of  Afghanistan 
(1504),  establishing  his  capital  at  Kabul.  Babar 
liad  crossed  the  Indian  border  in  1505,  but  his 
first  serious  invasion  was  in  1519,  followed,  ac- 
cording to  some  historians,  by  a  second  invasion 
the  same  year;  the  third  was  in  1,520;  the  fourtli 
occurred  after  an  interval  of  two  or  three  years. 
On  his  fifth  expedition  lie  made  the  conquest  com- 
plete, '.,  Waning  a  great  battle  at  Panipat,  53  miles 
to  the  north-west  of  Delhi,  on  the  24tli  of  April, 
1520.  Ibrahim  Lodi,  son  and  successor  of  Sikan- 
dar Lodi,  was  killed  in  the  battle,  and  Delhi  and 
Agra  were  immediately  occupied.  "  Hence- 
forth tlie  title  of  King  of  Kabul  was  to  be  sub- 
jected to  the  higher  title  of  Emperor  of  Hindu- 
stan. "  Babar  was  in  one  sense  the  founder  of  the 
Mughal  (synonymous  with  Mongol)  dynasty  — 
the  dynasty  of  the  Great  Moguls,  as  his  succes- 
sors were  formerly  known.  He  ("ed  in  1530, 
sovereign  of  nortliern  India,  and  of  some  prov- 
inces in  the  center  of  the  peninsula.  But  "he 
bequeatlied  to  liis  son,  Humuyun,  ...  a  con- 
geries of  territories  uncemented  by  any  bond  of 
union  or  of  common  interest,  except  that  which 
had  been  concentrated  in  his  life.  In  a  word, 
when  he  died,  the  jNIughal  dynasty,  like  the 
Muhammadan  dynasties  which  had  preceded  it, 
had  shot  down  no  roots- into  tlie  soil  of  Hindu- 
stan."— G.  B.  Malleson,  Akhar,  ch.  4-5. — Hiiina- 
yun  succeeded  Babar  in  India,  "but  had  to  make 
"over  Kabul  and  the  Western  Punjab  to  his  brotlier 
and  rival,  Kamran.  Humayun  was  thus  left  to 
govern  the  new  conquest  of  India,  and  at  the 


1Y07 


INDIA,  130ft-1605. 


Akbar  the  Oreat. 


INDIA,  1498-1580. 


sftiTiP  time  wm  (Ipprlvcd  of  tiic  country  from 
wliidi  his  fiitliiT  liiid  (Iriiwn  Iiis  tuii)p()rt.  Tlie 
(k'sci'iHlarits  of  tlin  early  Afglmn  iiiviidcrs,  lon^ 
soUlcd  ill  India,  hated  tlic  new  Jluliannnadau 
hordes  of  Haliar  even  more  than  they  liated  tlie 
Hindus.  After  ten  years  of  flglitinji;,  Ihimayun 
was  driven  out  of  India  l)y  tliese  Afgluins  under 
iSher  Sliali.  tlie  Governor  of  Benml.  While  Hy- 
ing througli  the  desert  of  Sin(l  to  Persia,  his 
famous  son  Akbar  was  born  in  the  petty  fort  of 
Uniarliot  (1543).  Slier  Shah  s(!t  up  ns  emperor, 
but  was  Uilled  while  storming  the  roek  fortre.ss 
of  Kalinjar  (\!>4't).  His  son  succeeded.  But, 
under  Slier  Shah's  grandson,  the  third  of  the 
Afglian  house,  the  Provinces  revolted,  including 
Mahva,  the  Punjab,  and  Bengal.  Ilumayun  re- 
turned to  India,  and  Akbar,  then  only  In  his 
tliirteenth  year,  defeated  the  Afghan  army  after 
a  desperate  battle  at  Panipat  (15.16).  India  now 
jias.sed  finally  from  the  Afghans  to  the  Slughals. 
Slier  Shah's  line  disappears;  and  Iluinayuu, 
having  recovered  his  Kabul  dominions,  reigned 
again  for  a  few  months  at  Dellii,  but  died  in 
1558.  .  .  .  Akbar  the  Great,  the  real  founder  of 
the  Mughal  Knipire  as  it  existed  for  two  centu- 
ries, Buccei.'ded  his  father  at  the  age  of  fourteen. 
.  .  .  His  reign  lasted  for  almost  fifty  years, 
from  1550  to  1005,  and  was  therefore  contem- 
porary with  that  of  our  own  Queen  Elizabeth 
(1558-1003).  His  father,  Ilumayun,  left  but  a 
small  kingdom  in  India,  scarcely  extending  be- 
yond the  Districts  around  Agra  and  Delhi.  .  .  . 
The  reign  of  Akbar  was  a  reign  of  pacification. 
...  He  found  India  split  into  jietty  king- 
doms, and  seething  with  discordant  elements ;  on 
his  death,  in  1005,  he  liecjueathed  it  an  empire. 
The  earlier  invasions  by  Turks,  Afghans,  and 
Muglials,  had  left  a  powerful  >Iuliammadau 
population  in  India  under  their  own  Chiefs. 
Akbar  reduced  these  Musalman  States  to  Prov- 
inces of  the  Delhi  Empire.  Many  of  the  Hindu 
kings  and  Kajput  nations  had  also  regained  their 
independence :  Akbar  brought  them  into  politi- 
cal dependence  upon  his  authority.  This  double 
task  he  effected  partly  by  force  of  arms,  but  in 
part  also  by  alliances.  lie  enlisted  the  Rajput 
princes  by  marriage  and  by  a  sympathetic  policy 
in  'he  support  of  his  throne.  lie  then  employed 
them  in  high  posta,  and  played  off  his  Hindu 
generals  and  Hindu  ministers  against  the  Mughal 
party  in  Upper  India,  and  against  the  Afghan 
faction  in  Bengal.  .  .  .  His  efforts  to  establish 
the  Mughal  Empire  in  Soutliern  India  were  less 
successful.  .  .  .  Akbar  subjugated  Ehandesh, 
and  with  tills  somewhat  precarious  annexation 
his  conquests  in  the  Deccan  ceased.  .  .  .  Akbar 
not  only  subdued  all  India  to  the  north  of  the 
Vindhya  mountains,  he  also  organized  it  into  an 
empire.  lie  partitioned  it  into  Provinces,  over 
each  of  which  he  placed  a  governor,  or  viceroy, 
with  full  civil  and  military  control." — W.  W. 
Hunter,  Brief  JIM.  of  the  Indian  People,  ch.  10. 
— "  I  wish  briefly  and  fairlj*  to  state  what  the 
Emperor  Akbar  did  for  the  improvement  of  the 
country  and  tlie  people  of  Ilindostan.  lie  im- 
proved the  system  of  land-assessment,  or  rather 
he  imjiroved  upon  the  improvements  instituted 
by  Shir  Shah.  He  adapted  an  uniform  and  im- 
proved system  of  land-measurement,  and  com- 
puted the  average  value  of  the  land,  by  dividing 
it  into  three  classes,  according  to  the  protluctivo- 
ness  of  each.  This  computation  being  made, 
one-third  of  the  average  produce  was  fixed  as 


the  amount  of  tax  to  be  paid  to  the  state.  But 
as  this  was  ordinarily  to  be  paid  in  money,  it  A'as 
necessary  to  ascertain  the  value  of  the  protluce, 
and  this  was  done  upon  an  average  of  the  nineteen 
preceding  years,  according  to  local  circumstan- 
ces; and  if  the  esti'-ate  was  conceived  to  be  too 
high,  the  tax-payer  was  privileged  to  pay  the 
a8.sessment  in  kind.  .  .  .  The  regulations  for  the 
collection  of  the  revenue  enforced  by  Akbar 
were  well  calculated  to  prevent  fraud  and  op- 
pression, and,  on  the  whole,  they  worked  well 
for  the  benefit  of  the  people;  but  it  has  been 
sai<l  of  them,  and  with  truth,  that  '  they  con- 
tained no  iirinciplo  of  progressive  improvement, 
and  held  out  no  hopes  to  tin'  rural  population, 
by  opening  paths  by  which  it  might  spread  info 
other  occupations,  or  rise  by  individual  exertions 
within  its  own.'  The  judicial  regulations  of 
Akbar  were  liberal  and  huniane.  Justice,  on  the 
whole,  was  fairly  administered.  All  unneces- 
sary severity — all  cruel  jiersonal  punishments, 
as  torture  and  mutilation,  were  prohibited,  ex- 
cept in  peculiar  cases,  and  capital  punishments 
were  considerably  restricted.  The  police  ap- 
pears to  have  been  well  organised.  .  .  .  Ho  pro- 
liibiti'd  .  .  .  trials  by  ordeal  ...  ;  he  suppres-sed 
the  barbarous  custom  of  condemning  to  slavery 
pri.soners  taken  in  war;  and  he  authoritatively 
forbade  the  burning  of  Hindoo  widows,  except 
\vith  their  own  free  and  uniutiuenced  consent. 
.  .  .  That  something  of  the  historical  lustre 
which  surrounds  the  name  of  the  Emperor  Ak- 
bar was  derived  rather  from  the  personal  charac- 
ter of  the  man  than  from  the  great  things  that 
he  accomplished,  is,  I  think,  not  to  be  denied. 
His  actual  iierformances,  %vlien  they  come  to  be 
computed,  fall  short  of  his  reputation.  But  his 
merits  are  to  be  judged  not  so  much  by  the 
standard  of  what  he  did,  ns  of  what  lie  did  with 
the  opportunities  allowed  to  him,  and  under  the 
circumstances  by  which  he  was  surrounded. 
Akbar  built  up  the  Mogul  Empire,  and  had  little 
leisure  allowed  him  to  perfect  its  internal 
economy." — J.  W.  Kaye,  The  Administration  of 
the  East  India  Co.,  pt.  1,  ch.  2. 

Also  in:  W.  Erskine,  Hist,  of  India  under 
Bafier  and  Ilumayun. — A.  Dow,  Hist,  of  Ilindo- 
stan, from  Ferislita,  v.  2. — J.  T.  Wheeler,  Hist,  of 
India,  V.  4,  ch.  4. 

A.  D.  1498-1580.— Portuguese  trade  and 
settlements. —  In  Jlay,  1498,  Vasco  da  Gama, 
the  Portuguese  navigator,  reached  Calicut,  on 
the  southwest  (Malabar)  coast,  being  the  first 
European  to  traverse  the  ocean  route  to  India, 
around  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  (see  Poutuo.\l: 
A.  D.  1403-1498).  He  met  with  a  hfistile  recep- 
tion from  the  natives  of  Malabar;  but  the  next 
voyager  from  Portugal,  Alvarez  Cabral,  "who 
caiiie  out  the  following  year,  was  very  favour- 
ably received,  being  allow'ed  to  establish  a  fac- 
tory on  the  mainland  and  to  appoint  a  '  factor ' 
(or  consul,  as  we  say  now)  to  represent  Portugal 
there.  Tliis  factor  seems  to  have  had  sonii!  difli- 
cultios  with  the  natives,  chiefly  owing  to  his 
own  high-hauded  actions,  which  resulted  in  the 
murder  of  himself  and  the  destruction  of  the  fac- 
tory. Alvarez  Cabral  therefore  sailed  up  to 
Cochin,  and  was  received  with  great  friendliness 
by  the  chiefs  of  that  part  of  the  country,  who 
allowed  him  again  to  set  up  agencies  at  Cochin 
and  at  Cananore.  But  the  vengeance  of  the 
ruler  of  Malabar  pursued  them ;  and  the  Portu- 
guese, together  with  their  native  allies,  had  to 


170S 


INDIA,  1498-1580. 


Coming  of  tfie  Ptyrtii- 
gueae  und  English. 


INDIA,  1600-1709. 


fight  deapcnitely  for  their  safety.  Tliey  were 
iihnoat  exlinusted  with  the  struggle  when  in  1504 
liirgo  reinforcenj(!ntH  were  sent  from  Portugal, 
hombarded  Calicut,  the  capital  of  Malabar,  and 
cstablislied  the  name  and  fame  of  the  Portuguese 
as  an  important  ))ower  in  India  generally.  A 
regular  maritime  trade  with  India  was  now  firmly 
set  on  foot,  but  the  Portuguese  had  to  struggle 
hard  to  nndntain  it.  Tlie  Mohammedans  of  India 
called  in  tlic  aid  of  Egypt  against  them,  and 
even  the  republic  of  Venice  joined  these  enemies, 
in  hopes  of  crushing  this  now  rival  to  their  an- 
cient trade.  In  1508  a  powerful  expedition  was 
sent  out  from  Egypt  against  the  newcomers,  a 
tremendous  battle  took  place,  and  the  Portuguese 
were  defeated.  But  by  a  desperate  elort  Al- 
meida, the  Portuguese  viceroy,  collected  all  his 
forces  for  a  final  blow,  and  succeeded  in  winning 
a  magnificent  naval  victory  whicli  once  and  for 
all  flrndy  established  the  Portuguese  power  in 
India.  Two  years  afterwards  Almeida's  rival 
and  successor,  Alfonso  de  Albiiquenjue,  gained 
possession  of  Goa  (1510),  and  tliis  city  became 
the  centre  of  their  Indian  dominion,  which  now 
included  Ceylon  and  the  Maldive  Islands,  to- 
gether witli  the  Malacca  and  Malabar  coasts.  In 
1511  the  city  of  Malacca  was  captured,  and  the 
city  of  Ormuz  in  1515.  The  ne.\t  few  years 
were  spent  in  consolidating  their  sovereignty  in 
these  regions,  till  in  1542  the  Portuguese  colonists 
practically  regulated  all  the  Asiatic  coast  trade 
with  Europe,  from  the  Persian  Gulf  .  .  .  toJapan. 
.  .  .  For  nearly  sixty  years  after  this  date  the 
king  of  Portugal,  or  his  viceroy,  was  virtually 
the  supreme  ruler  —  in  commercial  matters  at 
any  rate  —  of  the  southern  coast  of  Asia.  Tlie 
Portuguese  were  at  the  climax  of  their  power  in 
tlie  east.  The  way  in  which  Portuguese  trade 
was  carried  on  is  an  interesting  example  of  the 
spirit  of  monopoly  which  has,  invariably  at  first 
and  very  often  afterwards,  inspired  the  policy  of 
all  European  powers  in  their  efforts  of  colonisa- 
tion. Tlie  eastern  trade  was  of  course  kept  in 
the  hands  of  Portuguese  traders  only,  as  far  as 
direct  commerce  between  Portugal  and  India 
was  concerned;  but  even  Portuguese  traders 
were  shut  out  from  intermediate  commerce  be- 
tween India  and  otlier  eastern  countries,  i.  e. , 
China,  Japan,  Malacca,  Mozambique,  and  Or- 
muz. This  trafflc  was  reserved  as  a  monopoly 
to  the  crown ;  and  it  was  only  as  a  great  favour, 
or  in  reward  for  some  particular  service,  tliat  the 
king  allowed  private  individuals  to  engage  in  it. 
The  merchant  fleet  of  Portugal  generally  set  sail 
from  Lisbon,  bound  to  Goa,  once  a  year  about 
February  or  Marcli.  .  .  .  This  voyage  gcnerall}' 
took  about  eighteen  montlis,  and,  owing  to  the 
imperfect  state  of  navigation  at  that  time,  and 
the  lack  of  accurate  charts  of  this  new  route, 
was  frequently  attended  by  the  loss  of  several 
ships.  Immense  profits  were,  however,  made  by 
thv  traders.  On  arriving  back  at  Lisbon  the 
Portuguese  merchants,  as  a  rule,  did  not  them- 
selves engage  in  any  trade  with  other  European 
•countries  in  tlie  goods  they  had  brought  back, 
but  left  the  discribution  of  them  In  the  hands  of 
Dutch,  English,  and  Hansa  sailors  who  met  them 
at  Lisbon.  .  .  .  The  colonial  empire  of  Portugal, 
so  rapidly  and  brilliantly  acquired,  came  to  a 
disastrous  close.  It  lasted  altogether  hardly  a 
century.  The  avarice  and  oppressions  of  its 
viceroys  and  merchants,  the  spirit  of  monopoly 
which  pervaded  their  whole  policy,  and  the  neg- 


lect both  of  the  discipline  and  defences  necessary 
to  keep  newly-acquired  foreign  possessions, 
hastened  its  ruin.  By  1580  tlie  Portuguese 
power  in  the  east  had  si'riously  declined,  and  in 
that  year  tlie  crown  of  Portugal  was  united  to 
that  of  Spain  in  tlie  person  of  Philip  II.  The 
Spaniards  neglected  their  eastern  possesshms 
altogether,  and  engaged  in  wars  with  the  Dutch 
which  had  the  effect,  not  only  of  wasting  a  great 
jiortion  of  their  own  and  the  Portuguese  fieet, 
i)ut  of  positively  driving  the  Dutch  into  tliose 
very  eastern  seas  whicli  the  Portuguese  had  once 
so  Jealously  kept  to  themselves.  Only  Goa  and 
Din  and  a  few  other  small  stations  remained  out 
of  all  their  magnificent  dominion." — H.  de  B. 
Gibbins,  I/int.  of  Commerce  in  Eiirojie,  bk.  3,  ch. 
1  (neet.  94-07). 

Ai.so  in:  E.  JIcMurtlo,  Hint,  of  Portugal,  v.  8, 
Ilk.  2-5. — Cmnmcntiiries  of  the  Great  Afon»o 
DallMqiierque  (Ilnkluyt  Soe.  PiihlicationH). —  E. 
Grey,  Iiitrod.  to  Traeeln  of  Pietro  delta  Valle 
(Ilakliiyt  .Sue.  Pub.).— II.  M.  Stephens,  Albu- 
querque. 

A.  D.  1600-1702. — Beginnings  of  English 
trade. — The  chartering  of  the  English  East 
India  Company. — Its  early  footholds  in  Hin- 
dostan. — The  founding  of  Madras,  Bombay 
and  Calcutta. — The  three  Presidencies. — "  For 
some  time  it  appears  to  have  been  thought  by 
other  European  Powers,  that  the  discovery  of 
the  passage  round  Africa  by  the  Portuguese  gave 
them  some  exclusive  claim  to  its  navigation. 
But  after  the  year  1580  the  conquest  of  Portugal 
by  Spain,  and  the  example  of  the  Dutcii  wlio 
had  already  formed  establishments  not  only  ia 
India  but  the  Spice  Islands,  aroused  the  com- 
mercial enterprise  of  England.  In  1599  an  Asso- 
ciation was  formed  for  the  Trade  to  the  East 
Indies;  a  sum  was  raised  by  subscription, 
amounting  to  68,0001. ;  and  a  petition  was  pre- 
sented to  the  Crown  for  a  Koyal  Charter.  Queen 
Elizabeth  wavered  during  some  time,  appre- 
hending fresh  entanglements  with  Spain.  At 
length,  in  December  1600,  the  boon  was  granted; 
the  '  Adventurers '  (for  so  were  they  termed  at 
that  time)  were  constituted  a  body  corporate, 
under  the  title  of  '  the  Governor  and  Company 
of  Merchants  of  London  trading  into  the  East 
Indies.'  By  their  Charter  they  obtained  the 
right  of  purchasing  lands  without  limitation,  and 
the  monopoly  of  their  trade  during  fifteen  years, 
under  the  direction  of  a  Governor,  and  twenty- 
four  other  persons  in  Committee,  to  be  elected 
annually.  ...  In  1609,  the  Charter  of  the  new 
Company  was  not  only  renewed  but  rendered 
perpetual, —  with  a  saving  clause,  however,  that 
should  an}''  national  detriment  be  at  any  time 
found  to  ensue,  these  exclusive  privileges  should, 
after  three  years'  notice,  cease  and  expire.  It 
does  not  seem,  liowever,  that  the  trade  of  the 
new  Company  was  extensive.  Their  first  voy- 
age consisted  of  four  ships  and  one  pinnace,  hav- 
ing on  board  28,7421.  in  bullion,  and  6,8601.  in 
foods,  such  as  cloth,  lead,  tin,  cutlery,  and  glass, 
lany  other  of  their  voyages  were  of  smaller 
amount;  thus,  in  1612,  when  they  united  into  a 
Joint  Stock  Company,  tliey  sent  out  only  one 
ship,  witli  1,2501.  in  bullion  and  6501.  in  goods. 
But  their  clear  profits  on  their  capital  were  im- 
mense ;  scarcely  ever,  it  is  stated,  below  100  per 
cent.  During  the  Civil  Wars  the  Company 
sliared  in  tlie  decline  of  every  other  branch  of 
trade  and  industry.   But  soon  after  the  accession 


1709 


INDIA.   lfi(K)-i:02. 


Thf  Knulinh  Kutl 
Indin  Citm}ntny. 


INDIA,  IflO.'i-lO.W. 


ofC'liiirlcsII.  tli<y<)l)tiiin('<lnnc'W  f'liartiT,  wliich 
not  oiilv  <(iiiliriii"c(l  llirir  ancicnl  |)iivil('),'<'S  '"'t 
vcs|(mI  111  tlicm  authority,  tlinmj:li  tlicir  au'ciits 
ill  Iiiilia.  t"  inal<i'  iknicc  iiiid  war  willi  any  prince 
(ir  |)c(j|)lc,  nut  Ix'iiijf  (')iristiaiis,  and  ti)  Kii/.e 
williiii  tlifir  limits,  and  scml  iioiiie  as  prisoners, 
niiy  Knjilisliiiu'i)  found  witliout,  a  licence.  It 
uiiiy  well  be  supposed  tliat  in  the  hands  of  any 
e.vt'liisive  Coinpany  this  last  privilejiu  was  not 
likely  to  lie  dormant.  .  .  .  The  jieriod  of  the 
Ki'voliition  was  not  so  favouralilc  to  the  Coni- 
Iiiiny  as  that  of  the  Hestoration.  A  rival  Com- 
pany arose,  professinj;  for  its  object  greater 
frccihrni  of  trade  with  the  East  Indies,  and  sup- 

fiorted  tiy  a  majority  in  the  House  of  Commons. 
I  is  said  that  the  competition  of  these  two  Com- 
I)anles  with  the  private  traders  and  with  one 
another  had  well  nifjh  ruined  both.  .  .  .  An 
Union  between  these  Companies,  essential,  as  it 
seemed,  to  their  expected  profits,  was  delayed 
by  their  anpry  feelings  till  1702.  Kven  then, 
by  tlie  Indenture  which  passed  the  Great  Seal, 
several  ])oints  were  left  unsettled  between  them, 
and  si'parate  transactions  were  allowed  to  their 
agents  in  India  for  the  stocks  already  sent  out. 
Thus  the  ensuing  years  were  fraught  with  con- 
tinued jarrings  and  contentions.  .  .  .  After  the 
grant  of  the  first  Charter  by  Queen  Elizabeth, 
and  the  growth  of  the  Company  s  trade  in  India, 
their  t'>-'j  main  factories  were  fixed  at  Surat  and 
Bantam.  Burnt  was  then  the  principal  sea-port 
of  the  Mogul  Empire,  where  the  Mahometan  pil- 
grims were  wont  to  assemble  for  their  voyages 
towards  Jlecca.  Bantam,  from  its  position  in 
the  island  of  .lava,  commanded  the  best  part  of 
the  Spice  trade.  But  at  Surat  the  Company's 
servants  were  harassed  by  the  bos'Tty  of  the 
Portuguese,  as  at  Bantam,  by  the  hostility  of  the 
Dutch.  To  such  heights  did  these  differences 
rise  that  in  1022  the  English  assisted  the  Persians 
in  the  recovery  of  Ormuz  from  the  Portuguese, 
and  that  in  1623  the  Dutch  committed  the  out- 
rage termed  the  'JIassacre  of  Amboyna,' — put- 
ting to  deatli,  after  a  trial,  and  confession  of 
guilt  extorted  by  torture,  Captain  Towerson  and 
nine  other  Englishmen,  on  a  charge  of  conspir- 
acy. In  the  final  result,  many  years  afterwards, 
the  factories  both  at  Bantam  and  Surat  were  re- 
lin(iuished  by  the  Company.  Other  and  newer 
settlements  of  theire  had,  meanwhile,  grown 
into  importance. —  In  1040  the  English  obtained 
liermission  from  a  Hindoo  Prince  in  the  Carnatic 
to  i)urebase  tlie  ground  adjoining  the  Portuguese 
settlement  of  St.  Thome,  on  which  they  pro- 
ceeded to  raise  Fort  St.  George  and  the  town  of 
Madras.  ...  In  a  very  few  years  Madras  had 
become  a  thriving  town. — About  twenty  years 
afterwards,  on  the  marriage  of  Charles  II.  to 
Catherine  of  Braganza  [1661],  the  town  and 
island  of  Bombay  were  f  ided  to  the  King  of 
England  rts  a  part  of  the  Inlanta's  dowry.  For 
some  time  the  Portuguese  Governor  continued 
to  evade  the  grant,  alleging  that  the  patent  of 
His  Majesty  was  not  in  accordance  with  tlie 
customs  of  Portugal ;  he  was  conii)elled  to  yield ; 
but  the  possession  IJeiug  found  on  trial  t«  cost 
more  than  it  produced,  it  was  given  up  by  King 
Charles  to  the  East  India  Company,  and  became 
one  of  their  principal  stations.  Nor  was  Bengal 
neglected.  Considering  the  beauty  and  richness 
of  that  province,  a  proverb  was  already  current 
among  the  Europeans,  that  there  are  a  hundred 
gates  for  entering  and  not  one  for   leaving  it. 


The  Dutch,  the  Portuguese,  and  the  English  had 
established  their  factories  at  or  near  the  town  of 
Hooghly  on  one  of  the  branches  —  also  called 
Ilooghly  —  of  the  Ganges.  But  during  the  reign 
of  tiames  II.  the  iiupriulence  of  some  of  the 
Company's  servants,  and  the  seizure  of  a  Mogul 
junk,  had  highly  incensed  the  native  Powers. 
The  English  found  it  necessary  to  leave  Ilooghly, 
and  drop  twenty-live  miles  down  the  river,  to 
the  village  of  Chuttanuttee.  Some  petty  hos- 
tilities ensued,  not  only  in  Bengal  but  along  the 
coa.sts  of  Imlia.  .  .  .  So  much  irritated  was 
Aurungzebe  at  the  reports  of  these  hostilities, 
that  he  issued  orders  for  the  total  expulsion  of  the 
Company's  sc^rvants  from  his  dominions,  but  ho 
was  apjieased  by  the  humble  apologies  of  the 
English  tfaders,  and  the  earnest  intercession  of 
the  Hindoo,  to  whom  this  commerce  was  a 
source  of  profit.  The  English  might  even  have 
resumed  their  factory  at  Hooghly,  but  preferred 
their  new  station  at  Chuttanuttee,  and  in  1098 
obtained  from  the  Mogul,  on  payment  of  an 
annual  rent,  a  grant  of  the  land  on  which  it 
stood.  Then,  without  delay,  they  began  to  con- 
struct for  its  defence  a  citadel,  named  Fort 
William,  under  whose  shelter  there  grew  by  de- 
grees from  a  mean  village  the  great  town  of  Cal- 
cutta, —  the  capital  of  modern  India.  ...  At 
nearly  the  same  iieriod  another  station, —  Tegna- 
patam,  a  town  on  the  coast  of  Coromandel,  to 
the  south  of  Jladnis, — was  obtained  by  purchase. 
It  was  surnamed  Fort  St.  David,  was  strength- 
ened with  walls  and  bulwarks,  and  was  made 
subordinate  to  JIadras  for  its  government.  Thus 
then  before  the  accession  of  the  House  of  Han- 
over these  three  main  stations, — Fort  William, 
Fort  St.  George,  and  Bombay, — had  been  erected 
into  Presidencies,  or  central  posts  of  Govern- 
ment; not,  however,  as  at  present,  subject  to 
one  supreme  authority,  but  each  independent  of 
the  rest.  Each  was  governed  by  ii  President 
and  a  Council  of  nine  or  twelve  members,  ap- 
pointed by  the  Cotirt  of  Directors  in  England. 
Each  was  surrounded  with  fortifications,  and 
guarded  by  a  small  force,  partly  European  and 
partly  native,  in  the  service  of  the  Company. 
The  Europeans  were  either  recruits  enlisted  in 
England  or  strollers  and  deserters  from  other 
services  in  India.  Among  these  the  descendants 
of  the  old  settlers,  especially  the  Portuguese, 
were  called  Topasscs,  —  from  the  tope  or  hat 
which  they  wore  instead  of  turban.  The  natives, 
as  yet  ill-armed  and  ill-trained,  were  known  by 
the  name  of  Sepoys, — a  corruption  from  the 
Indian  word  'sipahi,'a  soldier.  But  the  terri- 
tory of  the  English  scarcely  extended  out  of 
sight  of  their  towns." — Lord  Mahon  (Eurl  Stan- 
hope), Hist.  ofEnfilaml,  1713-1783,  c/t.  39  (v.  4). 

Also  in  :  J.  Jlill,  Uist.  of  lintish  India,  bk.  1 
(v.  1). — P.  Anderson,  The  Enr/lish  in  Wenkrn  In- 
dia,  ch.  1-10. — H.  Stevens,  ed.,  Dawn  of  liritish 
Trade  to  E.  Indien:  Court  Minutes  of  the  East 
Imlia  Co.,  1599-1603.— J.  W.  Kaye,  The  Admin- 
istration of  the  East  India  Co.,  eh.  'd-^. 

A.  D.  1602-1620.  —  Rise  of  the  Dutch  East 
India  Company.  —  See  Netheulands:  A.  D. 
1594-1020. 

A.  D.  1605-1658. — Jahan^ir  and  Nur  Mahal. 
— Shah  Jahan  and  the  Taj  Mahal.  —  Seizure 
of  the  throne  by  Aurungzebe.  —  "Selim,  the 
son  and  successor  of  Akbar,  reigned  from  the 
year  of  his  father's  death  until  1027,  having 
assumed  the  title  of  Jahangir,  or  'Con(iueror 


1710 


INDIA,  1605-1058. 


Anrnnnztlte  and 
Alahrattiis, 


the 


INDIA,   1002-1718. 


of  tlic  Worlil ' ;  tliat  is  t(i  say,  he  rciirnod,  Imt  he 
(lid  iidt  jiovcrii.  licforo  lie  caiiio  to  tlie  lliroiic, 
111' fell  ill  love  with  a  poor  Persiaii  jfirl,"  wlioiii 
Ills  father  gave  in  iiiarriagu  to  one  of  liisolllLtrs. 
"On  his  advent  to  tlie  tlirone,  Jiiliannir  .  .  . 
nianaged  to  get  tlie  husband  liilled,  and  tooli  tlie 
widow  into  liis  tiareni.  He  siihse((nenlly  mar- 
ried lier,  and  she  ruled,  not  him  alone,  hut  the 
whole  empire.  .  .  .  [She  was  (irst  ealled  ',ir 
Mahal,  '  Light  of  the  Harem,' then  Nur  tiahan, 
'Lightof  tlie  World.']  It  was  during  this  reign, 
in  1015,  that  the  first  English  ambassador,  Sir 
Thomas  Uoe,  arrived  in  Hindustan  from  .lames  I. ; 
and  proceeding  U>  Aiinere,  where  Jahangir  was 
staying  at  the  time  with  his  court,  he  made  him 
several  presents,  amongst  wliich,  we  arc  told,  ii 
beautiful  English  coach  gave  the  Emperor  the 
most  satisfaction,  lie  received  the  ambas-sador 
with  great  distinction,  showed  him  marked  at- 
tention at  all  public  receptions,  and  granted  a 
firmitn  to  the  English  to  establish  a  factory  at 
Hurat.  .  .  .  The  later  years  ot  Jahangir's  reign 
were  disturbed  by  family  intrigues,  in  which  the 
Empress  Nur  Jahan  took  a  prominent  part,  en- 
deavouring to  secure  the  succession  for  her  son- 
in-law  ;  but  after  the  death  of  the  Emperor,  his 
oldest  living  son,  Sliah  Jahan,  pensioned  and 
forced  the  Empress  into  retirement .  .  .  and  .  .  . 
'  dispatched  all  the  males  of  the  house  of  Timour, 
8o  that  only  himself  and  his  children  remained 
of  the  posterity  of  Baber,  who  conquered  India.' 
In  some  respects  the  reign  of  Shah  Jahan  was 
unfortunate.  lie  lost  his  Afghan  dominions, 
and  gained  but  little  by  his  invasions  of  the 
Dekhan,  which  were  carried  on  by  his  rebellious 
son  and  successor,  Aurungzeb;  but  in  another 
direction  he  did  more  to  perpetuate  the  glory  of 
the  )Iughal  dynasty  than  any  other  emj)eror  of 
his  line.  Amongst  other  handsome  buildings, 
he  erected  the  most  beautiful  the  world  has  ever 
possessed.  .  .  .  This  was  the  well-known  Taj 
^Iallal  at  Agra,  a  mausoleum  for  his  favourite 
Empress  Arjamund,  known  as  Mumtaz-i-JIahal 
[of  which  name,  according  to  Elphiustone,  Taj 
.Mahal  is  a  corruption],  '  the  E.xalted  One  of  the 
Seraglio.'  .  .  .  When  Shah  Jahan  had  attained 
his  60th  year  (according  to  some  writers,  his 
70tli),  he  was  seized  witli  a  sudden  illness,  the  re- 
snlt  of  his  debauched  life,  and  as  it  was  reported 
that  he  was  dead,  a  civil  war  broke  out  amongst 
his  sons  for  the  possession  of  the  throne.  The.se 
were  four  in  number,  Dara  (the  oldest),  Shuja, 
Aurungzeb,  and  Murad  (the  youngest):  and  in 
the  conflict  Aurungzeb,  the  third  son,  was  ulti- 
mately successful.  Two  of  the  brothers,  Dara 
and  >Iurad,  fell  into  the  power  of  the  last-named 
and  were  put  to  death  by  his  orilcrs.  Shuja  es- 
caped to  Arracan,  and  was  murdered  •there ;  and 
as  for  the  Emperor,  wliohad  recovered,  Aurung- 
zeb confined  him  in  the  fort  at  Agra,  with  all  his 
female  relatives,  and  then  caused  himself  to  be 
proclaimed  in  his  stead  [1058].  Towards  the 
close  of  Shah  Jehan's  life  [which  came  to  an  end 
in  1600],  a  partial  reconcdiation  took  place  be- 
tween him  and  his  son,  who,  however,  did  not 
release  him  from  his  confinement." — J.  Samuel- 
son,  IiuKa,  PaM  and  Present,  pt.  1,  ch.  7. 

Also  in  :  J.  T.  Wheeler,  Hint,  of  India,  v.  4, 
eh.  5-7. — SirT.  Roe,  Joximal  of  Embnusy  (IHnker- 
ton's  Coll.  of  Voyagct,  v.  8). — >I.  Elpliinstone, 
Hitf.  of  India:  Hindu  arul  ifahometan,  hk.  10. 

A.  b.  1662-1748.— The  struggle  of  Aurung- 
zebe  with  the  Mahrattas.  —  The    Mahratta 


empire. — Invasion  of  Nadir  Shah. — Sack  of 
Delhi  and  great  Massacre. — "Aurung/.ebe  had 
reigned  the  v<'ars  before  he  HUcceeded  in  de- 
stroying all  his  kinsmen.  .  .  .  About  that  time, 
in  the  year  lOO'i,  a  new  and  e.xtram'dinary  power 
in  Southern  India  b.'gan  to  attract  attention. 
The  .Mahrattus appear  to  have  been  nothing  more 
than  the  Hindoo  i)easantry.  scattered  throughout 
some  of  the  mountain)  HIS  districts  of  the  Maliom- 
edan  kingdoms  of  Ahineihiuggur,  Bcijapoor  and 
Uolconda,  and  united  into  a  b(Mly  only  by  the 
prejudices  of  caste,  of  which  their  rank  was 
the  lowest,  that  of  Sudra.  In  the  confiisi(m  in- 
cidental to  the  constant  wars  in  which  these 
states  were  engaged,  some  of  the  head  men  of 
their  villages  set  up  for  themselves,  and  one  of 
them,  Sliahji  Uorla,  became  powerful  enough  to 
play  a  conspicmms  part  at  the  time  of  the  an- 
nexation of  Ahinednuggur  to  the  J\Iogul  empire. 
His  son  Sevaji,  setting  out  from  this  vantage 
ground,  strengthened  his  hands  liy  the  silent 
capture  of  some  hill  forts  in  Heijajjoor,  and 
eventually  raising  the  standard  of  revolt  against 
that  government,  introduced  a  spirit  of  union 
amidst  the  scattered  masses  of  his  people,  and 
may  thus  be  considered  the  founder  of  tlie  Mah- 
ratta empire.  In  1003  he  commenced  his  preda- 
tory expeditions  into  the  Mogul  territory,  and  in 
ten  years  he  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a 
regular  government  with  tlie  title  of  Uajah,  and 
strong  enough  to  encounter  and  defeat  the  im- 
perial forces  in  a  field  battle.  This  was  the 
critical  moment  in  the  progress  of  the  jMogul 
empire.  Aurungzebe  was  called  away  for  two 
years  by  the  chronic  disturbances  beyond  the 
Indus;  his  strength  was  wasted  by  the  ceaseless 
wars  of  the  Deccan;  and  being  goaded  to  mad- 
ness by  the  casual  insurrection  of  some  Hindoo 
devotees  in  the  centre  of  his  dominions,  he  re- 
placed the  capitati<m  tax  on  inlldels,  and  fulmi- 
nated other  ilecrees  against  that  portion  of  his 
subjects  of  such  extravagant  intolerance  that 
they  at  length  looked  tipon  the  progress  of  their 
co-religionists,  the  Mahrattas,  with  more  longing 
than  alarm.  In  1079,  the  western  portion  of 
Uajahstan  was  in  arms  against  the  empire,  and 
continued  in  a  state  of  hostility  more  or  less 
active  during  the  whole  reign.  Even  the  em- 
peror's eventual  successes  in  the  Deccan,  in 
overthrowing  the  kingdoms  of  Ueijapoor  and 
Golconda, contributed  to  his  ruin;  for  it  removed 
the  check  of  regular  government  from  that  dis- 
tracted portion  of  the  country,  and  .  .  .  threw 
into  the  arms  of  the  Mahrattas  the  adventurous 
and  the  desperate  of  the  population.  Sevaji  died, 
and  successors  of  less  talent  filled  the  throne  of  the 
robber-king ;  but  this  seems  to  have  had  no  clTect 
upon  the  progress  of  the  inundation,  which  now 
bursting  over  the  natural  barriers  of  the  penin- 
sula, and  sweeping  away  its  military  defences, 
overHowed  ^Malwa  and  a  portion  of  Guzerat. 
Aurung/.ebe  fought  gallantly  and  finessed  craft 
ily  l)y  turns;  .  .  .  and  thus  he  struggled  with 
his  destiny  even  to  extreme  ol<l  age,  bravely  and 
alone.  He  expired  in  his  89th  year,  the  50th 
of  his  reign,  on  the  21st  of  February,  1707. 
.  .  .  During  the  next  twelve  years  after  the 
death  of  Aurungzebe,  no  fewer  than  five  princes 
sat  upon  the  throne,  whose  reigns,  without  being 
distinguished  by  any  great  events,  exhil)ited 
evident  indications  of  the  gradual  decline  of 
the  empire.  During  that  period  the  Sikhs, 
originally  a  sect  of  Hindoo  dissenters,  whose 


1711 


INDIA,   lflOa-1748. 


Sadir  Shnh't 
invruion. 


INDIA,  1065-1743. 


pcnillarity  (•onslsli'd  In  tlioir  rcpiidirttinii  of  nil 
rcliKioiis  (■(■rriiHPiili'S.  ImvitiK  llisl  'x'''"  <-liaiiK''il 
Into  Hiirriors  tiy  pcrscciitidii,  bcjfiin  lo  rim-  liv 
tli(!  Kpirit  of  union  into  n  niition;  liul  no  woiik 
wiTc  lliey  III  lliJH  liinf  timt  in  1700  llie  ilyinK 
fncrfflcH  of  llic  cinpirc  were  sutllcicnt  almost  for 
lliclrcxtlrpallon.  .  .  .  Mahonicil  Hliah  Huorccdcd 
to  llir  lliromr  in  1711).  The  Malirallu  jtovcrn- 
incrit  wa.sliy  lliin  llnic  coinpli'tcly  con.soliilatcd, 
and  till'  Kri'al.  fiindlicH  of  the  race,  sinci!  so  Cflc- 
bralcil,  had  ln'^fiin  to  rise  int(>  ••nnncncc:  hucIi  as 
tlial  of  tlic  I'csliwa,  tlic  olllcial  titlt'  of  a  minister 
of  the  Itajali;  of  llolkar,  the  founder  of  which 
was  a  Khepherd;  and  of  Hindia,  whieh  sprang 
from  a  menial  servant.  ...  A  still  more  re- 
marlialile  personage  of  the  lime  was  Asof  Jail, 
whose  deseeiidants  became  tlic^  Ni/.ams  [regu- 
lators or  governors —  the  title  becoming  heredi- 
tary in  the  family  of  Asof,  at  Hyilerabad]  of  the 
Deecan.  .  .  .  VVIiile  the  empire  was  .  .  .  rent 
in  pieces  by  internal  disturbances,  a  more  tre- 
mendous enemy  even  than  the  Mabrattas  pre- 
sented liim.self  from  without.  A  revolution  had 
titken  place  in  Persia,  which  seated  a  soldier  of 
fortune  upon  the- throne;  and  the  famous  Nadir 
Sliali,  after  caiituring  Candahar,  found  it  neces- 
sary, according  to  the  fashion  of  coniiuerors,  to 
sei/.e  upon  the  Mogul  territorier,,  Oiiiy.ui  and 
Cabiil,  and  when  at  the  latter  city  to  continue 
his  march  into  llindostan.  In  1780,  he  arrived 
at  Kurnaul,  within  7U  miles  of  Delhi,  and  de- 
feated the  emperor  in  a  general  engagement. 
.  .  .  The  two  kings  then  proceeded  to  Delhi 
after  the  battle,  where  Nadir,  in  consequence,  it 
ig  said,  of  an  insurrection  of  the  populace,  set 
Arc  to  the  city  and  massacred  the  inhabitants  to 
a  number  whidi  has  been  variously  estimated  at 
from  80,000  to  150,000.  He  then  proceeded  to 
the  main  business  of  his  invasion,  robbing  first 
the  treasury  and  afterwards  the  inhabitants  in- 
dividually, torturing  or  murdering  all  who  were 
suspected  of  concealing  their  riches,  and  at 
length  returneil  to  his  own  dominions,  having 
obtaii.cd  a  formal  cession  of  the  country  west  of 
the  In  lus,  and  carrying  witli  him  in  money  and 
plate  .'.t  least  twelve  millions  sterling,   Ixjsides 

iewels  of  great  value,  including  those  of  the 
'eacock  Throne  [the  throne  of  the  Great  Mogul, 
made  solidly  of  gold  and  adorned  with  diamonds 
and  pearls, — the  enamelled  back  of  the  throne 
being  spread  in  the  form  of  a  peacock's  tail.  — 
Tanrnier'n  Triitdt,  tr.  ami ed.  by  V.  Ball,  bk.  2, 
eh.  8  (v.  1)].  From  this  period  to  the  death  of  the 
Emperor  Maliomed  Shah,  in  1748,  the  interval 
was  tilled  up  with  the  disturbances  which  might 
be  expected." — Leitch  Kitchic,  Ilut.  of  the  Indian 
Empire,  bk.  1,  eh.  5  (p.  1).— The  Asof  or  Asaf  Jah 
mentioned  above  had  become.  In  1721,  the  Prime 
Minister  of  the  Emperor  Muliammad  Shah.  "In 
a  little  more  than  three  years  he  had  thrown  up 
In  disgust  an  otllce  which  the  levity  of  the  young 
monarch  hiudereil  him  frcm  discharging  to  his 
satisfaction;  and  had  repaired  to  the  Deecan, 
where  he  founded  the  State  which  still  subsists 
under  the  name  of  "Tlie  Nizam's  Dominions.' 
Nominally,  it  wius  the  Subah  [province]  erecte<l 
on  the  ruins  of  the  old  Musalman  kingdoms;  but 
In  the  decline  of  the  Empire  it  became  a  heredi- 
tary and  quasi-independent  province,  though  the 
ruler  never  took  the  royal  title,  but  continued  to 
retain  the  style  of  an  Imperial  Viceroy,  as  'Ni- 
zam-ul-nuilk,'  which  his  descendant  still  bears." 
—11.  G.  Keene,  Madltata  Rao  Sindhia,  eh.  1.  — 


"Th(^  dilTerent  provinces  and  viccroyalties  wont 
their  own  natural  way;  Ihcy  were  parcelled  out 
in  a  KCiilllc  among  n'volted  governors,  rebellious 
chiefs,  leaders  of  Insurgent  trilxs  or  sects,  re- 
ligious revivalists,  or  captains  ol'  mercenary 
l)ands.  Till!  Indian  people  were  becoming  a 
masterless  multitude  swaying  to  and  fro  in  the 
I)olitical  storm,  and  clinging  to  any  power, 
natural  or  sui)ernatural,  that  secnii'd  likely  to 
protect  them,  They  wcri!  prepareil  to  a<(|Uie8ce 
in  the  assumption  of  authority  by  any  one  who 
could  show  him.self  able  to  discharges  the  most 
elementary  functions  of  government  in  the  pres- 
ervation of  life  and  property.  In  short,  the 
people  were  scattered  without  a  leader  or  pro- 
lector;  while  the  political  system  under  which 
they  had  long  lived  was  disai)pearing  in  complete 
disorganization.  It  was  during  this  iieriixl  of 
tumultuary  confusion  that  the  French  and  Eng- 
lish tirst  appeared  upon  the  political  arena  in 
India. " — !Sir  A.  Lyall,  Jiiiu'  of  the  Jiritinh  Domiii  ■ 
ion  in  Iiiilia,  rh.  4,  neet.  1-3. 

Also  in:  S.  Lane  Poole,  Anrangzib,  eh.  9-13. 
— A.  Dow,  Hint,  of  JliiKlontdii,  from  Ferinhta,  v. 
8.-. I.  G.  Diitr,  JJiiit.  of  the  .\f<thriittan,  v.  1,  nnd 
V.  3,  rh.  1. — C.  U.  Markham,  Ili.it.  <f  I'er.iia,  eh. 
Vi. 

A.  D.  1665-1743. — Commercial  undertakings 
of  the  French. — Their  settlement  at  Pondi- 
cherry. — "Many  expeditions  to  India  had  been 
made  [by  the  French]  earlier  than  the  time  of 
Colbert's  East  India  C^ompany,  chartered  in  the 
year  1065.  The  first  French  ships,  of  which 
there  is  any  record,  that  succeeded  in  reaclnng 
India,  were  two  despatched  from  one  of  the 
ports  of  Brittany  in  1001.  These  ships  were, 
however,  wrecked  on  the  Maldive  Islands,  and 
their  commander  did  not  return  to  France  for 
ten  years.  Voyages  were  undertaken  In  1016, 
1610,  and  again  in  1083,  of  which  the  most  that 
can  be  said  is  that  they  met  with  no  great  disas- 
ter. The  attempt  to  found  settlements  in  Java 
and  Madagascar,  which  was  the  object  of  these 
voyages,  completely  failed.  The  first  operations 
of  the  French  East  India  Company  were  to  es- 
tablish factories  in  llindostan.  Sural,  a  large 
commercial  city  at  the  mouth  of  the  Taptee, 
was  fixed  upon  for  the  principal  depot.  The 
abuses  and  lavish  waste  of  the  ofiicers  entrusted 
to  carry  out  Colbert's  plans,  brought  the  c(mi- 
pany  to  an  end  in  five  years.  An  attempt  in 
1672  to  form  a  colony  at  Trincomalee,  on  the 
north-east  coast  of  Ceylon,  was  frustrated  by  the 
haetility  of  the  Dutdi.  Afterwards  the  French 
made  an  attempt  on  Meliapoor  or  Thome,  be- 
longing to  the  Portuguese.  They  were  soon 
expelled,  and  the  survivors  sought  refuge  at 
Pondicherry  [16741  a  small  town  which  they 
had  purchased  on  the  same  coast  of  theCarnatic. 
In  1098,  Pondicherry  was  taken  by  the  Dutch, 
who  improved  the  fortifications  and  general  con- 
dition of  the  town.  At  the  peace  of  Uyswiok, 
in  1097,  the  se^ttlement  was  restored  to  the 
French.  For  half  a  century  Pondicherry  shared 
the  neglect  common  to  French  colonies,  and 
owed  more  to  the  probity  and  discretion  of  its 
governors  than  to  the  home  government.  M. 
Martin,  and  subsequently  Dumas,  saved  the  set- 
tlement from  ruin.  Tliey  added  to  the  defences; 
and  Dumas,  being  in  want  of  money  for  public 
purposes,  obtained  permission  from  the  King  of 
Delhi  to  coin  money  for  the  French  settlers.  He 
also  procured  the  cessioa  of  Karikal,  a  district 


1712 


mniA.  ie«.vi743. 


mnifjnlr  nf  yrrnch 
anil  KniiUnli. 


INDIA.  1748-17M. 


of  Tnnjorp.  On  tlio  oIIht  hjiinl,  Hrvcnil  shilioiis 
iind  forts  liiiil  to  lie  jfivcii  up.  " — .1.  Yciits.  (Irmrth 
and  y'iciimt>itle»  iif  t'oiiimeire,  pt.  !{,  c/i.  7. 

Ai.Ho  in:  O.  B.  Miilli'son,  Hint,  of  I  hi'  Fntir/i 
ill  ImUii,  eh,  l-!t. — II.  Miirtiri  flint,  of  Prnnee : 
Af/e  of  h>iti>  XI  v.,  v.  1,  eh,  2. 

A.  D.  1743-1753.— Struggle  of  the  French 
and  English  for  sii[}reiiiacy  in  the  Deccan. — 
Ctive  against  Dupleix.  -  The  founding  of  Brit- 
ish empire. — "Kn,t;liiti<l  ours  tht;  idea  of  iiii 
Iiiiliiiri  cinpiru  to  the  Frciicli,  as  uIho  tlio  cliii'f 
nicuuH  by  wliirh  she  I1118  liithrrto  Hoil;L;lit  to  rciil- 
izo  It.  The  wnr  of  the  Aiistriim  8Uci!cs.sion  luul 
just  broken  out  [174.'!J  between  Fnuice  iinil  Eiig- 
liind  [see  At^BTiiiA:  A.   I).   174;iJ.     Duplei.v,  the 

Governor  of  the  Hettlements  of  the  French  Kiist 
luliil  Compnny,  proposed  to  the  Kn^lish  eotn- 
puny  a  neutndity  In  tin!  eiistern  was;  it  was  re- 
jected. The  Knglish  probably  repented  of  their 
presumption  when  they  saw  Captain  Peyton, 
the  commander  of  a  siiuadron  of  three  liners  and 
ft  frigate,  after  an  indecisive  engagement  with 
the  French  admiral,  Labourdonnais,  take  flight 
to  the  Hay  of  Bengal,  leaving  Madras,  then  the 
most  nourishing  of  the  English  settlements,  de- 
fenceless. Dupleix  and  Labourdonnais  were  the 
lir.st  of  that  series  of  remarkable  Frenchmen  who, 
amidst  every  discouragement  liom  home,  and  in 
spite  of  their  frequent  mutual  dissensions,  kept 
the  French  name  so  prominent  in  India  for  more 
than  the  ne.xt  half  century,  only  to  meet  on  their 
return  with  oblocpiy,  punishment,  even  death. 
Labourdonnais,  who  was  Admiral  of  the  French 
fleet,  was  also  Governor  of  Mauritius,  then 
called  the  Isle  of  France.  Ho  had  disciplined  a 
force  of  African  negroes.  With  French  tr(K)p8 
and  these,  he  entered  the  narrow  strip  of  coast, 
five  miles  long,  one  mile  broad,  which  was  then 
the  territory  of  Madras,  bombarded  the  city, 
compelled  the  fort  (which  had  lost  flvo  men)  to 
surrender.  But  his  terms  were  honourable ;  the 
English  were  placetl  on  parole ;  the  town  was  to 
be  given  up  on  payment  of  a  moderate  ransom 
(1746).  Dupleix,  however,  was  jealous;  he  de- 
nied Labourdonnais'  powers;  broke  the  capitu- 
lation; paraded  the  Governor  and  other  English 
gentlemen  in  triumph  through  Pondicherry.  li; 
vain  did  Admiral  Boscawen  besiege  the  letter 
place;  time  was  wasted,  the  trenches  were  too 
far,  the  rains  came  on;  Boscawen  raised  the 
siege,  crippled  in  men  and  stores ;  was  recalled 
by  the  news  of  the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
and,  to  close  his  career  of  misfortune,  lost  sev- 
eral ships  and  1,200  men  on  the  Coromandel 
coast  (1748-9).  News  of  the  treaty  of  Alx-la- 
Chapelle,  however,  produced  a  very  temporary 
cessation  of  hostilities,  Madnis  being  restoretl, 
with  fortitlcations  much  Improved.  The  Eng- 
lish fortunes  seemed  at  their  lowest  in  India; 
the  French  rising  to  their  full  height.  Dupleix 
conceived  the  bold  plan  of  interfering  in  the  in- 
ternal politics  of  the  country.  Labourdonnais 
had  disciplined  the  negro;  Dupleix  disciplined 
the  native  Indian.  .  .  .  Labourdonnais  had  beaten 
off  the  so-called  Nawab  of  the  Carnatic,  when  he 
attempted  to  take  Madras ;  the  event  produced 
an  immense  sensation;  it  was  the  first  victory 
obtained  for  a  century  by  Europeans  over  tlu; 
natives  of  India.  Dupleix  was  strong  enough 
to  be  reckoned  a  valuable  ally.  But  on  the 
English  side  a  young  man  had  appeared  who 
was  to  change  the  whole  course  of  events  in  the 
East.    Robert  Clivo,    an   attorney's    son   from 


Market  Drayton,  born  In  X'Vt,  sent  off  at  eigh- 
teiii  as  a  writer  to  .Madras  —  a  naughty  boy  who 
had  grown  Into  an  insubordinate  clerk,  who  had 
been  several  times  in  danger  of  losing  his  situii 
tlon,  and  had  twice  attem|<ted  to  destroy  him 
self  —  ran  away  from  Madras,  disgolHeil  as  a 
Mussulman,  after  Dupleix's  violation  of  the 
capitulation,  obtained  an  ensign's  commission  at 
tweiilV'One,  and  begiui  distinguishing  himself  as 
a  sohiler  under  -Major  l.awrenee.  then  the  best 
British  ollleer  in  India.  "—.I.  M.  Ludlow,  liritinh 
hiiliii,  lift.  7. — "('liv('  and  othiirs  who  escaped 
Ifrom  Madras]  betook  themselves  to  Fort  St. 
David's  —  a  Kinall  English  settlement  a  few  ig^les 
south  of  Poiidiclierry.  There  ('live  i.repared 
himself  for  the  mllltarv  vocation  for  which 
nature  had  clearly  destined  him.  .  .  .  \l  Fort 
St.  David's  the  English  intrigued  with  the  native 
chiefs,  nnieh  as  tlie  French  hail  done,  and  not 
more  creditably.  They  t<K>k  sides,  and  changed 
sides,  in  the  (lisputes  of  rival  claimants  to  the 
province  of  Tanjore,  under  the  Inducement  of 
the  pos.se.ssi(>n  of  Devlcottuh,  a  coast  station  at 
the  mouth  of  the  ('oli'riM)n.  There!  was  no  great 
honour  in  the  results,  any  more  than  In  the  con 
eeption.  of  this  first  little  war.  \Ve  obtained 
Devi-cotlah;  but  we  did  not  improve  our  repu 
tation  for  good  faith,  nor  lessen  the  distance 
between  the  French  and  ourselves  in  military 
prestige.  But  Dupleix  was  meantime  providing 
the  opportunity  for  (.'live  to  deterniine  whether 
the  Deccan  shoulil  be  under  French  or  English 
intluence.  .  .  .  The  greatest  of  the  soutliern 
princes,  the  Ni/am  al  Mulk,  Viceroy  of  tlie  Dec- 
can,  died  in  1748;  and  rivals  rose  up,  as  usual, 
to  claim  both  his  throne  and  the  richest  province 
under  his  rule  —  the  Carnatic.  The  pretenders 
on  one  side  applied  to  the  French  for  assistance, 
and  obtained  reinforcements  to  tlie  extent  of  4(X) 
French  soldiers  and  2,00()  trained  sepoys.  This 
aid  secured  victory;  the  opposing  prince  was 
slain;  and  his  son,  the  well-known  Mohammed 
AH,  '  the  Nabob  of  Arcot '  of  the  last  century, 
took  refuge,  with  a  few  remaining  trooi)8,  at 
Trichinopoly.  In  a  little  while,  the  Fn'nch 
seemed  to  be  supreme  throughout  the  country. 
Dupleix  was  deferred  to  as  the  arbiter  of  the 
destinies  of  the  native  princes,  while  he  was 
actually  declared  Governor  of  India,  from  the 
Kistna  to  Cape  Comorin  —  a  region  as  large  as 
France,  inhabited  by  ;tO,()0(),00()  of  people,  and 
defended  by  a  force  so  large  that  the  >;avalry 
alone  amounted  to  7,000  under  the  command  of 
Dupleix.  In  the  midst  of  this  dominion,  the 
English  looked  like  a  handful  of  dispirited  and 
helpless  settlers,  awaiting  the  disposal  of  the 
haughty  Frencliman.  Their  native  ally  had 
lost  everything  but  Trichinopoly ;  and  Trichin- 
opoly itself  was  now  besieged  by  the  Nabob  of 
the  Caniatic  and  his  French  supporters.  Du- 
pleix wa-i  jjTcater  than  even  the  Mogul  sovereign ; 
lie  had  e.ected  a  column  in  his  own  honour,  ais- 
playing  Of  its  four  sides  inscriptions  in  four 
languii,;es,  proclaiming  his  glory  as  the  first 
man  of  the  East;  and  a  town  had  sprung  up 
round  this  column,  called  his  City  of  Victory. 
To  the  fatalistic  mind  of  the  native  races  it 
seemed  a  settled  matter  that  the  French  rule  was 
supreme,  and  that  the  English  must  perish  out 
of  the  land.  Major  Lawrence  had  gone  home; 
and  the  small  force  of  the  English  hud  no  com- 
mander. Clive  was  as  yet  only  a  coiumis.sary, 
with  the  rank  of  captain,  and  regarded  more  as 


1713 


1N'[)IA,   17-l!»-1753. 


Afuhiinii 
imd  MuhriiUtu. 


INDIA,   1747-1701. 


n  civilinn  than  u  wildlcr.  lie  wild  only  flvciiml 
luirity.  IIIh  NU|iiTii>rH  were  in  t'Xtrcinc  aliirni, 
fiiri'Hciiiit;  that  wlicn  Triclilniiimly  wiim  takin, 
tlic  ncM  hl<|>  would  lie  tlic  (l(  htrncliiiii  of  Mail- 
ran,  Nolliinx  could  niaki' tlit'lt  position  worw; 
and  llii'y  <'aii;,'lit  at  fvcry  clmncc  of  making  it 
licltcr,  Clivi' olTcrid  to  attack  Arcot,  the  capi- 
tal of  tlic  Carnatic,  in  the  hope  that  this  W(>ul<l 
draw  awav  the  licsicKcrs  from  Trlchinopoly ; 
and  Ihi-  olfcr  wn«  accepted.  The  force  coimlHted 
of  '.')M|  llrillNli  and  MINI  native  Holdiers,  coni- 
inandi'd.  uiiiler  (live,  hy  four  factors  and  four 
military  men,  only  two  of  whom  had  ever  been 
in  yction.  KverylhiiiK  wa.s  aKaiiiHt  them,  from 
numtier«  and  ri'pute  to  the  weather;  but  ('live 
took  Arcot  ISept.  II,  n.'ill,  and  (what  was 
much  more  (lil)lcult)  kept  it.  The  Korrison  had 
tied  in  a  paidc;  hut  it  wns  invcHted  hy  1(),IMH) 
men  before  the  Itritish  had  repaired  half  il.s 
diiapidation.4  and  dellcieneies,  or  recruited  their 
numlierH,  now  reduced  to  IWO  men  in  all,  com- 
manded iiy  four  olllcers.  K<  r  fifty  days,  amidst 
fatigue,  hunger,  and  a  liuidred  pressing  dan- 
gers, the  little  band  sustained  the  siege.  ...  A 
Boriis  of  victories  followed,  and  men  and  opinion 
came  round  to  the  side  of  the  victors.  There 
WHS  no  energy  at  head([iiart*'r8  to  sustain  Clivo 
in  his  career.  ...  In  his  absence,  the  enemy  ap- 
peared again  before  Fort  George,  and  did  mudi 
damage;  but  Clive  caini!  up,  and  100  of  the 
Krencli  8<ildiers  were  killed  or  tjiken.  Ho  up- 
rooted Duideix's  boasting  monument,  and  lev- 
elled tlie  city  to  tlie  ground,  thereby  reversing 
the  naliv(^  impression  of  tlie  respective  destinies 
of  the  French  and  English,  ilajor  Lawrence 
returned.  Duplei.x's  military  incapacity  was 
proved,  and  his  personal  courage  found  wantingas 
soon  as  forHiiie  deserted  him.  Trichinopoly  was 
relieved,  and  tlie  besiegers  were  beaten,  and  their 
candidate  prince  put  to  death.  Duplei-x  strug- 
gled in  desperation  for  some  time  longer  before 
be  gave  up  tlie  contest;  and  C'livc  had  his  dilll- 
culties  in  completing  tlie  dislodgmeut  of  the 
Frencli.  ...  lie  did  it;  but  nearly  at  the  sacri- 
fice of  his  life.  Wlien  the  Ilritish  supremacy  in 
tlie  Deccan  was  comiiletely  established,  he  re- 
turned [K.VJj  in  bad  healtli  to  England.  .  .  .  He 
left  behind  him  Dupiei.v,  for  whom  a  summons 
home  in  disgrace  was  on  the  way." — II.  31ar- 
tineau,  Ilint.  of  liritinh  Rule  in  India,  eh.  6. 

Also  in  :  G.  IJ.  Jlalleson,  Hist,  of  the  Frciwh 
in  India,  eh.  3-0. — Tlie  same,  Foilnders  of  the 
Indiiin  Emjiire  :  hird  Clire,  ch.  1-0. — Col.  8ir 
C.  Wilson,  lA>rd  Clire,  eh.  2-4. 

A.  D.  1747-1761, — The  Duranee  power  in 
Afghanistan. —  Conflict  of  the  Afghans  and 
the  Mahrattas.— Great  defeat  of  the  latter  at 
Panniput.— Fall  of  the  shattered  Moghul  em- 
pire.— The  state  of  things  which  invited 
British  conquest.— On  the  death  of  Nadir 
Shah,  who  was  murdered  in  1747,  his  Afghan 
kingdom  was  acipiired  by  a  native  chief,  Ahmed 
AlMlalee,  who,  first  a  jirisoner  and  a  slave  to 
Nadir  Shah,  had  become  one  of  the  trusted 
olllcers  of  bis  court  and  army.  "  Alimed  Ab- 
dalee  had  aeijuired  so  great  an  ascendency 
among  the  troops  that  upon  this  event  [the  death 
of  Nadir  Shah]  several  commanders  and  their 
followers  joined  his  standard;  and  he  drew  off 
ttiwiird  his  own  country.  He  fell  in  with  and 
seized  a  convoy  of  treasure,  which  was  proceed- 
ing to  the  camp.  This  enabled  him  to  engage 
in  his  pay  a  still  larger  body  of  his  countrymen. 

1 


He  |irocIaiiiicil  hiiiiNelf  king  of  tlie  Afgliaunsj 
ami  took  the  title  id'  Doordowraii,  <ir  pearl  of  the 
age,  which  being  corrupted  into  Dooraiicc  |or 
I>uraiiee|,  gave  one  of  thdr  names  to  himself 
and  his  Abdallees.  He  marched  towards  Caiida- 
liar,  which  submitted  to  his  arms;  and  next  pro- 
ceeded to  ('abut  .  .  .  and  this  province  also  fell 
Into  the  hands  of  tlie  Afghauii.  "  Lahore  was 
next  aclded  to  his  dominmiis,  and  he  then,  in 
1717,  Invaded  Iiulia,  Intent  upon  the  capture  of 
Delhi;  but  met  with  Hiifllcieiit  resistance  to  dis- 
courage his  undertaking,  and  fell  back  toCabui. 
Ill  17'IH,  and  again  in  1741),  he  iiasscd  tlie  In- 
dus, and  made  hiinself  master  of  the  I'liii- 
jab.  In  17.W-0  he  marched  to  Delhi,  wlilch 
opened  Its  gates  to  him  and  received  him, 
prelencU'dly  as  a  guest,  but  really  as  a  mas- 
ter. A  plague  breaking  out  In  his  army 
caused  liliii  to  return  to  his  own  country.  Ho 
"left  his  son  Governor  of  Lahore  and  Slultan  ; 
disordered  by  revolutions,  wasted  and  turbulent. 
A  chief  .  .  .  Incited  the  Seiks  [.Sikiis]  to  join 
him  In  molesting  the  Dooranees;  and  the}' gained 
several  Important  advantages  over  their  prin- 
cipal coinmanders.  They  fiivited  the  Malirattiv 
generals,  liagcmaiit  Itaow,  Sliuinsheer  Hahiidur, 
and  Hulkar,  who  had  advanced  Into  the  neigli- 
boiirhood  of  Delhi,  to  join  them  in  driving  tlio 
Abdalees  from  Lahore.  No  occupation  could  bo 
more  agreeable  to  the  Mahrattas.  After  taking 
Sirhind,  they  advanced  to  Lahore,  where  the  Ab- 
dalee  I'rince  made  but  a  feeble  resistance  and  tied. 
This  event  put  them  In  possession  of  both  AIul- 
taii  and  Lahore.  .  .  .  Tho  whole  Indian  conti- 
nent appeared  now  about  to  be  swallowed  up  by 
the  .Mahrattas.  .  .  .  Ahmed  Shah  [the  Abdalee, 
or  Dooranee]  was  not  only  roused  by  the  loss  of 
his  two  jirovinces,  and  the  disgrace  imprinted  on 
his  arms,  but  he  was  invited  by  the  chiefs  and 
people  of  Hindustan,  groaning  under  the  depreda- 
tions of  the  Mahrattas,  to  march  to  their  succour 
and  become  their  King.  .  .  .  For  some  days  tho 
Dooranees  hovered  round  the  Mahratta  camp; 
when  the  Mahrattas,  who  were  distressed  for 
provisions,  came  out  and  offered  battle.  Their 
army,  consisting  of  80,000  veteran  cavalry,  was 
almo.st  wholly  destroyed;  and  Duttali  Sindia, 
their  General,  was  among  the  slain.  A  detach- 
ment of  horse  sent  against  another  body  of  Jlali- 
rattjis,  who  were  nianiuding  under  Holkiir  in  tho 
neighbourhood  of  Secundra,  surprised  tlK'ui  so 
completely  that  Holkar  tied  naked,  with  a  hand- 
ful of  followers,  and  the  rest,  with  tlie  exception 
of  a  few  prisoners  and  fugitives,  were  all  put  to 
the  sword.  During  tho  rainy  season,  while  tho 
Dooranee  Shah  was  (juartcred  at  Secundra,  tho 
news  of  this  disjister  and  disgrace  excited  the 
Mahrattas  to  the  greatest  exertions.  A  vast  army 
was  collected,  and  .  .  .  tho  Mahrattas  marched 
to  gratify  the  resentme.'ts,  and  fullil  the  un- 
bounded hopes  of  the  nation.  .  .  .  They  arrived 
at  the  Jumna  before  it  was  sulliclently  fallen  to 
permit  either  the  Jlahrattas  on  the  other  side,  or 
the  Dooranees,  to  cross.  In  the  meantime  they 
marched  to  Delhi,  of  which  after  some  resistance 
they  took  possession;  plundered  it  with  their 
usual  rapacity,  tearing  away  even  the  gold  and 
silver  ornaments  of  the  palace ;  proclaimed  Sul- 
tan Jewan  Bukht,  the  son  of  Alee  Qohur  [or 
Shah  Alum,  absent  son  of  the  late  nominal  Em- 
peror at  Delhi,  Alumgeer  II.,  who  had  recently 
been  put  to  death  by  his  own  vizir].  Emperor; 
and  named  Sujah  ad  Dowlah,  Nabob  of  Oude, 

714 


INDIA.   irt7-17(H 


Mituhul  Kmttirv. 


INDIA,  17.W-1757. 


hU  Vizir.  ImpiitleiU  nt  Inli'lllKonrc  of  iIiphc  iinil 
Roliio  ntliiT  tritii.Hiictioim,  Aliiiinl  Sliiili  Hwiim  tlic 
Jutiiiiii,  Htill  (Ii'i'IiiimI  iiiipiiNHiilil)'.  witli  IiIh  \vIi<iIi> 
army.  TIiIh  iIiiiIiik  iKlvciitiirr,  mid  tlif  rrmi'iii 
lintiicc  of  IIk!  late  ilUustrr,  sIkniU  tlir  I'DUni'^i'  of 
till!  .Miilimttii.s:  mill  thry  I'litriiirlinl  tlii'lr  ('mii|i 
(III  u  |iliiiii  iiriir  I'liiiiilpiit.  Tlir  DiMinuiri'.  Iiiiv 
iii){  Niirniiiiiilril  llii'ir  poHitloii  with  piirtli's  of 
lliiiips,  to  pii'Viiit  till'  piiHHa){i'  iif  Hiiiiplii's,  roil- 
trntril  liliiiHrir  fur  siinii'  ilnys  with  HKlriiilHlilii);. 
At  liLst  III'  trii'il  an  assault ;  whrii  tlii'  lliiliilla  In 
funtry  .  .  .  fmriil  tlii'ir  way  liiln  tlu'  .Malinitlii 
works,  anil  Hiilwaiit  Haow  with  othrr  rlilrlH  was 
killril;  liiit  liif^ht  put  an  I'liil  to  tlir  rontlirl. 
Meanwhlli:  srarrlty  prcvalli'il  anil  tilth  arruinii 
liilril  ill  till'  .Mahriilta  cmnp.  TIh^  vii;ilani'i'  of 
Ahiiii'il  liiti'ri'i'ptril  their  convoyH.  til  a  littlr 
tiiiii'  famine  anil  pestilenee  ruKi'ii.  A  liattle  lie- 
ciinu' the  only  resoiiire  |.Iiiniiarv  7.  17<H|.  The 
Ahilalee  rest raiiieil  his  troops  till  the  Maliraltas 
liiiil  ailvmieeil  a  eoiisiileralile  way  from  their 
wiMks;  when  lie  riisiieii  ion  tliem  witli  so  inueh 
rapiility  as  left  them  Im  ly  any  tinie  for  iisini; 
their  cannon.  The  IJIuiow  was  killeil  early  in 
tlieaetioii;  eoiifiision  soon  pervaileil  tlie  army, 
mill  a  ilreailfiil  i  iiriiajje  ensiieil.  The  llelil  was 
lloaleil  witli  lilooii.  Twenty-two  tlioiisanil  men 
anil  women  were  taken  prisoners.  Of  those  who 
oseapeil  from  the  lielil  of  hattle,  tlie  greater  part 
were  hiitehereil  hy  tlie  people  of  tlie  country, 
who  hail  siilTereil  from  their  ile|)reilatioiis.  Of 
an  army  of  140,()l)t)  horse,  commiMiileil  liy  the 
most  cck'brateil  gencralsof  the  nation,  only  three 
clilefH  of  any  rank,  anil  n  niero  resiilue  of  the 
troops,  fotinil  their  way  to  Deccan.  The  Door- 
aiiee  Shah  iiiaile  liut  little  use  of  this  mighty 
victory.  After  remaining  a  few  montlis  at 
Delhi,  he  recogni/.eil  Alee  Ooliiir  asKinperor,  by 
the  title  of  .Sliah  Allium  II.  ;  anil  entriistiiiu:  Nu- 
jeel)  lid  Dowlah  with  tlie  superintendeuce  of 
alTuirs,  till  his  master  should  return  from  Hen- 
gal,  ho  marcheil  back  to  his  capital  of  Cahul  in 
the  end  of  the  year  1700  [1701].  AVIth  Aulum- 
gcer  II.  the  empire  of  the  Moguls  may  be  justly 
considered  as  hiiving  arrived  at  its  clost.  The 
unhappy  Prince  who  now  received  the  name  of 
Kmperor,  and  who,  after  a  life  of  niLsery  and 
di.sa.ster,  ended  his  days  a  pensioner  of  Knglisli 
merchants,  never  possessed  a  sufficient  degree  of 
power  to  consider  himself  for  one  moment  as 
master  of  the  throne."  —  J.  Mill,  JIM.  of  JirilMt 
Iiiiliii,  hk.  3,  eh.  4  (p.  2).  — "The  words  'wonder- 
ful,' 'strange'  are  often  applied  to  great  his- 
torical events,  and  there  is  no  event  to  which 
they  have  been  applied  more  freely  than  to  our 
[the  English]  comiucst  of  India.  .  .  .  But  the 
event  was  not  wonderful  in  a  sense  that  it  is 
difficult  to  discover  adeipiate  causes  by  which  it 
could  have  been  produced.  If  we  begin  hy  re- 
marking that  authority  in  India  had  fallen  on 
the  groniul  through  the  decjiyof  the  Mogul  Em- 
pire, that  it  lay  there  waiting  to  be  picked  up 
by  somebody,  and  that  all  over  India  in  that 
period  adventurers  of  one  kind  or  another  were 
foiiniMng  Empires,  it  is  really  not  surprising  that 
a  niercantilo  corporation  which  had  money  to 
pay  a  mercenary  force  should  he  able  to  compete 
wiUi  other  adveutiirers,  nor  yet  that  it  should 
ontstriii  all  its  competitors  by  bringing  into  the 
field  English  military  science  and  generalship, 
especially  when  it  was  backed  ovir  and  over 
ojrain  by  the  whole  power  and  credit  of  England 
and  directed  by  English  statesmen.  .  .  .  Eng- 


land dill  not  in  the  Htrlrt  senm*  conquer  India, 
but  .  .  .  certain  KnglUhinen,  who  liappeiied  to 
reside  III  India  at  tlie  lime  wlirii  llie  .Mou'iil  Km 
liire  fell,  had  a  fortune  like  that  of  llyder  All  or 
liunjeet  HIngli  and  rime  to  Hupn'tiie  power 
there." — .1.  K.  Seeley,  The  Hrimiiiimt  tif  Kiiy 
liiiiil,  roiirne  'i,  lift.  !l. 

Alskin;  .1.  0.  DiifT,  IIM.  of  the  Muhmtta*. 
i:  ',>,  rh.  'i-r>.--^i.  U.  .Malh'.m.n,  >/iW.  of  Afyh.iniii 
tun.  ('//.  H. —  II.  (i.  Keelie,  Mnilhiiiii  llio  Shulhiii, 
rh.  ',', 

A.  D.  1755-1757.— Capture  of  Calcutta  bv 
Surajah  Dowlan. — The  tragedy  of  the  Black 
Hole. — Clive's  recovery  of  the  Fort  and  settle- 
ment.—  ('live  riiiiaiiii'd  t  line  years  in  Kngliinil. 
where  he  sought  an  election  to  Parliament,  as  a 
supporter  of  Pox.  but  was  unseated  by  the 
Tories.  On  sulTeriiig  tliis  disappoiiitmenl.  he 
reentered  the  service  of  the  Kast  India  Com- 
pany, as  governor  of  Port  St.  David,  witli  the 
ciimmlssloii  of  a  lieiitenaiil  loloiiel  in  the  Itrili.sh 
army,  receiveil  from  the  king,  and  riluriii'd  to 
India  in  17,'>'">.  Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Port  St. 
David,  "he  received  intelligenre  wliiili  called 
forth  all  the  energy  of  his  hold  and  active  mind. 
Of  till'  provinres  which  had  been  milijeit  to 
the  house  of  Tamerlane,  the  wealthiest  was  Hen 
gal.  No  part  of  India  possi's.seil  such  natural 
advantages  both  for  agrieulture  and  for  com 
merie,  .  .  .  The  great  commercial  companieH  of 
Kurope  had  long  possessed  factories  in  lleiigal. 
The  Prenih  were  Nettled,  as  tliev  still  are,  at 
C'haiideniagore  on  the  lloogley.  lliglier  up  the 
stream  the  butcli  traili  rs  held  ('hlnsurah.  Nearer 
to  the  sea,  the  English  had  built  Port  U'illiam. 
A  church  and  aiiijile  warehouses  rose  in  the 
vicinity.  A  row  of  spacious  houses,  helonging 
to  tlie  chief  factors  of  the  East  India  (,'oinpaiiv, 
lined  tlie  banks  of  the  "iver;  and  in  the  neigli- 
bourhood  had  s|irung  ii|i  a  large  and  busy  na- 
tive town,  v.Iiero  some  lliiidoo  merchants  of 
great  opulence  had  fixed  their  abode.  lint  the 
tract  now  covered  by  the  i)alaces  of  Chowringheo 
contained  only  a  few.  miserable  huts  thatched 
with  straw.  A  Jungle,  abandoned  to  water-fowl 
and  alligators,  covered  the  site  of  the  present 
Citadel,  and  the  Course,  which  is  now  daily 
crowded  at  sunset  with  tlie  gayest  equipages  of 
Calcutta.  For  the  ground  on  which  the  settle- 
ment stood,  the  English,  like  other  great  land- 
holders, paid  rent  to  the  government;  and  they 
were,  like  other  great  landholders,  permitted  to 
exercise  a  certain  jurisdiction  within  their  do- 
main. The  great  province  of  Bengal,  together 
with  Orissa  and  Baliar,  had  long  been  governed 
by  a  viceroy,  whom  the  English  called  Aliverdy 
hhan,  and  who,  like  the  other  viceroys  of  the 
Mo.^iul,  had  become  virtually  Independent.  He 
died  in  nijO,  and  the  sovereignty  descended  to 
hin  grandson,  a  youth  under  twenty  years  of  age, 
who  liore  the  name  of  Surajah  Dowlah.  .  .  . 
From  a  child  Surajah  Dowlah  had  hated  the 
English.  It  was  his  whim  to  do  so;  and  his 
whims  were  never  opposed.  He  had  also  formed 
a  very  exaggerated  notion  of  the  wealth  which 
might  be  obtained  by  plundering  them;  and  his 
feeble  and  uncultivated  mind  was  incapable  of 
perceiving  that  the  riches  of  Calcutta,  had  they 
been  even  greater  than  he  imagined,  would  not 
compensate  him  for  what  he  must  lose,  if  the 
European  trade,  of  which  Bengal  was  a  chief 
.seat,  sliould  be  driven  by  his  violence  to  some 
other    quarter.     Pretexts    for  a   quarrel    were 


1715 


INDIA,  17.W-17.U 


Th'  HIttrk  llutr 
tf  CalcMlln. 


INDIA,    IT.VVtTW. 


Kiwllly  fiiiiriil.  Tlw  KiikIUIi.  In  cxpccliitlnii  cT  u 
wiir  Willi  Kriimi'.  Iiiul  licmin  l<i  fnrtlfy  111 'Ir 
wlllfinciil  wllliiiiil  Npccliil  |iiTiiiUHiiiri  from  llir 
Nilioli.  A  rlrli  imllvc.  wlimii  lie  lunifid  in  idiiii 
iliT,  Imil  liiki'ii  rvtwifv  III  CaUullii.  itiid  liiiil  nit 
Iktii  ilcllvinil  up.  On  niicIi  Kru'miU  iix  llirni- 
Hurii|iili  Dciwliili  Miiirclinl  wllli  a  itrmt  iiriiiy 
uKiiIiihI  Kurt  Wlllliiiii.  The  (MTViuiIm  (if  IlicCmii 
iiiiny  at  MadriiH  Innl  Iktii  fdrcccl  liv  Diiplclx  in 
iH'ciiini'  Kinlcrtiiicn  iiiiil  w  MiiTM.  tIiuhi^  In  Utii 
({III  wirr  Htlll  iiicri'  Iriiilcrs,  iiiiil  wirr  Icrrlllcd 
anil  lirwllilcrnl  liy  llic  iippriiHcliln^' iliinK'cr.  .  .  . 
Till'  furl  wiiH  liikrll  |.Iiiiir  ill,  IT.'id)  after  ii  ffiOilr 
n'HlHtaiicc ;  iiikI  ){rriil  niiiiilKTH  nf  the  Kn^llHli 
fell  Into  till'  IiiiihIh  nf  the  coniiiiiTiirH.  Tin- 
NhImiI)  Hcalril   lilinsi'ir  willi  refill   pomp  in  Ilir 

(irl.  Ipal  liiill  o'  till'  fiictory.  anil  orili'icil  Mr. 
Iiilvv'i'll,  lilt'  IIthI  ill  rank  iinioiig  llio  prlHoncrH.  to 
Im-  liriMiKlit  licforr  liiiii.  Ills  lli){liiirNH  talki'il 
iiliont  till'  InNiilcmrof  tin-  Kh^IImIi,  and  Kriiinlilcd 
lit  till'  NiiinllnrHH  of  llic  IrciiNiirc  wlilili  In;  liad 
fiiiind:  liiit  proinisrd  to  Nparc  tlicir  livcH,  and  rt'- 
tircd  lo  ri'Nt.  Then  was  ('oniniillcd  Unit  (jrcat 
crinic,  nicmorabli'  for  IIh  Hin);iilar  atrocity, 
mviiioralilc  for  tliu  trcnicndouH  rclrilmlion  by 
wliirli  it  wan  followt'd.  Tlic  Kii^HhIi  captlvrs 
were  left  at  the  nirrcy  of  Ilic  jfuards.  and  the 
Kiianls  dctcrniini'd  to  M'ciirc  tlicin  for  t lie  iii^lit 
in  till'  |irisi>n  of  tlic  );arrison.  ii  cliaiiilirr  known 
liy  llir  fi'iirful  naini'  of  the  Hlack  Hole.  Kvi'ii 
fur  a  hIiikIl'  Kiiropcan  inidcfactor,  that  diiu^con 
would,  in  Hiicli  a  cliiiialc,  have  liccii  too  cIomo 
und  narrow.  The  Hpacc  was  only  twenty  feet 
Hqiiare.  The  airholes  were  Hiniill  and  olistructed. 
It  was  the  Kiiminer  solstice,  the  season  when  the 
fierce  heat  of  ISi'n;;al  can  scarcely  he  rendered 
toleralile  to  natives  of  Kncland  liy  lofty  halls  and 
liy  the  constant  wavinj;  of  fans.  The  nuinlier  of 
the  prisoners  was  140.  When  they  were  ordered 
to  enter  the  cell,  they  imagined  that  the  soldiers 
Were  jokiiif;;  and,  belli);  in  high  spirits  on  ac- 
count of  the  iiroini.se  of  the  Nabob  to  spare  their 
lives,  they  laughed  and  jested  at  the  absurdity 
of  the  notion.  They  soon  discovered  their  mis- 
take. Tli(\  expostulated;  they  entreated;  but 
in  vain.  'I'lie  guards  threatened  to  cut  down  all 
who  hesitated.  The  captives  were  driven  into 
the  cell  at  the  point  of  llie  sword,  and  the  door 
was  instantly  shut  and  locked  upon  them. 
Nothing  in  history  or  fiction,  not  even  the  story 
which  Ugolino  told  in  the  sea  of  everlasting  ice, 
after  he  had  wiped  his  bloody  lips  on  the  scalp 
of  his  murderer,  approaches  the  horrors  whicli 
were  recounted  by  the  few  survivors  of  that 
night.  They  crieif  for  mercy.  They  strove  to 
burst  the  iloor.  Ilohvc'.l  who,  even  in  that  ex- 
tremity, rctuined  some  presence  of  mind,  ollcred 
large  bribes  to  the  gaolers.  But  the  answer  was 
that  nothing  could  be  done  without  the  Nabob's 
orders,  that  the  Nabob  was  asleep,  and  that  he 
would  be  angry  if  anybody  woke  him.  Then 
the  prisoners  went  mad  with  despair.  They 
trampled  each  other  down,  fought  for  the  places 
at  the  windows,  fought  for  the  pittance  of  water 
with  which  tlie  cruel  mercy  of  the  murderers 
mocked  their  agonies,  raved,  prayed,  blasphemed, 
implored  the  guards  to  tire  among  them.  The 
gaolers  in  the  mean  time  held  lights  to  tlio  bars, 
and  shouted  with  laughter  at  the  frantic  strug- 
gles of  their  victims.  At  length  the  tumult 
died  away  in  low  gaspings  and  moanings.  The 
day  broke.  The  Nabob  had  slept  off  his  debauch, 
and  permitted  the  door  to  be  opened.    But  it  was 


Noiiie  lime  before  the  solillers  coui  '  inakc  a  lanii 
for  the  survivors,  by  piling  up  on  each  side  the 
heaps  of  corpsi's  on  which  the  burning  rliinalc 
had  already  lieguii  to  do  its  loatliHiuiic  work. 
When  at  length  a  paHsage  was  made,  twenty 
three  ghastly  tlgiires,  such  as  their  own  liiollierH 
would  not  have  known,  staggered  oni'  by  one 
out  of  the  charni'l  house.  A  pit  was  liiHlantly 
dug.  The  dead  ImhIIcs,  I'JII  In  number,  wero 
tiling  Into  it  proniiscuoiiHly  and  covered  up.  .  .  . 
line  Kiigllshwonian  had  survived  thai  night. 
She  was  placed  in  the  harem  of  tin-  Prince  at 
Moorshedabad.  Siiraiah  Dowlali,  in  IIk-  mean 
tlnie,  sent  letters  to  ids  noinlnal  sovereign  at 
Di'llii,  describing  the  lat<!  con(|uest  in  the  most 
pompous  language,  lie  placed  a  garrison  in 
Fort  William,  forbade  Kiiglishmen  lo  dwell  in 
the  iieighboiirhoisl,  and  directed  thai,  in  memory 
of  his  great  aetions,  Calcutta  nIioiiIiI  thenrefor- 
ward  be  called  Alinagorc,  that  Is  to  say,  the  I'orl 
of  (iod.  In  Aiiuust  the  news  of  the  fall  of  (,'al- 
ciitta  reached  Aladras,  and  excited  the  lli^cest 
and  bitterest  resentinent.  The  cry  of  the  '.vholu 
wttlemeiit  was  for  vengeance.  "Within  I'orty- 
eiglit  hours  after  the  arrival  of  the  intelllgenco 
it  was  delerniined  that  an  expedition  should  Ix! 
sent  to  the  lloogley,  and  that  ("live  should  be  nt 
the  head  of  the  land  forces.  The  naval  iirnia- 
iiieiit  was  under  the  conimand  of  Admiral  Wat- 
son. Nine  hundred  Kngllsh  infantry,  tine  troops 
and  full  of  spirit,  and  l,olM)  Ncpoys,  composed 
the  army  wliu'li  sailed  lo  ]mnish  a  Prince  who 
had  more  subjects  than  Lewis  XV'.  or  the  Kni- 
press  .Maria  Theresa.  In  ()ctol)er  the  expedition 
sailed:  but  it  had  to  make  its  way  against  iid- 
verse  winds,  and  did  not  reach  Bengal  till  De- 
cember. The  Nabob  was  revelling  in  fancied 
security  at  Jlooisliedabad.  lie  was  so  pro- 
foundly ignorant  of  tlie  state  of  foreign  countries 
that  he  often  used  to  say  that  there  were  not  ten 
thousand  men  in  all  Kurope;  and  it  had  never 
occurred  to  him  as  i)ossible,  tliat  the  Kngllsh 
would  dare  to  invade  his  dominions.  But, 
though  uniiisturlied  by  any  fear  of  their  military 
power,  he  began  to  iiiIhs  tliem  greatly.  IIis 
revenues  fell  olT.  .  .  .  lie  was  already  disposed 
to  permit  the  company  to  resume  its  mercantili; 
operations  in  his  country,  when  he  received  the 
news  that  an  Kiiglisli  armament  was  in  the 
Hoogley.  lie  instantly  ordered  all  his  troops  to 
assemble  at  .Moorshedabad,  and  marched  towards 
Calcutta.  Clive  had  commenced  operations  with 
his  usual  vigour.  lie  took  lludgebudge,  routed 
the  garrison  of  Fort  William,  recoveriul  Cal- 
cutta, stormed  and  sacked  lloogley.  The  Na- 
bob, already  disposijd  to  make  some  concessions 
to  tile  English,  was  cimrtrmed  in  his  pacillc  dis- 
position by  these  proofs  of  their  ])ower  and 
spirit.  He  accordingly  made  overtures  to  the 
chiefs  of  the  invading  armament,  and  offered  to 
restore  the  factory,  and  to  give  compensation  to 
those  whom  he  had  despoiled.  Clive's  profession 
was  war;  and  he  felt  that  there  was  something 
discreditable  in  an  accommodation  with  Huiaiah 
Dowlah.  But  his  power  was  limited.  .  .  .  The 
promises  of  the  Nabob  were  large,  the  chaiu^cs 
t)f  a  contest  doubtful;  and  Clive  consented  to 
treat,  thougli  he  expressed  his  regret  that  tilings 
should  not  be  concluded  in  so  glorious  a  manner 
as  he  could  have  wished.  With  this  negotiation 
commences  a  new  chapter  in  the  life  of  Clive. 
Hitherto  nc  had  been  merely  a  soldier  carrying 
into  effect,  with  eminent  ability  and  valour,  the 


1716 


INDIA,  nnu-iTM. 


fllvt  find 
NHniJiih  tMttrttih, 


INDIA,  1767-1771 


lilaliM  (if  ollicrH,      lli'nr('fi>rlli   lie  U  lo  he  rliictly 
rcfTiTili'd  itH  II  Hiuti'Niiiiiii.  mill  liiH  iiiililiiry  iiinvr 
inriitM  iiri'  to  Im'  ciiiiHiilrri'il  iix  Hulionlinatt'  tii  IiIm 
iMillllriil  ilrHlgiiH." — Loril    Miiiiiiiliiy,  //ml  Clirr 
\Huutii»). 

Ai.HO  IN:  HIr  .1.  Miilrnlm,  Life  <>t  hnil  <1iri\ 
eh.  \\(r.  1).— .1.  Mill,  Hint,  of  hritiuli  liidin.  M: 
4.  '■/(.  !l  (c.  !!).  — II.  K.  Himtcnl,  Hi-Iuhk  frmn  Old 
I'dli'iillil,  rli.   1. 

A.  D.  v;$j.—A  Treacherous  conspiracy 
againit  Suraiah  Dowlah.— Hit  overthrow  at 
the  battle  of  Plaase^.— The  counterfeit  Treaty 
with  Omichund. — Elevation  of  Meer  Jaffier  to 
the  Subahdar's  throne.— Tlir  uiiHiitiHfuitor.v 
tri'iity  I'litcrcil  Into  with  .Siirtijiili  Dowliili  liiiil 
lici'ii  prrHW'il  upim  Cllvi'  by  llic  Calriittii  iiirr 
rliiilitM,  will)  "tlioilKlit  till'  ulliaiirc  wiMilil  I'li 
itlili^  tlu'in  til  K*'t  rid  of  tlui  rivul  Fri'iich  Htation 
at  ('lianil)triiiiK(irr.  The  Hiilmhilar  |lt^v^'  iiilimlit' 
ful  iiiiHwer  to  tlii'lr  priipiiwil  to  nltiick  tliU  Hi't- 
tli'iiu'iit,  which  Olive  iiitcrprctcil  iih  an  usHriit. 
Till'  French  were  overpowered,  and  Hiirrciiiiered 
tlu'ir  fort.  Hiirujiili  Dowlah  was  now  indlKiiaiil 
aKainxt  IiIh  recent  allicH;  and  HoiiKht  tlie  friend' 
Kliip  of  the  Freneli  oltleers.  ("live,  called  liy  the 
natives  'the  diirin){  in  war,'  wan  also  the  inimt 
adroit,  iinil, —  for  tlie  triilli  cannot  be  disguised, 
—  thenioHt  iinHcrupiMotisiiuiolicy.  The  KiiKliHh 
rcHiilent  at  tlie  Court  of  Mo'irHliedalmd,  under 
Clive'H  instriietions,  enconrui^ed  ii  conHpiraey  to 
depose  the  Hubahdar,  and  to  rai.Hc  his  ffciieral, 
iMeer  .lalller,  to  the  supreme  power,  A  Hindoo 
of  great  wealth  and  intlueiice,  Oniicbund,  en- 
piged  in  this  conspiracy.  After  it  had  proceeded 
so  far  as  to  beconu!  the  subject  of  a  treaty  be- 
tween a  Select  Omnniittee  at  Calcutta  and  Meer 
■lalllcr,  Omichund  ilenianded  that  a  condition 
should  lie  inserted  in  tlmt  treaty,  to  pay  him 
tliirty  lacs  of  rujiecs  as  a  reward  for  his  service. 
Till'  merchantH  at  Calcutta  desired  the  liirjtest 
share  of  any  donation  from  Meer  .Falller,  as  a 
coiisiileration  for  tbeinselvcs.  and  were  by  no 
means  willing  that  .tUOO.OOO  shoidd  m>  to  a  crafty 
lliiiiliio,  (!live  Bu/igested  ane.xpcdicnt  to  secure 
Oniichund'g  lldelity,  and  yet  not  to  comply  witli 
his  demands  —  to  Imve  two  treaties  drawn;  a  real 
one  on  reil  paper,  a  fictitious  one  on  white.  The 
white  treaty  was  to  1)0  shown  to  Omicliund,  and 
he  was  to  see  with  his  own  eyes  that  he  had  been 
properly  cared  for,  Clive  and  the  Comiiiittee 
signed  this;  as  well  as  the  red  treaty  which  was 
to  go  to  Meer  Jafllei-.  Admiral  Watson  refused 
to  sign  tlie  treacherous  document.  On  the  11(1  h 
of  May,  1773,  Clive  stood  up  in  his  place  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  to  defend  himself  upon  tliis 
ch  .rge  against  hlin,  amongst  other  accusations. 
He  boldly  acknowledged  that  the  .stratagem  of 
the  two  treaties  was  his  invention ;  —  that  admiral 
Watson  did  not  sign  it;  but  that  he  should  liiivc' 
thought  himself  authorised  u>  sign  for  liim  in 
consequence  of  a  conversation ;  tliat  the  iiersiin 
who  did  sign  thought  he  had  sulHcient  authority 
for  so  doing.  'He  (Clive)  forged  admiral  Wat- 
son's name,  says  lord  Macaulay.  ,  .  .  The  cour- 
age, the  perseverance,  the  unconciuerable  energy 
of  Clive  have  furnished  examples  to  many  in 
India  who  have  emulated  his  true  glory.  Thank 
liod,  the  innate  integrity  of  the  British  diarac- 
ter  has,  for  the  most  part,  ])reservcd  us  from 
such  exhibitions  of  'true  policy  and  justice,' 
Tlie  Euglish  resident,  Mr.  Watts,  left  Jloorslied- 
abad,  Clive  wrote  a  letter  of  defiance  to  Sura- 
jah  Dowlah,  and  marched  towards  his  capital. 


Till' Siibiilidar  had  ninie  forth  from  his  city,  an 
popiiliiiiN  as  the  l.oiidiin  of  a  I'liilurv  ago,  to  an- 
nihilate the  paltry  army  of  l,(NK)  KngliNh,  and 
their '.>.(HN>  Sepoys  dimlplineil  by  KiigliMli  iitllcers, 
who  dared  t<>  encounter  bis  <><),IHN).  He  reached 
the  village  of  i'lilNsey  with  all  the  panoply  of 
oriental  warfare.  Ills  artilliry  alone  a|ipcared 
HUlllcirlit  to  sweep  away  tlmse  who  lirouglit  milv 
eight  tleld  pieces  and  two  howitzers  to  iniit  hw 
llfly  heavy  guns.  Kiich  gun  was  drawn'  forty 
yoke  of  oxen;  and  a  triilned  elephant  w,.  rhinil 
i-,tch  gun  to  urge  it  over  niugh  ground  or  up 
steep  ascents,  Meer  ,Iallli'r  had  not  performed 
his  priiniisi-  to  join  the  Kngiish  witii  a  division 
of  the  Subahdar's  army.  It  was  a  time  of  terri- 
ble anxiety  with  the  Dn'gllsli  cnminander,  Hhoulil 
he  venture  to  give  battle  withiiiit  the  aid  of  a 
native!  force '/  llesnbniitted  lilsilnubt  toaCoiin- 
cil  of  War,  Twelve  otiicers,  lilniM'lf  amongst 
the  number,  voted  for  ililay.  Seven  voted  l^or 
Instant  action,  ("live  revh'wcd  the  argiinients 
on  each  side,  and  thially  cast  away  his  doubts. 
He  determined  to  light,  williiiut  which  departure 
from  the  opinion  of  tlie  majority,  hi-  afterwards 
said,  (lie  Knglisb  winilil  never  have  been  master, 
of  Uengal.  On  '.le  'i-iiu\  of  , lime  |17.')7J,  his 
little  army  nmrcheil  tlfteen  mlle.s,  pa.ssed  the 
llooghlv,  and  at  one  o'clock  of  the  miirniiig  of 
the  !J;!ril  rested  under  the  mangoctrees  of  I'las- 
sey.  As  the  day  broke,  the  vast  legions  of  the 
Suliahdar,— l.^tMMI  cavalry,  4.'i,(MM)  infantry,— 
some  armed  witli  muskets,  some  witli  bows  and 
arrows,  began  to  surround  the  mangoe-groveiind 
the  hunting-lodge  where  Clive  had  watched 
tlirough  lli(!  night.  There  was  a  cannonade  for 
several  hours.  The  great  guns  of  Surajah  Dow- 
lah did  little  execution.  The  small  tield-liieces 
of  Clive  were  well  served.  One  of  the  chief 
.Mohammedan  leaders  having  fallen,  disorder  en- 
sued, and  the  .Subaliilar  was  advised  to  retreat. 
He  himself  lied  upon  a  swift  camel  to  Moorslieda- 
liad.  When  the  Hrilisli  I'lirces  began  to  inirsiie, 
the  victory  became  complete,  Meer  .lalllcr 
ioincd  the  conijuerors  tlie  next  day.  Surajah 
uowlah  did  not  consider  himself  safe  in  his  capi- 
tal; and  he  preferred  to  seek  the  protection  of  a 
French  detachment  at  I'atiia.  He  escaped  from 
his  palace  disguised;  ascended  the  Uanges  in  a 
small  boat;  and  fan.Hed  liimself  secure.  A  i)eas- 
ant  whose  ears  he  had  cut  off  recognised  his  op- 
pressor, and  with  some  soldiers  lirouglit  him 
back  to  Moorshedabad,  In  his  presence-cliamber 
now  sat  Meer  .latlier,  to  whose  knees  the  wretched 
youth  crawled  for  mercy,  Th.it  night  Surajah 
Dowlah  was  "iiirdered  in  his  prison,  by  the 
orders  of  .Meer  ,Ialller's  son,  a  boy  as  blocHl-tbirstv 
as  himself," — C,  Knight,  Pop.  Ilist.  of  Eng.,  r. 
t(,  (•/(.  14. 

Ai.so  IN:  O.  !5.  Mallcson,  Foinulen  of  the  Tii- 
iliiiii  Kiiiinre:  ('lire,  eli.  H-IO, — Tlu;  same,  I/iril 
<'lire(I{iilers  of  fiidiit). — The  same,  Jkcisire  Jlat- 
tlfg  of  Jiuliu,  eh.  a.— K.  Thornton,  Hist,  of  Brit- 
ixh  kwpire  in  India,  r.  1,  c/i.  4. 

A.  D.  1757-1772. — Clive's  Administration  in 
Beng^al. — Decisive  war  with  the  Moghul  Em- 
peror and  the  Nawab  of  Oudh. — English  Su- 
premacy established.—"  The  battle  of  I'lassey 
was  fought  on  June  2:i,  17.")7,  an  anniversary 
afterwards  remembered  when  the  Mutiny  of  \H!>7 
wiis  at  its  height.  History  has  agreed  to  adopt 
this  date  as  the  beginning  of  the  British  Empire 
in  the  East.  But  the  immediate  results  of  the 
victory  were  comparatively  small,  and  several 


1717 


INDIA.  17r,7-177'; 


Clivt't  Oovernment. 


INDIA,  1757-1772. 


yours  passf'cl  in  Imrd  fi),'lititi)?  licforc  f  vcn  tlio  Ben 
giilis  would  admit  tlii'  superiority  of  tli<'  Uritisli 
arms.  For  tlic  niomcnt,  li()W(!Vi'r,  all  opposition 
WHS  at  an  cud.  Clivi',  ai,'ain  followiiif;  in  tlii; 
steps  of  Dupli'ix,  i)lacc(i  .Mir  .lafar  ujion  tli(^ 
ViccrcL'al  tlironc  at  Mursliidabad,  being  carefid 
to  olitain  a  patent  of  investiture  from  tliu  Mu 
plial  court.  Knormous  sums  were  exacted  from 
Jlir  .lafar  ns  the  price  of  Ins  elevation.  ...  At 
the  .same  time,  tbe  Nawab  made  a  grant  to  the 
Company  of  Die  zamindari  or  landholder's  rights 
over  an  extensive  tractof  country  round  Calcutta, 
now  known  as  the  District  of  "the  Twenty-fwir 
I'arganas.  The  area  of  this  tract,  was  883  S(pmre 
miles,  in  17r>7  tlii^  Company  obtained  only  the 
zannndari  rights — i.  v.,  the  rights  to  collect  the 
cultivator's  rents,  with  the  revenue  jurisdiction 
jittached  [see  below  :  A.  I).  178.-)-17i);!J.  The  sir- 
perior  lordship,  or  right  to  receive  the  land  tax, 
remained  with  the  Nuwab.  Hut  in  H")!),  this  also 
was  ranted  by  the  Delhi  Emjieror,  the  uondnal 
8uz<'rain  of  tie-  Nawab,  in  favour  of  Clive,  wlio 
thus  becaiiK'  the  landlord  of  his  own  masters, 
the  Compiiiiy.  .  .  .  Lord  Cliv(;'s  claims  to  the 
property  as  feudal  Suzerain  over  the  Company 
were  contested  in  1704;  and  on  the2;!d  .June,  171)."), 
when  he  n-turned  ti>  Bengal,  a  new  deed  was 
issued,  eonlirming  the  unconditional  .jagir  to 
Lord  Clive  for  ten  years,  with  reversion  after- 
wards to  the  Company  in  ])erpetuity.  ...  In 
1758,  t'live  was  appointed  by  the  Court  of  Di- 
rectors the  tirst  Governor  of  all  the  Comiiaiiy's 
settlements  in  Bengal.  Two  i)0w<'rs  threatened 
hostilities.  On  the  west,  the  Sliah/.ada  or  Im- 
perial iirinee,  known  afterwards  as  die  Emperor 
Shall  Alam,  with  a  mixed  army  of  Afghans  and 
JIariiuiias,  and  supported  by  the  Nawab  Wazir 
of  Oudh,  was  advancing  his  own  claims  to  the 
Proving  of  Bengal.  In  the  south,  th(!  influence 
of  the  French  under  Lally  and  Bussv  wa.s  over- 
shadowing the  British  at  Mailras.  'fhe  name  of 
{'live  exerci.s<'(l  a  decisive  ellect  in  both  direc- 
tions. .^!ir  ./afar  was  anxious  to  buy  off  the 
Shahzada,  who  had  already  invested  Patna.  But 
Clive  marched  in  person  to  the  rescue,  with  an 
army  of  only  450  Europeans  and  2,500  sepoys, 
and  the  Mughal  armj-  dispersed  without  striking 
a  blow.  In  the  same  year,  Clive  despatched  a 
force  southwards  under  Colonel  Forde,  which  re- 
captured Ma.sulipatam  from  the  French,  and  per- 
manently established  British  iidluence  through- 
out the  Northern  Circar  d  at  the  court  of 
llaidarabud.  He  next  atia  cd  the  Dutch,  the 
only  other  European  nation  who  might  yet  prove 
a  rival  to  the  English.  lie  defeated  them  both 
by  land  and  water ;  and  their  settlement  at  Cliin- 
Burah  existed  thenceforth  only  on  sufferance. 
Prom  1700  to  1705,  Clive  was  m  England.  He 
had  left  no  system  of  government  in  Bengal,  but 
merely  the  tradition  that  ludimited  sums  of 
money  might  be  extracted  from  the  natives  by 
tlu!  terror  of  the  Englisii  name.  In  1701,  it  was 
found  expedient  and  profitable  to  dethrone  Jlir 
Jafar,  the  English  Nawab  of  ^Mursliidabad,  and 
to  substitute  his  son-in-law,  Jlir  Kasim,  in  his 
place.  On  this  occasion,  besides  i)rivate  dona- 
tions, the  English  received  a  grant  of  the  three 
Districtsof  Bardwan,  Jlidnupur,  and  (ihittagong, 
estimated  to  yield  a  net  revenue  of  half  a  million 
sterling.  But  Jlir  Kasim  soon  began  to  show  a 
will  of  his  own,  and  to  cherish  dreams  of  inde- 
pendence. .  .  .  The  N,.v.;.b  alleged  that  his  civil 
authority  was  everywhere  set  at  nought.     Tlio 


majority  of  th(>  Council  at  Calcutta  would  not 
listiiii  tohiscoinpliiinis.  The  Governor,  Mr.  Van- 
sittart,  and  ^i^a^^Ha^^^,  tliena  junior  mem- 
ber of  CouiiciI^^ffmp^^To  effect  some  compro- 
mise. But  tlu^  contrnvcrsy  had  become  loo  liot. 
The  Nawab'solllcers  tired  upon  an  English  boat, 
and  forthwith  all  Beng.il  ros(^  in  arms  [17(!:i|. 
Two  thousand  of  our  sepoys  were  cut  to  pieces 
at  Patna;  about  200  Englishmen,  who  tlienMind 
in  other  various  |)arts  of  the  Province  fell  into 
tlie  handsof  the  Muhammadans,  were  rnassacnHl. 
But  as  soon  as  regular  warfare  commeiiciMl,  Mir 
Kasim  met  with  no  more  successes.  His  trained 
regiments  were  defeated  in  two  ])itched  battles 
by  Major  Adams,  at  Gheriah  and  atL'dhanala; 
and  he  himself  took  refuge  willi  the  Nawab 
Wazir  of  Oudh,  who  refu.scd  to  deliver  him  up. 
This  led  to  a  prolongation  of  the  war.  Shall 
Alam,  who  had  iiowsuccced(Ml  his  father  as  Em- 
peror, anil  Shiijaud-Daula,  the  Nawab  Wazirof 
Oudh,  united  their  forces,  and  threatened  Patna, 
which  the  English  had  recovered.  A  more  for- 
midable danger  ai)peared  in  the  English  camp, 
in  the  form  of  the  tirst  sepoy  mutiny.  Tliis  was 
quelled  by  Major  (afterwards  Sir  Hector)  ,'\Innro, 
who  ordered  24  of  the  ringleaders  to  be  blown 
from  guns,  an  old  .Mughal  punishment.  In  17i'i4, 
.Major  JIunro  won  the  decisive  battle  of  Baxar 
[or  Buxarj,  whicli  laid  Oudh  at  the  feet  of  the 
conquerors,  and  brought  the  Mughal  Emperor 
as  a  suppliant  to  the  English  camp.  Meanwhile, 
the  Council  at  Calcutta  liad  twice  found  the  op- 
liort  unity  they  loved  of  selling  the  government 
of  Bengal  to  a  new  Nawab.  But  in  1705.  Clive 
(now  Baron  Clive  of  Plassey  in  the  peerage  of 
Ireland)  arrived  at  Calcutta,  as  Governor  of  Ben- 
gal for  the  second  time.  Two  landmarks  stand 
out  in  his  policy.  First,  ho  sought  the  sub- 
stance, although  not  the  name,  of  territorial 
power,  under  the  fiction  of  u  grant  from  the 
jlughal  EmiK'ror.  Second,  ho  desired  to  jnirify 
the  Companj-'s  service,  by  prohibiting  illicit  gains, 
and  guaranteeing  a  reasonable  pay  from  honest 
sources.  In  neither  respect  were  his  plans  car- 
ried out  by  his  inimediato  successors.  But  the 
beginning  of  our  Indian  rule  dates  from  this 
second  governorship  of  Clive,  as  our  military 
siipremacv  had  dated  from  his  victory  at  Plassey. 
Clive  landed,  advanced  rapidly  up  from  Calcutta 
to  Allahabad,  and  there  settled  in  person  the  fate 
of  nearly  half  of  India.  Oudh  was  given  back 
to  the  Nawab  AVazir,  on  condition  of  his  paying 
half  a  million  sterling  towards  the  expenses  of 
the  war.  The  Provinces  of  Allahabad  and  Kora, 
forming  the  greater  part  of  the  Doab,  were 
handed  over  to  Shah  Alam  himself,  who  in  his 
turn  granted  to  the  Company  the  diwani  or  fiscal 
administration  of  Bengal,  Boliar,  and  Oris.sa,  and 
also  the  territorial  jurisdiction  of  the  Northern 
Circars.  A  puppet  Nawab  was  .still  maintained 
at  Mursliidabad,  who  received  an  annual  allow 
anco  from  us  of  £000,000.  Half  that  aiiiount, 
or  about  £300,000,  wo  paid  to  the  Emperor  as 
tribute  from  Bengal.  Thus  was  constituted  the 
dtial  system  of  government,  by  wliic'i  the  Eng- 
lish received  all  the  revenues  and  u.dertook  to 
maintain  the  army :  while  the  criminal  jurisdic- 
tion, or  nizamat,  was  v.'steil  in  tliu  Nawab.  In 
Indian  pliraseijlogy,  *he  Company  was  diwau  and 
the  Nawab  was  iiizam.  The  actual  collection  of 
the  roveiines  still  remained  for  some  years  in 
the  h.mds  •  f  native  olllnials.  .  .  .  Lord  Cliv- 
quitted  luu      'or  the  third  and  last  time  in  1707. 


1718 


INDIA,  1757-1772. 


Overthrow  of  the 


INDIA,   I707-17«9. 


nctwccn  that  date  and  the  K<'vcrnorship  of  W'ur- 
ri'ii  Hastinjjs,  iu  1773,  littleot  importance  occiirrcil 
in  Ik'MKal  beyond  tlie  terrible  famine  of  1770, 
which  in  ollleially  reported  to  liave  .swept  away 
oiie-tliird  of  tlie  inhabitants.  The  dual  Hystem 
of  Kuvernment,  established  in  nO.!  by  C'live,  liad 
proved  a  failure.  Warren  Hustings,  a  trieil  ser- 
vant of  the  Company,  distinguislied  alilie  for 
intelligenee,  for  probity,  and  for  knowledge  of 
oriental  manners,  was  nominated  Governor  by  the 
C-'oiirt  of  Directors,  with  express  instructions  to 
carry  out  a  predetermined  series  of  reforms.  In 
tlieir  own  words,  the  Court  had  resolved  to 
'stand  forth  as  diwan,  and  to  take  upon  them- 
selves, by  the  agency  of  their  own  servants,  the 
entire  care  and  administration  of  tlie  revenues, ' 
In  tlic  execution  of  this  plan,  Hastings  removed 
the  exchequer  from  Murshidahad  to  Calcutta, 
and  appointed  Kuropeuu  olllcers,  under  the  now 
familiar  title  of  Collectors,  to  superintend  the 
revenue  collections  and  preside  in  tlie  courts, 
('live  had  laid  tlie  territorial  foundations  of  the 
liritish  Empire  in  Bengal.  Hastings  may  be 
said  to  have  created  a  Hritish  administrati(m  for 
that  Empire." — Sir  W.  AV.  Hunter,  Imliu  (tir- 
tide,  ill  Imperial  Gazetteer  of  India,  o.  4),  pp. 
a8U-394. 

Also  in  :  W.  M.  Torrcns,  Empire  in  Asia  : 
How  we  came  by  it,  ch.  4-0. — Sir  C.  Wilson,  iMrd 
CVi'cf,  c/i.  7-9. —  O.  n.  yi\\\\KS,an,  Deeiiiitc  liattlc» 
■of  India,  ch.  7. 

A.  D.  1758-1761. — Overthrow  of  French 
domination  in  the  Carnatic. — The  decisive 
Battle  of  Wandiwash. — "  In  1758  the  fortunes 
of  the  French  in  India  underwent  an  entire 
•change.  In  April  a  French  fleet  arrived  at  Pou- 
dieherry.  It  brought  a  large  force  under  tlie 
command  of  Count  de  Lally,  who  had  beeji  ap- 
pointed Governor-General  of  the  French  posses- 
sions in  India.  .  .  .  No  sooner  had  lie  landed  at 
Pondiclierry  than  he  organised  an  expedition 
jigainst  Fort  St.  David ;  but  he  found  that  no 
preparations  had  been  made  by  the  French  au- 
thorities. There  was  a  want  alike  of  coolies, 
draught  cattle,  provisions,  and  ready  money. 
But  the  energy  of  Lally  overcame  all  obstacles. 
...  In  June,  1758,  Lally  captured  Fort  St.  Da- 
vid, lie  then  prepared  to  capture  JIadras  as  a 
preliminary  to  an  advance  on  Bengal,  lie  re- 
called Bussy  from  the  Dckliau  to  help  him  witli 
his  Indian  experiences;  and  he  sent  the  Marquis 
■dc  Conflans  to  succeed  Bussy  in  the  command  of 
the  Northern  Circars.  [A  strip  of  territory  on  the 
€oromand('l  coa.st,  which  had  been  ceded  to  the 
French  in  1753  by  Salabut  Jung,  Nizam  of  the 
Deklian,  was  so  called;  it  stretched  along  600 
miles  of  seaboard,  from  the  Carnatic  frontier 
northwards.]  .  .  .  The  departure  of  Bussy  from 
the  Northern  Circars  was  disastrous  to  the  tVcuch. 
The  Uaja  of  Vizianagram  revolted  against  the 
French  and  sent  to  Calcutta  for  help.  Clive  de- 
spatched an  English  force  to  the  Northern  Cir- 
cars, under  the  command  of  Colonel  Forde ;  and 
in  December,  1758,  Colonel  Forde  defeated  the 
French  under  Contlaiis  [at  Condore,  or  Koiidur, 
l)ecember  9],  and  prepared  to  recover  all  the 
English  factories  on  the  coast  which  had  been 
captured  by  Bussy.  Meanwhile  Count  do  Lally 
wiis  actively  engaged  at  Pondiclierry  in  prepara- 
tions for  tlie  siege  of  Madras,  lie  hoped  to  cap- 
ture Madras,  and  complete  the  destruction  of  the 
English  in  the  Carnatic ;  and  then  to  march  north- 
waru,  capture  Calcutta,  and  expel  the  Englisli 


from  Bengal.  .  .  .  Lally  reached  Madras  on  the 
13th  of  December,  1758,  and  at  once  took  pos- 
session of  Black  Town.  He  then  liegaii  the 
siege  of  Fort  St.  Ge.irge  witli  a  vigour  and 
activity  wliich  commanded  the  respect  of  his 
enemies.  Ilis  <litliculties  were  enormous.  .  .  . 
Even  the  gunpowder  was  nearly  exhausted.  At 
last,  on  the  10th  of  February,  1759,  an  English 
fleet  arrived  at  JIadras  under  Admiral  I'ocock, 
and  Lally  was  compelled  to  raise  the  siege.  iSucli 
was  th(!  state  of  party  feeling  amongst  the  French 
in  India,  tliat  the  leirfat  of  Lally  from  Madras 
was  received  at  Pondiclierry  with  every  demon- 
stration of  joy.  Tlie  career  of  Liilly  in  India 
lasted  for  two  years  longer,  namely  from  Febru- 
ary, 17.59,  to  f'ebruary,  1761;  it  "is  a  series  of 
hopeless  struggles  and  wearying  misfortunes. 
In  the  Dekhan,  Salabut  Jung  luul  been  thrown 
into  the  utmost  alarm  by  the  departure  of  Bussy 
and  defeat  of  Coutlans.  He  was  exposed  to  the 
intrigues  and  plots  of  Ids  younger  brother,  Ni- 
zam Ali,  and  he  despaired  of  obtaining  furtlier 
hell)  ffoni  the  Freneli.  Accordingly  he  opened 
up  negotiations  with  Colonel  Forde  and  the  Eng- 
lish. Forde  on  his  part  recovered  all  the  cap- 
tured factories  [taking  Masulipatam  by  storm, 
April  7, 1759,  after  a  fortnight's  siege],  and  drove 
the  French  out  of  the  Northern  Circars.  He 
could  not  however  interfere  in  the  domestic  af- 
fairs of  the  Dekhan,  by  helping  Salabut  Jung 
again.st  Nizam  All.  In  1701  Salal)ut  Jung  was 
detlironed  and  placed  incouflnement;  and  Nizam 
Ali  asceiuU.'d  the  throne  at  Hyderabad  as  ruler 
of  the  Dekhan.  In  tlie  Carnatic  the  French 
were  in  despair.  In  January,  1700,  Lally  was 
defeated  by  Colonel  Coote  at  Wandiwash,  be- 
tween Maclras  and  Pondiclierry.  Lally  opened 
up  negotiations  with  Hyder  Ali,  who  was  rising 
to  power  in  Mysore;  but  Ilyder  Ali  as  yet  could 
do  little  or  nothing.  At  the  end  of  1700  Colonel 
Coote  began  the  siege  of  Pondiclierry.  Lally 
.  .  .  was  ill  in  health  and  worn  out  with  vexa- 
tion and  fatigue.  The  settlement  was  torn  by 
dissensions.  In  January,  1761,  the  garrison  was 
starved  into  a  capitulation,  and  the  town  and 
fortifications  were  levelled  with  the  ground.  A 
few  weeks  afterwards  the  French  were  compelled 
to  surrender  the  strong  hill-fortress  of  Jingi,  and 
their  military  power  in  the  Carnatic  was  brought 
to  a  close."  On  the  return  of  Count  Lally  to 
France  "he  was  sacrificed  to  save  the  reputation 
of  the  French  ministers.  ...  He  was  tried  by 
the  parliament  of  Paris.  ...  In  May,  1766,  he 
was  condemned  not  only  to  death,  but  to  immedi- 
ate execution." — J.  T.  Wheeler,  Short  Hist,  of 
India,  pt.  3,  ch.  3.— "The  battle  of  Wa  dcwasli. 
.  .  .  though  the  numbers  on  each  side  were  com- 
paratively small,  must  yet  be  classed  amongst 
the  decisive  battles  of  the  world,  for  it  dealt  a 
fatal  and  decisive  blow  to  French  domination  in 
India." — G.  B.  Malleson,  Ilist.  of  the  Dvnch  in 
India,  ch.  12. 

Also  in  :  The  same,  Decisiue  Battlen  of  India, 
ch.  4. 

A.  D.  1767-1769. — The  first  war  with  Hyder 
Ali.—"  At  this  period,  the  main  point  of  interest 
changes  from  the  Presidency  of  Bengal  to  the 
Presidency  of  Madras.  There,  the  English  were 
becoming  involved  in  another  war.  There,  they 
had  now,  for  the  first  time,  to  encounter  tlio  most 
skilful  and  daring  of  all  the  enemies  against 
whom  they  ever  fought  in  India — Ilyder  Ali. 
He  was  of  humble  origin,  the  grandchild  of  a 


a-u 


1719 


INDIA,   1707-1700. 


llyiler  AIL 


INDIA,   177C-1773. 


wandiTing  '  fakir '  or  Miilionicilnn  monk.  Most 
vcrsjililc  in  his  talents,  llydir  wus  iiu  less  lulvcn- 
tiiroiis  in  liis  career;  liy  turns  a  jjHvate  man 
(levdteil  to  sports  of  the  cliuse,  a  captain  of 
free  hooters,  a  partisan cliicf,  a  rel)el  ajiainst  tlic 
Kajali  of  Mysore,  ami  coinnianderin-chief  of  tlie 
Mysoreanarniy.  Of  tliis  last  position  he  availed 
himself  to  dethrone  and  supplant  his  master. 
.  .  .  I'ursuing  his  amhitious  schemes,  Ilyder 
Ali  heeame,  not  merely  the  successor  of  the 
Rajah,  hut  the  founder  of  the  kingdom  of  My- 
sore. From  his  palace  at  Heringapatam,  as  from 
II  centre,  a  new  energy  was  infused  through  the 
whole  of  Southern  India.  By  various  wars  and 
by  the  dispossession  of  several  smaller  princes, 
he  extended  his  frontiers  to  the  northward,  nearly 
to  the  river  Kistna.  His  posts  on  the  coast  of 
Malabar,  JIangalorc  especially,  gave  him  the 
means  of  founding  a  marine;  and  he  applied  him- 
self witli  assiduous  skill  to  train  and  discipline 
Ids  troops  according  to  the  European  models. 
The  English  at  JIadras  were  roused  by  his 
ambiti(m,  without  as  yet  fully  appreciating  his 
genius.  We  find  them  at  the  beginning  of  1707 
engaged,  with  little  care  or  forethought,  in  a  con- 
federacy against  him  with  the  Nizam  and  the 
Mahrattas.  Formidable  as  that  confederacy 
might  seem,  it  was  speedily  dissipated  liy  the 
arts  of  Ilyder.  At  the  very  outset,  a  wi  I  timed 
subsidy  bought  oil  the  Mahrattas.  The  Nizanj 
showed  no  better  faitli ;  he  was  only  more  tardy 
in  his  treason.  He  took  the  field  in  concert  with 
a  body  of  English  commaniled  by  Colonel  Joseph 
Smith,  but  soon  began  to  show  symptoms  of 
defection,  and  at  last  drew  off  his  troops  to  join 
the  army  of  Ilyder.  A  battle  ensued  near  Trin- 
conialee.  in  September,  1707.  Colonel  Smith  had 
i.nder  him  no  more  than  1,500  Europeans  and 
9,000  Sepoys;  while  the  forces  combined  on  tlie 
other  side  were  estimated,  probably  with  much 
exaggeration,  at  70,000  men.  Nevertheless,  Vic- 
tory, as  usual,  declared  for  the  English  cause. 
.  .  .  Our  victory  at  Trincomalee  produced  as  its 
speedy  conse(}nence  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the 
Nizam.  Ilyder  was  .'ft  ahme;  but  even  tints 
proved  fully  a  match  for  the  English  both  of 
Madras  and  of  IJombay.  ...  He  could  not  be 
prevented  from  laying  waste  the  soiitliern  plains 
of  the  t'arnatic,  as  the  territory  of  one  of  the 
staimclicst  allies  of  England,  ^Mahomed  Ali,  the 
Nabob  of  Arcot.  Through  such  ravages,  the 
British  troops  often  underwent  severe  privations. 
.  .  .  At'length,  in  the  spring  of  1709,  Ilyder  Ali 
became  desirous  of  peace,  and  resolved  to  extort 
it  on  favourable  terms.  First,  by  a  dexterous 
feint  he  drew  off  the  British  forces  140  miles  to 
the  southward  of  Madras.  Then  suddenly,  at 
the  head  of  5.000  horsemen,  Ilyder  himself  ap- 
peared at  St.  Thomas's  !Mount,  within  ten  miles 
of  tliat  city.  The  terrilied  Members  of  the  Coun- 
cil already,  in  their  mind's  eye,  saw  their  coim- 
try-houses  given  up  to  plunder  and  to  flame,  and 
■were  little  inclined  to  dispute  vliatever  might  be 
asked  by  an  enemy  so  near  at  hand.  Happily 
his  terms  were  not  high.  A  treaty  was  signecl, 
providing  that  a  mutual  restoration  of  conquests 
should  Uike  place,  and  that  the  contracting  par- 
ties should  agree  to  assist  each  other  in  all  defen- 
sive wars.  In  the  career  of  Ilyder  Ali,  this  was 
by  no  means  the  first,  nor  yet  the  last  occasion, 
on  which  he  showed  himself  sincerely  desirous 
of  alliance  with  the  English.  He  did  not  con- 
ceal the  fact,  that,  in  order  to  maintain  his  power 


and  secure  himself,  he  must  lean  cither  on  them 
or  on  the  JIahratlas.  ...  In  this  war  with 
Ilyder,  the  English  had  lost  no  great  amount  of 
reputation,  and  of  territory  they  had  lost  none  at 
all.  IJutas  regards  their  wealth  and  their  resour- 
ces, they  had  suffered  severely.  Supplies,  both 
of  men  and  of  numey,  had  been  reciuired  from 
Bengal,  to  assist  the  government  at  .Madras;  an(l 
both  had  been  freely  given.  In  conseiiuence  of 
such  a  drain,  there  coidd  not  be  made  the  usual  in- 
vestments in  goods,  nor  yet  the  usual  remittances 
to  England.  Thus  at  the  very  time  when  the  pro- 
prietors of  the  East  India  Company  had  begun 
to  wish  each  other  joy  on  the  great  reforms  ef- 
fected by  Lord  Clive,  and  looked  forward  to  a 
further  increase  of  their  half-yearly  Dividend, 
they  were  told  to  prepare  for  its  reduction.  A 
panic  ensued.  Within  a  few  days,  in  the  spring 
of  17C9,  India  Stock  fell  above  sixty  percent." — 
Lord  >Iahon  (Earl  Stanhope),  JIM.  of  Eikj., 
1713-1783,  ch.  67. 

Also  in:  Mcer  Hussein  Ali  Khan  Kirmani, 
Hist,  of  Ilydtir  Naik,  ch.  1-17.— L.  B.  Bowring, 
Ilaidar  Alt  ami  Tipu  Sultan,  eh.  8. 

A.  D.  1770-1773.— Climax  of  English  mis- 
rule.— Break-down  of  the  East  India  Com- 
oany's  government. — The  Indian  Act  of  Lord 
North. — "  In  1770  Bengal  was  desolated  by  per- 
haps the  most  terrible  of  the  many  terrible  fam- 
ines that  have  darkened  its  history,  and  it  was 
estimated  that  more  than  a  third  part  of  its  inhabi- 
tants perished.  Yet  in  spite  of  all  these  calami- 
tics,  in  spite  of  the  rapidly  accumulating  evi- 
dence of  the  inadeipiacy  of  the  Indian  revenues, 
the  rapacity  of  the  proprietors  at  homo  prevailed, 
and  divide" jds  of  13  and  12^  per  cent.,  as  per- 
mitted by  the  last  Act,  were  declared.  The  re- 
sult of  all  this  could  hardly  be  doubtful.  In 
July,  1772,  the  Directors  were  obliged  to  confess 
that  the  sum  re(|iiired  for  the  necessary  pay- 
ments of  the  next  three  months  was  deficient  to 
the  extent  of  no  less  than  1,293,0001.,  and  in 
August  the  Chairman  and  Deputy  Chairman 
waited  on  the  Minister  to  inform  him  that  nothing 
short  of  a  loan  of  at  least  one  million  from  the 
public  could  save  the  Company  from  ruin.  The 
whole  system  of  Indian  government  liad  thus 
for  a  time  brok(!n  down.  The  division  between 
the  Directors  and  a  large  part  of  the  proprietors, 
and  between  the  authorities  of  the  Company  in 
England  and  those  in  India,  the  private  and 
sellish  interests  of  its  servants  in  India,  and  of  its 
proprietors  at  home,  the  continual  o.scillation  be- 
tween a  policy  of  conquest  and  a  policy  of  trade, 
and  the  great  want  in  the  whole  organiration  of 
any  adequate  power  of  command  and  of  re- 
straint, had  fatally  weakened  the  great  corpora- 
tion. In  England  the  conviction  was  rapidly 
growing  that  the  whoie  system  of  governing  a 
great  country  by  a  commercial  company  was 
radically  and  incurably  false.  .  .  .  Tlie  subject 
was  discussed  in  Parliament,  in  1772,  at  great 
length,  and  with  much  acrimony.  Several  prop- 
ositions were  pu^  forward  by  the  Directors,  but 
rejec*-  '.  \jj  ".  Parliament;  and  Parliament,  un- 
der the  influence  of  Lord  North,  and  in  spite  of 
the  strenuous  and  passionate  opposition  ol  Burke, 
asserted  in  unequivocal  terms  its  right  to  the 
territorial  revenues  of  the  Company.  A  Select 
Committee,  consisting  of  thirty-one  members, 
was  appointed  by  Parliament  to  ina.ce  u  full  in- 
quiry into  the  affairs  of  the  Company.  It  was 
not,  however,  till  1773  that  decisive  measures 


1720 


INDIA,  1770-1773. 


Warren  Iliutingi, 


INDIA,  1773-1785. 


were  taken.  The  Compnny  wii8  at  this  time  ab- 
solutely lielpless.  Lord  North  cominaiided  an 
ovcrwhelniing  niajoril)-  in  both  Houses,  and  on 
Indian  (|Uesti(>ns  lie  was  supported  by  a  portion 
of  tlie  Opposition.  Tlie  Company  was  on  tlie 
l)rink  of  ruin,  unable  to  pay  its  trilnite  to  tlie 
Ooverninent,  unable  to  meet  the  bills  wliieli  were 
becoming  due  in  Bengal.  The  publieation,  in 
1773,  of  the  report  of  the  Seleet  Committee,  re- 
vealed a  scene  of  inaladministralion,  oi)piession, 
and  fraud  which  aroused  a  wide-spread  indigna- 
tion through  England;  and  the  Government  was 
able  without  dilliculty,  in  spite  of  the  provisions 
of  the  charter,  to  exercise  a  complete  controlling 
and  regulating  power  over  the  affairs  of  the 
Company.  ...  By  enormous  majorities  two 
measures  were  passed  through  Parliament  in 
1773,  which  mark  the  commencement  of  a  new 
epoch  in  the  history  of  the  East  India  Company. 
By  one  Act,  the  ministers  met  its  financial  em- 
barrassments by  a  loan  of  1,400,0001.  at  an  in- 
terest of  4  per  ceni.,  and  agreed  to  forego  the 
claim  of  400,0001.  till  this  loan  had  been  dis- 
charged. The  Company  was  restricted  from  de- 
claring any  dividend  above  0  per  cent,  till  the 
new  loan  had  been  discharged,  and  above  7  per 
cent,  till  its  bond-debt  was  reduced  to  1,500,0001. 
It  was  obliged  to  submit  its  accounts  every  half- 
year  to  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury;  it  was  re- 
stricted from  accepting  bills  drawn  by  its  ser- 
vants in  I.;  :.a  for  above  300,0001.  a  year,  and  it 
was  obliged  to  exjxirt  to  the  Britisii  settlements 
within  its  limits  British  goods  of  a  specified 
value.  By  another  Act,  the  whole  constitution 
of  the  Company  was  elianged,  and  tlie  great 
centre  of  authority  and  ])o\ver  was  transferred  to 
the  Crown.  .  .  .  All  the  more  inijiortant  matters 
of  jurisdiction  in  India  were  to  be  submitted  to 
a  new  court,  consisting  of  a  ("hief  Justice  and 
three  puisne  judges  appointed  by  the  Crown.  A 
Governor-General  of  Bengal,  Beliar,  and  Ori.ssa, 
was  to  be  appointed  at  a  salary  of  23,0001.  a  year, 
with  four  Councillors,  atsalariesof  8,0001.  ayear, 
and  the  other  presidencies  were  made  subordi- 
nate to  Bengal.  The  first  Governor-General  and 
Councillors  were  to  be  nominated,  not  by  the 
East  India  Company,  but  bj'  Piirlian  ?nt;  they 
were  to  be  named  in  the  Act,  and  to  hold  their 
ollices  for  five  years;  after  that  period  the  ap- 
pointments reverted  to  the  Directors,  but  were 
subject  to  the  approbation  ol  'he  Crown.  Every- 
thing in  the  Compauy's  correspondence  with 
India  relating  to  civil  and  military  affairs  was  to 
be  laid  before  the  Governiiient.  No  person  in 
the  service  of  the  Xing  or  of  the  Companjnmio-ht 
receive  presents,  and  tlie  Governor-General, The 
Couuc'Uors,  and  the  judges  were  excluded  from 
all  co.nmercial  profits  and  pui-snits.  By  this 
memorable  Act  the  charter  of  the  East  India 
Company  was  completely  subverted,  and  the 
government  of  India  passed  mainly  into  the 
hands  of  the  ministers  of  the  Crown.  The  chief 
management  of  affairs  was  vested  in  persons  in 
whose  appointment  or  removal  the  Company  had 
no  voice  or  share,  who  might  govern  without  its 
approbation  or  sanction,  but  who  nevertheless 
drew,  by  authority  of  an  Act  of  Parliament, 
large  salaries  from  its  cxchectuer.  Such  a 
measure  could  be  justified  only  by  extreme 
necessity  and  by  brilliant  success,  and  it  was  ob- 
viously open  to  the  gravest  objections  from  many 
sides.  .  .  .  Warren  Hastings  wa  J  the  first  Gov- 
ernor-General ;  Barwell,  Claver'ng,  Monsoo,  and 


Philip  Fnincis  were  the  four  ('(nineillors." — 
W.  E.  II.  Lecky,  Jfixl.  of  Eixj.  in  the  \>Mh  Ceii- 
liii-ji,  ch.  13  (c.  3). 

Also  in:  J.  Alill,  lliKt.  of  Dritkh  India,  bk. 
A,  eh.  1)  (r.  3). 

A.  D.  1773-1785.— The  First  English  Gov- 
ernor-General. —  Administratioii  of  Warren 
Hastings. —  Execution  of  Nuncomar. — The 
Rohilla  War.  —  Annexation  of  Benares. — 
Treatment  of  the  Begums  of  Oudh. —  "The 
Governor-General  was  not  at  once  the  i)otenlial 
l)er8onage  he  has  since  become.  The  necessity 
of  ruling  by  a  Dictator  (a  dictator  on  the  spot, 
though  nspcmsible  to  superiors  at  home)  had  not 
yet  become  obvious;  and  the  Governor-General 
had  no  superiority  in  council,  except  the  casting 
vote  in  case  of  an  eepial  divisiim.  Whether  he 
could  govern  or  not  depended  cliiefiy  on  whether 
he  had  a  party  of  two  in  the  council.  Two  out 
of  the  four,  with  his  own  casting  vote,  were 
enough;  and  without  it,  he  was  not  really  gov- 
ernor. This  is  not  the  place  in  which  to  follow 
the  history  of  the  first  general  council  and  its 
factions,  apart  from  the  consetiuences  to  British 
interests.  It  must  suffice  to  say  that  at  the  out- 
set, three  out  of  four  of  the  council  (and  those 
the  new  officials  from  England)  were  opposed  to 
Hastings.  It  has  been  related  that  the  internal 
a<lministration  of  Bengal  under  dive's  '  double 
system  '  was  managed  by  the  Nabolt's  prime- 
minister.  This  functionary  liad  a  salary  of 
100,0001  a  year,  and  enjoyed  a  high  dignity  and 
immense  lower.  One  man  who  aspired  to  hold 
the  office  in  Clive's  time  was  the  great  Hindoo, 
Nuncomar,  .  .  .  eminent  in  Englisli  eyes  for  his 
wealth, and  his  abilities,  and  much  more  in  native 
estimation  for  his  sanctity  as  a  Brahmin,  and 
his  almost  unbounded  social  power.  .  .  .  The 
Jlaharajah  Nuncomar  was  a  great  scoundrel  — 
there  is  no  doubt  of  that ;  and  his  intrigues, 
supported  by  forgeries,  were  so  llagrant  as  to 
l)revent  his  appointment  to  the  premiership 
under  the  Nabob.  Such  vices  were  less  odious 
in  Bengal  than  almost  an vwdiere  else;  but  they 
were  inconvenient,  as  well  as  (lisgustin;^,  to  the 
British;  and  this  was  the  reason  why  Clive  set 
aside  Nuncomar,  and  api)ointed  his  rival  com- 
petitor, Mohammed  Re/a  Khan,  though  he  was 
highly  reluctant  to  place  the  highest  olllce  in 
Bengal  in  the  hands  of  a  Mussulman.  This 
Mussulman  administered  affair.-i  for  seven  years 
before  Hastings  became  Governor-General ;  and 
he  also  had  the  charge  of  the  infant  Nabob,  after 
Surajah  Dowla  died.  AVe  have  seen  how  dis- 
satisfied the  Directors  were  with  the  proceeds  of 
their  Bengal  dominions.  Nuncomar  planted  his 
agents  everywhere;  and  in  London  especially; 
and  these  agents  persuaded  the  Directors  that 
Mohammed  Heza  Khan  was  to  blame  for  their 
diflicultiesand  their  scanty  revenues.  Confident 
in  this  information,  they  sent  secret  orders  to 
Hastings  to  arrest  the  great  Mussulman,  and 
everybody  who  belonged  to  him,  and  to  hear 
what  Nuncomar  had  to  say  against  him."  The 
Governor-General  obeyed  the  order  and  made 
tlic  arrests,  "but  the  Mussulman  minister  was 
not  punished,  and  Nuncomar  hated  Hastings  ac- 
cordingly. He  bided  his  time,  storing  up  ma- 
terials of  accusation  with  which  to  overwhelm 
the  Governor  at  the  first  turn  of  his  fortunes. 
That  turn  was  when  the  majority  of  the  Coun- 
cil were  opposed  to  the  Governor-General, 
and  rendered   him   lielpless   in   his  office;  and 


1721 


INDIA,  1773-178r, 


Wnrreii  HtmtiHftH. 


INDIA,   177;)-17H,'). 


Niincomnr  thon  prcsciitcil  liimsclf,  witli  olTors 
of  cvidciui'  to  prove  all  iimnncr  of  Ircason.s  and 
comipliotis  ajrainsi  llasliiij;s.  Ilasling.s  wan 
liauj,'lity;  the  councils  wire  tcnipestiiDtis,  Ilasl- 
iiifj.t  prepared  to  rcsit'ii,  llioujfh  he  was  aware  that 
the  opinion  of  the  English  in  Hengal  was  willi 
him ;  and  Nunconiar  was  the  greatest  native  in  the 
country,  visited  by  llie  Council,  and  resorted  to 
by  all  his  eountryinen  who  ventured  to  approach 
him.  Foiled  in  the  Council,  Hastings  had  re- 
course to  the  Suiireinn  (.'ourt  [of  which  Sir 
Klijah  Iinjiey  was  the  Chief  .Tusti<'e].  lie  catiscd 
Nuncoinar  to  be  arrested  on  a  charge  brought 
ostensibly  by  a  native  of  liaving  forged  a  bond 
six  years  before.  After  a  long  trial  for  au  of- 
feii.'tr  which  a|)pearcd  very  slight  to  Uengalee 
nati\es  in  those  days,  the  culprit  was  found 
guilty  by  a  jiiry  of  ICnglisbmen,  and  condemned 
to  death  by  the  judges  " — II.  JIartineau,  IJritinh 
liiite  in  India,  eh.  9.— "It  may  perhaps  be  said 
that  no  trial  has  been  so  often  tried  over  again 
by  such  diverse  authorities,  or  in  so  nniny  dif- 
ferent ways,  as  this  celebrated  proceeding. 
During  the  course  of  a  century  it  has  been  made 
the  theme  of  historical,  political,  and  biographi- 
cal discussions ;  all  the  points  have  been  argued 
and  debated  by  great  orators  and  great  lawyers ; 
it  has  formed  the  avowed  basis  of  a  motion  in 
Parliament  to  impeach  the  Chief-.Justice,  and  it 
mtist  have  weighed  heavily,  thoiigh  indirectly, 
with  those  wlio  decided  to  jmpeach  the  Gover- 
nor-General. It  gave  rise  to  rumours  of  a  dark 
and  nefarious  conspiracy  which,  whether  authen- 
tic or  not,  exactly  suited  the  humour  and  the 
rhetoric  of  some  contemporary  English  politi- 
cians. .  .  .  Very  recently  Sir  James  Stephen, 
after  subjecting  the  whole  case  to  exact  scrutiny 
and  the  most  skilful  analysis,  after  examining 
every  document  and  every  fact  bearing  upon 
this  matter  with  anxious  attention,  has  pro- 
nounce<l  judgment  declaring  that  Nuncomar's 
trial  was  perfectly  fair,  that  Hastings  had  nothing 
to  do  with  the  prosecution,  and  that  at  the  time 
there  was  no  sort  of  conspiracy  or  understand- 
ing between  Hastings  and  Impey  in  relation 
to  it.  Nothing  can  be  more  masterly  or  more 
effecti  lan  the  method  employed  by  Sir  James 
Stcphe  M  explode  and  demolish,  by  the  force 
of  a  I.  ..efully-Iaid  train  of  ])roofs,  the  loose 
fabric  of  assertions,  invectives,  and  ill-woven 
demonstrations  upo-i  which  the  enemies  of  Ilas- 
tinjjs  and  Impey  based  and  puslied  forward 
their  attacks,  and  which  have  never  before  been 
so  vigorously  battered  in  reply.  ...  It  may 
be  accepted,  upon  Sir  James  Stephen's  author- 
ity, that  no  evidence  can  be  produced  to  justify 
conclusions  adverse  to  the  innocence  of  Hastings 
ui)on  a  charge  that  1ms  from  its  nature  affected 
the  ])opular  tradition  regarding  liim  far  more 
deeply  than  the  accusations  of  highhanded  op- 
pressive political  transactions,  which  are  little 
Tuiderstood  and  leniently  condemned  by  the  Eng- 
lish at  large.  There  is  really  nothing  to  prove 
that  he  had  anything  to  do  with  the  prose- 
cution, or  that  he  influenced  the  sentence.  .  .  . 
Nevertheless  when  Sir  James  Stephen  under- 
takes to  establish,  by  argument  drawn  from  the 
genenil  motives  of  Imman  action,  the  moral  cer- 
tainty that  Hastings  was  totally  unconnected 
with  the  business,  and  that  the  popular  impres- 
sion against  him  is  utterly  wrong,  his  demonstra- 
tion is  necessarily  less  conclusive.  ...  On  the 
whole  there  is  no  i-vason  wliatever  to  dissent  from 


Pitt's  view,  who  treated  the  accusation  of  a  con- 
spiracy between  Impey  and  Hastings  for  the 
purpose  of  destroying  IS'uni'omar,  as  destitute  of 
any  slwulow  of'  solid  proof.  ^Vhether  Hastings, 
when  Nuncoinar  openly  tried  to  ruin  him  by 
false  and  malignant  aceu.salions,  became  aware 
and  made  use  in  self-definiee  of  the  fact  that  bis 
accuser  had  rendered  him.self  lial)le  to  a  prose- 
cution for  forgery,  is  a  different  question,  upon 
which  also  no  evidence  exists  or  is  likely  to  be 
forthcoming." — Sir  A.  Lyall,  Warren  Jfastini/n, 
rh.  ;!. — "James  Mill  says,  'No  transaction  per- 
haps of  his  whole  admiuistralioii  more  deeply 
tainted  the  reputation  of  Hastings  than  the 
tragedy  of  Nuncomar.'  A  similar  remark  wa.s 
tnade  by  William  Wilberforce.  The  most  promi- 
nent part  too  in  Nuncomar's  story  is  played  by 
Sir  Elijah  Impey.  .  .  .  Imi)ey,  m  the  present 
day,  is  known  to  English  people  in  general  only 
by  the  terrible  attack  made  upon  him  by  Lord 
Jt'icaulay,  in  his  essay  on  Warren  Hastings.  It 
stigmatLses  liim  as  one  of  the  vilest  of  mankind. 
'  No  other  such  judge  has  dishonoured  the  Eng- 
lish ermine  since  Jclleries  drank  liimself  to  death 
in  the  Tower.'  '  Impey,  sitting  as  a  judge,  put 
a  man  unjustly  to  death,  in  order  to  serve  a  po- 
litical purpose."  'The  time  had  come  when  he 
was  to  be  stripped  of  that  robe  which  he  had  so 
foully  dishonoured. '  These  dreadful  accusations 
1,  upon  the  fidlest  consideration  of  the  whole 
sul)ject,  and,  in  particular,  of  much  evidence 
which  Macaulay  seems  to  me  never  to  have  seen, 
believe  to  be  wholly  unjust.  For  Macaulay 
himself  I  have  an  affectionate  admiration.  lie 
was  my  own  friend,  and  my  father's,  and  my 
grandfather's  friend  also,  and  there  are  few  in- 
junctions which  I  am  more  disjjosed  to  observe 
than  the  one  which  bids  us  not  to  forget  sucli 
persons.  I  was,  moreover,  his  successor  in  office, 
and  am  better  able  than  most  persons  to  appreci- 
ate the  splendour  of  the  services  which  he  ren- 
dered to  India.  Tliese  considerations  make  me 
anxious  if  I  can  to  repair  a  wrong  done  l)y  him, 
not  intentionally,  for  there  never  was  a  liinder- 
hearted  man,  but  because  lie  adopted  on  insuffi- 
cient grounds  the  traditional  hatred  which  the 
Whigs  bore  to  Impey,  and  also  because  bis  mar- 
vellous ])ower  of  stylo  blinded  him  to  tlie  elfect 
wliicli  his  language  produced.  He  did  not  know 
his  own  strength,  and  was  probably  not  aware  that 
a  few  sentences  v.iiich  came  from  him  with  little 
effort  were  enough  to  brand  a  ninu's  name  with 
almost  indelible  infamy.  .  .  .  My  own  opinion 
is  that  no  man  ever  had,  or  could  have,  a  fairer 
trial  than  Nuncomar,  and  that  Impey  in  particu- 
lar liehaved  with  absolute  fairness  and  as  much 
indulgence  ns  was  compatible  with  his  duty.  In 
his  defence  at  the  bar  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
he  said,  '  Conscious  as  I  am  how  much  it  was  my 
intention  to  favour  the  prisoner  in  everything 
that  was  consistent  with  justice;  wishing  as  1 
did  that  the  facts  might  turn  out  favourable  for 
an  accjuittal ;  it  lias  appeared  most  wonderful  t« 
me  that  the  execution  of  my  purpose  has  so  far 
differed  from  my  intentions  that  any  ingenuity 
could  form  an  objection  to  my  person;-.'  conduct 
as  bearing  hard  on  the  i)risouer.'  My  own  ear- 
nest study  of  the  trial  has  led  me  to  the  conviction 
that  every  word  of  this  is  absolutely  true  and 
just.  Indeed,  the  first  matter  which  directed 
my  attention  to  the  subject  was  the  glaring  con- 
trast between  Impey's  conduct  as  described  in 
the  State  Trials  and  his  character  as  described 


1722 


INDIA,  1773-178B. 


W'orrt  n  lltintimjK, 


INDIA,  ITTS-lTSfl. 


by  Lonl  Miirnulay.  Tlicro  is  nut  a  word  in  liis 
Huniiiiiiig-up  of  wliicli  I  sliouiil  have  brcn 
aHliiiinud  liail  I  Kiiiil  it  inyKcIf,  and  all  my  Ktudy 
of  tlio  case  lias  not  suggcstL'd  to  mc  a  sinjjlc  ob- 
servation in  Nuncomar's  favour  wliidi  is  not 
noti  c'd  l)y  Iinpcy.  As  to  tlie  verdict,  I  tliirdi 
tliat  tliere  was  ample  evidence  to  support  it. 
Wlietlier  it  was  in  fact  correct  is  a  point  on 
widcli  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  give  an  unciuali- 
lied  opinion,  as  it  is  of  course  impossible  now  to 
judge  decidedly  of  tlie  credit  due  to  the  wit- 
nesses, and  as  1  do  not  understand  some  part  of 
the  exhibits." — J.  F.  Stephen,  T/ie  Sinn/  ojW'uii- 
coiimv,  pp.  2-3,  180-187.  —  "Sir  Jolm  Strachey, 
in  his  work  on  Hastings  and  tlie  Holiilla  War, 
examines  in  detJiil  one  of  th<!  chief  charges 
made  against  the  conduct  of  Warren  Hastings 
while  Governor-General.  TIio  Kohilla  charge 
was  (Ir-^ppod  by  Burke  and  tlie  managers,  and 
was  tl  'n^forc  not  one  of  the  issues  tried  at  the 
impt  liment;  but  it  was,  in  spite  of  this  fact, 
one  ot  the  main  accusations  urged  against  the 
Governor-General  in  Macaulay's  famous  essay. 
Macaulay,  following  James  Mill,  acciKses  Warren 
Hastings  of  liaving  hired  out  an  Engli.sh  army 
to  exterminate  what  Burke  called  'the  bravest, 
the  most  honourable  and  generous  nation  on 
earth.'  According  to  JIacaulay,  the  Vizier  of 
Otidh  coveted  the  Uohilla  country,  but  was  not 
strong  enough  to  take  it  for  himself.  Accord- 
ingly, he  paid  down  forty  lakhs  of  rupees  to 
Hastings,  on  condition  that  the  latter  should 
help  to  strike  down  and  seize  his  prey.  ...  Sir 
Jolm  Strachey  .  .  .  shows  beyond  a  shadow  ot 
doubt  that  the  whole  story  is  a  delu.sion.  .  .  . 
'The  English  army  was  not  hired  out  by  Has- 
tings for  the  destruction  of  the  Uohillas;  the  Ho- 
liillas,  described  by  Burke  as  belonging  to  the 
bravest,  the  most  honourable  and  generous  na- 
tion on  earth,  were  no  nation  at  all,  Iiut  a  com- 
paratively small  body  of  cruel  and  rapacious 
Afghan  adventurers,  who  had  imposed  their  for- 
eign rule  on  an  unwilling  Hindoo  population; 
and  the  story  of  their  destruction  is  fictitious.' 
.  .  .  The  north-west  angle  of  the  great  strip  of 
plain  which  follows  the  course  of  the  Ganges 
was  possessed  by  a  clan  which  fifty  years  before 
had  been  a  mere  band  of  Afghan  mercenaries, 
but  which  was  now  beginning  to  settle  down  as 
a  dominant  governing  class,  living  among  a  vastly 
more  numerous  subject-population  of  Ilindoos. 
This  country  was  Uohilkhand,  the  warrior-horde 
the  Ilohillus.  It  must  never  be  forgotten  that 
the  Rohillas  were  no  more  the  inhabitants  of 
Rohilkhand  than  were  the  Normans  fifty  years 
after  the  Conquest  the  inhabitants  of  England. 
.  .  .  But  the  fact  that  the  corner  of  wliat  geo- 
graphically was  our  barrier-State  was  held  by 
the  Uohillas,  made  it  necessary  for  us  to  keep 
liohilklianil  as  well  as  Oudh  free  from  the  Mah- 
rattas.  Hence  it  became  the  key-note  of  Warren 
Hastings'  policy  to  help  both  the  Boliillas  and 
the  Vizier  [of  Oudh]  to  maintain  their  indepen- 
dence against  the  AlahrattJis.  In  the  year  1773, 
however,  the  Slahrattas  succeeded  in  crossing 
the  Gania;cs,  in  getting  into  Uohilkhand,  and  in 
tlireatemng  the  Province  of  Oudh.  .  .  .  Has- 
tings encouraged  the  Vizier  and  the  Uohilla 
ciiiefs  to  make  an  alliance,  under  which  the 
Rohillas  were  to  be  reinstated  in  their  country 
by  aid  of  the  Vizier,  the  Vizier  obtaining  for 
such  assistance  forty  lakhs, —  that  is,  he  coupled 
the  Rohillas  and  the  Vizier,  for  defence  purposes, 


into  one  barrier- State.  ...  If  the  Rohillas  had 
observed  this  treaty,  all  might  have  been  well. 
Unhappily  for  them,  they  could  not  resist  tlu^ 
temptation  to  brciik  faith."  Tlicy  joined  the 
Malirattas  against  Oudh.  and  it  was  after  this 
had  occurred  twice  that  Hastings  lent  assistance 
to  the  Vizier  in  e.xpcllliig  them  from  RoliilUhand. 
"IiKSteud  of  exterminating  the  KoliiUas,  Ik- 
helped  make  a  warrior-clan,  but  one  generation 
removed  from  a  '  free  coinpiinv,'  recross  the 
Ganges  and  release  from  their  grip  the  land  they 
had  concpiered." — 77ie  Sjiectittor,  April  2,  181)2. 
— Sir  John  Strachey,  Jfdxtiiir/iKtnd  tlir  {{o/iiWin. — 
"The  year  17H1  opened  for  Hastings  on  a  trouliled 
sea  of  dangers,  dilllculties.  and  distress.  Hai- 
dar  All  was  raging  in  the  Carnatic,  (ioddard  and 
Camae  were  .still  lighting  the  .Maratlias,  and 
French  tleets  were  cruising  in  the  Hay  of  Bengal. 
...  It  was  no  time  for  standing  upon  tritles. 
Money  must  be  raised  somehow,  if  British  India 
was  to  be  saved.  Among  other  sources  of  sup- 
ply, he  turned  to  the  Uajali  of  Baiiaras  [or  Ben- 
arcs].  Cliait  Singh  was  the  grandson  of  an 
adventurer,  who  had  ousted  his  own  patron  and 
protector  from  the  lordship  of  the  district  so 
named.  In  1770,  his  fief  had  been  transferred 
by  treaty  frcmi  the  Nawali  of  Oudh  to  the  Com- 
jiany.  As  a  vassal  of  tlie  Company  he  was 
tioimd  to  aid  them  with  men  and  money  in  times 
of  .special  need.  Five  laklisof  rupees — .t'.")0,000 
—  and  two  thousand  horse  was  the  quota  which 
Hastings  had  demanded  of  him  in  1780.  In 
spite  of  the  revenue  of  half-a-million,  of  the 
great  wealth  stored  up  in  his  private  coffers,  and 
of  the  splendid  show  which  he  always  made  in 
public,  the  l{ajah  pleaded  poverty,  and  put  ofl 
compliance  with  the  demands  of  his  liege  lor<l. 
.  .  .  Chait  Singh  had  repeatedly  delayed  the 
liayment  of  his  ordinary  tribute;  iiis  body-guard 
alone  was  larger  than  the  force  which  Hastings 
re(iuired  of  liim;  he  was  enrolling  troops  for 
•some  warlike  purpose,  and  Hastings'  agents  ac- 
cused him  of  .secret  plottings  with  the  Oudh 
Beganis  at  Faizabad.  .  .  .  Tlie  Uajali,  in  fact, 
like  a  shrewd,  self-seeking  Hindu,  was  waiting 
upon  circumstances,  wliicli  at  that  time  boded  ill 
for  his  English  neighbours.  The  JIaratlias,  the 
Prencii,  or  some  other  power  might  yet  relieve 
him  from  the  yoke  of  a  ruler  who  restrained  his 
ambition,  and  lectured  him  on  the  duty  of  preserv- 
ing law  and  order  among  his  own  subjects.  .  .  . 
It  lias  often  lieen  argued  that,  in  liis  stern  deal- 
ings with  the  Uajah  of  Baiuiras,  Hastings  was 
impelled  by  malice  and  a  desire  for  revenge. 
But  the  subseii\ient  verdict  ot  the  House  of 
Ijords  on  this  point,  justifies  itself  to  all  who 
have  carefully  followed  the  facts  of  his  life.  .  .  . 
As  a  matter  of  policy,  he  determined  to  make  an 
example  of  a  contumacious  vassal,  whose  con- 
duct in  that  hour  of  need  added  a  new  danger 
to  those  which  surrounded  the  English  in  India. 
A  heavy  fine  would  teach  the  Uajah  to  obey 
orders,  and  help  betimes  to  fill  his  own  treasury 
with  the  sinews  of  war.  .  .  .  (,'hait  Singh  hud 
already  tried  upon  the  Governor-General  tliosi- 
arts  which  in  Ea.stern  countries  people  (jf  all 
classes  employ  against  each  other  wit  liout  a  tilusli. 
He  had  sent  Hastings  a  peace-oflering  of  two 
lakhs  —  £20,000.  Hastings  took  the  money,  but 
reserved  it  for  the  Company's  usi:.  Presently 
he  received  an  oiler  of  twenty  lakhs  for  the  pub- 
lic service.  But  Hastings  was  in  no  mood  for 
further  compromise  in  evasion  ot   his   former 


3  723 


mniA,  i77«-n8r). 


W'ltrren  ffiistimjH. 


INDIA.   1780-1783. 


(|pnmiiil8.  If(;  would  Ix'siitisllcil  with  iiotliiiig  less 
tliiin  Imlf  II  iiiillioii  in  (iiiillaiiif  of  iili  ilucs.  In 
July,  I7H1,  lie  «rt  out.  Willi  Wlii'clcr'H  concur- 
Kiuv.,  for  till!  Uajiiirs  Ciiiiital.  .  .  .  Triiv<'ling, 
lis  lie  preferred  to  do.  willi  ii  Hiimll  escort  iiixl  iin 
lltllo  lianide  as  i)0.ssil)le,  lie  arrived  on  llie  Kitli 
August  at  tlie  populous  anil  stately  eity.  .  .  . 
On  his  way  thither,  at  Haxiir,  the  reciisiini  Kajali 
had  conie  to  meet  him,  with  a  liiiKi'  retinue,  in 
tlie  hope  of  sofleninf;  tlie  heart  of  tliejrreat  lioril 
Saliil).  lie  even  laid  Iiis  turban  on  Hastings' 
lap.  .  .  .  Witli  the  liaufilitiness  of  an  ancient 
Uomiin.  I  last  ings  declined  Ids  prayer  for  a  pri- 
vate interview.  On  tin:  dny  after  his  arrival  at 
Haimras.  tlie  (iovernor-General  forwarded  to 
Cliait  Sinj^h  a  paper  stating  the  grounds  of  com- 
plaint agaiii.st  him,  and  demanding  an  explana- 
tion on  each  point.  The  Uiijah's  answer  seemed 
to  Hastings  'so  ollcusivc  in  style  and  unsatisfac- 
tory in  Huh.stiitice ; '  it  was  full,  in  fact,  of  such 
transparent,  or,  as  Lord  Thurlow  afterwards 
called  them.  '  impudent '  falsehoods,  that  the 
Governor-deneral  issued  orders  for  placing  the 
Uajah  under  arrest.  Kaily  the  next  morning, 
Chait  Singh  was  (itiietly  arrested  in  his  own  pal- 
ace. .  .  .  Jleanwliile  his  armed  retainers  were 
Hocking  into  tlie  city  from  his  strong  castle  of 
Hamnagar,  on  the  opjiosite  bank.  Mixing  with 
tiic  jiopulace,  they  provoked  a  tuimilt,  in  which 
the  two  companies  of  Sepoys  guarding  the  jiris- 
oner  were  cut  to  pieces.  With  unloaded  muskets 
and  empty  pouches — for  the  ammunilion  had 
been  forgotten  —  the  poor  iniii  fell  like  sheep 
Ixjfore  their  butchers.  Two  more  (!omi)anies,  in 
marching  to  their  aid  through  the  narrow  streets, 
were  nearly  anniliilated.  During  the  tumult 
Chait  Siiigii  iiuietly  slipped  out  of  the  palace, 
dropped  by  a  rope  of  turbans  into  a  boat  be- 
neath, and  crossed  in  safety  to  Kamnagar.  .  .  . 
If  ('bait  Singh's  followers  had  not  shared  betimes 
their  master's  (light  acnxss  the  river,  Ila.stings. 
with  his  band  of  thirty  Englishivicn  and  fifty 
Sepoys,  might  have  paid  very  dearly  for  the 
sudden  mLscarriage  of  his  plans.  But  the  rab- 
ble of  Uaiiaras  had  no  leader,  and  troops  from 
the  nearest  garrisons  were  already  marching  to 
the  rescue.  .  .  .  Among  the  first  wlio  reached 
him  was  the  gallant  Popham,  bringing  with  him 
several  htmdred  of  his  own  Sepoys.  .  .  .  The 
boginiung  of  September  found  Popham  strong 
enough  to  open  a  campaign,  which  speedily 
avenged  the  slaughters  at  Banaras  and  IJamna- 
gar,  and  carried  Hastings  back  into  the  full 
stream  of  richly -earned  success.  .  .  .  The  cap- 
ture of  Bijigarh  on  the  \{,^\  November,  closed 
the  brief  but  brilliant  campaign.  The  booty, 
amounting  to  £400,000,  was  at  once  divided 
among  the  captors ;  and  Hastings  lost  his  only 
chance  of  replenishing  his  treasury  at  the  ex- 
pense of  Chait  Singh.  lie  consoleil  himself  and 
improved  the  Company's  finances,  by  bestowing 
the  rebel's  forfeit  lordship  on  his  nephew,  and 
doubling  the  tribute  hitherto  exacted.  He  was 
more  successful  in  accomplishing  another  object 
of  his  journey  up  the  country. "— L.  J.  Trotter. 
Warren  llastings,  ch.  6. — "It  is  certain  . 
that  Chait  Singh's  rebellion  was  largely  aideil 
the  Begums  or  Prince.sses  of  Faizabad.  On  this 
point  the  evidence  contained  in  Mr.  Forrest's 
volumes  ['Selections  from  Letters,  Despatches 
and  other  State  Papers  in  the  Foreign  Depar' 
ment  of  the  Government  of  India,'  cd.  by  G.  W 
Forrest]  leaves  no  shadow  of  reusouable  doubt. 


In  plain  truth,  the  Begums,  through  their  Minis 
ters,  the  eunuchs,  had  levied  war  both  against 
the  Company  and  their  own  kinsmen  and  ma.stcr, 
the  new  Wazir  of  Oudn.  Some  years  before, 
when  the  Francis  faction  ruled  in  Calcutta,  tlies*' 
ladies,  the  widow  and  the  mother  of  Shuja,  had 
joineil  with  the  British  Agent  in  robbing  the 
new  Wazir,  Asaf-iid-daula,  of  nearlv  all  the  rich 
treasure  which  his  father  had  storeit  up  in  Faiza- 
bad. Hustings  .solemnly  ])ri)testccl  ngiiinst  ii 
tran.sactioii  which  he  was  powerless  to  prevent. 
The  Begums  kept  their  hold  upon  the  treasure, 
and  their  .Iiighirs.  or  military  liefs.  wlii(!h  ought 
by  rights  to  have  lapsed  to  the  new  Wazir. 
Meanwiiile  Asaf-ud-daula  had  to  govern  as  he 
best  cotild,  with  an  empty  treasury,  and  an  ar- 
my mutinous  for  ariiiirs  of  pay.  At  last,  with 
the  supiiression  of  thi'  Benares  revolt,  it  .sei'ined 
to  Hastings  and  the  Wazir  that  the  time  had 
come  for  resuming  the  .laghirs,  and  nuiking  the 
Begums  disgorge  their  ill-gotten  wealth.  In  ac- 
cordance with  the  Treaty  of  Chunar,  both  thes)! 
objects  were  carried  out  by  the  Wnzir's  orders, 
with  just  enough  of  compulsion  to  give  Hastings' 
enemies  a  liandle  for  the  slanders  and  misrepre- 
sentations which  lent  so  cruel  a  point  to  Sheri- 
dan's dazzling  oratory,  and  to  one  of  the  most 
scathing  passages  in  Macaulay's  most  popular 
essay.  Tliere  are  some  points,  no  doubt,  in 
Hastings'  character  and  career  about  which  hon- 
est men  may  still  hold  dilTerent  opinions.  But 
on  all  the  weightier  i^isues  here  mentioned  there 
ought  to  be  no  room  for  further  controversy.  It 
is  no  longer  po.ssible  to  contend,  for  instance, 
that  Hastings  agreed,  for  a  handsome  bribe,  to 
help  in  exterminating  tlie  innocent  people  of 
Hohilkhand;  that  he  iirompted  Impey  to  murder 
Naiid-Kumar;  that  any  desire  for  plunder  led 
him  to  fasten  a  ipiarrel  upon  Chait  Singh;  or 
that  he  engaged  with  the  Oudh  Wazir  in  a  plot 
to  rob  the  Wazir's  own  mother  of  vast  property 
secured  to  her  under  a  solemn  compact,  '  for- 
mally guariuiteed  by  the  Go vernmcnt  of  Bengal. ' " 
— L.  J.  Trotter,  Warren  IlaMingit  and  his  Libel-, 
hrs  (Westminster  liev. ,  jl/iireA,  1801). 

Ai.so  IN ;  W.  M.  Torrens,  Empire  in  Asia : 
How  we  came  hy  it,  eh.  7-11. — H.  E.  Bu.steed, 
Echoes  from  Old  Calcutta.— G.  W.  Forrest,  The 
Administration  of  Warren  Hastings. — G.  R. 
Gleig,  Afemmrs  of  Warren  Hastings,  v.  1.  ch.  8- 
14,  and  >\  2. 

A.  D.  1780-1783. — The  second  war  with 
Hyder  Ali  (Second  Mysore  War). — "The  bril-. 
liant  successes  obtained  by  the  English  over  the 
French  in  Hindostan  at  the  beginning  of  the  war 
had  made  all  direct  competition  between  the  two 
nations  in  that  country  impossible,  but  it  wjis 
still  in  the  power  of  the  French  to  stimulate  the 
hostility  of  the  native  princes,  and  the  ablest  of 
all  these,  Hyder  Ali,  the  great  ruler  of  Mysore, 
was  once  more  in  the  field.  Since  his  triumph 
over  the  English,  in  1769,  he  had  acquired  much 
additional  territory  from  the  JIahrattns.  He  had 
immeuscly  strengthened  his  military  forces,  both 
in  numbers  and  tliscipline.  .  .  .  For  some  years 
be  showed  no  wish  to  quarrel  with  the  English, 
but  when  a  Mahnitta  chief  invaded  his  tcrritxiry 
they  refused  to  give  him  the  assistance  they  were 
botmd  by  the  express  terms  of  the  treaty  of 
1769  to  alford.  they  rejected  or  evaded  more  than 
one  subsequent  proposal  of  alliance,  and  they 
pursued  a  native  policy  in  some  instances  hos- 
tile to  his  interest.    As  a  great  native  sovereign. 


1724 


INDIA,  1780-1788. 


Ilytft'r  All,  nfptin. 


INDIA.  1780-1783. 


loo,  ho  Imd  no  wish  to  sec  Iho  l)ali»ncr  of  power 
C8tnl)liHlu'(l  l)y  till)  rivalry  bclwciii  lliu  liritisli 
nnd  Fri'iicli  destroyed.  .  .  .  Mysore  was  swarm- 
ing witli  I'Vpiu'Ii  ndventiirers.  Tlic  condition  of 
Europe  inii(ie  it  seiireely  i)ossil)le  tliat  KiiRland 
could  svud  liny  fresli  forces,  and  llyder  Ali  liad 
Aequire(i  a  .strengtli  wlneh  appeareil  irresistililc. 
Ominous  rumours  passeti  over  tlie  land  towards 
the  close  of  1770,  but  they  wen;  little  heeded, 
and  no  serious  preparations  had  been  made,  when 
in  .Inly,  1780,  the  storm  .suddenly  hurst.  At  the 
head  (if  an  army  of  at  least  9(),0()0  men,  inelud- 
ing  ;tO, 001)  horsemen,  100  cannon,  many  European 
omeers  and  .soldiers,  and  crowds  of  (h'sperate 
adventurers  from  all  parts  of  Iialia,  IIy<ler  Ali 
descended  upon  the  C'arnatie  and  devastated  a 
vast  tract  of  country  round  Atadras.  Many  forts 
and  towns  were  inv<'sted,  captured,  or  surren- 
dered. The  Nabob  and  some  of  his  i)rincipal 
otlicers  acted  with  gross  treachery  or  cowardice, 
and  in  spite  of  the  devastations  native  sym- 
pathies were  strongly  with  the  invaders.  .  .  . 
Madras  was  for  a  time  in  inuninent  danger.  A 
few  forts  eomnianded  by  IJritish  olHcers  held  out 
valiantly,  hut  the  Knglish  had  only  two  ci.'i- 
siderahle  bodies  of  men,  commanded  respectively 
by  Colonel  Haillie  and  by  Sir  Hector  Monro,  in 
the  lield.  They  endeavoured  to  elTeet  a  junction, 
hut  llyder  succeeded  in  attacking  .sei)arately  the 
small  army  of  Colonel  Haillie,  consisting  of  rather 
more  than  3,700  men,  and  it  was  totally  defeated 
[September  ID],  2,000  men  being  left  on  the  field. 
Jlnnro  onlj*  saved  himself  from  a  similar  fate 
hy  a  rajiid  retreat,  abandoning  his  baggage,  and 
much  <if  his  ammunition.  Arcot,  which  was  the 
capital  of  the  Nabob,  and  which  contained  vast 
military  stores,  was  besieged  for  six  weeks,  and 
surrendered  in  tlie  beginnmg  of  November.  Ve- 
lore,  Wandewash,  Pcrmacoil,  and  Chingliput, 
four  of  tlic  chief  strongholds  in  the  C'arnatie, 
wen;  invested.  A  French  fleet  with  French 
troops  was  daily  expected,  and  it  appeared  al- 
most certain  that  the  British  power  would  be 
extinguislied  in  Madras,  if  not  in  the  whole  of 
Hindostan.  It  was  saved  by  the  energy  of  the 
Governor-General,  Warren  Hastings,  who,  by 
extraordinary  efforts,  collected  a  large  body  of 
Sepoys  nnd  a  few  Europeans  in  Bengal,  and  sent 
them  with  great  rapidity  to  Madras,  under  the 
conunand  of  Sir  Eyre  Coote,  who  had  proved 
himself  twenty  years  before  scarcely  second  in 
military  genius  to  Clive  himself.  I  do  not  pro- 
pose to  relate  in  detail  the  long  and  tangled  story 
of  the  war  that  followed.  ...  It  is  siilHeient  to 
say  that  (Joote  soon  found  himself  at  the  head  of 
about  7,300  men,  of  whom  1.400  were  Europeans ; 
that  he  succeeded  in  relieving  Wandewash,  and 
obliging  llyder  Ali  to  abandon  for  the  present 
the  siege  of  Velore;  that  the  French  fleet,  which 
arrived  off  the  coast  in  January,  1781,  was  found 
to  contain  ijo  troops,  and  that  on  .July  1,  1781, 
Coote,  with  an  army  of  about  8,000  men,  totally 
defeated  forces  at  least  eight  times  as  numerous, 
commanded  by  llyder  himself,  in  the  great  battle 
of  Portp  Novo.  .  .  .  The  war  raged  over  the  Car- 
natic,  overTanjore,in  the  Dutch  settlements  to  the 
south  of  Tanjore,  on  the  opposite  Malabar  const, 
and  on  the  coast  of  Ueylon,  while  at  the  same 
time  another  and  independent  struggle  was  pro- 
ceeding witli  the  Mahrattas.  .  .  .  The  coffers  at 
Calcutta  were  nearly  empty,  and  it  was  in  order 
to  replenish  them  that  II;»stings  committed  some 
of  the  actg  which  were  afterwards  the  subjects 


of  his  impeachment.  .  .  .  By  the  skill  and  dar- 
Ing  of  a  few  able  men.  of  whom  Hastings,  Coote, 
.Monro,  and  Lord  .Miiiartney  were  the  most  prom- 
inent, the  storm  was  weathereil.  Hyder  .Ml 
died  in  December,  17H2,  about  four  months  be- 
fore .Sir  Eyre  ('oot<'.  The  peace  of  1782  with- 
drew France  and  Holland  from  the  contest,  and 
towards  the  close  of  178;t,  Tippoo,  the  son  of 
Hyder  Ali,  consentiil  to  negotiate  a  peace, whicli 
was  signed  in  the  following  March.  Its  terms 
weri!  a  mutual  restoration  of  all  con()Uest.s,  and 
in  this,  as  in  so  many  other  great  wars,  neUher 
of  the  contending  i)arties  gained  a  single  ad- 
vantage by  all  llie  bloodshed,  the  expenditure, 
the  desolation,  and  the  niis<'ry  of  a  struggle  of 
nearly  four  years." — \V.  E.  H.  I,e<'kv,  Jlint. 
of  thill.  '■'«  ''»•  11^"'  ('<>itun/.  eh.  11  (i:  .')).— 
"The  centre  and  heart  of  the  English  power  lay 
in  Bengal,  which  the  war  never  reached  at  all, 
and  which  was  governed  by  a  man  of  rare  talent 
and  organizing  capacity.  No  Anglo-Indian 
government  of  that  time  could  carry  on  a  eiun- 
ljaign  by  war  loans,  as  in  Europe;  the  cost  hail 
to  be  provided  out  of  reveinie,  or  by  riMpiiring 
subsidies  from  allied  native  rulers;  and  it  was 
Bengal  that  furnished  not  only  the  money  and 
the  men,  but  also  the  chief  political  direction 
and  military  leadership  which  surmounted  Uio 
dillieulties  and  repaired  the  calamities  of  the 
English  in  tlie  western  and  .southern  Presiden- 
cies. And  wlien  at  last  tlie  Marathas  made 
peace,  when  Hyder  Ali  died,  and  Suilren,  with 
all  his  courage'  and  genius,  eouM  not  master  tlio 
Englisli  fleet  in  the  Bay  of  Bengal,  there  could 
bo  no  doubt  that  th(^  war  had  proved  the  strength 
of  the  English  position  in  India,  had  tested  the 
firmness  of  its  foundation.  .  .  .  With  i\u'.  termi- 
nation of  this  war  ended  the  only  period  in  the 
hmg  contest  between  England  and  the  native 
powers,  during  whieli  our  jiosition  in  India  was 
for  a  time  seriously  jeoparded.  That  the  Eng- 
lisli dominion  emerged  from  this  prolonged 
struggle  uninjured,  though  not  unshaken,  is  a 
result  due  to  the  political  intrepidity  of  Warren 
Hastings.  .  .  .  Hastings  had  no  aristocratic  con- 
nexions or  parliamentary  influence  at  a  time 
when  th(!  great  families  and  tlie  House  of  Com- 
mons held  immense  power;  he  was  .surrounded 
by  enemies  in  his  own  Council;  and  his  immedi- 
ate masters,  the  East  India  Company,  gave  him 
very  fluctuating  support.  Fiercely  opjiosed  by 
his  own  colleagues,  and  very  ill  obeyed  by  the 
subordinate  Presidencies,  he  had  to  maintain  the 
Company's  comiuereial  establishments,  and  at 
the  .same  time  to  finil  money  for  carrying  on  dis- 
tant and  impolitic~wars  in  whieli  he  had  been 
involved  by  blunders  at  Madras  or  Bombay. 
These  funds  he  had  been  expected  to  provide 
out  of  current  revenues,  after  buying  and  des- 
patching the  merchandise  on  which  the  com- 
pany's home  dividends  depended;  for  the  re- 
source of  raising  public  loans,  so  freely  used  in 
England,  was  not  available  to  him.  He  was 
thus  inevitably  driven  to  the  financial  transac- 
tions, at  Benares  and  Lucknow,  that  were  now  so 
bitterly  stigmatized  as  crimes  by  men  who  made 
no  allowance  for  a  perilous  situation  in  a  dis- 
tant land,  or  for  the  weiglit  of  enormous  national 
interests  committed  to  the  cliarge  of  the  one  man 
capable  of  sustaining  them.  When  the  storm 
had  blow  >  over  in  India,  and  lie  had  piloted 
his  vessel  into  calm  water,  he  was  sacrificed 
witli  little  or  no  hesitation  to  party  exigencies 


1725 


INDIA.   17K0-nH:t. 


TiitiHii)  Saih. 


INDIA,  1785-1708. 


In  KriKlunil;  llic  Ministry  would  Imvc  rccallfil 
liiiii;  llii'V  coimi'iilcil  to  fiis  liii|i('iii'liiiii'ril :  tlicy 
Icft  lilmlo  Im'  tiuilcd  by  till'  (»|i|Misllic)ii  mill  to 
Ih'  niliird  l)V  till'  liiw's  (Irliiv,  l>y  H"'  ilKTudHilc 
linpcriiHtiiiulidii  and  Ilic  (iliwilctc  fdrniiditlcs  of  a 
Ki'vcn  years'  trial  Ix'forc  llit'  llcnisr  iif  Lords.  "— 
Hir  A.'  Lyali,  Itinf  of  llic  llritinh  Dnmiiiinn  in 
liiiliii,  di.  1 1,  Hid.  'i. 

Also  I.N:  .Mccr  Iluswin  All  Kliaii  Kirinaiil, 
Iliiil.  iif  Ujidiir  Siiik,  cli.  ^7-1)1.— (J.  11.  Mallcsoii, 
/li'iHi'i;,  I'liilHiHof  lnili(i,eh.  H.  — I,.  ».  JJowring, 
llnidiir  Ati  mill  Ti/m  Siiltiin,  r/i.  l4-\'). 

A.  D.  1785-1793,— State  of  India.— Extent 
of  English  rule— Administration  of  Lord 
Cornwallis. — War  with  Tippoo  Saib  (Third 
Mysore  Wan.  —The  "  Permanent  Settlement  " 
of  Land  Revenue  in  Bengal,  and  its  fruit. — 
•  Wlicti  Warren  llastinns  left  India,  tlie  Moftiil 
Kiii[)ire  was  Riiiiply  the  phaiitoni  of  u  name. 
Tlie  warlike  tribes  of  tlio  north-west,  Siklis, 
Rajpoots.  ,Iats,  were  heneeforth  independent; 
but  the  Hohillas  of  the  iwirth cast  had  been  sub- 
dued and  almost  e.xterminated.  Of  the  three 
fjreatest  Soobahs  or  viee-royalties  of  the  JIoi;ul 
empire,  at  one  lime  praelically  independent,  that 
of  llenpil  had  wholly  <lisappeared,  those  of 
Oude  and  the  Deekan  iiad  sunk  into  dependenee 
on  a  foreign  power,  were  maintained  by  the  aid 
of  forci);!!  mercenaries.  The  only  two  native 
jiowers  tlmt  remained  were,  the  .>Iahrattas,  and 
the  newly-risen  Mussidman  dynasty  of  Mysore. 
The  former  wvn-  still  divided  l)et,ween  the  j;reat 
(■hieriaincies  of  the  Peshwa,  Seindia,  Ilolkar, 
till'  (Juieowar,  and  the  Boslas  of  Uerar.  Hut  the 
supremacy  of  the  I'eshwa  was  on  the  wane;  tliat 
of  .Seindia,  on  the  contrary,  in  the  ascendant. 
Beimlia  ruled  in  the  north;  he  had  i)ossession  of 
the  emperor's  jierson,  of  Delhi,  the  old  Muss\il- 
man  capital.  In  the  south,  Ilyder  AH  and  Tip- 
poo (son  of  Ilyilcr  Ali,  whom  he  had  suceceded 
in  liHi],  Sultan  of  Mysore,  had  attained  to  re- 
nmrkable  power.  They  were  danj?eroiis  to  the 
Malirattas,  danRcrous  to  the  Nizam,  dangerous, 
lastly,  to  the  EuKlish.  Hut  the  rise  of  the  last- 
named  power  \vas  tlie  great  event  of  the  period. 
.  .  .  They  h.id  won  for  themselves  the  three 
great  jjrovinres  of  Heugal,  Hehar,  and  Orissa, 
besides  Henares, —  forming  a  large  compact  mass 
of  territory  to  the  north-east.  They  had,  farther 
down  the  cast  roast,  tlie  province  of  the  Xorth- 
crn  (-"ircars,  and  farther  still,  the  jagheer  [land 
grant],  oi  Madras;  im  the  west,  again,  a  large 
stretch  of  territory  at  the  southern  extremity  of 
the  iK'iiiiisula.  The  two  Mu.ssulman  sovereigns 
of  Oude  and  Hyderabad  were  their  dependent 
allies;  they  administered  the  country  of  the 
Nawab  of  the  Carnatic,  hcsidis  having  hosts  of 
smaller  potentates  under  their  protection.  .  .  . 
The  appointed  successor  to  Hastings  was  Lor-' 
Macartney.  ...  lie  lost  his  ollicc,  i>.iwever,  by 
hesitating  to  accept  it,  and  going  tc  England  to 
urge  condition.s.  .  .  .  The  great  miliu<ry  event  of 
Lord  Cornwallis's  government  was  the  ii.'>(l  My- 
sore war.  It  began  with  some  disputes  abr.ut  the 
petty  Uaja  of  Chcrika.  from  whom  the  i^nglisli 
had  farmed  the  customs  of  Tcllic'.ierry,  and 
taken,  in  security  for  advances,  a  ('.istrict  calle<l 
Haiidalcrra,  and  by  Tippoo's  at'.ack  upon  the 
lines  of  the  Itaja  of  Travancorc,  an  ally  of  the 
English,  consisting  of  a  ditch,  wall,  and  other 
defences,  on  an  extent  of  about  thirty  miles. 
Tippoo  was,  however,  repelled  with  great 
slaughter  in  an  attack  on  the  town  (1789).     Uear- 


ing  this.  Lord  Cornwnllis  at  once  entered  into 
treaties  witli  the  Nl/.ani  and  the  I'eshwii  for  11 
joint  war  upon  .Mysore;  all  new  coiii|UestH  to  be 
cijually  divided,  all  TippiHi's  own  eoiii|iiestM 
from  the  eontracting  powers  to  be  restored. 
After  a  flrst  inconclusive  campaign,  in  which, 
notwithstanding  the  skill  of  (ieiicial  Meadows, 
the  advantage  rather  remained  lo  Tippmi,  who, 
amongst  other  things,  gave  a  decided  check  to 
Colonel  Floyd  (17(10).  Lord  Cornwallis  took  tlio 
command  in  person,  and  carried  Hangalore  by 
assault,  with  great  loss  to  both  parties,  but  a 
tremendous  carnage  of  the  besieged.  However, 
so  wretched  had  been  tin-  Kiiglish  preparations, 
that,  the  cattle  being  'reduced  to  skeletons,  and 
scarcely  able  to  move  their  own  weight.'  Lord 
Cornwallis,  after  advancing  to  besiege  Seringa- 
patiim,  was  forced  to  retreat  and  to  destroy  the 
whole  of  his  battering-train  and  other  eijuip- 
ments;  whilst  General  Abercrombie,  who  wag 
advancing  in  the  same  direction  from  tin?  Mala- 
bar coast,  had  to  do  the  same  (17111).  A  force  of 
Malirattas  came  in,  well  appointed  and  well  pro- 
vided, but  too  late  to  avert  these  disasters.  The 
next  campaign  was  more  successful.  It  began  by 
the  taking  of  several  of  the  hill-forts  forming  tliu 
western  barrier  of  .Mysore.  .  .  .  On  the  .5th  Feb., 
1703,  however.  Lord  Cornwallis  appeared  before 
Seringapatam,  situated  in  an  island  formed 
by  the  Cauvery:  the  fort  and  outworks  were 
jirovided  with  i)(M)  pieces  of  cannon;  the  fortilled 
camp,  outside  the  river,  by  six  redoubts,  with 
more  than  lOOpiecesof  heavy  artillery.  Tippoo's 
army  consisted  of  0,0(»(l  cavalry  and  ."iCCKtO  in- 
fantry, him.self  commanding.  This  flrst  siege, 
which  is  celebratetl  in  Indian  warfare,  continued 
with  complete  success  on  the  Knglish  side  till 
the  24th.  1(1,000  subjects  of  Coorg,  whom  Tij)- 
poo  had  enlisted  by  force,  deserted.  At  hist,  when 
the  whole  island  was  carried  and  all  preparations 
made  for  the  siege,  Tippoo  made  peace.  The 
English  allies  had  such  conlidence  in  Lord 
Cornwallis,  that  they  left  him  entire  discretion 
as  to  the  terms.  They  were, — that  Tippoo  should 
give  u))  half  of  his  territory,  pay  a  large  sum 
for  war  expenses,  and  give  <ip  two  of  his  sons  as 
hostages.  The  ceded  territory  was  divided  be- 
tween the  allies,  the  Company  obtaining  11  large 
strip  oi  the  Malabar  coast,  extending  eastward 
to  the  Carnatic.  .  .  .  Menuwhile,  on  the  break- 
ing out  of  war  between  England  and  the 
French  Republic,  the  French  .settlements  in  In- 
dia were  all  again  annexed  (1792).  Lord  Corn- 
wallis now  applied  himself  to  (piestions  of 
internal  government.  Projjerly  siieaking,  there 
was  no  English  Government  as  yet.  Mr.  Kaye, 
the  brilliant  apologist  of  the  Ea.st  India  Com- 
pany, says,  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  tint  ' h'.  gath- 
ercil  up  tlie  scattered  fragments  of  govern- 
ment which  he  found,  and  reduced  them  to  one 
comprehensive  system.'  He  organized  the  ad- 
mmistration  of  criminal  justice,  reorganized  the 
police.  He  separated  the  collection  of  the  reve- 
nues from  the  administration  of  justice,  organ- 
izing civil  justice  in  turn.  ...  He  next  jiro- 
ceeded  to  organize  the  flnancial  system  of  the 
C(mipany's  government.  .  .  .  Hence  the  famous 
'  Permanent  Scttleiucnt'  of  Lord  Cornwallis (22nd 
March.  1793)."— .1.  iM.  Ludlow,  iiritixh  Imlut. 
leet.  9(1!.  1).  — "In  1793  the  so-called  Permanent 
Settlement  of  the  Land  Revenue  was  introduced. 
We  foimd  in  Bengal,  when  we  succeeded  to 
the  Governm'2nt,  a  class  of  middle-men,  called 


1726 


INDIA,  n8B-1703. 


Thr  ■ '  Prmumml 

Sfttletnfnt,'' 


INDIA,  17a%-170.T 


ZcmindnrR  [or  ZiiinlncliirN  —  we.  iiIho,  Tai.i  k 
i).vli!<|,  who  colli'ctcil  the  land  rcvciiUL'  mid  llic 
tiixi'.i,  unci  wi'  <'(>iitinil('<l  to  cnipldv  tlicni.  Asa 
niattor  nf  cDnvcnlrnri'  and  ixpcdliMUT,  Imt  not 
of  rinht,  llii!  olllcc  of  zemindar  was  (dicn  licrrd- 
ilary-  The  /.cnilndars  had  ncvrr  hrcn  in  any 
Kcnsc  the  owners  of  Ihe  lan<l,  1ml  it  was  slip 
posed  liv  liord  ('ornwallis  and  the  Kni^lish  rulers 
of  tlie  time  that  it  would  Ix^  an  excellent  thim; 
for  llen^al  to  have  a  class  of  landlords  Honiethiii>; 
like  those  of  Knf;laiid;  the  /.emiiidars  wenMlu^ 
only  people  that  seemed  availahh^  for  the  pur- 
pose, anil  they  were  deelarccl  to  he  the  pro- 
prietors of  the  land.  It  was  hy  no  means  in- 
teniied  that  injustice  should  tiius  lie  done  to 
others.  Kxceptin)^  the  State,  there  was  only 
one  urcat  class,  that  of  the  ryots  or  actual  culti- 
vators, which,  according  to  iminemorial  custom, 
could  he  held  to  pii.ssess  permanent  rights  in  tlu^ 
land.  Tho  existence  of  those  rights  was  recog- 
nised, and,  as  it  was  stipposcd,  guarded  liy  th(^ 
law.  .  .  .  Tlicrc  has  been  much  dispute  as  to 
tho  exact  nature  of  the  rights  given  to  tlie  /e- 
mindars,  but  eveiy  ont!  agrees  that  it  was  not  the 
intention  of  the  authors  of  the  I'ermanent  Settle- 
ment to  contiscato  anything  whicli.  according  to 
the  customs  of  the  country,  lici  -elonged  to  tho 
cultivators.  T\w  right  of  prope;  ty  given  to  tho 
zcmimlars  was  a  iiortion  of  tlioso  riglils  whicli 
had  always  been  exercised  by  the  State,  and  of 
which  the  StJito  was  at  liberty  to  dispose;  it  was 
not  intended  that  they  should  receive  any- 
thing else.  Tho  land  revenue,  representing  tlie 
share  of  the  produce  or  rental  to  whicli  the  Stale 
was  entitled,  was  fixed  in  perpetuity.  The  ryots 
were  to  continuo  to  hold  their  lamls  permanently 
at  tho  '  rates  ostablislied  in  tho  purgunnali; '  when 
the  amount  of  tlieso  rates  was  disputed  it  was  to 
be  settled  by  the  courts;  so  long  as  rents  at  those 
rates  were  paid,  the  ryot  could  not  bo  evicted. 
Tlie  intention  was  to  secure  to  the  ryot  lixity  of 
tenure  and  lixity  of  rent.  Unfortunately,  these 
rights  were  only  secured  upon  jiaper.  .  .  .  The 
consecpiences  at  tho  present  time  are  tlieso: 
—  Even  if  it  bo  assumed  tliat  the  share  of  tho 
rent  wMch  the  State  can  wisely  tako  is  Bmaller 
than  tjio  share  which  any  Government,  Native 
or  Knglisli,  has  ever  taken  or  proposed  to  take 
in  India,  the  amount  now  received  by  the  State 
from  tho  land  in  Bengal  must  be  held  to  fall 
short  of  what  it  might  be  by  a  sum  that  can 
hardly  be  less  than  ,'5,000,0001.  a  year;  this  is  a 
moderate  computation;  probably  the  loss  is 
niiicli  more.  This  is  given  away  in  return  for 
no  service  to  the  State  or  to  the  public;  tho  ze- 
mindars arc  merely  the  receivers  of  rent ;  with  ex- 
ceptions so  rare  as  to  deserve  no  consideration, 
they  take  no  part  in  the  improvement  of  tlu^ 
land,  and,  until  a  very  few  years  ago,  tliey  bore 
virtually  no  share  of  the  public  burdens.  Tlie 
result  of  these  proceedings  of  the  last  century, 
to  tho  maintenance  of  whicli  for  ever  the  faith  of 
the  Britisli  Government  is  said  to  have  been 
jiledged,  is  that  the  ])oorer  classes  in  poorer 
provinces  have  to  make  good  to  tho  State  the 
millions  which  have  been  thrown  away  in  Ben- 
gal. If  this  were  all,  it  would  be  bad  enough, 
but  worse  remains  to  be  told.  .  .  .  '  Tlie  origi- 
nal intention  of  tho  framers  of  tho  Permanent 
Settionieut  (I  am  quoting  from  Sir  (Jcorge 
Campbell)  was  to  record  all  riglits.  The  Canoon- 
goes  (District  Registrars)  and Ttitwarees  (Village 
Accountants)  were  to  register  all  lioldiug.s,   all 


transfers,  all  rent  rolls,  and  all  receipts  and  pay- 
ments; and  every  live  years  there  was  to  be  llU'd 
In  the  |iulilie  olllees  a  complete  ri'gistcr  of  all 
land  tenures.  But  the  task  was  a  dilllciilt  one; 
tliere  was  delav  in  carrying  it  <iut.  .  .  .  The 
putwarees  fell  into  disiisi;  or  becalms  the  mere 
servants  <if  the  zeiuiiidars;  the  eanoongocs  were 
aholishcd.  No  record  of  llie  rights  of  the  ryots  ' 
and  inferior  lioldcrs  was  ever  made,  and  even 
the  i|iiin<|uennial  register  of  supi'rior  rights, 
which  was  maintained  for  a  time,  fell  into  dis- 
use.'. .  .  The  coiLwiiiiences  of  the  Permanent 
Settlement  did  not  become  iniincdiatcly  promi- 
nent. .  .  .  But,  as  time  went  on,  and  population 
and  v.'eallh  increased,  as  <Miltivators  wero  more 
readily  found,  and  custom  began  to  give  way  to 
competition,  tlio  position  of  the  ryots  became 
worse  and  that  of  the  zemindars  became  stronger. 
Other  circumstances  lielped  the  process  of  con- 
fiscation of  llie  rights  of  the  peasantry.  .  .  . 
The  conliscation  of  the  rights  of  the  ryots  has 
rea('he(l  vast  proporti<ins.  In  lT9!t  the  rental 
left  to  the  zcmimlars  under  the  Permanent  Set- 
tlement, after  payment  of  tlu^  land  revenue,  is 
supposed  not  to  have  exceeded  400,0001.  ;  accord- 
ing to  some  estimates  it  was  less.  If  tli(!  inten- 
tions of  tho  Government  had  been  carried  out,  it 
was  to  tlie  ryots  that  tho  greater  portion  of  any 
future  increase  in  the  annual  value  of  the  land 
woulil  have  belonged,  in  those  parts  at  least  of 
the  province  whicli  were  at  that  time  well  culti 
vated.  It  is  not  possible  to  slate  with  coiili 
dence  Hie  |ire.sent  gross  annual  rental  of  the 
landlords  of  Bengal.  An  imperfect  valuation 
made  some  years  ago  showed  it  to  be  lit, 000,0001. 
It  is  now  called  17,000,0001.,  but  there  can  lie 
little  doubt  that  it  is  much  more.  Tlius,  after 
deducting  tlie  land  revenue,  whicli  is  about 
It.HOO.OOOI,  tlie  net  rental  has  risen  from  400,0001. 
in  tlio  last  century  to  more  than  i:t, 000,0001.  at 
the  present  time.  No  jiortion  <if  this  increa.so 
has  been  due  to  the  action  of  the  zemindars.  It 
has  been  due  to  the  industry  of  Xlw.  rvots,  to 
whom  the  greater  jiart  of  it  riglitfully  belonged, 
to  the  peaceful  progre.s^;  of  tlie  country,  and  to 
the  expenditure  of  the  State,  an  expenditure 
mainly  dofrayeil  from  the  taxation  of  poorer 
provinces.  It  ever  there  was  an  'unearned  in- 
crement,'it  is  this." — Sir  ,1.  Strachey,  fiidin, 
kH.  12. 

Also  in  :  .7.  \V.  Kaye,  The  Admiiiintration  nf 
the  KiiKt  Iiulia  Co.,  pt.  2,  rh.  2.— .1.  jMill,  J/tKt.  of 
riritish  Iiitiia.  hk.  0,  ch.  4  (c.  rt).  —  \S.  S.  Seton- 
Karr,  The  MarqueitH  Coriiirullis,  ch.  2. — Sir  U. 
Temple,  Juiiux  Thomiixon ,  eh.  9. 

A.  D.  1785-1795. — The  Impeachment  and 
Trial  of  Warren  Hastings. —  Warren  Hastings 
returned  to  England  in  the  summer  of  ITS.'i,  and 
met  witli  a  distinguished  reception.  "I  Hnd 
myself,"  he  wrote  to  a  friend,  "every  where  and 
universally  treated  witli  evidences,  apparent  oven 
to  my  own  observation,  tliat  I  pos.sess  the  good 
opinion  of  my  country."  But  underneath  this 
superficial  "good  opinion"  there  existed  a  moral 
feeling  which  had  been  outraged  by  the  un- 
scrupulous measures  of  tho  Governor-General  of 

lia,   and   which   began   soon  to  speak   aloud 
li   tho  eloquent  lips  of  Edmund    Burke. 
.1  in  tho  movement  by  Fox  and  Sheridan, 

Biirki  laid  charges  before  Parliament  whicli 
forced  the  House  of  Commons,  in  tlie  session  of 
1787  to  order  tlio  impeachment  of  Hastings  be- 
fore the  Lords.    ' '  On  the  VA\.\\  of  Fobru:'.ry,  1788, 


1727 


INDIA,   17*V17I).T 


Triiil  iif 
n'lirrrn  lliintlnut. 


mniA,  i7nn-i7or,. 


tlip  ulttlnffH  (pf  tln'  ('(Piirl  ((iiHiiii'iiccil.  TliiTi' 
IlilVi'  Ix'i'ii  (tpiclililrs  iiKirc  (lii/zlinj:  In  ll"'  <'V1', 
lliorr  unrKfOllH  Willi  jcwrlliTV  lillil  cIdIIi  nf  J^nlil, 
liicprc  iillnirlivr  111  i;rii\Mi  il|i  rliihlrcii,  tliiui  lliiit 
wliirh  wii>i  Ihrii  t'xliililtnl  lit  WiNtininslcr ;  liiil, 
[HTlmiis,  llicri'  iicvir  was  ii  Hprilucli'  wi  wi'll  ciil- 
<Mlliilr(l  til  Hiriki'  a  IiIkIiI)'  inlllviilnl,  ii  ri'llcctiiiif, 
nil  liiiiiKlimlivc  ininil.  All  llir  varlmiH  kliiils  of 
IlllcrrNt  wlilrli  lirlnlli;  In  tlir  Iii'iir  illlil  In  llir  illS' 
taut.  Ill  llic  iircsiiil  anil  In  llic  imsl,  wirr  rnliiclcil 
(III  iirii'  H|ii>t  anil  in  oiir  lioiir.  All  llii'  lalciil.H  ami 
all  llir  ai  rninpllNliinrnls  wliirli  arc  ilrviliipnl  liy 
liliirly  ami  (ivilisaliiiii  wiir  miw  (iis|ilayiMl, -.villi 
(•very  ail\aiila;j;i'  tlial  ciiiilii  In'  ilcrivcil  linlli  from 
rdopiraliiiii  ami  frnni  ciiiitraMl.  Kvcry  slcp  in 
the  priicicilinjfs  carriril  tlic  niiml  citlicr  liack- 
waril.  lliriMi^tli  many  tniiililcii  niitiirirs.  to  llic 
(layH  vnIicii  llic  fiiiiniialiiins  nf  our  ciinHtiliitiiin 
were  lalil;  or  far  away,  over  liniiiiillcss  seas  and 
(Icscrls.  1(1  liiisky  naiioiis  ilviii);  iimlcr  strange 
stars,  wiirsliippiii);  stran^'c  fjoils,  ami  wrlliiif; 
"Wtranirc  cliaraclcrs  frnni  rljilit  to  left.  The  Jliuii 
Coint  of  I'arliamriit  was  to  sit,  arconlinff  to 
fiirins  liamlcil  ilowii  from  tlic  ilays  of  llic  I'laii- 
taKcmts,  on  an  I''-nj;lisliman  aciuscil  of  cxircis- 
ini;  tyranny  over  the  loril  of  the  lioly  city  of 
liiiiarVs.  ami  over  llic  lailies  of  llic  princely  hiiiisc 
of  Oiide.  'Pile  place  was  worlliv  of  such  a  trial. 
It  was  llic  great  liall  of  Williani  liufiis.  the  hall 
which  hail  resoiiniieil  with  aci  lamulions  at  the 
inaiigiiralion  of  thirty  kings.  Uic  hall  whicli  liiul 
witncsscii  the  just  sentence  of  liaconanil  the  just 
alisiilulion  of  Soniers.  the  hall  where  the  do- 
(p'cncc  of  StralToril  hail  for  ii  moment  awcil  ami 
melted  a  victorious  jiarty  inllamcd  with  ju.st  re- 
sentment, the  li.'ill  where  Charles  had  confronted 
the  High  Court  of  .luslice  with  the  placid  cour- 
age whii'h  has  half  redeeiiied  his  fame.  Neither 
military  nor  (ivil  pomp  was  wanting.  The 
ttvemics  were  lined  witli  grenadiers.  The  streets 
woru  kejit  clear  liy  cavalry.  The  iieers,  rohcd  In 
gold  and  ennine,  were  marshalled  by  the  heralds 
under (Jartcr  ICing-at-arms.  The  judges  In  their 
vestments  of  state  attended  tii  give  ndvico  on 
points  of  law.  Near  a  hundred  and  seventy 
lords,  three  fourths  of  the  L'lipcr  House  as  the 
I'pper  House  then  was,  walked  in  .solemn  order 
from  their  usual  place  of  assemliling  to  the  tri- 
bunal. .  .  .  The  grey  old  walls  were  hung  with 
scarlet.  The  long  galleries  were  crowded  by  an 
audience  such  as  has  rarely  excited  the  fears  or 
the  emulations  of  an  orator.  Tliere  were  gath- 
ered together,  from  all  parts  of  a  great,  free, 
enlightened,  and  prosperous  empire,  grace  ami 
female  loveliness,  wit  and  learning,  the  represcn- 
tjitives  of  every  science  and  of  every  art.  .  .  . 
The  Serjeants  made  proelamation.  Hastings 
advanced  to  the  bar,  and  bent  his  knee.  The 
culprit  was  indeed  not  unworthy  of  that  great 
presence.  He  had  ruled  an  extensive  and  popu- 
lous country,  had  made  laws  and  treaties,  had 
sent  forth  armies,  had  set  up  and  pidled  down 
princes.  And  in  Ids  high  place  he  had  so  borne 
himself,  that  all  had  feared  him,  that  most  had 
loved  him,  and  that  hatred  itself  could  deny  him 
no  title  to  glory,  except  virtue.  He  looked  like 
a  great  man,  and  not  like  a  bad  man.  .  .  .  His 
counsel  accompanied  him,  men  all  of  whom  were 
afterwards  raised  by  their  talents  and  learning  to 
the  highest  posts  in  their  profession,  the  bold 
and  strong-minded  Law.  afterwards  Chief  Justice 
of  the  King's  Bench ;  the  more  humane  and  elo- 
quent Dallas,  afterwards  Chief  Justice  of  the 


Common  Pleas;  ami  I'lomcr  who,  near  twenty 
years  later,  siicceHsfiilly  conducted  In  the  same 
lilgli  court  the  defence  of  Lord  Melville,  and 
Hiibscinicnlly  hccanic  Vice  (hancellor  and  Master 
of  the  Kolls.  Hut  neither  the  culprit  nor  his  ad- 
vocates atlraclcd  so  much  notice  as  the  acciiserH. 
In  the  midst  of  the  hia/e  of  red  drapery,  a  spaci^ 
had  liecn  llllcil  up  with  green  benches  linil  tables 
for  the  Commniis.  The  managers,  with  Hiirke 
at  their  head,  appeared  In  full  dress.  The  col- 
lectors of  gossip  did  not  fall  to  remark  that  even 
l'"ox.  gciicriillv  so  regardless  of  his  appearance, 

I  hiid  paid  to  the  illustrious  trlliiinal  the  conipli- 
mint  of  wearing  a  bag  and  sword.     I'ilt  had  re- 

I  fused  to  be  oneof  the  condiKtorsof  the  Impeach- 
ment;  and  hlsconinianding,  copious,  and  sonorous 
cloijuencc  was  wanting  to  that  great  muslcr  of 

I  various  talents.  .  .  .  I'lie  charges  and  the  an- 
swers of  Hastings  were  llrst  read.  The  cere- 
inoiiy  occupied  two  wliolc  days,  and  was  rendered 
IcMs  tedious  than  It  would  otherwise  have  been 
by  the  silver  voice  and  just  cniphasisof  Cowper, 
the  clerk  of  tlic  court,  a  near  relation  of  the 
anilalile  poet.  On  the  third  day  Iliirke  rose. 
Kour  sittings  «rre  occupied  by  his  opening 
spcccli,  whicli  w  as  intended  to  be  a  general  iiitro- 
(iiiclloii  to  all  the  charges.  With  an  exubcranco 
of  thought  and  a  splendour  of  diction,  which 
more  than  Kalislled  the  highly  rnised  expectation 
of  the  audience,  he  dcscrllicd  the  character  and 
institutions  of  the  nati'-cv.  of  India,  rccinintcd  the 
ciiciimstaiices  in  which  the  Asiatic  empire  of 
Ilrilain  had  originated,  and  M't  forth  the  ciinstltu- 
I ion  of  the  Company  and  of  the  Kngllsh  presi- 
dencies. .  .  .  Wlien  the  Court  s;it  again,  Mr. 
Fox.  asdisted  by  Mr.  (irey,  opened  the  charge 
respecting  Cheyte  Sing,  and  several  days  were 
spent  in  reading  jiajicrs  and  hciiring  witnesses, 
'llic  next  article  was  that  relating  to  tlic  Prin- 
cesses of  Oiide.  The  conduct  of  this  part  of  the 
case  was  Intrusted  to  Sheridan.  The  curiosity 
of  the  public  to  hear  him  was  unbounded.  His 
sparkling  and  highly  linishcd  declamation  lasted 
two  days;  but  the  Hall  was  crowded  to  suffoca- 
tion during  the  whole  time.  It  was  said  that 
fifty  guineas  had  been  paid  for  a  single  ticket. 
Sheridan,  when  he  concluded,  contrived,  with  a 
knowledge  of  stagt;  effect  which  his  father  might 
have  envied,  to  sink  back,  as  if  exhausted,  into 
the  arms  of  Burke,  who  liugged  him  with  the 
energy  of  generous  admiration.  June  was  now 
far  advanced.  The  session  could  not  last  much 
longer;  and  the  progress  which  had  been  made 
ill  the  impeachnK'iit  w-as  not  very  satisfactory. 
Then!  were  twenty  charges.  On  two  only  of 
these  had  even  the  case  for  the  prosecution  been 
heard ;  and  it  was  now  a  year  since  Hastings  had 
been  admitted  to  bail.  The  interest  taken  by 
the  public  in  the  trial  was  great  when  the  Court 
began  to  sit,  and  rose  to  the  height  when  Sheri- 
dan spoke  on  the  charge  relating  to  the  Begums. 
From  that  lime  the  excitement  went  down  fast. 
The  spectacle  had  lost  the  attraction  of  novelty. 
The  great  displays  of  rhetoric  were  over.  .  .  . 
The  trial  in  the  Hall  went  on  languidly.  In  the 
Bcssion  of  1788,  when  the  proceedings  had  the 
interest  of  novelty,  and  when  the  Peers  had  little 
other  business  before  them,  only  thirty-tive  days 
were  given  to  the  impeachment.  In  1789  .  .  . 
during  the  whole  year  only  seventeen  days  were 
given  to  the  case  of  Hastings.  .  .  .  At  length,  in 
the  spring  of  1795,  the  decision  was  pronounced, 
near  eight  years  after  Hastings  had  been  brought 


1728 


INDIA,  178.V170r, 


MariiuU  WeUenley. 


INDIA,    170H-lflO.T 


by  llic  HiTjoiinliiliirmH  of  the  ('ominous  to  the 
Imr  of  till'  LoriN.  .  .  ,  Only  twenty  liiiii^  I'riTs 
vot('<l.  Of  IIk'Hc  only  hIx  foiiliil  IIiistiriKX  K"'")' 
nn  tlin  (^liiirgi's  rt'litlinK  to  Clicylf  i^ln^'  iind  to 
tlic  Itci^iiinM.  On  other  clmrKeH,  the  majority  In 
his  favour  was  still  greater.  On  some  lie  was 
unanimously  aliHolveil.  lie  was  then  called  to 
the  hiir,  was  Informeil  from  the  wool.saek  that 
the  Lords  had  aecjiiitled  hhn,  and  was  Noleinnlv 
(lischarKi'd.  lie  bowed  respect  fully  mid  relireil. 
We  have  said  that  th(!  decision  had  been  fully 
expected.  It  was  also  K''"<'rally  approved.  ,  ,  , 
It  was  thoii|rht,  and  not  wilhout  reason,  that, 
even  if  he  was  k'*"')'-  '"'  ^^''»'  >*'"'  ""  ill  ■■'^''d 
man,  and  that  an  Impeachment  of  cij^ht  years 
was  niiiri'  than  a  sidlleient  puidshment.  It  was 
niso  felt  thtil,  tlioii^h,  in  llii'  ordinary  course  uf 
criminal  law,  a  defenchint  is  not  allowed  to  set 
oir  his  ^ood  actions  aKainsI  Ids  crimes,  a  ^reat 
political  cause  should  be  tried  on  dilTerent  prin 
ciples,  and  that  a  man  who  had  f^overneil  an  cm- 
pire  during  thirteen  years  iniKht  have  done  some 
very  reprcliensilile  thinjfs,  ami  yet  nd>;ht  be  on 
the  wh(il(!  deservin),  of  rewards  and  honours 
rather  than  of  tln(^  and  imprisonment." — Ijord 
Macaulay,  ll'i/;'/v'/(  /fitnlini/nikKiiiii/ii). — "The  trial 
had  several  benelicial  results.  It  cleared  olT  a 
cloud  of  misconceptions,  calumnies,  exa)?)fera- 
tions,  and  false  notions  generally  on  both  sides; 
it  lixed  and  promulpiled  (he  standard  which  the 
Kn^lisli  peopli!  woulil  in  future  iiisist  upon  main- 
taining in  tlieir  Indian  administration;  it  bound 
down  the  East  India  I'ompuny  to  better  be- 
haviour; it  served  as  an  example  and  ii  salutary 
warnin;;,  and  it  relieved  the  national  conscience. 
liut  the  attempt  to  make  Hastings  ii  sacrillce  and 
a  burnt-olTering  for  tli<!  sins  of  the  people;   the 

f)roce9H  of  loading  1dm  with  curses  and  driving 
lim  away  into  tlie  wilderness;  of  stoning  1dm 
with  every  epithet  and  metaphor  that  the  Enu 
lish  language  could  supply  for  heaping  ignu 
litiny  on  his  head;  of  keeping  him  seven  years 
under  an  impeachment  that  menaced  him  with 
ruin  and  infamy — tlie.se  v,ere  lilots  upon  tlie 
prosecution  and  wide  aberratiims  from  tlie  true 
course  of  justice  whicli  di.stigure<l  the  aspect  of 
the  trial,  distorted  its  aim,  and  had  much  to  do 
witli  bringing  it  to  the  lame  and  impotent  con- 
clusion that  IJurke  so  bitterly  denounced." — Sir 
A.  Lyall,   Warren  HnntinnH,  ch.  9. 

Ai.HO  in:  E.  Burke,  Wi>rka,  v.  8-12.  —  Si>eeehe» 
of  hfdniifiem  and  Counsel  in  the  Trial  nf  Warren 
IliiHtinjin,  td.  by  E.  A.  JIdikI. 

A.  b.  1 798- 1 80s.— The  administration  and 
imperial  policy  of  the  Marquis  Wellesley. — 
Treaty  with  the  Nizam. —  Overthrow  and 
death  of  Tippoo,  Sultan  of  Mysore. — War 
with  the  Mahrattas. — Assaye  and  Laswari. — 
Territorial  acquisitions. —  "The  period  of  Sir 
John  Shore's  rule  as  Governor-General,  from  179;$ 
to  1798  [after  which  ho  became  Lord  Teign- 
mouth  |,  wac  •■•.iieventful.  In  1798.  Lord  Jlorning- 
ton,  better  known  as  the  Marquis  of  Wellesley, 
arrived  in  India,  already  inspired  with  imperial 
projects  which  were  destined  to  cliange  tlie  ina]) 
of  the  country.  Morniugton  was  tlie  friend  and 
favourite  of  l^itt,  from  wliom  he  is  thought  to 
have  derived  his  far-reaching  political  vision, 
and  his  antipathy  to  the  French  name.  From 
the  first  he  laid  down  as  his  guiding  principle, 
that  the  English  must  be  the  one  paramoimt 
power  in  the  peninsula,  and  that  Native  princes 
could  only  retain  the  insignia  of  sovereignty  by 


surrendering  their  political  indi'pendenie.  The 
liisloiy  of  India  since  his  lime  has  been  but  the 
gradual  development  of  this  policy,  which  re- 
ceived Its  tlnlshing  touch  when  (jiieen  Victoria 
was  proclaimed  Enipr<'ss  of  India  on  the  1st  of 
.lanuary,  1H77.  To  frustrate  the  possibility  of  a 
French  Invasion  of  India,  led  by  Naiioli'on  in 
person,  was  the  governing  idea  of  \\  elli'sley's 
fori'Ign  policy.  France!  at  this  lime,  and  for 
many  years  later,  tllled-the  place  afterwards  oc- 
cupie(f  by  Uiissia  in  the  mlnils  of  Indian  states 
men.  Nor  was  the  danger  so  remote  as  might 
now  be  thought.  French  regiments  guarded  and 
overawed  the  Ni/.ani  of  llaidarabad.  The  sol- 
diers of  Sindhia,  the  nillilary  head  of  the  Mar- 
liatta  Confederacy,  were  dlsciplini'd  and  led  by 
Freiicli  advenliireis.  Tipu  Sultan  of  Mysore 
carried  on  a  secret  correspondence  with  the 
Freiieli  Direclorale,  allowed  a  tree  of  liberty  to 
be  planted  in  hisdominions,  mid  cnrolliil  liinis<'ir 
in  a  republican  club  as  '  Cili/.eii  Ti|iu.  Tlie  is 
lands  of  Mauritius  and  Iloiirbon  airordcil  a  con- 
venient half  way  rende/voiis  for  French  intrigue 
and  for  the  assembling  of  a  hostile  expeilition. 
Above  all.  Napoleon  lliionaparte  was  then  in 
Egypt,  ilreaniiiig  of  the  con(|uesls  of  Alexander, 
ami  iiDinan  knew  in  wliatdirection  Ik;  might  turn 
his  liillierlo  iincon(|Ui'ri'd  legions.  Wi'llesley 
conceived  the  schenic!  of  crushing  for  ever  the 
Fn'iich  hopes  in  Asia,  by  placing  liimself  at  the 
bead  of  a  great  Indian  confedenicy.  In  Lower 
llengal.  the  sword  of  ('live  and  the  policy  of 
Warren  Hastings  had  made  the  English  para- 
mount. Hefore  the  end  of  the  century,  our 
])ower  was  consolidale<l  from  the  .seaboard  lo 
IJenares,  high  up  the  (Jangetii;  valley.  ...  In 
1801,  the  treaty  of  Lucknow  made  over  to  the 
British  the  Doab,  or  fertile  tract  between  the 
Ganges  and  the  .lumna,  together  with  liohiik- 
liaml.  In  Houlhern  India,  ourpossessions  were 
chielly  confined,  before  Lord  Wellesley,  to  the 
coa.st  Districts  of  .Madras  and  Bombay.  Welles- 
ley resolved  to  make  the  British  sui)reme  as  far 
as  Delhi  in  Northern  India,  and  to  compel  the 
great  powers  of  the  south  to  enter  into  rubordi- 
nate  relations  to  the  Company's  government. 
The  intrigues  of  the  Native  princes  gave  liim  his 
opportunity  for  carrying  out  this  plan  wilhout 
breach  of  faith.  The  time  had  arrived  when  the 
English  must  either  become  supreme  in  India, 
or  be  driven  out  of  it.  The  Mughal  Empire  wius 
(■ompletely  broken  up;  and  the  sway  had  to  pa.ss 
cither  to  the  local  Muhammadan  governors  of 
that  empire,  or  to  tlie  Hindu  Confederacy  repre- 
sented by  the  Marhattas,  or  to  the  British.  Lonl 
Wellesley  determined  that  it  shouhl  pass  to  the 
British.  His  work  in  Northern  India  was  at 
first  easy.  The  treaty  of  Liicknow  in  1801  made 
us  territorial  rulers  as  far  as  the  heart  of  the  pres- 
ent North-Western  Provinces,  and  established 
our  political  infiuencc  in  Oudli.  Beyond  those 
limits,  the  northern  branches  of  the  .Marhattas 
jiraclically  held  sway,  witli  the  puppet  emperor 
in  tlieir  "hands.  Lord  Wellesley  left  them  un- 
touched for  a  few  years,  until  the  second  Mar- 
hatta  war  (1802-1804)  gave  him  an  opportunity 
for  dealing  elTectively  with  tluar  nation  as  a 
whole.  In  Southern  India,  he  saw  that  the  Ni- 
zam at  llaidarabad  .stood  in  need  of  his  protec^- 
tion,  and  heccmverted  him  into  a  useful  follower 
throughout  the  succeeding  struggle.  The  other 
Muhammadan  power  of  tiie  south,  Tipu  Sultan 
of  Mysore,  could  not  be  so  easily  handled.     Lord 


1729 


INDIA,   171)H-1H(|,V 


UiiAriitdi    H'lir. 


INDIA,    1H()5-1HI0. 


Wi'lli'*l('y  rcMilvi'd  in  itiikIi  IiIiii,  iiiiiI  IijiiI  iiiiipic 
iiroviMiitioii  for  HI)  ildliiK      'I'lic  llilril  |iii«cr  nf 
Houtlicrii  Iiullii  — iiaiiiily,  tin'  Miirlmllii  Cuiifiil 
criny  —  WJM    Kii    liiimi'ly   iiTnmi\/.ti\,    tliiil     l.nnl 
WfllcHli'y  BcctiiM  III  llrNt'lii  Imvc  1i(p|h'iI  to  live  on 
liTlliH  with  il.      When  Hrvi'T-al   years  cif  lltfiil  al- 
lUllii'i'  had  eoiivhiceil  him   thai   he  hail  In  rliinisc 
iH'tweeii  llie  Hupreiiiaiy  nf  I  lie   .Marliallas  nr  iif 
tilt'  llrillsli  III  .Siiiillicrii  Iiiilia,  lie  iliil  mil  IiikI' 
lale  III  ileejilc.      l-oril   Wellesley  llrst   iiililreMseil 
hiliixeir  III  Ihe  wealteHl    of    llie    three    soiitlierii 
piiwers,  llie  Nl/uiiiiif  llaiilaraliail.     Here  he  wmi 
It  ili|i!<iiiialii'  HiirrcsM,   which   tiiriieil   it  pnKslliie 
riviii  Into  a  HubtMTvlciit  ally.     The  IVi-neh  hat 
talinim  al   llaiiiaralmil  were  illHliaiiiletl.  anil  the 
Ni/.ain  liiiunil  liimsilf  by  Irraty  not  to  lake  any 
Kiironean  into  hi>*  Hervlte  without  the  consent  of 
the  l-.nifiisli   (lovcriniieiit, — a   claiiHe   siiiie   in 
wrteil    in    every   entriigenieiit  cnlereil   liilo   with 
Native  powerM.     Weliesley  next  tiirneil  the  wljole 
wi'IkIiI  of  IiIh  reHonrcesa^ainht  Tipii.  wiioiii  Corn- 
walliH  liail  ilefealcil,  bill  not  nubiliieil.      Tipn'H 
Intrigues  with  the  Krenih  were  litiil  bare,  ami  he 
WHH  Kiven  an  opportunity  of  ailheriiiK  to  the  new 
Niibsliliary  Hysteni.     On  IiIh  refiiHiil,  war  %va.s  ile 
riariii,   anil   WellcHley  came  down  in  vlcerenai 
Htiilc  to  Madras  to  orKanl/.c   the  expedition  in 
perwon,  and  to  watch  over  the  course  of  events. 
One  Knglish  army  inariiicd    into  .Mysore  from 
Madras,  ncconipanied  by  it  coni indent   from  tlic 
Nl/.iim.      Another  iidvanccd    from  tiie   western 
coast.     Tipn,  after  it  feeble  resistance  in  the  Meld, 
retired  into  Seriiif^apatain,  and,  wlien  bis  capital 
was  Ktormed,  died  tiKlitin);  bravely  in  the  breach 
(171111).     Since  the  battle  of   PluK.scy,    no   event 
NO   ^really   impressed   the    Native    Imagination 
Its   tin;   capture   of    Herinf^npatam,    wiiicii   won 
for  (Jeneral  Harris  a  peerafie,  and  for  Wcllcsley 
an  Iri.sh  mari|iiisate.     In  deaiinj;  witli  I  bo  terri- 
tories of  Tipu,  Wei le.sley  acted  wilii  moderation. 
The  central    portion,  formiiif?   tlic   old  state   of 
Mysore,  was  restored  to  an  Infant  leprcscntativc 
of  the  Ilindii  liiijas,  whom  lluidar  Ali  bad  de- 
throned; the  rest  of  Tipu's  dominion  was  par 
titloned  between  the  Nizam,  the  Marliallas,  and 
the  Enfflish.     At  about  the  same  time,  the  Kar- 
niitic,  or  Ihe  part  of  South-Eiistern  India  ruled 
by  the  Nawabof  Arcot,  and  also  the  principality 
of  Titnjore,  were  placed  under  direct  Ilritish  acl- 
mlnistration,  tlius  constituting  the  Madras  Presi- 
dency almost  as  It  has  existed  to  the  jjresent  day. 
.  .  .  The  Marbattas  had  been  the  nominal  allies 
of  the  Knglisli  in   both   their  wars  with  Tipu. 
Hut  they  had  not  rendered  active  assistance,  nor 
were  they  secured  to  the  English  side  as  the  Ni- 
zam  now  was.     The  Marhatta  powers  at  this 
time  were  live    in    number.      The    recognised 
head   of    the  confederacv  was   the   Peshwa   of 
PiHUia,  who  ruled  the  hill  country  of  the  West- 
ern Ghats,  the  cradle  of  the  Marhatta  race.     The 
fertile  Province  of  Guzerat  was  annually  harried 
by  the  horsemen  of  the  Gaekwar  of  Uaroda.     In 
Central  Iniliii,  two  military  leaders,  JSindhia  of 
Qwalior  and  llolkar  of  Inilore,  alternately  held 
the  preeminence.     Towards  the  east,  the  Bhonsla 
Kaja  of  Nagi)ur  reigned  from  Bei  ar  to  the  coast  of 
Orissa.    AVellesley  laboured  to  bring  these  several 
Marhatta  powers  within  the  net  of  liis  subsidiary 
system.     In  1802.  the  necossities  of  the  Peshwa, 
who  had  Ikhmi  defeated  by  Holkar,  and  driven  as 
a  fugitive  into  Uritish  territory,  induced  him  to 
slfitn  the  treaty  of  Bassein.     By  this  be  i>ledgeil 
himself  to  the  British  to  hol(l  coinmunications 


with  no  other  power.  Kuropean  or  Native,  and 
granled  to  us  IMsirlcls  for  tlic  niaintcnance  of  a 
siilwidiary  force.  This  greatly  extended  the 
English  territorial  Intlueiiee  in  the  Ilonibay 
I'n'siileney.  Itiit  il  led  to  the  Hecoiid  Miirlialta 
war,  as  neither  Sindhia  nor  the  Uaja  of  Nagjiur 
would  toicriitcthc  Pesbwa's  belravalof  the  .Mar- 
lialla  indepcndenee.  The  cainpalgiiH  which  fol- 
lowed lire  perhiiiis  Ihe  most  glorioiiH  in  the  Ids 
lory  of  llie  Hrilish  arms  in  India.  The  general 
plan,  and  the  adeiiiiate  provlHion  of  rcsoureeH, 
were  due  to  the  .\iari|uis  of  Wcllcsley,  as  also 
the  indomilable  spirit  which  refused  to  admit  of 
defeat.  The  armies  were  led  by  Sir  Arthur 
•V'ellesley  (afterwitrilH  Duke  of  Wellington)  and 
General  (uflerwarils  Lord)  Lake.  WcllcHley 
operated  in  the  Deccan,  where  In  a  few  short 
months,  he  won  the  decisive  victories  of  Assayt^ 
[September  'i'A.  1H();||  and  Argauni  [Novc.iImt 
2H|,  and  eaiiturcd  Alimcdnagar.  Lake's  cam- 
patgn  in  lllndustan  was  ei|Uitlly  brilliant,  al- 
though It  has  received  less  notice  from  lilHto- 
riaiis.  lie  won  pitched  battles  at  Aligarh 
I  August  211 1  and  Laswari  |  November  I,  IHI):||,  and 
took  Ihe  cities  of  Delhi  and  Agra,  lie  seallercd 
Ihe  Kreneh  troops  of  Sindhia,  anil  at  the  same 
lime  stood  forward  as  tlic  ciiampion  of  tlie  Mu- 
ghal Emperor  in  Ills  hereditary  capital.  Ilcforc? 
the  end  of  lH();t,  botli  Sindhia  and  llie  Klionsla 
Hajit  of  Nagpur  sued  for  peace,  Sindhia  ceded 
all  claims  to  the  territory  north  of  the  ,liimna, 
and  left  IIk^  blind  old  Emperor  ,Sbali  Alain  once 
more  under  Britisli  protection.  The  Bhonsla 
forfeited  Orissa  to  the  English,  who  had  already 
occupied  it  with  a  Hying  column  in  lHli:t,  and 
Berar  to  the  Ni/.ain,  wiio  gained  fiesli  territory 
by  every  act  of  coinplaisanee  to  llie  British  Gov- 
ernment. .  .  .  The  conelnding  years  of  Welles- 
ley's  rule  were  oceiipied  willi  a  scries  of  opera- 
lions  against  llolkar,  which  brought  little  credit 
on  the  Ikitisli  name.  The  disastrous  relreatof 
(lolone!  Monson  tliroiigb  Central  Indiii  (IH04) 
recalled  memories  of  tlie  convention  of  War- 
gauin,  and  of  th(^  destruction  of  Colonel  Baillie's 
force  by  llaidiir  Ail.  The  repulse  of  Lake  in 
l)erson  at  the  siege  of  Bliartpur  (Hburtpore)  is 
memor.ibU^  as  jn  instance  of  a  British  army  in 
India  having  to  turn  back  with  its  objei't  unao 
complislied  (IHO.'i).  Bliartpur  was  not  llnally 
taken  till  1827.  Lord  Wellesley  during  his  si.x 
years  of  otilce  carried  out  almost  every  part  of 
bis  territorial  scheme.  In  Northern  India,  Lord 
Lake's  campaigns  brought  the  North-Wesleru 
provinces  (tlie  ancient  Madliyadesa)  under  Brit 
isli  rule,  together  with  the  custody  of  the  I)iip- 
pet  emiieror.  The  new  Districts  were  amalga- 
mated with  those  previously  aci|uii'eil  from  the 
Nawal)  Wazir  of  Oudh  into  the  '  Ceded  and  Con- 
<iucred  Provinces."  This  parliliiin  of  Northern 
India  remained  till  the  Sikh  wars  of  1844  and 
1847  gave  us  the  Punjab."— W.  W.  Hunter, 
UrufJ/int.  (if  the,  Iiuliiin  People,  eh.  13. 

Also  in:  "W.  H.  Ma.wvell,  Life  of  the  Duke  of 
Welliii[/ton,  r.  1,  eh.  3-12.— .1.  M.  Wilson,  Me- 
moir of  Wellinc/toii,  v.  1,  eh.  2-1). — O.  B.  JIalleson, 
Jkeiniic  liatt'les  of  India,  eh.  0-10.— W.  II. 
Iluttou,  The  Mdri/ueKH  Wcllesky.  — J.  8.  Cotton, 
MouiitntiKift  ElphiMtone,  eh.  4. 

A.  D.  1805-1816.- Reversal  of  Lord  Welles- 
ley's  policy. — Sepoy  revolt  at  Vellore. — In- 
fluence established  with  Runjeet  Singh  and 
the  Sikhs. — Conquest  of  the  Mauritius. — The 
Ghorka  War. — "The  retreat  of  Monsou  was  not 


1730 


INDIA.  1805-lHIO. 


Hi.* 


/m;)ft'iii/  I'uliiy 


INDIA.   1»(M-I8lfl 


only  A  illHiixtniiiH  blow  to  Drilinli  nrrMlKc,  l)ut 
ruiiii'il  for  II  wliili'tlii^  ri'piitjitiiiii  of  Lord  NVclIrs 
ley.  IlcrjiiiMi'  u  MiihrallH  frcrliootcr  liuil  lirokni 
l(M>iH>  ill  IliiidiiHtiui.  till'  lliiiiu:  iiiilliorltli'S  iiiiiiK 
Ini'il  Unit  111!  the  Miilinittti  powers  hud  rUi'ii 
iiKiilnxt  tlir  iiniicrlul  iiollcy  of  llii*  Oovcrnor 
Ociiunil.  Lord  W'cllt'slcy  wuh  rt'ciilli'd  from  liii 
iioHt.  iiiid  Lord  CoriiwidlU  wiih  Hunt  out  to  taki^ 
liiH  iiliu'i-.  to  n-vcrHc  tli(!  policy  of  Ills  llliistrloiiH 
priMU'CTHHor.  tow'uttUj  out  of  \VcHtcrii  lllrulustiiii, 
to  rcHtori!  all  llii'  ci'ilcd  ttTrilorlis.  to  surrriidcr 
all  til)'  captiiri'd  lortrcHHCH.  and  to  aliaiidoii  lar^i' 
tracts  of  country  to  lie  plum'  ■  «'  andtlcvastatcd 
by  t\w  Malirattas.  as  tlicy  had  been  frmii  tlu; 
ilnyH  of  HIvaJi  to  those  of  Wc^llcsley  and  Lake. 
Ilcforc  Lord  Cornwallls  readied  Ucn){al  the  po 
lltiiiil  outlook  bad  brightened.  .  .  .  Ilul  Lord 
Coriiwalils  was  sixty  seven  years  of  iiKe,  and  had 
lost  till!  nerve  wbicli  he  had  displayed  in  his 
wars  uf^ainst  Tippu;  and  he  would  have  ignored 
the  turn  of  tiie  tide,  and  persisted  in  fallini;  back 
on  the  old  policy  of  conciliation  and  non  inter- 
vention,  liad  not  dealli  cut  siiort  Ids  career  before 
hu  had  bei'ii  ten  weeks  in  the  ci.untry.  Sir 
Qeorjfe  Harhiw,  ii  Ilen^at  civilian,  succeeded  for 
a  wliile  to  tlie  post  of  Uovernor-Oeiicral,  as  a 
provisional  arraiif^cinent.  lie  bad  been  a  inein 
her  of  Couniil  under  liotli  Wellesley  ami  Corn 
wallis.  and  he  halted  between  the  two.  lie  re- 
fused to  restore  the  coni|Uered  territories  to 
Sindia  and  the  Hlionsia,  but  he  gave  back  the 
Indore  principality  to  Ilolkar,  togetlier  with  tlie 
captured  fortres.'M'S,  Worst  oC  all,  he  annulled 
most  of  the  protective  treaties  with  tlie  Ualpnt 
priiiccH  un  the  ground  that  they  had  deserted  tlie 
Hritish  governinelit  during  Mo'ison's  retreat  from 
JiiHwant  Kill)  Ilolkar.  For  sou  e  years  the  policy 
of  tlie  Uritisii  government  was  a  half  hearted 
system  of  noii-iuterveutioii.   .   .   .  Tlio  Mahnutu 

firiiices  were  left  to  plunder  ami  collect  cliout  fa 
ilackmail  extortion,  levied  by  the  JIahrattas  for 
a  century]  in  Uajputana,  ami  practically  to  make 
war  on  each  other,  so  long  as  tliey  respected  the 
territories  of  the  Uritisii  government  and  its 
allies.  .  .  .  All  this  while  an  under-current  of 
intrigue  was  at  work  between  Indian  courts, 
wliicli  .served  in  the  end  to  revive  wild  hopes  of 
getting  rid  of  Hritish  supremacy,  and  rekindling 
the  old  aspirations  for  war  and  rapine.  In  IHUli 
the  peace  of  India  was  broken  by  an  alarm  from 
a  very  dilTerent  quarter.  In  those  days  India 
was  so  remote  from  the  Britisli  Isles  thai  the  ex- 
istence of  the  Uritisii  government  muiniy  de- 
pended on  the  loyalty  of  its  sepoy  armies.  Sud- 
denly it  was  discovered  that  the  Madras  army 
was  on  the  brink  of  mutinv.  Tlie  Uritisii 
authorities  at  Madras  had  introduced  an  obnox- 
ious head-dress  resembling  a  European  hat,  in 
the  place  of  the  old  time-honoured  turban,  and 
had,  moreover,  forbidden  the  sepoys  to  appear 
■on  parade  with  earrings  and  caste  marks.  India 
was  astounded  by  a  revolt  of  the  Madras  sepoys 
at  the  fortress  of  Vellore,  about  eight  miles  to 
the  westward  of  Arcot.  .  .  .  The  garrison  at 
Vellore  consisted  of  about  400  Europeans  and 
1,500  sepoys.  At  midnight,  without  warning, 
the  sepoys  rose  in  iiiufiiiy.  One  body  tired  on 
the  European  barracks  until  half  the  soldiers 
were  killed  or  wounded.  Another  body  llred  on 
the  liouses  of  the  Uritish  ollicers,  and  shot  them 
down  as  they  rushed  out  to  know  the  cause  of 
the  uproar.  All  this  while  provisions  were  dis- 
tributed  amongst   the  sepoys    by  the   Mysore 


princes,  ami  the  Hag  of  Mysore  wan  hoisted  over 
the  fortress.  Kortniiatcly  llie  news  was  carried 
to  .\rcot,  where  Coliinel  Oillcspie  comniaiideii  a 
Uritisii  garrison.  Uiilespie  at  once  galloped  to 
Vellore  witli  a  triN>pof  Uritisii  dragoons  and  two 
Held  gilliH.  Tlie  gales  of  Vellore  were  lil^  wii 
open:  the  soldiers  nislied  In:  KH)  mutineeni  wcru 
cut  down,  and  tlie  outbreak  was  over.  ...  In 
|M()7  Lorii  .Minto  sni'ceeded  llarlow  as  (lovernor 
Oeneral.  lie  broke  thespcll  of  non  Intervention. 
.  .  .  Lord  .Minto's  main  work  was  to  keep 
.Napoleon  nnd  the  l''i'eiieh  out  of  India.  Tlie 
north  west  f.'ontier  was  still  vuliieralde,  but  the 
Afghans  liad  retired  from  the  I'uiijali.  and  the 
once  famous  Kunjeet  Singli  had  founded  a  Sikh 
kingdom  between  the  Indus  and  the  .Siitlej.  As 
far  as  the  Uritisii  were  concenied.  the  Siklis 
formed  a  barrier  against  tlie  Afghans:  and  i'<un 
jeet  SIngli  was  apparently  friendly,  for  lie  had 
refused  to  Nlielter  .laswant  Itao  Ilolkar  in  Ids 
tliglit  from  Lord  Lake.  Hut  tliere  was  no  kiii/W- 
ing  what  Kunjeet  Singh  miglit  do  if  tlie  Kreiieli 
found  their  way  to  Laliore.  To  crown  the  per- 
plexity, till!  Sikli  princes  on  tlie  Kritish  side  of 
the  river  SiitleJ,  who  had  dom?  homage  to  the 
ISritish  government  during  tlie  campaigns  of 
Lord  Lake,  were  lielng  coiiiiuered  by  Kunjeet 
.Singh,  and  were  appealing  to  the  Uritish  govern 
iiient  for  protection,  in  lMOH-0  a  young  IJi'iigal 
civilian,  iiaiucd  Charles  Metcalfe,  was  sent  on  a 
mission  to  Lahore.  The  work  liefore  lilm  wiw 
dillleuit  and  complicated,  and  somewhat  trying 
to  till!  nerves.  The  object  was  to  secure  hun- 
jeet  Singli  as  a  useful  ally  against  tlie  i''rench 
and  Afghans,  whilst  protecting  tne  Sikli  states 
on  the  Uritisii  side  of  the  SiitleJ,  namely,  .lliiiid, 
\ablia,  and  ratial  i.  Kunjeet  Singh  was  natu- 
rally disgusted  at  being  checked  iiy  Uritisii  inter- 
ference. It  was  unfair,  he  said,  lor  the  Uritisii 
to  wait  until  he  had  comiiiered  the  three  states, 
and  then  to  demand  pos.sesslon.  Metcalfe  clev- 
erly dropned  the  iiue.stiou  of  justice,  and  ap- 
liealed  to  Kunjeet  Singh's  self-interest.  Uy  f:iv 
ing  up  the  tliree  states,  Kunjeet  Singh  would 
secure  an  alliance  witli  the  Uritisii,  a  .strong 
frontier  on  the  Sutlej,  and  freedom  to  push  his 
I  on(}ue.sts  on  the  nortli  and  west.  Kunjeet  Singli 
look  the  hint.  He  withdrew  his  pretensi.  .is 
from  the  Uritisii  side  of  the  Sutlej,  and  profe.s.seil 
a  friendship  wliicli  remained  unbroken  until  liis 
death  in  1830;  but  he  knew  what  lie  was  about. 
lie  coniiiiered  Casliniere  on  the  north,  and  he 
wrested  Peshawar  from  the  Afghans;  but  he  re- 
fused to  open  his  dominions  to  Uritisii  trade,  and 
he  was  jealous  to  the  last  of  any  attempt  to  enter 
Ills  territories.  .  .  .  Jleunwhile  tlie  war  against 
France  and  Napoleon  had  extended  to  eastern 
waters.  The  island  of  the  Mauritius  liad  become  a 
French  depot  for  frigates  and  privateers,  wliicli 
swept  the  seas  from  Madagascar  to  Java,  until 
the  iMist  India  Company  reckoned  its  losses  by 
liiiliions,  and  private  traders  were  brought  to 
tlie  brink  of  ruin.  Lord  Minto  sent  one  expedi- 
tion [IHIOJ,  which  wrested  tlie  Mauritius  from  the 
French;  liiid  be  conducted  another  expedition  in 
person,  which  wrested  the  island  of  Java  from 
tlie  Dutch,  who  at  th;it  time  were  the  allies  of 
France.  Tlie  Mauritius  li.is  remained  a  Uritish 
posses.sion  until  this  day.  Out  Java  was  restored 
to  Holland  at  the  conclusion  of  tlie  war.  .  .  . 
Meanwhile  war  clouds  we  'licring   on    the 

.southern  slopes  of  the  Him  lav  Down  to  the 

middle  of    the   18tli  centui.  territory  of 


1731 


INDIA,  1805-iaiO. 


aiutrka  |Vi<r. 
''.uppression  'f  Pindari-t. 


INDIA,  1816-1810. 


Nip:il  find  lici'ii  pcopltMl  by  r.  rionrc-ful  nnd  iuduK- 
tri 'MS  r-.icc  of  Uuildliists  kiiDwn  as  Ncwiirs.  1ml 
about  the  year  1TI17.  wli.ii  llii;  Iirilis.li  l\:id  taken 
over  the  "liiiifral  provinces,  the  Newars  were 
ri  'iipieied  l.y  a  P.ijiiMf  trihe  from  Ciushmere. 
ki.'iwii  iis  (iiiorUas.  The  tihorka  eoiKpiest  of 
Nip.i'  Wi;s  as  eotupleto  .is  the  N<iriiiaii  eoiKjiiesl 
of  KtiKlaiid.  Tlie  (Jhorkas  e-'ahlislied  a  tiuliln: y 
ile.spoiisii  with  li-ahiP'inlcal  in«tituti«us  and 
pire<  lied  out  tiiu  louiitry  amongst  feu(hd  nol)les 
\ti>)'vi;  as  Uharadars.  .  .  .  Duri'ig  the  eaily 
)e<»r«  of  the  10th  eeiituvy  thr  Gliorkas  bejtari 
to  encroach  Of  liriiish  territory,  annexing  vil- 
Iaf;('S  and  reveii.ies  fioiu  '.)arjei'ling  to  Sinda 
\v;tlK,ut  riglit  01'  le.ison.  ''hey  were  obviously 
bent  Mi  exiendi!,!' their  li-ninion  southward  to 
Ml';  Ganges,  .!/id  fui'  a  louji  time  aggressions  were 
()V(  rlooVf  .i  for  -he  sake  of  peace.  At  las';  two 
districts  m  ere  .ippropr'  aled  to  wliich  the  Gliorkas 
had  not  a  shatUnv  uf  a  ilaim,  ami  it  was  al'oO- 
I'llvly  neeessaiy  to  make  a  stand  against  tbeir 
prt'ten-'l  :s.  "cjcordint'ly,  i.iord  Minto  sent  an 
idtimii..i:>  lo  Khiitinand'u.  declaring  that  nnless 
the  viiHtrir  s  were  restored  thiy  would  be  .et  JV- 
ere(i  liv  1  irce  of  ni'inE.  Ikforo  the  amivei  ar- 
liveii,  Loicl  Min'o  was  succeeded  in  the  post  of 
iJovernor  General  by  Lard  Moira,  better  known 
iir  i;is  later  title  of  Jfarcpiis  of  Hastings.  Lord 
i-\r':ix  landed  at  Oak  jtta  in  1813.  Short ly  after 
hi-  n'rivrd  ,m  nn-swer  was  received  from  the 
Oroika  C'lvernnient,  that  tl:e  (liryuted  districts 
iielonged  lo  Nii^nl,  and  would  nci,  be  surrendered, 
uord  Moira  at  once  ii.\\'d  ».  day  on  which  the  dis- 
iricts  were  to  tie  restored  ;  and  when  the  day  li.id 
passed  v/itliout  ifuy  actio. i  being  taken  by  tlii! 
Giitirkas,  a  British  detichmeni  entered  tlie  dis- 
tricls  and  sel  up  police  s'ations.  .  .  .  The  coun- 
cil of  Hharadiis  rsohcl  on  war,  but  tliey  did 
not  deelaie  it,  in  European  Tasliion.  A  Ghorkii 
ar^ny  suddeM^  e;iteied  the  disputed  districts, 
suri'iuiuled  the  poliee  stiiilons,  and  inurdeied 
many  of  the  constr'oles,  and  then  returned  to 
Khatmaiidu  to  awr.:t  the  action  of  the  British 
govera;nei,t  in  the  way  of  ••"prisals.  The  war 
against  the  Ghofkiis  was  more  reiiiote  and  more 
Borious  thiin  the  wiirs  against  the  Maliraltas. 
.  .  .  Those  "v ho  hi've  ascended  tiie  Himalaya; 
to  D.irjeeling  or  riimla  may  realise  something  of 
tiie  (iillicult'es  of  an  iuva.sion  of  Nipal.  The 
I'ritish  army  advanced  in  four  divisions  by  four 
dillerent  routes.  .  .  .  Genenil  David  Ochterlony, 
wh'  advanced  his  ilivisiim  along  the  valley  of 
the  Sulk  j,  gained  the  most  br'diant  successes. 
He  was  one  of  the  half  forgotten  heroes  of  the 
East  India  Company.  .  .  .  Foi  five  months  in 
the  worst  season  of.  tiie  yea:  b.e  carried  one 
fortress  after  another,  until  tae  enemy  made  e, 
final  stand  at  7<laloun  on  a  shelf  of  the  ilin'.alayas. 
The  (ihorkas  made  a  desperate  attack  on  the 
liriti.sh  works,  but  the  attempt  failed ;  and  when 
the  Riilish  batteries  were  about  to  open  fire,  the 
Giiorka  garrison  came  to  terms,  and  were  per- 
t:iitted  to  march  out  with  the  honours  of  war. 
The  fall  of  Maloun  shook  the  faith  of  the  Ghorka 
government  in  their  lieaviu-built  fortresses. 
Cominissioiiers  -vere  sent  to  conclude  a  peace. 
Nipal  agreed  to  cede  Kumaon  in  the  west,  and 
the  southern  belt  of  forest  nnd  jungle  known  ns 
the  Terai.  It  also  agreed  to  receive  a  British 
Resident  at  Khatraandu.  Lord  Moira  had 
actually  signed  the  treaty,  whe  the  Ghorkas 
raised  the  question  of  whether  the  ferai  included 
the  foa'st  or  only  the  swamp.    War  was  renewed. 


Ochterlony  edvaiiced  i.n  army  within  fifty  miles 
of  Khatmanilu,  and  llun  the  Ghorkas  concluded 
the  treaty  [  18ri|,  and  tiie  Iirit';,ii  army  withdrew 
fn  ,11  Nijial.  The  Terai,  however,  was  a  bone  of 
contention  for  many  years  nfli,r\,'ard3.  Nothing 
was  said  about  a  sub.^idiary  army,  and  to  this  day 
Niji'il  is  outside  the  pale  of  subsidiary  alliances; 
but  Nipal  is  bound  over  not  to  take  any 
European  into  ijer  service  without  the  consent  of 
the  IJr'lisli  governnient." — J.  T.  Wheeler,  fntli '■ 
uiu'er  llritiKh  ltiili\  eh.  !t. 

Also  IN:  ,1.  D.  Cunningham,  Hint,  of  the  Sik/if, 
r/i.  5-0.  —  E.  T'hornton.  j/int.  of  BritUh  Kinpire 
in  India,  i!i.  21-24  (r.  A). 

A.  D.  1&16-1819.— Suppression  of  the  Pin- 
daris. — Overthrow  of  the  Mahratta  power. — 
The  last  of  the  Peshwas.— "For  some  time 
past  tne  IMndaris,  a  vast  brotherhood  of  mounted 
f'rceliooters,  wdio  were  ready  to  fight  under  any 
i  stund-ird  for  the  chance  of  unbounded  plunder, 
had  been  playing  a  more  and  more  iirominent 
part  ill  the  wars  of  native  princes.  As  Free 
Lances,  they  had  fought  for  •  Peshwa  at  Paui- 
pat,  had  shared  in  the  fre(|  a  struggles  of  the 
Sindhiasand  Holkars  in  Illi  austanand  Southern 
India,  and  made  war  on  their  own  account 
will!  every  native  prince  whose  weakness  at  any 
moment  seemed  to  invite  attack.  .  .  .  From  the 
hills  aiifl  glens  of  Central  India  thousands  of 
armed  lutlians  sallied  forth  year  after  year  in 
(picst  of  plunder,  sparing  no  cruelty  to  gain 
'lieir  ends.  ai.  1  wiiiening  the  circle  of  their 
ravages  with  "itch  new  nud,  until  in  1811  the 
smoke  of  tlicii  camptiret  could  be  seen  .from 
G:iva  and  Miizapur.  .  .  .  To  lliwa.:  Maratlia 
iiurigues  and  punish  Pindari  aggressions  was 
the  Governor-General's  next  aim.  In  spite  of 
liindrunceK  olfered  iiy  lii^  own  council  and  the 
('ourt  of  Directors,  he  set  Himself  to  revive  and 
extend  Lord  Weliesle-  s  policy  of  securing  peace 
au.l  order  througliout  India  by  Means  of  treaties, 
which  placed  one  native  prince  after  anotlier  in 
..  kind  of  vassalage  to  the  paramount  ])Ower  tliat 
ruled  from  Fort  William.  .  .  .  By  means  of  a 
little  timely  compidsioi:,  the  able  and  accom- 
[ilislied  Elphinstoiio  bailled  for  a  while  the  plots 
which  the  PesUwi.,,  iJaji  Hao,  and  his  villain- 
ous accomplic'.  Triinbakji  Danglia,  had  woven 
against  tlieir  Englisli  allies.  The  treaty  of  .lune, 
1817,  left  Lord  Hastings  master  of  Sagar  and 
Duudalkliand,  wliiic  it  bound  the  Peshwa  to  re- 
nounce his  friend  Triinbakji,  his  ov,'n  claims  to 
the  headship  of  the  .Maratlia  League,  to  make  no 
treaties  with  eny  otiier  native  ])rince,  and  to 
accept  in  all  things  the  counsel  and  control 
of  llie  Company's  Governme.it  Hard  ns  these 
te"ms  miiy  seem,  there  was  uo  choice,  averred 
Lord  Hastings,  between  thus  crippling  a  secret 
foe  and  depriving  him  of  the  crown  he  hail  fairly 
forfeited.  Jleanwhile  Lord  Hasting.''  fearless 
energy  had  nlready  saved  the  Ilajpiits  of  Jaipur 
from  further  sulfering  nt  the  hands  of  their 
Patlian  oppressor.  Amir  Khan,  and  forced  from 
Sindia  himself  a  rcluctaiit  promise  to  aid  in  sup- 
pressing tlie  Pindari  hordes,  whose  fearful  rav- 
ages had  at  length  been  felt  by  the  peaceful  vil- 
lagers in  the  Northern  Sarkars.  In  the  autumn 
of  1817  IIa.stings  took  the  field  at  the  head  of  an 
army  which,  counting  native  contingents,  nuis- 
teved  neu'ly  120,000  strong,  with  some  300  guns. 
From  east,  west,  north,  and  south,  a  dozen  col- 
umns set  forth  to  hunt  down  the  merciless  ruf- 
fians who  had  so  long  been  idlowed  to  hurry  the 


1732 


INDIA,   1810-1819. 


f)r*'r//iroii'  o/  the 
.yttthrattas. 


INDIA,  1823-1833. 


fairest  provinces  of  Iiidiii  In  spite  of  tlie  liiivoc 
wrought  among  our  troops  liy  tlie  great  clioleni 
outbreak  of  that  year,  and  of  a  sudden  rising 
among  IIk;  Maratlia  prinees  for  one  last  struggle 
•,vith  their  former  eoiuiuerors,  our  arms  were 
everj  where  successful  against  ilarathas  and  I'in- 
daris  alike.  Tlio  latter,  hunted  into  the  hills  and 
jungles  of  Central  India,  found  no  safety  any- 
where e.xeept  in  small  bodies  and  constant  lliglit 
.  .  .  and  the  famous  robb(  r  league  passed  into  a 
tale  of  yore..  Not  less  swift  and  sure  was  the 
])unisliment  dealt  iipon  the  Maratha  leaders  who 
joined  the  Peshwa  in  liis  sudden  uitrising  against 
tlie  Uritish  power.  Ills  late  submission  had  been 
nothing  but  a  mask  for  renewed  |)lottings.  El- 
piiinstone,  however,  saw  through  the  mask  which 
had  taken  in  the  confiding  Jliilcolm.  Before  the 
end  of  October  an  English  regiment,  summoned 
in  hot  haste  from  Bombay,  pitched  its  camp  at 
Kirki,  about  two  miles  from  Puna,  beside  the  small 
Hepoy  brigade  already  (iuartere(l  there.  In  the 
first  (lays  of  November  Baji  Bao  began  to  assume 
a  bolder  tone  as  his  plans  grew  riiie  for  instant 
execution.  On  the  5th,  ii  body  of  Marathas  at- 
tacked and  destroyed  the  Residency,  which  El- 
jdiinstone  had  quitted  in  the  nick  of  time.  A 
great  Maratlia  army  then  marched  forth  to  over- 
whelm the  little  garrison  at  Kirki,  before  fresh 
troops  could  come  up  to  its  aid  from  Sirur.  El- 
phinstoue,  however,  who  knew  his  foe,  liad  no 
idea  of  uwuiting  the  attacl^.  t'olonel  Burr  at 
once  led  out  his  nuMi,  not  3,000  all  told.  A  bril- 
liant charge  of  JIaratha  horse  was  heavily  re- 
|iulsed  by  a  Sepoy  regiment,  and  the  English 
steadily  advancing  drove  the  enemy  from  the 
field.  A  few  days  later  General  SmitI  ,  at  the 
1  au\  of  a  larger  force,  udvanced  on  Puna,  occu- 
1  'ed  the  city,  and  pursued  the  frightened  Petliwa 
f  1  'im  place  to  jdace.  The  herii' ;  defeiii  o  of 
Ivarigaum,  a  snial'  village  on  the  Bhim;j,  by 
Captain  Staunton  a^d  800  Sepoys,  with  only  two 
liglit  guns,  again';  35,000  Marathas  during  a 
whole  day,  proven  once  more  how  nobly  native 
troops  cou'd  light  under  En^lsli  leading.  Ilap- 
])ily  for  Staunton's  weary  and  (iimini.ilied  baud. 
Smith  came  up  the  next  morning,  and  the  des- 
lionding  Peshwa  C(mtinucd  his  retreat.  Turn 
where  he  would,  there  was  no  rest  for  his  jaded 
soldiers.  Munro  with  a  weak  force,  partly  of 
his  own  raising,  headed  him  on  his  way  to  the 
Carnatic,  took  several  of  his  strong  places,  and 
drove  him  northwards  within  reach  of  General 
Smith.  On  the  19th  February,  1818,  that  oflicer 
overtook  and  routed  the  flying  foe  at  the  village 
of  Asliti.  Bapu  Gokla,  tlie  Peshw'v's  staunchest 
and  ablest  follow  r,  perished  in  the  field,  while 
covering  the  retreat  of  his  c(Avardly  master. 
For  some  weeks  longer  Baji  Kao  fled  hither  and 
thither  before  his  resolute  pursuers.  But  at 
length  all  hope  forsook  him  as  the  circle  of 
escape  grew  daily  narrower;  iind  in  the  middle 
of  May  the  great-grandson  of  Balaji  Vishwanath 
yielded  himself  to  Sir  John  JIaleolm  at  Indor,  on 
terms  far  more  liberal  than  he  had  any  reason  to 
e.'ipect.  Even  for  the  faithful  few  who  s.Ml 
shared  his  fortunes  due  provision  was  made  at 
his  reciuest.  lie  himself  spent  the  rest  of  his 
days  a  princely  pensioner  at  Bithiir,  near  Cawn- 
pore ;  but  the  sceptre  which  he  and  his  sires  had 
wielded  for  a  hundred  years  passed  into  English 
handii,  while  thf.-  Rajah  of  Satara,  the  long-neg- 
lected heir  of  the  house  of  Sivaii,  was  restored 
to  the  nominal  headship  of  the  Maratha  power. 


Meanwhile  Appa  Sahib,  the  usurping  Rajah  of 
Merar,  had  no  .sooner  lieard  of  tlie  outbreak  at 
Puna,  than  lie.  '.oo,  like  tiie  Pesliw;'.,  threw  ofT 
Ids  mask.  On  tlie  evening  of  the  :H\h  Xovem- 
bcr,  1817,  his  troops,  to  tlie  nunilKr  of  18,000, 
suddenly  attacked  the  weak  English  and  Sepoy 
force  of  1,400  men  with  four  guns,  posted  on  the 
Sitabaldi  Hills,  outside  Nagpur.  A  terrible  fight 
for  eightcn  hours  ended  in  the  repulse  of  the 
assailants,  with  a  loss  to  the  victors  of  more  than 
;!00  men  and  twelve  ollicers.  A  few  weeks  later 
Nagpur  itself  was  occupied  after  another  fight-. 
Even  then  the  Rajah  might  have  kept  his  llirone, 
for  his  (conquerors  were  merciful  and  hoped  the 
best.  But  they  hoped  in  vain.  It  was  not  long 
before  Appa  Sahib,  caught  out  in  fresh  intrigues, 
was  sent  off  a  prisoner  towards  Allahabad.  Es- 
caping from  hit  ca,..or8,  he  wandered  about  the 
country  for  several  years,  and  died  at  Labor  a 
pensioner  on  the  bounty  of  Ranjit  Singh.  Tlie 
house  of  ITolkar  had  also  [luid  the  penalty  of  its 
rash  resistance  to  our  arms.  ...  On  the  0th 
■January,  1818,  the  young  Ilolkar  was  glad  to 
sign  a  treaty  which  placed  him  and  his  heirs 
under  English  iirotection  at  the  cost  of  his  inde- 
liendence  and  of  some  part  of  his  realm.  Luck- 
ily for  himself,  Sindia  had  remained  quiet,  it 
not  quite  loyal,  throughout  this  last  struggle 
between  the  English  and  his  JIaratlia  kinsfolk. 
Thus  in  one  short  and  decisive  campaign,  t'  o 
great  Maratha  power,  which  had  survived  o 
slaughter  of  Panipat,  fell  shattered  to  pieces  by 
the  o  ..iO  blow  which  crushed  the  Pindaris.  and 
i.iised  an  English  mercliant-comiiany  to  the  para- 
mount lordship  of  all  India.  The  last  of  the 
Peshwas  had  ceased  to  reign,  the  Rajah  of  Bcrar 
wai.  a  discrowned  fugitive,  the  R;ijah  of  Satara 
a  king  only  in  name,  while  Sindia,  Ilolkar,  and 
the  Nizam  were  dependent  princes  who  reigned 
only  by  sufTerance  of  an  English  Governor- 
General  at  Calcutta.  The  Moghal  Empire  lin- 
gered only  in  tne  Palace  of  Dehli;  its  former 
viceroy,  the  Xawab  of  Audh,  was  our  obedient 
vassal ;  the  haughty  princes  of  Rajputana  bowed 
their  necks,  more  or  less  cheerfully,  to  the  yoke 
of  masters  merciful  as  Akbar  and  niigluier  than 
Aurang/.ib.  Ranjit  Singh  him.self  cultivated 
the  goodwill  of  tho.se  powerful  neighbours  who 
had  sheltered  the  Sikhs  of  Sirhiini  from  his  am- 
bitious inroMi'.;;.  Vi'iiii  the  final  overilirow  of  the 
Marathas  a  new  reign  of  peace,  order,  and  gen- 
eral progress  began  for  peoples  who,  during  a 
hundred  and  fifty  years,  had  lived  in  a  ceaseless 
whirl  of  anarchy  and  armed  strife.  With  the 
capture  of  Asirgarh  in  April,  1819,  the  fighting 
in  Southern  India  came  to  an  end." — L.  J. Trotter, 
Jliat.  of  India,  ok.  5,  ch.  2-3. 

Also  in  :  W.  M.  Torrens,  Empire  in  Aniti : 
Ihw  we  Mine  by  it,  eh.  19-20.— J.  O.  Duff,  Hist, 
of  the  Jfuhnttti:i,  e.  3,  eh.  17-20. — Major  Ross-of- 
Blidensburg,  T/ie  Murquem  <f  ILwtinfin,  eh.  4-7. 

A.  D.  1823-1833. — The  first  Burmese  War. 
— English  acquisition  of  Assam  and  Aracan.— 
Suppression  of  Suttee  and  Thugge  . — Re- 
chartering  of  the  East  India  Company. — It  is 
deprived  of  its  last  trading  monopoly. — -"On 
Hastings'  retirement,  in  1823,  the  choice  of  the 
ministry  fell  upon  Caninng.  .  .  .  Canning  ulti- 
mately resigning  th"  Governor-Generalship,  the 
choice  of  the  authorities  fell  upon  Lord  Amherst. 
The  new  Governor-General  reached  India  at  a 
time  when  the  authorities  in  L<mdon  had  a  ''  ;ht 
to  expect  a  long  period  of  peace.     In  fact,     oth 


1733 


INDIA,   1H33-1833. 


First  Ilurmesr 
War. 


INDIA,   1833-1833. 


in  Ilindostan  iiml  in  the  Deccuii,  the  victories  of 
Hustings  had  left  the  C'i)inpiiny  no  more  fiicniiea 
to  ((incpicr.  I'nforlnniitcly,  howpvcr,  for  the 
nrospi'ctH  of  pcuc,  nature,  which  had  givi'ii 
India  an  inii)i'nctral)]i!  Ijoundary  on  tlie  nortli, 
liad  left  her  wilh  an  nndefint'd  and  opi'n  frontier 
on  till'  cast.  ( )n  tlic  sliorcsof  t!ic  Hay  of  Hcn^^il, 
<,pp()siti!  Calcutta,  a  struggle  had  raifcd  dnriii^' 
the  ciglitccnth  century  hi'twccn  tlic  inlialiitanls  of 
Ava  and  Pegu.  Tlic  former,  known  as  Hnrmuns 
or  liiirnie.se,  had  tlie  j;ood  furtnne  to  find  a  capa- 
ble leader,  who  rapidly  ensured  their  own  vie 
lory  and  fonnded  a  IJurmese  Empire.  The  .suc- 
<'essful  competitors  were  not  satistied  with  their 
own  predominance  in  Pcku  —  they  con(iuorefl 
Aracaii,  tliey  overran  Assam,  and  they  wrested 
from  Siam  a  considerable  territory  on  the  Tenns- 
serim  coast.  The  conquest  of  Anicin  broiiglit 
the  Hiirme.se  to  the  confines  of  the  Company'.s 
dominions  in  C'hittagong.  The  conquered  peo- 
ple, dislilung  the  severe  rule  of  the  conquerors, 
crossed  the  frontier  and  settled  in  IJritisli  terri- 
tory. Many  vif  them  used  their  new  home  as  a 
secure  basis  for  hostile  raids  on  the  iJurmese. 
.  .  .  The  river  Naf  ran  for  a  portion  of  its  course 
between  the  jiossessions  of  tlie  Hritish  in  CLlt- 
tagong  and  tlK).se  of  the  Burmese  in  Aracan. 
With  tlie  object  of  preventing  the  repetition  of 
outrages,  wliieh  had  occurred  on  tlio  river,  a 
small  British  gu:^rd  was  statiimed  on  a  little 
island,  called  Sh-.poree,  near  its  mouth.  The 
Burmese,  claiming  tlie  island  as  their  own,  at- 
tacked the  guard  and  drove  it  from  the  post.  It 
was  impossible  to  ignore  such  a  cliallenge.  The 
island  was  reoccujiied;  but  the  Governor-Gen- 
eral, still  anxious  for  peace,  offered  to  treat  its 
occupation  by  the  Burmese  as  an  action  unau- 
thorised by  the  Burmese  Government.  The  Bur- 
mese Court,  however,  instead  of  accepting  this 
offer,  3eut  an  army  to  reoccupy  the  island ;  col- 
lisions almost  simultaneously  occurred  betwe(m 
the  British  and  the  Burmese  on  other  parts  of 
the  frontier,  and  in  February  1834  the  first  Bur- 
mese war  began.  ...  If  the  war  of  1834  may 
be  excused  as  inevitable,  its  conduct  must  be 
condemned  as  cai  eless.  No  pains  were  taken  to 
ascertain  the  nature  of  the  country  which  it  was 
requisite  to  invade,  or  the  strength  of  the  enemy 
whom  it  was  decided  to  encounter.  .  .  .  Burma 
is  watered  by  two  great  rivers,  the  Irawaddy  and 
the  Salwen.  ...  In  its  upper  waters  the  Ira- 
waddy is  a  rapid  otream ;  in  its  lower  waters  it 
Hows  through  alluvial  plains,  and  finds  its  way 
through  a  delta  with  nine  mouliis  into  the  Bay 
of  Bengal.  On  one  of  its  western  mouths  is  the 
town  of  Bassein,  on  one  of  its  eastern  mouths  the 
great  co>uniercial  port  of  Ilangoon.  The  banks 
of  the  river  are  clothed  with  jungle  and  with 
forest;  and  malari:;,  ihe  curse  of  all  low-lying 
tropical  lands,  ulways  lingers  in  the  marshes. 
The  authorities  decided  on  inva<iiug  Burma 
through  the  Uangoon  branch  of  the  river.  They 
gave  Sir  Archibald  Camiibell,  an  officer  who  had 
won  distinction  in  the  Peninsula,  the  command 
of  the  expedition,  and,  as  a  preliminary  measure, 
they  determined  to  seize  Uuiigoon.  Its  capture 
was  accomiilished  with  ease,  and  the  Burmese 
retired  from  the  town.  But  tiie  victory  was  the 
precursor  of  dilllculty.  The  troops  ihired  not 
advance  in  an  unhealthy  season;  the  supplies 
which  they  had  brought  with  them  proved  in- 
sullicient  for  iheir  support;  and  the  men  perished 
by  scores  during  their  period  of  forced  inaction. 


.  .  .  When  more  favourable  weather  returned 
wilh  the  autumn,  (Jampbell  was  again  able  to 
advance.  Burma  was  then  attacked  from  three 
separate  bases.  A  force  under  Colonel  IJiclmrds, 
moving  along  the  vallc}'  of  the  Bramaputra,  con- 
<iuere(l  Assam;  an  expedition  under  General 
Morri.-ion,  marching  from  Chittagong,  occupied 
Aracan;  while  Cami)bell  himself,  (lividing  his 
army  into  two  divisions,  one  moving  by  water, 
the  other  by  land,  pas.sed  up  the  Irawaddy  and 
cajitured  Donahue  and  Prome.  TliB  climate  im- 
proved as  the  troojib  ascended  the  river,  and  the 
hot  weather  of  1835  proved  less  injurious  than 
the  summer  of  1834.  .  .  .  The  operations  in 
1835-0  drove  home  the  ie.sson  nhich  the  cam- 
paign of  1834-5  had  already  taught.  The  Bur- 
mese realised  their  impotence  to  resist,  and  con- 
sented to  accept  the  terms  which  the  British 
were  still  ready  to  offer  them.  Assam,  Aracan, 
and  tlu'"  Tena.sserim  Coast  were  ceded  to  the 
Company  ;  the  King  of  Burma  consented  to  re- 
ceive a  Kesident  at  liis  cajjital,  and  to  pay  a  very 
large  sum  of  money — 1,000,0001.  —  towards  the 
expenses  of  the  war.  .  .  .  The  increasing  cre(lit 
wdiich  the  Company  thus  accjuired  did  not  add 
to  the  reputation  of  the  Governor-General.  .  .  , 
The  Company  complained  of  the  vast  .idditions 
which  his  rule  had  made  to  exiienditure,  and 
they  'ioulited  the  expediency  of  acciuiring  new 
and  unnecessary  territory  beyond  the  confines  of 
India  itself.  The  ministry  thought  that  thes;; 
acquisitions  were  opposed  to  the  policy  which 
Piirliament  liiul  laid  down,  and  to  the  true  in- 
terests of  the  empire.  It  decided  on  liis  recall. 
.  .  .  Wiiliam  Bentinck.  whom  Canning  selected 
as  Amherst's  succe  *sor,  wa:  no  stranger  to  Indian 
soil.  More  than  twenty  yciirs  before  he  had 
served  as  Governor  ot  Madras.  .  .  .  Bentinck 
arrived  in  Calcutta  in  diiiicult  times.  Amherst's 
war  had  saddled  the  Government  with  a  debt, 
and  his  successor  with  a  deficit.  .  .  .  Betreuch- 
mcnt,  in  the  opinion  of  every  one  qualified  to 
judge,  was  absolutely  indispensable,  and  Ben- 
tinck, as  a  matter  of  fact,  brought  out  specific 
instructions  to  retrench.  ...  In  two  other  mat- 
ters .  .  .  Bentinck  effected  a  change  which  de- 
serves to  be  recollected  witli  gratitude.  He  had 
the  courage  to  abolish  Hogging  in  the  native 
Indian  army ;  he  had  the  still  higher  ( jurage  to 
abolish  suttee.  ...  In  Bengal  the  suttee,  or 
'the  pure  and  virtuous  woman,"  ,vho  became  a 
widow,  was  required  to  show  her  devotion  to 
her  husband  by  sacrificing  herself  on  his  funeral 
l)ile.  .  .  .  Successive  Governors-General,  whose 
attention  had  been  dire(!ted  to  this  barbarous 
priictice,  had  feared  to  incur  the  unpopularity 
of  abolishing  it.  .  .  .  Cornwallis  and  Wellesley, 
Hastings  and  Amherst,  were  all  afraid  to  pro- 
hibit murder  which  was  identified  with  religion, 
and  it  was  accordingly  reserved  to  Bentinck  to 
remove  the  reproach  of  its  existence.  With  the 
consent  of  his  Council,  suttee  was  declareil 
illegal.  The  danger  which  others  had  appre- 
hended from  its  prohibition  proved  a  mere  phan- 
tom. The  Hindoos  complied  with  the  order 
without  attempting  to  resist  i',  and  the  horrible 
rite  which  hacl  disgraced  the  soil  of  India  for 
centuries  became  entirely  uuknown.  For  these 
humane  regulations  Bentinck  deserves  to  be  re- 
membered with  gratitude.  Yet  it  should  not  be 
forgotten  that  these  reforms  were  as  much  the 
work  of  his  age  as  of  himself.  .  .  .  One  other 
great  abuse  was  terminated  u'>der  Bentinck.     In 


1734 


INDIA,  1833-18.% 


SupprensloK  of  the 
Thuga. 


INDIA,   1830-1845. 


C'cntrnl  Indi'i  life  wi\.s  iiiiidc  iiiisiifL'  iinil  tmvd- 
liii)?  (liingcroiis  liy  tl.c  fstiiblislimcnt.  of  a  sfcrct 
bnnd  of  robliors  known  as  Thugs.  Tlio  Tliiigs 
minglwl  witli  nny  triivcllprs  whom  they  mot,  (lis- 
iirnit'd  them  by  their  conversation  and  courtesy, 
and  avaiU'd  tlieniselves  of  tlie  tir.st  convenient 
spot  in  tlieir  journey  to  strangle  tliem  witli  a 
roi)e  and  to  rob  them  of  tlieir  money.  Tlie 
l)uriiil  of  tli('  victim  usually  (oneealcd  all  traces 
of  I  h(^  crime;  the  secrecy  of  the  con  federates  made 
its  revelation  unliliely:  and,  to  make  treachery 
more  improbable,  the  Tliugs  usually  consecrateil 
their  murders  with  r  '.igious  rites,  and  claimed 
their  god  ns  the  patron  of  their  misdoings.  Hcn- 
tinck  selected  an  active  otlicer,  Major  Sleeman, 
wlion\  he  char'icd  to  put  down  Thuggee.  Slee- 
man's  exertions  were  rewarded  by  a  gratifying 
success.  The  Thugs,  like  all  secret  societies, 
were  assailable  in  one  way.  The  lirst  <li.scovery 
of  crime  always  produces  an  approver.  The 
timid  conspiralor,  conscious  of  his  guilt,  is  glad 
to  i)urcliase  his  own  safety  by  sacritieing  his 
associates,  and  wlien  one  man  turns  traitor  every 
member  of  the  band  is  an.xious  to  secure  the  re- 
wards and  imnumity  of  treachery.  Ilenee  the 
lirst  due  towards  the  pradiecs  of  the  Thugs  led 
to  the  unveiling  of  the  whole  organisation;  and 
th(^  same  statesman,  who  had  the  merit  of  for- 
bidding suttee,  succeeded  in  extirpating  Tliug- 
gee  from  tlic  dominions  over  which  he  ruled. 
Social  reforms  of  this  characler  occupy  the 
greater  portion  of  the  history  of  IJentinck's  gov- 
ernment. In  politics  he  almost  alwa_v.3  pursued 
n  policy  of  non-intervention.  The  Hriti.sh  during 
liis  rule  made  few  additions  to  their  po.sse.ssions ; 
they  rarely  interfered  in  the  alTairs  of  Native 
states.  .  .  .  The  privileges  which  the  East  India 
Company  enjoyed  had  from  time  to  time  been 
renewed  by  the  Uritisli  Parliament.  The  charter 
of  the  t;om;>any  had  been  extended  for  a  period 
(.f  twenty  years  in  1778,  in  1703,  and  in  i813. 
15ut  the  e(m<lition3  on  which  it  was  continued  in 
18'.3  were  very  dilTerent  from  those  on  which  it 
had  been  originally  granted.  Instead  of  main- 
taining its  exclusive  -ight  of  trade,  Parliament 
decide<l  on  throwing  open  the  trade  with  India 
to  all  Hritish  subjects.  It  left  the  Company  a 
monopoly  of  the  Cliina  trade  ".lone.  The  Act  of 
1813  of  course  excited  the  .strenuous  opposition 
of  the  C/'ompany.  The  highest  authorities  were 
brought  forward  to  prove  that  the  trade  with 
Ii.dia  would  not  bo  in('rea.sed  by  a  termination  of 
the  monopoly.  Their  views,  however,  were 
proved  false  by  the  result,  uid  the  stern  logic  of 
iacts  conseiiuently  pointed  in  1833  to  the  further 
extension  of  the  policy  of  1813  [see  China:  A.  1). 
1839-T842J.  .  .  .  The  inclination  towanls  free 
trade  was,  in  fact,  so  prevalent,  that  it  is  doubt- 
ful whether,  even  if  the  Tories  had  remained  in 
ollice.  they  would  have  con.sente('  to  preseive  the 
monopoly.  .  .  .  The  fall  of  the  icilington  ad- 
ministration nnide  its  termination  a  certainty  [.see 
t.N;'i,.\ND:  A.  I).  1832-1833J.  .  .  .  Tlie  Govern- 
ment consented  to  compensate  the  Company  for 
the  loss  of  its  monopoly  by  ai-  annuity  of 
030,0001.  charged  on  the  territorial  revenues  of 
India.  It  is  a  remarkable  circumstance  that  the 
change  of  ministry  which  deprived  the  Company 
of  its  trade  possibly  preserved  its  iiolitical  p(nver 
for  nearly  a  (luarter  (;f  a  century.  .  .  .  The 
Whig  ministry  shrank  from  proposing  an  altera- 
tion for  which  the  country  was  not  prepared, 
and  which  might  have  aroiised  the  opposition  by 
3-12 


which  the  Coalition  of  17S3  had  been  destroyed. 
Though,  however,  it  left  the  rule  with  Lenuen- 
hall  Street,  it  altered  the  machinery  of  govern- 
ment. Tlio  Governor-General  of  Bengal  wius 
made  Governor-General  of  India.  A  fourth 
member  —  an  English  jurist  —  was  added  to  his 
Council,  and  the  Governor-General  in  (.'oiincil 
was  authorised  to  legislate  for  the  whole  of 
India.  At  the  same  time  the  disabilities  which 
still  clung  to  the  natives  wore  in  theory  swept 
away,  and  Europeans  were  for  the  first  time 
allowed  to  hold  land  in  India.  These  important 
]iroposals  wore  carried  at  the  close  of  the  first 
session  of  the  first  reformed  Parliament." — S. 
Walpolo,  Ilint.  of  Enr/landfrom  1815,  rh.  25  (».  5). 

Also  in:  J.  \V.  Kayo,  Ail  mi  niKl  ration  of  the 
East  Iiiilin  C'o.,pt.  3-4. — Sir  C.  Trevelyai.,  I'/ie 
ThujiK  (ICdin.  llee.,  Jan.,  1837).  —  Illu  trations  of 
the  Hixt.  of  the  Thiii/s. — ]M.  Taj'lor,  ijoiifemoim 
of  a  Thug,  introil. — 1).  C.  Boulger,  /Mnl  William 
Ikntiitrk,  ch.  4-0. 

A.  D.  1836-1845.  —  The  first  Afghan  war 
and  its  catastrophe.-  Conquest  and  annexa- 
tion of  Scinde. —  Threatened  trouble  with  the 
Sikhs. — "  With  the  accession  of  Lord  Auckland, 
Hent luck's  successor,  began  a  new  era  in  Anglo- 
Indian  history,  in  wliidi  the  hmg-sown  seeds  of 
fresh  political  complications,  which  even  now 
seem  as  far  from  solution  as  ever,  began  to  put 
forth  fruit.  All  danger  from  French  ambition 
had  i)as.sed  away :  but  Kussian  intrigue  was  busy 
against  us.  We  had  brougiit  the  danger  on  our- 
selves. False  to  an  alliance  with  Persia,  which 
dated  from  the  beginning  of  the  century,  we  had 
turned  a  deaf  ear  to  lier  entreaties  for  help 
against  IJussian  aggression,  and  had  allowed  her 
to  fall  under  the  power  of  her  tyrant,  who 
thenceforth  u.sed  her  as  an  instrument  of  liis  aiii- 
liition.  The  result  of  our  .selfish  indiilerenco  ap- 
peared in  1837,  when  Persia,  acting  under  Rus- 
sian influence,  laid  siege  to  Herat,  which  was 
then  under  Afghan  rule.  While  Herat  was  still 
liolding  out,  tlie  Shah  was  at  last  threatened  with 
war,  and  raised  the  siege.  Then  was  the  time 
for  Auckland  to  destroy  the  Russian  danger  once 
for  all,  by  making  a  friend  of  the  jiower  which 
seemed  to  be  the  natural  barrier  against  invasion 
from  the  north-west.  After  a  long  series  of  rev 
olutions.  Dost  JIahomed,  the  representative  of 
the  now  famous  tribe  of  Baruckzyes,  had  estab- 
lished himself  upon  the  throne,  with  the  warm 
approval  of  the  majority  of  the  people;  while 
Shah  Sooja,  the  leader  of  the  rival  Suddozycs, 
was  an  exile.  The  ru.lpg  prince  did  not  wait 
for  Auckland  to  seek  his  friendship.  lie  treated 
the  Russian  advances  with  contempt,  and  desired 
nothing  better  .nan  to  bo  an  ally  of  the  English. 
Auckland  was  urged  to  seize  the  opportunity. 
It  was  in  his  power  to  deal  Russia  a  rnshiug 
blow,  and  to  avert  those  troubles  which  are  even 
now  harassing  British  statesmen.  He  did  not 
let  slip  tlu  opportunity.  He  Hung  it  from  him, 
and  dutche('  at  a  policy  that  was  to  bring  mis- 
ery to  thou.sands  of  families  in  England,  in 
India,  anil  in  Afghanistan,  end  to  prove  disas- 
tr;/us  to  the  political  interests  of  all  three  c  )un- 
tries.  .  .  .  Those  who  are  least  interested  lU  In- 
dian history  are  not  likely  to  forget  how  liie 
Afghan  mob  murdered  the  British  Envoy  and 
his  associates;  liow  the  British  commander,  put- 
ting faith  in  the  chiefs  of  a  people  whom  no 
treaties  can  bind,  began  that  retreat  from  which 
but  one   man  escaped   to  tell   how  10,000  had 


im 


INDIA,  1830-1845. 


Firnt  Affjhttn  War. 
Sikh  I" 


mirs. 


INDIA,  184.5-1848. 


pcrislicil;  liow  poor  Auckland,  unmamuMl  liy  tln^ 
.lisiwtcr,  Inckcd  tliccncrL'.V  to  rotrii'VC  it ;  how  the 
licroic  .'^iilc  liclil  out  ut.)i;lliiliibii(l  till  l'ollo<k  ri- 
licvfd  liiin;  how  Auckland's  successor,  Lord 
Ellciiliorough,  dreading  fresh  disjisters,  hesitated 
to  allow  his  generals  to  act  till,  jieldin);  to  their 
indiKiiant  zeal,  he  threw  upon  them  the  respon- 
Nihility  of  that  advance  to  Cahul  which  retrieved 
the  lost  prestige  of  our  arms  [see  AFoirA.SMsrAN: 
A.  I).  18;j8-lH4a,  and  lH4'->-1800].  Thus  closed 
the  first  act  of  n  still  unlinished  driima.  After 
ft'lelirating  tlie  triumph  of  tht:  vk loricnis  army, 
Elletdiorough  sent  Charles  Xaiier  to  punish  the 
Ameersof  Seinde  [see  Scint.-],  who, emboldened 
by  the  retreat  from  Cid)ul,  liad  violated  a  treaty 
which  they  liad  concluded  with  the  JSritish  Oov- 
ernnient.  Tlie  result  of  the  war  was  the  annexa- 
tion of  the  country:  but  the  whole  series  of 
transactions  is  oidy  remembered  now  as  having 
given  rise  to  the  dispute  on  the  question  of  the 
guilt  of  the  Ameers  between  Napier  and  James 
Outram.  Less  talked  of  at  the  time,  b\it  histori- 
cally more  impf)rtant,  was  Ellen  i;orough's  recon- 
stit\ition  of  tlie  Hritish  relations  with  the  Sindia 
of  the  {]■••'  I'olitical  disturbances  had  for  some 
time  agitated  that  prince's  court,  while  his  army 
liad  swollen  to  a  (langerous  size,  and,  like  tlie 
Kikli  army  since  J{uiijeet  Singh's  death,  which 
had  taken  place  a  few  years  before,  had  passed 
beyond  the  control  of  tjie  civil  jiower.  In 
these  two  armies  EllenlKiroiigh  saw  a  danger 
which  might  disturb  the  peace  of  Ilindostan. 
He  foresaw  that  the  Sikh  soldiers,  released  from 
the  stern  discipline  of  Uunji'ct  Singh,  would 
soon  force  it  government  which  they  despised  to 
Jet  them  cross  the  Sutlej  in  (juest  of  plunder. 
Two  years  latei  his  cliarader  as  a  prophet  was 
vindicated;  and,  if  he  liad  not  now,  in  antici- 
pation of  the  invasion  wliieli  then  took  place, 
disbanded  the  greater  parr,  of  Sindia's  army,  am' 
over-awed  the  remainder  by  a  native  contingent 
under  the  command  of  Ikilisli  olUcers,  the  Sikhs 
would  probably  have  joined  their  forces  with 
the  .Malirattas.  .  .  .  But  the  Directors  took  a 
dilTerent  view  of  their  Govcrnor-Genenil's  con- 
duct of  affairs.  In  June,  1844,  all  India  was 
astonished  by  the  news  that  EUenborough  liad 
been  recalled.  He  hiul  liclped  to  bring  about  his 
own  downfall,  for  in  the  controversies  with  liis 
masters  in  which  he,  like  some  of  the  alilest  of 
liis  jjredecessors,  had  found  himself  involved,  he 
had  shown  an  unfortunate  want  of  discretion; 
but,  though  by  bomliastic  proclamations  and  a 
theatrical  love  of  display  he  liad  sometimes  ex- 
posed himself  to  ridicule,  many  of  his  subordi- 
nates felt  that  in  him  they  had  lost  a  vigorous 
and  able  ruler.  Sir  Henry  llardiiige,  who  was 
raised  to  tlie  peerage  before  tlie  close  of  liis  ad- 
ministration, succeeded  to  the  oliice  of  Governor- 
General,  and  wailed  anxiously  for  the  breaking 
of  the  storm  which  his  predet'cssor  had  seen 
gathering.  The  Sikhs,  the  Puritans  of  India 
[see  SiKiis],  who  were  not  strictly  sjieaking  a 
nation,  but  a  religious  brotherhood  of  warriors 
called  the  Klialsa,  were  animated  by  two  pas- 
sions eciually  dangerous  to  the  peace  of  those 
nrouiid  them,  a  liercc  enthusiasm,  half  military, 
half  religious,  foi-  the  glory  of  their  order,  aiid 
an  insi.tiable  desire  for  plunder.  By  j-iving  them 
full  scope  for  tlu^  indulgence  of  these  passions, 
and  by  imnishing  all  disobedience  with  merciless 
severity,  Runjeet  Singh  had  governed  his  turbu- 
lent subjects  for  forty  ye;,rs:  but,  when  he  died, 


they  broke  loose  from  all  control;  and  the  weak 
Government  of  Lahore  found  that  they  could 
only  save  their  own  capital  from  being  plun- 
dered by  the  Klialsa  army  by  sending  it  to  seek 
plunder  in  British  territory.  Thus  began  the 
tirst  Sikh  war."— T.  H.  E.  Holmes,  7/*'«<.  </Mt 
/iidiiin  Mntiiiji,  ch.  I. 

Ai.soi.n:  Sir  l..  Grillin,  Uanjit  Siiif/h. — L.  J. 
Trotter,  T/w  h'ud  »f  Aiirkldud,  ch.  4-1:1. 

A.    D.    1843.  —  Conquest    of    Scinde.      Sec 

SclNDK. 

A.  D.  1845-1849.— The  Sikh  Wars.— Con- 
quest and  annexation  of  the  Punjab. — "There 
had  always  been  an  expectation  that  whenever 
Uunjeet  Singh  died,  there  would  be  trouble  with 
his  soldiery ;  and  it  soon  appeared  that  some 
incursion  was  in  contemplation,  for  which  the 
Sikh  troops  v/erc  prepared  by  an  able  European 
training  under  French  ofllcers.  While  the  strife 
about  the  succession  was  going  on  in  the  Pun- 
jaub,  the  military  element  of  society  there  be- 
came supreme;  and  tlie  government  at  Calcutta 
considered  it  necessary  to  move  trfiops  to  the 
frontier  to  preserve  peace,  and  reassure  tlie  in- 
habitants of  whole  districts  wliieh  dreaded  the  in- 
cursions of  a  haughty  and  lawless  soldiery.  The 
Sikhs  were  alarmed  at  the  approach  of  English 
troops,  and  adopted  the  same  course  towards  us 
that  we  had  tried  with  their  western  neighbours 
—  they  crossed  the  frontier  to  forestal  our  doing 
it.  Wlietlier  this  move  was  a  device  of  tlie  Sikh 
chiefs,  as  some  say  it  was,  to  get -id  of  the  army, 
and  jierhaps  to  cause  its  destruction  by  the  Brit- 
ish, and  tlius  to  clear  the  Held  for  their  own  fac- 
tions; or  whether  war  with  the  British  was  con- 
sidered so  inevitable  tliat  the  inva.sion  of  our 
territory  was  intended  as  a  me.  sure  of  prudence, 
we  need  not  here  decide.  The  lact  was  that  the 
Sikh  soldiery  gathered  round  the  tomb  of  l{un- 
jcct  Singh,  preparing  themselves  for  a  great 
battle  so(m  to  liappen ;  and  that  war  was  vir- 
tually declared  at  Lahore  in  Xovember,  184.'), 
and  fairly  begi:n  by  tlie  troops  crossing  the 
Sutlej  on  the  11th  of  December,  and  taking  up  a 
position  near  Ferozepore.  Tlie  olil  error  pre- 
vailed in  the  British  councils,  the  mistake  de- 
nounced by  Charles  Metcalfe  as  fatal  —  that  of 
undervaluing  the  enemy.  Tlie  Sikhs  had  been 
considered  unworthy  ti.  be  oppose  1  to  the  Aff- 
ghans  in  Kunjeet's  tim  .  and  now  we  expected 
to  drive  them  into  the  Sutlej  at  once ;  but  we  had 
ncveryut,  in  India,  so  nearly  met  with  our  match. 
The  battle  of  ]\loodkee  was  fought  under  Sir 
Hugh  Gough,  on  the  18th  of  December,  and  'the 
rnbble'  from  the  Puiijaub  astonished  both  Euro- 
peans and  Sepoys  by  standirg  firm,  manceiuring 
well,  and  rendering  it  no  easy  matter  to  close 
the  day  with  honour  to  the  English  arms.  This 
ill-timed  contempt  was  truly  cahimitous,  as  it 
liad  causeil  misealculations  about  animmiition, 
carriage,  liosi)ital  stores,  and  everything  neces- 
sary for  a  campaign.  All  tlieso  things  were  left 
behind  at  Dellii  or  Agra;  and  the  desperate  ne- 
cessity of  winning  a  battle  was  only  enough 
barely  to  save  the  day.  The  advantage  was 
with  the  British  in  the  battle  of  Moodkce,  but 
not  so  decisively  as  all  parties  had  e.vpected. 
After  a  junction  with  reinforcements,  the  British 
fought  the  invaders  again  on  the  31st  and  32nd, 
at  iVn-zeshur.  On  ilie  first  night  our  troops 
were  hardly  masters  of  the  ground  lliey  stood 
on,  and  had  no  reserve,  while  their  gallant  enemy 
had   large    reiuforcemeiits  within  reach.      Tlie 


1736 


INDIA,  1845-1840. 


Cvuintfnt  of  the 


IXniA,  1845-1849. 


next  (lay  miglit  ciisily  Imvc  l)c'er  mndc  fnt.Vl  to 
till'  English  nriiiy,  iit  timet  ■.vlicii  Ihi'ir  amnu- 
uition  foil  short ;  but  tlio  Sililis  wore  badly  coni- 
inandfd  at  a  critical  moiucnt,  then  deserted  by  ii 
traitorous  lea<ler,  and  tiiiaily  driven  biidi.  t'or 
a  month  after  tliis  notliinj;  was  done  by  tlie 
Hritish,  and  tlie  Silihs  crossed  tlie  Siitle)  at  tlieir 
ease.  Tlic  valour  of  Qough  and  of  li(:irdinge, 
who,  while  Governor-General,  Iiiid  put  liiin.>ielf 
under  the  orders  of  tlie  Comniander-in-Cliief,  hud 
saved  the  honour  of  the  English;  but  their  pres- 
tige was  weakened  among  their  own  Sojioys,  and 
oven  the  European  regiments;  much  more  among 
the  Sikhs:  and  most  of  all  in  the  eyes  of  the 
vigilant  surrounding  states.  It  was  a  matter  of 
life  and  death  now  to  bring  up  guns,  uminuni 
tion  and  treasure.  A  considerable  portion  fell 
into  the  enemy's  hands  on  the  21st  of  January, 
on  its  way  to  the  relief  of  Loodeeana;  but  the 
battle  of  Aliwal  on  the  38tli  was  again  a  true 
British  fight.  The  Sikhs  were  driven  into  the 
Sutlej ;  and  as  soon  as  they  had  collected  in  tlieir 
Btrongliold  of  Sobraon  on  the  other  side,  they 
were  driven  thence  by  a  closing  struggle  on  the 
lOtli  of  February.  1  he  Sikhs  were  beaten,  witli 
a  rlaughter  of  5,000  (some  sav  8,000)  men, 
against  320  killed  and  2,()00  woun(ie(l  on  our  side. 
The  Maharajah  submitted,  the  road  to  Lahore 
lay  open,  and  the  Governor-General  could  make 
his  own  terms.  Hcflaitered  himself  that  he  had 
arranged  a  protectorate  of  the  Punjaub  which 
would  render  annexation  unnecessary;  and  nil 
who  could  believe  in  it  rejoiced  that  means  had 
been  found  to  escape  the  necessity  of  adding  ni'w 
'oniiucsts  to  a  territory  already  much  too  large. 
As  the  Punjaub  could  not  pay  its  amount  of 
tribute  to  the  Company,  Cashmere  and  some 
other  territory  was  accepted  instead,  and.  given, 
as  a  kingdom,  to  Gliolab  Singh  ...  on  bis  pay- 
ing a  portion  of  the  .lebt,  thus  reimbursing  the 
Company,  and  lessening  the  overgrown  power 
of  the  Punjaub  rulers.  Wlien,  at  the  close  of 
1846,  the  Engli.sh  troops  should  be  withdrawing 
from  Lahore,  the  Sikh  chiefs  begged  that  they 
miglit  remain,  and  take  care  of  the  Punjau  j  till 
tlie  young  Maharajah  should  grow  up  to  man- 
hood."— 11.  Martineau,  liritinh  Rule  in  Tndid,  ch. 
20. — "Lord  Hardinge  entrusted  the  government 
of  the  Punjab  to  a  Council  of  Regency,  consist- 
ing of  Sikh  nobles  imder  the  guidance  of  Sir 
Henry  Lawtance  as  British  Resident.  He  refused 
to  create  a  subsidiary  army,  but  he  left  a  Britisli 
force  to  protect  the  govc-nnient  until  the  boy 
Dhuleep  Singh  reached  his  majority.  Two-thirds 
of  the  Sikh  army  of  the  Klialsa  were  disbanded. 
The  Jullunder  Doab  between  the  Sutlej  and  the 
Reyas  was  ailded  to  the  British  empire.  .  .  . 
Lord  Dalliousie  succeeded  Lord  Hardinge  in 
1848.  Slionly  afterwards  the  Punjab  was  again 
in  commotion.  Sikh  government  under  British 
protection  had  failed  to  keep  the  peace.  The 
army  of  the  Klialsa  had  disajipeared,  but  the  old 
love  of  license  and  plunder  was  burning  in  the 
hearts  of  the  disbanded  soldiery.  The  Sikh 
governor  of  Jiultan  revolted;  two  Englishmen 
were  murdered.  A  British  force  besieged  t;>c 
rebels  in  JIultan.  It  was  joined  by  a  Sikh  force 
in  the  service  of  the  Council  of  Uegencj'  com- 
manded by  Sliere  Singh.  So  far  the  revolt  at 
Multan  was  regarded  as  a  single  outbreak  which 
would  be  soon  suppressed  by  the  capture  of  t!ie 
fortress.  In  reality  it  was  the  beginning  of  a 
general   insurrection.      Sherc  Singh,  who  com- 


manded the  Sikh  force  in  the  besieging  army, 
suddenly  deserted  the  British  force  and  joined 
bis  father  Chutter  Singh,  who  was  already  in 
ojien  rebellion.  The  revolt  was  .secretly  i  .- 
moted  by  the  (pieen  mother,  and  spread  over  the 
I'unjab  like  wildtin'.  'I'lie  old  soldiers  of  the 
Klialsa  rallied  round  Shere  Singh  and  his  father. 
The  half-and-half  government  set  up  by  Lord 
Hardinge  was  unable  to  cope  with  a  revolution 
which  WHS  restoring  the  old  anarchy.  In  No- 
vemlier,  1848,  Lord  Gough  advanced  against  the 
rebel  army.  Then  followed  the  famous  vwm.- 
paign  between  the  Chenab  and  .llielum  rivers 
about  100  miles  to  the  north  of  Lahore.  In 
Jam  iry,  1H40,  Lord  Gough  fought  the  dubious 
ba'iile  of  C'liillianwallah,  near  tlie  spot  where 
Alexander  the  Great  crossed  the  Jhelum  'ind  de- 
feated the  army  of  Porus.  Meanwhile  jMultan 
surrendered,  and  the  besieging  force  joined  Lord 
Gough.  In  February  the  Sikh  army  was  utterly 
defeated  at  Gujerat."- J.  T.  Wheeler,  Jiidiaii 
lliatorn,  ch.  11. — "Gujrat  was  essentially  a  fore- 
noon battle,  with  the  whole  day  before  the  com- 
batants to  Hnisli  their  work.  It  commenced  with 
a  iiiagnilicent  duel  of  artillery;  the  British  ii.- 
fantry  occupying  post  after  post  as  they  were 
abandoned  by  tlie  enemy ;  and  the  British  cavalry 
breaking  up  the  Sikh  masses  and  scattering 
them  by  pursuit.  Of  the  sixty  Sikh  guns  en- 
gaged, tifty-three  were  taken.  Lord  Dalliousie 
resolved  to  make  the  victory  a  final  one.  '  The 
war,' he  declared,  'mu.st  be  jirosecuted  now  to 
the  entire  defeat  and  dispersion  of  all  who  are  in 
arms  against  us,  whellur  Sikhs  or  Afghans.' 
General  Gilbert  hurried  out  with  a  pursuing 
force  of  12,000,  horse,  foot  and  artillery,  the  day 
after  the  battle.  In  the  breathless  clia.se  which 
followed  across  the  plains  of  the  Punjab  to  the 
frontier  mountain-wall,  the  Sikh  military  power 
was  destroyed  for  ever.  On  tlie  12th  of  March. 
1849,  General  Gilbert  received  tlie  submission  of 
tlie  entire  Sikh  army  at  Rawal  Pindi,  together 
with  the  last  forty-one  of  the  100  Sikh  cannon 
captured  by  the  British  during  the  war.  While 
the  S'kli  army  heaped  up  their  s\/ords  and 
shiel'.s  and  matclilocks  in  submissive  ;,ilc.s,  and 
salamed  one  by  one  as  they  passed  disarmed 
along  the  British  line,  their  Afghan  allies  were 
chased  relentlessly  westwards,  and  reached  the 
safety  of  the  Kliaiba/  Pass  panting,  and  barely 
twenty  miles  in  front  of  the  English  hunters 
The  horsemen  of  Afghanistan,  it  was  said,  'hao 
ridden  down  through  the  hills  like  lions  and  ran 
back  into  them  like  dogs.'  The  question  re- 
mained what  to  do  with  the  Punjab.  The  vic- 
tory of  Sobraon  in  1840  gave  to  Lord  Hardinge 
the  right  of  ccmquest:  the  victory  at  Gujrat  in 
1849  compelled  Lord  Dalliousie  to  .assert  that 
right.  Lord  Hardinge  at  the  end  of  the  tirst 
Punjab  war  in  1840,  tried,  as  we  have  seen,  an 
intermediate  method  of  ruling  the  province  by 
British  ollicers  for  tlie  benelit  of  the  infant 
prince.  This  method  had  failed.  ...  In  deter- 
mining tlie  future  arrangements  for  the  Punjab, 
Lord  Dalliousie  had  as  his  advisers  the  two  Law- 
rences. Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  the  former  Resi- 
dent at  Lahore,  hurried  back  from  his  sick-leave 
'n  Ergland  on  the  breaking  out  of  the  war.  He 
was  of  opinion  that  the  annexation  of  the  Pun- 
jab might  perhaps  be  just,  but  that  it  would  bo 
inexpe<lient.  His  lirotlier  John,  afterwards  Lord 
Lawrence,  who  had  also  acted  as  Resident,  al- 
though as  much  averse  in  geuerul  principle  to 


1737 


INDIA.   1H15-1H49. 


Minin-  AnnfxatinnA. 


INDIA,  1849-1803. 


anncxntinn  iw  Ilcnry,  was  roiivinci'd  timt.  in  this 
case,  iuini'.\iitii)ti  was  ii(it  only  just,  hut  that  its 
oxpcdii'iicy  was  'hoth  uii<lcniahlr  ami  prosshii;.' 
l^)r(l  l)alhoii.si<',  afliT  a  full  ri'vicw  of  the  cllrjrls 
which  had  liicii  inadi;  to  convert  the  Sikli  nation 
into  a  friendly  power  without  annexation,  de- 
cided tliat  no  course  now  remained  to  tlic  IJritish 
Oovernnient  I)nt  to  annex.  .  .  .  Thi'  ainiexation 
of  the  I'unjah  wa.s  deliherately  a|)proved  of  liy 
tlie  ('oiirt  of  Directors,  hv  Parliament,  and  by 
the  English  nation."— W.  W.  Hunter,  'J'fn-  Mu'r- 
ipicHiiof  JhiUii'iinir,  eh.  3. 

Also  i.n:  Sir  11.  li.  Edwardes  and  II.  Alerivale, 
lAj'e  of  Sir  lliiiry  Liiwmicc. — H.  H.  Smiln,  Life 
of  hiril  hiiniitee,  v.  l.cA.  7-11. — E.  Arnold,  The. 
Maniuiii  of  Jldl/iiiiisie'n  Adim'inntriiti'm  of  liritiiih 
Iniliii,  r.  1,  eh.  1-7. — II.  H.  Edwai'  ^  A  Yeiir on 
the  I'liiijiil)  Frontier,  1848-41).— Sir  i{.  Temple, 
Men  inid  Krentu  of  .}fi/  Time  in  Iniliii,  rh.  i!-4. 

A.  D.  1848-1856. — Lord  Dalhousie's  minor 
annexations. — The  lapse  of  dependent  Native 
States. — The  case  of  Nana  Sahib. — "In  ap- 
plyinj;  the  (loctrin(M)f  lap.se  to  the  Hindu  ehief- 
dums,  on  default  of  natural  8UCce.s.sors  or  of  an 
heir  legally  adopted  witli  the  sanction  of  the 
Uulins  I'ower,  Lord  Dalliou.sio  merely  carried 
out  tlie  declared  law  of  the  case,  and  tlio  delib- 
erately formulat.il  policy  of  the  OovernnieiU  of 
India,  yearn  before  he  arrived  in  the  country. 
In  so  doing,  however,  Lord  Dalhousie  became 
tlic  unconscious  but  cfteetivo  instrument  by 
which  the  old  India  of  Lord  Wellesley  at  the 
beginning  of  the  century  was  prepared  for  its 
conversion,  in  IS.IS,  into  tlie  new  India  of  the 
Queen.  .  .  .  The  fundamental  question  was 
whetlier  we  should  allow  the  government  of  a 
dtpeudent  State,  in  absence  of  natural  heirs,  to 
[MISS  like  mere  private  property  to  an  adopted 
son.  The  Court  of  Directors  had  at  one  time 
permitted  the  adoption  of  a  successor  in  special 
cases  to  a  principality  on  failure  of  natural 
heirs.  It  declared,  however,  in  1834,  that  sucli 
uu  'indulgcnc'  "lould  be  the  exception,  not  the 
rule.'.  .  .  As  tne  evils  of  the  old  system  of  gov- 
ernmont  by  sham  royalties  further  dcvelope.l 
themselves,  tlie  Government  of  India  determined 
in  1841  to  enforce  a  more  uniform  policy.  .  .  . 
What  Lord  Dalliousie  did,  therefore,  was  not  to 
invent  a  new  principle  of  Indian  law,  but  to 
steadily  apply  an  old  principle.  .  .  .  The  first 
case  in  which  this  princii)le  came  to  be  applied, 
shortly  after  Lord  Dalhousie's  arrival,  was  the 
Native  State  of  Satara.  That  Maratha  princi- 
pality had  Ixicn  constituted  by  the  British  Gov- 
ernment on  the  general  break  iip  of  the  JIaratha 
power  in  1818,  and  confirmed  to  the  'sons  and 
heirs,  and  successors'  of  the  recipient  in  1819. 
In  1839  the  reigning  pri:icc  was  deposed  for 
nilsconduet  by  the  IJritish  Government  in  the 
exercise  of  its  Suzerain  rights.  Hy  the  same 
rights  the  British  Govciiinient  then  set  uji  the 
brother  of  the  deposed  prince  on  the  throne.  .  .  . 
The  Itoja,  whom  in  1839  we  had  placed  on  the 
throne,  applied  for  permission  to  adopt  a  son. 
The  British  Government  deliberately  withheld  the 
permis.si(m;  and  in  the  last  hours  of  his  life 
the  Itaja,  -'n  1848,  hastily  adopted  a  son  without 
the  consent  of  the  Government."  Lord  Dalhou- 
sie, with  tl'.e  advice  of  the  Court  of  Directors, 
declared  in  this  case  that  the  territory  of  Satara 
had  lapsed,  on  the  death  of  the  Raja,  by  failure 
of  heirs,  to  the  Power  which  deposed,  und  it 
was  annexed,  accordingly,  to  the  British  domin- 


ions. I'nder  kindred  circumstances  the  Native 
States  of  Sambalpur,  on  tlie  south-western  fron- 
ti<T  of  Lower  Bengal,  and  .Iliansi,  a  fragment  of 
tlie  IMaratha  dominions  in  .Nortliern  India,  were 
iil).sorb(^d.  "The  same  principle  of  lapse  on 
failure  of  heirs  was  applied  l)y  Lord  Dalhousii) 
to  several  other  dependent  States.  .laitpur  in 
Bundclkhanil,  Bagliat  a  iictty  hill  Chiefdom  of 
3tt  s<iuare  miles  in  the  Punjab,  Udaipur  on  tlie 
Western  frontier  of  Lower  Bcng.il,  and  Budawal 
in  Khandesh,  ])a.ssed  under  direct  British  rule 
from  this  cause.  The  fort  and  military  fief  of 
Tanjore  were  annexed  after  Lord  Dallioiisie's 
departure  from  India,  but  practically  on  the 
grounds  set  forth  by  his  government.  ...  By 
tar  tlie  largest  a<'ce.ss."  of  territory  made  dur- 
ing Lord  Dalhousie's  rule,  to  the  British  domin- 
ions on  the  failure  of  heirs,  was  the  great  central 
tnicl  of  India  known  as  Nagjuir.  This  ^laratha 
inincipidity  as  now  constituted  into  the  Central 
Provinces,  and  after  various  rectifications  of 
frontier,  has  an  area  of  li;t,'.J7l)  square  miles, 
with  a  poimlation  of  12,0()0,0()0  souls.  The 
territories  annexed  by  Lord  Dalhousie  in  t8.')4 
make  nearly  four-fifths  of  the  present  ('entnil 
Provinces.  ...  It  is  dilllcult  to  find  any  ground 
for  the  charge  which  Mr.  Kaye  brought  in  IHU.'i 
against  LonI  Dalhousie,  tor  'harshness'  towards 
the  man  afterwards  known  as  the  infamous 
Nana  Sahib[sue  below:  A.  D.  1H,')7(M.\V  —  Aid- 
trsT^J.  As  this  charge,  however,  is  still  occasion- 
ally rep<'aled,  and  as  it  has  even  been  suggesteil 
that  Lord  Dalhousie  was  to  some  extent  respon- 
sible for  the  Mutiny  of  18.")7,  in  consequence  of 
bis  action  towards  Nana  Sahib  in  18.")1,  I  must 
briefiv  stale  the  facts.  In  1818,  the  Peshwa  of 
the  ilarathas,  completely  beaten  in  the  field, 
threw  himself  on  the  generosity  of  the  British. 
Sir  ,lolin  jMalcolm,  then  the  Govi'mor-General's 
Agent  in  the  Decean,  assured  him  of  his  protec- 
tion, and  engaged  tliat  he  should  receive  an 
allowance  of  i;80,000  a  year  for  his  siipjiort.  .  .  . 
There  could  not  be  the  slightest  pretension  tliat 
it  was  ever  anything  more  tiian  a  personal  an- 
nuity ;  and  from  first  to  last  all  mention  of  heirs 
is  carefully  excluded.  The  records  show  that 
the  cx-Pesliwa,  Baji  Hao,  was  well  aware  of  this. 
Baji  liao  lived  until  18.51,  leaving  to  his  adopted 
son,  Nana  Sahib,  an  immense  fortune  admitted 
to  amount  to  £280,000,  and  believed  by  the 
Government  of  the  North-western  Provinces  to 
greatly  exceed  that  sum.  The  Government  of 
India  at  once  acknowledged  the'  adopted  son's 
title  to  this  splendid  heritage,  and  out  of  its  own 
beneficence  added  to  it  the  .lagiiir.  or  grant  of 
land,  on  which  his  father  had  resided  in  the 
North-western  Provinces.  But  llw.  pension,  paid 
out  of  the  tax-payers'  pockets,  lapsed  upon  the 
death  of  the  annuitant." — Sir  AV.  W.  llunter. 
The  MitrfjiienD  of  Diilhoimie,  eh.  0-7. — Duke  of 
Argyll,  Indiii  under  I)iilho>i.fic  and  Ciinninij. 

A.  D.  1S49-1893.  —  The  nie  in  exile  of 
Dhuleep  Singh,  heir  to  the  Sikh  throne. — 
"Few  ciueer'Tiavc  ever  been  more  in.striictiveto 
those  who  can  see  than  that  of  the  Jlaliarajah 
Dhuleep  Si..gh,  who  died  in  Paris  on  SuiKlay 
[October  2'J,  1893]  of  apoplexy.  He  finished  life 
a  despised  exile,  but  no  man  of  modern  days 
ever  had  sucili  chances,  or  had  seen  them  snatched, 
partly  by  fate,  partly  by  fault,  so  completely 
from  his  lips.  But  for  an  accident,  if  there 
is  sill  h  a  thing  as  accident,  he  w(.uld  have 
been  the  Hindoo  Emperor  of  India.     His  fatlier. 


1738 


INDIA,  1840-1801). 


bhuleep  Sinnh. 


INPIA,  1853. 


Uunji'ct  Siii^li,  that  straii^'i'  coiiiliiniitioii  of 
i^iiiiH  XI.  iiiul  C'hiirlcH  tlio  Hold,  luul  fi>rm('(l  and 
knew  liDW  lo  timlrol  an  army  \vlii<li  would  liavi' 
struck  down  all  llic  native  powers  of  India  mucli 
more  I'asily  than  did  any  of  the  Tartar  (-(MKiuerers. 
Without  its  master  at  its  head,  that  army  de- 
reate<l  th(^  British,  and  lail  for  a  mai;nilieeiit 
|pril)e  paid  to  its  (ieneral  (vide  ("umunirhain's 
'  llist.ory  of  tlie  Sikhs')  would  have  driven  the 
Knglish  from  India,  anil  placed  the  child,  l>hu- 
leep  Slnjili,  u]>on  the  throne  of  the  Peiunsida,  to 
be  supported  there  by  Sikli  and  Uajpoot,  .Mali- 
rntta,  and  Ueharee.  Apart  from  the  ICnglish, 
there  was  nothing  to  resist  them;  and  they  were 
guided  by  a  woman,  the  Uance  C'hunda  Kour; 
who  of  all  mod<!rn  women  was  most  like  Mary  of 
Scots  as  her  enemies  have  painted  her,  and  of 
whom,  after  Iter  fall.  Lord  Dalhousie  said  that 
lier  capture  woidd  be  worth  the  sucrilice  of 
n  brigade.  How  Dliuleep  Singh  would  have 
reigned  had  Kuiijeet  Singh's  destiny  comj)lete(l 
itself  is  aiiotlier  matter  —  probably  like  a  llindou 
lluniayoon  -- for  even  if  not  the  son  of  Uunjeet 
Singh,  wlio,  be  it  remembi'red,  acknowledged 
him,  lie  inherited  ability  from  his  mother;  he 
was  a  bold  man,  and  he  was,  as  his  career  showed, 
enpablu  of  wild  and  daring  adventure.  He  fell, 
however,  from  liis  throne  under  the  shock  of  the 
second  Sikli  War,  and  began  a  new  and,  to  all 
appearance,  most  promising  career.  Lord  Dal- 
housie had  a  pity  for  the  boy,  and  the  Knglish 
Court  —  we  never  (piite  tuider.stood  why  —  an 
untisually  kindly  feeling.  A  fortune  of  .f40.0()0 
a  year  was  settled  on  him,  he  was  sent  to  Kiig- 
laiid,  and  he  was  granted  rank  hardly  less 
than  that  of  a  Prince  of  tlie  Blood.  He  turned 
Christian  —  apparently  from  conviction,  though 
subseiiueut  events  throw  doubt  on  that  —  a  tutor, 
who  was  (pute  competent,  devoted  him.self  to 
his  education,  and  from  the  time  he  became  of 
age  he  was  regarded  as  in  all  respects  a  gre.it 
Knglish  noble.  He  knew,  too,  how  to  sustain 
that  character, —  imide  no  social  blunders,  be- 
came a  great  sportsman,  and  succeeded  in  main- 
taining for  years  the  sustained  stateliness  of  life 
which  in  England  is  held  to  confer  social  dignity. 
C'onlidence  was  first  shaken  by  his  marriage, 
which,  though  it  did  not  turn  out  unsucccssfidh  , 
and  though  the  lady  was  in  after-life  greatly 
liked  and  respected,  was  a  whim,  his  bride  being 
a  half  Coptic,  half  Knglish  girl  whom  he  saw 
in  an  Egyptian  school-room,  and  who,  by  all 
Knglish  as  well  as  Indian  ideas  of  rank,  was  an 
untitling  bride.  Then  he  began  overspending, 
without  the  slightest  necessity,  for  his  great  in- 
come was  imburdencd  by  a  vast  estat'j;  and  at 
last  reduced  his  li  nances  to  s\ich  a  condition 
that  the  India  Ullice,  wliich  had  made  him  ad- 
vance after  advance,  closed  its  tr(^asury  and  left 
liini,  as  he  thought,  face  to  face  with  ruin.  Then 
the  tierce  Asiatic  blood  in  him  came  out.  He 
declared  himself  wronged,  perhaps  believed  him- 
self oppressed,  dropped  tlie  whole  varnish  of 
civilisation  from  him,  and  resolved  to  make  an 
effort  for  the  v(!ngeance  over  whicli  he  had 
probably  brooded  for  years.  He  publicly  re- 
pudiated Christianity,  and  went  through  a  cere- 
mony intended  to  readmit  him  witliiu  the  ])ale  of 
the  Sikh  variety  of  the  Hindoo  faith.  Whether 
it  did  readmit  him,  greater  doctors  than  we  must 
decide.  That  uu  ordinary  Hindoo  who  has  eaten 
beef  cannot  be  readmitted  to  his  own  caste,  even 
if  tilt  eating  is  involuntary,  is  certain,  as  witness 


the  tradition  of  the  Tagorc:  family;  but  the 
rights  of  the  Uoyal  are,  even  in  lliiidooism,  ex- 
traordinarily wide,  and  we  fancy  that,  had 
Dhulecp  Singh  succeeded  in  his  enterprise,  Sikh 
doctors  of  tlieology  would  have  declared  his  re- 
admission  legal.  He  did  not,  however,  succeed. 
He  set  out  for  the  I'unjab  intending,  it  can 
harilly  be  doubted,  if  the  Sikhs  acknowledged 
bini.  to  make  a  strole  for  tli(^  throne,  if  not  of 
India,  »t  least  of  Uunjeet  Singh ;  but  lie  was  ar- 
rested at  Aden,  and  after  months  of  tierce  dis- 
pute, let  go,  on  condition  that  he  should  not  re- 
turn to  India.  He  sought  protection  in  Russia, 
whi<'h  he  did  not  obtain,  and  at  last  gav«^  up  the 
struggle,  made  his  peace  witli  the  India  OlUce, 
took  Ids  pension  again,  and  livc^d,  chietly  in 
Paris,  the  life  of  n  disappointed  but  wealthy 
idler.  There  was  some  spirit  in  his  adventure, 
though  it  was  unwisely  carried  out.  The  Knglish 
generally  thought  it  a  bit  of  foolhardiness,  or  a 
dodge  to  extract  a  loan  from  the  India  Ollice; 
but  tlio.so  who  were  responsible  held  a  dilVerent 
opini(<ii,  and  would  have  gone  nearly  any  length 
toiirevent  his  reaching  the  I'unjab.  They  were 
probably  wise.  The  heir  of  Uunjeet  might  have 
iieen  ridiculed  by  the  Sikhs  as  a  Christian,  but  he 
might  also  have  been  accepted  as  a  reconverted 
man;  and  one  successful  skirmish  in  a  district 
might  have  called  to  arms  all  the  'children  of  the 
sugar  and  the  sword,'  and  set  all  India  on  lire. 
The  Sikhs  are  our  very  good  friends,  and  stood 
by  us  against  any  revival  of  the  Empire  of 
Delhi,  their  sworn  hereditary  foe;  but  they  have 
not  forgotten  Uunjeet  Singh,  and  a  chance  of 
the  Empire  for  themselves  might  have  turned 
many  .-f  their  hea<ls." — T/te  Sj)cct<tltii;  Orlnlxr'iS, 
18i)ii. 

A.  D.  1852. — The  second  Burmese  War. — 
Annexation  of  Pegu. — "  While  Lord  Dalliousie 
was  laying  out  tlie  I'unjab  like  a  Scotch  estate, 
on  the  nio.st  approved  principles  of  planting, 
road-making,  culture,  and  general  management, 
the  chance  of  another  coii(|Uest  at  the  oppo.site 
extremity  of  his  vice-kingdom  summoned  him 
to  CalcMitta.  The  niiister  of  a  trading  banpie 
from  Cliitlagong,  who  was  charged  unjustly 
with  cruelty  to  a  pilot,  had  been  lined  .tlOO  by 
the  authorities  of  Uangoon,  and  thi^  captain  of  a 
brig  had  in  like  manner  been  ajiierced  for  alleged 
ill-treatment  of  his  crew.  To  support  a  claim 
for  restitution,  two  I'Inglish  ships  of  war  had 
been  .sent  to  tlie  mouth  of  the  'rrawadi.  .  .  . 
Misunderstandings  aro.sc!  on  some  inc.xiilicable 
point  of  etiijiieLte : "  the  liritish  commodore  seized 
a  royal  yacht  which  lay  in  tbc^  river;  the  angry 
Burmese  opened  (ire  on  his  ships  from  theirforts; 
and,  "with  an  unprecedented  economy  of  time 
and  trouble  in  the  discovery  or  making  of  plau- 
sililc  pretexts,  a  second  war  with  Uurmah  was 
thus  begun.  A  long  catalogue  of  affronts, 
wrongs,  and  injuries,  now  for  the  first  time 
])oured  in.  .  .  .  The  subjects  of  the  '  Golden 
Foot ' .  .  .  must  make  an  oltlcial  apology  for 
their  misbehaviour,  pay  ten  lacs  compensation, 
a;id  receive  a  permanent  Resident  at  liangoon. 
It  these  demands  were  not  met  within  five  weeks, 
further  reparati(m  would  be  exacted  otherwise, 
and  as  there  was  no  fear  that  they  would,  prep- 
arations were  made  for  an  expedition.  .  The 
Governor-General  threw  himself  with  enthusiasm 
into  an  undertaking  which  promised  him  another 
chance  of  gratifying,  as  his  biographer  says,  his 
'passion  for  iniperiul  symmetry.'     He  resolved 


1739 


INDIA,  18M. 


Thi  Heiwy  Hutiny. 


INDIA,    IMl. 


'tn  tnkr  In  kliiffilDriiM  wIiitcvt  tliry  made  a  sup 
III  till'  nil  line  running  r.iiinil  Ills  iloniliiions  or 
Jmtki!  llH  liitiTiiJil  coiilliiuily.'  Tlirri'  was  ii  ,,'ai) 
liillic  rliiK  fence  lielween  Arniran  and  Moillinrin, 
whlcli  Tcgii  would  111).  The  liiKual  Inferencu 
wiiH  elear,  the  duty  iif  aiipii)|)llulli)ii  oIivIdU'*. 
Let  UH  have  I'enu.  Ten  luilllDiis  of  silver  hap- 
nonintf  JUHt  then  to  lie  in  tlie  cotrers  of  Fort 
Wllliain,  liow  could  thi'y  lie  hetiT  invested  tliav 
ill  a  juiij;le  on  the  sea  coaMl.  iiilmldled  l»y  ipiail- 
rupeds  and  liipeds  after  their  various  kinds,  alike 
unworthy  of  lieinj?  consiilled  as  to  their  future 
destiny  Y  ...  In  April,  .Martaimn  and  Hangoon 
were  taken  with  tritlini,'  loss.  (»piTati)ns  being 
Busp<'nded  during  the  rainy  season,  ilie  eity  of 
I'ronii'  was  not  attacked  till  Ociolier,  and  after  a 
few  hours'  sirugKlo  It  fell,  witli  tl\t'  loss  of  a 
single  sepoy  on  the  side  of  the  victors.  There 
was  in  fact  no  serious  danger  to  encounter,  save 
from  the  climate';  but  that  unfailing  ally  fought 
with  terrible  elTect  upon  the  siih'  of  Ava.  .  .  . 
On  tlie  yoili  December,  \HK,  a  pn  claniation  was 
Issued,  which,  after  reciting  undisguisedly  the 
liu'tTalily  inadeiiuatc  pretext  for  the  war,  in- 
formed the  inhabitants  that  the  Oovernor  in 
Council  had  ri'.<olved  that  the  maritime  provinee 
of  Pegu  sliDUld  henceforth  form  a  I'ortlon  of  the 
Hritisli  territories  in  the  Kast,  aiul  warning  the 
King  of  Ava,  'should  he  fail  to  renew  hlsfoiiner 
relations  of  friendsliip  with  the  IJriti.sli  Govern- 
ment, and  seek  to  dispute  its  ijuiet  poHse.s.sicra  of 
the  province,  the  QovernorOeneral  would  again 
put  forth  the  power  ho  held,  which  would  lead 
to  the  total  subversion  of  the  liurman  State,  and 
to  the  ruin  and  exile  of  the  King  and  his  race.' 
But  no  depth  of  humiliation  could  bring  the 
Sovereign  or  his  Ministers  to  acknowledge  the 
liopele.ssness  of  defeat  or  the  permanency  of  dis- 
memberment. .  .  .  Twenty  years,  have  passed, 
and  no  treaty  recognising  the  alienation  of  Pegu 
lias  yet  [in  1873]  been  signed." — W.  M.  Torrens, 
Ein^iire  in  Atin :  How  ire  came  by  it,  ch.  24. 

A1.801N:  E.Arnold,  JlieMnrquiHofDalhousie'a 
Admiitintnilion  of  liritinh  Iiidin.  eh.  l.'j-lO  (n.  2). 

A.  D.  1856.— The  annexation  of  Oudh.  See 
Oddii. 

A.  D,  1857. — Causes  of  the  Sepoy  Mutiny. 
— "  The  various  motives  assigned  for  the  Mutiny 
appear  inadequate  to  the  Kuropean  mind.  The 
truth  seems  to  be  that  Native  opinion  tlirougliout 
India  was  in  a  ferment,  predisposing  men  to  be- 
iiev  ■  the  wildest  stories,  and  to  rush  into  action 
in  a  i.i.-oxysm  of  terror.  Panic  acts  on  an  Ori- 
ental population  like  drink  upon  a  European 
mob.  Tlic  annexation  policy  of  Lord  Dalhousie, 
although  dictated  '.)y  the  most  enlightened  con- 
siderations, was  distasteful  to  the  Native  mind. 
The  sprtaci  of  education,  the  appearance  at  the 
same  moment  of  the  steam-engiiij  and  the  tele- 
graph wire,  seemed  to  reveal  a  deep  plan  for  sub- 
stituting an  English  for  an  Indian  civilisation. 
The  Bengal  sepoys  especially  thouglit  that  they 
could  eee  further  than  the  rest  of  their  country- 
men. Most  of  them  were  Hindus  of  high  caste; 
many  of  them  were  recruited  from  Oudh.  They 
regarded  our  reforms  on  Wesfrn  lines  as  attacks 
on  their  own  uati&.iality,  and  they  knew  a!^  first 
hand  what  annexation  meant.  They  believed  it 
was  l)y  their  prowess  that  the  Punjab  had  been 
conquered,  and  that  all  India  v.as  held.  The 
numerous  dethroned  princes,  or  their  heirs  and 
widows,  were  the  first  to  learn  and  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  this  spirit  of  disaffection  and  panic. 


They  had  heard  of  the  Crimean  war,  and  wore 
told  that  Hussia  was  the  perpetual  enemy  of 
Kngland.  Our  munillcent  pensions  had  supplied 
the  funds  witli  which  they  could  buy  the  aiil  of 
skilful  intriguers.  They  liad  much  in  gain,  irtlil 
littli  111  lose,  by  a  revolution.  In  this  critical 
state  of  affairs,  of  which  the  tiovernment  bad  no 
otiieial  knowleilge,  a  rumour  ran  through  the 
cantonments  that  the  cartridges  of  the  Hingal 
army  had  been  greaseil  witli  the  fat  of  pigs, — 
animals  unclean  alike  to  Hindu  and  Muhaiiiniu- 
dan.  No  assurances  could  (piiet  the  iiilinls  of 
till;  sepoys.  Fires  occurred  nightly  in  the  Na- 
tive lines;  oflicers  were  insulted  by  their  men; 
coiitideiice  was  gone,  and  only  the  form  of  disci- 
pline remained.  In  addition,  the  outbreak  of 
the  storm  found  the  Native  regiments  denuded 
of  many  of  their  best  oIlleiTS.  The  administra- 
tion of  the  great  empire  to  which  Dalhousie  put 
the  corner-stone,  reciuired  a  larger  staff  than  the 
civil  service  could  supply.  The  practice  of 
selecting  able  military  men  f(>r  civil  posts,  which 
had  long  existed,  received  a  sudder.  and  vast  de- 
velopment. Oudh,  the  Punjab,  the  Central 
Provinces,  British  Burma,  were  ndniini.stered  to 
a  large  extent  by  picked  olllcers  from  the  Com- 
pany's regiments.  Good  and  skiKul  commanders 
remained;  but  the  Native  army  had  nevertheless 
been  drained  of  many  of  its  brightest  intelleits 
and  tirmest  wills  at  the  very  crisis  of  its  fate." — 
W.  \V.  Hunter,  lirirf  Hint,  of  tin-  ImUnn  J'tople, 
ch.  1!). — "The  annexation  of  Oudh  had  iiotliing 
to  do  with  the  Mutiny  in  the  first  place,  though 
that  measure  certainly  did  add  to  the  nuinlier  of 
our  enemies  after  the  Mutiny  coinmeuced.  The 
old  government  of  Oudh  was  extremely  obnox- 
ious to  the  mass  of  our  native  soldiers  of  the 
regular  army,  who  came  from  Oudh  and  the  ad- 
jacent province  of  Beliar,  and  with  whom  the 
Mutiny  originated.  These  men  were  the  sons 
and  kinsmen  of  the  Hindu  yeomen  of  the  coun- 
try, all  of  whom  beneiited  more  or  less  by  annex- 
ation; while  Oudh  was  ruled  by  a  Muhammadan 
fanjly  which  had  never  idcntitied  it«elf  with  the 
lieople,  and  whose  government  wa,s  extre;iiely 
oppress'"'.'  to  all  classes  except  its  immediate 
creaturcj  and  followers.  But  when  the  intro- 
duction of  the  greased  cartridges  had  excited  the 
Native  Army  to  revolt,  when  the  mutineers  saw 
nothing  before  them  short  of  escape  on  the  one 
hand  or  destruction  on  the  otlie  ,  they,  and  all 
who  sympathised  with  them,  were  driven  to  the 
most  (lesperate  measures.  All  who  could  be  in- 
lluenced  l)y  love  or  fear  rpllied  round  them.  All 
who  had  little  or  nothing  to  lose  joined  tlieir 
ranks.  All  that  dangerous  class  of  religious 
fanatics  and  devotees  who  abound  in  India,  all 
the  political  intriguers,  who  in  peaceful  times  can 
do  no  mischief,  swelled  the  numbers  ol  the 
enemy,  and  gave  spiri*  and  direction  to  their 
measures.  India  is  full  of  races  of  men,  who, 
from  time  immemorial,  have  lived  by  service  or 
by  plunder,  and  who  are  ready  to  join  in  any 
disturbance  which  may  promi.so  them  employ- 
ment. Oudh  was  full  of  disbanded  soldiers  who 
had  not  liad  time  to  settle  down.  Our  gaols  fur- 
nished thousands  of  desperate  men  let  loose  on 
society.  The  cry  throughout  the  country,  as 
cantonment  after  cantonment  became  the  scene 
of  f'.imphant  mutiny  was,  'The  English  rule  is 
at  an  end.  Let  us  plunder  and  enjoy  ourselves.' 
The  inu  istiiou.-i  classes  throng;. out  India  were 
on  our  side,  but  for  a  long  time  feared  to  act. 


1740 


INDIA.  1857. 


The  SefMii  Mulinn. 


INDIA,  1857. 


On  tlic  Olio  side  tliry  wiw  the  few  Kntilish  in  the 
<'i>iiiitry  Nliot  (Idwii  iir  living  fur  tlicir  livi's,  or  iit 
tlif  lifMt»tiiliilln>{  oil  the  (Iffciisive,  Lorcly  prcuwd  ; 
oil  till!  otlicr  »l(l('tli«'y  Hiiwsiimmiiry  iiuiilslimciil, 
ill  tli<'  Nliapc  of  tliu  pluiiilcr  iinil  ilcHtriiitiiiii  of 
tlu'ir  lioiiHt'H,  dealt  out  to  tliiMc  who  iildnl  u». 
hut  when  we  oviiici'd  bIrils  of  vigour,  wlicu  we 
1i('i;aii  lo  a.ssiiiiic  tlit*  otTcnsivc  luid  vindicate  our 
uulliority,  iimiiy  of  tlii'Hi^  people  ciiiiie  forward 
mid  Identitled  tlieinselves  willi  our  cause." — 
Lord  Ijiwrt'iice,  Sjurch  at  (tlnngmr,  XHOO  (ijiiolitl 
hji  Sir  0.  T.  Burnt,  in  "  Clydeand  Strathnairn," 
eh.  1). 

Ai.HO  in;  J.  W.  Kayo,  Hint,  of  the  Si}»>!i  ll'i/r 
ill  Iiiitin,  hk.  3  (r.  1).— G.  H.  Mallesoii,  The  In- 
(I ill II  .Viitiiii/  i>f\W7,  eh.  l-.'i. 

A.  D.  1857  (May).— Tlie  outbreak  at  Mee- 
rut.— Seizure  of  Delhi  by  the  Mutineers, — 
Massacre  of  Europeans.— Explosion  of  the 
magazine. — "The  station  of  >Ieeriit,  some  40 
miles  iiortlieiist  of  Delhi,  was  one  of  the  very 
few  ill  India  where  nde(niiite  means  e.\isled  for 
quelling  an  oiithreak  of  native  troops.  There 
was  a  reiriinent  of  P^iglish  Dragoons,  a  hiitlalion 
of  the  'i'ltli  Hitles,  iukI  a  strong  force  of  llorso 
iiiid  Foot  Artillery,  far  nio"j  than  sulllcieiit  to 
deiil  with  tli(^  three  native  regiments  who  were 
also  (|uart(red  in  f'c  cantonment.  The  coiirt- 
miirtial  on  .  .  .  eighty-tiveiuenof  theitrd  N.  (;. , 
who  had  refused  to  take  their  cartridges,  hud  liy 
this  time  completed  its  inquiry.  The  men  wi  re 
sentenced  to  long  terms  of  imprisonment.  The 
sentence  was  carried  out  with  impre.s.sive  solem- 
nity. On  II  iiiorniiig  [May  0]  presently  to  become 
liistoric.il  —  till,"  heavens  sombre  with  rolling 
clouds  —  the  lirigiide  assembled  to  hear  their 
comrades'  doom  —  to  see  them  stripped  of  their 
uniform  and  secured  witli  felons'  manacles.  The 
scene  produced  intense  emotion.  Hesistaiico  w.is 
impos.sible.  There  were  cntrentics,  tears,  impre- 
cations, as  the  prisoners  were  mnrched  away  to 
jail.  Discipline  had  been  vindicated  liy  a  terri- 
ble example.  The  ne.xt  day  was  Siindiiy.  In 
the  evening,  ns  the  European  Uitlemen  were 
gathiring  for  Church,  a  sudden  movement  took 
placj  in  tlie  native  ipiartcrs.  Tlic  Cavalry  dashed 
off  10  the  jail  to  rescue  their  imprisoned  com- 
pa.iions.  Tlie  two  Infantry  regiments,  after  a 
moment's  wavering,  threw  in  their  lot  with  the 
nuitineers.  Then  ensued  a  scene  such  as,  un- 
happily, liecaine  toi  1  miliar  in  Upper  India 
within  the  next  few  wilK  Ollicers  were  sliot, 
bouses  tired,  Europeans —  men,  women,  anil 
children,  wlier^ver  ''ound,  were  iiiit  to  the  sword. 
A  crowd  of  miscreants  from  the  jail,  suddenly 
set  free,  made  a  long  night  of  pillage.  Mean- 
while, paralysed  by  tlie  sudden  catastrophe,  the 
English  General  of  the  Division  and  tl.e  Briga- 
dier of  the  Station  forebore  to  act,  refused  to  let 
their  suliordinates  act,  and  the  Sepoys  wlio  liad 
lied,  a  disorganised  niolj,  in  difTerent  directions, 
soon  found  tbem.selves  gatliering  on  the  march 
for  Dollii.  In  the  early  iuorning  at  Delhi,  where 
cou-ts  and  offlces  hacl  already  begun  the  day's 
work,  a  line  of  horsemen  were  descried  gallojiing 
on  the  Meerut  road.  They  found  their  way  into 
the  city,  into  the  presence  of  the  King ;  cut  down 
the  Euroi)ean  olllcials,  and,  as  they  were  gradu- 
ally reinforced  by  the  arrival  of  fresh  compan- 
ions, conunenced  a  general  massacre  of  the  Cliris- 
tiiin  poiiulatiim,  A  brave  telegraph  clerk,  as 
the  mutineers  burst  in  upon  him,  had  just  time 
lo  flash  the  dreadful  tidings  to  Lalioru.     Before 


eveiilng,  the  native  regiments  llred  ni«)n  tlirir 
ollicers  and  joined  the  imitiiiiM'rs.  After  weiiry 
hours  of  hope  for  the  help  from  .Meerut  wlildi 
never  came,  the  British  ollicers  in  coiiiiiiaml 
were  compelled  to  reeognis*'  that  tin'  only 
chance  of  safety  lay  in  tliglit.  Kre  the  day 
closi'd,  every  l-!uropeaii  who  had  risen  that 
morning  In  Delhi,  was  dead,  or  awaiting  death, 
or  wandering  about  the  country  in  the  desperate 
endeavor  to  reach  a  place  of  safety.  A  day  dark 
with  disaster  was,  howe\er,  illumlneil  by  the 
first  of  those  heroic  acts  vlilcli  will  make  the 
siege  of  )ellii  Immortal,  i'lie  insurgents  liad 
their  firs'  taste  of  the  quality  of  the  race  whoso 
ascenda  iCy  they  had  eleete';  to  assail.  Lieuten- 
ant Wl  loughby,  the  .illleer  in  charge  of  the 
Magazine,  and  elgl't  gallant  coiiiiiaiiions.  re- 
solved, early  in  the  day,  that,  if  they  could  not 
di'feiid  their  invaluable  supply  of  amiMunition, 
they  would  destroy  it,  though  its  d"striictiim 
would  almost  certainly  involve  their  own.  For 
hours  they  defendeil  their  stronghold  against  an 
overpowering  crowd  of  iLssailants.  The  train 
was  laid:  the  sergeant  who  was  to  tire  it  stood 
ready:  Willougliby  took  a  iiuit  lookout  u])oii  the 
Meerut  road:  the  assailants  were  swarming  on 
the  walls.  The  word  was  spoken:  a  vast  column 
of  flame  and  smoke  shot  upward.  Two  thou 
sand  of  the  assailants  were  blown  into  the  air 
[and  five  of  the  dcfendei-s  perished,  while  Wil 
loughby  and  three  of  his  companions  escaped]. 
Till!  thiinder  of  that  explo,sion  announced  to  the 
nuitineers  that  one  great  object  in  the  seizure  of 
Delhi  liad  escaped  their  grasp." — II.  S.  Cunning- 
ham, Kiii  CiuiiiiiKj,  eh.  ,'5. 

Al.Ho  IN :  J,  \V.  Kaye,  lliit.  of  the  Sejioii  ]\'iir 
ill  Iniliii.hk.  4.  eh.  \-i  {e.  3). 

A.  D.  1857  lM*y — August). — The  situation 
at  Delhi. — Siege  of  the  English  at  Cawnpur. 
— Their  surrender  and  massacre. — The  siege 
of  Luclcnow. — "A  few  days  of  inactivity  al- 
lowed the  tlanie  to  blaze  iii)  beyond  possibility 
of  immediate  extinction.  The  unchallenged  oc- 
cupation of  the  .Mughal  capital  by  rebel  sepoys 
and  badiiiashes  was  followed  by  risings  and  mas- 
sacres in  almost  every  station  witliiii  range  of  the 
example;  and  from  Firozpur,  Bareilly  Mora- 
dabad,  Shalijahanpiir,  Cawnpur,  and  numer- 
ous other  places  came  harrowing  tales  of  mas- 
sacre, snfTcring,  and  heroism.  AVIien  this  terrible 
news  reached  army  head-iiuaiters,  it  was  received 
with  a  perliaps  natural  incredulity.  Neverthe- 
less, a  force  was  liastily  assembled  at  Ainbala; 
and  with  the  troops  thus  mobilised.  General 
Anson,  then  Commandcrin-Chief,  made  prei)a- 
rations  to  march  against  the  renowned  ciiy  of 
the  Muglial.  The  little  force  had  liardly  started, 
however,  when  it-  leader  died  c  f  cliokra  (May 
37tli).  It  was  no.  until  the  1st  of  June  that  Gen- 
eral Barnard,  who  had  succeeded  temporarily  to 
the  chief  command,  advanced  in  earnest  agali  st 
the  now  jubilant  rebels.  Meanwhile,  a  small 
body  of  troops  under  Brigadier  Arclidale  Wilson 
marched  out  from  Meerut,  after  a  disastrous  de- 
lay;  and  the  combined  force,  amounting  to  about 
!),000  Europeans  and  one  battalion  of  Gurkiias, 
fought  its  way  onwards  tili  it  reached  the  out- 
skirts of  the  city  on  the  8th  of  June,  18,'>7.  Wo 
mu^  now  refer  to  the  three  great  points  —  Delhi, 
Cawnpur,  and  Lucknow,  round  which  tlie  Mu- 
tiny was,  so  to  speak,  centred  during  the  earlier 
period  01  the  revolt;  namely,  from  May,  1857, 
till  the  arrival  in  India  of  Sir  Colia  Canipboll 


1741 


l.NI»IA,  IK'iT. 


TTir  SrjHiy  Mutiit\j. 


INDIA,   1m:.7. 


In  AilK»Ht  of  tlml  yriir.  Tlir  iiinclcrn  rllv  "f 
Delhi  wiiH  foiindcil  I'ly  llif  Kmi"  rur  .Iuliaiij{lr  in 
W.\\.  Hiliiiitid  on  till'  riulit  Imnk  of  ii  liniiiili  of 
(he  .liiinim  rlvrr  It  uiis,  iih  it  ntill  Ih,  NiirriMiiiiliil 
liy  II  lii^l'  ^*""  *"""''  "•■^'i'  I'i'I't  '»  'Mint, 
Htri'iivtlinii'd  liv  liiiHlioim  iiml  li.v  ii  ciipiuloiiM  ilry 
(lllcli.  Tlic  llrillj.li  forci!  Iirlil  tlir  tlcviiliil 
Kroiiiiil  known  iih  llic  ltlil(,'<',  which  cxtciKls  two 
inlli'H  iilonK  Ihr  iKirlhrrii  anil  wiNtcrii  farcH  of 
till' city  — a  |iosllion  takni  up  koiiic  ciiituricK  he- 
fore  hy  Tinuir  Shah  ami  IiIh  Tailiir  hoiiles  when 
lulviinrhi);  to  atlaeU  olil  Drilil.  At  IritervalH 
iiloiiK  the  Hiiltfe  Klooil  the  Khi^'KlalT  Tower,  the 
OhKcrvalory,  a  large  mansion  ealleil  llinilii  Hiio'h 
lloiiNe,  iinif  other  ilefenxilile  liiillilinKH.  The 
HlMiee  between  the  elty  anil  the  Hlilj^e  wiih  thickly 
iilitntcil,  for  the  niosl  part  with  trecH  and  Nhruhs; 
in  the  nililst  of  which  might  lie  Hceii  ninneroim 
mosiiiie.s  itnil  large  Iioukcn,  and  thi'  ruins  of  older 
hnlliliiigH.  It  soon  heeaiiU!  evident  that  the 
posilioii  held  by  the  liritlsh  force  on  the  Uldgu 
was  a  false  one;  and  thi^  queslion  arose  whether 
the  city  might  not  be  taken  hy  a  coup  de  main, 
wring  thai  it  wilH  Impossible  either  to  Invest  it 
or  to  attempt  a  regular  sU'ge  with  any  chance  of 
HUcccHH.  A  plan  of  assault,  to  he  carrl(-d  out  on 
the  r.2lh  of  June,  was  drawn  up  by  ii  young 
Kngineer  olllcer  and  sanctioned.  Had  this  as- 
saull  been  delivered  tlie  city  would  in  all  likcli- 
liuod  have  been  taken  and  held.  .  .  .  But  owing 
to  II  series  of  accidents,  the  plan  fell  through  — 
a  Jiuscurrlage  the  more  to  be  regretted  because 
the  early  recapture  of  the  city  would  in  all 
human  probability  liavi^  put  it  stop  to  further 
outbreaks.  As  matters  stood,  howe\er,  the  gal- 
lant little  force  bcfi  re  Delhi  could  barely  hold 
its  own.  It  was  an  army  of  observation  ]ier- 
pctuiiUy  haras.xcd  by  an  active  enemy.  As  time 
went  on,  llierel'ore,  the  question  of  raising  the 
siege  in  favour  of  a  movement  towards  Agra 
was  more  than  once  seriously  discussed,  but  was 
fortunately  idmndoncd.  On  July  rith.  IH.IT,  Gen- 
eral liarnard  died,  worn  out  witli  fatigue  and 
an.xlcty.  He  was  KUceeedcd  in  comiimnd  by 
Cicnenil  Archdale  Wilson,  an  olllcer  w  ho.  pos.scs- 
sing  no  special  force  of  character,  did  little  more 
than  secure  the  safe  defeiuc  of  the  position  until 
the  arrival  of  Ibigadier  Xicliolsim  from  the  I'un- 
jab,  August  14tli,  IH.57,  with  a  moveable  column 
of  3,5(]U  men,  Kuropeans  and  Sikhs.  And  here 
we  may  leave  Delhi,  for  tlie  moment,  deferring 
till  later  any  further  details  of  the  siege.  The 
city  of  Cawnpur,  situated  on  the  south  bank  of 
the  river  (!anges,  43  miles  south-west  of  Luck- 
now  and  370  miles  from  Delhi,  lies  about  a  mile 
from  the  river  In  a  large  simdy  iilain.  On  the 
strip  of  land  between  tlie  river  and  the  town,  a 
sf  ice  broken  by  ravines,  8' .•etched  the  Civil 
Station  and  cantoatnents.  A  more  dillh-ult  posi- 
tion to  hold  In  an  extremity  cannot  well  be  con- 
ceived, occupied  as  it  was  by  four  disallected 
Sepoy  regiments  with  but  sixty  Euroiican  ar- 
tiljerynien  to  overawe  them.  There  was,  more- 
over, an  incomijetent  conmiander.  Realising 
after  the  disasters  at  Jleerut  and  Delhi  that  his 
native  garrison  was  not  to  be  trusted,  Sir  Hugh 
Wheeler  threw  up  a  mukeshift  entrenchment 
close  to  the  Sepoy  lines.  C^ommamled  on  all 
sides,  it  was  totally  unlUted  to  stand  a  siege. 
But  a  worse  mistake  was  to  follow.  Alarmed  as 
time  went  on  at  his  growing  difficulties,  Sir  Hugh 
Wheeler  at  length  asked  the  notorious  Nana 
Sahib  [see  above :  A.  D.  184«-1856],  who  lived  a 


few  miles  olT  ul  llithur,  to  assist  him  with  IroopH 
to  guard  the  TreaNiiry.  Kor  some  months  pre 
vlouslv  this  archtrailor's  emissaries  hud  been 
sprcailing  disiontent  throughout  India,  but  ho 
himself  hail  taken  care  to  remajn  on  goiHl  terms 
with  his  Kuropcan  iielghboiirN.  He  now  saw 
his  opportunity.  Cawnpur,  delivered  Into  his 
hands  by  the  mis|ilaccd  conlldence  of  Its  defen- 
ders, was  virtually  In  his  keeping.  Of  Kuropi  .iii 
succour  there  was  no  Immediate  hone.  The 
iilace  was  doomed.  The  crash  came  llirce  days 
iieforc  (ic'iicriil  Ilarnard's  force  reached  Delhi. 
Willi  the  exceplion  of  a  few  devoted  natives  who 
remained  faithful  to  tlicii  salt,  the  whole  Sepoy 
force  on  the  Tilh  of  .liuie  rose  In  rcMilt,  opened 
the  doors  of  the  jail,  robbed  the  treasury, 
and  nnide  themselves  niaslers  of  the  magazine. 
The  Nana  cast  aside  all  further  pretence  of 
friendship  and,  |oincil  by  the  mutinous  troops, 
laid  siege  to  tiie  entrenchment  already  inen- 
tloned,  which  with  culpable  military  ignorance 
had  been  thrown  up  In  one  of  the  worst  positions 
that  could  have  been  chosen.  The  besieging 
army  numbered  some  :<,(II)U  men.  The  be- 
sieged could  only  muster  about  4(M)  English  sol- 
diers, more  than  70  of  which  number  were  in- 
valids. For  twenty-one  days  the  little  garrison 
sulTered  untold  horrors  from  starvation,  heat, 
and  the  onslaughls  of  the  rebels;  until  the  (icn- 
oral  in  command  listened  to  overtures  for  sur- 
render, and  the  garri.son  inarched  out  on  the  37lh 
of  June,  to  the  number  of  about  450  souls,  pro- 
vided with  a  iiromisc  of  safeguard  from  the 
Nana,  who  would  allow  them,  as  they  thought, 
to  embark  in  country  boats  for  Allahaliad. 
Tantia  Topi,  who  afterwards  became  notorious 
in  Central  India,  superintcniled  the  embarkation. 
No  sooner,  however,  were  the  Kuropeans  placed 
in  the  boats,  in  apparent  safely,  than  a  battery 
of  guns  concealed  on  the  river  banks  opened  lire, 
while  at  the  same  time  a  deadly  fusilliide  of 
musketry  was  iioiired  on  the  luckless  refugees. 
The  Nann  ;it  length  ordered  the  mas.siicre  to  cease. 
He  celebiiilcd  what  he  called  his  glorious  victory 
by  proclaiming  himself  I'eshwa  or  Maiatha  Sov- 
ereign, and  by  rewarding  his  troops  for  their 
'  splendid  achievements,'  while  the  wrclched  sur- 
vivors of  his  treachery,  numbering  iiboiit  Tt  men 
ii'id  200  women  iinil  children,  were  taken  back  to 
Cawnpur  and  conlined  in  a  small  building  for 
further  vengeance  and-  insult.  On  the  l.ltli  of 
July  came  the  lust  act  of  this  tragi'dy.  The 
Nana,  having  sulTercd  a  crushing  defeat  at  the 
hands  of  Hrigadier  llavclock's  force  within  a 
day's  march  of  Cawnpur.  as  will  presently  be  re- 
corded, put  the  whole  of  his  prisoners  to  death. 
The  men  were  brought  out  and  killed  in  his 
presence,  while  the  women  and  children  were 
hacked  to  ]iieces  hy  Mulmmmadan  butchers  and 
others  in  tlieir  prison.  Their  bodies  were  tlirown 
into  what  is  now  known  as  the  '  (,'awnpur  Well.' 
Eucknow,  at  the  time  of  the  Mutiny,  was  in 
populatiim,  in  extent,  and  in  t.ie  number  and  im- 
portance of  its  iirincipal  buildings,  one  ot  the 
foremost  cities  of  In 'ia.  .  .  .  Ihe  Residency 
stood  on  a  hill  gepllv  sloping  towards  the  river, 
and  was  an  imposing  editice  of  three  stories. 
Near  it  were  the  iron  and  stone  bridges  over  the 
river  ...  At  the  outbreak  of  the  Mutiny  the 
Se]);./  regiiii'-.its  were  stationed  in  various  locali- 
ties within  the  city ;  while  the  32nd  Foot,  the 
only  European  regiment  on  the  spot,  -vas  quar- 
t«;red  in  a  barrack  about  a  mile  or  so  from  the 


1742 


INDIA,  18ft7. 


Tht  Mr|M>y  MuliHn, 


INDIA,  iHar 


t4'sitl('iiry. 

Iiii|>|i('ii<'(i  lit  l.ui'know.  Willie  III!'  iiii|mlatliiM 
iinil  iiulivc  ^iirrlHoii  wcrx  hci'IIiIiik'  witli  Hcilltiiin, 
till'  lirltlKli  itiilliiirlticH  wcni  Imiiiiicri'il  liy  Ikimi' 
nincciif  |Hi|iiiliir  feeling,  liy  tliti  wuiitof  Kiiri>|ii'iiii 
troojiM,  mill  liy  illviilcil  iimiiNt'lH.  ,Sii,  liy  the  <'iiit 
(if  Miiy,  is,">7,"  111!' rrlit'llion  In  Oiidli  IkViiiiic  itii 
iU'('iim|iliHli('(l    fuel,    iiIiIiiiiikIi    iiiiillcrM   went   nil 

Wllll   ('<llll|mriltlV('   HIIIOOtllllChH   ill    I.IK'kllllW    ItMclf. 

At  l('iii;tli,  after  it  serlmis  (llwister  at  Cliliiliat, 
tile  Itrltisli  ^lirrlsiiii  wiih  fnrceil  tii  wltlidraw  to 
tlie  Iteslileiiey  and  ItH  udjaeeiit  IiiiIIiIIiikh;  uiid 
(III  llie  Isl,  (if  .Iiily  ediiiiiie'ieeil  the  faiiiiiii.s  liivcHt- 
inclll  (if  tills  pdMilidii  liy  llie  reliel  fiirccs.  Tlui 
iMiHitldii  wiiH  ill  adapted  for  defence:  fur  tliu 
lofty  wiiiddWH  of  the  KcNldeney  ItHelf  not  only 
allowed  free  aeeeiut  to  lUi'.  eneniy'H  iiilHHileH,  but 
ilH  roof  wax  wholly  expoHcd.  On  the  oppoHlte 
Hide  of  the  Htreet,  leading  friiiii  the  Kailey  (iiiiird 
(late,  wiiH  tlie  house  of  the  iteNldeney  Siir),'<'"n, 
Dr.  (now  Sir  .loKcph)  Fayrer.  It  was  a  liir^^e  but 
not  lofty  buildiii);  with  a  Mat  roof  wliieli,  pro- 
teeted  by  Hand  Iiiikh,  iilTorded  a  k<**><'  cover  for 
our  rilleinen,  and  with  a  tyeltliiiiia,  or  iinder- 
ffround  story,  that  uiTonled  good  shelter  for  the 
women  and  ehihlreii.  Hut  as  a  whole,  tlii^  de- 
fenees  of  the  liesideney  wenr  more  formidable  in 
iiume  tliaii  in  reality,  and  were  greatly  weakened 
by  tlie  proxindty  of  liigli  buildings  from  wliieli 
the  rebels  witliout  danger  to  tlieniselves  poured 
an  unceasing  lire.  Tliu  siegu  had  an  ominous 
commencement.  On  July  4tli  the  niuchbelovtd 
Hir  Henry  Lawrence,  tlie  Hesident,  died  of  it 
wound  received  two  (htys  before  from  an  enemy's 
slieli  tliat  liiid  fallen  in'<  his  room.  Ilrigadier 
Inglis  succeeded  liim  in  command  ;  and  for  tliree 
months  tlie  iieroic  |  .irrison  of  about  1,7(1(1  souls 
held  their  weak  'losllion,  amid  inconceivuble 
hardships  and  daii..;ers,  against  thousands  of  the 
rebels  who  were  constiiutly  reinforced  by  fresh 
levies.  It  was  >  ell  said  in  a  general  order  by 
Lord  Canning  tli  >*.  there  could  not  be.  found  in 
tlie  annals  of  w,  iiu  a(!liievenu'nt  more  lieroie 
timii  this  defeni  -•. " — (Jen.  Sir  O.  T.  Uiirne,  ('li/<l<! 
ami  Stnithiuiiri  ,  eh.  'J. 

Ai-soiN:  J.  iV.  Kiive,  Hint,  of  t/w  St/xii/  M'ar, 
U:  0,  ch.  1-3  (  .  3). — Q.  ().  Trevclyaii,  Vairitimrc. 
— T.  U.  E.  Ill  lines,  Hint,  of  the  Iiidiitn  Mtiliiiy, 
eh.  8-10. — La(  y  Inglis,  The  Siigf  tf  l.ui-lyiioir. 

A.  D.  i8S7  (June— September).— The  siege, 
the  storming  and  the  capture  of  Delhi.  —  Mur- 
der of  the  Moghul  princes. — "During  the  four 
months  that  billowed  tli(M-evolt  at  Delhi  on  the 
lltli  of  -May,  all  political  interest  was  centred 
ut  the  ancient  capital  of  the  aovertigns  of  Hin- 
dustan. Tlie  public  mind  was  occasionally  dis- 
tracted by  the  current  of  events  at  Cawnpore 
and  Luklinow,  as  well  as  at  other  stutlonn  which 
need  not  be  particularised;  but  so  liing  as  Delhi 
remained  in  tlie  hands  of  the  rebels,  the  native 
princes  were  bewildered  and  alarmed;  and  its 
prompt  recapture  was  deemed  of  vital  importance 
to  the  prestige  of  tho  British  government,  ar.d 
the  re-eslablisliinent  of  liritish  sovereignty  in 
Hindustan.  The  Great  Jlogliul  had  been  little 
bett<;r  than  a  mummy  for  more  than  half  a  cen- 
tury, and  Bahadur  Shah  was  a  mere  to(d  and 
puppet  in  tlie  hands  of  rebel  sepoys;  but  never- 
theless the  British  government  had  to  deal  with 
the  astounding  fact  that  the  rebels  were  lighting 
under  his  name  and  standard,  just  as  Afglians 
and  Mahrattas  had  done  in  the  (iavs  of  Ahmad 
Shah  Duraoi  and  MaUadaji  Sindia.     To  make 


matters  worne.  the  roads  to  Delhi  wrro  open 
from  the  Noiitli  and  east :  and  nearly  every  out - 
break  in  llinduntaii  was  rollowcd  by  a  Klampi'du 
of  mutineers  to  the  old  ciipitui  of  the  .Moghills. 
.Meanwhile,  in  lliealmence  of  railways,  there  were 
unfortunate  delays  in  bringing  up  troops  and 
giiiiH  to  Htanip  out  the  tires  of  rebelllnii  at  the 
head  centre.  The  highwiiy  from  Calcutlit  to 
Dellil  was  blocked  up  by  mutiny  and  iiisiirrei - 
lion;  and  every  Kuroiiean  Holdirr  sent  up  from 
Calellttit  was  Htopped  for  the  relief  of  Itinares, 
Alliiliabad,  Cawniiore,  or  l.iikhnow.  Hut  the 
possession  of  the  I'liiijab  at  this  crisis  proved  to 
lie  tlie  sitlvation  of  the  empire.  .Sir  .Inlm  Law- 
rence, tlie  Clili'f  ('ominissioner,  was  called  upon 
to  perform  aInioNt  superliiiiiian  work: — to  main- 
tain order  in  it  newlv  eonijue.' 'd  province;  to 
suppress  iiiiiliiiy  and  disalleetlon  amongst  the 
very  sepoy  regimenls  from  Heiigal  who  were  sup- 
posed to  garrison  the  country;  and  to  send  reiii- 
foreeinents  of  troops  and  guns,  and  supplies  of 
all  descriptions,  to  tlic  siege  of  Dellii.  Kortii- 
iiately  the  Siklis  had  been  only  a  few  short  years 
under  liritisli  iidiiiiiiislratioii;  they  had  not  for- 
gotten tlie  miseries  that  prevail(^d  under  the  na- 
tive government,  and  could  appreciate  the  many 
bles.siiigstliey  enjoyed  under  ISrltlsli  rule.  They 
were  staunch  to  the  British  goveriimi'iit,  and 
eager  to  be  led  against  tlie  rebels.  In  somecases 
terrible  punishment  was  meted  out  to  mntinouH 
Bengal  sepoys  witliiu  the  Punjab;  but  the  im- 
perial interests  at  stake  were  sullicient  to  justify 
every  severity,  aitlioiigb  'ill  mu.Ht  regret  the 
painful  necessitv  tliat  called  for  such  extreme 
measures.  .  .  .  I'Ik!  defences  of  Delhi  covered 
an  area  of  three  sipiare  miles.  The  walls  con- 
sisted of  a  series  of  bastions,  alwiiit  si.xtceii  feet 
liigli,  eoniieeled  by  long  curtains,  with  occa- 
sional martello  towers  to  aid  the  Hanking  lire. 
.  .  .  Tliere  were  seven  gates  to  the  city,  namely, 
Lahore  gate,  Ajmirgiile,  Turkoman  gate,  Di'llii 
gate,  iMori  gale,  Kabul  gate  and  Kashmir  gate. 
The  principal  street  was  the  ClKindiii  Ciioiik, 
which  ran  in  a  direct,  line  from  the  Delhi  gate  to 
tile  piiliiceof  the  .Mogliuls.  .  .  .  For  many  weeks 
tlie  Britisli  army  on  the  Uidge  was  unable  to  at- 
tempt siegi!  operations.  It  was,  in  fact,  tlie  lie- 
sieged,  lather  than  the  besiegers;  for,  although 
the  bridges  in  tlie  rear  were  blown  up,  the  camp 
was  expo.sed  to  continual  assaults  from  all  the 
other  sides.  On  the^Iird  of  .June,  the  luindr'dlh 
anniversary  of  the  battle  of  I'lassy,  the  enemy 
made  a  greater  elTortthaii  ever  to  carry  the  Brit- 
ish piisilion.  Tlie  attack  began  on  tli(^  riglil 
from  the  .Siibzi  .Mundi,  its  object  being  to  cap- 
lure  the  .Mound  battery.  Finding  it  inipo.ssible 
to  carry  the  batti'ry,  tiie  rebels  eoiiliiied  lliem- 
selves  to  a  hand  to  hand  coiillict  in  the  .Siib/.i 
Mundi.  Tlie  deadly  struggle  continued  for  many 
hours;  and  as  the  rebels  came  up  in  overwlielni- 
ing  numbers,  it  was  fortunate  that  the  two 
bridges  in  tlie  rear  had  been  blown  up  the  niglit 
before,  or  the  assault  might  liave  had  a  dilfereul 
termination.  It  was  not  until  alter  si.uset  that 
the  enemy  was  compelleil  to  retire  with  the  loss 
of  a  thousand  men.  Similar  actions  were  fre- 
(luent  during  tlic  month  of  August;  but  niean- 
while  reinforcements  were  coininj'  up,  and  the 
end  wasdrawing  nigh.  In  tlie  middle  of  August, 
Brigadier  John  Nicholson,  one  of  the  most  dis- 
tingtiislied  ollicers  of  the  time,  came  up  from 
the  Punjab  with  a  brigade  and  siege  train.  On 
the  4th  of  Septotuber  a  heavy  train  of  artillery 


IV'43 


INDIA,  1857. 


The  Sepoy  Mutiny. 


INDIA,  1857. 


wa.s  brought  in  from  Fcrozcporr.  Tlie  Hritisli 
force  on  the  Hiclj^e  now  <x<ce(le(l  8,000  men. 
Hitherto  the  nrtillerj' liiid  been  too  weak  to  nt- 
tempt  to  l)reaeli  tlie  city  walls ;  but  now  fifty-four 
Jieiivy  ginis  were  hr(-ught  into  position  anil  the 
Hiege  began  in  earnest.  From  the  8th  to  the 
12th  of  September  four  batteries  poureil  in  a 
vonstant  storm  of  shot  and  shell;  number  one 
was  directed  against  the  Kashmir  bastion,  num- 
ber two  against  the  right  Hank  of  the  Kashmir 
bastifin,  number  three  against  the  AVater  bastion, 
and  numl)er  four  against  the  Kashmirand  Water 
gates  and  bastions.  On  the  13tli  ol  Septemlicr 
the  breaches  were  dcclured  to  be  practicable,  uud 
the  following  morning  was  flxed  for  the  final  as- 
sault upon  the  doomed  city.  At  throe  o'clock  in 
the  morning  of  the  14th  September,  three  as- 
saulting columns  were  formed  in  the  trenches, 
whilst  u  fourth  was  kept  in  reserve.  The  first 
column  was  led  bj-  Urigadier  Nicholson;  the 
second  by  Hrigadicr  Jones;  the  third  by  Colonel 
Cumpbell ;  aiul  the  fourth,  or  reserve,  by  Brigadier 
Longlield.  The  powder  bags  were  laid  at  the 
Kuslimirgate  by  Lieutenants  Home  and  Salkeld. 
The  e.xplo.sion  followed,  and  the  third  column 
rushed  in,  and  pushed  towards  the  .Tuma  JIusjid. 
Meanwhile  the  first  column  under  Nichol- 
son escaladed  the  breaches  near  the  Kashmir 
gate,  and  pushed  along  the  ramparts  towards  the 
Kabul  gate,  carrying  the  several  bastions  in  the 
way.  llere  it  was  met  by  the  second  column 
iiiiAer  Hrigadier  Jones,  who  had  escaladed  the 
lireach  at  the  Water  bastion.  The  advancing 
columns  were  met  by  a  ceaseless  fire  from  ter- 
raced houses,  mo8((ues,  and  other  buildings :  and 
John  Nicholson,  the  hero  of  the  day,  whilst  at- 
tempting to  storm  a  narrow  street  near  the  Kabid 
gate,  was  struck  down  by  a  shot  and  mortally 
wounded." — J.  T.  Wheeler,  Short  Hist,  of  India, 
pt.  3,  ch.  2.'). — "  The  long  autumn  day  was  over, 
«nd  wo  were  in  Delhi.  But  Delhi  was,  by  no 
nieani',  ours.  Sixty-six  offlcei-s  and  1,100  men — 
nearly  a  third,  that  is,  of  the  whole  attacking 
force — had  fallen;  wiiile,  as  yet,  not  a  sixth  part 
of  the  town  was  in  our  power.  How  many  mer., 
it  might  well  be  asked,  would  be  left  to  ua  by 
the  time  that  we  had  conquered  the  remainder  ? 
We  held  the  line  of  ramparts  which  we  had  at- 
tacked and  the  portions  of  the  city  immediately 
adjoining,  but  nothing  more.  The  Lahore  Gate 
and  the  Alagazine,  the  Jvimma  Musjid  and  the 
Palace,  were  still  untouched  and  were  keeping 
up  a  heavy  fire  on  our  position.  Worse  than 
this,  a  large  number  of  our  troops  had  fallen  vic- 
tims to  the  temptation  v/h!cli,  more  formidable 
than  thcnisel''es,  our  fot'S  had  left  behind  them, 
cad  were  wallowing  in  a  state  of  bestial  intoxi- 
cation. The  enemy,  meauwlile,  had  been  able 
to  maintain  their  position  outside  the  town ;  and 
if  only,  at  this  sup.  me  hour,  a  heavei.K>nt  Gen- 
eral had  appeared  amongst  them,  they  might 
have  altacked  our  camp,  defended  as  it  was 
maicly  by  the  sick,  and  the  maimed,  and  the  halt. 
.  _ .  .  iVever,  perhaps,  in  the  history  of  the  Mn- 
tiny  were  we  in  (juite  so  jierilous  a  position  as  on 
the  night  which  followed  our  greatest  military 
success.  General  Wilson,  indeed,  proi)08ed,  a"a 
might  have  been  expected  from  a  man  in  his  en- 
feebled condition  of  nnnd  and  body,  to  with- 
draw the  guns,  to  fall  back  on  the  camp  and 
wait  for  reinforcements  there ;  n  step  whioli,  it 
is  needless  to  point  out,  would  have  g'veu  us  all 
the  I'eadly  work  to  do  over  again,  even  if  our 


force  should  prove  able  to  maintain  itself  on  the 
Uidge  till  reinforcements  came.  Hut  the  urgent 
remonstrances  of  Baird  Smith  and  others,  by 
word  of  mouth;  of  Chamberlain,  by  letter;  aucf, 
l)erhaps,  tdso,  the  echoes  which  may  have 
reached  him  from  the  tempest-tossed  hero  who 
lay  chafing  against  his  cruel  destinyon  his  death- 
bed, and  exchumed  in  a  wild  paroxy.sm  of  i)as 
sion,  when  he  heard  of  the  move  which  was 
in  contemplation,  'Thank  God,  I  have  strength 
enough  left  to  shoot  that  man,'  turned  the  Gen- 
eral once  more  from  his  purpose.  On  the  fol- 
lowing day,  the  15th,  vast  (juantitics  of  the 
intoxicating  drinks,  which  had  wrought  such 
havoc  amongst  our  men,  were  destroyed  by  Gen- 
eral Wilson's  order,  and  the  streets  literally  ran 
with  rivers  of  beer,  and  wine,  and  brandy. 
Meanwhile,  the  troops  were  sleeping  off  their 
drunken  debauch;  and  on  the  Kith  active  opera- 
tions were  resumed.  On  that  day  the  Magazine 
was  taken,  and  its  vast  stores  of  shot  and  shell, 
and  of  all  the  'material 'of  war,  fell  once  more 
into  the  hands  of  their  proper  owners.  By  sap- 
l)inggraduaH)'from  house  to  house  we  managed, 
for  three  ilays  more,  to  avoid  the  street-fighting 
which,  oncj  and  again,  has  proved  so  demoralis- 
ing to  Englishmen;  and,  slowly  btit  surely,  we 
jiressed  back  the  defenders  into  that  ever-nar- 
rowing part  of  the  city  of  which,  fortunately 
for  themselves,  they  still  held  the  bolt-holes. 
Many  of  them  had  already  begun,  like  rats,  to 
quit  the  siukiL-g  vessel.  And  now  the  unarmed 
population  of  tlie  city  flocked  in  one  continuous 
stream  out  of  the  open  ;^ates,  ho]>ing  to  save 
tlieir  lives,  if  nothing  else,  f;oin  our  avenging 
swonis.  On  the  19th,  the  palace  of  the  Moguls, 
which  had  witnessed  the  last  expiring  flicker  of 
life  in  an  effete  dynasty,  and  the  cruel  murder  of 
English  men,  and  women,  and  children,  fell  into 
our  hands ;  and  by  Sunday,  the  20th,  the  whole 
of  the  city  —  in  large  part  already  a  city  of  the 
dead — was  at  our  mercy.  But  what  of  the 
King  himself  ai^d  the  Princes  of  the  royal  house  ? 
They  had  slunk  off  to  the  tomb  of  llumayoun, 
a  huge  building,  almost  a  city  in  itself,  some 
miles  from  the  modern  Delhi,  and  there,  swayed 
this  way  and  that,  now  by  the  bolder  spirits  of 
his  army  who  pressed  him  to  put  himself  at  the?r 
head  and  fight  it  out  to  the  death,  as  became  the 
descendant  of  Tamerlane  and  Baber,  now  by  the 
entreaties  of  his  young  wife,  who  was  anxious 
chiefly  for  her  own  safety  and  that  of  her  son, 
the  heir  of  the  Moguls ;  and  now,  again,  by  the 
plausible  suggestions  of  a  double-dyed  traitor  of 
Ills  own  h(,usc  who  was  in  IJodson's  pay,' and 
who,  approaching  the  head  of  his  family  with 
a  kiss  of  peace,  was  endeavoring  to  detain  him 
where  he  was  till  he  could  hand  him  over  to  his 
employer  and  receive  the  price  of  blood,  the 
poor  old  monarch  dozed  or  fooled  away  the  few 
hours  of  his  sovereignty  which  remained,  the 
hours  which  might  still  make  or  mar  him,  in 
paroxysms  of  imbecile  vacillation  and  despair. 
1  111)  traitor  gained  the  day,  and  Hodson,  who 
could  play  the  game  of  force  as  well  as  of  fraud, 
and  was  an  equal  adept  at  either,  learning  from 
Ilia  craven-hearted  tool  that  the  King  was  pre- 
pared to  surrendc  on  the  promice  of  his  life, 
went  to  AV'ilson  and  obtained  leave,  on  that  condi- 
tion, to  bring  him  into  Delhi.  The  errand,  with 
such  a  promise  tacked  on  to  it,  was  only  half  to 
llodson's  taste.  'If  I  get  into  the  Palace,'  he 
had  written  in  coo!  blood  some  days  before,  '  the 


174^^ 


INDIA,  1857. 


The  Sepoy  ifutiny. 


INDIA,  18r)T-18.')8. 


house  of  Timour  will  not  bo  wortli  flvp  miimtcs' 
l>iirclms(',  I  wet'ii.'  .  .  .  After  two  hours  of  bar- 
giiining  for  his  own  life  nnil  tliiit  of  his  (|uccii 
nnd  fiivourite  son.  the  poor  old  Priiini  tottcrcil 
forth  and  was  taken  back,  in  a  bidlockciirt,  a 
prisoner,  to  his  own  city  and  Palace,  and  was 
there  handed  over  to  the  civil  authorities.  Hut 
there  were  other  members  of  the  royal  family, 
as  Hodson  knew  well  from  his  informants,  also 
lurkini:  in  lliunayoiin's  tomb.  .  .  .  With  a  hun- 
dred of  his  famous  horse  Hodson  started  for 
Humayoun's  tomb,  and,  after  three  hours  of  ne- 
gotiation, the  three  prince.-.,  two  of  them  the 
sons,  the  other  the  grandson  of  tli(!  King,  sur- 
rendered unconditionally  into  his  hands.  .  .  . 
Their  arms  were  taken  from  them,  and,  escorted 
by  some  of  his  horsemen,  they  too  were  des- 
patched in  bullock-carts  towards  Delhi.  With 
the  rest  of  his  horse,  Hodson  stayed  behind  to 
disarm  the  largo  au(l  nerveless  crowd,  who,  as 
sheep  liaviug  no  shepherd,  and  unable,  in  their 
paralysed  condition,  to  see  what  the  brute  weight 
even  of  a  flock  of  sheep  might  do  by  a  sudden 
rush,  were  overawed  liy  his  resolute  bearing. 
This  done,  he  galloped  after  his  prey  and  cauglit 
them  up  just  before  the  cavalcade  reached  the 
walls  of  Delhi.  /  He  ordered  the  princes  roughly 
to  get  out  of  the  cart  and  strip, — for,  even  in  his 
thirst  for  tlieir  blood,  he  luid,  as  it  would  seem, 
an  eye  to  the  value  of  their  outer  clothes,  —  he 
ordered  them  into  the  cart  again,  he  seized  a  car- 
bine from  one  of  Ins  troojiers,  and  then  and  there, 
with  his  own  hand,  shot  them  down  deliberately 
one  after  the  other.  It  was  a  stupid,  cold- 
blooded, three-fold  murder.  .  .  .  Had  they  been 
put  upon  their  trial,  disclosures  of  great  unpor- 
tance  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Slutiny  could  hardly 
fail  to  have  been  elicited.  Their  punishment 
would  have  been  proportioned  to  their  offence, 
and  would  have  been  meted  out  to  them  with  all 
the  patient  maiesty  of  offended  law." — R.  B. 
Smith,  Life  of  Lord  Tjiwrence,  v.  3,  eh,  5. 

Also  in:  Sir  R.  Temple,  Lord  Lawmire,  cli. 
7. — The  same,  Men  and  Etents  of  my  Time  in 
India,  ch.  7. — J.  Cave-Brown,  The  Punjab  and 
Delhi  in  1857.  —  O.  B.  Malleson,  Hist,  of  the  In- 
dian Mutiny,  bk.  10,  eh.  1  (b.  2). — Major  Ho<lson, 
Twelve  Years  of  a  Soldier's  Life  in  India,  jjt.  2  .■ 
Ttw  Delhi  Campaign. 

A.  D.  1857-1858  (July— June).  — General 
Havelock's  campaign. — Sir  Colin  Campbell's. 
— The  Relief  of^  Lucknow.— Substantial  sup- 
pression of  the  Mutiny. — "Meanwhile  the 
greatest  anxiety  prevailed  with  regard  to  our 
countrymen  and  countrywomen  at  Lucknow 
and  Cawnporc.  The  Indian  government  made 
every  effort  to  relieve  them ;  but  the  reinforce- 
ments which  had  been  despatched  from  Kngland 
and  China  came  in  slowly,  and  the  demands 
made  for  assistance  far  exceeded  the  means  at 
the  disposal  of  the  government.  .  .  .  The  task 
of  relieving  the  city  was  entrusted  to  the  heroic 
General  Havelock,  who  marched  out  with  a 
mere  handful  of  men,  of  whom  only  1,400  were 
Britisli  soldiers,  to  encounter  a  large  army  and  a 
whole  country  in  rebellion.  At  Futtehponj,  on 
the  12th  of  July,  he  defeated  a  vastly  superior 
force,  posted  in  a  very  strong  position.  After 
giving  his  men  a  day  s  rest,  lie  advanced  again 
on  tlie  14th,  and  routed  the  enemy  in  two  pitched 
battles.  Next  morning  he  renewed  his  advance, 
and  with  a  force  of  less  than  800  men  attacked 
5,000  strongly  entrenched,  and  commanded  by 


Nana  .''ahib.  The}-  were  outmanoeuvred,  out- 
tlanUcd.  beaten  and  dispersed.  But  for  this 
signal  defeat  they  wreaked  their  vengeance  on 
the  unfortunate  women  and  children  who  still 
remained  at  Cawnpore.  On  the  very  day  on 
wliich  the  battle  occurred,  they  were  massacred 
under  circumstances  of  cruelty  over  which  wo 
must  tlirow  a  veil.  The  well  of  Cawnpore.  in 
wliich  their  backed  and  mutilated  bodies  were 
Hung.  presentiMl  a  spectacle  from  which  soldiers 
who  had  regarded  unmoved  the  carnage  of  nu- 
merous battle-flelds  shrank  with  horror.  Of  all 
the  atrocities  perpetrated  during  this  war,  so 
fruitful  in  horrors,  this  was  the  most  awful ;  and 
it  was  followed  by  a  terrible  retribution.  It 
steeled  the  hearts,  and  lent  a  furious  and  fear- 
less energy  to  the  arms,  of  tin;  British  soldiery. 
Wherever  tlie_v  came,  they  gave  no  nuarter  to 
the  mutineers;  a  few  mefi  often  frantically  at- 
tacked hundreds,  frantically  but  vainly  defend- 
ing themselves;  and  never  ceased  till  all  had 
been  bayoneted,  or  shot,  or  hewn  in  iiieces.  All 
those  who  could  be  shown  to  have  been  ac- 
complices in  the  perpetration  of  the  murders 
that  had  been  committed  were  hung,  or  blown 
from  the  cannon's  mouth.  Though  the  intrepid 
Havelock  was  ';ii;ible  to  save  the  women  and 
children  who  liad  been  imprisoned  in  Cawnpore, 
he  pressed  forward  to  Lucknow.  But  the  force 
under  'lis  command  was  too  small  to  enable  him 
to  drive  off  the  enemy.  Meanwhile  Sir  .1.  Out- 
ram,  who  was  now  returning  from  the  Persian 
war,  which  had  been  brought  to  a  successful 
conclusion,  was  sent  to  Ouile  as  chief  commis- 
sioner, with  full  civil  and  militnrj'  power.  This 
appointment  was  fully  deserved ;  but  it  had  the 
effect,  jjrobably  not  thought  of  by  those  who 
made  it,  of  sujierseding  Havelock  just  as  he  was 
about  to  achieve  the  crowning  success  of  his 
rapid  and  glorious  career.  Outram,  however, 
with  a  generosity  which  did  him  more  real  hon- 
our than  a  thousand  victories  would  have  con- 
ferred, wrote  to  Havelock  to  inform  him  that  he 
intended  to  jcin  him  with  adeiiuate  reinforce- 
ments; adding:  '  To  you  shall  be  loft  the  gloiy  of 
relieving  Lucknow,  for  which  you  have  already 
struggled  so  much.  I  shall  accompany  j'ou  only 
in  my  civil  capacity  as  commissioner,  placing 
my  military  service  ut  your  disposal,  should  you 
please,  and  serving  under  you  as  a  volunteer.' 
Thus  Havelock,  after  gaining  no  fewer  than 
twelve  battles  against  forces  far  superior  in  num- 
bers to  the  little  band  he  originally  led,  was 
enablcil  at  length,  on  the  25th  of  August,  to 
preserve  the  civilians,  the  women,  and  chihi'en 
of  Lucknow  from  the  impending  liorrors  of  an- 
other massacre,  which  would  no  doubt  have 
been  as  fearful  as  tliot  of  Cawnpore.  The  High 
landers  were  the  first  to  enter,  iMid  were  wel- 
comed with  gr/iteful  enthusiasm  by  those  whom 
they  had  saved  from  a  fate  worse  than  death. 
However,  the  enemy,  recovering  from  the  panic 
which  the  arrival  of  Havelock  and  his  troops 
had  caused,  renewed  the  siege.  Sir  Colin  Camp- 
bell, who  had  assumed  the  command  of  the 
Indian  army,  had  determined  to  march  to  the 
relief  of  Lucknow.  He  S2t  out  from  Cawnpore 
on  the  9th  of  November,  but  was  obliged  to 
wait  till  the  14tli  for  reinforcements,  whii'li  were 
on  the  way  to  join  him,  and  which  rai.sed  tlio 
force  under  his  command  to  5,000  —  a  force 
numerically  far  inferior  to  that  which  it  was  to 
attack.     On  the  17th  of  November  the  relict  of 


1745 


INDIA,  1857-1858. 


(iowmttifnt  frtinnffrreil 
to  thv  Uritinh  (Sown. 


INDIA,  1858. 


Liicknow  wii.s  ifTcclcd.  The  music  of  the  llipli- 
lun<l  ri'niiiicnls,  |iliiyin<r  'The  Campbells  are 
coiiiiiijf,' aniKiunrcd  to  their  delighted  eoiiiitry- 
men  inside  llie  city  that  the  coMiinaiider-in-cliief 
liinisvlf  was  witli  tlie  relieving  force.  IJltle 
time,  however,  was  allowed  for  conftratulation.s 
and  rejoicinifs.  The  ladies,  the  eivillans,  and 
the  /K'arrison  were  (|uietly  withdrawn;  the  ;;iins, 
whieli  it  was  thought  not  desirable  to  remove, 
were  burst ;  and  a  retreat  effected,  witlioiit  afford- 
ing the  enemy  the  slightest  suspicion  of  what  was 
going  on  uniil  some  hours  after  the  town  had 
been  evacuat<'d  by  it.s  defenders.  The  retreat- 
ing force  reached  Dilhashii  on  the  24tli,  without 
having  sustained  any  serious  molestation.  There 
the  gallant  llavelock  sank  under  the  trials  and 
hardshij)s  to  which  lie  hud  been  expo.sed,  and 
yielded  up  the  life  which  was  instrumental  in 
preserving  so  many  others  from  the  most  terrible 
of  deaths.  While  Sir  Colin  Campbell  was  en- 
gaged in  effecting  the  relief  of  Lucknow.  intelli- 
gence reached  Cawnpore  that  u  large  liostile 
army  was  making  towards  it.  General  Windham, 
who  commanded  there,  unacquainted  with  the 
number  or  the  position  of  the  approaching  force, 
mardied  forth  to  meet  it,  in  the  hope  that  he 
should  be  able  to  rout  and  cut  up  the  advanced 
guard  before  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  could 
come  tu  its  assistance.  But  in  this  e.\|>ectation 
he  was  disitppointed.  lusl^i  1  of  having  to  deal 
with  tlie  van,  he  engaged  with  the  whole  rebel 
army,  and  his  little  force,  assailed  on  all  sides, 
was  obliged  to  retire.  lie  at  once  despatched  a 
letter  to  the  commander-in-chief,  recpiesting  him 
to  liasten  to  his  assistance ;  but  it  was  intercepted 
by  the  enemy.  Fortunately  Sir  Colin  Campbell, 
though  ignorant  of  tlie  critical  position  of  his 
subordinate,  camo  tip  just  at  the  moment  when 
the  danger  was  at  its  lieight.  This  was  on  the 
28th  of  November,  lie  was,  however,  in  no 
haste  to  attack  the  foe,  and  was  content  for  the 
present  merely  to  hold  them  in  check.  His  tirst 
a>.re  was  for  the  safety  of  the  civilians,  the 
women,  and  the  children,  which  was  not  secured 
till  the  SOtli ;  and  he  continued  to  protect  them 
till  the  5th  of  December,  when  they  were  all 
safely  lodged  at  Allahabad.  The  enemy,  un- 
aware of  the  motive  of  his  seeming  inaction, 
imputed  it  to  feai,  and  became  every  day  more 
confident  and  audacious.  On  the  6th  he  at 
length  turned  fiercely  on  them,  completely  dc- 
featei'  then.,  and  seized  their  baggage ;  he  then 
dispersed  and  drove  away  another  largo  force, 
under  the  command  of  Nana  Sahib,  which  was 
watching  the  engagement  at  u  little  distance.  The 
army  entered  the  residence  of  Nana  Sahib  at  Bi- 
thoor,  and  took  posscssionof  muchtreasurcwbich 
had  been  concealed  in  a  well.  Nearly  the  whole 
of  the  enemy's  artillery  was  captured ;  and  the 
army,  being  overtalien  as  they  were  in  the  act  of 
crossing  into  Oude,  great  numbers  of  them  were 
destroyed.'  Of  course,  for  the  moment  Luck- 
now,  being  no  longer  garrisoned,  had  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  tlie  insurgents;  but  they  were  not 
long  permitted  to  retain  it.  Strong  reinforce- 
ments arrived,  and  the  Indian  government  was 
enabled  to  send  a  force  against  Lucknow  suf- 
ficient to  overwhelm  all  resistance ;  and  on  the 
15tU  of  December  this  important  city  was  in  the 
undisputed  possession  of  the  British  troops. 
This  final  recovery  of  the  capital  of  Oude  de- 
cided the  reconquest  of  that  country.  A  str-jg- 
gle   was,    indeed,    maintained    for   some    time 


longer;  inniinieriible  battles  were  fought,  anil 
the  final  subjugation  of  the  country  was  effected 
in  the  month  of  .lune,  1858."— W.  N.  .Moles- 
worth,  J/hl.  <if  Kilt/.,  18;iO-1874,  r.  3,  e/i.  3. 

Also  in;  A.  Forbes,  Uattlvck,  eh.  5-7.— Gen. 
Sir  O.  T.  Burne.  Cli/fff,  and  SUnithnairn.—Qon. 
Shailwcll,  /.ife  of  Colin  Cniiipbell,  lyord  Clyde,  v. 
1,  e/t.  U,  mid  V.  'i,  ck.  1-18. — T.  Lowe,  Central 
India  diiriiii/  1857-8. 

A.  D.  1858.- The  Governor-General's  Proc- 
lamation.— Termination  of  the  rule  of  the 
East  India  Company, — The  government  trans- 
ferred to  the  Crown.— "liy  a  singular  ciiriim- 
stance,  when  the  mutiny  was  suppressed  in  1858, 
the  Governor-General,  who  in  tlie  previous  year 
had  lieen  condemned  for  leniency  which  was 
thought  ill-timed,  was  destined  to  receive  cen- 
sure for  harslmess  which  was  declared  unneces- 
sary. On  the  eve  of  the  full  of  Lucknow,  lie 
drew  up  a  proclamation  confiscating  the  lands  of 
all  llie  great  landowners  in  Oudh.  Exceptions 
were,  indeed,  made  to  this  sweeping  decree. 
Landowners  who  could  prove  their  loyalty  were 
liromised  exemption  from  it,  just  as  rebels  wlio 
unconditionally  surrendered,  and  whose  hands 
were  not  stained  witli  British  blood,  were  offered 
pardon.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Canning,  in 
drawing  up  this  proclamation,  relied  on  the  ex- 
ceptions which  it  contained,  while  there  is  equally 
no  doubt  that  the  critics  who  objected  to  it  over- 
looked its  parentheses.  But  its  issue  was  made 
the  basis  of  an  attJick  which  well-nigh  proved 
fatal  to  the  Governor-General's  administration. 
The  chances  of  party  warfare  had  replaced  Palm- 
erstou  with  Derby;  and  the  Conservative  min- 
ister had  entrusted  the  Board  of  Control  to  the 
brilliant  but  erratic  statesman  who,  fifteen  years 
before,  had  astonished  India  with  pageant  and 
proclamation.  .  .  .  Ellenborrcigh  thought  proper 
to  condemn  Canning's  proclamation  in  a  severe 
despatch,  and  to  allow  his  censure  to  be  made 
public.  For  a  short  time  it  seemed  impossible 
that  the  Governor-Genenil  who  had  received 
such  a  despatch  could  continue  his  government. 
But  the  lapse  of  a  few  days  showed  that  the 
minister  who  had  framed  the  despatch,  and  not 
the  Viceroy  who  hud  received  it,  was  to  suffer 
from  the  transaction.  Tlic  public,  recollecting  the 
justice  of  Cuuni.ig's  rule,  the  mercy  of  his  ad- 
ministration, aImo:--t  unanimously  considered  that 
he  should  not  have  been  hastily  condemned  for  a 
document  which,  it  was  gradually  evident,  had 
only  been  imperfectly  understood ;  and  Ellenbor- 
ougli,  to  save  his  colleagues,  volunteered  to  play 
tlie  part  of  Jonah,  and  retired  from  the  ministry. 
His  retirement  closes,  in  one  sense,  the  history  of 
the  Indian  Mutiny.  But  the  transactions  of  the 
Mutiny  had,  almost  for  the  first  time,  taug'it  the 
public  to  consider  the  anomalies  of  Indian  ;^ov- 
ernment.  In  the  course  of  u  hundred  yeurs  a 
Company  hud  been  suffered  to  acquire  an  empire 
nearly  ten  times  as  large  and  as  populous  us 
Great  Britain.  It  was  true  that  the  rule  of  the 
Company  was  in  many  respects  nominal.  The 
President  of  the  Board  of  Control  was  the  true 
head  of  the  Indian  Government,  and  spoke  and 
acted  through  the  Secret  Committee  of  the  Court 
of  Directors.  But  this  very  circumstance  only 
accentuated  the  anomaly.  If  the  President  of  the 
Board  of  Control  was  m  fact  Indian  minister,  it 
was  far  simpler  to  make  him  Indian  minister  hy 
name,  unci  to  do  away  with  the  clumsy  expedi- 
ent which  alone  enabled   him  to  exercise  his 


1746 


INDIA,  1858. 


Tlie  Native  States. 


INDIA,   1877. 


nutliority.  Ilenco  it  was  gfiit-rnlly  dcciiUMl  tlint 
tlici  rule  of  the  Company  should  raaso,  and  tliat 
India  shouhl  tlicnccforwnrd  l)cioin('  on(^  of  iho 
possessions  of  tlie  crown.  ...  A  great  dan)i;er 
tlius  led  to  the  removal  of  a  great  nomaly, 
and  the  vast  Indian  empire  which  Knglishnien 
had  won  was  thenceforward  taken  into  a  nation's 
keeping." — S.  Walpole, //j.'i^.  of  Kiig.  from  l.Slfi, 
ch.  27  ()'.  5). — The  act  "  for  the  better  govern- 
ment of  India,"  whicli  was  passed  in  the  autumn 
of  1858,  "provided  that  nil  the  territories  pre- 
viou.slj'  under  the  government  of  the  East  In(!'a 
Company  were  to  ho  vested  in  her  Majesty,  and 
all  the  Company's  powers  to  be  exercised  in  lior 
name.  One  of  her  Majest3''s  princijial  Secre- 
taries of  State  was  to  have  all  the  power  pre- 
viously exercised  by  the  Company,  or  by  the 
Board  of  Control.  The  Secretary  was  to  be  as- 
sisted by  a  Council  of  India,  to  consist  of  fifteen 
members,  of  whom  seven  were  to  bo  elected  by 
the  Court  of  Directors  from  their  own  body, 
and  eight  nominated  by  the  Crown.  Tlic  vacan- 
cies among  the  nominated  were  to  bo  filled  up  by 
the  Crown;  those  among  the  elected  by  the  r( 
maining  members  of  the  Council  for  a  certain 
time,  but  afterward  by  the  Secretary  of  State 
for  India.  The  competitive  principle  for  the 
Civil  Service  was  extended  in  its  application,  and 
made  thoroughly  practical.  The  military  and 
naval  forces  of  the  CJompany  were  to  be  deemed 
the  forces  of  her  JIajesty.  A  clause  was  intro- 
duced declaring  that,  except  for  the  purpose  of 
preventing  or  repelling  actual  invasion  of  India, 
the  Indian  revenues  should  not,  without  the  con- 
sent of  both  Houses  of  Parliament,  be  applicable 
to  defray  the  expenses  of  any  military  operation 
carried  on  beyond  the  external  frontiers  of  her 
Majesty's  Indian  possessions.  Another  clause 
enacted  that  whenever  an  order  was  sent  to  India 
directing  the  commencement  of  hostilitie-  by 
her  Majesty's  forces  there,  the  fact  should  be 
communicated  to  Parliament  within  three  months, 
if  Parliament  were  then  sitting,  or,  if  not,  within 
one  month  lifter  its  next  meeting.  These  clauses 
were  heard  of  more  than  once  in  later  days.  The 
Viceroy  and  Governor-General  was  to  bo  supreme 
in  India,  but  was  to  be  assisted  by  a  Council. 
India  now  has  nine  provinces,  each  under  its  own 
civil  government,  and  independent  of  the  others, 
but  all  subordinate  to  the  authoritv  of  the  Vice- 
roy. In  accordance  with  this  Ai  t  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Company,  the  famed  'John  Com- 
pany,' formally  ceased  on  September  1st,  1858; 
and  the  Queen  was  proclaimed  throughout  India 
in  the  following  Novi  inber,  with  Lord  Canning 
for  her  first  Viceroy." — J.  McCarthy,  Hut.  of 
Our  Own.  Times,  ch.  36  (».  3). 

Also  in:  Sir  II.  S.  Cunninghai.i,  Earl  Can- 
ning, ch.  7-9. — Duke  of  Argyll,  India  vnder 
Dalhouaie  and  Canninr/. 

A.  D.  i86i. — Institution  of  the  Order  of  the 
Star  of  India,    bee  Stau  ok  India. 

A.  D.  1862-1876.— Vice-regal  administra- 
tions of  Lords  Lawrence,  Mayo  and  North- 
brook. — Lord  Canning  was  succeeded  as  Viceroy 
by  Lord  Elgin,  in  1868;  but  Elgin  only  lived  un- 
til November,  1863,  and  his  successor  was  Sir 
John  Lawrence,  the  savior  of  the  Punjab  "Sir 
John  Lawrence's  Viccroyalty  was  an  imeventful 
time.  Great  natural  calamities  by  famine  and 
cyclone  fell  upon  the  countrj',  which  cfilled  forth 
the  philanthropic  energies  of  Government  and 
people.     Commerce  passed  tliroug".i  an    unex- 


ampled crisis,  taxing  skill  and  foresight.  But 
the  political  atmosphere  was  calm.  With  the 
exception  of  little  frontier  wars,  wasteful  of  re- 
sources that  w  .e  sorely  needed,  there  was 
nothing  to  divert  the  Government  from  the  pros- 
ecution of  schemes  for  the  improvement  of  the 
physical  and  moral  condition  of  the  people  " 
Kir  John  I.,. wreiice  held  the  Viccroyalty  until 
January,  1869,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  Lord 
Muyo  and  returned  to  England.  He  was  raised, 
in  that  year,  to  the  peerage,  under  the  title  of 
Baron  Lawrence  of  Punjab  and  Grateley.  lie 
died  ten  years  later. —  Sir  C.  Aitchison,  /.o/v/ 
Lawrence,  ch.  7-12. —  Lord  Lawrence's  immediate 
successor,  Lord  iMayo,  was  assassinated,  while 
Vicei'oy,  in  1872,  by  a  convict  —  a  Highlander  — 
at  the  convict  settlement  on  the  Andaman 
Islands,  for  no  reason  of  per.soual  hatred,  but 
only  because  he  represented  the  governing 
authority  which  had  condemned  tlu?  man.  Lord 
Mayo  was  succeeded  bv  Lord  Northbrook,  who 
held  the  office  from  1873  to  1876.— Sir  W.  W. 
Hunter,  J'he  Karl  of  Afai/o. 

A.  D.  1876.— Lord  Lytton,  Viceroy.— The 
succe.'isor  of  Lord  Xorthbrook  in  the  Vice-regal 
office  was  Lord  Lytton,  appointed  in  1876. 

A.  D.  1877.— The  Native  States  and  their 
quasi  feudatory  relation  to  the  British  Crown. 
— Queen  Victoria's  assumption  of  the  title  of 
Empress  of  India. — "In  .some  sense  the  Indians 
were  accustomed  to  consider  tlie  Company,  as 
they  now  consider  the  (Jueen,  to  be  the  heir  of 
the  Great  Mughal,  and  therefore  universal  su- 
zerain by  right  of  succession.  But  it  is  ea.sy  to 
exaggerate  the  force  of  thi.s  claim,  which  is  itself 
a  mere  restatement  of  the  fact  of  conquest. 
Politically,  India  is  divided  into  two  parts,  com- 
monly known  as  British  territory  and  the  native 
states.  The  first  portion  alone  is  ruled  directly  by 
English  officials,  and  its  inhabitants  a':^ne  arc 
subjects  of  the  Queen.  The  native  states  are 
sometimes  called  feudatory  —  a  convenient  term 
to  express  tl'eir  vague  relation  to  tie  British 
crown.  To  deiine  that  relation  precisely  would 
be  impossible.  It  Las  arisen  at  different  times 
and  by  different  metiiods;  ii  varies  from  semi-in- 
dependenee  to  complete  subjection.  Some  chiefs 
are  the  representatives  of  those  whom  we  found 
on  our  first  arrival  in  the  country ;  others  owe 
their  existence  to  our  creation.  Some  arc  parties 
to  treaties  entered  into  as  between  equal  powers; 
others  have  consented  to  receive  patents  from 
their  suzerain  recording  their  limited  rights; 
with  others,  again,  there  are  no  written  engage- 
ments at  all.  Some  have  fought  with  us  and 
come  out  of  the  struggle  without  dishonour. 
Some  pay  tribute;  others  pay  none.  Their  ex 
tent  and  power  vary  as  greatly  as  their  political 
status.  Tlie  Nizam  of  Ilaidarabad  governs  a 
kingdom  of  80.000  square  miles  and  10,000,000 
inhabitants.  Some  of  the  petty  chiiftains  of 
Kathiawar  exercise  authority  over  only  a  few 
acres.  It  is,  however,  necessary  to  draw  a  lino 
sharply  circumscribing  the  native  states,  as  a 
class,  from  British  territory.  Every  native  chief 
possesses  a  certain  meisure  of  local  authority, 
which  is  not  derivative  but  inherent.  English 
control,  when  and  as  exercised,  is  not  so  much 
of  an  administrative  as  of  a  diplomatic  nattire. 
In  Anglo-Indian  terminology  this  shade  of  mean- 
ing is  expressed  b^- the  word 'political.' .  .  .  As 
a  general  proposition,  and  excepting  the  ([uite 
insi!j;uiflcant  states,   it  may  be  stated  that  the 


1747 


INDIA,  1877. 


INDIANA. 


government  is  enrried  on  not  only  in  tlio  name 
bill  iilso  by  tlic  iiiiliiitive  of  tlie  native  chief. 
At  all  tlie  larf.i'  eapitals,  and  at  eertain  centres 
round  wliieli  niii:or  states,  are  grouped,  a  Britisli 
odleer  is  stationeil  under  tlie  style  of  Resident  or 
Agent.  Tliiougli  liini  all  diploniatic  alTairs  are 
eondueted.  He  is  at  once  an  ambas.sador  and  a 
controller.  His  duty  is  to  represent  tlie  niajetty 
of  the  suzerain  power,  to  keep  a  watchful  eye 
upon  abuses,  and  to  cneounigo  i'eforni8."--J.  8. 
Cotton,  ('iiliiiiiin  iiiid  Di'jM'iHleiicies,  jit.  1,  eh.  3. — 
"The  supremacy  of  the  Uritish  Government  over 
all  the  Native  States  in  India  was  declared  in 
1H77,  in  a  more  emphatic  form  than  it  had  re- 
ceived before,  by  the  assumption  by  the  Queen 
of  the  title  of  Kaisar-i-IIind,  Empress  of  India. 
No  such  gathering  of  chiefs  and  princes  has 
taken  place  in  historical  times  as  that  seen  at 
Delhi  in  .January,  1877,  when  the  rulers  of  all  the 
priiiciiial  States  of  India  formally  acknowledged 
th(ir  dependence  on  the  British  Crown.  The 
political  effect  of  the  assertion  of  the  supremacy 
of  the  |)aramount  power,  thus  formally  made  for 
the  first  time  in  India,  has  been  marked  and  ex- 
tremely important."— Sir  J.  Strachey,  India,  lett. 
11. 

Also  in:  G.  B.  Mallcson,  Ilir.  Sketch  of  the 
A'tifive  Suites  of  Imlia. 

A.  D.  1878-1881.— The  second  Afghan  War. 
See  Akoiianistan:  A.  D.  18(!9-1881. 

A.  D.  1880-1893.  — Recent  Viceroys.  — On 
the  defeat  of  the  CVinservative  Bcaconsfleld 
Ministry  in  England,  in  1880,  Lord  Lytton  re- 
signed the  Viceroyi'.lty  and  was  succeeded  by 
the  Marquis  of  Hipon,  who  gave  place  in  turn  to 
tlie  Marquis  of  Dufferin  in  1884.  In  1888,  the 
Maniuisof  Lansdowiie  succeeded  Lord  Dufferin, 
and  was  himself  succeeded  in  1893  by  Sir  Henry 
Norman. 

A.  D.  1S93. — Suspension  of  the  free  coinage 
of  silver. —  In  .Tuiie,  1893,  tlie  Indian  Govern- 
ment, with  the  approval  of  the  British  Cabinet, 
stopped  tlu!  free  coinage  of  silver,  with  a  view 
to  tlie  introduction  of  a  gold  standard.  The 
Government,  it  was  announced,  while  stopping 


the  coinage  of  the  declining  metal  for  private 
persons,  would  continue  on  its  own  account  to 
coin  rupees  in  exchange  for  gold  at  a  ratio 
then  li.xed  at  sixteen  pence  sterling  per  rupee. 
"The  closing  of  the  mints  of  British  India  to  the 
coinage  of  silver  coins  of  full-debt-payiag  power 
is  the  most  momentous  event  in  the  monetary 
history  of  the  pr.sent  century.  It  is  the  final 
and  disastrous  blow  to  the  use  of  silver  as  a 
measure  of  value  and  as  money  of  full-debt-pay- 
ing power,  and  the  relegation  of  it  to  the  posi- 
tion of  a  subsidiary,  or  token  metal.  It  is  tho 
culmination  of  the  evolution  from  a  silver  to  a 
gold  standard  which  has  been  progressing  with 
startling  rapidity  in  recent  years.  .  .  .  The  re- 
markable series  of  events  which  have  character- 
ized, or  made  manifest,  tliis  evolution  from  a 
silver  to  a  gold  stjiudard  are  nearly  all  condensed 
in  the  brief  period  of  twenty  j'ears,  anil  arc  prob- 
ably without  a  parellel  in  ancient  or  modern 
monetary  history.  .  .  .  With  the  single  excep- 
tion of  England,  all  Europe  forty  years  ago  had 
the  silver  standard,  not  only  legally  but  actually 
—  silver  coins  constituting  the  great  bulk  of  the 
money  of  actual  transactions.  To-day,  not  a 
mint  in  Europe  is  open  to  the  coinage  of  full- 
debt-paying  silver  coins,  and  the  gateways  of 
the  Orient  have  been  closed  against  It.  Twenty 
years  ago  one  ounce  of  gold  exchanged  in  the 
markets  of  the  world  for  fifteen  and  one-half 
ounces  of  silver;  to-day,  one  ounce  of  gold  will 
buy  nearly  thirty  ounces  of  silver.  .  .  .  There 
is  a  general  impression  that  silver  has  been  the 
money  of  India  from  remote  generations.  This 
is  a  fallacy.  It  has  not  been  a  great  many  years 
since  India  adopted  the  silver  standard.  The  an- 
cient money  of  the  Hindoos  was  gold,  which  in 
1818  was  supplemented  by  silver,  but  gold  coins 
remained  legal  tender  until  1885,  when  silver 
was  made  the  sole  standard  of  value  and  legal 
tender  money  in  British  India,  and  gold  was  de- 
monetized. .  .  .  During  the  last  fifty  odd  years, 
India  has  absorbed  vast  quantities  of  silver." — 
E.  O.  Leech,  The  Doom  of  Silver  {The  Forum, 
Aug.,  1893). 


INDIAN  EMPIRE,  The  Order  of  the.— An 
Onler  instituted  by  Queen  Victoria  in  1878. 

INDIAN  TERRITORY:  1803.— Embraced 
in  the  Louisiana  Purchase.  See  Louisiana: 
A.  I).  1798-1803. 

A.  D.  1824. — Set  off  from  Arkansas  Terri- 
tory.    See  Akk.\N8As:  A.  I).  1819-1836. 

INDIANA.— The  Aboriginal  Inhabitants. 
See  Amkhic'an  Ahoukhnes:  Aloonquian  Fam- 
ily, Ai.i.KGiiANs,  and  Delawahks. 

A.  D.  1700-1735. — Occupation  by  the  French. 
See  Canada:  A.  D.  1700-173,-). 

A.  D.  1763.— Cession  to  Great  Britain.  See 
Seven  Ykaus  Wau:  The  Tmeatiks. 

A.  D.  :763.— The  King's  proclamation  ex- 
cluding settlers.  See  NoutiiwestTeuuitoiiy: 
A.  I).  1703.      ■ 

A.  D.  1765. — Possession  taken  by  the  Eng- 
lish.   See  Illinois:  A.  D.  1705. 

A.  D.  1774. — Embraced  in  the  Province  of 
Quebec.     SceC.\NAnA:  A.  D.  1703-1771. 

A.  D.  1778-1779.— Conquest  from  the  British 
by  the  Virginian  General  Clark,  and  annexa- 
tion to  the  Kentucky  district  of  Virginia.    See 


United    States   op   Am.  :    A.   D.   1778-1779, 
Clark's  conquest. 

A.  D.  1784. — Included  in  the  proposed  states 
of  Assenisipia,  Metropotamia,  lllinoia  and 
Polypotamia.  See  Noutiiwebt  Territory: 
A.  D.  1784. 

A.  D.  1786. — Partially  covered  by  the  west- 
ern land  claims  of  Connecticut,  ceded  to  the 
United  States.  See  United  States  of  Am.  : 
A.  a  1781-1786. 

A.  D.  i787.-»The  Ordinance  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Northwest  Teiritory.- Perpetual 
exclusion  of  Slavery.  Set  Noutiiwest  Terui 
TORY:  A.  D.  1787. 

A.  D.  1790-179S. — Indian  War. — Disastrous 
expeditions  of.  Harmar  and  St.  Clair,  and 
Wayne's  decisive  victory.  See  Northwest 
Territory:  A.  I).  1790-1795. 

A.  D.  1800  — The  Territory  of  Indiana  or- 
ganized. Sc  Northwest  Territory:  A.  D. 
1788-1802. 

A.  D.  1800-1818,— Successive  partitions  of 
the  Territory. — Michigan  and  Illinois  de- 
tached.— The  remaining  Indiana  admitted  as 
a  State. — "Indiana  Territory  as  originally  or- 
ganized [in  1800]  .  .  .  included  the  county  of 
Knox,  upon  the  Wabash,  from  which  has  sprung 


1748 


INDIANA, 


INDICTIOXS. 


Ilif  Stale  of  Indinnii;  tlic  cdiinty  of  St.  Clnir,  on 
tla-  Upper  Mississippi,  or  Illinois  Hivcr,  from 
which  hi\8  Ki)rung  the  Sliite  of  Illinois;  iind  the 
eoiinty  of  \\  iiyne,  upon  the  Detroit  Hiver,  from 
whieh  1ms  sprung  the  SUUo  of  Miehigan.  .  .  .  ■ 
At  this  time,  the  inhubitanta  contained  in  all  of* 
them  (lid  not  amount  to  more  than  5,040  souls, 
while  the  aggregate  inunber  of  the  Indian  tribes 
within  the  extreme  limits  of  the  territory  was 
more  than  100,000.  .  .  .  llv  successive  treaties, 
the  Indian  title  was  extinguished  gradually  to  all 
the  country  lying  upon  the  waters  of  the  White 
Hiver,  and  up(4i  all  the  lower  tributaries  of  the 
Wal)ash,  upon  the  Little  Wabash,  the  Kaskaskia, 
and  east  of  the  Mississippi,  below  the  mouth  of 
the  Illinois,  Thus,  before  the  close  of  the  year 
1805,  nearly  all  tlic  southern  half  of  the  present 
State  of  Iniliiina,  and  one  third  of  the  State  of  Illi- 
nois, was  open  to  the  advance  of  the  enterpris- 
ing pioneer.  ...  In  1807,  the  Federal  govern- 
ment, in  like  manner,  purchased  from  the  Indians 
extensive  regions  west  of  Detroit  M'  t,  and 
within  the  present  State  of  Michig;  .ur  beyond 
the  limits  of  the  white  settlements  in  that  quar- 
ter. Meantime,  the  settlements  formerly  com- 
prised in  Wayne  county,  having  increased  in 
mlialjitants  and  importance,  had  been  erected 
into  a  separate  territorial  government,  known 
and  designated  as  the  'Territory  of  Michigan,' 
On  the  Ist  of  July,  1805,  the  territory  entered 
upon  the  (Irst  grade  of  territorial  government, 
under  the  provwions  of  the  ordinance  of  1787; 
and  William  Hull,  formerly  a  lieutenant  in  the 
Kevolutionary  army,  was  made  the  tirst  gov- 
ernor, ,  ,  ,  Detroit  ,  ,  ,  was  made  the  seat  of 
the  territorial  government,  ,  ,  ,  By  the  close  of 
the  year  1808,  the  Indiana  Territory  east  of  the 
Wabash  had  received  such  an  increase  in  num- 
bers that  it  was  desirable  to  assume  the  second 
grade  of  territorial  government.  Having  a  popu- 
lation of  5,000  free  white  males.  Congress,  with 
a  view  to  a  future  state  government,  by  an  act 
apiiroved  Febniary  3d,  1809,  restricted  its  limits, 
and  authorized  a  territorial  Legislature,  ,  .  . 
The  Indiana  Territory,  from  this  time,  was 
bounded  on  the  west  by  a  line  extending  up  the 
middle  of  the  Wabash,  from  its  mouth  to  Vin- 
ccnnes,  and  thence  by  a  meridian  due  north  to 
the  southern  extrcm'ty  of  Lake  Michigan,  On 
the  north,  it  was  be  undcd  by  the  Routhern  line 
of  the  >Iicliigan  Territory.  That  portion  west 
of  the  AVabash  was  erected  into  a  separate  terri- 
torial government  of  the  first  grade,  known  "nd 
designated  as  the  'Illinois  Territory.'  The  in- 
habitants of  the  Indiana  Territory  soon  began  to 
a\igment  more  rapidly.  ...  In  1810  the  people 
had  increased  in  numbers  to  24,500,  and  in  the 
newly-erected  Territory  of  Illinois  there  was  an 
aggregate  of  1'3,300  persons,"  In  1810  "it  was 
ascertained  that  the  In<liaua  Territory  possessed 
a  population  which  entitled  it  to  an  independent 
state  government.  Congress  authorized  tlie  elec- 
tion of  a  convention  to  form  a  state  Constitutiop," 
and  "the  new  'State  of  Indiana'  was  formallv 
admitted  into  the  Union  on  the  19th  of  April, 
1810,"  Two  .years  later,  on  the  3d  of  December, 
1818,  the  Territory  of  Illinois  was  similarly  trans- 
formed and  became  one  of  the  stnteS  of  the 
Union, — J,  W,  Monet tc,  T/te  Discorcry  and  Set- 
tlement of  the  if  iasiMippi  Valley,  bk.  !>,ch.  10((',  2), 
Also  in  ;  J.  B,  Dillon,  Hist,  of  Indiana,  ch. 
31-47.— A,  Davidson  and  B,  Stuve,  IHH.  of  Illi- 
nois, eh.  20-26,— T.  M.  Cooley,  Michigun,  ch.  8. 


A.  D.  i8i  I.— General  Harrison's  campaign 
against  Tecumseh  and  his  League.— Tne 
Battle  of  Tippecanoe.  See  United  States  of 
A.M. :  A.  D.  IHll. 

A.  D.  1863.— John  Morgan's  Rebel  Raid. 
See  Umtki)  St,vtk.s  ok  Am.  ;  A,  I),  1803  (.Ui.v; 
Kk.ntickv). 

* 

INDIANS,  American:    The  Name.—'  As 

Columbus  supposed  himself  to  have  lui,  Ic'  "n 
an  island  at  the  extremity  of  India,  he  called  tlie 
natives  by  the  general  appellation  of  Indians, 
whieh  was  universally  adopted  before  the  true 
nature  of  his  discovery  was  known,  and  Inis  sinc(? 
been  extended  to  all  the  aboriginals  of  the  J\ew 
World," — \V.  Irving.  Life  and  Voyages  of  Cohim- 
biis,  bk:  4,  eh.  1  (c.  1), — "The  Spanish  writers- 
from  the  outset,  beginning  with  Columbus  in 
his  letters,  call  the  natives  of  America,  Indians, 
and  their  English  translators  do  the  same.  So, 
too,  Richard  Eden,  the  earliest  English  writer 
on  American  tnivel,  applies  the  name  to  the  na- 
tives of  Peru  and  Mexico.  It  is  used  in  the 
same  way,  both  in  translations  and  original  ac- 
counts, (lurirg  the  ri'st  of  the  century,  but  it  is 
always  limited  to  those  races  with  whom  the 
Spaniards  were  in  contact.  In  its  wider  and 
later  application  the  word  docs  not  seem  to  have 
established  itself  in  English  till  the  next  century. 
The  cailie.st  instance  I  can  find,  where  it  is  an- 
plied  to  the  natives  of  North  America  generally 
in  any  original  work,  is  by  Ilakluyt.  In  l."t87  he 
translated  LaudonniOre's  'History  of  the  French 
Colony  in  Florida,'  and  dedicated  his  translaticm 
to  Sir  AValter  Haleigh.  In  this  dedication  he 
once  uses  the  term  Indian  for  the  natives  of 
North  America.  Ileriot  and  the  other  writers 
who  describe  the  various  attempts  at  settlement 
in  Virginia  during  the  si-xteenth  century,  in- 
variably call  the  natives  'savages.'  Perhai)s 
the  earliest  instance  where  iin  English  writer 
\ises  the  name  Indian  specially  to  describe  the 
occupants  of  the  land  aftti wards  colonized  by 
the  English  is  in  the  account  of  Archer's  voyage 
to  Virginia  in  1003.  This  account,  written  by 
James  Rosier,  is  published  in  Purclias  (vol.  iv, 
b,  viii,).  From  that  time  onward  the  use  of  the 
term  in  the  wider  sense  becomes  more  conmion, 
W^e  may  reasonably  infer  that  the  use  of  it  was 
an  indication  of  the  growing  knowledge  of  the 
fact  that  the  lands  concpiered  by  the  Spaniards 
and  those  explored  by  the  English  formed  one 
continent," — J.  A,  Doyle,  T/ie  English  in  Amer- 
ieii :  Virginia,  d-e.,  appendix  A. 
The  tribes  and  familes.    See  American  Abo- 

HIOINES, 

INDICTIONS,  The.— The  indiction  "was 
a  cyc]i'  of  15  years,  used  only  by  the  Romans, 
for  appointing  the  times  of  certain  public  taxes; 
as  appears  from  the  title  in  the  Code,  '  De  tributo 
indicto,'  It  was  established  by  Constantine,  A,  I), 
312,  in  the  room  of  the  heathen  Olympiads;  and 
was  used  in  the  acts  of  the  General  Councils, 
Emperors,  and  Popes." — AV.  Hales,  New  Analysis 
of  Ctironology,  r.  1,  hk.  1. — "The  indictions  con- 
sisted of  a  revolution  of  15  years,  which  are  sep- 
arately reckoned  as  indiction  1,  indiction  2.  Ac, 
up  to  15;  when  they  recommence  with  indiction 
1.  .  ,  ,  Doubt  exists  as  to  the  commencement  of 
the  indictions;  some  writers  assigning  the  first 
indiction  to  the  year  312;  the  greater  number  to 
the  year  313;  others  to  814;  whilst  some  place  it 


1749 


INDICTIONS. 


INQUISITION. 


In  llip  yrixT  !lir>.  In  '  I/Art  dc  vt'rifipr  Ics  Dntos,' 
the  voir  ill!)  is  llxrd  ii|)iim  uh  that,  of  tlir  first  in- 
diction.  Tlicrc  arc  four  d<s<'ri|)ti()ns  of  indie- 
tions.  Tlic  lir.'tt  \ti  lliat  of  ConstunliiKiplf,  wliirli 
\vu.s  iiislitiitcd  \>y  CoiiHtiiiitini'  in  A.  I>.  '•W-i,  and 
lirttan  on  tli<'  1st  of  Hrptfinlicr.  Tlic  .second, 
and  more  coniinon  in  Kn^land  and  Kranee,  was 
the  Imperial  or  Ca'sarean  indict  ion,  wldcii  liepin 
on  tile  Silii  of  September.  The  third  kind  of 
indicllon  is  cidled  tiii^  Homan  or  Pontifical,  from 
its  licin^  p'nerally  used  in  papal  linlis,  at  least 
friin  tlie  niiilli  to  tlie  fourteeiilli  century  ;  if  coin- 
iiienci  s  on  llie  2.")tli  of  Deccmlier  or  Isl  of  ,Ianu- 
ary,  aceordinifiy  as  either  of  these  days  was  con 
Bidered  the  first  of  tlie  year.  'I'hc  l^mrtli  kind 
of  indiction,  which  is  to  lie  found  in  tlie  rej^ister 
of  the  parliaments  of  i'aris,  liegan  in  the  month 
ofOcloher.  .  .  .  After  the  12th  centnrv,  the  in- 
diction was  rarely  nientioiwd  in  pulilie  instrii- 
iiient.s.  .  .  .  Uul  in  France,  in  private  charters, 
and  in  ccclp.siastical  documeiifs,  the  usage  con- 
tinued until  the  end  of  the  l.llh  century." — Sir 
II.  Nicolas,  I'liroiuiliH/i/ iif  lIiHtory,  pp.  (1-7. 

Also  IN:  K.  Gibbon,  Decline  ami  Fall  of  the 
lloiiiiiii  h'lnpiiv,  ch.  17. 

INDO-EUROPEAN.  —  INDO-GERMAN- 
IC.     See  AiiY.VN. 

INDULGENCE,     Declarations      of:      by 

Charles  11.    SeeEsoi.ANi):  A.  1).  l(J72-1()7;i 

By  James  II.     See  Knoi.axi):  A.  1).  l(iH7-l(W.S. 

INDULGENCES:  The  Doctrine.— Tet- 
zel's  sale.  —  Luther's  attack.  See  Pai'.vcv: 
A.  I).  ir)l»-l.-,17;  and  1517. 

INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION.  See  Yam- 
OATION,  MoDKllN:  Hekoilms,  &v.:  a.  I).  1805- 
1886. 

INE,  Laws  of  (or  Dooms  of).  Sec  Dooms  of 
Ink. 

INEXPIABLE  WAR,  The.  See  Cau 
tiiaok:  15.  (;.  241-2i!8. 

INFALLIBILITY,  Promulgation  of  the 
Dogma  of  Papal.  See  Papacy:  A.  D.  1869- 
1870. 

INGiEVONES,  The.     See  Germany:    Ab 

KNOWN  TO  TACITfW. 

INGAGO,  Battle  of  (i88i).  Sec  South 
Afuica:  a.  D.  1800-1881. 

INGE  I.,  King  of  Norway,  A.  D.  1157-1161. 
. . .  .Inge  I.  (called  the  Good),  King  of  Sweden, 

1000-1112 Inge     II.,    King    of    Norway, 

1205-1207 Inge  II.,  King  ofSweden,  1118- 

1120. 

INGENUI.  —  LIBERTINI.  —  "  Free  men 
[ninimg  the  IJomans]  inigl.t  be  either  persons 
born  free  (ingenui)  and  who  had  never  been  in 
slavery  to  a  Uoman,  or  jiersons  who  had  once 
been  slaves  but  had  been  emancipated  (libertini)." 
—  W.  Uanisny,  Mnniial  of  Uoman  Antiq.,  ch.  3. 

INI,  King  of  West  Saxons,  A.  D.  688-726. 

INIS-FAIL.— INIS-EALGA.  See  Ireland: 
TiiK  Namk. 

INITIATIVE,  The  Swiss.     See  Refehkn- 

DIM. 

INKERMANN,    Battle    of.      See    Russia: 

A.   1).   1M,54  (OCTOIIKU — NOVKMHER). 

INNOCENT    II.,  Pope,    \.    I).    1130-1143. 

....Innocent   III.,  Pope,   1108-121C Inm,- 

cent    IV.,  Pope,    1243-1254 Innocent  V., 

Pope,     1270,    January    to    June Innocent 

VI.,  Pope,  1352-1362 Innocent  VII.,  Pope, 

1404-1406 Innocent    VIII.,     Pope,     1184- 

1402 Innocent    IX.,  Pope,     1.501,  October 

to   December. ....  Innocent    X.,    Pope,    1644- 

1 


1655 Innocent   XI.,    Pope,   1676-1680 

Innocent  XII.,  Pope,  16IM   1700 Innocent 

XIII.,  Pope,  1721-IT24. 

INNUITS,  The.  See  Amkiiican  Aiiouioi- 
ni:h:  Kskimai  an  Family. 

INQUISITION,  The:  A.  D.  1303-1535.- 
Origin  of  the  Holy  Office.— St.  Dominic  and 
the  Dominicans.— The  Episcopal  Inquisition. 
— The  Apostolical  or  Papal  Inquisition. — The 
Spanish  Inquisition  and  its  terrible  rule. — Es- 
timate of  victims.  —  Expulsion  of  Jews  and 
Moors. — "In  tlie  earlier  agi'S  of  llie  Churcli,  the 
definition  of  heresy  had  been  coinuiittcd  to  epis- 
copal authority.  "Hut  file  cogni.sanci'  of  heretics 
and  tlie  determination  of  tiieir  puuislinient  re- 
mained in  file  lianils  of  secular  magistrates.  At 
file  end  of  flu;  12tli  century  the  wide  diffusior  of 
tlie  Albigensian  heterodoxy  throufih  Languedoc 
and  Northern  Italy  alarmed  the  chiefs  of  Cliris- 
tendoni,  and  fiirnislied  the  Papacy  with  a  giKxi 

rretext  for  extending  its  ])rcrogatives.  Innocent 
II.  in  1203  cnipowcred  two  French  Cistercians, 
Pierre  de  Caslclnau  and  Raoul,  to  preach  against 
the  heretics  of  Provenei'.  In  the  following  year 
he  ratified  this  commission  by  a  Bull,  which  cen- 
sured Ihc  negligence  and  coldnessof  the  bishops, 
appointed  the  Abbot  of  Citeaux  Papal  delegate 
in  matters  of  hen'.sy,  and  gave  him  authority  to 
.judge  an<l  punish  misbelievers.  This  was  the 
first  germ  of  tlie  Holy  Oflice  as  a  separate  Tri- 
bunal. .  .  .  lieing  a  distinct  encroaclinient  of 
tile  Paj.aey  upon  the  episcopal  jurisdiction  and 
prerogatives,  the  Inquisiti(m  met  at  first  with 
scmie  opposition  from  tlie  bishojis.  The  people 
for  whose  persecution  it  was  designed,  and  at 
whose  cxjiense  it  carried  on  its  work,  broke  into 
vebellion;  the  first  years  of  its  annals  were  ren- 
dered illustrious  by  the  murder  of  one  of  its 
founders,  Pierre  de  Cai'-lnau.  He  was  canon- 
ised, and  became  the  first  Saint  of  the  Imiuisition. 
...  In  spite  of  opjio.sitiim,  the  Papal  institution 
took  root  and  flourished.  Pliilip  Augustus  re- 
sponded to  the  appeals  of  Innocent;  and  a  cru- 
sade began  against  the  Albigenses,  in  which 
Simon  de  Montfort  won  his  sinister  celebrity. 
During  those  bloody  wars  the  Inquisition  de- 
veloped itsiif  a.s  a  force  of  formidable  expansive 
energy.  Vlaterinl  assistance  to  the  cause  was 
rendered  by  a  Spani.sh  monk  of  the  Augustine 
order,  who  settled  in  Provence  on  his  way  back 
from  Rome  in  1206.  Domenigo  de  Guzman, 
known  to  universal  history  as  S.  Dominie,  or- 
ganised a  new  militia  for  the  service  of  the 
orthodox  Church  between  the  years  1215  and 
1210.  His  order,  called  the  Order  of  the  Preach- 
ers, was  originally  designed  to  repress  heresy 
and  confirm  the  faith  by  diffusing  Catholic  doc- 
trine and  maintaining  tlio  creed  in  its  purity.  It 
consisted  of  three  sections:  the  Preaching  Friars; 
nuns  living  in  conventual  retreat;  and  hiymen. 
entitled  the  Third  (^rder  of  Penitence  or  the 
Jlilitia  of  (;iirist,who  in  after  years  were  merged 
witli  the  Congregation  of  S.  Peter  Martyr,  and 
corresponded  to  the  familiars  of  the  Inquisition. 
Since  the  Dominicans  were  established  in  the 
heat  and  passion  of  a  crusade  against  heresy,  by 
n  rigid  Sjianiard  who  employed  his  energies  in 
persecuting  misbelievers,  they  assumed  at  the 
outset  a  belligerent  and  inquisitorial  attitude. 
Yet  it  is  not  strictly  accurate  to  represent  S. 
Dominic  himself  as  the  first  Grand  Inquisitor. 
The    Papacy    proceeded    with    caution    in    its 


750 


INQUISITION. 


INQUISITION. 


ilcsigii  of  formlii)5  ii  tritiiin.il  ilcpeniloiit  on  IIk- 
Holy  Hce  uiiil  itiilc|)ciiilciit  of  tlic  liiNliop.s.  I'lipal 
Li'Kiit<'.s  with  pli'iiipolcnliiiry  imtliority  vv<'n! 
sent  to  LiiiigucMloc,  iiiul  dciTt't's  were  l.sMiii'd 
iiKiiiiist  llic!  licivtios,  in  wliicli  tlie  liuiuisitioii 
was  nitliiT  implied  tlimi  directly  iianivd;  nor  can 
I  tiiul  that  8.  Dominic,  though  lie  contiinicd  to 
!)('  IliCHOiil  of  the  new  institution  until  his  death, 
in  Vi'il.  olitaincd  the  title  of  Iminisilor.  Not- 
withstanding tills  vagueness,  tlii^  Holy  OlHce  may 
lie  said  to  liave  l)een  founded  liy  H.  Doiinnic; 
and  it  soon  l)ecanic  apiiarent  that  the  order  lie 
lia(l  formed  was  destined  to  monopolise  its  func- 
tions. .  .  .  Tlda  Apostolical  Iiuiuisitirm  was  at 
once  introduced  into  Lomhardy,  Itoinagna  and 
the  Marches  of  Treviso.  The  extreme  rigour  of 
its  proceedings,  the  extortions  of  monks,  and 
the  violent  resistance  olTercd  by  the  communes, 
led  to  some  relaxation  of  its  original  coiistilulion. 
More  autliority  had  to  be  conceded  to  the  bishops ; 
und  the  right  of  tlie  hniuisitors  to  levy  taxes  on 
the  people  was  moditied.  Yet  it  retained  its 
true  form  of  n  I'ai)al  organ,  superseding  the 
t'piscopal  prerogatives,  and  overriding  the  secu- 
lar magistrates,  who  were  boiuid  to  execute  its 
biddings.  As  such  it  was  admitted  into  Tus- 
cany, and  established  in  Aragon.  Venice  re- 
ceived it  in  1289,  witli  certjun  reservations  that 
placed  its  proceedings  under  the  control  of  Doge 
and  Council.  In  Languedoc,  the  country  of  its 
l)irth,  it  remained  r(M>ted  at  Toulouse  and  Car- 
cassonne ;  but  the  In(|uisitiou  did  not  extend  its 
authority  over  central  and  northern  France.  In 
Paris  its  functions  were  performed  l)y  the  Sor- 
bonne.  Nor  did  it  obtain  a  footing  in  England, 
although  the  statute  '  De  Haeretico  Comburendo,' 
passed  in  1401  at  the  instance  of  the  higher 
•clergy,  sanctioned  the  principles  on  wliich  it  ex- 
isted.' .  .  .  The  revival  of  the  Holy  OtHce  on  a 
new  and  far  more  murderous  basis,  took  place 
in  1484.  We  have  seen  tliat  hitherto  there  had 
been  two  types  of  inquisition  into  heresy.  The 
first,  whicli  reniair.eil  in  force  up  to  the  year 
'203,  may  be  called  the  episcopal.  The  second 
■vsas  the  Apostolical  or  Dominican:  it  transferred 
this  juris  iiction  from  tlie  bishops  to  the  Papacy, 
who  emnloyed  the  order  of  8.  Dominic  for  tlie 
special  service  of  the  tribunal  instituted  by  the 
ImpL-rial  Decrees  of  Frederick  II.  The  third 
deserves  no  other  name  than  Spanish,  though, 
after  it  had  taken  shape  in  Spain,  it  was  trans- 
ferred to  Portugal,  applied  In  nil  the  Spanish 
and  Portuguese  colonies,  and  communicated  with 
some  inodilications  to  Italy  and  the  Netherlands. 
Both  the  second  and  the  thir<l  types  of  inquisi- 
tion into  lieresy  were  Spanish  inventions,  pat- 
ented by  the  Uoman  Poniiffs  and  monopolised 
by  the  Dominican  ordt.-  But  the  third  and 
linal  form  of  tlie  Holy  OlBce  in  Spain  distin- 
guished itsel  ■  by  emancipation  from  Papal  and 
Koyal  control,  and  by  a  specific  organisation 
which  rendered  it  the  most  formidable  of  irre- 
sponsible engines  in  the  annals  of  religious  in- 
stitutions. .  .  .  Castile  had  liitherto  been  free 
from  tlie  pest.  But  the  conditions  of  that 
kingdom  offered  a  good  occasion  for  its  intro- 
duction at  the  date  which  I  Imve  named.  Dur- 
ing tlie  Middle  Ages  the  Jews  of  Castile  acquired 
vast  wealth  and  influence.  Pew  families  but 
felt  tlie  burden  of  their  bonds  and  mortgages. 
Heligious  fanaticism,  social  jealousy,  and  pecu- 
niary distress  exasperated  the  Cliristian  popula- 
tion ;  and  as  early  as  the  year  1301,  more  than 

3-13  1751 


.I.OtX)  .lews  were  inas.sacrcd  in  one  po^nilar  up- 
rising. The  .lews,  in  frar,  adopted  Christianity. 
It  is  said  that  in  the  ITith  century  the  population 
counted  soini'  million  of  converts  — calU^d  New 
Christians,  or,  in  contempt,  Marranos:  a  word 
which  may  probably  \k  derived  from  the  Hebrew 
Maraiiatha.  These  converted  .lews,  by  their 
ability  and  wealth,  crept  into  liigh  olllces  of 
stiite,  obtained  titles  of  aristocracy,  and  fouiidci. 
nolile  houses.  ...  It  was  a  Sicilian  Imiuisilor, 
I'hilip  Barbcris,  who  suggested  to  Ferdinand 
the  Catholic  the  ailvantage  he  might  secure  by 
extending  the  Holy  Otllce  to  Castile.  Fcrdinanll 
avowed  liis  willingness;  and  Sixtus  IV.  gave  the 
project  his  approval  in  117M.  But  it  met  with 
opposition  from  the  gcntler-naturcd  I.saliella. 
.  .  .  Then  Isabella  yielded;  and  in  1481  tlie 
Holy  OMlce  was  foiuided  at  Seville.  It  began 
its  work  liy  publishing  a  coniprelien.sive  edict 
against  all  New  Cliristians  suspected  of  Judais- 
ing,  wliich  offence  was  so  constructed  as  to 
cover  the  most  innocent  ob.servanee  of  national 
customs.  Ucsting  from  labour  vn  Saturday; 
performing  ablutions  at  stated  times;  refusing 
to  eat  pork  or  pu<ldings  made  of  blood ;  and  ab- 
staining from  wine,  sutHci'd  to  colour  accu-iations 
of  lieresy.  .  .  .  Upon  the  publication  of  this 
edict,  tliere  was  an  exodus  of  Jews  by  thousands 
into  the  tiefsof  independent  va.ssals  of  the  crown 
—  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  the  Marquis  of 
Cadiz,  uikI  the  Count  of  Arcos.  All  emigrants 
were  '  ipso  facto '  declared  heretics  by  the  Holy 
Olllee.  During  the  first  year  after  Us  founda- 
tion, Seville  beheld  208  persons  burned  alive, 
and  7'>  condemned  to  perpetual  imprisonment. 
A  large  square  stage  of  stone,  called  the  Que- 
madero,  was  erected  for  the  execution  of  tlio.se 
multitudes  wlio  were  destined  to  suffer  death  by 
hanging  or  liy  flame.  In  the  same  year,  3,000 
were  burned  and  17,000  condemned  to  public 
penitence,  wliile  even  a  larger  number  were 
burned  in  efligj',  in  otiier  parts  of  the  kingdom. 
...  In  1483  Thomas  of  Torquemada  was  nomi- 
nated Inquisitor  General  for  Castile  and  Aragon. 
Under  his  rule  a  Supreme  Council  was  estab- 
lished, over  which  he  presided  for  life.  ...  In 
1484  a  General  Council  was  held,  and  tiie  consti- 
tution of  the  Inciuisition  was  established  liy 
articles.  .  .  .  Tlie  two  most  formidable  features 
of  tlie  Inquisition  as  thus  constituted  were  the 
exclusion  of  tlie  bishops  from  its  tribunal  and 
the  secrecy  of  its  procedure.  ...  In  the  autumn 
of  1484  the  Inquisition  was  introduced  into  Ara- 
gon ;  and  Sarugossa  became  its  headquarters  in 
tliat  State.  .  .  .  The  Spanish  Inquisition  was 
now  firmly  grounded.  Directed  by  Torcjuemada, 
it  began  to  encroacli  upon  the  crown,  to  insult 
the  episcopacy,  to  defy  the  Papacy,  to  grind  the 
Commons,  and  to  outrage  by  its  insolence  tlie 
aristocracy.  .  .  .  Tl'o  Holy  Oflico  grew  every 
year  in  pride,  pretensions  and  exactions.  It 
arrogated  toits  tribunal  crimes  of  usury,  bigamy, 
blasphemous  swearing,  and  unnatural  vice, 
which  appertained  by  right  to  the  secular  courts. 
It  depopulated  Spain  by  the  extermination  and 
baiusliment  of  at  least  three  million  industrious 
subjects  during  the  first  130  years  of  its  exis- 
tence. .  .  .  Torquemada  was  the  genius  of  evil 
viio  created  and  presided  over  this  foul  instru- 
ment of  human  crime  and  folly.  During  Ins 
eighteen  years  of  administration,  reckoning  from 
1480  to  1498,  lie  sacrificed,  according  to  Llorente's 
calculation,   above    114,000   victims,   of    whom 


INQirslTlON. 


IONIAN  ISLANDS. 


10,220  were  liiinicd  iillvc,  O.HflO  Imriicd  in  ffllKy. 
uiiil  I)7,IHHI  i'(in(l<'Miri('il  to  iicrpctiial  iinpriHon 
mcnt  or  pulilic  pcnilcfirc  lie,  t(«),  it  wiih  wlio 
ill  t  Itl2  ciiiiipi'lli'd  KcriliiiiiiKl  to  lirivi'  tlic  ,]vv,n 
from  liiHiloMilniiins.  ,  .  .  'I'licciilct  of  I'xpiiisioii 
WIIH  i.sHiU'il  on  tlir  liiKtof  .Miircli.  Kcfon:  tlic  last 
of. Inly  all  .lews  wtr('  wntcnccii  to  ticparl,  rar- 
ryinj;  no  jfiild  or  Hilvcr  with  tlicni.  Tlii'y  <lls- 
poscd  of  tlii'ir  landx,  lioiiscs,  and  ^'oods  for  next 
to  notliinK.  i»id  went  fortli  to  die  liy  tiiousundH 
on  the  slKjrcH  of  Africa  anil  Italy.  .  .  .  The  c.xo- 
dn.s  of  tlic.lcwH  \vaH  followed  in"  1,102  by  a  similar 
exoiliisof  McK>rs  from  Ca.'itiie,  anil  in  1524  by  an 
fxodiisof  .Muuresinies  from  Araicoii.  T  eom- 
piite  the  losH  of  wealth  and  population  iMtlicted 
upon  Spain  by  tliiHe  mad  edicts  would  he  ii>' 
possilile.  .  .  .  After  Toniueinada,  Diego  Deza 
reigned  nn  second  Inquisitor  General  from  141)8 
to  moT.  In  these  years,  iieeordinK  to  the  same 
talctilation,  2,,'>92  were  burned  alive,  890  burned 
in  elllgy,  34,1),')2  ei)niiemned  to  pri.son  or  public 
peidlenee.  ("ardinal  Ximenes  do  (/'Isneros  fol- 
lowed between  1,507  and  1,517.  The  victims  of 
this  decade  were  3,504  burned  alive.  .  .  .  Adrian, 
Uisliop  of  Tortosii,  tutor  to  C'larlea  V.,  and 
afterwards  Pope,  was  Inquisitor  General  between 
1510  and  1525.  ('astile,  AniKi-n,  and  Catalonia, 
at  thisejmch,  simultaneously  demanded  a  reform 
of  the  IlolyOlllcc  from  their  youthful  sovereign. 
liiit  Oharles  refused,  and  the  tale  of  Adrian's  ad- 
ministration was  1,020  bt'i-ned  alive,  500  burned 
in  elllgy,  21,845  condemned  to  prison  or  public 
penitence.  Tiie  total,  during  43  years,  between 
1481  and  1,525,  amounted  to  234,520,  including 
all  descriptions  of  condenmed  heretics.  These 
figures  arc  of  necessity  vague,  for  tiie  Holy  Olllce 
left  but  meagre  records  of  its  proceedings." — J. 
A.  Syinonds,  liinaiHmiice  in  Italy :  The  Catho- 
lic lieaetioH,  ch.  ii  (pt.  1). 

Al.BO  IN:  II.  C.  Lea,  Hint,  of  the  ItK/uiaition 
of  the  Middle  Ar/fn.—,}.  A.  Llorente,  Jlixt.  of  the 
Inq.,  eh.  1-12. -^W.  II.  Hulc,  Hint,  of  the  Inq., 
ch.  1-14.— \V.  H.  Prescott,  Hist.  <f  the  Jiiigii 
of  Fcrd.  and  TmbcUa,  pt.  1,  ch.  7  and  17. — See, 
also.  .Iiiws:  Htii-15tii  Centukiks;  and  Moous: 
A.  1).  Mi)2-100«. 

A.  D.  1521-1568. — Introduction  and  work  in 
the  Netherlands.  See  NETUiiui.ANDs:  A.  1). 
1521-1.555;   1,550-1502;  and  1,508. 

A.  D.  1546. — Successful  revolt  against  the 
Holy  Office  at  Naples.  See  Italy  (Soutiikun): 
A.  1).  1528-1.570. 

A.  D.  1550-1816. — Establishment  in  Peru. 
^'C  Pkui;;  A.  I).  1.5.50-1810. 

A.  D.  1814-1820.— Restoration  and  abolition 
in  Spain.     See  Spain  :  A.  D.  1814-1827. 


See 


INSTITUTES    OF    JUSTINIAN. 

COUPUS  JUKIS  ("IVILI8. 

INSTRUMENT  OF  GOVERNMENT, 
The.    See  Eniiland:   A.  D.  lfl.5;t  (I)i:<i;miu;u). 

INSUBRIANS  AND  CENOMANIANS, 
The.— "North  of  the  Po,  in  the  country  about 
Milan,  dwelt  [3d  century,  B.  C]  the  great  people 
of  the  Insubrians,  while  to  the  east  of  these  on 
the  Mincio  and  the  Adige  lay  the  Cenomanians ; 
but  these  tribes,  little  inclined,  seemingly,  to 
make  common  cause  with  their  countrymen  [the 
Boian  and  Senonian  Gauls]  remained  neutral  in 
all  the  hostilities  against  Rome."  But  the  Insu- 
brians were  attacked  and  subdued,  B.  C.  233. — 
W.  Ihne,  Uitt.  of  Rome,  bk.  4,  ch.  5  (v.  2).— See, 
also,  Rome:  B.  C.  205-191. 


INTERDICTS.     See  Kxi ommi  nk  ationo. 
INTERIM  OF  CHARLES  V.,  The.     See 

Gkumasv:    .\.  I).   1.510-1.5,52. 

"INTERNATIONAL,"  The.— "The  year 
of  the  London  Kxliibitinn,  and  under  the  uii- 
spices  of  the  ICmperor  Napoleon  III.,  a  number 
of  Paris  Working-men  visited  the  Knglish  capi- 
tal. They  were  welcomed  by  u  London  Com- 
mittee of  artisans,  and  on  this  occasion  the  wish 
for  a  closer  union  between  the  labourers  of  dif- 
ferent countries  was  exijresscil  on  both  sides. 
Then  tlie  Polish  insurrection  broke  out,  and 
mas,ses  of  Londim  and  Paris  workinv;'nien  took 
steps  simidtaneously  to  manifest  Kyini)athy  with 
the  insurgcnt.s.  A  deputation  was  again  sent 
over  fr,)in  Paris,  and  the  result  of  tlds  nieasuru 
was  a  resolution  to  delay  preparations  for  co- 
operation no  longer.  For  some  time  tlie  inter- 
national idea  was  carefully  given  prominence  in 
lalionr  circles  in  various  countries,  and  on  Sep- 
tember 28th,  1804,  a  congress  of  many  nations 
was  held  in  St.  Martin's  Hall,  London,  under 
the  presidency  of  Professor  Hettsly.  A  comiidt- 
tee  was  appointed,  representing  England, 
France,  Qermany,  Italy,  Poland,  and  Switzer- 
land, for  the  drawing  up  of  statutes  for  an  In- 
ternational Working  Men's  Association,  whoso 
seat  sliould  be  London.  ...  It  was  not  long 
before  the  Internatiimal  Association  became  u 
powiT  whicii  caused  alarm  to  not  a  few  Euro- 
|)ean  Governments." — W.  II.  Dawson,  German 
Soriitliiim  and  Ferdinand  Lassalle,  ch.  18. 

INTERREGNUM,  The  Great.  See  Gkk- 
many:  a.  I).  12,50-1272. 

INTERREX. — A  temporary  king,  in  ancient 
Rome.  See  Ro.me;  B.  C.  500;  also.  Senate, 
Roman. 

INTRANSIGENTISTS.— In  European  pol- 
itics, the  extreme  radicals — the  uncompromising 
and  irreconcilable  factions  —  arc  frequently  so 
called. 

INVERLOCHY,  Battle  of  (1645).  See  Scot- 
land: A.  I).  1014-104.5. 

INVESTITURES,  The  War  of.  See  Pa- 
pacy: A.  1).  10,50-1122;  and  Germany:  A.  I). 
97:1-1122. 

INVISIBLE  EMPIRE,  The.  See  United 
States  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  1800-1871. 

lONA,  Monastery  and  Schools  of.  See  Co- 
i.ir.MHAN  Ciiuucii;  and  Education,  MeijivEval: 
Iuei.and  and  Scotland. 

IONIA. — The  Ionian  cities  on  the  coast  of 
Asia  Minor  bore  collectively  the  name  Ionia, 
though  no  national  union  was  signified  by  the 
desigimtiou.  See  Asia  JIinou':  Tiik  Gkeek 
Colonies,  and  after. 

IONIAN  (DELIAN)  CONFEDERACY, 
The.  SeeGuEECE:  B.C.  478-477;  and  Athens: 
B.  C.  400-454,  and  after. 

IONIAN  ISLANDS:  To  1814.— Under 
Greek,  Roman,  Byzantine,  Venetian  and 
French  rule. — "Acarnania,  as  a  glance  at  the 
map  will  show,  is  the  most  western  part  of  con- 
tinental Greece.  But  in  close  proximity  to  the 
mainland  there  stretch  along  the  west  coast  a 
number  of  islands,  some  of  them  of  considerable 
area,  the  history  and  traditions  of  which  are 
inseparably  intertwined  wit'i  those  of  Hellas. 
They  have  long  been  known  as  the  Ionian  Islands, 
deriving  the  name,  in  all  likelihood,  from  the  sea 
in  whicli  they  are  situated ;  for  their  ancient  in- 
habitants were  not,  so  far  as  is  known,  of  Ionic 


1752 


IONIAN  ISLANDS. 


IONIAN  ISLANDS. 


(li'ficcnt.  Thf-y  iiru  vci-y  numurouH,  but  only  nix 
of  tlwm  lire  of  luiy  liwtorlc  importiinrc.  Tlin 
niDsl  iidrllurly  is  Cunjrii  (('(iifu),  ii  luriK.  nar- 
row jnIiiikI,  which  cxlcnil!*  like  a  lol'tv  lircakwatiT 
in  front,  of  llu-  const,  of  Knirus.  "  'I'lic  otliir  live 
uru  I'lixoH  (i'lixii).  LcuciKliii  (Santa  Maura),  ('cj)- 
ImWcnia  ((Vplialoniu),  Itliacii  (Thiaki),  Zitcyntliiis 
(Xante),  and  Cyllicra  (CitIko).  "TIioiirIi  not, 
tlic  lar^cHt,  Corcyra  is  llic  most  populous  and 
Important  of  tlic  isliuuls.  It  lias  a  place  in  the 
mythic  tradition,  uiid  a  Htill  greater  one  in  the 
aHccrtaincd  history,  of  ancient  llelliis  [tee  Koii- 
KVUA:  also,  OiiKKCK:  H.  (,'.  43.'>-j;i3.  and  4;i'J|. 
.  .  .  With  the  other  islands  in  the  Ionian  Sea, 
Corcyra  piuiBcd  under  the  iloniinion  of  Koine, 
and  suhseuiieutly  became  part  of  the  Kasteni 
Empire.  In  540  A.  1).  the  fleet  of  the  Gothic 
Icntler  Totilii  ravaged  the  coa.->ts  of  the  island, 
but  did  not  capture  the  city,  the  fortltlcations 
of  vvliieh  had  been  greatly  str('iigtlicne<l  by  thi^ 
Uoinans.  Five  centuries  'at/  the  island  and 
its  capital  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  more  formida- 
ble invader —  the  Norman  Hobert  Ouiscard,  who 
ciiptiired  thcni  on  his  way  from  ItJily  to  i)rose- 
cute  that  invasion  of  the  liy/.antinu  Empire 
wliich  was  at  one  time  so  nearly  attended  witli 
success.  The  first  Norman  supremacy  did  not 
Inst  long;  but  in  1144  A.  I).,  Hogi^r,  the  Norman 
king  of  Sicily,  took  occasion  of  a  rising  of  tlie 
Corcyreans  (or,  as  they  now  began  to  be  called, 
the  Cortiotes)  against  the  Byitantine  Emperor 
Alanucl  to  introduce  u  garrison  into  tlie  city. 
Four  years  later  Manuel,  who  was  an  en(!rgetic 
and  warlike  prince,  laid  siege  to  Corfu,  and  was 
assisted  by  tlie  Venetians.  The  Norman  garri- 
son olTered  a  most  d(!teriuined  rcsistuncc,  but 
were  ulliinately  obliged  to  surrender  on  hon- 
ourable t«.'riu8.  After  the  overtlirow  of  the 
By/autine  emperors,  in  the  early  part  of  theKtth 
century,  Corfu,  with  the  other  lonhin  Islands, 
became  part  of  the  dominions  of  the  Venetian 
republic,  and  so  continued,  with  brief  intervals, 
for  nearly  500  years.  The  Venetian  rule  was  on 
the  whole  favouralile  to  the  material  iirosperily 
of  the  island:  it  was  admirably  cultivated,  and 
became  the  centre  of  a  large  commerce.  Unlike 
most  of  the  other  possessions  of  Venice  in  the 
eastern  Mediterranean,  Corfu  never  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Turks.  They  overran  and  ravaged 
the  island  iu  1537,  carrying  off,  according  to 
their  custom,  many  of  the  young  women  and 
children  as  slaves;  and  they  besieged  the  capital, 
but  its  fortiticiitlons  had  been  nuicli  strengthened 
by  the  Venetians,  and  the  garrison  was  able  to 
offer  a  successful  resistance.  In  1716  another 
memorable  siege  [see  Ti;uKs:  A.  D.  1714-1718J 
took  place,  during  the  war  in  which  Sultan 
Achmct  III.  engaged  with  Austria  and  the  Vene- 
tian republic.  A  large  Ottoman  army  undiT 
Kani  Mustapha  beleaguered  Corfu ;  but  the  gar- 
rison was  commanded  by  a  distinguished  soldier, 
Count  Schuleinburg,  who  baffled  all  the  efforts 
of  the  Turks,  and  at  last  compelled  them  to  with- 
draw to  their  ships  after  they  had  lost  15,000 
men.  By  the  Treaty  of  Conipo  Formio,  dictated 
in  1797  to  Austria  by  Napoleon  nft«r  his  mar- 
vellous Italian  campaign,  the  Ionian  Islanils  were 
transferred  to  France  [see  Fuanck:  A.  I).  1797 
(May — OcTOBEK)],  the  rest  of  the  Venetian  ter- 
ritories falling  to  the  share  of  Austria.  The 
French  garrisons  were,  however,  expelled  in 
1799  by  a  Kusso-Turkish  expedition,  and  the 
islands  constituted  a  republic  [called  the  Re- 


public of  the  Seven  Isltindii].  Dutin  1807,  when 
the  counw!  of  cvcntH  had  changed  Itussia  into  an 
ally  of  the  FrciK-h  emperor,  the  latter  again  ob 
laincd  pos.sessinii  of  the  islands  under  the  Treaty 
of  Tilsit.  The  English,  being  masters  of  the 
.Mediterranean,  hihiii  drove  the  French  out  of 
all  the  islands  except  Corfu.  This  was  un<ler 
Frcnih  rule  till  1M|4;  and  it  is  only  fair  to  (Uiy 
thill  they  dill  much  for  the  iniprovi  :ncnt  o'  tint 
isluiid,  constructing  somi'  Kubstantial  roads  in 
the  interior.  In  IM14.  during  tlii' gcncnil  cata- 
clysm of  the  gigantic  empire  of  Napoleon  the 
French  garrison  was  driven  out  of  the  island 
after  a  gallant  resistance,  and  in  the  following 
yei  r  the  Ionian  Islands  were  reconstituted  a  re- 
public un<ler  Ihitisli  protection an<l  suprc'iniicy," 
— C.  n.  Hanson,  'I'/n^  Liiiid  of  (hnee,  fit.  4. 

A.  D.  181S-1862.— The  British  protectorate. 
—  Its  relinquishment.  —  Annexation  to  the 
kingdom  of  Greece. — "These  si  vcii  islands  [the 
Ionian  I  were  constitu'cd  a  sor  of  repulilic  or 
c<immonwealth  by  tlu'  Treaty  of  Vienna  |IM15|. 
Hut  they  were  consigned  to  the  protectorate  of 
Great  Britain,  which  had  the  right  of  niaintiiin- 
ing  garri.sons  in  tliein.  Great  Britain  used  to 
appoint  a  Lord  High  Cotiimi.Asioner,  who  was 
generally  a  military  man,  and  whose  ollici!  com- 
bined the  duties  of  ('omipandcr-inChief  with 
those  of  Civil  Governor.  The  little  republic  had 
a  Senate  of  six  members  and  a  Legislative  As- 
sembly of  forty  members.  It  seems  almost  a 
waote  of  words  to  say  that  the  islanders  were 
not  content  with  British  government.  For  good 
or  ill,  the  Hellenes,  wherever  tlicy  are  founcl,  arc 
sure  to  be  tilled  with  an  impassioned  longing 
for  Hellenic  independence.  The  people  of  the 
Lillian  Islands  were  eager  to  be  allowed  to  enter 
into  one  system  with  the  kingdom  of  Greece.  It 
was  idle  to  try  to  amuse  them  by  telling  then* 
they  constituted  an  imlepi^ndent  republic,  and 
were  actually  governing  themselves,  .  .  .  while 
they  saw  themselves  presided  over  by  an  Eng- 
lish Lord  Higli  C^ommissioner  who  was  also  the 
Commander-in-Chief  of  a  goodly  British  army 
garrisoned  in  their  midst.  ...  It  is  certain  that 
they  got  a  great  deal  of  material  benelit  from 
the  presenei  of  the  energetic  road-making  Brit- 
ish power.  But  they  wanted  to  be,  above  all 
things,  Gieck.  .  .  .  Sir  Edward  Biilwer  Lytton 
[who  was  then  —  1858  —  Secretary  for  the  Colo- 
nics in  tlie  Britisli  Oovernmeiilf  .  .  .  thought 
the  causes  of  the  complaints  and  the  dissatisfac- 
tion were  well  worth  looking  into,  and  he  re- 
solved on  .sending  a  statesman  of  distinction  out 
to  the  islands  to  make  the  en(|uiry.  .Mr.  (Jlad- 
stone  had  beeu  for  some  years  out  of  otUce.  He 
hail  been  acting  as  an  independent  supporter  of 
Lord  Palmerston's  Government.  It  occurred  to 
Sir  Edward  Buhver  Lytton  that  Mr.  Gladstone 
was  the  man  best  fitted  to  conduct  the  enquiry. 
.  .  .  H^  offered,  therefore,  to  Mr.  Gladstone  the 
oHlce  of  Lord  High  Commissioner  Extraordinary 
to  the  Ionian  Islands,  and  Mr.  Gladstone  acceiited 
the  offer  and  its  duties."  Arriving  in  Corfu  in 
November,  18."i8,  "  he  culled  together  the  Senate, 
and  endeavoured  to  satisfy  them  as  to  the  real 
nature  of  his  mission.  He  explained  that  he  had 
not  come  there  to  discuss  the  propriety  of  main- 
taining the  English  protectorate,  but  only  to 
enquire  into  the  manner  in  which  the  just  claims 
of  the  Ionian  Islands  might  be  secured  by  means 
of  that  protectorate."  But  "  the  population  of 
the  islands  persisted  in  regarding  him,  not  as  the 


1753 


IONIAN  ISLANDS 


IKRLANI) 


romnilHxioiicr  of  n  ('i)iiwrviillvi'  KiiKli><li  (iDVcrii 
inrnt,  Imt  mh  '(>lii(l»'ti>tii>  tlu^  I'liilliclli  i'. '  Mr 
wiiH  rciclvi'il  wlicrcvcr  hi'  wi'iitwi  'i  tlic  lioiiourH 
iliii'  til  II  lllHTiitor.  .  .  .  Tlir  visli  of  Mr.  Oliiil 
Hloiir.  wliiitrviT  |(iir|Hisi^  it  limy  liiivi'  liciii  In 
tl-llllrll  to  fllllll,  llllil  till'  cITlTt  lif  limkillK  tllrlll 
[till!  Iiiiiiiiiml  a^'itati'  iniiri'  Ntrriliiounly  tluiii  rvrr 
for  iiiiiii'Xiitliiii  to  till'  kliiKiloiii  of  (Irri'i'i-.  Their 
wl.ih,  however,  wu.s  not  to  Ix!  Krunteil  yet.  A 
new  l/oni  lli^'h  ConinilHMloii'T  wiih  Hoiit  out  after 
Mr.  OluilKtone'H  return.  .  .  Htill  .  .  .  the  iih'ii 
hehl  Krounil  that  Kooner  or  hiter  Great  ISritahi 
woiili)  nivv  up  till'  ehar^^e  of  the  i.sliinilH.  A  few 
yearH  after,  an  o|)|)ortuiiity  oceurred  for  making 
the  ceswloii.  The  (treeks  jfot  rid  quietly  of  llieir 
heavy  (ierrnaii  kiiiK  Otlio  (we  (htKKri::  .\.  I). 
IH;tO-l8(l'J],  anil  on  the  ailvice  chietlv  of  KiiK 
hiiiil  they  eleiteil  an  Hoverelifii  a  hr.Hlier  of  the 
1'riiireH.s  of  Wales.  .  .  .  The  m-cond  son  of  the 
Kiiij?of  Denmark  was  made  Kinj?of  Oreeee;  and 
Lord  .lohn  I{UH.sell,  on  behalf  of  llie  KiiKlinh  Uov- 
ermiii'iit,  tlieii  |  |H(l'2|  handed  over  to  the  kin^'hrni 
of  (Jreeee  the  island.i  of  wlileh  (ireat  Itritain  liad 
Imil  HO  lonif  to  hear  the  unwilling  eharKi'." — J. 
MeC'arthy,  jlint.  nf  our  Own  Times,  ch.  3U  (c.  !i). 

IONIAN    REVOLT,    The.      See   Peusia: 
II.  ('.  r)2i-tu;i. 

lONIANS,  The.     See  Dohianh  and  Ionianh. 
IONIC  (PAN-IONIC)  AMPHIKTYONY. 

—"  There  existed  at  the  eoniiiienienient  of  his- 
torieal  (Jreeee,  in  770  H.  t!.,  besides  the  lonians 
in  Attieaand  tlie  ('yelades,  twelve  Ionian  eilies 
of  note  on  or  near  the  eoast  of  Asia  Minor,  besUles 
a  few  others  less  Unjxirtant.  Knuinerated  from 
simtli  to  north,  they  stand  —  MilCtiis,  Myfls, 
l'rh!u6,  Samos,  K|)he.sus,  Kolophon,  Leliedus, 
Ti  ■  M,  Krythnu,  (;hios,  Klazomenii",  I'hoka'a.  .  .  . 
M  s,  Myfls  and  PriCnO  were  situated  on  or 
n.  .1-  the  priHluetivu  plain  of  the  river  Mieander; 
while  Kphesus  was  in  like  manner  planted  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Katster  .  .  .  :  Kolophon  is 
only  o  very  few  miles  north  of  the  saniu  river. 
Possessing  the  best  means  of  communication 
with  the  interior,  these  towns  seem  to  have 
thriven  with  greater  rapidity  than  the  rest;  and 
they,  together  with  the  neighbouring  island  of 
Samos,  constituted  in  early  times  the  strength  of 
the  Pan-Ionic  Amphiktyony.  The  situation  of 
the  sacrcii  precinct  of  PoseidOn  (where  this  festi- 
val was  celebrated)  on  the  north  side  of  the  prom- 
ontory of  My  kali?,  near  PriCuO,  and  between 
Ephesus  and  MilCtus,  seems  to  sliow  that  these 
towns  formed  the  primitive  centre  to  wliich  the 
other  Ionian  scUl  .ments  became  gradually  aggre- 
gated. For  it  was  by  no  means  o  centrical  site 
with  reference  to  all  the  twelve.  .  .  .  Moreover, 
it  seems  that  the  Pan-Ionic  festival  [the  celebra- 
tion of  which  constituted  tlie  Aniphiktj'ony], 
though  still  formally  continued,  had  lost  its  im- 
portance liefore  the  time  of  Thucydidi!s,  und  had 
become  practically  superseded  by  the  more 
splendid  festival  of  the  Kphesia,  near  Ephesus, 


where  the  cities  of  Ionia  found  jt  more  attnietivu 
iilai'i'  of  meeting." — (1.  (Jrole,  Uiiit.  of  (Inerf,  lit. 
i,  c/i.  18(11.  3).  _ 

IOWA:    The  Aboriginal  InhabiUiiU.    See 

AMKUICAN  AllllllKIINKS:  Al.I.KIlll ANH,  lUld  Al.- 
OONqlllAN  Ka.mii.y. 

A.  O.  1803. — Embraced  in  the  Louisiana 
Purchase.     Hie  Loiihiana;    \.  I).  17UH-lm);i. 

A.  D.  1834-1838.— Joined  to  Michigan  Ter- 
ritory ;  then  to  Wisconsin  ;  then  separately 
organized.     See  Wiwo.nhi.n:    A.   1).  1H().'5-1H4H. 

A.  D.  1845.— Admission  into  the  Union, 
with  Florida  for  a  slave-state  counterweight. 
See  Unitkd  Statks  <>k  A.m.  :  A.  1).  184.'). 

low  AS,  The.  See  Amkuii'an  AniciiiiiNKit: 
SiiiiiAN  Kamii.v,  and  Pawnek  (Caddoan)  Ka.m- 
ii.y. 

IPSUS,  Battle  of  (B.  C.  301).  See  Mack- 
ddnia:  It.  ('.  mo-ilOl. 

IQUIQUE,  Battle  of  (1891).  See  Ciiilk: 
A.  1).  18S.j-18«l. 

IRACA.      See    Coi.omiiian   States:    \.    I). 

i.wo-niti. 

IRAK. — At  the  time  of  the  Mahometan  con- 
quest, "(,'halilea  and  Habylonia  ix'cupied  tlie 
rich  region  south  of  the  river  Tigris,  water.'d  by 
the  Euphrates,  and  were  known  as  Irak  of  the 
Arabs,  as  distinguished  from  Irak  of  the  Per- 
sians, which  corresponded  somewhat  nearly  to 
the  modern  kingdom  of  Persia.  .  .  .  Irak  ;>f 
Arabia  was  at  this  time  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
Persia,  and  the  wandering  Arabs  who  roamed 
over  the  broad  de.sert  were  tributary  to  Persia 
when  they  pitched  their  tents  on  the  eastern 
side,  and  to  Home  when  sojourning  on  tlie  side 
towards  Syria;  though  they  were  at  no  time 
trusty  allies  or  subjects.  The  region  of  Irak 
contains  many  relics  of  a  former  civilization; 
there  are  the  mounds  that  mark  the  site  of  old 
llabylon."  —  A.  Oilman,  litorj/  of  the  Suracens, 
pp.  228-327. 

IRAN,  Table-Land  of.— "Between  the  val- 
ley of  the  Indus  and  the  land  of  the  Euphrates 
and  Tigris,  bounded  on  the  south  by  the  ocean 
and  the  Persian  Gulf,  on  t)-,o  north  by  the  brouil 
steppes  which  the  O.xus  and  .Taxartes  vainly  at- 
tempt to  fertilise,  by  the  Caspian  S'ui  and  the 
valley  of  the  Aras  [embracinj:  modern  Persia, 
Baluchistan,  Afghanistan  and  Uussian  Tur- 
kestan], lies  the  table-laud  of  Iran.  Hising  to 
an  average  height  of  4,000  feet  above  the  level 
of  the  sea,  it  forms  an  oblong,  the  length  of 
which  from  east  to  west  is  something  more  than 
1,. 500  miles.  .  .  .  As  far  back  as  our  information 
extends,  we  find  the  table-land  of  Iran  occupied 
by  a  group  of  nations  closely  related  to  each 
other,  and  speaking  dialects  of  the  same  lan- 
guage."—  M.  Duncker,  Jlist.  of  Antiquity,  bk.  7, 
c/i.  1. —  See,  also,  Auyans. 

IRDJAR,  Russian  defeat  at.  See  Russia: 
A.  I).  1859-1870. 


IRELAND. 


The  name. — "Ireland  was  known  by  many 
names  from  very  early  ages.  Thus,  in  the  Celtic 
it  was  called  Inis-Fail,  the  isle  of  destiny ;  Inis- 
Ealga,  the  noble  island ;  Fiodh-Inis,  the  woody 
island;  and  Eire,  Fwihla,  and  Banba.    By  the 


Greeks  it  was  called  lerne,  probably  from  the 
vernacular  name  of  Eire,  by  iutlection  Erin; 
whence,  also,  nodouut,  its  Latin  name  of  Juverna; 
Plutarch  calls  it  Ogygiii,  or  the  ancient  land; 
the    early   lioman  wiiters    generally   called    it 


1754 


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Barlg  JnhiMtantt. 


IRELAND. 


lUbcrnia,  probably  from  its  Ibcrinti  tnliiibitantH, 
and  tliu  later  liomiins  hiuI  mcdii.  val  writrrs 
Scotia,  and  sometimes  Ilibernia;  ai  I  finally  it:) 
name  of  Ireland  was  formed  by  the  Anglo-Nor- 
mans froii  its  native  nanio  of  Eire." —  M.  Hav- 
eriy,  Ifint.  of  Ireland,  p.  76,  note. — See,  also,  Scot- 
land: The   N.\mk;  and   Ikelani):   TuinEs  oH 

t;AllI-V  CKI/nC  INIIAHITANTS. 

The  primitive  inhabitants,  —  "The  first  peo- 
ple ...  of  whoso  pxistencc  in  Ireland  we  can 
Ik;  .said  to  know  anj  ling  are  commonly  asserted 
to  liave  been  of  Turanian  origin,  and  are  known 
as  '  Formorians.'  As  far  as  we  can  gather,  they 
were  a  dark,  low-browed,  stunted  race,  although, 
oddly  enough,  the  word  Formorian  in  early  Irish 
legend  is  always  used  as  synonymous  with  the 
word  giant.  They  were,  at  any  rate,  a  race  of 
utterly  savage  hunters  and  fishermen,  ignorant 
of  metal,  of  pottery,  possibly  even  of  the  use 
of  Are;  using  the  stone  hammers  or  hatchets  of 
which  vast  numbers  remain  in  Ireland  to  this 
day,  and  specimens  of  which  may  bo  seen  in 
every  museum.  How  long  they  held  possession 
no  one  can  tell,  although  Irish  philolngists  be- 
lieve several  local  Irish  names  to  date  from  this 
almost  inconceivably  remote  epoeli.  Perhaps  if 
we  think  of  the  Lapps  of  the  present  day,  and 
picture  them  wandering  about  the  country,  .  .  . 
ft  will  give  us  a  fairly  good  notion  of  what  these 
very  earliest  inhabitants  of  Ireland  were  prob- 
ably like  [see  Fomorians].  Ne.\t  followed  a 
Belgic  colony,  known  as  the  Firbolgs,  who  over- 
ran tlie  country,  and  appear  to  have  been  of  a 
somewhat  higher  ethnological  grade,  although, 
like  the  Formorians,  short,  dart,  and  swarthy. 
Doubtless  the  latter  were  not  entirely  extermi- 
nated to  make  way  for  the  Firbolgs,  any  more 
than  the  Firbolgs  to  make  way  for  the  Danatins, 
Milesians,  and  otlier  successive  races;  such 
wholesale  exterminations  being,  in  fact,  very 
rare,  especially  in  a  country  which  like  Ireland 
seems  8])ecially  laid  out  by  kindly  nature  for  the 
protection  of  a  weaUrrrace  struggling  in  the  grip 
of  a  stronger  one.  After  the  Firbolgs,  though 
I  should  be  sorry  to  be  obliged  to  say  how  long 
after,  fresh  and  more  important  tribes  of  iiivad- 
ers  began  to  appear.  The  first  of  these  were  tlie 
Tuatha-da-Danaans,  who  arrived  under  the  lead- 
ership of  their  king  Nuad,  and  took  possession 
of  the  cast  of  the  cov.ntry.  These  Tuatha-da- 
Danaans  are  believed  to  have  been  large,  blue- 
eyed  people  of  Scandinavian  origin,  kinsmen 
and  possibly  ancestors  of  those  Norsemen  or 
'Danes'  who  in  years  to  come  were  destined  to 
work  'juch  woo  and  havoc  upon  the  island.  .  .  . 
What  their  end  was  no  man  can  tell  you,  save 
that  they,  too,  were.  In  their  t\irn,  conquered  by 
the  Milesians  or  'Scoti,'  who  next  overran  the 
country,  giving  to  it  their  own  name  of  Scotia, 
by  which  name  it  was  known  down  to  the  end  of 
the  twelfth  century,  and  driving  the  earlier  set- 
tlers before  them,  who  thereupon  fled  to  tlie 
hills,  and  took  refuge  in  tlie  forests,  whence  they 
emerged,  doubtless,  with  unpleasant  effect  upon 
their  conquerors,  as  another  defeated  race  did 
upon  their  conquerors  in  later  days." — E.  Law- 
less, T/ie  Storji  of  Ireland,  ch.  1. 

Also  in:  T.  Moore,  Hist,  of  Ireland,  v.  1,  ch.  5. 

Tribes  of  early  Celtic  inhabitants. — "On 
the  northern  coast  dwelt  the  Veniconii,  in  the 
modern  county  of  Donegal,  and  the  Robogdii,  in 
Londonderry  and  Antrim.  Adjoining  to  the 
Veniconii,  westward,  were  the  Erdini  or  Erped- 


itani,  and  next  to  them  'ho  Magnatw,  all  in 
D.Hiegal.  Farther  south  were  the  Aiitcri,  in 
Sligo;  the  Ganguni,  in  Mayo;  and  the  Velil)ori, 
or  Ellcbri,  in  the  (ii.strict  between  Qalway  an<i 
the  Shannon.  The  south-west  part  of  the  island, 
with  a  great  portion  of  the  interior,  was  inhabi- 
ted by  tlie  Iveriii,  who  gave  name  not  only  to  the 
great  river  but  to  the  whole  island,  and  who 
may,  jierhaps,  be  considered  as  tlie  aboriginal  in- 
habitants. .  .  .  In  the  modern  counties  of  Water- 
ford  and  Ti])perary,  Ptolemy  places  a  tribe  called 
the  Usdiie  or  Vodfiu,  according  to  the  variations 
of  the  manuscripts.  In  the  modern  county  of 
Wexford  dwelt  the  Brigantes;  and  northward 
from  them  were  the  Coriondi,  in  Wieklow ;  the 
Menapii,  in  Dublin;  the  Cauei,  on  the  banks  of 
the  Hoyne;  the  Ulanii,  or  Eblani,  on  the  bay  of 
Dundalk ;  the  Voluntii,  in  Down ;  and  tlie  Darini, 
bordering  on  tlie  Itobogdii,  in  Antrim.  Three, 
a',  least,  of  the  tribes  who  held  the  eastern  coast 
Ci  Ireland,  the  Brigantes,  the  >Ienapii,  and  the 
Voluntii,  were,  no  doubt,  colonies  from  the  op- 
posite shores  of  Britain."— T.  Wright,  Celt,  Jlo- 
man  and  fsixon,  ch.  2. 

5th-8th  Centuries.- The  coming  of  St. 
Patrick  and  the  Christianizing;  of  the  Island. 
— Its  Schools  and  its  Missionaries. —  "Lying 
on  the  extreme  verge  of  Europe,  the  last  land 
then  known  to  the  adventurous  Scnndinavian, 
and  beyond  wliicli  fable  had  scarcely  projected 
its  dreams,  it  was  in  the  fifth  century  since  the 
Redemption  that  Christianity  readied  them. 
Patricius,  a  Celt  of  Gaul  it  is  said,  carried  into 
Erin  as  a  slave  by  one  of  the  Pagan  kings,  some 
of  whom  made  military  expeditions  to  North  and 
South  Britain,  and  even  to  the  Alps  and  the  Loire, 
became  the  Apostle  of  Ireland.  Patrick  escaped 
from  slavery,  was  educated  at  Rome,  but  in 
mature  manhood  insisted  on  returning  to  the 
place  of  his  bondage,  to  preach  Christianity  to  a 
people  who  seem  to  have  exercised  over  the  im- 
agination of  the  Apostle  the  same  spell  of  sym- 
pathy which  in  later  times  subdued  strangers  of 
many  nations.  He  was  received  with  i  xtraordi- 
nary  favour,  and  before  his  death  nearly  the 
whole  island  had  embraced  Christianity.  TIk; 
coming  of  Patrick  took  place  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  433,  and  he  laboured  for  sixty  years  after; 
planting  churches  and  schools,  rooting  out  the 
practices  and  monuments  of  Paganism,  and  dis- 
ciplining the  people  in  religion  and  huinanity. 
It  was  a  noble  service,  and  it  impressed  itself 
for  ever  on  the  memory  of  the  race  whom  he 
served.  ...  In  the  succeeding  century  tlu; 
Church  which  he  planted  liccanio  possessed  by  a 
passion  which  it  has  never  entirely  lost,  the  pas- 
sion for  missionary  enterprise.  Its  fathers  pro- 
jected the  c'onvrsion  of  the  fierce  natives  of  the 
Continent  to  the  new  creed  of  humility  and  self- 
denial,  and  by  the  same  humane  agents  which 
Patrick  had  employed  in  Ireland  —  persuasion 
and  prayer;  a  task  as  generous  as  any  of  which 
history  has  preserved  the  record.  In  this  epoch 
Ireland  may,  without  exaggeration,  be  said  to 
have  been  a  Christian  Greece,  the  nurse  of  science 
and  civilisation.  The  Pagan  annals  of  the  coun- 
try are  overlaid  by  fable  and  extravagance,  but 
tlie  foundation  of  Oxford  or  the  mission  of  St. 
Augustine  d(x;s  not  lie  more  visibly  within  the 
boundaries  of  legitimate  history  than  the  Irish 
schools,  whicli  attracted  students  from  Britain 
and  Gaul,  and  sent  out  missionaries  tlirough 
the  countries  now  known  as  Western  Europe. 


1766 


lUELAND,  5-«TH  CEKTUUIES 


SchfMtts 
and  Mlmonn. 


lUELAND,  9-lOTH  CENTURIES. 


^. 


A'lU)!!);  th  forests  )f  Oer!;-. my,  on  the  (''sert 
Blmtes  of  tlie  Iltliridcs,  in  the  <,iiiiii)  of  AlficMl,  iit 
t\ie  eouii  of  (Jliiirleiimgiic.  in  the  capital  of  the 
("liriHlian  world,  where  Sliehelet  describes  tlieir 
vlcxpi'  ncc  .;s  cliamiinf,'  the  counsellors  of  the 
Ein|]'ior,  there  nii/f  111  he  found  the  fervid  preacli- 
em  and  subtle  (ioclors  of  the  Western  Isle.  It 
was  then  that  the  island  won  the  title  still  fondly 
cherLslied,  "nsula  siuictorum '.  Tlie  venerable 
Hede  describiv'  nobles  and  students  at  this  epoch 
as  nuiltiiij;  the  island  of  Britain  to  seek  e(lueu- 
tion  in  Ireland,  and  he  tells  us  that  the  hospitable 
Cells  found  them  teachers,  books,  food  and  sliel- 
t<'r  at  'he  cost  of  the  nation.  The  school  at 
Armagh,  where  !St.  Patrick  liad  establi.shed  the 
primacy  of  the  C'hurch,  is  reputed  to  have  at- 
tracted 7, ()()()  students,  and  there  were  schools 
at  Lisinore,  Uangor,  Clonniacnolse,  and  Mayo, 
which  rivalled  it  in  inii)ortanc('.  Monasteries 
multiplied  in  a  still  greater  number,  and  witli 
results  as  beneticial.  .  .  .  Writers  who  are  little 
disposed  to  make  any  other  concession  to  Ireland 
ftdmit  that  this  was  a  period  of  extraordinary  in- 
ti  licet  ual  a<!tivity,  and  of  memorable  services  to 
civilization.  The  arts,  as  far  as  they  were  the 
handmaidens  of  religion,  attained  a  surprising 
development.  The  illuminated  coi)ies  of  the 
Scripture,  the  cro/.iers  and  challices  which  have 
come  (iown  to  us  from  those  days,  the  Celtic 
crosses  and  Celtic  harps,  the  bells  and  taber- 
nacles, are  witnesses  of  a  distinct  and  remark- 
able national  culture.  The  i)eople  were  still 
partly  shepherds  and  Inisbanilmen,  ])artly  sol- 
diers, ruled  by  the  Chief,  the  Bn^ion,  and  the 
Priest.  .  .  .  After  this  generous  work  had  ob- 
tained a  remarkable  success,  it  was  disturbed  by 
contests  with  the  Sea  Kings.  .  .  .  Tlie  Cathe- 
dral and  city  of  St.  Patrick,  the  sc'iools  of  Bangor, 
the  cloisters  of  Clonmacnoisr,  and  many  more 
seats  of  piety  and  learning,  '"ell  into  their  hands. 
The  sacred  vessels  of  tlie  a  .tar  were  turned  into 
drinking  cups,  and  the  nissals,  blazing  with 
precious  stones,  were  torn  from  their  costly  bind- 
ings to  furnish  ornaments  for  tlieir  sword  hilts, 
and  gifts  to  tlic  Scalds  who  sang  their  achieve- 
ments. These  pagans  burned  monasteries,  sacked 
churches,  and  murdered  women  and  priests,  for 
plunder  or  sport.  .  .  .  Before  the  dangers  and 
troubles  of  a  long  Internecine  war,  the  School  of 
the  West  gradually  dwindled  away,  and  it  liad 
fallen  into  complete  decay  before  Brian  Bor- 
hoime,  at  the  beginning  of  the  11th  century, 
finally  subdued  the  invaders." — Sir  C.  G.  Duffy, 
A  Jiird's  Eye  View  of  Trish  Hist.,  rev.  cd.,  pp. 
7-13  {or  eh.  4,  in  "  Young  Ireland"). — "  Ireland, 
that  virgin  island  on  which  proconsul  never  set 
foot,  which  never  knew  either  the  orgies  or  the 
exactions  of  Home,  was  also  the  only  place  in  the 
world  of  which  the  Gospel  took  possession  with- 
out bloodshed.  .  .  .  From  the  moment  that  this 
Green  Erin,  situated  at  the  extremity  of  the 
known  world,  had  seen  the  sun  of  faith  rise  upon 
her,  she  had  vowed  herself  to  it  with  an  ardent 
and  tender  devotion  which  became  her  very  life. 
The  course  of  ages  has  not  interrupted  this;  the 
most  bloody  and  implacable  of  persecutions  has 
not  shaken  it;  the  defection  of  all  northern  Eu- 
rope has  not  led  her  astray ;  and  slie  maintains 
still,  amid  the  splendours  and  miseries  of  modern 
civilisation  and  Anglo-Sax  an  supremacy,  an  in- 
extinguishable centre  of  laitli,  where  survives, 
along  with  the  completcst  orthodoxy,  that  ad- 
mirable purity  of  manners  which  no' conqueror 


and  III)  adversary  has  ever  been  able  to  dispute, 
to  equal,  or  to  diminish.  .  .  .  The  Irish  com- 
munilii's,  joined  by  the  monks  from  Giiul  and 
Home,  whom  the  example  <jf  Patrick  ha<l  drawn 
ujion  his  steps,  entered  into  rivalry  with  the 
great  monastic  schools  of  Gaul.  They  explained 
Ovid  there;  they  copied  Virgil;  they  devolcil 
themselves  e8|)ecially  to  Greek  literature;  they 
diTw  back  from  no  incjuiry,  from  no  discussion. 
.  .  .  A  characteristic  still  more  distinctive  of  tlie 
Irish  monks,  as  of  all  their  nation,  was  tlie  im- 
perious m(  (  ssily  of  spreading  tliemselvcs  with- 
out, of  seeking  "or  carrying  knowledge  and  faith 
afar,  and  of  penetrating  into  the  most  distant 
regions  to  watch  or  combat  paganism.  This 
mona.stic  nation,  tlK^efore,  became  the  mission- 
ary nation  'par  cxcellenc'c '. " — Count  de  Mou- 
talemberl.  77/c  Monks  of  the  IIW,  hk.  7  (c.  2). 

Also  i.\;  T.  Moore,  //('»/.  of  Ireland,  eh.  1()-14 
(«.  1),  ami  eh.  18  (p.  2).— D.  OeViiine,  The  Iriiih 
Priiiiitire  Chiireh. — Sec,  also.  Ciikistiamty: 
{)TII-Otii  Cknti'hiks. 

9th-ioth  Centuries. — The  Danish  conquests 
and  settlements. —  "The  pcmple  popularly 
known  in  our  history  as  Danes  comprised  swarms 
from  various  countries  in  tlie  north  of  Europe, 
from  Norway,  Sweden,  Zealand,  .Iutlan<l,  and, 
in  general,  from  all  the  shores  and  islands  of  the 
Baltic.  .  .  .  In  tlie  Irish  annals  they  are  variously 
called  Galls,  or  foreigners;  Geinti,  or  Gentiles; 
and  Loehlanni.  or  inhabitants  of  liochliinn,  or 
Lake-land,  that  is,  Norway ;  and  tliey  are  dis- 
tinguished as  the  Finn  Galls,  or  White  Foreign- 
ers, who  are  supposed  to  have  been  the  inhalji- 
tants  of  Norway ;  and  the  Dubli  Galls,  or  Black 
Foreigners,  who  were  probably  the  peoi)le  of 
Jutland,  and  of  the  southern  shores  of  the  Baltic 
Sea.  A  large  tract  of  country  north  of  Dublin 
still  retains  the  name  of  the  former.  .  .  .  The 
Danes  never  obtained  tlie  dominion  of  Ireland  as 
they  did  that  of  England. " — JI.  Ilaverty,  JIi.it. 
of  Ireland,  eh.  13-14. — "  Ireland  was  as  yet  [in 
the  0th  century]  a  more  teiupting  prey  for  the 
pirates  than  even  Gaid.  It  was  at  the  monas- 
teries tliat  these  earlier  raids  were  mainly  aimed ; 
and  nowliere  were  the  monastic  houses  so  many 
and  so  rich.  It  was  in  these  retreats  indeed, 
sheltered  as  men  deemed  by  their  holiness  from 
the  greed  of  the  spoiler,  that  the  whole  wealth 
of  the  country  was  stored ;  and  the  goldwork  and 
jewelry  of  their  shrines,  their  precious  chalices, 
the  silver-bound  horn  which  king  or  noble  dedi- 
cated at  their  altars,  the  curiously-wrought 
covering  of  their  mass-books,  the  hoard  of  tlieir 
treasure-chests,  fired  the  imagination  of  the 
northern  marauders  as  the  ti  .asures  of  the  Incas 
fired  that  of  the  soldiers  of  Spain.  News  spread 
fast  up  dale  and  fiord  how  wealth  such  as  men 
never  dreamed  of  was  heaped  up  in  houses 
guarded  only  by  priests  and  shavelings  who 
dared  not  draw  sword.  The  Wikiii  -  had  Ipng 
been  drawing  closer  to  this  tempting  i  ley.  From 
the  coast  of  Norway  a  sail  of  twenty-four  hours 
with  a  fair  wind  brings  the  sailor  in  sight  of  the 
Shetlands;  Shetlands  and  Orkneys  furnished  a 
base  for  the  advance  of  tlie  pirates  along  the 
western  shores  of  Britain,  where  they  found  a 
land  like  their  own  in  the  dales  and  lochs  of  Boss 
and  Argyll,  and  where  the  names  of  Caitlincss 
and  Sutherland  tell  of  their  conquest  and  settle- 
ment on  the  mainland ;  while  the  physical  ap- 
pearance of  tlK'  people  still  records  their  coloni- 
zation of  tlic  Hebrides.     Names  such  us  that  of 


1756 


IRELAND,  9-lOTII  CENTUIUEa     "i*  Panes.        IRELAND.  13TII  CENTURY. 


the  Onn'ii  Ileiid  nmrk  tlieir  cntriinci'  iit  lust  iiitu 
tli(!  Iri.sli  (Miaiiiit'l." — .1.  K.  GrTOii.  T/if  ('unijiieiit 
of  KiiijUtnil,  cli.  3. — "  Tlie  Olli  century  wiis  the 
period  of  Danish  plunder,  ami  of  .settlement  along 
the  eoasis  and  in  convenient  places  for  purposes 
of  plunder.  Towards  tlx;  latter  end  of  this 
century  the  Irish  in  Ireland,  like  the  English  in 
England,  succeeded  in  driving  out  the  enemy, 
nnd  there  was  iieace  for  forty  years.  Then 
came  the  Danes  again,  but  bent  more  definitely 
than  l)efore  on  permanent  settlement;  and  their 
most  notable  work  was  the  estahlislnnent  of  the 
Danish  kingdom  of  Dublin,  with  its  centre  at 
one  of  their  old  haunts,  Ath  Clialh  on  the 
LilTey,  where  the  city  of  Dublin  was  biult  by 
them.  The  establishment  of  this  kingdom  dat(!S 
from  the  year  919,  and  its  extent  may  l)e  traced 
today  as  conterminous  with  the  diocese  of  Dub- 
lin, extending  from  IIolm])atrick  and  Skerries  on 
the  north,  to  Arklow  and  VVicklow  on  the  so\ilh, 
and  inland  no  larllicr  than  seven  or  eight  miles 
to  lycixlip.  Until  quite  rec<'ntly  this  was  also 
the  di.strict  over  which  extended  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Lord  Maj'or  of  Dublin  as  Admiral  of  the 
Port  of  Dublin.  On  College  Green  used  to  be 
held  the  assembly  of  the  freemen  of  the  kingdom 
of  Dublin,  while  the  chiefs  took  their  seats  on 
the  steep  hill  that  once  stood  where  St.  Andrew's 
Church  now  stands,  opposite  to  '  the  old  house 
on  College  Green,'  which  is  so  dear  to  the  national 
aspirations  of  the  modern  Irishmen.  There  the 
Danes  held  their  parliaments,  agreeing  on  laws, 
consenting  to  judgments  nnd  contracts,  feasting 
and  making  merry,  just  as  the  old  Irish  held 
their  parliaments  at  'Tara,  (.'arman,  Armagh,  and 
elsewhere.  Nor  was  Dublin  the  only  Danish 
city.  Limerick,  Cork,  Watcrford,  Wexford,  all 
became  the  centres  of  petty  Danish  kingdoms, 
active  in  commerce,  skilful  for  those  'times,  in 
domestic  arcliitecture,  and  with  political  and 
legislative  ideas  identical  in  their  essence  with 
those  of  the  people  among  whom  they  settled. 
In  the  course  of  the  10th  century  the  Danes 
nominally  became,  for  the  most  part,  converts  to 
Christianity.  But  it  appears  that  they  derived 
tlieir  Christianity  mainly  from  Englisli  sources ; 
and  when  they  began  to  organize  their  Church, 
they  did  so  after  the  Roman  manner,  and  in  con- 
nection with  the  see  of  Canterbury.  It  was  not, 
however,  till  after  the  wars  of  Brian  Boru  that 
Danish  Christianity  became  either  very  real  or 
at  all  organized." — S.  Bryant,  Celtic  Ireland, 
ch.  5. 

Also  in  :  C.  Haliday,  The  ScandiiMrrian  King- 
dom of  Dublin. —  C.  F.  Keary,  The  Vikings  in 
M'e»tern  Ghnstendom,  eh.  6. —  See,  also,  Noii- 
MANs:  8th-9tii  Centuries. 

A.  D.  1014.— The  Battle  of  Clontarf  and 
the  great  defeat  of  the  Danes. — By  a  revolu- 
tion which  occurred  in  the  year  1000,  ^lalaehy 
II.  of  the  dynasty  which  had  reigned  long  at 
Tara,  was  deposed  from  the  chief  sovereignt}', 
and  Brian  Boromh  or  Boru,  of  the  royal  family  of 
Munster,  who  had  fought  his  way  up  to  master- 
ful power,  became  the  Ardrigh  or  over-king  of 
Ireland.  In  1014  Brian  was  called  upon  to  face 
a  great  combination  whicli  the  Danes  of  Dublin 
had  effected  with  their  fellow  Northmen,  includ- 
ing those  of  Denmark,  Norway,  Seotlaud  and  all 
the  isles.  It  wivs  the  Danish  intention  now  to  ac- 
complish completely  the  conquest  of  Ireland  and 
bring  their  long  struggle  with  its  Celtic  inhabi- 
tants to  au  effectual  close.     King  Briau  and  his 


175 


cotnitrymen  maih'  e(;ual  exertions  on  their  side 
to  meet  the  attack,  and  the  great  battle  of  Clon 
tarf,  fought  on  Good  Friday  of  the  year  lOl-l, 
gave  them  a  decisive  victory.  "  (;lontarf,  the 
lawn  or  meadow  of  t)u!!s,  stretches  along  the 
creseent-sliaped  north  strand  of  Dublin  harbor, 
from  the  ancient  salmon  weir  at  Bally boght 
bridgi',  towards  the  promontory  of  llowth. 
Both  horns  of  the  crescent  were  held  by  the 
enemy,  and  conuniniicated  with  his  ships;  the 
iidand  ;v)int  terminating  in  the  roofs  of  Dublin, 
and  the  seaward  marked  by  the  lion-like  head  of 
llowth.  Thu  meadow  land  between  sloped 
gently  upward  und  inward  from  the  beach,  and 
for  the  myriad  duels  which  formed  tlu^  ancient 
battle,  no  field  (;ould  present  le.'-s  po.sitive  van- 
tage groiuid  to  combatants  on  either  side.  The 
invading  force  had  possession  of  both  wings,  so 
that  Brian's  army,  which  had  first  cncaii"ii'd  at 
Kihnainham,  must  have  crossed  the  iirej 
higher  uj),  and  marclied  round  by  the  |  e.sent 
Drumeondra  in  order  to  reach  tlie  appointed 
field.  The  day  seems  to  have  been  decided  on 
by  formal  challenge.  .  .  .  The  forces  on  both  sides 
could  not  have  fallen  short  of  20,000  men.  .  .  . 
The  utmost  fury  was  disi)layed  on  all  sides.  .  .  . 
Hardly'  a  nobly  born  man  escaped,  or  sought  to 
escape.  The  ten  hundred  in  armor,  and  ;l,000 
others  of  the  enemy,  with  about  an  equal  num- 
l)er  of  the  men  of  Ireland,  lay  dead  upon  the 
field.  One  division  of  the  enemy  were,  towards 
sunset,  retreating  to  their  ships,  when  Broilar 
the  Viking,  perceiving  the  tent  of  Brian,  stand- 
ing apart,  without  a  guard,  and  the  aged  king 
on  his  knees  before  the  Crucifix,  rushed  in,  cut 
him  down  with  a  single  blow,  and  then  con- 
tinued Ins  flight.  .  .  .  The  deceased  hero  took 
his  place  at  once  in  history,  national  and  fonngn. 
.  .  .  The  fame  of  the  event  went  out  through  all 
nations.  The  chronicles  of  AVales,  of  Scotland, 
and  of  Man ;  the  aimals  of  Ademar  and  Marianus ; 
the  Sagas  of  Denmark  and  the  Isles,  all  record 
the  event.  .  .  .' Brian's  battle,' as  it  is  called  in 
the  Sagas,  was,  in  short,  such  a  defeat  as  pre- 
vented any  general  northern  combination  for  the 
subsequent  invasion  of  Ireland.  Not  that  the 
country  was  entirely  free  from  their  attacks  till 
the  end  of  the  11th  century;  but,  from  the  day 
of  Clontarf  forward,  the  long  cherished  Northern 
idea  of  a  conquest  of  Ireland  seems  to  have  been 
gloomily  abandoned  by  that  indomitable  people." 
— T.  D  Arcy  McGee,  Pojmlar  Hist,  of  Ireland, 
bk.  2,  ch.  6  (r.  1). 

Also  in;  T.  Moore,  Hist,  of  Ireland,  ch.  31 
(p.  2), — See,  also,  Noumans. — NouTn.viEN;  lOrir 
-13tu  Centuuies. 

I2th  Century. — The  great  tribes  and  king- 
doms and  the  ruling  families.—"  Ireland  was 
now  [immediately  before  Strongbow's  coiKjuest] 
divided  into  four  confederations  of  tribes.  Tlie 
O'Ncils  held  Ulidia,  which  is  now  called  Ulster; 
the  O'Connors  Conacia,  or  Connaught ;  the 
O'Briens  and  the  M'Carthys  Monoiiia,  or  Mun- 
ster ;  and  the  JIacmurroughs  Lagenia,  or  Leinster 
—  all  under  the  paramount  but  often-disputed 
rule  of  a  branch  of  the  Ulster  O'Neils.  The 
royal  demesne  of  Jleatli,  the  appanage  of  the 
Ulster  f;iniily,  which  included  Westmcath,  Long- 
ford, and  a  part  of  King's  County,  was  sometimes 
counted  a  fifth  kingdom.  In  tlie  wild  north, 
O'Neil,  O'Douncl,  O'Kane,  O'llara,  O'Sheel, 
O'Carrol,  were  mighty  names.  On  the  northern- 
most peninsula,  where  the  Atlantic  runs  into 

7 


lUEl.AND,  laTH  CENTURY. 


COIUfUVHt. 


lUKLAND,  1189-1175. 


Loii(,'li  Foylc  iind  l/iiipli  .Swilly.  O'DoKlicrty 
rclRiH'il  Kiinrciiic.  In  Conimujflit,  O'Uoiirkc, 
O'ftcilly,  O'Kclly.O'Fliilicrty.O'.Miillcy.ODowd, 
were  lords.  Iii'.Mciilli  and  I-ciiiHU'r,  MiicCJcof;!!- 
j;liiin,  O'Fiirrcll,  O'Ciniiinr,  O'.Moort',  O'Hrctiniin, 
Miicmurroujrli,  ndcd.  In  .Munstcr,  by  tin;  west- 
ern Hlinre,  .MiicCurlliy  More  held  swiiy.  Mac- 
Ciirtliy  Heafrh  s\vay<Ml  the  wmtli,  hy  the  plea.s- 
nnt  waters  of  Cork  Hay.  0'S\dIivan  IJeare 
wn.s  lord  of  the  fair  promontory  between  Hantry 
Huy  and  Kentnare  Uiver.  O'Mahony  reigned 
by  roaring  Water  Hay.  O'Donoghue  was 
cliieftain  i)y  the  haunted  Killarney  Lake.s. 
Mae.Mahon  ruled  north  of  the  JSliannon.  O'Log- 
lin  looked  on  ttahvay  Kay.  All  Ireland,  with 
the  e.vcejjtion  of  a  few  seaport  towns  where  tlie 
Danes  had  settled,  was  in  the  hands  of  Irisli 
chiefs  of  old  descent  and  famous  lineage.  They 
quarrelled  amongst  tliemsclves  as  readily  and 
as  llereely  as  if  tliey  liad  been  file  heads  of  so 
many  Ort^ek  states.  The  Danes  had  be(ai  tlieir 
Persians;  their  liomans  were  now  to  come." — 
J.  II.  JlcCarthy,  Oiiltine  of  Irinh  J/inton/.  ch.  il. 
A.  D.  1169-1175.— The  Anelo-Norman  con- 
quest.— "  Tlie  con(|\iest  of  Ireland  is  among  the 
most  importJint  episodes  in  the  reign  of  Henry 
II.  .  .  .  Tliere  were  reasons,  besides  the  mere 
lust  of  concpiest,  wliy  an  English  king  should 
desire  to  reduce  Ireland.  It  had  given  harbours 
and  recruits  to  tlie  Northmen  on  tlieir  expedi- 
tions; Irisli  soldiers  had  fouglit  at  Hrunan- 
beorli  [or  Brunnanburgli]  against  AtlielstJinc; 
Englisli  exiles,  like  tlie  sons  of  Harold,  rcjicated- 
ly  lied  to  the  island,  and  awaited  the  opiiortunitv 
of  reprisals  upon  their  own  government.  Irish 
pirates  infested  the  English  coasts,  and  carried 
off  prisoners,  whom  they  sold  as  slaves.  Ac- 
cordingly, William  the  Conqueror  had  meditated 
subjugating  Ireland,  if  he  lived  two  years 
longer;  William  liufus  once  declared,  as  he 
stood  on  the  coast  of  Wales,  that  he  would 
bridge  St.  George's  Channel  with  a  lleet  of  ships. 
But  il  was  reserved  for  John  of  Salisbury  to  ob- 
tain from  his  intimate  friend,  the  Englisli  pope, 
Adrian  IV.,  a  grant  of  Ireland  to  the  English 
crown  [by  the  Hull  'Laudabilitur ']  as  a,  heredi- 
tary lief  (A.  D.  11,'54).  .  .  .  Nevertheless,  the 
dilllculty  of  invading  Ireland  seemed  greater 
than  any  pr.)flt  likely  to  result  from  it.  The 
king's  council  opposed  the  enterprise;  and  for 
some  years  the  jirojcct  was  suffered  to  sleep. 
But  the  wretched  disorders  of  Irish  politics  in- 
vited the  invader."  Diarmaid  MacJIurchad, 
king  of  Lcinstcr,  having  been  driven  from  his 
dominie  ;s,  "repaired  to  the  court  of  Henry  II. 
Acjuitaine.  Tlie  offer  to  hold  Leinster,  if 
iiv^iiry  would  reinstate  him,  as  an  English  tief, 
procured  Diarmaid  free  quarters  in  Bristol,  to 
which  he  speedily  returned,  and  letters  ))atent 
autliorizing  any  English  subject  to  as.sist  him. 
Diarmaid  published  these,  and  promised  large 
rewards  in  land  to  those  wlio  would  help  him  to 
win  buck  his  kingdom.  The  most  powerful  ally 
whom  Diarmaid's  offers  attracted  was  Uicliard 
dc  Clare,  surnumcd  Strongbow,  earl  of  Pem- 
broke, and  distant  cousin  to  the  king.  .  .  .  Three 
other  adventurers  were  enlisted.  Two  of  them, 
Robert  Fitz-Stephen  and  Maurice  Pitz-Gerald, 
were  sons,  by  different  fathers,  of  Nest,  a  Welsh 
princess;  the  third  was  ilaurice  de  Prcndcrgast. " 
In  Slay,  1169,  Fitz-Steplicn,  with  a  small  follow- 
ing, crossed  the  channel  and  captured  Wexford. 
Some  other  successes  soon  enabled  Diarmaid  to 


make  peace  with  his  enemies  and  recover  his 
kingdom,  even  before  Strongbow's  expedition 
had  left  Wales.  "  Diarmaid  was  reinstjited,  imil 
Englisli  subjects  had  no  authority  to  carry  on 
war  on  their  own  account  in  Irelanif.  Strongbow 
accordingly  went  to  Normandy,  and  asked  per- 
mission tojiush  the  advantages  gained.  Obtain- 
ing only  an  ambiguous  answer  from  the  king,  he 
determined  to  consider  it  in  his  favour,  and  went 
back  into  Wales  to  prepare  an  expeditl<m.  In 
>.'ay,  A.  I).  1170,  he  sent  over  Raymond  leOros, 
Fi'z-Btephen's  half  nephew,  as  his  precursor.  ' 
Raymond  defeated  the  Irish  with  great  slaughter, 
in  a  battle  near  Waterfortl,  and  savagely  mur- 
dered seventy  priscmcrs.  "In  August,  A.  D. 
1170,  Its  Strongbow  was  preparing  to  embark,  he 
received  an  explicit  order  from  the  king  not  to 
proceed,  Quietly  disregarding  it,  he  cro8.sed 
with  a  little  army  of  1,200  men,  out  of  whom  200 
were  kniglit«.  The  storm  of  Waterford  was  his 
first  exploit;  and  it  illustrates  the  Irish  archi- 
tecture of  the  times,  that  the  city  walls  were 
trenched  by  cutting  away  the  wooden  props  of  a 
house  that  was  built  into  them.  The  frightful 
carnage  of  the  storm  was  succeeded  by  the  earl's 
marriage  with  Eva  [daughter  of  King  Diarmaid], 
who  brought  a  kingdom  as  her  dower.  Then 
the  united  forces  marched  upon  Dublin."  The 
Danish  city  was  treacherously  stormed  in  the 
midst  of  a  negotiation,  and  "  the  i.ihabitants  ex- 
perienced the  worst  miseries  of  tlie  con{iiicre(l. 
Hasculf  [the  Danish  or  Norse  governor],  and 
Asgall,  king  of  the  Northmen,  esca]MKl  on  board 
some  small  vessels  to  their  countrymen  in  the 
Orkneys."  The  next  year  Hasculf  reappeared 
with  60  ships  from  the  Orkneys  and  Norway  and 
laid  siege  to  Dublin.  He  was  defeated,  taken 
prisoner  and  killed;  but  another  fleet  soon  ar- 
rived and  Dublin  was  again  under  siege.  Re- 
duced to  a  desperate  strait,  the  small  garrison 
sallied  and  routed  the  besiegers;  but  mean- 
time Strongbow  had  lost  ground  elsewhere 
and  Dublin  and  Waterford  were  the  only  pos- 
sessions he  retained.  The  anger  of  King  Henry 
at  his  disobedience  caused  many  of  his  fol- 
lowers to  desert  him,  and  he  soon  found  it 
necessary  to  make  peace  with  his  offended  sov- 
ereign. Crossing  over  to  England,  he  succeeded 
in  winning  the  royal  pardon,  and  Henry  returned 
to  Ireland  with  him,  to  assist  in  the  complet- 
ing of  the  conquest.  They  were  accompanied 
by  a  fleet  of  400  ships  and  some  4,000  men. 
The  appearance  of  the  king  was  followed  by  a 
general  submission  of  the  Irish  princes,  and  he 
made  a  royal  progress  to  Cashel,  where,  in  1173, 
il  syno<l  was  held  to  effect  the  Church  reforms 
which  were,  ostensibly,  the  chief  object  of  the 
conquest.  "The  court  held  at  Lismorc  to  es- 
tablish order  among  the  English  settlers  is  better 
evidence  than  any  synod  of  the  real  objects  of 
the  conquest.  The  country  was  partially  dis- 
tributed among  Norman  nobles;  but  as  the  Eng- 
lish conquest  of  Ireland,  more  rapid  than  tlie 
Norman  of  England,  had  been  effected  by  fewer 
men,  and  was  more  insecure,  the  changes  in  the 
property  and  laws  of  the  nation  were  propor- 
tionately smaller.  Mcatli,  as  the  appanage  of 
royalty,  of  course  accrued  to  the  English  crown, 
and  rtenry  assigned  the  whole  of  it  to  Hugh 
de  Lacy,  whom  lie  made  justiciary  of  the  realm 
and  governor  of  Dublin.  The  object  of  this 
enormous  grant,  no  doubt,  wos  to  balance 
Strongbow's  power.     The  families  of  Desmond, 


1758 


IRELANn,  1160-1175. 


('on<iut'nirii. 


IRELAND,  i:»-14Tn  CENT'S. 


Orinolid,  Hiid  Voriion  received  otlier  estates. 
But  till'  number  of  those  iiive.sted  was  small. 
.  .  .  Tlio  slifjlitiiess  of  tlu^  elmiiKe,  no  doutil, 
mniuly  contributeil  to  the  leadlneHS  with  wh'cli 
the  Bupremaey  of  the  KnuHsli  crown  was  ac- 
cepted. In  April,  A.  I).  117^,  Ilcnry  was  able 
to  return  to  Kiinland,  leaving  only  I'lstiT  behind 
him  nominally  unsulidued.  A  series  of  petty 
wars  between  Irish  chiefs  and  Norman  nobles 
soon  brolie  out.  The  precarious  nature  of  the 
English  dominion  became  nninifest;  and  ilcnry 
was  forced  to  publish  the  papnl  grant,  of  Ire- 
land, which  he  had  hitherto  suppressed.  At  last, 
in  A.  I).  1175,  l{<«lcri(;  O'CVmnor  [king  of  Con- 
naught,  and  previously  recognized  over-king  of 
Ireland]  made  a  treaty  with  the  English  crowi, , 
and  agreed  to  render  homage  and  submission, 
and  a  tribute  of  every  tenth  hide,  in  return  for 
royal  rights  in  his  own  kingdom  of  (^)nnaviglit. 
At  the  same  time,  the  limits  of  the  English  pale, 
as  it  was  afterwards  called,  were  detined.  This 
distrit't,  which  was  immediately  subject  to  the 
king  of  Englatid  and  his  barons,  comprised  Dub- 
lin with  its  appurtenances,  Meath,  Leinster,  and 
the  country  from  Waterford  to  Dungarvon.  .  .  . 
From  the  English  point  of  view,  the  kings  of 
England  were  henceforth  lords-paramount  of 
Ireland,  with  the  fee  of  the  soil  vested  in  them, 
and  all  Irish  princes  in  future  were  no  morctlian 
ten.'.nts-in-chief.  From  the  Irish  point  of  view, 
the  English  kings  were  nothing  more  than  mil- 
itary stizerains  in  the  districts  outside  the  pale." 
— C.  II.  Pearson,  Jlint.  of  Kiig.  during  the  Eiirly 
and  Middle  A'/ck,  r.  1,  c/i.  30. 

Also  in:  Mrs.  J.  U.  Green,  Ilcnri/ the  Second, 
ch.  8.— A.  G.  Richev,  Short  Hist,  of  the  Irish  Peo- 
ple, ch.  G-7.— VV.  A.  O'Conor,  Ilist.  of  the  Iriiih 
People,  hk.  2,  ch.  1-2.— T.  Jloore,  Hist,  of  Ireland, 
eh,  2(1-29. — F.  P.  Barnard,  ed.,  Stronylmw'ii  Con- 
giient  of  Ireland  :  From  Content jwrarii  Writers. 

I3th-i4th  Centuries.— Under  the  Anglo- 
Norman  conquerors. — "The  feudal  system  as 
established  in  Ireland  differed  in  important  re- 
spects from  that  existing  in  England.  It  is 
usual  for  Irish  writers  to  attribute  much  of  the 
sufferings  of  Ireland  to  the  misgovernment  of 
England  and  the  introduction  of  feudalism, 
whereas  most  of  these  evils  may  be  referre(l 
rather  to  English  nongovernment  and  to  the 
peculiar  anomalies  of  the  Irish  feudal  system. 
The  feudal  system  as  introduced  into  Ireland,  like 
most  other  mstitutions  imported  from  England, 
was  altered  in  such  a  manniT  as  to  retain  all  its 
evils,  and  lose  all  its  advant^iges.  The  Crown  in 
Ireland  possessed  no  power  of  controlling  its 
vassals.  ...  In  Ireland  there  were  no  manor  or 
valuable  estates  that  the  Crown  coidd  appro- 
priate—  the  entire  country  liad  to  be  conquered; 
and  as  the  Crown  did  not  assist  in  the  conquest, 
it  received  no  part  of  the  spoils.  Thus  we  find 
the  Crown  had  absolutelj-  no  demesnes  of  its 
own,  and,  being  deprived  of  any  military  force 
of  its  own,  it  had  to  rely  upon  such  of  the  great 
feudal  vassals  as  miglit  remain  loyal  for  the  pur- 
pose of  crushing  those  who  might  be  in  rebellion. 
T'le  inevitable  result  of  this  policy  was  to  kindle 
a  civil  war  and  excite  personal  feuds  in  the  at- 
tempt to  maintain  order.  .  .  .  We  have  thus  a 
feudal  system,  in  which  the  Crown  is  powerless 
to  fulfil  its  duties,  yet  active  in  preventing  the 
greater  nobles  from  exercising  that  influence 
■whicli  might  have  secured  a  icasonable  degree 
of  order.     The  whole  energy  of  the  nobles  was 


turned  away  from  goviTiiment  to  war;  ami  lest 
they  should  become  local  potentates,  they  were 
allowed  to  degenerate  into  local  tyrants.  Hut 
what,  meanwhile,  had  become  of  the  Irish  na- 
tion? As  the  feudal  system  ignored  their  exis- 
tence, we  have  permitted  them  to  fall  out  of  our 
view;  but  thev  still  existed,  and  still  were  politi 
(idly  indepenilent.  The  invadi'is  had  occupieil 
the  flat  country,  suitable  for  the  operation  of 
their  forces,  and  the  original  iidiabitants  had  re- 
tired into  either  the  mountainous  districts,  im- 
passable to  cavalry,  or  into  districts  protected  by 
the  bogs,  and  ditllcult  of  access;  naj',  even  in 
some  parts  of  the  island,  where  the  Normans 
were  not  in  force,  they  had  re-occupied  large 
portions  of  the  ojien  cotmtry.  They  did  not 
retire  as  disorgani.sed  fugitives,  but  the  tribes 
retreated,  keeping  their  social  organisation  im- 
broken;  and,  although  removed  from  theirorigi- 
nal  habitutiims,  still  preserved  their  social  iden- 
tity. The  remarkable  jjoint  in  the  conipicst  was, 
that  the  Celtic  popidation  wi>s  not  driven  back 
upon  any  one  portion  of  the  ..ingdom,  but  re- 
mained an  it  was,  interpolated  among  the  new- 
arrivals.  .  .  .  The  Celtic  population  possessed 
no  detinite  legal  position,  tilled  no  ])lace  in  the 
feudal  hierarchy,  and  was  in  the  eyes  of  the 
English  Government  hostile  and  alien;  the  only 
excepti(m  to  this  was  the  case  of  the  O'Briens, 
who,  though  not  actually  feudal  vassals,  had 
tlieir  estJites  secured  by  a  charter,  and  five  Irish 
families,  through  some  unknown  rea.son,  were  con- 
sidered as  the  king's  men  and  entitled  to  his  pro- 
tection ;  these  were  known  as  the  live  bloods,  who 
enjoyed  the  law  of  England  to  the  extent  of  the 
privilege  to  sue  in  the  king's  courts,  viz.,  O'Neill, 
O'.AIolaghlin,  O'Connor,  O'l'rien,  and  M'.Mur- 
rough.  .  .  .  The  Irish  in  Ireland  were  treated 
by  the  king's  courts  in  Ireland  as  an  alien  and 
hostile  nation;  an  Irishn.au  out  of  the  king's 
peace  could  not  bring  an  action  against  an  Kng- 
iishinan.  .  .  .  But,  though  legally  ignored,  the 
Irish  tribes  could  not  be  politically  clisregarded. 
The  English  Government  used  their  assistance  to 
repress  the  rebellions  of  insurgent  vassals.  .  .  . 
They  were  called  on  to  furnish  assistance  to 
the  English  armies,  and  on  many  occasions  we 
tind  their  chiefs  summoned  by  writ  of  Parlia- 
ment, as  if  feudal  vassals;  but  the  mode  in  which 
tliey  were  treated  depended  upon  the  immediate 
objects  and  want  of  the  English  Government, 
and  the  general  course  of  conduct  pursued  to- 
wards them  was  such  as  has  been  previously 
slated.  .  .  .  We  tlius  find  the  English  and  Irish 
races  hopelessly  at  variance,  and  it  would  seem 
that  one  or  other  must  have  been  crushed  out  in 
the  contest;  but  such  was  not  the  result;  they 
1-oth  survived,  an<l,  contrary  to  reasonable  ex- 
pectations, the  Irish  exhibited  the  greater  vital- 
ity. The  expulsion  of  tlie  Englisli  colony  was 
an  eHort  beyond  the  power  of  the  disunited  Irish 
tribes;  for  in  the  darkest  hours  of  the  English 
settlement  the  power  of  England  was  ready,  by 
some  sudden  effort,  to  reassert  the  English 
supremacy.  But  why  did  the  Anglo-Normans 
w-holly  fail  to  subdue  the  Irish'?  ...  1.  The 
large  extent  comprised  in  tlie  grants  made  to 
the  first  colonists  led  to  a  dispersion  of  the  Nor- 
man nobles  over  the  more  fertile  portions  of  the 
country.  The  English  colony  never  formed  one 
compact  body  capable  of  conbined  action.  .  .  . 
2.  Tlie  military  equipment  of  the  Normans,  and 
their  mode  of  carrying  on  war,  rendered  their 


1759 


IRELAND,  IS-UTH  CENTS 


n inter  Ihr 
C'tnrpu*rnr». 


IRELAND,  1887-1367. 


forroa  wholly  liicfllrlcnt,  wljcii,  Iciiviiij,'  llic  Ital 
<iiuntry,  tlit^y  uttcniiilc'l  to  pcnclriiti'  IIk!  fiiMt- 
lU'HNcsof  tlii'Miilivc  irllii's.  ...:).  From  tlio  lib- 
wiicc  of  any  (ciitnil  Kovcriimcnl,  civil  wiirs  con- 
tlniially  arose  lii'twccn  the  several  Norman  IohIh; 
tiiiis  the  military  jiower  of  the  colonists  was 
frittered  away  in  ilisseiisioiiH.  .  .  .  -t.  The  Kii;;- 
HhIi  Oovernmeiit  contiiiiiallv  called  upon  the 
Irish  lijirons  for  aids  and  military  service,  to  be 
finnloyed  in  wars  clsewhcnj  tliaii  in  Ireland,  .  .  . 
5.  Slaiiy  of  th<'  eslatis  of  the  Norman  nobles 
dcsceiKied  to  hein'sses  who  married  KiiKlislimeii 
nircady  possessing  estates  in  Kn<;land:  hence 
arose  absentei'isin.  .  .  .  (t.  Kven  the  lords  who 
resided  constantly  upon  their  Irish  estates  pra<l- 
inilly  lost  their  Norman  habits,  and  tended  to 
assimilate  tliemsclves  to  the  manners,  and  to 
adopt  the  lan^iage,  of  the  Irish." — A.  O.  Uieliey, 
.S/ioit  Ilift.  .  f  the  IrUh  Peojile,  ch.  8, 

Also  in:  I'.  \V.  .loyie.  Short  Hist,  of  Ireland, 
;;/.!(.— See.  also,  I'ai.atink,  Till:  liiisii  C'ouNTir.s; 
and  (Jkh.m.dinks, 

The  Celticizing;  of  the  Anglo-Norman  con- 
querors.— "  Prior  to  experience,  it  would  have 
been  e(pially  reasonable  to  expect  that  tlie 
modern  Knglisliinan  woidd  adopt  the  habits  of 
tlic  Hindoo  or  the  Mohican,  as  that  the  (lory 
kni)i;hts  of  Normandy  would  have  stooped  to 
imitate  a  race  whom  they  despised  as  slaves; 
that  they  would  have  tluns  awaj'  their  very 
kni.ulitly  names  to  assume  n  barbarous  ecjuivalent 
[the  1)(!  IJurghs  became  Hourkes  or  Burkes,  the 
M'Swecnies  had  been  Veres  in  Englaiiil,  and  the 
Muu.stcr  Gcrnldines  merged  their  family  name 
ill  that  of  Desmond. — Foot-noteJ;  and  would  .so 
utterly  liave  cast  aside  the  commanding  features 
of  their  Northern  extraction,  that  their  children's 
children  could  be  distinguished  neither  in  soul 
nor  body,  neither  in  look,  in  dress,  in  language, 
nor  in  disposition,  from  the  Celts  whom  they  had 
subdued.  Such,  however,  was  the  extraordi- 
nary fact.  The  Irish  who  had  been  conquered 
in  the  field  revenged  their  defeat  on  the  minds 
and  hearts  of  their  conquerors;  and  in  yielding, 
yielded  only  to  fling  over  their  new  masters  the 
subtle  spell  of  the  Celtic  disposition.  In  vain 
the  government  attempted  to  stem  the  evil. 
Statute  was  paased  after  statute  forbidding  the 
'  Englishry '  of  Ireland  to  use  the  Irish  language, 
or  intermarry  with  Irish  families,  or  copy  Irish 
habits.  Penalties  were  multiplied  on  penalties ; 
fines,  forfeitures,  and  at  last  death  itself,  were 
threatened  for  such  offences.  But  all  in  vain. 
The  stealthy  evil  crept  on  irresistibly.  Fresh 
colonists  were  sent  over  to  restore  the  system, 
but  only  for  themselves  or  their  children  to 
be  8wci)t  into  the  stream;  and  from  the 
century  whicli  succeeded  the  Conquest  till  the 
reign  of  the  eighth  Henry,  the  strange  phe- 
nomenon repeated  itself,  generation  after  genera- 
tion, bafiling  the  wisdom  of  statesmen,  and 
paralysing  every  effort  at  a  remedy."  —  J.  A. 
Froude,  llhtory  of  Eiu/land,  ch.  8  (».  2). 

A.  D.  1314-1318. — Edward  Bruce's  invasion. 
— The  crushing  defeat  of  the  English  by  the; 
Scotch  at  Bannockburn  (1314)  rekindled  a  spirit 
o'  rebellion  in  Ireland,  and  the  discontented 
clnefs  made  liaste  to  solicit  aid  from  Scotland, 
offering  the  sovereignty  of  their  island  to  Edwarc' 
Bruce,  brother  of  king" Robert,  if  he  would  come 
to  their  help  and  conquer  it.  "By  consent  of 
king  Robert,  who  was  pleased  to  make  a  diver- 
sion against  Eughmd  upon  a  vulnerable  point. 


and  not,  perhaps,  sorry  to  be  rid  of  a  restless 
spirit,  wliich  became  impatient  in  the  lack  of 
employment,  Edward  invaded  Ireland  at  the 
hemi  of  a  force  of  0, 0(1(1  Scots.  He  fought  nniny 
battles,  and  gaiiieil  them  all.  H(^  became  master 
of  the  province  of  Ulster,  and  was  soleimilv 
crowned  king  of  Ireland:  l)iit  found  liimseff 
amid  Ins  Huece.sses  obliged  to  intreat  the  assis- 
tanc(!  of  king  Hobert  with  fresh  supplies;  for 
tlie  impetuous  Edward,  who  never  si)arc(l  his 
own  person,  was  etiually  reckless  of  exposing  his 
followers;  and  Ids  successes  were  misfortunes, 
in  so  far  as  tliey  wastcil  the  brave  men  with 
wliosc  lives  they  were  purchased.  Hobert  Hriice 
led  supplies  to  Ids  brother's  assistance,  with  an 
iirmy  which  enabled  him  to  overrun  Ireland,  but 
witiiout  gaining  any  permanent  advantage.  He 
tlireatciicd  Didilin,  and  penetnited  as  far  as 
Limerick  in  tlie  west,  but  was  compelled,  by 
scarcity  of  provisions,  to  retire  again  into  I'lster, 
in  tlie  spring  of  i;)17.  He  shortly  after  rc'turned 
to  Scotland,  leiiving  a  part  of  his  troops  with 
Ivhvard,  though  probably  convinced  tliat  Ids 
brother  was  engaged  in  a  desperate  and  fruitless 
enterpri.se.  .  .  .  After  his  brother's  departure, 
Edward's  career  of  ambition  was  closed  at  the 
battle  of  Dimdalk,  where,  (October  fith.  VMH, 
fortune  at  length  failed  a  warrior  who  had  tried 
her  patience  by  so  many  hazards.  On  that  fatal 
day  he  encountered,  against  the!  advice  of  his 
otlleers,  an  Anglo-Irish  army  ten  times  more 
numerous  than  his  own.  A  strong  champion 
among  tjie  English,  named  J(din  IMaupas,  sin- 
gling out  the  jierson  of  Edward,  slew  him,  and 
received  deatli  at  his  hands.  ...  A  general 
otlicer  of  the  Scots,  called  John  Thomson,  led 
back  the  remnant  of  the  Scottish  force  to  their 
own  country.  And  thus  ended  the  Scottish  in- 
vasion of  Ireland,  with  the  loss  of  many  brav(! 
soldier.s." — Sir  AV.  Scott,  Hist,  of  Scotlatul,  ch.  11 

("•  !)■ 

Also  in  :  T.  Moore,  Hint,  tflrclund,  v.  3,  ch.  30. 

A.  D.  1327-1367. — Oppressions  of  the  reign 
of  Edward  III. — "Of  all  the  legislative  meas- 
ures of  this  period  the  most  notable  was  the 
Statute  of  Kilkenny,  passed  at  a  Parliament 
held  in  that  town,  in  the  last  year  of  the  decade, 
in  the  Lent  session  of  1307.  This  '  famous,  or 
infamous,' enactment  gathered  up  into  one,  and 
recapitulated  with  additional  aggravations  and 
Insults,  all  the  former  oppressive,  exasperating, 
and  iniquitous  ordinances  by  which  English 
legislation  for  Ireland  \v  d  hitherto  been  dis- 
graced. .  .  .  Among  the  earliest  measures  passed 
in  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  was  a  statute  directed 
against  absenteeism,  obliging  al".  Englishmen 
who  were  Irish  proprietors  eitlier  to  reside  on 
their  estates  or  to  provide  soldiers  to  defend 
them.  But  this  enactment  was  unproductive  of 
good  results.  Tlie  O'Neills  drove  the  colonists 
out  of  the  'liberty  of  Ulster,'  and  the  English 
De  Burghs,  so  far  from  helping  to  uphold  Eng- 
lish a.scendeiicy,  appropriated  to  themselves  the 
entire  lordship  of  Connaught,  made  common 
cause  with  the  native  tribes,  and  adopting  tlieir 
dress,  language,  and  customs,  became  '  Uibernis 
ipsis  Iliberuiores,' threw  off  their  allegiance  to 
King  Edward,  and  bade  defiance  to  the  King's  au- 
thority. Thus  it  came  to  pass  that  before  many 
years  of  this  reign  had  elapsed  more  than  a  third 
part  of  the  territories  of  the  Pale  was  again  in 
the  Iiands  of  its  original  possessors.  .  .  .  Ed- 
ward III.  inherited  the  bnimous  and  iniquitous 


1760 


IRELAND.  1397-1867. 


IHif/llillfjn'  IjlU'tl. 
Thf  KntiUth  I'nlr. 


IREuANl),  1518. 


trndiliuiiH  of  Kn^liHli  rule  in  Ircliuiil,  but  li<>  Itn 

f)nivi'<l  upon  llit'iii.  Ilr  ordered  all  Ills  olllcerH 
II  Unit  ((iiintry  wlio  liiid  Irish  esliiles  to  lie  re- 
moved mid  K<ve  idiiee  to  Kn);llsliineii  \\\\\\  no 
Irish  ties.  He  next,  decliireil  void  every  (rnint  of 
Inml  ill  Iroliuid  siiiee  the  time  of  Kdwiird  II.,  mid 
niiide  new  grants  of  the  lands  thus  reeoven'd 
to  the  Crown.  The  tendency  of  this  monstrous 
measure  was  to  ereale  two  more  untaKonlstie 
jmrties  in  Ireland,  destined  hy  their  hitter  dis- 
sensions to  liriii);  about  the  result  that  ere  long 
'nil  the  King'.s  land  in  Ireland  was  on  the  point 
of  passing  away  from  the  Crown  of  Knglund,' — 
viz.,  the  '  Kngli.sh  liy  blood,' as  the  establislied 
settlers  were  ealled,  anil  the  '  Knglish  by  birth,' 
or  new  grantees.  Some  of  tlu;  eliief  of  the  for- 
mer, in  desjiair  of  a  career,  or  even  of  a  iiiiiet 
life,  at  home,  were  about  to  bid  good-bye  to 
Ireland  and  seek  their  fortunes  elsewhere,  when 
they  were  arrested  by  n  proelaination  making  it 
penal  for  any  Knglish  subject  capable  of  bearing 
arms  to  leave  the  eoiintry.  .  .  .  The  '  Knglisii  by 
blood'  became  more  and  more  intiinately  con- 
nected and  identified  witli  the  native  Irisli,  and 
the  'Knglish  Jiy  birth'  became  more  and  more 
powerless  to  maintain  the  Knglish  ascendency ; 
till  at  last,  ill  titOl,  the  King  determined  on 
sending  over  a  viceroj-  of  the  blood  royul,  and 
appointed  to  the  post  his  son  Lionel,  croiited 
shortly  afterwards  Duke  of  Clarence,  whom  lie 
had  married  to  Kli/abeth  de  Burgh,  (hiughter 
and  representative  of  the  last  Karl  of  Ulster. 
Hut  though  Prince  Lionel,  on  his  arrival,  took 
tile  precaution  of  forbidding  any  man  born  in 
Ireland  to  approach  his  camp,  his  position  soon 
became  .so  critical  that  the  King  issued  writs 
commanding  all  the  itbsentec  Irish  lords  to  hasten 
to  Ireland  to  the  assistance  of  the  Prince,  '  for 
that  his  very  dear  son  and  his  companions  in 
Ireland  were  in  imminent  peril.'  The  next  step 
WHS  the  passing  of  the  Stntiito  of  Kilkenny.  It 
re-enacted  the  priihibition  of  marriage  and  foster- 
nursing,  rendered  obligatory  the  adoption  of  the 
English  language  and  customs,  forbade  the  na- 
tional games  of  '  liurlings  and  quoitings, '  and  the 
use  of  the  ancient  Gaelic  code  called  the  Senclius 
Mor;  a  code  by  which  the  native  brelions,  or 
judges,  of  the  Irish  septs  had  decided  causes 
among  them  since  the  time  of  the  conversion  of 
the  race  to  Christianity  in  the  fifth  century."  — 
W.  Warburton,  Edward  III.,  4th  decade,  eh.  3. 

Also  in:  W.  Longman,  Life  ami  Timen  of  Ed- 
inard  III.,  v.  3,  ch.  1.  — T.  Leland,  Hist,  of  Ire- 
land.  I)k.  2,  ch.  4-5  (p.  1). 

A.  D.  1494. — Poynings'  Laws. —  During  the 
Wars  of  the  Ho.ses,  "  if  Ireland  had  any  prefer- 
ence for  either  of  the  great  contciuling  parties  in 
England,  it  was  .  .  .  for  the  Hou.se  of  York; 
ancifrom  this  cause  chiefly  sprang  the  chpnge  of 
Henry  VII. 's  mode  of  governing  the  dependency 
which  on  ascending  the  throne  he  had  found  all 
but  severed  from  his  dominions.  At  first  he  had 
thought  it  best  to  employ  the  native  nobility  for 
this  purpose,  and  had  chosen  for  Deputy  the  Earl 
of  Kildare  —  setting  him,  as  the  story  ran,  to  rule 
all  Ireland,  because  all  Ireland  could  not  rule 
him.  AVhen,  however,  he  had  time  to  reflect  on 
the  dangers  springing  from  the  Iri.sh  support  of 
Siinnel  and  Warbeck,  from  which  he  and  his 
dynasty  had  escaped  so  narrowly,  he  perceived 
the  necessity  of  bringing  the  country  under  u 
more  regular  governmcut.  Accordingly  he  sent 
over  In  1494  (at  the  time  when  Warbeck  was  pre- 


i):iring  for  his  dcs<'ciit  on  Kiigland)  8I1  Kdward 
I'oynings  as  Lord  Deputy,  a  statesman  and  com 
maiidcr  Will  experienccil  In  the  most  important 
iilTaIrs  of  Ihetinii'." — C.  K.  MolH'rIy,  The  Karl;, 
'I'lidiirA,  ch.  (I. —  After  .Mune  military  operations, 
which  li(^  found  to  Ih'  be.set  with  treachericH  and 
dilllciilties,  the  new  >,ord  Deputy  hi  Id  a  Parlla 
meiit  at  Droglieda  —  ■•pi'rlia])S  the  most  memo 
ruble  that  was  ever  held  in  Ireland,  as  certainly 
no  other  Parliament  in  that  couiilry  made  laws 
which  endured  so  long  as  two  which  were  then 
enacted,  iinil  were  known  for  centuries  after 
wards  iis  the  'I'oynings  Acts.'  Hy  the  first  of 
these  it  was  ordained  that  no  Parliament  should 
be  held  in  Ireland  in  future  until  th  '  king's 
Council  in  Kngland  had  approved  no*  only  of  its 
being  summoned,  but  also  of  the  Acts  which  the 
Lieutenant  and  Council  of  Ireland  proposed  to 
Jiass  in  it.  Hy  the  second  the  laws  enacted  be 
fore  that  time  in  Kngland  weri!  extended  to 
Ireland  also.  Thus  tlii^  Irish  li'gislature  was 
muile  entirely  dependent  upon  Kngland.  The 
Irish  I'arlianiint  had  no  ])ower  to  originate  any- 
thing, but  was  only  free  to  accept  or  (iflhcy 
were  very  bold)  to  reject  measures  drawn  up  by 
ili(!  Irish  Couii'il  and  approved  already  by  the 
king  and  his  Council  in  Kngland  before  they 
were  submitted  to  dis('iis.sion.  Little  as  this 
looks  like  parliamentary  government,  such  was 
tl  tate  of  subjection  in  wliieh  the  Irish  Parlia- 
nii.  t  remained  by  virtue  of  this  law  for  nearly 
three  centuries  later.  Almost  the  whole  time, 
that  is  to  suy,  that  Ireland  liatl  a  .separate  Parlia- 
ment at  all  It  remained  in  this  manner  restricted 
in  its  action  by  the  legislation  of  Sir  Kdward 
Poyiiings.  ...  It  should  be  remeinberiHl,  how- 
ever, that  Henry  VII.  merely  sought  to  do  in 
Ireland  what  there  is  every  reason  to  suppose  he 
practically  did  in  Kngland.  Legislation  was  not 
at  this  time  considered  to  bo  the  chief  busi- 
ness of  a  Parliament." — J.  Guirduer,  Jleiir//  the 
Sireiith,  ch.  H. 

Also  in:  1{.  Bagwell,  Ireland  Under  the  Tiidom, 
ch.  8.— W.  A.  O'Conor,  Jlist.  of  the  IrinU  People, 
hk.  2,  ch.  4,  Mct.  7.— II.  Ilallam,  Con*t.  Hint,  of 
Kiir/.,  ch.  18  (i\  3). 

A.  D.  1515. —  The  English  Pale  and  the 
Clans  and  Chiefs  beyond  it. — "The  events  on 
which  wc  are  about  to  enter  require  for  their 
understanding  a  sketch  of  the  position  of  the  va- 
rious chiefs,  as  t'ley  were  at  tliis  tipie  scattered 
over  the  island.  'The  English  pale,  originally 
comprising  '  the  four  shires, '  as  they  were  called, 
of  Dublin,  KiWare,  Meatli,  and  Uriel  or  Louth, 
had  heeu  sliorr.  down  to  half  its  old  dimensions. 
The  line  extended  from  Dundalk  toArdce;  from 
Ardee  by  Castletown  to  Kells ;  thence  through 
Atliboy  and  Trim  to  the  Castle  of  Maynootli; 
from  >Iaynootli  it  crossed  to  Chiine  upon  the 
LilTey,  and  then  followed  up  the  line  of  the  river 
to  Ballimore  Eustace,  from  which  place  it  skirted 
back  at  the  rear  of  the  Wicklow  and  Dublin 
mountains  to  the  forts  at  Dalkey,  seven  miles 
south  of  Dublin.  This  narrow  strip  alone,  some 
fifty  miles  long  and  twenty  broad,  was  in  any 
sense  English.  Beyond  the  bordei*  the  common 
law  of  England  was  of  no  authority;  the  Ring's 
writ  was  but  a  strip  of  parclinuiit;  and  the 
country  was  parcelled  among  a  multitude  of  in- 
dependent chiefs,  who  acknowledged  no  sov- 
ereignty but  that  of  strength,  who  levied  tribute 
on  the  iuliabitants  of  the  pale  as  a  reward  for 
a  uomiaal  protection  of  their  rights,  und  us  a, 

1761 


IHELAND,  IBIB. 


Kttimqurtt, 


IRELANn,  l/m-IBfifl. 


('<im|K'nHali<iii  fnr  itlmlJiiniiiK  from  the  pliuiiliTcif 
llii'ir  fiiniiH.  .  .  .  Tlii'Ki'  I'liirrx,  willi  their  ilr- 
IX'iiili'iit  cliiiiM,  wurc  (liHtril)ilt('il  over  llif  fmir 
prcivlnccH  in  tlir  follnwiiijf  onlcr.  'I'lic  OiTiii- 
(lini-H,  iliit  iiioHt  piiwiTfiil  of  till'  ri'iniiiiiiiiK  Nor- 
iiiiinH,  wire  iliviiinl  Into  two  liianilirH.  Tlic 
(!rnilil!nrH  ff  tin-  hoiitli,  uiiiliT  tlir  KiirlH  of  Pi'H 
Mionil.  Iirlil  I.inirriik,  Cork,  iiiiil  Krrr}';  tlie 
(li'nildini'H  of  I.i'instir  lay  alonf;  tin-  frontiiTM  of 
till-  Kni;lisli  imic;  and  tlin  licails  of  tlic  lioiisi-, 
till'  ICarlH  of  kililiiri',  wi'i'i!  thu  friiilal  MiiprrlorH 
of  till'  firialrr  portion  of  tin-  Kn^lisii  roinitlcH. 
To  till'  llullrrH,  Karls  of  Orinoml  anil  ()Knory, 
lirloiiKiil  Ivilkriinv,  Curlow,  anil  Tipiicrary. 
Till-  HrHnrjfh.H,  or  llmirkiH,  iis  tlii'v  calli'il  llii'in- 
wlvcs,  wiTi'  Hciitlrrril  oviT Oalwiiy,  KoHroiiiinon, 
itiiil  tlic  Noiitli  of  Sli^'o,  ociMipyiii);  tlui  liroitil 
plainit  which  lie  U'twicn  tlic  Hliaimon  anil  tin; 
inoiintiiiim  of  ('onnrniara  anil  .Miiyo.  TIiIh  was 
till!  rclativu  poHition  into  which  tlicHC  cIiuih  hail 
Ncttli'il  at  the  ('oni|iii'Nt,  anil  it  hail  lu'cn  iiiain- 
tuini'il  with  littlu  variation.  The  north,  which 
liail  fallen  to  the  Laciesanil  tliu  I)c  Courcics,  hail 
iK'cn  wholly  recovi  red  hy  the  IriHli,  The  I^tcies 
liad  lieeiiine  extinct.  The  De  CoiircicH,  once 
Karlsof  I'ister,  had  niijjrated  to  the  south,  and 
were  reduced  to  the  petty  (ief  of  Kiii.sale,  which 
they  held  iinih  r  the  f)esmonds.  The  (Vltic 
chieftains  had  returned  from  the  niountainH  to 
which  they  hud  l«'en  driven,  brinffin^r  hack  with 
them,  more  inteiiNcly  than  ever,  the  Irish  lialiits 
aud  traditions.  .  .  .  The  O'Neils  and  O'Donnells 
had  spread  down  over  Ulster  to  the  frontiers  of 
the  pale.  The  O'Connors  and  O'Ciirrolls  had  n;- 
crosscd  the  Shannon  and  pushed  forwanls  into 
Kildare;  the  O'Connor  Don  was  eslahlishcil  in  a 
castlo  near  I'orturlington,  said  to  he  one  ol  lie 
strongest  in  Ireland;  and  the  ()'(,'arrolls  had 
seized  Leap,  an  ancient  Danisli  fortress,  sur- 
rounded l)y  boi;  and  forest,  a  few  miles  from 
I'arsonstown.  O'Hrien  of  Inchiqiiin,  Prince  — 
as  he  styled  '"Irnself  —  of  Thomond,  no  longer 
contented  with  his  principality  of  Clare,  had 
tlirown  n  bridge  across  the  Hlmnnon  tlve  miles 
above  Limerick,  and  was  thus  enabled  to  enter 
Munster  nt  his  pleasure  and  spread  his  authori- 
ty towards  the  south;  while  the  M'Carties  and 
O'Sullivans,  in  Cork  and  Kerry,  were  only  not 
dangerous  to  the  Earls  of  Desmond,  because  the 
Desnmnds  were  more  Irish  tlian  themselves,  and 
were  accepted  as  their  natural  chiefs.  In  Tip- 
perarv  and  Kilkenny  only  the  Celtic  reaction 
was  held  in  check.  The  Earls  of  OrmomI,  al- 
though they  were  obliged  tliemselves  to  live  as 
Irish  chieftains,  and  to  govern  by  the  Irish  law, 
yet  .  .  .  remained  true  to  their  allegiance,  and 
maintained  the  English  authority  as  far  as  their 
power  e.\tended.  .  .  .  Wexfonl,  Wicklow,  and 
the  mountains  of  Dublin,  were  occupied  by  the 
Highland  tribes  of  (>'Bryne  and  O'Toole,  who, 
in  their  wild  glens  and  dangerous  gorges,  ,.  leil 
attempts  to  conquer  them,  and  who  were  able,  at 
all  times,  issuing  down  out  of  the  passes  of  the 
hills,  to  cut  olT  communication  with  the  pale. 
Thus  the  Butlers  had  no  means  of  reaching  Dub- 
lin except  through  the  county  of  Kildarc,  the 
homo  of  tncir  hereditary  rivals  and  foes.  This 
is  a  general  account  of  the  situation  of  the  va- 
rious parties  in  Ireland  at  the  beginning  of  tlie 
10th  century.  I  have  spoken  only  of  the  leading 
families.  .  .  .  'There  bo  sixty  counties,  called 
regions,  in  Ireland,'  says  the  report  of  1515,  '  in- 
habited with  the  king's  Irish  enemies.'"— J.  A. 


Kroude,   llinl.  of  Hut/.,  (•/(.  8  (c  12).  —  Hon,  n1«n, 
1'ai.k,  Thk  Eniii.inii. 

A.  D.  1S35-I553.— The  reconquett  under 
Henry  VIII.  and  the  fall  of  the  Geraldinet.— 
The  political  pacification  and  the  religious 
alienation.- "'I'd  Henry  VIII.  the  policy  whiih 
had  been  pursued  by  hl.-i  father  was  utterly  hate- 
ful. III.H  purpose  was  to  rule  in  Ireland  as 
thoi  >ughly  iinil  elTect'vely  as  he  ruled  in  Eng- 
land. .  .  .  The  Oeraldini'M,  who  had  been  suf- 
fered under  the  preeeding  reign  to  govern  Ire- 
land in  the  name  of  the  Crown,  were  qiiiek  to 
ilLseover  that  the  Crown  would  no  longer  stoop 
to  be  their  tool.  They  resolved  to  frighten  Eng- 
land again  itito  a  eonviclion  of  its  lielpleHsness; 
and  the  rising  of  Lord  Thomas  Fit/.gerald  fol- 
lowed the  usual  fashion  of  Irish  revolts.  A 
murder  of  the  Archbisliop  of  Dublin,  a  capturu 
of  the  city,  u  renulse  before  its  castle,  a  harrying 
of  the  I'ale,  enited  In  a  sudden  disappearance  <>f 
the  rebels  among  the  bogs  and  forests  of  tho 
border  on  the  advance  of  the  English  forces.  .  .  . 
Ihiliiekily  for  the  (Ji'rahlines,  Henry  had  re- 
solved to  take  Ireland  seriously  in  hand,  and  ho 
had  Cromwell  [Sir  Thomas|  to  execute  his  will. 
Skelllngton,  the  new  Lord  Deputy,  brought  with 
him  a  train  of  artillery,  whieli  worked  a  startling 
change  in  tlie  political  aspect  of  the  island.  Tho 
castles  which  had  hitherto  KJieltered  rel)cllion 
were  battered  into  ruins.  .  .  .  \ot  only  was  tho 
power  of  the  great  Norman  house  which  had 
towered  over  Ireland  titterly  broken,  but  only  a 
single  boy  was  left  to  preserve  its  name.  With 
the  full  of  the  Geraldlnes  Ireland  felt  Itself  in  a 
master's  grasp.  ...  In  seven  years,  partly 
through  the  vigour  of  Hkelllngton's  successor, 
Lord  Leonard  Grey,  and  still  more  through  tho 
resolute  will  of  Henry  and  (Cromwell,  the  power 
of  the  (,'rowii,  which  had  been  limited  to  tho 
walls  of  Dulilin,  was  acknowledged  over  tho 
length  and  breadth  of  Ireland.  .  .  .  (Jhieftain 
after  chieftain  was  won  over  to  the  aeceiHanco 
of  the  indenture  which  guaranteed  him  in  tho 
possession  of  his  lands,  and  left  his  authority 
over  his  tribesmen  untouched,  on  conditions  of 
a  pledge  of  loyalty,  of  abstinence  from  illegal 
wars  and  exactions  on  his  fellow  subjects,  and  of 
rendering  a  tlxed  tribute  and  .service  in  wartime 
to  the  Crown.  .  .  .  [This]  firm  and  conciliatory 
liolicy  must  in  the  end  have  won,  but  for  tho 
fatal  blunder  which  plunged  Ireland  into  re- 
ligious strife  at  the  moment  when  her  civil  strifo 
seemed  about  to  come  to  an  end.  .  .  .  In  Ireland 
the  spirit  of  tbe  Keformation  never  exi.sted  amonjf 
the  people  at  all.  They  accepted  the  legislativo 
measures  passed  in  the  English  Parliament  with- 
otit  any  dream  of  theological  consequences,  or  of 
any  change  in  the  doctrine  or  ceremonies  of  tho 
Church.  .  .  .  The  inis-siou  of  Archbishop  Browne 
'  for  the  nlucking-down  of  idols  and  extinguish- 
ing of  idolatry '  was  the  first  step  in  the  long 
effort  of  the  Englisli  Government  to  force  a  newr 
faith  on  a  people  who  to  a  man  clung  passion- 
ately to  their  old  religion.  Browne's  attempts 
at  "tuning  the  pulpits'  were  met  by  a  sullen 
and  signiticsint  opposition.  .  .  .  Protestantism 
had  failed  to  wrest  a  single  Irishman  from  his 
older  convictions,  but  it  succeeded  in  uniting  all 
Ireland  against  the  Crown.  .  .  .  The  population 
within  the  Pale  and  without  it  became  one,  '  not 
as  the  Irish  nation,'  it  has  been  acutely  said, 
'but  as  Catholics.'  A  new  sense  of  national 
Identity  was  found  in  the  identity  of  religion." 


1762 


IRELAND.  l(W5-I(WH. 


lleraldlne: 


lUELANi),  i.wo-iaoa. 


—J.  H.  nroon,  Shnil  IlUt.  of  the  Kng.  /V/.y)/.',  .A, 
7,  Heft.  H. 

Al.HO  IN:  It.  nngwoll,  fnlniiil  I'liilrr  l/iti 
Tiidom.  »,  I,  r/i.  0-15— M.  Iliivirly,  l/ii>t  <>f  liy 
hiiiil,  ch.  110, 

A.  D.  iS59-i6or  —  The  wars  of  Shane 
O'Neil  and  Hugh  O'Neil,  Earls  of  Tyrone.— 
The  League  of  the  Geraldines  and  the  Ulster 
Confederacy.  — "  The  UcfornrntiDii  Im'KHii  iiihUt 
Henry  V'lll.  witH  ciirrieil  out  with  |iltih'HH  tie- 
ternihiiitlon  iinilcr  Kilwanl  VI.,  iiiiil  was  met  hy 
tho  ('ittholicH  with  iinlllMcliitiK  oppiwltioii.  I'm- 
(Icr  Miiry  then!  wiis  it  period  of  reHpile,  Imt  tlm 
strife  wiiH  rem' wed  with  j^renter  llereeness  in  the 
Hiirceedin);  rei^n.  Ah  mitheiitie  IriHh  hlNtory  l)e- 
Kins  with  St.  i>utrl(  k,  ho  with  Kii/.iilieth  nioilern 
Irish  history  iiiiiy  lie  siiid  to  begin.  .  .  At  her 
uecosslon,  Kilzabelli  wiks  too  inueh  oeciipied 
with  foreign  (.'oinplli'iitions  to  piiy  niiieli  heed  to 
Ireland.  Troiibh!  (Irst  be({iui  in  ti  eontllct  be- 
tween the  feudal  laws  and  the  old  Irisli  law  of 
Taidstry.  (^)n  O'Neil,  Earl  of  Tyrone,  had 
taken  his  title  from  Henry  Vill.,  subject  to  the 
English  law  of  succession;  but  when  Con  died, 
the  clan  O'NcIl,  disregarding  the  English  orln- 
ciple  of  hereditary  succession,  ch()s<!  Slniiie 
O  Neil,  an  Illegitimate  son  of  Con,  and  the  hero 
of  his  Hept,  to  be  The  O'Neil.  Shane  ONeil  at 
once  put  himself  forward  as  the  champion  of 
Irish  liberty,  the  supporter  of  the  Irish  riglit  to 
rule  themsidvcs  In  their  own  way  and  pay  no 
heed  to  England.  Underthe  preti  n<>e  of  govern- 
ing the  country,  Elizabeth  overran  it  with  a 
soldiery  who,  as  even  Mr.  Froude  acknowledges, 
lived  almost  universally  on  phnaler,  anil  were 
little  better  than  bandits.  The  time  was  an  ap- 
propriate one  for  a  champicm  of  Irish  rigiits. 
Shane  O'Neil  boldly  stood  out  as  sovereign  of 
Ulster,  and  pitted  himself  against  Eli/.al)etli. 
.  .  .  Shane  fought  bravely  against  his  fate,  but 
lie  was  defeated  [A.  O.  1507],  put  to  flight,  and 
murdered  by  his  enemies,  the  Scots  of  Antrim, 
in  whose  strongholds  he  madly  sought  refuge. 
His  head  was  struck  oft,  and  sent  to  adorn  tlie 
walls  of  Dublin  Castle.  Ills  lands  were  det;lared 
forfeit,  and  his  vassals  vassals  ol  the  Crown. 
English  soldiers  of  fortune  were  given  grants 
from  Shane's  escheated  territory,  but  when  they 
attempted  to  settle  they  were  killed  by  the 
O'Nells.  Others  came  In  their  place,  under 
Walter  Devereux,  Earl  of  Essex,  and  did  their 
best  to  simplify  the  process  of  colonization  by 
exterminating  the  O  Neils,  men,  women,  and 
children,  wherever  they  could  be  got  at.  After 
two  years  of  struggle  Essex  was  compelled  to 
abandon  his  settlement.  But  other  colonizers 
were  not  disheartened.  Some  West  of  England 
gentlemen,  under  Peter  Carew,  seized  on  Cork, 
Limerick  and  Kerry,  and  souglit  to  hold  them  by 
extirpating  the  obnoxious  natives.  Against 
these  English  inroads  the  great  Qeraldine  League 
was  formed.  In  the  reign  of  Jlary,  tliat  boy  of 
f."elvo  ■whom  Henry  VIII.  had  not  been  able  to 
include  in  the  general  doom  of  his  hou.se  had 
been  allowed  to  return  to  Ireland,  and  to  resume 
his  ancestral  honours.  Once  more  the  Geraldines 
were  a  great  and  powerful  family  in  Ireland." 
Defeated  in  their  first  rising,  "the  Geraldines 
and  their  companion  chiefs  got  encouragement 
in  Itome  and  pledges  from  Spain,  and  they  rose 
again  under  the  Eorl  of  Desmond  and  Sir  James 
Pitzmaurice  Fitzgerald.  At  first  they  hud  some 
successes.    They  had  many  wrongs  to  avenge. 


.  .  .  Sir  Francis  Cosby,  the  Queen's  repn'm'iitit' 
tive  In  Lelx  and  Olfaly,  had  conceived  and  e.io- 
cuti'il  the  Idea  of  preventing  any  further  posslblu 
rising  111  the  clilefs  in  those  districts  by  sununon 
Ing  them  and  their  kinsmen  to  a  great  banquet 
in  the  fort  of  .Mullaghmast.  and  there  massacring 
them  all.  Out  of  401)  guests,  oidy  one  niun,  a 
Laliir,  escaped  from  that  feast  of  blond.  .  .  . 
With  such  inemorics  in  their  inlriilsi,  the  tribes 
rose  in  nil  directions  to  ilie  Desinond  call.  .  .  . 
Eli/.ahelh  sent  over  more  troops  to  Ireland  under 
the  new  Lord  Deputy,  Sir  William  I'elliain,  who 
had  with  him  as  ally  Ormonde,  the  head  of  the 
house  of  Itutler,  hereditary  foes  of  the  Geral- 
dines, and  easily  induced  to  act  against  them. 
I'elliain  and  Ormonde  cut  their  way  over  Munstcr, 
reducing  the  province  by  ime\am|iled  ferocitv. 
( )rmonde  boasted  that  he  had  put  to  death  nearly 
(l,(N)0  dlsatfected  persons,  .lust  at  this  moment 
some  of  the  chiefs  of  the  I'ah^  rose,  and  rose  lisi 
late;  They  gained  one  victory  over  Lord  Grey 
de  Wilton  In  the  puMS  of  Glenmalure  (August, 
li)HO].  .  .  .  Grey  Immediately  id)andiined  the 
I'ale  to  the  Insurgents,  and  turned  to  Smerwick 
[A.  I).  15801,  where  some  NOO  Simidsh  and  Italian 
Holdiers  hud  J''st  lindeii,  too  late  to  be  of  any 
service  to  the  rebillion,  and  hud  occupied  the 
dismuntlcd  fort.  It  was  ut  once  bloekuded  by 
sea  and  by  land  In  Grey's  army  Sir  Wulter 
Haleigh  and  Kdnuind  SpeiLser  both  held  com- 
mands. Smerwick  surrendered  ut  discretion, 
and  the  prisoners  were  killed  by  lialeigh  and 
his  men  In  cold  blood.  Fluslied  by  this  success, 
Grey  returned  to  the  I'ule  and  curried  uU  before 
hiiii.  The  (Jeraidines  were  dislieartencd,  and 
were  defeated  wherever  they  iiiude  a  stand.  .  .  . 
MuiLster  was  so  vigorously  laid  wu.ste  thut  Mr, 
Froude  declares  thut  '  the  lowing  of  a  cow  or  tlie 
sound  of  a  phmghboy's  whistle  wus  not  to  be 
heurd  from  Vulentia  to  the  Uock  of  Cashel.' 
Iloli'islied  <leclare3  the  traveller  would  not  meet 
any  man,  woman,  or  child,  saving  in  towns  or 
cities,  and  woidd  not  see  any  beast;  and  Spenser 
gives  a  melancholy  picture  of  the  ndsery  of  the  In- 
habitants, '  us  thut  any  stony  heart  would  rue  the 
same.'.  .  .  The  next  step  was  to  confiscate  the  es- 
tates of  the  rebellious  chieftains.  .  .  .  The  estates 
of  Desmond  and  some  140  of  his  followers  came 
to  the  Crown.  The  land  was  then  distributed  at 
the  cheapest  rate  in  large  tracts  to  English  nobles 
and  gentlemen  adventurers,  who  were  ijledgcd 
to  colonize  it  with  English  labourers  and  trudes- 
men.  Hut  of  these  labourers  and  tradesmen  not 
many  came  over,  and  tnose  who  did  soon  re- 
turned, tired  of  struggling  for  their  foothold 
with  the  dispossessed  Irish."  During  all  this 
Geruliline  or  Desmond  rebellion  Ulster  had  re- 
mained quiet ;  but  in  1504  it  begun  to  show  signs 
of  disturbance.  "  Hugh  O'Neil,  the  grandson  of 
that  Con  O'Neil  whom  Henry  VIII.  had  niude 
Earl  of  Tyrone,  had  been  brought  up  at  the 
English  court,  and  confirmed  in  the  lordship  of 
Tyrone  by  the  English  Government.  In  the 
brilliant  court  of  Elizabeth  the  young  Irish  chief 
was  distinguished  for  his  gifts  of  mind  and  body. 
When  ho  came  of  age  he  was  allowed  to  return 
to  Irclund  to  his  earldom.  Once  within  liis  own 
country,  he  a.ssumed  his  ancestral  title  of  The 
O'Neil,  and  revived  all  the  customs  of  iuviepen- 
deut  Irish  chieftains.  For  long  enough  he  took 
no  part  in  any  plots  or  movements  against  the 
Crown;  but  many  things,  the  ties  of  friendship 
and  of  love,  combined  to  drive  him  into  rebellion. 


1763 


inELAND,  1M0-Ifl08. 


PInnliillim  c/ 
VMrr. 


IIIKLANI),  1607-1611. 


.  Tymnc  In  the  cliil  coiiwiilnl  In  Kivr  llir 
linwcrriil  Nii|i|ii>n  of  IiIh  iiitiiii'  mill  IiIh  uriiiM  to  u 

Hkilfiilly  pliiniii'il  ( rciliTulioMiif  tlii'trllii'H.    On 

all  nIiIi'n  III!'  Irlxli  cliirrHi'iiliri'il  liilotlii^  IriNiirnc- 
linn.  O'Nrll  wax  ( iTtaliily  the  niimt  fnrnililalili' 
Irinli  liailtT  till'  I'JikII*<I-  Ii'xI  >'<'>'  ciKoiinttri'il. 
.  .  .  Viitnry  folldWfil  vii  ,i)i_)  Itlialof  111!' Vcllow 
Kuril,  irilis,  lii'iiiK  till'  I  ><»t  ini|ii)rtant|.  In  a 
liltir  whili!  all  Iri'laiiil,  \Nltli  the  <'Xct'|itl(il.  if 
|)iililiM  ami  a  few  i^nrrlson  towim,  wixa  in  llic 
IiiiiiiIm  iif  till'  rrliclft.  Khm'X,  anil  llir  larKi'Ht  aiiuy 
cviT  Hcnt  til  Inland,  crnHMil  tlii>  Cliannil  liiiiipi' 
with  lilin;  lint  Kkm'X  niailo  no  Hcrloiiit  move,  anil 
iiflir  iin  Inlrrvlinv  with  Tyrone,  In  wlilrh  he 
pripiniseil  inort'  than  ho  could  perforin,  he  re- 
liirned  to  KiiKland  to  IiIh  death.  IIIh  iiliiee  waM 
taken  by  Lord  Moiintjoy,  who,  for  all  hl.s  love 
of  aiiglinK  and  nt  Kli/.ulH'tliiin  '  |>lay-liookM,'  waH 
a  NtroiiKer  iiiiin.  Tyrone  met  him,  wiih  defeated 
[al  KiiiKiile,  l(l()I|.  From  that liimr  the  rebellion 
was  over.  .  .  .  At  last  Tyrono  wiiH  compelled  to 
ciiine  to  terms.  He  Hurrenilercd  his  etilateH,  re- 
noiiiK  ed  all  claim  to  the  title  of  The  ()  Neil,  ab- 
jured alliiuice  with  all  foreign  powerH,  anil 
promlNed  to  IntriMliieu  KiikIIhIi  laws  and  eiiHtoniH 
Into  Tyrone.  In  return  ho  received  a  free  pur- 
don  anil  a  re^rant  of  IiIh  titio  and  landH  by  let- 
terH  imtent.  Hory  O'UonncIl,  Ued  IIiigh'H  broth- 
er, also  Hiibmltted,  and  wuh  allowed  to  retain  tlie 
title  of  Earl  of  Tyrconnel.  Kli/.abeth  was  al- 
ready (lend,  and  the  son  of  Mary  tStuitrt  [James  1.  ] 
was  Kin^  of  Knglaiid  when  these  terins  weri! 
iiiudc;  but  they  were  not  destined  to  do  much 
good." — J.  H.  McCarthy,  Outline  of  I nnli  I  list., 
rh.  4. 

Also  in:  T.  D.  McQce,  Ihpular  lliH.  of  Ire- 
liiiiil,  bk.  8,  eh.  8-11  (r.  1-3).— M.  Iliiverty, //(«^ 
('/'  Jiiliind,  eh.  y2-35. —  H.  Bagwell,  Ireland  un- 
der the  Tudorn,  r.  2.— T.  Ix'land,  Jlint.  of  Ireland, 
hk.  4,  eh.  1-5  (p.  2). 

A,  D.  1607-1611.— The  flight  of  the  Earls 
and  the  Plantation  of  Ulster.— "  With  tlie  sub- 
mission of  the  Kiirl  of  Tyrone  terminated  the 
struggle  between  the  Tudor  iiriuees  and  the  na- 
tive Celtic  tribes.  No  chieftain  henceforward 
claimed  to  rule  liia  district  in  independeneo  of 
the  Crown  of  Knghind.  The  (-'eltic  land  tenure, 
the  Urehou  lawn,  the  language,  customs,  and 
tniditious  of  tli''  defeated  riieo  were  doomed  to 
gradual  yet  certain  cxtinctlou.  .  .  .  Before  K!iz- 
abeth  wan  laid  in  the  grave,  the  object  for  v,  liicli 
during  so  nnmy  years  she  had  striven  wcs  thus 
at  length  accomplished;  .  .  .  but  between  the 
wars  of  tlie  Tudors  and  the  civil  government  of 
tile  Btuarts,  still  remain  (the  intermediate  link, 
as  it  were,  between  the  two)  the  full  of  the  able 
man  who  had  created  and  so  long  conducted  an 
almost  national  resistance,  and  the  coloni.sation 
by  English  settlers  of  his  demesnes  and  the  ad- 
joining iiarts  of  Ulster."— A.  G.  Uichey,  Short 
JIi.1t.  of  the  Irish  People,  ch.  20. — "Lord  Bacon, 
with  whom  ideas  grew  plentifully,  had  a  sug- 
gestion at  the  service  of  the  new  king  as  j)rofita- 
ble  as  the  '  princclic  policic '  which  he  taught  his 
predecessor.  He  was  of  opinion  that  a  great 
settlement  of  Englisli  husbandmen  in  Ireland, 
able  to  guard  as  well  aa  to  till  the  land,  would 
help  to  secure  the  interest  of  the  Crown.  Till 
this  was  done  Ireland  was  not  effectually  re- 
duced, as  Sir  Edward  Coke  afterwanls  declared, 
'for  there  was  ever  a  back-door  in  the  north.' 
The  only  question  was  where  to  plant  them. 
O'Neill  ancf  Tyrconnell  had  proved  dangerous 


aiivcmaricH;  they  pimHcswila  fertile  ti'rrlfory,  anil 
iiH  ihi'ir  '  looNc  order  of  Inlierllance  '  bad  bri  11 
duly  rliaiigi'il  into  'an  orderly  HUrecsHlon,'  tiny 
were  i|ulte  riiie  for  ronllNcalinn.  lint  tliey  hud 
been  iwtenlatloucly  rrrdvi'd  liilo  favour  at  the 
cliiHo  of  the  late  war,  ami  hoiiii'  iliient  prrtenio 
for  di'Htroying  tlieiii  so  mhmi  was  Inilispcnsable. 
It  wii  I  fuundln  a  letter  convenliiilly  droppnl  in 
the  pieeinets  of  Dublin  ('astle,  diNclosIng  anew 
('onsi)iriicy.  Of  a  I'oimpiracy  there  was  not  then, 
and  lias  not  been  sinee  discovered,  any  evidencu 
worlli  recording.  The  letter  whs  probably 
forged,  according  to  the  pructlsi^  of  the  tiiiKs; 
but  where  ho  nol)le  a  booty  was  to  be  distributed 
by  till'  Crown,  one  can  conceive  how  ill  timid 
and  disloyal  any  doubt  of  their  treason  would 
have  ap|icared  at  the  Court  of  .luine'i,  or  of  tho 
Kord  llcputy.  They  werc^  proclaimed  tr  litors, 
and  tied  to  the  Continent  to  solicit  aid  fr.iiii  the 
Catholic  Powers.  Without  delay  •lamcF  and  his 
counKellors  set  to  work.  Thi!  King  applied  to 
the  City  of  Londoti  to  take  up  tiie  lands  of  the 
wild  Irish.  They  were  w  ell  watered,  he  assured 
them,  pU'iitifiilly  supplied  with  fuel,  with  good 
store  of  all  the  iKU'essaries  for  man's  sustenance; 
and  moreover  yielded  timber,  liiiies,  tallow,  can- 
vas, and  cordage  for  the  purposes  of  commerce. 
The  (,'ompanies  of  Hkiimcis,  Eishmongers,  Ilab- 
erilashera.  Vintners  and  tlu;  like  tlicreupon  be- 
came Absentee  I'roprictors,  and  have  gu/.zled 
Irish  rents  in  city  feasts  and  holiday  excursions 
to  Ireland  from  that  day  to  this.  Hix  counties 
in  Ulster  were  contlscated,  and  not  merely  tho 
<'liiefs,  but  the  entire  |)opulation  dis|)ossessed. 
The  fruitful  jilains  of  Armagh,  the  deep  pas- 
toral glens  that  lie  between  tlie  slieltering  hills 
of  Donegal,  the  undulating  meadow  lands 
stretching  by  the  I'oble  lakes  and  rivers  of  Fer- 
niaimgh,  passci  froni  the  race  whicli  had  ]kih- 
se.sBcil  them  limo  before  tlio  redemiJtion  of 
niankind.  .  .  .  The  alluvial  lands  were  given  to 
English  courtiers  whom  tho  Seoti  h  king  found 
it  njcessary  to  p'acatc,  and  to  Si-otcii  iiarli.Hans 
whom  lie  dared  n.)t  reward  In  Engliiml.  Thu 
peasiuits  driven  out  of  the  tribal  lands  to  burrow 
in  the  hills  or  bogs  were  not  treated  according  to 
any  law  known  among  civilised  men.  Under 
Celtic  tenure  tlie  treason  of  the  chief,  if  he  com- 
mitted treason,  affected  them  no  more  tlian  tlio 
offences  of  11  tenant  for  life  affect  a  remainder 
man  in  our  modern  iiractice  Under  the  feudal 
system  they  were  innocent  feudatories  who 
would  pass  witli  the  forfeited  land  to  the  Crown, 
with  all  tlieir  personal  rights  undisturbed.  Tho  , 
method  of  settlement  is  stated  with  commenda- 
ble simplicity  by  the  latest  historian.  Tho 
'l)Iantator8'  got  ail  the  land  wortii  their  liaving; 
what  was  not  worth  their  having— the  barren 
mountains  und  trackless  morass,  whitJi  after  two 
centuries  still  in  many  ca.ses  yield  no  liiimau 
food  —  were  left  to  those  who  in  the  language  of 
an  Act  of  Parliament  of  the  period  were  '  natives 
of  the  realm  of  Irish  blood,  beinj;  descended 
from  those  who  did  inherit  and  possess  th'j  land.' 
Lest  the  frugality  of  tlie  Celts  should  enable 
them  to  peacefully  regain  some  of  their  posses- 
sions, it  was  strictly  conditioned  that  110  planta- 
tor  or  servitor  should  alienate  his  portion,  or  any 
part  thereof,  to  the  mere  Irish.  Tlif,  confiscated 
territory  amounted  to  two  millions  of  acres.  '  Of 
these  a  million  ond  a  half  says  Mr.  Froude, 
■  bog,  forest,  and  mountain  were  restored  to  the 
Irish.    The  half  million  acres  of  fertile    land 


1704 


lUELANt),   1007-1611. 


ChnrtrM  t. 
ttmi  Wrnttcorth. 


IltKI.ANI).   10:1:1  IIIMO. 


IW'ttli'd  witli  fiiinilicH  of  Hciittish  mill  Km;- 
Nth  Proti'Hiiiiitii. '  It  wiiN  III  tills  iiiiiiiiii'r  timt  tlii' 
fHtlioiH  I'laiitiillim  of  rintiT  wiin  fouiKlrd." — Sir 
C.  (J.  Diillv,  Hiid'  h'.jio  \'i,  ir  <■/  /n'nh  /hit.,  irr. 
t(l.,i>i>.  71-^«("/-  Ilk:  i.c/i.i.i'/"  Yoiiiin  1 1;  lit  ml"). 
—" Till- City  uf  l.oiiiloii  Imi'l  tiiki'M  in  liiiml  tlir 
Httlciiicnt.  of  IH'rry,  wlilcli  wiim  mow  to  lie  re- 
built  UK  r  tilt!  imiiu!  of  Loiiiloinli'iTy,  ami  to 
givo  Its  1  nil!  to  till'  roiinty  In  wliirli  it.  hIoihI, 
ami  wlilrli  liiiil  liitlii'i'tii  lii'i'ii  known  uh  the 
comity  of  Colrriilno."— S.  It.  (liirilintT,  IHkI.  »/ 
Km/.,  IOO;i-l04'J,  rh.  10  (c.  1). 

Almoin:  T.  D'Arry  .MrOn-,  Ihipnlnr  Jlinl.  «/' 
Inlitiul.  Ilk.  1»,  c/(.  1(1'.  !i).— .1.  lIiirriHon.  Tli,'  .W 
in  UMer.  eh.  'A.—V.  I'.  Mfi'Imii.  lutlr  .iml  /■"/•- 
tiiiun  of  Jfiif/h  O'Afill,  Kiiti  of  Tjinnii,  iiml  tiory 
()' Ihtiiil,  Kill  (if  Tyreonnel. 

A.  D.  1635. —The  Graces  of  Charles  I.— 
Un  the  ucci'mhToii  of  Cliiirli'H  I.,  "imi!  inori!  flTort 
WftM  miidi!  by  tlii!  Irlsli  Rontry  to  piTMimili',  or 
rutliLT  to  lirflii',  .III!  (lovi'riinii'nt  to  allow  tlii'in 
til  n'MiuIn  ''.iiiliNturbrd  in  tliu  poxsi'HHion  of  tliiir 
proptTtj.  Tlii'y  olTiTi'd  to  riiUr  by  voliuitiuy 
aKsoHHiiirnl  the  litr^t!  Huni  of  £1S0,I)(M)  in  tlircu 
annual  Intitnlnii'ntH  of  i;4(),(K)(),  on  ronditlon 
of  olitalnin);  rcrtain  Orarcu  from  tliu  Kill);. 
Thi'ijc  Ornci'S,  the  Irish  unalogiii!  of  tliii  I'tti- 
tlon  of  KightH,  w(!ri!  of  tlii!  inimt  iiiodiTato 
and  vqiiltabli!  doHrriptlon.  Thu  most  impor- 
tant weru  tliut  uiidiHtiirbi!il  poHsrHslon  of  Nt.xty 
years  hIiou'  I  Hccuri!  a  landi'd  proprietor  fri/in 
all  older  clalnm  on  tliu  part  of  tlii!  ('rowii,  tliat 
till!  InhabituntH  of  Connaufi;lit  hIiouIiI  bu  so- 
cured  from  litigation  by  the  enrolmi'iit  of  their 
patents,  and  that  Popish  re(!UNaiils  Hhould  bo 
permitted,  without  taking;  thi!,()atli  of  Suprem- 
acy, to  jiie  for  livery  of  their  cHtates  in  tlid 
Court  ('f  Arehes,  and  to  praitisc  in  the  courts  of 
law.  The  terms  were  accepted.  Tlie  promise 
of  the  King  was  given.  The  (Jraccs  were  trans- 
niitled  by  way  of  Instruction  to  the  Lord  Dej)- 
uty  and  Council,  and  the  Ooveninntit  also  en- 
gaged, as  a  further  security  to  all  proprietors, 
that  tl  r  estates  gliould  be  formally  contlrmed 
to  them  and  to  their  heirs  by  the  next  Parlia- 
ment which  should  be  held  in  Ireland.  Tlie 
MMpiel  forms  one  of  the  most  shi:!jieful  passages 
In  the  history  of  English  government  of  Ireland. 
In  ili.stlnct  vioiatiiin  of  the  King's  solemn  prom- 
ise, after  the  subsidies  that  were  made  on  the 
faitli  of  tliat  pr(/i:iise  had  been  duly  obtained, 
witliout  provocation  or  pretext  or  excuse, 
Wentworth,  who  now  presided  with  stern  des- 
potism over  the  government  of  Ireland,  an- 
nounced the  withdrawal  of  the  two  principal 
articles  of  the  Or  tees,  the  limitation  of  Crown 
claims  by  a  possession  of  sixty  years  antl  tlie 
legalisation  of  the  Conuaiight  titles." — W.  K.  II. 
Lecky,  Hint,  of  Eng.,  mh  C'entiiri/,  cli.  0  (r.  2). 

A.  D.  1633-1639.— Wentworth'8  system  of 
'  "Thorough." — In  the  summer  of  10:t:t,  Thomas 
Wentwortii,  afterwards  Earl  of  Straltord,  was 
appointed  Lord-Lieutenant  of  Ireland.  "  It  was 
during  his  tenure  of  office  as  viceroy  that  he 
attempted  to  establish  uhsiiiutism  in  Ireland,  in 
order  that,  by  the  thereby  enhanced  power  of  the 
monarchy,  he  might  be  enabled  to  turn  the  scale 
In  favour  of  a  despotic  government  in  England. 
And,  never  at  a  loss  in  the  choice  of  his  expedi- 
ents, he  contended  for  his  scheme  with  an  energy 
and  a  recklessness  characteristic  of  the  man. 
In  the  prosecution  of  his  ends,  he  treated  some 
of  the  most  influential  English  noblemen  resi- 


lent  in  Ireland  with  the  iilmoHt  Indignity,  Nim- 
plywitlillie  iilijeet  of  Intimiilatlng  them,  at  tlie 
>;u!Hrt,  fidin  JUiy  furlluT  oppiwllion.  One  of 
tlii'iii,  Loril  MounlnorriH,  was  even  innilrtniii'd 
to  death  on  a  tharge  of  Hiililion  and  mutiny, 
merely  for  having  liiade  use  of  a  dlirespertful 
expression  wllli  reference  to  the  lord  lieutenant, 
the  representiitlve  of  the  Hoverelgn.  .  ,  .  Every 
longing  of  the  Irinh  ProteMtant  Clrireh  for  hide' 
peiidenie  was  Huppressed  by  Wentworth.  .\i' 
curding  to  Ills  views,  Hiipremeaulliority  in  Chiirili 
matters  belnnged  absolutely  and  uneondltioti 
jilly  to  the  king.  lie.  therefore,  abiilislK  d.  in 
lll;ll,  the  ■  Irisli  Articles,'  wliieli  granted  sonii' 
coiiceMsions  to  Puritniiism,  and  which  had  been 
Introilueeil  by  Arelibishop  I'sher  in  the  reign  of 
James  I.,  and,  at  tlie  same  time,  he  united  the 
Irish  Kstablislied  Cliiirih  liidissolubly  with  that 
of  England.  Hut  above  all  things  he  consideri'd 
it  to  he  his  duty  to  incr'ase  the  arinv,  which  had 
hlthiTto  been  in  a  disoiganlsed  coiiilition,  and  to 
put  It  in  a  state  of  eomph'te  ellleleiicv  ;  In  order 
to  do  this,  however.  It  was  of  the  first  impor- 
tance to  augment  the  revenue  of  tlie  Crown,  and 
In  pursuance  of  this  object  he  disiiained  no 
means,  lie  extorted  large  siinis  of  money  from 
the  Catholics  by  reniinding  them  that,  in  case 
their  contributions  were  too  niggardly,  tliero 
.'ill  existed  laws  against  the  Papists  which 
coiihl  easily  be  put  into  operation  again.  Thu 
City  of  London  Company,  which  some  years  be- 
fore had  eirectcd  the  coloiii/ation  of  London- 
derry, was  suddenly  called  to  account  for  not 
having  fiiltillcd  the  gti|>ulatioiis  contained  in  Its 
charter,  and  condemned  to  pay  a  line  of  I'O.OtM). 
In  the  same  spirit  lie  conceived  the  Idea  of  ob- 
taining adclitioiis  to  tlie  royal  e.\elie(iucr  by  a 
fresh sjttlementof  Connaught;  and,  accordingly, 
he  induced  the  (lovernmeiit,  regardless  of  the 
engagements  made  siuiie  years  previously  at  the 
granting  of  the  '  graces,'  to  reassert  the  daicis 
it  had  formerly  advantj^'il  to  the  posst'ssion  of 
tliis  province.  And  now,  as  In  tlie  worst  ilays  of 
.lames  I.,  there  again  prevailed  the  old  system 
of  investigation  into  the  valiility  (if  the  titles  by 
wliicli  the  landed  gentry  of  Connaught  held 
their  estates.  Siicli  pirsinis  as  were  practised  In 
disinterring  these  unregisteri^d  titles  weri!  lookeil 
upon  with  favour,  anil  as  a  means  of  inciting  tu 
more  vigorous  ellorl.H,  a  premium  of  20  per  cent, 
on  the  receipts  realized  during  the  tlrst  year  by 
the  contlscation  of  property  thus  Impertectly 
registered  was  guaninteed  to  the  presidents  of 
the  commission.  With  i  'nical  frankness, 
Wentworth  decliiicd  .!  .i^  no  money  was  ever 
so  judiciously  expenilcd  as  lis,  for  now  the 
people  entered  into  the  busliu  is  with  as  much 
ardour  and  assiduity  as  if  it  were  their  own 
private  concern.  .  .  .  The  collective  titles  of  the 
province  of  Connaught  were  at  the  unlimited 
disposal  of  the  lord-lieutenant;  and,  although, 
notwitlistandiiig  this  result,  he,  at  the  last  mo- 
ment, recoiled  from  the  final  act,  and  shrank  from 
ejecting  the  present  owners,  and  re-settling  the 
jirovlncc,  it  was  not  from  any  conscientious 
scruples  that  lie  refrained  from  taking  tliit.  last 
decisive  step:  to  the  man  whose  motto  was 
'Thorough,' such  scruples  were  unknown.  .  .  . 
Practical  considerations  alone  .  .  .  induced 
Wentworth  to  pause  in  the  path  upon  which 
he  had  entered.  Just  at  that  time  the  Crown 
was  engaged  In  a  contest  with  Puritanism  in 
Hcotlana,  while,  in    England,  thu  attempts  of 


1765 


IRELAND,  16S8-1639. 


Wmtyforfh'H 
Thorough. 


lUELAND,  1641. 


<'liurl(;s  to  make  his  nilo  ii!/.s<)lu'  hiid  prodncud 
a  Htnte  of  public  fcciing  wliicli  was  in  tlie  IukIi- 
est  di'KH'C!  criliail.  ...  In  view  of  tlicse  con- 
sideriiliona,  tlicrcforc,  StnitTonl  [xxstponcd  tlio 
colonization  of  tli(^  wi'stern  province  to  u  more 
fiivourable  sea.son.  While  we  turn  with  just 
abhorrence  from  the  contenipliition  of  the  reck- 
less and  despotic  acts  of  this  remarkable  man. 
we  must  not,  on  the  otiicr  hand,  fail  to  acknowl- 
cd>;e  that  his  aiii'iir.istration  has  features  which 
present  a  briirhter  aspect.  ...  In  the  exercise 
of  a  certain  toleration,  dictated,  it  is  true,  only 
by  policy,  he  declined  to  meddle  directly  in  the 
religious  ulfairs  of  the  Catholics.  His  greatest 
merit,  however,  consists  in  having  advanced  the 
material  well-being  of  the  country.  He  took  ii 
lively  interest  in  agriculture  and  cnttle-rcuriug, 
and  by  causing  uie  rude  and  anti<iuated  methods 
of  husbandry  which  prevailed  among  the  Irish 
agriculturalists  to  bo  superseded  by  more  modern 
appliances,  he  contributed  very  materially  to  the 
advancement  of  this  brunch  of  industry.  He 
also  largely  encouraged  navigation,  in  conise- 
(pience  of  which  tlie  number  of  Irish  ships  in- 
creased from  year  to  year ;  and  although  it  can 
not  be  denied  that  he  endeavoured  to  supi)re8S 
the  trade  in  woollen  cloth,  from  an  apprehension 
tbat  it  might  come  into  dangerous  competition 
with  English  manufactures,  he,  nevertheless, 
sought  to  compen.sato  the  Irisih  in  other  ways, 
and  the  development  of  the  Irish  linen  industry 
in  the  north  was  essentially  his  work.  .  .  .  The 
Iri.sh  revenue  annually  increased,  and  the  cus- 
toms returns  alone  were  t.^ebled  during  tlie 
administration  of  Lord  StniTord.  Ho  was,  ac- 
cordingly, in  a  i)osition  to  place  at  the  disposal 
of  his  royal  master  a  standing  army  of  0,000 
men.  ...  It  was,  therefore,  no  idle  boast,  but 
a  statement  in  strict  accordance  with  the  truth, 
which  he  made  when  writing  to  Archbisliop 
Laud  on  16th  December,  1634:  '  I  can  now  say 
that  the  king  is  hero  as  truly  absolute  as  any  sov- 
ereign in  the  world  can  be.  " —  U.  Hussencump, 
Hint,  of  Ireland,  ch.  3.  —  "Of  all  the  sugg"sters 
of  the  infamous  counsels  of  Charles,  Lauu  and 
Wentworth  were  the  most  sincere : — Laud,  from 
the  intense  faith  with  which  he  looked  forward 
to  tlio  possible  supremacy  of  tho  ecclesiastical 
power,  and  to  which  ho  was  bent  upon  going, 
'thorough',  through  every  obstacle;  —  Went- 
worth, from  that  strong  sens*;,  with  which  birth, 
and  eilucation  had  perverted  his  genius,  of  the 
superior  excellence  of  despotic  rule.  .  .  .  The 
letters  which  passed  between  tliem  partook  of  a 
more  intimate  cha'^actcr,  in  respect  of  the  avowal 
of  Uj  ior  designs,  than  either  of  them,  prob- 
ably, chose  to  avow  elsewhere.  .  .  .  Laud  had 
to  regret  his  position  in  England,  contrasted 
with  that  of  the  Irish  deputy.  'My  lord,'  he 
writes  to  "Wentworth,  speaking  of  the  general 
allairs of  church  and  state,  'to  speak  freely,  you 
may  easily  promise  more  in  eitlier  kind  than  I 
can  perform:  for,  as  for  the  churcli,  it  is  so 
tound  up  in  the  forms  of  the  common  law,  that 
It  is  not  possible  for  me,  or  for  any  man,  to  do 
that  good  which  he  wo'ild,  or  is  bound  to  do. 
.  .  .  And  for  the  state,  indeed,  my  lord,  I  am 
for  Thorough;  but  1  see  that  both  thick  and  t!in 
stays  somebixly,  where  I  conceive  it  should  not ; 
and  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  go  thorough  alone. ' 
.  .  .  Every  new  act  of  despotism  which  struck 
terror  into  Ireland  shot  comfort  to  the  heart  of 
Laud.     '  As  for  my  marginal  note,'  exclaims  the 


archbisliop,  '  I  see  you  deciphered  it  well,  and  I 
see  you  make  use  of  it  too, — do  so  still;  thorow 
and  thorow.  Oh  that  1  were  where  I  might  go 
so  too!  but  1  am  shackled  between  dc^lays  and 
lUi.-ertainties.  You  have  a  great  deal  of  nonour 
hero  for  your  proceedings.  Go  on  a  God's 
name ! '  And  on  Wcntwortli  went,  stopping  at 
no  gratuitous  ([uarrel  that  had  the  slightest 
chance  of  pleasing  the  archbishop,  even  to  the 
demolishing  the  family  tomb  of  the  carl  of 
Cork, — .since  his  grace,  among  Ids  select  ecclesi- 
astical researclies,  liad  discovered  tliat  the  spot 
occupied  by  my  lord  of  Cork's  family  monu- 
ments, was  precisely  that  spot  tipon  which  the 
c()nununion-tal)le,  to  answer  tlie  purposes  of 
lieaven,  ought  to  stand ! " —  U.  Browning,  T/ioiiuih 
Wentirurth  (Kiniuent  lintinh  Statesmen,  v.  3, — 
piMUhed  under  the  name  of  John  Forater). 

Also  in  :  S.  U.  Gardiner,  The  Mrst  Two  Stuarts 
and  the  Puritan  lievoUition,  ch.  5,  sect.  4. — Tho 
same.  Hist,  oflini/.,  ch.  70  ()\  8)  ami  90  (v.  0).  — 
W.  A.  O'Conor,  JJist.  of  the  Irish  People,  v.  3,  bk. 
3,  ch.  1.  —  T.  Wriglit,  Hist,  of  Ireland,  bk.  4,  ch. 
32-24.  — T.  Leland,  Hist,  of  Ireland,  hk.  5,  ch.  1. 

A.  D.  1641. — The  Catholic  rising;  and  al- 
leged Massacres  of  Protestants. — "The  gov- 
ernment which  .Stratford  had  establislicd  in  Ire- 
land fell  with  him,  the  office  of  viceroy  was 
entrusted  to  some  of  tlie  judges,  and  shorn  of 
the  powers  which  gave  it  authority  over  the 
whole  country.  Tlie  Irish  army,  which  had  been 
formed  with  so  much  difficulty,  and  maintained 
in  spite  of  so  much  opposition,  was  disbanded 
without  any  attention  being  vouchsafed  to  the 
King's  wish  that  it  should  be  allowed  to  enter 
the  Spanish  service.  .  .  .  Under  the  influence  of 
events  in  England,  government  based  on  pre- 
rogative, and  on  its  connexion  with  the  English 
hierarchy,  as  it  had  existed  in  Ireland  since  Eliza- 
beth's time,  fell  to  tho  ground.  This  revolution 
however  might  entail  important  results.  The 
Irish  people  was  Catholic ;  while  the  Protestant 
settlers  were  split  into  two  hostile  foctions,  and 
thereby  the  highest  authority  in  the  land,  which 
bore  a  really  Protestant  character,  was  syste- 
matically weakened  and  almost  destroyed,  tlie 
thought  of  ridding  themselves  of  it  altogethci 
was  sure  to  arise  in  the  nation.  The  steed,  never 
completely  broken  in,  felt  itself  suddenly  free 
from  the  tight  rein  which  hitherto  it  had  unwill- 
ingly obeyed.  .  .  .  It  was  the  common  object  of 
all  Catholics,  alike  of  Anglo-Saxon  and  of  Celtic 
origin,  to  restore  to  the  Catholic  Church  the  pos- 
session of  the  goods  and  houses  that  had  been 
taken  from  her,  and  above  all  to  put  an  end  to 
the  colonies  established  since  James  I.  in  which 
Puritan  tendencies  prevailed.  Tlie  Catholics  of 
the  old  settlements  were  as  cag'~r  for  this  as  the 
natives.  The  idea  originated  in  a  couple  of  chiefs 
of  old  Irish  extraction,  Roger  O'JIore  and  Lord 
Macguire,  who  had  been  involved  in  Tyrone's 
ruin,  but  were  connected  by  marriage  with  sev- 
eral English  families.  Tho  first  man  whom 
O'Moro  won  over  was  Lord  Mayo,  the  most 
powerful  magnate  of  old  Englisli  descent  in 
Connaught,  of  the  house  of  Do  Burgh.  .  .  .  The 
best  military  leader  in  the  confederacy,  Col. 
Plunkett,  was  a  Catholic  of  old  English  origin. 
.  .  .  Among  the  natives  the  most  notable  person- 
age was  Plielim  O'Neil,  who,  after  having  been 
long  in  England,  and  learning  Protestantism 
there,  on  his  return  to  Ireland  went  back  to  the 
old  faith  and  the  old  customs :   ho  was  reckoned 


1766 


IRELAND,  1641. 


CttthoUc  Rtiing. 


IRELAND,  1646-1640. 


the  rightful  lioir  of  Tyronu,  nnd  possessed  un- 
bounded populiir  intluence.  The  plan  for  whieh 
the  Catholics  of  hotli  Irisli  and  Englisli  extrac- 
tion now  united  was  a  very  far  reaeliing  one.  It 
involved  making  the  Catliolie,  religion  altogcher 
dominant  in  Ireland:  »>ven  of  the  old  nobi'ity 
none  but  the  Catholics  were  to  be  tolerated :  .ill 
the  lands  that  had  been  seized  for  the  new  settle- 
ments were  to  be  given  back  to  tlie  previous 
pos8cs.sors  or  their  heirs.  In  each  district  a  dis- 
tinguished family  was  to  be  answerable  for  order, 
and  to  maintain  a'  armed  force  for  the  piirpose. 
Tliey  would  not  revolt  from  the  King,  but  still 
would  leave  him  no  real  share  in  tlie  govern- 
mt.it.  Two  lords  justices,  both  Catholic,  one  of 
Irish,  the  other  of  old  English  family,  were  to  be 
at  tlie  head  of  the  government.  .  .  The  i)repa- 
rations  were  made  in  profound  silence:  a  man 
could  travel  across  the  country  witho\it  perceiv- 
ing any  stir  or  uneasiness.  But  on  the  appointed 
day,  OvX.  2!>,  the  day  of  St.  Ignatius,  the  insur- 
rection everywhere"  brok<!  out."  Dublin  was 
saved,  by  a  disclosure  of  the  i)lot  to  the  govern- 
ment, on  the  evening  of  the  22d,  by  a  Protestant 
Irishman  who  had  gained  knowledge  of  it. 
"  Several  other  places  also  held  out,  as  London- 
derry and  ('arrickfergus,  and  afforded  places  to 
which  the  Protestants  might  fly.  But  no  one 
can  paint  the  rage  and  cruelty  which  was  vented, 
far  and  wide  over  the  land,  upon  the  \marmed 
and  defenceless.  Alany  thousands  perished :  tlieir 
corpses  filled  the  land  and  served  as  food  for  tlic 
kites.  .  .  .  Religious  abhorrence  entered  into  a 
dreadful  leagiie  witli  the  fury  of  national  hatred. 
The  motives  of  the  Sicilian  Vespers  and  of  the 
night  of  St.  Bartholomew  were  united.  Sir 
Plielim,  who  at  once  was  proclaimed  Lord  and 
Master  in  Ulster,  with  the  title  of  the  native 
princes,  as  Tyrone  had  been,  and  who  in  his 
proclamations  assumed  the  tone  of  a  sovereign, 
was  not  at  all  the  man  to  check  tliese  cruelties. 
.  .  .  With  all  this  letting  loose  of  ancient  bar- 
barism there  was  still  some  holding  back.  The 
Scottish  settlements  were  spared,  altliough  they 
were  the  most  hated  of  all,  for  fe:ir  of  incurring 
the  hostility  of  the  Scottish  as  well  as  of  the 
English  nation.  Immediately  there  was  a  rising 
In  the  five  counties  of  tlie  old  Englisli  Pale:  the 
gentry  of  Louth,  under  the  leadership  of  the 
sheriti,  took  the  side  of  tlie  rebels.  The  younger 
men  of  Mcath  assembled  on  the  Boyne,  and  com- 
menced hostilities  against  the  Protestants:  so 
completely  had  their  religious  sympatliies  pre- 
vailed over  their  patriotism." — L.  Von  Ranke, 
Iliat.  of  Eng.,  Mth  Century,  bk.  8,  eh.  1  {v.  3).— 
' '  Some  reference  to  the  notorious  story  of  the  mas- 
sacre of  1641  is  required,  not  because  the  account 
of  it  is  true  and  is  a  part  of  history,  nor  because 
it  is  false  and  needs  refutation,  but  because  it  is 
a  State  fiction,  a  falseliood  witli  a  purpose,  and 
as  such  deserves  mention  as  much  as  tlie  levying 
of  troops  or  the  passing  of  laws.  The  record  of 
the  period  is  not  the  history'  of  a  massacre,  but 
of  the  deliberate  invention  of  a  massacre.  .  .  . 
No  word  of  massacre  bi'.d  been  licard  of  in  the 
first  State  document  th.it  referred  to  the  so-called 
rebellion.  The  Cathrlic  lords  of  the  Pale  would 
never  have  united  tlu  ir  names  and  fortunes  witli 
those  of  murderers.  .  .  .  The  royalists  again  and 
again  urged  in  their  treaties  ■'vith  their  opponents 
tliat  an  investigation  of  the  cruellies  committed  on 
botli  sides  should  be  made,  and  the  proposal  was 
always  absolutely   refused." — AV.   A.   O'Conor, 


nut.  of  the  Iri»h  People,  hk.  3,  eh.  1,  Met.  5  (n.  3). 
— "There  were  few  places  of  strength  in  Ulster 
which  had  not  fallen  by  the  end  of  the  first  week 
into  the  hands  of  the  insurgents.  Sir  Pheliiu 
O'Xrill  already  found  liini.sclf  at  the  head  of  some 
J!(),()(M)  men,  as  yet  of  course  undisciplined,  and 
but  few  of  them  effleieiitly  armed ;  and  it  is  not 
to  be  expected  that  such  an  irregular  multitude, 
with  wild  pa.ssions  let  loose,  and  so  many  wrongs 
and  insults  to  be  avenged,  could  have  been  en- 
gaged in  scenes  of  war,  even  so  long,  without 
committing  some  deeds  of  blood  which  the  laws 
of  regular  warfare  wouhl  not  sanction.  .  .  .  Life 
was  taki'ii  in  some  few  instances  where  the  act 
deserved  the  name  of  murder;  but  the  cases  of 
this  nature,  on  the  Irish  side,  at  the  C(mimenco- 
ment  of  the  rebellion,  were  i.solated  ones;  and 
nothing  can  be  more  unjust  and  false  than  to 
describe  the  outbreak  of  this  war  as  a  '  mas- 
sacre '." — M.  Ilaverty,  Hint,  of  Treliiiid,  eh.  37  — 
"This  [SirWm.  Petty's]  estimate  of  37,000  Prot- 
estants supposed  to  have  bc(  n  murdered  makes 
no  allowance  for  those  who  escaped  to  England 
and  Scotland,  and  never  returned  to  Ireland.  It 
seems  to  me  more  likely  that  about  27,000  Prot 
estants  were  murdered  by  the  sword,  gun,  rope, 
drowning,  ic,  in  the  firs  three  or  four  years  of 
the  rei  'lion.  The  evidence  of  the  depo.sitions, 
after  deducting  all  dotibl  fill  exaggerations,  leaves 
little  doulit  that  the  number  so  destroyed  could 
hardly  liave  been  less  than  25,000  at  all  cvent.s. 
But  tlio  truth  is  that  no  nccumte  estimate  is 
possible.  After  the  Portnaw  massacre  the  Prot- 
estants, especially  the  Scotch,  .ook  an  awful 
vengeance  on  their  enemies.  Ilcnceforward  one 
side  vied  in  cruelty  with  the  other." — M.  Ilick- 
son,  Irehindin  the  11th  Century,  introd.,  p.  103. 

Also  in:  T.  Carte,  Life  of  James,  Duke  of 
OrmoniJ.  hk.  3  (eh.  1-3).— W.  E.  II.  Lecky,  Iliat.  of 
Flip.,  mh  Century,  eh.  6  (c.  3).— T.  Leland,  irist. 
of  Ireland,  bk.  5,  eh.  3-4  {i\  3). 

A.  D.  1643. — The  king  makes  Peace  with 
the  rebels.  See  England:  A.  I).  1643  (Jcne— 
Septemuek). 

A.  D.  164^.  —  King  Charles'  treaty  with 
the    Catholics.      See    Enoland:    A.    I).    1645 

(.ICNE— DKrE.MIlEU). 

A.  D.  1646-1649. — The  Rebels  become  Roy- 
alists,— "  The  truce  [offered  by  King  Charles  to 
the  reliels  in  1643]  appears  to  have  been  well  ob- 
served by  each  party,  and  resulted  in  a  treaty  of 
peace  which  was  signed  in  July,  1646,  by  wliicli 
the  Roman  Catholics  obtained  every  demand 
which  they  put  forward.  This  peace  was  never- 
theless at  once  broken,  and  Ormond  (who  had 
been  appointed  Lord  Lieutenant  in  Januarj', 
1643)  was  closely  besieged  in  Dublin  by  a  force, 
beaded  by  Cardinal  Rinuccini,  the  Papal  Nuncio, 
who  had  assumed  the  command  of  the  Irish 
Catholics.  Finding  himself  in  so  dangerous  a 
position,  Ormond,  by  express  direction  from  the 
king,  offered  his  submission  to  the  English  Par- 
liament, to  whom  ho  surrendered  Dublin,  Dro- 
glieda,  Dundalk,  and  such  other  garrisons  as 
remained  in  his  hands.  This  trai-.saction  wasi 
completed  on  the  35th  of  July,  1047,  when 
Colonel  .Tones  took  command  of  Dublin  for  the 
Parliament,  and  was  made  by  them  Commander- 
in-Chief  in  Ireland;  his  total  force  however 
amounted  to  but  5,000  men.  The  war  now  con- 
tinued with  varying  success,  the  comn:anders 
for  the  Parliament  being,  in  addition  to  Jones, 
Monk  in  Ulster  and  Lord  Incbiquin  in  Muuster. 


3-14 


\7eu 


IRELAND,  1640-lt  \ 


CromweU'a 
Campaign. 


IRELAND,  1649-1650. 


The  latter  in  1048  joinc<l  Ormond,  -nliii  in  Scj)- 
tiiiilicr,  tipon  tlio  invitiition  of  the  CiitliolicN,  re- 
turned to  Ireland,  tlie  Papal  Nuncio  haviii);  lieen 
driveu  from  tlie  eountrj,  by  liis  own  party,  who 
were  alienated  from  liim  by  his  folly  and  inso- 
lence. At  the  end  of  1018  there  were  therefore 
two  particH  in  Ireland ;  the  Parliamentary,  which 
had  been  thc^  pJiglish,  holding  Dublin  and  a  few 
garrisons,  and  the  Catholics,  who,  fonnerly 
rebels,  were  now  held  as  Uoyalists,  and  whose 
new  leader  Ormond,  on  the  death  of  Charles 
I.,  proclaimed  the  Prince  of  Wales,  on  the  16tli 
of  February,  1049,  at  Carrick,  as  King  of  Eng- 
land, Scotland,  Franco,  and  Ireland.  The  Kng- 
lish  Parliament  now  at  last  resolved  to  put 
an  end  to  di.sorder  in  Ireland,  and  with  this 
object,  in  March,  1049,  appointed  Cromwell 
to  the  supreme  command."  Before  Crcmwell 
arrived  in  Ireland,  however,  the  Irioh  Royal- 
ists had  reduced  every  garrisoned  place  except 
Dublin  and  Londonderry,  defeating  3Ionk,  who 
held  Dundalk,  but  being  defeated  (Aug.  2)  by 
Jones  when  they  laid  siege  to  the  capital.  Though 
foug'.'t  at  the  gates  of  Dublin,  tlds  was  called 
the  battle  of  Rathmincs.  Ormond  retreated  with 
a  loss  of  4,(H)0  killed  and  2,500  prisoners. — N.  I . 
Walford,  Parliamentary  Generals  of  the  Or  at 
Civil  War,  ch.  7. 

Also  in:  T.  Carte,  Life  of  James  Duke  of  Or- 
mond, bk.  4-5  (v.  3). — D.  Murphy,  Cromicell  in 
Ireland,  ch.  1-3. 

A.  D.  1649-1650. — Cromwell's  campaign. — 
The  slaughter  at  Drogheda  and  Wexford. — 
'  When  Cromwell  arrived  in  Ireland  at  the  head 
of  12,000  men,  Im  found  almost  the  whole  coun- 
try under  the  power  of  the  Royalists  (Aug.  15th). 
A  Parliamentary  garrison  in  Dublin  itself  had 
only  escaped  a  sicjje  by  surprising  the  enemy  on 
the  banks  of  the  LifTcy  (Aug.  2nd).  The  general 
first  marched  against  Drogheda,  then  called 
Droghdagh  or  Tredah,  and  summoned  the  garri- 
son to  surrender.  Sir  Arthur  Ashton,  the  gov- 
ernor, ref\ised;  he  had  3,000  of  the  choicest 
troops  of  the  confederates  and  enough  provisions 
to  enable  him  to  hold  out  till  v  inter  shoidd  com- 
pel the  enemy  to  raise  the  siege.  But  within 
twenty-four  hours  the  English  batteries  had 
made  a  breach  in  the  wall.  Oliver,  after  twice 
seeing  his  soldiers  beaten  off,  led  them  on  in  per- 
son and  carried  the  breach.  A  terrible  massacre 
followed.  '  Being  in  the  heat  of  action  I  forbade 
them,'  Cromwell  wrote  in  his  despatch  to  the 
Parliament,  '  to  spare  any  that  were  in  arms  in 
the  town ;  and  I  think  that  night  they  put  to  the 
sword  about  2,000  men.'  Of  these,  one-half 
probably  fell  in  the  streets;  the  other  half  Crom- 
well describes  as  having  been  slain  at  early 
dawn  in  St.  Peter's  Church.  This  he  looks  upon 
as  a  judgment  for  their  previons  proceedings 
there.  '  It  is  remarkable,' he  writes,  'that  these 
people  at  first  set  uji  the  mass  in  some  places  of 
the  town  that  had  been  monasteries ;  but  after- 
wards glow  so  insolent  that,  the  last  Lord's  day 
before  the  storm  the  Protestants  were  thrust 
out  of  the  great  church  called  St.  Peter's,  and 
they  had  ptiblic  mass  tliere;  and  in  this  very 
place  near  1,000  of  them  were  put  to  the  swortt, 
fleeing  thither  for  safety.  I  believe  all  the  friars 
were  knocked  on  the  head  promiscuously  but 
two.'.  .  .  Royalist  acco\mts  assert  that  many 
hundreds  of  women  and  children  were  slai'  in 
St.  Peter's  Church.  It  is,  of  cotirse,  iior.iible 
that  some  of  the  townspeople,  fleeing  th'Uicr  for 


safety,  lost  their  lives  in  the  general  massacre  of 
the  garrison.  There  is,  however,  no  trustworthy 
witness  for  any  lives  Iieing  taken  except  those  of 
soldiers  and  friars.  Cromwell  did  not  sanction 
the  killing  of  any  but  those  with  arms  in  their 
hands,  though  lie  seems  to  have  approved  of  the 
fate  of  the  friars.  The  fanatical  zeal  of  his  let- 
ter, and  the  fact  that  he  takes  the  full  credit,  or 
discredit,  for  the  slaughter  of  the  garrison,  makes 
it  improbable  that  he  c<mcealed  anythinjr;  and 
this  substantiated  by  his  subsequent  declaration, 
in  which  he  gives  this  challenge; — 'Give  us  an 
instance  of  one  man,  since  my  coming  into  Ire- 
land, not  'n  arms,  ma8.sacred,  destroyed,  or  ban- 
ished, concerning  the  massiicre  or  the  destruction 
of  whom  justice  hath  not  been  done,  or  endeav- 
oured to  bo  done.'  With  the  enemy's  troops 
Cromwell  carried  out  the  determined  mode  of 
warfare  winch  he  began  at  Drogheda.  They 
were  mostly  scattered  over  the  country,  occu- 
pied in  garrison  duty.  Before  wliatever  town 
he  came  he  demanded  immediate  surrender,  or 
threr.tened  to  refuse  quarter.  Town  after  town 
'/pened  its  gates  to  this  grim  summons.  Wex- 
ford, which  refused  to  surrender,  was  stormed, 
,'nd  the  whole  garrison,  2,000  in  number,  put  to 
the  sword  (Oct.  lltli).  ...  In  other  respects, 
wldle  Cromwell's  rigour  and  determination  saved 
bloodshed  in  the  end  by  the  rapidity  and  com- 
pleteness of  his  conquests,  his  conduct  in  Ireland 
contrasted  favourably  on  many  points  with  that 
of  the  Royalists  there.  His  own  soldiers,  for 
ill-using  the  people  contrary  to  regulations,  were 
sometimes  cashiered  the  army,  sometimes  hanged. 
When  a  treaty  was  made,  he  kept  faithfully  to 
its  terms.  Garrisons  that  yielded  on  summons 
v/ere  allowed  either  to  march  away  with  arms 
and  baggage,  or  else  to  go  abroad  and  enter  the 
service  of  any  government  at  peace  with  Eng- 
land. Before  the  war  was  over  he  had  rid  tlie 
coimtry,  on  these  terms,  of  some  45,000  soldiers. 
Taking  advantage  of  the  divisions  of  his  ene- 
mies, he  persua<led  several  garrisons  of  English 
soldiers  to  desert  the  cause  of  Charles  Stuart  for 
the  Commonwealth.  His  conduct  of  the  war 
was  so  successful  that,  during  the  nine  months 
of  his  stay  in  Ireland,  the  forces  of  the  Royalists 
were  shattered,  and  the  nrovinces  of  Leinster 
and  Munster  recovered  for  the  Parliament. 
Cromwell  rciurned  to  England  in  May,  1050, 
leaving  his  son-in-law  Ireton  to  complete  the 
conquest  of  the  country.  The  last  garrisons  in 
Ulster  and  JIunster  surrendered  during  the 
course  of  tlie  ensuing  summer  and  autumn. 
Ireton  crossed  the  Shannon  and  drove  the  Irish 
back  into  the  bogs  and  mountain  fastnesses  of 
Connaught,  their  last  refuge,  whore  fighting  still 
continued  for  two  years  after  all  the  rest  of  the 
country  had  been  reduced  (1G51-2)." — B.  JI. 
Cordery  and  J.  S.  Pliilliiotts,  King  and  Common- 
lecalth.  ch.  12. — "No  admiration  for  Cromwell, 
for  his  genius,  courage,  and  earnestness  —  no 
sympathy  with  the  cause  that  ho  upheld  in 
England  —  can  blind  us  to  the  truth,  that  the 
lurid  light  of  this  great  crime  [tlie  massacre  at 
Droghedalburns  still  after  centuries  across  the 
history  of  England  and  of  Ireland ;  that  it  is  one  of 
those  damning  charges  which  the  Puritan  theol- 
ogy has  yet  to  answer  at  tii"  bar  of  humanity." 
— F.  Harrison,  O^t'rfc '"  Al,ch.S. — "Oliver's 
proceedings  liero  [at  1  „  ^iieda]  have  been  the 
theme  of  much  loud  criticism,  and  sibylline  ex- 
ecration ;  into  whicL'  4t  is  not  our  plan  to  enter 


1768 


IRELAND,  1640-10.'30. 


CrnmicelUnn 
Settlement. 


IRELAND,  1653. 


at  present.  ...  To  those  who  tliink  tlmt  a  land 
overrun  with  SanRuinnry  (Quacks  can  be  healed 
by  sprinkling  it  witii  rose-water,  these  letters  must 
be  very  horrible.  Terrible  Hurj^ery  tliis:  but  is 
it  Surgery  and  Judgment,  or  atrocious  ^Murder 
merelyY  That  is  a  question  which  should  be 
asked ;  and  answered.  Oliver  Croi.jwell  did  be- 
lieve in  God's  Judgment.',;  ,and  did  not  believe 
in  the  rose-water  plan  Oi  Surgery;  —  which,  in 
fact,  's  tliis  Editor's  case  too.  .  .  .  Here  is  a 
man  whoso  word  represents  a  thing  I  Not  blus- 
ter this,  and  false  jargon  scattering  itself  to  tlie 
winds:  what  this  man  speaks  out  of  him  C(mies 
to  pass  as  a  fact;  speech  with  tliis  man  is  ac- 
curately prophetic  of  deed.  This  is  the  first 
King's  face  poor  Ireland  ever  saw;  the  first 
Friend's  face,  little  as  it  recognises  him, — poor 
Ireland !  ...  To  our  Irisli  friends  wc  ouglit  to 
Bay  likewise  that  this  Garrison  of  Tredali  con- 
sisted, in  goo<l  part,  of  Englishmen.  Perfectly 
certain  tliis: — and  therefore  let  'tlie  bloody  hoof 
of  the  Saxon,'  &c.,  forbear  to  continue  itself  on 
that  matter." — T.  Carlyle,  Olirer  Cromwell' >  Let- 
ters and  Speecfies,  pt.  5. — "Cromwell  met  witli 
Httle  resistance :  wherever  he  came,  he  lield  out 
the  promise  of  life  and  liberty  of  conscience; 
.  .  .  liberty  of  conscience  he  explained  to  mem 
liberty  of  internal  belief,  not  of  external  W'  Sip; 
.  .  .  but  the  rejection  of  the  offer,  tho  i  it 
were  afterwards  accepted,  was  punished  with 
the  blood  of  the  officers;  and,  if  the  place  were 
taken  by  force,  with  indiscriminate  slaughter. " 
— J.  Lingard,  Hist,  of  England,  v.  10,  ch.  5,  with 
foot-note. 

Also  in:  D.  Murphy,  C'romwellin  Ireland. 

A.  D.  1651. — The  Massachusetts  colonists 
invited  to  Ireland  by  Cromwell.  See  M.\ssa- 
CHUSETTS:  A.  D.  1649-1651. 

A.  D.  1652.— The  Kilkenny  Articles.— 'On 
12th  May,  1652,  the  Lcinster  army  of  the  Irish 
surrendered  on  terms  signed  at  Kilkenny,  which 
were  adopted  successively  by  the  other  principal 
armies  between  that  time  and  the  September 
following,  when  the  Ulster  forces  surrendered. 
By  these  Kilkenny  articles,  all  except  those  who 
were  guilty  of  the  first  blood  were  received  into 
protection,  on  laying  down  their  arms ;  those  wlio 
sliould  not  bo  satisfied  with  the  conclusions  the 
Parliament  might  come  to  concerning  the  Irish 
nation,  and  should  desire  to  transport  themselves 
with  their  men  to  serve  any  foreign  state  in 
amity  with  the  Parliament,  should  have  liberty 
to  treat  with  their  agents  for  that  purpose." — 
J.  P.  Prendergast,  The  Cromwellian  Settlement  of 
Ireland,  pt.  1,  sect.  2. 

A.  D.  1653. — The  Cromwellian  Settlement. 
— "By  the  term  Cromwellian  Settlement  is  to  be 
understood  the  history  of  the  dealings  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  England  with  the  lands  and 
habitations  of  the  people  of  Ireland  after  their 
conquest  of  the  country  in  the  year  1652.  .  .  . 
The  officers  of  the  army  were  eager  to  take  Irish 
lands  in  lieu  of  their  arrears,  though  it  docs  not 
appear  that  the  common  soldiers  were,  who  had 
small  debentures  and  no  capital,  and  no  chance 
of  founding  families  and  leaving  estates  to  their 
posterity.  But  the  adventurers  [national  credit- 
ors, who  had  loaned  money  to  the  government 
for  the  Irish  War]  must  be  first  settled  with,  as 
they  had  a  claim  to  about  one  million  of  acres,  to 
satisfy  the  sums  advanced  for  putting  down  the 
rebellion  on  the  faith  of  the  Act  of  17  Charles  I. 
(A.  D.  1642),  and  subsequent  Acts  and  Ordinan- 


ces, commonly  called  '  Tlie  Acts  of  Subscription. ' 
By  these,  lands  for  the  adventurers  must  be  first 
ascertained,  before  the  rest  of  the  country  could 
be  free  for  disposal  by  the  Parliament  to  the 
army.  .  .  .  Towards  the  close  of  the  year  16.')!!, 
the  island  seemed  sufficiently  desolated  to  allow 
the  English  to  occupy  it.  On  the  26tli  of  Sep- 
tember in  that  year,  the  Parliament  passed  an 
Act  for  the  new  planting  of  Ireland  with  Eng- 
lish. The  government  reserved  for  themselves 
all  the  towns,  all  the  church  lands  and  tithes;  for 
they  abolished  all  archbisliops,  bishops,  deans, 
an(l  other  officers,  belonging  to  that  hiemrc^hy, 
and  in  those  days  the  (-'liurch  of  Christ  sat  m 
Chichester  House  on  College-green.  They  re- 
served also  for  themselves  the  four  counties  of 
Dublin,  Kildare,  Carlow,  and  Cork.  Out  of  the 
lands  and  titlies  thus  reserved,  the  government 
were  to  satisfy  public  debts,  private  favourites, 
eminent  friends  of  the  republican  cause  in  Par- 
liament, regicides,  and  the  most  active  of  the 
English  rebels,  not  being  of  the  army.  They 
next  made  ample  provision  for  tlie  adventurers. 
The  amount  due  to  the  adventurers  was  £360,()()0. 
This  they  divided  into  three  lots  of  which 
i'110,000  was  to  be  satisfied  in  Munsi.  .,  £205,000 
in  Leinster,  and  £45,000  in  Ulster,  and  the  moiety 
of  ten  counties  was  charged  with  their  pay- 
ment:— Waterford,  Limerick,  and  Tipperary,  m 
Munster;  Meath,Westmeath,  King's  ond  Queen's 
Counties,  in  Leinster;  and  Antrim,  Down,  and 
Arniiinh,  in  Ulster.  But,  as  all  was  re<iuircd  by 
the  A<lventurers  Act  to  be  done  by  lot,  a  lottery 
was  appointed  to  be  held  in  Grocers'  Hall,  Ijon- 
don,  for  ti;i  20tli  July,  1653.  ...  A  lot  was 
then  to  be  dr.awii  by  the  adventurt^rf  and  by 
some  officer  appi;intett  by  the  Lord  General  Crom- 
well on  behalf  of  liie  soldiery,  to  ascertain  which 
baronies  in  the  tea  counties  should  be  for  tlie 
adventurers,  and  which  for  the  soldiers.  Tlie 
rest  of  Ireland,  except  Connaught,  was  to  be  set 
out  amongst  tlie  ofllcers  .:nd  soldiers,  for  their 
arrears,  amounting  to  £l,550,OoO,  ?.r»1  to  satisfy 
debts  of  money  or  provisions  due  for  supplies 
advanced  to  the  army  of  ilic  fJommonwealth, 
amounting  to  .£1,750,000.  Connaught  was  by  the 
Parliament  reserved  and  appointed  for  the  habi- 
tation of  the  Irish  nation;  and  all  English  and 
Protestants  having  lands  there,  wlio  should  de- 
sire to  remove  out  of  Connaught  into  the  prov- 
inces inhabited  by  the  English,  were  to  receive 
estates  in  the  English  parts,  of  equal  value,  in 
exchange.  .  .  .  The  Earl  of  Ormond,  Primate 
Bramhajl,  and  all  tlie  Catholic  nobility,  and 
many  of  the  gentry,  were  declared  incapable  of 
pardon  of  life  or  estate,  and  were  banished.  .  .  . 
Connaught  was  selected  for  the  habitation  of  all 
the  Irish  nation  by  reason  of  its  being  sur- 
sounded  by  the  sea  and  the  Sliiiiinon,  all  but  ten 
miles,  and  the  whole  easily  made  into  one  line 
by  a  few  forts.  To  furtlier  secure  the  imprison- 
ment of  the  nation,  and  cut  them  off  from  relief 
by  sea,  a  belt  four  miles  wide,  commencing  one 
mile  to  the  west  of  Sligo,  and  so  winging  along 
tli(!  coast  and  Shannon,  was  reserved  tiy  the  Act 
of  27th  September,  1653,  from  being  set  out  to 
the  Irish,  and  was  given  to  the  soldiery  to  plant. 
Thither  all  the  Irish  were  to  remove  at  latest  by 
the  first  day  of  May,  1654,  except  Irish  women 
married  to  English  Protestants  before  the  2d 
December,  1650,  provided  they  became  Protes- 
tants; except,  also,  boys  under  fourteen  and  girls 
under  twelve,  in  Protestant  service  and  to  bo 


1769 


IRELAND,  1653. 


fntifr  the 
reatuffd  Stuartn. 


lUELAND.   1685-1688. 


brou^lit  up  ProtestimtN;  :ui(l,  Instly,  those  who 
hud  Hhov.ii  (luriiiK  the  ten  years'  wiir  in  Ireland 
their  constiint  goo<l  iiITeetion  to  tlie  Purlimnent 
of  Enj^liind  in  preferenee  to  tlie  king.  Tliere 
they  were  to  dwell  without  ■  ntering  a  walled 
town,  or  coming  within  (iv(  ailes  of  some,  on 
pain  of  deatli.  All  were  to  remove  thitlier  by 
tlic  Ist  of  May,  1(!54,  at  latest,  under  pain  of 
being  put  to  deatli  by  .sentence  of  a  court  of 
nulilary  olileerM.  if  found  after  tliat  dale  on  tlie 
Knglisli  side  of  tlie  Hliaunon."  In  tlie  v  aial  en- 
forcement of  the  law  —  found  impracticable  in 
all  its  rigor  —  tlicr'  were  niuuy  special  dispeosn- 
tions  granted,  and  e.\ten8i«ms  of  time. —  J.  P. 
Prendcrgast,  The  Cr  'iwellian  Settlement  of  Ire- 
laiui,  pre/.,  and pt.  i 

Also  in:  J.  A.  Fronde,  The  Kngliiih  in  Ire- 
land in  the  \%th  C'enf//,  hk.  1,  ch.  3  (r.  1).— J. 
Lingard,  Hint,  of  Kntj.,  v.  10,  eh.  (1. 

A.  D.  1655.— Cromwell's  deportation  of  Girls 
to  Jamaica.     See  Jamaica:  A.  I).  1(155. 

A.  D.  1660-1665.— The  restored  Stuarts  and 
their  Act  of  Settlement. — "On  the  fali  of 
Kicbard  Cromwell,  a  council  of  olliccrs  wh  >  es- 
tablished in  Dublin ;  these  summoned  a  cunven- 
tion  of  deputies  from  the  protestant  proprietors ; 
and  the  convention  tendered  to  Charles  the 
obedience  of  his  ancient  kingdom  of  Ireland. 
.  .  .  To  secure  the  royal  protection,  they  made 
the  king  an  offer  of  a  considerabh^  sum  of  money, 
assured  him,  though  falsely,  tHat  the  Irish  cath- 
olics meditated  a  general  insurrection,  and  prayed 
him  to  summon  a  protestant  parliament  in  Ire- 
land, which  might  contlrm  the  existing  proprie- 
tors in  the  undisturbed  possession  of  their  estates. 
The  present  was  graciously  accepted,  and  the 
penal  laws  against  the  Irish  catholics  were 
ordered  to  lie  strictly  enforced ;  but  Charles  was 
unwilling  to  call  a  parliament,  because  it  would 
necessarily  consist  of  men  whose  principles,  both 
civil  and  religious,  he  had  been  taught  to  dis- 
trust. The  first  measure  recommended  to  him 
by  his  English  advisers,  with  respect  to  Ireland, 
was  the  re-establishment  of  e^iiscopacy.  For 
this  no  legislative  enactment  was  requisite.  His 
return  had  given  to  the  ancient  laws  their  pristine 
authority.  ...  In  a  short  time  the  episcopal 
hierarchy  was  quietly  restored  to  the  enjoyment 
of  its  former  rights,  and  the  exercise  of  its  for- 
mer jurisdiction.  To  this,  a  work  of  easy  ac- 
complishment, succeeded  a  much  more  dilHcult 
attempt,  —  the  settlement  of  landed  property  in 
Ireland.  The  military,  whom  it  was  dangerous  to 
disoblige,  and  the  adventvirers,  whose  pretensions 
had  been  sanctioned  by  Charles  I.,  demanded  the 
royal  confirmation  of  the  titles  by  which  they 
held  their  estates;  and  the  demand  was  opposed 
by  a  multitude  of  petitioners  claiming  restitu- 
tion or  compensation  [protestant  royalists,  loyal 
catholics,  &c.].  .  .  .  Humanity,  gratitude,  and 
justice,  called  on  the  king  to  listen  to  many  of 
these  claims.  .  .  .  From  an  estimate  delivered 
to  the  king,  it  appeared  that  there  still  remained 
at  his  disposal  forfeited  lands  of  the  yearly  rental 
of  from  c  (Ahty  to  one  hundred  thousand  pounds; 
a  fund  suftlciently  omple,  it  was  contended,  to 
'  reprize '  or  compensate  all  the  Irish  really  de- 
serving of  tlie  royal  favour.  Under  this  impres- 
sion, Charles  published  his  celebrated  declaration 
for  the  settlement  of  Ireland.  It  provided  that 
no  person  deriving  his  title  from  the  adventurers 
under  the  parliament,  or  the  soldiers  under  the 
commonwealth,  should  be  disturbed  in  the  pos- 


session of  his  lands,  without  receiving  an  equiva- 
lent from  the  fund  for  reprisal,  that  all  inno- 
cents, whether  protestants  or  catholics,  that  is, 
persons  wlio  had  never  adhered  either  to  the 
parliament  or  the  confederates,  should  be  restored 
to  their  riglitfiil  estates."  After  much  conlenlion 
between  deputations  from  both  sides  sent  to  the 
king,  an  act  was  passed  through  the  Irish  parlia- 
ment substantially  according  to  the  royal  decla- 
ration. "  Itut  to  execute  this  act  was  found  to 
be  a  task  of  considerable  dilliculty.  Hy  improvi- 
dent grants  of  lands  to  the  church,  the  dukes  of 
York,  Ormond,  and  Albemarle,  the  earls  of 
Orrery,  Montrath,  Kingston,  JIassarene,  and 
seveiiil  others,  the  fund  for  reprisals  had  been 
almost  exhausted,"  New  controversies  and  agi- 
tations arose,  which  finally  induced  the  soldiers, 
adventurers,  and  grantees  of  the  crown  to  sui- 
reiuier  one  third  of  their  acquisiticms.  for  the 
augmenting  of  the  fund  for  reprisals.  "The 
king,  by  this  measure,  was  placed  in  a  situation 
[Aug.,  1065],  not  indeed  to  ilo  justice,  but  to 
silence  the  most  importunate  or  most  deserving 
nuiong  the  petitioners.  .  .  .  But  when  compen- 
sation had  thus  been  made  to  ,1  few  of  the  suf- 
ferers, what,  it  may  be  asked,  became  of  the 
ofllcers  who  had  followed  the  royal  fortune 
abroad,  or  of  the  S),000  catholics  wiio  had  entered 
heir  claims  of  innocence?  To  all  these,  tlie 
promises  wliich  liad  been  made  by  the  act  of 
settlement  were  broken ;  the  unfortunate  claim- 
ants were  deiirived  of  their  rights,  and  debarred 
from  all  hope  of  future  relief.  A  measure  of 
such  sweeping  and  appalling  oppression  is  per- 
haps without  a  parallel  in  the  history  of  civil- 
ized nations.  Its  injustice  could  not  be  denied; 
and  the  only  apology  offered  in  its  behalf  was 
the  stern  necessity  of  quieting  the  fears  ami 
jealousies  of  the  Cromwcllian  settlers,  and  of 
establishing  on  a  permanent  basis  the  protestant 
asccndancy'in  Ireland.  .  .  .  The  following  is  the 
general  result.  The  protestants  were  previously 
[i.  e. ,  before  the  Cromwellian  Settlement]  in  pos- 
session of  about  one  moiety  of  all  the  profitable 
lands  in  the  island ;  of  the  second  moiety,  which 
had  been  forfeited  under  the  commonwealth, 
something  less  than  two-thirds  was  by  the  act 
confirmed  to  the  protestants;  and  of  the  remain- 
der a  portion  almost  equal  in  quantity,  but  not 
in  quality,  to  one-third,  was  appropriated  to  the 
catholics." — J.  Lingard,  Hist,  of  En;/.,  v.  11,  eh.  4. 
Also  in  :  J.  A.  Froude,  The  Englinh  in  Ire- 
land, bk.  1,  eh.  3  (».  1).— T.  Carte,  Life  of  James 
Dvke  of  Ormond,  bk.  6  (v.  4), 

A.  D.  1685-1688.— The  reign  of  James  II.— 
Domination  of  Tjrrconnel  and  the  Catholics. 
—  "At  the  accession  of  Jrnies  II.,  in  1085,  ho 
found  the  native  Irish,  all  of  whom  were  lioman 
Catholics,  opposed  to  the  English  rule,  as  to  that 
of  a  conquering  minority.  ...  Of  the  settlers, 
the  Scotch  Presbyterians  shared  tliff  feelings  of 
their  brethren  in  their  native  country,  and  hated 
Episcopalians  with  the  true  religious  fury.  In 
the  Irisli  Parliament  tlie  Presbyterians  and  Epis- 
copalians were  nearly  balanced,  whilst  the 
Protestant  Nonconformists,  in  numbers  almost 
equalling  the  other  two  parties,  had  but  few  seats 
in  the  Parliament.  The  Episcopalians  alone 
were  hearty  supporters  of  the  house  of  Stuart; 
the  Presbyterians  and  Nonconformists  were 
Whigs.  James  was  in  a  most  favourable  posi- 
tion for  tranquilislng  Ireland,  for,  as  a  Roman 
Catholic,  he  was  much  more  acceptable  to  the 


1770 


IRELAND,  1085-1688. 


Tvrconnet. 


lliELAND,  1688-1680. 


niitivc  Irish  tlmn  liis  pr<  It'crssors  lind  bren.  Ilnd 
lie  followed  his  trui;  uitcrests,  ho  would  huve 
iTKleavourud,  firstly,  to  unite  together,  ns  firmly 
lis  possible,  the  English  settlers  in  Ireland,  and 
secondly,  by  wise  acts  of  mediation,  to  bridge 
over  the  differences  lietween  the  English  and 
Irish.  Thus  ho  might  have  welded  them  into 
onc!  people.  James,  however,  followed  a  di- 
rectly opposite  policy,  and  the  results  of  this 
misgovcrnment  of  Ireland  arc  visible  at  tlie  pres- 
ent day.  The  Duke  of  Ormond  was  at  the  time 
of  the  death  of  Charles  II.  both  lord  lieutenant 
and  commander  of  the  forces.  .  .  .  Soon  after 
his  accession  James  recalled  him,  and  the  office 
of  lord  lieutenant  wns  bestowed  on  his  own 
brother-in-law,  Lord  Clarendon,  whil.st  the  post 
of  general  of  the  troops  was  given  to  Richard 
Talbot,  Earl  of  Tyrconnel.  Talbot  .  .  .  was  a 
coarse,  vulgar,  truculent  ruffian,  greedy  and  un- 
principled; but  in  the  eyes  of  James  ho  had 
great  virtues,  for  he  was  devoted  to  the  Ilomish 
Church  and  to  his  sovereign.  '  Lying  Dick 
Talbot,'  as  he  was  called,  was  raised  by  James  to 
the  peerage  as  Earl  of  Tyrconnel.  Lord  Claren- 
don was,  from  the  time  of  his  appointment, 
hampered  bv  his  associate,"  who,  finally,  in  1687, 
supplanted  him,  gathering  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment into  his  own  hands,  "not  indeed  as  lord 
lieutenant,  but  with  the  power  which  Ormond 
had  formerly  hold,  although  tmder  a  new  title, 
that  of  lord  deputy.  The  rule  of  Tyrconnel  en- 
tirely subverted  the  old  order  of  things.  Protes- 
tants were  disarmed  and  Protestant  soldiers  were 
disbanded.  The  militia  was  composed  wholly 
of  Roman  Ci\tholics.  Tlie  dispensing  power  in 
the  royal  prerogative  set  aside  the  statutes  of  the 
kingdom,  and  the  bench  and  privy  council  were 
occupied  by  Roman  Catholics.  Vacant  bish- 
oprics of  the  Established  Church  remained  im- 
fillod,  and  their  revenues  were  devoted  to  Romisli 
jiriests.  Tithes  wore  with  impunity  withheld 
from  the  clergy  of  the  Establishment.  .  .  .  The 
hatred  of  the  Irish  Roman  Catholics  toward.s  the 
Protestant  settlers  was  excited  to  tlic  utmost  un- 
der  Tyrconnel's  r\ile.  The  former  now  hoped  to 
mete  out  to  the  latter  a  full  measure  of  retalia- 
tion. The  breach  was  widened  owing  to  the 
fear  and  distrust  openly  showed  by  the  Protes- 
tants, and  has  never  since  been  effectually  re- 
paired." Botoro  the  occurrence  of  the  Revolu- 
tion which  drove  James  from  his  throne,  in  1688, 
"Tyrconnel  had  disarmed  all  the  Protestants, 
except  those  in  the  North.  lie  had  a  large  force 
of  20,000  nien  under  arms,  and  of  this  force  all 
the  officers  were  trustworthy  and  Papists.  He 
had  ttUed  the  corporations  of  the  towns  with  ad- 
herents of  James.  He  had  shown  himself  to  be, 
as  ever,  tyrannical  and  unscrupulous.  It  was 
universally  believed  by  tlie  Protestants  that  a 
general  massacre,  a  second  St.  Bartholomew, 
was  intended.  Even  a  day,  December  9,  was, 
they  tliought,  fixed  for  the  expected  outbreak. 
The  garrison  of  Londonderry  had  been  tempo- 
rarily withdrawn.  On  December  8,  Lord  An- 
trim arrived  in  command  of  12,000  [1,200?]  sol- 
diers to  form  the  new  garrison.  Without  any 
warning,  the  Protestant  apprentices  ( '  the  prentice 
boys  of  Derry ')  shut  the  gates  of  the  city  in  his 
face.  The  inhabitants,  in  spite  of  the  entreaties 
of  the  bishop  and  of  the  town  council,  refused  to 
allow  them  to  be  opened.  Antrim  was  com- 
pelled to  withdraw.  Thus  one  rallying-point 
was  gained  for  the  opponents  of  J^mes.    Another 


was  found  in  Enniskiilen,  sixty  miles  south  of 
Londonderry.  Into  these  two  towns  poured  all 
the  Protestants  from  the  surrounding  districts. 
With  tlioso  two  exceptions,  the  boast  of  Tyrcon- 
nel that  Ireland  was  trno,  was  well  founded."  — 
E.  Halo,  The  Full  of  the  SliiarU,  eh.  10  and  i:i. 
—  "Ho  [.lamos  II.]  dolilK'ratc'ly  ro.solved,  not 
merely  to  give  to  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of 
Ireland  the  entire  dominion  of  their  own  country, 
but  also  to  use  them  as  his  instruments  for 
setting  up  arbitrary  government  in  England. 
The  event  was  such  as  might  hav(!  bo(!n  foreseen. 
The  colonists  turned  to  bay  with  tlio  stubborn 
hardiliood  of  their  race.  The  mother  country 
justly  regarded  their  cause  as  her  own.  Then 
came  a  desperate  struggle  for  a  tremendous 
stake.  .  .  .  The  contest  was  terrible  but  short. 
The  weaker  went  down.  His  fate  was  cruel; 
and  yet  for  the  cruelty  with  which  lie  was  treated 
there  was,  not  indeed  a  defence,  but  an  excuse : 
for  thougli  he  suffered  all  that  tyranny  could  in- 
flict, he  suffered  notliing  that  he  would  not  him- 
self have  inflicted.  The  effect  of  tlie  insane 
attempt  to  subjugate  England  by  moans  of  Ire- 
land was  that  the  Irish  became  hewers  of  wood 
and  drawers  of  water  to  the  English.  .  .  .  The 
momentary  ascendency  of  Popery  produced  such 
a  series  of  barbarous  laws  against  Popery  as 
made  the  statute  book  of  Ireland  a  proverb  of 
infamy  tliroughout  Christendom.  Such  were 
the  bitter  fruits  of  the  policy  of  James. " —  Lord 
JIacaulay,  llixt.  of  Kii;/.,  ch.  6  (r.  2). 

Also  i.n  :  J.   R.  O'Flanagan,  Liceii  of  Uie  Lord 
ChaneelltirK  of  rirlond.  eh.  28  (r.  1). 

A.  D.  1688-1689.— Enniskiilen  and  the  Battle 
of  Newton  Butler. —  Enniskiilen,  then  a  village, 
surrounding  an  ancient  castle,  was,  in  1088-89, 
one  of  the  two  rallying  points  of  the  Protestant 
colonists  in  Irelaiul,  who  supported  the  Revolu- 
tion by  which  James  11.  was  dethroned  and 
William  and  Alary  were  crowned.  The  chief 
stronghold  of  their  cause  was  Londonderry;  but 
Ilnniskillcii  bore  a  scarcely  less  important  part. 
"In  December,  1088,  Tyrconnel's  troops,  being 
two  companies  of  Popish  infantry,  advanced 
upon  Enniskiilen.  Tlie  inhabitants,  reinforced 
by  200  foot  and  l.'iO  horse,  contributed  by  the 
neighbouring  gentry,  marched  out  to  oppose 
them.  Tyrconnel's  men  fled  to  Ci'van.  The 
Enniskillenors,  then,  arming  themselves  as  well 
us  they  could,  and  converting  all  the  country-  ^ 
houses  round  Lough  Erne  into  garrisons,  ap- 
pointed Qustavus  Hamilton  their  governor  and 
resolved  upon  defence.  .  .  .  Early  in  May,  1689, 
the  Enniskillenors  routed  Tyrconnel's  troops, 
sent  from  Connaught  into  Donegal.  They  next 
drove  1,500  men  out  of  the  County  Cavan"  —  de- 
stroyed the  Castle  of  Ballincarrig  —  and  then 
entered  the  County  Jloath,  wlionco  they  carried 
off  oxen  and  sheep.  Colonel  Hugh  Sutherland 
was  sent  with  a  regiment  of  dragtwins  and  two 
regiments  of  foot  against  the  Enniskillencrs, 
wiio,  however,  defeated  them,  and  took  Beltur- 
bet,  where  they  found  muskets,  gunpowder,  and 
provi.sions;  but  unfortunately  they  wore  unable 
to  relievo  Derry,  then  beleaguered  and  sorely 
distressed.  The  Enniskilleners  held  out  against 
all  attacks,  and  refused  all  terms  of  surrender. 
They  were  now  assailed  from  various  points;  by 
Macartliy  (then  by  James  created  Viscount 
Mountcashel)  from  the  east,  by  another  body 
from  the  west,  and  by  the  Duke  of  Berwick  from 
the  north.     The  Enniskilleners  sent  to  Colonel 


1771 


TRELAND.  1088-1689. 


Jaoobitr 
PnrliameHt. 


IRELAND,  1680-1001. 


Kirko  rcnniiiinnilliiK  the  EiiRlisli  forros  first  sent 
to  Irclund  l>y  William  of  ()riingc|  who  liiid  nr- 
rivfd  ill  Lou^tli  Koyle,  iiiid  rcccive'd  from  him 
some  iiriiiM  iinil  amiiuinitioii;  and  Colonel  WoLse- 
h"y  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  BiTrv  eame  from 
liim  to  their  a.ssistanee.  Colonel  Wolsoley  took 
the  roinmaml."  Under  Wolscley,  tliu  men  of 
Kuniskillen,  3,000  strong,  encountered  5,000  of 
the  eueniv,  under  Mounteushel,  near  the  town  of 
Newton  IJutler,  fni  the  3l8t  of  July,  three  days 
after  Derry  had  been  relieved.  Their  victory 
WHS  complete.  "The  whole  Irish  force  was 
totally  and  hopelessly  routed.  Tlieir  slaughter 
was  dreadful  —  l.SOO  killed,  and  500  drowned  in 
Lough  Krne,  whither  tlioy  were  driven.  Mount- 
cashel  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner.  The 
Knniskilleners  lost  only  twenty  killed  and  fifty 
wounded.  They  took  400  prisoners,  some  can- 
nons, fourteen  barrels  of  gunpowder,  and  all  the 
colours  and  drums.  .  .  .  The  victory  became 
known  at  Strabane  to  the  Irish  army  retreating 
from  Derry,  which  thereupon  broke  up  in  con- 
fusion and  tied  to  Omagh,  and  thence  to  Charlc- 
mont."— W.  II.  Torriano,  William  the  Third, 
eh.  21. 
Also  in:  Lord  Macaulay,  Hist.  ofEng.,  eh.  13 

(D.  a). 

A.  D.  1680-1691.— The  War  of  the  Revolu- 
tion.— The  Orange  conquest. — .Supported  by  a 
French  fleet,  supplied  moderately  with  French 

fold,  and  accompanied  by  a  picked  body  of 
'reuch  ofllcers,  for  the  organizing  and  disciplin- 
ing of  raw  Itish  troops,  .lames  II.  landed  in  Ire- 
land, at  Kinsale,  on  the  12th  of  March,  1680,  to 
take  personal  possession  of  the  government  still 
maintained  there  in  his  name.  From  Kinsale  he 
hastened  to  Dublin,  "and  summoned  a  Parlia- 
ment, which  met  on  Moy  7,  1689,  and  sat  until 
July  18.  This  Parliament  of  James  has  been  des- 
cribed as  a  Parliament  of  Irish  Celts,  yet  out  of  the 
228  members  of  the  House  of  Commons  about 
one-fourth  only  belonged  to  the  native  race,  and 
even  including  members  of  families  Anglicized  or 
of  doubtful  origin,  not  one-third  of  the  House  of 
Commons  belonged  to  the  so-called  Celts.  Of 
the  thirty-two  lay  peers  who  attended,  not  more 
than  two  or  three  bore  old  Irish  names.  The 
four  spiritual  peers  were  Protestant  bishops. " — 
W.  K.  Sullivan,  pt.  1,  of  2\tio  Centuries  of  Irish 
History,  eh.  1.  —  "The  members  of  the  House  of 
Commons  were  almost  all  new  men,  completely 
inexperienced  in  public  business  and  animated  by 
the  resentment  of  the  bitterest  wrongs.  Many 
of  them  were  sons  of  some  of  the  3,000  proprie- 
tors who  without  trial  and  without  compensation 
liad  been  deprived  by  the  Act  of  Settlement  of 
the  estates  of  their  ancestors.  To  all  of  them 
the  confiscations  of  Ulster,  the  fraud  of  Strafford, 
tile  long  train  of  calamities  that  followed  were 
recent  and  vivid  events.  ...  It  will  hardly  ap- 
pear surprising  to  candid  men  that  a  Parliament 
80  constituted  and  called  together  omid  the  ex- 
citement of  a  civil  war,  should  have  displayed 
much  violence,  nmch  disregard  for  vested  inter- 
ests. Its  measures,  indeed,  were  not  all  criminal. 
By  one  Act  which  was  far  in  advance  of  the  age, 
it  established  perfect  religious  liberty  in  Ireland. 
.  .  .  By  another  Act,  repealing  Poynings'  law, 
and  asserting  its  own  legislative  independence, 
it  anticipated  the  doctrine  of  Molyneux,  Swift, 
and  Grattan.  ...  A  third  measure  abolished  the 
payments  to  Protestant  clergy  in  the  corporate 
towns,  while  a  fourth  ordered  that  the  Catholics 


throughout  Ireland  should  henceforth  pay  their 
tithes  and  other  ecclesiastical  dues  to  their  own 
priests  and  not  to  the  Protestant  clergy.  The  Prot- 
estants were  still  to  pay  their  titlies  to  tlieir  own 
clergy.  .  .  .  Several  other  mea.sures  —  most  of 
them  now  only  known  liy  their  titles  —  were 
passed  for  developing  the  resources  of  the  coun- 
try or  remedying  some  great  abuse.  ...  If 
these  had  been  the  only  measures  of  the  Irish 
Parliament  it  would  have  left  an  eminently  hon- 
ourable reputation.  But,  unfortunately,  one  of 
its  main  objects  was  to  re-establish  at  nil  costs 
the  descendants  of  the  old  proprietors  in  their 
land,  and  to  annul  by  measures  of  sweeping  vio- 
lence the  grievous  wrongs  and  spoliations  their 
fathers  and  their  grandfathers  had  undergone. 
The  first  and  most  important  measure  with  this 
object  was  the  repc.il  of  the  Acts  of  Settlement 
and  Explanation.  .  .  .  The  preamble  asserts 
that  the  outbreak  of  1641  had  been  solely  due  to 
the  intolerable  oppres.sion  and  to  the  disloyal  con- 
duct if  the  Lords  Justices  and  Puritan  party, 
that  th  ''atholics  of  Ireland  before  the  struggle 
I'ld  concluded  had  been  fully  reconciled  to  the 
sovereign,  that  they  liad  received  from  the  sov- 
ereign a  full  and  formal  pardon,  and  that  the 
royal  wonl  had  been  in  consequence jiledged  to 
the  restitution  of  their  properties.  This  pledge 
by  the  Act  of  Settlement  had  been  to  a  great  ex- 
tc:it  broken,  and  the  Irish  legislators  maintained 
thai  the  twenty-four  years  which  had  elapsed 
since  that  Act  had  not  annulled  the  fights  of  the 
old  proprietors  or  their  descendants.  They  main- 
tained tliat  these  claims  were  not  only  valid  but 
were  prior  to  oil  others,  and  they  accordingly 
enacted  that  the  heirs  of  all  persons  who  hiul 
possessed  landed  property  in  Ireland  on  October 
32,1641,  and  who  had  been  deprived  of  their  in- 
heritance by  the  Act  of  Settlement,  should  enter 
at  once  into  possession  of  their  old  properties. 
.  .  .  Tlie  lone;  succession  of  confiscations  of 
Irish  land  which  had  taken  place  from  the  days 
of  Mary  to  the  Act  of  Settlement  had  been  mainly 
based  upon  real  or  pretended  plots  of  the  owners 
of  the  soil,  which  enabled  the  Government,  on 
the  plea  of  high  treason,  to  appropriate  the  hind 
which  they  desired.  In  1689  the  great  bulk  of  the 
English  proprietors  of  Irish  soil  were  in  actual 
correspondence  with  William,  and  were  therefore 
legally  guilty  of  high  treason.  The  Irish  legis- 
lators now  proceeded  to  follow  the  example  of 
the  British  Governments,  and  by  a  clause  of  ex- 
treme severity  they  pronounced  the  real  estates 
of  all  Irish  proprietors  who  dwelt  in  any  part  of 
the  three  kingdoms  which  did  not  acknowledge 
King  James,  or  who  aided,  abetted  or«corre- 
spondod  with  the  rebels,  to  be  forfeited  and  vested 
in  the  Crown,  and  from  this  source  they  proposed 
to  compensate  the  purchasers  under  the  Act  of 
Settlement.  .  .  .  The  measure  of  repeal,  how- 
ever, was  speedily  followed  by  another  Act  of 
much  more  sweeping  and  violent  injustice.  The 
Act  of  Attainder,  which  was  introduced  in  the 
latter  part  of  June,  aimed  at  nothing  .ess  than  a 
complete  overthrow  of  the  existing  land  system 
in  Ireland.  A  list  divided  into  several  groups, 
but  containing  in  all  more  than  2,000  names,  was 
drawn  up  of  landowners  who  were  to  be  attainted 
of  high  treason.  .  .  .  Few  persons  will  question 
the  tyranny  of  an  Act  ivhich  in  this  manner 
made  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  Irish  land- 
lords liable  to  the  penalties  of  high  treason,  unless 
they  could  prove  their  innocence,  even  though 


1772 


IRELAND,  lOaO-lOOl. 


OrcLHije  CoHqueil. 


IRELAND,  1001. 


the  only  crime  tlint  eouM  bonlloped  (ignlnst  them 
wiiH  thut  of  living  out  of  Ircliinil  in  ii  tiin.-  of 
civil  wiir.  .  .  .  It  i»  .  .  .  a  curious  illuHlration  of 
the  CTrclessiii'ss  or  jmrliiility  witii  wiiicli  Irish 
hintory  is  written,  that  no  popular  historian  has 
noticed  that  five  days  before  this  Act,  whicli  has 
been  described  as  '  without  a  i)arallel  in  the  his- 
tory of  civilised  countries,'  was  introduced  into 
the  Irish  Parliament,  ii  Dill  which  appears,  in  its 
essential  characteristics,  to  have  been  precisely 
similar  was  introduced  into  the  Parliament  of 
England;  that  it  passed  the  Phiglish  House  of 
Commoua;  that  it  |)assed,  witli  slight  amend- 
ments, the  English  House  of  Lords;  and  that  it 
was  only  lost,  In  its  last  stage,  by  a  prorogation. 
.  .  .  These  facts  will  show  how  far  the  Irish  Act 
of  Attainder  was  from  liaving  the  unique  charac- 
ter that  has  been  ascribed  to  it.  It  is  not  possible 
to  say  how  that  Act  would  have  been  executed, 
for  the  days  of  Jacobite  ascendency  were  now 
few  and  evil.  The  Parliament  was  i)rorogued  on 
the  20tli  of  July,  one  of  its  last  Acts  being  to 
vest  In  the  King'  the  property  of  those  who  were 
ctill  absentees."— W.  E.  II.  Lecky,  Jlist.  of  Eiiy- 
laiul  in  the  ISth  Century,  ch.  6  (r.  3).  —  While 
James'  Irish  Parliament  sat,  "sufllcient  men  liad 
presented  themselves  to  form  flfty  regiments  of 
infantry  and  a  projiortionate  number  of  cavalry. 
But  .  .  .  these  levies  were  undisciplined,  and 
their  officers,  witli  few  exceptions,  were  without 
military  training  and  experience.  There  were 
no  arsenals,  and  in  the  government  stores  only 
about  1,000  serviceable  ttrearms  were  found;  there 
was  no  artillery  and  no  supply  of  ammunition. 
.  .  .  What  coin  was  in  circulation  was  small  in 
quantity  and  debased  in  (juality.  James's  Gov- 
ernment issued  a  brass  coinage,  which  had  no 
currency  outside  the  kingdom,  and  even  witliin 
it  practically  circulated  only  among  the  partisans 
of  James,  and  could  not  consequently  help  in  pur- 
chasing arms,  ammunition,  and  military  stores, 
which  had  to  be  imported  from  without.  Under 
such  unfavourable  circumstances  the  war  began. 
The  first  campaign  comprised  tlie  siege,  or  rather 
blockade,  of  Derry  —  for  the  Irish,  having  no  ar- 
tillery, could  not  undertake  a  regular  siege  — 
which  was  gallantl}'  defended  by  the  Scoto-Eng- 
llsh  colonists;  the  check  of  Mountcashel  by  the 
Enuiskilleners,  who  liad  followed  tlie  example 
of  Derry ;  the  landing  of  Schomberg  with  an 
army  of  Dutch,  French  Protestants,  and  Eng- 
lish, who  went  into  winter  quarters  neor  Dun- 
dalk,  where  he  lost  nearly  half  his  troops  from 
sickness;  and,  lastly,  the  military  parade  of 
James,  who  marched  out  from  Dublin,  and,  fail- 
ing to  force  Schomberg  to  ilglit,  went  into  winter 
quarters  himself.  The  result  of  the  campaign 
was  the  successful  defence  of  Derry,  and  the 
signal  exhibition  of  James's  incapacity  as  a  gen- 
eral. At  the  opening  of  the  second  campaign, 
an  exchange  of  troops  was  made  between  James 
and  Louis  XIV.,  with  tlie  view  of  giving  pres- 
tige to  the  cause  of  the  former.  Six  thousand 
French  troops,  under  a  drawing-room  general, 
the  well-known  Cointe  de  Lauzun,  arrived  in 
Ireland,  and  the  same  ships  carried  back  an 
equal  number  of  Irish  troops  —  the  brigade  of 
Mountcii  Iiel,  the  best-trained  and  best-equipped 
body  of  troops  in  the  Irish  army.  .  .  .  The 
wasted  army  of  Schomberg  was  strengthened  by 
the  arrival  of  William  himself  on  June  14,  1690, 
with  a  considerable  force.  The  united  armies, 
composed  of  tlie  most  Ucterogcacous  materials, 


one-half  being  foreigners  of  various  nationalities, 
amounted  to  betwe*. •' :t(l,00()  and  4H.()(H)  men.  .  .  , 
To  meet  William,  Jani,.'s  set  i.ut  from  l)ul)lin 
with  an  arniv  of  about  2!), 000  men.  The  French 
troops  and  tlie  Irish  cavalry  were  good,  but  the 
infantry  was  not  well  trained,  ami  tlie  artillery 
consisted  only  of  twelve  lleldpieees.  Tlie  battle 
took  place  on  July  1,  1090,  at  the  iiassage  of  the 
River  Hoyne,  a  few  miles  above  Drogheda  [the 
rout  of  James's  army  being  eomplele  and  its 
loss  about  1,.')00  men.  William  lost  but  .'500;  but 
the  number  included  Schomberg,  one  of  the 
great  soldiers  of  his  age.  James  was  among  i\\v 
first  in  the  flight,  and  he  scarcely  pau.sed  until 
he  had  put  himself  on  board  of  a  French  frigate 
and  (luitted  Ireland  forever].  The  Irisli  fell 
back  on  Dublin  and  tiience  retired  behind  tlie 
line  of  tlie  Shannon.  About  20,000  half-armed 
infantry  and  about  S.noo  horse  concentrated  at 
Limerick.  The  Englisli  having  failed  in  taking 
Atlilone,  tile  key  of  the  upper  Sliannon,  William 
gatliered  together  abcut  38,000  men  In  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Limerick.  Lauzun  having  declared 
that  Limerick  could  not  be  defended,  and  niiglit 
be  taken  with  roasted  apples,  witlulrew  with  the 
whole  of  the  Frencli  troops  to  Gahvay,  to  await 
the  first  opportunity  of  returning  to  France. 
On  August  y,  1090,  William  moved  his  wliolo 
army  close  to  the  town  and  summoned  the  gar- 
rison to  surrender;  but  having  failed,  with  a 
loss  of  3,000  men,  to  carry  the  town  by  assault, 
he  raised  the  siege  and  went  to  England.  The 
tiiird  and  last  campaign  began  late  in  1001.  The 
Irish  received  many  promises  of  assistance  from 
Louis  XIV.,  but  his  ministers  fulfilled  few  or 
none  of  them.  AVith  scarcely  any  loss  of  men, 
and  with  a  small  expenditure  of  stores  and 
money,  the  Irisli  war  enabled  Louis  to  keep  Wil- 
liam and  a  veteran  army  of  40,000  men  out  of 
his  waj'.  .  .  .  The  campaign  opened  in  the  be- 

S ginning  of  June  with  the  odvonee  of  Ginkcl 
William's  general]  on  Atlilone.  The  chief  de- 
ence  of  the  place  was  the  River  Shannon,  the 
works  being  weak,  and  mounting  only  a  few 
field-pieces;  yet  so  obstinately  was  tlio  place  de- 
fended that,  but  for  the  discovery  of  a  ford,  and 
some  neglect  on  the  part  of  D'Usson,  who  com- 
manded, it  is  probable  that  the  siege  would  have 
been  raised.  As  it  was,  Ginkel  became  master 
of  the  heap  of  ruins.  ...  St.  Ruth  [the  French 
officer  commanding  the  Irish]  moved  his  camp 
to  Aughrim  [or  Aglirim],  and  there  was  fought 
the  final  battle  of  the  war  on  Sunday,  Julj-  12, 
1001.  ...  St.  Ruth  was  killed  at  a  critical 
moment,  and  his  army  defeated,  with  a  loss  of 
about  4,000  men,  the  English  loss  being  about 
half  that  number.  Part  of  the  defeated  Irisli 
infantry  retreated  to  Galway;  but  the  bulk  of 
the  troops,  including  the  whole  of  the  cavalry, 
fell  back  on  Limerick,  whicli  surrendered,  after 
a  gallant  resistance,  in  October,  1001." — W.  K. 
Sullivan,  pt.  1  of  Two  Centuries  of  Irish  Hist., 
ch.  1. 

Also  in:  Lord  Macaulay,  Hist,  of  Eng.,  ch.  12, 
16  and  17.— W.  H.  Torriuno,  William  the  Third, 
eh.  5  and  21-23.— J.  A.  Froudc,  T/u:  I^nglish  in 
Ireland,  ch.  3  (o.  1).— W.  A.  O'Conor,  Hist,  of 
the  Irish  People,  bk.  3,  eh.  3  (v.  3).— Sir  J.  Dal- 
rymple,  Memiirs  of  Gt.  Britain  and  Irelaml,  pt. 
3,  bk.  3-5  (0.  3). 

A.  D.  1691.— The  Treaty  of  Limerick  and 
its  violation. — The  surrender  of  Limerick  was 
under  the  terms  of  a  treaty — or  of  two  treaties, 


1773 


IKELANI),  1091 


Trraly 
of  Limerick. 


IRELAND,  1001-1783. 


one  mililjiry,  llic  other  civil  — foriimlly  lU'Koti- 
nlcd  for  llic  Icrniitmliiin  of  the  wiir.  TIiIh  Trciity 
of  MnuTlck  was  Ki^fiicd,  Oct.  :i,  KilM.  Iiv  Huron 
l)e  Giiikcl,  Williiiin'N  jjcncnil,  iiiiil  by  the  ionls 
jlisticcH  of  lr<'liiii(l,  on  behalf  of  the  Kn;;li.sh, 
and  by  SarHllelil  luid  other  chieftainH  on  behalf 
of  the  Irish.  "  Its  cidef  provisions  were:  '  'I'he 
Kotnan  Catliolies  of  this  l<inf?dom  shall  ePjoy 
Hncli  privilejtes  in  tlie  e.vereise  of  their  religion 
UH  are  <'onsistent  with  the  laws  of  Ireland;  or  as 
tliev  <lid  enjoy  in  the  reign  of  King  Charles  II.  ; 
uiiif  their  Alajesties,  as  soon  as  their  alTairs  will 
permit  them  to  siimniuu  a  Parliament  in  this 
kingdom,  will  endeavour  to  proouro  the  said 
Homan  Catholics  snch  further  security  in  that 
particular  as  may  preserve  them  from  any  dis- 
turbance upon  the  acco\int  of  their  said  religion. 
All  th(^  inlnibitants  or  residents  of  Limerick,  or 
any  otiier  garrison  now  in  tlic  possession  of  the 
Irisli,  and  all  ofllcers  and  soldiers  now  in  arms 
under  any  commission  of  King  James,  or  those 
authorized  by  him  to  grant  the  same  in  the  sev- 
eral counties  of  Limerick,  Clare,  Kerry,  (,'ork, 
and  Mayo,  or  any  of  them,  and  all  the  commis- 
sioned otllcers  in  tlieir  Majesties'  quarters  that 
belong  to  the  Irish  regiments  now  In  being  that 
are  treated  witli  and  who  are  not  i)risoners  of 
war,  or  having  taken  protection,  and  who  shall 
return  and  submit  to  their  Majesties'  obedience, 
and  their  and  every  of  their  heirs  sliall  hold, 
possess,  and  enjoy  all  and  every  their  estates 
of  freehold  and  inheritaiic-j ;  and  all  tlie  riglits, 
titles,  and  interest,  privll-ges  and  immunities, 
wliicli  they,  or  every  or  :,ny  of  them,  held,  en- 
joyed, ana  were  rightfully  and  lawfully  entitled 
to  in  the  reign  of  King  Charles  II.  .  .  .  A 
general  pardon  was  to  bo  granted  to  all  persons 
comprised  within  the  treaty,  and  the  I.,ords 
Justices  and  the  generals  commanding  King 
Willi  •  's  army  were  to  use  their  best  endeavours 
to  gci  .iie  attainders  of  any  of  them  attainted  re- 
pealed. ...  In  the  copy  of  the  rough  draft  en- 
gro.ssed  for  signature  tlie  following  words,  'and 
all  sucli  as  are  under  tlieir  protection  in  tlie  said 
counties,'  which  immediately  followed  the  enu- 
meration of  the  several  counties  in  the  second 
article,  were  omitted.  This  omission,  wliether 
the  result  of  design  or  accidei  '  v\'as,  however, 
rectified  by  King  William  win  .,  conliriniug  the 
treaty  in  February,  IGOa.  The  contirining  in- 
strument stated  that  the  words  had  been  casually 
omitted ;  tliat  the  omission  was  not  disco\i  ■  I  till 
the  articles  were  signed,  but  was  tiiken  nouco  of 
before  tlie  town  was  surrendered;  and  that  the 
Lords  Justices  or  General  Giiikel,  or  one  of  them, 
bad  promised  that  the  clause  should  be  made  ^ood, 
since  it  was  within  the  intention  of  the  capitula- 
tion, and  bad  been  inserted  in  tlie  rough  draft. 
William  then  for  himself  <lid  'ratify  and  confirm 
the  said  omitted  words.'  The  colonists,  or  at  all 
events  the  '  new  interests ' —  that  is,  those  who 
shared  or  expected  to  share  in  the  confiscations 
—  were  indigni'nt  at  the  concessions  made  to  the 
native  race.  '—  W.  K.  Sullivan,  ;)<.  1  of  Two 
Centuries  of  Irish  Hist.,  c/i.  1.— "The  advantages 
secured  to  Catholics  by  the  Treaty  of  Limerick 
were  moderate.  But  when  the  Bower  of  the 
Irish  army  had  withdrawn  to  France,  and  the 
remnant  could  be  hanged  without  ceremony, 
they  began  to  look  inordinate.  The  parliament 
of  Cromwellian  settlers  and  Government  ofticials 
in  Dublin  having  excluded  Catholic  members, 
by  requiring  from  them  an  oath  of  abjuration, 


in  direct  infringement  of  one  of  tlie  articles  of 
surrender,  were  free  to  proe 1  at  their  discre- 
tion. They  tlrst  pa.ssed  a  stringent  statute  de- 
priving Catliolies  of  arms,  and  anotlier  onh'ring 
all  '  I'opish  archbishops,  bishops,  vicars-general, 
deans,  Jesuits,  monks,  friars,  and  regulars  of 
whatever  condition  to  depart  from  the  Kingdom 
on  pain  of  transportation.'  and  then  proceeded 
to  consider  the  treaty.  They  .  .  ,  resolved 
tiy  a  decisive  majority  not  to  keep  the  conditions 
alleeting  the  Catholics.  William  .  .  .  struggled 
for  a  time  to  preserve  his  honour;  lint  it  is  not 
convenient  for  a  new  king  to  be  in  contlict  with 
Ills  friends,  and  after  a  time  he  gave  way.  .  .  . 
In  Ireland  the  Treaty  of  Limerick  can  never  bo 
forgotten;  it  is  one  of  the  title  deedsof  the  Irish 
race  to  their  inlieritunce  in  their  native  land. 
For  more  than  a  century  its  sordid  and  shameless 
violation  was  as  common  a  reproach  to  Kngliuid 
on  the  Continent  as  the  partition  of  Poland  has 
lieen  a  reproach  to  Russia  in  our  own  day." — 
SirC.  G.  Duffy,  Bird's- Eye  View  of  Irish  llist., 
reused  ed.,  pp.  155-150  (or  bk.  1,  ch.  4,  of 
"  Voiiii/j Ireland"). — "  The  Protestant  rancour  of 
parliament  was  more  powerful  than  the  good 
will  of  the  prince.  The  most  vital  articles  of  the 
capitulation  were  ignored,  especially  in  all  cases 
where  the  Catholic  religion  and  the  liberties 
granted  to  its  professors  were  concerned;  and 
4,000  Irish  were  denounced  as  traitors  and  rebels, 
—  by  wliich  declaration  a  fresh  confiscation  of 
1,000,000  acres  was  immediately  effected.  .  .  . 
It  has  been  calculated  that  in  1003  the  Irish 
Catholics,  who  quadrupled  the  Protestants  in 
number,  owned  only  one-eleventh  of  the  soil,  and 
that  the  most  wretched  and  unproductive  por- 
tion."—  A.  Perraud,  Ireland  under  Eng.  Uiile, 
introd.,  sect.  8. 

A.  D.  1691-1782.  —  The  peace  of  despair. — 
A  century  of  national  death.  —  Oppression  of 
the  Penal  Laws.  —  "  Uy  the  mililiiry  treaty  [of 
Limerick],  those  of  Sarsfield's  soldiers  who 
would  were  suffered  to  folio,  '''m  to  France; 
and  10,000  men,  the  whole  of  ....  force,  chose 
exile  rather  than  life  in  a  laud  where  all  hope 
of  national  freedom  was  lost.  When  the  wild 
cry  of  the  women  who  stood  watching  their  de 
Iiartiire  was  liiislied,  the  silence  of  death  settled 
down  ui)on  Ireland.  For  a  hundred  years  the 
country  remained  at  peace,  but  the  peace  wa"  n 
peace  of  despair.  The  most  terrible  legal 
tyranny  tinder  which  a  nation  has  ever  groaned 
avenged  the  rising  under  Tyrcounell.  The  con- 
quered people,  in  Swift's  bitter  words  of  con- 
tempt, became  '  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of 
water '  to  their  conquerors ;  but  till  the  very  eve 
of  the  French  Revolution  Ireland  ceased  to  be  a 
source  of  terror  and  anxiety  to  England." — J. 
R.  Green,  S/tort  Hist,  of  Eng.,  ch.  9,  sect.  8.—"  In 
Ireland  there  was  peace.  The  domination  of  the 
colonists  was  absolute.  The  native  population 
was  tranquil  with  the  ghastly  tranquillity  of 
exhaustion  and  of  despair.  There  were  indeed 
outrages,  robberies,  flreraisings,  assassinations. 
But  more  than  a  century  passed  away  without 
one  general  insurrection.  During  that  century, 
two  rebellions  were  raised  in  Great  Britain  by 
the  adherents  of  the  House  of  Stuart.  But 
neither  when  the  elder  Pretender  was  crowned 
at  Scone,  nor  when  the  younger  held  his  court  at 
Ilolyrood,  was  the  standard  of  that  House  set 
up  in  Connaught  or  Munster.  In  1745,  indeed, 
when  the  Highlanders  were  marching  towards 


17V4 


IRELAND.  1001-1783. 


Prnnl  Tmii$. 


lUELANI),  1001-1783. 


London,  tho  Roniim  riitliollcs  nf  Ircliind  were  ho 
iiilict  that  the  Lord  Lii'Ut<'riiinl  cciiild,  wilhoiit 
tlu!  HiiiiillcHt  risk,  Hcnd  hcvithI  ri'i;iiii('ntM  itcroHX 
Hiiiiil  (ic(ir>?i!'s  Oliiiiiiicl  to  reinforce  the  army 
of  tlie  Duke  of  ('uinlx'rland.  Nor  was  this  Kiih- 
mission  the  elTeet  of  eontent,  Imt  of  mere  stiipe- 
fiiction  and  lirokeiinesH  of  heart.  TIk-  iron  liad 
cntiTed  into  the  soul.  Th(^  memory  of  past  di' 
feats,  the  habit  of  daily  endurini;  ilisiilt  and  op- 
pression, liail  cowed  tlie  spirits  of  tlie  unhappy 
nation.  Tliere  were  indeed  Irisli  Uoman  (.'atlio- 
lics  of  ^reat  ahility,  eiu>ri^y  and  arnliition;  but 
tliey  were  to  bi^  foiuid  everywliere  except  in  Ire- 
land.—  at  Versailles  and  at  Haint  Ildefonso,  in 
the  armies  of  Frederic  and  in  tlie  armies  of 
Maria  Theresa.  One  e.xilc  became  a  Marshal  of 
France.  Another  l)eeani«  Prime  Minister  of 
Hpain.  If  he  had  staid  in  his  native  land  hi; 
would  have  been  rej^arded  as  an  inferior  by  all 
the  ignorant  anil  worthless  H(|uireens  who  had 
signed  the  Declaration  against  Transubstantia- 
tion.  .  .  .  Scattered  over  all  Europe  were  to 
be  found  brave  Irish  genenils.  dexterous  Irish 
diplomatists,  Irish  Counts,  Irish  nan)ns,  Irish 
Knights  .  .  .  who,  if  they  had  remained  in  tin; 
house  of  iMmdage,  could  not  have  been  ensigns 
of  mareliing  regiments  or  freemen  of  petty  cor- 
porations. These  men,  the  natural  chiefs  of 
their  race,  having  been  withdrawn,  what  re- 
mained was  utterly  helpless  and  passive.  A 
rising  of  tlie  Irishry  against  the  Englishry  was 
no  more  to  be  apprehended  than  a  rising  of  the 
women  and  children  against  the  men. "  —  Lord 
Miicaulay.  Hint,  of  Eiir/.,  ch.  17.  —  "An  act  of 
1605  'deprived  the  Uoman  (.'atholics  of  the 
means  of  educating  their  children,  either  at 
home  or  abroad,  and  of  the  privilege  of  being 
guardians  either  of  their  own  or  of  any  otlier 
person's  cliildren.'  Another  Act  of  the  same 
year  deprived  the  Roman  Catholics  of  the  right 
of  bearing  arms,  or  of  keeping  any  horse  winch 
was  worth  more  than  £5.  An  Act  of  1607  ordered 
the  expulsion  of  every  Rimian  (Catholic  priest 
from  Ireland.  The  Parliament,  which  had  im- 
posed these  disabilities  on  Irish  Koinan  (Catho- 
lics, proceeded  to  contirm  the  Articles  of  Limer- 
ick, or  '  so  much  of  them  as  may  consist  witli 
the  safety  and  welfare  of  your  Slajesty's  sub- 
jects of  this  kingdom.'  and  by  a  gross  act  of  in- 
justice omitted  the  whole  of  the  tirst  of  these 
articles,  and  the  important  paragraph  in  the 
second  article  which  had  been  aeeidirntally 
omitted  from  tlie  original  coi)j'  of  the  Treaty, 
and  subseiiuently  restored  to  it  by  letters  patent 
under  the  Great  Seal.  Kcasonable  men  may  dif- 
fer on  the  propriety  or  impropriety  of  the  con- 
ditions on  wliich  the  surrender  of  Limerick  was 
sec'.ired ;  but  it  is  ditllcult  to  read  the  story  of 
their  repudiaticm  without  a  deep  sense  of  shame. 
Three  other  acts  relating  to  the  Uoman  Catholics 
were  passed  during  tlie  reign  of  William.  An 
Act  of  1607  forbade  the  intermarriage  of  Protes- 
tants and  Papists.  An  Act  of  1008  prevented 
Papists  from  being  solicitors.  Another  Act  of 
the  same  year  stopped  their  employment  as 
gomekeepers.  William  died ;  and  the  breach  of 
faith  which  he  had  countenanced  was  forgotten 
amidst  the  pressure  of  the  legislation  wliich 
disgraced  the  reign  of  his  successor.  Two  Acts 
passed  in  this  reign,  for  preventing  the  further 
growth  of  Popery,  were  styled  by  Burke  the 
'  ferocious  Acts  of  Anne. '  By  the  first  of  these 
Acts  a  Papist  liaving  a  Protestant  son  was  de- 


barred from  selling,  mortgaging,  or  devising 
any  portion  of  his  estate:  however  young  the 
son  might  be,  he  was  to  Ih'  taken  from  his 
father's  liaiids  and  eontlded  to  the  care  of  a  Prot- 
estjiiit  relation.  The  estate  of  ji  Papist  who  had 
no  Protestant  heir  was  to  be  divided  eipially 
among  his  sons.  Tlie  Papist  was  deelari'd  in- 
capabli;  of  purchasing  real  estate  or  of  taking 
land  on  lease  for  nion^  than  thirty-one  years.  A 
Papist  was  deelared  Incapable  of  inheriting  real 
estate  from  a  Protestant,  lie  was  di.s(|ualltieil 
from  holding  any  olUee,  elvll  or  military.  Willi 
twenty  exec  lioiis,  a  Papist  was  forbidden  to  re- 
side in  Limerick  or  (lalway.  Advowscms  the 
property  of  Papists  were  vested  in  the  (;rown. 
Uellgious  intolerance  had  now  apjiarentl v  done  itti 
uttermost.  .  .  .  Hut  the  laws  failed.  Yheir  se- 
verity insured  their  failure.  .  .  .  The  first  of  the 
ferocious  Acts  of  Anne  was  almost  openly  disre- 
garded. .  .  .  Its  failure  only  induced  the  intol- 
erant advisers  of  Anne  to  supplement  It  with 
harsher  legislation.  The  Act  of  1704  had  de- 
prived the  Papist  of  the  guardianship  of  his 
apostate  child.  An  Act  of  1700  empowered  the 
Courtof  Chancery  to  oblige  the  Papist  to  discover 
his  estate  and  authorized  the  Court  to  make  an 
order  for  the  maintenance  of  the  apostate  child 
out  of  tlie  proceeds  of  it.  The  Act  of  1704  had 
made  it  illegal  for  a  Papist  to  take  lands  on 
lease;  the  Act  of  1700  disabled  him  from  receiv- 
ing a  life  annuity.  An  Act  of  1704  had  com- 
pelled the  registry  of  priests.  The  Act  of  1700 
forbade  their  otriciating  in  any  parish  except 
tliat  in  which  they  were  registered.  These, 
however,  were  the  least  reprehensible  features  in 
the  Act  of  1700.  Its  worst  features  we're  the 
encouragement  which  It  gave  to  the  meaner  vices 
of  liuman  nature.  The  wifi^  of  a  Papist,  if  she 
became  a  Protestant,  was  to  receive  a  jointure 
out  of  her  husband's  estate.  A  Popish  priest 
abandoning  his  religion  was  to  receive  an  an- 
nuity of  ,t30  a  year.  Uewards  were  to  be  paid 
for  'discovering'  Popish  prelates,  priests,  ami 
schoolmasters.  Two  justices  might  comi)el  any 
Papist  to  state  on  oath  where  and  when  he  had 
heard  mass,  who  had  ofliciated  at  it,  and  who 
had  been  presc^nt  at  it.  Kneouragement  was 
thus  given  to  informers;  bribes  were  thus  held 
out  to  apostates ;  and  Parliament  trusted  to  the 
combined  effects  of  bribery  and  intimidation  to 
stamp  out  the  last  remnant  of  Popery.  Tlie 
j)ena!  cod(^  however,  was  not  yet  complete. 
The  armoury  of  intolerance  was  not  yet  ex- 
hausted. An  Act  of  George  I.  disabled  Papists 
from  serving  in  the  Irish  militia,  but  compelled 
them  to  lind  Protestant  substitutes;  to  pay 
double  towards  the  support  of  the  militia,  and 
rendered  their  horses  liable  to  seizure  for  militia 
purposes.  By  Acts  of  George  II.  the  Papists 
were  disfnineliised ;  barristers  or  solicitors  mar- 
rying Pajiists  were  deemed  Papists;  all  ni'ir- 
riagcs  between  Protestants  and  Papists  were  an- 
nulled ;  and  Popish  priests  celebrating  any  illegal 
marriages  were  condemned  to  be  lianged.  By  an 
Act  of  George  III.  Papists  refusing  to  deliver 
up  or  declare  their  arms  were  liable  to  be  placed 
in  the  pillory  or  to  be  whipped,  as  the  Court 
sliould  think  proper.  Sucli  were  the  laws  which 
the  intolerance  of  a  minority  imposed  on  the 
majority  of  their  fellow-subjects.  Utterly  un- 
just, they  had  not  even  the  bare  merit  of  suc- 
cess. .  .  .  '  The  great  body  of  the  people,'  wrote 
Arthur   Young   [1780],    'stripped  of  their  all, 


1775 


IRELAND,   lflOl-1789. 


\\'<hmI'b  Ilitl/pfHcr. 


iriEI.AND.  1760-1708. 


wore  mnrp  cnriici'd  tliiin  cnnvcrtcil;  lliry  ml 
Ihtim!  Id  till-  |irrHimNiciii  iif  tlirir  ri>rrfiitliri'H  willi 
tli(!  HtciidicHt  mill  till'  iiiiiit  ilrlriiiiliKMl  /.cal ; 
while  the  prlrHtH,  iirtimtiil  by  llir  H|)lrit  of  u 
tlioiiKiiiiil  liiiliici'ini'iilH,  iiiiiilc  jirii.sclyU'H  iiiimnx 
till!  <<miin()ii  Prolrsliiiits  in  iletliuici'  of  cvrry 
(likiiKiT.  .  .  .  Thow  laws  Imvi'  itiihIh-iI  nil  the 
IniliiHlry  lunl  wn'Htril  iiio-it  of  tlic  protwrty  from 
tliii  CatliolicH;  liiit  the  religion  trliinipliK;  It  Ih 
tlioiiKlit  to  IncreiifM'.' "  —  ti.  Wiilpolc,  7/i«<.  «/ 
AW.  from  IHl.'i,  <-h.  H  (r.  2). 

Ai.i«>  IN:  U.  II.  Muililen,  Hittorinil  Xntier  <if 
I'miil  l.iiir»  iiijiiiniit  It'nan  Cuthntieii. — A.  I'er- 
niiiil,  Iriliiiul  under  h'liff.  lliile :  iulrml.  —  K. 
Kurke,  hiter  to  a  Peer  of  Iritiiinl  on  the  I'ennl 
/,iiirit  (WorkM,  r.  4). — Tlie  siiine,  Frnymentii  of  ii 
Tract  on  the  I'opiry  I^iirs  (  Worku,  t.  6).  —  A.  J. 
Tlieliiind,  The  Innh  Ilace,  eh.  13. 

A.  D.  1710. — Colonization  of  Palatinei  in 
Munater.    Hee  I'.vl.uinkx. 

A.  D.  1733-1734.— Wood's  halfpence.— The 
Drapier'L  Letters. — "  A  putent  liml  been  given 
11733,  by  the  Wiilpole  u(liniiii(itnitloii|  to  11  ecr- 
tuiii  Williuiii  Wood  for  Hupplying  Irehind  wilh 
a  copper  eoinugo.  Miiiiy  complulnt.s  Imd  been 
liiude,  and  In  September,  173:5,  addresses  were 
voted  by  the  Irish  Hoiiftes  of  Parliament,  dtclar- 
ing  that  the  patent  Imd  been  obtuined  by  clan- 
ilestine  and  false  reprcsenljitlons ;  that  it  wius 
mischievous  to  the  country;  and  that  WocmI  had 
been  guilty  of  frauds  in  his  coinage.  They  were 
pueitled  by  vaguo  promLscs;  but  Wal pole  went 
4in  with  the  scheme  on  the  strength  of  u  favour- 
able report  of  a  committee  of  the  Privy  Council ; 
mid  the  cveitement  was  iilreiidy  serious  when  (in 
1724)  Swift  pul)llshed  the  Drnpler's  Letters, 
which  give  htm  his  cliicf  title  to  eminence  as  a 
patriotic  agitator.  Swift  either  shared  or  took 
advantiigL  of  the  general  belief  thai  t)ie  mysteries 
of  the  currency  are  unfathomable  to  the  human 
intelligence.  .  .  .  There  is,  however,  no  real 
mystery  about  the  lialfpence.  The  small  coins 
which  do  not  form  part  of  the  legal  tender  may 
1)0  considered  primarily  as  counters.  A  penny 
is  a  penny,  so  long  as  twelve  are  change  for  a 
shIlliDg.  It  is  not  in  the  least  necessary  for  this 
purpose  that  the  copper  contained  In  the  twelve 
penny  pieces  shoidd  be  worth  or  nearly  worth  a 
Bhilllng.  ...  At  the  present  day  bronze  worth 
only  twopence  is  coined  into  twelve  penny  pieces. 
.  .  .  The  effect  of  Wood's  potent  was  that  a 
mass  of  copper  worth  about  £60,000  became 
worth  £100,800  in  the  shape  of  halfpenny  pieces. 
There  was,  tin  fore,  a  balance  of  about  £40,000 
to  pay  for  tlie  expenses  of  coinage.  It  woidd 
have  been  waste  to  gqj;  rid  of  this  by  putting 
more  copper  in  the  corns ;  but  if  so  large  a  profit 
arost!  from  the  transaction,  ,it  would  go  to  some- 
bo<ly.  At  the  present  day  it  wotdd  be  brought 
into  tlic  national  treasury.  Tliis  was  not  the 
way  in  which  business  was  done  in  Ireland. 
Wood  was  to  pay  £1,000  a  year  for  fourteen 
years  to  the  Crown.  Uut  f  14"000  still  leaves  a 
large  margin  for  profit.  What  was  to  l)CCome  of 
it.  According  to  the  admiring  biographer  of  Sir 
It.  Walpole  the  patent  hatl  been  originally  given 
by  Lord  Sunderland  to  the  Duchess  of  Kendal,  a 
lady  whom  the  King  delighted  to  honour.  .  .  . 
It  was  right  and  proper  that  a  piollt  should  be 
made  on  the  transaction,  but  shameful  that  it 
should  be  divided  between  tlie  King's  mistress 
and  William  Wood,  and  that  the  bargain  should 
be  struck  without  consulting  the  Irisu  rcpresen- 


I  talivi'H.  and  n\aliitalned  In  fiplte  of  their  protests. 
The  |)ii('hes.M  of  Kendal  was  to  Ih-  allowed  to 
take  II  uliiire  of  the  wreli'lied  halfpence  In  the 
pocket  of  every  Irish  beggar.  A  inore  dl»gnice- 
fill  tranHaction  could  hanlly  Ik'  imagined,  or  one 
iiioie  calciilaled  lo  Justify  Swift's  view  of  the 
Hi'lfishneHH  aiitl  corruption  of  the  KngllHli  rulers. 
Swift  saw  Ills  chance  and  went  to  work  in  char- 
itcterlHllc  fashion,  with  iinirrupulous  audacity  of 
statement,  guided  Iiy  the  keenest  strategical  In 
stinct.  .  .  .  The  pater.t  was  surrendered,  and 
Swift  might  congratulate  himself  upon  a  com- 
plete victory.  .  .  .  The  Irlsli  succeeded  in  re- 
jecting a  real  iK^netlt  at  the  cost  of  jmylng  Wood 
the  profit  which  he  wouli'.  have  made,  had  he 
been  allowed  to  confer  It," — L.  Stephen,  Hwijt 
{Fny.  Men  of  h'tterH),  eh.  7. 

Al.HO  in:  Dean  Swift.  Worku  {Scott's ed.),  r.  0, 
— Lord  .Malion  (Kari  Siiuiliope).  Hint,  of  Knij., 
17ia-17M3,  ch.  1!J  (('.  2).— .J.  McCutihy,  llUt.  of 
the  Four  (lenri/en,  eh.  \!\. 

A,  D.  1760^1708.— Whiteboys.—  Oak  Boys. 
—Steel  Boys.— Peep  of  Day  Boys.— Catholic 
Defenders. — "The  pea.santry  continued  to  re- 
gard the  land  as  tin  Irown:  and  with  the  general 
faith  that  wrong  cannot  last  foi-ever,  they  waited 
for  the  time  when  they  would  once  more  have 
possession  of  it.  'The  lineal  descendants  of  the 
old  families,' wrote  Arthur  Young  In  1774,  'are. 
now  to  be  found  all  over  the  kingdom,  working 
as  cottiers  on  the  lands  which  were  once  their 
own.'.  .  .  With  the  growth  of  what  was  culled 
civilization,  absenteeism,  the  worst  disorder  of 
the  country,  had  increased.  .  .  .  The  rise  in 
prices,  the  demand  for  salt  beef  and  salt  butter 
for  exportation  and  for  the  fleets,  were  revolu- 
tionizing the  agriculture  of  Munstcr.  The  great 
limestone  pastures  of  Limerick  and  Tippeniry, 
the  fertile  meadow  universally,  was  falling  into 
the  hands  of  capitalist  graziers,  in  who8'„  favour 
the  hmdlords,  or  the  landlords' agents,  were  evict- 
ing the  smaller  tenants.  .  .  .  1  o  the  peasantry 
these  men  were  a  curse.  Common  lands,  where 
their  own  cows  had  been  fed,  were  inclosed  and 
taken  from  them.  Tlie  change  from  tillage  to 
grazing  destroyed  their  employment.  Their  sole 
subsistence  was  from  their  potato  gardens,  the 
rents  of  which  were  heavily  raised,  while,  by  a 
curious  mockery  of  justice,  the  grass  lands  were 
exempt  frimi  tithe,  and  the  bunlen  of  maintain- 
ing tlie  rectors  and  vicars  of  the  Established 
Church  was  cast  exclusively  on  the  Catholic 
poor.  Among  a  people  who  are  suffering  under 
a  common  wrong  there  is  a  sympathy  of  resent- 
ment which  links  them  together  without  visible 
or  discoverable  bond.  In  the  spring  of  1760  Tip- 
perary  was  suddenly  overrun  by  bands  of  mid- 
night marauders.  Who  tliey  were  was  a  mys- 
tery. Humours  reached  England  of  insurgent 
regiments  drilling  in  the  moonlight;  of  French 
otncers  observed  passing  and  repassing  the  Chan- 
nel ;  but  no  French  oflicer  could  be  detected  in 
Munstcr.  The  most  rigid  search  discovered  no 
stands  of  arms,  such  as  soldiers  u.se  or  could  use. 
This  only  was  certain,  that  white  figures  were 
seen  in  vast  numbers,  like  moving  clouds,  flit- 
ting silently  at  night  over  field  and  moor,  leaving 
behind  them  the  tracks  of  where  they  had  passed 
in  levelled  fences  and  houghed  and  moaning 
cattle ;  where  the  owners  were  specially  hateful, 
in  blazing  homesteads,  and  the  inmates'  bodies 
blackening  in  tlie  ashes.  Arrests  were  generally 
useless.      Tlie  country  was  sworn  to  secrecy. 


1776 


IRELAND,  1760-1708. 


SrerrI  Socltlln. 


IRELAND,  177»-t7l)4 


Through  Ihp  rntlro  ccnfrnl  phiinn  of  Irclimd  the 
|M-o|)l(t  wcrii  hoiiiiil  by  thti  iiiimt  hoIcmiii  imthH 
never  to  ri-vciil  Iho  niuiic  of  n  (•onffdiTiU',  or 
glvo  L'vidcnci'  ill  Ik  court  of  JuHtice.  .  .  .  Tlius  it 
waH  loiiK  uiH'crtiiiu  how  tlic  niovi'ini'iit  oriKlnitti'il, 
wlio  wore  itH  Iciulcrs,  iiiiit  wlictlifr  then'  wan 
one  or  nmny.  I.etteni  Hilled  l)y  ('iipliiin  Dwyer 
or.Iouuiiit  Mesltell  were  li'ft  iit  tlie  dixirs  of  oli 
noxious  iierson.H,  ordering  liindit  to  Iw  iil)iiiid»ned 
under  peimltieN.  If  tlie  eoniinitiids  weri^  uni-iun- 
piled  with,  tho  penidtleH  'vero  inexonibly  in- 
illeted.  .  .  .  Torture  usually  l)elng  preferred  to 
murder,  nmlo  offenders  ngiiinst  the  Whlteboys 
were  houghed  lii<e  tlieir  cattle,  or  tlieir  tongues 
were  torn  out  l)y  thu  roots." — .1.  A.  Fronde,  T/if 
Eni/.  in  Irelaiul.  hk.  15,  rh.  1  (v.  2).— The  White- 
Imys  t(M)k  their  naiue  from  tlie  praetieo  of  wear- 
ing II  white  shirt  drawn  over  their  other  clothing, 
wlieu  tliey  were  out  upon  their  nocturnal  expe- 
ditions. "Tho  Oiilt  iJoy  movement  took  place 
about  1701-3.  .  .  .  Tho  injustico  which  led  to 
tho  formation  of  tho  'Oak  Hoys,'  ono  of  tho  best 
known  of  tho  <'oIonial  societies,  was  duty  work 
on  roads.  Every  liouaeholder  wa.s  bound  to  give 
six  days'  laliour  in  making  and  repairing   the 

fiublic  roads;  and  if  he  had  a  horse,  six  days' 
abour  of  his  horse.  It  was  complained  tliat  tills 
duty  work  was  only  levied  on  tlie  poor,  and  that 
tlioy  wore  compelled  to  work  on  private  job 
roads,  and  oven  upon  what  were  tho  avenues 
and  farm  roads  of  tho  gentry.  Tho  name  Oak 
Boys,  or  Hearts  of  Oak  Hoys,  was  derived  frohi 
tho  members  in  tiielr  raids  wearing  an  oak  branch 
in  their  hats.  The  organization  spread  rapi<lly 
over  tho  greater  part  of  L'Ister.  Although  tho 
grievances  wcru  common  to  Protestant  and  (Jath- 
olic  workmen,  and  there  was  notliing  ri.'ligions 
in  the  objects  or  constitution  of  tho  Oak  Boys, 
the  society  was  an  exclusively  Protestant  l)o<ly, 
owing  to  tho  total  absence  at  tiio  periiKl  of  any 
association  lietween  tlio  Protestants  and  Catho- 
lics. .  .  .  Tlio  Steel  Boys,  or  Hearts  of  Steel 
Boys,  followed  tlic  Oak  Boys  [about  1771]. 
They  also  were  exclusively  Protestant ;  tho  origin 
of  this  organization  was  tho  extravagance  and 
prolligttcy  of  a  bud  landlord,  the  representative 
of  the  great  land  thief,  Chichester,  of  tho  Plan- 
tation of  King  James  I.  .  .  .  Tlic  Oak  Bovs  and 
Steel  Boys  did  not  last  long."— W.  K.  Sullivan, 
pt.  1  of  Tieo  Centuries  of  Irinh  Hint.,  ch.  5,  mth 
foot-note. — The  landlonf  Iiere  referred  to,  its  liav- 
ing  provoked  the  organization  of  tlie  Steel  Boys, 
was  tho  Marquis  of  Donegal.  "  Many  of  Ills 
Antrim  leases  having  fallen  in  simultaneously, 
ho  demanded  JE10(),000  in  tines  for  the  renewal  of 
them.  The  tenants,  all  Protestonts,  offered  tlie 
interest  of  tho  money  in  addition  to  tiie  rent.  It 
could  not  be.  Speculative  Belfast  capitalists 
paid  the  flno  and  took  tiio  lands  over  tho  lieads 
of  the  tenants,  to  sublet.  .  .  .  Tho  most  sub- 
stantial of  tho  expelled  tenantry  gathered  their 
effects  together  and  sailed  to  join  tiieir  country- 
men in  tlio  Now  World.  .  .  .  Between  those  who 
were  too  poor  to  emigrate,  and  the  Catliolics  who 
were  in  possession  of  their  homes,  there  grow  a 
protracted  f  Mid,  which  took  form  at  last  in  tlio 
conspiracy  of  tlie  Peep  of  Day  Boys ;  in  the  flerce 
and  savage  expulsion  of  the  intruders,  wlio  were 
bidden  to  go  to  hell  or  Connaufiht ;  and  in  tlie 
counter-organization  of  the  Catholic  Defenders, 
which  spread  over  t?>e  whole  island,  and  made 
the  army  of  insurrection  in  1708." — .1.  A.  Froude, 
The  Eng.  in  Ireland,  bk.  5,  eh.  ?,  met.  6  (».  2). 


I 


A.  D.  1778-1794. —Concession   of   LegisU- 
tive  Independence  by  the  so-called  Constitu- 
tion  of  178a.  —  "  lOiigiaiid'M  dilllcully    was    In- 
land'H    opportiinlly.       Over    in    tlie    Aiiiericau 
colonies    Mr.  Waslilngton   and    his   rebels   were 

iresNlng  hard  upon  the  troops  of  King  Oeorge. 

lore  than  one  garrison  had  been  roinjielleii  to 
surrender,  iiion>  than  one  general  had  given  up 
his  bright  sword  to  a  revolutionary  Icailer.  On 
the  hither  side  of  the  Atlantic  the  American  Mag 
was  scarcely  less  dreaded  than  at  Yorktown  and 
Saratoga.  .  .  .  Ireland,  drained  .if  trcMijis,  lay 
open  to  invasion.  The  terrible  Paul  Jones  was 
drifting  about  the  seas;  descents  upon  Ireland 
were  dreadcil;  if  sucli  (ieseenis  liad  been  made 
tlio  island  was  practUally  defeiicele.HS.  An 
alarmed  Mayor  of  HelfaHt,  appealing  to  the  Oov- 
ernment  for  military  aid,  was  informed  that  no 
more  Herioim  and  more  formidable  asslHtatice 
could  be  rendered  to  the  chief  city  of  tiu^  North 
than  iniglit  lie  given  liv  half  a  troop  of  (lis 
mounted  cavalry  and  half  a  troop  of  Invalids. 
If  tile  Frencli-American  enemy  would  consent  to 
bo  8eare<l  liy  such  a  muster,  well  and  good;  if 
not  Belfast,  and  for  tlie  matter  of  tliat.  all  Ire- 
land, must  look  to  Itself.  Tiiereiipon  Ireland, 
very  proni]itly  and  decisively,  did  look  to 
itself.  A  Militia  Act  was  pa-ssed  empowering 
tlio  formation  of  volunteer  corps  —  consisting, 
of  course,  solely  of  Protestants  —  for  the  defence 
of  the  island.  A  fever  of  military  entliiislasm 
swept  over  the  country ;  nortii  and  soutii  and  east 
and  west  men  caught  up  arms,  nominally  to  re- 
sist the  Fnjiich,  really,  thougli  tiiey  knew  It  not, 
to  effect  one  of  tlie  greatest  constitutional  revo- 
luti<ms  in  history.  Before  a  startled  Oovern- 
nient  could  reali'so  what  was  occurring  OO.tXM) 
men  wore  under  arms.  For  tho  first  time  siiico 
the  surrender  of  Limerick  tliero  was  an  armed 
force  in  Ireland  abh;  and  willing  to  siipjiort  a 
national  cause.  Suddenly,  almost  in  the  twink- 
ling of  an  eye,  Ireland  found  herself  for  the  first 
time  for  generations  in  the  possession  of  a  well- 
armed,  well-discii)lined,  and  well-generalled  mili- 
tary force.  Tlio  armament  that  was  organised 
to  insure  tho  safety  of  England  was  destined  to 
achieve  the  liberties  of  Ireland.  .  .  .  All  talk  of 
organisation  to  resist  foreign  invasion  was 
Bilenceil ;  in  its  place  the  voice  of  tlie  nation  was 
lieard  loudly  calling  for  the  redress  of  its  domes- 
tic grievances.  Tiieir  leader  was  Charlemont; 
Orattan  and  Flood  were  their  iirincipal  colonels." 
— J.  II.  McCarthy,  Ireland  Since  the  Union,  eh. 
3. — "  When  the  Parliament  met,  Gmttun  moved 
as  an  amendment  to  tlie  Address,  'that  it  waa 
by  free  export  and  import  only  tliat  the  Nation 
was  to  bo  saved  from  iinpemling  ruin ' ;  and  a 
corps  of  Volunteers,  commanded  by  the  Duko  of 
Leinstor,  lined  Dame  Street  as  tlio  Speaker  and 
the  Commons  walked  in  jirocession  to  tlio  Castle. 
Another  demonstration  of  Volunteers  in  Collegia 
Green  excited  Dublin  a  little  later  on,  and  (15tli 
Novemlicr,  1770)  a  riotous  mob  clamoured  for 
Free  Trade  at  the  very  doors  of  the  House.  .  .  . 
These  events  resulted  in  immediate  success. 
Lord  North  proposed  in  tlie  Hritisli  Parliament 
three  articles  of  relief  to  Irish  trade  —  (1)  to  al- 
low free  export  of  wool,  woollens,  and  wool- 
flocks;  (3)  to  allow  a  free  export  of  gla.ss;  (3)  to 
allow,  under  certain  conditions,  a  free  trade  to 
all  the  British  colonies.  When  tho  news  reached 
Ireland  excessive  joy  prevailed.  .  .  .  But  this 
was  only  a  beginning.     Poynings'  Law,  and  tho 


1777 


lUELAND,  1778-1704. 


CtmitllutloH 
../  I7IW. 


IHELAND.  1703. 


flili  (if  (li'orxc  I.,  ri'(|iilrcil  to  \m  Bwcpl  iiwav  li  o, 
wi  lliitl  Iri'liiiid  nil>jlit  iiijoy  not.  only  Krct- 'f riidc, 
but  iiliui  Ht'ir  K'>vt'riinu'iil.  Oriiititii  inoviMl  IiIh 
two  fiunoiiH  ri-MiliitionH: — I.  That  tlic  Klnf(, 
with  till'  coiiHcnt  of  till'  LiinlH  itiiil  ('otiiinoriH  of 
Iri'liiiKl,  In  iiloiic  ('oiii|i(>t('Mt  to  I'liiut  litWH  to  blml 
Iri'liiiicl.  'i.  'I'liiit  (Iri'iit  lirltiiiii  luiil  Iri'liiiiil  arc 
liiM<'|iunilily  millrd  iiiiilrr  one  Hoviti'Ikii.  In 
mipiMirtiiii;  tlirHc  rrHoliilloiiH,  (Imttiin  citcil  Kn^ 
lanil'H  (liiilliitfs  with  Aintrica,  ti;  hIiow  what  Ire- 
liiiiil  too  tiilj;lil cITcit  liy  I'liilinliif;  Iut  IiihI  rlK'itH. 
.  .  .  TIk'  Karl  of  CarllHUi  iHTiinic  Viceroy  in 
17H1,  with  Mr.  Kilcn  im  Hccri'tnry.  Vinwin« 
KiiKlaiKl'H  cnilirollnicnt  in  war  —  in  Aincricii,  in 
liiilia.  with  Friiiu'c,  nnil  Hpiiin,  and  Holland  — 
the  Irluli  V'oliiiilccrH,  wIiom' numbers  had  Nwcllcd, 
Oruttari  N»i<l,  to  well  ni^h  10<I.(I(H)  men,  held 
incellnjfH  and  reviews  in  various  parts  of  the 
coufilry.  .  .  .  Till)  Kllh  of  April,  ITH'J,  was  a 
nu'inoraliln  day  for  Dublin.  On  tlint  date,  in 
»  city  thronged  with  Volunteers,  with  bands 
playing,  and  linn.iers  bla/.oned  witli  gilded  harps 
llutterin^  in  tlic  wind,  QruttAn,  in  an  aniciid- 
nient  to  the  Adilrcss  whieh  wag  always  presented 
to  the  King  at  the  opening  of  Parliament,  moved, 
'That  Irehmil  is  a  distinet  Kingdom,  with  a  sep- 
anitv  Parliament,  and  that  this  I'  irllament  ulone 
lias  a  right  to  make  laws  for  her'  On  the  17th 
of  May,  th(^  two  Secretaries  of  Htate,  Lord  Shel- 
tinrne  in  the  Lonls,  and  Charles  James  Fox  in 
the  Commons  of  Great  liritnin  —  proposed  the 
repeal  of  the  0th  of  George  I.,  u  statute  whieh 
declared  the  right  of  the  English  Parliament  to 
make  laws  for  Ireland.  The  EnglLsh  Oov- 
<Tnnieiit  frankly  and  fully  neeeded  to  the  de- 
mands of  Ireland.  Four  points  were  granted  — 
(I)  an  Independent  Irish  Parliament;  ('J)  tlie  ab- 
rogation of  Povniiigs'  Law,  einpowcring  the 
Englisli  Privy  ('oiiiicil  to  alter  Irish  Hills;  (it) 
tlie  introdnetion  of  ii  Biennial  Mutiny  Bill;  (4) 
the  abolition  of  the  right  of  appeal  to  Enj;lnnd 
from  the  Irish  law  courts.  These  coiieessions 
wen^  iinnoiinced  to  the  Irisii  Parliament  at  onee: 
in  tlieir  joy  tlie  Irish  llou.ses  voted  ,£11)0,000,  and 
20,(M)0  men  to  the  navy  of  Great  Britain.  Ire- 
land had  at  last  achieved  political  freedom. 
Peace  and  prosperity  seemed  about  to  bless  the 
land.  .  .  .  That  there  might  be  no  misunder- 
standing as  to  the  deliberate  intention  of  the 
English  Parliament  in  granting  Irish  legislative 
independence,  Lord  Shellnirne  had  passed  an 
Aet  of  Ueiiunciiition,  declaring  that  '  tlie  Uiglit 
claimed  by  tlie  people  of  Ireland,  to  be  bound 
only  by  laws  enacted  by  His  Majesty  and  tlie 
Parliament  of  that  Kingdom,  Is  hereby  declared 
to  be  established  nnd  ascertained  for  e,«r,  and 
shall  lit  no  time  hereafter  be  questioned  or  (jues- 
tiona)]le. '  During  the  same  session  (1782),  the 
two  Catholic  Ilelief  Bills  pniposed  by  Luke 
(hirdiner,  who  afterwards  became  Viscount 
>Iountjoy,  were  passed.  These  measures  gave 
catholics  the  right  to  buy  freeholds,  to  teach 
schools,  and  to  educate  tlieir  children  as  they 
pleased.  The  Habeas  Corpus  Act  was  now  ex- 
tended to  Ireland;  and  marriages  by  presby- 
terian  ministers  were  made  legal. " — W.  F.  Col- 
lier, Hint,  of  Ireland  for  f>chools,  period  5,  eli.  3. 
— "Had  the  Irish  demanded  a  complete  separa- 
tion it  would  have  been  yielded  witliout  resis- 
tance. It  would  have  been  better  hod  it  been.  The 
two  countries  would  have  immediately  joined  on 
terms  of  equality  and  of  mutual  confidence  and 
respect.     But  the  more  the  English  Cabinet  gave 

1778 


way   the  less   were  the   Irish  disposed  to  press 
their  advantage.      A  feeling  of  wiirm  altiichnieiit 


to  England  ra|)ldly  took  tlic  place  of  distrust. 
There  never  existed  In  Ireland  so  Hincen'  and 
friendly  a  spirit  of  Hpoiitaneous  union  with  I'^iig- 
land  as  at  this  nioineiit,  when  the  forniai  bond  of 
union  waM  almost  \vlii>lly  dissolvcil.  From  the 
moinenl  when  Englaiiil  iiiMile  a  formal  HurreiidiT 
(if  lier  claim  to  govern  Ireland  ii  scries  of  Inroads 
<wiiinienccd  on  the  various  interests  Kuppos<Ml  to 
be  left  to  their  own  free  development  by  that 
surrender.  Irelan<l  had  not,  like  England,  a 
body  of  Cibinet  Ministers  responsible  to  her 
Parliament.  Thi'  Lord  Lieutenant  ami  tlie  Irish 
Hccretary  held  tlii'ir  olllccs  and  received  tlieir 
instructions  from  the  English  minlKlcr.  There 
was  greater  need  than  i^vcr  before  for  a  brllM'd 
niaJD.'ity  in  tli(!  Irlsli  Commons,  and  the  ma- 
chinery for  securing  and  managing  it  remained 
Intact.""— W.  A.  O'Conor,  Jhnt.  of  the  Iruli  I'ro- 
pli;  Ilk.  4,  e/t.  2,  urt.  'i  (r.  2).  — "The  history  of 
these  meirorable  eighteen  years  [17H',J-18(K)|  has 
never  been  written,  and  yet  these  years  are  the 
.  .  .  key  to  Irish  political  opinion  in  tiii^  DItli 
[century].  The  Government  whieli  granted  the 
constitution  of  178'.^  began  to  conspire  against  it 
linmedlately.  They  had  taken  Poynlngs'  Aet 
away  from  the  beginning  of  its  proceedings,  and 
they  clapped  It  on  to  the  end  of  its  proceedings, 
as  efleetually  as  if  the  change  had  not  been 
made.  They  dev<'loped  in  the  Irish  mind  that 
distrust  of  all  government  which  has  made  It  so 
turbulent  and  so  docile  —  turbulent  to  its  admin- 
istrators, docile  to  its  popular  U'liders. " — J.  E. 
Thorold  Rogers,  in  Irdand  {A.  Itiiil,  td.),  p.  'iX 

Also  IN:  VV.  E.  II.  Lecky,  J^aders  of  J'lililic 
Oniiiiou  in  Irelniid:  Ihitry  Urattan. — J.  O. 
JliicC'arthy,  Iknrji  itrattmi. 

A.  D.  178^.— Peep-o'-Day  Boys  and  De- 
fenders.— "  Disturbances  .  .  .  commenced  in 
the  iiortli  between  two  parties  called  Peep-o'-Day 
Boys  and  Defenders.  They  originated  in  1784 
among  s<mie  country  jieople,  who  appear  to  have 
been  all  Protestants  or  Presbyterians;  but  (,'atli- 
olics  having  sided  with  one  of  the  parties,  tlie 
quarrel  quickly  grew  into  a  religious  feud,  and 
spread  from  the  county  of  Armagh,  where  it 
coniiiienced,  to  the  neighbouring  districts  of 
Tyrone  and  Down.  Botli  parties  belonged  to 
the  humblest  clas.scs  of  the  cimmunity.  The 
Protestant  party  were  well  armed,  ana  assem- 
bling in  numbers,  attacked  the  houses  of  Catho- 
lics under  pretence  of  searching  for  arms ;  insult- 
ing their  persons,  and  breaking  their  furniture. 
These  wanton  outrages  were  usually  coinniitttul 
at  an  early  hour  in  the  morning,  whence  the 
name  of  Peep-o'-Day  Boys;  but  the  faction  was 
also  known  as  '  I'rotestant  Boys,'  and  '  wreckers,' 
and  ultimately  merged  in  the  Orange  Society." 
— M.  Ilaverty,  Hint,  of  IreUiiid,  p.  7'J3. 

A.  D.  1793. — Passage  of  the  Catholic  Relief 
Bill.— "On  February  4  (179a)  Ilobiirt  ICliief 
Secretary]  moved  for  leave  to  bring  in  his  Catho- 
lic Itelief  Bill,  and  stated  the  nature  of  its  pro- 
visions. It  was  of  a  kind  which  only  a  year  be- 
fore would  have  appeared  utterly  impossible, 
and  ■which  was  in  the  most  glaring  opposition  to 
all  the  doctrines  wliich  the  Government  and  its 
partisans  had  of  late  been  urging.  .  .  .  This 
greot  measure  was  before  Parliament,  with  sev- 
eral Intermissions,  for  rather  more  than  five 
weeks.  .  .  .  The  vast  preponderance  of  speakers 
were  in  favour  of  relief  to  Catholics,  though 


ir.iCLANi),  nn. 


fillkiilir  Hrllrf 
I'nilnl  Mahmrii 


IKKI.ANI),   1T0:I  I71W. 


there  wcrf  grave  illffcrcnrcH  lu  to  the  di'Kri'f, 
aniiipir'.toriiof  tlii!  lil^lD'Ht  liiitliorily  ri-prcHi'iitcd 
tlio  K<">»li«'  I'roli'Mlitnt  feeling  of  tint  ciiiiiitrv  iiH 
Ih'Iii^  .11  itM  fiiviiiir.  .  .  .  Frw  tliiiiirH  in  friMh 
piiiliitiiii'iilitry  liiHtorv  itrc>  iiii>ri>  rriimrkiilili'  tliiui 
lliu  fiu'ility  with  which  this  ({rent  mcuMiiri'  wiis 
cikrrh'd,  thnugh  it  wiih  In  ull  itx  nHpci'tN  tliciroiiKlily 
<l('biil<'il.  It  |iii^<M('(l  ilH  Hcccinil  ri'iuliiiK  in  thi- 
IIduhii  i>(  ConiinonH  wlili  iinly  ii  nImkIo  ncffatlvc, 
It  WM  t'oniinitti'd  wllli  only  tlirrti  ncf^itllvi'M, 
iind  in  tin:  crltlciil  dIvlMlonH  on  Hm  cIiiiiw^h  tliu 
ninJorllirH  wcro  at  li'imt  two  to  one.  Thu  i|Uull' 
finillon  r('<|uir('d  to  iiiilliorlsu  n  ('ittholh;  to  liciir 
urniH  WIIH  riilHt'd  In  roniniitlt'c  on  thu  motion  of 
tliu  OhiincdIlor,  iinil  In  mldltion  to  the  oiith  of 
itlli'Kiiin*')'  of  ITT't,  It  new  oiitli  wiiH  Incorporiitcd 
In  till!  Kill,  copied  from  one  of  tho  declariilionH 
of  the  (liithollcH,  iind  iiltJurhiK  certain  tcnetn 
wlilch  had  lieen  iiHcribed  to  tlicin,  anions  oIIiitm 
thu  iMHcrtlon  that  the  Infallibility  of  tlie  I'ope 
wikH  an  article  of  their  fallli.  For  the  rest  tlie 
Hill  became  law  nlmoitt  exactly  In  the  form  In 
which  It  WOH  originally  designed.  It  swept 
away  tli  few  remaining  dlsaliilltics  relating  to 
proncrlj  /hlch  ^ruw  out  of  the  penal  code.  It 
enai)U'd  CathollcH  to  vote  like  I'roteHtanlH  for 
mt'ndK.'rH  of  I'arllament  and  matjiHtrates  lu  cities 
or  boroiiKhs;  to  become  elected  members  of  all 
corporations  except  Trinity  College;  to  keep 
arms  siil'Ject  to  some  specKied  coudltlonH;  to 
hold  all  civil  nud  military  otllces  in  thu  khif^doui 
from  which  they  were  not  specilli-ally  excluded; 
to  hold  the  medi'-al  professorships  on  the  foun- 
dation of  Sir  I'alrick  Dun;  to  trke  detjrees  and 
hold  ofllces  In  any  mixed  collej^e  connected  with 
the  University  of  Dublin  that  ndfi[ht  hereafter 
he  founded.  It  also  threw  open  to  them  thu  de- 
grees of  the  University,  unabling  the  King  to 
alter  'ts  statutes  to  that  effect.  A  lonjj  chiuso 
enumerated  tlio  prizes  which  were  still  with- 
held. Catholics  inight  not  sit  in  cither  IIouhu 
of  Parliament;  thev  were  excluded  from  almost 
all  Qovurnment  and  judicial  positions;  they  coidd 
not  be  Privy  Councillors,  King's  Counsel,  Fel- 
lows of  Trinity  College,  sheriffs  or  sub-sheriffs, 
or  generals  of  the  staff.  Nearly  every  post  of 
ambition  was  still  reserved  for  Protestants,  and 
the  restrictions  weighed  most  heavily  on  the 
Catholics  who  were  most  educated  and  most 
able.  In  the  House  of  Lords  as  in  the  House  of 
Commons  the  Dili  passed-  with  little  open  op- 
position, but  a  protest,  signed  among  other  peers 
by  Charleinonl,  was  drawn  up  ugalust  it.  .  .  . 
The  Catholic  Uelief  Bill  received  tlie  royal  oitsent 
in  April,  1703,  and  in  the  same  mouth  the  Catho- 
lic Convention  dissolved  itself.  Huforu  doing  so 
it  passed  a  resolution  recommending  the  Catho- 
lics '  to  co-operate  in  all  loyal  and  constitutional 
means'  to  obtain  parliamentary  reform.  .  .  . 
The  Catholic  prelates  in  their  pastorals  expressed 
their  gratitude  for  the  Relief  Bill.  The  Unlled 
Irishmen  on  their  side  issued  a  proclamation 
warmly  congratulating  the  Catholics  on  tlie 
measure  for  their  relief,  but  also  urging  in  pas- 
sionate strains  that  parliamentary  reform  was  the 
first  of  needs." — W.  K.  II.  Lecky,  JUiit.  of  Eny. 
ill  tlie  Ibth  Century,  eh.  'iTt  (p.  0). 

A.  D.  1793-1798. — Organization  of  the  Uni- 
ted Irishmen. — Attempted  French  invasions. 
— The  rising  of  '08. —  "Nothing  could  be  less 
sinister  than  the  original  alms  at>(l  methods  of  the 
Society  of  United  Irishmen,  which  was  conceived 
iu  the  idea  of  uniting  Catholics  and  Protestants 


'111  pim.ult  of  the  Haiiie  object  —a  repeal  of  tho 
penal  laws,  and  a  (parliamentary)  reform  iiiclud' 
liiK  ill  llu'lf  an  exteiiHiiin  of  the  right  of  Nuffragc. ' 
This  union  was  fiiuiiih'd  at  Belfast.  In  KIM.  by 
Tlii'obald  Wolfe  Tone,  11  young  barrlHler  of  Kng- 
lull  drsci'iit,  "'"li  li^"  lXic_ina.|iiritv  of  llie  I'nllytl 
IrialinHNi.  a  ProtcMlant.  ^oine  montliH  latir  a 
fiiiblin  briinrh  was  fmindcd,  the  chairiiiaii  being 
tlie  lion.  Simon  liiitlrr.  a  Protestant  geiilli'iiiaii 
of  high  I'haractir,  and  ;hc  secretary  a  tradesman 
naini'd  .lames  Napper  Tandy.  The  society  grew 
rapidly,  and  briuiclies  were  forini'il  Ihroiiglii.iit 
UlKter  and  l.eiiisler.  The  religious  strife  of  thu 
Orange  boys  an<l  Di^frnders  was  a  great  trouble 
to  thv  United  men.  who  felt  that  these  creed  ani- 
mosities among  Iiislimen  were  in  >re  ruinous  to 
the  national  cause  than  any  corruption  of  par 
llamcnt  or  cocrcio'i  of  government  could  pos 
sibly  be.  Ireland,  united,  would  In  i|iiite  itapa 
lile  of  lighting  her  own  battles,  but  tlie.su  party 
factions  rendered  her  contemplllile  and  weak. 
The  society  acconllnglv  set  ItHcIf  the  impossiblu 
task  of  dmwing  togetlier  the  Defender'  and  thu 
Orangemen.  Catholic  emanclpallon  —  oiKMif  thu 
great  oijjects  of  thi?  union —  naturally  appealed 
very  <lifferently  to  the  rival  parties;  it  was  tho 
great  wish  of  the  Defenders,  ilie  chief  dread  of 
the  Orangemen.  Both  factions  were-  coiiipos<'d 
of  thu  poorest  and  most  Ignorant  peasantry  in 
Ireland,  men  whose  poiith^al  views  did  not  soar 
above  the  hlea  that  'something  sliould  Ix-  done 
for  old  Ireland.'  The  United  Irishmen  devoted 
themselves  to  til"  regeiierr,  :n  i  of  both  parties, 
but  the  Orangemen  would  havu  none  of  them, 
and  thu  Protestant  United  men  found  themselvus 
drifting  Into  partnership  witli  thu  Cttliolic  Du- 
fenjers.  To  f;aiii  liitluence  witii  this  party, 
Tandy  took  tlie  Defenders'  oath,  lie,  was  in- 
formed against;  and,  as  to  take  an  dlc.al  oath 
was  then  a  capital  offence  in  Ireland,  Ik  liad  to 
lly  for  his  life  to  America.  This  adventure  made 
Tandy  the  hero  of  the  Defen<Iers,  who  now  joined 
thu  union  In  great  numbers;  but  the  whole  busi- 
ness brought  thu  society  Into  disrepute,  and  c<m- 
nucted  It  with  the  Defenders,  who,  like  thu 
Orangu  boys,  were  merely  a  party  o(  outrage. 
.  .  .  One  night  in  the  May  of  '0-1  u  government 
raid  was  made  U])on  thu  premises  of  the  union. 
Tho  offlcurs  of  thu  society  were  orrt'sted,  their 
papers  Buizud,  the  type  of  their  nuwspaper 
destroyed,  and  the  United  Irish  Society  was  pn)- 
claimed  as  an  illegal  organisation.  Towards  tho 
cIo.se  of  this  year  all  nee<'  for  a  refdrm  society 
seemed  to  have  passed.  Fitzwilliam  was  madu 
viceroy,  and  emancipation  and  reform  seemed 
assured.  His  sudden  recall,  thu  ruversal  of  his 
appointmuntM,  the  rejection  of  Orattan's  Reform 
Bill,  and  the  runuwal  of  the  old  coercive  system, 
convinced  the  United  men  of  thu  powurlessiiuss 
of  peaceful  agitation  to  chuck  iliu  growth  of  the 
systum  of  government  by  corruption.  They  ac- 
cordingly reorganised  the  union,  but  as  a  secret 
society,  and  with  thu  avowud  aim  of  .separating 
Ireland  from  the  British  empire.  The  Fitz- 
william alTair  had  greatly  strengthened  thu 
tinion,  which  was  joined  by  many  men  of  high 
birth  and  |)(isitlon,  among  tliein  lord  Edward 
Fitzgerald,  brother  of  the  duke  of  Leinster,  and 
Arthi..-  O'Connor,  nejjliew  to  lord  Longucville, 
both  of  whom  had  been  members,  of  the  House 
of  Commons.  .  .  .  But  the  ablest  man  of  the 
l)arly  was  Thomas  Addis  Emmet,  a  barrister, 
and  the  elder  brother  of  Robefi  Emmet.     Tho 


1771^ 


IRELAND,  1793-1798. 


JnturrecUon  of  '08. 


IRELAND,  1703-1798. 


fwir-iofy  frrmlunlly  swelled  fo  tlie  number  of  R.OOO 
memlMTS,  but  tliroiighout  its  cxistt'iire  it  wns 
perfectly  riddled  with  s|)ies  and  iiiforipers,  by 
wlioni  Boveriimeiit  was  Hiipiilied  with  a  thoroujfh 
knowledge  of  its  doinns.  It  became  known  to 
Pitt  that  the  French  government  had  sent  an 
Englishman,  named  .lackson,  us  an  emis-sary  to 
Iieland.  .Jackson  was  convicted  of  treason,  and 
lianged,  and  Wolfe  'i'one  was  sullicicntly  impli- 
cated in  his  gnilt  ...  to  find  it  prudent  to  tiy 
to  America.  But  before  leaving  Ireland  he  ar- 
ranp'd  with  the  directors  of  the  union  to  go  from 
America  to  France,  and  to  try  to  persuade  the 
FriicIi  government  to  assist  Ireland  in  a  struggle 
for  separati(m.  While  T  )ne  was  taking  his  cir- 
cuitous route  to  Paris,  government,  to  meet  the 
military  developn.ent  of  the  society,  pMced 
Ulster  and  Leinster  under  n  stringent  Insurrec- 
tion Act ;  torture  was  employed  to  wring  confes- 
sion from  suspected  persons,  and  tlie  Protestant 
militia  and  yeomanry  were  drafted  at  free  quar- 
ters on  the  wretched  Catholic  peasantry.  The 
barbarity  of  the  soldiero  lashed  the  people  of  the 
northern  provinces  into  a  state  of  fury.  ...  In 
tlie  meantime  tlie  indomitable  Tone — unknown, 
without  credentials,  without  influence,  and  ig- 
norant of  the  French  language  —  had  persuaded 
the  French  government  to  lend  hira  a  fleet, 
10,000  men,  and  40,000  stand  of  arms,  which  ar- 
mament left  Brest  for  Bantry  Bay  on  the  10th 
December,  1790.  Ireland  was  now  in  the  same 
position  as  England  had  been  when  William  of 
Orange  had  appeared  ou'side  Torbay.  Injus- 
tice, corruption,  and  oppression  had  in  both 
cases  goaded  the  people  into  rel)cllion.  A  calm 
sea  and  a  fierce  gale  made  the  difference  between 
the  English  patriot  of  1088  and  the  Irish  traitor 
of  1790.  Had  the  sea  been  calm  in  the  Christmas 
week  of  '96,  nothing  couhl  have  stopped  the 
French  from  marching  on  to  Dublin,  but  just  .is 
the  ships  put  in  to  Bantry  Bay,  so  wild  a  >vind 
sprang  up  that  they  were  driven  out  to  sea,  and 
blown  and  buffcttcd  pbout.  For  a  month  they 
tossed  about  within  sight  of  land,  but  the  storm 
did  not  subside,  and,  all  chance  of  landing  seem- 
ing as  far  off  as  ever,  they  put  back  into  the 
French  port." — Wm.  8.  Gregg,  Irish  History  for 
English  Headers,  ch.  23. — "After  the  failure  of 
Hoche's  expedition,  another  great  armament 
was  fitted  out  in  the  Texel,  where  it  long  lay 
ready  to  come  forth,  'vhile  the  English  fleet, 
the  only  safcgmvrd  of  our  coasts,  was  crippled 
by  the  mutiny  at  the  I'lore.  But  the  wind  once 
more  fought  for  Engli  nd,  and  the  Batavian  fleet 
came  out  at  last  only  ■  o  be  destroyed  at  Camper- 
down.  Tone  was  ,/ersonally  engaged  in  both 
expeditions,  ar;!  hiS  lively  Diary,  the  image  of 
liis  character,  givs  us  vivid  accounis  of  both. 
The  third  jfTort  of  the  French  Government  was 
feeble  an>l  em'.ed  in  the  futile  lauding  of  a 
small  forje  urder  Humbert.  .  .  .  In  the  last  ex- 
peditior.  Tore  himself  was  taken  prisoner,  and, 
having  be  n  condemned  to  death,  committed 
suicide  in  prison.  ...  'It  was  well  for  Ireland, 
as  well  as  for  England,  that  Tone  failed  in  his 
enterprise.  Had  he  succeeded,  his  country 
would  for  a  time  have  been  treated  as  Switzer- 
land and  the.  Batavian  Itepublic  were  treated  by 
their  French  rogenen.tors,  and,  in  the  end,  it 
would  have  been  surely  reconquered  and  pun- 
ished by  the  power  wliicli  was  mistress  of  the 
Bea.  .  .  .  But  now  that  all  is  over,  we  can  afford 
to  say  that  Tone  gallantly  ventured  his  life  in 


what  naturally  appeared  to  him,  and  would  to  a 
high-spirited  Englishman  under  the  same  cir- 
cuMiHlanccs  have  appeared,  a  good  cause.  One 
of  his  race  had  but  t<H)  mucli  reason  then  to 
'hate  the  very  name  of  England,'  and  to  look 
forward  to  the  burning  of  her  cities  with  feelings 
in  which  pity  struggled  with  revenge  for  mas- 
tery, but  revenge  prevailed.  .  .  .  From  the  Ke- 
publicans  tlie  disturbance  spread,  as  in  1(541,  to 
that  mass  of  blind  disairection  and  hatred,  na- 
tional, social,  agrarian,  and  religious,  which 
was  always  smouldering  among  the  Catholic 
peasantry.  With  these  sufferers  the  political 
theories  of  the  French  Revolutionists  had  no  in- 
fluence ;  they  looked  to  French  invasion,  as  well 
as  to  domestic  insurrection,  merely  as  a  deliver- 
ance from  tlie  oppression  under  which  they 
groaned.  .  .  .  The  leading  Roman  Catholics, 
both  clerical  and  lay,  were  on  the  side  of  the 
government.  The  mass  of  the  Catholic  priest- 
hood were  well  inclined  to  take  the  same  side. 
Tlicy  could  have  no  sympathy  with  an  Atheist 
Repuolic,  red  with  the  blood  of  priests,  as  well 
as  with  the  blood  of  a  son  of  St.  Louis.  If  some 
of  the  order  were  concerned  in  the  movement, 
it  was  as  demagogues,  sympathizing  with  their 
peasant  brethren,  not  as  priests.  Yet  the  Prot- 
estants insisted  on  treating  the  Catholic  clergy 
as  rebels  by  nature.  They  had  assuredly  done 
their  best  to  make  them  so.  .  .  .  No  sooner  did 
tlie  Catholic  peasantry  begin  to  move  and  or- 
ganize themselves  than  the  Protestant  gentry  and 
yeomanry  as  one  man  becann  Cromwellians 
again.  Then  commenced  a  Reign  of  Terror 
scarcely  less  savage  than  that  of  tli'j  Jacobins, 
against  whom  Europe  was  in  arms,  as  a  hideous 
and  portentous  brood  of  evil,  the  scourge  and 
horror  of  the  whole  human  race.  The  suspected 
conspirators  were  intimidated,  a.d  confessions, 
or  pretended  confessions,  were  extorted  by  loos- 
ing upon  the  iiomes  of  the  peasantry  the  license 
and  barbarity  of  an  irregular  soldiery  more  cruel 
than  a  regular  invader.  Flogging,  half-hanging  • 
pitch-capping,  picketing,  went  on  over  a  large 
district,  and  the  most  barbaious  scoi'rgings, 
without  trial,  were  inflicted  in  tin  Riding-house 
at  Dublin,  In  the  very  seat  of  government  and 
justice.  This  was  styled,  'exeiting  a  vigour 
beyond  the  law ; '  aud  '  o  beeoni' ;  the  object  of 
such  vigour,  it  was  i  igh,  as  under  Robes- 
pierre, to  be  suspected  of  being  suspect.  No 
one  has  yet  fairly  undertaken  tne  revolting  bUw 
salutary  task  of  writing  a  faithful  and  impartial 
history  of  that  periml;  but  from  the  accounts 
we  have,  it  appears  not  unlikely  that  the 
peasantry,  though  undoubtedly  in  a  disturbed 
sti.te,  and  to  a  great  extent  secretly  organized, 
might  liave  been  kept  quiet  by  measures  of 
lenity  and  firmness;  and  that  they  were  gra- 
tuitously scourged  and  tortured  into  open  re- 
bellion. When  thty  did  rebel,  they  shewed,  as 
they  had  shewn  in  16-il,  what  the  galley-slave 
is  when,  having  long  toiled  under  the  lash,  he 
contrives  in  a  storm  to  slip  his  chains  and  become 
master  of  the  vessel.  The  atrocities  of  Wexford 
and  Vinegar-Hill  rivalled  the  atrocities  of  Port- 
nadown.  Nor  when  the  rebellion  was  vanquished 
did  the  victors  fail  to  renew  the  famous  feats  of 
Sir  Charles  Coote  and  of  the  regiment  of  Cole. 
AVe  now  possess  terrible  aud  overwhelming  evi- 
dence of  their  sanguinary  ferocity  in  the  cor- 
respondence of  Lord  Cornwallis,  who  was  cer- 
tainly no  friend  to  rebels,  having  fought  against 


1780 


IRELAND,  1703-1708. 


Oranye  Socifly. 


IRELAND,   i:08-lSOO. 


them  in  Amoricn,  but  who  wns  a  mnn  of  srnsc 
an.l  hciirt,  most  wisely  sent  over  to  quencli  tlie 
li  surrection,  and  pacify  tlie  country.  .  .  .  The 
munlers  unci  other  atrocitie.i  committed  hy  tlic 
JtiL'ohins  were  more  numerous  than  tliose  com- 
mit'.ed  by  tlie  Ornngemen,  and  as  the  victims 
were  of  higher  rank  they  excited  more  'mligna- 
tion  and  pity;  but  in  the  use  of  torture  the 
Orangemen  seem  to  have  reached  a  pitoh  of 
fiendish  cruelty  which  was  scarr.ely  attained  by 
the  Jacobins.  .  .  .  The  Jacobin  party  was  al- 
most entirely  comiMsed  of  men  taken  from  the 
lowest  of  the  people,  whereas  among  the  Irish 
terrorists  were  found  nipii  of  high  social  posi- 
tion and  good  education."  —  Qoldwin  Smith, 
Iritih  Hist,  and  Irinh  Character,  pp.  166-175. 

Al,80iN:  U.  R.  Madden,  T/ie  United  Irishmen, 
their  Lives  and  Times. — Theobald  Wolfe  Tone, 
Memoirs. — Marquis  Comwallis,  Correspondence, 
eh.  19  {v.  2). — A.  Griffiths,  French  liewlutionary 
Oenerah,  eh.  16. — Viscount  Castlereagh,  Memoirs 
and  Corr.,  v.  1.— W.  H.  Maxwell,  Jlist.  of  the 
Irish  liebellion  in  1708. 

A.  D.  1795-1796. — Formation  of  the  Orange 
Society. — Battle  of  the  Diamond. — Persecu- 
tion of  Catholics  by  Protestant  mobs. — "The 
year  1705  is  very  memorable  in  Irish  liistory,  as 
the  year  of  the  formation  of  the  Orange  Society, 
and  the  beginning  of  the  most  serious  disturb- 
ances in  the  county  of  Armagh.  .  .  .  The  old 
popular  feud  between  the  lower  ranks  of  Papists 
and  Presbyterians  in  the  northern  coimties  is 
easy  to  understand,  aiid  it  is  not  less  easy  to  see 
how  the  recent  course  of  Irish  politics  had  in- 
creased It.  A  class  which  had  enjoyed  and 
gloried  in  uncontested  ascendency,  found  this  a.r- 
cendency  passing  from  its  hands.  A  class  which 
had  formerly  been  in  subjection,  was  elated  by 
new  privileges,  and  looked  forward  to  a  complete 
abolition  of  political  disabilities.  Catholic  and 
Protestant  tenants  came  into  a  new  competition, 
and  the  demeanour  of  Catholics  towards  Protes- 
tants was  sensibly  changed.  There  were  boasts 
in  taverns  and  at  fairs,  that  the  Protestants 
would  speedily  be  swept  away  from  the  land 
and  the  descendants  of  the  old  proprietors  re- 
stored, and  it  was  soon  known  that  Catholics  all 
over  the  country  were  forming  themselves  into 
committees  or  societies,  and  were  electing  repre- 
sentatives for  a  great  Catholic  convention  at 
Dublin.  The  riots  and  outrages  of  the  Peep  of 
Day  Boys  and  Defenders  had  embittered  the  fcel- 
iug  on  both  sides.  .  .  .  Members  of  one  cr  other 
creed  were  attacked  and  insulted  as  they  went 
to  their  places  of  worship.  Thero  were  fights  on 
tlie  high  roads,  at  fairs,  wakes,  markets,  and 
country  sports,  and  there  were  occasionally 
crimes  of  a  much  deeper  dye.  ...  In  Septem- 
ber 1795  riots  broke  out  m  tliis  co  mty  [Armagh], 
which  continued  for  Fcrie  days,  but  at  leng.h 
the  parish  priest  on  the  one  side,  and  a  gentle- 
man named  Atkinson  on  the  other,  succeeded  in 
so  far  appeasing  ihe  (juarrel  that  the  combatants 
formally  agreed  to  a  truce,  and  were  about  to 
i-etire  to  tl\eir  homes,  when  a  new  party  of  De- 
fenders, who  had  marched  from  the  adjoining 
counties  to  'he  assistance  of  their  brethren,  ap- 
peared upon  ihe  scene,  and  ou  September  31  they 
attacked  the  I'l-otestants  at  a  place  called  the 
Diamond.  The  Catholics  on  this  occasion  were 
certainly  the  aggressors,  and  they  appear  to  have 
considerably  outnumbered  their  ontagonists,  but 
the  Protestants  were  better  posted,  better  armed. 


and  better  organised.  A  serious  conflict  ens\icd, 
and  tlie  Catluilics  were  coinpletely  defeated,  leav- 
ing a  large  number  —  probably  twenty  or  thirty 
—  dead  upon  tlie  field.  It  was  on  the  evening 
of  the  day  on  which  tlie  battle  of  the  Dianio;i(i 
was  fouglit,  that  the  Orange  Society  was  formed. 
It  was  at  first  a  league  of  mutual  defence,  bind- 
ing its  members  to  iimintain  the  laws  and  the 
peace  of  the  country,  and  also  the  Protestant 
Constitution.  No  Catholii;  was  to  be  admitted 
into  the  society,  and  the  members  were  bound  by 
oath  not  to  reveal  its  secrets.  The  doctrine  of 
Fitzgibbon,  that  the  King,  by  assenting  to  Catho- 
lic emancipation,  would  invalidate  his  title  to 
the  throne,  was  remarkably  reflected  in  the  oath 
of  the  Orangemen,  which  bound  them  to  defend 
the  King  and  his  heirs,  'so  long  as  he  or  they 
support  tlie  Protestant  ascendenoy. '  The  society 
took  its  name  from  William  of  Orange,  the  con- 
queror of  the  Catholics,  and  it  agreed  to  celebrate 
annually  the  battle  of  tlie  Boyne.  In  this  respect 
there  was  nothing  in  it  particularly  novel.  Prot- 
estant associations,  for  the  purpose  of  commemo- 
rating the  events  and  maintaining  the  principles 
of  the  Revolution,  had  long  been  known.  .  .  . 
A  very  difTerent  spirit,  however,  animated  the 
early  Orangemen.  The  upper  classes  at  first 
generally  held  aloof  from  vhe  society ;  for  a  con- 
siderable time  it  appears  to  have  been  almost 
confined  to  the  Protestant  peasantry  of  Ulster, 
and  the  title  of  Orangemen  was  probably  as- 
sumed by  numbers  wlio  had  never  joined  the 
oi'ganisation,  who  were  simply  Peep  of  Day  Boys 
taking  a  new  name,  and  whose  conduct  was  cer- 
tainly not  such  as  those  who  instituted  the  so- 
ciety had  intended.  A  terrible  persecution  of 
the  Catholics  immediately  followed.  The  ani- 
mosities between  tlie  lower  orders  of  the  two  re- 
ligions, which  had  long  been  little  bridled,  burst 
out  afresh,  i.nd  after  the  battle  of  the  Diamond, 
the  Protestant  rabble  of  the  county  of  Armagh, 
and  of  part  of  the  adjoining  counties,  determined 
by  continuous  outrages  to  drive  the  Catholics 
from  the  country.  Their  cabins  were  placarded, 
or,  as  it  wos  termed,  'papered,'  witli  the  words, 
'  To  hell  or  Connaught,'  and  If  the  occupants 
did  not  at  once  abandon  them,  they  were  attacked 
at  night  by  an  armed  mob.  The  webs  and  looms 
of  the  poor  Catholic  weavers  were  cut  and  de- 
stroyed. Every  article  of  furniture  was  shat- 
tered or  burnt.  The  houses  were  often  set  on 
fire,  and  the  inmates  were  driven  homeless  into 
the  world.  The  rioters  met  witli  scarcely  any 
resistance  or  distar'.iance.  Twelve  or  fourteen 
houses  were  sometimes  wrecked  in  a  single  night. 
Several  Catholic  chapels  were  burnt,  antl  the  per- 
secution, which  began  in  the  county  of  Armagh, 
soon  extended  over  a  wide  area  in  the  counties 
of  Tyrone,  Down,  Antrim,  and  Derry.  .  .  .  The 
outrages  continued  with  little  abatement  through 
a  greai  part  of  the  following  year.  As  niigiit 
liave  been  expected,  there  were  widely  differing 
estimates  of  the  number  of  the  victims.  Accord- 
ing to  some  reports,  which  were  no  doubt  grossly 
exaggerated,  no  less  than  1,400  families,  or  about 
7,000  persons,  were  driven  out  of  the  county  of 
Armagh  alone.  Another,  and  much  more  prob- 
able account,  spoke  of  700  families,  while  a  cer- 
tain party  among  the  j;cntry  did  tlieir  utmost  to 
minimise  the  persecutions." — W.  E.  II.  Lecky, 
Hist,  of  En<j.  in  the  lUh  Cent'y.  rh.  27  (c.  7). 

A.  D.    1798-1800. — The  Legislative  Union 
with    Great    Britain. — 'No    sooner    had    the 


1781 


IRELAND,  1798-1800. 


Legislative  Union. 


IHELAND,  1798-1800. 


rcl)ollion  Itccn  suppressed  tliiin  the  Oovenimcnt 
pr()pos<>(l,  to  tlie  Parliament  of  eail:  country,  the 
union  of  Great  liritain  and  Ireland  under  a  com- 
mon lejjislature.  This  was  no  new  idea.  It  had 
f re(iuenlly  been  in  the  ndnds  of  successive  gener- 
ations of  statesmen  on  both  sides  of  the  Channel, 
but  had  not  yet  been  seriously  di.scussed  with  a 
view  to  immediate  action.  Nothing  could  have 
iK'cn  more  safely  predicted  than  that  Ireland 
must,  sooner  or  later,  follow  the  precedent  of 
Scotland,  and  yield  her  pretensions  to  a  separate 
li'Ki.slation.  The  measures  of  1782,  which  aj)- 
peared  to  establish  the  legislative  independence 
of  Ireland,  really  proved  the  vanity  of  such  a 
pretension.  .  .  .  On  the  assembling  of  the  Hrit- 
ish  Parliament  at  the  commencement  of  the  year 
[171)!(],  the  question  of  the  Union  was  recom- 
mended by  a  message  from  the  Crown;  and  the 
address,  after  son.e  opposition,  was  carried  with- 
out a  division.  Pitt,  at  tliis,  the  earliest  stage, 
pronounced  the  decision  at  which  the  Govern- 
ment had  arrived  to  bo  positive  and  irrevocable. 
.  .  .  Lord  Cornwallis  [then  Lord  Lieutenant  ot 
Ireland]  also  expressed  his  conviction  that  union 
was  the  only  measure  which  could  preserve  the 
country.  .  .  .  The  day  liefore  the  intended 
Union  was  signiUcd  by  a  royal  message  to  the 
Knglish  Parliament,  the  Irish  Houses  assembled ; 
and  the  Viceroy's  speech,  of  course,  contained  a 
paragraph  relative  to  the  project.  The  House 
of  Lords,  completely  under  the  control  of  the 
(,'astle,  agreed  to  an  address  in  conformity  with 
the  siieech,  o'ter  a  short  and  languid  debate,  by  a 
large  major'  ,y ;  but  the  Commons  were  violently 
agitated.  .  .  .  An  amendment  to  the  address 
pledging  the  House  to  maintain  the  Union  was 
lost  by  one  vote,  after  the  House  had  sat  twenty- 
one  hours;  but,  on  the  report,  the  amendment 
to  omit  the  paragraph  referring  to  the  Union 
was  carried  by  a  majority  of  four.  .  .  .  When 
it  was  understood  that  the  Government  was  in 
earnest  .  .  .  there  was  little  difflculty  in  alarm- 
ing a  people  among  whom  the  machinery  of  po- 
litical agitation  had,  for  some  years,  been  exten- 
sively organised.  The  bar  of  Dublin  took  the 
lead,  and  it  at  once  became  evident  that  the 
policy  of  the  Government  had  effected  a  union 
among  Irishmen  far  more  formidable  than  that 
which  all  the  efforts  of  sedition  had  been  able  to 
accomplish.  The  meeting  of  the  bar  included 
not  merely  men  of  different  religious  persua- 
sions, but,  what  was  of  more  importance  in  Ire- 
land, men  of  different  sides  in  polities.  .  .  . 
However  conclusive  the  r-gupient  iu  favour  of 
Union  may  appear  to  Englishmen,  it  was  diffi- 
cult for  an  Irishman  to  regard  tiie  Union  in  any 
olhi'.T  view  than  as  a  measure  to  deprive  his 
couutry  of  her  independent  constitution,  and  to 
extttjguish  her  national  existence.  Mr.  Fester, 
the  Speaker,  took  this  view.  ...  Sir  John  Par- 
ncll,  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  followed 
the  Speaker.  Mr.  Fitzgerald,  the  Prime  Ser- 
jeant, a  law  otUcer  of  the  Crown,  was  on  the 
same  side.  Ponsoiiby,  the  leader  of  the  Whigs, 
was  veliement  ngalL'st  the  scheme ;  so  was  Grat- 
tan ;  so  was  Curran.  Great  efforts  were  made  by 
the  Government  to  quiet  the  Protestants,  and  to 
engage  the  Catholics  to  support  the  Union. 
These  efforts  were  &o  far  successful  that  most  of 
the  Orange  lodges  :vere  persuaded  to  refrain 
from  expressing  any  ojjiniou  on  the  subject. 
The  Catholic  hierarchy  v  ere  conciliated  by  the 
promise  of  a  provision  for  the  clergy,  and  of  an 


adjustment  of  the  Tithe  question.  Hopes  wcro 
held  out,  if  iiromises  were  not  actually  made,  to 
the  Catholic  community,  that  their  civil  disabili- 
ties would  be  r"move(!.  ...  If  tlie  Uni(m  waa 
to  be  accomp'ished  l)y  constitutional  means.  It 
could  be  (•ffei:ted  only  by  a  vote  of  the  Irish 
Parliament,  cc  ncurring  with  a  vote  of  tlie  Eng- 
lish Parliamcit;  and  if  the  Irish  assembly  were 
to  pronouu'C  an  unbiassed  judgment  on  tlio 
question  of  its  extinction,  it  is  certain  that  a  very 
small  inin.)rity,  possibly  not  a  .single  vote,  would 
be  found  to  support  the  measure.  .  .  .  Tlie  vote 
on  the  address  was  followed,  in  a  few  days,  by 
an  address  to  the  (.'rown,  in  wiiich  the  Commons 
pledged  themselves  to  maintain  the  constitution 
of  1782.  The  mi'Jority  in  favour  of  national  in- 
dependence had  already  increased  from  Ave  to 
twenty.  .  .  .  Tlie  votes  of  tlie  Irish  Commons 
had  tlispo.sed  of  the  question  for  the  current 
session ;  but  preparations  were  immediately  made 
for  its  future  passage  through  the  Irish  Houses. 
Tlie  forenwst  men  in  Ireland  .  .  .  had  first  been 
tempted,  but  had  indignantly  refused  every  offer 
to  betray  tlie  independence  of  their  country. 
Another  cla.ss  of  leading  persons  was  then  tried, 
and  from  these,  for  the  most  part,  evasive 
answers  were  received.  The  minister  umV  ■■ 
stood  the  meaning  of  these  dubious  uticiunc  i  -.. 
Tlierc  was  one  mode  of  carrying  the  Union,  and 
one  mo<le  only.  Hribery  of  every  kind  must  bo 
employed  witho\it  liesitation  ancl  without  stint. " 
— ^V.  JIassey,  Jlist.  of  Eng.:  Reign  of  Geo.  HI., 
ch.  38  (c.  4). — "  Lord  Cornwallis  liad  to  work  the 
system  of  'negotiating  and  jobbing,'  by  promis- 
ing an  Irish  Peerage,  or  a  lift  in  that  Peerage, 
or  even  an  English  Peerage,  to  a  crowd  of  eager 
competitors  for  honours.  The  other  specific  for 
making  converts  was  not  yet  in  complete  opera- 
tion. Lord  Castlereagli  [the  Irish  Chief  Secre- 
tary] had  the  idan  in  his  portfolio:  —  borough 
proprietors  be  compensated;  .  .  .  fifty  bar- 
risters in  1  lament,  who  always  considertid  a 
seat  as  the  road  to  preferment,  to  be  compen- 
sated ;  tlie  purchasers  of  seats  to  be  compensated ; 
individuals  connected  either  by  residence  or 
property  with  Dublin  to  be  compensated.  '  Lord 
Castlereagli  considered  that  £1,500,000  would  be 
required  to  effect  all  these  compensations.'  The 
sum  actually  paid  to  the  borough-mongers  alono 
was  £1,260,000.  Fifteen  thousand  pounds  were 
allotted  to  each  borough ;  and  '  was  apportioned 
amongst  the  various  patrons. ' .  .  .  It  had  become 
a  contest  of  bribery  on  both  sides.  There  was 
an  'Opposition stock-purse,'  as  Lord  Castlereagh 
describes  the  fund  against  which  he  was  to 
struggle  with  the  deeper  purse  at  Whitehall. 
.  .  .  During  the  administration  of  Lord  Corn- 
wallis, 29  Irish  Peerages  were  created;  of  which 
seven  only  were  unconnected  with  the  question 
of  Union.  Six  English  Peerages  were  granted  ou 
account  of  Irish  services;  and  there  were  19  pro- 
motions in  the  Irish  Peerage,  earned  by  similar 
assistance. "  The  question  of  Union  was  virtually 
decided  in  the  Irish  House  of  Commons  on  the 
0th  of  February,  1800.  Lord  Castlereagh,  on 
the  previous  day,  liad  read  a  message  from  the 
Lord  Lieutenont,  communicating  resolutions 
adopted  by  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  in 
the  previous  year.  ' '  The  question  was  debated 
from  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  5th  to 
one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  6tli.  During 
that  time  the  streets  of  Dublin  were  the  scene 
of  u  great  riot,  and  the  peace  of  the  city  was 


1782 


lUELAND,  1798-1800. 


Kmmet 
Insurrection. 


IRELAND,  1801-1803. 


iimintnincd  only  by  troops  of  cavalry.  ...  On 
the  division  of  tin;  6tli  tliere  was  a  majority  of 
43  ia  favour  of  tlic  Union."  It  was  not,  liow- 
over,  until  the  7th  of  June,  that  the  final  legisla- 
tive enactment  —  the  Union  Hill  —  was  passed 
in  the  Irish  House  of  Conimou.s.  The  first  ar- 
ticle provided  "that  the  kingdoms  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland  should,  upon  the  Ist  of  Jan- 
uary, 1801,  be  united  into  one  kingdom,  by  tlie 
name  of  The  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland.  The  United  Kingdom  was  tj  be 
represented  in  one  and  the  same  parliament.  In 
the  United  Parliament  there  were  to  be  28 
temporal  Peers,  elected  for  life  by  the  Irish 
Peerage;  and  four  spiritual  Peers,  taking  their 
places  in  rotation.  There  were  to  be  100  mem- 
bers of  the  Lower  House ;  eacli  county  returning 
two,  as  well  as  the  cities  of  Dublin  and  Cork. 
The  'Jniversity  returned  one,  and  31  boroughs 
each  returned  one.  Of  these  boroughs  23  re- 
mained close  boroughs  till  the  Reform  Bill  of 
1831.  .  .  .  The  Churches  of  England  and  Ireland 
were  to  be  united.  The  proportion  of  Revenue 
to  be  levied  was  fixed  at  fifteen  for  Great  Britain 
and  two  for  Ireland,  for  the  succeeding  twenty 
years.  Countervailing  duties  upon  imports  to 
each  country  were  fixed  by  a  minute  tariff,  but 
some  commercial  restrictions  were  to  be  re- 
moved."—C.  Knight,  Popular  Hist,  of  England, 
V.  7,  eh.  21. — "If  the  Irisli  Parliament  had  con- 
sisted mainly,  or  to  any  appreciable  extent,  of 
men  who  were  disloyal  to  the  connection,  and 
whose  sympathies  were  on  the  side  of  rebellion 
or  with  the  enemies  of  England,  the  Englisli 
Ministers  would,  I  think,  have  been  amply  justi- 
fied in  employing  almost  any  means  to  abolish 
it.  .  .  .  But  it  cannot  be  too  clearly  understood 
or  too  emphatically  stilted,  tliat  the  legislative 
Union  was  not  an  act  of  this  nature.  The  Par- 
liament which  was  abolished  was  a  Parliament 
of  the  moat  unqualified  loyalists;  it  had  shown 
itself  ready  to  make  every  sacrifice  in  its  power 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  Empire,  and  from 
the  time  when  Arthur  O'Connor  and  Lord  Ed- 
"ward  Fitzgerald  passed  beyond  its  walls,  it  prob- 
ably did  not  contain  a  single  man  who  was 
really  disaffected.  ...  It  must  be  added,  that  it 
was  becoming  evident  that  the  relation  between 
the  two  countries  established  by  tlie  Constitution 
•of  1782  could  not  have  continued  unchanged. 
.  .  .  Even  with  the  best  dispositions,  the  Consti- 
tution of  1782  involved  many  and  grave  probabil- 
aties  of  difference.  .  .  .  Sooneror  later  the  corrupt 
borougli  ascendency  must  have  broken  down,  and 
it  was  a  grave  question  what  was  to  succeed  it. 
.  .  .  An  enormous  increase  of  disloyalty  and 
religious  animosity  had  taken  place  during  the 
last  years  of  the  century,  and  it  added  immensely 
to  the  danger  of  the  democratic  Catholic  suffrage, 
whicli  the  Act  of  1793  had  called  into  existence. 
This  was  the  strongest  argument  for  hurrying 
■on  the  Union;  but  when  all  due  weight  is  as- 
signed to  it,  it  does  not  appear  to  me  to  have 
justified  the  policy  of  Pitt."— W.  E.  H.  Lecky, 
Hist.  ofEng.  in  tlie  18</t  Century,  ch.  33(».  8). 

Also  in  :  T.  D.  Ingram,  Hist,  of  the  Legialatitc 
Union. — R.  Ilassencamp,  Hist,  of  Ireland,  ch.  14. 
— Marquis  Cornwallis,  Oorreapondence,  ch.  10-21 
{('.  2-3). — Viscount  Castlereagh,  Memoirs  and 
Con:,  V.  2-3. 

A.  D.  i8oi. —  Pitt's  promise  of  Catholic 
Emancipation  broken  by  the  kin^,.  See  Eno- 
x\nd:  a.  D.  1801-1806. 


A.  D.  1801-1803. — The  Emmet  insurrection. 

— "Lord  llanlwieke  succeeded  Lord  Cornwallis 
as  viceroy  in  May  [1801];  and  for  two  years,  so 
fur  a>,  'he  Britisih  i)ublic  knew,  Ireland  was  un- 
disiurbed.  The  harvest  of  1801  was  abundant. 
Tlie  island  was  occupied  bj'  a  military  force  of 
IS.j.OOO  men.  Distant  rumours  of  disturbances 
in  Limerick,  Tipperary,  and  Waterford  were 
faintly  audible.  Imports  and  exports  increatod. 
The  debt  increa.sed  likewise,  but,  as  it  was  met 
by  loans  and  uncontrolled  by  any  public  assem- 
bly, no  one  protested,  and  few  were  aware 
of  the  fact.  Landlords  and  middlemen  throve 
on  high  rents,  and  peasants  as  yet  coulil  live. 
.  .  .  Early  in  1803  the  murmurs  in  the  south- 
west became  louder.  Visions  of  a  fixed  price  for 
potfies  began  to  shape  themselves,  and  the  in- 
vasion of  'strangers'  ready  to  take  land  from 
which  tenants  had  been  ejected  was  resisted. 
Tlie  magistrates  urged  the  viceroy  to  obtain  and 
exercise  the  powers  of  the  Insurrection  Act; 
but  the  evil  was  not  thought  of  sufiicient  magni- 
tude, and  their  request  was  refused.  Amidst 
the  general  calm,  the  insurrection  of  Robert 
Emmett  in  July  broke  like  a  bolt  from  the  blue. 
A  young  republican  visionary,  whose  brother 
had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  rebellion,  he  had 
inspired  a  few  score  com'  ades  with  the  quixotic 
hope  of  rekindling  Irish  nationality  by  setting 
up  a  factory  of  pikes  in  a  back  street  of  Dublin. 
On  the  eve  of  St.  James's  Day,  Quigley,  one  of 
his  associates,  who  had  been  sowing  vague  hopes 
among  the  villages  of  Kildare,  brouglil  a  mixed 
crowd  into  Dublin.  When  the  evening  fell',  a 
sky-rocket  was  fired.  Emmett  and  his  little 
band  sallied  from  Marshalsea  Lane  into  St. 
James's  Street,  and  distributed  pikes  to  all  who 
would  take  tliem.  The  disorderly  mob  thus 
armed  proceeded  to  the  debtors'  prison,  which 
they  attacked,  killing  the  olficer  who  defended 
it.  Emmett  urged  tliem  on  to  the  Castle.  They 
followed,  in  a  confused  column,  utterly  beyond 
his  power  to  control.  On  their  way  they  fell  in 
with  the  carriage  of  the  Chief  Justice,  Lord  Kil- 
warden,  dragged  him  out,  and  killed  him.  By 
this  time  a  few  handfuls  of  troops  had  been  col- 
lected. In  half  an  hour  two  subalterns,  with 
fifty  soldiers  each,  had  dispersed  the  whole 
gathering.  By  ten  o'clock  all  was  over,  with  the 
loss  of  20  soldiers  and  50  insurgents.  Emmett 
and  Russell,  another  of  the  leaders  who  had 
undertaken  the  agitation  of  Down  and  Antrim, 
were  shortly  afterwards  taken  and  executed; 
Quigley  escaped.  Such  was  the  last  reverbe- 
ration of  the  rebellion  of  1798,  or  rather  of  the 
revolutionary  fervour  that  led  the  way  to  that 
rebellion,  before  it  had  been  tainted  with  re- 
ligious aninosity.  Emmett  died  as  Shelley 
would  have  iMecl,  a  martyr  and  an  enthusiast; 
but  he  knew  liLtle  of  his  countrymen's  condition, 
little  of  their  aspirations,  nothing  of  their  needs. 
He  had  no  successors." — J.  H.  Bridges,  pt.  3  of 
Two  Cetiturien  of  Irish  Hist.,  ch.  2. — "Emmet 
might  easily  have  escaped  to  France  if  he  had 
chosen,  but  he  delayed  till  too  late.  Emmet  v-as 
a  young  man,  and  Emmet  was  in  love.  'The 
idol  of  his  licart,"  as  lie  calls  her  in  his  dying 
speech,  was  Sarali  Curran,  the  daughter  of  John 
Philpot  Curran.  .  .  .  Emmet  was  determined  to 
see  her  before  he  went.  He  placed  his  life  upon 
the  cast  and  lost  it.  .  .  .  Tlie  AVhite  Terror 
which  followed  upon  tlie  failure  of  Emraet'a 
rising  was  accompanied  by  ali-iost  all  the  horrors 


3-1.1 


1783 


'  (' 


lUKLAND,   1801-1803. 


Ihmii't  tyCtmiu-ll. 


IHPU.ANP,   1811-1839. 


wliicli  iniirkcd  llic  hours  of  rciircssioii  after  tlie 
rcbcllioM  of  '1)8.  .  .  .  The  ohl  dcvilH  diiiice  of 
Bpics  mid  iiifiirmcrs  went  merrily  forwanl;  the 

i)risoii.s   wcri!  ehoUed    willi    prisoners." — J.    II. 
ilcCurthy,  Jitlninl  niiire  the  I'liimi,  eh.  5-6. 

Also  in:  H.  U.  Miidden,  The  I'nitid Iriiihmen, 
their  Lirn»  and  Tiiiien,  v.  3. — J.  Wills,  Ifint.  of 
In  hi  nil  ill  the  [.inn  iif  Irhhinen.  r.  0,  /;/).  ()8-H0. 
A.  D.  1811-1829. —  O'Connell  and  the  agita- 
tion for  Catholic  Emancipation  and  the  Re- 
peal of  the  Union.  —  Catholic  disabilities  re- 
moved. —  "  There  isi  much  reiison  to  believe  tliat 
almost  from  the  commeiieement  of  hisearcor" 
Danii'l  O'Connell,  the  great  Irish  agitator, 
"  formed  one  vast  scheino  of  poliry  which  lie 
jiursiied  through  life  with  little  deviation,  and. 
It  must  be  added,  with  little  scruple.  This 
sehemc  was  to  create  and  lead  a  public  spirit 
among  the  Uoman  Catholics;  to  wrest  emanci- 
pation by  this  means  from  the  Government;  to 
perfietuato  the  agitation  created  for  that  pur- 
pose till  the  Irish  Parliament  had  been  restored; 
to  disendow  the  Establi-shed  Church ;  and  thus 
to  open  in  Ireland  a  new  era,  with  a  separate 
and  independent  Parliament  and  perfect  reli- 
gious equality.  It  would  be  difficult  to  conceive 
a  scheme  of  policy  exhibiting  more  daring  than 
this.  The  Roman  Catholics  had  hitherto  shown 
themselves  absolutely  incompetent  to  take  any 
decisive  part  in  politics.  .  .  .  O'Connell,  how- 
ever, perceived  that  it  was  possible  to  bring  the 
whole  mass  of  the  people  into  the  struggle,  and 
to  give  them  an  almost  tine.xamplcd  momentum 
and  unanimity  by  applying  to  politics  a  great 
power  that  lay  dormant  in  Ireland  —  the  power 
of  \hi\  Ciitholir"  pri^^thooil  To  make  the  priests 
the  rulers  of  the  country^  and  himself  the  ruler 
of  the  prit'Sts,  was  his  lirst  great  object.  .  .  . 
Tliere  was  a  party  supported  by  Keogli,  the 
leader  in  'Oii,  who  recommended  what  was  called 
'a  dignified  silence'  —  in  other  word.s,  a  com- 
plete abstinence  from  petitioning  and  agitation. 
With  this  party  0't!onnell  successfully  grapidcd. 
His  advice  on  every  occasion  was,  '  Airitate.  agi- 
tiitCj  agitate ! '  and  Kcogh  was  so  irritated  by  tlie 
(leteal  tliat  he  retired  from  the  society."  O'Con- 
nell's  leadership  of  the  movement  for  Catholic 
Emancipation  became  virtually  e.stjiblished  about 
tlie  beginning  of  1811.  "lie  avowed  himself 
repeatedly  to  be  an  agitator  with  an  '  idtcrior 
object,'  and  declared  that  that  object  was  the 
rcpenl  of  the  Union.  '  Desiring,  as  1  do,  the 
repeal  of  the  Union,'  he  saio  In  one  of  his 
speeches,  in  1813,  '  I  rejoice  to  see  how  our 
enemies  promote  that  great  object.  .  .  .  They 
delay  '!:l,  liberties  of  the  Catholics,  but  they 
compensate  us  most  amplv  because  they  ad- 
vance the  restoration  of  Ireland.  By  leaving 
one  cause  of  agitation,  they  have  created,  and 
tliey  will  embody  and  give  shape  and  form 
to,  a  public  mind  and  a  public  spirit.'  .  .  . 
Nothing  can  be  more  untrue  than  to  represent 
the  Repeal  agitation  as  a  mere  afterthought  de- 
signed to  sustain  his  flagging  popularity.  Nor 
can  it  be  said  that  the  project  was  first  started 
by  him.  The  deep  indignation  that  the  Union 
had  produced  in  Ireland  was  fermenting  among 
all  classes,  and  1.  isuming  the  form,  sometimes  of 
a  Frencli  party  sometimes  of  a  social  war,  and 
sometimes  of  11  constitutional  agitation.  ...  It 
would  be  tedious  to  follow  into  minute  detail  the 
difUcidtics  and  the  mistakes  that  obstructed  the 
Catholic  movement,  and  were  finally  overcome 


by  the  energy  or  the  tact  of  O'Connell.  .  .  . 
Several  limes  the  movement  was  menaced  by 
Government  proclamations  ami  prosecutions.  Its 
great  dilliciilt  v  was  to  bring  the  public  opinion  of 
the  whole  body  of  the  Roman  Catholics  actively 
and  habitually  into  the  (|uestion.  .  .  .  All  pre- 
ceding movenients  since  the  Revolution  (except 
the  passing  excilenieiit  about  Wood's  halfpence) 
had  been  clilefly  among  the  Protestants  or  among 
the  higher  order  of  the  Catholics.  Tlie  mass  ofJ 
the  ])eople  had  taken  no  real  interest  in  politics,! 
had  felt  no  real  pain  at  their  disabilities,  and 
were  politically  the  willing  slaves  of  their  land- 
lords. For  ih<\firstjlme,  umler  the  influence  of 
ClXltumelli  '!"'  Kfeat  swell  of  a  really  rleiiioer]|t'i(;^ 
"l"Vl'lll""'  "'f  ^;'i'  The  simplest  way  of  con-" 
centrating  the  new  enthusiasm  would  have  been 
by  a  system  of  delegates,  but  this  had  been  ren- 
dered illegal  by  the  (,'onvention  Act.  On  the 
other  liiiiid,  the  right  of  petitioning  was  one  of 
the  fundamental  privileges  of  the  com  tituti<m. 
By  availing  himself  of  this  right  O'Connell  con- 
trived, with  the  dexterity  of  a  practised  lawyer, 
to  violate  continually  the  spirit  of  the  Conven- 
tion Act,  while  keeping  within  the  letter  of 
the  law.  Proclamation  after  proclamation  was 
launched  against  his  society,  but  by  continually 
changing  its  name  and  its  form  ho  generally  suc- 
ceeded in  evading  the  prosecutions  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. These  early  societies,  however,  all 
sink  into  insignificance  compared  with  that  great 
Catholic  Association  which  was  formed  in  1824. 
The  avowed  objects  of  this  society  were  to  pro- 
mote religious  education,  to  ascertain  the  nu- 
merical strength  of  the  difTerent  religions,  and 
to  answer  the  charges  against  the  Roman  Cath- 
olics embodied  in  the  hostile  petitions.  It  also 
'  recommended'  petitions  (unconnected  with  the 
society)  from  every  parish,  and  aggregate  meet- 
ings in  every  county.  The  real  object  was  to 
form  a  gigantic  system  of  organisation,  ramifying 
over  the  entire  country,  and  directed  in  every 
parish  by  the  priests,  for  the  purpose  of  petition- 
ing and  in  every  oilier  way  agitating  in  favour 
of  emancipation.  The  Catholic  Rent  [a  system 
of  small  subscriptions  —  as  imall  as  a  penny  a 
month  —  collected  from  the  poorest  contributors, 
throughout  Ireland]  was  instituted  at  this  time, 
and  it  formed  at  once  a  powerful  instrument  of 
cohesion  and  a  faithful  barometer  of  the  popular 
feeling.  .  .  .  The  success  of  the  Catholic  Asso- 
ciation became  every  week  more  striking.  The 
rent  rose  with  an  extraordinary  rapidity  [from 
£350  a  week  in  October  to  £700  a  week  in  De- 
cember, 1834].  The  meetings  in  every  county 
grew  more  and  more  enthusiastic,  the  triumph 
of  priestly  influence  more  and  more  certain. 
The  Government  made  a  feeble  and  abortive 
effort  to  arrest  the  storm  by  threatening  both 
O'Connell  and  Shell  [Richard  Lalor]  with  prose- 
cution for  certain  passages  in  their  speeches. 
.  .  .  Tlie  formation  of  the  Wellington  Ministry 
[Wellington  and  Peel,  1828]  seemed  effectually 
to  crush  the  present  hopes  of  the  Catholics,  for 
the  stubborn  resolution  of  its  leader  was  as  well 
known  as  his  Tory  opininns.  Yet  this  Ministry 
was  destined  to  terminate  the  contest  by  estab- 
lishing the  principle  of  religious  equality.  .  .  . 
On  the  accession  of  the  Wellington  Ministry  to 
power  the  Catholic  Association  pas^jcd  a  resolu- 
tion to  the  effect  that  they  would  oppose  with 
their  whole  energy  any  Irish  member  who  con- 
sented to  accept  ofBce  under  it.  .  .  .  An  oppor- 


1784 


IIIELAND,  18n-lM29. 


HibbuHtHm, 


lUKLANl),   1840-18U. 


I  unity  for  ciirryini;  tlio  resolution  into  ("flrct 
soon  occurred.  Mr.  fitzfjcriild,  tlic  nicnilicr  for 
(Mure,  accepted  tlic  olllec  of  President  of  the 
Hoard  of  Trade,  and  was  conseciuently  obliged 
to  go  to  his  constituents  for  reelection.'  O'Con- 
nell  entered  the  lists  against  him.  "  Tlie  excite- 
ment at  this  announcement  rose  at  once  to  fever 
height.  It  extended  over  every  part  of  Ireland, 
and  penetrated  every  class  of  society.  The 
whole  nia.ss  of  the  Itonian  C'atholics  prepared 
to  support  him,  and  the  vast  sy.stem  of  organisa- 
tion v^lnch  he  liad  framed  acted  clfectually  in 
every  direction."  For  the  tirst  time,  the  land- 
lords found  that  the  voting  of  their  tenants 
could  not  be  controlled.  Fitzgerald  withdrew 
from  the  contest  and  O'Connell  was  elected. 
"  Ireland  was  now  on  the  very  verge  of  revolu- 
tion. The  whole  mass  of  the  people  had  been 
organised  lil(e  a  regular  army,  niid  taught  to  act 
with  the  moat  perfect  unanimity.  .  .  .  The 
Ministers,  feeling  further  resistance  to  be  hope- 
less, brought  in  the  Emancipation  IMll,  con- 
fessedly because  to  withhold  it  would  be  to 
kindle  a  rebellion  that  would  extend  over  the 
length  and  breadth  of  the  land."  —  W.  E.  II. 
Lccky,  lAiiulen  of  Public  Opinion  in  Ireland: 
O'Connell. — "Peel  introduced  the  Kelief  Bill  on 
the  6th  March  [1829].  The  king  had  given  to  it 
a  reluctant  assent.  A*  the  last  hour,  the  in- 
trigues of  Eldou  and  the  Duke  of  Cumberland 
had  so  far  inlluenccd  his  weak  and  disingenuous 
mind  that  he  withdrew  his  assent  to  his  minis- 
ters' policy,  on  the  pretence  that  he  had  not  ex- 
pected, and  could  not  sanction,  any  moditication 
of  the  Oath  of  Supiemacy.  lie  parted  from 
his  ministers  with  kisses  and  courtesy,  and  for  a 
few  hours  their  resignation  was  in  his  hands. 
But  with  night  his  discretion  waxed  as  his  cour- 
age waned ;  his  ministers  were  recalled,  and  their 
measure  proceeded.  In  its  main  provisions  it 
was  thorough  and  far-reaching.  It  iidmittcd  the 
Roman  Catholic  to  Parliament,  and  to  all  lay 
ollices  under  the  Crown,  except  those  of  Re- 
gent, Lord  Chancellor,  whetlier  of  England  or 
of  Ireland,  and  Lord  Lieutenant.  It  repealed 
tlie  oath  of  abjuration,  it  moditted  ilie  uath  of 
supremacy.  ...  It  approximated  the  Irish  to 
tlie  English  county  franchise  by  abolishing  the 
forty-shilling  freeholder,  and  raising  the  voters' 
qimliUcations  to  £10.  All  monasteries  and  insti- 
tutions of  Jesuits  were  suppressed;  and  Roman 
Catholic  bishops  were  forbidden  to  assume  titles 
of  sees  already  held  'oy  bishops  of  the  Church 
of  Ireland.  Municipal  and  other  ollicials  were 
forbidden  to  wear  the  insignia  of  tlieir  oflice  at 
RomaL!  Catholic  ceremonies.  Lastly,  the  new 
Oath  of  Supremacy  was  a\ailable  only  for  per- 
sons thereafter  to  be  elected  to  Parliament" — 
which  nuUilled  O'Connell's  election  at  Clare. 
This  petty  stroke  of  malice  is  said  to  have  been 
introduce'd  in  the  bill  for  the  gratification  of  the 
king.  The  vote  in  the  Commons  on  the  Bill  was 
853  against  180,  and  in  the  Lords  217  to  \Vi.  It 
received  the  Royal  assent  on  the  13th  of  April. — 
J.  A.  Hamilton,  Life  of  Daniel  O'Connell,  ch.  5. 

Also  dj:  J.  McCarthy,  Sir  Robert  Peel,  ch. 
2-7.  —  W.  J.  Fitzpatrick,  Correspondence  of  Daniel 
O'Connell,  with  notices  of  his  Life  and  Times,  v.  1, 
ch.  1-5. —  W.  J.  Amherst,  Hist,  of  Catholic 
Emancipation. —  W.  C.  Taylor,  Life  and  Times 
of  Sir  Robert  Peel,  v.  1,  ch.  10-18  a/u/  v.  2,  ch.  1-3. 

A.  D.  1820-1826.— Rise  of  the  Ribbon  So- 
ciety.— "Throughout  the  half-century  extending 


from  1820  to  1870,  a  secret  oath-bound  agrarian 
ciinfcderacy,  kniiwnas  the  '  Hilil/on  Soi^icty,' was 
the  constant  allliition  and  recurring  terror  of  the 
landed  elas.ses  of  Ireland.  The  Vchmg(Tieht 
itself  wius  not  more  dreaded.  .  .  .  It  is  assuredly 
strange  —  indeed,  almost  incredible  —  that  al- 
though th(^  existence  of  this  organisation  was, 
in  a  gi'iicral  way,  as  well  and  as  widely  known 
as  the  fact  that  t^uccn  Victoria  reigned,  or  that 
Daniel  O'Connell  wasoncealivingniau;  although 
the  story  of  its  crimes  has  thrilled  judge  and 
jury,  and  parliamentary  conunilt('(^s  have  lllled 
pon<lerou8  blue-books  with  evidence  of  its  pro- 
ceedings, there  is  to  this  hour  the  widest  conllict 
of  assertion  and  conclusion  as  to  wluit  exactly 
were  its  real  aims,  its  origin,  structure,  charac- 
ter, and  purpose.  ...  I  long  ago  satistled  my- 
self that  the  Ribbonism  of  one  period  was  not 
the  Ribbonism  of  another;  that  the  version  of  its 
aims  and  character  prevalent  amongst  its  own 
members  in  one  county  or  district  dillered  widely 
from  that  existing  elsewhere.  In  Ulster  it  pro- 
fessed to  be  a  defensive  or  retaliatory  league 
against  Orangeism.  In  Munstcr  it  was  at  first 
a  combination  against  tithe-proctors.  In  Con- 
naught  it  was  an  organisation  against  rack-rent- 
ing and  evictions.  In  Leinster  it  often  was  mere 
trade-imionism.  .  .  .  The  Ribbon  Society  seems 
to  have  been  wholly  confined  to  small  farmers, 
cottiers,  labourers,  and,  in  the  towns,  petty  shop- 
keepers, in  whose  houses  the  '  lodges '  wcr(!  held. 
.  .  .  Altliough  trom  the  inception,  or  first  ap- 
pearance, of  Ribbonism  the  Catholic  clergy 
wagedadetermined  warupon  it  .  .  .  the  society 
was  exclusively  Cathjlic  Under  no  circum- 
stances would  a  P"otestant  be  admitted  to  mem- 
bership. .  .  .  'I'he  name  '  Ribbon  Society '  was 
not  attached  to  it  until  about  1820.  It  was  pre- 
viously known  as  '  Liberty  Men ' ;  the  '  Religious 
Liberty  System';  the  'United  Sons  of  Irish 
Freedom ' ;  '  Sons  of  the  Shamrock ' ;  and  by 
other  names.  .  .  .  It  h;is  been  said,  and  probably 
with  some  trutii,  tliat  it  has  been  too  much  the 
habit  to  attribute  erroneously  to  the  Ribbon  or- 
ganisation every  atrocity  coimnilted  in  the 
country,  every  deed  of  blocl  apparently  arising 
out  of  agrariaa  combination  c  conspiracy.  .  .  . 
But  vain  is  all  pretence  that  tht  Ribbon  Society 
did  not  become,  whatever  the  orij^i'ial  desii'"  or 
intention  of  its  members  may  have  been,  a  hide- 
ous organisation  of  outrage  and  murder.  .  .  . 
There  was  a  period  wlien  Ribbon  outrages  had, 
at  all  events,  a  conceivable  provocation;  but 
there  came  a  time  when  they  sickened  the  public 
conscience  by  their  wantoimess.  The  vengeance 
of  the  society  was  ruthless  and  terrible.  .  .  . 
From  1835  to  1855  the  Ribbon  organisation  was 
at  its  greatest  strength.  .  .  .With  the  emigration 
of  the  labouring  classes  it  was  carried  abroad,  to 
England  and  to  America.  At  one  time  the  most 
formidable  lodges  were  in  Lancashire." — A.  M. 
Sullivan,  JVcw  Ireland,  ch.  4. 

A.  D.  1831. — Establishment  of  National 
Schools.    Sec  Education,  Modeun:  Euuoi'ean 

COUNTUIES. — lUKI.AND 

A.  D.  1832. — Parliamentary  Representation 
increased  by  the  Reform  Bill.  ScbEnulai^u: 
A.  D.  1830-1832. 

A.  D.  1840-1841.— Discontent  with  the  re- 
sults of  the  Union. — Condition  of  the  people. 
— O'Connell's  revival  of  agitation  for  Repeal. 
— "  The  Catholics  were  at  length  emancipated  in 
1829;  and  now,  surely,  their  enemies  suggested, 


1785 


IRELAND,  1840-1841. 


Agitatinn  fur 


IIIELAND,  1840-1841. 


tlioy  must  be  cdiilcnlfd  luid  griilcful  for  i-vcr- 
imm'f  I'crvfrsi'  must  tlif  pcopk'  Ix;  wlio,  liiiv- 
lrij5  got  wluit  tlicy  ii.ski'd,  are  not  .siitisfiod.  Let 
us  sec.  WliHl  they  iisUcd  wii.s  to  Im'  mhnittpd  to 
their  Just  slmrt',  or,  at  any  rate  to  some  share,  of 
the  Kovcrnment  of  their  native  country,  from 
wldcTi  tlicy  Inid  heon  e.xeluded  for  five  genera- 
tions. Biit  on  tlie  pa.ssing  of  tlie  Emancipation 
Aet  not  a  single  C'atliolic  was  admitted  to  an 
olllee  of  aiitliorily,  great  or  small.  Tliu  door 
was  opened,  indeed,  but  not  a  soul  was  permit- 
ted to  pass  in.  Tliere  wer(^  murmurs  of  discon- 
tent, and  the  class  who  still  enjoyed  all  the  pat- 
ronage of  the  State,  the  Church,  the  army,  the 
magistracy,  and  the  public  service,  demanded  if 
there  was  any  ust?  in  attempting  to  conciliate  a 
l)eople  so  intractable  and  unreasonable  V  The 
Catliolic  Association,  which  had  won  the  vic- 
tory, was  rewarded  for  its  imblic  spirit  by  being 
dissolved  by  Act  of  Parliament.  Its  leader,  who 
had  been  elected  to  the  House  of  Commons, 
had  his  election  declared  void  by  a  jjhrase  im- 
ported into  the  Emancipation  Act  for  this  special 
l)urpose.  The  forty-shilling  freeholders,  who.se 
courage  and  magnauinnty  had  made  the  cause 
irresistible,  were  immediately  deprived  of  the 
fronchi.se.  Hy  means  of  a  high  ijmdiflcation 
and  an  ingeniously  complicated  system  of  regis- 
try, the  electors  in  twelve  counties  were  reduced 
from  upwards  of  iOO,000  to  less  than  10,000. 
Englishmen  cannot  comprehend  our  dissatisfac- 
tion. .  .  .  Emancipation  was  speedily  followed 
bv  a  Ueform  of  the  House  of  Commons.  In 
England  r.  sweeping  and  salutary  cliange  was 
made  botli  in  the  franclnsc,  and  in  the  distribu- 
tion of  seats;  but  Ireland  did  not  ol>tain  cither 
the  number  of  represeutotives  she  was  demon- 
strably entitled  to  by  population  and  resources, 
or  such  0  reduction  of  the  franchise  as  liad  iK'cn 
conceded  to  England.  The  Wliigs  were  in 
power,  and  Ireland  was  well-disposed  to  tlie 
party.  .  .  .  But  the  idea  of  treating  Ireland  on 
perfectly  equal  terms,  and  giving  licr  tlie  full 
advantage  of  the  Union  winch  had  been  forced 
on  her,  did  not  exist  in  the  mind  of  a  single 
statesman  of  that  epocii.  After  Emancipation 
and  lleform,  O'Connell  had  a  fierce  qiiarrel  witii 
the  Whigs,  during  whicli  he  raised  the  question 
of  Ireland's  ri^ht  to  be  governed  exclusively  by 
her  own  Parliament.  The  people  responded 
passionately  to  liis  appeal.  The  party  of  Protes- 
tant Ascendancy  had  demanded  tlie  Repeal  of 
the  Union  before  Emancipation,  but  that  dis- 
turbing event  altered  tlioir  policy,  and  tlicy 
withheld  all  aid  from  O'Connell.  After  a  brief 
time  he  abandoned  tlie  experiment,  to  substitute 
for  it  an  attempt  to  obtain  what  was  called  'jus- 
tice to  Ireland.'  In  furtherance  of  this  project 
lie  made  a  compact  with  tlie  Whigs  tliat  the 
Irish  Party  under  his  lead  should  support  them 
in  parliament.  The  Wliigs  in  return  made  fairer 
appointments  to  judicial  and  other  public  em- 
ployments, restrained  jury  packing,  and  estab- 
lislied  an  unscctarian  system  of  public  education ; 
but  tlic  national  question  was  tlirown  back  for 
more  than  a  generation.     ^"JhlfM    f>'fV"'"^' 


revived  the  question  of  Repeal,  on  the  ground 
tliat  tlic  Union  Tiad  wholly  failed  to  accoiniilish 
the  end  for  which  it  was  said  to  be  designed. 
Instead  of  bringing  Ireland  prosperity,  it  liiid 
brought  lier  ruin.  Tlie  social  condition  of  tlie 
country  during  the  half-cfcntury,  then  drawing 
to    a    close    was,   indeed,   without    parallel    in 


Europe.  Tlie  whole  population  were  dependent 
on  agriculture.  'Bliere  were  mini  nils,  liiit  none 
found  in  what  miners  call  '  paying  ((uantities.' 
There  was  no  manufacture  except  linen,  and  tlie 
remnant  of  a  woollen  trade,  slowly  dying  out 
before  the  i)itiless  competition  of  Yorkshire. 
What  the  island  chietly  produced  was  food; 
which  was  exported  to  richer  countries  to  enable 
the  cultivator  to  pay  an  inordinate  rent.  For- 
eign travellers  saw  with  amazement  an  island 
po.s.sessing  all  the  natural  cimditions  of  a  great 
(■ommerce,  as  bare  of  commerce  as  if  it  lay  in 
some  liyoway  of  tlie  world  .where  enterprise  had 
not  yet  penetrated.  .  .  .  The  great  iiroprietors 
Were  two  or  three  liundred  —  the  heirs  of  the 
Undertakers,  for  the  most  part,  and  Absentees; 
the  nia.s8  of  the  country  was  owned  by  a  couple 
of  thousand  others,  who  lived  in  splendour,, 
and  even  profusion;  and  for  tlie.se  the  peasant! 
ploughed,  sowed,  tended,  and  reaped  a  harves^ 
which  ho  never  shared.  Rent,  in  other  coun- 
tries, means  the  surplus  after  the  farmer  lias 
been  liberally  paid  for  his  skill  and  labour;  in 
Ireland  it  meant  the  whole  produce  of  the  soil 
except  a  potato-pit.  If  a  farmer  strove  for 
more,  liis  master  knew  how  to  bring  him  to 
speedy  submissicm.  He  could  carry  away  liis 
implements  of  trade  liy  the  law  of  distress,  or 
rob  him  of  his  sole  pursuit  in  life  by  the  law  of 
eviction.  He  could,  and  habitually  did,  seize 
the  growing  crop,  the  stools  and  jiots  in  his  mis- 
erable cabin,  the  lilanket  that  sheltered  his  chil- 
dren, tlic  cow  that  gave  them  nourishment. 
There  were  just  and  humane  landlords,  men 
who  performed  the  duties  wliicli  their  position 
imposed,  and  did  not  exaggerate  its  rights;  but 
they  were  a  small  minority.  .  .  .  Famines  were 
frequent,  and  every  other  year  dcstitiiti(m  killed 
a  crowd  of  peasants.  For  a  hundred  and  fifty 
years  before,  wlioever  has  described  the  condi- 
tion of  Ireland  —  English  official,  foreign  visitor, 
or  Irish  patriot  —  described  a  famine  more  or  less 
acute.  Sometimes  the  tortured  serfs  rose  in 
nocturnal  jacquerie  against  the  system ;  and  then 
a  cry  of  '  rebellion '  was  raised,  and  England  was 
assured  that  these  intractable  barbarians  were 
again  (as  the  indictment  always  cliarged)  '  levy- 
ing war  against  the  King's  majesty.'  There 
were  indeed  causes  enough  for  national  disaffec- 
tion, but  of  these  tlie  poor  peasant  knew  notli- 
ing;  he  was  contending  for  so  mucli  miserable 
food  as  would  save  his  children  from  starvation. 
There  were  sometimes  barbarous  agrarian  mur- 
ders—  murders  of  agents  and  bailiffs  chiefly, 
but  occasionally  of  landlords.  It  would  be 
shameful  to  forget  that  these  savage  crimes  were 
often  the  result  of  savage  provocation.  .  .  . 
Tlie  country  was  naked  of  timber,  the  cabins  of 
the  peasantry  were  squalid  and  unfurnished. 
Mr.  Carlyle  reproves  a  lazy,  thriftless  people, 
who  would  not  perform  the  simple  operation  of 
planting  trees;  and  Mr.  Froude  frowns  upon 
cottages  whose  naked  walls  are  never  draped  liy 
climbing  roses  or  flowering  creepers.  But  how 
much  more  eloquent  is  fact  than  rhetoric  V  The 
Irish  landlords  made  a  law  that  wlien  the  ten- 
ant planted  a  tree  it  became  not  his  own  prop- 
erty but  liis  master's ;  and  the  established  prac- 
tice of  four  Sftlis  o£  the  Irish  landlords,  when  a 
tenant  exhibited  such  signs  of  prosperity  as  a 
garden,  or  a  white-washed  cabin,  was  to  reward 
his  industry  by  increasing  his  rent.  Peasants 
will  not  plant  or  make  improvements  on  these 


1786 


IRELAND,   1840-1841. 


f*ro)ifrtition  of 
O'Conutll. 


IRELAND,  1841-1848. 


conditions,  nor.  I  fiinry,  would  pliilosoplicrs. 
...  It  was  HomctiincH  iniidii  ii  lioiist  in  tlinsi' 
dnys  tliiit  rank,  [iroptTly,  Hliition,  ami  pmfis- 
Bional  succt'.ss  illMtinj^iiislit'd  the  minority  in  Ire- 
land who  were  imperialists  and  Protestants.  It 
was  not  an  unia/.ing  phenomenon,  that  those 
upon  whom  the  law  hud  hcstowecl  a  monopoly 
ot'  rank,  ])roperty,  and  station,  for  a  hundriMl 
and  lifty  years,  should  have  still  maintained  the 
advantage  a  dozen  years  after  Emancipation. 
It  was  11  subject  of  scornful  reproach  that  the 
districts  inhabited  by  Protestants  were  peaceful 
and  prosperous,  while  the  Catholic  districts  were 
often  poor  and  di.sorderly.  There  is  no  doubt 
of  the  facts;  the  contnust "certainly  existed.  But 
the  mystery  disappears  when  one  comes  to  re- 
flect that  in  Down  and  Antrim  the  Sijuire 
reganled  his  tenantry  with  as  mudi  sympathy 
and  contldencc  as  a  Hquire  in  Devon  or  Essex, 
that  tlieir  sons  were  trained  to  bear  arms,  and 
tnuglit  from  the  pulpit  and  platform  that  they 
belonged  to  a  sunerior  race,  that  all  tlic  local 
employments,  paid  out  of  the  public  pur.se,  were 
distributed  among  them,  that  they  liad  certain 
well  understood  rights  ever  their  loldings  on 
which  no  landlord  could  safely  trench,  and  that 
they  met  their  masters,  from  time  to  time,  in 
tlie  friendly  equality  of  an  Orange  lodge;  while 
In  Tippcrary,  the  lartner  was  a  tenant  at  will 
who  never  saw  his  landlord  except  when  he  fol- 
lowed the  hounds  across  his  corn,  or  frowned  at 
him  f-om  tlio  bench ;  whoso  rent  could  be  raised, 
or  his  I'nancy  termin.ited  at  the  pleasure  of  his 
master;  who,  on  the  snnillcst  complaint,  was 
carried  before  a  bench  of  magistrates,  where  he 
had  no  expectation,  and  little  chance,  of  justice; 
and  who  wanted  tlie  essential  stimulus  to  thrift 
and  industry,  the  secure  enjoyment  of  his  earn- 
ings. As  a  set-off  to  this  long  catalogue  of  dis- 
couragements, there  were  two  facts  of  happy 
augury.  In  1843  half  a  million  of  children  were 
receivmg  education  in  the  National  Schools  im- 
dcr  a  system  .designed  to  establish  religious 
'  equality,  and  administered  by  Catholic  and 
Protestant  Commissioners.  And  the  Teetota'. 
movement  was  at  its  height.  Tiiousands  were 
accepting  every  week  a  pledge  of  total  absti- 
nence from  Father  Mathew,  a  young  prkst 
whom  the  gifts  of  nature  and  the  accidento  of 
fortune  combined  to  qualify  for  the  mission  of  a 
Reformer.  .  .  .  There    was    the    begiiming    of 

Enlitical  reforms  also.  The  Whigs  sent  a  Lord 
ieutenant  and  Clnef  Sccrctjiry  to  Iicland  who, 
for  the  first  time  since  the  fall  of  Limerick, 
treated  the  bulk  of  the  nation  as  the  social  and 
political  equals  of  the  minority.  The  minority 
liad  been  so  long  accustomed  to  make  and  atl- 
minister  the  laws,  and  to  occujiy  the  places  of 
authority  and  distinction,  that  they  regarded  the 
change  as  a  revolt;  mikI  Lord  Mulgravc  and 
Thomas  Drummond  us  ihe  successors  of  Tyrcon- 
nel  and  Nugent.  In  the  intcrv.il,  since  Emanci- 
pation, a  few  Catholics  were  elected  to  Parlia- 
ment, two  Catholic  lawyers  were  raised  to  the 
bench,  and  smaller  appointments  distributed 
among  laymen.  .  .  .  The  exclusion  of  Catholics 
from  juries  was  restrained,  and  the  practice  of 
appointing  partisans  of  too  shameful  antecedents 
to  public  functions  was  interrupted.  ...  It  was 
under  these  circumstances  that  O'Connell  for  the 
second  time  summoned  the  Irish  people  to  demand 
a  Repeal  of  the  Union."— Sir  C.  G.  Duffy,  .1 
Bird's-Eye  Vietc  of  Irish  IJist.,  rev.  €d.,pp.  242-275. 


Also  in:  Lord  E.  Fltzmaurice  and  .1.  K. 
Thurslicld.  jit.  4  i>f  Tiro  ('ciihiriiH  af  Irinh  Hint., 
eh.  1-2.  — 1£.  .M.  .^tartin,  InlanU  Ixfoir  iiiiil  ii/t,-i- 
the  I'll  ion. 

A.  D.  1841-1848.— O'Connell's  last  agita- 
tion.—His  trial,  imprisonment  and  release. — 
His  death.— The  "  Young  Ireland  "  Party  and 
its  rebellion.— In  1S41,  O'Ccmnell  "left  Eiii;- 
land  and  went  to  Ireland,  and  devoted  hiuisclf 
there  to  the  work  of  organization.  A  succession 
of  monster  meetings  were  held  all  over  the  coun- 
try, the  far-famecl  one  on  Tara  Mill  Ixing,  as  is 
credibly  asserted,  attended  by  no  less  than  a 
quarter  of  a  million  of  people.  Over  this  vast 
multitude  gathered  together  around  him  the 
magic  tones  of  the  great  orator's  voice  swept  tri- 
umphantly ;  awakening  anger,  grief,  passion,  de- 
light, laughter,  tears,  at  its  own  pleasure.  They 
were  astonislung  triumphs,  but  they  were  dearly 
bought.  The  position  was,  in  fact,  an  impossible 
one  to  maintain  long.  O'Connell  had  carried  thef 
whole  mass  of  the  people  with  him  up  to  tluJ 
very  brink  of  the  precipice,  but  liow  to  bringi 
them  safely  and  s\iccessfully  down  again  wasi 
more  than  even  he  coidd  accomplish.  Hesistance* 
he  had  always  steadily  denounced,  yet  every  day 
his  own  words  seemed  to  be  bringmg  the  mevt- 
table  moment  of  collision  nearer  and  nearer. 
The  crisis  came  on  October  the  5th.  A  meeting 
had  been  sunmioned  to  meet  at  Clontarf,  near 
Dubdn,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  the  4th  the  Oov- 
crnment  suddenly  came  to  the  resolution  of  issu- 
ing a  proclamation  forbidding  it  to  assemble. 
The  risk  was  a  formidable  one  for  responsd)lo 
men  to  run.  Many  of  the  people  were  already 
on  their  way,  an{l  only  O'Connell's  own  rapid 
and  vigorous  measures  in  sending  out  in  all 
directions  to  intercept  them  Idndered  the  actual 
shedding  of  blood.  Ills  prosecution  and  '.hat  of 
some  of  uis  principal  adherents  was  the  next  im- 
portant event.  Uy  a  Dublin  jury  he  was  fetind 
guilty,  pcntcnced  to  two  years'  iniprisonment, 
and  conveyed  to  prison,  still  earnestly  entreating 
the  people  to  remaui  quiet,  an  order  which  they 
strictly  obeyed.  The  jury  by  which  he  had 
been  condenmed  was  known  to  bj  strongly 
oiassed  against  inm,  and  an  appeal  had  been  for- 
warded against  his  sentence  to  the  House  of 
Lords,  iio  strong  tlicre,  too,  was  the  feeling 
against  O'Connell,  that  little  expectatin  was 
entertained  of  its  being  favourably  n  icivcd. 
Greatly  to  its  honour,  however,  the  senteuei!  was 
reversed  ami  he  was  set  free.  .  .  .  The  enthu- 
siasm shown  at  his  release  was  frantic  and  de-. 
lirious.  None  the  less  those  months  in  Hichniondl 
pri.son  proved  the  death-knell  of  his  power.  IIc| 
was  an  old  man  by  this  time;  he  was  already 
weakened  in  health,  and  that  buoyancy  which 
had  hitherto  carried  h:m  over  any  and  every  ob- 
stacle never  again  revived.  The  '  Younjijre- 
huid '  party,  the  members  of  which  had  in  the 
first  instance  been  his  allies  and  lieutenants,  had 
now  formed  a  distinct  section,  and  upon  the  vital 
question  of  resistance  were  in  fierce  hostility  to 

nU  Jm"  ij'""!   plw.rialin<l    prinpiplog        Tile    State    of 

the  country,  too,  preyed  visibly  upon  his  mind. 
By  1846  had  begun  that  succession  of  disastrous 
seasons  which,  by  destroying  the  feeble  barrier 
which  stood  between  the  peasant  and  a  cruel 
death,  bro\ight  about  a  national  tragedy,  the 
most  terrible  perhaps  with  which  modern  Europe 
lias  been  confronted.  This  tragedy,  though  he 
did  not  live  to  see  the  whole  of  it,  O'Connell  — 


1787 


inEIiAND.  1841-1849. 


\  fJUtlff  It'i'liiwl 


IHKLAND,  1841-1848. 


Iiimnc'lf  tho  incarnnllon  of  tlin  nponlc  — felt, 
BfMitcly.  Deep  dcspomlpncy  took  lioUl  of  lilni. 
Ho  rclircci,  to  a  htviiI  ili'icri'C,  from  public  life, 
li'iiving  tho  coiiiliict  of  his  or),'aiiixation  in  tlin 
handH  of  others.  ...  In  lHt7  lu;  resolved  to 
leavo  Ireland,  and  to  end  Ids  days  in  Koine,  His 
last  pulilie  appearance  was  in  the  I  louse  of  (loni- 
inoiiB,  where  an  attentive  and  deeply  ri'spectful 
audienoe  hung  upon  the  faltering  ami  Imrcly 
arliculalc  aei'cnts  which  fell  from  his  lips.  In  "a 
f(!W  deeply  movinp  words  he  appealed  for  aid 
and  synipiilhy  for  Ins  s'dferini,'  eoiuitrynien,  and 
left  the  House,  ,  ,  .  The  camp  and  council 
(;liand)er  of  the  '  Yoiuij;  Ireland'  party  was  the 
editor's  room  of  '  The  Nation  '  newspaper.  There 
it  found  its  inspiration,  and  there  its  plans  were 
matured  —  so  far,  tliat  is,  as  they  can  bo  said  to 
have  been  ever  matin-ed.  For  an  endnently  read- 
able and  all  Ihinns  coi.  idcrcd  a  wonderfully  im- 
partial account  of  this  movement,  the  reader  can- 
not do  belter  than  considt  Sir  ('harles  Gavmi 
DidTy's  'Four  Years  of  Irish  History,' which  has 
tho  immense  advantage  of  being  history  taken  at 
(irst  hand,  written  that  is  by  one  who  himself 
took  a  proiTuncnt  part  in  the  scenes  which  he 
describes.  Tlio  most  interesting  figure  in  tin- 
party  had,  however,  died  before  those  memorable 
four  years  began.  Tliimnis  Davis,  who  was  only 
thirty  at  the  time  of  his  death  in  1845,  was  a  man 
of  large  gifts,  nay,  miglit  fairly  be  c;dle(l  a  man 
of  genius.  .  .  .  The  whole  movement  in  fact 
was,  in  the  first  instance,  a  literary  quite  as  much 
as  ft  political  one.  Nearly  all  who  took  part  in  it 
—  Gavan  DulTy,  John  Mitchell,  Meagher,  Dillon, 
Davis  himself  —  were  very  young  men,  many 
fresh  from  college,  all  tilled  with  zeal  for  the 
cause  of  liberty  and  nationality.  The  graver 
side  of  the  movement  only  showed  itself  wlien 
the  struggle  with  O'Connell  began.  At  lirst  no 
idea  of  deposing,  or  even  seriously  opposing  the 
great  leader  seems  to  have  been  intended.  The 
attemjit  on  O'Connell'g  part  to  carry  a  formal 
declaration  against  the  emidoyment  under  any 
circumstances  of  physical  force  was  the  origin 
of  that  division,  and  what  the  younger  spirits 
considered  '  truckling  to  the  Whigs '  helped  to 
widen  the  breach.  When,  too,  O'Connell  had 
partially  retired  into  the  background,  his  place 
was  filled  by  his  son,  John  O'Connell,  the  '  Head 
conciliator,'  between  whom  and  the  '  Young  Ire- 
landers  '  there  waged  a  florce  war,  which  in  the 
end  led  to  the  indignant  withdrawal  of  the  latter 
from  the  Repeal  council.  Before  matters  reached 
this  point,  the  younger  camp  had  been  strength- 
ened by  tho  adhesion  of  Smith  O'Brien,  who, 
ithough  not  a  man  of  much  intellectual  calilire, 
carried  no  little  weight  in  Ireland.  .  .  .  Early  in 
January,  1847,  O'Connell  left  on  that  journey  of 
his  which  was  never  completed,  and  by  the 
middle  of  May  Ireland  was  suddenly  startled  by 
the  news  that  her  great  leader  was  dead.  The 
effect  of  his  death  was  to  produce  a  sudden  and 
immense  reaction.  A  vast  revulsion  of  love  and 
reverence  sprang  tip  all  over  the  country;  an 
immense  sense  of  his  incomparable  services,  and 
with  it  a  vehement  anger  against  all  who  had 
opposed  hipi.  Upon  the  '  Young  Ireland '  party, 
as  was  inevitable,  the  weight  of  that  anger  fell 
chietiy,  and  from  the  moment  of  O'Connell's 
death  whatever  claim  they  had  to  call  themselves 
a  national  party  vanished  utterly.  The  men 
'  who  killed  tho  Liberator '  could  never  again  hope 
to  carry  with  them  the  suffrages  of  any  number 


of  their  countrymen.  This  contvimcly,  to  ii 
great  degree  undeserved,  naturally  reacted  upon 
the  subjects  of  it.  The  taunt  of  treachery  and 
ingratitude  llung  at  them  wherever  they  went 
stung  and  nettled.  In  tlw  general  reaction  of 
gratitude  and  alTeetion  for  O'Connell,  his  son 
.lolui  suc<t(^eded  easily  to  the  position  of  hader. 
The  older  mend)ers  of  the  liepeal  A.ssociation 
thereupon  rallied  about  him,  and  the  split  be- 
tween them  and  the  younger  men  grew  deeper 
luiil  wider.  A  wild,  impiacticable  vi.iionary  now 
cam(^  to  play  a  part  in  the  movement,  A  de- 
formed misanthrope,  calh^l  James  Lalor,  en- 
dowed with  a  considerable  command  of  vague, 
passionate  rhetoric,  began  to  write  incentives  to 
revolt  in  'The  Nation.'  These  growing  moro 
and  more  violent  were  by  tho  editor  at  length 
l)rudeiitly  suppressed.  The  seed,  however,  had 
alr<'ady  sown  itself  in  another  nund.  John 
Mitdiell  is  described  by  Mr,  Justin  McCarthy  as 
'the  one  formidable  man  amongst  the  rebels  of 
'4H;  the  one  man  who  dislinclly  knew  what  he 
wanted,  and  was  prepared  to  nni  any  risk  to  get 
it.'  .  .  .  To  him  it  was  intolerable  that  any 
human  being  should  be  willing  to  go  fuiili<!rand 
to  dare  more  in  the  causi!  of  Ireland  than  him- 
self, and  the  result  was  that  after  awhile  ho 
broke  away  from  his  connection  with  '  The  Na- 
tion,' and  started  a  new  organ  under  the  name  of 
'The  Uinted  Irishmen,'  one  deliiutclj'  ph'dged 
from  th(!  tir.st  to  the  jiolicy  of  action.  From  this 
l)oint  matters  gathered  speedily  to  a  liead. 
Mitchell's  newspaper  proceeded  to  tling  out  ('hal- 
lenge  after  challenge  to  the  Goveriunent,  calling 
upon  the  people  to  gather  and  to  'sweep  tins 
island  clear  of  the  English  name  and  nation." 
For  .some  months  these  challenges  remained  un- 
answered. It  was  now,  however,  ''-18,'  and 
nearly  all  Europe  was  in  revolution.  Tlie  ne- 
cessity of  taking  some  step  began  to  bo  evident, 
and  a  Bill  making  all  written  incitement  of  in- 
surrection felony  was  hurried  through  the  House 
of  Commons,  and  almost  immediately  after  . 
Mitchell  was  arrested.  Even  then  ho  seems  to 
have  believed  that  tho  cotmtry  would  rise  to 
liberate  him.  Tho  countrj',  however,  showed  no 
disposition  to  do  anything  of  tho  sort.  Ho  was 
tried  in  Dublin,  found  guilty,  sentenced  to  four- 
teen years'  transportation,  and  a  few  days  after- 
wards put  on  hoard  a  vessel  in  the  harbour  and 
conveyed  to  Spike  Island,  whence  he  was  sent  to 
Bermuda,  and  tho  following  April  in  a  convict 
vessel  to  tho  Cape,  and  finallj'  to  Tasmania. 
The  other  'Young  Irolanders,'  stung  apparently 
by  their  own  previous  inaction,  thereupon  rushed 
frantically  into  rebellion.  The  leadera  —  Smith 
O'Brien,  Meagher,  Dillon,  and  others  —  went 
about  the  country  holding  reviews  of  '(lonfcdor- 
atcs,'  as  they  now  called  themselves,  a  proceed- 
ing which  caused  the  Government  to  suspend 
the  Habeas  Corp.,3  Act,  and  to  issue  a  warrant 
for  their  arrest.  A  few  more  gatherings  took 
place  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  a  few 
moro  ineffectual  attempts  were  made  to  induce 
the  people  to  rise,  one  very  small  collision  with 
the  police  occurred,  and  then  the  whole  thing 
was  over.  All  the  leaders  in  the  course  of  a 
few  days  were  arrested  and  Smith  O'Brien  and 
Meagher  were  sentenced  to  death,  a  sentence 
which  was  speedily  changed  into  transportation. 
Gavan  Duffy  was  arrested  and  several  times  tried, 
but  the  jurj'  always  disagreed,  and  in  the  end 
Lis  prosecution  was  abandoned.     The  '  Young 


1788 


IRKLAND,  1H41-18W. 


Miiumntth . 


IRKLANI),  1844. 


Irclnnd '  movement,  liowevcr.  was  (lend,  imd 
never  nuiiiii  revived." — K.  I,iiw1<>sh,  The  Story  of 
[relawl,  di.  .l.'i-.'iO. 

Al.NO  IN:  Sir  C,  O.  DulTy,  Yoinui  Itrlanil. — 
Theaame,  Four  Yranof  Iriuli  Hint.,  184.5-1840. 
— Tlio  »ame,  Tli<iiim»  Duma:  Memoin  of  an  Irith 
I'atnot,  1840-1840. 

A.  D.  1843-1848.— The  Devon  Commission. 
—The  Encumbered  Estates  Act.— In  lHi;t, 
Mr.  Hliarnuui  Crawford  "  Kuceceded  Inobtiiininjj 
the  apiiointnient  of  u  Uoyal  ('oniinission  to  in- 
vestij?'ite  the  '  dccupation  of  land  in  Ireland.' 
This  ConindHBion,  known  from  its  chairman, 
Lord  Devon,  as  the  Devon  (lonnnission,  marl<s  a 
great  epoch  in  tlie  Irisli  land  (iiieslion.  Th(! 
Comnussioncrs,  in  their  Report,  brought  out 
strongly  IIk;  Im'ts  that  great  misery  exi.nted  In 
Ireland,  and  that  tli<!  cause- of  tlwMni.sery  was  the 
system  of  lan<l  tenure.  The  following  extract 
from  the  Report  indicates  tlie  general  nature  of 
Its  conclusions:  'A  reference  to  the  evidence  of 
most  of  tlie  witnesses  will  sliow  that  tlie  agricul- 
tural labourer  of  Ireland  continues  to  suiter  the 
greatest  ])iivatioiis  and  hardsliips;  that  he  con- 
tinues to  dei)eiid  upon  casual  and  precarious 
cmplovineiit  for  subsistence;  that  he  is  badly 
housed,  liadiy  fed,  badly  clothed,  and  badly  paid 
for  his  laliour.  Our  peivsonal  experience  and 
observations  during  our  enciuiry  have  aflorded 
us  a  inelanclioly  coiitirmation  of  these  statements, 
and  wo  cannot  forbear  exiiressing  our  strong 
sense  of  the  patient  endiuiince  which  the  labour- 
ing classes  have  generally  exhibited  under  suf- 
ferings greater,  we  believe,  than  the  people  of 
any  other  country  in  Europe  have  to  sustain.' 
And  tlie  remedy  for  the  evil  is  to  be  found,  con- 
tinues tlie  Report,  in  'an  increased  and  improved 
cultivation  of  the  soil,'  to  be  gained  by  securing 
for  tlie  tenant  '  fair  remuneration  for  the  outlay 
of  his  capital  and  labour.'  No  sooner  was  this 
Report  issued  llian  great  numbers  of  petitions 
were  presented  to  the  House  of  Li  Is,  and  sup- 
ported by  Lord  Devon,  praying  for  legislative 
reform  of  the  land  evils;  and  in  June,  184,'),  a 
bill  was  introduced  into  the  House  of  Lords  by 
Lord  Stanley,  on  behalf  of  the  government  of 
Sir  Robert  Peel,  for  '  the  purpose  of  providing 
compensation  to  tenants  in  Ireland,  in  certain 
cases,  on  being  dispossessed  of  their  holdings, 
for  such  improvements  as  tliey  may  have  made 
during  their  tenancy.'  By  tlie  selfish  opposition 
of  the  Irish  landlords  this  bill  was  thrown  out. 
Two  days  after  its  rejection  in  tlie  House  of 
Lords  JVIr.  Slmrman  Crawford  brought  into  the 
House  of  Commons  a  Tenant  Riglit  Bill,  and 
met  vvitli  as  little  success.  In  1846  a  government 
bill  was  introduced,  bearing  a  strong  resemblance 
to  that  of  Lord  Stanley ;  but  the  ministry  was 
overtlirown,  and  the  bill  was  dropped.  A  Liberal 
ministry  under  Lord  John  Russell  came  into 
power  in  July,  1840,  and  Irish  hopes  again  began 
to  rise.  In  1847  the  indefatigable  Sir.  Crawford 
brouglit  in  a,  bill,  whose  purpose  was  to  extend 
the  Ulster  custom  to  the  whole  of  Ireland ;  it  was 
thrown  out.  A  well-meant  but  in  the  end  un- 
successful attempt  to  relieve  the  burdens  of 
embarrassed  landlords  without  redressing  the 
grievances  of  raclf-rented  tenants,  was  made  in 
1848  by  the  measure  well  known  as  the  Encum- 
bered Estates  Act.  This  Act  had  for  its  object 
to  restore  capital  to  the  land ;  but  with  capital 
it  brought  in  a  class  of  proprietors  who  lacked 
the  virtues  as  well  as  the  vices  of  their  predeces- 


sors, and  wcr<!  oven  more  oppresHive  to  the  ten 
antrv." — K.  Thurslleld,  /<!iii/liiiiil  ami  Irehiml, 
eh.  10. 

Ai,8()IN:  H,  L.  Jcplison,  SnUn  on  lri»h  Qua- 
tioiiM,  r/i.  1.').— 1).  n.  King,  T/w  frinh  (^mution, 
ch.  0. 

A.  D.  1844.— The  ajrnooth  Grant.— To 
wards  tlie  close  of  the  ..  ssioii  of  rarliaiiieiit  in 
1844,  Sir  Robert  Pi-cl  undertook  a  measure 
"dealing  with  higher  e<lu<alion  in  Iridaiid. 
Means  were  to  bc^  found,  in  some  way,  for  the 
education  of  the  upper  classes  of  the  Irish,  and 
for  tlii^  more  elllcient  education  of  candidates  for 
till'  Roman  Catholic  priestliood.  Solium  iirovisioii 
alreadv  "xistiMl  for  the  education  of  the  Irish  peo- 
ple. 'I  rinity  (lollege,  with  its  considerable  endow- 
ments, alforded  opportunities  to  wealthy  Irish. 
Tlie  National  Hoard,  w!  :h  Stanley  had  institu- 
ted, had  undi^r  its  control  It,  15!(  schools,  and 
!iO,">,(M)()  scholars.  But  Trinity  t^ollege  retained 
most  of  its  advanlaget)  for  tlie  benetlt  of  Us 
Protestant  students,  and  the  !t05,000  scholars, 
whom  the  National  Board  was  educating,  did 
not,  after  all,  include  one  person  in  every  twenty 
alive  in  Ireland.  The  Roman  Catliolic,  slnco 
]7!)il,  liad  been  alloweil  to  graduate!  at  Trinity; 
but  he  could  hold  neither  scholarsliip  nor  profes- 
sorship.  .  .  .  Some  steps  had,  indeed,  been 
taken  for  the  education  of  the  Roman  Catliolic 
priesthood.  In  1795,  Fitzwilliam  had  jiroposed, 
and  his  successor,  Camden,  ha<l  approved,  the 
appropriation  of  an  annuiil  sum  of  money  to  u 
college  formed  at  Maynooth  for  the  education  of 
Roman  Catliolic  priests.  The  Irish  jiarliament 
had  readily  sanctioned  the  scheme;  the  payment 
of  the  grant  had  been  continued,  after  the  Union, 
by  the  Parliament  of  the  United  Kingdom,  and, 
tlKHigh  the  sums  voted  had  been  reduced  to 
i'9,000  a  year  in  1808,  this  amount  liad  been 
thenceforward  regularly  allotted  to  Maynooth. 
In  some  respects  the  grant  was  actually  disad- 
vantageous to  the  college ;  it  was  too  small  to 
maintain  the  institution ;  it  was  large  enough  to 
discourage  voluntary  contributions.  The  sur- 
roundings of  the  college  were  siiualid ;  its  pro- 
fes.sors  were  wretchedly  paid;  it  was  even  im- 
possible to  assign  to  each  of  the  440  students  a 
separate  room ;  it  was  dubbed  by  Slacaulay,  in  a 
memorable  speech,  a  'miserable  Dotheboys' 
Hall,' and  it  was  Peel's  deliberate  opinion  that 
the  absolute  withdrawal  of  the  grant  would  be 
better  than  the  continuance  of  the  niggardly 
allowance."  The  Government  "asked  Parlia- 
ment to  vote  a  sum  of  £30,000  to  improve  the 
buildings  at  Maynooth;  it  jiroposed  that  the 
Board  of  Works  should  in  future  be  responsible 
for  keeping  them  in  repair ;  it  suggested  tliat  the 
salaries  of  professors  sliould  be  more  than 
doubled ;  that  the  position  of  the  students  should 
be  improved;  that  tlie  annual  craiit  sliould  be 
raised  from  about  £0,000  to  ibout  £20,000,  and 
that  this  sum,  instead  of  being  subject  to  tlii! 
approval  of  tlie  legislature  once  a  year,  should 
be  placed  on  the  Consolidated  Fund.  Then 
arose  a  series  of  debates  which  have  no  parallel 
in  the  history  of  the  British  Parliament.  .  .  . 
'  The  Orangeman  raises  Ids  howl, '  said  Macaulay, 
'  and  Exeter  Hall  sets  up  its  bray,  and  Mr.  Mac- 
Neile  is  liorritied  to  think  tliat  a  still  larger  grant 
is  intended  for  the  priests  of  Baal  at  the  table 
of  Jezebel,  and  the  Protestant  operatives  of 
Dublin  call  for  the  impeachment  of  Ministers  in 
exceedingly  bad  English.'    A  few  years  later  a 


1789 


lltKLAND,  t«44. 


The  Fnmine, 


inELAND.  184ff-1847. 


innn,  who  wiih  IkiIIi  u  ClirUtiiiii  iwiil  ii  k('>iII<'I<>i»>' 

lllM'llir('<l   lllC   IrJHll    falllilK'  In  Ih'  ii    lllH|ll'IINIItil>ll  llf 

I'riividciKi'  ill  riliirri  fur  llir  .MiiviiimiiIi  xr""'- 
.  .  .  NlfrlitBflcr  iiiKlit  ll  nilniil  "iH'lllloMs;  SKH 
|ictilliitm  iiffiilnst  till' liill  Wert'  iircsi'iiti'd  «iti  llii' 
Ilril  of  April,  wlicii  I'rcl  rxiiitiiiiiMi  IiIh  wlictiic; 
MH  on  till'  Htli;  -iM  (III  till'  IMIi:  ri.VJdii  tlic  KMIi: 
2,'i(\'i  iiu  tlic  mil,  u'licii  tlic  liill  WIIH  put  down 
for  II  M'coiid  ri'iidliiK:  <l<l>  <»>  tli<'  lltli;  TiHl  on 
till!  irxli:  K'don  the  imii;  a:i.'5  on  tlic  I7tli:  lITt 
on  the  IHlli.  The  pctitionH  liiirdly  iillowcd  a 
doulit  to  ri'iniiin  iih  totlin  opinion  of  the  country. 
Peel,  indeed,  wiih  lift"'"  exposed  totlic^  full  force 
of  flic  HtroiijjcHt  power  wlilcli  any  Itritinli  Miiiin- 
ter  Clin  encounter.  The  MuHHiilnian,  driven  to  liin 
lant  defciMc,  riilHcs  the  Htiindard  of  the  I'roplict, 
nnd  jirocliiinis  a  lioly  war.  lint  the  Kn){liHh- 
niiin,  if  I'roteHtantiHin  lie  in  diingcr,  kIkiuIh, 
"No  I'opcry!'  and  creiitcB  c(Hi!il  enthusiasni. 
.  .  ,  Vet,  vast  as  was  tlie  slor-i  which  the  Min- 
ister had  provol<ed,  tlie  issucH  whicli  lie  Imd 
directly  raised  were  of  the  sniallcst  jiroportions. 
Hardly  anyone  ventured  to  propose  that  tlie 
iiriginal  vote  to  Maynoiith  Hliould  lie  withdrawn. 
A  Kr»»t,  indeed,  which  liiid  been  Kiinctioned  hy 
Ueor>;e  III.,  wliicli  had  been  lixcd  liy  Perceval, 
wiiicli  liad  licen  voted  in  an  tmrefornied  Parlia- 
ment, ahiKist  witlioiit  dcliatc,  and  whicli  liad 
been  <'ontinuc<l  for  fifty  years,  could  not  be  witli- 
<lrawii.  Peel's  oppoiiinis,  therefore,  were  com- 
pelled to  arfjue  that  there  was  no  harm  in  siicri- 
ticiiiK  iU.tMK)  a  year  to  Baal,  but  that  a  sacrilice 
of  £20,000  was  full  of  liiirm.  ,  .  .  They  debated 
tlie  second  reading  of  tlie  bill  for  six  niglil.s,  tlic 
tliird  reading  for  three  nights,  and  they  seized 
otiier  opportunities  for  protracting  tlie  discus- 
sion. Even  the  Lords  forgot  their  customary 
haliits  and  sat  tip  till  a  late  hour  on  three  succes- 
give  evenings  to  discuss  an  amendment  for 
inquiring  into  tlio  c1h.ss  of  books  used  at  May- 
nootli.  I5ut  this  unusual  display  of  zeal  proved 
useless.  A  majority  in  liotli  Houses  steadily 
supported  the  Minister,  and  zealous  Protestants 
and  old-fa.sliioned  Tories  were  unatile  to  defeat  n 
scheme  which  was  proposed  by  Peel  and  sup- 
ported by  Husseii."— S.  Wnlpolc,  Jligt.  of  Kny. 
from  1815,  ch.  19  (».  4). 

Also  in:  ll.  Martincau,   HiH.   of  the   Thivty 
Yearn''  I'eace,  bk.  6,  ch.  8. 

A.  D.  18^5-1847. -The  Famine,— "In  1841 
the  population  of  Ireland  was  8,175,124  souls. 
Uy  1845  it  had  probalily  reached  to  nearly  nine 
millions.  .  .  .  To  anyone  looking  beneiitli  the 
gtirface  the  condition  of  the  country  was  pain- 
fully prccari(m8.  Nine  millions  of  n  population 
living  at  best  in  a  light-hearted  and  hopeful 
hand-to-mouth  contentment,  totally  depenilent 
on  the  hazards  of  one  crop,  destitute  of  manu- 
facturing industries,  I'.nd  utterly  without  reserve 
or  resource  to  fall  back  upon  in  time  of  reverse; 
what  did  all  this  mean  but  a  state  of  things' 
critical  and  alarming  in  the  extreme  ?  Yet  no 
one  seemed  conscious  of  danger.  The  potato 
crop  had  been  abundant  for  four  or  five  years, 
and  respite  from  dearth  and  distress  was  com- 
parative happiness  and  prosperity.  Moreover, 
the  temnciance  movement  [of  Father  Matliew] 
had  come  to  make  the  '  good  times '  still  better. 
Everything  looked  bright.  No  ono  concerned 
himself  to  discover  how  slender  and  treacherous 
was  the  foundation  for  this  general  hopefulness 
and  confidence.  Yet  signs  of  the  coming  storm 
had  been  given.      Partial    famine   caused   by 


failing  hurvi'HiH  had  indicd  been  iiitermiltent  in 
Ireland,  anil,  quite  recently,  warningsthat  might 
not  to  have  been  mistaken  or  neglected  liad 
given  notice  that  the  esculent  wliieli  formed  the 
sole  dependence  of  the  peasant  millions  was  sub- 
ject to  somi^  mysterious  blight.  In  1H44  it  wiih 
stricken  in  Ann'rica,  but  in  Ireland  the  yield  was 
hcaltliy  and  plentiful  as  ever.  The  harvest  of 
1845  promised  to  be  the  richest  gathered  for 
many  years.  iSudilenly.  in  one  short  iminth,  in 
tmv.  week  it  might  hi\  sai<l.  the  withering  breath 
of  a  sitiKHini  seemed  to  sweep  the  land,  bliisting 
all  in  its  patli.  I  myself  saw  whole  tracts  of 
potiito  growth  changed  in  oni^  night  from  smiling 
luxuriance  to  a  slirivelied  anil  blackened  waste. 
A  shout  of  alarm  arose.  But  the  buoyant  iiaturo 
of  the  ("eltlc  peasant  did  not  yet  give  way.  The 
crop  was  so  profiis*^  that  it  was  expected  tlio 
healtliy  ])ortion  would  reach  an  average  result. 
Winter  revealed  the  alarming  fact  tliat  the  tubers 
had  rotted  in  pit  and  store-house.  Nevertheless 
the  farmers,  like  hapless  men  wlio  double  their 
stakes  to  recover  lossi's,  made  only  the  moro 
strenuous  exertions  to  till  a  larger  breadth  in 
18(0.  Although  already  feeling  tlie  pinch  of 
sore  distress,  if  not  actual  fiiniiiie,  they  wiuUed 
as  if  for  dear  life;  they  begged  and  borrowed  on 
any  terms  the  means  whereby  to  crop  the  land 
once  more.  The  pawn-ollices  were  choked  with 
the  humble  finery  that  had  shone  at  the  village 
dance  or  t  he  ciiri.stening  feast ;  tlie  banks  and  local 
money-lenders  were  licsieged  with  appeals  for 
credit.  Meals  were  stinted,  Jjiicks  were  bared. 
Anytliing,  anything  to  tide  over  the  interval  to 
theliarvestof  'Forty-six.'  Odml,  it  is  a  dread- 
ful thought  that  all  this  effort  was  but  more 
surely  leading  them  to  ruin  I  It  was  this  harvest 
of  Forty-si-X  that  sealed  tlieir  doom.  Not  par- 
tially but  completely,  utterly,  liopelessly,  it 
perished.  As  in  tlie  previous  year,  all  promised 
lirightly  up  to  the  close  of  July.  Then,  sud- 
denly, in  II  niglit,  whole  areas  were  blighted; 
and  tills  lime,  alas!  no  portkin  of  the  crop  es- 
caped. A  cry  of  agony  and  despair  went  uj)  all 
over  the  land.  The  last  desperate  stake  for  life 
had  been  played,  and  all  was  lost.  The  doomed 
people  realised  but  too  well  what  was  before 
them.  Last  year's  premonitory  sufferings  had 
exhausted  them,  and  now  '/  —  they  must  die! 
My  native  district  figures  largely  in  the  gloomy 
record  of  that  dreadful  time.  I  saw  the  horrible 
phantasmagoria  —  would  God  it  were  but  that  I 
—  pass  before  my  eyes.  Blank  stolid  dismay,  a 
sort  of  stupor,  fell  upon  the  people,  contrasting 
remarkably  with  the  fierce  energy  put  forth  a 
year  before.  It  was  no  uncommon  sight  to  see 
the  cottier  and  his  little  family  seated  on  the 
garden  fence  gazing  all  day  long  in  moody 
silence  at  the  bliglited  plot  that  had  been  their 
last  hope.  Nothing  could  arouse  them.  You 
spoke;  they  answered  not.  You  tried  to  cheer 
them ;  they  shook  their  heads.  I  never  saw  so 
sudden  and  so  terrible  a  transformation.  When 
first  in  the  autumn  of  1845  the  partial  blight  ap- 
peared, wise  voices  were  raised  in  warning  to 
the  Government  that  a  frightful  catastrophe 
was  at  hand;  yet  evim  then  began  that  fatal  cir- 
cumlocution and  inaptness  which  it  maddens 
one  to  think  of.  It  would  be  utter  injustice  to 
deny  that  the  Government  made  exertions  which 
judged  by  ordinary  emergencies  would  be 
prompt  and  considerable.  But  judged  by  the 
awful  magnitude  of  the  evil  then  at  hand  yv 


1790 


IltKLANI).   1H45-1847. 


77if  h\tmine. 


lUKLANI),   1845-1847. 


iiclimlly  l)rfiillrn,  fhry  were  fatally  lardy  ami  in- 
ikili><|ilaUi.  When  al  Iciiktlli  llii'  rxi'iulivc  did 
hurry,  tliohliindcrHof  iirccliiltaiK'yuiUdid  tlii'dJH 
anUTH  of  cxccHNivtMli'lIlH'raticin.  .  .  .  In  Octiilicr 
lHiH  Uw  IrJHh  MhiihIoii  llii\isit  Id'lli'f  Coiiiiiiittci' 
impliircd  tilt' Oovcniini'iit  to  call  I'arliaiiii'iit  t<i 
({('tlicr  and  throw  open  tin-  ports.  'I'lic  (lovcrn- 
nii'iit  rcfiiHod.  A;;aln  and  a^idii  tho  terrible  iir- 
Kciiiy  of  the  caHe,  the  niaKiittiiile  of  the  disaster 
at  hand,  was  pressed  on  the  exerutlve.  It  was  the 
oliHtiiiato  refusal  of  Lord  .lohn  Uussell  to  listen  to 
these  reMionstrances  and  entreaties,  and  tin;  sad 
verlllcation  suhseipietitly  of  these  apprehensions, 
that  implanted  in  the  Irish  mind  the  hitter  memo- 
ries which  si  ill  oeeasionally  11  ml  vent  in  passionate 
accusation  of  '  KnRland.'  Not  hut  the  Oovorn- 
mcnt  had  many  and  wel);lily  art^uments  in  Is'- 
hidf  of  the  course  they  took.  .  .  .  The  situation 
bristled  with  ditllcultles.  .  .  .  At  first  the  estab- 
lishment of  pidiliu  Houp-kit(diens  under  lotnl 
relief  committees,  subsidi.s<'d  by  (lovernment, 
waH  relied  upon  to  arrest  the  famine.  I  doubt 
if  the  world  ever  saw  so  huf;o  a  demoralisation, 
so  f;reat  a  degradatitm,  visited  upon  a  once  hi>;h- 
spirited  and  sensitive  people.  All  over  tlu^  coun- 
try lar^e  iron  boilers  were  set  up,  in  which  wliat 
was  called  'soup'  was  concocted;  later  on  In- 
dian-meal stirabout  was  boiled.  Around  these 
iMiJIers  on  the  roadside  there  daily  moaned  and 
shrieked  and  fought  and  stMdlled  crowds  of 
gaunt,  cadaverous  creatures  that  once  had  been 
ineu  and  women  made  in  tlie  imaj;e  of  God. 
The  fceilin)?  of  dogs  in  a  kcmiel  was  far  more 
decent  and  orderly.  ...  I  fretpieiitly  stood  and 
watched  the  scene  till  tears  blinded  me  and  I 
almost  dioked  with  grief  and  passion.  .  .  .  The 
conduct  of  the  Irish  hmdlords  throughout  the 
famino  period  has  been  variously  (Uscribed,  and 
has  been,  I  bolicvo,  generally  comh'nuied.  I  ccn- 
sider  the  censure  visited  on  them  too  sweeping. 
.  .  .  On  many  of  them  no  blame  too  heavy  could 
possibly  fall.  A  large  number  wen^  permanent 
absentees;  their  raidts  were  swelled  by  several 
who  early  fled  the  post  of  duty  at  home — cow- 
ardly and  selllsh  deserters  of  a  brave  and  faitlifid 
people.  Of  those  who  remained,  some  may  have 
grown  callous;  it  is  impossible  to  contest  a\i- 
tlientic  instances  of  brutal  hcartiessness  hero  and 
tliere.  Hut  .  .  .  the  overwhelndng  balance  is 
the  other  way.  The  bidk  of  the  resident  Irisli 
landlords  manfidly  did  their  best  in  that  dread 
hour.  ...  In  the  autuimi  of  lH-10  relief  works 
were  set  on  foot,  the  Govermuent  having  received 
parliamentary  authority  to  grant  banmial  loans 
for  Kucli  undertakings."  Tlierc  might  have  been 
found  many  ways  of  applying  these  funds  in  re- 
productive employment,  but  the  modes  decided 
on  were  draiidng  and  road-making.  .  .  .  Tlie 
result  was  in  every  sense  deplorable  failure. 
The  wretched  jieople  were  by  this  time  too 
wasted  and  emaciated  to  work.  The  endeavour 
to  do  so  under  an  inclement  v.inter  sky  only 
hastened  death.  They  tottered  iit  day-break  to 
the  roll-call;  vainly  tried  to  wheel  the  barrow  or 
ply  the  pick,  but  fainted  away  on  tlie  'cutting,' 
or  lay  down  on  the  wavside  to  rise  no  more.  As 
for  tlie  roads  on  which  so  much  money  was 
wasted,  and  on  whicli  so  many  lives  were  sacri- 
ficed, hardly  any  of  them  were  flnishc<l.  !Miles 
of  grass-grown  earthworks  thnmghoutthe  coun- 
try now  mark  their  course  and  commemorate 
for  posterity  one  of  the  gigantic  blunders  of  the 
famine  time.     The  first  remarkable  sign  of  the 


havoc  which  death  was  making  was  the  decline 
and  lilsappiarancc  of  fiini'rals.  .  .  .  Hoon,  alasl 
iii'ither  cotlln  nor  shroud  ('<iiild  be  supplied. 
Daily  in  the  street  Jtnd  on  the  footway  simio 
poor  creature  lay  down  as  if  to  sleep,  and  pres- 
ently was  stilT  and  .ntiirk.  In  our  district  it  was 
a  common  (H'curreiice  to  llnd,  on  opening  the 
front  d<H)r  in  early  morning,  leaning  against  it, 
the  corpse  of  some  victim  who  in  the  night  time 
had  '  rested  '  in  its  shelter.  We  raised  a  publi(; 
subscription,  and  employed  two  men  with  horse 
and  cart  to  go  around  each  ilay  and  gather  up  the 
dead.  Om^  by  one  they  were  taken  to  a  great 
pitat  Ardnabrahair  Abbey  and  dropped  through 
the  hinged  bottom  of  a  '  trapcollin  '  into  a  com- 
mon grav(5  below.  In  the  remotiT  rural  dlHtrict.H 
even  this  rud(^  sepulture  was  impossible.  In  the 
tield  and  by  the  ditchslde  the  victims  lay  as 
they  fell,  till  some  charitable  hand  was  found  to 
cover  them  with  the  adjacent  soil.  It  was  the 
fever  which  supervened  on  the  famine  that 
wrought  the  greatest  slaughter  and  spread  the 
greatest  terror.  .  .  .  To  come  wit liin  the  reach 
of  this  contagion  was  certain  death.  Whole 
families  perished  unvisited  and  unassisted.  liy 
levelling  above  their  corpses  the  sheeling  in 
wliich  tliey  died,  the  neighbours  gave  them  a 
grave." — A.  M.  Sullivan,  AVin  Jirlnml,  cli.  0. — 
"  In  .July  1847  as  many  as  three  millions  of  ])er- 
sons  were  actually  receiving  separates  rations.  A 
loan  of  i'8,(M)0,0(M)  was  contracted  by  the  Govern- 
ment, expressly  to  supply  such  wants,  and  every 
step  was  taken  by  two  successive  administnitions. 
Sir  Uoliert  I'eel  s  and  Lord  .lohn  Uussell's,  to 
alleviate  the  sulTcrings  of  the  people.  Nor  was 
private  benevolence  lacking.  The  Society  of 
Friends,  always  ready  in  acts  of  cliarilv  and 
love,  was  foremost  in  the  good  work.  A  liritish 
Association  was  formed  for  tlie  relief  of  Ireland, 
including  .lones  Lloyd  (Lord  OverstomO,  Thomas 
Baring,  and  Baron  Rothschild.  A  Queen's 
letter  was  issiK'd.  .  .  .  Subscriptions  were  re- 
ceived from  almost  every  quarter  of  the  world. 
The  Queen's  letter  alone  pnMliiced  i;i71,53:f. 
The  British  As.sociati<)n  collected  £2()!l,t)()0; 
the  Society  of  Friends  £43,000;  and  £108,000 
more  were  entrusted  to  tlie  Dublin  Society  of 
Friends.  The  Sultan  of  Turkey  sent  £1,000. 
The  <Jueen  gave  £'2,000,  and  £500  more  to  the 
British  Ladies'  Clotliing  Fund.  Prince  Albert 
gave  .£500.  The  National  Club  collected  £17,030. 
America  sent  two  ships  of  war,  tlie  'Jamestown  * 
and  the  '  Macedonian,'  full  of  provisions;  and  the 
Irish  residents  in  the  United  States  sent  upwards 
of  £'200,000  to  their  relatives,  to  allow  them  to 
emigrate." — L.  Levi,  Hint,  of  Ilrilin/i.  Coinmeree, 
jit.  4,  ch.  4. — "  By  tlie  end  of  1847  cheap  supplies 
of  food  began  to  be  brought  into  the  country  by 
the  ordinary  operation  of  the  laws  of  supply  and 
dc'inand,  at  far  cheaper  rates,  owing  to  an  abun- 
dant Imrvcst  abroad,  than  if  tlie  Government 
had  tried  to  constitute  itself  tlie  sole  distributor. 
The  potato  harvest  of  1847,  if  not  bountiful, 
wasat  least  comparatively  good.  .  .  .  By  Jlarch, 
1848,  the  third  and  last  period  of  tlie  famine  may 
be  said  to  have  terminated.  But,  though  the 
direct  peri(Ml  of  distress  was  over,  the  economic 
problems  wliicli  remained  for  solution  were  of 
overwhelming  magnitude.  ...  A  million  and  a 
half  of  the  people  had  disappeared.  Tlie  land 
was  devastated  with  fever  and  the  diseases  which 
dog  the  steps  of  famine.  .  .  .  The  waters  of  the 
great  deep  were  indeed  going  down,   but  tlie 


1791 


IHKr.ANr),  JM1V-1M7. 


TViKlnl  HIiihlt. 


IHKLANt),   lH4f*-lHM. 


Iiiiiil  witH  M-cM  l<>  lie  witliniit  fiiriii  iiikI  void."— 
lionl  K.  Kll/.iiiuurlcc  anil  .1.  H.  'riiiirKllcld,  ///.  4 
«/■  'I'lrn  ft  III  II  rim  of  I  Huh  llinl  ,  rh.  4.  -'•Till! 
/lUiiliH'  mill  pliiK'"'  "f  l^*"-n  wiiH  III  ri)lii|)iiiilnl, 
nnil  hihtitiIimI,  liy  a  wIidIi'miIi'  rlraninci'  nf  run 
Ki'HinI  iIIhI rills  'ami  li.v  rrui'l  ovictloim.  Tlir 
iirw  liiiiilliiril.H  |\vli<>  liairari|iilr('il  proiwrty  iinilrr 
tlii>  Kiuiiiiilirrril  Ivstatrit  Aii  |,  lii'iit  on  ciiiiHull' 
(luting  tlii'ir  |iri>prrty,  tiiriii'il  out  llii'lr  tiiiaiilH 
by  rrKliiii'iilN,  anil  in  tlir  aiitunin  of  IH47  I'lini' 
miiim  niiniliriH  wiri'  ilrpurtril.  It  Is  alisiiliitrly 
niTi'ssary  to  briir  tills  strlrllv  In  niiml,  If  wi- 
woiiiil  jmlfii'  nf  till'  liitrnsi'  fiatri'il  wliirii  prr- 
vails  ainoiiKst  tlir  Irisii  in  Aninii'ii  tn  Oirat 
lirilain.  Tlii'  ciiiiilrrn  iif  iiiaiiy  of  tliiisr  wiio 
wrri'  cxiiril  llii'ii  have  raisi'il  tiii'nisclvrs  to  posi- 
tions of  iillliH'Mci!  anil  priispcrlly  In  tlic  I'nltril 
Stati's.  Hut  tliry  li  i  m'  ofti'ii  liniril  from  tliilr 
fntiirrs,  anil  Konif  ot  iIii'mi  may  prriiaps  rrrall, 
till'  riiriimstanrrs  iinilrr  wliiili  lliry  witimIiIvim 
from  llirir  olil  liomis  in  Inianil.  .  .  .  lint  tlirii' 
Is  II  fiirllicr  iiiiil  awful  iiiiniory  I'niuii'rli'il  willi 
tliat  liiiir.  Till-  pi'iipii'  will)  hail  lurii  Niiiri'iini; 
from  I'l'ViT  rarrii'il  tin'  piai;iu-  \villi  tiuni  on 
boaril.  anil  tlir  vrsscls  Nomrtimrs  lii'ramctloatinK 
cliiiriiri  iiousi's.  Duriiii;  tlii'  yrar  1H47,  out  of 
1(HI,(MM»  rinl>;raiits  who  rrossi'il  thi'  Atiantii'  for 
C'anaiia  mill  Ni'W  Hruimwiik,  (t,l()0  pcriHiu'il  on 
the  ocean,  4. 1(10  imnii'iliatily  on  landiii);,  5,2(10 
gul)s(>ipirntly  in  tin;  liospilals,  and  l,t)(H)  In  tlin 
towns  to  wlilrli  tiny  rrpiilri'il.  .  .  .  rndmihlt'dly, 
hisloriral  rinnmstanci'S  liavr  .  .  .  had  murli  to 
do  Willi  tilt'  ]iiiiitiral  hiilird  to  (irrat  hritain; 
but  lis  newly  ariiuiird  intensity  Is  owiiij;  to  the 
still  fresli  rcmemiirmiees  of  what  tiM)k  plaee  after 
the  fainine,  and  to  the  faet  that  the  wholesale 
eiearani'es  of  Irish  estates  were,  to  say  tlie  least, 
not  disi'i)iira>;eil  in  the  writings. mid  speeches  of 
English  lawgivers,  econoniists  and  stiili'snieii." 
—  Hir  l{.  Ulennerlnissett,  Iriliiiid  ("Uiii/ii  of 
Queen  Victimn,"  etl.  hij  T.  If.  Wnnl.  i:  1.  i>.  m:\- 
,')«,'■,)._"  The  deaths  from  fever  in  the  year  1H40 
were  17,I4r).  In  the  foliowiiiif  year  r)7,0()(),  to 
which  27,000  by  dy.sentery  must  he  added." — 
J.  F.  Hri^lit,  IliKt.  of  Ell)/.,  jieviod  4,  /).  ttl4. — 
"Betwien  the  years  1847  and  isni  {botli  inclu- 
sive) the  almost  incredible  number  of  over  one 
million  Irish  —  men,  women,  and  children  — 
were  cimveyed  in  emigrant  ships  to  America  — 
a  whole  population.  In  1847,  31.'),444cmigriited; 
in  1841>,  218,843,  and  in  1851,  249,721."— II.  L. 
Jcplison,  ^ute»  on  Irish  Qiientiom,  p.  208.  —  "The 
populiitiou  of  Ireland  by  JIarch  30,  1851,  at  the 
same  ratio  of  ini'reasc  as  held  in  Kngliind  and 
Wales,  would  have  been  9,018,700  —  it  was 
6,552,385.  It  was  the  calculation  of  the  Census 
Commi.ssioners  that  the  deficit,  independently  of 
the  emigrntion,  represented  by  the  mortality  in 
the  five  famine  years,  was  985,366."— T.  1'. 
O'Connor,  T/ie  Parnell  Afoveiiieiil,  p.  125. 

A.  D.  1846.— Defeat  of  Peel's  Coercion  Bill. 
See  En(II.ani):  A.  I).  1846. 

A.  D.  1848-1852.— Tenant  organizations.— 
The  Ulster  Tenant  Right. —  The  Tenant 
League.^"  The  famine  .  .  .  and  the  evictions 
tliat  followed  it  made  the  jieople  more  discon- 
tented than  ever  with  the  land  system.  The 
Democratic  Association,  organized  nliout  this 
time,  adopted  as  its  rallying  cry,  '  the  land  for 
the  people.'.  .  .  This  association,  whose  aims 
are  said  to  Imve  been  '  largely  communistic  and 
revolutionary,'  opposed  the  Irish  Alliance,  the 
Natioualist  Society  organized  by  Cluirks  Gavan 


DulTv.  .  .  .  Diirini;thi>  vpum '40nnd'nO  numer 
oils  reliant  I'rolirlion  Soelelles  wen'  formed 
tiiroiighout  the  country,  the  I'reHbyterlans  of 
risler  lakliig  ipiiti*  as  aellve  a  part  as  the  Celtic 
Catliollcsof  till'  other  iirovliices.  In  May,  IM-M), 
the  rresbyterimi  Syiiiwl  of  t'lster  .  .  .  resolved, 
against  the  protest,  it  Is  true,  of  the  more  eon 
Kervitllve  men.  In  prtlllon  I'arllament  to  extend 
to  the  rest  of  Ireland  the  beiiellts  of  rights  and 
seeiirities  similar  to  lliow!  of  the  Ulster  cusloni 
.  .  .  The  Ulster  tenant  right  .  .  .  has  occupied 
an  Important  place  in  the  Iri.sh  land  i|ueHtion  for 
a  long  lime.  .  .  .  The  riu'lildilTerH  much  on  ilif 
ferent  estates.  On  no  two  does  it  seem  to  be 
Iireilsely  the  same.  It  Is  therefore  not  a  riglit 
capable  of  being  sirielly  detlned.  Nor  did  it 
have  any  legal  sanclion  until  the  year  1870.  The 
law  did  not  reeogni/.e  it.  One  of  Its  chief  Inei 
dents  was  that  the  tenant  was  entilled  to  live  on 
his  farm  from  year  lo  year  indetlnilely  o:«  con- 
ililioii  of  lug  properly,  and  paying  his  rent, 
wliieh  the  landlord  might  riiise  from  time  to 
time  to  a  reasonable  extent,  but  not  so  as  to  ex 
liiigiiisli  the  tenant's  interest.  In  tlie  second 
|)lacc.  If  tiie  tenant  got  in  debt,  and  could  not 
jmy  the  rent,  or  wished  for  any  oilier  reason  to 
leuve  the  linlding,  he  could  sell  his  interest,  but 
the  hindloi'd  hiiil  a  rigiit  to  be  consulted,  and 
could  object  to  the  purchaser.  In  the  third 
plaee,  the  liinillord,  if  he  wanted  to  take  the 
land  for  bis  own  purposes,  must  pay  the  tenant 
a  fair  sum  for  his  teiiiuit  right.  In  tlio  fourth 
place,  all  arrears  of  rent  must  be  paid  before  the 
imerest  was  transferred.  Tlfese  are  said  to  Im) 
universal  cliaracteristics  of  every  Ulster  tenant- 
right  custom.  There  were  often  additloiial  re- 
strictions or  provisions,  nsually  in  limilatlon  of 
the  tenant's  right  to  sell,  or  of  the  landlord's 
right  to  raise  the  rent,  veto  the  sale  of  land,  or 
take  It  for  Ills  own  use.  There  were  commonly 
establisiieil  usages  in  reference  to  fixing  a  fair 
rent.  Valuators  were  generally  employed,  and 
on  their  estimates,  and  not  on  I'omiieltlion  in  open 
market,  the  rent  was  fixed.  .  .  .  Tlie  Irisli  Ten- 
ant League  was  organized  August  6,  1850,  in 
Dublin.  Among  the  resolutions  adopted  was 
one,  calling  for  'a  fair  valuation  of  rent  between 
landlord  and  tenant  in  Ireland,'  and  another, 
'that  the  tenant  should  not  be  illsl  '-Im'iI  in  his 
holding  as  long  as  he  ])aid  his  rent.'  The  ques- 
tion of  arrears  received  a  great  deal  of  attention. 
The  great  majority  of  the  tenants  of  Ireland 
were  in  arrears,  owing  to  the  successive  failures 
of  the  crops,  and  were  of  course  liable  to  evic- 
tion. .  .  .  Tlie  Tenant  League  was  a  very  pop- 
ular one  and  spread  throughout  the  country. 
There  was  much  agitation,  and  in  the  general 
election  in  1852,  when  the  excitement  was  at  iu 
height,  fifty-eight  Tenimt  Leaguers  were  elected 
to  Pai'liument.  The  I'cnant  Leuguo  njcmbcrs 
resolved  to  hold  themselves  '  independent  of  and 
in  opposition  to  all  gi  vernments  which  tlo  not 
make  it  a  part  of  their  iolicy  '  to  give  the  tenants 
a  measure  of  relief  sucli  as  the  League  desired. 
It  looked  as  tliough  tiie  party  would  hold  the 
balance  of  jiower  and  1.3  able  to  secure  ita  ob- 
jects. When  however  Sadlier  rnd  Keogli,  two 
of  the  most  prominent  men  in  tl  e  party  and  men 
of  great  infiuence,  accepted  pos  tions  in  the  new 
government,  '  bribed  by  ollicc, '  i  has  always  been 
charged  by  the  Irish,  'to  bi^tray  the  cause  to 
whicli  they  had  been  most  soi'jmnly  pledged,' 
the  jiarty  was  broken  up  without  accoinplisliiug 


1792 


lUKLANI).   IH4H-I85.J 


F^niiinisw 


iHKr,ANi>,  iM.'jM-iMnT 


It*  piirpow."— I),  II.  Kln«,   Tfii"  Irinh  Quttlim,, 
eh.  ft  II  ml  0. 

AlJMilN:  HIrC.  (1.  DilfTv.  I^nt/Uf  nf  Ihi-  SurlU 
tinil  South.— \.  M  HiilUvaM,  Snr  Inliiml.  fh.  \,\ 
— .1.  (Iixlkln,  T/ii  /.mill  W'lir  ill  I II  III  ml.  I'll.  !7 

A.  D.  1858-1867.— The  Fenian  Movement. 
— "Tlid  Fciiiuii  iiiiivriiiciit  illlTrrril  Iniiii  nciiily 
all  prcvioiiN  iiiovi'Mii'iilH  (if  till'  Niiiiii'  kliiil  In  Iri' 
liiMil,  111  tlif  fncl  lliiit  it  iinmr  mill  ^ri'W  Into 
Rtrrnis'tli  wlllioiit  till'  pi\tri)iiii);i'  or  tlii'  liiOp  of 
niiy  of  tlioHtt  will)  iiiIkIiI  )><'  cullcil  iIk'  iiiitnnil 
Icndrrs  of  tlic  pro(ilc,  ...  Its  jrmli'iM  wiTi?  not 
iiirn  of  IiIkIi  iioHitloii,  or  iIIsIIiiu'iiIhIh'iI  naiiir,  or 
provcil  iililllty.  Tliry  wric  not  of  iiriHtorriitlc 
birtll;  tliry  wcrr  not  oriilois;  lliry  wrrr  not 
powiTfiil  wrllcrH.  It  wiix  not  tin;  linpillKi'of  tlii' 
Ainvrii'tin  Civil  Wiir  tliiit  cnfji'iuirri'il  Fi'iiliiiii.sin; 
ulllioii){ii  tliiit  war  liiiil  i;ri'at  intliicnci-  on  Ww. 
niannrr  In  '.vlilrli  Fi'iiliiniHin  Hlmpcil  its  coiirHi'. 
.  Fi'tiliinlsin  Imil  lifrii  In  r.\lstrnci',  in  fiict,  al- 
tlioilgit  It  liail  not  pit  its  pccwllar  naini',  lon)r 
Ixiforu  the-  American  Wnv  crcatcil  11  new  raci!  of 
IrlHlinicn  —  the  Irish- AinrricMii  soldiers  —  to  turn 
tlielr  energies  anil  tlii'ir  military  liirliniition  to  it 
new  purpose.  .  .  .  The Huspenslonof  llie  Habeas 
Corpus  Act,  ill  eonseiiueiiee  of  the  IH-IH  inove- 
nietit,  led,  as  a  niatler  of  course,  to  secret  iihho- 
elation.  Hefore  the  trials  of  tlie  Irish  lenders 
were  well  over  In  that  year,  a  secret  association 
was  formed  by  a  liirne  nuinlier  of  yoiiii);  Irish- 
men In  cities  and  towns.  .  .  .  After  two  or  three 
nttrnipts  to  arran^'e  for  a  simultaneous  rising  liad 
failed,  or  had  eiideil  only  in  little  abortive  and 
Isolated  ebullitions,  the  young  men  liecame  dis- 
coura>;ed.  Home  of  the  lenders  went  to  France, 
gome  to  the  United  States,  some  uctimlly  to  Kng 
land;  nnd  the  as.soclatlon  melted  away.  .  .  . 
Some  years  after  this,  the  '  I'liieni.x  '  dubs  begun 
to  be  formed  in  Ireland.  They  were  for  the  most 
part  associations  of  tlie  peasant  class,  and  were 
on  that  account,  iierhiips,  the  more  formidable 
nnd  enrneat.  .  .  .  The  Pliu'nl.\  clubs  led  to  wmie 
of  the  ordlimry  prosecutions  and  convictions; 
and  that  wns  nil.  .  .  .  After  the  I'hieni.x  associa- 
tions cnme  tlic  Penlnns.  'This  is  a  serious  busi- 
ness now,'  said  a  <'lever  Knglisli  literary  man 
wlien  he  lienrd  of  the  Feninn  orgiinisation;  'tlie 
Irlsli  have  got  hold  of  a  good  name  this  time; 
the  Fenians  will  Inst. '  The  Fenians  are  said  to 
liftvn  been  the  ancient  Irish  militia.  .  .  .  There 
was  an  air  of  Celtic  nntlquity  and  of  mystery  about 
the  name  of  Fenian  which  merited  the  artistic 
approval  given  to  It  by  the  impurtial  Englisii 
writer  whose  obsi'rvntlon  has  just  been  (pioted. 
Tlie  Fenian  ngitation  began  about  1858,  and  it 
cniiio  to  pcifection  about  tlie  middle  of  the 
Aniericnti  Civil  Wfir.  It  was  ingeniously  ar- 
mngt'd  on  a  system  by  which  all  mitliority  con- 
verged towards  one  centre  [called  the  llcad- 
Centre],  and  those  fartliest  nway  from  the  seat 
of  direction  knew  projiortionately  less  and  less 
about  the  nature  of  the  plans.  They  Im'l  'o 
obey  instructions  only,  and  it  was  hoped  that  by 
this  means  weak  or  doubtful  men  would  not 
linvo  it  in  their  power  prematurely  to  n>veal,  to 
betray,  or  to  thwart  the  purjioses  of  tlieir  leaders. 
A  convention  was  held  in  America,  and  the 
Fenian  Association  was  resolved  into  a  regular 
organised  institution.  A  provisional  govern- 
ment wns  established  in  tlie  neighbourhood  of 
Union  Square,  New  York,  with  all  the  array  and 
the  mechanism  of  an  actual  working  iidministra- 
tion,  .  .  .  The  Civil  AVar  had  introiluced  a  new 


llgiire  to  the  world's  mIiiuc.  This  was  tlio  Irlitli- 
American  soldier.  .  .  .Many  of  these  nii'U  — 
thousands  of  then)  —  wen'  as  Hlnccnly  pntriotlc 
In  their  way  ns  they  were  sliiiple  and  brave.  It 
In  needless  to  say  Hint  they  were  fnstened  on  In 
Nonie  Instances  by  adventurers,  who  fomented 
the  Fenian  movement  out  of  the  merest  and  thti 
meiincst  self  Hceking.  .  .  .  Some  were  making  11 
living  out  of  the  organlsniloii  —  out  of  that,  and 
apparently  nothing  else.  The  1  ontribiitions 
given  by  poor  Irish  hack-drivers  and  servant 
girls.  In  the  Hlnccre  belief  tliat  they  were  lielpliifr 
to  mini  the  ranks  of  an  Irish  army  of  iiidepen 
dence,  eiiabied  some  of  these  self  nppolnted 
lenders  to  wear  line  clothes  and  to  order  expen 
sive  dinners.  .  .  .  Itiil  In  tlie  main  it  is  only  fair 
to  say  tlint  the  Fcniiiii  movenieiit  in  the  I'nited 
Stntes  was  got  11(1,  iirganls4'd  and  manned  by 
persons  who  .   .   .   were  single  hearted,  unscKIsh, 

and  faithfully  devoted  to  tliclr  cause \flir 

n  while  thiiiL's  went  so  far  that  '..  ■  Fenian  I'lid- 
ers  in  the  rnlteil  Slates  Issued  1111  address,  an 
nouncing  that  their  olllcers  were  going  to  Ire 
land  to  raise  an  nrmy  there  for  the  recovery  of 
the  country's  Indpendeme.  Of  course  the  (Jo\ 
ernnient  here  were  soon(|uite  prepared  to  receive 
them  ;  :ind  indeed  tlie  nuthorilies  easily  mannged 
to  keep  themselves  inforiiied  by  means  of  spies 
of  nil  th;it  was  going  on  in  Ireland.  .  .  .  Mean 
wlille  the  Head  Centric  of  Fenianism  in  .\nierica. 
James  Stephens,  who  Imd  borne  a  part  in  tl  ■• 
movement  of  IHIH,  arrived  in  Ireland.  He  win 
arrested  .  .  .  [nnd  I  lommltted  to  Klehiiion  t 
Prison,  Dublin,  early  in  November,  IHd.T;  but 
before  many  days  Imd  pa.ssed  the  country  was 
startled  by  the  news  that  he  had  contrived  to 
make  his  escape.  The  eseniie  was  planned  with 
skill  nnd  daring.  Fur  a  time  it  helped  to 
strengthen  the  Impression  on  tlie  mind  of  the 
Irish  peiuianlry  tliat  in  Stephens  there  had  at 
last  been  found  nn  insurgent  leader  of  adei|Uate 
courage,  craft,  and  good  fortune.  Stephens  dis- 
niipenred  for  n  moment  from  the  stng(^  In  the 
nienntimc  disputes  niiil  di.ssenslons  lind  arisen 
ninong  the  Fenians  in  Americn.  The  scliisni  had 
gone  so  far  as  to  lead  to  the  setting  up  of  two 
separate  nssociations.  Tliere  were  of  course  dis 
tracted  plans.  ( )ne  party  was  for  an  invasion  of 
Caiindn;  another  pressed  for  operations  in  Ire 
Innd  it.self.  The  Cunndian  attempt  actually  was 
made  [see Canada:  A.  1).  1806-1871].  .  .  .  Then 
Stephens  cumo  to  the  front  again.  It  was  only 
for  a  moment.  lie  had  returned  to  New  York, 
nnd  lie  now  announced  that  he  was  deteraiined 
to  strike  a  blow  in  Ireland.  Hefore  long  the  im- 
pres.sion  was  sjirend  abroad  that  lie  hnd  iict'ially 
left  the  States  to  return  to  the  scene  of  his  pro- 
po.sed  insurrection.  The  American-Irisli  kept 
streaming  across  tlie  Atlantic,  even  in  the  stormy 
winter  months,  in  the  lirm  belief  thnt  before 
the  winter  had  i)as.se(l  away,  or  at  X\\v  fartliest 
w  Idle  till!  .spring  was  yet  young,  Stephens  would 
appear  in  Irelnnd  at  the  head  of  an  insurgent 
army.  .  .  .  Stephens  did  not  reappiur  in  Ireland. 
He  made  no  attempt  to  keep  his  warlike  promise. 
He  may  be  said  to  liave  disuiipeared  from  tlic 
history  of  Fenianism.  But  the  prf  parations  had 
gone  too  far  to  be  suddenly  stopi^ed.  ...  It  wns 
hastily  decided  that  somethinj,  should  be  done. 
One  venture  wns  ti  scheme  for  the  capture  of 
Chester  Castle  [nnd  the  arms  it  contained].  .  .  . 
The  Qovernmeut  were  fully  informed  of  tlie 
plot  in  advance;  the  police  were  actually  on  the 


1793 


IRELAND,  185»-1807. 


Uind  Laica. 


IRELAND,  1870-1894. 


lookout  for  the  arrival  of  n»mtigtT8  in  Chester, 
aiici  the eiiterprige  im-lted  away.  In  Jliirrli.  1807, 
an  attempt  at  a  jjeiu'ral  rising  was  made  in  Irclimd. 
It  was  a  total  failure;  tlic  one  tiling  on  wiiicli 
tlic  cmintry  had  to  lie  eongratuiated  was  tliat  it 
failed  so  eouipletely  and  so  (luiekly  as  to  cause 
little  hlrMxished.  Every  inlluence  combined  to 
minimise  tlie  waste  of  life.  The  snow  fell  that 
spring  as  it  liad  s<arcely  ever  fallen  before  in 
the  soft,  mild  climate  of  Ireland.  ...  It  nnide 
the  gorges  of  tlie  mountains  untenable,  and  tlie 
gorges  of  the  mountains  were  to  be  the  encamp- 
ments and  the  retreats  of  the  Fenian  insurgents. 
Tlie  snow  fell  for  many  days  and  nights,  and 
when  it  ceased  falling  tlio  insurrectionary  move- 
ment was  over.  Tlie  insurrection  was  literally 
buried  in  that  unlooked-for  snow.  Ihcre  were 
sdinc  attacks  on  police  barracks  in  various  places 
—  in  Cork,  in  Kerry,  in  Limerick,  in  Tipperary, 
in  Louth;  there  were  some  conllicts  with  the 
police;  tlicrc  were  some  shots  flrcd,  many  cap- 
tures made,  a  few  lives  lost;  and  then  for  the 
time  at  least  all  was  over.  The  Fenian  attempt 
thus  made  had  not  from  the  beginning  a  sliadow 
of  hope  to  excuse  it."  Some  months  afterwards 
a  daring  rescue  of  Fenian  prisoners  atManciiestcr 
stirred  up  a  fresh  excitement  in  Fenian  circles. 
A  policeman  was  killed  in  tlie  affair,  and  three 
of  the  rescuers  were  hanged  for  Ids  murder.  On 
the  Kitli  of  December,  1807,  an  attempt  was  made 
to  blow  up  the  Clerkenwell  House  of  Detention, 
where  two  Fenian  prisoners  were  conflned.  "  Six 
persons  were  killed  on  the  spot ;  about  six  more 
died  from  the  effects  of  the  injuries  tliey  re- 
ceived ;  some  120  persons  were  wounded.  .  .  . 
It  is  not  necessary  to  follow  out  the  steps  of 
the  Fenian  movement  any  furtlier.  There  were 
many  i.soiated  attempts ;  there  were  many  arrest.s, 
trials,  imprisonments,  banishments.  The  clfect 
of  all  this,  it  must  be  stated  as  a  mere  his- 
torical fact,  was  only  to  increase  the  intensity 
of  dissatisfaction  and  discontent  among  the  Irish 
peasantry.  .  .  Tliere  were  some  public  men 
who  saw  that  the  time  had  come  when  mere  re- 
pression must  no  longer  bo  relied  upon  as  a  cure 
for  Irish  discontent." — J.  JlcCarthy,  lli»t.  of  Our 
Oioi  Tiiius,  e/i.  53  (v.  4). 

Also  in  :  T.  P.  O'Connor,  I'lie  Parndl  Mow- 
nient,  ch.  7. — O.  P.  JIacdonell,  Feiiiunistn,  pt.  5 
of  Two  Centuries  of  Trinh  Hint.,  ch.  4. 

A.  D.  i868.— Parliamentary  Reform.  ^  ■" 
Enolani):  a.  D.  1805-18G8. 

A.  D.  1868-1870.— Disestablishment  of  le 
Irish  Church. — Mr.  Gladstone's  Land  Bdl. 
SccEnolamj:  A.  D.  1868-1870 

A.  D.  1870-1894.— The  land  question  and 
the  recent  land  laws. — "The  reason  for  excep- 
tional legislation  in  Ireland  rested  chiefly  on  tlio 
essential  dilTerencc  between  the  landlord  and 
tenant  systems  in  England  and  in  Ireland.  In 
1845  the  Devon  Royal  Commission  reported  tliat 
the  introduction  ofthc  English  system  would  be 
extremely  diflicult,  if  not  impracticable.  The 
dilTerence,  it  said,  between  tlie  Englisli  andlrisli 
systems  '  consisted  in  this,  that  in  Ireland  the 
landlord  Iniilds  neither  dwelling-house  nor  farm 
oflices,  nor  puts  fences,  gates,  etc.,  into  good  or- 
der before  he  lets  his  land.  In  most  cases,  what- 
ever is  done  in  the  way  of  building  or  fencing  is 
done  by  the  tenant;  and,  in  tlie  ordinary  lan- 
guage of  the  country,  houses,  farm  buildings, 
and  even  the  making  of  fences  are  described  by 
the  general  word  "iiuMSJvemeiils,"  which  is  thus 


employed  to  denote  the  ncccssnry  adjuncts  to  a 
farm  without  wliidi  in  England  or  Scotland  no 
tenant  would  lie  found  to  rent  it.'  Thirty  years 
later,  .lohn  Hriglit  summarized  the  matter  by 
saying  tliat  if  the  land  of  Ireland  were  8tripped| 
of  the  improvements  made  upon  it  by  the  laboi| 
of  the  occupier,  tlie  face  of  the  country  wouUl  boi 
'  as  bare  and  naked  as  an  American  prairie.  'I 
This  fundamental  difference  between  tlie  English 
and  Irisli  land  systems  has  never  been  fully  ap- 
preciate<l  in  England,  where  the  landlord  s  ex- 
peniliture  on  buildings,  fences,  drainage,  farm 
roads,  etc.,  and  on  maintenance  absorbs  a  largo 
part  of  the  rental.  Reform  of  the  Irisli  gy.stem 
iiegan  in  1870.  Refore  that  time  little  had  been 
done  to  protect  the  Irish  tenant  except  to  forbid 
evictions  at  night,  on  Christmas  Day,  on  Good 
Friday,  and  tlie  pulling  off  the  roofs  of  houses 
until  the  inmates  liad  been  removed.  The  Land 
Act  of  1870  recognized,  in  principle,  the  tenant's 
property  in  Ills  improvements  bv  giving  him  a 
right  to  claim  cimmgijsation  if  disturbed  or 
evicted.  Tliis  was  not  what  tlitf  tenants  wanted, 
viz.,  security  of  tenure.  The  results  of  compen- 
sation suits  by  'disturbed'  tenants  were  uncer- 
tain; compensation  for  improvements  was  lim- 
ited in  various  ways,  and  the  animus  of  tho 
courts  administering  tlie  act  was  distinctly 
hostile  to  the  tenants.  5Iany  works  necessary  to 
the  existence  of  tenants  on  small  farms  were  not 
improvements  in  the  eyes  of  the  landlord,  of  the 
law,  or  of  the  judges;  it  was  often  impossible  to 
adduce  legal  evidence  of  costly  works  done  little 
by  little,  and  at  intervals,  representing  the  sav- 
ings of  labor  embodied  in  draiiyige,  reclamation, 
or  fencing.  Ruildings  and  otlier  works  of  a  su- 
perior character  might  bo  adjudged  '  unsuita- 
ble '  to  small  farms,  and  therefore  not  the  sub- 
ject of  any  compensation;  moreover,  it  was 
expressly  laid  down  that  the  use  and  enjoyment 
by  the  tenant  of  works  effected  -wholly  at  his 
expense  were  to  be  accounted  compensation  to 
him  by  tlie  landlord,  and  that,  therefore,  by 
lapse  of  time,  the  tenant's  improvements  became 
tlie  landlord's  property.  The  net  of  1870  tended 
to  make  capricious  and  heartless  evictions  ex-l 
pensive  and  therefore  less  common;  but  it  gavJ 
no  security  of  tenure,  and  left  the  landlord  still 
at  liberty  to  raise  the  rent  of  improving  tenants.| 
It  left  the  tenant  still  in  a  state  of  dependence 
and  servility;  it  gave  him  no  security  for  his  ex- 
penditure, for  tlie  landlord's  right  to  keep  the 
rent  continually  rising  was  freely  exercised. 
Even  if  the  act  had  been  liberally  administered, 
it  would  have  failed  to  give  contentment,  satisfy 
the  demands  of  justice,  or  encourage  the  expen- 
diture of  capital  by  tenant  farmers.  Measure 
after  measure  jiroposed  by  Irish  members  for 
furtlier  reforms  were  rejected  by  Parliament  be- 
tween 1870  and  1880,  and  discontent  continued 
to  increase.  .  .  .  The  Lnid  T.iny  i\p|nf_lH8l  was 
based  on  the  Report  Mn  1880  of  the  Ressborough 
Royal  Commission,  but  many  of  the  most  \iseful 
suggestions  made  were  disregarded.  Tliis  act 
purported  to  give  the  Irish  yearly  tenants  (1) 
the  right  to  sell  their  tenancies  and  improve- 
ments ;  (2)  the  right  to  have  a  '  fair '  rent  fixed 
by  the  land  courts  at  intervals  of  fifteen  years; 
(3)  security  of  tenure  arising  from  tliis  right  to 
have  the  rent  fixed  by  the  court  instead  of  by  the 
landlord.  .  .  .  No  definition  of  what  constituted 
a  fair  rent  was  embodied  in  the  act,  but  what  is 
known  as  the  Healy  clause  provided  that  'no 


1794 


IRELAND,  1870-1894. 


Home  liute 
question. 


IRELAND,   187!M870. 


rent  shall  bu  allowed  or  made  payable  in  respect 
of  improvements  made  by  a  teniiit  or  liLs  prede- 
cessors.' .  .  .  When  the  Irish  courts  >amo  to 
iotcrprut  it,  they  held  that  the  term  'improve- 
ments '  meant  only  that  interest  iu  his  improve- 
ments for  which  tlie  tenant  might  liave  obtained 
compensation  under  the  Land  Act  of  1870  if  he 
had  been  ilisturl)ed  or  evicted,  and  tliat  tlie  time 
during  wliich  tlie  tenant  had  had  the  use  and  en- 
joyment of  his  own  expenditure  was  still  to  be 
accounted  compensation  made  to  him  by  his 
landlord,  eo  that  by  mere  lapse  of  time  tlij  ten- 
ant's improvements  became  the  landlord's  prop- 
erty. ...  In  view  of  the  continually  falling 
prices  of  agricultural  produce  and  dinnnishing 
farm  profits,  the  operation  of  the  land  laws  has 
not  brought  about  peace  between  landlords  and 
tenants.  .  .  .  In  1887  the  Cowper  Commission 
reported  that  the  200,000  rents  which  had  been 
fixed  were  too  high  in  consequence  of  the  con- 
tinued fall  in  prices.  As  a  result  of  the  report 
of  this  commission  the  fair-rent  provisions  of  the 
law  were  extended  to  leaseholders  liolding  for 
less  than  sixty  years;  but  the  courts  still  ad- 
hering to  their  former  methods  of  interpretation, 
numbers  of  leaseholders  who  had  made  and 
maintained  all  the  buildings,  improvements,  and 
equipments  of  their  farms  found  thi'mselves 
either  excluded  on  narrow  and  tenhuical  points, 
or  expressly  rented  on  their  own  expenditure. 
In  181)1  the  fair-rent  provisions  were  further  ex- 
fendeJ  to  leaseholders  holding  for  more  tlian 
sixty  years  by  the  Redemption  of  ReutAct,  un- 
der which  long  leasehomcrsatlts  could  pmiTpel 
their  landlords  cither  to  sell  to  them,  or  allow  a 
fair  rent  to  be  fixed  on  their  farms.  .  .  .  Con- 
currently with  these  attempts  to  place  the  rela- 
tions of  landlord  and  tenant  on  a  peaceful  and 
equitable  basis,  a  system  of  State  loans  to  enable 
tenants  to  buy  their  farms  has  been  in  operation. 
...  It  is  now  proposed  to  have  an  inquiry  by  a 
select  committee  of  the  House  of  Conmions  into 
(1)  the  principles  adopted  in  fixing  fair  rents, 
particularly  with  respect  to  tenants'  improve- 
ments; (3)  the  system  of  purchase  and  security 
offered  for  tlie  loans  of  public  money;  (3)  the 
organization  and  administrative  work  of  the 
Land  Commission  —  a  department  wliich  has  cost 
the  country  about  £100,000  a  year  since  1881. 
Thu  popular  demand  for  inquiry  and  reform 
comes  as  much  from  the  Protestant  North  as 
from  the  Catholic  South."— 3Vi«  Nation,  Feb.  1.5, 
1894. 

A.  D.  1873-187J).— The  Home  Rnle  Move- 
meat. — Organizatipn  of  the  Land  League. — 
"For  some  years  after  the  failure  of  tlie  Fenian 
insurrection  there  was  no  political  agitation  in 
Ireland;  but  in  1873  a  new  national  movement 
began  to  make  itself  felt;  this" was  the  Home 
Rule  Movement.  It  had  been  gradually  formed 
since  1870  by  one  or  two  leading  Irishmen,  who 
thought  the  time  was  ripe  for  a  new  constitu- 
tional effort;  chief  among  them  was  Mr.  Isaac 
Butt,  a  Protestant,  an  eminent  lawyer,  and  an 
earnest  politician.  The  movement  spread  rapidly, 
and  took  a  firm  hold  of  the  popular  mind.  After 
the  General  Election  of  1874,  some  sixty  Irish 
Members  were  returned  w!io  had  stood  before 
their  constituencies  as  Home  Rulers.  The  Homo 
Rule  demand  is  clear  and  simple  enough;  it  asks 
for  Ireland  a  separate  Government,  still  allied 
with  the  Imperial  Government,  on  the  principles 
ivhich  regulate  the  alliance  between  the  United 


States  of  America.  Th','  proposed  Irish  Parlia- 
ment in  College  Green  wiidd  bear  just  the  same 
relation  to  the  ParlianieLt  at  Westmin.ster  that 
the  Legislature  and  Senate  of  every  American 
Stale  bear  to  the  head  authority  of  the  Congress 
in  the  Capitol  at  Washingtoa.  All  that  relates 
to  local  business  it  was  proposed  to  delegate  to 
the  Irish  Assembly;  all  querftions  of  imperial 
policy  were  still  to  be  left  to  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment. There  was  nothing  very  startling, 
very  daringly  innovating,  in  the  scheme.  In 
most  of  the  dependencies  of  Great  Britain,  Home 
Rule  systems  of  some  kind  were  already  estab- 
lished. In  Canada,  iu  tlie  Australasian  Colonies, 
the  principle  might  be  seen  at  work  upon  a  large 
scale;  ujion  a  small  scale  it  was  to  be  studied 
nearer  home  in  the  neighbouring  Island  of  Man. 
...  At  first  the  Home  Rule  Party  was  not  very 
active.  Mr.  Butt  used  to  liave  a  regular  Home 
Rule  debate  once  every  Session,  when  h(!  end  his 
followers  stated  their  views,  and  a  division  was 
taken  and  the  Home  Rulers  were  of  course  de- 
feated. Yet,  while  the  English  House  of  Com- 
mons was  thus  steadily  rejecting  year  after  year 
the  demand  made  for  Home  Rule  by  the  large 
majority  of  tlie  Irisli  Members,  it  was  alTordiiig 
a  strong  argument  in  favour  of  some  system 
of  Iccal  Government,  by  consistently  outvoting 
every  proposition  brought  forward  by  the  bulk 
of  the  Irish  Members  relating  to  Irish  Questions. 
.  .  .  Mr.  Butt  and  his  followers  had  proved  the 
force  of  the  desire  for  some  sort  of  National  Gov- 
ernment iu  Irelund,  but  the  strength  of  the  move- 
ment they  had  created  now  culled  for  stronger 
leaders.  A  new  man  was  coining  into  Irish  po- 
litical life  who  was  destined  to  be  the  most 
remarkable  Irish  leader  since  O'Connell.  Mr. 
Gjtarles  Stuart  Paiiiell.  who  entered  the  House 
of  Commons  iu  1875  as  fllember  tor  flleath,  was 
"V descendant  of  the  English  poet  Parnell,  and  of 
the  two  Parnells,  father  and  sou,  Jolin  and 
Henry,  who  stood  by  Grattan  to  the  last  iu  the 
struggle  against  the  Union.  He  was  a  grand- 
nephew  of  Sir  Henry  Parnell,  the  first  Lord 
Congleton,  the  advanced  Reformer  and  friend  of 
Lord  Grey  and  Lord  Melbourne.  He  was  Prot- 
estant, and  a  member  of  the  Protestant  Synod. 
Mr.  Parnell  set  liimself  to  form  a  i)arty  of  Irish-I 
men  in  the  House  of  Commons  who  should  liol 
obsolutely  independent  of  any  English  ])oliticaij 
party,  and  who  would  go  their  own  way  witlil 
only  the  cause  of  Ireland  to  influence  tliem.  Mr. 
Parnell  had  all  the  qualities  tliat  go  to  make  a 
good  political  leader,  and  he  succeeded  in  his 
purpose.  The  more  advanced  men  in  and  out 
of  Parliament  began  to  look  up  to  him  as  the 
real  representative  of  the  popular  voice.  In 
1878  Mr.  Butt  died.  .  .  .  The  leadership  of  the 
Irish  Parliamentary  Party  was  given  to  Mr. 
William  Sliaw,  Jlember  for  Cork  County,  un 
able,  intelligent  man,  who  proved  himself  in 
many  ways  a  good  leader.  In  quieter  times  his 
autliority  might  have  remained  unquestioned, 
but  these  were  unquiet  times.  The  decorous 
and  demure  attitude  of  the  early  Home  Rule 
Party  was  to  be  changed  into  a  more  aggressive 
action,  and  Mr.  Parnell  was  the  cliampion  of  the 
change.  It  was  soon  obvious  tliat  he  was  tlie 
real  leader  recognised  by  the  majority  of  the 
Irish  Home  Rule  Members,  and  by  the  country 
behind  tliem.  Mr.  Parnell  and  his  following 
have  been  bitterly  denounced  for  pursuing  an 
obstructive  policy.  They  are  often  w  ritteu  about 


1795 


IHELANIJ,  187iJ-lB7i). 


IrtMl  llomi-  h'tilrm 
and  Knutiah  LifwraU. 


IIJELAND,  1880. 


OB  if  tliey  had  invented  obstruction;  08  if  ob- 
Htructiun  of  (lie  most  iiudacious  kind  Iiad  ncvor 
ln'i'M  priiflised  in  the  lloiisf  of  C'oiniiions  Ijuforo 
Mr.  i'liniL'll  cnttTi'd  it.  Il  may  ixTliajis  bo  ad- 
iiiiUrd  Hint  the  Irish  .Members  made  more  use  of 
obstruction  than  had  licen  done  before  tlicir  time. 
.  .  .  The  times  undoubted! v  were  unquiet;  the 
policy  wlueli  was  ealU'd  in  Knglaud  obstructive 
and  in  IrelaiKi  active  was  obviously  popular 
witli  the  vast  majority  of  the  Irish  people.  The 
Land  (^iiestion,  too,  was  coming  up  again,  and 
in  II  stronger  form  than  ever.  Mr.  Uutt,  not 
very  long  before  his  death,  had  warned  the 
House  of  Conunous  that  the  old  land  war  was 
going  to  brealv  out  anew,  and  he  was  lauglied  at 
for  his  v:vi<l  fancy  by  the  English  Press  and  by 
English  public  opinion;  but  he  proved  a  true 
pro|)het.  Air.  Parnell  liad  carefully  studied  the 
condition  of  the  Irish  tenant,  and  he  saw  that 
the  Land  Act  of  1870  was  not  the  last  word  of 
h'gislation  on  his  behalf.  JL'.  Parnell  was  at 
first  an  ardent  advocate  of  wluit  came  to  be 
known  as  the  Three  F's,  fair  rent,  fixity  of  ti.n-1 
lire,  and  free  sale.  But  the  Three  F's  were  soonj 
to  be  put  aside  in  favour  of  more  advanced  ideas. 
Outside  I'arliament  a  strenuous  and  earnest  man 
was  preparing  to  inaugurate  the  greatest  land 
agitation  ever  seen  in  Ireland.  Mr.  Michael 
Davitt  was  the  sou  of  an  evicted  tenant.  .  .  . 
When  ho  grew  to  be  a  young  man  he  joined  the 
Fenians,  and  in  1870,  on  tlie  evidence  of  an  in- 
former, he  was  arrested  and  sentenced  to  fifteen 
years'  penal  servitude ;  seven  years  later  lie  was 
let  out  on  ticket  of-leavr.  In  his  long  imprison- 
ment lie  had  thought  deeply  upon  the  political 
and  social  condition  of  Ireland  and  the  best 
means  of  improving  it;  when  he  came  out  ho 
had  abandoned  his  dreams  of  armed  rebellion, 
an<l  he  went  in  for  constitutional  agitation  to 
reform  the  Irish  land  system.  The  land  system 
needed  reforming;  tlie  condition  of  tlie  tenant 
was,  only  humanly  endurable  in  years  of  good 
liarvest.  The  three  years  from  1876  to  1879  were 
years  of  successive  bad  harvests.  .  .  .  Mr.  Davitt 
had  been  in  America,  planning  out  a  land  or- 
ganization, and  had  returned  to  Irelanti  to  carry 
out  his  plan.  Laud  meetings  were  held  in  many 
parts  of  Ireland,  and  in  October  Mr.  Parnell,  l>^v. 
Davitt,  Mr.  Patrick  Egan,  and  Mr.  Thomas  IJren- 
nan  founded  the  Irisli  National  Land  League,  the 
most  powerful  political  organization  that  had 
been  formed  in  Ireland  since  the   Union.     The 

I  objects  of  tlie  Land  League  were  the  abolition  of 
the  existing  landlord  system  and  the  introdue- 
tiouof  i)easant|)roprietorship." — J.  II.  McCarthy, 
(hitline  of  Iruh  Hut. ,  ch.  11. 

Also  in:  T.  P.  O'Connor,  The  Parnell  Move- 
ment,  ch.  8-10. — A.  V.  Dicey,  EnglamVn  Ua«e 
ar/ai,tst  Home  Rule. — G.  Baden-Powell,  ed.,  The 
Truth  abo'it  Home  Mule. 

A.  D.  i88o.— The  breach  between  the  Irish 
Party  and  the  English  Liberals. — "The  new 
Irish  iiarty  which  followed  the  lead  of  Jlr.  Par- 
nell has  been  often  represented  by  the  humourist 
as  a  sort  of  Falstafflan  '  ragged  regiment. ' .  .  . 
From  dint  of  repetition  this  '.as  come  to  be  al- 
most an  article  of  faith  in  some  quarters.  Yet 
it  is  curiously  without  fouidation.  A  large  pro- 
portion of  Mr.  Parnell's  followers  were  journal- 
istB.  .  .  .  Those  who  were  not  journalists  in  tlie 
Irish  party  were  generally  what  is  called  well- 
to-do.  ...  At  first  there  seemed  no  reason  to 
expect  any  serious  disunion  between  the  Irisli 


members  and  the  Liberal  party,  .  .  .  The  Irish 
vote  in  England  had  been  given  to  the  Liberal 
cause.  The  Lilieril  speakers  and  statesmen, 
without  (committing  themselves  to  any  definite 
line  of  liolicy,  had  manifested  friendly  senti'.ienis 
towards  Ireland;  and  though  indeed  uoth'.ig  was 
said  wlileli  could  be  construed  into  a  rec  >gnition 
of  the  Home  Uule  claim,  still  the  new  iVlinistry 
was  known  to  contain  men  favourable  to  that 
claim.  The  Irisli  members  lioped  for  niucli  from 
the  new  Government;  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  new  Government  ex|)e(ted  to  find  cordial 
allioH  in  all  sections  of  the  Irish  party.  The  tip- 
l)ointment  of  Mr.  Forstcr  to  the  Irish  Secretary- 
ship was  regarded  by  many  Irishmen,  especially 
those  allied  to  Mr.  Shaw  and  his  following,  as  a 
marked  sign  of  the  good  intentions  of  the  Gov- 
ernment towards  Indand.  .  .  .  The  Queen's 
Speech  announced  that  the  Peace  Preservation 
Act  would  not  be  renewed.  This  was  a  very 
important  announcement.  Since  ti.^  Union  Ire- 
lainl  had  hardly  been  governed  by  the  ordinary 
law  for  a  single  year.  .  .  .  Now  tlie  Government 
w.is  going  to  make  the  bold  experiment  of  trying 
to  rule  Ireland  without  the  assistance  of  coercive 
and  exceptional  law.  The  Queen's  Speech,  how- 
ever, contained  only  one  other  reference  to  Ire- 
land, in  a  promise  that  u  measure  would  be  in- 
troduced for  the  txtensiou  of  the  Irish  borough 
franchise.  This  was  in  itself  an  important 
promise.  .  .  .  Hut  extension  of  the  borough  fran- 
chise did  not  seem  to  the  Irish  membt'rs  in  1880 
the  most  important  form  that  legislation  for  Ire- 
land could  take  just  then.  The  country  was 
greatly  depressed  by  its  recent  suiTering;  th 
number  of  evictions  was  beginning  to  ri.se  euoi 
mously.  The  Irish  members  thought  that  the 
Government  should  have  made  some 
consider  the  land  question,  and  above  i 
have  done  something  to  stay  tlie 
crease  of  evictions.  Evictions  had  increased' 
from  40a  families  in  1877  to  980  in  1878,  to  1,238 
in  1879;  and  they  were  still  on  the  increase,  as 
was  shown  at  the  end  of  1880,  when  it  was  found 
that  2,110  families  were  evicted.  An  amend- 
ment to  the  Adiiress  was  at  once  brought  for- 
ward by  the  Irish  jiarty,  and  debated  at  some 
length.  The  Irish  party  called  for  some  imme- 
diate legislation  on  behalf  of  the  land  question. 
Mr.  Forster  replied,  admitting  the  necessity  for 
some  legislation,  but  declaring  that  there  would 
not  be  time  for  the  introduction  of  any  sucli 
measure  that  session.  Tlien  the  Irish  members 
asked  for  some  temporary  measure  to  prevent 
the  evictions  .  .  .  ;  but  the  Chief  Secretary  an- 
swered that  while  the  law  existed  it  was  neces- 
sary to  carry  it  out,  and  he  could  only  appeal 
to  "both  sides  to  be  moderate.  Matters  slowly 
drifted  on  in  tliis  way  for  a  short  time.  .  .  . 
Evictions  steadily  increased,  and  Mr.  O'Connor 
Power  brouglit  in  a  Bill  for  the  purpose  of  stay- 
ing evictions.  Tlien  the  Government,  while  re- 
fusing to  accept  the  Irisli  measure,  brought  in 
a  Compensation  for  Disturbance  Bill,  which 
adopted  some  of  the  Irish  suggestions.  ...  On 
Friday,  June  25,  the  second  reading  of  the  Bill 
was  moved  by  Mr.  Forster,  who  denied  that  it 
was  a  concession  to  the  anti-rent  agitation,  and 
strongly  denounced  the  outrages  which  were 
t.iking  place  in  Ireland.  .  .  .  This  was  tlie  point 
at  winch  difference  between  the  Irish  party  and 
t!ie  Government  first  became  marked.  The  in- 
crease of  evictions  in  Ireland,  following  us  it  did 


;  to  n.se  euoi 
jglit  that  thcv 
ne  promi.se  t(] 
ave  all  slioiihl 
alarming  iii-l 
jad  increased' 


1796 


IRELAND,  1880. 


Coerrimi  Hitl 
nnd  lAtntl  Act. 


IRELAND,   1881-1883. 


upon  tiio  widesprcml  misory  cnuwd  by  the  failure 
of  the  lm-vc9ts  mid  the  jmrtiiil  f'Miiiic,  hnd  genfr- 
iitfd — as  famine  niui  luiiigcr  liavc  always  gener- 
ated—  a  eertain  aincmnt  of  lawlessness.  Evie- 
lions  were  oceasionally  resisted  with  violenee; 
here  and  there  outrages  were  coniinitted  upon 
bailifls,  proeess-servers,  and  agents.  In  dilfercnt 
places,  too,  injuries  had  been  intliet<'d  upon  the 
cattle  and  liorsea  of  landowners  and  land  agents. 
.  .  .  There  is  no  need,  there  should  l)c  no  attenii)t, 
to  justify  these  crimes.  Hut,  while  condemning 
all  acts  of  violence,  whether  upon  man  or  beast, 
it  must  be  remembered  that  these;  acts  were  com- 
mitted by  ignorant  peasants  of  the  lowest  class, 
maddened  by  himger,  want,  and  eviction,  driven 
to  despair  l)y  the  sufferings  of  their  wives  and 
children,  convinced  of  the  utter  liopele.ssncss  of 
redress,  and  longing  for  revenge.  .  .  .  The  Com- 
pensation for  Disturbance  Bill  was  carried  in  the 
Commons  after  long  debutes  in  wliieh  the  Irish 
party  strove  to  make  its  principles  stronger. 
..."  It  was  sent  up  to  the  Lords,  where  it  was 
rejected  on  Tuesday,  Atigust  3,  by  a  majorityi 
of  231.  The  Government  answered  the  ajjpcals 
of  Irish  members  by  refusing  to  take  any  steps 
to  make  the  Lords  retract  their  decision,  or  to 
introduce  any  similar  measure  that  session. 
From  that  point  the  agitation  and  struggle  of^ 
tlie  past  four  years  [1880-1884]  may  be  said  t(| 
date." — J.  H.  McCarthy,  Kiiyland  under  Glacl- 
stone,  1880-1884,  ch.  6. 

Also  in  :  T.  W.  Reid,  Life  of  William  Edward 
Forster,  t.  2,  ch.  0-7. 

A.  D.  1881-1882.— The  Coercion  Bill  and  the 
Land  Act.  —  Arrest  of  the  Irish  leaders. — 
Suppression  of  the  Land  League. — The  al- 
leged Kilmainham  Treaty,  and  releas<^  of  Mr. 
Parnell  and  others. — Early  in  1881,  the  Govern- 
ment armed  itself  with  new  powers  for  sujipress- 
ing  the  increased  lawlessness  which  showed  itself 
in  Ireland,  and  for  resisting  the  systematic  policy 
of  intimidation  wliich  the  Nationalists  ajipeared 
to  have  planned,  by  tlie  passage  of  a  measure 
known  as  the  Coercion  Bill.  This  was  followed, 
in  April,  by  the  introduction  of  a  Land  Bill,  in- 
tended to  redress  the  most  conspicuous  Irish 
grievance  by  establishing  an  authoritative  tribu- 
nal for  the  determination  of  rents,  and  by  aiding 
and  facilit4\ting  the  purchase  of  small  holdings  by 
the  peasants.  The  Land  Bill  became  law  in 
August;  but  it  failed  to  satisfy  the  demands  of 
the  Land  League  or  to  produce  a  more  orderly 
state  of  feeling  in  Ireland.  Severe  proceedings 
were  then  decided  upon  by  the  Government. 
"The  Prime  Minister,  during  his  visit  to  Leeds 
in  the  first  week  of  October,  had  used  language 
which  could  bear  only  one  meaning.  The  ques- 
tion, ho  said,  had  come  to  be  simply  this, 
'whether  law  or  lawlessness  must  rule  in  Ireland ;  '| 
the  Irish  people  must  not  bo  deprived  of  the 
means  of  taking  advanttvge  of  the  Land  Act  by 
force  or  fear  of  force.  He  warned  the  party  of 
disorder  that  'the  resources  of  civilisation  were 
not  yet  exhausted.'  A  few  days  later  Mr.  Glad- 
stone, speaking  at  the  Guildhall,  amid  enthusias- 
tic cheers,  was  able  to  announce  that  the  long- 
delayed  blow  had  fallen.  Mr.  Parnell  was  ar- 
rested in  Dublin  under  the  Coercion  Act,  and  his 
arrest  was  followed  by  those  of  Mr.  Sexton,  Mr. 
Dillon,  Mr.  O'Kelly,  and  other  prominent  leaders 
of  the  agitation.  The  warnings  of  the  Govern- 
ment had  been  met  at  first  witli  derision  and 
defiance,  and  the  earlier  arrests  were  furiously 


denounced;  liut  the  energy  and  persistence  of 
the  (Jovcrnment  sion  began  to  make;  an  imores- 
sioM.  ...  A  Partiiian  sliot  was  fired  in  the  issue 
of  a  manifesto,  pu-porting  to  be  signed,  not  only 
by  the  'suspects'  in  Kiliiiainliani,  Icit  also  liy 
[.\licliael]  Davitt,  .  .  .  in  Portland  Prison,  which 
adjured  the  tenantry  to  pay  no  rent  whati^ver 
until  the  Government  had  done  penance  for  its 
tyranny  and  relea.sed  the  victims  of  British  des- 
potism. This  open  incitement  to  defiance  of 
legal  authority  and  repudiation  of  legal  right 
was  instantly  met  by  tlie  Irisli  Executive  in  a 
resolute  spirit.  On  the  20th  of  OetolxT  a  proc- 
lamation was  issued  declaring  the  League  to  be 
'  an  illegal  and  criminal  association,  intent  on 
destroying  the  obligation  of  contracts  and  sub- 
verting law,'  and  announcing  that  its  operations 
would  thenceforward  be  forcibly  supiiressed, 
and  those  taking  part  in  them  neUf  responsible." 
— Aiinuid  Hummarics  reprinted  from  The  J'iiiies, 
T.  2,  p.  155.— "In  the  month  of  April  [1883]  Mr. 
Parnell  was  released  from  Kilmainham  on  parole 
—  urgent  business  demanding  his  presence  in 
Paris.  This  parole  the  Irish  National  leader 
faithfully  kept.  Wliether  the  sweets  of  liberty 
had  special  charms  for  Mr.  Parnell  does  not  ap- 
pear: but  certain  it  is  tliat  after  his  return  to 
Kilmainham,  the  ^Member  for  Cork  wrote  to 
Captain  O'Sliea,  one  of  the  Irish  Jlembers,  and 
indirectly  to  the  Government,  intimating  that  if 
the  question  of  arrears  could  ba  introduced  in 
Parliament  by  way  of  relieving  the  tenants  of 
holdings  and  les.seuing  greatly  the  number  of 
evictions  in  the  country  for  non-payment  of 
rent,  and  providing  the  purchase  clauses  of  the 
Land  Bill  were  discussect,  steps  might  be  taken 
to  lessen  tlie  number  of  outrages.  The  Govern- 
ment had  the  intimation  conveyed  to  them,  in 
sliort.  wliicli  gave  to  their  minds  the  conviction 
that  Messrs.  Parnell,  Dillon,  and  O'Kelly,  once 
released,  and  having  in  view  the  reforms  indicated 
to  them,  would  range  themselves  on  the  side  of 
law  and  order  in  Ireland.  Without  any  contract 
with  tlie  three  members  the  release  of  Jlessrs. 
Parnell,  Dillon,  and  O'Kelly  was  ordered,  after 
they  had  been  confined  for  a  period  bordering  on 
three  months.  Jliehael  Davitt  had  been  released, 
likewi.se,  and  had  been  elected  for  Meath;  but 
the  seat  was  declared  vacant  again,  owing  to 
the  c(mditious  of  his  tieket-of-Ieave  not  permit- 
ting liis  return.  3Iuch  has  been  said,  and  much 
has  been  written  witli  regard  to  the  release  of  the 
three  Irish  M.  P.'s.  Tlie  '  Kilmainham  Treaty  ' 
has  been  ...  a  term  of  scorn  addressed  to  Jlr. 
Gladstone  and  bis  colleagues.  .  .  .  As  a  fact .  .  . 
there  was  no  Kilmainham  Treaty.  .  .  .  Mr. 
Forster  [tlie  Secretary  for  Ireland]  resigned  be- 
cause he  did  not  think  it  rig.;t  to  sliare  the  respon- 
sibility of  tlie  release  of  Messrs.  Parnell,  Dillon, 
and  O'Kelly.  The  Government  had  detained  the 
Queen's  subjects  in  prison  without  trial  for  the 
purpose  of  preventing  crime,  not  for  iiunish- 
ment,  Mr.  Forster  said  in  vindication.  jMr.  Fors- 
ter contended  that  tlie  unwritten  law,  as  iiromul- 
gated  by  them,  had  worked  the  ruin  and  the 
injury  of  the  Queen's  subjects  by  instruct  ions 
of  one  kind  and  another  —  biddings  carried  out 
to  such  a  degree  that  no  power  on  earth  could 
have  allowed  it  to  continue  without  becoming  a 
Government  not  merely  in  name  but  in  shame. 
Sir.  Forster  would  have  given  tlie  question  of 
the  release  of  the  three  consideration,  if  they 
hud  pledged  themselves  not  to  set  their  law  up 


1797 


IRELAND,  1881-1882. 


Vhtrnix  Pitrk 
Murdera. 


IRELAND,  1885-1880. 


ngainst  the  law  of  the  Innd,  or  if  Ireland  had 
lieen  (luict,  or  if  there  Imd  Ix'en  nil  accession  of 
fresili  powers  on  InOmlf  of  the  Oovcninieut;  l)Ut 
tliese  conditions  wer('  Wiintinj;.  AVh.ii  Mr.  Fors- 
ter  desired  was  an  avowal  of  u  cliange  of  pur- 
pose, lie  entreated  liis  colleagues  '  not  to  try  to 
i)uy  obedience,'  lis  he  termed  it,  and  not  to  rely 
on  appearances.  The  Government  did  rely  en 
the  intimation  of  Mr.  Parnell  .  .  .  ;  there  was 
no  treaty."— W.  51.  Pimblctt,  Eufjlhh  I'oUtical 
IliKlorn,  18HO-1HH.5,  ch.  10. 

A.  b.  1882. — The  Phoenix  Park  murders. — 
Jlr,  Forster,  Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland,  re- 
signed in  April,  1882,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Lord  Frederieli  Caven(lish,  brother  of  the  Mar- 
quis of  Ilartington  and  son  of  the  Duke  of  Dev- 
onshire. Earl  Si)encer  at  the  same  time  became 
Viceroy,  in  place  of  Lord  Cow  per,  resigned. 
"On  the  night  of  Friday,  May  Sth,  Earl  Spencer 
and  Lord  Frederick  Cavendish  crossed  over  to 
Ireland,  and  arrived  in  Dul)lln  on  the  following 
day.  The  ollicial  entry  was  made  in  the  morn- 
ing, when  the  reception  accorded  by  the  popu- 
lace to  the  new  ollicials  was  described  as  having 
been  very  fairly  favourable.  Events  seemed  to 
have  taken  an  eutirely  prosperous  turn,  and  it 
was  hoped  that  at  last  the  long  winter  of  Irisli 
discontent  had  come  to  an  end.  On  Siniday 
morning  there  spread  thsough  the  United  King 
donj  the  intelligence  that  the  insane  hatred  of 
English  rule  hnd  been  the  cause  of  a  crime,  even 
more  brutal  and  unprovoked  than  any  of  the 
numerous  outrages  that  had,  during  the  last 
three  years,  sullied  the  annals  of  Ireland.  It 
appeared  that  Lord  Frederick  Cavendisli,  liav- 
ing  taken  the  oaths  ut  the  Castle,  took  a  car 
about  half-past  seven  in  order  to  drive  to  the 
Viceregal  Lodge.  On  the  way  he  met  Mr. 
Burke,  the  Permanent  Under-Secretary,  who, 
though  his  life  had  been  repeatedly  threatened, 
was  walking  along,  according  to  his  usual  cus- 
tom, witliout  any  police  escort.  Lord  Frederick 
dismissed  his  car,  and  walked  with  him  through 
the  Pluenix  Park.  There,  in  broad  daylight  — 
for  it  was  a  flue  summer  evening  —  and  in  the 
nuddlc  of  a  public  recreation  ground,  crowded 
with  people,  they  were  surrounded  and  mur- 
dered. Jloro  than  one  spectator  witnessed  wliat 
they  imagined  to  be  a  drunken  brawl,  saw  si.x 
men  struggling  together,  and  four  of  them  drive 
off  outside  a  car,  painted  red,  which  had  been 
waiting  for  them  the  wliile,  the  carman  sitting 
still  and  never  turning  his  head.  The  boilies  of 
the  two  ofllcials  were  first  discovered  by  two 
shop-boys  on  bicycles  who  had  previously  passed 
them  alive.  Lord  Frederick  Cavendish  had  six 
wo\inds,  and  Mr.  Burke  eleven,  dealt  evidently 
with  daggers  used  by  men  of  considerable 
strength.  Lonl  Spencer  himself  had  witnessed 
the  struggle  from  the  windows  of  tlio  Viceregal 
Lodge,  and  thinking  that  some  pickpockets  had 
been  at  work  sent  a  servant  to  make  inquiries. 
A  reward  of  £10,000,  together  with  full  pardon 
to  anyone  who  was  not  one  of  the  actual  mur- 
derers, was  promptly  offered,  but  for  many  long 
months  the  telegrams  from  Dublin  closed  with 
the  siguilieaut  information — 'No  definite  clue 
in  the  hands  of  the  police.'  All  parties  in  Ire- 
land at  once  united  to  express  their  horror  and 
detestation  at  this  dostardly  crime."— Oi««(;«'» 
lUustrated  Ilutory  of  England,  v.  10,  ch.  50. 

Also  in:  Sir  C.  Russell,   T/ie  Parnell   Com- 
mimon  :  Opening  Speeth,  pp.  283-291. 


Id 


A.  D.  1884.— Enlargement  of  the  Suffrage. 
— Representation  of  the  People  Act.  Sec  Eno- 
i.and:  a.  D.  lHH4-18Hr). 

A.  D.  1885-1886.— Change  of  opinion  in 
England.— Mr.  Gladstone's  first  Home  Rule 
Bill  and  Irish  Land  Bill  and  their  defeat. — 
"All  through  the  Parliament  which  sat  from 
1880  till  1885,  the  Nationalists'  party,  led  by  Mr.» 
Parnell,  and  including  at  first  less  than  half,] 
ultimately  about  half,  of  tlie  Irish  members,  wasf 
in  constant  and  generally  bitter  opposition  tol 
tlie  Government  of  Mr,  Gladstone.  Jut  durin  J 
these  five  years  a  steady,  although  silent  and 
often  unconscious,  process  of  change  was  pass- 
ing in  tlie  minds  of  English  and  Scotch  memliers, 
especially  Liberal  members,  due  to  their  grow- 
ing sense  of  the  mistakes  which  Parliament  com- 
mitted in  handling  Irish  questions,  and  of  the 
hopelessness  of  the  efforts  which  the  Executive 
was  making  to  pacify  the  country  on  the  old. 
niethods.  First,  they  came  to  feel  that  the  pres-| 
ent  system  was  indefensible.  Then,  while  stilll 
disliking  the  notion  of  an  Iri.sli  Legislature,  they  . 
began  to  think  it  deserved  consideration.  Next  J, 
they  admitted,  thougli  usually  in  confidence  to 
one  another,  that  although  Home  Rule  might  be  a  'S 
bad  solution,  it  was  a  probable  one,  toward  which 
events  pointed.  Last  of  nil,  and  not  till  1884,  , 
tliey  asked  Ihcmselves  whether,  nfter  nil,  it  would  '/ 
be  a  bad  solution,  i)rovided  a  workable  scheme 
could  be  found.  But  as  no  workable  scheme 
had  been  proposed,  they  still  kept  their  views, 
lierliaps  unwisely,  to  themselves,  and  although 
the  language  held  at  the  general  election  of  1885 
showed  a  great  advance  in  the  direction  of  favor- 
ing Irish  self-government,  beyond  the  attitude 
of  1880,  it  was  still  vague  and  hesitating,  and 
could  the  more  easily  remain  so  because  the  con- 
stituencies hod  not  (strange  ns  it  may  now  seem) 
realized  the  supreme  importance  of  the  Irisli 
(juestion.  Few  questions  were  put  to  candidates 
on  the  subject,  for  both  candidates  and  electors 
wished  to  avoid  it.  It  was  disagreeable ;  it  was 
perplexing;  so  they  agreed  to  leave  it  on  one 
side.  But  when  the  result  of  the  Irish  elections 
showed,  in  Decembe;-,  1885,  an  overwhelming 
majority  in  favor  of  the  Home  Rule  party,  and 
when  they  showed,  also,  that  this  party  held  the 
balance  of  power  in  Parliament,  no  one  could 
longer  ignore  the  urgency  of  the  issue.  There 
took  place  what  chemists  call  a  precipitation  of 
substance  held  in  solution.  Public  opinion  on 
the  Irish  question  had  been  in  a  fluid  state.  It 
now  began  to  crystalize,  and  the  advocates  and 
opponents  of  Insh  self-government  fell  asunder 
into  two  masses,  which  soon  solidified.  Tliis 
process  was  hastened  by  the  fact  that  Mr.  Glad- 
stone's view,  the  indications  of  which,  given  by 
himself  some  months  before,  had  been  largely 
overlooked,  now  became  generally  understood. 
...  In  the  spring  of  1886  the  question  could  be 
no  longer  evaded  or  postponed.  It  was  neces- 
sary to  choose  between  .  .  .  two  courses;  the 
refusal  of  the  demand  for  self-government, 
coupled  with  the  Introduction  of  a  severe  Coer- 
cion Bill,  or  the  concession  of  it  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  a  Home  Rule  Bill.  .  .  .  How  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Ireland  Bill  was  brought  into  the 
House  of  Commons  on  April  8th,  amid  circum- 
stances of  curiosity  and  excitement  unparalleled 
since  1832 ;  how,  after  debates  of  almost  unprece- 
dented length,  it  was  defeated  in  June,  by  a 
majority  of  thirty ;  how  the  policy  it  embodied 


1798 


IRELAND,  1885-1880. 


Mr.  OUidHtone'ti  firnt 
Home  Kule  Bill. 


IRELAND,  1886. 


was  l)ro>iglit  l)efori!  tlie  country  nt  the  gpiioral 
election,  and  failed  to  win  approval;  liow  tlie 
Lil)erai  party  has  been  rent  in  twain  upon  tlie 
question;  liow  Mr.  Gladstone  resigned,  and  lias 
l)een  succeeded  l)y  a  Tory  Ministry,  wliicli  tlio 
dissentient  Liberals,  wlio  condemn  Home  Rule, 
are  now  supporting  —  alltliisis  .  .  .  well  known 
[see  Enoi.ano:  A.  D.  1885-1880].  .  .  .  But  the 
causes  of  the  disaster  may  not  l)e  etiualiy  <mder- 
stood.  .  .  .  First,  and  most  oljvious,  altliough 
not  most  important,  was  tlic  weiglit  of  autliority 
arrayed  against  tiic  sclienie.  .  .  .  Tlie  two  most 
eminent  leaders  of  tlie  moderate  Liberal,  or,  as 
it  is  often  called,  Wiiig,  party.  Lord  Hartington 
and  Mr.  Oosclien,  botli  declared  against  tlie  bill, 
and  put  forth  all  tlieir  oratory  and  inlluence 
against  it.  At  tlie  opposite  cxtremitv  of  the 
])arty,  Mr.  Joiin  Briglit,  tlie  veteran  ancl  lionored 
leader  (jf  tlic  Radicals,  Mr.  Cliamberiain,  tlie 
younger  and  latterly  more  active  and  prominent 
cliief  of  tliat  large  section,  toolt  up  tlie  same 
liosition  of  hostility.  Scarcely  less  important 
was  the  attitude  of  tlie  social  magnates  of  tlie 
Liberal  party  all  over  tlie  country.  .  .  .  As,  at 
tlie  preceding  general  election,  in  December, 
1885,  the  Liberals  had  obtained  a  majority  of 
less  than  a  hundred  over  the  Tories,  a  defection 
such  as  tliis  was  quite  enough  to  involve  their 
defeat.  Probably  the  name  of  Mr.  Bright  alone 
turned  the  issue  in  some  twenty  constituencies, 
whicli  might  otherwise  have  cast  a  Home  Rule 
vote.  The  mention  of  tliis  cause,  however, 
throws  us  back  on  the  further  question.  Why 
was  there  such  a  weight  of  authority  against  the 
sclieme  proposed  by  Mr,  Qladstoue  't  How  came 
so  many  of  his  former  colleagues,  friends,  sup- 
porters, to  differ  and  depart  from  him  on  this 
occasion  ?  Besides  some  circumstances  attend- 
ing tlie  production  of  the  bill,  .  .  .  which  told 
heavily  against  it,  there  were  tlire^  feelings 
whicli  worked  upon  men's  minds,  disposing 
them  to  reject  it.     Tli^-  first  "*'  MlTfH  ^Y""  'Mf''!^" 

njjil    frmr  nf   H-"   Trial>    Viitj(^jin1i«t   [pp^l^^ll>r<l       ^In 

tlie  pi'evious  House  of  Commons  this  party  had 
been  uniformly  and  bitterly  hostile  to  tlie  Liberal 
Govermncat.  Measures  intended  for  tlie  good 
of  Ireland,  like  the  Land  Act  of  1881,  had  been 
ungraciously  received,  treated  as  concessions  ex- 
torted, for  which  no  tliaults  were  duo  —  inade- 
quate concessions,  whicli  must  be  made  the  start- 
ing-point for  fresh  demands.  Obstruction  had 
lieen  freely  practised  to  defeat  not  only  bills  re- 
straining tlie  liberty  of  the  subject  in  Ireland, 
but  many  other  measures.  Some  members  of 
the  Irish  party,  apparently  with  the  approval  of 
the  rest,  had  systematically  sought  to  delay  all 
Englisli  and  Scotch  legislation,  and,  in  fact,  to 
bring  the  work  of  Parliament  to  a  dead  stop. 
.  .  .  There  could  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  hostility 
which  they,  still  less  as  to  that  which  their  fel- 
low-countrymen in  the  United  States,  had  ex- 
pressed toward  England,  for  they  had  openly 
wislied  success  to  Russia  while  war  seemed  im- 
pending with  her,  and  the  so-called  !Malidi  of  the 
Sudan  was  vociferously  cheered  at  many  a  Na- 
tionalist meeting.  ...  To  many  Engli.shmen, 
the  proposal  to  create  an  Irisli  Parliament  seemed 
notliing  more  or  less  tlian  a  proposal  to  hand 
over  to  these  men  the  government  of  Ireland,  with 
all  the  opportunities  thence  arising  to  oppress 
the  opposite  party  in  Ireland  and  to  worry  Eng- 
land herself.  It  was  all  very  well  to  urge  that 
the  tactics  which  the  Nationalists  had  pursued 


wlion  tlieir  object  was  to  extort  Home  Rule 
would  be  dropped,  because  superfluous,  when 
Home  Rule  had  been  granted;  or  to  point  out 
that  an  Irish  Parliament  would  probably  c(mtaiu 
different  men  from  those  wlio  had  been  sent  to 
Westminster  as  Mr.  ParnelVs  nominees.  Neither 
of  these  arguments  could  overcome  the  suspicious 
antipathy  which  many  Englishmen  felt.  .  .  . 
The  internal  condition  of  Ireland  supplied  more 
substantial  grounds  for  alarm.  .  .  .  Three-fourths 
of  the  people  are  Roman  Catholics,  one-fourth 
Protestants,  and  this  Protestant  fourth  sub- 
divided into  bodies  not  fond  of  one  another,  who 
have  little  community  of  sentiment.  Besides  the 
Scottish  colony  in  Ulster,  many  English  families 
have  settled  here  and  there  through  the  country. 
They  have  been  regarded  as  intruders  by  the 
aboriginal  Celtic  population,  and  many  of  iliem, 
although  hundreds  of  years  may  have  passed 
since  they  came,  still  look  on  themselves  as 
rather  English  than  Irish.  .  .  .  Many  people  in 
England  assumed  that  an  Irish  Parliament  would 
be  under  the  control  of  the  tenants  and  the  hum- 
bler class  generally,  and  would  therefore  be  hos- 
tile to  the  landlords.  They  went  farther,  and 
made  the  much  bolder  assumption  tliat  as  such 
a  Parliament  would  be  chosen  by  electors,  most 
of  whom  were  Roman  Ciitholics,  it  would  be 
under  the  control  of  the  Catholic  priesthoo<l,  and 
hostile  to  Protestants.  Thus  they  supposed  that 
the  grant  of  self-government  to  Ireland  would 
mean  the  abandonment  of  the  upper  and  wealthier 
class,  the  landlords  and  the  Protestants,  to  the 
tender  mercies  of  their  enemies.  .  .  .  The  fact 
stood  out  tliat  in  Ireland  two  hostile  factions 
had  been  contending  for  the  last  sixty  years,  and 
that  the  gift  of  self-government  miglit  enable 
one  of  them  to  tyrannize  over  the  other.  True, 
that  party  was  the  majority,  and,  according  to  the 
princijiles  of  democratic  government,  therefore 
entitled  to  prevail.  But  it  is  one  tiling  to  admit 
a  princiiile  and  another  to  consent  to  its  applica- 
tion. Tlie  minority  had  the  sympathy  of  the 
upper  classes  in  England,  because  the  minority 
contained  the  landlords.  It  had  the  sympathy 
of  a  large  part  of  the  middle  class,  because  it 
contained  tlie  Protestants.  .  .  .  There  was  an- 1 
other  anticipation,  anotlier  forecast  of  evils  tol 
follow,  which  told  nxt  of  all  upon  English  I 
opinion.  This  was  the  notion  that  Home  Rule! 
was  only  a  stage  in  the  road  to  the  complete 
separation  of  tlie  two  islands." — J.  Bryce,  Past 
and  future  of  the  Irish  Question  (A'eio  Princeton 
Bet.,  Jan.,  1887). 

A.  D.  i886.— The  "  Plan  of  Campaign."— 
On  the  nth  of  September  Mr.  Pamell  had  intro- 
duced in  tlie  House  of  Commons  a  bill  to  make 
temporary  provision  for  the  relief  of  suffering 
tenants  in  Ireland,  and  it  had  been  defeated  after 
a  sharp  debate  by  a  majority  of  95.  The  chief 
argument  for  the  bill  had  been  that  "  something 
must  be  done  to  stay  evictions  during  the  ap- 
proaching winter.  The  rents  would  be  due  in 
November,  and  the  fall  in  agricultural  prices  had 
been  so  great,  that  the  sale  of  their  whole  prod- 
uce by  the  tenants  would  not,  it  was  contended, 
bring  in  money  enougli  to  enable  them  to  pay  in 
full.  .  .  .  The  greatest  public  interest  in  tlie 
subject  was  roused  by  Lord  Ciauriearde's  evic- 
tions at  AVoodford  in  Galway.  .  .  .  His  ijuarrel 
with  his  Woodfoi'd  tenants  was  of  old  standing. 
When  the  Home  Rule  Bill  was  before  Parliament 
the  National  League  urged  them  not  to  bring 


8-16 


1799 


IHKLAND,   1886. 


I'tan  fi/  CitnijHiiiin. 
Iiriith  of  I'nrnrll. 


IIMCLAND,  1803. 


iiinltm  to  a  rrlKis,  Imt  tliclr  sufferings  wore  too 

tfri'iil.  to  1)1!  iKiriic,  iitid  tlify  set  tlie  Nationiil 
x!aK»(>  at  (IcIiHricr,  iiiitl  cHtablisluMl  a  Plan  of 
(!aninaiKn  of  llicir  own.  Lord  ('lanrlcardc  would 
grant  tlicni  non'diiclion,  and  tlicy  leagued  tlieni- 
Hi'lveK  together,  ItlO  in  number,  and  when  the 
November  rent  day  came  round  in  1885  they  re- 
M)lved  no*  to  jiay  any  rent  at  all  if  twenty-five 
per  rent  reduction  was  refnse<l.  This  was  re- 
fused, and  they  withheld  their  rent.  .  .  .  The 
evicli.in  of  four  of  these  tenants,  in  August, 
18Bt(,  attracted  general  attention  l)y  the  long  tlglit 
the  people  made  for  their  homes.  Kach  hoiiso 
was  besieged  and  defended  like  sonu-  mediieval 
city.  One  stone  Innisc,  built  by  a  tenant  at  a 
cost  of  £200,  got  the  name  of  Saunders's  fort. 
It  was  held  liy  a  garrison  of  24,  who  threw 
boiling  water  on  their  a.ssailant8,  and  in  one 
part  of  the  tight  threw  out  among  them  ii  hive 
cf  liees.  ...  To  evict  these  four  men  the  whole 
available  forces  of  the  Crown  in  Galway  were 
employed  from  Tliursdny  the  lUth  of  Aiigust 
to  Friday  the  27th.  Seven  hundred  policemen 
and  soldiers  were  present  to  protect  the  emer- 
gency men  who  carried  out  the  evictions,  and 
60  jieasants  were  taken  to  Oalway  gaol.  It 
was  to  meet  cases  of  this  kind  that,  after  the  re- 
li'ction  of  Mr.  Pamell's  Tenants'  Helicf  Bill,  the 
Plan  of  Cam|)aign  was  started.  In  a  speech  at 
Woodford  on  tlie  17th  of  October  j^  r  John 
Dillon  gave  an  outline  of  the  scheme  ou  which 
he  thought  a  tenants'  campaign  against  unjust 
rents  might  be  started  and  carried  on  all  over  the 
country.  ...  On  the  23rd  of  October  the  '  Plan 
of  Campaign '  was  publislied  in  full  detail  in 
'United  Ireland.'  The  first  question  to  be  an- 
8were<l,  said  the  'Plan,'  wos.  How  to  meet  the 
November  demand  for  rent?  On  every  estate 
the  tenantry  were  to  come  together  an(l  decide 
whether  to  combine  or  not  in  resistance  to  exor- 
bitant rent.  When  tlu^y  were  assi'mbled,  if  the 
I)riest  were  not  with  them,  they  were  to  '  appoint 
an  intelligent  and  sturdy  member  of  their  body 
as  chairman,  and  after  consulting,  decide  by 
resolution  on  the  amount  of  abatement  they  will 
demand.'  A  committee  of  six  or  more  and  the 
chairman  were  then  to  be  elected,  to  be  called  a 
Managing  Committee,  to  take  charge  of  the  half 
year's  rent  of  each  tenant  should  the  landlord  re- 
fuse it.  Every  one  present  was  to  pledge  him- 
self (1)  To  abide  by  tlie  decision  of  the  majority ; 
(2)  To  hold  no  communication  with  the  landlord 
or  his  agents,  except  in  presence  of  the  bodj'  of 
the  tenantry;  (3)  To  accept  no  settlement  for 
himself  that  was  not  given  to  every  tenant  on 
tlie  estate.  Having  thus  pledged  themselves  each 
to  the  others  they  were  to  go  to  the  rent  offlcc  in  a 
body  on  the  rent  day.or  the  gale  day,  as  it  is  called 
in  Ireland,  and  if  the  ogent  refused  to  see  them 
in  a  body  they  were  to  depute  the  chairman  to 
act  as  their  spokesman  and  tender  the  reduced 
rent.  If  the  agent  refused  to  accept  it,  then 
the  monej-  was  to  be  handed  to  the  Jfanaging 
Committee  'to  flglit  the  landlord  with.'  The 
fund  thus  got  togellier  was  to  Iw  employed  in 
supporting  tenants  who  were  dispossessed  by 
sale  or  ejectment.  The  National  League  was  to 
guarantee  the  continuance  of  the  grants  if  need- 
ful after  the  fund  was  expended,  or  as  long  os 
the  majority  of  the  tenants  held  out."— P.  W. 
Clayden,  Emjland  nmin-  tlie  Coalition,  cli.  8. 

A.  D.  1888-1889.— TheParnellCoramission. 
— Karly  in  18H7,  certain  letters  appeared  in  "  The 


Times "  newspaper,  of  London,  one  of  which, 
printed  in  facsimile,  "implied  ,Mr.  Parnell's 
samticm  to  the  I'ark  murders  of  1883."  It  cre- 
ated a  great  sensation,  and,  "after  many  bi»ter 
debates  in  Parliament,  a  commission  was  ap- 
pointe<l  (1888)  consisting  of  tliree  judges  to  In- 
(|uire  not  only  into  the  authenticity  of  this  and 
other  letters  attributed  to  several  persons  as 
their  authors,  but  into  the  whole  course  of  c(m- 
duct  pursued  by  many  of  the  Irish  Members  of 
Parliament,  in  reference  to  the  nreviins  agita- 
tion in  Ireland  and  their  conncxum  Tirith  an  ex- 
treme faction  in  America,  who  tried  t.>  intimidate 
this  country  by  dastardly  att«nipt«  to  blow  up 
our  public  buildings  on  st^veral  occasions  be- 
tween the  years  1884  and  1887.  The  court  sat 
from  the  Winter  months  of  1888  until  the  summer 
of  the  following  year,  and  examined  dozens  of 
witnesses,  including  Air.  Parne'.i  ami  most  of  the 
other  accused  members,  as  well  as  dozens  of  the 
Irish  peasantry  who  could  give  evidciice  as  to 
outrages  in  their  several  districts.  One  of  tlie 
witnesses,  a  mean  and  discarded  Dublin  journal- 
ist named  Pigott,  turned  out  to  be  the  forger  of 
the  letters;  ond,  having  lied  from  the  avenging 
hand  of  justice  to  Madrid,  there  put  on  end  to 
his  life  by  means  of  a  revolver.  Meantime,  the 
interest  in  the  investigation  had  flagged,  unil  the 
report  of  the  Commission,  wliicli  deeply  impli- 
cated many  of  the  Irish  members  as  to  their  con- 
nexion with  the  Fenian  Society  previous  to  their 
entrance  to  Parliament,  on  their  own  acknowl- 
edgment, fell  rather  llat  on  the  public  ear, 
wearied  out  in  reiteration  of  Irish  crime  from 
the  introduction  of  tlie  Lanil  League  until  the 
attempt  to  blow  up  London  Bridge  oy  American 
fllibii'.lL-rs  (1880).  The  uiifo.'unate  man  Pigott 
had  a^yld  his  forged  letters  to  the  oytr  credulous 
Times  newspaper  at  a  fabulous  price;  and  even 
experts  in  handwriting,  so  dexterously  had  they 
been  manipulated,  were  ready  to  testify  in  open 
court  to  tlie  genuineness  of  the  letters  before  the 
tragic  end  of  their  luckless  author  left  not  a 
particle  of  doubt  as  to  their  origin. " — It.  .loiins- 
ton.  Short  Hist,  of  the  Queen's  lieign,  p.  65. 

Also  in  :  Sir  C.  Uus.sell,  Ttie  rarnell  Commit- 
oion  :  0]>ening  Speech  for  the  Defence. — M.  Da- 
vitt.  Speech  in  Defence. 

A.  D.  1889-1891.— Political  fall  and  death 
of  Mr.  Parnell.— On  the  28tli  of  December, 
1889,  Captain  O'Shea,  one  of  the  Irish  Nation- 
alist Jlembers  of  Parliament,  filed  a  petition  for 
divorce  from  his  wife  on  the  ground  of  adultery 
with  Sir.  Parnell.  The  Irish  leader  tacitly  ('on- 
fcssed  his  guilt  by  making  no  answer,  and  in 
November,  1890,  the  divorce  was  granted  to 
Captain  O'Shea.  In  the  following  June  Mr. 
Parnell  and  Mrs.  O'Shea  were  married.  The 
stigma  whicli  tld.s  affair  put  upon  Mr.  Parnell 
caused  Mr.  Ql:i  tone,  on  behalf  of  the  English 
Liberals,  to  demand  his  retirement  from  the 
leadership  of  tlie  Home  Uule  Party.  He  refused 
to  give  way,  and  was  supported  in  tlie  refusjjl 
by  a  minority  of  his  party.  The  majority,  how- 
ever, took  action  to  depose  him,  and  tlie  party 
was  torn  asunder.  A  sudden  illness  ended  Mr. 
Parnell's  life  on  the  0th  of  October,  1801;  but 
his  death  failed  to  restore  peace,  and  the  Irish 
Nationalists  are  still  divided. 

A.  D.  1893.  —  Passage  of  the  Home  Rule 
Bill  by  the  British  House  of  Commons.—  Its 
defeat  by  the  House  of  Lords.  See  England: 
A.  1).  18il!i-189:l 


1800 


IRKNE. 


IKON  MA8K. 


IRENE,  Empress  in  the  East  (Byzantine, 
or  Greek),  A.  1).  707-802. 

IRISH  NIGHT,  The,     Sec  London;  A.  I>. 

10H8. 

IRMINSUL,  The.  See  Saxons:  A.  D.  772- 
804. 

IRQN  AGE.    Sei!  Stone  Aok. 

IRON  CROSS,  Order  of  the.  —  A  Prussiiin 
imlcr  of  knighthood  instituted  in  1815  by  Fred- 
erick William  III. 

IRON  CROWN,  The  Order  of  the.  See 
Fk.\NC|.:;  a.  D.  1804-1805. 

IRON  CROWN  OF  LOMBARDY,  The. 
See  L().NHi.\ui)Y,  Tiik  Ihon  ("iiown  or 

IRON  MASK,  The  Man  in  the.  — "It  is 
known  that  a  masked  and  unknown  prisoner, 
tlie  object  of  extraordinary  surveillance,  died,  in 
1703,  in  tlie  Bastille,  to  wliicli  lie  had  been  taken 
from  the  St.  Marguerite  Isles  in  1698 ;  he  had  ru- 
maiucd  about  ten  years  incarcerated  in  these 
isles,  and  traces  of  him  are  with  certainty  foiuid 
in  tlie  fort  of  Exilles,  and  at  Pignerol,  as  far  back 
as  about  1681.  This  singular  fact,  winch  began 
to  be  vaguely  bruited  a  little  before  the  middle 
of  the  18th  century,  excited  immense  curi- 
osity after  Voltnire  had  availed  himself  of  it  in 
his  '  Sifcle  de  Louis  XIV.',  wherein  he  exhibited 
it  in  the  most  touching  and  tragic  liglit.  A 
thousand  conjectures  circulated:  no  great  per- 
sonage had  disappeared  in  Europe  about  1680. 
Wliat  interest  so  powerful  liad  the  government 
of  Louis  XIV.  for  concealing  this  mysterious 
visage  from  every  human  eye  ?  Slany  explana- 
tions more  or  less  plausible,  more  or  less  cliimcr- 
ical,  have  been  attempted  in  regard  to  the  '  man 
with  the  iron  mask '  (an  erroneous  designation 
that  has  prevailed;  the  mask  was  not  of  iron, 
but  of  black  velvet;  it  was  probably  one  of  those 
'  loups'  so  long  in  use),  when,  in  1837,  the  bibli- 
ophile .lacob  (M.  Paid  Lacroix)  published  a  very 
ingenious  book  on  this  subject,  in  wliicli  lie  dis- 
cussed all  the  hypotheses,  and  skilfully  com- 
mented on  all  the  facts  and  dates,  in  order  to 
cstablisli  that,  in  1680,  Poiiquet  was  represented 
as  dead ;  that  he  was  masked,  sequestered  anew, 
and  dragged  from  fortress  to  fortress  till  his  real 
death  in  1703.  It  is  impossible  for  us  to  admit 
this  solution  of  the  problem ;  the  authenticity  of 
the  minister  Louvois'  correspondence  with  the 
governor  of  the  prison  of  Pignerol,  on  the  sub- 
ject of  Foiiquet's  death,  in  March,  1680,  appears 
to  us  incontestable ;  and  did  this  material  proof 
not  exist,  we  still  could  not  believe  in  a  return  of 
rigor  so  strange,  so  barbarous,  and  so  imaccount- 
able  on  the  part  of  Louis  XIV.,  when  nil  tlio 
official  documents  attest  that  his  resentment  liad 
gradually  been  appeased,  and  that  an  old  man 
wiio  asked  nothing  more  than  a  little  free  nir 
before  dying  had  ceased  to  be  feared.  There  are 
many  more  presumptions  in  favor  of  Baron 
lleiss'  opinion,  reproduced  by  several  writers, 
and,  in  the  last  instance,  by  >I.  Delort  ('Histoirc 
de  I'homme  an  masque  de  fer ' ;  1825),  —  the 
opinion  that  the  '  man  with  a  mask '  was  a  sec- 
retary of  the  Duke  of  Mantua,  named  Mattioli, 
carried  off  by  order  of  Louis  XIV.  in  1679,  for 
liaving  deceived  tlie  French  government,  and 
having  sought  to  form  a  coalition  of  the  Italian 
princes  against  it.  But  however  striking,  in  cer- 
tain respects,  may  be  the  resemblances  between 
Mattioli  and  the  '  iron  mask,'  equally  guarded  by 
the  governor  St.  Mars  at  Pignerol  and  at  Ex- 


illes, however  grave  may  be  the  testimony  ac- 
cording to  which  Mattioli  was  transfernid  to  the 
St.  Marguerite  Isles,  the  subaltern  position  of 
Mattioli,  whom  Catinat  and  Louvois,  in  their  let- 
ters, characterize  as  a  'knave'  and  St.  Mars 
threatens  with  a  cudgel,  ill  accords,  we  do  not 
iiiy  with  the  triiditioiis  relating  to  the  profound 
respect  shown  the  prisoner  by  the  keepers,  the 
governor,  and  even  the  ininister,  —  these  tradi- 
tions may  be  contested,  — but  with  the  aiitliciitio 
details  and  dociiiiieiits  given  by  thi!  learned  and 
judicious  Father  (<rilT<'t  in  regard  to  theextreme 
mystery  in  which  the  prisoner  at  the  Bastille 
was  enveloped,  more  than  twenty  years  after  the 
abduction  of  the  ob.sciire  Mattioli,  in  regard  to 
the  mask  that  he  never  put  olT,  in  regard  to  the 
precautions  taken  after  his  death  to  annihilate 
the  traces  of  his  sojourn  at  the  Hastille,  which 
explains  why  nothing  was  found  concerning  him 
after  the  taking  of  that  fortress.  Many  minds 
will  always  pcrsi.st  in  seeking,  under  tliis'impene- 
trable  mask,  a  more  dangerous  secret,  a  mysteri- 
ous accu.sing  resemblance;  and  the  most  popular 
opinion,  altliough  the  most  void  of  all  proof,  will 
always  doubtless  bo  that  sulTered  to  transpire  by 
Voltaire,  ui.der  cover  of  his  publislier,  in  the 
eighth  cditionof  his  '  Dictioiinaire  i)liilosopliiiiue  ' 
(1771).  According  to  tliis  opinion,  the  lionor  of 
the  royal  household  was  involved  in  the  secret, 
and  the  unknown  victim  was  an  illegitimate  son 
of  Anne  of  Austria.  The  only  private  crime  of 
which  Louis  XIV.  was  peiliaps  capable,  was  a 
crime  inspin^d  by  fanaticism  for  monarchical 
honor.  However  "this  may  be,  history  has  no 
right  to  pronounce  upon  what  will  never  emerge 
from  tlie  domain  of  conjecture." — II.  Martin. 
Ifint.  of  France:  Age  of  Jmiiih  XIV.,  v.  1,  ;;.  40, 
footnote.  —  "The  Paris  correspondent  of  the 
'  Daily  Telegraph  '  records  a  fact  which,  if  it  is 
correctly  reported,  goes  a  long  way  towards 
clearing  up  one  of  tlie  problems  of  modem  his- 
tory. A  letter  to  Louvois  by  Louis  XIV.,  writ- 
ten in  cipher,  lias  lieen  long  in  the  archives  of 
the  Ministry  of  War,  and  has  at  length  been  de- 
ciphered. In  it  the  King  orders  Louvois  to  ar- 
rest General  de  Burlonde  for  having  raised  the 
siege  of  Conti  without  permission,  to  send  liim  to 
Pignerol,  and  to  conceal  his  features  under  a 
'lou])'  or  black-velvet  mask.  The  order  was 
executed,  and  the  presumption  is.  therefore  vio- 
lent that  the  '  JIan  in  the  Iron  JIask ' —  it  was  a 
black- velvet  one;  with  iron  springs  —  was  General 
de  Burlonde.  The  story  tallies  with  the  known 
fact  tliat  the  prisoner  made  repeated  attenipl;s  to 
communicate  his  name  to  soldiers,  that  he  was 
treated  with  respect  by  his  military  jailors,  an(l 
that  Louis  XV.,  who  knew  the  truth  of  the 
whole  affair,  declared  it  to  be  a  matter  of  no  im- 
jiortance.  The  difliculty  is  to  discover  the  King's 
motive  for  such  a  precaution ;  but  he  may  have 
feared  discontent  among  iiis  great  officers,  or  the 
soldiery."— r/(c  Spectator,  Oct.  14,  1893. —The 
cipher  despatch  above  referred  to,  and  the.wliolu 
subject  of  the  imprisonment  of  (General  de  Bur- 
londe, arc  discussed  at  length,  in  tlie  light  of 
official  records  and  correspondence,  by  M. 
finiili^  Burgaud  and  Commandant  Bazeries  (th<! 
latter  of  whom  discovered  the  key  to  the  cipher), 
in  a  book  entitled  "  Le  Jlascjue  de  Fer:  Revela- 
tion de  la  correspondance  chifFree  de  Louis 
XIV.,"  published  at  Paris  in  1893.  It  seems  to 
leave  small  doubt  that  the  mysteriously  masked 
prisoner  was  no  other  than  (Jeneral  de  Burlonde. 


1801 


IKON  MASK. 


IUOQUOI8  CONFEDERACY. 


Al.BO  IN :  O.  A.  Ellis,  Tiuf  Hint,  of  the  HUile 
Priunirr  cnmmiiuly  nitleil  the  Jimi  Mnnk. — K. 
Liiwrcnrc,  The  Man  in  t/if  /ion  Mimk  {lldrjtfi'H 
M(i(l..  r.  4!t,  ;).  OH).  —  M.  Toplii,  '/'//<■  ^flln  in  tin' 
Iron  Mitfk  (('urnliHl  Miuj.,  r.  21,  /).  W^'A). — Qmir- 
terli/  Itii:.  r.  Ill,  /).  11». 

IRONCLAD  OATH,— An  oiilh  pcpulurly 
stylccl  tlir  "  Iriuiilml  oalh"  wa.s  ijrcscribcd  by 
llic  CoiiKrt'XH  <'f  tl"'  I'liitcd  8ti»t('s,  duriiiK  tlii^ 
Wiirof  Ihc  Hclx'llioii,  in  July,  18(13,  to  hv  taken 
by  every  pcrnon  elected  or  appointed  to  any 
ofllre  under  lliedovernnient  of  the  I'nited  .States. 
the  President  oidy  exeepted.  lie  was  re(nnred 
to  h»\'ear  tliat  lie  had  "never  voluntarily  borne 
nrniH  n;;ainsl  the  I'nited  Sttiles";  that  he  had 
"voluntarily  ^iven  no  aid,  eountenance,  eoun.sel, 
or  eneonragenient  to  persons  engaged  In  armed 
lio.stility  to  the  National  Government";  that  he 
had  "neither  sought  norarceptcd,  nor  attempted 
to  exercise  the  functions  of  anj'  olllce  what-ver 
under  authority  or  pretended  authority  in  lios- 
tllity  to  the  United  States";  that  he  had  "never 
yiclde<l  a  voluntary  support  to  any  i)retendeil 
Oovernnient  within  the  United  Slates, 


hostile  or 
Titcnty   Yi'ar» 


ininucal  thereto." — J.  Q.  Blnlnc, 
of  ('oni/riKn.  r.  2.  ;).  HH. 

IRONSIDES,  Cromwell's.    Sec  England: 
A.  1).  KM.'MMav). 

"IRONSIDES,   Old."— A    name    popularly 

§iven  to  tlie  American  frigate  "Constitution." 
ee  Unitki)  Statks  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  1814. 
IROQUOIS  CONFEDERACY,  The.-Ac 
coniing  to  their  traditions,  tlio  founder  of  the 
League  or  confederacy  which  tinited  the  five 
nations  of  the  Iroquois — the  Mohawks,  the  On- 
oudagas,  the  Oneldas,  the  Cayugas,  and  the 
Scnecns  (see  A.meuican  AnoiiioiNKs:  Iiioijiyois 
CoNKKUEKACY),  was  Hiftwatha,  the  hero  of  Iro- 
quois legend.  lie  was  an  Onondaga  chief,  and 
is  supposed  to  have  lived  about  the  middle  of 
the  15th  century.  "Hiawatha  had  long  behold 
with  grief  the  evils  which  atllicted  not  onlv  Ins 
own  nation,  but  all  the  other  tribes  alwut  tlie  n, 
through  the  continual  wars  in  which  they  were 
engaged,  and  the  ndsgoveminent  and  miseries  at 
home  which  these  wars  produced.  With  much 
meditation  he  had  elaborated  in  his  mind  the 
scheme  of  a  vast  confederation  which  woidd 
ensure  universal  peace.  In  the  mere  plan  of  a 
confederation  there  was  nothing  new.  There 
are  probably  few,  if  any,  Indian  tribes  which 
have  not,  at  one  time  or  another,  been  members 
of  a  league  or  confederacy.  It  may  almost  bo 
said  to  be  their  normal  condition,  liut  the  pla.i 
which  Hiawatha  had  evolved  differed  from  all 
others  in  two  particulars.  The  sj'stem  which  lie 
devised  was  to  be  not  a  loose  and  transitory 
league,  but  a  permanent  government.  AVhilc 
each  nation  was  to  retain  its  own  council  and  its 
management  of  local  affairs,  the  general  control 
was  to  bo  lodged  in  a  federal  senate,  composed 
of  representatives  elected  by  each  nation,  hold- 
ing office  during  good  behinior,  and  acknowl- 
edged as  ruling  chiefs  tin  igliout  the  whole 
confederacy.  Still  further,  and  more  remark- 
ably, the  confederation  was  not  to  be  a  limited 
one.  It  was  to  be  indefinitely  expansible.  The 
avowed  design  of  its  proposer  was  to  abolish 
■war  altogether.  He  wished  the  federation  to 
extend  until  ail  the  tribes  of  men  should  be  in- 
cluded in  it,  and  iieace  should  everywhere  reign. 
Such  is  the  positive  testiuwny  of  the  Iroquois 
themselves :  and  their  statement,  as  will  be  seen, 


is  supported  by  historical  evidence.  .  .  .  IIIh 
conce|)tions  were  beyond  his  time,  and  beyond 
ours;  but  their  effect,  within  a  limited  spheit!, 
was  very  great.  For  nioic  than  three  centuries 
the  ImukI  which  he  devised  held  together  the 
Iro(]Uois  nations  in  iierfect  aiiiily.  It  proved, 
moicovf'r,  as  he  intended,  elastic.  Tlie  territory 
of  the  Iroquois,  constantly  extending  as  their 
united  strength  made  itself  fell,  became  the 
'Oreat  Asylum'  of  the  Indian  tribes.  .  .  . 
Among  the  iiilerininable  stories  with  which  the 
common  people  |of  the  Fiv(?  Nations]  beguile 
their  winter  night.s,  tlie  tiaditions  <)f  Alolarho 
and  Hiawatha  became  intermingled  with  the 
legends  of  their  mythology.  An  accideiitid 
similarity,  in  the  Onondaga  dialect,  between  the 
name  of  Iliawatha  and  that  of  one  of  their  an- 
cient divinities,  led  to  a  confusion  between  the 
two,  which  has  misled  some  investigators.  This 
deity  bears,  in  llie  sonorous  Canienga  tongue, 
the  name  of  Taroiihiawagon.  meaning  'the 
Holder  of  the  Heaven.s. '  The  .lesuit  missionaries 
style  him  'the  great  god  of  the  Irixiuois. '  Among 
the  Onoiidagns  of  the  present  day,  the  name  is 
abridged  to  Taonhiawagi,  or  Taliiawagi.  The 
confusion  between  tli'j  nam?  and  that  of  Hia- 
watha (which,  in  another  form,  is  pronoun<ed 
Tahionwatha)  seems  to  have  begun  more  than  a 
century  ago.  .  .  .  Mr.  .1.  V.  11.  Clark,  in  his 
interesting  History  of  Onondaga,  makes  the 
name  to  have  been  originally  Ta-own-ya-wat-ha, 
and  describes  the  bearer  as  'the  deity  who  jire- 
sides  over  fisheries  and  hunting-grounds.'  Ho 
came  down  from  heaven  in  a  white  canoe,  and 
after  sundry  adventures,  which  remind  (me  of 
the  labors  of  Hercules,  nssiuned  the  name  of 
Hiawatha  (signifying,  we  are  told,  'a  very  wise 
man'),  and  dwelt  for  a  time  as  an  ordinary  mor- 
tal among  men,  occupied  in  works  of  benevo- 
lence. Finally,  after  founding  the  confederacy 
and  bestowing  many  prudent  coimsels  upon  tlio 
people,  he  returnc(l  to  the  skies  by  the  same 
conveyance  in  which  he  had  descended.  'This 
legend,  or,  rather,  congeries  of  intermingled  le- 
gends, was  communicated  by  Clark  to  School- 
craft, when  the  latter  was  compiling  his  'Notes 
on  the  Iroquois.'  Mr.  Schoolcraft,  plea.sed  with 
the  poetical  cast  of  the  story,  and  the  euphonious 
name,  made  confusion  worse  confounded  by 
transferring  the  hero  to  a  distant  region  and 
ideniifying  him  with  Manabozho,  a  fantastic 
divinity  of  the  Ojibways.  Schoolcraft's  volume, 
which  he  cliose  to  entitle  'The  Iliawatha  Le- 
gends,' has  not  In  it  a  single  fact  or  fiction  relat- 
ing eitlier  to  Iliawatha  himself  or  to  the  Iroquois 
deity  Taroiihiawagon.  Wild  Ojibway  stories 
concerning  Manabozho  and  his  comrades  form 
the  staple  of  its  contents.  But  it  is  to  tills  col- 
lection that  we  owe  the  charming  poem  of  Long- 
fellow ;  and  thus,  by  an  extraordinary  fortune,  a 
grave  Iroquois  lawgiver  of  the  fifteenth  century 
has  become,  in  modern  literature,  an  Ojib- 
way demigod,  son  of  the  West  Wind,  and  com- 
panion of  the  tricksy  Paupukkeewis,  the  boastful 
lagoo,  and  the  strong  Kwasind.  If  a  Chinese 
traveler,  during  the  middle  ages,  inquiring  into 
the  history  and  religion  of  the  western  nations, 
had  confounded  King  Alfred  with  King  Arthur, 
and  both  with  Odin,  he  would  not  have  made  a 
more  preposterous  confusion  of  names  and  char- 
acters than  that  which  has  hitherto  disguLsed  tho 
genuine  personality  of  the  great  Onondaga  re- 
former."— II.  Hale,  ed..   The   Iroquois  Ihok   of 


1802 


IROQUOIS  CONPEDEnACY. 


ISLAM. 


I!itf»(I1rinton'it  Librnrji of  Alwriginal  Am.  Liter- 
ittnre,  no.  'i,  iin.  Ul-Iid). 

IRREDENTISTS.— ■' Thin  is  tlio  niimi' 
jjiveii  to  a  political  orKanisatioii  forriicd  in  187H, 
with  the  avowed  objfct  of  frcciiin  all  IfaliaiiH 
from  foreign  rule,  and  of  reiiniling  to  the  Italian 
kin^chim  all  those  portions  of  the  Italy  of  oM  { 
which  have  passed  iniiler  foreign  doininion. 
The  operations  of  the  'Italia  Irredentii'  party 
are  chiedv  carried  on  n^^ainst  Austria,  in  coiise- 
(juencu  of  the  retention  by  that  Knipire  of  Trieste 
and  tlie  Southern  Tyrol.  Until  these  territories 
have  been  relincudshed,  Italy,  or  at  least  a  cer- 
t/iin  part  of  it,  will  remain  unsatisfied." — J.  H. 
Jeans,  Itdly  {Katioiidl  JAj'e  and  Thoufiht,  ch.  8). 

ISAAC  II.  (Comnenus),  Emperor  in  the 
East  (Byzantine,  or  Greek),  A.  1).  1057-10511. 
. . .  .Isaac  II.  'Angelus),  Emperor  in  the  East 
(Byzantine,  or  Greek),  118.5-1111.5. 

ISABELLA,  Queen  of  Castile  (wife  of 
Ferdinand  11.,  King  of  Aragon),  A.   I).  1474- 

1504 Isabella  II.,  Queen  of  Spain,   188:{- 

1868. 

ISABELLA.— The  city  founded  by  Colum- 
1.118  on  the  island  of  Ilispaniola,  or  Ilnyti.  See 
Ameihca.  a.  I).  1493-1406. 

ISANDLANA,  The  English    disaster    at 
tSto).     See  South  Afiuca:  A.  1).  1877-1870. 

ISASZEG,  Battle  of  (1849).     Sec  Aubthia: 

A.  D.  1848-1849. 

ISAURIAN  DYNASTY,  The.  See  Byzan- 
TiNK  E.vii'iue:  a.  D.  717-707. 

ISAURIANS,  The.— Tlie  Isaurians  were  a 
(icrce  and  savage  race  of  mo\nitaineers,  who  oc- 
cupied anciently  a  district  in  Asia  Minor,  between 
Cilicia  and  Pampliylia  on  the  south  and  Phrygia 
on  tlie  north.  Tliey  were  persistently  u  nation 
of  robbers,  living  upon  the  spoils  taken  from 
their  neighbors,  who  were  never  able  to  punish 
tlicm  justly  in  their  mountain  fastnesses.  Even 
the  iron  hand  of  the  l^)mana  failwl  to  reduce  the 
Isnurians  to  order,  althougli  P.  Servilius,  in  78 

B.  C. ,  destroyed  most  of  their  strongholds,  and 
Pompey,  eleven  years  later,  in  Ids  great  cam- 
paign against  tlie  pirates,  put  an  end  to  the  law- 
less depredations  on  sea  and  land  of  the  Cili- 
cians,  who  had  become  confederated  with  the 
Isaurians.  Five  centuries  afterwards,  in  the 
days  of  the  Eastern  Empire,  the  Isaurians  were 
the  best  soldiers  of  its  army,  and  even  gave  an 
emperor  to  tlie  throne  at  Constiintinoph;  in  the 
person  of  Zeno  or  Zenon. — E.  \V.  Brooks,  Tfie 
Kmpcror  Zenoii  and  the  Isaurians  {English  His- 
torical Hep.,  April,  1803). 

ISCA. — The  name  of  two  towns  in  Roman 
Britain,  one  of  which  is  identified  with  modern 
Exeter  and  the  other  with  Caerleon-on-Usk.  The 
latter  was  the  station  of  the  2d  legion. — T. 
Mommsen,  Hist,  of  Home,  bk.  8,  ch.  5. — See  Ex- 
ETEK,  Okioin  op;  also,  Caeuleon. 

ISHMAELIANS,  The.  See  Mauo.metan 
Conquest:  A.  D.  908-1171;  also,  Assassins; 
and  Oaumatiiians. 

ISIDORE,  The  False  Decretals  of.  Sec 
Papacy:  A.  D.  829-847. 

ISIN.£.    See  Cacsenn*. 

ISLAM. — "The  religion  founded  by  Maliomet 
is  called  Islam,  a  word  meaning  '  the  entire  sur- 
render of  the  will  to  God ' ;  its  professors  are 
called  Mussulmans — 'those  who  have  surren- 
dered themselves,'  or  'Believers,' as  opposed  to 
the  '  Rejectors '  of  the  Divine  messengers,  who 
are    named   'Kafirs,'  or  'Mushrikin,'  that    is, 


'  those  who  associate,  arc  companions  or  sharcrH 
witli  the  Drily.'  iHlani  is  soinelimes  divided 
under  lh(^  two'  he  iids  of  I'^iith  and  I'ractical  Kc- 
ligion.  I.  Faith  (I'  :iii)  includes  a  belief  in  OMO 
G<i<l,  omni|iotent,  >  uiiiiscient,  all-merciful,  the 
author  of  all  good;  and  In  Mahomet  as  his 
prophet,  expressed  ill  the  formula  ' 'I'liere  is  no 
Ooii  but  Ood,  ami  Mahomet  Is  the  I'rophet  of 
God.'  It  Includes,  also,  a  belief  in  the  autlioritv 
and  sulliciency  of  \\w  Koran,  in  angels,  genii, 
ami  the  devil,  In  tlie  iinmortallty  of  the  soul,  the 
resurrection,  tlie  day  of  jiidginint  and  in  God's 
absolute  decree  for  good  and  evil.  II.  Practical 
religion  (Din)  consists  of  flveolist-rvanccs:  (l)Ue- 
cital  of  the  formula  of  Belief,  (2)  Prayer  with 
Ablution.  (3)  Fasting,  (4)  Almsgiving,  (5)  the 
Pilgrimage.  .  .  .  Tlie  standard  of  Moslem  ortho- 
doxy is  essentially  the  Koran  and  to  it  primary 
reference  is  made ;  but  .  .  .  some  more  extended 
and  discriminating  ccMlebecaiiK!  necessary.  The 
deficiency  was  supplied  by  the  compilation  of 
the  'Sunnah,'  or  "rradltional  Law,  which  is  built 
upon  the  sayings  and  practices  of  Mahomet,  and, 
in  the  opinion  of  tlie  orthodox,  is  invested  with 
tlie  force  of  law,  and  with  some  of  the  authority 
of  inspiration.  ...  In  cases  where  both  the 
Koran  and  the  Huiinah  afTord  no  exact  precept, 
the  '  Rule  of  Faith'  in  llieir  dogmatic  belief,  as 
well  as  the  decisions  of  their  secular  court«,  is 
based  upon  the  teaching  of  one  of  the  four  great 
Imams,  or  founders  of  the  orthodox  sects,  ac- 
cording as  one  or  another  of  tlie.sc  prevails  in 
any  particular  country.  .  .  .  The  great  Sunui 
sect  is  divided  among  the  orthodox  scliools  men- 
tioned above,  and  is  so  called  from  its  receiition 
of  the  '.Sunnah,'  as  having  authority  concurrent 
with  and  supplementary  to  the  Koran.  In  this 
respect  it  diflers  essentially  from  the  Sliia.s,  or 
partisans  of  the  house  of  Ali  [the  nephew  of 
3Ialiomet  and  husband  of  his  daughter  Fatinia] 
who,  adhering  to  their  own  tnulitions,  reject  the 
authority  of  the  'Sunnah.'  These  two  sects, 
moreover,  have  certain  oliservances  and  matters 
of  belief  peculiar  to  themselves,  the  chief  of 
whicli  is  the  Sliia  doctrine,  that  the  sovereign 
Imaniat,  or  temporal  and  spiritual  lordship  over 
tlie  faitliful,  was  by  divine  right  vested  in  Ali 
and  in  his  descendants,  through  Ila.san  and 
Ilosein,  the  chiklren  of  Fatima,  the  (lauglit(!r  of 
the  prophet.  And  thus  the  Persian  Shias  add  to 
the  formula  of  belief  the  confession,  '  Ali  is  the 
Caliph  of  God.'  In  Persia  the  Shia  doctrines 
prevail,  and  formerly  so  intense  was  sectarian 
hatred  tliat  the  Siinni  JIahoinetans  paid  a  liigher 
capitation  tax  there  than  tlie  infidels.  In  Turkey 
the  great  majority  are  Sunni.  In  India  the 
Shias  number  about  one  in  twenty.  The  Shias, 
who  reject  this  name,  and  call  themselves 
Adliyah,  or  the  '  Society  of  the  Just,'  are  subdi- 
vided into  a  great  variety  of  minor  sects ;  but 
these  .  .  are  united  in  asserting  that  the  first 
three  Caliplis,  Abu  Bekr,  Omar,  and  Othinan 
were  usuriiers,  who  had  possessed  themselves  of 
the  rightful  and  inalienable  inheritance  of  Ali." 
—  .1.  W.  II.  Stobart,  TsUtm  and  its  Fouruler,  ch. 
10. — "The  twelve  Imams,  or  pontiffs,  of  the 
Persian  creed,  are  Ali,  Hassan,  Hosein,  and  the 
lineal  descendants  of  Hosein  to  the  nintli  genera- 
tion. Without  arms,  or  treasures,  or  subjects, 
they  successively  enjoyed  the  veneration  of  the 
people  and  provoked  the  jealousy  of  the  reigning 
caliphs.  .  .  .  The  twelfth  and  last  of  the  Imams, 
conspicuous  by  the  title  of  Mahodi,  or  the  Guide, 


1803 


ISLAM. 


ITALY. 


HurpiisHrd  tlio  hoIIiiiiIiuukI  siinrtlty  nt  IiIh  proHc 
(THHont.  \lf  I'oiiccitlnl  liiiiiwlf  in  a  ( uvcrn  lu'iir 
niiK<l>i<l:  tlx'  tiiiK'  iiiiil  plitcc  iif  Ills  ciciitli  txn  un- 
known ;  luiil  IiIh  votiiricH  prctciid  timt  hu  Htill 
lIvcH  and  will  iippuiir  Ix'Torr  llio  diiy  of  Judjf- 
nicnt." — K.  (Jlbl)on,  Jhrliiic  ami  hhll  of  the  Hu- 
man Km])iri\  eh.  50. 

Ai.iM>  in:  K.  S<'I1,  The  Faith  of  Mnm.  —  H. 
I, am;  Poole,  NtiiiUm  iim  Mi»ii/iif,  rh.  !)  'ind  7. — 
U.  1).  O.sborn,  liilam  under  the  Araht,  pt.  8,  ch.  1. 

—  \V.  ('.  Taylor,  Hint,  of  MdhniniiwAanitm,  eh. 
5-lM. —  |{.  lioNWorth  Smitli,  .Vohn mined  ami  Mo- 
hiiminedaniiim.  —  T.  NiMdcko,  SkcteheHfromEaH- 
em  Jlintori/,  ch.  3.  —  Sec,  also,  Maiiomktan  Con- 

(illK.HT. 

ISLAM,  Dar-ul-,  and  Dar-ul-harb.  Hue 
Daii  tii.  ]mi,am. 

ISLAND  NUMBER  TEN,  The  capture 
of.  Bee  Unitki)  Mtatkh  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  1863 
(Maiicii— Ai'iiiL:  On  the  Misgissippi). 

ISLE  OF  FRANCE.— The  old  French  prov- 
ineo  (tontainhiK  I'ariH.  Also  tlie  French  name  of 
Mauritius  i.sland,  taken  by  England  in  IHIU. 

ISLE  ROYALE.  See  Capk  Biieton  :  A.  I). 
1720-1745. 

ISLES,  Lords  of  the.  Sen  Hebhiuks:  A.  I). 
Iii40-ir)()4,  and  IIaui.aw,  Batti-k  or 

ISLEL  OF  THE    BLESSED.     See   Ca- 

NAUY  Isi.ANIIB. 

ISLY,  Battle  of  (1843).  See  Barbahy 
States:  A.  1).  Ib30-184«. 

ISMAIL,  Khedive  of  Egypt,  The  reign  and 
the  fall  of.    Sei-KoviT:  A.  f).  1840-1869;  V 

1883;    and    1875-1883 Ismail    I.,  Sha      of 

Persia,  A.  I).  1.503-1538 Ismail  II.,  Shan  of 

Persia,  1,57«-1577. 

ISMAIL,  Siege  and  capture  of  (1790).  See 
TuiiKs:  A.  I).  1776-1793. 

ISMAILEANS,ORISHMAELIANS.  See 
Maiiomf-TAN  (JoNijUKHT:  A.  I).  908-1171;  also, 
Assassins;  and  Cahmathians. 

ISONOMY.—  ISOTIMY.— ISAGORIA.- 
"Thc  principle  underlying  democracy  is  the 
struggle  for  a  legalised  equality  which  was  usu- 
ally described  [by  the  ancient  Greeks]  by  the 
expressions  Isonomy,  or  equality  of  law  for  all, 

—  Isotimy,  or  propcrtionato  regard  paid  to  all, 

—  Isugorla,  or  equal  freedom  of  speech,  witli 
8|)ccial  reference  to  courts  of  justice  and  popular 


assrmlilloi. "— O.  F.  Schnniann,  Antiq.  of  Oreem: 
The  State,  pt.  3,  eh.  13 
ISONZO,  Battle  of  the  (A.  D.  489).     Sco 

UoMK:    A.    I).  4NM-.')36. 

ISOPOLITY. -"rn<ler  Hp  CasHiug  JB.  C. 
49'l|,  Hiiinc  roncliidcd  a  treaty  with  the  Latins, 
in  which  the  right  of  isopolity  or  the  'Jus 
munlclpi '  was  <'on('eded  to  them.  The  idea  of 
isopollty  changed  In  the  course  of  time,  but  its 
essential  features  in  earlv  tlnu's  were  these:  be- 
tween the  Komans  and  Latins  and  Ix'twcen  the 
liomans  and  Caerites  there  existed  this  arrange- 
ment, that  any  citi/.en  of  the  one  state  who  wished 
to  settle  in  the  other,  ndght  forthwith  be  able  to 
exercise  there  the  rights  of  a  citi/en."— B.  O. 
Niebuhr,  fArln.  on  the  Hint,  of  Home,  led.  18  (j).l). 

ISRAEL.     See  .Jews. 

ISRAEL,  Lost  Ten  Tribes  of.  See  Jews: 
The  Kinodomn  ok  Ishaei,  and  .Iudaii. 

ISSUS,  Battl.  of  (B.  C.  333).  See  Mack. 
DOM  a:  H.  C.  '.i;U-SM. 

ISTjEVONES,  The.  See  Oekmany:  Ah 
known  to  Ta(  rn;s. 

ISTAKR,  OR  STAKR.— The  native  name 
under  the  later,  or  Sassituian,  Persian  empire,  of 
the  ancient  capital,  Persepolis. — O.  llawlinson, 
Seventh  Qrent  Oriental  Monarchy,  eh.  8,  foot-note. 

ISTER,  The.— The  ancient  Greek  name  of 
the  Danube,  below  the  junction  of  tlio  Tlieiss 
and  the  Save. 

ISTHMIAN  GAMES.    Sec  Nemban. 

ISTRIA:  Slavonic  Occupation  of.  Scu 
Slavonic  Peoples;  Sixth  and  Seventh  Cen- 

TUKIES. 

A.  D.  1797. — Acquisition  by  Austria.  See 
FiiANCE :  A.  b.  1797  (May— Octouer). 

ISTRIANS,  The.    See  iLLTniANS. 

ISURIUM.— AHomantown  in  Britain,  which 
had  previously  been  the  chief  town  of  the  Brit- 
ish tribe  of  the  Brigantes.  It  Is  identified  with 
AUlborough,  Yorkshire,  "wliere  tlie  excavator 
meets  continually  with  the  tesselatcd  floors  of 
the  Roman  houses." — T.  Wright,  Celt,  Itonian 
and  SaJ'on,  eh.  5. 

ITALI,  The.    See  ffiNOTiiiANs. 

ITALIAN  WAR,  The.  See  Romk;  B.  C. 
90-88. 

ITALIOTES.    See  Siceliotes. 


ITALY. 


Ancient.— Early  Italians. — "It  was  not  till 
the  close  of  the  Kepubiic,  or  rather  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Empire,  that  the  name  of  Italy  was 
employed,  as  we  now  employ  it,  to  designate  the 
whole  Peninsula,  from  the  Alps  to  the  Straits 
of  Messina  [see  Uome:  B.  C.  3751.  The  term 
Italia,  borrowed  from  the  name  of  a  primajval 
tribe  who  occupied  the  southern  portion  of  the 
land,  was  gradually  adopted  as  a  generic  title  in 
the  same  obscure  manner  in  which  most  of  the 
countries  of  Europe,  or  (we  may  say)  the  Conti- 
nenta  of  tlie  world,  have  received  their  appella- 
tions. In  the  remotest  times  the  name  only 
included  Lower  Calabria:  from  these  narrow 
limita  it  gradually  spread  upwards,  till  about 
the  time  of  the  Punic  Wars,  its  northern  boun- 
dary ascended  the  little  river  Rubicon  (between 
Umbria  and  Cisalpine  Gaul),  then  followed  the 


ridge  of  the  Appennines  westward  to  the  source 
of  the  Macra,  and  was  carried  down  the  bed  of 
that  small  stream  to  tlie  Gulf  of  Genoa.  When 
we  speak  of  Italy,  therefore,  in  the  Roman  sense 
of  the  word,  wo  must  dismiss  from  our  thouglits 
all  that  fertile  country  which  was  at  Rome  enti- 
tled the  provincial  district  of  Gallia  Cisalpina, 
and  Liguria." — II.  0.  Liddell,  Hist,  of  Rome,  in- 
trod.,  sect.  2. — "Philological  research  teaches  us 
to  distinguish  three  primitive  Italian  stocks,  the 
lapygian,  the  Etruscan,  and  that  which  we  shall 
call  the  Italian.  The  last  is  divided  into  two 
mam  branches, —  the  Latin  branch,  and  that  to 
which  the  dialects  of  the  Umbri,  Marsi,  Volscl 
and  Samuites  belong.  As  to  the  lapygian  stock, 
we  have  but  little  information.  At  the  south- 
eastern extremity  of  Italy,  in  the  Messapian  or 
Calabriau   peninsula,  inscriptions  in  a  peculiar 


1804 


ITALY 


Marl;/  liihuliilunlt. 


ITALY. 


cxllnrt  IniiKtihgc  Imvt'  Iwcn  found  In  roHKldcrulttp 
iniiiilH'rM;  uncliiiil)ti'(lly  ri'iiiiihrn  of  tlic  illiilicl  of 
tlif  lii|ivuiiiiiN,  winning  vrrviliNlini'tly  pninimiitcd 
liy  inKfillon  iiltii  ti>  liiiv(>  Ix'cii  ililTcri'nl  froni  tlit! 
Latin  itnd  Hiinirdlc  utix'kM.  .  .  .  With  tlic  rccnK 
niliiin  of  .  .  .  II  K<'»>'>'<>l  fiwnlly  rcliitionHldp  <ir 
iM'culiiir  iillltd'y  Ix'twi'cn  tlit'  IiipyK'<>i<»i  I'l'd 
Ili'llcncH  (ii  riM'o^iiitldn,  liiiwrviT,  whicli  liy  no 
inciinH  gocH  HO  fur  iii<  l<>  uitrnint  onr  tiiiiiii)(  tlir 
IiipyKiiiii  liui)i;>i»K*'  ''>  Ix'  II  rude  diiilc-ct  of 
Ori'C'k),  invcHUKiition  niUHt  ri'Hl,  content.  .  .  . 
Till'  middle  of  tli(!  pcninHulii  wiih  inliiil)lted,  iih 
fur  Imcit  iiH  rclliililc  triidltion  rciicliis,  liy  two  pi'o- 
pIcH  or  riitlier  two  liniriclu'H  of  tlio  winio  people, 
wlioHtt  poHltlon  in  the  Indo-Oerniitriie  t'lunily  iid- 
milH  of  lieliiK  <l<'U.'rrnined  willi  f^reater  precision 
than  that  of  the  InpyKian  nation.  V/e  may  willi 
propriety  eall  thlx  people  the  Italian,  since  upon 
It  rcHtH  th(^  hlHtorical  Hl^nltieance  of  thi^  penln- 
8ula.  It  It  divided  Into  the  two  braiich-Hto(  Uh 
of  the  Latinti  and  the  UndirlanH;  the  latter  in- 
cliidin)r  their  Houtliern  olT-HlKHitH,  the  MarHlanH 
and  HauiniteH,  and  the  colonleB  sent  forth  by  the 
Hamnites  In  historical  timcH.  ,  .  These  exani- 
i)lc8  [plilloioKleal  exampicH,  given  In  the  vork, 
but  omitted  from  this  ((notation],  selected  frim  a 
great  abundance  of  analogous  plienonx'na,  .nif- 
ucc  to  establisli  the  individuality  of  the  ItaDan 
stock  as  (llHtlngulshed  from  the  other  menibcs 
of  the  IndO'Germanle  fandiy,  and  at  the  same 
time  show  It  to  be  linguistically  the  nearest  rel- 
ative, Its  It  is  geographically  the  next  nelghlxjur, 
of  the  Greuk.  The  Greek  nnd  the  Italian  are 
brothers;  the  (/"elt,  the  Gernuin  and  the  Slavo- 
nian are  their  cousins.  .  .  .  Amimg  the  lan- 
guages of  llu!  Italian  stijck,  again,  the  Latin 
stands  in  marked  coutrat'  with  tlie  Umbro-Sain- 
nltc  dialects.  It  is  true  that  of  these  only  two, 
the  Umbrian  and  the  Samnlte  or  Uscan,  are  in 
gome  degree  known  to  us.  .  .  .  A  conjoint  view, 
however,  of  the  facts  of  language  and  of  his- 
tory leaves  no  doubt  that  all  these  dialects  be- 
hmged  to  the  Umbro-Samnite  branch  of  tiic  great 
Italian  stock.  ...  It  may  .  .  .  be  regarded  as 
certain  that  the  Italians,  like  the  Indians,  nd- 
gratcd  into  their  peninsula  from  the  north.  The 
advance  of  the  Umbro-Sabellian  stock  along  the 
central  niountain-ridgo  of  Italy,  in  a  direction 
from  north  to  south,  can  still  bo  clearly  traced; 
indeed  its  last  phases  belong  to  purely  histori- 
cal times.  Less  is  known  regarding  the  route 
which  the  Latin  mlj/ration  followed.  Probably 
it  proceeded  in  a  similar  direction  along  the  west 
coast,  long,  in  all  likelihood,  before  m  tirst 
Babellian  stocks  l)egan  to  move. " — T.  Mommsen, 
Iliit.  of  Jiome,  bk.  1,  ch.  2-3. — See,  also,  Etuus- 
CANs;  Latiu.m;  Baihnes;  Samnitks;  Umbkians; 
Magna  Git*xiA;  also,  Homb:  B.  C.  34;i-290,  and 
830-!)i!8.— "In  the  February  number  of  the 
'Civlltft  Cattolicu,'  Padre  de  Cara  pleads  for  a 
national  eflort  on  the  part  of  Italian  archaeol- 
ogists to  solve  the  question  of  the  origin  of  their 
country's  civilisation  by  the  systematic  explora- 
tion and  excavation  of  Pelasgic  Italy.  ...  In  a 
series  of  articles,  extending  over  several  years, 
the  learned  father  lias  contended  for  the  identity 
of  the  Ilittitcs  and  Proto-Pelasfians  on  archaeo- 
logical, etymological,  and  historical  grounds; 
and  he  here  repeats  that,  if  '  Italic '  means  Aryan, 
then  it  is  among  tlie  peoples  speaking  Oscan, 
Umbrian,  Latin,  and  other  dialects  of  the  Indo- 
European  family  that  the  parentage  of  Italian 
civilisation  must  be  sought;  but  that  'Italy' 


meant  in  the  llrst  place  the  country  of  the  Ulllllrs 
(llethrl),  and  hence  of  the  PelastfiaiiH,  and  lliat 
nitme  and  civillHallon  arc  alike  PcliiNglc.  TIkimi 
wlio  hold  It  to  have  Is'cn  Aryan  have  not  only 
the  testimony  of  Greek  and  l(<iman  wrltent 
against  them,  but  also  the  facts  thai  then!  were 
Pelasglans  in  Italy  whose  stone  const riictlons  are 
standing  to  this  ilay,  and  that  the  Etruscan  lan- 
guage and  culture  had  no  Aryan  alllidlies.  The 
writer  further  points  out  that  the  wall*  of  Pe- 
lasgic cities,  whether  III  Italy,  (Greece,  or  Asia 
Minor,  all  resemble  each  othci',  and  that  ;he 
origin  of  Greek  civilisation  was  also  PelaNglan, 
In  Grvece,  as  In  Italy,  the  Aryans  followed  cen- 
turies after  the  llittllc  Pelasgians,  and  Aryan 
(Jrecce  carried  the  arts  of  Pelasgic  :iree<'e  to 
nerfection.  lie  believes  that,  of  two  migratory 
liands  of  lilt  tiles,  one  Invaded  Grcec'.'  and  the 
other  Italy,  about  the  same  time.  IIiMilsodraws 
attention  to  the  coincidence  that  it  is  not  very 
long  since  Greece,  like  Italy  at  the  present  tiiiie, 
could  (lute  its  civillwttlon  no  further  buck  than 
700  or  800  H.  C.  Schllemann  recovered  centu- 
ries for  Greece,  but  'Italy  still  remains  Impris- 
oned in  the  Iron  circle  of  the  sevcntli  century.' 
To  lircak  It,  she  must  follow  Hchlicmann's  plan; 
and  as  he  had  steady  faith  in  the  excavation  of 
l\\v  Pelasgic  ell les  and  cemet^'ries  of  Greece,  so 
will  like  faith  and  conduct  on  the  part  of  Italian 
archaeologists  let  in  light  upon  this  once  dark 
problem." — Aeiiiliiiin,  Xfuir/i  31,  1804,  p.  'J73. 

Under  the  dominion  of  Rome,    See  lioMK. 

Invasions  Repelled  by  Rome.  Hee  Khmk: 
i\.  C.  390-347,  28a-'27.'i;  Pink:  Waus;  CiMiiui 
A:i»  Tf:utonkh;   Ai.kmanni;   and  HAOAdAiHim. 

A.  O.  400-410. — Alaric's  invasions.  See 
Goiils  (VisKioTlls):  A.  1).  400-403;  and  Uomk; 
A.  I).  408-410. 

A.  D.  45a. — Attila's  invasion.— The  origin 
of  Ven.'ce.  See  Huns:  A.  I).  452;  and  Vknice: 
A.  I).  4i:2. 

A.  D.  476-553.— The  fall  of  tha  Western 
Roman  Empire.— The  Ostrogothic  kingdom 
of  Theodoiic,  and  its  fall.— Recovery  of  Italy 
by  Justiniin.  See  Ho.mi  :  A.  I).  4.').')-47((,  to 
r):ir,-r,r,;i. 

A.  D.  53i>-S53.  —  Frank  invasion!!.  See 
Franks:  A.  I>.  530-.')53. 

A.  D.  554-800. — Rule  of  the  Exarchs  of  Ra- 
venna. See  lIoMK:  A.  D.  .').')4-800;  anil  Papacy: 
A.  I).  728-774. 

A.  D.  568-800.  —  Lombard  conquests  and 
kingdom. — Rise  of  the  Papal  power  at  Rome. 
— Alliance  of  the  Papacy  with  the  sovereigns 
of  the  Franki.— Revival  of  the  Roman  Empire 
under  Charlemagne. — '•  Since  the  invasion  of 
Alboin,  Italy  had  groaned  underacomplicaticmof 
evils.  The  Loniburd  'ho  had  entered  along  with 
that  chief  in  A.  I).  568  Lsee  Lomiiakds:  A.  I).  rMH- 
573,  .ind  after]  had  settled  in  co!iaiderablc  num- 
bers in  the  valley  of  the  Po,  mid  founded  the 
duchies  of  Spoleto  and  Bene  vento,  leaving  the  rest 
of  the  country  to  be  governed  by  the  exarch  of 
Bavenna  as  %  iccroy  of  the  Eastern  crown.  This 
subjection  was.  however,  little  Jjcttcr  than  nomi- 
nal. Althougli  too  few  to  occupy  the  whole 
peninsula,  the  invaders  were  yet  strong  enough 
to  harass  every  part  of  it  by  inroads  which  met 
with  no  resistance  from  a  population  unused  to 
arms,  and  without  the  spirit  to  use  them  in  self- 
defence.  .  .  .  Tormented  by  their  repeated  at- 
tacks, Bome  sought  help  in  vain  from  Byzantium, 
whose  forces,   iscarce  able  to  repel  from  their 


1806 


ITALY,  A.  U.  008-800. 


77ie  LomlianU,  the  ITALY,    A.    D.    508-aOO. 

Papacy^  anU  t'luirlemagne. 


walls  tlin  Avars  and  .Snnicena,  could  give  no 
Huppiirt  to  tli(!  (listiint  pxiircli  of  Uavenna.  TIk; 
I 'opes  were  the  Knipcror's  subjects;  they  luviiilcd 
his  cotillrniiitiou,  like  oilier  l)ishoi)S;  they  liiid 
more  thuii  once  Im'CII  the  victims  of  his  auf^er. 
Hut  as  the  city  lieciiine  more  accustomed  in  inde- 
peudence,  and  the  I'ope  rose  to  a  predominance, 
real  if  not  yet  legal  [see  UoMf::  A.  D.  500-040, 
and  Pai-acv:  A.  1).  728-774],  his  tone  grew 
bolder  than  that  of  the  Eastern  jiatriarchs.  In 
the  eontrovcrsies  that  bad  raided  in  the  Church, 
he  bad  bad  the  wisdom  or  good  ff)rtune  to  es- 
pouse (though  not  always  from  the  first)  the 
orthodox  side;  it  was  now  by  another  qinirrel 
of  religion  that  bis  deliverance  from  an  unwel- 
come yoke  was  accomidisbcd.  The  Kmperor 
Leo,  bom  among  the  Isanriaii  motnitains,  where 
a  purer  faith  may  yet  have  lingered,  and  stung  by 
the  iMohamniedan  taunt  of  idolatry,  deterniincd 
to  abolish  the  worship  of  images,  which  seemed 
fast  obscuring  the  more  spiritual  part  of  Chri.-, 
tianity.  An  attempt  sullicient  to  cause  tumults 
among  the  submissive  Greeks,  excited  in  Italy  a 
fiercer  conuuotion.  Tlie  populace  rose  with  one 
heart  in  defence  of  what  had  become  to  them 
more  than  a  symbol:  the  exarch  v. as  slain:  the 
•'ope,  though  unwilling  to  .sever  bnnsclf  from 
the  law  fid  head  and  protector  of  the  Church, 
nuist  yet  excommunicate  the  prince  whom  he 
could  not  reclaim  from  so  hatefid  a  heresy  [see 
It'ONOci-ASTic  CoNTiiovEiisv].  Lludpraud,  king 
of  the  Lombards,  improved  his  opportunity : 
falling  on  the  exarchate  as  the  champion  of 
images,  on  K  ine  as  the  minister  of  the  Greek 
Emijcror,  he  overran  the  one,  and  all  but  suc- 
ceeded in  capturing  the  otber.  The  Pope  e.«- 
caped  for  the  moment,  but  saw  his  peril ;  placed 
between  a  heretic  and  a  robber,  he  turned  bis 
gaze  beyond  the  Alps,  to  a  Catholic  chief 
who  bad  just  achieved  a  signal  deliverance  for 
('bristendom  on  the  field  of  Poitiers.  Gregory 
II.  had  already  opened  comnmnicatious  with 
Charles  Jlartel,  mayor  of  the  palace,  and  virtual 
ruler  of  the  Frankisb  realm.  As  tlie  crisis  be- 
comes more  ]>ressing,  Gregory  III.  finds  in  the 
same  quart('r  his  only  hope,  and  appeals  to  bim 
in  urgent  letters,  to  baste  to  the  succour  of  Holy 
Church.  .  .  .  Charles  died  before  be  could  obey 
the  call ;  but  bis  .son  Pipin  (suruamed  the  Short) 
made  good  use  of  the  new  friendship  with  Rome. 
He  was  the  third  of  his  family  who  had  ruled 
the  Franks  with  a  monarch's  full  power  [see 
FiiANKS:  A.  U.  511-752]:  it  seemed  time  to 
abolish  the  pageant  of  Merovingian  loyalty ;  yet 
a  departure  from  the  ancient  line  ndght  shock 
the  feelings  of  the  people.  A  course  was  taken 
whose  dangers  no  one  then  foresaw:  the  Holy 
Sec,  now  for  the  first  time  invoked  as  an  interna- 
tional power,  pronounced  the  deposition  of  Cbild- 
rie,  and  gave  to  the  royal  ofliice  of  his  successor 
Pipin  a  sanctity  hitlu^rto  unknown.  .  .  .  The 
compact  between  the  cbairof  Peter  and  tlic  Teu- 
tonic throne  was  hardly  sealed,  when  the  latter 
was  summoned  to  discharge  its  share  of  the 
duties.  Twice  did  Aistulf  the  Lombard  assail 
Home,  twice  did  Pipin  descend  to  the  rescue ;  the 
second  time  at  the  bidding  of  a  letter  written  in 
the  name  of  St.  Peter  hmiself.  Aistulf  could 
make  no  resistance ;  and  the  Frank  bestowed  on 
the  Papal  chair  all  that  belonged  to  the  exarchate 
ill  North  Italy,  receiving  as  tlie  meed  of  his 
services  the  title  of  Patrician  [734].  .  .  .  When 
on  Pipin's  death  the   restless   Lombarils  again 


took  up  arms  and  menaced  the  possessions  of 
the  Church,  Pipin's  son  (,'harles  or  (,'barlenuignu 
swept  down  like  a  whirlwind  from  the  Aliis  at 
the  call  of  Pope  Hadrian,  seized  king  Desiderius 
in  his  capital,  assumed  bim.self  the  Lombard 
crown,  and  made  northern  Italy  thenceforward 
an  integral  i)iirt  of  the  Frankisb  empire  [see 
Gkkmanv;  a.  I).  687-800].  ...  For  the  next 
twenty-four  years  Italy  remained  quiet.  The 
g  vernment  of  Uome  was  carried  on  in  the  name 
of  the  Patrician  Charles,  although  it  does  not 
apiH'ar  that  be  sent  thither  any  olUcial  rcprt^sen- 
lalive;  while  at  the  same  time  both  the  city  and 
the  cxarcliate  continued  to  adnut  the  nominal 
supremacy  of  tlie  Eastern  Emperor,  employing 
the  years  of  his  reign  to  date  documents." — ,1. 
Hryce,  I'/ie  Holy  Itotiian  Empire,  ch.  4. — "Thus, 
by  German  hands,  the  internal  ascendancy  of  the 
German  race  in  Italy,  which  had  lasted,  first 
under  the  Goths,  and  then  under  the  Lombards, 
for  281  years,  was  finally  broken.  A  German 
was  still  king  over  Italy,  as  for  ages  Geriv.ans 
were  still  to  be.  But  Hoinan  and  native  intlu- 
ence  rccon<in(^red  its  supremacy  in  Italy,  under 
the  management  and  leadership  of  the  bishops 
of  Home.  The  Lombards,  already  becoming 
Italianized,  melted  into  provincial  Italians.  The 
Teutonic  language  disappeared,  leaving  a  num- 
ber of  words  to  Italian  dialects,  and  a  number 
of  names  to  Italian  families.  The  last  king 
of  the  Lombards  bore  an  Italian  name,  Deside- 
rius. The  latest  of  Italian  national  heroes  bears 
the  Bavariau  and  Lombard  name  of  Garibaldi. 
But  the  overthrow  of  the  Lombards,  and  the 
gift  of  provinces  and  cities  to  St.  Peter  had  even 
111'"-'--  c .  entful  result.s.  The  alliance  between  the 
king  of  the  Franks  and  tlie  bLsIiop  of  Home  had 
become  one  of  the  closest  kind.  .  .  .  The  Ger- 
man king  and  the  Italian  jiope  found  themselves 
together  at  the  head  of  the  modern  world  of  the 
West.  But  the  fascination  of  the  name  of  Home 
still,  as  it  bad  done  for  centuries,  held  sway 
over  the  Teutonic  mind.  ...  It  was  not  un- 
natural that  the  idea  should  recommend  itself, 
both  to  the  king  and  the  pop6,  of  reviving  in 
the  West,  in  close  connexion  with  tlie  Homnu 
primacy,  that  great  name  wBich  still  filled  the 
imagination  of  the  world,  and  which  in  Homau 
judgments,  Greek  Byzantium  had  wrongfully 
stolen  away — the  name  of  Ciesar  Augustus,  the 
claim  to  govern  *'  '  world.  There  was  a  longing 
in  the  West  for  -storation  of  tlie  name  and 

authority,  'lest.'  as  the  contemporary  writers 
express  it,  '  tlie  heathen  should  mock  at  the 
Christian  if  thj  name  of  Emperor  had  ceased 
among  them.'  And  at  this  moment,  the  govern- 
ment at  Constantinople  was  in  the  hands  of  a 
ivoinan,  the  Empress  Irene.  Charles's  services 
to  the  pope  were  recompensed,  and  his  victorious 
career  of  more  than  thirty  years  crowned,  by 
the  restoration  at  Home,  in  his  person,  of  tlie 
Roman  empire  and  the  imperial  dignity.  The 
same  authority  which  had  made  him  '  patri- 
cian,' and  consecrated  him  king,  now  created 
him  Emperor  of  the  Romans.  On  Christmas 
day,  800,  when  Charles  came  to  pay  bis  devo- 
tions before  the  altar  of  St.  Peter's,  Pope  Leo 
III. —  without  Charles's  knowledge  or  wish,  so 
Charles  declared  to  his  biographer,  Einhard, 
and,  it  may  be,  prematurely,  as  regards  Charles's 
own  feeling  —  i)laced  a  golden  crown  on  bis 
head,  while  idl  tlu;  people  shouted,  'to  Charles, 
the  most  pious  Augustus,  crowned  of  God,  the 


1806 


ITALY,  A.  D.  508-800. 


(Irpeks,  f^iirncftxit, 
and  B'rankt. 


ITALY,  A.   D.  843-951. 


greiit  niui  peace-giving  Empororof  tlip  Romnns, 
life  iind  victory.'  .  .  .  Tlius  a  new  power  aro.si' 
in  Europe,  new  in  reality  and  in  its  relations  to 
society,  though  old  in  name.  It  was  formally 
but  the  carryuig  on  the  line  of  the.successors  of 
Augustus  and  Constantiiie.  But  substantially 
it  was  something  very  ililTerent/  Its  authors 
could  little  foresee  its  destinies;  but  it  was  to 
last,  in  some  sort  the  political  centre  of  the  world 
which  was  to  be,  for  1,000  years.  And  the 
Uonian  Church,  which  liad  done  such  great 
things,  wliich  liad  .consecrated  the  new  and 
mighty  kings  of  the  Franks,  and  had  created  for 
the  mightiest  of  them  the  imperial  claim  to  uni- 
versal dominion,  rose  with  tliem  to  a  new  atti- 
tude in  the  world.  .  .  .  The  coronation  of 
Charles  at  Home,  in  the  face  of  an  imperial 
line  at  Constantinople,  finally  determined,  though 
it  did  not  at  once  accomplish,  the  separation  of 
East  and  West,  of  Greek  an<l  Latin  Christianity. 
This  separation  had  long  been  impending,  per- 
haps, becoming  inevitable.  .  .  .  One  Itoman 
empire  was  still  the  only  received  theory.  But 
one  Homau  empire,  with  its  seat  in  the  West,  or 
one  Koman  empire,  governed  in  partnership  by 
two  emperors  of  East  and  West,  had  become 
impossible  in  fact.  The  theory  of  its  unity  con- 
tinued forages;  but  whether  the  true  successor 
of  Augustus  and  Theodosius  sat  at  Constantino- 
ple, or  somewhere  in  the  West,  remained  in  dis- 
pute, till  the  dispute  was  ended  by  the  extinction 
of  tlie  Eastern  empire  by  the  Turks  on  May  29, 
1453." — R.  W.  Church,  The  Beginning  of  the 
Middle  Ages,  ch.  7. —  See,  also,  Fiianks:  A.  D. 
768-814. 

A.  D.  685-1014. — The  founding  of  the  duchy 
of  Tuscany.     SccTuscanv:  A.  D.  085-1115. 

A.  D.  781. — Erected  into  a  separate  king- 
dom by  Charlemagne. —  In  the  year  781  Char- 
lemagne erected  Italy  and  A(iuitaine  into  two 
separate  kingdoms,  placing  his  infant  sons  Pipin 
and  Ludwig  on  the  thrones. — P.  Godwin,  Hint, 
of  France:  Ancient  Odiil,  eh.  16. 

(Southern) :  A.  D.  800-1016. — Conflict  of 
Greeks,  Saracens  and  Franks. — "The  south- 
ern provinces  [of  Italy],  which  now  compose  the 
kingdom  of  Naples,  were  subject,  for  tlie  most 
jiart  [in  the  8th  and  0th  centuries],  to  the  Lom- 
bard dukes  and  princes  of  Beneventum  —  so 
powerfid  in  war  that  they  checked  for  a  moment 
the  genius  of  Charlemagne  —  so  liberal  in  peace 
that  they  maint!»ined  in  tlieir  capital  an  academy 
of  thirty-two  philosophers  and  granunarians. 
The  division  of  this  flourishing  state  produced 
the  rival  principalities  of  Benevento,  Salerno, 
and  Capua;  and  the  thoughtless  ambition  or 
revenge  of  the  competitors  invited  the  Saracens 
to  the  ruin  of  Iheircommon  inheritance.  During 
a  calamitous  period  of  two  hundred  years,  Italy 
was  exposed  to  a  repetition  of  woimds  wliich  the 
invaders  were  not  capable  of  healing  by  the 
union  and  tranquillity  of  a  perfect  conquest. 
Tlu'ir  frequent  and  almost  aimual  squadrons 
issued  from  the  port  of  Palermo  and  were  enter- 
tai  led  with  too  much  indulgence  bj'  the  Chris- 
tians of  Naples:  the  more  formidable  fleets  were 
prepared  on  the  African  coasts.  .  .  .  A  colony  of 
Saracens  had  been  planted  at  Bari,  which  com- 
mands the  entrance  of  the  Adriatic  Gulf;  and 
their  impartial  depredations  provoked  the  re- 
sentment and  conciliated  the  miion  of  the  two 
emperors.  An  offensive  alliance  was  concluded 
between  Basil  the  Macedonian  [of  the  Byzantine 


Empire],  the  first. of  his  race,  and  Lewis,  the 
great  grandson  of  Charlemagne;  and  each  party 
Riipplie<l  the  deficiencies  of  his  a.ssociate.  .  .  . 
The  fortress  of  Bari  was  invested  by  the  infantry 
of  the  Franks  and  liy  the  cavalry  and  galleys  of 
the  Greeks;  and,  after  a  defence  of  four  years, 
the  Arabian  enur  suVmiitted  [A.  D.  871]  to  the 
clemency  of  Lewis,  who  conunanded  in  person 
the  operations  of  the  siege.  This  important  con- 
quest had  been  achieved  by  the  concord  of  the 
East  and  West;  but  their  recent  amity  was  soon 
eud)ittered  by  the  mutual  complaints  of  jealousy 
and  pride.  .  .  .  Whoever  nuglit  deserve  the 
honour,  the  Greek  emperors,  Basil  and  his  son 
Leo,  .sectired  the  advantage  of  the  reducticm  of 
Bari.  The  Italians  of  Apulia  and  Calabria  were 
persuaded  or  compelled  to  acknowledge  their 
sui)remacy,  and  an  ideal  line  from  Mount  Gar- 
gaiuis  to  the  Hay  of  Salerno  leaves  tlie  far  greater 
part  of  the  [modern]  kingdom  of  Naples  under 
the  dominion  of  the  Eastern  empire.  Beyond 
that  line  the  dukes  or  republics  of  Amalfi  and 
Naples,  who  had  never  forfeited  their  voluntary' 
allegiance,  rejoiced  in  tlie  neighbourhood  of  their 
lawful  sovereign ;  and  Amalfi  was  enriched  by 
supplying  Europe  with  the  produce  and  manu- 
factures of  Asia.  But  the  liOmbanl  princes  of 
Benevento,  Salerno,  and  Capua,  were  reluctantly 
torn  from  the  communion  of  the  Latin  worhf, 
and  too  often  violated  their  oaths  of  servitude 
and  tribute.  The  city  of  Bari  rose  to  dignity 
and  wealth  as  the  metropolis  of  the  new  theme 
or  province  of  Lombardy ;  the  title  of  Patrician, 
and  afterwards  the  singular  name  of  Calapan, 
■was  assigned  to  the  supreme  governor.  ...  As 
long  as  the  sceptre  was  disputed  by  the  princes 
of  Italy,  their  efforts  were  feeble  and  adverse; 
and  the  Greeks  resisted  or  eluded  the  forces  of 
Germany  which  descended  from  the  Alps  under 
the  imperial  standard  of  the  Othos.  The  first 
and  greatest  of  those  Saxon  princes  Avas  com- 
pelled to  relinquish  the  siege  of  Bari :  the  second, 
after  the  loss  of  his  stoutest  bishops  and  barons, 
escaped  with  honour  from  the  bloody  field  of 
Crotona  (A.  D.  983).  On  that  day  the  scale  of  war 
was  turned  against  the  Franks  by  the  valour  of 
the  Saracens.  .  .  .  The  Caliph  of  E^ypt  had 
transported  40,000  Moslems  to  the  aid  of  his 
Christian  ally.  The  successors  of  Basil  amused 
themselves  with  the  belief  that  the  coniiuest  of 
I.,ombardy  had  been  achieved,  and  was  still  pre- 
served, by  the  justice  of  their  laws,  the  virtues 
of  their  ministers,  and  the  gratitude  of  a  people 
whom  they  had  rescued  from  anarchy  and  op- 
l)ression.  A  scries  of  rebellions  might  dart  a 
ray  of  truth  into  the  palace  of  Constantinople ; 
and  the  illusions  of  flattery  were  dispelled  by 
the  easy  and  rapid  success  of  the  Norman  ad- 
venturers."— E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the 
lioman  Empire,  ch.  50. 

A.  D.  803-810.—  Charlemagne's  boundary 
treaties  with  the  Byzantine  Emperor. — At- 
tempts of  Pipin  against  the  Venetians. — The 
founding  of  Modern  Venice.  See  Venici;: 
A.  D.  097-810. 

A.  D.  810-961. —  Spread  of  Venetian  com- 
merce and  naval  prowess.    See  Venice;  A.  D.  • 
810-901. 

A.  D.  843-951.  -In  the  breaking  up  of  Char- 
lemagne's Empire. — The  founding  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire. — In  the  partition  of  Charle- 
magne's Empire  among  his  three  grandsons,  by 
the  treaty  of  Verdun,  A.  1).  843,  Italy,  together 


1807 


ITALY.  A.  D.  843-051. 


A/ler  Chdrlemnytie.  ITAIiY,   A     D.    061-1030. 


Willi  the  new  kingdom  called  Lotlmringia,  or 
Lorraine,  wiis  nssiiriicd  to  tlie  elder,  Lotlmr,  wlio 
t)ore  the  title  of  lOnipcror.  Lotlmr,  who  died  in 
H!)!>,  rcdivided  his  dotninions  iiinong  three  sons, 
unil  Lorraine,  separated  from  Italy,  was  soondis- 
nK'nibcred  and  shared  between  Germany  an<l 
Franco.  The  Italian  I.inji-dom  fell  to  Louis  or 
Ludwij?  II.,  who  was  crowned  Emperor,  and  on 
his  death  without  issue,  A.  I).  875,  it  was  seized, 
tojfcther  with  the  imperial  title,  by  the  French 
Carlovingian  king,  Charles  the  IJald.  Two 
years  aft<Twnrds  he  died,  and  Italy,  together 
with  the  imperial  crown,  was  aeqiiired  by  tlie 
la.st  'egitimate  survivor  of  the  German  C'urlovin- 
gian  line,  Charles  the  Fat,  who  died  in 888.  "At 
that  nvmorable  em  (A.  D.  888)  the  four  king- 
doms which  this  prince  [Charles  the  Fat]  had 
muted  fell  asunder;  West  France,  wlierc  Odo  or 
Elides  [Duke  of  Paris,  ancestor  of  the  royal  line 
of  Capet]  then  began  to  reign,  was  never  again 
united  to  Germany;  East  France  (Germany) 
chose  Arnulf ;  Burgundy  split  up  into  two  prin- 
cipalities, in  one  of  which  (Transjumne)  Uudolf 
proclaimed  himself  king,  while  the  otliei  ,Cisju- 
rane  with  Provence)  submitted  to  Boso;  while 
Italj-  was  divided  between  the  parties  of  Bercn- 
gar  of  Friuli  andGuidoof  Spoleto.  The  former 
was  chosen  king  by  the  estates  of  Lombardy ; 
the  latter,  and  on  his  speedy  death  his  son  Lam- 
bert, was  crowned  Emperor  by  the  Pope.  Ar- 
nu'.f's  [the  German  king's]  descent  cliased  them 
away  and  vindicated  the  claims  of  the  iTranks, 
but  on  his  flight  Italy  and  the  anti-German  fac- 
tion at  Rome  became-  again  free.  Berengnr  was 
made  king  of  Italy,  and  afterwards  Emperor. 
Lewis  of  iJurgundy,  son  of  Boso,  renounced  his 
fealty  to  Arnulf,  and  procured  the  imperial  dig- 
nity, whose  vain  title  he  retained  through  years 
of  misery  and  exile,  till  A.  D.  928.  None  Oi" 
these  Emperors  were  strong  enough  to  rule  well 
even  in  Italy ;  beyond  it  they  were  not  so  much 
as  recognized.  ...  In  A.  I).  024  died  Berengar, 
the  last  of  these  phantom  Emperr-rs.  After  him 
Hugh  of  Burgundy  and  Lotliar  his  son  reigned 
as  kings  of  Italy,  if  puppets  in  tlie  hands  of  a 
riotous  aristocracy  can  be  so  called.  Rome  was 
meanwhile  ruled  by  the  consul  or  senator  Alberic 
[called  variously  senator,  consul,  patrician,  and 
l)rince  of  the  Romans],  who  had  renewed  her 
never  quite  extinct  repul)lican  institutions,  and 
in  the  degradation  of  the  jiapaey  was  almost 
absolute  in  the  city."  AITaiis  in  Italy  were  at 
this  stage  when  Otto  or  Otlio.  the  vigorous  and 
chivalrous  German  king  of  the  new  line,  came 
in  951  to  re-e.stablisli  and  reconstitute  the  Roman 
Empire  of  Charlemagne  (sec  Gkumanv:  A.  1). 
yiiO-973)  and  to  make  it  a  lasting  entity  in  Euro- 
]iean  politics  —  the  "Holy  Roman  Empire  "of 
modern  history. — J.  Bryce,  T/ie  Holy  Homan 
Eiiijiirc,  eh.  0. 

Also  in  :  F.  Guizot,  Ilut.  of  CMlizntion,  Icet. 
24. — E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  liomaii 
Kmpire.  >-h.  49.— See,  also,  Rome:  A.  D.  903-964; 
and  RoM.VN  Emitiik,  The  Holy:  A.  I).  903. 

A.  D.  900-^24. — Ravaged  by  the  Hungari- 
ans.—  "Thevuinily  of  Italy  had  tempted  their 
.early  inroads;  but  from  their  camp  on  the  Brenta 
they  beheld  with  some  terror  the  apparent 
strength  and  ponulousness  of  the  new-discovered 
country.  They  requested  leave  to  retire;  their 
request  was  proudly  rejected  by  the  Italian  king ; 
and  the  lives  of  20.000  Christians  paid  the  forfeit 
of  his  obstinacy  and  rashness.     Among  thecities 


of  tlio  West  the  royal  Pavia  was  conspicuous  in 
fame  and  splendour;  and  the  pre-eminence  of 
Rome  itself  was  only  derived  from  the  relics  of 
tlie  apostles.  The  Hungarians  appeared ;  Pavia 
was  in  flames;  forty-three  churches  were  con- 
sumed; and,  after  the  massacre  of  the  people, 
they  spared  about  200  wretches  who  had  gathered 
some  bushels  of  gold  and  silver  (a  vague  exagger- 
ation) from  the  smoking  ruins  of  their  country. 
In  these  annual  excursions  from  the  Alps  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  Rome  and  Capua,  the  churches 
that  yet  escaped  resounded  witlia  fearful  litiiny: 
'  Oh !  save  and  deliver  us  from  the  arrows  of  tiie 
Hungarians! '  But  the  saints  were  deaf  or  inex- 
orable; and  the  torrent  rolled  forward,  till  it  was 
stopped  by  the  extreme  land  of  Calabria." — E. 
Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
ch.  55. 

A.  D.  961-1039. — Subjection  to  Germany. — 
"Otho  I.,  his  son  Otlio  II.,  and  his  grandson 
Otho  III.,  were  successively  acknowledged  em- 
perors and  kings  of  Italy,  from  001  to  1002. 
When  this  branch  of  the  liouse  of  Saxony  be- 
came extinct,  Henry  II.  of  Bavaria,  and  Conrad 
the  Salic  of  Franeonia,  filled  the  throne  from 
1004  to  1039.  During  this  period  of  nearly 
eighty  yeara,  the  German  emperors  twelve  times 
entered  Italy  at  the  head  of  tli'  ir  armies,  which 
they  always  drew  up  in  the  plains  of  Roncaglia 
near  Plaeenfia;  there  they  held  the  states  of 
Lombardy,  received  homage  from  their  Italian 
feudatories,  caused  the  rents  due  to  be  paid,  and 
promulgated  laws  for  the  government  of  Italy. 
A  foreign  sovereign,  however,  almost  always  ab- 
sent, known  only  by  his  incursions  at  the  head 
of  a  barbarous  army,  could  not  etlicaciously 
govern  a  country  which  he  hardly  knew,  and 
where  liis  yoke  was  detested.  .  .  .  The  em- 
perors were  too  happy  to  acknowledge  the  loi'al 
authorities,  whatever  they  were,  whenever  they 
could  obtain  from  them  their  pecuniary  dues: 
sometimes  they  were  dukes  or  marquises,  whose 
dignities  had  survived  the  disasters  of  various 
invasions  a'  1  of  civil  wars;  sometimes  the  arch- 
bishops and  liishops  of  great  cities,  whom  Char- 
lemagne and  his  successors  hi^d  frequently  in- 
vested witli  dui'bies  and  counties  escheated  to 
the  crown,  reckoning  that  lords  elected  for  life 
would  remain  more  deiiendent  than  hereditary 
lords;  sometimes,  finally,  they  were  the  magis- 
trates themselves,  who,  although  elected  by  the 
people,  received  from  the  monarch  the  title  of 
imperial  vicars,  and  took  part  with  the  nobles 
and  prelates  in  the  Plaids  (plaeita),  or  diets  of 
Roncaglia.  After  a  stay  of  some  months,  the 
emperor  returned  with  his  army  into  Germany; 
the  nobles  retired  to  their  castles,  the  prelates 
ond  magistrates  to  their  cities:  neitlier  of  these 
last  acknowledged  a  superior  authority  to  their 
own,  nor  reckoned  on  any  other  force  than  what 
they  could  themselves  employ  to  assert  what 
they  called  their  rights.  OpjKisite  interests  could 
not  fail  to  produce  collision,  and  the  war  was 
universal."-— J.  C.  L.  de  Sismondi,  Jlist.  of  th'- 
Italian  liepublics,  ch.  1. — During  the  reign  of 
Henry  II.  (A.  D.  1002-1034),  against  wliom  a 
rival  king  of  Italy  was  set  up  by  the  Italians, 
"there  was  hardly  any  recognised  government, 
and  the  Lombards  became  more  and  more  accus- 
tomed, through  necessit}',  to  protect  themselves, 
and  to  provide  for  their  own  internal  iiolice. 
Meanwhile  the  German  nation  had  become  odious 
to  the  Italians.     The  rude  soldiery,  insolent  and 


1808 


ITALY,  A.  D.  901-1030. 


Tlie  Normant  in 
the  Houth. 


ITALY,  1000-1000. 


addicted  to  intoxication,  were  engaged  in  fre- 
quent disputes  Willi  tlie  citizens,  wliercin  tlie 
latter,  as  is  usual  in  similar  cases,  were  exi)oscil 
first  to  the  summary  vengeance  of  the  troops, 
ami  afterwards  to  penal  chastisement  for  «"'(li- 
tion.  In  one  of  the.se  tumults,  at  the  entij  of 
Henry  II.  in  1004,  the  city  of  I'avia  was  burned 
to  the  ground,  winch  inspired  its  inhabitants 
with  a  con.stant  animosity  aguinst  that  emperor. 
Upon  his  death,  in  1024,  the  Italians  wen;  dis- 
posed to  breali  once  more  their  connexion  with 
Germany,  which  had  elected  as  sovereign  Conrad 
duke  of  Kranconia.  They  olfercd  their  crown  to 
U()l)ert  king  of  France  and  to  William  duke  of 
Ginenne. "  Hut  neither  of  these  i)rinces  would 
accept  the  troublesome  diadem;  and,  in  the  end, 
the  archbisliop  of  Milan  and  other  Lombard 
lords  "  re])aire(l  to  Constance  and  tendered  the 
crown  to  Conrad,  which  he  was  already  disposed 
to  claim  as  a  sort  of  dependency  upon  Germany. 
It  do(!S  not  npi)ear  that  either  Conrad  or  his  suc- 
cessors were  ever  regularly  elected  to  reign  over 
Italy;  but  whether  this  ceremony  took  place  or 
not,  we  may  certaiidy  date  from  that  time  the 
sidjjection  of  Italy  to  the  Germanic  body.  It 
became  an  unriuestionable  maxim,  that  the  votes 
of  a  few  Gernum  princes  conferred  a  right  to 
the  sovereignty  of  a  country  which  had  lu^ver 
been  coniiuered,  and  which  had  never  formailj' 
recognised  this  superiority."  —  II.  Hallam,  T/ie 
Middle  Aijex,  eh.  3,  pt.  1  (».  1).— "The  Italian 
Kingdom  of  the  Karlings,  the  kingdom  which 
■was  reunited  to  Germany  under  Otto  tlie  Great, 
was  ...  a  continuation  o.*  the  old  Lombani 
kingdom.  It  consisted  of  iiat  kingdom,  en- 
larged by  the  Italian  lands  \>  liich  fell  olf  from 
the  Kastern  Empire  in  the  eighth  century ;  that 
is  by  the  Exarchate  and  the  adjoining  Pcntaiiolis, 
and  the  immediate  territory  of  Rome  itself." — 
E.  A.  Freeman,  Ilistoriatl  Gcorj.  of  Europe,  c/i.  8, 
sect.  3. 

(Southern):  A.  D.  looo-iogo.  — Conquests 
and  settlement  of  the  Normans. — "A  pilgrim- 
age first  took  the  Normans  to  Southern  Italy, 
where  they  were  to  found  a  kingdom.  Here 
there  were,  if  I  maj'  so  speak,  three  wrecks, 
tliree  ruins  of  nations  —  Lombards  in  the  moun- 
tains, Greeks  in  the  ports,  Sicilian  and  African 
Saracens  ramblni'-j  over  tnc  coasts.  About  the 
year  1000,  some  Norman  pilgrims  assist  the  in- 
habitants of  Salerno  to  drive  out  a  party  of 
Arabs,  who  were  holding  them  to  ransom.  Be- 
ing well  paid  for  the  service,  these  Normans 
attract  others  of  their  countrymen  hither.  A 
Greek  of  Bari,  named  Slelo  or  Meles,  takes  them 
into  pay  to  free  liis  city  from  the  Greeks  of 
Byzantium.  Next  they  are  settled  by  the  Greek 
republic  of  Naples  at  the  fort  of  Aversa,  wl  ich 
lay  between  that  city  and  her  enemies,  the  Lom- 
bards of  Capua  (A.  D.  1020).  Finally,  tlie  sons 
of  a  poor  gentleman  of  the  Cotentin,  Tancred  of 
Ilauteville,  seek  their  fortune  here.  Tancred 
had  twelve  children;  seven  by  the  same  mother. 
It  was  during  William's  [the  Conqueror's] 
minority,  when  nuniliers  of  the  barons  endeav- 
oured to  witlulraw  themselves  from  the  Bastard's 
yoke,  that  these  sons  of  Tancred's  directed  their 
steps  towards  Italy,  where  it  was  said  that  a 
simple  Norman  knight  liad  become  count  of 
Aversa.  They  set  off  ptuniless,  and  defrayed  the 
expenses  of  their  journey  by  the  sword  (A.  D. 
1037  V).  The  Byzantine  governor,  or  Kntapan, 
engaged  their  services,  and  led  them  against  llio 


A  rabs,  But  their  countrymen  beginning  to  flock 
to  them,  they  no  siMiner  saw  themselves  strong 
enough  than  they  turned  again.st  their  pay- 
masters, seized  Apulia  [A.  I).  1042],  and  divided 
it  into  twelve  counlships.  This  republic!  of  Con- 
dottieri  lield  its  a.sseniblies  at  Mclphi.  The 
Greeks  endeavoured  to  defend  tliemstdves,  but 
fruitlessly.  They  collected  an  army  of  00,000 
Italians;  to  be  routed  by  the  Normans,  who 
amounted  to  several  liundreds  of  well-arined 
men.  The  Byzantines  then  summoned  tlieirene- 
mics,  the  Germans,  to  their  aid;  and  the  two  em- 
liircH.  of  the  East  and  West,  c(mfederated  against 
the  sons  of  the  gentleman  of  Coutances.  The 
all-i)owerful  emperor,  Henry  the  Black  (Henry 
111.),  charged  Leo  IX.,  who  had  been  nominated 
pope  by  him,  and  who  was  a  German  and  kin  to 
the  imperial  family,  to  exterminate  these  brig- 
ands. The  pope  led  some  Germans  and  a, 
swarm  of  Italians  against  them  [10.'i3|;  but  the 
latter  took  to  flight  at  the  very  beginning  of  tlio 
battle,  and  left  tlie  warlike  ponlill  in  the  hands 
of  the  enemy.  Too  wary  to  ill-treat  him,  the 
Normans  piously  cast  themselves  at  their  pris- 
oner's feet,  and  compelled  him  to  grant  them,  as 
a  fief  of  the  Church,  all  that  they  had  taken  or 
ndglit  take  po.ssession  of  in  Apulia,  Calabria,  and 
on  the  other  side  of  the  strait ;  .so  that,  in  spite  of 
himself,  the  jiope  became  the  .suzerain  of  the 
kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies  (A.  1).  10.j2-l()r)3)." 
.1.  Midielet,  JIM.  ofFnimr,  l,k.  4,  ch.  2.— The 
two  elder  of  the  sons  of  Tancred  were  now  dead, 
and  the  third  son,  Humphrey,  died  not  long 
afU'r.  A  fourth  brother,  Uobert,  surnamec 
Gui.scard,  who  liad  lately  arrived  from  Normandy 
with  reinforcements,  then  established  himself 
(A.  D.  1057)  with  some  difficulty  in  the  leader- 
ship and  succession.  "He  accomplished  the  re- 
duction of  almost  all  the  country  which  com- 
])oses  the  present  kingdom  of  Naples,  and, 
extinguishing  the  long  dominion  of  the  Beneven- 
tine  Lombards  and  of  the  eastern  empire  in  Italy 
[see  Bkneventum,  and  Amalki],  finally  received 
from  Pope  Nicholas  II.  the  confirmation  of  the 
titles  which  he  had  assumed,  of  duke  of  Calabria 
and  Apulia  [A.  D.  1080].  .  .  .  While  Uobert 
Oiiiscard  was  perfecting  his  dominion  on  the 
continent,  his  younger  brether  Roger  engaged  in 
the  astonishing  design  of  conquering  the  large 
and  beautiful  island  of  Sicily  from  the  Saracens 
with  a  few  Norman  volunteers.  An  air  of  ro- 
mantic extravagance  breathes  over  all  the  enter- 
prises of  the  Normans  in  Italy ;  and,  even  if  wo 
discard  the  incredible  tales  which  the  legends 
and  chronicles  of  the  times  have  preserved  of  the 
valour  and  corijor^al  .strength  of  these  northern 
warriors,  enough,  will  remain  in  the  authentic  re- 
sults of  their  expeditions  to  stagger  the  reason 
and  warm  the  imagination  with  attractive  visions 
of  chivalrous  acliievemertt.  .  .  .  We  are  assured 
that  300  Christian  knights  wesc  the  greatest  num- 
ber which  Roger  could  for  many  years  bring  into 
the  field;  and  that  130  routed  a  prodigious  host 
of  Saracens  at  the  battle  of  Cenunio.  .  .  .  But 
the  Saracens  were  embroiled  in  internal  discord, 
and  their  island  was  broken  up  into  numerous 
petty  states;  we  may,  therefore,  attribute  to 
their  dissensions  a  great  part  of  the  success 
which  tlie  chroniclers  of  tlie  Normans  have  as- 
signed to  their  good  swords  alone.  Rof:er  had, 
however,  embarked  in  an  arduous  and  laborious 
undertaking,  which  it  recjuircd  the  unbending 
perseverance  and  patient  valour  of  thirty  years 


1809 


ITALY,  1000-1000. 


T>if  C'ilii  Keimblict. 


ITALY,   1081-1194. 


[A.  1).  IMO-IOOOltoiiccoiiiplisli.  .  .  .  Al  IciiKtli, 
ull  Sicily  bowed  to  liis  swiiy ;  Norman  liiiroiis 
WiTc  iiif(!ii(l(.'(l  over  it.s  Hiirfiwc;  luul  Kogcr,  with 
tliL' till(!  of  ^rt'iit  count,  lidd  tlio  island  us  a  liut 
of  his  brolliiT's  duchy." — U.  Proctor,  Jlist.  of 
Hull/,  eh.  3,  ;)/.  2. 

Ai.(»<>in:  E.  Gibbon,  Dieliiie  ami  Fall  of  the 
lliiniaii  Kiiipire,  rh.  5B.  —  J.  W.  Harlow,  Sliort 
Hint,  if  tlie  NoniKUiK  in.  Smith  Kiirope,  ch.  1-7. 

A.  b.  1056-1122. — Beginning  of  the  conflict 
of  the  Popes  with  the  Emperors. — Hildebrand 
and  Henry  IV. — The  War  of  Investitures. 
Hcc  I'.M'acy:  a.  D.  lOnG-llSa;  and  (Ikilmany: 
A.  I).  !t7;t-1122. 

A.  D.  10^6-1152. — The  rise  of  the  republican 
cities. — "The  war  of  investitures,  wliich  lasted 
more  than  Hi.\tv  years,  accomplished  the  (liss(du- 
tion  of  every  tic  lM;tween  the  different  members 
of  the  kinf^dom  of  Italy.  Civil  wars  have  at 
leant  this  advantage, —  that  they  force  the  ruleri 
of  the  people  to  consult  the  wishes  of  tlieir  sub- 
jcctJt,  oblige  the  Ti  to  gain  affections  which  con- 
stitute their  strength,  and  to  compensate,  by  the 
granting  of  new  privileges,  the  services  which 
they  recjuire.  The  prelates,  nobles,  and  cities  of 
Italy  obeyed,  some  tlic  emperor,  others  the  pope ; 
not  from  a  blind  fear,  but  from  choice,  from 
affection,  from  conscience,  according  as  tlio  po- 
litical or  religious  sentiment  was  predominant 
in  each.  Tlie  war  was  general,  but  everywhere 
waged  with  the  national  forces.  Every  city 
armed  its  militia,  wliieh,  headed  by  the  magis- 
trates, attjuked  the  neighbouring  nobles  or  towns 
of  a  contrary  party.  While  each  city  imagined 
it  was  lighting  either  for  the  pope  or  the  em- 
peror, it  WHS  habitually  impelled  c.\clusively  by 
its  own  sentiments:  every  town  considered  itself 
as  a  whole,  as  an  independent  state,  which  had 
its  own  allies  and  enemies;  each  citizen  felt  an 
ardent  patriotism,  not  for  the  kingdom  of  Itiily, 
01  for  the  empire,  but  for  his  own  city.  At  the 
period  when  either  kings  or  emperors  had 
granted  to  towns  the  riglit  of  raising  fortifica- 
tions, that  of  assembling  the  citizens  at  the  sound 
of  a  great  bell,  to  concert  together  the  means  of 
their  common  defence,  had  been  also  conceded 
This  meeting  of  all  the  men  of  the  stjite  capable 
of  bearing  arms  was  called  a  parliament.  It 
assembled  in  tlic  great  square,  and  elected 
annually  two  consuls,  charged  with  tlie  adminis- 
tration of  ju.stice  at  home,  and  the  command  of 
the  army  abroad.  .  .  .  The  parliament,  which 
named  the  consuls,  appointed  also  u  secret  coun- 
cil, called  a  Co'-"ilio  di  Credenza,  to  assist  the 
government,  composed  of  a  few  members  taken 
from  each  division;  besides  a  grand  council  of 
the  people,  who  prepared  the  decisions  to  b(!  sub- 
mitted to  the  parliament.  ...  As  industry  bad 
rapidly  increased,  and  had  preceded  luxury, — 
as  domestic  life  was  sober,  and  tlu!  produce  of 
labour  considerable, —  wealth  had  greatly  aug- 
mented. The  citizens  allowed  themselves  no 
other  use  of  their  riches  than  that  of  defending 
or  embellishing  tlieir  country.  It  was  from  the 
year  900  to  the  year  1200  that  the  most  prodigi- 
ous works  were  undertaken  and  accomplished 
by  the  towns  of  luily.  .  .  .  These  three  regener- 
ating centuries  gave  an  impulse  to  architecture, 
wliicli  soon  awakened  the  other  line  arts.  Tlio 
republican  spirit  wliieh  now  fermentiKl  in  every 
city,  and  gave  to  each  of  them  constitutions  so 
wise,  magistrates  so  zealous,  and  citizens  so 
patriotic,  and  so  capable  of  great  achievements, 


had  found  in  Italy  i|j«'lf  i\w  models  which  liiwl 
colli ributed  to  its  formation.  The  war  of  in- 
vestitures had  given  wing  to  this  univenial  spirit 
of  liberty  and  patriotism  in  all  the  municipalities 
of  Lomliardy,  in  Pieilmont,  Venelia,  Uoniagna, 
and  Tuscany.  Hut  there  existed  already  in  Italy 
other  free  cities.  .  .  .  Venice,  .  .  .  Uavenna, 
.  .  .  Genoa,  .  .  .  P'sa,  .  .  .  Home,  Gat't4i,  Na- 
ples, Aniulfi,  Hari,  w  're  either  never  comiuercd 
by  the  Lombards,  or  in  subjection  too  short  a 
time  to  have  lost  their  ancient  walls,  and  the 
habit  of  guanling  them.  These  cities  served  as 
the  refuge  of  Roman  civilization.  .  .  .  Those 
cities  wliicli  had  accumulated  the  most  wealth, 
whose  walls  inclosed  tlie  greatest  population,  at- 
tempted, from  the  first  half  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, to  secure  by  force  of  arms  the  obedience 
of  such  of  the  neighbouring  towns  as  did  not  ap- 
pear sulHcienl  ly  strong  to  resist  them,  ...  to 
force  them  into  a  perpetual  alliance,  so  as  to 
share  their  good  or  evil  fortune,  and  always 
place  their  armed  force  under  tlie  standard  of  the 
dominant  city.  .  .  .  Two  great  towns  in  the 
plains  of  Lonibardy  surpassed  every  other  in 
power  and  wealth:  Milan,  which  habitually 
directed  tlie  party  of  the  church;  and  Pavia, 
which  directed  that  of  the  empire.  Hoth  towns, 
however,  seem  to  have  changed  parties  during 
the  reigns  of  Lothario  III.  and  C^onrad  II.,  who, 
from  the  year  1125  to  1152  placed  in  oppositiim 
the  two  houses  of  Quelplis  and  Ghibelincs  in 
Germany.  .  .  .  Among  the  towns  of  Piedmont, 
Turin  took  the  lead,  and  disputed  the  authority 
of  the  counts  of  Savoy,  who  called  themselves 
imperial  vicars  in  that  country.  .  .  .  The  family 
of  the  Veronese  marquises,  .  .  .  who  from  the 
time  of  the  Lombanl  kings  had  to  dcfeiul  the 
frontier  against  the  Germans,  were  extinct;  and 
the  great  cities  of  Verona,  Padua,  Vicenza, 
Treviso,  and  Mantua,  nearly  e<iual  in  power, 
maintained  their  independence.  Hologiia  held 
the  first  rank  among  the  towns  south  of  the  Po. 
.  .  .  Tuscany,  which  had  also  had  its  powerful 
marquises,  saw  their  family  become  extinct  with 
the  countess  Matilda,  the  contemporary  and 
<'riend  of  Gregory  VII.  Florence  had  since  risen 
,n  power,  destroyed  Fiesole,  and  .  .  .  was  con- 
sidered the  head  of  the  Tuscan  league ;  and  the 
more  so  that  Pisa  at  this  period  thought  only  of 
her  maritime  expeditions.  .  .  .  Such  was  the 
state  of  Iti.ly,  when  the  Germanic  diet,  assembled 
at  Frankfort  in  1152,  conferred  the  crown  on 
Frederick  Barbarossa,  duke  of  Swabia,  and  of 
the  bouse  of  Ilohenstaufen." — .1.  C.  L.  de  Sis- 
niondi.  Hist,  of  the  Italian  Uejnihlics.  ch.  1-2. 

A1.8O  in:  E.  a.  Freeman,  Iliat.  Ocog.  of 
Europe,  ch.  8,  sect.  3.— W.  K.  Williams,  The 
Communes  of  Loiiiliartli/  {Johns  Hopkins  Univ. 
Studies,  Wi  series,  5-0).— II.  Hallam,  The  Middle 
A;/es,  eh.  3,  pt.  1  (c.  1). — Europe  durinr/  the  Mid- 
die  A'/es  (Ijirdner's  CaJ>inet  Ci/elop.,  v.  1,  ch.  1). — 
See,  also,  Fi.ouknck:  12tii  Chntukv. 

A.  D.  1063.— Birth  of  Pisan  architecture. 
See  Pisa:  A.  D.  1003-1293. 

A.  D.  1077-1102. — Countess  Matilda's  dona- 
tion to  the  Holy  See.  See  Papacy:  A.  D. 
1077-1102. 

(Southern):  A.  D.  1081-1194.— Robert  Guis- 
card's  invasions  of  the  Eastern  Empire.— 
Union  of  Sicily  with  Apulia,  and  creation  of 
the  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  or  Naples. 
-"The  success  of  his  brother  [Hoger,  in  Sicily 
—  seeabjvv;:  A.  D.  1000-1090]  furnished  another 


1810 


ITALY,  1081-1194.  h're<l,nck  Unrharn^,.  ITALY,   1154-1163. 


spur  to  the  ambition  of  Rol)ort  Quispfirel.  Tiil<- 
inj;  lulviiiitnge  of  ii  dyimstif;  icvolulioii  at  Con- 
sUliitiiiople,  lie  nrul  liis  kom  Holu'inunil  coiiiincncol 
ft  series  of  invusioiis  of  tlio  Kustfrti  Empire  [sec 
ByzANTiNK  EMriKB:  A.  I).  1081-1085]  wliicli 
only  ended  with  his  death.  These,  though  ri- 
Buccessfid  in  their  ultimate  result,  were  inlluen- 
tinl  causes  of  the  llrst  crusade,  and  deeply 
affected  the  relations  of  East  and  West  for  years 
to  come.  Meanwhile  in  Sicily  Koger  had  been 
succeeded  by  his  son  [Kogerll.J,  and,  in  1127, 
this  heir  of  the  destinies  of  his  race  added  the 
dukedom  of  Apulia  to  that  of  Sicily,  obtained 
from  Pope  Anacletua  the  title  of  king,  and  tlnally 
established  the  Norman  kingdom  of  Naples  [also 
called  the  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies].  Ills 
character  is  thus  described  by  a  contemporary 
chronicler:  '  He  was  a  lover  of  justice  and  most 
severe  avenger  of  crime.  lie  abhorred  lying- 
did  everything  by  rule,  and  never  promise' 
what  ho  did  not  mean  to  perform.  He  nev 
persecuted  his  i)rivate  enemies;  and  in  war  en- 
deavoured on  all  occasions  to  gain  his  point  with- 
out shedding  of  blowl.  ,Iustice  and  peace  were 
universally  observed  througliout  his  dominions. ' 
During  his  reign  the  intercourse  between  England 
and  Sicily  wos  close.  The  government  was  or- 
ganized on  principles  very  similar  to  that  of 
England.  .  .  .  Under  his  wise  rule  and  that  of 
his  immediate  successors,  tlie  south  of  Italy  and 
Sicily  enjoyed  a  transient  gleam  of  prosperity  and 
happiness.  Theireq\ml  and  tolerant  government, 
far  surpassing  anything  at  that  day  in  Europe, 
enabled  the  Saracen,  the  Greek,  ond  the  Itidian  to 
live  together  in  harmony  elsewhero  xmknown. 
Trade  and  industry  flourislied,  the  manufacture 
of  silk  enriched  tlie  inhabitants,  and  the  kingdom 
of  Naples  was  at  peace  until  she  was  crushed 
under  the  iron  heel  of  a  Teutonic  conqueror. " — 
A.  H.  Johnson,  The  Norm<ins  in  Europe,  eh.  C. 

Also  in:  E.  A.  Freeman,  The  S'ormtinn  at 
Palermo  (Ilistorieal  Essays,  3(i  series). — J.  \V. 
Barlow,  Short  Hist,  of  the  Normans  in  South 
Europe,  eh.  8-11. 

A.  D.  1096-1102.— The  First  Crusades.  See 
CiiusAnEs:  A.  I).  1096-10!>!l;  and  1101-1103. 

A.  D.  1 138. — The  accession  of  the  Hohen- 
staufens  to  the  Imperial  throne,  anri  the  origin, 
in  Germany,  of  the  Guelf  and  Ghibelline  fac- 
tions.    SeeGKiiMANY:  A.  1).  Ii:i8-1208. 

A.  D.  1154-1162.  —  The  first  and  second 
expeditions  of  Frederick  Barbarossa.  —  Fred- 
erick I.,  the  second  of  the  emperors  of  the 
Holienstaufen  line,  called  by  the  Italians  Fred- 
erick Barbarossa  (Kedbeard),  was  elected  king  at 
Frankfort  in  March,  ll.W.  In  October,  II.W,  he 
crossed  the  Alps  and  entered  Italy  with  a  strong 
German  army,  having  two  purposes  in  view: 
1.  To  receive  the  imperial  crown,  from  the  hands 
of  the  I'opc,  and  to  place  on  his  own  head,  at 
Pavia,  the  iron  cnnvn  of  Lombardy  or  Italy.  2. 
To  reduce  to  order  and  subnussion  the  rising 
city -republics  of  Lombardy  and  Tuscany,  which 
had  been  growing  rapidly  in  independence  and 
power  during  the  last  four  tro\ibled  imperial 
rrigns.  At  Roncaglla,  he  held  the  diet  of  the 
kingdom,  and  listened  to  many  complaints,  es- 
pecially against  Milan,  which  had  undoubtedly 
oppressed  the  weaker  towns  of  its  neighbourhoofl 
ana  abused  its  strength.  Then  he  moved 
through  the  country,  making  a  personal  inspec- 
tijn  of  atfairs,  and  giving  a  taste  of  his  temper 
by  burning  the  villages  which  failed  to  supply 


provisions  to  his  troops  with  satisfactory  promp- 
titude. At  'I'ortona  he  ordered  the  inhabitants 
to  renotuiee  their  alliance  with  the  .Milanese. 
They  refused,  and  endured  in  the  ujipcr  portion 
of  the  city  a  siege  of  two  months.  Forced  by 
want  of  water  to  surrender,  at  last,  they  were 
pernutted  to  go  free,  but  their  town  was  sacked 
and  burned.  Asli,  Chieri,  Uosate,  and  other 
places  of  more  or  less  importance,  were  de- 
stroyed. Frederick  did  not  venture  yet  to  ot- 
tack  .Milan,  but  proceeded  to  Home,  demanding 
the  imperial  crown.  The  pope  (Adrian  IV.) 
and  the  liomans  were  alike  distrustful  of  him, 
and  he  was  not  permitted  to  bring  Ids  army  into 
the  city.  After  no  little  wrangling  over  cere- 
monious details,  and  after  being  compelled  to 
lead  the  horse  and  to  hold  the  stirrup  of  the 
haughty  pontiff,  Barbaro.ssa  was  finally  crowned 
at  St.  Peter's,  in  the  Vatican  siiburb.  The  Ro- 
mans attempted  to  interrupt  the  coronation,  and 
a  terrible  tuniidt  occurred  in  which  a  thousand 
of  the  citizens  were  slain.  But  the  Germans 
made  no  attempt  to  take  ])ossessioii  of  "he  city. 
On  the  contrary,  they  withdrew  with  haste,  and 
the  emperor  led  his  army  back  to  Germany, 
burning  Spoleto  on  the  way,  because  it  failed  m 
submissivene.os,  and  markinga  wide  track  of  ruin 
and  desolation  through  Italy  as  he  went.  This 
was  in  the  sunnnerof  ll.'i,'>.  Three  years  passed, 
during  which  the  Italian  cities  grew  more  deter- 
mined in  their  independence,  the  emperor  and 
his  German  subjects  more  bitter  in  hostility  to 
them,  and  the  jiope  and  the  emperor  more  an- 
tagonistic in  their  ambitions.  In  ll.")8  Frederick 
led  a  second  e.vpedition  into  Italy,  especially  de- 
termined to  make  an  end  of  the  contumacy  of 
Milan.  Re  began  operations  by  creating  a  desert 
of  blackened  <:ountry  around  the  offending  city, 
being  resolved  to  reduce  it  by  famine.  Media- 
tors, however,  ajjpeared,  who  brought  about  a 
treaty  of  pacification,  which  interruiited  hostili- 
ties for  a  few  weeks.  Then  the  Milanese  found 
occasion  to  accuse  the  emperor  of  a  treacherous 
violation  of  the  terms  of  the  treaty  anil  again  took 
up  arms.  The  war  was  now  to  the  death.  But, 
before  settling  to  the  siege  of  Milan,  Fredi.'riek 
gave  himself  the  pleasure,  first,  of  reducing  the 
lesser  city  of  Crema,  which  continued  to  be 
faitbfid  among  the  allies  of  the  Milanese.  He 
held  some  children  of  the  town  in  his  hands,  as 
hostages,  and  he  bound  them  to  the  towers  which 
he  moved  against  the  walls,  compelling  the 
wretched  citizens  to  kill  their  own  offspring  in 
the  act  of  their  self-defense.  By  such  atrocities 
as  this,  Crema  was  taken,  at  the  end  of  seven 
months,  and  destroyed.  Then  ^lilan  was  as- 
saile<l  and  beleaguered,  harassed  and  blockaded, 
until,  at  the  beginning  of  March,  1102,  the 
starved  inhabitants  gave  up  their  town.  Fred- 
erick ordered  the  doomed  city  "  to  be  completely 
evacuated,  so  that  there  should  not  be  left  in  it 
a  single  living  being.  On  the  2.5th  of  March, 
liesummoued  the  militias  of  the  rival  and  Ghibe- 
line  cities,  and  gave  them  orders  to  rase  to  the 
earth  the  houses  as  well  as  the  walls  of  the  town, 
so  as  not  to  leave  one  stone  upon  another,  Tbos(> 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Jlilan  whom  their  poverty, 
labour  and  industry  attached  to  the  soil,  wen;  di- 
vided into  four  open  villages,  built  at  a  dislanc(! 
of  at  least  two  miles  from  the  walls  of  their  for- 
mer city.  Others  sought  hospitality  in  the 
neighbouring  towns  of  Italy.  .  .  .  Their  suffer- 
ings, the  extent  of  their  sacrifices,  the  recoUection 


1811 


ITALY,  11.54-1103. 


t'rederick  Harbarotmi. 


ITALY,   1100-1167. 


of  their  vftloiir,  luiil  tlic  cxiimple  of  their 
iKililc  sciilimcnts,  nmdc  priwlylcs  to  the  riiiise 
of  lilnTty  ill  cvcTy  citv  into  "which  flicy  wcri' 
riTcivccl."  Meantime  jYcMlericlv  Miirbafossii  re- 
tnnicd  to  Ocnniui.v,  with  hiH  faiiiu  an  a  piiiHKaiit 
liioTiarch  iiinch  aiifriiH'iitcd. — J.  (".  L.  di'  Sis- 
Iiioiidi,  Ifinl.  nft/if  Itiiliiiii  llfjivlilini,  eh.  3. 

Al.W)  in:  I.  Ilal/aiii,  Tlir  J'ti/hd  niid  the  Ho- 
hnmtiiiifiii.  rh.  .'J-.').— O.  H.  Testa,  J /int.  of  the  War 
of  Fi'iilirirk  I.  (if/iiiiiKt  the  Coiiiininitu  <f  h>iii- 
IhiiiIi/,  Ilk:  1-0.  —  K.  A.  Freeman,  Fnilfrirk  tin' 
Fii:it,  h'iii;/  "f  Jtiili/  {Ilintiiriciil  Kmii/n,  1st  Kii-iix). 

A.  D.  1163-1164. — Third  visitation  of  Fred- 
erick Barbarossa. — The  rival  Popes. — Kred<'r- 
i(  k  llarlianissa  entered  Italy  for  the  tliird  time 
In  110;l,  witlioiit  an  arinv,  but  impo.singly  es- 
forted  by  Ids  (Jennari  nobles.  He  innijclne(l  that 
the  country  ha<l  Ix'eii  terrorized  sufliciently  by 
tlie  savage  measures  of  his  previous  visitation  to 
need  no  more  military  repression.  But  he  found 
the  Lombard  cities  undismayed  In  the  assertion 
of  their  rights,  and  drawing  together  In  unions 
which  lijid  never  been  i)ossil)lc  among  them  be- 
fore. The  hostility  of  his  relations  willi  the 
Papaiy  and  with  the  greater  i>art  of  the  Church 
gave  encouragement  to  political  revolt.  His 
<|uarrel  with  Pope  Hadrian  had  been  ended  by 
the  death  of  the  latter,  in  liriO,  but  only  t..  give 
rise  to  new  and  more  disturbing  content  ions,  It 
had  grown  so  bitter  before  Hadrian  died  that  the 
Pope  had  allied  hiiii.self  by  treat v  with  Milan, 
Crcina,  and  other  cities  resisting  i'>edenrk,  and 
had  promised  to  excommunicate  the  emperor 
within  forty  days.  Sudden  death  frustrated  the 
combination.  At  the  election  of  Hadrian's  suc- 
cessor there  was  a  struggle  of  factions,  each  de- 
termined to  put  its  representative  in  the  papal 
chair,  and  each  claiming  success.  Two  rival 
pojies  were  i)roclainied  and  consecrated,  one 
tinder  the  name  of  Alexander  III.,  the  other  as 
Victor  IV.  Frederick  recognized  the  latter, who 
made  himself  the  emperor's  creattire.  The  greater 
I)art  of  Christendom  soon  gave  its  recognition  to 
the  former,  nlthough  he  had  been  driven  to  tJike 
refuge  in  France.  Pope  Alexander  excommuni- 
cated Frederick  and  Frederick's  pope,  and  Po])c 
Victor  retorted  like  anathemas.  Whether  tlie 
curses  of  Alexander  were  more  effect  iml,  or  for 
other  reasons,  the  authority  of  Victor  dwindled, 
and  he  himself  presently  died  (April  1164),  ■while 
Frederick  was  making  his  third  inspection  of 
ttlTairs  In  Italy.  The  emperor  found  It  im- 
possible to  execute  his  imbending  will  without 
an  army.  Verona,  Viccnzn,  Padua,  and  Treviso 
held  a  congress  and  openly  associated  themselves 
for  common  defense.  Frederick  attempted  to 
make  tise  of  the  militia  forces  of  Pavia,  Cremona, 
and  other  GhibcUinc  town  ,  against  them;  but  he 
found  even  these  citizen-soTdiers  so  mutinous 
with  di.salTectlon  that  he  dared  not  pursue  the 
undertaking.  He  n'turned  to  Germany  for  an 
army  more  In  sympathy  with  his  obstinate  de- 
signs against  Italian  liberty. — V.  Balzaui,  The 
Apes  and  the  J/iilwiiHtiiiifeii,  eh.  4-.5. 

Ai.so  in:  II.  II.  Milman,  y/iVi^  of  huin  Vhriti- 
tuii:ily,  bk.  8,  ch.  7-8.— G.  B.  Testa,  Hist,  of  the 
Will  of  Frederick  I.  against  the  Commviien  of 
I^mhTdy,  l>k.  7. 

A.  D.  1166-1167.— The  fourth  expedition  of 
Frederick  Barbarossa.— The  League  of  Lom- 
bardy. — ""When  Frederick,  in  the  month  of  Oc- 
tober, 1166,  descended  the  mountains  of  the 
Orisons  to  enter  Italy  [for  the  fourth  time]  by 


the  territory  of  Brescia,  ho  marched  his  army 

directly  to  LodI,  without  permitting  any  act  of 
hostility  on  the  way.  At  Lodi,  he  assembled, 
towards  the  end  of  November,  a  diet  of  the 
kingdom  of  Italy,  at  which  he  promised  the 
Lombards  to  redress  the  grievances  occasloiHMl 
by  tlie  abuses  of  power  by  his  podestas.  and  to 
respect  their  just  liberties;  he  was  desirous  of 
separating  their  cause  from  that  of  the  pope  and 
the  king  of  Sicily;  and  to  give  greater  weight 
to  his  negotiation,  lie  marched  liis  army  into 
(•eiitral  Italy.  .  .  .  The  towns  of  the  Veronesii 
marches,  seeing  the  emperor  and  his  army  pass 
without  daring  to  attack  tliem,  became  bolder: 
they  assemble(i  a  new  diet,  in  the  beginning  of 
April,  at  the  convent  of  Pontida,  between  Sfilan 
and  Bergamo.  The  consuls  of  Cremona,  of  Ber- 
gamo, of  Brescia,  of  Mantua  and  Ferrara  met 
there  and  joined  those  of  the  marches.  The 
union  of  the  Giielphs  and  (Jhibelliiies,  for  the 
common  liberty,  was  hailed  with  universal  joy. 
The  depiilies  of  the  Cremonese.  who  had  lent 
their  aid  to  the  destruction  of  Milan,  seconded 
those  of  the  Milanese  villages  in  imi)loriug  aiil 
of  the  confederated  towns  to  rebiiijd  the  city  of 
Milan.  This  confederation  was  called  the  League 
of  Lombardy.  The  consuls  took  the  oath,  and 
their  constituents  afterwards  repeated  It,  tluft 
every  Lombard  should  unite  for  the  recovery  of 
the  common  liberty;  that  the  league  for  this 
I)urpose  should  last  twenty  years;  and,  liiiHlly, 
that  they  should  aid  each  other  in  repairing  m 
common  any  damage  experienced  in  this  sacred 
cause,  by  any  one  member  of  the  confederation: 
extending  even  to  the  past  this  contract  for  re- 
ciprocal security,  the  league  resolved  to  rebuild 
Milan.  The  militias  of  liergamo,  Brescia,  Cre- 
mona, Ulantna,  Verona,  and  Treviso,  arrived 
the  37tli  of  April,  1107,  on  the  ground  covered 
by  the  ruins  of  this  great  city.  They  appor- 
tioned among  themselves  the  labour  of  restoring 
the  inclosing  walls;  all  the  Milanese  of  the  four 
villages,  as  well  as  those  who  had  taken  refuge 
in  the  more  distimt  towns,  came  in  crowds  to 
take  part  in  this  pious  work ;  and  in  a  few  weeks 
the  new-grown  city  was  in  a  state  to  repel  the 
insults  of  its  enemies.  Lodi  was  soon  afterwards 
compelled,  by  force  of  arms,  to  take  the  oath  to 
the  league ;  while  the  towns  of  Venice,  Placen- 
tia,  Parma,  Modcna,  and  Bologna  voluntarily 
and  gladly  joined  the  association.'' — J.  C.  L.  de 
Sismoiidi,  Hist,  of  the  Italian  Jiepvbtics,  eh.  2. — 
Meantime  Frederick  Barbaros.sa  had  made  him- 
self master  of  ,.  c  city  of  Home.  The  Koman 
citizens  had  boldly  ventured  out  to  meet  his 
German  army  and  its  allies  on  the  Tuseiilan  hills 
and  had  suffered  a  frightful  defeat.  Then  some 
part  of  the  walls  of  the  Leonine  City  were  car- 
ried by  assault  and  the  castellated  church  of  St. 
Peter's  was  entered  with  ax  and  sword.  Two 
German  archbishops  were  among  the  leaders  of 
the  force  which  took  the  altars  of  the  temple  by 
storm  and  which  polluted  its  floors  with  blood. 
Frederick's  new  anti-pope,  Paschal  III.,  succes- 
sor to  Victor  IV.,  was  now  enthr  n,d,  and  the 
empress  was  formally  crowned  in  e  apostolic 
basilica.  Pope  Alexiiuder,  who  had  been  in  pos- 
session of  the  city,  withdrew,  and  the  victorious 
emperor  appeared  to  have  the  great  objects  of 
his  burning  ambition  within  his  gr  "Des- 

tiny willed  otherwise.  It  was  now  u'ust ;  the 
sun  was  burning  the  arid  Campagiia  and  op- 
pressing  the  weary  German  troops.     A  slight 


1812 


ITALY,  1160-1107 


Frederick  Darbaroam. 


ITALY,  1174-1183. 


rain  ctimp  to  rofresh  them,  but  the  following  dny 
siiililcii  ilcstnu'tion  fell  iipim  tlic  i'iimi|).  Deadly 
fever  attiieked  the  iirniy  with  terrible  violenee 
mid  reduced  it  diiily.  The  men  fell  in  heiiiis, 
and  when  Htruelt  down  in  the  morning  were'dead 
by  niglit.  The  disease  took  stronger  hold  owing 
to  the  superstitious  fears  of  the  army  and  the 
Idea  of  divine  vengeance,  for  tlie  soldiers  remeni- 
bcred  in  terror  I  ho  jjrofanation  of  St.  Peter's, 
mid  they  felt  the  keen  edge  of  the  destroying 
angel's  sword.  I)eeiniate(l,  liisnuiyed,  deinor- 
nlised,  the  imperial  army  was  hopelessly  de- 
feated, and  Frederiek  was  compelled  to  strike 
bis  tents  and  lly  Ijcfore  the  invisible  destroyer. 
.  .  .  The  (lower  of  his  troops  lay  unburied  in 
the  furrows,  and  with  dilticulty  could  he  manage 
to  carry  back  to  their  native  land  tlu'  bodies  of 
his  noblest  and  trustiest  kniglits.  Nevc'r  per- 
haps before  had  Frederick  given  proofs  of  such 
unsliaken  strength  of  miiul.  ...  He  returned 
to  Germany  alone  and  almost  a  fugitive,  Ids 
bravest  knights  dead,  his  army  destroyed,  and 
leaving  beliiud  him  a  whole  nation  of  proud  and 
watchful  enemies.  He  returned  alone,  but  his 
spirit  was  undaunted  and  dreamt  of  future  vic- 
tory and  of  final  revenge." — U.  ISalitani,  The 
PojKii  and  the  lloheiistdiifiii,  eh.  ■'5. 

Al.ao  IN :  J.  Milej',  Jlint.  of  the  Pujxil  Stnten, 
bk.  6,  c/i.  3. — II.  H.  Milman,  Ifint.  of  Latin  Vhriii- 
tianitii,  hk.  8,  ch.  10.— G.  H.  Testa,  Hint,  of  the 
War  of  Frederick  /.,  hk.  8-9. 

A.  D.  1174-1183. — The  last  expedition  of 
Frederick  Barbarossa. — The  Battle  of  Legna- 
no,  and  the  Peace  of  Constance. — It  was  not 
until  1174  —  seven  years  after  his  tlight  from 
the  Uoman  pestilence  —  that  Barbarossa  was 
able  to  return  to  Italy  and  resumi;  his  struggle 
witli  Pope  Alexander  and  tlie  Lombard  cities. 
He  had  been  detained  by  troibles  in  Germany  — 
the  growing  quarrel  with  bis  most  powerful 
vassal,  Henry  the  Lion,  of  Saxony,  more  jiar- 
tlcularly.  Meantime,  the  League  of  the  Lombard 
cities  bad  spread  and  gained  strength,  and  Pope 
Alexander  III.  was  in  active  co-operation  with 
it.  To  better  fortify  the  frontiers  of  Lombardy, 
the  League  bad  built  a  strong  new  city,  at  the 
junction  of  the  Tanaro  and  Bormida,  bad  given 
it  un  immediate  population  of  15,000  people  and 
had  named  it  Alessandria,  after  the  Pope.  "The 
Emperor,  whose  arrival  in  Italy  was  urgently 
Implored,  was  retained  in  Germany  by  his  mis- 
trust of  Henry  the  Lion,  who,  in  order  to  furnish 
hinjself  with  a  pretext  for  refusing  his  assistimco 
in  the  intended  campaign  without  coming  to  an 
open  breach,  undertook  a  pilgrimage  to  .lerusa- 
lem,  A.  D.  1171 ;  whence,  after  performing  liis 
devotions  at  the  holy  sepulchre,  without  unsheath- 
ing his  sword  in  its  defence,  he  returned  to  Ins 
native  country.  ...  At  length,  in  1174,  Fred- 
erick Barbarossa  persuaded  tlie  sullen  duke  to 
perform  his  duty  in  the  field,  and  for  tlio  fourth 
time  [witli  an  army]  crossed  the  Alps.  A  terri- 
ble revenge  was  taken  upon  Susa,  which  was 
hurnt  to  the  ground.  Alexandria  [Alessandria] 
withstood  the  siege.  The  military  science  of  the 
age,  every  'ruse  de  guerre,' was  exhausted  by 
lioth  the  besiegere  and  the  besieged,  and  the 
whole  of  the  winter  was  fruitlessly  expended 
without  any  signal  success  on  either  side.  The 
Lombard  league  meanwhile  assembled  an  im- 
mense army  in  order  to  oppose  Frederick  in  the 
open  field,  whilst  treason  threatened  lum  on 
another  side.  .  .  .  Henry  also  at  length  acted 

3-17 


with  open  disloyalty,  and  <Ieclare(l  to  tlie  cn\ 
peror,  who  lay  sick  at  Chiavenna,  on  the  lake  of 
Como,  his  intention  of  aliandoning  him:  and, 
imshaken  by  Frederick's  exliortation  in  the  name 
of  duty  and  honour  to  renounce  his  perfidious 
plans,  olTered  to  provide  him  with  money  on  con- 
dition of  receiving  considerable  additions  to  bis 
l)ower  in  Gennany,  and  the  free  imperial  town 
of  Ooslar  in  gift.  .  .  .  Freilerick,  reduced  to  the 
alternative  of  either  following  his  insr)lerit  vassal, 
or  of  exposing  himself  and  his  weakened  forces 
to  total  destruction  by  remaining  in  his  present 
position,  courageously  resolved  to  abide  the  haz- 
ard, and  to  await  the  arrival  of  fresli  reinforce- 
ments from  Genuany;  the  Lombards,  Iiowever, 
saw  their  advantage,  and  attacked  him  at  Leg- 
nano,  on  the  20th  of  May,  1176.  The  Swabians 
(the  southern  Germans  still  remaining  true  to 
their  allegiance)  fouglit  with  all  the  courage  of 
despair,  but  Bwlhold  von  Zilhringen  was  taken 
prisoner,  tlie  emperor's  lioi'se  fell  in  the  thickest 
of  the  tight,  his  banner  was  won  by  the  '  Legion 
of  Death,'  a  ciiosen  Lombanl  triwip,  and  he  was 
given  u|)  as  dead.  He  escaped  almost  by  a 
miracle,  whilst  bis  little  army  was  entirely  over- 
whelmed."— \V.  Meii/.ol,  J/int.  of  Gerxmnji,  ch. 
151.— After  the  disastrous  liattle  of  Legnano, 
Frederic  "  was  at  length  persuaded,  through  the 
mediation  of  the  republic  of  Venice,  to  con.scnt 
to  a  truce  of  six  years,  the  provisional  terms  of 
which  were  all  favourable  to  the  league.  .  .  . 
At  the  expiration  of  the  truce  B'rederic's  anxiety 
to  secure  tlie  crown  for  his  son  overcanu!  Ins 
pride,  and  tlie  famous  Peace  of  Constance  [A.  D. 
1183]  estalilished  the  Lombard  reiniblies  in  real 
independence.  Hy  the  treaty  of  Constance  the 
cities  were  maintained  in  the  enjoyment  of  all 
the  regalian  rights,  whether  within  their  walls  or 
in  tlieir  district,  whicli  they  could  claim  hy 
usage.  Those  of  levying  war,  of  erecting  forti- 
fications, and  of  administering  civil  and  criminal 
justice,  were  specially  mentioned.  The  nomina- 
tion of  their  consuls,  or  other  magistrates,  was 
left  absolutely  to  the  citizens;  but  they  were  to 
receive  the  investiture  of  their  oftice  from  an 
imperial  legate.  The  customary  trilnitcs  of  pro- 
vision during  the  emperor's  residence  in  Italy 
were  preserved :  and  be  was  authorized  to  ap- 
point in  every  city  a  judge  of  appeal  in  civil 
causes.  The  Lombard  league  was  confirmed, 
and  the  cities  were  permitted  to  renew  it  at  their 
own  discretion;  but  they  were  to  take  every  ten 
years  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  emperor.  This 
just  comjiact  preserved,  along  with  every  .security 
for  the  lilierties  and  welfare  of  the  cities,  as 
much  of  the  imperial  prerogatives  as  could  bo 
exercised  by  a  foreign  sovereign  consistently  witli 
the  people's  liappiness.  .  .  .  The  Peace  of  Con- 
stance jiresented  a  noble  opportunity  to  the 
Lombards  of  estalilisliing  a  permanent  federal 
uni(m  of  small  republics.  .  .  .  But  dark,  long- 
cherished  hatreds,  and  that  implacable  vindictive- 
ncss  which,  at  least  in  former  ages,  distinguished 
the  private  manners  of  Italy,  deformed  her 
national  character.  .  .  .  For  revenge  she  threw 
away  the  p(!arl  of  great  price,  and  sacrificed 
even  the  recollection  of  tliat  liberty  which  bad 
stalked  like  a  majestic  spirit  among  the  ruins  of 
Milan."— II.  Hall'am,  The  Middle  Ayes,  ch.  3,  jH. 
1  ('••  1). 

Also  in:  U.  Balzani,  T/ie  Pojiesaiid  the  Ifoheii- 
ataiifeii.  ch.  «.— G.  B.  Testa.  Jfint.  of  the  War  of 
Frederick  I., bk.  10. — See,  also,  Venice:  A.D.  1177. 


1813 


ITALY,  1183-1250. 


Thr  RmiK  -f 
/■Wilrrkk  II. 


ITALY,  ii8a-ia.v). 


A.  D.  1 183-1250.— Frederick  II.  and  the  end 
of  the  Hohenstaufen  struggles. —  After  iIh'hcI 
tlciiiriil  (if  1I1C  I'ciiccMjf  ('(inslaticc,  Kri'dcrick  IJiir- 
liiirossii  iiiailc  110  fiirllicr  iitt('tii|)t  Ui  (Icstruy  the 
nriw  wi'll  cNliililislicd  lilxrlicH  of  ilic  north  Ilal- 
liin  cities.  On  tlie  ('<iiitrary,  lie  devoted  himself, 
witli  eoiisideriiljle  mieeesH,  to  tlie  reKidniiig  "f 
their  eoiilldeiie).'  iinil  f;<"><l-^vill,  as  iiffuiiiHl  the 
pupaey,  witli  whieli  his  reliitions  were  not  im- 
proved. In  Houlliern  Italy,  lii!  iie<|iiired  iin  im- 
port.mt  foolinj;  hy  I  lie  marriii;;e  of  his  son  ilenry 
(already  erowned  Kin>;  of  Home,  us  lleiirv  VI.), 
to  Constaiiee.  the  sole  heiress  of  tlie  Norman 
kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  Soon  after  which 
he  went  erusadint;  to  the  Holy  Land,  and  per- 
ished in  Asia  .Minor  (A.  I).  llUb).  Ills  son  and 
successor,  Henry  VI.,  who  survived  him  but 
seven  yiars,  was  occupied  so  nuicli  in  securinj; 
the  KiiiKdoni  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  alreiuly  fallen  to 
his  wife  (lli»4)  by  the  death  of  the  last  of  the 
Norman  kings,  tliat  he  had  little  time  to  trouble 
the  peace  of  Loinbardy  or  Germany.  He  was 
one  of  the  meanest  of  Kings,  faithless  and  cold- 
bhxHicd.  —  brutal  to  the  Normans  of  the  Sicilies 
nnd  contemptible  in  his  treatment  of  the  Knglish 
King  Hichard,  when  his  vassal  of  Austria  made 
.1  chance  captive  of  tlie  lion-hearted  |)rin('c.  He 
died  in  1107,  leaving  as  his  heir  a  son  but  four 
years  old  —  the  Frederick  It.  of  later  years. 
There  was  war  at  once.  Two  rival  kings  were 
elected  in  (Jernianv,  by  the  two  factious,  Guelf 
imd  Oliibelline.  'I'lie  next  year,  one  of  them, 
Philip  I.,  the  (Jhibelline,  11  younger  son  of  Fred- 
erick Harbarossa,  was  assassinated;  the  other, 
Olho  IV.,  a  son  of  Henry  the  Lion,  was  recof,- 
nized  by  his  opponents,  and  went  to  Home  to 
claim  the  imperial  crown.  He  received  it,  but 
soon  ([uarrelied,  as  all  his  predecessors  had  done, 
with  the  pojie  (the  great  pope  Iimocent  III.  being 
now  on  the  throne),  and,  Ouelf  as  he  w.is,  began 
to  put  himself  in  alliance  with  the  Qhibellinesof 
Italy.  Sleantime,  tlie  boy  Frederick  had  be- 
come king  of  the  Two  Sicilies  by  theileath  of  his 
mother,  and  Pope  Innocent  was  his  guardian. 
He  was  now  brought  forward  by  the  latter  as  a 
claimant  of  the  Germanic  crown,  against  Otlio, 
and  was  sent  into  Germany  to  maintain  bis  claim. 
The  civil  war  whieli  followed  was  practii'ally 
ended  by  the  battle  of  Houvincs  (.Iiiiy  27,  1214 
— see  HouviNKs)  in  whidi  Otho's  cause  was  lost. 
Four  years  after,  the  latter  died,  and  Frederick 
reigned  in  Germany,  Itiily  and  tlie  Two  Sicilies, 
witliout  a  rival,  holding  the  three  separate  crowns 
for  live  years  before  he  received  flic  imperial 
crown,  in  1220.  Meantime  Innocent  III.  died, 
and  Frederic'k  became  involved,  even  mor(^ 
bitterly  than  his  father  or  his  grandfather  had 
been,  ia  quarrels  with  the  succeeding  popes.  He 
was  a  man  far  beyond  his  age  in  intellectual  in- 
dependence (see  Qkum.\nv:  A.  D.  1138-1268) ond 
freedom  from  superstitious  servility  to  the  priest- 
hood. His  tastes  were  cultivatecl,  his  accom- 
plishments were  many.  He  welcomed  the  re- 
linements  which  Europe  at  that  time  could 
borrow  from  the  Saracens,  and  his  court  was  one 
of  gaiety  and  splendor.  His  papal  enemies  ex- 
ecrated him  as  a  heretic,  a  blasphemer  and  an 
"apocalyptic  beast."  His  greatest  original  of- 
fenses had  grown  out  of  two  promises  which  he 
made  in  his  youth :  1.  To  lead  a  crusade  for  the 
recovery  of  Jerusalem,  —  which  he  was  slow  in 
fulfllling ;  2.  To  resign  his  Italian  possessions  to 
his  son,  retaining  only  the  sovereignty  of  Ger- 


many for  himself,  —  wlilch  promiso  he  did  not 
fulfil  at  all.  The  war  of  the  Church  against  him 
was  implacable,  and  he  was  under  its  ban  when 
he  dieil.  The  pope  even  imrsued  him  with 
maledictions  w  lien  lie  went,  at  last,  upon  liis  cru- 
sade, in  1228,  and  when  he  did,  by  negotiations, 
free  Jeriis<dem  for  a  time  friim  the  .Moslems 
(see  Cltls.vKHs:  A.  D.  121((-122l»).  He  was  in- 
volved, moreover,  in  coiilliits  witli  the  Lombard 
cities  (s<'e  Kkdkk.m,  G<ivi;iin.mi;nt:  Miodi.kvai. 
Li:AOtiK)  wlii<li  the  papacy  encouraged  and 
stimulated,  and,  in  1230,  he  won  a  great  victory 
over  tlie  League,  at  (.'ortenuova,  capturing  tlio 
famous  "  C'arroecio  "  of  the  Milanese  and  send- 
ing it  as  a  gift  to  th(^  Roman  Senate.  Hut,  at- 
tempting to  use  his  victory  too  inflexibly,  he  lost 
the  fruits  of  it,  and  all  his  later  years  were 
years  of  trouble  and  disastnms  war  —  disastrous 
to  Italy  and  to  himself.  He  died  on  the  13tli  of 
December  1250.  "Out  of  the  long  array  of  the 
(lermanic^  successors  of  Charles,  he  [Frederick 
II.  I  is,  with  Otto  HI.,  the  onlyone  who  comes  be- 
fore us  with  a  genius  and  a  frame  of  character 
that  are  not  those  of  a  Northern  or  a  Teuton. 
There  dwelt  in  him,  it  is  true,  all  the  energy  and 
knightly  valou<-  of  his  father  Ilenry  and  his 
grandfather  Harbarossa.  Hut  along  with  these, 
and  changing  their  direction,  were  other  gifts, 
inherited  |)crliaps  from  his  Italian  mother  and 
fosttTcd  by  his  education  among  tlie  orange- 
groves  of  Palermo — a  love  of  luxury  and 
beauty,  an  intellect  refilled,  subtle,  pliilosophical. 
Through  the  mist  of  eaUimiiy  and  fable  it  is  but 
dimly  tliat  the  truth  of  the  man  can  be  discerned, 
and  the  outlines  that  appear  serve  to  quicken 
ratlier  than  appease  the  curiosity  with  which  wc 
regard  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  personages 
in  history.  A  sensualist,  yet  also  a  warrior  and 
a  politician;  a  profound  lawgiver  and  an  impas- 
sioned  poet;  in  liis  youth  tired  by  crusading  fer- 
vour, in  later  life  j>ersecutiiig  heretics  while 
himself  accused  of  blasphemy  and  unbelief;  of 
winning  mannersand  ardently  beloved  by  his  fol- 
lowers, but  witli  tlie  stain  of  more  tlian  one  cruel 
deed  up(m  his  name,  he  was  tlie  marvel  of  his 
own  generation,  and  succeeding  ages  looked  back 
with  awe,  not  uumingled  with  pity,  upon  tlie  in- 
scrutable figure  of  the  last  Kmperor  who  had 
braved  all  the  terrors  of  the  Church  and  died  be- 
neath her  ban,  the  last  who  had  ruled  from  the 
sands  of  the  ocean  to  the  shorts  of  the  Sicilian 
sea.  Hut  while  they  j)itied  they  condemned. 
The  undying  hatred  of  the  Papacy  threw  round 
his  memory  a  lurid  light;  him  and  him  alone  of 
all  the  imperial  line,  I)ante,  the  worshipper  of  the 
Empire,  must  perforce  deliver  to  the  flames  of 
hell." — J.  Hryce,  The  IIoli/  Roman  Empire,  ch.  13. 
—  'The  Emperor  Freclerick  was  a  poet  who 
could  not  only  celebrate  the  charms  of  his  sov- 
ereign lady,  '  the  flower  of  all  flowers,  the  rose 
of  May,'  but  could  also  exhibit  his  appreciation 
for  the  beauties  of  nature.  .  .  .  Frederick  also 
delighted  in  sculpture,  painting,  and  ar(!liitee- 
ture.  .  .  .  Under  his  fostering  intluence  every 
branch  of  learning  was  starting  into  life  after 
the  slumber  of  ages.  Frederick's  age  can  only 
be  compared  to  that  glorious  era  of  the  Renais- 
sance, when  the  sun  of  learning,  no  longer  shorn 
of  his  beams,  poured  a  flood  of  light  over  the 
dark  places  of  Europe.  Frederick  was  not  only 
distinginshcd  for  his  love  of  polite  literature, 
but  also  for  his  ardour  in  the  pursuit  of  scien- 
tific knowledge.     lie  was  himself  an  author  on 


1814 


ITALY,  118:1-1280. 


Thf  Kmtmrnr 
t'rvilrrUk  II, 


ITALY,   1180-1380. 


medical  Hiilijccl.s.  lie  wan  a  \ivvi\\  i)alr(iii  of 
niilural  liislorv.  lie  iiHcd  liU  friciiilly  rcIaliiiiiH 
with  r'liHlcrii  iilii);Ht(i  f<iriii  a  ('iillcctinnof  anitiials 
not  often  M'lMi  in  Kurope  —  tlie  elepliant,  earnil, 
liiralTe,  and  earnelopard.  lie  also  wrote  a  Iriii- 
tiHcoii  Jlawliin^,  wlilcli  w  Htill  cited  with  rcNpeet. 
lie  clasBilles  hinls,  and  treatH  (feiierally  "f  tlieir 
liabits.  .  .  .  Hut  poet  ly  and  Hcieiiee  were  v<rv  far 
from  occupying;  all  tlu^  tl.oiiKhtM  of  this  dislin- 
KiilHhed  monarch.  Mis  j^reat  concern  was  the 
internal  re).;ulatioii  of  the  kin^iloni  cornnutted 
to  hi«  charge.  IIIh  code  in  Hieily  and  Naples 
was  framed  with  the  special  view  of  secnring 
equal  rights  to  all  classes  of  .his  subjitcts,  and  of 
delivering  them  from  tlie  yoke  of  the  feudal  op- 
pressor. IIo  stripped  th(^  nobles  and  prelat(«  of 
their  jurisdiction  in  critninal  cases.  lie  also  de- 
creed that  any  count  or  baron,  carrying  on  war 
on  his  own  account,  should  lose  his  head  and  his 
goods.  Tliese  were  amazing  strides  in  the  right 
direction,  but  the  former  was  (luito  unprece- 
dented in  feudal  kingdoms.  Many  justiciaries 
were  appointed  throughout  the* kingdom.  No 
one  might  hold  this  ollice  without  the  authorisa- 
tion of  the  crown.  He  strove  to  make  his 
olIi<;ials  as  righteous  as  he  was  himself.  \U'. 
himself  came  before  his  courts.  So  great  was 
his  love  of  justice,  that  he  would  rather  lo:ie 
his  cau.sc  than  win  it  if  he  were  in  the  wrong. 
No  advocates  were  allowed  to  practi.se  without 
an  e.xaminatiou  by  the  judicial  bench.  They 
were  obliged  to  take  an  oath  that  they  woidd 
allege  nothing  against  their  conscience.  The 
court  furnished  widows,  orphans,  and  the  poor 
with  champions  free  '>f  e.vpense.  The  law,  by 
which  it  was  guided,  endeavoured  to  secure  an 
even  handed  administration  of  justice." — A.  IJ. 
Pennington,  The  Emperor  Frakrirk  II.  (Hoi/dl 
Hint,  tiic,  Trails.,  new  siriex,  r,  1). — Although 
arbitrary  and  despotic  in  temper,  the  political 
intelligence  of  Frederick  led  him  to  practical 
ideas  of  government  which  were  extraordinarily 
liberal  for  his  age.  In  his  Sicilian  kingdon. 
"  the  towns  were  shorn  to  a  great  extent  of  thc'r 
local  privileges,  but  were  taught  to  unite  th'ir 
strength  for  the  coninion  good.  Twice,  at 
least,  in  the  course  of  his  rc'^i^n,  in  13!J!i  and 
in  1240,  Frederick  summoned  their  deputies  to 
a  conference  or  Parliament,  '  for  the  \\vn\  of 
the  Kingdom  and  the  general  advantage  of 
the  State.'  Forty-seven  cities,  all  belonging  to 
the  Imperial  domain,  sent  two  deputies  each 
to  the  As,sembly  convoked,  which  must  not  be 
confounded  with  the  Solemn  Courts  held  by  the 
Sovereign  and  his  Barons  for  the  purpo.se  of  re- 
visinc^  charters,  enacting  Constitutions,  and  reg- 
iii'.uing  the  government.  We  should  be  mistaken 
insupposing  that  the  Sicilian  Parliament  enjoyed 
much  of  the  power  implied  by  the  name.  There 
is  no  trace  of  any  clamour  against  grievances,  of 
any  complaints  against  oflicials,  or  of  any  refusal 
to  grant  supplies.  The  only  function  of  the  dep- 
uties summoncid  seems  to  have  been  the  assessing 
of  the  public  burdens.  The  Emperor  demanded 
a  certain  sum  of  money,  and  the  deputies, 
meekly  complying,  regulated  the  ways  and 
means  of  raising  it.  'Send  your  messengers,' 
thus  runs  the  writ,  'to  see  the  Serenity  of  our 
face  on  your  behalf,  and  to  bring  you  back  our 
will.'  liater  in  the  century,  the  Assembly  ac- 
quired greater  authority.  It  is  just  possible 
that  Simon  de  Montfort,  who  is  known  to  have 
visited  the  Imperial  Court,  may  have  borrowed 


his  famous  improvement  on  lh(^  old  Knglish  ((in- 
stitution from  an  Apulian  source;  the  gathering 
of  the  Commons  at  Foggia  certjuidy  preceded 
their  llrst  meeting  at  vV'cstmiiiHtcr  by  thirty 
years.  Other  countries  besides  our  own  wen:  in- 
debted to  Frederick  for  a  better  iikmIc  of  legisla- 
tion. Shortly  after  his  death,  many  of  his  inno- 
VKtlons  were  borrowed  by  his  cousin  Alonzo  the 
Wise,  and  wei"  inserted  in  l,:is  Sietc  Parlidas, 
the  new  Code  of  Castile.  TIk;  ideas  of  th(!  Sua- 
bian  Kmperor  were  evidently  the  model  followed 
by  St.  Louis  and  his  successors;  in  France,  as 
well  as  in  Soutliern  Italy,  tlu'  lawyrwas  feeling 
his  way  towards  the  enjoyment  of  the  iiow(!r 
wieldedof  old  by  the  knight  and  the  churchman ; 
Philip  tli(^  Fair  was  able  to  carry  out  the  proj- 
ects which  Frederick  had  merely  been  able  to 
sketch.  The  world  made  rapid  strides  betw(M;n 
I'-'liO  and  i;i()0.  The  Northern  half  of  Italy,  dis- 
tracted by  endless  struggles,  was  not  insensible 
to  the  improvements  introduced  into  the  South 
by  her  mighty  8(m.  Hut  in  the  North  two  fatid 
obstacles  existed,  the  Papal  power  and  the  mu- 
nicijial  spirit  of  the  various  States,  which  marred 
all  Frederick's  elTorf  i  i  behalf  of  Italian  unity." 
Frederick's  court  wii  i  the  most  brilliant  and 
retined  in  Europe.  jVlr.  Kington,  his  historian, 
introduces  us  to  one  of  the  Emperor's  ban(iuet8, 
in  the  following  description:  "  A  great  variety 
of  strangers  meet  at  the  ban(|ueting  hour.  Am- 
bassadors from  the  Greek  Monarcli  arrive  with  a 
jiresent  of  falcons.  Some  clerical  visitors  from 
Germany  are  astounded  to  find  them.selves  seated 
cl(jse  to  the  turbaned  men  of  the  East,  and  shud- 
der on  hearing  that  these  are  envoys  from  the 
Sultan  of  Cairo  and  the  Old  Man  of  the  Aloun- 
tJiin.  The  honest  Germans  whisper  among 
themselves  some  remarks  on  the  late  end  of  the 
Duke  of  Bavaria,  who  was  stabbed  at  Kclheim 
by  a  man,  suspected  to  be  an  assassin,  employed 
by  the  mysterious  OKI  Man  on  Frederick's  b(!- 
half.  The  Emperor  himself  eats  and  drinks 
very  little.  lie  is  the  very  model  of  a  host.  .  .  . 
The  Emperor,  it  must  be  allowed,  is  rather  loo.se 
in  his  talk.  Speaking  of  his  late  Ousade,  he  re- 
marks: 'If  the  God  of  the  .lews  had  seen  my 
Kingdom,  the  Terra  di  Lavoro,  fJalabria,  Sicily, 
and  Apulia,  he  would  not  have  so  often  praised 
tliat  land  which  he  promised  to  the  ,Iews  and  be- 
stowed upon  them.'  The  Bishops  treasure  up 
this  unlucky  speech,  which  will  one  day  be 
noised  abroad  all  over  Italy.  Wheu  the  meal  is 
over,  tli(^  company  are  amused  by  the:  feats  of 
some  of  the  Almehs,  brouglit  from  the  East. 
Two  young  Arab  girls  of  rare  beauty  i)lace 
themselves  each  upon  two  balls  in  the  middle  of 
the  flat  pavement.  On  these  they  move  back- 
wards and  forwards,  singing  and  beating  time 
with  cymbals  and  castanets,  while  throwing 
themselves  into  intricate  postures.  Games  aiul 
musical  instruments,  procured  for  the  Empress, 
form  part  of  the  entertainment.  We  hoar  more- 
over of  a  Saracen  dancer  from  Aiiuitaine.  Such 
sports  are  relished  by  the  guests  quite  as  much 
as  the  Greek  wine  and  the  viands  j"  Kired  by 
Berard  the  Coiirt  cook,  who  is  faiiii  r  his 

scapece;  this  dish,   consisting  of  (ish  '  in 

salt  water  and  sprinkled  with  saffron,  poj.  .  o 
this  day  in  the  province  of  Lecce,  has  been  de- 
rived from  Apicius.  .  .  .  The  Emperor  now 
shows  his  guests  the  wild  beasts,  which  he  has 
brought  from  Africa  and  the  East.  There  is  the 
huge  elephant,  soon  to  be  sent  to  Cremona,  the 


1815 


ITALY,  11m:m28(). 


rreilrrUk  11 


ITALY,  laTH  CKNTL'IIY. 


liciircT  of  the  Ifiipcriiil  Imnnor,  ^'■'"'•Idl  l>y  » 
triioii  (if  SiiriK'i'iiN.  'I'liiTi'  Ih  \\\v.  fi'iimlo  ciiiiu  In 
imid,  culliil  Sfnipli  liy  the  Ariitm  itiiil  ItiilliiiH. 
Ni'Xt  <'(iiiir  till'  ciimclH  mill  ilroini'iliirli'H  wliiili 
ciiny  till'  Kiiipcriir'H  IrciiHurrH  vvlii'ii  lie  Is  on  llir 
iimri'li.  LiiiiiH,  li-op»rilN,  piuitlicn*,  itinl  run' 
IiIfiIh  fiirin  piirt  of  tin;  colli'i'tlon,  mid  iin-  ti'iiilcil 
by  Sanicrii  kccprrM.  KiPdcrlck  pcrliiips  wishes 
to  show  Ills  frjeiiils  kiiiiii'  sport  in  lliu  Apiilimi 
plitliiH;  III'  lias  hawks  of  all  liri'cils,  earli  of 
which  has  its  iiaiiie;  but  what  iiiost  astoiiishis 
Htrangcrs  is  his  iiu'thoil  of  liriiif^iiiK  down  the 
deer.  The  cheetahs,  or  hunting  leopards  of  the 
Kast,  iirt!  nioiinted  on  horseback  behind  their 
keepers;  these  aniniuls,  as  the  KnilHTor  sitys, 
'  know  how  to  ride.'  lie  is  a  strict  preserver  of 
Kaine;  he  ^ives  orders  tliat  the  wolves  and  foxes, 
which  prey  upon  the  small  animals  in  his  warren 
at  Melaz/.o,  be  destroyed  by  means  of  a  jioison 
called  wolf's  powder,  lie  has  many  pnrlis  and 
llshponds,  to  wliicli  ho  contrives  to  attend,  even 
in  till!  midst  of  Lombard  wars.  He  directs  tlie 
plantation  of  woods,  and  wlieii  a  storm  blows 
down  his  trees,  the  timber  is  to  be  .sold  at  Naples. 
.  .  .  The  treasures,  with  which  Krederick  dii/.zies 
tlie  eye.s  of  his  visitors,  rival  tlios«!  of  Holomon. 
Tlie  Hiiltan  of  Kgypt  lias  given  ills  Christian 
brother  a  lent  of  wimderful  workmanship,  dis- 
playing tlie  movements  of  the  sun  and  moon, 
anil  telling  the  hours  of  the  day  and  night. 
Tills  i)r()digv,  valued  at  20,000  marks,  is  kept  at 
Venosii.  'riiere  is  also  a  throne  of  gold,  decked 
witli  pi'arls  and  precious  stones,  doomed  to  be- 
come the  prey  of  Charles  of  Aiijou  and  Pope 
(!lemcnt.  There  arc  purple  robes  cmliroidered 
with  gold,  silks  from  Tripoli,  and  tlie  choicest 
works  of  ti' .  Eastern  loom.  Frederick  charnia 
the  cars  of  his  guests  with  melodies  ijlaved  on 
silver  trumpets  by  black  slaves,  whom  he  has 
had  trained.  He  himself  know>  '  iw  to  sing. 
Travellers,  jesters,  poets,  philosophi  rs,  kniglits, 
lawyers,  all  lind  a  hearty  welcome  at  the  A.\m- 
llan  Court;  if  they  arc  natives  of  flic  Kingdom 
tliey  aiidrcss  its  Lord  in  tlie  customary  second 
person  singular,  'Tu,  Messer. '  He  can  well  ap- 
preciate the  pretensions  of  each  guest,  since  lie 
is  able  to  converse  with  all  his  many  subjects, 
each  in  his  own  tongue.  Tlie  Arab  from  Pales- 
tine, the  Greek  from  Calabria,  the  Italian  from 
Tuscany,  the  Frcndiman  from  Lorraine,  tlio 
German  from  Thuringia,  find  tliat  Ca-sar  under- 
stands them  all.  Witli  Latin,  of  course,  lie  is 
familiar.  Very  dilTerent  is  Frederick  from  his 
Nortliern  grandsire,  who  could  si)eak  nothing 
but  German  and  very  bad  Latin.  Troubadour, 
Crusader,  Lawgiver;  German  by  blood,  Italian 
by  birtli,  Arab  by  training;  tlie  pupil,  the  tyrant, 
the  victim  of  Rome;  accused  by  tlio  world  of 
being  liy  turns  a  Catholic  persecutor,  a  Moham- 
medan convert,  an  Infidel  freethinker;  such  is 
Frederick  the  Second.  His  cliariictcr  has  been 
sketched  for  us  by  two  men  of  opposite  politics, 
Salimliene  tlie  Guelf  and  Jamsilla  tlicGliibellinc, 
both  of  whom  knew  him  well.  Each  docs  justice 
to  the  wonderful  genius  of  tlio  Emperor,  and  to 
tlie  rajiid  development  of  tlic  arts  and  commerce 
under  his  fostering  care.  But  all  is  not  f.iir, 
whatever  appearances  may  be.  Every  genera- 
tion of  tlie  llolienstaufen  Kaisers  seemed  to  add 
a  vice  to  the  siiame  of  their  liouse.  Cruelty  is 
the  one  dark  stain  in  the  character  of  Barbarossa ; 
cruelty  and  treachery  mar  the  soaring  genius  of 
Ucury  the  Sixth;  cruelty,  treachery,  and  lewd- 


ness are  the  three  blots  that  can  never  Iw  wiped 
away  from  the  mi'iiiory  of  Krederlrk  the  Kccond. 
He  has  painted  his  Ukeness  with  his  own  liand. 
His  liegist<'rs  with  ilii'ir  varied  eiitrli's  throw 
more  light  upon  his  nature  than  any  panegyrlca 
or  diatribes  can  ilo.  One  example  will  Ihj 
enough.  If  he  wishes  to  get  an  impregnablu 
castle  into  Ids  hands,  he  thus  writes  to  his  gen- 
eral:—  "Pretend  some  business,  and  warily  call 
the  Castellan  to  you;  seize  on  him  if  you  can, • 
and  kei'i)  him  till  he  cause  the  castle  to  be  siir- 
reiideri'ii  to  you.'  .  .  .  Frederick's  cruelty  is  in- 
ilisput4>ble.  His  Icaili'ii  copes,  wliicli  weighed 
down  the  victims  of  liis  wrath  until  death  came 
to  tile  rescue,  were  long  the  talk  of  Italy  and  are 
mentioned  by  Dante,"  — T.  L.  Kington,  Hint,  of 
Fnihrirk  tlie  Sro'inl,  Kiiiinri>ri>f  thr  liiiiiiiiin,  i'.  1. 
rh.  1).  —  "After  the  death  of  "Frederick  II,,  an 
interval  of  twenty-three  years  pas.Hed  without 
the  appointini'iit  of  a  king  of  tlie  Unmans  [the 
Great  Interregnum  —  seeUKilMANV:  A.I).  vi'M- 
1272],  anil  an  interval  of  sixty  years  without  tliu 
rccognitlDii  of  mi  emperor  in  Italy."  Frederick's 
son  Conrad,  whom  he  had  caused  to  be  crowned, 
was  driven  out  of  Germany  mid  died  in  ViH-i. 
Another  son,  Manfred,  acquired  tlie  (Town  of 
Sicily  and  reig'ied  for  a  time;  but  the  unrelent- 
ing pope  persuaded  ('!iarles  of  Anjou  to  make  a 
coni|iiest  of  tlie  kingdom,  and  Alanfred  was  slain 
in  battle  (A.  I).  1266).  Conrad's  young  son, 
Conradin,  then  attempted  to  recover  the  Sieilian 
tlirone,  but  was  defeated,  taken  prisoner,  and 
perished  on  tlie  scallold  (1268).  He  was  the  last 
of  the  llolienstaufen. — O.  Browning,  OuelfinnU 
UhiMlinea.  eh.  3-3. 

Also  IN:  J.  Brycc,  The  IMij  Hoinnii.  Empire, 
ch.  11-13. — E.  A.  Freeman,  The  J'Jiiijieror  Fivil- 
eriekthe  Second  (lIMoriml  Kmayii,  v.  1,  ICmiy  10). 
—  Jlrs.  W.  Busk,  Mediipatl  Poiien,  Kiiij)fri>rn, 
KiiiijH,  and  Vfumtdern,  bk.  4  (i\  3-4). 

A.  D.  1198-1316.— The  establishing  of  Pa- 
pal Sovereignty  in  the  States  of  the  Church. 
.SeeP.vi'ACV:  A.  1).  1108-1216. 

13th  Century. — Political  conditions  which 
prepared  the  way  for  the  despots. — "The 
struggle  between  the  Pojies  and  the  llolien- 
staufen left  Italy  i»  ft  political  condition  which 
dillered  essentially  from  that  of  the  other  coun- 
tries of  tlie  West.  While  in  France,  Spain,  and 
England  the  feudal  system  was  so  organised 
tliat,  at  the  close  of  its  existepce,  it  was  natu- 
rally transformed  into  a  uniticd  monarcliy,  and 
while  in  Germany  it  helped  to  maintain,  at  least 
outwardly,  the  unity  of  the  empire,  Italy  had 
shaken  it  oft  almost  entirely.  Tlic  Emperors  of 
the  fourteenth  century,  even  in  the  most  favour- 
able case,  were  no  longer  received  and  respected 
as  feudal  lords,  but  as  possible  leaders  and  sup- 
jiorters  of  powers  already  in  existence;  while 
the  Papacy,  with  its  creatures  and  allies,  was 
strong  enough  to  hinder  national  unity  in  tlie  fu- 
ture, not  strong  enough  itself  to  bring  about  that 
unity.  Between  the  two  lay  a  multitude  of  politi- 
cal units  —  republics  and  despots — in  part  of  long 
standing,  in  part  of  recent  origin,  whose  exis- 
tence was  founded  simply  on  tlieir  power  to 
luaintain  it.  In  them  for  the  first  time  we  de- 
tect the  modern  political  spirit  of  Europe,  sur- 
rendered freely  to  its  own  instincts,  often  dis- 
playing the  worst  features  of  an  unbridled 
egoism,  outraging  every  right,  and  killing  every 
germ  of  a  liealthier  culture.  Blit,  wherever  this 
vicious  tendency  is  overcome  or  in  any  way 


1816 


ITALY,  IBTII  CENTimV 


(Itirlfu 
iitkJ  tihilH-Hiitf 


ITALY,  1218. 


com|i<'nsnt(Ml,  li  ik^w  fact  nppciirH  In  history  — 
till'  Ntul(t  OH  the  outcoMic  iif  nllrctldii  unci  nilciilii' 
tiiin.  th(!  Htiilc  iiH  II  work  or  iirl.  'I'liU  new  life 
(IIh|iIiivm  ItHi'ir  in  It  IiumiId'iI  forniH.  Iiolli  In  tlic 
r('|iiilili('iin  iiiul  in  the  (IcHpntlc  HtiitcH,  luiil  (li'tcr- 
niliii'H  tlu'lr  inwiinl  roiiHtiliilion,  no  Ii'km  tliiiii 
tlirir  fori'i);n  policy.  .  .  .  Tlic  internal  ronilillon 
of  till'  licspotinilly  f;ovi'riU'(l  Ntiitcs  liiid  a  nicin 
onililc  coiiiitcrpiirf.  In  Uw  NorniHn  Kinpire  of 
lidWiT  Italy  and  HIcily,  aflrr  itH  tranHforniittl<in 
by  the"  Knipt'ror  FriMlcrlclt  II.  Urcil  iiiiiid  trca- 
Hon  and  porll  In  tlin  nclKlilionrliiHid  of  tlic  Sara- 
rciiH,  Frcdcricli,  tlii"  first  ruK'r  of  the  iiKHlcrit 
type  who  Hat  upon  a  throne,  had  curly  acciis- 
tiinicd  hIniKi'lf,  liotli  in  critlclKrn  and  action,  to  a 
thoroughly  objertivo  treatment  of  aPairH.  Ills 
ac(piaintaiii'o  with  thu  internal  condition  and  ad- 
ministration of  tho  Haraeenic  stiiti's  was  eloso 
and  intimate;  and  the  mortal  KtriiKKle  in  which 
he  was  engnfted  witli  tho  Papacy  compelled 
him,  no  less  tlian  his  adversaries,  to  brin>;  into 
the  Held  all  the  resonrces  at  Ids  command. 
Frederick's  measures  (especially  after  the  year 
12!U)ar(!  aimed  at  the  complete  destruction  of 
the  feudal  state,  at  the  transformation  of  the 
people  into  a  multitude  destitute  of  will  and  of  the 
means  of  resistance,  but  prolltablo  in  the  utmost 
degree  to  the  exche(iuer.  He  centralised,  in  a 
manner  hitherto  unknown  in  the  West,  the  whole 
liidicial  and  political  administration  by  estab- 
lishing the  right  of  appeal  from  the  feudal  courts, 
wliich  he  did  not,  however,  abolish,  to  the  im- 
perial judges.  No  olllco  was  henceforth  to  be 
lllled  by  popular  election,  under  penalty  of 
the  devastation  of  tho  odending  district  and  of 
the  enslavement  of  its  inhabitants.  Excise  duties 
were  introiluced ;  the  taxes,  based  on  a  compre- 
hensive iissessment,  and  distributed  in  accor- 
dance with  Mohaiumedan  usages,  were  collected 
by  those  cruel  and  vexatious  metliods  without 
which,  it  is  true,  it  is  impossible  to  obtain  any 
money  from  Orientals.  Here,  in  short,  we  fln(l, 
not  a  people,  b\it  simply  a  disciplined  midtitude 
of  subjects.  .  .  .  The  internal  police,  and  the 
kernel  of  tho  army  for  foreign  service,  was  com- 
posed of  Saracens  who  had  been  brought  over 
from  Sicily  to  Nocera  and  Lticeria  —  men  wlio 
were  deaf  to  tlie  cry  of  misery  and  careless  of 
the  ban  of  the  Church.  At  a  later  period  the 
subjects,  by  whom  tho  use  of  weapons  had  long 
been  forgotten,  were  passive  witnesses  of  the 
fall  of  Manfred  and  of  the  seizure  of  the  govern- 
ment by  Charles  of  Anjou;  the  latter  continued 
to  use  tho  system  wliich  he  found  idready  at 
work.  At  the  side  of  the  centralLsing  Emperor 
appeared  an  usurper  of  the  most  peculiar  kind: 
his  vicar  and  sou-inlaw,  Kzzelino  da  Koniano. 
.  .  .  The  conqwcsts  and  usurpations  which  had 
hitherto  taken  place  in  the  Middle  Ages  rested 
on  real  or  i)rcten(ied  inheritance  and  other  such 
claims,  or  else  were  effected  against  unbelievers 
and  excommunicated  persons.  Here  for  the  first 
time  the  attempt  was  openly  made  to  found  a 
throne  by  wholesale  murder  and  endless  bar- 
barities, by  tho  adoption,  in  short,  of  any  means 
with  a  view  to  nothing  but  tho  end  pursued. 
Kone  of  his  successors,  not  even  Ciesar  Borgia, 
rivalled  the  colossal  guilt  of  Ezzelino;  but  the 
example  once  set  was  not  forgotten.  ,  .  .  Im- 
mediately after  tho  fall  of  Frederick  and  Ezze- 
liuo,  a  crowd  of  tyrants  appeareil  upon  the 
scene.  Tho  struggle  between  Ouelph  and  Qliib- 
elline  was  their  opportunity.    They  came  for- 


ward ill  gi'iienil  as  Cililbellliii>  Iraders,  but  at 
tlmi'Haiid  under  eoiidltions  so  varioUN,  that  It  U 
iiiiposNible  not  to  recognise  In  the  fact  a  law  of 
supreme  and  iinlverHal  necessity." — .1.  Ibirck- 
liardt,  17ie  lUiitiiimuice  in  Italy,  pt.  1,  eh.  I, 
(-•.  I). 

A.  D.  1215.— The  bcgrinning:,  at  Florence, 
the  causes  and  the  meaning;  of  the  strife  of  the 
Guelfs  and  Ghibellines. — "  In  the  year  IV!I,'> 
it  clianced  that  a  i|iiarrel  occurred  at  n  festival 
between  some  young  nobles  of  Florence.  It  was 
an  event  of  as  frivolous,  and  atipan'iitly  unlm- 
Jiyrtant,  a  character  as  tliousands  of  other  such 
iirolls;  but  tills  obscure  quarrel  has  Ix'en  treated 
by  the  whole  body  of  Florentine  historians  as 
the  origin  and  starting  |iolnt  of  that  Heries  of 
civil  wars  wiiicli  shaped  tlie  entire  future  for- 
tunes of  the  eoinmunlty,  and  shook  to  its  centre 
the  wholt*  fabric  of  society  tlirougliout  central 
It4ily.  Tho  story  of  it  has  become  memorable 
tlierefore  in  Florentine  annals,  and  has  been  ren- 
dereJl  famous  not  only  by  tho  writers  of  history, 
but  by  many  generations  of  noets,  painters, 
novelists,  and  sculptors."  Urietly  sketched,  the 
Btory  Is  this:  A  handsome  youth  of  the  lliiondcl- 
inonti  family,  mixing  in  a  <|Uiirrel  at  the  festival 
alluded  to,  struck  one  Oddo  Arringhi  del  Fifanti 
with  his  poniard.  Comnum  friends  of  the  two 
broiiglit  about  a  reconciliation,  by  means  of  an 
arriingement  of  miirriag('  between  liiiondelniontc 
and  a  niece  of  Hit  injured  man.  lliit  the  lady 
was  plain,  and  Huoii(leliii(mte,  falling  madly  in 
love  with  another,  more  charming,  whom  evil 
chance  and  a  scheming  mother  threw  temptingly 
in  his  way,  did  not  scruple  to  break  his  engage- 
ment, and  to  do  it  with  insult.  He  wedded  his 
new  love,  who  was  of  the  Donati  family,  on 
Easter  Day,  and  on  that  same  day  he  was  slain 
by  the  Amidei,  whose  house  he  liii''  ^o  grossly 
ailrontcd.  "Tlie  assassins  retired  1  llicir  for- 
tress bouses,  and  left  the  bridal  parly  to  form 
itself  as  it  might  into  a  funeral  procession. 
'Great  was  the  uproar  in  tho  city.  He  was 
]ilacc(t  oil  a  bier;  and  his  wife  took  her  station 
on  the  bier  also,  and  held  his  head  in  her  lap, 
violently  weeping;  and  in  that  manner  they  car- 
ried him  through  the  wh  do  of  the  city;  and  cm 
tliat  day  began  the  ruin  of  Flon'uce.'  The  last 
jilirasc  of  the  above  citation  marks  the  signill- 
cance  which  the  Tuscan  historians  have  attributed 
to  tlii»  incident,  and  the  important  place  that 
has  always  been  assigned  to  it  in  Florentine  his- 
tory. We  are  told  by  all  the  earliest  liistorianH, 
especially  by  Malispini,  in  wliosechiUihood  these 
events  must  have  happened,  and  whom  Villani 
copies  almost  word  for  word,  that  from  this 
quarrel  began  the  great,  fatal,  and  world-famous 
division  of  Florence  into  the  jiarties  of  Giielph 
and  Ohilielline.  Dante  goes  so  far  as  to  consider 
the  conductor  nuondelmonte  in  this  affair  so  en- 
tirely the  cause  of  the  evils  that  arose  from  the 
Quelphand  Gbibelline  wars,  tliat,  had  that  cau.se 
not  existed,  no  such  misfortunes  would  have 
arisen.  .  .  .  Yet  the  historians  admit  that  the 
IKirty  names  of  Guelpli  and  Gliibelline  were 
known  in  Florence  long  before;  but  they  say 
that  not  till  tlieii  did  tiio  city  divide  itself  into 
two  hostile  camps  under  those  rallying  cries.  It 
is  curiously  clear,  from  the  accounts  of  Malis- 
pini and  Villani,  that,  as  usual  in  such  matters, 
tlie  Florentines  had  but  a  very  hazy  notion  as  to 
the  meaning  and  origin  of  the  two  names  [seo 
GuelfsakdGiiibellineb,  and  Gekmany:  A.D. 


1817 


ITALY,  ma 


flurl/l 
nnri  UliiMllnM 


ITALY,  1350-1308. 


11IW-t3(W].for  the  niiki-  of  wlilcli  tliry  wprr<  pn'- 
|Hiri'il  to  rut  ciirli  otliirV  lliroiitH.  Any  initm'  or 
WHtrliword  in  ffiHHl  iiioukIi  for  it  piirty  riillylnu 
cry.  wlini  orici'  iiumhIoiim  Imvc  liicn  <(miii'i'l(il 
wlllill  ;  lull  llir  KI<irrrillM('Hiiiii|i'rHtrH>il  tliiit  Oliili 
cllllli'  liH'Mlll  iitliirliiiirlll  to  till'  Ktiiplrc  In  oppo 
hIiIoii  Io  till'  Cliiiri'li.  mill  Oilclpli  uttiirliliiMil  to 
till'  (iliiirrli  In  oppiiNltlon  to  tlir  Knililri'.  .  .  . 
Hill  till-  ipiiirrrl  of  (iiii'Ipli  with  (iliilii'llliH'  ill 
Flori'iiMi  wuH  till'  I'XprrHHioii  of  ii  still  wliirr 
Niirriiil  anil  iiiori'  piTi'iiiiliil  ronlllrt.  .  .  .  'I'lir 
(iliilirllliU'S  wrri'  till'  olil  linprrliil  iioIiIi'N.  wIiii, 
wlirtliir  iiiori'  iiiirlriitly  or  niorii  ri'ii'iitly  liiror 
|)onitriI  into  till'  holly  of  Flori'iitlni'  rill/i'im, 
forini'il  till'  iiri.itorniry  of  tlii'  Koriiil  Iwiily,  iinil 
wrrr  imtiirallv  InipiTlalist  In  tlirir  HyinpittlilrH. 
Tl. 'II'  (ilillii'l'lini'M  wiri'  till!  Iii^li  To'rirH  of  llio 
Klorrntlni'  roininiinlty.  'I'lir  l«iiiy  of  tlii"  pi'iiplr 
niTi'diirlpliH,  iiiiiniii);  tlirniHrlvi'Siiflir  tiir  party 
profi'HNliiK  allarliinrnt  to  tlir  Cliiinli  only  \tv 
caiiwi  till.'  I'lipiiry  wiih  in  oppoHilion  to  tlir 
Kinpiri'.  Till' (liiilplis  wiTi' tlir  \Vlili;.'Hof  Klor- 
I'nir.  Till'  ItailinilM  iipprarril  on  tin'  sri'iir  in 
iliir  tiiniMinil  normal  sripniu'r."  From  Klori'iiri'. 
iiH  its  rintrr,  tlir  Nlrifr  of  tlir  two  fartionsHpiriiil 
tliroiiKliniit  Italy.  "  (iliilirlllnl.sni  waH  nrarly 
iinlvirNiil  in  tlio  north  of  Italy,  iliviilril  anion;; 
11  mimlii'r  of  niorr  or  Irss  wril  known  nf<'"' 
faniilii's,  of  whom  tin'  prinripal  witi'  tlir  Vis- 
roiiti  111  Milan,  anil  the  Di'lla  Hrala  at  Vi'i'oiia. 
Napli'M  and  tin-  StalrH  of  tlir  Chiirrli  wrri' 
(liii'lph;  till'  fornirr,  imiiri'il  harilly  br  hiik^'i'Su'iI, 
from  politiral  rirrwm.stanri's,  from  oppoHilion  to 
tlio  Kmpiro,  anil  from  I'onnrrtloii,  ralliiT  than 
from  pnnripli'.  Tiisrany  anil  thi'  whole  of  (!rn- 
Iriil  Iliily  wi'ri'iliviilnl  lii'twi'rn  till- two.  itlthoii^fli 
tlir  ri'al  Htri'iiKtli  anil  Htronf^liolil  of  gi'iiiiini! 
Oiii'lpliisni  was  tlirri'.  Without  Florcnri',  tliiTi! 
woulil  ha VI'  lii'i'ii  no  Giii'lph  party.  Ilail  thosi- 
Htoiit  Haiiilallril  anil  Irathrr-ji'rkincil  Flori'iitlnr 
biirKlii'i's  of  the  IMtli  ri'ntiiry  not  iinilcrtaki'ii  anil 
pcr.si'Vi'rcil  in  that  crusailo  ngainsl  the  feiiilal 
nobles  anil  the  (ililbelline  principle,  which  .  .  . 
was  the  leailin;;  occupation  anil  idea  of  the  (.'oni- 
monwealth  during  all  that  century,  Ghibellini.sm 
and  Imperialism  would  Imvc  long  Hinee  pos- 
8es,scd  and  ruled  Italy  from  the  Aljm  to  the 
too  of  the  boot."— T.  A.  Trollope,  j/ist.  of  Uie 
UomvumtHnlth  of  Morrnre,  hk.  1,  rh.  3,  and  hk.  3, 
ch.  1  (r.  1). — "One  party  called  themselves  the 
Eniperor'a  liegemen,  and  their  watchword  was 
authority  and  low ;  the  other  wde  were  the  liege- 
men of  Iloly  Church,  and  their  cry  was  lilKTty ; 
and  the  distinction  as  a  broad  one  Is  true.  But 
a  democracy  would  become  Oliibelline,  without 
scruple,  If  its  neighbour  town  was  Giielf;  and 
among  the  Giielf  liegemen  of  the  Church  and 
lilM'rty,  the  pride  of  blood  and  love  of  power 
were  not  a  whit  inferior  to  that  of  their  oppo- 
nents. Yet  ...  it  is  not  iinpos.sible  to  trai  e  in 
the  two  factions  differences  of  temper,  of  moral 
and  political  inclinations,  which,  though  visible 
only  on  a  large  scale  and  in  the  mass,  were  quite 
sutlleient  to  give  meaning  and  reality  to  their 
mntnal  opposition.  .  .  .  The  Ghibellines  as  a 
liody  reflected  the  worldliness,  the  license,  the 
irrcligion,  the  reckless  sellishness,  the  daring  in- 
solence, and  at  the  same  time  the  gaiety  and 
pomp,  the  princely  magnificence  and  generosity 
and  largeness  of  mind  of  the  House  of  Swabia 
[Uie  Ilohenstaufen] ;  they  wore  the  men  of  the 
court  and  camp.  .  .  .  The  Guelfs,  on  the  other 
band,  were  the  party  of  the  middle  classes;  they 


roHi-  out  of  and  held  to  the  people,  they  were 
Ntroiig  by  their  compiii'tncHH.  their  oruanlHation 
In  cIlii'H,  Ihi'lrcommeri'lal  M'liitloiiMatid  IntercNtM, 
their  I'ommaiid  of  inoiiey.  Further,  they  weru 
profeHHi'dly  the  parly  of  NlrietncHH  and  riligion. 
.  .  .  The  giniiliic  (liiilf  spirit  was  aiiHtere,  fru- 
gal, Indi'pcnili'iit.  earni'st,  religious,  fund  of  ilM 
home  iinil  (liiirrh,  and  of  tlioMe  celebralioiiH 
ulili'h  bound  together  Churili  and  lioiiic;  .  .  . 
ill  it.s  higher  form  intoleriiiit  of  evil,  but  inloler- 
ant  always  of  whatever  ilispleaHeil  it.  Vet  there 
was  a  grave  and  noble  maiiliiie.si«  about  It  which 
long  kept  It  alive  in  Flonnce.  ' —  H.  W.  Church. 
Ihiiitf  mill  iil/iir  /''imiii/n,  /ij).  l/HH. —  .See,  also, 
Fl.imKMK:   A.  I).  I'.'I.V  I'.Tilt. 

A.  D.  1236-1359.— The  tyranny  of  Eccelino 
di  Romano  in  the  Veronese  or  Treviaan 
Marches,  and  the  crusade  against  him.  Hen 
Vi;iii)NA:  A.  I).  I •,':«!  r.'."iit. 

A.  D.  1348-1378.— The  wars  of  a  generation 
of  the  Guelfs  and  Ghibellines  in  Tuscany.  Sen 
Floiikm  k:  a.  I).  l'JIH-l'j;,s. 

(Southern):  A.  D.  1350-1368.— Invasion  and 
conquest  of  the  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies 
by  Charles  of  Anjou,  on  the  invitation  of  the 
Pope. — "Thi'diiilli  of  till'  Kiiiperor  Freileric  II., 
in  I J5II,  bad  been  followed  in  less  than  four  years 
by  that  of  his  son  and  HUccesKor  Conrad  I\^., 
from  whose  son  Conrailin.  iit  that  time  an  infant, 
the  Crown  of  the  Two  Sicilies  was  usurped  by 
Ills  unci''  Manfred,  a  natural  child  of  the  deceased 
Frederic.  The  hatred  of  the  Sei' of  Home,  not- 
withstanding till'  freipient  changes  wliicli  bad 
occurred  in  the  I'lipiil  Chair,  still  pursued  Ihu 
Line  of  IIolii  nstaulTen,  even  in  this  illegitimatn 
branch,  and  it  was  transmitted  as  an  hereditary 
posscHsion  from  Innocent  IV.  through  Ah'.xander 
IV.  and  Frlmii  IV.,  to  the  IVtIi  Clement.  Inter- 
ference in  Germany  il.self  was  forbidden  by  the 
inilepenilenceof  the  Klretortil  I'rinces;  and  when 
it  was  foiinil  impossible  to  obtain  the  nomination 
of  an  Emperor  decidedly  in  the  Giielph  interest, 
Alexander  contented  himself  In'  endeavouring  to 
separate  the  Throne  of  the  Two  Sicilies  from 
tliat  of  Germany,  and  to  establish  upon  tlio 
former  a  Feudatory,  and  therefore  a  Cliainpion, 
of  the  Church.  Various  alliances  for  this  purpose 
were  projected  by  Alexander,  and  by  his  suc- 
cessors who  adopted  a  similar  policy ;  and  the 
Crown,  which  was  in  truth  to  be  conqiien'd  from 
Manfred,  was  offered  as  an  investiture  which 
Home  had  a  full  right  to  bestow."  After  long 
negotiations  with  Henry  HI.  7)f  England,  who 
coveted  the  Sicilian  pri/e  for  his  second  son, 
Edmund,  and  who  paid  large  sums  to  the  papal 
treasury  by  way  of  eaniest  money,  but  who 
showed  little  ability  to  oust  the  possessor.  Poiic 
Urban,  at  length,  closed  a  bargain  with  that  am- 
bitious speculator  in  royal  claims  and  titles, 
f.'harles  of  Anjou,  brother  of  ,St.  Louis,  king  of 
France.  The  honesty  of  Louis  was  somewhat 
troubled  by  the  uuscrujiulous  transaction;  but 
his  conscience  submitted  itself  to  tlie  instructions 
of  the  Holy  Father,  and  he  permitted  his  brother 
to  embark  in  the  evil  enterprise.  "Charles, 
accordingly,  having  first  accepted  the  Senator- 
ship  of  Home,  with  which  high  magistracy  he 
was  invested  by  her  citizens,  ucgociiited  with  the 
Holj-  See,  most  ably  and  much  to  his  advantage, 
for  the  loftier  dignity  of  Kingship.  In  little 
more  than  a  month  after  he  had  received  his 
Crown  from  the  hands  of  Clfinent  IV.,  who  had 
become  Pope,  he  totally  defeated  and  killed  his 


1818 


iTAiiY.  la.io-r.MW 


TIk-  Drtpnlt 


IT<MiY,   1388-1300 


op|iiiii<>nt  Miinfn'il,  In  tlio  hiiltli-  of  (Iruiiclcllik 
(iii'iir  lli'iii'\<'iitii,  Prlinmry.  I'.'fHIl.  ('iinniilln, 
will)  liiiii  now  iirrlvi'il  iil  ycitrs  of  (liHcrclinn.  wiis 
Htill  liU  rival;  liiil  tlii'  ('ii|itiiri'  of  tlic  yoiiiiK 
I'riru')'  III  'l''ii^'lliu'<>//.ii  |I'J(M|.  iiinl  IiIh  H|H'cily 
cnmiiilttiil  III  the  cxcciitliinrr,  tiiiitlriiiril  clmrlrM 
of  AliJ<»>  l»  IiIn  KIiik<I<»».  <>t  llx'  I'VcrliisliiiK  I'X 
pfiiM!  of  Ills  ((inhI  iiaiiir.  Few  IikIiIi'IiIn  In  IIIh 
tiiry  iiri'  iiinri'  lalciilatril  lo  uwakni  JiihI,  Imli^riia 
tliiii  tliati  tilt'  iiiilliiii'ly  I'Mil  of  llir  liravc,  \vriinK<'<l, 
mill  Kiillaiit  Coiiraillii.  Cliarlis  of  Atijnii  IIiiim 
foiinilril  till'  llrMl  ilyiiiiHly  iil'  his  IIiiiihi^  ulilcli 
ri'i^liril  iiViT  till'  SliTlirs.  Tlir  |il'rtrilNliills  wliii'li 
AraKoii  aflrrwanlM  iiilviuicril  In  tlir  Crown  of 
thai  KliiK'loin  riHli'il  on  a  iniirriuKi'  liilwi'cn 
I'ciiro,  till'  I'lili'st  Hon  of  KiiiK  .laincs,  and  Con 
Hlunro,  Ik  dauKliI'"  "f  Maiifri^d." — E.  Hiiu'dlcy. 
IHhI.  iif  /•'niiiiv.  III.  1,  (•//.  (1. 

Almoin:  .1.  Mlclii'lct,  Iliiit.  of  Friinee,  hk.  4, 
th.  H— II.  11.  Mllinan,  lUot.  of  l.ntin  Chrhlinn- 
itji,  hk.  II,  rh.  :l  (('.  5),— Mrs.  \V.  Himk,  MeiUitml 
I\>j>eii,  Hiiijieroni,  Kiiiyii,  ami  Cnimdem,  hk.  5 
(«.  4). 

A.  D.  1350-1293.— Development  of  the  popu- 
lar Constitution  of  the  Florentine  Common- 
wealth.     Sic  lM,oii|.;.N(  1,:  A.  I).  ILTiO   r.MKl, 

A.  D.  1250-1520. -The  Age  of  the  Despots. 
— The  rise  of  Principalities. — "  From  the  driitli 
of  Fivilnick  111.'  Srciind  |.V.  1).  Iri.V)]  .  .  .  all 
linictical  powi'r  of  an  imperial  kinf^doiii  In  Italy 
limy  111,'  said  to  have  pimsril  away.  Presently 
lieifliis  tlu!  gradual  rliaii^'c  of  the  coninionwealtliM 
Into  tyrunnies,  and  the  jjioiiplnj;  tojjellier  of 
many  of  tliem  into  lnr);er  Htalrs.  We  also  see 
tile  nejfinning  of  mori?  ili'llnite  elaims  of  tempo- 
ral doinlnloii  on  behalf  of  the  I'opes.  In  tlio 
roiirse  of  the  ;i()0  years  lielweeii  1' lederlek  the 
(Second  and  Charles  the  Fifth,  iIichc  processes 
gradually  changed  the  face  of  the  Italian  king- 
(loin.  It  became  in  the  end  a  collection  of  prin- 
('iimlitiim,  broken  only  by  the  survival  of  u  few 
oligarchic  oommonwealtlis  and  by  the  anomalous 
(loniinion  of  Venice  on  tlii^  mainland.  Between 
Frederick  the  Hecond  and  Charles  the  Fifth,  wu 
limy  look  on  the  Knipirc  ns  priietically  in  abey- 
ance in  Italy.  The  coming  of  an  Fmiieror  al- 
ways caused  a  great  stir  for  the  time,  but  it  was 
only  for  the  time.  After  the  grant  of  Rudolf  of 
Haiisburg  to  the  Poi)es,  a  distinction  was  drawn 
between  Imperial  and  papal  territory  in  Italy. 
While  certain  iirinces  ami  commonwealths  still 
acknowledged  at  least  the  nominal  guperlority 
of  the  Emperor,  others  were  now  held  to  stand 
in  the  same  relation  of  vassalage  to  the  Pope." — 
E.  A.  Freeman,  Jliiitoririil  lleay.  of  Europe,  rh.  8, 
neet.  'A.  — "  During  the  14lh  and  l.llh  centuries  we 
find,  roughly  speaking,  si.\  sorts  of  despots  in 
Itiiliau  cities.  Of  these  the  Fir.stclaas,  which  is  a 
Very  small  one,  had  a  dynastic  or  hereditary 
right  accruing  from  long  seignorial  pos.se.ssioii, 
of  their  several  districts.  The  most  eminent  are 
the  houses  of  Montferrat  and  Havoy,  the  Mar- 
(luises  of  Ferrara,  the  Princes  of  Lrhino.  .  .  . 
Tlic  Second  class  eompri.-ie  those  nobles  who  ob- 
tained the  title  of  Yicirs  of  the  Empire,  and 
built  an  illegal  power  '.pon  the  basis  of  imperial 
right  in  Lomlmrdy.  Of  these,  the  Delia  Sealu 
and  Visconli  families  are  illustrious  instances. 
.  .  .  The  Third  class  is  important.  Nobles 
charged  with  military  or  judicial  power,  as 
("apitanl  or  Podcstas,  by  the  free  burghs,  used 
their  authority  to  enslave  the  cities  they  were 
chosen  to  administer.     It  was  thus  that  almost 


all  ihe  iiunicrouH  tyrnnlHof  I.ombardy,  ritrrnmal 
at  Padua,  ()oii7.aglil  at  Mantua,  Uimsl  and  Cor- 
ri'ggi  at  Parma,  TorrciiNi  and  Viscuiiti  at  Milan, 
.Sciiiti  at  Placcn/.a,  and  no  forth,  tci'lcd  their 
di'NiiotIc  dyniMlics.  ...  In  the  FourMi  chuwi  wo 
lliiil  the  principle  of  force  Htill  iiiiire  openly  at 
work.  To  It  may  b<^  HHHlgncd  thoNc  Condottlerl 
who  made  a  prey  of  cilies  at.  tliiir  pleaNiire.  The 
ilhiHtrioiis  I'gucclone  della  Faggiilola,  who  neg- 
lecled  to  follow  up  his  victory  over  the  (liiclfs 
nl  .Monic  Catini,  in  order  that  lie  might  <'ciiient 
Ills  power  in  'urea  and  Pisa,  is  an  early  inslaiiuu 
of  this  kind  of  i^nii  I.  Ills  Hucccssor,  Castriie- 
<'Io  Caslracanc,  the  hero  of  Machiavclli'sromancn, 
Is  another.  Hut  It  was  not  until  the  llrst  half  of 
the  t.'ith  century  that  professional  Condottleri 
became  powerful  enough  to  found  niicIi  king- 
ilonis  as  thai,  for  example,  of  Francesco  Hforza 
at  Milan.  The  Fifth  ilass  includes  the  nciihews 
or  sons  of  Popes.  The  Uiario  prim  inality  of 
Forii,  the  Delia  Hovcre  of  Irbino,  the  llorgia  of 
Hoinagiia.  the  Farnesi!  of  Parma,  form  a  distinct 
Hpccles  of  despotisms;  but  all  tliise  are  of  11  com- 
paiallvcly  laic  origin.  Intil  tlie  jiapacy  of  Six- 
Ins  IV.  and  Innocent  VIII.  the  Piipes  had  not 
bithought  them  of  providing  in  tiiis  way  for 
their  relatives.  .  .  .  There  remains  the  Sixth 
and  last  cla.ss  of  despols  to  be  inenUoned.  This 
again  is  large  and  nt  the  first  importance,  (.'iti- 
/ens  of  eminence,  like  the  Medici  at  Florence,  the 
Hentivogll  at  Bologna,  the  Baglioni  of  Perugia, 
tlie  Uambaeorti  of  ''isa,  like  Pandolfo  Pctruccl 
in  Siena  (inoi),  Komeo  Pepoli.  Ihe  usurer  of 
Bologna  (Kl^il),  the  plebeian  Alticlinio  and  Ago- 
huiti  of  Padua  (llll:)),  ac(|uired  more  than  their 
due  weight  in  the  conduct  of  alTairs,  and  grad- 
ually teiidcil  lo  tyranny.  In  mo.st  of  these  cases 
great  wealth  was  the  original  source  of  despotic 
iLscendancy.  It  was  not  uncummon  lo  buy  cities 
togetlier  with  their  Signory.  .  .  .  But  personal 
(lualities  and  nobility  of  bl(M)d  might  also  pro- 
(luce  despots  of  the  Sixth  clas.s. " — J.  A.  Symoiids, 
liiiiitiiuuinee  in  Jtnly:  Tlir  Aijiufthe l)ii<)mlH,  rh.  3. 

A.  D.  1261-1264. — The  supplantingr  of  the 
Venetians  bv  the  Genoese  at  Constantinople 
and  in  the  Black  Sea.— War  between  the  Re- 
publics.    SeetjlKNiu:  A.  I).  laOI-iai):). 

A.  D.  1273-1291. — Indifference  of  Rodolph 
of  Hapsburg  to  his  Italian  dominions. — His 
neglect  to  claim  the  imperial  crown.  See  Oku- 
.many:  a.  I).  l','7:!-ia()«. 

A.  D.  1277-14^7.— Tyranny  of  the  Visconti 
at  Milan. — Their  domination  in  Lombardy 
and  their  fall.     Sec  Milan:  A.  1).  U>T7-I447. 

A.  D.  1282-1293.— War  between  Genoa  and 
Pisa. — Battle  of  Meloria. — War  of  Florence 
and   Lucca  against   Pisa.     See   Pisa:    A.    I). 

i(m:i-i-'i)3. 

(Southern):  A.  D.  1282-1300.— The  Sicilian 
Vespers.— Severance  of  the  Two  Sicilies. — 
End  of  the  House  of  Anjou  in  the  insular  king- 
dom,— "Peter,  King  of  Aragon,  had  married 
Constance,  the  daugliter  of  Jlaiifred,  and  laid 
claim  to  the  kingdom  of  Sicily  in  her  right.  Ho 
sent  for  help  to  Alichael  Palaiologos,  the  restorer 
of  the  Eastern  Empire.  The  Emperor  agreed  to 
his  proposals,  for  his  Empire  was  threatened  bv 
Charles  of  Anjou.  These  negotiations  were.  It 
is  said,  carried  (m  through  Giovanni  di  Procida, 
a  Sicilian  exile,  who,  as  the  story  goes,  bad  suf- 
fered cruel  wnmgs  from  the  Irciich.  Charles 
knew  something  of  the  plaus  of  the  allies,  and 
both  parties  were  preparing  for  war,  but  affairs 


1819 


ITALY,  1283-1300. 


Clamie  Kevtml. 


ITALY,  1310-1318. 


were  t)r(Hif,'lil  to  ii  crisis  liy  ii  <liiiii((!  Ofcurroncc. 
Oil  Miircli  ;t)),  rjS'J,  a  liriiliil  iiiMilt  was  olTcrrd 
liy  a  Krcncli  wililicr  to  a  liridc  in  llie  prcHPiicc  of 
her  friciidH  and  iiciitlilioiirs  oiitsidi-  tlie  walls  of 
I'alcrnio,  and  the  sinotlicrcd  liatrcd  of  tlio  people! 
lirok(!  out  into  open  violciicr.  Tlin  try  '  Dciitli 
to  the  Frcncli '  was  raised,  and  all  who  beloni^ed 
to  that  nulioii  in  Palermo  were  slain  wilhoiit 
mercy.  This  nias.sacrc,  which  is  called  "  The 
Sicilian  Vespers,'  spread  through  the  whole 
island ;  the  yoke  of  l\u'  oppressor  was  liroken 
and  tlif  land  was  delivered.  Charles  laid  siege 
to  jMessina,  bc.t  he  was  forced  to  retire  liy  Peter 
of  Aragon,  who  lande<l  ami  was  received  as  King. 
Pope  Miirliii  in  vain  "xcoinmunicated  tlie  rebels 
and  tiieir  allies,  and,  .1  1284,  Charles  received  iv 
j,'rcat  blow,  for  his  son  was  defeated  and  taken 
prisoner  by  Hoj];er  of  Loria,  tlie  Admiral  of  the 
('atalan  (lect.  (,'harles  of  Anjou  died  in  1280, 
and  two  years  later  his  son,  also  called  Charles, 
ransomed  himself  from  prison." — W.  Hunt,  Jlint. 
of  {lull/,  ch.  4. —  Charles  of  Aujoii  "died  of  grief, 
h'avini:  his  son,  the  prince  of  Salerno,  a  prisoner, 
and  .Martin  followed  him,  before  he  could  pro- 
claim a  general  crusiide  against  the  invader  of 
the  apostolic  lie''.  Pedro,  ha\  ing  enjoyed  his 
two  crowns  to  the  day  of  his  deatli,  left  them  to 
his  sons,  Alplonso  and  .lames  respectively,  and 
both  were  excommunicated  by  llonorius  IV.  for 
their  accession.  The  prince  of  t-nlorno,  obtain- 
ing his  release  by  the  mediation  of  Edward  of 
Kiigland,  was  iibsolved  by  Nicholas  IV.  from  the 
conditions  to  which  ho  had  sworn,  and  crowned 
at  Home  king  of  Apulia  {i.  c.,  Naples)  and  Sicily, 
A.  I).  1'289.  His  h()|)es  of  regaining  the  island 
were  constantly  (lisai)pointcd.  .lames,  having 
succeeded  to  the  crown  of  Arrngon  by  the  deatli 
of  Alphonso,  was  persua(le<l  to  resign  Sicily  to 
Chii'les  on  condition  of  receiving  liis  daught<Tin 
marriage,  with  an  ample  dowry.  Boniface  VIII. 
also  graciously  gave  him  leave  to  compicr  the 
i.slaiids  of  Corsica  iind  Sardinia,  from  the  repub- 
lics of  Pisa  and  Genoa.  The  Sicilians,  however, 
declining  to  be  so  bartered,  bestowed  their  crown 
(  n  .lames's  b.'other  Frederic  [12!!.')];  and  though 
.lames  contributed  his  tleet  to  reduce  him,  he  re- 
tained the  island  throne  [lliOO],  while  Charles 
and  the  pope  were  obliged  to  rest  content  with 
the  continental  kingdom.  Their  only  satisfaction 
was  to  persist  in  calling  Naples  by  tlie  name  of 
Sicily,  and  to  stigmatise  their  rival  as  king  of 
'Tri'iacrin.'  " — Q.  Trevoi,  litnne:  from  Ike  Fall  of 
the  Western  Kmpire,  p.  240. 

Also  IN:  8.  A.  nuiiham.  Hint,  of  Si^tiii  and 
VorUtfinl,  Ilk.  it,  sect.  2.  eh.  4. 

A.  D.  1294-1299. — War  between  Venice  and 
Genoa.     See  (iKNo.s.:  A.  D.  12fil-12i)i). 

A.  D.  1297-1319. — The  perfected  aristocratic 
Constitution  of  Venice.  See  V'KNUi;;  A.  I). 
10:!2-1 ;(!!), 

A.  D.  1300-1313.— New  factions  of  Florence 
and  Tuscany  —  Bianchi  and  Neri.  See  Fi,ou- 
i;n<  k:  a.  1).  .^i).')-1800,  and  l;!01-i;il3. 

14th  Century. — The  Renaissance  in  its  be- 
ginning.—  "It  was  not  the  revival  of  anti(piity 
alone,  but  its  union  with  the  genius  of  the  Italian 
l)eople,  which  achieved  the  compiest  of  the  West- 
ern world.  .  .  .  The  civilisation  of  Greece  and 
Rome,  which,  ever  sini'c  the  fourteenth  century, 
obtained  sopo-verfii'  -  hold  on  Italian  life,  as  the 
source  and  basis  of  culture,  as  the  obje  '  and  ideal 
of  existence,  jiartly  also  a.-  an  avowei.  eaction 
ugaiust  preceding  tendencies—  this  civilisation 


had  long  been  exerting  a  partial  Influence  on 
mcdia'val  Kurope,  even  beyond  the  boundaries  of 
Italy.  The  culture  of  which  Charles  the  Great 
was  a  representative  was,  in  face  of  the  barbarism 
of  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries,  essentially  a 
Kenaissaiice,  and  could  appear  under  no  other 
form.  .  .  .  Hut  t'"!  resuscitation  of  nntiquity 
took  a  dilTercnt  form  in  Italy  from  that  whicli  it 
assumed  in  the  North.  The  wave  of  barbarism 
had  scarcely  gone  by  before  the  iieopic,  in  whom 
the  former  life  was  but  liiilf  efTiiced,  showed  a 
consciousness  of  its  past  and  a  wish  to  re|)roduco 
it.  Elsewliere  in  Europe  men  deliberately  and 
with  rctlection  borrowed  this  or  the  other  cle- 
ment of  classical  civilisation ;  in  Italy  the  sym- 
pathies both  of  the  learned  and  of  the  people 
were  naturally  engaged  on  the  side  of  antiquity 
as  a  whole,  wliich  stood  to  them  as  a  symbol  of 
jiast  greatness.  The  Latin  language,  (oo,  was 
easy  to  an  Italian,  and  the  numerous  monuments 
an(t  dqcuments  in  which  the  country  abounded 
facilitated  a  return  to  the  jmst.  With  this  ten- 
dency other  elements  —  the  popular  character 
which  time  had  now  greatly  moditicd,  the  polit- 
ical institutions  imported  by  the  Lomliards  from 
Germany,  chivalry  and  other  northern  forms  of 
civilisation,  and  the  inlluenee  of  ridigiim  and  the 
Church  —  'ombincd  to  produce  the  modern  Ital- 
ian spirit,  which  was  destined  to  serve  as  a  model 
and  ideal  for  the  whole  western  world.  How 
antiipiity  began  to  work  in  plastic  art,  as  soon  as 
the  Hood  of  barbarism  bad  subsided,  is  clearly 
shown  in  the  Tuscan  buildings  of  the  twelfth  and 
in  the  sculptures  of  the  thirteenth  centuries.  .  .  . 
Hut  '.lie  great  and  general  'enthusiasm  c"  tbo 
Italians  for  cla.ssical  antiquity  did  not  display 
itself  before  the  fourteenth  century.  For  this  a 
development  of  civic  life  was  required,  which 
took  place  only  in  Italy  and  there  not  till  then. 
It  was  needful  that  noble  and  burgher  should 
first  learn  to  dwell  t()g<'tlicr  on  ciiual  terms,  and 
that  a  social  world  should  arise  which  felt  the 
want  of  culture,  and  had  the  leisure  and  the 
means  to  obtain  i,.  Hut  culture,  as  soon  as  it 
freed  itself  from  the  fantastic  bonds  of  the  ]\Iiddle 
Ages,  could  not  at  <mce  and  without  help  tind 
its  way  to  the  understanding  of  the  physii'al  and 
intellectual  world.  It  needed  a  guide,  and  found 
(me  in  the  ancient  civilisation,  with  its  wealth  of 
truth  and  knowledge  in  every  spiritual  interest. 
Uoth  the  form  and  the  substance  cf  this  civili'iation 
were  adopted  with  admiring  gratitude ;  it  became 
the  chief  part  of  the  culture  of  the  age." — J. 
Hurckhardt,  The  lienaissance  in'Ititly,  pt.  3,  eh. 
1  (r.  1). 

Ai.so  IN :  J.  A.  Symonds,  lienaissance  in  Italy: 
A!/C(fthe  Despots,  eh.  1. —  See  Hknains.vnck. 

A.  D.  1305-1309. — Removal  of  the  Papal 
Cc  urt  to  Lyons  and  then  to  Avignon. —  The 
"Babylonish  Captivity."  See  Pai-acy:  A.  D. 
121)4-1348, 

A.  D.  1310-1313. — Visitation  of  the  Emperor 
Henry  VII. — Hostility  of  Florence  and  siege 
of  the  city. — Repulse  from  Rome. — The  Em- 

feror's  death. — "  No  EmpiTor  had  come  into 
taly  since  the  death  of  Frederic  II.  [PJ.'iO]. 
Neither  Rudolf  nor  his  two  successors  [see  Gf.h- 
many:  a.  1).  1273-1308]  had  been  crowned  Em- 
peror, but  on  the  death  of  Albert  of  i\u.stria,  the 
King  of  the  Romans,  in  1308,  the  electoni  chose 
Ilenry,  Count  of  Luxe  .ilnirg  [Henry  VII.].  In 
1310  he  entered  Italy  with  a  small  German  ai'my. 
Unlike  most  of  these  Imperial  expeditions,  this 


1820 


ITALY,  1310-1313. 


Vi«i7a<i'on 
0/  Henry  V'll. 


ITALY,  1313-1330. 


wns  approved  of  by  the  Pope.  The  French 
King  I'liilip  IV.  was  reiilly  nmsler  of  I'ope  ('leni- 
ent V^.,  wiio  (lid  not  live  in  Italy,  but  Konie- 
times  witliin  tlio  Freneli  kingdom,  or  in  tlie 
Englisli  territory  of  IJordeiiu.\,  or  in  Avignon,  ii 
city  of  tlij  Kinpire.  lint  Clement  did  not  liUe 
l)Curing  the  French  yolie,  and  wns  fearfnl  le.st 
some  Olio  of  greater  lalenla  than  ('liurles  of 
Valois  sliould  make  an  attempt  on  Italy,  and 
make  it  impi  ^sible  for  tlie  Pope  to  get  free  from 
the  power  of  ',  '\  French.  He  therefore  favoured 
the  expedition  of  King  Henry,  and  hoped  tliat  it 
woidd  revive  tlie  Ghiiielin  party  and  counteract 
the  influence  of  thcOiielfs,  who  were  on  the  side 
of  France.  Dante  tells  us  the  feelings  which 
were  roused  by  the  coming  of  the  King.  He 
seemed  to  come  as  God's  vicegerent,  to  change 
the  fortunes  of  men  and  bring  theexikd  home; 
by  the  majesty  of  his  presence  to  bring  tlie 
pccce  for  which  the  banished  poet  longed,  and 
to  administer  to  all  men  justice,  judgment  and 
equity.  Henry  was  worthy  of  these  high  hopes; 
for  he  was  wise,  just,  and  gracious,  courageous 
In  fight  "nd  honourable  in  council:  but  the  task 
was  too  hard  for  him.  At  first  all  seemed  to  go 
well  with  him.  The  Ghibclins  were  ready  to 
receive  him  as  their  natural  lord;  the  Guelfs 
were  inclined  towards  him  by  the  Pope.  In 
Milan  the  thief  power  was  in  the  hands  of  Guido 
dcUa  Torre,  the  descendant  of  Pagano  della 
Torre,  who  had  done  good  service  to  the  city 
after  the  battle  of  Corte  Nuova.  He  wns  a 
strong  Ouelf,  and  was  at  the  head  of  a  Inrge 
number  of  troops;  fir  he  was  very  rich.  His 
great  enemy  was  the  Ghibelin  Matteo  Visconti, 
who  continually  struggled  with  Guido  for  the 
mastery.  The  king  was  willingly  rccei  .ed  iiy 
the  Milanese,  and  Guido  was  iiot  l)el'indl'  md  in 
bidding  him  welcome.  W'"''c  he  was  at  Milan, 
on  Christmas  1).  ^ ,  1310  was  crowned  with 
the  iron  crov.Mi  of  the  It  ui  kingdom,  which 
was  made  of  steel  in  *!.c  si  ie  of  laurel  leaves, 
ond  studded  with  gen.s.  He  'de  both  parties 
enter  into  pn  outward  reconciliation,  and  the 
chiefs  of  both  vied  widi  one  another  in  making 
him  large  presents.  The  King's  need  of  money 
80(m  tired  out  the  J'lilanese,  and  an  insurrection 
<vas  made  in  ivhicli  both  Matteo  and  Guido 
joined;  but  Matter. betrayed  his  rival,  and  Guido 
and  all  the  Guelfs  were  driven  out  of  Jlilan, 
which  henceforth  remained  in  the  power  of  the 
Ghibelin  Visccmti  [see  Mn..\N  :  A.  I).  1277-1447] 
The  King  s  demands  for  money  made  him  un- 
popular, and  cMch  city,  as  he  left  it,  rose  against 
him.  Pisa,  and  the  other  Tuscan  enemies  of 
Florence,  received  Iiim  with  joy.  But  the  great 
Guclfic  city  sliut  her  gaten  against  him,  and 
made  alliance  with  Kobert,  tlu;  Angevin  King  of 
Naples,  the  grandson  of  Charles  of  A'ljou,  and 
ttfU'rwar<ls  gave  him  [Kobert]  the  signoria. 
Rome  received  a  garrison  from  Xapk.-.,  and  the 
Imperial  coronation  liad  to  be  performed  in  the 
Chuich  of  St.  John  Laterau,"  —  llcinry  being  re- 
pulsed in  an  attempt  to  force  his  entrance  to  the 
quarter  of  the  Vatican.  —  W.  Hunt,  Hint,  of 
Italy,  eh.  4. — "The  city  [of  Home]  was  divided 
in  feeling,  and  iao  emperor's  position  so  precari- 
ous that  ho  retired  to  Ti voli  at  the  end  of  August, 
and  moved  towards  Tuscan^-,  ravaging  the 
Perugian  territory  on  his  way,  being  deterniincd 
to  bring  Florence  and  all  her  allies  to  submis- 
sion. "  By  rapid  movements  he  reai'hed  Florence 
and  invested  the  city  before  his  intentions  were 


understood.  •  "A  sudden  assault  would  probably 
have  carried  the  city,  for  the  inhabitants  were 
taken  by  surprise,  were  in  a  state  of  consterna- 
tion, and  could  scarcely  believe  that  the  emperor 
was  there  in  person:  their  natural  energy  soon 
returned,  the  (tonfaloniers  assembled  their  com- 
panies, tlie  wluile  population  armed  themselves, 
even  to  the  bisho])  and  clergy;  a  camp  was 
formed  within  tlie  walls,  the  outer  ditch  pali- 
saded, the  gates  closed,  and  thus  for  two  days 
they  remained  hourly  expecting  an  assault.  At 
last  their  cavalry  [which  had  been  cut  oft  iiy 
the  emperor's  movement]  were  seen  returning  by 
various  ways  and  in  iniail  detachments;  succours 
also  poured  in  from  Lucca,  Prato,  Pistoia,  Vol- 
terra,  Colle,  and  San  Qimignano;  and  even 
Bologna,  Kimini,  Ravenna,  Faenza,  Cesina, 
Agobbio,  Cittil  di  Castello  with  several  other 
places  rendered  their  assistance:  indeed  so  great 
and  evtcnsive  was  Florentine  infiuence  and  so 
rapM  the  communication,  that  within  eight  days 
after  the  investment  4,000  men  at  aims  and  in- 
numerable infantry  were  assembled  at  Florence  I 
As  this  was  about  double  the  imperial  cavalry 
and  four  times  its  infantry,  the  city  gates  were 
thrown  open  and  business  proceeded  as  usual, 
except  through  that  entrance  immediately  oppo- 
site to  the  enemy.  For  two  and  forty  days  did 
the  emperor  remain  within  a  mile  of  Florence, 
ravaging  all  the  country,  but  making  no  impres- 
sion on  the  town;  after  which  he  raised  the  siege 
and  moved  to  San  f 'asciano,  eight  miles  south." 
Later,  the  Imiierialist  army  was  withdrawn  to 
Poggibonzi,  and  in  Marcli,  1313,  it  was  niovei'  (O 
Pisa,  to  prcpi. re  for  a  new  campaign.  "The 
Florentines  hiid  thus  from  the  first,  without  much 
military  ski'.l  or  en'erprise,  proved  themselves 
the  boldest  and  bitterest  enemies  of  Henry;  their 
opposition  ha<l  never  ctr.sed ;  by  letters,  promises, 
and  money,  they  corru])ted  all  uombardy.  .  .  . 
Yet  party  quarrels  did  not  cease.  .  .  .  The  em- 
jieror  now  turned  all  his  energies  to  the  conquest 
of  Naples,  as  the  first  step  towards  that  of  Italy 
itself.  For  this  he  formed  a  league  with  Sicily 
and  Genoa;  a.ssembled  troops  from  Germany  and 
Lonibardv ;  filled  his-  treasury  in  various  waj-s, 
and  soon  found  himself  at  the  head  of  2,500  Ger- 
man cavalry  and  L.^OO  Italian  mci'-at-arms,  be- 
sides a  Genoese  ficet  of  70  galleys  Uiiuer  Lamba 
Doria  and  AO  more  supplied  by  the  King  of 
Sicily,  who  with  1,000  nicn-at-arms  had  already 
invaded  Calabria  by  capturing  Keggio  and  other 
places."  On  the  5t"li  of  August,  the  emperor  left 
i'i.-ia  upon  his  expcditi(m  agairst  Naples;  on  the 
24th  of  the  same  mouth  he  died  at  Buonconvcnto 
—  no;  without  suspicions  of  poison,  although  his 
illness  began  before  his  departure  from  Pisa.  "The 
intelligence  of  this  event  spread  joy  ard  conster- 
nation amongst  his  friends  and  enenies;  the 
army  soon  scimrated,  and  his  own  ininediate 
foll()weis  with  the  Pis;in  auxiliaries  cariicd  his 
body  back  to  Pisa  where  it  was  magni  iceutly 
inter- .'d." — II.  E.  Napier,  Florentine!  Jliyari/,  lii: 
1,  eri.  lo  ((\  1). 

Also  in:  T.  A.  Trollopc,  Hint,  of  the  Com- 
monwealth of  Florence,  Ilk.  2,  ch.  1  (r.  1). 

A.  D.  1312-1338. — The  rising  power  and  the 
reverses  of  the  Scaligeri  of  Verona. — Mas- 
tino's  war  with  Florence  and  Venice.  See 
Vkhona:  A.  I).  12fiO-i;!:i8. 

A.  D.  1313-1330. — Guelf  leadership  of  K.iag 
Robert  of  Naples. — Wars  of  Pisa  and  Flor- 
ence.— The  rise  and    threatening   power   of 


1821 


ITALY,  iai3-1330. 


duet/  and 
OhiMUne  Contests. 


ITALY,  1318-1330. 


Castruccio  Castracani.— Siege  of  Genoa.— 
Visit  of  the  Emperor  Louis  ofBavaria.— Sub- 
jection and  deliverance  of  Pisa. — "  Wliilr  tlic 
uiicxpcclcd  (Iciilli  of  Ilciiiy  Nil.  dcprivcil  the 
OliilM'lin  parly  "f  its  liiidiT,  luid  lonj?  wiirs  l)e- 
t  .vccii  rival  <iiii<iidatt'.s  fur  tlie  siicci'ssion  to  tlic 
Gcnniin  tliroiic  jjlaccd  tlie  imperial  authority 
over  Italy  in  alicvancf  [see  Okumany;  A.  I). 
i:!ll-i:i47|.  Hobcrt.  kinK  of  Naples,  the  chief  of 
•  lie  (imlf  party,  llie  possessor  of  I'|.>s-ence,  and 
the  favourite  (if  the  church,  heiran  to  aspire  to 
the  neiieral  sovereignly  of  Italy.  He  had  sue- 
ccc<led  to  the  crowns  of  Xaples  and  I'rovenee  on 
the  death  of  his  fatlier,  Charles  II.,  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  reeof;nizcd  laws  of  inheritance  (.V.  I). 
i:i(«)).  His  elder  brother,  Charles  .Alartel,  liy  his 
niarriajie  with  the  heiress  of  Ilun.ijary,  had  been 
i'.illed  to  the  throne  of  that  kini^doni.  and  had 
(lied  lafon^  his  father.  His  son,  Carob.  it,  the 
reiiriiin!;  kiiii;  of  Hunf,'ary,  on  the  death  of  Ids 
graniUather,  Charles  II.,  asserted  his  just  riglits 
to  all  the  dominions  of  that  monarch;  ))Ut  Uob- 
ert.  hastening  to  Avignon,  wldther  Clement  V. 
had  now  removed  ]ii.s  court,  obtained  from  the 
pope,  as  feudal  superior  of  the  royal  lief  of 
Naples,  n  sentence  which  set  aside  the  claims 
of  Ins  nepliew  in  liis  own  favour.  The  king  of 
Ilinigary  did  not  seriously  attempt  to  oppose 
this  decision,  and  Kobert,  a  prince  of  wisdom 
and  uil<lress,  tliough  devoid  of  military  talents, 
soon  extended  h's  ambitious  views  beyond  the 
kingdom  over  which  he  reigned  undi.sturbcd." 
TluMleath  of  Henry  A'll.  "left  Inin  every  oppor- 
tunity both  to  attempt  the  sulijugation  of  the 
Cihil)elin  states,  and  to  convert  his  alliance  witli 
the  Guelfs  into  the  relati(m  of  sovereign  an<i  sub- 
ject. ...  It  was  in  Tust^any  that  the  storm  tirst 
broke  over  the  Ghibelins  after  the  loss  of  their 
imperial  diief,  and  that  the  tirst  ray  of  succi.'Sa 
unexpectedly  l)ea:ned  on  their  cau.se.  Florjnco 
and  the  other  Guelf  cities  of  the  province  were 
no  .soou(!r  delivered  from  the  fear  of  Henry 
VH.  than  they  prepared  to  wreak  their  ven 
.geance  against  Pi.sa  for  the  succours  wliich  she 
had  furnished  to  the  emperor.  But  that  repub- 
lic, in  cor.  iternation  at  licr  danger,  had  taken 
into  pay  1,1)00  German  cavalry,  the  only  part  of 
tlie  imperial  army  which  coidd  lie  prevailed 
upon  to  remain  in  Italy,  and  had  chosen  for  her 
genernl  Uguccionc  della  Faggiuola,  a  celebrated 
Gh"l)elin  captain.  Tlie  ability  of  this  coniman- 
<ier,  and  the  confldence  witli  whicli  he  inspircil 
the  Pisans,  turned  the  tide  of  fortune.  .  .  .  The 
vigour  of  his  arms  reduced  tlie  Guelf  jieoplc  of 
Lucca  to  sue  for  peace;  tliey  were  eomi)elled  to 
restore  tlieir  Ghibelin  exiles;  and  tlun  Ugiic- 
cionc,  fomenting  the  dissensions  wliich  were 
thus  created  within  the  walls,  easily  subjected 
one  of  the  most  wealthy  and  nourishing  cities  of 
Tuscany  to  his  .iword  (A.  I).  KU  ').  The  loss  of 
so  valuable  an  ally  as  Lucca  alarmed  the  Floren- 
tines, and  the  whole  Guelf  party.  .  .  .  King 
Kot)ert  sent  two  of  his  brothers  into  Tuscany  with 
a  body  of  gens-d'anncrie;  the  Florentines  ar.d 
all  the  Tuscan  Guelfs  uniting  tiieir  forces  to 
tills  succour  formed  a  large  army;  and  the  con- 
federates advanced  to  relieve  the  ciLstle  of  Mon- 
tecatini  which  Uguccionc  was  l)csici;ing."  Tlie 
Ghibelin  commander  had  a  much  smaller  force 
to  resist  them  with;  but  he  gained,  notwith- 
standing, "a  memorable  victory,  near  Mcmte- 
catini,  in  which  both  a  brotlier  and  a  uephev-'  of 
the   king  of  Naples  were  numbered   with  tho 


slain  (A.  D.  131.')).  This  triumph  rendered 
Uguccionc  more  formidable  than  ever;  but  his 
tyranny  became  insupportable  both  to  the  Pisans 
and  Lucchese,  and  a  conspiracy  was  formed  in 
concert  in  lioth  cities.  .  .  .  Excluded  from  both 
places  and  deserved  by  his  troops,  he  retired  to 
the  court  of  the  Seala  at  Verona  (A.  I).  1316). 
So  Pisa  recovered  her  liberty,  hut  Lucca  was 
less  fortunate  or  wisu,  for  lier  citizens  only 
transferred  the  powiT  which  Ugiiccione  liad 
usurped  to  the  chief  of  the  Gliibelins,  Castruccio 
Castra<'ani  dcgl'  Interminelli,  one  of  the  most 
celebrated  names  in  Italian  history.  This  extra- 
ordinary man  .  .  .  had  early  in  life  shared  the 
coninum  fate  of  exile  with  the  White  Guelfs  or 
Ghibelins  of  Lucca.  Pasising  ten  years  of  lian- 
ishmeiit  in  England,  France,  and  the  Ghibelin 
cities  of  Lombanly,  he  had  served  a  long  appren- 
ticesliip  to  arms  under  the  best  generals  of  the 
age.  ...  Tie  had  no  sooner  returned  to  Lucca 
witli  the  Ghilielin  exiles,  who  were  restored  by 
the  terms  of  the  peace  witii  Pisa,  than  he  became 
tlie  tirstcitizeu  of  the  state.  Illaskill  and  courage 
mainly  contriliuted  to  the  suliseiiiicnt  victory  of 
Montccatini,  and  endeared  him  to  the  Lucchese; 
his  inllueiice  and  intrigues  excited  the  jealousy 
of  Uguccionc,  and  caused  his  imprisonment; 
and  llie  insurrection  which  delivered  Lucca  from 
that  elii  'f,  liberated  Castruccio  from  cliains  I'.iid 
impend:  ig  death  to  sovereign  command.  Chosen 
annual  capta'n  of  the  peojile  at  three  successive 
elections,  he  ut  length  demanded  and  obt'iined 
the  sulfrages  of  the  senate  and  citizens  for  his 
elevation  to  the  dignit}'  of  signor  (A.  I).  1320). 
.  .  .  Under  his  government  Lucca  enjoyed  re-' 
pose  for  some  years.  .  .  .  During  tliese  transac-! 
tions  in  Tuscany,  the  Lombard  plains  were  still' 
desolated  by  incessant  and  i:nspn.'iug  warfare, 
The  ciTorls  of  the  Neaiiolitan  king  were  mainly 
directed  to  crush  Matteo  Visconti  [see  Milan:! 
A.  D.  1277-1447]  and  the  Ghibelins  in  this  part 
of  Italy;  "  but  tne  power  of  'he  latter  was  con- 
tinually spreading.  "In  this  prosjierous  st.ite 
of  the  Ghibelin  interests  the  d.imestic  feuds  of 
Genoa  attracted  the  tide  of  war  to  her  gates. 
The  ambitious  rivalry  of  lier  four  great  families, 
of  the  Grimaldi,  tlie  Fieschi,  the  Spinola,  and 
the  Doria,  liad  long  agitated  tlie  liosoni  of  the 
republic;  and  at  the  period  before  lis  the  two 
former,  who  headed  the  Guelf  party,  had,  after 
various  convulsions,  gained  iiossession  of  the 
government.  The  Spinolii  and  Doria,  retiring 
from  the  city,  fortified  themselves  in  the  smaller 
towns  if  the  Genoese  territory, 'and  immediately 
invited  the  Ghilielin  chiefs  of  Lombardy  to  their 
aid.  The  lords  of  Jlilan  and  Verona  promptly 
complied  with  the  demand,  .  .  .  and  laid  siege 
to  the  cai/i'iid.  The  rulers  of  Genoa  could  then 
resort  in  their  terror  to  no  otlier  ])rotection  than 
that  of  the  Neapolitan  king.  Kobert,  con.seious 
of  the  importance  of  preserving  tlio  republic 
from  subjection  to  his  enemies,  hastened  by  sea 
to  its  defence,  and  obtained  the  absolute  cession 
of  tlie  Genoese  liberties  into  his  hands  fo.'  ten 
years  ns  tlie  price  of  his  services.  .  .  .  After  the 
jiossession  of  tlie  suburbs  and  outworks  of  Genoa 
liad  been  obstinately  contested  during  ten  months, 
the  Ghibelins  were  compelled  to  raise  the  siege. 
Hut  Kobert  had  scarcely  quitted  the  city  to  pass 
into  Provence,  when  the  exiles  witli  aid  from 
Lombardy  again  iiiiiiroached  Genoa,  and  during 
four  years  continued  a  war  of  po.sts  in  its  vi 
ciuity.     But  neither  the   Lombard  siguors   nor 


1822 


ITALY,  1313-1330 


Cattruceio. 


ITALY,  1343-1389. 


Robert  ongnged  in  tliisfniitlcssoontcst,  aiul  Lorn- 
Imrdy  iij?"'"  •icciimc  tlu'  j^roat,  tliciitrc  of  warfare." 
Hut  tlic  power  wliieh  Miitteo  Viseoiiti  wa.s  stead 
ily  buildiiij.;  at  Milan,  for  lii.s  family,  eould  not 
!)('  shaken,  even  thougli  an  invasion  fiom  France 
(KWO),  and  a  seoond  from  Germany  (1333),  was 
l)rouglit  about  through  papal  intluence.  At  the 
same  time  Castruceio  Castraoani,  having  consoli- 
dated his  despotism  at  Lueca,  was  making  wii'' 
upon  the  Florentines.  When,  in  133.1,  he  sur 
ceeded  in  gaining  possession  of  the  Ouelf  c^ity 
of  Pistoia,  "this  acquisition,  which  was  highly 
dangerous  to  Florence,  ])ro(luced  such  alarm  in 
that  republic  that  she  called  out  her  whole  native 
force  for  the  more;  vigorous  jiroseeution  of  the 
war."  Castruceio  was  heavily  outn\unbered  in 
the  campaign,  but  be  gained,  nevertheless,  a 
grcai  victory  over  the  Florentines  near  the  castle 
of  Altopascfo  (November  33,  133.1).  "  Tiic  whole 
Florentine  territory  was  ravag(Ml  and  plundered, 
and  the  concjueror  carried  his  insults  to  the  gates 
of  the  capital.  .  .  .  le  the  ruin  whicli  threat- 
ened the  Guelf  party  in  Tuscany,  the  Floren- 
tines bad  recourse  to  King  Hobert  of  Naples, 
witii  entreaties  for  aid,"  which  lie  liroiight  to 
then-  in  1330,  but  only  on  the  conditicm  "that 
his  ab.solnte  command  over  the  rei)ul)lic,  which 
liaii  expired  in  1331,  should  be  renewed  for  ten 
years  in  favour  of  his  son  Cbarle.s,  duke  of  Ca- 
labria." Hut  now  a  new  danger  to  the  Ouelf 
interests  appeared,  in  the  approach  of  the  em- 
I)eror,  Louis  IV.  of  Havana.  "After  a  long 
contest  for  the  crown  of  Henry  VIL,  Louis  of 
Bavaria  had  triumphed  over  bis  rival,  Frederic 
of  Austria,  and  taken  him  prisoner  at  tlie  san- 
guinary battle  of  Muhldorf,  in  1323.  Having 
since  passed  live  years  in  ccmtirming  lii.s  author- 
ity in  Germany,  Louis  was  now  tempted  by  am- 
l'Hi<m  and  cupidity  to  undertake  an  expedition 
into  Italy  (A.  I).  1337)."  Halting  for  son.c  time 
lit  Milan,  where  be  received  the  iron  crown  of 
Lombnrdy,  and  where  he  deposed  and  impris- 
oned Galeaz/o  Visconti,  he  proceeded  into  Tus- 
cany "on  his  march  to  Rome  whore  be  intended 
to  receive  the  imperial  crown.  He  was  wel- 
comed with  joy  by  tlie  signor  of  Lucca,  and  the 
superior  genius  of  C:<struccio  at  once  ace  (drcd  the 
en  '.re  ascendant  over  tiie  weaker  mind  of  Louis. 
Against  the  united  forces  of  the  emperor  and  of 
Castruceio,  the  duke  of  Calabria  and  liis  Guelf 
army  cautiously  maintained  themselves  on  the 
defensive ;  but  the  passage  of  Louis  through  Tus- 
cany was  attended  with  disastrous  consetjuences 
to  the  most  famous  Gliibeliii  city  of  tint  prov- 
ince." Pisa,  notwithstanding  the  long  lidelity 
of  tliat  republic  to  the  Ghibelm  cause,  was  sacri- 
ficed l)y  tlie  emperor  to  the  covetons  ambition  of 
Castruceio.  The  forces  of  thr  two  were  joined 
in  a  siege  to  which  the  unfo  tunatc;  city  submit- 
ted after  a  month.  "  She  tlii.s  fell  in  reality  into 
the  bunds  of  Castruceio,  who  slu..;!;;  "stablisbed 
bis  iibsolute  aiithority  over  her  capital  ai^d  ter- 
ritory. After  extorting  a  heavy  contribution 
from  the  Pisans,  and  rewarding  the  services  of 
Castruceio  by  erecting  the  state  of  Lucca  in*o  an 
iniperii.l  duchv  in  his  favour,  the  .apacious  cni- 
jieror  pursued  his  march  to  Home.  There  he 
consumed  in  llie  frivolous  cereniony  of  his  coro- 
nation [.lanuaiy  17,  1338],  and  in  the  vain  en- 
deavour to  establish  an  antipo])(;,  t!ie  time  which 
he  might  have  employed,  with  the  forces  at  bis 
command,  and  in  conjunction  with  Fn^deric,  king 
of  Sicily,  in  crushing  for  ever  the  power  of  Hob- 


ert of  Naples  and  of  all  the  Guclfs  of  Italy  who 
depended  on  that  monarcli."  In  August  of  the 
same  year  Castruceio,  who  "Iiad  now  attained 
an  eleVation  which  seemed  to  threaten  .  .  .  the 
total  subjugation  of  all  Italy,"  died  suddenly  of 
a  fever.  "Florence  bieivthed  again  from  im- 
pending oppression,  Pisa  recovered  her  freedom, 
ami  Lucca  sank  from  ephemeral  splendour  into 
la.sting  obscurity.  Hy  tlie  death  of  Castruceio 
the  emperor  hud  lost  bis  best  counsellor  and 
firmest  support,  and  be  soon  ceased  to  be  formi- 
dable to  the  Guelfs.  .  .  .  Hastily  retuniing  into 
Tuscany,  he  plundered  the  infant  orphans  of 
Castruceio  of  their  inheritance  to  sell  Lucca  to  a 
new  signor,  and  to  impose  ruinous  contribution.s 
<ipon  the  Pisans,  before  bis  return  into  Lombanly 
delivered  them  from  tyranny.  .  .  .  The  first  pro- 
ceeding of  Louis  in  f..ombardy  had  been  to  ruin 
tlie  Vi.sconti,  and  to  drain  Mieir  states  of  money; 
almost  his  last  act  in  the  jirovince  was  to  make  the 
restoration  of  this  family  to  power  a  new  source 
of  i)roflt."  In  1330  the  emperor  returned  to  Ger- 
many, recalled  by  troubles  in  that  i)art  of  his 
dominions. — G.  Procter,  Jfist.  of  Italy,  ch.  4,  /((.  3. 

Also  in  •  N.  Machiavelli,  The  Florentine  Ilia- 
tones,  bk.  2. — II.  E.  Napier,  Florentine  Iliitory, 
bk.  1,  ch.  I.l-IH  {V.  1). 

A.  D.  1314-1327. — The  election  and  contest 
of  rival  emperors,  Louis  of  Bavaria  and  Fred- 
erick of  Austria.  See  Gi.:um\nv;  A.  I).  1314- 
1347. 

A.  D.  1341-1343. — Defeat  of  the  Florentines 
by  the  Pisans,  before  Lurca.— Brief  tyranny 
of  the  Duke  of  Athens  at  Florence.  See  Fi.on- 
knce:  a.  I).  1341-1343. 

(Southern):  A.  D.  1343-1389.— Troubled 
reign  of  Joanna  I.  in  Naples.— Murder  of  her 
husband,  Andrew  of  Hungary.  —  Political 
effects  of  the  great  Schism  in  the  Church. — 
The  war  of  Charles  of  Durazzo  and  Louis  of 
Anjou. — Violent  course  of  Pope  Urban  VI. — 
"In  Naples  itself  the  bouse  of  Anion  fell  into 
disunion.  Charles  11.  of  Naples  gamed  bj' mar- 
riage the  dowry  of  Hungary  [see  Hiingauv: 
A.  D.  130'  -1342],  which  passed  to  bis  eldest  son 
Charles  Jlartel,  while  liis  second  son,  UolK^rt, 
ruled  in  Naples.  But  Robert  survived  his  only 
son,  and  left  as  heiress  of  the  kingdom  [1343]  his 
grand-daughter  Giovanna  [better  known  as  Joan, 
or  .loanna].  The  attemi)t  to  give  stability  to  the 
rule  of  a  female  by  maiTiagc  with  her  cousin, 
Andrew  of  Hungary,  only  aroused  the  jealousy 
of  the  Neapolitan  nobles  and  raised  up  a  strong 
party  in  opposition  to  Hungarian  influence, 
('haflcs  II.  of  Naples,  Giovanna's  great-grand- 
father, had  left  Tuany  sons  and  daughters, 
whose  (iescendants  of  the  great  houses  of  Du- 
razzo and  Tarento,  like  those  of  the  sons  of 
Edward  HI.  in  England,  hoped  to  exercise  the 
royal  power.  When,  in  134.'),  Pope  Clement  VI. 
^^  as  on  the  point  of  1  jognising  Andrew  as  King 
of  Naples,  a  conspinicy  was  formed  against  him, 
and  be  was  murdered,  with  the  connivance,  as  it 
was  currently  believe'!,  of  the  Queen.  Hereon 
the  feuds  in  the  kingdom  blazed  forth  more 
violently  than  before;  the  party  of  Durazzo 
ranged  it.self  against  that  of  Tarento,  and  de- 
niand(ul  ininishment  of  the  murderers.  Giovanna 
I.,  to  imitect  herself,  married  Lewis  of  Tarento 
ill  1347.  King  Lewis  of  Hungary,  aidediby  the 
party  of  Durazzo,  entced  Naples  to  avenge  his 
brother's  dea'h,  and  for  a  while  all  wr.s  con- 
fusion.    On  the  death  of  Lewis  of  Tarento  (1363), 


1823 


ITALY,  1343-1880. 


Neapolitan  diiordera. 


ITALY,  1B43-138J, 


Qidvnnnft  I.  innrricil  Jnni.s,  King  of  Majorra, 
and  on  IiIb  death  (lim),  Otto,  Diiko  of  limns 
wick,  (iiovannii  I.  was  (•liildlfss,  and  tlie  slifjht 
lull  which  in  tlic  last  yi'ar»  had  come  over  tlie 
war  of  factions  in  N  ■.pics  was  only  owing  to  the 
fact  that  all  wi'Tc  preparing  for  the  inevitable 
conllict  which  her  death  would  bring."  Neapoli- 
tun  affairs  were  at  this  stage  when  the  great 
Bchisin  occurred  (see  I'v'.vcv:  A.  I).  1377-1417), 
which  enthroned  two  rival  popes,  one  (Urban 
VI.)  at  Home,  undone  (Clement  VII.)  at  Avignon. 
Queen  (Jiovanna  hud  inclined  lirst  to  Urban, 
but  was  repelled,  and  gave  her  adhesion  to 
Clement.  Thereupon,  Urban,  on  the  21st  of 
April,  1380,  "declared  her  deposed  from  her 
throni^  as  a  heretic,  schismatie,  and  traitor  to  tlie 
Pope.  He  looked  for  help  in  carrying  out  bis 
decre(!  to  King  Lewis  of  Hungary,  who  had  for  u 
time  laid  aside  his  desire  for  vengeance  against 
Giovanna,  but  was  ready  to  resume  his  plans  of 
aggrandisement  when  a  favourable  opportunity 
olTered.  .  .  .  Lewis  was  not  himself  disposed  to 
leave  his  kingdom;  but  he  had  ut  his  court  tho 
son  of  his  relative,  Lewis  of  Durazzo,  whom  he 
had  put  to  death  in  his  Neapolitan  camprdgn  for 
complicity  in  Andrew's  murder.  Yet  he  felt  com- 
passion for  his  young  son  Charles,  brought  him  to 
Iluiigary,  and  educated  him  ai  bis  court.  As  Gio- 
vamia  was  childless,  C^barles  of  Durazzo,  or  Carlo 
della  Pace,  as  be  was  called  in  Italy,  had  a  strong 
claim  to  the  Neapolitan  throne  at  her  death. 
Charles  of  Durazzo  was  accordingly  furnished 
with  Hungarian  troops  for  an  expedition  against 
Na])le8,  and  reached  Home  in  November,  1.'180. 
"Clement  VII.  on  his  side  bestirred  himseic  in 
behalf  of  his  ally  Giovanna,  and  for  this  puipose 
coidd  count  on  the  help  of  France.  Failing  the 
house  of  Durazzo,  the  house  of  Valois  could  put 
forward  a  claim  to  the  Neajjolitan  throne,  as  be- 
ing descended  from  the  daughter  of  Charles  II. 
The  helpless  Giovanna  I.  in  her  need  a(l(,pted  as 
her  heir  and  successor  Louis,  Duke  of  Anjou, 
brother  of  the  French  king,  and  called  him  to  her 
aid.  Clement  VII.  hastened  to  confer  on  Louis 
everything  that  he  couM ;  he  even  formed  the 
States  of  the  Church  into  a  kingdom  of  Adria, 
and  bestowed  them  on  Louis ;  only  Home  itself, 
and  tho  adjacent  I.uuls  in  Tuscany,  (Jampania 
Maritinia,  and  Sabina  were  reserved  for  the 
Pope.  The  Avignoneso  pretender  was  resolved 
to  show  how  little  he  cared  for  Italy  or  for  tho 
old  traditions  of  the  Italian  greatness  of  his  oflice. 
Charles  of  Durazzo  was  lirst  in  the  Held,  for 
Louis  of  Anjou  was  detained  in  France  by  the 
death  of  Charles  V.  in  September,  1380.  The 
accession  of  Charles  VI.  at  the  age  of  twelve 
threw  the  government  of  the  kingdom  upon  the 
Council  of  Hegency,  of  which  Louis  of  .Vnjou 
was  the  chief  meniixT.  He  used  his  position  to 
gratify  his  chief  failing,  avarice,  and  gathered 
large  sums  of  money  for  his  Neapolitan  cam- 
paign. Meanwhile  Charles  of  Durazzo  was  in 
Kome,  where  Urban  VI.  equipped  him  for  his 
undertaking."  In  June,  1381,  Charles  marched 
against  Naples,  defeated  Otto,  the  husband  of 
Giovanna,  at  San  Germano,  and  bad  the  gates  of 
Naples  opened  to  him  by  a  rising  within  the  cit; 
on  the  ICth  of  July.  Giovanna  took  refuge  in 
tho  Caste!  Nuovo,  but  surrendered  it  on  the  20th 
of  Auffust.  After  nine  months  of  captivity,  tiie 
unfortunate  queen  was  "strangled  in  her  prison 
on  May  12,  1382,  and  her  corpse  was  exposed  for 
six  days  before  buria.  that  the  certainty  of  her 


death  might  bo  known  to  all.  Thenceforth  the 
(luestion  between  Charles  III.  and  Louis  was  not 
complicated  by  any  considerations  of  Giovanna's 
rights.  It  was  a  struggle  of  two  dynasties  for 
the  Neapolitan  crown,  a  struggle  which  was  to 
continue  for  the  next  centtiry.  Crowned  King 
of  Naples  by  Clement  VII.,  Louis  of  Anjou 
quitted  Avigrum  at  the  end  of  May,  accompanied 
by  a  brilliant  array  of  French"  barons  and  knights, 
lie  hastened  through  North  Italy,  and  disap- 
pointed the  hopes  of  the  fervent  partisans  of 
Cletnent  VII.  by  pursuing  his  course  over  Aquila, 
through  the  Abruzzi,  and  refusing  to  turn  aside 
to  Home,  wlii.h,  they  said,  he  might  have  occu- 
pied, seized  Urban  VI.,  and  so  ended  the  Schism. 
When  he  entered  the  territory  of  Naples  he  noon 
received  l.irge  accessions  to  his  forces  from  dis- 
contented barons,  while  22  galleys  from  Prov- 
ence occupied  Ischia  and  threatened  Naiiles. " 
Charles,  having  inferior  forces,  could  not  meet 
his  adversary  in  the  field,  but  showed  great 
tactical  skill,  acting  on  the  defensive,  "  cutting 
off  supplies,  and  harassing  his  enemy  by  unex- 
pected sallies.  Tho  French  troops  perished  mis- 
erably from  the  effects  of  the  climate;  .  .  .  Louis 
saw  bis  splendid  army  rapidly  dwindling  away. " 
But  quarrels  now  arose  between  Charles  and 
Pope  Urban ;  the  latter  went  to  Naples  to  inter- 
fere in  affairs ;  the  King  made  him  practically  a 
prisoner  and  extorted  from  him  agreements 
which  were  not  to  his  liking.  Hut  Urban,  on  the 
1st  of  Jantiarj,  1384,  "))rocIaimed  a  crusade 
against  Louis  as  a  heretic  and  schisnuitic,  and 
Charles  unfurled  the  banner  of  the  Cros.s."  In 
Jlay  tbo  Pope  withdrew  from  Naples  to  Nocera, 
an(l  there  began  a  scries  of  interferences  which 
convinced  Charles  "that  Urban  was  a  more 
serious  adversary  than  Louis."  AVith  the  sum- 
mer came  attacks  of  the  plague  upon  l.oth  armies; 
but  that  of  Louis  stiffered  most,  and  Louis  him- 
self died,  in  September,  bequeathing  his  claims 
on  Naples  to  his  eldest  son.  "  On  tlie  death  of 
Louis  tho  remnant  of  his  army  dispersed,  and 
Charles  was  free  from  one  antagonist.  .  .  .  War 
was  now  declared  between  the  Pope  and  the 
King.  .  .  .  Charles  found  adherents  amongst  Ur- 
ban's  Cardinals. "  Urban  discovered  the  plots  of 
tho  latter  and  threw  six  of  them  into  a  dungeon, 
where  ho  tortured  them  with  brutality.  Charles 
attacked  Nocera  and  took  the  town,  but  the 
castle  in  which  the  Pope  had  fortified  himself  re- 
sisted a  long  siege.  "Three  or  four  times  a  day 
the  dauntless  Pope  appeared  at  a  window,  and 
with  bell  and  torch  cursed  and.excommuuicated 
the  besieging  army."  In  August,  1385,  Urban 
waa  rescued  by  some  of  his  partisiuis,  who  broke 
through  the  camp  of  the  besiegers  and  carried 
him  off,  still  clinging  to  Ir's  captive  cardinals, 
all  but  one  of  whom  he  subseciueutly  put  to 
death.  He  made  his  way  to  Trani  and  was  there 
met  by  Geeoe.se  galleys  which  conveyed  him  and 
his  party  to  Genoa.  He  resided  in  (Jcnoa  rather 
more  than  a  year,  very  much  to  the  discomfort 
and  exiienseof  the  Genoese,  and  then,  after  much 
difllculty,  found  shelter  at  Lucca  until  Septem- 
ber, 1387.  Meantime  Charles  IIL  had  left  Na- 
ples, returning  to  Hungary  to  head  a  revolt 
against  the  widowed  quee  and  young  daughter 
of  Lewis,  who  died  in  1382.  There  he  was  assas- 
sinated in  Februarv,  1386.  "The  death  of 
Charles  III.  again  pfunged  the  kingdom  of  Na- 
ples into  conuision.  The  Angevin  party,  which 
liad  been  powerless  against  Charles,  raised  against 


1824 


ITALY,  1348-1389. 


Free  Companies. 


ITALY,   1343-1303. 


his  Ron  Lndlsliis,  a  \my  of  twelve  years  old,  the 
claims  of  Louis  II.  of  Aiijoii.  The  cxaetions  of 
the  Queen  Regent  Margaret  awoke  dissatisfac- 
tion, and  led  to  the  appointment  in  Naples  of  a 
new  civic  magistracy,  called  the  Otto  di  Huono 
Stato,  who  wore  at  variance  witli  Margaret.  Tlie 
Angevins  rallied  under Tommaso  of  Hanseverino, 
and  were  reinforced  by  the  arrival  of  Otto  of 
Brunswick.  The  cause  of  Louis  was  still  identi- 
fied with  that  of  Clement  VII.,  who,  in  May 
1385,  lia(l  solenudv  invested  him  with  the  king- 
dom of  Naples.  Urban  VI.,  however,  refused  to 
recognise  the  claims  of  the  son  of  Charles,  tliough 
Margaret  tried  to  propitiate  him  .  .  .  and  thou.;;h 
Florence  warmly  8up])orted  her  i>rayers  for 
help."  The  Pope  continued  obstinate  in  this  re- 
fusal until  his  death.  He  declared  that  the  king- 
dom of  Naples  liad  lapsed  to  the  Holy  See,  and 
he  tried  to  gather  money  and  troops  for  an  v\- 
pedition  to  8(^cure  it.  *'■"  'neans  to  that  end, 
he  ordered  tliat  the  ye*  ,J0  shoidd  be  a  year 
of  jubilee — -n  decade  .ore  the  end  of  the  cen- 
tury. It  was  his  last  ..esperate  measure  to  ob- 
tain money.  On  the  15th  of  October  l^fHO  he 
died  and  one  of  tlie  most  disastrous  pontificates 
in  the  history  of  the  Papacy  came  to  an  end. — 
M.  Creigliton,  Jliat.  of  the  Papney  thiiiinj  the 
Period  of  the  Reformat  ion,  bk.  1,  ch.  1  (c.  1). 

Also  IN:  Historical  Life  of  Jimiina  of  Sieily. — 
Mrs.  Jameson,  Memoirs  of  Celebrated  Female  Soit- 
ereigm,  v.  1,  ch.  4. — St.  C.  Baddelcy,  Charles  III. 
of  Naples  and  Urban  VI. 

A.  D.  1343-1393.— The  "  Free  Companies." 
— Their  depredations  and  the  wars  employing 
them.— The  Great  Company. — The  Con.pany 
of  Sir  John  Hawkwood.— "  The  practice  of 
hiring  troops  to  liglit  tlie  battles  of  the  Common- 
wealth [of  Florence  —  but  in  other  Italian  states 
no  less]  had  for  some  time  i)ast  been  continually 
on  the  increase.  .  .  .  The  (lemand  for  these  mer- 
cenary troops, —  a  demand  which  .  .  .  preferred 
strangers  from  brsyond  the  Alps, — had  lillecf 
Italy  with  bands  of  free  lances,  ready  to  take 
service  with  any  tyrant,  or  any  free  city  that  was 
willing  io  pay  tliem.  They  passed  from  one  ser- 
vice to  anotiier,  and  from  one  side  of  a  quarrel  to 
the  other,  with  the  utmost  indifference  and  im- 
yartiality.  But  from  this  manner  of  life  to 
i-etting  up  for  tliemselves  and  warring  for  tiieir 
own  behoof  there  was  but  one  step.  And  no 
prudent  man  could  have  doubted  that  this  step 
would  ere  long  be  taken.  Every  circtimstance  of 
the  ago  and  country  combined  to  invite  and 
facilitate  it.  .  .  .  Already,  immediately  after  the 
fall  of  the  Duke  of  Athens  fat  Florence,  1343],  a 
German  adventvu'er,  o  ic  Werner,  known  in 
Italian  history  as  the  Duke  Guarnieri,  had  in- 
<luccd  a  large  number  of  the  hired  iroops,  who 
were  then  '  unattaciicd '  in  Italy,  mainly  those 
dismissed  at  that  time  from  tlie  service  of  Pisa, 
to  form  themselves  into  an  independent  com])any 
and  recognize  him  as  tlieir  leader.  With  ecpial 
clfrontery  and  accuracy  this  ruffian  styled  him- 
self 'The  eueiny  of  God,  of  Pity,  and  of  Mercy.' 
.  .  .  This  gang  of  baniiits  numbered  more  than 
3,000  horsemen.  Their  first  exploit  was  to 
threaten  the  city  of  Siena.  Advancing  tlirough 
the  Sieuose  territory  towards  the  city,  plunder- 
ing, killing,  and  burning  indi.scriminately  as  they 
went,  they  inspired  so  sudden  and  universal  a 
terror  that  tlie  city  was  glad  tc  buy  th(;m  off 
with  a  sum  of  12,000  florins.  From  the  Sieueso 
territory  thuy  passed  to  that  uf  Aruzzu,  uud  thcucu 


to  the  district  around  Perugia;  and  then  turning 
towards  the  Adriati(^  overran  Uomagna,  and  the 
Hiniini  country,  tlien  governed  by  flit  Malatcsat 
family.  It  is'dilllcult  adc((uately  to  describe,  or 
even  to  conceive  the  sulTcrings,  the  destruction, 
file  panic,  the  horror,  which  marked  tlie  track 
of  such  a  body  of  miscreants."  Finally,  by  the 
skilful  maniigcnicnt  of  the  Lord  of  Bologna,  the 
(M)inpany  was  bought  up  and  sent  across  the 
Alps,  out  of  Italy,  in  detachments.  "The  relief 
was  olitaiiied  in  a  niiinner  which  was  sure  to 
operate  as  an  encouragement  to  tli(!  formation  of 
other  similar  bands.  And  now,  after  the  procla- 
niiition  of  the  jieace  between  Florence  and  the 
Yiscoiiti,  on  the  1st  of  April,  13,')3,  .  .  .  the  ex- 
periment which  liad  answered  so  well  in  the 
iiands  of  tlie  (Jerman  '  Kiiemy  to  God  and  to 
]Mercy,'  was  repeated  on  a  larger  scale  by  ;i 
French  Knight  ll()si)italler  of  tlie  name  of  Mon- 
treal, known  in  Italian  history  as  Fril  Moriale. 
.  .  .  Being  out  of  place,  it  occurred  to  liiin  to 
collect  all  tlie  fighting  men  in  Italy  wlio  were 
similarly  circumstanced,  and  form  an  indepen- 
dent c()mi)any  after  the  example  of  Guarnieri, 
with  tlie  avowed  jjurpo.so  of  living  by  plunder 
and  brigandage.  lie  was  so  successful  ;liat  he 
collected  in  a  very  short  time  1,500  men-at-arms 
and  2,000  foot  soldiers;  who  w(!re  sub.se(iuently 
increased  to  5,000  cavaliers  and  7,000  infantry; 
and  this  bano  was  known  as  '  tlie  Great  Com- 
pany.'"  There  was  an  attempt  made,  at  first,  to 
combine  Florence,  Siena  and  Perugia,  with  the 
R(miagim,  in  resistance  to  the  marauders ;  but  it 
failed.  "The  result  was  that  the  Florentines 
were  obliged  to  buy  off  the  terrible  Fril  Moriale 
with  a  bribe  of  28.000  florins,  and  Pisa  with  one 
of  10,000.  .  .  .  The  diief  .  .  .  after  Fril  Mo- 
riale himself,  was  one  Conrad,  Count  of  Laiido ; 
and  under  him  the  Company  marched  towards 
I^ombardy  in  search  of  fresh  booty,  while  Mo- 
riale liimsel.'',,  remaining  temporarily  behind, 
went  to  Uonie  to  confer  privately,  as  it  was  be- 
lieved, with  the  Colonna  chiefs,  respecting  a  pro- 
ject of  employing  his  band  against  Hien/.i,  tlic 
tribune.  But  whether  such  wai  tlie  object  of 
his  journey  to  Home  or  not,  it  was  fatal  to  the 
brigand  cliief.  For  Hieiizi  no  sooner  knew  tliat 
the  notorious  Fril  Jloriale  was  within  his  jurij- 
diction  than  he  arrested  him,  and  summariV  or- 
dered him  to  execution  as  a  common  malefactor. 
The  death  of  the  chief,  however,  did  not  put  an 
end  to  '  the  Great  Company ' ;  for  Conrad  of 
Lando  remained,  and  succeeded  to  the  command 
of  it."  From  1356  to  1350,  Italy  in  different 
parts  was  preyed  ujion  by  '  tlio  Great  Coin- 
liany, '  sometimes  in  the  service  of  tlie  league  of 
the  le.s.ser  Lombard  princes  against  tlic  Visconti 
of  Milan,  and  once  in  the  eiiiploy  of  Siena 
against  Perugia;  but  generally  marauding  on 
their  own  account,  indei)enilently.  Florence, 
alone,  stood  out  in  resistance  to  their  exactions, 
and  finally  sent  into  the  tield  against  them  2,000 
men-at-arms,  all  tried  troops,  500  Hungarians, 
and  2,500  cross-bowmen,  besides  tlie  native 
troops  of  the  city.  Subsequently  the  Florentine 
forces  were  joined  by  others  from  Milan,  Padua, 
and  elsewhere.  The  bandits  marched  all  around 
tlie  Florentine  frontier,  with  much  bluster,  mak- 
ing great  threats,  but  constantly  evading  an  en- 
gagement. At  length,  on  the  20th  of  July,  13,59, 
the  two  armi"s  were  in  sucli  a  position  that  "  it 
was  thought  in  the  Florentine  camp  that  a  de- 
cisive battle  would  be  fought  oa  the  morrow. 


1825 


ITALY,   I;t4!t-I!l03. 


The  IVhitv  t'omjHivf/, 


ITALY,   l!t86-1414. 


But  when  Hull  July  iiiDriiin;;  diiwiuil,  Ijaiido  and 
IiIh  biiiidit  licjst  wcn^  alniidy  in  I'ldl  inarch iKirtli- 
ward.s  towards  (tciiua,  with  a  prcciiiitatidn  that 
had  all  tliu  aiiiM^arancL'  i>f  IIIkIiI.  .  .  ,  'The 
Great  (.'onipany  never  aK'iin  dared  U>  hIkiw  lis 
face  in  Tuseany.'" — T.  A.  Trolldpc,  //int.  nf  the, 
C'l'iiiiiiiiiiirmllh  of  Floniici',  hk.  i!,  eli.  (I  {r.  2).— 
"  Anollicr  cdMipiiny,  ((insisting  principally  of 
Kn|,'lisliinen  [lately  tnrned  loos('  in  France  by  the 
Peace  (if  IlretiKny,  ri(H),  which  lerininatel  the 
invasion  of  Kdwanl  IM.  |,  was  brought  iiiio  Italy 
at  a  Honiewhat  later  period  by  the  Maninis  of 
iMontferrat.  .  .  .  Aliout  tlie  same  time  anotlier, 
composed  principally  of  Germans,  and  com- 
manded by  Aniiehiiio  Hauingarten,  was  raised  by 
Galea/./.o  Visconti,  and  afterwards  employed  by 
the  I'isans.  Another,  entitled  that  of  St.  George, 
was  formed  by  Ambrose,  tlie  natural  son  of 
Ilernabos  Visconti,  and  let  loose  by  him  on  the 
territories  of  Perugia  and  Sienna.  Thus,  at  tlie 
end  of  the  14th  century,  Italy  was  devastated  at 
one  and  the  same  time  by  thi.'.se  four  companies 
of  adventurers,  or,  as  they  might  more  justly  be 
called,  [irofessional  robbers.  ...  Of  all  these 
coinpiuiies,  the  military  reputation  of  the  Eng- 
lish was  undoubtedly  the  greatest  —  ii  circuni- 
Blance  which  may  be  ascrilied,  in  some  degree, 
to  the  physical  superiority  of  tlie  men,  but  still 
more  to  the  talents  of  Sir  John  Ilawkwood,  by 
whom  they  were  "omminded. "  —  W.  P.  Ur- 
(juliart.  Life  and  Times  of  Fruiicenco  ^fnna,  hk. 
2,  (•//.  1  (('.  1). —  One  of  the  marauding  companies 
h'ft  in  France  after  the  Peace  of  Urctigiiy,  and 
wiiich  alllieted  that  wretched  country  so  sorely 
(see  Fuance:  A.  I).  liJOO-lUHO),  was  called  the 
VVhito  Company,  and  Sir  Joiiii  Ilawkwood  was 
one  of  its  commanders.  "  The  White  Company 
crossed  into  ^..ombardy,  under  the  command  of 
one  Albaret,  and  took  service  under  the  Manjuis 
of  Montferrat,  then  at  war  witli  the  Duke  of  Mi- 
lan. Ilawkwood  [called  Giovanni  Aguto  by  the 
Italians]  entered  the  Pi.san  service,  and  ne.vt 
year,  when  the  munjuis,  being  unable  to  main- 
tain his  English  troops,  disbanded  them,  the 
Pisans  engaged  them,  and  gave  Ilawkwood  th." 
command."  Ilawkwood  antl  his comiiany  served 
Pisa,  in  war  with  Florence,  until  i;i(!4,  when  they 
experienced  a  great  defeat,  which  led  to  peace 
iind  their  discharge.  During  the  ue.xt  three  years 
they  lived  as  iiKlependent  freebooters,  the  ter- 
ritories of  Siena  sullering  mo.st  fr(>m  their  depre- 
dations. Then  thev  lo('-<  servi(;e  witli  liernabo 
Visconti,  Lord  of  j{ilan,  nniking  war  for  him  on 
Florenci!  ami  its  allies;  but  very  soon  their  arms 
were  turned  against  Milan,  and  they  were  fight- 
ing in  the  r>'iy  of  Florence  and  the  Pope.  ' '  Within 
the  next  '.ive  years  he  changed  sides  twice.  He 
served  Galeazzo  Visconti  against  llie  Papal 
Stutt's;  and  'hen,  brought  back  to  fight  for  Holy 
Church,  defeated  his  late  employer  in  two 
pitched  battles."  After  this,  when  the  league 
against  an  aggressive  and  ambitious  pontiff  ex- 
tended, and  Florence,  Bologna  and  other  cities 
joined  Milan,  Uuwkwood  took  money  from  both 
at  the  same  time,  and  cheated  both,  prelimiuarilj' 
to  fighting  each  in  turn.  While  serving  the 
Pope  his  ruffians  wantonly  destroved  the  cap- 
tured town  of  Casena,  massacring  between  4,000 
and  5,000  people,  women  and  children  included. 
In  1378,  when  Gregory  XI.  died,  peace  followed, 
and  Hawkwood's  company  resumed  its  old  free- 
booting.  In  1381  he  was  engaged  in  the  Neapol- 
itan civil  war.    In   1887  be  aecms  to  Lave  be- 


comt!  permanently  engaged  in  the  .service  of 
Florence  against  the  Duke  of  .Milan.  "  In  lliOl, 
Florence  concluded  a  general  i)eace  with  all  her 
enemies.  Her  foreign  auxiliaries  were  dismissed, 
with  the  exception  or  Sir  John  Ilawkwood  and 
1. 000  men.  Ilawkwood  henceforth  remained  in 
her  service  till  his  death,  which  took  place  on 
th'.'  (1th  <f  March,  IJtlC).  He  was  buried  at  th(! 
public  expense,  as  a  valiant  servantof  the  State." 
—  Sir  .lull II  lliiirkwoml  (Ikntley'a  MiseeUany,  v. 
54,  pp.  284-201). 

.\i.8o  in:  O.  Browning,    (liielp/m  ami  Ohihcl- 

lilllK,  c/i.    12. 

A.  D.  1347-1354.— Rienzi's  Revolution  at 
Rome.     See  Uo.mk:  A.  I>    i;i47-i;!51. 

A.  D.  1348-1355.— V  ar  of  Genoa  against 
Venice,  the  Greeks  and  Aragonese.  See  Con- 
sr.v.NTi.Noi'i.i::  A.  D.  i;!4H-im 

A.  D.  1352-1378.— Subjugation  and  revolt  of 
the  States  of  the  Church.— War  of  the  Pope 
with  Florence.    See  Papacy;  A.  D.  lJ,J2-l!i(8. 

A.  D.  1373-1427.  —  The  democratizing  of 
Florence. — Tumult  of  the  Ciompi. — First  ap- 
pearance of  the  Medici.  See  Flouence:  A.  D. 
i;tT8-1427. 

A.  D.  1379-1381. — Final  triumph  of  Venice 
over  Genoa  in  the  War  of  Chioggia.  Sec 
Venice:  A.  I).  1370-1381. 

(Southern):  A  D.  1386-1414. —  Renewed 
Civil  War  in  Naples. — Defeat  of  the  Angevins 
and  triumph  of  Ladislas. — His  ambitious  ca- 
reer.— His  capture  and  recapture  of  Rome. — 
"The  death  of  Charles  III.  involved  tlie  king- 
dom of  Naples  in  the  most  ruinous  anarcliy  ;  and 
delivered  it  for  many  years  a  prey  to  all  the  dis- 
orders of  a  long  minority  and  11  ilispiited  throne. 
Charles  had  left  two  children,  Ladislaus,  a  boy 
of  ten  years  old,  and  a  daughter,  Joanna;  and 
his  widow  Margaret  acted  as  regent  for  her  son. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Sanseverini  and  oilier 
baronial  families,  rallying  the  Angevin  parly, 
pro  I  .med  the  young  son  of  the  late  duke  of 
Anjou  king, —  also  under  the  guardianship  of 
his  mother,  JIaria,  —  by  the  title  (.f  Louis  IL- 
Thus  Naples  was  disturbed  by  the  rival  p'-eten- 
si(ms  of  two  boys,  placed  beneath  the  guidance 
of  ambitious  and  intriguing  mothers,  and  sever- 
ally protected  by  two  popes,  who  excoinmuni- 
cated  each  other,  and  laboured  to  crush  the 
minors  whom  they  respectively  opposed,  only 
that  they  migiit  establish  their  own  authority 
over  the  party  which  tliey  supported.  .  .  For 
several  years  the  Angevin  party  seemed  to  main- 
tain the  ascendancy.  Louis  II.  was  williheld  iu 
Provitnce  fnmi  the  scene  of  danger  by  his  mother; 
but  the  barons  who  had  raised  his  standard, 
forcing  Margaret  of  Durazzo  and  the  adherents 
of  her  son  to  retire  to  Gieta,  po.s.nissed  lie  nisei  ves 
of  tli(!  capital  and  great  part  of  the  kingdom. 
Wh(  0  Louis  II.,  tlierefore,  was  at  length  suf- 
fered by  his  mother  to  appear  at  Naples,  attended 
by  a  powerful  fleet  and  a  numerous  I  ruin  oi"  the 
warlike  nobles  of  France  (A.  D.  1300),  he  disem- 
barked at  the  capital  amiilst  the  acclamitions  of 
his  people,and  would  probably  have  overpowered 
the  party  of  Durazzo  with  ease,  if,  as  he  ad- 
vat.ced  towards  manhood,  he  had  displayed  any 
energy  of  character.  But  he  proved  very  un- 
e(iual,  by  his  indolence  and  love  of  pleasure,  to 
contend  with  the  son  of  Charles  III,  Educated 
in  the  midst  of  alarms  and  danger,  and  sur- 
rounded from  his  infancy  by  civil  wars  and  con- 
spiracies, Ladislaus  Lad  early  been  exercised  in 


1826 


ITALY,   i:iH0-U14. 


Hrnrivvd   Warn 
in  ya/tles. 


ITALY.   i:i8fl-1414. 


cotirnjfi'oiis  ('iitcrprisc.  iind  Iriiiiicd  to  intrinur 
and  disHimidiitlon.  At  tlu!  iiffc  (if  HI,  his  iiuitlicr 
MiirgurL't  uiiiiiiiittcd  liim  to  tlic  liarmis  of  her 
party  to  niitku  liin  llrst  fHsiiy  in  arms;  and  from 
tids  pc^riod  hu  was  i'V(^r  at  tliL'  licad  of  Ids  troops. 
...  A  fortunate  niarrianc.  wliich  liis  niollicr 
hud  fITcctud  for  liini  witli  Constance  di  Clermont, 
the  heire.ss  of  llie  must  opident  nol)le  of  Sicily, 
increas<Ml  his  resources  hy  an  immense  dowry; 
and  while  he  nnide  an  al)!e  use  of  these  riches 
[meanly  and  heartlessly  divorcing  the  wife  who 
brought  them  to  him,  when  they  had  l)een  spenl|, 
the  new  Italian  pope,  Bornfaee  IX.,  tlie  suecf'.ssor 
of  Urban  VI.,  reeogin/.ed  him  fur  lli(,>  legitimate 
sou  and  vaH.sal  of  the  church,  because  Louis  was 
supported  by  the  Avignon  pontilf.  This  decision 
gained  him  many  partizans;  .  .  .  his  talents  and 
valour  hourly  advaiic(^d  his  success;  and  at  last 
the  Suusuvcrini  and  all  the  baronsof  the  Angevin 
party,  following  the  tide  of  fortune,  went  over 
to  his  stundards,  and  opened  to  him  the  giiUiA  of 
Naples  (A.  I).  11)09).  Louis  .  .  .  retired  by  sea 
to  his  I'rovenc/al  dominions,  and  finally  aban- 
doned the  kingdom  uf  >ia|)les.  LadisUius,  hav- 
ing thus  triumphed  over  his  sluggish  antagonist, 
had  leisure  to  consolidate  his  stern  authority  over 
the  liceutiouH  and  turbulent  feudal  aristocracy  of 
Ids  kingdom.  .  .  .  He  .  .  .  crushed  the  Sansev- 
erini  and  other  great  families,  whose  power  might 
make  them  (hmgerous;'  an(l  having  rooted  out 
the  seeds  of  all  resistance  to  his  sway  in  his  own 
donnnions,  lie  prepared  to  direct  his  vigorous 
ambition  to  schemes  of  foreign  conipiest." — O. 
Procter,  Jliiit.  of  lUilji,  ch.  5,  {it.  3, — Until  the 
death  of  Pope  IJcmifaee  IX.,  Ladislas  supponed 
that  pontiff  through  t lie  hard  struggle  in  which 
he  crushed  the  rebellious  (.'olonna  and  made  him- 
self master  of  the  city  of  Home.  IJut  when 
Honiface  died,  in  1404,  the  Xeapolitan  king  began 
to  scheme  for  bringing  the  ancient  capital  and 
the  possessions  of  the  Church  under  his  own 
control.  "  His  plan  was  to  set  the  Pope  [the 
newly  elected  Innocent  VII.  |  and  the  Homaii 
people  against  one  another,  and  by  helping  now 
one  and  now  the  other  to  get  them  botli  into  his 
power.  ...  He  trusted  that  the  rebellious  Ho- 
inans  would  drive  the  Pope  from  the  city,  and 
would  then  be  compelled  to  submit  to  himself." 
He  had  entered  Home,  four  days  after  the  jiupal 
election,  ostensibly  as  a  mediator  between  the 
rival  factions,  and  betwecni  the  Pope  and  the 
Roman  peoiile;  and  he  was  easily  able  to  bring 
about  an  arrangement  which  gave  liiin  every 
opportunity  for  interference  and  for  turning  cir- 
cumstances to  his  own  advantage.  Events  s()o;i 
followed  as  he  had  expected  them,  and  as  he 
helped,  through  his  u.gents,  to  guide  them.  The 
turbulence  of  the  people  increased,  until,  in  140.1, 
the  Pope  was  drive  n  to  flight.  "  Xo  sooner  had 
the  Pope  left  Koine  than  Giovanni  Colonna,  at 
the  head  of  h'.s  troops,  biirst  into  the  Vatican, 
where  he  took  up  his  quarters.  .  .  .  The  Vatican 
was  sacked ;  even  the  Papal  archives  were  \A\- 
lagcd,  and  Bulls,  letters  and  registers  were  scat- 
tered about  the  streets.  Many  of  these  were 
;ifterwards  restored,  but  the  loss  of  historic  doc- 
uments must  have  been  great."  Ladislas  now 
thought  his  time  for  seizing  Rome  was  come ; 
but  when  he  sent  5,000  horse  to  join  the  Colonna, 
the  Romans  took  alarm,  repelled  the  Neapolitan 
troops,  and  called  back  the  Pope,  who  returned 
in  January,  1406,  but  who  died  in  the  following 
November.    Under  the  next  Pope,  Gregory  XII., 


there  were  negotiations  with  .\vignon  for  the 
ending  of  the  great  schism;  anil  all  the  craft  of 
Ladislas  was  e.\erted  to  defeat  that  purpose;  be- 
cause a  reunion  of  western  Christendom  woiilil 
not  be  favorable  to  his  designs.  At  last,  a  con- 
ference of  the  rival  popes  was  arranged,  to  take 
place  at   Savona.  near  (lenoa,  and    in  August. 

1407,  Gregory  XII.  left  Rome,  moving  slowly 
northwarils,  but  llnding  reasons,  eipially  with 
his  compelilor,  for  never  presenting  himself  at 
the  appointed  meclingplace.  In  his  aljsence 
the  disorders  of  Rome  increased,  and  when  La<l- 
islas,  in  April,  1408,  appeared  before  the  city  with 
an  army  of  1:^,000  horse  and  as  many  foot,  it  was 
siirreiKlered  to  him  without  resistance.  "The 
craft  of  Ladislas  had  gained  its  end,  and  the  tem- 
poral power  of  the  Papacy  had  pas.sed  into  his 
hands.  .  .  .  8o  utterly  lia<!  the  prestige  of  Rome, 
the  memories  of  her  glories,  (la.s.sed  away  from 
men's  minds,  that  her  sister  n'public  of  Florence 
couhl  send  and  congratulate  Ladislas  on  the  tri- 
umphal victory  which  (Sod  and  his  own  manhood 
had  given  him  in  the  city  of  Rome."     When,  in 

1408,  the  disgusted  cardinals  of  both  papal  courts 
joined  in  calling  a  general  Council  of  tbeC'liiirch, 
to  meet  at  Pisu  the  following  year,  Ladislas 
threatened  to  prevent  it.  IJy  this  time  "Gregory 
had  sunk  to  the  lowest  pitch  of  degradation;  ho 
soUl  to  Ladislas  for  the  small  sum  of  2.'i,000 
florins  the  entire  States  of  the  Church,  and  even 
Rome  itself.  After  this  bargain  Ladislas  set  out 
for  Rome,  intending  to  proceed  int</ Tuscany  and 
break  up  the  Council."  Early  in  April,  1400,  he 
inarched  northwards  and  threatened  Sienn  IJut 
Florence  had  now  undertaken  the  defensi' of  ti." 
Council,  and  resisted  him  so  eirectually  t!iut  tilt 
meeting  at  Pisa  was  undisturbed.  The  immedi- 
ate result  ..f  the  Council  was  the  election  of  a 
third  claimant  of  the  Papacy,  Alexander  V.  (see 
P.\r.\cv:  A.  I>.  l;i77-1417).  Around  the  new 
Poiie  a  league  was  now  formed  which  emliraced 
Florence,  Siena,  and  Louis  of  Anjou,  whose 
claim  upon  Naples  was  revived.  The  league 
made  an  attempt  ou  Rome  in  the  autumn  of  1400, 
and  failed;  but  the  following  .hinuary  the  Nea- 
politaiiii  were  expelled  and  tlie  city  was  occupied 
by  the  papal  forces.  In  Jlay,  1410,  Alexander 
V.  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  IJaldassure  Cossa, 
who  took  the  name  of  John  XXIII.  The  new 
Pope  hastened  to  identify  his  (iiiise  with  Louis 
of  Anjou,  and  succeeded,  by  his  energy,  in  put- 
ting into  the  held  an  army  which  comprised  the 
four  chief  "condotticri  "  in  Ital)',  with  their  vet- 
eran followers.  Ladislas  was  attacked  and  routed 
^•onipletely  at  Rocen  Seeca,  on  the  10th  of  .May, 
1411.  But  the  worthlessness  of  Louis  and  the 
mercenary  character  of  his  generals  made  the 
victory  of  no  elfect.  Ladislas  bought  over  the 
best  of  the  troops  and  their  leaders,  and  before  the 
end  of  summer  Louis  was  back  in  Provence,  again 
abandoning  his  Neapolitan  claims.  Ladislas  made 
peace,  tirst,  with  Florence,  by  selling  Cortona  to 
that  city,  and  then  with  the  Pope,  w  ho  recognized 
him  as  king,  not  only  of  Naples,  but  of  Sicily  as 
well.  But  Ladislas  was  only  gaining  time  by 
these  treaties.  In  June,  1413,  ho  drove  the  Pope 
from  Rome,  and  his  troojjs  again  occupied  tlie 
city.  lie  seemed  to  be  now  well  prepared  for 
realizing  his  ambition  to  found  an  extended  Italian 
kingdom ;  but  his  career  was  cut  short  by  a  mortal 
disease,  which  ended  his  life  on  the  6th  of  August, 
1414. — M.  Creighton,  IlUt.  of  the  Papacy  during 
the  Perioil  of  the  Ikformatiun,  bk.  1,  ch.  iJ-S  (v.  1). 


1827 


ITALY,  1300-1408. 


Onint  of  Venlct. 
Vertine  of  Pita. 


ITALY,  1418-1447. 


A.  D.  1390-1402.— Resistance  of  Florence  to 
the  spreadinK  tyranny  of  the  Duke  of  Milan 
Hcc  Ki,.)Ui;.N(k:  .\.  D.  IHIKM  HI'.'. 

A.  D.  1391-1451,— Extension  of  the  Italian 
dominions  of  the  House  of  Savoy.  .Sec  Mavoy: 
llTlll.YIII  Ckniiiukh 

A.  D.  1396-1409.— The  sovereignty  of  Genoa 
yielded  to  the  King  of  France.     See' (Ik.noa: 

A.  1).  I ;iHi- 1  (■.'•,'. 

A.  D.  1402-140(5.— The  crumbling  of  theVis- 
conti  dominion. —  Aggrandizement  of  Venice, 
— Floientine  purchase  and  conqiest  of  Pisa. 
— Decline  of  that  city.— "Tlu'  liltlu  Hlutcx  of 
Hi)iiiiij;im,  which  Imd  for  111"  most  piirt  l)fcii 
<!()iiiiii<'rtMl  by  (Jlan-Ouli'ii/zo  [V'Iscoiili,  Diikc  of 
Miliui),  were  at  UU  di'iitli  [1402]  overrun  liv  tlu,' 
Count  of  Darliiiuio,  \vlic<  willi  his  famous  coin- 
paiiy  cntiTcil  the  service  of  I'ope  lioniface  IX. 
.  .  .  The  Count  of  Savoy,  the  ManiUcss  of  Mont- 
fernit,  and  the  lords  of  I'adua,  I'Vrrani,  and 
Mantua,  were  tli<'  only  independent  [Sovereigns 
In  North  Italy  In  l-liJi.  Of  these  Kraneesco, 
lord  of  Padua,  was  soon  to  fall.  On  the  death 
of  OianOah'a/.zo  he  seized  on  Verona.  Venice 
would  not  allow  heroic!  e'leiny  to  pain  this  ad- 
V.  utage,  and  made  alliance  with  Fr.incesco  d' 
Oon/.agu,  lord  of  Mantua,  and  with  his  help  took 
Verona,  and  clo.s<'ly  besieged  Padua.  After  a  gal- 
lant resistance  t  ranccseo  da  Carrara  was  forced 
to  yield,  and  he  and  his  two  1  )ii3  were  taken 
prisoners  to  Venice,  and  were  th  're  strang'ed  by 
Older  of  the  Council  of  Ten.  T'ds  war  gave  the 
Venetians  gn'at  power  on  the  maiidand.  They 
recoiii|'iered  Treviso,  and  gained  Feltro,  Verona 
[l-l(i.")|,Vicen/.a,  and  Paduu  [UO.')],  anil  from  this 
time  Venice  became  an  Italian  |)ower.  In  Tus- 
cany, the  death  of  her  great  enemy  delivered 
Floreue'e  from  her  distress,  and  Siena, which  now 
regained  her  liberty,  placed  herself  under  her 
lirctection.  Pi.sa  [which  had  been  betrayed  to 
Oiiui-Ualeaz/.o  in  lliOO]  had  been  left  t(/  Oabriello 
Vi.sconti,  a  ba.stard  son  of  the  late  I), ike.  He 
put  himself  under  the  protection  of  .lean  Bouci- 
caiilt,  who  governed  Genoa  for  Charles  VI.,  King 
of  France,  and  with  his  consent  he  sold  Pisa  to 
the  Florentines.  The  PIsaus  resisted  this  sacri- 
fice of  their  fri^edom,  and  the  war  lasted  a  year, 
but  in  1406  the  city  was  forced  to  surrender. 
Many  of  the  ))eople  left  their  homes;  for.  though 
Florence  acted  fairly  towards  her  old  enem  r  and 
new  subject,  yet  the  Pisans  could  not  bear  i!ie 
yoke,  and  the  greatness  of  the  city,  its  trade  and 
us  wealth,  vanished  away." — W.  Hunt,  Jlixt.  of 
Itidy,  (•/(.  0. — "Fnmi  that  day  to  this  it  [Pisa] 
has  never  recovered, — not  its  former  greatness, 
W'.'alth,  and  energy, —  but  even  sullicient  vitality 
to  arrest  it  on  the  downward  course.  ...  Of 
the  two  great  political  tendencies  which  were 
then  disputing  the  wc-ld  Iietwcen  them  it  made 
itself  the  cliampi(m  and  the  symbol  of  the  losing 
one.  Pisa  went  down  in  the  world  together  wilh 
the  feudalism  rij  Ghibellinism  with  which  it 
was  idenlilied." — T.  A.  TroUope,  Iliat.  of  the 
Commomtealtk  of  Flovcuee,  bk.  4,  eh.  0  (a.  3). — 
The  City  in  the  :Seu,  ch.  16. 

Also  in:  W.  C.  Hazlitt,  Hist,  of  the  Venetian 
liepiiblic,  ch.  21  (r.  3).— A.  U.  F.  Uobinson,  The 
Emi  of  the  MitltUe  ylyrs,  pp.  340-367. 

A.  D.  1409.  — The  Council  of  Pisa.  Sec 
Papacy;  A.  I).  l;i7;-1417. 

A.  D.  1412-1447.—  Renewed  civil  war  in 
Naples.— Defeat  of  the  Angevins  by  Alfonso 
of  Aragor.  and  Sicily,—  Reconquest  of  Lora- 


bardy  by  Filippo  Maria  Visconti,  and  his  wars 
with  Florence,  Venice  and  Naples. —  On  the 

death  (It  Ladislaus,  king  of  Naples  (1414),  "his 
sister,  .loan  1!.,  widow  of  the  son  of  the  duke  of 
Austria,  succeeded  him.  She  was  40  years  of 
age;  and,  like  her  brother,  abandonetl  to  the 
most  unrestrained  libertinism.  She  left  the  gov- 
crumeiit  of  her  kingdom  to  her  lover.s,  who  dis- 
puted power  by  arms:  they  called  into  her  ser- 
vice, 01  into  that  of  her  second  husbanil,  or  of 
the  rival  princes  whom  she  in  turn  adopted,  the 
two  armies  of  Sfor/.a  and  Hrae<io  [the  two  great 
mercenary  captains  of  tl'.it  time].  The  conse- 
ipiencc  was  the  ruin  of  tl>.^  kingdom  of  NapU's; 
which  ceased  to  meiuK'c  I  he  rest  of  Italy.  The 
moment  Ladislaus  di.sippeared,  a  new  enemy 
arose  to  disturb  the  Kloreiitines  —  Filippo  Maria 
N'isconti  [duke  of  Milan,  second  son  of  Uian 
<}alca/./.o  Vi.sconti.  aiul  successor  to  Ids  elder 
brother  Uiaji  Maria,  on  the  as.sassination  of  the 
latter,  in  1412].  .  .  .  Filippo  .  .  .  married  the 
\Vidow  of  Fac'ino  Cane,  the  powerful  condottiero 
who  had  retained  Uian  >iaria  in  his  de])en- 
denie,  and  who  died  the  same  day  that  Uian 
jNIaria  was  assassinated.  Uy  this  sudden  mar- 
riag(^  he  secured  the  ;irmy  of  Facino  Cane, — 
which  was,  in  fact,  master  of  the  greater  part  of 
the  Milanese :  with  its  aid  he  undertook,  without 
delay,  to  recover  the  rest  of  his  states  from  the 
hands  of  those  tyrants  who  had  divided  amongst 
them  the  domiinons  of  his  father.  .  .  .  During 
the  llrst  year  of  his  reign,  which  was  to  decide 
his  existence  as  jirince  or  subject,  he  fought  with 
determined  c(,iirage;  but  from  that  time,  though 
he  continually  made  war,  he  never  showed  hini- 
•self  to  his  arm'"s.  ...  In  the  battle  of  Monza, 
by  which  he  aciiuiivd  his  brother's  inheritance, 
and  the  only  battle  in  which  lie  was  ever  present, 
he  ri!markea  the  brilliant  courage  of  Francesco 
C^armagnola,  a  Fiedniontese  soldier  of  fortune, 
and  immediately  ga^e  him  a  command.  Car- 
magnola  s<M)n  juslitied  the  duke's  clioice  by  the 
most  distinguished  talents  for  war.  the  most  bril- 
liant victories,  and  the  most .  noble  character. 
Fnmcesco  Carmagnolu  \>-i\s,  after  a  ft^w  years, 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  duke's  armies;  and,  from 
the  year  1412  to  that  of  1423,  successively  at- 
tacked all  the  tyrants  who  had  divided  the  lieri 
tage  of  Gian  Giileazzo,  and  brought  those  small 
states  a).',ain  under  ihc  dominion  of  the  duke  of 
Milan.  Even  the  republic  of  Genoa  submitted  to 
him,  in  1431,  on  the  same  conditions  as  those  on 
which  it  had  before  submitted  to  the  king  of 
Frame, —  reserving  all  its  liberties ;  and  granting 
the  duke's  lieutenant,  who  was  Carmagnola  him- 
self, only  those  prerogatives  which  the  constitu- 
tion' yielded  to  the  doge.  As  soon  as  Filipiio 
Maria  liad  accimip'ished  the  concpiest  of  Lonibar- 
<ly,  he  resumed  tlie  projects  of  his  father  against 
Homagna  and  Tuscany.  He  .  .  .  renewed  his 
intrigues  against  the  republic  of  Florence,  and 
combined  thei;i  with  those  which  he  at  the  same 
t'.me  carried  on  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  Joan, 
Avho  had  sent  ba'  k  to  France  her  second  husband, 
■'faqi.-'s,  count  de  la  March'!,  and  who  had  no 
ehildren,  was  persuaded,  in  1430,  by  one  of  her 
lovers,  to  adoi)t  Alphonso  the  3Iagiianimous. 
king  of  Aragon  and  Sicily,  to  whom  she  intrusted 
some  of  the  fortresses  of  Naples.  She  revoked 
this  adoption  in  1428;  and  substituted  in  Hs 
place  Louis  III.  of  Anjou,  son  of  Louis  II.  The 
former  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  ancient 
party  of  Durazzo;  the  latter,  of  that  of  Anjou. 


1828 


ITALY.  1412-1447. 


Wftrn  in  Litmlnirthj 


ITALV,  1447-1454. 


The  nnnst'iiurncc  wiis  ii  civil  wiir,  in  wliirli  tlii' 
two  >rr('Ht  (111)111111.4,  Sforzii  iiinl  Itnircli),  wcri' 
op|)<>Ht'<l  to  cjicli  ollinr,  mill  iu'i|iiir('il  new  tiliis 
to  «''"■>'■  ''"'"'  <l''ki'  of  Mlliin  iimilc'  ulliiuicc  willi 
Juiiii  II.  mill  LoiiIm  IH.  of  Aiijim:  Sfor/a,  nuiiicil 
grciit  coiLstiibli!  of  tlic  klnniloMi,  wiis  tlicir  gi'ii- 
cml.  Tlio  Flori'iilliics  R'liminrd  roiiHtniit  to 
Bracclo,  wliom  Alplioiiso  liiiil  iiiikU'  jjovcrnor  of 
tho  Al>ru7./.i;  iiiiil  wlm  liiiil  M'i/.cil,  at  the  saiiio 
tiiiU',  the  sisiioriii  of  I'('ni),'la,  liis  native  cily. 
.  .  .  But  Sfoiv.a  ami  Itraccio  liolli  piTislii'il,  aH 
Italy  awaitcil  witlianxii'ly  tlu"  result  of  the  Hlriiit- 
g\i:  about  to  iHieomiiieiieeil.  Hforza  wasdrowiieil 
at  the  passage  of  the  I'eseara,  on  the  4lh  of  .Ian 
iiary.  1434;  Hraecio  was  mortally  woundeil  at 
tho  battle  of  A(iuila.  on  the  M  of  .luiii!  of  the 
same  year.  Francesco,  sou  of  the  former,  siic- 
ceeileil  to  hi.s  father's  name  anil  the  eoinmanil  of 
his  army,  both  of  which  he  was  deMlineil  to  ren- 
der still  more  illustrious.  'I'he  sun  of  Hraecio, 
on  the  contrary,  lost  the  soverei^inty  of  I'erugia, 
which  resuimid  its  freedom  on  tlu>  Stith  of  .Inly 
of  the  same  year;  and  the  remnant  of  tlu!  army 
formed  by  this  groat  captain  elected  for  his  chief 
his  most  able  lieutenant,  Nicolo  I'icciriino.  This 
was  the  moment  which  Kilipiio  .Maria  clio'  e  to 
push  on  his  army  to  IJoniattna.  and  vigorously 
attack  the  Kiorcnlinc.s.  .  .  .  The  Florcutiui's, 
liaving  no  tried  genend  at  the  head  of  their 
troops,  experienced,  from  the  (Hh  of  September, 
1423,  to  the  17th  of  October,  142.1,  no  less  than 
six  successive  defeats,  either  in  Liguria  or  Ho 
magna  [at  Forli,  142;t,  Zagonara,  1424.  liamonc, 
Uapallo,  Anghiari  and  Faggiola,  1425).  Undis- 
mayed by  defeat,  they  reassembled  tlieir  army 
for  the  seventh  time:  the  patriotism  of  their  rich 
incrchanta  made  up  for  the  penury  of  their  ex 
liausted  treasury.  'I'hey,  ut  the  same  time,  sent 
their  most  distinguished  statesmen  as  ambassa- 
dors to  Venice,  to  represent  to  that  republic  that. 
If  it  did  not  join  them  while  tin  >  still  stood,  the 
liberty  of  Italy  was  lost  forever.  .  .  .  An  illus- 
trious fugitive,  Francesco  Carmagnola,  who 
arrived  about  this  time  at  Venice,  accomplisled 
what  Florence  had  nearly  failed  in.  by  discover- 
ing  to  the  Venetians  the  project  of  the  duk.;  of 
Milan  to  subjugate  them."  Carmagnola  had 
been  disgraced  and  discharged  from  employment 
by  Filippo  Maria,  whose  jealousy  was  alarmed 
by  his  great  reputaiiou,  and  ho  now  took  service 
against  his  late  patron.  "A  league,  formed  be- 
tween Florence  and  Venice,  was  successively 
joined  by  the  inanjuis  of  Feri'ara,  the  lord  of 
Mantua,  the  Siennese,  the  duke  Amadeiis  VIII. 
of  Savoy,  and  the  king  Alphonso  of  Naples,  who 
jointly  declared  war  against  Filippo  Alaria  Vis- 
conti,  on  the  27th  of  .laniviry,  1428.  .  .  .  The 
good  fortune  of  Carmagnola  in  war  still  attended 
Elm  in  the  campaign  of  l-i  J.  He  was  as  suc- 
cessful against  the  duke  of  .,>.nan  as  he  had  been 
for  him;  he  took  from  him  the  city  and  whole 
province  of  IJrescia.  The  duke  ceded  this  con- 
quest to  the  Venetians  by  treaty  on  the  ilOfh  of 
December,  but  ho  employed  the  winter  in  as- 
sembling his  forces;  and  in  tho  beginning  of 
spring  renewed  the  war."  An  indecisive  en- 
gagement occurred  at  Casalsecco,  July  12,  1427, 
and  on  the  11th  of  October  following,  in  a  mars'.i 
near  Macalo,  Carmagnpla  completely  defeated 
the  Milanese  army  commanded  by  Carlo  Mala- 
testa.  A  new  peace  was  signed  on  tho  I8th 
of  April,  1428;  but  war  recommenced  in  the 
latter  part  of  1430.    Fortune  now  abaudoued  Car- 

3-18  1829 


magnola.  He  siilTpred  a  surprise  and  defeat  at 
.Sonciiio,  May  17,  1431,  and  llii' Hiispicions  seiiato 
of  Vcnieecau.scd  him  to  be  arrested,  tortured  and 
put  to  death.  "During  the  ri'malnder  of  the 
reign  of  Filippo  .Maria  lii^  was  habituallv  at  war 
with  the  two  republics  of  Venice  and  !•  lorence. 
He  .  .  .  almost  always  lost  ground  by  his  dis- 
trust of  hlsowngemrals.  Ids  versatility  his  taste 
fur  contradictory  intrigues,  his  eagerness  to  sign 
pcaciM'verv  year,  and  ti>  reeommenci!  hostilities 
a  few  weeks  afterward.s."  In  1411,  on  making 
peaci!  with  the  two  republics,  he  granted  his 
daughter  Bianca  in  marriage  to  their  general, 
Francesco  .Sfor/a,  with  two  lordships  for  her 
dowry.  But  he  was  soon  intrigiiiiig  against  his 
Kon-inlaw,  soon  at  war  again  with  Florence  and 
Venice,  and  Sfiir/.a  was  again  in  the  service  of 
the  latter.  But  in  1447  he  made  olTirs  of  recon- 
ciliation which  were  incepted,  and  .Sfor/.a  was  on 
his  way  to  Milan  when  news  came  to  him  of  tho 
death  of  the  duke,  which  occurred  August  13. 
"The  war  of  Lombardy  was  complicated  by  it.s 
connexion  with  aiiDlher  war  which  at  the  sanui 
time  ravaged  the  kingiloin  of  N.iples.  Tho 
i|Ueeii.  Joan  II..  had  died  there,  on  the  2d  of 
February.  143."i;  iliree  months  after  the  death  of 
her  adiipled  son,  Louis  111.  of  Anjou-  by  her 
will  she  ;iad  substituted  for  that  ])rince  his 
brother  Bene,  duke  of  Lorraine.  But  Alphonso, 
king  of  Aragon  and  Sicily,  whom  she  had  pri- 
marily adopted,  .  .  .  claimed  the  succession,  on 
the  ground  of  this  first  adoption,  as  well  as  of 
the  aneieat  rights  of  Manfred,  to  whom  he  had 
succeeded  in  \\n-  female  line.  The  kingdom  of 
Xaiiles  was  divided  between  the  parlies  of  Ara- 
gon and  Anjoii.  The  Genoese,  who  had  volun- 
tarily ranged  themselves  under  the  protection  of 
the  duke  of  ^Milan,  olfered  their  assistance  to  tho 
duke  of  Anjou.  .  .  .  On  the  rtth  of  August, 
143."),  their  tloet  met  that  of  Alphonso,  before  tho 
island  of  Ponza.  They  defeated  it  in  a  grc^at 
battle,  in  which  Alphonso  had  been  made  pris- 
oner." Delivered  to  the  duke  of  Milan,  Alphonso 
soon  convinced  the  latter  that  his  a'liance  with 
the  French  interest  at  Naples  was  a  mistake  and 
a  danger  to  him,  and  was  set  at  liberty,  with 
promises  of  aid.  The  Genoese  were  indignant  at 
this  and  drove  the  Milanese  garrison  from  their 
city,  in  December,  1435,  recovering  their  free- 
dom. "Ai'>ho>iso,  seconded  by  the  duke  of 
Milan,  rci  un  ■  need  the  war  against  Bene  of 
Anjou  with  gn  .ler  advantage.  On  the  2d  of 
June,  1442,  he  took  from  him  the  city  of  Nai)les; 
from  that  time  peace  was  re-established  in  that 
kingdom,  and  Alphonso  .  .  .  established  himself 
amidst  a  peojile  which  he  had  conquered,  but 
whose  hearts  ho  gained;  and  returned  no  more 
either  to  Sicily  or  Aragon.  He  died  at  Naples, 
on  the  27tli  of  June,  1456."— J.  C.  L.  dc  Sis- 
inoiidi,  JIiKt.  of  the  TfiHiaii  Itepublicn,  eh.  9-10. 

Al.so  IN :  W.  P.  Uripihart,  Life  aad  Timen  of 
Pninceiifo  l^fonn,  hk.  3-4  (o.  1). — II.  E.  Napier, 
FUirentiiie  Hint.,  bk.  1,  ch.  29-32,  and  hk.  2,  ch. 
1  (».  3). — Mrs.  .lameson,  ^femoin  of  Cekbrnted 
Female  S)>rerei;,,iii,  v,  1,  ch.  5. — M.  A.  Hookham, 
Life  and  Timex  of  Margaret  of  Anjou,  v.  1,  introd. 
mid  fli.  1. 

A.  D.  1433-1464. — The  ascendancy  of  Co=imo 
de'  Medici  at  Florence.  Si  e  Fi.oui'Nci;:  A  D. 
1433-141)4. 

A.  D.  1447-1454.— End  of  the  Visconti  in 
the  duchy  of  Milan. — Disputed  succession.— 
Francesco    Sforza   in   possess  on. — War    of 


ITALY,   HIT  1 1')!. 


I'fiilifliillr  1./ 

yicititiM  r. 


ITALY,   IIIC'-IIIH. 


Venice,    Naples    and    other    ttatet    against 
Milan  and  Florence.     Sir  Milan:  A.  I»    1117 
ll.-il 

A.  D.  1447-1480.— The  Pontificate  of  Nicolas 
V.  Regeneration  of  the  Papacy.  -Revival  of 
letters  and  art.-  Threatenine  advance  of  the 
Turks.— Fresh  troubles  in  Naples.- -Expul- 
sion of  the  French  from  Genoa.  -  " 'I'ln'  fiiilnri' 
of  IlicCoiilicildf  llasil  [sir  I'ai'.^i  Y:  A.  D.  ICtl- 
MIH|  ri'Ktiiri'il  till'  |Misilii>ii  of  the  I'liimcy,  ami 
wl  it  free  from  coiilroj.  'I'lic  clmriKlcr  mid 
ability  of  I'opc  Nicolas  (V.,  HIT-HMI  nmdc 
hiiM  ri'Hpcclcil,  and  tlii!  part  ulilcli  lie  took  in 
Iiolilli's  iiiailc  lilin  rank  aiiioiiKst  the  );ri'iit,  tciii 
poral  powcrn  in  Italy.  From  thin  lime  oiiwardH 
to  tlic  I'lid  of  our  liiHtory  we  kIiiiII  wc  tlm  I'opcs 
till'  iindispiilcd  I'rinccH  of  Koiiii',  and  tlic  lorilH 
(if  all  that  jiart  of  Italy  which  tlicy  claimed  from 
tlic  >,'ift  of  ICiiijiM  and  KmpcrorH,  and  not  Icasl, 
from  the  will  of  the  OountcHH  Matilda.  I'ope 
Nicolas  iiKi'il  tliis.iiower  belter  thiiii  any  of  those 
who  came  after  him,  for  he  iihciI  it  In  lli.'  caiiw' 
of  peace,  and  to  forward  learnin)?  mid  artintic 
tiiHte,  lie  applied  himself  to  the  genenil  pacill- 
callon  of  Italy,  and  broii);ht  about  the  I'eace  of 
1,11(11  ill  I4.'>4,  which  was  sij^ned  by  Venice  and 
Milan  and  by  Kin^  AlfoiiNo.  Chrfstendom  had 
(treat  need  of  peace,  for,  in  14.')!),  Constaiitiiiople 
iiad  been  taken  by  tlii!  Iiitidels  and  iMahoniel  the 
Keconil  was  sprcadiiif;  Ids  coii(|uest  over  the  Kast 
(if  Europe,  liefore  the  fall  of  the  city  a  ureal 
many  (Jreeks  had  come  to  Italy,  on  dilTerent 
missions,  and  especially  to  attend  a  (.'ouiicil  at 
Florence,  where  terms  of  union  were  made  be- 
tween the  Oreek  and  Latin  C'hiiiclies.  Their 
coming  rc^vived  the  taste  for  Oreek  leariiiiit;, 
■wliicli  had  been  so  powerfully  felt  by  I'etrarca 
iiiiil  Hoccaccio,  I'ope  Nicolas  iiiiide  Koine  the 
centre  of  this  literi'tiire.  and  others  followed  his 
cxmnple.  Theodore  of  (ia/a,  (ieori,'e  of  Trebi- 
•/.oiid,  and  many  more,  found  enlightened  patrons 
in  tlie  I'ope.  the  King  of  Naples,  Cosmo  de'  Med- 
ici, and  F  '''.Tign,  Count  of  Urbino.  The  I'ope 
was  a  lover  and  patron  of  art  as  well  lis  of  litera- 
ture. He  rebuilt  the  chiircbes,  palaces,  and 
fortilicationsof  Home  and  the  Uoman  States,  and 
formed  the  scheme  of  raising  a  ciiurch  worthy  of 
the  memory  of  St.  Peter,  and  left  behind  him 
the  Vatican  Palace  as  a  worthy  residence  for  the 
Apostle's  successors.  The  Papal  Library  had 
been  scattered  during  the  Captivity  and  the 
Schism,  but  Pope  Nicolas  made  a  large  collec- 
tionof  manuscripts,  and  thus  foniidcd  the  Lilirary 
of  the  Vatican.  The  introduction  of  printing 
uito  Italy  about  this  time  gave  great  strc'igtli  to 
the  revival  of  learning.  In  14.")2  the  Pope 
crowned  I'Vderic  the  Third  Knipeior  at  Home 
with  greiit,  niagiiiticence.  Hut  '.e  was  not  with- 
out danger  in  nis  city,  for  the  iie.xt  year  a  wild 
plot  was  made  against  him.  .V  large  number  of 
Hoiiians  were  displeased  at  the  great  (lower  of 
the  Pope.  They  were  headed  l>y  Stefano  Por- 
caro,  who  declared  that  he  would  free  the  city 
which  had  onn>,  been  mistress  of  the  world  from 
the  yoke  of  priest.s.  The  rising  was  to  be  ushered 
in  by  the  slaughter  of  the  Papal  Court  and  the 
plunder  ()•■  its  treasures.  The  plot  was  discov- 
ered, and  was  punished  with  great  severity. 
This  was  the  last  and  most  unworthy  of  the  vari- 
ous attempts  of  ihc  Homans  to  set  up  s^lf-gov- 
eniment.  The  advance  of  the  (Ottoman  Turks 
(luring  the  latter  part  of  the  Ijlh  century  [see 
TnKKs:    A.  D.   1451-1481]  caused  the  greatest 


alarm  In  Italy.  Venice,  from  her  poHSosMoiis 
and  her  trade  hi  the  Levant,  was  niost  exjiosi  il 
to  the  attai'ksof  llie  liilldels.  and  she  becami'  tlir 
great  champion  iigaiiisl  them.  The  liariiiil 
.Kiieas  HylviiiH  was  chosen  Poiie,  In  M.'iS.  and 
took  the  title  of  Pius  the  Second,  lie  ciiiimiI  a 
crusade  to  be  preached  against  the  Turks,  but 
he  died  in  I4II4,  while  the  forces  were  gathering. 
The  Vetietiiiim  were  coiiMtanllv  defeated  in  the 
Archipelago,  and  lost  Kubtra,  Lesbos,  and  other 
Islamis  IseeOuKlu  1;;  A.  I).  14.')4-1471)|.  in  1477 
a  large  I'lirklsb  army  entered  Italy  by  Friiill, de- 
feated the  Venetians,  and  crossed  thi^  Tagllii. 
inento.  They  laid  wasti!  the  country  as  far  as 
the  I'iave,  and  their  destroying  Urea  could  be 
seen  from  the  Campanih!  of  St.  Mark's.  In  14H(» 
Mahomet's  great  general,  Ahmed  Kediik,  took 
the  strong  city  of  Otrmito,  and  inassacred  Its  in- 
habitants. Thisexpedllion  was  secretly  favoured 
bv  the  Venetians  to  spiti!  thi^  King  of  Naph'S. 
'I'lie  danger  to  all  Italy  was  very  great,  for  the 
Sultan  eagerly  longed  to  coiii|Uer  the  older  Home, 
but  the  dentil  of  Mahomet  the  Second,  and  a 
disputed  succession  to  his  throne,  fortunately 
checked  the  further  advanco  of  tlu^  Invaders. 
When  Alfonso.  King  of  Aragon,  Naples,  and 
Sicily,  died  in  U.IM,  he  left  Aragon  and  Sicily, 
which  he  liiiil  inherited,  tn  his  legitimate  son 
.lohn;  but  tli(^  crown  of  Naples,  which  h(^  Iiad 
won  for  himself,  he  left  to  Ferdinand,  his  ilh'- 
gitiinate  son.  Ferdinand  was  a  cruel  and  sus- 
picious man,  and  tlii^  barons  invited  John  of 
Calabria  to  come  and  help  them  against  liini. 
.lohn  of  Calabria  was  the  son  of  Heiie,  who  had 
lieen  adojited  by  (jiieen  .liianna,  and  who  called 
himself  King.  lie  was  the  French  (iovernor  of 
(ienoa,  and  so  alread_\  had  a  footing  in  Italy,  ile 
applied  to  Sfor/.a  to  help  him,  but  the  Duke  of 
Milan  was  tirmly  attached  to  the  I'eace  of  Lodi, 
and  was  too  justly  fearful  "f  the  French  power 
to  do  so.  Lewis  the  Kleveiith,  King  of  Friince, 
was  too  wise  to  meddle  in  Italian  politics.  Flor- 
ence, which  was  usually  on  the  French  side,  was 
now  under  the  inlliience  of  Cosmo  de'  Medici, 
and  Cosmo  was  under  the  inllueiice  of  Francesco 
Sfor/a,  so  that  the  Duke  of  Calabria  found  no 
allies.  The  Arclibishopof  Genoa,  I'aoia  Fregoso, 
excited  the  peojile  to  drive  out  the  French  [see 
Oknoa:  a.  D.  U.W-U''!]  and  the  Doge  Pros|)ero 
Adorno.  who  belonged  to  their  party.  He  then 
defeated  King  Heiie,  and  the  Duke  of  Calabria 
was  forced  to  give  U|)  his  attempt  on  Naples 
[1404].  The  new  government  of  Genoa  was  so 
oppressive  that  ihe  Genoese  put  themselves  under 
the  protection  of  Francesco;  Lewis  the  Eleventh 
ceded  all  his  riglus  to  him.  and  the  city  thus  be- 
came part  of  ilie  Duchy  of  Milan.  The  hopes  of 
the  French  part  v  in  Italy  were  thus  fortlie  present 
entirely  crusheil.'—W.H  lint,  //('»<.  oJ'Jttili/,  rh.  0. 

Also  in:  M.  Creighton,  Hid.  of  the  Piqmcy, 
Ilh:  4,  ch.  y-4  (i\  •i).—\\.  P.  Uniuhart,  ],ife  unit 
Times  of  FnutUKco  Sfunn,  bk.  7  (v.  2). — L.  Pastor, 
Jlid.  of  the  /'"/)« .1.  c."  2. 

A.  b.  1466-1469. — Florence  under  the  five 
agents  of  Piero  de'  Medici.  See  Fi.oitiiNCK: 
14.58-1400. 

A.  D.  1469-1492. — The  government  of  Lo- 
renzo de'  Medici,  the  Magnificent,  at  Flci  ence. 
SeeFLoKKNCK:  A.  1).  14011-1403. 

A.  D.  1490- 1498. — Savonarola  at  Florence. 
SeeFi.oUKNCi::  A.  D.  1490-;408. 

A.  D.  1492-1494. — Charles  VIII.  of  France 
invited  across  the  Alps  to  possess  Naples. — 


1830 


ITALY.  14I)a-l404. 


Intiinhm 
../  (Ti.iWr.  nil. 


ITALY.  1401-1408. 


The  hoitile  disunion  of  the  Italian  states,-  - 

Wilh  the  ili'iitli  of  !.i>r<'ii/.<i  ilc  Mr(li<'l.  wliUli  oc 
ciirri'il  lit  l<'lort'ii('i'  in  tlic  HpriiiK  of  llll',.',  "  tlic 
power  vitnishi'd  wlilcli  Imd  lillliiTio  l<r|it  Niiplis 
ami  Mlliiii  (|iiic'l,  luiil  wliicli,  wiili  Kiihllr  ilipln 
malic  hk  III.  Iiiwl  p<>Ml|i(iiiril  the  brcucli  iifllic  priiic 
In  Italy.  We  lliiil  iIk^  coiMpitrlMiii  used,  timl  Kldr 
ciii'i'  with  Lort'ii/.i)  lit  iirr  iiciiil  KtoiHl  liki' it  rocky 
(liiiii  hclwccii  two  stormy  hcuh.  Ituly  was  at 
lliat  tinu!  u  fr('(!  Iiind  anil  Independent  of  foreign 
policy  Venice,  willi  her  \velleKtiil)lislied  iidIpIch 
ut  lier  lieiid  ;  NaplcH  under  tlie  Arav;oneHe,a  liranch 
of  the  family  ruling  iiiHi)aln:  Milan,  with  Oenoa, 
under  Hfor/.a  —  all  three iilile  powers hy  land  and 
sea  —  countiTlialanced  each  other.  Loren/.o  ruled 
central  Italy,  the  Hinall  lords  of  the  UoinaKiia 
were  In  his  |)ay,  and  tlii!  popi^  was  on  the  best 
terms  of  rclatlonshii)  with  him.  lint  in  Milan 
the  ndschicf  lay  hidden.  Liidovico  Hforxa,  the 
guardiiin  of  Ids  nepliew  (ilan  Ualeu/,/.o,  had  com- 
pletely usurped  the  power,  lie  allowed  Ids 
ward  to  pine  away  mentally  and  liodily ;  Ik;  whs 
bringing  the  yoinifj;  prince  slowly  to  death.  Hut 
his  consort,  a  Neapolitan  princess,  miw  throu);h 
the  treachery,  und  urj;ed  lier  father  to  change  liy 
force  their  lnsiilTeral)le  lumition.  Hfor/,a  could 
not  alone  have  resisted  Naples.  No  dependence 
was  to  lie  placed  on  the  friendship  of  Venice; 
Lorenzo  mediated  as  loni;  as  he  lived,  liiit  now, 
OB  ills  death,  Naples  was  no  lon^^er  to  lie  re- 
gtraincd.  The  llrst  thin)!;  that  haiipened  was 
[I'iero  de  Medici'sl  aliiance  with  tliis  power,  and 
at  till!  same  time  Lmiovico's  appeal  for  help  to 
France,  where  a  young  and  amliitioiis  kin;;  liad 
ascended  the  throne.  The  deatli  of  Innocent 
VIII.,  and  the  election  of  Alexander  Borgia  to 
the  papacy,  completed  the  confusion  wldch  was 
impending.  l.,ong  diplomatic  campaigns  took 
place  before  war  actually  broke  out.  The  mat- 
ter in  ((uestion  was  not  tlie  interestsof  nations  — 
of  this  there  was  no  thought — nor  even  the 
caprices  of  princes  alone.  '1  he  nobles  of  Italy 
took  a  passionate  concern  in  tliese  disputes.  Tlie 
contests  of  corresponding  intrigues  were  fought 
out  at  the  Frencii court.  France  had  been  robbed 
of  Naples  by  the  Aragonese.  The  exiled  Nea- 
politan liarons,  French  in  their  interests,  whosir 
possessions  tlic  Aragonese  had  given  to  their  own 
adherents,  ardently  seized  tlic  idea  of  reluming 
victoriously  to  their  country;  tlie  cardinals,  hos- 
tile to  I  lorgia —  forenio.st  among  these  stood  the 
Cardinal  of  San  I'iero  in  Viniiiln,  a  nephew  of 
the  old  Sixtus,  and  the  t!ardinal  Ascanio  Sfor/.a, 
Ludovico's  brother  —  urged  for  war  against 
Alexander  VI. ;  the  Florcnlino  nobles,  anticipat- 
ing Piero's  violent  measures,  hoped  for  deliver- 
ance tiirougli  the  French,  and  advocated  the  mat- 
ter at  Lyons,  where  the  court  was  stationed,  and 
a  whole  colony  of  Florentine  families  had  in 
time  settled.  Sforza  held  out  the  bait  of  glory 
and  his  just  claims  to  the  old  legitimate  poss.'s- 
sion.  The  Aragonese,  on  the  other  hand,  pro- 
posed an  acconniiodation.  Spain,  who  would 
not  forsake  her  belongings,  stood  at  their  side; 
tlie  pope  and  Pierodei  Medici  adhered  to  Naples, 
and  the  Frencli  nobili!  </  were  not  in  favour  of  an 
expedition  to  Italy.  Venice  remained  neutral ; 
still  she  might  gain  liy  tlie  war,  and  she  did  not 
dissuade  from  it;  and  this  opinion,  that  some- 
thing was  to  be  gained,  gradually  took  possession 
of  all  parties,  even  of  those  who  had  at  lir.«t 
wislied  to  preserve  peace.  Spain  was  a  direct 
gainer  from  tlie  llrst.     France  ceded   to  King 


Firdinand  ii  disputed  |irovince,  on  the  condition 
tliat  he  would  iill'ord  no  support  to  Ids  Neaiiolitan 
coUNiiiN.  Sforza,  IIS  lord  of  (lenoa,  wislied  to 
have  Lucca  and  I'i.^ia  again,  with  all  that  h<^ 
longed  to  tlii'in;  the  Visconll  liad  pos.Hcss('d  tliem 
of  old,  and  he  raised  their  claims  afresh.  VVo 
have  said  what  were  the  hopes  of  I'ler  i  del 
.Medici  (that  he  should  be  able  to  make  himself 
lliiki^  of  Florence).  I'i.sa  hoped  to  become  free. 
The  pope  lio|)ed  by  his  alliance  with  Naples  to 
make  the  llrst  step  towarilH  the  attainment  of  the 
great  plans  which  he  cherished  for  Idinself  and 
his  sons;  he  thought  one  day  of  divhiing  Italy 
among  them.  The  French  hoped  to  coni|Uer 
Naples,  and  then  to  drivu  away  the  Turks  in 
a  vast  crusade.  As  if  for  a  crnsail",  the  king 
ral.Hcd  the  loan  in  his  own  country,  which  he  re- 
(|iiired  for  tlie  campaign.  The  Venetians  Imped 
to  bring  the  coast  cities  of  the  Adriatic  Sea  as 
much  as  jiossible  under  their  authority.  In  the 
autumn  of  111)4,  (Jharles  of  France  iilaced  him- 
self at  the  head  of  his  kniglits  and  mercenary 
troops,  and  crossed  tlie  Alps;  whilst  his  licet  and 
artilli'ry,  the  most  fearful  weapon  of  the  French, 
went  by  sea  from  Marseilles  to  Oenoa."  —  II, 
(irimm.  Life  of  Mirhatl  Amjelo,  eh.  3,  uet.  8 
C.  1). 

Ai.so  in:  T.  a.  Trollope,  Hint,  of  the  Common- 
ireolth  of  Floiriirf,  hk.  8,  eh.  5. 

A.  D.  1492-1503.— The  Papacy  in  the  hands 
of  the  Borgias.     Src  I'-m-acy:  A.  I).  1471-l.')i;i. 

A.  D.  141)4-1496. — The  invasion  by  Charles 
VIII. — His  triumphant  march,  his  easy  con- 
quest of  Naples,  and  the  speedy  retreat. — 
Effects  of  the  expedition  on  France  and 
Europe.— "On  the  l.st  of  March  [lliM]  Charles 
VIII.  made  his  slate  entry  Into  Lyons,  to  assume 
tlie  command  of  the  expedition;  an  advanced 
giianl  under  the  Siotchman  d'Aiibigny  was  al- 
ready,' pusliing  towards  tlie  Nea|iolilan  frontier, 
and  t.'ie  Duke  of  Orleans  was  at  rtenoa.  The 
Nea])'/litans  on  their  side  sent  the  I'rince  of  Al- 
tiiniiira  with  itO  galleys  towards  (ieiioa.wliile  the 
I)Nk(^  of  Calabria,  an  inexperienced  youth,  en- 
tered till!  I'ontitlcal  States,  under  \\w.  guidance 
of  tried  generals.  .  .  .  The  Pope  seemed  to  liave 
lost  his  liead,  and  no  longer  knew  what  course 

to  adopt CImrles  the  VIII.,  having  pii.ss<'d 

the  Monginevra,  entered  Asti  in  the  first  days  of 
September.  lie  soon  received  intelligence  tliat 
Don  Federico  and  the  Neapolitan  licet  had  lieeii 
repulsed  with  heavy  losses  before  Porto  Venere, 
and  lliat  tlu!  Duke  of  Orleans  and  his  Swiss  liad 
entered  i{apallo,  sacked  tlu^  iilace,  and  jiiit  nil  tlio 
inlmlnlants,  even  the  sick  in  the  hospital,  to  the 
sword,  thereby  striking  terror  into  tlie  Italians, 
who  were  uimcciistomed  to  carry  on  war  in  so 
sanguinary  a  fashion.  On  reacliiiig  Piiu^enza, 
the  king  learnt  that  Gio.  Ualeazzo,  wliom  he  hail 
recently  seen  at  Pavia,  had  just  died  there,  poi- 
soned, as  ill  men  said,  by  the  Moor  [Lodovico, 
the  usurping  uncle  of  Oio.  Galeazzo  the  young 
Duke  of  .Milan,  was  so  calledl,  who,  after  cel- 
ebrating his  obsequies  at  Milan,  liail  entered 
St.  Ambrogio,  at  the  hour  indicated  by  liis  as- 
trologer, to  consecrate  the  investiture  already 
granted  to  him  by  Maximilian.  King  of  the  Ko- 
mans.  All  this  tilled  tlie  minds  of  tlu'  French 
witli  suspicion,  almost  with  terror;  tliey  were 
iicginniiig  to  understand  the  nature  of  tliei.'' 
closest  ally's  good  faith.  In  fact,  while  Liidovi- 
co with  one  liand  collected  men  and  money  for 
their  cause,  with  the  other  lie  wove  the  threads 


1831 


ITALY,  1494-1490. 


TnVMlon 
nf  Charles  VIII. 


ITALY,  1494-1496. 


of  a  league  Intcndf-d  to  drive  tlicm  from  Italy, 
wlien  the  nioinciit  should  arrive.  .  .  .  Nevertlie 
lc88  the  fort  lines  of  the  French  proHpered  rapidly. 
The  I)iik(^  of  {,'alahria,  having  entered  Uomagna, 
wltlidrew  across  the  Neapolitau  frontier  at  the 
llrsl  glinip.sc  of  D'AubiKny's  forces;  and  the 
bidk  of  the  Frf:nch  army,  commanded  by  the 
Kinj,'  in  person,  inarched  through  the  Lunigiana 
without  encountering  obstacles  of  any  Kind 
After  taking  Fivizanno,  sacking  it,  and  putting 
to  tlie  sword  the  hiuxired  soldiers  who  defended 
it,  and  part  of  the  inhiibitauts,  they  ])ushcd  on 
towards  8ar/.ana,  through  a  barren  district,  be 
tween  the  inoimtains  and  the  sea,  where  tlie 
slightest  resi.'tance  might  l)ave  proved  fatal  to 
them.  Hut  the  small  ca.stles,  intended  for  the 
defence  of  thenc  valleys,  yielded  one  after  the 
other,  without  ni.y  attempt  to  resist  the  invaders: 
and  hardly  had  the  siege  of  Sarziina  commenced 
than  I'iero  d('l  Medici  arrived,  frightened  out  of 
his  senses,  surrend.'red  at  discretion,  and  even 
promi.sed  to  nay  200,000  ducats.  But  on  Piero's 
return  to  Florence,  ou  the  8th  of  November,  he 
found  that  the  city  had  risen  in  revolt,  and  sent 
and)assador8  to  the  French  King  ou  its  own  ac- 
count to  otter  him  an  honourable  reception :  but 
that  at  the  same  time  it  was  making  preparations 
for  defence  in  case  of  need  [see  Fi.okknck  .  A.  D. 
1400-1408].  So  great  was  the  public  indignation 
that  Piero  took  flight  to  Venice,  where  his  own 
amba.s.sador,  Soderini,  luirdly  deigned  to  look  at 
him,  having  nieanwlnle  declared  for  the  rcpub- 
li 'an  government  just  proclaimed  in  Florence, 
where  everytliing  had  been  rajiidly  changed. 
The  houses  of  the  Medici  and  their  garden  at  St. 
Mark  had  been  pillaged,  exiles  had  been  recalled 
and  acquitted ;  a  price  put  ou  Piero 's  liead  and 
that  of  his  brother,  tlie  Cardinal.  .  .  .  The 
fabric,  so  long  and  so  carefully  built  up  bj'  the 
Medici,  was  now  suddenly  crumbling  iuto  dust. 
On  the  17th  November  Charles  VIII.,  at  the  head 
of  his  formidable  army,  rode  into  Florence  with 
his  lance  in  rest,  believing  that  that  fact  sufficed 
to  make  him  master  of  the  city.  But  the  Floren- 
tines were  armed,  they  luul  collected  6, 000  soldiers 
within  the  walls,  and  they  knew  perfectly  well 
that,  from  the  vantage  posts  of  towers  and 
houses,  they  could  easily  worst  an  army  scat- 
tered througli  tho  streets.  They  therefore  re- 
pulsed the  King's  insolent  proposals,  and  when 
he  threatened  to  sound  his  trumpets,  Piero  Cap- 
poni,  tearing  up  the  offered  treaty,  replied  tliat 
the  Florentines  were  more  ready  to  ring  their 
bells.  Tlirou(.;a  this  flnniiess  equitable  terms 
were  arranged.  The  Republic  was  to  pay  120,000 
florins  in  three  quotas ;  the  fortresses,  however, 
were  to  be  speedily  restored  to  her.  On  the  28th 
November  the  French  left  the  city,  but  not  with 
out  stealing  all  that  remained  of  the  collection  of 
anticpiities  in  the  Medici  Palace.  .  .  .  Nover- 
tlielcss  the  citizens  wore  thankful  to  be  finally 
delivered  alike  from  old  tvranta  and  new  in 
vaders.  Having  reached  Rome,  Charles  VIII., 
in  order  to  have  done  with  the  Pope,  who  ,now 
seemed  inclined  for  resistance,  pointed  his  guns 
against  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo,  and  thus  mat- 
ters were  scx)n  settled.  .  .  .  Scarcely  encounter- 
ing any  obstacles,  Charles  led  his  army  on  to 
Naples. "  Feniinand  I. ,  or  Ferrante,  had  died  on 
the  25th  ot  January,  1494,  and  had  been  sue 
coeded  by  his  son  Alfonso  II  ,  a  princ^e  more 
cruel  and  more  liated  than  himself.  Tlie  latter 
now  renounced  the  throne  iu  favor  of  his  son, 


Ferdinand  II.,  and  fled  to  Sicily.  "Ferdinand 
II.,  or  Ferrandino,  as  he  was  called,  after  vainly 
seeking  aid  from  all,  even  from  the  Turk,  made 
a  fruitless  stand  at  Monte  San  Giovanni,  which 
was  taken,  destroyed,  and  all  its  population  put 
to  the  sword.  .  .  .  Naples  rebelled  in  favour  ot 
the  French,  who  marched  in  on  the  22d  of  Feb- 
ruary [1495].  The  following  day  Ferrandino 
fled  to  Ischia,  then  to  ?,Iessina.  And  shortly  the 
ambassadors  of  the  Italian  States  appeared  to 
offer  congratulations  to  the  conqueror.  Now  at 
last  the  Venetians  were  aroused,  and  having  sent 
tlieir  envoys  to  Milan  to  know  if  Ludovico  v;ero 
disposed  to  take  up  arms  to  drive  out  the  Frcncli, 
they  found  him  not  only  ready  to  do  so,  but  full 
of  indignation.  ...  He  advised  that  money 
siiould  be  sent  to  Spain  and  to  Maximilian,  to 
induce  them  to  attack  France ;  but  added  that 
care  must  Ik?  taken  not  to  call  them  iuto  Italy, 
'since  having  already  one  fever  here,  we  shoulil 
then  have  two.'  A  league  was  in  fact  concluded 
between  the  Venetians,  Ludovico,  the  Pope, 
Spain  and  Maximilian.  .  .  .  The  Neapolitans, 
soon  wearied  of  bad  government,  liad  risen  in 
revolt,  and  Charles  V'll.  after  a  stay  of  only  50 
days  in  Naples  had  to  make  his  departure  with 
excessive  haste,  before  every  avenue  of  retreat 
should  be  cut  off,  leaving  hardly  more  than  0,000 
men  in  the  kingdom,  and  taking  with  him  a 
numerous  army,  whieh  however  only  numbered 
10,000  real  combatants.  On  the  0th  of  July  a 
pitclied  battle  took  place  at  Fornuovo  near  the 
river  Taro.  Tlie  allies  had  assembled  about 
30,000  men,  three-fourths  of  whom  were  Vene- 
tians, the  rest  composed  of  Ludovico's  soldiera 
and  a  few  Oermans  sent  by  Slaximilian.  .  .  . 
The  battle  was  bloody,  and  It  was  a  disputed 
question  whicli  side  obtained  the  victory;  but 
although  the  Italiai:  -  were  not  repulsed,  remain- 
ing indeed  masters  of  tlie  field,  tlie  French  suc- 
ceeded in  catting  tlieir  way  through,  whieh  was 
the  chief  object  they  had  in  view.  .  .  .  Lu- 
dovico, taking  advantage  of  the  situ.ition,  soon 
made  an  agreement  with  the  French  on  his  own 
account,  without  concerning  himself  about  the 
Venetians.  .  .  .  The  fortunes  of  the  French  now 
declined  rapidly  in  Italy,  and  all  the  more 
speedily  owing  to  tlieir  bad  government  in  tho 
Neapolitan  kingdom,  and  their  abominable  be- 
haviour towards  the  few  friends  who  had  re- 
mained faithful  to  them.  .  ,  .  Ferdinand  II., 
with  the  aid  of  the  Spaniards  under  Consalvo 
di  Cordova,  advanced  triumphantly  through 
Calabria  and  entered  Naples  on  the  7th  of  July, 
1490.  In  a  short  time  all  the  Neapolitan  for- 
tresses capitulated,  and  the  French  who  had  held 
them  returned  to  their  own  country,  more  tliaii 
decii  ated  and  in  an  altogether  deplorable  con- 
ditioh.  On  the  Otli  of  October  Ferdinand  II 
breathed  his  last,  worn  out  bj'  the  agitation  and 
fatigues  of  the  war,  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
uncle  Don  Federico,  tlie  fifth  King  '^counting 
Charles  VIII.  of  France]  who  had  ascuided  the 
Neapolitan  throne  within  the  last  five  yeara.  .  .  . 
Naples  was  now  in  the  absolute  power  of  the 
Spaniards,  who  were  already  maturing  theii  in- 
iquitous designs  upon  the  kingdom ;  these,  how- 
ever, were  only  discovered  at  a  later  period." — 
P.  Villari,  MiiMavelU  and  /lis  Timen,  o  1,  ch  4, 
Ktct.  2. — "111  spite  of  its  transitory  cliaracter  the 
invasion  of  Charles  VIII.  .  .  .  was  a  great  fact  in 
the  history  of  tlie  Renaissance.  It  was,  to  use  the 
pregnant  phrase  of  Michclct,  no  less  than  tho 


1832 


ITALY,  1404-i40fl. 


of  Iaiuiji  Xtl. 


ITALY.  1400-1500. 


reVL'littion  of  Itiily  to  the  niitioiis  of  tlic  Norlli. 
Like  11  gale  sweeping  iicross  ii  forest  of  tre<'.s  in 
blossom,  iind  beiiriiij?  their  fertili/.in);  iiol'.en,  afler 
it  has  broken  anil  deilowered  tlieir  l>ramiies,  to  fur 
distant  trees  that  hitlierto  have  bliK>nied  in  liar- 
renness,  tlio  storm  of  Charles's  army  earried  far 
and  wide  through  Kur()|H'  thoiiglii'diist.  Inijier- 
eeptible,  but  potent  to  enrich  the  imlions.  I'lie 
Freneli,  alone,  says  Mielielel,  uiiderHttHNi  Italy. 
.  .  .  From  the  Itaiians  tlio  P-rn;'!;  lomii.'  nieated 
to  the  rest  of  Europe  what  we  call  tlie  movem—'* 
of  the  Kenaissanee.  Tliere  i«  soir-  truth  in  this 
panegyric  of  Michelct's.  Tlie  |)a8>  igt  of  the  anny 
of  CharlesVin.  marks  a  ttirnmg  \  oint  in  miNJeni 
history,  and  from  tliis  epoch  date  •  the  diffusion 
of  a  spirit  of  cult.iro  over  Kurope  " — J.  A.  Sy- 
mends,  Remiimince  in  Jtitly :  The  Aye  of  the  lk»- 
pots,  ch.  0. 

Also  in:  P.  Villari,  Hint,  of  Samiiarvla  unit 
his  Times,  bk.  2,  eh.  1-3  (c  1). — J.  Dennisloiin, 
Memoirs  of  the  Dukts  of  Urhino,  ch.  14-15  (r.  1). — 
P.  deCommincs,  Memoirs,  bk.  7-8. — L.von  lianke, 
Ilist.  of  the  lAitiii  and  Teutonic  Nations  from  1404 
<ol514,  bk.  1,  ch.  1.— See,  also,  Fu.^nck:  A.  1). 
1403-1515. 

A.  D.  1/194-1503. — The  growing  power  of 
Venice  ana  the  jealousies  excited  by  it.  .See 
Venice:  A.  D.  1404-1503. 

A.  D.  1494-1509.— The  French  deliverance 
of  Pisa. — The  long  struggle  and  the  Floren- 
tine reconquest.     See  Pi».\:  A.  1).  1404-1500. 

A.  D.  1499-1500.— Invasion  and  conquest  of 
the  Milanese  by  Louis  XII.  of  France. — His 
claim  in  right  of  Valentine  Visconti. — Charles 
VIII.  died  in  April,  1408,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Louis  of  Orleans,  who  ascended  the  throne  as 
Louis  XII.  Ou  his  coronation,  Louis  XII.  "as- 
sumed, besides  his  title  of  Kin^  of  F'rauce,  the 
titles  of  King  of  Naples  and  ot  Jerusalem,  and 
Duke  ot  Milan.  Tliis  was  as  much  as  to  say 
that  ho  would  pursue  ...  a  warlike  and  adven- 
turous policy  abroad.  .  .  .  By  his  policy  at  home 
Louis  XII.  deserved  and  obtained  the  name  of 
'  Father  of  the  People ; '  by  liis  enterprises  and 
wars  abroad  he  involved  France  still  more  deeply 
thau  Charles  VIII.  had  iu  that  mad  course  of 
distant,  reckless,  and  incoherent  conquests  for 
wlrich  liis  successor,  Francis  I.,  was  tiestiued  to 
pay  by  capture  at  Pavia  and  by  the  lamentable 
treaty  of  Madrid,  in  1526,  as  the  price  of  his  re- 
lease. .  .  .  Outside  of  Frat^ce,  Milancss  (the 
Milanese  district)  was  Louis  XII. 's  first  thouglit, 
at  his  accession,  and  the  first  object  of  his 
desire.  lie  looked  upon  it  as  his  patrimony. 
His  grandmother,  Valentine  Visconti,  widow  of 
that  Duke  of  Orleans  who  had  been  assassinated 
at  Paris  in  1407  by  order  of  John  tlie  Fearless, 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  had  been  the  last  to  inherit 
the  duchy  of  Milan,  which  the  Sforzas,  in  1450, 
liad  seized.  When  Charles  VIII.  invaded  Italy 
in  1404,  '  Now  is  the  time,'  said  Louis,  '  to  enforce 
tlie  rights  of  Valentine  Visconti,  ray  grandmother, 
to  !Miluuess.'  And  he,  in  fact,  asserted  them 
openly,  and  proclaimed  his  intentioi.  of  vindi- 
cating them  so  soon  as  he  found  tlie  moment 
propitious.  When  he  became  king,  his  chance 
of  success  was  great.  The  Duke  of  Milan,  Lij- 
dovic,  the  Moor,  had  by  his  sagacity  aud  fertile 
mind,  by  his  taste  for  arts  and  sciences  and  the 
intellieeQt  patronage  he  bestowed  upon  them,  by 
his  ability  m  speaking,  and  by  his  facile  charac- 
ter, obtained  iu  Italy  a  position  far  beyond  his 
real  power.  .  .  .  Ludovic  was,  nevertheless,  a 


turbulent  niscal  and  a  gncily  tyrant.  .  .  .  He 
had.  ini>n-ov(  r,  embroiled  himxclf  with  his  neigh 
bourn,  the  Venetians,  who  were  watching  for  an 
opportunity  of  aggraiidi/.iiig  tlicmwivc!)  at  liis 
cxpeniM'."  Louis  V'l.  ;"«mptly  concluded  a 
treaty  »i*|,  Vcmce,  wliicli  pro\'dcil  for  the  mak- 
ini'  .1  war  in  comninii  upon  ilie  l»i.'<oo'  ^i"  .. 
.11  recover  till-  patrimony  , if  the  kirii{  —  the  \eno- 
tian.x  to  receive  ('r»"-..ina  and  certain  '  n--  and 
territory  adi"-, ...  uh  thcii  -iian-  of  the  expccte-.l 
""■  "  ,  •III  the  month  of  A'if-\Ht,  14iM»,  the 
French  army,  with  a  Mri'iigth  of  from  20,(HK)  to 
25.tXiO  men.  of  whom  5,(H.0  wen-  Hwi.s.s,  invaded 
MilanexH.  Duke  I.,udovie  Hfor/.a  opposeil  Ui  it 
a  force  pretty  near  equal  in  'lumber,  but  far  Ichh 
full  of  contldenee  and  of  fa-  les«  vulnur.  In 
less  than  three  weeks  the  duchy  was  coniiuered; 
in  only  two  cases  was  any  assault  necessary  ;  all 
the  other  places  were  given  \\\i  by  trailora  or 
surrendered  without  a  show  of  resistance.  The 
Venetians  had  the  same  success  on  the  eastern 
frontier  of  tin  .luchy.  .  .  .  Ixmls  was  at  Lyons 
when  ho  heard  of  his  army's  victory  in  Milaness 
ond  of  Ludovic  Sforza's  iliglit.  lie  was  eager 
to  go  and  take  possession  of  his  concpiest,  and, 
on  the  0th  of  October,  .400,  he  made  his  trium- 
phal entry  into  Milan  amidst  cries  of  'Hurrah! 
for  France.'  He  reduced  the  heavy  imposts 
estalilishcd  by  the  Sforzas,  revoked  the  vexatious 
game-laws,  instituted  at  Milan  a  court  of  justice 
analogous  to  the  French  parliaments,  loaded  with 
favours  the  scholars  and  artists  who  were  the 
honour  of  Lombardy,  and  recrossed  the  Alps  at 
the  end  of  some  weeks,  leaving  as  governor  of 
Jlilaness  John  James  Trivulzio,  the  valiant  Con- 
dottiere,  who,  four  years  before,  had  (juitted  the 
service  of  Ferdinand  II.,  King  of  Naples,  for 
that  of  Charles  VIII.  Unfortunately  Trivulzio 
was  himself  a  Jliiancse  and  of  the  faction  of  the 
Guelphs.  He  had  the  passions  of  a  itartisan  and 
the  habits  of  a  man  of  war;  and  lie  soon  became 
as  tyrannical  and  as  much  detested  in  Jlilaness 
as  Ludovic  the  Moor  h.ul  but  lately  been.  A 
plot  was  formed  in  favour  of  the  fallen  tyrant, 
who  was  in  Germany  expecting  it,  antl  was  re- 
cruiting, during  ex,,ectaney,  amongst  the  Ger- 
mans and  Swiss,  in  order  to  take  advantage  of  it. 
On  the  25tli  of  January,  1500,  the  insurrection 
broke  out;  and  two  months  later  Ludovic  Sforza 
had  once  more  became  master  of  Milaness,  where 
the  French  possessed  nothing  li.it  the  castle  of 
Milan.  .  .  .  Louis  XII. ,  so  soon  as  ho  heard  of 
the  Jlihuiese  insurrection,  sent  into  Italy  Louis 
do  la  Tremoille,  the  best  of  his  captains,  aud  the 
Cardinal  d'  Amboisc,  his  privy  councillor  and  his 
friend.  .  .  .  The  campaign  did  not  last  long. 
The  Swiss  who  had  been  recruited  by  Ludovic 
and  tl'ose  who  were  iu  Louis  XII.  's  service  had 
no  mind  to  fight  one  another;  and  the  former 
capitulated,  surrendered  the  strong  place  of 
Novara,  and  promised  to  evacuate  the  country 
on  condition  of  a  safe-conduct  for  themselves  and 
their  booty."  Ludovic  attempted  lliglit  in  dis- 
guise, but  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  French  and 
remained  in  captivity,  at  the  castle  of  Loches, 
iu  Touraine,  during  Uie  remainder  of  his  life  — 
eight  years.  "And  'thus  was  the  duchy  of 
Milan,  within  seven  months  and  a  half,  twice 
conquered  by  the  Prencli,'  says  John  d'  Auton  in 
his  'Chronique,'  'and  for  the  nonce  wac  ended 
the  war  in  Lombardy,  and  the  authors  thereof 
were  captives  and  exiles.' " — F.  P.  Guizot,  Popu- 
lar Hist,  of  I'^ramse,  ch.  27. 


1838 


ITALY,  1409-1500. 


Renaismncf.      ITALY,   15-lOTII  CENTURIES. 


Al,BO  IN :  A.  JI.  F.  Uobinson,  T/if  End  of  the 
MuMle  Af/m:  Vnkiitinf  VUcoiUi ;  The  French 
claim  to  Miliin.—K.  Wulford,  •Stori/ of  the  Chev- 
alier liiii/iird,  rh.  .'(-4. 

iS-i6th  Centuries. —  Renaissance. —  Intel- 
lectual advance  and  moral  decline. —  "  At  tho 
end  of  th<;  liftcciitli  cjciitury,  Italy  was  the  centre 
of  European  ('ivilizalioii :  wliile  the  other  nations 
were  still  plunged  in  a  feudal  barbarism  which 
aeenis  almo.st  as  far  removed  from  all  our  sym- 
pathies as  is  the  condition  of  some  American  or 
Polynesian  .savages,  the  Italians  ajjpear  to  lis  as 

f)os.sessing  habits  of  thought,  a  mode  of  life,  po- 
iticftl,  social,  and  literary  institutions,  not  unlike 
those  of  to-day ;  as  men  whom  we  can  thoroughly 
understand,  whose  ideas  and  aims,  whoso  gen- 
eral views,  resemble  our  own  in  that  main,  inde- 
finable characteristic  of  being  modern.  They 
had  shaken  oil  the  morbid  monastic  ways  of 
feeling,  they  had  thrown  aside  tho  crooked 
scholastic  modes  of  thinking,  they  had  trampled 
under  foot  the  feudal  institutions  of  the  Middle 
Agi-'S ;  no  symbolical  mists  made  them  see  things 
vague,  strange,  and  distorted;  their  intellectual 
atmosphere  was  as  clear  as  our  own,  and,  if  they 
saw  ii,s3  than  we  do,  what  they  did  see  appeared 
to  them  in  its  true  shape  ami  proportions.  Al- 
most for  the  first  time  since  the  ruin  of  antique 
civilization,  they  could  show  well-organized,  well- 
defined  States;  artistically  disciplined  armies; 
rationally  deviseil  laws;  scientifically  conducted 
agriculture;  and  widely  extended,  intelligently 
undertaken  commerce.  For  the  first  time,  also, 
they  showed  regularly  built,  healthy,  and  com- 
modious towns;  well-drained  fields;  and,  more 
important  than  all,  hundreds  of  miles  of  country 
owned  not  by  feudal  lords,  but  by  citizens ;  cul- 
tivated not  by  serfs,  but  by  free  peasants.  While 
in  the  rest  of  Europe  men  were  floundering 
among  the  stagnant  ideas  and  crumbling  institu- 
tions of  the  effete  Middle  Ages,  with  but  a  vague 
half-consciousness  of  their  own  nature,  the  Ital- 
ians walked  calmly  through  a  life  as  well  ar- 
ranged as  their  great  towns,  bold,  Inquisitive, 
and  sceptical:  modern  administrators,  modern  " 
soldiers,  modern  politicians,  modern  financiers, 
scholars,  and  thinkers.  Towards  the  end  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  Italy  seemed  to  have  obtained 
the  philosophic,  literary,  and  artistic  inheritance 
of  Greece;  the  adnnnistrative,  legal,  ond  '"ili- 
tary  inheritance  of  Rome,  increased  threefold  by 
her  own  strong,  original,  essentially  modern 
activities.  Yet,  at  that  very  time,  and  almost  in 
proportion  as  all  these  advantages  developed,  the 
moral  vitality  of  the  Italians  was  rapidly  de- 
i  creasing,  and  a  horrible  moral  gangrene  begin- 
ning to  spread :  liberty  was  extinguished ;  public 
good  faith  seemed  to  be  dying  out;  even  private 
morality  Uickered  ominously;  every  free  State 
became  subject  to  a  despot,  always  unscrupulous 
and  often  infamous ;  warfare  became  a  mere  pre- 
text lor  the  rapine  and  extortions  of  mercenaries ; 
diplomacy  grew  to  be  a  mere  swindle;  the  hu- 
manists moculated  literature  with  the  filthiest 
refuse  cast  up  by  antiquity ;  nay,  even  civic  and 
family  ties  were  loosened;  assassinations  and 
fratricides  began  to  abound,  and  all  law,  human 
and  divine,  to  be  set  at  defiance.  .  .  .  The  men 
of  the  Renaissance  had  to  pay  a  heavy  price  for 
.  .  .  intellectual  freedom  and  self-cognizance, 
which  they  not  only  enjoyed  themselves,  but 
transmitted  to  the  rest  of  the  world;  the  price 
was  the  loss  of  all  moral  standard,  of  all  fixed 


public  feeling.  They  had  thrown  aside  all  ac- 
cepted rules  and  criteria,  they  bad  ea.st  away  all 
faith  in  tnulitional  institutions,  they  had  de- 
stroyed and  could  not  yet  rebuild.  In  their  in- 
stinctive and  universal  disbelief  in  all  that  had 
been  taught  them,  they  lost  all  respect  for  opinion, 
for  rule,  for  what  liad  been  called  rightand  wrong. 
Coidd  it  be  otherwise  V  Had  they  not  discovered 
that  what  had  been  called  right  bad  often  been 
\umatural.  and  what  had  been  called  wrong  often 
natural  ?  Jloral  teachings,  remonstmnces,  and 
judgments  belonged  to  that  dogmatism  from 
which  tlu^y  had  broken  loose ;  to  those  schools 
and  churches  where  the  foolish  and  the  unnatural 
had  been  taught  and  worshiped;  to  those 
priests  and  monks  who  themselves  most  shame- 
fully violated  their  teachings.  To  profess  mo- 
rality was  to  be  a  hypocrite;  to  reprobate  others 
was  to  bo  narrow-minded.  There  was  so  much 
error  mixed  U])  with  truth  that  truth  had  to 
share  tho  discredit  of  error."  —  Vernon  Lee, 
Jiiiphorion,  v.  1,  pp.  37-29,  47-48. — "The  condi- 
tions under  which  the  Italians  performed  their 
task  in  the  Renaissance  were  such  as  seem  at 
first  sight  unfavourable  to  any  great  achieve- 
ment. Yet  it  is  probable  that,  the  end  in  view 
being  the  stimulation  of  mental  activity,  no  better 
circumstances  than  they  enjoyed  could  have  been 
provided.  Owing  to  a  series  of  adverse  accidents, 
and  owing  also  to  their  own  instinctive  prefer- 
ence for  local  institutions,  they  failed  to  attain  the 
coherence  and  the  centralised  organisation  which 
are  necessary  to  a  nation  as  we  understand  that 
word.  Their  dismemberment  among  rival  com- 
munities proved  a  fatal  source  of  political  and 
military  weakness,  but  it  developed  all  their  in- 
tellectual energies  by  competition  to  the  utmost. 
At  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  their  com- 
munes had  lost  political  liberty,  and  were  ruled 
by  despots.  Martial  spirit  declined.  Wars 
were  can'ied  on  by  mercenaries ;  and  the  people 
found  itself  in  a  state  of  practical  disarmament, 
when  the  neighboring  nations  quarrelled  for  the 
prize  of  (hose  rich  provinces.  At  the  same  time 
society  underwent  a  rapid  moral  deterioration. 
When  Machiavelli  called  Italy  'the  corruption  of 
the  world,'  he  did  not  speak  rhetorically.  An 
impure  and  worldly  clergy;  an  irr'-figio'us, 
though  superstitious,  laity;  a  self-indulgent  and 
materialistic  middle  class;  ac  idle  aristocracy, 
excluded  from  politics  and  unused  to  arms;  a 
public  given  up  to  pleasure  and  money-getting; 
a  multitude  of  scholars,  devoted  to  trifles,  and 
vitiated  by  studies  which  clashed  with  the  ideals 
of  Christianity —  from  such  elements  in  the  nation 
proceeded  a  widely-spread  and  ever-increasing 
degeneracy.  Public  energy,  exhausted  by  the 
civil  wars  and  debilitated  by  the  arts  of  the 
tyrants,  sank  deep  and  deeper  into  the  lassitude 
of  acquiescent  lethargy.  Religion  expired  in 
laughter,  irony  and  licence.  Domestic  simplicity 
yielded  to  vice,  whereof  the  records  are  jireciso 
and  unmistakable.  The  virile  virtues  disap- 
peared. What  survived  of  courage  assumed  the 
forms  of  ruttianism,  ferocity  and  treasonable  dar- 
ing. Still,  simultaneously  with  this  decline  in  all 
the  moral  qualities  which  constitute  a  powerful 
[leople,  the  Italians  brought  their  arts  and  some 
departments  of  their  literature  to  a  perfection 
that  can  only  be  paralleled  by  ancient  Greece. 
The  anomaly  implied  in  this  statement  is  strik- 
ing ;  but  it  is  revealed  to  us  by  evidence  too  over- 
whelming to  be  rejected.  ...  It  was  through 


1834 


ITALY,  15-16Tn  CENTURIES. 


strife  for 
Xiiplet. 


ITALY,   1001-1504. 


art  tliiit  the  (Teative  instincts  of  the  people  foiinil 
their  true  and  luleiiiiiUe  clmnnel  of  e.\pression. 
I'limmL/unt  over  nil  other  iniinlfestiitions  of  the 
<!pocli,  furdiUDentiil  beneiitli  all,  penetrative  to 
the  core  of  all,  h  the  artistie  impulse.  The 
slowly  self  eonsolidatinj;  life  of  a  f;reat  kinjrdoni, 
conecntratinK  all  elements  of  national  e.xistenco 
by  tlio  centripetal  force  of  organic  unity,  wasi 
wanting.  Commonwealths  and  despotisms,  rep- 
resenting 0  ii.ore  imperfect  stage  of  political 
growth,  achieved  completion  and  decayed.  But 
art  survived  this  disintegration  of  the  medieval 
fabric ;  and  in  art  the  Italians  found  the  cohesion 
denied  them  as  a  nation.  While  speaking  tlnis 
of  art,  it  is  necessary  to  give  a  wide  extension 
to  that  word.  It  must  be  understood  to  include 
literature.  .  .  We  are  jusliBed  in  regarding 
tlie  literary  masterpieces  of  the  si.vteeuth  cen- 
tury as  the  fullest  and  most  representative  ex- 
pressiou  of  the  Italian  temperament  at  the 
climax  of  its  growth.  The  literature  of  the 
golden  age  implies  humanism,  implies  paintirtg." 
...  It  is  not  only  possible  but  right  to  speak  of 
Italy  collectively  when  we  review  her  work  in 
the  Ueoaissance.  Yet  it  should  not  be  forgottenl 
that  Italy  at  this  time  was  a  federation,  present-! 
ing  upon  a  miniature  scale  the  same  diversities 
in  her  component  parts  as  the  nations  of  Europe 
do  now.  .  .  .  At  the  beginning  of  such  are  vicw\ 
we  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  with  the  predomv 
inanco  of  Florence.  The  superiority  of  the 
Tuscans  was  threefold.  In  tlie  firet  place,  they 
determined  the  development  of  art  in  all  its 
branches.  In  the  second  place,  tliey  gave  a  lan- 
guage to  Italy,  wliich,  without  obliterating  tlio 
local  dialects,  supeiseded  them  in  literature  when 
the  right  moment  for  intellectual  community  ar- 
rived. That  moment,  in  the  third  place,  was 
rendered  possible  by  the  humanistic  movement, ) 
which  began  at  Florence.  .  .  .  What  the  Lom- 
bards and  Venetians  produced  in  tine  art  and 
literature  was  of  a  later  birth.  Yet  the  novelists 
of  Lombardy,  the  Latin  lyrists  of  Garda,  the 
school  of  romantic  and  dramatic  poets  at  Ferrara, 
the  group  of  sculptors  and  painters  assembled  in 
Milan  by  the  Sforza  dynasty,  the  maccaronic 
Muse  of  Mantua,  the  unrivalled  magnificence  of 
painting  at  Venice,  the  transient  splendour  of 
the  Parmese  masters,  the  wit  of  Modcna,  the 
learning  of  the  princes  of  Mirandola  and  Carpi, 
must  be  catalogued  among  the  most  brilliant  and 
characteristic  manifestations  of  Italian  genius. 
In  pure  literature  Venice  contributed  but  little. 
.  .  .  Iler  place,  as  the  home  of  Aldo's  Greek 
press,  and  as  the  refuge  for  adventurers  like 
Aretino  and  Folengo,  when  the  rest  of  Italy  was 
yielding  to  reactionary  despotism,  has  to  be  com-, 
mtmorated.  .  .  .  The  Romans  who  advanceil 
Italian  culture,  were  singularly  few.  The  work 
of  Rome  was  done  almost  exclusively  by  aliens, 
drawn  for  the  most  part  from  Tuscany  and  Lom- 
bardy. After  Frederick  II. 's  brilliant  reign,  the 
Sicilians  shared  but  little  in  the  intellectual 
activity  of  the  nation." — J.  A.  Symonds,  lieium- 
sance  in  liati/ :  Italian  Literature,  eh.  17. 

A.  D.  1501-1504. — Perfidious  treaty  for  the 
partition  of  Naples  between  Louis  XIL  of 
France  and  Ferdinand  of  Aragon. — Their 
joint  conquest. — Their  quarrel  and  war. — The 
French  expelled. — The  Spaniards  in  posses- 
sion.— "  In  the  spring  of  1501,  the  French  army 
was  ready  to  pursue  its  march  to  Najjlcs.  King 
J'rederick,  alarmed  at  the  storm  which  was  gath- 


ering round  his  head,  had  some  months  bc'fore 
renewed  tin'  propositions  forinerlv  made  l)y  his 
father  Ferdinand  to  Charles  Vlf  I. ;  namely,  to 
acknowledge  himself  a  feudatory  of  France,  to 
pay  an  annual  tribute,  and  to  pledge  several 
maritime  towns  as  security  for  the  fullilment  of 
these  conditions.  Louis,  however,  would  not 
hear  of  these  liberal  olTers,  although  Ferdinand 
the  Catholic  [of  Aragon]  undertook  to  guarantee 
the  payment  of  the  tribute  ijrolfered  l)y  Freder- 
ick, and  strcmgly  remonstrated  again.st  the  con- 
templated expedition  of  tlie  French  King.  Fer- 
dinand finding  that  he  could  not  divert  Louis 
from  his  project,  proposed  to  him  to  divide  Na- 
ples between  them,  and  a  partition  was  arranged 
by  a  treaty  concluded  between  the  two  monarchs 
at  Granacla,  November  lltli,  ^^0().  Najiles,  the 
Terra  di  Lavoro,  and  the  Abru/./.i  were  assigned 
to  Louis,  with  the  title  of  King  of  Naples  and 
Jerusalem;  while  Ferdinand  was  to  have  Cala- 
bria and  Apulia  with  the  title  of  Duke."  This 
perfidious  arrangement  was  kejjt  secret,  of 
course,  from  Frederieit.  "Meanwhile  the  forces 
of  Ferdinand,  under  Gonsalvo  of  Cordova  [the 
"Great  Captain,' as  he  was  styled  after  his  Ital 
ian  campaign],  were  admitted  as  friends  into  the 
Neapolitan  fortresses,  which  tliey  aftei wards 
held  as  enemies.  Frederick  opened  to  them 
without  suspicion  his  ports  and  towns,  and  thus 
became  the  instrument  of  his  own  ruin.  The 
unhappy  Frederick  liad  in  vain  looked  around 
for  assistance.  He  had  paid  the  Emperor  JIaxi- 
milian  40,000  ducats  to  make  a  diversion  in  his 
favour  by  attacking  Milan,  but  JIaximilian  was 
detached  from  the  Neapolitan  alliance  by  a 
counter  bribe,  and  consented  to  prolong  the 
truce  with  France.  Frederick  had  then  had  re- 
course to  Sultan  Bajazet  II.,  with  as  little  etTect; 
and  this  application  only  served  to  throw  an 
odium  on  his  cause.  .  .  .  The  French  army, 
wlii(;li  did  not  exceed  13,000  men,  began  its 
march  towards  Naples  about  the  end  of  May, 
1501,  under  the  command  of  Stuart  d'Aubigny, 
with  Ca;sar  Borgia  [son  of  Pope  Alexander  VI.] 
for  his  lieutenant.  When  it  arrived  before  Rome, 
June  25th,  the  French  and  Spanisli  ambassadors 
acquainted  the  Pope  with  the  treaty  of  Granada, 
and  the  contemplated  partition  of  Naples,  in 
which  tlie  suzerainty  of  tliis  kingdom  was  guar- 
rnteed  to  the  Holy  See;  a  communication  wliich 
Alexander  received  witli  more  surprise  than  dis- 
pleasure, and  he  proceeded  at  once  to  invest  the 
Kings  of  France  and  Aragon  witli  the  provinces 
which  they  respectively  claimed.  Attacked  in 
front  by  the  French,  in  the  rear  by  Gonsalvo, 
Frederick  did  not  venture  to  take  the  field.  He 
cantoned  his  troops  in  Naples,  Averso,  and 
Capua,  of  which  the  last  alone  made  any  attempt 
at  defence.  It  was  surprised  by  the  French 
while  in  the  act  of  treating  for  a  capitulation 
(July  24th),  and  was  subjected  to  the  most  re- 
volting cruelty;  7,000  of  the  male  inhabitants 
were  massacred  in  the  streets;  the  women  were 
outraged ;  and  forty  of  the  handsomest  reserved 
for  Borgia's  harem  at  Rome ;  where  they  were  in 
readiness  to  amuse  the  Court  at  the  extraordinary 
and  disgusting  fCtc  given  at  the  fourth  marriage 
of  Lucretia.  leather  tlian  expose  his  subjects  to 
the  horrors  of  a  useless  war,  Frederick  entered 
into  negociations  witli  d'Aubigny,  with  tlie  view 
of  sunenderiug  hini.self  to  Louis  XII,  ...  In 
October,  1501,  he  sK.ied  for  France  with  a  small 
squadron,   which  remained  to  him.     In  rctutu 


1835 


ITALY,  1501-1504. 


strife  for 
Naplei. 


ITALY,  1504^1506. 


for  his  iibimddiiiiu'iit  of  the  provinces  iissigned  to 
tlie  Frtiich  Kiiij;,  1"'  whh  invi'sU'd  with  tlie 
county  of  MiiUK',  luid  a  life  pension  of  IW.OUO 
ducats,  on  condition  tliat  lie  hIiouUI  not  attempt 
to  (juit  France;  a  s'liin'  ""»  set  over  liim  to  en- 
force tlie  latter  proviso,  and  this  excellent  ])rince 
died  in  captivity  in  1504.  Jleanwhile  Oonsaho 
of  Cordova  was  proceeding  with  the  reduction  of 
Culahriii  and  Apulia.  .  .  .  The  Spaniards  en- 
tered Taranto  JIurcli  Ist,  150!3;  the  other  towns 
of  southern  Italy  were  soon  reduced,  and  the 
Neapolitan  branch  of  the  House  of  Aragon  fell 
for  ever,  after  reigning  65  years.  In  the  autumn 
of  l.'iOI,  Louis  had  entered  into  negociations  with 
the  Kmperor,  in  orUe.  .>,  obtain  formal  investi- 
ture of  the  Duchy  of  Milan.  With  this  view, 
Louis's  daughter  Claude,  then  only  two  years  of 
age,  was  allianced  to  Charles  [afterwards  the 
Emperor,  Charles  V.],  grandson  of  3Ia.\'imilian, 
the  infant  child  of  the  Archduke  Philip  and 
Joanna  of  Aragon.  A  treaty  was  subsequently 
signed  at  Trent,  October  13th,  1501,  by  Maxi- 
milian and  the  Cardinal  d'Amboisc,  to  which  the 
Spanish  sovereigns  and  the  Arcliduke  Philip  were 
also  parties.  By  this  instrument  Louis  engaged, 
in  return  for  the  investiture  of  Milan,  to  recog- 
nise the  pretensions  of  the  Il;>use  of  Austria  to 
Hungary  and  Bohemia,  and  to  second  JIa.\i- 
milian  in  im  expedition  which  he  contemplated 
against  the  Turks.  It  was  at  this  conferenc;e 
that  those  schemes  against  Venice  began  to  be 
agitated,  which  ultimately  produced  the  League 
of  Cambray.  The  treaty  between  Louis  and 
Ferdinand  for  the  partition  of  Naples  was  so 
loosely  drawn,  that  it  seemed  purposely  intended 
to  produce  the  quarrels  which  occurred."  Dis- 
putes arose  as  to  the  possession  of  a  couple  of 
provinces,  and  the  Spaniards  were  driven  out. 
"In  the  course  of  1503  the  Spaniards  were  de- 
prived of  everything,  except  Barletta  and  a  f(;w 
towns  on  the  coast  of  Bari.  It  was  In  the  com- 
bats round  this  place  that  Bayard,  by  his  deeds 
of  courage  and  generosity,  won  his  reputaticm 
as  the  model  of  cliivalrv,  and  became  the  idol  of 
the  French  soldiery. "  'fhe  crafty  and  unscrupu- 
lous king  of  Aragon  now  amused  Louis  .with 
the  negotiation  of  a  treaty  for  the  reliuciuishment 
of  the  whole  Neapolitan  domain  to  the  lately 
alTianced  infants,  Charles  of  Austria  and  Claude 
of  France,  while  he  diligently  reinforced  the 
"Great  Captain."  Then  "Gonsalvo  suddenly 
resumed  the  offensive  with  extraordinary  vigour 
and  rapidity,  and  within  a  week  two  decisive 
battles  were  fought" — at  Seminara,  iii  Calabria, 
April  21,  1503,  and  at  Cerignola,  near  Barletta, 
April  28.  In  the  last  named  battle  the  French 
army  was  dispersed  and  almost  destroyed.  On 
tlie  14th  of  May,  Qousalvo  entered  Naples,  and  by 
the  end  of  July  the  French  had  completely  evac- 
uated the  Neapolitan  territory.  The  king  of 
France  made  prompt  preparations  for  vigorous 
war,  not  only  in  Naples  but  in  Spain  itself,  send- 
ing two  armies  to  the  Pyrenees  and  one  across 
the  Alps.  The  campaign  of  the  latter  was  ruined 
by  Cardinal  d'Amboise,  who  stopped  its  march 
near  Rome,  to  support  his  candidacy  for  the 
papal  chair,  Just  vacated  by  the  death  of  Alex- 
ander \  I.  ^Malaria  made  havoc  in  the  ranks  of 
the  French,  and  they  were  badiv  commanded. 
They  advanced  to  the  seat  of  war  in  October, 
and  forced  the  passage  of  the  Garigliano,  No- 
vember 9.  "Here  their  progress  was  arrested. 
.  .  .  The  neosons  themselves  were  hostile  to  the 


French ;  heavy  rains  set  in  witli  a  constancy  ([uite 
unusual  in  tint  climate:  and  the  French  soldiers 
I)erished  by  hundreds  in  the  mud  and  swamps 
of  the  Garigliano.  The  Spanish  army,  encamped 
near  Sessa,  was  better  supplied  and  better  disci- 
l)lined;  and  at  length,  after  two  months  of  inac- 
tion, Gonsalvo,  having  received  some  reinforce- 
nicnts,  assumed  tlie  offensive,  and  in  his  turn 
crossed  the  river.  The  French,  who.se  quarters 
were  widely  dispersed,  were  not  prepared  for 
this  attack,  aiwl  attempted  to  fall  back  upon 
Oaeta ;  but  their  retreat  soon  became  a  disorderly 
(light;  many  threw  down  their  arms  without 
striking  a  blow ;  and  hence  the  affair  has  some- 
times been  called  the  rout  of  the  Garigliano 
[December  29,  1503].  Peter  de'  Medici,  who 
was  following  the  French  army,  perished  in  this 
retreat.  .  .  .  Verj  few  of  tlie  French  army  found 
heir  way  back  to  France.  Gaeta  surrendered 
■it  the  first  summons,  January  1st,  1504.  This 
,vas  tlie  most  important  of  all  Qonsalvo's  vic- 
tories, us  it  completed  the  conciuest  of  Naples. 
The  two  attacks  on  Spain  had  also  miscarried. 
...  A  truce  of  five  months  was  concluded,  No- 
vember 15th,  which  \  is  subsequently  converted 
into  a  peace  of  three  years." — T.  H.  Dyer,  Jlist. 
of  Modem  Eurojie.,  hk.  1,  eh.  5-6  (i".  1). 

Also  in;  L.  von  Ranke,  Hint,  of  the  Latin 
and  TeuUiidc  Nations,  1494-1514,  bk.  1,  ch.  4,  (tjid 
bk.  2,  ch.  1.— T.  A.  Trollope,  Hist,  of  the  Com- 
inonweallh  of  Florence,  bk.  9,  ch.  8  9  (».  4). — M.  J. 
Quintana,  The  Qreat  Captain  (I  ives  of  Celebrated 
Spaniardn)  — G.  P.  II.  James,  Memoirs  of  Great 
Commanders,  v.  1 ."  Gomalaz  de  Cordoba. — L. 
Larclicy,  Hist,  of  Ilai/ard,  bk.  2. 

A.  D.  150^-1506.— The  Treaties  of  Blois.— 
Tortuous  diplomacy  of  Louis  XII. —  His 
double  renunciation  of  Naples.  —  "There  was 
danger  [to  Louis  XII.  of  France]  that  the  loss  of 
the  Milanese  should  follow  that  of  the  kingdom 
of  Naples.  Maximilian  was  already  preparing 
to  assert  his  imperial  rights  beyond  the  Alps,  and 
Gonsalvo  de  Cord(jva  was  marching  towarcl  the 
northern  part  of  the  peninsula.  Louis  XII.  di- 
vided and  disarmed  his  enemies  by  tliree  treaties, 
signed  at  Blois  on  the  same  day  (1504).  By  the 
fl.-st  Louis  and  Jlaximilian  agreed  to  attack 
Venice,  and  to  divide  the  spoil;  by  the  second 
Louis  promised  the  kin^  of  the  Romans  200,000 
francs  in  return  for  the  investiture  of  the  Milan- 
ese ;  by  the  third  he  renounced  the  kingdom  of 
Naples  in  favor  of  Jlaximilian's  grandson  Charles, 
who  was  to  marry  Claude,  daughter  of  Louis 
XII.,  and  receive  as  her  dowry  three  French 
provinces,  —  Burgundy,  Brittany,  and  Blois.  A 
more  disastrous  agreement  could  not  have  been 
made.  Charles  was  to  obtain  by  inheritance 
from  his  father,  Philip  the  Handsome,  the  Neth- 
erlands; from  his  motlicr,  Castile;  from  his 
paternal  grandfather,  Austria;  from  his  maternal 
grandfather,  Aragon.  And  now  he  was  assured 
of  Italy,  and  France  was  to  be  dismembered  for 
him.  This  was  virtually  giving  him  the  empire 
of  Europe.  France  protested,  and  Louis  XII. 
seized  the  first  occasion  to  respond  to  her  wishes. 
He  found  it  in  1505,  when  Ferdinand  the  Catho- 
lic married  Germaine  de  Foix,  niece  of  Louis 
XII.  Louis  by  treaty  made  a  second  cession  of 
his  rights  over  the  kingdom  of  Naples  to  his 
niece,  thus  breaking  one  of  the  principal  con- 
ditions of  his  treaty  with  Maximilian.  He  con- 
voked the  States-General  r.t  Tours  in  order  openly 
to   break    the   others    (1506).     The   Assembly 


1836 


ITALY,  ISCVUSOe. 


Holy  Ijfnttue 
ttifainst  France, 


ITALY,  iniO-lSlS. 


(Iccliircd  that  tlic  fundiimpiitiil  law  of  till'  stiito  <liil 
not  permit  alicimtio/is  of  tlic  doiimiim  of  the 
crown,  and  besought  liii-  klii){  to  jj;ive  his  diiiijfli- 
tcr  in  miirrlrtge  to  his  heir  prcHUinplive,  Francis, 
Duke  of  Angoulfline,  in  order  to  insure  tlie  in- 
tegrity of  tlie  territory  and  tlie  independenee  of 
Franee.  Louis  XII.  fo'ind  littU'  dillieulty  in 
acceding  to  their  re(iuest.  Maxiiailian  and  Fer- 
dinand were  at  tlie  time  unalile  to  protest." — V. 
Duriiy,  /list.  »f  FniiKV,  eh,  'Mi. 

A.  D.  1508-1509. — The  League  of  Cambrai 
aeainst  Venice. — The  continental  provinces 
ofthe  Republic  torn  away.  .Sec  Vknick  :  A.  1). 
l.W8-ir)0i(. 

A.  D.  1510-1513. — Dissolution  of  the  League 
of  Cambrai  and  formation  of  the  Holy  League 
against  France. — The  French  expelled  from 
Milan  and  alt  Italy.  —  Restoration  of  the 
Medici. — Recovery  of  Venetian  territories. — 
As  the  League  of  Cambrai  began  to  weaken  and 
fall  in  pieces,  the  vigorous  republic  of  Venice 
"came  forth  again,  retook  Padua,  and  kept  it 
through  a  long  and  terrible  siege,  at  last  forcing 
the  Emperor  to  withdraw  and  send  back  his 
French  allies.  The  Venetians  recovered  Vicenza, 
and  threatened  Verona ;  JIaximilian,  once  more 
powerless,  appealed  to  France  to  defend  his  con- 
(juests.  Thus  things  stood  [ITilO]  when  Julius  II. 
made  peace  with  Venice  and  began  to  look  round 
him  for  allies  againjt  Louis  XII.  He  negotiated 
with  the  foreign  kings;  but  that  was  oidy  in  or- 
der thereby  to  neutralise  their  inlluence,  sowing 
discord  among  them ;  it  was  on  the  Swiss  mer- 
cenaries that  lie  really  leant.  Now  that  he  had 
gained  all  he  wanted  on  the  northern  frontier  of 
the  States  of  the  Cliurcli,  he  thought  that  he 
might  safely  undertake  the  high  duty  of  protect 
ing  Italy  against  the  foreigner;  he  would  accom- 
plish what  Ciesar  Horgia  had  but  dreamed  of  do- 
ing, he  would  chase  the  Barbarian  from  tin; 
sacred  soil  of  culture.  .  .  .  He  'thanked  God,' 
when  he  heard  of  the  death  of  the  Cardinal  of 
Amboise,  '  that  now  be  was  Pope  alone ! '  .  .  . 
He  at  once  set  himself  to  secure  the  Swiss,  and 
found  a  ready  and  capable  agent  in  Alattliew 
Schynner,  Bishop  of  Sion  in  the  Valais.  .  .  . 
Bishop  Schynner  was  rewardeti  for  this  traflic 
with  a  cardinal's  hat.  And  now,  deprived  by 
death  of  the  guiding  hand  [of  Cardinal  d'Am- 
boise],  Louis  XII.  began  to  follow  a  ditlicult  and 
dangerous  line  of  policy;  he  called  a  National 
Council  at  Tours,  and  laid  before  it,  as  a  case  of 
conscience,  the  question  whether  he  might  make 
war  on  tlie  Pope.  The  Council  at  once  de- 
clared for  the  King,  distinguishing,  as  well  tliey 
might  under  Julius  II.,  between  the  temporal 
and  the  spiritual  in  the  Papacy,  and  declaring 
that  any  i)apal  censure  that  might  be  launched 
would  be  null  and  void.  Above  all,  an  apjical 
was  made  to  a  General  Council.  .  .  .  Jleanwhile 
war  went  on  in  Italy.  A  broadly-planned  at- 
tack on  the  ililanese,  on  Genoa,  and  Ferrara, 
concerted  by  Julius  II.  with  the  Venetians  and 
Swiss,  had  come  to  nothing.  Now  the  warlike 
pontiff  —  one  knows  his  grim  face  from  Raphael's 
picture,  and  his  nervous  grasp  of  the  arms  of  his 
chair,  as  though  he  were  about  to  spring  for- 
ward into  action  —  took  the  field  in  person.  At 
Bologna  he  fell  ill ;  they  thought  he  would  die ; 
and  Chaumont  of  Amboise  was  marching  up  with 
the  French  at  his  heels  to  surround  and  take  him 
there.  But  by  skilful  treating  with  the  French 
general  Julius  gained  time,  till  a  strong  force  of  1 


Venetians  had  entered  Bologna.  Then  the  Pr)po 
rose  from  liis  sick-bed,  in  the  dead  of  winter, 
and  marched  out  to  besiege  Mirandola,"  LIU, 
which  capitulated.  "  Bayard  soon  after  attacked 
him,  and  all  but  took  him  prisoner.  A  congress 
at  Mantua  followed  ;  but  tlie  Pope  sternly  refused 
to  make  terms  with  the  French;  tlu;  war  must 
goon.  Then  Louis  took  a dangeroUM  step,  lie 
convoked  an  eci  lesiastleal  council  at  Pisa,  and 
struck  a  medal  'o  express  his  contempt  and 
hatred  for  Juliu.-  II.  .  .  .  The  Pope  had  gone 
ba(;k  to  Home,  and  Bologna  had  opened  her 
gates  to  the  French ;  the  coming  council,  which 
sliould  depose  Julius,  was  iiroelaimed  through 
N(.'rlliern  Italy.  But,  though  the  moment  seemed 
favourable,  nothing  but  a  real  agreement  of  the 
European  powers  could  give  success  to  such  a 
step.  And  how  far  men  were  from  such  an 
agreement  Louis  was  soon  to  learn;  for  Julius, 
finding  that  the  French  d' '  not  invade  the  States 
of  the  Church,  resiir  '  ..egociatioiw  with  such 
success  that  in  Octotier  l.")ll  a  'Holy  League' 
was  formed  between  the  Pope,  Venice,  Ferdi- 
nand of  Aragon,  and  Henry  VIII.  of  England. 
Maximilian  wavered  and  doubted;  the  Swiss 
were  to  be  had —  on  payn;ent.  At  first  Louis 
showed  a  bold  front;  in  spite  of  this  ^trange 
whirl  of  the  wheel  of  politics  from  the  League  of 
Cambrai  to  the  Holy  League,  he  perseverecl,  giv- 
ing the  command  of  Jlilan  to  his  nephew,  Gaston 
of  Foix,  Duke  of  Nemours,  a  man  of  23  years, 
the  most  promising  of  his  younger  captains.  He 
relieved  Bologna,  seized  Brescia,  and  pillaged 
it  ri5r~l;  and  then  ijushed  on  to  attack  Havenna; 
it  IS  said  that  the  booty  of  Brescia  was  so  great 
that  the  French  soldiers,  having  made  their  for- 
tunes, deserted  in  crowds,  and  left  the  army 
much  weakened.  With  this  diminished  force 
Gaston  found  himself  caught  between  the  hostile 
walls  of  Havenna,  and  a  relieving  force  of  f  pan- 
iards,  separated  from  him  only  by  a  canal.  The 
Si)aniards,  after  their  usual  way  of  warfare, 
made  an  entrenched  camp  round  their  position. 
The  French  first  tried  to  take  the  city  by  assault; 
but  being  driven  back,  determined  to  attack  the 
Spauisli  camp."  They  made  the  assault  [on 
Easter  Day,  1512]  and  took  the  camp,  with  great 
slaughter;  but  in  his  reckless  pursuit  of  tlie  re- 
treating enemy  Gaston  ile  Foix  was  slain.  "The 
death  of  the  young  Prince  more  than  balanced 
the  great  victory  of  the  day:  for  with  Gaston,  as 
Guiceiardini  says,  perislied  all  the  vigour  of  the 
French  army.  .  .  .  Though  Havenna  was  taken, 
the  French  could  no  longer  support  themselves. 
Their  communications  witii  Jlilan  were  threat- 
ened by  the  Swiss;  they  left  garrisons  in  the 
strong  places  and  fell  back.  The  council  of  Pisa 
also  had  to  take  refuge  at  Lilian.  When  the 
Swiss  came  down  from  their  mountain-passes  to 
restore  the  Sforza  dynasty,  the  harassed  council 
broke  up  from  Jlilan,  and  lied  to  Lyons;  there  it 
lingered  a  while,  but  it  had  become  contempti- 
ble; anon  it  vanished  into  thin  air.  The  Pope 
retook  Bologna,  Parma,  Piacenza;  the  Medici 
returned  to  Florence  [see  Fi.ouence:  A.  D. 
1502-1569] ;  Maximilian  Sforza  was  re-established 
[see  Milan;  A.  D.  1512],  while  the  Grisons 
Leagues  received  the  Valtcline  as  their  reward: 
the  English  annoyed  the  coast  without  any  de- 
cisive result.  .  .  .  Ferdinand  seized  Navarre, 
which  henceforward  became  Spanish  to  the 
Pyrenees.  Before  winter,  not  one  foot  of  Italian 
soil  remained  to  the  French.    Julius  II.,  the 


1837 


ITALY,  mift-lMa. 


Hull/  [.nifiuc 
agaiitiil  ilmrtra  I'. 


ITALY,  1528-1527. 


formidiibli^  (Miiilrc  of  Hit'  Alliiituv,  dicil  lU  this  iiio- 
liiml  (IT)!;)).  .  .  .  Tin'  allies  .Sfciircil  the  clictioii 
(if  II  SlcdicciiM  I'ope,  Lci)  X  a  poiUitT  lioslilc  to 
France,  and  cerlaiii  not  to  reverse  that  .side  of 
his  ])re(leees.sor's  |)oliey.  .  .  .  Loids,  Undine  liim- 
self  niena<c<l  on  every  side,  snildenly  turned 
ul)()ut  and  olfend  lii.s  friendship  to  Venice.  .  .  . 
Natural  tendencies  overl)ore  all  rescntnients  on 
hotli  siiles,  and  a  treaty  between  tlietn  l>otli 
f^uaranteed  the  .Milane.se  to  Louis  and  ^ave  hiii  a 
strong;  force  of  Venetian  soldiers.  Meanwhile, 
KerdinaiKl  had  <<)mo  to  terms  with  Ma.xiniilian 
anil  boyish  ilenry  VIII.,  who  .  .  .  had  framed 
a  scheme  for  the  overthrow  of  France.  The 
Fn'nch  liinj;,  instead  of  slayi"f  athomo  to  defend 
Ills  frontiers,  was  ea^er  to  retake  Milan,  and  to 
join  liands  with  tlie  Venetians.  .  .  .  IJut  the 
.Swi.ss  round  .''.la.vimilian  Hforza  defended  him 
without  fear  or  treaeliery;  and  catchini;  the 
Fi-'nch  troops  under  La  Tremoillc  in  a  wretched 
position  not  far  from  Xovara,  attacked  and  ut- 
terly defeated  tlH'm  (1.513).  Tlie  French  witii- 
drew  beyond  the  Alps;  the  Venetians  were 
driven  off  with  great  loss  by  the  Spaniards,  who 
ravaged  their  mainhind  territories  down  to  the 
water's  edge.  For  the  short  remainder  of  his 
life  Louis  Xll.  had  no  leisure  again  to  try  bis 
fortunes  in  Italy:  he  wn3  t(X)  busy  elsewhere." — 
O.  W.  Kitchin,  ///*/.  of  Frauw,  p.  2,  bk.  3,  ch.  3. 

Also  in:  P.  Villari,  Life  and  Times  of  Machiu- 
velli,  bk.  1,  ch.  13-14  (c.  3).  — M.  Creighton,  Hint 
of  the  PajHWji.  bk.  .'5,  ch.  15-10  (».  4). —  L.  von 
Itankc,  Hint,  of  the  lAitiii  and  Teutonic  Nationn 
from  1494  to  I.IU,  bk.  3,  ch.  3.— Sir  li.  Comyn, 
Hist,  of  the  Western  Empire,  ch.  37-38  (v.  2).— 
L.  Larchey,  Hist,  of  Bayard,  bk.  2,  ch.  31-44.— 
II.  E.  Napier,  Florentine  IHstory,  bk.  2,  eh.  0 
(".  4). 

A.  D;  I5I5-I5I6. — Invasion  and  reconquest 
of  Milan  by  Francis  I. — His  treaty  with  the 
Pope.    See  Fuanck:  A.  D.  1515;  and  151,5-1518. 

A.  D.  1516-1517.— Abortive  attempt  against 
Milan  by  the  Emperor,  Maximilian. — His 
peace  with  Venice  and  surrender  of  Verona. 
See  Fuanck:  A.  I).  151(5-1517. 

A.  D.  1520-1542. — Early  Reformation  move- 
ments and  their  want  of  popular  support. — 
The  Council  of  Trent.  See  Papacy:  A.  D. 
1537-1503. 

A.  D.  1531-1522.  —  I  .xpulsion  of  the 
French  from  Milan. — The  treason  of  the  Con- 
stable Bourbon. — His  appointment  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  Imperial  armj.  See  Fuanck: 
A.  I).  15.10-1523. 

A.  D.  1523-1527.- The  double  dealings  of 
Pope  Clement  Vll. — Invasion  of  Milanese  by 
Francis  I.  ai.d  his  defeat  and  capture  at 
Pavia. — The  Holy  League  against  Charles  V.  | 
— The  attack  on  Rome  by  Constable  Bourbon. 
—  Qiulio  de'  Medici,  natural  son  of  Quiliano  dc' 
Medici,  imd  cousin  of  Leo  X.,  had  succeeded 
Adrian  VI.  in  the  Papacy  in  1523,  under  the 
name  of  Clement  VII.  "Nothing  could  have 
been  more  unfortunate  than  the  new  Pope's  first 
steps  on  the  zig-zag  path  which  ho  proposed  to 
follow.  Becoming  alarmed  at  the  prepondera- 
ting power  of  Charles  [the  Fifth,  Emperor,  King 
of  Spain  and  Naples,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and 
ruler  of  all  the  Netherlands,— see  Austuia: 
A.  D.  1490-1520;  and  Qeumany:  A.  D.  1519],  in 
1524  be  entered  into  a  league  with  Francis  [tlie 
First,  king  of  France];  but  scarcely  had  this 
been  concluded  when  the  memorable  battle  of 


Pavia  [see  Fuanck:  A.  I).  1523-1.525],  resulting 
in  till!  entire  defeat  of  the  French,  on  th(!  24tli  of 
Fcliruary,  1.525.  and  tlie  captivity  of  the  French 
king,  frightened  him  back  again  into  seeking 
anew  tlie  friendship  of  Charles,  in  April  of  that 
year.  Each  of  thcf^e  successive  treaties  was  of 
course  duly  sworn  to  and  declared  inviolable; 
but  it  <'ould  liardly  lie  expected  that  he  who  e.\- 
erci.sed  tlii!  ])ower  of  annulling  other  men's  oaths 
Would  submit  to  be  bound  by  his  own,  when  the 
ol)servanc(!of  tliem  became  inc(mvenient.  Clem- 
ent accordingly  was  not  prevented  by  the  solemn 
treaty  of  Apiil,  1.525,  from  conspiring  against  bis 
new  ally  in  the  .luly  following.  The  object  of 
this  consniracy  was  to  induce  Ferdinnndo  Fran- 
cesco d'Avalo.s,  .Manjuis  of  Pcscara,  who  com- 
manded the  army  of  Charles  V.  before  Milan,  to 
revolt  against  bis  sovereign,  and  join  the  Italians 
in  an  attein|)t  to  put  an  end  for  ever  to  Spanish 
sway  in  Italy.  .  .  .  But  the  Spanish  general  had 
no  sooner  secured  clear  evidence  of  the  jilans  of 
the  conspirators,  by  pretending  to  listen  to  their 
i)ro])osals,  than  he  reported  tlic  whole  to  Charles, 
riie  miscarriage  of  this  scheme,  and  the  e-xposure 
coiLseipient  upon  it,  necessarily  threw  the  vacil- 
lating and  tci rifled  Pontilf  once  more  into  the 
arms  of  Francis.  "The  Most  Christian  ' — as  the 
old  Italian  historians  often  elliptieally  call  the 
Kings  of  France  —  obtained  bis  release  from  his 
Madrid  prison  by  |>roinisiug  on  oath,  on  the  17th 
of  .January,  1.520,  all  that  Charles,  driving  a  hard 
bargain,  chose  to  demand  of  him  [see  Fiiance: 
A.  I).  1.52.5-1,520].  And  Clement  hastened  to 
prove  the  sincerity  of  his  renewed  friendship  by 
a  professional  contribution  to  the  success  of  their 
new  alliance,  in  the  welcome  shape  of  a  plenary 
absolution  from  all  observance  of  the  oaths  so 
sworn.  .  .  .  On  the  23nd  of  May  following  [at 
Cognac],  the  Pope  entered  into  u  formal  league 
with  Francis  [called  '  Holy,' for  the  reason  that 
the  Pope  was  a  party  to  it].  Venice  joined  her 
troops  to  those  of  the  Ecclesiastical  States,  and 
they  marched  together  to  the  support  of  tlie 
Milanese,  who  bad  risen  in  revolt  against  the 
Emperor.  Assistance  bad  also  been  promised 
by  Ilenry  of  England,  who  bii').  stipulated,  how- 
ever, that  he  should  not  be  named  us  a  party  to 
the  alliance,  but  only  considered  as  its  protector. 
This  was  the  most  strenuous  and  most  united  at- 
tempt Italy  had  yet  made  to  rid  herself  of  the 
domination  of  the  stranger,  and  patriotic  hopes 
beat  high  in  several  Italian  hearts.  ...  It  may 
be  easily  imagined  that  the  '  Most  Catholic ' 
monarch  [Cliarles  V.]  felt  towards  Clement  at 
this  time  in  a  manner  which  led  him  to  dis- 
tinguish very  nicely  between  the  infallible  head 
of  the  universal  Church  and  the  sovereign  of  the 
Ecclesiastical  States.  .  .  .  Though  he  retained 
the  utmost  respect  and  reverence  for  the  vice- 
gerent of  heaven,  he  thought  that  a  little  correc- 
tion administered  to  the  sovereign  of  Homo 
would  not  be  amiss,  and  nothing  could  be  easier 
than  to  find  means  ready  to  his  hand  for  the  in- 
fliction of  it.  The  Colounas  were  of  course  ready 
for  a  rebellion  on  the  slightest  enco  iragcment. 
...  So  when  Don  Ugo  di  Moncada,  Cliarles's 
general  at  Naples,  projioscd  to  the  Colonnas  to 
join  him  in  a  little  frolic  at  Clement's  expense, 
the  noble  and  most  reverend  members  of  that 
l)owerful  family  jumped  at  the  proposal.  .  .  . 
The  united  forces  of  the  Vicer';y  and  the  Colon- 
nas accordingly  one  morning  entered  Rome,  al- 
together without  opposition,  and  marched  at 


1838 


ITALY,  1523-1537 


Ctivture 
ami  Such  nf  Rum*' 


ITALY,  1527. 


oncp  to  tlio  Vatican.  Tlicy  conipli'lcly  .sacked, 
not  only  the  Pope's  pala<'c,  ami  the  rcNiilciiccs  of 
many  gentlemen  niii!  prelates,  but  alito,  sayH  tin; 
historian  [Varclii],  '  with  iinheanl-of  avarice  and 
impietv,'  robbed  the  sacristy  of  St.  1'c1".t  of 
everything  it  contained.  Clement  had  barely 
time  to  escape  into  tlic  castle  of  St.  Angelo;  hnt 
as  ho  found  there  neither  soldiers  nor  aninund- 
ti<m,  nor  even  food  for  above  three  days.  .  .  . 
he  consented  to  a  treaty  by  whic^li  tlie  l'o])e 
agreed  to  j)ardon  tlu^  C'olonnas  freely  for  all  they 
had  done  again-st  him;  to  tal<e  no  stc|)s  to  re- 
venge himself  on  them;  to  witlidraw  his  troops 
from  Lombardy;  and  to  uiidertalie  nothing  in 
any  way,  or  under  any  prete.\t,  against  the  Km- 
peror."  As  a  hostage  for  the  fnllilmcnt  of  this 
treaty.  Pope  Clement  gave  his  dear  friend  Filippo 
Strozzi;  but  no  sooner  was  he  delivered  from  bis 
captors  than  he  hired  seven  "black  compani<'s" 
of  adventurers  and  3,000  Swis.;,  and  began  a 
furious  war  of  cxterniiualion  upon  tlie  Colouuas 
and  all  their  dependents.  At  the  same  time  ho 
wrote  private  letters  to  the  heads  of  his  "Holy 
League,"  "  warning  tlicm  to  pay  no  heed  to  any 
statement  respecting  a  treaty  made  by  him  with 
the  Emperor,  and  assuring  tluim  of  his  intention 
to  carry  on  the  war  with  the  utmost  energy." 
A  little  later,  however,  this  remarkable  lloly 
Father  found  it  convenient  to  make  another 
treaty  witli  the  Viceroy  of  Naples,  for  the  release 
of  his  fiiend  Strozzi,  which  bound  him  still  more 
to  friendly  relations  with  tlie  Emperor.  This 
latter  treaty,  of  March,  1527,  "would  seem  in 
some  sort  to  imply  the  reconciliation  once  again 
of  the  Pope  and  the  tmperor."  But  Charles  had 
already  set  forces  in  motioi  for  tlie  chastisement 
of  the  faithless  Pope  and  his  allies,  which  cither 
he  could  not  or  did  not  care  to  arrest.  "  The 
Constable  Bourbon,  whom  the  gross  injustice  of 
Francis  I. ,  and  the  intolerable  persecution  of  his 
infamous  mother,  Louise  do  Savoie,  bad  driven 
to  abandon  his  country  and  allegiance  [see 
France:  A.  D.  1520-1523],  .  .  .  was  now  .  .  . 
marching  southwards,  with  the  imperial  troops, 
to  chastise  tho  different  members  of  tlic  League 
against  the  Emperor,  which  Clement,  as  has  been 
seen,  had  formed.  George  Frundsberg,  a  Her- 
man leader  of  repiitiiiion,  had  also  crossed  tho 
Alps  with  15,000  men, — 'all  Lutherans  and 
Lanzkncchts,'  as  tho  Italians  write  with  horror 
and  dismay, — and  had  joined  these  forces  to  the 
Spaniards  under  Bourbon.  .  .  .  Tho  combined 
force  was  in  all  respects  more  like  a  rabble  rout 
of  brigands  and  bandits  than  an  army ;  and  was 
assuredly  such  as  must,  oven  in  those  days,  have 
been  felt  to  be  a  disgrace  to  any  sovereign  per- 
mitting them  to  call  themselves  bis  soldiers. 
Tlieir  pay  was,  as  was  often  the  case  with  the 
troops  of  Charles  V.,  hopelessly  in  arrear,  and 
discipline  was  of  course  proportionably  weak 
among  them.  .  .  .  The  iirogress  southward  of 
'j  this  bandit  army  .  .  .  filled  tlie  cities  exposed  to 
their  inroad  with  terror  and  dismay.  They  had 
passed  like  a  destroying  locust  swarm  over  Bo- 
logna and  Imo!a,  and  crossing  the  Apennines, 
which  separate  Umbria  from  Tuscany,  had  de- 
scended into  the  valley  of  the  Arno  not  far  from 
Arezzo.  Florence  and  Rome  both  trembled.  On 
which  would  the  storm  burst?  That  was  the 
all-absorbing  question.  Pope  Clement,  with  his 
usual  avarice-blinded  imbecility,  had,  immedi- 
ately on  concluding  tho  above-mentioned  treaty 
with  the  Neapolitan  viceroy,  discharged  all  his 


1 11  lopa  except  a  bodyguard  of  about  000  men. 
Florence  was  nearly  in  a.s  defenceless  a  position  " ; 
but  a  small  army  df  the  League,  under  the  Duke 
of  I'rbino,  was  at  Incisa,  and  it  was  "iirobably 
the  presence  of  this  army,  little  as  it  had  liitherlo 
■done  to  impede  the  progress  of  the  enemy,  which 
decided  Bourbon  eventually  to  determine  on 
marching  towards  Home.  It  seems  doubt I'lil 
how  far  they  were  in  so  doing  exc('uling  I  lie 
orders,  or  carrying  out  the  wishes,  oi  tlie  Em- 
peror. .  .  .  Upon  the  whole  we  are  warranted  in 
supposing  that  Bourbon  and  Frundsberg  would 
hardly  Imvo  ventured  on  the  counso  they  took,  if 
they  laurnot  had  reason  to  believe  that  it  would 
not  much  displease  their  master.  .  .  .  On  tliu 
5th  of  May  [1527]  Bourbon  arrived  beneath  tho 
walls  of  Home.  .  .  .  On  the  evening  of  tlie  (itli 
of  May  the  city  was  stormed  and  given  over  to 
tlie  unbridled  cupidity  and  brutality  of  the  sol- 
diers. .  .  .  Bourbon  him.self  had  fallen  in  the 
tirst  moments  of  the  attack." — T.  A.  Trollope, 
Hint,  of  tlie  Commonwealth  of  Florence,  bk.  10,  ch. 
8  (c.  4). 

Ai.soiN:  The  same,  FilipjM  Strozzi,  eh.  7. — 
W.  Hobert.son,  IIM.  of  the  licign  of  Charles  V., 
bh:  4  (».  2). — L.  von  Hanke,  Hint,  of  the  llffonna- 
tion  in  Germanji,  bk.  4,  ch.  1-3. 

A-iP'  »527-— The  Sack  of  Rome  by  the 
Spanish  and  German  Imperialists. — "  Bourbon 
fiAl  at  the  tirst  assault ;  but  by  evening  the  Vati- 
can suburb  was  in  the  hands  of  the  enemj-. 
Clement,  who  was  even  best  informed  of  the 
state  of  things,  had  not  anticipated  such  an  issue. 
He  scarcely  saved  himself  by  (light  fro' i  tho 
Vatican  to  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  whitlier  tho 
fugitive  population  hurried,  as  the  shipwrecked 
crew  of  an  entire  fleet  hastens  to  a  single  boat 
which  cannot  receive  them.  In  the  midst  of  tho 
thronging  stream  of  men,  the  portcullis  was 
lowered.  Whoever  remained  witliout  was  lost. 
Benvenuto  Cellini  was  at  that  time  in  I{ome,  and 
was  among  the  defenders  of  the  walls,  lie 
boasted  that  his  ball  had  destroyed  Bourbon. 
He  stole  fortunately  into  tlie  citadel,  before  it 
was  closed,  and  entered  the  Pope's  service  as 
bombardier.  Even  at  this  last  moment,  Clement 
might  have  saved  Homo  itself,  whicli,  situated 
on  the  opposite  shore  of  the  river,  had  not  yet 
been  entered  bj-  the  enemy.  They  offered  to 
spare  it  for  a  ransom ;  but  finding  this  too  high, 
and  awaiting  hourly  Urbino's  army,  to  which, 
though  nothing  was  yet  to  be  seen  of  it,  ho 
looked  as  a  deliverer  in  the  time  of  need,  he 
would  hear  nothing  of  it.  And  thus  the  unde- 
fended city  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  imperialists. 
Almost  without  resistonco  tlicy  entered  Traste- 
vere,  a  small  quarter  of  the  city  lying  to  the  west 
of  tlie  Tiber;  and  then  crossing  tho  bridges, 
which  no  one  had  demolislicd,  thoy  pressed  for- 
wards into  the  heart  of  Home.  It  was  the  depth  of 
the  night.  Benvenuto  Cellini  was  stationed  on  the 
tower  of  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  at  the  foot  of  the 
colossal  angel,  and  saw  the  llames  bursting  forth 
in  the  darkness,  and  heard  the  sorrowful  cry  all 
around.  For  it  was  late  before  the  soldiers  began 
to  cast  off  all  restraint.  They  had  entered  quietly. 
The  Germans  stcwjd  in  batallions.  But  wlien  they 
saw  the  Spaniards  broken  up  and  plundering, 
the  desire  was  aroused  in  them  also ;  and  now  a 
spirit  of  emulation  appeared,  as  to  which  naticm 
could  outdo  the  other  in  cruelty.  Tho  Spaniards, 
it  is  asserted  by  impartial  Italians,  carried  the 
day.    There  had  been  no  siege,  no  bombardment. 


1839 


ITALY,  1887. 


t'nvturf 
tintl  Suck  o/  Hiimv. 


ITALY,  1027-1320. 


no  (li(;lit  of  any  K'^'"''  >'Xli'i>t:  I'ot  >>!<  if  Hk' 
citrtli  liitd  opi'iii'il,  1111(1  Imil  iliH^orK<'<l  it  li'Kion  of 
ilcvils,  so  HiiddiMily  tiiiiK!  IIichc  hosts.  Kvcry- 
tliiiiK  u'liH  in  II  niiinu'iit  iiliiindoni'd  lo  tlirni.  W'l^ 
must  t'nik'iivoiir  lo  conci'ivu  wliiit  kind  of  men 
tlicsi!  Cicriiiiin  soldit'i-s  wtri'.  Tlicy  fornicd  itn  • 
intcrini'iliiilo  class  lu'twccn  tlio  prinii'  and  tlu; 
rcfiisi!  of  tlic  pcoplf.  (latlicrrd  toj^ftlior  by  (lie 
liopi'  of  liooly,  IndilTcrciit  wliatcnd  was  assijfncd 
lliiiii.  rciiiii  fed  wiid  by  liiiiij;cr  and  lardy  pay, 
Icfl  witlioiit  a  master  after  tlu;  dcatli  of  tlii'ir 
commander,  tliey  found  tlifniHclvcs  unrestrained 
in  llio  most  luxurious  city  of  tlio  world  —  a  city 
alioiin  liiiKwiUi  gold  and  riclicH,  and  at,  the  same 
time  decried  for  centtiricg  in  Oermiiiiy,  as  the 
infernal  nest  of  the  popes,  wlio  lived  there  as  in- 
carnate devils,  ill  tho  midst  of  their  Dnbylonian 
doings.  The  opinion  tliat  the  pope  of  Koine,  and 
Clement  VII.  In  particular,  was  tlie  devil,  pre- 
vailed not  only  in  Oerinany,  but  in  Italy  and  in 
Koine  tho  neoplu  called  him  go.  In  the  midst  of 
plague  and  famine  he  had  doubled  the  taxes  and 
raised  tho  price  of  bread.  What  with  tho 
liomans,  however,  was  on  invective  arising  from 
Indignation,  wag  an  article  of  faith  among  the 
Germans.  They  believed  they  had  to  do  with 
tho  leal  antichrist,  whose  destruction  would  be 
a  benefit  to  Christendom.  Wo  must  remember, 
if  we  would  understand  this  fury  of  the  Qerinan 
sohliery,  in  whose  minds,  as  in  t)  a  of  all  Ger- 
mans, Lutheran  ideas  at  that  ti  lo  prevailed, 
how  Home  had  been  pleached  and  written  upon 
in  the  north.  The  city  was  represented  to  people 
as  a  vast  aby.s8  of  sin;  the  men  as  villains,  from 
the  lowest  up  to  the  cardinals;  the  women  as 
courtesans;  the  business  of  ail  as  deceit,  theft, 
am.'  murder;  and  the  robl)ing  and  deluding  of 
men  that  had  for  centuries  been  emanating  from 
Home,  was  regarded  as  the  universal  disease 
from  whicli  the  world  was  languishing.  Thither 
for  centuries  tho  gold  of  Germany  had  flowed ; 
there  had  emperors  been  liunible<f  or  jioisoned; 
from  Home  every  evil  had  sprung.  And  thus, 
while  satiating  themselves  witli  rapine  and 
murder,  tliey  believed  a  good  work  was  being 
done  for  the  welfare  of  Christendom,  and  for  tho 
avenge  of  Germanj-.  Never,  however —  this  wo 
know  —  does  the  nature  of  man  exhibit  itself 
more  beast-like,  than  when  it  becomes  furious 
for  the  sake  of  ideas  of  the  highest  character. 
Before  tho  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  which,  canfiilly 
fortilled  with  walls  and  fosses,  alone ailoi'  1  re- 
sistance, the  German  soldiers  proclaimed  -'..irtin 
Luther  as  pope.  Luther's  name  was  at  that 
time  a  war-cry  against  pope  and  priestcraft. 
The  rude  multitude  surmised  not  what  Luther 
desired  when  he  attacked  the  papacy.  In  front 
of  St.  Peter's  church,  they  represented  an  imita- 
tion of  the  papal  election  with  tho  sacred  gar- 
ments and  utensils.  They  compelled  one  priest 
to  give  extreme  unction  to  a  dying  mule.  One 
protested  that  he  would  not  rest  until  he  had 
consumed  a  piece  of  the  pope's  flesh.  It  is  true, 
Itidians  for  the  most  part  relate  this,  but  the 
German  reports  themselves  do  not  deny  the  exces- 
sive barbarity  which  vas  permitted.  Ten  niill- 
ions  of  precious  metal  was  carried  away.  How 
much  blood  did  this  money  involve,  and  what  was 
done  to  those  from  whom  it  was  taken  V  Fewer 
were  put  to  death  than  were  plundered,  says 
one  of  the  records,  but  what  does  that  imply  ? 
It  is  true,  the  Germans  often  quarrelled  with  tho 
Spaniards,  because  the  horrors  which  they  saw 


them  practise  were  too  Icrrilile  for  them.  Other- 
wise the  sparing  of  liunian  life  was  less  an  act 
of  clemency  tliaii  of  eovctousncsH.  Prisoners  of 
war  were  at  that  time  regarded  as  slaves;  they 
were  <'arricd  away  as  personal  property,  or  a 
ransom  was  extorted.  .  .  .  This  system  was  car- 
ried to  a  great  pitch  in  Jtome.  The  possessors 
of  palaces  were  obliged  to  purchase  their  ran- 
som, the  Spanisli  cardinals  as  well  irs  l\w.  Italian 
—  no  dilTcreiuc^  was  made.  'I'hiis  at  least  escape 
WHS  possible.  .  .  .  And  as  tho  peopU^  were 
triated,  so  were  the  things.  Upon  the  inlaid 
marbhi  floor  of  the  Vatican,  where  the  Prince  of 
Orange  took  up  his  abode  —  the  cor  -nand  of 
the  army  devolving  upon  him  after  Ilourbon'g 
death  — the  soldiers  lighted  their  Arc.  Tho 
splendid  stained  glass  windows,  executed  by 
William  of  Marseilles,  were  broken,  for  the  sake 
of  tho  lead.  Haphael's  tapestries  were  pro- 
nounced excellent  booty ;  in  tlie  paintings  on  tho 
walls  the  eyes  were  put  out;  and  valuable  docu- 
ments were  given  as  straw  to  the  horses  which 
stood  in  tho  Sistino  Chapel.  The  statues  in  tlio 
streets  were  thrown  down;  the  images  of  tho 
Jlotlior  of  God  in  tho  churches  were  broken  to 
pieces.  For  six  months  the  city  thus  remained 
in  the  power  of  tho  soldiery,  who  had  lost  all 
discipline.  Pestilence  and  famine  appeared. 
Uonio  had  more  than  UU,000  inhabitants  under 
Leo  X. ;  when  Clement  VII.  returned  a  year 
after  the  conquest,  scarcely  a  third  of  that  num- 
ber then  existed  —  i)0()r,  famished  people,  who 
had  remained  behind,  l)ecause  they  knew  not 
whither  tft  turn.  All  this  lay  on  tho  conscience 
of  the  man  who  now  for  months  had  been  con- 
demned to  look  down  upon  tliis  misery  from  the 
castle  of  St.  Angelo,  in  which  the  S|)aniardslield 
him  completely  blockaded,  and  where  pestilence 
and  want  of  provisions  appeared  just  as  much 
as  down  below  in  Home.  At  last,  after  waiting 
day  after  day,  ho  saw  Urbino's  army  approach- 
ing from  afar:  their  wateli-flres  were  to  be  per- 
ceived; and  every  moment  he  expected  that  the 
duke  would  attack  and  deliver  tlio  city.  But 
he  moved  not.  It  is  thought  he  intended  now  to 
avenge  the  ra])ine  which  the  Aledici  under  Leo 
X.  had  carried  on  against  him.  .  .  .  After 
liaving  rested  for  some  time  in  siglit  of  tho  city, 
in  which  the  imperialists  had  opened  their  in- 
trenchments  round  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo  for  a 
regular  siege,  ho  withdrew  back  again  to  the 
north,  and  left  the  pope  to  his  fate. " —  II.  Grimm, 
Life  of  Michael  Angela,  eh.  10,  nect.  3  (v.  2). 

Also  in  :  Benvenuto  Cellini,  Life  ;  ir.  by  J.  A. 
i>!/mun(l»,  hk.  1,  sect.  34-38  (e.  1).  —  The  same  ;  tr. 
by  T.  Hoscoe,  ch.  7. — J.  S.  Brewer,  The  Ileign  of 
ilcnry  VIJL,  ch.  25  (v.  2). 

A.  D.  1527-1529.— Siege  and  captivity  of  the 
Pope. — rfew  league  against  the  Emperor. — 
French  invasion  and  disastrous  siege  of 
Naples. — Genoese  independence  recovered. — 
Treaties  of  Barcelona  and  Cambrai.— Francis 
renounces  all  pretensions  beyond  the  Alps. — 
Charles  V.  supreme. — Shut  up  in  Castle  St. 
Angelo,  tho  Pope,  Clement  VII.,  "deprived  of 
every  resource,  and  reduced  to  such  extremity  of 
famine  as  to  feed  on  asses'  flesh,  was  obliged  to 
capitulate  on  such  conditions  as  tho  conquerors 
were  pleased  to  prescribe.  He  agreed  to  pay 
400,000  ducats  to  tho  army ;  to  surrender  to  the 
emperor  all  the  places  of  strength  belonging  to 
tho  Church;  and,  besides  giving  hostages,  to 
remain  a  prisoner  himself  until  tho  chief  articles 


1840 


ITALY,  1687-1539. 


77(»»  A*/***  timl  hilt  alUei 
(iffttinttt  the  Kinjifiitr. 


ITALY,  1837-1030. 


were  performed.  .  .  .  Tlic  iiccouiitof  this  cxlni- 
onliniiry  iiiiil  unexpcctt'il  cvt'iit  was  no  l('s.s  siir- 
priHiiif;  lliiiii  iif;r('<'iil>li'  li>  the  ctiipfror.  Hut  in 
orilur  to  ooncciii  his  joy  from  his  Hul)jc<'ts,  wlio 
wcro  flili'il  witli  horrimr  iit  tin;  huccoss  mid 
criint'ti  of  llu'ir  counlryiiicn,  and  to  h's.si'ii  llic 
iiidlRiiivtioii  of  I  lie  rest  of  Kuropc,  lio  declared 
that  Uoine  liad  been  assiiulted  without  nny  order 
from  him.  He  wrote  to  idl  the  prluees  witli 
whom  he  was  In  alliatiee,  discnairninK  his  havhifr 
had  any  knowledj^o  of  Hoiirbon's  iiilcntion.  lie 
put  himself  and  court  Into  mourning;  com- 
miindeil  the  rejoieinfrs  which  had  been  ordered 
for  the  birth  of  his  sun  l'hili|)  to  \h;  stop|ied; 
and,  employing  an  artillee  no  less  hypoeritical 
than  ^ross,  he  appointi'd  prayers  and  processions 
throughout  all  S|)aln  for  the  recovery  of  the 
pop(''»  liberty,  which,  by  nn  order  to  his  j^enernls, 
111-  roidd  have  Immediately  granted  Iiini.  .  .  . 
Francis  and  Henry  [of  France  and  England], 
idarnied  at  the  progress  of  the  Imperial  arms 
in  Italy,  had,  even  before  the  taking  of  Home, 
entered  into  a  closer  alliance!;  and,  in  order  to 
give  some  clieck  to  the  emperor's  ambition,  had 
agreed  to  make  ii  vigorous  diversion  in  the  Low 
Countries.  The  force  of  every  motive  which 
hud  inlliienceil  them  ac  that  time  was  now  in- 
creased; and  to  these  was  added  the  desire  of 
rescuing  the  pope  out  of  the  emperor's  Inmds,  a 
measure  no  less  iHilitic  than  it  aijpeared  to  be 
pious.  This,  how(!ver,  rendered  it  necessary  to 
abandon  their  hostile  intentions  against  the  Low 
Countries,  and  to  make  Italy  the  seat  of  war. 
.  .  .  Uesldes  all  .  .  .  public  considerations, 
Henry  was  Inlluenced  by  one  of  a  more  private 
nature :  having  begun,  about  this  time,  to  form 
his  great  scheme  of  divort'ing  (Jatharine  of  Ara- 
gon,  towards  the  execution  of  which  he  knew 
that  the  sanction  of  papal  authority  woidd  be 
necessary,  he  was  desirous  to  ueiiiilro  as  much 
merit  as  possible  with  Clement,  by  appearing  to 
bo  the  chief  instrument  of  his  deliverance.  .  .  . 
Henry  .  .  .  entered  so  eagerly  into  this  new 
alliance,  that,  in  order  to  give  I"  ranels  the  strong- 
est proof  of  his  friend.ship  and  respect,  lie  for- 
mally renounced  the  ancient  claim  of  the  Eng- 
lish monarchs  to  the  crown  of  France,  which  had 
long  been  the  pride  and  ruin  of  the  nation ;  as  a 
full  compensation  for  which  lie  accepted  a  i)en- 
sion  of  50,000  crowns,  to  be  i)aid  annually  to 
himself  and  Ills  successors.  The  pope,  being 
unable  to  fultil  the  conditions  of  his  capitula- 
tion, still  remained  a  prisoner.  .  .  .  The  Floren- 
tin(!s  no  soonor  heard  of  what  had  happened  at 
Kome,  than  they  ran  to  arms  .  .  .  and,  declaring 
themselves  a  free  state,  rel'stablishcd  their  ancient 
popular  government  [see  Flouence  :  A.  D.  1503- 
1.5(59].  'The  Venetians,  taking  advantage  of  tlio 
calamity  of  their  ally,  the  pope,  seized  Ilavenna, 
and  other  places  belonging  to  the  church,  under 
pretext  of  keeping  them  in  deposite."  On  the 
other  hand,  Lannoy,  Charles'  viceroy  at  Naples, 
"marched  to  Uome,  together  with  Jloncada  and 
the  Marejuis  del  Quasto,  at  the  head  of  all  tlie 
troops  which  they  could  assemble  in  the  kingdom 
of  Naples.  The  arrival  of  this  reinforcement 
brought  new  calamities  on  the  unhappy  citizens 
of  Uome;  for  the  soldiers,  envying  tlie  wealth  of 
their  companions,  imitated  their  license,  and  v.nh 
the  utmost  rapacity  gathered  the  gleanings  which 
had  escaped  the  avarice  of  the  Spaniards  and 
Germans.  There  was  not  now  any  army  in  Italy 
capable  of  making  head  against  the  imperialists." 


Hut  till!  triMips  who  had  enjoyed  months  of  license 
and  riiitoiis  pillage  in  Koine  could  not  \w  brought 
back  to  discmliiie,  anil  refused  to  quit  the  perish- 
ing city.  '1  hey  had  chosen  for  their  general 
tli('  I'riiiei!  of  Orange,  who  "  was  obliged  to  pay 
riore  attention  to  their  liumoiirs  than  they  did  to 
hisciimmands.  .  .  .  This  gave  the  king  of  France 
and  the  VenetianM  leisure  to  form  n<w  schemes, 
and  to  enter  into  new  arriingt^ments  fonleliveriiig 
the  pope,  and  preHcrving  tlie  liberties  of  Italy. 
The  newly-restori'd  republic  of  Florence  very 
impruiU'ntly  Joined  witli  them,  and  Lautree  .  .  . 
was  .  .  .  appointed  generalissimo  of  the  le.'iguo. 
.  .  .  The  best  t roups  in  France  marched  under  hl» 
commanil;  ami  the  king  of  Kiigland,  tho'igh  he 
had  not  yet  declared  war  against  the  emperor, 
advaiieeif  a  conshu^rable  sum  towards  carrying 
on   the   expedition.       Lautrec's   tlrst   operaiions 

t  1.537]  were  prudent,  vigorous  and  successful. 
!y  the  tt.ssistance  of  Andrew  Doria,  the  ablest 
sea-ollleerof  that  ag<!,  he  rendered  himself  master 
of  (Jenoa,  and  reOslai>lislied  in  tliat  n  public  the 
faction  of  the  Fregosl,  together  with  the  diimin- 
ion  of  France.  He  obliged  Alexandria  to  sur- 
render after  u  short  siege,  and  reduced  all  the 
country  on  that  side  of  the  Tessino.  Ho  took 
Pavia,  which  had  .so  long  resisted  the  arms  of 
his  sovereign,  by  assault,  and  iilundered  it  witli 
.  .  .  cruelty.  .  .  .  Hut  Lautree  durst  not  com 
plete  a  compiest  which  would  have  been  so  hon- 
ourable to  himself  and  of  such  advantage  to  the 
league.  Francis.  .  .  was  afraid  that,  it  Sforza 
were  once  reestablished  in  Milan,  they  [his  con- 
federates] would  second  but  coldly  the  attack 
which  ho  intended  to  make  on  the  kingdom  of 
Naples.  .  .  .  Happily  the  imiiortunitles  of  the 
pope  and  the  solicitations  of  the  Florentines,  the 
one  for  relief,  and  the  other  for  protection,  were 
so  urgent  as  to  furniuh  him  with  a  decent  pretext 
for  marchiiig  forward.  .  .  .  While  Lautree  ad- 
vanced slowly  towards  Uome,  the  emperor" 
came  to  terms  with  tlie  pope,  and  (,'Iement  ob- 
tained his  liberty  at  the  cost  of  350,000  crowns,  a 
tenth  of  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  of  Sjjain,  and 
an  agreement  to  take  no  part  in  the  war  against 
Charles.  Tho  latter  next  made  overtures  to  the 
French  king,  offering  some  relaxation  of  tlio 
treaty  of  Madrid ;  btit  tliey  were  received  in  a 
manner  that  irritated  even  his  cold  temper.  He, 
in  turn,  provoked  his  antagonist,  until  a  ridicu- 
lous exchange  of  defiances  to  personal  combat 
passed  between  them.  Meantime  "  Lautree  con- 
tinued his  operations,  which  iiromiscd  to  be  more 
decisive.  His  army,  which  was  now  increased 
to  35,000  men,  odvanced  by  great  marches  to- 
wards Naples."  The  remains  of  tlie  imperial 
army  retreated,  as  he  advanced,  from  Uome, 
where  it  had  held  riot  for  ten  months,  and  took 
shelter  behind  the  fortifications  of  the  Neapoli- 
tan capital.  Lautree  undertook  (April,  1538) 
the  siege  of  Naples,  with  the  co-operation  of  the 
Genoese  admiral,  Doria,  who  blockaded  its  port. 
But  he  was  neglected  by  his  own  frivolous  king, 
and  received  little  aid  .rom  the  Pope,  the  king 
of  England,  or  other  confederates  of  the  league. 
Moreover,  Dorla  ami  li>e  Genoese  suffered  treat- 
ment soinsolcnt,oppre?  .iveand  threatening,  from 
the  French  court  that  the  former  opened  negoti- 
ations with  the  emperor  for  a  transfer  of  his 
services.  "  Charles,  fully  sensible  of  the  impor- 
tance of  such  un  acquisition,  granted  him  what- 
ever terms  he  reipared.  Doria  sent  back  his 
commission,    together  with    the    collar   of    St. 


1841 


ITALY,  in87-I639. 


ICgpt^iim  III  Ihr 

JVrncA. 


ITALY.  1M8-1B70. 


Mli'Imcl,  til  Kriitii'lH.  ;iii<l,  ImlNtliiK  tlic  iiniicriitl 
roloiirH,  Hitili'il  wllli  all  Ills  K>^il<'.V>*  li'WJirilH 
NiiplcH,  not  to  liliii'k  up  the  liiirliiiiir  of  tliiit  iiri- 
Imiipy  I'ltv.  ;iH  lit'  liiul  formerly  cnjfiiKi'd,  but  to 
lirfii);  lliciii  iiroti'clliiii  ami  ili'llvcraiici'.  IIU 
arrival  opciicil  tlii^  ('iiniiiiunicutloii  with  the  Hra, 
ami  rcslori'cl  pli'iity  in  Naph's,  which  was  now 
rciliici'd  to  the  last  I'Xtrcinity ;  ami  tlic  i'Viiiih 
.  .  .  were  Koon  rcilucril  to  Kri'al  Hi  rails  for  want 
of  provisions."  Willi  thc^  heat  of  siinimcr  raiiii' 
pcstilcni'c;  IjiutrtM!  ilicd,  anil  tlio  wasted  Krench 
army,  alteniplinj;  to  retreat,  was  forced  to  lay 
down  its  arms  and  march  under  Koord  to  the 
frontiers  of  France.  " 'niu  loss  of  (ieiioa  fol 
lowed  immediately  upon  this  ruin  of  tlii^  army  in 
Naples."  Doria  toolt  possession  of  the  town; 
the  Krench  Korrison  In  tho  citaihd  capitulated 
(Seplemher  13,  l.VJM),  and  the  citadel  was  dc- 
Htroyed.  "  It  WHS  now  in  Doiia's  power  to  have 
rendered  hlniHclf  the  sovereign  of  his  counlrj, 
which  he  had  «»  Inippilv  delivered  from  oppres- 
slon."  Hut  he  magnanimously  refused  any  \nv- 
eniineiieo  amoiiff  his  fellow  citizens.  "Twelve 
persons  were  elected  to  newniislel  tho  constitu- 
tion of  tlie  repiihlic.  The  inlluence  of  Doria'a 
virtue  and  example  communicated  itself  to  IiIh 
countrymen;  tlie  factions  which  had  lonK  torn 
and  ruined  the  statu  seemed  to  be  forgotten; 
prudent  precautions  were  taken  to  prevent  their 
revivinj;;  and  the  same  form  of  government 
which  halli  Hubsiated  with  little  variation  since 
that  time  in  (ienon,  was  established  with  univer- 
sal a;iplause. "  In  Lombardy,  the  French  ami}', 
under  St.  I'ol,  wius  surprised,  (iefeated  and  ruined 
lit  Landriano  (June,  \!iiO),  as  completely  as  tho 
nrmy  in  Niiides  had  been  a  few  months  before. 
All  parties  were  now  desirous  of  peace,  Im' 
feared  to  seem  tiM)  eajjer  in  making  overture 
Two  women  took  tlio  negotiatiotiB  in  hand  ai 
airried  them  to  a  conclusion.  "These  were 
Margaret  of  Au.stria,  dutchess  dowager  of  Savoy, 
the  emperor's  aunt,  and  Loui.se,  Francis's  mother. 
They  agreed  on  an  interview  at  t'ambmy,  and, 
being  lodged  In  two  adjoining  houses,  between 
which  a  communication  was  opened,  met  to- 
etber  witlumt  ceremony  or  olwervation,  and 
eld  daily  conferences,  to  which  no  person  what- 
ever was  admitted."  The  result  was  a  treaty 
signed  August  5,  l.WO,  known  a.s  the  Peace  of 
C'aipbniy,  or  "  the  Ladies'  Peace,"  or  "  Peace  of 
the  Dames."  Hy  Its  terms,  Francis  was  to  pay 
8,000,000  crowns  for  the  ransiim  of  his  sons; 
restore  such  towns  as  he  still  held  In  the  Milnnesc ; 
resign  and  renounce  his  pretensions  to  Naples, 
Milan,  Genoa,  and  every  other  iilaco  beyond  the 
Alp.s,  as  well  as  to  Flanilersand  Artois;  and  con- 
summate his  ninrria,iro  with  tho  emperor's  sister, 
Elcanora.  On  the  other  hand,  tho  emperor  only 
agreed  not  to  press  hiscluimson  Burgundy,  for 
the  present,  but  reserved  them,  in  full  force. 
Another  treaty,  that  of  Barcelona,  had  alread)', 
in  LVJO,  been  concluded  between  tho  emperor  and 
the  po])e.  The  former  gave  up  the  papal  states 
which  he  occupied,  and  agree(l  to  reCstablisii  the 
dominion  of  the  Medici  in  Florence;  besides 
giving  his  natural  daughter  in  marriage  to  Alex- 
ander, the  head  of  that  family.  In  reiurn  he 
received  tlie  investiture  of  Naples,  absolution 
for  all  concerned  in  the  plundering  of  Home,  and 
the  grant  to  himself  and  his  brother  of  a  fourth 
of  tho  ecclesiastical  revenues  throughout  their 
dominions.— W.  Uobcrtson,  Jliat.  of  t/w  Hcian  of 
Charts  v.,  bk.  4-5. 


I 


Al.-K)  IN;  F.  P.  Ouizot,  Piinihir  Hint,  of 
Fi'iiire,  eh.  28.-0.  (,'olgnat,  FraiirU  I.  anil  hit 
Tiiiim,  rh.  0. — O.  II.  Miilleson,  S(mlit»fiom  (Jeno- 
IM  llinlnrii,  ck.  1. 

(Southern):  A.  D.  1528-1570.— Naples  under 
the  Spanish  Viceroys.-  Ravages  of  the  Turks 
alon^  the  coast.— Successful  revolt  against  the 
Inquisition.  —  Unsuccessful  French  invasion 
under  Guise. — ".M'lir  tlie  memorable  and  iinfor- 
tiinatoexnedilioiiof  l.autrec.  In  \WiH,  I'hiiibertof 
('lialons.  Prince  of  Orange,  who  commanded  tho 
Imperial  army,  exercised  the  severest  vengeaiico 
I  in  Naples]  on  tho  persons  and  estates  of  all 
those  nobles  who  had  Joined  tho  'French,  or  who 
ap|)eared  to  demonstrate  any  iiltacliment  to- 
wards that  nation.  .  .  .  These  multiplied  .  .  . 
acts  of  oppression  re< lived  no  elTcctuul  redress 
during  the  short  administration  [t520-l.'i!l2J  of 
('anilnal  Colonna,  who  succeeded  to  tho  Prince 
of  Orange.  .  .  .  In  the  place  of  ('anilnal  Colonna 
was  .SI,  bstltiited  Don  Pedro  do  Toledo,  who  gov- 
<  met'  Va|)le8wilh  almost  unlimited  powers,  aiir- 
Ing  the  sjaco  of  near  21  years.  Ills  viceroyolty, 
which  tonus  a  memoralife  Kpocha  In  l\\v.  annals 
(  tho  country,  demands  and  fixes  attention. 
Wo  are  Impressed  with  horror  'it  tlndiiig,  by  his 
own  confession,  .  .  .  that  during  the  progress 
of  his  administration,  he  put  to  death  near  18,000 
persons,  by  tho  hand  of  tho  executioner.  Yet  a 
fact  still  more  extmordinary  is  that  Uiannonu, 
himself  a  Neapolitan,  and  one  of  the  ablest  as 
well  as  most  impartial  hislorians  whom  the  18th 
century  has  produced,  not  only  aciiuits,  but  oven 
commends  Toledo's  severity,  as  eiiually  whole- 
some and  necessary,"  on  account  of  the  terrible 
lawlessness  and  disorder  which  ho  found  In  the 
country.  "The  inflexible  and  stern  character  of 
tho  vh'oroy  speedily  redres.'scvl  these  grievances, 
and  finally  restored  order  In  1.10  capital.  .  .  .All 
the  provinces  experienced  ei|ual  uitcntion,  and 
became  the  objects  of  his  i)ersoMal  inspection. 
Tlie  unprotected  coasts  of  Calabi  ia  and  of  Apulia, 
suliject  to  the  continual  devastatiim  of  the  Turks, 
who  landed  from  their  gallies,  were  fortified  with 
towern  and  beacons  to  announce  tho  enemy's  ap- 
])roiuh.  .  .  .  IJi.'peated  attemiits  were  made  by 
Solyman  II.,  Emperor  of  the  'Turks,  either  alone 
or  in  conjundion  with  the  fleets  of  France,  to 
eflect  the  conquest  of  Naples,  during  this  period; 
but  the  exertions  of  Toledo  were  happily  attend- 
ed with  success  in  repulsing  the  'I'urkish  In- 
vaders. .  .  .  In  na  part  of  the  middle  ages  .  .  . 
were  t.>e  coasts  of  Naples  and  Sicily  so  fro- 
qiiemly  plundered,  ravageil,  and  dcdolatcd,  as  at 
this  period.  Thousands  of  persons  of  both  sexes, 
and  of  all  conditions,  were  carried  off  by  Uarba- 
rossa,  Dnigut,  Sinan,  and  the  other  Bashaws,  or 
admirals  of  the  Porto.  Not  content  with  land- 
ing on  the  shores  and  ravaging  the  provinces, 
tlitir  sipiadrons  perpetually  appeared  in  sight  of 
Naples;  hud  waste  tho  islands  of  Ischia  and  Pro- 
cida,  situate  in  its  immediate  vicinity ;  attacked 
the  towns  of  Pouz/.oll  and  liaiie;  aiul  committed 
every  outrage  of  wanton  barbarity.  .  .  .  Tho 
invasion  of  iThii,  when  Dragiit  blocked  tip  the 
harbour  of  Naples,  with  150  large  gallies,  during 
near  four  weeks,  spread  still  greater  consterna- 
tion; and  if  tho  fleet  of  Franco  had  arrived,  as 
had  been  concerted,  it  is  more  than  probable  that 
t!ie  city  must  have  fallen  into  their  hands.  But 
the  delays  of  Henry  II.,  Soly man's  ally,  proved 
its  preservation.  Tho  Turkish  admiral,  cor- 
rupted by  a  present  of  200,000  ducats,  which  the 


1842 


ITAI-Y,   IWH-inTO, 


fillllHlth 
dominntiitn. 


ITALY,  1.180-1600. 


Vlccniy  foiin<l  iiiciinH  of  coiivcylnt;  I'l  liim.  i'<' 
tired  1111(1  iiiiuIk  Mill  for  ('oimtaiitiiKipli'.  .  .  . 
Till'  ailfiiliilHlniliiiii  of  T(ili'ili)  .  .  .  wiih  .  .  . 
coinplclnly  HiiliviTlfd  from  llic  iiioiiitiit  tliut  he 
iitU'iiipli'il  [iri'lll|  lo  iiilriKlucc  llic  Iiniuixitioii. 
.  .  .  Tilt'  NciipolltiiiiH,  [iiilii'iK,  miller  I'viTy  oilier 
sneeieH  of  oppression,  inslaiilly  revoli'd.  .  .  . 
They  oven  forKiil,  In  tlic  ({''nenil  terror,  the  (lis- 
tinetlon  of  riiiiki, ;  itnil  tli(^  Iliironu  iiiiited  with 
tlieir  fcUowcillzeiiH  to  oppose  that  fiiriiildalile 
tribunal.  The  Viceroy,  returning  to  ilw.  eaiiital, 
reinforced  liy  It.dOO  veteran  Hpaniards,  deter- 
mined  iievcrtlieless  to  ""iiport  th(^  tneasurc. 
iloHliliti(^H  took  place,  and  llu^  city,  duriiijir  near 
tlirei!  niontliH,  was  iiliandoned  to  unarehy,  while 
thv  inlialiitJints,  liavinj;  invested  tlie  castle,  lie- 
sieKi'd  their  governor.  .  .  .  The  Emperor,  con- 
vin(!ed  by  experlencu  of  the  Inipraetfcability  of 
«iicc(!ss  in  Ills  attempt,  at  length  desisted."  To- 
ledo died  in  IR.'iil,  and  "was  siii  ceeiU'd  by  the 
Cardinal  Pacheco,  as  Viceroy;  and  tliealMlication 
of  Cliarlea  V.,  In  tlie  following  year,  devolved 
on  his  8(m  Philip  II.  tlic  sovereignty  of  Naples. 
Alarmed  at  the  preparations  made  by  Henry  II., 
King  of  France,  in  coniunetion  with  Paul  IV., 
who  had  newly  ascen^eil  the  papal  thron(,',  Philip 
dispatebed  Herdinand,  Duke  of  Alva,  to  the  aid 
of  his  Neapolitan  subjeets;  and  to  the  vigorous 
nuMisures  embraced  by  him  on  liis  arrival  was 
due  the  safety  of  the  kingdom  [see  France : 
A.  I).  l,')47-ir),')l(|.  .  .  .  The  administratitm  of 
the  Duke  of  Alcala,  lo  whom  Pbiiip  delegated 
the  supreme  power  soon  after  the  recall  of  Alva 
[l.WS],  lasted  near  13  years,  and  was  n.arked  by 
almost  every  species  of  calamity." — Sir  N.  W. 
Wraxall,  IIM.  of  Franre,  1574-1010,  ch.  9  (n.  2). 
— "The  march  of  the  Alarcschal  of  Lautrec  was 
tho  last  important  attempt  of  the  French  to  re- 
concpier  Naples.  .  .  .  Spain  remained  in  p(>s.ses- 
sion  of  this  l)cautiful  country  for  two  centuries. 
.  .  .  Their  [the  8|)aniiird8']  ascendancy  was 
owing  as  well  to  an  iron  discipline  as  to  that  in- 
veUirate  character  of  their  nice,  the  tlrmness  of 
purpose  which  had  gradually  developed  itself  in 
the  long  struggle  for  tho  country  which  they 
wrenched  inch  by  inch  from  their  tenacious  ene- 
mies. The  Neapolitans  foimd  that  tluy  had  in 
the  Spaniards  diflerent  rulers  from  tlio  French. " 
— A.  do  Heumont,  The  Caraftw  of  Muildnloni  : 
Naplfn  under  SjxiiiiKh  Dominion ,  bk.  1. 

A.  D.  1529.  —  Siege  of  Florence  by  the  Im- 
perial forces.  —  Reinstatement  of  the  Medici. 
See  Flokknck:  A.  D.  l.WJ-loGO. 

A.  D.  1530-1600.— Under  the  Spanish  domi- 
nation, and  the  Papacy  of  the  Counter-Ref- 
ormation.—  The  Inquisition.  —  The  Jesuits. 
—  The  Vice-regal  rufe.  —  Deplorable  state  of 
the  country.  —  "  It  will  be  useful,  at  this  point, 
to  recapitulate  the  net  results  of  Charles's  ad- 
ministration of  Italian  afTairs  in  15H0.  Tho 
kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  with  the  island  of 
Sardinia  and  the  Duchy  of  Jlilan,  became  Span- 
ish provinces,  and  were  ruled  henceforth  by 
viceroys.  The  House  of  Este  was  conlirmed  in 
the  Duchy  of  Feriara,  including  Modena  I'.nd 
Reggio.  Tho  Duchies  of  Savoy  and  Mantua 
and  tho  Martiuisate  of  Montferrat,  which  had 
espoused  tho  Spanish  cause,  were  undisturbed. 
Qcnoa  and  Siena,  both  of  them  avowt'i  dlies  of 
Spain,  the  former  under  Spanish  pioicction, 
the  latter  subject  to  8panis'>.  cot  cion,  re- 
mained with  the  name  and  ciiipty  piivMoiTes  of 
republics.     Venice  had    made  her  peace  with 


Spain,  and  though  she  was  still  strong  etiough 
1(1  pursue  an  iniicpendciit  policy,  sIk^  showed  as 
yet  no  Incliiiallon.  and  had.  indeed,  no  power,  lo 
Htir  up  encniii'S  against  tlie  Spanish  autocrat. 
The  Duchy  of  l.'rbino,  recognised  by  Home  and 
subservient  to  .'^patdsh  iiilliience,  was  perniilted 
to  exist.  The  Papacy  o'ice  more  assumed  a 
haughty  tone,  relying  on  tlii!  tirm  alliance  struck 
with  Spain.  This  league,  as  years  went  by,  was 
destined  lo  grow  still  closer,  siill  nior(!  fruilfulof 
results.  Florence  alonc^  had  bce.i  excepted  from 
tho  articles  of  peac('.  It  was  still  eiuliiring  the 
horrors  of  the  memorabh-  siege  when  Clement 
left  liologna  at  the  end  of  May.  .  .  .  Finally,  on 
August  12,  the  town  eapilulated.  Alessa'idro 
de' Medici,  who  had  received  tho  title  of  D  e 
of  Florence  fnmi  Charles  at  Hologna,  took  up  ; 
residence  there  in  .luly  I.IIU.  and  held  the  Stale 
by  'lelp  of  Spanish  mercenaries  under  the  com- 
mand of  Ales.sandro  Vitelli.  .  .  .  Though  the 
people  endured  far  less  misery  from  foreign 
armies  in  \\w  period  between  IMO  and  1000  than 
tlu'y  had  done  in  tho  period  from  1104  lo  I'UT, 
yet  the  states  of  the  country  grew  ever  more  and 
moro  deplorable.  Thi.(  was  duo  in  tho  first  in 
Htanco  to  the  insane  methods  of  taxation  adoptt'd 
by  the  Spanish  viceroys,  who  held  monopolies  of 
corn  and  other  necessary  commoditie.-i  in  their 
'lands,  and  who  Inventcii  imposts  for  the  mean- 
est articles  of  consumption.  Their  example  was 
followed  by  the  Pope  and  petty  princes.  .  .  . 
Tho  settlement  made  by  (;iiarles  V.  in  \Tt'M),  and 
the  various  changes  wliich  took  place  in  I  lie 
duchies  between  that  dale  ,ind  the  end  of  the 
century,  had  then  the  effect  of  rendering  the 
Papacy  and  Spain  omnipotent  in  Italy.  .  .  . 
What  they  only  i)artially  cfTected  in  Kuro])o  at 
large,  by  means  of  S.  Hartholomew  massacres, 
exterminations  of  .lews  in  Toledo  and  of  .Mus- 
suli  lans  in  Qronada,  holocausts  of  victims  in  llio 
Low  Countries,  wars  against  Frencli  Huguenots 
and  Qernian  Lutherans,  naval  expeditions  and 
plots  against  tho  stjito  of  England,  assassinations 
of  heretic  princes,  and  occasional  burning  of 
free  thinkers,  they  achieved  with  ])lenttry  success 
in  lUily.  ...  It  is  tho  tragic  history  of  the  eld- 
est and  most  beautiful,  tho  noblest  and  most 
venerable,  tho  freest  and  most  gifted  of  Europe's 
daughters,  delivered  over  to  the  devilry  that 
issued  from  the  most  incompetent  and  arrogantly 
stupid  of  tho  European  sisterluxKl,  and  to  the 
cruelty,  inspired  by  panic,  of  an  impious  theoc- 
racy. When  wo  use  these  terms  lo  designate  the 
Papacy  of  tho  Countor-Kefor  nation,  it  is  not 
that  we  forget  how  many  of  those  Popes  were 
men  of  blameless  private  life  and  serious  views 
for  (Catholic  Christondom.  When  wo  use  these 
terms  to  designate  tho  Spanish  race  in  tlie  six- 
teenth century,  it  is  not  tliat  we  are  ignorant  of 
Spanish  chivalry  and  colonising  enterprise,  of 
Spanish  romance,  or  of  the  fact  that  Spain  pro- 
duced great  painters,  great  dramatists,  and  one 
great  novelist  in  the  brief  period  of  her  glory. 
\Vc  uso  thorn  deliberately,  however,  in  both 
cases;  because  tho  Papacy  at  this  period  com- 
mitted itself  to  a  policy  of  immoral,  retrograde, 
1111(1  cowardly  repression  of  the  most  generous  of 
human  imjiulses  under  tho  pressure  of  sellish 
terror;  because  the  Spaniards  abandoned  them- 
selves to  a  dark  liend  of  religious  fanaticism; 
because  they  were  merciless  in  their  coiuiuests 
and  unintelligent  in  tlieir  administration  of  sub- 
jugated provinces;  because  they  glutted  their 


1843 


ITALY,  1530-1600. 


Peace  without 
i*nj8perity. 


ITALY,  1027-1681. 


liistji  of  avurico  mill  Imtrwi  on  iiiilustrioiis  folk 
of  otliiT  creeds  within  tlieir  borders;  because 
tliey  <;ultivate(l  barren  pri<le  and  self-conceit  in 
social  life ;  because  at  tlie  fjreat  epoch  of  Europe's 
r-awakening  they  cliose  the  wrong  side  and  nd- 
..ercd  to  it  with  fatal  obstinacy.  .  .  .  After  the 
year  l.'jSO  seven  Sjjanish  devils  entered  Italy. 
These  were  the  devil  of  the  In(|uisitiou,  with 
stake  and  torturo-rooni,  and  war  declared  against 
the  will  and  soul  and  heart  and  intellect  of  man; 
the  devil  of  Jesuitry,  with  its  sham  learning, 
flhaineless  lying,  'ind  casuistical  economy  of  sins; 
tlie  devil  of  vice-royal  rule,  with  its  life-draining 
monopolies  and  gross  incapacity  for  government ; 
the  devil  of  an  insolent  soldiery,  quartered  on 
tli(^  people,  clamorous  for  pay,  outnigeous  in 
their  lusts  and  violences;  the  devil  of  fantastical 
ta.\alion,  levying  tolls  upon  the  bare  necessities 
of  life,  and  drying  up  the  founts  of  national 
well-being  at  tlieir  sources;  the  devil  of  petty- 
princedom,  wallowing  in  sloth  and  cruelty  upon 
a  pinchbeck  throne ;  the  devil  of  etfeminate  hidnl- 
goisin,  riunous  in  expenditure,  mean  and  grasp- 
ing,, corrupt  in  private  life,  in  public  ostentatious, 
vain  of  titles,  cringing  to  its  masters,  arrogant  to 
its  inferiors.  In  their  train  these  brought  with 
them  seven  other  devils,  tlieir  pernicious  off- 
spring: idleness,  disease,  brigandage,  destitution, 
ignorance,  superstition,  hy iiocritically  suuclione<l 
vice.  These  fourteen  (levils  were  welcomed, 
entertained,  and  voluptuously  lodged  in  all  the 
fairest  iirovinces  of  Italy.  The  Popes  opened 
wide  for  them  the  gates  of  outraged  and  de- 
populated Home.  .  .  .  After  a  tranquil  sojourn 
of  some  years  in  Italy,  these  devils  had  every 
wlK-re  spread  desolation  and  corruption.  Broad 
regions,  like  the  Patrimony  of  8.  Peter  and 
Calabria,  were  given  over  to  marauding  bandits; 
wide  tracts  of  fertile  country,  like  the  Sienose 
Maremma,  were  abandoned  to  malaria;  wolves 
prowled  through  empty  villages  round  Milan; 
m  every  city  the  pestilence  sv/ept  off  its  hun- 
<lreds  (Inily;  manufactures,  commerce,  agricul- 
ture, the  industries  of  town  and  rural  district, 
ceased ;  the  Courts  swarmed  with  petty  nobles, 
who  vaunted  paltry  titles,  and  resigned  their 
wives  to  cicisbci  and  their  sons  to  sloth ;  art  and 
learning  languished ;  there  was  not  a  man  who 
ventured  to  speak  out  bis  thought  or  write  the 
truth;  and  over  the  Dead  Sea  of  social  putrefac- 
tion floated  the  sickening.  II  of  Jesuitical  hypoc- 
risy."—  J.  A.  Symonds,  Renaissance  in  Italy: 
The  Catholic  lieaction,  pt.  1,  ch.  1. 

A.  D.  1536-1544. — French  invasion  of  Pied- 
mont.— French  and  Turkish  siege  of  Nice. — 
Turkish  ravages  on  the  coast. — The  Treaty 
ofCrespy.    Hee  Fiiance:  A.  D.  1533-1547. 

A.  D.  1545-1556.— Creation  of  the  duchy  of 
Parma  and  Placentia,  under  the  rule  of  the 
House  of  Farnese.  Sec  Parma:  A.  D.  1545- 
159i. 

A.  D,  1559-1580.— End  of  the  French  occu- 
pation of  Savoy  and  Piedmont. — The  notable 
reign  of  Emanuel  Philibert.  See  Savoy  and 
Pieo.most:  a.  D.  1559-1.580;  and  Fuance:  A.  1). 
1.547-1559. 

A.  D.  1559-1600.  —  Peace  without  Pros- 
perity.—Foreign  and  domestic  Despotism. — 
Exhaustion  and  helplessness  of  the  country. 
— "  From  the  epoch  of  the  treaty  of  Chateau 
Cambreais  [1.559]  to  the  close  of  the  16th  century, 
Italy  remained,  in  one  sen-ie,  in  profound  aiid 
uninterrupted  peace.     Duriug  this  long  period 


of  41  years,  her  provinces  were  neither  troubled 
by  a  singl<!  invasion  of  foreign  armies,  nor  by 
any  hostilities  of  importance  between  lier  own 
feeble  and  nerveless  i)owers.  But  this  half  cen- 
tury presented,  nevertheless,  anything  rather 
than  the  aspect  of  public  happiness  and  pros- 
perity. Ik-r  wretched  people  enjoyed  none  of 
the  real  blessings  of  peace.  Subject  either  to 
the  oppressive  yoke  of  their  native  despots,  or 
to  the  more  general  influence  of  the  aich-tyrant 
of  Spain,  they  were  abandoned  to  all  the  exac- 
ti(ms  of  arbitrary  government,  and  compelled  to 
lavish  their  blood  in  foreign  wars  and  in  (piarrcls 
not  their  own.  While  France,  torn  by  religious 
and  civil  disseiLsions,  sank  for  a  time  from  her 
l)olitieal  station  among  the  powers  of  the  conti- 
nent, and  was  no  long(T  capable  of  affording 
protection  or  exciting  jealousy,  Philip  II.  was 
left  free  to  indulge  in  the  peniiisu!  lall  the  obdu- 
rate tyranny  of  his  nature.  .  .  .  The  popes  were 
interested  in  supporting  his  career  of  bigotry 
and  religious  persecution;  the  other  powers 
of  Italy  crouched  before  him  in  abject  submis- 
sion. Tft  feed  the  religious  wars,  m  whicli  he 
embarked  as  a  principal  or  an  accessory,  in  the 
endeavour  to  crush  the  protestant  cause  in 
France,  in  tlie  Low  Countries,  and  in  Germany 
lie  drained  Italy  of  her  resources  in  money  and 
in  men.  .  .  .  While  the  Italian  soldiery  fought 
with  the  courage  of  freemen,  they  continued  the 
slaves  of  a  despot,  and  while  the  Italian  youth 
were  c(>nsuiTiedin  tran.salpiiie  warfare,  their  suf- 
fering country  groaned  under  an  iron  yoke,  and 
was  abandoned  a  prey  to  the  unresisted  assaults 
of  the  inlldel-s.  Her  coasts,  left  without  troops, 
or  defences  in  fortiflcatioiis  and  shiijping,  were 
insulted  and  ravaged  by  the  constant  descents  of 
the  corsairs  of  Turkey  and  Barbary.  Her  mari- 
time villages  were  burnt,  her  maritime  popula- 
tion dragged  off  into  slavery ;  and  her  tyrants, 
while  they  denied  the  i)coplc  the  power  of  de- 
fending themselves,  were  unable  or  careless  also 
to  afford  them  i<rotection  and  safety." — O.  Proc- 
ter, Hist,  of  Italy,  ch.  6. 

A.  D.  1569. — Creation  of  the  Grand  Duchy 
of  Tuscany.     See  Flohknce:  A.  I).  1.503-1569. 
A.  D.  1597. — Annexation  of  Ferrara  to  the 
States  of  the  Church.   See  Pai'acy:  A.  D.  1597. 
A.  D.   1605-1607. — Venice  under  the  guid- 
ance of  Fra  Paolo  Sarpi. — Successful  contest 
of  the  Republic  with  the  Papacy.   See  Venice: 
A.  D.  1606-1007;  and  Papacy:  A.  D.  1605-1700. 
A.  D.  i»'v20-i626.— The  Valtelline  War.   See 
France:  A.  D.  1634-1626. 

A.  D.  1627-1631. — Disputed    succession    to 
the  Duchy  of  Mantua. — War  of  France  with 
Spain,    Savoy   and    the    Emperor. — "About 
Christmas  in  the  year  1627,  Vincenzo  II.,  Duke 
of  ^lantua,  of  the  house  of  Gonzaga,  died  with- 
out issue.     His  next  of  kin,    beyond   all  con- 
troversy, was  Charles  Gonzaga,  Duke  of  Nevers, 
!   whose  family  had  settled  in  France  some  fifty 
I  years  before,  and  acquired  by  marriage  the  duke- 
doms of  Nevers  and   Bethel.     Although  there 
was  a  jealousy  on  the  part  both  of  Austria  and 
Spain  that  French  influences  should  be  intro- 
duced into  Upper  Italy,  there  sceins  to  have  beeu 
no  intention,  in  the  first  instance,  of  depriving 
;   Charles  of  his  Italian  inheritance.  .  .  .  But  .  .  . 
i   when  the  old  Duke  Vincenzo's  days  were  cvi- 
!  dently  numbered,  Charles's  son,  the  young  Duke 
I   of  Bethel,  by  collusion  with  the  citizens,  arrived 
at  Mantua  to  seize  the  throne  which  in  a  little 


1844 


ITALY,  1627-1631. 


War  of  '■  •> 
Mantuan  SucctMtoti. 


ITALY.  1685-1659. 


■wliilo  death  would  make  vacant."  At  the  same 
time,  he  tooU  from  a  convent  in  tlie  city  a  younj? 
girl  wlio  represented  wliatever  claims  might  exist 
In  the  direct  native  lino,  and  married  her,  tlic 
pope  granting  II  di.sptnsation.  "liotli  tlie  King 
of  Spain  and  tlic  Emperor  .  .  .  were  incensed 
by  conduct  which  hoth  must  needs  have  regarded 
ns  indicative  of  hostility,  and  tlic  latter  as  an  in- 
vasion of  his  feudal  rights.  Spain  Hew  to  arms 
nt  once.  The  emperor  summoned  tlie  young 
duke  before  his  tribunal,  to  answer  the  charges 
of  having  seized  the  succession  witliout  liis  m- 
vcstiture,  and  married  his  ward  witliout  his  con- 
sent. .  .  .  Charles,  supported  by  the  promises 
of  Richelieu,  refused  to  aclinowledgo  the  em- 
peror's rights  of  superiority,  or  to  submit  to  liis 
jurisdiction." — B.  Oliapman,  Hist,  of  Ountavus 
Adolphiia,  ch.  8. — "Tlie  emperor  .  .  .  seques- 
tered the  disputed  territorj',  and  a  Spanish  army 
Invaded  Montferrat  [embraced  in  tlio  dominions 
of  tlie  Dulie  of  Mantua]  and  besieged  C'asalc,  the 
capital.  Such  was  the  paramount  importance 
attached  by  Uiclielicu  to  his  principle  of  oppo- 
sition to  tlio  house  of  Austria,  tliat  he  Induced 
Louis  to  cross  the  Alps  in  person  with  30,000 
men,  in  order  to  establish  the  Duke  of  Nevcrs  in 
his  new  possessions.  Tlie  king  and  the  cardinal 
forced  the  pass  of  Susa  in  Marcli,  1020,  in  spite 
of  tlie  Buke  of  Savoy,  who  was  another  com- 
petitor for  Montferrat,  and  so  decisive  was  the 
fiup(!riority  of  the  French  arms  that  the  duke  im- 
mediately afterward  signed  a  treaty  of  peace  and 
alliance  with  Louis,  by  which  he  undertook  to  pro- 
cure the  abandonment  of  the  siege  of  Casale  and 
the  retreat  of  the  Spaniards  into  tlieir  own  terri- 
tory. Tills  engagement  was  fullilletl,  and  the 
Duke  of  Nevers  took  possession  of  his  dominions 
without  farther  contest.  But  the  triumph  was 
too  rapid  and  easy  to  be  durable." — N.  W.  Jervis, 
Students'  Hist,  if  Ftance,  ch.  19. — "The  Span- 
iards remain!^'  howevc.-,  in  Milaness,  ready  to 
burst  again  upon  the  Duko  of  Mantua.  The 
king  was  in  a  hurry  to  return  to  Prance,  in  order 
to  finish  the  subjugation  of  the  Reformers  in  the 
south,  commanded  by  tlie  Duke  of  Rohan.  The 
cardinal  placed  little  or  no  reliance  upon  the 
Duke  of  Savoy.  ...  A  league  .  .  .  was  formed 
between  France,  the  republic  of  Venice,  the 
Duke  of  Mantua,  and  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  for  the 
•defence  of  Italy  in  case  of  fresh  aggression  on 
the  part  of  the  Spaniards;  and  tlie  king,  who 
bad  just  concluded  peace  with  England,  took 
the  road  back  t  j  France.  Scarcely  had  the  cardij 
nal  joined  him  before  Privas  when  an  Imperial- 
ist army  advanced  into  the  Orisons  and,  sup- 
ported by  the  celebrated  Spanish  general  Spinola, 
laid  siege  to  Mantua.  Richelieu  did  not  hesitate: 
he  entered  Piedmont  in  the  month  of  Marcl' 
1630,  to  march  before  long  on  Pignerol,  an  im- 
portant place  commanding  tlie  passage  of  the 
Alps;  it,  as  well  as  the  citadel,  was  carried  in  a 
few  days.  .  .  .  The  Duke  ot  Savoy  was  furious, 
and  had  the  soldiers  who  surrendered  Pignerol 
cut  in  pieces.  Tlio  king  [Louis  XIII.]  had  put 
himself  in  motion  to  join  his  army.  .  .  .  The  in- 
habitants of  Chambery  opened  their  gates  to  him ; 
Annecy  and  Jlontmelian  succumbed  after  a  few 
days'  siege ;  Maurienno  in  its  entirety  made  its 
submission,  and  tlie  king  fixed  his  quarters  there, 
whilst  the  cardinal  pushed  forward  to  Casale 
[the  siege  of  which  had  been  resumed  In'  Spinola] 
with  the  main  body  of  the  army.  Rejoicings 
were  still  going  ou  for  a  success  gained  before 


Veillane  over  the  troops  of  the  Duke  of  Savoy, 
when  news  arrived  of  the  capture  of  Mantua  by 
the  Imperialists.  Tliis  was  the  finishing  blow 
to  the  ambitious  and  restless  siiirit  of  the  Duko 
of  Savoy.  He  saw  Slantua  in  the  hands  of  the 
Spaniards,  '  who  never  give  back  aught  of  what 
falls  into  their  power' .  .  .  ;  it  was  all  hope  lost 
of  an  exchange  which  might  have  given  him 
back  Savoy ;  he  took  to  his  bed  and  died  on  the 
2«th  of  Julv,  1030,  telling  his  son  that  peace 
must  be  made  on  any  terms  whatever."  A  truce 
was  arrang(Ml,  followed  by  negotiations  at  Ratis- 
bon,  and  Casale  was  evacuated  by  both  parties 
—  the  Spaniards  having  had  possessiuu  of  the 
citv,  while  the  citadel  was  hold  by  the  French. 
"  ft  was  only  in  the  month  of  September,  1031, 
that  the  states  of  Savoy  and  Mantua  were  finally 
evacuated  by  the  hostile  troops.  Pignerol  had 
been  given  up  to  the  new  Duke  of  Savoy,  but  i", 
secret  afjreement  had  been  entered  into  between 
that  prince  and  France;  French  soldiers  re- 
mained concealed  in  Pignerol ;  and  they  retook 
jiossession  of  the  place  in  the  name  of  the  king, 
who  had  purchased  tlio  town  and  its  territory,  to 
secure  himself  a  passage  into  Italy.  .  .  .  The 
affairs  of  the  emperor  in  Germany  were  in  too 
bad  a  state  for  him  to  rekindle  war,  and  France 
kept  Pignerol." — F.  P.  Qiiizot,  Popular  Hist,  of 
France,  ch.  41.— "The  peace  left  all  parties  very 
nearly  in  the  condition  in  which  they  wore  when 
tlie  war  began;  the  chief  loser  was  the  emperor, 
who  was  now  compelled  to  acknowledge  De 
Nevers  as  Duke  of  Mantua  and  Montserrat ;  and 
the  chief  gainer  was  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  whoso 
territories  were  enlarged  by  the  addition  of  Alba, 
'Trino,  and  some  portions  of  the  territory  of 
Montserrat  wliich  lay  nearest  to  his  Piedmontose 
dominions.  France,  too,  made  some  permanent 
acquisitions  to  compensate  her  for  the  cost  of  the 
war.  She  eluded  the  stipulation  which  bound 
her  to  evacuate  Casal,  and  Victor  Amet'ee  subse- 
quently suffered  her  to  retain  both  that  fortress 
and  Pignerol,  such  permission,  as  was  generally 
believed,  .  .  .  having  furnished  the  secret  reason 
which  influenced  Richelieu  to  consent  to  the 
duke's  obtaining  the  portion  of  Jlontserrat  al- 
ready mentioned,  the  cardinal  thus  making  the 
Duke  of  Mantua  furnish  the  equivalent  for  the 
acquisitions  made  by  Louis." — C.  D.  Yonge,  Hist, 
of  France  -under  the  Bourbons,  ch.  7  (v.  1). 

A,  D.  1631.— Annexation  of  Urbino  to  the 
States  of  the  Church.  See  Papacy;  A.  D. 
1005-1700. 

A.  D.  1635. — Italian  ciiliances  of  Richelieu 
against  the  Spaniards  in  Milan.  See  Ger- 
many; A.  D.  1634-1039. 

A.  D.  i635-i65().— Invasion  of  Milanese  by 
French  and  Italian  armies. — Civil  war  and 
foreign  war  in  Savoy  and  Piedmont. — The 
extraordinaij  siege  of  Turin. — Treaty  of  the 
Pyrenees. — Restoration  of  territory  to  Savoy. 
— "Richelieu  .  .  .  having  obtained  the  alliance 
of  the  Dukes  of  Savoy,  Parma,  and  Mantua,  and 
having  secured  the  neutrality  of  the  Republicsof 
Venice  and  Genoa,  now  bent  all  his  efforts  to  ex- 
pel the  Spaniards  from  Milan,  wld  ;h  was  at  that 
time  but  weakly  defended.  ,  .  .  In  1635,  a  French 
army  of  15,000  men  vvas  accordii  gly  assembled 
ill  Dauphiny,  and  placed  under  the  command  of 
Mareschal  Croqui.  Having  crossed  the  Alps,  it 
formed  a  junction  with  8,000  troops  under  the 
Duke  of  Parma,  and  12,000  under  the  Duke  of 
Savoy,  to  whom  the  supreme  command  of  this 


3-19 


1845 


ITALY,  1685-1650. 


Confltcit  of 
France  and  Spaiu, 


ITALY,  1635-1050. 


formidable  nrm.y  of  35,000  men  was  entrusted. 
Such  a  force,  if  properly  employed,  ought  to 
have  proved  suCieient  to  overwhelm  the  Dutchy 
of  Miluu,in  its  ])rescnt  unprotected  condition.  .  .  . 
But  the  confederates  were  long  detnincd  by  idle 
disputes  among  themcelves,  their  licentiousness 
anil  love  of  plunder."  '.Vhen  they  did  ndvunco 
into  Jlilunese,  their  campaign  was  inelTectivo, 
and  they  Uiially  "separated  with  mutual  dis- 
gust," but  "kept  the  field,  ravaging  the  open 
and  fertile  jjlains  of  Milan.  They  likewise  took 
possession  of  several  towns,  particularly  Bremi, 
on  the  I'o.  ...  On  hearing  of  the  distress  of 
Milan,  the  King  of  Spain  took  Immediate  steps 
for  the  relief  of  that  bulwark  of  his  Italian 

Sower.  In  1686  he  appointed  to  its  government 
liego  Guzman,  Marques  of  Leganez,  who  was  a 
near  relative  of  Olivarez.  .  .  .  lie  had  not  long 
entered  on  the  government  intrusted  to  him  whon 
he  succeeded  in  expelling  the  enemy  from  every 
spot  in  Milan,  with  exception  of  Bremi,  which 
tliey  still  retained.  Milan  having  been  thus  de- 
livered, Leganez  transferred  the  theatre  of  war 
to  the  States  of  the  Duke  of  Parma,  and  com- 
pletely desolated  those  fertile  regions,"  compel- 
ling the  Duke  to  renounce  his  French  alliance 
(1637).  "The  Duke  of  Savoy,  Victor  Amadeus, 
did  not  long  survive  these  events;  and  it  was 
strongly  suspected,  both  In  Spain  and  Italy, 
though  probably  on  no  just  grounds,  that  he  had 
been  poisoned.  .  .  .  The  demise  of  the  Duke  of 
Mantua  occurred  nearly  about  the  same  period ; 
and  on  the  decease  of  these  two  princes,  the 
Court  of  Spain  used  every  exertion  to  detach 
their  successors  from  the  French  confederacy. 
Its  efforts  succeeded,  at  least  to  a  certain  extent, 
with  the  Dutcliess-dowager  of  Mantua.  .  .  . 
But  the  Dutchess  of  Savoy,  .  .  .  being  the  sister 
of  Louis  XIII.,  could  not  easily  be  drawn  off 
from  the  French  interests.  Olivarez  [the  Span- 
ish minister],  despairing  to  gain  this  princess, 
excited  by  his  Intrigues  the  brothers  of  the  late 
Duke  [Cardinal  Maurice  and  Prince  Thomas]  to 
dispute  with  her  the  title  to  the  regency." 
Leganez,  now  (1638)  laid  siege  to  Bremi,  and 
Marshal  Crenui,  in  attempting  to  relieve  the 
place,  was  killed  by  a  cannon  shot.  "By  the 
loss  of  Bremi,  the  French  were  deprived  of  the 
last  receptacle  for  their  supplie'  or  forces  in 
the  Dutchy  of  Milan ;  and  in  consequence  of  the 
death  of  Crequi,  they  had  now  no  longer  any 
chief  of  their  own  nation  in  Italy.  The  few 
French  nobility  who  were  still  in'  the  army  re- 
turned to  their  own  country,  and  the  soldiery  dis- 
persed into  Montferrat  and  Piedmont.  Leganez, 
availing  himself  of  this  favourable  posture  of 
affairs,  marched  straightway  into  Piedmont,  at 
the  head  of  an  army  of  20,000  men.  .  .  .  He  first 
laid  siege  to  Vercelli,  which,  from  its  vicinity 
to  Milan,  had  always  afforded  easy  access  for  the 
invasion  of  that  dutchy,  by  the  French  and 
Savoyards."  A  new  French  army,  of  13,000 
men,  under  Cardinal  La  Valette,  was  sent  to  the 
relief  of  the  place,  but  did  not  save  it  from  sur- 
render. "  After  the  capture  of  Vercelli,  the 
light  troops  of  Leganez  ravaged  the  principality 
of  Piedmont  as  far  as  the  gates  of  Turin.  —J. 
Dunlop,  Memoirt  of  Spain,  from  1621  to  1700,  v. 
1,  ch.  4. — Fabert  and  Turenne  were  now  sent 
from  France  to  the  assisiance  of  La  Valette, 
'  'and  soon  changed  the  aspect  of  affairs.  Turenne 
aided  powerfully  in  driving  back  Leganez  and 
Prince  Thomas  from  Turin,  in  seizing  Chivasso 


and  in  organizing  a  decisive  success."  In  No- 
vember, 1639,  tlie  French,  through  want  of  pro- 
visions, were  forced  to  ret"'at  to  Carignano,  re- 
pelling an  attack  made  upon  tliein  in  the  course 
of  the  retreat.  The  command  was  now  handed 
over  to  Turenne,  "  with  instructions  to  revictual 
the  citadel  of  Turin,  which  was  defended  by 
French  troops  against  Prince  Tlionias,  who  had 
gained  most  of  the  town.  Turenne  succeeded 
...  in  conveying  food  and  munitions  into  the 
citadel.  In  the  following  spring  d'llarcourt 
frcsuming  command]  undertook  to  relieve  C'asale, 
which  belonged  to  the  Duke  of  Mantua.  .  .  . 
The  place  was  besieged  by  Leganez."  The  at- 
tempt succeeded,  the  besieging  army  was  beaten, 
and  the  siege  raised.  "After  the  relief  of  C'asalo 
d'Harcourt  resolved,  on  the  advice  of  Turenne, 
to  besiege  Turin.  The  investment  was  made  on 
the  10th  May,  1640.  This  siege  offered  a  curious 
spectacle ;  the  citadel  wliich  the  French  held  was 
besieged  by  Prince  Thomas,  who  held  the  town. 
He  himself  was  besieged  by  tlie  French  army, 
which  in  its  turn  was  besieged  in  its  lines  of 
circumvr.llation  by  the  Span'ih  army  of  Leganez. 
The  place  capitulated  on  ;he  17th  September. 
.  .  .  Prince  Thomas,  surrendered;  Leganez  re- 
crossed  the  Po;  Marie  Christine  [the  Dowager- 
Duchess]  re-entered  Turin;  and  d'Harcourt, 
bi.'ing  recalled  to  France  by  the  cardinal,  left 
the  coniinand  of  the  army  to  Turenne." — H.  M. 
Hozier,  Turenne,  ch.  2.— "The  fall  of  Turin  did 
not  put  aa  end  to  the  civil  war,  but  its  main 
exploits  were  limited  to  the  taking  of  Cuneo 
by  Harcourt  (September  15th,  1041),  .  .  .  and  of 
lievel,  which  was  reduced  by  the  Piedmontese 
troops  who  fought  on  the  French  side.  ...  In 
the  meantime  the  Hegent,  no  less  than  her  op- 
ponents, began  to  grow  weary  of  the  burden- 
some protection  of  tlieir  respective  allies.  .  .  . 
Under  such  cirr  amstances,  a  reconciliation  be- 
tween the  hostile  parties  became  practicable,  and 
was  indeed  effected  on  the  24th  of  July,  1642. 
The  Princes  were  admitted  to  a  share  of  the  Re- 
gent's power,  and  from  that  time  they  joined  the 
French  standard,  and  took  from  the  Spaniards 
most  of  the  places  they  had  themselves  placed  in 
their  hmtds.  ...  In  the  meanwhile  tlie  great 
agitator  of  Europe,  Riclielieu,  had  died  (1642), 
and  had  been  followed  by  the  King,  Louis  XIII., 
five  months  later.  .  .  .  The  struggle  between 
the  two  great  rival  powers,  France  and  Spain, 
scarcely  interrupted  by  the  celebi  -ted  peace  of 
"Westphalia,  which  put  an  end  to  the  Thirty 
Tears'  War  in  the  North,  in  1648,  continued 
tliroughout  the  greatest  part  of  this  period ;  but 
tlie  rapid  decline  of  Spain,  the  factions  of  Alessio 
in  Sicily  and  of  Massaniello  ia  Naples,  as  much 
paralysed  the  efforts  of  the  Court  of  JIadrid  as 
the  disorders  of  the  Fronde  weakened  that  of 
Paris.  The  warlike  operations  in  North  Italy 
were  languid  and  dull.  The  taking  of  Val"nza 
by  the  French  (September  3rd,  1656)  is  the 
greatest  event  on  record,  and  even  that  [was] 
void  of  results.  By  the  treaty  of  the  Pyrenees 
(November  17th,  1650)  Savoy  was  restored  to  her 
possessions,  and  Vercelli  was  evacuated  by  the 
Spaniards.  The  citadel  of  Turin  had  been  given 
up  by  the  French  two  years  befora,  owing  to  the 
influence  of  Mazarin,  who  married  on  that  occa- 
sion his  niece  Olimpia  Mancini  to  Eugene  Mau- 
rice, son  of  Thomas,  Prince  of  Carignano,  and 
first  cousin  to  Charles  Emanuel  II.  From  that 
union,  it  is  well  known,  was  bom  in  Paris,  in 


1846 


ITALY,  1635-1659. 


iVaianiello. 


ITALY.  1646-1654. 


1663,  Prince  Eiigcno  of  Savoy.  The  Fn  loh  na- 
tioii  were  highly  displcnsed  at  the  loss  of  the 
Turin  citadel,  and  never  forgave  the  Cardinal 
this  mere  net  of  just  and  tardy  restitutio. i. 
Pincrola  and  Perosa,  however,  still  remained  in 
their  hands,  and  placed  the  Court  of  Turin  en- 
tirely at  their  discretion.  During  all  this  lapse 
of  years,  and  until  the  latter  end  of  the  century, 
the  history  of  Piedmont  presents  but  a  melan- 
choly blank. " —  A.  Gallengu,  Ilist.  of  Piedmont, 
V.  3,  ch   2. 

A.  D.  1646-1654.— French  hostility  to  the 
Pope. — Sieere  of  Orbitello. — Masaniello's  re- 
volt at  Naples. — French  intrigue  and  failures. 
— ''The  war  [of  France  and  Spain]  in  Italy  had 
for  some  years  languished,  but  hostility  to  the 
Pope  [on  the  election  of  Innocent  X.,  which  Car- 
dinal Mazarin,  then  supreme  in  France,  had  op- 
posed] stirred  it  again  into  life.  New  vessels 
were  fitted  out  for  the  navy,  and  large  prepara- 
tions were  made  for  the  invasion  of  Italy.  .  .  . 
On  April  26,  1646,  the  expedition  set  sail,  and 
on  the  9th  of  May  it  cast  anchor  off  the  impor- 
tant city  of  Orbitello.  The  fleet  consisted  of  156 
sail,  ana  was  expected  to  land  10,000  men,  and 
Mazarin  wrote  that  all  Italy  was  in  terror.  The 
ships  were  commanded  by  the  Duke  of  Breze, 
and  no  more  skilful  or  gollant  leader  could 
liave  been  found.  .  .  .  The  command  of  the 
land  forces  wos,  however,  entrusted  to  a  leader 
whose  deficiencies  more  than  counterbalanced 
Breze's  skill.  Mazarin  desired  an  Italian  prince 
to  lead  his  expedition,  ond  Prince  Thomas  of 
Savoy  bad  been  chosen  for  the  command.  .  .  . 
Fearmg  that  disease  would  come  with  the  hot 
weather,  Mazarin  urged  Prince  Thomas  to  press 
forward  with  the  siege.  But  the  most  simple 
advonces  seemed  beyond  his  skill.  ...  A  severe 
misfortune  to  the  navy  made  the  situation  worse. 
In  a  sharp  and  successful  engagement  with  the 
Spanish  fleet,  a  cannon  ball  struck  and  killed  the 
Duke  of  Breze.  His  death  was  more  disastrous 
than  would  have  been  the  loss  of  20  sail.  The 
French  fleet  retired  to  Provence  and  left  the 
sea  open  to  the  Spanish.  Sickness  was  fast  re- 
ducing the  army  on  laud,  and  on  July  18th  Prince 
Thomas  raised  the  siege,  which  was  no  further 
advanced  than  when  it  was  begun,  and  led  back 
the  remains  of  his  command  to  Piedmont.  .  .  . 
80  mortifying  an  end  to  this  expensive  venture 
only  strengthened  Mazarin's  resolution  to  make 
his  power  felt  in  Italy.  The  battered  sb'ns  and 
fever-wasted  soldiers  were  scarcely  back  it  Pro- 
vence, when  the  minister  began  to  prepare  .1  sec- 
ond expedition  for  the  same  end.  .  .  .  By  Sep- 
tember a  fleet  of  200  sail,  with  on  army  of  8,000 
men  commanded  by  the  Marshals  of  La  Meillcraie 
and  Du  Plessis,  was  under  way.  The  expedition 
was  conducted  with  skill  and  success.  Orbitello 
was  not  again  attacked,  but  Porto  Longone,  on 
the  island  of  Elba,  and  Piombino,  on  the  main- 
land, both  places  of  much  strategic  importance, 
were  captured  after  brief  sieges.  With  this  re- 
sult came  at  once  the  change  in  the  feelings  of 
Innocent  X.  for  which  Mazarin  had  hoped,"  and 
certain  objects  of  the  latter's  desire — including 
a  cardinals  hat  for  his  brother  Michael  —  were 
brought  within  his  reach.  His  attention  was 
now  turned  to  the  more  southerly  portion  of  the 
peninsula.  "During  the  expedition  to  Orbi- 
tello in  1646,  Mazarin  had  closely  watched 
Naples,  whose  coming  revolution  he  foresaw. 
The  ill-suppressed  discontents  of  the  city  now 


showed  themselves  in  >ilsturl)ance8,  sudden  and 
i'rnitic  as  the  eruptio  s  of  Vesuvius,  and  they 
offered  to  France  an  opportunity  for  seizing  the 
richest  of  the  remaining  possessions  of  Si)ain. 
After  tlie  vicissitudes  of  centuries,  Naples  and 
Sicily  were  now  subject  to  the  Spanish  crown. 
They  were  governed  by  a  viceroy,  and  were  sub- 
jected to  the  drain  of  men  and  money  which  was 
the  rcult  of  Spain's  necessities  and  the  eliarac- 
terist:  of  her  rule.  Burdened  with  taxation, 
they  complained  that  their  viceroy,  the  Duke  of 
Arcos,  was  sending  to  Spain  money  raised  solely 
for  their  own  defence.  The  imposition  of  a  duty 
on  fruits,  in  a  country  where  fruit  formed  a 
ciieap  article  of  diet  for  the  poor,  and  where 
almost  all  were  poor,  kindled  the  long  smoulder- 
ing discontent.  Under  the  leadership  of  a  fish- 
erman [Tommaso  Aniello],  nicknamed  Masani- 
ello,  the  people  of  Naples  in  1647  rose  in  revolt. 
Springing  from  utter  obscurity,  this  y.)ung  man 
of  twenty-seven,  poor  and  illiterate,  became 
powerful  almost  in  a  day.  While  the  Duke  of 
Arcos  hid  himself  away  from  the  revolt,  Jlasa- 
niello  was  made  Captain-General  of  Naples. 
So  sudden  a  change  turned  his  head.  At  first  he 
had  been  bold,  popular,  and  judicious.  He 
souglit  only,  he  said,  to  deliver  >he  people  from 
their  taxes,  and  when  that  was  done,  lie  would 
return  again  to  selling  soles  and  red  mullets. 
But  political  delirium  seized  him  when  he 
reached  an  elevation  which,  for  him,  was  as 
dizzy  as  the  throne  of  the  Roman  emperors,  and 
like  some  who  reached  that  terrible  eminence, 
his  brain  was  crazed  by  the  bewilderment  and 
ecstasy  of  power.  lie  made  wild  and  incoherent 
speeches.  He  tore  his  garments,  crying  out 
against  popular  ingratitude,  attacking  groups  of 
pa8ser8-l)y,  riding  his  horse  wildly  through  the 
multitude,  and  striking  with  his  lance  to  the 
right  and  left.  The  popidace  wearied  of  its 
darling.  Exalted  to  power  on  July  7th,  he  was 
m\ir(lcred  on  the  16th,  with  the  approval  of 
those  who  had  worshipped  him  a  week  before. 
But  the  revolution  did  not  perisli  with  him. 
Successive  chiefs  were  chosen  and  deposed  by  a 
fickle  people.  When  the  insurrection  was  active, 
the  representatives  of  Spain  promised  untaxed 
fruits  and  the  privileges  allowed  by  Charles  V., 
and  they  revoked  their  promises  when  it  ap- 
peared to  subside.  In  the  meantime,  JInzarin 
watclied  the  movement,  uncertain  as  to  tlie 
course  he  should  pursue.  .  .  .  While  the  minis- 
ter hesitated,  the  cliance  was  seized  by  one  who 
was  never  accused  of  too  great  caution. "  This 
was  the  Duke  of  Guise  —  the  fifth  Henry  of  that 
Dukedom  —  a  wild,  madcap  young  nobleman, 
who  accepted  an  invitation  from  the  Neapolitan 
insurgents  to  become  their  chief.  Guise  landed 
at  Naples  on  the  15th  of  November,  1647,  with 
half  a  dozen  attendants,  and  a  month  later  he 
was  followed  by  a  French  fieet.  But  the  latter 
did  nothing,  and  Guise  was  helplessly  without 
means.  "The  truth  was  that  Mazarin,  even  if 
desirous  of  crippling  the  Spaniards,  was  very 
averse  to  assisting  Guise.  He  believed  that  the 
duke  either  desired  to  form  a  republic,  of  which, 
he  should  be  chief,  or  a  monarchy,  of  which  he 
should  be  king,  and  neither  plan  was  agreeable 
to  the  cardinal. "  At  the  end  of  a  fortnight  the 
fleet  sailed  away.  Guise  held  his  ground  as  the 
leader  of  the  revolt  until  the  following  April, 
when  certain  of  the  Neapolitan  patriots,  cor- 
rupted by  the  enemy,  ^-etrayed  the  city  into  the 


1847 


TTiLY,  1646-1654. 


War  nf  the 
Upaniah  Auccetiion. 


ITALY,  1701-1718. 


bands  of  the  Spaniards.  ' '  Oiiiso  cni'iuavored, 
witli  a  liandfiil  of  followers,  to  escriiie  townids 
Capu  ',,  but  tlicy  were  captured  by  a  dctucbnienf 
of  Spniiiaids.  .  .  By  the  petition  of  powerfu' 
friends,  and  by  s  avowal  of  France,  Quise  wa» 
saved  from  the  ublic  execution  wliicli  some  of 
Ins  enemies  demanded,  but  he  was  preseytly 
taken  to  Hpain,  and  there  was  kept  a  prisoner 
during  four  vci\r8."  Meantime,  Mazarin  had 
prepared  another  expedition,  wldch  appeared 
before  Naples  in  the  summer  of  1648,  but  only 
to  discover  that  the  opportunity  for  deriving  any 
advantage  from  the  popular  discontent  in  that 
city  was  past.  "  Receiving  no  popular  aid,  the 
expedition,  after  some  inelTective  endeavors, 
was  abandoned."  Six  years  afterwards,  in  1654, 
Mazarin  sent  a  third  expedition  to  Naples,  and 
entrusted  it  to  the  command  of  the  Duke  of 
Guise,  who  had  lately  been  released  fronv  bis 
cajjtivity  in  Spain.  "Quise  hoped  that  the  Nea- 
politans would  rise  in  revolt  when  it  was  known 
that  their  former  leader  was  so  near,  but  not  a 
person  in  the  city  allowed  any  desire  to  start  a 
movement  in  belialf  of  tlie  Duke  of  Guise.  Tlie 
Spanish  met  him  with  superior  forces. "  After 
some  slight  encounters  the  expedition  sailed  back 
to  France. — J.  B.  Perkins,  France  UTider  Mazarin, 
eh.  S(v.  1),  and  16  (j).  2). 

Al-so  IN :  A.  De  Heumont,  Tlie  Carafas  ofMad- 
daloni:  Kaple»  under  Spanith  Dominion,  bk.  3. 
— F.  Midon,  IU»e  and  Fall  of  Mataniello. — Mrs. 
H.  R.  St.  John,  Masaniello  of  Naples.— II.  G. 
Smith,  Romance  of  History,  ch.  1. 

A.  D.  1648.— The  Peace  of  Westphalia.  See 
Gkhmany:  A.  D.  1648. 

A.  D.  1701-1713.— Savoy  and  Piedmont. — 
The  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession.  —The 
Peace  of  Utrecht. — "Compelled  to  take  part, 
with  one  of  the  contending  parties  [in  the  War 
of  the  Spanish  Succession — see  Spain:  A.  D. 
1698-1700,  and  1701-1702],  Victor  [Duke  of  Sa- 
voy] would  have  been  prompted  by  his  interest 
to  an  alliance  with  Austria ;  but  he  was  beset  on 
all  sides  by  the  combined  forces  of  France  and 
Spain,  and  was  all  the  more  at  their  mercy  as 
Louis  XIV.  had  (April  5th,  1701)  obtained  from 
Ferdinand  Gonzaga  of  Mantua  pcmdssion  to 
garrison  his  capital,  in  those  days  already  one  of 
the  strongest  places  in  Italy.  The  Duke  of  Sa- 
voy had  olready,  in  1697,  married  liis  daughter, 
Adelaide,  to  one  of  Louis's  grandsons,  the  Duke 
of  B\irgundy ;  he  now  gave  liis  younger  daugh- 
ter, Mary  Louise,  to  Burgundy's  brother,  the 
new  King  of  Spain  (September  11th,  1701),  and 
took  the  field  as  French  commander-in-chief. 
Ho  was  opposed  by  his  own  cousin,  Prince 
Eugene,  at  the  head  of  the  Imperial  armies.  The 
war  in  Lombardy  was  carried  on  with  some  re- 
missness, partly  owing  to  the  natural  repugnance 
or  irresolution  of  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  partly  to 
the  suspicion  with  which,  on  that  very  account, 
he  was  looked  upon  by  Catinat  and  Vaudemont, 
the  French  and  Spanish  commanders  under  him. 
The  King,  in  an  evil  hour,  removed  his  able 
marshal,  Catinat,  and  substituted  for  him  Vil- 
leroi,  a  carpet  kniglit  and  court  warrior,  who 
committed  one  fault  after  another,  allowed  him- 
self to  be  beaten  by  Eugeue  at  Chiari  (September 
Ist),  and  to  be  surprised  and  taken  prisoner  at 
Cremona  (1702,  January  21st),  to  the  infinite  re- 
lief of  his  troops.  Vend6rae  restored  the  for- 
tunes of  the  French,  and  a  very  brilliant  but  un- 
decisive action  was  fought  at  Luzzara  (August 


15th),  after  which  Prince  Eugene  was  driven  from 
tl)c  nelghbourho'  1  of  Mantua,  and  fell  back 
towards  the  mountains  of  Tyrol.  With  the  suc- 
cess of  tlie  French  their  arrogance  increased,  and 
with  their  arrogance  the  <lisL'ust  and  ill-will  of 
Victor  AjTiadeus."  Tlic  Duke  witlidrew  from 
the  camp  and  began  to  li.sten  to  overtures  from 
the  Powers  in  tlio  Grand  Alliance.  "  Report  of 
the  secret  intercourse  of  the  Duke  with  Austrian 
agents  reached  Louis  XIV.,  who  sent  immediato 
orders  to  VendOme  to  secure  and  disarm  the 
Piedmontese  soldiers  (3,800  to  6,000  in  number) 
who  were  fighting  under  French  standanis  at 
Mantua.  This  was  achieved  by  treachery,  at 
San  Benedetto,  on  the  29th  of  September,  1703. 
An  attempt  to  seize  tlie  Duke  himself,  whilst 
hunting  near  Turin,  miscarried.  Savoy  retaliated 
by  the  arrest  of  the  French  and  Spanisli  ambas- 
sadors, and  war  was  declared  (October  5th).  The 
moment  was  ill-chosen.  Victor  had  barely  4,000 
men  under  Ins  orders.  The  whole  of  Savoy  was 
instantly  overrun;  and  in  Piedmont  Vercelli, 
Ivrea,  Vcrrua,  as  well  as  Susa,  Bard,  and  Pin- 
erolo,  and  even  Chivas.so,  fell  into  the  enemy's 
hands  during  the  campaigns  of  1704  and  1705. 
In  the  ensuing  year  the  tide  of  invasion  reached 
Nice  and  Villafranca;  notliin^  was  left  to  Victor 
Ainadeus  but  Cuneo  and  Turin,  and  the  victori- 
ous French  armies  appeared  at  last  under  the 
very  walls  of  the  capital  (March,  1706).  The  war 
had,  however,  been  waged  with  different  results 
beyond  the  Alps,  where  the  allies  had  crushed 
the  Fren  :h  at  Blenheim  (1704)  and  at  Riimillics 
(1705).  One  of  the  heroes  of  those  great  achieve- 
ments. Prince  Eugene,  now  hastened  to  tlio 
rescue  of  his  cousin.  He  met  with  a  severe 
check  at  Cassano  (Ar.gust  16th,  1705),  and  again 
at  Calcinato  (April  19th,  1706);  but  his  skilful 
antagonist,  Ven(  Jme,  was  called  away  to  Flan- 
ders, and  Princf  Eugene  so  out-manoeuvred  his 
successors  as  to  be  able  to  join  Victor  at  Turin. 
The  French  had  begun  the  siege  of  this  place 
on  the  13th  of  May,  1706.  They  had  between 
50,000  and  60,000  men,  and  170  pieces  of  artillery 
with  tliem."  Wlien  Prince  Eugene,  early  in 
September,  reached  tlie  neighborhood  of  Turin, 
he  concerted  with  Victor  Amadeus  an  attack  on 
the  investing  army  which  destroyed  it  com- 
pletely. "Its  relics  withdrew  in  awful  disorder 
towards  Pinerolo,  pursued  not  only  by  the  vic- 
torious troops  but  also  by  the  peasantry,  wlio, 
besides  attachment  to  their  princes,  obeyed  in 
this  instance  an  instinct  of  revenge  against  tlie 
French,  who  had  barbarously  used  them.  Out 
of  50,000  or  60,000  men  who  had  sat  down  before 
Turin  in  March,  hardly  20,000  recrossed  the  Alps 
in  September.  Three  of  tlie  French  generals  lay 
dead  on  the  field;  .  .  .  6,000  prisoners  were 
marched  through  the  streets  of  tlie  liberated 
town,  and  55  French  banners  graced  the  main 
altar  of  the  cathedral.  In  the  following  year, 
Victor  and  Eugene,  greatly  against  their  inclina- 
tion, were  induced  by  the  allies  to  undertake  an 
expedition  against  Toulon,  which,  like  all  pre- 
vious invasions  of  Provence,  led  to  utter  discom- 
fiture, and  the  loss  of  10,000  combatants  (1707, 
Jwly  1st  to  September  1st).  An  attack  upon 
BrianQon,  equally  undertaken  against  the  sound 
judgment  of  tie  Duke  of  Savoy,  in  1708,  led  to 
no  tetter  results;  but  Savoy  won  back  Exilles, 
Perosa,  Fenestrelles,  and,  one  by  one,  all  the 
redoubts  with  which  during  those  wars  the  Alps 
were  bristling.     The  war  slackened  in  Italy,  and 


1848 


ITALY,  1701-1718. 


Elitabelli  f\imr/r. 


ITALY,  1733-1735. 


the  fates  of  Europe  were  derided  in  the  Ncllicr- 
lands.  .  .  .  By  the  Peiux-  of  Utrecht  [A.  I).  1713] 
France  renounced  to  Siivov  nil  the  inviuled  terri- 
tories, and,  besides,  the  valleys  of  Oulx,  Cesimne, 
Bardonneelie,  and  Castel  Deiilno,  ancient  posses- 
sions of  Daupliiny,  east  of  the  Alps,  from  tlic 
12tli  century,  wliilst,  for  her  own  part.  Savoy 
gave  up  the  western  valley  of  Harcellonette ;  thus 
the  limits  between  the  two  nations  (witli  the  ex- 
ception of  Savoy  and  Nice)  were  at  last  fixed  on 
the  mountain-crest,  at  'the  parting  of  the  waters. ' 
By  virtue  of  an  agreement  signed  with  Austria, 
November  8th,  1703,  the  whole  of  Montferrat,  as 
well  OS  Alessandria,  Vulcnzn,  Lomellina,  and  Val 
Besia,  dependencies  of  the  duchy  of  Milan,  and 
the  imperial  fiefs  in  the  Langhe  (province  of 
Alba),  were  ceded  to  Savoy.  —  A.  Qallenga, 
Hist,  of  Piedmont,  n.  8,  ch.  2. 

Also  in:  Col.  G.  B.  Malleson,  Prince  Eugene 
of  Savoy,  eh.  5,  and  7-9. — II.  Martin,  Ilist.  of 
France:  Age  of  Iahm  XIV.,  v.  2,  ch.  5-0.— W. 
Coxc,  Ilist.  of  the  House  of  Austria,  ch.  68,  69, 
73-75,  77  (v.  2-3).— See,  also,  Utueciit:  A.  D. 
1712-1714. 

A.  D.  1713-1714.— Milan,  Naples  and  Sar- 
dinia ceded  to  the  House  of  Austria  and  Sicily 
to  the  Duke  of  Savoy.  See  Utueciit:  A.  D. 
1712-1714. 

A.  D.  1715-1735. — Ambitions  of  Elizabeth 
Farnese,  the  Spanish  queen. — The  Austro- 
Spanish  conflict. — The  Quadruple  Alliance. — 
Acquisition  of  Naples  by  the  Spanish  Bour- 
bons. —  By  the  provisions  of  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht,  Philip  V.  of  Spain  was  left  with  no 
dominions  in  Italy,  the  Italian  possessions  of  the 
Spanish  monarchy  having  been  transferred  to 
Austria.  Philip  might  have  accepted  this  ar- 
rangement without  demur.  Not  so  his  wife  — 
"Elizabeth  Farnese,  a  lady  of  the  Italian  family 
for  whom  tlie  Duchy  of  Parma  had  been  created 
by  the  Pope.  '  The  crown  of  Spain  was  settled 
on  her  step-son.  For  her  own  child  the  ambitious 
queen  desired  the  honours  of  a  crown.  Cardinal 
Alberoni,  a  reckless  and  ambitious  ecclesiastic, 
was  the  minister  of  the  Spanish  court.  Under 
his  advice  and  instigated  by  the  queen,  Philip 
claimed  the  possessions  in  Italy,  which  in  the 
days  of  his  grandfather  had  belonged  to  the 
Spanish  crown.  When  Iiis  title  to  that  crown 
was  admitted,  he  denied  the  right  of  the  other 
powers  of  Europe  to  alienate  from  It  its  posses- 
sions. This  was  not  all:  in  right  of  his  queen 
he  claimed  the  duchies  of  Parma  and  of  Tus- 
cany. She  determined  to  recover  for  him  all  the 
Italian  possessions  of  the  Spanish  crown,  and  to 
add  to  them  the  duchies  of  Parma  and  Tuscany. 
The  Duke  of  Parma  was  old  and  childless.  The 
extinction  of  the  reigning  line  of  the  Medici  was 
near.  Cosmo  di  Jledici,  the  reigning  sovereign, 
was  old.  His  only  son,  Jean  Gaston,  was  not 
_  likely  to  leave  heirs.  To  Parma  Elizabeth  ad- 
'  vanced  her  claims  as  heiress  of  the  family  of 
Farnese ;  to  Tuscany  she  asserted  a  more  ques- 
tionable title  In  right  of  a  descent  from  tlie  family 
of  Medici.  These  duchies  she  demanded  for  her 
son,  Don  Carlos,  in  whose  behalf  she  was  remly 
to  waive  her  own  claims.  The  success  of  those 
demands  would  have  given  to  the  Spanish  mon- 
archy even  greater  power  than  it  had  before 
enjoyed.  To  Naples,  Sicily,  and  Milan,  would 
have  been  added  the  territories  of  Parma  and 
Tuscany.  All  Europe  denounced  the  ambitious 
projects  of  Alberoni  as  entirely  inconsistent  with 


that  balance  of  power  which  it  had  then  become 
a  ))olitical  superstition  to  uphold.  Philip's 
French  relatives  were  determined  in  opposition 
to  his  claims;  ami  to  resist  them  tlio  quadruple 
alliance  was  formed  between  Holland,  England, 
France  and  the  emperor.  The  parties  to  this 
alliance  offered  to  the  Spanish  Bourbons  that  the 
emperor  shouhl  settle  on  Don  Curios  the  rever- 
sion to  the  duchies  of  Parma  and  Tuscany  on 
their  lapsing  to  him  by  the  failure  of  the  reign- 
ing families  wiflimit  heirs.  The.se  proposals 
were  rejected,  and  it  was  not  until  the  Spanish 
court  found  the  combination  of  four  powerful 
monarclis  too  strong  fur  them,  that  they  reluc- 
tantly acceded  to  the  terms  of  tlie  Quadruple 
Alliance,  and  accepted  for  Don  Carlos  the  prom- 
ised reversion  of  Parma  and  Tuscany.  To  in- 
duce the  emperor  to  accede  to  this  arrangeni(mt 
the  Duke  of  Savoy  was  compelled  to  surrender 
to  him  his  newly-acquired  kingdom  of  Sicily, 
receiving  instead  the  island  of  Sardinia  with  its 
kingly  title.  It  is  as  kings  of  Sardinia  that  the 
princes  of  Savoy  have  since  been  known  in 
European  history.  The  treaty  of  the  quadruple 
alliance  was  thus  iho  seconci  by  which  at  this 
period  the  European  powers  attempted  to  arrange 
the  affairs  of  ItJily.  This  treaty  left  the  house 
of  Austria  in  possession  of  Sicily  and  Naples.  It 
was  assented  to  by  Spain  in  1720.  European 
complications  unconnected  with  Italy  produced 
new  wars  and  a  new  treaty;  and  the  treaty 
of  Seville  in  1724,  followed  by  one  entered  into 
at  Vienna  two  years  later,  conlirmcd  Don  Carlos 
in  the  duchy  of  Parma,  of  which,  on  the  death 
of  the  last  of  the  Farnese  in  1734,  he  entered 
into  possession.  A  dispute  as  to  the  election  of 
a  king  of  Poland  gave  the  Spanish  court  an  op- 
portunity of  once  more  attempting  the  resump- 
tion of  the  Neapolitan  dominions.  Don  ("arlos, 
the  second  son  of  Philip  and  Elizabeth,  wo3  now 
just  grown  to  man's  estate.  His  father  placed 
m  his  hand  the  sword  which  he  himself  had  re- 
ceived from  Louis  XIV.  Don  Carlos  was  but 
seventeen  years  old  when  he  took  possession  of 
his  sovereignty  of  Parma.  In  the  same  year 
[1734]  he  was  called  from  it  to  invade  the  Sicilian 
dominions  of  Austria.  He  conquered  in  succes- 
sion the  continental  territories,  and  the  island  of 
Sicily;  and  on  the  15th  of  June,  1734,  he  was 
proclaimed  as  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  The 
war  of  the  Polish  Succession  was  ended  in  the 
following  year  by  a  peace,  the  preliminaries  of 
which  were  signed  at  Vienna.  In  this  treaty  an 
entirely  new  arrangement  of  Italian  affairs  was 
introduced.  The  rights  0/  Don  Carlos  to  the 
kingdoms  of  Naples  and  Sicily  were  recognised. 
Parma  was  surrendered  to  the  emperor;  and, 
lastly,  the  duchy  of  Tuscany  was  disposed  of  to 
a  new  claimant  [Francis  of  Lorraine]  for  the 
honours  of  an  Italian  prince. " — I.  Butt,  Hist,  of 
Italy,  V.  1,  ch.  5. 

Also  in  :  E.  Armstrong,  Elisabeth  Farnese,  ch. 
2-10.— P.  Colletta,  Hist,  of  the  Kingdom  of  Mples, 
1734-1856,  bk.  1,  ch.  1-2.— See,  also,  Spain:  A.  D. 
1713-1725;  and  Fuance:  A.  D.  1733-1735. 

A.  D.  1719. — The  Emperor  and  the  Duke  of 
Savoy  exchange  Sardinia  for  Sicily.  Sec 
Sp.un;  a.  D.  1713-172.5. 

A.  D.  1733-1735.— Franco-Austrian  War. — 
Invasion  of  the  Milanese  by  the  French. — 
Naples  and  Sicily  occupied  bv  the  Spaniards 
and  erected  into  a  kingdom  for  Don  Carlos. 
SccFkance:  A.  D.  1733-1735. 


1849 


ITALY,  1741-1748. 


War  of  the 

Auitrian  liucce$iion. 


ITALY,  1744. 


A.  D.  1741-1743.— The  War  of  the  Austrian 
Succession :  Ambitious  undertakings  of  Spain,  i 

—  "Till!  Htnigglo  l)('twe(in  Englniid  and  Spain 
[gee  England:  A.  1).  173U-1741J  had  altogctlior 
merged  in  tlio  great  Kiiropeau  war,  and  the  chief 
efforts  of  tlie  Spaniards  were  directed  against 
tlio  Austran  dominions  in  Itaiy.  Tlie  l(ing(ioni 
of  Nit  pies,  which  liad  passed  under  Austrian 
rule  during  tlie  war  of  the  [Spanish]  Succession, 
iiad,  as  we  have  seen,  been  restored  to  the  Span- 
ish line  in  the  war  which  ended  in  1740,  and 
Don  Carlos,  who  ruled  it,  was  altogether  subser- 
vient to  Spani.sh  policy.  The  Duke  of  Lorraine, 
the  liusbanil  of  Maria  Theresa,  was  sovereign  of 
Tuscany;  and  the  Austnai  possessions  consisted 
of  tlio  T)uchy  of  Milan,  aad  the  provinces  of 
Mantua  and  Placentia.  They  were  garrisoned 
at  the  opening  of  the  war  by  only  15,000  men, 
and  their  most  dangerous  enemy  was  the  King 
of  Sardinia,  who  had  gradually  extended  his 
dominions  into  Lombardy,  and  whose  army  was, 
probably,  the  largest  and  most  cfflcient  in  Italy. 
'The  Milanese,'  his  father  is  reported  to  have 
said,  '  is  like  an  artichoke,  to  bo  eaten  leaf  by 
leaf,'  and  the  skill  and  perseverance  with  which 
for  many  generations  the  House  of  Savoy  pur- 
sued that  policy,  have  in  our  own  day  had  tlieir 
reward.  Spanish  troops  had  landed  at  Naples  as 
early  as  November  1741.  The  King  of  Sardinia, 
the  Prince  of  Modena,  and  the  Republic  of  Genoa 
were  on  the  same  side.  Venice  was  completely 
neutral,  Tuscany  was  compelled  to  declare  her- 
self so,  and  a  French  army  was  soon  to  cross  the 
Alps.  The  King  of  Sardinia,  however,  at  this 
critical  moment,  was  alarmed  by  the  ambitious 
projects  openly  avowed  by  the  Spaniards,  and 
he  was  induced  by  English  influence  to  change 
sides.  He  obtained  the  promise  of  certain  terri- 
torial concessions  from  Austria,  and  of  an  annual 
subsidy  of  4300,000  from  England ;  and  on  these 
conditions  he  suddenly  marched  with  an  army 
of  80,000  men  to  the  support  of  the  Austrians. 
All  the  plans  of  the  confederates  were  discon- 
certed by  this  defection.  The  Spaniards  went 
into  winter  quarters  near  Bologna  in  October, 
fought  an  unsuccessful  battle  at  Campo  Santo  in 
the  following  February  [1743],  and  then  retired 
to  Rimini,  leaving  Lombardy  In  complete  tran- 
quillity. The  Bntish  fleet  in  the  Mediterranean 
had  been  largely  strengthened  by  Carteret,  and 
it  did  good  service  to  the  cause.  It  burnt  a 
Spanish  squadron  in  the  French  port  of  St. 
Tropez,  compellcil  the  King  of  Naples,  by  the 
threat  of  bombardment,  to  withdraw  his  troops 
from  the  Spanish  army,  and  sign  an  engagement 
of  neutrality,  destroyed  large  provisions  of  corn 
collected  by  the  Genoese  for  the  Spanish  army, 
and  cut  off  that  army  from  all  comnxunications 
by  sea.  "—W.  E.  H.  Lecky,  Hist,  of  Eng.,  X%th 
Century,  ch.  3  {v.  1). 

Also  in  :  W.  Coxe,  Si»t.  of  the  Ebtue  of  Au»- 
tria,  ch.  103  (».  8). 

A.  D.  17^3.— The  War  of  the  Austrian  Suc- 
cession :  Treaty  of  Worms. — "By  a  treaty  be- 
tween Great  Britain,  the  Queen  of  Hungary,  and 
the  King  of  Sardinia,  signed  at  Worms  Septem- 
ber 33rQ,  1748,  Charles  Emanuel  renounced  his 
pretensions  to  Milan;  the  Queen  of  Hungary 
ceding  to  him  the  Vigevanesco,  that  part  of  the 
duchy  of  Pavia  between  the  Po  and  the  Tessino, 
the  town  and  part  of  the  duchy  of  Piacenza, 
and  a  portion  of  the  district  of  Anghiera.  Also 
whatever  rights  she  might  have  to  the  mar- 


(juisalo  of  Finale  ■  hoping  tliat  tlie  Republic  of 
Genoa  would  facilitate  this  agre(fnient,  in  orficr 
that  the  King  of  Sardinia  might  have  a  commu- 
nication witii  the  sea.  The  Queen  of  Hungary 
|)romisod  to  increase  her  oriny  in  Italy  to  30,000 
men  as  soon  as  the  alfairs  of  Germany  would 
permit;  while  the  King  of  Great  Britain  engaged 
to  keep  a  strong  fleet  in  the  Mediterranean,  and 
to  pay  Charles  Emanuel  annually  £3(K),000,  so 
long  as  the  war  lasted,  he  keeping  in  the  flcld  an 
army  of  4r),000  men."— T.  H.  Dyer,  Hist,  of 
MiKlern  Eiiroi)e,  hk.  6,  eh.  A(t).  3) 

A.  D.  1743. — The  Bourbon  Family  Compact 
(France  and  Spain)  for  establishing  Spanish 
claims.     See  Fjiance:  A.  1).  1743  ((X'tohek). 

A.  D.  1744.  — The  War  of  the  Austrian  Suc- 
cession: Indecisive  campaigns, —;"  In  Italy, 
the  discordant  views  and  mutual  jealou.sies  of 
i^Iaria  Theresa  and  the  king  of  Sardinia  pre- 
vented the  good  effects  which  might  liave  been 
derived  from  their  recent  union.  The  king  was 
anxious  to  secure  his  own  dominions  on  the  side 
of  France,  and  to  conquer  the  marquisatc  of 
Finale ;  while  Maria  Theresa  was  desirous  to  di- 
rect her  principal  force  against  Naples,  and  re- 
cover possession  of  tlie  two  Sicilies.  Hence,  in- 
stead of  co-opernting  for  one  great  object,  their 
forces  were  (livided ;  and,  after  an  arduous  and 
active  cainpaignj  the  Austrians  were  nearly  in 
the  same  situation  as  at  the  commencement  of 
tlie  year.  Prince  Lobcowitz  being  reinforced, 
compelled  the  Spaniards  to  retreat  successively 
from  Pesara  and  Senegallia,  attacked  them  at 
Loretto  and  Reconati,  and  drove  them  beyond 
the  Fronto,  the  boundary  of  the  kingdom  of 
Naples.  Alarmed  by  the  advance  of  the  Aus- 
trians, the  king  of  Naples  broke  his  neutrality, 
quitted  his  capital  at  the  head  of  15,000  men, 
and  hastened  to  join  the  Spaniards.  But  Prince 
Lobcowitz  .  .  .  turned  towards  Rome,  with 
the  hope  of  penetrating  into  Naples  on  that  side; 
and,  in  the  commencement  of  June,  reached  the 
neighbourhood  of  Albano.  His  views  were  an- 
ticipated by  the  king  of  Naples,  who,  dividing 
the  Spanish  and  Neapolitan  troops  into  three 
columns,  which  were  led  by  himself,  the  duke  of 
lilodena,  and  the  count  de  Gages,  passed  through 
Anagm,  Valmonte,  and  Monte  Tortino,  and  re- 
united his  forces  at  Veletri,  in  the  Campagna  di 
Roma.  In  this  situation,  the  two  hostile  armies, 
separated  only  by  a  deep  valley,  harassed  each 
other  with  continual  skirmishes.  At  length 
prince  Lobcowitz,  in  imitation  of  prince  Eugene 
at  Cremona,  formed  the  project  of  surprising 
the  head-quarters  of  the  king  of  Naples.  In  the 
night  of  August  10th,  a  corps  of  Austrians,  led 
by  count  Brown,  penetrated  into  the  town  of 
Veletri,  killed  all  who  resisted,  and  would  have 
surprised  the  king  and  the  duke  of  Modena  in 
their  beds,  had  they  not  been  alarmed  by  the 
French  ambassador,  and  escaped  to  the  camp.  « 
The  Austrian  troops,  giving  way  to  pillage,  were 
vigorously  attacked  by  a  corps  of  Spaniards 
and  Neapolitans,  despatched  from  the  camp,  and 
driven  from  the  town  with  great  slaughter,  and 
the  capture  of  the  second  in  command,  the  mar- 
quis de  Novati.  In  this  contest,  however,  the 
Spanish  army  lost  no  less  than  3,000  men.  This 
daring  exploit  was  the  last  oilensivc  attempt 
of  the  Austrian  forces.  Prince  Lobcowitz  per- 
ceiving his  troops  rapidly  decrease  by  the  effects 
of  the  climate,  and  the  unwholesome  air  of  the 
Pontine  marshes,  began  his  retreat  in  the  begin- 


1850 


ITALY,  1744. 


Wnr  of  tht 
Aiutrian  Nucceuion. 


ITALY,  1745. 


nlng  of  Novrmbcr,  nnd  thnufi;h  followed  by  nii 
army  niiporior  In  number,  returned  withoul  loss  to 
Rimini,  Pesnro,  Ccsano,  nnd  Immola;  while  tiio 
comlilned  Spaniards  and  Ncapolituns  took  up  their 

?uart<;r8  between  Vlterbo  and  Clvita  Veecliin. 
n  consequence  of  the  expedition  against  Naples, 
the  king  of  Sardinia  was  left  with  30,000  men, 
many  of  them  new  levies,  and  0,000  Auslrians. 
to  oppose  the  combined  army  of  Frencii  and 
Spaniards,  wlio  advanced  on  tlie  side  oi  Nice. 
After  occupying  tliat  place,  the  united  army 
forced  the  intrenched  camp  of  the  Sardinians, 
though  defended  by  the  king  himself,  made 
themselves  masters  of  Montulbano  and  Villa- 
franca,  and  prepared  to  penetrate  into  Piedmont 
along  the  sea  coast.  Tlio  Genoese,  irritated  by 
the  transfer  of  Finale,  were  inclined  to  facilitate 
their  operations;  but  were  intimidated  by  the 
presence  of  an  English  8(iuadron  wliich  threat- 
ened to  bombard  their  capital.  The  i)rinco  of 
Conti,  who  commanded  \inder  the  infant  Don 
Philip,  did  not,  however,  relinquish  tlie  invasion 
of  Piedmont,  but  formed  the  spirited  project  of 
leading  hi.s  army  over  the  passes  of  the  Alps,  al- 
tiiougli  almost  every  rock  was  a  fortress,  and 
the  obstacles  of  nature  were  assisted  by  all  the 
resources  of  art.  He  led  his  army,  with  a  largo 
train  of  artillery,  and  numerous  squadrons  of 
cavalry,  over  precipices  and  along  beds  of  tor- 
rents, carried  tlio  fort  of  Chateau  Dauphin, 
forced  the  celebrated  Barricades  wldch  were 
deemed  impregnable,  descended  the  valley  of 
the  Stura,  took  Dcmont  after  a  slight  resistance, 
and  laid  siege  to  Conl.  The  king  of  Sardinia, 
having  in  vain  attempted  to  stop  the  progress 
of  tins  torrent  wldch  burst  the  barriers  of 
his  country,  indignantlv  retired  to  Saluzzo,  to 
cover  his  capital.  Being  reinforced  by  6,000 
Austrians,  he  attempted  to  relieve  C'oni,  but  was 
repidsed  after  a  severe  engagement,  though  he 
succeeded  in  throwing  succours  into  the  town. 
This  victory,  however,  did  not  produce  any  per- 
manent advantage  to  the  confederate  forces; 
Coni  continuing  to  hold  out,  the  approach  of 
winter  and  the  losses  they  had  sustained,  amount- 
ing to  10,000  men,  compelled  them  to  raise  the 
siege  and  repass  the  Alps,  which  they  did  not 
effect  without  extreme  uilBcuIty."  —  W.  Coxe, 
Mist,  of  the  Home  of  Austria,  ch.  105  (o.  3). 

Also  in  :  W.  Russell,  Hist,  of  Modern  Europe, 
pt.  2,  ch.  28. 

A.  D.  1745.— The  War  of  the  Austrian  Suc- 
cession :  Successes  of  the  Spaniards,  French 
and  Genoese. — "The  Italian  campaign  of  1745, 
In  boldness  of  design  and  rapidity  of  execution, 
scarcely  finds  a  parallel  in  military  history,  and 
was  most  unpropitious  to  the  Queen  of  Hungary 
nnd  King  of  Sardinia.  Tlie  experience  of  pre- 
ceding years  h.id  taught  the  Bourbon  Courts  that 
all  attempts  to  carry  their  arms  across  the  Alps 
would  bo  fruitless,  unless  they  could  secure  a 
stable  footing  in  the  dominions  of  some  Italian 
state  on  the  other  side,  to  counteract  the  power 
of  their  adversary,  who  liad  the  entire  command 
of  the  passes  between  Germany  anr"  Italy,  by 
means  of  which  reinforcements  could  be  con- 
tintially  drafted  to  the  scene  of  action.  Accord- 
ingly tliey  availed  themselves  of  the  jealousy 
and  alarm  excited  at  Genoa,  by  the  transfer  of 
Finale  to  the  King  of  Sardinia,  to  engage  that 
republic  on  their  side.  The  plan  was  to  unite 
the  two  armies  which  had  wintered  on  the  dis- 
tant frontiers  of  Naples  and  Provence,  in  the 


vicinity  of  Genoa,  where  they  were  to  be  joined 
by  10,000  auxiliaries  on  the  part  of  the  republic. 
Charles  Emanuel  wim  uensiblo  of  tlie  terrible 
consequences  to  himself,  should  the  Genoese 
declare  openly  for  the  house  of  Bourbon,  and 
sent  General  Pallavicini,  a  man  of  address  and 
abilities,  to  renounce  his  pretensions  to  Finale, 
while  Admiral  Rowley,  witli  a  Britisli  llect, 
hovered  on  their  coasts.  In  spite  of  all  this, 
nevertliele8.s,  the  treaty  of  Araniuez  waS  con- 
cluded between  France,  Spain,  and  Genoa.  After 
surmoiuiting  amazing  dltllcuities,  and  making 
the  most  arduous  and  astonishing  marches,  the 
army  commanded  by  Don  Phili,),  who  was  ac- 
companied by  tlie  French  General  Mnillebois, 
and  that  commanded  by  Count  de  Gages,  effected 
their  junction  on  tlie  14th  of  June,  near  Genoa, 
when  tlK'ir  united  forces,  now  under  Don  Philip, 
amounted  to  78,01)0  men.  All  that  the  King 
of  Sardinia  could  do  under  tliese  circum- 
stances, was  to  make  tlio  best  dispositions  to 
defend  the  llilanese,  the  Parmesan,  and  the 
Plai.santinc ;  but  the  whole  disposable  force  under 
tlie  King  and  Count  Schuleuburg,  the  successor 
of  Lobkowitz,  did  not  amount  to  above  4,5,000 
men.  Count  Gages  with  30,000  men  was  to  bo 
opposed  to  Scliulenburg,  and  took  possession  of 
Serravalle,  on  the  Scrlvia;  then  advancing  to- 
wards Alessandria  he  obliged  tlio  Austrians  to 
retire  under  tlie  cannon  of  Tortona.  Don  Philip 
made  himself  master  of  Ac(}ui,  so  that  the  King 
of  Sardinia,  with  the  Austrian  General,  Count 
Sehulenburg,  had  to  retreat  behind  tlie  Tanaro, 
On  the  24th  of  July  the  strong  citadel  of  Tortona 
was  taken  by  the  Spaniards,  which  opened  the 
way  to  the  occupation  of  Parma  nnd  Placentia. 
Tlie  combined  army  of  French,  Spanish,  Ne- 
apoliUins,  and  Genoese  being  now  masters  of  an 
extensive  tract  with  all  the  principal  towns  south 
of  the  Po,  they  readily  effected  a  passage  near 
the  confluence  of  the  Ticino,  and  with  a  detach- 
ment surprised  Pavia.  The  Austrians,  fearful 
for  the  Mdanese,  sejiarated  accordingly  from  the 
Sardinian  troops.  Tlie  Bourbon  force  seeing 
this,  suddenly  reunit"d,  gained  the  Tanaro  by  a 
rapid  movement  on  the  night  of  tlie  27th  of  Sep- 
tember, forded  it  in  three  columns,  although  the 
water  reached  to  the  very  neci;.'?  of  the  soldiers, 
fell  upon  the  unsuspecting  and  unprepared  Sar- 
diniauo,  broke  their  cavalry  In  the  first  charge, 
and  drove  the  enemy  in  dismay  and  confusion  to 
Valenza.  Charles  Emanuel  fled  to  Casale,  where 
he  reassembled  his  broken  army,  in  order  to  save 
it  from  utter  ruin.  Tlie  confederate  armies  still 
advanced,  drove  the  King  back  and  took  Trino 
and  Verua,  which  last  place  lay  but  twenty  miles 
from  his  capital :  fearful  now  that  this  might  be 
bombarded  he  hastened  thither,  w'thdrew  his 
forces  under  its  cannon,  and  ord<"ed  the  pave- 
ment of  the  city  to  be  taken  up.  Maillebois,  on 
his  side,  penetmted  into  the  I^Iilanese,  and  by  the 
month  of  October  the  territories  of  tlie  house  of 
Austria  in  Italy  were  wholly  subdued.  The 
whole  of  Lombardy  being  thus  open,  Don  Philip 
made  a  triumphant  entry  into  :5Iilan  on  the  20th  of 
December,  fondly  hoping  that  he  had  secured  for 
himself  an  Italian  kingdom,  as  his  brother,  Don 
Carlos,  had  done  at  Naples.  The  Austrian  garri- 
son, however,  still  maintained  the  citadel  of  Slilan 
and  the  fortress  of  Mantua." — Sii  E.  Cust,  Annals 
of  the  Wars  of  the  18th  Century,  v.  2,  pp.  75-76. 
Also  in:  A.  Gallenga,  Hist,  of  Piedmont,  v.  8, 
eh.  4. 


1851 


ITALY,  1740-1747. 


H'fir  «t  thr 
AHuirian  ,siicceM§ton> 


ITALY.  1740-1702. 


A.  D.  1746-1747.— The  War  of  the  Austrian 
Succeision  :  A  turn  of  fortune.— The  Span- 
iards and  French  abandon  North  Italy.— The 
Austriana  in  Genoa,  and  their  expulsion  from 
the  city. — "()f  all  llic  Aiislrliiii  pDsscs.slotis  iu 
Ldinlmrdy,  lllllo  rcrimlncd  cxcciil  tlic  forlrcsHof 
Miintuaund  tlio  citailcl  of  itliliiii;  wliiU;  lluM'itii- 
(IcIh  (if  AhII  luid  AU'ssiuidriii.  tlin  keys  of  Pied- 
mont, wiTO  cxpcctwl  to  fall  licforo  tlic  coiii- 
iMcnccmi'iit  of  tlio  cnHiiitiK  caiupai^n.  On  tho 
ri'tiirn  of  tliu  Reason  for  iictioii,  tliu  HtriiKgl>!  for 
the  ninstcry  of  Italy  was  ri'iicwcd,  nnd  the  (|iift'ii 
of  Spain  already  saw  la  liiiaf^inatlon  tho  crown 
of  Lonilmrdy  (;rnrlnjt  tho  brow  of  her  seeoiid 
Bon.  On  tliu  east,  the  French  luid  Kpaidsh  arniiea 
had  extended  tlienm-lves  as  far  as  UeRglo,  Pla- 
centia,  niid  Guastalla;  on  tho  north  they  were 
maslers  of  the  whole  country  between  the  Addii 
and  Tesino;  they  blockiuled  the  puHsages  by  tho 
lake  of  (Joino  and  the  Lago  Maggiore,  and  were 
preparing  to  reduce  the  citadel  of  Milan;  on  the 
west  thefr  posts  extended  as  far  as  t^usalo  and 
Astl,  tho\igh  of  the  last  the  citadel  was  still  held 
by  tiie  Sardinians.  The  main  body  of  the  French 
secured  the  communication  with  Genoa  and  tho 
country  south  of  the  I'o;  11  strong  body  nt 
Itcgglo,  Parma,  and  Placcntia,  eovcrecl  their  con- 
quests on  the  east ;  and  the  Spaniards  coninuiuded 
the  district  between  the  I'o  and  the  mountains  of 
Tyrol.  The  Sardinians  were  collected  into  tho 
nelgliboiirhood  of  Trino;  while  tho  Austrlans 
fell  back  Into  the  Novarrese  to  effect  a  junction 
with  the  reinforcements  which  were  dally  ex- 
pected from  Germany.  In  this  situation,  a  sud- 
den revolution  took  place  In  the  fortune  of  the 
war.  The  empress  queen  [Maria  Theresa],  by 
the  conclusion  of  a  peace  with  Prussia,  was  at 
liberty  to  reinforce  her  army  In  Ital^',  and  before 
the  end  of  February  30,000  men  had  already  de- 
scended from  the  Trent  Ine  Alps,  and  spread 
themselves  as  far  ns  the  Po."  This  change  of 
situation  caused  the  French  court  to  make  over- 
tures to  the  king  of  Sardinia,  which  gave  great 
offense  to  Spain.  The  wily  Sardinian  gained 
time  by  his  negotiations  with  the  French,  imtil 
he  found  an  opportunity,  by  suddenly  ending  the 
armistice,  to  capture  the  French  garrison  in  Astl, 
to  relieve  the  citadel  of  Alessandria  and  to  lay 
siege  to  Valenza.  "These  disasters  comj)elled 
JIalllebols  [the  French  general]  to  abandon  his 
distant  posts  and  concentrate  his  forces  between 
Nov!  and  Voghera,  In  order  to  maintain  the 
communication  with  Genoa.  Nor  were  Mie  Span- 
iards beyond  the  Po  in  a  less  critical  situation. 
A  column  of  10,000  Austrlans  under  Uerenclau 
having  captured  Codogno,  and  advanced  to 
Lodi,  the  Sijanish  general  was  compelled  to  with- 
draw his  troops  from  the  pas,ses  towards  tlie 
lakes,  to  send  his  artillery  to  Pavia  and  draw 
towards  the  Po.  The  Infant  had  scarcely  qviitted 
Milan  before  a  party  of  Austrian  hussars  entered 
the  place."  ^Meantime,  the  Spanish  general  Cas- 
tt'iar,  blockaded  in  Parma  by  the  Austrlans, 
broke  through  their  lines  and  gained  the  eastern 
Riviera,  willi  the  loss  of  half  his  force.  In 
Jime,  the  Spaniards  and  Frcncli,  concentrated  at 
Phu'cntia,  made  a  powerful  attack  on  the  Aus- 
triaus,  to  arrest  their  progress,  but  were  rei)ul.se(l 
with  heavy  loss.  The  Sardinians  soon  afterwards 
formed  a  junction  with  the  Austrlans,  which 
compelled  the  Spaniards  and  French  to  evacuate 
Placentia  and  retreat  to  Genoa,  abandoning  stx)res 
and  artillery  and  losing  many  men.    In  the  midst 


of  these  disnsterH,  the  Spanish  king,  Philip  V., 
<lied,  and  his  widowed  (pieen,  Kll7,iU)eth  Farnuso 
—  the  "Spanisii  termagant,"  Carlyle  calls  her  — 
wlio  had  liccn  th(^  moving  spirit  of  tlx;  struggle 
for  Italy,  lost  till'  reins  of  govi'rnment.  His  son 
(l)y  Ills  llrst  wife,  .Marin  Louisa  of  Savoy)  wlio 
succeeded  him,  had  no  ambitions  and  no  passions 
to  interest  him  Ip  IIk^  war,  and  resolved  toeseapu 
from  It.  Tlie  marquis  Las  IMInas,  wliom  he  sent 
to  takeconunand  ol^  the  retr<'ating  arinv,  speedily 
announced  Ids  intention  to  abajiilon  Iialy.  "Thus 
deserted,  the  slt\uitlon  of  the  French  and  Genoese 
became  desperate.  .  .  .  Maillcbois,  after  exhort- 
ing tlie  Genoese  to  defend  their  territory  to  tho 
last  extrendty,  was  oiillged  to  follow  tho  exam- 
ple of  Las  Minas  In  witlidrawlrig  towards  Pro- 
vence. Abandoned  to  their  fate,  the  Genoese 
could  not  witlistand  the  combined  attacks  of  the 
Aiistro-Sardinians,  assisted  by  the  Hritlsh  Meet. 
The  city  surrendered  almost  at  discretion;  tho 
garrison  were  made  prisoners  of  war;  the  stores, 
arms  and  artillery  were  to  be  <lellvered ;  the  (logo 
and  six  senators  to  repair  to  Vienna  and  Implore 
forgiveness.  The  nuircjuis  of  Hotta,  who  had 
replaced  LIchtenstein  In  the  command,  took  pos- 
sessiim  of  tlio  place  with  l.^.tlOO  men,  whiK^  tho 
king  of  Sardinia  occupied  Finale  and  reduced 
Savona.  In  conse(iuence  of  this  success  tho 
Austrian  court  meditated  the  recon(iuest  of 
Kaples  and  Sicily,  whicli  had  been  drained  of 
troops  to  support  tho  war  In  Lomlmrdy."  Hut 
this  project  was  overruled  by  the  Kritish  govern- 
ment, and  tho  allied  army  crossed  the  Var,  to 
carry  the  war  into  the  southeastern  provinces  of 
France.  "  Their  progress  was,  however,  instantly 
arrested  by  an  Insurrection  at  Genoa,  occasioned 
by  the  exactions  and  oppressions  of  tho  Ausliian 
commanders.  The  garrison  was  expelled  by  tlic 
tumultuary  efforts  of  tho  populace;  and  tho 
army,  to  obviate  the  mlsehlefsof  this  unexpected 
reverse,  hastily  measured  back  Its  steps.  Instead 
of  completing  the  disasters  of  the  Bourbon 
troops,  the  Austro-Sardinlans  employed  the  whole 
winter  In  the  Investment  of  Genoa.  '  Tho  siego 
was  protracted  but  unsuccessful,  and  the  allies 
were  forced  to  abandon  it  tlie  following  summer, 
on  the  approach  of  the  Bourbon  forces,  which 
resumed  tlie  olTensive  under  Slarslial  IJelleisle. 
After  delivering  Genoa,  the  latter  sent  a  detach- 
ment of  his  army  into  Piedmont,  where  it  met 
with  disaster.  No  further  operations  of  impor- 
tance were  undertaken  before  the  conclusion  of 
tlie  peace,  which  was  then  being  negotiated  at 
Aix-la-Cliapelle. — W.  Coxe,  Memoirs  of  the  Hour- 
bon  Kiiif/s  of  *S/xTtH,  ck.  40-48  (e.  3-4). 

Also  in  :  ,1.  T.  Bent,  Genoa,  ch.  10. 

A.  D.  1749-1792. — Peace  in  the  Peninsula. — 
The  Treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapclle  "left  nothing  to 
Austria  in  Italy  except  the  duchies  of  Milan  and 
Mantua.  Although  the  grand-duchy  of  Tus- 
cany was  settled  on  the  family  of  Hapsburg- 
Lorraine,  every  precaution  was  taken  to  prever.t 
that  province  from  being  united  with  the  Ger- 
man possessions  of  their  house.  The  arrange- 
ments of  ilie  treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  continued 
up  to  the  period  of  the  French  revolution  un- 
disturbed. Those  arrangements,  although  tho 
result  of  a  compromise  of  the  interests  and  am- 
bitions of  rival  stiiU^smen,  were  not,  consider- 
ing the  previous  state  of  Italy,  unfavourable  to 
the  cause  of  Italian  Independence.  Piedmont, 
already  recognised  as  the  protector  of  Italian 
nationality,    gained    not  only  In   rank,   but  in 


1852 


ITALY,  1740-nM. 


Kn<oluti(inart/  fVnnce 
unit  Stllmlrim. 


ITALY,  lft08-tW)0. 


miliRtiinllnl  territory,  by  tlic  iiriiiilHitlon  of  tli(' 
isluiid  of  Hiirilliiiii,  Ntlll  morn  ')y  tlnit  of  the  IIIkIi 
Noviirt'Nc,  itiul  by  cxlcmliiij?  her  froiilItT  to  llii' 
Ticiiio.  Niiplcs  iiiiil  Hlcily  wcri-  rrltiiscil  from 
Hi(!  tyniimy  of  vIccrovH,  iiiiil  pliiccd  under  a 
resident  kiii^,  with  a  Hlipulatloii  to  Heeun^  their 
future  iiidcpenileiiee,  tliat  tliey  hIiouIiI  never  be 
Hinted  to  the  HpuiiiHli  crown.  ...  In  tlie4ri  l?|. 
yearn  whieli  (dapsed  l)etween  llie  treaty  of  Aixl 
la-Cliapcdlc  and  tlie  Frenrh  revolution,  Italy  en-( 
joyed  ft  perfe<!t  iind  uninterrupted  peace.,  In| 
Home,  at  leant,  of  ItH  principalities,  its  proj^ress 
in  prosperity  and  in  Icf^islation  was  rapid. 
Naples  and  Sicily,  tuider  the  government  of 
(Jharles  III.,  ftruf  subseiiuently  under  the  re- 
gency of  his  minister,  Tanucci,  were  ruled  with 
energy  and  prudence.  Tuscany  prospered  under 
the  sway  of  the  princes  of  Lorraine,  Milan  and 
Mantua  were  mildly  governed  by  the  Austrian 
court;  and  Lotrd)ardy  rose  from  the  misery  to 
which  the  (exactions  of  Hpanisli  viceroys  had  re- 
duced even  the  great  resources  of  tliat  ridi  and 
fertile  province.  In  the  other  Italian  .States  at 
least  no  change  had  tal<en  place  for  the  worse. 
Industry  everywhere  flourislied  under  the  pres- 
ence of  the  most  essential  of  nil  bles.sing8, — 
peace." — I.  Butt,  llUt.  of  Italy,  r.  1,  c/i.  .'5. 

A.  D.  1792-1793.— Annexation  of  Savoy  and 
Nicetothe  French  Republic— Sardinia  and  the 
Two  Sicilies  in  the  coalition  against  France. 
Sec  FiiANCE:  A.  D.  1792  (Ski'TK.mhku — Dkciom- 
BEK);  and  1703  (M Alien — SErrKMiiKU). 

A.  D.  1794-1795. —  Passes  of  the  Maritime 
Alps  secured  by  the  French. — The  coalition 
abandoned  by  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany. — 
French  successes  at  Loano,  See  Fkanck: 
A.  1).  1704-17«r)  (OcTOHKu— May);  and  1795 
(June— Dkcemheh). 

A.  D.  1796-1797. — French  invasion. —  Bona- 
parte's first  campaigns. — His  victories  and  his 
pillaee. — Expulsion  of  the  Austrians.^French 
treaties  with  Genoa  and  Naples. — The  Cispa- 
dane  and  Cisalpine  Republics.— Surrender  of 
Papal  territories.  —  Peace  preliminaries  of 
Leoben.  See  Fkance:  A.  D.  1700  (Arun,— 
October),  and  (October);  and  1790-1707  (Oc- 
tober— Apru.). 

A.  D.  i797(May— October).— Creation  of  the 
Ligurian  and  Cisalpine  Republics.  —  The 
Peace  of  Campo-Formio.  —  Lombardy  relin- 
quished by  Austria. — Venice  and  Venetian 
territory  made  over  to  her.  See  France:  A.  D. 
1797  (May— October). 

A.  D.  1797-1798  (December— May).— French 
occupation  of  Rome. — Formation  of  the  Ro- 
man Republic. — Removal  of  the  Pope.  See 
France:  A.  1).  1797-1798  (Dece.mber— .May). 

A.  D.  1798-1799.— Overthrow  of  the  Neapol- 
itan Kingdom. — Creation  of  the  Partheno- 
peian  Republic, — Relinquishment  of  Piedmont 
by  the  king  of  Sardinia. — French  reverses. 
Bee  France:  A.  D.  1798-1799  (August- Aprii,). 

A.  D.  1799  (April — August).  —  Successful 
Austro-Russian  campaign.— Suwarrow's  vic- 
tories.— French  evacuation  of  Lombardy,  Pied- 
mont and  Naples.  Sec  Fr.\nce:  A.  1).  1799 
(ArRii, — September). 

A.  D.  1799  (August — December). — Austrian 
successes. — Expulsion  of  the  French. — Fall  of 
the  Parthenopeian  and  Roman  Republics. 
See  France:  A.  I).  1799  (August— December). 

A.  D.  1800.  —  Bonaparte's  Marengo  cam- 
paign, —  Northern    Italy    recovered    by    the 


French.— Siege  and  capture  of  Genoa  by  the 
Austrians.  See  FuaN(k:  A.  D.  1H(MI-1H0| 
(.May— Fkuriarv). 

A.  D.  1800-1801  (June  — February). —The 
king  of  Naples  spared  by  Napoleon.— Resto- 
ration of  Papal  authority  at  Rome.  See 
Kuance:  a.  1).  1H1)0-1H(I1  (.(r.SK— Fi;»ki'auv). 

A.  D.  1802.— Name  of  the  Cisalpine  Repub- 
lic changed  to  Italian  Republic. — Bonaparte 
president.— Annexction  of  part  of  Piedmont, 
with  Parma  and  Elba,  to  France.  See  France: 
A.   1).   1H(»1-1H()U,  and  1803  (Auoust— Skptem- 

BER). 

A.  D.  1805.— Transformation  of  the  Italian 
Republic  into  the  Kingdom  of  Italy. — Election 
and  coronation  of  Napoleon, — Annexation  of 
Genoa  to   France.     See   France:  A.  I).  1804- 

imr<. 

A.  D.  1805.— Cession  of  Venetian  territory 
by  Austria  to  the  Kingdom  of  Italy.  Sec  Oer- 
many:  a.  1).  lH(ir)-18(m. 

A.  D.  1805-1806.— Napoleon's  dethronement 
of  the  dynasty  of  Naples.— Joseph  Bonaparte 
made  king  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  See  France: 
A.  I).  180.'i-lH00(l)KCEMiiEU— September). 

A.  D.  1807-1808.  —  Napoleon's  visit.  —  His 
arbitrary  changes  in  the  constitution.— His 
public  works.— His  despotism. — His  annexa- 
tion of  Tuscany  to  France,  and  seizure  of  the 
Papal  States.  Sei^  France:  A.  I).  18"'^ -1808 
(November — February). 

A.  D.  1808  (July).— The  crown  of  Naples 
resigned  by  Joseph  Bonaparte  (now  king  of 
Spain)  and  conferred  on  Joachim  Murat.  See 
Spain:  A.  I).  1808  (.May— September). 

(Southern) ;  A.  D.  1808-1809.— Beginning  of 
the  reign  of  Murat  at  Naples. — Expulsion  of 
the  English  from  Capri. — Insolence  of  Murat's 
soldiery. — Popular  discontent  and  hatred. — 
Rise  of  the  Carbonari. — Civil  war  in  Calabria. 
— "Joachim  Murat,  the  new  King  of  Naples,  an- 
nounced his  accession  to  the  nation  [July,  1808]. 
'The  august  Napoleon,'  he  said,  'had  given  him 
the  kingdom  of  the  two  Sicilies.  Gratitude  to 
the  donor,  and  a  desire  to  benefit  his  subjects, 
would  divide  his  heart.' .  .  .  The  commencement 
of  Murat's  reign  was  felicitous;  the  Knglish, 
however,  occupied  the  island  of  f'apri,  wliich, 
being  placed  at  the  opening  of  the  gulf,  is  tlic 
key  of  the  bay  of  Naples.  'Their  presence  stim- 
ulated all  who  were  averse  to  the  new  govern- 
ment, intimidated  its  adherents,  and  impeded 
the  frewlom  of  navigation,  to  tlie  manifest  in- 
jury of  commerce;  besides,  it  was  considered 
disgraceful,  that  one  of  the  Napoleonidcs  should 
suffer  an  enemy  so  near,  and  that  enemy  the  Kng- 
lish, who  were  at  once  so  hated  and  so  despised. 
Tlie  indolence  of  Joseph  had  patiently  RulTered 
the  disgrace;  but  Joachim,  a  spirited  soldier, was 
indignant  at  it,  and  he  tlu.ught  it  necessary  to 
commence  his  reign  by  some  important  enter- 
prise. He  armed  therefore  against  Capri:  Sir 
Iludson  Lowe  was  there  in  garrison  with  two 
regiments  collected  from  all  the  nations  of 
Europe,  and  which  were  called  the  Royal  (.'orsi- 
can  ami  the  Hoyal  iMaltese.  ...  A  body  of 
French  and  Neapolitans  were  sent  from  Naples 
and  Salerno,  under  the  command  of  General  La- 
marque,  to  reduce  the  island ;  and  they  ellecte<l 
n  landing,  by  means  of  ladders  hung  to  the  rocks 
by  iron  hooks,  and  thus  possessed  themselves  of 
Anacarpi,  though  not  without  great  difficulty, 
as  the  English  resolutely  defended  themselves. 


1863 


ITALV.  1808-1800. 


Thf  Carbonari, 


ITALY,  1808-1800. 


.  .  .  Tlip  ii|p)fp  proooeikd  but  iilowly  —  iturrmini 
of  nicii  mill  iiriiiniiiiilioii  n'ticlicd  tlic  bcHli'^i'il 
from  SIrily;  bill  forliliir  fiivoiircil  the  ciicMiy,  IH 
nn  nilvcrw  ^^'illll  drove  tlif  KiikIIhIi  out  In  mil. 
The  Klii|;,  wlm  Nii|ii'riiit('iidrd  tlio  o|ii'ratioim 
from  tbi'  Nborc  of  .Ma.ssa.  Imviiii;  widlcd  iit  iIm' 
|iohil^if  Ciimpiiiicllii,  Ri'i/.liif;  the  pnipitioim  iiio- 
iiiriit,  wilt  fri'Hb  Hi|im(lronH  in  iild  of  |juiiari|iii', 
and  tbf  Kn);IlHb,  being  alrciidy  briil<i'n,  mid  tlii' 
fnrtH  limiiantlcd,  now  yielded  to  tin;  eoiKjiieror. 
The  N'eapolllans  wero  lilifbly  jfratilled  by  the 
aeqiilHltioiiof  Capri,  and  from  tliat  event  aiiKured 
well  of  tlie  new  (foveniiiient.  The  klnu'dom  of 
Napli'K  contaiiieil  three  <'liisi(es  of  people  —  liaroiiH, 
rrnublieaiiH,  and  populaee.  The  Imroiis  willliijjly 
joined  the  parly  of  tlie  new  kliiK.  beeaiisc  they 
were  plea.seil  by  the  lionoiirH  granted  to  them, 
Olid  tliey  were  not  without  hopes  of  recovering 
their  iineiciit  privileges,  or  at  least  of  acquiring 
new  ones.  .  .  ,  The  republicans  were,  on  the 
contrary,  inimical  to  Joaciilm,  not  bi'cauHc  he 
was  a  king,  for  they  easily  accomiiKxiitted  them- 
aclves  to  royalty ;  but  because  lil.s  conduct  in 
Tuscany,  where"  bo  had  driven  them  forth  or 
bound  them  In  rliains  like  malefactors,  bad  rcn- 
deretl  liini  personally  obno.xious  to  Ihein,  They 
wore  moreover  disgusted  by  bis  incredible  vanity, 
which  led  him  to  court  and  caress  willi  the  most 
zealous  adulation  cvcrv  bearer  of  a  feudal  title. 
.  .  .  The  po|)iilace,  who  cared  no  more  for  Joa- 
rhiiii  thin  they  bad  done  for  Joseph,  would 
easily  bavo  contcntcil  themselves  with  the  new 
government,  if  It  bad  protected  them  from  the 
oppressions  of  the  barons,  and  had  procured  for 
them  quiet  and  abundance.  But  Joachim,  wholly 
Intent  on  courting  the  nobles,  neglected  the 
people,  who,  oppressed  by  the  barons  and  sol- 
(lier\'?  became  alienated  from  bin).  .  .  .  Tlie 
spirit  of  discontent  was  further  increased  l)y  his 
lutrcxluction  of  the  conscHpticm  laws  of  France. 
.  .  .  Joachim,  a  soldier  idmself,  permitted  every 
thing  to  his  soldiery ;  and  an  insupportable  mili- 
tary license  was  the  result.  Hence,  also,  they  be- 
came the  sole  support  of  his  power,  anil  it  "took 
no  nwt  in  the  alTections  of  the  peojile.  The  in- 
Rolcnce  of  tlie  troops  continually  augmented :  not 
only  every  desire,  but  every  caprice  of  the  head 
of  a  regiment,  nay,  even  of  the  inferior  olflcers, 
was  to  bo  compiled  with,  as  if  tliey  were  the 
laws  of  the  reolm ;  and  whosoever  even  lamented 
his  subiection  to  their  will  was  Ul-treatcd  and 
Incurred  some  risk  of  being  declared  an  enemy 
to  the  King.  .  .  .  The  discontents  produped  by 
the  enormities  committed  by  the  troops  of  JIurat 
gave  hopes  to  the  court  of  Palermo  t..at  Its  for- 
tunes might  bo  re-established  In  the  kingdom 
beyond  the  Foro.  Meanwhile,  the  civil  war 
raged  In  Calabria;  nor  were  the  Abruzzi  tran- 

?[uil.  In  these  disturbances  there  were  various 
actions  in  arms,  and  various  objects  were  pur- 
sued ;  some  of  tliose  who  fought  against  Joachim, 
and  had  fought  against  Joseph,  were  adherents 
of  Fenlinand, — others  were  the  partisans  of  a 
republican  constitution.  .  .  .  The  sect  of  the 
Carbonari  arose  at  this  period."— C.  Botta,  Italy 
during  the  Consulate  anil  Empire  of  Kapoleon,  eh. 
6.  —  "The  most  famous,  the  most  widely  dis- 
seminated, and  the  most  powerful  of  all  the 
secret  societies  which  sprang  up  in  Italy  was 
that  of  the  Carbonari,  or  Charcoal-makers.  .  .  . 
The  Carbonari  first  began  to  attract  attention  In 
the  Kingdom  of  Naples  about  the  year.lflOa  A 
Geuocso   named    Maghella,   who   burned   with 


hatred  of  the  French,  U  said  to  have  Initiated 
several  Neapolitans  into  a  secret  order  wIioho 
piirposo  tt  was  to  goad  their  coiiiitrymen  iiitn  re- 
liidllon.  They  quilled  NaplcM,  when-  MuriU's 
vigilant  polli'V  kept  too  slrict  a  watch  on  con- 
..(dnitors,  anil  retired  to  llie  Abruzzi,  where  in 
order  to  di.'^ari'i  s'lsplclon  they  pretendi'd  to  lie 
engaged  in  charcoalburning.  As  their  iiui.ibers 
incrcnHi'il,  agents  were  sent  to  estiiblixh  lodges  in 
the  priniipul  towns.  The  Bourbon  king,  shut  up 
in  Sicily,  soon  heard  of  them,  and  as  h<;  had  not 
besitiiled  at  letting  loose  with  Knglish  aid  galley- 
prisoners,  or  at  encouraging  brigands,  to  liarass 
Sliirat,  so  lie  eagerly  connived  with  these  con- 
Npiralors  in  the  liope  of  recovering  his  llirone. 
Mural,  having  striven  for  several  years  to  sup- 
press the  Carbonari,  at  last,  when  he  found  Ids 
jiower  slipping  from  liiin,  reversed  bis  policy 
towards  them,  and  strove  to  concilliile  them. 
But  it  was  too  late:  neither  he  nor  they  could 
jirevent  the  rcHloratlon  of  the  Bourbons  under  the 
lirotcclion  of  Austria.  The  sectaries  wlio  had 
bitberlo  foolislily  expected  tliiit,  if  tlie  French 
could  be  e.vpelled,  Ferdinand  would  grant  them 
a  Liberal  government,  were  soon  cured  of  their 
delusion,  and  they  now  plotted  against  him  as 
sedulously  as  they  had  plotted  against  his  prede- 
cessor. Their  niembersliii)  increased  t'>  myriads; 
tlieir  lodges,  staraiig  up  in  every  village  in  tlio 
Kingdom  of  Naples,  had  relations  with  branch- 
societies  in  all  parts  of  the  Peninsula:  to  the 
anxious  oars  of  European  d"spots  the  name  Car- 
bonaro  soon  meant  all  that  was  lawless  and 
terrible;  it  meant  anarchy,  chaos,  a.ssussinittion. 
But  when  we  read  tlio  catechism  or  confession 
of  faith,  of  the  Carbonari  we  ;iic  surprised  by 
the  reasonableness  of  their  alms  and  tenets.  Tlio 
duties  of  the  Individual  Carbonaro  were,  '  to  ren- 
der to  the  Almighty  the  worship  due  to  llim;  to 
serve  the  fatherland  with  zeal;  to  reverence 
religion  and  laws;  to  fiiltil  the  obligations  of 
nature  and  friendship;  to  be  faitlifiil  to  jiromises; 
to  observe  silence,  discretion,  and  cliarity;  to 
cause  harmony  and  good  morals  to  prevail;  to 
conquer  the  passions  and  submit  the  will;  and 
to  alihor  the  seven  deadly  sins.'  The  scope  of 
the  Society  was  to  disseminate  Instruction;  to 
unite  tlie  different  classes  of  society  under  the 
bond  of  love ;  to  Impress  a  national  character  on 
the  people,  and  to  interest  them  in  the  preserva- 
tion and  defense  of  the  fatherland  and  of  religion ; 
to  destroy  by  moral  culture  the  source  of  crimes 
due  to  the  general  dei)ravity  of  mankind ;  to  pro- 
tect the  weak  and  to  raise  up  the  unfortunate. 
...  It  went  still  farther  and  asserted  the  un- 
CathoHc  doctrine  of  liberty  of  conscience;  'to 
every  Carbonaro,'  so  reads  one  of  its  orticles, 
'  belongs  the  natural  and  unalteroblc  riglit  to 
worship  the  Almiglity  acconJ'ng  to  his  own  In- 
tuition and  understanding.'  c  must  not  be 
misled,  however,  by  these  enlightened  profes- 
sions, into  a  wrong  notion  of  tlie  reol  purposes 
of  Carbonarism.  Politics,  in  spite  of  a  rule  for- 
bidding political  discussion,  were  tlie  main  busi- 
ness, and  ethics  but  the  incidental  concern  of  the 
conspirators.  They  organized  their  Order  under 
republican  forms  as  if  to  prefigure  the  ideal  to- 
wards wliich  they  aspired.  The  Republic  wos 
subdivided  into  provinces,  each  of  which  was 
controlled  by  a  grand  lodge,  that  of  Salerno  be- 
ing the  ' parent.  There  were  also  four  'Tribes,' 
each  having  a  council  and  holding  an  annual 
diet.     Each  tribe  had  a  Senate,  which  advised  a 


1854 


ITALY,  1808-1809. 


ITALY,  I814-181B. 


Ilniwo  of  Tlpprcspntnilvci,  suil  thin  friuntil  tlio 
liiWH  which  ft  nm)r<<4tmcy  cxpcMiU'd.  TIhti'  wcro 
roiirlN  of  thi>  flrit  iiiHtiiiicc,  of  nptH'ul,  anil  of  cch- 
Hiitloii,  ikii(l  MO  ('iirlM)niiro  iiilKht  ftrliiK  Niiit  in  thn 
civil  courlH  iiKiiliiHt  It  fellow  nii'iiihtT,  umIcks  he 
hail  llfMl  falli'd  to  >;i't  ri'iln-sH  In  otir  of  tbrsi', 
.  ,  .  Till' ('iirl)oimrl  borrowcil  Koinc  of  Ihi'ir  rites 
from  the  FreemiiHonM,  with  wlioin  liiileeil  they 
wore  coniinonly  reporteil  to  tie  In  Riieh  eloHe  re- 
IntlonH  thiit  Kreeniiisous  who  jolneil  the  'Cur- 
honli;  Uepulillr '  were  spiireil  the  formality  of 
inllliitlon:  other  parts  of  their  lereinonial  ihev 
copleil  from  the  New  Testament,  with  Hneh  nil- 
(lltlons  as  the  speelal  olijeetH  of  thit  order  called 
for."— W.  H.  Thayer,  'Ac  Jhiirn  of  Italian  liide- 
pendencf,  hk.  2,  eh.  4  (i'.  1). 

Also  in;  P.  Colietla,  lliil.  of  the  Kintjttom  of 
NapUt,  bk.  7  (r.  2). — T.  Frost,  Stent  S/eielien  of 
the  Kiirojieiiii  HeroliitiiHi.  r.  1,  e/i.  5. — Oen.  HIr  II. 
liiinhiirv,  Tlie  (Ireat  War  trith  Fraiiee,  p.  H4!l,  and 
a/fcr.—'rhe  Chevalier  O'C'lerv,  Ifiit.  of  the  Italiar. 
tier.,  eh.  8. 

A.  D.  1809  (April— May). — Renewed  w«r  of 
Austria  with  France.— Austrian  advance  and  1 
retreat.     See  Okii.many:  A.  I).   IHOl)  (.I.\ni:.\iiv 
— .IiNi;). 

A.  D.  1809  (May —July). — Annexation  of  the 
Papal  States  to  the  French  Empire.— Removal 
of  the  Pope  to  Savona.— Rome  declared  to  be 
«  free  and  imperial  city.  See  I'ap.my;  A.  I). 
1808-1811. 

A.  D.  1813.— Removal  of  the  captive  Pope 
to  Fontainebleau.  See  P.\pacy:  A.  D.  1808- 
1814. 

A.  D.  1813. —  Participation  in  Napoleon's 
disastrous  Russian  campaig^n.  See  IU-hsia: 
A.  I).  1812  (,IuNK— Ski'tkmhku),  and  after. 

A.  D.  1813. —  Participation  in  the  war  in 
Germany.  See  Gehmanv:  A.I).  18i;t  (Ai'uil.— 
May). 

A.  D.  1814. —  Desertion  of  Napoleon  by 
Murat.- His  treaty  with  the  Allies.— Expul- 
sion of  the  French  from  the  Peninsula. — Murat, 
king  of  Naples,  "  foreseeing  the  downfall  of  the 
Emperor,  had  atteujpted  to  procure  from  Napo- 
leon, as  the  price  of  his  fidelity,  the  union  under 
his  own  sceptre  of  all  Italy  south  of  the  Po ;  but, 
falling  In  this,  he  prepared  to  abandon  the  cause 
of  his  benefactor.  On  the  11th  January,  1814,  he 
concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Allies,  by  whicli  he 
was  guaranteed  possession  of  Naples:  ond  forth- 
with advancing  on  Rome  with  20,000  men,  occu- 
pied the  second  city  In  his  brother-in-law's  em- 
pire (Jan.  19);  having  previously  publUhed  a 
flaming  proclamation.  In  which  the  perfidy  and 
violence  of  the  imperial  government  were  de- 
nounced in  terms  which  came  strangely  from  a 
chief  of  the  Re  voir 'ion.  ...  At  the  end  of 
December,  1813,  Eugene  had  withdrawn  to  the 
Adige  with  36,000  men,  before  Bellegarde  and 
CO,  000  Atistrians;  and  he  was  already  taking 
measures  for  a  further  retreat,  when  the  procla- 
mation of  Murat,  oud  his  hostile  advance,  ren- 
dered such  a  movement  inevitable.  He  had 
accordingly  fallen  back  to  the'  Mincio,  when, 
finding  himself  threatened  on  the  fiank  by  a 
British  expedition  from  Sicily  under  Lord  Wil- 
liam Bentiuck,  he  dctcrminetl  on  again  advanc- 
ing against  Bellegarde,  so  as  to  rid  himself  of 
one  enemy  before  he  encountered  another. 
The  two  armies,  however,  thus  mutually  acting 
on  the  offensive,  passed  each  other,  and  an  irreg- 
ular action  at  last  ensued  on  the  Mincio  (Fob.  8), 


in  which  the  advantage  w.m  rather  with  the 
French,  who  made  l,.1(K»  prlsonerH,  and  drove 
Bellegarde  shortly  after  over  the  .MInclii,  about 
II.IHM)  iH'Irig  killed  and  wimnded  on  each  Hide. 
Hut,  lnolheri|iiar.erM,  allairs  were  going  rapidly 
to  wreck.  Verii'ia  Nurreiidered  to  the  Austrian* 
on  the  Mill,  an  1  Aneoiia  to  .Murat  on  the  I'lth; 
and  the  deserll  ill  of  the  Italians,  iinei|iial  to  the 
fatigues  of  a  viiiter  eampalgii.  was  ho  great  that 
the  Viceroy  vas  cnmpelleil  to  fall  bark  to  the  I'o, 
Foiiche,  niMinwhlle,  as  governor  of  Uiinie.  had 
concluded  a  roiiventliiii  (Feb.  20)  with  the  Nea- 
iMililan  g  nerals  for  the  evacuation  of  I'Isa,  Leg- 
horn, F)  irence,  and  other  garrlpMiMof  the  French 
emplri'  In  Italy.  A  proclamation,  however,  by 
the  li.'reditary  iirinee  of  .Sicily,  who  had  aecom- 
pan'.ed  Hentluck  from  Sicily,  gave  .Murat  siieh 
umbrage  that  he  separated  his  troops  rrom  the 
Tiritisli,  and  commenced  operations,  with  little 
success,  against  Kiigene  on  the  I'o,  In  which  tlio 
remainder  of  March  iiaHsed  away.  Hentlnek. 
having  at  length  received  reinforcemeiits  from 
f'ataloiiia,  moved  forward  witli  12,0<M)  men,  and 
oil  upied  Spe/.la  on  the  21tth  of  March,  and.  cirlv- 
Ing  the  French  (.Vpril  8)  from  their  positinn  at 
Hestrl,  forced  his  way  through  the  mountains, 
and  appeared  on  the  Itlth  in  front  of  Genoii.  On 
the  17th  the  forts  and  positions  I.  'ore  the  city 
were  stormed ;  and  the  garrison,  seeing  jirepa- 
nttions  made  for  a  bombardment,  capitulated 
on  the  18tli,  on  condilinii  of  being  allowed  to 
march  out  with  the  hunoursof  war.  Murat  had 
by  this  time  recomim  need  vigorous  operations, 
and  after  driving  the  French  (April  13)  from  the 
Taro,  had  forced  the  passage  of  the  Stura;  but 
the  news  of  Napoleon's  fall  put  an  end  to  hostili- 
ties. By  a  convention  with  the  Austrinns,  Ven- 
i('e,  Palma-Nuova,  and  the  other  fortresses  still 
held  by  the  French,  were  surrendered ;  the  whole 
of  Lombardy  was  occupied  by  the  Qernmns; 
and  in  the  first  week  of  May  the  French  troops 
finally  repassed  the  Alps." — Ejiitome  of  Alison's 
J  Hat.  <>f  Euroi>e.  sect.  77.5.  nwrf  807-808. 

A.  D.  1814-1815.— Return  of  the  Despots.- 
Restoration  of  Austrian  tyranny  in  the  North. 
— The  Pope  in  Rome  again.— "With  little  re- 
sistance. Northern  Italy  was  taken  from  the 
French.  Had  it  been  otherwise,  had  Murat  and 
Beauharnais  joined  their  forces,  they  might  have 
long  held  the  Austrians  in  check,  perhaps  even 
iiave  made  a  descent  on  Vienna;  and  although 
this  might  not  have  hindered  the  ultimate  over- 
throw of  Napoleon,  yet  It  must  liave  compelled 
the  Allies,  at  the  day  of  settlement,  to  respect  the 
wishes  of  the  Italians.  But  disunited,  and  de- 
luded into  the  belief  that  they  were  portners  in  a 
war  of  liberation,  the  Italians  woke  up  to  find, 
that  they  had  escaped  from  the  talons  of  the 
French  eagle,  only  to  be  caught  in  the  clutch  of 
the  two-headed  monstrosity  of  Austria.  They 
were  to  be  used.  In  the  language  of  Joseph  Do 
Maistre,  like  coins,  wherewith  the  Allies  paid 
their  debts.  This  was  plain  enough  when  the 
people  of  the  just-destroyed  Kingdom  of  Italy 
prepared  to  choose  a  ruler  for  themselves:  one 
party  favored  Beauharnais,  another  wished  an 
Austrian  prince,  a  third  an  Italian,  but  all  agreed 
in  demanding  independence.  Austria  quickly 
informed  them  that  they  were  her  subjects,  and 
that  their  affairs  would  be  decided  at  Vienna. 
Thus,  almost  without  striking  a  blow,  and  with- 
out a  suspicion  of  the  lot  awaiting  them,  the 
Northern  Italians  fell  back  under  the  domination 


1855 


ITALV,  I»l4-I81ft. 


firlurn  of  Iht  ttrinHitii. 
t^UI  „/  Mural. 


ITALY.  1816. 


of  AuRlrin.  Ill  ilip  upriiiK  nnd  early  Dumnii'r  (if 
IHH  llii'  ('xil)'il  iiriiu'cliiiKK  rctiirni'il:  Vlclor 
Kiiinniii'l  I.  from  IiIh  HiiviiKit  n'fiiifi-  in  Hiinlliviii 
til  Turin;  Kcnllimnd  III  friiiii  VVHr/.liiirx  tn 
Kliircnri';  I'Iiih  VII.  frmn  IiIm  ('onllnciiii'iit  iit 
Koiiliilni'lili'iiii  iiiiil  .Sitviiim  til  Konii'  Imit  Papacy  : 
A.  0.  IWW-IHH);  KriinrlH  IV.  In  .MimIciiu.  Oilier 
OHIiiruMtii  lUixiiiiiHly  wiiltctl  for  tlii^  Coiii^rt'KN  of 
Viitnnii  to  licHtdw  upon  tlicni  the  rnniilnliiK 
pnivlnci-g.  The  ('(inKrcHg  .  .  .  cIritKK''*' on  into 
till*  HprliiK  ot  !li(<  following;  yriir.  ...  In  Loiii- 
liunly  luiii  Vfni'ti:>,  Mctti'rnicli  Koon  oruiiiil/.('il  » 
tlioroiiKlil.v  AuHtriai.  iiilniinlHtriition.  The  kov- 
crnnicnt  of  tlic  two  privinccH  wiih  M'pitnttc,  that 
of  Loniliiiriiv  lii'InK  ct'ni.'ii  at  Milan,  that  of 
Vi'nctia  at  Vcnici';  liut  ovci  all  waH  pliiccd  an 
AiiNtrlan  nrchiiiiko  an  Viccro,  Kacli  lilHtrict 
had  ItHi^lvil  and  inilitjiry  triliiinu's,  Imt  tlio  men 
wlio('oinp4i8('d  tlicHi'  bciiiK  ap[iointt  'h  of  the  vl('(>- 
roy  or  jiia  dcpntics,  lliclr  HiiliHcrvi'-ncp  could 
ilMiially  1)1!  reckoned  upon.  The  i.-IkIh  were 
Hccret,  n  proviHion  which.  cHpvcialW  in  political 
caiM's,  made  convietiong  eiiKy.  .  .  .  Feudi.l  privl- 
Ic^cH,  which  hail  been  al)oliHlie<l  by  tlie  t.encli. 
could  bo  recovered  by  dolnff  lioniiip!  to  tin"  '•'.in- 
peror  and  by  pnyin^f  Hpeclllc  ta-xes.  In  koiic 
ri'HpectH  there  wiih  nn  iinprc""ment  in  the  gen 
t>ml  adminmtration,  but  in  otIierH  tlio  deteriorik- 
tion  WIIH  inanifcHt.  .  .  .  Art,  Hcience,  and  literii- 
turc  were  patronized,  and  they  throve  as  potted 
jiIanfH  thrive  under  the  care  of  a  gardener  who 
ciitii  off  every  new  sho<it  at  a  certain  heijfht. 
.  .  .  We  may  liken  the  peoiile  of  the  AuHtro- 
Itnlian  provinces  to  those  Florentine  revcOers 
wild,  at  tile  time  of  the  plague,  tried  to  drive 
away  their  terror  by  telling  each  other  the  merry 
Htories  reported  by  Boccaccio.  The  plague 
which  penetnitcd  every  corner  of  Lombardy  and 
Venetiii  wan  the  Austrian  police.  Stealthy,  but 
sure,  its  unseen  presence  was  dreaded  in  palace 
and  hovel,  in  church,  tribunal,  and  closet.  .  .  . 
Every  police-onice  was  crnnimed  with  reconis 
of  the  daily  habits  of  each  citizen,  of  his  visitors, 
his  relatives,  his  casual  conversations, —  even  his 
style  of  dress  and  diet  were  set  down.  .  .  .  Such 
was  the  Metternichian  system  of  police  and 
espionage  that  counteracted  every  mild  law  and 
every  attempt  to  lessen  tlic  repugnance  of  the 
Italians.  They  were  not  to  be  deceived  by  blan- 
dishments: Lombardy  was  a  prison,  Venetia 
was  a  prison,  and  they  were  all  captives,  al- 
though they  seemed  to  move  about  unshackled 
to  their  work  or  pleasure." — W.  R.  Tliuyer, 
7%e  Dawn  of  Italian  Independence ,  hk.  2.  ch. 
2  («.  1). — See,  also.  Vienna,  Tiik  Conchikss 
of;    Austria:    A.    D.    1815-1840;    and    Holy 

,  Al.I.IANCI!. 

(Southern):  A.  D.  1815.— Murat's  attempt 
to  head  a  national  movement.— His  failure, 
downfall  and  death. — Restoration  of  the  Bour- 
bons at  Naples. — "  Wild  as  was  the  attempt  in 
which,  after  Napoleon's  return  from  Elba,  the 
King  of  Naples  lost  his  crown,  wo  must  yet 
judge  of  it  both  by  his  own  cliarocter  and  the 
circumstances  in  which  he  was  placed.  ...  In 
the  autumn  of  1813  communications  took  place 
at  Milan  between  Jlurat  and  the  leaders  of  the 
secret  societies  which  were  then  attempting  to 
organise  Italian  patriotism  in  arms.  In  1814. 
when  the  restoration  of  Austrian  rule  in  Lom- 
bardy so  cruelly  disappointed  tlie  national  hopes, 
these  communications  were  renewed.  The  King 
of  Naples  was  assured  that  he  needed  but  to 


mine  the  Htiindaril  of  Italian  Ind 'pendcnce  to 
rally  round  him  tlioiiHanils  anil  tcimof  thouiutniU 
of  voluntecrH,  .  .  .  'I'licNccalciilatio  iH  .  .  .  wcro 
readily  ikdoptcd  by  Ihe  rimli  and  vain  glorious 
moiiai'cli  to  whom  they  were  prciented.  .  .  . 
Ills  proud  Hplrit  chafiil  ami  frctt  'd  iti  dir  the  con- 
NcioiiNiii'HH  that  he  had  turned  iipoi  Napoleon, 
and  the  inorllllcatioii  of  (inding  hliii'i  If  dcHertcil 
by  tlioHc  in  relianci!  upo:i  whose  faitli  this  sacri- 
lice  had  Ih'cu  made.  Tlii^  events  in  France  liad 
taken  him  by  KurprlHc.  In  Joining  the  alliance 
agaiiiNt  Napoleon  he  had  not  calculated  on  the 
depoNilion  of  thi^  emperor,  still  Ichh  had  ho 
dreamed  of  the  deNtruclion  of  the  empire.  .  .  . 
He  bitterly  reproached  his  own  conduct  for  hav- 
ing lent  iiliiiHclf  to  such  results.  .  .  .  When  his 
mind  was  agitated  with  tliese  mingled  feelings, 
the  intelligence  reached  him  that  Napoleon  had 
iietuallv  left  Elba,  on  that  enterprise  In  whi<'h 
he  staked  everything  u]ioi.  regaining  the  im- 
perial throne  of  France.  It  came  to  him  direct 
from  Napoleon.  .  .  ,  I Ii!  foresaw  that  the  armies 
of  the  allied  powers  would  be  I'ligaged  in  a 
gigantic  struggle  with  the  etforts  wTiich  Na- 
poleon woiilii  be  sure  to  make.  Under  such 
circumstances,  he  fancied  Italy  an  easy  coni|uest ; 
once  master  of  this  he  became  a  power  with 
whom,  in  the  contlict  of  nations,  any  of  tlic  con- 
tending parties  could  only  be  tiHi  happy  to  treat. 
K"  determined  to  place  iiimself  at  the  liead  of 
Itai!<in  nationality,  and  strike  one  daring  blow 
for  ti.e  chiertaiiisiiip  of  tlie  nation.  .  .  .  His 
ministei.'.  his  friends,  tli(!  French  generals,  even 
Ills  (|ueen.  Napoleon's  sister,  dissuaded  him  from 
siicii  a  coii"8t^  .  .  .  Hut  with  an  obstinacy  by 
wliieh  the  vi.eillating  appear  sometimes  to  at- 
tempt to  atoni  for  liabitiial  indecision,  he  per- 
severed in  spite  of  all  advice.  .  .  .  He  issued  a 
firoclaniation  and  i>rdercd  his  troops  to  cross  the 
'apal  frontier.  .  .  The  Pope  appointed  a  re- 
gency and  retired,  ac-ompanied  by  most  of  the 
cardinals,  to  Florenct  .  .  .  On  the  SiOth  of 
March  his  [Murat's]  troois  attacked  the  Austrian 
force.i  at  Cesena.  The  G'^rmans  were  driven, 
without  olfeiing  much  resistu:ice.  from  the  town. 
On  Ihe  evening  of  tliat  day  he  Issued  from  Uim- 
iiii  his  proclamation  to  the  It^ilian  neople.  which 
was  against  Austria  a  declaration  i.f  war.  .  .  . 
A  declaration  of  war  on  the  part  of  Austria  im- 
mediately followed.  .  .  .  The  whole  of  i.'ie  Ital- 
ian army  of  Austria  was  ordered  at  once  to  niirch 
upon  Naples;  and  a  treaty  was  concluded  with 
Ferdinand,  by  which  Austria  engaged  to  use  all 
her  endeavours  to  recover  for  him  his  Neapoli- 
tan dominions.  .  .  .  The  army  wliich  Murat  led 
northward,  instead  of  numbering  80,000  as  he 
represented  in  his  proclamation,  certainly  never 
exceeded  i)4,000.  .  .  .  Nearly  60,000  Austrians 
defended  the  banks  of  the  Po.  ...  On  the  10th 
of  April,  the  troops  of  Murat.  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Pepe,  were  driven  back  by  the 
Austrians.  who  now  in  their  turn  advanced. 
...  A  retreat  to  the  frontiers  of  Naples  was 
unanimously  resolved  on.  This  retreat  was  one 
that  had  all  the  disasters  witliout  any  of  the  re- 
deeming glo-ies  of  war.  ...  At  last,  as  they 
approached  the  confines  of  the  NcapoIit:m  king- 
dom, an  engagement  which  took  place  between 
Macerata  and  Tolentino,  on  tlie  4th  of  May, 
ended  in  a  total  and  ignominious  rout.  ...  At 
Macerata  most  of  the  troops  broke  up  into  a  dis- 
organised rabble,  and  with  difflculty  Murat  led 
to  Capua  a  small  remnant  of  uu  army,  that  could 


1856 


ITALY,  mn. 


Kmtll  In 
A'lijiira  intil  Ulclly. 


ITALY,  isao-isai. 


Iiiirilly  III'  utld  tc  III'  ili'fi'iitril.  liiTiiiiHi'  tlioy  wero 
wiirittril  witlitiiit  iiiiytliiiiK  Ihiit  ilrw-rvM  to  \to 
I'ltllril  n  llulit.  Kriini  Ciijiiiit,  on  llic  I3tli  of 
Miiy,  tlir  king  Hi'iil  to  NaplcN  n  |irorliiliiitliiiii 
ffninlitiK  Ik  fri'C  niimtllulliin.  To  nmri'iij  tlii" 
flirt  tliiit  iIiIn  wiu)  wriiiiK  froiii  liltn  only  In  ills 
tri'HH,  \u)  ri'Hortril  to  Ilic  inlniT.i  'Ir  MuMrrfU){i'  of 
itiiti'  iliillii){  it  frotn  Uliiilnl.on  I  .I'lWIIIi  of  Miirrli." 
On  till'  I'vi'iiliiK  of  tlir  li^tli  of  Miiy,  Miirikt  i^n- 
tiiri'il  Nuplrit  qiiii'tly  iiM  foot,  luiil  liiiil  liU  InKt 
intrrvli'w  with  IiIh  i|Ui'i'n  iiml  rlillilri'ii.  A  llrit- 
IhIi  Hi|iiitilriiii  wiiH  iilri'iiily  in  tlii'  liiirlior.  Tlii' 
ni'Xt  iiIkIiI  III!  Hli|)|M'il  itwiiy  to  tlii'  inliinil  of 
Isriilii,  anil  Ihriico  to  Kri'JuH,  wlillr  IJurrii  Ciirii- 
lini)  ri'iniiinril  to  iliHrliiirKr  tlii'  liiHt  iliitli'H  of 
Hovi>ri'l)(iity.  On  tlii'  vOtli  NiijilrH  wiih  mirrrn 
iliTL'i'  to  till!  AuHtriiuiH,  anil  llir  i'X-i|iii'i'ii  took 
ri'fi  Kc  on  nn  KngliHli  vi'hhi'I  to  I'Knipi'  from  a 
til'  .'ikti'nliig  niol)  of  till'  la/./aroni.  Hlii'  wiin  run- 
viyi'il  to  TrloHti",  wlirri'  tlir  Austrian  unipiTor 
liail  olTi'ri'il  lii:r  an  aHvliiin.  Tim  ri'Htorril  Hour- 
lion  khiK,  Kcnllimnil,  inailr  IiIh  entry  into  lliii 
capital  on  tliu  17tli  of  .liiiir.  Mraiitinii-,  Miirat, 
in  Franri',  liail  olTrrril  IiIh  sitvIii'M  to  Naiioli'on 
anil  tlii'y  liiiil  Iwi'n  iIitIIiu'iI.  Aftrr  Wali'rIiHi,  lie 
cHiMipi'il  to  CorHlra,  wlii'nri',  in  tlir  following 
Ortobrr,  liu  iiiaili-  a  fiKilluirily  atti'iiipt  to  ri'roviT 
IiIh  kitiKiloni,  lanilinK  ^M\  a  fi'w  folloux'rH  at 
I'1/./o,  on  tint  Nfupolitan  nuiHt,  I'xpi't'linK  n 
rlsliiK  of  till!  pt'opli)  to  wt'lconic  IiIh  rrliirn.  ilut 
tint  rJHing  that  iicciirroil  wiin  hoxtili!  hiHti'iiil  of 
frii'iiilly.  Tint  party  was  quickly  ovi-rpowiTrii, 
Murat  taken  priHoner  ami  lii'liv'i'reil  to  FiTiii- 
nnnil'H  olllcrri).  llu  wiut  miinniarily  trii'il  by 
court  martial  anil  shot,  Ottohor  18,  1815. —  I. 
IJutt,  Hint,  of  Italy,  i>.  3,  i-.'.  10-11. 

A1.HI)  IN;  P.  Ciillctlii,  Jfiit.  of  Naplet,  bk.  7, 
ch.  8,  and  bk.  8,  eh.  1  (v.  2). 

A.  D.  i8ao-i83i, —  Revolutionary  insurrec- 
tions in  Naples  and  Sicilv.  —  Perjury  and  du- 
plicity of  the  king. — The  revolt  crushed 
by  Austrian  troops.  —  Abortive  insurrection 
in  Piedmont.  —  Its  end  at  Novara.  —  Abdica- 
tion of  Victor  Emmanuel  I.  —  Accession  of 
Charles  Felix. — "  In  the  lust  days  of  Ffliriiary, 
1830,  a  revolution  broke  out  In  Spain.  The  ob- 
ject of  its  leaders  wiis  to  restore  the  Constitution 
of  1813,  which  had  been  suppres-iod  on  the  re- 
turn of  the  Hourbons  to  the  throne.  .  .  .  The 
Itevolution  proved  successful,  and  for  a  short 
time  the  Hjmniard.s  obtained  pos-session  of  a  dem- 
ocratic Constitution.  Their  success  stirred  up  the 
ardour  of  the  Liberal  party  iu  the  kingdom  of 
the  two  Sicilies,  and  before  many  weeks  were 
over  a  revolutionory  movement  occurred  at 
Naples.  The  Insurrection  originoted  with  the 
army  under  the  command  of  General  IVpe,  and 
it  Is  worthy  of  note  that  the  movemeut  waa  not 
directed  against  the  reigning  dynasty,  and  was 
not,  even  nomlLially,  associated  with  any  demand 
for  national  unity.  All  the  insurgents  asked 
for  was  the  establishment  of  a  Constitution  simi- 
lar to  that  then  existing  in  Spa'n.  After  a  very 
brief  ond  feeble  resistance,  the  King  yielded  to 
the  demands  of  the  military  conspirators,  who 
were  utrongly  supported  by  popular  feeling. 
On  the  1st  of  October,  a  Parliament  &i  the  Nea- 
politan kingdom  was  opened  by  His  Majesty 
Francis  the  First,  who  then  and  there  ti>ok  a 
solemn  oath  lo  observe  the  Constitution,  and 
even  went  out  of  his  way  to  profess  his  profound 
attachment  for  the  principles  on  which  the  new 
Oovernment  was  based.     General    Pep6  there- 


upon ri'Niuiii'd  till'  D'rtatorxliip  he  had  aNK'iiiicil, 
and  riiimtltutioiial  lllN>rty  wim  ili'i'iiii'd  I  1  have 
bi'i'ii  tliiiilly  rHlalilliilii'd  III  Houlhi'rn  Italv  by  a 
IiIiiihIIi'hh  ri'volution.  The  rlHirig  on  the  miilli- 
liiiiii  was  fiillowi'd  after  a  lirii'i  Interval  by  a 
iHipiilur  iiiKurri'i'tlon  in  Sicily.  The  inaitiiibject, 
liiiwi'ViT,  of  the  Hii'ilian  ('iiiiNtilutiiinaliHtH  wns 
ti>  iriiig  iilioiil  a  li'glslativi'  Nepariilinn  brtwren 
I..  InI'iiiiI  and  the  kingiloni  of  Naples  iiroper. 
.  ,  .  The  Hii'ilian  iimurri'itlon  iilTordi'd  KriinciN 
I.  the  pretext  he  hud  liMikeil  for,  from  the  com- 
mi'iH'emi'iit,  for  overthrowing  the  Constitution 
to  whirli  III'  hud  lii'rHonully  plighted  his  faith. 
The  Allied  Hiiviri'igiis  took  alarm  at  the  out- 
break of  the  ri'voliitiiiiiury  spirit  in  Hieily,  and  it 
Congri'ss  of  the  Great  Pnwers  wus  I'onvoked  at 
l.uitmrh  (we  Vkuona,  Till:  Ciiniiiikhh  ok]  to  con- 
sider what  steps  rriiiilrid  to  be  taken  for  the  pro- 
tection of  social  order  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples. 
.  .  .  Hy  the  Neiipolitaii  Coiinlitiitlon  the  Sov- 
ereign was  not  at  lilsTty  to  leave  the  kiiiKilom 
wilhoi't  the  eonM'iit  of  the  I'urliunii'iit.  This 
eonseiit  was  only  given,  after  much  hi'sltatioii, 
in  reliance  upon  the  reitemted  BHsiiranres  of  the 
King,  both  pilblirly  and  privately,  that  his  one 
objeit  in  alleiiiling  the  (-'ongress  was  lo  avert,  if 
piissilile,  a  foreign  intervenlion.  His  Majesty 
also  pledged  himself  most  Koli'innly  not  to  sanu- 
lioii  any  cliiinge  in  the  Coiistitiitloii  to  whieli  hi) 
had  sworn  allegiance,  and  .  .  .  he  promised  fur- 
ther that  he  would  not  lie  a  party  to  any  reprisals 
being  Inllicted  upon  his  subjects  for  the  part  they 
might  have  taken  in  the  establishinent  of  Con- 
stitutional liberty.  AssiHin,  however,  as  Friiiieis 
the  First  hud  arrived  at  Laibueh,  ho  yielded 
without  a  protest  to  the  alleged  necessity  for  a 
foreign  occupation  of  his  kingdom,  with  tlio 
avowed  object  of  putting  down  the  Constitution. 
Without  any  delay  being  given,  the  Austrian 
regiments  criis.seil  the  frontier,  pri'ceded  by  a 
manifesto  from  tlie  King,  culling  upon  his  fiitth- 
ful  subjects  to  receive  the  uriny  of  occupation 
notaseneniies,  but  as  fi  i'lids.  .  .  .  The  national 
troops,  under  General  I'epu,  were  defeated  with 
ease  by  the  Austrians,  who  in  the  course  of  a 
few  weeks  elTectcd,  almost  without  opposition, 
tlie  militury  occupation  of  the  whole  kingdom 
[February — March,  1821).  Forthwith  repri.sais 
commenced  in  grim  earnest  On  the  plea  that 
the  resistance  oltered  by  the  Constitutionalists  to 
the  Invading  army  constituted  an  act  of  high 
treason,  the  King  declared  himself  ab.solveil  from 
all  promises  he  had  given  previously  to  his  de- 
parture. A  reign  of  terror  wus  set  on  fo'j'  .  .  . 
Hignor  liotta  thus  sums  up  the  net  result  of  the 
punishments  Inllicted  after  the  return  of  the 
King  in  the  Neapolitan  provinces  alone.  '  About 
a  thousand  persons  were  condemned  to  death, 
imprisoned,  or  exiled.  Iiitlnitely  greater  wus  the 
numljer  of  ofllcers  and  olllciula  who  were  de- 

f rived  of  their  posts  by  the  Commissioners  of 
nvestigatiou.'  .  .  .  The  establishment  of  Con- 
stitutional Government  in  the  kingdom  of  the 
Two  Bicilies,  and  the  resolution  adopted  at  the 
instigation  of  Austria,  by  the  Congress  of  Lai- 
bach,  to  suppress  the  Nea|>olitan  Constitution 
by  armed  force,  produced  o  profound  effect 
throughout  Italy,  and  especially  in  Sardinia. 
Till;  fact  that  internal  reforms  were  incompulibio 
with  the  ascendency  of  Austria  in  the  Peninsulu 
was  brought  home  to  the  popular  mind,  and,  for 
the  Urst  time  in  tlie  history  of  Italy,  the  desire 
for    civil    liberty   became    iilentitled    with    the 


1857 


ITALY,  ISSO-lSSl. 


Kittivp 
in  I'iedmont. 


ITALY,  1820-182L 


nnlionni  aversion  to  foreign  rule.  In  Piedmont 
tlierc  wiiK  II  powerful  Constitutioiml  party,  coni- 
poHeil  cliielly  of  profesHiouul  nieu,  und  ii  strong 
niilitjiry  eiiste,  uristoerutie  by  birth  iiixl  convic- 
tion, l)ut  opposed  on  niitionnl  grounds  to  the 
dominiition  of  Austria  over  Italy.  Tliese  two 
j)Hrtie»  coalesced  for  a  tiuio  upon  the  connnon 
platform  of  Constitutional  Heforni  and  war  with 
Austria;  und  the  result  was  '-he  abortive  rising 
of  1821.  Tlie  insurrection,  liowever,  though  di- 
rected against  the  established  Government,  had 
about  it  nothing  ul  an  anti-dynastic,  or  even  of 
a  revolutionary  character.  On  the  contrary,  the 
leaders  of  tlie  revolt  professed,  and  probably 
with  sincerity,  that  they  were  carrying  out  ihe 
true  wishes  of  their  Sovereign.  Their  theory 
was,  that  Victor  Emmanuel  ^  was  only  com- 
pelled to  adhere  to  the  Holy  Alliance  by  con- 
siderations of  foreign  policy,  and  that,  if  liis 
hands  were  forced,  ho  woidd  welccmie  any  op- 
portunity of  severing  himself  from  all  complici- 
ty with  Austria.  Acting  on  this  belief,  they 
(letermined  to  proclaii7i  the  Constitution  by  a  sort 
of  coup  d'  ctat,  and  then,  after  having  declared 
war  on  Austria,  to  invade  Lombardy,  and  thus 
create  a  diversion  in  favour  of  the  I^eapolitans. 
It  is  certain  that  Victor  Emmanuel  I.  gave  no 
sanction  to,  and  was  not  even  cognisant  of,  this 
mad  enterprise.  .  .  .  Tlie  troub'es  and  calamities 
of  his  early  life  had  exhausted  liis  energy ;  and 
his  one  desire  was  to  live  at  peace  at  liome  and 
atiroad.  On  tlic  other  hand,  jt  is  certain  that 
Charles  AUiert  [Prince  of  Savoy-Carignan,  heir 
presumptive  to  the  throne  of  Sardinia^  was  in 
communication  with  the  leaders  of  the  msurrec- 
tion,  though  how  far  he  was  privy  to  their 
actual  designs  has  never  yet  been  clearly  ascer- 
tained. The  insurrection  broke  out  just  about 
the  time  wh.en  the  Austrian  troops  were  ap- 
proaching tlie  Neapolitan  frontiers.  .  .  .  Tlie 
insurrection  gained  liead  rapidly,  and  the  ex- 
ample of  Alexandria  was  fo'dowed  by  the  garri- 
son of  Turin.  Pressure  was  brought  to  bear 
!pon  Victor  Emmanuel  I.,  and  he  was  led  to 
believe  that  the  only  means  of  averting  civil  war 
was  to  grant  the  Constitution.  The  pressure, 
however,  overshot  its  mark.  On  the  one  hand, 
the  King  felt  that  he  could  not  possibly  with- 
stand the  demand  for  a  Constitution  at  the  cost 
of  having  to  order  the  regiments  which  had  re- 
mained loyal  to  lire  upon  the  insurgents.  On 
the  other  hand,  he  did  not  feel  justified  in  grant- 
ing the  Constitution  without  the  sacction  of  his 
brother  and  [immediate]  heir.  In  order,  there- 
fore, to  escape  from  this  dilemma,  his  Majei 
abtlicated  suddenly  in  favour  of  Charles  Felix  [uis 
brother].  As,  liowever,  the  new  Sovereign  hap- 
pened to  be  residing  at  Modena,  at  the  Court  of 
his  brother-in-law,  the  Prince  of  Savoy-Carignan 
was  appointed  Regent  until  such  time  as  Cliarles 
Felix  could  return  to  the  capital.  Immediately 
upon  Ills  abdication,  Victor  Emmanuel  quitted 
Turin,  and  Charles  Albert  was  left  in  supreme 
authority  as  Regent  of  tlie  State.  Within  twelve 
hours  of  his  accession  to  power,  the  Itegent  pro- 
claimed the  Spanish  Constitution  as  the  funda- 
mental law  of  Piedmont.  .  .  .  The  probability 
is  .  .  .  that  Charles  Albert,  or  rather  his  odvi- 
sers,  were  anxious  to  tie  the  hands  of  the  new 
Sovereign.  They  calculated  that  Charles  Felix, 
who  was  no  longer  young,  and  who  was  known  to 
be  bitterly  hostile  to  all  Liberal  theories  of  Gov- 
ernment, would  abdicate  sooner  than  accept  the 


Crown  of  a  Constitutional  kingdom.  This  cal- 
culation proved  erroneous.  ...  As  soon  as  his 
iMaicsty  learned  the  news' of  what  had  occurred 
in  his  absence,  he  issued  a  manifesto  [March, 
1821],  declaring  all  the  reforms  granted  under 
tlie  Regency  to  be  null  and  void,  describing  the 
authors  of  the  Constitution  os  rebels,  and  avow- 
ing his  intention,  in  the  case  of  necessity,  of  calling 
upon  the  Allied  Powers  to  assist  him  in  restor- 
ing the  legitimate  authority  of  the  Crown. 
Sleanwhile,  he  refused  to  accept  the  throne  till 
the  restoration  of  order  had  given  Victor  Em- 
manuel full  freedom  to  reconsider  the  propriety 
of  abdication.  Tills  manifesto  was  followed  by 
the  immediate  advance  of  an  Austrian  corps 
d'arir.fe  to  the  frontier  stream  of  the  Tieino,  as 
wel'.  IIS  by  the  announcement  that  tlic  Russian 
Government  had  ordered  an  army  of  100,000 
men  to  set  out  on  their  march  towards  Italy, 
witli  the  avowed  object  of  restoring  order  in  the 
Peninsula.  The  population  of  Piedmont  recog- 
nised at  once,  with  their  practical  good  sense, 
that  any  effective  resistance  was  out  of  the  ques- 
tion. .  .  .  The  courage  of  the  insurgents  gave 
way  in  view  of  the  obstacles  which  they  had  to 
encounter,  and  the  last  blow  was  dealt  to  their 
cause  by  the  sudden  defection  of  the  Prince  Re- 
gent. .  .  .  Unable  either  to  face  his  coadjutors 
in  the  Constitutional  pronunciamento,  or  to  as- 
sume the  responsibility  of  an  open  conflict  with 
the  legitimate  Sovereign,  the  Regent  left  Turin 
secretly  [March  21,  1821],  without  giving  any 
notice  of  his  intended  departure,  and,  on  arriv- 
ing at  No  vara,  formally  resigned  his  short-lived 
power.  The  leaders,  however,  of  the  insurrec- 
tion had  committed  themselves  too  deeply  to  fol- 
low the  example  of  the  Regent.  A  Provisional 
Government  was  established  at  Turin,  and  it  was 
determined  to  marcli  upon  Novara,  in  tlie  hope 
that  the  troops  collected  there  would  fraternise 
with  the  insurgents.  As  soon  as  it  was  1  nown 
that  the  insurgents  were  advancing  in  force  from 
Turin,  the  Austrians,  under  'General  BUbner, 
crossed  the  Tieino,  and  effected  a  j  unction  with 
the  Royal  troops.  When  the  insurgents  reached 
Novara,  they  suddenly  found  themselves  con- 
fronted, not  by  tiieir  own  fellow-countrymen, 
but  by  an  Austriau  army.  A  panic  ensued,  and 
the  insurrectionary  force  suffered  a  disastrous, 
though,  fortunately,  a  comparatively  bloodless, 
defeat.  After  this  disaster  the  insurrection  was 
virtually  at  an  end.  .  .  .  The  Austrians,  with  the 
consent  of  Charles  Felix,  occupied  the  principal 
fortresses  of  Piedmont.  The  old  order  of  tilings 
was  restored,  and,  upon  Victor  Emmanuel's  for- 
mal refusal  to  withdraw  his  abdication,  CJiarles 
Felix  assumed  the  title  of  King  of  Sardinia. 
As  soon  as  military  resistance  had  ceosed,  the 
insurrection  was  put  down  with  a  strong  hand." 
— E.  Dicey,  Victor  Emmanuel,  ch.  S-4. — "Hence- 
forth the  issue  could  not  be  misunderstood. 
The  conflict  was  not  simply  between  the  Nea- 
politans and  their  Bourbon  king,  or  between 
the  Piedmontese  ond  Charles  Felix,  but  between 
Italian  Liberalism  and  European  Absolutism. 
Santarosa  and  Pepe  cried  out  in  their  disappoint- 
ment that  the  just  cause  would  h-.ve  won  had 
their  timid  colleagues  been  more  daring,  had 
promises  but  been  kept ;  we,  however,  see  clearly 
that  though  the  struggle  might  have  been  pro- 
longed, the  result  would  have  been  unchanged. 
Piedmont  and  Naples,  hod  each  of  their  citizens 
been  a  hero,  could  not  have  overcome  the  Holy 


1858 


ITALY,  1830-1821. 


IteUilialion  <>/  Me 
Dtaj/ots. 


ITALY,   1830-1832. 


AUinnrp  [spc  lloi.v  Alliance],  wiileh  was  their 
reiil  iiiiliigoiiist.  Tlu;  revolutionists  liiul  not  di- 
rectly at  tacJicd  the  Holy  Alliance;  they  had  not 
t!..-own  down  the  ijauntlet  to  Austria;  they  had 
simply  insisted  that  they  Imd  a  right  to  constitu- 
tional goverunieiit ;  and  Austria,  more  keen- 
witted than  they,  had  seen  that  to  sulVer  a 
constitution  at  Naples  or  Turin  would  be  to 
acknowledge  the  injustice  of  those  principles 
by  which  the  Holy  Alliance  had  decreed  that 
Europe  should  be  repressed  to  the  end  of 
time.  So  when  the  Carbonari  aimed  at  Ferdi- 
nand they  struck  Austria,  and  Austria  struck 
back  u  deadly  blow.  .  .  .  But  Austria  i  'id  the 
Ueactionists  were  not  content  with  .simple  vic- 
tory; treating  the  revolution  ns  a  criiue,  they 
nt  once  proceeded  to  take  vengeance.  .  .  .  Fer- 
dinand, the  perjured  Neapolitan  king,  tarried 
behind  in  Florence,  whilst  the  Austrians  went 
down  into  his  kingdom.  .  .  .  But  as  soon  as 
Ferdinand  was  assured  that  the  Austrian  regi- 
ments were  masters  of  Naples,  he  sent  for  that 
Prince  of  Canosa  whom  he  had  been  forced  un- 
willingly to  dismiss  on  account  of  his  outrageous 
cruelty  five  years  before,  and  deputed  to  him  the 
task  of  restoring  genuine  Bourbon  tyranny  in 
the  Kingdom  of  *,he  Two  Sicilies.  A  better 
agent  of  vindictive  wrath  than  Canosa  could  not 
have  been  found ;  he  was  trotibled  by  no  Immane 
compunctions,  nor  by  doubts  as  to  the  justice  of 
liis  fierce  measures ;  to  him,  as  to  Torquemada, 
persecution  was  a  compound  of  duty  and  pleasure. 
.  .  .  The  right  of  assembling,  no  matter  for 
what  purpose,  being  denied,  the  universities, 
schools,  and  lyceums  had  to  close;  proscription 
lists  were  hurriedly  drawn  up,  and  they  con- 
tained not  only  the  names  of  those  who  had  been 
prominent  in  the  recent  rising,  hut  also  of  all 
who  had  incurred  suspicion  for  any  political 
acts  as  far  back  as  1793.  .  .  .  Houses  were 
searched  without  warrant;  seals  were  broken 
open ;  some  of  the  revelations  of  the  confessional 
were  not  sacred.  The  church-bells  tolled  in- 
cessantly for  victims  led  to  execution.  To 
strike  deeper  terror,  Canosa  revived  the  barbar- 
ous torture  of  scourging  in  public.  .  .  .  How 
many  victims  actually  suffered  during  this  reign 
of  terror  we  canntt  tell.  Canosa's  list  of  the 
proscribed  had,  it  is  said,  more  than  four  thou- 
sand names.  The  prisons  were  choked  with 
persons  begging  for  trial;  the  galleys  of  Pan- 
telleria,  Procida,  and  the  Ponza  Islancls  swarmed 
with  victims  condemned  for  life ;  the  scaffolds, 
erected  in  the  public  squares  of  the  chief  towns, 
were  daily  occupied.  ...  At  length,  when  his 
deputies  had  terrorized  the  country  into  apparent 
submission,  and  when  the  Austrian  regiments 
made  It  safe  for  him  to  travel,  Ferdinand  quitted 
Florence  and  returned  to  Naples.  ...  In  Sicily 
the  revolution  smouldered  and  spluttered  for 
years,  in  spite  of  remorseless  efforts  to  stamp  it 
out;  on  the  mainland,  robberies  and  brigandage, 
and  outbreaks  now  political  and  now  criminal, 
proved  how  delusive  was  a  security  based  on  op- 
pression and  lies.  Amid  these  conditions  Ferdi- 
nand passed  the  later  years  of  his  infamous  reign. 
...  In  Piedmont  the  retaliation  was  as  effec- 
tual as  in  Naples,  but  less  blood  was  shed  there. 
Delia  Torre  took  command  of  the  kingdom  in  the 
name  of  Charles  Felix.  .  .  .  Seventy-three  offi- 
cers were  condemned  to  death,  one  hundred  and 
five  to  the  galleys;  but  as  nearly  all  of  ♦hem  had 
escaped,  they  were  banged  in  efflgy ;  only  two, 


Lieutenant  I-anari  and  Captain  Garelli,  were  cx- 
eeuted.  The  property  of  the  condemned  was 
se<|uestrated,  their  families  were  tormented,  and 
the  commission,  not  content  with  sentencing 
those  who  had  taken  an  active  pirt  in  therevolu- 
ti'Mi,  eashit.ud  two  hundred  i  ml  twenty-one 
(ilUcers  who,  while  holding  aloof  I'om  Sautarosa, 
had  refuseil  to  join  Delia  Torre  at  Novara  and 
tight  against  their  countrymen.  .  .  .  The  King 
.  .  .  had  soon  reason  to  learn  the  truth  of  a  for- 
mer epigram  of  hi.s,  ' Austria  i.s  a  birdlime 
whicu  you  cannot  wash  off  your  fingers  when 
you  have  once  touched  it';  for  Austria  soon 
showed  that  her  motive  in  bolstering  falling 
monarchs  on  their  shaky  thrones  was  not  simply 
pliilanthropic  nor  disinterested.  General  Bubna, 
on  taking  possession  of  AIes.san(lrirt,  sent  the 
keys  of  that  fortress  to  Emperor  Francis,  in  order, 
ho  said, — and  we  wonder  whether  there  was 
no  sarcasm  in  his  voice, — in  order  to  give  Charles 
Feli.\  '  the  pleasure  of  receiving  them  back  from 
the  Emperor's  hand.'  'Although  I  found  this  a 
very  poor  joke,'  wrote  Charles  Felix  to  his 
brother, 'I  dissembled.'  How,  mdeed,  could  he 
do  otherwise?  .  .  .  Charles  Felix  had  in  truth 
become  but  the  vassal  of  the  hereditary  enemy 
of  his  line,  and  that  not  by  conquest,  but  by  his 
own  invitation." — W.  R.  Thayer,  The  Duu  .  of 
Italiun  Independence,  hk.  2,  ch,  7  (v.  1). 

Also  in:  P.  Colletta,  Uitt.  of  Naples,  bk.  9-10 
(v.  2). —A.  Gallenga,  UM.  of 'Piedmont,  v.  3.  ch. 
6.— K.  II.  Wrightson,  Hist,  of  Modern  Italy,  ch. 
2-3,  and  0. 

A,  D.  1820-1822. — The  Congresses  of  Trop- 
pau,  Laybach  and  Verona.    See  Yekona,  Tue 

CONOUK8S  OF. 

A.  D.  1830-1832.— Revolt  in  Modena,  Par- 
ma, and  the  Papal  States,  suppressed  by  Aus- 
trian troops. — "The  Involution  of  1830  [in 
France]  made  a  natural  impression  in  a  country 
which  had  many  evils  to  complain  of  and  which 
had  so  lately  been  connected  with  France.  The 
duke  of  Modena,  Francis  IV.,  sought  to  make 
use  of  the  liberal  movement  to  extend  his  rule 
over  northern  Italy.  But  at  the  last  moment  he 
was  terrified  by  threats  from  Vienna,  turned 
against  his  fellow-conspirators,  and  imjirisoned 
them  (Feb.  3,  1831).  The  people,  however,  were 
so  alienated  by  his  treachery  that  he  fled  with  his 
prisoners  to  seek  safety  in  Austrian  territory.  A 
provisional  government  was  formed,  and  Jlodena 
was  declared  a  free  state.  Meanwhile  the  elec- 
tion of  a  new  pope,  Gregory  XVI.,  gave  occa- 
sion for  a  rising  in  the  papal  states.  Bologna 
took  the  lead  in  throwing  off  its  allegiance  to 
Rome,  and  in  a  few  weeka  its  example  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  whole  of  Romagnu,  Unibria,  and 
the  Marches.  The  two  sons  of  Louis  Bonaparte, 
the  late  king  of  Holland,  hastened  to  join  the  in- 
surgents, but  the  elder  died  at  Fori!  (17  March), 
and  thus  an  eventful  career  was  opened  to  the 
younger  brother,  the  future  Napoleon  HI.  Par- 
ma revolte<l  against  Maria  Louisa,  who  followed 
the  example  of  the  duke  of  Modena  and  tied  to 
Austria  The  success  of  the  movement,  how- 
ever, was  very  short-lived.  Austrion  troops 
marclicd  to  the  assistance  of  the  papacy,  the  re- 
bellicQ  was  put  down  by  force,  and  the  exiled 
rulers  w>:r<?  restored.  Louis  Philippe,  on  whom 
the  Insurgents  had  relied,  had  no  sympathy  with 
a  movement  in  which  members  of  the  Bonaparte 
family  were  engaged.  But  a  temporary  revival 
of  the  inaurrcctiou  brought  the  Austrians  back 


1859 


ITALY,  1830-1832. 


Afnzzini 
a»d  Yuuny  Italy. 


ITALY,  II  31-1848. 


to  Romagun,  uiid  a  great  outcry  was  raised  in 
France  against  tliu  Iting.  To  satisfy  public 
opinion,  Louis  Pliilippo  sent  a  Frcncli  force  to 
seize  AncoiiH  (Feb.  22,  1832),  but  it  was  a  very 
Inirniless  denioiistration,  and  liad  l)ecu  explained 
bijforelmnd  to  the  pai)al  government.  In  Naples 
and  Sardinia  no  disturbances  took  place.  Ferdi- 
nand IL  succeeded  his  father  Francis  I.  on  the 
Neapolitan  throne  in  1830,  and  satisfied  the 
people  by  introducing  a  more  moderate  sj'stem 
of  government.  Charley  Albert  became  king  of 
Sardinia  on  the  death  of  Charles  PY'lix  (27  April, 
1831),  and  foiuul  himself  in  a  dillicult  position 
iK-'tween  Austria,  which  had  good  reason  to  mis- 
trust him,  and  the  liberal  party,  which  lie  Inid 
betrayed." — K.  Lodge,  Hist,  of  Modern  Europe, 
M.  25. 

Also  in  :  L.  Q.  Farini,  The  Rowan  State,  1815- 
1850,  V.  1,  ch.  3-5. 

A.  D.  1831-1848. — The  Mission  of  Mazzini, 
the  Revolutionist. — Young  Italy. — "The  IJe vo- 
lution of  1830,  inelfectual  as  it  seemed  to  its  pro- 
moters, was  yet  most  signifieant.  It  failed  in 
Italy  and  Poland,  in  Spain  and  Portugal ;  it  cre- 
ated a  mongrel  monarchy,  neither  Absolute  nor 
Constitutional,  in  France;  only  in  Belgium  did 
it  attain  its  immediate  purpose.  Nevertheless, 
if  we  look  beneath  the  surface,  we  see  that  it 
was  one  of  those  epoch-marking  events  of  which 
we  can  say,  '  Things  cannot  be  again  what  until 
Just  now  they  were.' .  .  .  The  late  risings  in  the 
Duchies  and  Legations  had  brought  no  comfort 
to  the  conspirators,  but  had  taught  them,  on  the 
contrary,  how  ineffectual,  how  hopeless  was  the 
method  of  the  secret  societies.  After  more  than 
fifteen  years  they  had  not  gained  an  inch ;  they 
had  only  learned  tliat  their  rulers  would  concede 
nothing,  and  that  Austria,  their  great  adversary, 
had  staked  her  existence  on  maintaining  thraldom 
in  Italy.  Innumerable  small  outbursts  aud 
three  revolutions  had  ended  in  the  death  of  hun- 
dreds and  in  the  imprisonment  or  proscription  of 
thousands  of  victims.  .  .  .  Just  when  con- 
spiracy, through  repeated  failures,  was  thus  dis- 
credited, there  arose  a  leader  so  strong  and  un- 
selfish, so  magnetic  and  patient  and  zealous,  tiiat 
by  him,  if  by  any  one,  conspiracy  migiit  be  guided 
to  victory.  Tlds  leader,  the  Great  Conspirator, 
■was  Joseph  Mazzini,  one  of  the  half  dozen  su- 
preme iniiuences  in  European  politics  during  the 
nineteenth  century,  whose  career  will  interest 
posterity  as  long  as  it  is  concerned  at  all  in  our 
epoch  of  transition.  For  just  as  Metternich  was 
the  High  Priest  of  the  Old  Regime,  so  Mazzini 
was  the  Prophet  of  a  Social  Order,  more  just, 
more  free,  more  spiritual  than  any  the  world  has 
known.  He  was  an  Idealist  who  would  hold  no 
parley  with  temporizers,  an  enthusiast  whom 
half-concessions  could  not  beguile:  and  so  he 
came  to  be  decried  as  a  fanatic  or  a  visionary.  .  .  . 
Mazzini  joined  the  Carbonari,  ».ot  without  sus- 
pecting that,  under  their  complex  symbolism  and 
hierarchical  mysteries  tliey  concealed  a  fatal  lack 
of  harmony,  decision,  and  faith.  .  .  .  As  he  became 
better  acquainted  with  Carbonarism,  his  convic- 
tion grew  stronger  that  no  permanent  good  could 
bo  achieved  by  it.  .  .  .  Th?  open  propaganda  of 
his  Republican  and  Unitarian  doctrines  was  of 
course  impossible;  it  must  be  carried  on  by  a 
secret  organization.  But  ho  was  disgusted  with 
tlie  existing  secret  societies:  they  lacked  har- 
mony, they  lacked  faith,  they  had  no  distinct 
purpose ;  their  Masonic  mummeries  were  childish 


and  farcical.  .  .  .  'i  '"creforc,  Mazzini  would 
have  none  of  them;  Ik  wouUl  organize  a  new 
secret  society,  and  call  1  'Young  Italy,'  whose 
principles  should  be  plaiuiy  understood  by  every 
one  of  its  members.  It  was  to  be  composed  of 
men  imder  forty,  in  order  to  secure  the  most 
energetic  and  clisinterested  members,  and  to 
avoid  the  intlucnce  of  older  men,  who,  trained 
by  tlio  past  generation,  were  not  in  touch  with 
the  aspirations  and  needs  of  tlie  new.  It  was  to 
awaken  the  People,  the  bone  and  sinew  of  tlie 
nation ;  whereas  the  earlier  sects  had  relied  too 
mucli  on  the  u])per  and  middle  classes,  wliose 
traditions  and  interests  were  either  too  aristo- 
cratic or  too  commercial.  Roman  Catliolicism  iiad 
ceased  to  be  spiritual ;  it  no  longer  purified  and 
uplifted  tlie  liearts  of  tlie  Itali.ins.  .  .  .  Young 
Italy  aimed,  therefore,  to  substitute  for  the 
media;val  dogmas  and  patent  idolatries  of  Rome 
a  religion  based  on  Reason,  and  so  simple  as  to 
be  within  the  comprehension  of  the  humblest 
l)oasaiit.  .  .  .  Tile  doctrines  of  the  new  sect 
spread,  but  since  secret  societies  give  the  census- 
taker  no  account  of  their  membersliip,  we  can- 
not cite  figures  to  illustrate  the  growth  of  Young 
Italy.  Contrary  to  Mazzini's  expectations,  it 
was  recruited,  not  so  mucli  from  the  People,  as 
from  the  Middle  Class,  the  professional  men,  and 
tlie  tradesmen."  In  1831  Mazzini  was  forced 
into  exile,  at  Marseilles,  from  which  city  lie 
planned  an  invasion  of  Savoy.  Tlic  project  was 
discovered,  and  tlie  Sardinian  government  re- 
venged itself  cruelly  upon  the  patriots  within  its 
reach.  "In  a  few  weeks,  eleven  alleged  con- 
spirators had  been  executed,  many  more  had 
been  sentenced  to  the  galleys,  aud  others,  who 
had  escaped,  were  condemned  in  contumacy. 
Among  the  men  who  fled  into  exile  at  this  time 
were  .  .  .  Vincent  Qioberti  and  Joseph  Gari- 
baldi. .  .  .  To  an  enthusiast  less  determmedthau 
Mazzini,  tliis  calamity  would  liavc  been  a  check ; 
to  him,  however.  It  was  a  spur.  Instead  of 
abandoning  tlie  expedition  against  Savoy,  lie 
worked  with  might  and  main  to  hurry  it  on. 
.  .  .  One  column,  in  whicli  were  fifty  Italians 
and  twice  as  many  Poles,  .  .  .  was  to  enter  Sa- 
voy by  way  of  Annemasso.  A  second  colunm 
had  orders  to  push  on  from  Nyon ;  a  third,  start- 
ing from  Lyons,  was  to  marcli  towards  Cham- 
bery.  Mazzini,  with  a  musket  on  his  shoulder, 
accompanied  the  first  party.  To  his  surprise, 
the  peasants  showed  no  enthusiasm  when  the  tri- 
color flag  was  unfurled  and  the  invaders  shouted 
'God  and  People!  Liberty  and  tlie  Republic  I' 
before  tliem.  At  length  some  carabineers  and  a 
platoon  of  troops  appeared.  A  few  shots  were 
fired.  Mazzini  fainted;  his  comrades  dispersed 
across  the  Swiss  border,  taking  liim  with  them. 
.  .  .  His  enemies  attributed  his  fainting  to 
cowardice;  he  himself  explained  it  as  the  result 
of  many  nights  of  sleeplessness,  of  great  fatigue, 
fever  and  cold.  ...  To  all  but  the  few  con- 
cerned in  it,  this  first  venture  of  Young  Italy 
seemed  a  farce,  the  disproportion  between  its  aim 
and  its  achievement  was  so  enormous,  and  Maz- 
zini's personal  collapse  was  so  .ignomin'ous. 
Nevertlieless,  Italian  conspiracy  had  nc  .  nr.i 
henceforth  Uiat  head  for  lack  of  which  •'.  uid  so 
long  floundered  amid  vague  and  cor„radittory 
purposes.  Tlie  young  Idealist  hv:\  been  beaten 
in  his  first  encounter  witli  obdurate  Reality,  btit 
he  was  not  discouraged.  .  .  .  Now  began  in 
earnest  that  '  apostolate '  of  his,  which  he  laid 


1860 


ITALY,  1881-1848. 


Revolution  of  1848. 


ITALY.  1848-1849. 


down  only  nt  his  dentil.  Young  Itftly  was  va- 
ttiblishod  beyond  the  chance  of  being  destroyed 
by  an  abortive  expedition  ;  Young  I'olund, 
Young  Hungary,  Young  Kurope  itself,  sprung 
up  after  the  Alazziniaa  pattern ;  the  Liberals  and 
revolutionists  of  the  Continent  felt  that  their 
cause  was  international,  and  in  their  affliction 
they  fraternized.  No  one  could  draw  so  fair 
nnil  reasonable  a  Utopia  for  them  as  Slazzini 
drew;  no  one  could  so  (ire  them  with  a  sense  of 
duty,  with  hope,  with  eni^rgy.  lie  became  the 
mainspring  of  the  whole  machine  —  truly  an  in- 
fernal machine  to  the  autocrats  —  of  European 
conspimcy.  The  redemption  of  Italy  was  always 
his  nearest  aim,  but  his  generous  principle 
n^ached  out  over  other  nations,  for  in  tlie  world 
that  lie  prophesied  every  people  must  be  free. 
Proscribed  in  Piedmont,  expelled  from  Sv/itzer- 
laud,  denied  lodging  in  France,  ho  took  refuge 
in  London,  there  to  direct,  amid  poverty  and 
lieartache,  the  whole  va.st  scheme  of  plots.  His 
bread  he  earned  by  writing  critical  and  literary 
essays  for  tlie  l^nglish  reviews, —  he  quickly' 
mastered  the  English  language  so  as  to  use  it 
with  remarkable  vigor, — and  all  his  leisure  he 
devoted  to  the  preparation  of  political  tracts,  and 
to  correspondence  with  numberless  confederates. 
.  .  .  Ho  was  the  consulting  physician  for  all  the 
revolutionary  practitioners  of  Europe.  Those 
who  were  not  his  partisans  disparaged  his  influ- 
ence, assorting  that  he  was  only  a  man  of  words ; 
but  the  best  proof  of  his  power  lies  in  the 
anxiety  he  caused  niouarchs  and  cabinets,  and  in 
tlie  precautions  they  took  to  guard  against  liim. 
.  .  .  Mazzini  and  Metternicli  I  For  nearly  twenty 
years  they  were  the  antipodes  of  European  poli- 
tics. One  in  his  London  garret,  poor,  despised, 
yet  Indomitable  and  sleepless,  sending  his  influ- 
ence like  an  electric  current  through  all  barriers 
to  revivify  tlio  heart  of  Italy  and  of  Liberal  Eu- 
rope ;  the  other  in  his  Vienna  palace,  haughty,  fa- 
mous, equally  alert  and  cunning,  .  .  .  shedding 
over  Italy  and  over  Europe  his  upas-doctrines  of 
torpor  and  decay  I "  —  W.  R.  Thayer,  The  Dawn 
of  Italian  Independence,  bk.  3,  ch.  1  (o.  1). 

Also  in:  W.  L.  Garrison,  Joseph  Mazzini,  ch. 
2-5. — J.  Mazzini,  Collected  Works,  v.  1. 

A.  D.  1848.  —  Expulsion  of  Jesuits.  Sec 
Jesuits:  A.  D.  1700-1871. 

A.  D.  1848-1849. — Inrurrection  and  revolu- 
tion throughout  the  peninsula. — French  occu- 
pation of  Rome. — Triumph  of  King  "  Bomba  " 
in  Naples  and  Sicily. — Disastrous  war  of 
Sardinia  with  Austria.— Lombardy  and  Venice 
enslaved  anew.  —  "The  revolution  of  1831, 
which  affected  the  States  of  the  Church,  Jlmlena, 
and  Parma,  had  been  suppressed,  like  the  still 
earlier  rebellious  in  Naples  and  Piedmont,  by 
Austrian  intervention.  .  .  .  Hence,  all  the  hatred 
of  the  Italians  was  directed  against  foreign  rule, 
as  the  only  obstacle  to  the  freedom  and  unity  of 
the  peninsula.  .  .  .  Tlio  secret  societies,  and  the 
exiles  in  communication  with  them  —  especially 
.loseph  Mazzini,  who  issued  his  commands  from 
London  —  took  care  that  the  national  spirit 
should  not  be  buried  beneath  material  interests, 
but  should  remain  ever  wakeful.  Singularly, 
the    first    encouragement    came    from "   Rome. 

"Pope  Gregory  XVI had  died  June  1st, 

1840,  and  been  succeeded  by  the  fifty-four-year- 
old  Cardinal  Count  Mastai  Ferrotti,  who  took  the 
name  of  Pius  IX.  If  the  pious  world  which  visited 
him  was  charmed  by  the  amiability  and  clemency 

8-20 


of  its  now  head,  the  cardinals  were  dismayed  at 
the  reforms  which  this  new  head  would  fain  in- 
troduce in  the  .States  of  the  Church  and  in  all 
Italy.  He  published  an  amnesty  for  all  political 
offences,  permitted  the  exiles  to  return  with  im- 
punity; (.Mowed  the  Press  freer  scope;  threw 
open  th.:  highest  civil  olllccs  to  laymen;  sum- 
moned from  the  notables  of  the  provincesa  coun- 
cil of  sti.te,  which  was  to  proi)osc  reforms;  be- 
stowed a  liberal  municipal  constitution  on  the 
city  of  Home;  and  endeavored  to  bring  obout  an 
Italian  confederation.  .  .  .  After  the  French 
revolution  ri  1848  he  granted  a  constitution. 
Th'.'re  w:;.i  a  first  chamber,  to  be  naine<l  by  the 
Pope,  and  a  second  chamber,  to  be  elected  by  tliu 
people,  while  the  irresponsible  college  of  cardi- 
nals formed  a  sort  of  privy  council.  A  new  era 
appeared  to  be  dawning.  Th  ;  old-woild  capital, 
Rome,  once  the  mistress  of  the  nations,  still  tho 
mistress  of  oil  ]{oman  Catholic  hearts,  was  to  be- 
come tho  central  point  of  Ital)'.  .  .  .  Hut  when 
the  flames  of  war  broke  out  in  the  north  [see  be- 
low], and  the  fate  of  Italy  was  about  to  be  de- 
cidecl  between  Sardinia  and  Austria  on  the  old 
battle  fields  of  Lombardy,  the  Romans  demanded 
from  the  Pope  a  declaration  of  war  against 
Austria,  and  the  desp.-  '1  of  Roman  troops  to 
join  Charles  Albert's  m  Pius  rejcctod  their 

demands  as  unsuited  to  is  papal  olllce,  and  so 
broke  with  tho  men  of  tlie  extreme  party.  .  .  . 
In  this  time  of  agitation  Pius  thought  that  in 
Count  Pollegrino  Rossi,  of  Carrara,  .  .  he  had 
found  the  right  man  to  carry  out  a  policy  of 
moderate  liberalism,  and  on  the  17th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1848,  he  set  him  at  tho  head  of  a  new  min- 
istry. The  anarchists  .  .  .  could  not  forgive 
Rossi  for  grasping  the  reins  with  a  firm  hand." 
On  the  15th  of  November,  as  he  alighted  from 
his  carriage  at  the  door  of  tlie  Chambers,  he  was 
stabbed  in  the  neck  by  an  assassin,  and  died  on 
the  spot.  He  was  about,  when  murdered,  to 
open  the  Chambers  with  a  speech,  in  which  he 
intended  "  to  promise  abolition  of  the  rule  of  the 
cardinals  and  introduction  of  a  lay  government, 
and  to  insist  upon  Italy's  independence  and  unity. 
.  .  .  Tho  next  day  an  armed  crowd  appeared  bo- 
fore  the  Quirinal  and  attacked  the  guard,  which 
consisted  of  Swiss  mercenaries,  some  of  the 
bullets  flying  into  the  Pope's  antechamber.  He 
had  to  accept  a  radical  ministry  and  dismiss  the 
Swiss  troops.  .  .  .  Pius  fled  in  disguise  from 
Rome  to  Gaeta,  November  24th,  and  sought 
shelter  with  the  King  of  Naples.  Mazzini  and 
his  party  had  free  scope.  A  constitutional  con- 
vention was  summoned,  which  declared  the  tem- 
poral power  of  the  Pope  abolished  (February  5th, 
1849),  and  Rome  a  republic.  To  them  attached 
itself  Tuscany.  Grand-duke  Leopold  II.  had 
granted  a  constitution,  February  17tli,  1848,  but 
nevenueless  the  republican-minded  ministry  of 
Guerrazzi  compelled  him  to  join  tho  Pope  at 
Gaeta,  February  21st,  1849.  The  republic  was 
then  proclaimed  in  Tuscany  and  union  with 
Rome  resolved  upon."  But  Louis  Napoleon, 
President  of  the  French  republic,  intervened. 
"Marshal  Oudinot  was  despatched  with  8,000 
men.  He  landed  in  Civita  Vecchio,  April  26tli, 
1840,  and  appeared  before  the  walls  of  Rome  on 
the  30th,  expecting  to  take  the  city  without  any 
trouble.  But  .  .  .  after  a  fight  of  several  hours, 
ho  had  to  retreat  to  Civita  Vecchia  with  a  loss  of 
700  men.  A  few  days  later  the  Neapolitan  army, 
which  was  to  attack  the  rebels  from  tho  soutli. 


1861 


ITALY,  1848-1849. 


Triumph  nf  the 
{>ppres»ora. 


ITALY,  1848-1840. 


wns  (lofpatcfl  (it  Vclletri :  nnd  tlie  Spanish  troops, 
the  tliini  in  tlip  Icafruc  nfrninst  tlio  red  rcpul)lic, 
prudently  a voi(ic(i  a  buttle.  liutOiidinot  received 
ronsiderilble  re  enforcements,  an<l  on  June  3(1  lie 
advanced  against  Uoino  for  the  second  time,  with 
3.5,()00  men,  while  the  force  in  the  city  consisted 
of  about  IK.iMMl,  nioslly  volunteers  and  natirmal 
jruards.  In  spite  of  the  bravery  of  Garibaldi  and 
the  volunteers,  into  whom  he  breathed  his  spirit. 
Home  had  to  capitulate,  after  a  long  and  bloody 
struggle,  owing  to  the  superiority  of  tlie  French 
artillery.  On  the  4th  of  .July  (Judinot  entered 
the  silent  capital.  Garibaldi,  Mazzini,  and  tlieir 
followers  fled.  .  .  .  Pius,  for  wliose  nerves  the 
lionian  atmosphere  was  still  too  strong,  did  not 
return  until  the  4th  of  April,  18.50.  Ills  ardor 
for  reform  was  cooled.  ...  In  the  Legations 
they  had  to  protect  themselves  by  Austrian 
bayonets,  and  in  Rome  and  Civita  Vtcchia  by 
French.  This  lasted  in  the  Legations  until  1859, 
and  in  Rome  and  Civita  Vccchia  until  1860  and 
1870.  .Simultaneously  with  Rome  the  south  of 
Italy  had  entered  into  the  movement  so  charac- 
teristic of  the  year  1848.  Tlie  sce^ies  of  1820  and 
1821  were  repeated."  The  Sicihans  again  de- 
manded independence;  expelled  the  Neapolitan 
garrison  from  Palermo;  refused  to  accept  a  con- 
stitution proffered  by  King  Ferdinand  II.,  which 
created  a  united  parliament  for  Naples  and 
Sicily;  voted  in  a  Sicilian  parliament  the  per- 
petual exclusion  of  the  Bourbon  dynasty  from 
the  throne,  and  offered  the  crown  of  Sicily  to  a 
son  of  the  king  of  Sardinia,  who  declined  the 
gift.  In  Naples,  Ferdinand  yiehled  at  first  to  the 
storm,  and  sent,  under  conipulsion,  a  force  of 
13,000  Neapolitan  troops,  commanded  by  the 
old  revolutionist.  General  Pejie,  to  join  the  Sar- 
dinians against  Austria.     This  was  in  April, 

1848.  A  month  later  he  crushe<l  the  revolution 
with  his  Swiss  mercenaries,  recalled  his  army 
from  northern  Italy,  and  was  master,  again,  in 
his  capital  and  his  peninsular  kingdom.  The 
following  summer  he  landed  8,000  troops  in 
Sicily ;  his  army  bombarded  and  stormed  Jlessina 
in  September;  defected  the  Insurgents  at  the  foot 
of  >Iount  Etna;  took  Catania  by  storm  in  April, 

1849,  nnd  entered  Palermo,  after  a  short  bom- 
bardment, on  the  17th  of  May,  having  gained 
for  its  master  the  nickname  of  "King  Bomba." 
"He  ordered  a  general  disarmament,  and  es- 
tablished an  oppressive  military  rule  over  the 
whole  island;  and  there  was  no  more  talk  of 
parliament  and  constitution.  All  these  struggles 
in  central  and  southern  Italy  stood  in  close  con- 
nection with  the  events  of  1848  and  1849  in 
upjier  Italy.  ...  In  the  north  the  struggle  was 
to  shake  off  the  Austrian  yoke.  .  .  .  During  the 
month  of  January,  1848,  there  was  constant  fric- 
tion between  the  citizens  and  the  military  in 
Jlilan  and  the  university  cities  of  Pavia  and 
Padua.  .  .  .  JIarcli  18th,  Milan  rose.  All  classes 
took  part  in  the  fight;  and  the  eighty-two-year- 
old  lield-marshal  Count  Joseph  Radetzky  .  .  . 
was  obliged,  after  a  street  light  of  two  days,  to 
draw  his  troops  out  of  the  city,  call  up  as 
quickly  as  possible  the  garrisons  of  the  neigh- 
boring cities,  and  take  up  his  position  in  the  fa- 
mous Quadrilateral,  between  Pcschiera,  Verona, 
Legnano,  and  JIantun.  March  22d,  Venice, 
where  Count  Zicliy  commanded,  was  lost  for  the 
Austrians,"  who  yielded  without  resistance,  re- 
leasing their  political  prisoners,  one  of  whom, 
the  celebrated  Daniel  Slauiu,  a  Venetian  lawyer, 


took  his  place  at  the  head  of  a  provisional 
government.  "  Other  cities  followed  the  lead  of 
Venice.  The  little  duchies  of  Modena  and  Parma 
could  hold  out  no  longer;  Dukes  Francis  and 
Charles  (led  to  ^\  ^tria,  and  provisional  govern- 
ments sprung  up  behind  them.  Like  Naples, 
the  duchies  and  Tuscany  also  sent  their  troops 
across  the  Po  to  help  the  Sardinians  in  the  de- 
cisive struggle.  The  hopes  of  all  Italy  were 
centred  on  Sardinia  and  it  king.  .  .  .  Charles 
Albert,  called  to  the  aid  c  Lombardy,  entered 
Milan  to  win  for  himself  the  Lombardo- Venetian 
kingdom  and  the  hegemony  of  Italy.  lie  pre- 
sented himself  as  the  liberator  of  the  peninsula, 
but  it  H  not  a  part  for  which  ho  was  qualified 
by  his  a..iccedents.  .  .  .  He  was  a  brave  soldier, 
but  a  poor  captain.  .  .  .  His  opponent,  Radetz- 
ky, was  old,  but  his  spirit  was  still  young  and 
fresh.  .  .  .  Radetzky  received  rc-enforcemcnta 
from  Austria,  and  on  the  6th  of  May  repelled  tho 
attack  of  the  Sardinian  kin^-  south-west  of 
Verona  [at  Santa  Lucia].  May  29th,  he  carried 
the  intrenchmcnts  at  Cartatone  out  as  tho  Sar- 
dinians were  victorious  at  Grito  and  took  Pcs- 
chiera, while  Garibaldi  witli  his  Alpine  rangers 
threatened  the  Austrian  rear,  he  had  to  desist 
from  further  advances,  and  limit  his  operations 
to  the  recapture  of  Vieenza  and  the  other  cities 
of  the  Venetian  main-land.  In  the  mean  time 
the  Austrian  court,  chietly  at  the  instigation  of 
the  British  embassy,  had  opened  negotiations 
with  the  Lombards,  and  offered  them  their  inde- 
pendence on  condition  of  their  assuming  a  con- 
siderable slwrc  of  the  public  debt,  and  conclud- 
ing a  favorable  commercial  treaty  with  Austria. 
But,  as  the  Lombards  felt  sure  of  acquiring  their 
freedom  more  cheaply,  they  did  not  accept  tlio 
proposition.  Radetzky  was  now  in  a  position  to 
assume  an  sctive  offensive.  He  won  a  brilliant 
victory  r.i,  Custozza.  July  25tli.  The  Sardinians 
attempted  to  make  a  stand  at  Goito  and  again 
at  Volta,  but  were  driven  back,  and  Radetzky 
advanced  on  Milan.  Charles  Albert  had  to 
evacuate  the  city,"  and  on  the  9th  of  August  he 
concluded  an  armistice,  withdrawing  his  troops 
from  Lombardy  and  the  duchies.  But  in  the 
following  March  (1849)  he  was  persuaded  to  re- 
new the  war,  and  he  placed  his  army  under  the 
command  of  the  Polish  general  Clirzanowski. 
It  was  the  intention  of  the  Sardinians  to  advance 
again  into  Lombardy,  but  they  had.no  oppor- 
tunity. "  Radetzky  crossed  tho  Ticino,  and  iu 
a  four  days'  <  ampaign  on  Sardinian  soil  defeated 
the  foe  so  completely — March  21st  at  Mortara, 
and  March  23<1  at  No  vara — that  there  could  be 
no  more  thought  of  a  renewal  of  the  struggle. 
.  .  .  Charles  Albert,  who  had  vainly  sought 
death  upon  the  battle-field,  was  weary  of  his 
throne  and  his  life.  In  the  night  of  March  23d, 
at  Novara,  he  laid  down  the  crown  and  declared 
his  eldest  son  king  of  Sardinia,  under  the  title  of 
Victor  Emmanuel  11.  He  hoped  that  the  latter 
would  obtain  a  more  favorable  peace  from  tho 
Austrians.  .  .  .  Then,  saying  farewell  to  his  wife 
by  letter,  attended  by  but  two  servants,  he  trav- 
elled through  France  and  Spain  to  Portugal.  He 
died  at  Oporto,  July  26th,  1849,  of  repeated 
strokes  of  apoplexy."  After  long  negotiations, 
the  new  king  concluded  a  treaty  of  peace  with 
Austria  on  the  6th  of  August.  "Sardinia  re- 
tained its  boundaries  intact,  and  paid  75,000,000 
lire  as  indemnity.  The  false  report  of  a  Sar- 
dinian victory  at  Novara  had  caused  the  popula- 


1862 


ITALY,  1848-1849. 


Siege  anil  Surrender 
of  Venice. 


ITALY,  1856-1869. 


tion  of  Brcscin  to  fnll  upon  the  /  'rinn  cnrrison 
and  drive  them  into  the  citndel.  uprnl  llnyniiu 
liasteiied  thiMier  witli  4,000  nui;  well  jirovidcd 
witli  iirtillcry.  Tlie  city  was  bombarded,  and  on 
the  1st  of  April  it  was  rcoccupied,  after  a  fearful 
street  flght,  in  which  even  women  took  part ;  l)iit 
Haynau  stained  his  name  by  inhuman  cruelties, 
especially  toward  the  gentler  sex.  Venice  was 
not  able  to  hold  out  much  longer.  It  had  at  tlrst 
attached  itself  to  Sardinia,  but  after  tlio  defeat 
of  the  Sardinians  the  republic  was  proclaimed. 
Without  the  city,  in  Ilaynaii's  camp,  swamp 
fever  raged;  ■within,  lumgcr  and  cholera.  On 
the  news  of  the  capitulation  of  Hungary,  Au- 
gust 22(1,  it  surrendered,  and  the  heads  of  the 
revolution,  Manln  and  Pupe,  went  into  exile. 
All  Italy  was  again  brought  under  its  old  mas- 
ters."—W.  MUller,  PMtical  Jfint.  of  Recent 
IXmet.  sect.  10. —  The  siege  of  Venice,  "reckon- 
ing from  April  2,  when  the  Assembly  voted  to 
resist  at  any  cost,  lasted  146  days ;  but  the  block- 
ode  by  land  began  on  Juno  18,  1848,  when  the 
Austrians  first  occupied  Mestre.  During  the 
twenty-one  weeks  of  actual  siege,  900  Venetian 
troops  were  killed,  and  probably  7,000  or  8,000 
were  a*,  different  times  on  the  sick-list.  Of  the 
Austrians,  1,800  were  killed  in  engagements, 
8,000  succumbed  to  fevers  and  cholera,  and  as 
many  more  were  in  the  hospitals:  80,000  projec- 
tiles were  fired  from  the  Venetian  batteries ;  from 
the  Austrian,  more  thon  120,000.  During  tlic 
seventeen  months  of  her  independence,  Venice 
raised  sixty  million  froncs,  exclusive  of  patriotic 
donations  in  plate  and  chattels.  When  Gorz- 
kowsky  came  to  examine  the  accounts  of  the  de- 
funct government  he  exclaimed,  '  I  did  not  be- 
lieve that  such  Republican  dogs  were  such  honest 
men.'  With  the  fate  of  Venice  was  quenched 
the  last  of  the  fires  of  liberty  which  the  Revolu- 
tion had  kindled  throughout  Europe  in  1848. ' 
Her  people,  whom  the  world  had  come  to  look 
down  upon  as  degenerate, —  mere  trinket-makers 
and  gondoliers, —  had  proved  themselves  second 
'  to  none  in  heroism,  superior  to  all  in  stability. 
At  Venice,  from  first  to  lost,  we  have  had  to  re- 
cord no  excesses,  no  fickle  changes,  no  slipping 
down  of  power  from  level  to  level  till  it  sank  in 
the  mire  of  anarchy.  She  had  her  demagogues 
and  her  passions,  but  she  would  be  the  slave  of 
neither ;  and  in  nothing  did  she  show  her  char- 
acter more  worthily  than  in  recognizing  JIanin 
and  making  liim  her  leader.  He  repaid  her  trust 
by  absolute  fidelity.  I  can  discover  no  public 
act  of  his  to  which  j'oa  can  impute  any  other 
motive  than  solicitude  for  her  welfare.  The 
common  people  loved  him  as  a  father,  revered 
him  as  a  patron  saint;  the  upper  classes,  the  sol- 
diers, the  politicians,  wlmtever  may  have  been 
the  preferences  of  individuals  or  the  ambition  of 
cliques,  felt  that  he  was  indispensable,  and  gave 
him  wider  and  wider  authority  as  danger  in- 
creased. .  .  .  The  little  lawyer,  with  the  large, 
careworn  face  and  blue  eyes,  had  redeemed 
Venice  from  her  long  shame  of  deciidence  and  ser- 
vitude. But  Europe  would  not  suffer  his  work  to 
stand ;  Europe  preferred  that  Austria  rather  than 
freedom  should  rule  at  Venice.  At  daybreak  on 
August  28  a  mournful  throng  of  the  common 
people  collected  before  JIanin's  house  in  Piazza 
San  Paterniano.  '  Here  is  our  good  father,  poor 
dear  fellow,'  they  were  heard  to  say.  '  He  has 
endured  so  much  for  us.  Hay  God  bless  him ! ' 
They  escorted  him  and  his  family  to  the  shore, 


whenr.  he  embarked  on  the  French  ship  Pluton, 
for  he  was  among  the  forty  prominent  V'enetians 
whom  the  Au.strians  condemned  to  banisluncnt. 
At  six  o'clock  the  Pluton  weighed  andior  and 

f)assed  through  the  winding  channel  of  the 
agune,  out  into  the  Adriatic.  Long  before  the 
Austrian  banners  were  hoisted  that  morning  on 
the  llagstalTs  of  .St.  Jlurk's,  Venice,  with  her  fair 
towers  and  glittering  domes,  had  vanished  for- 
ever from  her  Great  Defender's  sight.  Out- 
wardly, the  Revolutionary  Slovemcnt  had  fiiilcd; 
in  France  it  had  resulted  in  u  spurious  Republic, 
soon  to  become  a  tinsel  Empire;  elsewliere,  there 
was  not  even  a  make-believe  success  to  hide,  if 
but  for  a  while,  the  failure.  In  Italy,  except  in 
Piedmont,  Reaction  liad  full  play.  Bomba  tilled 
his  Neapolitan  and  Sicilian  prLsons  witli  political 
victims,  and  demonstratetl  again  that  the  Bour- 
bon government  was  a  negation  of  God.  Pius 
IX.,  having  loitered  at  Naples  with  his  Paragon 
of  Virtue  until  April,  IS.'iO,  returned  to  Rome,  to 
be  henceforth  now  the  puppet  and  now  the  ac- 
complice of  Cardinal  Antonelli  in  every  scheme 
for  oppressing  his  subjects,  and  for  resisting 
Liberal  tendencies.  He  held  his  tcmiioral  sover- 
eignty through  the  kindness  of  tlie  Bonapartist 
diarlatan  in  France;  it  was  fated  that  ho  should 
lose  it  forever  when  that  charlatan  lost  his  Em- 
pire. In  Tuscany,  Leopold  thanked  Austria  for 
permitting  him  to  rule  over  a  people  the  intel- 
ligent part  of  which  despLscd  him.  In  Modcna, 
the  Duke  was  but  an  Austrian  deputy  sheriff. 
Lombardy  and  Venetia  were  again  the  prey  of 
the  double-beaked  eagle  of  Ilapsburg.  Only  in 
Piedmont  did  Constitutionalism  and  liberty  sur- 
vive to  become,  imder  an  honest  king  and  a  wise 
minister,  the  ark  of  Italy's  redemption." — W.  R. 
Thayer,  The  Davn  of  Italian  Independence,  bk.  5, 
cJi.  0(p.  2). 

Also  in:  W.  E.  Gladstone,  Gleanings  of  Past 
Years,  v.  4,  ch.  1-4.— L.  C.  Farini,  The  lioman State 
/to7»  181.5  ^o  1850,  JA.  2-7  (c.  1-4).— H.  Martin, 
Daniel  Manin  and  Venice  in  1848-49. —  G.  Gari- 
baldi, ,4  !(<oMo.9.,;)ert'wrf  2  (u.  1-2). —  L.  Mariotti, 
Italy  in  1848.  —  E.  A.  V.,  Joseph  Mazzini,  ch. 
4-5.— The  Chevalier  O'Clery,  Hist,  of  the  Ital. 
Rev.,  eh.  6-7. 

A.  D.  1855. — Sardinia  in  the  alliance  of  the 
Crimean  War  against  Russia,  See  Russia: 
A.  D.  1854-1856. 

A.  D.  1856-1859,- Austro-Italy  before  Eu- 
rope in  the  Coneress  of  Paris. — Alliance  of 
France  with  Sardinia.— War  with  Austria. — 
Emancipation  of  Lombardy. — Peace  of  Villa- 
franca. — "  The  year  1856  brought  an  armistice 
between  the  contending  powers  [in  the  Crimea  — 
see  Russia:  A.  D.  1853-1854  to  1854-1856],  fol- 
lowed by  the  Congress  of  Paris,  whicli  settled 
the  terms  of  peace.  At  that  Congress  Count 
Cavour  and  the  Marquis  Villamarina  represented 
their  country  side  by  side  with  the  envoys  of  the 
great  European  States.  The  Prime  Jlinister  of 
Piedmont,  while  taking  his  part  in  the  re-e.iftab- 
lishment  of  the  general  peace  with  a  skill  and 
tact  which  won  him  the  favour  of  his  brother 
plenipotentiaries,  never  lost  sight  of  the  further 
object  he  had  in  view,  namely,  that  of  laying 
before  tlie  Congress  the  condition  of  Italy.  .  .  . 
His  efforts  were  rewarded  with  success.  On  the 
30th  JIarch,  1856,  the  treaty  of  peace  was  signed, 
and  on  the  8th  April  Count  Walewski  called  the 
attention  of  the  members  of  the  Congress  to  the 
state  of  Italy.  .  .  .  Count  Buol,   the  Austrian 


1863 


ITALY,  1856-1850. 


/"Vf  I  nco-.Sa  nil  ni  a  n 
AUianoe. 


ITALY,  185&-1860. 


TilrnlpotcntlBry,  would  not  ndmll  that  the  Con- 
RrcsB  lind  iiiiy  riglit  to  deal  with  the  Ituliun 
guestion  nt  all;  lio  declined  courteously,  but 
nrmly,  to  discuHS  the  matter.  .  .  .  But  although 
Austria  refused  to  entertain  llic  que.stion,  the 
fact  remained  that  the  condition  of  Italy  now 
stood  condemned,  not  by  revolutionary  chiefs, 
nor  by  the  ruliTS  of  Piedmont  alone,  but  by  tlie 
envoys  of  some  of  the  leading  powers  of  Eiiroi)e 
speaking  oMlcially  in  the  name  of  their  respective 
sovereigns.  It  was  in  truth  a  great  diplomatic 
victory  for  Italy.  ...  No  one  in  Europe  was 
more  thoroughly  convinced  than  Napoleon  III. 
that  the  discontent  of  Italy  and  the  plots  of  a 
section  of  Italians  liad  their  origin  in  the  despot- 
ism which  annihilated  all  national  life  in  the  Pe- 
ninsula with  the  single  exrei)tion  of  Piedmont. 
He  felt  keenly,  also,  how  false  was  his  own  posi- 
tion at  Itomo.  .  .  .  France  upheld  the  Pope  as  a 
temporal  sovereign,  but,  nevertheless,  the  latter 
ruled  in  a  manner  which  pleased  Austria  and 
which  disph^ased  France.  .  .  .  Count  Cavour 
went  privately  to  meet  the  French  Emperor  at 
Plombiiires  in  July,  1858.  During  that  interview 
it  was  arranged  that  France  should  ally  herself 
actively  with  Piedm(mt  against  Austria.  .  .  . 
The  first  public  indicUion  of  tlie  attitude  taken 
up  by  France  with  regard  to  Austria  and  Italy 
was  given  on  the  Ist  January,  1850,  when  Napo- 
leon III.  received  the  diplomatic  corps  at  the 
Tuileries.  Addressing  Baron  Ilubnor,  the  Aus- 
trian Ambassador,  the  French  Emperor  said:  'I 
regret  that  the  relations  between  us  arc  bad ;  tell 
your  sovereign,  however,  that  my  sentiments 
towards  liira  are  not  changed.'.  .  .  The  ties 
which  united  France  to  Piedmont  were  strengtli- 
encd  by  the  marriage,  in  the  end  of  Janmirv, 
1859,  of  the  Princess  Clotilde,  the  eldest  daugh- 
ter of  Victor  Emmanuel,  with  Prince  Napoleon, 
the  first  cousin  of  tlie  French  Emperor.  .  .  .  An 
agreement  was  made  by  whieli  the  Emperor  Na- 
poleon promised  to  give  armed  assistance  to  Pied- 
mont if  she  were  attacked  by  Austria.  The 
result,  in  case  the  allies  were  successful,  was  to 
be  the  formation  of  a  northern  kingdom  of  Italy. 
.  .  .  Both  Austria  and  Piedmont  increased  their 
armaments  and  raised  loans  in  preparation  for 
war.  Men  of  all  ranks  and  conditions  of  life 
floclccd  to  Turin  from  the  other  States  of  Italy  to 
join  tlie  Piedmontcso  army,  or  enrol  themselves 
amoi;g  the  volunteers  of  Garibaldi,  who  had 
haste  led  to  olTer  his  services  to  the  king  against 
Austria.  .  .  .  Meanwhile,  diplomacy  made  con- 
tinual olTorts  to  avert  war.  .  .  .  The  idea  of  a 
European  Congress  was  started.  .  .  .  Then  came 
the  proposition  of  a  general  disarmament  by  way 
of  staying  the  warlike  preparations,  which  were 
taking  ever  enlarged  proportions.  On  the  18tli 
April,  1859,  the  Cabinet  of  Turin  agreed  to  the 
principle  of  disarmament  at  the  special  request 
of  England  and  France,  on  the  condition  that 
Piedmont  took  lier  seat  at  the  Congress.  The 
Cabinet  of  Vienna  had  made  no  reply  to  this 
proposition.  Then  suddenly  it  addressed,  on  the 
23rd  April,  an  ultimatum  to  the  Cabinet  of  Turin 
demanding  the  instant  disarmament  of  Piedmont, 
to  which  a  categorical  reply  was  asked  for  within 
three  days.  At  the  expiration  of  tlie  three  days 
Count  Cavour,  who  was  delighted  at  this  hasty 
step  of  his  opponent,  remitted  to  Baron  Keller- 
berg,  the  Austrian  envoy,  a  refusal  to  comply 
with  the  request  made.  War  was  now  inevitable. 
Victor  Eniipanuel  addressed  a  stirring  proclama- 


tion to  Ills  army  on  the  37tli  April,  and  two  days 
afterwards  another  to  the  people  of  his  own 
kingdom  and  to  the  people  of  Italy.  .  .  .  On 
till!  30th  April  some  French  troops  arrived  at 
Turin.  On  the  18th  May  Napoleon  III.  disem- 
barked at  Genoa.  .  .  .  Although  the  Austrian 
armies  proc(!eded  to  cross  the  Ticino  and  invade 
the  Piedmontese  territory,  they  failed  to  make  a 
decisive  march  on  Turin.  Had  Count  Oiulay, 
the  Austrian  commander,  done  so  without  hesita- 
tion, he  might  well  have  reached  the  capital  of 
Piedmont  before  the  French  had  arrived  in  suffi- 
cient force  to  enable  the  little  Piedmontese  army 
to  arrest  the  invasion.  As  it  was,  the  opportunity 
was  lost  never  to  occur  again.  In  the  first  eii- 
giigcments  at  Jlontebello  and  Polestro  [May  20, 
30  and  31]  the  odvautage  rested  decidedly  with 
the  allies.  .  .  .  On  the  4th  June  the  French 
fought  the  battle  of  Magenta,  which  ended, 
tliough  not  without  a  hard  struggle,  in  the  defeat 
of  tlie  Austrians.  On  the  8th  the  Empero'  Na- 
poleon and  King  Victor  Emmanuel  entered  M  '  n, 
where  they  were  received  with  a  welcome  as  sin- 
cere as  it  was  enthusiastic.  The  ricii  Lombard 
capital  hastened  to  recognise  the  king  as  its  sov- 
ereign. While  there  he  met  in  person,  Garibaldi, 
who  wos  in  command  of  the  volunteer  corps, 
whoso  members  had  flocked  from  all  parts  of 
Italy  to  carry  on  under  his  commanu  ilii!  war  in 
the  mountainous  districts  of  the  north  against 
Austria.  .  .  .  The  allfed  troops  pursued  their 
march  onwards  towards  the  River  Mincio,  upon 
whose  banks  two  of  the  fortresses  of  the  famous 
Quadrilateral  are  situated.  On  the  24tli  Juno 
they  encountered  the  Austrian  army  at  Solferino 
an(l  San  Martino.  Frencli,  Piedmontese,  ond  Aus- 
trians, fought  rt'ith  courage  and  determination. 
Nor  was  it  until  after  ten  or  eleven  hours  of  hard 
fighting  that  the  allies  forced  their  enemy  to  re- 
treat and  took  possession  of  the  positions  he  had 
occupied  in  the  morning.  While  victory  thus 
crowned  the  efforts  of  France  and  Piedmont  in 
battle,  events  of  no  little  importance  were  taking 
place  in  Italy.  Ferdinand  II.  of  Naples  died  on 
the  28nd  May,  just  after  he  had  received  the 
news  of  the  successes  of  tlie  allies  at  Montebello 
and  Polestro.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son, 
Francis  II.  .  .  .  Count  Saimour  was  at  once  des- 
patched by  the  Piedmontese  Government  .  .  . 
with  the  oner  of  a  full  and  fair  alliance  between 
Turin  and  Naples.  The  offer  was  rejected. 
Francis  determined  to  follow  his  father's  exam- 
ple of  absolutism  at  home  while  giving  all  liis 
influence  to  Austria.  Thus  it  was  tliat  the  young 
Neapolitan  king  sowed,  and  as  he  sowed  so  ho 
reaped.  Leopold,  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany, 
had  in  April  refused  the  proffered  alliance  of 
Piedmont.  .  .  .  Finally  he  left  Florence  and 
took  refuge  in  the  Austrian  camp.  A  provisional 
Government  was  formed,  which  placed  the  Tus- 
can forces  ot  the  disposal  of  Victor  Emmanuel. 
This  cliange  was  effected  in  a  few  hours  without 
bloocfshed  or  violence.  The  Duchess  ot  Parma 
went  away  to  Switzerland  with  her  young  son, 
Duke  Robert.  Francis  Duke  of  Modena  betook 
himself,  with  what  treasures  lie  had  time  to  lay 
his  hands  on,  to  the  more  congenial  atmosphere 
of  the  head-quarters  of  the  Austrian  army.  .  .  . 
'  The  deputations  which  hastened  from  Tuscany, 
Parma,  and  Modena,  to  offer  their  allegiance  to  Vic- 
tor Emmanuel,  were  received  without  difliculty. 
It  was  agreed  that  their  complete  annexation 
should  be  deferred  until  after  the  conclusion  of 


1864 


ITALY,  ISc-Jft-iaTO. 


Pltbucitt. 


ITALY.  1859-1801. 


pence.  In  the  meiinwhile  the  I'iedmontese  Oov- 
criiment  wi«  to  hhhuiik*  tlii'  reRponsibilltv  of 
miiliitaining  order  iiiul  providliiK  for  niilltiiry 
action.  .  .  .  The  French  nnd  I'iedniontesc  armies 
hiicl  won  tlie  Imttle  of  Solferino.  and  driven  the 
enemy  across  tlio  Minelo;  their  lleetswere  off  tlie 
lagoons  of  Venice,  and  were  even  visil)le  from 
tlie  lofty  Campanile  of  St.  Mark.  Italy  was 
thro)>hin)r  with  a  movement  of  national  life  daily 
gatlieriiit}  volume  and  force.  Europe  was  im- 
patiently expectinj;  the  next  move.  It  took  the 
unexpected  form  of  an  armistice,  whicli  the  Em- 
peror of  the  French  proposeil,  on  Ids  sole  respon- 
sibility, to  the  Emi)eror  Francis  .losepli  on  the 
«th  July.  On  the  12th  tlie  preliminaries  of  peace 
were  signed  at  Villafrancn.  Victor  Ennnanuel 
was  opposi'd  to  this  act  of  his  ally,  but  was 
unable  to  prevent  it.  The  Italians  were  bitterly 
disappointed,  and  their  anger  was  onlv  too  faith- 
fully represented  by  Cavourhiinsi'if.  lleha.stened 
to  tiio  head-(iuarter8  of  the  king,  denounced  In 
Tehement  language  the  whole  proceeding,  ad- 
vised his  majesty  not  to  sign  the  armistice,  not 
to  accept  Lombardy  [see  below],  and  to  withdraw 
his  troops  from  tlic  Mincio  to  tlie  Ticino.  But 
Victor  Emmanuel,  though  syninathising  with  the 
feelings  of  Italy  and  of  his  Slinister,  took  a  wiser 
and  more  judicious  course  than  the  one  thus 
recommtMidcd.  He  accepted  Cavour's  resignation 
and  signed  the  armistice,  appending  to  his  signa- 
ture these  words:  —  M'accepte  pour  ce  qui  me 
concerne. '  Ho  reserved  his  liberty  of  action  for 
the  future  and  refused  to  pledge  himself  to  any- 
thing more  than  a  cessation  of  hostilities." — J. 
W.  Probyn,  \<ilyfrom  1815  to  181K),  ch.  9-10. 

Also  in:  C.  Bossoli,  The  War  in  Itnly. — C.  de 
Mazade,  Life  of  Count  Cavour,  ch.  2-5. — C.  Arrl- 
vabene,  Italy  under  Victor  Emmanuel,  eh.  1-13 
<D.  1).— C.  Adams,  Oreat  Campaigns,  1796-1870, 
pp.  271-340.— L.  Kossuth,  Memones  of  My  Erik. 
— Countess  E.  M.  Cesaresco,  Italian  Character) 
in  the  Epoch  of  Unification. 

A.  D.  1859-1861.  — The  Treaty  of  Zurich 
and  its  practical  negation. —  Annexation  of 
Central  Italy  to  Sardinia  by  Plebiscite. — 
Revolution  in  Sicily  and  Naples. — Garibaldi's 
great  campaicrn  of  liberation. — The  Sardinian 
army  in  the  Papal  States. — The  new  King- 
dom of  Italy  proclaimed. — "The  treaty  con- 
cluded at  Zurich  in  November  [1859]  between 
the  ambassadors  of  France,  Austria,  and  Sar- 
dinia substantially  rntifled  the  preliminaries 
arranged  at  Villafranca.  Lombardy  passed  to 
the  king  of  Sardinia;  Venetia  was  retained  by 
Austria.  The  rulers  of  Modena  and  Parma  were 
to  be  restored,  the  papal  power  again  established 
in  the  Legations,  while  the  various  states  of  the 
peninsula,  excepting  Sardinia  and  the  Two 
Sicilies,  were  to  form  a  confederation  under  the 
leadersliip  of  the  Pope.  According  to  the  terms 
of  the  treaty  lombardy  was  the  only  slate  di- 
rectly beneflteo  by  the  war.  .  .  .  The  people 
•of  central  Italy  showed  no  inclination  to  resume 
the  old  regime.  They  maintained  their  position 
tirmly  and  consistently,  despite  the  decisions  of 
the  Zurich  Congress,  the  advice  of  the  French 
emi)cror,  and  the  threatening  attitude  of  Naples 
•  and  Rome.  .  .  .  The  year  closed  without  definite 
action,  leaving  the  provisional  governments  in 
control.  In  fact,  matters  were  simply  drifting, 
and  it  seemed  Imperative  to  take  some  vigoroiis 
measures  to  terminate  so  abnormal  a  condition 
of  afifairs.    Finally  the  project  of  a  European 


congress  was  suggested.  There  was  but  one 
opiidon  as  to  who  nIioiiIiI  rcprcwnt  Italy  in  such 
an  event.  .  .  .  Cavour  .  .  .  returnecl  to  the 
head  of  affairs  in  .lanuury.  This  event  was 
Miinultiuicous  with  the  removal  of  M.  Walewski 
at  I'aris  ami  a  change  in  the  poli<'y  of  the  French 
giivernnK'nt.  The  emperor  no  longer  advim'd 
the  central  Italians  to  accept  the  return  of  their 
rulers.  His  iiitluence  at  Home  was  exercised  to 
iiiiiuce  the  Pope  to  allow  his  subji'cts  in  the  Le- 
gations to  have  their  will.  .  .  .  The  scheme  of 
a  European  c(mgn'ss  was  abandoned.  Wi  11 
France  at  his  back  to  neutnili/.e  Austria,  Cavour 
liiid  nothing  to  fear.  .  .  .  He  suggested  to  the 
emperor  that  the  central  Italians  be  alloweil  to 
settle  their  fate  by  plebiscite.  This  method  was 
to  a  ci'rtain  extent  o  craze  with  the  emperor,  .  .  . 
and  Cavour  was  not  surprised  at  the  alllrniative 
reply  he  receiveii  to  his  jiroposal.  The  elections 
t(M)k  place  in  JIarcli,  and  by  an  overwhelming 
majority  the  people  of  Parma,  Jlodeiia,  Tuscany, 
ancl  the  Legations  <leclared  for  annexation  to 
Sardinia.  Austria  protested,  but  could  do  no 
more  in  the  face  of  England  and  France.  Naples 
followed  the  Austrian  exam])le,  while  a)moRt 
sinuillaiicou.sly  with  the  news  of  the  elections 
there  arrived  at  Turin  the  jiapal  exconununica- 
tion  for  Victor  Einninn\iel  and  his  subjects.  On 
the  2d  of  April  the  king  opened  the  new  jiarlia- 
ment  and  addressed  himself  to  the  renresentatives 
of  12,(H)(),000  Italians.  The  natural  enthusiasm 
attending  the  session  was  seriously  dampene(l 
by  the  royal  announcement  that,  subject  to  the 
approval  of  their  citizens  and  the  ratification  of 
jiarliament,  Nice  and  Savoy  were  to  be  returned 
to  France.  It  was,  in  fact,  the  concluding  in- 
stallment of  the  price  arranged  at  Plombii^res  to 
be  paid  for  the  French  trooijs  in  the  campaign  of 
the  i)revlous  year.  .  .  .  General  Garibaldi,  who 
sat  in  the  parliament  for  Nice,  was  especially 
prominent  in  the  angry  debates  that  followeif 
.  .  .  Wl.en  the  transfer  had  been  ratified  he 
withdrew  to  a  humble  retreat  In  the  island  of 
CapnTa.  .  .  .  But  the  excitement  over  the  loss 
of  Nice  and  Savoy  was  soon  diminished  by  the 
startling  intelligence  which  arrived  of  relwllion 
in  the  Neapolitan  dominions.  Naples  was  muti- 
nous, while  in  Sicily,  Palermo  and  Messina  were 
in  open  revolt.  Garibaldi's  time  had  come.  Leav- 
ing Caprera,  he  made  for  Piedmont,  and  hastily 
organized  a  band  of  volunteers  to  assist  in  the 
popular  movement.  On  the  night  of  Slay  6, 
with  about  a  thousand  enthusiastic  spirits,  he 
embai'ked  from  the  coast  near  Genoa  in  two 
steamers  and  sailed  for  Sicily.  Cavour  in  the 
mean  time  winked  at  this  extraordinary  perform- 
ance. He  dispatched  Admiral  Persano  with  a 
sijuadron  ostensibly  to  intercept  the  expedition, 
but  in  reality  'to  navigate  between  it  and  the 
hostile  Neapolitan  fleet.  On  the  11th  Garibaldi 
landed  safely  at  Marsala  under  the  sleepy  guns 
of  a  Neapolitan  man-of-war.  On  the  l"4tli  he 
was  at  Salemi,  where  he  issue<l  the  following 
proclamation  :  '  Garibaldi,  commander-in-chief 
of  the  national  forces  in  Sicily,  on  the  invitation 
of  the  principal  citizens,  and  on  the  deliberation 
of  tl  i  free  communes  of  the  island,  considering 
that  in  times  of  war  it  is  necessary  that  the  civil 
and  military  powers  should  be  united  in  one  per- 
son, assumes  In  the  name  of  Victor  Emmanuel, 
King  of  Italy,  the  Dictatorship  in  Sicily.'"  On 
the  '26th  Garibaldi  attacked  Palermo ;  on  the  6th 
of  June  he  was  in  possession  of  the  city  and 


1865 


ITAI-V,   1H50-1H01. 


<iiiritiiihh'g  Comjtihffn. 
Tkr  Kinuitiim  tif  llnly. 


ITALY,    1801i-lM0(J. 


citiiilcl;  on  tlic  U.ltli  of  July  Mesaiun  wuh  miri-on- 
(liTcd  til  liiiii.  "  I'i'rliii[iM  till*  vxcitciiu'iit,  lit 
Tiiriii  (liii'liiK  llii'Ni'  iliiyN  wiiM  Hccoiiil  (inly  to  timt 
wliii'h  iiiihimli'il  the  ^ri'itt  Sicilian  cltli's.  Tin; 
KUiiH  iif  l<iiiiiliii'.s  llct'l  111  I'ltliTiiio  wiTo  no  iiiiiro 
iittlvf  tliiiM  I  111'  (ll|il(iiiiutlc  iirtillcry  which  the 
coiirtH  of  '  II  :mI  Kur()|H!  triiliicd  upon  tlic  f;ov- 
crnnicnt  lit  Turin.  ,  .  .  ('itvour'x  iiositlon  iit  tliiH 
time  wa.t  II  iryinK,  ileliuitc,  uiid  from  wimc  pointH 
of  view  II  i|ii('Htiimulilu  (inc.  il(!  had  publicly 
itxjircNM'd  rcf^rct  for  (larlhuIdi'H  expedition,  while 
privately  he  eneouniKcd  It.  .  .  .  ('avoiir'H  desire 
til  see  Oaribaldi  In  ('alahria  wiih  elmiiKcd,  a  little 
later.  I.ii  Farina  wa.s  at  I'alernio  in  behalf  of 
the  Sardinian  ^'ovemmcnt,  to  induce  (lariliald!  to 
conHcnt  to  the  immediatu  iinnexalion  of  Sicily  tu 
the  new  Italian  kingdom.  Thlg  Uarlbaldi  de- 
clined to  do,  preferring;  to  wait  in.HI  he  could 
lay  the  entire  Neupolltun  reiilnt  and  liome  as 
well  at  the  feel  of  Victor  Enunanuel.  This 
altered  the  aspect  of  affairs.  It  was  evident  thai 
Uarlbaldi  was  getting  headstrong.  It  was  C'a- 
vour's  constanl  solicitude  to  keep  the  Italian 
question  In  such  a  shape  as  to  allow  no  foreign 
power  a  pretext  for  int(!rference.  Qaribahli's 
design  against  Uoinu  garrisoned  by  French 
troops  would  be  almost  certain  to  bring  on  for- 
eign cotn|)licatlons  and  ruin  the  cause  of  Italian 
unity."  On  the  10th  of  August,  (laribiiKli 
crossed  his  army  from  Uiclly  to  the  mainland  and 
advanced  on  Naples.  "On  the  evening  of  Se])- 
tendier  0  the  king  embarked  on  a  Spanish  ship, 
and  leaving  his  mutinous  navy  at  anchor  in  the 
bay,  quit  forever  those  beautiful  shores  which 
his  race  had  too  long  defiled.  On  the  morning 
of  September  7  Garibaldi  was  at  Salerno;  before 
night  he  had  reached  Naples,  and  Its  teeming 
thousands  had  run  mad.  .  .  .  The  Neapolitan 
fleet  went  over  en  masse  to  Garibaldi,  and  by 
him  was  placed  under  the  orders  of  the  Sardinian 
admiral.  TheQaribaldian  troojis  came  swarming 
into  the  city,  some  by  land  and  others  by  sea. 
.  .  .  Francis  II.  had  shut  himself  up  In  the  for- 
tress of  Gaeta  with  the  remnants  of  his  army, 
holding  the  line  of  the  Volturno.  ...  At  Turin 
the  state  of  unrest  o  linucd.  Garibaldi's  pres- 
ence at  Naples  was  uUended  with  grave  perils. 
Of  course  his  designs  upon  Home  formed  the 
principal  danger,  but  his  conspicuous  inability 
as  au  organizer  was  one  of  scarcely  less  gravity. 
.  .  .  Sardinian  troops  had  become  a  necessity  of 
the  situation.  .  .  .  There  was  no  tinio  to  lose. 
Tlierc  could  be  no  diHicidty  in  finding  an  excuse 
to  enter  papal  territory.  The  inhabitiints  of 
Umbria  and  the  Marches,  who  had  never  ceased 
to  appeal  for  annexation  to  the  new  kingdom, 
were  suppressed  by  an  army  of  foreign  mercen- 
aries that  the  Poiie  had  mustered  boncath  his 
banner.  .  .  .  Cavour  had  interceded  in  vain 
with  the  Vatican  to  alter  its  course  toward  its 
disaffected  subjects.  At  last,  on  September  7, 
the  day  Garibaldi  entered  Naples,  he  sent  the 
royal  ultimatum  to  Cardinal  Antonelli  at  Rome. 
...  On  the  11th  the  unfavorable  reply  of  Anto- 
nelli was  received,  and  the  same  day  the  Sardinian 
troops  (  ^scd  the  papal  frontier.  .  .  .  Every 
European  power  except  England,  which  ex- 
pressed open  satisfaction,  protested  against  this 
action.  There  was  an  imposing  flight  of  ambas- 
sadors from  Tmin,  and  an  ominous  commotion 
all  along  the  diplomatic  horizon.  Cavour  had 
not  moved,  however,  without  a  secret  under- 
standing with  Napoleon.   .   .   .   The  Sardinian 


army  advanced  rapidly  in  two  column*.  Qcneral 
KantI  seized  I'crugia  and  Spolelo,  while  Cialiliiii 
on  the  ea.tt  of  the  Apennines  utterly  destroyrd 
the  main  papal  army  under  the  French  gemiid 
Lamoiielere  at  CaNtcllidiirdo  |S<'ptemlier  17 1. 
I.amiirlcli'ri' Willi  a  few  followers  gained  Ancnna, 
but  liniling  that  tiiwneovered  by  the  giiimiif  the 
Sardini.ui  llrct,  he  was  (ompelled  lo  surrender. 
'The  ponlitlcal  mercenary  corps  '  became  a  thing 
of  the  past,  Cavour  could  turn  his  whole  alien- 
tlim  to  Naples.  He  had  obtained  from  parlia- 
ment an  <  iithusliistlc  permission  to  receive,  if 
tendered,  the  allegiance  of  the  Two  Sicilies. 
The  iirniy  was  ordered  across  the  Neapolilau 
frontier,  and  I  he  king  left  for  Ancona  to  taku 
command.  In  Ihe  mean  time  on  October  1  Gari- 
baldi had  Intllcted  aiiolher  severe  defeat  to  the 
royal  NeapolitJin  army  on  the  Volturno.  Tho 
Sardinian  advance  was  wholly  unimpeded.  .  .  . 
On  November  7  the  king  entered  Naples,  and  on 
the  following  day  was  waited  upon  by  a  deputa- 
tion to  announce  the  result  of  the  election  that 
Garibaldi  had  previously  decreed.  '  Sire,'  said 
their  spoki.iman,  'The  Neapolitan  people,  as- 
sembled In  Comltia,  by  an  immense  majority  havo 
jiroclalnied  you  their  king."  .  .  .  Tlien  followed 
au  event  so  sublime  us  to  be  without  parallel  In 
these  times  of  seltlsh  ambition.  Garibaldi  bade 
farewell  to  his  faithful  followers,  and,  refusing 
all  rewards,  passed  again  to  hlii  (|uiet  home  in 
Caprerii.  .  .  .  The  people  of  Umbria  and  tho 
Marches  followed  the  lead  of  Naples  in  declaring 
themselves  subjects  of  Vii'tor  Emmanuel.  Ex- 
cept for  tho  patrimony  of  St.  Peter  surround- 
ing the  city  of  Home  and  the  Austrian  province 
of  Venetia,  Italy  was  united  under  the  tricolor. 
While  Garibahli  returned  to  his  humble  life, 
Cavour  went  to  Turin  to  resiunc  his  labors. 
.  .  .  On  the  18th  of  February,  1801,  the  lirst 
national  parliament  representing  the  north  and 
south  met  at  Turin.  Five  days  before,  the  last 
stronghold  of  Francis  II.  had  capitulated,  and 
tlic  enthusiasm  ran  high.  The  kingdom  of  Italy 
was  proclaimed,  and  the  king  conlirmed  as  '  Vic- 
tor Emmanuel  II.,  by  the  grace  of  God  and  tho 
will  of  the  nation  King  of  Italy.'.  .  .  The  work 
was  almost  done.  The  scheme  that  a  few  years 
before  would  have  provoked  a  smile  in  any  dip- 
lomatic circle  in  Europe  had  been  perfected  almost 
to  the  capstone.  But  the  man  who  had  conceived 
the  plan  and  curried  it  through  its  darkest  days 
wii'  not  destined  to  witness  its  final  consumma- 
tioi  Cavour  was  giving  way.  On  May  20  he 
was  stricken  down  with  a  violent  illness."  On 
June  6  he  died.  "To  Miizzini  belongs  the  credit 
of  keeping  alive  the  spirit  of  patriotism ;  Gari- 
baldi is  entitled  to  the  admiration  of  the  world  us 
the  pure  patriot  who  fired  men's  souls ;  but  Ca- 
vour was  greater  than  cither,  and  Mazzini  and 
Garibaldi  were  but  humble  instruments  in  his 
magniflcent  plan  of  Italian  regeneration." — U. 
Murdock,  The  Itecomtruction  of  Europe,  ch.  13. 

Also  in:  C.  do  Mazade,  Life  of  Count  Cawui; 
ch.  5-7. — O.  Garibaldi,  Autobiography,  8d  period 
(v.  2). — E.  Dicey,  Victor  Ehnmanuel,  eh.  27-84. — 
E.  About,  The  Roman  Question. — The  Clievalier    ~ 
O'Clery,  The  Making  of  Italy,  ch.  7-12. 

A.  D.  1862-1866.— 'The  Roman  question  and     , 
the  Venetian  question. — Impatience  of  the  na-    . 
tion. — Collision  of  Garibaldi  with  the  govern- 
ment.—Alliance   with    Prussia.— War   with 
Austria. — Liberation  and  annexation  of  'Vene- 
tia.— "The  new  ministry  was  formed  by  Baron 


1866 


ITALY,  mvi   nm. 


Roman  tJuratUm, 


ITALY,    IHfl!>  IMOa. 


Kit  iiHoli.  ,  ,  ,  In  tlid  nioiitli  of  July,  ItiiMln  ami 
I'ruiwiit  fiiHowril  the  I'xiitiiiilc  of  KnKli»i<l  i»«l 
KraiK'c.  iitid  it<  kiiowli'dKcd  Iliilliiii  unity.  .  .  . 
Huron  UU'iiHoli  only  liclil  oilier  iiliout  nine  inontliH; 
not  ft'cIlM);  i>(|Uiil  to  till'  ililllriiltlrs  Ik^  hiiil  to  en- 
countiT,  Ilo  ri'Hl){ni'(l  in  Murili,  IHOli,  unil  SlKiior 
Itiitii/.zi  WU8  cnipowiTi'il  to  form  ii  new  ministry. 
.  .  .  Tliu  voliuiU^iT  tnio|m  had  li<'i'onic  a  Hource 
uf  Hcriuug  cnilmrriiKHMK'nt  to  tlio  ^rovcrnuu'iit. 
...  It  WI18  found  disuKrci'alilc  anil  daiiKcruuM 
U>  liavo  two  HtandlnK  ariidrH  unilcr  Kcpjiratr 
hcailt)  and  u  scparali:  discipline,  and  it  was  pro- 
posed to  aniulgani  ite  the  (laribaldianH  witli  the 
royal  troops.  E'ullesH  disaKreenients  arost!  out 
of  this  (pieHtlon.  ...  As  Boon  as  this  <|uestion 
was  in  u  manner  ueeonunodated,  a  more  KcrioiiH 
one  arose.  Theeentral  provineeH  lost  idl  patlenee 
in  waiting  ho  long  for  a  peairful  solulion  of  the 
Itoman  (pii'stion.  The  leaders  of  the  Young 
Italy  party  bt'camo  more  warlike  In  their  lan- 
guage, and  exeited  the  peasiintry  to  riotous  pro- 
cei'dingij,  which  the  goverinnent  had  to  put  down 
forcibly,  and  this  disagreeable  fact  helped  to 
make  the  liatit/zi  ndnistry  unpopular.  Oarl- 
baUli'g  name  had  lieen  used  as  an  incentive  to 
those  disturbances,  and  now  the  hot  headed  gen- 
eral embarked  lor  Sicily,  to  take  the  command  of 
a  tr<K)p  who  were  bound  for  the  Kternal  City, 
resolved  to  cut  with  the  sword  the  gordian  knot 
of  the  Itoman  ((uestion.  The  government  used 
energetic  measures  to  maintain  its  dignity,  and 
not  allow  an  irregular  warfare  to  be  carried  on 
without  its  sanction.  The  tinujs  were  dlllieult, 
no  doubt,  and  the  ministry  had  a  hard  road  to 
treud.  .  .  .  TIk^  Qarlbakllans  were  already  in 
the  Held,  and  having  crossed  from  Sicily,  were 
mardiing  through  ('alabria  with  ever-increasing 
forces  and  the  cry  of  '  Home  or  death  '  on  their 
lips.  Victor  Kmmamiel  had  now  no  (Jioico  left 
him  but  to  put  down  rebellion  by  force  of  arms. 
General  Cialdini's  painful  duty  it  was  to  lead  the 
royal  troops  ou  this  occasion.  He  encountered 
the  Uarlbaldians  at  Aspromoute,  in  Calabria,  and 
on  their  refusing  to  surrender  to  the  king,  a  figlit 
ensued  in  wlilcli  the  volunteers  were  of  course 
defeated,  and  their  ollicers  arrested.  Garibaldi, 
with  a  ball  in  las  foot,  from  the  effects  of  which 
he  has  never  recovered,  was  carried  a  state  pris- 
oner to  Piedmont.  .  .  .  This  unhappy  episode 
was  a  bitter  grief  to  Victor  Knuuanuel.  .  .  . 
Aspromoute  gave  a  linnl  blow  to  the  Hata/./.i 
ministry.  Never  very  popular,  it  was  utterly 
shaken  by  the  reaction  in  favour  of  Garibaldi. 
.  .  .  After  a  good  deal  of  worry  and  consulta- 
tion, the  king  decided  to  call  Luigi  Carlo  Fariiii 
to  olHce.  .  .  .  Unhappily  his  health  obliged  him 
to  retire  very  soon  from  public  life,  and  he  was 
succeeded  by  Minghcttl.  On  the  whole  this  first 
year  without  Cavour  had  been  a  very  trying  one 
to  Victor  Emmanuel.  .  .  .  Meantime  tlie  Itoman 

Question  remained  in  abeyance — to  tlie  great 
etriment  of  tlie  nation,  for  it  kept  Central  and 
Southern  Italy  in  a  state  of  fermentation  which 
the  government  could  not  lotig  hold  in  check. 
The  Bourbon  intrigues  at  Home,  encouragin,'!; 
l)rigandage  in  the  Two  Sicilies,  destroyed  all 
security  o,'  life  and  property,  and  impelled  for- 
eigners from  visiting  the  country.  The  Emperor 
of  the  French,  occupying  the  false  position  of 
champion  of  Italian  independence  and  protector 
of  the  Umiporul  power  of  the  Pope,  would  not  do 
anything,  nor  let  the  Italian  Qoveriimeut  do  any- 
thing, towards  settling  the  momentous  question. 


.  .  ,  Victor  Knimanuel,  who  hail  hU  eye  un 
Venice  all  the  time,  having  a  fixed  Impremion 
that  if  it  ciiiild  be  reciivi'i'id  he  would  tlliil  leM 
dilllcnlty  In  gcltiiig  rid  of  the  foreign  occupation 
in  Home,  iiuw  adopted  energetic  mcasuri'H  to 
lir'  ig  about  a  Kctllement  of  tids  Venetian  ipies- 
lion,  urging  the  Knglish  (iovernmcnt  to  use  Its 
intluence  with  Austria  to  Induce  her  to  accept 
Home  compromise  and  Nurrendcr  the  Italian  prov- 
ince peaceably.  .  .  .  .Meanliiiie  the  Italian  Gov- 
crinnent  continued  to  invite  llie  French  to  wlth- 
ilniw  their  forces  from  tlie  Itoman  States,  and 
leave  the  Pope  face  to  face  witli  his  own  subjerts 
without  the  aid  of  foreign  bayonets.  This  the 
empcr.ir,  fearing  to  olTcnd  the  papal  party,  could 
not  make  up  his  mind  to  do.  Itiit  to  make  tnu 
road  to  Home  easier  for  the  Italians,  he  propoKcd 
a  transfer  of  the  ciipilal  from  Turin  to  some  more 
Himtliern  town,  Florence  or  Naples  —  he  did  not 
care  which.  Tlie  French  minister,  M.  Droiiyn 
de  Lhiiys,  said: — 'Of  course  In  the  end  you  will 
go  to  Home.  Hut  It  is  Important  that  lietween 
our  evacuation  and  your  going  there,  Hiieh  an 
interval  of  time  anil  such  a  series  of  events 
Bhoiild  elapse  as  to  prevent  people  establishing 
any  connecthm  between  the  two  facts.  France 
must  not  have  any  ■.vsponsibility.' .  .  .  The  king 
accepted  the  conditions,  which  provided  that  the 
French  were  to  evacuate  Home  In  two  years, 
and  fixed  on  F'lorence  as  the  residence  of  tlie 
court.  .  .  .  Gn  Novemlier  IH,  1805,  the  first 
Parliament  was  opei'dl  in  Florence.  .  .  .  The 
quarrel  between  Austria  and  Prussia  [si'c  Gkii- 
many:  A.  I).  1801-18(m|  was  growing  all  this 
time,  and  Italy  proposed  an  alliance  defensive 
and  olTenslve  with  the  latter  |)ower.  .  .  ,  The 
treaty  was  concluded  April  8,  180(1.  When  this 
fact  became  known,  Austria,  on  the  brink  of 
war  with  Prussia,  began  to  think  that  she  must 
rid  herself  in  some  way  of  the  worry  of  the 
Italians  on  her  southern  frontier,  in  order  to  be 
free  to  combat  her  powerful  northern  enemy. 
The  cabinet  of  Vienna  did  not  apply  directly  to 
file  cabinet  of  Florence,  but  to  that  arbiterof  the 
destinies  of  nations.  Napoleon  III.,  proposing  to 
cede  Venetia  on  condition  that  the  Italian  gov- 
ernment should  detach  Itself  from  the  Prussian 
alliance.  .  .  .  After  an  inelfcctual  attempt  to 
accommodate  matters  by  a  congress,  war  was  de- 
clared against  Austria,  on  .Tune  21),  1800,  and 
La  Marmora,  having  appointed  Hicasoli  as  his 
deputy  at  the  head  of  the  council,  led  the  army 
northwurds.  .  .  .  Victor  Emmanuel  aopointed 
his  cousin  regent,  and  carried  his  sons  along  with 
him  to  the  seat  of  war.  .  .  .  The  forces  of  Aus- 
tria were  led  by  the  able  and  experienced  com- 
mander, the  Archduke  Albert,  who  had  distin- 
guished himself  at  Nnvara.  On  the  iU-oiqened 
Held  of  Custozza,  where  the  Italians  had  been 
defeated  in  1840,  the  opposing  armies  met  [June 
24];  and  both  being  in  good  condition,  well  dis- 
ciplined and  brave,  there  was  fought  a  prolonged 
and  bl(K)dy  battle,  in  which  the  Italians  were 
worsted,  but  not  routed.  .  .  .  On  July  20  the 
Italian  navy  suffered  an  overwiielming  defeat  at 
Lissu  in  the  Adriatic,  and  these  two  great  mis- 
fortunes plunged  Victor  Emmanuel  into  the 
deepest  grief.  He  felt  disabled  from  continuing 
the  war:  all  the  sacrifice  of  life  had  been  in  vain: 
national  unity  was  as  far  off  as  ever.  .  .  .  Mean- 
time the  Prussian  arms  were  everywhere  vic- 
torious over  Austria,  and  about  ten  days  after 
the  battle  of  Custozza  it  was  announced  in  the 


1867 


ITALY,   1868-1800. 


Nome. 


ITALY,  1807-l6ro. 


Monlteur  thitt  Aiiittriit  liiid  imUimI  tin-  Km|M'n)r 
Nri|H)li-iin'H  ini'cllitlioii,  (ilTcriiijr  to  .iili'  lilrii 
Vciiiri',  luiil  tli>it  111'  wjiH  iiiiikiiiK  over  tliiit  prov- 
luce  III  Ihr  KiiiK  •>'  lli'l)''  Il»ly  <:<>ill<l  not  mci'pt 
il  ultliiMit  till'  niniH'iit  of  tier  iillv  I'niHNiii;  iiiiil 
uliilii  licffoliiitiniiN  W(Tt)  goillK  f'lirwitril  oil  tilt! 
(iiiliji'cl.  till-  brirf  WWII  wih'Kh'  ('uiii|miIkii  wuh 
liroiinlit  lo  a  i'oiicIiihIoii  by  the  nrvnt  victory  of 
Hiiilowa,  anil  on  July  'iO  tlit>  prt'lliniiiiirii'M  of 
pi'iiri'  u'l'n^  HlKni'il  by  thit  AiiHlriiiii  uimI  I'riiNHliiii 
jilfiiipolciilliirli'H.  .  .  .  Vi'iiicf  WU8  ri'HioriMl  to 
Italy  by  tlii'  Kiiipcror  of  Fniiirc,  with  tlic  ap- 
proval "of  I'riiHsla.  Then'  wuh  a  Htintt  In  tlii' 
tlioiiKlit  lliat  it  WUH  not  wriiiit;  from  tlii'  laloim 
of  till'  AiiNlriiiii  i'iikIi'  bv  llii'  valour  of  Italian 
nrnis,  but  by  the  fnrci'  of  iliploniacv  ;  Btill  It  wan 
II  ili'llKlitriil  fart  tliat  Vcniri!  wan  frci',  with  tlii' 
trlciiliiur  waving  i.'i  (St.  Mnrk'H.  Tlio  Italian hoII 
watt  ili'livcri'd  from  lorclj^n  (X'ciipatlon.  ...  As 
Hoon  a.s  tlin  tn'iity  wuh  8iunc><l  nt  V'li'nim.  OcIoIht 
'i.  till!  Venetian  AHNcniblTcii  uimnlniouNly  elcctcil 
Victor  KiniiiiiiiucI  vltli  ncclniniitloiis,  ar-  !  bc^Kcil 
fur  imnicillate  imni.'.xation  to  llio  K  ;(loiii  of 
Italy.  On  November  4,  In  tlie  city  of  Turin, 
Victor  Kniniiinuel  recelveil  the  dupiitiition  wliicli 
cuine  to  protTer  liim  tlie  huma^'e  of  the  inhiibi- 
tiints  of  Venella.  .  .  .  On  Noveinlter  7  Victor 
Kmmaiinel  inuile  a  solemn  entry  into  the  moHt 
lieaulit'ul,  and,  after  Home,  lliu  moHt  lntereHtin>; 
city  of  tho  Italian  peiiinHula.  .  .  .  Hot  upon  the 
settlement  of  the  Venetian  question,  came  the 
dlHcmwion  of  tliat  of  Itonie,  which  after  tin; 
evaeiiation  of  tlie  French  troops  [November, 
IHOO]  Neenied  more  complicated  than  ever.  The 
Cathiilic  powers  were  now  anximw  to  accommo- 
dale  the  (|Uiirrel  between  Italy  and  the  Pope,  and 
they  ilTered  to  (jnnruntee  him  hJH  income  and  IiIh 
Indepi.'iidence  if  lie  would  reconcile  hlmxelf  to 
the  national  will.  But  Plus  IX.  was  immovable 
In  his  determination  to  oppose  it  to  the  lust." — 
O.  8.  Uodklu,  Life  of  Victor  Emiminuel  If.,  eft. 
2»-25  (('.  a). 

Also  in:  J.  W.  I'robyn,  Ilnli/  from  1H15  lo 
18«(),  (•/».  11.— O.  Garibaldi,  Aiito/noyniphi/.  4th 
periixl,  eh.  1  (i'.  2),  and  v.  8.  eh.  H. 

A.  D.  1867-1870.— Settlement  of  the  Roman 
question. — Defeat  of  Garibaldi  at  Mentana. — 
Rome  in  the  possession  of  the  king  of  Italy. 
— Progress  iiiuile  by  diplomacy  in  the  settlement 
of  the  Homan  ijucstion  "  was  too  slow  for  Gari- 
baldi. He  had  once  more  fallen  under  the  intlu- 
once  of  the  extreme  republlcuns,  and  in  1867  ho 
deciaa'd  that  he  would  delay  no  longer  In  pluuting 
the  re|mblicuii  banner  on  the  Vatican.  Between 
tliese  hot-headed  and  fanatical  republicans  on 
the  one  side,  the  Italian  ultramontanes  on  an- 
other, and  the  French  EmiM'ror^on  the  third,  tlie 
position  of  Victor  Emmanuel  was  anything  but 
enviable.  In  the  autumn  of  1807  Garibaldi  was 
suddenly  arrested  by  tho  Government,  but  re- 
leased on  condition  that  he  would  remain  quietly 
at  Caprcra.  But  meanwhile  the  volunteers  under 
Menotii  Garibaldi  (the  great  chief's  son)  had  ad- 
vanced into  tho  Papal  States.  The  oUl  warrior 
was  burning  to  l)e  with  them.  On  the  14th  of 
October  he  effected  his  escape  from  Caprera,  and 
managed  eventually  to  join  his  son  in  tho  Ko- 
magna.  Together  "they  advanced  on  Rome,  and 
won,  after  tremendous  "fighting,  tho  great  victory 
at  Monte  Rotundo.  Meanwhile  an  arniy  of  oc- 
cupation sent  by  tlie  Governnfent  from  Florence 
had  crossed  the  Roman  frontier,  and  a  French 
force  had  lauded  on  the  coast.    Garibaldi's  posi- 


tion wn*  alreadv  crltlrnl,  hut  III*  n'nolutlon  wim 
unbroken.  'The  (lovemment  of  Florence,' he 
Mild.  In  u  proclamation  to  the  voliinteerH,  '  hiis 
invaded  the  Roman  territory,  aln'iuly  won  by  lis 
with  preciiiUN  IiIimnI  from  the  enemlt'H  of  Italy: 
we  ought  lo  receive  our  bnithers  in  arms  with 
love,  and  aid  them  In  ilriving  out  of  Romi'  the 
mercenary  suNtulners  of  tymnny ;  but  If  biiHc 
deeilH,  the  coiitliiuatlon  of  tlie  vile  convi  ntlmi  of 
Heplember,  III  mean  cimsort  with  JeHiiltlum,  sliiill 
urge  IIS  to  lay  down  our  arms  In  olMtiieiiie  lo 
tlie  onlerof  tlie  2d  December,  then  will  I  let  the 
world  know  that  I  alone,  a  Roman  gene:iil,  with 
full  power,  electi'il  by  the  unlver>uil  siilfrage  of 
the  only  legal  Oovernment  in  Rome,  that  (it  the 
republic,  have  the  right  to  maintain  myself  In 
arum  In  this  the  territory  subject  to  my  jurisdic- 
tion; and  then,  if  any  of  these  my  vofiinleers, 
clii..nplons  of  liberty  and  Italian  unity,  w'sh  to 
have  Rome  as  the  ciipilal  of  Italy,  fiillllling  the 
Vote  of  parliament  and  tlie  nation,  they  inimt  not 
I>ut  dowii  their  ariiiH  until  Italy  shall  have 
neipilred  lilHrty  of  conscience  and  worship,  built 
upon  the  ruin  of  .IcNUitlsm,  anil  until  the  soldiem 
01  tyrants  shall  be  banished  from  oiirhmd.'  The 
pimitioii  taken  up  'ly  Oaribaldl  Is  perfectly  In- 
telligible. Rome  wo  must  have,  if  possible,  by 
h'gal  process,  in  conjunctiim  with  the  royal* 
arms;  but  if  they  will  stand  aside,  even  if  they 
will  oppose,  none  the  less  Rome  must  be  annexed 
to  Italy.  I'lifortiinately  Garibaldi  had  left  out 
of  account  the  French  force  despat<'lied  by 
Napoleon  III.  to  defend  the  Temimial  doiiiiuions 
of  the  Pope,  a  force  which  even  nt  this  moment  was 
advancing  to  the  attack.  Tho  two  armies  met 
near  the  little  village  cf  Mentnua,  111  matched  in 
every  respect.  Tlie  volunteers,  numerous  iiidc'ed 
I'lil  ill  disciiillncd  and  badly  armed,  brought  to- 
gether, helii  together  Kimply  by  the  magic  of  u 
name,  the  French,  admirably  (fisclpllneir,  aniied 
witli  the  fatal  chassepots,  tightlng  the  battle  of 
their  ancient  Church.  The  Oaribakiians  were 
terribly  defeated.  Victor  Emmanuel  grieved 
bitterly,  like  a  true,  warm-hearted  father  for  the 
fate  ot  his  misguided  but  generous-hearted  sons. 
...  To  tho  Emperor  of  the  French  he  wrote  an 
ardent  appeal  begging  him  to  break  with  tho 
Clericals  and  put  himsi'lf  at  the  head  of  he 
Liberal  party  in  Europe,  at  the  same  time  waiu- 
ing  him  that  the  old  feeling  of  gratitude  towards 
the  French  in  Italy  had  quite  disappeared.  '  The 
late  events  have  suffocated  every  remembrance 
of  gratitude  In  the  heart  of  Itoly.  It  is  no  longer 
in  the  power  of  the  Govenunent  to  nialntuiu  tlie 
alliance  with  France.  'Im'  chassepot  gun  at 
Mentana  bus  given  It  a  mortal  blow.'  At  the 
same  time  the  rebels  were  visited  with  condign 
punishment.  Garibaldi  iiimself  was  arrested,  but 
after  a  brief  imprisonment  at  Vorignano  was 
permitted  to  retire  once  more  to  Caprera.  A 
prisoner  so  big  as  Garibaldi  is  always  an  embar- 
rassment to  gaolers.  But  the  last  act  in  tlic 
greot  drama  .  .  .  was  near  at  hand.  In  1870 
the  Frauco-Qornian  War  broke  out.  The  con- 
test, involving  as  it  did  the  most  momentous 
consequences,  was  as  brief  as  it  was  decisive. 
The  French,  of  course,  could  no  longer  maintain 
their  position  as  champions  of  the  Temporal 
power.  Once  more,  therefore,  the  King  of  Italy 
attempted,  with  all  the  earnestness  and  with  all 
tho  tenderness  at  his  command,  to  induce  the  Pope 
to  come  to  tenns  and  accept  the  ))osltion,  at  once 
digniHed    and    independent,   whicli  the    Italian 


18G8 


ITALY,   lHfl7-1870 


Tht 

TVfpl*  Alllnner 


ITALY,  1870-1804. 


Oovrrnmpnt  vt*  iuixIoiih  to  wciirc  to  lilni,  ,  .  . 
But  tlio  I'om-  HI  III  uiitilMrlilllgly  lUlliiTril  to  tlu> 
poditlon  III'  liiiil  takiMi  ii|).  ...  A  fi'!:'t  of  rciiiH 
taiicc  wiiH  iiinili',  liiit  on  ttio  3()tli  of  Hcptciiibi'r 
[1870]  the  royal  troo|m  I'litori'tl  Uoiiic,  ami  the 
Triroloiir  wim  iiioiiiitt'il  on  tlu^  imliico  of  tlic 
Ciipltol.  Ho  soon  M  nilKlit  Im'  ii  pli'lilHrlt-*  wait 
taken.  Tlie  nuniU'ra  aro  Hignillcant  —  for  tlio 
KInif,  40,7SH,  for  the  Poiif,  ■»«.  Hut  IIioiikIi  tlin 
work  waa  thu«  acconiiinHlii'il  In  tlir  iniliiiiin  of 
1870,  It  WHS  not  until  2i\  .lunii  IN7I  that  Ihi'  Kln^ 
made  hU  triumphal  entry  Into  the  capital  of 
Italy."— J.  A.  K.  Marriott,  T/ie  Muktrt  of  Mmkrn 
Hilly,  pp.  78-70. 

Al.wi  IN:  (J.  Qarllmlill,  Autnhingnwhy,  v.  8, 
eh.  8-9.— O.  H.  (Jodkin,  l.ife  of  Victor  tCmmaiiuel, 
eh.  82  (V.  2). 

A.  D.  1870-1894. — The  taiki  and  burden*  of 
the  United  Nation.— Military  and  colonial  am- 
bitiona.  — The  Triple  Alliance.  -"Idily  now 
[In  INTO)  Htood  hefoni  the  world  as  a  nation 
of  twenty-five  million  Inlial.ltantg,  lier  frontlcrH 
well  delined,  her  needs  very  evid'iit.  Neve  ''-.c-- 
less.  If  her  national  exUtenee  wim  to  ho  .  re 
than  a  name,  nhe  niUHt  hnv>!  dlHelnlinu  In  .>elf- 
gnverninent,  and  §he  iiiuBt  iim  iiulekly  as  poHslltlu 
acquire  the  tools  and  iiietliods  of  the  eivlllzatlon 
prevailing;  among  thi'  e  natlonH  Into  wliofle  com- 

Ean>  her  victories  had  raised  her.  Two  thirds  of 
er  people  laRKi'd  behind  the  Western  world  not 
onlv  In  material  Inventions,  hut  In  education  and 
civic  trnlnin);.  Itnilroad.s  anil  teleftrHphs,  the 
wider  application  of  steam  to  Industries,  schools, 
courts,  the  police,  had  all  to  be  provided,  and 

f)rovlded  nulckly,  IniprovementB  which  Eng- 
and  and  Franco  had  added  gradually  and  paid 
for  gradually,  Italy  hail  to  organize  and  pay  for 
Id  a  few  years.  Hence  a  levying  of  heavy  taxes, 
and  exorbitant  borrowing  from  the  future  in  the 
public  debt.  Not  onlv  this,  but  ancient  tradi- 
tions, the  memories  of  feuds  between  town  and 
town,  had  to  bo  obliterated ;  the  people  had  to 
bo  niaile  truly  one  people,  so  that  Venetians,  or 
Neapolitans,  or  Hlcilians  hIiouKI  each  feel  that 
they  were  flrst  of  all  Italians.  National  uni- 
formity must  supplant  provincial  peculiarity; 
there  must  Ihj  one  longiuige,  one  code  of  laws, 
one  common  interest;  lu  a  word,  the  new  nation 
must  1)0  Italianized.  The  eosc  and  rapidity  with 
which  the  Italians  Imvo  progressed  in  all  these 
respects  have  no  parallel  In  m<Klern  times. 
Though  Immense  the  undertaking,  they  have,  In 
porforniing  it,  revealed  an  adaptability  to  new 
conditions,  a  power  of  transformation  which  arc 
among  the  most  remarkable  characteristics  of 
their  race,  and  the  strongest  proofs  that  ruin  will 
not  now  engulf  them.  Only  a  race  incapable  of 
readjusting  itself  need  despair.  Happy  had 
Italy  been  If,  undlstracted  by  temptation,  she 
had'  pursued  the  plain  course  liefore  her;  still 
happy,  had  she  resisted  such  temptation.  But 
nations,  like  individuals,  are  not  made  all  of  one 

Elecc ;  they,  too,  acknowledge  the  t)ettcr  reason, 
ut  follow  the  worse ;  they,  too,  through  pride 
or  vanity  or  passion,  often  forfeit  the  winnings 
from  years  of  toil.  .  .  .  Italy  was  recognized  as 
a  great  power  by  her  neighbors,  and  she  willingly 
persuaded  herself  that  it  \vas  her  duty  to  do  what 
they  did.  In  this  civilized  age,  the  flrst  requi- 
site of  a  greot  power  is  a  large  st^uiding  army. 
...  A  large  standing  army  being  the  flrst  con- 
dition of  ranking  among  the  great  powers.  Italy 
aet  about  preparing  one.  .  .  .  Perhaps  more  than 


any  other  Kiiropcan  nation  she  was  cxciiHiibli'  in 
(U'slring  to  hIiow  lliiit  her  clll/ens  could  iM'Comt' 
HoldiiTH.  for  hIic  hiid  been  taunted  time  out  of 
mind  wlili  hir  elTeminacy.  her  cowardice.  It 
might  Ih'  argiird,  tiK),  that  ^he  received  a  larger 
dlvideiid  In  indirect  comp  fsation  for  her  capital 
Invested  In  the  army  than  I;  •  nelghlH)ni  reci'lvnl 
from  theirs.  I'nlfonn  inllitjtry  service  helpcil  to 
blot  out  provincial  lines  and  to  Itallanl/c  nil  hcc- 
tliins;  It  also  furni.slird  ruillmetitarv  I'diicatlnn 
to  the  vast  bixly  of  Illiterate  ciinscrliits.  Thi'S4) 
ends  might  have  lieen  reached  at  far  less  cost  by 
direct  and  natural  ineaiiH;  but  this  fact  Hliould 
not  lesMi'ii  the  credit  due  to  the  Italian  military 
system  for  furthering  them.  Tradition,  example, 
national  scnHitiveneHS,  all  consiilri'd  in  this  way 
to  persuade  Italy  to  saddle  ar:  Imiiicnse  army  on 
hir  back.  .  .  .  One  evidence  of  being  a  'great 
power,'  according  to  the  political  htandard  of 
the  time,  consists  in  uliilitv  to  establish  colonies, 
or  at  least  a  iirotcctiirale,  In  distant  lands;  there- 
fore Italian  .lingoes  goaded  their  government  on 
to  plant  the  Italian  flag  In  Africa.  Frame  was 
already  mistress  of  Algiers;  Spain  liilil  a  lien  on 
Morocco;  Italy  could  accordingly  do  no  less  than 
spread  her  Influence  over  Tunis.  For  a  few 
years  It.ily  complacently  Imagined  that  she  was 
as  good  as  her  rivals  In  the  possesslun  of  a  for- 
eign dependency.  Tlien  a  sudden  recrudescence 
of  Jingoism  In  France  caused  the  French  to 
occupy  Tunis.  The  Italians  were  very  angry; 
but  when  they  sounded  the  situation,  they  real- 
ized that  it  would  be  folly  to  go  to  war  over  It. 
.  .  .  Not  warned  by  this  experience,  Italy,  a  few 
years  later,  t)iunged  yet  moro  deeply  Into  tho 
uncertain  policy  of  colonization,  hngland  and 
France  having  fallen  out  over  the  control  of 
Egypt,  then  Knglaml,  having  virtually  made  thu 
Kuedlvo  her  vassal,  suggested  that  It  would  be 
a  very  fine  thing  for  Italy  to  establish  a  colony 
far  down  on  tho  coast  of  the  Red  Sea,  whence 
she  could  command  the  trade  of  Abyssinia.  Italian 
Jingoes  jumpe.l  at  the  suggestion,  and  for  ten 
years  tho  red-wlilte-and-gre<ai  flag  has  waved 
over  Massaua.  Eut  the  good  that  Italy  h'lS  de- 
rived from  this  acquisition  has  yet  to  appear. 
.  .  .  Equally  slow  have  they  been  to  learn  that 
their  partnership  In  the  Triple  Alliance  [see 
Tkiple  Ali.ianck]  lias  entailed  upon  them  sacri- 
fices out  of  all  proi)ortlon  to  the  benefits.  To 
associate  on  apparently  even  terms  with  Ger- 
many and  Austrio  was  doubtless  gratifying  to 
national  vanity,  .  .  .  but  who  can  show  that 
Italy  hi\s  been  more  secure  from  attack  since  she 
entered  that  league  than  fiho  was  before?  .  .  . 
For  the  sake  .  .  .  of  a  delusive  honor, — the 
honor  of  posing-as  the  partner  of  the  arbiters  of 
Europe, — Italy  has,  since  1883,  seen  her  army 
ami  her  debt  increase,  and  her  resources  projwr- 
tionately  diminish.  None  of  her  ministers  has 
had  tlio  co\irago  to  suggest  quitting  a  ruiuous 
policy ;  on  the  contrary,  they  have  sought  hither 
and  thither  to  find  means  to  perpetuate  it  with- 
out octually  breaking  tlie  country's  back.  .  .  . 
Yet  not  on  this  account  shall  we  despair  of  a 
country  wldch,  in  spite  of  folly,  has  achieved 
much  against  great  odds,  and  which  lias  shown 
a  wonderful  capacity  for  sloughing  off  h'  •  past. 
Hardship  itself,  though  it  be  the  penalty  of 
error,  may,  by  restricting  hei  ability  to  go  astray, 
lead  her  back  to  the  path  of  reason.  — W.  U. 
Thayer,  Some  Causes  of  the  Italian  Crisis  (At- 
lantic, April,  1894). — See,  also,  Ihiiedentistb. 


1869 


ITHACA. 


JALA-.iEAN  ERA. 


ITHACA.— One  of  the  seven  Ionian  islandR, 
aniiill  and  uiiiiiiporliint,  but  interesting;  ns  bcin); 
tlie  llnnuTic  isliitidkingdoni  of  Ulysses  —  tlie 
i)rin(i|)iil  scene  iif  tlie  story  of  tlie  Odyssey. 
The  island  liius  been  more  or  less  exjilored,  with 
II  view  to  identifying  the  localities  mentioned  in 
the  epic,  by  Sir  William  Gell,  by  Col.  Leake,  and 
liy  Dr.  Scliliemann.  Some  account  of  the  latter's 
work  ami  its  results  is  given  in  the  iutro<luction 
to  Ilia  "llios." — E.  H.  llunbury,  llitt.  of  Ancient 
(iiiiri.,  ch.  3,  note  I  (c.  1). 

ITHOME.  See  Spahta:  B.  C.  743-510 ;  also, 
Mkssknun  Wah,  The  Tiiihd. 

ITOCOS,  The.    See  Amehican  Aborigines: 

ClIIIICIIAS. 

ITONOMOS,  The.  See  Bolivia:  The  am- 
okioinal  inhaditantb;  also,  American  Abo- 
nioiNiCH:  Andebianb. 

ITURBIDE,  Empire  of.  See  Mexico: 
A.  D.  1820-1826. 


ITUZAINGO,  Battle  of  (1827).  See  Ah- 
OKNTIMO  Uki'IHMc;  A.  I).  1810-1874. 

I  UK  A,  Battle  of.  See  Unitisi>  States  of 
Am.:  a.  I).  1802  (Sei'tk.mbek  —  (Xtoheu:  Mib 
BiBBirri). 

IVAN  I.,  Grand  Prince  of  Moscow,  A.  D. 
1328-1340 Ivan  II.,  Grand  Prince  of  Mos- 
cow,    13.')2-135« Ivan     III.    (called    The 

Great),  the  first  Czar  of  Muscovy,  or  Russia, 

14(l2-ir)05.     See    Hibsia:   A.   I).   1237-1480 

Ivan  IV.  (called  The  Terrible),  Czar  of  Rus- 
sia, ir)33-ir)84.     See  Kissia:  A.   I).   1533-1682. 

...Ivan  v..  Czar  of    Russia,  1683-1689 

Ivan  VI.,  Czar  of  Russia,  1740-1741. 

IVERNI,   The.    See    Ireland,   Tribes    of 

EAHI.Y  CKLTIC  inhabitants. 

IVRY,  Battle  of  (1590).  See  Fi;ance:  A.  D. 
1589-ir)»0. 

IVY  LANE  CLUB,  The.  Set  Cldbb,  Db. 
Johnson's. 


J. 


JACK  CADE'S  REBELLION.    See  Eno 

land:  a.  I).  14150. 

JACK'S  LAND.  See  No  Man's  Land  (Eng- 
land). 

JACKSON,  Andrew.  —  Campaign  against 
the   Creek    Indians.    See  United  States  ok 

Am.:   a.  D.   1813-1814    (August  — April) 

Victory  at  New  Orleans.    See  United  States 

of   Am.  :A.  I).   1815  (January) Campaign 

in  Florida.     See  Florida:  A.  I).  1816-1818 

Presidential  election  and  administration.     See 
United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1828,  to  1837. 

JACKSON,  Stonewall  (General  Thomas  J.) 
at  the  first  Battle  01  Bull  Run.  See  United 
States  op  Am.:  A.  D.  1861  (July:  Virginia). 
....  First  campaign  in  the  Shenandoah.  See 
United  States  of  Am  :  A.  I).  1861-1803  (De- 
cember—April: Virginia) Second  cam- 
paign in  the  Shenandoah.  See  United  States 
of  Am.:  A.  1).  1803  (May — June:  Virginia). 
....  Peninsular  campaign.  See  United  States 
OF  Am.  :  A.  D.  1863  (June  —  July:  Virginia). 
Last  flank  movement. — Death.  See  Uni- 
ted States  of  Am.  :  A.  I).  1803  (April — May: 
Virginia). 

JACKSON,  Miss. :  A.  D.  1863.— Capture 
and  recapture  by  the  Union  forces.— Sack  and 
ruin.  See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1803 
(April — July:  On  the  Mississippi);  and  (July: 
Mississippi). 

JACOBIN  CLUBS.  — JACOBINS,  The. 
See  France:  A.  D.  1790,  to  1794-1795  (July  — 
April). 

JACOBITE  CHURCH,  The.— The  grea'. 
rcfigious  dispute  of  the  5tli  century,  concerning 
the  single  or  the  double  hature  of  Christ,  as  Goa 
and  as  man,  left,  iu  the  end,  two  extreme  ;)ar- 
ties,  the  Monophysites  and  the  Nestorians,  e;. 
posed  alike  to  the  pcrsectitions  of  the  orthodox 
church,  as  established  in  its  faitli  by  the  Council 
of  Chalcedon,  by  the  Homan  Pope  and  by  the 
emperors  Justin  and  Justinian.  "The  Monophy- 
site  partv,  strongest  in  Syria,  was  threatened 
with  extinction ;  but  a  monk  named  Jumes,  or 
Jacobus,  Baradoeus— "  Al  Baradai,"  "the  man 
in  rags,"— imparted  new  life  to  it  by  his  zeal 
and  activity,  and  its  members  acquired  from 
him  the  name  of  Jacobites.  Amida  (now  Diar- 
bekir)  on  the  Tigris  became  the  seat   of    the 


Jacobite  patriarchs  and  remains  so  to  this  day. 
Abulpharagius,  the  oriental  historian  of  the  13th 
century,  was  their  most  distinguished  scholar, 
and  iield  the  oftlce  of  Mafriun  or  vice-patriarch, 
so  to  speak,  of  the  East.  Their  communities  are 
mostly  confined  at  present  to  the  region  of  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Tigris,  and  number  less  than 
200,000  souls.- II.  F.  Tozer,  The  Church  and  the 
Kaatcrn  Kmpire,  ch.  5. — See  Nestorian  and 
MoNoPHvsiTE  Controversy. 

JACOBITES.— After  the  revolution  of  1688 
in  England,  which  expelled  James  II.  from  the 
throne,  his  partisans,  who  wished  to  restore  him, 
were  called  Jacobites,  an  appellation  derived 
from  the  Latin  form  of  his  name — Jacobus. 
The  name  adhered  after  James'  death  to  the 
party  which  maintained  the  rights  of  his  son 
and  grandson,  Jaines  Stuart  and  Charles  Ed- 
ward, the  "Old "Pretender"  and  the  "Young 
Pretender,"  as  they  were  respectively  called. 
I  See  Scotland:  A.  1).  1707-1708.  The  Jacobites 
!  rose  twice  in  rebellion.  See  Scotland:  A.  D. 
1715;  and  174.5-1746. 

JACQUERIE,  The  Insurrection  of  the.  See 
France:  A.  D.  1358. 

JAFFA  (ancient  Joppa):  A.  D.  1196-1197. 
— Takei  and  retaken  by  the  German  Cru- 
saders.    SeeCRUBADEs:  A.  D.  1196-1197. 

A.  IV.  1799. — Capture  by  Bonaparte. — Mas- 
'  ssorr  of  prisoners. — Reported  poisoning  of 
Che  sick.  See  Frani-jj:  A.  D.  1798-1799  (Ad- 
gu'jT  —  August). 

JAGELLONS,  The  dynasty  of  the.  See 
'  Poland:  A.  D.  1333-1573. 
I  JAGIR  -"A  jagir  [in  India]  is,  literally, 
I  land  given  by  a  government  as  a  reward  for 
services  rendered." — O.  B.  Malleaon,  I/n'd  Clive, 
'  p.  12S. footnote. 

JAHANGIR  (Salim),   Moghul  Emperor  or 
Padischah  of  India,  A.  D.  100.5-1637. 
j       JAINISM.— JAINS.     See  India:  B.  C.  313- 

i       JAITCHE,    Defense    of  (1527).    See   Bal- 
j  KAN  AND  Danubian  STATES:  9Tn-16Tn  Centu- 
ries (Bosnia,  ETC.). 
I      JALALiEAN  ERA.     See  Tukkb  (The  Sel- 
i   JUK):  A.  D.  1073-1002. 


1870 


JALULA. 


JAMAICA. 


JALULA,  Battle  of.— One  of  the  battles  in 
which  tliL-  Ariiiii,  midfr  the  first  BucceB.sors  of 
Miilioiiuit,  comiiU'R'd  thu  Persian  empire.  Foujjlit 
A.  I).  037. — G.  Hawlinson,  /Seventh  Urent  Orien- 
tal Momirchy,  c/i.  20. — See  Mahometan  Co\- 
♦juest:  A.  I).  033-051. 

JAMAICA  :  A.  D.  1494.— Discovery  by  Co- 
lumbus.    SeeAMKilKA:  A.  I).  1  ti»3-t4»0. 

A.  D.  1509  — Granted  to  Ojeda  and  Nicuesa. 
SeeAMKUicA:  A.  1).  1509-1511. 

A.  D.  1655. — The  English  conquest  and 
colonization. —  In  tlic  spring  of  10.55,  Imving  de- 
tc'rmine(l  upon  an  alliance  witli  France  and  war 
with  Spain,  Cromwell  lifted  out  an  expedition 
under  adiiurals  Venablcs  and  Pen,  secretly  coni- 
inissioncd  to  attack  Cuba  and  St.  Domingo. 
Frustrated  in  an  attempt  against  the  latter  island, 
the  expedition  made  a  descent  on  the  island  of 
Jamaica  with  better  success.  "This  great  gain 
was  yet  held  insuUlcieut  to  balance  the  first  de- 
feat; and  01  the  return  of  Pen  and  Venables  they 
were  both  committed  to  the  Tower.  I  may 
pause  for  an  instant  here  to  notice  a  sound  exam- 
ple of  Cromwell's  far-seeing  sagacity.  Though 
men  scouted  in  that  day  the  acquisition  of  Ja- 
maica, he  saw  its  value  in  itself,  and  its  impor- 
tance in  relation  to  future  attempts  on  the  con- 
tinent of  America.  Exerting  the  inhuman  power 
of  a  despot — occasionally,  as  hurricanes  and 
other  horrors,  necessary  for  the  purification  of 
the  world  —  he  ordered  his  son  Henry  to  seize  on 
1,000  young  girls  in  Ireland  and  send  them  over 
to  Jamaica,  for  the  purpose  of  increasing  pop\i- 
lation  there.  A  year  later,  and  while  the  Italian 
Sagrcdo  was  in  London,  he  issued  an  order  that 
all  females  of  disorderly  lives  should  be  arrested 
and  shipped  for  Barbadoes  for  the  like  purpose. 
Twelve  hundred  were  accordingly  sent  in  three 
shi|)s." — J.  Forster,  Statenmen  of  the  Coimnoii- 
icealth :  Cromwell. 

Also  in:  G.  Penu,  MenwriaU  of  Sir  Wm. 
Penn,  Admiral,  v.  3,  p.  124,  and  app.  II. — See, 
also,  England:  A.  I).  1635-1058. 

A.  D.  1655-1796. — Development  of  the  British 
colony. —  1  he  Buccaneers. — The  Maroon  wars. 
— "Cromwell  set  himself  to  maintain  and  develop 
his  new  conquest.  He  issued  a  proclamation  en- 
couraging trade  and  settlement  in  the  island  by 
exemption  from  taxes.  In  order  to  '  people  and 
plant'  it,  he  ordered  an  equal  number  of  young 
men  and  women  to  be  sent  over  from  Ireland,  ho 
instructed  the  Scotch  government  to  apprehend 
and  transport  the  idle  and  vagrant,  and  he  sent 
agents  to  the  New  England  colonies  and  the 
other  West  Indian  islands  in  order  to  attract  set- 
tlers. After  the  first  three  or  four  years  this 
policy  of  encouraging  emigration,  continued  in 
spite'  of  the  Protector's  death,  bore  due  fruit, 
and  Jamaica  became  to  a  singular  extent  a  recep- 
tacle for  the  most  varied  types  of  settlers,  for 
freemen  as  well  as  for  political  offenders  or  crimi- 
nals from  Newgate,  and  for  immigrants  from  the 
colonies  as  well  as  from  the  mother  coiuitry.  .  .  . 
The  deatli  of  Cromwell  brought  over  adherents 
of  the  Parliamentary  party,  ill  content  with  the 
restoration  of  the  Stuarts;  the  evacuation  of 
Surinam  in  favour  of  the  Dutch  brought  in  a 
contingent  of  planters  in  1075;  the  survivors  of 
the  ill-fated  Scotch  colony  at  Durieu  came  over 
in  1099;  and  the  Kye  House  Plot,  Sedgmoor, 
and  the  risinjis  of  1715  and  1745  all  contributed 
to  the  popiilBtion  of  the  island.     Most  of  all, 


however,  the  buccaneers  made  Jamaica  great  and 
prosperous.  .  .  .  Situated  as  the  island  was, 
well  inside  the  ring  of  tlie  Spanish  possessions, 
the  EnglLsh  occupation  of  Jamaica  was  a  god- 
send to  the  buccaneers,  while  their  privateering 
trade  was  exactly  suited  to  the  restless  soldiers 
who  formed  the  large  bulk  of  the  early  colonists. 
So  Port  Hoyal  became  in  a  few  years  a  great 
emporium  of  ill  gotten  wealth,  anrf  theman  who 
.Slicked  Piiiian'.a  became  Sir  Henry  Morgan, 
Lieuienaiit-Uovcrnor  of  Jamaica.  ...  In  1001 
Charles  II.  siuictioned  the  beginnings  of  civil 
govcnment.  .  .  .  Municipal  institutions  were  in- 
troduced, judges  and  magistrates  were  appointed, 
land  grants  were  issued,  and  the  island  began  to 
take  the  form  and  substance  of  an  English  colony. 
The  constitution  thenceforward  consisted  of  a 
Governor,  a  nominated  Council,  and  an  elected  As- 
sembly ;  and  the  first  Assembly,  consisting  of  39 
persons,  met  in  January,  1004.  ...  It  was  not 
long  before  the  representative  body  began  to  assert 
its  indcjH'ndenee  bj-  opposition  to  the  CJrown,  and 
in  1078  the  Home  government  invited  conflict  by 
trying  to  apply  to  Jamaica  tlie  system  wliich  hud 
been  introduced  into  Ireland  by  the  notorious 
Poynings'  la^'.  Under  this  system  no  Assembly 
could  be  summoned  for  legislative  purposes  ex- 
cept under  special  directions  from  hon\o,  and  its 
functions  would  have  been  limited  to  registering 
consent  to  laws  which  had  already  been  put  into 
approved  shape  in  England. "  Conflict  over  this 
attempt  to  deal  witli  Jamaica  as  "a  conquered 
and  tributary  dependency "  did  not  end  imtil 
1728,  when  the  colonists  bought  relief  from  it  by 
settling  on  the  Crown  an  "  irrevocable  revenue  ' 
of  ±;8,000  per  annum.  "About  the  time  when 
the  constitutional  difficulty  was  settled,  the  Ma- 
roon question  was  pressing  itself  more  and  more 
upon  the  attention  of  the  colonial  government. 
The  penalty  which  Jamaica  paid  for  being  a 
large  and  mountainous  island  was,  that  it  har- 
boured in  its  forests  and  ravines  a  body  of  men 
who,  throughout  its  history  down  to  the  present 
century,  were  a  source  of  anxiety  and  danger. 
The  original  Maroons,  or  mountaineers,  for  that 
is  the  real  meaning  of  the  term,  were  .  .  .  the 
slaves  of  Spaniards  who  retreated  into  the  interior 
when  the  English  took  the  island,  and  sallied  out 
from  time  to  time  to  harass  the  invaders  and  cut 
off  stragglers  and  detached  parties.  .  .  .  Maroon 
or  ]\Iaron  is  on  abbreviation  of  Cimaron,  and  is 
derived  from  the  Spanish  or  Portuguese  'Cima,' 
or  mountain  top.  Skeat  points  out  that  the  word 
is  probably  of  Portuguese  origin,  the  '  C '  having 
been  pronounced  as  '  S.'  Benzoni  (edited  by  the 
Hakluyt  Society),  who  wrote  about  1505,  spealis 
of  '  Cimaroni '  as  being  the  Sponish  name  for 
outlawed  slaves  in  Ilispaniola.  ...  It  is  proba- 
ble that  the  danger  would  have  been  greater  if 
the  outlaws  had  been  a  united  baud,  but  there 
were  divisions  of  race  and  origin  among  them. 
The  Maroons  proper,  tlie  slaves  of  the  Spaniards 
and  their  descendants,  were  mainly  in  tlie  (^ast  of 
the  island  among  the  Blue  Mountain.s,  while  the 
mountains  of  the  central  district  were  the  refuge 
of  runaways  from  Eng.  Jt  masters,  including 
Africans  of  different  races,  us  well  as  Madagas- 
cars  or  Malays.  Towards  the  end  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  the  newer  fugitives  had  found  in 
a  negro  named  Cudjoe  an  able  and  determined 
leader,  and  thenceforward  the  resistance  to  the 
government  became  more  organised  and  syste- 
matic. .  .  .  Finally,  in  1738,  Governor  Treluwuy 


1871 


JAMAICA. 


JAMAICA. 


miutc  overtures  of  peace  to  the  rclwls,  which 
were  accepted.  ...  By  tliis  treiity  tlic  freedom 
of  the  negrm-s  wus  guiiniiiteed,  speciid  reserves 
were  ii.ssigiie<l  to  them,  they  were  left  iiiitU'r  tlie 
rule  of  tlieir  own  ciiptaius  assisted  by  wliitc 
8uperiiiten(U'iits,  but  were  bound  over  to  lielp 
the  governnieut  ng"'nst  foreign  invasion  from 
witliout  and  slave  bellioiis  from  within.  A 
similar  treatj'  was  made  with  the  ci.stern  Ma- 
roons, and  the  whole  of  these  blacks  s(mie  (100 
in  number,  were  esta'  lished  in  five  .settlements. 
.  .  .  Under  these  conditions  the  Maroons  gave 
little  trouble  till  thecnd  of  the  18th  century.  .  .  . 
Tile  last  Maroon  war  occurred  in  1705."  AVhen 
the  insurgent  Maroons  surrendered,  the  next  year, 
they  were,  in  violation  of  the  terms  made  with 
them,  tninsported  to  Nova  Scotia,  and  afterwards 
to  the  warmer  climate  of  Sierra  'eone.  "Thus 
ended  the  last  Maroon  rebellion;  nut  ...  it  af- 
fected only  one  section  of  these  negro  freemen, 
and  even  their  descendonts  returned  in  many 
cases  to  Jatnaica  at  a  later  date." — C.  P.  Lucas, 
Jlint.  Oeoij.  of  the  British  Voloniet,  v.  2,  iicct.  2, 
th.  3,  with  foot- note. 

Also  in:  O.  W.  Bridges,  Annulu  of  Jamaica,  v. 
1,  and  r.  2,  ch.  1-10.— R.  C.  Dallas,  Hist,  of  the 
Maroons. 

A.  D.  1689-1762.— The  English  slave  trade. 
See  8i,.\VF,UY,  Neoro:  A.  1).  1098-1776. 

A.  D.  1692.  — Destructive  Earthc^uake. — 
"An  earthquake  of  terrible  violence  laid  waste 
in  less  than  three  minutes  the  flourishing  colony 
of  Jamaica.  Whole  plantations  clianged  their 
place.  Whole  villages  were  swallowed  up.  Port 
uoyal,  the  fairest  and  wealthiest  city  which  the 
English  had  yet  built  in  the  New  World,  re- 
nowned for  its  quays,  for  its  warehouses,  and 
for  its  stately  streets,  which  were  said  to  rival 
Cheapside,  was  turned  into  a  mass  of  ruins. 
Fifteen  hundred  of  the  inhabitants  were  buried 
under  their  own  dwellings." — Lord  Macaulay, 
Hist,  of  Eng.,  ch.  19  («.  4). 

A.  b.  1834-1838.— Emancipation  of  Slaves. 
See  SI,.^.VKUY,  Neouo:  A.  1).  1834-1838. 

A.  D.  1865. — Governor  Eyre's  suppression 
of  Insurrection. —  In  October,  186.5,  there  oc- 
curred an  insurrection  among  the  colored  people 
of  one  district  of  Jamaica,  the  suppression  of 
which  throws  "a  not  r.itogetlier  pleasant  light 
upon  English  mctluxls,  when  applied  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  a  subject  race.  .  .  .  The  disturb- 
ances were  confined  to  the  district  and  parish  of 
St.  Thomas  in  the  East.  There  were  local  griev- 
ances arising  from  a  dispute  between  Mr.  Gordon, 
a  native  [colored]  proprietor,  and  Baron  Ketel- 
lioldt,  the  custos  of  the  parish.  Mr.  Gordon,  a 
di.ssenter,  and  apparently  a  reformer  of  abuses 
and  unpopular  among  his  fellows,  had  been  de- 
prived of  liis  place  among  the  magistrates,  and 
prevented  from  tilling  the  office  of  churchwarden 
to  which  he  was  elected.  The  expenses  of  tlie 
suits  against  him  had  been  defrayed  from  the 
public  purse.  The  native  Baptists,  the  sect  to 
which  he  belonged,  were  imgry  with  what  they 
regarded  as  at  once  an  act  of  persecution  and  a 
misapproiiriation  of  the  public  money.  Indigna- 
tion meetings  had  been  held.  .  .  .  Behind  this 
quarrel,  which  would  not  of  itself  have  produced 
much  result,  there  lay  more  general  grievances. 
.  .  .  There  was  a  real  grievance  in  the  difflcuUy 
of  obtaining  redress  through  law  administered 
entirely  l)y  landlor.is;  and  as  a  natural  conse- 
quence there  had  grown  up  a  strong  mistrust  of 


the  law  itself,  and  a  complete  alienation  between 
the  employer  and  the  employed.  To  this  was 
added  a  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  class  above 
the  ordinary  labourer,  known  as  the  free  settlers, 
that  they  were  unduly  rented,  and  obliged  to 
pay  rent  for  land  which  they  should  liave  held 
free;  and  there  was  a  very  general  though  vague 
expectation  that  in  some  way  or  other  the  occu- 
))iers  would  bo  freed  from  the  payment  of  rent. 
The  insurrection  broke  out  in  October; "  a  small 
riot,  at  first,  at  Morant  Bay,  in  which  a  police- 
man was  beaten ;  then  an  attempt  to  arrest  one 
of  the  alleged  rioters,  a  colored  preacher,  Paul 
Bogle  by  name,  and  a  formidable  resistance  to 
the  attempt  by  400  of  his  friends.  "On  the  next 
day,  when  the  Magistrates  and  Vestry  were  as- 
sembled in  the  Courtlloiise  at  Morant  Bay,  a 
crowd  of  insurgents  made  their  appearance,  the 
volunteers  were  called  out,  and  the  Riot  Act 
read ;  and  after  a  skirmish  the  Court-House  was 
taken  and  burnt,  18  of  the  defenders  killed  and  30 
wounded.  The  jail  was  broken  open  and  several 
stores  sacked.  There  wiis  some  evidence  that 
the  rising  was  premeditated,  and  tliat  a  good 
deal  of  drilling  had  been  going  on  among  the 
blacks  under  the  command  of  Bogle.  From 
Jlorant  Bay  armed  parties  of  the  inswrgents 
passed  inland  through  the  country  attacking  the 
plantations,  driving  tlie  Inhabitants  to  take 
refuge  in  the  bush,  and  putting  some  of  the 
whites  to  death.  The  Governor  of  the  Island  at 
the  time  was  Mr.  Eyre  [former  explorer  of  Aus- 
tralia]. He  at  once  summoned  Ills  Privy  Coun- 
cil, and  with  their  advice  declared  martial  law 
over  the  county  of  Surrey,  with  the  exception  of 
the  town  of  Ivingston.  Bodies  of  troops  were 
also  at  once  despatched  to  surround  the  insurgent 
district.  .  .  .  439  persons  fell  victims  to  sum- 
mary punishment,  and  not  less  than  1,000  dwell- 
ings were  burnt ;  besides  which,  it  would  appear 
that  at  least  600  men  and  women  were  subjected 
to  flogging,  in  some  instances  with  circumstances 
of  unusual  cruelty.  But  the  event  which  chiefly 
fixed  the  attention  of  the  public  in  England  was 
the  summary  conviction  and  execution  of  Mr. 
Gordon.  He  was  undoubtedly  a  troublebome 
person,  and  there  were  circumstances  raising  a 
suspicion  that  he  possessed  a  guilty  knowledge 
of  the  intended  insurrection.  They  were  how- 
ever far  too  slight  to  have  secured  his  conviction 
before  a  Court  of  Law.  But  Governor  Eyre 
caused  him  to  be  arrested  in  Kingston,  where 
martial  law  dia  not  exist,  hurried  on  lioard  ship 
and  carried  to  Morant  Bay,  within  the  proclaimed 
district.  He  was  there  tried  by  a  court-martial, 
consisting  of  three  young  olflcers, "  was  sentenced 
to  death,  and  immediately  hanged. — J.  F.  Bright, 
Hist,  of  Eng.:  ]x:riod  4,  pp.  413-415. — "When 
the  story  reached  England,  in  clear  and  trust- 
worthy form,  two  antagonistic  parties  were  in- 
stantly formed.  The  extreme  on  the  one  side 
glorified  Govemc-  Eyre,  and  held  that  by  his 
prompt  action  he  had  saved  the  white  popula- 
tion of  Jamaica  from  all  the  horrors  of  trium- 
phant negro  insurrection.  The  extreme  on  the 
other  side  denounced  him  as  a  mere  flend.  Tlie 
majority  on  botli  sides  were  more  reasonable; 
but  the  difference  between  them  was  only  less 
wide.  An  association  called  the  Jamaica  Com- 
mittee was  formed  for  the  avowed  purpose  of 
seeing  that  justice  was  done.  It  comprised  some 
of  the  most  illustrious  Englishmen.  .  .  .  Another 
association  was  founded,  on  the  opposite  side, 


1872 


JAMAICA. 


JAPAN. 


for  tlie  piirinsc  of  siistaiiiiiii;  Governor  Eyre; 
and  it  musi  be  owni'<l  that  it  too  Imd  ^ri'i't 
names.  Mr.  Mill  niiiy  be  said  to  have  led  the 
one  side,  and  Mr.  Carlyle  the  other.  The  natural 
bent  (if  eaeli  man's  genius  and  temper  turned 
him  to  the  side  of  the  Jamaica  negroes,  or  of  the 
Jamaica  Governor.  Mr.  Tennyson,  Mr.  Kings- 
ley,  Mr.  Ruskin,  followed  Mr.  Carlyle;  we  know 
now  that  Mr.  Dickens  was  of  the  same  wav  of 
thinking.  Mr.  Herbert  Spencer,  Professor  liu.x- 
ley,  Mr.  Goldwin  Smith,  were  in  agreement  with 
Mr.  Jlill.  ...  No  one  needs  to  be  told  that  Mr. 
Bright  took  the  side  of  the  oppressed,  and  Jlr. 
Disraeli  that  of  authority."  A  Commission  of 
Inquirj'  sent  out  to  investigate  the  whole  matter, 
reported  in  Ajiril,  1806,  commending  the  vigor- 
ous ])romptitu(le  with  which  Governor  Eyre  had 
dealt  with  the  disturbances  at  the  begin'  icg,  but 
condemning  the  brutalities  which  followed,  under 
cover  of  martial  law,  and  especially  the  infamous 
execution  of  Gordon.  The  Jamaica  Conuuittce 
made  repeated  efforts  to  bring  Governor  Eyre's 
conduct  to  judicial  trial;  but  without  success. 
"The  bills  of  indictment  never  got  beyond  the 
grand  jury  stage.  The  grand  jury  always  threw 
them  out.  On  one  memorable  occasion  the  at- 
tempt gave  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  [Cockburn] 
of  England  an  opportunity  of  delivering  ...  to 
the  grand  jury  .  .  .  achnrgeentitled  to  the  rank 
of  a  historical  declaration  of  the  law  of  England, 
and  the  limits  of  the  military  power  even  in  cases 
of  insurrection." — J.  McCarthy,  Hist,  of  Our  Own 
Times,  ch.  40  (r.  4). 

Ai.so  IN:  G.  B.  Smith,  Life  and  Speeches  of 
John  Bright,  v.  3,  ch.  5. — W.  F.  Finlason,  Hist, 
of  'he  Jdiuaicii  Cnsc. 

JAMES  I.,  Kingof  Aragon,  A.  D.  1313-1376. 
...James  I.,  King  of  England,  A.  D.  160;i- 
103.')  (he  being,  also,  James  VI.,  King  of  Scot- 
land, 1507-1035) James  I.,  King  of  Scot- 
land, 1 100-1437 James  II.,  King  of  Aragon, 

1391-1337;  Kingof  Sicilv  1385-1395 James 

II.,  King  of  England,  16t5i)-1689 James  II., 

King  of  Scotland,  1437-1460 James   III., 

King   of  Scotland,  1400-1488 James   IV., 

King   of   Scotland,   1488-1513 James    V., 

King  of  Scotland,  1513-1543. 

JAMES  ISLAND,  Battle  on.  See  United 
States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1863  (Julv:  South  Caro- 

LINA). 

JAMESTOWN,  Virginia  :  A.  D.  1007-1610. 
The  founding  of  the  colony.  See  Vihoinia: 
A.  I).  1006-1607;  and  1607-1610. 

JAMNIA,  Battle  of. —  A  defeat  by  Gorgias, 
the  Syrian  general,  of  part  of  the  army  of  Judas 
Maccabojus  which  he  left  under  his  generals 
Joseph  and  .Vzarius,  B.  C.  164. — Josephus,  Antiq. 
of  the  Jews,  hk  13,  ch.  8. 

JAMNIA,  The  School  of. —  A  famous  school 
of  Jewish  theology,  established  by  Joclmnan,  who 
escaped  from  Jerusalem  during  the  siege  by 
Titus.— H.  G)'aetz,  Hist,  of  the  Jews,  v.  3,  j).  337. 

JANICULUM,  The.  See  Laticm,  and 
Vatican. 

JANISSARIES,  ^  .xtion  and  destruction 
of  the.     Se.  TfUK-     ..  D.  1336-1359;  and  1836. 

JANKCWi  iX,  Battle  of  (1645).  See  Geu- 
many:  A.  D.  1040-1645. 

JANSENISTS,  The.    See  Pout  Koval  and 

THE  JaNSENISTS. 

JANUS,  The  Temple  of.     See  Temple  ok 

JANC8.  .■■   .  ■ 


JAPAN:  Sketch  of  history  to  1869.— "  To 

the  eye  of  the  critical  investigator,  Japanese 
history,  properly  so-called,  opens  o'lly  '  i  the 
latter 'part  of  tlie  5tli  or  the  beginaing  of  the 
0th  century  after  Christ,  when  the  gradual  spread 
of  Chinese  cultiire,  filtering  in  throtigh  Korea, 
had  sufllciently  <lispelled  tiie  gloom  of  original 
barbarism  to  allow  of  the  keeping  of  records. 
The  whole  (piestion  of  tlie  credibility'  of  the 
early  history  of  Jai)an  has  been  carefully  gone 
into  during  the  last  ten  years  by  Aston  and 
others,  with  the  residt  that  the  tirst  date  pro- 
nounced trustworthy  is  A.  D.  401,  and  it  is  dis- 
covered that  even  the  annals  of  the  6th  century 
are  to  be  received  with  caution.  We  have  our- 
selves no  doubt  of  the  justice  of  this  egativo 
criticism,  and  can  only  stand  in  amazement  at 
the  simplicity  of  most  European  writers,  who 
have  accepted  without  sifting  them  the  uncriti- 
cal statements  of  the  Japanese  annalists.  .  .  . 
Japanese  art  and  literature  contain  frequent  allu- 
sions to  the  early  history  (so-called)  of  the  coun- 
try ...  as  jireserved  in  the  works  cntitlid 
Kojiki  and  Nihongi,  both  dating  from  the  8th 
century  after  Christ.  .  .  .  We  include  the  my- 
thology \inder  the  same  heading,  for  the  reason 
that  ft  is  absolutely  impossible  to  separate  the 
two.  Why,  indeed,  attempt  to  do  so,  where  both 
are  equally  fabulous?  .  .  .  Arrived  at  A.  I).  600, 
we  stand  on  terra  firma.  .  .  .  About  that  time 
occurred  the  greatest  event  of  Japanese  history, 
the  conversion  of  the  nation  to  Buddhism  (ap- 
proximately A.  D.  553-031).  So  far  as  can  be 
gathered  from  the  accounts  of  the  early  Chinese 
travellers,  Chinese  civilisation  had  slowly  —  very 
slowly  —  been  gaining  ground  in  the  archii)elag"o 
ever  since  the  3rd  century  after  Christ.  But 
when  the  Buddhist  missionaries  crossctl  the  water, 
all  Chinese  institutions  followed  them  and  came 
in  with  a  rush.  Mathematical  instruments  and 
calendars  were  introduced;  books  began  to  be 
written  (the  earliest  that  has  survived,  and  in- 
deed nearlj'  the  earliest  of  all,  is  the  already 
mentioned  Kojiki,  dating  from  A.  D.  713);  the 
custom  of  abdicating  tlie  throne  in  order  to 
spend  old  age  in  prayer  was  adopted  —  a  custom 
which,  more  than  anything  else,  led  to  the  eilace- 
ment  of  the  Mikado's  authority  during  the 
Middle  Ages.  Sweeping  changes  in  political  ar- 
rangements began  to  be  made  in  the  year  645, 
and  before  the  end  of  the  8th  century,  the  gov- 
ernment had  been  entirely  remodelled  on  the 
Chinese  centralised  bureaucratic  plan,  with  a 
regular  system  of  ministers  responsible  to  the 
sovereign,  who,  as  'Son  of  Ileave-i,' was  theo- 
retically absolute.  In  practice  this  absolutism 
lasted  but  a  short  time,  because  the  cntoura,'o 
and  mode  of  life  of  the  Mikados  were  not  suci\ 
as  to  make  of  them  able  rulers.  They  passed 
their  time  surrounded  only  by  women  and  jiriests, 
oscillating  between  indolence  and  debauchery, 
between  poctastering  and  gorgeous  temple  ser- 
vices. Tills  was  the  brilliant  age  of  Japanese 
classical  literature,  which  lived  and  moved  and 
had  its  being  in  the  atmosphere  of  an  effeminate 
court.  The  Fujiwara  family  engrossed  the 
power  of  the  state  during  this  early  epoch  (A.  D. 
670-1050).  While  their  sons  liekl  all  the  great 
posts  of  government,  the  daughters  were  mar- 
ried to  puppet  emperors.  The  next  change  re- 
sulted from  the  iiiipatience  of  the  always  manly 
and  warlike  Japanese  gentry  at  the  sight  of  this 
sort  of  petticoat  government.     The  great  claua 


1873 


JAPAN. 


JAPAN. 


of  Tiiira  and  Minnmoto  arose,  and  .strupglcd  for 
and  alternately  held  the  reins  of  ])o\ver  durini; 
the  seeond  half  of  the  11th  and  the  whol^;  of  the 
12th  century.  .  .  .  Hy  the  linal  overthrow  of  the 
Taira  faniilv  at  the  sea  tight  of  Danno-Ura  in 
A.  I).  1 1.%),  ■Yoritomo,  the  ehief  of  the  Mina- 
nioto.s,  rose  to  supreilic  power,  and  obtained  front 
the  Court  at  Kyoto  the  title  of  Shogun  [con- 
verted l)y  western  tongues  into  Tycoon],  liter- 
ally 'Generalissimo,'  which  had  till  then  been 
a|)plied  in  its  proper  meaning  to  those  generals 
who  were  sent  front  time  to  time  to  subdue  the 
Ahios  or  rebellious  i)rovincials,  but  which  thence- 
forth took  to  itsell  a  special  sense,  somewhat  as 
the  word  Imperator  (also  meaning  originally 
'  general  ')  did  in  Home.  Tlie  coincidence  is 
striking.  So  is  the  contrast.  For,  ns  Imperial 
Home  never  ceased  to  be  theoretically  a  republic, 
Japan  contrariwi.se,  though  practically  and  in(lee(l 
avowedly  ruled  by  the  Shoguns  from  A.  I).  1190 
to  1H67,  always  retained  the  Mikado  as  theoreti- 
cal head  of  the  state,  descendant  of  the  Hun- 
(Joddess,  fountain  of  all  honour.  There  never 
were  two  emperors,  acknowledged  as  such,  one 
spiritual  and  one  secular,  as  has  been  so  often 
nssi^rted  by  European  writers.  There  never  was 
but  one  emperor  —  an  emperor  powerless  it  is 
true,  seen  only  by  the  women  who  attended  him, 
often  a  mere  infant  in  arms,  who  was  discarded 
on  leaching  adolescence  for  another  infant  in 
arms.  Still,  he  was  the  theoretical  head  of  the 
state,  whose  authority  was  merely  delegated  to 
the  Shogun  as,  so  to  say,  JIayor  of  the  Palace. 
By  a  curious  parallelism  of  destiny,  the  Shogun- 
ate  itself  more  than  once  showeil  signs  of  fading 
away  from  substance  into  shadow.  Yoritomo's 
descendants  did  not  prove  worthy  of  him,  and 
for  more  than  a  century  (A.  D.  1205-133^)  the 
real  authority  was  wielded  by  the  so-called  'He- 
gents  '  of  the  llojo  family.  .  .  .  Their  rule  was 
made  memorable  by  the  repulse  of  the  Alongol 
fleet,  sent  by  Kublai  Khan  with  the  purpose  of 
adding  Japan  to  his  gigantic  dominions.  This 
was  at  the  end  of  the  13th  century,  since  which 
time  Japan  has  never  been  attacked  from  with- 
out. During  the  14th  century,  even  the  dowager- 
like  calm  of  the  Court  of  Kyoto  was  broken  by 
internecine  strife.  Two  branches  of  the  Im- 
perial house,  supported  each  by  different  feudal 
chiefs,  disputed  the  crown.  One  was  called  the 
Ilokucho,  or  'Northern  Court,'  the  other  the 
Nancho,  or  'Southern  Court.'  After  lasting 
some  sixty  years,  this  contest  terminated  in 
A.  D.  1392  "by  the  triumph  of  the  Northern 
dynasty,  whose  cause  the  powerful  Ashikaga 
family  had  espoused.  From  1338  to  1505,  the 
Ashikagas  ruled  Japan  as  Shoguns.  .  .  .  Jlean- 
while  Japan  had  been  discovered  by  the  Portu- 
guese (A.  D.  1342);  and  the  imprudent  conduct 
of  the  Portuguese  and  Spanish  friars  (bateren, 
as  they  were  called  —  a  corruption  of  the  word 
padre)  made  of  the  Christian  religion  an  addi- 
tional source  of  discord.  Japan  fell  into  ut- 
ter anarchy.  Each  baron  in  his  fastness  was  a 
law  unto  himself.  Then,  in  the  latter  half  of 
the  16th  century,  there  arose  successively  three 
great  men — Ota  Nobunaga,  the  Taiko  Ilideyoshi, 
and  Tokugawa  leyasu.  The  first  of  these  con- 
ceived the  idea  of  centralising  all  the  authority 
of  the  state  in  a  single  person;  the  second, 
Ilideyoshi,  who  has  been  called  the  Napoleon  of 
Japan,  actually  put  the  idea  into  practice,  and 
joined  the  conquest  of  Korea  (A.  D.  1593-1598) 


to  his  domestic  tritmiphs.  Death  overtook  him 
in  15UH,  while  he  was  revolving  no  less  a  scheme 
than  the  commest  of  China.  leyasu,  setting 
llideyoshi's  youthful  son  a.sidc,  stepped  into  the 
vacant  place.  An  able  general,  unsurpassed  as 
a  (lil)lomat  and  administrator,  h(^  first  quelled  all 
the  turbulent  barons,  then  bestowed  a  consider- 
able portion  of  their  lands  on  his  own  kinsmen 
and  lependents,  and  cither  broke  or  balanced,  by 
a  ju  licious  distribution  of  other  fiefs  over  differ- 
ent p.'ovinces  of  the  Empire,  the  might  of  those 
greater  feudal  lords,  such  as  Batsunui  and 
Choshu,  whom  it  was  impossible  to  put  alto- 
gether out  of  the  way.  The  Court  of  Kyoto 
was  treated  by  him  ivspectfidly,  and  investiture 
as  Shogun  for  himself  and  his  heirs  duly  obtained 
from  the  Mikado.  In  order  further  to  break  the 
might  of  the  daimyos,  leyasu  compelled  them 
to  live  at  Y'edo,  which  he  had  chosen  for  his 
capital  in  1590,  during  six  months  of  the  year, 
and  to  leave  their  wives  and  families  there  as 
hostages  during  the  other  half.  What  leyasu 
sketciied  out,  the  third  Shogun  of  his  line, 
lemitsu,  perfected.  From  that  lime  forward, 
'  Old  Japan,'  as  we  know  it  from  the  Dutch  ac- 
counts, from  art,  from  the  stage,  was  crystallised 
for  two  hundred  and  fifty  years.  .  .  .  Unchange- 
able to  the  outward  eye  of  contemporaries, 
Japan  had  not  passed  a  hundred  years  under  the 
Tokugawa  regime  before  the  seeds  of  the  dis- 
ease which  finally  killed  that  regime  were  sown. 
Strangely  enough,  the  instrument  of  destruction 
was  historical  research.  leyasu  himself  had 
been  a  great  patron  of  literature.  His  grandson, 
the  second  Prince  of  Mito,  inherited  his  taste. 
Under  the  ati.spices  of  this  Japanese  Maecenas,  a 
school  of  literati  arose  to  whom  the  antiquities  of 
their  country  were  all  in  all  —  Japanese  poetry 
and  romance  as  against  the  Chinese  Classics ;  the 
native  religion,  Shinto,  as  against  the  foreign 
religion,  lluddhism;  hence,  by  an  inevitable  ex- 
tension, the  ancient  legitimate  dynasty  of  the 
Mikados,  as  against  the  upstart  Shoguns.  .  .  . 
When  ComnKxlore  Perry  came  with  his  big  guns 
(A.  D.  1853-4),  he  found  a  government  already 
tottering  to  its  fall,  many  who  cared  little  for 
the  Mikado's  abstract  rights,  caring  a  great  deal 
for  the  chance  of  aggrandising  their  own  fam- 
ilies at  the  Shogun's  expense.  The  Shogun 
yielded  to  the  demands  of  Perry  and  of  the  rep- 
resentatives of  thi!  other  foreign  powers — Eng- 
land, France,  Russia  —  who  followed  in  Perry's 
train,  and  consented  to  open  Y'okohania,  Hako- 
date, and  certain  other  ports  to  foreign  trade  and 
residence  (1857-9).  He  even  sent  embassies  to  the 
United  States  and  to  Europe  in  1860  and  18G1. 
The  knowledge  of  the  outer  world  possessed  by 
the  Court  of  \  edo,  though  not  extensive,  was  suf- 
ficient to  assure  the  Shogun  and  his  advisers  that 
it  was  vain  to  refuse  what  the  Western  powers 
claimed.  The  Court  of  Kyoto  had  bad  no  means 
of  acquiring  even  this  modicum  of  worldly  wis- 
dom. According  to  its  view,  Japan,  'the  land 
of  the  gods,'  should  never  be  polluted  by  out- 
siders, the  ports  should  bo  closed  again,  and  the 
'  oarbarians '  expelled  at  any  hazard.  What 
fpecially  tended  to  complicate  matters  at  this 
crisis  was  the  independent  action  of  certain 
daimyos.  One  of  them,  the  Prince  of  Choshu, 
acting,  as  is  believed,  under  secret  instructions 
from  the  Court  of  Kyoto,  fired  on  ships  belonging 
to  Great  Britain,  France,  Holland,  and  the  United 
States  —  this,   too,  at  the  very   moment   (1803) 


1874 


JAPAN. 


Jetuit  Mitn'oin. 


JAPAN. 


when  the  Shogun's  government  .  .  .  was  doiiiK 
its  utmost  to  effect  by  diplonmcy  the  departure 
of  the  foreigners  whom  it  Iiiid  been  driven  to 
admit  a  few  years  before.  The  conse((uence  of 
this  act  was  wliat  is  called  'the  Shimonoseki 
Altair, '  namely,  the  bombardment  of  Shimonoseki, 
Cliosliu's  cliief  sea-port,  by  the  combined  lleets 
of  the  powers  that  had  been  insulted,  and  the  ex- 
action of  1'"  indenuiity  of  §3,000,000.  Though 
doubtless  no  feather,  this  broke  tlie  Shoguuate's 
back.  The  Shogun  lemochi  attempted  to  pun- 
ish Choshu  for  the  humiliation  wliieh  he  had 
brought  on  Japan,  but  failed,  was  himself  de- 
feated by  the  latter's  troops,  and  died.  Ilitotsu- 
basld,  the  last  of  his  Hue,  succeeded  him.  But 
the  Court  of  Kyoto,  prompted  by  the  great 
daimyos  of  Clioshu  and  Satsuma,  suddenly  de- 
cided on  the  abolition  of  tlie  Shogunate.  The 
Sliogun  submitted  to  the  decree,  and  those  of 
his  followers  who  did  not  were  routed  —  first  at 
Fushimi  uear  Kyoto  (17tli  January,  1808),  then 
at  Ueno  in  Yedo  (4lh  July,  1868),  then  in  Aizu 
(6th  November,  1808),  and  lastly  at  Hakodate 
(27th  June,  1860),  where  some  of  them  had  en- 
deavoured to  set  up  an  independent  republic. 
Tiie  government  of  the  country  was  reorganised 
during  1867-8,  nominally  on  the  basis  of  a  pure 
absolutism,  with  the  Mikado  os  sole  wielder  of 
all  authority  both  legislative  and  executive. 
Thus  the  literary  party  liad  triumphed.  All 
their  tlreams  were  realised.  Tliey  were  hence- 
forth to  have  Japan  for  the  Japanese.  .  .  .  Prom 
this  dream  they  were  soon  roughly  wakened. 
The  shrewd  clansmen  of  Satsuma  and  Choshu, 
who  had  humoured  the  ignorance  of  the  Court  and 
the  fads  of  the  scholors  only  as  long  as  their  com- 
mon enemy,  tlie  Shogunate,  remained  in  exis- 
tence, now  turned  round,  and  declared  In  favour, 
not  merely  of  foreign  intercourse,  but  of  the 
Europeanisation  of  their  own  country.  History 
has  never  witnessed  a  more  sudden  '  volte-face.' 
History  has  never  witnessed  u  wiser  one." — B. 
II.  Chamberlain,  T/iinys  Japmese,  pp.  14S-160. 

Also  in  :  P.  O.  Adams,  Ilist.  of  Japan. —  Sir 
E.  J.  Keed,  Japan,  v.  1,  ch.  3-16. —W.  E. 
Griffls,  The  Mikado's  Emjrire,  bk.  1.— R.  Hildreth, 
Japan,  as  it  was  and  is. 

A.  D.  1540-1686.  —  Jesuit  Missions.  —  The 
Century  of  Christianity. — Its  introduction  and 
extirpation. —  Francis  Xavier,  "the  Apostle  of 
the  Indies,  was  both  the  leader  and  director  of  a 
widely  spread  missionary  movement,  conducted 
by  a  rapidly  increasing  staff,  not  only  of  Jesuits, 
but  also  of  priests  and  missionaries  of  other  or- 
<ler3,  as  well  as  of  native  preachers  and  cat'tcliists. 
Xavier  reserved  for  himself  the  arduous  task  of 
travelling  to  regions  as  yet  iinvisited  by  any 
preachers  of  Cliristianity ;  and  his  bold  and  im- 
patient imagination  w:is  carried  away  by  the 
idea  of  bearing  the  Cross  to  the  countries  of  the 
farthest  East.  The  islands  of  Japan,  already 
known  to  Europe  through  the  travels  of  Marco 
Polo,  had  been  reached  by  the  Portuguese  only 
eight  years  before,  namely,  in  1541,  and  Xavier, 
while  at  Malacca,  li:i  '  conversed  with  navigators 
and  traders  wlio  In  'sited  that  remote  coast. 
A  Japanese,  iiai  i^ero  (Ilansiro),  pursued 

for  homicide,  lun  Malacca  in  a  Portuguese 

ship.     lie  profes.'-  al  or  feigned  desire  to  be 

baptized,  aud  was  1  .  untcd  to  Xavier  ut  Malac- 
ca, who  sent  him  to  Goa.  There  he  learned 
Portuguese  quickly,  and  was  baptized  under  the 
uauie  of  Paul  of  the  Uoly  Faith.  .  .  .  Ilaviug 


carefully  arranged  the  affairs  of  the  Seminary  of 
tlic3  Holy  Faith  at  (}ou  and  the  entire  nuichincry 
of  the  mission,  Francis  Xavier  took  ship  for 
Jlalacca  on  the  t4tli  April,  1.549.  On  the  24th  of 
June  he  sailed  for  Japan,  along  with  Angero 
and  his  two  companions,  in  a  Chinese  junk  be- 
longing to  a  famous  pirate,  an  ally  of  the  Portu- 
guese, V  JO  left  in  their  hands  hostages  for  the 
safety  of  the  apostle  on  the  voyage.  After  u 
dangerous  voyage  they  reached  Kagosima,  the 
native  town  of  Angero,  under  whose  auspices 
Xavier  was  well  received  by  tlie  governor, 
magistrates,  aud  other  distiugui-shed  people. 
The  apostle  was  unable  to  commence  his  mission 
at  once,  tliougli,  according  to  his  biographers,  ho 
possessed  the  gift  of  tongues.  '  We  are  here,' 
he  writes,  '  like  so  many  statues.  They  speak 
to  us,  and  make  signs  to  us,  and  we  remain 
mute.  We  have  again  become  ehildreu,  and  all 
our  present  occupation  is  to  learn  the  elements 
of  the  Japanese  grammar.'  His  first  impressions 
of  Japan  were  very  favourable.  .  .  .  Xavier  left 
Japan  on  the  20th  November,  \!i'A,  after  a  stay 
of  two  years  and  four  months.  In  his  contro- 
versies with  the  Japanese,  Xavier  liad  been  con- 
tinually met  with  tlie  objection  —  how  could  the 
8tiii)ture  history  be  true  when  it  had  escaped 
the  notice  of  the  learned  men  of  China?  It  was 
Chinese  sages  who  had  taught  philosophy  and 
history  to  the  Japanese,  and  Chinese  iiii.ssionaries 
who  had  converted  them  to  Buddhism.  To 
China,  then,  would  he  go  to  strike  a  blow  at  the 
root  of  that  miglity  superstition.  Accordingly 
he  sailed  from  Goa  about  the  middle  of  April, 
15.53.  .  .  .  Being  a  prey  to  continual  anxiety 
to  reach  the  new  scene  of  his  laboura,  Xa- 
vier fell  ill,  apparently  of  remittent  fever, 
and  died  on  the  2nd  ot  December,  1.5.52.  .  .  . 
The  result  of  Xavier's  labours  was  the  for- 
mation of  a  mission  which,  from  Ooa  as  a 
centre,  radiated  over  much  of  the  coast  of  Asia 
from  Orniuz  to  Japan.  .  .  .  The  two  mission- 
aries, whom  Xavier  had  left  at  Jupau,  were  soon 
after  joined  by  three  others;  and  in  1556  they 
were  visited  by  the  Provincial  of  the  Order  in  the 
Indies,  Melcliior  Nunez,  who  paid  much  atten- 
tion to  tlie  Japanese  mission  and  selected  for  it 
the  best  mi.ssionaries,  as  Xavier  had  recommend- 
ed. .  .  .  The  Jesuits  attached  themselves  to  the 
fortunes  of  the  King  of  Bungo,  a  restless  and  am- 
bitious prince,  who  iu  the  end  added  four  little 
kingdoms  to  bis  own,  and  thus  became  master  of 
a  large  part  of  the  island  of  Kiusiu.  In  his 
dominions  Christianity  made  such  progress  that 
the  number  of  converts  began  to  be  counted  by 
thousands.  .  .  .  The  missionaries  perseveringly 
sought  to  spread  their  religion  by  preaching, 
public  discussion,  the  circulation  of  controversial 
writings,  the  instruction  of  the  youth,  the  casting 
out  of  devils,  tlie  performance  of  those  mystery 
plays  so  common  iu  tliat  age,  by  the  institution 
of  '  confreries '  like  those  of  Avignon,  and,  above 
all,  by  the  well-timed  administration  of  alms. 
Nor  need  we  be  surpriacd  to  learn  tliat  their  first 
converts  were  principally  the  bli  d,  the  inlirm, 
and  old  men  one  foot  in  the  grave.  There  are, 
however,  many  proofs  iu  their  letters  that  they 
were  able  both  to  attract  proselytes  ot  a  better 
class  aud  to  inspire  them  with  an  euthusiasni 
which  promised  well  for  the  growth  of  the  mis- 
sion. In  those  early  days  the  example  of  Xavier 
was  still  fresh;  and  his  immediate  successors 
seem  to  have  ialivritcd  Uis  uucrgetic  aud  self- 


3-31 


1875 


JAPAN,   1.549-lOfC. 


Chrittianitu. 


JAPAN,  1549-108(1. 


deny  in);  dispdsitiDn,  tlioiigli  nono  of  tlicm  could 
i'<|iiitl  tliu  great  inontnl  and  iiionil  iiuiditics  of 
the  Apostle  of  the  Indies.  They  kept  iit  the 
snme  time  ii  watcliful  eye  upon  tlie  politieul 
events  that  were  going  on  around  tlieni,  and  soon 
iM'gan  to  bear  a  part  in  them.  Tliu  lioslility  be- 
tween theni  and  llie  lion/.es  l)etanie  more  and 
more  hitter. " — The  lliiiidrvd  Yfnr»  of  ChrUtUui- 
ity  ill  Jitjuin  (Qintrtirly  liec,  April,  1B71). — "  In 
sev(Tal  of  the  provinces  of  Kyusliu  tlie  princes 
liad  become  converts  and  liaif  freely  \ised  tlieir 
inlluenee,  and  sometimes  their  autliority,  to  ex- 
tend Cliristianity  among  tlieir  subjeet.s.  In 
Kyoto  and  Yaniaguchi,  Tn  Osaka  and  8akai,  as 
well  as  in  Kyushu,  the  Jesuit  fathers  had  foun- 
ded flourisliing  churches  and  exerted  a  wide  intlu- 
ence.  They  had  established  colleges  where  the 
candidates  for  the  ehurcli  could  be  educated  and 
trained.  They  had  organized  hospitals  and 
asylums  at  Nagasaki  and  elsewhere,  where  those 
needing  aid  could  be  received  and  treated.  It  is 
true  that  the  progress  of  tlic  work  had  met  with 
a  severe  setback  in  A.  D.  1587,  when  Taiko 
Sama  Issued  an  edict  expelling  all  foreign  re- 
ligious teachers  from  Japan.  In  pursuance  of 
this  edict  nine  foreigners  who  had  evaded  expul- 
sion were  burnt  at  Nagasaki.  The  reason  for 
this  decisive  action  on  the  part  of  Taiko  Sama 
is  usually  attributed  to  the  suspicion  which  had 
been  awakened  in  him  by  the  loose  and  un- 
guarded talk  ot  a  Portuguese  sea  captain.  B<it 
other  causes  imdoubtedly  contributed  to  produce 
in  him  this  intolerant  frame  of  mind.  ...  In 
several  of  the  provinces  of  Japan  where  the 
Jesuits  had  attained  the  ascendancy,  tiie  most 
forcible  measures  had  been  taken  by  the  Christian 
princes  to  compel  all  their  subjects  to  follow 
their  own  example  and  adopt  the  Christian  faith. 
Takeyama,  whom  the  Jesuit  fathers  designate  as 
Justo  Ucondono,  carried  out  in  Jus  territory  at 
Akashi  a  system  of  bitter  persecution.  Ho  gave 
his  subjects  the  option  of  becoming  Clirlstians  or 
leaving  his  territory.  Konishi  Yukinaga,  who 
received  part  of  the  province  of  Higo  as  his  lief 
after  the  Korean  war,  enforced  with  great  per- 
sistency tlie  acceptance  of  the  Christian  faitli, 
and  robbed  the  Buddhist  priests  of  their  temples 
and  their  lands.  Tlie  princes  of  Omuiu  and 
Arima,  and  to  a  certain  extent  the  princes  of 
Bungo,  followed  the  advice  of  the  Jesuit  futliers 
in  using  their  authority  to  advance  the  cause  of 
Christianity.  Tlie  fathers  could  scarcely  com- 
plain of  having  tlio  system  of  intolerance  prac- 
tised upon  them,  which,  when  circumstances 
were  favorable,  they  had  advised  to  be  applied 
to  their  opponents.  .  .  .  During  the  first  years  of 
leyasu's  supremacy  the  Christians  were  not  dis- 
turbed. ...  He  issued  In  1600  what  may  be 
called  a  warning  proclamation,  announcing  that 
he  had  learned  with  pain  that,  contrary  to  Taiko 
Samo's  edict,  many  had  embraced  tlie  Cliristian 
religion.  He  warned  all  officers  of  his  court  to 
see  that  the  edict  was  strictly  enforced.  He  de- 
clared that  it  was  for  the  good  of  the  state  that 
none  should  embrace  the  new  doctrine ;  and  that 
such  as  had  already  done  so  must  change  imme- 
diately. ...  In  the  meantime  both  the  English 
and  Dutch  had  appeared  on  the  scene.  .  .  . 
Their  cil)ject  was  solely  trade,  and  as  the  Portu- 
guese monopoly  hitherto  had  been  mainly  se- 
cured by  the  Jesuit  fathers,  it  was  natural  for 
the  new-comers  to  represent  the  motive  of  these 
fathers  in  an  unfavorable  and  suspicious  light. 


'Indeed,'  as  Ilildreth  says,  'they  had  only  to 
confirm  the  truth  of  wliat  the  Portuguese  and 
Spanish  said  of  each  otlier  to  excite  in  the  minds 
of  the  Japanese  rulers  tlie  gravest  distrust  as  to 
the  designs  of  the  priests  of  both  nations.' 
Whcllier  it  is  true  as  eliargcd  that  the  minds  of 
the  Japanese  rulers  had  been  poisoned  against 
the  Jesuit  fatliers  by  misreprcsontation  and  false- 
ho(Kl,  it  imiy  be  impossible  to  determine  delinitcly ; 
but  it  is  fair  to  infer  tliat  tiie  cruel  and  intolerant 
policy  of  tlie  Spanish  and  Portuguese  would  bo 
fully  set  forth  and  tlie  danger  to  tlio  Japanese 
empire  from  the  machinntions  of  tlie  foreign  re- 
ligious teachers  held  up  in  the  worst  light.  .  .  . 
leyasu,  evidently  having  made  up  his  mind  that 
for  the  safety  of  the  empire  Christianity  must  be 
extirpated,  in  1014  issued  an  edict  tliat  the  mem- 
bers of  all  religious  orders,  whether  European  or 
Japanese,  should  be  sent  out  of  the  country; 
that  the  churches  which  had  been  erected  in 
various  localities  should  bo  pulled  down,  and 
that  the  native  adherents  of  the  faith  should  be 
compelled  to  renounce  it.  In  part  execution  of 
this  edict  all  the  members  of  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
native  and  foreign,  were  ordered  to  be  sent  to 
Nagasaki.  Native  Chri.stians  were  sent  to  Tsu- 
garu,  the  northern  extremity  of  the  Main  island. 
...  In  accordance  with  this  edict,  as  many  as 
300  persons  are  said  to  have  been  shipped  from 
Japan  October  25,  1014.  All  the  resident  Jesuits 
were  included  in  this  number,  excepting  eighteen 
fathers  and  nine  brothers,  who  concealed  them- 
selves an<l  thus  escaped  the  search.  Following 
his  deportation  of  converts  the  most  persistent 
efforts  continued  to  be  made  to  force  the  native 
Christians  to  renounce  tlieir  faith.  The  accounts 
given,  both  by  the  foreign  and  by  the  Japanese 
writers,  of  the  persecutions  which  now  broke 
upon  the  heads  of  the  Cliristians  are  beyond  de- 
scription horrible.  .  .  .  Rewards  were  offered 
for  information  involving  Christians  of  every 
position  and  rank,  even  of  parents  against  their 
children  and  of  children  against  their  parents. 
.  .  .  The  persecution  began  in  its  worst  form 
about  1610.  This  was  the  year  in  which  leyasu 
died,  but  his  son  and  successor  carried  out  the 
terrible  programme  witli  heartless  thoroughness. 
It  has  never  been  surpassed  for  cruelty  and 
brutality  on  the  part  of  the  persecutors,  or  for 
courage  and  constancy  on  the  part  of  those  who 
suffered.  .  .  .  Mr.  Gubbins  .  .  .  says: 'We read 
of  Christians  being  executed  in  a  barbarous 
manner  in  sight  of  each  other,  of  tlieir  being 
hurled  from  the  tops  of  iirecipices,  of  their  being 
buried  alive,  of  their  being  torn  asunder  by 
oxen,  of  their  being  tied  up  in  rice-bags,  which 
were  heaped  up  together,  and  of  the  pile  thus 
formed  being  set  on  tire.  Others  were  tortured 
before  death  by  the  insertion  of  sharp  spikes  un- 
der the  nails  of  their  hands  and  feet,  while  some 
poor  wretches  by  a  refinement  of  horrid  cruelty 
were  shut  up  in  cages  and  tliero  left  to  starve 
with  food  before  their  eyes.  Let  it  not  be  sup- 
posed that  we  have  drawn  on  the  Jesuit  accounts 
solely  for  this  information.  An  examination  of 
the  Japanese  reconls  will  show  that  the  case  is 
not  overstated.'  " — D.  Murray,  Story  of  Japan, 
eh.  11.  —  "The  persecutions  went  on,  the  dis- 
covery of  Christians  occasionally  occurring  for 
several  years,  but  in  1080  'tlie  few  remaining 
had  learnt  how  to  conceal  their  belief  and  the 
practice  of  their  religion  so  well,  that  the  Coun- 
cil issued  a  circiUar  to  tlie  chief  Daimios  of  the 


1876 


JAPAN,  1540-108U. 


OiKninij  of  the  Port: 


JAPAN,  18S3-1888. 


8outli  mid  west,  stfttliiR  tlint  iiunc  "f  llio  Kirishl- 
Uin  sect  liftd  been  (liseovcred  of  late  yi'iirs,  owing 
perhaps  to  Inziness  on  the  part  of  those  whose 
duty  It  WU8  to  search  for  tliem,  und  enjoining 
vigiliincc '  (Satow).  Truces  of  tlie  Christian  re- 
ligion ami  people  lingered  in  the  country  down 
to  our  own  time."  — Sir  E.  J.  Heed,  Japan,  p. 
301. 

A.  D.  1852-1888.— Openine-  the  ports  to  for- 
eigners.— The  treaty  with  the  United  States 
and  the  other  treaties  which  followed.—"  It  is 
estimated  that  about  the  middle  of  the  present 
century,  American  caiiitnl  to  tlio  amount  of  sev- 
enteen million  dollars  was  invested  in  the  whaling 
Industry  In  the  seas  of  Japan  and  China.  We  thus 
see  that  it  was  not  a  mere  outburst  of  French 
enthusiasm  when  M.  Alichelet  paid  this  high 
tribute  to  the  service  of  the  whale  to  civilization: 
'  Who  opened  to  men  the  great  distant  naviga- 
tion ?  Who  revealed  the  ocean  and  marked  out 
its  zones  and  its  li(|uid  highways?  Wlio  discov- 
ered the  secrets  of  the  globe  ?  The  Whale  and 
the  Whaler.'.  .  .  Tlicre  were  causes  other  thaii 
the  mere  safety  of  whalers  which  led  to  the  in- 
ception of  the  American  expedition  to  Japan. 
On  the  one  hand,  the  rise  of  industrial  and  com- 
mercial commonwealths  on  the  Pacific,  the  dis- 
covery of  gold  in  California,  tile  increasing  trade 
with  China,  the  development  of  steam  naviga- 
tion—  necessitating  coal  depots  and  ports  for 
shelter,  the  opening  of  highways  ncrtss  the 
Isthmus  of  Central  America,  the  mlssior.,..ry  en- 
terprises on  the  Asiatic  continent,  the  rise  of  the 
Hawaiian  Islands, — on  the  other  hand,  the 
knowledge  of  foreign  nations  among  the  ruling 
class  in  .lapan,  tlie  news  of  the  British  victory  in 
China,  the  progress  of  European  settlements  in 
the  Pacific,  the  dissemination  of  western  science 
among  a  progressive  class  of  scholars,  the  advice 
from  the  Dutch  government  to  discontinue  tlie 
antiquated  policy  of  exclusion  —  all  these  testi- 
fied that  the  fulness  of  time  for  Japan  to  turn 
a  new  page  in  her  history  was  at  hand.  .  .  . 
About  this  time,  a  newspaper  article  concerning 
some  Japanese  \yaifs  who  had  been  picked  up  at 
sea  by  the  barqiie  Auckland  —  Captain  Jennings 
—  and  brought  to  San  Francisco,  attracted  tlic 
attention  of  Commodore  Aulick.  lie  submitted 
a  proposal  to  the  government  tluit  it  should  take 
advantage  of  this  incident  to  open  commercial 
relations  with  the  Empire,  or  at  least  to  manifest 
the  friendly  feelings  of  the  country.    This  pro- 

fiosid  was  made  on  the  9th  of  Hay,  1851.  Uau- 
cl  Webster  was  then  Secretary  of  State,  and  in 
him  Aulick  found  a  ready  friend.  .  .  .  Clothed 
with  full  power  to  negotiate  and  sign  treaties, 
and  furnislied  with  a  letter  from  President  Fill- 
more to  the  Emperor,  Commodore  Aulick  was 
on  the  eve  of  departure  when  for  some  reason  he 
was  prevented.  Thus  the  project  which  began 
at  his  suggestion  was  obstructed  when  it  was 
about  to  be  accomplished,  and  another  man,  per- 
haps better  fitted  for  the  uinlertaking,  entered 
into  his  labors.  .  .  .  Commodore  [Matthew  Cal- 
braitli]  Perry  shared  the  belief  in  the  expediency 
of  sending  a  special  mission  for  the  purpose. 
When  Comrawiore  Aulick  was  recalled.  Perry 
proposed  to  the  U.  S.  Government  an  immediate 
expedition.  The  proposal  was  accepted,  and  an 
expedition  on  the  most  liberal  scale  was  resolved 
upon.  He  was  invested  with  extraordinary 
powers,  naval  and  diplomatic.  The  East  India 
and  China  Seas  and  Japan  were  the  ofllcial  desig- 


nation of  the  Held  of  service,  but  the  real  object 
in  view  was  the  establishment  of  a  coal  depot  iu 
Japan.  The  pul)ll<;  announcement  of  the  reso- 
lution was  followed  by  applications  from  all 
(|uartera  of  Chri.sten(l'ini  for  permi.ssion  to 
accompany  the  expedition;  all  these  were,  how- 
ever, refused  on  prudential  grounds.  .  .  .  Im- 
patient of  the  delay  caused  by  the  tardy  prep- 
arations of  his  vessels.  Perry  sailed  from  Norfolk 
on  th(!  24th  of  November,  IH.IS,  with  one  ship, 
the  ^lississippi,  leaving  the  rest  to  follow  as 
soon  as  ready.  .  .  .  The  Mississippi  .  .  .  touch- 
ing at  several  jiorts  on  her  way,  reached  Loo 
Choo  in  May,  where  the  scjuadron  united.  .  .  . 
In  the  afternoon  of  the  8th  of  July,  IH.W,  the 
scpiadrou  entered  the  Hay  of  Yedo  In  martial 
order,  and  about  5  o'clock  in  tlie  evening  was 
anchored  oil  the  town  of  Uraga.  No  sooner  had 
'  the  black  ships  of  the  evil  mien '  made  their 
entry  into  the  Hay,  than  the  signal  guns  were 
flre(l,  followed  by  the  discharge  of  rockets;  then 
were  seen  on  the  shore  companies  of  soldiers 
moving  from  garrison  to  garrison.  The  popu- 
lar commotion  in  Yedo  at  the  news  of  '  a  foreign 
lnvasi(m'  was  beyond  description.  The  whole 
city  was  in  an  uproar.  In  all  directions  were 
seen  mothers  flying  with  cliildreii  in  their  arms, 
and  men  with  mothers  on  their  backs.  Humors 
of  an  immediate  action,  exaggerated  each  time 
they  were  communicated  from  mouth  to  mouth, 
adcled  horror  to  the  horror-stricken.  ...  As  the 
S(iuadron  dropped  anchor,  it  was  surrounded  by 
junks  and  boats  of  all  sorts,  but  there  was  no 
hostile  sign  shown.  A  document  in  French  was 
handed  on  board,  which  proved  to  be  a  warning 
to  any  foreign  vessel  not  to  come  nearer.  Tlie 
next  day  was  spent  in  informal  conference  be- 
tween tiie  local  otUcials  of  Uraga  and  the  sub- 
ordinate olticers  of  the  squadron.  It  was  Com- 
modore Perry's  policy  to  behave  with  as  much 
reserve  and  exclusivencss  as  the  Japanese  diplo- 
mats had  done  and  would  do.  He  would  neither 
see,  nor  talk  with,  anv  except  the  highest  digni- 
tary of  tlie  realm.  Jleanwhile,  the  governor  of 
Uraga  came  on  board  and  was  received  by  cap- 
tains and  lieutenants.  lie  declared  that  the  laws 
forbade  any  foreign  communication  to  be  held 
elsewhere  than  Nagasaki;  but  to  Nagasaki  the 
squadron  would  never  go.  The  vexed  governor 
would  send  to  Yedo  for  further  instructions,  and 
the  12th  was  fixed  as  a  day  for  another  confer- 
ence. Any  exchange  of  thought  was  either  in 
tlie  Dutch  language,  for  which  interpreters  were 
provideil  on  both  sides,  or  in  Cliinese,  through 
Dr.  S.  W^ells  Williams,  and  afterward  in  Japan- 
ese, tlirougli  Manjiro  Nakahama.  .  .  .  On  the 
12tli,  the  Governor  of  Uraga  again  ajipeared  on 
board  and  insisted  on  the  squadron's  leaving  the 
Yedo  Bay  for  Nagasaki,  wliere  the  President's 
letter  would  be  duly  received  through  the  Dutch 
or  the  Chinese.  Tills  tlie  Commodore  firmly  re- 
fused to  do.  It  was  therefore  decided  at  the 
court  of  Yedo  that  the  letter  be  received  at 
Kuriliama,  a  few  miles  from  the  town  of  Uraga. 
This  procedure  was,  in  the  language  of  the  com- 
missioners, '  in  opposition  to  the  Japanese  law ;  * 
but,  on  the  ground  that  'the  Admiral,  in  his 
quality  as  Ambassador  of  the  President,  would 
be  insulted  by  any  other  course,'  the  original  of 
Mr.  Fillmore's  letter  to  the  Japanese  Emperor, 
enclosed  in  a  golden  box  of  one  thousand  dollars 
in  value,  was  delivered  on  the  14th  of  July  to 
the  commissioners  appointed  by  the   Shogun. 


1877 


JAPAN,   1853-1888. 


Con0Utuiionttt 


JAPAN,   1880-1800. 


.  .  .  FortiiniiU'ly  for  Jii|mn,  the  (ILstiirlictl  stnto 
of  alTair.s  in  Cliiiiiriimilr  it  priidi'iil  lor  IVrry  to 
rnpiiir  to  lli<^  polls  of  tliut  coiiiilry,  whicli  lit^  tlid 
08  tlioiiKli  I"'  I>!"1  con.sullcd  Holvly  tliu  tliplo- 
limti(!  (Miiivt'iiiciici!  of  uiir  coiiiitry.  lie  li'ft 
word  tlmt  Uv  would  coiiio  tlu;  i;ii8uing  s|)rin){  for 
our  iiii.swcr.  ...  It  was  tlu!  Tiiipiiijj  Uebellioii , 
wliicli  culled  for  I'irrry's  presence  in  Cliinii.  Tlie 
American  nicreliunta  had  lur^c  interests  ut  stake 
there  —  their  property  in  Slmn>;hai  ulone  amount- 
In);,  it  Is  said,  to  i|!l,2()0,0U().  .  .  .  While  in 
Cliinn,  Commodore  IVrry  found  that '.  ^lo  U\i8,siau 
and  French  adndnils,  who  were  staying?  in  Shang- 
hai, contemplated  u  near  visit  to  Japan.  That 
ho  niixht  not  give  any  advantage  to  them,  he 
left  M.icao  earlier  than  he  had  intended,  and,  on 
the  liith  of  February,  found  liimself  again  in 
the  Buy  of  Yedo,  witli  n  stately  tieet  of  eight 
ships.  As  the  place  where  tlie  conference  had 
been  lield  at  the  previous  vi.sit  was  out  of  tlic 
reach  of  gun-shot  from  the  aueliorago,  Perry  ex- 
pressed a  desire  of  holding  negotiations  in  ledo, 
a  recjuest  Impossible  for  the  Japanese  to  comply 
with.  After  some  hesitation,  the  suburb  Kana- 
gawa  was  mutually  agreed  upon  as  a  suitable 
site,  and  there  a  temporary  building  was  accord- 
ingly erected  for  the  transaction  of  tlic  business. 
On  the  8th  of  Jlay,  Commotlore  Perry,  arrayed 
In  the  parapliernalia  befitting  his  rank,  was 
ushered  into  the  house.  Tlie  reply  of  the  8ho- 
gun  to  the  President's  letter  was  now  given -- 
the  purport  of  which  was,  decidedly  lu  word 
but  reluctantly  in  sjiirit.  In  favor  of  friendly  In- 
tercourse. Conferences  were  repeated  in  the 
middle  and  latter  nart  of  the  month,  and  after 
many  evasions  and  equivocations,  deliberations 
and  delays,  Invitations  to  banquets  and  ex- 
changes of  presents,  at  last,  on  Friday,  the  Slst 
of  May,  the  formal  treaty  was  signed;  a  synop- 
sis of  which  is  here  presented:  1.  Peace  and 
friendship.  2.  Ports  of  Shimoda  and  Hakodate 
open  to  American  ships,  and  necessary  provisions 
to  be  supplied  them.  3.  Relief  to  slilpwreeked 
people;  expenses  thereof  not  to  be.  refunded. 
4.  Americans  to  be  free  as  in  other  countries, 
but  amenable  to  just  laws.  5.  Americans  at 
Shimoda  and  Hakodate  not  to  be  subject  to  re- 
strictions ;  free  to  go  about  within  defined  limits. 
6.  Careful  deliberation  In  transacting  business 
which  alTects  the  welfare  of  either  party.  7. 
Trade  in  open  ports  subject  to  local  regulations. 
8.  Wood,  water,  provisions,  coal,  etc.,  to  bo  pro- 
cured through  Japanese  officers  onlj'.  9.  Most- 
favored  nation  clause.  10.  U.  S.  ships  restricted 
to  ports  of  Shimoda  and  Hakodate,  except  when 
forced  by  stress  of  weather.  11.  U.  8.  Consuls 
or  agents  to  reside  at  Sliimoda.  13.  Ratifications 
to  bs  exchanged  within  eighteen  mouths.  .  .  . 
His  labors  at  an  end.  Perry  bade  the  last  fare- 
well to  Japan  and  started  on  his  home-bound 
voyage.  This  was  in  June,  1854.  .  .  .  No 
sooner  had  Perry  left,  carrying  off  the  trophy  of 
peaceful  victory  —  the  treaty  (though  the  "iedo 
government  was  in  no  enjoyment  of  peaceful 
rest),  than  the  Russian  Admiral  Pontiatino  ap- 
peared in  Nagasaki.  He  urged  that  the  same 
urivileges  be  granted  his  country  os  were  al- 
lowed the  Americans.  .  .  .  Soon,  the  English 
Rear  Admiral,  Sir  James  Stirling,  arrives  at  the 
same  harbor,  very  kindly  to  notify  the  govern- 
ment tliiit  there  may  be  some  fighting  in  Japan- 
ese waters  between  Russians  and  his  country- 
men. .  .  .  The  British  couvcutlon  was  signed 


October  14,  18r>4,  and  followed,  in  1858,  by  the 
Klgin  treaty.  The  treaty  with  Russia  was  signed 
January  20,  IS.W;  Netherlands,  0th  of  Novem- 
ber the  same  year;  France,  October  0,  1858; 
Portugal,  Jird  of  August,  1800;  Uerman  Customs 
Union,  25th  of  January,  1801.  The  other  na- 
tions which  followed  the  United  States  were 
Italy,  Spain,  Denmark,  Belgium,  Switzerland, 
Austria-Hungary,  Sweden  ami  Norway,  Peru, 
Hawaii,  China,  Corea  and  Siam;  lastly  Mexico, 
with  whom  wo  concluded  a  treaty  -on  terms  of 
nerfect  equality  (Nov.  SO,  1888)."— Inazo  (Ota) 
Nitobe,  T/ie  Intercourse  Ijeticeen  the  U.  8.  aiui 
Japan,  ch.  3. 

Ai.so  IN:  F.  L.  Hawks,  Narratite  of  the  Kfite- 
ditiiin  vmler  ('mn.  Perry. — W.  E.  Orillls,  Mat- 
thew Cdlbraith  i'crry,  ch.  37-:);t. 

A.  ^.  1869-1890.  —  Constitutional  develop- 
ment,— "In  1800  was  convened  the  Kogisho  or 
'Parliament,'  as  Sir  Harry  Parkes  tiaimhites  it 
in  his  despatch  to  the  Earl  of  Clarendim.  .  .  . 
The  Kogisho  was  composed  mostly  of  the  re- 
tainers of  tlie  Daimlos,  for  the  latter,  having  no 
experience  of  the  earnest  business  of  life,  '  were 
not  eager  to  devote  themselves  to  the  labors  of  an 
onerous  and  voluntary  olfice.'  .  .  .  The  object 
of  the  Kogisho  was  to  enable  tlio  government  to 
sound  public  opinion  on  the  various  topics  of  the 
day,  and  to  obtain  tho  assistance  of  the  country 
In  tho  work  of  legislation  liy  ascertaining  whether 
the  projects  of  the  government  were  likely  to  be 
favorably  received.  The  Kogisho,  like  the  Coun- 
cils of  Kugcs  and  Daimios,  was  nothing  but  an 
experiment,  a  mere  germ  of  a  deliberative  assem- 
bly, which  only  time  and  experience  could  bring 
to  maturity.  ...  It  was  a  quiet,  peaceful, 
obedient  debating  society.  It  has  left  the  record 
of  its  abortive  ondertaklngs  In  the  '  Kogisho 
Nislii '  or  journal  of  '  Parliament.'  Tho  Kogisho 
was  dissolved  in  tho  3-ear  of  Its  birth.  And  tho 
IndifTercnce  of  the  public  about  Its  dissolution 
pijves  how  small  on  lulluence  It  really  had. 
But  a  greater  event  than  the  dissolution  of  tho 
Kogisho  was  pending  before  the  public  gaze. 
This  was  tho  abolition  of  feudalism.  .  .  The 
measure  to  abolish  feudalism  was  much  discussed 
in  the  Kogisho  before  its  dissolution.  .  .  .  In  tho 
following  noted  memorial,  after  reviewing  tlio 
political  history  of  Japan  during  tho  past  fbw 
hundred  years,  these  Uaimios  said :  '  Now  the 
great  Government  has  been  newly  restored  and 
the  Emperor  himself  undertakes  the  direction  of 
affairs.  This  is,  indeed,  a  rare  and  mighty  event 
Wo  have  the  name  (of  an  Imperial  Government), 
wo  must  also  have  the  fact.  Our  first  duty  Is  to  Il- 
lustrate our  faithfulness  ond  to  prove  our  loyalty. 
.  .  .  The  place  where  wo  live  is  the  Emperor's 
land  and  the  food  which  wo  eat  is  grown  by  the 
Emperor's  men.  How  can  wo  make  It  our  ownH 
Wo  now  reverently  oiler  up  the  list  of  our  pos- 
sessions and  men,  with  the  prayer  that  the  Em- 
lieror  will  take  good  measures  for  rewarding 
those  to  whom  reward  Isduo  and  for  taking  from 
tliose  to  whom  punishment  is  due.  Let  the  im- 
perial orders  be  issued  for  alt';ring  and  reniodel- 
liug  the  territories  of  tho  various  clans.  Lot  tho 
civil  and  penal  codes,  tho  military  laws  down  to 
the  rules  for  uniform  and  the  construction  of  en- 
gines of  war,  all  proceed  from^ tho  Emperor;  let 
all  the  affairs  of  "tho  empire,  great  and  small,  bo 
referred  to  him. '  This  memorial  was  signed  by 
the  Daimios  of  Kago,  Hi/.en,  Satsuma,  Clioshiii, 
Tosa,  and  some  other  Daimios  of  the  west.     But 


1878 


JAPAN.   1H()0-18I)0. 


JAYMK. 


tlio  rciil  milliorof  tlic  nifinoriiil  is  lifliovcil  to  linvc 
Ix'i'ii  iCido,  till"  bruin  "f  tlic  Ucstoriitioii.  'I'lius 
wen;  llio  (Irfs  of  llii'  most  powerful  iiiid  iiumt 
wealthy  Diiiiiilos  voluntarily  ottered  to  tlin  Km- 
peror.  The  other  Dalniios  Hoon  followed  the  ex- 
ainplo  of  their  colleagues.  And  the  feudali.mu 
whirh  had  existed  in  Japan  for  over  eight  cen- 
turies was  abolished  by  tlin  following  laconic  im- 
perial decree  of  AtiKUst,  1H7I:  'Tlie  clans  arc 
abolislicd,  and  prefectures  arc  established  in 
their  places.'  .  .  .  While  the  RovernnK'nt  at 
home  was  thus  tearing  down  the  old  framework 
of  state,  the  Iwakura  Kinbassy  in  foreign  lamls 
was  gatlicring  materials  for  the  new.  'fhis  was 
signiHcnnt,  inasmuch  as  five  of  the  best  states- 
men of  the  time,  with  their  stjilT  of  forty- four 
able  men,  came  into  asso<:iation  for  over  a  year 
with  western  peoples,  and  beheld  in  operation 
their  social,  political  and  rcligio\is  institutions. 
...  In  1H73,  Count  Itagaki  with  his  friends 
had  sent  in  a  memorial  to  the  government  pray- 
ing for  the  establishment  of  a  representative  as- 
sembly, but  they  had  not  been  heeded  by  the 
government.  In  Jidy,  1877,  Count  Itagaki  witli 
his  lii-shi-sba  again  addressed  a  memorial  to  the 
Emperor,  '  praying  for  a  cliange  in  the  form  of 
government,  and  setting  forth  the  reasons  which, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  members  of  tlie  society, 
rendered  such  a  change  necessary.'  These  rea- 
sons were  nine  in  number  and  were  developed 
at  great  length.  .  .  .  The  civil  war  being  ended, 
in  1878,  tlie  year  which  marks  a  decade  from  the 
establishment  of  the  new  rdgime,  the  government, 
persuaded  that  the  lime  for  popular  institutions 
was  fast  approaching,  not  alone  through  repre- 
sentations of  the  Tosa  memorialists,  but  through 
many  other  signs  of  tlie  times,  decided  to  take  a 
step  in  the  directicm  of  establishing  a  national 
assembly.  But  the  government  acted  cautiously. 
Thinking  that  to  bring  together  Jiundreds  of 
members  unaccustomed  to  parliamentary  debate 
and  its  excitement,  and  to  allow  them  a  liand 
in  the  administration  of  affairs  of  the  state, 
might  l)e  attended  with  serious  dangers,  as  a 
preparation  for  the  national  assembly  the  gov- 
ernment established  first  local  ossemblies.  (Cer- 
tainly this  was  a  wise  course.  These  local 
assemblies  Iiavc  not  only  been  good  training 
schools  for  poptdar  government,  but  also  jirovecl 
reasonably  successful.  .  .  .  The  qualifications 
for  electors  (males  only)  are :  an  age  of  twenty 
years,  registration,  ancl  payment  of  a  land  ta.\  of 
fiT).  Voting  is  by  ballot,  but  the  names  of  the 
voters  arc  to  be  written  by  themselves  on  the 
voting  papers.  There  are  now  3,173  members 
who  sit  in  these  local  assemblies.  .  .  .  The  gulf 
between  absolute  government  and  popular  gov- 
erninent  was  thus  widened  more  aiul  more  by  the 
institution  of  local  governiTicnt.  The  popular 
tide  raised  by  these  local  assemblies  was  swelling 
in  volume  year  by  year.  New  waves  were  set 
in  motion  by  the  younger  generation  of  thinkers. 
Toward  the  close  of  the  year  1881  the  flood  rose 
.so  high  that  the  government  thought  it  wise  not 
to  resist  longer.  His  Imperial  Majesty,  hearing 
the  petitions  of  the  people,  graciously  confirmcil 
and  expanded  his  promise  of  1808  by  the  famous 
proclamation  of  October  12,  1881 :  ■  We  liave 
l(mg  liad  it  in  view  to  gradually  establish  a  con- 
stitutional form  of  government.  .  .  .  It  was  with 
this  object  in  view  that  in  the  eighth  year  of 
Meiji  (1875)  we  established  the  Senate,  and  in  the 
eleventh  year  of  Meiji  (1878)   authorized    the 


formation  of  local  asscmtdies.  ,  .  .  Wetherrforo 
lierehy  declare  that  we  shall,  in  the  twenty  tldrd 
year  of  McijI  (IHIKI)  establish  a  parliameiil,  in 
order  to  carry  into  full  cfTect  the  delerndtnition 
we  have  announced:  and  w<'  charge  our  fuithful 
subjects  l)earing  our  comntissions  tr>  make,  in  the 
meantime,  all  necessary  preparations  to  that 
enil.'" — T.  lyenaga,  T/if  ('iiitMitntiinuil  Iknlnp- 
incut  iif  JiiiHin,  I8,'5!(-1881  {Jii/iiin  Jfojikim  IJnir. 
Stiiilim,  iU/i  nerifH,  no.  H).  —  See  Conktitiition  ok 
Japan. 

A.  D.  1871-1873.— Organization  of  National 
Education.     See  Kdication,  Mohkiin:  Asia. 

JAQUELINE  OF  HOLLAND  AND  HAI- 
NAULT,  The  Despoiling  of.  See  Nktiikk- 
i.ANDs:  A.  I).  1417-l4;t(l. 

JAQUES-GILMORE  PEACE  MISSION. 

See  UNtTKl)  Statks  OK  A.M.  ;  A.  I).  18(t)  (Jiii.v). 

JARL.     See  Kaiii.;  and  Ktiiel. 

JARNAC,  Battle  of  (1569).  See  Fuancb: 
A,  I).  ir)(i3-ir)7o. 

JASPER,   Sergeant,  The  exploit   of.     See 
Unitki>  Statks  ok  A.m.  ;  A.  I).  177(1  (Junk). 
JASSY,  Treaty  of  (1793).    See  Tuhkh;  A.  D, 

177«-179a. 

JATTS  OR  JAUTS.     See  (ivfsii;s, 

JAVA:  A.  D.  1811-1813.— Taken  from  the 
Dutch  by  the  English. — Restored  to  Holland. 
See  India:  A.  I).  180,'i-181(l. 

JAVAN.— llie  Hebrew  form  of  the  Greek 
race  name  Ionian;  "  but  in  the  Old  Testament  it 
is  generally  applied  to  the  island  of  Cyprus, 
which  is  called  the  Island  of  Yavnan,  or  the 
lonians,  on  the  Assyrian  monuments." — A.  H. 
Sayce,  Jf^-esh  Liijht  from  the  Ancient  Monuments, 
c/i.'  3. 

JAXARTES,  The.— The  ancient  name  of  the 
river  now  called  tl"'  Sir,  or  Sihun,  which  empties 
into  the  Sea  of  Ai    I. 

JAY,  John,  in  the  American  Revolution.  See 
Uniti-:!)  Statks  of  Am.  :  A.  I).  1774  (Si;i>tem- 
iiKii):  and  Nkw  Y'okk:  A.  I).  1777 In  diplo- 
matic service.     See  Unitkd  Statks  ok  Am.  : 

1782    (SKi'TKMiuai— NovKMHKit) And    the 

adoption   of   the   Federal   Constitution.     See 

I'NiTKi)  Statks  of  Am.;  A.  I).  1787-1789 

Chief  Justice  of   the   Supreme  Court.      See 

I'nitkd  Statks  of  Am.  :  A.  I).    1789-1703 

And  the  second  Treaty  with  Great  Britain. 
See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  I).  1794-179.'5. 

JAYHAWKERS  AND  RED  LEGS. — 
During  the  conflict  of  18.')4-18.')9  in  Kansas,  cer- 
tain "Free-state  men  in  tlie  Southeast,  compara- 
tively isolated,  having  little  communication  with 
[the  town  of]  Lawrence,  and  consequently  almost 
wholly  without  check,  developed  a  successful  if 
not  very  praiseworthy  system  of  retaliation. 
Confederated  at  first  for  defense  against  pro- 
slavery  outrages,  but  ultimately  falling  more  or 
less  completciy  into  the  vocation  of  robbers  and 
assassins,  they  have  received  the  name — what- 
ever its  origin  may  bo  —  of  jiiyhawkcrs." — L.  W. 
Spring,  Ktinmin,  p.  340. — "The  complaints  in 
former  years  of  Border  Ruffian  forays  from  Mis- 
souri into  Kansas  [sec  Kansas:  A.  I).  18.54-18.59], 
were,  as  soon  as  the  civil  war  began,  paid  with 
interest  by  a  continual  accusation  of  incursions 
of  Kansas  ' .Tayliawkers '  and  'Hed  Legs'  into 
Mis.souri." — J.  G.  Nicolay  and  J.  Hay,  Abmhiim 
JAneoln.  r.  0,  p.  370. 

JAYME.    See  James. 


1879 


JAZYGE8. 


JERUSALEM. 


JAZYGES,  OR  lAZYGES.    See  Limtoan- 

TKH 

JEAN.     S.T  ,I..iiN. 

JEANNE  I.,  Queen  of  Navarre,  A.  D.  1274- 

l.'to.'i Jeanne  II.,  Queen  of  Navarre,  1828- 

i;(4l). .  . .  Jeanne  D'Albret,  Queen  of  Navarre, 
and  the  Reformation  in  France.  Sci!  I'ai'acy; 
A.  I).  1.V.M-15U5. 

JEBUSITES,  The.— The  Cftnnnnlte  inhabl- 
tniitM  of  llic  city  of  .Iot)UR,  or  nnnlcnt  .IiTUsaii'in. 
which  tlicy  licld  nKuiiiNt  tlic  iHriiditcs  until 
Diivlcl  toiiic  tlic  pliicc  l)y  storm  luid  inudo  it  tlic 
capital  of  liiH  l<inK<li>ni.  —  II.  Kwald.  Hint,  of  It- 
nitl.  Ilk.  !!,  mrt.  1  (c.  :)).— Sec  ,Ikui'hai.e.M. 

JECKER  CLAIMS,  The.  See  Mexico; 
A.  I>.  1H(H-1H«7, 

JEFFERSON,  Thomas  :  Authorship  of  the 
Declaration    of    Independence.     Sec   Unitk.I) 

Statks  ok  Am.:  A.  I).    177(1  (.Iit.y) In  the 

Cabinet  of  President  Washing^ton.  Hcc  Unitkd 

Kt.ukn  OK    Am.:    A.    I>.    1780-17U2;  179;t 

Leadership  of  the  Anti-Federalist  or  Republi- 
can Party.  Hen  I'nitei)  Htatks  ok  Am.  ;  A.  I). 
17H0-1702;  and  1708 Presidential  adminis- 
tration. Sec  Unitki)  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  I). 
1800,  to  180(1-1807. 

JEFFERSON,  Provisional  Territory  of.  Sco 
Colorado:  A.  I).  18(Ml-187(). 

JEFFREYS,  and  the  "  Bloody  Assizes." 
See  Kn(ii.an-I):  A.  I).  168."). 

JEHAD.    Sec  Daiiul-Islam. 

JELLALABAD,  Defense  of  (184a).  Bee 
Akohanihtan:  A.  1).  18;)8-1843. 

JEM,  OR  DJEM,  Prince,  The  story  of.  See 
Tijuks:  a.  I).  1481-1,V20. 

JEMAPPES,  Battle  of.  See  Fiiance:  A.  D. 
17U2  (Seitemhek — Decemheii). 

JEMMINGEN,  Battle  of  (1568).  See  Xeth- 
EUl.ANDs:  A.  I).  1588-1572. 

JENA,  Battle  of.    See  Germany:  A.  D.  1806 

(OCTODKH). 

JENGIS  KHAN,  Conquests  of.  Sec  Mon- 
gols: A.  n.  1153-1327. 

JENKINS'  EAR,  The  War  of.  See  Eng- 
land: A.  I).  1739-1741. 

JENKINS'  FERRY,  Battle  of.  See  Unhvsd 
States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D.  1864  (March— Octobeu: 
Arkansas— Missouri). 

JENNY  GEDDES'  STOOL.  See  Scot- 
land: A.  D.  1687. 

JERBA,  OR  GELVES,  The  disaster  at. 
See  Barbary  States:  A.  D.  1543-1560. 

JERSEY  AND  GUERNSEY,  The  Isles 
of. — "Jersey,  Guernsey,  and  their  fellows  are 
simply  that  part  of  the  Norman  duchy  which 
clave  to  its  dukes  when  the  rest  fell  away.  Their 
people  arc  those  Normans  who  remained  Nor- 
mans while  the  rest  stooped  to  become  Frcncli- 
men.  The  Queen  of  Great  Britain  has  a  perfect 
right,  if  she  will,  to  call  herself  Duchess  of  the 
Normans,  a  title  which,  in  my  ears  at  least, 
sounds  Iwtter  than  that  of  Empress  of  India." — 
E.  A.  Freeman,  Practical  Bearings  of  Qeneral 
Kuroj^ean  History  (Lectures  to  American  Avdi- 
ences),  lect.  4. 

Also  in:  B.  T.  Anstetl  and  R.  G.  Latliam, 
T?ie  Channel  Islands. 

JERSEY  PRISON  SHIP,  The.  See  United 
States  of  Am.  :   A.  D.  1776-1777.     Prisoners 

AND  EXCHANGES. 

JERSEYS,  The.— East  and  West  New  Jer- 
sey.    Sec  New  Jersey. 


JERUSALEM:  Early  history.— "The  ilrdt 
site  of  .IiTUwdcMi  WHS  till'  hill  now  erroneously 
called  Sinn,  and  wlilih  we  kIiuII  di'signate  .  .  . 
us  I'scudo-.Sion,  llie  plateau  of  rock  at  the  south- 
west,  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  ravines,  viz.,  I)y 
the  Valley  of  Ilinnoni  on  the  west  and  south,  anil 
by  the  Tyropd'on,  or  C'heescmakers'  Valley,  on 
the  north  and  east.  Parallel  to  this  hiy  the  real 
Sion,  the  less  elevated  eastern  hill,  shutin  on  the 
west  by  the  Tyropiron  Valley,  which  divided  it 
from  I'seudo-Sion,  nn<l  on  the  east  by  tiie  Valley 
of  Jehoshaphat,  and  endin|i{  southward  in  a 
wedj?(^llke  point  opposite  to  the  southeast  cor- 
ner of  I'seudo-Slon.  The  town  on  the  western- 
most of  these  two  ridges  was  known  (Irsl  as 
Jebus,  and  afterwards  as  the  High  Town,  or 
Upper  Market;  and  tlie  accretion  to  it  on  the 
caKtern  hill  was  anciently  called  Salem,  and  sub- 
se(|ueiitly  the  Low  Town  and  Acra.  In  tlie  days 
of  lawless  violence,  the  first  object  was  safety; 
and,  as  the  eastern  hill  was  l)y  nature  exposed  on 
the  north,  it  was  there  protected  artitlclallv  by  a 
citadel  and  fosse.  The  High  Town  and  Low 
Town  were  originally  two  distinct  cities,  occu- 
pied by  the  Ainorites  and  Ilittltes,  whence  the 
taunt  of  the  prophet  to  Jerusalem:  'Thy  birth 
and  thy  nativity  is  of  the  land  of  Canaan;  thy 
father  was  an  Amorlte  and  thy  mother  a  HIttite.' 
Hence,  also,  the  duallslic  form  of  \\\v  name 
Jerusalem  in  Hebrew,  signifying  'Twin-Jeru- 
salem.' Indeed  the  opinion  has  been  broached 
that  JDrusalem  is  the  compound  of  the  two 
names,  Jebus  and  Salem,  softened  'eupboniiE 
gratifl'  into  Jerusalem.  It  is  remarkable  that  to 
the  very  last  the  quarter  lying  between  the  High 
Town  and  Low  'Town,  though  in  the  very  heart 
of  the  city  when  the  ililTerent  parts  were  imltcd 
into  one  compact  Ixxly,  was  called  the  Suburb. 
The  first  notice  of  Jerusalem  is  in  tlie  time  of 
Abraham.  The  king  of  Shinar  and  Ids  confeder- 
ates cmitured  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  and  carried 
away  Lot,  Abraham's  brother's  son ;  when  Abra- 
liam,  collecting  his  trainbands,  followed  after  the 
enemy  and  rescued  Lot ;  and  on  his  return  '  at 
the  valley  of  Shaveh,  which  is  the  king's  vale, 
Melchizedek,  king  of  Salem  —  the  priest  of  the 
Most  Higli  God  —  blessed  Abram. '  The  king's 
vale  was  the  Valley  of  Jehoshai)hat ;  and  Salem 
was  identical  with  the  eastern  hill,  the  real  Zion 
ns  we  learn  from  tlie  Psalms,  '  In  Salem  is  Ills 
tabernacle,  and  his  dwelling-place  in  Zion;' 
where  Salem  and  Zion  are  evidently  used  as  sy- 
nonymous. Wiietlicr  Moriali,  on  which  Abram 
offered  Ms  sncriflce,  was  the  very  mount  on 
which  the  Temple  was  afterwards  built,  must  be 
left  to  conjecture.  But  wlien  the  Second  Book 
of  Chronicles  was  written,  the  Jews  had  at  least 
a  tradition  to  that  effect,  for  we  read  tliat  '  Solo- 
mon began  to  build  tho  house  of  the  Lord  at 
Jerusalem  in  Mount  Moriah.'  On  the  exodus  of 
tlie  Israelites  from  Egypt,  we  find  distinct  men- 
tion made  of  Jerusalem  by  that  very  name ;  for 
after  Joshua's  death,  'the  children  of  Jiidah 
fought  against  Jerusalem,  and  took  it  .  .  .  and 
set  the  city  on  fire.'  But  Josephus  is  probably 
right  in  understanding  this  to  apply  to  the  Low 
Town  only,  i.  e.,  tlie  eastern  hill,  or  Sion,  as  op- 
posed to  the  western  hill,  the  High  Town,  or 
Pseudo-Sion.  The  men  of  Jtulali  liad  only  a  tem- 
porary occupation  even  of  the  Low  Town,  for  it 
was  not  until  the  time  of  David  tliat  Jerusalem 
was  brought  nermanently  under  the  dominion  of 
the  Israelites." — T.  Lewiu,  Jerusalem,  ch.  1. 


1880 


JEKUUALEM. 


Karly  UMory. 


JERUSALEM. 


11  nail   III    iiL!iir(iii 

11'  Iscf  .Iknvh;  Tiik 

All],      Hi'  WHS  HOW 
y  till'  I'ldiTM  of  all 


Conqueit  and  occupation  by  David. — "  Diiviil 
Imil  irlKiU'il  Hcvcn  ycurN  mid  ii  lialf  in  Ilebnin 
oviT  the  trllH!  of  ilmlali  iilniii' 
KiNuuoMHOK  Ihiiak:.  AND.II'DAI 
■olemnly  iiiHtallL-d  vm  liiiiK  'O' 
Itravl,  iind  '  iiiiuiu  u  IraKHU  witl>  tiiciii  l)(.'forf 
Ji'liDVuli  in  llubrou.'  Tliis  wan  ei|uivali'iit  to 
wliat  w(!  now  cail  a  'coronation  outli,'  ami  (i(.'- 
noti'd  tliat  liu  waH  u  constitutional,  not  an  arlil- 
trary  monarcii.  Tlic  Isniuiitcs  liad  no  intention 
to  resign  tlieir  lit)ortits,  liiit  in  tlie  sequei  it  wili 
aii|>ear,  tliat,  witli  naid  foreign  troops  at  ids 
Hliic,  even  a  most  religious  l(ingcouiii  l)e  notldng 
but  a  despot.  Concerning  David's  military  i)ro- 
ceedingH  during  Ids  reign  nt  Ileliroii,  we  liiiow 
notliing  in  detiill,  tliougli  wu  read  uf  Joab  lining- 
iiiivin  a  largu  spoil,  probably  from  Ids  old  eiie- 
lilies  tlio  Amalekites.  Daviil  liad  an  arniv  to 
feed,  to  e-xercise,  and  to  keep  out  of  niiscliief; 
liut  it  is  probalile  tbat  the  war  against  Abner 
generally  occupied  it  sulllciuutiy.  Isow  iiowever 
he  determined  to  Higuali/.e  Ids  new  power  by  a 

ffreat  e.xploit.  Tlie  streugtli  of  .leru.sidem  had 
leen  sulllciently  proved  liy  tlie  long  secure 
dwelling  of  Jebusites  in  It,  surrounded  by  a 
Ilebridi'.ed  ])opulation.  Hebron  was  no  longer  a 
suitable  place  for  the  centre  of  David's  admiiiis 
tration;  but  Jerusalem,  on  the  frontier  of  Iten- 
jandii  and  Judali,  without  separating  lilni  from 
Lis  own  tribe,  gave  liim  a  reH<ly  access  to  tlie 
plains  of  Jericlio  below,  and  thereby  to  the 
eastern  districts;  and  although  by  no  means  a 
central  position,  it  was  less  remote  from  P^phraim 
than  Hebron.  Of  this  Jubusite  town  he  there- 
fore determined  to  possess  lilmself.  .  .  .  Tlie 
Jebusites  were  so  confident  of  their  safety,  as  to 
send  to  David  an  enigmatical  message  of  detiancc ; 
■which  maybe  explained, —  that  a  lame  and  blind 
garrison  was  sutlicient  to  defend  tlie  place. 
David  saw  in  this  an  opportunity  of  displacing 
Joab  from  his  otllce  of  chief  captain, —  if  indeed 
Joab  formally  held  tliut  otlicc  as  yet,  and  had 
not  merely  assumed  authority  as  David's  eldest 
nephew  and  old  comrade  in  arni.s.  Tlie  king 
however  now  declared,  that  whoever  should  first 
scijo  the  wall  and  diive  oft  its  defenders,  should 
be  made  chief  captain ;  but  his  liopes  were  sig- 
nally disappointed.  His  impetuous  nephew  re- 
solved not  to  be  outiione,  and  triumphantly 
mounting  the  wall,  was  the  immediate  means  of 
the  capture  of  the  town.  .  .  .  Jerusalem  is 
henceforth  its  name  in  .  .  .  liistory;  in  poetry 
only,  and  not  before  the  times  of  king  Heze- 
kiah,  is  it  entitled  Salem,  or  peace ;  identifying 
it  witli  the  city  of  the  legendary  ^lelchisedek. 
David's  first  care  was  to  provide  for  the  security 
of  his  intended  capital,  by  suitJiblc  fortifications. 
Immediately  to  the  north  of  Mount  Zion,  and 
separated  from  it  by  u  slighter  depression  wliicli 
we  liave  named,  was  another  hill,  called  Jlillo  in 
tlie  Hebrew.  ...  In  ancient  times  this  seems  to 
liave  been  much  loftier  tlian  now;  for  it  has 
been  artificially  lowered.  David  made  no  at- 
tempt to  include  Millo  (or  Acra)  in  his  city,  but 
fortified  Mount  Zion  separately ;  wlience  it  was 
afterwards  called,  The  city  of  David."— F.  W. 
Newman,  A  Hist,  of  the  Hebrew  ilomirchy,  ch.  3. 
— "Tlie  jcbusitc  city  was  composed  of  the  for- 
tress of  Sion,  which  must  have  been  situated 
wliero  the  mosque  of  El  Akasa  now  stands,  ond 
of  a  lower  town  (Opliel)  which  runs  down  from 
there  to  the  well  which  tliey  called  Gihoii. 
David  took  the  fortress  of  Sion,  and  gave  the 


greater  portion  of  the  neighlmiiring  lands  to 
Joab,  and  probably  left  the  lower  town  to  the 
Jeliusltes.  That  population,  reiluced  to  an  in 
ferior  Hituation,  lost  all  energy,  thanks  to  the 
new  Israelitish  influx,  and  played  no  impnrlant 
part  in  tlie  history  of  Jerusalem.  David  rebuilt 
the  upper  town  of  Sion,  tlie  citadel  or  inlllo,  and 
all  the  neighbouring  nuarters.  This  is  what 
tliey  called  llie  city  of  David.  .  .  .  David  in 
reality  created  Jerusalem," — E.  Itenau,  Hint,  of 
the  J'<oi)/e  of  hnid,  hk.  'i.  ch.  IH  (n.  1). 

Also  in:  H.  Ewald,  UUt.  of  Im-nel,  bk.  8,  »ect. 
1,  //. 

Early  aiegei.— Jeni.salem,  the  ancient  strong- 
hold of  the  Jebu.sites,  wiiicli  remained  in  tlio 
haiuls  of  tliat  Canaanile  people  until  David  re- 
duced it  and  made  it  the  capital  of  Ids  kingihim, 
was  the  object  of  many  sieges  in  its  subseiiuent 
liistory  anil  sufTered  at  the  hands  of  many  ruth- 
less con(jiierors.  It  was  taken,  with  no  ap|)ur- 
cut  resistance,  by  Sliishak,  of  Egypt,  in  tho 
reign  of  liehoboam,  and  Solomon'N  temple  plun- 
dered. Again,  in  tlie  reign  of  Aiiiaziali,  It  was 
entered  by  the  armies  of  tlie  rival  kingdom  of 
Israel  and  a  great  part  of  its  walls  thrown  down. 
It  was  besieged  without  success  by  tlie  tartan 
or  general  of  Sennacherib,  and  captured  a  llttlo 
later  by  I'haraoli  Neclio.  In  U.  C.  .WO  the  great 
caluniity  of  its  coiKiuest  and  destruction  by  Neb- 
uchadnezzar befell,  when  the  survivors  of  its 
chief  inhabitants  were  taken  captive  to  Uabylon. 
liebiiiit  at  the  return  from  captivity,  it  enjoyed 
peace  under  the  Persians;  but  in  the  troubled 
times  wliicli  followed  the  dis-solutiim  of  Alexan- 
der's Empire,  Jerusalem  was  repeatedly  pillaged 
and  abused  by  the  Greeks  of  Egypt  and  tlio 
Greeks  of  Syria.  Its  walls  were  demolislied  by 
Ptolemy  I.  (B.  C.  320)  and  again  by  Antiochus 
Epiphaiics  (B.  C.  168),  when  a  great  part  of  the 
city  was  likewise  burned. — Josephus,  Antiq.  of 
the  Jews. 

Also  in:  II.  II.  Milinan,  Jliit.  of  the  Jews. — 
See,  also,  Jkws. 

B.  C.  171-169.— Sack  and  massacre  bv  An- 
tiochus Epiphanes.     See  Ji;ws:  B.  C;.  332-107. 

B.  C.  63. — Siege  and  capture  by  Pompeius. 
See  Jkws:  B.  C.  100-40. 

B.  C.  40.— Surrendered  to  the  Parthians. 
See  Jkws:  B.  C.  160-40. 

B.  C.  37.— Siege  by  Herod  and  the  Romans. 
See  .Jews:  B.  C.  40— A.  D.  44. 

A.  D.  33-100.— Rise  of  the  Christian  Church. 
See  CiiKlsTiANiTV:  A.  D.  33-100. 

A.  D.  70. — Siege  and  destruction  by  Titus. 
See  Jkws:  A.  I).  00-70.     The  Gueat  Uevolt. 

A.  D.  130-134.  —  Rebuilt  by  Hadrian.  — 
Change  of  name.  — The  revolt  of  Bar-Kok- 
heba.     See  Jews:  A.  I).  130-134. 

A.  D.  615. — Siege,  sack  and  massacre  by  the 
Persians. — In  the  last  of  the  wars  of  the  Per- 
sians with  the  Bomaiis,  while  Heraclius  occupied 
the  throne  of  the  Empire,  at  Constantinople,  and 
ChosroCs  II.  filled  that  of  the  Sassanides,  the 
latter  (A.  I).  614)  " sent  his  general,  Shahr-Barz, 
into  the  region  east  of  the  Autilibauus  and  took 
the  ancient  and  famous  city  of  Damascus.  From 
Damascus,  in  tiie  ensuing  year,  Shahr-Barz  ad- 
vanced against  Palestine,  and,  summoning  tho 
Jews  to  Ills  aid,  proclaimed  a  Holy  War  against 
tlie  Christian  misliclicvers,  wlioiu  lie  threatened 
to  enslave  or  exterminate.  Twenty-six  thousand 
of  tliesc  fanatics  flocked  to  his  standard;  and 
liaving  occupied  the  Jordan  region  and  Galilee, 


18S, 


.IKUISAI-KM,  A.   I).  613. 


Munh-mn  mill 
<  ViUMfWrr*. 


.lEIU'MALEM.  A.   t).   1000. 


Hlmlirlliir/,  In  A,  I).  HI")  Invi'slcd  .Irnisulriii, 
1111(1  iiflrr  II  hUkv  of  flKlitccn  ilnyN  fiirii'il  IiIn  » iiy 
into  llic  town  iitiil  Kitvc  It  over  to  pliiiidiT  itixl 
nipliic.  The  rriicl  iHmllllty  of  tlic  .Icwh  Inn! 
frrc  vent,  'I'lii'  rlnirchcs  of  Ilclona,  of  Coimliiii' 
tine,  of  the  Holy  Hcimli'liri',  of  the  HfMUrrcctlon. 
Hiiil  iiiiiny  otluTH,  wiTc  liiirnt  or  riilncil ;  the 
Krciitcr  piirt  of  IIk-  city  wnn  (lowtrovcd ;  llii- 
Micrnl  trc'iiHiirlcH  wen'  liliinilcrcd ;  tlic  rclicM 
HciiltiTi'd  or  (iiiTli'd  olT;  iiihI  it  iiiiiNHncri'  of  the 
InliiililliiiitN,  III  wlilcli  tli(>  ilcwH  took  the  clilcf 
])itrt.  riiKcd  tliriiiiKlioiit  tlic  vvliolt'  city  for  hoiiio 
diiyx.  Ah  iiiiiiiy  iin  I7.IMN),  or.  HcronlliiK  to  iiii- 
oilier  arcount.  lt(l,(HK),  wen-  hIuIh  Tliirty  tlvo 
llioiiHiuid  were  iimdc  prUoiicrH  Aiiioiij;  tln'iii 
wiiH  till'  iijrcd  piitrlnrcli,  Zilclmrliis,  who  wiih  rnr- 
ripd  captivu  Into  IVthIii,  where  lie  remained  till 
Ills  death.  The  CroHH  found  liy  llelenn,  and  lie- 
lleved  to  lie  'tile  Trill!  Cr  )s«, WaK  at  the  Hiuno 
time  traimported  to  CtcHlnhon,  wliere  It  wiih  pri!- 
M!rved  Willi  eare  and  <luly  veiicmted  hy  the 
(MirlHtian  wife  of  ("hoHroI'M." — (},  Ititwiiimoii, 
Tfie  Sirtntk  (treat  Oricntdl  Muniirehy,  eh.  34. — 
Kee,  aim),  KoMK:  A.  I).  .lOS-OaH. 

A.  D.  637.— Surrender  to  the  Moilemi.— In 
the  wlnti  of  (I;t7,  the  Anilw,  then  masters  of 
the  greater  part  of  Syria,  laid  Hle);e  to  .leriiHa- 
lem.  After  four  niontliH  of  viKorouH  attack  and 
defeniM',  the  ChrlHtian  Patriarch  of  .leriiHalem 
held  a  parley  from  the  walls  with  the  Arab  (gen- 
eral, Aim  Oheldah.  "'I)o  you  not  know,'  Hald 
he,  'that  this  city  is  holy,  and  that  wlim-ver 
olTers  violence  to  It  drawn  upon  his  head  the 
vi  ii;eance  of  heaven?'  'We  know  It,' replied 
Alju  Oheldah,  '  to  he  the  house  of  tlii^  prophets, 
where  their  bodies  lie  interred;  we  know  It  to 
be  the  place  whence  our  prophet  Alahomet  made 
his  no<'turiial  ascent  to  lieiiveii ;  and  we  know 
that  we  are  more  worlliy  of  poswsslng  it  than 
you  are.  nor  will  we  raise  the  siege  until  Allah 
has  delivered  It  into  our  hands,  as  he  has  ilone 
many  other  iihues. '  Seeing  there  was  no  further 
hope,  the  patriarch  consented  to  give  up  the 
city,  on  condition  that  the  I'alinh  would  come  In 
])erson  to  take  jiossession  and  sign  the  ardi'les  of 
Kurrender. "  This  |)roposal  being  commiinleated 
to  Omar,  the  Caliph,  he  consented  to  make  the 
h)ng  journey  from  Aledlna  to  .lenisalem,  and,  in 
due  time,  he  cntereil  the  Holy  (."ity.  not  like  a 
conqueror,  hut  on  foot,  with  his  stauin  his  hand 
and  wearing  his  simple,  miich-])atched  Arab 
gart).  "The  articles  of  surrender  were  drawn  up 
HI  writing  by  Omar,  and  served  afterwards  as  a 
model  for  the  Moslem  leaders  in  other con(|Uests. 
The  {;hri8tians  were  to  huihl  no  new  churches 
iu  the  surrendered  territory.  The  eliurch  doors 
we-e  to  be  sot  ojien  to  travellers,  aii<l  free  ingress 
permitted  to  iMahometans  by  day  and  night.  The 
licll.4  should  only  toll,  and  not  ring,  and  no 
crosses  should  be  erected  on  the  churches,  nor 
sliown  publicly  in  the  streets.  The  Christians 
should  not  teach  the  Koran  to  their  children; 
nor  speak  openly  of  their  religion;  nor  attempt 
to  make  proselytes,  nor  hinder  their  kinsfolk 
from  embracing  Islam.  They  should  not  assume 
the  Moslem  dress,  either  caps,  slippers,  or  tur- 
bans, nor  part  their  hair  like  Moslems,  but  should 
always  be  distinguished  by  girdles.  They  should 
not  use  the  Andiian  language  in  inscriptions  ou 
their  signets,  nor  'utc  after  the  Moslem  man- 
ner, nor  becallcii  y  Slosleiu  surnames.  They 
should  rise  on  the  ciitmiiee  of  a  Moslem,  and  re- 
main standing  until  he  Hhould  be  seated.     They 


Hhoiild  entertain  every  MohU'Iii  traveller  three  day H 
KratlH.  They  slioulil  sell  no  wine,  hear  no  iiriiiH, 
and  iiiu- no  Hiiddh'  In  riding;  neither  kIkiuIiI  they 
have  any  ilomeHtic  who  had  been  In  .MoHlem  ser- 
vice.  .  .  .  The  CliristlaiiH  liaving  agni'd  to  sur- 
render on  these  tcriim,  the  Caliph  gave  them, 
under  hlsowii  liand.aii  asNiirance of  protection  In 
their  lives  aii<l  fortiilicK,  the  use  of  their  churchcH, 
and  the  e.verclse  of  their  religion.  " — W.  Irving, 
Miihiinift  and  Iiiu  SiimtDiini,  r,  'i,  rh.  18. —  See, 
also,  Maiiomktan  Co.sijfKsr:  A.  I).  fl.'l'J-flllO. 

A.  D.  908-1171.— In  the  Moslem  ciyll  wan. 
See  .Maiiomktan  C(iN(i(!KHT  and  K.Mi'iiiK:  A,  l». 
ltOH-1171. 

A.  D.  1064-1076.— Great  revival  of  pilg;rim- 
agrs  from  western  Europe.  See  (!ui'haiikh: 
Cai    i.h,  iVc. 

A.  D.  1076.— Taken  by  the  Seljuk  Turks. 
See  CursADKH;  Cai'hKS,  A:c. 

A.  D.  1094.— Visit  of  Peter  the  Hermit.  .  eo 
CliiKADKS;   A.  I).  lOlM-IDll.'l. 

A.  D.  1009.— The  Bloody  "  Deliverance  "  of 
the  Holy  City  by  the  Crusaders.— The  armlcH 
of  the  First  Crusade  (see  CliliHADKH:  A.I).  IIIIHI- 
101111)  —  the  surviving  remnant  of  them  —  reached 
.lerusali'in  In  June,  A.  I).  lOlMI.  They  niiniberi'd, 
It  is  believed,  but  20,(I(H)  lighting  men,  and  an 
e(|ual  numberof  camp  followers,— women,  chil- 
dren, non-milltnnt  priests,  and  the  like.  "Im- 
mediately before  the  arrival  of  IIk!  Crusaders, 
the  Mohammedans  deliberated  whether  they 
should  slaughter  all  the  Christians  in  colil  blootl, 
or  only  line  them  and  e.\p<'l  them  from  the  city. 
It  was  decided  to  adopt  the  latter  plan;  and  tl'iu 
CrusjKh'rs  were  greeted  011  their  arrival  not  only 
by  the  Hying  siiuadrons  of  the  enemy's  cavalry, 
but  also  by  exiled  Christians  telling  tiieir  pititous 
tales.  Their  houses  had  been  ]iillagcd,  their 
wives  kept  as  hostages;  immense  sums  were  re- 
quired for  their  ransom;  the  churches  were  dese- 
crated; and,  even  worse  still,  the  Inlldels  were 
contemplating  the  entire  destruction  of  the 
Church  of  the  Holy  Hcpulchre.  This  la.it  charge, 
at  least,  was  not  true.  Hut  it  added  fuel  to  u 
lire  which  was  already  beyond  any  control,  and 
the  chiefs  gave  a  ready  permission  to  their  men 
to  carry  the  town,  If  they  could,  by  assault." 
They  were  repulsed  with  heavy  loss,  and  driven 
to  the  operations  of  n  regular  siege,  for  which 
their  resources  were  limited  iu  the  extreme. 
IJut  overcoming  all  ('"liculties,  and  enduring 
miii'Ii  sulTering  from  lack  of  water,  at  the  end 
of  little  more  than  a  month  they  drove  the  Mos- 

e  cily  —  o 
"Thecit, 
was  taken,  and  the  massacre  of  its  defenders  be- 
gan. The  ("hristians  ran  through  the  streets 
slaughtering  as  they  went.  At  lii-st  they  spared 
none,  neither  man,  woman,  nor  child,  putting  all 
alike  to  the  sword;  but  when  resistance  had 
ceased,  and  rage  was  partly  api>ea.sed,  they  be- 
gan to  betliiiik  them  of  pillage,  and  tortured 
those  who  remained  alive  to  make  them  discover 
their  gold.  As  for  the  Jews  within  tlie  city, 
they  had  (Icil  to  their  synagogue,  which  the 
Christians  set  on  fire,  and  so  burned  them  all. 
The  chroniclers  relate,  with  savage  ioy,  how  the 
streets  were  encumbered  with  heads  and  man- 
gled bodies,  and  how  in  the  Haram  Area,  the 
sacred  enclosure  of  the  Temple,  the  knights  rode 
in  blood  up  to  the  knees  of  their  horses.  Here 
upwards  of  ten  tliousand  were  slaughtered, 
while  the  whole  number  of  killed  umounted. 


leins  from  the  walls  and  entered  the  cily  —  on 
Friday,  the  15tli  of  July,  A.  I).  1000.     "  The  city 


1882 


.IKIiVHAI.KM    l(il>0 


n,  f^.lh,  Klnu>l.,m.       .IKHl'SAI.KM,    101)0-1201. 


(icrnnlinK  to  viirloim  mtitmiti'ii,  to  forty,  upvcnty, 
iitiil  <'Vi'ri  II  Imiidri'il  IIidiihiiiuI.  .  .  .  Hvcniiift 
fell,  and  llii'  rhiiii'iur  n'liHnl,  for  llicrr  wcrr  no 
more  rni'inicM  to  kill,  nhvi'  it  few  wIioni'  IIvi'N  IiuiI 
Intm  iirotnlw'il  liy  TiiniTnl.  Tlirn  from  tliclr 
lililiiiK  iiliu'i'H  in  the  I'ity  ciinic  out,  llii'  ClirlNtlaiiM 
wild  Htii!  ri'iniiiiii'd  III  it.  'I'licy  hud  lint  one 
tlioii)(lit,  to  Kcr'k  out  mill  wclcoi"!'  I'lirr  the 
llcrinit,  wlionitlicy  procliilincd  iis  lli<  Ir  lilirnitor. 
At  tliu  hIkIiI  of  tlicM-  CliriHtliins.  ii  Hiiddcn  rrviil- 
hIoii  of  feeling  Hil/.cd  tin-  Holdlcrs.  'I'liry  ri'iiU'in 
licrcij  timt  till'  citv  tlii-y  'i»d  liiki'ti  wiii  tlif  city 
(if  till-  I,ord,  iind  tliln  ini|inlNivc  Holdlcry,  hIii'iiIIi- 
liiK  HworiU  recking  with  lilood,  followed  (lodfrcy 
to  thoChurcliof  tli()  Holy  Hi'pulrlirc,  wlicrt!  tliry 
puHNi'd  the  ni^lit  In  tnirn  and  priiyriH  and  Kcr- 
vIcf'H.  In  tlin  niornin^  tliorarnuKi'  lii'^an  nKaln. 
TIloiH)  who  hull  rNCiipt'd  tlio  llrHt  fury  wrrc  tin* 
womi-n  and  cliildri'ii.  It  was  now  ri'Kolvcil  to 
Hjian!  none.  Kvcn  the  tlirrc  hundred  to  whom 
Tiinrri'd  had  pioinlsid  life  were  Hiaujfl'tcrrd 
In  Hpit4-  of  liliii.  Kayniond  nione  nianiiKi'd 
to  Hiive  the  livi'M  of  IhoHe  whorapitulated  to  liiin 
from  Iho  tower  of  Pavld.  It  took  a  week  to  kill 
tlie  SaraceiiH,  and  to  taki!  away  theirdeiid  liodies. 
Kvery  Cnifiader  had  ii  ri)flit  ti)  the  llrHt  house  he 
took  posHcsHliin  of.  and  the  rity  found  Itself  all 
Holiltely  eleareil  of  ItH  old  Inhaliitiints,  and  in  the 
hands  of  a  new  population.  The  true  CroNS, 
whieh  had  heen  hidden  hy  the  Christians  during 
the  Kli'de.  was  hrouKht  forth  ajjain,  and  ciirrieil 
In  joyful  proeession  round  the  city,  and  for  ten 
days  the  soldliTS  jtave  lliemselveH  up  to  murder, 
plunder — and  iiravers!  And  the  llrst  (!rusade 
was  llnished."— \V.  Hesaiit  aud  K.  II.  I'alnier, 
,fi  riiKiiltiii,  I'll.  (1. 

Al.so  in:  C.  Mills.  IHhI.  of  l/ic  Cruiutito.  v.  1, 
<•//.  (1.— J.  F.  .Miclmud,  /H'mI.  "f  t/ir  Cnnuultn, 
hk.  4 

A.  D.  1009-1144.  —  The  Founding  of  the 
Latin  kingdom. — Kight  days  after  'lii'Ir  liloodv 
eoii(|uest  of  the  Holy  City  had  lieeii  acliieveil, 
"tlie  Latin  ehiefs  proceeded  to  the  election  of  a 
kin)?,  to  guard  and  govern  their  coniiuests  in 
Palestine.  Hugh  tho  Oreiit  |coiinl  of  Veriimii- 
dois|  and  Stephen  of  C'liartres  had  iclired  with 
some  loss  of  repiitJition,  which  they  strove  to  re- 
gain by  a  second  crusade  and  an  honouralile 
death.  Haldwin  was  established  at  Kde.ssa,  and 
IJoliemond  at  Antioch;  and  two  Uoliert.s  —  tlii^ 
Duke  of  Normandy  and  tlii' Count  of  Flanders  — 
preferred  their  fair  inlieriliuice  in  the  West  to  a 
(loiiblfiil  coniiietition  or  a  barren  8<'eptre.  The 
jealousy  and  ambition  of  Hayiuond  [of  Toulouse] 
were  condemned  by  his  own  followers;  and  the 
free,  tlie  just,  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  army 
proclaimed  (iodfrey  of  Houillon  the  first  and 
most  worthy  of  the  champions  of  Christendom. 
His  magnanimity  accepted  a  trust  as  full  of 
danger  as  of  glory ;  lint  in  the  city  where  his 
Savioui  !iad  been  crowned  with  thorns  the  de- 
vout pilgrim  rejected  tli.  anie  and  ensigns  of 
royalty,  and  the  founder  of  the  kingdom  of 
Jci'iisiilem  contented  himself  with  the  modest 
title  of  Defender  and  Baron  of  tin,'  Holy  Sepul- 
chre. His  government  of  a  single  year,  too 
short  for  tho  public  happiness,  was  interrupted 
in  tho  first  fortnight  by  a  summons  to  tlii^  field 
by  the  approach  of  the  vizir  or  sultAn  of  Kgypt, 
who  had  been  too  slow  to  prevent,  but  who  was 
impatient  to  avenge,  the  loss  of  .Jerusalem.  His 
total  overthrow  in  the  buttle  of  Aacalon  sealed 
the  establishment  of   the  Latins  in  Syria,   and 


HJgnalized  the  valour  of  the  Fn  nch  princes,  who 
In  this  action  hade  a  long  farewell  to  the  holy 
wars.  .  .  .  After  Niispeiiding  lii'fore  the  holy 
Ncpulchre  the  Hwonl  and  Htandard  of  the  Hiiltan, 
the  new  king  (he  deserveH  the  title) embraced  hU 
depaning  companioiiN.  and  could  retain  only, 
with  the  gallant  Tancred.  :i(M)  knights  and  'J,<NK) 
foot  KoldlerH,  for  the  ih'feiice  of  Palest iiii'." — 
F.  (libbon.  Ihdhif  (iiiil  Full  nf  tlif  li'iiiinn  Km- 
jiiir.  c/i.  M. —  OiHJfrey  lived  not  i|ulte  a  year 
after  his  election,  and  was  Htieceeded  on  the 
throne  of  .leriisalem  by  his  broliier  Haldwin,  the 
prince  of  Kdessa.  who  resigned  that  Mesopot  »• 
niian  lordship  to  Ills  couhIii,  Haldwin  dii  Hourg, 
and  made  haste  tosecure  tin-  more  tempting  hov- 
erelgnly.  (lislfrey,  during  his  short  reign,  had 
permitted  hiniHelf  to  be  made  almimt  a  vassal 
and  subordinate  of  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem  — 
one  Duimbert.  a  domineering  prelate  from  Italy. 
Hut  Haldwin  matihed  the  priest  in  his  own 
grasping  i|Ualitiesand  soon  establisheii  the  king- 
Hhip  on  a  more  Hiibstantial  footing.  IIv  nignetl 
eighteen  years,  and  when  he  died.  In  11 IH,  the 
fortunatei'ousin,  Haldwin  du  Hourg,  received  hl» 
crown,  Hurrenilering  the  principality  of  Fdessii 
to  another.  This  Haldwin  II.  died  In  li;il,anil 
was  siicci'i'ded  by  Fiilk  or  Foiihpie,  count  of 
Anjoii,  who  had  lately  arrived  In  Paleslhu  and 
married  Huldwin's  daiigliler.  "The  Latin  do- 
minions in  the  Fast  attained  their  greatest  extent 
in  the  reign  of  King  Haldwin  II.  .  .  .  The  en- 
tire sea-coast  from  Tarsus  in  Cillcla  to  Fl-Arish 
on  the  contlnes  of  Fgy|)t  was,  with  theexceiition 
of  Ascalon  and  (la/.a.  In  the  |)ossession  of  the 
Franks.  In  the  north  their  domlnioim  extended 
inland  to  Fdi'ssu  beyond  the  Fiiplirates;  the 
inoiintains  of  Lebiinon  and  their  kindred  ranges 
bounded  them  on  the  castasthey  ran.si,  ithwards; 
and  then  tho  .Ionian  and  tin;  desert  formed  their 
eastern  limits.  They  were  divided  Into  four 
states,  namely,  the  kingdom  of  .Iirusalein,  the 
county  of  Tnpolis.  the  principality  of  Antioch, 
anil  the  county  of  Fdessa;  the  rulers  of  the  three 
last  held  as  va.s.sals  under  the  king."  King  Fiilk 
died  in  114it  or  1144,  and  was  succeeded  liy  his 
son,  Haldwin  III.  Fdessa  was  lust  in  the  follow- 
ing year. —  T.  Keightlev,  '/'Ac  ('riiKHilirn  \r/i.  2|. 
—  See.  also.  Ciiis.U)Ks:"A.  I).  11(14-1111. 

A.  D.  1099-1291. —  The  constitution  of  the 
kinedora. — "  Godfrey  was  an  elected  king;  and 
we  nave  seen  that  his  two  immediate  successors 
owed  their  crowns  rather  to  personal  merit  and 
intrigue  than  to  jirinciples  of  hereditary  succes- 
sion. But  after  the  death  of  Haldwin  dii  Hourg, 
the  foundation  of  the  constitution  appears  to 
have  been  settled;  and  the  Latin  state  of  .leriisa- 
lem may  be  regarded  as  a  feudal  hereditary  inon- 
archy.  There  -wvn'  two  chief  lords  of  tlii'  king- 
dom, namely,  the  patriarch  and  the  king,  whoso 
cognizance  extended  over  spiritual  and  temporal 
alTairs.  .  .  .  Tlie  great  olllceis  of  the  crown  were 
tli(!  seneschal,  the  constable,  the  iimrshal.  and 
the  chamberlain.  .  .  .  There  were  four  chief 
baronies  of  the  kingdom,  and  many  other  lord- 
ships which  had  the  privileges  of  administering 
justice,  coining  money,  and,  in  short,  most  of 
those  powers  and  prerogatives  which  the  great 
and  independent  nobility  of  Fiirope  possessed. 
The  lirst  great  barony  comprised  the  counties  of 
JafTa  anil  Ascalon.  and  the  lordships  of  Hamiila, 
Mirabel,  and  Ibelin.  Tlie  second  was  the  prin- 
cipality of  (jalilee.  The  third  included  the  lord- 
sliips  of  Sajetta,  Cesarea,  and  Nazareth ;  and  the 


1883 


JERUSALEM,  1000-1201. 


Satadln. 


JERUSxVLEM,  1188-1192. 


fourth  wns  the  nmnty  of  Tripoli.  .  .  .  Rut  tlic 
dignity  of  tliesc  four  great  Imnms  is  siiewn  by 
the  nuinl)er  of  lini,.;lit8  wliicli  tliey  were  obliged 
to  furtiisli,  coMipiired  with  tlie  coiitril)utiou8  or 
other  nobles.  Eneh  of  the  three  first  bnrons  wus 
compelled  to  aid  the  king  with  five  hundred 
knig.ht8.  The  service  of  Tripoli  was  performed 
by  two  hundred  ktughts;  that  of  the  other  bnr- 
oiiies  by  one  hundreil  and  eighty-three  knights. 
Six  hundred  and  si.xtysl.v  knights  wns  the  total 
number  furnished  by  the  cities  of  Jerusalem, 
Nuplousn,  Aere,  and  Tyre.  The  churches  and 
the  lonmiercial  commimities  of  every  part  of  the 
kingdom  provided  live  thousand  and  seventy-flve 
Serjeants  or  serving  men." — C.  Mills,  Hist,  of 
the  VniHadm,  v.  1,  ch.  8. 

Also  in:  E.  Gibbon,  Dei-Hne  and  Full  of  (he 
Rimuin  Empire,  ch.   08. — See,    also,   Assize   of 

jEI<rs,VI.KM. 

A.  D.  1147-1149.— The  note  of  alarm  and  the 
Second  Crusade.  See  Cuusadeb :  A.  I).  1147- 
Ul!».      . 

A.  D.  1 140-1187.— Decline  and  fall  of  the 
kingdom. — The  Rise  of  Saladin  and  his  con- 
quest of  the  Holy  City. —  King  Fulk  was  suc- 
ceeded in  1144  bv  his  son,  a  boy  of  thirteen,  who 
took  the  title  of  lialdwin  III.  and  with  whom  his 
mother  associated  herself  on  the  throne.  It  was 
early  in  this  reign  of  the  boy-king  that  Edessa 
wns  taken  by  Zenghi,  sultan  of  ATcp])o,  and  nn 
appeal  made  to  Europe  which  called  out  the 
miserably  nbortive  Second  Crusade.  The  crusade 
"did  nothing  towards  the  mainteunuce  of  the 
waning  ascendency  of  the  Latins.  Even  vic- 
tories brought  with  them  no  solid  result,  and  in 
not  a  few  instances  victory  was  misused  with  a 
folly  closely  allied  to  inaJuess.  .  .  .  The  inter- 
minable series  of  wars,  or  rather  of  forays  and 
reprisals,  went  on ;  and  amidst  such  contests  the 
life  of  Baldwin  closed  [A.  D.  1102]  in  early  man- 
hood. ...  lie  died  childless,  and  although  some 
opposition  was  made  to  his  choice,  his  brother 
Almeric  [or  Amnury]  was  elected  to  till  his 
place.  Almost  nt  the  beginning  of  his  reign  the 
affairs  of  the  Latin  kingdom  became  complicated 
with  those  of  Egypt;  nnd  the  Christic.ns  arc  seen 
fighting  by  the  side  of  one  !Mahomedan  race, 
tribe,  or  faction  against  another."  The  Fatlmito 
caliphs  of  Egypt  had  become  mere  puppets  in 
the  hands  of  their  viziers,  and  when  one  grand 
vizier,  Shawer,  deposed  by  a  rival,  Dargham, 
appealed  to  the  sultan  of  Aleppo  (Noureddiu, 
sou  of  Zenghi),  the  latter  embraced  eagerly  the 
opportunity  to  stretcli  his  strong  hand  towards 
the  Fatimite  throne.  Among  his  generals  was 
Shiracouh,  a  valiant  Koord,  and  he  sent  Shiracouh 
to  Egypt  to  restore  Shawer  to  power.  With 
Shiracouh  went  a  young  nephew  of  the  Koordish 
soldier,  named  Salahud-deen  — -better  known  in 
history  as  Saladin.  Shawer,  restored  to  author- 
ity, qiuckly  quarrelled  with  his  protectors,  and 
endeavored  to  get  rid  of  them  —  which  proved 
not  easy.  He  sought  and  obtained  help  from 
the  Latin  king  of  Jerusalem,  in  whose  mind,  too, 
there  was  the  ambition  to  pluck  this  rotten-ripe 
plum  on  the  Nile.  After  a  war  of  five  yeare 
duration,  in  which  king  Almeric  was  encouraged 
and  but  slightly  helped  by  the  Byzantine  em- 
peror, while  Nourcddin  was  approved  and  sup- 
ported by  the  caliph  of  Bagdad,  Nourcddin's 
Koord  (jeneral,  Shiracouh,  secured  the  prize. 
Grand  vizier  Shawer  wns  put  to  death,  and  the 
v/retchcd  Futimitc  caliph  made  youug  Saladin 


his  vizier,  fancying  he  had  chosen  a  young  man 
too  fond  of  pleasure  to  be  dangerously  ambitious. 
He  was  speedily  undeceived.  Saladin  needed 
only  three  years  to  make  himself  master  of 
Egypt,  and  the  caliph,  then  dying,  was  stripped 
of  his  title  and  his  sovereignty.  The  bold  Ivoord 
took  the  throne  in  the  name  of  the  Abbasside 
Caliph,  at  Bagdad,  summarily  ending  the  Fat- 
imite schism.  He  was  still  nominally  the  ser- 
vant of  the  sultan  of  Aleppo;  l)ut  when  Noured- 
diu  died,  A.  !).  1178,  leaving  his  dominions  to  a 
young  son,  Saladin  was  able,  with  little  resis- 
tance, to  displace  the  latter  and  to  become  undis- 
puted sovereign  of  Maliometan  Syria,  Egypt, 
and  a  large  i)art  of  Mesopotamia.  He  now  re- 
solved to  expel  the  Lutins  from  Palestine  and  to 
restore  tlie  authority  of  the  ])rophet  once  more 
in  the  holy  places  of  Jerusalem.  King  Almeric 
had  died  in  1173,  leaving  his  crown  to  a  son, 
Baldwin  IV.,  who  was  an  unfortunate  leper. 
The  leper  prince  died  in  US.!,  and  the  only  make- 
shift for  a  king  tliat  Jerusalem  found  in  this  time 
of  serious  peril  was  one  Guy  of  Lusignau,  a  vile 
niul  despised  creature,  who  had  married  the  last 
Baldwin's  sister.  Tlie  Holy  Land,  the  Holy  City 
nnd  the  Holy  Sepulchre  had  this  pitiful  kinglet 
for  their  defender  when  the  potent  Saladin  led 
his  Moslems  against  them.  The  decisive  battle 
was  fought  in  July,  A.  D.  1187,  near  the  city  of 
Tiberias,  and  is  known  generally  in  Christian 
history  as  the  Battle  of  Tiberias,  but  was  called 
by  Mahometan  annalists  the  Battle  of  Hittin. 
The  Christians  were  defeated  with  great  slaugh- 
ter; the  miserable  King  Guy  was  taken  prisoner 
—  but  soon  released,  to  make  trouble;  the  "true 
cross,"  most  precious  of  all  Christian  relics,  fell 
into  Saladin's  irreverent  hands.  Tiberias,  Acre, 
Cii'sarca,  Jaffa,  Berytos,  Ascalon,  submitted  to 
the  victor.  Jerusalem  was  at  his  mercy ;  but  he 
offered  its  defenders  and  inhabitants  permission 
to  depart  peacefully  from  the  iilace,  having  no 
wish,  he  said,  to  defile  its  hallowed  soil  with 
blood.  When  his  offer  was  rejected,  he  made  a 
vow  to  enter  the  city  with  his  sword  and  to  do  as 
the  Christians  had  done  when  they  waded  to  their 
knees  in  blood  through  its  streets.  But  when, 
after  a  short  siege  of  fourteen  days,  Jerusalem 
was  surrendered  to  him,  he  forgot  his  angry  oath, 
and  forgot  tlie  vengeance  which  might  not  have 
seemed  strange  in  that  age  and  t'-*  place.  The 
sword  of  the  victor  was  sheathei'  The  inhabi- 
tants were  ransomed  at  a  stipi  ited  rate,  and 
those  for  whom  no  ransom  was  paid  were  held 
as  slaves.  The  sick  and  the  helpless  were  per- 
mitted to  remain  in  the  city  for  a  year,  with  the 
Knights  of  the  Hospital — conspicuous  among 
the  enemies  of  Saladin  and  his  faitli  —  to  at- 
tend upon  them.  The  Crescent  shone  Chris- 
tian-like as  it  rose  over  Jerusalem  again.  The 
Cross  —  the  Crusaders'  Cross — wasshamed.  The 
Latin  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  wns  now  nearly 
extinct ;  Tyre  alone  held  out  against  Saladin  and 
constitute(l  the  most  of  the  kingdom  of  King 
Guy  of  Lusignan.— G.  W.  Cox,  T/ie  Orumdes, 
ch.  6. 

Also  in:  W.  Besant  and  E.  H.  Palmer,  Jerusa- 
lem, ch.  12-16.— J.  F.  Michaud,  Jlist.  of  the  Cm- 
Slides,  bk.  7.  —  Jlrs.  W.  Busk,  Mediceval  Popes, 
Emperors,  Kings  and  Crusaders,  bk.  2,  ch.  10-11 
(i).  2).— See,  also,  Saladin,  The  Empihe  of. 

A.  D.  1188-1192.  — Attempted  recovery. — 
The  Third  Crusade.  See  Ckusades:  A.  D. 
1188-1102. 


1884 


JEIIUSALEM,  1193-1329. 


Tlie  ffniue  o/ 
Ltuiijnan, 


JERUSALEM,  1843. 


A.  D.  1 192-1220. — The  succession  of  nomi- 
nal kings. — Guy  de  Lusignnn,  1lu>  ixxir  (rciilurc 
■whom  Syl)illc,  daughter  of  King  Anuuiiy,  mar- 
ried and  made  king  of  .Ieru.salcm,  lost  Ids  king- 
dom fairly  enough  on  the  battle-liold  of  Tiberia.s. 
To  win  his  freedom  from  SaUulln.  moreover,  he 
renounced  his  claims  by  11  solemn  oath  and 
pledged  himself  to  cinit  the  soil  of  Palestine 
forever.  But  oaths  were  of  small  account  with 
the  Clu'istinn  Crusaders,  and  with  the  priests 
who  kept  their  consciences.  Guy  got  easy  al)so- 
lution  for  the  trifling  perjury,  and  was  a  king 
once  more, —  waiting  for  the  Cru.saders  to  recover 
his  kingdom.  IJut  when,  in  1100,  his  queen 
Sybille  and  her  two  children  died.  King  Guy's 
royal  title  wore  a  faded  look  to  most  people  and 
was  wholly  denied  by  many.  Presently,  Conrad 
of  Montferrat,  who  held  possession  of  Tyre  — 
the  best  part  of  what  remained  in  the  actual 
kingdom  of  Jerusalem  —  married  Syl)illo's  sister, 
Isabella,  and  claimed  the  kingship  in  her  name. 
King  Richard  of  England  supported  Guy,  and 
King  Pliilip  Augustus  of  France,  in  sheer  cou- 
trariuess,  Uwk  his  side  with  Conrad.  After  long 
quarreling  it  was  decided  that  Guy  should  wear 
the  crown  while  he  lived,  and  tliat  it  should  pass 
when  he  died  to  Conrad  an<l  Conrad's  children. 
It  was  Richard's  wilfulness  that  forced  this  set- 
tlement; but,  after  all,  on  quitting  Palestine,  in 
1102,  the  English  king  did  not  dare  to  leave  af- 
fairs behind  him  in  such  worthless  hands.  He 
bought,  therefore,  the  abdication  of  Guy  do 
Lu.signan,  by  making  him  king  of  Cypius,  and 
lie  gave  the  crown  of  Jerusalem  to  the  strong 
and  capable  Conrad.  But  Conrad  was  murdered 
iu  a  little  time  by  emissaries  of  the  Old  JIan  of 
the  Mountain  (see  Assassins),  who  accused  Rich- 
ard of  the  instigation  of  tlie  deed,  and  Count 
Heiivy  of  Champagne,  Ricliard's  nephew,  ac- 
cepted his  widow  and  his  crown.  Ilcnry  enjoyed 
his  titular  royalty  and  his  little  hand-breadth  of 
dominion  on  the  Syrian  coast  for  four  years, 
only.  Then  ho  was  killed,  while  defending 
Jaffa,  and  his  oft- widowed  widow,  Isabella, 
brought  the  Lusignans  back  into  Palestinian  his- 
tory again  by  marrying,  for  her  fourth  Inisband, 
Amaury  dc  Lusignan,  who  had  succeeded  his 
brother  Guy,  now  deceased,  as  king  of  Cyprus. 
Amaury  possessed  the  two  crownc,  of  Cyprus 
and  Jerusalem,  until  his  death,  when  the  latter 
devolved  on  the  daughter  of  Isabella,  by  her 
second  husband,  Conrad.  The  young  queen 
accepted  a  Inisband  recommended  by  the  king 
of  France,  and  approved  bj'  her  barons,  thus 
bringing  a  worthy  king  to  the  worthless  throne. 
This  was  John  de  Bi-ienne,  a  good  French  knight, 
who  came  to  Palestine  (A.  D.  1210)  with  a  little 
following  of  three  hundred  knights  and  strove 
valiantly  to  reconquer  a  '.ingilom  for  his  royally 
entitled  bride.  But  he  strove  in  vain,  and  frag- 
ment after  fragment  of  his  crumbling  remnant 
of  dominion  fell  away  until  he  held  almost  noth- 
ing except  Acre.  In  1217  the  king  of  Hungary, 
the  duke  of  Austria  and  a  large  army  of  crusa- 
ders came,  professedly,  to  his  help,  but  gave  him 
none.  The  king  of  Hungary  got  jiossession  of  the 
head  of  St.  Peter,  the  rigl-t  hand  of  St.  Thomas 
and  one  of  the  wine  vessels  of  the  marriage 
feast  at  Caua,  and  hastened  home  with  his  pre- 
cious relics.  The  other  crusaders  went  away  to 
attack  Egypt  and  brought  their  enterprise  to  a 
miserable  end.  Then  King  John  de  Brienne 
married  his  daughter  Yolaute,  or  lolunta,  to  the 


German  empcr'n,  or  King  of  the  Romans,  Frede- 
rick II.,  and  surrendered  to  that  prince  his  rights 
and  claims  to  the  kingship  of  Jerusalem.  Frede- 
rick, at  war  with  the  Pope,  and  under  the  ban 
of  the  Church,  went  to  Palestine,  with  000 
knights,  and  contrived  by  clever  diplomacy  and 
skilful  pressure  to  secure  a  treaty  with  the  sul- 
tan of  Egypt  (A.  D.  1220),  which  placed  Jerusa- 
lem, under  some  conditions,  in  his  hands,  and 
added  other  tcrrit<jry  to  the  kingdom  which  he 
claimed  by  right  of  his  wife.  lie  entered  Jeru- 
salem and  there  set  the  crown  on  his  own  head ; 
for  the  patriarch,  the  priests,  and  the  monk- 
knights,  of  the  Hospital  and  the  Temple,  shunned 
him  an(l  refused  recognition  to  his  work.  But 
Frederick  was  the  only  "King  of  Jerusidem" 
after  Guy  de  Lusignan,  who  wore  a  crown  in  the 
Holy  City,  and  exercised  in  reality  the  sover- 
eignty to  which  he  pretended.  Frederick  re- 
turned to  Italy  in  1220  and  his  kingdom  iu  the 
East  was  soon  as  shadowy  and  unreal  as  that  of 
his  predecessors  had  been. — W.  Besant  and  E.  II. 
Palmer,  Jerusalem,  ch.  15  and  18. 

Also  in  :  J.  F.  Michaud,  Ui»t.  of  Vie  Crusades, 
bks.  8-12.— See,  aldo,  Ciu;8ADE8:  1188-1192,  and 
1210-1220;  and  Cyprus:  A.  D.  1193-1489. 

A.  D.  1242.  —  Sack  and  massacre  by  the 
Carismians.  —  After  the  overthrow  of  the 
Khuarezmian  (Korasmian  or  Carisndan)  empire 
by  the  Mongols,  its  last  prince,  Qelaleddin,  or 
Jalalu-d-Diu,  implacably  pursued  by  thos<»  sav- 
age conquerors,  fought  them  valiantly  until  he 
perished,  at  last,  in  Kurdistan.  His  army,  made 
up  of  many  mercenary  bands,  Turkish  and  other, 
then  scattered,  and  two,  at  least,  among  its  wan- 
dering divisions  played  important  parts  in  sub- 
sequent history.  Out  of  one  of  those  Khuarez- 
mian  squadrons  rose  the  powerful  nation  of  the 
Ottoman  Turks.  The  other  invaded  Syria. 
"The  Mussulman  powers  of  Syria  several  times 
united  iu  a  league  against  the  Carismians,  and 
drove  them  back  to  tlie  other  side  of  the  Eu- 
phrates. But  the  spirit  of  rivalry  which  at  all 
times  divided  the  princes  of  the  family  of 
Saladin,  soon  recalled  an  enemy  always  redoubt- 
able notwithstanding  defeats.  At  the  i)eriod  of 
which  we  are  speaking,  the  princes  of  Damascus, 
Carac,  and  Emessa  had  just  formed  an  alliance 
with  the  Christians  of  Palestine ;  they  not  only 
restored  Jerusalem,  Tiberias,  and  the  principality 
of  Galilee  to  them,  but  they  promised  to  join 
them  in  the  conquest  of  Egypt,  a  conquest  for 
wliich  the  whole  of  Syria  was  making  prepara- 
tions. The  sultan  of  Cairo,  to  avenge  himself 
upon  the  Christians  who  had  broken  the  treaties 
concluded  with  him,  to  punish  their  new  allies, 
and  protect  himself  from  their  invasion,  de- 
termined to  apply  for  succour  to  the  hordes  of 
Carismia;  and  sent  deputies  to  the  leaders  of 
these  barbarians,  promising  to  abandon  Palestine 
to  them,  if  they  subdued  it.  This  proposition 
was  accepted  with  joy,  and  20,000  horsemen, 
animated  by  a  thirst  for  booty  and  slaughter, 
hastened  from  the  further  parts  of  Jlesopotamia, 
disposed  to  be  subservient  to  the  vengeance  or 
anger  of  the  Egyptian  monarch.  On  their 
march  they  ravaged  the  territory  of  Tripoli  and 
the  principality  of  Galilee,  and  the  flames  which 
everywhere  accompanied  their  steps  annoimced 
their  arri'.al  to  tlie  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem. 
Fortifications  scarcely  commenced,  and  the  small 
number  of  warriors  in  the  holy  city,  left  not  the 
least  hope  of  being  able  to  repel  the  unexpected 


1885 


.lERUSALEM,  1242. 


Kiul  iif  Ihr 
C'liriMtian  Kinydorn. 


JERUSALEM,  1291. 


nttnckfl  of  kihIi  a  foriiiidiiblf  enemy.  The  wliolc 
population  of  .lenisiilem  resolved  to  lly,  under 
the  giiidiinee  (if  the  kni^lils  of  the  IIoKpitid  and 
the  Temple.  There  only  remained  in  the  eity 
the  siek  and  a  few  inhabilanls  wlio  eould  not 
make  Ilieir  minds  up  to  alianilou  their  homes 
and  their  inllrm  kindred.  The  Carisinians  soon 
arrived,  an<l  havin;;  destroyed  a  few  lUtrcrtch- 
ments  that  had  been  made  in  their  route,  they 
entered  Jcirusalem  sword  in  hand,  massacred 
all  they  met,  and  .  .  .  had  recourse  to  a  tnost 
odious  stratagem  to  lure  back  the  inhabitants 
who  had  taken  tli);ht.  They  raised  the  standards 
of  the  cross  upon  every  tower,  and  set  all  the 
hells  ringinif."  The  retreating  Christians  were 
lieeeived.  'Tliej'  persuaded  themselves  that  a 
miracle  had  been  wrought;  "that  God  had 
taken  pity  on  his  people,  and  would  not  permit 
the  city  of  Christ  to  be  dcfllcd  by  the  presence  of 
a  sacrilegious  horde.  Seven  thousand  fugitives, 
deceived  by  this  hope,  returned  to  Jerusalem  and 
gave  themselves  up  to  tlie  fury  of  the  Caris- 
mians,  who  put  tliem  all  to  the  sword.  Torrents 
i.f  blood  flowed  through  the  streets  and  along 
th(^  roads.  A  troop  of  'iUns,  children,  and  aged 
people,  who  had  sought  refuge  in  the  church  of 
the  Holy  Sepulchre,  were  massacred  at  the  foot 
of  the  altars.  The  Carismians  finding  nothing 
among  tlie  living  to  satisfy  their  fury,  burst 
open  the  sepulchres,  and  gave  the  coflins  an<l  re- 
mains of  the  dead  up  to  the  flames;  the  tomb  of 
Christ,  that  of  Godfiey  of  Boinllon,  the  sacred 
reliia  of  the  martyrs  an<l  heroes  of  the  faith, — 
nothing  was  respected,  and  Jerusalem  then  wit- 
nessed within  its  walls  such  cruelties  and  pro- 
fanations us  had  never  taken  place  in  the  most 
barbarous  wars,  or  in  days  marked  by  the  anger 
of  God."  Subsequently  the  Christians  of  Pales- 
tine rallied,  uniteil  their  forces  with  those  of  the 
Aloslem  princes  of  Damascus  and  Emessa,  and 
gave  battle  to  the  Carismians  on  the  plains  of 
Gaza;  but  they  suffered  a  terrible  defeat,  leav- 
ing 30,000  dead  on  the  field.  Nearly  all  Pales- 
tine was  then  at  the  mercy  of  the  savages,  and 
Damascus  was  speedily  subjugated.  Hut  the 
sultan  of  Cairo,  beginnmg  to  fear  the  allies  he 
had  employed,  turned  his  arms  sharply  against 
them,  defeated  them  in  two  s\iccessive  battles, 
and  history  tells  nothing  more  of  the  career  of 
these  last  adventurers  of  the  Carismian  or  Khua- 
rezniian  name.  —  J.  F.  Michaud,  J/M.  if  (he 
Crumdfs,  bk.  13. 

Also  in:  C.  G.  Addison,  The  Kniahu  Tem- 
])l(irs,  ch.  0. 

A.  D.  1291.— The  end  of  the  Christian  king- 
dom.— The  surviving  title  of  "  King  of  Jerusa- 
lem."— "  Since  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Frederic 
II.  [A.  D.  ISijO],  the  baseless  throne  of  Jerusa- 
lem had  found  a  claimant  in  Hugh  de  Lusignan, 
King  of  Cyprus,  who,  as  lineally  descended  from 
Alice,  daughter  of  Queen  Isabella,  was,  in  fact, 
the  next  heir,  after  failure  of  issue  by  the  mar- 
riage of  Frederic  and  lolanta  de  Rrienne.  His 
claims  were  opposed  by  the  partisans  of  Charles 
of  Anjou,  Kinjfof  the  Sicilies, —  that  wholesale 
speculator  in  diadems.  ...  He  rested  his  claim 
upon  the  double  pretensions  of  a  papal  title  to 
nil  the  forfeited  dignities  of  the  imperial  house 
of  Hohenstauffen,  anil  of  a  bargain  with  Mary 
of  Antioch;  whose  rights,  although  she  was  de- 
scended only  from  a  younger  sister  of  Alice,  he 
had  (Migerly  purchased.  But  the  prior  title  of  the 
house  of  Cyprus  was  more  generally  recognised 


in  Palestine;  the  coronation  of  Hugh  had  been 
celebrated  at  Tyre;  and  the  last  idle  pageant  of 
regal  slate  in  Palestine  was  exhibited  by  the  race 
of  Lusignan.  At  length  the  final  storm  of  Mus- 
sulman war  broke  upon  the  phantom  king  and 
his  subjects.  It  was  twice  provoked  by  tlic  ag- 
gressions of  the  Latins  tliemselves,  in  pliimlcring 
the  peaceable  Moslem  traders,  who  resorted,  on 
the  faith  of  treaties,  to  the  Christian  iniirts 
on  the  Syrian  coast.  After  a  vain  attempt  to  ob- 
tain redress  for  the  first  of  these  violations  of 
international  law,  Keladun,  the  reigning  sultan 
of  Egypt  and  Syria,  revenged  the  infraction  of 
the  existing  ten^years'  truce  by  a  renewal  of  hos- 
tilities with  overwhelming  force ;  yearly  repeated 
his  ravages  of  the  Christian  territory;  and  at 
length,  tearing  the  city  and  county  of  Tripoli  — 
the  hist  surviving  great  fief  of  the  Latin  king- 
dom —  from  its  dilapidated  crown,  dictated  the 
terms  of  peace  (x)  its  powerless  soveieign  (A.  D. 
1289)."  Two  years  later,  a  repetition  of  lawless 
outrages  on  INIoslem  merchants  at  Acre  provoked 
a  last  wrathful  and  implacable  invasion.  "At 
the  head  of  an  immense  army  of  200,000  men, 
the  Mameluke  prince  enterc(l  Palestine,  swept 
the  weaker  Christian  garrisons  before  him,  and 
encamped  under  the  towers  of  Acre  (A.  D.  1201). 
That  city,  which,  since  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  had 
been  for  a  century  the  capital  of  the  Latin  king- 
dom, was  now  become  the  last  refuge  of  the 
Christian  population  of  Palestine.  Its  defences 
were  strong,  its  inhabitants  numerous;  but  any 
state  of  sfK.'iety  more  vicious,  disorderly,  and 
helpless  than  its  condition,  can  scarcelj'  be  imag- 
ined. Within  its  walls  were  crowded  a  pro- 
miscuous multitude,  of  every  European  nation, 
all  equally  disclaiming  obedience  to  a  general 
government,  and  enjoying  impunity  for  every 
crime  tinder  the  nominal  jurisdiction  of  indepen- 
dent trilniuals.  Of  these  there  were  no  less  than 
seventeen;  in  which  the  papal  legate,  the  king 
of  Jerusalein,  the  despoiled  great  feiulatories  of 
his  realm,  the  three  luilitJiry  orders,  the  colonics 
of  the  maritime  Italian  republics,  and  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  princes  of  the  West,  all  arro- 
gated sovereign  rights,  and  all  ab'ised  them  by 
the  venal  protection  of  offenders.  .  .  .  All  the 
wretched  inhal)itants  who  could  find  such  oppor- 
tunities of  escape,  thronged  on  board  the  numer- 
ous vessels  in  the  liarbour,  which  set  sail  for 
Eiiropt ;  and  the  last  defence  of  Acre  was  aban- 
doned to  about  12,000  men,  for  the  most  part  the 
soldiery  of  the  three  military  orders.  From  that 
gallant  chivalry,  the  Jloslems  encountered  a  re- 
sistance worthy  of  its  ancient  renown  and  of  the 
extremity  of  the  cause  for  which  its  triple  frater- 
nity liad  sworn  to  die.  But  the  whole  force  of 
the  Mameluke  empire,  in  its  yet  youthful  vigour, 
had  been  collected  for  their  destruction."  After 
a  fierce  siege  of  thirty-three  days,  one  of  the 
]irincipal  defensfve  works,  described  in  contem- 
porary accounts  as  "the  Cursed  Tower,"  was 
shattered,  and  the  besiegers  entered  the  city. 
The  cowardly  Lusignan  had  escaped  by  a  stolen 
flight  the  night  br.ore.  The  Teutonic  Knights, 
the  Templars  aid  the  Hospitallers  stood  their 
ground  with  hop"'ess  valor.  Of  the  latter  only 
seven  escaped.  "Bursting  through  the  city,  tlie 
savage  victors  pursued  to  the  strand  the  unarmed 
and  fleeing  population,  who  had  wildly  sought 
a  means  of  escape,  which  was  denied  not  less 
by  tlie  fury  of  the  elements  than  by  the  want  of 
sullicient  shipping.     By  the  relentless  cruelty  of 


1886 


JERUSALEM,  1201 


JESUITS,   1540-1550. 


their  pursuers,  tho  sands  nntl  the  waves  -verc 
(lycil  with  the  blood  of  tliu  fugiitives;  all  who 
survived  tlie  first  liorrid  niiissiu're  were  doouied 
.0  n  liopeless  slavery  ;  und  the  lust  ciitiistropiie  of 
tho  Crusades  eost  life  or  liberty  to  (lU.OOO  Chris 
tians.  .  .  .  The  C.iistiau  population  of  the  few 
maritime  towns  which  had  yet  been  retained 
lied  to  Cyprus,  or  submitted  their  neeks,  without 
a  strujfgle,  to  the  Sloslom  yoke;  and,  after  a 
bloody  contc^st  of  two  hundred  y(,'ars,  the  posses- 
sion of  tho  Holy  Land  was  linally  abandoned  to 
the  enemies  of  the  Cross.  The  fall  of  Aero 
closes  the  aunids  of  tho  Crusades." — Col.  Q. 
Procter,  lliat.  of  the  Cnimdes,  eh.  5,  sert.  5. — 
J.  F.  Jlichaud,  Hint,  of  the  Cntmdcn,  bk.  15  (b.  3). 
—  Actual  royalty  in  tho  legitimate  line  of  the 
Lusignan  family  ends  with  a  queen  Charlotte,  who 
was  driven  from  Cyprus  in  1404  by  her  bastard 
brother  James.  She  made  over  to  the  house  of 
Savoy  (one  of  the  members  of  which  slie  had 
married)  her  rights  and  tho  three  crowns  she 
wore, —  tho  crown  of  Armenia  having  been  added 
to  those  of  Jerusalem  and  Cyprus  in  the  family. 
"The  Dukes  of  Savoy  called  themselves  Kings 
of  Cyprus  and  Jerusalem  from  the  date  of  Queen 
Charlotte's  settlement;  the  Kings  of  Naples  had 
called  themselves  Kings  of  Jerusalem  since  the 
transfer  of  tlie  rights  of  Mary  of  Antioch  [see 
above],  in  1377,  to  Charles  of  Anjou;  und  the 
title  has  run  on  to  the  present  day  in  the  houses 
of  Spain  and  Austria,  tho  Dukes  of  Lorraine, 
and  tho  successive  dynasties  of  Naples.  .  .  . 
Tho  Kings  of  Sardinia  continued  to  strike  money 
as  Kings  of  Cyprus  and  Jerusalem,  until  they 
became  Kings  of  Italy.  There  is  no  recognized 
King  of  Cyprus  now ;  but  there  are  two  or  three 
Kings  of  Jerusalem;  und  the  Cypriot  title  is 
claimed,  I  believe,  by  some  obscure  branch  of 
the  house  of  Lusignan,  under  the  will  of  King 
Jumos  II." — W.  Stubbs,  Seventeen  Lectuim  on 
the  Study  of  Medieval  und  Modern  Hist.,  lect.  8. 

Also  in:  C.  G.  Addison,  The  Knights  Templan, 
eh.  6. 

A.  D.  1299. — The  Templars  once  more  in 
the  city.     See  Crusades:  A.  D.  1299. 

A.  D.  1516. — Embraced  in  the  Ottoman  con- 
quests of  Sultan  Selim.  See  Tunics ;  A.  D. 
1481-1520. 

A.  D.  1831.— Taken  by  Mehemed  Ali,  Pasha 
of  Egypt.    SeoTuuKs:  A.  D.  1831-1840. 

JERUSALEM  TALMUD,  The.  See  Tal- 
mud. 

JESUATES.The.— "The  Jesuates.  so  called 
from  their  custom  of  incessantly  crying  through 
tho  streets,  '  Praised  be  Jesus  Christ,'  were 
founded  by  John  Colombino,  ...  a  native  of 
Siena.  .  .  .  The  congregation  was  suppressed 
.  .  .  by  Clement  IX. ,  liecause  some  of  the  houses 
of  the  wealthy  '  Padri  dell '  acqua  vite,'  as  they 
were  called,  engaged  in  the  business  of  distilling 
liquors  and  practising  pharmacy  (1008)." — J. 
Alzog,  Manual  of  Universal  Church  Ilist.,  v.  3, 
p.  149. 

JESUITS:  A.  D.  1540-1556.— Founding  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus.— System  of  its  organiza- 
'  tion. — Its  principles  and  aims.— "  Experience 
had  shown  that  tho  old  monastic  orders  wore  no 
longer  sufficient.  .  .  .  About  1540,  therefore,  an 
idea  began  to  be  entertained  at  Konie  that  a  new 
...  _  order  was  needed ;  the  plan  was  not  to  abolish 
the  old  ones,  but  to  fouuil  new  ones  which  should 


better  answer  t'le  required  ends.  Tho  most  im- 
portiuit  of  them  was  the  Society  of  Jesus.  Hut 
in  this  case  the  moving  cause  did  not  proceed 
from  Konie.  Among  the  wars  of  Charles  V.  wu 
must  recur  to  the  lirst  contest  at  Navurra,  in 
1521.  It  was  on  tliis  occasion,  in  defending 
l'anq)loiia  against  the  French,  that  Loyola  re- 
ceived tho  wound  wliich  was  to  cause  tho  monk- 
ish tendency  to  prevail  over  the  chivalrous  ele- 
ment in  his  nature.  A  kind  of  ('atholicism  still 
prevailed  in  Spain  which  no  hmger  existed  any- 
whcrt  else.  Its  vigour  may  be  traced  to  the  fact 
that  during  the  whole  of  the  Middle  Ages  it  was 
always  in  hostile  contact  with  Islam,  with  tho 
Mohannnedan  infidels.  The  crusades  here  had 
never  come  to  an  end.  ...  As  yet  untainted  by 
heresy,  and  suflcring  from  no  decline,  in  Spain, 
Cathtlicism  was  as  eager  for  coiU|Uest  as  it  had 
been  in  all  the  West  in  the  eh;vcnth  and  twelfth 
centuries.  It  was  from  the  nation  possessing 
this  temperament  that  the  foimder  of  the  order 
of  the  Jesuits  sprang.  Ignatius  Loyola  (born 
1491)  was  a  Spanisli  knight,  (xwsessing  the  two- 
fold tendencies  which  disting'dsh  tlu!  knightluKMl 
of  the  ^liddle  Ages.  He  w.i»  a  gallant  sworils- 
man,  delighting  in  martial  feats  and  romantic 
lov((  ndvcntuics;  but  he  was  at  the  same  time 
animated  by  a  glowini;  enthusiasm  for  tho 
Church  and  her  suprrmacv,  even  during  tho 
early  periiHl  of  his  life.  'I'hcsu  two  tendencies 
were  striving  together  in  his  charai'ler,  until  tho 
event  took  place  which  threw  him  upon  a  Ih«1  o' 
suffering.  No  sooner  was  lit  -omiMilled  to  re- 
nounce his  worldly  knighthood,  than  iiu  was  sure 
that  ho  was  called  unim  to  found  a  new  order  of 
spiritual  knighthood,  like  that  of  which  he  had 
read  in  the  chivalrous  romance,  'Amodis.'  En- 
tirely unaffected  by  the  Reformation,  what  he 
imderstoiKl  by  this  was  a  spiritiml  brotherhtxHl 
in  tho  true  mediieval  sense,  which  should  con- 
vert the  heathen  in  the  newly-discovered  coun- 
tries of  the  world.  With  all  tho  zeal  of  a 
Spaniard  he  decided  to  live  to  the  Catholic 
Church  alone;  he  chastised  his  body  with  pen- 
ances and  all  kinds  of  privations,  made  a  pilgri- 
mage to  .lerusalem,  and,  in  order  to  complete  his 
defiectivo  education,  he  visited  the  university  of 
Paris;  it  was  among  his  comrades  there  that  he 
formed  the  first  a.ssociations  out  of  which  tho 
order  was  afterwards  formed.  Among  these 
was  Jacob  Lainez;  he  was  Loyola's  fellow- 
countryman,  the  organizing  head  who  was  to 
stamp  his  impress  upon  the  order.  .  .  .  Then 
camo  the  spread  of  the  new  doctrines,  tho  mighty 
progress  of  Protestantism.  No  ono  who  was 
heartily  attached  to  the  old  Church  couM  doubt 
that  there  was  work  for  such  an  association,  for 
the  object  now  in  hand  was  not  to  make  Chris- 
tians of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  Central 
America,  but  to  reconquer  the  apostate  members 
of  the  Homish  Church.  About  1539  Loyola 
came  with  his  fraternity  to  Rome.  lie  did  not 
find  favour  in  all  circles;  the  old  orders  regarded 
the  new  one  with  iealousy  and  mistrust;  but 
Pope  Paul  III.  (1534-49)  did  not  allow  himself  to 
bo  misled,  an<l  in  1540  gave  the  fraternity  his 
confirmation,  thus  constituting  Loyola's  follow- 
ers an  order,  which,  on  its  part,  engaged  '  to 
obey  in  all  things  the  reigning  Pope  —  to  go  into 
any  cotintry.  to  Turks,  heathen,  or  heretics,  or  to 
whomsoever  ho  might  send  them,  at  once,  un- 
conditionally, without  question  or  reward.'  It 
is  from  this  time  that  the  special  history  of  the 


188< 


JESUITS,  1540-1550. 


FounfUny  of  the 
Order. 


JESUITS,  1542-1649. 


order  begins.  During  the  next  yeiir  Loyola  wns 
cboHcn  the  first  general  of  the  order,  an  oflice 
which  he  held  until  his  death  (1541-,'j6).  He  was 
succeeded  by  Lnlnez.  He  was  less  enthiisiastic 
than  hU  predecessor,  had  a  cooler  head,  and  was 
more  reasonable;  ho  was  the  man  for  diplo- 
matic projects  and  complete  and  systematic  or- 
ganization. Tlie  new  order  differed  in  several 
respects  from  any  previously  existing  one,  but  it 
entirely"  corresponded  to  the  new  era  which  had 
begun  for  the  liomish  Church.  .  .  .  The  con- 
struction of  the  new  order  was  based  and  carried 
out  on  a  monarchical-military  system.  The  terri- 
tories of  the  Church  were  divided  into  provinces ; 
jk\,  Mie  head  of  each  of  these  was  a  provincial ; 
over  the  provincials,  and  chosen  by  them,  the 
general,  who  commanded  the  soldiers  of  Christ, 
and  was  entrusted  with  dictatorial  power*  lim- 
ited only  by  the  opinions  of  three  judges,  assis- 
tants or  admonitors.  The  general  has  no  supe- 
rior but  the  Pope,  with  whom  he  commimicates 
directly ;  ho  appoints  and  dismisses  all  otilcials, 
issues  orders  as  to  the  administration  of  the  or- 
<ler,  and  rules  with  undisputed  sway.  The  ab- 
solute monarchy  which  was  assigned  to  the  Pope 
by  the  Council  of  Trent,  was  conferred  by  him 
on  the  general  of  the  Jesuits.  Among  the  four 
vows  of  poverty,  chastity,  obedience,  and  subjec 
tion  to  tho  Pope,  obedience  was  the  soul  of  all. 
To  learn  and  practise  this  physically  and  men- 
tally, up  to  the  point  where,  according  to  the 
Jesuit  expression,  a  man  becomes  '  tanquam 
lignum  et  cadaver, 'was  the  ruling  principle  of 
the  institution.  .  .  .  Entire  renunciation  of  the 
will  and  judgment  in  relation  to  everything  com- 
manded by  the  superior,  blind  obedience,  uncon- 
ditional subjection,  constitute  their  ideal.  There 
was  but  one  exception,  but  even  in  this  there 
was  a  reservation.  It  was  expressly  stated  that 
there  can  be  no  obligation  '  ad  peccatuni  mortale 
vel  voniale,'  to  sinful  acts  of  greater  or  less  im- 
portance, '  except  when  enjoined  by  the  supe- 
rior, In  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,'  '  vel  in  virtute 
obedientiiB,'  —  an  elastic  doctrine  which  may  well 
be  summed  up  in  the  dictum  that '  the  end  justifies 
the  means. '  Of  course,  all  the  members  of  this 
order  had  to  renounce  all  ties  of  family,  home, 
and  country,  and  it  w-xs  expressly  enjoined.  .  .  . 
Of  the  vow  of  poverty  it  is  said,  in  the  '  Sum- 
mariuin  '  of  the  constitution  of  tho  order,  that  it 
must  be  maintained  os  a  '  murus  religionis. '  No 
one  sliall  have  any  property;  every  one  must  be 
content  with  the  m(.'anest  furniture  and  fare, 
and,  if  necessity  or  command  require  it,  he  must 
be  ready  to  beg  his  bread  from  door  to  door 
('  ostiatim  mendicare  ).  The  external  aspect  of 
members  of  the  order,  their  speech  and  silence, 
gostvires,  gait,  garb,  and  bearing  shall  indicate 
the  preserved  purity  of  soul.  ...  On  all  these 
and  many  other  points,  the  new  order  only  laid 
greater  stress  on  the  precepts  which  were  to  be 
fotmd  among  tho  rules  of  other  orders,  though  in 
tho  universal  demoralisation  of  the  monastic  life 
tliey  had  fallen  into  disuse.  But  it  decidedly 
differed  from  all  the  others  in  the  manner  in 
which  It  aimed  at  obtiBining  sway  in  every  sphere 
and  every  aspect  of  life.  Hiraself  without  home 
or  country,  and  not  holding  the  doctrines  of  any 
political  party,  the  disciple  of  Jesiis  renounced 
everything  which  might  alienate  him  among 
varying  nationalities,  pursuing  various  political 
aims.  Then  he  did  not  confine  his  'abours  to 
the  pulpit  and  the  confessional ;  he  gained  an  in- 


fluence over  the  rising  generation  by  a  systematic 
attention  to  education,  which  had  been  shame- 
fully iurglpctcd  by  the  other  orders.  Ho  devoted 
himself  to  education  from  the  national  scuools 
tip  to  the  academic  chair,  and  by  no  means  con- 
fined himself  to  the  spliere  of  theology.  This 
was  a  principle  of  immense  importance.  .  .  .  It 
is  a  true  saying,  that  '  he  who  gains  the  youth 
possesses  the  future ' ;  and  by  devoting  them- 
selves to  the  education  of  youth,  the  Jesuits  se- 
cured a  future  to  the  Church  more  surely  than 
by  any  other  scheme  that  could  have  been  de- 
vised. Wliat  tho  schoolmasters  were  for  the 
youth,  the  confessors  were  for  those  of  riper 
years;  what  the  clerical  teachers  were  for  tlio 
common  people,  tho  spiritual  directors  and  con- 
fidants were  for  great  lords  and  rulers —  for  the 
Jesuits  aspired  to  a  place  at  the  side  of  the  great, 
and  at  gaining  the  confidence  of  liings.  It  was 
not  long  before  they  could  boast  of  astonishing 
success." — L.  Ililusser,  Tlie  Period  of  the  Ret- 
oriuution,  ch.  20. — "The  Society,  in  1556,  only 
16  years  after  its  commencement,  counted  as 
many  as  twelve  provinces,  100  houses,  and  up- 
wards of  1,000  members,  dispersed  over  the 
whole  known  world.  Their  two  most  conspicu- 
ous and  itnportant  establishments  were  the  Col- 
legio  Romano  and  the  German  College.  They 
already  were  in  possession  of  many  chairs,  and 
soon  monopolised  the  right  of  teaching,  which 
gave  them  a  most  overwhelming  influence." — 
Q.  B.  Nicolini,  Hist,  of  the  Jesuits,  p.  90. 

Also  in:  I.  Taylor,  Loyola  and  Jesuitism  in 
its  Rmliments. —  S.  Rose,  Ignatius  Ij)yola  and 
the  Early  Jesuits. —  T.  Hughes,  Ixiyola  and  the 
Educational  System  of  the  Jesuits. —  See,  also, 
Education,  Renaissance. 

A.  D.  1542-164^.  —  The  early  Jesuit  Mis- 
sionaries and  their  labors.—  "  In  1M2,  Xavier 
landed  at  Qoa,  the  capital  of  the  Portuguese 
colony,  on  the  western  coast  of  Hindostan.  He 
took  lodgings  at  the  hospital,  and  mingled  with 
the  poor.  Ho  associated  also  with  the  rich,  and 
even  played  with  them  at  cards,  acting  piously 
upon  the  motto  of  tho  order,  '  Ad  majorem  Dei 
gloriam. '  Having  thus  won  good-will  to  himself, 
he  went  into  the  streets,  with  his  band-bell  and 
crucifix,  and,  having  rung  the  one,  he  held  up 
the  other,  exhorting  the  multitudes  to  accept 
that  religion  of  which  it  was  tho  emblem.  His 
great  facility  in  acquiring  foreign  languages 
helped  him  much.  He  visited  several  times  the 
pearl-fisheries  on  the  Malabar  coast,  remaining 
at  one  time  thirteen  months,  and  planting  forty- 
flvo  churches.  Cape  Comorin,  Travnncore,  ife- 
liapore,  tho  Jloluccas,  Malacca,  and  other  ports  of 
India,  and  finally  the  distant  island  of  Japan  — 
where  Christianity  was  [accepted  —  see  Japan: 
A.  D.  1549-1686]  .  .  .  — received  his  successive 
visits.  Leaving  two  Jesuits  on  the  island,  he  re- 
turned to  settle  some  matters  at  Qoa,  which  done, 
he  sailed  for  China,  but  died  at  tlie  island  of  San- 
clan,  a  few  leagues  from  the  city  of  Canton,  in 
1552  —  ten  years  only  after  his  arrival  in  India. 
He  had  in  this  time  established  an  inquisition  and 
a  college  at  Goa.  NumlJcrs  of  the  society,  whom 
he  bad  wisely  distributed,  had  been  sent  to  his  aid ; 
and  the  Christians  in  India  were  numbered  by 
hundreds  of  thousands  before  the  death  of  this 
'  Apostle  of  the  Indies.'  It  hasevon  been  said,  that 
he  was  the  means  of  converting  more  persons 
in  Asia  than  the  church  bad  lost  by  the  Reforma- 
tion in  Europe.     The  empire  of  China,  which 


1888 


JESUITS.  1542-104U. 


Early  MUaiuiis. 


JESUITS,  1543-lOW. 


Xnvier  wns  not  nllowed  to  intrr,  wns  visiti'il, 
Imlf  11  century  later,  by  tla'  .losnit  Matthew 
Hiccl,  who  introduced  his  reiijiion  liy  means  of 
Ids  great  sliill  in  science  and  art,  especially 
mathematics  and  drawing  [sec  China:  A.  I>. 
1294-1883].  He  assmned  the  garbof  a  mandarin 
—  associated  with  the  higher  classes  —  dined 
with  the  Emperor  —  allowed  those  who  received 
Christianity  to  retain  any  rites  of  tlieir  own  reli- 
gion to  which  they  were  attached  —  and  died  in 
1610,  bequeathing  and  reconimendinjj  his  policy 
to  others.  This  plan  of  accommodation  was  far 
more  elaborately  carried  out  by  Robert  Nobili, 
who  went  to  Madura,  in  southern  llindostan,  as 
a  missionary  of  the  order  in  1000,  lie  had  ob- 
served the  obstacle  which  caste  threw  in  the  way 
of  missionary  labor,  and  resolved  to  remove  it. 
lie  presented  himself  as  a  foreign  ISralunin,  and 
attached  himself  to  that  class.  Tliey  had  a 
tradition,  that  there  once  had  been  four  roads  to 
truth  in  India,  one  of  which  tliey  had  lost. 
This  he  professed  to  resto"e.  He  did  no  violence 
to  their  existing  ideas  or  institutions,  but  simply 
gave  them  other  interpretations,  and  in  three 
years  he  had  seventy  converted  nrahmins  about 
liira.  From  this  time  he  went  on  gathering  crowds 
of  converts,  soon  numbering  150,000.  This 
facile  policy,  however,  attracted  the  notice  of 
the  other  religious  orders,  was  loudly  complained 
of  at  Uome,  and,  after  almost  an  entire  century 
of  agitation,  was  condemned  in  1704  by  a  special 
legation,  appointed  by  Clement  XI.  to  innuire 
into  the  matter  of  complaint.  .  .  .  The  attention 
of  the  society  was  early  directed  to  our  own 
continent,  and  its  missions  everywhere  antici- 
pated the  settlements.  The  most  remarkable 
missions  were  in  South  America.  Slissionaries 
had  been  scattered  over  tlie  whole  continent, 
everywliere  making  converts,  but  doing  nothing 
for  the  progress  of  the  onler.  Aquavivn  was 
general.  This  clirewd  man  saw  tlie  disadvan- 
tage of  the  policy,  and  at  once  applied  the  rem- 
edy. He  directed,  that,  leaving  only  so  many 
missionaries  scattered  over  the  continent  as 
should  be  absolutely  necessary,  the  main  force 
should  be  concentrated  upon  a  point.  Paraguay 
was  chosen.  The  missionaries  formed  what  were 
called  reductions  —  that  is,  villages  into  which 
the  Indians  were  collected  from  their  roving  life, 
taught  the  ruder  arts  of  civilization,  and  some  of 
the  rites  aiid  duties  of  the  Cliristian  religion. 
Tliese  villages  were  regularly  laid  out  witli 
streets,  running  each  way  from  a  public  square, 
having  a  Cliurcli,  work-shops  and  dwellings. 
Each  family  had  a  small  iiiece  of  land  assigned 
for  cultivation,  and  all  were  reduced  to  the  most 
systematic  habits  of  industry  and  good  order. 
.  .  .  The  men  were  trained  to  arms,  and  all  the 
elements,  of  an  independent  empire  were  fast 
coming  into  being.  In  1032,  thirty  years  after 
the  starting  of  this  system,  Paraguay  had  twenty 
reductions,  averaging  1,000  families  each,  which 
at  a  moderate  estimate,  would  give  a  population 
of  100.000,  and  they  still  went  on  prospering 
until  three  times  this  number  are,  by  some,  said 
to  have  been  reached.  The  Jesuits  started,  in 
Ca'.ifornia,  in  1042,  the  same  system,  which  tliey 
fully  entered  upon  in  1079.  This,  next  to  Paiu- 
guay,  became  their  most  successful  mission. " — 
A  Histoncal  Sketch  of  the  Jesuits  {Ptitnam's  Mnr/., 
September,  1850).— In  1632  the  Jesuits  entered  on 
their  mission  work  in  Canada,  or  New  France, 
where  they  supplanted  tlie  liecoUct  friars.     "  In 


1040  Montreal,  the  site  of  which  had  been  already 
indicated  by  Champlain  in  1011,  was  foundcil, 
that  there  iniglit  be  a  nearer  rendezvous  than 
Quebec  for  the  converted  Indians.  At  its  occu- 
l)ation  a  solemn  mass  was  celebrated  under  a 
tent,  and  in  France  itself  the  following  Feb- 
ruary a  general  supplication  wa.s  olTered  up  that 
tlie  Queen  of  Angels  would  take  the  Island  of 
>Ioiitreal  under  her  protection.  In  the  Augtist 
of  this  year  a  general  meeting  of  French  settlers 
and  Indians  took  place  at  Montreal,  and  the 
festival  of  the  Assumption  wns  solemnised  at  the 
island  The  new  crusading  spirit  took  full  pos- 
session of  the  entlnisiaslic  Frencli  people,  and 
the  niece  of  Cardinal  Hicliclieu  founded  a  hos- 
pital for  the  natives  between  the  Kennebec  and 
Lake  Superior,  to  which  young  and  nobly-born 
hospital  nuns  from  Dieppe  offered  their  services. 
Plans  were  made  for  establishing  mission  posts, 
not  only  on  the  north  amongst  the  Algonkins, 
but  to  the  south  of  Lake  ifuron,  in  Michigan 
and  at  Green  Cay,  and  so  on  as  far  as  the  regions 
to  the  west.  The  maps  of  the  Jesuits  prove  that 
before  1660  they  had  traced  the  waters  of  Lake 
Erie  and  Lake  Superior  and  had  seen  Lake 
Alichigan.  The  Huron  mission  embraced  prin- 
cipally the  country  lying  between  Lake  Simcoo 
and  Georgian  Bay,  building  its  stations  on  the 
rivers  and  shores.  But  the  French  missionaries, 
however  much  they  might  desire  it,  could  not 
keep  outside  the  intertribal  strifes  of  the  natives 
around  them.  Succeeding  to  Cliamplaiu's  jiolicy, 
they  continued  to  aid  the  Algonkins  and  Hurous 
against  their  inveterate  enemies  tlie  Iroquois. 
The  Irocpiois  retaliated  by  the  most  horrible 
cruelty  and  revenge.  There  was  no  peace  along 
the  borders  of  this  wild  country,  and  mission- 
aries and  colonists  carried  their  lives  in  their 
hands.  In  1648  St.  Joseph,  n  Huron  mission 
town  on  the  sliores  oi  Lake  Simeoe,  was  burned 
down  and  destroyed  by  the  Iroquois,  and  Pire 
Daniel,  the  Jesuit  leacler,  killed  under  circum- 
stances of  great  atrocity.  In  1049  St.  Iguace,  a 
station  at  the  corner  of  Georgian  Bay,  was 
sacked,  and  there  tlie  i)ious  Brebeuf  met  his 
ei'.d,  after  having  suffered  tlie  most  horrible  tor- 
tures the  Indians  could  invent.  IJrelieuf,  after 
being  hacked  \a  the  face  and  burnt  all  over  the 
body  witli  torches  and  red-hot  iron,  was  scalped 
alive,  and  died  after  tliree  hours'  suffering.  His 
companion,  the  gentle  Gabriel  Lallemand,  en- 
dured terrible  tortures  for  seventeen  hours." — 
AV.  P.  Greswell,  Hist,  of  the  Domiiiiunof  Canada, 
ch.  0.  — The  Iluronswcre  dispersed  and  their  na- 
tion destroyed  by  these  attacks  of  the  L  Mqiiois. 
"  With  the  fall  of  the  Ilurons  fell  the  best  hope 
of  the  Canadian  mission.  They,  and  the  stable 
and  jiopulous  communities  around  them,  had 
been  the  rude  material  from  which  the  Jesuit 
would  have  formed  liis  Christian  empire  in  the 
wilderness;  but,  one  by  one,  these  kindred  peo- 
ples were  uprooted  and  swept  away,  while  the 
neighboring  Algonquins,  to  whom  they  had  been 
a  bulwark,  were  Involved  with  them  in  a  com- 
mon ruin.  The  land  of  promise  wa.':  turned  to  a 
solitude  and  a  desolation.  There  was  still  work 
in  hand,  it  is  true, — vast  regio.ns  to  explore,  and 
countless  heathens  to  snatch  from  perdition ;  but 
these,  for  the  most  part,  were  remote  and  scat- 
tered hordes,  from  whose  conversion  it  was  vain 
to  look  for  the  same  solid  and  decisive  results. 
In  a  measure,  the  occupation  of  the  Jesuits  was 
gone.     Some  of  them  went  Lome,  '  well  resolved, ' 


1889 


JESUITS,   154a- IWU. 


llostittfy  in 
Spain, 


JESUITS,  157»-1003. 


writpg  llip  Fiitlicr  .Superior,  'Id  return  to  tlie 
combat  iit  the  lirst  houiuI  of  the  tniiiipct ';  wliilu 
of  those  wlio  reiimiiied,  ulMjiit  twenty  in  nunil)er. 
several  s(Kin  fell  vietiins  to  famine,  hanlship,  anil 
tlie  lro(|Uoi.s.  A  few  years  more,  anil  (.'anada 
ceased  to  in;  a  mission;  politieai  and  eommereial 
Interests  jrradiially  bernme  ascendant,  and  thu 
story  of  Jesuit  ])ropiigaiidism  was  interwoveii 
with  her  civil  and  military  aimals." — K.  Pir.k- 
nian,  'J'/ic  ./isiiilH  ill,  Aurth  Aiiieriot,  ch.  3*. — 
«(■..,  also,  Can.mia:  A.  I>.  lOIU-lO.VJ. 

A.  D.  1558.— Mission  founded  in  Abyssinia. 
Kee  Ai'ivssiM.v:  A.  1),  l.'iTii-lUTii  Cecnthhiks. 

A.  D.  1572-1603.— Persecution  in  England 
under  Elizabeth.  Sou  Enui.anu:  A.  D.  1S73- 
l(io:i. 

A.  D.  1573-1593. — Chans'e  in  the  statutes  of 
the  Order  on  demands  from  Spain. —  "At  the  lirst 
establisliinent  of  the  Order,  the  elder  and  already 
<!(lucated  men,  who  had  just  entered  it,  were  for 
the  most  part  Spaniards;  the  members  joining  it 
from  other  nations  were  chielly  young  men, 
whoso  characters  had  yet  to  be  formed.  It  fol- 
lowed nuturally  that  the  government  of  the 
society  was,  for  the  first  ten  years,  almost  en- 
tirely in  Spanish  hands.  The  first  general  con- 
gregation was  composed  of  twenty-fivo  members, 
eighteen  of  whom  were  Spaniard.s.  The  first 
three  generals  belonged  to  the  same  nation. 
After  the  death  of  the  third,  Borgia,  in  the  year 
lai'J,  it  was  once  more  a  Spaniaril,  Polanco,  who 
liad  the  best  prospect  of  election.  It  was  how- 
ever manifest  that  his  elevation  would  not  have 
been  regarded  favourably,  even  in  Spain  itself. 
There  were  many  new  converts  in  the  society 
who  were  Christianized  Jews.  Polanco  also 
behmged  to  this  class,  and  it  was  not  thouglit 
desirable  that  the  supremo  authority  in  a  body 
so  powerful,  and  so  monarchically  constituteil, 
shoidtl  be  confided  to  such  hands.  Pope  Greg- 
ory XIV.,  who  had  received  certain  intimations 
on  this  subject,  considered  a  change  to  be  ex- 
pedient on  other  grounds  also.  "When  a  deputa- 
ti(m  presented  itself  before  him  from  the  congre- 
gation assembled  to  elect  their  general,  Gregory 
ni(}uireil  liow  many  votes  were  possessed  by  each 
nation;  tlie  reply  showed  that  Spain  held  more 
than  all  the  others  put  torrether.  He  then  asked 
from  which  nation  the  ;.'  nerals  of  the  order  had 
hitherto  been  taken.  ]le  was  told  that  there 
had  been  three,  all  Spaniards.  'It  will  be  just, 
then,'  replied  Gregory,  '  that  for  once  you  should 
choose  one  from  among  the  other  nations. '  IIo 
even  proposed  a  candidate  for  their  election. 
The  Jesuits  oppo.seil  themselves  for  a  moment  to 
this  suggestion,  as  a  violation  of  their  privileges, 
but  concluded  by  electing  the  very  man  pro- 
posed by  the  pon'ilT.  Tliis  was  Ebcrliard  Mer- 
curianns.  A  material  change  was  at  once 
perceived,  as  the  consequence  of  this  choice. 
Mercurianus,  a  weak  and  in'csolute  man,  resigned 
the  government  of  affairs,  first  indeed  to  a  Span- 
iard again,  b\it  afterwarils  to  a  Frencliman,  his 
ollicial  admonitor ;  factions  were  formed,  one  ex- 
pelling the  c'.her  from  the  ofiices  of  importance, 
and  tlie  ruling  i)<)wers  of  the  Order  now  began 
to  meet  occasional  resistance  from  its  subordinate 
members.  IJut  a  circumstance  of  much  higlicr 
moment  was,  that  on  the  next  vacancy  —  in  the 
year  l.'iSl  —  this  office  was  conferred  on  Claudius 
Acquaviva,  a  Neapolitan,  belonging  to  a  hou.se 
previously  attached  to  the  French  party,  a  nnin 
of  great  energy,  and  only  thirty-eight  years  old. 


The  Spaniards  then  thought  they  perceived  that 
their  nation,  by  which  tlie  society  had  been 
founded  and  guided  on  its  early  patli,  was  now  to 
be  forever  excluded  from  the  generalship.  There- 
upon they  became  discontented  and  refractory, 
and  conceived  the  design  of  making  themselves 
less  dependent  on  Home.  .  .  .  They  first  had  re- 
course to  the  national  spiritual  autliority  of  their 
own  country  —  the  hKiuisition.  .  .  .  One  of  the 
discontented  Jesuits,  impelled,  as  lie  alllrmed, 
by  a  scruple  of  conscience,  accused  his  order  of 
concealing,  and  even  remitting,  transgressiims  of 
the  kind  so  reserved,  when  the  criminal  was  one 
of  their  society.  The  Inquisition  immediately 
cau.sed  the  Provincial  implicated,  together  with 
his  most  active  associates,  to  bo  arrested.  Other 
accusations  being  made  in  conseciuenco  of  theso 
arrests,  the  Iniiuisition  commanded  that  the  stat- 
utes of  the  order  should  bo  placed  before  it,  and 
proceeded  to  make  further  seizures  of  parties 
accused.  .  .  .  Tlie  Iu(iiiisiti(m  was,  liowever, 
competent  to  inflict  a  i)unisliment  on  the  crimi- 
nal only :  it  could  not  prescribe  changes  in  the 
regulations  of  the  society.  When  the  affair, 
therefore,  had  procc'ded  thus  far,  the  discon- 
tented members  applied  to  llie  king  also,  assail- 
ing him  with  long  memorials,  wherein  they 
complained  of  the  defects  in  their  constitution. 
The  character  of  this  conslitution  had  never 
been  agreeable  to  Philip  II. ,  lie  used  to  say  tliat 
ho  could  see  through  all  the  other  o  ders,  but 
that  tho  order  of  Jesuits  ho  could  h  it  under-, 
stand.  .  .  .  lie  at  once  commanded  Manriqiie, 
bishop  of  Carthagena,  to  subject  tlie  Order  to  a 
visitation,  with  particular  reference  to  those 
points.  .  .  .  Tho  character  of  Sixtus  v.  r.p.'j  It 
particularly  easy  for  Ac(iuaviva  to  exc,  (  the 
antipathies  of  that  pontilt  against  tho  proceed- 
ings of  the  Spaniards.  Pope  Sixtus  Iiail  formed 
tlie  liope,  as  we  know,  of  rendering  Rome,  more 
decidedly  than  it  ever  yet  was,  the  metropolis  of 
Christendom.  Acquaviva  assured  him,  that  tho 
object  really  laboured  for  in  Spain  was  no  other 
than  increased  independence  of  Rome.  Pope 
Sixtus  liated  nothing  so  much  as  illegitimate 
birth ;  and  Acquaviva  caused  liim  to  be  informed 
that  Mtturiquo,  the  bishop  selected  as  '  Visitator ' 
of  the  Jesuits,  was  illegitimate.  These  were 
reasons  sufficient  to  make  Sixtus  recall  the  as- 
sent he  liad  already  given  to  the  visitation.  He 
even  summoned  the  case  of  the  jirovincial  be- 
fore the  tiibunals  of  Rome.  From  his  successor, 
Gregory  XIV.,  the  genend  succeeded  in  obtain- 
ing a  formal  confimiation  of  tho  rule  of  the 
order.  But  his  antagonists  also  were  unyielding 
and  crafty.  They  perceived  that  tho  general 
must  be  attacked  in  the  court  of  Rome  itself. 
They  availed  tliemsolves  of  Ids  momentary  ab- 
sence. ...  In  the  summer  of  l.WS,  at  the  re- 
quest of  tho  Spanish  Jesuits  and  Pliilip  II.,  but 
without  tile  knowledge  of  Acquaviva,  the  pontiff 
commanded  tliat  a  general  congregation  should 
bo  held.  Astonished  and  alarmed,  Acquaviva 
liastencd  back.  To  the  generals  of  the  Jesuits 
theso  '  Congregations '  were  no  loss  inconvenient 
than  were  tlio  C'lmvocations  of  the  Churdi  to  the 
popes;  and  if  his  predecessors  were  anxious  to 
avoid  them,  how  muck  more  cause  had  Ac(iua- 
viva,  against  whom  there  prevailed  so  active  an 
enmity!  But  he  was  soon  convinced  tliat  the 
arrangement  was  irrevocable;  he  therefore  re- 
sumed his  composure  and  said,  '  We  are  obedi- 
ent sous;  let  the  will  of  the  lioly  father  be  done.' 


1890 


JESUITS,  1573-lfiOa. 


Hiippmuton  in 
Pnrlugal. 


JESUITS,  1757-1778. 


.  .  .  Philip  of  Spninhmldumnndndaomo  changes, 
and  liiid  rL'CornnK'n(ii'd  otiicrs  for  considerivtion. 
On  two  tilings  lie  insisted:  the  resigniition  of 
certain  papal  privileges;  those  of  reading  for- 
bidden liooks,  for  example,  and  of  granting  ill) 
solution  for  the  crime  of  heresy;  and  a  law,  by 
virtue  of  which  every  novice;  who  entered  the 
order  should  surrender  whatever  patri  .lonial 
riglits  he  might  possess,  and  should  even  resign 
all  Ills  bencHces.  These  were  matters  in  regard 
to  wliicli  the  onler  came  into  collision  with  the 
Inquisition  and  the  civil  government.  After 
some  hesitation,  the  demands  of  the  king  were 
complied  with,  and  principally  through  the  in- 
Uuenco  of  Acquaviva  himsclr  Hut  the  points 
recommended  by  Philip  for  considerati(m  were 
of  much  higher  moment.  First  of  all  came  the 
questions,  whether  the  authority  of  tlie  supe- 
riors should  not  bo  limited  to  a  certain  period; 
and  whether  a  general  congrcgati(m  should  not 
be  held  ot  certain  (i.xed  intervals?  The  very 
essence  and  being  of  the  institute,  the  rights  of  ab- 
solute sovereignty,  were  Iiere  brought  into  ques- 
tion. Acquaviva  was  not  on  this  occasion  dis- 
posed to  comply.  After  an  animated  discussion, 
the  congregation  rejected  these  propositions  of 
i'hilip ;  but  the  pope,  also,  was  convinced  of  their 
necessity.  What  liad  been  ref  h.sc(1  to  the  king  was 
now  commande(l  by  the  pope.  By  the  plenitude 
of  his  apostolic  power,  he  determined  and  or- 
dained tliat  tlie  superiors  and  rectors  should  be 
changed  every  third  year;  and  that,  at  the  ex- 
piration of  every  si.\th  year,  a  general  congrega- 
tion should  be  assembled.  It  is,  indeed,  true 
tliat  the  execution  of  these  ordinances  did  not 
ellect  so  much  as  had  been  Iioped  from  them. 
...  It  was,  nevertheless,  a  very  serious  blow  to 
the  society,  that  it  had  been  compelled,  by  in- 
ternal revolt  and  interference  from  without,  to  a 
change  in  its  statutes." — L.  Ranke,  Jlist.  of  the 
J'o]>M.  hk.  0,  Mct.  0  (v.  2). 

A.  D.  1581-1641.— Hostility  of  the  Paulistas 
of  Brazil. — Opposition  to  enslavement  of  the 
Indians.     See  IJuazil:  A.  D.  l.'531-1641. 

A.  D.  1595.  —  Expulsion  from  Paris.  See 
Fkance:  a.  D.  1593-1598. 

A.  D.  1606. — Exclusion  from  Venice  for  half 
a  century.     See  Papacy:  A.  1).  1005-1700. 

A.  D.  1653-1660. — First  controversy  and  con- 
flict with  the  Jansenists.  See  Pout  Uoval  and 
THE  Janbenists:  a.  1).  1602-1000. 

A.  D.  1702-1715. — The  renewed  conflict  with 
Jansenism  in  France. — The  Bull  Unigenitus. 
See  Pout  Royai.  and  the  Janbenists:  A.  D. 
1702-1715. 

A.  D.  1757-1773.— Suppression  of  the  Society 
in  Portugal  and  the  Portuguese  dominions. — 
In  1757,  a  series  of  measures  intended  to  break 
the  power,  if  not  to  end  the  existence,  of  the  So- 
ciety of  Jesus,  in  Portugal  and  the  Portuguese  do- 
minions, was  undertaken  by  the  greatPortugue.se 
minister,  Carvalho,  better  known  by  his  later 
title  as  the  Marquis  of  Pombal.  "It  is  not 
necessary  to  speculate  on  tlie  various  motives 
which  induced  Carvalho  to  attack  the  Jesuits, 
but  the  principal  cause  lay  in  tlie  fact  that  they 
were  wealthy  and  powerful,  and  therefore  a 
dangerous  force  in  an  absolutist  monarchy.  It 
must  be  remembered  that  the  Jesuits  of  the  18th 
century  formed  a  very  different  class  of  men  to 
their  predecessors.  They  were  no  longer  in- 
trepid missionary  pioneers,  but  a  corporation  of 
wealthy  traders,  who  made  use  of  their  spidtual 

3-83  ^ggj 


po.sition  to  further  the  cause  of  their  commerce. 
They  had  done  a  great  work  in  America  by 
opening  up  the  interior  of  Brazil  and  converting 
the  natives,  and  their  administration  of  Para- 
guay, one  of  the  most  interesting  achievements 
in  the  whole  history  of  Christianity,  w'as  without 
doubt  a  blessing  to  the  people.  But  by  the 
mi(hlle  of  the  18th  century  tlie^  had  gone  too 
far.  It  was  one  thing  to  convert  the  natives  of 
Brazil,  nn<i  another  to  absorb  much  of  the  wealth 
of  that  country,  in  doing  which  they  prejudiced 
not  only  the  Crown  but  the  Portuguese  people, 
whom  they  kept  from  settling  in  the  territory 
under  their  rule.  Whether  it  was  a  sutlicient 
reason  for  (Carvalho  to  attack  the  order,  because 
it  was  wealthy  and  powerful,  and  hud  departed 
from  Its  primitive  simplicity,  is  a  (juestion  for 
every  one  to  decide  for  themselves,  but  tliat  this 
was  the  reason,  and  tliat  tl^c  various  excu.ses 
alleged  by  the  admirers  of  the  great  minister  are 
without  foundation,  is  an  un<loubtcd  fact.  On 
September  19,  1757,  the  first  important  blow  was 
struck,  when  the  king's  Jesuit  coiifes.sor  was  dis- 
mis.sed,  and  all  Jesuits  were  forbidden  to  come 
to  Court.  Carvalho,  in  the  nriine  of  the  King  of 
Portugal,  also  formally  denounced  the  order  at 
Home,  and  Benedict  XIV.,  the  then  Pope,  ap- 
pointed the  Cardinal  de  Saldanha,  a  friend  of 
the  minister.  Visitor  and  Ileformor  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus.  Tiio  cardinal  did  not  take  long  in 
making  up  his  mind,  and  May  15,  1758,  ho  for- 
bade the  .Jesuits  to  engage  in  trade.  An  attempt 
upon  the  king's  life,  wliicli  shortly  followed  this 
measure,  gave  the  minister  the  opportunity  ho 
wanted  for  urging  the  suppression  of  tlie  famous 
society.  The  history  of  tlie  Tavora  plot,  which 
culminated  in  tills  attempt,  is  one  of  the  most 
mysterious  affairs  in  the  whole  history  of  Portu- 
gal. .  .  .  The  three  leaders  of  the  plot  were 
the  Duke  of  Avciro,  a  descendant  of  John  II., 
and  one  of  the  greatest  noblemen  in  Portugal, 
the  Marquis  of  Tavora,  who  had  filled  with 
credit  the  post  of  Governor-general  of  India,  and 
the  Count  ot  Atouguia,  a  descendant  of  the 
gallant  Dom  Luis  do  Athalde,  the  defender  of 
Goa;  but  the  heart  and  soul  of  the  conspiracy 
was  tlie  Marcliioness  of  Tavora,  a  beautiful  and 
ambitious  woman,  who  was  bitterly  offended  bo- 
cause  her  husband  had  not  been  made  a  duke. 
The  confessor  of  this  lady  was  a  Jesuit  named 
Gabriel  Malagrida.  .  .  .  The  evidence  on  all 
sides  is  most  contradictory,  and  all  that  is  cer- 
tain is  that  the  king  was  fired  at  and  wounded 
on  the  night  of  September  3,  1758 ;  and  that  in 
tlie  following  January,  the  three  noblemen  who 
have  been  mentioned,  the  Marcliioness  of  Tavora, 
IMiilagrida  witli  seven  other  Jesuits,  and  many 
other  individuals  of  all  ranks  of  life,  were  ar- 
rested as  implicated  in  tlie  attempt  to  murder. 
The  laymen  had  but  a  short  trial  and,  together 
with  the  marchioness,  were  publicly  executed 
ten  days  after  their  arrest.  King  .Joseph  cer- 
tainly believed  that  the  real  culprits  had  been 
seized,  and  in  his  gratitude  he  created  Carvalho 
Count  of  Oeyras,  and  encouraged  him  to  pursue 
his  campaign  against  the  Jesuits.  On  January 
19,  1750,  the  estates  belonging  to  the  society 
were  sequestrated ;  and  on  September  3rd,  all  its 
mcmbi^rs  were  expelled  from  Portugal,  and  di- 
rections were  sent  to  the  viceroys  of  India  and 
Brazil  to  expel  them  likewise.  The  news  of  this 
bold  stroke  was  received  with  admiration  every- 
where, except  at  liomc,  and  it  became  noised 


JESUITS,  1737-1773. 


Prnrrrtlinfjn 
(igaiUMt  the  t^rder. 


JESUITS,  17C1-1760. 


iitiroiiil  tliat  (i  ^rrcat  iiilnlstcr  wiis  nilinc;  in  Por- 
tugal. ...  In  17(H  llic  .IfHiiit  prk'Ht  Mulagriila 
\va»  ImiMt  alive,  imt  a.s  ii  traitor  but  as  ti  iuTrtic 
and  inipoNtcr.  <>n  acnaint  of  some  cra/y  tractates 
111-  liad  written.  Tlie  man  was  ri'Kardod  uh  u 
martyr,  and  all  conimiinieation  Ix'tween  Portugal 
and  the  Holy  Mee  was  broken  off  for  two  years, 
while  llie  Portuguese  minister  e.\erte(l  all  his  in- 
fluence Willi  tlie  Courts  of  France  and  Spain  to 
procure  the  cntin!  sunnression  of  the  society 
which  he  hated.  Tlie  King  supported  him  con- 
sistently, and  after  i  lothcr  attempt  upon  his  life 
in  1760,  which  the  minister  ns  usual  att.ibuted 
to  the  .Jesuits,  King  Joseph  created  his  faithful 
servant  Marquis  of  Pomlial,  by  which  title  he  is 
best  known  to  fame.  The  iirime  ministers  of 
France  and  Spain  cordially  acciuiesced  in  the 
hatred  of  the  Jesuits,  for  both  the  Due  de  Clioi- 
K«'ul  and  the  Clount  d'Arandn  had  something  of 
Pombal's  spirit  in  them,  and  imitated  his  policy; 
in  botli  countries  the  society,  which  on  its  foun- 
dation had  done  so  much  for  Catholicism  and 
Christianity,  was  proscribed,  and  the  worthy 
members  treateil  with  ns  much  rigour  ns  the  un- 
worthy; and  flnnlly  in  1773  Pope  Clement  XIV. 
solemnly  abolished  the  Society  of  Jesus.  King 
Joseph  (lid  not  long  survive  this  triumph  of  his 
minister,  for  lie  died  on  February  24,  1777,  and 
the  Mnrquis  of  Pombal,  then  an  old  man  of  77, 
was  at  once  dismissed  from  ofllce." — II.  51.  Ste- 
phens, T/te  Stoi\i/of  Portiir/al,  clt.  10. 

A  t.HO  IN :  G.  li.  Nicolini,  llist.  of  the  Jesuits,  ch. 
15.— T.  Gricsinger,  The  Jesuits,  bk.  0,  ch.  4  (i\  2). 

A.  D.  1761-1769.— Proceedings  against  the 
Order  in  the  Parliament  of  Paris. — Suppres- 
sion in  France,  Spain,  Bavaria,  Parma,  Mo- 
dena,  Venice. — Demands  on  the  Pope  for  the 
abolition  of  the  Society. — "Father  Antoinc 
liaviilette,  '  procureur '  of  the  Jesuit  Missions  in 
the  Antilles,  resided  in  tliiit  capacity  at  St. 
Pierre  in  the  island  of  Martinique.  He  was  a 
man  of  talent,  energy,  and  enterprise ;  ami,  fol- 
lowing an  example  by  no  means  uncommon  in 
the  S<KMety,  he  had  been  for  many  years  engaged 
in  mercantile  transactions  on  an  extensive  scale, 
and  with  eminent  success.  It  was  an  occupation 
expressly  prohibited  to  missionaries;  but  the 
Jesuits  were  in  the  habit  of  evading  tlic  dilliculty 
by  means  of  an  ingenious  Action.  Lavalette  wns 
in  correspondence  with  the  principal  commercial 
firms  in  France,  and  particularly  with  that  of 
Lioncy  Brothers  and  GoufTre,  of  Slarseilles.  He 
made  frequent  consignments  of  merchandise  to 
tlicir  bouse,  which  were  covered  by  bills  of  ex- 
diange,  drawn  in  Martinique  and  accepted  by 
them.  For  a  time  the  tralllc  proceeded  prosper- 
ously; but  it  so  happened  that  upon  the  break- 
ing out  of  the  Seven  Years'  War,  several  ships 
belonging  to  Lavalette,  richly  freighted  witli 
West  Indian  produce,  were  captured  by  tlio  Eng- 
lish cruisers,  and  their  cargoes  confiscated.  The 
immediate  loss  fell  upon  Lioncj'  and  Gouffre,  to 
whom  these  vcs'sels  were  consigned,"  and  they 
were  driven  to  bankruptcy,  tlic  General  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus  refusing  to  be  responsible  for  the 
obligations  of  his  suliordinate.  Father  Lavalette. 
"  Under  these  circumstances  the  creditors  de- 
termined to  att,'ick  the  Jesuit  community  ns  a 
corporate  body,"  and  the  latter  were  so  singu- 
larly unwary,  for  once,  ns  not  only  to  contest 
the  claim  before  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  but  to 
appeal  to  the  constitutions  of  their  Society  in 
support  of  their  contention,  that  each  college  was 


independent  in  the  matter  of  temporal  property, 
and  that  no  corporate  responsibility  could  exist. 
"The  Parliament  at  once  demanded  that  the 
constitutions  thus  referred  to  should  be  exam- 
ined. Tlie  Jesuits  were  ordered  to  furnish  a  copy 
of  them ;  they  obeyed.  .  .  .  The  compulsory  pro- 
duction of  these  mysterious  records,  which  had 
never  before  been  inspected  by  any  but  Jesuit 
eyes,  was  an  event  of  crucial  signiflcance.  It 
was  the  turning-point  of  the  whole  affair;  and 
its  consequences  were  disastrous."  As  n  first 
Cimseqiience,  "tlie  court  condemned  the  General 
of  the  Jesuits,  and  in  his  person  the  whole  So- 
ciety which  ho  governed,  to  acouit  the  bills  of 
exchange  still  outstanding,  together  with  interest 
and  damages,  within  the  space  of  a  year  from 
the  date  of  the  'arrOt. '  In  default  of  payment 
the  debt  was  made  recovenible  upon  the  common 
property  of  the  Order,  excepting  only  the  en- 
dowments specially  restrictccl  to  particular  col- 
leges. The  delight  of  the  public,  who  were 
present  on  the  occasion  in  great  numbers,  '  was 
excessive,'  says  Barbier,  'and  even  Indecent.'" 
As  a  second  consetiuenco,  the  Parliament,  on  tiie 
6th  of  August,  1761,  "  condemned  a  quantity  of 
publications  by  the  .Jesuits,  dating  from  the  year 
1500  downwards,  to  be  torn  and  burnt  by  the  exe 
cutioncr;  and  the  next  day  tliis  -as  duly  carried 
out  in  the'court  of  the  Pnlnisde  Justice.  Further, 
the  '  nrrCt '  prohibited  the  king's  subjects  from 
entering  the  said  Society ;  forbade  the  fathers  to 
give  instruction,  private  or  public,  in  theology, 
philosophy,  or  humanity;  and  ordered  their 
schools  ami  colleges  to  be  closed.  The  accusa- 
tion brought  ngnmst  their  books  was  .  .  .  that 
of  teaching  'abominable  and  murderous  doc- 
trine,' of  justifying  sedition,  rebellion,  and  regi- 
cide. .  .  .  The  Government  replied  to  these  bold 
measures  by  ordering  the  Parliament  to  suspend 
the  execution  of  its  'arrOts'  for  the  space  of  a 
year.  The  Parliament  affecicd  to  obey,  but 
stipulated,  in  registering  tlie  letters- patent,  that 
the  delay  shoulcl  not  extend  b»yond  the  Ist  of 
April,  1703,  and  made  other  provisions  which 
left  tlicm  virtually  at  liberty  t(^  proceed  as  they 
might  think  proper.  The  Jesuits  .  .  .  relied 
too  confidently  on  the  protection  of  the  Crown. 
.  .  .  But  the  prestige  of  the  monarchy  was  now 
seriously  impaired,  and  it  was  no  longer  wise  or 
safe  for  a  Kiag  of  France  to  undertake  openly 
the  defence  of  any  institution  which  had  incurred 
a  deliberate  sentence  of  condemnation  from  the 
mass  of  his  people."  In  T^ovcmbcr,  1701,  a 
meeting  of  French  prelates  wns  summoned  by 
the  Hoyal  Council  to  consider  and  report  upon 
several  questions  relative  to  the  utility  of  the  So- 
ciety of  Jesus,  tlie  character  of  its  teaching  and 
conduct,  and  tlie  modifications,  if  any,  which 
should  be  proposed  ns  to  the  extent  of  authority 
exercised  by  the  General  of  the  Society.  Tlio 
bishops,  by  a  large  majority,  made  a  report 
favorable  to  tli''  Jesuits,  but  recommended,  "as 
reasonable  cc  rssions  to  public  opinion,  certain 
alterations  in  its  statutes  and  practical  adminis- 
tration. .  .  .  Tills  project  of  compromise  was 
forwarded  to  Rome  for  the  consideration  of  the 
Pope  and  the  General ;  and  Louis  gave  them  to 
understand,  through  his  ambassador,  that  upon 
uo  other  conditions  would  it  be  possible  to  stem 
the  tide  of  opjiosition,  and  to  maintain  the  Jesuits 
ns  n  body  corporate  in  France.  It  was  now 
that  the  memorable  reply  wns  made,  either  by 
the  General  Hicci,  or,  according  to  other  accounts, 


1892 


JESUITS,  1761-1700. 


SupjireMt'itn  in  Prttucr, 
SjHtin,  (tnU  rUewhtrv, 


JESUITS,  1760-1871. 


by  Pope  Clomciit  XIII.  hinmclf — '  Sint  lit  sunt, 
nut  11(111  Hint';  '  Let  llicui  riMimiri  ii.s  tlicy  ari',  or 
let  tlii'in  c.xiKt  no  longtT.'"  Even  liiul  "the  pro- 
posk'd  reform  licen  iifeeptcd,  "its  sii('(es.s  was 
prolilenmtlnil ;  but  its  rcjertion  Hculcil  tlie  fate 
of  the  Order.  Loui.s,  notwitlistandinj?  tlic  un- 
gracious response  from  Home,  propo,>iC(l  Ids 
Hclieine  of  coneilintion  to  the  Parhanient  in 
March,  1703,  and  annulled  at  the  same  time  all 
measures  adverse  to  the  Jesuits  taken  since  tliu 
1st  of  August  preceding.  The  Parliament,  se- 
cretly encouraged  hy  the  Due  de  Choiscul,  re- 
fused to  register  tills  edict ;  the  king,  after  some 
hesitation,  withdrew  it;  and  no  available  resource 
rcmaine(l  to  shield  the  Order  against  Its  linpcnd- 
iug  destiny.  The  I'arliaments,  Imth  of  Paris  and 
the  Provinces,  laid  the  ii.xc  to  the  root  without 
further  delay.  By  an  '  arrCt '  of  the  1st  of  April, 
1703,  the  Jesuits  were  expelled  from  their  H4 
colleges  in  the  ressort  of  the  Parliament  of  Paris, 
nii(i  the  example  was  followed  by  the  provincial 
tribunals  of  Uouen,  Keniics,  Metz,  Bordeaux,  and 
Aix.  The  Society  was  now  assailed  by  a  general 
chorus  of  invective  and  cxeorntion.  .  .  .  The 
final  blow  was  struck  by  the  Parliament  of  Paris 
on  the  Otii  of  August,  1703.  .  .  .  Tlie  sentence 
then  iiassod  condemned  the  Society  as  '  inadmis- 
sible, by  its  nature.  In  any  civilized  State,  inas- 
much as  it  was  contrary  to  the  law  of  nature, 
subversive  of  authority  spiritual  and  temporiil, 
and  introduced,  under  the  ^eil  of  religion,  not  iin 
Order  sincerely  aspiring  to  evangelical  perfec- 
tion, but  rather  a  political  body,  of  which  the 
essence  consists  in  perpetual  attempts  to  attain, 
first,  absolute  independeiK^e,  and  in  the  end,  su- 
preme authority.'.  .  .  The  decree  concludes  by 
declaring  the  vows  of  the  Jesuits  illegal  and 
void,  forbidding  them  to  observe  the  rules  of  the 
Order,  to  wear  its  dress,  or  to  correspond  with 
its  members.  Tliey  were  to  quit  their  houses 
within  one  week,  and  were  to  renounce,  upon 
oath,  all  connection  with  the  Society,  upon  pain 
of  being  discitialificd  for  any  ccclesliistical  charge 
or  public  employment.  The  provincial  Parlia- 
ments followed  the  lead  of  the  capital,  though 
in  some  few  instances  the  decree  of  suppression 
was  opposed,  and  carried  only  by  a  small  ina- 
jorlty ;  while  at  Besan(;on  and  Douai  the  decision 
was  in  favour  of  the  Society.  In  Lorraine,  too, 
under  the  peaceful  government  of  Stanislas 
Leczinski,  and  in  Alsace,  where  they  were  power- 
fully protected  by  Cardinal  de  Rohan,  Bishop  of 
Sii'asburg,  the  Jesuits  were  left  unmolested.  .  .  . 
The  supprcsslou  of  the  Jesuits  —  the  most  impor- 
tant act  of  tlie  administration  of  tlie  Due  de 
Choiseul  —  was  consummated  by  a  royal  ordon- 
naucc  of  November,  17(i4,  to  which  Louis  did 
not  give  his  consent  without  mistrust  and  re- 
gret. It  decreed  that  the  Socli-ty  should  cease  to 
exist  throughout  his  Majesty's  dominions;  but 
it  permitted  the  ex  Jesuits  to  reside  in  Franco  ns 
private  citizens,  and  to  exerci.so  their  ecclesias- 
tical functions  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  di- 
ocesans. .  .  .  Almost-  immediately  afterwards, 
on  the  7th  of  January,  1705,  appeared  the  bull 
'  Apostolicuiii,'  by  which  Clement  XIII.  con- 
demned, with  all  the  weight  of  supreme  and  in- 
fallible authority,  the  measure  which  had  de- 
prived the  Holy  See  of  its  most  valiant  defenders. 
.  .  .  The  only  effect  of  the  Intervention  of  the 
Roman  Curia  was  to  excite  further  ebullitions  of 
hostility  against  the  prostrate  Order.  Charles 
III.  of  Spain,  yielding,  as  it  is  alleged,  to  the 


exhortations  of  the  Due  do  Choiscul,  abolished  it 
throughout  Ills  dominions  by  a  sudden  mandate 
of  April  3,  1707.  .  .  .  The  Pope  precipitated  the 
finalcatastroplieby  a  further  act  of  imprudence. 
The  young  Duke  of  Parmn,  a  prince  of  the 
house  of  Bourbon,  had  excluded  the  Jesuits  from 
his  duchy,  and  had  jiubllslicd  certain  ecclesliia- 
tlcal  regulations  detrimental  to  the  ancient  pre- 
tensions of  the  Itomaii  See.  Clement  XIII.,  re- 
viving an  antlduated  title  in  virtue  of  which 
Parma  was  cliumcd  as  a  (lependent  fief  of  the 
Papacy,  was  rash  enough  to  launch  a  bull  of  ex- 
rommunlcation  against  the  Duke,  and  deprived 
him  of  Ills  dominions  as  arebelUous  vassal.  All 
the  Bourbon  sovereigns  promptly  combined  to 
resent  this  Insult  to  their  fanillv.  The  Papal 
Bull  was  suppressed  at  Paris,  at  Mailrid,  at  Lis- 
bon, at  Parma,  at  Naples.  The  Jesuits  were  ex- 
pelled from  V'enice,  from  Alodena,  from  Bavaria. 
Tlie  Pontiff  was  summoned  to  revoke  his  '  nioni- 
torlum ' ;  and  on  his  refusal  French  troops  t(X)k 
possession  of  Avignon  and  thcrConitat  Venals.sin, 
while  the  King  of  Naples  seized  Benevento  and 
Pontecorvo.  On  the  lOtli  of  January,  1700,  the 
ambassadors  of  Sjialn,  France,  and  Naples  pre- 
sented a  joint  note  to  the  Holy  Father,  demand- 
ing that  tile  Order  of  Jesus  should  be  secularised 
and  aliolished  for  ever.  Clement,  who  had  suf- 
fered severely  from  the  manifold  humiliations 
and  reverses  of  his  Pontificate,  was  overwlielnied 
by  this  last  blow,  from  the  effects  of  which  he 
never  rallied.  He  expired  almost  suddenly  on 
the  3nd  of  February,  1709."— W.  H.  Jervis,  Jlist. 
of  the  Church  of  France,  v.  3,  ch.  10. 

Al.so  IN ;  T.  Grlesinger,  'I'he  Jcauits,  bk.  6,  eh. 
0,  '(nil  hk.  7,  ch.  1. 

A,  D.  1760-1871, — Papal  suppression  and 
restoration  of  the  Order. — "  The  attitude  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Courts  was  so  tlireatening,  and 
their  influence  with  the  Conclave  so  powerful, 
that  Lorenzo  Gangaiielll  was  selected  [17091  f"i" 
the  triple  crown,  as  the  man  best  siiiteit  for  their 
purposes.  Belonging  to  the  Franciscans,  who 
had  ever  been  antagonistic  to  the  Jesuits,  ho  hail 
been  a  follower  of  the  Augustlniau  theology, 
and  was  not  altogether  free  from  Jansenism. 
The  Jesuits  even  went  so  far  as  to  pray  publicly 
in  their  churches  for  the  conversion  of  the  Pope. 
The  pontificate  of  Clement  XIV.  has  been  ren- 
dered memorable  in  history  by  the  Papal  decree 
of  July  31,  1773,  which  in  its  policy  adopted  the 
maxim  of  Lorenzo  Rlcci,  the  inflexible  General 
of  the  Jesuits,  '  Sint  ut  sunt,  aut  non  sunt ' — Let 
us  be  as  we  are,  or  let  us  not  be !  That  decree 
declared  that,  from  the  very  origin  of  the  Order, 
sorrow,  jealousies,  and  dissensions  arose,  not 
only  among  its  own  members  but  between  them 
anci  the  other  religious  orders  and  their  colleges. 
After  further  declaring  that,  urged  as  its  head  by 
a  sense  of  duty  to  restore  the  harmony  of  the 
Church,  and  feeling  convinced  that  the  Society 
could  no  longer  subserve  the  uses  for  whiclx  it 
was  created,  and  on  other  grounds  of  prudence 
and  governmental  wisdom,  ho  by  his  decree 
abolished  the  Order  of  Jesuits,  its  offices,  houses, 
and  iustitutes.  .  .  .  The  other  religious  orders  at 
Rome  were  jealous  that  Jesuits  should  have  been 
the  confessors  of  Sovereigns  at  Westminster, 
Madrid,  Vienna,  Versailles,  Tiisbon,  and  Naples. 
The  influences  of  the  Dominicans,  the  Benedic- 
tines, and  the  Oratorians  were  accordingly  exer- 
cised for  their  suppression.  .  .  .  The  Papal  Bull 
'  Domluus  Redcmptor  noster '  was  at  first  resisted 


1893 


JEHUIT8.  1760-1871. 


nipol  Hupprrtion. 


.IESUIT8,  1760-1871. 


by  llin  Josnlln,  nml  IliclrOonmil,  Lorenzo  IllccI, 
WB»  wilt  to  llm  CiiHtlc  of  Wt.  AiiKi'lo.  Ik'rniir- 
(liiK!  Itt'ii/I,  II  fi'iniilc  I'yllioncHM,  IiuvIiik  prcilirtcd 
tlio  (lentil  of  tliu  l'o|>i-,  two  .Ii'NiiitM,  (,'ollruno  iiiid 
Vi'iilHHik,  wlio  v/vK  8iiit]>f<'ti'il  of  liiivliiK  limtlKiitcd 
licr  proplici'lcH,  W'cru  coiihI){IK'i1  to  llio  hiiiiiii 
prlHon.  All  tliat  followH  ri'latiiiK  to  tliu  fiitu  of 
Oiiii^'aiK'lll  l.s  of  iiiiTo  lilNtorlc  liitcrcNt:  liU  I'lul 
18  Hliroiidcd  III  inyHlcry,  wliich  liitH  licen  uh  yet, 
nn<I  U  likely  to  eontliiiie,  iinpeiietnilile.  Accord- 
in);  to  the  rt'veliitioii!)  of  (,'iirdiniil  d«  HeriilH, 
OitiiKiiiK'IH  WHS  liliiiHetf  npprelieiiHivi!  of  dying 
by  poison,  itnd  u  giiilHterriiiiiour  I'eHpertinKU  cup 
of  eliocolate  with  iiii  infusion  of  '  A(]Uii  du  To- 
fiinii,'  iidiiiiniHtered  by  it  pioiiH  nttendnnt,  wiiH 
Heiienilly  previilent  tlirouglioiit  Europe;  but  the 
time  liiiH  long  sinec  pii.sM<'d  for  an  inoucHt  over 
the  deathbed  of  Clement  XIV." — The  Jemiitii  and 
t/u-ir  KjrpuUion  from  Uermnny  (Fr<i»ev'»  Man., 
May,  1873).— "All  that  follows  tlio  publication 
of  the  brief  —  the  death  of  Uanganelli,  the  llcrco 
anil  yet  unexiiausUMl  disputes  about  the  last  year 
of  his  life,  and  the  manner  of  his  death  —  are  to 
us  indescribably  nielanclioly  and  repulsive.  .  .  . 
We  have  conllieting  statements,  both  of  which 
cannot  be  true  —  cliurcliinan  against  churchman 
—  cardinal  against  cardinal  —  (!ven,  it  sliould 
seem,  pope  against  pope.  On  the  one  side  tliere 
is  a  triumph,  liardly  disguised,  in  the  terrors,  In 
the  siitTerings,  in  the  madness,  which  atllicted 
the  later  days  of  Clement;  on  the  other,  the  jiro- 
foundesl  honour,  the  deepest  commiseration,  for 
a  wise  and  holy  Pontiff,  who,  but  for  the  crime 
of  his  enemies,  miglit  have  enjoyed  a  long  reign 
of  peace  and  respect  and  inward  satisfaction. 
There  a  protracted  agony  of  remorse  in  life  and 
anticipated  damnation  —  tliat  damnation,  if  not 
distinctly  declared,  made  dubious  or  averted  only 
by  a  special  miracle:  —  here  an  apotheosis  —  a 
claim,  at  least,  to  canonization.  There  the 
judgment  of  Qod  pronounced  in  language  which 
hardly  affects  regret;  here  more  than  insinua- 
tions, dark  charges  of  poison  against  persons  not 
named,  l)ut  therefore  involving  in  the  ignominy 
of  possiblo  guilt  a  largo  and  powerftil  party. 
Throughout  the  liistory  of  the  Jesuits  it  Is  this 
which  strikes,  perplexes,  and  appals  the  dispas- 
sionate student.  The  intensity  with  which  they 
were  liptcd  surpasses  even  the  intensity  with 
which  thoy  hated.  Nor  is  this  depth  of  mutual 
animosity  among  those  or  towards  tlioseto  whom 
the  Jesuits  were  most  widely  opposed,  tiie  Prot- 
estants, and  the  adversaries  of  all  religion ;  but 
among  Iloman  Catholics  —  and  those  not  always 
Jansenists  or  even  Oallicans — among  the  most 
ardent  assertors  of  the  papal  supremacy,  monas- 
tics of  other  onlcrs,  parliaments,  statesmen, 
kings,  bisliops,  cardinals.  Admiration  and  de- 
testation of  tlie  Jesuits  divide,  as  far  as  feeling 
is  concerned,  the  Roman  Catliolic  world,  with  a 
schism  deeper  and  more  implacable  tlian  any 
which  arrays  Protestant  against  Protestant, 
Episcopacy  and  Independency,  Calvinism  and 
Arminianism,  Puseyism  and  Ilvangelicism.  The 
two  parties  counterwork  each  otlier,  write  against 
each  other  in  terms  of  equal  acrimony,  mis- 
understand each  otlier,  misrepresent  each  other, 
accuse  and  recriminate  upon  eacii  other,  with 
the  same  reckless  zeal,  in  the  same  unmeasured 
janguage— each  inflexibly,  exclusively  identify- 
ing his  own  cause  with  iliat  of  true  religion,  and 
involving  its  adversaries  in  one  sweeping  and 
remorseless  condemnation.    To  us  the  question 


of  th(^  death  of  Clement  XIV.  Is  purely  of  IiIh 
torical  interest.  It  is  singular  enough  that  Prot- 
eslant  writers  am  cited  as  alone  doing  impartial 
justice  to  the  Jesuitsanil  their  enemies:  tlii^  (,'om 
piirgators  of  the  '  ('ompaiiy  of  Jesus' are  Kredii 
rick  II.  and  the  Kncyclopedisls.  Outcast  from 
lioman  Catholic  Europe,  they  found  refuge  in 
PriisNiii,  and  in  the  (lomainH  of  Catherine  II., 
from  wlience  they  disputed  tlie  validity  and  dis- 
obeyed the  decrees  of  the  Poiie. " — (Hement  XIV. 
and  the  ,le»iiiU  {(Quarterly  liiK..  S'pl.,  1H4H).— 
"Tlie  Jesuit  Order  remained  in  alieyance  for  a 
periixl  of  forty-two  years,  until  IMiis  VII.  on  his 
return  to  Home,  after  his  liberation  from  the 
captivity  he  endured  under  Napoleon  I.  at  Foil 
tainebleau,  issued  his  brief  of  August  7,  lH|.t, 
'  solicitiido  omnium,'  by  which  he  authori.sed  the 
surviving  members  of  the  Order  again  to  live 
according  to  tlio  rules  of  their  founder,  to  admit 
novices,  and  to  found  colleges.  With  singular 
fatuity  tlie  Papal  Edict  for  tlie  restoraticm  of  the 
Jesuits,  contradicting  its  own  title,  assigns  on 
the  face  of  the  document  as  the  i)rineipal  reason 
forits  being  issued  the  recommendation  eontaineil 
in  the  gradoiiH  despatch  of  August  II,  1800,  re- 
ceived from  Paul,  the  then  reigning  Emperor  of 
the  Uussias.  We  liave  tlie  historiesof  all  nations 
cimciirring  that  Paul  was  notoriously  mad,  and 
within  six  months  from  tlie  date  of  that  gracious 
despatch  he  was  strangled  in  ids  jialace  by  Ibo 
members  of  his  own  Court,  as  tlie  only  po8.sil)le 
means,  as  they  conceived,  of  rescuing  the  Em- 
pire from  his  iii.sane  and  viei'  despotism.  In 
return  probably  for  tliesuc(  >  ,1  intercession  of 
Paul,  Tliadeus  Brzozowski,  a  I'ole  by  birth  but 
a  Uussian  subject,  was  elected  the  first  General 
of  the  restored  order.  We  find  a  striking  com- 
ment on  his  rccommendati(m  in  the  Imperial 
Ukase  of  his  successor,  the  Emperor  Alexander, 
by  whicli,  in  June  1817,  he  banished  the  Jesuit)) 
from  all  his  dominions.  Spain,  the  scene  of  their 
former  ignominious  treatment,  was,  under  the 
degraded  rule  of  the  Ferdinandian  dynasty,  the 
first  country  to  which  they  were  recalle(l ;  but 
tliey  were  soon  again  expelled  by  the  National 
Cortes.  Our  limits  here  confine  us  to  a  simple 
category  of  their  subsequent  expulsions  from 
Roman  Catholic  States:  from  France  in  18!U, 
from  Saxony  in  tlie  same  year,  from  Portugal 
again  in  1834,  from  Spain  again  in  183.'),  from 
France  again  in  1845,  from  the  whole  of  Switzer- 
land, fULu'ding  the  Roman  Catholic  Cantons,  in 
1847,  and  in  1848  from  Bavaria  oud  otlier  Ger- 
man Stotes.  In  the  Revolution  of  1848,  tliey 
were  expelled  from  every  Italian  State,  even 
from  tlie  territories  of  the  Pope;  but  on  the 
counter  Revolution  tliey  returned,  to  be  again 
expelled  in  1859  from  Lombardy,  Parma,  Jlodena 
and  the  Legations.  Tliey  have  had  to  endure 
even  a  more  recent  vicissitude,  for,  in  December 
1871,  a  measure  relating  to  tlie  vexed  questiim, 
the  Union  of  Church  and  State,  received  the 
sanction  of  the  National  Council  (Bundcsratli)  of 
Switzerland,  by  whicli  the  Jesuits  were  prohib- 
ited from  settling  in  the  country,  from  interfer- 
ing even  in  education,  or  from  founding  or 
re-establishing  colleges  throughout  the  Federal 
territories.  Tliey  have  thus  within  a  recent 
period  received  sentence  of  banishment  from 
almost  every  Roman  Catholic  Government,  but 
they  still  remain  in  Rome." — I'he  Jcmits  nnd 
their  Etpuhion  from  Oennany  (Fraser's  Mag., 
May.  1873). 


1894 


JESUITS,  1847. 


JEWS. 


A.  D.  1847.— The  question  of  Expulsion  in 
Switzerlana.— The  Sonderbund  and  the  war 
of  reliifioni.    Hvt:  Hwitzkiii.anh:   A.  I>.  1N0!<- 

IH-tH. 

A.  D.  1880.— The  law  against  Jesuit  schools 
in  the  French  Republic.  Hie  Imiasik:  A  l> 
IH75-188U. 


JESUS,  Uncertainty  of  the  date  of  the 
birth  of.     Scc.U.wh:  li  ('.  H— A.  I>.  1. 

JEU-DE-PAUME,  The  Oath  at  the.  Hcu 
KnANCK:   A.  I)    ITHlM.h'NK). 

JEUNESSE  DOREE,  of  the  Anti-Jacobin 
KliA.Nci.;:   \.  1), 


reaction  in  France. 
1705  (July— AriUL). 


S<c 


17UI 


JEWS. 


The  National  Names. —  There  have  been  two 

rritu'ipal  conjecturcK  iisto  tlicorlultuif  the  iiiiiiie 
IcbrewH,  by  which  the  (Icsci'iiduiitH  of  A1)riiliaiu 
were  oriKiiially  Idiowti.  One  derivcH  tli(!  niiiiie 
fidtna  progenitor,  Kber;  the  oilier  lliiiUilH  orlKin 
in  a  Hcinitlc  word  sljcnifyiiiK  "over,"  or  "enmHed 
over."  In  tlic  latter  view,  tlu?  name  wan  ap|)lled 
by  the  Cunaanites  to  neople  who  eame  into  their 
country  from  beyond  tlie  Kuphrates.  Kwald,  who 
rejects  thl8 latter  liypotlieslH.sayH:  "  Whiletliere 
Is  nothing  to  show  that  the  name  emanated  from 
Btrangers,  nothing  is  more  inanifcHttlian  that  the 
nation  called  themwdveH  by  it  and  had  done  ho 
us  long  as  memory  coiihl  reach;  indeed  tliiH  is 
the  only  one  of  their  iiameH  that  appears  to  have 
been  current  in  the  earliest  times.  The  history 
of  this  name  shows  that  it  must  have  been  most 
fretpK^itly  used  in  the  aiicient  times,  before  that 
brniich  of  the  Hebrews  which  took  the  nam<!  of 
Israel  became  doininatit,  but  that  after  the  time 
of  the  Kings  it  entirely  disappeared  from  ordi- 
nary speecli,  and  was  only  revived  in  the  period 
Immediately  before  <'hrist,  like  many  other 
names  of  the  primeval  times,  through  the  preva-  . 
lence  of  a  learned  mode  of  regardnig  jinticiuity, 
when  it  came  afresh  into  esteem  tlirougli  the 
reverence  then  felt  for  Abraham." — H.  Ewakl. 
Jfint.  (if  Ixniel,  V.  1,  ;).  UHI. —  After  the  return  of 
the  Israelites  from  the  IJuby Ionian  caiitivity — 
the  returned  exiles  being  mostly  of  the  tribes  of 
Judali  and  lieiijamiii  — "  tli<^  name  of  Jtidah  took 
tlie  predominant  placid  in  the  national  titles.  As 
the  primitive  name  of  '  Hebrew  '  had  given  way 
to  the  historical  name  of  Israel,  so  that  of  Israel 
now  gave  way  to  the  name  of  'Judiean'  or 
'Jc^w,  so  full  of  )iniise  and  pride,  of  reproach 
and  scorn.  '  It  was  born,'  as  their  later  historian 
[Josephus]  truly  observes,  'on  the  day  when 
they  eame  out  fron>IJabylon.' '' — A.  P.  Stanley, 
Ijetx.  on  the  Hint,  of  the  Jeirish  Church,  v.  '6,  'p. 
101. 

The  early  Hebrew  history, — "Of  course,  in 
tlie  abstract,  it  is  possible  that  such  persons  as 
Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob  sliould  have  e.\ist<Mi. 
One  can  imagine  that  such  and  such  incidents  in 
the  accounts  regartiing  them  really  took  place, 
and  were  handed  down  by  tradition.  .  .  .  Hut 
our  present  investigation  does  not  <'oncem  the 
([uestion  whether  there  existed  men  of  those 
names,  but  whether  the  progenitors  of  Israel  and 
of  the  neiglibouring  nations  who  are  rejiresented 
in  Genesis  are  historical  personages.  It  is  this 
question  wliieh  we  answer  in  the  negative. 
l^Iust  we  then  deny  all  historical  value  to  the 
narratives  of  tlie  patriarchs?  By  no  means. 
What  we  have  to  do  is  to  make  proper  use  of 
them.  They  teach  us  what  the  Israelites  thought 
as  to  their  afllnities  with  the  tribes  around  them, 
and  as  to  the  manner  of  their  own  settlement  in 
tlie  land  of  tlieir  abode.  If  we  strip  them  of 
tlieir  genealugical  form,  and  at  the  same  time 


take  Into  consldcrutlon  tho  Infliionco  which 
Israel's  self  love  miiHt  have  exercised  over  the 
reprcKentalion  of  relatiiiiiHliipH  and  facts,  wo 
have  an  hlHtoricai  kernel  left.  .  .  .  The  narra- 
tives in  Oenesis,  viewed  and  used  in  this  way, 
lead  lis  to  the  foHowIng  conception  of  Israel's 
early  history.  Canaan  was  originally  inhabited 
by  a  number  of  tribes  — of  Semitic  origin,  as  we 
shall  perceive  presently  —  whoapnlied  tliemmdvi 
to  the  rearing  of  cattle,  to  agriculture,  or  to  com 
inerce,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  districts  in 
which  they  were  established.  The  countries  which 
were  subseiiuently  named  after  Edoni,  Amnion, 
and  Moab,  also  had  their  aboriginal  inhabitants, 
the  Ilorites,  the  Zamzummites,  and  the  Kniites. 
Whilst  all  these  tribes  retained  possession  of  their 
dwellingplaces,  and  the  inhabitants  of  (,'anaan 
especially  had  reached  a  tolerably  high  stage  of 
civilizati(m  and  development,  there  occurred  a 
Semitic  migration,  wliicli  issued  from  Arra- 
pachitis  (Arphiu'sad.  I'r  Casdim),  and  moved  on 
in  a  south-westerly  direction.  The  countries  to 
the  east  and  the  south  of  ('anaan  were  gradually 
occupied  by  these  intruders,  the  former  iiiliabi- 
tants  being  either  expelled  or  subjugated;  Am- 
nion, Moab,  Ishmael,  and  Kdom  became  tho 
ruling  nations  in  those  districts.  In  Canaan  the 
fiituation  was  different.  The  tribes  which  —  at 
(irst  closely  connected  witli  the  KdomileM,  but 
aflerwanis  separated  from  them  —  had  turned 
their  steps  towards  (,'aiiaan,  did  not  Und  them- 
selves strong  enough  either  to  drive  out,  or 
to  exact  tribute  from,  the  original  inhabitants; 
they  coiiliiiued  tlieir  wandering  life  among  them, 
anil  lived  up(m  the  whole  at  jieacc  with  tlu^m. 
Hut  a  real  .settlement  was  still  their  aim.  When, 
therefore,  they  had  become  more  numerous  and 
powerful,  through  the  arrival  of  a  number  of 
kindred  settlers  from  Mesopotamia  —  represented 
in  tradition  by  the  army  with  which  Jacob  re- 
turns to  Canaan  —  they  resumed  their  march  in 
the  same  south-westerly  direction,  until  at  length 
they  took  possession  of  fixed  habitations  in  the 
land  of  Goslien,  on  the  borders  of  Egypt." — A. 
Kuenen,  The  Uelir/ioii  of  hrad,  eh.  3  (i\  1). — "In 
tlie  oldest  extant  record  respecting  Abraham, 
Gen.  xiv.,  .  .  .  we  see  him  acting  as  a  power- 
ful domestic  prince,  among  many  similar  princes, 
who  like  him  held  Canaan  in  possession;  not 
calling  himself  King,  like  Melchizedek,  tho 
priest-kiug  of  Salem,  because  he  was  the  father 
and  protector  of  his  house,  living  with  his  family 
ttiu'  bondmen  in  the  open  country,  yet  eijual  in 
power  to  the  petty  Canaanite  kings.  .  .  .  De- 
tached as  this  account  may  be,  it  is  at  least  evi- 
dent from  it  that  the  Canaanites  were  at  that 
time  highly  civilised,  since  they  had  a  priest- 
king  like  Melchizedek,  wliom  Abraham  held  in 
honour,  but  that  they  were  even  then  so  weak- 
ened by  endless  divisions  and  by  tiie  emaseulut- 
ing  intlueuce  of  that  culture  itself,  as  either  to 


1895 


.lEWS. 


Chllilrrn  «f  lumrl 


.IEW8. 


pny  trihiilc  In  llii<  wnrliki'  iiitlloiiii  of  tlic  imrtli 
I'lutt  dm  (III*  tlvc  kiiiuH  of  till'  citliK  of  till'  Ih'iiil 
Hi'U  liuil  (lour  for  Iwi'lvi'  yciirii  lM'fiii(>  tlii'y  re- 
Im'IIciI,  vcr.  4),  or  to  Mck  for  hoiiic  viiliiitit  ilc 
Ki>iiiliiiitN  of  till'  iiorllirrii  IiiiiiIh  IIvIiik  in  tlirlr 
niliiiit,  will)  III  rrliini  for  rrrtiiin  concowlimH  nml 
MTvlci'H  iironiist'il  tliriii  prott'ction  luiil  ili'fciKi'. 
.  .  .  TlilN  iili'ii  fnniMii'H  tlic  only  t4'iiii1il(!  IiIh 
torlcnl  view  of  tlir  iiilKrnlioii  of  Aliriilinin  nml 
IiIh  kiiiilri'il.  Tlicy  diil  not  loniiucr  tliu  Innil, 
nor  at  llrKt  liolil  it  liy  nii'ro  forrt'  of  nrniH,  like 
the  four  iHirllicHHti'rn  kin^^  frotn  wIiom;  liiinil 
Aliriiliam  ili'llvcrcd  l,ot,  Ocn.  xlv.  Tlii'y  ml- 
viinri'il  iiH  IriulcrH  of  Hrniill  ImniU,  with  tlii'ir  frn- 
ciblc  HcrvnntN  nml  tlu!  Iicrils,  nt  llrHt  rntluTHoiii^lil 
or  I'vcii  iiivltril  by  tlie  ol<l  iiilinliitnntH  of  tliti 
Inml,  liH  fiiHH\  wnrrlors  iinil  kitvIcoiiIiIo  nllirs, 
tliun  forciiii^  tlii'riiHclvi'H  iijhiii  tlii'in.  Tliim  they 
took  lip  tlicir  nl>oilu  iinil  ohtninnl  poHHciwIons 
nimiiiK  tlii'in,  hut  wcru  nlwnys  wIhIiiiik  to  ml- 
grnto  fartliiT,  ('vcn  Into  EKvpt.  .  .  .  Llttln  an 
wo  nrc  nhli!  to  provu  nil  thiMlclulUof  tlint  nii){rn- 
tloii  from  till!  north  townnls  Epypl,  whiih  prob- 
ably ciiiitlniH'il  for  ('I'liturirH,  It  iniiy  with  grtnl 
certainty  lii'  conci'ivi'il  as  on  the  whole  giinilar  to 
the  t^niiliial  nilvaiiri^  of  ninny  other  northern 
nalioim;  an  of  tiie  Oerinnns  townnls  Home,  ami 
of  the  Turks  in  tliDu;  tuinie  re^^ioiiH  in  the  Miilille 
Ages.  .  .  .  We  now  iimlerstanil  thnt  Abraham's 
name  can  (leHi);nute  only  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tnnt  aiiil  oldest  of  the  Hebrew  iminiKrutiiiiis. 
But  sinee  Abralinin  had  so  early  attaineit  a  name 
glorious  nmong  the  Hebrews  advancing  towanls 
the  south,  and  siiu'e  he  was  everything  espeeially 
to  the  nation  of  Israel  whieh  arose  out  of  this 
immigration,  ami  to  their  nearest  kindred,  his 
name  came  to  he  the  grnml  centre  and  rallying- 
point  of  all  the  memory  of  those  times.' — 11. 
Ewnld,  J  lint,  ofhmel.  hk.  1,  xrt.  1,  C,  pt.  3. 

The  Children  of  Israel  in  Eeypt.— "  It  hns 
been  very  generally  supposed  Hint  Abrnlmm's 
visit  to  Egypt  took  pl'vco  under  the  reign  of  one 
of  the  kings  of  the  twelfth  dynnsty  [placed  by 

^'  Brugseh  IJ.  C.  2460-2200],  but  which  king  has 
not  yet  been  satisfactorily  made  out.  .  .  .  8ome 
Biblical  critics  hive  considered  that  Ainenemlin 
III.  was  king  of  Egypt  when  Abraham  came 
there,  and  others  that  Usertseu  I.  was  king,  and 
that  Aincucmha  was  the  Plinriioh  of  the  time  of 
Joseph.  ...  It  is  generally  accepted  now  that 
Joseph  was  sold  into  Egypt  uttlie  time  when  the 
Ilyksos  were  in  power  [and  about  1750  H.  C.]; 
and  it  is  also  generally  accepted  thnt  the  Exodus 
took  place  after  the  death  of  liaincses  II.  and 
umUjr  the   reign  of   Merenptah,    or  SlenejHah. 

i-  Now  the  children  of  Israel  were  in  captivity  in 
Egypt  for  400  or  430  years ;  and  ns  they  went  out 
of  Egypt  after  the  death  of  Hnmcses  II.,  it  was 
probably  some  time  about  tlie  year  ISflO  B.  C. 
There  is  little  doubt  that  the  Pharaoh  who  perse- 
cuted the  Israelites  so  shamefully  was  Kame- 
sesll."  —  E.  A.  W.  Budge,  The  Dwellers  on  the 
Nile,  ch.  4. — "It  is  stated  by  George  the  8yn- 
cellus,  a  writer  whose  extensive  learning  nml  en- 
tire honesty  are  iHuiuestionnble,  thnt  the  syn- 
chronism of  Joseph  with  Apepi,  the  last  king  of 
the  only  known  Ilyksos  dynasty,  was  'acknowl- 
edged by  all.'  The  best  modern  nuthorities 
accept  this  view,  if  not  ns  clearly  established,  nt 
apy  rate  as  in  the  highest  degree  probable,  and 
believe  that  it  was  Apepi  who  made  the  gifted 
Hebrew  his  prime  minister,  who  invited  his 
father  ani,  his  brethren  to  settle  in  Egypt  with 


their  lioiiHchoIiU.  anil  nNMlgni'd  to  them  fhe  Innil 
of  (ionhi'ii  for  tlii'lr  rcNldeiice.  '  —  (1.  Kawllimon, 
Hint  .;/•  ,l/ii'(V/i/  Kiji/i't,  eh.  10  (r.  2).  — "The  new 
I'linrnoh,  'who  knew  not  JiiM'ph,' who  nilorned 
the  lily  of  KnmseH,  the  capital  of  the  Tanitic 
iionir,  ami  the  city  of  I'lthom,  the  capital  of 
what  was  afterwards  the  Hcthroitic  iionie,  witli 
ti'iii|)|i' i'ilii'H,  is  no  other,  inn  be  no  other,  than 
Hamcssii  II.  or  ItamescM  — the  Kesostris  of  the 
(Jlecks,  n.  (',  1350,  of  whiiHc  biilldiiigH  nt  Zonn 
the  monuments  and  the  papyriis  ioITh  speak  in 
complete  agreement.  .  .  .  KamcHsu  in  the 
I'liaraoh  of  the  oppression,  and  the  father  of  that 
unnanii'd  princess,  who  fiiuiii'  the  child  Moses 
exposed  in  the  biilriishi'S  on  the  bank  of  the  river. 
...  If  lianises  Hcsostris  .  .  .  must  be  regarded 
beyond  all  doubt  as  tlie  Pharaoh  under  whom 
the  Jewish  legiNlator  Moses  first  saw  tlie  light, 
so  the  chronological  relations  —  having  regard  to 
the  great  age  of  the  two  contemporaries.  Bam- 
SI'S  tl.  and  Moses  —  demiind  that  Mineptnh  [his 
son]  should  ill  nil  probnbility  be  acknowledged 
ns  tlie, Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus." — II.  Brugseh- 
Bey,  lli't.iif  Kiji/pt  iiiiiltrlhe  I'humohii,  ch.  14. — 
The  i|Uolations  given  above  represent  the  ortho- 
dox view  of  early  Jinvish  history,  in  the  light  of 
miHlern  momimi'iital  studies,  —  the  view,  that  is, 
which  accepts  the  Biblical  account  of  Abrnham 
and  his  seed  as  a  literal  fnniily  record,  authen- 
tically widening  into  the  niinnls  of  a  nation.  Tho 
more  ratlonall/.Ing  views  are  indicated  by  the  fol- 
lowing; "  There  can  be  no  doubt  .  .  .  as  to  tho 
Hemitic  character  of  these  Ilyksos,  or  'Pastors,' 
who,  more  than  2,(M)0  years  B.  (". ,  interrupted  in 
a  measure  the  current  of  Egyptian  civilisation, 
and  founded  at  Zoan  (Tanis),  near  the  Isthmus, 
the  centre  of  a  powerful  Semitic  stjite.  These 
Ilyksos  were  to  all  appenrnnces  Caniuinites,  near 
relations  of  tlie  Hittitesof  Hebron.  Hebron  was 
in  close  community  with  Zoan,  and  there  is  a  tra- 
dition, probably  based  upon  historical  data,  that 
tlie  two  cities  were  built  nearly  at  the  ime  time. 
As  invariably  hapiieus  when  barbarians  enter  In- 
to an  ancient  and  powerful  civilisation,  tho 
Ilyksos  soon  became  Egyptianised.  .  .  .  The 
Hyksos  of  Zoan  could  not  fall  to  exercise  n  great 
influence  upon  the  Hebrews  who  were  encamped 
around  Hebron,  the  Dead  Sea,  and  in  the  south- 
ern districts  of  Palestine.  The  antipathy  which 
afterwards  existed  between  the  Hebrews  and  the 
Canaanites  was  not  as  yet  very  perceptible.  .  .  . 
There  are  the  best  of  reasons  for  believing  that  , 
the  immigration  of  the  Beni-Isracl  took  place  at  v 
two  separate  times.  A  first  batch  of  Israelites 
seems  to  have  been  nttiacted  by  the  Hittitcs  of 
Egypt,  while  the  bulk  of  the  tribe  was  living 
upon  the  iK'st  of  terms  with  the  Hittites  of 
Hebron.  These  first  immigrants  found  favour 
with  the  Egyptianised  Hittites  of  Memphis  and 
Zoan ;  they  secured  very  good  positions,  liml 
children,  and  constituted  a  distinct  family  in 
Israel.  This  was  what  was  afterwards  called 
the  'dan  of  the  Jo8ephcl,'or  the  Beni.Ioseph. 
Finding  tliemselves  well  off  in  Lower  Egypt, 
they  sent  for  their  brethren,  who,  impelled  per- 
haps by  famine,  joined  them  there,  and  were  re- 
ceived also  favourably  by  the  Ilittile  dynasties. 
These  new-comers  never  went  to  Memphis.  They 
remained  in  the  vicinity  of  Zoan,  where  there  is 
a  land  of  Goshen,  which  was  allotted  to  them. 
.  .  .  The  whole  of  these  ancient  days,  concerning 
which  Israel  possesses  only  legends  and  contra- 
dictory traditions,   is  enveloped  in  doubt;   one 


1896 


JEWS. 


Tht  KswIuM. 


JEWS. 


tiling,  howovrr,  Is  rrrtnln.  viz.,  timt  Isrnd  en- 
1<tim1  Knypl  iiiiili'r  it  (Iviiimty  fuvduriilili'  tu  lliti 
Si'MiitcM,  ami  left  it  iiiicfrr  our  wliicli  was  iKi.stili'. 

Till'  prcw'iicc  of  a  iioiiiiul  trilM(  upon  tl xlri'iiu- 

coiilliii'H  of  KKyi>t  iiiiiHt  liavi!  Ih.m'11  n  matter  of 
very  hiii'iII  iiiiportaiico  for  tliiit  latter  coiiiitry. 
Tliero  Ih  no  eertalii  tnicu  of  It  in  tlie  KKy|>lli»i 
tuxlD.  Tiie  lilnKiloiM  of  Zoaii,  upon  tlie  con- 
trury,  left  a  ileep  inipreH.tioii  upon  llie  IsraeiiteH. 
Zoan  Ixtanie  for  tliein  HvnonyinoUH  willi  Kgypl. 
Till'  reiatioUH  lietween  /oan  nnil  Ileliron  wric 
liept  up.  and  .  .  .  Ileliron  wax  proud  of  tin) 
HViielironi.sin,  widi'li  nntde  It  out  Hcven  years 
older  tlian  Zoan.  Tlic  llrHteomerM,  tiie  JoHcpli- 
lien,  alwjivH  asHUined  an  air  of  Huperlority  over 
tlieir  Itrelliren,  wIiohc  position  tlie\'  iiad  lieen  In- 
Htruinentai  in  estalilishinK.  .  .  .  Tlieir  eliil<iren, 
lioni  in  F^xypt,  posHilily  of  EKyi>tiitn  niotliers, 
were  Hearecly  Israelite!*.  An  agrix'inent  was  <'oiiiu 
to,  however;  it  was  agreed  tiiat  tiie  .losepiiites 
«liouid  ranit  as  Isiiielltes  with  t\u>  re.st.  I'liey 
fonuetl  twu  distliu^t  tribes,  tiioso  of  Kphraiin  and 
Munasseli.  ...  It  is  not  linposHllile  that  tlio 
origin  of  tiionanivof  Joseph  (a(hlllion,  adjiuuv 
tloii,  aniK^xation)  may  have  arisen  from  the  eir- 
rumstanee  that  tiie  first  emigrants  and  tlieir 
families,  Imviiig  lieeonie  stmiigers  to  their  liretli- 
ren,  needed  some  sort  of  adjunetioii  to  liecomo 
Again  part  and  pureol  of  the  family  of  Israel." — 
E.  Heiuui,  Jlint.  of  till-  People  of  hrtiil,  hk.  1,  ch. 
10  (v.  1).— 8oe,  also,  Eoyit:  Thk  IIykhoii,  and 
About  H.  C.  140()-t2()(). 

The  Route  of  the  Exodus. — It  is  said  of  tho 
oppftssed  Israelites  in  Egypt  tliat  "  tliey  liuiit 
for  Pharaoli  treasure  cities,  I'ltliom  and  Kaam- 
Bes,"  (E.xixlus  i.  11.)  One  of  tliose  "treasure 
cities,"  or  "store-cities,"  has  been  discovered,  in 
a  liean  of  ruins,  at  a  place  whicli  tiic  Arabs  call 
"Toll  el  Maskhutali,"  and  it  was  supposed  at 
first  to  be  tlie  Uaamses  of  tlie  Hiblical  record. 
But  explorations  made  in  1883  by  M.  Navlllo 
seem  to  have  proved  that  It  Is  the  store-city  of 
Pitiiom  which  lies  buried  In  the  mounds  at  Tell 
cl  Mv.khutah  and  that  Raamses  is  still  to  be 
found.  As  Itaamses  or  Ramses  was  the  starting 
point  of  the  ExihIus,  something  of  a  controversy 
concerning  the  route  of  tlie  latter  turns  upon  the 
question.  It  is  tlie  opinion  of  M  Navllle  that 
Succoth,  where  the  Children  of  Israel  made  their 
first  halt,  was  the  district  iu  which  Pltliom  is 
situated,  and  that  the  Land  of  Goshen,  their 
dwelli'ig-plaee  la  Egypt,  was  a  region  embrac- 
ing that  district.  Tlie  site  of  Pithom,  us  identi- 
fied by  Naville,  is  "on  tlie  soutli  side  of  the 
sweet  water  canal  which  runs  from  Cairo  to  Suez 
through  the  WaiU  TuiuiMt,  about  12  miles  from 
Ismailiah. "  Tiic  excavations  made  liave  brought 
to  light  a  great  number  of  chambers,  with  mas- 
sive w.ill8  of  brick,  which  are  conjectured  to 
have  iKcn  granaries  and  storehouses,  for  the  pro- 
visiociiig  of  caravans  and  armies  to  cross  the 
desert  to  Syria,  as  well  as  for  tlie  collecting  of 
tribute  and  for  the  warehousing  of  traile.  Hence 
the  name  of  store-city,  or  treasure-city.  Under 
the  Greeks  Pithom  changed  its  name  to  Hero- 
opolls,  and  a  new  city  called  Arsiuot!  was  built 
near  It.— E.  Naville,  The  Store-City  of  Pithom.— 
"I  submit  that  Goshen,  properly  speaking,  was 
the  land  which  afterwards  became  tlie  Arabian 
nome,  viz.,  the  country  round  Saft  el  llenneh 
east  of  the  canal  Abu-l-5Iunagge,  a  district  com- 
prising Belbeis  and  Abbasch,  and  probobly  cx- 
teading  further  north  than  the  Wadi  Tumilat. 


The  capital  of  tlip  nonie  wan  Pa  Pont,  railed  by 
till'  OriekH  I'harusa,  now  Haft  el  llcnnth  At 
the  time  wliin  the  iNraeiites  occupied  the  land, 
the  term  'Gimlien'  U'longeil  to  a  region  wliiih 
as  yet  iiad  no  dellnitc  boundaries,  and  wliich  ex- 
ti'iided  with  the  increasi'  of  the  people  over  the 
territory  lliev  inhaliited.  The  term  'land  of 
Hamses'  applies  to  a  larger  area,  and  covers  that 
part  of  the  Delta  which  lies  to  the  eastward  of 
tile  Taiiltic  branch.  ...  As  for  the  city  of 
Hamws,  it  was  situate  In  the  Arabian  iioine. 
I'roliabiy  it  was  Pliacusa." — Tiie  same.  Shrine  of 
Sift  li  lit  iiiith  noil  the  html  of  (lonheii. — The  Is- 
raelites leaving  Huccotli,  a  region  wlilch  we  now 
know  Well,  the  neiglilMiurhood  of  Tell  el  Mask- 
hutali, piisii  forward  towards  the  desert,  skirting 
the  nortliern  shore  of  the  gulf,  and  tlius  reaeli 
tiie  wilderness  of  Etiiani ;  liut  tiiere,  Ijecaiise  of 
tile  pursuit  of  Pharaoh,  they  have  to  change 
tlieir  course,  tliey  are  tolil  to  retime  their  steps, 
so  as  to  |)Ut  the  sea  lietween  them  an<i  tlie  desert. 
.  .  .  '  And  the  Lord  spak(^  unto  Moses,  saying: 
Speak  unto  the  children  of  Israel  that  they  turn 
and  encamp  before  Pi-hahiroth,  between  MIgdol 
iiiiil  the  seu,  over  against  liaalzephon ;  before  it 
sliall  ye  encamp  by  the  sea.'.  .  .  The  (luestlon 
is  now,  Wiiere  are  we  to  look  for  Migdol  and 
Pi  IIaliiriitlr(  As  for  Migdol,  the  ancient  authors, 
and  partieularlv  tlie  Itinerary,  mention  a  Mig- 
dol, or  Magdolon,  wlileli  was  twelve  Koman 
inile.s  distant  from  Pelusiiiin.  It  Is  not  possible 
to  admit  tliat  this  is  tiie  same  Migdol  which  is 
siioken  of  in  Ex(kIus,  for  then  It  would  not  Iw 
the  Red  Sea,  tint  the  Mediterranean,  which  flio 
Israelites  would  have  before  them,  and  we  slioiild 
thus  have  to  fall  in  with  MM.  Schlelden  and 
Hrug.sch's  theory,  that  they  followed  the  narrow 
track  which  lies  between  tlie  Mediterranean  and 
tile  Scrlionian  IJog.  However  Ingenious  are  tlie 
arguments  on  whTi:h  this  system  is  bused,  I  be- 
lieve it  must  now  be  dismissed  altogether,  be- 
cause we  know  the  site  of  tlie  station  of  Succoth. 
Is  it  possible  to  admit  tliat,  from  the  shore  of  the 
Arabian  Gulf,  tlie  Israelites  turned  to  the  north, 
and  marclied  forty  miles  through  the  desert  in 
order  to  reaili  the  Mediterranean?  The  Journey 
would  have  lasted  several  days;  tliev  would 
liave  Ijcen  obliged  to  puss  in  front  of  the  for- 
tresses of  tlie  north ;  they  would  have  fallen  into 
tlic  way  of  the  land  of  the  Pliilistines,  which 
tliey  were  told  not  to  take;  and,  lastly,  the 
Egyptians,  i.ssiilng  from  Tunis  and  the  northern 
cities,  would  have  easily  intercepted  them.  .  .  . 
All  these  reasons  indue  ,  me  to  give  up  defini- 
tively the  idea  of  the  passage  by  the  north,  and 
to  return  to  the  old  tiieory  of  a  passage  of  the 
Ued  Sea,  but  of  the  Red  Sea  as  h  was  at  that 
time,  extending  a  great  deal  fartiit  r  northward, 
and  not  the  Red  Sea  of  to-day,  wliich  occupies  a 
very  different  position.  The  word  Migdol,  in 
Egyptian,  ...  is  a  common  name.  It  means  a 
fort,  a  tower.  It  is  very  likely  that  in  a  fortified 
region  there  liave  been  several  places  so  called, 
distinguished  from  each  other,  cither  by  the 
name  of  the  king  who  built  them,  or  by  some 
local  circumstance;  just  as  there  are  in  Italy  a 
considerable  number  of  Torre.  I  sliould  there- 
fore, with  M.  Ebers,  place  Migdol  at  the  present 
station  of  the  Serapeum.  There  the  sea  was  not 
wide,  and  the  water  probably  very  shallow;  there 
also  the  phenomenon  which  took  place  on  such  u 
large  scale  when  the  Israelites  went  through 
must  have  been  well  known,  as  it  Is  often  seen 


1897 


JEWS. 


CoKque$t  iif  Canaan, 


.TEWS. 


now  in  other  parts  of  Kjrypt.  Ah  at  this  point 
the  Bca  wiiH  liiilile  to  be  driven  l)iicl<  uniler  tlio 
intliiencc  of  tlie  east  wind,  and  to  leave  ii  dry 
way,  tlie  I'lianiolis  were  oblijced  to  have  tliero  a 
fort,  a  Migdoi,  so  as  to  guard  tliat  part  of  tlie 
Kea,  and  to  pr«ivent  the  Asiatics  of  the  desert 
from  using  this  temporary  gate  to  enter  Kgvpt, 
to  steal  rattle,  and  to  plunder  the  fertile  land 
which  was  round  Pithom."  —  The  same,  The 
KIdirOitji  of  Pithom  niid  tlie  If  mite  of  the  Kroilim 
(K'Hlpt  Krpl.  h\iml,  ISS.^). — "  i.Iodcrn  critics  pre- 
fer an  intelligent  interpretation,  according  to 
known  natural  laws,  of  the  words  of  Exod.  xiv. 
'Jl,  'i'i,  which  lay  stress  upon  the  'east  wind'  as 
the  direct  natural  ogent  by  which  the  sea  bottom 
was  for  the  time  made  dry  land.  .  .  .  The  theory, 
which  dates  from  un  early  period,  that  the  pas- 
sage was  in  some  sense  tidal,  miraculously  aided 
by  the  agency  of  wind,  has  thus  come  to  be  very 
generally  adopted." — II.  8.  Palmer,  Hiiiai  (An- 
cient Hint,  from  the  Monuments),  ch.  C. 

The  conquest  of  Canaan. — "The  first  essay 
[west  of  Jordan]  was  made  by  Jndah  in  conjunc- 
tion with  Simeon  and  Levi,  but  was  far  from 
])rosperou8.  Simeon  and  Levi  were  annihilated ; 
Judah  also,  though  successful  in  mastering  the 
mountain  laud  to  the  west  of  the  Dead  Sea,  was 
Bo  only  at  the  cost  of  severe  losses  which  were 
not  again  made  up  until  the  accession  of  the 
Kenite  families  of  the  south  (Caleb).  As  a  con- 
geiiuence  of  the  secession  of  these  tribes,  a  new 
division  of  the  nation  into  Israel  and  Judah  took 
thephice  of  that  .vhich  had  previously  subsisted 
between  the  families  of  Leah  and  liachel ;  under 
Israel  were  included  all  the  tribes  except  Simeon, 
Levi,  and  Judah,  which  tlireo  are  no  longer  mec- 
tioned  in  Judg.  v.,  where  all  the  others  are  care- 
fully and  exhaustively  enumerated.  This  half- 
ubortive  first  invasion  of  the  west  was  followed  by 
a  second,  which  was  stronger  and  attended  with 
much  better  results.  It  was  led  by  the  tribe  of 
Joseph,  to  which  the  others  attached  themselves, 
Ueuben  and  Gad  only  remaining  behind  in  the 
(>'..!  settlements.  The  district  to  the  north  of 
Judah,  inhabited  afterwards  by  Benjamin,  was 
the  first  to  be  attacked.  It  was  not  until  after 
Bcveral  towns  of  this  district  had  one  by  one 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  conquerors  that  the 
Canaanites  set  about  a  tmited  resistance.  They 
were,  however,  decisively  repulsed  by  Joshua  in 
the  ncighbourliood  of  Gibeon  [or  Beth-boron] ; 
and  by  this  victory  the  Israelites  became  masters 
of  the  whole  central  plateau  .,i  Palestine.  The 
first  camp,  at  Qilgal,  near  the  ford  of  Jordan, 
which  had  been  maintained  until  then,  was  now 
removed,  and  the  ark  of  Jehovah  brought  further 
Inland  (perhaps  1)y  way  of  Bethel)  to  Shiloh, 
where  hcnceforwards  the  headquarters  were 
fixed,  in  a  position  which  seemed  as  if  it  had 
been  expressly  made  to  favour  attacks  upon  the 
fertile  tract  lying  beneath  it  on  the  north.  The 
Bne  Rachel  now  occupied  the  new  territory 
which  up  to  that  time  had  been  ac(iuired  — 
Benjamin,  in  immediate  contiguity  with  the 
frontier  of  Judah,  then  E]jliraira,  stretching  to 
beyond  Shiloh,  and  lastly  JIanassch,  furthest  to 
the  north,  as  far  as  to  the  plain  of  Jezieel.  The 
centre  of  gravity,  so  to  speak,  already  lay  in 
Ephraim,  to  which  belonged  Joshua  and  the  ark. 
It  is  mentioned  as  the  last  achievement  of  Joshua 
that  at  the  waters  of  Merom  he  defeated  Jabin, 
king  of  Ilazor,  and  the  allied  princes  of  Galilee, 
thereby  opening  up  the  north  lor  loraelitisli  set- 


tlers. .  .  .  Even  after  the  imited  resistance  of 
t\u:  Canaanites  had  been  broken,  each  individual 
community  bad  still  enough  to  do  before  it  could 
take  firm  bold  of  the  spot  which  it  had  searched 
out  for  it.self  or  to  wliich  it  had  been  as.signed. 
The  business  of  efTecting  permanent  settlement 
was  just  a  continuation  of  tlie  former  struggle, 
only  on  !•  diminislied  scale;  every  tribe  and  every 
family  now  fought  for  its  own  hand  after  the 
prelimiimry  work  had  been  areomplished  by  a 
united  elTort.  Naturally,  therefore,  the  con(iuest 
was  at  first  but  an  meoinpletc  (me.  The  jihiin 
which  fringed  the  (mast  was  hardly  touched ;  so 
also  the  valley  of  Je/.reel  with  its  girdle  of  forti- 
fied cities  stretching  from  Acco  to  Betlishean. 
All  that  was  subdued  in  the  strict  sense  of  that 
word  was  the  mountainous  land,  particularly  the 
southern  hill-countrj'  of  '  Jlount  Ephraim';  yet 
even  here  the  Canaanites  retained  possession  of 
not  a  few  cities,  suchas  Jebus,  Sh.chem,  Tbebez. 
It  was  only  after  the  lap.v'  of  centuries  that  all 
the  lacuna:  were  filled  up,  and  the  Canaanitc  en- 
claves made  tributary.  The  Israelites  had  the 
extraordinarily  disintegrated  state  of  the  enemy 
to  thank  for  the  rase  with  which  they  had 
achieved  success." — J.  Welllmusen,  Sketch,  of  the 
Jlist.  of  hrael  andJudah,  ch.  2. — "Remnants  of 
the  Canaanites  remained  everywhere  among  and 
between  the  Israelites.  Beside  the  Benjamitcs 
the  Jebusites  (a  tribe  of  the  Amorites)  maintained 
themselves,  and  at  Gibeon,  Kirjathjearim,  Clie- 
phirah,  and  Beeroth  were  the  Ilivites,  who 
had  made  peace  with  the  Israelites.  Ii^  the 
iand  of  Epliraim,  the  Canaanites  held  Their 
ground  at  Geser  und  Bethel,  until  the  latter  -  it 
was  an  important  city  —  was  .stormed  by  the 
Ephraimites.  Among  the  tribe  of  Mana.sseb  the 
Canaanites  were  settled  at  Beth  Siiean,  Dan, 
Taanach,  Jibleam,  Megiddo  and  t'leir  districts, 
and  in  the  northern  tribes  the  Canaanites  were 
still  more  numerous.  It  was  not  till  long  after 
the  immigration  of  the  Hebrews  that  they  were 
made  in  part  tributary.  The  land  of  the  Israel-  / 
ites  beyond  the  Jordan,  where  the  tribe  of  >Ia-  ^ 
nasseh  possessed  the  north.  Gad  the  centre,  and 
Reuben  the  south  as  far  as  the  Anion,  was  ex- 
posed to  the  attacks  of  the  Ammonites  and 
Moabites,  nn.l  the  migratory  tribes  of  the  Syrian 
desert,  and  must  have  had  the  greater  attraction 
for  them,  as  better  pastures  were  to  be  found  in 
the  heights  of  Gilead,  and  the  valleys  there  were 
more  fruitful.  To  the  west  only  the  tribe  of 
Ephraim  reached  the  sea,  and  became  master  of 
a  harbourless  strip  of  coast.  The  remaining 
part  of  the  coast  and  all  the  harboure  remained 
in  the  bands  of  the  powerful  cities  of  the  Philis- 
tines and  the  Phenicians.  No  attempt  was  made 
to  con(iuer  these,  although  border-conflicts  took 
place  between  the  tribes  of  Judah,  Dan,  and 
Ashcr,  and  Philistines  and  Sidonians.  Such  an 
attempt  could  only  have  been  made  if  the  Israel- 
ites had  remained  united,  and  even  then  the 
powers  of  the  Israelites  would  hardly  have  suf- 
ficed to  overthrow  the  walls  of  Gaza,  Ascalon, 
and  Ashdod,  of  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Byblus.  Yet 
the  invasion  of  the  Israelites  was  not  without  re- 
sults for  the  cities  of  the  coast:  it  forced  a  largo 
part  of  the  population  to  assemble  in  them,  and 
we  shall  see  .  .  .  how  rapid  and  powerful  is  the 
growth  of  the  strength  and  importance  of  Tyre  in 
the  time  immediately  following  the  incursion  of 
the  Israelites,  1.  e. ,  immediately  after  the  middle  of 
the  thirteenth  century.    As  the  population  and  in 


1898 


.JEWS. 


VniJer  the  Jiuljjrt. 


JEWS. 


consequence  the  power  of  the  cities  on  the  const 
imTciiseil,  owing  to  llie  collection  of  the  ancient 
populntion  on  the  shore  of  the  sen,  those  cities 
becnme  nil  the  niorednnjrerous  neifjhbonrs  for  the 
Israelites.  It  was  n  misfortune  for  tlie  new  ter- 
ritory which  tlie  Ismelites  luid  won  by  the  sword 
tlint  it  wns  without  the  protection  of  natural 
boundaries  on  the  north  and  east,  that  the  cities 
of  tlie  I'hilistines  nnd  Phenicians  barrc'd  it  towards 
the  sea,  and  in  the  interior  remnants  of  the 
Canaanites  still  maintained  their  place.  Yet  it 
was  a  far  more  serious  danger  for  the  immigrants 
that  they  were  witliout  unity,  connection,  or 
guidance,  for  they  liad  already  given  up  tlicst^ 
before  the  conflict  was  ended.  Undoubtedly  a 
vigorous  lendership  in  tlie  war  of  conquest 
against  the  Canonnitcs  might  linvc  cstublislied  n 
military  monarchy  whicli  would  have  provided 
better  for  the  mnintcnnnce  of  the  borders  and  the 
security  of  the  land  than  was  done  in  its  absence. 
But  the  isolated  defence  mode  by  the  Cannanites 
permitted  tlie  attaclting  party  also  to  isolate 
themselves.  The  new  masters  of  the  land  lived, 
lilte  the  Canaanites  before  and  among  them,  in 
separate  cantons;  the  mountain  land  whicli  they 
possessed  was  much  broken  up,  and  witliout  any 
natural  centre,  and  thougli  there  were  dangerous 
nciglibours,  there  wns  no  single  concentrated  ag- 
gressive power  in  the  neighbourhood,  now  tlint 
Egypt  remained  in  her  borders.  The  cities  of 
the  Philistines  formed  a  federation  men'ly, 
though  a  federation  far  more  strongly  organised 
than  the  tribes  of  the  Israelites.  Under  these 
circumstances  political  unity  was  not  an  ininie- 
diately  pressing  (piestiou  among  tlie  Israelites." 
—  M.  "ihincker,  llist.  of  Antiquity,  bk.  3,  eh.  11 

(''.  1). 

Also  in:  II.  Ewald,  Hiit.  of  Israel,  hk.  3,  iieet. 
2,  C. 

Israel  under  the  Judges. — The  wars  of  the 
Period. —  Conquest  of  Gilead  and  Bashan. — 
Founding  of  the  kingdom. — "Tlie  olllce  whicli 
gives  its  name  to  the  period  [between  tlie  death 
of  Joshua  nnd  tlie  rise  of  Samuel]  well  describes 
it.  It  was  occasional,  irregular,  uncertnin,  yet 
gradually  tending  to  tlxeduess  nnd  perpetuity. 
Its  title  is  itself  expressive.  The  Uuler  was  not 
regal,  but  he  was  more  tlinn  the  mere  head  of  a 
tribe,  or  the  mere  judge  of  special  cases.  We 
have  t;.  seek  for  tlie  origin  of  the  name,  not 
amongst  the  Sheykhs  of  the  Arabian  desert,  hut 
amongst  tlie  civilised  settlements  of  Plueni- 
cia.  'Shophet,'  '  Shophetim,'  tlio  Hebrew  word 
which  we  translate  'Judge,' is  tlie  same  ns  wt 
find  in  the  'Suffes,'  'Suffetes,'  of  the  Cartha- 
ginian rulers  at  the  time  of  tlie  Punic  wars.  As 
afterwards  tlic  office  of  '  king '  was  taken  from 
the  nations  round  about,  so  now,  if  not  the  office, 
at  least  the  name  of  '  j  udge '  or  '  sliophot '  seems  to 
have beendrawn  from  the  Cannnnitisli  cities,  with 
which  for  the  first  time  Israel  came  into  contact. 
.  .  .  Finally  the  two  offices  wli.'ch,  in  tlie  earlier 
years  of  this  period,  hiul  remained  distinct  —  the 
High  Priest  and  the  Judge  —  were  united  in  tlie 
person  of  Eli." —  Dean  Stanley,  I^ot'koii  the  Ilisl. 
of  tlie  Jewish  Church,  lect.  13.  —  "The  first  war 
mentioned  in  the  days  of  the  Judges  is  with  tlie 
Syrians,  at  a  time  when  the  Israelites,  or  a  north- 
ern portion  of  them,  were  held  in  servitude  for 
eight  years  by  a  king  whose  name,  Cushnn-rish- 
athaim,  w'  "",h  may  be  translated  the  '  Most 
Wicked  N.^  ess,'  seems  to  place  him  in  the 
region  of  imaginary  tradition  rather  than  of  his- 


tory. .  .  .  The  next  war  mentioned  was  an  in- 
vasion by  the  Moabitcs,  who,  being  joined  with 
a  body  of  Amnionites  nnd  Amnlnkites,  harassed 
tht^  Israelites  of  the  neighbourliood  of  Giignl 
and  Jericho.  .  .  .  After  a  servitude  of  18 
years  under  the  iMoabit<'s,  Ehud,  a  Benjamite, 
found  an  opportunity  of  stabbing  Eglon,  the 
king  of  Moaii;  and  shortly  afterwards  tlie  Henja- 
niites  were  relieved  liy  a  body  of  tlieir  neighbours 
from  the  hill  country  of  Kphraim.  Tlie  Israelites 
then  defeated  tlie  .Sloaliites,  and  seized  the  fords 
of  the  Jordan  to  stop  tlieir  retreat,  and  slew 
them  all  to  a  man.  While  tliis  war  was  going 
on  on  one  side  of  tlie  land,  the  Philistines  from 
tlie  south  were  liara.ssing  tliose  of  the  Israelites 
who  were  nearest  to  their  country.  .  .  .  Tlu!  his- 
tory tlien  carries  us  back  to  the  nortliern  Israel- 
ites, and  we  hear  of  their  struggle  with  tlie 
Canaaniti'S  of  tlint  part  of  the  country  which 
was  afterwards  called  Galilee.  These  people 
were  under  a  king  named  Jabiii,  wlio  had  900 
chariots  of  iron,  nnd  they  cruelly  oppressed  tlie 
men  of  Naphtali  nnd  Zebulun,  who  were  at  that 
time  tlie  most  northerly  of  tlie  Israelites.  After 
a  suffering  of  20  years,  tlie  two  trilics  of  Zebu- 
lun and  Naphtali,  under  the  leadersliip  of 
IJnrak,  rallied  against  their  oppressors,  and 
called  to  their  help  their  stronger  nciglibours, 
the  men  of  Eplirnim.  The  tribe  of  Ephraim  was 
the  most  settled  portion  of  the  Israelites,  and 
tliey  had  adojited  some  form  of  government, 
while  the  other  tribes  were  stragglers  scattered 
over  the  land,  everv  man  doing  wliat  was  right 
in  ills  own  eyes,  'i'lie  Ephraimites  were  at  that 
time  governed,  or,  in  their  own  language,  judged, 
by  a  brave  woman  of  the  name  of  Deborah,  who 
led  her  followers,  together  witli  some  of  the 
Ik-njiimites,  to  the  assistiince  of  Itiirak,  tlie 
leader  of  Zebulun  and  Naphtali;  and,  at  tlie  foot 
of  Mount  Tabor,  near  the  brook  KislKm,  their 
united  forces  defeated  Sisera.  tlie  general  of  the 
Cnnannites.  Sisera  fled,  nnd  was  murdered  by 
Jael,  a  woman  in  whose  tent  he  liad  sought  for 
refuge.  .  .  .  Tlie  next  war  that  we  are  told  of  is 
an  invasion  by  the  Midianites  and  Anialakites 
nnd  Cliiidren  of  the  Ea.st.  They  crossed  the 
Jordnn  to  attack  the  men  of  Jfnnasseh,  who 
were  at  the  .same  time  struggling  witli  tlie  Anio- 
rites,  tlie  natives  who  rlwelt  amongst  them. 
Gideon,  tlie  leader  of  Manasseh,  called  together 
the  flghting  men  of  his  own  trilie.  together  with 
those  of  Asher,  Zebulun,  nnd  Naphtali.  The 
men  of  Giler.d,  who  lind  come  over  to  help  him, 
seem  to  liave  deserted  him.  Gideon,  however, 
routed  his  enemies,  and  then  he  summoned  the 
Ephraimites  to  guard  the  fords  of  the  Jordan, 
and  to  cut  off  tlie  fugitives.  .  .  .  This  victory  of 
Gideon,  or  Jerubbaal,  ns  he  was  also  named, 
marked  him  out  as  a  man  flt  to  be  the  ruler  of 
Israel,  and  to  save  tliem  from  the  troubles  that 
arose  from  the  want  of  a  single  liead  to  lead 
them  against  Ww  enemies  tliat  surrounded 
them  and  dwelt  among  them.  Acconiingly,  he 
obtained  the  rank  of  cliief  of  all  the  north- 
ern Israelites.  Gideon  liad  dwelt  at  Opiirah, 
in  the  land  of  Manasseh;  but  liis  son  Abiiiie- 
lecli,  wlio  succeeded  him  in  his  high  post, 
was  born  in  Shechem,  in  tlie  land  of  Ephraim, 
and  liad  thus  gained  the  friendsliip  of  some  of 
that  tribe.  Abimelecii  put  to  death  all  but  one 
of  his  brethren,  tlu^  other  sons  of  Gideon,  and 
got  himself  made  king  at  Sliecliem ;  and  he  was 
the  first  who  bore  that  title  among  the  Israelites 


1899 


JEWS. 


Under  the  Judges. 


JEWS. 


Hilt  Ills  thus  violently  seizing  upon  tho  power 
W119  the  ciiuse  of  a  long  civil  war  iH-twecii  Eph- 
riiim  and  Mnrnisseh,  which  ended  in  the  deiitli  of 
the  UHurper  Atiimeltrh,  and  the  truusfer  of  the 
<'hieflain.ship  to  nnotlier  tribe.  Tola,  n  nmn  of 
Lssachar,  was  then  made  Judge,  or  ruler  of  the 
northern  tribes.  .  .  .  After  Tola,  says  the  his- 
torian, Jair  of  Gilead  judged  Israel.  .  .  .  Jair 
and  his  sueeessors  may  liave  nded  in  the  cast  at 
the  same  time  tliat  l)eborah  and  Gideon  and 
tlu'ir.sueces.sors  were  ruling  or  struggling  against 
tiieir  oppressors  in  the  west.  Jephthaof  Oilead 
is  tlic  ne.\t  great  captain  mentioned.  .  .  .  The 
Anunonites,  who  dwelt  in  the  more  desert  coun- 
try to  the  east  of  Gilead,  had  made  a  serious 
inriirsion  on  the  Israelites  on  both  sides  of  the 
Jordan ;  and  the  men  of  Gilead,  in  their  distress, 
sent  for  Jephtlia,  who  was  then  living  at  Tob,  in 
Syria,  whither  he  had  lied  from  a  quarrel  with 
Ills  brethren.  ...  It  seems  that  the  Ammonites 
invaded  Gilead  on  the  plea  that  they  had  pos- 
ses.sed  that  land  before  the  Israelites  arrived  there, 
to  which  Jephtha  answered  that  the  Israelites  had 
dispossessed  the  Amorites  under  Sihon,  king  of 
lleslibon,  and  that  the  Ammonites  had  not  dwelt 
in  that  part  of  the  country.  In  stating  the  argu- 
ment, the  historian  gives  a  history  of  their  ar- 
rival on  the  banks  of  the  Jordan.  On  coming 
out  of  Lower  Egypt,  they  crossed  the  desert  to 
the  Ked  Sea,  and  then  came  to  Kadesh.  From 
thence  they  asked  leave  of  the  Edomites  and 
Moabites  to  pa.ss  through  their  territory;  but, 
being  refusecl,  they  went  round  Moab  till  they 
came  to  the  northern  bank  of  the  river  Amon, 
an  eastorn  ''.ibutary  of  the  Jordan  There  they 
were  attacked  by  Sihon,  king  of  the  Amorites ; 
and  on  defeating  him  they  seized  his  territory, 
which  lay  between  the  Arnon  and  the  Jabbok. 
There  the  Israelites  had  dwelt  quietly  for  300 
years,  without  fighting  against  either  the  Moab- 
ites or  the  Ammonites,  who  were  both  too  strong 
to  be  attacked.  This  is  a  most  interesting  narra- 
tive, both  for  wliat  it  tells  and  for  what  it  omits, 
as  compared  with  tho  longer  narrative  in  the 
Pentateuch.  ...  It  omits  all  mention  of  the 
delivery  of  the  Law,  or  of  the  Ark,  or  of  any 
supernatural  events  as  having  liappened  on  the 
march,  and  of  the  fighting  with  Og,  king  of 
Bashau.  Og,  or  Gog,  as  it  is  spelled  by  other 
writers,  was  the  name  of  the  monarch  whose- 
imaginary  castles,  seen  ui)on  the  mountains  in 
the  distance,  the  traveller  thought  it  not  wise  to 
approach.  They  were  at  t'<e  limits  of  all  geo- 
graphical knowledge.  At  tnis  early  time  this 
fabulous  king  held  Mount  Bashau;  in  Ezekiel's 
time  he  had  retreated  to  the  shores  of  the  Caspian 
Sea ;  and  ten  centuries  later  the  Arabic  travellers 
were  stopped  by  Lim  at  tlie  foot  of  the  Altai 
^Mountains,  in  Central  Asia.  His  withdrawing 
before  the  advance  of  geographical  explorers 
proves  his  unreal  character.  He  is  not  men- 
tioned in  this  earlier  account  of  the  Israelites 
settling  in  the  land  of  the  Amorites;  it  is  only 
in  the  more  motlcrn  narrative  in  the  Book  of 
Numbers  that  he  is  attacked  and  defeated  in  bat- 
tle, and  only  in  the  yet  more  modern  Book  of 
Deuteronomy  that  we  learn  about  his  iron  bed- 
stead of  nine  cubits  in  length."— S.  Sharpe, 
lliat.  of  the  Hebrew  Nation,  pp.  4-9.  —  "At  the 
close  of  the  period  of  the  Judges  the  greater 
part  of  the  Israelites  had  t^uite  lost  their  pastoral 
habits.  They  were  an  agricultural  people  living 
in  cities  and  villages,  and  their  oldest  civil  laws 


are  framed  for  this  kind  of  life.  All  the  new  arts 
which  this  ccmiplete  diange  of  habit  imjjlies  they 
must  have  derived  from  the  Canaauites,  and  as 
tliey  learned  the  ways  of  agricultural  life  they 
could  hardly  fail  to  acquire  many  of  the  charac- 
teristics of  their  teachers.  To  make  the  trans- 
formation complete  only  one  thing  was  lacking 
—  that  Israel  should  also  accept  the  religion  of 
the  aborigines.  The  history  and  the  prophets 
alike  testify  tliat  to  a  great  extent  they  artually 
did  this.  Canaunitc  sanctuaries  became  Hebrew 
holy  places,  and  the  vilencss  of  Canaanite  nature- 
worship  polluted  the  Hebrew  festivals.  For  a 
time  it  seemed  that  Jeliovah,  the  ancestral  God 
of  Israel,  who  brought  their  fathers  up  out  of 
the  house  of  bondage  and  gave  them  their 
goodly  land,  would  be  forgotten  or  transformed 
into  a  Canaanite  Baal.  If  this  change  had  been 
com))leted  Israel  would  have  left  no  name  in  the 
world's  history;  but  Providence  had  otherthings 
in  store  for  the  people  of  Jehovah.  Henceforth 
the  real  significance  of  Israel's  fortunes  lies  in 
the  preservation  and  develo,  ment  of  tho  national 
faith,  and  the  history  of  the  tribes  of  Jacob  is  _ 
rightly  set  forth  in  the  Bible  as  the  history  of  ' 
that  divine  discipline  by  which  Jehovah  main- 
tained a  people  for  Himself  amidst  the  seduc- 
tions of  Canaanite  worship  and  the  ever-new 
backslidings  of  Israel.  ...  In  the  end  Jehovah 
was  still  the  God  of  Israel,  and  had  become  the 
God  of  Israel's  land.  Canaan  was  His  heritage, 
not  the  heritage  of  the  Baalim,  and  the  Canaanite 
worsliip  appears  henceforth,  not  as  a  direct  rival 
to  the  worship  of  Jehovah,  but  as  a  disturbing 
element  corrupting  the  national  faith,  while 
unable  to  supplant  it  alto.'^ether.  Tliis,  of 
course,  in  virtue  of  the  close  connection  between 
religion  and  national  feeling,  mcf.ns  that  Israel 
had  now  ri.sen  above  the  danger  of  absorption  in 
the  Canaanites,  and  felt  itself  to  be  a  nation  in 
the  true  sense  of  the  word.  We  learn  from  the 
books  of  Samuel  how  this  great  advance  was 
ultimately  and  permanently  secured.  The  ear- 
lier wars  recorded  in  the  book  of  Judges  had 
brought  about  no  complete  or  lasting  unity 
among  the  Hebrew  tribes.  But  at  length  a  new 
enemy  arose,  more  formidable  than  any  whom 
they  had  previously  encountered.  Tlic  Philis- 
tines from  Caphtor,  who,  like  the  Israelites,  had 
entered  Canaan  as  emigrants,  but  coming  most 
probably  by  sea  had  displaced  the  aboriginal 
Avvim  m  the  rich  coastlands  beneath  the  moun- 
tains of  Judah  (Deut.  ii.  23;  Amos  ix.  7), 
pressed  into  tho  heart  of  the  country,  and  broke 
the  old  strength  of  Ephraiin  in  the  battle  of 
Ebenezer.  This  victory  cut  the  Hebrew  settle- 
ments in  two,  and  threatened  the  independence 
of  all  the  tribes.  The  common  danger  drew 
Israel  together."  —  AV.  Robertson  Smith,  The 
Prophets  of  Israel,  lect.  1. 

The  Kingdoms  of  Israel  and  Judah. — "  No 
one  appeared  again  in  the  character  at  once  of 
judge  and  warrior,  to  protect  the  people  by  force 
of  arms.  It  was  tlie  Levite  Samuel,  a  prophet 
dedicated  to  God  even  before  his  birth,  who  re- 
called them  to  the  consciousness  of  religious  feel- 
ing. He  succeeded  in  removing  the  emblems  of 
Bi'al  and  Astarte  from  the  heights,  and  in  paving 
the  way  for  renewed  faith  in  Jehovah.  ...  It 
was  the  feeling  of  the  people  that  they  could 
only  carry  on  the  war  upon  the  system  employed 
by  all  their  neighbors.  They  demanded  a  king  — 
a  request  very  iutei'igible  under  existing  circum- 


1900 


JEWS. 


Kingdomi  nf 
Imaet  and  Judali. 


JEWS. 


Stances,  but  onn  ■wliinli  novcrtliplcss  involved  ii 
wide  and  significant  departure  fVoin  tlie  inipuises 
wliicli  had  liillierto  moved  tlie  Jewisli  community 
and  tlie  forms  in  wliicli  it  had  sliaped  itself.  .  .  . 
Tlie  Israelites  demanded  a  king,  not  only  to  go 
before  them  and  tight  their  battles,  but  also  to 
judge  thom.  They  no  longer  looked  for  their 
preservation  to  the  occasional  efforts  of  the  pro- 
J)hetic  order  and  the  ephenieral  existence  of 
lieroic  leaders.  .  .  .  The  argument  by  -which 
Samuel,  as  the  narrative  records,  seeks  to  deter 
the  people  from  their  purpose,  is  that  the  king 
will  encroach  upon  the  freedom  of  private  life 
which  they  have  hitherto  enjoyed,  employing 
tlicir  sons  and  daughters  in  his  service,  whether 
in  the  palace  or  in  war,  exacting  tithes,  taking 
the  best  part  of  the  land  for  himself,  and  regard- 
ing all  as  his  bondsmen.  In  this  freedom  of 
tribal  and  family  life  lay  the  essence  of  the 
Mosaic  constitution.  Rut  the  danger  that  all 
may  be  lost  is  so  pressing  that  the  people  insist 
tipon  their  own  will  in  opposition  to  the  prophet. 
Nevertheless,  without  the  prophet  nothing  can 
be  done,  and  it  is  he  who  selects  from  the  youth 
of  the  country  the  man  who  is  to  enjoy  the  new 
dignity  in  Israel.  ...  At  first  the  proceeding 
had  but  a  doubtful  result.  Many  despised  a 
young  man  sijrung  from  the  smallest  family  of 
the  smallest  tribe  of  Israel,  as  one  who  could 
give  them  no  real  assistance.  In  order  to  make 
effective  the  conception  of  tlie  kingly  oOlco  thus 
assigned  to  him,  it  was  necessary  in  tlie  first 
place  that  he  should  gain  for  himself  a  personal 
reputation.  A  king  of  the  Ammonites,  a  tribe  in 
affinity  to  Israel,  laid  siege  to  Jabesh  in  Gilead, 
and  burdened  the  jjrofFered  surrender  of  the  place 
with  the  condition  that  he  should  i)ut  out  the 
right  eyes  of  the  inhabitants.  .  .  .  Saul,  the  son 
of  Kisli,  a  Henjamite,  designated  by  the  prophet 
as  king,  but  not  as  yet  recognized  as  such,  was 
engaged,  as  Gideon  before  him,  in  his  rustic 
labors,  when  he  learned  the  situation  through  the 
lamentations  of  the  people.  .  .  .  Seized  with  the 
idea  of  his  mission,  Saul  cuts  in  pieces  a  yoke  of 
oxen,  and  sends  the  portions  to  the  twelve  tribes 
with  the  threat,  '  Whosoever  cometli  not  forth 
after  Saul  and  after  Samuel,  so  shall  it  be  done 
unto  his  oxen. "...  Thus  urged,  .  .  .  Israel 
combines  like  one  man;  Jabesh  is  rescued  and 
Saul  acknowledged  as  king.  .  .  .  With  the  rec- 
ognition of  the  king,  however,  and  the  progress 
of  his  good-fortune,  a  new  and  disturbing  ele- 
ment appears.  A  contest  breaks  out  between 
him  and  the  prophet,  in  which  we  recognize  not 
so  much  opposition  as  jealousy  between  the  two 
powers.  ...  On  the  one  side  was  the  indepen- 
<lent  power  of  monarchy,  wliich  looks  to  the  re- 
quirements of  the  moment,  on  the  other  the 
l)rophet's  tenacious  and  unreserved  adherence  to 
tradition.  .  .  .  The  relations  between  the  tribes 
have  also  some  bearing  on  the  question.  Hitherto 
Epliraim  had  lei'  the  van,  and  jeivlously  insisted 
on  itr  ,,ici>,o-  -'ve.  Saul  was  of  Benjamin,  a 
tribe  nearly  related  to  Epliraim  by  descent.  He 
had  made  the  men  of  his  own  tribe  cajitains,  and 
had  given  them  vineyards.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  prophet  chose  Saul's  successor  from  the  tribe 
of  Judali.  This  successor  was  David,  the  son  of 
Je.s.sc.  ...  In  the  opposition  which  now  begins 
we  have  on  the  one  side  the  i)ropliet  and  his 
anointed,  who  aim  at  maintaining  the  religious 
authority  in  all  its  aspects,  on  the  other  the 
champion  and  deliverer  of  the  nation,  who,  aban- 


doned by  the  faithful,  turns  foraiil  to  the  powers 
of  darkness  and  seeks  knowledge  of  the  future 
through  witchcraft.  Saul  is  the  first  tragic  per- 
sonage in  the  history  of  the  world.  David  took 
refuge  with  the  Philistines.  Among  them  ho 
lived  as  an  independent  military  chieftain,  and 
was  joined  not  only  by  opponents  of  the  king, 
but  by  others,  ready  for  any  service,  or,  in  the 
language  of  the  original,  'men  armed  with  bows, 
who  could  use  both  the  right  hand  and  the  left 
in  hurling  stones  and  shooting  arrows  out  of  a 
bow.' ...  In  any  serious  war  against  the  Israel- 
ites, such  as  actually  broke  out,  the  Sariin  of 
tlio  Philistines  would  not  have  tolerated  him 
amongst  them.  David  preferred  to  engage  in  a 
second  attack  upon  the  Anmlekites,  the  common 
enemy  of  Philistines  and  Jews.  At  this  juncture 
Israel  was  defeated  by  the  Philistines.  The 
king's  sons  were  slain;  Saul,  in  danger  of  falling 
into  the  enemy's  hands,  slew  himself.  Mean- 
while David  with  his  freebooters  had  defeated 
the  Amalekites,  and  torn  from  their  grasp  the 
spoil  they  had  accumulated,  which  was  now  dis- 
tributed in  Judali.  Soon  after,  the  death  of  Saul 
is  announced.  .  .  .  David,  conscious  of  being 
the  rightful  successor  of  Saul  —  f(>r  on  him  too, 
long  ere  this,  the  unction  had  been  bestowed  — 
betook  himself  to  Hebron,  the  seat  of  the  ancient 
Canaanitish  kings,  which  had  subsequently  been 
given  up  to  the  priests  and  made  o  :  of  the  cities 
of  refuge.  It  was  in  the  province  of  Judah; 
and  there,  the  tribe  of  Judah  a.ssisting  at  the 
ceremony,  D  wid  was  once  more  anointed.  This 
tribe  alone,  lowever,  acknowledgeil  him;  the 
others,  esi)ecially  Epliraim  and  Benjamin,  at- 
tached themselves  to  Ishboslicth,  the  surviving 
son  of  Saul.  .  .  .  The  first  passage  of  arms  be- 
tween the  two  hosts  took  place  between  twelve 
of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  and  twelve  of  David's 
men-at-arms.  It  led,  however,  to  no  result;  it 
was  a  mutual  slaughter,  so  complete  as  to  leave 
no  survivor.  But  in  the  mare  serious  struggle 
which  succeeded  this  the  troops  of  David,  trained 
as  tliey  were  in  warlike  undertakings  of  great 
daring  as  well  as  variety,  won  the  victory  over 
Islibosheth;  and  as  the  unanointed  king  could 
not  rely  upon  the  complete  obedience  of  his  coin- 
m.inder-in-chief,  who  considered  himself  as  im- 
portant as  his  master,  David,  step  by  step,  won 
the  upper  hand.  .  .  .  The  Benjamites  had  been 
the  heart  and  soul  of  the  opjiosition  which  David 
experiencecf.  Nevertheless,  the  first  acti(m  which 
he  undertook  as  acknowledged  king  of  all  the 
tribes  redounded  specially  to  their  advantage, 
wliilst  it  was  at  the  same  time  a  task  of  the 
utmost  importance  for  the  whole  Israelitish  com- 
monwealth. Although  Joshua  liad  conquered 
the  Amorites,  one  of  their  strongholds,  Jebiis, 
still  remained  unsubdued,  and  the  Beujamites 
had  exerted  all  their  strength  against  it  in  vain. 
It  was  to  tills  point  that  David  next  directed  his 
victorious  arms.  Having  conquered  the  place, 
he  transferred  the  seat  of  his  .kingdom  tliither 
without  delay  [see  Jerusai-em].  This  seat  is 
Jerusalem ;  the  word  Zioii  has  the  same  meaning 
as  Jebus. " — L.  von  Ranke,  Un.itxri>al  History  : 
The  Oldest  Historical  Oroups  of  Kations,  ch.  3. — 
"  After  Saul's  death  it  was  at  first  onlj'  in  Judah, 
where  David  maintained  his  government,  that  a 
new  Kingdom  of  Israel  could  bo  established  at 
all,  so  disastrous  were  tlie  consequences  of  the 
great  Philistine  victory.  The  Philistines,  who 
must  have  already  conquered  the  central  terri- 


1901 


JEWS. 


Dand 
and  Sohimon. 


JEWS. 


tory,  iii'W  (.ccupicd  tlmt  to  the  iiorlli,  also,  wliilr' 
tlic  iiilmliilants  of  the  cities  of  flie  prent  pliiin  of 
.le/ree)  iiiiil  of  the  western  t)ank  of  tlie  Jordan, 
lied,  we  are  very  distinrtlv  informed,  aeross  the 
river."— II.  Kwidd,  /lint. 'of  hriitl.  hh:  8,— Hut 
Aimer,  tho  stronj;  warrior  and  tlie  faitliful  l<ins- 
inan  of  fSaid's  family,  took  Isliljoslietli,  tlie  oldest 
Kiirvivini;  son  of  hi.s  dead  king,  and  throned  him 
in  the  eityof  .Malmnaini,  heyond  the  Jordan,  pro- 
<('edinjr  jiradnally  to  gather  n  kingdom  for  him 
tiy  reeonciuest  from  the  Philistines.  Thus  tlic 
Israelite  nation  was  first  divided  into  tin;  two 
kingdoms  of  Israel  and  Jndnh,  and  then^  was 
liitter  war  between  them.  Hut  tluit  first  division 
was  not  to  endure  long.  Al)ner  and  Ishboslieth 
fell  vietinis  to  treachery,  and  the  tribes  which 
had  held  by  them  offered  allegiance  to  David, 
who  then  became  king  over  "all  Israel  and 
Judah."  Ily  the  conquest  of  the  city  of  Jcbiis 
from  its  Canaanite  founders  and  possessors,  he 
acquired  a  new,  impregnable  capital,  which, 
under  the  name  of  Jerusalem,  grew  to  be  the 
most  reverently  looked  upon  of  all  tlie  cities  of 
the  world.  "  History  has  been  completely  dis- 
torted in  representing  David  as  tlie  head  of  a 
powerful  kingdom,  whicli  embraced  nearly  tlu^ 
whole  of  Syria.  David  was  king  of  Judah  and 
of  Israel,  and  that  was  all ;  the  neighboring 
peoples,  Hebrews,  Canaanitcs,  Arameans  ancl 
Philistines,  as  far  a.s  ^lahiil  Ilermon  and  the 
desert,  were  sternly  subjected,  and  were  more  or 
less  its  tributaries.  In  reality,  with  the  excep- 
tion, perhaps,  of  the  small  town  of  Ziklag,  David 
did  not  annex  any  non-Israelite  country  to  the 
domain  of  Israel.  *rhe  Philistines,  the  Edomites, 
tilt'  Moabites,  the  Ammonites,  and  the  Arameans 
of  Zoba,  of  Damascus,  of  Kehol)  and  of  Maacah 
■were,  after  his  day,  very  much  what  they  were 
iK'fore,  only  a  little  weaker.  Conquest  was  not 
u  characteristic  of  Israel;  the  taking  possession 
of  the  Canaanite  lands  was  an  act  of  a  difTereiit 
order,  and  it  came  to  be  more  and  more  regarded 
as  the  execution  of  a  decree  of  lahvch.  As  this 
decree  did  not  cxtx^nd  to  the  lands  of  Edoni,  of 
Moab,  of  Amnion  and  of  Aram,  the  Israelites 
deemed  themselves  justified  in  treating  the 
Edomites,  the  Moabites,  tlie  Ammonites  and  the 
Arameans  with  the  utmost  severity,  in  carrying 
off  their  precious  stones  and  objects  of  priced  but 
not  in  taking  their  land,  or  in  changing  their 
dynastj'.  None  of  the  methods  employed  by 
great  empires  such  as  Assyria  was  known  to 
tliese  small  peoples,  which  had  scarcely  got  be- 
yond the  status  of  tribes.  They  were  as  cruel  as 
Assur,  but  much  less  politic  and  less  capable  of 
a  general  jilan.  The  impression  produced  by 
the  appearance  of  tliis  new  rfiyalty  was  none  the 
less  extraordinary.  The  halo  of  glory  which 
enveloped  David  remained  like  a  star  upon  the 
forehead  of  Israel."— E.  Renan.  Ilint.of  the  People 
of  Israel,  hk.  3,  ch.  4  (r.  2). —  David  died  about 
1000  U.  v.  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Solo- 
mcm,  whose  mother,  Batlisheba,  secured  the 
throne  for  him  by  intrigue.  "Solomcm  was  a 
younger  son,  to  whom  tlie  throne  had  been  allotted 
contrary  to  ordinary  laws  of  succession,  wliilst 
Adonijah,  whom  a  portion  of  the  people  had 
recognised  as  kin'  .  was  considered  the  rightful 
heir.  So  long  as  tlie  latter  lived,  Solomon's  gov- 
ernment could  not  bo  on  a  firm  liasis,  and  he 
<'ould  never  feel  himself  secure.  Adonijah  had 
therefore  to  be  removed;  the  leader  of  the  body 
guard,  Bcnoiuh,  forcibly  entered  his  house  and 


killed  him.  As  an  excuse  for  tin's  act  of  violence, 
it  was  asserted  tliat  Adonijah  had  attempted  to 
win  the  hand  of  Abisliag,  the  young  widow  of 
David,  and  thus  had  reveale<l  his  traitorous  in- 
tention of  contesting  the  throne  with  his  brother. 
No  sooner  had  he  fallen  than  Joab,  the  former 
adherent  of  Adonijah,  feared  that  a  similar  fate 
would  overtake  Iiini.  Tliis  exemplary  genenil, 
who  had  contriliuted  so  considerably  to  tlio 
aggrandisement  of  the  people  of  Israel  and  to  the 
power  of  the  lumsc  of  D;>vid,  Jied  to  the  altar  on 
ftlount  Zion,  and  clung  to  it,  hoping  to  escape 
death,  lienaiali,  however,  refused  to  respect  his 
place  of  refuge,  and  shed  his  i,'(K)d  at  the  altar. 
In  order  to  excuse  this  crime,  it  was  circulated 
that  David  himself,  ou  his  death-bed,  had  im- 
jiressed  on  his  successor  the  duty  of  preventing 
Joab's  grey  head  from  sinking  ir  peace  to  its  last 

rest Adonijah's  priestly  pa  -tisan,  Abiathar, 

whom  Solomon  did  not  dare  to  toucli,  was  de- 
prived of  his  office  as  liigli  priest,  and  Zadok  was 
mi.de  the  sole  liead  of  the  priesthood.  Ilis  de- 
scendants were  invested  witli  the  dignity  of  high 
priest  for  over  a  thousand  years,  wliilst  the  off- 
spring of  Abiathar  were  neglected.  The  Ben- 
jamite  Shimei,  who  had  attiickcd  Dovid  with 
execrations  on  his  lliglit  from  Jerusalem,  was 
also  executed,  and  it  was  only  through  this  three- 
fold deed  of  blood  that  Solomon's  throne  ap- 
peared to  gain  stability.  Solomon  then  directed 
liis  attention  to  the  formation  of  a  court  of  the 
greatest  magnificence." — II.  Graetz,  llUt.  of  the 
Jeim,  V.  1,  ch.  9. — "The  main  characteristic  of 
Solomon's  reign  was  peace.  The  Philistines, 
allies  of  the  new  dynasty,  and  given  profitable 
employment  by  it  as  mercenaries,  were  no  longer 
tempted  to  cross  tlie  frontier.  .  .  .  The  decay  of 
military  strength  was  only  fcit  in  tlie  zone  of 
countries  wliicli  were  tributary  to  the  kingdom, 
lladad,  or  Iladar,  the  Ed<miite,  who  had  been 
defeated  by  Joab  and  had  taken  refuge  in  f^gviit, 
having  heard  of  David's  death,  and  that  of  .foab 
as  well,  left  Pharaoh,  whose  Eister-in-luw  he  had 
married.  We  have  no  details  o^  this  war.  .  .  . 
We  only  know  that  Iladad  brave  ael  through- 
out the  whole  of  Solomon's  reig  .hat  he  did  it 
all  the  injury  he  could,  and  tin.  lie  was  an  in- 
dependent ruler  over  a  great  part  at  all  events  of 
Edom.  A  still  more  formidable  adversary  w-.s 
Hezon,  son  of  Eliadah,  an  Arameaii  warrior  wlio, 
after  the  defeat  of  his  lord,  Iladade/.cr,  king  of 
Zo'iali,  lia<l  assembled  about  him  tliose  who  had 
ficil  liefore  the  sword  of  David.  ...  A  lucky 
'  coup-de-inain '  placed  the  city  of  Damascus  at 
their  mercy,  and  tliey  succeeded  in  maintaining 
themselves  there.  During  the  whole  of  Solo- 
mon's reign  Rezon  continued  to  make  war  against 
Israel.  The  kingdom  of  Zobali  does  not  appear, 
however,  to  have  lieen  reestablished.  Damascus 
lieeame  henceforth  the  centre  and  capital  of  that 
liart  of  Aramea  whicli  adjoined  Mount  Ilermon. 
David's  horizon  never  extended  beyond  Syria. 
With  Solomon,  fresh  perspectives  opened  up  for 
the  Israelites,  especially  for  Jerusalem.  Israel 
is  no  longer  a  group  of  tribes,  continuing  to  lead 
in  Its  mountains  the  patriarchal  life  of  tlie  past. 
It  is  a  well-organisecl  kingdom,  small  according 
to  our  ideas,  but  rather  large  judged  by  the 
standard  of  the  day.  The  worldly  life  of  the 
people  of  lahveh  is  aliout  to  begin.  If  Israel 
had  no  other  life  but  that  it  would  not  Ii..ve 
found  a  place  in  history.  .  .  .  An  alliance  with 
Egypt  was  the  first   step    in    that   career   of 


1902 


JEWS. 


Divinion  of  th** 
Kingdoms. 


JEWS. 


profane  politics  wliioli  the  prophets  nftcrwanls 
tnterliinlt'd  with  so  m\ich  tlmt  was  impossible. 
.  .  .  Till!  Iiinj;  of  Egypt  gave  Qezor  as  a  dowry 
to  his  (laiigliter,  and  married  her  to  Holomoii. 
...  It  is  not  too  much  to  suppose  that  the  tastes 
of  this  princess  for  refined  luxurv  had  a  great 
influence  upon  the  mind  of  her  fiushand.  .  .  . 
Tlie  relations  of  Solomon  witli  Tyre  exercised  a 
still  more  civilising  influence.  Tyre,  recently 
separated  from  Bidon,  was  then  at  the  xenith  of 
its  activity,  and,  so  to  speak,  in  the  full  fire  of 
its  first  foundation.  A  dynasty  of  liings  named 
Ilirum,  or  rather  Ahiram,  was  at  the  head  of  this 
movement.  Tlie  island  was  covered  with  con- 
structions imitated  from  Egypt.  .  .  .  Iliram  is 
the  close  allv  of  the  king  of  Israel;  it  is  he  who 
provides  Solomon  with  the  artists  wlio  were  lack- 
ing at  Jerusalem;  the  precious  materials  for  the 
buildings  in  Zion ;  seamen  for  the  fleat  of  Ezion- 
geber.  The  region  of  tlio  upper  Jordan,  con- 
quered by  David,  appears  to  have  renuiined 
tributary  to  Solomon.  What  has  been  related  as 
to  a  much  larger  extension  of  tlie  kingdom  of 
Solomon  is  greatly  exaggerated.  .  .  .  Tlie  fables 
us  to  the  jiretenued  foundation  of  Palmyra  by 
Solomon  come  from  a  letter  intentionally  added 
to  the  text  of  the  ancient  liistoriograplier  by  tlie 
compiler  of  the  Chronicles.  The  construction  of 
Baalbec  by  Solomon  rests  upon  a  still  more  inad- 
missible ])iece  of  identification.  ...  In  reality, 
the  dominion  of  Solomon  was  confined  to  Pales- 
tine. .  .  .  What  was  better  than  peoples  kejit 
under  by  force,  the  Arab  brigands  were  held  m 
check  from  pillage.  The  Amalekites,  the  Midi- 
anites,  the  Beiii-Quedem  and  other  nomads  were 
confronted  witli  an  impassable  barrier  all  around 
Israel.  The  Philistines  preserved  their  indepen- 
dence. .  .  .  When  it  is  surmised  that  Solomon 
reigned  over  all  Syria,  thi;  size  of  his  kingdom  is 
exaggeroted  at  least  fourfold.  Solomon's  king- 
dom was  barely  a  fourth  of  what  is  now  called 
Syria.  .  .  .  Solomon  .  .  .  built  '  cities  of  store, ' 
or  warehouses,  the  commercial  or  military  object 
of  which  cannot  well  be  defined.  There  was, 
more  especially,  a  place  named  Tamar,  in  the 
direction  of  Petra,  of  wliicli  Solomon  made  a 
city,  and  which  became  a  calling-place  for  the 
caravans.  .  .  .  With  very  good  reason,  too.  Solo 
mon  had  his  attention  constautlv  fixed  upon  the 
Ked  Sea,  a  broad  canal  which  placed  the  dawn- 
ing civilisation  of  the  Mediterranean  in  com- 
munication with  India,  and  tlius  opened  up  a 
new  world,  that  of  Ophir.  The  Bay  of  Suez  be- 
longed to  Egypt,  but  the  Gulf  of  Akaba  was, 
one  may  say,  at  the  mercj^  of  any  one  who  care(l 
to  take  it.  Elath  and  Asiongabcr,  according  to 
all  appearances,  had  been  of  very  little  impor- 
tance in  earlier  times.  Without  regularly  oc- 
cupying the  country,  Solomon  secured  the  "route 
by  the  Valley  of  Araba.  He  built  a  fleet  at 
Asiongabcr,  tliough  the  Israelites  had  never 
much  liking  for  the  sea.  Hiram  provided  Solo- 
mon witli  sailors,  or,  what  is  more  probable,  the 
two  fleets  acted  together.  On  lea'  mg  the  Straits 
of  Aden,  they  went  to  Ophir,  that  is  to  say,  to 
Western  India,  to  Guzarate,  or  to  the  coast  of 
Malabar." — E.  Rcnan,  Ilut.  of  the  People  of  Israel, 
bk.  3,  ch.  10  (p.  2). —  The  government  of  Solomon 
was  extravagant  and  despotic;  it  imposed  bur- 
dens upon  the  people  which  were  borne  impa- 
tiently until  his  deatli ;  and  when  his  son  Relio- 
boam  refused  to  lessen  them,  the  nation  was 
instantly  broken  again  on  tlie  lines  of  the  earlier 


rupture.  The  two  tribes  of  Judali  and  Bcnja- 
miu,  only,  remained  faitliful  to  the  house  of 
David  and  constituted  the  kingdom  of  Judah. 
The  other  ten  tribes  made  .'eroboam  their  king 
and  retained  the  name  of  jsrael  for  their  king- 
dom. The  period  of  tliis  divisicm  is  flxed  ut  i)78 
B.  (!.  Jerusalem  continued  to  be  the  capital  of 
the  kingdom  of  Judah.  In  the  kingdom  of  Israel 
several  changes  of  royal  residence  occurred  dur- 
ing the  first  half  century,  until  Samaria  was 
founded  by  King  Omri  and  thenceforth  became 
the  ('apitai  city.  "Six  miles  from  ShcclKun,  .'.i 
the  same  well-watercil  valley,  here  opening  into 
a  wide  basin,  rises  an  oblong  hill,  with  steep  yi't 
accessible  sides,  and  a  long  level  top.  This  was 
the  mountain  of  Samaria,  or,  as  it  is  called  in  tlic 
original,  Sli6meron,  so  named  after  its  owner 
Sliemer,  who  there  lived  in  ?  .ite,  and  who  sold 
it  to  tile  King  for  the  great  im  of  two  talents 
of  silver." — Dean  Stanley,  L^^-liires  on  the.  Hint, 
of  the  Jewinh  Church,  led.  30-30  (v.  2).—  For  two 
centuries,  until  the  overthrow  of  the  kingdom, 
Samaria  continued  to  be  the  queen  of  tlie  land, 
and  the  seat  of  government,  often  giving  ita 
name  to  the  whole  state,  so  that  the  kings  were 
called  "  Kings  of  Samaria."  "  Under  the  dynas- 
ties of  Omri  and  Jehu  [10th-8tli  centuries,  IJ.  V.] 
tlie  Northern  Kingd<mi  took  the  leading  part  in 
Israel;  even  to  the  Judican  Amos  it  was  Israel 
'par  excellence.'  Judah  was  not  only  inferior 
in  political  power,  but  in  the  share  it  took  in  tlie 
active  movements  of  national  life  and  thouglit. 
In  tracing  the  history  of  religion  and  the  work 
of  the  prophets,  we  have  been  almo.st  exclusively 
oecuiiied  with  the  North;  Amos  liimseif,  when 
charged  with  a  message  to  the  wliole  family  that 
Jehovah  brought  up  out  of  Egypt,  leaves  liis 
home  to  preach  in  a  Northern  sanctuary.  Dur- 
ing tills  whole  period  we  have  a  much  fuller 
knowledge  of  tlifi  life  of  Ephraim  than  of  Judah ; 
the  Judnjan  histjry  consists  of  meagre  extracts 
from  official  records,  except  where  it  conies  into 
contact  with  tlie  North,  through  the  alliance  ol 
Jehoslmphat  with  Aliab;  through  tlie  reaction  of 
Jehu's  revolution  in  the  fall  of  Atlmliali,  the  last 
scion  of  the  hous<  of  Aliab,  and  the  accompany- 
ing abolition  of  Baal  worship  at  Jerusalem,  or, 
finally,  through  the  i)resumptuous  attempt  of 
Amaziah  to  measure  his  strength  with  the  power- 
ful monarch  of  Samaria.  While  the  liouse  of 
Ephraim  was  engaged  in  the  great  war  with 
Syria,  Judah  had  seldom  to  deal  with  enemies 
more  formidable  than  the  Philistines  or  the 
Edomites;  and  the  contest  with  these  foes,  re- 
newed with  varying  success  generation  after 
generation,  resolved  itself  into  a  succession  of 
forays  and  blood-feuds  such  as  have  always  been 
common  in  tlie  lands  of  the  Semites  (Amos  i.), 
and  never  assumed  tlie  character  of  a  struggle 
for  national  existence.  It  was  the  Norfhcrn 
Kingdom  that  had  the  task  of  upholding  the 
standard  of  Israel:  its  whole  history  presents 
greater  interest  and  more  heroic  elements;  its 
struggles,  its  calamities,  and  its  glories  were  cast 
in  a  larger  mould.  It  is  a  trite  proverb  that  the 
nation  which  has  no  history  is  happy,  and  per- 
haps the  course  of  Judah's  existence  ran  more 
smoothly  than  that  of  its  greater  neighbor,  in 
spite  of  the  raids  of  the  slave-dealers  of  the 
coast,  and  the  lawless  hordes  of  the  desert. 
But  no  side  of  national  existence  is  likely 
to  find  full  development  where  thero  is  little 
political  activity;  if  the  life  of  the  North  was 


1903 


JEWS. 


FnU  of  Ihr 
Kingttom  of  Igrtifl. 


JEWS. 


more  troubled,  it  was  also  larger  mid  more  iii- 
teiiMC.  Ephriiiin  toiik  the  lead  in  litenttiirc  and 
relifflori  uh  well  as  in  politieH;  it  \va«  in  KpliraiMi 
far  more  tlian  in  .Ftidali  that  tlie  traditions  of  past 
liistory  were  rlierislied,  and  new  prolileins  of  re- 
li);ion  l)eeanie  practical  and  called  for  .solution 
by  the  word  of  the  prophets.  80  long  as  the 
Northern  Kingdom  endured  Judah  was  content 
to  learn  from  It  for  evil  or  for  good.  It  would 
be  easy  to  show  in  detail  that  every  wave  of  life 
and  thought  in  Ephraim  was  transmitted  with 
diminished  intensity  to  the  Southern  Kingdom. 
In  many  respects  the  influence  of  Ephraim  upon 
Judah  was  similar  to  thatuf  England  upon  Scot- 
land before  the  union  of  the  crowns,  but  with 
the  important  dilTerenee  that  after  the  accession 
of  Omri  tlie  two  Hebrew  liiugdoms  were  seldom 
involved  in  hostilities.  .  .  .  The  internal  condi- 
tion of  the  [Juda;an]  state  was  stable,  though 
little  progressive;  tlie  kings  were  fairly  success- 
ful in  war,  though  not  sufflciently  strong  to 
maintain  unbroken  authority  over  Edom,  the 
only  vassal  state  of  the  old  Davidic  realm  over 
whi<:h  they  still  claimed  suzerainty,  and  their 
civil  administration  must  have  been  generally 
satisfactory  ueeording  to  the  not  very  Iilgli  stJin- 
dard  of  the  East;  for  they  retained  the  aliections 
of  their  people,  the  justice  and  mercy  of  the 
throne  of  David  are  favourably  spoken  of  in  the 
old  prophecy  against  Moab  (juoted  in  Isaiah  xv. , 
xvi.,  and  Isaiali  contrasts  the  disorders  of  his 
own  time  with  the  ancient  reputation  of  Jeru- 
salem for  fidelity  and  justice  (i.  21).  .  .  .  Tlie 
religious  conduct  of  tlie  house  of  David  followed 
the  same  general  lines.  Old  abuses  remained  un- 
touched, but  the  cultus  remained  much  as  David 
and  Solomon  had  left  it.  Local  high  places  were 
numerous,  and  no  attempt  was  made  to  interfere 
witli  them;  but  the  great  temple  on  Mount  Zion, 
wiiicb  formed  part  of  the  complex  of  royal  build- 
ings erected  by  Solomon,  maintained  its  prestige, 
and  appears  to  have  been  a  special  object  of 
solicitude  to  the  kings,  who  treated  its  service  as 

f)art  of  their  royal  state.  It  is  common  to  imng. 
ue  that  the  religious  condition  of  Judah  was 
very  much  superior  to  that  of  the  North,  but 
there  is  absolutely  no  evidence  to  support  this 
opinion." — W.  Kobertson  Smith,  T/ie  Prophets  of 
hracl,  Icct.  5. —  In  tlie  year  B.  C.  745  the  throne 
of  Assyria  was  seized  by  a  soldier  of  great 
ability,  called  Pul,  or  Pulu,  who  took  the  name 
of  Tiglath-pileser  III.  and  who  pron.ptly  entered 
on  an  ambitious  career  of  con(iuest,  with  imperial 
aims  and  plans.  "  In  B.  C.  7^8  we  find  him  re- 
ceiving tribute  from  Menalicm  of  Samaria,  Uezoa 
of  Damascus,  and  Hiram  of  Tyre.  .  .  .  The 
tlirone  of  Israel  was  occupied  at  the  time  by 
Pekah,  a  successful  general  who  had  murdered 
his  predecessor,  but  who  was  evidently  a  man  of 
vigour  and  ability.  He  and  Uezon  endeavoured 
to  form  a  confederacy  of  the  Syrian  and  Pales- 
tinian states  against  their  common  Assyrian  foe. 
In  order  to  effect  their  object  they  considered 
it  necessary  to  displace  the  reigning  king  of 
Judah,  Ahaz,  and  substitute  for  liiirt  a  i roaturo 
of  their  own.  .  .  .  They  were  aided  by  a  party 
of  malcontents  in  Judah  itself  (Is.  viii.  0),  and 
the  position  of  Ahaz  seemed  desperate.  ...  In 
tliis  moment  of  peril  Isaiah  was  instructed  to 
meet  and  comfort  Ahaz.  He  bade  him  '  fear  not, 
neither  be  fainthearted,'  for  the  confederacy 
against  the  dynasty  of  David  should  be  broken 
and   overthrown.  .  .  .  But  Ahaz  .  .  .  bad   no 


faitli  either  in  the  prophet  or  in  the  message  he 
was  comniissioned  to  deliver.  lie  saw  safety  In 
one  course  only  —  that  of  invoking  the  assistance 
of  tlie  Assyrian  king,  and  bribing  him  by  the 
olTer  of  homage  and  tribute  to  march  against  his 
enemies.  In  vain  Isaiah  denodiiced  so  suicidal 
and  unpatriotic  a  policy.  In  vain  he  foretold 
that  when  Damascus  and  Samaria  liad  been 
crushed,  the  next  victim  of  the  Assyrian  king 
would  lie  Judah  itself.  The  infatuated  Ahaz 
would  not  listen.  He  'sent  messengers  to  Tig- 
lath-pileser king  of  Assyria,  saying,  I  am  thj' 
servant  and  thy  son:  come  up  and  save  me  out 
of  the  hand  of  the  king  of  Syria,  and  out  of 
the  hand  of  the  king  of  Israel,  wliifth  rise  up 
against  me. '  "  The  king  of  Assyria  responded 
to  the  call  (B.  C.  734).  He  defeated  Kczon  in 
battle,  laid  siege  to  Damascus,  swept  the  tribes 
east  of  the  Jordan  into  captivity,  overran  the 
territory  of  Israel,  captured  Samaria  and  put  to 
death  Pekali  the  king.  In  place  of  Pekah  lie 
set  up  a  vassal-king  Hosliea.  Six  years  later, 
Tiglath-pileser  having  died,  and  the  Assyrian 
throne  liaving  been  seized  by  another  strong  sol- 
dier, Shalmaneser  IV.,  Hosliea  attempted  a  re- 
volt, looking  to  Egypt  for  help.  But  before 
Sabako  king  of  Egypt  could  move  to  his  assis- 
tance, "Hosliea  was  defeated  by  the  Assyrian 
king  or  his  satraps,  and  thrown  Into  chains.  The 
ruling  classes  of  Samaria,  however,  still  held  out. 
An  Assyrian  army,  accordingly,  once  more  devas- 
tated the  land  of  Israel,  and  laid  siege  to  the  cap- 
ital. For  tlireo  years  Samaria  remained  untaken. 
Another  revolution  had  meanwhile  broken  out  la 
Assyria;  Shalmaneser  had  died  or  been  put  to 
death,  and  a  fresh  military  adventurer  had  seized 
the  crown,  taking  the  name  of  Sargon,  after  a 
famous  monarch  of  ancient  Babylonia.  Sargon 
had  hardly  established  himself  upon  the  throne 
when  Samaria  fell  (B.  C,  722).  ...  He  contented 
himself  with  transporting  only  37,280  of  its  in- 
habitants into  captivity,  only  the  upper  classes, 
in  fact,  wlio  were  implicated  in  tlie  revolt  of 
Hoshsa.  An  Assyrian  satrap,  or  governor,  was 
appointed  over  Samaria,  while  the  bulk  of  the 
population  was  allowed  to  remain  peaceably  In 
their  old  homes." — A.  H.  Sayce,  Life  and  Times 
of  Imiah,  ch.  3. — "Much  light  is  tlirown  upon 
the  conditions  of  the  national  religion  then  and 
upon  its  subsequent  development  by  the  single 
fact  that  the  exiled  Israelites  were  absorbed  by 
the  surrounding  heathenism  without  leaving  a 
trace  behind  them,  while  the  population  of 
Judah,  who  had  the  benefit  of  a  hundred  years 
of  respite,  held  their  faith  fast  throughout  the 
period  of  the  Babylonian  exile,  and  by  means  of 
it  were  able  to  maintain  their  own  individuality 
afterwards  in  all  the  circumstances  that  arose. 
The  fact  that  the  fall  of  Samaria  did  not  hinder 
but  helped  the  religion  of  Jehovah  is  entirely 
due  to  the  prophets." — J.  Wellhausen,  Sketch  of 
the  Hist,  of  Israel  and  Judah,  ch.  6. — "  The  first 
generation  of  the  exiles  lived  to  see  the  fall  of 
their  conquerors.  .  .  ,  After  this  it  is  dilHcult  to 
discover  any  distinct  trace  of  tlie  northern  tribes. 
Some  returned  with  their  countrymen  of  the 
southern  kingdom.  .  .  .  The  Immense  Jewish 
population  which  made  Babylonia  a  second 
I'alestine  was  in  part  derived  from  them;  ami 
the  Jewish  customs  that  have  been  discovered  in 
the  Nestorian  Christians,  with  the  traditions  of 
the  sect  itself,  may  indicate  at  any  rate  a  mixture 
of  Jewish  descent.    That  they  [the  'lost  Ten 


1904 


JEWS. 


The  Klni/ilnm  of 
Jiutiift . 


JEWS. 


Tribes']  lire  conccalod  in  some  ■.inknown  rcpioii 
(if  the  ciiiili,  i«  II  faille  witli  no  foundation  eillier 
in  liistoi'v  or  propliecy." — Dean  Stanley,  I^clurtu 
oil  the  l/inl.  I'f  l/if  Jfirinh  C/i'iir/i,  ltd.  S4  (c.  2).— 
See,  also,  .Ikiu'hai.km. 

B.  C.  724-604.— The  kingdom  of  Judah  to 
the  end  of  the  Egyptian  domination. — 'I'liree 
years  before  8argon's  destruclion  (jf  Samaria, 
"  llezekiah  liad  sueeeeded  Ids  father  Aha/,  upon 
the  throne  of  .lerusulcin,  ,  .  .  Juduh  was  tribu- 
tary to  Assyria,  and  owed  to  Assyria  its  deliver- 
anee  from  a  great  danger.  Hut  the  deliverer 
and  his  designs  were  c.vtrcmely  dangerous,  nud 
made  Judah  apprehensive  of  being  swallowed 
up  presently,  when  its  turn  cime.  The  neigh- 
bouring countries, —  Phcrnicia  on  the  north, 
Moab,  Animon,  and  the  Arabian  nations  un  the 
cast,  Philistia  on  the  west,  Egypt  and  Ethiopia 
on  the  south, —  shared  Jiidali's  apprehensions. 
There  were  risings,  and  tliey  were  sternly  (luelled ; 
Judah,  however,  remained  tranquil,  llut  the 
scheme  of  an  anti-.\R8yrian  alliance  was  gradu- 
ally becoming  popul.ir.  Egypt  was  the  great 
pillar  of  liope.  By  its  size,  wealth,  resources, 
pretensions,  and  fame,  Egypt  seemed  a  possible 
rival  to  Assyria.  Time  went  on.  Sargon  was 
murdered  in  705;  Sennacherib  succeeded  him. 
Then  on  nil  sides  there  was  an  explosion  of  re- 
volts against  the  Assyrian  rule.  The  first  years 
of  Sennacherib's  reign  were  spent  by  him  in 
quelling  a  formidable  rising  of  Merodach  Bala- 
(lan,  king  of  Babylon.  The  court  and  ministers 
of  Ilezekiah  seized  this  opportunity  for  detacli- 
ing  their  master  from  Assyria,  for  joining  in  the 
movement  of  the  insurgent  states  of  Palestine 
and  its  borders,  and  for  allying  themselves  with 
Egypt.  ...  In  the  year  701,  Sennacherib,  vic- 
torious in  Babylonia,  marched  upon  Palestine." 
— JI.  Arnold,  Imiiih  of  Jerusalem,  iiitrml. — Sen- 
nacherib advanced  along  the  PlKcnician  coast. 
"Having  captured  Ascalon,  he  next  laid  siege 
to  Ekron,  which,  after  the  Egyptian  army  sent 
to  its  relief  had  been  defeated  at  Eltekeh,  fell 
into  the  enemy's  hand,  and  was  severely  dealt 
with.  Simultaneously  various  fortresses  of  Judah 
were  occupied,  and  the  level  country  was  devas- 
tated (Isa.  i.).  The  consequence  was  that  Hcze- 
kiah,  in  a  state  of  panic,  offered  to  the  Assyrians 
his  submission,  which  was  accepted  on  iiayment 
of  a  heavy  penalty,  he  being  i)ermittcd,  how- 
ever, to  retain  passession  of  Jerusidem.  He 
seemed  to  have  got  cheaply  off  from  the  unequal 
contest.  The  way  being  thus  cleared,  Sennach- 
erib pressed  on  southwards,  for  the  Egyptians 
were  collecting  their  forces  against  him.  The 
nearer  he  came  to  the  enemy  the  more  undesira- 
ble did  he  liud  it  that  he  should  leave  in  his  rear 
so  important  a  fortress  as  Jerusalem  in  the  hanils 
of  a  doubtful  vassal.  Notwithstanding  the  re- 
cently ratified  treaty,  tliereforc,  he  demanded 
the  surrender  of  the  city,  believing  that  a  policy 
of  intimidation  would  be  enough  to  secure  it 
from  Hezekiah.  But  there  was  another  person- 
ality in  Jerusalem  of  whom  his  plans  liiul  taken 
no  account.  Isaiah  had  indeed  regarded  the  re- 
volt from  Assyria  as  a  rebellion  against  Jehovah 
Himself,  and  therefore  as  a  perfectly  hopeless  un- 
dertaking, which  could  only  result  in  the  utmost 
humiliation  and  sternest  chastisement  for  Judah. 
But  much  more  distinctly  than  Amos  and  Ilosea 
before  him  did  he  hold  firm  as  an  article  of  faith 
the  conviction  that  the  kingdom  would  not  be 
utterly  annihilated;  all  his  speeches  of  solemn 


warning  cliised  .villi  the  announcement  that  n 
remnant  should  n'turii  and  form  the  kernel  oT  a 
new  commonwealth  to  be  fashioned  after  Jeho- 
vah's own  heart.  .  .  .  Over  against  the  vain 
coiiMdtnce  of  llu  niiiltitud(!  Lsaiali  had  hitherto 
brought  into  proiiiinenci^  the  darker  obverse  of 
his  religious  belitf,  but  now  he  confronted  their 
present  depression  with  its  bright  reverse ;  faint- 
heartedness was  still  mori^  alien  to  his  nature 
than  temerity.  In  the  name  of  Jehovah  he  bade 
King  Hezekiah  be  of  good  courage,  and  urged 
that  he  should  by  no  means  surrender.  The 
Assyrians  wimld  not  be  able  to  take  the  city,  not 
even  to  shoot  an  arrow  into  it,  nor  to  bring  up 
their  siege  train  against  it.  '  I  know  thy  sitting, 
thy  going,  and  thy  standing,'  is  .Jehovah's  lan- 
guage to  the  As.syrian,  '  and  also  thy  rage 
against  Me.  And  I  will  put  my  ring  in  tliy  nose, 
and  my  bridle  in  thy  lips,  and  I  will  turn  thee 
back  by  the  way  by  which  thou  earnest.' 
And  thus  it  proved"  in  the  issue.  By  a  still  un- 
explained catastrophe,  the  main  army  of  Sen- 
nacherib was  annihilated  on  the  frontier  between 
Egypt  and  Palestine,  and  Jerusalem  thereby 
freed  from  all  danger.  The  As.syriaii  king  had 
to  save  himself  by  a  hurried  retreat  to  Nineveh; 
Isaiah  was  triumphant.  A  more  magniticeiit 
close  of  a  period  of  intliiential  ]>iiblic  life  can 
hardly  be  imagined." — J.  'Wellliausen,  Sketeh  of 
the  Ilistory  of  hrael  niid  Jitdnh,  eh.  7.  — "  We 
possess  in  duplicate,  on  the  Taylor  Cylinder, 
found  at  Nineveh  in  1830,  and  now  in  the  BritiKlt 
Museum,  and  on  the  Bull-inscription  of  Koiiyun- 
jik,  Sennacherib's  own  account  of  the  stages  of 
his  campaign.  Sidon  and  the  cities  of  PlKenicia 
were  the  first  to  be  attacked;  and,  after  reducing 
these,  and  receiving  homage  from  several  of  the 
kings  of  the  countries  bordering  on  Palestine, 
who  apparently  were  not  this  time  implicated 
in  the  plan  of  revolt,  Sennacherib  startecl  south- 
wards, aiming  to  recover  similarly  Ashkelon, 
Ekron,  and  Jerusalem.  In  Ashkelon  he  de- 
prived Zedek  of  his  crown,  which  he  liestowed 
upon  Sarludari,  the  son  of  a  former  king,  doubt- 
less on  the  ground  that  he  was  friendly  to  Assyr- 
ian interests:  at  the  .same  time  four  subject-cities 
belonging  to  Zedek,  Betli-dagon,  Joppn,  Bene- 
Barak,  and  Azuru  were  captured  and  plundered, 
Sennacherib  next  proceeds  to  deal  with  P^kron, 
The  people  of  Ekron,  in  order  to  carry  through 
their  plan  for  the  recovery  of  independence  with- 
out hindrance,  had  deposed  their  king  Pudi,  who 
remained  loyal  to  Assyria,  and  sent  him  bound 
in  chains  to  Ilezekiah.  Upon  news  of  the  ap- 
proach of  the  Assyrians,  they  had  summoned 
the  Egyptians  to  their  aid ;  they  arrive  now 
'with  forces  innumerable;'  the  encounter  takes 
place  at  Altaku  (probably  not  far  from  Ekron) ; 
victory  declares  for  the  Assyrian,  and  the 
Egyptians  retire  without  effecting  the  desired  re- 
lief. After  this  .Sennacherib  soon  reduces  Ekron ; 
he  obtains,  moreover,  the  surrender  of  Padi  from 
■Teriisalem,  and  restores  him  to  his  throne.  Now 
follows  the  account  of  the  aggres.sive  measures 
adopted  by-  him  against  Judah  and  Jerusalem. 
'And  Ilezekiah  of  Judah,  who  had  not  submit- 
ted to  my  yoke,  forty-.six  of  his  strong  cities, 
fortresses  and  smaller  towns  round  about  tlieir 
border  without  number,  with  laying  low  of  the 
walls,  and  with  open  (?)  attack,  with  battle 
...  of  feet,  .  .  .  hewing  about  and  trampling 
down  (?),  I  besieged,  I  took  200,150  people, 
small  ami  great,  male  and  female,  horses,  n>"iie8. 


1905 


JEWS,  n.  c.  lu-wi. 


77i'*  Kingdom  of 
Jiiihih. 


JEWS,  n.  C.  784-60t. 


luwi'S.  ciimclH,  ()v  .  iind  sliiM'p  without  iiuinl)rr, 
frMii  tlic  midst  <>f  tlifiii  I  liniii^lit  out,  iiiiil  I 
counted  tlicm  iiH  Hpoil.  Iliniiu'lf,  iih  it  bird  in 
n  a\)((;  in  tin;  midxt  of  .IcruHuli'in,  his  royul 
city,  I  Hhut  up.  8i('>;<--wi>rl\S  iif^iiiiiHt  Idiii 
I  crei'tcd.  and  tlic  exit  of  tlie  grciil  j?iit(!  of  lii.s 
city  I  lilo(  kcii  up.  Ili.s  cities  wliicli  I  liiui  plun- 
drri'ci,  friiin  Ids  lioniidn  I  cut  olT;  aixi  to  Mitinti, 
ItiiiK  of  Asliciod,  to  I'lidi,  liln);  of  Kliron,  unci  to 
Zillii'l,  l^in^  of  (ia/.ii,  I  );avc  tlicni:  I  diiuinislicd 
Ins  tiTritory.  To  tlic  former  payment  of  tlicir 
yeariy  tril)ule,  tlie  tril)ute  of  subjection  to  my 
sovcrei/j;nty  I  added  ;  I  laid  it  upon  tliem.  Him- 
self, llezeklah,  the  terror  of  the  splendour  of 
my  8overel;;iity  overwhelmed :  the  Arabians  and 
his  depemlents,  whom  he  had  introduced,  for 
the  defence  of  Jeru.sidem,  his  royal  city,  and  to 
whom  he  had  granted  pay,  together  with  30  tal- 
ents of  gold,  800  talents  of  silver,  bullion  (?) 
.  .  .  precious  (?)  stones  of  large  size,  couches  of 
ivory,  lofty  thrones  of  ivory,  elephant-skins, 
ivory,  :  .  .  wood,  .  .  .  woods  of  every  kind,  an 
abundant  treasure,  and  in  addition,  his  daugli- 
ters,  the  women  of  his  palace,  his  male  and 
female  lmrem(V)attendants  unto  Nineveh,  my 
royal  city,  he  cau.sed  to  be  brought  after  me. 
For  the  payment  of  tribute,  and  the  rendering 
of  homage,  Ik?  sent  his  envoy.'  Here  the  ac- 
count on  the  Inscripti(m  closes,  tlie  lines  which 
follow  relating  to  the  campaign  of  the  sub.se- 
quentyear. " — S.  J{.  Driver,  ladidh:  J  fin  Life  and 
Timn,  c/i.  7. — "Uetwcen  the  retreat  of  Senna('h- 
erib's  army  and  tlie  capture  of  the  capital  by 
Nebuchadrezzar  there  was  an  interval  of  little 
more  than  a  century,  yet,  meanwiiih',  upon  the 
basis  of  the  prop'ietical  teaching,  the  foundntions 
of  .Judaism  were  laid.  .  .  .  But  though  Semiach- 
erib  had  retreated  from  Palestine,  Judali  still 
remained  the  vassal  of  Assyria.  The  empire  of 
Assyria  was  scarcely  affected  by  the  event  which 
was  to  change  the  face  of  the  world,  and  for 
more  than  half-a-ceutury  its  power  was  iindi- 
minLslied  and  supreme.  Yet,  as  regards  the  in- 
ternal c(  ndition  (  "  Tudah,  the  great  deliverance 
was  till  occasion  of  a  reform  which  at  first  may 
well  !.ave  made  Isaiali's  heart  beat  high.  .  .  .  In- 
tluential  as  he  was  at  the  court  and  with  the 
king,  and  with  reputation  enormously  enhanced 
by  the  fulfilment  of  his  promise  of  (feliverance, 
he  probably  urged  and  prompted  Ilczckiah  to 
the  execution  of  a  religious  reform.  The  mea- 
gre verse  in  the  Hook  of  Kings  which  describes 
this  reform  is  both  inaccurate  and  misplaced. 
There  is  no  hint  in  the  authentic  writings  of 
Isaiah  or  Micah  tliat  any  religious  innovations 
liad  been  attempted  before  the  Assyrian  war.  It 
was  the  startling  issue  of  Sennacherib's  invasion 
which  afforded  the  opportunity  and  suggested 
the  idea.  Moreover,  wider  changes  are  attrib- 
uted to  Ilezekiah  than  he  can  actually  have 
effected.  .  .  .  The  residuum  of  fact  contained  in 
the  18th  chapter  of  the  Second  Book  of  Kings 
must  be  probably  limited  to  the  destruction  of 
the  Nehushtan,  or  brazen  serpent,  that  mysteri- 
ous image  in  which  the  contemporaries  of  Ileze- 
kiah, wliatever  may  have  been  its  original  sig- 
nification, doubtless  recognized  a  symbol  of 
Yahveh.  Yet  indirect  evidence  would  incline 
us  to  believe  that  Ilezckiah's  reform  involved 
more  than  the  annihilation  of  a  single  idol ;  it  is 
more  probably  to  be  regarded  as  an  attempt  at  a 
general  abolition  of  images,  as  well  as  a  sup- 
pression of  the  new  Assyrian  star-worship  and 


of  the  '  Moloch  '  sacrlMccs  which  had  lieen  Intro- 
tiiiced  into  .ludah  in  the  rcIgn  of  Aliaz.  Whether 
this  material  iconoclaMm  betokened  or  generated 
any  wide  moral  reformation  is  more  than  doubt- 
ful. .  .  .  Ilezckiah's  reign  extended  for  about 
fourteen  years  after  the  deliverance  of  .lenisalem 
in  701.  To  the  early  part  of  this,  its  second 
division,  the  religious  reformation  must  be  as- 
signed. A  successful  campaign  against  the 
I'hillstlnes,  alluded  to  in  the  Hook  of  Kings, 
lirobably  fell  witliiii  the  same  period.  BeyoiKl 
thi.s,  we  know  nothing,  though  we  would  gladly 
know  much,  of  tliese  fourteen  concluding  years 
of  an  eventful  reign.  In  OHfi  Ilezekiah  died, 
and  was  succeeded  liy  his  son  Mana.sseh,  who  oc- 
cupied the  throne  for  forty-five  years  (086-(t41). 
The  Hook  of  Kings  does  not  record  a  single  ex- 
ternal incident  throughout  his  long  reign.  It 
must  have  been  a  time  of  |)rof(mnd  jieace  and  of 
comparative  prosperity.  Manasseli  remained  llie 
vassal  of  Assyria,  and  the  A.ssyrian  inscriptions 
speak  of  him  as  paying  tril)ut('  to  the  two  kings, 
Lsarhaddon  ((i81-«(i9),  Sennacherib's  successor, 
and  Asurbanipal  (OfiU-O'JO),  till  whose  death  the 
supremacy  of  Assyria  in  I'alestine  was  wholly 
undisputed.  Uneventful  as  Manasseh's  reign 
was  in  foreign  politics,  it  was  all  the  more  im- 
portant in  its  internal  and  religious  hi.story.  In 
It,  and  in  the  .short  reign  of  Anion,  who  main- 
tained the  policy  of  his  father,  there  set  in  a 
period  of  strong  religious  reaction,  extending 
over  nearly  half-a-century  (080-038).  Manasseh 
is  singled  out  by  the  historian  for  special  and  re- 
])eated  reprobation.  In  the  eyes  of  the  exilic 
redactor,  his  inirpiities  were  tiu!  immediate  cause 
of  the  destruction  of  the  national  life.  Not  even 
.losiah's  reformation  could  turn  Yahveh  '  from 
the  fierceness  of  his  great  wrath,  wherewith  his 
anger  was  kindled  against  .ludali,  because  of  all 
the  provocations  that  Manasseh  had  provoked 
him  withal.'  Jeremiah  had  said  the  same.  Exile 
and  dispersion  are  to  come  '  because  of  Manasseh, 
the  son  of  Ilezekiah,  king  of  Judah,  for  that 
which  lie  did  in  Jerusalem.  .  .  .  What  were  the 
sins  of  Manasseh?  It  has  already  been  in<licated 
that  the  Assyrians  made  tlieir  influence  felt,  not 
only  in  politics,  but  also  in  religion.  It  was  the 
old  Babylonian  worship  of  the  luminaries  of 
lieaven  which  was  introduced  into  Judah  in  the 
eighth  century,  and  which,  after  receiving  a 
short  check  during  the  reign  of  Ilezekiah,  be- 
came very  widely  prevalent  under  his  son.  .  .  . 
There  are  many  tokens  in  the  literature  of  the 
seventli  century  that  the  idolatrous  reaction  of 
Manasseh  penetrated  deep,  making  many  con- 
verts. .  .  .  Manasseh  would  apparently  brook 
no  opposition  to  the  idolatrous  proclivities  of  his 
court;  he  met  the  indignation  of  Isaiah's  dis- 
ciples and  of  the  prophetical  party  by  open  and 
relentless  persecution.  .  .  .  'The  older  historian 
of  the  Book  of  Kings  speaks  of  '  Manasseh  shed- 
ding innocent  blood  very  much,  till  he  had  filled 
Jerusalem  from  one  end  to  another.'  This  inno- 
cent blood  must  have  mainly  flowed  from  those 
who  opposed  his  idolatrous  tendencies.  .  .  . 
From  the  accession  of  Manas.seli  to  the  death  of 
Amon  (686-038),  a  period  of  forty-eight  years, 
this  internal  conflict  continued;  and  in  it,  as 
always,  the  blood  of  martyrs  was  the  seed  of  the 
Church.  In  038,  Amon  was  succeeded  by  hia 
son  Josiali,  then  only  eight  years  old.  It  is  pos- 
sible that  his  accession  brought  about  some 
amelioration  in  the  condition  of  the  prophetical 


1906 


JEWb,  B.  C.  7'J4-004. 


full  of  Ihr 
Kiituiitnn  of  Judah. 


JEWS,  U.  C.  0(M-5it«. 


party,  nnd  llml  iirtivt-  ptTHCcutioii  iimisciI.  Hut 
tlio  syncretlslic  iind  idolulrous  wmsliip  wiis  still 
iniiint4iinc<l  for  luiotlicr  olghlwii  yi'iirs,  tliouKli 
lliosc  ywirs  ur<!  piissed  over  without  any  notice  in 
the  BiH)k  of  Kings.  Thcv  were,  however,  years 
of  ifTvnl  in\|X)rliuiec  in  the  iiislory  of  Asia,  tor 
they  witnessed  tlie  bre«l{-iip  of  the  Assyrian 
emiiire,  and  the  inroads  of  the  Scythians.  The 
coliiipseof  Assyria  followed  hard  uixm  thutlcath 
of  Asurbanipal  in  (!2(1:  Babylon  revolted,  the 
northern  ami  northwestern  pi-ovinees  of  the 
empire  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Medes,  nnd  tlie 
authority  of  Assyrhi  over  the  vassal  kiiig<lonis  of 
the  west  wiisgnidually  weakened." — V.  O.  .Mon- 
telioi"o,  lycetn.  on  the  Orii/in  nnd  Oroirlh  of  Hi- 
lii/ioii,  OH  iUimtratat  1)1/  the  IMi'/ion  of  the  (ineitiit 
liehrewn  (Ilililierl  LeclH.,  1802),  ltd.  4.—"  The  As- 
syrian empire  was  much  weakened  and  tlie  king 
couUl  not  think  of  maintaining  Ins  |)ower  in  the 
more  distant  piDvinces.  ...  In  the  year  010 
B.  ('.,  Nineveli  wius  again  besieged,  tins  time  by 
the  Aledes  and  Babylonians  in  league  together. 
In  the  same  year  P.siunmetichus,  king  of  Egypt, 
died  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Neclio.  If 
l'sanimeti(.'hu.s  had  already  tried  to  enlarge  his 
kingdom  at  the  expense  of  Assyria,  Neclio  was 
not  the  man  to  miss  the  golden  opportunity  that 
now  presented  itself:  he  proi«)sc(l  to  seize  Syria 
ami  Palestine,  the  As.syrian  provinces  that  bor- 
dered (m  his  own  kingdom,  and  thus  to  obtain 
his  share  of  the  spoil,  even  if  lie  did  not  lielp  to 
bring  down  tlie  giant.  By  the  second  year  after 
Ills  accession  to  tlie  tlirone  lie  was  on  the  inar(;h 
to  Syria  with  a  large  army.  Probably  it  wa.' 
tmnsixirted  by  sea  and  landed  nt  Acco,  on  the 
Mcnlitermnean,  whence  it  was  to  jiroceed  over- 
laud.  But  in  carrying  out  this  plan  he  en- 
countered an  unexpected  obstacle:  .losiah  wei  l 
to  meet  him  with  an  army  and  attempted  to  pr< 
vent  his  march  to  Syria.  .  .  .  Josiah  ni'.st  have 
lirmly  believed  that  Jahveli  would  tight  for  his 
people  and  defeat  the  Egyptian  ruler.  From  what 
Jeremiah  tells  us  of  the  attitude  of  the  pro|)li(  Is 
in  tlieivignsof  JehoiakimandZedekiah,  we  mi  st 
infer  that  many  of  them  strengthened  the  king 
in  his  intention  not  to  enilure  an  etuMoii'liment 
such  as  that  of  the  Pliaraoh.  The  Cnrouieler  re- 
lates that  Neclio  himself  eiuleavor.'d  to  dissuade 
Josiah  from  the  une(|ual  cont'.st.  But  [use- 
lessly]. .  .  .  The  decisive  battk  was  fought  in 
the  valley  of  Megiddo:  Judali  was  defeated; 
Josiah  perished.  .  .  .  After  ti.e  victory  in  the 
valley  of  Megiddo  and  the  death  of  Josiah, 
Necho  was  master  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah. 
Before  lie  arrived  there,  '  the  peoiile  of  tiie  land  ' 
made  Jehoahaz,  a  younger  son  of  Jo-jiah,  king, 
presumably  because  he  was  i  lore  attached  than 
ills  older  brother  to  his  fatl  or's  polic}-.  At  all 
events,  Necho  hastened  to  depose  him  nnd  send 
him  to  Egypt.  He  was  supe  ■seded  by  Eliakim, 
henceforward  called  Jehoiakiiii.  At  llrst  Jelioia- 
kiin  was  a  vassal  of  Egypt,  and  it  does  not  ap- 
pear that  he  made  any  attempt  to  escape  from 
this  servitude.  But  it  was  no'  long  before  events 
occurred  elsewhere  in  Asia  that  eulirely  changed 
his  ixjsition.  Nineveh  had  fallen;  l!ie  Medes 
and  the  CliaUleans  or  Babylonians  now  ruled 
over  the  former  territory  of  tlie  Assyrians;  Syria 
and  Palestine  fell  to  the  shui-e  of  the  Babylonians. 
Of  course,  th  Egyptians  were  not  inclined  to 
let  them  have  undisputed  possession.  A  battle 
was  fought  at  Carcliemish  (Circesium),  on  the 
Euplirates,  between  the  armies  of  Necho  and 
8-23 


Neliuchadne/./ar,  who  then  coniinanded  in  tlie 
name  of  his  father,  Nubopolassar,  but  very 
shortly  afterwards  succeeded  him.  'I'he  Egyp- 
tians sustained  a  crushing  defeat  (11114  B.  ('). 
This  decided  the  fate  of  Western  Asia,  including 
Juda'a." — A.  Kiienen,  The  lieliyiunof  Jurtiel,  eh. 

B.  C.  604-536.— Fall    of    the    kingdom    of 
Judah.— The  Babylonian  captivity. — "In   the 

lointhyearof  Jehoiakim  (B.  C  (104)  the  mightiest 
morianh  who  had  wiehied  the  Assyrian  power, 
\i'liU('liadiie/,/.ar,  was  associated  in  the  einiiire 
with  his  father,  and  assumed  the  cominaiKl  of 
the  armies  of  Assyria.  Babylon  now  takes  the 
place  of  Nineveh  as  the  capital  of  the  Assyrian 
empire.  .  .  .  Vassalage  to  tlie  dominion  of  Egypt 
or  of  Babylon  is  now  the  ignominious  doom  of 
the  king  of  Judah.  .  .  .  Nebuchadnez/ar,  hav- 
ing retaken  C'arehemish  (B,  V.  GOl),  pas,se(l  the 
lOuphiates,  and  rapidly  overran  the  whole  of 
Syria  ami  Palestine.  Jerii.salem  made  little  re- 
sistance. The  king  was  jnit  in  chains  to  be 
carried  as  u  prisoner  to  Babylon.  On  his  sub- 
iiii.ssion,  lie  was  reinstated  on  the  throne;  hut  the 
Temple  was  plundered  of  many  of  its  treasures, 
and  a  number  of  wellborn  youth.s,  among  whom 
were  Daniel,  and  tliree  others,  best  known  by 
their  Persian  names,  Shadrach,  Mesheeh,  and 
Abednego.  From  this  date  commence  the  sev- 
enty years  of  the  Captivity.  Jehoiakim  liad 
learned  neither  wisdom  nor  moderation  from  his 
misfortunes.  Three  years  after,  he  attempted  to 
throw  off  the  yoke  of  ChaUlea.  ...  At  length 
this  weak  nnd  cruel  king  was  slain  (B.  C.  51)8). 
.  .  .  Jelioiachin  (Jeconias  or  Coniali),  his  son, 
had  scarcely  mounted  the  throne,  when  Nebu- 
chadnezzar himself  appeared  at  the  gates  of 
Jerusalem.  The  city  surrendered  at  discretion. 
The  king  and  all  the  royal  family,  the  reinainiug 
treasures  of  the  Temple,  the  streugth  of  the 
army  and  the  nobility,  and  all  the  more  useful 
artisans,  were  earrie(l  away  to  Babylon.  ()"er 
this  wreck  of  a  kingdom,  Zedokiah^Mattaniali), 
the  younger  son  of  Josiah,  wr.s  permitted  to  en- 
joy an  inglorious  and  precarious  sovereignty  of 
eleven  years,  <luring  which  he  abused  his  powers, 
even  worse  than  his  imbecile  predecessors.  In 
ills  ninth  year,  notwithstanding  the  remonstran- 
ces of  the  wise  Jeremiah,  he  endeavoured  to  as- 
sert his  independence;  and  Jerusalem,  though 
besieged  by  Nebuchadnezzar  in  person,  now 
made  some  resistance.  ...  At  length,  iu  the 
city,  famine  reduced  the  fatal  obstinacy  of  de- 
spair. Jerusalem  opened  its  gates  to  the  irre- 
sistible conqueror.  The  king,  in  an  attempt  to 
break  through  the  besieging  forces,  or  meditating 
llight  towards  his  ally,  the  king  of  Amnion,  was 
seized  on  the  plain  of  Jericho.  His  children 
were  slain  before  liis  face,  his  eyes  put  out,  and 
thus  the  last  king  of  the  royal  house  of  Uavid, 
blind  and  cliildless,  was  led  away  into  a  foreign 
l)rison.  The  capture  of  Jerusalem  took  place 
on  the  ninth  day  of  the  fourth  month:  on  the 
seventh  day  of  the  fifth  month  (two  days  on 
which  Hebrew  devotion  still  commemorates  the 
desolation  of  the  city  by  solemn  fast  and  humilia- 
tion) the  relentless  Nebuzaradan  executed  the 
orders  of  his  master  by  levelling  the  city,  the 
palaces,  and  the  Temple,  in  one  common  ruin. 
The  few  remaining  treasures,  particularly  the 
two  brazen  iiillars  which  stoinl  before  the  Tem 
ph',  were  sent  to  Babylon ;  the  chief  priests  were 
put  to  death,  the  rest  carried  iuto  captivity.  .  .  . 


1907 


JEWS,  n.  C,  604-M6. 


Thf  ItahfihniidH 
Cujitii'tli/, 


JEWS,  B.  c.  eo4-3ao. 


The  mlHonililfi  rcmnnnt  of  tlio  ncopio  were  pliicod 
under  till- ('(iiiiiiijind  of  (icdiiltiih,  as  ii  puKlia  of 
the  fftVHt  AsK>riiiii  nioimrcli;  the  Hciil  of  ({ovcni- 
iiicnt  wiiH  llxfd  itl  Mi/.|ii'h.  .  .  .  Ni'hii>:iinidaii 
(Iho  jft'iicTiil  of  Ni'buc'hiiihu'zzarj  only  U'fl,  iif- 
cordiiijj  to  lh(!  HtroiiK  laiiK"i'Ki'  "f  ''"'  >^<'<"'id 
Hook  of  KitiKS,  XXV.  I'J,  'of  the  poor  of  tho  land. 
to  ho   vinC'drcitHi'rit    and   hviHl)an(hn('n.' .  .  .  lu 

f^nii'ral  it  hcchih  that  thi;  JewiHh  exiles  [in  Dal))'- 
oiiia]  Wert!  uI1ow(mI  to  dwell  toj?i'ther  In  consid- 
crahle  IxMlleN,  not  Hold  an  hoiiHehold  or  pernonal 
or  iiriL'dlal  slaves,  at  least  not  those  of  the  better 
or(ler  of  whom  the  Captivity  chielly  consisted. 
They  wen;  colonists  rather  than  captives,  and 
b(.'<'anic  by  degrees  iiossesscd  of  considerublu 
projierty.  .  .  .  They  had  fn'o  enjoyment  of 
their  religion,  such  at  least  as  adhered  faithfully 
to  their  belief  in  Jehovah.  Wo  hear  of  no  special 
and  general  religious  persecution.  Tho  first  de- 
portation of  chosen  beautiful  youths,  after  tho 
earlier  defeat  of  Jehoiakiin,  for  hostages,  or  as  a 
kind  of  court-pages,  was  not  numerous.  Tho 
second  transportation  swept  away  the  king,  his 
wife,  all  tho  ofllcers  and  attendants  of  his  court, 
7,000  of  tho  hist  of  tho  army,  1,000  picked  arti- 
sans, armourers,  and  otherH,  uinouuting  to  10,023 
men.  Tho  last  was  moro  general:  it  compre- 
hended tho  mass  of  tho  people,  according  to 
some  calculations  towards  300,000  or  400,000 
souls." — H.  II.  Milnian,  l/iKt.  of  the  Jews,  lik. 
8-0,  wit/i  fiHitiwle  (b.  1). — The  inliahltants  left 
behind  in  Judiea  "  formed  but  a  pitiful  remnant 
of  tho  former  kingdom  of  Judah.  Part  of  tliem 
liad  grown  wild  and  led  tho  lives  of  freebooters. 
Others  busied  themselves  w:th  agriculture,  but 
they  had  much  to  sutler  from  tho  uands  of  Cli-  '.- 
dean  soldiers  that  roved  about  the  laud,  and  from 
tho  neighbouring  tribes,  who  took  advantage  of 
Israel's  al)asemcnt  to  extend  their  territories. 
.  .  .  Wo  do  not  know  with  certainty  the  number 
of  tlio  exiles  carried  olT  by  Nebuchadnezzar:  the 
returns  given  in  tho  Old  Testament  are  evidently 
incomplete.  But  that  their  number  was  very 
considerable,  can  be  gathered  from  the  number 
of  those  who  afterwards  went  back.  For  their 
intrinsic  worth,  even  more  than  for  their  numer- 
ical strength,  these  exiles  had  a  right  to  \k  re- 
garded as  tho  real  representatives  of  tho  kingdom 
of  Judah  and  thus  of  all  Israel.  ...  It  was 
.  .  .  tho  kernel  of  the  nation  that  was  brought  to 
Babylonia.  Our  information  a.s  to  tho  social  con- 
dition of  tho  exiles  is  very  defective.  Even  to 
tho  question,  where  they  had  to  settle,  we  can 
only  return  an  imperfect  answer.  We  meet  with 
a  colony  of  exiles,  companions  of  Jeconiah,  at 
Tcl-abib,  in  tho  neighbourhood  of  the  river  Che- 
bar,  usually  supposed  to  bo  the  Chaboras,  which 
runs  into  tho  Euphrates  not  far  from  Circosium, 
but  considered  by  others  to  be  a  smaller  river, 
nearer  to  Babylon.  It  lay  la  the  nature  of  the 
case,  that  tho  second  and  third  company  of  eaji- 
tivcs  received  another  destination.  Even  liad  it 
been  possible,  prudence  would  have  opposed  their 
settling  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  their  prede- 
cessors. We  are  not  surprised  therefore  that 
Ezekiel,  who  lived  at  Tel-abib,  docs  not  mention 
their  arrival  there.  Where  they  did  go  wc  are 
not  told.  The  historian  says  'to  Babylon,' to 
■which  place,  according  to  him,  the  first  exiles 
(507  B.  C.)  were  also  brought;  probably  he  does 
not,  in  either  passage,  mean  only  tho  capital  of 
tlio  Chaldean  liingdom,  but  rather  the  province 
of  that  numc  to  which  the  city  of  course  be- 


longed. .  .  .  NebtK-hndnezzar's  puriHMie,  tho  pre- 
vention of  fresh  illHturl)ati<cH,  fniving  been  at- 
tjdned  by  tliiir  n'Uioval  from  Judiea,  he  could 
now  leave  tliciu  to  develoj)  their  resources.  It 
was  even  for  I  he  interest  of^tli*  diHtrietsin  which 
they  HcttU'd,  tliat  their  development  should  not 
be  obstructed.  Many  luuiecessary  and  trouble- 
some conllietH  were  avoideil  and  the  best  provision 
was  nuide  for  the  maintenance  of  order,  by  leav- 
ing them  free,  within  certain  liniits,  to  reguljite 
their  own  alTairs.  So  the  elders  of  the  families 
and  tribes  remained  in  pos.session  of  thiMtuthoiity 
which  they  had  formerly  exercist^d. " — A.  Kueneu, 
The  IMii/ion  of  hnui,  ch.  7  (r.  2). — "About  tho 
middle  of  the  sixth  century  before  Christ,  Cyrus, 
King  of  Klam,  began  the  career  of  conipiest 
which  left  him  master  of  Western  Asia.  Greek 
writers  of  history  have  done  full  justice  to 
tho  character  of  this  extraordinary  man,  but 
what  they  tell  of  hl.t  origin,  his  early  adventures 
and  rise  to  power,  is  for  the  most  part  mere  fable. 
.  .  .  Within  recent  years  ii  new  light  has  been 
thrown  on  one  of  the  dinnnest  figures  of  tho  old 
world  by  the  discovery  of  contemporary  docu- 
ments, in  which  the  Conqueror  of  Babylon  him- 
self records  his  victories  i.nd  tho  policy  of  his 
reign.  ...  It  appears  from  the  Inscriptions 
that  tho  foimder  of  the  Persian  Empire  was  by 
no  means  tho  parvenu  prince  described  by  llcnxl- 
otus.  Cyrus  was  a  king's  son,  and  in  early 
youth,  by  legltinwUe  succession,  Idmself  became 
a  king.  From  Susu  (8hui.han)  on  tho  Choaspcs, 
his  capital  city,  ho  ruled  over  the  fertile  and 
po])uloiis  region  lying  eastward  of  the  Lower 
Tigris  which  bore  the  name  of  Elam  or  Susiana. 
This  realm  was  one  of  the  most  ancient  in  West- 
ern Asia.  .  .  .  Nabonidus  became  king  of  Baby- 
lon in  the  year  5.W  B.  C.  lie  had  rai.sed  himself 
to  tho  throne  liy  nsplracy  and  nuirder,  and  his 
position  at  first  w ., ,  insecure.  The  eastern  prov- 
uices,  Syria  and  Phienicia,  rose  in  revolt  again.st 
tho  usurper,  while  the  Modes  on  the  north  be- 
gan a  harassing  warfare  and  threatened  an  in- 
vasion of  Babylonia.  This  latter  danger  was 
averted  for  the  time  by  an  unlooked-for  deliver- 
ance. In  the  sixth yearof  Nabonidus  (550  B.  C.) 
Cyrus  led  his  army  against  Astyages,  the  Median 
king.  Tho  discontented  soldiery  of  Astyages 
mutinied  on  tlio  eve  of  battle,  seized  tlie  person 
of  their  sovereign,  and  delivered  him  up  to  the 
enemy.  .  .  .  This  bloodless  victory  added  Media 
to  tho  dominions  of  Cyrus,  gave  him  Ecbatiina 
as  a  second  capital  and  place  of  arms,  and  moro 
than  douliled  his  military  strength.  .  .  .  Tlio  real 
aim  of  Cyrus  was  the  overtlirow  of  Babylon, 
and  the  construction  of  a  new  and  still  wider 
empire  on  the  ruins  of  the  old.  .  .  .  Within  the 
two  years  following  his  conquest  of  the  jMedes 
he  had  extended  his  sway  over  the  kindred  race 
of  tho  Persians,  from  which  he  himself  had 
sprung.  Tlic  wild  tribes  of  Iran  had  long  looked 
greedily  on  the  rich  Chalda;an  plains  and  cities, 
and  only  waited  a  leader  before  swooiiing  down 
like  ravenous  birds  on  their  prey.  This  leader 
appeared  in  Cyrus.  .  .  .  Forty  yeare  had  passed 
since  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  and  the  de- 
portation of  the  great  mass  of  the  Jewish  iK'oplc 
to  Babylonia  (588  B.  C).  Duriug  this  ijcriod, 
under  Nebucliadnezzar  and  his  immediate  suc- 
cessors on  the  throne,  the  exiles  had  lived  in 
peace,  following  without  interference  tlieir  own 
customs,  religious  and  social.  .  .  .  Nothing  hin- 
dered them  from  leading  a  quiet  uud  comfortable 


1908 


JEWS,  B.  C.  004-586. 


The  rrtum  from 
Habytoii. 


JEWS,  n.  C.  «87. 


life  nmonff  IIk;  Clmldii'uim,  If  only  tliry  wprccim- 
lout  t(i  hrciik  with  tliiir  past  luiil  kIvo  up  liopu 
for  the  future.  Uut  (liU  wiw  linposHlhlc!  fyr  iijl 
true  IsriiellteH.  'I'liey  iiiuld  tint  fiirKct  wliiit  tliey 
Imd  been,  (ir  reconcile  llieniselve.s  to  lie  wUnl  tliey 
MOW  were.  Tliey  liml  llie  means  of  livelihood  in 
illiundance,  liiit  lo  them  their  ilrlnk  wiiH  i\»  vine- 
gar, their  meat  an  gall.  .  .  .  The  hoine  HieknesH 
(if  l\n:  people  lluds  manifold  expreiwidn  in  the 
llteruturu  of  tin?  Exile,  .  .  .  Now,  aH  at  every 
crlMJs  In  the  national  history,  the  Prophets  stood 
forth,  the  true  leaders  of  Israel.  They  kept  the 
people  constantly  In  mind  of  their  IiIkIi  ilestinies, 
and  (tomforUid  and  eneoiiruged  lliem  In  their 
darkest  hours.  .  .  .  Anions  the  .lewl.sh  exiles, 
enlij;htened  by  the  prophetic  word,  the  name 
Koresh  passed  from  lip  to  lip,  and  the  movements 
of  this  new  C;on(|neror  were  followed  with  strain- 
ing eyes.  ...  In  the  month  Nisun  (March)  of 
the  year  547  B.  C. ,  the  ninth  year  of  Nalionidiis, 
Cyrus  crossed  the  Tigris  at  the  fords  of  Arhela, 
eastward  of  tli<  modern  Mosul,  and  hegan  his 
llrst  invasion  ol  Huhylonla.  .  .  .  Meanwhile  the 
faineant  king  Nabonidus  lingered  in  his  palace 
near  Babylon,  leaving  the  defence!  of  the  empire 
to  his  eldest  son,  the  Prince  Uoyal  BeIsha/./,ar. 
Whether  worsted  in  battle  or,  as  is  more  likely, 
battled  by  the  dilllcultles  In  the  way  of  an  lnva<ler 
—  the  country  seamed  witli  water-courses,  the 
numerous  fortified  towns,  tlie  Jledian  Wall  — 
Cyrus  was  forced  to  retreat.  ...  In  the  seven- 
teenth year  of  Nabonidus  (riliO  B.  C.)  the  King  of 
Elam  once  more  took  the  Held  against  Babylon. 
This  time  the  attack  was  nnido  from  the  south- 
east. An  opportune  revolt  of  the  southern  prov- 
inces, probably  fomented  by  (lyrns  himself, 
opened  the  way  for  him  Into  the  heart  of  the 
land.  ...  On  all  sides  the  disatre(!ted  subjects 
of  Nabonidus  went  over  to  the  invader,  who 
pas.sed  on  at  the  head  of  hi,-)  '  vast  army.  Innu- 
merable, like  the  waters  of  a  river,'  without  meet- 
ing any  serious  resistnni'e.  The  last  hope  of 
Nabonidus  rested  on  his  Army  of  the  North.  In 
the  month  Tainmuz  (.lunc)  a  pitched  battle  was 
fought  near  Uoutou,  a  town  in  Accad,  and  ended 
in  the  defeat  of  the  Babyloniano.  A  revolution 
followed  at  once.  .  .  .  Some  days  later  the  vic- 
torious army,  under  a  lieutenant  of  the  King, 
appeared  before  the  walls  of  Babylon.  The  col- 
lapse of  all  authority  made  useless  defences 
winch  were  the  wonder  of  the  world ;  friendly 
hands  threw  open  the  brazen  gates,  and  without 
a  struggle  the  great  city  fell.  .  .  .  Four  months 
later  Cyrus  entered  Babylon  in  triumph.  .  .  . 
The  hitherto  accepted  opinion  that  Cyrus  was  an 
Aryan  monothelst,  a  worshipper  of  Ormazd,  and 
therefore  so  far  in  religious  sympathy  with  the 
,Iews,  is  seriously  shaken  if  not  overthrown  by 
the  Inscriptions  which  record  his  Babylonian 
conquest.  Even  if  allowance  be  made  for  the 
fact  that  these  are  state  documents,  and  reveal 
only  what  the  monarch  professed,  not  necessarily 
what  he  believed,  there  still  remains  the  strong 
probability  that  Cyrus  was  not  Zoroastrian  in 
creed,  but  polvtheist  like  his  people  of  Elam. 
The  Cyrus  of  the  Inscriptions  is  either  a  fanatical 
idolater  or  simply  an  opiiortunist  in  matters  of 
religion.  The  latter  alternative  is  the  more  prob- 
able."—P.  II.  Hunter,  After  the  Exile,  pt.  1, 
ch.  1-2. 

B.  C.  S37. — The  return  from  Babylon.— 
"The  fall  of  the  metropolis  had  decided  the 
fortune  of   the   Babylonian  kingdom,  uud  the 

1909 


|irovlnces.  The  most  Imiiortaiit  of  th<'«e  was 
Hvria,  with  the  great  triidiiig  places  of  the  I'he- 
iilrians  on  the  Mediterraneiui.  .  .  .  The  hopes  of 
the  .lews  were  at  lust  fullllled.  The  fall  of 
Babylon  hiul  avenged  the  fall  of  .leru.salem,  and 
the  sulijugation  of  Syria  to  the  armies  of  Itabv- 
lon  opened  the  way  for  their  return.  Cyrus  did 
not  lieHe  tlie  cotitl'denee  whieli  the  Jews  had  so 
<'agerly  olTered  him ;  without  hesitation  he  gave 
the  e.xlles  permission  to  return  and  erect  again 
their  shrine  at  .lerusalein.  The  return  of  theeup- 
tivesiiiKl  the  fouiidatiunof  a  new  stattMif  the  Jews 
was  very  much  to  his  liilen  st;  it  might  contrib- 
ute to  support  Ills  empire  in  Syria,  lie  did  not 
merely  count  on  the  griititudi!  of  the  returning 
exiles,  but  as  any  revival  of  the  Balivlonlan 
kingdom,  or  rebellion  of  the  Syrians  against  the 
Persian  empire,  im|)erllled  the  existence  of  this 
community,  which  had  not  only  to  be  established 
anew,  but  would  never  be  very  strong,  it  nuist 
necessarily  oppose  any  such  attempts.  Forty- 
nine  years  —  w^ven  SatibatU'id  years,  instea  I  of 
Hm)  tt'u  announced  by  .leremlah  —  liad  pas.sed 
since  the  destruction  of  .lerusalem,  and  moro 
than  sixty  since  ,Ieremiah  had  llrst  annoiniced 
the  seventy  years  of  servitude  to  Babylon. 
Cyrus  c<iminlssloned  ZerubbalKd,  the  son  of  Sa- 
lathiel,  a  gramison  of  .lechonluh,  the  king  who 
had  been  carried  away  captive,  and  therefore  a 
scion  of  the  ancient  royal  race,  and  a  descendant 
of  David,  to  be  the  lender  of  the  returning  exiles, 
to  establish  them  in  their  abode,  and  be  the  head 
of  the  coninuinity ;  ho  bade  his  treasurer  Mitli- 
ridates  give  out  to  him  the  sacred  vessels,  which 
Nebuchadnezzar  had  carried  away  as  trophies  to 
Babylon,  and  placed  in  the  ten'plo  of  Bel; 
there  are  said  to  have  been  more  than  .'i.OOO 
utensils  of  gold  and  silver,  baskets,  goblets, 
cups,  knives,  etc.  But  all  the  Jews  in  Babylon 
did  not  avail  themselves  of  the  permission. 
Like  the  Israelites  deported  by  Sargon  into 
Media  and  A.s.syria  some  ISO  years  previously, 
many  of  the  Jews  brought  to  Mesopotamia  and 
Babylonia  at  the  time  of  Jechonlah  and  Zedekiah, 
had  found  there  a  new  home,  which  they  pre- 
ferred to  the  land  of  their  fathers.  But  the 
priests  (to  the  number  of  more  than  3,000),  many 
of  the  families  of  the  heads  of  the  tribes,  all  who 
cared  for  the  sanctuary  and  the  old  couMtry,  all 
in  whom  Jehovah  'awoke  tlie  spirit,'  as  the 
Book  of  Ezra  sjiys,  began  the  march  over  tho 
Euphrates.  With  Zerubbabel  was  Joshua,  tho 
high  priest,  tho  most  distinguished  among  all 
the  .Jews,  a  grandson  of  the  high  priest,  Zeraiali, 
whom  Nebuchadnezzar  had  executed  after  tho 
capture  of  Jerusalem.  ...  It  was  u  conslderablu 
multitude  which  left  the  land  '  beyond  the 
stream,'  tho  waters  of  Babylon,  to  sit  onco 
more  under  the  fig-tree  in  their  ancient  liome, 
and  build  up  the  city  of  David  and  the  temple  of 
Jehovah  from  their  ruins;  42,300  freemen,  with 
7,337  Hebrew  men-servants  and  maid-servants; 
their  goods  were  carried  by  435  camels,  736 
horses,  250  mules,  and  0,720  ;.sse8  (,537  B.  C). 
The  exodus  of  the  Jews  from  Babylon  is  ac- 
companied by  a  prophet  with  cries  of  joy,  and 
announcements  filled  with  the  wildest  hopes. 
.  .  .  'Go  forth  from  Babvlon,'  he  cries;  'fly 
from  the  land  of  the  Chaldaians!  Proclaim  it 
with  shouts  of  joy,  tell  it  to  the  end  of  the  earth 
and  say:  ".Jehovah  hath  redeemed  his  servant 
Jacob."'  How  beautiful  upon  the  mountains 
are  the  feet  of  him  that  bringeth  glad  tidings, 


.IKW'S.  l\.  C.  M7. 


7*1"  rrlurn  /rum 
Oubtlon. 


JEWH,  II  V.  m. 


tliiit  piilillHlictli  iii'jii'c,  iliiit  Miilili  unto  /lull,  Tliy 
(lull  rclKiii'tli.  ''|i,  >i|>,  K'*  rortli,  tiiiicli  no  iiii- 
cli'iiM  iirrsiiii;  K<>  forth  from  uiiioiik  IIiciii. 
Cloiuim'  jdursi'lvcs,  y<i  tliiit  liciir  .Ii'IioviiIi'h  vcn- 
HuU.  Yi'  nIiuII  iin  Tirtli  iif  Joy,  mid  \m  led  in 
lic'iicc;  the  iiioiiiilalim  anil  the  lillli)  hIiiiII  lin-iik 
lorlli  lirforn  you  into  HiiiKinKi  ""il  <>"  ""'  trccH 
hIiiiII  <'la|i  thrfr  haiiilM.     Jcliovali  ^och  bcforu  you, 

mill  till' (ioil  of  iHrai'l  liriiiKH  uplhrri'ar lo- 

liovali  calln  tlice  iw  an  oiitfiiHt  Horrowfiil  woiimn, 
mill  thy  (Joil  N|>nikH  to  tlii'i!  uh  to  a  liridr  who  Iiiih 
lii'i'ii  nut  away;  thy  riiiiiH,  and  dcHiTtH,  and 
wiiHtcd  land,  wlilrli  whh  di'stroycd  from  K<'»('ra- 
tion  to  ^('iicralion  —  thy  pcopli-  huild  up  thi! 
riiiiiN,  and  renew  tlie  aneieiit  eitiei).  Ilehold,  I 
will  iiiaiie  tliy  ilcMcrt  like  Kden,  and  thy  wilder- 
nesH  like  tlio  garden  of  the  Lord;  1  will  lay  thy 
Htones  Willi  bright  lead,  and  thy  foumlatioim 
with  Kapphires,  and  make  thy  towers  of  ruliieH 
and  thy  ^ates  of  earbiinclefi.  iloy  and  dell);ht  Ih 
in  them,  tliaiikH;(iviii)(  and  the  Hound  of  HtriiiKH. 
Tlie  wealth  of  the  Hen  Hliall  eoiiu!  to  thee,  and 
the  treaHiire.H  of  the  liatioim  hIiiiII  ho  thine;  liku  a 
Htreiiiii  will  I  iiriii){Halvatioii  upon  iHrael,  and  llio 
treaHurcM  of  tlu^  nationg  like  an  overflowing  river. 
Tliy  Hoim  IniHlen  onward;  tliosr  that  laid  tlico 
waste  K"  forth  from  thee.  I.ill  up  tliiiie  eyes 
and  see;  thy  sons  come  from  far,  and  I  will  gather 
tliem  to  tliosi^  tiiat  are  gatiiered  togetlier.  The 
islaiiiisand  tlieHliipHof  Tarshisli  wait  to  bring 
thy  eliildren  from  afar,  their  gold  and  their  silver 
with  them.  T\\v.  land  will  be  too  narrow  for  the 
inhabitants;  widen  the  place  for  thy  tent,  let  the 
earpiits  of  thy  habitation  be  spnuul — delay  not. 
Draw  out  tlic  rope;  to  the  right  and  to  the  left 
must  tliou  be  widened.  I  will  set  up  my  banner 
for  the  nations,  that  they  bring  thy  sons  in  their 
arm,  and  tliy  daughters  shall  be  carried  on  the 
shoulders.  Kings  shall  be  thy  guardians,  and 
queens  thy  nursing-mothers;  I  will  bow  them  to 
the  earth  before  thee,  and  they  shall  lick  the 
(lust  of  thy  feet,  and  thou  slialt  know  that  I  am 
tlchovali,  and  they  who  wait  patiently  for  me 
shall  not  be  put  to  shame.'  Such  expectations 
and  hopes  were  far  from  being  realised.  The 
Edomites  had,  in  the  mean-time,  extended  their 
borders  and  oblidned  poasession  of  the  South  of 
Judali,  but  the  land  immediately  round  Jerusa- 
lem was  free  and  no  doubt  almost  depopulated. 
As  the  returning  exiles  contented  tliemselves 
with  the  settlement  at  Jerusalem,  the  towns  to 
the  North,  Auathoth,  Oebah,  Miclimash,  Kirjath- 
Jearim,  and  some  others  —  only  nethlchem  is 
mentioned  to  the  South  —  they  found  nothing  to 
impede  them.  Tlieir  first  care  was  the  restora- 
tion of  the  worship,  according  to  the  law  and 
the  custom  of  their  fathers.  .  .  .  Then  volun- 
tary gifts  were  collected  from  all  for  the  rebuild- 
ing of  the  temple;  contributions  even  came  in 
from  those  who  had  remained  in  Uabylonia,  so 
tlmt  70,000  pieces  of  gold  and  5,000  mime  of  silver 
are  said  to  have  been  amiLssed.  Tyrian  masons 
were  hired,  and  agreements  made 'with  Tyrian 
carpenters,  to  fell  cedars  in  Lebanon,  and  bring 
tlicm  to  Joppa,  for  which  Cyrus  iiad  given  his 
permission.  The  foundation  of  the  temple  was 
laid  in  tlie  second  year  of  the  return  (530  R.  C). 
.  .  .  Tile  fortunate  beginning  of  tlie  restoration 
of  the  city  and  temple  soon  met  with  dilllcultics. 
The  people  of  Samaria,  who  were  a  mixture  of 
tiic  remnant  of  tlie  Israelites  and  tlie  strangers 
whom  Sargou  hail  brouglit  there  after  the  cap- 
ture of  Samariii,  .  .  .  niid  Ksarhaddon  at  a  lutir 


dale.  .  ,  ,  came  to  meet  the  exiles  in  it  I'riendly 
spirit,  and  olTered  them  aHsislanee,  from  which 
we  must  eoiielude  that  in  spite  of  the  fnreiun 
adniixtiire  the  Israelitish  lilood  and  the  worslilp 
of  Jehovah  weri!  iireponderant  in  Hiimaria.  Tlie 
new  temple  wouhl  tiius  have  been  the  common 
Hitnetuary  of  tlie  united  people  of  Israel.  Hut 
till!  'sons  of  eaiitivity  '  were  loo  proud  of  the 
sorrows  wliiili  tliey  hud  undergone,  and  liie  tlilel 
ily  whieli  they  liad  preserveii  to  Jelmvali.  and 
their  pure  dcMient,  to  accept  tliis  oiler.  Ileiieu 
the  old  (juarrel  between  Israel  and  Jiidali  broke 
out  anew,  and  the  exiles  sihiii  felt  the  result. 
After  their  repulse  tiie  Hmnarilans  siit  themselveH 
to  hinder  the  building  by  force;  '  they  lerrilled 
the  exiles  tliiit  tliey  liiillt  no  more,  mid  liireii 
counsellors  to  make  the  attcmiit  vain  during  llie 
whole;  of  the  remainder  of  the  reign  of  (-'yriis.'" 
—  M.  Diincker,  l/iiit.  nf  Aiilii/iiiti/,  lih.  8,  c/i.  H 
(".  (I).  —  Tiie  duration  of  tlie  ("ap'tivity,  strictly 
speaking,  "was  only  forty  seven  years,  if  we 
reckon  by  the  Canon  of  I'tolemy,  from  tin;  IDlli 
year  of  Nabucli<Mlroz/or  lo  the  first  of  (Jyrim; 
or,  better,  forty-nine  years,  if  we  add  on,  lis  wo 
probably  ought  to  do,  the  two  years'  reign  of  tlio 
Median  king  wliom  ('yriis  set  on  the  tiirone  of 
Uabylon." — II.  Kwald,  Hint,  of  hriiel.  bk.  5,  in- 
troil. — "The  decree  of  Cyrus,  at  the  close  of  the 
captivity,  exl<'nded  only  to  the  rebuilding  of  the 
Temple.  '  Thus  saith  Cyrus,  king  of  Persia, 
Tlie  Lord  God  of  heaven  .  .  ,  hath  charged  me 
to  build  him  an  liouse  at  Jerusalem.'  And  under 
tills  decree  Jesiiua  and  Zerubbabel  '  biiilded  tiie 
altar  of  the  Oml  of  Israel.  .  .  .  Uut  the  fouiidii- 
tion  of  the  Temple  of  the  Lord  was  not  yet  laid.' 
Afterwards  they  'laid  the  foundation  of  the 
Temple  of  the  Lord,'  including,  apparently,  the 
outer  wall,  for  their  enemies  made  a  representa- 
tion to  the  king  of  Persia  that  the  Jews  were  re- 
building the  walls  of  their  city:  'The  Jews 
which  came  up  from  thee  to  tis  are  .  .  .  build- 
ing tlie  rebellious  and  tlie  bad  city,  and  have  set 
up  tlio  walls  thereof,  and  joined  the  foundations.' 
And  lis  the  wall  of  the  Temple,  which  was  about 
twelve  feet  thick,  gave  a  colour  to  the  charge,  u 
decree  was  issued  by  Artaxerxes  to  prohibit  tlie 
further  prosecution  of  the  work.  '  Then  ceased 
the  work  of  the  house  of  0ml,  which  is  at 
Jerusalem.'  On  the  accession  of  Darius  to 
the  throne  of  Persia,  Jesliua  and  Zerubbabel  re- 
commenced the  restoration  of  tlio  Temple,  in- 
cluding the  wall  of  the  Outer  Teniplc,  for  they 
'began  to  build  the  house  of  God,'  \^lien  their 
enemies  again  stepped  forward,  saying,  '  Who 
hath  commanded  you  to  build  this  house,  and  tu 
make  up  this  wallV '  And  on  a  renewed  com- 
plaint to  the  king  of  Persia,  search  was  made 
for  the  decree  of  Cyrus,  and  when  it  was  found, 
Darius  permitted  the  Jews  to  jiroceed  willi  tlio 
Temple;  '  Let  the  governor  of  the  Jews  and  the 
elders  of  the  Jews  build  this  house  of  God  in 
his  place; '  and  tiiereupim  the  structure  and  tlie 
outer  walls  thereof  (the  square  of  000  fei;t)  were 
completed:  'Thcybuilded  and  finished  it  .  .  . 
on  the  third  day  of  the  month  Adar,  which  was 
in  tlic  sixth  year  of  the  reign  of  Darius  tlie 
king.'  Thus  far  the  rebuilding  extended  to  the 
Tenii)le  only,  and  not  to  tlie  walls  of  the  city. 
Ezra  afterwards  obtained  a  decree  to  restore  tlic 
nationality  of  the  Jews,  viz.,  to  'set  magistrates 
and  judges,  wliich  might  judge  all  the  people;' 
and  afterwards  Nehemiah,  the  cupbearer  to  the 
king,  was  enabled   in  a  favourable  moment  to 


1910 


lEWH,  n  r  ftsr 


Kahul'mlnn  Jrm. 


.lEV'H,  n,  ('.  4\B-SWi. 


will  from  hlin  cxprcNH  prrmlHuloii  to  rrlmllil  lli<> 
Kuril*,  or  V<'Mtry,  urtrrwiinlH  Anliiiiiii,  iiml  iilsn  llio 
clly:  '  Hi'iiil  iiKi  unto  .liuliili,  iiiiln  lln'  city  of 
iny  fittlii'rH'  Hi'iiulclirrH,  tliiii  I  iiiiiy  liiilld  it;'  itiiil 
II  (liii'clion  w;i.s  kIvcii  to  tlii^  ifovi'moi'M  licyoiiil 
IIk^  Kii|iliriili'H  to  forwiiril  Ni'liciiiiiili  iiiiil  lilx 
coinpiiiiy  to  .IcrusiiiiMii;  iiiiil  llic  liiii^'H  forcNtcr 
witH  n'i|uir('<l  to  Hiipply  tlio  iicccKMiiry  tiiiilx'r." — 
T.  I.cwiii,  Jfnimlfin,  eh.  'i. — "  Tlui  iIi'vyH  re- 
tiirimtl  lionu!  Hollered  iind  improved  liy  their  siif- 
ferliij{«  ill  exile,  and  entirely  cured  of  llieir  early 
Imnkeriii);  nfter  idoliitry.  lliiviiiK  no  polllieul 
independence,  iind  living  under  ii  governor,  tliey 
devoted  tlu-mselvex  iill  tlie  more  to  religion,  tint 
only  Hoiircc  iind  Hupport  of  tlieir  imtioimlity,  luid 
lieciuiU!  /.eiiiot.s  for  the  liiw,  iind'for  ii  ilevoiit 
l-iirryiil);  out  of  nil  Its  preceptM,  iin  fur  iih  priictl- 
enlile.  All,  indeed,  could  not  lie  iiKuin  rcHtored. 
The  iiioHt  holy  of  the  new  temple  wim  empty, 
for  it  was  without  the  lost  and  irreplaceable  iirk 
of  •the  covenant;  the  oracular  oriiamriitH  of  tlii^ 
high  pricHt  iiud  dlHappcared.  Am  .IcruHiilem  was 
now,  far  morethnn  fornierly,  the  head  and  heart 
<if  the  nation,  the  lil<{li  prlcHthood  ,  .  .  wan  the 
uutliorlly  to  which  the  nation  willinKlv  Hiilimit- 
ted;  it  Herved  iw  the  rcpreseiilative  iiiiu  pilliir  of 
unity,  and  tlie  koiih  of  David  were  forjfotten. 
Another  of  the  ahidinff  coriHe(iuence»  of  their  ex- 
ile was,  the  altered  mode  of  life  which  the  nation 
k'd.  At  first  lliey  had  lieeii  exclusively  devoteil 
to  agriculture ;  hut  after  mixing  with  strangers 
they  learnt  to  engage  in  trade,  and  this  inclina- 
tion went  on  always  increasing;  it  contriliuleil 
essentially  to  their  being  spread  far  beyond  the 
borders  of  Palestine,  and  to  their  multiplying 
tlieir  settlements  In  foreign  lands."  —  J.  .J.  I. 
DiMlinger,  The  (Ifiitih  iind  the  .lew  in  the  CoiirtH 
of  the  Temple  of  Ohrint,  bk.  1(»,  ncH.  1  (c.  3). 

Al.Ho  IN:  H.  II.  Milnian,  lliit.  of  the  .Teiex,  hk.  0. 

B.  C.  536-A.  D.  so.— The  Babylonian  Jews. 
— "There  is  sometliiiig  very  remarkable  in  tlii! 
history  of  this  nice,  for  the  luo.st  part  dcaeeniiaiits 
of  those  families  which  had  refused  to  listen  to 
the  Hiimnionsof  Zorobiilicl,  E/.rii,  and  Nehemiah, 
and  to  return  to  the  possession  of  tlieir  native 
country.  .  .  .  Tlie  singular  part  of  their  history 
is  this,  tliat,  tlioiigh  willing  aliens  from  their 
native  Palestine,  tiiey  remained  Jew  \  in  charac- 
ter and  religion;  tliey  continued  to  be  a  separate 
people,  and  refused  to  mingle  themselves  with 
the  population  of  the  country  in  which  they 
were  domiciliated.  While  tlioso  who  retiirneil 
to  the  Holy  Land  were  in  danger  of  forming  n 
mixed  race,  by  intermarriages  with  the  neigh- 
bouring tribes,  which  it  rp(piired  all  the  sternest 
exercise  of  autliority  in  their  rulers  to  prevent, 
the  Habylonian  Jews  were  still  as  distinct  a 
people  as  tlie  whole  race  of  Israel  has  been  since 
the  final  dispersion.  .  .  .  Nor  did  they,  like  the 
Jews  of  Alexandria,  liecome  in  any  degree  inde- 
pendent of  the  great  place  of  national  worsliip; 
tliey  were  as  rigid  Jews  as  if  they  had  grown  up 
within  sight  of  the  Temple.  .  .  .  The  Temple 
became  what  tho  Caaba  of  Mecca  is  to  the  Mo- 
liammedans,  the  object  of  tlie  profoiindest  rever- 
ence, and  sometimes  of  a  pious  pilgrimage;  but 
the  land  of  tlieir  fathers  had  lost  its  hold  on  their 
affections;  they  had  no  desire  to  exchange  tho 
level  phun»  of  IJabyloniii  for  tho  rich  pastures, 
the  golden  cornfields,  or  the  rocky  vineyards  of 
Galileo  ami  Juduia.  This  Babylonian  seitlement 
was  so  numerous  and  fiourishing,  that  Philo 
more  than  once  intimates  tlie  possibility  of  their 


mariliing  in  hiicIi  forre  to  the  asxistance  of  their 
brethren  in  Pnlestine,  In  case  the  Knmaii  oppres 
HJon  was  carried  to  excess,  as  to  make  the  fate 
of  the  war  very  doubtful.  Their  eliicf  city, 
Nearda,  was  Nirongly  situated  in  a  benil  of  tri(> 
river  lOiiphrali's,  wliiili  almost  Hurroiimled  tint 
town.  "  About  th(!  mlildle  of  the  first  ccndiry 
(of  the.  Christian  era)  a  band  of  freebooters, 
formed  by  two  brotliers  of  this  Jewish  cominu- 
nltv,  gave  great  provocathm  to  the  llaliyloniaiif 
anil  to  tlie  Parthian  king  whose  subjects  tlier 
then  were.  They  were  finally,  but  with  iniieli 
difliciilly,  destroyed,  and  the  liabyloniaim  then 
"began  to  commit  dreadful  reprisals  on  tlie 
whole  Jewish  population.  The  ,le\VH,  uiiabUi  t<> 
H'  .iHt,  fled  ill  great  numbers  to  Heli'ucia;  six 
years  after  many  more  lisik  refuge  from  a  pesti- 
leiiee  In  the  same  city.  Helciicia  happened  to  1m> 
divided  into  two  factions:  om-  of  tlic^  Oreeks, 
the  other  of  the  Syrians.  Thi^  Jews  threw  tlii'in- 
Hclves  into  the  scale  of  the  Syrians,  wlio  tiiim 
obtained  a  HUperiorlty,  till  the  (Jreeks  came  to 
terms  with  tlii'  Syrians;  and  both  parties  agreed 
to  fall  upon  tli(>  iiiiha|i|iy  Jews.  As  iiiaiiy  as 
r)((,0(H)  men  wert!  slain.  Thi^  few  who  escapi'd 
fled  to  CleHlphon.  Kven  tlien^  the  enmity  of  tlio 
Seleiiclans  pursued  them;  and  at  length  the  sur- 
vivors took  refuge  in  their  old  ipiarters,  Nearda 
and  Nisibis."— IF.  II.  Milman,  Hint,  of  the  .leira, 
Ilk.  VHe.  2). 

B.  C.  433-332.— The  century  of  Silence.— 
"Till'  Inl'Tval  between  the  Teslaineiits  bus  been 
called  'The  Centuries  of  Hileiice. '  The  phrase 
Is  most  untrue;  for,  as  a  whole,  this  time  was 
vocal  with  tlic^  cry  of  a  battle  in  which  empire 
contended  witii  empire,  and  pliilosophy  with 
philosonhy :  it  was  an  ago  of  earnest  and  angry 
contention.  Hut  the  hiindreil  years  succeeding 
the  death  of  Nehemiah  are  for  us,  so  far  as  any 
record  reiiiainsof  tliat  Jucheaii  history,  a  century 
of  silence.  For  some  reason  which  does  not 
a|ipcar,  the  period  from  the  ileatli  of  this  sturdy 
old  captain  at  Jerusalem  to  the  time  of  tlie 
Greek  eon<|Uest  of  Persia  has  no  Jewish  history. 
Tliat  It  was  a  perimi  of  growth  and  di^velojiiicnt 
with  tlie  Jinheans  — especially  in  their  theological 
and  ecclesiastical  life — is  evident  from  the 
changes  which  the  close  of  the  century  shows. 
The  stress  of  external  events  made  it  u  tiino  of 
heavy  taxation  and  distress, —  a  time  of  struggle 
with  Samaria,  and  of  internal  conllict  for  tho 
control  of  the  high  priest's  olllce."— T.  U.  HIieer, 
llrtwe.eii  the  Te»tiiment»  (The  New  World,  March, 
\m'i). 

B.  C.  413-332. —  The  rule  of  the  High 
Priests. — "After  tlie  death  of  Nehemiah  and 
the  higli  priest,  Kliasliib  (4i:i  IJ.  (;.),  the  Persian 
Court  did  not  appoint  governors  of  Judea.  Sa- 
maria was  the  seat  of  the  Persian  Satrap  for 
Syria,  Pluenicia  and  Palestine.  Tlie  sons  of 
liavid  had  lost  prestige  under  Nehemiah  (Psalm 
Ixxxix.).  Tlie  ruler  acknowledged  by  tho  Law, 
the  prophet  (Deiiter.  xviii.  ITi),  was  no  more; 
the  last  projihels  under  Nehemiah,  with  tho  ex- 
ceplioii  of  Malachi,  had  proved  unworthy  of  their 
illustrious  iiredcccssors.  Therefore,  the  high 
priest  was  now  the  first  man  in  the  tlu^ocracy, 
and,  contrary  to  the  Laws  of  Aloses  (Leviticus  x. 
3),  he  was  acknowledged  the  cliief  ruler  of  the 
nation,  although  he  was  no  longer  tho  bearer  of 
the  Urim  and  Tliumim  (Ezra  ii.  (!;)).  Ho  pre- 
sided over  the  Great  Synod,  was  the  represen- 
tative  of  the  people   before   the   king   and    his 


1911 


JEWS,  B.  0.  413-388. 


Under  thf  Greek: 
lMteni»m, 


JEWS,  B.  C.  832-167. 


sntrnp,  and  grndually  lie  fstabllsliod  hitnsi'lf  in 
the  higlicst  (Utility  of  tl'c  niition."—  I.  M.  Wise, 
Ilixl.  of  the  liebrftm'  fkeowl  Commonwealth,  1«< 
period,  eh.  4. 

B.C.  332-167. —  The  Greek  domination.— 
Jewish  dispersion.— Hellenism.— On  tlif  full  of 
the  I'l'isiiiii  inoniircliy,  Jmlea.witli  all  tlio  rest  of 
wcsttTii  Asia,  was  gathered  into  the  euipire  of 
Alexander  the  Great  (see  Macedonia:  B.  C.  334- 
330,  and  after),  Jerusalem  submitting  to  him 
witliout  a  siege,  and  so  avoiding  the  fate  of  Tyre. 
In  the  wars  lietween  Alexander's  generals  and 
successors,  wliieh  followed  Ilia  death,  Palestine 
changed  masters  several  times,  but  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  much  disturl)cd.  The  High 
Priests  continued  to  be  the  eliiefs  of  the  natici, 
and  neither  the  religion  nor  tlie  internal  govern- 
ment of  the  'lebrew  state  sulTered  much  inter- 
ference. The  final  partition  made  among  the 
new  Macedonian  l<ings  (B.  C.  303),  gave  Pales- 
tine to  Ptolemy  of  Egypt,  and  it  remained  sub- 
ject to  Egypt  for  a  century.  Tliia  period  was  a 
happy  one,  on  tlie  whole,  for  the  Jews.  The 
Ptolemies  were  liiendly  to  them,  with  one  ex- 
ception, respecting  their  religion  and  laws. 
Large  numbers  of  them  settleil  in  Egypt,  and 
especially  in  the  rising  new  capital  and  empo- 
rium of  trade — Alexandria.  But  in  201  B.  C. 
Antiochus  *lio  Great,  king  of  the  Syrian  or  Se- 
leucid  monareliy,  wrested  Cndosyria  and  Pales- 
tine from  the  Ptolemies  and  added  it  to  liis  own 
dominions  (see  Seleucid/E:  B.  C.  224-187). 
Antiochus  dealt  favoraliiy  with  the  Jews,  but 
his  successors  proved  harder  masters  than  the 
Egyptian  Greeks. — II.  Ewald,  IlUt.  of  Israel,  bk. 
.5,  seet.  2  (v.  5). — "Tliese  kings  promoted  the 
settlement  of  Greeks  and  Syrians  in  Palestine,  so 
that  it  was  liy  degrees  all  covered  witli  ci;ies 
and  towns  of  Grecian  nomenclature.  Tlie  nar- 
row territory  of  Judca  alone  kept  free  of  them, 
but  was  surround  d  with  settlers  wliose  speecli, 
customs,  and  creed  were  Greek.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Jews  went  on  spreading  in  lands  where 
Greek  was  spoken.  A  good  many  of  these  were 
planted  in  Egypt,  in  the  newly  founded  capital 
Antioch,  in  Lydia  and  Plirygia.  Led  on  by 
their  love  of  trade,  they  soon  became  numerous 
in  the  commercial  cities  of  western  Asia,  Ephe- 
sus,  Pergamus,  Sliletiis,  Sardis,  &c.  From  Egypt 
and  Alexandria,  in  which  city,  at  a  later  period, 
they  formed  two-fifths  of  the  inhabitants,  they 
arc  v.'  along  the  coast  of  Africa  to  Cyrene  and  the 
towns  of  the  Pentapolis,  and  from  Asia  Anterior 
to  the  Macedonian  and  Greek  marts ;  for  the  na- 
tional love  of  commerce  became  more  and  more 
developed,  til)  it  absorbed  all  other  occupations, 
and  to  this  certainly  the  general  inclination  for 
commercial  intercourse,  prevalent  at  t!iat  period, 
greatly  contributed.  Thus  it  happened  that  two 
movements,  identical  in  their  operation,  crossed 
each  other,  viz.,  r.n  influx  of  Greek,  or  of  Asiatic 
but  hellenised,  settlers  into  Palestine,  and  an 
outpouring  of  Jews  and  Samaritans  into  the 
cities  speaking  the  Greek  tongue.  In  o'.den 
t.raes,  wliib  the  Israelites  Jtill  possessed  a  na- 
tional kingdom,  tliev  felt  tlieir  isolation  from 
other  people  as  a  burden.  It  was  as  an  oppressive 
yoke  to  them,  whicli  they  bore  impatiently,  and 
were  ahv ays  trying  to  shake  off.  They  wanted 
to  live  like  other  nations,  to  eat,  drink,  and  in- 
termarry with  them,  and,  togetlier  with  their 
own  God,  to  honour  the  gods  of  the  stranger 
also;   for  many  raw  and  carnally-minded  .Jews 


only  looked  upon  tlie  one  special  God  and  pro- 
tector of  tlieir  nation  as  one  gml  amoncst  many. 
But  now  there  was  a  complete  change  m  tliis  re- 
siiect.  The  Jews  everywhere  lived  and  acted 
upon  the  fundamental  principle,  that  l)etwcen 
them  and  all  other  nations  there  was  an  insur- 
mountable barrier;  tliey  sliut  themselves  ofT, 
and  formed  in  every  town  separate  corporations, 
with  ofUcers  of  their  own ;  while  at  the  same 
time  they  kept  up  a  constant  connexion  witli  tiie 
simctuary  at  Jerusalem.  They  paid  a  tribute  to 
tlie  temple  there,  whicli  was  carefully  collected 
everywliere,  and  from  time  to  time  conveyed  in 
soler  n  procession  to  Jerusalem.  There  alone, 
too,  i.,iuld  the  sacrilices  and  gifts  which  were  de- 
manded liy  the  law  bj  ofleieil.  In  this  wise  they 
preserved  a  centre  and  a  iiietrojiolis.  And  yet 
there  followed  from  all  tliis  an  event,  wliich  in 
its  consequences  was  one  of  tiie  most  important 
in  history,  namely,  tlic  hellenising  of  tlie  Jews 
who  were  living  out  of  Judca,  and  even,  in  a 
degree,  of  those  who  remained  in  their  own  land. 
Tliey  were  a  people  too  gifted  intellectually  to 
resist  the  magnetic  power  by  which  tlie  Ilellen- 
i' tic  tongue  and  modes  of  tliought  and  action 
worked  even  upon  such  as  were  disposed  to  re- 
sist tliem  on  principle.  The  Jews  in  the  ccn- 
mercial  towns  readily  acquired  the  Greek,  and 
soon  forgot  their  motlier  tongue;  and  as  the 
younger  generation  already  in  tlieir  domestic 
circle  were  not  taught  Gieeli  by  natives,  as 
might  be  supposed,  this  Jewish  Greek  grew  into 
a  peculiar  idiom,  the  Ilellenisfic.  During  the 
reign  of  tlie  second  Ptolemy,  284-247  B.  C,  the 
law  of  !Moses  was  translated  at  Alexandria  into 
Greek,  probably  more  to  meet  tlie  religious 
wants  of  tlie  Jews  of  the  dispc^ion  than  to 
gratify  the  desire  of  the  king.  The  necessity  of 
a  knowledge  of  Hebrew  for  tlie  use  of  the  lioly 
Scriptures  wivs  therel)y  done  away  witli,  and 
Greek  language  and  customs  became  more  and 
more  prevalent.  Individuals  began  to  join  this 
or  tliat  Bchool  of  philosopliy,  according  to  pre- 
dilection and  intellectual  bias.  The  Platonic 
pliilosophy  had  necessarily  most  attractions  for 
the  disciples  of  Moses.  The  intrusion  of  Hellen- 
ism into  Judea  itself  met  witli  a  much  more  con- 
siderable resistance  from  the  old  believing  and 
conservative  Jews.  Tliose  of  the  heathen  dis- 
persion were  obliged  to  be  satisfied  witli  mere 
prayer,  i3ible  readings  and  expo.sitions,  in  their 
proseuchn;  and  syn;Agogues,  and  to  do  witliout 
the  solemn  worship  i.n<l  sacrifices  of  tlie  temple; 
but  in  Jerusalem  the  temple- worship  was  carried 
out  witli  all  its  ancient  usages  and  symbols. 
There  presided  the  Sopherim,  the  Scribes  or 
skilled  expounders  of  the  law,  a  title  lirst  appro- 
priated to  Esdras  (about  450  B.  C).  He  was  one 
of  tlie  founders  of  the  new  arrangements  in  the 
restored  state,  and  was  a  priest,  and  at  the  same 
time  a  judge  appointed  liy  tlie  king  of  Persia. 
.  .  .  From  that  time  forth  dependence  on  the 
law,  pride  in  its  p<  ^session  as  the  pledge  of 
divine  election,  and  tiie  careful  custotly  of  this 
wall  of  partition,  sank  deep  into  tlie  character  of 
the  nation,  and  became  the  source  of  many  ad- 
vantages as  well  as  of  serious  faults.  .  .  .  The 
later  .Tewish  tradition  makes  much  mention  of 
tlie  ^  oat  sj'nagogue  believed  to  have  existed 
already  in  tlie  time  '  Esdras,  or  to  have  been 
founded  by  him.  It  .  supposed  to  have  mus- 
tered 120  memoers,  and,  under  tlio  presidency 
of  the  high-priest,  was  to  be  the  guardian  of  the 


1912 


JEWS,  B.  C.  333-107. 


Vie  ^facca^^ean 
Ktvolt. 


JEWS,  B.  C.  lOG-40. 


law  and  doctrine.  One  of  i'.a  last  rulers  w(is 
Simon  tlie  Jiist,  who  was  Mch-pricst,  and  tlie 
most  distinjjiiished  doctor  of  Ins  time  (lliat  of  llie 
first  Ptolcniys).  Afterwards  tliis  threefold  dig 
nity  or  function  of  high-priest,  scribe  or  rabbi, 
and  of  Nasi  or  prince  of  the  syn-gogue,  were 
never  united  in  one  i)erson.  .  .  .  The  liigli- 
priestliood  fell  into  contempt,  tlie  more  it  served 
foreign  rulers  as  the  venal  instrument  of  ti  -ir 
caprice ;  but  the  Scribes  nourished  as  being  '.'  ■ 
preservers  of  all  theological  and  juridical  knowl- 
edge, and  were  supported  by  the  respect  and  con- 
fidence of  the  people.  ...  By  the  year  170 
B.  C,  Hellenism  had  undoubtedly  made  such 
proi're.ss  among  the  Jews,  in  Palestine  even,  that 
theAssyrian  king,  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  was 
able  to  plan  the  extirpation  of  tlie  Jewish  re- 
ligion, and  the  conversion  of  the  temple  at 
Jerusalem  into  a  temple  of  Jupiter  Olvmpius." 
— J.  J.  I.  DOllinger,  The  Oaiitile  and  the  Jew  in 
the  Courts  of  the  Temple  nf  dhrint,  hk.  10,  sect.  1 
(().  2). — Twice,  Antiochiis  iphanes  crushed  re- 
bellion in  Jerusalem  w;  iiwful  ferocity.  On 
the  last  occasion,  the  ,  i^iiu  were  believed  to 
number  80,000,  whi'o  10,000  captives  were  led 
away  and  sold  as  slaves.  The  city  was  sacked 
and  partly  burned;  the  Temple  was  plundered 
and  polluted.  "Not  content  with  tliese  enormi- 
ties, Antiochus  determined  to  abolish  altogether 
the  Jewish  religion,  and,  if  possible,  entirely  to 
exterminate  the  race.  With  this  intention,  he 
issued  an  edict  throughout  his  dominions,  call- 
ing upon  all  the  nations  who  were  subject  to  his 
uthority  to  renounce  their  relig'oii  and  worship 
his  gods,  and  this  order  ho  enforced  witli  the 
most  severe  Dains  and  penalties.  The  Jews  were 
the  only  people  who  ventured  to  disobey  the 
edict,  whereupon,  Antioch\is  ordered  them  to  be 
treated  with  the  utmost  rigour,  and  sent  to  Jeru- 
salem an  old  man  named  Athencas,  who  wi.s 
well  versed  in  the  rites  of  the  Greek  worship,  as 
commissioner,  to  enforce  obedience  to  his  com- 
mands. This  old  pagan  dedicated  the  Temnle 
to  Jupiter  Olympus,  and  placed  a  statue  of  that, 
false  deity  upon  the  altar  of  burnt  offering.  This 
desecration  was  not  confined  to  Jerusalem,  for 
everywhere  throughout  the  Syrian  empire  groves 
and  temples  were  dedicated,  and  statues  and 
altars  erected,  to  Ihe  heathen  tleities,  and  the 
worship  of  the  true  God  was  everywhere  pro- 
hibited, and  punished  as  the  worst  of  crimes. 
That  the  chief  fury  of  Antiochus's  impious  rage 
was  directed  against  the  Jews  is  evident  from 
the  fact  that,  whilst  a  ger-ji'al  edict  was  pub- 
lished, condemning  to  deatl'  ,r  torture  all  those 
who  refused  to  worship  the  idols,  a  special  de- 
cree was  promulgated,  by  which  It  was  made 
death  to  otter  sacrifices  to  the  God  of  Israel,  ob- 
serve the  Sabbath,  practise  circumcision,  or  in- 
deed to  couforin  in  the  smallest  degree  to  the  pre- 
cepts of  the  Mosaic  law.  Every  effort  was  also 
made  to  destroy  the  copies  of  the  Holy  ocripturcs ; 
and  persons  refusing  to  deliver  them  up  were 
punished  by  death.  In  this  terrible  di-stress, 
many  of  the  Jews  abandoned  their  homes  and 
took  shelter  in  the  wilderness,  where  '  they  lived 
in  the  mountains  after  the  manner  of  beasts,  and 
fed  on  herbs  continuously  lest  they  should  be 
partakers  of  the  poUutiou'  (Mace.  v.).  Of  those 
who  remained  behind,  some  f(!W  yielded  to  the 
tomptation,  and  saved  themselves  by  apostacy, 
but  the  majority  remained  faithful  to  the  God  of 
their  fore.atliers,  Who,  in  His  own  go,  d  time, 


hi;arkcnc(l  to  the  prayers  of  His  people,  and  sent 
them  a  deliverer." — E.  H.  Palmer,  llUt.  of  the 
•leirish  Natio)!,  cli.  7. 

B.  C.  166-40.— Revolt  of  the  Maccabees.  — 
Reign  of  the  Asmoneans. —  Rise  of  Herod. — 
The  heroic  family  called  The  iMaccabees,  v/lueh 
began  and  led  the  revolt  of  the  Jewish  people 
against  the  oppression  and  i)ersecutiou  of  the 
Seleucidican  kings,  bore,  also,  the  name  of  the 
Asmonean  or  llasmonean  family,  derived  fr(/in 
the  name  of  "  its  chief  of  four  generations  back, 
Chasmon,  or  Asmon,  '  the  magnate.' "  The  head 
of  the  family  at  the  time  of  the  outbreak  of  the 
revolt,  and  who  precipitated  it,  was  JIattathiaa. 
He  had  five  sons,  the  third  of  whom,  Judas,  be- 
came the  military  leader  and  great  hero  of  the 
nation  in  its  struggk  To  Judas  was  given  tho 
surname  or  appellation  of  Makkabi,  from  whence 
came  his  historical  name  of  Judas  Maccabieus, 
and  the  general  name  of  The  Maccabees  ';y  ..hich 
his  family  at  large  is  commonly  dosiguaied. 
The  surname  "  Makkaji"  is  conjectured  to  have 
had  the  same  meaning  as  that  of  Charles  the 
"Martel" — viz.,  tho  "Hammerer";  but  this  is 
((uestioued.  "Under  Judas  the  revolt  assumed 
larger  proportions,  and  in  a  short  time  ho  was  able 
to  meet  and  defeat  the  Syrians  In  the  open  fieUI. 
The  situation  which  the  Uomans  had  created  in 
Syria  was  favourable  to  the  Jewish  cause.  In 
order  to  find  money  to  pay  the  tribute  imposed 
by  Home  upon  his  house,  Antiochus  had  to  un- 
dertake an  expedition  into  the  Far  East,  which 
depicted  Syria  of  a  large  number  of  troops. 
During  the  king's  absence  the  government  of  tho 
country  was  entrusted  to  a  high  functiouaiy 
named  Lysias.  Lysias  to  .!»  a  serious  view  of  the 
rebellion  in  Judiea,  anil  iespatehed  a  force  under 
the  com"'  ■lud  of  three  generals  to  suppress  it. 
^ut  tu'  my  met  with  alarming  reverses  at  the 
hands  0  uilas,  and  Lysias  was  obliged  to  go  to 
Palcsimt  ')  iverson  to  conduct  the  campaign. 
Meanwhile  .  .'tioehus  had  been  apprised  of  the 
disai-ters  which  hud  befallen  his  captains,  and  was 
has'-ening  homewards  to  assume  the  supreme  di- 
rection of  affairs,  when  death  put  a  termination 
to  his  career  (B.  C!.  104).  The  pressure  of  Roman 
policy  upon  Antiochus  was  the  indirect  cause  of 
Uie  Jewish  revolt,  and  the  inunediate  cause  of 
the  king's  inability  to  suppress  it.  After  the 
death  of  Antiochus,  the  distracted  state  of  Syria 
and  the  struggles  of  rival  ,'retenders  for  the 
crown  strengthened  the  positioii  of  the  Jewish 
patriots.  Antiochus  V.,  son  of  the  late  king, 
was  only  nine  years  old  when  he  began  to  reign 
(B.  0.  104).  His  father  had  appointed  u  courtier 
named  PhiMp  regent  during  his  son's  minority. 
But  this  arrangement  did  not  satisfy  Lysias,  who 
had  the  young  king  v.\  his  custody,  and  who  was 
carrying  on  the  campaign  in  Palestine  when  the 
news  of  his  supersession  by  Philip  arrived. 
Lysias  immediately  left  off  the  contest  with 
Judas,  and  devoted  his  energies  to  ti  e  task  of 
resisting  Philip's  claims.  At  this  juncture,  it 
any  historic  value  can  be  .'\ttached  to  a  statement 
in  the  Second  Book  of  the  JIaccabees,  two  Ko- 
mau  envoys,  Quintus  Alenmiius  and  Titus  Jlan- 
lius,  who  "were  probably  on  their  way  from  Alex- 
andria to  Antioch,  offered  to  take  charge  of 
Jewish  interests  at  the  Syrian  capital.  Peace  is 
s.'.id  to  have  been  the  outcomi^  of  their  efforts 
(13.  C.  162).  But  it  was  a  peace  which  did  not 
endure.  In  the  following  year  the  Syrian  king 
once  more  invaded  Palestine  at  the  head  of  a 


1913 


JKWS,  IV  C.    imJ-40. 


Ttir  Axtiionfftn 
rule. 


.JEWS,  n.  V.  icn-40. 


(jrcdl  nrniy,  iiiirl,  in  spile  of  tlic  Mliomioiisoppnsi- 
tioii  of  ■fiidiis,  laid  siege  to  the  Holy  City. 
Fiimiiii!  soon  rcdueed  the  jfurrison  to  llie  litst  ex- 
tremities, luid  tlieir  fate  would  liiive  licc^n  ii  Iiiird 
one  had  not  tlie  disordered  conditiri  of  Syria 
compelled  I  hi!  I)e^'iegers  to  a"('cpt  lionoiirahle 
terms.  WIdlst  the  siege  was  in  progress  news 
came  to  the  Syrian  enmp  that  I'hilip  had  put  him- 
self at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  with  the  inten- 
tion of  enfortinj.;  his  claims  to  "the  regency.  No 
time  was  to  lie  lost,  and  the  king,  acting  on  the 
advice  of  liysias,  accorded  the  .Tews  religious 
liberty.  Jerusalem  capitulated ;  and  the  same 
order  of  things  was  established  as  had  existed 
previous  to  the  insurrection.  Soon  after  these 
events  Antioehus  V.  was  dethroned  and  executed 
by  his  relative,  Demetrius  I.  lu  Juda'a  the  new 
monarch  allowed  the  people  to  retain  the  re- 
ligious liberties  granted  thcin  by  his  predecessor, 
and  had  he  exercised  more  judgment  in  the  selec- 
tion of  a  High  Priest  it  would  have  been  impos- 
sible tor  Judas  to  renew  the  struggle  against 
Syria  with  any  ])rospect  of  success.  The  Assi- 
dieans,  or  Pious  Ones,  who  afterwards  developed 
into  the  jiarty  known  as  tlie  Pharisees,  and  who, 
wliile  tlieir  religion  was  at  stake,  wcic  devoted 
foliowvrs  of  Judas,  were  sati.stied  with  the  at- 
tainment of  religious  freedom.  But  Judas  and 
'lis  friends,  wlio  forme<l  the  party  which  after- 
wards became  the  Saddueecs,  .  .  .  wrrc  unwil- 
ling to  relax  tlieir  elTorts  till  \\w.  country  was  com- 
pletely independent.  The  Assiiheaiis,  consisting 
of  the  scribes  and  the  bulk  of  the  population, 
accepted  Aleiinus,  the  High  Priest  whom  De- 
metrius bad  appointed,  anci  were  disposed  for 
peace.  Hut  the  senseless  barbarities  of  Alcimus 
threw  the  Assidieans  once  more  into  the  arms  of 
the  war  party,  and  the  struggle  began  afresh. 
The  High  Priest  was  obliged  to  flee  from  Jeru- 
salem ;  Demetrius  .sent  an  army  to  reinstate  him, 
but  Judas  defeated  the  Syr'an  forces,  and  the 
Ji!ws  enjoyed  a  short  period  of  repose.  .  .  . 
Two  Jewish  delegates,  Etipolemos  and  Jason, 
were  sent  to  Italy  to  form  an  alliance  with  Rome. 
The  Senate,  which  never  neglected  an  oppcr- 
tuiiity  of  crippling  the  Syrian  monarchy,  ac- 
cordei'  a  favoura'ile  reception  to  the  Jewish  en- 
voys, and  pcknowledged  the  independence  of 
their  count/y.  .  .  While  these  negotiations 
were  taking  place  the  Syrian  ar;ny  agaia  invaded 
Palestine.  Judas  went  forth  to  meet  them,  and, 
after  a  desperate  conflict,  was  defeated  and 
slain  [at  Beer-Ziith]  (B.  C.  101).  Tlie  death  of 
their  leader  shattered  the  party  of  freedom,  and 
the  Uomans,  probably  because  they  saw  no  dis- 
tinct centre  of  authority  left  st.inding  ir  the 
country,  ignored  the  treaty  tli'v  had  just  made 
with  tlie  Jewish  envoys,  and  left  Juiliea  to  its 
fate.  It  was  -lot  Viy  direct  intervention  that  the 
liiiiiians  helped  the  .Tews  forward  on  the  jiath  of 
independence;  It  was  by  ilie  di.sintegrating  ac- 
tioi.  of  Honian  policy  on  tlia  kingdom  of  Syria. 
The  Jewish  leaders  did  not  fail  to  take  advan- 
tage of  the  opportunities  which  were  thus 
atiorded  them.  About niiie  years  after  the  death 
of  Judas  3Iaceaba>us,  the  Komans  started  a  new 
pretender  to  the  .Syrian  crown  in  llie  person  of 
Alexander  Balas,  i>  young  man  of  unknown 
origin  (I>,  ('.  1,")2).  Supporteu  by  the  allies  of 
Koine,  Halas  was  able  to  take  the  Held  against 
Demetrius,  who  became  alarmed  at  the  threaten- 
ing aspect  of  alfairs.  Jonathan,  a  brother  of 
Judas,    was  then   at  the  head  of    the    Jewish 


patriot.^(H.  C.  1(11-142),  and  Demetrius  attempted 
by  concessions  to  win  him  over  to  his  side. 
When  the  |)reteii(l.'r  Halas  heard  of  this,  he  im- 
mediately outbade  Demetrius,  and  offered  Jona- 
than the  High  Priesthood  as  the  iirice  of  his 
support.  Jonathan  sold  liiiiiself  to  the  highest 
biilder,  and,  notwithstanding  further  profuse 
proini.ses  from  Demetrius,  the  J(nvish  leader  re- 
mained true  to  his  allegiance.  The  war  between 
the  two  rivals  did  not  last  loner;  Demetrius  was 
overthrown  and  slain  (B.  C.  Ml),  and  at  the  mai  ■ 
liagc  of  the  new  king,  Jonathan  was  appointed 
civil  and  military  governor  of  .ludiea."  The 
spiritual  and  the  temporal  government  of  the 
Jews  was  now  united  in  the  ofliceof  High  Priest. 
Jonathan,  captured  and  murdered  by  one  of 
the  Syrian  pretenders,  was  succeeded  in  the 
ollico  (H.  C.  142),  by  anotber  brother,  Simon, 
who  was  assassinated,  B.  C.  13.'),  by  an  ambitions 
son-in-law.  Simon's  son,  John  Hyrcanus,  took 
his  place. —  W.  D.  Morrison,  The  Jckk  under 
Roman  Rule,  eh.  1.  —  The  Asnionean  family  had 
now  become  so  established  in  its  princely  char- 
acter that  the  next  of  the  line,  Judas  (who  took 
the  Greek  name  Aristobulus),  assumed  the  crown 
and  title  of  King  (H.  C.  100).  Aristobulus 
reigned  less  than  two  years,  and  was  succeeded 
by  his  brother  Jonathan  (.lanntcus)  Alexander. 
"These  Jewish  princes  were  as  wide  api  it  in 
character  as  in  name  from  the  house  whose  hon- 
ours they  inherited.  Aristobulus,  the  bloody, 
.  .  .  starved  in  prison  his  mother,  whom  John 
had  left  as  regent.  .  .  .  Alexander,  named  Jaii- 
nieus,  in  a  rjign  of  five  and  twenty  years,  was 
mostly  occupied  in  petty  wars, —  generally  un- 
successful, but  indefatigable  to  begin  afresh. 
He  signalized  himself  in  successive  revolts  of 
his  people,  first  by  the  barburous  slaughler  of 
0,000,  then  by  a  civil  war  of  some  six  vears, 
which  co.st  10,000  lives,  and  Anally  by  crucifying 
800.  ...  A  restless,  dissolute,  ambitions  man, 
called  '  the  Thracian '  for  his  barbarities,  his  rule 
abhorred  except  for  the  comjiarative  mercy  he 
showed  in  the  cities  he  had  conquered,  lit  died 
[B.  C.  70]  before  the  age  of  fifty,  having  done 
the  one  service  of  confirming  the  Jewish  power 
upon  the  soil  of  Palestine."  —  J.  H.  Allen, 
Hebrew  Men  and  Times,  eh.  10. — "When  .  .  . 
Janniuus  Alexander  died,  the  JewLsli  kingdom 
stretched  towards  the  sout'i  over  the  whole 
Philistlan  territory  as  far  as  the  Egyptian  fron- 
tier ;  towards  the  southeast  as  far  as  the  Nalm- 
tican  kingdom  of  Petra,  from  which  Ja-inieus 
had  wrested  considerable  tracts  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  Jm'dan  and  the  Dead  St.i;  towards  the 
north  over  Samaria  and  the  Decapolls  up  to  the 
lake  of  Gennesareth;  here  ho  was  already  ni.-.k- 
ing  arri:iig"nients  to  occupy  Ptolemais  (Acco) 
and  victoriously  ,o  repel  the  aggressions  of  tlie 
Itynvans.  The  coast  obeyed  the  Jews  from 
Blount  C'armel  as  far  as  Kliinocorura,  including 
the  important  Gaza  —  Ascalon  alone  was  still 
free;  so  that  tl.e  territory  of  the  Jews,  once  al- 
most cut  off  from  the  sea,  could  now  be  enume- 
rated among  the  asylums  of  piracy.  Xow  that 
the  Armenian  invasion,  just  as  it  approached  the 
borders  of  Judiea,  was  averted  by  tlie  iiiterveii- 
tion  of  Luc'ulhis,  .  .  the  gifted  rulers  of  the 
Hasmoniean  house  would  probably  have  carried 
tlieir  arms  still  further,  had  not  i\w  development 
of  the  power  of  that  remarkabU'  coiKiuerlng 
sacerdotal  state  been  arrested  by  internal  divi- 
sions.    The  spirit  of  religious  independence  and 


1914 


JEWS,  B.  C.  106-40. 


The  AmtKmeaim. 


JEWS,  n.  V.  lee-'io. 


the  n;ition!i)  pntilotism  —  tlip  cnernctic  union  of 
which  liiul  ciillwl  Uio  MiUTiihee  stjilo  into  life  — 
very  soon  hociimc  ilissoi'iiilcd  nnil  even  iintaj^o- 
nistic.  Tlie.li'«ish  oitliodoxy  [or  Phiirisiiisnil 
gnining  frcsli  strength  in  tliu  times  of  tlio  .M:\e- 
ciibeca,  .  .  .  jiroposed  as  its  prneticiilaitniieoni- 
mtinity  of  Jews  composed  of  tlie  ortliodox  in 
all  lands  essentially  irrespective  of  the  secular 
government — ii  comm\mity  which  found  its 
visible  points  of  union  in  tho  tribute  to  tlie 
temple  at  .Jerusalem  obligatory  on  every  con- 
scientious Jew  and  in  tho  schools  of  religion  and 
spiritual  courts,  and  its  canonical  superintendence 
in  the  great  temple  consistory  at  Jerusalem, 
which  was  reconstituted  in  the  first  period  of  the 
Maceaboes  and  may  be  compared  as  respects  its 
sphere  of  jurisdiction  to  llic  Uonian  pontifical 
college.  Against  this  ortliodo.\y,  which  was 
becoming  more  and  more  ossified  into  theological 
formalism  and  a  painful  ceremonial  service,  was 
arrayed  the  opposition  of  tho  so-called  Saddu- 
cees — partly  (logmatic,  in  so  far  as  these  inno- 
vators acknowledged  only  the  sacred  books 
themselves  and  conceded  authority  merely,  not 
ciinonicity,  to  tlie  '  bequests  of  the  sciibes,'  that 
is  (-anonical  tradition ;  partly  political,  in  so  far 
as  in'jtead  of  a  fatalistic  waiting  for  tlie  strong 
arni  of  the  Lord  of  Zebaoth  they  taught  that  tlie 
salvation  of  the  nation  was  to  be  expected  from 
the  weapons  of  this  world,  and  above  all  from 
the  internal  and  external  strengthening  of  the 
kingdom  of  David  as  re-established  in  the  glori- 
ous limes  of  the  M'.'.cubees.  The  partisans  of 
orthodoxy  found  t.ieir  support  in  the  priesthood 
and  the  multitude.  .  .  .  Jannicus  had  kept  down 
the  priesthood  with  a  strong  hand;  under  his 
two  sons  there  aro.sc  ...  a  civil  and  fraternal 
war,  since  the  Pharisees  opposed  the  vigorous 
Aristobulus  and  attempted  to  obtain  their  objects 
under  tho  nominal  rule  of  liis  brother,  the  good- 
natured  and  indolent  llyreaniis.  Vhis dissension 
not  merely  put  a  Jtop  to  the  Jewish  conquests, 
but  gave  also  foreign  nations  opportunity  to  in- 
terfere and  to  obtain  a  commanding  position  in 
southern  Syria.  This  was  tlie  case  first  of  all 
with  the  Isabat^ans.  This  remarkable  nation 
has  often  been  confounded  with  .s  east"rn 
neighbours,  the  wandering  Arabs,  but  it  is  more 
closely  related  to  the  Arama;anbn.neli  than  to  the 
proper  children  of  Lshmael.  This  Aramir'an,  or, 
according  to  the  designation  of  tho  Occidentals, 
Syrian,  stock  must  have  in  very  early  tim  s  sent 
forth  from  'ts  most  ancient  settlements  about 
Babylon  a  colony,  probably  for  the  sake  of  trade, 
to  the  northern  end  of  the  Arabian  gulf;  these 
were  the  Nabaticans  on  the  Sinailic  peninsula, 
between  the  gulf  of  Suez  and  Aila,  and  in  the 
region  of  I'etra  (Wadi  Mousa).  In  their  ports 
the  ware  '.  of  the  lAEediterranean  were  exchanged 
for  thos(!  of  India;  tho  great  southern  caravan- 
route,  which  ran  from  Gaza  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Persian  gulf,  pa.sscd  through 
the  capital  of  tlio  Nabata'ans — Petra — whoso 
still  magnificent  rock-palace  and  rock-tombs 
furnish  clearer  evidence  of  the  Nabatajau  civili- 
zation thaa  does  an  almost  extinct  tradition. 
Tlie  iiarty  ol  the  Pharisees,  t*^  whom  after  the 
manner  of  priests  the  victory  of  their  faction 
seemed  not  too  dearly  boughtat  the  price  of  the 
independence  and  integrity  of  their  country, 
solicited  Aictas  the  king  of  ♦he  Nabata'ans  for 
aid  against  Aristobulus,  in  return  for  which  they 
promised  to  give  back  to  him  all  the  concjuerits 


wrested  from  him  by  Janna'us.  Thereupon 
Aretas  had  advanced  with,  it  wa.i  said,  .lO.OdO 
men  "ilo  Juda'a  and,  reinforced  by  the  adherents 
of  the  Pharisees,  he  kept  king  Aristobulus  be- 
sieged ill  his  capital."  —  T.  Monimsen,  Ilinl'iri/ nf 
liomc,  M:  T),  c/i.  4  {r.  4). —  "While  this  was  g(,- 
ing  on.  Ponipev  had  nieanwhilo  begun  his  vic- 
torious campaign  in  Asia  [see  Ko.Mi;:  H.  C.  (!9- 
03].  He  had  C()n(piered  Mithridates  in  H.  (!.  00, 
and  had  in  the  same  year  received  the  voluntary 
submission  of  Tigranes.  Wliile  he  himself  new 
pressed  on  farther  into  Asia,  he  sent  Scaurus  lo 
Syria  in  H.  C'.  05.  When  that  general  arrived  at 
Damascus  he  heard  of  the  war  between  the 
brothers  in  Judea,  and  pushed  forward  without 
delay  to  see  how  ho  might  turn  to  account  this 
strife  between  tl;''  rival  jirinces.  He  had  scarcely 
reached  Judea  when  amliassadors  presented  thcm- 
Bclves  before  him,  both  from  Aristolmliis  and 
from  Ilyrcanus.  They  both  sought  his  favour 
an4  Fiipport.  jVristobulus  olTered  him  in  return 
four  hundred  talents;  and  Hyreanus  ('ould  not 
be  behind,  and  f,o  promised  the  .same  sum.  Hut 
Scaurus  trusted  Aristobulus  rather  liecause  he 
was  in  a  better  ))osition  to  fulfil  his  engagement, 
and  so  decided  to  take  his  side,  lie  ordered 
Aretas  to  w>li(l."aw  if  he  did  not  wish  to  be  de- 
clared an  enemy  of  the  Romans.  Aretas  did  not 
venture  to  show  opposition.  Ho  tliereforc  raised 
the  siege,  and  thereupon  Scaurus  returned  to 
Damascus.  Hut  Aristobulus  pursued  Aretas  on 
his  way  homeward,  and  intlicted  upon  him  a 
crushing  defeat,  lint  the  Roman  favour  which 
Aristobulus  had  so  exerted  liimseH'  to  sec'ure, 
under  tho  protection  of  which  he  believed  him- 
self to  be  safe,  socm  proved  fatal  to  his  well- 
being  and  that  of  his  country,  lie  himself  left 
no  .stone  unturned  in  onler  to  win  the  goodwill  of 
Pompey  as  well  asof  Se.iurns.  He  sent  Ponipey 
a  costly  present,  a  skilfully  wrought  golden  vino 
worth  five  hundred  talent.t,  wliieli  Stralio  found 
still  on  view  at  Home  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter 
(Japitolinus  But  all  this  could  not  save  Aris- 
tobulus, wlienever  Pompey  f(nin<l  it  to  be  foi  iiis 
advantage  to  withdraw  his  favour  and  take  tho 
side  ;>f  Hyreanus.  In  tlu  spring  of  H.  C.  03, 
Ponipey  proceeded  from  his  winter  quarters  into 
Syria,  subdued  the  greater  and  smaller  jninees 
in  the  Lebanon,  and  advanced  by  way  of  lleli- 
opolis  and  Olialcis  upou  Dania.scus.  There  he 
was  met  at  one  and  the  same  time  by  rciiresenta- 
tivcs  of  three  .lewish  parties.  Isot  only  did 
Aristobulus  and  Ily  rcanus  appear,  but  the  Jewish 
I)cople  also  sent  an  embassy.  Hyreanus  com- 
plained that  Aristobulus,  in  Jeflance  of  all  law, 
had  violently  :'..-,snined  the  government;  Aris- 
tobulus just'. led  his  conduct  l)y  pointing  out  the 
incapacity  o.'  Hyreanus.  Hut  the  people  wished 
to  liave  noth;  ig  ^o  do  with  either,  ajked  for  the 
abolition  of  the  monarcn,-  and  tho  restoration  of 
the  ol<l  theoci-iitic  eoiistilucion  of  the  priests. 
Pompey  heard  them,  but  cautiously  deferred  any 
decision,  and  declared  that  ho  would  iml  all 
things  in  order  when  iie  had  accomplished  his 
contemplated  expedition  against  tlio  Naliateans. 
Till  then  all  partii^s  were  to  niaiiilaiii  the  peace. 
Aristobulus,  however,  was  by  no  nii  aiis  satisfied 
with  this  arrangement,  and  betrayed  his  discon- 
tent by  suddenly  quitting  Dium,  wliither  he  had 
accompanied  Pompey  on  his  expedition  against 
the  Nabateans.  Pompey  grew  suspicious,  post- 
poned Ids  campaign  against  the  Nabateans,  and 
inarched  immediately  against  Aristobulus.     Ho 


1915 


JBWS,  B.  C.  166-40. 


The  Romnnt. 
llprod. 


JEWS,  B.  C.  166-40. 


.  .  .  pursued  liim  through  Jericho,  and  soon  iip- 
poared  hi  the  neiijhboiirliood  of  Jeni.siilem.  Il\it 
now  Aristobulus  lost  heart.  He  betook  Iiimself 
to  the  camp  of  Poinpey,  gave  him  furtlier  pres- 
ents, and  promised  to  surrender  to  Inm  tlio  city 
If  Pompey  would  suspend  hostilities.  Ponipey 
was  satistied  with  this,  and  sent  his  general 
Gabinius  to  take  possession  of  the  city,  wliile  ho 
retained  Aristobulus  in  the  camp.  Hut  Gabinius 
returned  witliout  having  obtained  his  object,  for 
the  people  in  tlie  city  had  shut  the  gates  against 
him.  I'ompey  was  so  enrageil  at  this  that  ho 
put  Aristobulus  in  prison,  and  immediately  ad- 
vanced against  the  city.  .  .  .  The'  city  was  sur- 
rendered to  Pompey,  who  sent  in  his  legate  Piso, 
and  without  drawing  sword  tooic  possession  of 
It.  Hut  the  war  faction  gatliered  togetherontho 
temple  nwunt  and  there  prepared  themselves  for 
resistance.  Tlio  temple  m' \uit  was  theu,  as 
afterwards,  the  stroagest  point  in  Jerusalem.  It 
presented  to  the  eiiiit  and  the  south  a  shrei 
precipice.  Also  on  the  west  it  was  separated 
from  the  city  by  a  deep  ravine.  Only  on  tlw; 
north  was  tliere  a  gradual  slope;  but  even  there 
approach  was  made  almost  impossible  by  tlie 
construction  of  strong  fortifications.  In  tliis 
fortress,  well  nigh  impregnable,  the  adlierentsof 
Aristobulus  liad  now  taken  refuge,  and  Pompey, 
whether  he  would  or  not,  had  to  engage  upon  a 
regular  siige.  .  .  .  After  a  three  months'  siege, 
a  breach  was  made  in  tlie  wall.  A  son  of  tlio 
dictator  Sulla  was  the  first  to  make  way  through 
it  with  his  troops.  Otliers  quickly  followed. 
Then  began  a  frightful  ina.ssacre.  The  priests, 
who  were  tlien  engaged  offering  sacrifice,  would 
not  desist  from  the  o.xecution  of  their  ofiice,  and 
were  hewn  down  at  the  altar.  No  less  than 
13,000  Jews  are  said  to  have  lost  tlieir  lives  in 
this  general  butchery.  It  was  towards  the  close 
of  autumn  of  the  year  B.  C.  63,  under  Cicero's 
consulship,  according  to  .Tosephus  on  the  very 
day  of  atonement,  according  to  Dio  Cassius  on  a 
Sabbath,  tiiat  this  holy  city  bowed  its  head  be- 
fore tlie  Roman  commander.  Pompey  himself 
forced  Ins  way  into  the  Jlost  Holy  Place,  into 
wliich  only  the  feet  of  the  high  priest  had  uver 
before  entered.  But  he  left  the  treasures  and 
precious  things  of  the  temple  untouched,  and 
also  took  care  that  the  service  of  God  slioidd  ho 
continued  without  Interruption.  On  the  be- 
sieged he  passed  a  severe  sentence.  Those  who 
had  promoted  the  war  were  beheaded ;  the  city 
and  the  country  were  m.ade  tributary.  .  .  .  The 
boundaries  of  the  ewish  territories  were  greatly 
curtailed.  All  the  coast  towns  from  IJaphia  to 
Dora  were  taken  from  tlie  Jews;  and  also  all 
non-.Tcwish  towns  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan,  such 
as  Hippos,  Gai.  ■  ^  P?llu,  Dium,  and  others ;  also 
Scythopolis  and,,  .  'i;  .,.,  with  the  regions  around 
them.  All  tli  .'se  towns  were  immediately  put 
under  the  rulo  of  the  governor  of  the  newly- 
formed  P.oma  1  province  of  Syria.  The  con- 
tracted .lewish  territory  was  given  over  to  Hyr- 
canus  II.,  who  was  recogni-sed  as  high  priest, 
witliout  the  title  of  king.  .  .  .  AVith  the  institu- 
tions of  Pompey  the  freedom  of  the  Jewish 
people,  after  having  e.<ciste(l  for  scarcely  eighty 
years,  if  we  reckon  it  as  beginniri^  in  B.  C.  143, 
was  completely  overthrown.  Pompey,  indeed, 
was  acute  enough  to  insist  upon  no  essential 
cliange  in  the  internal  government  of  the  country. 
He  suffered  t'.io  hierarcliical  constitution  to  re- 
main iutacc,  and  gave  the  people  as  their  liigli 


priest  Hyrcanus  II.,  who  was  favoured  by  the 
Pharisees.  But  tlie  independence  of  tlio  nation 
was  at  an  end,  and  the  Jewi.sh  liigh  priest  was  a 
vassal  of  the  Itomans."  —  E.  S'diUrer,  Hist,  of 
the  Jewish  People  in  the  Time  of  Jenim  Christ, 
div.  1,  V.  1,  ;)/'■  317-324. —  Hyrcanus  II.  was  not 
merely  the  vassal  of  the  Romans;  ho  was  the 
puppet  jf  one  of  his  own  partisans — the  able 
Iduniean,  Antiliater,  wlio  gathered  the  reins  of 
government  into  his  own  hands.  "Antipater 
ruled  without  interfering  with  Hyrcanus;  he 
rebuilt  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  and  appointed 
Pliasael,  tlio  eldest  of  his  four  heroic  sons(wliose 
mother  was  Kypros,  an  Arabian),  to  be  ruler  of 
the  district  of  the  holy  city,  and  Herod  the 
younger  to  be  ruler  of  Galilee.  Tills  young  nian, 
who  was  at  tliat  time  scarcely  twenty-live  years 
old,  was  soon  able  to  surpass  even  his  father. 
.  .  .  He  purified  Galilee  from  the  robber-bands, 
of  whicli  Ilezekiah  was  the  most  dreaded  leader, 
and  by  so  doing,  although  he  was  already  a  mark 
for  the  hatred  boi-ne  by  tlie  nation"'  and  priestly 
party  again.st  the  Edomites,  ns  friends  of  tlieir 
new  tyrants  the  Honians,  he  distinguislicd  him- 
self by  dealing  summarily  with  tlie  robbers, 
without  appealing  to  tlio  legal  authorities.  Ho 
therefore  appeared  before  the  Sanhedrim  of  Je- 
rusalem, to  which  he  was  summoned  by  Hyr- 
canus, with  a  military  escort,  wearing  purple, 
with  his  head  anointed,  and  bearing  a  letter  of 
safe-conduct  from  his  patron  Se.xtus  C'n;sar,  the 
ruler  of  Syria.  .  .  .  Hyrcanus  allowed  him  to 
witlidraw  in  defiance:  he  hastened  to  Syria, 
bought  the  governments  of  Ccole-Syria  and 
Samaria  (B.  C.  46),  marched  tliencc  witli  an  army 
towards  Jerusalem,  and  when  ho  had  with  dilH- 
culty  been  persuaded  by  his  father  and  brother  to 
return,  he  rejoiced  that  ho  had  at  least  menaced 
the  country.  Neither  the  death  of  Julius  Ca;sar 
(B.  C.  March  44),  the  civil  war  at  Rome,  nor  the 
poisoning  of  his  father  Antipater  at  tlio  table  of 
Hyrcanus  in  the  year  43,  interfered  with  Herod's 
success.  He  bought  the  favour  of  Ca;sar's  mur- 
derers by  tlie  unexampled  haste  with  which  he 
brought  in  large  contributions,  amounting  to  a 
hundred  talents  (more  than  £30,000)  from  Galilee 
alone,  so  tliijt  Cassius  appointed  him  Procurator 
of  Syria,  and  promised  him  the  dignity  of  king, 
in  the  event  of  a  victory  over  Anthony  and  Oc- 
tavianus,  a  prospect  wliich  indeed  cost  his  father 
his  life.  Nor  w(is  Herod's  power  destroyed  by 
tlie  unfortunate  battle  of  Philippi  in  the  autumn 
of  B.  C.  48.  He  succeeded  in  gaining  Anthony 
by  the  influence  of  his  person  and  of  his  wealth ; 
and  in  spite  of  all  the  embassies  of  the  Jews, 
Pliasael  ard  Herod  were  appointed  tetrarchs  of 
the  whole  of  Judca  in  the  year  B.  C.  41.  His  be- 
trothal to  JIariainne,  grandchild  of  Hyrcanus, 
which  took  place  at  the  same  time,  added  the 
illusion  Of  national  and  hereditary  right  to 
Herod's  previous  good  fortune.  But  there  was 
first  an  interval  of  hardship.  Immediately 
afterwards,  the  Parthian  armies  overran  Upper 
Asia,  wliilo  Anthony  reiuainod  in  Egypt,  en- 
snared by  Cleopatra:  they  took  Jerusalem  [B.  C. 
40],  and  to  ploaso  that  place  as,  well  as  the  Jews 
of  Babylon,  they  installed  Autigonus.  the  sou  of 
Aristobulus,  as  king,  taking  Pliasael  and  Hyr- 
canus prisoners,  while  Herod  cseaiied  with  diffi- 
culty. All  was  ended  with  a  blow,  Herod  was 
put  to  flight,  Pliasael  killed  himself,  and  Antig- 
oniis  cut  off  the  ears  of  Hyrcanus  the  high 
priest.     Herod  landed  in  Italy  djs  an  adventurer. 


1916 


JEWS,  B.  C.  166-40. 


Herod. 


JEWS,  B.  C.  lO-A.  D.  44. 


He  met  Anthony,  nmi  by  his  mcnns  also  gninod 
over  Octttviiiniis.  Fear  nnd  hatred  of  the 
Parthians  effected  even  more  than  old  actpiaiii- 
tanee  and  new  engagements:  and  beyond  his 
most  daring  hopes  a  decree  of  tlie  senate  [H.  C. 
40]  bestowed  tlie  kingdom  of  Judea  upon  him." 
—  T.  Kcim,  IfiKt.  nf  .Tesunnf  y<izani,  v.  1,  />.  231. 
B.  C.  40 — A.  D.  44. — Herod  and  the  Herodi- 
ans. — Roman  rule. — Returning  to  Jiidiea  with 
his  new  rank  and  the  contirmed  support  of  liome, 
"Herod  slowly  obtained  possession  of  the  coun- 
try, not  witlioitt  the  help  of  Roman  legions,  and 
in  a  third  campaign,  in  .Tune  (Sivan),  IJ.  0.  37, 
occupied  Jerusalem  [after  a  siege  of  half  a  year] 
and  the  Temple,  in  the  halls  of  which  tire  raged, 
contrary  to  his  wish,  and  blood  streamed  through 
its  courts.  This  was  the  second  Roman  occupa- 
tion of  Jerusalem,  after  an  interval  of  twenty -si.x 
years,  even  to  a  day.  Antigonus  fell,  by  the 
king's  wish,  bcneatli  the  a.\e  of  Anthony,  and 
the  Maccabean  house  had  ceased  to  reign.  Tlie 
new  kingdom  underwent  its  final  crisis  in  the  war 
between  Octavianus  and  Anthony,  in  which 
Herod  was  constrained  to  take  part  with  An- 
thony. .  .  .  The  frankness  with  which,  after  the 
battle  of  Actium  (Sept.,  B.  C.  31),  he  proclaimed 
Ids  friendship  for  Anthony  to  (Jctavianus  at  the 
island  of  Ithodes,  ai  order  to  set  before  him  the 
prospect  of  a  like  faithfulness,  procured  the 
crown  for  him  afresli,  whicli  Octavianus  set  upon 
his  head."  Octavianus  "  restored  to  him  all  the 
possessions  which  his  intriguing  enemy  Cleopatra 
had  obtained  at  his  expense  in  tlie  soutli  of  the 
country  and  on  its  western  C'<ast,  giving  to  him 
Gadra,  Hippo,  Samaria,  and  r.i  the  coast  Gaza, 
Anthedon,  Joppa,  the  tow^r  of  Strato,  and  in 
short  the  whole  country,  and  even  more  than  he 
had  lost  by  Pompey's  conquests.  A  few  years 
later  the  same  benefactor  enlarged  the  kingdom 
on  the  north-east,  by  making  over  to  Herod,  be- 
tween the  years  B.  C.  24-21,  the  wide  extent  of 
territory  reaching  to  Anti-Lebanon,  and  Damas- 
cus, in  order  to  protect  that  city  from  attacks  on 
the  side  of  the  desert.  He  was  appointed  Procu- 
rator-Gteneral  of  Syria,  and  afterwards  nearly 
obtjiincd  the  government  .if  Aratia.  It  was  in 
fact  almost  the  king'lom  of  Da^id  which  was 
again  united  under  Herod.  Heroii  enjoyed  the 
favour  of  Octavianus,  with  few  intervals,  to  the 
last.  .  .  .  Herod  0:d  not  merely  owe  Ins  success 
to  that  officious  attention  which  displayed  the 
greatness  of  Rome  in  costly  liospitalities,  gifts, 
and  edifices  of  every  kind,  but  to  his  genuine 
fidelity  and  manly  lieroism,  liia  pre-eminent  wis- 
dom and  readiness  to  accept  the  culture  of  the 
West,  qualities  which  were  recognized  as  adapt- 
ing him  to  be  a  most  useful  ally  in  the  territory 
whioli  bounded  the  eastern  empire  of  Rome, 
where  the  inhabitants  were  so  ready  to  take 
offence.  Herod,  in  a  certain  sense,  emulated  his 
friend  in  Rome,  in  introducing  an  Augustan  era 
into  his  land.  He,  as  well  as  Octavianus,  put 
an  end  to  war,  and  the  dominion  which  had  been 
cemented  together  by  the  blood  of  its  citizens 
enjoyed  a  long  peace,  lasting  for  almost  forty 
years.  .  .  .  Tlie  prosperity  of  the  countiy  in- 
creased so  much  in  these  quiet  times  that  Herod, 
when  he  began  to  build  the  Temple,  boasted  of 
the  wealth  and  income  which  liad  accumulated 
in  an  unprecedented  manner,  so  as  to  confirm  tlie 
most  fabulous  accounts  of  the  luxurious  expen- 
diture of  his  reign.  .  .  .  Herod  ^vas  not  de  ,'oid 
of    nobler  qualities,   even  altnough  they  have 


been  forgott('n  by  the  Jews  and  Christians.  He 
was  not  merely  a  bravo  leader  in  war,  a  bold 
hunter  and  rider,  and  a  sagacious  ruler;  there 
was  in  him  a  largcheartedness  and  an  innate 
nobility  of  mind  which  enabled  him  to  be  a  bene- 
factor of  his  people.  This  fundamental  charac- 
teristic of  his  nature,  inherited  from  his  father, 
is  admitted  by  the  .Jewish  historian,  times  out 
of  number,  and  has  been  shown  by  his  affection 
for  liis  father,  mother,  and  brothers,  and  also  for 
his  friends,  by  liis  beneficence  in  good  fortime, 
and  even  in  adversity.  .  .  :  When  in  the  thir- 
teenth year  of  his  reign  (B.  C.  25),  some  years 
before  the  building  of  the  Temple,  famine  and 
sickness  devastated  the  land,  he  sold  the  gold  ami 
silver  treasures  in  his  house,  and  himself  became 
poor,  while  lie  bespoke  great  quantities  of  grain 
fiom  Egypt,  which  he  dispensed,  and  ca\ised  to 
be  nip  .to  bread:  he  clothed  the  poor,  and  fed 
.')0,0'  lien  at  his  own  expense:  he  liimself  sent 
help  3  the  towns  of  Syria,  nnd  obtained  the  im- 
mediate, and  indeed  the  enduring  gratitude  of 
the  peo|)le  as  a  second  Joseph.  Yet  it  was  only 
the  large  heartedness  of  a  barbarian,  without 
true  culture,  or  deeper  morality.  Hence  came 
tlie  unscrupulousness,  the  want  of  consideration 
for  the  national  peculiarities  which  ho  opposed, 
the  base  cunning  and  vanity  which  coloured  ail 
his  actions,  and  hence  again,  especially  in  later 
life,  he  became  subject  to  caprices,  to  anger  and 
ntpentance,  to  mistrust  and  cruelty,  to  the  wiles 
of  women  and  of  eunuchs.  He  was,  in  short, 
onlv  the  petty  tyrant,  thi  successful  upstart  who 
was  self-seeking,  and  at  once  rash  and  timid;  a 
beggar  before  Augustus;  a  foolish  time-server 
beifore  the  Greek  and  Roman  world ;  a  tyrant  in 
his  own  house,  nnd  incapable  either  of  resisting 
influence  or  of  enduring  contradiction.  .  .  .  T'le 
dangerous  position  of  the  upstart,  with  respect 
to  the  earlier  royal  family  and  to  the  national 
aversion,  the  divisions  of  his  numerous  family, 
the  intrigues  of  a  court  of  women,  eunuchs,  bar- 
bers, and  frivolous  flatterers  of  every  description, 
drew  him  on,  as  if  with  demoniacal  power,  from 
one  stage  of  cruelty  to  another.  .  .  .  Daily  exe- 
cutions began  on  his  entry  into  Jerusalem  in  the 
year  B.  C.  37  with  the  execution  of  Antigonus, 
of  the  nephew  of  Hyrcanus,  and  of  his  own  de- 
jjcndants.  .  .  .  He  pardoned  no  one  whom  he 
suspected :  he  enforced  obedience  by  an  oath,  and 
whoever  would  not  swear  forfeited  his  life.  In- 
numerable people  disappeared  mysteriously  in 
the  fortress  of  Hyrcania.  Lifo  was  forfeited 
even  .' v,  the  offence  of  meeting  or  standing  to- 
gether, when  it  was  noticed  by  the  countless 
spies  in  the  city  anil  on  the  highways,  nnd  indeed 
by  liimself  in  his  rounds  by  night.  The  bloody 
decimation  of  liis  own  family  was  most  revolting. 
About  the  year  B.  C.  35  he  caused  his  wife's 
brother  Aristobulus,  who  had  been  high  priest 
for  eighteen  years,  to  be  stifled  by  his  Gallic 
guards  in  a  pond  at  Jericlio,  because  he  was 
popular,  and  belonged  to  the  old  family:  in  the 
year  B.  C.  31,  after  the  battle  of  Actium,  ho 
murdered  his  grandfather-in-law  Hyrcanus,  aged 
eighty  years,  and  in  the  year  B.  C.  30  or  29  his 
wife  Mariamne,  and  a  little  later  her  intriguing 
mother  Alexandra,  since  they  had  become  objects 
of  suspicion  to  him:  in  the  year  B.  C.  2.'>  his 
brother-in-law,  Kostobar,  and  a  long  line  of 
friends  were  slain:  about  the  year  B.  C.  fl,  tlie 
sons  of  Mariamne,  Alexander  and  Aristobulus, 
were    judicially  condemned  and   strangled   in 


i:'i 


JEWS.  n.  c.  40-A.  n.  44. 


Tfte  fleroriianfi. 


.IKW8,  n.  ('.  40-A.  D.  44. 


Bniiiarin:  and  finally  tlir  dmboliral  Antipatpr,  the 
son  of  tlic  llrst  nwirriu/^c.  who,  toK<'lli'T  wilh 
Halonic,  lIcriKl'H  Hinter,  and  with  Ali'.xandra,  lii.s 
niothtT  inlaw,  had  taken  thn  i^rtate.st  part  in  tlii! 
crimes  of  the  family." — T.  Kcim,  Hint,  of  Jikiim 
of  Aiiziim.  I'.  1,  /)/*.  "2*l-2tO. — Ilcrod  died  witliiii 
the  year  (U.  ('.  4)  which  has  been  most  generally 
agreed  upon  as  that  of  the  birth  of  Jesus.  By 
ten  wives  he  had  had  many  children,  and  had 
slain  not  a  few  ;  but  a  large  family  survived,  to 
quarrel  over  the  heriti.ge,  disputing  a  will  which 
Herod  left.  There  was  a  licaring  of  the  dispu- 
tants at  Home,  and  al.so  a  hearing  given  to  depu- 
ties of  the  Jewish  people,  who  prayed  to  lie 
delivered  from  the  llenxlian  family,  all  and 
singly.  The  latter  prayer,  liowever,  reeeive<l 
small  consideration.  The  imperial  judgnent 
established  Archelaus,  eldest  son  of  Herod's  .iixth 
wife,  Malthace,  in  the  sovereignty  of  Judica, 
Idumfca,  and  Samaria,  with  the  title  of  Ethnarch. 
To  Herod  Antipas,  second  son  of  tlio  same 
mother,  it  gave  Galilee  and  Pericu.  Philip, 
another  son,  liy  a  seventh  wife,  was  made  tet- 
mrch  of  a  small  principality.  Archelaus  gov- 
erned so  oppressively  that,  after  some  years 
(A.  1).  6),  he  was  deposed  by  the  Uomans  and 
banished  to  Qaid.  Judiea  was  tlien  joined  to 
tlic  prii'fecturo  of  Syria,  imder  a  succession  of 
Roman  governors,  the  fifth  of  whom  was  Pon- 
tius Pilate.  "Judaea  tlius  became  in  tlie  year  6 
A.  I),  a  Uoman  province  of  tlio  second  ranl^,  and, 
apart  from  the  ephemeral  restoration  of  the 
kingdom  of  Jerusalem  under  Claudius  in  the  years 
41-44,  thenceforth  remained  a  Uomau  province. 
Instead  of  the  previous  native  princes  liolding 
office  for  life  and,  under  reservation  of  their 
being  confirmed  by  tlio  Uoman  government,  lie- 
reditary,  came  an  {iflicial  of  tlie  etjuestrian  order, 
nominated  and  liable  to  recall  by  the  emperor. 
The  port  of  ("aesarea  rebuilt  liyllerod  after  a 
Hellenic  model  became,  probal)ly  at  once,  the 
scat  of  Roman  administration.  Tlic  exemption 
of  tlie  land  from  Romi.u  garrison,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  censed,  but,  as  throughout  in  provinces  of 
second  ranlc,  the  Roman  mililary  force  consisted 
only  of  a  moderate  number  of  cavalry  and  in- 
fantry divisions  of  the  inferior  class;  subse- 
quently one  ala  and  five  cohorts  —  about  3,000 
men  —  were  stationed  there.  Tliese  troops  were 
perliaps  taken  over  from  the  earlier  government, 
ut  least  in  great  part  fornK-d  in  tlie  country  itself, 
mostly,  however,  from  Samaritans  and  Syri;iii 
Greeks.  The  province  did  not  olitain  a  legionary 
gaiTison,  and  even  in  the  territories  adjoining 
Judaea  there  was  stationed  at  tlie  most  one  of 
the  four  Syrian  legions,  'io  Jerusalem  there 
came  a  standing  Roman  commandant,  who  took 
up  his  abode  in  the  royal  castle,  with  a  weak 
standing  garrison:  only  durini*-  the  time  of  the 
Passover,  wlien  the  ./hole  land  and  countless 
strangers  flocked  to  the  temple,  a  stronger  divis- 
ion of  Roman  soldiers  was  slationed  in  .•■  colon- 
na<le  belonging  to  the  temple.  .  .  .  For  the 
native  atitliorities  in  Judaea  as  everywliere  the 
urban  communities  were,  as  far  as  possible,  taken 
as  a  liasis.  Samaria,  or  as  tlie  town  was  now 
called,  Sebaste,  Ihe  newly  laidou^  Caesaren,  and 
tlie  other  urlian  communities  contained  in  the 
former  kingdom  of  Arclielaus,  were  self-admin- 
istering, under  superintendence  of  the  Roman 
authority.  Tlie  government  also  of  the  capital 
with  the  large  territorj'^  lielonging  to  it  was 
organised  in  a  similar  way.     Already  ir.  the  pre- 


Roman  peiiod  under  lh(^  Selcucids  there  was 
formed  .  .  .  in  Jerusalem  a 'ouncil  of  the  elders, 
the  Synliedrion,  or  as  Judaised,  tlie  Sanhedrin. 
The  presidency  in  it  was  held  by  the  high  priest, 
wlioiii  each  ruler  of  the  land,  if  lie  was  not  pos- 
sibly himself  high  priest,  appointed  for  the  time. 
To  the  college  belonged  the  former  high  pri.'sts 
and  esteemed  experts  in  tlie  law.  Thisassemlily, 
in  which  flic  aristocrati*  element  preponderated, 
acted  as  the  supreme  spiritual  representative  of 
the  whole  body  of  Jews,  and,  so  far  as  this  was 
not  to  be  separated  from  it,  also  as  the  secular 
representative  in  particular  of  the  conimiinity  of 
Jerusalem.  It  is  only  the  later  Ralibinism  tliat 
has  l)y  a  pious  fiction  transformed  the  Sanhedrion 
of  Jerusalem  into  a  spiritual,  institute  of  Mosaic 
appointment.  It  corresponded  essentially  to  tlie 
council  of  tlie  Greek  urban  constitution,  but  cer- 
tainly bore,  as  respected  its  composition  as  well 
as  its  sphere  of  working,  a  more  spiritual  char- 
acter than  lielongcd  to  the  Greek  representations 
of  the  community.  To  this  Synlic<lrion  and  its 
liigh  priest,  who  was  now  nominated  by  the  pro- 
curator as  representative  of  the  imperial  suze- 
rain, the  Roman  government  left  or  committed 
tliat  jurisdiction  wliieli  in  <he  Hellenic  subject 
communities  belonged  i./  the  urban  authorities 
and  the  common  councils.  Witli  indiflerent 
short-sightedness  it  allowed  to  the  transcendental 
Messianism  of  the  Pharisees  ire  3  course,  and  to 
the  by  no  means  transcendental  land-eonsistory 
—  acting  until  tlie  Messiah  should  arrive  —  toler- 
ably free  sway  in  allairs  of  faitli,  of  manners, 
aiul  of  law,  where  Roman  interciits  were  not  di- 
rectly aiTected  thereby.  Tiiis  applied  in  particu- 
lar to  the  administration  of  justi.'re.  It  is  true 
that,  as  far  as  Roman  burgesses  w?rc  concerned 
in  tlie  matter,  justice  in  civil  at  in  criminal 
affairs  must  have  been  reserved  for  the  Roman 
tribunals  even  already  before  the  annexation  of 
tlie  land.  But  civil  justice  over  the  jws  re- 
mained e\  en  lifter  tliat  annexation  chiefly  with 
the  local  autliority.  Criminal  justice  over  them 
was  exercised  by  the  latter  probably  in  general 
concurrently  with  the  Roman  procurator;  only 
sentences  of  death  could  not  be  executed  by  it 
otherwise  tlian  after  confirmation  by  tlie  imperial 
magistrate.  In  the  main  those  arrangements 
were  the  inevitable  conse(iueuces  of  the  abolition 
of  tlie  principality,  and  when  the  Jews  had  ob- 
tained tills  request  of  theirs,  tliey  in  fact  obtained 
tliosearrangementsalong  with  it.  .  .  .  The  local 
coining  of  petty  moneys,  as  formerly  practised 
by  the  kings,  now  took  place  in  the  name  of  the 
Roman  ruler;  but  on  account  of  the  Jewish  ab- 
horrence of  images  the  head  of  the  emperor  was 
not  even  placed  on  tliij  coins.  Setting  foot  within 
tlie  interior  of  the  temple  continued  to  be  for 
bidden  in  the  case  of  every  non-Jew  under  pen 
alty  of  dcatli.  ...  In  the  very  beginning  of  the 
reign  of  Tiberiu's  the  Jews,  like  tlie  Syrians, 
complained  of  the  pressure  of  the  taxes;  especi- 
ally the  prolonged  administration  of  Pontius 
Pilatus  is  charged  with  all  the  usual  otHcial 
crimes  by  a  not  unfair  oliscrver.  But  Tiberius, 
as  the  same  Jew  "nys,  had  during  the  twenty- 
three  years  of  his  reign  maintained  the  time-hal- 
lowed holy  customs,  and  in  no  part  set  them 
aside  or  violated  them.  This  is  the  more  to  be 
recognised,  seeing  that  the  same  emperor  in  the 
West  interfered  iigainiit  tlic  Jews  more  emphati- 
cally than  any  otlier,  and  thus  the  long-suffering 
and  caution  shown  by  him  in  Judaea  cannot  be 


1918 


JEWS,  B.  C.  4()-A.  I).   1».       n^  huih  „/ M'mA.         .IKWS,  B.  C.  8-A.  I).  1. 


truccd  buck  to  peraoiiiil  fiivour  for  Jiuliiisiii.  Iti 
Hpitc  of  all  tliis  botli  tliu  oppoHitlon  on  priiuipli: 
to  llu!  Uoiniui  ftovcrnnu'iil  iiiiil  the  violent  cITorts 
lit  Helf-liL'lp  on  the  piirt  of  the  fuitlifiil  duvclopcil 
tliomselvc's  even  in  tliis  time  of  pcivci'." — T. 
Moninison,  JIM.  of  Home :  The  J'n>nnreii,  from 
Ciienur  to  Dioclitiiiii,  hk.  8,  rh.  11. — In  tlio  your 
41  A.  I),  tlie  liouse  of  Hcroil  rosu  to  power 
iigiiin,  in  the  jierson  of  his  (jrandson,  llerod 
Agrippii,  descendant  of  tliu  unfortunate  Alari- 
aninu.  Agrippa  liad  lived  long  at  Uonioand  won 
tlie  favor  of  two  successive  emperors,  Caligula 
and  Claudius.  Cidigul'i  deposed  Herod  Autipas 
from  the  tetrarchy  o  ^alilec  and  conferred  it 
on  Agrippa.  Claudius,  in  41,  added  .Juihea  and 
•Samaria  to  his  donuidons,  establishing  him  in 
a  kingdom  even  greater  than  that  of  his  grand- 
father, lie  died  suddenly  in  44  A.  D.  and  Judiua 
again  relapsed  to  the  state  of  a  Homan  province. 
His  young  .son,  also  named  Herod  Agrippa,  was 
l)rovi(led,  after  n  few  years,  with  a  small  king- 
dom, that  of  Chalcis,  exchanged  later  for  one 
made  up  of  other  districts  in  Palestine.  After 
the  destruction  of  .lernsalem  he  retired  to  Uouu'. 
and  tlio  line  of  lIcM'od  emled  with  him. — II.  H. 
.Milman,  lUat.  of  the  Jewn,  hk.  12. 

Also  in:  .To.sephus,  Aiiti(/.  of  the  Jeirn,  l>kn. 
15-30.— H.  Ewald,  IHkI.  if  Imtel,  hk.  T),  nert.  'J. 

B.  C.  8— A.  D.  1. — Uncertainty  of  the  date 
of  the  birth  of  Jesus. — "The  reigning  (Christian 
computation  of  time,  that  sovereign  authority  in 
accordance  with  which  we  reckon  our  life,  and 
which  is  surely  above  the  assault  of  any  critical 
doubts,  goes,  bo  it  remembered,  but  a  very  little 
way  towards  the  settlement  of  this  (juestioii  [as 
to  the  year  of  the  birth  of  Jesus]  in  as  nuich  as 
its  inventor,  a  Scythian  by  birth,  Dionysius  the 
Less,  Abbot  of  a  Uorian  monastery  (died  GoO 
A.  D.)  [see  Eu.\,  Ciiiustian],  .  .  .  had  certainly 
no  entire  imnumity  from  human  frailty.  .  .  . 
The  comparatively  best  assured  and  best  sup- 
ported account  places  the  birth  of  Jesus  in  the 
reign  of  King  Herod  the  Great.  Matthew  knows 
no  other  chronology:  Luke  gives  the  same, 
along  with  another,  or,  if  we  will,  along  with 
two  others.  Mattliew  more  particularly,  in 
his  own  account,  puts  the  birth  iu  the  last 
years  of  that  king.  Jesus  is  a  little  child  at  the 
time  of  the  coming  of  the  Magi,  and  he  is  still  a 
child  at  the  return  of  Joseph  from  the  (light  into 
Kgypt,  after  the  death  of  Herod  has  taken 
place.  We  shall  hit  the  sense  of  the  writer  most 
exactly  if  wa  assume  that  Je.sus,  at  the  time  of 
the  coming  of  the  Magi,  who  gave  King  Herod 
ground  foi  conjecturing  a  Messiah  of  about  the 
age  of  two, —  was  about  two  years  old;  at  the 
time  of  Herod's  death,  about  four.  .  .  .  Now 
since  Herod  died  ,  .  .  shortly  before  Easter  of 
the  yei'T  750  A.  U.  C,  i.e.  4  years  before  the 
Christian  era,  Jesus  must  have  been  born  four 
years  before,  740  A.  U.  C,  or  8  yearn  before  the 
reputed  Chiistian  era,  a  view  which  is  expressly 
espoused  in  the  fifth  Christian  century;  accord- 
ing to  Apocrypha,  3  years  before  Herod's  death, 
747  A.  U.  C,  7  years  B.  C.  If  we  are  able  in 
addition  to  build  upon  Kejjler's  Conjunction  of 
Planets,  which  Bishop  Munter,  in  his  booli,  'The 
Star  of  the  Wise  Men,'  1837,  called  to  remem- 
brance, wo  get  with  complete  certainty  747  or 
748,  the  latter,  that  is,  if  wc  attach  any  value  to 
the  fact  that  in  that  year  Mars  was  added  to 
Jupiter  and  Saturu.  Desirable  however  as  such 
certainty  might  be,  it  is  nevertheless  hard  to 


aliandon  oneself  lo  it  with  enthusiastic  joy.  .  .  . 
An  actual  reiinni.Hcence  on  tlii'  purl  of  the  Chris- 
tian I'linuuunity  of  the  approximate  point  of  time 
at  which  the  Lord  was  born,  would  be  hard  to 
call  in  (picstion,  even  though  it  might  hav(- 
overlooked  or  forgotten  every  detail  of  the  youth 
of  Jesus  besides.  Finidly,  there  Is  after  idl  a 
trace  of  such  reminiscence  independent  of  all 
legendary  formation.  The  inlroiluctory  history 
of  Luke  without  luiy  appreciable  historical  con- 
nexion, rather  in  conllict  with  the  world  of 
legend  represented  iu  hisUospel,  places  the  birth 
of  John  the  Baptist  and  of  Jesus  in  Herod's  time. 
At  the  sitme  time  there  is  just  as  little,  or  even 
less,  sign  than  el.Hewhere  in  Luke's  preliminary 
story,  of  luiy  dependence  on  the  ace  unt  in  iMat- 
thew.  or  lUiy  world  of  legend  like  hi.s.  Wc 
should  thus  still  be  inclined  to  infer  that  Jesus, 
according  to  ancient  Christian  tradition,  was 
born  under  King  Herod,  and  more  particularly, 
lu'cording  to  the  legend  of  Mattlu'W,  which  after 
all  is  the  better  guaranteed  of  the  two,  towards 
the  close  of  his  reign.  .  .  .  Luke  appears  .  .  . 
so  far  to  give  the  most  preci.se  boundary  lino  to 
the  birth  of  Jesus,  inasmu<'h  as  he  brings  it  into 
immediate  coimexiou  v  itii  the  tirsl  taxing  of 
Juda'a  by  the  Romans,  which  admits  of  exact 
historical  computation.  The  Hoinan  taxing  was 
indeed  the  occasion  of  Joseph  luid  JIary's  jour- 
ney to  Bethlehem,  and  of  the  birth  of  Jesus  iu 
the  inn  there.  This  taxing  took  place,  as  Luke 
quite  rightly  observes,  for  the  first  time  in  Jiuhea, 
under  the  Emperor  Augustus,  and  more  i)ro- 
cisely,  under  tjuirinius'  Qovernorship  of  Syria, 
and  moreover,  .  .  .  not  only  after  the  death  of 
llerod,  but  also  after  his  son  Archolaos  had  been 
reigning  about  ten  years,  in  conseciucnce  of  the 
dethronement  of  Archelaos  and  the  annexation 
of  Judica  find  Samaria  by  the  P.omansin  the  year 
760  A.  U.  C.  7  A.  I).  But  here  too  at  once  be- 
gins the  didiculty.  According  to  this  statement 
Jesus  would  have  been  born  from  ten  to  fourteen 
years  later  than  the  Gospels  otherwi.se  assert, 
Luko  himself  included.  This  late  birth  would 
not  only  clash  with  the  lirst  statement  of  the 
Gospels  themselves,  but  equally  with  all  proba- 
bility, inasmuch  as  Jesus  would  then  not  havo 
been  as  much  ns  thirty  years  old  at  his  death, 
which  in  any  case  took  place  before  the  recall  of 
the  Piocurator  Pilate  (781  A.  U.  C.  85  A.  D.). 
We  arc  here  therefore  com|)elled  to  acknowledge 
a  simple  error  of  tho  writer.  .  .  .  Once  more 
.  .  .  does  Luke  incidentally  compute  the  time 
of  the  birth  of  Jesus.  By  describing  the  time  of 
John  the  Bai)tist's  appearance  and  sp';akiug  of 
Jesus  at  that  period  as  about  thirty  years  old,  he 
favours  the  assumption,  that  Jesus  was  born 
about  thirty  years  before  the  fifteeuth  year  of  the 
reign  of  the  Emperor  Tiberius.  .  .  .  We  shall 
.  .  .  see  grounds  for  considering  the  commcnce- 
inent  of  the  Baptist's  ministry,  as  fixed  far  too 
early  anywhere  near  the  date  28  A.  I).  But  if 
after  all  wo  nss'ime  the  ligure,  as  it  stands,  tho 
fifteenth  year  of  Tiberius,  reckoning  his  reign 
from  the  19!h  of  August,  767,  or  14  A.  D.,  was 
tho  year  781-783,  or  28-39  A,  I).  In  that  case 
Jesus  iv.ust  have  been  born,  reckoning  about  30 
years  backwards,  towards  the  year  751-753,  i.  e., 
2-3  years  beforo  our  rei)Uted  era.  ...  Of  the 
later  attempts  to  restore  the  year  of  Jesus'  birth, 
those  of  antiquity  and  of  modern  times  claim  our 
atteutiou  in  ditrerout  ways.  .  .  .  IreniEus,  fol- 
lowed by  Tertullian,  Ilippolytus,  Jerome,  gives 


1919 


JEWS,  B.  C.  8-A.  D.  1.         The  Umt  of  Jemu. 


JEWS,  A.  D.  20. 


tlic  forty  flrHt  yriir  of  tlio  Emiwror  Augustus, 
Clciiictit  of  AU'Xiiiiilriii  till!  twciity-ciKlitli  yi'ur 
of  tlic  siiiiw,  iiHtliii  ynir  of  birth:  iiiuch  tlio  huiuu 
ill  liolli  <'ii.s('H.  vi/..  (Tot-70'J),  iiiii.siiiiii!li  iH  tlio 
formir  reckons  from  tlio  llrst  consulate!  of  Au- 
HiiHtus  lifter  tli«i  (lentil  of  Ciusiir  (TUl  A.  U.  C); 
(;ienu'iit  from  his  ('oiiqiU'st  of  Egypt  (?3I).  Later 
itiilliorities  siiiee  KiiseliiiiH,  the  first  (liurcli  liis- 
toriiiii,  miirked  the  fortysecouil  year  of  Angus- 
Ills,  following  a  notice' of  their  predecessors,  that 
is  TM-Tri;),  wliicli  date  however  Kuscbius  would 
iiiiike  out  to  agree  witli  tlic  year  of  Clement, 
with  the  twenty  eiglitli  year  from  the  occupiuiou 
of  Egypt.  Hut  liow  many  other  years  besides 
were  |)().ssible!  Mere  Sulpicius  Scverus  (400 
A.  D.)  puslied  back  beyond  the  limit  set  by  Ire- 
Ulcus,  naming  at  one  time  740-747  as  tlic  time  of 
Jesus' birth,  at  uiiotherthe  consuls  of  750,  uiid  the 
later  date  lias  also  been  found  ...  by  the 
Arabic  Gospel  of  the  Infancy.  Here  again  the 
date  was  shifted  lower  down  than  the  figure  of 
Euscbius  to  the  forty-third  year  of  Augustus, 
i.  e.,  75:5-754.  This  date  is  found  alren('y  in  Ter- 
tulliiin  in  one  reading,  though  in  conflict  with 
the  year  41 ;  the  Chronograpli  of  the  year  354 
puts  it  down  with  the  express  mention  of  the 
Consuls  Ciesar  and  Paulus  ot  754  A.  U.  C,  the 
Egyptian  iiionli  Panodorus  (400  A.  D.)  has  so 
reckoned  it;  and  the  founder  of  tlie  Christian 
reckoning,  the  Abbot  Dionysius  (Eostcr  Table 
5J5  A.  D.)  introduced  it  for  all  time.  .  .  .  What 
is  certain  is  that  this  year  754  A.  U.  C.  1  A.  I)., 
this  ollleial  Christian  calendar,  does  not  hit  tlie 
tradition  of  the  Qospels.  In  modern  times,  tiianks 
to  the  efforts  of  great  astronoir.trs  and  clironolo- 
gists,  Kepler,  Iileler,  and  Mllntcr,  the  year  747 
or  748  has  found  the  greatest  favour  as  the  year 
of  the  Wise  Men's  star.  But  [,ince  people  have 
come  back  from  their  enthusiasm  for  the  dis- 
covery of  this  conjunction  to  a  more  faithful 
n^gard  for  the  Gospels,  it  has  always  commended 
itself  afresh,  to  place  the  birth  of  Jesus  at  latest 
in  the  first  beginning  of  the  year  750  (4  B.  C), 
i.  c. ,  before  the  death  ot  King  Herod,  but  if  pos- 
sible from  two  to  four  years  earlier  still  740-748, 
or  8-0  n.  C.  Thus  Ewald  inclines  half  to  the 
year  748,  and  half  to  749:  Petavius,  Usher,  Lich- 
tenstein  to  749,  Bengal,  Anger,  Winer,  Wieseler 
to  750,  Wurm  indeed  following  Scaliger  to  751, 
finally  in  latest  times  Uiisch,  attaching  great 
weight  to  the  statements  of  the  Fath  'rs,  as  well 
as  to  the  Chinese  star,  actually  gets  by  a  multi- 
fariously laborious  method,  at  751-752,  in  wliich 
year,  as  he  decides,  even  Herod  must  luive  been 
alive  ill  spite  of  Josephus,  and  on  the  strength 
of  an  innocuous  observation  by  a  Jewisli  Rabbi. 
If  it  was  hard  enougli  to  arrive  at  any  certainty, 
or,  at  all  events,  probability  with  respect  to  the 
year  of  Jesus'  birth,  we  must  entirely  waive  all 
pretensions  to  tiA\  the  month  or  the  day,  however 
justifiablu  may  be  our  curiosity  on  tliis  head. 
0>.r  traditional  observance  of  the  Day  of  Jesus 
on  the  25th  of  December  is  not  prescribed  in  any 
ancient  calendar." —  Dr.  T.  Keim,  Hist,  of  Je»u» 
of  Nazara,  ».  2,  pp.  109-120. 

\.Lso  in:  W.  il.  Anderdoa,  Fasti  Apostolici, 
introd. 

A.  D.  26. — Potiticrd  situation  of  Judaea  at 
the  time  of  the  appearance  of  Jesus. —  "  Let 
us  recall,  in  a  fe  .v  outlines,  the  political  situation 
of  Judica  at  the  exact  moment  when  Jesus  ap- 
peared Ijefore  His  countrymen.  The  shadow  of 
mdcpendcuce,  which  had  been  left  to  it  under 


the  vassal  kingdom  of  Herod  tiie  Groat,  had  long 
vanished.  Augustus  had  annexed  Jiiiloia  to  the 
lioman  empire,  not  by  inaking  it  one  of  those 
senatorial  provinces  governed  by  proconsuls, 
but  as  a  direct  di'pendiint  on  his  authorily.  lie 
associated  it  with  the  government  of  H^'ria,  tlio 
capital  of  wliicli  was  Antioch,  tlie  residence  of 
tlie  imperial  legate.  In  coii.seiiucnce,  however, 
of  its  imiiortaiiee,  and  the  dilUcullies  presc'iited 
by  the  completo  subjection  of  such  a  people,  the 
procurator  of  Judiea  enjoyed  a  certain  latitudo 
in  ills  administration;  he  at  the  same  time  man- 
aged the  affairs  of  Hamiiria,  but  as  a  second  do- 
l)artm(!iit,  di.stinct  from  the  first.  Faithful  to 
the  wise  policy  which  it  had  pursued  with  so 
much  success  for  centuries,  Bomo  interfered  as 
little  as  possible  with  the  usages  and  institutions 
of  the  conquered  province.  Tlie  Sanhedrim  was, 
therefore,  allowed  to  continue  side  by  side  with 
the  procurator,  but  its  power  was  necessarily 
very  limited.  Its  jurisdiction  was  confined  to 
matters  of  religion  and  small  civil  causes:  thu 
procurator  alone  had  the  right  of  decreeing 
capital  punishment.  The  higli-priestly  oflice  had 
lost  much  of  its  importance.  The  Asmoncans 
and  Herods  had  reduced  it  to  a  subordinate  mag- 
istracy, of  wliich  they  made  a  tool  for  their  own 
purposes.  Herod  the  Great  had  constituted  him- 
self guardian  of  the  sacerdotvil  vestments,  under 
])retext  tliot  he  li  id  had  them  restored  to  their 
first  magnificencf ,  on  the  Levitical  model;  ho 
bobtowcd  them  only  on  tho  men  of  his  clioice. 
Tlie  Uoinans  hastened  to  follow  his  example,  and 
thus  to  keep  in  their  hands  an  olHcc  which  might 
become  perilous  to  them.  Tlie  procumtcr  of 
Judica  resided  at  Cicsarea.  He  only  came  to 
Jerusalem  for  the  solemn  feasts,  or  in  exceptional 
cases,  to  administer  justice.  His  prictorium  stood 
near  the  citadel  of  Antonia.  The  Homan  garri- 
son in  the  whole  of  Palestine  did  not  exceed  one 
legion.  Tho  levying  of  imposts  on  movable 
property,  and  on  individuals,  led  to  perpetual 
difliculties;  no  such  objection  was  raised  to  the 
tribute  of  two  drachms  for  tlie  temple,  which 
was  levied  by  the  Sanhedrim.  The  tax-gatherers 
in  the  service  of  tlio  Uomaua  were  regarded  as 
the  representatives  of  a  detested  rule ;  thus  the 
publicans  —  for  the  mo';!,  part  Jews  by  birth  — 
were  the  objects  of  univcis.'!  contempt.  The 
first  rebellion  of  any  imporfjinco  took  place  on 
tho  occasion  of  the  census  under  Cyrenius.  At 
the  period  at  which  wo  have  arrived,  Judica  was 
governed  by  Pilate,  the  third  procurator  since 
the  annexation  to  the  empire;  he  had  found  in 
tlie  higli-priestly  otHce  John,  surnair.cd  Cuiaplms, 
son-in-law  of  Annas,  the  son  of  Sotli,  who  had 
for  a  long  time  filled  the  same  office  under  Vale- 
rius Gfiitus.  Pilato  had  an  ally  Vather  than  a 
rival  \i\  the  Sadducee  Caiaphas,  who  acted  on  no 
higher  principle  than  the  interest  of  his  order, 
and  the  maintenance  of  his  power.  Pontius 
Pilate  was  wanting  in  the  political  tact  which 
knows  how  to  soften  in  form  the  severities  of  a 
foreign  rule ;  he  was  a  man  of  vulgar  ambition, 
or  ratlier,  one  of  those  men  witliout  patriotism, 
who  think  only  of  using  their  authority  for  their 
own  advantage.  He  took  no  heed  of  the  pecu- 
liar dispositions  and  aversions  of  tlie  people 
whom  he  wr.s  to  govern.  Thus  he  sent  to  Jeru- 
salem a  Roman  garrison  with  standards;  the 
Jews  regarded  tliis  as  a  horrible  profanation,  for 
the  eugles  were  worshipped  as  gods.  Assailed 
in  his  prectorium  at  Caisarea  by  a  suppliant 


1920 


.IKWS,  A.  T).  20. 


The  (/rent  Hemlt. 


JKVVS,  A.  D.  00-70. 


rrowil,  wlilcli  no  vldlciu'c  cdiiM  disperse,  tlie 
priiciiriilor  was  ooiiipelleil  to  yield  to  prayers, 
wlileli  iiiij;lil  HOOD  be  clmiiKed  into  despenite  re- 
Hislaiice.  From  lliat.  iiioiiieiit  liis  iiilliienee  was 
gone  ill  Jiidiua;  lie  eoinprouiised  it  still  fiirllier 
when  lie  caused  shields  of  p>lil.  lieariiiK  l>i^  iiaiiui 
engravcKl  beside  that  of  the  emperor  'rilierias,  to 
be  suspended  from  the  outer  walls  of  the!  eitailel 
of  Antonia.  This  llattery  to  the  sovereign,  which 
niiglil  have  been  imacconipaiiied  with  peril  else- 
where, was  received  at  .leru.salem  as  a  gratuitous 
jirovoeation,  and  he  was  obliged  to  recall  a 
measure,  persist<'nce  in  which  would  have  led  to 
a  terrible  tumult.  Having  thus  made  himself  an 
object  of  general  aversion,  ho  could  not  even  do 
good  without  danger:  his  plan  to  build  an  aque- 
duct, a  thing  peculiarly  needed  on  the  burning 
soil  of  Judiea,  created  opposition  so  violent,  that 
It  could  only  be  put  down  by  force.  Under  such 
a  governor,  tho  national  passions  were  in  a  per- 
petual stato  of  agitation.  This  inerea.so  of  patri- 
otic fanaticism  created  great  obstacles  to  a  purely 
spiritual  work  like  that  of  Jesus,  (laulonitis, 
Pera'a,  and  Galilee  still  belonged,  at  this  time, 
to  the  family  of  Ilerod.  The  tetrarcli  Philip 
governed  the  north-west  of  the  country  for  thirty- 
seven  years,  and  was  distinguished  for  his  mod- 
eration. .  .  .  Galilee  and  TeriKa  were  the  por- 
tion of  Ilenxl  Antipa.s,  the  murderer  of  John  the 
Baptist.  His  divorce  from  the  daught(  r  of 
Aretas,  after  his  marriage  with  Herodias,  his 
brother's  wife,  had  brought  war  upon  the  wide 
provinces  whieli  he  governed.  He  was  about 
soon  to  undergo  a  humiliating  defeat.  Like  his 
brother,  he  was  childless.  Under  the  inllucnce 
of  such  a  prince,  surrounded  by  a  licentious 
C(Hirt,  evil  propensities  liad  free  Iilay,  nnd  the 
corruption  of  manners  was  a  bad  preparation  for 
a  religion  of  puritv  and  self-denial.  In  the  low- 
ucss  Of  the  times,  the  Herods,  though  of  the 
family  of  the  vi'e  despots  wdio  had  soUl  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  Jews,  were  regarded  as  in  some 
measure  a  national  dynasty.  They  had  a  i)arty 
which  bore  their  name,  and  which,  in  religious 
matters,  combined,  after  the  example  of  lIero<l 
the  Great,  Pharisaism  and  Sadduceeism.  Such 
were '.'lo  political  circumstances  in  the  midst  of 
which  Jesus  was  placed." — E.  do  Presscu.se, 
Ji'siis  Christ :  IIi»  Tiiitet,  Life,  and  Work,  bk.  'A. 
ch.  1. 

A.  D.  33-100. — The  rise  and  diffusion  of 
Christianity.     See  CiiuisriANirv. 

A.  D.  66-70.— The  Great  Revolt.— Tho  op- 
pression of  the  Jewish  nation  under  ilie  Uoman 
governors  who  ruled  Ji.'diea  directly,  after  the 
death  of  the  first  Herod  Agrippa  (A.  D.  44),  may 
not  have  been  heavier  in  reality  than  it  liad  been 
while  the  dependent  and  Homanizcd  tyranny  of 
the  Heroflian  kings  prevailed,  but  it  proved 
to  be  more  irritating  and  exasperating.  "Tlu? 
burden,  harshly  shifted,  was  felt  to  be  more  gall- 
ing. The  priests  and  nobles  murmured,  in- 
trigued, conspired;  the  nibble,  bolder  or  more 
impatient,  broke  out  into  sedition,  and  followed 
every  chief  who  olTered  to  lead  them  to  victory 
and  independence.  ...  It  was  only  indeed  under 
extraordinary  provocation  that  the  populace  of 
the  Jewish  capital,  who  were  generally  controlled 
by  t''e  superior  i)rudence  of  their  chiefs,  broke 
into  violence  in  the  streets.  .  .  .  But  the  ruder 
independence  of  the  Galileans  was  not  so  easily 
kept  in  check.  Their  tract  of  heath  and  moun- 
tain was  always  then,  as  it  has  since  always  been, 


parlii 

coercion  [jit  Jerusalem |  the  l{<imanHliad  Invented 
a  peculiar  machinerv.  To  Agrippa,  the  lelranh 
[the  second  HenHl  Agrippa),  .  .  .  they  had 
given  the  title  of  King  of  the  Sai'rillces,  in  virtue 
of  which  li(!  was  sulfereil  to  reside  in  tho  palace 
at  Jerusalem,  ami  retain  certain  functions,  filt<'d 
to  impose  on  tlu!  imagination  of  the  mori^  ardent 
votaries  of  Jewish  nationality.  TIk^  i)ala('e  of 
the  Herods  overlooked  the  T<'iuple,  an(l  from  its 
upper  rooms  the  king  could  observe  all  that 
passed  in  that  mart  of  business  and  intrigue. 
Placed,  however,  as  a  spy  in  this  watch  tower, 
ho  was  regarded  by  the  "Zealots,  the  faction  of 
independence,  as  a  nie  to  be  badled  rather  than  a 
chief  to  be  respected  anil  honoured.  They  raised 
the  walls  of  their  sanctuary  to  shut  out  his  view, 
and  this,  among  other  causes  of  diseotitent  be- 
tween the  factionsMn  tho  city,  ripened  to  an 
enmity.  .  .  .  And  now  was  intriHliiccd  into  the 
divisions  of  this  unliap|)y  people  a  new  fcatiiro 
of  atrocity.  The  Zealots  sought  to  terrify  the 
more  prudent  or  time-serving  by  an  organized 
system  of  private  assassination,  'i  heir  '  Sicarii," 
or  men  of  the  dagger,  art  reeognLsed  in  the  rec- 
ords of  tho  times  as  a  secret  agency,  by  vbich 
the  most  impatient  of  the  patriots  calcujated  on 
exterminating  the  chief  supporters  of  the  foreign 
government.  .  .  .  Hitherto  the  Homans,  from 
I)olicy  rather  than  respect,  had  omitted  to  occupy 
Jerusalem  with  a  military  force.  They  were 
now  invited  and  imiilored  by  the  chiefs  of  tho 
priesthood  and  nobility,  and  Florus  [the  Uoman 
governor]  sent  a  detacliniont  to  seize  the  city  and 
jirotect  the  lives  of  liis  adherents.  This  was  tho 
point  to  which  the  Zealots  themselves  had  wished 
to  lead  him." — C.  Merivalc,  Hixt.  of  the  lioiniinK, 
eh.  50. —  A  furious  battle  in  the  streets  of  Jeru- 
salem oecurp  d  on  the  entrance  of  tho  Poinan 
troops.  The  latter  gained  possession  of  the  cita- 
del, with  the  upper  city,  but  aft'.'r  seven  days  of 
fighting,  were  forcted  to  ciipitulate,  and  were 
ruthlessly  put  to  the  sword,  'n  violation  of  sworn 
pledges.  "On  that  very  diiyand  hour,  while  tho 
Jews  were  plunging  their  daggers  in  the  hearts 
of  the  Homan.",  a  great  and  terrible  slaughter  of 
their  own  peoiile  was  going  on  in  Ciusarca,  where 
the  Syrians  and  Greeks  had  risen  upon  the  Jews, 
and  ma.ssacred  20,000  of  them  in  a  single  1'  w 
And  in  every  Syrian  city  the  same  madness  aiul 
hatred  seizi'd  the  people,  and  tho  Jews  were 
ri'thlessly  slaughtered  in  all.  No  more  provoca- 
tion wius  needed;  no  more  was  possible.  .  .  . 
The  heads  of  the  people  began  the  war  with 
gloomy  foreboflings ;  the  common  masses  with 
the  wildesu  enthusiasm,  which  became  the  mere 
into.xicati.  u  of  success  when  they  drove  back 
Cestius  fn  n  the  walls  of  the  city,  on  the  very 
eve  of  his  auticipated  victory  —  for  Cestius  [prie- 
fcct  of  Syria]  hastened  southwards  with  an  army 
«l  20,000  men,  and  besieged  tho  city.  Tho  poo- 
plo,  divided  amongst  tlie:nselves,  were  on  tho 
point  of  opening  tho  gates  to  the  Homans,  when, 
to  the  surprise  of  everybody,  Cestius  suddenly 
jiroke  up  his  camp  and  began  to  retreat.  AVliy 
ho  did  so,  no  one  ever  know.  .  .  .  The  retreat 
became  a  flight,  and  C^ostius  brought  back  his 
array  with  a  quarter  of  its  numbers  killed.  .  .  . 
Vespasian  was  sent  liastily  with  a  force  cf  three 
legions,  besides  the  cohorts  of  auxiliaries.  .  .  . 
Of  the  first  campaign,  that  in  Galilee,  our  limits 
will  not  allow  us  to  write.  .  .  .  The  months 
passed  on,  and  yet  the  liomans  did  not  appear 


1921 


JEWS,  A.  D.  fl«-70. 


DrMlnicllim  «/ 
JfrHiinlem . 


.lEWH.  A.  I).   110 


Iwfnri'  tlip  Willis  of  llic  city.  This  iiu'iititlinc  wmh 
n  prey  to  liili'rnul  cvlU,  wliirli  when  rcail  iiliprar 
iililloMt  iiicrrdlbli'.  .  .  .  Till'  I'Vcril.s  lit  Uniiii' 
wlilili  clcviilnl  V('H|)ii»liiH  In  Ihc  tliidiii'  wen-  the 
|)rlii<'l|iiil  I'ciiHoiiM  that,  tlit'  sic^i-or  .IcniHulcia  was 
■Kit  artiially  ((iiiiiLirin'cil  till  th(>  early  Hiiiiiiiier  of 
the  year  TO,  when,  iu  April,  TitUM  lie^m  hU 
inaieh  from  Ca'sarea.  .  .  .  The  eity,  meanwliile, 
liail  lieeii  eontinnhi^  those  eivil  (liH.seiisii)M»  which 
liaisteMeil  it.s  ruin,  ilohii  [of  (Ji.sehala|,  Simon 
liar  (iioraH,  ami  Klea/.ar,  eaeh  at  tlie  lieail  of  his 
own  faction,  niiiih'  tlie  Hireets  run  with  lilood. 
John,  whose  followers  nnml)ere(l  0,0(10,  held  the 
Lower,  New,  and  Middle  Cilv;  Simon,  at  the 
head  of  10,000  .lews  ami  5,000  rdiimeans,  had  the 
Htronj;  post  of  thi'  '  'pix'r  City,  wiili  a  portion  of 
'lie  third  wall;  Klea/ar,  with  2,000  zealots,  more 
fanatic  lliaii  tlie  rest,  had  barricaded  himself 
williin  the  Teiiiide  itself.  ...  In  the  sallies 
which  .lolin  and  Simon  made  upon  each  other  all 
the  l)iiildiiij;s  ir.  tills  iiarl  of  the  town  were  de- 
Htroyeil  or  set  on  tire,  and  all  their  corn  Imrned; 
HO  thai  famine  iiad  actually  be^iiu  Ix'fore  the 
comnieneement  of  tlie  sieKe." — \V'.  He.sant  iind 
E.  II.  I'almer,  Jmiiuitcin,  the  VUij  nf  llcrmt  mid 
{itliidiii,  ell,  !-!).-■  Tlie  awful  Imt  fascinating 
story  of  tlie  siege,  us  told  hy  Joseplnis  and  re- 
pealed hy  many  writers  since,  is  familiar  to  most 
readers  and  will  not  he  given  here.  Il  was  pro- 
longed from  April  until  the  7th  of  Seplemher, 
A.  1).  70,  when  the  Hoiiiaiis  forced  their  way 
Into  the  upper  city.  "  They  spread  through  the 
streets,  slaying  and  burning  as  tliey  went.  In 
many  houses  where  they  expected  rich  plunder, 
they  found  nothing  but  heaps  of  putrid  bodies, 
whole  families  wlio  had  dieil  of  liunger;  tliey  re- 
treated from  the  loathsome  siglit  nnd  iusullefablo 
stench.  Hut  tliey  were  not  moved  to  mercy  to- 
wards the  living;  in  some  places  the  Ihimes  were 
actually  retarded  or  (pienched  witli  streams  of 
blood;  night  iilonc  put  an  end  to  the  carnage. 
.  .  .  The  city  was  onlered  to  be  razed,  except '"'J 
the  tliR'e  towers,  which  were  left  as  stiindiiig 
monuments  of  the  victory.  .  .  .  During  the 
whole  siege  the  number  killed  raccording  to  Jo- 
scphus]  was  1,100,000,  that  of  prisoners  97,000. 
In  fact,  the  population  not  of  Jerusalem  uloiic. 
but  that  of  the  adjacent  districts  —  many  who 
had  taken  refuge  in  the  city,  more  who  hud  ns- 
sembled  for  the  least  of  uiileuvened  bread  —  had 
been  shut  up  by  the  sudden  formation  of  the 
siege."  Of  those  who  survived  to  the  end  and 
were  spnred,  when  the  IJoman  soldiers  had  tired 
of  slaughter,  "all  above  seventeen  years  old  were 
sent  to  Egypt  to  work  in  the  mines,  or  dis- 
tributed nmong  tlie  provinces  tr  be  exhibited  as 
gladiators  in  tlie  public  theatres,  nd  in  combats 
against  wild  beasts.  Twelve  thousand  died  of 
hunger.  .  .  .  Tlius  fell,  and  forever,  tlie  metrop- 
olis of  the  Jewish  stute.  ...  Of  all  the  stately 
city  —  tlie  populous  streets,  the  palaces  of  the 
Jewisli  kings,  tlie  fortres.scs  of  her  warriors,  the 
Temple  of  lierGod  —  not  a  ruin  remained,  except 
the  tall  towers  of  Phasaclis,  Mariamne,  and  Ilip- 
picus,  and  part  of  the  western  wall,  which  was 
left  as  a  defence  for  the  Roman  camp.'' — II.  U. 
Milman,  Jlint.  of  the  Jews,  lik,  10. 

Also  in;  H.  Ewald,  lliat.  of  hmd,  bk.  7. — 
Josephus,  The  Jewinh  War. — A.  J.  Church,  Stori/ 
of  the  ImkI  Days  of  Jerusalem, — I  M.  Wise,  Ilist. 
of  the  I/ehreirs'  Second  Commonwealth,  Ith  ])erioil, 

A.  D.  70-133,— After  the  war  with  Rome.— 
The  state  of  the  surviving;  people.—"  It  might 


liave  lieen  expected  that,  from  the  chnrarter  of 
tlie  great  war  with  Home,  the  people,  as  well  ns 
the  state  of  the  Jews,  would  have  fiillen  into 
utter  dlKsolution,  or,  at  least,  verged  rapidly  to- 
wards total  exlermination.  !iesiiies  the  loss  of 
iieiirly  a  million  and  a  lialf  of  lives  during  llio 
war,  the  markets  of  the  Uomim  cnipin^  were 
glutted  witli  Jewish  slaves.  .  .  .  Yet  still  this 
iiiexliaiislilile  race  revived  before  long  to  olTer 
new  ('iindi<lales  for  its  inalieniiliie  inheritance  of 
deti'statloii  and  misery.  Of  tlie  statu  of  Pales- 
tine, indeed,  immediately  after  the  war,  we  have 
little  accurate  informatfon.  It  is  uncertain  liow 
far  the  eiiornioiis  lo.ss  of  life,  and  tlii^  numbers 
carried  into  captivity  drained  tlie  country  of  tin? 
Jewish  population;  or  how  far  the  resc^rijit  of 
Vespasian,  wliicli  olTered  tlio  whole  landed  prop- 
erty of  the  province  for  sale,  introduced  a  foreign 
race  into  tlie  pos.session  of  the  soil.  The  im- 
mense numbers  engaged  in  the  rebellion  during 
the  reign  of  Hadrian  iiuidy,  either  tliat  the  coim- 
try  was  not  nearly  exhausted,  or  tliat  the  repro- 
duction in  this  still  fertile  region  was  extremely 
rapid.  In  fact,  it  must  be  remembered  that  .  .  . 
the  ravage  of  war  was,  after  all,  by  no  means 
tmiversal  in  the  province.  Oalilee,  Juihea.  and 
great  part  of  Iduiiiieu  were  wasted,  iind  probably 
much  depopuluted;  but,  excepting  a  few  towns 
whicli  made  resistnnce,  tlie  poimlous  regions  and 
wealthy  cities  beyond  the  Jordan  escaped  the 
devastation.  Tlie  dominions  of  King  Agripiia 
were,  for  the  most  part,  respected.  Samaiia( 
submitted  williout  resistance,  as  did  most  of  tlie 
cities  on  tlii;  sea-coast.  .  .  .  The  Jews,  though 
looked  upon  witli  coiitemiit  us  well  as  detesta- 
tion, were  yet  rcgurded,  during  the  reign  of 
Vespasian  and  his  immediate  successors,  with 
jealous  watchfulness.  A  garrison  of  800  men 
occupied  the  ruins  of  Jeru.salem,  to  prevent  the 
reconstruction  of  the  (-ily  by  the  fond  anil  re- 
ligious zeal  of  its  former  inhabitants.  .  .  .  Still, 
...  it  is  iiiipossiblc,  unless  communities  were 
suffered  to  be  formed,  and  the  whole  race  en- 

ioyed  comparative  security,  tliat  the  nation  could 
lave  appeared  in  the  formidable  attitude  of  re- 
sistance which  it  assumed  in  tlie  liiiii!  of  Ha- 
drian."— II.  II.  Milman,  JIM.  of  the  Jeirs,  bk.  18 
(p.  2). 

A.  D.  116. — The  rising  in  Trajan's  reign. — 
"  Not  quite  fifty  years  after  tlie  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  in  the  year  110,  tlie  Jews  of  the  east- 
ern Mediterranean  rose  against  tlie  imperial  gov- 
ernment. The  rising,  ultiiough  undertaken  by 
tlie  Diaspora,  was  of  a  purely  national  (diameter 
in  its  cliief  seats,  Cyrene,  Cyj)riis,  Egypt,  di- 
rected to  the  expulsion  of  the  Honiaus  as  of  the 
Hellenes,  and,  -pparently,  to  the  establishment 
of  a  separate  .iewisii  state.  It  ramified  oven  into 
Asiatic  territory,  and  seized  Mesopotamia  ami 
Palestine  itself.  When  the  insurgents  were  vic- 
torious they  conducted  the  war  with  the  same 
exasperation  as  the  Sicarii  in  Jerusalem;  they 
killed  those  whom  they  seized.  ...  In  Cyrenc 
220,000,  in  Cyprus  even  240,000  men  are  said  to 
have  been  thus  put  to  death  by  them.  On  the 
other  liand,  iu  Alexandria,  which  does  not  ap- 
pe.ir  it.-,"lf  to  liave  fallen  into  tlie  bands  of  the 
Jews,  the  besieged  Hellenes  slew  whatever  Jews 
were  then  iu  the  city.  The  inunediate  cause  of 
the  rising  is  not  clear.  ...  To  all  appearance  it 
was  an  outbreak  of  religious  exasperation  of  the 
Jews,  whicli  had  been  growing  in  secret  like  a 
volcano  since  the  dcstn    tiou  of  the  temple.  .  .  . 


1922 


JEWS.  A.  I),  iia. 


7V  .VridVii    irllhimt 
a  Vounlry. 


JKWH,  A.   D,  aiKMOO. 


Tlio  InHiirKt^ntH  wrro  nowlHin-  iililc  lo  nlTcr  tchIs- 
titncc  Id  till'  roinpitct  IrixipM,  .  .  .  iiiiil  Hiiuiliir 
|Miiilsliiiii'titH  wcrti  iiitlicU'il  (III  tlil.s  DIasporii  iis 
jircvlim.sly  on  llio  .Iijwh  of  I'ulcHtiiic.  TIml. 
Tritjiin  uniilliiliiteil  tlut  JewH  in  Aloxaiidriik,  iih 
Apniitn  Hiiys,  in  hiirdly  an  iiicorrticl,  althdiiKh 
pitrlmpH  a  too  blunt  cxprnNHion  for  what  took 
placu.  — T.  Mommscn,  llint.  of  Home,  bk.  8,  ch. 
11  (The  I'ronitren,  v.  2).— Sou,  also,  Cvpiiim, 
A.  I).  117. 

A.  D.  130-134 —The  rising  in  Hadrian's 
reign. — Tliu  Kiiipcror  lluilriaii,  u  lien  liis  tour 
lliroiigli  tlu!  Knipirt!  hroiif^lit  liint  to  I'alcHtlni', 
A.  I).  130,  resolved  to  erect  tlio  deslroyt'd  holy 
dty  of  tliu  Jews  as  11  Koiiiaii  colony  with  a  lio- 
Mian  namo,  and  to  dlvcaf,  It  altogether  of  the 
character  which  made  it  sacred  in  tlit^  eyes  of  the 
Jews.  Ho  forhndc  their  sojoiirn  in  tlienew  city, 
and  c.\ asperated  theni  still  more  by  showing  favor, 
it  Is  said,  to  the  Christian  si^ct.  Uy  this  and  liv 
other  measures  a  fresh  revolt  was  provoked, 
A.  I).  133,  incited  by  the  priest  Klea^tar  and  leil 
by  the  Imnditcldcf  Uarcochebas,  or  HarKok- 
hoha  ('Son  of  the  Star').  The  cruel  struggle, 
re(leeme<l  by  no  humanity  on  either  side,  con- 
tinued for  three  years,  and  was  ended  only  when 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  .lews  had  been  slain. 
"Tlie  dispersion  of  the  unhappy  ra(!e,  particu- 
larly iu  the  West,  was  now  complete  and  final. 
The  sacred  soli  of  .Jerusalem  was  occupied  by  a 
lionian  colony,  which  received  the  name  of  AA'in 
C'apitollna,  with  reference  to  the  emperor  who 
founded  it  [I'ublius  yUlius  Hadrianiis]  and  to 
tlie  supreme  Qod  of  the  pagan  mythology,  in- 
stalled on  the  desecrated  summits  of  Zion  and 
Moriah." — C.  Merivale,  J  int.  of  the  JioiiKinn,  eh. 
05. — "The  whole  body  ( i  the  .Jews  at  home  and 
abroacl  waj  agitated  by  the  movement  and  sup- 
porl(!(l  more  or  less  openly  the  insurgents  on  the 
.Jordan :  even  Jerusalem  fell  into  their  hands,  and 
the  gov  irnor  of  Syria  and  indeed  the  emperor 
Hadrian  ajjpeared  on  the  scene  of  contlict.  .  .  . 
As  iu  the  war  under  Vespasian  no  pitched  battle 
took  place,  but  one  place  after  anotlier  cost 
time  and  blood,  till  at  length  after  a  three  years' 
warfare  the  last  castle  of  the  insurgents,  the 
strong  Betlier,  not  far  from  .Jerusalem,  was 
storineil  by  the  lioinans.  The  numbers  handed 
down  to  us  in  good  accounts  of  50  fortresses 
taken,  985  villages  occupied,  580,000  that  fell, 
are  not  incredible,  slncc^  the  war  was  waged  witli 
inexorable  cruelty,  and  the  male  population  was 
probably  cverywhero  put  to  death.  In  conse- 
(pience  of  tills  rising  the  very  name  of  the  van- 
(luished  people  was  set  aside ;  the  province  was 
thencefortli  termed,  not  as  formerly  .Judaea,  but 
by  the  old  name  of  Herodotus,  .Syria  of  the  Phi- 
listines, or  Syria  Palaestina.  "I'lie  land  remained 
desolate;  the  now  city  of  Hadrian  continued  to 
exist,  but  did  not  prosper.  Tlie  .Jews  were  pro- 
hibited under  penalty  of  death  from  ever  setting 
foot  in  .Jerusalem." — T.  MomiiLsen,  Hist,  of  Home, 
bk.  8,  (•/(.  11  (The  Provinces,  r.  2). 

A.  D.  200-4UU.  —  The  Nation  without  a 
countrjr.  —  Its  two  governments.  —  "In  less 
than  sixty  years  after  the  war  \inder  Hadrian, 
'c  -fore  the  close  of  tlie  second  century  aft,?r 
Christ,  the  .Jews  present  the  extraordinary 
spectacle  of  two  regular  and  organized  com- 
munities: one  under  a  sort  of  spiritual  lie.id,  the 
Patriarch  of  Tiberias,  comprcliending  all  of  Is- 
raclitish  descent  who  inhabited  the  Roman 
empire;  tlie  other  under  the  Prince  of  the  Cap- 

'^^  1923 


tlvlly,  to  whom  all  the  eastern  f lUbylonlan] 
.[I'ws  paid  their  allegiance.  .  .  .  I  nforiiumlely 
it  Is  among  thi^  mostdilllciilt  parts  of  .lewish  his 
lory  lo  trace  the  growth  of  the  palrlarchul  an 
thiirlty  established  in  Tiberias,  and  lis  recogni 
lion  by  tlie  whole  scattered  body  of  the  nation, 
who,  wltlKllslntercsted  7.eal,  and  I  do  not  scruple 
lo  add,  a  noble  attachment  to  the  race  of  Israel, 
became  voluntary  subjects  and  tributaries  to  their 
spiritual  .sovereign,  and  united  with  one  mind  and 
one  heart  In  establish  their  comniunity  on  a  sell  led 
basis.  It  is  a  singular  spectacle  to  behold  a  na- 
tion dispersed  In  e\ery  region  of  the  world, 
wdthout  a  murmur  or  repugnance,  submitting  to 
Hie  regulations,  and  taxing  tlieinselvi>s  to  sup- 
port tlic  greatness,  of  a  supremacy  which  rested 
solely  on  public  opinion,  and  had  no  temporal 
power  whatever  to  enforce  Its  decrees.  It  was 
not  long  before  the  Uabblns,  who  had  been 
hunted  down  with  UMrelenting  crindty,  bi^gan  to 
creep  forth  from  their  places  of  con(-ealinent. 
The  death  of  Hadrian,  in  a  finv  years  after  the 
termination  of  the  war,  and  the  accession  of  tho 
iiilhl  Antoninus,  gave  them  courage,  not  merely 
to  make  their  public  appearance,  liut  openly  to 
relVstablish  their  schools  and  synagogues.  .  .  . 
The  Kalibinical  dominion  gradually  rose  to 
greater  power;  the  schools  nourished;  perhaps  In 
this  interval  the  great  Synagogue  or  Sanhedrin 
had  Its  other  migrations,  .  .  .  anil  llnally  to  Ti- 
berias, wliero  It  fixed  Its  pontillcal  throne  and 
maintained  its  supri'inacy  for  several  centuries. 
Tiberias,  it  may  be  remembered,  was  a  town 
built  by  Herod  Antipas,  over  an  ancient  ceme- 
tery, and  therefore  abominated  by  the  more  scru- 
pulous Jews,  as  a  dwelling  of  uncleanness.  Hut 
the  Uabbinssoon  obviated  this  objection.  Simon 
Ben  Joclial,  by  his  cabalistic  art,  discovered  tho 
exact  spot  where  the  burial-place  had  I'leen;  this 
was  inarlied  of,  and  the  rest  of  the  city  declared, 
on  the  same  unerring  authority,  to  hj  clean. 
Here,  then,  in  tliis  noble  city,  on  tlie  shore  of  tho 
sea  of  Qalllec,  the  Jewish  pontlfT  fixed  his 
tlironc;  the  Sanhedrin,  If  It  had  not,  as  tho 
Jews  pretend,  existed  during  all  tho  reverses  of 
tlie  nation,  was  formally  reOstablislied.  Simon, 
the  son  and  heir  of  Gamaliel,  was  acknowledgeil 
as  tlie  Patriarcli  of  the  Jews,  and  Nasi  or  Presi- 
dent of  the  Sanhedrin.  ...  In  every  region  of 
the  West,  in  every  province  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire, the  Jews  jf  all  ranks  and  classes'  .submitted, 
with  tlie  utmost  readiness,  to  the  sway  of  their 
Spiritual  Potentate.  His  mandates  were  obeyed, 
his  legates  received  with  honour,  his  supplies 
levied  without  dilHculty,  in  Rome,  in  Spain,  in 
Africa.  ...  In  the  mean  time  the  livid  throno 
in  Babylonia,  that  of  tlie  Prince  of  the  Captivity, 
was  rapidly  rising  to  tlie  state  and  dignity  which 
perliaps  did  not  attain  its  perfect  lielght  till 
under  the  Persian  inonarclia.  There  seems:  to 
have  beer,  some  acknowledged  hereditary  claim 
in  R.  Hoiia,  who  now  appears  as  tlie  Prince  of 
the  Captivity,  as  if  his  descent  from  the  House 
of  David  had  been  recognized  by  the  willing  cre- 
dulit''  of  his  brethren.  .  .  .  The  Court  of  tho 
Rescli-Glutha  [Prince  of  the  Captivity]  is  de- 
scribed as  .  .  .  splendid;  in  imitation  of  his 
Persian  master,  he  had  his  ofJicers,  coun.selIor3, 
and  cupbearers.  Rabbins  were  appointed  as 
satraps  over  tlio  different  communities.  This 
state,  it  is  probable,  was  maintained  by  a  tribute 
raised  from  tho  b.idy  of  the  people,  and  substi- 
tuted for  that  which,  in  ancient  times,  was  paid 


JEWS,  A.  D.  200-400. 


Di^prrsion  in 
Kuropf. 


JEWS,  7TII  CKNTUUV. 


for  the  Tcmpln  in  Jpriisnlcm.  .  .  .  Whetlicr  the 
iliithority  or  tlic  I'rinrn  of  tlie  Cnptivity  cx- 
tt'iidcd  beyond  Miiliyloniii  and  tlio  mliiicont  dis- 
tricts is  unccrtiiiti.  "  —  II.  II.  Milman,  Hint,  o  the 
.feirn.  Ilk.  10  (V.  2). 

A.  D.  415.  —  Driven    from  Alexandria  by 
Cyril.     Sc(!  .Vi.exanduia:  A.  D.  413-415. 

5-6th  Centuries.  —  Early  Jewish  settle- 
ments in  Europe. — Arian  toleration  and  Cath- 
olic persecution. — "Tlie  survey  of  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Jews  in  Europe  begins,  iis  wo  leave 
Asia,  with  tlie  Byzantine  Empire.  Theyalrady 
lived  in  its  cities  before  Christianity  accjuircd  the 
empire  of  the  world.  In  Constantinople  the 
Jcwisli  community  inhabited  a  separate  quarter,, 
called  the  brass-market,  where  there  was  also  a 
large  synagogue.  They  were,  however,  expelled 
'.hence  by  an  emperor,  either  Theodosius  II. ,  or 
Justinus  II.,  and  the  synagogue  was  converted 
into  the 'Church  of  the  Mother  of  Ood.'.  .  .  In 
Greece,  Macedonia,  and  Illyria  the  Jews  bad 
already  been  settled  a  long  time.  ...  In  Italy 
the  Jews  are  known  to  have  been  domiciled  as 
early  as  the  time  of  the  Uepiiblic,  and  to  have 
been  in  enjoyment  of  full  political  rights  un- 
til these  were  curtailed  by  the  Christian  em- 
perors. They  probably  looked  with  excusable 
pleasure  on  the  fall  of  Rome.  .  .  .  When  lUily 
became  Ostrogothic  under  Theodoric,  the  position 
of  the  Jews  in  that  country  was  peculiar.  Out- 
breaks of  a  spirit  of  hostility  to  them  were  not 
infrequent,  during  this  reign,  but  at  the  bottom 
they  were  not  directed  against  the  Jews,  but 
were  meant  to  be  a  demonstration  against  this 
hated  Arian  monarch.  .  .  .  Those  nations  .  .  . 
which  were  baptised  in  the  Arian  creed  betrayed 
less  intolerance  of  the  Jews.  Thus  the  more 
Arianism  was  driven  out  of  Europe  and  gave 
way  before  the  Catholic  religion,  the  more  were 
the  Jews  harassed  by  proselytising  zeal.  ...  In 
spite  of  the  antipathy  entertained  against  them 
by  tlio  leaders  of  opinion,  the  Jews  of  Italy  were 
happy  in  comparison  with  their  brethren  of  tlie 
Byzantine  empire.  .  .  .  Evenwhen  the  Lombards 
embraced  the  Catholic  faith  the  position  of  the 
Jews  in  Italy  remained  supportable.  Tlie  heads 
of  the  Catholic  Church,  tlie  Popes,  were  free  from 
savage  intolerance.  Gregory  I.  (.'590-604),  sur- 
named  the  great  and  holy,  who  laid  the  foundation 
of  the  power  of  Catholicism,  gave  utterance  to  the 
principle,  that  the  Jews  should  only  be  converted 
by  means  of  persuasion  and  gentleness,  not  by 
violence.  ...  In  the  territory  which  was  sub- 
ject to  the  Papal  sway,  in  Home,  Lower  Italy, 
Sicily,  and  Sardinia,  lie  steadfastly  persisted  in 
this  course  in  the  face  of  the  fanatical  bishops, 
who  regar.  ;d  the  oppression  o'  the  Jews  as  a 
pious  work.  ...  In  tlie  west  of  Europe,  in 
France  and  Spain,  where  the  Church  was  first 
obliged  to  make  its  way  laboriously,  the  situation 
of  the  Jews  assu.ned  a  different  and  much  n.ore 
favourable  aspect.  ...  It  was  a  lon^  while  be- 
fore Catholicism  gained  a  firm  footing  in  the 
west  of  Europe,  and  the  Jews  who  had  settled 
there  enjoyed  undisturbed  peace  until  the  victo- 
rious Church  gained  the  upper  hand.  The  immi- 
gration of  tlie  Jews  into  these  important  and 
wealthy  provinces  took  place  most  probably  as 
early  as  the  time  of  the  Republic  or  of  CoBsar. 
.  .  .  The  presence  of  the  Jews  in  the  west  of 
Europe  is,  however,  not  certain  until  the  2d  cen- 
tury. The  Gaulish  Jews,  whose  first  settlement 
was  in  the  district  of  Aries,  enjoyed  the  full   | 


rights  of  Roman  citizenship,  whether  they  ar- 
rived in  Oaul  as  merchants  or  fugitives,  with  the 
pedlar's  pack  or  in  the  garb  of  slaves;  tley  were 
likewise  treaterl  as  Romans  by  the  Frankisli  an<l 
Burgundian  conquerors. "  The  Burgundian  King 
Sigismund,  who  embraced  the  Catholic  faith  in 
510,  "first  raised  the  barrier  between  Jews  and 
Christians.  ...  A  spirit  of  hostility  to  the  Jew.s 
gradually  spread  from  Burgundy  over  the  Prank- 
ish countries.  .  .  .  Tlio  later  of  the  Merovingian 
kings  became  more  and  more  bigoted,  and  their 
hatred  of  the  Jews  conseeiuently  increased.  .  .  . 
The  Jews  of  Germany  rre  certainly  only  to  be 
regarded  as  colonics  of  the  Frankisli  Jews,  and 
such  of  thorn  as  lived  in  Austrasia,  a  province 
subject  to  the  Merovingian  kings,  shared  the 
same  fate  as  their  brethren  in  Prance.  .  .  . 
Wiiile  the  history  of  the  Jews  in  Byzance,  Italy, 
and  Prance,  possesses  but  special  interest,  that 
of  their  orcthren  in  the  Pyrenean  peninsula  rises 
to  the  height  of  universal  "importance.  .  .  .  Jew- 
ish Spain  contributed  almost  as  greatly  to  the 
development  of  Judoism  as  Judoja  and  Babylo- 
nia. .  .  .  Cordova,  Grenada,  and  Toledo,  are  as 
familiar  to  the  Jews  os  Jerusalem  and  Tiberias, 
and  almost  more  so  than  Naherdea  ond  Sora. 
When  Judaism  had  come  to  a  standstill  in  the 
East,  and  had  grown  weak  with  age,  it  acquired 
new  vigour  in  Spain.  .  .  .  The  first  settlement 
of  the  ./ews  in  beautiful  Ilesperia  is  buried  in 
dim  obscurity.  It  is  certain  that  they  came  there 
as  free  men  as  early  as  the  time  of  the  Roman 
Republic,  in  order  to  take  advantage  of  the  pro- 
ductive resources  of  this  country.  The  tortured 
victims  of  the  unhappy  insurrections  under  Ves- 
pasian, Titus,  and  Hadrian  were  also  dispersed 
to  the  extreme  west,  and  .in  exaggerated  account 
relates  that  80,000  of  them  were  dragged  off  to 
Spain  as  prisoners.  .  .  .  The  Jews  .  .  .  were 
unmolested  under  the  Arian  kings;  .  .  .  but  as 
soon  as  tlie  Catholic  Church  obtained  the  suprem- 
acy in  Spain,  and  Arianism  began  to  be  persecu- 
ted, an  unfavourable  crisis  set  in." — II.  Qraetz, 
Hut.  of  the  JeiM,  v.  3,  ch.  2. 

A.  b.  615. — Siege  and  capture  of  Jerusalem 
by  the  Persians. — Saclc  and  massacre.  See 
Jeuusai.km:  a.  D.  615. 

A.  D.  637. — Surrender  of  Jerusalem  to  the 
Moslems.    See  Jerusalem:  A.  D.  637. 

7th  Century. — General  persecution. — First 
expulsion  from  Spain. — In  the  seventh  century, 
during  the  reign  of  the  Eastern  Roman  Emperor 
Heraclius  (A.  D.  010-641)  the  Jews  were  sub- 
jected to  a  more  general  and  bitter  persecution 
than  they  had  experienced  before  at  the  hands 
of  tlie  Christians.  "  It  is  said  that  about  this  time 
a  prophecy  was  current,  wliich  declared  that  the 
Roman  empire  would  be  overthrown  by  a  cir- 
cumcised people.  This  report  may  have  been 
spread  by  the  Jews,  in  order  to  excite  their  own 
ardour,  and  assist  their  projects  of  rebellion ;  but 
the  prophecy  was  saved  from  oblivion  by  the 
subsequent  conquests  of  the  Saracens.  .  .  .  The 
conduct  of  the  Jews  excited  the  bigotry,  as  it 
may  have  awakened  the  fears,  of  the  imperial 
government,  and  both  Phocas  and  Heraclius 
attempted  to  oxtorniinate  flie  Jewish  religion, 
and  if  possible  to  put  an  end  to  the  national  ex- 
istence. Heraclius  not  only  practised  every  spe- 
cies of  cruelty  himself  to  effect  this  object  within 
the  bounds  of  his  own  dominions,  but  he  even 
made  the  lorced  conversion  or  banishment  of  the 
Jews  a  prominent  feature   in  his  diplomacy." 


1924 


JEWS,  7TII  CENTURY. 


In  Perxia  and 
Spain. 


JEWS,  IITII  CENTURY. 


Thus  Tlomclius  indured  Sisclmt,  tlip  Ootliic  king 
in  Spiiin,  mid  DiigolHTt,  tlii;  Friuili  king,  to  join 
liim  in  forcing  Imptism  on  tlic  Jews,  with  tliu 
alttn'niitivc  of  flight. — O.  Finlivy,  (Irccee  under 
the  liimann,  rli.  4,  nert.  Ti. — "Lrgcd  by  tlie  re- 
quest and  inritod  by  tlie  e.xiimplo  of  iteraclius, 
Siselnito  [or  Sisebut]  issued  an  edict  in  tlic  year 
out,  tliat,  within  a  year,  the  Jews  in  Spain  sliould 
eitlier  embrace  Christianity,  or  sliould  be  shorn, 
scourged,  and  expelled  from  the  king<lom,  and 
their  property  conflscated,  ...  It  was  a  pre- 
mium on  hypocrisy;  for  hypocrisy  was  an  in- 
strument of  self-preservation.  Ninety  thousand 
Jews  made  a  nominal  submission. " — ll.  Coppee, 
Conquest  of  Sinin  by  the  Av(ib-M(x>rs,  bk.  2,  ch.  3 
(p.  1). — See,  also,  Ootiis  (Visiootiis):  A.  D.  507- 
711. 

7th  Century.— The  Epoch  of  the  Geonira.— 
The  Exilarchate  and  the  Gaonate.— After  the 
death  of  the  Caliph  Otliman  (A.  I).  O.W),  when 
the  followers  of  Mob'  ■;im''d  were  divided  into 
two  camps  —  the  partisans  of  AH  and  the  par- 
tisans of  Moawiyah,  "the  Babylonian  Jews  and 
Nestorian  Christians  sided  with  Ali,  and  ren- 
dered him  their  as.sistance. "  Prominent  among 
the  Jewisli.  supporters  of  Ali  was  JIar- Isaac,  the 
head  of  a  school.  "The  unhappy  Ali  valuea 
this  homage,  and,  doubtless,  accorded  privileges 
to  the  Jewish  head  of  the  schcol.  It  is  quite 
probable  that  from  this  time  the  head  of  the 
school  of  Sora  occupied  a  certain  dignity,  and 
took  the  title  of  Qaon.  There  were  certain  privi- 
leges connected  with  the  Gaonate,  upon  which 
even  the  Exilarch  —  also  politically  appointed  — 
did  not  venture  to  encroach.  Through  this  there 
arose  a  peculiar  relationship  between  the  two  en- 
tirely opposing  ottices  —  the  Exilarchate  and  the 
Gaonate.  This  led  to  subsequent  quarrels.  With 
Bostanal  [fhen  Exilarch]  and  >Iar-Isaac,  the 
Jewish  rflcials  recogni.sed  by  the  Caliph,  there 
begins  a  iiew  period  in  Jewish  history  —  the 
Epoch  of  the  Geonim.  .  .  .  For  the  space  of  40 
years  (680  to  720),  only  the  names  of  the  Goonim 
and  Exilarchsare  known  to  us,  historical  details, 
however,  are  entirely  wanMng.  During  this 
time,  through  qmirrels  and  concessions,  there 
arose  peculiar  relations  between  the  ofllcials  of 
the  Jewish-Persian  kingdom,  which  developed 
into  a  kind  of  constitution.  .The  Jewish  com- 
munity in  Babylonia  (Persia),  which  had  the  ap- 
pearance of  a  state,  had  a  peculiar  constitution. 
The  Exilarch  was  at  their  head,  and  next  to  him 
stood  the  Gaon.  Both  together  they  formed  the 
unity  of  the  community.  The  Exilarch  filled 
political  functions.  Hi  represented  the  Baby- 
lonian-Persian Judaism  under  the  Caliphs.  He 
collected  the  tiixes  from  the  various  communi- 
ties, and  paid  them  into  the  treasury.  The  Exil- 
archs,  both  in  their  outer  appearance  and  mode 
of  life,  were  like  princes.  They  drove  about  in 
a  state  carriage ;  they  had  outriders  and  a  kind 
of  body  guard,  and  received  princely  homage. 
The  religious  unity  of  Judaism,  on  the  other 
hand,  was  represented  in  the  two  cliicf  scliools 
of  Sora  and  Pumbaditha.  They  expounded  the 
Talmud,  giving  it  a  practical  application ;  they 
made  new  laws  and  institutions,  and  saw  that 
they  were  carried  out,  by  allotting  punishments 
for  those  who  transgressed  them.  The  Exilarch 
shared  the  judicial  power  in  common  with  the 
Qaon  of  Sora  and  the  head  of  the  school  of  Pum- 
baditha. .  .  .  The  bead  of  the  school  of  Sora, 
however,   was   alone    privileged    to   be  styleii'. 


'Gaon';  the  head  of  the  school  of  Pumbaditha 
did  not  bear  the  title  ofllcially.  The  Gaon  of 
Sora  enjoyi.'d  general  preference  over  his  col- 
league of  Pumbaditha." — H.  Graetz,  Hint,  of  the 
Jeim,  r.  3,  ch.  4. 

8th  Century.— Conversion  of  the  Khazars  to 
Judaism.     See  Khazaks. 

8th  Century. — Origin  of  the  Karaites.  .Sec 
Kauaism. 

8-iJth  Centuries. —  Toleration  by  Moors 
and  Christians  in  Spain,  followed  by  merciless 
persecution  and  expulsion.  —  Treatment  in 
Portugal. — "  Under  the  ."Moorish  government  in 
Spain  the  lot  of  this  persecuted,  tormented  peo- 
ple was  more  tolerable  than  in  any  Christian  cotm- 
try.  .  .  .  Under  the  Christian  kings  of  the  12th 
and  13th  centuries,  they  rose  to  still  greater  in- 
fluence as  financial  advisers  and  treasurers, 
astronomers  and  physicians ;  in  Toledo  alone  th'^y 
numbered  12,000.  .  .  .  Their  condition  in  Spain 
from  the  time  of  the  Moorish  supremacy  to  the 
end  of  the  13th  century  was  upon  the  whole 
more  favourable  than  in  any  other  country  of 
Europe.  .  .  .  The  14th  century  br.vight  disaster 
to  tlie  Jews  of  the  Peninsula  and  elsewhere.  .  .  . 
They  were  detested  by  the  people;  first  in  one 
town  tir.C:.  then  in  another  they  were  attacked  and 
murdered,  and  their  synagogues  were  burned 
down;  and  at  length,  in  1391,  the  storm  broke 
upon  them  in  all  its  fury,  and  raged  through  the 
length  and  breadth  of  Spain.  .  .  .  Many  thou- 
sands were  slain;  whilst  200,000  saved  them- 
selvesby  receiving  baptism,  butit  was  discovered 
in  a  few  years  that  17,000  had  Uipsed  into  Juda- 
ism. A  century  later,  in  1492,  a  royal  edict  com- 
manded all  Jews  to  quit  the  country,  leaving 
their  goods  behind  them.  As  the  Inquisition  at 
the  .same  time  forbade  the  sale  of  victuals  to  the 
Jews,  the  majority  .  .  .  were  compelled  to  sub- 
mit to  baptism.  Of  those  who  withdrew  into 
exile  —  the  numbers  are  variously  reckoned  from 
170,000  to  400,000  — the  greater  part,  perishe<l 
from  pestilence,  starvation,  or  shipwn'ck.  The 
descendants  of  those  who  survived,  the  Scpliar- 
dim,  found  refuge  in  Italy,  and  under  Turkish 
rule  in  the  East,  and,  for  a  short  space,  even  in 
Portugal.  ...  In  Portugal  the  Jews  fared  even 
worse  than  their  brethren  in  Spain.  .  .  .  The 
Inquisition  was  .  .  .  introduced  as  the  approved 
means  for  handing  over  to  the  exche(iuer  the 
wealth  of  the  new  Christians." — J.  I.  von  DiJl- 
linger.  The  Jews  in  Europe  (Studies  in  European 
Hist. ,  ch.  9). 

Also  in:  H.  C,  Lea,  Chapters  from  the  lie- 
lif/ious  Hist,  of  Spain,  pp.  437-468.— W.  H.  Pres- 
cott.  Hist,  of  the  Ileif/n  of  Ferdinand  and  IsnbeUn, 
pt.  1,  ch.  17  (r.  2).— Sec,  also,  Inquisition:  A.  D. 
1303-1535. 

nth  Century. — First  appearance  of  Jews 
in  England. — Their  treatment  as  usurers. 
— "Their  first  appcara.ico  in  England  is  said 
to  have  been  due  to  the  Conqueror,  who  brought 
over  a  Jewish  colony  from  Uoiien  to  London. 
They  were  special  favourites  of  William  Rufus; 
under  Henry  they  play  a  less  conspicuous  part; 
but  in  the  next  reign  wo  find  them  at  Lincoln, 
Oxford,  and  elsewhere,  and  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  they  were  already  established  in  most 
of  the  chief  English  towns.  They  formed,  how- 
ever, no  part  of  the  townsfolk.  The  Jew  was 
not  a  member  of  the  state;  he  was  the  king's 
chattel,  not  to  be  meddled  with,  for  good  or  for 
evil,  save  at  the  king's  own  bidding.     Exempt 


1925 


JFWS.  IITIT  CENTURY. 


In  Kngtnnd 


JEWS,   1096-1146. 


from  toll  end  tax  nnd  from  the  fines  of  juaticp, 
lip  lifid  tlic  mpiins  of  nccumiilatinR  a  hoard  of 
wciillli  wliit'li  mij?lit  Indeed  be  seized  at  any  mo- 
ment by  un  arbitrary  act  of  tlie  liing,  but  whieli 
the  kin^H  prol<'etion  guarded  witli  jealous  care 
against  all  other  iatcrference.  Th(?  capacity  in 
which  the  Jew  usually  appears  is  that  of  a 
money-lender  —  an  occupation  in  which  the  scru- 

f)le8  of  the  Church  forbade  Christians  to  engage, 
est  they  should  be  contaminated  with  the  sin  of 
usury.  Fettered  by  no  such  stTuples,  the  He- 
brew money  lenders  drove  a  thriving  tracic." — 
K.  Norgate,  Kiigland  tinder  the  Aiif/enn  Kings, 
n.  1,  r/i.  1. — "  The  Church  declared  against  cap- 
italism of  any  kind,  branding  it  as  usury.  It 
became  impossible  in  Angevin  England  to  obtain 
the  capital  for  any  large  scheme  of  building  or 
organisation  unless  the  projectors  had  the  capital 
themselves.  Here  was  the  function  which  the 
.lew  could  perform  in  England  of  the  twelfth 
century,  which  was  just  passing  economically 
out  of  the  stage  of  barter.  Capital  was  wanted 
in  particular  for  the  change  of  architecture  from 
w(«)d  to  stone  with  the  better  classes,  and  especi- 
ally for  the  erection  of  castles  and  monasteries. 
The  Jews  were,  indeed,  the  first  in  England  to 
po.s.srss  dwelling-houses  built  with  stone,  proba- 
bly for  purposes  of  protection  as  well  as  of  com- 
fort. And  as  a  specimen  of  their  influence  on 
monastic  ardntecture,  we  have  it  on  record  that 
no  less  than  nine  Cistercian  monasteries  of  the 
North  Country  were  built  by  moneys  lent  by  the 
great  Aaron  of  Lincoln,  who  also  boasted  that  he 
had  built  the  shrine  of  St.  Alban.  .  .  .  Tlio  re- 
sult of  the  Church's  attitude  towards  Jews  and 
towards  usury  was  to  p\it  the  king  into  a 
peculiar  relation  towards  his  Jewish  subjects. 
The  Clivrch  kept  them  out  of  all  other  pursuits 
but  that  of  usury,  which  it  branded  as  infamous ; 
the  Stjite  followed  suit,  and  confiscated  the 
estates  of  all  usurers  dying  as  such.  Hence,  as 
a  Jew  could  only  be  a  usurer,  his  estate  was  al- 
ways potentially  the  king's,  and  couid  be  dealt 
witli  by  the  king  as  if  it  were  his  own.  Yet, 
strange  to  t...y,  it  was  not  to  the  king's  interost 
to  keep  the  Jews'  wealth  in  his  own  hands,  for 
he,  the  kin^,  as  a  good  Christian,  co'dd  not  gjc 
usury  for  it,  while  the  Jew  could  '.cry  soon 
double  and  treble  it,  since  the  absence  of  com- 
petition enabled  him  to  fix  the  rate  of  Interest 
very  high,  rarely  less  than  forty  per  cent.,  often 
as  much  as  eighty.  .  .  .  The  only  useful  func- 
tion the  Jew  could  perform  towards  both  king 
and  people  was  to  be  as  rich  as  possible,  just  as 
the  larger  the  capital  of  a  bank,  the  more  valu- 
able the  part  it  plays  in  the  world  of  commerce. 
.  .  .  The  king  reaped  the  benefit  of  these  riches 
in  several  ways.  One  of  his  main  functions  and 
main  source  of  income  was  selling  justice,  and 
Jews  were  among  his  best  customers.  Then  he 
claimed  from  them,  as  from  his  other  subjects, 
fines  and  amerciaments  for  all  the  events  of  life. 
The  Pipe  Bolls  contain  entries  of  fines  paid  bv 
Jews  to  marry,  not  to  marry,  to  become  divorcetl, 
to  go  a  journey  across  the  sea,  to  Income  part- 
ners with  another  Jew,  in  short,  for  all  the  de- 
cisive events  of  life.  And  above  all,  the  king 
got  frequent  windfalls  from  the  heirs  of  deceased 
Jews  who  paid  heavy  reliefs  to  have  their  fathers' 
charters  and  debts,  of  which,  as  we  have  st^en, 
they  could  make  more  profitable  use  than  the 
king,  to  wiiom  the  Jew's  property  escheated  not 
qua  Jew,  but  qua  usurer.     In  the  case  of  Aaron 


of  Lincoln  the  king  did  not  disgorge  at  all  at  his 
death,  but  kept  in  his  own  hands  tTie  large  treas 
ures,  lands,  houses  and  del)ts  of  ilic  great  finan- 
cier. He  ai)pears  to  have  first  organised  tlie 
Jewry,  and  made  the  whole  of  tlic  flnglish  Jews 
his  agents  throughout  the  country.  ...  In  ad- 
dition to  these  quasi-regular  and  normal  sour('es 
of  income  from  his  Jews,  the  king  claimed  from 
them  —  agr.in  as  from  his  other  subjects — vari- 
ous contributions  from  time  to  time  imder  the 
names  of  gifts  and  tallages.  And  here  lie  cer- 
tainly suems,  on  occasion  at  least,  to  have  exer- 
cised an  unfavourable  discrimination  in  his  de- 
mands from  the  Jews.  In  1187,  the  year  of 
Aaron  of  Lincoln's  death,  lie  took  a  tenth  from 
the  rest  of  England,  which  yielded  .^70,000,  and 
a  quarter  from  the  Jews,  which  gave  as  much  as 
£(!(),(H)0.  In  other  words,  the  Jews  were  reck- 
oned to  have,  at  that  date,  one  quarter  of  the 
movable  wealth  of  the  kingdom  (£340,000  against 
£700,000  held  by  the  rest).  .  .  .  They  acted  the 
part  of  a  sponge  for  the  Royal  Treasury,  they 
gathered  up  all  the  floating  money  of  the  coun- 
try, to  be  squeezed  from  time  to  time  into  the 
king's  treasure-chest.  .  .  .  The  king  was  thus 
.  .  .  thesloeping-partnerinall  the  Jewish  usury, 
and  may  be  regarded  as  the  Arch-usurer  of  the 
kiiigflom.  By  this  means  he  was  enabled  to 
bring  pressure  on  any  of  his  barons  who  were 
indebted  to  the  Jews.  He  could  olfer  to  relca.se 
them  of  their  debt  of  the  usury  accruing  to  it, 
and  in  the  case  of  debts  falling  into  his  liand  by 
the  death  of  a  Jew,  he  couhl  comnuite  the  delit 
for  a  much  smaller  sum.  Thus  the  Cistercian 
abbeys  referred  to  above  paid  liichard  I.  1,000 
marks  instead  of  the  6,400  which  they  had  owed 
to  Aaron  of  Lincoln.' — Jos.  Jacobs,  The  Jeim  of 
Ange.rin  England,  intrnd. 

A.  D.  1076.— Capture  of  Jerusalem  by  the 
Seljuk  Turks.     See  Crus.vdks:  Causkk,  &v. 

A.  D.  1096-1146. — Massacre  of  Jews  in  Eu- 
rope by  Crusaders. — The  lawless  and  savage 
mobs  of  Crusaders  which  followed  in  the  wake 
of  the  disorderly  hosts  of  Peter  the  Hermit  and 
AValter  the  Penniless,  A.  D.  1098,  expended 
their  zeal,  at  the  outset  of  their  march,  in  hunt- 
ing and  killing  Jews.  "Acting  on  the  notion 
that  the  infidels  dwelling  in  Europe  should  be 
exterminated  before  those  in  Asia  should  bo  at- 
tacked, [they]  murdered  12,000  Jews.  In  Treves, 
manj'  of  these  unfortunate  men,  driven  to  de- 
spair, laid  violent  hands  on  their  children  and  on 
themselves,  and  multitudes  embraced  Christi- 
anity, from  which  they  lapsed  the  moment  the 
peril  had  passed.  Two  hundred  Jews  fled  from 
Cologne  and  took  refuge  in  boats;  they  were 
overtaken  and  slain.  In  Mayence,  the  arch- 
bishop, Rudhart,  took  them  under  Iiis  protection, 
and  gave  them  the  great  liall  of  his  castle  for  an 
asylum:  the  pilgrims,  nevertheless,  forced  their 
way  in,  and  murdered  700  of  them  in  the  arch- 
bishop's presence.  At  Spires  the  Jews  valiantly 
defended  themselves.  At  Worms  they  all  com- 
mitted suicide.  At  Magdeburg  the  archbishop, 
Ruprecht,  amused  himself  by  attacking  them 
during  the  celebration  of  the  foast  of  taber- 
nacles, and  by  seizing  their  property." — W.  Men- 
zel,  Hi»t.  of  Germany,  eh.  145  (r.  1).— Tlie  fer- 
vors of  the  Second  Crusade  [A.  D.  1146]  inclined, 
in  Germany,  to  the  same  direction,  of  .lew-hunt- 
ing ;  but  St.  Bernard,  the  apostle  of  the  Crusade, 
was  enlightened  and  humane  enough  to  suppress 
the  outrage  by  his   great  influence.     A  monk 


1926 


JEWS,  1096-1140. 


In  riitaitd. 
Kvtiltnul,  t'Ytnu-i 


JEWS,  12-15TH  CENTURIES. 


niimi'd  Ilmlulf,  siilf-appointcd  prciiclior  of  the 
("nisiulciii  (leriunny,  stirred  up  the  people  of  the 
cities  of  tliu  liliiiie  aguiiist  tliu  Jews,  mid  num- 
bers were  miissiicred,  notwitlistiindiuK  iitteinpls 
of  tlie  emperor,  Conrad,  to  protect  tliein.  IJut 
Hernard  went  in  person  to  tlie  scene,  and,  by  liis 
jiersoiial  aiitliority,  dn>vu  the  brutal  monk  into 
his  convent. — T.  Keiglitley,  T/ie  C'nmmlers  [e/i.  3]. 

Ai.s()iN:  n.  Graetz,  llist.  of  t/ie  Jcirf  v.  :$,<■/■. 
ti  iiitd  11. — II.  C.  Adams,  Hint.  ofthcJeirn,  cli.  15. 

A.  D.  1099. — Conquest  of  Jerusalem  by  the 
Crusaders.     See  Jkkusai.k.m:  A.  1).  lOUO. 

ii-iyth  Centuries. — Alternating  toleration 
and  oppression  in  Poland.— "It  cannot  be  de- 
nied that  this  frugal,  careful  race  formed  the 
only  class  of  triulers  in  the  land  [I0th-t7th  cen- 
turies]. That  brunch  of  industry  which  the  no- 
bleman despised,  owing  to  pride  or  carelessness, 
an(i  from  which  the  peasant  was  excluded  by 
stupidity  and  ignonince,  fell  to  the  share  of 
tlie  Jews.  Though  their  presence  may  have 
been  a  misfortune  for  the  nation  in  after  years, 
they  were  certainly  at  the  same  time  a  national 
necessity.  .  .  .  Perpetually  oppressed  by  capri- 
cious laws,  the  race  raised  itself  by  perseverance 
and  cunning.  Ill-treated,  persecuted  by  fire  and 
sword,  still  they  returned,  or  others  tooU  their 
place;  robbed  and  plundered  repeatedly,  the 
wealth  of  the  land  was  yet  theirs.  .  .  ,  The  first 
Jewish  immigrants  were  e.xilcs  from  Germany 
and  Hohemia.  In  1090  they  fled  to  Poland, 
where  at  that  time  there  was  more  religious  tol- 
erance than  in  the  rest  of  Europe.  The  cruelty 
and  greed  of  the  first  crusaders  caused  this  exo- 
dus of  the  Jews.  .  .  .  Casimir  the  Great  [1333- 
1370],  instigated  by  his  love  for  Esther,  the 
beautiful  Jewess  of  Opoeno,  gave  the  Jews  such 
civil  rights  and  privileges  as  a  Polish  king  could 
grant,  which  conduced  to  t'lc  advantage  of  the 
land;  but  already  in  the  time  of  Lewis  of  Hun- 
gary, 1371,  they  were  sentenced  to  exile.  Not- 
withstanding tills,  we  find  them  scattered  over 
the  whole  of  Poland  in  1380.  Christians  were 
forbidden  on  pain  of  excommunication  to  have 
any  intercourse  with  Jews  or  to  purchase  from 
them.  When  they  settled  in  towns  tliey  were 
forced  to  live  in  particular  suburbs.  .  .  .  The 
incredible  increase  of  the  Jewisli  population, 
supposed  to  be  tliree  times  as  rapid  as  that  of 
the  Polish  inhabitants,  was  very  alarming,  as  tlie 
Jews  managed  to  avoid  all  public  burdens  and 
taxes.  Sigismund  Augustus  [1548-1573]  re- 
solved, in  spite  of  their  objections,  to  impose  a 
poll  tux  of  one  florin  per  head,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  discover  by  this  niv  uns  their  actual  num- 
ber. It  was  estimated  at  200,000,  but  only 
10,000  florins  were  paid  as  tax.  Tlieir  power 
wivs  increased  by  John  Sobiesky,  to  wliom  they 
had  prophesied  that  he  would  ascend  the  throne, 
lie  favoured  the  Jews  so  much,  that  tlie  senate  in 
1082  implored  him  to  regard  tlie  welfare  of  the 
state,  and  not  let  the  favours  of  the  crown  pass 
through  their  hands.  The  laws  forbidding  the 
Jews  on  pain  of  death  to  trade  with  the  jieasunts, 
to  keep  inns,  to  sell  brandy  —  laws  which  were 
passed  anew  in  every  r(4ign  —  shovv  that  they 
never  ceased  to  carry  on  these  trades,  so  profit- 
able for  them,  so  ruinous  for  the  peasant." — 
Count  Von  Moltke,  Poltind:  eh.  6. 

Also  in:  II.  Graetz,  //(  ,'.  of  the  Jews,  v.  4, 
ch.  18. 

A.  D.  1189. —  Massacres  in  England. —  At 
the  time   of  the  accession  of  liichard  C<iMir  de 


Lion,  kin,  of  Kngland,  the  crusading  spirit  had 
inflamed,  a  specially  bitter  hatred  of  the  .lews. 
Some  of  the  obnoxious  people  wore  imprudent 
enough  to  press  in  among  the  spectators  of  King 
Kichard's  coronation.  Tliey  were  driven  back 
with  blows;  "  a  riot  ensued,  and  the  Jews'  quar- 
ter was  plundered.  A  day  elapsed  before  the 
king's  tnwps  could  restore  ortler,  and  then  only 
three  rioters  were  punislied,  for  damage  done  to 
(/'liristiuns.  Thus  encouraged,  or  allowed,  the 
frenzy  of  persecution  spread  over  the  land. 
Generally  it  wa.s  the  country  people  who  were 
setting  out  as  pilgrims  for  Palestine,  who  began 
the  crusade  at  home,  while  the  cities  interposed 
to  preserve  the  king's  peace.  But  the  rumour 
tliat  the  unbelievers  were  accustomed  to  crucify 
a  (/'hristiun  boy  at  Easter  hud  hardened  men  s 
hearts  against  them.  The  cause  of  murder  and 
rapiiK!  prevailed  in  DunstJible,  Stamford,  and 
Lincoln.  At  York,  the  viscount  allowed  500 
Jews  to  take  refuge  in  the  castle.  Fearing,  in 
spite  of  this,  to  be  given  up,  they  closed  the 
gates  against  the  king's  oflicers.  They  were 
now  besieged  by  the  townsmen,  under  orders  of 
the  viscount,  and  the  defence  of  men  untrained 
to  arms  and  without  artillery  lay  only  in  the 
strength  of  the  walls.  They,  offered  to  ransom 
their  lives,  but  the  crowd  thirsted  for  blood. 
Then  a  rabbi  rose  up  and  addressed  his  country- 
men. '  Jlen  of  Israel,  liear  my  words:  it  is  bet- 
ter for  us  to  die  for  our  law  than  to  fall  into  the 
hands  of  those  who  hate  it;  and  our  law  pre- 
scribes this.'  Tien  every  man  slew  his  wife  and 
children,  and  .  led  the  corpses  over  the  battle- 
ments. The  survivors  shut  themselves  up  with 
their  treasures  in  the  royal  chamber,  and  set  fire 
to  it.  The  crowd  indemnified  themselves  by 
sacking  the  Jews'  quarter,  and  burning  tlie 
schedules  of  their  debts,  which  were  kept  for 
safety  in  the  cathedral." — V,.  H.  I'eurson,  Hist, 
of  J'Jiiff.  during  t/ie  Enrly  iind  Middle  Aytn,  v.  1, 
eh.  33. 

Ai.8()  in:  II.  C.  Adams,  Hint,  of  the  Jeicn,  eh. 
10. 

I2-I5th  Centuries. — Treatment  in  France. — 
In  Fnince,  during  the  Middle  Ages,  the  extorting 
of  money  from  the  Jews  was  one  of  the  devices 
depeniied  upon  for  replenishing  the  royal  treas- 
ury. "It  is  almost  incredible  to  what  a  length 
this  was  carried.  Usury,  foruidden  by  law  and 
superstition  to  Christians,  was  confined  to  this 
industrious  and  covetous  people.  .  .  .  The  chil- 
dren of  Israel  grew  rich  in  despite  of  insult  and 
oppression,  und  retaliated  upon  their  Christian 
debtors.  If  an  historian  of  Philip  Augustus 
may  be  believed,  they  possessed  almost  one-half 
of  Paris.  Unquestionably  they  must  have  had 
support  both  at  court  and  in  the  halls  of  jus- 
tice. The  policy  of  the  kings  of  France  was 
to  employ  them  us  a  spunge  to  suck  their  sub- 
jects' money,  which  they  might  ofterwards  ex- 
press with  less  odium  than  direct  taxation  would 
incur.  Philip  Augustus  released  all  Christians 
ill  his  dominions  from  their  debts  to  the  Jews, 
reserving  u  fifth  part  to  himself.  He  afterwards 
expelled  the  whole  nation  from  France.  Buc 
they  appear  to  have  returned  again — whether 
by  stealth,  or,  as  is  more  probable,  by  purchasing 
permission.  St.  Louis  twice  banished  and  twice 
recalled  the  .lews.  A  series  of  alternate  perse- 
cution and  tolerance  was  borne  by  this  extraordi- 
nary people  with  an  invincible  perseverance,  and 
a  talent  of  accumulating  riches  which  kept  pace 


1927 


JEWS,   12-15TII  CENTnilKS.     I**iml  decree  of 

liondage. 


JEWS,  1821 


Willi  tlii'ir  phmdcrcrs;  till  new  sclii'incs  <>(  (iimiicc 
HupplviiiK  lli(!  turn,  tliey  were  Ihmlly  ..Npcllcd 
undfrClmrlcs  VI.  iind  nt'vcr  iifaTwurdsobtiiintMl 
any  Icciil  csluhlialiincnt  in  France." — II.  Ilalluni, 
The  MiiltUe  Ac/Oi,  eh.  3,  pt.  2  (p.  1). 

Ai.HO  in:  .1.  I.  von  Diillingcr,  The  .T'lrii  in 
Eitrojx,  (StiiditHiii  Kurojvun  Hint.,  ch.  0). 

I3-I4th  Centuries.— Hostility  of  the  Papacy 
and  the  Church. — Doctrine  of  the  Divine  con- 
demnation of  the  Jews  to  Slavery.— Claim  of 
the  Emperors  to  ownership  of  them. — "The 
dccliiralinn  by  Innocent  ill.  [Pope,  1108-1310] 
that  the  entire  nation  was  destined  by  Qo<l  on  ac- 
count of  its  sins  to  perpetual  slavery,  was  the 
JIapna  Chnria  continually  appealed  to  by  those 
who  coveted  tlie  possessions  of  the  .lews  and  llie 
earnings  of  tlicir  industry;  both  i)rinces  and 
people  acted  upon  it.  .  .  .  Tlie  succeeding  popes 
took  their  stand  upon  the  maxims  and  behests  of 
Innocent  III.  If  the  Jews  built  themselves  a 
synagogue,  it  was  to  bo  pulled  down ;  they  might 
oidy  repair  the  old  ones.  No  Jew  might  apii.ar 
as  a  witness  against  a  Chri  'iau.  The  bishops 
were  charged  to  enforce  tlie  wearing  of  the  -lis- 
tinclive  badge,  the  hat  or  the  yellow  garment,  by 
all  the  means  in  their  power.  The  wearing  of 
the  badge  was  particidarly  cruel  and  o])pressive, 
for  in  the  frecpient  lumidts  and  risings  in  the 
towns  the  Jews,  l)eing  thus  recognisable  at  a 
glance,  fell  all  the  more  easily  into  the  hands  of 
the  excited  mob;  and  it  a  Jew  undertook  u  jour- 
ney he  inevitably  became  a  prey  to  the  numer- 
ous bandits  and  adventurers,  who  naturally  con- 
.siden'd  him  as  an  outlaw.  .  .  .  Where  popes 
failed  to  interfere,  the  councils  of  the  various 
countries  made  amends  for  the  omission;  they 
forbade,  for  instance,  a  Christian  letting  or  sell- 
ing n  house  to  a  Jew,  or  buying  wine  from  him. 
Hesides  all  this,  the  order  was  often  renewed  that 
all  copies  of  the  Talmud  and  comrientaries  upon 
it  —  consequently  the  greater  part  of  the  Jewish 
literature  —  sliould  be  burnt.  .  .  .  The  new 
theory  as  to  the  Jews  being  in  a  state  of  slavery 
was  now  adopted  and  enlarged  upon  by  theolo- 
gians a.id  canonists.  Thomas  Aquinas,  whoso 
teaching  was  received  by  the  whole  Roman 
Church  as  unassailable,  pronounced  that  since 
the  race  was  condenmed  to  perpetual  bondage 
princes  could  dispose  of  the  possessions  of  the 
Jews  just  as  they  would  of  their  own.  A  long 
list  of  canonical  writers  maintained,  upon  the 
same  ground,  the  right  of  princes  and  governors 
to  seize  upon  the  sons  and  daughters  of  Jews 
and  liavc  them  baptized  by  force.  It  was  com- 
monly taught,  and  the  ecclesiastical  claim  still 
exists,  that  a  Jewisli  child  once  baptized  was  not 
to  be  left  to  the  father.  Meanwhile  princes  had 
eagerly  seized  upon  the  papal  doctrine  that  the 
perpetual  slavery  of  the  Jews  was  ordained  by 
God,  and  on  it  the  Emperor  Frederick  II.  founded 
the  claim  that  all  Jews  belonged  to  him  as  Em- 
IKTor,  following  tlie  contention  prevalent  at  the 
time  that  the  right  of  lordship  over  them  de- 
volved upon  him  as  the  successor  of  the  old 
Uoman  Emperors.  .  .  .  King  Albert  went  so  far 
as  to  claim  from  King  Philip  of  Fninco  that  the 
French  Jews  should  be  handed  over  to  him.  .  .  . 
From  the  14th  century  this  'servitude  to  the 
state  '  was  understood  to  mean  complete  slavery. 
'  You  yourselves,  your  bodies  nnd  your  posses- 
sions, belong,'  says  the  Emperor  Charles  IV.  in 
a  document  addressed  to  the  Jews,  '  to  us  and  to 
the  empire;  we  may  act,  make  and  do  with  you 


what  we  will  and  please.'  The  .Jews  were,  in 
fact,  constantly  handed  about  like  merchandise 
from  one  to  another;  the  emperor,  now  in  this 
place,  now  in  that,  declared  their  claims  for  debta 
to  be  cancelled ;  and  for  this  a  heavy  sum  was 
paM  !uto  his  treasury,  usually  30  per  cent." — .1. 
I.  Von  !)011ingcr.  The  Jews  in  Europe  (Studies  in 
Eiiroimin  Hint.,  rh.  U). 

A.  D.  I2()0. —  Banished  f<'om  England. — "At 
the  same  time  [A.  \).  I'^'UOJ,  the  King  [Edward 
I.]  banished  all  the  Jews  from  the  kingdotn. 
Upward  of  16,000  are  said  to  have  left  England, 
nor  did  they  R-appear  till  Cromwell  connived  at 
their  return  in  1054.  It  is  not  cjuite  dear 
why  the  King  determined  on  this  act  of  sever- 
ity, esjiecittlly  as  the  Jews  were  royal  property 
and  a  very  convenient  source  of  income.  It  is 
jirobable,  however,  that  their  way  of  doing 
business  was  very  repugnant  to  his  ideas  of  jus- 
tice, while  they  were  certainly  great  falsifiers  of 
the  coinage,  which  he  was  very  anxious  to  keep 
pure  and  true.  Earlier  in  tlia  reign  he  had 
hanged  between  200  and  300  of  them  for  that 
crime,  and  they  are  said  to  have  demanded  60 
per  cent,  for  their  loans,  taking  advantage  of  the 
monoijoly  as  money-leuders  which  tlie  ecclesias- 
tical prohibition  of  usury  had  given  them." — J.  F. 
Bright,  Hint,  of  J'Jnt/.,  )Kriod  1,  p.  179.— The  cs- 
jnilsion  was  in  compliance  with  a  demand  made  by 
i'arlianient.  "We  have  no  record  of  any  special 
action  or  crime  on  the  part  of  the  Jews  which 
suggested  the  particular  parliamentary  demand 
in  1200."  It  had  been  made  four  years  before, 
when,  "in  one  night,  all  the  Jews  in  England 
were  flung  into  prison,  and  would  mobt  likely 
liavc  been  expelled  there  and  then,  had  they  not 
outbribed  the  King  with  £12,000."— G.  II.  Leon- 
ard, Expulsion  of  the  Jews  by  Edward  I.  (Royal 
Hist.  fvic.  Trans.,  new  series,  v.  5,  1891). 

A.  D.  1321.  —  Persecution  cf  Lepers  and 
Jews. —  "In  the  year  1321,  a  general  rumour 
prevailed  through  Eurojie  that  the  unhappv 
beings  afflicted  with  leprosy  (a  disease  with 
which  the  Crusaders  had  become  infected  in  the 
East  .  .  .)  had  conspired  to  inoculate  all  their 
liealthy  fellow-creatures  with  their  own  loath- 
some malady.  .  .  .  The  King  of  Grenada  and 
the  Jews  were  denounced  as  the  prime  movers  of 
this  nefarious  plot  directed  to  the  extermination 
of  Christianity ;  and  it  was  said  that  the  latter, 
unable  to  overcome  the  many  impediments  which 
opposed  their  own  agency,  had  bribed  the  lepers 
to  become  their  instruments.  This  '  enormous 
Creed,'  in  spite  of  its  manifold  absurdities,  found 
cosy  admission;  and,  if  other  evidence  were 
wanting  for  its  support,  torture  was  always  at 
liand  to  provide  confessions.  Pliilip  V.  [of 
France]  was  among  the  firmest  believers,  and 
therefore  among  the  most  active  avengers  of  the 
imaginary  crime ;  and  lie  encouraged  persecution 
liy  numerous  penal  edicts.  At  Toulouse,  160 
Jews  w  - ;  burned  alive  at  once  on  a  single  pile, 
without  distinction  of  sex,  and,  as  it  seems, 
without  any  forms  of  previous  examination.  In 
Paris,  greater  gentleness  was  manifested;  those 
only  were  led  to  the  st^ke  from  whom  an  avowal 
of  guilt  could  be  extorted." — E.  Smedley,  Hist, 
of  Prance,  pt.  1,  ch.  8.  —  "  The  lord  of  Parthonay 
writes  word  to  the  king  that  'a  great  leper,'  ar- 
rested on  his  territory,  has  confessed  that  a  rich 
Jew  had  given  him  money,  and  supplied  him 
with  drugs.  These  drugs  were  compounded  of 
human  blood,   of  urine,  and  of  the  blood  of 


1928 


JEWS,  1831. 


fl«i 


eoinninai  of 
Toleratwn. 


JEWS,  1003-1753. 


Clirist  (the  coiisccraU'd  wafer),  nnd  the  whole, 
after  huviiif;  been  dried  mid  pounded,  wiis  put 
into  a  bag  with  a  weiglit  and  tlirown  into  tlio 
springs  or  wells.  Several  lepers  had  already 
been  provisionally  burnt  in  Qascony,  and  the 
king,  alarmed  at  the  new  movement  wliieh  was 
originating,  liiustlly  returned  from  Poitou  to 
France,  and  issued  an  ordinance  for  the  general 
arrest  of  the  lepers.  Not  a  doubt  was  entertjiined 
by  any  one  of  this  horrible  compact  between 
the  lepers  and  the  Jews.  '  We  ourselves,'  siiys 
a  chronicler  of  the  day,  '  have  seen  with  imr  own 
eyes  one  of  these  bags,  in  Poitou,  in  a  burgh  of 
our  own  vassalage.'  .  .  .  The  king  ordered  all 
found  guilty  to  be  burnt,  with  the  exception  of 
those  female  lepers  who  happened  to  be  preg- 
nant. The  other  lepers  were  to  be  confined  to 
their  1a;',arettos.  As  to  the  Jews,  they  were 
burnt  indiscriminately,  cspeeiallv  in  the  South." 
— r.  Miehelet,  Jlint.  of  Fran         .  5,  ch.  5(i).  1). 

A.  D.  1348-1349.  — Accuaea  of  causing  the 
Blark  Plague. — t)n  thi!  aivpearance  in  Kurope, 
A.  1).  I^IH,  of  the  pestilence  known  as  the  Black 
Death,  "there  was  a  suspicion  that  the  disease 
was  due  to  human  agencies,  and,  as  usual,  the 
Jews  were  asserted  to  have  contrived  the  mach- 
inations by  which  the  calamity  was  created. 
They  were  charged  with  poisoning  the  wells,  and 
through  France,  Switzerland,  and  Germany,  thou- 
sands of  tliese  unhappy  people  were  destroyed 
on  evidence  derived  from  confessions  ol)tained 
under  torture.  As  far  as  lie  could,  the  Emperor 
Charles  IV.  protected  them.  They  escaped  perse- 
cution too  in  the  dominions  of  Albrecht  of  Aus- 
tria. It  is  said  that  tlie  great  number  of  the  Jew- 
ish population  in  Poland  is  due  to  tlic  fact  that 
Casunir  the  Great  was  induced  by  the  entreaties 
of  one  Esther,  a  favourite  Jewish  mistress  of 
that  monarch,  to  harbour  and  shelter  them  in  his 
kingdom.  It  should  be  mentioned  that  Clement 
VI.  forba.l  the  persecution  of  the  Jews  at 
Avignon." — J.  E.  T.  Rogers,  Iliat.  of  Agriculture 
and  Prices,  v   1,  ch.  15. 

Also  in:  II.  Graetz,  Hist,  of  tlie  Jews,  n.  4, 
4:h.  4. 

A.  D.  1391. — Massacre  and  expulsion  from 
Spain.  See  above:  8tii-15tii  Centuuiks;  also, 
Inquisition:  A.  I).  1203-1525. 

A.  D.  1492. — Expulsion  of  Jews  from  Spain. 
See  Inquisition:  A.  D.  1203-1525. 

17th  Century. — Toleration  in  Holland. — At- 
tractiveness of  that  country  to  wealthy  Israel- 
ites.   See  Nktiieulands-  A.  D.  1021-1033. 

A.  D.  1655.  —  Toleration  in  England  by 
Cromwell.— "  Wednesday,  Dec.  12,  1055.  This 
day,  'in  a  withdrawing  room  at  Wliitehall,'  pre- 
si(ied  over  by  Ids  Highness  [the  Lord  Protector, 
Oliver  Cromwell],  wlio  is  much  interested  in  the 
matter,  was  held,  'a  Conference  concerning  the 
Jews';  —  of  which  the  modern  reader  too  may 
have  heard  something.  Conference,  one  of  Four 
Conferences,  publicly  held,  which  tilled  all  Eng- 
land with  rumour  in  those  old  December  days; 
but  must  now  contract  tlicmselvcs  into  a  point  for 
us.  Highest  oflicial  Persons,  with  Lord  Chief 
Barons,  Lord  Chief  Justices,  and  chosen  Clergy 
have  met  here  to  advise,  by  reason,  Law-learning, 
Scripture-prophecy,  and  every  source  of  light  for 
the  human  mind,  concerning  the  proposal  of  ad- 
mitting Jews,  witli  certain  privileges  as  of  alien- 
citizens,  to  reside  iu  England.  They  were  ban- 
ished near  Four-hundred  years  ago:  shall  they 
aow  be  allowed  to  reside  and  trade  again  ?    The 


Propo.scr  is  '  Mana-ssch  Ben  Israel,'  a  learned  Por- 
tugue.se  Jew  of  Amsterdam;  who,  iK'ing  stirred- 
up  of  late  years  by  the  great  tilings  doing  in 
ICiigland,  has  petitloneil  one  and  the  other,  Long 
Parliament  and  Little  Parliament,  for  this  object; 
but  could  never,  till  his  Highness  came  into 
power,  get  the  matter  brouglit  to  a  heari.ig. 
And  so  they  debate  and  solemnly  ci-nsid.r;  and 
Ids  Highness  spake;  —  and  says  oau  <'  itness,  '1 
never  heard  a  man  speak  so  well.'  His  High- 
ness was  eager  for  the  scheme,  if  so  might  be. 
But  the  Scrii)ture-pr<iphecie.s,  Law-learnings,  and 
lights  of  the  human  mind  seemed  to  point  an- 
otlier  way :  zealous  Manasseh  went  home  again ; 
the  Jews  could  not  settle  here  except  by  ])rivate 
sullerance  of  his  Highness." — T.  Carlyle,  Oliiier 
CromieelVs  Letters  and  Siieeches,  pt.  0,  letter  207. — 
"Cromwell  .  .  .  was  able  to  overcome  neither 
the  arguments  of  the  theologians  nor  the 
jealousies  of  the  merchants,  nor  the  prejudices  of 
the  indilTerent;  and  .seeing  that  tlie  eonferenco 
was  not  likely  to  end  as  he  desired,  he  put  an 
end  to  its  deliberations.  Then,  without  granting 
the  Jews  the  public  establishment  which  they 
had  solicited,  he  authorized  a  certain  number  of 
them  to  take  up  their  residence  in  London, where 
they  built  a  synagogue,  ])urehased  the  land  for 
a  burial-ground,  and  quietly  commenced  the  for- 
mation of  a  sort  of  corporation,  devotiul  to  the 
Protector,  on  whose  tolerance  their  safety  en- 
tirely depended." — F.  P.  Guizot,  Jlist.  of  Uliver 
Cromwi'll.  bk.  0  (r.  2). 

A.  D.  i662-i'7S3.— Condition  in  England.— 
Defeated  attempt  to  legalize  their  naturaliza- 
tion.— "The  Jews  .  .  .  were  not  formally  au- 
thorised to  establish  themselves  in  England  till 
after  the  Restoration.  The  first  synagogue  in 
Loudon  was  erected  in  1003.  .  .  .  There  does  not 
appear  ...  to  have  been  any  legal  obstacle  to 
the  sovereign  and  Parliament  naturalising  a  Jew 
till  a  law,  enacted  under  James  I. ,  and  directed 
against  the  Catholics,  made  the  sacramental  test 
an  essential  preliminary  to  naturalisation.  Two 
subsequent  enactments  exempted  from  this  ne- 
nessity  all  l-.,reigners  who  were  engaged  in  the 
hemp  and  flax  manufacture,  and  all  Jews  and 
Protestant  foreigners  who  had  lived  for  seven 
continuous  years  in  the  American  plantJitions. 
In  the  reign  of  James  II.  the  Jews  were  relieved 
from  the  payment  of  the  alien  duty,  but  it  is  a 
significant  fact 'that  it  was  rcimposed  after  the 
Revolution  at  the  petition  of  the  London  mer- 
chants. In  the  reign  of  Anne  some  of  them  are 
said  to  have  privately  negotiated  with  Godolphin 
for  permission  to  purchase  the  town  of  Brentford, 
and  to  settle  there  with  full  privileges  of  trade ; 
but  the  minister,  fearing  to  arouse  the  spirit  of 
religious  intolerance  and  of  commercial  jealousy, 
refused  the  application.  The  great  development 
of  industrial  enterprise  which  followed  the  long 
and  prosperous  administration  of  Walpole  natu- 
rally attrrxted  Jews,  who  were  then  as  now  pre- 
eminent in  commercial  matters,  and  many  of 
them  appear  at  this  time  to  have  settled  in  Eng- 
land,"—  among  others,  the  family  of  Disraeli. 
In  1753,  the  Pelhams  attempted  to  legalise  the 
naturalisation  of  Jews;  "not  to  naturalise  all 
resident  Jews,  but  simply  to  enable  Parliament 
to  pass  special  Bills  to  naturalise  those  who  ap- 
plied to  it,  although  they  had  not  lived  in  the 
colonies  or  been  engaged  in  the  liemp  or  flax 
manufacture.  .  .  .  "The  opponents  of  tlie  minis- 
try raised  the  cry  that  the  Bill  was  an  uncluris- 


1929 


JEWS,  1062-17(53. 


I'rrnrrution  in 
HiuMia. 


.1EW8,  1701. 


lian  one,  iind  KiiK'i""'  wuh  tlirown  into  pur- 
oxysms  of  cxcilciiii'iit  wiirccly  loss  iiiU'iise  tlmn 
tlioKC  wliicli  followi'd  tli<!  iiiipt'iiclitncnt  of  Hiuli- 
cvcrtll.  There  i.s  no  pii),''-'  "'  I'"-'  lilslory  of  the 
18tli  century  tlmt  kIiowh  more  (letinive"ly  liow 
low  wiiH  tliu  intellectual  and  political  condition 
(if  En^jlisli  public  opinion.  Accordinj?  to  its  op- 
1  (inent.s,  the  .lewiNli  Naturnlisiition  Bill  Nold  the 
birtlii'i^'ht  of  Kn^rliHJnnen  for  nothing',  it  waH  ii 
distinct  iihandonnient  of  Christianitv.  it  would 
draw  upon  Knj;liin(l  all  the  curses  which  Piovi- 
dcncc  had  attached  to  thu  Jews.  The  commer- 
cial classes  complained  that  it  would  fill  England 
with  usur(!r8.  .  .  .  The  clergy  all  over  Englan<l 
denounced  it."  After  Derce  opposition,  the  hill 
was  tlnally  pas.sed;  "but  as  the  tide  of  popidar 
Indignation  rose  higher  and  higher,  the  niini.sters 
In  tho  next  year  brought  forward  and  carried  its 
repeal."— W.  E.  II.  Lccky,  JUmI.  of  Eiig.,  m'l 
CeiU.,rh.  2  (p.  1). 

A.  D.  1727-1880. — Persecutions  and  restric- 
tions in  Russia. — The  Pale. — "The  refugees 
from  the  Uliraine  wlio  had  settled  in  Little 
Kussia  were  expelled  in  1727.  No  Jews  from 
witliout  were  allowed  to  enter  Russia  upon  any 
pretext.  The  few  physicians  and  other  profes- 
sional men  of  the  excluded  race  who  did  manage 
to  remain  in  Russia  were  in  continual  jeopardy 
of  insult  and  expulsion.  Over  and  over  again 
Russian  statesmen  who  were  anxious  to  develop 
the  resources  and  trade  possibilities  of  tlieir  back- 
ward and  barbarous  laud,  hinted  at  the  advisa- 
bility of  bringing  in  some  Jews.  The  Imperial 
will  was  resolutely  opposed.  .  .  .  When  the 
broiul-minded  Catherine  II  ascended  the  throne 
these  efforts  were  renewed,  but  she  too  resisted 
tliem,  and  says  in  her  Memoirs,  '  their  admission 
into  Uus.sia  miglit  have  occasioned  much  injury 
to  our  small  tradesmen.'  She  was  too  deeply 
bitten  with  the  Voltaircan  i)hilosophy  of  lier 
time  to  luive,  or  even  assume,  auy  religious 
fervour  in  tlie  matter,  but  though  iu  17S0  she 
issued  a,  higlisouudiiig  edict '  respecting  tlie  pro- 
tection of  the  rights  of  Jews  of  Russia,'  the  per- 
secution on  economic  and  social  grounds  con- 
tinued unabated.  By  this  time  it  will  be  seen 
the  laws  did,  however,  recognise  tho  existence 
of  Jews  in  Russia.  The  explanation  is  that  the 
first  jiartition  of  Poland  and  the  annexation  of 
the  great  Turkish  territory  Iving  between  the 
Dnieper  and  the  Dniester  liau  brought  into  the 
empire  such  a  vast  Hebraic  popidation  that  any 
thought  of  expulsion  was  hopeless.  .  .  .  The 
rape  of  Poland  and  the  looting  of  Turkey  had 
brought  two  millions  of  Jews  under  the  sceptre 
of  tho  Czar.  The  fact  could  not  be  blinked. 
They  were  there  —  inside  the  Holy  Empire,  whose 
boast  for  centuries  had  been  that  no  circumcised 
dog  could  find  rest  for  his  foot  on  its  sanctified 
territory.  To  an  autocracy  based  so  wholly  on 
an  orthodox  religion  as  is  that  of  the  Czars,,  this 
seemed  a  most  trying  and  perplexing  jiroblem. 
Tlie  solution  they  hit  upon  was  to  set  a'dde  one 
part  of  tlie  empire  as  a  sort  of  lazar  house,  which 
should  serve  to  keep  llie  rest  of  it  from  pollution. 
Hence  we  get  the  Pale.  Almost  every  decade 
since  1786,  the  date  of  Catherine's  ukase,  has 
witnessed  some  alteration  made  in  the  dimensions 
and  boundaries  of  this  Pale.  Now  it  has  been 
expanded,  now  sharply  contracted.  ...  To  trace 
these  changes  would  be  to  unnecessarily  burden 
ourselves  with  details.  It  is  enough  to  keep  in 
mind  that  the  creation  of  thu  Pale  was  Russia's 


solution  of  the  Jewish  problem  in  liHIl,  and  is 
Htill  tlie  only  on'!  it  can  tliink  of.  Side  by  side 
with  this  naVve  no'ion  that  Holy  Rus.sia  could  be 
kept  an  inviolate  Christian  land  in  the  eyes  of 
Heaven  by  juggling  the  niaj),  there  grew  up  tlie 
more  worldly  conception  of  turning  the  Jew  to 
account  as  u  kind  of  niilch  cow.  ...  In  1810 
Jewish  brandy  distillers  were  allowed  to  go  into 
tlie  interior  and  settle  'until,'  as  tlie  ukase  said, 
'  Russian  master  distillers  shall  have  perfected 
themscd vcs  in  the  art  of  distilling. '  They  availed 
tliemselves  of  this  permission  in  great  numbers, 
and  at  tlio  end  of  seven  years  were  all  summarily 
driven  out  again,  a  new  uka.se  ex['!alning  that 
'  the  number  of  Christian  distil'i  s  was  now  suf- 
ficient.'. .  .  The  past  century's  liLstory  of  the 
Jews  in  Russia  is  made  up  of  contticts  between 
these  two  impulses  in  tlie  childlike  Slavonic 
brain  —  the  one  to  drive  the  heretic  Jew  into  the 
Pale  as  into  a  kennel  with  kicks  and  stripes,  the 
other  guardedly  to  entice  liim  out  and  manage 
to  extract  some  service  or  profit  from  him.  .  .  . 
In  18'i5  Nicholas  ascended  the  throne.  Within 
a  year  he  had  earned  from  the  Jews  that  sinister 
title  of  'The  Second  Hainan,'  by  which  I.srael 
still  reci'lLs  him.  .  .  .  Witli  the  death  of  Nicholas 
[1855]  and  tho  advent  of  Alexander  II  a  new  era 
dawned.  Dr.  Mackenzie  Wallace  liar  drawn  a. 
spirited  and  comi)rehensivc  picture  of  the  literal 
stampede  all  Russia  made  to  reform  everything. 
.  .  .  Almost  the  first  thing  the  young  C/.ur  did 
was  to  revive  a  commission  to  inquire  into  the 
condition  of  the  Jens,  which  Nicholas  had  de- 
creed in  1840  and  then  allowed  to  lapse.  This 
commission  sent  out  a  list  of  inquiries  to  all  the 
Provincial  Governor  These  gentlemen  returned 
voluminous  reports,  all,  without  exception,  fa- 
vnirable  to  the  Jews.  .  .  .  Upon  tlie  strength 
of  these  reports  were  issued  the  ukases  of  1859, 
1861,  aud  1805,  ...  by  which  Jews  of  the  first 
nicrciuitilo  guild  and  Jewish  artisans  were  al- 
lowed to  reside  nil  over  the  Empire.  It  is  just 
as  well  to  remember  that  even  these  beneficent 
concessions,  which  seem  by  contrast  with  what 
had  gone  before  to  mark  such  a  vast  forward 
step  in  Russo-Jcwish  history,  were  confessed- 
ly dictated  by  utilitarian  considerations.  The 
shackles  were  stricken  only  from  the  two  cato- 
gories  of  Jews  whose  freedom  would  bring  profit 
to  Russia.  .  .  .  Still,  tiie  quarter  century  follow- 
ing Alexander  H's  accession  in  1855  fairly  de- 
serves its  apjiellation  of  the  '  golden  age '  when 
what  preceded  it  is  recalled." — II.  Frederic,  Tfie 
New  Exodus,  ch.  4-5. — See,  also,  below:  lOrii 
Centuuy. 

A.  D.  1740. — Rise  of  the  modern  Chasidim. 
See  Chasidim. 

A.  D.  I75>i.  —  The  French  Revolutionary 
emancipation. — "  It  is  to  the  Frencli  Revolution 
that  the  Jews  owe  their  improved  position  in  the 
modern  world.  That  prolific  parent  of  good  and 
evil  has  at  least  deserved  well  of  them.  It  was 
the  first  to  do  justice,  full  and  unecpiivocal,  to 
those  whom  every  other  great  political  move- 
ment passed  over  as  too  insignificant  or  too  con- 
temptible to  be  taken  into  account.  Mirabeau 
and  the  Abbe  Qregoire,  tlie  one  iu  his  desire  to 
secularise  the  State,  the  other  iu  his  policy  of 
Christianising  the  Revolution,  as  our  historian 
Graetz  puts  it,  both  urged  on  a  movement  which, 
in  an  incredibly  short  space  of  time,  succeeded 
in  effecting  the  complete  emancipation  of  all  the 
Jews  under  the  rule  of  the  Republic.     On  the 


1930 


JEWS,  1701. 


Anti-St^mitinn, 

/Alter    A'tUW/ffH    lAHft. 


JEWS,  lOTII  CENTUUY. 


17th  ScptPtnlKT,  ITOl,  tli(!  Niitioiiul  Asscmlily 
decreed  tlic  ul)iililii>n  of  every  exeeptioiml  eniicl- 
iiu'iit  previously  in  foree  iigiiinst  Iliciii,  luul  tlius 
iniul(!  tlieiii  by  law  wliat  they  Imd  previously 
lieeii  ill  heart,  cili/etis  of  their  (Mjuiilry.  He  who 
started  us  the  child,  afterwardn  to  \)ecome  tlut 
master,  of  the  Uevulution,  proclaimed  the  saiiu; 
great  principles  of  relijjious  c(piality  wherever 
his  victoriousi  ca(;les  ])eiietrnted.  Since  that 
dawn  of  a  lielter  time,  th(!  li^ht  has  Ki)rea(l  mmv 
and  more,  tliouKh  even  now  [189()|  it  is  only  here 
nnd  <''''ic  that  it  lias  shone  fortli  unto  the  perfect 
day. " — 8.  Singer,  Jcira  in  thfir  Itehitiini  to  Other 
jliirfs{.y(itinii(il  TJfe  and  T/toiir/ht,  eh.  20). 

A.  D.  1846-1858.— Removal  of  disabilities 
In  England.— "In  184(1  tlie  Act  of  Parliament 
wa.s  formally  repealed  wliicli  compelled  Jews 
living  in  England  to  wear  a  distinctive  dress. 
The  law  had,  however,  been  in  abeyance  for 
nearly  two  centuries.  About  this  time  also  the 
Jews  were  admitted  to  tlie  privileges  of  the  natu- 
ralization laws;  and  in  1858  the  House  of  Com- 
mons by  resolution  altered  the  form  of  oath 
ten(lere(l  to  all  its  members.  As  it  had  stnixl  up  to 
this  time,  Jews  were  prevented  from  voting  in 
tile  divisions,  although  u  Jew  could  take  his  scat 
In  the  House  when  sent  there  by  a  constituency." 
— E.  Porritt,  The  Kni/ti«hiiti(ii  {it  Home,  ch.  9. 

19th  Century. — The  Anti-Semite  movement. 
— Later  persecution  of  the  Jews  in  Russia. — 
"Among  tlic  strange  and  unforeseen  develop- 
ments that  have  characterized  the  fourth  ([iiarter 
of  the  nineteenth  century,  few  are  lilicly  to  be  re- 
garded by  the  future  historian  witii  a  d(!eper  or 
more  melancholy  interest  than  the  anti-Semite 
movement,  wiiicli  has  swept  witli  such  u  porten- 
tous rai)idity  over  a  great  part  of  Europe.  It  has 
produced  in  Russia  by  far  the  most  serious  reli- 
gious persecution  of  the  century.  It  has  raged 
nerccly  in  U,(Umania,  tlie  other  great  centre  of  the 
Oriental  Jews.  In  enliglitened  Germany  it  has 
become  a  considerable  parliamentary  force;.  In 
Austria  it  counts  among  its  adherents  men  of  the 
highest  social  station.  Even  Prance,  which  from 
the  days  of  the  Uevolution  has  been  specially 
distinguislicd  for  its  liberality  to  the  Jews,  has 
not  escaped  the  contagioM.  ...  It  is  this  move- 
ment whicli  has  been  the  occasion  of  the  very 
valuable  work  of  M.  Anatole  Leroy-Beaulieu  on 
'  Israel  among  the  Nations.'  Tlie  jiu'.lior,  who  is 
universally  recognized  as  one  of  the  greatest  of 
living  political  wrilera,  has  special  ((ualilicatioiis 
for  Ins  task.  Witli  au  exceedingly  wide  knowl- 
edge of  the  literature  relating  to  his  subject  he 
combines  much  pci-sonal  knowledge  of  the  Jews 
in  Palestine  and  in  many  other  countries,  and  es- 
jiecially  in  those  countries  where  the  persecution 
lias  most  furiously  raged.  That  persecution,  he 
justly  says,  unites  in  diflcrent  degrees  tliree  of 
the  most  powerful  elements  that  can  move  man- 
kind—  the  spirit  of  religious  intolerance;  the 
spirit  of  e.vclusive  nationality ;  and  the  jealou.sy 
which  springs  from  trade  or  mercantile  competi- 
tion. Of  these  elements  M.  Leroy-Ueaulieu  con- 
siders tlio  fli-st  to  be  on  the  whole  tlie  weakest.  In 
that  hideous  Russian  persecution  whidi '  the  New 
Exodus '  of  Frederic  has  made  familiar  to  tlic 
English  reader,  the  religious  element  certainly 
occupies  a  very  leading  place.  Pobedonostetr, 
who  shares  with  his  master  the  chief  guilt  and 
infamy  of  this  atrocious  crime,  belongs  to  tlie 
same  type  as  the  Torquemadas  of  the  past,  and 
the  spirit  that  animates  him  has  entered  largciv 


Into  the  anti-SemiU;  movement  in  other  lands, 
.  .  .  Another  element  to  which  M.  heroy-Heau- 
lieu  attaches  considerable  imiiortancc  is  the  Kul- 
tur  lvam|)f  in  Germany.  When  the  German 
Government  was  engaged  in  its  tierce  struggle 
witli  the  Catholics,  tliese  endeavored  to  elTect  >i 
diversion  and  to  avenge  themselves  on  papers, 
which  were  largely  in  tlie  hands  of  Jews,  by 
raising  a  new  cry.  They  declared  that  a  Kultur 
Kanipf  was  indeed  needed,  but  that  it  should  be 
diieclcd  against  tin;  alien  people  who  were  under- 
mining the  moral  foundations  of  Christian  so(^ie- 
ties;  who  were  the  imjilacable  enemies  of  the 
Cliristian  creed  and  of  Christian  ideals.  The 
cry  was  soon  taken  up  by  a  large  body  of  Evan- 
gelical Protestants.  .  .  .  Still  more  powerful,  in 
the  opinion  of  our  author,  lias  been  the  spirit  of 
intense  and  exclusive  nationality  which  lias  in 
the  present  generation  arisen  in  so  many  coun- 
tries and  wliTcli  seeks  to  expel  all  alien  or  lu'tcro- 
geneous  elements,  and  to  mould  the  whole  na- 
tional being  into  a  single  dctinite  type.  The 
movement  has  been  still  further  strengtliened  by 
tlie  greater  keenness  of  trade  competition.  In 
the  midst  of  many  idle,  drunken  and  ignorant 
populati<ms  the  slirewd,  thrifty  and  sober  Jew 
stands  conspicuous  as  tlie  most  successful  trader. 
His  rare  power  of  judging,  inlluencing  and 
managing  men,  his  fertility  of  resource,  his  in- 
(Umiitable  perseverance  and  industry  continually 
force  him  into  tlie  foremost  rank  and  he  is  promi- 
nent in  occupations  which  excite  much  animosity. 
The  tax-gatherer,  the  agent,  the  middleman,  and 
the  money-lender  are  very  commonly  of  Jewisli 
race  and  great  Jewish  capitalists  largely  control 
the  money  markets  of  Europe  at  a  time  when 
capital  is  the  special  object  of  socialistic  attacks." 
— W.  E.  II.  Lecky,  hnid  ainonij  the  N<iti<>ni< 
(The  Forum,  Dec.  1898).—"  Until  1881  tiie  lives 
and  property  of  Jews  had  been  respected.  Tlieir 
liberties  were  restricted,  not  obsolete.  In  tliat 
year  idl  was  changed.  The  Pale  of  Settlement, 
especially  in  the  South,  be(!ame  a  centre  of  riot. 
CJrimvs  were  cliarged  against,  and  violence  was 
ofTered  to,  those  who  had  no  means  of  retalia- 
tion; and  whose  only  defence  was  passive  endur- 
ance. The  restlessness  of  the  country,  the  low 
moral  tone  of  the  most  ignorant  and  unreason- 
able peasantry  in  the  world,  commercial  jealousy, 
and  olHcial  intrigues  were  responsible  for  the 
outbreak.  Tlie  Jews  had  thriven;  that  was  ti 
crime.  As  the  Government  had  refused  them 
the  privileges  of  citizensliip,  they  had  no  right 
to  rise  above  their  neighbours.  A  rescript,  for 
whicli  General  Iguatielt  w.;s  responsibL',  tooli 
cognisance,  not  of  the  sullerings  of  the  .lews, 
but  of  the  condition  of  the  Christians.  Commis- 
sioners .  .  .  were  appointed,  in  all  towns  inhab- 
ited by  Ji^ws,  to  inquire  (1)  into  tlie  manner  of 
mal-practices  by  which  tlie  presence  of  Jews  be- 
came injurious  to  the  Christian  population;  (2) 
into  tlie  best  methods  of  preventing  Jews  from 
evading  old  restrictions;  (3)  what  new  laws  were 
required  to  stop  tlie  pernicious  conduct  of  Jews 
in  business.  The  inquiry  resulted  in  the  May 
Laws  of  1883.  These  laws,  which  were  so  severe 
tliat  hesitation  was  felt  in  applying  them  through- 
out the  Pale,  were  supposed  to  be  of  only  tem- 
porary application.  They  were  known  as  laws 
for  the  time,  nnd  only  came  into  full  operation  in 
1890.  .  .  .  The  May  Laws  define  the  Jews' duties 
to  the  Stat«.  These  consist  of  military  ser- 
vice, and  pecuniary  contributions.     In  common 


1931 


JEWa.  lOTH  CENTURY. 


JOHN. 


with  rill  IluHNiittiH,  .Tows  nre  mibjri't  to  the 
Law  of  C'oiim'ri|iti(»i.  rnllki!  ('hmliiiriH,  tlicy 
miiy  not  provido  n  HubKtitutu.  They  imiy  not 
follow  any  tnidc,  or  profession,  iiiilil  tlicy  have 
nrotlui'cil  eviilrnce  of  ri'jjisl ration  in  th(!  recruit- 
ing district.  While  Hiil)je(:t  to  military  service, 
Juws  cannot  ri.s<-  higher  than  tin;  rank  of  non- 
coininissioned  ollleer.  .  .  .  The  journal  of  Htatis- 
tles  gives  the  proportion  of  Jews  to  tim  popula- 
tion as  Jl.OT  per  cent.,  whereas  the  percentage  on 
tilt'  conscription  rolls  is  5.80.  Tlius  the  Hebrew 
is  ground  between  tliii  upper  and  nether  '-'ill- 
Htone.  ...  In  Decenilx'r  IHIM)  Russians  were 
forliiddcn  to  sell,  lease,  or  mortgage  real  estate  to 
Jews  tliroughout  the  Empire,  a  meiusuro  hitherto 
npplied  only  to  Poland.  Wliere  Jews  h;ivu  ac- 
quired such  property  they  will  be  compelled  to 
dispose  tliereof.  Th(!  Jewish  artisans,  upothec^a- 
rles'  assistants,  dentists,  and  midwives,  with  all 
apprentices,  are  to  be  expelled  from  all  i)laces 
outside  the  Pale.  E.\ceptlons  to  this  are  obtaina- 
ble onlv  by  special  pernu.ssion  from  the  Minister 
of  the  Interior.  Even  then  the  children  of  such 
must  be  removed  to  the  Pale  as  soon  as  they 
come  of  age,  or  marry  an  unprivileged  Jew. 
This  Palo  of  Settlement,  wluch  stretclies  along 
tlie  frontier,  from  tlie  Baltic  to  the  Black  Sea,  is 
u  Ih'II  of  Kcetliing  wrelcliedness.  Hero  flvo  mil- 
lions of  Jews  are  compelled  to  live,  and  die,  in  a 
Ghetto  of  tilth  and  mi.sery,  mocked  with  ii  feast 
of  Tantalus.  Beyond  are  lands  where  corn  rots 
for  lack  of  ingatherers;  yet  they  are  cabined  and 
cuntined.  Inability  to  bribe  a  ci)rrui)t  mass  of 
administrators  has  led  to  the  expulsion  of  p(K)r 
Jews  from  villages  within  the  Palo,  into  crowded 
towns,  such  as  Tchornizo,  where  the  population 


has  consctpiently  risen  from  0,000  to  20,000.  .  .  , 
In  September  [IHODJ  the  Jews  were  expelled  from 
Trans  Caspian  territory;  In  October,  Jews,  not 
having  the  right  to  live  in  St.  Petersburg,  weru 
ordered  to  be  transferred,  with  their  families,  to 
tlieir  proper  places  of  abode;  in  January  thu 
Jews  were  ordered  to  be  expelled  from  the  Terko 
region  of  the  Caucasus;  in  February  thu  Jews  in 
Novgorod  were  exi>ellod.  It  has  been  declared 
expedient  to  ex|)ol  tliem  frojn  the  Cossack  Stan- 
itzus  of  the  ("aucasiis.  Three  years  ago  tlie  Jews 
were  forbidden  to  liveonC/'rowu  lands.  Eighty- 
seven  families  were  riiconlly  ordered  to  leavn 
Saraka  districUt,  becau.se  they  had  settled  tlieru 
after  tho  piussing  of  the  IgnatiolT  laws.  Artisans 
are  lionceforth  to  be  contlned  to  limits  of  resi- 
lience witliin  tho  Pale.  It  is  the  same  with  mill- 
ers;  therefore  mills  are  idle,  and  the  iirico  of 
corn  has  declined.  In  Courland  and  Livonia, 
descendants  of  Jewish  families,  which  were  es- 
tablished when  tlio.so  provinces  were  incorporated 
into  Uussia,  may  reniain;  but  no  others  may  set- 
tle. .  .  .  Jews  who  liavo  lived  eight  years  in  u 
village  may  bo  interned  tln^rein,  and  may  not 
move,  even  walking  distance,  without  leave. 
Jews  leaving  one  village  for  another  lose  tlieir 
rights,  and  must  go  to  tlio  Uhotto  of  the  nearest 
town.  This  is  practically  a  sentence  of  death. 
Executions  are  going  on,  not  upon  scaffolds,  but 
in  dusky  Ghettos,  whore  the  victims  of  oppres- 
sion pino  without  hope  in  the  world." — CJ.  N. 
Barhiun,  Persecution,  of  the  Jein»  in  liusaia  (  Went- 
luiimtcr  liec,  v.  130,  1891),  ;;;).  130-144. 

Also  in  ;  Persecution  of  the  Jews  in  Itnssia: 
issued  by  the  liussoJewish  Committee. — D.  P 
Schloss,  Persecution  of  tlie  Jews  in  Uoutiumia. 


lEYPORE,  OR  JE YPOOR.    See  IUji'ogts. 

JEZIREH,  A!.     See  Mksoi-ota.mi.v. 

JEZREEL,  Battle  of.     See  Jf-  oi!>"o. 

JINGIZ-KHAN,  The  conquest*  of.  See 
Mo.Mioi.s:  A.  I).  1153-1337;  and  India:  A.  D. 
«T  7- 131)0, 

JINGOES.  See  Turks:  A.  D.  1878  Excite- 
ment IN  England. 

JIVARA,  OR  JIVARO,  The.     See  Amebi- 

<^AN  AllOIlUilNIOS:   Andksians. 

JOACHIM  I.,  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  A.  D. 
140l)-1535 Joachim  II.,  Elector  of  Branden- 
burg, 1535-1571 Joachim  Frederick,  Elec- 
tor of  Brandenburg,  1508-1608. 

JOAN  OF  ARC,  The  mission  of.  Sec 
FnANCK:  A.  D.  1439-1431. 

JOANNA,  Queen  of  Castile,   A.  D.    1504- 

1,555 Joanna  I.,  Queen  of  Naples,  1343-1381. 

. . .  .Joanna  II.,  Queen  of  Naples,  1414-1435. 

JOGLARS.    See  TuouEiADotms. 
OHN  (of  Brienne),  Latin  Emperor  at  Con- 
stantinople (Romania),   A.  D.    1338-1337 

John  (of  Luxemburg),  King  of  Bohemia,  A.  D. 
1310-1346 John,  King  of  Denmark,  Nor- 
way and   Sweden,   1481-1513 John,   King 

of  England,  1100-1216 John  (Don)  of  Aus- 
tria :  His  victories  over  the  Turks.  See  Turks  : 
A.  1>.  1566-1571,  and  1572-1573.— In  the  Nether- 
lands. See  Netherlands:  A.  D.  1.575-1577, 
and  1.577-1581 John,  Elector  of  Branden- 
burg, 1486-1409 John  (called  The  Fearless), 

Duke    of    Burgundy,     1404-1418 John    I., 

Kingof  Araeon,  1387-1395 John  I.,  King  of 

Ca.'itile  and  Leon,  1379-1390 John  I.,  nomi- 
nal King  of  France  (an  infant  who  lived  seven 
days),  1316 John  I.,  King  of  Navarre,  1441- 


1479;  II.,  of   Aragon,  14.58-1470;  I.,   of  Sicily, 

1458-1470 John  L,  Kingof  Portugal,  1383- 

1433 John  I.,  King  of  Sicily,  1458-1470 

John  II.  (Comnenus),  Emperor  in   the    East 

(Byzantine  or  Greek),  1118-1113 John  II., 

King  of  Castile  and  Leon,  1407-1454 John 

II.  (called  The  Good),  King  of  France,  1350- 

1364 John  II.,  King  of  Portugal,  1481-1405. 

. . .  .John  III.  (Vataces),  Greek  Emperor  of 
Nicaea,  1333-1355 John  III.,  King  of  Por- 
tugal, 1531-1.557 John  III.,  King  of  Swe- 
den, 1568-1593 John  IV.,  Pope,  640-643. . . . 

John  IV.  (Lascaris),  Greek  Emperor  of  Nicsa, 

13.50-1260 John   IV.,   King  of  Portugal, 

1640-1656 John  V.,  Pope,  68.5-686 John 

V.  (Cantacuzene),  Greek  Emperor  of  Con- 
stantinople,  1343-1355 John  V.,   King  of 

Portugal,  1706-1750 John  VI.,  Pope,  701- 

705 John  VI.(Pal8eologus),  Greek  Emperor 

of  Constantinople,    1355-1301 John   VI., 

King  of    Portugal,   1810-1836 John  VII., 

Pope,    705-707 John    VII.     (Palaeologus), 

Greek  Emperor  of  Constantinople,  1425-1448. 

...John  VIII.,  Pope,    872-882 John   IX., 

Pope,  808-000 John  X.,  Pope,  014-028 

John  XL,  Pope,  031-030 John  XII.,  Pope, 

056-064 John     XIII.,     Pope,  06.5-972 

John  XIV.,  Pope,  983-9  a John  XV.,  Pope, 

985-996 John  XVI.,  Antipope,  997-998 

John  XVII. ,   Pope,   1003,  June    to  December. 

...John    XVIII. ,    Pope,   1003-1000 John 

XIX.,   Pope,     1034-1033 John     XXI.    (so 

styled,  though  20th  of  the  name).  Pope,  1276- 

1277 John  XXIL,  Pope,  1316-1334 John 

XXIIL,    Pope,      1410-1415 John   Albert, 

" jol 


King  of  Poland,  1403-1501 John  d'Albret 


1932 


JOHN. 


JUDGMENT  OK  OOD. 


and  Catherine 

mo;)- 15 12 

131(3-12I»H 
1048- 1  (HIH 
press  Eudoxia' 


I  Otieen  or  Navarre, 
I,  King  of  Scotland, 


King  and 
Balliol, 

Casimir,  King;  of  Poland, 
Chrysostom  and  the  Em- 

Sci'  1{()MK:  a.  I).  lOD-r.lH 


John  GeorKe,  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  1571- 
ir)l)H Jonn  Sigismund,  Elector  of  Branden- 
burg,   l()OH-lt)llt John   Sobieski,  King    of 

Poland,  UI74-lfltl7 JohnSwerkerson,  King 

of  Sweden,  l'.MIt-rj-''J John  Zimisces,  Em- 
peror in  the  East  (Byzantine,  or  Greek),  !)((!)- 
1)7(1. 

JOHN  COMPANY,  The.— A  name  ii|)|)li(Ml 
to  till'  KriKJlHli  Kiist  liiiliii  Coinpiiiiy.  See  Inijia: 
A.  I).  IMr.H. 

JOHNNIES.     HcK  BoYH  IN  Hi.rK. 

JOHNS  HOPKINS  UNIVERSITY.  8eo 
Edication,  Mookkn:  Amkiika;  A.  I).  1H07. 

JOHNSON,  Andrew:  Military  rfov^rnor  of 
Tennessee.     See  Uniticd  Statkkok  .Vm.  :  A    1). 

I8(W  (.Maui  II  — Ji'NK.) Election  to  the  Vice 

Presidency.     Se(^  l'NrrKi)STAri;«<)K  Am.  :  A.  I). 

1H04  (May  —  Novkmiieu) Succession  to  the 

Presidency.     See  UnitkdSt.vi'Ksok  Am.  :  A.  1). 

180r)  (Ariui,  15tii) Reconstruction  Policy. 

Heo  United  Statks  of  Am.  :  A.  I).  1805  (May  — 

July),  to     1800-1807    (Octoiiku  — Mauch) 

Impeachment  of.  See  UNiTiiU  Status  ok  Am.  : 
A.  I).  lHt!H(MAm-ii— May). 

JOHNSON,  Sir  William,  and  the  Six  Na- 
tions. See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1765- 
1708. 

JOHNSON-CLARENDON  CONVEN- 
TION. See  Alaiiama  Claims:  A.  I).  1803- 
1860 

JOHNSTON,  General  Albert  Sidney.  Com- 
mand of  Confederate  forces  in  the  west. — Battle 
of  Shiloh. — Death.  See  United  States  of  A:t. : 
A.  I).  1802  (Januauy  —  Feukuauy:  Kentucky 
-Tennessee),  and  (Febiiuary  —  April:  Ten- 
nessee). 

JOHNSTON,  General  Joseph  E.  At  the 
first  Battle  of  Bull  Run.  Sec  United  States 
OF  Am.  :  A.  D.  1801  (Ji:i,y;  Vikoinia) Com- 
mand in  northern  Virginia.  See  United 
Statesop  Am.  :  A.  D.  1801-1802  (Decembeu  — 
Ai'uil:  Viroivia) Command  on  the  Penin- 
sula. See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  J).  1802 
(March — May:    Virginia),  to  (May:  Viuoin- 

lA) Command   in  the  west.    Sec  United 

Statebof  Am.  :  A.  D.  1883  (Ai'uii.- July:  On 

the    Mississippi) Command    in    Georgia. 

See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1803-1804 
(Decemuer  —  April  :  Tennessee — Mississippi). 
. ...  .The  Atlanta  campaign.- Relieved  of  com- 
mand. See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  1).  1804 
(May:  Georgia),  and  (May— September:  Qeou- 

«ia) Command    in    the    Carolinas.      Sec 

United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1805  (February 

— March:      The    Carolinas) Surrender. 

See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  I!i65  (April 
26tii). 

JOHNSTOVS^N  FLOOD,  The.  See  Untted 
States  op  Am.  :  A.  I).  1880-1890. 

JOINT  HIGH  COMMISSION.  See  Ala- 
bama Claims:  A.  D.  1869-1871. 

JOLIET'S  EXPLORATIONS.  Sec  Can- 
ada: A.  D.  1034-1073. 

JOMSBORG.— .lomsborg,  a  stronghold  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Oder,  became,  in  the  later  part 
of  the  10th  and  early  part  of  the  llth  centuries, 
a  noted  fastness  of  the  piratical  heathen  Danes, 
who  found  there  "a  secure  refuge  from  the  new 


relli;i()n  ami  the  clvill/.utloii  it  broii^Iit  with  it," 
which  thi'ir  ('(iiiinry  was  tlicn  Huliiiiittlnir  to. 
Tliry  fouiiili'd  at  .lomsliorg  "a  stair  l>>  which  im 
mail  iniglit  belong  save  on  proof  of  coiiragc, 
where  no  woiiuin  might  enter  williiii  the  walls, 
1111(1  where  all  txHity  was  In  coiiimon." — J.  U. 
(irccii,  T/if  ('iinqiifut  iif  Kiiij.,  fi/i.  300-367.  —  "The 
impregnable  castle  of  a  ccrtair  body  corporale. 
or  'Sea-Uobbcry  Assm-ialion  (limited),'  which, 
for  some  gci.eriilioiis,  held  the!  Hiiltht  in  terror, 
and  pliinderiMl  fur  beyond  the  licit, —  in  the 
ocean  it.self,  in  Fliui<lers  ami  the  opulent  trading 
havens  there,  —  above  all,  in  opulent  lumrclile 
Kiigland,  wliicli,  for  forty  years  from  about  this 
time,  wu.s  the  pirates' Ooshen;  and  yiehliMl,  reg- 
ularly every  summer,  slaves,  danegelt,  and  mis 
cellaneous  pluniler,  like  no  other  country  .loms- 
burg  or  till!  viking-world  had  ever  known." — 'l\ 
Carlyle,  Kirli/  Kinijn  nf  S  rinn/,  eh.  5.— The 
pirate  nest  at  .loumborg  was  broken  up,  rbout 
till!  midille  of  the  tenth  century,  by  .Magnus  the, 
Oood,  of  Norway. 

JONES,  John  Paul,  Naval  exploits  of.  Sec 
United  States  of  Am.:  A.  I).  1775-1776;  and 
1771)  (Skit'emiiku). 

JONESBORO',  Battle  of.  See  Unitei; 
Stapes  of   Am.:   A.    1).   IHOl  (May  — Septem- 

IlEll:    (iKOIKllA). 

JONGLEURS.    See  Thoubadours. 

JOPPA.    Sec  .Iaffa. 

JOSEPH,    Kine  of  Portugal,   A.    D.  1750- 

1777 Joseph   L,   King  ofHungary,    1087- 

1711;  King  ol  Bohemia  and  Germanic  Empe- 
ror, 1705-171 1 Joseph  II.,  King  of  Hungary 

and  Bohemia,  and  Germanic  Emperor,  li05- 

1790 Joseph  Bonaparte,  Viin^  cf  Naples, 

1806-1808;  King  of  Spain,  1808-1813.  Heo 
France:  A.  D.  1805-1806  (Decemher -Sep- 
TEMHEu);  and  Spain:  A.  I).  1H08  (.May  — Sep- 
TEMUER),  to  1813-1814. 

JOSEPHINE,  Empress,  Napoleon's  divorce 
from.     See  France:  A.  I).  1810-1813. 

JOT AP ATA,  Siege  of.— The  .Jewish  citv  of 
Jotapata,  defended  by  the  historian  Josepniis, 
was  berieged  by  Vespasian  for  forty-seven  days, 
A.  I).  67,  and  taki^n.- .losephus,  Jewiiih  War,  bk. 
3,  ch.  7-8. 

JOUBERT,  Campaigns  of.  See  France: 
A.  1).  1790-1797  (OcToiiER  — April);  1798-1799; 
1799  (April  —  September). 

JOURDAN,  Campaigns  of.  See  Prance: 
A.  I).  1793(.IuLY  — December);  1794(Marcu  — 
July);  1795  (.June  —  December);  1790(April  — 
October);  1798-1799  (August— April). 

JOUST.    See  Tourney. 

JOVIAN,  Roman  Emperor,  A.  D.  303-304. 

JOVIANS  AND  HERCULIANS.  See 
PiLtrroKiAN  Guards:  A.  I).  313. 

JOYOUS  ENTRY  OF  BRABANT,  The. 
See  Netherlands:  A.  D.  1559-1502. 

JUAN.    See  Joun. 

JUAREZ,  The  Mexican  government  of. 
See  Mexico:  A.  D.  1848-1801,  to  1867-1888. 

JUBILEE,  Papal  institution  of  the.  See 
Papacy:  A.  1).  1294-1348. 

JUD AH,  Kingdom  of.  See  Jews:  Tire  King- 
doms OF  Israel  and  Judaii,  and  after. 

JUDAS  MACCABiEUS.  See  Jews:  B.  C. 
166-40. 

JUDGES  OF  ISRAEL.    Seo  Jews:  Israel 

UNDER  THE  JimOES, 

JUDGMENT  OF  GOD.  Sec  Ordkal; 
also,  Waoer  of  Battle. 


1933 


junirui.  coMHAT 


JUHTINIAN 


JUDICIAL    COMBAT.      He.'    Waokii    i.k 
Batti.k, 
JUGANTES,  The.    Sto   Hhitain:    O.i.tio 

TlllllKO. 

JUCERUM.— "A  UoiiiiiM  J'lucriitii  [of  laiiil| 

WliH  lUIMII'WilIll   IcHH   ttmii    twdtliinlH  of  a  HUtllltX 

»<•«'."— W.  lliiic,  llift.  >if  Itome,  bk.  2,  eh.  7,  fotil- 
iiiite(r.  I). 
JUGURTHINEWAR,  The.  HeoNuMiiiiA: 

W    ('.  I|H..|(I-J. 

JULIAN  (called  The  Apostate),  Roman 
Emperor,  A.  1>.  ;t(ll-:m:t.  — Reitorer  of  Pagan- 
ism.   s«c  Komk;  a  I).  ;mi-;wi.i. 

JULIAN  CALENDAR.-JULIAN  ERA. 

Si'C  CaI.KNDAII,  .ll'I.IAN. 

JULIAN  FAMILY,  The.-"  The  Julliin 
Fiiiiiily  is  tliiit  of  tli(!  (lictittor  Cii'Mir;  his  niiiiu! 
was  tratminittrd,  by  niloption,  out  of  thu  dlrt'ct 
line,  1ml.  ulwiiyH  within  iLc  circle  of  liix  kindred, 
t<>  tliu  tlvf  Mrst  liciidH  (  f  the  Ko.'nitn  empire;  An- 
f^iiHtim  reiKMed  from  the  yeiii  30  IJ.  ('.  to  the  y<'iir 
14  of  o\ir  em:  Tili'TJus,  from  14  to  117  A.  I).; 
Cnllfiiilii,  from  !17  to  41 ,  Claiidiim,  from  41  to.Vl; 
^ero,  from  54  to  fiH."— .1.  (.'.  L.  Bismondi,  fall 
of  the  Uiiiniiii  Kininrf,  rh.  2. 

JULIAN  LAW,  The.  Hee  Homk:  B.  C.  90- 
88. 

JULIAN  LAWS,  The.— "C'lcsar  [during  hlH 
year  of  Cim.sulship,  U.  C.  ."iO,  before  he  went  to 
Oaid|  eiirrled,  with  the  lielp  of  the  people,  the 
body  of  admirable  laws  which  are  known  to 
JuriKt-s  as  the  '  Leges  .luliie.'  and  mark  an  epoch 
In  lioman  history.  .  .  .  There  was  a  law  declar- 
inK  the  inviolability  of  the  persons  of  magistrates 
during  their  term'of  authority,  rctieoting  back 

•  the  murder  of  Haturnin\is,  and  touching  by 
.mplicatiun  the  killing  of  i.eutulus  and  his  eom- 
panion.i.  There  was  n  law  for  the  punishment 
»)f  adultery,  most  disinterestedly  singular  if  the 
popular  accounts  of  Ca'sar's  habits  had  any  grain 
of  truth  in  them.  There  were  laws  for  the  pro- 
tection of  tlie  subjert  from  violence,  public  or 
private;  and  laws  disabling  persons  wlio  had 
laid  liands  illegally  on  Hoiuan  citizens  from  hold- 
ing olllce  ill  the  ('ommouwealth.  There  was  ti 
law,  intended  at  last  to  be  etrcctivc,  to  deal  with 
jiidges  who  allowed  themselves  to  be  bribeil. 
There  wen^  laws  against  defrauders  of  the  reve- 
nue; laws  against  debasing  the  coin;  laws  against 
HiuTilege;  laws  against  corrupt  State  contracts; 
laws  agaii.st  bribery  at  elections.  Finally,  there 
was  a  h\M,  carefully  framed,  '  Do  repetundis,'  to 
exact  retribution  from  pro-consuls  or  pro-piwtors 
of  the  type  of  Verres,  who  had  plundered  the 
provinces." — J.  A.  Froude.  C(r»ar,  eh.  13. 

JULIAN  LINE,  The.  See  Romk:  A.  I).  08- 
00. 

JULIANUS.    See  .Tti.iAN Julianus,  Did- 

ius,  Roman  Emperor,  A.  I).  103. 

JOLICH-CLEVE  CONTEST,  The.  See 
Okhmanv:  a.  D.  1008-1618;  and  France :  A.  D. 
l(ir)0-1661. 

JULIOMAGUS.— Modern  Angers.     See  Vk- 

NKTI  OK  VVkhTKUN  QAUI.. 

JULIUS  li.,  Pope,  A.  D.  1503-1S13 Ju- 
lius III.,   Pope,  lo50-1555 Julius    Nepos, 

Roman  Emperor  (Western),  474-475. 

JULY  FIRST.— Dominion  Day.  See  Can- 
ada: A.  D.  1867. 

JULY  FOURTH,  Independence  Day.  See 
United  Statkb  ok  Am.  :  A.  1).  1776  (July). 

JULY  MONARCHY,  The.— The  reign  of 
Louis  Philippe,  which  was  brought  about  by  the 

1 


n-volutlnnof  July,  1H.10(woFr/ ..rr:  A.D.  181ft- 
IHilO.  and   |Hil(»-lH4(l),    Is  c(m>inonly   linowii   in 
F:ancc  as  the  July  .Monarchy. 
JUNIN,  Battle  of  (1824).    See  Pkhi';  A.  I). 

JUNIUS  LETTERS,  The.    two  Knoi.ani): 

A.  I).  i7(m-i77a. 

JUNONIA.     See  Caktiiaok:  R.  0.  44. 

JUNTA.— A  Spanish  word  signifying  coun- 
cir  assembly,  association. 

Junta,  The  Apostolic.  See  Spain:  A.  1). 
IHI4~1H'J7. 

JURISFI»>:.iA,  The  process  of.     Sec  Con 

•I'KH,   TlIK   I'.AIII.V  Si'ANIHII. 

JUROIPACH,  Fortress  of. —  A  fortress  In 
the  pass  of  Derbend,  between  the  last  spurs  of 
the  Caucasus  and  the  Caspian,  which  the  Per- 
sians and  the  Itoinans  undertook  at  one  tiini!  to 
mainlaln  Jointly.  "This  fortress,  known  as 
Juroipach  or  ISiniparach.  com.iiaiided  the  usual 
passage  by  which  the  hordes  of  the  north  were 
iicciistomed  to  issiii,'  from  tlieir  viist  arid  steppes 
upon  the  rich  and  populous  region."  of  the  south 
for  the  purpose  of  plundering  -aids,  if  not  of 
actual  conciuests.  'I  heir  incursions  threatened 
almost  etpially  Hoinan  and  Persian  territory,  and 
it  was  felt  that  the  two  nations  were  alike  in- 
terested in  prevent'ng  them." — 0.  Hawliiison, 
Sen-iUk  (liriit  Oriiiidil  Mnitnrehii.  eh.  10. 

JURY,  Trial  by.— "The  fabric  of  our  judi- 
cial legislation  commences  with  the  Assize  of 
Cliirendou  (see  Knoi.ani):  A.  I).  1102-1170].  .  .  . 
In  the  provisions  of  this  assl/.o  for  the  rep.ession 
of  crime  we  find  the  origin  of  trial  by  jury,  so 
often  attributed  to  earlier  times.  Twelve  lawful 
men  of  each  hundred,  with  four  from  each  town- 
I  ship,  were  sworn  to  present  those  who  wen'  known 
or  reputed  as  criminal.^  williin  their  district  for 
trial  by  ordeal.  The  jurors  were  thus  not  merely 
witnesses,  but  swi  .11  to  act  as  judges  also  in  de- 
termining the  value  of  the  charge;  and  It  is  this 
double  character  of  Henry's  [Henry  II.  |  jurors 
that  has  descended  to  our  'grand  jury.'.  .  . 
Two  later  steps  brought  the  jury  toils  nuKlern 
condition.  Under  Kdward  I.  witnesses  ac- 
(piaintcd  with  the  particular  fact  in  (piestion 
were  added  in  each  case  to  the  general  jury,  and 
by  the  separation  of  these  two  classes  of  jurors 
at  a  later  time  the  last  became  simply  '  witnesses,' 
without  ajiy  ji;dicial  power, while  the  tirst  ceased 
to  bo  witnesses  at  all,  and  became  our  mtHlern 
jurors,  who  are  only  judges  of  the  testimony 
given." — J.  U.  Green,  SIioH  Hist,  of  Enij.  People, 
eh.  2,  met.  8.— See  Law. 

Also  in:  W.  Stubbs,  Const.  Hist,  of  Knj.,  eh. 
lii.  stet.  101.— W.  Forsyth,  Hist,  of  Trial  h;/ 
./iiri/. 

JUSTICIAR.  -  -  The  chief  minister  of  the 
Norman  kings  of  England.  At  tirst  the  Justiciar 
waa  the  lieutenant  or  viceroy  of  the  king  during 
the  absence  of  the  latter  from  the  kingdom; 
afterward  a  iiemianent  minister  of  justic:o  and 
finance. — W.  Stubbs,  Corut.  Hist,  of  Eng.,  v.  1, 
1).  346. 

JUSTIN    I.,    Roman    Emperor   (Eastern), 

A.  I).  518-527 Justin  II.,  Roman  Emperor 

(Eastern),  565-578. 

JUSTINIAN  I.,  Roman  Emperor  (Eastern), 

A.  I).  527-50.5 Justinian  II.  (called  Rhinot- 

metus),  Roman  Emperor  (Eastern),  A.  D.  685- 
005,  and  704-711. 

JUSTINIAN,  The  Institutes,  Pandects  and 
Novels  of.    See  Coui'cs  Jruis  Civn.is. 

934  -  ■    _ 


JUOTIZA 


ICAr-EVAI,A. 


JUSTIZA,  OR  JUSTICrARY.  of  Ar«Kon. 

Hcd  CoUTKH.  'i'lIK  KAIll.V  Hi'ANIMIt, 

JUTERBOGK.OR  DENNEWITZ,  Battle 
of.  Hfd  Obhmanv:  a.  I).  IHIII  (Skitkmiikii— 
(KrroiiEii). 

JUTES,  The.  Scu  Anui.km  and  Jutkh;  uUo, 
ENdi.ANi):  A.  I).  449-47a. 

JUTHUNGI,   The.    Soo   Ai.bmanni,    Fiuht 

ArrKAllANCK  OK  TIIK. 

JUVAVIUM.    Soo  MAi.zmiud. 


JUVENALIA,  The.— TliU  wiis  ii  fostlviil  in 
Htltiili'il  by  Noni,  to  CDMiiiirinoriitc  liU  iiltiiin 
liioiit  (if  tlio  a^o  of  iuiI'iIidimI.  "  Ills  lioiird  wim 
rlippod,  1111(1  tlio  MrHt  tondor  down  of  his  (-hook 
iind  (^lilii  cncliisod  in  n  f^oldiMi  citHkct  itiid  dodi 
I'litod  to  .IiipHor  111  llio  CiipUol.  TIiIh  roroiiionv 
wius  followt^'  by  iiiiihU:  iind  lutliig, "  lii  wlilcli 
tlio  omporor.  liiiiiNolf,  porformod. — ('.  Morlvulo, 
l/tKt.  I  if  I  he  Hniniiin,  eh.  flJl. 

JUVERNA.    Soo  IiiKi.ANi):  TiiK  Namk. 


K. 


KAABA,  OR  CAABA,  at  Mecca,  The. 
Sro  Caaha. 

KABALA,  OR  CABALA,     The.     Sec  Ca- 

IIAI;A. 

KABALA,  Battle  of.     Soo  Sicily:  B.  C.  8«8. 
KABELJAUWS.    Soo  Netiikhi.andh (Hol- 
land): A.  r>.  iai5-1354;  also,  1483-14DH. 
KABYLES,  The.    Soo  LiIIVAMH;  aUo,  Am 

OIllTKH. 

KADESH. — A  strong  fortress  of  the  ancient 
Illttltos  on  tlu!  Orontes.  Tlio  name  s'gnitlos 
"  Ww.  holy  oity  " 

KADESH-BARNEA.  —  An  Important  local- 
ity In  Uibllcul  history.  "  It  looms  up  as  the 
objective  po'nt  of  the  Israelites  in  their  move- 
ment from  Sinai  to  the  Promised  Lund.  It  Is 
tho  place  of  tlieir  testing,  of  their  failure,  of 
their  judging,  and  of  their  dispersion.  It  is 
their  rallying  centre  for  the  forty  years  of  their 
wandering,  and  the  place  of  their  reassembling 
for  their  tlnal  move  into  the  land  of  their  long- 
ings."—  II.  C.  Trumbull,  Kfulenh-llanifii,  pt  1. 
—  Mr.  Trumbull  idontillesthe  site  with  the  oasis 
of  'Ayn  Oil  dees,  in  tho  Wilderness  of  Zin. 

KADIAL'KERS.     See  Hubmmi;  Poutk. 

KADISIVTH,  Battle  of.    See  Cadksia. 

KADMEIA,  The.     See  Oukkck:   B.  C.  383. 

KADMEIANS,   OR   CADMEIANS.      See 

BotOTIA. 

KADMONITES,  The.     See  Sakackns. 

KAFIRS.  — KAFIR  WARS.  See  South 
Apkica:  Aiiorioinai.  iniiadit.antu,  and  A.  I). 
181 1-1808 ;  also,  Akkica  :  The  inhabitino  nACEt. 

KAGHUL,  Battle  of  (1770).  See  Turks: 
A.  D.  1768-1774. 

KAH-KWAS,  The.      See  American  Ano- 

KKIINKH:    MUIIONS,  <&C. 

KAINARDJI,  OR  KUTSCHUK  KAIN- 
ARDJI,  Treaty  of  (1774).  See  Turks:  A.  D. 
1708-1774. 

KAIRWAN,  The  founding  of.  —  Acbali,  the 
first  of  the  Moslem  conquerors  of  Northern 
Africa  who  penetrated  as  far  westward  as  tho 
domain  of  ancient  Carthage,  but  who  did  not  take 
that  city,  secured  his  footing  In  the  region  [A.  D. 
070-673]  by  founding  a  now  city,  thirty-three 
leagues  southeast  of  Carthage  and  twelve  leagues 
from  the  sea.  The  site  chosen  was  a  wild, 
thickly  wooded  valley.  In  tiie  midst  of  which 
tho  Arab  leader  is  said  to  have  cleared  a  space, 
erected  walls  around  it,  and  then,  planting  his 
lance  in  the  center,  cried  to  his  followers: 
' '  This  is  your  Caravan. "  Hence  the  name,  Kair- 
wan  or  Caorwun.  or  Cairoan.  Fixing  his  seat  of 
goverumeiit  at  Kairwan,  building  mo.squcs  and 
opening  markets,  Acbah  and  his  successors  soon 
made  the  ucw  city  a  populous  and  important 
capital. — W.  Irving,  Mahomet  and  hit  Sucee*- 
mrs,  V.  2,  cfi.  44. 


i.NO  IN :  K.  Olbbon.  Decline  and  Fall  of  the 
Itt  III  Kmpiir.eli.  HI.  — A.  A.  Hoddy,  Kairirian 
the  Ifnlu. 

KAI'SAR-I-HIND.     Soo  India;  A.  1).  1877. 

KAISER,  Origin  of  the  title.     .Soo  (;^MAli, 

TlIK  TiTI.K. 

KAISERSLAUTERN,      Battle    of.     Sou 

France:  X    1).  1704  (.Maiicii- -.mm-v). 

KALAPOOIAN  FAMILY,  The.  8co 
American   Aiioukiinkh:  Kai.apooian   Family. 

KALB,  3aron  De,  and  the  War  of  the 
American  Revolution.  See  United  States  ok 
Am.  :  A.  1).  1780  (Feiiucauy— AiKitTST). 

KALEVALA,  OR  KALEWALA,  The.- 
"To  a  certain  class  of  modern  philologists,  no 
poem  In  the  world  is  more  familiar  than  the 
Kalewala,  the  long  ei)ic,  which  Is  to  the  my- 
thology and  tniditi(mal  lore  of  the  Finns  what  the 
Iliad  and  ()dys.soy  of  Homer  are  to  the  heroic 
story  of  ancient  Orcoce.  It  Is  tho  source  from 
which  nearly  all  the  Information  connected  with 
the  religious  creed,  the  moral  notions,  the  cus- 
toms, and  the  domestic  details  of  a  most  remark- 
able race  Is  to  be  obtained.  If  we  would  know 
how  the  Greeks  of  the  heroic  age  prayed,  fo'ight, 
eat,  drank,  sported,  and  clothed  themselves,  we 
turn  to  tho  pages  of  Homer.  If  wo  would  obtain 
similar  knowlodiro  on  tho  subject  of  the  Finns, 
we  consult  the  Kalewal  v.  Though  the  traditions 
of  the  Finnish  heroes  are  possibly  as  old  as  those 
of  Achilles  and  Ajax,  the  arrangement  of  them 
into  a  c()ntinuous  poem  is  a  work  of  very  recent 
date.  NoWolttan  controversy  will  arise  respect- 
ing the  construction  of  the  Kalewala,  for  it  is 
not  more  than  twenty-flve  years  since  the  Peisls- 
tratld  who  first  put  together  the  Isolated  song.s, 
or  Runes,  published  the  nisult  of  his  labours. 
Fragments  of  Finnish  poetry,  collected  from  the 
oral  traditions  of  the  people,  had  already  made 
their  appearance,  though  even  the  first  impor- 
tant collection  of  these,  which  was  mode  by  Dr. 
Zacharias  Topolius,  dates  no  further  back  than 
1822.  .  .  .  But  It  Is  with  Dr.  LOnnrot  that  the 
existence  of  the  epic  as  an  epic,  with  the  title 
'Kalewala,' begins.  Ho  published  it  In  thirty- 
two  Uunes, —  that  is  to  say,  books  or  cantos,  for 
tho  word,  which  previously  denoted  an  indejien 
dent  poem,  now  sinks  into  little  more  than  a  sign 
of  division,  though  here  and  there,  it  must  be 
confessed,  an  abrupt  transition  occurs,  to  which 
a  parallel  would  not  be  found  in  the  Iliad  or  the 
Odyssey.  In  1849  a  second  edition  of  the  Kale- 
wala was  published,  likewise  under  the  superin- 
tendence of  Dr.  LOnnrot,  containing  fifty  cantos 
and  nearly  23,000  lines." — J.  Oxenford,  Kalewaln 
(Temple  liar,  December,  1860). — "  Besides  its  fresh 
and  simple  beauty  of  style,  its  worth  us  a  store- 
house of  every  kind  of  primitive  folk-lore,  being 
us  it  Is  the  production  of  an  Urvolk,  a  nation 


1935 


KALEVALA. 


KANSAS. 


timt  hfts  undergone  no  violent  revolution  in 
Iiuigiiiigo  or  ItiHlitiitlons  —  tlie  KnUivala  lins  tlie 
pcculiiir  inlcrcHt  of  orcupyinjj  n  position  lie- 
twi'cn  tlic  two  liiniis  of  primitivo  p(K'try,  llio 
l)iiMii(i  iiii(i  llio  I'pi,'.  .  .  .  Sixty  yeiirs  ago,  it 
may  he  said,  no  one  was  aware  tluit  Finland 
possessed  a  national  poem  at  all.  Her  people  — 
wlioelaim  allinity  witli  the  Magyars  of  Hungary, 
liut  are  possiljly  a  baek-wavo  of  an  earlier  tide 
of  popidation  —  had  remained  uiitouclied  by  for- 
eign intlucnees  sinee  tlieir  conquest  l)y  Sweden, 
and  tlieir  somewlnit  lax  and  wholesale  conver- 
sion to  (,'liristianity :  ever.ts  wliieii  took  plaeo 
gradually  lietween  tlie  middle  of  the  twelftli  and 
tlie  end  of  tlie  thirteenth  centuries.  .  .  .  Tlie 
annexation  of  Finland  by  Russia,  in  1800  awak- 
ened national  feeling,  and  stimulated  research 
into  the  songs  and  customs  which  were  tiio  hcir- 
l(M)ms  of  the  people.  .  .  .  From  tlio  north  of 
Norway  to  the  slopes  of  the  Altai,  ardent  ex- 
plorers sought  out  the  fragments  of  unwritten 
early  poetry.  These  rimes,  or  runots,  were  sung 
chiefly  by  old  men  called  Uunoias,  to  beguile 
the  weariness  of  the  long  dark  winters.  The 
custom  was  for  two  champions  to  engage  in  a 
contest  of  memory,  clasping  each  otiier's  hands, 
and  reciting  in  turn  till  he  whose  memory  lirst 
gave  in  slackened  his  liold.  The  Kalevala  con- 
tains an  instance  of  tliis  practice,  where  it  is 
said  tliat  no  one  was  so  hardy  as  to  clasp  hands 
with  WilinllmOinen,  who  is  at  once  the  Orpheus 
and  the  Prometheus  of  Finnish  mythology. 
These  Runoias,  or  rhapsodists,  complain,  of 
course,  of  the  degeneracy  of  human  memory ; 
they  notice  how  any  foreign  influence,  in  religion 
or  politics,  is  destructive  to  the  native  songs  of  a 
race.  'As  for  the  lays  of  old  time,  a  thousand 
have  been  scattered  to  the  wind,  a  thoiisiind 
buried  in  the  snow.  ...  As  for  tliose  which  the 
Munks  (the  Teutonic  knights)  swept  away,  and 
the  prayer  of  the  priest  over- whelmed,  a  thou- 
sand tongues  were  not  able  to  recount  them.' 
In  spite  of  tlie  losses  thus  caused,  and  in  spite  of 
the  suspicious  character  of  the  Finns,  which 
often  made  the  task  of  >-  llection  a  dangerous 
one,  enough  materials  .emained  to  furnish  Dr. 
LOnnrot,  the  most  noted  explorer,  with  tliirty- 
flvo  Runots,  or  canto?,.  These  were  published 
in  1835,  but  later  research  produced  the  fifteen 
cantos  which  miko  up  the  symmetrical  fifty  of 
the  Kalevala.  Jn  the  task  of  arranging  and 
uniting  those,  Dr.  LOnnrot  plaj'cd  the  part  gen- 
erally ascribed  to  Pisistratus  m  relation  to  the 
Iliad  and  Odyssev.  He  is  said  to  have  handled 
with  singular  fidelity  the  materials  whicli  now 
come  before  us  as  one  poem,  not  without  a  cer- 
tain unity  and  continuous  tliread  of  narrative. 
It  is  this  unity  which  gives  the  Kalevala  a  claim 
to  the  title  of  epic,  although  the  element  of  per- 
manence which  is  most  obvious  in  the  Greek 
epics,  and  in  tlie  earliest  Hebrew  records,  is  here 
conspicuously  absent.  .  .  .  Among  the  Finns  we 
find  no  trace  of  an  aristocracy ;  there  is  scarcely 
a  mention  of  kings,  or  priests;  the  lier.:os  of  the 
poem  are  really  popular  heroes,  fishers,  smiths, 
husbandmen,  'medicine-men'  or  wizards;  ex- 
agr;crated  shadows  of  the  people,  pursuing  on  a 
heroic  scale,  not  war,  but  the  common  daily 
business  of  primitive  and  peaceful  men.  In  re- 
cording their  adveptures,  the  Kalevala,  like  the 
shield  of  Achilles,  reflects  all  the  life  of  a  race, 
the  feasts,  the  funerals,  the  rites  of  seed-time 
and  harvest,  of  marriage  und  death,  th^  hymn, 


and  the  magical  incnntdtion.  Were  this  all,  the 
epi(!  would  only  have  tin;  value  of  an  exhaustive 
colleetioii  of  tlie  popular  ballads  whicli,  as  wo 
have  seen,  are  a  poetical  record  of  nil  the  intens- 
cr  moments  in  tlie  existtuce  of  unsophisticated 
tribes.  But  it  is  distinguished  from  such  a  col- 
lection, by  presenting  tlie  balliuls  as  they  arc 
produced  by  the  events  of  a  continuous  narra- 
tive, an(l  thus  it  takes  a  distinct  place  between 
the  aristocratic  epics  of  Greece,  or  of  the  Franks, 
and  the  scattered  songs  which  have  been  col- 
lected in  Scotland,  Sweden,  Denmnrk,  Greece, 
and  Italy.  Besides  the  interest  of  its  uni(|uc 
jiosition  as  a  popular  epic,  tlie  Kalevala  is  very 
precious,  botli  for  its  literary  beauties  and  for 
the  confused  mass  of  folk-lore  whicli  it  contains. 
.  .  .  What  is  to  be  understood  by  the  word 
'Kalevala'?  The  afllx  'la'  sigiiifles  'abode.' 
Thus,  'Tuoncla'is  'the  abode  of  Tuoni,'  the  god 
of  the  lower  world;  and  as  'kaleva'  means 
'heroic,'  'magnificent,' '  Kalevala'  is  'The  Home 
of  Heroes,' like  tlie  Indian  'Beerlihoom.'or  'Virb- 
hdmi.'  The  poem  is  the  record  of  the  adventures 
of  the  people  of  Kalevala — of  their  strife  with 
the  men  of  Pohjola,  the  place  of  the  world's 
end." — A.  Lang,  Kalevala  (Fraser's  May.,  June, 
1872). — A  complete  translation  of  the  Kalevala 
into  English  verse,  by  John  Martin  Crawford, 
was  published  in  New  York,  in  1888. 

KALISCH,  Battle  of  (1706).  See  Scandi- 
navian St  atks  (Sweden):  A.  D.  1701-1707. 

KALISCH,  OR  CALISCH,  Treaty  of.  See 
Geumanv:  a.  D.  1813-1813. 

KALMUKS,  The.    See  Tartars. 

KAMBALU,  OR  CAMBALU.  See  China: 
A.  D.  1'259-1284. 

KAMBULA,  Battle  of  (1879).  See  South 
Afhica:  A.  D.  1877-1870. 

KAMI.ORKHEMI.ORKEM.   SceEovpi 
Its  Names. 

KANAKAS.    See  Hawaiian  Islands. 

KANAWHA,  Battle  of  the  Great.  See 
Ohio  (Valley):  A.  D.  1774. 

KANAWHA,  The  proposed  State  of.  See 
West  Viuoinia:  A.  D.  1863  (Ai'kil— Decem- 
beu). 

KANAWHAS,  The.  See  American  Abo- 
rigines: Aloonquian  Family. 

KANDHS,  The.    See  Indl\:   The  ABORia- 

INAL  inhabitants. 

♦ 

KANSAS:  The  aboriginal  inhabitants. 
See  American  Abdrioines:  Siouan  Family, 
and  Pawnee  (Caddoan)  Family. 

A.  D.  1803. — Mostly  embraced  in  the  Lou- 
isiana Purchase.  Sec  Louisiana:  A.  D.  1798- 
1803. 

A.  D.  1854. — Territorial  organization. — The 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill. — Repeal  0/  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise.  See  United  States  op 
Am.  :  A.  D.  18r,i. 

A.  D.  1854-1859.— The  battle-ground  of  the 
struggle  against  Slavery-extension. — Border- 
ruffians  and  Free  State  settlers. — "The  atten- 
tion of  the  whole  country  had  now  been  turned 
to  '-'iio  struggle  provoked  by  the  Kansas-Ne- 
braska Bill,  and  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise. The  fertile  soil  of  Kansas  had  been 
offered  as  a  prize  to  be  contended  for  by  Free 
and  Slave  States,  and  both  had  accepted  the  con- 
test. The  Slave  State  settlei-s  were  first  in  the 
field.  The  slave-holders  of  Western  Missouri, 
which  shut  off  Kansas  from  the  Free  States,  had 


1936 


KANSAS. 


KANSAS. 


crasscil  the  1. order,  pre-empted  lands,  and  warned 
Free  State  in  migrants  not  to  pass  througli  Mis- 
souri. Tlie  flist  election  of  a  delegate  to  Con- 
gress took  pjaci  November  29tli,  1854,  and  was 
carried  by  organised  bands  of  Missourians,  wlio 
moved  over  the  border  on  election  day,  voted, 
and  returned  at  once  to  Missouri.  The  sjjring 
election  of  18r)5,  for  a  Territorial  Legislature, 
was  carried  in  tlie  san.o  fashion.  In  July,  18.5,5, 
the  Legislature,  all  Pro  Slavery,  met  at  Pawnee, 
and  adopted  a  State  Constitution.  To  save 
trouble  it  adopted  the  laws  of  the  State  of  M'"- 
souri  entire,  with  a  series  of  original  statutes  de- 
nouncing the  penalty  of  death  for  nearly  fifty 
offenses  against  Slavery.  Ali  through  the  spring 
and  summer  of  18.')5  lianaa  j  was  the  scene  of  al- 
most continuous  conflict,  the  liorder  Uufflans  of 
Missouri  endeavoring  to  drive  out  the  Free  State 
settlers  by  munler  and  arson,  and  the  Free  State 
settlers  retaliating.  The  cry  of  ' '  "ecdin^  Kan- 
sas' went  through  the  North.  Kmigration  so- 
cieties were  formed  in  the  Free  Slf!  ;s  to  aid,  arm, 
equip,  and  protect  intending  settlers.  These, 
prevented  from  passing  through  Missouri,  took 
a  more  Northern  route  through  Iowa  and  Ne- 
braska, and  moved  into  Kansas  like  an  invading 
army.  Tlie  Southern  States  also  sent  parties  of 
intending  settlers.  But  these  wtre  not  generally 
slave-holders,  but  young  men  anxious  for  excite- 
ment. They  did  not  go  to  Kansas,  as  their  op- 
ponents did,  to  plow,  sow,  gather  crops,  and 
build  up  homes.  Therefore,  though  their  first 
rapid  and  violent  movements  were  successful, 
their  subsequent  increase  of  resources  and  num- 
bers was  not  equal  to  that  of  the  Free  State 
settlers.  The  Territory  soon  became  practically 
divided  into  a  Pro-Slavery  district,  and  a  Free 
State  district.  Leavenworth  in  the  former,  and 
Topeka  and  Lawrence  in  the  latter,  were  the 
chief  towns.  September  5th,  lSr,5  a  Free  State 
Convention  at  Topeka  repudiated  the  Territorial 
Legislature  and  all  its  works,  as  the  acts  and 
deed.s  of  Jlissourians  alone.  It  also  resolved  to 
order  a  separate  election  for  delegate  to  Con- 
gress, so  as  to  force  that  body  to  decide  the  ques- 
tion, and  to  form  a  State  government.  January 
15th,  1856,  the  Free  State  settlers  [having  ap- 
plied to  Congress  for  admission  as  a  State]  elected 
State  officers  under  the  Topeka  Free  State  Con- 
stitution. The  Federal  Executive  now  entered 
the  fielil.  January  24th,  1856,  the  President,  in 
a  Special  Messjige  to  Congress,  endorsed  the  Pro- 
Slavery  Legislature,  and  pronounced  the  attemjit 
to  form  a  Free  State  government,  without  the 
approval  of  the  Federal  authorities  in  the  Terri- 
tor'-  to  be  an  act  of  rebellion.  He  then  issued  a 
proclamation,  warning  all  persons  engaged  in 
disturbing  the  peace  of  Kansas  to  retire  to  their 
homes,  and  placed  United  States  troops  at  the 
orders  of  Governor  Shannon  to  enforce  tlie  (Pro- 
Slavery)  laws  of  the  Territory.  The  population 
of  Kansas  was  now  so  large  that  very  consid'T- 
able  armies  were  mustered  on  both  sides,  and  a 
desultory  civil  war  was  kept  up  until  nearly  the 
end  of  the  year.  During  its  progress  tw.i  Free 
State  towns,  Lawrence  and  Ossawattomio,  were 
sacked.  July  4tli,  1856,  the  Free  State  Legisla- 
ture attempted  to  assemble  at  Topeka,  but  was 
at  once  dispersed  by  a  body  of  United  States 
troops,  under  orders  from  Washington.  Septem- 
ber 9th,  a  new  Governor,  Geary,  of  Pennsylvania, 
arrived  and  succeeded  in  keeping  t.,v  peace  to 
some  extent  by  a  mixture  of  temporizing  and 


decided  measures.  By  the  end  of  the  year  he 
even  flainied  to  have  cstalili.shed  order  in  the 
Territory.  .  .  .  Jatniary«th.  18.57,  the  Free  State 
Legislature  again  altempfed  to  meet  at  Topeka, 
an(l  was  again  dispersed  by  Federal  interference. 
Its  presiding  otllecr  and  many  of  its  meinhers 
were  arrested  by  a  Ui;  'd  States  deputy  marshal. 
The  Territorial,  or  'o-Slavory,  Legisliituro 
quarreled  with  Gov.  (  iry,  who  resigned,  and 
Hobert  J.  Walker,  of  .Mississippi,  was  appointed 
in  his  stea<l.  A  resolr.tion  w  is  passed  by  tlio 
House  [in  Congress]  declarinj  the  Acts  of  the- 
Territorial  Legislature  cruel,  oppressive,  illegal, 
and  void.  It  was  tabled  by  the  Senate."  A 
new  Congress  met  December  7tli.  1857,  "with  a. 
Democratic  majority  in  both  branches.  In  tho 
House,  James  L.  Orr,  of  South  Carolina,  a. 
Democrat,  was  chosen  Speaker.  Tlie  debates  of 
this  Sessif;n  were  mainly  upon  the  last  scene  in 
the  Kansas  struggle.  Governor  Walker  had  suc- 
ceeded in  persuading  the  Free  State  settlers  to 
recognize  the  Territorial  Legislature  so  far  as  to 
take  part  in  tlie  election  which  it  had  ordered. 
The  result  gave  them  control  of  the  Legislature. 
But  a  previously  elected  Pro-Slavery  Conven- 
tion, sitting  at  Lccompton,  went  on  to  form  a 
State  Constitution.  This  was  to  be  submitted  to 
the  people,  but  only  votes  '  For  the  Constitution 
with  Slavery,'  or  'For  the  Constitution  without 
Slavery,'  were  to  be  received.  Not  being  al- 
lowed in  either  event  to  vote  against  the  Con- 
stitution, the  Free  State  settlers  refused  to  vote 
at  all,  and  the  Lccompton  Constitution  willi 
Slavery  received  6,000  majority.  Tlie  new 
Territorial  Legislature,  however,  ordered  an  elec- 
tion at  which  the  people  could  vote  for  or  against 
the  Lccompton  Constitution,  ttnd  a  majority  of 
10,000  was  cast  against  it.  .  .  .  The  President's 
>Iessage  argued  in  favor  of  receiving  Kansas  as 
a  State  under  the  Lecompton  Constitution  with 
Slavery,  on  the  ground  that  the  delegates  had 
been  chosen  to  form  a  State  Constitution,  and 
were  not  obligated  to  submit  it  to  the  people  at 
all.  This  view  was  supported  by  the  Southern 
members  of  Congress,  and  ojiposed  by  the  Re- 
publicans and  by  a  part  of  the  Democrats,  headed 
by  Senator  Douglas,  of  Illinois.  Tlie  Senate 
passed  a  bill  admitting  Kansas  as  a  State,  under 
the  Lecompton  Constitution.  Tho  House  passed 
the  bill,  with  tlie  proviso  that  the  Constitution 
should  again  be  submiited  to  a  popular  vote. 
The  Senai  rejected  the  proviso.  A  conferenoo 
committee  recommended  that  the  bill  of  the  House 
sliould  be  adopted,  with  an  additional  proviso 
making  large  grants  of  public  lands  to  the  new 
State,  if  tho  people  of  Kansas  should  vote  to 
adopt  the  Lecompton  Constitution.  In  this  form 
the  bill  was  passed  by  both  Houses,  and  became 
a  law.  .  .  .  The  prolTered  inducement  of  public 
lands  was  a  failure,  and  in  August  the  Lecompton 
Constitution  was  rejected  by  10,000  majority. 
Kansas,  therefore,  still  remained  a  Territory.  \n 
1859,  at  an  election  called  by  the  Territorial 
Legislature,  tlie  people  decided  in  favor  of  an- 
other Convention  to  form  a  State  Constitution. 
This  body  met  at  Wyandot,  in  July,  1859,  and 
adopted  a  State  Constitution  prohibiting  Slavery. 
The  Wyandot  Constitution  was  submitted  to  the 
people  and  received  a  majority  of  4,001)  in  its 
favor;"  but  Congress  refused  the  admission  to 
Kansas  under  this  Constitution,  the  Senate  re- 
jecting, though  the  House  approved. — A.  John- 
ston, liist.  of  Am.  Politics,  eh.  18-19. 


193 


KANSAH, 


KEEWATIN. 


Al,RO  IN:  D.  W.  Wilder,  Ani:Tln  of  KanHOt 
(eonliiining  the  text  of  the  uve.ral  Constitutimui, 
etc.). — E.  E.  Hiile,  Kansa*  and  Nebrank/i,  cfi.  8-0. 
— S.  T.  L.  I{<)l)inson,  Kanmii.—.J.  II.  Glhon,  Oor. 
Oeiiry'H  Adininiatvntion.  in  KnnsdJi. — F.  H.  San- 
l)orii,  Life  and  Jjftten  of  John  Brown,  ch.  7-11. — 
Kept' n  of  .Select  Com.  (34(A  Cong  ,  \it  Semi.,  II.  R. 
Ilept.  200).—,!.  F.  Rhodes,  I'iiit.  of  the  U.  &  from 
1850,  ch.  7-9  (V.  2).— C.  Robinson,  The  Kanms 
Conflict.— ^vv,  iilso,  Jayiiawkeks. 

A.  D.  i86i. — Admission  to  the  Union  under 
the  Wyandot  Constitution. — "A.s  soon  iis  a 
sulllclcnt  number  of  Southern  members  of  Con- 
gress [from  tlie  seceding  States]  had  withdrawn 
to  give  the  liepublicnns  a  majority  in  both 
Houses,  Kansas  was  admitted  as  a  State  [Jan- 
uary 29,  1861]  under  the  "Wyandot  Free  State 
Constitution." — A.  Johnston,  Hint,  of  Am.  Pcli- 
ticK,  Z(l  ed.,  p.  185. 

A.  D.  1863.— Quantrell'sguerriMa  raid.— The 
sacking^  of  Lawrence.  See  Unit/sd  States  of 
Am.:  a.  I).  1803  (August:  Missram — Kansas). 

KANSAS,  The.   See  American  Aborioineh: 
SioiAN  Family. 
KAPOHN,   The.    See  American  Abobioi- 

NKS:    (^\1IIIIS  AND  TIIEIU  KlN'DRED. 

KAPOLNA,  Battle  of  (1849).  See  Austria: 
A.  I).  1848-1848. 

KAPPEL,  Battle  of  (1531).— The  Kappeler 
Milchsuppe.  See  Hwitzkui.and:  A.  I>.  1528- 
151(1. 

KARA  GEORG,  The  career  of.  See  Bai,- 
KA.N  AND  Danubian  States:  14-19tii  Centuuieb 
(Seuvia). 

KARAISM.  — KARAITES.  — Tlie  .Tewish 
sect  of  tlie  Karaites  originated  in  the  teaching  of 
one  Anan  ben  David,  in  the  8th  century,  whose 
radical  doctrine  was  the  rejection  of  the  Talmud 
and  a  return  to  the  Bible  "for  the  ordering  of 
religious  life."  Henco  "the  system  of  religion 
wliich  Anan  founded  received  the  name  of  the 
Religion  of  the  Text,  or  Karaism." — H.  Graetz, 
Hist,  of  the  Jeiea,  f.  3,  ch.  5. 

Also  in  :  II.  11.  Milman,  Hist,  of  the  Jews,  bk. 
23. 

KARAKORUM.— The  early  capital  of  the 
Mongol  empire  of  Jingis  Khan  and  his  succes- 
sors was  at  Karakorum,  believed  to  have  been 
situated  near  the  river  Orklion,  or  Orgoi  Ogotal 
built  a  great  palace  there,  in  1235,  called  Ordu 
Balik,  or  the  city  of  the  Ordu. —  H.  H.  Howorth, 
Hist,  of  the  Mongols,  v.  1,  pp.  155  and  182. —  See, 
also,  Mongols:  A.  D.  1153-1227. 

KARANKAWAN  family,  The.  See 
American  Aiioriqines:  Karankawan  Family. 

KARIGAUM,  Defense  of  (1817).  Sec  India: 
A.  D.  1816-1819. 

KARKAR,  Battle  of.— Fought  B.  C.  854,  by 
Shalmaneser  of  Assyria,  with  the  confederate 
kings  of  Damascus,  Israel  and  their  Syrian 
neighbors;  the  latter  defeated. 

KARL.    See  Ethel.— Etheling. 

KARLINGS,  or  CARLINGS.  See 
Franks:  A.  D.  768-814. 

KARLOWITZ,  or  CARLOWITZ,  Peace 
of.     See  Hungary:  A.  I).  108;J-1099. 

KARLSBAD,  OR  CARLSBAD,  Congress 
of.     See  Germany:  A.  D.  1814-1820. 

KARMATHIANS,The.   See Carmathians. 

KARNATTAH.  — The  Moorish  name  of 
Granada,  signifying  "the  cream  of  the  West." 
See  Spain:  A.  D.  1238-1273. 


KAROKS,     OR    CAHROCS,    The.     See 

Ameui^an  AnoRUJiNEs:  Mouocs,  &c. 
KAROLINGIA  AND  KAROLINGIANS. 

See  Carolingia;  ami  Franks:   A.  1).  768-814. 


\RS:  A.  D.  1854-1856.— Sie^e  and  cap- 
by  the  Russians. — Restoration  to  Tur- 


KARS: 

ture 

key.   See  TU-sbia  :  A.  I).  1854-1855  and  1854-1850. 

A.  D.  1877.— Siege  and  capture  by  the  Rus- 
sians.    Beel'tiUKs:  A.  I).  1877-1878. 

A.  D.  1878. — Cession  to  Russia.    Sec  Turks: 
A.  I).  1878  Tub  Treaties. 


KASDIM,  0)\  CASDIM.    See  Babylonia, 

Primitive. 

KASHMERE:  A.  D.  1819-1820— Conquest 
by  Runjet  Singh.     See  Sikiib. 

A.  D.  1846.- Taken  from  the  Sikh.-  b7  the 
English  and  given  as  a  kingdom  to   Gholi  o 
Singh.    See  India:  A.  D.  1845-1849. 
♦ ■ 

KASKASKIA,  French  settlement  of.  See 
Illinois:  A.  I).  1751. 

A.  D.  1778. — Taken  by  the  Virginian  Gen- 
eral Clark.  See  United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D. 
1778-1779  Clark's  conquest. 


KASKASKIAS,  The.  See  American  Abo- 
rigines: Algonquian  Family. 

KASSOPIANS.    See  Ennus. 

KATABA,  or  CATAWBAS,  The.  See 
American  Aborigines:  Ti.muquanan  Family, 
and  SiouAN  Family. 

KATANA,  Naval  Battle  of.  See  Syracuse: 
B.  C.  397-396. 

KATZBACH,  Battle  of.  See  Germany: 
A.  I>.  1813  (August). 

KAUS,  OR  KWOKWOOS,  The.  See 
American  Aborigines:  Kusan  Family. 

KAWS,  The.  See  American  Aborioines: 
SiouAN  Family. 

KAZAN,  The  Khanate  of.  See  Monools: 
A.  D.  1238-1391. 

KEARNEYITES.  See  California  :  A.  D. 
1877-1880. 

KEARNEY'S  EXPEDITION  AND 
CONQUEST  OF  NEW  MEXICO.  Sea 
New  Mexico:  A.  D.  1846. 

KEDAR,  Tribe  of.— "  The  Arabs  of  the  tribe 
of  Kedar  arc  often  mentioned  in  the  Bible,  especi- 
ally with  reference  to  the  trade  with  Phoenicia. 
They  furnished  tlic  caravans  across  the  desert  of 
Dahna,  to  convey  the  merchandise  of  Iladramaut, 
Marah,  and  Oman  to  Syria.  They  inhabited  the 
southern  portion  of  Yemama,  on  the  borders  of 
the  desert." — P.  Lenormant,  Manual  of  the  An- 
cient Hist,  of  the  East,  bk.  7,  ch.  1,  sect.  7  (».  2). 

KEECHIES,  The.  See  American  Aborigi- 
nes: Pawnee  (Caddoan)  Family. 

KEEHEETSAS,  The.  See  American  Ab- 
origines: SiouAN  Family. 

KEEWATIN,  District  of.— "In  1876  an  act 
was  passed  by  the  Dominion  Parliament  [Can- 
ada] erecting  into  a  separate  government  unc'er 
the  name  of  the  District  of  Keewatin  the  portion 
of  the  North  West  Territory  lying  to  the  north 
of  Manitoba.  The  district  oatains  about  305,000 
acres,  and  is  principally  occupied  by  Icelandic 
colonists.  The  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Mani- 
toba is  ex-offlcio  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Kee- 
watin."—  J.  E.  C.  Munro,  The  Constitution  qf 
Canada,  p.  35.  '  :      • 


1938 


KEFT. 


KENTUCKY. 


KEFT. — The    ancient  Egyptian   name 
Plia  uicia. 


of 


KEHL  :  A.  D.  1703.— Taken  by  the  French. 
Set'  Netheulands:  A.  D.  17(«-17()4. 
A.  D.  1733. —  Taken  by    the   French.    See 
hance:  a.  D.  17IW-1735. 


Fn 


KEITH,  George,  The  schism  and  the  con- 
troversies of.  See  Pennsylvania:  A.  D.  1692- 
1090. 

KELLY'S  FORD.  Battle  of.  See  United 
8t.\te»  OP  Am.  :  A.  1).  1803  (July— November: 

VlHdINI.V). 

KELTS,  The.    See  Celts,  The. 

KEM,  OR  KAMI,  OR  KHEMI.  Sec 
Eoyit:  Its  Na.mes. 

KENAI,  The.    See  American  AnoiuoiNEs 
Blackfeet,  and  Athapascan  Family. 

KENDALL,  Amos,  in  the  "  Kitchen  Cabi- 
net "  of  President  Jaclison.  See  United  States 
OF  Am.  :  A.  D.  1829. 

KENESAW  MOUNTAIN,  Battle  of.  See 
United  St.^tes  of  A.m.  :  A.  D.  1804  (May— Sep- 
te.mhek:  Geokoia). 

KENITES,  The.    See  Amalekites,  The. 

KENT,  Kingdom  of.— Formed  by  tlie  Jutes 
in  the  southeast  corner  of  Britain.  The  only 
other  settlement  of  the  Jutes  in  England  was  in 
the  Isle  of  Wight  and  on  the  neighboring  coast 
of  Hampshire.     See  Enol.vnd:  A.  D.  449-473. 

KENT,  Weald  of.    See  Andeuida. 

KENT'S  HOLE.— One  of  the  most  noted  of 
the  caves  which  have  been  carefully  explored 
for  relics  of  early  man,  coeval  with  extinct  ani- 
mals. It  is  in  Devonshire,  England,  near  Tor- 
quay.—  W.  B.  Dawkins,  Caie  Hunting. 

KENTUCKY  :  A.  D.  1748.— First  English 
exploration  from  Virginia.  See  Ohio  (Valley)  : 
A.D.  1748-17.".  I. 

A.  D.  1765-1778.— Absence  of  Indian  inhabi- 
tants.— Early  exploration  and  settlement  by 
the  whites. — The  colony  of  Transylvania. — 
In  the  wars  that  were  waged  between  the  Indian 
tribes  of  the  South,  before  the  advent  of  white 
settlers,  Kentucky  became  "a  sort  of  border- 
land such  as  separated  the  Scots  and  English  in 
their  days  of  combat.  .  .  .  The  Chickasaws 
alone  held  their  ground,  being  the  most  northern 
of  the  sedentary  Southern  Indians.  Their  strong- 
Lolds  on  the  bluffs  of  the  Mississippi  and  the 
inaccessibility  of  this  country  on  account  of  its 
deep,  sluggish,  mud-bordered  streams,  seem  to 
have  given  them  a  sulHcient  measure  of  protec- 
tion against  their  enemies,  but  elsewhere  in  the 
State  the  Indians  were  rooted  out  by  their  wars. 
The  last  tenants  of  the  State,  east  of  the  Tennes- 
see River,  were  the  Shawnees,  —  that  combative 
folk  who  ravaged  this  country  with  their  ceaseless 
wars  from  the  head-waters  of  the  Tennessee  to 
the  Mississippi,  and  from  the  Lakes  to  Alabama. 
It  was  no  small  advantage  to  the  early  settlers 
of  Kentucky  that  they  found  this  region  without 
a  resident  Indian  population,  for,  bitter  as  was 
the  struggle  with  the  claimants  of  the  soil,  it 
never  had  the  danger  that  would  have  come 
from  a  contest  with  the  natives  in  closer  prox- 
imity to  their  homes.  ...  As  Kentucky  was 
unoccupied  by  the  Indians,  it  was  neglected  by 
the  French.  .  .  .  Thus  the  first  settlers  found 
themselves,  In  the  main,  free  from  these  dangers 
due  to  the  savages  and  their  Gallic  allies.     The 


land  lay  more  open  to  their  occupancy  than  any 
other  part  of  this  country  ever  did  to  its  first 
Europei.n  comers.  ...  In  1705  Colonel  Georjie 
Croghan,  who  bad  previously  visited  the  Oliin 
with  Gist,  miide  a  surveying  journey  down  that 
stream  from  Pittsburg  to  the  Mississippi.  .  .  . 
In  1700  a  party  of  five  persons,  including  a 
mulatto  slave,  under  the  command  of  Captain 
James  Smith,  explored  a  large  part  of  what  is 
now  Tennessee,  and  probably  extended  their 
journey  through  Southern  Kentucky.  Journeys 
to  Kentucky  now  became  frecpient.  Every 
year  sent  one  or  more  parties  of  i)ioneera  to  one 
part  or  another  of  the  country.  In  1709  Daniel 
Boone  and  live  companions,  all  from  the  Yailkin 
settlements  in  North  Carolina,  came  to  Eastern 
Kentucky.  One  of  the  party  was  killed,  but 
Boone  remained,  while  his  companions  returned 
to  their  homes.  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  Boone's 
first  visit  was  re'atively  late  in  the  history  of 
Kentucky  explorations.  Almost  every  part  of 
its  surface  had  been  traversed  by  other  explorers 
before  this  man,  who  passes  in  history  as  the 
typical  pioneer,  set  foot  upon  its  ground.  In 
the  time  between  1770  and  1772  George  Wash- 
ington, then  a  land-surveyor,  made  two  surveys 
in  the  region  which  is  now  tlie  northeast  corner 
of  Kentucky.  .  .  .  The  first  distinct  effort  to 
found  a  colony  was  made  by  James  Harrod  and 
about  forty  companions,  who  found  their  way 
down  the  Ohio  near  to  where  Louisville  now 
stands,  and  thence  by  land  to  what  is  now  Mer- 
cer Coimty,  in  Central  Kentucky,  wliere  they 
cstablislied,  on  June  10,  1774,  a  village  which 
they  called,  in  lionor  of  their  leader,  Harrods- 
burg.  Earlier  attempts  at  settlement  were  made 
at  Louisville,  but  the  fear  of  Indians  caused  the 
speedy  abandonment  of  this  post.  ...  In  1775 
other  and  stronger  footholds  were  gained.  Boone 
built  a  fort  in  wliat  is  now  Madison  County, 
and  Logan  another  at  St.  .iVsaphs,  in  Lincoln 
Comity.  The  settlement  of  Kentucky  was 
greatly  favored  by  '  e  decisive  victory  gained 
by  Lord  Dunmore's  troops  over  the  Indians  from 
the  north  of  the  Ohio,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Kanawha  [see  Onto  Valley:  A.  D.  1774]. 
.  .  .  That  the  process  of  possessing  the  land 
was  going  on  with  speed  may  be  seen  from  the 
fact  that  Henderson  and  Company,  land-agents 
at  Boonesborough,  issued  from  their  offlce  in  the 
new-built  fort  entry  certificates  of  surveys  for 
560,000  acres  of  land.  The  process  of  survey 
was  of  the  rudest  kind,  but  it  .served  the  purpose 
of  momentary  definition  of  the  areas,  made  it 
possible  to  deal  with  the  land  as  a  commodity, 
and  left  the  tribulations  concerning  boundaries 
to  the  next  generation.  These  land  deeds  were 
given  as  of  the  'colony  of  Transylvania.'  which 
was  in  fact  the  first  appellation  of  Kentucky,  a 
name  by  which  it  was  known  for  several  years 
before  it  received  its  present  appellation.  At 
this  time,  the  last  year  that  the  work  of  settling 
Kentucky  was  done  under  the  authority  of  his 
majesty  King  George  III.,  there  were  probably 
about  150  men  who  iiad  placed  themselves  in 
settlements  that  were  intended  to  be  permanent 
within  the  bounds  of  what  is  now  the  Common- 
wealth of  Kentucky.  Tiicre  may  have  been  as 
many  more  doing  the  endless  exploring  work 
which  preceded  the  choice  of  a  site  for  their 
future  homes.  The  men  at  Boone's  Station 
claimed,  and  seem  to  have  been  awarded,  a  sort 
of  hegemony  among  the  settlements.     On  the 


1939 


KENTUCKY. 


KENTUCKY. 


2^(1  ol  May,  iit  the  call  of  Colonel  riondprson, 
tlic  luiirl'iiKcnt  of  tlio  proprictorH,  ili'lcKiiti's  from 
lliesi)  KPUk'iiii'iitH  met  ut  IJooiicslmrough,  iind 
drew  up  u  brief  c(xle  of  nim;  laws  for  tlie  gov- 
ernment of  tlie  youuK  ("ommonweiilth.  .  .  . 
The  B'  onesborough  parliiimcnt  iidjourned  to 
meet  in  September,  but  it  never  reassembled. 
The  venlint!  wliieh  led  to  its  institution  fell  ulto- 
g(!tlier  to  ruin,  and  the  name  of  Transylvania 
has  been  almost  entirely  forgotten.  .  .  .  Tlio 
colony  of  Transylvania  rested  on  a  purcha«-  of 
about  17,000,000  acres,  or  about  one  half  the 
|)re.sent  urea  of  Kentucky,  wliidi  was  miulc  by 
some  people  of  North  Carolina  from  the  Overhill 
(Jhcrokce  Indians,  a  part  of  the  great  tribe  that 
dwelt  on  the  Holston  Uiver.  For  this  land  the 
unfortunate  adventurers  paid  the  sum  of  £10,000 
of  Englisli  money.  .  .  .  Immediately  after  tlio 
Boonesborough  parliament  the  position  of  the 
Transylvania  company  became  very  insecure;  its 
own  people  l)egan  to  doubt  the  validity  of  the 
titles  they  had  obtained  from  the  company,  be- 
cause, after  a  time,  they  learned  from  various 
sources  that  the  lands  of  this  region  of  Kentucky 
had  been  previously  ceded  to  the  English  gov- 
ernment by  the  Si\  Nations,  and  were  included 
in  the  Virginia  charter.  In  the  latter  part  of 
inn,  eighty  men  of  the  Transylvania  settlement 
signed  a  memorial  asking  to  be  taken  imder  the 
protection  of  Virginia;  or,  if  that  colony  thought 
it  best,  that  their  petition  might  be  referred  to 
the  General  Congress.  .  .  .  The  ^)roprietors  of 
the  colony  made  their  answer  to  this  rebellion  by 
sending  a  delegate  to  the  Federal  Congress  at 
Philadelphia,  who  was  to  request  that  the  colony 
of  Transylvania  be  adi'.ed  to  the  number  of  the 
American  colonies.  .  .  Nothing  came  of  this 
protest.  Congress  •efused  to  seat  their  delegate, 
Patrick  Henry  an('  Jefferson,  then  representing 
Virginia,  opposing  the  eiTorts  of  the  proprietors. 
The  Governor  of  North  Carolina  issued  a  procla- 
mation declaring  their  purchase  illegal.  The 
colony  gradually  fell  to  pieces,  though  the  State 
of  Virginia  took  no  decided  action  with  reference 
to  it  until,  in  1778,  that  Commonwealth  declared 
the  acts  of  the  company  void,  but,  in  a  generous 
spirit,  offered  compensation  to  Colonel  Hender- 
son and  the  other  adventurers.  The  Transylvania 
company  received 200,000  acresof  valuable  lauds, 
and  their  soles  to  actual  settlers  were  conflrmed 
by  an  act  of  the  Virginia  Assembly.  Thus  the 
strongest,  though  not  the  first,  colony  of  Ken- 
tucky, was  u  misadventure  and  quickly  fell  to 
pieces." — N.  S.  Shaler,  Kentucky,  ch.  5-7. 

Also  in  :  T.  Roosevelt,  Tlie  Winning  of  tlie 
Wc»t,  V.  1,  eh.  6  and  8-12. 

A.  D.  1768.— The  Treaty  with  the  Six  Na- 
tions at  Fort  Stanwix.  —  Pretended  cession 
of  the  country  south  of  the  Ohio.  Sec  United 
States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  176.'>-1768. 

A.  D.  1774.  —  The  western  Territorial 
claims  of  Virginia.  —  Lord  Dunmore's  wrar 
with  the  Indians.  See  Ohio  (Valley):  A.  D. 
1774. 

A.  D.  177S-1784.  —  A  county  of  Virginia.  — 
Indian  warfare  of  the  Revolution.  —  Aspira- 
tions towards  Stsite  independence. — "In  the 
winter  of  1775  Kentucky  was  formed  into  a 
county  of  Virginia.  .  .  .  About  this  time  Har- 
rodsburg,  Boonesborough  and  Logan's  Fort 
were  successively  assailed  by  the  Indians.  They 
withstood  the  furious  attacks  made  upon  them ; 
not,  however,  without  great  loss.     During  the 


succeeding  summer  they  were  considerably  rein- 
forced by  a  number  of  men  from  North  Carolina, 
and  about  1(H)  under  Col.  Bowman  from  V^irginia. 
In  1778  Kentucky  was  invaded  by  an  anny  of 
Indians  and  Canadians  under  the  command  of 
Captain  Duquesne;  and  the  expedition  of  Col. 
George  HiMlgers  Clark  against  the  English  post 
of  V'incennes  and  ICaskaskiu  took  i)lace  this  year. 
In  February  of  this  year  Boone,  with  about  30 
men,  u  us  engaged  in  making  salt  at  the  Lower 
Blue  Licks,  when  he  was  surprised  by  about  200 
Indians.  The  whole  party  surrenilered  upon 
terms  of  capitulation.  The  Indians  carried 
them  to  Detroit,  and  delivered  them  all  up  to 
the  commandant,  excejU  Bcxme,  whom  they  car- 
ried to  riiilicothe.  Boone  soon  effected  his 
escape.  .  .  .  After  .  .  .  some  weeks  .  .  .  Cap- 
tain Duquesne,  with  about  500  Indians  and  Ca- 
nadians, iiiadc  Ilia  appearance  before  Boones- 
borough, and  besieged  the  fort  for  the  space  of 
nine  days,  but  finally  decamped  with  the  loss  of 
30  men  killed,  and  a  much  greater  number 
wounded.  .  .  .  About  tlie  first  of  April,  1770, 
Kobcrt  Patterson  erected  a  block  house,  with  some 
adjacent  defenses,  where  the  city  of  Lexington 
now  stands.  This  year,  the  celebmted  land  law 
of  Kentucky  was  passed  by  the  Legislature  of 
Virginia,  usually  called  the  Occupying  Claimant 
Law.  The  great  defect  of  this  law  was,  that  Vir- 
ginia, by  this  act,  did  not  provide  for  the  survey 
of  the  country  at  the  expense  of  the  State.  .  .  . 
Each  one  holding  a  warrant  could  locate  it 
where  he  pleased,  and  survey  it  at  his  own  cost. 
.  .  .  The  consequence  of  this  law  was  ...  a 
fioo<lofemigrationduringthe  years  1780  and  1781. 
During  this  period  the  emigrants  were  greatly 
annoyed  by  the  frequent  incursions  of  the  Indians, 
and  their  entire  destruction  sometimes  seemed  al- 
most inevitable.  This  law  was  a  great  feast  for 
the  lawyers  of  thi>t.  day.  ...  In  November, 
1780,  Kentucky  was  divided  into  three  counties, 
bearing  the  names  of  Fayette,  Lincoln,  and  Jeffer- 
son. ...  In  1782,  Indian  hostility  was  earlier, 
more  active  and  shocking  than  it  hud  ever  been 
in  the  country  before ;  a  great  battle  was  fought 
upon  Ilinkston's  Fork  of  the  Licking,  near 
where  >It.  Sterling  now  stands,  in  which  the  In- 
dians w  ere  victorious.  In  this  battle,  Estill,  who 
commanded  the  whites,  and  nearly  all  of  his 
officers,  were  killed.  Near  the  Blue  Licks  an- 
other battle  was  soon  afterwards  fought  with 
Captain  Holder,  in  which  the  whites  were  again 
defeated;  in  both  th-.'se  last  mentioned  battles 
the  contending  foe  wore  Wyandottes.  .  .  . 
Peace  was  made  with  Great  Britain  in  1783,  and 
hostilities  ceased;  hostilities  with  the  Indians 
also  for  a  time  seemed  suspended,  but  were  soon 
renewed  with  greater  violenc(>  than  ever.  Dur- 
ing the  cessation  of  hostilitii  vith  the  Indians, 
settlements  in  Kentucky  advanced  rapidly.  .  .  . 
As  early  as  1784  the  people  of  Kentucky  became 
strongly  impressed  with  the  necessity  of  the  or- 
ganization of  a  regular  government,  and  gaining 
admission  into  the  Union  as  a  separate  and  inde- 
pendent State ;  but  their  efforts  were  continually 
perplexed  and  baffled  for  the  space  of  eight 
years  before  their  desire  was  fully  rcconplished. 
And  though  they  were  often  tempted  by  Spain 
with  the  richest  gifts  of  fortune  if  she  would 
declare  herself  an  independent  State,  and  al- 
though the  Congress  of  the  Confederated  States 
continually  turned  a  deaf  car  to  her  reiterated  com- 
plaints and  grievances,  and  repulsed  her  in  every 


1940 


KENTUCKY. 


KENTUCKY. 


ofFort  to  obtain  ronstitiitlonal  indcprndcnrp,  kIip 
miviiitnint'(l  to  the  last  the  highest  rcsiicct  for  law 
ami  order,  and  tlic  most  unswerving'  alTection  for 
tlie  Qovemmont.  .  .  .  WItli  tlie  view  to  adnds- 
glon  into  tlie  Union  as  an  independent  State, 
there  were  elect<'d  and  held  nine  Conventions  in 
Kentucky  within  tlie  space  of  eight  years." — W. 
n.  Allen,  Hint.  «/"  lientKcki/,  rit.  2-3. 

.\i,H()iN:  J.  M.  Urown,  J'olitical  Beginnings  of 
l\ciihif/i\i/. 

A.  D.  1778-1779.  —  Conquest  of  the  North- 
<vest  by  tne  Virginian  General  Claris,  and  its 
annexation  to  the  Kentucky  District.  See 
Unitkd  St.vtks  ok  Am.  :  A.  D.  1778-1770 
Ci.aiik'h  (,'(>n(ji;k«t. 

A.  D.  1781-178^).  —  Conflicting  territorial 
claims  of  Virginia  and  New  York  and  their 
cession  to  the  United  States.  See  Umtkd 
St.m-ks  ok  A.m.  :  A.  D.  1781-1780. 

A.  D.  1785-1800.— The  question  of  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi. — Discontent  of 
the  settlers. — Intrigues  of  Wilkinson.  See 
Loutsi.\NA:  A.  D.  178.5-1800. 

A.  D.  1789-1792. — Separation  from  Virginia 
and  admission  to  the  Union  as  a  State. — "  In 
the  last  days  of  the  C'ontinental  Congress,  Vir- 
ginii),  after"  some  struggles,  having  reluctantly 
consented  to  her  organization  on  tliat  condition 
08  an  independent  state,  Kentucky  had  applied 
to  that  body  for  admission  into  the  confederacy. 
That  application  had  been  referred  to  the  new 
federal  government  about  to  be  organized,  a  de- 
lay which  had  made  it  necessary  to  recommence 
proceedings  anew;  for  the  Virginia  Assenilily 
had  fixed  a  limitation  of  time,  which,  being 
over-past,  drove  back  the  separatists  to  the 
original  starting-point.  On  a  new  ajiplication  to 
the  Virginia  Legislature,  a  new  act  had  author- 
ized a  new  Convention,  being  the  third  held  on 
that  subject,  to  take  the  question  of  separating 
into  consideration.  But  this  act  had  imposed 
some  new  terms  not  at  all  agreeable  to  the  Ken- 
tuckians,  of  which  tlie  principal  was  the  assump- 
tion by  the  new  state  of  a  portion  of  the  Vir- 
ginia debt,  on  tlic  ground  of  expenses  incurred 
by  recent  expeditions  against  the  Indians.  The 
C<mvention  which  met  under  this  act  proceeded 
no  further  than  to  vote  a  memorial  to  the  Vir- 
ginia Legislature  requesting  the  same  terms 
formerly  offered.  That  reriuest  was  granted, 
and  a  fourth  Convention  was  authorized  again  to 
consider  the  question  of  separation,  and,  should 
that  measure  be  still  persisted  in,  to  fix  the  day 
when  it  should  take  place.  Having  met  during 
the  last  summer  [1790],  this  Convention  Iiad 
voted  unanimously  in  fiivor  of  separation;  had 
fixed  the  first  day  of  June,  1793,  as  the  time ;  and 
had  authorized  the  meeting  of  a  fifth  Conven- 
tion to  frame  a  state  Constitution.  In  anticipa- 
tion of  these  results,  an  act  of  Congress  was  now 
passed  [Feb.  4,  1791]  admitting  Kentucky  into 
the  Union  from  an(I  after  the  day  above  men- 
tioned, not  only  without  any  inspection  of  the 
state  Constitution,  but  before  any  such  Constitu- 
tion had  been  actually  formed."  In  the  Consti- 
tution subsequently  framed  for  the  new  state  of 
Kentucky,  by  the  Convention  appointed  as  above, 
an  article  on  the  subject  of  slavery  "provided 
that  the  Legislature  should  have  no  power  to 
pass  laws  for  the  emancipation  of  slaves  without 
the  consent  of  their  owners,  nor  without  paying 
therefor,  previous  to  such  emancipation,  a  full 
equivalent  in  money ;  nor  laws  to  prevent  immi- 


grants from  bringing  with  them  persons  deemed 
slaves  by  the  laws  of  any  one  of  the  Uniled 
States,  8<)  long  as  any  persons  of  like  age  and 
description  should  be  continued  in  slavery  by 
the  laws  of  Kentucky.  Hut  laws  might  be 
passed  prohibiting  the  introduction  of  slaves  for 
the  purpose  of  sale,  and  also  laws  to  oblige  tlie 
owners  of  slaves  to  treat  them  with  humanity." 
— 1{.  Ilildreth,  Hint,  oft/ii'.  U.  S.,  r.  4,  eh.  .1-4. 

Ai..><o  IN;  .I.M.  Brown,  The  Political  lieyin.- 
n iiigs  of  Kent  11  eky. 

A.  b.  1790-1795.— War  with  the  Indian 
tribes  of  the  Northwest. — Disastrous  expedi- 
tions of  Harmar  and  St.  Clair,  and  Wayne's 
decisive  victory.  Sec  NokthwkstTeuuitoby: 
A.  I).  1700-179-). 

A.  D.  1798.— The  Nullifying  lesolutiont. 
See  United  Statks  OK  Am.  :  A.  I).  1798. 

A.  D.  1861  (January— September).  — The 
struggle  with  Secession  and  its  defeat. — 
"Neutrality"  ended. —  "In  the  days  when  per- 
sonal leadership  was  more  than  it  can  ever  bo 
again,  while  South  Carolina  was  listening  to  the 
teachings  of  John  C.  Calhoun,  which  lecl  her  to 
try  the  experiment  of  secession,  Kentucky  was 
following  Henry  Clay,  who,  though  a  slave- 
holder, was  a  strong  Unionist.  Tlie  practical 
etTect  was  seen  wlien  the  crisis  came,  after  he 
had  been  in  his  gnive  nine  years.  Governor 
Beriali  Magofldn  convened  the  Legislature  in 
January,  1861,  and  asked  it  to  organize  the  mili- 
tia, buy  muskets,  and  put  the  State  in  a  con- 
dition of  armed  neutrality;  all  of  which  it  re- 
fused to  do.  After  the  fall  of  Port  Sumter  ho 
called  the  Legislature  together  again,  evidently 
lioping  that  the  popular  excitement  would  bring 
them  over  to  his  scheme.  But  the  utmost  that 
could  be  accomplished  was  the  passage  of  a 
resolution  by  the  lower  house  (May  10)  declaring 
that  Kentucky  should  occupy  'a  position  of 
strict  neutrality,'  and  approving  his  refusal  to 
furnish  troops  for  the  National  I'rmy.  There- 
upon he  irisucd  a  proclamation  (.May  20)  in  which 
he  'notified  and  warned  all  other  States,  .sep- 
arate or  united,  especially  the  United  and  Con- 
federate States,  that  I  solemnly  forbid  any 
movement  upon  Kentucky  soil. '  But  two  days 
later  the  Legislature  repudiated  this  interpreta- 
tion of  neutrality,  and  passed  a  series  of  acts 
intended  to  prevent  any  scheme  of  secession  that 
might  be  formed.  It  appropriated  $1,000,000 
for  arms  and  ammunition,  but  placed  the  dis- 
bursement of  the  money  and  control  of  the  arms 
in  the  hands  of  Commissioners  that  were  all 
Union  men.  It  amended  the  militia  law  so  as  to 
require  the  State  Guards  to  take  an  oath  to  sup- 
port the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and 
finally  the  Senate  passed  a  resolution  declaring 
that  '  Kentucky  will  not  sever  connection  with 
the  National  Government,  nor  take  up  arms 
with  either  belligerent  party. '  Lovell  II.  Rous- 
seau (afterward  a  gallant  General  in  the  Na- 
tional service),  speaking  in  his  place  in  the 
Senate,  said:  'The  politicians  are  having  their 
day ;  the  people  will  j'et  have  theirs.  I  have  an 
abiding  confidence  in  the  right,  and  I  know  that 
this  secession  movement  is  all  wrong.  There  is 
not  a  single  substantial  reason  for  it;  our  Gov- 
ernment had  never  oppressed  us  with  a  feather's 
weight.'  The  Kev.  Robert  J.  Breckinridge  and 
other  prominent  citizens  took  a  similar  stand, 
and  a  new  Legislature,  c'.iosen  in  August,  pre- 
sented a  Union  majority  of  three  U>  one.     As  a 


1941 


KENTUCKY. 


KIIAZAR8. 


last  resort,  Qovornor  Jfngonin  nddrcssed  a  lottrr 
to  Pri'siclent  Lincoln,  rciiuostiiij?  that  Kentucky's 
neutrality  l)e  respceted  and  the  National  forces 
removed  from  the  Stale.  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  refus- 
ing his  request,  courteously  rendiided  liim  tliat 
the  force  consisted  exclusively  of  Kcntuckians, 
and  told  him  that  he  had  not  met  any  Kentuck- 
Inn  except  himself  and  the  messengers  that 
brought  his  letter  who  wanted  it  removed.  To 
strengthen  the  first  argument,  Hobcrt  Anderson, 
of  Fort  Sumter  fame,  who  was  a  citizen  of  Ken- 
tucky, was  made  a  General  and  given  the  com- 
mand in  the  State  in  September.  Two  montlis 
later,  a  secession  convention  met  at  Russellville, 
In  tlic  southern  part  of  the  State,  organized  a  pro- 
visional government,  and  sent  a  full  delegation 
to  the  Confederate  Congress  at  Hichmoncl,  who 
found  no  dilliculty  in  being  admitted  to  seats  in 
that  body.  Reing  now  firmly  supported  by  the 
new  Legislature,  the  National  Government  be- 
gan to  arrest  prominent  Kcntuckians  who  still 
advocated  secession,  wliereu()on  others,  inchid- 
ing  ex -Vice-President  John  C.  Hreckinrldge,  fled 
southward  and  entered  the  service  of  the  Con- 
federacy. Kentucky  as  a  State  was  saved  to 
the  Union,  but  the  line  of  separation  was  drawn 
between  her  citizens,  and  she  contributed  to  the 
ranks  of  both  the  great  contending  armies." — R. 
Johnson,  iShurt  JIM.  of  the  War  of  SecesHon, 
eh.  5. 

Also  in:  N.  S.  Slialer,  Kentucky,  ch.  1.5.— 
E.  P.  Thompson,  IIi»t.  of  First  Ky.  Brigade, 
ch.  8. 

A.  D.  i86i  (April).— Governor  Magoffin's  re- 
ply to  President  Lincoln's  call  for  troops.  Sec 
Unitkd  States  op  Am.  :  A.  I).  1861  (April). 
_A.  D.  1862  (January  —  February).— Expul- 
sion of  Confederate  armies  along  the  whole 
line.  See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1803 
(Januaiiy  —  Febuuauy  :  Kentucky  —  Tknnes- 

8EK). 

A.  D.  1862  (August— October).— Bragg's  in- 
yasion.— Buell's  pursuit.— Battle  of  Perryville. 

See  Uniteij  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1862  (June — 
Oci  onKii :  Tennessee — Kentucky). 

A.  D.  1863  (July). — John  Morgan's  Raid.  See 
United  States  of  Am.:  A.  I).  1863  (July: 
Kentucky). 

» 

KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS,  The.  See 

United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1798. 

KENYER-MESO,  Battle  of  (1479).  See 
Hunoahy:  a.  D.  1471-1487. 

KERAIT,  The.    See  Presteu  John,   The 

KINODOM  OF. 

KERAMEZKOS,  The.  See  Ceramicus  of 
Athens. 

KERBELA,  The  Moslem  tragedy  at.  See 
Mahometan  Conijuest  :  A.  D.  680. 

KERESAN  FAMILY,  The.  See  Ameri- 
can AnouioiNES:  Kf.resan  Family. 

KERESTES,  or  CERESTES,  Battle  of 
(1596).     SeelluNOARY:  A.  D.  1 .59.'5-1006. 

KERMENT,  Battle  of  (1664).  See  Hun- 
gary: A.  D.  1660-1664. 

KERNE.    Sec  Rapparees. 

KERNSTOWN,  Battles  of.  See  United 
St.\tes  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1801-1862  (December- 
April:  VraoiNiA);  and  1864  (July:  Virginia 
— 'Maryland). 

KERTCH,  Attack  on  (1855).  See  Russia: 
A.  D.  18.54-1850. 

KERYKEg,  The.    See  Piitl.e. 


KESSELSDORF,    Battle  of  (1745).      See 
Austria:  A.  D.  1744-174.5. 
KEYNTON,  OR  EDGEHILL,  Battle  of. 

See  Enoland:  A.  D.   1642  (Oltdmer— Decem 

IIKR). 

KE  YSERWERTH,  Siege  and  storming  of 
(1702).     See  Netherlands:  A.  \).  1702-1704. 

KHAJAR  DYNASTY,  The.  See  Persia: 
A.  I).  14m)-1887. 

K  HAL  IF.    See  Caliph. 

KHALSA,  The.  See  Sikhs;  also,  India: 
A.  I).  lH:i6-lS45,  and  1845-1840. 

KHAN.-KHAGAN.-"  ■  Kban'  is  the  mod- 
ern contracted  form  of  the  word  wliicli  is  found 
in  the  middle  ages  as  'Khagan,'  or  'Chagan.'and 
In  the  Persian  and  Arabic  writers  as  'Khakan' 
or  'Khacan.'  Its  original  root  is  probably  the 
'Kliak,'  which  meant  'King'  in  ancient  Susian- 
ian,  in  Ethiopic  ('Tirliakah'),  and  in  Egyptian 
(' Ilyk-sos')." — G.  Rawlinsoii,  The  Sewnth  (Ireat 
Oriental  Munarehi/,  eh.  i4,f<iiit-nute. 

KHAR,  OR  KHARU,  The.  — "The  term 
Khar  in  Egyptian  texts  api)ears  to  apply  to  the 
inliabitants  of  tliat  part  of  Syria  generally 
known  as  Phnenicia,  and  seems  to  be  derivetl 
from  the  Semitic  Akham.  '  the  back  '  or  '  west. ' " 
— C!.  R.  Conder.  Sjiriaii  Hlone  Lore,  ch.  1. 

KHAREJITES,  The.— A  democratical  party 
among  the  .Mahometans,  which  (Irst  took  form 
during  the  Calipiiate  of  All,  A.  D.  0.57.  'The  name 
given  to  the  party,  Kharejites,  signified  those 
who  "  go  forth  " — that  is  in  secession  and  rebel- 
lion. It  was  their  political  creed  that,  "believ- 
ers being  absolutely  equal,  there  should  be  no 
Caliph,  nor  oath  of  allegiance  sworn  to  anj'  man; 
but  that  the  government  sliould  be  in  the  hands 
of  a  Council  of  State  elected  by  the  people." 
All  attacked  and  dispersed  the  Kharejites,  in  a 
battle  at  Nehrwan,  A.  D.  0.58;  but  they  continued 
for  a  long  period  to  give  trouble  to  succeeding 
Caliphs. — SirW.  JIuir,  Annals  of  the  Early  Call- 
]>hate.  ch.  40  and  42,  leilh  foot-note. 

KH  ARTANI,  Tragedy  of  the  Cave  of.  See 
Barbarv  St\tks:  a.  1).  18.S0-1840. 

KHARTOUM,  The  Mahdi's  siege  of.  .See 
Egypt:  A.  I).  1884-1885. 

KHAZARS,  OR  CHAZARS,  OR  KHO- 
ZARS,  The. —  "This  important  people,  now 
heard  of  for  the  first  time  in  Persian  history  [late  in 
the  fifth  century  of  the  Christian  era],  appears  to 
have  occupied,  in  the  reign  of  Kobad,  the  steppe 
country  between  the  Wolga  and  the  Don,  whence 
they  made  raids  through  the  passes  of  the  Cau- 
casus into  the  fertile  provincesof  Iberia,  Albania, 
and  Armenia.  Whether  they  were  Turks,  as  is 
generally  believed,  or  Circassians,  as  has  been 
ingeniously  argued  by  a  living  writer  [H.  H. 
Howorth],  is  (loubtful;  but  we  cannot  bo  mis- 
taken in  regarding  them  as  at  this  time  a  race  of 
fierce  and  terrible  barbarians." — G.  Rawlinson, 
Seventh  Great  Oriental  Monarchy,  ch.  18. — "After 
the  fall  of  the  Persian  empire  [see  Mahometan 
Conquest:  A.  D.  032-651],  they  [the  Khazars, 
or  Chazai-s]  crossed  the  Caucasus,  invaded  Ar- 
menia, and  conquered  the  Crintean  peninsula, 
which  bore  the  name  of  Clmzaria  for  some  time. 
The  Byzantine  emperors  trembled  at  tlie  name 
of  the  Chazars,  and  flattered  them,  and  paid 
tlicm  a  tribute,  in  order  to  restrain  their  lust 
after  the  booty  of  Constantinople.  The  Bul- 
garians, and  other  tribes,  were  the  vassals  of  the 
Chazars,  and  the  people  of  Kiev  (Russians)  on 
the  Dnieper  were  obliged  to  furnisli  them  every 


1942 


KHAZARS. 


KIIl'AREZM. 


year  with  a  sword,  nml  fine  skins  from  cvcvy  fur- 
liuiit.  Witli  tlic  Ariilis,  wliosc  iiciir  iicinlilHUirs 
they  gnulimlly  Itecamc,  tiny  rnrrleil  on  torriblc 
wars.  Lil<o  their  iieiglilioiirs,  the  Hulgariuris 
nml  the  Hussiaiis,  tliu  Clia/.iirs  professed  a  coarse 
rcli(,'ion,  wliieh  waseomliinetl  witlisensualitv  anil 
lewdness.  The  Cliazars  became  ac(iuainted  witli 
Isliiinisni  and  Cliristianity  tlirougli  the  Arabs 
nml  Greeks.  .  .  .  Tlierc  were  also  Jews  in  Ilie 
laud  of  the  (!lm/.ars ;  they  were  some  of  the  fu- 
gitives wlio  had  escaped  (723)  the  mania  for  con- 
version whieli  possessed  the  Byzantine  Emperor 
Leo.  ...  As  interpreters  or  mercliniits,  physi- 
cians or  eoiinscUors,  tlie  Jews  were  known  and 
beloved  by  the  Chazarian  court,  and  they  in- 
spired the  "warlike  Uulan  with  a  love  of  Judaism. 
.  .  .  It  is  possible  that  the  circumstances  under 
which  tlie  Cliaznrs  embraced  Judaism  have  been 
embellished  by  legend,  but  the  fact  itself  is  too 
deflnitely  proved  on  all  sides  to  allowof  there  being 
any  doubt  as  to  its  reality.  Besides  Bulnn,  tlie 
nobles  of  his  kingdom,  numbering  nearly  4,00<), 
adopted  the  Jewish  religion.  Little  by  little  it 
made  its  way  among  the  people,  so  that  most  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  of  the  Chazarian 
kingdom  were  Jews.  .  .  .  A  successor  of  Bulan, 
who  bore  the  Hebrew  name  of  Obadiah,  was 
the  first  to  occupy  himself  earnestly  witli  tlie 
Jewish  religion.  He  .  .  .  founded  synagogues 
and  schools.  .  .  .  After  Obadiali  came  a  long 
series  of  Jewish  Chagans,  for  according  to  a 
fundamental  law  of  the  state  only  Jewish  rulers 
were  permitted  to  ascend  tlie  throne." — IL 
Graetz.  IfiKt.  of  the  Jeirs,  v.  0,  ch.  5. 

KHEDIVE.     Sec  Egypt:  A.  D.  1840-1869. 

KHEMI,     OR    KEM.      See    Eoypt;    Its 

KA.MKS. 

KHITA,  The.    See  Hittites,  The. 

KHITAI.— KHITANS,  The.  See  China: 
The  names  op  the  counthy. 

KHIVA.    See  Kiiuaiiezm. 

KHODYA.    See  Sublime  Pom'TE. 

KHOKAND,  Russian  conquest  of  the 
Khanate  of  (1876).  See  Russia:  A.  D.  1859- 
1876. 

KHONDS,  The.    See  Tubanian  ii.\ce8. 


KHORASSAN:    A.   D.   1220-1221. —Con- 
quest and  destruction  by  the  Moneols.  —  In 

tlie  autumn  of  A.  1).  1220,  one  division  of  the 
armies  of  Jingis  Khan,  commanded  by  his  son 
Tului,  poured  into  Khorassan.  ' '  Kliorassan  was 
then  one  of  the  richest  and  most  prosperous 
regions  on  the  earth's  surface;  its  towns  were 
very  thickly  inliabitcd,  and  it  was  the  first  anf'. 
most  powerful  province  of  Persia.  The  Monir.)! 
invasion  altered  all  tliis,  and  the  fearful  ravage 
and  destruction  then  comniitled  is  almost  in- 
credible." On  the  capture  of  the  city  of  Ncssa 
the  inhabitants  were  tied  together  with  cords  and 
then  massacred  in  a  body  —  70,000  men,  women 
and  children  together  —  by  shooting  them  with 
arrows.  At  jMeru  (modern  Jlerv)  the  wholesale 
massacre  was  repeated  on  a  vastly  larger  scale, 
the  corpses  numbering  7(X),000,  according  to  one 
account,  1,300,000  according  to  anotlier.  Even 
this  was  exceeded  at  J^ishapoor  ("cityo.'  Sa- 
por "),  the  ancient  capital  of  Kliorassan.  ' '  To 
prevent  the  living  hiding  beneatli  the  dead, 
Tului  ordered  every  head  to  be  cut  off,  and 
separate  heaps  to  be  made  of  men's,  women's, 
and  children's  heads.  The  destruction  of  the 
city  occupied  fifteen  days;  it  was  razed  tn  tlie 


ground,  and  its  site  was  sown  with  barley;  only 
400  artisans  escaped,  and  tliev  were  transported 
into  tlie  north.  According  to  .Slirkhond  1,747,000 
men  lost  their  lives  in  this  massacre."  The  de- 
stroy liig  army  of  demons  and  savages  moved  on 
to  llcriit,  then  a  beautiful  city  surrounded  by 
villages  and  gardens.  It  surrendered,  and  only 
12, 0(H)  of  its  soldiers  were  slain  at  that  time;  but 
n  few  months  later,  upon  news  of  a  defeat  suf- 
fered by  the  Mongols,  Herat  rebelled,  and 
brought  down  upon  itself  11  most  terrible  doom. 
Captured  once  more,  after  n  siege  of  six  months, 
the  city  experienced  no  mercy.  "  For  a  whole 
Aveek  the  Mongols  ceased  not  to  kill,  burn,  and 
destroy,  and  it  is  said  that  1,(HM),000  i)eople  were 
killed;  the  place  was  entirely  depopulated  and 
made  desert."  At  Bamiaii,  iii  the  Hindu  Kush, 
"every  living  creature,  including  animals  ami 
plants  as  well  as  human  beings,  was  destroyed ; 
a  heap  of  slain  was  piled  p  lilce  a  mountain." — 
H.  H.  Howorth,  Jlinl,  of  the  Mongols,  yt.  1,  pp. 
80-91. 

A.  D.  1380.— Conquest  by  Timour.  See 
TiMOUK.  

KHOTZIM.     See  Choczim. 
KHOULIKOF,  Battle  of  (1383).  See  Russia: 
A.  U.  1237-1480. 

♦ 

KHUAREZM,  OR  CHORASMIA  (modern 

Khiva). — "The  extensive  and  fertile  oasis  in 
the  midst  of  the  samly  deserts  of  Central  Asia, 
known  in  these  davs  as  the  Kbanat  of  Khiva, 
was  called  by  the  (Jreeks  Chorasmia  and  by  the 
Arabs  Khwarezin  [or  Khuarezm].  The  Cho- 
rasmians  were  of  the  Aryan  race,  and  their  con- 
tingent to  the  army  of  Xerxes  was  ecjuipped 
precisely  in  the  Baetrian  fashion.  It  is  jirobable 
that  Chorasmia  formed  a  portion  of  the  short- 
lived Greco-Bactrian  monarchy,  and  it  certainly 
pa.ssed  under  the  domination  of  the  White  Huns, 
from  wliom  it  was  subse(iiicntly  wrested  by  the 
Toorks. " — J.  Hutton,  Centrnl  Anid,  eh.  10. 

12th  Centary. — The  Khuarezmian,  or  Khah- 
rezmian,  or  Korasmian,  or  Carizmian  Empire. 
— "The  sovereigns  of  Persia  were  in  the  habit 
of  purchasing  young  Turks,  who  were  captured 
by  the  various  frontier  tribes  in  their  mutual 
struggles,  and  emi>loying  them  in  their  service. 
They  generally  had  a  body  guard  formed  of 
them,  and  many  of  them  were  enfranchised  and 
rose  to  posts  of  high  intlueuce,  and  in  many  cases 
supplanted  their  masters.  The  founder  of  the 
Khuarezmian  power  was  such  a  slave,  named 
Nushtekin,  in  the  service  of  the  Seljuk  Sultan 
JIalik  Shah.  He  rose  to  the  position  of  a  Tesli- 
tedar  or  chamberlain,  which  carried  with  it  the 
government  of  the  province  of  Khuarezm,  that 
is  of  tlie  fertile  valley  of  the  Oxus  and  the  wide 
steppes  on  either  side  of  it,  bounded  on  tlic  west 
by  the  Caspian  and  on  the  east  by  Bukharia. " 
Tlic  grandson  of  Nushtekin  became  virtually  in- 
dependent of  the  Seljuk  sultan,  and  the  two 
next  succeeding  princes  began  and  completed 
the  overthrow  of  the  Seljuk  throne.  The  last 
.Seljuk  sultan,  Togrul  III.,  was  slain  in  battle, 
A.  I).  1193,  by  Takish  or  Tokusli,  the  Khuarez- 
mian ruler,  who  sent  !ii  head  to  the  Caliph  at 
Bagdad  and  was  formally  invested  by  the  Caliph 
with  the  sovereignty  of  Kliorassan,  Irak  Adjein 
and  other  parts  of  the  Persian  domain  not  occu- 
pied by  the  Atabegs  and  the  Assassins.  Takish's 
son  extended  his  conquests  in  Transoxiana  and 


1943 


KIIUAIIEZM. 


KINO'S  BENCH. 


TurkPHtnnlA.  D.  1209),  nnd  acqiilrod  Snmiirknnd, 
which  hi' much-  hiH  cHplliil.  "Ilv  (.'nntrnUrd  im 
army  of  4<M),INM)  iiiPti,  iind  his  domitdoiis,  nt  the 
InviiHioii  of  the  MotiKolH,  Htrctolu'd  from  tlic  Jax- 
nrtos  to  tlir  I'crsiiiu  (Jiilf,  mid  from  IIk;  IikIiih  to 
till!  Iriili  Ami)  and  Azcrbaidjan."— II.  Howortli, 
Jlint.  iifthe  Miiiif/oln.  pt.  1,  pp.  7-8. 

A.  t>.  1330. —Destruction  by  the  Mongols. 
—  In  May,  I'.'JO,  thu  iMonuol  army  of  .lin^iH  Klian 
inarclieil  upon  UrgondJ,  or  Khuar('/.m  —  tlic 
uri^inal  capital  of  thu  umpire  of  Kliiiarc/m,  to 
wliTcli  it  fjavc  its  name.  That  city,  wliich  is  rep- 
resented bv  the  modern  Kldva,  was  "  the  capital 
of  tlie  ricfi  duster  of  cities  tluit  tlien  bordered 
the  0.\U8,  a  river  very  like  the  Nile  In  forming  a 
strip  of  green  across  two  sandy  deserts  which 
bound  it  on  eitiier  hand."  The  Mongols  were 
commanded,  at  first,  by  the  three  elder  sons  of 
Jingis  Khan;  but  two  of  them  quarreled,  and 
tlie  siege  was  protracted  through  six  months 
■without  much  progress  being  maiTe.  Jingis  tlien 
place<l  the  youngest  son,  Ogotai,  in  charge  of 
operations,  and  tliey  were  carried  forward  njore 
vigorously.  "  The  Mongols  at  lengtli  assaulted 
the  town  fired  its  buildings  with  naptlia,  and 
after  seven  days  of  desperate  street-fighting  cap- 
tured it.  This  was  probably  in  December,  1220. 
They  sent  tlic  artisans  and  skilled  workmen  into 
Tartary,  set  aside  the  young  women  and  cldldrcn 
as  slaves,  and  then  made  a  general  massacre  of 
the  rest  of  the  inhabitants.  They  destroyed  the 
city,  and  then  submerged  it  by  opening  tlie 
dykes  of  the  Oxus.  The  ruins  are  prouably 
those  now  known  as  Old  Urgendj.  Uaschid  says 
that  over  100,000  artisans  and  craftsmen  were 
sent  Into  Mongolia." — H.  H.  Iloworth,  Uiiit.  of 
the  Mongoh,  pt.  1,  p.  85. 

Also  IN:  J.  Ilutton,  Central  Asia,  ch.  4. — See 
MoNuoi.8:  A.  D.  1153-1227. 

A.  D.  1873. — Conquest  by  the  Russians.  Sec 
Russia:  A.  1).  1859-1870. 

KHUAREZMIANS  IN  JERUSALEM, 
The.     See  Jeuvmalkm  :  A.  D.  1242. 

KICHES,  The.  See  American  Aborigines, 
Quiches,  and  Mayas. 

KICKAPOO  INDIANS,  The.  See  Ameiii- 
CAN  AnoKioiNEs:  Ai-oonquian  Family  and 
Pawnee  (Caddoan)  Family. 

KIEFT,  Governor  William,  Administration 
of.    See  New  Youk:  A.  D.  1638-1047. 

KIEL,  Peace  of.  See  Scandinavian  States: 
A.  D.  1818-1814. 

• 

KIEV,  OR  KIEF  :  A.  D.  882.— Capital  of 
the  Russian  state.    See  Uussia:  A.  I).  862. 
A.  D.  1240.— Destroyed  by  the  Mongols. — 

In  December,  1240,  the  Mongols,  pursuing  their 
devastating  march  throujj h  Hussia,  reached  Kiev. 
It  wos  then  a  famous  city,  known  among  the 
Russians  as  "  the  mother  of  cities,  magnificently 
placed  on  the  high  banks  of  the  Dnieper,  with 
its  white  walls,  its  beautiful  gardens,  and  its 
thirty  churches,  with  their  gilded  cupolas,  which 
gave  it  its  pretty  Tartar  name,  Altuudash  Khan 
(i.  e.,  the  court  of  the  Golden  Heads);  it  was  the 
metropolitan  city  of  the  old  Russian  princes,  tlie 
seat  of  the  chief  patriarch  of  all  liussia.  It  had 
latterly,  namely,  in  1204,  suffered  from  the  in- 
ternal broils  of  the  Russian  princes,  and  had 
been  much  plundered  and  burnt.  It  was  now 
to  lie  for  a  while  erased  altogether."  Kiev  was 
taken  by  storm  and  the  inhabitants  "  slaughtered 


without  mercy;  the  very  bones  were  torn  from 
the  tomlis  and  traiiiplcd  uii(U'r  the  liorses'  h(K)rs. 
.  .  .  The  magnificent  city,  with  the  ancient  Uy- 
zantine  treasures  which  it  contained,  was  «ie- 
stroyed."  During  the  14th  and  151  h  centuries 
Kiev  seems  to  have  remained  In  ruins,  and  the 
modern  city  is  sai<i  to  be  "but  a  nIiikIow  of  its 
former  seln" — H.  II.  Iloworth,  lliit.  of  theMon- 
(jolt,  t.  1,  jtji.  141-142. 

♦ ■ 

KILIDSCH.    SeeTlMAB. 

KILIKIA.     See  Cil.l^^'lA. 

KILKENNY,  The  Statute  of.  SccIrelami: 
A.  D.  i;)27-1367. 

KILKENNY  ARTICLES,  The.  See  Irk- 
LANli:  A.  1).  1652. 

KILLIECRANKIE,  Battle  of.  See  Scot- 
la.nd:  a.  I).  1689  (.IcLv). 

KILPATRICK'S  RAID  TO  RICHMOND. 
See  United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  1864  (Fehkii- 

AIIY— MaHCII:    VlIt(HNIA). 

KILSYTH,  Battle  of  (1 64s).  See  Scotland: 
A.  D.  1644-104.'). 

KIMON,  Peace  of.  See  Athens:  I).  C.  460- 
449. 

KINBURN,  Battle  of  (1787).  See  TtiiKs: 
A.  I).  1776-1792. 

KINDERGARTEN,  The.  See  EntiATioN, 
Mouekn  :  Uekokms,  iiv.  ■  A.  D.  1816-1892. 

KING,  Origin  of  the  word. — "Cyning,  by 
contraction  King,  is  closely  connectecf  with  the 
word  ■  Cyn '  or  '  Kin. "...  I  do  not  feel  myself 
called  upon  to  decide  whether  Cyning  Is  strictly 
the  patronymic  of  'cyn,'  or  whether  It  comes 
Immediately  from  a  cognate  adjective  (see  Allen, 
Royal  Prerogative,  170;  Kemble,  1.  153).  It  is 
enough  If  the  two  words  are  of  the  same  origin, 
as  Is  shown  '>y  a  whole  crowd  of  cognates, 
'cyneljiirn  '  'cynecyn.'  'cynedom,'  'cynelielm,' 
'cynehiujrd.' .  .  ,  (I  copy  from  Mr.  Earlc's 
Qlossarial  Index.)  In  all  these  words  'cyn'  has 
the  meaning  if'  royal. '  The  moilcn  High-Dutch 
K5nig  is  an  odd  corruption;  but  the  elder  form 
is  'Chuninc'  The  word  has  never  had  an  Eng- 
lish feminine;  Queen  is  simply  'Cwen,'  woman, 
wife.  .  .  .  Tlie  notion  of  tlie  King  being  the 
'  canning '  or  '  cunning '  man  [Is]  an  idea  which 
could  have  occurred  only  to  a  mind  on  which  all 
Teutonic  philology  was  thrown  away." — E.  A. 
Freeman,  Jlist.  of  the  Norman  Conque»t  of  Eng., 
eh.  3,  sect.  1,  and  note  L  (».  1). 

KING  GEORGE'S  WAR.  See  New  Eng- 
land: A.  D.  1744;  1745;  and  1745-1748. 

KING  MOVEMENT,  The.  See  New  Zea- 
land: A.  D.  1853-18I..3. 

KING  OF  THE  ROMANS.  See  Romans, 
Kino  of  the. 

KING    OF   THE    WOOD.      See   Arician 

QUOVE. 

KING  PHILIP'S  WAR.  See  New  Eng- 
land: A.  D.  1674-1675;  1075;  and  1676-1678. 

KING  WILLIAM'S  WAR.— The  war  in 
Europe,  of  "the  Griuid  Alliance"  against  Louis 
XIV.  of  France,  frequently  called  "the  War 
of  the  League  of  Augsburg,"  extended  to  the 
American  colonics  of  England  and  France,  and 
received  In  the  former  the  name  of  King  Wil- 
liam's War.  See  France:  A.  D.  1689-1690; 
Canada:  A.  r>  ""  1690,  and  1692-1697;  also, 
United  Stati.  .m.  :  A.  D.  1090;  and  New- 

foundland: A.  .     1O94-I6O7. 

KING'S  BENCH.    Sec  Curia  ItEQia 


1944 


KINO'S  COLLEGE. 


KJOKKBNMOUINOR. 


KING'S  COLLEGE.  Sec  Education,  Mod- 
EKN:   Amkiiica:  A.  I).  1740-1787. 

KING'S  HEAD  CLUB.  Sen  England; 
A.  I).  I(17H-I()7lt. 

KING'S  MOUNTAIN,  Battle  of  (1780).  See 
UmtkhHtatkhok  A.M.  :  A.  I).  17H0-17H1. 

KING'S  PEACE,  The.— "Tlio  pvixcv,  an  it 
wns  ciillc'd,  tilt'  primitivr  iilllmico  for  iiiiituiil  gooit 
licliiiviour,  for  tlii!  perforiimnc*'  itiid  ciiforceiiu'iit 
of  rights  and  iliitlcH,  tlie  voluntiiry  restmintof  frci! 
.society  in  its  nirlii'st  form,  wiis  from  tlie  l)c>,'in- 
nins  "f  moni»rcliy  [in  early  KriKlaiid]  uncicr  tlic 
protection  of  tlie  liiii|i;.  .  .  .  Hut  this  poHition  is 
fur  from  timt  of  tliu  fountain  of  Justice  ami 
source  of  Jurisdiction.  Tlie  Iting's  guarantee 
was  not  tiie  finic  safeguard  of  the  peace;  the 
hundred  had  its  peace  as  well  astlieliing;  tlio 
Uing  too  had  a  distinct  pence  which  like  timt  of 
the  churcli  was  not  that  of  tlie  country  at  large, 
n  special  guarantee  for  tliose  who  were  under 
special  protection.  .  .  .  Wlien  the  king  becomes 
the  lord,  patron  and  'nuindborh'  of  his  whole 
people,  they  pass  from  the  ancient  national 
l)eaco  of  which  lie  is  the  guardian  into  the  closer 
]>ersonal  or  tei  ritoriiil  relation  of  which  lie  ia  the 
source.  The  peace  is  now  the  king's  peace. 
.  .  .  The  process  by  waich  the  national  peac 
became  the  king's  peace  is  almost  imperceptible 
and  it  is  very  gradually  that  we  arrive  at  the 
time  at  which  all  |)eacc  and  law  are  supposed  to 
<lie  with  the  old  king,  and  ri.su  again  at  tlic 
proclamation  of  tlie  new." — W.  Stubbs,  Contt. 
Jliat.  ofEng.,  eh.  7,  »tct.  73  (o.  1). 

Also  in:  Q.  E.  Howard,  On  the  Development 
of  the  King' I,  Peace  (Nebraska  Uniccrtity  Studien, 
V.  1,  no.  3).— Sir  F.  Pollock,  Ojford  jMlures,  3. 
— Sec,  also,  Roman  Roads  in  Bkitain. 

KINGSTON,  Canada :  A.  D.  1673.— The 
buildine  of  Fort  Frontenac. — La  Salle's  seign- 
iory.— III  1073,  Count  Frontenac,  governor  of 
Canada,  personally  superintended  the  construc- 
tion of  a  fort  on  the  north  shore  of  Lake  On- 
tario, at  the  mouth  of  the  Cntiiraqui,  where  the 
■city  of  Kingston  now  stands,  tiio  site  having 
been  recommended  by  the  explorer  La  Salle. 
The  following  year  tills  fort,  with  surrounding 
lands  to  the  extent  of  four  leagues  in  front  and 
half  a  league  in  depth,  was  granted  in  seigniory 
to  La  Salle,  lie  agreeing  to  pay  the  cost  of  its 
construction  and  to  maintain  it  at  his  own 
charge.  He  named  the  post  Frontciiac. — F. 
Parkman,  //i  Salle,  eh.  6. 

A.  D.  1758.— Fort  Frontenac  taken  by  the 
English.     See  Canada:  A.  D.  1758. 

KINSALE,  Battle  of  (1601).  See  Ireland: 
A.  D.  l.V)l)-ir)03. 

KINSTON,  Battle  of.  See  United  States 
OF  Am.:  a.  D.  1885  (FEunuAUY  — Mahcii: 
NoKTii  Caiiolina). 

KIOWAN  FAMILY,  The.  See  American 
Abouioinks:  Kiowan  Family. 

KIPCHAKS,  The.— "The  Kipchaks  were 
called  Coinans  by  European  writers.  .  .  .  Tlie 
name  Coman  is  derived  no  doubt  from  the  river 
Kunia.  tlie  country  about  which  was  known  to 
the  Persians  as  Kumestan.  ...  A  part  of  their 
old  country  on  the  Kuma  is  still  called  Desht 
Kipclmk,  and  the  Kumuks,  who  have  been 
pushed  somewhat  south  by  the  Nogays,  are,  I 
believe,  their  lineal  descendants.  Others  of 
their  descendants  nu  doubt  remain  also  among 


the  Krim  Tartars.  To  the  early  Arab  writers 
the  Kipchaks  were  known  as  Uusses,  a  name  by 
which  we  also  meet  with  them  in  the  ny/.aiitino 
annals.  This  'lows  that  they  belonged  to  the 
great  section  01  tlie  Turks  known  as  the  Ousscs 
or  Ogliuz  Turks.  .  .  ,  They  first  Invaded  the 
country  west  of  the  Volga  at  the  end  of  the  ninth 
rcntury,  from  wliich  time  till  their  final  dls- 
I)ersal  by  the  Mongols  in  the  thirteenth  century 
they  were  very  perslHtent  enemies  of  Hussia. 
After  the  Mimgol  con(|Ue8t  it  is  very  probable 
that  they  beeainu  an  Important  clement  in  the 
various  tribes  that  made  up  the  Golden  Horde  or 
Khanate  of  Kipchak." — II.  H.  llowortli,  Ilint. 
of  the  .l/<«i/7«/»,  )it.  1,  p.  17. — See,  also,  Monooi.s: 
A.  I).  122(j-1204;  andHimsiA:  A.  I),  1H.')1)-1876. 

KIRCH-DENKERN,  OR  WELLING- 
HAUSEN,  Battle  of  (1761).  See  Geiimany: 
A.  I).  17(11-1702, 

KIRGHIZ,  Russian  subjugation  of  the. 
See  Huhsia:   A.  1).  18.')«-1870. 

KIRIRI,  The.  See  Amehican  ADonooiNES: 
Oi;cK  oil  Coco  (Jnoi'p. 

KIRK  OF  SCOTLAND.  See  Cnnncn  of 
Scotland. 

KIRKE'S  LAMBS.    See  England:  A.  D. 

lfiH.')(MAY IlII.V). 

KIRKI,  Battle  of  (1817).  Sco  India:  A.  D. 
1810-1810, 

KIRKSVILLE,  Battle  of.  See  United 
States  ok  Am.:  A.   I).   1803  (July  — Septem- 

IlEU;    MiSSOUni  —  AUKANSAS). 

KIRRHA.    See  Delphi. 

KISSIA.     See  Elam. 

KIT  KAT  CLUB,  The.    Sec  Clubs. 

KITCHEN  CABINET,  President  Jack- 
son's.    See  Unitkd  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1829. 

KITCHEN-MIDDENS.  —  "Amongst  the 
accumulations  of  Neolithic  age  which  are 
thought  by  many  archieologists  to  be  oldest  are 
tlie  well-known  '  Kji)kkenm%lingr  '  or  kitchen- 
middens  of  Denmark.  These  arc  heaps  and 
mounds  composed  principally  of  shells  of  edible 
molluscs,  of  which  tlie  most  abundant  are  oyster, 
cockle,  mussel,  and  periwinkle.  Commingled 
with  the  shells  occur  bones  of  mammals,  birds, 
and  flsh  in  less  or  greater  obundancc,  and  like- 
wise many  implements  of  stone,  bone,  and  horn, 
together  w.th  potsherds.  The  middens  are  met 
with  generally  near  the  coast,  and  principally  on 
the  shores  of  the  Lymfjord  and  the  Kattegat; 
they  would  appear,  indeed,  never  to  Ikj  found  on 
the  bordiTS  of  the  North  Sea.  They  form 
mounds  or  banks  th''t  vary  in  height  from  3  or 
5  feet  up  to  10  feet,  with  a  width  of  150  to  200 
feet,  and  a  length  of  sometimes  nearly  350  yards. 
.  .  .  The  Danish  savants  (Forchhammer,  Steen- 
strupp,  and  Worsaac),  who  first  examined  these 
curious  shell-mounds,  came  to  the  conclusion  tliat 
they  were  the  refuse-heaps  which  had  accumu- 
lated round  the  dwellings  of  some  ancient  coast- 
tribe.  .  .  .  Shell-mounds  of  similar  character 
occur  in  other  countries." — J.  Geikie,  Prehistoric 
Eitrojv.  ch.  15. 

KIT'S  COTY  HOUSE.— The  popular  name 
of  a  conspicuous  Cromlech  or  stone  burial  monu- 
ment in  Kent,  England,  near  Addington. 

KITTIM.  — The  Hebrew  name  of  the  island 
of  Cyprus.     See,  also,  .Tavan. 

KITUNAHAN  FAMILY,  The.  See  Amehi- 
can AllORIOINES:    KiTUNAIIAN  FAMILY. 

KJOKKENMODINGR.  See  Kitchen-Mid- 
dens. 


1945 


KLAMATIIS. 


KNIOIITS  BANNERETS. 


KLAMATHS,   The.    »<•<•   Ameiiicax   Ann 

IlllUNKM      MolPcKM,   Ac 

KLJINE  RATH,  The.     Sec  Switzkhi.am.: 

A.    I>.    IN-IH-IHIMI. 

KLEISTHENES,    Constitution    of.      Hi', 
Atiiknh:   II   (■  .IKt-'iOT. 
KLEOMENIC  WAR,  The.    Hue  Oiieece: 

I  J.  (•   •.>so-ltit. 

KLERUCHS. —  "Anotlicr  consoqiicnro  of 
goini'  iniinu'iit  iirDsc  out  of  IIiIm  victory  [of  tliu 
Athciiliiiis  over  tln'  rill/ciis  of  ('lml!<is,  or  Clial- 
(Ih,  III  the  Inland  of  Eulio'n,  U.  (".  500  —  hco 
Atiiksb:  n.  C.  rm-rwd].    rUv  Atlifninns  niHiitcd 

II  body  of  4,<X)0  of  tlii'ir  cili/ciig  ns  KIrrucliH 
(lotJio'ldors)  or  settlers  upon  the  InniU  of  the 
weiiltliy  Chnlkldian  ollsiireliy  called  the  Ilippo- 
liota-  —  proprietors  profmbly  In  the  fertile  plain 
of  lA'laiituiii  between  Chalkis  and  Eretrin.  This 
is  n  system  wlileh  wo  slinil  lliid  hereafter  ex- 
tensively followed  out  by  the  Athenians  in  tlio 
dnys  of  their  i)owcr;  partly  with  the  view  of 
providing  for  tlieir  poorer  citizens  —  partly  to 
serve  as  garrison  among  n  population  cfther 
hostile  or  of  doubtful  fidelity.  These  Attic 
Kieruchs(I  can  tlnd  no  other  name  by  wliich  to 
speak  of  them)  did  not  lose  their  birthright  as 
Atiieninn  citizens.  They  were  not  colonist?  in 
the  Orecian  sense,  and  they  are  known  by  ii 
totally  dilTerent  name  —  but  they  corresponded 
very  "nearly  to  the  colonies  formerly  ])lanted  out 
on  the  conquered  lands  by  Home.  — O.  Grote, 
Hilt,  of  Greece,  pt.  2,  ch.  31  (v.  4). 

Ai,8<>  IN;  A.  Boeckh,  Publie  I  iiomy  of 
AthfiiH,  bk.  8,  eh.  18. —  Sec,  also,  Atiiknb:  B.  C. 
440-437. 

KLOSTER-SEVEN,  Convention  of.  Sec 
GKit.M.\.NY;  A.  I).  1757  (July— Dece.miieu);  and 

nnn, 

KNECHTE,  The.  Sec  Slavery,  Medie- 
val: Oku>iany. 

KNIGHT-SERVICE.  See  Feudal  Ten- 
uiir.s. 

KNIGHTHOOD,  Orders  of,  and  their 
modern  imitations. — Alcantara.     See   Alcan- 

taha American    Knights.      See    United 

Statks  ok  Am.:     A.    I).    1804  (OcTonEK) 

Avis.     See    Avis The   Bath.     See  Bath. 

Black  Eagle:   a  Prussian  Order  instituted 

l)r  Frederick  III..  Elector  of  Brandenburg,   in 

ltd The    Blue    Ribbon.     See  Sekapiiim. 

Brethren  of  Dobrin.    See  Prussia:    13tii 

Cestuuy Calatrava.    See  Calatbava 

Christ:  a  Papal  Order,  instituted  by  Pope 
John  XXII.,  in  1319;  also  a  Portuguese  Order — 
see  Poutuoal:  A.  I).  141.')-1400 The  Cres- 
cent :  Instituted  by  Rene  of  Anjoi'  titular  King 
of  Naples,  in  1448,  but  suppresn  1  by  Pope 
Paul  II.,  in  1404;   also  a  Turkish  Order  —  see 

CiiEscENT The  Ecu.    See  Bouriion:   The 

House  of The  Elephant :  a  Danish  Order, 

instituted  in  1003,  by  King  Christian  V The 

Garter.    Sec  Garter The  Golden  Circle. 

See  Gor.DEN  Circle The  Golden  Fleece. 

Sec  Golden  Fleece The  Golden  Horse- 
shoe.   See  Viiuhnia:  A.  D.  1710-1710 The 

Golden  Spur:  instituted  by  Pope  Paul  III.,  in 

1550 The     Guelphs     of     Hanover.     See 

GuELnis  OP  Hanover The  Holy  Ghost. 

Sec  France:  A.  n.  1578-1.')80 Hospitallers. 

See  Hospitallers  of  St.  John The  Indian 

Empire  :  instituted  by  Queen  Victoria,  in  1878. 
. . .  .The  Iron  Cross:  a  Prussian  Order,  instituted 
in  1815  by  Frederick  William  HI The  Iron 


Crown.     See   Francf.:    A.    D.    tfiO-J-lftO,! 

The  Legion  of  Honor.  See  Fuanck:  A.  I>. 
Iwn-lMoil. , . .  The  Lion  and  the  Sun:  a  Per- 
sian  Order,    instituted    in    1H08 The   Lon« 

Star.     See   C'ida:  A.  I).   lH4n-lH<lt> Malta. 

See    HoHi'iTALi.ERH    OF    St.    JoiiN Maria 

Theresa.    See  (Jkhmanv:  A.  I).  \1!V!  (Ai'rii — 

Ji'NK) La  Merced.    See  .Merced The 

Mighty  Host.    See   Tnited  States  of  Am.  ; 

A.  1).   1H(I4  (0(  ToiiKii) Our  Ladv  of  Mon- 

tesa.     See  Oi:u  I.ADV.  Ac The  Polar  Star: 

aSivedishOrder,  of  uncertain  origin Rhodes. 

See  HosiMTAl.LERH  OF  St.  John The  Round 

Table.     See  Arthur,  Kino St.  Andrew: 

a  .Scotch  Onlcr  —  see  St.  Andrew;  also  a 
Russian  Order,  instituted  In  1«08  by  Peter  the 
Great. ...  St.  George :  a  Russian  Onler,  founded 
bv  Catharine  H St.  Gregory:  an  Order  in- 
stituted   in   1H31    by   Pope   Gregory   XVI 

St.  Jago  or  Santiago.    See  Calatrava St, 

James  of  Compostella.    See  Calatrava 

at.  Januarius :  Instituted  by  Charles,   King  of 

the  Two  Sicilies,   in   1788 St.   John.     See 

ilosi-iTALi.KRs  OF  St.  Joiin St.  john  of  the 

Lateran:  instituted  in  1.500,  by  Pope  Plus  IV. 

...  St.    Lazarus.     See    St.    Lazarus St. 

Louis.    See  France:  A.  I).  1008  (July) St. 

Michael.     Sec  St.    Michael St.   Michael! 

and  St.  Georre.    See  St.  Michael,  &c St. 

Patrick:  InstTtuted  by  George  HI.  of  England, 

in  1783 St.  Stephen,    See  St.  Stephen 

St.  Thomas  of  Acre.    See    St.   Thomas 

Santiago.    See  Calathava The  Seraphim. 

See  Sk.rapiii.m The  Sons  of  Liberty.     See 

Unitki>  States  of  Am.  :  A.  I).  1804  (October). 
....The    Southern    Cross.      See     Southern 

Ciioss The    Star.      See  Star Star  of 

India.      See    Star  of   India The   Starry 

Cross.    Sec  Starry  Cross The  Swan.    See 

Swan The  Sword  :  n  Swedish  Order— see 

Sword;  also  a  German  Order— see  Livo- 
nia:     ISth- ISth     C;entcrie8 Templars. 

See    Templars Teutonic.     See    Teutonic 

Kniohts The  Thistle :  imUituted  by  James 

V.  of  Scotland,  in   1530 The  Tower  and 

Sword.    See  Tower  and  Sword Victoria 

Cross.    Sec  Victoria  Cross The  White 

Camellia.    See  United  St.vtes  of  Am.  :  A.  I). 

1800-1871 The  White  Cross :    an  Order 

founded  by  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  in  1814. 

White  Eagle:  a  Polisli  Order,  instituted  in 

1325  by  Ladislaus  IV.,  and  revived  by  Augustus- 
in  1705. 
KNIGHTS.    See  CniVALRY;  also,  Comita- 

TUS. 

KNIGHTS  BACHELORS.— "The  woixl 
'bachelor,'  from  wiience  has  come  'bachclier.' 
docs  not  signify  'bas  clicvalier,'  but  a  knight 
who  has  not  tlie  number  of  '  bachcllcs '  of  land 
rcciuisitc  to  display  a  banner:  tliat  is  to  say.  four 
'baclicllcs.'  The  'bachellc'  was  composed  of 
ten  '  nmz,'  or  '  meix  '  (farms  or  domains),  each  of 
whicli  contained  a  sulHciency  of  land  for  the 
work  of  two  oxen  during  a  whole  year." — J. 
Proissart,  Chronicles  (trans,  bj  Jo/inet),  bk.  1,  ch. 
01,  foot-note  (ti.  1). 

Also  in  :  Sir  W.  Scott,  fi"*..  j'  on  Ghimlry. — 
R.  T.  Hampson,  Ori(/iiics  Patrieicf,  p.  338. 

KNIGHTS  BANNERET"  —  "Tlie  name 
[banneret]  imports  the  bearer  of  a  small  banner, 
and,  in  tins  respect,  he  dilTered  from  tiic  baron, 
who  bore  a  gonfanon  or  banner  of  war,  and  the- 
simple  knight,  who  bore  a  peuon.     The  banner,. 


1946 


KNIOIITS  BANNERETS. 


KOHASMIAXS. 


priipfily  «"  cnllnl.wim  n  miimrc  tliii;;  tlin  prnon, 
iiciiiriliiif;  to  tlx'  illiiininatiiiiiM  nt  iiiicii'tit  111111111- 
wrliitM.wiis  II  Hiniill  Hinmri',  lmvlii«  two  lonu'  Irl 


MTlIll 

iiiKli 


hmkIch  iittiirlicil  to  till'  Hide  iipixwltc   tliiit  wliitli 
iviiM  llxcd  to  llic  liiiKc  or  «p<'iir.     Tluw  pciKliint 

IxirtloiiN  rcHi'MiblliiK  IiiIIh  witi'  ho  (li'iioniiiiatt'il. 
{iistiil  ilolliii's  u  liiiiiiicri't  to  !)('  II  kiilftlit  miidc 
iipnii  till'  ticlil  of  liiittli',  with  till*  ('crciiiotiv'  of 
ciitliii);  olT  tli(^  point  of  IiIh  Ktiimlanl,  iiiul  so 
iimklii);  tlilH  like  11  Imniicr.  Ami  hiicIi,  lie  8n,VM, 
lire  iillowcd  to  diiinliiy  tlii'lr  iuiiih  ou  r  liiuincr  in 
till'  kliiR'H  army,  llk('  the  liarmiN.  Tliiit  wan,  110 
doiilit,  tliL' iikkU' of  creation;  liiit  It  appcarH  .  .  . 
that  a  knight.  '>r  an  cHiiiilrc  of  four  ImicllcH,  or 
cow  landsi,  and  tliercforc,  a  Imcliclor,  to  whom  tlic 
kitiff  had  presented  a  hatincr  on  his  tirst  li.ittlc, 
liecanif  u  lianneret  on  the  second :  no  that,  In  such 
cases,  there  would  he  no  Hiieh  ceremony  neces- 
Kiirv." — K.  T.  Iliiinpson,  Orii/iinii  l'<iliiri<r,  r!i.  11. 
fcNIGHTS  OF  THE  SHIRE.— DurhiK  the 
thirteenth  century  there  jfrcw  up  In  En^laMd  the 

1)ractice  of  Hcndlt'ij?  to  the  Orcnt  Council  of  the 
Awg  a  certain  iiuinher  of  knl);ht»  from  each 
8liire  to  represent  the  "lesser  Imronage,"  which 
had  formerly  posHcssed  the  privileges  of  attend- 
Ini;  the  council  in  person,  hut  which  hud  become 
more  neglectful  of  attendance  as  their  numbers 
increased.  In  theory,  these  knights  of  the  shire, 
as  they  came  to  bo  called,  were  representatives 
of  that  "lesser  baronage"  only.  "Hut  the  ne- 
cessity of  holding  their  election  In  the  County 
Court  rendered  any  restriction  of  the  electoral 
body  physically  Impossible.  This  court  was  com- 
posed of  the  whole  body  of  freeholders,  and  no 
sheriff  could  distinguish  the  'aye,  aye'  of  the 
veomau  from  the  'aye,  aye'  of  the  lesser  baron. 
From  the  tIrst  moment  theri'fore  of  their  iitten- 
dance  we  find  the  knlglits  regiiriled  not  as  mere 
representatives  of  the  baronage,  but  as  knights 
of  the  shire,  and  by  this  silent  revolution  the 
whole  body  of  the  rural  freeholders  were  ad- 
mitted to  a  share  In  the  government  of  the 
nidin." — J.  R  Orcen,  S/mrt  Hint,  nf  ihe  Kdi/Uh/i 
I'oijth',  eh,  4.— The  history  of  the  knights  of  the 
shire  is  the  history  of  the  origin  of  county  repre- 
sentation in  the  Flnglish  Parliament.  The  repie- 
sentation  of  boroughs,  or  towns,  has  a  history 
ipiite  distinct.  Of  the  leading  part  played  by 
t lie  knights  of  the  shire  in  tlie  development  and 
establishment  of  the  English  (,'onstitution  Mr. 
8tubbs  remarks  ("Const.  Hist,  of  Eng.,"  cli.  17, 
sect.  'iTi):  "  Both  historical  evidence  and  the  na- 
ture of  the  ease  lead  to  the  convicthMi  tliat  the  vic- 
tory of  the  constitution  was  won  by  the  knights 
of  the  shires ;  they  were  the  leaders  of  iiiirliiiiiien- 
tnry  deliatc;  they  were  the  link  between  the 
good  peers  and  the  good  towns;  they  were  the 
indestnictible  element  of  the  house  of  commons; 
they  were  the  representatives  of  those  local  di- 
visions of  the  realm  which  were  coeval  with  the 
historical  existence  of  the  people  of  England,  and 
the  interests  of  which  were  most  directly  at- 
tacked by  the  abuses  of  royal  prerogative." 
See,  also,  Pahlia.ment,  Tub  Enolisii:  Eauly 
Staoeb  in  its  evohttion. 

KNOW  NOTHING  PARTY,  The.  Sec 
1'niti:i)  .States  of  Am.  :  A.  I).  WTt'l. 

KNOX,  General  Henry,  in  the  Cabinet  of 
President  Washington.  See  United  St.\tes 
OK  Am.  :  A.  I).  17Hi)-i;()'.>. 

KNOX,  John,  and  the  Reformation  in  Scot- 
land. See  lStOTLA>D:  A.  L).  1547-1557,  to  15.58- 
15ti(l, 


KNOXVILLE:  A.  D.  1863  (September). 
Evacuated  by  the  Confederates  and  occupied 
by  the  Union  forces.  Sic  I'mtkii  States  ok 
Am.:  .\.   I).    lM(i:t  (.Viotsr— SKfrEMMEii:  Te.n- 

.VEHSKE). 

A.  D.  1863  (November— December).— Long- 
street's  siege.    See  Initek  State.-i  ok  Am.: 

A.  I).  1H0;1  (0<TOI1EI1— DlClEMllEK:  Te.nneshkk). 

KNUT,  OR  CANUTE,  ERICSSON,  King 
of  Sweden,  A.  I>.  1 1117-1 IIM). 

KNYDUS,  OR  CNYDUS,  Battle  of  (B.  C. 
394).     See  OUEEIE:  H.  (;.  :il)lt-;W7. 

KOASSATI,  The.  SeeAjiKUicAN  Aimjimgi- 
neh:  Ml  hkiiooevn  Family. 

KOLARIANS,  The.     See  India:  Tiik  Aii- 

(IIIIIIINAI,  INIIAIIITANTS. 

KOLDING,  Battle  of  (1849).  See  .Scandi- 
navian States  (I  )i;.nmaiik):  A.  I).  1H4H-1H(1'J. 

KOLIN,  Battle  of.  See  Oeumanv;  A.  D. 
1757  (Ai'iiii,- .h  NE). 

KOLOMAN,  King  of  Hungary,  A.  D.  1003- 
1114. 

KOLI'SCHAN  FAMILY,The.   SeoAjiCRi- 

CAN  AllOKMINES:    Kol.lsCIIAN   FaMII.V. 

KOMANS.COMANS  OR  CUMANS,The. 

See   I'ATciiiNAKs;    Kii'ciiakh;   Cossacks;   also, 
UliNdAUV:  A.  I).   1114-1»()1. 

KOMORN,  Battle  of  (1849).  8eo  Aistkia: 
A.  I).  1H4H-1H41). 

KONDUR,  OR  CONDORE,  Battle  of 
(1758).    See  India:  A.  I).  175H-1701. 

KONIEH,  Battle  of  (1833).  See  TiruKs; 
A.  I).  I8:U-1H4(). 

KONIGGRATZ,  or  SADOWA,  Battle  of. 
See  Oeumanv:  A.  1).  1H(1(J. 

KONSAARBRUCK,  Battle  of  (1675).  See 
Netiieiii.ands  (Holland):  A.  1).  1074-1078. 

KOORDS,  OR  KURDS,  The.  See  C\n- 
rrciii. 

KORAN,  The.— "Tlie  Koran,  as  Mr.  Kings- 
ley  (pialntly,  but  truly,  says,  'after  all  Is  not  11 
book,  but  an  irregular  collection  of  Mohammed's 
inedltations  and  notes  for  sermons.'  It  is  not  a 
code,  it  is  not  a  journal,  it  is  a  mere  giitliering 
together  of  irregular  sirups,  written  on  pulm- 
leaves  and  bones  of  mutton,  which  Abu-Hekr 
[the  liosom  friend  of  JIahomet  and  the  tIrst  of 
the  Caliphs  or  successors  of  the  Prophet]  put  to- 
gether without  the  slightest  regard  to  cliioiio- 
logical  order,  only  putting  the  long  frugments 
nt  the  beginning,  uiid  the  short  fragments  at  the 
end.  But  so  far  from  having  the  Koran  of  Ma- 
liomet,  we  have  not  even  the  Konin  of  Abu-Bekr. 
Culiph  Othmnn  [the  third  Caliph],  we  know, 
gave  enormous  scandal  by  burning  all  the  e.sist- 
ing  coples,which  were  extremely  discordant,  aiul 
I)iitting  forth  his  own  version  as  the  'te.xtiis  ab 
omnibus  receptus.'  How  much  then  of  the  ex- 
isting Koran  is  rcallj*  ^Mahomet's;  how  much  has 
been  lost,  added,  transjiosed,  or  perverted ;  when, 
where,  and  why  each  fragment  wns  delivered,  it 
is  often  impossible  even  to  conjecture.  And  yet 
these  baskets  of  fragments  are  positively  wor- 
shipped."— E.  A.  Freeman,  Hist,  and  Coiiqueats 
of  the  titraeeiis,  led.  3. 

Also  in:  S.  Lane-Poole,  Studies  in  a  Mosque, 
eh.  4.— SirW.  Muir,  The  Comn.—T.  NOldeke, 
Sketches  from  Eastern  History,  eh.  2. — 7'hc  Koran/ 
trans,  by  G.  Sale. — See,  also,  Mahometan  Con- 
quest: A.  D.  009-633. 

KORASMIANS,  The.     See  Kjiuakezm. 


r94; 


KOHKIHII 


KUHAN  FAMILY. 


KOREISH,  The.  H<>c  Maikimictan  Con- 
qvmwt:  A.  I>.  mvo-KH. 

KORKYRA,  OR  CORCYRA.-Tl.c  Onck 

UIhihI  now  known  riH  Ciirfii.  iu'|mraU'il  friini  tli<! 
(ciiiiii  of  IO|>iriii(  hy  li  Miriilt  only  two  to  Hrvt'ii 
inilcH  In  liri'iiiltli,  lion-  In  iincicnt  tiinci  tlir  name 
of  Korkyrii,  or,  riitlicr,  t(H)k  tliiit  nain<-  from  itfi 
rilling  city.  "  Korkyru  [tlie  tlly)  wiim  foiinilcd 
liy  till- CorlntliianH,  at  tlic  Hani<'tlnK-(wc  arc  tolil) 
an  SyrariiHi'.  .  .  .  Tlic  iHlanil  waM  generally  con 
<'eive(l  In  anti(|iiity  as  llie  reHlilenee  of  the  Ho- 
merle  IMiieaklanH,  anil  It  1h  to  IIiIh  fact  that  Tim 
eyilldeH  aHcrilM'H  in  part  tlie  emltienec^  of  the 
Korkyriean  marine.  Aceonlin(?  to  another  Htory, 
siirni!  HretrianH  from  ICiibiea  had  Mettled  there, 
and  were  compelled  to  retire.  A  thlrdNtatemenl 
repreNenlH  the  I^iliurniaiiN  uH  the  prior  inhalii- 
tantH, —  and  tIdH  |M'rhapi)  is  the  inoHt  probable, 
Hincu  the  M)>urnliin8  were  an  enterprlHlnK,  marl- 
time,  piratical  race,  who  loiijj  contintied  to  oc- 
cupy the  more  north<'rlv  iHljiMdH  in  the  Adriatic 
alon;;  the  Illyriaii  anil  lialmiitian  conHl.  ...  At 
the  lime  wIk'm  the  CorlntldaiiN  were  about  to 
co|oni/.e  iSieily,  it  wiih  natural  tliat  tliey  Nlioidd 
alHo  wisli  to  plant  II  settlement  at  Korkyra.  widch 
was  n  post  of  great  importance  for  facilllatinK 
tho  voyage  from  I'eloponnesuK  to  Ilaly,  and  was 
furtlii'rconvenienl  fortralilc  witii  Kpiriis,  attliat 
periiKl  altogctlier  non-Hellenic.  Tiieir  choice  of 
a  site  was  f\dly  Justilled  l)y  the  prosperity  and 
power  of  the  colony,  whieli,  however,  though 
Kometimes  in  combination  with  tlie  mother  city, 
was  more  frequently  alienated  from  her  and  hos- 
tile, and  continued  so  frrm  an  early  period 
lliroughoiit  most  part  of  the  three  centuries  from 
7()(»-4(H»  n.  {"....  Notwithstanding  tlie  long- 
continued  diH8<>nsions  between  Korkvra  and 
Corinth,  it  appears  that  four  considerable  settle- 
ments on  this  same  line  of  coast  were  formed  by 
the  joint  enterprise  of  both, —  Ix'ukasand  Aimk- 
torium  to  the  south  of  the  mouth  of  the  Ambra- 
kiotic  Gulf  —  and  Apollonia  and  Epidaniiius 
[afterwards  called  Dyrrliachium],  both  In  the 
territory  of  tlio  Illyrians  at  some  distance  to  the 
north  of  the  Akrokeraunian  promontory  [modern 
Cape  Oh)ssa,  on  the  Albanian  coast].  .  .  . 
Lcukas,  Anaktoriiun  and  Aml)rakia  arc  nil  re- 
ferred to  the  agency  of  Kypselus  the  Corinthian. 
.  .  .  Tlie  six  col.mies  just  named  —  Korkyra, 
Ambrakia,  Anaktoriuni,  Leukas  [near  the  ihcmI- 
em  St  Mauni],  Apollonia,  and  Epidnmnus  — 
form  an  aggregate  lying  apart  from  the  rest  of 
the  Hellenic  name,  and  connected  with  each  other, 
though  not  always  maintained  in  liarmony,  by 
analogy  of  race  and  position,  as  well  as  by  their 
conimou origin  from  Corinth." — G.  Grote,  Iliiit.  of 
Oreete,  pi.  2,  eh.  23. — See,  also,  Ionian  Islands. 

B.C.  435-433.  —  Quarrel  with  Corinth.— 
Help  from  Athens.— Events  leading;  to  the 
Peloponnesian  War.  SccGueece:  iT  C.  -IBu- 
432. 

B.  C.  432.— Great  sea-fight  with  the  Corin- 
thians.—  Athenian   aid.     Hee  Gkekck:    U.  C. 

4;)3, 

Modern  history.      See  Ionian  Islands;  and 

C'OIIF'-. 

KORONEA,  OR  CORONEA,  Battle  of 
(B.  C.  394).     Sec  Gkeeck:  H.  C.  389-387. 

KOS.     See  Cos. 

KOSCIUSKO,  and  the  Polish  revolt.  See 
PoL.\.ND:  A.  I).  1793-1700. 


KOSSiCANS,   OR   COSSiCANS,  The.- 

A  brave  but  predatory  people  in  ancient  times, 
iK'cnpy'ug  the  mountains  between  .Media  and 
I'erhia,  vLo  were  hunted  down  by  Alexander  the 
Great  ainl  the  males  among  them  exti  rmiimted. 
—  (i.  Gruie,  //(«r  ofdivecf,  j,l.  2,  rh.  94. 

KOSSOVA,  Battle  of  11 389).  See  TuuKS 
(TlllMhTiiMANS);    A.  I>.   li)(K»-i;iM». 

KOS<'UTH,  Louis,  and  the  Hungarian 
Strugs  le  for  independence.  See  llrNOAiiv: 
A.  I>.  i-l|.'>-1844,  Im17-1H49;  and  Ai'HTHIA:  A.I). 

lH4H-lH4lt In  America.  Hee  United  States 

OK  Am  :  A.  I).  IH.'iO  IM,')!. 

KOTZEBUE,  Assassination  of.  Sec  Geh- 
MANY:   .\    l>    1N17-1h;>(I. 

KOTZIM.      See  Cllo/.IM. 

KOULEVSCHA,  Battle  of  (1829).  See 
Ti  UKs:   A.  I).  1H2«-IH2». 

KOYUNJIK.     Hee  Ninevkii. 

KRALE.     Si  e  ('HAL. 

KRANNON,  OR  CRANNON,  Battle  oi 
(B.  C.  323).     Sec  (lltKKCK:  H.  C.  323-322. 

KRASNOE,  Battle  of.  See  ItussiA:  A.  D. 
1HI2  (.Ii'NE— Sei'te.mheii);  and  (Octoueb— Db- 

<  KMHKIt). 

KRETE.     See  Ciikte. 

KRIM,  The  ICHanate  of.  See  Mongols: 
A.  I).  12.'JH-13»1. 

KRIM  TARTARY.     See  Chimka. 

KRIMESUS,  The  Battle  of  the.  See 
SvuAiisK,  The  kali,  ok  the  Dionvsian  Tvb- 


KRISSA.-KRISSiEAN  WAR. 


See  Del- 


KROMIUM,  Battle  of.    See  Sicily:    B.  C. 

3H3. 

KROTON.    SccSvBAnis. 

KRYPTEIA.The.— A  secret  police  and  sys- 
tem of  espionage  maintained  at  Sparta  by  the 
epiiors. — G,  Grote,  IIUI.  of  Grace,  pt.  2,  eh.  0. 

KSHATRIYAS.      See    Caste    System    of 

KU  KLUX  KLAN,  The.  See  United 
States  ok  A.m.  :  A.  I).  1806-1871. 

KUBLAI  KHAN,  The  Empire  of.  See 
MoNiioLs;  A.  D.  1229-1204;  and  China:  A.  D. 
1259-1294. 

KUFA,  The    founding  of.    See    Bussokah 

AND  KL'KA. 

KULANAPAN  FAMILY, The.  See  Ameri- 
can AiioKioiNKs:  KuLANAPAN  Family. 

KULM,  OR  CULM,  Battle  of.  See  Ger- 
many: A.  D.  1813(AiHJUsi'). 

KULTURKAMPF,  The.  See  Germamt: 
A.  D.  1873-1887. 

KUNAXA,  Battle  of  (B.  C.  40X).  See 
Persia  ;  IJ.  C.  401-400. 

KUNBIS.     See  (Jaste  System  op  India. 

KUNERSDORF,  Battle  of.    Sec  Germamt: 

A.    1).   n.'iO  (.Il'l.V— NOVEMIIER). 

KURDISTAN  :  A.  D.  1514.— Annexed  to 
the  Ottoman  Empire.  Sec  Turks:  A.  D.  1481- 
l.')20. 

KURDS,  OR  KOORDS.  See  Carduchi. 
The. 

KUREEM  KHAN,  Shah  of  Persia,  A.  D. 
1759-1 779. 

KURFORST.  See  Germany:  A.  D.  1125- 
1152. 

KURUCS,  Insurrection  of  the.  Sec  Hun- 
gary; A.  D   1487-1.'J26. 

KUSAN  FAMILY,  The.  See  American 
Aboruines:  Kusan  Family. 


1948 


KU8H. 


I.ADorEA. 


KUSH.-  KUSHITES.    See  Cn«n.  -Crwi- 

ITKH. 

KUTAVAH,  Peace  ot  (1833).     8co  Titrkh: 

/     l>    lH!tl-lH|(l. 

aUTCHINS,  The.    Hcc  Amkuicax  AnoiiKii 

NKH-        TIIAI'AWAN   KaMII.V. 

KU.SCHUK  KAINARDJI,  Battle  and 
Treaty  of  (1774).  Sec  Turkh:  A.  I).  1768- 
1774. 

KYLON,  Conipiracy  of.    Hio  ArnKNi:  B  C. 

KYMRY.  OR  CYMRY,  The.  -  Th*  nmnc 
Wi>ic'li  the  llrltdiiH  (if  WiUi-H  ami  Ciiiiilierliiiiil 
gnvt  to  tlieinsi'lvcH  (liirlti^  tliclr  HtrtiKUli'  with 
the  Angles  niul  Huxons,  iniiiiiliig  "  Cym  liro 
((,'ombrox)  or  the  CDinpulrlot,  the  iiotlve  of  the 
country,  ;he  lightfiil  owner  of  the  noil.  .  .  . 
From  tho  ocuinntlon  by  the  KngllHhof  the  plnlii 
of  the  Dee  aii'l  the  Mersey,  tho  Kymry  <lwell  in 
two  laniU,  Kiiotvn  In  iiiiitHlLntin  us  Ciinihrlii,  In 
Welsh  {.'y""'".  w!>leh  denotes  the  I'rlnelpitlltv  of 
Wiiles,  nnd  IMimbrii,  or  the  kingiloni  of  ('iinil)er' 
bind.  .  .  .  Kitnibrlik  was  regularly  nseil  for 
Wales  by  such  wrlttTS  anOlraldus  in  the  twelfth 
century,  .  .  .  but  the  fashion  was  not  yet  estab- 
lished of  distinguishing  lietween  C'nmbrlu  anil 
Cumbria  us  wu  do." — J.  Ithys,  Celtic  Britain,  eh. 


4.— The  term  C'ytnry  or  Kymry  Is  somrflmrs  used 
In  a  larger  senm>  to  denote  the  whole  lirythonle 
branch  of  the  Celtic  race,  as  dUtlngulMJied  from 
the  Oolilelic,  or  (iaclie;  but  that  use  of  It  dcx'S 
not  Hcein  to  be  Justltled.  (In  Ihe  i|ueMtion 
wlietlii'r  the  iiiiini'  Kymry,  or  Cymry,  bears  any 
relailiin  to  that  of  the  ancient.  I'l'mbrl,  see  l'i.Muiii 
ANi>  Tkitom-.h 

KYNOSSEMA,  Battle  of.    ScoCvnosskma. 

KYNURIANS,  OR  CYNURIANS,  The.- 
•  tneiif  the  llirec  races  of  peojile  who  Inhabited 
the  I'l'lopiiimenian  peninsula  of  <Jrcecc  before  the 
horian  con<|uest, —  the  other  two  nices  iM'Ing  the 
Arcadians  and  the  Achieans.  "  They  were  never 
(MO  far  as  history  knows  tlieni)  an  Independent 
population.  Thi'V  oci  aplcd  the  larger  portion 
of  the  territory  of  Argolls,  from  Orneie,  near  the 
northern  or  I'ldl  >sian  border,  to  Tliyrea  and  the 
Tiiyreatis,  on  the  I.aconian  liorder:  and  though 
belonging  originally  (as  Ilcnxlolus  Imagines 
rather  than  asserts)  to  the  loidc  race  —  they  hiul 
been  so  long  subjects  of  Argos  in  Ids  time  that 
almost  all  evidenceof  theiratitcDorijtn  condition 
had  vanished."— U.  Orote,  llitt.  of  Greece,  pt.  8, 
cli.  4. 

KYRENE.     Hee  CvilKNAlCA. 

KYZICUS.    »ooCYZtcU8. 


L. 


LABARUM, The— "The chief  banner  of  the 
Christian  emperors  [Uomaii]  was  the  socniled 
'  labarum. '  Eusoblus  describes  it  ns  n  lonir  lance 
with  a  cross-piece;  to  the  lattt^r  n H(|uarc  silk  Mag 
was  uttachea,  Into  which  the  images  of  the 
reigning  emperor  and  Ids  children  were  woven. 
To  tho  point  of  tho  lance  was  fastened  a  golden 
c-  .vn  enclosing  tho  monogram  of  Christ  and  the 
sign  of  the  cross."— E.  Ouhl  oid  W.  Koner,  Life 
of  the  Greeks  and  limnans,  tc  I.  107. 

Also  in:  E,  Gibbon,  Deeline  and  Fall  of  the 
Itonwn  Empire,  eh.  20.— BecCumsTiANiTY:  A,D. 
812-337. 

LA  BICOQUE,  Battle  of  (1523).  Sec 
Fkancr:  a.  I).  1520-1523. 

LABOR    ORGANIZATION.    See   Social 

MoVKMKNTS, 

LABRADOR,  The  Name.— "  Labrador — 
Laboratoris  Terra  —  is  so  called  from  the  cir- 
cumstance that  Cortcroal  in  the  year  1500  stole 
thence  a  cargo  of  Indians  for  slaves." — F.  Park- 
man,  Pioneers  of  Pranee  in  the  Neie  Worhl: 
Champlain,  ch.  i,  foot-note. 

LABYRINTHS.  — MAZES.— "The  Laby- 
rinths of  the  classical  age  and  the  quaint  devices 
of  later  times,  the  Mazes,  of  which  they  were 
the  prototypes,  present  to  the  archaeologist  a 
subject  of  investigation  which  hitherto  has  not 
received  that  degree  of  attention  of  which  it  ap- 
pears so  well  deserving.  .  .  .  Labyrinths  may 
be  divided  into  several  distinct  classes,  compris- 
ing compiicatcd  ranges  of  caverns,  aiohltecturul 
labyrhiths  or  sepulcurnl  buildings,  tortuous  de- 
vices indicated  by  coloured  marbles  or  cut  in 
turf,  and  topiary  labyrinths  or  mazes  fonned  by 
clipped  hedges.  ...  Of  the  first  class  we  may 
instance  the  labyrinth  near  Nauplia  in  Argolis, 
termed  that  of  the  Cyclops,  and  describea  by 
Strabo;  also  the  celebrated  Cretan  example, 
which  from  the  observations  of  modern  travellers 
is  supposed  to  have  consisted  of  a  series  of  caves, 
resembling  in   some  degree  the  catacombs  of 


Rome  or  Paris.  It  has  been  questioned,  however' 
whether  such  a  labyrinth  actually  existed.  .  .  • 
Of  archltectura'  labyrinths,  the  most  extraordi- 
nary specimen  wim  without  <loubt  that  at  tho 
southern  end  of  the  lake  Ma-ris  in  Egypt,  and 
about  thirty  miles  from  Arsinoe.  IlenMlotug, 
who  describes  it  very  distinctly,  says  that  .  .  . 
it  consisted  of  twelve  covered  courts,  1  500  sub- 
terranean chambers.  In  which  the  budles  of  tho 
Egyptian  princes  and  the  sacred  cnKUHlilcs  were 
Interred,  and  of  as  many  chamtx^rs  above  ground, 
which  last  only  be  wau  perndtted  to  enter." — 
E.  Trollopn,  J^otires  of  Ancient  aiul  }fediaeml 
Labyrinths  (Archtteolof/ienl  Journal,  v.  15). 

Also  in:  HeriKlotus,  HiHtory,  hk.  2,  ch.  148. 

LA  CADIE,  OR  ACADIA,  tiee  Nova 
Scotia. 

LACEDiEMON.     See  Spaiita:  The  Citv. 

LACEDAEMONIAN  EMPIRE,  The.  See 
Spauta:  D.  C.  404-403. 

LACONJ.V.    Scr  spABTA:  The  City. 

LACC^^i..  .  .<  .'-iierican  Province.  See 
New  Enoi.and:  A.  I    1621-1(131. 

LACUSTRINE  HABITATIONS.  See 
Lake  Dwei.i.inos. 

LADE,  Naval  Ba.tle  of  (B.  C.  495).  See 
Peiisia;  n.  C.  ,')2l-40.3. 

LADIES'  PEACE,  The.  See  Italy;  A.  D. 
1527-1520. 

LADISLAS,  Kir.g  of  Naples,  A.  D.  1388- 
1414. 


garv,  / 
of  Hun 


A.  D.  1077-1005. 


.  Ladislaus 


LADISLAUS  I.  (called  Saint),  King  of  Hun- 

-    -   —   ■—  -      -    -  -     Kif 

_    ..  '? 

Hungary,  1204-120.") Ladislaus  IV.  (called 


?I. 


King 


ngary,  1102 Ladislaus  III.,  King  of 


The  Cuman),  King  of  Hunarary,  1272-1200 
Ladislaus  V.  (called  The  Posthumous),  King 

of  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  1439-14.57 La<P 

islaus  VI.  C'gellon),  King  of  Hungary,  1440- 
1444;  King  01  Poland,  1434-1444. 

LADOCEA,  OR  LADOKEIA,  Battle  of.— 
Fought  in  what  was  called  the  Clcomenlc  War, 


1949 


LADOCEA. 


LAMAS. 


botwron  CIcnmpncs,  kinc  of  Spartn.  nnd  the 
Aohmin  Lcnpiif.  U.  C.  ^220.  Tlio  battle  was 
foiiglit  near  the  city  of  Mcgnlopolis,  in  Arcadia 
which  belonged  to  the  lieagiie  nnd  which  wms 
threatened  by  Clcoinenes.  The  latter  won  .i 
complete  victory,  nnd  Lydindes,  of  Megalopolis, 
one  of  the  noblest  of  the  later  Greeks,  was  slnin. 
— C,  Thi>-hvall.  Hist,  of  (Ireere.  r/t.  62. 

LADY,  Original  use  of  the  title.— "  Illnf- 
dige,"  the  Saxon  word  from  >vliich  our  modern 
Knglish  word  "lady"  comes,  was  the  highest 
lemalc  title  among  the  West-Saxons,  being  re- 
WTved  for  'ho  king's  wife. — E.  A.  Freeman. 
IIiKt.  of  tlic  Xornidn  Cniir/.  of  Enr/.,  v.  1,  note  F. 

LAbY  OF  THE  ENGLISH.-By  the  cus- 
tom of  the  West  Saxons,  the  king's  wife  was 
called  Lady,  not  Queen,  and  when  the  AV'essex 
kingdom  widened  to  cover  England,  its  queen 
was  known  as  the  Lady  of  the  English. 

LiENLAND.— "Either  bookland  or  folkland 
cotdd  be  leased  out  by  its  holders  [in  early  Eng- 
land]; and,  under  the  name  of  'Irenlnnd,'  held 
by  free  eultivntors."— W.  Stubbs,  Comt.  IlUt.  of 
Kiuihiiid,  ch.  Ti,  nect.  88  {v.  1). 

Also  in  :  J.  A.  Kcmble,  The  Siixoni  in  Eng- 
land, Ilk.  1,  c/(.   11. 

LiETL  —  LiET.  —  LAZZL-"  Families  of 
the  conciuered  tribes  of  Germany,  who  were 
forcibly  settled  within  the  'limes'  of  the  Roman 
provinces,  in  order  that  they  might  repeoplo 
desolated  districts,  or  replace  the  otherwise 
dwindling  provincial  population  —  in  order 
that  they  might  bear  the  public  burdens  and 
minister  to  the  public  needs,  i.  e.,  till  the  public 
land,  pay  the  public  tribute,  and  also  provide 
for  the  defence  of  the  empire.  They  formed  a 
semi-servile  class,  partly  agricultural  nnd  partly 
militarv;  they  furuishcd  corn  for  the  granaries 
nnd  soldiers  for  the  cohorts  of  the  empire,  nnd 
were  generally  known  in  later  times  b"  the  /lai.ic 
of  Lwti  or  Liti." — P.  Seebohm,  Ent/ltnh  Village 
Community,  ch.  8. — "There  seems  to  be  no  rea- 
son for  questioning  that  the  eorl,  ceorl  and  het 
of  the  earliest  English  laws,  those  of  Etiielbcrt, 
answer cxnctlv  to  the  edhiling.  the  friling  and  the 
lazzns  of  the  old  Saxons.  Wliether  the  Kentish 
liets  were  of  German  origin  has  been  questioned. 
Lnpiieubcrg  thinks  tliey  were  '  unfrce  of  kindred 
race. '  K.  >Iatirer  thinks  them  n  relic  of  ancient 
IJritish  popidntion  who  came  between  the  free 
wcalh  and  the  slave.  .  .  .  The  name  (lazzus— 

jw  or  lazy)  signifies  condition,  not  nationality. 
.  .  .  Tlie  wer-gild  of  the  Kentish  lict  was  40, 
60,  or  80  shillings,  according  to  rank,  that  of 
the  ceorl  being  200."— W.  Stubbs,  Const.  Hist,  of 
En'/.,ch.  4,  sect.  31,  foot-note  (v.  1). 

LA  FAVORITA,  Battle  of  (1797).  See 
Fkantk:  a.    I).   1706-1797  (OcTonEU  — Aprii,). 

LAFAYETTE  IN  THE  WAR  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.  See  Uxitkd 
States  of  Am.:  A.  D.  1778  (.TrNK),  (.Ii'i.y  — 
No\^^^rBER);    1780   (.Tvly);    1781    (.lAsrAuv — 

May),  and(MAY— Octoueh) And  the  French 

Revolution.    See  Fk.vsce:   A.  D.  178G  (July), 
to  1792  (AporsT). 

LA  FERE,  Siege  and  capture  by  Henry 
IV.  of  France  (1596),  See  Fhanxe:  A.  U. 
1593-1598- 

LA  FERE-CHAMPENOISE,  Battle  of. 
See  Fhance:  A.  D.  1814  (.lANnAKY- MAitcn). 

LAGIDE  PRINCES.— The  Egyptian  dy- 
nasty founded  by  Ptolemy  Soter,  the  Jlacedo- 
nian  general,  is  sometimes  c    '"A  the*  Lagide 


dj-nnsty  nnd  its  princes  the  Lagide  p.inccs,  witli 
reference  to  the  reputed  father  of  Ptolemy,  who 
bore  the  name  of  I.agus. 

LAGOS,  Naval  Battle  of.  Sec  England : 
A.  1).  17511  (Ai-ousT — NovEMnEn). 

LAGTHING.  See  Constitution  of  Nob- 
way. 

LA  HOGUE,  Naval  Battle  of.  See  Eng- 
land: A.  1).  \mri. 

LAKE  DWELLINGS.— "Among  the  most 
interesting  relics  of  antiquity  which  have  yet 
been  discovered  are  the  famous  lake-dwellings 
of  Switzerland,  described  by  Dr.  Keller  nnd 
others.  .  .  .  Dr.  Keller  .  .  .  has  nrrnnged  them  in 
three  groups,  according  to  the  chnrncter  of  their 
substructure.  [1]  Those  of  the  first  group,  the 
Pile  Dwellings,  nre,  he  tells  us,  by  fnr  the  most 
mimerous  in  the  lakes  of  Switzerland  and  Upper 
Italy.  In  these  the  substructure  consists  of  piles 
of  various  kinds  of  wood,  sharpened  sometimes 
by  fire,  sometimes  by  stone  hatchets  or  celts,  nnd 
In  Inter  times  by  tools  of  bronze,  nnd  probably  of 
iron,  the  piles  being  driven  into  the  bottom  of  the 
lake  nt  various  distances  from  tlicsiiore.  .  .  .  [2] 
Tlie  Frame  Pile-Dwellings  nre  very  rare.  '  The 
distinction  between  this  form  and  tlie  regular  pile- 
settlement  consists  in  tlie  fact  that  the  piles,  in- 
stead of  having  been  driven  into  the  mud  of  the 
lake,  had  been  fixed  by  a  mortise-and-tenon  ar- 
rangement into  sjilit  trunks,  lying  horizontally  on 
thebedof  thelnke.'.  .  .  [3|  In  the  Fnscine  Dwell- 
ings, as  Dr.  Keller  terms  ins  third  group  of  Inke- 
habifations,  the  substructure  consisted  of  suc- 
cessive layers  of  sticks  or  small  stems  of  trees 
built  up  "from  the  bottom  of  the  lake  till  they 
renched  above  the  lake-level.  .  .  .  Lake-dwell- 
ings have  been  met  with  in  many  other  regions 
of 'Europe  besides  Switzerland  and  Italy,  ns  in 
Uavaria,  Austria,  Hungary,  Mecklenburg,  Pom- 
erania,  France,  Wales,  Ireland,  nnd  Scotland. 
The  '  Crannoges '  of  Ireland  and  Scotland  were 
rather  artificial  islands  than  dwellings  like  those 
described  above." — J.  Geikie,  Prehistoric  Europe, 
pp.  369-372. 

Also  in:  F.  Keller,  Ijike  Direllings. — R. 
Munro,  Ancient  Scottish  Lake  Dwellings. — E.  P. 
S.,  Crannoges  (in  Archaeohri.  Journal,  v.  8). 

LAKE  GEORGE,  Battle  of.  See  Canada: 
A.  D.  1755  (Sf.I'Tkmheh). 

LAMARTINE,  and  the  French  Govern- 
ment of  1848.  See  France:  A.  D.  1848  (Fed- 
RUARY — >Iay),  and  (April — December). 

LAMAS.  —  LAMAISM.  —  "  The  develop- 
ment of  the  Buddhist  doctrine  which  has  taken 
place  in  the  Panjab,  Nepal,  and  Tibet  .  .  .  has 
resulted  at  lust  in  the  complete  establishment  of 
Lnmaism,  n  religion  not  only  in  many  points 
different  from,  but  actually  antagonistic  to,  tlio 
primitive  system  of  Buddhism;  and  thisnotonly 
in  its  doctrine,  but  also  in  its  church  organiza- 
tion." Tibet  is  "tlio  only  country  where  the 
Order  has  become  a  hierarchy,  and  acquired 
temporal  power.  Here,  as  in  so  mnnj-  other  coun- 
tries, civilization  entered  and  history  be^'an  with 
Buddhism.  When  the  first  missionaries  went 
there  is  not,  however,  accurately  known;  but 
Nepal  was  becoming  Buddhist  in  the  Otli  cen- 
tury, and  the  first  Buddhist  king  of  Tibet  sent 
to  India  for  the  holy  scriptures  in  632  A.  D.  A 
century  nfterwards  nii  adherent  of  the  native 
devil-worship  drove  the  monks  away,  destroyed 
the  monasteries,  and  burnt  the  holy  books;  "but 
the  blood  of  the  martyrs  was  the  seed  of  the 


1950 


LAMAS. 


LAND  GRANTS. 


cliiircli  — it  returned  triumphant  nftcr  lii.s  death, 
luid  rapidly  gained  in  wealtli  and  intlucnre.  .  .  . 
As  tlie  Order  bee'iine  wealtliy,  rival  a")t)ots  liad 
contended  for  supremacy,  and  tlie  cinefs  liad 
lirst  tried  to  use  tlie  church  as  a  means  of  bind- 
ing the  people  to  themselves,  and  tlieu,  startled 
at  its  progress,  had  to  tight  against  it  for  their 
own  privilege  and  power.  When,  in  the  long  run, 
the  crozier  \  roved  stronger  tlian  the  sword,  the 
Dalai  Lama  became  in  1419  sole  temporal  sov- 
ereign of  Tibet."  — T.  W.  Rhys  Davids,  liml- 
d/iivii,  ch.  8-9. — "Up  to  the  moment  of  its  con- 
version to  Buddhism  a  profound  darkness  liad 
rested  on  [Tibet].  The  inliabitants  were  igno- 
rant and  uncultivated,  and  tlieir  indigenous 
religion,  sometimes  called  Don,  C()nsi.i>{ed  cliielly 
of  magic  based  on  a  kinil  of  Shamanism.  .  .  . 
Tiie  word  is  said  to  be  of  Tungusic  origin,  and 
to  be  used  as  a  name  for  tlie  earliest  religion  of 
Mongolia,  Siberia  and  otlicr  Northern  countries. 
...  It  is  easy  to  understand  that  the  chief  func- 
tion of  the  Shamans,  or  wizard-priests,  was  to 
exorcise  evil  demons,  or  to  propitiate  tliem  by 
sacritices  and  various  magical  practices.  .  .  . 
The  various,  gradations  of  the  Tibetan  hierarcliy 
are  not  easily  described,  and  only  a  general  itlea 
of  them  can  be  given.  .  .  .  First  and  lowest  in 
rank  comes  the  novice  or  junior  monk,  called 
Gcthsul  (Getzul).  .  .  .  Secondly  and  higher  in 
rank  we  have  the  mil  monk,  called  Gelong  (or 
Gelon).  .  .  .  Tliirdly  we  liave  the  superior  Ge- 
long or  Klinupo  (strictly  inKhan  po),  wlio  has  a 
real  riglit  to  the  further  title  Lama.  ...  As  tlic 
■chief  monk  in  a  monastery  lie  may  be  compared 
to  the  European  Abbot.  .  .  .  Some  of  the  higher 
Klianpo  Lamas  arc  supposed  to  be  living  rein- 
earnations  or  re-embodiments  of  certain  canon- 
ized saints  and  Bodhi-sattvas  who  differ  in  iimk. 
These  arc  called  Avatara  Lainas,  and  of  snch 
there  are  three  degrees.  .  .  .  There  is  also  a 
whole  class  of  mendicant  Lamas.  .  .  .  E.varaples 
of  the  highest  Avataras  are  the  two  quasi-Popes, 
or  spiritual  Kings,  wlio  arc  supreme  Lamas  of 
the  Yellow  sect  — the  one  residing  at  Lliassa, 
jind  the  otiier  at  Tashi  Lunpo  (ICraslii  Lunpo), 
about  100  miles  distant.  .  .  .  The  Grand  Lama 
At  Lhassa  is  the  Dalai  Lama,  tliat  is,  '  the  Ocean- 
Lama,  or  one  whose  power  and  learning  are  as 
great  as  the  ocean.  .  .  .  The  other  Grand  Lama, 
who  resides  in  the  monastery  of  Tashi  Lunpo, 
is  known  in  Europe  under  the  names  of  the 
Tashi  Lama."  —  Sir  M.  Monier- Williams,  Dud- 
dhism,  led.  11.  —  "  Kublai-Khan.  after  subduing 
China  [see  China:  A.  D.  1359-1294],  adopted 
the  Buddhist  doctrines,  whicli  had  made  cousid 
crable  progress  among  tlie  Tartars.  Li  the  year 
1201  he  raised  a  Buddhist  priest  named  Mati  to  tlie 
<lijj:nity  of  head  of  the  Faith  in  the  empire.    This 

Eriest  is  better  known  under  the  name  of  Pakbo 
ama,  or  supremo  Lama:  he  was  a  native  of 
Thibet,  and  had  gained  the  good  graces  and  con- 
fidence of  Kubl'.i,  who,  at  the  same  time  that  he 
•conferred  on  lim  the  supreme  sacerdotal  otllce, 
invested  him  ,vith  the  temporal  power  in  Thibet, 
with  the  tit  es  of  'King  of  the  Great  and 
Precious  Law,'  and  '  Institutor  of  the  Empire.' 
Such  was  the  orij^i"  of  the  Grand  Lamas  of 
Thibet,  audit  is  not  impossible  that  the  Tartar 
Emperor,  who  had  had  fre(iueut  communications 
with  the  Christian  missionaries,  may  have  wi.shed 
*o  create  a  religious  organisation  after  tlie  model 
V  the  Romish  hierarchy." — Abbe  IIuc,  Christi- 
unity  in  China,  Tartary  and  Thibet,  v.  3,  j).  10. 


Also  in":  The  same,  Journey  throw/h  Tartan/, 
Thihet  and  China,  v.  3.  —  W.  W.  Kockhill,  The 
Land  of  the  /,ania.i. 

LAMBALLE,  Mrclame  de.  The  death  of. 
SeeFit.XNCii;  A.  I).  1792  (AloUst  —  Sk1'TK.M- 
nioit). 

LAMBETH,  Treaty  of.  — A  treaty  of  Sept. 
11,  A.  I).  1217.  which  was,  in  a  certain  sense,  the 
seipiel  of  Magna  Carta.  The  baions  who  ex- 
torted the  Great  Charter  from  ICing  .John  in  1315 
were  driven  subseiiuently  to  a  renewal  of  war 
witli  him.  Tliey  renounced  their  allegiance  and 
olTcred  the  crown  to  a  French  prince,  Louis,  hus- 
band of  Blanche  of  Castile,  who  was  .John's 
niece.  The  pretensions  of  Louis  were  main- 
tained after  John's  death,  against  his  young  son. 
Henry  IIL  The  cause  of  the  latter  triiimpheil 
in  a  decisive  battle  fought  at  Lincoln,  Jlay  20, 
1217,  and  the  contest  was  ended  by  the  treaty 
named  above.  "The  treaty  of  Lambeth  is,  in 
jtractieal  importance,  scarcely  inferior  to  the 
Charter  itself."— W.  Stubbs,  Const.  Hist.  ofEnr/., 
ch.  14,  sect.  170  (c.  2). 

LAMEGO,  The  Cortes  of.  See  Portugal: 
\.  D.  10!),-)-t;J2.). 

LAMIAN  WAR,  The.  See  Gukf-Ce:  B.  C. 
323-323. 

LAMONE,  Battle  of  (1425).  See  Italy: 
...  D.  1412-1447. 

LAMPADARCHY,  The.    See  Lituroies. 

LANCASTER,  Chancellorship  of  the 
Duchy  of. — "The  Chancellorship  ot  the  Duchy 
of  Lancaster  is  an  ollice  inoie  rtmarkablc  for  its 
antiquity  than  fen'  its  present  usefulness.  It 
dates  from  the  time  of  Henry  the  Fourth,  when 
the  County-  of  Lancashire  was  under  a  govern- 
ment distinct  from  the  rest  of  the  Kingdom. 
About  the  only  duty  now  associated  wiili  the 
olHcc  is  the  appointment  of  magistrates  for  the 
county  of  Lancashire.  In  tlie  otiier  English  and 
Welsh  counties,  tliesc  appointments  are  made  by 
the  Lord  Higii  Chancellor,  wlio  is  the  head  of 
tlic  Judicial  system.  The  duties  of  the  Chancel- 
lor of  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster  are  thus  exceed- 
ingly light.  The  holder  of  the  otlicc  is  often 
spoken  of  as  '  tlie  maid  of  all  work  to  the  Cab- 
inet, '  from  the  fact  that  he  is  accorded  a  place  in 
the  Cabinet  without  being  assigned  any  special 
duties  likely  to  occupy  the  wliole  of  his  time. 
Usually  theoflice  is  bestowed  upon  some  states- 
man wliom  it  is  desirable  for  special  reasons  to 
liave  in  the  Cabinet,  but  for  whom  no  other  ollice 
of  equal  rank  or  importance  is  available. " — E. 
Porritt,  The  EH(jlisht}ian  at  Home,  ch.  8. 

LANCASTER,  House  of.  See  England: 
A.  D.  1399-1471. 

LANCASTRIANS.  See  England:  A.  D. 
1455-1471. 

LANCES,  Free.- With  Sir.Iolm  Hawkwood 
and  his  "  free  company  "  of  Englisli  mercenaries, 
"came  fir.st  into  Italy  [about  1300]  the  use  of  the 
term  'lances,'  as  applied  fo  hired  troops;  each 
'  lance '  being  understood  to  consist  of  three  men; 
of  whom  one  carried  a  lance,  and  the  others  were 
bowmen.  .  .  .  They  mostly  fought  on  foot,  hav- 
ing between  each  two  archers  a  lance,  which  was 
held  as  men  hold  their  hunting-speai's  in  a  boar- 
liunt." — T.  A.  Trollope,  Hist,  oj  the  Cummonioealth 
of  Florence,  r.  2,  /».  144. 

LAND  GRANTS  FOR  SCHOOLS  IN 
THE  UNITED  STATES.  See  Eduction, 
Modkun:  A.MEKICA:  A.  D.  1785-1800;  1803; 
and  1803-1880. 


1951 


LAND  LEAGUE. 


LANGPORT. 


LAND    LEAGUE,    The.      See    Ireland: 

A,  I),  1873   1M71);  iukI  1HH1-1H83. 

LAND  QUESTION  AND  LAND  LAWS, 
The  Irish.     See  Iuki.anm):  A.  I).  1870-1894. 

LANDAMMANN.    SeeSwiTZEULANU:  A.  D. 

1803-1848.  ^ 

LANDAU  :  A.  D.  1648.— Cession  to  France. 
SccOkkm.vnv:  A.  I).  1048. 

A.  D.  1702-1703. — Taken  by  the  Imperial- 
ists and  retaken  by  the  French.  Sec  Umt- 
many:  a.  1).  1703;  mid  1703. 

A.  D.  1704.-  Taken  by  the  Allies.  See  Geu- 
many:  a.  1).  1704. 

A.  D.  1713. — Taken  and  retained  by  France. 
See  Utuecut:  A.  I).  1713-1714. 

LANDEN,  OR  NEERWINDEN,  Battle 
of.     See  Fha.nck:  A.  I).  1093  (.Jli.y). 

LANDFRIEDE.— FEHDERECHT.- 
THE  SWABIAN  LEAGUE.— "  Lrtiulfiiede 
—  Pence  of  the  Land.  The  expression,  Public 
Pence,  which,  in  deference  to  numerous  and  liigh 
nuthorities  I  have  generally  used  in  the  text,  is 
liable  to  important  objections.  '  A  breach  of  the 
public  i)cace '  means,  in  England,  any  open  dis- 
order or  outrage.  But  [in  mediicval  Qermnuy] 
the  Landfricde  (Pax  publica)  was  a  special  act  or 
provision  directed  against  the  abuse  of  an  ancient 
and  established  institution, —  the  Fehderccht  (jus 
diftidatiouis,  or  right  of  private  warfare).  The 
attempts  to  restrain  this  abuse  were,  for  a  long 
time,  local  and  temporary.  .  .  .  Tlie  first  ener- 
getic measure  of  the  general  government  to  i)ut 
down  private  wars  was  that  of  the  diet  of  NUrn- 
berg  (1460).  .  .  .  The  Fehde  is  a  middle  term 
betwceu  duel  and  war.  Every  affront  or  injury 
led,  after  certain  formalities,  to  the  declaration, 
a(l(lre.s.scd  to  the  ofTcniling  party,  that  the  ag- 
grieved party  would  be  his  foe,  and  that  of  his 
helpers  and  hclpers'helpcrs.  ...  I  shall  not  go 
into  an  elaborate  description  of  the  evils  atten- 
dant on  the  right  of  ditUdation  or  private  war- 
fare (Fehderccht);  they  were  probably  not  so 
great  as  is  commonly  imagined." — L.  Rnnke,  Hist, 
of  the  Ileformatioii  in  Genmuiy,  v.  1,  pp.  77  (foot- 
note), 71,  andSl. — "The  right  of  dillldation,  or 
of  private  warfare,  had  been  tlie  immemorial 
privilege  of  the  Germanic  nobles  —  a  privilege 
as  clear  as  it  was  ancient,  which  no  diet  at- 
tempted to  abolish,  but  winch,  from  the  mis- 
chiefs attending  its  exercise,  almost  every  one 
had  endeavoured  to  restrain.  .  .  .  Not  only  state 
could  declare  war  against  state,  prince  against 
prince,  noble  against  noble,  but  any  noble  could 
legally  defy  the  emperor  himself."  In  the  reign 
of  Frederick  III.  (1440-1493)  efforts  were  made 
to  institute  a  tribunal  —  an  imperial  chamber  — 
which  should  have  powers  that  would  operate  to 
restrain  these  private  wara;  but  the  emperor  and 
the  college  of  princes  could  not  agree  as  to  the 
constitution  of  the  court  proposed.  To  attain 
somewhat  the  same  end,  the  emperor  then  "es- 
tablished a  league  both  of  the  prmces  and  of  the 
imperial  cities,  which  was  destined  to  be  bet'  . 
observed  than  most  preceding  confederat'oas , 
Its  object  was  to  punish  all  who,  dur.g  tet. 
years,  should,  by  the  right  of  diffldat:.ju,  violate 
the  public  tranquillity.  He  commenced  with 
Swabia,  which  had  ever  been  regarded  as  the 
imperial  domain ;  and  which,  having  no  elector, 
no  governing  duke,  no  actual  head  other  than 
the  emperor  himself,  and,  consequently,  no  other 


acknowledged  protector,  was  s\illlciently  disposed 
III  his  views.  In  its  origin  the  Swabiau  league 
consisted  only  of  .six  cities,  four  prelates,  three 
counts,  sixteen  knights;  but  by  promises,  or 
reasoning,  or  threats,  Frederic  soon  augmented 
it.  Tlie  number  of  towns  was  raised  to  23,  of 
prelates  to  13,  of  counts  to  13,  of  knights  or 
inferior  nobles  to  3.50.  It  derived  additional 
strength  from  the  adhesion  of  ])riuces  and  cities 
beyond  the  coiillnes  of  Swabia;  and  additional 
splendour  from  tlie  names  of  two  clectora,  three 
margraves,  and  otlier  reigning  princes.  It  main- 
tained constantly  on  foot  10,000  infantry  and 
1,000  cavalry, —  a  force  generally  sutllcient  for 
the  preservation  of  tranquillity.  Of  its  salutary 
effects  some  notion  may  be  formed  from  the  fact 
that,  in  a  very  short  period,  oneand-forty  ban- 
dit dens  were  stormed,  and  that  two  powerful 
offenders,  George  duke  of  Bavaria,  and  duke 
Albert  of  Alunich,  were  compelled  by  an  armed 
force  to  make  satisfaction  for  their  infraction  of 
the  public  peace." — S.  A.  Dunham,  IIM.  of  the 
Germanic  Empire,  v.  2,  pp.  281-283. — The  final 
suppression  of  the  Fehderccht  was  brought  about 
in  the  succeeding  reign,  of  Maximilian,  by  the 
institution  of  the  Imperial  Chamber  and  the 
organization  of  the  Circles  to  enforce  its  de- 
crees. See  Geumasy  :  A.  D.  1493-1S19. 
LANDO,  Pope,  A.  D.  913-914. 

LANDRECIES  :  A.  D.  1647.  —  Spanish 
siege  and  capture.  See  Netiieui.a.nds  (Spanish 
PuoviNCEB):  A.  I).  1047-1648. 

A.  D.  1655. — Siege  and  capture  by  Turenne. 
See  FiiANCE:  A.  D.  1653-16.')6. 

A.  D.  1659.— Ceded  to  France.  See  France: 
A.  D.  1650-1661. 

A.  D.  1794.— Sieee  and  capture  by  the  Allies. 
— Recovery  by  the  French.  See  Fkance  :  A.  D. 
1794  (Maucii— July). 

LANDRIANO,  Battle  of  (1529).  See  Italy: 
A.  D.  1537-1529.     ' 

LANDSHUT,  Battle  of  (1760).  See  Ger- 
many: A.   D.   1700 (1809.)    See   Geujiany: 

A.  D.  1809  (Januamy— June). 

LAN DSQUENETS.—"  After  the  accession 
of  Maximilian  I.  [Emperor,  A.  D.  1493-1519],  the 
troops  so  celebrated  m  history  under  the  name 
of  '  Laudsquenets '  began  to  be  known  in  Europe. 
They  were  native  Germans,  and  soon  I'ose  to  a 
high  degree  of  military  estimation.  That  Em- 
peror, who  had  studied  the  art  of  war,  and  who 
conducted  it  on  principles  of  Tactics,  armed  them 
with  long  lances;  divided  them  into  regiments, 
composed  of  ensigns  and  squads;  compelled 
them  to  submit  to  a  rigorous  discipline,  and  re- 
tained them  under  their  standards  after  the  con- 
clusion of  the  wars  in  which  ho  was  engaged. 
.  .  .  Pikes  were  substituted  in  the  place  of  their 
long  lances,  under  Charles  V."  —  Sir  N.  W. 
Wraxall,  IliH.  of  France,  1574-1610,  v.  2,  p.  183. 

LANDSTING.  See  Scandinavian  States 
(Drnmark— Iceland):  A.  D.  1849-1874;  and 
Constitution  of  Sweden. 

LANDWEHP         :.    See  Fyrd. 

LANGENSA  .  .,  Battle  at  (1075).  See 
Saxony:  A.  D,  1073-1075 (1866.)  See  Ger- 
many: A.  D.  1S66. 

LANGOBAROI,  The.    See  Lombards. 

LANG°ORT,  Battle  of.  See  England: 
A.  D.  1045  (July — Septe.mber). 


1952 


LANG'S  NEK. 


LATIN  NAME. 


LANG'S  NEK,  Battle  of  (1881).    See  South 
Al'Hlc.\;  A.  1).  180«-1881. 
n  LANGSIDE,   Battle  of  (1568).     See  Scot- 

L.\NI):  A.  D.  1.501-1508. 

LANGUE  D'OC— "It  Is  well  known  that 
French  is  in  tlic  iiiiiin  n  descendant  from  the 
Latin,  not  the  La,  in  of  Rome,  but  the  corrupter 
Latin  whicii  was  inolten  in  Gaul.  Now  these 
Latin-speaking  Oauls  did  not,  for  some  reason, 
gay  'est,'  'it  is,'  for  'yes,'  as  the  Uomans  did; 
but  they  used  a  pronoun,  either  'ille,'  'he,'  or 
'hoc,'  'this.'  When,  iherefore,  a  Gaul  desired 
to  say  'yes,'  he  iuxlded,  and  said 'he'  or  else 
'  this,'  meaning  '  He  is  so, '  or  '  This  is  so. '  As  it 
happens  the  Gaids  of  the  north  said  'ille,'  and 
those  of  the  south  said  '  hoc, '  and  these  werds 
gradually  got  corrupted  into  two  meaningless 
words,  'GUI'  and  'oc'  It  is  well  known  that 
the  people  in  the  south  of  France  were  especially 
distinguished  by  using  the  word  '  oc '  instead  o'f 
'oui'  for  'yes,'  so  that  their  'dialect'  got  to  be 
called  the  'langue  d'oc'and  this  word  Langue- 
doo  gave  the  name  to  a  province  of  France." — 
C.  F.  Keary.  Dmrn  of  IIMory.  ch.  3. 

Also  in:  F.  Hueffer,  77(«  Trouhmlnitrg,  ch.  1. 
—Sir  O.  C.  Lewis,  The  Romance  iguage*,  p. 
52,  and  after. 

LANGUEDOC. — When,  as  a  consequence  of 
the  Albigensian  wars,  the  dominions  of  the 
Counts  of  Toulouse  were  broken  up  and  absorbed 
for  the  most  part  in  the  domain  of  the  French 
crown,  the  country  which  had  been  chiefly  rav- 
aged in  those  wars,  including  Scptimania  and 
much  of  the  old  county  of  Toulouse,  acquired 
the  name  by  which  its  language  was  known  — 
Languedoc.  The  '  langue  d  oc '  was  spoken  like- 
wise in  Provence  and  in  Aquitaine ;  but  it  gave 
a  definite  geographical  name  only  to  the  region 
between  the  Rhone  and  the  Garonne.  See  Albi- 
GENSEs:  A.  D.  1217-1229;  also,  Provence:  A.  D. 
1179-1207. 

LANNES,  Marshal,  Campaigns  of.  See 
France:  A.  D.  1800-1801  (JI ay— February) ; 
GERjfANY:  A.  D.  1806  (October);  Spain:  A.I). 
1808  (September— December),  1808-1809  (De- 
cember—JIarcii),  1809  (February— July)  ;  and 
Germany:  A.  D.  1809  (January— June). 

LANSDOWNE,  Lord,  The  Indian  adminis- 
iration  of.    See  India:  A.  D.  1880-1893. 


LAON  :  The  last  capital  of  the  Carolingian 
kings.  —  The  rock-lifted  castle  and  stronghold 
of  Laon,  situated  in  the  modern  department  of 
Aisne,  about  74  miles  northeast  from  Paris,  was 
the  last  refuge  and  capital  —  sometimes  the  sole 
dominion  —  of  the  Carolingian  kings,  in  their 
final  struggle  with  the  new  dynasty  sprung  from 
the  Dukes  of  France.  The  "  King  of  Laon  "  and 
the  "King  of  St.  Denis,"  as  the  contestants  are 
sometimes  called,  disputed  with  one  another  for 
a  monarchy  which  was  small  when  the  sover- 
eignty of  the  two  had  been  united  in  one.  In 
991  the  "King  of  Laon  "was  betrayed  to  his 
rival,  Hugh  Capet,  and  died  in  prison.  "Laon 
ceased  to  be  a  capital,  and  became  a  quiet 
country  town;  the  castle,  relic  of  those  days, 
stood  till  1833, when  it  was  rased  to  the  ground." 
— G.  W.  Kitchin,  Hut.  of  France,  v.  1,  bk.  3,  ch.  2. 

Also  in:  Sir  F.  Palgrave,  Hut.  of  Normandy 
and  England,  bk.  1,  pt.  2,  ch.  4,  pt.  1-2  (p.  2).— 
Bee,  also,  France:  A.  D.  877-987. 

A.  D,  1594.— Siege  *n<l  capture  by  H^uiy 
IV.    See  France:  A.  D.  1593-1598. 


LAON,  Battle  of.  Sec  France:  A.  D.  1814 
(J  a  N  U  a  II V—  .M  a  rcii). 

LAPITHiE,  The.— A  race  which  occupied 
in  early  times  the  valley  of  the  Penous,  in  Thcs- 
saly;  "a  race  which  derived  its  origin  from  Al- 
mopia  in  iMaccdonia,  and  wa.s  at  least  vcrv  nearly 
connc(!ti'd  with  the  Jlinyans  and  ..iilolians  of 
Ephjni."— ('.  O.  .Mailer,  llint.  and  Antiq.  of  the 
Done  Jlare,  hk\  1,  eh.  1. 

LA  PLATA,  Provinces  of.  See  Aroentink 
Uepuiimc. 

LA  PUERTA,  Battle  of  (1814).  See  Co- 
LOMBfAN  Statkh:  A.  D.  1810-18'Jl. 

LARGS,  Battle  of.  See  Scotland:  A.  D. 
1203. 

LARISSA.  —  There  were  several  ancient 
cities  in  Greece  and  Asia  Minor  called  Larissa. 
See  Aiioos,  and  Pkuhii.kbianh. 

LAROCHEJACqUELIN,  Henri  de,  and 
the  insurrection  in  La  Vendue.  See  France: 
A.  D.  1793(Marcii— April);  (June);  and  (July 
— Deckmhkr). 

LA  ROCHELLE.    See  TfiCHELLE. 

LA  ROTHIERE,  Battle  of.  See  France: 
A.  I).  1814  (January— March). 

LA  SALLE'S  EXPLORATIONS.  See 
Canada:  A.  D.  1009-1687. 

LAS  CASAS,  The  humane  labors  of.  See 
Slavery:  Modern:  op  the  Indians. 

LAS  CRUCES,  Battle  of.  See  Mexico: 
A.  D.  1810-1819. 

LASSI,  OR  LAZZI,  The.    See  L^tl 

LASWARI,  Battle  of  (1803).  See  India: 
A.  D.  nos-iHO,-;. 

LATERAN,  The.— "The  Lateran  derives  its 
name  from  a  rich  iiatrician  family,  whose  estates 
were  confiscated  by  Nero.  ...  It  afterwards 
became  an  imperial  residence,  and  a  portion  of 
it  .  .  .  was  given  by  Constantino  to  Pope  Mel- 
chiades  in  312,  —  a  donation  whicli  was  con- 
firmed to  St.  Sylvester,  in  whose  reign  the  first 
basilica  was  built  here.  .  .  .  The  ancient  Palace 
of  the  Lateran  was  the  rnsidenceof  the  popes  for 
nearly  1,000  yeors.  .  .  .  I'hc  modern  Palace  of 
the  Lateran  was  built  from  designs  of  Fontaua  by 
Sixtus  V.  In  1093  Innocent  XII.  turned  it  into 
a  hospital,  — in  1488  Gregory  XVI.  appropriated 
it  as  a  museum." — A.  J.  C.  Hare,  Walks  in  Rome, 
eh.  13. 

LATHES  OF  KENT.— "The  county  of 
Kent  [England]  is  divided  into  six  'lathes,'  of 
nearly  equal  size,  having  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
hundreds  in  other  shires.  The  lathe  may  be  de- 
rived from  the  Jutish  '  lething '  (in  modern  Dan- 
ish 'leding')  —  a  military  levy." — T.  P.  Taswell- 
Langmead,  Enr/liith  Const.  Hist.,  ch.  1,  fmt-note. 

LATHOM  HOUSE,  Siege  of.  See  Eng- 
land: A.  D.  1044  (January). 

LATIFUNDIA.— The  great  slave-tilled  es- 
tates of  the  Uomans,  whicli  swallowed  up  the 
properties  of  the  small  land-holders  of  earlier 
times,  were  called  Latifundia. 

LATIN  CHURCH,  The.— The  Roman 
Catholic  Church  (see  Papacy)  is  often  referred 
to  as  the  Latin  Church,  in  distinction  from  the 
Greek  or  Orthwlox  Church  of  the  East. 

LATIN  EMPIRE  AT  CONSTANTI- 
NOPLE.   See  Romania,  The  Empire  op. 

LATIN  LANGUAGE  IN  THE  MIDDLE 
AGES.    See  Education,  Medieval. 

"LATIN  NAME,"  The.— "We  miist  .  .  . 
explain  what  was  meant  in  the  sixth  century  of 
Rome  [third  century  B.  C]  by  the  'Latin  name.' 


1953 


LATIN  NAME. 


LAURFATE. 


.  .  .  Tlin  Lfttin  iinmc  was  now  oxtondo'l  fur  be- 
yond its  (iM  j:t'Oj,'riiiilii('nl  limits,  mid  wus  renre- 
stiUrd  by  ii  inultilu''  of  flourishing  cities 
scattered  over  tlie  wIkjI  of  Italy,  from  the  fron- 
tier of  C'isidpiue  Oiud  to  the  soutliern  extremity 
of  Apulia.  .  .  .  Not  tliut  they  were  Latins  in 
their  origin,  or  connected  with  tlie  cities  of  the 
old  Latiuni:  on  tlie  contrary  they  were  liy  ex- 
traction Uoniann;  they  were  coloe  s  founded  by 
the  Uoinaii  people,  and  consisting  of  liomnu  citi- 
zens: but  the  Honian  government  had  resolved 
that,  in  their  politienl  relations,  they  should  be 
considered,  I'^t  as  Itomans,  but  as  Latins;  and 
the  Koman  tiers,  in  consideration  of  the  ad- 
vatages  whicli  they  enjoyed  as  colonists,  were 
content  to  descend  politically  to  a  lower  condi- 
tion than  that  which  they  had  received  as  their 
birthright.  The  statesof  the  Latin  name,wlietlier 
cities  of  old  Latium  or  Roman  colonies,  all  en- 
joyed their  own  laws  and  municipal  g<  vernment, 
like  the  other  allies ;  and  all  were,  lil<e  the  other 
allies,  subject  to  the  sovereign  doii);;iion  of  the 
Romans.  They  were  also  so  much  regarded  as 
foreigners  that  tliey  could  not  buy  or  inherit 
land  from  Roman  citizens;  nor  had  they  gener- 
ally the  riglit  of  intermarriage  with  Romans. 
But  they  had  two  peculiar  privileges:  one,  that 
any  Latin  who  left  behind  him  a  sou  in  his  own 
city,  to  perpetuate  his  family  there,  might  re- 
move to  Rome,  and  acquire  tlie  Roman  franchise ; 
the  otlier,  tliat  every  person  who  had  held  any 
magistracy  or  distinguislied  otlicc  in  a  Latin 
«tate,  might  become  at  once  a  Roman  citizen." — 
T.  Arnold,  Hint,  of  liome,  ch.  41. 

LATINS,  Subjugation  of,  by  the  Romans. 
Bee  Romk:  B.  C.  ii3U-:?:W. 

LATIUM.— THE  OLD  LATINS.— "The 
plain  of  Latium  must  have  been  in  primeval 
times  the  scene  of  the  grandest  conflicts  of  na- 
ture, while  the  slowly  formative  agency  of  water 
deposited,  and  the  eruptions  of  mighty  volcanoes 
upheaved,  the  successive  strata  of  that  soil  on 
which  was  to  be  decided  the  question  to  what 
people  the  sovereignty  of  the  world  should  be- 
long. Latium  is  bounded  on  the  east  by  the 
mountains  of  the  Sabines  and  Aequi,  which  form 
part  of  the  Apennines;  and  on  the  south  by  tlie 
Volscian  range  rising  to  the  height  of  4,000  feet, 
which  is  separated  from  the  main  chain  of  the 
Apennines  by  the  ancient  territory  of  the  Hernici, 
the  table- land  of  the  Sacco  (Trerus,  a  tributary 
of  the  Liris),  and  stretcliing  in  a  westerly  direc- 
tion terminates  in  the  promontory  of  Terracina. 
On  the  west  its  boundary  is  the  sea,  wliicli  on 
this  part  of  the  coast  forms  but  few  and  indiffer- 
ent harbours.  On  the  north  it  imperceptibly 
merges  into  the  broad  bighlands  of  Etruria.  The 
region  thus  enclosed  forms  a  magnificent  plain 
traversed  by  the  Tiber,  the  'mountain-stream' 
which  issues  from  the  Umbrian,  and  by  the 
Anio,  which  rises  in  tlie  Sabine  mountains.  Hills 
here  and  there  emerge,  liite  islands,  from  the 
puin ;  some  of  them  steep  limestone  clififs,  such 
as  thct  of  Soracte  in  the  north-east,  and  that  of 
the  Circeian  promontory  on  the  south-west,  as 
well  as  the  similar  though  lower  height  of  the 
Janiculum  near  Rome;  otliers  volcanic  eleva- 
tions, whose  extinct  craters  had  become  con- 
verted into  lakes  which  in  some  cases  still  exist ; 
the  most  important  of  these  is  the  Alban  range, 
which,  free  on  every  side,  stands  forth  from  the 
plain  between  the  Volscian  chain  and  the  river 
Tiber.    Here  settled  the  stock  which  is  known  to 


liistory  under  the  name  of  tlic  Latins,  or,  ns  they 
were  "su!).soi|Ueiilly  called  by  way  of  distinction 
fnmi  tlie  Latin  communities  beyond  the  bounds  of 
Latium,  tlie 'Old  Latins' (' prisei  Latini').  But 
the  territory  occupied  by  them,  the  district  of 
Latiuni,  was  only  a  small  portion  of  tlie  central 
ninin  of  Italy.  All  the  country  north  of  the 
fiber  was  to  the  Latins  a  foreign  and  even  hos- 
tile domain,  with  whoso  inliabitants  no  lasting 
alliance,  no  public  peace,  was  jiossible,  and  such 
armistices  as  were  concluded  appear  always  to 
have  been  for  a  limited  jieriod.  T'lie  Tiber  fornvjil 
the  northern  boundary  from  early  times.  .  .  . 
We  flnd,  at  the  time  wlien  our  history  Ix-gius, 
the  flat  and  marshy  tracts  to  the  south  of  tlie 
Alban  range  in  tlie  hands  of  Umbro-Sabellian 
stocks,  tlie  Rululi  and  Volsci ;  Ardea  and  Veli- 
trae  are  no  longer  in  the  number  of  originally 
Latin  towns.  Only  the  central  portion  of  tliat 
region  between  the  Tiber,  the  spurs  of  the  Apen- 
nines, the  Alban  Jlount,  and  the  sea  —  a  district 
of  about  700  square  miles,  not  mucli  larger  than 
the  present  canton  of  Zuricli  —  was  Latiuni 
jiroper,  the  'plain,'  as  it  appears  to  tlie  eye  of 
the  observer  from  the  lieiglits  of  Monte  Cavo. 
Tliough  the  country  is  a  plain,  it  is  nr)t  monot- 
onously flat.  Witli  the  exception  of  the  sea- 
beach  wliicli  is  sandy  and  formed  in  part  by  the 
accumulations  of  the  Tiber,  the  level  is  every- 
where broken  by  hills  of  tufa  ino<lerate  in  lieight, 
though  often  somewhat  steep,  and  by  deep 
fissures  of  the  ground.  These  alternating  eleva-( 
tioiis  and  depressions  of  the  surface  lead  to  the 
formation  of  lakes  in  winter;  and  the  exhalations 
proceeding  in  the  heat  of  summer  from  the  pu- 
trescent organic  substances  which  they  contain 
engender  tliat  noxious  fever-laden  atmosphere, 
which  in  ancient  times  tainted  the  district  us  it 
taints  it  at  tlie  present  day." — T.  Mommseii, 
Hist,  of  Home,  bk.  1,  ck.  3.— See,  also,  Italy, 
Ancient. 

LATT,  OR  LIDUS,  The.  See  Slavehy: 
MEUiyEVAL:  Germany. 

LATTER  DAY  SAINTS,  Church  of.  See 
Moiimonism:  A.  D.  1805-1830. 

LAUD,  Archbishop,  Church  tyranny  of. 
See  England:  A.  D.  1033-1640. 

LAUDER  BRIDGE.  See  Scotland:  A.  D. 
1482-1488. 

LAUDERDALE,  Duke  of.  His  oppression 
in  Scotland.     See  Scotland:  A.  D.  1609-1079. 

LAUFFENBURG,  Captured  by  Duke 
Bernhard  (1637).  See  Qekmany:  A.  D.  1634- 
1039. 

LAURAS.— "The  institution  of  Lauras  was 
the  connecting  link  between  the  hermitage  and 
the  monastery,  in  the  later  and  more  ordinary 
use  of  that  word.  ...  A  Laura  was  an  aggre- 
gation of  separate  cells,  under  the  not  very 
strongly  defined  control  of  a  superior,  the  in- 
mates meeting  together  only  on  the  tirst  and 
last  days,  the  old  and  new  Sabbaths,  of  each 
week,  "for  their  common  meal  in  the  refectory 
and  for  common  worship.  .  .  .  The  origin  of 
tlie  word  '  Laura '  is  uncertain.  .  .  .  Probably 
it  is  another  form  of  'labra,'  the  popular  term 
in  Alexandria  for  an  alley  or  narrow  court. " — 
I.  G.  Smith,  Christian  Moiiaaticism,  pp.  38-39. 

LAUREATE,  English  Poets.— "From  the 
appointment  of  Chaucer  about  five  hundred 
years  have  elapsed,  and  during  that  period  a 
long  line  of  poets  have  held  the  title  of  Laure- 
ate.   For  the  first  two  hundred  years  tliey  were 


1954 


LAUREATE. 


LAW. 


somcwhnt  irregularly  appointed,  but  from  the 
creation  of  Uicliard  Edwards  in  1561,  they  come 
down  to  the  present  time  without  internipti(m. 
The  selection  of  the  Laureate  lias  not  always 
been  a  wise  one,  but  the  list  coiitnins  the  names 
of  a  few  of  our  greatest  authors,  and  the  honour 
was  certainly  worthily  bestowed  upon  Edmund 
Spenser,  Ben  Jonson,  John  Drydeu,  Robert 
Southey,  William  Wordsworth,  and  Alfred  Ten- 
nyson. As  the  custom  of  crowning  successful 
poets  appears  to  have  been  in  use  since  the  ori- 
gin of  poetry  itself,  the  office  of  Poet  Laureate 
can  certainly  bo!\st  of  considerable  antiquity, 
and  the  laurel  wreath  of  the  Greeks  and  Ro- 
mans was  an  envied  trophy  long  before  our 
Druidical  forefather  held  aloft  the  mistletoe 
bough  in  their  mystic  rites.  From  what  foreign 
nation  we  first  borrowed  the  idea  of  a  King  of 
the  Poets  is  doubtful." — W.  Hamilton,  Origin  oj 
the  Office  of  Poet  jM'ireate  (Itoyal  Hid.  Sue, 
Tran»(Ktions,  v.  8). — The  following  is  a  list  of  the 
Poets  Laureate  of  England,  with  the  dates  of 
their  appointment :  Geoffrey  Chaiicer,  1368 ;  Sir 
John  Qowcr,  1400;  Henry  Seogan;  John  Kay; 
Andrew  Bernard,  1486;  John  Slcelton,  1489; 
Roljcrt  Whittington,  1513;  Richard  Edwards, 
1.561;  Edmund  Spenser,   1590;   Samuel  Daniel, 


1598;  Ben  Jonson,  1616;  Sir  William  Davenont, 
16:J8:  John  Dryden,  1670;  Tliomas  Shad'.vell, 
1688;  Nahum  Tate,  1692;  Nicliolas  Itowe,  1715; 
Rev.  Laurence  Eusden,  1718;  Colley  Gibber, 
liliO;  William  Whitehead,  1757;  Thomas  Warton, 
1785;  Henry  James  Pye.  I'^O;  Robert  Southey, 
181!);  William  Wordsworth,  1843;  Alfred  Ten- 
nyson, 1850. — W.  Hamilton,  The  J\)ets  Laureate 
iif  Kiif/ln  lid. 

LAURIUM,  Silver  Mines  of.— These  mines, 
in  Attica,  were  owned  and  worked  at  an  early 
tune  by  the  Athenian  state,  and  seem  to  have 
yielded  a  large  revenue,  more  or  less  of  which 
was  divided  an\ong  the  citizens.  It  was  by  per- 
s\m(ling  the  Athenians  to  forego  that  division 
that  Themistocles  secured  money  to  l)uild  the 
tlcet  which  made  Athens  a  great  naval  power. 
Tlic  mines  were  situated  in  the  southern  part  of 
Attica,  in  a  district  of  low  hills,  not  far  from  the 
promontory  of  Siinium.  —  G.  Grote,  Hist,  of 
Greece,  pt.  2,  ch.  30. 

LAUSITZ.    See  BuANnKNnuno. 

LAUTULiE,  Battle  of.  See  Rome:  B.  C. 
343-200. 

LAW,  John,  and  his  Mississippi  Scheme. 
See  FiiANCE:  A.  I).  1717-1720;  and  Louisiana: 
A.  D.  1717-1718. 


LAW.* 


The  subject  is  here  treated  with  reference  to 
the  history  of  the  rights  of  persons  and  prop- 
erty, and  tliat  of  procedure,  rather  tlian  in  its 
political  and  economic  aspects,  which  are  dis- 
cussed under  other  heads.  And  those  parts  of 
tlie  history  of  law  thus  considered  wliich  enter 
into  our  present  systems  are  given  the  preference 
in  space, —  purely  historical  matters,  such  as  the 
Roman  Law,  being  treated  elsewhere,  as  in- 
dicated in  the  references  placed  at  the  end  of  this 
article : 

Admiralty  Law. 

A.  D.  1 183.— Law  as  to  Shipwreclcs.— "  The 

Emperor  Constantinc,  or  Antonine  (for  there  is 
some  doubt  as  to  which  it  was),  had  the  honour 
of  being  the  first  to  renounce  the  claim  to  ship- 
wrecked property  in  favor  of  the  rightful  owner. 
But  the  inhuman  customs  on  this  subject  were 
too  deeply  rooted  to  be  eradicated  by  the  wisdom 
and  vigilance  of  the  Roman  law  givers.  The 
legislation  in  favor  of  the  unfortunate  was  dis- 
regarded by  succeeding  emperors,  and  when  the 
empire  itself  was  overturned  by  the  northern 
barbarians,  the  laws  of  humanuy  were  swept 
away  in  the  tempest,  and  the  continual  depreda- 
tions of  the  Saxons  and  Normans  induced  the  in- 
habitants of  the  western  coasts  of  Europe  to 
treat  all  navigators  who  were  thrown  by  the 
perils  of  the  sea  upon  their  shores  as  pirates,  and 
to  punish  them  as  such,  without  inquiry  or  dis- 
crimination. The  Emperor  Andronicus  Com- 
nenus,  who  reigned  at  Constantinople  in  1183, 
made  great  efforts  to  repress  this  inhuman  prac- 
tice. His  edict  was  worthy  of  the  highest  praise, 
but  it  ceased  to  be  put  in  execution  after  his 
deatli.  .  .  .  Valin  says,  it  was  reserved  to  the 
ordinances  of  Lewis  XIV.  to  put  tlie  finishing 
stroke  towards  the  extinction  of  this  species  of 

•  Prepared  for  this  work  by  Austin  Abbott,  Dean  of  the 
New  York  University  Law  iScliool. 


piracy,  by  declaring  that  8hipwrecke<l  persons 
and  property  were  placed  under  the  special  pro- 
tection and  safe  guard  of  the  crown,  and  the 
punishment  of  death  without  hope  of  pardon, 
was  pronounced  against  the  guilty." — James 
Kent,  International  Law,  edited  by  J.  T.  Abdy, 
p.  31. 

A.  D.  1537.— Jurisdiction.— The  Act  of  28 
Henry  VIlI.,  c.  15,  granted  jurisdiction  to  the 
Lord  High  Admiral  of  England. 

A.  D.  1575. — Jurisdiction. — "  The  Request  of 
the  Judge  of  the  Admiralty,  to  the  Lord  Chief 
Justice  of  her  Majesty's  Bencli,  and  his  Col- 
leagues, and  the  Judges'  Agreement  7th  May 
1575," — by  which  the  long  controversy  between 
these  Courts  as  to  their  relative  jurisdiction  was 
terminated,  will  be  found  in  full  in  Benedict's 
American  Admiriilty,  3ded.,  p.  41. 

A.  D.  1664.— Tide-mark.  —  The  space  be- 
tween high  and  low  water  mark  is  to  be  taken  as 
part  of  the  sea,  when  the  tide  is  in. — Erastus  C. 
Benedict,  American  Admiralty,  3d  ed.,  by  liobert 
D.  Benedict,  p.  35,  citing  Sir  John  Constable's 
Case,  Anderson's  Rep.  89. 

A.  D.  1789. — United  States  Judiciary  Act. — 
The  Act  of  1789  declared  admiralty  jurisdiction 
to  extend  to  all  cases  "where  the  seizures  are 
made  on  waters  which  are  navigable  from  the 
sea  by  vessels  of  ten  or  more  tons  burtlien." — 
Judiciary  Act,  U.  8.  Stat,  at  Large,  v.  I,  p.  76. 

A.  D.  1798.— Lord  Stowell  and  Admiralty 
La'w. — "  Lord  Mansfield,  at  a  very  early  period 
of  his  judicial  life,  introduced  to  the  notice  of 
the  English  bar  the  Rhodian  laws,  the  Consolato 
del  mare,  the  laws  of  Oleron,  the  treatises  of 
Roccus,  the  laws  of  Wisbuy,  and,  above  all, 
the  marine  ordinances  of  Louis  XIV.,  and  the 
commentary  of  Valin.  These  authorities  were 
cited  by  him  in  Luke  v.  Lyde  [2  BuiT.  882],  and 
from  that  time  a  new  direction  was  given  to 
English  studies,  and  new  vigor,  and  more  liberal 


3-26 


1955 


LAW,  ADMIRALTY,  1798. 


LAW,  COMMON,  10(10. 


find  rnlnrppd  views.  rnmtTHinlrntod  fo  fornriRlo 
invcsliKiilioMM.  Since  tlie  yeiir  I71IS,  the  dceis- 
ifiiis  of  Sir  Williiiiii  Scott  (now  Lord  Htowell)  on 
the  iidniiriilty  side  of  Westminster  llftll,  Imvi' 
been  reiid  mid  iidmin'd  in  every  region  of  llie 
reput>lir  of  letters,  ns  nxxlels  of  tlie  most  eulti- 
viited  iind  tlie  most  enliglilcned  liumiin  reiison. 
.  .  .  The  doctrines  (irc  there  reasoned  out  at 
liirjre,  and  iiractically  applied.  The  arguments 
nt  the  har.  and  tlic  opinions  from  the  bench,  are 
intermingled  with  the  prenlest  rellcotions.  .  .  . 
the  soundest  policy,  and  a  tliorough  ac()uain- 
tance  with  all  the  various  tojiics  which  concern 
the  great  social  interests  of  mankind." — James 
Kent,  ('(immtittaiifK,  ]tt.  5.  Iret.  -H. 

A.  D.  1841-1842.— Jurisdiction.— The  act  3 
and  4  Vic,  c.  Ci,  restored  to  the  Knglish  Ad- 
miralty some  jurisdiction  of  which  it  liad  been 
deiirivcd  by  the  (Common  Law  Courts.  —  Ikiic- 
did'n  Am.  Ailiiiimll!/,  p.  ."ill. 

A.  D.  1845. — Extension  of  Admiralty  Juris- 
diction.— "  ft  took  tlio  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States  more  than  fifty  years  to  reject  the 
antiquated  doctrine  of  the  Engli.sh  courts,  that 
admiralty  jurisdiction  was  confined  tosalt  water, 
or  water  where  the  tide  ebbed  and  flowed.  Con- 
gress in  184.5  passed  an  act  extending  t\)c  a('- 
miralty  jurisdiction  of  the  Federal  courts  •  ) 
certain  cases  upon  tlie  great  lakes,  and  the  nav- 
igable waters  connecting  the  same.  Tlic  consti- 
tutionality of  this  act  was  seriously  questioned, 
and  it  was  not  till  1851  that  the  Supreme  Court, 
by  a  divided  court,  in  the  case  of  tlie  Genesee 
Chief,  which  collided  with  another  vessel  on 
Lake  Ontario,  sustain-d  the  constitutionality  of 
the  act,  and  repudiated  the  absurd  doctrine  that 
tides  had   anything  to  do  with  the  admiralty 

iuri.sdiction  conferred  by  the  constitution  upon 
'ederal  courts." — Lyman  Trumbull,  Precedent 
rersiiK  Juntirt,  Aniciiedii  Ijiin  licrieir,  r.  27,  p. 
324.— See,  also,  Aet  of  184.'>,  5  IT.  S.  Stiit.  at  L. 
7'.i(i. 

A.  D.  1873. —  Division  of  Loss  in  case  of 
Collision  settled  by  Judicature  Act. —  "The  rule 
that  where  both  ships  are  at  fault  for  a  collision 
each  shall  recover  half  his  loss  from  the  other, 
contradicts  the  old  rule  of  the  common  laV  that 
a  plaintiff  who  is  guilty  of  contributory  negli- 
gence can  recover  nothing.  This  conflict  be- 
tween the  common  law  and  the  law  of  the 
Admiralty  was  put  an  end  to  in  1873  by  the 
.Judicature  Act  of  that  year,  which  (s.  2.1,  subs. 
9)  provides  that  'if  both  ships  shall  be  found 
to  have  been  in  fault '  the  Admiralty  rule  shall 
prevail.  .  .  .  Tlicre  can  be  no  doubt  that  in 
some  instances  it  works  positive  injustice;  as 
where  it  prevents  the  innocent  cargo-owner  from 
recovering  more  than  half  his  loss  from  one  of 
the  two  wrong-doing  shiiiowners.  And  recent 
cases  show  that  it  works  in  an  arbitrary  and  un- 
certain manner  when  combined  with  the  enact- 
ments limiting  the  shipowner's  liability  for  dam- 
age done  by  his  ship.  The  fact,  however, 
remains,  that  it  has  been  in  operation  with  the 
approval  of  tlie  shipping  community  for  at  least 
two  centuries,  and  probably  for  a  mwcli  longer 
pcrio<l ;  and  an  attempt  to  abolish  it  at  the  time 
of  the  passing  of  the  Judicature  Acts  met  with 
no  success.  The  true  reason  of  its  very  general 
acceptance  is  probably  this  —  that  it  gives  eiTect 
to  tlie  i)rinciple  of  distributing  losses  at  sea, 
wliich  is  widely  prevalent  in  maritime  affairs. 
Insurance,   limitation  of  shipowner's  liability, 


and  general  average  contribution  are  all  con- 
nected, more  or  less  directly,  with  this  princi- 
ple."—  1{.  O.  Marsden.  '/'"■"  I'niiitK  of  Admiralty 
Liiie,  hiir  Qyiirterh/  llerieir.  r.  2,  pp.  !i.')7-303. 

For  an  enumeration  of  tlie  various  Maritime 
codes  with  their  dates,  see  lienediel'f  Am.  Ad- 
mirnlty,  pp.  1)1-117,  mid  IhiHn'  Outline*  of  Inter- 
7uitional  Law,  pp.  !>,  0,  dr. 

Common  Law.* 

A.  D.  449-1066.— Trial  by  Jury  unlcnown  to 
Anglo-Saxons. —  "It  may  be  confidently  as- 
serted that  trial  by  jury  was  unknown  to  our 
Anglo-Saxon  ancestors;  and  the  idea  of  its  exis- 
tence in  their  legal  system  has  arisen  from  a  want 
of  attention  to  the  radical  distinction  between 
the  members  or  judges  composing  a  court,  and  11 
body  of  men  apart  from  that  court,  but  sum- 
moned to  attend  it  in  order  to  determine  con- 
•■'usively  the  facts  of  the  case  in  disnute.  This 
is  the  principle  on  which  is  founded  the  inter- 
vention of  a  jury;  and  no  trace  whatever  car  be 
found  of  such  an  institution  in  Anglo-Saxon 
times." — W.  Forsvth,  Trial  hi/  Jury,  p.  4,'). 

A.  D.  630.  —  "The  first  Written  Body  of 
English  Law. — "  The  first  written  body  of  Eng- 
lish liaw  is  said  to  have  been  promulgated  in  tlie 
Heptarchy  by  Ethelbert,  about  the  year  630,  and 
enacted  with  the  consent  of  the  states  of  his 
kingdom." — Joseph  Farke,  Iliat.  of  Chawery, 
jh  14. 

A.  D.  871-1066.  —  The  King's  Peace. —  1.  ' 
The  technical  ui.e  of  "  the  king's  peace  "  is,  I 
suspect,  conncct<'d  with  the  very  ancient  rule 
that  a  breach  of  the  peace  in  a  house  must  be 
atoned  for  in  proportion  to  the  householder's 
rank.  If  it  was  in  the  king's  dwelling,  the 
offender's  life  was  in  the  king's  hand.  This  \m- 
culiar  sanctity  of  the  king's  house  was  gradu- 
ally extended  to  all  pereons  who  were  about  his 
business,  or  specially  under  ids  protection;  but 
when  the  Cro.wn  un<lertook  to  keep  the  peace 
everywhere,  the  king's  peace  became  coincident 
with  the  general  peace  of  the  kingdom,  and  his  es- 
pecial protection  was  deemed  to  be  extended  to 
all  peaceable  subjects.  In  substance,  the  term 
marks  tlie  establishment  of  the  conception  of 
public  justice,  exercised  on  behalf  of  the  whole 
commonwealth,  as  something  apart  from  and 
above  the  right  of  private  vengeance, —  aright 
which  the  party  offended  might  pursue  or  not, 
or  accept  composition  for,  as  he  thought  fit. 
Tlie  private  bloodfeud,  it  is  true,  formally  and 
finally  disappeared  from  English  jurisprudence 
only  in  the  present  century ;  but  in  its  legalized  his- 
torical shape  sf  the  wager  of  battle  it  was  not  a 
native  English  institution. —  Sir  Frederick  Pol- 
lock, Essays  in  Jurisprudctice  and  Ethics,  p.  205. 
—  See,  also.  Kino's  Peace. 

A.  D.  1066.— Inquisition,  parent  of  Modern 
Jury, —  "When  the  Norm:.',  i  came  into  Eng- 
land tliey  brought  with  them,  not  only  a  far 
more  vigorous  and  searching  kingly  power  than 
had  been  known  there,  but  also  a  certain  product 
of  the  exercise  of  this  jiower  by  tlie  Prankish 
kings  and  the  Norman  dukes;  namely,  the  use 
of  Uie  inquisition  in  public  administration,  i.  e., 
the  practice  of  ascertaining  facts  by  summoning 
togetlier  by  public  authority  a  number  of  people 
most  likely,  as  being  neighbors,  to  know  and 
tell  the  trutli,  and  calling  for  their  answer  under 
oath.     This  was  the  parent  of  the  modern  jury. 

*  Including  legislation  in  modiflcation  of  it. 


1956 


LAW,  COMMON,  1060. 


LAW,  COMiMON,  1100. 


,  .  .  With  the  Normnns  cnmo  iilso  another  nov- 
elty, tho  Jtidiciiil  (lufl  —  one  of  th(^  cliicf  meth- 
o<ls  for  (Icterininuig  rontrovcrsics  in  llie  royiil 
courLs;  and  it  wius  largely  llic  cost,  dangnr,  and 
unpopularity  of  llio  last  of  these  institutions 
which  fed  the  wonderful  growth  of  the  other." — 
.1.  B.  Thayer,  The  Older  Mmks  of  I'riiil  {/furvanl 
htin  Ilfvieir,  v.  5,  ;).  45), 

A.  D.  1066-1154. — Trial  by  Jury  unknown 
to  AnKlo-Normans. —  "The  same  rcniarli  which 
has  alreaily  bei^n  made,  with  reference  to  the 
fthsi-nce  of  all  mention  of  the  form  of  jury  trial 
in  the  Anglo-Haxon  Laws,  applies  equally  to  the 
first  hundred  years  after  the  Conciuest.  It  is  in- 
credible that  HO  important  n  feature  of  our  juris- 
pru<len''e,  if  it  had  been  known  would  not  have 
been  alluded  to  in  the  various  compilations  of 
law  which  were  nuide  in  tlie  n.'igns  of  the  early 
Norman  kings.  .  .  .  Although  the  form  of  the 
jury  did  not  then  exist,  the  rudiments  of  that 
m(xle  of  trial  may  he  distinctly  traced,  in  the  se- 
lection from  the  neighlKirhood  where;  the  dispute 
arose,  of  a  certain  number  of  persons,  who  after 
being  duly  sworn  testified  to  the  truth  of  the 
facts  within  tlieir  own  knowledge.  Tliis  is  what 
distinguishes  tho  proceeding  from  what  took 
place  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  —  namely,  the 
cli(x>sing  a  limited  number  of  probi  homines  to 
represent  the  commimity.  and  give  testimony  for 
them."— W.  Forsyth,  Tnal  by  Jury,  pp.&i-W). 
— See,  also,  Juky:  Tuiai,  by. 

A.  D.  1066-1 154.— The  Curia  Regis.  —  "  As 
a  legal  tribunal  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Curia 
was  Imtli  civil  and  criminal,  original  and  appel- 
late. As  a  primary  coiirt  it  heard  all  causes  in 
which  the  king's  interests  were  concerned,  as 
well  as  all  causes  between  the  tenants-in-ehief  of 
the  crown,  who  were  too  great  to  submit  to  the 
local  tribunals  of  the  shire  and  the  hundred. 
As  an  appellate  court  it  was  resorted  to  in  those 
eases  in  which  tlie  powers  of  tiie  local  courts 
had  been  exhausted  or  had  failed  to  tlo  justice. 
By  virtue  of  special  writs,  and  as  a  special 
favor,  the  king  could  at  his  pleasure  call  up 
causes  from  the  local  courts  to  bo  heard  in  his 
own  court  according  to  such  new  methods  as  his 
advisers  might  invent.  Tlirough  the  issuance  of 
these  special  writs  the  king  became  practically 
the  fountain  of  justice,  and  throtigh  their  agency 
the  new  system  of  royal  law,  which  finds  its 
source  in  the  person  of  "the  king,  was  brought  in 
to  remedy  the  defects  of  the  old,  unelastic  sys- 
tem of  customary  law  which  prevailed  in  tho 
provincial  courts  of  the  people.  The  curia  fol- 
lowed the  person  of  the  king,  or  the  justiciar  in 
the  king's  absence."  —  Ilannis  Taylor,  Origin 
and  Growt/i  ^fthe  English  Constitution,  pt.  1,  pp. 
24r)-246. 

A.  D.  1066-1215.— Purchasing  Writs.— "The 
course  of  application  to  the  curia  regis  was  of 
this  nature.  The  party  suing  paid,  or  under- 
took to  pay,  to  the  king  a  fine  to  have  justitiam 
et  rectam  m  his  court :  and  thereupon  he  obtained 
a  writ  or  precept,  by  means  of  which  he  com- 
menei'd  his  suit;  and  the  justices  were  author- 
ized 111  hear  and  determine  his  claim." —  Reeves' 
(Pinlason'.s)  Hist.  Eng.  Law,  p.  1,  p.  307. 

A.  D.  1077.— Trial  by  Battle,—  "  The  earliest 
reference  to  the  battle,  I  believe,  in  any  account 
of  a  trial  in  England,  is  at  the  end  of  the  case  of 
Bishop  Wulfstan  v.  Abbot  Walter,  in  1077.  The 
controversy  was  settled,  and  we  read  :  '  Thereof 
there  are  lawful  witnesses  .  .  .  who  said  and 


lieanl  tids,  ready  to  prove  it  by  oath  and  battle.' 
This  is  an  allusion  to  a  common  practice  in  tho 
iMiddh'  Ages,  that  of  challenging  an  adversary's 
witness,  or  perhaps  to  one  method  of  ilisposing 
of  eases  where  witnesses  were  allowed  on  oppo- 
sitcsidesandcontradictedeaeh  other.  .  .  .Thus, 
as  among  nations  still,  so  then  in  the  pupidar 
courts  and  between  contending  private  parties, 
the  battle  was  often  tho  ultima  ratio,  in  ca.ses 
where  their  rude  and  unrational  methods  of  trial 
yielded  no  results.  It  was  mainly  in  order  to 
displace  this  dangerous  .  .  .  UKxIo  of  proof  that 
the  recognitions  —  that  is  to  say,  the  first  organ- 
ized form  of  the  jury  —  were  introduced.  Theso 
were  reganled  as  a  s|)ecial  boon  to  tho  poor  man, 
who  was  oppressed  in  many  ways  by  the  <luel. 
It  was  by  enaettnent  of  Henry  11.  that  this  re- 
form was  brought  about,  first  in  his  Norman 
dominions  (in  ILW-.^a),  before  reaching  the  Kng- 
lish  throne,  and  afterwards  in  Kngland,  some- 
time after  he  became  king,  in  U.'il."  —  .1.  B. 
Thayer,  T/ie  OUler  Modes  of  Trial  (Ilarmrd  Law 
Uetiein,  v.  5,  pp.  00-07).  —  See,  also;  Waokii  op 
Hatti.k. 

A.  D.  1 100  (circa).— Origin  of  Statutes  of 
Limitation. — "  Our  ancestors,  instead  of  fixing 
a  given  niunber  of  years  as  tlic  period  within 
winch  legal  proceedings  to  recover  real  property 
must  be  resorted  to,  had  recourse  to  the  singular 
expedient  of  making  the  period  of  limitation  run 
from  particular  events  or  dates.  From  the  tim^ 
of  Henry  I.  to  that  of  Henry  III.,  on  a  writ  of 
right,  the  time  within  which  a  descent  mtist  be 
shown  was  the  time  of  King  Henry  I.  (Co.  Litt. 
114b).  In  the  twentieth  year  of  Henry  HI.,  by 
tlie  Statute  of  Morton  (e.  8)  the  date  wius  altered 
to  the  time  of  Henry  II.  Writs  of  'mort  d'an- 
cestor  '  were  limited  to  the  time  of  the  last  return 
of  King  .lohn  into  England;  writs  of  novel  dis- 
seisin to  the  time  of  tho  king's  first  crossing  tlio 
sen  into  Qascony.  In  tlie  previous  reign,  ac- 
cording to  Qlanvillo  (lib.  i:l,  c.  !W),  tho  diaseisin 
must  have  been  since  tho  last  voyage  of  King 
Henry  II.  into  Normandy.  So  tliat  the  time 
necessary  to  bar  a  claim  varied  materially  at 
different  epochs.  Tlius  matters  remained  until 
the  3  Edw.  I.  (Stat.  West.  1,  c.  ;i»),  when,  as  nil 
lawyers  are  aware,  the  time  within  which  a  writ 
of  right  nnght  be  brought  was  limiteil  to  cases 
in  which  the  seisin  of  the  ancestor  was  since  tho 
time  of  King  liicliard  I.,  which  was  construed 
to  mean  tho  beginning  of  that  king's  reign 
(3  Inst.  238),  a  perio<l  of  not  less  than  eighty -six 
years.  The  legislature  having  thus  adopted  tho 
reign  of  Richard  I.  as  tho  date  from  which  the 
limitation  in  a  real  action  was  to  riui,  the  courts 
of  law  adopted  it  as  the  period  to  which,  in  all 
matters  of  prescription  or  custom,  legal  memory, 
which  till  tlien  xiad  been  confined  to  the  time  to 
which  living  memory  could  go  back,  should 
thenceforth  bo  required  to  extend.  Thus  the 
law  remained  for  two  centuries  and  a  half,  by 
which  time  the  limitation  imposed  in  respect  of 
actions  to  recover  real  property  having  long  be- 
come inoperative  to  bar  claims  which  had  their 
origin  posterior  to  the  time  of  Richard  I.,  and 
having  therefore  cca.sed  practically  to  afford  any 
protection  against  antiquated  claims,  the  legisla- 
ture, in  32d  of  Henry  VIII.  (c.  2),  again  inter- 
fered, and  on  this  occasion,  instead  of  dating 
tho  period  of  limitation  from  some  porticular 
event  or  date,  took  the  wiser  course  of  prescrib- 
ing a  fixed  uumber  of  years  as  the  limit  within 


1957 


LAW,  COMMON,  1100. 


LAW,  COMMON,   11,-54-1180 


which  a  mill  kIioiiIiI  ho  cnlcrluliKMl.  .  .  .  Tt  wuh 
of  coiirfM'  iin|)iissllilr  Unit  itH  tirnu  wi^nt  on  tlu! 
ndoption  (if  11  llxi'il  cixh'Ii,  iih  tli(>  tiino  'roiii  which 
l('Biil  inciiiory  wiis  (o  run,  hIiouIiI  not  hi'  attended 
l)y  cricvons  Inconvenience  and  hnnhidp.  I'os 
session,  liowevcr  lonjt,  enjoyment,  iiowever  In- 
terrupted, iitTorded  no  |)rote<-tion  itKidnst  slaii; 
mill  olisolcti?  eiuims,  or  the  iisserlion  of  long 
iihiindoncd  rif^hts.  And  lis  pHrlimnent  fulled  to 
Intervene  to  iiinend  tlie  law,  tlie  iiidges  set  their 
InBeniiily  to  work,  hy  fictions  una  presiiniptions, 
to  atone  for  the  siipineness  of  tlie  legislature. 
.  .  .  They  first  laid  down  the  Hoinewhnt  startling 
rule  that  from  the  usage  of  a  lifetime  the  pre- 
sumption arose  tliat  a  similar  usage  had  existed 
from  a  remote  antiquity.  Next,  as  it  could  not 
but  happen  that,  in  the  case  of  many  private 
rights,  especially  In  that  of  casements,  which 
had  a  more  recent  origin,  such  a  prcsiiniption 
was  impossible,  jiidiclai  astuteness  to  support 
posB<!ssion  and  enjoyment,  which  the  law  ought 
to  have  invested  w'itii  tlie  character  of  rights, 
hail  recourst'  to  the  (luestionable  theory  of  lost 
grants.  .Juries  were  first  told*  that  from  user, 
during  living  memory,  or  even  during  twenty 
years,  they  niight  presume  n  lost  grant  or  ilecil ; 
next  they  were  recommended  to  make  such  pre- 
sumption; and  lastly,  as  the  final  consummation 
of  judicial  legislation,  it  was  held  that  a  jury 
should  be  told,  not  only  that  they  niight,  but 
al.so  that  they  were  bound  to  presume  the  ex- 
istence of  such  a  lost  grant,  although  neither 
judge  nor  jury,  nor  any  one  else,  had  the  shadow 
of  n  belief  that  any  such  instrument  had  ever 
really  existed.  .  .  .  Wlien  the  doctrine  of  pre- 
sumptions had  proceeded  far  towards  its  devel- 
opment, the  legislature  at  length  interfered,  and 
in  rcsjiect  of  real  property  and  of  certain  speci- 
fied casements,  fixed  certain  periods  of  possession 
or  enjoyment  as  establishing  presumptive 
rights." — C  J.  Cockburn,  in  ISryant  v.  Foot, 
Jj.  It.  3  Q.  U.,  161;  «.  c.  (Thayer's  Gates  on 
Evidence,  94). 
A.  D.  1 1 10  (circa).— The  Kings's  Peace  su- 

fierior  to  the  Peace  o  he  Subject. — "  We  find 
n  the  so-called  laws  ol  Henry  I,  that  wherever 
men  meet  for  drinking,  selling,  or  like  occasions, 
the  peace  of  God  and  of  the  lord  "f  the  house  is 
to  be  declared  between  them.  'I  amount  pay- 
able to  the  host  is  only  one  shilling,  the  king 
taking  twelve,  and  the  injured  party,  in  case  of 
Insult,  six.  Thus  the  king  la  alrcacly  concerned, 
and  more  concerned  than  any  one  else ;  but  the 
private  right  of  tlic  householder  is  distinctly 
tliough  not  largely  acknowledged.  We  have  the 
same  feeling  well  marked  in  our  modern  law  hy 
the  adage  that  every  man's  house  is  Ids  cjtstic, 
and  the  rule  that  forcible  entry  may  not  be  made 
for  the  execution  of  ordinary  civil  process  against 
the  oc;;upier:  though  for  contempt  of  Court  aris- 
ing in  a  civil  cause,  it  may,  as  not  long  ago  the 
Sheriff  of  Kent  had  to  learn  in  a  sufficiently  curi- 
ous form.  The  theoretical  stringency  of  our  law 
of  trespass  goes  back,  probably,  to  the  same 
origin.  Ana  in  a  quite  recent  American  text- 
book we  read,  on  the  authority  of  several  modem 
cases  in  various  States  of  the  Union,  that  '  a  man 
assaulted  in  his  dwelling  is  not  obliged  to  retreat, 
but  may  defend  his  possession  to  the  last  extrem- 
ity.' "—P.  Pollock,  Tlie  King's  Pence  (Law  Quar- 
terly lieview,  v.  1,  pp.  40-41). 


A.  D.  1135. — Abeyance  of  the  Kind's  Peace. 
"The  King's  Peace  is  proclaimed  m  general 


terms  at  his  accession.  But,  llioiigli  generallzeil 
in  its  application,  it  still  was  Hiihjcct  to  a  strange 
and  Inconvenient  limit  in  time.  Tho  fiction  that 
the  king  is  everywhere  present,  though  not 
forniuliitcd,  was  tacitly  adopted;  the  protection 
once  coiillnrd  to  his  household  was  extcniU'd  to 
the  whole  kingdom.  The  fiction  that  the  king 
never  dies  was  yet  to  come.  It  was  not  tliu 
peace  of  the  (,'rown,  an  authority  liaving  continu- 
ous and  perpetual  succession,  that  was  pro- 
claimi^i,  but  the  peace  of  William  or  Henry. 
When  VVlIliam  or  Henry  died,  all  authorities  de- 
rived from  him  were  determined  or  suspended; 
and  among  other  conseiiiu'nces,  his  peace  died 
with  him.  Wliiit  this  abeyance  of  tiic  King's 
Peace  practically  meant  is  best  told  in  the  words 
of  the  Chronicle,  which  says  upon  the  death  of 
Henry  I.  (anno  113,'i):  'Then  there  was  tribula- 
tion Noon  in  the  land,  for  every  man  that  coidil 
forthwith  roblM^d  another. '  Order  was  taken  in 
this  matter  (as  our  English  fashion  is)  only  when 
the  inconyenlence  became  flagniiit  In  a  particular 
case.  At  the  time  of  Henry  ill.'s  death  his  son 
Eilward  was  in  Palestine.  It  was  intolerable 
that  there  should  be  no  way  of  enforcing  the 
King's  Peace  till  the  king  had  come  back  to  be 
crowned ;  and  the  great  men  of  the  realm,  by  u 
wise  audacity,  took  upim  them  to  issue  a  procla- 
mation of  tlie  peace  in  the  new  king's  name  forth- 
with. This  good  precedent  being  once  made,  the 
doctrine  of  tlie  King's  Peace  being  in  siispcnsi! 
was  never  afterwards  lieard  of." — F.  Pollock, 
The  King's  Peace  (Imw  Quarterly  Review,  v.  1,  pp. 
48-40). 

A.  D.  1 154-1 189.— Origin  of  Unanimity  of 
Jury. — "The  origin  of  the  rule  as  to  unanimity 
may,  I  think,  be  explained  as  follows:  In  the 
assise  as  instituted  in  the  reign  of  Henry  II.  it 
was  necessary  that  twelve  jurors  should  agree  in 
order  to  determine  tilt  -stion  of  disseisin;  but 
this  unanimity  was  not  ,.ii,,u  secured  by  any  pro- 
cess which  tended  to  make  the  agreement  com- 
pulsory. The  mode  adopted  was  called,  indeed, 
an  afforcement  of  the  jury ;  but  this  term  did  not 
imply  that  any  violence  was  done  to  tlie  consci- 
entious opinions  of  the  ininority.  It  merely 
meant  that  a  sufficient  number  were  to  be  added 
to  the  panel  until  twelve  were  at  last  found  to 
agree  in  the  same  conclusion ;  and  this  became 
the  verdict  of  the  assise.  .  .  .  The  civil  law  re- 
quired two  witnesses  at  least,  and  in  some  cases 
a  greater  uuml)er,  to  establish  a  fact  in  dispute; 
as,  for  instance,  where  a  deiyt  was  secured  by  a 
written  instrument,  five  witnesses  were  necessary 
to  prove  payment.  These  would  have  been 
called  by  our  ancestors  a  jurata  of  five.  At  the 
present  day,  with  us  no  will  is  valid  which  is  not 
attested  by  at  least  two  witnesses.  In  all  coun- 
tries the  policy  of  the  law  determines  what  it  will 
accept  as  the  minimum  of  proof.  Bearing  then 
in  mind  that  the  jury  system  was  in  its  inception 
nothing  but  the  testimony  of  witnesses  informing 
the  court  of  facts  supposed  to  lie  within  their 
own  knowledge,  we  see  at  once  that  to  require 
that  twelve  men  should  bo  unanimous  was  simply 
to  fix  tlie  amount  of  evidence  which  tho  law 
deemed  to  be  conclusive  of  a  matter  in  dispute. " — 
W.  Forsyth,  Hist,  of  Trial  by  Jur^/,  eh.  11,  sect.  1. 

A.  D.  1154-1180. — Reig^n  of  Law  initiated. 
— "The  reign  of  flenry  II.  initiates  the  rule  of 
law.  The  adminiKtrative  machinery,  which  had 
been  regulated  by  routine  under  Henry  I.,  U 
now  made  a  part  of  the  constitution,  enunciated 


1958 


LAW,  COMMON,  11S4-1180. 


LAW,  COMMON,  1180. 


ill  liiwH,  and  iicrfcclcd  liy  a  Htcmly  Hcrieg  of  re- 
fiirniM.  TUc  tnltiil  of  Ilciiry  II.  wiih  tliiit  of  ii 
lawyer  iiiiil  iimii  of  IiiihIiichm.  llc'  wt  to  work 
fniin  the  very  hcj^iimint;  of  tl'c  rclgii  to  pliiic 
order  on  a  periniiiieiit  IiusIh,  mid,  recurring  to  (lie 
men  and  ineaHiiree)  of  IiIm  f;raiiilfiitlier,  to  coin- 
plete  an  orKani/at ion  which  should  iiiakt;  ii  return 
to  feudalism  linpossilile."— \V.  Sluhlis,  SelcH 
Cliiiilrni  of  Kill/.  Comt.  Hint.,  p.  21. 

A.  D.  1164-1176.— Trial  by  Assize.— "  The 
first  mention  of  the  trial  by  assise  in  oure.vistint,' 
stjitutesoeeiii's  in  the  (,'onHtitutioimof  (Marendon, 
A.  I).  IK) I  |s«e  Enoi.and:  A.  I).  11(13-1 170], 
where  it  was  provided  that  If  any  dispute  arosi^ 
between  a  layman  and  a  elerk  as  to  whether  a 
partleular  tenement  was  the  nropiirty  of  the 
C'lnireb  or  beloii>;ed  to  a  lay  Her,  tliis  was  to  be 
determined  before  the  elilef  justieiary  of  the 
kingdom,  by  the  vcnilet  of  twelve  lawful  men. 
.  .  .  This  was  followed  by  the  Statute  of  North- 
ampton. A.  I).  117((,  which  directs  the  justices,  in 
a.8e  a  lord  should  refuse  to  give  to  tlic  heir  tlu^ 
seisin  of  his  deceased  ancestor,  '  to  cause  a  recog- 
nilion  to  be  made  by  means  of  twelve  lawful 
men  as  to  what  seisin  the  deceased  had  on  the 
day  of  his  death ; '  and  also  orders  them  to  In- 
iiuire  in  the  same!  manner  in  cases  of  novel  disseis- 
lu." — W.  Forsyth,  Trial  liifjiin/,  cli.  (t,  mH.  'A. 

A.  D.  1 165  (circa). — Justice  bought  and  sold. 
— "The  king's  justice  was  one  great  source  of 
Ills  revenue,  anil  he  sold  it  very  dear.  Observe 
that  this  buying  and  selling  was  not  in  Itself  cor- 
ruption, though  it  Is  hard  to  believe  that  corrup- 
tion did  not  get  mixed  up  with  it.  Suitors  paid 
heavily  not  to  have  causes  decided  in  their  favour 
in  tlie "king's  court,  but  to  have  thcin  heard  there 
at  all.  The  king's  justice  was  not  a  matter  of 
right,  but  of  exceptional  favour ;  and  this  was 
especially  the  case  when  he  undertook,  as  he 
sometimes  did,  to  review  and  overrule  the  actual 
decisions  of  local  courts,  or  even  reverse,  on  bet- 
ter information,  his  own  previous  commands. 
And  not  only  was  the  king's  writ  sold,  but  it 
was  solil  at  arbitrary  and  varying  jiriees,  the  only 
explanation  of  which  appears  to  be  that  in  every 
case  the  king's  olHcers  took  as  much  as  tliey 
could  get.  Now  we  are  in  11  position  to  under- 
stand tiiat  famous  clause  of  the  Great  Charter: 
'  To  no  man  will  we  sell,  nor  to  none  deny  or  de- 
lay, right  or  justice.'  The  Great  Charter  comes 
alxiut  half  a  century  after  the  time  of  whicli  we 
have  been  speaking;  so  in  that  time,  you  see,  the 
great  advance  had  been  made  of  regarding  the 
king's  justice  as  a  matter  not  of  favour  but  of 
riglit.  And  besides  this  clause  there  is  another 
which  provides  for  the  regular  sending  of  the 
king's  judges  into  the  counties.  Thus  we  may 
date  from  ftliigna  Carta  the  regular  administra- 
tion of  a  uniform  system  of  law  throughout 
England.  What  is  more,  we  may  almost  say 
that  jMagna  Carta  gave  England  n  capital.  For 
the  king's  court  hiul  till  tlien  no  fixed  scat;  it 
would  be  now  at  Oxford,  now  at  Westminster, 
now  at  Winchester,  sometimes  at  places  which 
by  this  time  are  quite  obscure.  But  the  Charter 
provided  that  causes  between  subject  and  sub- 
ject which  had  to  be  tried  by  the  king's  judges 
should  be  tried  not  where  the  king's  court  hap- 
pened to  be,  but  in  some  certain  place ;  and  so 
the  principal  seat  of  the  courts  of  justice,  and 
ultimately  the  political  capital  of  the  realm,  be- 
came established  at  Westminster.  "—Sir  P.  Pol- 
lock, Emiya  in  Juritprudence  and  Ethics,  p.  209. 


A.  D.  1166.— Assize  of  Clarendon.  ScoBno- 
l..\Ni>:  A.  I).  11(12-1170. 

A.  D.  1 176.— Justices  in  Eyre.— "It  liaM 
Ih'iii  generally  supposed  tliat  justices  in  Kyre 
(justltiarll  itinerantes)  were  tlrst  establislied  in 
117(1,  by  Henry  II.,  for  we  find  It  recorded  that  in 
tliat  year,  in  a  great  counsel  lii'ld  at  Nortliamp- 
ton,  till!  Iting  diviili'd  llie  realm  into  six  parts, 
and  i>pp<iinleil  tlireiMraveling  jii.illces  to  goeaili 
circ  .it,  so  that  the  inimber  was  eighteen  in  all. 
.  .  .  Hut  although  the  formal  division  of  the 
kingdom  into  separate  <'ircuils  may  have  been 
first  made  by  Henry  II.,  yet  there  is  no  doubt 
that  single  justiciars  were  a|)pointed  by  William 
I.,  a  few  years  after  tlie  OoiKiuest,  who  visited 
tiKMlilTerent  sliires  to  administer  justii!e  In  the 
king's  name,  and  thus  represented  tlie  curia  regis 
as  distinct  from  IIk;  iiundred  andcounty  <:ourts. " 
— W.  Forsyth,  Trinl  hi/  .liiri/,  p/i.  81-H2. 

A.  D.  1189.— Legal  Memory. — Us  effect. — 
"  No  doubt  usage  for  the  last  fifty  or  sixty  yiars 
woiihl  be  some  evidence  of  usage' 700  years  ago, 
but  if  tiie  ((Uestion  Is  to  be  considered  as  an  ordi- 
nary (luestiim  of  fact,  I  certainly  for  one  would 
very  seldom  find  a  verdict  in  support  of  the 
right  as  in  fact  so  aneient.  I  can  hardly  believe, 
for  Instance,  that  the  stime  fees  in  courts  of  jus- 
ti(fe  which  were  till  recently  received  by  the 
olllcers  as  ancient  fees  attached  to  their  aneient 
ottlces  were  In  fact  received  700  years  ago;  or 
that  the  city  of  London  took  before  the  tTine  of 
Uii^hard  I.  the  same  payments  for  measuring 
corn  and  coals  and  oysters  tliat  they  do  now.  I 
liave  no  doubt  the  city  of  liristol  did  levy  dues 
in  the  Avon  before  tlie  time  of  legal  memory, 
and  that  the  mayor,  as  head  of  tliat  corporation, 
pot  some  fees  at  tiiat  time;  but  I  ('an  hardly 
liring  myself  to  believe  tliat  tlie  mayor  of  liristol 
at  that  time  received  Tis.  a  year  from  every  ship 
above  sixty  tons  burtlien  whicli  entered  the 
Avon;  yet  the  claim  of  tlie  city  of  liristol  to 
tlieir  ancient  mayor's  dues,  of  wiiicii  this  is  one, 
was  established  l)efore  Lord  Tenterdeii,  in  1828. 
I  think  the  only  way  in  which  verdicts  in  sup- 
port of  sucii  clii'ms,  and  there  are  muny  sucli, 
could  have  properly  been  found,  is  by  supposing 
that  the  jury  were  advised  that,  in  favor  of  the 
long  continued  user,  a  |)resumption  arose  tiiat  it 
was  legal,  on  which  they  ought  to  find  tliat  the 
user  was  immemorial,  if  that  was  necessary  to 
legalize  It,  unless  tlie  contrary  was  j, roved;  that 
presumption  not  being  one  purely  of  fact,  and  to 
be  acted  on  only  when  the  jury  really  enter- 
tJtined  the  opinion  tiiat  in  fact  the  legal  origin 
existed.  This  was  stilted  by  Parke  IJ.,  on  the 
first  trial  of  Jenkins  v.  Harvey,  1  C.  .M.  ds  K. 
894,  as  being  his  practice,  and  what  he  con- 
sidered the  correct  mode  of  leaving  the  (luestion 
to  the  jury;  and  that  was  the  view  of  tlie  ma- 
jority of  the  judges  in  the  Court  of  Exclic(iuer 
Chamber  in  Shephard  v.  Payne,  16  C.  B.  (N.  S.) 
132;  33  L.  J.  (C.  P.)  158.  This  is  by  no  means  a 
mo<lcrn  doctrine ;  it  is  as  ancient  as  the  time  of 
Littleton,  who,  in  his  Tenures,  §  170,  soys  that 
all  are  agreed  that  usage  since  the  time  of  Uich- 
ard  L  is  a  title ;  some,  he  says,  have  thought  it 
the  only  title  of  prescription,  but  that  others 
have  said  '  that  there  is  also  another  title  of  pre- 
scription that  was  at  the  common  law  before  any 
statute  of  limitation  of  writs,  -fcc.,  and  that  it 
was  where  a  custom  or  usage  or  other  thing  liuth 
been  used  for  time  whereof  mind  of  man  runneth 
not  to  the  contrary.     And  they  have  said  that 


1959 


LAW,  COMMON.   11H9. 


LAW.  COMMON,  1910. 


tills  U  proved  l)y  tlio  pli'iuliiiK  wIktc  a  ninii  will 
pli'iiil  i\  title  iif  prcKcrlptliiii  of  cilstoin.  lie 
hIiiiII  Hiiy  tliiit  Niicli  II  I'liHtoiii  hath  Itceii  used 
from  tlini'  wlicrco'  the  mi'iiiory  of  incii  niniKth 
not  to  ihi'  I'ontrury.  Unit  Ih  oh  iiiiich  iih  to  Miy*. 
when  such  ii  iniilli'r  is  plt'iiilcd,  tlint  no  man  llii'ii 
alive  liath  heard  any  proof  of  the  contrary,  nor 
hath  no  knowledge  to  the  contrary;  and  Iiiko- 
iniicli  that  Huch  li'leof  prexcriptlon  was  at  the 
conunon  law,  ami  not  put  out  by  any  Htutute. 
er^o.  It  abhieth  an  It  waH  at  the  common  law; 
and  the  rather  that  the  Hald  limitation  of  a  writ 
of  rlifht  Is  of  HO  lonjc  time  piist.  '  Ideo  (puiere 
de  hoc.'  It  Is  ])ractlcally  the  sjime  thlnjf  whether 
we  Hiiy  that  usajte  asfar  back  as  proof  exienils 
Is  a  title,  though  il  docs  nut  ^o  so  far  l>ack  as 
tli(^  year  UHU;  or  that  such  usa^e  is  to  l)e  taken 
111  tlie  alisence  of  proof  to  tlie  contrary  to  estab- 
lish that  the  usage  iM-f^an  before  that  year;  and 
certainly  tlie  laiise  of  400  years  since  Littleton 
wrote  has  added  force  to  the  remark,  '  the  rather 
that  the  llniitntlon  of  n  writ  of  ri^hl  is  of  so  lon^ 
time  past.'  But  eitlier  way,  proof  tliat  tlie  ori^iu 
of  tlie  iiKiiKi?  was  since  that  date,  puts  an  enil  to 
the  title  by  prescription;  and  thequestlon  comes 
round  to  be  wliether  the  amount  of  the  fee,  viz. 
tils..  Is  by  Itself  suftlclent  proof  that  it  must 
have  orijiinated  since." — J.  IJlackburn,  in  Bry- 
ant T.  h'lxil,  L.  H.  2  Q.  11,  101/  H.  c.  (Tfutyer's 
Cit»e»  iin  Kriilence,  p.  8H), 

A.  D.  1 194. — Enelish  Law  Repositories. — 
"The  extant  Enjtlisli  judicial  records  do  not  be- 
gin until  1194  (Mich.  0  Rich.  I,).  We  liavc  a 
series  of  such  records  from  i;{84  (6  Klch.  IL). 
The  first  law  treatise  by  Ohinvill  was  not  writ- 
ten before  1187.  The  law  reports  begin  in  1392. 
The  knowledge  of  the  laws  of  England  prior  to 
the  twelfth  century  is  in  many  points  obscure 
and  uncertain.  Prom  that  time,  however,  the 
growth  and  development  of  these  laws  can  be 
traced  In  the  parliani-ntary  and  olllciol  records, 
treatises,  and  law  rep.irts.'  — John  F.  Dillon,  T/ie 
LuwHnnd  Jurinpnideneeof  Knylamltind  Amcrir(t, 
pp.  28-29. 

A.  D.  1 199. — Earliest  instance  of  Action  for 
Trespass. — "A  case  of  the  year  1109  (2  Hot. 
Cur.  Heg.  34)  seems  to  be  the  earliest  reported 
instance  of  an  action  of  trespass  In  the  royal 
courts.  Only  a  few  cases  are  recorded  during 
the  next  t  ly  years.  But  about  ViTiO  the  action 
came  sui.  .cnly  into  great  popularity.  In  the 
'  Abbreviatio  Placitorum,' twenty-live  cases  are 
given  of  tl'e  single  yeor  1252-12.53.  We  may  in- 
fer that  the  \vrit,  which  had  before  been  granted 
as  a  special  favor,  became  at  that  time  a  writ  of 
course.  In  Britten  (f.  49),  pleaders  are  advised 
to  sue  in  trespass  ratlier  than  by  appeal,  in  order 
to  avoid  'la  iK'rilo!i".c  aventure  de  batayles.' 
Trespass  in  the  popular  courts  of  the  hundred 
and  county  was  doubtless  of  far  greater  anthpiit}' 
than  the  same  action  in  the  Curia  Regis.  Several 
cases  of  the  reign  of  Henry  I,  arc  collected  in 
Bigelow,  Placita  Anglo-Nornmnnica,  89,  08,  102, 
12t."  —  J.  B.  Ames,  The  Duseisin  of  Ghattcls 
(llarmi'd  Imw  Jieview,  v.  3,  p.  20,  note). 

A.  D.  1208. —Evidence:  Attesting  Wit- 
nesses.— "  From  the  beginning  of  our  records, 
we  liiid  ciLscs,  in  a  dispute  over  the  genuineness  of 
a  deed,  where  the  jury  are  combined  with  the 
witnesses  to  tlie  deed.  This  goes  back  to  the 
Franks;  and  their  custom  of  requiring  the  wit- 
ness to  a  ilocument  to  defend  it  by  battle  also 
crossed  the  channel,  and  is  found  in  Glanville 


(lib.  X.,  <'.  12).  .  .  .  Ill  Ihrse  caNcs  the  jury  and 
the  wltiicsscN  named  in  the  deed  were  Hiiminoned 
togellier.  and  all  went  out  and  <'oiiferre<l  pri- 
vately as  if  composing  one  boiiy;  the  witnesses 
did  not  regularly  tCNlIfy  In  open  court.  ('am'S  of 
this  kind  are  found  very  early,  e:  g,  in  l^OS-l'vOO 
(I'l.  All.  «;i,  col.  1,  Berk.).  ...  In  the  earlier 
cases  these  witnesses  appear,  sometimes,  to  have 
been  iM)iiceived  of  as  a  constituent  part  of  the 
jury;  it  was  a  combination  of  business-witnesses 
anil  c<)mmunity-witiies.ses  wlio  tried  llie  vniu\ — 
the  former  supplying  to  the  others  their  more 
exact  information.  Just  as  tlie  huiidreders,  or 
those  from  another  county,  did  in  the  cases  be- 
fore noticed.  But  In  tliiur  the  jury  and  tiie  wit- 
nesses came  to  Ix^  sharply  discriminated.  Two 
or  three  cases  in  the  reign  of  Kdward  III.  sliow 
this.  In  i;i:)7,  1338  and  liMO,  we  are  told  that 
tliey  are  charged  dllTerently ;  the  charge  to  the 
jury  Is  to  tell  the  truth  (a  lour  ascient)  to  the  best 
of  their  knowledge,  while  that  to  the  witnesses 
Is  to  tell  the  triilli  and  loyiilly  inform  the  iniiiiest, 
without  saying  anytliiiig  about  their  knowledge 
(sans  lour  sclent);  'for  the  witnesses,'  says 
Thorpe,  C.  .?.,  in  1340,  'should  say  notliing  but 
what  they  know  as  certain,  i.  e.,  what  tliey  see 
and  hear."^  ...  By  the  Statute  of  York  (13  Edw. 
II.  c.  2),  in  1318,  it  was  provided  that  wliile  pro- 
cess should  still  Issue  to  the  witnesses  as  before, 
yet  the  taking  of  the  iiiiiiiest  slioiild  not  be  de- 
layed by  their  absence.  In  this  sliape  the  matter 
ran  on  for  a  century  or  two.  By  1472  (Y.  B.  13 
Edw.  IV.  4,  0),  wo  find  a  change.  It  is  .said, 
with  the  assent  of  all  the  judges,  that  process  for 
the  witnesses  will  not  issue  unless  a.sked  for.  As 
late,  certainly,  as  1480  (Y.  B.  5  II.  VII.  8),  we 
find  witnesses  to  deeds  still  suniinoned  witli  the 
Jury.  I  know  of  no  later  case.  In  1.540-1.5.50 
Brooke,  afterwards  Chief  .Tusticoof  the  Common 
Bench,  argues  as  if  this  practice  was  still  known: 
'  Wiien  tlie  witnesses  ...  arc  joined  to  tlu!  in- 
(piest.'  etc. ;  and  I  do  not  obst'rve  anything  In  his 
Abridgment,  published  in  1.508,  ten"  years  after 
his  death,  to  indicate  that  it  was  not  a  recognized 
part  of  the  law  during  all  his  time.  It  may, 
liowever,  well  have  been  long  obsolescent.  Coke 
(Inst.  0  b.)  says  of  It,  early  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  'and  such  process  against  witnesses  is 
vanished ;'  but  when  or  how  he  docs  not  say.  We 
may  reasonably  surmise,  if  it  did  not  become  in- 
frequent as  the  practice  grew,  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  of  calling  witnesses  to  testify  to  tlie 
jury  in  open  court,  that,  at  any  rat*?,  it  must 
have  soon  disappeared  when  that  practice  came 
to  be  attended  with  the  right,  recognized,  if  not 
first  granted.  In  the  statute  of  150'2-1503  (5  Eliz. 
c.  0,  s.  0),  to  have  legal  piDcess  against  nil  sorts 
of  witnesses." — James  B.  Thayer,  in  Ilarmrd 
Jmw  Uev.,  V.  C,  pp.  303-5,  also  in  SrX.  Can.  Hv. 
Pl>.  771-773.— "After  the  perio<l  readied  in  the 
passage  above  quoted,  the  old  strictness  as  to 
the  summoning  of  attesting  witnesses  still  con- 
tinued under  the  new  system.  As  the  history  of 
the  matter  was  forgotten,  new  reasons  were  in- 
vented, Olid  the  rule  was  extended  to  all  sorts  of 
writings."  — J.  B.  Thuyer,  Select  Vanes  on  Evi- 
dence;, p.  773. 

A.  D.  1215  (ante).  —  Courts  following  the 
King. — "Another  point  which  ought  not  to  be 
forgotten  in  relation  to  the  King's  Court  is  its 
migratory  character.  The  early  kings  of  Eng- 
land were  the  greatest  landowners  in  the  coun- 
try, and  besides  their  landed  estates  they  bad 


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LAW,  COMMON,  1910. 


LAW,  COMMON.  1317. 


tiK'itx  ovor  lu'iirlv  ovory  Imporlmit.  town  In  Knu 
Innil,  wliit'li  t'diilil  l)c  ('Xur(.-iN<3(l  only  lui  tiic  Hpot. 
TIkw  wi'r«  contltiuiilly  tnivi-llinK  iiboiil  froMi 
pliK'i-  to  pli  '>,  c'ltlu>r  to  coimiinu!  In  kiiiil  part  of 
their  rov^iniii'H,  or  to  hunt  or  U>  ttfcUl.  Wliciovcr 
tlit-y  went  thf  greitt  otlli'vrH  of  their  court,  and  in 
p.trtieuliir  the  cimnrellor  with  hlx  clerkH,  luiil  the 
vitrliiUH  Ju.stlcoH  hud  to  follow  them.  The  pleuH, 
go  the  phriiHu  went,  '  followed  the  perHiin  of  the 
khiK.'iiml  the  nmehlnery  of  juHtlcu  went  with 
tlieni." — Kir  J.  V.  Stephen,  /Imt.  of  the  VHiiiiiuil 
l.iiir  iif  Kiiytaiiil,  r.  1,  //.  H7. 

A.  "D.  iais.  -Magna  Chart*.—"  With  re 
giiril  to  the  lulniinl.striitlon  of  justice,  liesld(>H 
prohibiting  idl  deniul.s  or  dcliiyN  of  It,  It  ll.xeil  the 
court  of  Coninion  I'leits  iit  WcHtniinsler.  thiitthe 
gnltorH  nd^lit  no  longer  lie  hiiriiHrtcd  with  follow- 
liif(  the  Kliig'K  perHon  In  nil  his  pro^'reHses;  and 
at  the  Hame  time  brouf^ht  the  trial  of  Ihsuch  home 
to  lh(!  very  doors  of  the  freeholders  by  dIreetInK 
Hssl/.es  to  b(3  taken  In  the  proper  counties,  unci 
establishing  annual  cInMiits.  It  also  corrected 
gome  abuses  then  IncUhMit  tx)  Uw.  trials  by  wager 
of  law  and  of  battle;  directing  the  regular  award- 
ing of  hupicst  for  life  or  member:  prohibited  the 
Kiiig's  Inferior  ministers  from  holding  pleas  of 
the  crown,  or  trying  any  criminal  charge,  where- 
by many  forfeitures  might  otherwise  have  un- 
justly accrued  to  the  exchecpier:  and  regulated 
the  time  and  place  of  holding  the  inferior  tribu- 
nals of  justice,  the  county  court,  slierllT's  tourn, 
And  court  leet.  .  .  .  And,  lastly  (which  alone 
would  have  merited  the  title  thai  It  bears,  of  the 
great  charter,)  It  protected  every  individual  of 
the  nation  In  the  free  enjoyment  of  his  life,  his 
liberty  and  his  property,  unless  declared  to  be 
forfeited  by  the  judgment  of  his  peers,  or  the  law 
of  the  land." — Owen  Kllntoff,  hiwn  of  Eur/.,  p. 
184.— See,  also,  England:  A.  I).  1215. 

A.  D.  I3i6.— Distinction  between  Common 
and  Statute  Law  now  begins. — "The  Chan- 
cellors, during  this  reign  [John  1109-1216],  did 
nothing  to  be  entitled  to  the  gratitude  of  pos- 
terity, and  were  not  unworthy  of  the  master 
whom  they  served.  The  guardians  of  law  were 
the  feudal  barons,  assisted  by  some  enlightened 
churchmen,  and  by  their  efforts  the  doctrine  of 
resistance  to  lawless  tyranny  was  fully  established 
in  England,  and  the  rights  of  all  classes  of  the 
people  were  deflncd  una  consolidated.  We  here 
reach  a  remarkable  era  in  our  constitutional  his- 
tory. National  councils  had  met  from  the  most 
remote  times ;  but  to  the  end  of  this  reign  their 
acts  not  being  preserved  are  supposed  to  form  a 
part  of  the  lex  non  .jcripta,  or  common  law.  Now 
begins  the  distinction  between  common  and  stat- 
ute law,  and  henceforth  we  can  distinctly  trace 
the  changes  whicli  our  juridical  system  has 
undergone.  The.se  changes  were  generally  in- 
tHHluced  by  the  Chancellor  for  the  time  being." 
— Lord  Campbell,  Lives  of  the  Chancellorn,  v.  1, 
J).  115. 

A.  "5.  1216-1272.— Henry  de  Bracton.— "  It 
is  curious  that,  in  the  most  disturbed  period  of 
this  turbulent  reign,  when  ignorance  seemed  to 
be  thickening  and  the  human  intellect  to  decline, 
there  was  written  and  given  to  the  world  the  best 
treatise  upon  law  of  which  England  could  boast, 
till  the  publication  of  Bluckstone's  Commentaries, 
in  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  It  would 
have  been  very  gratifying  to  me  if  this  work 
could  have  been  ascribed  with  certainty  to  any 
of  the  Chancellors  whose  lives  have  been  noticed. 


The  author,  usually  styled  Henry  de  Oracton, 
has  gone  by  the  name  of  llryclun,  llrltton.  Ilriton, 
llreton,  and  llrets:  and  Home  have  donbteil 
whether  all  these  nain<>Hare  nut  Imaginary.  Knirn 
the  elegance  of  Ills  style,  and  the  fandliar  knowl 
eiltre  he  displays  of  the  Itonnui  law.  I  cannot 
doubt  that  he  was  an  ecclesiastic  who  had  ad 
illeted  hlniNelf  to  the  Htudy  of  Jurisprudence  ,  and 
as  he  was  likely  to  gain  advancement  from  his 
extraordlnjiry  protlcleney,  he  may  have  been  one 
of  those  whom  I  have  commemorated,  although 
1  nnist  confess  that  he  rather  sneaks  the  lan- 
guage likely  to  come  from  a  disappointed  prac- 
titioner rather  than  of  aChancellor  who  had  iH'en 
himself  in  Ihi!  habit  of  making  .fudges.  For 
I  cimprehenslveness.  for  lucid  arranuement,  for 
logical  precision,  this  author  was  unrivalled  dur- 
ing nnuiy  ages.  Litllelon's  xvork  on  Tenures, 
which  illustrated  the  reign  of  Edward  IV.,  an- 
jiroaches  liracton ;  but  how  barbarous  are,  hi 
comiiarison,  the  conunentariesof  Lord  Coke,  and 
till-  law  treatises  of  llale  and  of  Hawkins!" — 
Lord  ('anipl)ell,  /,!><«  of  the  Chnnrillorn,  r.  1,  ;). 
Hit). — For  opposite  view   see   U    Aintrican  llitr 

Am  II  iiij).,  ji.  iu;i. 

A.  D.  iai7. — Dower.— "The  additional  pro- 
vision made  in  the  edition  of  1217  to  the  provis- 
ions of  the  earlier  issues  of  the  ('barter  In  respect 
of  widow's  rights  lixe<l  the  law  of  dower  on  the 
ba.sis  on  which  it  stMl  rests.  The;  general  rule  of 
law  (.till  is  that  the  widow  is  entitled  for  her  life 
to  a  third  p:irt  of  the  lands  of  which  her  husband 
was  .seized  fur  an  estate  of  inheritance  at  any  lime 
during  the  marriage.  At  the  present  day  there 
are  means  provided  which  are  almost  universally 
adopted,  of  barring  or  defeating  the  widow  s 
claim.  The  general  rule  of  law,  however,  re- 
mains the  same.  The  history  of  the  law  of  dower 
deserves  a  sho.-t  notice,  which  may  conveniently 
lind  a  place  here.  It  seems  to  be  In  outline  as 
follows.  Tacitus  noticed  the  contrast  of  Teu- 
tonic custom  and  lioman  law.  In  that  it  was  not 
the  wife  wlio  conferred  a  dowry  on  the  husband, 
but  the  husband  on  the  wife,  liy  early  Teutonic 
custcmi,  besides  the  bride-price,  or  price  paid  by 
the  inteniling  husband  to  the  family  of  the  bride, 
It  seems  to  have  been  usual  for  the  husband  to 
make  gifts  of  lands  or  chattels  to  the  bride  her- 
self. These  appear  to  have  taken  two  forms.  In 
some  cases  the  husband  or  his  father  executed  be- 
fore marriage  an  instrinneut  called  '  llbellum 
dotis,'  specifying  the  nature  and  extent  of  the 
property  to  be  given  to  the  wife.  .  .  .  Another 
and  apparently  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  a  com- 
moner form  of  dower  is  the  '  morning  .gift.'  This 
was  the  gift  which  on  the  morning  follc-.ving  the 
wedding  the  husband  gave  to  tlie  wife,  anil  might 
consist  cither  of  land  or  chattels.  .  .  .  Uy  the 
law  as  stated  by  Glunvil  the  man  \vas  bound  to 
endow  the  wouuin  '  tempore  desponsationis  ud 
ostium  eceleslae. '  The  dower  might  be  specified 
or  not.  If  not  specified  it  \vas  the  third  part  of 
the  freehold  which  the  husband  possessed  at  the 
time  of  betrothal.  If  more  than  a  third  part  was 
named,  the  dower  was  after  the  luisbaml's  death 
cut  down  to  a  third.  A  gift  of  less  would  how- 
ever be  a  satisfaction  of  dower.  It  wos  some- 
times permitted  to  increase  the  dower  when  the 
freehold  available  at  the  time  of  betrothal  was 
small,  by  giving  the  wife  a  third  part  or  less  of 
subsequent  ac(iuisitions.  This  however  must 
have  been  expressly  granted  at  the  time  of  be- 
trothal.    A  woman  could  never  claim  more  than 


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liitil  Iwcn  criiiil)'!!  '.Ill  imilmii  i'r<>|cttliu'.'  Dowrr 
tiui  iiiIkIiI  Im-  Kriiiiti'il  (•>  »  wiiiiiiiii  iiiit  of  I'liiiltclH 

IHTHOMJll,    1111(1    ill   IIiIh    nlM'    Mill'   WDIllll     1)1!    ('lltltl)'ll 

t4)iitlilri|  purl.  Ill  |iriH')'>Miir  tliiw  liDWi'vcr,  iIiIh 
iipi-cii-H  iif  iliiwiT  iTiiiu'il  to  1)1!  n'Kitrilt'il  iih  I('K<iI. 
iinil  wiiH  rxpirHHly  ili'iiii'il  to  Im;  law  in  lliii  tliiii> 
of  lli'iiry  IV.  A  Iru'c  of  it  hIIII  rniniiliiH  in  tlui 
fXprcHHiiiii  ill  the  riiiirriiiK<'  tuTvici-,  '  wllli  nil  riiv 
wiirlilly  j^ooiIh  I  tlini  I'lulow.' " — Kciii'liii  K. 
OIkIiV.  Hint.  <if  the.  Imw  iif  lledl  J'niiierli/,  /»/«. 
I'Jtl    l'JH(l//tf'/.). 

A.    D.    1258.  -  Provition*   of    Oxford;    no 

Writi  except  de  Curtu.—"Tlir  w  rit  liiui  orlKl- 
iiiilly  ii>>  ('oiiiicctliiii  wli,  •ever  with  tliii  rrlii'f 
IKiUKlit,  it  liiul  lii'cii  II  Ki'X'  ''"I  <llr('('ti(iii  to  ilo 
rlitlit  to  till-  pliiiiitilT,  or  IIH  II  '  COM'  iiii)(lit  Iw, 
liiit,  loiiK  liciori-  tliu  timi!  now  rt'ffrrcil  to,  tlilH 
liiiil  lit'rn  cliiingvil.  ...  It  iipiH  th  that  tivcii 
iifti'r  llut  v.tU  olitalncil  by  tin*  pliiiiitiii  !'hi|  coiiw; 
to  txr  conn  1  Wi\  with  tli<!  rcnicdy  Boiighi.  'or, 
...  11  writ  11  diiit  cftcli  ciiHc  W.I8  friinu'd  ami 
ImikmI,  Imt  tlic  I'rovit'oiiH  of  Oxfonl  (laWjt'x- 
pn-HHly  forliiulc  tliu  ('Imiiccllor  to  friiiiui  now 
writd  without  tlio  conaont  of  thu  KiiiK  ami  hU 
('ouni'il.  It  folliiwml  that  then;  witi-  certain 
writs,  each  applicable  to  a  particular  Htatts  of  cir- 
ciiniHtani'cH  and  leading  to  a  tmrticular  Judg- 
ment, which  (Miuld  be  purcliaHcd  by  an  inteiidlug 
plaintilT.  'riiesc  writs  were  lieiicribed  an  writs 
'ileciirHii,'  and  iidditionH  to  their  number  were 
made  from  time  to  time  by  direction  of  the  King, 
of  IiIh  (loiincil  or  of  I'arliument." — I).  JI.  Kerly, 
J  lint.  II  f  Kij  u  ill),  p.  It. 

A.  b.  1258.'— Sale  of  Judicial  Officet.— "The 
Norman  Kings,  who  were  ingenious  adepts  in 
realizing  protll  in  every  opportunity,  coniiiieiiced 
till;  sale  of  .liidieial  Olllces.  The  I'lanlageiiets 
followed  their  e-vample.  In  M.ulo.x,  chaji.  II., 
and  ill  the  C'ottoni  I'osthuma,  may  b(-  found  in- 
numerable instances  of  thu  purchase  of  the 
('hancellorship,  and  accurate  details  of  the 
amount  of  the  consideration  monies.  .  .  .  What 
was  bought  must,  of  course,  be  sold,  and  Justice 
became  henceforth  a  marketable  commodity. 
.  .  .  The  Courts  of  Law  became  a  huckster's 
shop;  every  sort  of  prtMluce,  la  the  absence  of 
money,  was  bartered  for 'Justice. '  " — .1.  I'arke, 
J  lint,  iif  Kill/.  Cliiiiirirji.  p.  28. 

A.  D.  126^. — Disappearance  of  the  Office  of 
Chief  Justiciary.-— "Towards  tlu^  end  of  iliis 
reign  (llenry  III.|  tlieolllceof  Chief  .lusticiary, 
wliicli  had  often  been  found  so  dangerous  to  the 
l^rown,  fell  into  disuse.  Hugli  Despeiiser,  in 
the  4Uth  of  Henry  III.,  was  the  last  who  bore 
I  lie  title.  The  hearing  of  common  actions  being 
ll.ved  at  Westininsti'r  by  Magna  Charta,  the 
Aula  Hcgitt  was  gradually  subdivided  and  cer- 
tain Judges  were  assigned  to  hear  criminal  cases 
before  the  King  himself,  wheresoever  he  might 
be,  in  England.  These  formed  the  Court  of 
King's  Bench.  They  were  called  '  Justitiai  ii  ad 
placita  coram  Hcge,'  and  the  one  who  was  to 
preside  '  Capitalis  Justiciarius. '  He  was  inferior 
in  rank  to  the  Chancellor,  and  had  a  salary  of 
only  one  hundred  marks  a  year,  while  the  Ciinn- 
ccllor  had  generally  500.  llenceforth  the  Chan- 
cellor, in  rank,  power,  and  emolument,  was  the 
first  magistrate  under  the  Crown,  and  looked  up 
to  as  the  great  head  of  the  profession  of  the 
law. " — Lord  Campbell,  Lives  of  the  Chancellors, 
V.  1,  pp.  139-140. 

A.  D.  1275.— Statute  of  Westminster  the 
First ;  Improvement  of  the  Law. — "lie  [Uob- 


ert  niimell  [iriNided  at  the  Parliament  wlilcli  nict 
In  .May,  Vi'ifi,  and  iiinuied  the  'Slnliiteof  West- 
inlnHter  the  Kil'il,'  ileKcrviiig  tlir  name  of  a  Cixlu 
rather  than  an  Act  of  Parliament.  From  Ibis 
cliielly,  Kihvard  I.  Iiim  olilaliied  tlii!  name  nf  '  IIm) 
Kiiglish  .liistliiian'  —  almiirdly  eiioiigh,  as  lliu 
lloman  Kniperor  merely  cau»<'<l  11  complliilioii  to 
Ik;  made  of  exiHting  laws, —  whereaN  IIm?  obJ<'ct 
m>w  uiu  to  correct  abiiseM,  tosupply  defectx,  and 
to  remiKlel  the  administration  of  Justice.  I'^l- 
ward  dcHcrvcH  iiilliiite  pndMt  for  the  Hanclion  ho 
gave  to  the  undertaking;  and  from  the  iibsi'rva- 
lions  he  had  niadu  In  Kraiice,  ,Siclly,  and  the  Kast, 
he  may,  like  Nanoleoii,  have  been  pirsonnlly  life 
fill  in  the  conHiiltations  for  the  forniatloii  of  tlio 
new  ('(Hie, —  but  the  execution  of  the  plan  must 
have  been  left  t'l  others  profesHlonally  Hkilled  In 
Jiiririprudence,  and  the  chief  merit  of  it  may 
safely  beascrilM'd  to  Lord  Chancellor  liiirnel,  who 
brought  it  forward  in  I'arllament.  The  statiito 
is  methodically  divided  into  llfty  one  ibapters. 
.  It  provides  for  freedom  of  |Mipiilar  elections, 
then  .1  niatter  of  much  miiment,  as  sherilTs,  coro- 
ners, am;  CKUHfTvators  of  the  |>eace  were  still 
chosen  by  the  free  'lohlers  in  the  county  court, 
and  attempts  hud  bet  '<  iniule  unduly  to  intluenco 
the  elections  of  knights  of  t'>Msliire,  almost  from 
the  time  when  the  order  was  instituted.  ...  It 
amends  the  criminal  law,  putting  ib"  crime  of 
rape  on  tlie  fiK.lliig  to  which  it  has  Ih  •.■.  lately 
restored,  as  a  most  grievous  but  i.  it  a  capital 
ollence.  It  embraces  the  subject  of  '  I'rocedure  ' 
both  in  civil  and  criminal  matters,  intriMlucing 
many  regulations  with  a  view  to  render  it 
cheaper,  more  simple,  and  more  expeditious. 
...  As  long  as  liiirnel  continued  in  olllce  the 
Improvement  of  the  law  raiiidly  advanced, — 
there  having  been  passeil  in  the  sixth  year  of  the 
King's  reign  the  'Htatiite  of  Uloiicester; '  in  tlie 
seventh  year  of  the  King's  reign  the  '  Statute  of 
Mortmain; '  ill  tlie  tiiirteeiitli  year  of  the  King's 
reign  the  'Statute  of  Westminster  the  8econ(l,' 
the  '  Statute  of  Winchester,'  and  the  '  Statute  of 
Cir(!unis])ecte  agatis; '  and  in  the  eighteenth  year 
of  the  King's  reign  the  '  Statute  of  (Jiio  War- 
•anto,'  and  the  'Statute  of  Quia  Kmptores.' 
iVilb  the  exception  of  the  establishment  of  es- 
tates fail,  which  jiroved  such  an  obstacle  to  the 
alienation  of  land  t-ll  defeated  by  the  Action  of 
Fines  and  Common  Uecoveries, —  these  laws  were 
in  a  spirit  of  enlightened  legislation,  and  lulmira- 
bly  accommodated  the  law  to  the  changed  cir- 
cumstances of  the  social  system, —  which  ought 
to  be  the  object  of  every  wise  legislation. " — Lord 
Campbell,  Lines  of  the  Chaiieellors,  v.  1,  pp.  143- 
140.— See,  also,  I^noi.and:  A.  D.  127.5-1295,  and 
1279. 

A.  D.  1278. — Foundation  of  Costs  at  Com- 
mon Law.  —  "The  Stjitiile  of  OloucesttT,  6 
Kdw.  I  e.  i.,  is  tlio  foundation  of  the  common 
law  Jurisdiction  as  to  costs,  and  by  that  statute 
it  was  enacted  that  in  any  action  where  the  plain- 
tiit  recovered  damages,  he  sliould  also  recover 
costs.  ...  By  the  Judicature  Act,  187.'i,  O.  L. 
v.,  the  Legislature  gave  a  direct  authority  to  all 
the  judges  of  the  Courts  constituted  under  the 
Judicature  Act,  and  vested  in  them  a  discretion 
which  was  to  guide  and  determine  them,  ucconl- 
ing  to  the  circumstances  of  each  case,  in  the  dis- 
position of  costs." — Sydney  Hastings,  Treatise  on 
Torts,  p.  379. 

A.  D.  1285.— Statute  of  Westminster  II. ; 
Writs  in  Constmili  Casu. — "The  inadequacy 


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of  tli(<  roniinoK  form  writs  to  meet.  I'vrry  cftHc 
wiiM,  to  ttoiiu'  cxtciil,  ri'iiii  illcd  liy  tlio  'J4tli'('liu|) 
tcr  of  the  Hliitilto  of  WcMtiiiliiHlir  II.,  wlilrii, 
lifter  |)nivi<liiii{  for  oiio  or  two  piirticiilur  ciiwh  to 
iiii'ct  wliii'li  no  writ  cxlHtcil,  proviili'H  furllicr  timt 
'  wlii'iiwH'vi'r  fiiiiii  liriK't'fortli  It  HJmll  fortiuic  in 
Cliiiiin'ry  tliiit  In  oiic  cjiho  ii  writ  in  founil,  iukI, 
In  like  riiw  fulling  linili'r  like!  Iiiw  |h  found  none, 
tilt'  cIcrUK  of  the  Chitiiccry  xlmll  iiKri'c  In  nuikliikc 
II  writ  or  nIiiiII  itiljimrn  t)i<!  I'liilntllTH  until  the 
next  I'lirlliinwiit,  niicl  tlic  cuhch  hIiiiII  Ii*'  wrltt<'ii 
In  wlilcli  tlicy  citnnot  iiKrcc,  and  lie-  referred  until 
the  next  I'lirlliunent:  and,  by  eotiMent  of  the 
men  leiiriiecl  in  the  Liiw  ii  writ.  hIiiiII  Ik^  made, 
that.  It  may  not  happen,  that  the  KIii^'h  Court 
hIiouIiI  fall  In  ininlitlerinK  jUHtlce  unto  Complain 
iintH.'.  .  .  Tilt)  wordu  of  the  statute  kIvii  no 
power  to  mako  a  completely  new  departiiri;; 
wrItH  are  to  liu  framed  to  lit  (mihch  Himllar  to,  liut. 
not  idenlleal  with,  eiiHCH  falling  within  exlNtliiK 
■  itM,  and  the  exampleH  kIvcii  In  the  Htatute  It- 
I  .'  arc  ciuw'H  of  extenNlon  of  leniedleH  a^rahiHt  a 
RiirreHHor  in  titlu  of  the  raiser  of  a  nulHiiiiie,  and 
for  the  HueteHHor  In  title  of  a  perMon  who  had 
iH'en  (lisHeliu'd  of  liix  common.  .Moreover  the 
form  of  the  writ  wiw  debuted  upon  before,  and 
its  KuHlcieney  determined  by  the  jiidKeH,  not  by 
Its  franuM'H,  and  they  were,  iih  RnKlmh  judfjcH 
liave  always  been,  devoted  iidherents  to  prece- 
dent. In  the  course  of  centuries,  by  tiiklnj;  cer- 
tain writs  as  starting  points,  and  aecumulatiiif; 
HUceesslvc  vnriatioim  upon  them,  the  judges 
lidded  Kreat  areas  to  our  common  law,  an(l  many 
of  its  most  famous  branches,  assumpsit,  and  tro- 
ver and  conversion  for  instance,  were  developed 
in  this  w,iy,  but  the  expansion  of  the  Common 
Law  was  the  work  of  the  l.^th  and  8iibsei|uent 
centuries,  when,  under  the  stress  of  eauer  rivalry 
with  the  K<'"^^'''>K  ('([idtable  Jurisdiction  of  the 
Chancery,  the  judges  strove,  not  only  by  admit- 
ting and  developlnj;  actions  upon  the  cam-,  but 
also  by  the  use  of  llclitlous  actions,  following 
the  example  of  the  lioman  I'raetor,  to  supiily 
the  (letlclencles  of  their  system." — D.  M.  Kerly, 
Jlint.of  Kiinitii,  pj).  10-11. 

A.  b.  1285.— Writ  of  Elegit.— The  Writ  of 
Kleglt  "is  a  judicial  writ  given  by  Iho  statute 
Westm.  3,  1!)  Edw.  I.,  c.  18,  either  upon  a  judg- 
ment for  a  debt,  or  damages;  or  upon  tho  forfeit- 
lire  of  a  recognizance  taken  In  the  king's  court. 
Hy  the  common  law  a  man  could  only  have 
satisfaction  of  go<Kls,  chattels,  and  the  present 
jirotltsof  lands,  by  tho  .  .  .  writsof  fieri  facias," 
or  'levari  facias;  but  not  the  possession  of  the 
lauds  themselves;  which  was  a  natural  con- 
seipicnco  of  the  feudal  prlii"lples,  which  pro- 
hibited the  alienation,  and  of  course  the  encum- 
bering of  the  fief  with  the  debts  of  the  owner. 
.  .  .  The  statute  therefore  granted  this  writ 
(called  an  '  elegit,'  because  it  is  iu  the  choice  or 
the  election  of  the  plaintlfl  whether  he  will  sue 
out  this  writ  or  one  of  the  former),  by  which  the 
<lefcndant's  gocxla  and  chattels  are  not  sold,  but 
only  appraised;  and  all  of  them  (except  oxen 
anil  beasts  of  the  plough)  are  ilelivcred  to  the 
plaintllT,  at  such  reasonable  appraiscmcn„  and 
price,  in  part  of  satisfaction  of  Ids  debt.  If  the 
goods  are  not  sufllcient,  then  the  moiety  or  one- 
half  of  his  freehold  lands,  which  he  had  at  the 
time  of  the  judgment  given,  whether  held  in  his 
own  name,  or  by  any  other  in  trust  for  him,  are 
also  to  be  delivered  to  the  plaiDtlfT;  to  hold,  till 
out  of  the  rents  and  profits  thereof  the  debt  be 


levii'd,  or  till  the  defi'iidant's  iiiterest  be  expired: 
as  till  the  death  of  the  defendant,  if  he  be  lemuit 
for  life  I, r  In  tail." — Win.  lllackstone,  ('oiimun- 
l,iri,i.  I>k    :i.  r/i.  'it. 

A.  D,  lapo.— Progreti  of  the  Common  Law 
Right  ol  Alienation.  —  "The  statuli'  of  (^iila 
Kiiiiitores,  IH  K.lw.  I.,  Ilnally  and  permanently 
established  the  free  right  of  alienation  by  the 
Miili  vassal,  without  the  lord's  consent ;  .  .  .  and 
it  <li'clai'ed,  lliat  the  grantee  should  not  liolil  the 
land  of  his  immeiliate  feolfor,  but  of  the  chief 
lord  of  the  fee.  of  whom  the  grantor  himself 
helil  It.  .  .  .  The  power  of  involuntary  aliena- 
tion, by  rendering  the  land  answerable  by 
attachment  f<ir  debt,  was  created  by  the  statute 
of  Weslin.  •,',  i:t  Kdw.  I,  e.  IM,  wliicli  granted 
tho  elegit;  and  by  the  statutes  merchant  or 
staple,  of  1:1  Kdw.  I.,  and  'il  Kdw.  Ill  ,  which 
gave  the  extent.  These  provisions  were  called  for 
liyihe  growing  commercial  spirit  of  the  nation. 
'Id  these  we  iray  add  the  statute  of  I  Kdw.  III., 
taking  away  the  forfeiture  or  alienation  by  the 
king's  tenants  In  canite,  and  substituting  a  rea- 
sonable line  In  Its  plac)  ;  .  .  .  and  this  gives  us 
a  condensed  view  of  the  jirogress  of  the  common 
law  right  of  allenatiim  from  a  state  of  servitude 
to  freedom."  —  J.  Kent,  ('uinmentaneit,  pt.  6, 
Irrt.  07. 

A.  D.  1392.— Flet*.— "Flcta,  so  called  from 
Its  composition  In  the  Fleet  prison  by  one  of  the 
justices  linprlsoiied  by  Kilward  I.,  Is  believed  to 
have  been  written  about  the  year  I'M'i,  and  is 
nothing  but  an  abbreviation  of  liracton,  and  the 
work  called  '  lirltton,'  which  was  ('omposed  be- 
tween the  years  I'JUO  and  lltdO,  Is  of  the  same 
character,  except  that  It  is  written  in  the  ver- 
nacular language,  French,  while  (tranvll.  Iliac- 
ton  and  Fleta  are  written  in  Latin."  —  Thoimis 
,1.  Semmes.  (1  Ami' rial n  Jlur  AtKDCii,  it/n  Iliji.,  j>. 
l!i:t. 

A.  D.  1300  (circ*).— The  Kind's  Peace  a 
Common  Right. — "  Hy  tlii!  end  of  the  thirtienth 
century,  a  time  when  so  much  cl.se  of  our  insti- 
tutions was  newly  and  strongly  fashioned  for 
larger  uses,  the  King's  Peace  had  fully  grown 
from  an  occasional  privilege  Info  a  common  right. 
.Miicli,  however,  rcmalneil  (o  be  done  bi^fore  tho 
king's  subjects  had  the  full  benefit  of  this.  .  ,  , 
A  beginning  of  tills  was  nvule  as  early  as  1105 
bv  the  as.slgmnent  r  kniglits  to  take  an  oath  of 
ail  men  in  tlie  kingdom  that  the}'  would  keep 
the  King's  Peace  to  the  best  of  their  power. 
Like  functions  were  assigned  first  to  the  old  con- 
servators of  the  peace,  then  to  the  justices  who 
superseded  them,  and  to  whose  ollleo  a  huge 
array  of  powers  and  duties  of  the  most  iiilsccl- 
laneous  kind  have  been  added  by  later  statutes. 
.  .  .  Then  the  writ  "de  securitate  pads '  made 
it  ch'ar  beyond  cavil  that  the  king's  peace  was 
now,  by  the  common  law,  the  right  of  every 
lawful  man." — F.  Pollock,  'J'/ie  KinifH  Peace, 
(Our  QuiiHerlii  /fcc,  r.  1,  p.  49). 

A.  D.  1307-1509.— The  Year  Books.— "The 
oldest  reports  extant  on  tho  English  law,  ore  the 
Year  Uooks  ....  written  in  law  French,  and 
extend  from  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Ed- 
ward IL  to  the  latter  end  of  the  reign  of  Henry 
VIII,  a  period  of  about  two  hundred  years.  .  .  . 
The  Year  Books  were  very  much  occupied  with 
discussions  touching  the  forms  of  writs,  and  the 
pleadings  and  practice  in  real  actions,  which 
liave  gone  entirely  out  of  ase. "  —  J.  Kent,  Com- 
■nientaries,  pt.  3,  lect.  81. 


1963 


LAW,  COMMON,  1816. 


LAW.  COMMON,  1438. 


A.  D.  1316. — Election  of  Sherifi's  abolished. 

—  "  Until  tliu  time  of  Kdwurd  II.  the  Hlierill  was 
elected  l)y  the  inlmbitauts  of  the  sevcrid  coun- 
ties; Imt  a  statute  of  the  9th  year  of  that  reign 
abollslied  election,  and  ever  since,  with  few  ex- 
ceptions, the  slierift  lias  been  appointed,  upon 
noniiniHion  by  the  king's  councillors  and  tlie 
judges  of  certain  ranks,  by  the  approval  of  the 
crown.  .  .  .  The  otlice  of  sheriff  is  still  in  Eng- 
land one  of  eminent  honor,  and  is  conferred  on 
the  wealthiest  and  most  notable  commoners  in 
the  comities." — New  Ainerienn  Ci/doiHidia,  r.  14, 
p.  585. 

A.  D.  1326-1377. — Jurors  cease  to  be  Wit- 
nesses.—  "The  verdict  of  .  .  .  the  assize  vas 
founded  on  the  personal  knowledge  of  ihe 
jurors  themselves  respecting  the  matter  in  dis- 
pute, witliout  hearing  the  evidence  of  witnesses 
in  court.  But  tliere  was  an  exception  in  the 
ca.se  of  deeds  which  came  into  controversy,  and 
in  wluch  persons  had  been  named  as  witnessing 
the  grant  or  other  matter  testified  by  the  deed. 
.  .  .  This  seems  to  have  paved  the  way  for  the 
important  change  whereby  the  jury  ceasing  to 
be  witnesses  themselves,  gave  their  verdict  upon 
the  evidence  brought  before  them  at  the  trials. 
.  .  .  Since  the  jurors  themselves  were  originally 
mere  witnesses,  there  was  no  distinction  in  prin- 
ciple between  them  and  tlie  attesting  witnesses: 
so  tliat  it  is  by  no  means  improbable  that  the  lat- 
ter were  at  first  associated  with  them  in  tlie 
dischaige  of  the  same  function,  namely,  the  de- 
livery of  a  verdict,  and  that  gradually,  in  the 
course  of  years,  a  separation  took  place.  This 
separation,  at  all  events,  existed  in  the  reign  of 
Eflward  IIL  ;  for  although  we  find  in  the  Year 
Books  of  that  period  the  expression,  '  the  wit- 
nesses were  joined  to  the  assize,'  a  clear  distinc- 
tion is,  notwithstimding,  drawn  between  them." 

—  W.  Forsyth,  T.ialbyJunj,  pp.  134  rtHrfl28. 
A.  D.    1362.  —  Pleading     in    the    English 

tongue. — Enrollment  in  Latin, — "The  Statute 
30  Edward  III.,  c.  15,  A.  I).  1362,  enacted  that 
in  future  all  pleas  should  be  '  pleaded,  shewed, 
<!efended,  answered,  debated,  and  judged  in  the 
English  tongue : '  the  lawyers,  on  the  alert,  ap- 
pended a  proviso  that  they  should  be  'entered 
and  enrolled  '  in  I  atin,  and  the  old  customary 
terms  and  forms  retaineci. " — J.  Parke,  Hut.  of 
Vhnneery,  p.  43. 

A.  D.  1368.— J'  ry  System  in  Civil  Trials.— 
"As  it  was  an  jssential  priaciple  of  the  jury 
trial  from  the  earliest  times,  that  the  jurors 
should  be  suir.moued  from  the  hundred  where 
the  cau'.i!  of  .iction  arose,  the  court,  in  order  to 
])rocuri!  the'r  attendance,  issued  in  the  first  in- 
stanci  a  w.it  called  a  venire  facias,  commanding 
the  f'aeriC  or  other  officer  to  whom  it  was  di- 
rec'ed,  'o  have  twelve  g(xxl  and  lawful  men  for 
the  poighborhood  in  court  u]X)n  a  day  therein 
specified,  to  try  the  issue  joined  between  the 
parties.  And  this  was  accordingly  done,  and 
the  slicriff  had  his  juvy  ready  at  the  place  which 
the  court  had  appointed  for  its  sitting.  But 
when  the  Court  of  Common  Picas  was  severed 
from  the  Curia  Regis,  and  became  stationary  at 
Westminster  (a  change  which  took  place  in  the 
reign  of  King  John,  and  was  the  subject  of  one 
of  the  provisions  of  Magna  Charta),  it  w-as  found 
to  be  very  inconvenient  to  be  obligeu  to  take 
juries  there  from  all  parts  of  the  country.  And 
as  justices  were  already  in  the  habit  of  making 
periodical  circuits  for  the  purpose  of  holding  the 


assize  in  pk..s  of  land,  it  was  thought  advisable 
to  substitute  them  for  the  full  court  in  banc  at 
Westminster,  in  other  cases  also.  The  statute 
13  Edw.  I.  c.  no,  was  therefore  i)a.s.sed,  which 
enacted  that  these  justices  should  try  other  is- 
sues: '  wherein  small  examination  was  reciuirwl,' 
or  where  botli  parties  desired  it,  and  return  the 
inquests  into  tlie  court  above.  This  led  to  an 
alteration  in  the  form  of  the  venire:  and  instciul 
of  the  sheriff  being  simply  ordered  to  bring  the 
jurors  to  tlic  courts  at  Westminster  on  a  day 
named,  he  was  now  re(iuired  to  bring  them  there 
on  a  certain  day,  'nisi  prius,'  that  is,  unless  be- 
fore that  day  the  justices  of  assize  came  into 
his  county,  in  which  case  the  statute  directed 
him  to  return  tlie  jury,  not  to  the  court,  but 
beforethe  justices  of  assize." — AV.  Forsyth,  Iliitt. 
iif  Trial  In/  ,/art/,  pp.  13l)-140. 
"A.  D.  "  1382.  —  Peaceable  Entry.  —  "This 
remedy  liy  entry  must  be  pursued  according  to 
statute  5  Uieli.  II.,  st.  I.,  c.  8,  In  a  peaceable 
and  easy  manner ;  and  not  with  force  or  strong 
hand.  For,  if  one  turns  or  keeps  another  out  of 
possession  forcibly,  this  is  an  injury  of  botli  a 
civil  and  a  criminal  nature.  The  civil  is  remedied 
by  an  immediate  restitution ;  which  puts  the  an- 
cient possessor  in  statu  quo:  the  criminal  injury, 
or  public  wrong,  by  breach  of  the  king's  peace, 
is  punished  by  fine  to  the  King." — W.  Black- 
stone,  Commentaries,  bk.  3,  /).  179. 

A.  D.  1383-1403.— Venue  to  be  laid  in 
proper  Counties. — "The  statutes  0  Rich.  11., 
c.  2,  and  4  Hen.  IV.,  c.  18,  having  ordered  all 
writs  to  be  laid  in  their  proper  counties,  this,  as 
the  judges  conceived,  empowered  them  tochange 
the  venue,  if  rcjuired,  and  not  to  insist  rigidly 
on  abating  iho  writ:  which  practice  began  in 
the  reign  of  James  the  First.  And  this  power 
is  discretionally  exercised,  so  as  to  prevent,  awl 
not  to  cause,  11  defect  of  justice.  .  .  .  And  it 
will  sometimes  remove  the  venue  from  the  proper 
jurisdiction  ....  upon  a  suggestion,  duly  sup- 
ported, that  a  fair  and  imparial  trial  cannot  be 
had  therein." — W.  Black8t<}ne,  Commentaries, 
bk.  3,  /).  294. 

A.  D.  1388. —  Prohibitiot.  against  Citation 
of  Roman  Law  in  Common-taw  Tribunals. — 
"  In  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  the  exactions  of 
the  court  of  Rome  had  become  odious  to  the 
king  and  the  i)eople.  Edward,  supiwrtetl  by 
his  Parliament,  resisted  the  payment  of  the  trib- 
ute which  his  predecessors  from  the  Conquest 
downwards,  but  more  particularly  from  the  time 
of  John,  had  been  accustomed  to  pay  to  the 
court  of  Rome;  .  .  .  the  name  of  the  Roman 
Law,  which  in  the  reigns  of  Henry  U.  and  III., 
and  of  Edward  1.,  had  been  in  considerable  favor 
at  court,  and  even  .  .  .  with  the  judges,  be- 
came the  object  of  aversion.  In  the  reign  of 
Rlchanl  II.  tlie  barons  protested  that  they  would 
never  suffer  the  kingdom  to  be  governed  by  the 
Roman  law,  and  the  judges  prohibite<I  it  from 
being  any  longer  cited  in  the  common  law  tri- 
bunals."—  G.  Spence,  Equitt)  Jurisdiction  of  tJie 
Court  of  Charw.cry,  r.  1,  p.  340. 

A.  D.  1436.— Act  to  prevent  interference 
with  Common  Law  Process. — "In  1436,  an 
act  was  passed  with  the  concurrence  of  the 
Chancellor,  to  check  the  wanton  filing  of  bills 
in  Chancery  in  disturbance  of  common  law  pro- 
cess. The  Commons,  after  reciting  the  prevail- 
ing grievance,  prayed  '  that  every  jicrson  from 
this  time  forward  vexed  in  Cliuucery  for  matter 


1964 


LAW,  COMMON,  1436. 


LAW,  COMMON,  1480. 


detcrminalilo  by  the  common  law,  have  action 
against  him  that  so  vexed  liim,  ami  recover  Ills 
damages.'  Tlie  King  answered,  '  tliat  no  writ 
of  subpoena  be  granted  liereafter  till  security  be 
found  to  satisfy  the  party  so  vexed  and  grieved 
for  his  damages  and  expenses,  if  it  so  be  thattlie 
matter  may  not  be  made  ;,'0()d  wbieli  is  contained 
in  tlie  bill.'  " —  Lord  f'r.inpbell,  LivcsoJ'thc  Chan- 
ccllon,  V.  1.  /».  272. 

A.  D.  1450  (circa). — Evidence.— Number  of 
Witnesses. — "!l  is  then  abundantly  plain  .that 
by  tills  time  [the  middle  of  the  l.^tli  century] 
■witiies.ses  could  testify  in  open  court  to  the  jury. 
Tliat  this  was  by  no  means  freely  done  seems 
also  plain.  Furthermore,  it  is  pretty  certain 
that  this  feature  of  a  jury  trial,  in  our  day  so 
conspicuous  and  indispensable,  was  then  but 
little  considered  and  of  small  importance." — .1. 
B.  Tliaj'er,  Select  Cases  on  Kridcnce,  p.  1071. 

Also  in:  The  .same,  I'he  Jury  a  ml  its  Derelop- 
meiit  (lliirvdrd  Lain  I!ei:,  v.  .'5,  ;;.  300). 

A.  D.  1456.  —  Demurrers  to  Evidence.  — 
"Very  .soon,  as  it  seems,  after  the  general  prac- 
tice began  of  allowing  witnesses  to  testify  to  the 
juiy,  an  interesting  contrivance  for  eliminating 
the  jury  came  into  existence,  the  demurrer  upon 
evidence.  Such  demurrers,  like  others,  were 
deinurrera  in  law;  Init  they  had  the  effect  to 
withdraw  from  the  jury  all  consideration  of  the 
facts,  and,  in  their  pure  form,  to  submit  to  the 
court  two  questions,  of  which  only  the  second 
was,  in  strictness,  atiuestionof  law:  (1)  Whether 
a  verdict  for  the  party  wlio  gave  the  widence 
could  i')c  given,  as  a  matter  of  legitimate  infer- 
ence and  interpretation  from  tiie  evidence;  (2) 
As  a  mutter  of  law.  Of  this  expedient,  I  do  not 
observe  any  mention  earlier  than  the  year  1450, 
and  it  is  interesting  to  notice  that  we  do  not 
trace  tlie  full  use  of  witnesses  to  the  jurj'  much 
earlier  tlian  this." — J.  B.  Thayer,  Law  and  Fiiet 
ill  Jury  Trials  {Harvard  Law  Jlev.,  v.  4,  p.  162). 

Also  in  :  The  same.  Select  Cases  on  Evidence, 
p.  149. 

A.  D.  1470.  —  Evidence.  —  Competency  of 
Witnesses. — "  Fortcscue  (De  Laud.  c.  20),  who 
has  the  earliest  account  (about  1470)  of  witnesses 
testifying  regularly  to  the  jury,  gives  no  infor- 
mation as  to  any  ground  for  challenging  them. 
But  Coke,  a  century  and  a  third  later,  makes 
certain  qualifications  of  the  assertion  of  the  older 
judges,  that  'they  had  not  seen  witnesses  chal- 
lenged. '  He  mentions  as  grounds  of  exclusion, 
legal  infamy,  being  au  'infidel,'  of  non-sane 
memory,  'not  of  discretion,' a  party  interested, 
'or  tlie  like'  And  lie  says  that  'it  hath  been 
resolved  by  tlie  justices  [in  1612]  that  a  wife 
cannot  be  produced  eitlier  against  or  for  her 
husband,  quia  sunt  duae  animae  in  cariie  una. ' 
He  also  points  out  that  '  he  that  challengetli  a 
right  in  the  thing  in  demand  cannot  be  a  wit- 
ness. '  Here  are  the  outlines  of  the  subsequent 
tests  for  the  eoni])ctency  of  witnesses.  They 
were  niucli  refined  upon,  particularly  the  exclud- 
ing ground  of  Interest ;  and  great  inconvenienees 
resulted.  At  last  in  the  fourth  and  fifth  decades 
of  the  present  century,  in  England,  nearly  all 
objections  to  competency  were  abolished,  or 
turned  into  matters  of  privilege." — J.  B.  Thayer. 
Select  Canes  on  Eridence,  p.  1070. 

A.  D.  1473.— Barring  Entails.— Taltarum's 
Case. — "'l''lie  common-law  judges  at  this  time 
were  very  bold  men,  liaving  of  their  own  author- 
ity repealed  the  statute  De  Donis,  passed  in  the 


reign  of  Kdward  I.,  which  authorized  the  per- 
petual entail  of  land, —  by  deciding  in  Talta- 
rum's Case,  that  the  entail  might  be  liarred 
tiirougli  a  fictitious  proceeding  in  the  Court  of 
{\unmon  Pleas,  called  a  '  Common  Recovery ; ' — 
the  estate  being  adjudged  to  a  sham  claimant, — 
a  sham  equivalent  lieing  given  to  those  who 
ought  to  succeed  to  it, —  and  tlie  tenant  in  tail 
being  enabled  to  dispose  of  it  as  he  pleases,  in 
spite  of  the  will  of  the  donor." — Lord  Campbell, 
Lives  of  the  C/ia neellors,  v.  1,  pp.  SOO-iilO. 

A.  D.  1481-1505. — Development  of  Actions 
of  Assumpsit. — "It  is  probable  that  the  will- 
ingness of  equity  to  give  pecuniary  relief  upon 
parol  ))romises  hastened  the  development  of  the 
action  of  assumpsit.  Fairfax,  .1.,  in  1481,  ad- 
vised pleaders  to  pay  more  attention  to  actions 
on  the  case,  and  tliereby  dlininisii  the  resort  to 
chancery;  and  Fineux,  C.  J.,  remarked,  in  1.50.'), 
after  tliat  advice  liad  been  followed  and  sanc- 
tioned t)y  the  courts,  that  it  wivs  no  longer  nec- 
essary to  sue  a  subpoena  in  such  cases.  Brooke, 
in  his  'Abridgment,'  adds  to  this  remark  of 
Fineux,  C.  J. :  '  But  note  tliat  he  shall  have  only 
damages  by  this  [action  on  the  ca.se],  but  liy 
subpoena  the  chancellor  may  compel  iiiin  to  exe- 
cute the  estate  or  imprisonhim  ut  dieitur.'" — 
.1.  B.  Ames,  Specific  Performance  of  Contracts 
(The  Green  Bag,  v.  "l,  p.  20). 

A.  D.  1484. — Statutes  to  be  in  English.— "In 
opening  tlie  volumes  of  our  laws,  as  printed  by 
authority  '  from  original  records  and  authentic 
manuscripts,'  we  are  struck  with  a  change  upon 
the  face  of  these  Statutes  of  Richard  III.,  which 
indicates  as  true  a  regard  for  tlie  liberty  of  the 
subjects  as  the  laws  themselves.  For  the  first 
time  *,lie  laws  to  be  obeyed  by  the  English  people 
are  enacted  in  the  English  tongue." — Charles 
Knight,  llist.  of  Enij.,  r.  2,  p.  200. 

A.  D.  1499  (circa).  —  Copyright.  —  "From 
about  the  period  of  the  introduction  of  printing 
into  this  country,  that  is  to  say,  towards  tlic  end 
of  the  fifteenth  century,  English  authors  had,  in 
accordance  with  tlie  opinion  of  the  best  legal  au- 
tlioritics,  a  right  to  the  Copyriglit  in  their  works, 
according  to  the  Common  Law  of  the  Realm,  or 
a  right  to  their  '  copy  '  as  it  was  anciently  called, 
but  there  is  no  direct  evidence  of  the  right  until 
1558.  The  Charter  of  the  Stationers'  Company, 
which  to  this  day  is  charged  with  tlie  Registra- 
tion of  Copyright,  was  granted  bj'  Philip  and 
Mary  in  15.56.  Tlie  avowed  object  of  this  corpo- 
ration was  to  prevent  the  spread  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. Tlien  there  followed  the  despotic  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  Star  Chamber  over  the  publication 
of  books,  and  the  Ordinance;!  and  tlie  Licensing 
Act  of  Charles  II.  At  tlie  commencement  of 
the  18tli  century  there  was  no  statutory  protec- 
tion of  Copyright.  Unrestricted  piracy  was  rife. 
The  existing  remedies  of  a  bill  in  equity  and  an 
action  at  law  were  too  cumbrous  and  expensive 
to  protect  the  authors'  Common  Law  rights,  and 
authors  i)etitioned  Parliament  for  speedier  and 
moi..'  effectual  remedies.  In  consequence,  the  8 
Anne,  c.  li),  the  fir.st  English  Statute  providing 
for  the  protection  of  (Jopyright,  was  passed  in 
1710.  This  Act  gave  to  the  author  the  sole 
liberty  of  publication  for  14  years,  with  a  f  urtlier 
term  of  fourteen  years,  provided  the  author  was 
living  at  the  expiration  of  tlie  first  term,  and 
enacted  provisions  for  the  forfeiture  of  piratical 
copies  and  for  the  imposition  of  penalties  in 
cases  of  piracy.     But  in  obtaining  this  Act,  the 


1965 


LAW,  COMMON,  1499. 


LAW.  COMMON.  1580. 


autliors  pliiccd  thcmsclvea  very  inucli  in  the 
posilioiiof  tlic  (log  in  tlio  fnl)lc,  wlio  dropped  the 
Buhstuiice  in  siiatiJiiiig  at  the  hIiiuIow.  for,  wliilc 
on  the  one  Iiand  tlipy  obtained  tlio  remedial 
measures  tliey  desired,  on  tlie  otiier,  tlie  Per- 
petual Copyright  to  whieh  they  were  entitled  at 
the  Common  Law  was  reduced  to  the  fixed  niaxi- 
miini  term  already  mentioned,  through  the  com- 
bined operation  of  the  stattite  and  the  judicial 
decisions  to  be  presently  referred  to.  But  not- 
withstanding the  statute,  the  Co\irts  continued 
for  some  time  to  recognise  the  rights  of  authors 
at  Common  Law,  and  numerous  Injunctions  were 
gnuited  to  protect  the  Copyright  in  books,  iu 
which  the  term  of  protection  granted  by  the 
statute  of  Anne  had  expired,  ami  which  injunc- 
tions therefore  could  only  have  been  granted  on 
the  basis  of  the  Common  Law  right.  In  1761) 
ju<lgment  was  pronounced  in  the  great  Copy- 
right case  of  Millar  v.  Taylor.  The  book  in 
controversy  was  Thomson's  'Seasons,'  in  which 
work  the  period  of  Copyright  granted  by  the 
st4itute  of  Anne  had  expired,  and  the  ques- 
tion was  directly  raised,  whether  iv  Perpetual 
Copyright  accoming  to  Common  Law,  and  in- 
<lependcnt  of  that  statute,  remained  iu  the  author 
after  publication.  Lord  3Iansfleld,  one  of  the 
greatest  lawyers  of  all  times,  maintained  in  his 
judgment  that  Copyright  was  founded  on  the 
Common  Law,  and  that  it  had  not  been  taken 
away  by  the  statute  of  Anne,  which  was  intended 
merely  to  give  for  a  term  of  years  a  more  com- 
plete protection.  But,  iu  1774  this  decision  was 
overnded  by  tlie  IIcuso  of  Lords  in  the  equally 
celebrated  pendent  case  of  Donaldson  v.  Beckett, 
in  which  the  .Judges  consulted  were  equally 
divided  on  the  same  point.  Lord  Mansfield  and 
Sir  William  Blackstone  being  amongst  those 
who  were  of  opinion  that  the  Common  Law 
right  liarl  not  l)cen  taken  away  by  the  stjitute  of 
Anne.  But  owing  to  a  point  of  etiquette,  namely 
that  of  being  peer  as  well  as  one  of  tlie  Judges, 
Lord  Mansfield  did  not  express  his  opinion,  and 
in  consequence,  the  House  of  Lords,  infiucnced 
by  a  specious  oration  from  Lord  Camden,  held 
(contrary  to  the  opinion  of  the  above-mentioned 
Illustrious  Jurists),  that  the  statute  had  taken 
away  all  Common  Law  rights  after  p\d)lication, 
and  hence  that  in  a  publislied  book  there  was  no 
Copyright  except  that  given  by  the  statute. 
This  judgment  caused  great  alarm  amongst  those 
who  supposed  that  their  Copyright  was  per- 
petual. Acts  of  Parliament  were  applied  for, 
and  in  1775  the  Universities  obtained  one  pro- 
tecting their  literary  property." — T.  A.  Homer, 
Copynght  Iaixo  lieform  (Um  May.  &  Rev.,  ith 
oer..  V.  12.  p.  281). 

A.  D.  1499.— Action  of  Ejectment.— "  The 
writ  of  '  ejectione  tirmic '  .  .  .  ,  out  of  which  the 
modern  action  of  ejectmeit  has  gradually  grown 
into  its  present  form,  is  not  of  any  great  an- 
tiquity. .  .  .  The  Court  of  Common  Pleas  had 
exclusive  jurisdiction  of  real  actions  while  eject- 
ment coidd  be  brought  in  all  three  of  the  great 
common  law  courts.  .  .  .  The  ]>ractitioners  in 
the  King's  Bench  also  encouraged  ejectment,  for 
it  enabled  them  to  share  in  the  lucrative  iiractice 
of  the  Common  Plras.  ...  In  the  action  of 
'  ejectione  flrmie,'  the  plaintiff  first  only  recovered 
damages,  as  in  any  other  action  of  trespass.  .  .  . 
The  courts,  consequently  following,  it  is  said,  in 
the  footsteps  of  the  courts  of  equity,  .  .  .  in- 
tHwluced  into  this  action  a  species  of  relief  not 


warranted  by  the  original  writ,  .  .  .  viz.,  a 
judgment  t )  recover  the  term,  and  a  writ  of  pos- 
session ther.;upon.  Pos.sibly  the  change  was  in- 
spired by  jealousy  of  the  chancery  courts.  It 
cannot  be  stated  i)recisely  when  th.is  diange  took 
place.  In  11183  it  wius  conceded  by  the  full  court 
that  iu  'ejectione  flrmnj'  the  plamtllT  could  no 
more  recover  his  term  than  in  trespass  he  could 
recover  damages  for  a  trespass  to  be  dona  .  .  . 
B'.it  in  1408  it  was  agreed  by  opposing  counuel 
that  the  term  could  be  recovered,  as  well  as  dam- 
ages. The  earliest  reported  decision  to  this  effect 
was  in  1499,  and  is  referred  to  by  Mr.  lieeves  as 
the  most  important  adjudication  rendered  during 
the  reign  of  Henry  VII.,  for  it  changed  the  whole 
system  of  remedies  for  the  trial  of  controverted 
titles  to  land,  and  the  recovery  of  real  proijcrty." 
— Sedgwick  and  Wait,  Trial  of  Title  to  Land 
(2iute(t.),  met.  12-25. — "Ejectment  Is  the  form 
of  action  now  retained  in  use  iu  England  under 
the  Statute  of  3  and  4  Wm.  IV.,  c.  7,  S  36,  which 
abolished  all  other  forms  of  real  actions  except 
dower.  It  is  in  general  use  in  some  form  in  this 
country,  and  by  it  the  plaintiff  recovers,  if  at  all, 
upon  the  strength  of  his  own  title,  and  not  upon 
the  weakness  of  that  of  the  tenant,  since  posses- 
sion is  deemed  conclusive  evidence  of  title  as  to 
all  persons  except  such  as  can  sliow  a  better  one. " 
— Washburn,  lieai  J'rojxrti/  (5t/ied.),  v.  1,;>.  465. 

A.  D.  1504-1542.— Consideration  in  Con- 
tracts. — "To  the  present  writer  it  seems  impos- 
sible to  refer  consideration  to  a  single  source. 
At  tlic  present  day  it  is  doubtless  just  and  expe- 
dient to  resolve  every  consideration  into  v.  detri- 
ment to  the  promisee  incurred  at  tlie  recjuest  of 
the  promisor.  But  this  definition  of  considera- 
tion won'  '  not  have  covered  the  cases  of  the 
16th  cc  ;y.  There  were  then  two  distinct 
forms  ot  I  unsideration:  (1)  detriment;  (2)  a  pre- 
cedent debt.  Of  these  detriment  was  the  more 
ancient,  having  become  established  in  substance, 
as  early  as  1504.  On  the  other  hand  no  case  has 
been  found  recognizing  the  validity  of  a  promise 
to  pay  a  precedent  liebt  before  1542.  These  two 
species  of  consideration,  so  different  in  their 
nature,  are,  as  would  be  surmised,  of  distinct 
origin.  Tlie  history  of  detriment  is  bound  up 
with  the  history  or  special  assumpsit,  whereas 
the  consideration  based  upon  a  precedent  debt 
must  be  studied  in  the  development  of  '  indebi- 
tatus assumpsit.'" — J.  15.  Ames,  Ili-st.  ifAmump- 
tit  (^Harvard  L<tw  Revieir,  v.  2.  pp.  1-2). 

A.  D.  1520. — The  Law  of  Parol  Guaranty. — 
"  It  was  decided  In  1520,  that  one  who  sold  goods 
to  a  third  person  on  the  faith  of  the  defendant's 
promise  that  the  price  should  be  i)aid,  might 
have  an  action  on  the  case  upon  the  promise. 
This  decision  introduced  the  whole  law  of  parol 
guaranty.  Cases  in  which  the  plaintiff  gave  his 
time  or  labor  were  as  much  within  the  principle 
of  the  new  action  as  those  in  which  he  parted 
with  property.  And  this  fact  was  speedily  rec- 
ognized. In  Saint-Oerinain's  book,  published  in 
1531,  the  student  of  law  thus  defines  the  liability 
of  a  promisor:  '  If  he  to  whom  the  promise  is 
made  have  a  charge  by  reason  of  the  promise, 
...  he  shall  have  an  action  for  that  thing  that 
was  promised,  though  he  that  made  the  promise 
have  no  worldly  profit  by  it. '  From  that  day  to 
this  a  detrimcht  has  always  been  deemed  a  valid 
consideration  for  a  promise  if  incurred  at  the 
promisor's  request.  "—-J.  B.  Ames,  Hist,  of  As- 
aumjmt  (Harvard  Law  Her.,  v.  2,  p.  14). 


1966 


LAW,  COMMON,  1,535. 


LAW,  COMMON,  1393. 


A.  D.  I53S.— Statute  of  Uses.— "Before  the 
pa8.sing  of  the  Statute  of  Uses  in  the  tweUvj  • 
seventh  year  of  Henry  VIII,  attempts  liad  been 
made  to  protect  l)v  legislation  the  interests  of 
creditors,  of  the  king,  and  of  the  lords,  which 
were  affected  injuriously  by  feoffments  to  uses. 
.  .  .  The  object  of  that  Statute  was  by  joining 
the  possession  or  stisen  to  the  use  <ind  interest 
(or,  in  otlier  words,  by  providing  that  all  the 
estate  which  would  by  the  common  law  have 
passed  to  the  grantee  to  iises  shoidd  instantly  be 
taken  out  of  Jiim  and  vested  in  'cestui  fjiie  u.se'), 
to  annihilate  altogether  the  distinction  between 
the  legal  and  beneticial  ownership,  to  make  the 
ostensible  tenant,  in  every  case  also  the  legal 
tenant,  liable  to  his  lord  for  feudal  dues  and 
services, — ward.sliip,  marriage,  and  the  rest.  .  .  . 
By  converting  the  use  into  the  legal  interest  the 
Statute  did  away  with  the  power  of  disposing  of 
interests  in  lands  by  will,  which  liad  been  one  of 
the  most  important  results  of  the  introduction  of 
uses.  Probably  these  were  the  chief  results 
aimed  at  by  the  Statute  of  Uses.  A  strange 
combination  of  circumstances  —  the  force  of  usage 
by  which  practices  had  iiriscn  too  strong  even 
for  legislation  to  do  away  with,  coupled  with  an 
almost  superstitious  adhercnee  on  the  part  of  tlie 
courts  to  the  letter  of  the  statute  —  produced  the 
curious  result,  that  the  effect  of  the  Statute  of 
Uses  was  directly  the  reverse  of  its  purpose,  that 
by  means  of  it  secret  conveyances  of  the  legal 
estate  were  introduced,  while  by  a  strained  inter- 
pretation of  its  terms  tlie  old  distinction  between 
beneficial  or  equitable  and  legal  ownership  was 
revived.  AVhat  may  be  called  the  modern  law 
of  Ileal  Property  and  the  highly  technical  and 
intricate  system  of  conveyancmg  which  still  pre- 
vails, dates  from  the  legislation  of  Henry  VIII." 
— Kenelm  E.  Digby,  Jlist.  of  the  Law  of  Ileal 
Property  (4th  ed.);  pp.  343-345. 

A.  D.  1540-15^2.— Testamentary  Power.— 
"The  power  of  disposing  by  will  of  land  and 
goods  has  been  of  slow  growth  in  England.  The 
peculiar  theories  of  the  English  land  system  pre- 
vented the  existence  of  a  testamentary  power 
over  land  until  it  was  created  by  the  Statute  of 
Wills  (33  &  34  Hen.  VIII.)  extended  by  later 
statutes,  and  although  a  testamentary  power 
over  personal  property  is  very  ancient  in  tliis 
coimtry,  it  was  limited  at  common  law  by  the 
claims  of  the  testator's  widow  and  children  to 
their  '  reasonable  parts '  of  his  ^ootls.  The 
widow  was  entitled  to  one  third,  or  if  there  were 
no  children  to  one  half  of  her  husband's  personal 
estate ;  and  the  children  to  one  third,  or  if  there 
was  no  widow  to  one  half  of  their  father's  per- 
sonal estate,  and  the  testator  could  onlj'  dispose 
by  his  will  of  what  remained.  Whether  the  su- 
perior claims  of  the  widow  and  cliildren  existed 
all  over  England  or  only  in  some  counties  by 
custom  is  doubted;  but  ...  by  Statutes  of 
William  and  Mary,  Will.  HI.  and  Geo.  I.,  fol- 
lowed by  the  Wills  Act  (1  Vict.  c.  26),  the  cus- 
toms have  been  abolished,  and  a  testator's  testa- 
mentary power  now  extends  to  all  his  real  and 
personal  property." — Stuart  C.  Macaskie,  The 
Law  of  Executors  and  Admiimtratorn,  p.  1. 

A.  D.  1542. — Liability  in  Indebitatus  As- 
sumpsit on  an  Express  Promise. — "The origin 
of  indebitatus  assumpsit  may  be  explained  in  a 
few  words:  Slade's  case  [4  Rep.,  93a],  decided 
in  1603,  is  commonly  tliought  to  be  tlie  source 
of  this  action.     But  this  is  n  nusapprehensioa. 


I  '  Indebitatus  assumpsit '  upon  an  express  jiromisc 
is  at  least  sixty  years  older  than  Slade's  case. 
The  evidence  of  its  existence  througliout  the  last 
half  of  the  sixteenth  century  is  conclusive. 
There  is  a  note  by  Brooke,  who  died  in  15,58.  as 
follows:  'where  one  is  indebted  to  me,  and  he 
promises  to  pay  before  i^Iichaclmas,  I  may  have 
an  action  of  debt  on  the  contnict,  or  an  action  on 
tlie  case  on  the  promise. ' " — .1.  B.  Ames,  lli»t. 
of  Asstimpsit  {Iliirriird  Lair  Iter.,  r.  2,  p.  Ifi). 

A.  D.  1557.  —  Statute  of  Uses  Rendered 
Nugatory. — "Twenty-two  years  after  the  pass- 
ing of  this  statute  (Midi.  Term  4  &  5  Ph.  &  M.) 
the  judges  by  a  deei.sion  practically  rendered  the 
Statute  nugatory  by  holding  tliat  the  Statute  will 
not  execute  more  than  one  use,  and  that  if  there 
be  a  second  use  declared  the  Statute  will  not 
operate  upot.  it.  The  effect  of  this  was  to  l)ring 
again  into  full  operation  the  equitable  doctrine 
as  to  uses  in  Irnds." — A.  II.  Marsli,  Hint,  of  the 
Court  if  Chdiiceii/,  pp.  132-133. 

A.  D.  1580.—' Equal  Distribution  of  Prop- 
erty.— "In  Holland,  all  property,  both  real  and 
personal,  of  persons  dying  intestate,  except  land 
held  by  feudal  tenure,  was  equally  divided 
among  the  chMdren,  under  the  provisions  of  an 
act  passed  by  ti;c  States  in  1580.  Tliis  act  also 
contained  a  furth'^rcnliglitened  provision,  copied 
from  Rome,  and  fcince  adopted  in  otlier  Continen- 
tal Countries,  which  proliibited  parents  from  dis- 
inheriting their  children  except  for  certain  spcci- 
lied  offences.  Undf  this  legal  system,  it  became 
customary  for  parents  ♦o  divide  their  property 
by  will  eciualiy  among  their  children,  just  as  the 
custom  of  leaving  all  the  property  to  the  eldest 
son  grew  up  under  the  laws  of  Kugland.  The 
Puritans  who  settled  New  England  adopted  the 
idea  of  the  ccjual  distribution  of  property,  in  case 
there  was  no  will  — giving  to  the  eldest  son, 
however,  in  some  of  the  colonies  a  double  por- 
tion, according  to  the  Old  Testament  injunction, 
—  and  tlience  it  has  spread  over  the  whole 
United  States."— D.  Campbell,  The  Piirita  in 
Holland,  England  and  America,  v.  2,  p.  452. 

A.  D.  1589. — Earliest  notice  of  Contract  of 
Insurance. — "  The  first  notice  of  the  contract  of 
insurance  that  appears  in  the  English  reports,  is 
a  case  cited  in  Coke's  Reports  [6  Coke's  Rep., 
47b],  and  decided  in  the  31st  of  Elizabeth;  and 
the  commercial  spirit  of  that  age  gave  birth  to 
the  statute  of  43rd  Elizabeth,  passed  to  give 
facility  to  the  contmct,  and  which  created  the 
court  of  policies  of  assurance  and  shows  by  its 
preamble  that  the  business  of  marine  insurance 
had  been  in  immemorial  use,  and  actively  fol- 
io ved.  But  the  law  of  insurance  received  very 
littlo  study  and  cultivation  for  ages  afterwards; 
and  Mr.  Park  informs  us  that  there  were  not 
forty  cases  upon  matters  of  insurance  prior  to  the 
year  1756,  and  even  those  cases  were  generally 
loose  nisi  |)rius  notes,  containing  very  little  in- 
formation or  claim  to  authority.'  — J.  Kent,  Com- 
mentaries, pt.  5,  lect.  48. 

A.  D.  1592. — A  Highwayman  as  a  Chief- 
Justice. — "In  1.593,  Elizabeth  appointed  to  the 
office  of  Chief-.Iusticc  of  England  a  lawyer,  .loiiii 
Popham,  who  is  said  to  have  occasionally  been  a 
highwayman  until  the  age  of  thirty.  At  first 
blush  this  seems  incredible,  but  only  because 
such  false  notions  gcierally  prevail  regarding  the 
character  of  the  time.  The  fact  is  tliat  neither 
piracy  nor  robbery  was  considered  par*'.ou''irly 
discreditable  at  the  court  of  Elizabeth.     The 


1967 


LAW,  COMMON,   1598. 


LAW,  COMMON,  1604. 


queen  knighted  Frnneis  Drake  for  Ills  exploits  ns 
a  pirute,  nnd  n  liiw  on  the  atutute-books,  passed 
in  the  middle  of  the  eentury,  gave  benefit  of 
clergy  to  peers  of  the  realm  when  eonvieted  of 
highwaj'  robbery.  Men  may  doubt,  if  they 
choose,  the  stories  about  Pophani,  but  the  testi- 
mony of  this  statute  cannot  be  disputed." — I). 
Campbell,  T/ie  Puritan  in  lloUitml,  England  and 
Aiiieririt,  r.  1.  ;;.   !((I0. 

A.  D,  1650-1700.  —  Evidence.  — "Best  Evi- 
dence Rule." — "This  ])brase  is  an  old  one. 
During  the  latter  i)art  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury and  the  whole  of  the  eighteenth,  while 
rules  of  evidence  were  forming,  the  judges  and 
text  writers  were  in  the  habit  of  laying  down 
two  prineiples;  namely,  (1)  that  one  must  bring 
tlie  best  evidence  that  he  can,  and  (2)  that  if  he 
does  this,  it  is  enough.  These  principles  were 
the  beginning,  in  the  endeavor  to  give  consis- 
tency to  the  system  of  evidence  before  juries. 
They  were  never  literally  enforced, —  they  were 
principles  and  not  exact  rules;  but  for  a  long 
time  they  afforded  a  valuable  test.  As  r>ilcs  of 
evidence  and  exceptions  to  the  rules  became  more 
detinitc,  the  field  for  the  application  of  the  gen- 
eral principle  of  the  '  Hest  Evidence '  was  nar- 
rower. Hut  it  was  often  resorted  to  as  a  definite 
rule  and  test  iu  a  manner  which  was  very  mis- 
leading. This  is  still  occasionally  done,  as  when 
we  are  told  in  McKinnon  v.  IJIiss,  21  N.  Y.,  p. 
218,  that  'it  is  a  imivcrsal  rule  founded  on  neces- 
sity, that  the  best  evidence  of  which  the  nature 
of  the  ca.se  admits  is  always  receivable.'  Green- 
leaf's  treatuKmt  of  this  toiiic  (followed  by  Taylor) 
is  perplexing  and  antiquated.  A  justcr  concep- 
tion of  it  is  found  in  Best,  Evid.  s.  88.  Always 
the  chief  example  of  the  '  Best  Evidence '  prin- 
ciple was  the  rule  about  proving  the  contents  of 
a  writing.  But  the  origin  of  this  rule  about 
writings  was  older  than  the  '  Best  Evidence ' 
principle ;  and  that  principle  may  well  have  been 
a  generalization  from  tins  rule,  which  appears 
to  bo  traceable  to  the  doctrine  of  profert.  That 
doctrine  required  the  actual  production  of  the 
instnimcnt  which  was  set  up  in  pleading.  In 
like  manner,  it  was  said,  iu  dealing  with  the  jurj", 
that  a  jury  could  not  specifically  find  the  con- 
tents of  a  deed  imlcss  it  had  been  exhibited  to 
them  in  evidence.  And  afterwards  when  the 
jury  came  to  hear  testimony  from  witnesses,  it 
was  said  that  witnesses  could  not  luidertako  to 
speak  to  the  contents  of  a  deed  without  the  pro- 
duction of  the  deed  itself.  .  .  .  Our  earliest 
records  show  the  practice  of  exhibiting  charters 
and  other  writings  to  the  jury." — J.  B.  Thayer, 
Select  Cases  on  Evidence,  p.  726. 

A.  D.  1600. — Mortgagee's  Right  to  Posses- 
sion.— "  When  this  country  was  colonized,  about 
A.  D.  1600,  the  law  of  mortgage  was  perfectly 
well  settled  in  England.  It  was  established  there 
that  a  mortgage,  whether  by  deed  upon  condi- 
tion, by  tnist  deed,  or  by  deed  nnd  defeasance, 
vested  the  fee,  at  law,  in  the  mortgagee,  ami 
that  the  mortp  igec,  imless  the  deed  reserved  pos- 
session to  tlie  mortgagor,  was  entitled  to  immedi- 
ate possession.  Theoretically  our  ancestors 
brought  this  law  to  America  with  them.  Things 
ran  on  until  the  Revolution.  Jlortgages  were 
given  in  the  English  form,  by  deed  on  condition, 
by  deed  nnd  defeasance,  or  by  trust  deed.  It 
■was  not  customary  in  Plymouth  or  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  and  it  is  probable  that  it  was  not  cus- 
tomary elsewhere,  to  Insert  a  provision  that  the  i 


mortgagor,  until  default  in  payment,  should  re- 
tain posfiession.  Theoretically,  during  the  one 
huixlred  and  fifty  years  from  the  first  settlement 
to  tlie  Hevolution,  tlie  English  rules  of  law  gov- 
erned all  these  transactions,  and,  ns  matter  of 
lK)ok  law,  every  mortgagee  of  a  house  or  a  farm 
was  the  owner  of  it,  and  had  the  absolute  right 
to  take  possession  upon  the  delivery  of  the  deed. 
But  the  curious  thing  alxmt  this  is,  that  the  i)eo- 
ple  generally  never  (Ireamed  that  such  was  the 
law." — II.  W.  Chaplin,  The  Story  of  Mortgage 
fjiie  (Iliirravd  Lair  Iteriew,  r.  4,  ;).  12). 

A.  D.  1601-1602. — Malicious  Prosecution. — 
"The  modern  action  for  malicious  ))iosecutlon, 
represented  formerly  by  the  action  for  conspir- 
acy, has  brought  down  to  our  own  time  a  doc- 
trine which  is  probably  traceable  to  t!ie  pmctlce 
of  spreading  the  case  fully  upon  the  record, 
namely,  that  what  is  a  reasonable  and  probable 
cause  for  a  prosecution  is  a  question  for  the 
court.  That  it  is  a  (piestion  of  fact  is  confessed, 
and  also  that  other  like  (juestions  in  similar  cases 
are  given  to  tlie  jury.  Keasonsof  policy  led  the 
old  judges  to  permit  tlie  defendant  to  state  his 
case  fully  upon  the  record,  so  aj  to  secure  to  the 
court  a  greater  control  over  the  jury  in  handling 
the  facts,  and  to  keep  what  were  accounted 
questions  of  law,  i.  e.,  questions  which  it  was 
thought  should  be  decided  by  the  judges  out  of 
the  jury's  hands.  Oawdy,  J.,  in  such  a  case, 
in  1601-3,  '  doubted  whether  it  were  a  plea,  be- 
cause it  amounts  to  a  iiou  culpabills.  .  .  .  But 
the  other  justices  held  that  it  was  a  good  plea, 
per  doubt  del  lay  gents.'  Now  that  the  mode 
of  pleading  has  changed,  the  old  rule  still  holds; 
being  maintained,  perhaps,  chiefly  by  the  old 
reasons  of  policy."— J.  B.  Thayer,  Laic  and  Fact 
in  Jury  Trials  (Harvard  Imw  Reo.,  v.  4,  ;;.  147). 

Ai.so  in:  The  same.  Select  Cases  on  Evidence, 
p.  1.50. 

A.  D.  1603.  —  Earliest  reported  case  of 
Bills  of  Exchange. —  "The  origin  and  history 
of  Bills  of  Exchange  and  other  negotiable  instru- 
ments are  traced  by  Lord  Chief  Justice  Cock- 
burn  in  his  judgment  in  Goodwin  v.  Uobnrts 
[L.  R.  10  Ex.,  pp.  SJ46-338].  It  seems  thnt  bills 
were  first  brought  into  use  by  the  Florentines  in 
the  twelfth  century.  From  Itnly  the  use  of 
them  spread  to  Franco,  and  eventually  they 
were  introduced  into  England.  The  first  Eng- 
lish reported  case  in  which  they  are  mentioned 
is  Martin  v.  Bouro  (Cro.  Jac.  3),  decided  in  1608. 
At  first  the  use  of  Bills  of  Exchange  seems  to 
have  been  confined  to  foreign  bills  between 
English  and  foreign  mercliants.  It  was  after- 
wards extended  to  domestic  bills  between 
traders,  and  finally  to  bills  of  all  persons  whether 
traders  or  not.  The  law  throughout  has  been 
bnsed  on  the  custom  of  merchants  respecting 
them ;  the  old  form  of  declaration  on  bill  used 
always  to  state  that  it  was  drawn  '  secundum 
usum  et  consuetudinem  mercatorum. ' " — M.  D. 
Clialmers,  Bills  of  Exchange,  p.  rliv.,  intrml. — 
See,  also,  Money  ani>  Bankino,  Medi.kvai,. 

A.  D.  1604. — Death  Inferred  from  Long  Ab- 
sence.— "It  is  not  at  all  modern  to  infer  death 
from  a  long  absence;  the  recent  tiling  is  the  fix- 
ing of  a  time  of  seven  years,  nnd  putting  this 
into  a  rule.  The  faint  beginning  of  it,  ns  a  com- 
mon-law rule,  and  one  of  general  application  in 
all  questions  of  life  and  death,  is  found,  so  far 
as  our  recorded  cases  show,  in  Doe  d.  George  v. 
Jcssou  (January,  1805).     Long  before  this  time, 


1968 


LAW,  COMMON,  1604. 


LAW,  COMMON,  leSO. 


In  1004,  tlip  'Higntny  Act'  of  .Inmrs  I.  Ii^d  px- 
emptcil  from  the  scope  of  its  provisions,  luid  so 
from  tlio  situation  and  puiiisliinent  of  a  felon  (I) 
tbosc  persons  wlio  liiul  married  a  second  time 
when  tlio  first  spouse  liad  l)een  beyond  tlie  seas 
for  seven  years,  a-  d  (3)  tliose  wliose  spouse  liad 
been  absent  for  seven  years,  aitliouj;li  not  lie- 
yond  the  seas, —  'the  one  of  tliem  not  knowinj? 
the  otlier  to  be  living  within  that  time."  Tliis 
statute  did  not  treat  matters  altogetlier  as  if  the 
absent  party  were  dead;  it  did  not  validate  the 
second  marriage  in  eitlier  case.  It  simply  ex- 
empted a  party  from  the  statutory  penalty." — 
J.  IJ.  T\\a.ycT,  PrcKninptionH  and  the  Law  of  Kri- 
dfiwe  (Ifarrard  Iaiw  Ririew,  v.  i!,  />.  151). 

A.  D.  1609. — First  Recognition  of  Right  to 
Sue  for  Quantum  Meruit. —  "There  seems  to 
have  been  no  recognition  of  the  riglit  to  sue  upon 
sn  implied  'quantum  nieniit'  before  1601).  The 
{nnkecper  was  the  first  to  profit  by  the  innova- 
tion. Reciprocity  demanded  that,  if  the  law  im- 
posed a  duty  upon  the  innkeeper  to  receives  and 
keep  safely,  it  sliould  also  implj'  a  i)romise  on 
the  part  of  the  guest  to  pry  what  was  reasonable. 
The  tailor  was  in  the  same  case  with  the  inn- 
keeper, and  his  right  to  recover  upon  a  quantum 
meruit  was  recognized  in  1010."  [Six  Carpen- 
ters' Case,  8  licp.,  147a.]  — J.  B.  Ames,  Uiit.  of 
Asfumpnt  (Ilarrard  htin  Iter.,  r.  3,  p.  58). 

A.  D.  1623. —  Liability  of  Gratuitous  Bailee 
to  be  Charged  in  Assumpsit,  established. 
— "The  earliest  attempt  to  charge  bailees  in 
assumpsit  were  made  when  the  bailment  was 
gratuitous.  These  attempts,  just  before  and 
after  1000,  were  unsuccessful,  because  the  plain- 
tiffs co\ild  not  make  out  any  consideration.  The 
gratuito\is  bailment  was,  of  course,  not  a  benelit, 
but  a  burden  to  the  defendant;  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  it  was  not  regarded  as  a  detriment, 
but  an  advantage  to  the  plaintitT.  IJnt  in  103:$ 
It  was  finally  decided,  not  witho\it  a  great  strain- 
ing, it  must  be  conceded,  of  the  doctrine  of  con- 
sideration, that  a  bailee  might  be  chargeil  in 
a.ss\impsit  on  a  gratuitous  bailment."  —  .1.  IJ. 
Ames,  Hint,  of  Axuiimpitit  {Ifarvnrd  Imw  Review, 
p.  2,  p.  0,  citing  W/ieatlei/  v.  Lnr,  Palm.,  281; 
Cro.  Jac.  008). 

A.  D.  1625  (circa). —  Experiment  in  Legis- 
lation.— Limitation  in  time. — "The  distinction 
between  temporary  and  permanent  Legislation 
Is  a  very  old  one."  It  was  a  distinction  ex- 
pressed at  Athens;  but  "we  have  no  such 
variety  of  name.  All  are  alike  Acts  of  Par- 
liament. Acts  in  the  nature  of  new  depart\ires 
In  the  Law  of  an  important  kind  are  frequently 
limited  in  time,  very  often  with  a  view  of  gain- 
ing experience  as  to  the  practical  working  of  a 
new  syst(;m  before  the  Legislature  commits  itself 
to  final  legislation  on  the  subject,  sometimes,  no 
doubt,  by  way  of  compromise  with  the  Oppo- 
sition, objecting  to  the  passing  of  such  a  meas- 
ure at  all.  Limitation  in  time  often  occurs  in 
old  Acts.  Instances  are  the  first  Act  of  th  first 
Parliament  of  Charles  I.  (1  Car.  1.,  c.  1),  forbid- 
ding certain  sports  and  pastimes  on  Sunihiy,  and 
Fermitting  otliers.  The  IJook  of  Sports  of  .lames 
,  had  prepared  the  mind  of  the  people  for  that 
more  liberal  observance  of  Sunday  which  liiid 
been  so  offensive  to  the  Puritans  of  Elizabeth "s 
reign,  but  it  had  not  been  down  to  that  time  ac- 
knowledged by  the  Ijcgislature.  This  was  now 
done  in  1025,  the  Act  was  passed  for  the  then 
Parliament,  continued   from  time  to   time,  and 


finally  (the  experimi'iit  having  apparently  suc- 
ii'edcd)  made  perpetual  in  1041.  Another  in- 
stance is  tlie  Music  Hall  Act  of  1753  passed  it  i» 
said  on  the  advice  of  Henry  Fielding,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  disorderly  state  of  the  music  halls 
of  the  period,  and  pcrha)>s still  more  on  account 
of  the  .lacobite  songs  sonietinies  sung  at  such 
places.  It  was  pa.ssed  for  three  years,  and,  hav- 
ing apparently  put  an  end  to  local  disaffection, 
was  ma(hs  iierpetual  in  1755.  .Modern  instances 
are  tlu!  IJallot  Act,  1872,  jiassed  originally  for 
eight  years,  and  now  annually  continued,  the 
Kegulation  of  Uailways  Act,  1873,  creating  a  new 
tribimal,  the  Hallway  C(miinission,  pa.ssed  origin- 
ally for  five  years,  and  annually  continued  until 
made  perpetual  bv  the  Itailway  and  Canal  Traf- 
fic Act,  1888;  the  "Kmployers'  Liability  Act.  1880, 
a  new  departure  in  Social  Legislation,  expiring 
on  the  31st  December,  i887,  and  since  annually 
continued;  and  the  Shop  Hours  Regulation  Act, 
1880,  a  similar  departure,  expiring  in  1888,  and 
continued  for  the  iircsent  Session.  .  .  .  (3)  Place. 
—  It  is  in  this  resjiect  that  the  Experimental 
method  of  ParlianKsnt  is  most  conspicuous.  A 
law  is  enacted  binding  only  locally,  and  is  .some- 
times extended  to  the  whole  or  a  part  of  the 
realm,  sometimes  not.  The  old  Statute  of  Cir- 
cumspecte  Agatis  (13  Edw.  I.,  stat.  4)  passed  in 
r^85  is  one  of  the  earliest  examples.  The  poii  t 
of  importance  in  it  is  that  it  was  addressed  only 
to  the  Bishop  of  Norwich,  but  afterwards  seems 
to  liave  been  tacitly  admitted  as  law  in  the  <ase 
of  all  dioceses,  having  probably  been  found  to 
have  worked  well  at  Norwidi.  It  was  not  un- 
like the  Rescriptsof  the  Ronii.n  emperors,  which, 
primarily  addressed  to  an  individual,  afterwarils 
became  precedents  of  genera,  law." — .lames  Wil- 
liam (Art^c  Maij.  &  Her.,  Uid.  1888-9),  4t/t  so:, 
1:  14,  /).  300. 

A.  D.  1630-1641. — PublicKegistry.— "  When 
now  we  look  to  the  United  Si.'tes,  we  find  no 
diflleulty  in  tracing  the  history  of  the  institu- 
tion on  this  side  of  the  .Vtlantit  Tht;  first 
settlers  of  New  York  coming  fro.n  Holland, 
brought  it  with  them.  In  1630,  the  Pilgrims  of 
Plymouth,  coming  also  from  Hollanil.  pas.sed  a 
law  requiring  that  for  the  preventior  of  frauds, 
all  conveyances,  including  mortgages  and  leases, 
should  be  recorded.  Connecticut  followed  in 
1039,  the  Puritans  of  Massachusetts  in  1041; 
Penn,  of  course,  introduced  it  into  Pennsylvania. 
Subsequently  every  State  of  the  Union  estab- 
lished substantially  the  same  system." — D. 
Campbell,  The  Puritan  in  llalland,  England  and 
America,  v.  2.  p.  463. 

A.  D.  1650  (circa). —  Law  regarded  as  a 
Luxury. — "Of  all  the  reforms  needed  in  Eng- 
land, that  of  the  law  was  perhaps  the  most 
urgent.  In  the  general  features  of  its  adminis- 
tration the  system  bad  been  little  changed  since 
the  days  of  the  first  Edward.  As  to  its  details, 
a  mass  of  abuses  bad  grown  up  which  made  the 
name  of  justice  nothing  but  a  mockery.  Twenty 
thousand  cases,  it  was  said,  stood  for  judgment 
in  the  Court  of  Chancery,  some  of  them  ten, 
twenty,  thirty  years  old.  In  all  the  courts  the 
judges  held  their  ])Ositions  at  the  pleasure  of  the 
crown.  They  and  tlieir  chirks,  the  marshals,  and 
the  sheriffs  exacted  exorbitant  fees  for  every  ser- 
vice, and  on  their  cause-list  gave  the  preference 
to  the  suitor  with  the  longest  purse.  Legal 
documents  were  written  in  a  barbarous  jargon 
which  none  but  the  initiated  could  understand. 


1969 


LAW,  COMMON,  lOSO. 


LAW.  COMMON.  1683-1771. 


Tlio  Inwyrrs,  f(ir  cciiturlos,  had  o.xorflsrd  tlielr 
inf^L'iiuity  in  pcrfccliMj;  ii  syBtcin  i)f  pli'iidinj;, 
till'  iimin  object  of  wliiili  Bcenis  to  Imvi-  been  to 
auf;nii':it  tlicir  <linr(;es,  wliilo  biiryiii^t  the  iiMTits 
of  II  ('iiii.HC  \in(l<'r  II  tikiiglu  of  l('clini(:iilitii'.s  wbicli 
would  gcciiro  thi'iii  from  discntoinbniL'iit.  The 
result  WHS  tlmt  liiw  lind  bccrunu  a  luxury  for  tlic 
rich  iiloiic." — I).  Ciuiipbell,  'J'/ie  Puritan  in  llol- 
1(111(1,  /•Jnylanildiid  Aiiiciira,  r.  2,  pp.  !W!5-;i84. 

A.  D.  1657. — Perhaps  the  first  Indebitatus 
Assumpsit  for  Money  paid  to  Defendant  by 
Mistake. — "Oik!  who  received  inoiu'y  from 
uiiothcr  to  be  ni)plied  in  11  particnliir  wiiy  was 
bound  to  give  nn  iiccount  of  his  Btewardship.  If 
he  fultilled  his  commission,  a  plea  to  that  clTect 
would  be  a  valid  discharge.  If  he  failed  fornnv 
reason  to  apply  the  money  in  the  mode  directecf, 
the  auditors  would  (Ind  that  the  amount  received 
was  due  to  the  plaintilT,  who  would  have  a  judg- 
ment for  its  recovery.  If,  for  example,  the  money 
was  to  b(!  applied  in  payment  of  iv  debt  errone- 
ously supposed  to  be  (lue  from  the  plaintilT  to 
the  defendant,  .  .  .  the  intended  ap])lication  of 
the  money  being  impossible,  the  plaintiff  would 
recover  the  money  in  Account.  Debt  would  also 
lie  in  such  cases.  .  .  .  Uy  means  of  a  liction  of 
n  promise  implied  in  law  '  Indebitatus  Assump- 
sit '  because  concurrent  with  Debt,  and  thus  was 
established  the  familiar  action  of  A8sumi)sit  for 
money  had  and  received  to  recover  money  jiaid 
to  the  defendant  by  mistake.  Bonnel  v.  Powke 
(1057)  is,  perhaps,  the  first  action  of  the  kind." — 
J.  H.  Ames,  llist.  of  AamvipHl  (llarvard  Law 
liev.,  r.  2,  p.  06). 

A.  D.  1670. — Personal  Knowledge  of  Jurors. 
—  "  The  jury  were  still  reijuired  to  come  from  the 
neighborhood  wiiere  the  fact  they  had  to  try 
was  supposed  to  have  happened;  and  tliis  ex- 
plains tlie  origin  of  the  venue  (vicintum),  which 
appears  in  all  indictments  and  declarations  at  the 
present  day.  It  points  out  the  place  from  which 
the  jury  must  be  summoned.  .  .  .  And  it  was 
said  by  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  in  Bushcll's 
case  (A.  I).  1070),  that  the  jury  being  returned 
from  the  vicinage  whence  the  cause  of  action 
arises,  the  law  supposes  them  to  have  sufticicut 
knowledge  to  try  the  matters  in  issue,  '  and  so 
they  must,  though  no  evidence  were  given  on 
cither  side  in  court ';  —  and  the  case  is  put  of  an 
action  ujran  a  bond  to  which  the  defendant  pleads 
solvit  lui  diem,  but  offers  no  proof:  — where,  the 
court  said  'the  jury  is  directed  to  find  for  the 
plaintiff,  unless  they  know  payment  was  made 
of  their  own  knowledge,  acconiing  to  the  plea.' 
This  is  the  meaning  of  the  old  legal  doctrine, 
which  is  at  first  sight  somewhat  startling,  that 
the  evidence  in  court  is  not  binding  evidence  to 
a  jury.  Therefore  acting  upon  their  own  knowl- 
edge, they  were  at  liberty  to  give  a  verdict  in 
direct  opposition  to  the  evidence,  if  they  so 
thought  tit." — W.  Forsyth,  Trial  by  Jury,  pp. 
134-136. 

A.  D.  1678.— The  Statute  of  Frauds.— "Dur- 
ing Lonl  Nottingham's  period  of  office,  and 
partly  in  consequence  of  his  advice,  the  Statute 
of  Frauds  was  passed.  Its  main  provisions  are 
directed  against  the  enforcement  of  verbal  con- 
tracts, the  validity  of  verbal  conveyances  of  in- 
terests in  land,  the  creation  of  trusts  of  lands 
without  writing,  and  the  allowance  of  nuncu])a- 
tive  wills.  It  also  made  equitable  interests  in 
lands  subject  to  the  owner's  debts  to  the  same  ex- 
tent as  legal  interests  were.     The  statute  carried 


Into  legislative  effect  principles  which  liad,  so 
far  bai'k  as  the  time  of  Hae<m'8  orders,  been  up- 
])roved  by  the  Court  of  Chancery,  and  by  its 
operation  in  the  common  law  courts  It  must  often 
have  obviateil  the  necessity  for  equitable  Inter- 
ference. In  modern  times  it  has  not  Infrequently 
been  decried,  especially  so  far  as  it  restricts  the 
verbal  i)r(M)f  of  contracts,  but  in  estimating  its 
value  and  operation  at  the  time  it  became  a  law 
it  must  be  remembered  that  the  evidence  of  the 
parties  to  an  action  at  law  could  not  then  be  re- 
ceived, and  the  Defendant  might  have  been 
charged  upon  the  uncorroborated  statement  of  u 
single  witness  which  he  was  not  allowed  to  con- 
tradict, as  Lord  Kldon  argueil  many  years  after- 
wards, when  the  action  ui)on  the  case  for  fraud 
was  Introduced  at  law.  It  was  therefore  a  most 
reasonable  precaution,  while  this  unreasonable 
rule  continued,  to  lay  down  that  the  Defendant 
should  bo  charged  only  upon  writing  signed 
by  him."— I).  M.  Keriy,  lliiit.  of  Kqnity,  p. 
170. 

A.  D.  1680. — Habeas  Corpus  and  Personal 
Liberty.  —  "The  language  of  the  great  char- 
ter is,  that  no  freeman  shall  be  taken  or  impris- 
oned but  by  the  lawful  judgment  of  his  equals, 
or  by  the  law  of  the  land.  And  many  subsequent 
(lid  statutes  expressly  direct,  that  no  man  shall 
be  taken  or  imprisoned  by  suggestion  or  iietition 
to  tlie  king  or  his  council,  unless  it  be  by  legol 
indictment,  or  the  process  of  the  common  law. 
By  the  petition  of  right,  3  Car.  I.,  it  is  enacted, 
that  no  frc^enian  shall  be  imprisoned  or  detained 
withoutcau.se  shown.  ...  By  10  Car.  I.,  c.  10, 
if  any  person  be  restrained  of  his  liberty  .  .  .  , 
he  shall,  ujiou  demand  of  his  counsel,  have  a 
writ  of  habeas  corpus,  to  bring  his  body  before 
the  court  of  king's  bench  or  common  pleas,  who 
shall  determine  whether  the  cause  of  his  com- 
mitment 1)0  just.  .  .  .  And  by  31  Car.  II.,  c.  3, 
t^ommonly  called  the  habeas  corpus  act,  the 
methods  of  obtaining  this  writ  are  so  plainly 
pointed  out  and  enforced,  that,  ...  no  sub- 
ject of  England  can  be  long  detained  in  prison, 
except  in  those  cases  in  which  the  law  requires 
and  justiflcs  such  detainer.  And,  ...  it  is 
declared  by  1  W.  ond  M.  St.  3,  c.  2,  tliot  ex- 
cessive bail  ought  not  be  required." — W.  Block- 
stone,  Commentaries,  I.,  135. — J.  Kent,  Commen- 
taries, pt.  4,  left.  24. — For  the  text  of  the  Habeas 
Corpus  Act  of  1079  see  England:  A.  D.  1679 
(May). 

A.  D.  1683-1771.— Subsequent  Birth  of  a 
Child  revokes  a  Will. —  "The  first  case  thot 
recognized  the  rule  that  the  subsequent  birth 
of  a  child  was  a  revocation  of  a  will  of  per- 
sonal property,  was  decided  by  the  court  of 
delegates,  upon  appeal,  in  the  reign  of  Charles 
II. ;  and  it  was  grounded  upon  the  law  of  the 
civilians  [Overbury  v.  Overbury,  3  Show  IJep., 
253].  .  .  .  The  rule  was  applied  in  chancery  to 
a  devise  of  real  estate,  in  Brown  v.  Thompson 
[I  Ld.  Raym.  441] ;  bi:t  it  was  received  with 
doubt  by  Lord  Ilardwicke  and  Lord  Northing- 
ton.  The  distinction  between  a  will  of  real  and 
Eersonal  estate  coidd  not  well  bo  supported ;  and 
ord  Slansfleld  declared,  that  he  saw  no  ground 
for  a  distinction.  The  great  point  was  finally 
and  solemnly  settled,  in  1771,  by  the  court  of 
exchequer,  in  Christopher  v.  Christopher  [Dick- 
en's  Rep.  445],  that  marriage  and  a  chilli,  were 
a  revocation  of  o  will  of  land." — J.  Kent,  Cotn- 
mcntaries,  pt.  0,  lect.  68. 


1970 


LAW,  COMMON,  1688. 


LAW,  COMMON,  1710. 


A.  D.  1688.— Dividing  Line  between  Old 
and  New  Law. — Tho  diviiliiig  lini!  hctwocn  llic 
nncit'iit  mid  llio  nuKlurn  Knf?li»li  reports  iiiiiy,  for 
tlie  !uil(c  (if  convenient  nrriingcnieut,  be  plitccd 
at  tlie  revolution  in  tlie  yenr  1088.  "Tlio  dis- 
tinction between  tlie  olif  and  new  law  seems 
tlicii  to  be  more  distinctly  mnrked.  Tlic  cum- 
bersome and  oppressive  uppcndnges  of  the  feudal 
tenures  were  alKilishcd  in  tlie  reign  of  Charles 
II. ,  and  the  spirit  of  mwlern  improvement,  .  .  . 
began  then  to  be  more  sensibly  felt,  and  more 
actively  dilTused.  The  appointment  of  timt 
great  and  honest  lawyer,  Lord  Holt,  to  the  sta- 
tion of  cliief  justice  of  the  King's  Ik'neh,  gave  a 
nv.w  tone  and  impulse  to  tlie  vigour  of  the  com- 
mon law." — .1.  Kent,  Comiiwutiirku,  pt.ii,  left.  21. 

A.  D.  1689.  —  First  instance  of  an  Action 
sustained  for  Damages  for  a  Breach  of  Prom- 
ise to  Account. — "It  is  worthy  of  observation 
that  while  the  obligation  to  account  is  created  by 
law,  yet  the  privity  without  which  such  an  obli- 
gation cannot  exist  is,  as  u  rule,  created  by  the 
parties  to  the  obligation.  .  .  .  Such  then  being 
the  facts  from  which  the  law  will  raise  an  obliga- 
tion to  account,  the  iie.xt  ((ucstion  is,  How  can  such 
an  oliligation  be  enforced,  or,  what  is  tlio  remedy 
upon  such  an  obligation?  It  is  obvious  that  the 
only  adequate  remedy  is  specific  performance,  or 
at  least  specilic  reparation.  An  action  on  the 
■case  to  recover  damages  for  a  breach  of  the  obli- 
jgation,  even  if  such  an  action  would  lie,  would 
be  clearly  inadequate,  as  it  would  involve  the 
necessity  of  investigating  all  the  items  of  the  ac- 
count for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  amount 
of  the  damages,  and  that  a  jury  is  not  competent 
to  do.  In  truth,  however,  such  an  action  will 
not  lie.  If,  indeed,  there  be  an  actual  promise 
to  account,  either  an  express  or  implied  in  fact, 
an  action  will  lie  for  the  breach  of  that  promise; 
but  as  sucli  a  promise  is  entirely  collateral  to  the 
obligation  to  account,  and  as  tlierefore  a  recovery 
on  the  promise  would  be  no  bar  to  an  action  on 
the  obligation,  it  would  seem  that  nominal 
damages  only  could  be  recovered  in  an  action  on 
the  promise,  or  at  the  most  only  such  special 
damages  as  the  plaintiff  had  suffered  by  the 
breach  of  the  promise.  Besides  the  first  instance 
in  which  an  action  on  such  a  promise  was  sus- 
tained was  OS  late  as  the  time  of  Lord  Holt 
{Wilkyns  v.  Wilkyns,  Carth.  891,  while  the  obli- 
gation to  account  has  existed  and  been  recognized 
from  early  times. " — C.  C.  Langdell,  A  Brief  Sur- 
vey of  Equiti/  Jurisdiction  (Harvard  Law  liev.,  v. 
3,  jrp.  250-251). 

A.  D.  1689-1710.— Lord  Holt  and  the  Law 
of  Bailments. — ' '  The  most  celebrated  ca.se  wliich 
Jie  decided  in  this  department  was  that  of  Coggs 
V.  Bernard,  in  which  the  question  arose, 
'  whether,  if  a  person  promises  without  reward 
to  take  care  of  goods,  he  is  answerable  if  they 
are  lost  or  damaged  by  his  negligence? '  In  a 
short  compass  he  expounded  with  admirable 
elearncss  and  accuracy  the  whole  law  of  bail- 
ment, or  the  liability  of  the  person  to  whom 
goods  are  delivered  for  different  purposes  on  be- 
half of  the  owner;  availing  himself  of  his  knowl- 
■edge  of  the  Roman  civil  law,  of  which  most 
English  lawyers  were  as  ignorant  as  of  the  In- 
stitutes of  Menu.  ...  He  then  elaborately  goes 
•over  the  six  sorts  of  bailment,  showing  the  exact 
•degree  of  care  required  on  the  part  of  the  bailee 
in  each,  with  the  corresponding  degree  of  neg- 
ligence which  will  give  a  right  of  action  to  the 

8-27  jy 


bailor.  In  the  last  he  shows  that,  in  considera- 
tion of  the  trust,  there  is  an  implied  nromi.se  to 
take  ordinary  care;  so  that,  although  tiiere  be  no 
rewar<l,  for  a  loss  arising  from  gross  negligeiico 
the  bailee  is  liable  to  the  bailor  for  the  value  of 
the  goods.  Hir  William  .Jones  is  contented  that 
his  own  masterly  '  lissay  on  the  Law  of  Hail- 
inenf  shall  be  considered  morel y  as  a  commen- 
tary upon  this  judgment;  and  I'rofe.ssor  Story, 
in  his  'Commentaries  on  tlie  Law  of  Bailments,' 
represents  it  as  '  a  prodigious  effort  to  arrange 
the  principles  by  v,bic|i  the  subject  is  regulated 
in  a  scientilic  order.'" — Lord  (.'ampbell,  J.iim  of 
the  0/ii)f./iiKlic(.i,  e.  2,  pp.  li:j-114. 

A.  D.  1703. — Implied  Promises  recognized. 
—  "The  value  of  the  di.scovery  of  the  implied 
promisi^  in  fact  was  exeinplitied  ...  in  the  ca.se 
of  a  parol  sulimlsslon  to  an  award.  If  the 
arbitrators  awarded  the  payment  of  a  sum  of 
nioiiey,  the  money  was  reeoverabh^  in  debt,  since 
an  award,  after  the  analogy  of  a  judiimcnt, 
created  a  debt.  But  if  tlie  award  was  fur  the 
performance  of  a  coUati'ral  act,  .  .  .  there  was, 
originally,  no  mode  of  comjiclling  coiiiplianee 
witli  the  awai<l,  unless  the  parlies  ex|iressly 
promised  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  llie  arbitra- 
tors. Tilford  V.  French  (lOOli)  is  a  ease  in  point. 
So,  also,  seven  years  later,  '  it  was  said  by 
Twisdeii,  ■!.,  [Anon.,  1  Vent.  00).  lliat  if  two 
submit  to  an  award,  this  contains  not  a  recip- 
rocal promise  to  perform;  but  there  must  be  an 
express  promi.se  to  ground  an  action  upon  it.' 
This  doctrine  was  abandoned  by  the  time  of  Lord 
Holt,  who,  .  .  .  said:  'But  the  contrary  has 
been  held  since;  for  if  two  men  submit  to  the 
award  of  a  third  person,  they  do  also  thereby 
promise  expressly  to  abide  by  his  determination, 
for  agreeing  to  refer  is  a  promise  in  itself.' " — J. 
B.  Ames,  JIi«t.  of  Aivniiiipiiit  (Harnird  Law  lie- 
niew,  V.  2,  p.  02). 

A.  D.  1706.  —  Dilatory  Pleas.— "  Pleas  to 
the  jurisdiction,  to  the  disability,  or  in  aliate- 
ment,  were  foimerly  very  often  used  as  mere 
dilatory  pleas,  without  any  foundation  of  truth, 
and  calculated  only  for  delay;  but  now  by 
statute  4  and  5  Ann.,  c.  10,  no  dilatory  plea  is  to 
be  admitted,  witliout  atlidavit  made  of  the  truth 
thereof,  or  some  iirobable  iiiatti  shown  to  the 
court  to  induce  them  to  believe  it  true." — W. 
Blackstone,  Commentaries,  hk.  'A,  p.  302. 

A.  D.  1710. — Joint  Stock  Companies:  Bub- 
ble Act. — "  The  most  complicated,  as  well  as 
the  most  modern,  branch  of  the  law  of  ortiticial 
persons  relates  to  those  which  are  formed  for 
purposes  of  trade.  They  are  a  natural  accom- 
paniment of  the  extension  of  commerce.  An 
ordinary  partnership  lacks  the  coherence  which 
is  required  for  great  undertakings.  Its  partners 
may  withdraw  from  it,  taking  their  capital  with 
them,  and  the  '  firm  '  having  as  such  no  legal 
recognition,  n  contract  made  witli  it  could  be  sued 
upon,  according  to  tlie  common  law  of  England, 
only  in  an  action  in  wliich  the  whole  list  of  part- 
ners were  made  plaintiffs  or  defendants.  In  order 
to  remedy  the  first  of  these  inconveniences,  part- 
ncrshiiis  were  formed  upon  the  principle  of  a 
joint-stock,  the  capital  invested  in  which  must 
remain  at  a  fixed  amount,  although  the  shares 
into  which  it  is  divided  may  pass  from  hand  to 
hand.  This  device  did  not  however  obviate  the 
difficulty  in  suing,  nor  did  it  relieve  the  partners, 
past  and  present,  from  liability  for  tlebts  in  excess 
of  their,  past  or  present,  shares  in  the  concern. 

71 


LAW,  COMMON,  1710. 


LAW,  COMMON,  1730-1744. 


Tn  tlio  IntcrcKt  not  only  of  tlin  slmrp-iiiirtncru, 
l)ilt  iiltu)  of  til)'  piililic  witli  wljicli  tlicy  hull  ilcal- 
iiif^H,  it  wiiH  iliHiruhk' t(>(lis('oiirH|i;('  tlii>  forinittioii 
of  Kucli  iiMsociiilldim;  mid  the  fiiriiiiiUon  of  loiiil- 
Sto<k  imrMicrsliiii.M,  except  hikIi  us  were  incor- 
porated liy  royiil  <'liiirter,  was  accordingly,  for  a 
time,  i>roriil)ited  in  Knyland  by  the;  '  Hulililc  Act,' 
0  Cleo.  I,  c.  18.  An  incorporated  tradinj;  com- 
pany, in  accordance  witli  tiie  ordinary  priiK'iple.s 
re;;iilatitiKarlil1clal  persons,  consistsof  ii  detlnitu 
amount  of  capital  to  whicli  alone  creditors  of  the 
company  can  look  for  the  satisfaction  of  tlndr 
demands,  divided  into  shares  held  by  a  number 
of  individuals  who,  though  they  participate  in  the 
profits  of  the  concern,  in  proportion  to  the  niim- 
iier  of  shares  held  by  each,  incur  no  personal  lia- 
bility in  respee,  of  iln  losses.  An  artitieial  per- 
son of  this  sort  is  now  recognized  un<ler  most 
systems  of  law.  It  can  be.  formed,  as  a,  rule, 
only  with  the  consent  of  the  sovereign  power, 
an<l  is  described  as  a  'societe,'  or  'conipafjnic,' 
'anonymc,'  an  '  Actiengesellschaft,'  or  'joint- 
Btock  company  limited.'  A  less  pure  form  of 
such  a  corporation  is  a  company  the  sliareholders 
in  which  incur  an  unlimited  personal  liability. 
There  is  also  a  form  resembling  a  partnership 
'en  commandite,'  in  which  the  liability  of  some 
of  the  shareholders  is  limited  by  their  shares, 
while  that  of  others  is  unlimited.  Subject  to 
Bome  exceptions,  any  seven  partners  in  a  trading 
concern  may,  and  partners  whose  number  exceeds 
twenty  must,  according  to  English  law,  become 
incorporated  by  registration  under  the  Companies 
Acts,  witli  cither  limited  or  unlimited  liability 
as  they  may  deterniino  at  the  time  of  incorpora- 
tion."— Thomas  Erskine  Holland,  Elements  of 
JuriKpniilfiice,  Tith  cd.,  p.  298. 

A.  D.  171 1. — Voluntary  Restraint  of  Trade. 
—  "The  judicial  construction  of  JIagna  Charta 
is  illustrated  in  the  great  case  of  Mitchell  v.  Rey- 
nolds (I  1'.  W.,  181),  still  the  leading  authority 
upon  the  doctrine  of  voluntiiry  restraint  of  trade, 
though  decided  in  1711,  when  modern  mercantile 
law  was  in  its  infancy.  The  Court  (Chief  Jus- 
tice Parker),  distinguishing  between  voluntary 
and  involuntary  restraints  of  trade,  says  as  to 
involuntary  restraints;  "The  first  reason  why 
such  of  these,  as  are  created  by  grant  and  charter 
from  the  crown  and  by-laws  generally  are  void, 
is  drawn  from  the  encouragement  which  the  law 
gives  to  trade  and  honest  industry,  and  that  they 
arc  contrary  to  the  liberty  of  the  subject.  Sec- 
ond, another  reason  is  drawn  from  Magna  Charta, 
which  is  infringed  by  these  acts  of  [jower.  That 
statute  says:  Nullus  liber  homo,  etc.,  disseizetur 
de  libero  tenemento,  vel  libcrtatibus  vel  libcris 
consuetudinibus  suis,  etc. ;  and  these  words  have 
been  always  taken  to  extend  to  freedom  of  trade. ' " 
— Frederick  N.  Judson,  14  American  liar  Ass'n 
Jiept.,  p.  230. 

A.  D.  1730.— Special  Juries.— "  Tlie  first 
statutory  recognition  of  tlieir  existence  occurs 
so  late  as  in  the  Act  3  Geo.  IL,  ch.  25.  But  the 
principle  seems  to  have  been  admitted  in  early 
times.  We  find  in  the  year  1450  (29  Hen.  VL)  a 
petition  for  a  special  Jury.  .  .  .  The  statute  of 
George  IL  speaks  of  special  juries  as  already 
well  known,  and  it  declares  and  enacts  that  the 
courts  at  We.stmiiister  shall,  upon  motion  made 
by  any  plaintitr,  prosecutor,  or  defendant,  order 
and  appoint  a  jury  to  be  struck  before  the  proper 
officer  of  the  court  where  the  cause  is  depending, 
'  in  Bucii  manner  as  special  juries  liave  been  and 


are  usually  struck  in  such  courts  respectively 
upon  trials  at  bar  hiiil  in  the  sidd  courts.'" — \V. 
Korsytii,  Tn'iil  III/  ./ill//,  /i/i.  14I!-M4. 

A.  D.  1730.— Written  Pleadings  to  be  in 
English, — " 'I'here  was  one  great  improvement 
in  law  proceedings  wliieh,  wliile  he  [I^ord  King] 
held  the  Great  Seal,  he  at  last  accoinplisheil. 
From  very  ancient  times  the  written  pleadings, 
both  in  criminal  and  civil  suits,  were,  or  rather 
professed  to  be,  in  the  Latin  tongue,  ami  while 
the  jarg(m  employed  would  have  Iwen  very  per- 
plexing to  a  Koinan  of  the  Augustan  Age,  "it  was 
wholly  unintelligible  to  the  i)ersons  wliose  life, 
jiroperty,  and  fame  were  at  stake.  This  absur- 
dity had  been  corrected  in  the  time  of  the  Com- 
monwealth, but  along  with  many  others  so  cor- 
rected, had  been  reintroduced  at  the  llestoration, 
and  had  prevailed  during  live  succeeding  reign.s. 
The  attention  of  the  public  was  now  attracted 
to  it  by  a  petition  from  the  magistracy  of  the 
North  Riding  of  the  county  of  York,  represent- 
ing the  evils  of  the  old  law  language  being  re- 
tained in  legal  process  and  proceedings,  and  pray- 
ing for  the  substitution  of  the  native  tongue. 
The  bill,  by  the  Chancellor's  direction,  was  intro- 
duced in  tlie  House  of  Commons,  and  it  passed 
there  without  much  dilllculty.  In  the  Lords  it 
was  fully  explained  and  ably  supported  by  the 
Lord  Chancellor,  but  it  experienced  considerable 
opposition.  .  .  .  Amidst  lieavy  forebodings  of 
future  mischief  the  bill  jiassed,  and  mankinil  are 
now  astonished  that  so  obvious  a  reform  should 
liavc  been  so  long  deferred." — Lord  Campbell, 
IJres  rf  the  ChancellorK,  v,  4,  p.  504. 

A.  D.  1739-1744.— Oatli  accordine  to  one's 
Relig^ion. — "Lord  Ilardwick  established  the 
rule  that  persons,  though  not  Christians,  if  they 
believe  in  a  divinity,  may  be  sworn  according 
to  the  cereinonics  of  their  religion,  and  that  the 
evidence  given  by  them  so  sworn  is  admissible 
in  courts  of  justice,  as  if,  being  Christians,  they 
had  been  sworn  upon  the  Evangelists.  Tliis 
subject  first  came  before  liiin  in  Itumkissenseat 
V.  IJarker,  where,  in  a  suit  for  an  account  against 
the  representatives  of  an  East  India  Governor, 
the  plea  being  overruled  that  the  plaintiff  was 
an  alien  infidel,  a  cross  bill  was  filed,  and  au 
objection  being  made  that  ho  could  only  be 
sworn  in  the  usual  form,  a  motion  was  made  that 
the  words  in  the  commi.ssion,  '  on  the  Iioly  Evan- 
gelists,' should  be  omitted,  and  that  the  commis- 
sioners should  be  directed  to  administer  an  oath 
to  him  in  the  manner  most  binding  on  his  con- 
science. .  .  .  The  point  was  afterwards  finally 
settled  in  the  great  case  of  Omychund  v.  Barker, 
where  a  similar  commission  to  examine  witnesses 
having  issued,  the  Commissioners  certified  '  That 
they  had  •  vorn  the  witnesses  examined  under  it 
in  the  presence  of  Brahmin  or  priest  of  the  Gen- 
too  religion,  and  tliat  each  witness  touched  the 
band  01  the  Brahmin, —  this  being  the  most 
solemn  form  in  which  oaths  are  administered  to 
witnesses  professing  the  Gentoo  religion.'  Ob- 
jection was  made  that  the  deposition  so  taken 
could  not  be  read  in  evidence ;  and  on  account 
of  the  magnitude  of  the  question,  the  Lord 
Chancellor  called  in  the  assistance  of  the  three 
chiefs  of  the  common  law  Courts. —  After  a  very 
long,  learned,  and  ingenious  argument,  which 
may  be  perused  witli  pleasure,  they  concurred 
in  the  opinion  that  the  depositions  were  admissi- 
ble."— Lord  Campbell,  Lives  of  the  Ghancellora, 
v.  5,  pp.  69-70. 


1972 


LAW,  COMMON,  1750. 


LAW,  COMMON,  17(50-1788. 


A.  D.  1750.— Dale  v.  Hall,  i  Wils.,  281, 
understooa  to  be  the  first  reported  case  of  an 
action  of  special  assumpsit  sustained  against 
•  common  carrier,  on  his  implied  contract. — 

"  AsHiimpsit,  .  .  .  W118  iillowi'd,  in  Ww.  tiino  of 
Cliiirlus  L,  in  compctillon  with  DcliiiuiMind  Ciis(! 
Bgiiinxt  II  biiik'u  for  cuHtcMly.  At  11  Inter  jicriod 
LonI  IIoll  BUggL'stcd  tliiit  ono  ini^ht  'turn  an 
ac'tion  iigiiiimt  a  common  nirricr  into  a  npccial 
uasiimpsit  (which  tlic  law  implies)  in  rcitpcct  of 
his  lilri!.'  Dale  v.  Hull  (ITrtO)  Is  umlcriitood  to 
have  licen  the  first  reported  case  In  wliieh  that 
BUKRcstion  was  followed." — J.  IJ.  Ames,  Hint,  of 
AHHUiiijmit  (Ilitrmrd  hi  in  liei\,  v.  3,  ;).  tli)). 

A.  D.  1750-1800.— Demurrer  to  Evidence. — 
"Near  tlie  end  of  the  last  century  demurrers 
u|K)ii  evidenco  were  rendered  useless  in  En^laml, 
by  the  decLsion  in  the  case  of  Gibson  v.  Hunter 
(carryiug  down  with  it  another  great  case,  that  of 
Lickbarrow  v.  Mason,  which,  like  the  former,  had 
come  up  to  the  Lords  upon  thiw  sort  of  demurrer), 
that  the  party  demurring  must  specify  upon  the 
record  the  facts  which  he  admits.  Tliat  the  rule 
was  a  new  one  is  fairly  plain  from  the  case  of 
Coi^ksedge  v.  Fanshawc,  ten  years  earlier.  It 
was  not  always  followed  In  this  country,  but  the 
fact  that  it  was  really  a  novelty  was  sometimes 
not  understowl. " — J.  B.  Thayer,  Lato  and  Fiiet 
injury  Triah  (Harvard  Imw  Rev.,  v.  4,  p.  147). 

Also  in  :  The  same.  Select  Cases  on  Evidence, 
p.  149. 

A.  D.  1756-1788.— Lord  Mansfield  and  Com- 
mercial Law. — "In  the  reign  of  Geo.  II.,  Eng- 
land had  grown  into  the  greatest  maimfacturing 
and  commercial  country  in  the  world,  while  her 
Jurisprudence  had  by  no  means  been  c.xiinudcd 
or  developed  in  the  same  proportion.  .  .  .  Hence, 
when  questions  necessarily  arose  respecting  the 
buying  and  selling  of  goo  N,  —  respecting  the 
affreightment  of  ships, —  respecting  marine  in- 
surances,—  and  respecting  bills  of  exchange  and 
promissory  notes,  no  one  knew  hbw  they  were  to 
be  determined.  .  .  .  Mercantile  questions  were 
80  ignorantly  treated  when  they  came  into  West- 
minster Hall,  that  they  were  us\ially  settled  by 
private  arbitration  among  the  nicrcliants  them- 
selves. If  an  action  turning  upon  a  mercantile 
question  was  brought  in  a  court  of  law,  the 
judge  submitted  it  to  the  jurv,  who  determined 
it  according  to  their  own  notions  of  what  was 
fair,  and  no  general  rule  was  laid  down  which 
coulci  afterwards  be  referred  to  for  the  purpose 
of  settling  similar  disputes.  .  .  .  When  he  [Lord 
ManslieUl]  had  ceased  to  preside  in  the  Court  of 
King's  Bench,  and  had  retired  to  enjoy  the  ret- 
rospect of  his  labors,  he  read  the  following  just 
eulogy  bestowed  upon  them  by  Jlr.  Justice 
Buller,  in  giving  judgment  in  the  important  case 
of  Lickbarrow  v.  Mason,  respecting  the  effect  of 
the  indoi'semcnt  of  a  bill  of  lading: — 'Within 
these  tliirty  years  the  commercial  law  of  this 
country  has  taken  a  very  different  turn  from 
what  It  did  before.  Lord  Hardwicke  himself 
was  proceeding  with  great  caution,  not  estab- 
lishing any  general  pnnciple,  but  decreeing  on 
all  the  circumstances  put  together.  Before  that 
perio<l  we  find  that,  in  courts  of  law,  all  the  evi- 
dence in  mercantile  cases  was  thrown  together; 
they  were  left  generally  to  a  jury ;  and  they  pro- 
duced no  general  principle.  From  that  time,  we 
all  know,  the  great  study  has  been  to  find  some 
certain  general  principle,  which  shall  be  known 
to  all  mankind,  not  only  to  rule  the  particular 


case  then  under  coiiHldenition,  but  to  serve  us  a 
guide  for  tlu!  future.  .Most  of  us  have  heard 
lIu'He  principles  slated,  reasoned  upon,  enlarged, 
and  e.\plaine(l,  wo  have  been  lost  In  admira- 
tion at  the  strei  li  and  stretch  of  the  luider- 
standing.  And  I  should  be  very  sorry  to  find 
myself  under  a  necessity  of  dilfering  from  any 
case  upon  this  subjeet  which  has  been  deiided 
by  l,ord  MunsfieUl,  who  may  Im^  truly  suiil  to  be 
the  founder  of  the  commercial  law  of  this  coun- 
try.'. .  .  With  regard  to  bills  of  exchange  and 
I)romlssory  notes,  Lord  .Manslleld  first  pnunul- 
gated  many  rules  that  now  appear  to  us  to  be  as 
certain  us  those  which  guide  the  planets  in  their 
orbits.  For  e.\ap>;)le.  It  was  till  then  unccrtuin 
wh(!ther  thi>  secoiid  indorscr  of  a  bill  of  exchange 
could  sue  his  immediate  indorscr  without  having 
previously  demanded  payment  from  the  drawer. 
...  Ho  goes  on  to  explain  [in  Heylyn  v. 
Adamson,  2  Burr.,  0U91,  .  .  .  that  the  maker 
of  a  promissory  note  is  in  the;  same  situation  a.s 
the  acceptor  of  a  bill  of  exchange,  and  that  in 
suing  the  indorscr  of  the  note  it  is  necessary  to 
allege  and  to  prove  a  demand  on  the  maker.  .  .  . 
Lord  Mansfield  had  likewise  to  determine  that 
the  indorser  of  a  bill  of  exchange  is  discharged 
if  he  receives  no  notice  of  then!  having  been  a 
refusal  to  accept  by  the  dniwco(Blesur(l  v.  Herst, 
6  Burr.,  2070);  and  that  reascmable  time  for  giv- 
ing notice  of  the  dishonor  of  u  bill  or  note  is  to 
be  determined  by  the  Court  us  matt<'r  of  law, 
and  is  not  to  be  left  to  the  jury  us  matter  of  fact, 
they  being  governed  by  the  circumstunces  of 
each  purtlculur  case.  (Tindal  v.  Brown,  1  Term. 
Hep.,  107.)  It  seems  strange  to  us  how  the 
world  could  go  on  when  such  questions  of  hourly 
occurrence,  were  unsettled.  .  .  .  There  is  an- 
other contract  of  infinite  importance  to  a  mari- 
time people.  ...  I  mean  that  between  ship- 
owners und  merchants  for  the  hiring  of  ships 
and  carriage  of  goods.  .  .  .  Till  his  time,  the 
rights  and  liabilities  of  these  parties  had  re- 
mained undecided  upon  the  contingency,  not  lui- 
likely  to  urise,  of  the  ship  being  wrecked  during 
the  voyage,  and  the  goods  being  saved  and  de- 
livcrecl  to  the  consignee  at  an  intermediate  port. 
Lord  Mansfield  settled  that  freight  is  due  pro 
rata  itineris  —  in  proportion  to  tin,'  part  of  the 
voyage  performed.  .  .  .  Lord  .Mansfield's  famil- 
iarity with  the  generul  principles  of  ethics,  .  .  . 
uvniled  him  on  all  occasions  whin  he  had  to  de- 
termine on  the  proper  construction  and  just  ful- 
filment of  contracts.  The  question  having  nrisen, 
for  the  first  time,  whether  the  seller  of  goods  bj' 
auction,  with  the  declared  condition  that  they 
shall  be  sold  to  '  the  highest  bidder,'  may  employ 
a  'puffer,' — an  agent  to  raise  the  price  by  bid- 
ding,—  lie  thus  expressed  himself:  [Bex well  v. 
Christie,  Cowp.,  305]  '.  .  .  Tlie  basis  of  all 
dealings  ouglit  to  be  good  fuitli ;  so  more  especi- 
ally in  these  transactions,  where  the  public  are 
brought  together  upon  a  confidence  that  the 
articles  set  up  to  sale  will  be  disposed  of  to  the 
highest  real  bidder.  That  can  never  be  the  case 
if  the  owner  may  secretly  enhance  the  price  by  u 
person  employed  for  that  purpose.  ...  I  can- 
not listen  to  the  argument  that  it  is  a  common 
practice  .  .  .  ;  the  owner  violates  his  contract 
with  the  public  if,  by  himself  or  his  agent,  he 
bids  upon  his  goods,  and  no  subsequent  bidder 
is  bound  to  take  the  goods  at  the  price  at  wliich 
they  are  knocked  down  to  him.'  " — Lord  Camp- 
bell, Lioes  oftlw  CMrf  Justices,  v.  2,  pp.  308-814. 


1973 


LAW,  COMMON,  1780. 


LAW.  COMMON,  1770. 


A.  D.  1760. —  Judicial  Independence.—  "A 

f;lati('i'  intii  llic  piiKi'H  of  tlir  iliKlgcs  of  KtiKlimd, 
ty  KoHs.  will  hliiiw  witli  wimt  riitlilvHH  viK'xir 
till!  Hlimrtu  t'XiTcliM'd  their  iirtTOKUtivo  of  ilLs- 
liiiiwliif^'  Jiiilf^cii  wlioM!  ilrciHioiiM  wi'i'u  iliHnl('ik»liiK 
to  lliu  court.     Kvi'ii  lifter  tin;   Kevolutioii,  tlii! 

Iirerojriitlve  of  iUsiiiIhhiiI,  wliicli  uii.s  Hiipposeil  to 
;('cp  the  .Indues  (lept'iiileiil  on  IIk;  Crown,  wiih 
Jeiiloiinly  defended.  When  in  HWi  n  Kill  piiHHed 
lidtli  lloiixesof  I'lirliiinieiit,  eHtalilishinfr  the  in- 
depi'iidenee  of  .liid>;eH  liy  liiw,  and  eiintlrniin;; 
their  HnhiricH.  Williiim  III.  willihelil  hin  Itoyiil 
iiHHeiit.  Uishop  Itiirnet  Buys,  with  reference  to 
tliiH  e.vercl«e  01  the  Veto,  that  it  was  reiiresented 
to  the  KiiiK  hy  wmic  of  the  ,Iud/;eH  theniselves, 
that  it  wa.s  not  ttt  that  they  nIioiiIiI  lie  out  of  all 
dependence  on  the  t'oiirt.  When  the  Act  of  Set- 
tlement secured  that  no  .liidge  should  lie  (lis- 
missed  from  olllce,  e.xccjit  in  conBcquence  of  a 
c<inviction  for  some  otlence,  or  the  luhlress  of 
lioth  Houses  of  I'arllaiiient,  the  Itoyal  Jealoii.sy 
of  the  measure  is  seen  liy  the  promise  under 
which  that  iirranpement  \.,.n  ii<it  to  take  elfeil 
till  the  (lentils  of  William  III.  and  of  Anne,  and 
the  failure  of  their  issue  respectively,  in  other 
words,  till  the  aeeession  of  the  House  of  Han- 
over. It  was  not  till  the  reign  of  George  III. 
that  the  C'ommissions  of  the  Judges  ceased  to  be 
void  on  the  demise  of  the  Crown."  —  J.  O.  S. 
SlacNeill,  Law  Mag.  and  Ilev.  4th  series,  v.  16 
(1H90-II1),  /*.  203. 

A.  D.  1760.  —  Stolen  Bank  Notes  the 
Property  of^  a  Bona  Fide  Purchaser. — "The 
law  of  bills  of  exchange  owes  much  of  its  seien- 
tillc  and  liberal  character  to  the  wisdom  of  the 
great  jurist,  Lord  Mansfield.  Sixteen  years  be- 
fore the  American  Ituvolution,  he  held  that  bank 
notes,  though  stolen,  become  the  property  of  the 
jierson  to  whom  they  are  bona  fide  delivered  for 
value  without  knowledge  of  the  larceny.  Tliis 
principle  is  later  attirmcd  again  and  again  as 
necessary  to  the  preservation  of  the  circulation  of 
all  the  paper  in  the  country,  and  with  it  all  its 
commerce.  Later  tliere  was  11  departure  from 
this  principle  in  the  noted  English  case  of  Gill 
v.  Ciibitt.  in  wliicli  it  was  held  that  if  the  holder 
for  value  took  it  under  circumstances  which 
ought  to  have  excited  the  suspicion  of  a  prudent 
and  careful  man.  he  could  not  recover.  This 
case  annoyed  courts  and  innocent  holders  for 
years,  until  it  was  sat  upon,  kicked,  cuffed,  and 
overruled,  and  the  old  doctrine  of  1760  rc-estali- 
lished,  which  is  now  the  undisputed  and  settled 
law  of  England  and  this  country."  —  Wm.  A. 
McClean,  IsegoUable  Paper  (The  Green  Bag,  v.  5, 
;..  86). 

A.  D.  1768. —  Only  one  Business  Corpora- 
tion Chartered  in  this  Country  before  the 
Declaration  of  Independence. — "Pennsylvania 
is  entitled  to  the  lionor  of  having  chartered  the 
first  business  corporation  iu  this  country. 
'  The  Philiuielpliia  Contributionship  for  Insuring 
Houses  from  Loss  by  Fire.'  It  was  a  mutual  in- 
siirancc  company,  first  organized  in  n.Vi,  but 
not  chartered  until  1768.  It  was  the  only  busi- 
ness corporation  whose  cl;arter  antedated  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  The  next  in  order 
of  time  were:  'The  Bank  of  North  America,' 
chartered  by  Congress  in  1781  and,  the  original 
cliarter  having  been  repealed  in  1785,  by  Penn- 
sylvania in  1787;  'Tlie  Massachusetts  Bank,' 
chartered  in  1784;  'The  Proprietors  of  Charles 
River  Bridge,'  in  1785;  'The  Mutual  Assurance 


Company '(Philiulelphla),  in  1786;  'The  Associ- 
ated Manufacturing  Iron  ('o.'(N.  Y.),  in  1780. 
These  were  the  only  Joint-stiM'k  IiusIiichs  corpor- 
atioiiH  chartered  in  Americta  liefore  1787.  After 
tliiil  time  the  number  rapidly  increased,  esjieci- 
ally  in  Massachusetts.  Ik^foro  the  clost^  of  tliu 
century  there  were  created  in  that  HUUv  about 
tifly  such  bodies,  at  least  half  of  them  turnpike 
anil  brklge  companies.  In  tlii!  remiiinliig  Htales 
combined,  there  were  perhaps  as  many  inon;. 
There  was  no  great  variety  in  the  purposes  for 
which  lhes<!  early  companies  were  foriiied.  In- 
surance, hanking,  turn  pike  roads,  toll-bridges, 
canals,  and,  to  a  limited  extent,  manufacturing 
were  the  enterprises  which  they  carried  on." — 
S.  Willistoii,  i/isl.  t'/thi:  Lain  of  liusineM  C'orjior- 
iiliiiiin  hijorc  1800  {llarrard  Law  Jliview,  v.  2,  jip. 

lo.vKm). 

A.  D.  1776. —  Ultimate  property  in  land. — 
"When,  by  the  Itevolution,  Uw.  Colony  of  New 
York  liecaine  separated  from  the  Crown  of  Great 
Hrilaln,  and  a  repiiblic'in  government  was 
formed.  The  People  succeeded  the  King  in  the 
ownership  of  all  lands  within  the  HIate  which 
had  not  already  been  granted  away,  and  they  he- 
came  from  Ihenceforth  the  source  of  all  private 
titles," — .ludge  (-'omstock.  People  v.  liiclor,  etc., 
of  Trinilji  Church,  'i'i  A'.  V.,  44-46.—"  It  is  held 
tliat  only  such  parts  of  the  common  law  as,  with 
the  acts  of  the  colony  in  force  on  April  10,  1775, 
formed  part  of  tlii;  law  of  the  Colony  on  that  day, 
were  adopted  by  the  State;  and  only  such  parts 
of  the  common  and  statute  law  of  England  were 
brought  by  the  colonists  with  them  as  suited 
their  condition,  or  were  applicable  to  their  situa- 
tion. Such  general  laws  thereupon  became  the 
laws  of  the  Colony  until  altered  by  common  con- 
sent, or  liy  legislative  enactment.  The  principles 
and  rules  of  the  common  law  as  applicable  to 
this  country  are  held  subject  to  modilication  and 
change,  according  to  the  circumstances  and  condi- 
tion of  the  people  and  government  here.  .  .  . 
By  the  English  common  law,  the  King  was  the 
paramount  proprietor  and  source  of  all  title  to 
all  land  within  his  dominion,  and  it  was  consid- 
ered to  be  lield  mediatelv  or  immediately  of 
him.  After  the  independence  of  the  United 
States,  ihe  title  to  land  formerly  ])ossessed  liy 
the  Englisli  Crowi^  in  this  country  jiassed  to  the 
Pi!ople  of  the  different  States  where  tlic  land  lay, 
by  virtue  of  the  change  of  nationality  and  of  the 
treaties  made.  The  allegiance  formerly  due, 
also,  from  the  people  of  this  country  to  Great 
Britain  was  transferred,  by  the  Itevolution,  to 
the  governments  of  the  States. " —  James  Gerard, 
mies  to  lical  EKtale  (Srd  ed.),  pp.  20  and  5.— 
"  Hence  the  rule  naturally  follows,  that  no  per- 
son can,  by  any  possible  arrangement,  become 
invested  with  the  absolute  ownership  of  land. 
But  as  that  ownership  must  be  vested  some- 
V,  liere,  or  great  confusion,  if  not  disturbance, 
might  result,  it  has,  therefore,  become  an  ac- 
cepted rule  of  public  law  that  the  absolute  and 
ultimate  right  of  property  shall  bo  regarded  as 
vested  in  tlie  sovereign  or  corporate  power  of  the 
State  wlicre  the  land  lies.  This  corporate  power 
has  been  naturally  and  appropriately  selected 
for  that  purpose,  because  it  is  the  only  one 
which  is  certain  to  survive  the  generations  of  men 
as  they  pass  away.  Wherever  that  sovereign 
power  is  represented  by  an  individual,  as  iu  Eng- 
land, there  the  absolute  rigl't  of  property  to  all 
land  in  the  kingdom  is  vest  cd  ii;  that  individual. 


1974 


LAW.  COMMON,  1776. 


LAW,  COMMON,  1813-1843, 


Wliocvpr  surr'ccdn  to  I  lie  HnvfTclKiity,  muTcodii 
to  tliiit  riKlit  of  priiiHTty  iiiiil  IidIiIm  it  lu  (rust  for 
the  niitlDii.  In  IIiIh  country,  wlicrii  llic  only 
■overclj^nty  rrro(;nlzi'il  In  rc^fiird  to  rciil  prop- 
erty. Is  rt'prt'sciitcd  liy  tlic^  Htiitc  In  Its  corprjriili' 
capnrlly,  that  iil)solul<'  rlRlit  of  properly  Is  vckIciI 
In  tlui  "StiUo."  —  Annon  HIiiRJiatn,  //lie  of  liml 
J'ro/ierli/,  p.  8. 

A.  D.  1778.— First  Instance  of  Assumpsit 
upon  a  Vendor's  Warranty.— "  A  vendor  wlio 
given  II  fulne  wiirnuily  may  lie  clmrfjecl  to  diiy, 
of  eourse,  in  contrael ;  but  tlie  eoncoption  of  siieli 
a  warrnnty.  as  a  eontniet  in  (juite  niixlern. 
Btnart  v.  Will<en»  fU  Donj?.,  IH),  decided  in 
177H,  is  Haid  to  liav('  lieen  tlie  tlrst  inHlance  of  an 
action  of  iw.suin|)»il  upon  a  vendor's  warranty." — 
J.  H.  Ames,  Jlint.  of  Amnimimt  {l/armnl  fjiir 
Id-r.,  r.  a,  ;).  H). 

A.  D.  1783.— Lord  Mansfield  laid  founda- 
tion of  Laiw  of  Trade-Marks. —  "Tlx;  Hymliol- 
ism  of  commerce,  conventionally  called  '  trade- 
marks,' Is,  Hccording  to  Mr.  Hrowiie,  in  his 
excellent  work  on  tnideinarks,  as  old  as  cotu- 
moree  itself.  Tim  Ejfyptians,  tlio  (Jiunese,  the 
liahyionians,  the  Greeks,  the  Romans,  all  ummI 
various  marks  or  Hii;ns  to  distinKuish  tlieir  goiHls 
and  handiwork.  Tlio  rl^ht  to  protection  In  sucli 
marks  has  come  to  be  recognized  throughout  the 
civilized  world.  It  is,  however,  during  the  last 
seventy  or  eighty  years  that  the  present  systc^m 
of  jtirisprudiMice  has  been  built  up.  In  1743 
Lord  Ilardwick  refused  an  Injunction  to  restrain 
tlie  use  of  the  Great  Mogul  stamp  on  cards.  In 
1783  Lord  Mansfield  laid  the  foundation  of  tlie 
law  of  trademarks  as  at  present  developed,  anil 
in  1810,  In  the  case  of  Day  v.  Day,  tlie  defendant 
was  enjoined  from  infringing  the  iiIaintilT's 
blacking  label.  From  that  time  to  the  present 
day  there  have  arisen  a  multitude  of  cases,  and 
the  tlieory  of  the  law  of  trade-marks  prop<T  may 
bo  considered  as  pretty  clearly  expounded.  In 
1875  the  Trademarks  Ueglslration  Act  provided 
for  tlio  registration  of  trade-marks,  and  detined 
what  could  In  future  properly  ho  a  trade-mark. 
In  this  country  the  Act  of  1870,  corrected  by  the 
Act  of  1881,  provided  for  tlio  registration  of 
trade-marks.  Tlio  underlying  prineiplu  of  the 
law  of  trade-marks  is  that  of  preventing  one  man 
from  ac(iulrlng  the  reputation  of  another  by 
fraudulent  means,  and  of  preventing  fraud  upon 
the  public;  in  otlier  words,  tlio  application  of 
the  broad  principles  of  equity." — Grafton  D. 
Gushing,  Ca»e»  Aiuihgoiia  to  Trade-markt  (Har- 
vard Ijhd  Uer.,  v.  4,  ;).  321). 

A.  D.  1790.— Stoppage  in  Transitu,  and 
Rights  of  "Third  Person  under  a  Bill  of  Lad- 
ing.— "Lord  Lougliborough's  most  elaborate  com- 
mon law  judgment  was  in  the  case  of  Lichbarrow 
V.  Mason,  when  ho  presided  in  the  court  of 
Exchequer  Chamber,  on  a  writ  of  error  from  tlio 
Court  of  King's  Hench.  The  question  was  one 
of  infinito  iinportfinco  to  commerce  —  'Whether 
the  right  of  the  unpaid  seller  of  goods  to  stop 
them  while  they  are  on  their  way  to  a  purchaser 
■who  has  become  insolvent,  is  divested  by  an  in- 
termediate sule  to  a  third  person,  tlirough  the 
indorsement  of  the  bill  of  lading,  for  a  valuable 
consideration?'  Heconcluded  by  saying: — 'From 
a  review  of  all  the  cases  it  does  not  appear  that 
there  has  ever  been  a  decision  against  the  legal 
right  of  the  consignor  to  stop  the  goods  in 
transitu  before  the  case  wliicli  wo  have  here  to 
consider.      The  rule  which  we  are  now  to  lay 


down  will  not  disturb  lint  settle  the  notlonsof  the 
I'ommerclal  port  of  this  country  on  a  point  of  very 
great  iiiiportaiice,  as  It  rcganis  the  security  anil 
goixl  failh  of  their  transactionN.  For  thi'Nfl 
reasons  we  think  the  Judgment  of  the  Court  of 
King's  llencli  ought  to  be  reversed.'  Itut  a  writ 
of  error  iH'I'ig  brought  in  th(>  House  of  Lords. 
tills  reversal  was  reversi'd,  and  the  right  of  the 
iiili'rniediate  purchaser  as  against  the  original 
seller,  has  ever  since  been  cHtablished." — Lord 
Campbell,  /,i'(v»  «/'  the  d/ianriltorn,  r.  (1,  ;>;),  I!I8- 
i:il(. 

A.  D.  1793.— Best-Evidence  rule. — "  In  Grant 
V.  Gouhl,  i  II.  HI.  p.  104  (171)2),  Lord  Lough- 
lioroiigh  said:  'That  all  common  law  courta 
ought  to  proceed  upon  the  general  rule,  namely, 
the  best  evidence  that  the  nature  of  the  case  will 
admit,  I  iH-rfectly  agree.'  Itut  by  this  time  it 
was  becoming  olivious  that  this  'general  rule' 
was  misapplied  and  over  enipliasized.  Ulaek- 
stone,  indeed,  repeating  (iilbert,  had  said  In 
1770.  In  the  llrst  editions  of  his  Conimentaries 
(III.  3U8)  as  it  was  said  in  all  the  later  ones: 
'The  one  general  rule  that  runs  through  all  the 
doctrine  of  trials  is  this,  that  the  best  evidenco 
the  nature  of  the  ease  will  admit  of  shall  always 
be  rei|uireii,  if  posHible  to  be  had;  but.  if  not 
possible,  then  the  best  evidence  that  can  be  had 
shall  be  allowed.  For  if  It  be  found  tliat  there 
Is  any  belter  evidence  e.iiisting  tlian  Is  prisluced, 
the  very  not  priHlucing  It  Is  a  presumption  tliat 
it  would  have  detected  some  falsehooil  that  at 
present  is  coiieealed.'  Hut  in  17U4,  the  acute  and 
learned  Christian,  in  editing  the  twelfth  edition, 
pointed  out  the  dilllculljes  of  the  situation:  'No 
rule  of  law,' bo  said.  'Is  more  frequently  cited, 
and  more  generally  misconceived,  than  this.  It 
is  certainly  true  wlien  riglitiy  understooil ;  but  it 
is  very  limited  lu  its  extent  and  application.  It 
signitics  notliing  more  than  that,  if  tlie  best  legal 
evidence  cannot  possibly  be  produced,  tlio  next 
best  legal  evidence  shall  be  admilted.' " — J.  U. 
'I'haver.  .*y7<r<  Ca»di  on  Mriili'itrc,  p.  T-Vl. 

A.  D.  1794.— First  Trial  by  Jury  in  U.  S. 
Supreme  Court.— "  In  tlie  first  trial  by  jury  at 
the  bar  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
.States,  In  1704,  Cliief-.Justice  Jay,  after  remark- 
ing to  tlie  jury  that  fact  was  for  the  jury  imd 
law  for  the  court,  went  on  tosjiy:  '"^ou  have, 
nevertheless,  a  riglit  to  take  upon  yourselves  to 
judge  of  both,  and  to  determine  the  law  as  well 
as  the  fact  in  controversy.'  But  I  am  disposed 
to  think  tliat  the  common-law  power  of  the  jury 
in  criminal  cases  does  not  indicate  any  riglit  on 
their  part;  it  is  ratlier  one  of  those  manifold 
illogical  and  yet  rational  results,  which  the  good 
Bcn.so  of  the  Knglisli  people  brought  about,  in  all 
parts  of  their  public  affairs,  by  way  of  easing 
up  tlie  rigor  of  a  strict  application  of  rules." — 
J.  15.  Tliayer,  Ijiio  and  Fact  in  Jury  Trials 
(ILircard  Imw  lieiieir,  v.  4,  p.  171). 

Also  in  :  The  same.  Select  Cases  on  Evidence, 
p.  l.-iS. 

A.  D.  1813-1843.— Insolvents  placed  under 
Jurisdiction  of  a  Court,  and  able  to  claim  Pro- 
tection by  a  Surrender  of  Goods. — "  It  was  not 
until  1813  that  insolvents  were  placed  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  a  court,  and  entitled  to  .seek  their 
discliargoon  rendering  a  true  account  of  all  their 
debts  and  property.  A  distinction  was  at  length 
recognized  between  poverty  and  crime.  Tliis 
great  remedial  law  restored  liberty  to  crowds  of 
wretched  debtors.     In  the  next  thirteen  years 


1975 


LAW,  COMMON,  18ia-1848. 


LAW,  COMMON,  isas. 


iipwnnlii  i)f  nO.nOO  wi  rr  m>t  frri-.  Thirty  ycnr« 
later,  ItH  lii'iictliTiit  prinripli'it  were  fiirlhcr  rxti'ii- 
ded,  wlif'ti  ilchlnrn  wi'Ti'  imt  Diily  rcli'imnl  from 
oonfliutini'iit,  l)iit  iililc  to  cliilm  protD'lion  to  their 
liberty,  on  jtlvitiK  <>P  ■>"  their  k'xxI'*  "— T.  K. 
Miy,  GmnliliilioiKil  llift.  iif  Kiif/ttiiid  (Widdlf- 
tont  fil),  r.  2,  /).  a71. — See,  iiUo,  Dkiit,  Lawm 
C<>NC'f:ltNIN«l. 

A.  D.  1819.— The  Dartmouth  College  Caie. 

—  "The  friimerx  of  the  ('onHlltiilloii  of  the 
United  StiiteH,  limveil  ehlelly  hy  the  nilnelilefH 
••rented  hy  the  preceding  lej^lithitlonof  thcHtiitx'H, 
which  hud  inmie  wrioiiH  eMcroiK'InncntH  on  the 
rightH  of  property,  itmerteij  11  clitnM^  in  tinil  in- 
Hlninirnt  wlnih  de(  lured  that  'no  Htnto  Nliall 
])iiNN  liny  ex  I  ist  fitclii  law,  or  liuv  impairing  the 
(il)li>;atlon  of  contractH.'  The  llrHt.  hninch  of 
thin  clause  had  ahvay.)  l)een  iind<'r»tood  to  relate 
to  criniiiial  IcKlHlatlon,  the  Hccorid  to  leglNJation 
afTectlng  civil  riKlil.i,  Uiit,  hefore  the  case  of 
Dartmouth  College  v.  Woodward  (X'curred, 
there  had  l)een  no  judicial  dcclsionH  respecting 
the  meaning  and  Hcope  of  tliL-  rcHtraint  In  regard 
to  (ontracUi.  .  .  .  Tho  Htatc  court  of  N(fW 
llampHhIre,  in  de(^iding  this  case,  had  aHsumed 
that  the  college  was  a  pul)lic  corporation,  and  on 
that  liasis  had  rested  their  judgment;  which 
was,  tlial  between  the  State  and  Its  public  oor- 
poratloim  there  is  no  contract  which  the  Htate 
onnnot  regulate,  alter,  or  annii'  at  pleasure. 
Mr.  Webster  had  to  overthrow  this  fundamental 
position.  If  lie  could  show  that  this  collegia  was 
u  private  cleemosvnary  corporation,  an<l  tliat  tho 
grant  of  tlic  riglit  to  he  n  corporation  of  this 
nature  is  i\  contract  between  the  sovereign  power 
und  those  who  devote  their  funds  to  the  charity, 
nnd  take  the  incorporation  for  its  better  nianagi;- 
ment,  lie  could  bring  the  legislative  interference 
within  the  prohibition  of  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion. ...  Its  Important  positions,  .  .  .  were 
these:  1.  That  Dr.  Wheelock  was  the  founder 
of  this  college,  nnd  as  such  entitle<l  by  law  to 
be  visitor,  and  that  he  had  assigned  all  the  visi- 
tatorial powi  rs  to  the  trustees.  2.  That  the 
charter  created  n  private  nnd  not  n  public  cor- 
poration, to  administer  a  cl-.ai'ity,  in  the  nrlminis- 
tration  of  which  the  trustees  had  a  property, 
which  the  law  recognizes  as  such.  3.  Tliat  the 
grant  of  such  t  chnrtor  ia  a  contract  between  the 
sovereign  pow  jr  nnd  its  successo-s  and  those  to 
whom  it  is  grautcd  and  their  successors.  4.  That 
the  legislation  w  hlch  to.>k  away  from  the  trustees 
tho  right  to  exercise  the  powers  of  superinten- 
dence, visitation,  and  government,  nnd  trans- 
ferred tlicm  to  another  set  of  trustees,  impaired 
the  obligation  of  that  contract.  .  .  .  On  the  con- 
clusion of  the  argument,  the  Chief  Justice 
intimated  that  a  decision  was  not  to  be  expected 
until  the  next  term.  It  was  made  in  February, 
1819,  fully  couflrming  tho  grotnids  on  which  Air. 
Webster  had  placed  the  cause.  From  this  de- 
cision, the  principle  in  our  constitutional  juris- 
prudence, which  regards  a  charter  of  n  private 
corporation  as  a  contract,  and  places  it  under  the 
protection  of  tlic  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  tjikcs  its  date.  To  Mr.  Webster  belongs 
the  honor  of  having  produced  its  judicial  es- 
tablishment."—G.  T.  Curtis,  Life  of  Daniel 
Wtbster,  v.  1,  p.  le.l-lOO  {'tth  ed.). 

A.  D.  1823.— Indian  Right  of  Occupancy. — 
"The  lirst  case  of  importance  that  came  before 
the  court  of  last  resort  with  regard  to  the  In- 
dian question  bad  to  do  with  their  title  to  land. 


This  was  th(^  ease  of  .Tohnium  v.  Mi  Intosh,  rt 
Wheaton,  Ml),  In  this  casi',  Chief  .luHtice  Mar 
shall  delivered  the  opinion  of  the  court  and  hekl 
that  dlHcovery  gave  title  to  the  country  by  wImmi^ 
HuhJectM  or  by  whos<>  authority  It  was  miuk>,  an 
against  nil  iN-rsons  but  tlx'  Indfaim  as  ot'cupantit; 
that  this  titli!  gave  a  power  to  grant  the  soil 
and  to  convey  a  title  to  the  gmnleeH,  wibject 
oidy  to  the  Indian  right  of  oeeupaiX'V;  nnd  that 
th(^  Indians  eouM  grunt  no  title  to  the  laixls  ik;- 
cupied  by  tlu'in,  their  right  being  Hlmi>ly  that  of 
occupancy  and  not  of  ownership.  The  (-'hief 
.lustlce  says:  'It  lias  never  been  doubted  that 
either  the  I'nlted  Htutes  or  the  several  Htates  had 
a  clear  title  to  all  the  lands  within  the  iMiundary 
lines  described  in  the  tn'aty  (of  peace  Ix'tween 
Ktigland  and  riiiti'd  States)  sul>J''et  only  to  the 
I'  'lans'  right  of  oeeiipaney,  nn<l  that  the  I'xclu- 
si,.'  powiT  to  extinguish  that  right  was  vest^-d 
In  that  government  which  might  constitutionally 
exeicls<?  ll.  .  .  .  The  I'nlted  Htates,  then,  have 
une(|uivoeally  nrceded  to  that  great  nnd  broad 
rule  by  which  Its  civill/ed  InlmbitantM  now  hohl 
thiscountry.  Tliey  hold  and  assert  in  theuiHelves 
the  litl(^  by  which  It  was  ae(|ulred.  They  main- 
tain, as  all  others  have  maintained,  tliat  discov- 
ery gave  an  exclusive  right  to  extlngulNli  the 
Indian  title  of  occupancy,  either  hy  purchase  or 
by  coiKjuest;  nnd  gave  also  a  right  to  such  a  de- 
gree of  sovereignty  as  the  circumstances  of  the 
people  would  allow  them  to  exercise.  Tho 
jiower  now  possessi^d  by  the  government  of 
tlie  United  Slates  to  grant  lands  resliled,  while 
we  were  colonies,  in  the  crown  or  its  grantees. 
Tlie  validity  of  the  title  given  by  either  lias 
never  l)ecn (pieslioned  in  ourcourt.s.  It  hits  been 
exercised  uniformly  over  territory  in  pos.ses8l()n 
of  the  Indians.  The  existence  of  this  power 
must  negative  the  existence  of  any  riglit  w  hlch 
may  conflict  with  and  control  it.  An  absolute 
title  to  lands  cannot  exist,  at  the  same  time,  in 
dilferent  persons,  or  in  dilTercnt  governments. 
An  nbsolntc  must  l>e  nn  exclusive  title,  or  at 
least  a  title  wlilch  excludes  nil  others  not  com- 
patible with  it.  All  our  Institutions  recognize 
the  absolute  title  of  the  cr<  "n,  subject  only  to 
the  Indian  riglit  of  occupant^,  and  recognize  the 
absolute  title  of  the  crown  to  extinguish  that 
right.  This  is  incompatible  with  an  absolute 
and  complete  title  in  the  Indians.'"  —  William 
n.  llornblower,  14  AmeriMn  Bar  Ass' 11  Itept. 
204-26.5. 

A.  D.  1836  — Jurors  from  the  Body  of  the 
County. — "  In  the  time  of  Fortescue,  who  was 
lord  chancellor  in  tho  reign  of  Henry  VI.  [1422- 
61],  with  the  exception  of  the  reoulrcment  of 
personal  knowletlge  in  tho  jurors  (Icrived  from 
near  ncighlxirhoml  of  residence,  the  jury  system 
had  become  in  all  its  essential  functions  s'mllar 
to  what,  now  exists.  .  .  .  The  jury  were  still  re- 
nuired  to  come  from  the  neighborhocKl  where 
the  fact  they  had  to  try  was  supposed  to  have 
happened;  and  this  explains  the  origin  of  the 
venire  (vlcinetum),  whlcli  appears  in  all  indict- 
ments and  declarntlous  at  tho  present  day.  It 
Eoints  out  the  place  from  which  the  juir  must 
e  summoned.  .  .  .  Now,  by  6  George  IV.,  ch. 
50,  the  jurors  need  only  l;e  good  and  lawful  men 
of  the  body  of  the  county. "—  W.  Forsyth,  THal 
hy  Jury,  ch.  7,  sect.  3. 

A.  D.  1828.— Lord Tenterden's  Act.— "Bo  it 
therefore  enacted  .  .  .  ,  That  in  Actions  of  Debt 
or  upon  the  Cose  grounded  upon  any  Simple 


1976 


LAW.  COMMON.  1888. 


L/W.  COMMO  -',  1888. 


ContriM't  or  Acknowlcdxcinctit  or  Promlw  liy 
WonU  only  hIihII  lie  (li'ciiii'il  Hiilllcicii^  Kvlili'iicn 
))(  a  iiuw  or  contlniiliiK  ('oiilnict,  .  .  .  iiiiIchh 
iiir.li  Ac'knowlciluciiii'iit  or  I'roiniiu'  hIiiiII  Ii<> 
miulu  or  coiitaiiiciT  by  or  In  Honui  Writing  to  liu 
HiKiH!(l  liy  tli<^  I'ltrty  cliurKcitbli!  llicri'liy. ' — tiltit- 
iitiK  lit  l^in/i;  r.  (IH,  II  tJnin/f  IV.,  r.  l\ 

A.  D.  1833.— Wager  01  Law  aboUihed,  and 
Effect  upon  Detinue, —  "Tliix  form  of  itctlon 
((Ictiiitir)  wim  iiIho  fornirrly  HUhJcit  (iiH  with 
Honu!  oilier  of  our  Ic^iil  rcini'dlcH),  to  tlii>  Inclilciit 
of  wiitfcr  of  liiw  '  ('  vadliitio  N'xls'),  —  upriH'cud- 
in.i(  whicli  coimlstcd  In  tlm  dcfciidaiifH  illitclmrK 
ini;  hliUHolf  from  tlin  claim  on  hlH  own  oaln, 
lirliiKinf{  with  Idm  at  tlif!  Nanu'  time  Into  <'ourt 
eleven  of  hU  nel>flilHirH.  to  swear  that  they  l«^ 
lleved  his  denial  to  lie  true.  This  relle  of  a  very 
aneii'Mt  and  };enei'al  inHlitutlon,  wideh  we  llnd 
estaltlixhed  not  only  amonK the  SaxoiiH  anil  Nor- 
mans,  hut  amon^;  almost  all  the  northern  nalionM 
that  l>rok(!  in  upon  the  Roman  empire,  eonlinueil 
to  HuhMlslunioni;  us  even  till  tin;  hiHt  rei^ii,  wlien 
it  wail  at  length  aboliHlied  by  il  and  4  Will.  IV. 
C.  43,  a  11):  and  ax  tlie  wager  of  law  UHed  to  ex- 
pone  idalntilTs  in  detinun  to  great  disadvantage. 
It  had  theelTectof  throwing  that  action  almoMt 
entirely  out  of  use,  and  inlrodueing  In  IIh  Htead 
tlic  action  of  trover  and  eonverslori." — Stephens, 
('ommentarie»,  v.  1),  yiy/.  'H'i-H\i  {Hth  eil.). 

A.  D.  1834. —  Real  Actions  abolished,— 
"Tiie  Rtiitutes  of  iVi  II.  VIII.,  c.  2,  and  21  .lac. 
I.,  c.  Ul  (.so  far  aH  the  latterapplied  toartions  for 
t\n:  recovery  of  land)  were  »tipersede(l  by  iJ  &  4 
\Vm.  IV,  c.  27.  The  latter  Klaluleabolishiil  the 
ancient  real  actions,  made  ejectment  (witli  few 
exceptions)  tlie  solo  remedy  for  thc^  recovery  of 
land,  ami,  for  the  Hrst  time,  limited  directly  t'lc 
period  withni  which  an  ejectment  might  be 
iirought.  It  also  changed  the  meaning  of  '  riglit 
of  entry,'  making  it  signify  simply  tlie  right  of 
an  owner  to  the  possession  of  land  of  whicli 
another  person  has  the  actual  possession,  whether 
the  owner's  estate  is  devested  or  not.  In  a  word, 
it  made  a  riglit  of  entry  and  a  riglit  to  maintain 
ejectment  synonymous  terms,  and  jirovided  that 
whenever  tlie  one  ceased  the  other  should  cease 
also;  1.  e.,  It  provided  tluit  whenever  the  statute 
began  to  run  against  the  one  riglit,  it  should  be- 
j'in  to  run  against  the  otliernlso,  and  that,  when 
it  had  run  twenty  j'curs  without  interruption, 
both  rights  should  cease;  and  it  also  provided 
that  the  statute  should  begin  to  run  against  each 
right  the  moment  that  the  right  began  to  exist, 
i.  c.,  the  moment  that  the  actual  possession  and 
the  right  of  possession  became  separated.  The 
statute,  therefore,  not  only  ignored  the  fact  that 
ejectment  (notwithstanding  Its  origin)  is  in  sub- 
stance purely  in  rem  (the  damages  recovered 
being  only  nominal),  and  assumetl  that  it  was, 
on  the  contrary,  in  substance  purely  in  personam, 
i.  c,  founded  upon  tort,  but  it  also  assumed  that 
every  actual  possession  of  land,  without  a  right 
of  possession,  is  a  tort." — C.  C.  Langdell,  Sum- 
mitiy  (if  Kqnity  I'laidin;/.  ]>]>.  114-145. 

A.  b.  1836.— Exemption  Laws. — "Our State 
legislatures  commenceil  years  ago  to  pass  laws 
exempting  from  execution  necessary  household 
goods  and  personal  apparel,  the  horses  and  im- 
plements of  the  farmer,  the  tools  and  instruments 
of  the  artisan,  etc.  Gradually  the  benelicent 
policy  of  such  laws  has  been  extended.  In  1828, 
Jlr.  Benton  warmly  advocated  in  the  Senate  of 
tlie  United  States  the  policy  of  a  national  home- 


Hlead  law  The  lU-poblle  ol  Texas  paused  the 
r'rst  llomesteiid  Act,  In  ISUO.  It  was  the  great 
gift  of  the  Infant  Kepublicof  Texas  to  the  world. 
In  1H4I),  Vermont  followed;  ami  this  policy  ha* 
sinie  been  adopted  m  all  but  eight  States  of  tlio 
I'lilon.  Ily  these  laws  a  homesteati  (under  varl- 
oils  restrictions  as  to  value)  for  the  Hhelter  and 
protection  of  the  family  is  now  exempt  from  ex- 
ecution or  jiidlclal  sali^  for  debt,  unless  both  tlin 
husband  and  the  wife  shall  expressly  loin  In 
mortgaging  It  or  olherwlHc  expressly  subjecting 
It  to  the  claims  r)f  creditors."—.!.  V.  Dillon. 
Adifn  and  .lurinpriiikiiciiifKinjtunititnd  Amerifa, 
)>.  !I(I(). 

A.  D.  1837.  —  Employer"!  liability, —"  No 
legal  prlnciille,  with  a  growth  of  less  than  half  ft 
(•eiitury,  has  Ix'Cdiiie  more  llrmly  tixecl  in  the 
((iinmon  law  of  today,  than  the  rule  that  an  em- 
ployer, if  himself  wltlio'..  fault,  is  not  liable  to 
an  employee  iiijiireil  through  the  negllg"nce  of  a 
fellow  eniplovcc!  engaged  in  tlie  same  general  em- 
ployment, '('his  exception  to  the  well  known 
docirim^  of  'respondeat  superior,'  although 
sonietinics  considered  an  old  one,  was  before  tlm 
courts  for  the  llrsl  lime  in  IHIIT,  in  llie  celebrated 
<as((  of  I'riestly  v.  Kowler.  il  .M.  A:  \V.  1,  which 
II,  is  salil,  has  changed  the  current  of  decisloim 
more  railiiaiiy  llianaiiyolher  reported  case.  .  .  . 
The  American  law,  tliougli  in  liarnion"  with  the 
Kiiglisii,  seems  to  have  had  an  origin  o.'  its  own. 
Ill  1841  Miirriiv  v.  The  South  Carollni  Uallroiul 
Company,  1  Me.  &  .M.  ilHri,  decided  'liat  a  rail- 
road company  was  not  liable  to  one  servant  In- 
lured  through  the  negligence  of  another  servant 
ill  the  same  employ.  Although  tills  <lecislon 
came  a  few  years  after  Priestly  v.  Kowler,  the 
latter  case  was  cited  by  neitlier  counsel  nor 
court.  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  the  Ameri- 
can Court  arrived  at  its  conclusion  entirely  inde- 
pen<Ient  of  the  earlier  English  case, —  a  fact 
often  lost  sight  of  by  those  wlio  in  criticising  the 
rule,  as.sert  that  it  all  sprang  from  an  ill-con- 
siilered  opinion  by  Lord  Aliinger  in  I'riestly  v. 
Fowler.  The  leailing  American  case,  however, 
Is  Farwell  v.  Uoston  and  Worcester  Itailroad 
Company,  4  Met.  49,  which,  following  the  South 
Carolina  case,  settled  the  rule  in  the  '  iiitcd 
States.  It  has  been  followed  in  nearly  every 
Jurisdiction,  both  State  and  Federal."— Marland 
C.  Ilobbs,  Stittiitiiry  Chanycii  in  Employer'^  Lia- 
hiUty  {Ilarnird  htw  lieu.,  n.  2,  ;);).  212-213). 

A.  D.  1838.— Arrests  on  Mesne  Process  for 
Debt  abolished,  and  Debtor's  Lands,  for 
first  time,  taken  in  Satisfaction  of  Debt,— 
"The  law  of  debtor  and  creditor,  until  a  com- 
paratively recent  period,  was  a  scaii.lal  to  a 
civilized  country.  For  the  smdlest  claim,  any 
man  was  liable  to  be  arrested  on  mesne  process, 
before  legal  proof  of  the  debt.  .  .  .Many  of 
tlie.se  arrests  were  wanton  and  vexatious;  and 
writs  were  issued  witli  a  facility  and  loo.seness 
which  placed  the  lilicrty  of  every  man  —  sud- 
denly and  without  notice  —  at  the  mercy  of  any 
one  who  claimed  payment  of  a  debt.  A  debtor, 
however  honest  and  solvent,  was  liable  to  arrest. 
The  demand  might  ever,  be  false  and  fraudulent: 
but  the  pretended  creditor,  on  mauing  oath  of 
the  debt,  was  armed  with  this  terrible  jirocess  of 
the  law.  The  wretched  defendant  might  lie  in 
prison  for  several  months  before  his  cause  was 
heard ;  when,  even  if  the  action  was  discontinued 
or  the  d(!bt  disproved,  he  could  not  obtain  Iiia 
discharge  without  further  proceedings,  often  too 


1977 


LAW,  COMMON,  1838. 


LAW,  COMMON,  1846. 


costly  for  a  pnor  dobtor,  nirciuly  dcprivcil  of  his 
livelihood  hj  iiiiprisonniciit.  No  lonj^cr  even  ii 
debtor, —  he  coidd  not  sliiiko  oil  his  bonds.  ,  ,  . 
Tli<!  total  abolitioii  of  arrests  on  mesne  process 
was  frequently  advocated,  but  it  was  not  until 
1HH8  that  it  was  at  length  ncconiplislied.  Pro- 
vision was  made  for  securing  abscondinv:  debtors ; 
but  the  olil  ])rocess  for  the  recovery  of  a  debt  in 
ordinary  cases,  which  had  wrought  so  many  acts 
of  oppression,  was  abolished.  While  this  vin- 
dictive remedy  was  denied,  the  debtor's  lands 
were,  for  the  first  lime,  allowed  to  be  taken  in 
satisfaction  of  a  debt;  and  extended  facilities 
were  afterwards  alTorded  for  the  recovery  of 
small  claims,  by  the  establishment  of  county 
court.s. " — T.  E.  Mav,  Conatitiitional  Hint,  of 
Kiiiilaml  (WiiMkUm's  cd),  v.  2,  pp.  267-208.— 
See,  also,  DKiir:  Laws  Conckhnino. 

A.  D.  18^9-1848. — Emancipation  of  Women. 
—  "According  to  the  old  hnglish  tlieory,  a 
woman  was  a  chattel,  all  of  whose  property  be- 
longed to  her  husband.  He  could  beat  her  as  he 
might  a  beast  of  burden,  and,  provided  he  was 
not  guilty  of  what  would  be  cruelty  to  animals, 
the  law  gave  no  redress.  In  the  emancipation  of 
women  Missis.sippi  led  off,  in  1839,  New  York 
following  with  its  Married  Women's  Act  of  1848, 
which  has  been  since  so  enlarged  and  extended, 
and  so  generally  adopted  by  the  other  states, 
that,  for  all  purposes  of  bll^■iness,  ownership  of 
property,  and  claim  to  her  individual  earnings, 
a  married  woman  is  today,  in  America,  as  hi(ie- 
pcndent  as  a  man." — 1>.  Campbell,  The  Puvitan 
ill  Hollund,  Enqlnnd  iii)(1  Aiiierirn,  v.  1,  p.  71. 

A.  D.  1842. — One  who  takes  Commercial 
Paper  as  Collateral  is  a  Holder  for  Value. — 
"Take  the  subject  of  the  transfer  of  such  paper 
as  collateral  security  for,  or  even  in  the  iiayment 
of,  a  pre-existing  indebtedness.  We  find  some 
of  the  courts  holding  that  one  who  takes  such 
paper  as  collateral  se<'urity  for  such  a  debt  is  a 
holder  for  value;  others,  that  he  is  not,  unless 
lie  extends  the  time  for  the  payment  of  the  se- 
cured debt  or  surrenders  something  of  value,, 
gives  some  new  consideration;  while  still  others 
hold  tliat  one  so  receiving  such  paper  cannot  be 
a  holder  for  value;  and  some  few  hold  that  even 
receiving  the  note  in  payment  and  e  '■■iguisli- 
ment  of  a  pre-existing  debt  docs  not  .istitutc 
one  a  holder  for  value.  The  ((ues  )n,  as  is 
known  to  all  lawyei-s,  was  first  presented  to  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  in  Swift  vs. 
Tys(m  (10  Peters,  1).  There,  however,  the  note 
liad  been  taken  in  payment  of  the  debt.  It  was 
argued  in  that  case  that  the  highest  court  in 
New  York  had  decided  that  one  so  taking  a  note 
was  not  a  holder  for  value,  and  it  was  insisted 
in  argument  that  the  contract,  being  made  in 
New  York,  was  to  be  governed  by  its  law ;  but 
the  court,  through  Justice  Story — justice  Catron 
alone  dissenting  —  distinctly  and  emphatically 
repudiated  the  doctrine  that  the  Federal  court 
was  to  be  governed  on  such  (piestions  by  the 
decisions  of  the  courts  of  the  State  where  the 
contract  was  made,  and  held  the  holder  a  liolder 
for  value." — Henry  C.  Tompkins,  13  American 
Jhr  Afs'n  Itep.,  p.  25.'). 

A.  D.  1845. — Interest  of  Disseisee  trans- 
ferable.— "  It  was  not  until  1845  that  by  statute 
the  interest  of  the  disseisee  of  land  became  trans- 
feriiblu.  Similar  statutes  have  been  enacted  in 
many  of  our  States.  In  a  few  jurisdictions  the 
same  results  have  been  obtained  by  judicial  leg- 


islation. TJut  in  Alabama,  Connecticut,  Dakota, 
Florida,  Kentucky,  Ma.ssachusetts,  New  York, 
North  Carolina,  Rhode  Island  and  Tennessee, 
and  presumably  in  .Maryland  and  New  .Jersey,  it 
is  still  the  law  that  the  grantee  of  a  disseisee 
cannot  maintain  an  action  in  his  own  name  for 
the  recovery  of  the  land." — J.  H.  Ames,  7'fie 
DiKsemu  of  CliatteU  (Ilartanl  Imw  Rev.,  v.  3, 
Ih  25). 

A.  D.  1846. — Ultra  vires. —  "When  railway 
companies  were  first  created  with  Parliameutarv 
powers  of  a  kind  never  before  entrusted  to  simi- 
lar bodies,  it  soon  became  necessary  to  determine 
whetlier,  when  once  called  into  existence,  they 
were  to  be  held  capable  of  exercising,  as  nearly  as 
possible,  all  the  powers  of  u  natural  person,  tin- 
less  expressly  prohibited  from  doing  so,  or 
whether  their  acts  mu.st  be  strictly  limited  to  the 
furtherance  of  the  purpose  for  which  they  had 
been  incorporated.  The  question  was  first  raised 
in  1840,  with  reference  to  the  right  of  a  railway 
company  to  subsidise  a  harbour  company,  and 
Lord  Langdale,  in  deciding  against  such  a  right, 
laid  down  the  hiw  in  the  following  terms: — 
'  Companies  of  this  kind,  possessing  most  exten- 
sive powers,  have  so  recently  been  introduced 
into  this  country  that  neither  tiie  legislature  nor 
the  courts  of  law  have  yet  been  able  to  under- 
stand all  the  different  lights  in  which  their  trans- 
actions ought  properly  to  be  viewed.  .  .  .  To 
look  upon  a  railway  company  in  the  light  of  a 
common  ))artnership,  and  as  subject  to  no  greater 
vigilance  than  common  pa.tnersliips  are,  would, 
I  think,  be  greatly  to  mistake  the  functions 
which  they  perform  and  the  powers  which  they 
e.vercise  of  interference  not  only  with  the  public 
but  with  the  private  rights  of  all  individuals  in 
this  realm.  ...  I  am  clearly  of  opinion  that 
the  powers  which  are  given  by  an  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment, like  that  now  in  question,  extend  no 
further  than  is  exjiressly  stated  in  the  Act,  or  is 
necessarily  and  properly  required  for  carrying 
into  effect  the  uiuU^rtaking  and  works  which  the 
Act  has  expressly  sanctioned.'  [Citing  Coleman 
v.  Eastern  Counties  Uw.  Co.,  10  Beav.,  13.] 
This  view,  though  it  has  sometimes  been  criti- 
cised, seems  now  to  be  settled  law.  In  a  recent 
case  in  the  House  of  Lords,  the  permission  which 
the  Legislature  gives  to  the  promoters  of  a  com- 
pany was  paraphrased  as  follows: — 'You  may 
nu  ct  together  and  form  yourselves  into  a  com- 
pany, but  in  doing  that  you  must  tell  all  who 
may  be  disposed  to  deal  with  you  the  objects  for 
which  you  have  been  associated.  Those  who 
are  dealing  with  you  will  trust  to  that  memoran- 
dum of  association,  and  they  will  see  that  you 
have  the  power  of  carrying  on  business  in  such 
a  manner  as  it  specifies.  You  must  state  the 
objects  for  which  you  are  associated,  so  that  the 
persons  dealing  with  you  will  know  that  they 
are  dealing  with  persons  who  can  only  devote 
their  means  to  a  given  class  of  objects.'  [Citing 
Riche  V.  Ash  bury  Carriage  Co.,  L  K.,  7  E.  &  I., 
App.  084.]  An  act  of  a  corporation  in  excess 
of  its  powers  with  reference  to  third  persons  is 
technically  said  to  be  ultra  vires  [perhaps  first 
in  South  Yorkshire  Uw.  Co.  v.  Great  North- 
ern R  Co.,  9  exch.  84  (1853)];  and  is  void  even 
if  unanimously  .agreed  to  by  all  the  corporators. 
The  same  term  is  also,  but  less  properly,  applied 
to  a  resolution  of  a  majority  of  the  incinbers  of  a 
corporation  which  being  beyond  the  powers  of 
the  corporation  will  not  bind  a  dissentient  minor- 


1978 


LAW,  COMMON,  1846. 


LAW,  COMJtON,  18r.3-1854. 


ity  of  its  mpmbcrs. " — Tlinmiis  Krskino  Tlolland, 
Elements  of  Juiiapnidence.  TUh  ed.,  p.  301. — {Com- 
pare  Art.  by  Seymour  I).  Tliompson  in  Am.  Law 
Iler.,  May— June,  1894). 

A.  D.  1848-1883.— The  New  York  Codes  and 
their  Adoption  in  other  Communities. — "'V\u: 
'Now  York  Mail '  gives  tlie  followiii;;  iiifornm- 
tion  as  to  tlio  extent  to  wliich  our  New  York 
Codes  have  been  adopted  in  otlier  coinnmnities. 
In  most  instances  tlic  co<les  )iave  been  adopted 
substantially  in  dctoil.  and  in  others  in  principle: 
'The  tirat  New  Y'ork  Code,  the  Code  of  Civil 
Procedure,  went  into  effect  on  the  1st  of  .July, 
1848.  It  was  adopted  in  Missouri  in  1849;  "in 
California  in  IS.'il ;  in  Kentucky  in  18.51 ;  in  Ohio 
In  1853;  in  the  four  provinces  of  India  between 
18.53  and  18.5(5;  in  Iowa  in  18.5.5;  in  Wisconsin  iu 
18.50;  in  Kansas  in  18.59;  in  Nevada  in  1801;  in 
Dakota  in  180'i;  in  Oregon  in  1803;  in  Idaho  iu 
1804;  in  Montana  in  1804;  in  Minnesota  iu  1800; 
in  Nebraska  in  1800;  in  Arizona  iu  1800;  iu  Ar- 
kansas in  1868;  in  North  Carolina  in  1808;  in 
Wyoming  in  1869;  in  Washington  Territory  in 
1869;  in  South  Carolina  in  1870;  in  Utali  in  18:0; 
in  Connecticut  in  1879;  in  Indiana  in  1881.  In 
England  and  Ireland  by  the  .Judicature  Act  of 
1873;  this  .Judicature  Act  has  been  followed  in 
many  of  the  British  Colonies;  in  the  (Jonsular 
Courts  of  .Japan,  in  Shanghai,  in  Hong  Kong 
and  Singapore,  lietwecn  1870  and  1874.  The 
Code  of  Criminal  I'rocedurc,  though  not  enacted 
in  New  York  till  1881,  was  adopted  iu  California 
in  18.50;  in  India  at  the  same  time  with  the  Co(l(^ 
of  Civil  Procedure;  in  Kentucky  in  18.54;  in 
Iowa  iu  18.58;  iu  Kansas  in  18.59;  in  Nevada  in 
1801;  in  Dakota  in  186'2;  in  Oregon  iu  1804;  iu 
Idaho  in  1804;  in  Montana  iu  180-;;  in  Washing- 
ton Territory  iu  1809;  in  AVyouiing  in  1809;  in 
Arkansas  in  1874;  in  Utah  in  1870;  in  Arizona 
in  1877;  in  Wisconsin  in  1878;  in  Nobnuska  in 
1881;  in  Indiana  in  1881;  iu  Minnesota  in  1883. 
The  Penal  Code,  though  not  enacted  in  New 
York  \nitil  1883.  was  ailopted  in  Dakota  in  180.5 
and  in  California  in  1873.  Tlie  (Uvil  Code,  not 
yet  enacted  in  New  York,  though  twice  pas.sed 
by  the  Legislature,  was  adoptc^l  iu  Dakota  in 
1860  and  in  California  in  1873,  and  has  been 
much  used  in  the  framing  of  substantive  laws 
for  India.  The  Political  Code,  reported  for  New 
Y'ork  but  not  yet  considered,  was  adopted  in 
Colifornia  in  187'3.  Tiius  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
State  of  New  York  has  given  laws  to  the  world 
to  an  extent  and  degree  unknown  since  the 
Roman  Codes  followed  lloman  conquest*. ' " — The 
Albany  Law  Journal,  ti.  39,  p.  301. 

A.  i).  1848. — Simplification  of  Procedure. — 
"  In  civil  matters,  the  greatest  reform  of  modern 
times  has  been  the  simplification  of  procedure  in 
the  courts,  and  the  virtual  amalgamation  of  law 
and  equity.  Here  again  America  took  the  lead, 
through  the  adoption  by  New  York,  in  1848,  of 
a  Code  of  Practice,  which  has  been  followed  by 
most  of  the  other  states  of  the  Union,  and  in  its 
main  features  has  lately  been  taken  up  by  Eng- 
land."— D.  Campbell,  The  Puritan  in  Iiolland, 
England  aiid  America,  v.  1,  p.  70. 

A.  D.  1848. — Rpform  in  the  Law  of  Evi- 
dence.— "The  earliest  act  of  this  kind  iu  this 
country  was  passed  by  the  Legislature  of  Con- 
necticut iu  1848.  It  is  very  broad  and  sweeping 
in  its  provisions.  It  is  in  these  words:  '  No  per- 
son shall  be  disqualified  as  a  witness  in  any  suit 
or  proceeding  at  law,  or  in  equity,  by  reason  of 


his  interest  in  the  event  of  the  same,  as  p.  party 
or  otherwise,  or  by  reason  of  his  conviction  r)f  a 
crime;  but  such  uiterest  or  conviction  may  be 
shown  for  the  purpose  of  alTeeting  his  credit.' 
(Hevi.sed  Statutes  of  Connecticut,  1849.  p.  80,  ^ 
141.  In  the  margin  of  the  page  the  time  of  the 
passage  of  the  law  is  given  as  1848  )  This  act 
was  draftecl  and  its  enactment  st'cured  by  the 
Hon.  Charles  .1.  McCnrdy,  a  distiuguislied  law- 
yer and  the  Lieutenant-Governor  of  that  State. 
A  member  of  Judge  .McCurdy's  family,  having 
been  present  at  the  delivery  of  this  lecture  at 
New  Haven  in  1893,  called  my  attention  to  the 
above  fact,  claiming,  and  justly,  for  this  act  the 
credit  of  leading  in  this  country  the  way  to  s\ich 
legislation.  But  he  was  mistaken  in  liis  claim 
that  it  preceded  similar  legislation  in  England, 
although  its  provisions  are  an  improvement  on 
the  contemporary  enactments  of  the  \i\n\  kind  in 
that  country." — >Iohn  F.  Dillon,  l^airmind  Jiirin- 
2>rudenceof  Knyhind  and  Ameriiui,  p.  374.  nottn. 

A.  D.  1851. — Bentham's  Reforms  in  the  Law 
of  Evidence. — "In  some  respects  his  [Bentham'.s] 
'.Judicial  Evidence,'.  .  .  is  the  most  important 
of  all  his  censorial  writings  on  English  Law.  In 
this  work  he  exposed  the  absurdity  and  perni- 
ciousness  of  many  of  the  established  technical 
rules  of  evidence.  .  .  .  Among  the  rules  com- 
batted  were  those  relating  to  tlie  competency  of 
witnesses  li.nd  the  exclusion  of  evidence  on 
various  grounds,  including  that  of  pecuniary  in- 
terest. He  insisted  that  these  rules  fre(iuently 
caused  the  miscarriage  of  justice,  and  tliat  in  the 
interest  of  justice  they  ought  to  be  swept  away. 
His  reasoning  fairly  embraces  the  doctrine  that 
parties  ought  to  be  allowed  and  even  reciuired  to 
testify.  .  .  .  But  lieutliaui  had  set  a  lew  men 
thinking.  He  liad  scattered  the  seeds  of  truth. 
Though  they  fell  on  stony  ground  they  did  not 
all  perish.  But  verily  reform  is  a  plant  of  slow 
growth  \n  the  sterile  gardens  of  the  practising  and 
practical  lawyer.  Bentham  lived  till  1833.  and 
these  exclusionary  rules  still  held  sway.  Bui  in 
1843,  by  Lord  Dennian's  Act,  interest  in  actions  at 
common  law  ceased,  as  a  rule,  todis(iualify ;  and 
in  1840  and  18.51,  by  Lord  Brougham's  Acts, 
l>arties  in  civil  actions  were  as  a  rule  ...ade  com- 
petent and  compellable  to  testify.  I  believe  I 
speak  tlie  universal  judgment  of  the  profession 
when  I  say  changes  more  beneficial  in  the  admin- 
istration of  justice  have  rarely  taken  place  in  our 
law,  and  that  it  is  a  matter  of  profound  amaze- 
ment, as  we  look  back  ui)on  it,  that  these  exclu- 
sionary rules  ever  had  a  place  thereiu, and  especi- 
ally that  they  were  able  to  retain  it  until  within 
the  last  fifty  years. " — J.  F.  Dillon,  Lairs  and 
Jurinprudence  of  England  ami  America,  pp.  339- 
341. 

A.  D.  1852-1854. — Reform  in  Procedure. — 
"A  groat  procedure  reform  was  effected  by 
the  Common  Law  Procedure  Acts  of  1853  and 
1854  as  the  result  of  their  labours.  The  main 
object  of  tlic  Acts  was  to  secure  that  the  actual 
merits  of  every  case  should  be  brought  before 
the  judges  unobscured  by  accidental  ond  arti- 
ficial questions  arising  upon  the  pleadings,  but 
they  also  did  something  to  secure  that  complete 
adaptability  of  the  common  law  courts  for  finally 
determining  every  action  brought  within  them, 
which  the  Chancery  Comm'ssioners  of  18.50  had 
indicated  as  one  of  the  air  is  of  the  reformers. 
Power  was  given  to  the  co  nmon  law  courts  to 
allow  parties  to  bo  interrelated  by  their  oppo- 


1979 


LAW,  COMMON,  1853-1854.  • 


LAW,  COMMON,  1858. 


ncnts,  to  orilcr  discovery  of  documents,  to  direct 
specific  delivery  of  go(Ml8,  to  grunt  injunctions, 
and  to  lieiir  interpleader  nctions,  uud  equitable 
pleas  were  allowed  to  be  urged  iu  defence  to 
common  law  actions." — D.  M.  Kerly,  Hist,  of 
K(iiiilit,  ]).  288. 

A.  D.  1854.— "Another  mode  "(besides  com- 
mon law  lien). — "  Another  mode  of  treating  a 
security  is  jiossible,  by  which  not  merely  the 
ownerslnp  of  the  thing  but  its  possession  also 
remains  with  the  debtor.  This  is  called  I)y  the 
Roman  lawyers  an<l  their  modern  followers 
Miypothccu.'  Hypothecs  may  arise  by  the 
direct  application  of  a  rule  of  law,  by  judi- 
cial decision,  or  by  agreement.  Tliose  implied 
by  law,  genendly  described  as  'tacit  hy- 
pothecs,' are  probably  the  earliest.  They  are 
first  heard  of  iu  Roman  law  in  connection  with 
that  right  of  a  landlord  over  the  goods  of  his 
tenant,  which  is  still  well  known  on  the  Conti- 
nent and  in  Scotland  under  its  old  name,  and 
which  in  England  takes  the  form  of  u  right 
of  Distress.  Similar  rights  were  subsequently 
granted  to  wives,  pupils,  minors,  and  legatees, 
over  the  property  of  husbands,  tutors,  curators, 
ai:d  heirs,  respectively.  The  action  by  wliicli 
the  praetor  Servius  first  enabled  a  landlord  to 
claim  the  goods  of  his  defaulting  tenant  in  order 
to  realize  his  rent,  even  if  tliey  had  passed  into 
the  Inmds  of  third  parties,  was  soon  extended  so 
us  to  give  similar  rights  to  any  creditor  over 
property  wliich  its  owner  had  agreed  should  be 
held  lial)le  for  n  debt.  A  real  right  was  thus 
created  by  the  mere  consent  of  the  jiarties,  with- 
out any  transfer  of  possession,  which  although 
opposed  to  the  theory  of  Roman  law,  became 
flrndy  established  us  npplicublc  both  to  immove- 
able and  moveable  property.  Of  the  modern 
States  which  have  adopted  tlie  law  of  hypothec, 
Spain  perhaps  stands  alone  in  adopting  it  to  the 
fullest  extent.  The  rest  liave,  as  a  rule,  recog- 
nized it  only  in  relation  to  immoveables.  Thus 
the  Dutch  law  holds  to  the  maxim  '  mobilia  non 
habent  sequelum,'  und  the  French  Cede,  follow- 
ing the  'coutumes'  of  Puris  and  Normandy,  lays 
down  that  '  les  meubles  n'ont  pas  de  suite  par 
hypotheque.'  But  by  the  '  Code  de  Commerce,' 
ships,  though  moveables,  are  capable  of  hypotlie- 
catiou;  and  in  England  what  is  called  a  mort- 
gage, but  is  essentially  a  hypothec,  of  ships  is 
recognized  and  regulated  by  the  '  Merchant  Ship- 
ping Acts,'  under  which  the  mortgage  must  be 
recorded  by  the  registrar  of  the  port  at  which  the 
ship  itself  is  registered  [17  and  18  Vic.  c.  104]. 
So  also  in  the  old  contract  of  "bottomry,'  the 
ship  is  made  security  for  money  lent  to  enable 
it  to  proceed  upon  its  voyage." — T.  E.  Holland, 
Elements  of  Junsprudence,  6th  ed.,  p.  303. 

A.  D.  1854-1883.—  Simplification  of  Titles 
and  Transfers  of  Land  in  England.— "For  the 
past  fifty  years  the  project  ot  simplifying  the 
titles  and  transfer  of  Imd  has  received  great  at- 
tention in  England.  In  the  year  1854  a  royal 
commission  was  created  to  consider  the  subject. 
The  report  of  tliis  tcmmission,  made  in  1857,  was 
able  and  full  so  far  as  it  discussed  the  principles 
of  land  transfer  which  had  been  developed  to  that 
date.  It  recommended  a  limited  plan  of  regis- 
tration of  title.  This  report,  anil  tlio  report  of 
the  special  commission  of  the  House  of  Commons 
of  1879,  have  been  the  foundation  of  most  of  the 
subsequent  British  legislation  upon  the  subject. 
Among  the  more  prominent  acts  passed  may  be 


named  Lord  Westbury's  Act  of  1803,  which  at- 
tempted to  establish  indefeasible  titles;  Lord 
Cairns'  Land  Transfer  Act  of  18'.  5,  which  pro- 
vided for  guaranteed  titles  upon  preliminary  ex- 
aminations ;  the  Conveyancing  and  Law  of  Prop- 
erty Act  of  1881,  which  established  the  use  of 
short  forms  ot  convevnuces;  and  Lord  t.'airns' 
Settled  Lund  Act  of  ■l882."— Dwight  H.  01m- 
stcad,  13  Ameriam  liar  Ami  11  Hep.,  p.  267. 

A.  D.  1855.— Suits  against  a  State  or  Na- 
tion.—  "In  England  the  old  common  law 
methmls  of  getting  redress  from  the  Crown  were 
by  'petition  de  droit 'and  'monstrans  le  droit,' 
in  the  Court  of  Chancery  or  the  Court  of  Ex- 
che(|uer,  and  in  some  cases  by  proceedings 
in  Chuncery  against  the  Attorney-General.  It 
has  recently  been  provided  ijy  statute  [23  & 
24  Vic,  c.  24]  that  a  petition  of  right  muy 
he  entitled  in  any  one  of  the  superior  Courts 
in  which  the  subject-matter  of  the  petition 
would  have  been  cognisable,  if  the  sani';  had 
been  a  matter  in  dispute  between  subject  and 
subject,  and  that  it  shall  bo  left  with  the  Sccre- 
tury  of  State  for  the  Home  Department,  for  her 
Majesty's  consideration,  who,  if  she  shall  think 
fit,  may  grant  her  flat  that  right  be  done,  where- 
upon an  answer,  plea,  or  demurrer  sliall  be  made 
on  behalf  of  the  Crown,  and  the  suljsequent  pro- 
ceedings be  assinnilated  as  far  as  practicable  to 
the  course  of  an  ordinary  action.  It  is  also  pro- 
vided that  costs  shall  be  payable  both  to  and  by 
the  Crown,  subject  to  the  same  rules,  so  fur  as 
practicable,  as  obtain  in  proceedings  between 
subject  and  subject." — T.  E.  Holland,  Elements 
of  Jiirinprudenee,  6th  cd.,  p.  337. — The  United 
States  f  !ourt  of  Claims  was  established  in  1855. 
For  State  courts  of  claims  see  Note  iu  16 
Abbott's  New  Cases  436  and  authorities  there 
referred  to. 

A.  D.  1858.— The  Contractual  Theory  of 
Marriage  as  affecting  Divorce. — "The  doc- 
trine muy  be  resolved  into  two  propositions  —  (a) 
that  a  murriuge  celebrated  abroad  cannot  be  dis- 
solved but  by  a  Court  of  the  foreign  country ;  (b) 
thut  a  murriuge  in  England  is  indissoluble  by  a 
foreign  Court.  The  first  proposition  has  never 
been  recognized  in  any  decision  in  England. 
Even  before  the  Act  of  1858  it  is  extremely 
doubtful  if  the  English  Courts  would  have 
scrupled  to  decree  a  divorce  d  mensii  where  the 
marriage  was  had  in  a  foreign  country,  and  cer- 
tainly after  tlie  Statutes  they  did  not  hesitate  to 
grant  a  divorce,  though  the  marriage  took  place 
abroad  (Ratcliff  v.  Ratclifl,  1859,  1  Sw.  &  Tr. 
217).  It  is  true  that  in  cases  where  the  foreign 
Courts  liave  dissolved  a  marriage  celebrated  in 
their  own  country  between  persons  domiciled  in 
that  country,  these  sentences  were  regarded  as 
valid  here,  and  some  credit  was  given  to  the  fact 
of  the  marriage  having  been  celebrated  there 
(Ryan  v.  Ryaii,  1816,  2  Phill.  333;  Argent  v. 
Argent,  1865,  4  Sw.  &  Tr.  52);  but  how  far  it 
inUuenced  the  learned  Judges  does  not  appear; 
the  main  consideration  being  the  circumstance 
of  domicile.  The  second  -proposition  has  been 
generally  supposed  by  writers  both  in  England 
and  America  (Story,  Wharton)  to  have  been  in- 
troduced by  Lolley's  Case,  1812,  Ruse.  &  Ry. 
237,  and  followed  in  Tovey  v.  Lindsay,  1813,  1 
Dow.  117,  and  McCartliy  v.  De  Caix,  1831,  2  CI. 
&  F.  568,  and  only  to  have  been  abandoned  Iu 
1858  (Dicey),  or  in  1868  in  Shaw  v.  Gould.  But 
the  case  of  Harvey  v.  Fumie,  1880-1883,  5  P.  D. 


1980 


LAW,  COMMON,  1858. 


LAW,  CRLMINAL,   1166-1315. 


153;  0  P.  D.  35,  8  App.  0.  48,  lina  now  shown 
that  the  Contmctiml  thuory  hiul  no  permnncnt 
hoUl  whatever  in  tliis  country,  thiit  it  did  not 
originate  witli  Loliey's  Case  and  was  not  adopted 
by  Lord  llldon  but  tliat  it  arose  from  a  mistalten 
conception  of  Lord  Brougliam  as  to  tlie  point  de- 
cided in  tlie  famous  Resolution,  and  was  never 
bcriously  entertained  l)y  any  other  .Judge  in  Eng- 
land, and  we  submit  this  is  correct." — E.  II. 
Monnier,  in  Im  o  Mag.  &  lien. ,  13  »cr. ,  v.  17  (Load. , 
1891-3).  ;).  83. 

A.  D.  1873.— The  Judicature  Acts.— "The 
first  .ludicature  Act  was  passed  in  1873  under  the 
auspices  of  Lord  Selborne  and  Lord  Cairns.  It 
provided  for  the  consolidation  of  all  the  existing 
superior  Courts  into  one  Supremo  Court,  con- 
sisting of  two  primary  divisions,  a  Higli  Court  of 
.Justice  and  a  Court  of  Appeal.  .  .  .  Law  and 
Ecpiity,  it  was  provided,  were  tobeailministered 
concurrently  by  every  division  of  tlie  Court,  in 
all  civil  matters,  the  same  relief  being  granted 
upon  equitable  claims  or  defences,  ...  as 
woidd  have  previously  been  granted  in  the  Court 
of  Chancery;  no  proceeding  iu  the  Court  was  to 
be  stayed  by  in  j  unction  analogous  to  the  old  com- 
mon injunction  but  the  power  for  any  branch  of 
the  Court  to  stay  proceedings  before  itself  was  of 
course  to  be  retaiued ;  and  the  Court  was  to  de- 
termine the  entire  controversy  in  every  matter 
that  came  before  it.  Uy  the  S.'ith  section  of  the 
Act  rules  upon  certain  of  the  points  where  dif- 
ferences between  Law  and  Equity  had  existed, 
deciding  in  favour  of  tlie  latter,  were  laid  down, 
and  it  was  enacted  generally  that  in  the  case  of 
conflict,  the  rules  of  Equity  should  prevail. " — 
I).  M.  Kerly,  lliHt.  of  nt/niti/,  p.  393. 

A.  D.  1882. — Experiments  in  Codification 
in  England.— "  The  Hills  of  Exchange  Act  1883 
is,  I  believe,  the  first  code  or  codifying  enact- 
ment which  has  found  its  way  into  tlie  English 
Statute  Book.  Uy  a  code,  I  mean  a  statement 
under  tlie  authority  of  the  legislature,  and  on  a 
systematic  plan,  of  the  whole  of  the  general 
pVinciples  applicable  to  any  given  branch  of  tlie 
law.  A  code  differs  from  a  digest  inasmuch  as 
its  language  is  the  language  of  the  legislature, 
and  therefore  authoritative;  while  the  proposi- 
tions of  a  digest  merely  express  what  is,  in  the 
opinion  of  an  individual  author,  the  law  on  any 
given  subject.  In  other  words  the  propositions 
of  a  code  are  law,  while  the  propositions  of  a  di- 
gest may  or  may  not  be  law;" — M.  D.  Clialmers, 
An  Experiment  in  Codification  (Law  Quarterly 
Jier.,  V.  2,  p.  13i5). 

A.  D.  1889.— Passage  of  Block-Indexing 
Act. — "The  history  of  Land  Transfer  Reform 
in  the  United  States  is  confined,  almost  exclu- 
sively, to  matters  which  have  occurred  in  the 
State  of  New  York  during  the  past  ten  years, 
and  wliicli  culminated  in  the  passage  of  the 
Block-Indexing  Act  for  the  city  of  New  York  of 
1889.  In  January,  1883,  a  report  was  made  by  a 
siiecial  committee  of  the  Association  of  the  Bar 
of  the  city  of  New  York,  which  had  been  ap- 
pointed to  consider  and  report  what  changes,  if 
any,  should  be  made  in  the  manner  of  transfer- 
ring title  to  land  in  the  city  and  State.  Tlie  com- 
mittee reported  that  by  reason  of  the  accumu- 
lated records  in  the  offices  of  the  county  clerk 
and  register  of  deeds  of  tlie  city,  '  searches  prac- 
tically could  not  be  made  in  those  offlces,'  and 
recommended  the  appointment  of  a  State  com- 
mission,  which  should  consider  and    report  a 


mode  of  transferring  land  free  from  the  difficul- 
ties of  the  present  system.  The  report  was 
adopted  by  the  association,  and  during  the  same 
year  like  recommendations  were  made  by  the 
Chamber  of  Commerce  and  by  real  estate  and 
other  associations  of  the  city." — D.  II.  Olmstead, 
18  American  liar  Ass'n  Hep.,  pp.  360-370. 

Criminal  Law. 

A.  D.  1066-1273.— The  Ordinary  Criminal 
Courts. — "In  a  very  few  words  tlie  history  of 
the  ordinary  courts  is  as  follows;  Before  the 
Conquest  the  ordinary  criminal  court  was  tho 
County  or  Hundred  Court,  but  it  was  subject  to 
the  general  supervision  and  concurrent  jurisdic- 
tion of  tlie  King's  Court.  The  Conciueror  and 
his  sons  did  npt  alter  this  stale  of  things,  but 
the  supervision  of  the  King's  Court  and  the  exer- 
cise of  his  concurrent  jurisdiction  were  much 
increased  both  in  stringency  and  in  freciuency, 
and  as  time  went  on  narrowed  the  jurisdic- 
tion and  diminished  the  importance  of  tlie  local 
court.  In  process  of  time  the  King's  Court  de- 
veloped itself  into  tlie  Court  of  King's  Bench 
and  the  Courts  of  the  Justices  of  Assize,  Oyer 
and  Terminer  and  Guol  Delivery,  or  to  use  tlio 
common  expression,  the  Assize  Courts;  and  the 
County  Court,  so  far  as  its  criminal  jurisdiction 
was  concerned,  lost  the  greater  part  of  its  im- 
portance. Tliese  clianges  took  place  by  degrees 
during  the  reigns  whicli  followed  the  Conijuest, 
and  were  complete  at  tlie  accession  of  Edward 
I.  In  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  the  Justices  of 
the  Peace  were  instituted,  and  they,  in  course  of 
time,  were  authorized  to  liold  Courts  for  the 
trial  of  offenders,  wliieh  are  the  Courts  of  Quar- 
ter Sessions.  The  County  Court,  however,  still 
retained  a  separate  existence,  till  the  beginning 
of  the  reign  of  Edward  IV.,  wlien  it  was  vir- 
tually, though  not  absolutely,  abolished.  A 
vestige  of  its  existence  is  still  to  be  traced  in 
Courts  Leet. " — Sir  James  F.  Stephen,  Jlist.  of  t/ie 
Criminal  Law,  v.  1,  pp.  75-76. 

A.  D.  1 166. —  Di'sappearance  of  Compurga- 
tion in  Criminal  Cases. —  "In  criminal  cases  iu 
the  king's  courts,  compurgation  is  thought  to 
have  disappeared  in  consequence  of  what  has 
been  called  '  the  implied  prohibition '  of  the 
Assize  of  Clarendon,  in  1166.  But  it  remained 
long  in  the  local  and  ecclesiastical  courts.  Pal- 
grave  preserves  as  the  latest  instances  of  com- 
purgation in  criminal  cases  that  can  be  traced, 
.some  cases  as  late  as  1440-1,  in  the  Ilundrcd 
CJourt  of  Winchelsea  in  Sussex.  Tliey  are  ci.ses 
of  felony,  and  t^s  compurgation  is  with  thirty- 
six  neighbors.  They  show  a  mingling  of  tho 
old  and  the  new  procedure." — J.  B.  Thayer,  The 
Older  Modes  of  Trial  (Harvard  Law  Itev.,  v.  5, 
;).  .59). 

A.  D.  1166-1215. — Jury  in  Criminal  Cases. — 
' '  It  seems  to  have  been  possible,  even  before  the 
decree  of  the  Fourth  Laterau  Council,  in  .  .  . 
1315,  to  apply  the  jury  to  criminal  cases  when- 
ever the  accused  asked  for  it.  .  .  .  The  Assize 
of  Clarendon,  in  1166,  with  its  apparatus  of  an 
accusing  jury  and  a  trial  by  ordeal  is  thouglitto 
have  done  away  in  the  king's  courts  with  com- 
purgation as  a  iiKxle  of  trial  for  crime ;  and  now 
tile  Lateran  Council,  in  forbidding  ecclesiastics 
to  take  part  in  trial  by  ordeal,  was  deemed  to 
have  forbidden  that  mode  of  trial." — .Tas.  B. 
Thayer,  The  Jury  and  its  Development  (Uaitard 
Law  Rev. ,  v.  5,  p.  365). 


1981 


LAW,  CRIMINAL,  1176. 


LAW,  CRIMINAL,  1285. 


A.  D.  1 176  (circa).  — "Eyres,"  and  Criminal 
Jurisdiction. —  "It  is  ciioiijili  for  1110  to  |i(iint 
out  that,  on  tlic  circuits  institut^'d  \>y  Henry  II, 
and  conininnly  distingiiislifd  as  'pyres'  1)^' wiiy 
(if  prceniiiienee,  thu  lulininistration  of  criminal 
justice,  was  treated,  not  as  a  tiling  by  itself,  but 
u8  one  part,  perhaps  the  most  prominent  and  im- 
portant part,  of  the  general  administration  of 
the  country,  which  was  put  to  a  considenible  ex- 
tent under  the  superintendence  of  the  justices  in 
eyre.  Nor  is  this  surprising  when  we  consider 
that  fines,  amercements,  and  forfeitures  of  all 
sorts  were  itj'ins  of  great  importance  in  the  royal 
revenue.  The  rigorous  enforcement  of  all  the 
proprietary  and  other  profitable  rights  of  the 
Crown  which  the  articles  of  eyre  confided  to  the 
justices  was  naturally  associated  with  their 
duties  as  administrators  of  the  criminal  law,  in 
which  the  king  was  deeply  interested,  not  only 
because  it  protected  the  life  and  property  of  his 
subjects,  but  also  becavi.se  it  contributed  to  his 
revenue." — Sir. I.  F.  Stephen,  Ifist.  oftlie  Crim- 
iiuil  I  Ann  of  Jinr/laml,  v.  1,  p.  103. 

A.  D.  1 198-1 199.— Trial  by  Ordeal.— "  The 
earliest  instance  of  the  ortleal  [see  (^kdeal]  in 
our  printed  jiu'icial  records  occurs  in  1196-9,  on 
an  appeal  of  death,  by  a  maimed  person,  where 
two  of  the  defendants  are  atljudged  to  purge 
themselves  by  the  hot  iron,  llut  within  twenty 
years  or  so  this  moilc  of  trial  came  to  a  sudden  end 
in  England,  through  the  powerful  agency  of  the 
Cliurch, —  an  event  which  was  the  more  remark- 
able because  Henry  II.,  in  the  Assize  of  Claren- 
don (1160)  and  again  in  that  of  Northampton 
(1170),  providing  a  public  nKxle  of  accusation  in 
the  case  of  the  larger  crimes,  had  fixed  the 
ordeal  as  the  mode  of  trial.  The  old  form  of 
trial  by  oath  was  no  longer  recognized  in  such 
cases  in  the  king's  courts.  It  was  the  stranger, 
therefore,  that  such  quick  operation  should  have 
been  allowed  in  England  to  the  decree,  in  No- 
vember, 121.'),  of  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council  at 
Koine.  Tliat  this  was  recognized  and  accepted 
within  about  three  years  (1218-19)  by  the  English 
crown  is  sliown  by  the  well-known  writs  of 
Henry  III.,  to  the  judges,  dealing  with  the  puz- 
zling question  of  what  to  do  for  a  mode  of  trial, 
'  cum  prohibitum  sit  per  Ecdesiam  liomanam 
judicium  ignis  ct  a(iuae. '  I  find  no  case  of  trial 
by  ordeal  in  our  printed  records  later  than  Trin- 
ity Term  of  the  l,")  John  (1213)."— J.  B.  Thayer, 
r/ic  Older  Mmles  of  Tnil  {Harvard  Law  Jicv., 
V.  n,  p.  04-05). 

A.  D.  1215. — Two  Juries  in  Criminal  Cases. 
— "The  ordeal  was  strictly  a  mode  of  trial. 
What  may  clearly  bring  tliis  home  to  one  of  the 
l)resent  day  is  the  well-known  fact  that  it  gave 
place,  not  long  after  the  Assize  of  Clarendon,  to 
the  petit  jury,  when  Ilenry  III.  bowed  to  the 
decree  of  the  fourtli  Lateran  Council  (1215)  abol- 
ishing the  ordeal.  It  was  at  this  point  that  our 
cumbrous,  inherited  system  of  two  juries  in 
criminal  cases  had  its  origin." — J.  B.  Thayer, 
PremimplioM  and  the  I^aw  of  Evidence  (Harvard 
Law  licv.,  V.  3,  p.  159,  note). 

A.  D.  1215. — Had  Coroners  Common  Law 
Power  as  to  Fires  ? — "  Altliougli  Magna  Charta 
took  away  the  jiowcr  of  the  Coroner  of  holding 
Pleas  of  the  Crown,  that  is  of  trying  the  more 
important  crimes,  there  was  nothing  to  for- 
bid him  from  continuing  to  receive  accusa- 
tions against  all  offenders.  This  he  did,  and 
continues  to  do  to  the  present  day,  without  chal- 


lenge, in  cases  of  sudden  or  unexplained  deaths. 
Nor  is  it  di'nii'd  that  he  has  done  so  and  may  do 
so  in  other  matters,  such  as  in  treasure  trove, 
wreck  of  the  sea  and  demlaiids.  The  dirticulty, 
of  course,  is  to  know  whether  the  Coroner  was 
or  was  not  in  the  habit  of  holding  inquests  on 
flros.  There  is  no  evidence  that  he  had  not  thu 
power  to  do  so.  On  the  contrary,  we  think  thu 
extracts  from  the  ancient  writers  which  we  liavu 
before  quoted,  are  on  the  whole  in  favour  of  his 
having  that  power.  Before  Magna  Charta  ho 
had  the  power  to  try  all  serious  crimes;  arson 
would  un(iuestional)ly  be  one  of  them.  Magna 
Charta  only  took  away  his  power  of  trying  them, 
not  of  making  a  preliminary  investigation,  other- 
wise an  inquest." — Sherston  Baker,  Jmw  Mag.  <fc 
licv.  {/Mild.,  1886-7),  4t/i  xcr.,  v.  12,  p.  208. 

A.  D.  1272-1875.- King's  Bench.— The  Su- 
preme Criminal  Court. — "  From  the  reign  of 
Edward  I,  to  the  year  1875  it  [the  Court  of 
King's  Bench]  continued  to  be  the  Supreme 
Criminal  Court  of  the  Realm,  with  no  alterations 
in  its  powers  or  constitution  of  sufficient  impor- 
tance to  be  mentioned  except  that  during  the 
Commonwealth  it  was  called  the  Upper  Bench." 
— Sir  J.  F.  Stephen,  Hint,  of  Vriminul  Laiv  of 
Eiijiland,  v.  1,  p.  94. 

A.  D.  1276.— Coroner's  Jury. — "The  earliest 
instance  that  occurs  of  any  sort  of  preliminary 
inquiry  into  crimes  with  a  view  to  subsequent 
proceedings  is  the  case  of  tlie  coroner's  inquest. 
Coroners,  according  to  Mr.  Stubbs,  originated  in 
the  year  1194,  but  the  first  authority  of  impor- 
tance about  their  duties  is  to  be  found  in  Brac- 
ton.  He  gives  an  account  of  their  duties  so  full 
as  to  imply  that  in  his  day  their  ofllce  was  com- 
paratively modern.  The  Statute  do  Officio  Cor- 
onatoris  (4  Edward  I. ,  st.  2,  A.  D.  1270)  is  almost 
a  transcript  of  the  passage  in  Bracton.  It  gives 
the  coroner's  duty  very  fully,  and  is,  to  this  day, 
the  foundation  of  the  law  on  the  subject." — 
Sir  J.  F.  Stephen,  Hint,  of  the  Criminal  Law  of 
Emjlnnd,  v,  1,  ;).  217. 

Also  in  :  W.  Forsyth,  Tn'nl  by  Jiir;/,  p.  187. 

A.  D.  1285.- Courts  of  Oyer  and  Terminer. 
— "The  first  express  mention  of  them  with 
whicli  I  am  acquainted  is  in  the  statute  13  Edw. 
I.,  c.  29  (A.  D.  1285),  which  taken  in  connection 
with  some  subsequent  authorities  throws  consid- 
erable light  on  tiieir  nature.  They  were  either 
general  or  special.  General  when  they  were 
issued  to  commissioners  whose  duty  it  was  to 
liear  and  <leteriiiine  all  matters  of  a  criminal  na- 
ture within  certain  local  limits,  special  when 
the  commission  was  confined  to  particular  cases. 
Such  special  commissions  were  frequently 
granted  at  the  prayer  of  particular  individuals. 
Tliey  differed  from  commissions  of  gaol  delivery 
principally  in  the  circumstance  that  the  commis- 
sion of  Oyer  and  Terminer  was  '  ad  inquirendum, 
audiendum,  et  tcrminandum,'  whereas  that  of 
gaol  delivery  is  '  ad  gaolam  nostrum  castri  uostri 
(le  C.  dc  prisonibus  in  ea  existentibus  hac  vice  de- 
liberandum,' tlie  interpretation  put  upon  which 
was  that  justices  of  Oyer  and  Terminer  could 
proceed  only  upon  indictments  taken  before 
themselves,  whereas  ju.stices  of  gaol  delivery 
had  to  try  every  one  found  in  the  prison  which 
they  were  to  deliver.  On  the  other  hand,  a  pris- 
oner on  bail  could  not  be  tried  before  a  justice  of 
gaol  delivery,  because  lie  would  not  be  in  the  gaol, 
whereas  if  he  appeared  before  justices  of  Oyer 
and  Terminer  he  might  be  both  indicted  and 


1982 


LAW,  CRIMINAL,  1285. 


LAW,  CllIMINAL,  1041-1003. 


tried."— Sir  J.  F.  Stcplien.  Hint,  of  the  Criminal 
Iaiw  of  Knglaml,  r.  1,  ;).  100. 

A.  D.  1305.— Challenging  Jury  for  Cause. — 
"Tliu  prisoner  wiis  iillowed  to  clmllenge  per- 
emptorily, 1.  e.  without  showing  cause,  any 
number  of  jurors  less  than  tliirty-five,  or  three 
wliole  juries.  Wlien  or  wliy  lie  acquired  tliis 
right  it  is  difllcult  to  sny.  Ni'itlier  Bracton  nor 
liritton  mention  it,  and  it  is  liard  to  reconcile  it 
■with  the  fact  that  the  jurors  were  witnesses.  A 
man  who  might  challenge  peremptorily  thirty- 
live  witnesses  could  always  secure  impunity. 
It  probably  arose  at  a  p(;riod  when  the  separa- 
tion between  the  duties  of  tlic  jury  and  the  wit- 
nesses was  coming  to  b(!  recognized.  The  earliest 
statute  on  the  subject,  3U  Edw.  I,  st.  4  (A.  I). 
130.')),  enacts  '  that  from  henceforth,  notwith- 
standing it  be  alleged  by  them  that  sue  for  the 
king  that  the  jurors  of  those  inquests,  or  som<! 
of  them,  be  not  indillerent  for  the  king,  yet  such 
inquests  shall  not  remain  uutaken  for  thai  cause, 
but  if  they  that  sue  for  the  king  will  challenge 
any  of  those  jiu'ors,  they  shall  assign  of  the 
challenge  a  cause  certain.' " — Sir  .1.  F.  Stephen, 
Hist,  of  the  Criminal  Lrno  of  Enijlaud,  o.  1,  pp. 
301-303. 

A.  D.  1344.— Justices  of  the  Peace. — "In 
1344  (18  Edw.  IlC  St.  3,  c.  3)  it  was  enacted  that 
'  two  or  three  of  the  best  of  reputation  in  the 
counties  shall  be  assigned  keepers  of  the  jr'aco 
by  the  King's  Commission,  ...  to  hear  an(  de- 
termine felonies  and  trespasses  done  agaiir  tl'.c 
peace  in  the  same  counties,  and  to  inflict  ])unish- 
ment  reasonably.'  This  was  the  first  act  by 
which  the  Conservatoi's  of  the  Peace  obtained 
judicial  power." — Sir  J.  F.  Stephen,  Hint,  of  the 
Criminal  Law  of  EnrilanU,  v.  1,  p.  113. 

A.  D.  1506. — Insanity  us  a  Defence. — The 
earliest  adjudication  upon  tlie  legal  responsibility 
of  an  insane  person  occurred  in  the  Year  Book 
of  the  21  Henry  VII. — American  Law  Itee.,  v.  15, 
p.  717. 

A.  D.  IS47- — Two  Lawful  Witnesses  re- 
quired to  Convict. — "  In  all  cases  of  treason  and 
misprision  of  treascm, —  by  statutes  1  Edw.  VI. 
c.  13;  5  &  0  Edw.  VI.  c.  11,  and  7  &  8  Will.  III. 
c.  3, —  two  lawful  witnesses  are  req\iircd  to  con- 
vict a  prisoner;  unless  he  shall  willingly  and 
without  violence  confess  the  sjime.  And,  by  the 
last-mentioned  statute,  it  is  declared,  that  both 
of  such  witnesses  must  be  to  the  same  overt  act 
of  treason ;  or  one  to  one  overt  act,  and  the  other 
to  another  overt  act  of  the  same  sjjecies  of  trea- 
son, and  not  of  distinct  heads  or  kinds:  and  that 
no  evidence  shall  be  admitted  to  prove  any  overt 
act,  not  expressly  laid  in  the  indictment. " — Sir 
J.  F.  Steplien,  Commentaries,  v.  4,  jj.  435(8</t  erf.). 

A.  D.  1592. — Criminal  Trials  under  Eliza- 
beth.— "In  prosecutions  by  the  State,  every 
barrier  which  the  law  has  ever  attempted  to  erect 
for  the  protection  of  innocence  was  ruthlessly 
cast  tlown.  Men  were  arrested  without  the 
order  of  a  magistrate,  on  the  mere  warrant  of  a 
secretary  of  state  or  privy  councillor,  and  thrown 
into  prison  at  the  pleasure  of  the  ^ninister.  In 
confinement  they  were  subjected  to  torture,  for 
the  rack  rarely  stood  idle  while  Elizabeth  was  on 
the  throne.  If  brought  to  trial,  they  were  de- 
nied the  aid  of  a  counsel  and  the  evidence  of 
witnesses  in  their  behalf.  Nor  were  they  con- 
fronted with  the  witnesses  against  them,  but 
written  depositions,  taken  out  of  court  and  in 
the  absence  of  the  prisoner,  were  read  to  the 


jury,  or  rather  such  portions  of  them  as  the 
prosecution  considered  advantageous  to  its  side. 
On  the  bench  siit  a  judge  holding  olllee  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  crown,  and  in  the  jury-box 
twelve  men,  picked  out  by  the  sherilT,  who 
themselves  were  punished  if  thev  gave  a  verdict 
of  acquittal."— I).  Campbell,  ^Fhe  Puritan  in 
Holland,  Kni/liind  and  America,  v    1,  p.  307. 

A.  D.  1600  (circa). — Capital  Punishment. — 
"Sir.Iiimes  P^itz  .James  Stephen,  in  his  History 
of  Criminal  Law,  estimalis  that  at  the  end  of 
the  sLxteenth  century  there  were  about  800  exe- 
cutions per  year  in  England  (v.  1,  408).  Another 
sentence  in  vogue  in  England  before  that  time 
was  to  be  hanged,  to  have  the  bowels  burned, 
and  to  be  quartered.  Berearia  describes  the 
scene  where  '  amid  clouds  of  writhing  smoke;  the 
groans  of  human  victims,  the  crackling  of  their 
bones,  an<l  the  flying  of  their  .still  panting  liowels 
were  a  jileasing  spectacle  and  agreeable  harmony 
to  the  frantic  nudtitude."  (eh.  39. )  As  late  as  the 
reign  of  Elizabeth,  .  .  .  the  sentence  of  death  in 
England  was  to  be  hung,  drawn  and  quartered. 
Canipian,  the  .lesiut,  was  tortured  before,  trial 
until  his  limbs  were  dislocated  on  the  rack,  and 
was  carried  lielpless  into  Westminster  Hall  for 
trial  before  the  Chief  .lu.stiiH!  of  England,  unable 
to  raise  an  arm  in  order  to  plead  not  guilty.  He 
was  sentenced  to  be  lumg,  drawn  and  quartered, 
wlieh  meant  legally,  that  upon  being  hung  he 
was  to  be  cut  down  while  yet  living,  and  dragged 
•  t  the  tail  of  a  hor.se,  and  then  before  death 
should  release  him,  to  be  hewn  in  pieces,  which 
were  to  be  sent  dispersed  to  the  places  where  the 
offense  was  committed  or  known,  to  be  exhibited 
in  attestation  of  the  punishment,  the  head  being 
displayed  in  the  most  important  place,  as  the 
chief  object  of  interest.  In  the  process  of  hang- 
ing, drawing;  and  quartering,  Froude  says  that 
due  precautions  were  taken  to  prolong  the  agony. 
Campian's  case  is  specially  interesting,  as  showing 
the  intervention  of  a  more  humane  spirit  to  miti- 
gate the  barbarity  of  tlie  law.  As  they  were 
about  to  cut  liiin  down  alive  from  the  gibbet,  the 
voice  of  some  one  in  authority  cried  wit:  '  Hold, 
till  the  man  is  dead. '  This  innovaticm  was  tlie 
precursor  of  the  change  in  the  law  so  as  to  re- 
quire the  sentence  to  bo  that  he  be  hanged  by  the 
neck  until  he  is  dead.  It  is  not  generally  known 
that  the  Wjrds  'until  he  is  dead  '  are  words  of 
mercy  inserted  to  protect  the  victim  from  the 
torture  and  mutilation  which  the  public  had 
gathered  to  enjoy. " — Austin  Abbott,  Address  he- 
fore  N.  Y.  Society  of  Med.  Jur.  {The  Advocate, 
Minn.,  1889,  «.  1,  p.  71). 

A.  D.  1641-1662.— No  Man  shall  be  com- 
pelled to  Criminate  himself. — "  What  .  .  . 
IS  the  history  of  this  rule?  .  .  .  Briefly,  these 
things  appear:  1st.  That  it  is  not  a  common 
law  rule  at  all,  but  is  wholly  statutory  in  its  au- 
thority. 2d.  That  the  object  of  the  rule,  until 
a  comparatively  late  periocl  of  its  existence,  was 
not  to  protect  from  answers  in  the  king's  court 
of  justice,  but  to  prevent  a  usurpation  of  juris- 
diction on  the  part  of  the  Court  Christian  (or 
ecclesiastical  tribunals).  3d.  That  even  as  thus 
enforced  the  rule  was  but  partial  and  limited  in 
its  application.  4th.  That  by  gradual  perver- 
sion of  function  the  rule  assumed  its  present 
form,  but  not  earlier  than  the  latter  half  of  tho 
seventeenth  century.  .  .  .  But  nothing  can  be 
clearer  than  that  it  was  a  statutory  rule.  .  .  . 
Tho  first  of  these  were  10  Car.  I.,  c.  3  (1041)  and 


1983 


LAW,  CRIMINAL,  1641-1062. 


LAW.  CRDUNAL,  1770. 


provided  tlmt  no  onis  should  iniposo  iiny  penalty 
111  ecclesiastical  matters,  nor  sliould  '  tender  .  .  . 
to  1  ny  .  .  .  person  \vliatS(M,'Ver  any  corporal  oath 
whereby  he  shall  he  obliged  to  confess  or  accuse 
himself  of  any  Clime  or  liny  .  .  .  thing  whereby 
he  ,hall  he  exposed  to  any  censure  or  penally 
w!:atever.'  This  probably  applied  to  ecclesiastl- 
(iil  courts  alone.  The  seeouil  (13  Car.  II.,  c.  13, 
1(102)  is  more  general,  providing  that  '  no  one 
shall  administer  to  any  person  wlmtsoevcr,  the 
oath  usually  called  e.\  ollielo,  or  any  other  oath, 
whereby  such  persons  may  be  charged  or  com- 
pelled to  confess  any  criminal  matter.'.  .  .  The 
Statute  of  13  Cur.  II.  is  cited  In  Scurr's  Case, 
but  otherwise  neither  of  them  seems  to  have 
been  mentioned;  nordotlic  text-books,  as  a  rule, 
take  any  notice  of  them.  Henceforward,  liow- 
ever,  no  question  arises  in  the  courts  as  to  the 
validity  of  the  privilege  against  self-crlinlnation, 
and  the  statutory  coemption  is  recognized  as  ap- 
jilyiiig  in  common-law  courts  as  wellas  in  others. 
.  .  .  This  maxim,  or  rather  the  abuse  of  it  in 
tlie  ecclesiastical  courts,  helps  in  part  to  ex- 
plain the  shape  which  tlic  general  privilege  now 
has  taken.  .  .  .  We  notice  that  most  of  tlie 
church's  religious  investigations,  .  .  .  were  con- 
ducted by  means  of  commissions  cr  inquisitions, 
not  by  ordinary  trials  upon  proper  presentment; 
and  thus  tlie  very  rule  of  the  canon  law  itself  was 
continually  broken,  and  persons  unsuspected  and 
unbetrayed  '  i)er  famam  '  were  compelled,  '  seip- 
sum  prodere,'  to  become  their  own  accusers. 
Tills,  for  a  time,  was  the  burden  of  the  com- 
plaint. .  .  .  Furthermore,  in  rebelling  against 
tills  abuse  of  the  canon-law  rule,  men  were 
obliged  to  formulate  their  reasons  for  objecting 
to  answer  the  articles  of  inquisitions.  .  .  .  Tiiey 
])rofess('d  to  be  willing  to  answer  ordinary  ques- 
tions, but  not  to  betray  themselves  to  disgrace 
and  ruin,  especially  as  where  the  crimes  cliarged 
were,  as  a  rule,  religious  offences  and  not  tiiose 
wliicli  men  genorally  regard  as  offences  against 
social  order.  In  tliis  way  the  rule  began  to  be 
formulated  and  limited,  as  applying  to  the  dis- 
closure of  forfeitures  and  penal  offences.  In 
the  course  of  the  struggle  the  aid  of  the  civil 
courts  was  Invoked  .  .  .  ;  and  towards  the  end 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  ...  It  found  a 
lodgement  in  the  practice  of  the  Exchequer,  of 
Chancery,  and  of  tlie  other  courts.  There  liad 
never  been  In  the  civil  courts  any  complaint  based 
on  the  same  lines,  or  any  demand  for  such  a 
privilege.  .  .  .  But  tlic  momentum  of  this  riglit, 
wri^sted  from  the  ecclesiastical  courts  after  a  cen- 
tury of  continual  struggle,  fairly  carried  it  over 
ami  fixed  it  firmly  In  the  common-law  practice 
also." — John  H.  Wigmore,  Nemo  Tenetiir  seip- 
sum  Prodere  (ILimird  Imw  Reo.,  v.  5,  pp.  71-88). 
A.  D.  1660-1820.  — 187  Capital  Offenses 
added  to  Criminal  Code  in  England. — "From 
the  Restonition  to  the  death  of  George  III., —  a 
period  of  160  years, —  no  less  than  187  capital 
offenses  were  added  to  the  criminal  code.  The 
legislature  was  able,  every  year,  to  discover  more 
than  one  heinous  crime  deserving  of  death,  in 
the  reign  of  George  II.  thirty-three  Acts  were 
passed  creating  capital  offenses ;  in  the  first  fifty 
years  of  George  III.,  no  less  than  sixty-three. 
In  such  a  multiplication  of  offenses  all  principle 
was  Ignored ;  offenses  wholly  different  in  charac- 
ter and  degree  were  confounded  in  the  indis- 
crimlnatlng  penalty  of  death.  Whenever  an 
offense  was  found  to  be  increasing,  some  busy 


senator  called  for  new  rigor,  until  munlcr  lie- 
came  in  tlie  eye  of  the  law  no  greater  crime  than 
picking  a  pocket,  piirloiiiing  a  ribbon  from  a 
shop,  or  pilfering  a  pewter-pot.  Such  law- 
makers were  as  Ignorant  as  tliey  were  cruel.  .  .  . 
Dr.  Johnson, —  no  wiueaniish  moralist, — exposed 
them;  Sir  W.  Itlackslonc,  In  whom  admiration 
of  our  jurisprudence  was  almost  a  foible,  de- 
nounced them.  Ileccaria,  Montesquieu,  and  lien- 
tliani  demonstrated  that  certainty  of  punishment 
was  more  effectual  in  tlie  repres.slon  of  crime, 
than  severity ;  but  law-givers  were  still  Inex- 
orable."— T.  E.  May,  CoiiKtilutionul  Hist,  of  Eng- 
Uiml  (  Widdleton's  cd.),  v.  3,  pp.  n.")!J-.5.54. 

A.  D.  1695. — Counsel  allowed  to  Persons 
indicted  for  High  Treason. — "  Holland,  follow- 
ing the  early  example  of  Spain,  always  permitted 
a  prisoner  tlie  services  of  a  counsel ;  and  If  he 
was  too  poor  to  defray  the  cost,  one  was  fur- 
nished at  the  public  cliarge.  In  England,  until 
after  the  fall  of  the  Stuarts,  this  right,  except 
for  the  purpo.ses  of  arguing  mere  questions  of 
law,  was  denied  to  every  one  placed  on  trial  for 
iiis  life.  In  leC),  it  was  finally  accoriled  to  per- 
sons indicted  for  high  treason.  Even  then  it  is 
doubtful,  says  Lord  Campbell,  whether  a  bill  for 
this  purpose  would  have  passed  If  Lord  Ashley, 
afterwards  Earl  of  Shaftesbury  and  author  of  the 
'Characteristics,'  had  not  broken  down  while 
delivering  In  the  House  of  Commons  a  set  speech 
upon  It,  and,  being  called  upon  to  go  on,  had  not 
electrifled  the  House  by  observing:  'If  I,  sir, 
who  rise  only  to  give  my  opinion  upon  a  bill 
■.I  )w  pending,  in  the  fat"  of  which  I  have  no  per- 
ioniil  Interest,  am  so  coniouiid^d  that  I  am  un- 
able to  express  the  least  of  what  I  propose  to 
say,  what  must  the  condition  of  that  man  be, 
who,  witliout  any  assistance,  is  called  to  plead 
for  his  life,  his  honor,  and  for  ills  posterity  '( '  " 
— I).  Campbell,  T/ie  Puritan  in,  Jlolluiid,  Eng- 
land and  Ameriea,  x   2,  p.  446. 

A.  D.  1708.— Torture.— The  fact  tlmt  judi- 
cial torture,  though  not  a  common  law  power  of 
the  courts,  was  used  in  England  by  command  of 
!Mary,  Elizabeth,  James  I  and  Charles  I,  i.-, 
familiar  to  all.  It  was  sanctioned  by  Lord  Coke 
and  Lord  Bacon,  and  Coke  himself  conducted 
examinations  by  it.  It  was  first  made  illegal  in 
Scotland  in  1708;  in  Bavaria  and  Wurtemburg 
in  1806;  in  Baden  in  1831.— Austin  Abbott,  ^Irf- 
drcss  before  N.  Y.  tsociety  of  Med.  Jur.  {The  Ad- 
vocate, Minn.,  1880,  v.  \,p.  71). 

A.  D.  1725. —  Knowledge  of  Right  and 
Wrong  the  test  of  Responsibility. —  The  case 
of  Edward  Arnold,  in  ITZit,  who  was  indicted 
for  sliootini;  at  Lord  Onslow,  seems  to  be  the 
earliest  cii  in  which  tlie  knowledge  of  right 
and  wrong  becomes  the  test  of  responsibility. — 
American  fMw  lieview,  v.  I.'),  ;);).  730-782. 

A.  D.  1770. — Criminal  Law  of  Libel.— "  In 
this  case  j^Case  of  the  North  Briton  Junius'  Letter 
to  the  Kmg,  tried  before  Lord  Mansfield  and  a 
special  jury  on  the  2nd  June  1770]  two  doctrines 
wore  maintained  which  excepted  libels  from  the 
general  principles  of  the  Criminal  Law  —  firstly, 
that  a  publisher  was  criminally  responsible  for 
the  acts  of  his  servants,  unless  he  was  proved  to 
be  neither  privy  nor  to  have  assented  to  the  pub- 
lication of  a  libel ;  secondly,  that  It  was  the  prov- 
ince of  the  Court  alone  to  jud^e  of  the  criminal- 
ity of  the  publication  complained  of.  The  first 
rule  was  rigidly  observed  in  the  Courts  until  the 
passing  of  Lord  Campbell's  Libel  Act  in  ISiii  (6 


1984 


LAW,  CRIMINAL,  1770. 


LAW,  CRIMINAL,  1883-1860. 


and  7  Vict.,  c.  96).  Tim  swond  prcvivllcd  only 
until  1703,  wlicn  Fox's  Libol  Act  (33  Geo.  HI,  v. 
60)  dcclaro<i  it  to  lie  contrary  to  lln^  Liiw  of  Knif- 
land.  ...  A  century's  expcrlciico  liiis  proved 
tlmt  the  law,  as  dccliircd  l)y  the  LcgisliUurc  in 
1703,  Ims  worlicd  well,  fiil.sifying  tlio  fi  rcliod- 
IngM  of  tlic  Judges  of  tlic  period,  who  p-  .dieted 
'  tlic  confusion  luid  destruction  of  tlie  Law  of 
England  '  as  tliu  result  of  a  change  whicli  they 
regarded  as  tliu  subversion  of  a  fundamental  and 
important  principle  of  English  .Inrispru<leiicc. 
Fox's  Liljcl  Act  (lid  not  complete  tlie  emancipa- 
tion of  tlio  Press.  Liberty  of  discussion  con- 
tinued to  be  restrained  by  merciless  persecution. 
Tlie  case  of  Sir  Francis  Burdett,  ui  1820,  de- 
serves notice.  Sir  Francis  had  written,  on  tlie 
subject  of  the  '  Pcterloo  .Massacre'  in  Manches- 
ter, a  letter  which  was  published  in  a  Loixioii 
nowspajjer.  lie  was  fined  £3,000  and  sentenced 
to  imprisonment  for  tlu'ee  nioutlis.  Tlic  pro- 
ceedings on  a  motion  for  a  new  trial  arc  of  im- 
portance because  of  tlie  Judicial  internretation  of 
tlio  Liliel  Act  of  1703.  The  view"  was  then 
stated  by  Hcst,  J.  (afterwards  Lord  Wynford), 
and  was  adopted  unanimously  by  tlie  Court, 
tliat  the  statute  of  George  III.  liad  not  made  the 
question  of  libel  one  of  fact.  If  it  liad,  instead 
of  removing  an  anomaly,  it  would  liave  created 
one.  Libel,  said  Best,  J.,  is  a  question  of 
law,  and  the  judge  is  the  judge  of  the  law  in 
libel  as  in  all  other  cases,  the  jury  having  the 
power  of  acting  agreeably  to  his  statement  of 
tlie  law  or  not.  All  that  the  statute  does  is  to 
prevent  the  question  from  bciug  left  to  the  jury 
in  the  narrow  way  in  which  it  was  left  before 
that  time.  Tlic  jury  were  tlun  only  to  And  the 
fact  of  the  pulilication  and  tlic  triitli  of  the  in- 
nuendoes, for  tlie  judges  used  to  tell  them  that 
the  intent  waslin  inference  of  hiw  to  be  drawn 
from  the  paper,  with  whicli  the  jury  had  nothing 
to  do.  The  legislature  have  said  that  this  is  not 
so,  but  tliat  the  whole  case  is  for  tlie  jury  (4  B. 
and  A.  95).  The  law  relating  to  Political  Lil)(d 
has  not  been  developed  or  altered  in  any  way 
siuco  the  case  of  K.  v.  Burdett.  If  it  should 
ever  be  revived,  whicli  does  not  at  present  ap- 
pear probable,  it  will  be  found,  says  Sir  James 
Stephen,  to  liave  been  insensibly  modified  by  the 
law  as  to  defamatory  libels  on  private  persons, 
which  has  been  the  subject  of  a  great  number  of 
liiglily  important  judicial  decisions.  Tlie  elfect 
of  these  is,  amongst  otlier  things,  to  give  a  riglit 
to  every  one  to  criticise  fairly  —  that  is,  honestly, 
even  if  niistalccnly  —  the  public  conduct  of  public 
men,  and  to  comment  honestly,  even  if  mis- 
takenly,  upon  tlie  proceedings  of  Parliament  and 
the  Courts  of  Justice.  (History  of  the  Criminal 
Law,  II.,  370.)  The  unsuccessful  pro.secution 
of  Cobbett  for  an  article  in  tlie  '  Political  Regis- 
ter,' in  1831,  nearly  brought  to  a  close  the  long 
series  of  contests  between  the  Executive  and  the 
Press.  From  the  period  of  the  Reform  Act  of 
1833,  the  utmost  latitude  has  been  permitted  to 
public  writings,  and  Press  prosecutions  for  i)o- 
litical  libels,  like  the  Censorship,  have  lapsed." — 
J.  W.  Ross  Brown,  in  Law  Mag.  &  Rev.,  ith  set:, 
V.  17,  p.  107. 

A.  D.  1791.— Criminals  allowed  Counsel. — 
"  When  the  American  States  adopted  their  first 
constitutions,  five  of  them  contained  a  provision 
that  every  person  accused  of  crime  was  to  be 
allowed  counsel  for  his  defence.  The  same  right 
was,  in  1791,  granted  for  all  America  in  the  first 


amendments  to  the 
States.      This  woul 


Constitutiiiii  of   the  United 
1  s<'em  to  be  ati  elementary 


principle  of  justice,  but  it  was  not  ado|)t('(l  in 
England  until  nearly  half  a  century  later,  and 
then  only  after  a  bitter  struggle, " — I),  (,'aiiipbell, 
T/if  J'liritaii.  ('«  J/dlltind,  hm/land  uiiil  Aineiira, 
i\  1,  J).  70. 

A.  D.  1818.— Last  Trial  by  Battle.— "The  ' 
last  appeal  of  murder  lirouglit  in  ICngland  was 
the  case  of  Ashford  v.  Thornton  in  1818.  In 
that  ciise,  after  Thornton  had  been  tried  and  ac- 
<|Uitted  of  the  murder  of  .Mary  Ashford  at  the 
Warwick  Assizes  her  brother  charged  him  in  the 
court  of  king's  bencli  with  lier  murder,  accord- 
ing to  the  forms  of  the  ancient  proceilure.  The 
court  admitted  tlie  legality  of  the  proeee<liiigs, 
and  recognized  the  appellee's  right  to  wage  his 
body;  but  as  the  appellant  was  not  prepared  to 
fight,  the  ca.se  ended  upon  a  plea  of  autrefois 
accjuit  interposed  by  Thornton  when  arraigned 
on  the  ai>peal.  This  proceeding  led  to  the  statuto 
of  .lO  Geo.  HI.,  c.  40,  by  which  all  appeals  in 
criminal  cases  were  finally  abolished." — llami's 
Taylor,  Oriyiii,  and  (ivowth  nf  the  h'ni/liiih  C<in»t., 
]>t.  1,  /).  311.  —  See,  also,  W.voku  op  B.\tti.i;. 

A.  D.  1819.— Severity  of  the  former  Crim- 
inal Law  of  England. — "Sir  James  ^lackintosh 
in  1810,  in  moving  in  Parliament  for  a  coniinittee 
to  inquire  into  tlie  conditions  of  the  criminal  law, 
stated  that  there  were  tlien  "  tw(/  hundred  capital 
felonies  on  the  statute  book.'  Undoubtedly  this 
apparent  severity,  for  the  reasons  stated  by  Sir 
James  Stephen,  is  greater  tlian  the  real  severity, 
since  many  of  tlie  oflenses  made  capitul  were  of 
infrequent  occurrence;  and  juries,  moreover, 
often  refused  to  convict,  and  persons  capitally 
convicted  for  olTenses  of  minor  degrees  of  guilt 
were  usually  pardoned  on  condition  of  transpor- 
tation to  tl^e  American  and  afterwards  to  the 
Australian  colonics.  But  his  learned  author  ad- 
mits that,  '  afti'r  making  all  deductions  o'l  tlicso 
grounds  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  legisla- 
tion of  tlie  eighteenth  ccntuiy  in  criminal  mat- 
ters was  severe  to  the  highest  degree,  and  desti- 
tute of  any  sort  of  principle  or  system.'" — J.  F. 
Dillon,  Ldir.H  and  Jurisprudence  of  Englaiul  and 
America,  p.  386. 

A.  D.  1825.— "Ticket-of-leave"  system  es- 
tablished.— "  Tlie  '  ticket-of-leave '  system  [wa.s] 
cstalilislied  under  the  English  laws  of  penal 
servitude.  It  originated  under  the  authority  of 
tlie  governors  of  the  penal  colonies,  and  was  the 
first  sanctioned  by  Parliament,  so  far  as  the  com- 
mittee are  aware,  by  an  Act  5  Geo.  IV.,  chap. 
34.  Subse(iuentiy,  wlien  transportjition  for 
crime  was  abolished  by  tlie  Acts  10,  17  Vict., 
chap.  09  (A.  D.  lSr,3)  and  20,  21  Vict.,  cliap.  3, 
and  system  of  home  prisons  establisiied,  the 
'  license  '  or  ticket-of-leave  system  was  adopted 
by  Parliament,  in  those  acts,  as  a  method  of  re- 
warding convicts  for  good  conduct  during  im- 
prisonment. By  further  acts  passed  in  1864, 
1871  and  1879,  the  system  has  been  brought  grad- 
ually into  its  present  eflicacy." — Jiejx>rt  of  Com- 
mittee oil  Judicial  Administration,  and  Remedial 
Procedure  (9  American  Bar  Ass'n  Rep.,  317). 

A.  D.  1832-1860. —  Revision  of  Criminal 
Code  in  England. — "With  the  reform  period 
commenced  a  new  era  in  criminal  legislation. 
Ministers  and  law  officers  now  vied  vitli  philan- 
thropists, in  undoing  the  unhallowed  work  of 
many  generations.  In  1833,  Lonl  Auckland,  Mas- 
ter of  the  Mint,  secured  the  abolition  of  capital 


1985 


LAW,  CKIMINAL,  1833-1800. 


LAW,  ECCLESIASTICAL,  UO-Um. 


piinlsliiiicnl  for  ofTcntt.s  ('oiiiicctcd  with  coin- 
h>;l';  Mr.  Attorney  Kt''""""'  Di'iimiiii  r.xcmptcd 
forgery  from  the  Kiiint,'  pcimlty  In  nil  but  two 
<:iiNi'H,  to  wliicli  the  l/oril.H  woiikl  not  »s.s<'iit;  iilid 
Mr.  Ewiirt  ohtiiiiitd  the  likc^  remission  for  slieep- 
HteulhiK,  i>i>d  other  Nimiliir  olTeneex.  In  IH!):!, 
the  Criiniiml  Liiw  ('ommiitsion  wiiH  Hppolnte<l,  to 
revise  the  entiri^  ('(xle.  .  .  .  The  eonnnissionerH 
reeommendeil  niniieroUH  other  reniis:  ions,  which 
were  promptly  curried  into  elTect  by  Lord  John 
IJiissell  in  1HU7.  Kven  these  remissions,  how- 
L'ver,  fell  short  of  ]iul>lie  opinion,  whicli  found 
expression  in  an  iimendment  of  Mr.  Kwiirt,  for 
limiting;  the  punishment  of  deiith  to  the  single 
crime  of  murder.  Thi.s  proposal  was  then  lo.st 
by  u  nnijority  of  one;  but  has  since,  by  succes- 
sive measures,  been  accepted  by  the  legislature; 
—  murder  alone,  and  the  exccptiomil  crime  of 
treason,  having  been  reserved  for  the  last  peu- 
ulty  of  till!  law.  (treat  indeed,  and  rapid,  wi  s 
tins  reformation  of  the  criminal  code.  It  'v  ^' 
computed  that,  from  1810  to  184.'>,  upwards  of 
1,4U()  persons  had  sutfen^d  death  for  crimes, 
'which  had  sin(te  ceased  to  be  capitid." — T.  E. 
May,  ('(iimtitiitinniil  lliat.  of  Jiiir/lantt  (  Wiilille- 
ion  u  I'll.),  V.  2,  ;)/).  .WT-.VjH. 

A.  D.  i8<l3.—  Lord  Campbell's  Libel  Act, 
and  Publisher's  Liability. — "In  the  'Morning 
A(ivertis('r' of  the  l!)lh  of  December,  171(9,  ap- 
peared .lunius's  celebrated  letter  to  the  king.  In- 
llamniatory  and  seditious,  it  couUl  not  be  over- 
looked ;  and  as  the  author  was  unknown,  infor- 
mations were  immediately  tiled  against  the 
prititcrs  and  publishers  of  the  letter.  15ut  before 
they  were  brought  to  trial,  Almon,  the  book- 
seller, was  tried  for  selling  the  '  London  Museum,' 
in  which  tlie  libel  was  reprinted.  His  connec- 
tion with  the  publication  proved  to  be  so  slight 
that  lie  escaped  with  a  nominal  punishment. 
Two  doctrines,  however,  were  maintained  in  this 
case,  which  excepted  libels  from  the  general 
principles  of  the  criminal  law.  By  the  tirst,  a 
publisher  was  held  criminally  answerable  for  the 
acts  of  his  servants,  unless  proved  to  be  neither 
privy  nor  assenting  to  the  publicath)n  of  a  libel. 
8o  long  as  exculpatory  evidence  was  admitted, 
this  doctrine  was  defensible;  but  judges  after- 
wards refused  to  a(imit  such  evidence,  holding 
that  the  publication  of  a  libel  by  a  publisher's 
servant  was  proof  of  his  criminality.  And  this 
monstrous  rule  of  law  prevailed  until  1843,  when 
it  was  condemned  by  Lord  Campbell's  Libel 
Act." — T.  E.  May,  VonntiUitional  Hist,  of  Eng- 
land (Widdleton' s  I'll).  V.  3,  pp.  113-114.  —  "  And 
be  it  enacted,  that  whensoever,  upon  the  trial  of 
any  indictment  or  information  for  the  publication 
of  a  libel,  under  the  plea  of  not  guilty,  evidence 
shall  have  been  given  which  sliall  establish  a 
presumptive  case  of  publication  against  the  de- 
fendant by  the  act  of  any  other  person  by  his 
authority,  it  shall  be  competent  to  such  defen- 
dant to  prove  that  sn  i  publication  was  made 
without  his  authority ,  consent,  or  knowledge, 
and  that  tlie  said  publication  did  not  arise  from 
want  of  due  care  or  caution  on  his  part." — 
Statute  6  ct-  7  TVc,  c.  90,  ».  7. 

A.  D.  1848.— The  English  Court  of  Criminal 
Appeal. — "England  has  not  yet  got  her  court 
of  Criminal  Appeal,  although  the  Council  of 
Judges,  in  their  belated  scheme  of  legal  reform, 
recommend  the  legislature  to  create  one.  Ques- 
tions whether  an  action  should  be  dismissed  as 
'frivolous  or  vexatious,' disputes  about  'secur- 


ity for  costs,'  and  the  'sulllciency  of  iiilerrog- 
atories  '  or  '  particulars,'  and  all  maimer  of  triv- 
ial causes  alfecling  property  or  status,  are 
deemed  by  the  law  of  Kiighuid  sufllcicntly  im- 
portant to  entitle  the  parties  to  them,  if  dis.satis- 
lled  with  the  linding  of  a  court  of  llrst  instance, 
to  submit  it  to  the  touchstone  of  an  appeal. 
Hut  the  lives  and  liberties  of  liritish  subjects 
charged  witli  tint  commission  of  criminal  olTeiiees 
are  in  general  disposed  of  irrevocably  by  the  ver- 


dict of  a  jury,  guided  by  the  directions  of  a  trial 
Judge.  'I'd  this  rule,  however,  there  are  two 
leading  exceptions.     In  llie  first  ])hice,  any  con- 


victed prisoner  may  i)etilion  the  sovereign  for  a 
pardon,  or  for  the  coinmutalion  of  his  sentence; 
and  the  royal  prerogative  of  mercy  is  exercised 
through,  and  on  the  advice  of  the  Secretary  of 
Stale  for  the  Home  Department.  In  the  second 
place,  the  English  macliinc  juridical  notwith- 
slanding  its  lack  of  a  properly  constituted  Court 
i:f  Criniiinil  Appeal,  is  furnished  with  a  kind  of 
'mechanical  eiiuivalent' therefor,  in  the  'Court 
for  Crown  Ca.ses  Ueservcd,'  which  was  estab- 
lished by  act  of  I\..;;.inieut  in  1848  (IKt  12  Vict, 
c.  78)." — T/ie  Kmjlinh  Court  of  Cviuiinid  Ap/ieal 
(Tlie,  Greta  ISaij,  r.  .').  /*.  34.')). 

A.  D.  1854.— Conflict  between  U.  S.  Con- 
stitution and  a  Treaty. — "About  1854,  M. 
Dillon,  French  consul  ai  rian  Francisco,  refused 
to  appear  and  testily  in  u  j:i:;;ini'l  i^ase.  The 
Constitution  of  tlie  United  States  (Ameudmeni 
VI.),  in  criminal  cases  grants  accused  persons 
compulsory  process  for  obtaining  witnesses, 
while  our  treaties  of  18.')3,  with  France  (Art.  II.) 
says  that  consuls  shall  never  be  compelled  to 
api)ear  as  witnesses  before  tne  courts.'  Thus 
there  was  a  c(mflict  between  the  Constitution  and 
the  treaty,  and  it  was  held  that  the  treaty  was 
void.  After  a  long  correspondence  the  iVench 
Consuls  were  directed  to  obey  a  subpoena  in 
future." — Theodore  1).  Woolsey,  Iiitrod.  to  the 
IStudy  of  Intcriuitional  lAtii<\liih  id.],  p.  lo7,  iwte. 

A.  D.  1877. — "  Indeterminate  Sentences." — 
"This  jiractice,  so  far  as  the  committee  can  as- 
certain, has  been  adopted  in  the  states  of  New 
York  and  Ohio  only.  .  .  .  The  Ohio  statute  has 
been  taken  mainly  from  that  which  was  adopted 
in  New  York,  April  12,  1877." — lieport  of  Com- 
mittee on  Judicial  Administrations,  and  Heme- 
dial  Procedure  (9  Am.  Bar  Ass'n  Hep.,  p.  313). 

A.  D.  1893. — Criminal  Jurisdiction  of  Fed- 
eral Courts. — "Tlie  Supreme  Court  of  the  U  S., 
in  United  States  V.  Uodgers,  .  .  .  l.')0  U.  S.,  .  . 
in  declaring  that  the  term  '  liigh  seas '  in  the  crim- 
inal law  of  the  United  States  is  apjilicuble  as 
well  to  the  open  waters  of  the  great  lakes  us  to 
the  open  waters  of  the  ocean,  may  be  said,  in  a 
just  sense,  not  to  have  changed  the  law,  but  to 
have  asserted  the  law  to  be  in  force  upon  a  vast 
domain  over  which  its  jurisdiction  was  hereto- 
fore in  doubt.  The  opinion  of  Justice  Field  will 
tiike  its  place  in  our  jurisprudence  in  company 
with  the  great  cases  of  the  Genesee  Chief,  12 
How.  (U.  S.),  443,  and  its  successors,  and  with 
them  marks  the  self  adapting  capacity  of  the 
judicial  power  to  meet  the  great  exigencies  of 
justice  and  good  government." —  University  Law 
Jiet.,  V.  1,  p.  3. 

Ecclesiastical  Law. 

A.  D.  440-1066. — No  distinction  between 
Lay  and  Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction. —  "  In 
tlie   time  of  our  Saxou  ancestors,  there  was  no 


1986 


LAW,  ECCLESIASTICAL,  449-1066. 


LAW,  ECCLESIASTICAL,  laiT-lSSO. 


sort  of  (llHtinctlon  between  the  liiy  nnil  the  eoele- 
Hiiksticiil  jiiriwliclioii:  tlic  eouiily  court  was  as 
iiiiu'li  u  Hpirltuiil  lis  n  teiiiporiil  tribiiiiiil ;  tlio 
rights  of  the  cliiircli  were  iiscertiiiiied  luul  ns- 
Herted  iit  the  same  time,  and  by  tlie  satins  Judges, 
as  tlie  rights  of  tliu  laity.  For  this  purpose  tlie 
bishop  of  the  diocese,  and  the  alderman,  or,  In 
his  absence,  tlie  shcrilT  of  tlu;  county,  u.seil  to  sit 
together  in  tlie  county  court,  and  had  there  tli(! 
cognizance  of  nil  causes,  as  well  ecclesiastical  as 
civil:  a  superior  deference  lielng  pai<l  to  the 
bishop's  opinion  In  spiritual  matters,  and  to  that 
of  llie  lay  judges  in  temporal." — W.  IJIackstone, 
i'liiiunentiiriiH,  hk.  :(,/>.  (11. 

A.  D.  io66-io8y. — Separation  of  Ecclesi- 
astical from  Civil  Courts. —  "William  I. 
(whose  title  was  unrmly  espoused  by  the  mon- 
asteries, which  he  liberally  endowed,  and  by  the 
foreign  clergy  whom  he  brought  over  in  shoals 
from  France  aii<l  Italy,  and  planted  In  the  best 
preferments  of  the  English  cliiirch),  was  at 
lengtlj  prevailed  upon  to  .  .  .  separate  the  ec- 
clesiastical court  from  tlie  civil:  whetiier  actu- 
ated by  principles  of  bigotry,  or  by  those  of  a 
more  refined  policy,  in  order  to  discountenance 
tile  laws  of  King  Edward,  abounding  with  tlie 
spirit  of  Saxon  liberty,  is  not  altogether  certain, 
liut  tlie  latter,  if  not  tlic  cause,  was  undoubtedly 
the  consequence,  of  this  separation:  for  tlie 
Sa.\oii  laws  were  soon  overborne  by  the  Norman 
justiciaries,  when  the  county  court  fell  into  dis- 
regard by  the  bishop's  witlufriiwing  his  presence, 
in  obedience  to  tlie  charter  of  the  conquen.r; 
wliich  prohibited  any  spiritual  cau.se  from  being 
tried  in  the  secular  courts,  and  commanded  the 
suitors  to  appear  before  the  bisliop  only,  wliose 
decisions  were  directed  to  conform  to  the  canon 
law." — W.  Blackstone,  Commentaries,  bk.  3,  pp. 
02-63.  —  "Tlio  most  important  ecclesiastical 
measure  of  the  reign,  tlie  separation  of  the 
church  jurisdiction  from  tlio  secular  business  of 
the  courts  of  law,  is  unfortunately,  lilie  all 
other  charters  of  the  time,  undated.  Its  con- 
tents however  show  the  influence  of  the  ideas 
which  under  the  genius  of  Ilildebrand  were 
forming  the  character  of  the  continental  churches. 
From  henceforth  the  bishops  and  arclideacons 
are  no  longer  to  hold  ecclesiastical  pleas  in  tlie 
hundred-court,  but  to  have  courts  of  their  own  ; 
to  try  causes  by  canonical,  not  by  customary 
law,  and  allow  no  spiritual  questions  to  come 
before  laymen  as  judges.  In  case  of  contumacy 
the  offender  may  be  excommunicated  anil  the 
king  and  slierill  will  enforce  the  punishment. 
In  the  same  way  laymen  are  forbidden  to  inter- 
fere in  spiritual  causes.  The  reform  is  one  which 
might  very  naturally  recommend  itself  to  a  man 
like  Lanfranc." — W.  Stubbs,  Const.  Hist,  of  Eng- 
land, V.  1,  sect.  101. 

A.  D.  HOC. — Reunion  of  Civil  and  Ecclesi- 
astical Courts. — "  King  Henry  the  First,  nt  his 
accession,  among  otlier  restorations  of  tiie  laws 
of  King  Edward  tlio  Confessor,  revived  tills  of 
the  union  of  tlio  civil  and  ecclesiastical  courts. 
•  .  .  .  This,  however,  was  ill-relislied  by  the 
popisli  clergy,  .  .  .  and,  therefore,  in  tlicir  synod 
at  Westminster,  3  Hen.  I.,  tiiey  ordained  tliat  no 
bisliop  should  attend  tiie  discussion  of  temporal 
causes ;  which  soon  dissolved  this  newly  effected 
union." — W.  Blackstone,  Commentanes,  bk.  3, 
p.  63. 

A.  D.  1135. — Final  Separation  of  Civil  and 
Ecclesiastical  Courts. — "And  when,  upon  tlie 

^^^  1987 


loath  of  King  Henry  the  First,  the  usurper 
Stephen  was  brought  In  and  supported  by  tlio 
•leriiy,  \vr  ml  one  article  of  the  oath  wlilcli 
'hey  iinpoHtMl  upon  him  was,  that  ecclesiastical 
leisons  and  ecclesiastical  causes  should  be  sub- 
ject only  to  the  bishop's  jurisdiction.  And  as  it 
'vas  about  that  time  that  the  contest  and  emula- 
tion begun  between  the  laws  of  England  and 
those  of  Home,  the  temporal  courts  ailhering  to 
tho  former,  and  tlic  spiritual  adopting  the  latter 
ns  their  rule  of  proceeding,  this  widened  tho 
1  reach  between  them,  and  miule  a  coalition  after- 
vards  Impracticable;  which  probably  would 
e'se  liavo  been  effected  at  tho  general  rciormatlon 
o'  the  church." — W.  Hliickstoue,  Cmimentariet, 
bh:  3,  /).  «1. 

A.  \i.  1385.— Temporal  Courts  assume  Jur- 
isdiction of  Defamation. — "To  the  Spiritual 
Court  appears  iil.so  to  have  belonged  the  punish- 
ment of  defamation  until  the  ri.se  of  actions  ou 
till)  case,  when  the  temporal  courts  assumed 
ju.'isdiction,  tlioiigli  not.  it  seems,  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  puiiisliineiit  by  the  church.  The  punish- 
ment of  usurers,  cleric  and  lay,  also  belonged 
to  the  ecclesiastical  judges,  though  their  mov- 
abh^s  were  conllscated  to  the  king,  unless  tho 
usurer  '  vita  condte  dlgne  poenituerit,  et  testa- 
niento  condito  quae  legare  decreverit  a  se  prorsus 
alieravcrlt.'  That  is,  it  seems,  tlie  personal 
punidiment  was  inflicted  by  tlie  Ecclesiastical 
Court,  but  tile  confiscation  of  goods  (when  prop- 
er) ,va3  decreed  by  the  King's  Court. "-^Mel- 
villi   M.  Uigelow,  llint.  of  Procedure,  p.  51. 

A.  D.  1857-1859.— Ecclesiastical  Courts  de- 
prived of  Matrimonial  and  Testamentary 
Causes. — "Matrimonial  cau.ses,  or  injuries  re- 
specting the  rights  of  marriage,  are  anotlier 
.  .  .  branch  of  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction. 
Though,  if  we  consider  m.irriages  in  the  light  of 
mere  civil  contracts,  they  do  not  seem  to  bo 
properly  of  spiritual  cognizance.  Hut  tlie  Uo- 
manists  liaving  very  early  converted  this  con- 
tract into  a  holy  sacramental  ordinance,  tho 
cliurch  of  course  tooit  it  under  her  protection, 
upon  the  division  of  tlic  two  jurisdictions.  .  .  . 
One  might  .  .  .  wonder,  tliat  the  same  author- 
ity, wliicli  enjoined  the  strictest  celibacy  to  tho 
priesthood,  should  think  them  the  proper  judges 
in  causes  between  man  and  wife.  These  causes, 
indeed,  partly  from  the  nature  of  the  injuries 
complained  of,  and  partly  from  the  clerical 
method  of  treating  tliem,  soon  became  too  gross 
for  the  modesty  of  a  lay  tribunal.  .  .  .  Spiritual 
jurisdiction  of  testamentary  causes  is  a  peculiar 
constitution  of  tills  island ;  for  in  almost  all  other 
(even  in  popish)  countries  all  matters  testamen- 
tary arc  under  the  jurisdiction  of  tho  civil  magis- 
trate. And  that  this  privilege  is  enjoyed  by  the 
clergy  in  England,  not  as  a  matter  of  ecclesi.isti- 
cal  right,  but  by  the  special  favor  and  indul- 
gence of  the  municipal  law,  and  as  itshoiild  seem 
by  some  public  act  of  the  great  council,  is  freely 
acknowledged  by  Lindewode,  the  ablest  canonist 
of  the  fifteenth  century.  Testamentary  causes, 
he  observes,  belong  to  the  ecclesiastical  courts 
'do  consuetudinc  Angliae,  ct  super  consensu 
regio  et  suorum  procerum  in  talibus  ab  antiquo 
concesso.'" — W.  Blackstone,  Commentaries,  bk.  3, 
pp.  91-05. — Jurisdiction  in  testamentary  causes 
was  taken  awav  from  tho  ecclesiastical  courts  by 
Statutes  20  and"  31  Vic,  c.  77  and  21  and  22  Vic, 
chaps.  56  and  95,  and  was  transferred  to  the 
court  of  Probate.     Jurisdiction  in  matrimonial 


LAW,  ECCLESTASTirAr,,  1M7-1880. 


T,AW,  EQUITY.  1880. 


rniiftes  wiiH  triinHfcrr^d  to  tho  I>ivnrco  Court  by 
HHilulc -'(» ii:i<l  -Jl  Vic,  M. 

Equity. 

A.  D.  449-1066.— Early  Matters  in  Chan- 
cery,—  "Am  wc  apiiroiich  tin-  cm  iif  the  C'dii- 
i|iu'.st,  wo  IIikI  (liHtiiu't  tntccH  of  tlio  .VliiHtcrH  in 
('Imnccry,  wlio,  liioiiKli  in  Hiicrrd  oniers,  wcro 
wcli  Iriiliii'ii  ill  JuriH|)rii<icii('(',  mid  itRHiHted  tlio 
(•liiiiKcllor  ill  prcpiiriiiK  writH  iind  k"*"'".  "'<  well 
nH  III  IIk!  Kcrvici!  of  llio  royiil  clmpfl.  Tlicy 
forincii  II  Hort  of  colicgc  of  Jiislii'c,  of  wliicli  hv 
wiiM  till!  Iiriid.  Tlicy  nil  Hull!  in  tlio  Wlttcniigr- 
iiiolc,  iind,  u»  '  liitw  Ijords',  iirc  Hiippoiu'd  to 
liiivu  Imd  Kfciit  wcli^lit  in  tli(>  dolilicriitioiiH  of 
tliitt  iissiMiibly." — Lord  Ciiniplicll,  Lire»  of  t/ir 
('hitncfUom,  V.  1,  /).  M. 

A.  D.  506. — Chancellor,  Keeper  of  the  Great 
Seal, — "From  tlio  conversion  of  tlie  Anglo- 
Hiixons  to  C/'liristiiinity  by  tiio  pruftcliing  of  Ht. 
AiiKUHtiiic,  till!  Kill);  iilwiiyH  Imd  iicnr  lii.s  pcrHon 
11  priest,  to  wlioiii  wim  entrusted  the  care  of  Ills 
clmpel,  and  who  was  his  cmifcHHor.  This  person, 
selected  from  the  most  leariieil  and  able  of  his 
order,  and  greatly  superior  in  accomplisiiments 
to  the  unlettered  laymen  attending  the  Court, 
soon  acted  us  private  secretary  to  the  King,  and 
gained  his  conlidenco  in  afTairs  of  etntc.  The 
jiresent  deinarealion  between  civil  nnd  ecclesias- 
tical employments  was  then  little  regarded,  and 
to  this  same  person  was  assigned  the  l"isiness  of 
supeVinteiiding  writs  and  grants,  v  1  he  cus- 
tody of  the  great  seal." — Lord  Caii  .  .icll,  Lites 
of  the  Ghancellon,  v.  1,  ;».  27. 

A.  D.  1066.— Master  of  the  Rolls.—"  The 
olllce  of  master,  formerly  called  tlii!  Clerk  or 
Kc(!per  of  the  Itolls,  is  '•ecognized  at  this  early 
period,  tlioiigh  at  tills  time  lie  appears  to  have 
been  the  Chancellor's  deputy,  not  an  indepen- 
dent oflicer. " — Geo.  Spence,  Equitji  Jurimlictiou 
of  the  Ci/iirt  nf  Chmietry,  p.  1,  ;).  100. 

A.  D.  1 066-1 154.— Chancellor  as  Secretary 
of  State. — Under  tho  Norman  Kings,  the  Clian- 
cellor  was  a  kind  of  secretary  of  state,  llis 
functions  were  political  ratlier  than  judicial.  He 
attended  to  the  royal  correspondence,  kept  the 
royal  accounts,  and  drew  up  writs  for  tlie  ad- 
niinistrnlion  of  justice.  lie  was  also  the  keeper 
of  the  seal. — Montague's  EletMuta  of  Const.  Hint, 
of  Kiifili  >"' ,  1).  27. — See,  also,  Ciianceli.oh. 

A.  D.  1067.— First  Lord  Chancellor.— "The 
first  keeper  of  tlie  seals  who  was  endowed  with 
tlie  title  of  Lord  Chancellor  was  ^Maurice,  who 
received  the  great  seal  in  1007.  Tlie  incuinbeiit.s 
of  the  oHico  wcie  for  a  long  period  ecclesiastics; 
and  they  usually  enjoyed  episcopal  or  archi- 
ejiLscopal  rank,  nnd  lived  in  tlie  London  palaces 
attached  to  their  sees  or  provinces.  Tlie  first 
Keeper  of  the  seals  of  England  was  Fitzgilbert, 
appointed  by  Queen  JIatiida  soon  after  lier  coro- 
nation, and  tliere  was  no  other  layman  appointed 
until  the  reign  of  Edward  III." — L.  J.  IJigelow, 
Jknch  and  liar,  p.  23. 

A.  D.  1169. — Uses  and  Trusts. — "According 
to  tlio  law  of  England,  trusts  may  he  created 
'inter  vivos'  as  well  as  by  testament,  and  their 
history  is  u  curious  one,  beginning,  like  tliat  of 
the  Uonian  'lidei  commissa,'  witli  an  attempt  to 
evade  the  law.  The  Statutes  of  Mortmain, 
passed  to  prevent  tho  alienation  of  lands  to  re- 
ligioiiH  houses,  led  to  the  introduction  of  'uses,' 
by  which  tlie  grantor  alienated  his  land  to  a 
friend  to  hold  '  to  the  use '  of  a  monastery,  the 


rlrrieal  rhaneellors  giving  legal  validity  to  tho 
wish  thus  expressed.  .Mlliiiiigli  this  particular 
device  was  put  11  stop  to  liy  I."!  HIc.  II.  c.  ."i, 
'uses'  continued  to  he  employed  for  other  nur 
jioses,  having  been  found  more  mallealile  tliiin 
what  was  railed,  by  way  of  contrast,  '  the  legal 
estate.'  Tliey  olTered  iiiderd  so  many  niiKles  of 
escaping  the  rigoiirof  tlie  law,  that,  after  several 
other  statutes  had  been  pa.s.>«(l  with  a  view  of 
curtailing  their  advantages,  till' 27  Ibm.  VIII.  c. 
10  enacti'd  that,  wliere  any  one  was  seised  to  a 
use,  the  legal  estate  should  bi^  deemed  to  be  In 
him  to  wliose  use  he  was  seised.  The  statute'  did 
not  apply  to  trusts  of  personal  property,  nor  to 
trusts  of  land  where  any  active  duly  was  ca.st 
upon  the  trustee,  nor  wliere  a  use  was  liiniteil 
'  upon  a  use,'  i.  e.  where  the  person  in  whose  fa- 
vour a  use  was  created  was  hlniseif  to  hold  the 
estate  to  t/ic  use  of  some  one  else.  There  con- 
tinued therefore  to  lie  a  numlH-r  of  cases  in  which, 
III  spite  of  tho  'Statute  of  Uses,'  the  (,'ourt  of 
Chancery  was  able  to  carry  out  its  policy  of  en- 
forcing what  had  otherwise  been  merely  moral 
duties.  The  system  thus  arising  has  grown  to 
enormous  dimensions,  and  trusts,  whicli,  accord- 
ing to  tho  detlnition  of  Lord  Ilardwicke,  nro 
'  such  a  cimrtdenco  between  parties  tliat  no  ac- 
tion at  law  will  lie,  but  there  is  merely  a  oiisc  for 
the  consideration  of  courts  of  equity,'  are  inserted 
not  only  in  wills,  hut  also  in  marriage  settle- 
ments, arrangements  with  creditors,  and  num- 
berless other  instruments  neees.sary  for  tho 
comfort  of  families  and  the  development  of  coin- 
inerco." — T.  E.  Holland,  Klenicnts  of  Jurispni- 
ih'nre,  Tithed.,  p.  217. 

A.  D.  1253.— A  Lady  Keeper  of  the  Seals. 
— "Having  occasion  to  cross  tlie  sea  and  visit 
Gaseony,  A.  D.  Wt'A,  Henry  HI.  made  her 
[(Jueen  Eleanor]  keeper  of  the  seal  during  liis 
absence,  and  in  that  eliaiiicter  she  in  lier  own 
person  presided  in  the  '.\iila  Kegia,'  hearing 
causes,  and,  it  is  to  lie  feared,  forming  her  de- 
cisions less  in  accordance  wilii  iustice  tlian  her 
own  private  interests.  Never  did  judge  set  law 
and  equity  more  fearfully  at  naught." — L.  J. 
Uigelow,  Iknch  and  liar,  p.  28. 

A.  D.  1258. — No  Writs  except  De  Cursu. — 
"In  tlie  year  12."i8  tlio  Provisions  of  Oxford  were 
liromiilgated ;  two  separate  clauses  of  which 
lioiind  the  chancellor  to  issue  no  more  writs  ex- 
cept writs  'of  course  '  witliout  command  of  tho 
King  and  his  Council  present  with  liim.  This, 
with  the  growing  independence  of  the  judiciary 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  settlement  of  legal  pro- 
cess on  tho  other,  terminated  the  riglit  to  issue 
special  writs,  and  nt  last  tlxed  tlie  common  writs 
in  uncliangeiible  form ;  most  of  wliicli  had  by  this 
time  become  develoi>ed  into  tiic  final  form  in 
wliicli  for  six  centuries  they  were  treated  as  pre- 
cedents q'l  declaration." — M.  M.  Bigelow,  Ilut. 
of  Procedure,  p.  197. 

A.  D.  1272-1307. — The  Chancellor's  func- 
tions.— "  In  tlie  reign  of  Edward  I.  tlie  Chancel- 
lor begins  to  appear  in  tiic  three  characters  in 
wliicli  we  now  know  him :  as  a  great  political 
offlcer,  as  tlic  hcail  of  a  department  for  the  issue 
of  writs  and  the  custody  of  documents  in  which 
the  King's  interest  is  concerned,  as  the  adminis- 
trator of  tlie  King's  grace."- Sir  William  R  An- 
son, Iaub  and  Custom  of  the  Constitution,  pt.  8, 
;).  140. 

A.  D.  1330. — Chancery  stationary  at  West- 
minster.— "  There  was  likewise  introduced  about 


1988 


LAW,  EQUITY.  IIKW. 


LAW,  EQUITY,  1461-1W8. 


this  timn  a  erciit  Iriiprovomrnt  In  the  mlinliiislm- 
Hon  of  Jii»t7<-(,',  liy  ri'tidiTiiiK  llic  Coiirl  of  Chan- 
cory  gtutioiiiiry  at  WchIihIiihIit.  Tlit:  imciiiit 
kIngH  of  Kn^liuul  v/t-ri'  coiitliiiilly  nii){riilinK, — 
one  principiil  rcuHon  for  wliicli  wiis,  that  the 
oanie  part  of  thi;  cotinlry,  fvcu  uilh  tho  aid  of 
piirvcyunco  and  precMiption,  coiilil  nut  lonir 
Biipport  the  court  and  all  llin  royal  rctaincrH,  and 
n'mlcr  in  kind  due  to  the  Kliiff  could  hr  Ix'st  con 
miincd  on  tho  spot.  Thcrcfori-,  if  he  kept  Christ- 
man  at  Wcstn.lnRtcr,  he  would  keep  Ka.slcr  at 
Winchester,  and  I'cntecoHt  at  (llouecHter,  visit- 
iuK  Ids  nuiny  palaces  and  manors  in  rotittion. 
Tiie  Aula  KcK'is,  and  afterwanis  the  courts  Into 
wliich  it  was  partitioned,  were  ainhidatory  idon^ 
witli  hiui  —  to  the  great  vexation  of  the  suitors. 
Tills  grievance  was  partly  corrected  by  .Magna 
C!harta,  wldch  enacted  that  the  Court  of  Cornuion 
Pleas  should  be  held  'in  a  certain  lilace,' — a 
corner  of  WesliniiiHter  Hall  U'ing  llxcd  upon  for 
that  purpose.  In  point  of  law,  tlie  Court  of 
King's  Hench  and  tho  Court  of  Chancery  may 
Btill  l)e  lield  in  any  county  of  Kngland, — '  where- 
soever in  Kngland  the  King  or  the  C/'hanccllor 
may  bo.'  Down  to  tho  <'ominciic(^ment  of  tlu^ 
reign  of  Edward  III,,  tlie  King's  Hench  and  the 
Cliaiicery  actually  had  continued  to  follow  the 
King's  person,  tho  Chancellor  and  his  olli<'ers 
being  entitled  to  part  of  the  purveyance  made 
for  the  royal  household.  By  2H  Edw,  I.,  c.  5, 
tho  Lord  Clmn""llor  and  the  Justices  of  tlio 
King's  Hench  were  ordered  to  follow  the  King, 
so  tliat  bo  might  have  at  all  times  near  hhu 
sages  of  tho  law  al)lc  to  order  all  matters  which 
sliould  come  to  tho  Court.  Hut  the  two  Courts 
were  now  by  the  King's  command  ll.xed  in  the 
places  where,  unless  on  ii  few  extraordinary  oc- 
casions, tliey  contiinied  to  he  held  down  to  our 
own  times,  at  the  upper  end  of  Westminster 
Hall,  tlio  Kin.g's  Hench  on  the  left  hand,  and  tlie 
Chancery  on  the  riglit,  both  remaining  open  to 
the  Hall,  and  a  bar  erected  to  keep  olf  the  multi- 
tude from  pressing  on  tlie  judges." — Lord  Camp- 
bell, Licen  of  the  C/utiirelloni,  i\  I,  jj.  181. 

A.  D.  1348.—"  Matters  of  Grace  "  committed 
to  the  Chancellor, — "  In  tho  22ud  year  of  Kd- 
■ward  III,  matters  which  were  of  grace  were 
definitely  committed  to  tlio  Chancellor  for  de- 
cision, and  from  this  point  there  begins  to  de- 
velop tliat  body  of  rules  -supplementing  the 
deflciencics  or  correcting  the  liarslmess  of  the 
Common  Law  —  which  we  call  Efjuity." — Sir  W. 
R.  Anson,  lAito  and  Custom  of  the  Constitution, 
pt.  2,  p.  147. 

Ai.BO  in:  Kerly's  Jlist.  of  the  Court  of  Chan- 
eery,  p.  31. 

A.  D.  1383. — Early  Instance  of  Subpoena. — 
"  It  is  said  that  John  Waltliam,  Bishop  of  Salis- 
bury, who  was  Keeper  of  the  Koils  about  the 
5th  of  Uicliard  II.,  considerably  enlarged  this 
new  juristliction;  that,  to  give  efllcaey  to  it,  lio 
invented,  or  more  properly,  was  the  first  who 
adopted  in  that  court,  the  writ  of  subpoena,  a 
process  which  had  before  l)een  used  by  tho  coun- 
cil, and  is  very  plainly  alluded  to  in  the  statutes 
of  the  last  reign,  tliough  not  under  that  name. 
This  writ  summoned  tlie  party  to  appear  under  a 
penalty,  and  answer  such  tilings  as  sliould  bo 
objected  against  him ;  upon  this  a  iietition  was 
lodged,  containing  tlie  articles  of  complaint  to 
winch  he  was  then  compelled  to  answer.  Thebc 
articles  used  to  contain  suggestions  of  injuries 
Builered,  for  which  no  remedy  was  to  be  had  iu 


tho  courts  of  common  law,  and  therefore  the 
complainant  prayed  advice  and  relief  of  the 
chancellor  "—.I.  Ueeves,  Hint.  Kng.  Imw  (h\n- 
liiiuiu's  III),  r.  !l,  11.  ;tH4. 

A.  D.  1394.— Chancery  with  ita  own  Mode 
of  Procedure.  — "  Krom  the  time  of  passliig  tlie 
Ntat.  17  Itichard  II.  we  may  coiuider  that  tno 
Court  of  Chancery  was  cstaltiiHlicd  as  a  dlMtinct 
and  permanent  court,  having  Keparat<'  Jiiri.sdlc- 
tioii,  with  its  own  pecuiiiir  mode  of  proccdiiru 
Nimllar  to  tliat  whicii  had  prevailed  in  the  Coun- 
cil, though  perhaps  It  was  not  wholly  yet  si'pa- 
rated  fnnii  tlie  Council." — Oeo.  Hpence,  h'tjuit,!/ 
•Iiirisdictiou  of  the  Court  of  Chancery,  ».    1,  /). 

A.  D.  1432.  —  Chancery  Cases  appear  In 
Year  Books, — "  It  is  IicvoikI  a  doubt  that  this 
[elianceryl  court  had  licgiin  to  cxciriHe  its  judi- 
cial M'ltliority  In  tli<^  reigns  of  liiehard  II.,  llciiry 
IV.  :  V.  .  .  .  Hut  we  do  not  llnd  In  our  books 
any  m  port  of  cases  there  determined  till  U7 
Henry  Vl.,  except  only  on  tlie  subject  of  uses; 
which,  as  has  been  before  nnnarkeil,  might  give 
rise  to  the  opinion,  tlial  tho  first  e(|uitable  judi- 
cature was  concerned  in  tlie  support  of  uses." — 
.1.  Ueeves,  JUhC  Kmj.  /.dip  (tHnlason'a  eil.),  v.  !1, 
/».  55:1. 

A.  D.  1443. —  No  distinction  between  Ex- 
amination and  Answer. —  The  earliest  record 
of  written  answers  is  in  21  Henry  VI.  Before 
tliat  time  little,  if  any,  distinction  was  made  be- 
tween tile  examination  and  the  answer. — Kerly, 
Jlint.  if  ConrtH  of  (Jhaiircry,  p.  ,'il. 

A.  D.  1461-1483.— Distinction  between  Pro- 
ceeding by  Bill  and  by  Petition. — "A  written 
Ktatement  of  tlie  grievance  being  reiiiiired  to  he 
filed  before  the  issuing  of  tlie  subpoena,  witii 
security  to  [lay  damages  and  costs, — bills  now 
ae(iuired  form,  and  thi;  distiiielion  arose  bot%.een 
the  proceeding  by  bill  and  by  petition.  The 
same  regularity  was  observed  in  the  subsequent 
stages  of  tho  suit.  Whereas  formerly  the  de- 
fendant was  generally  examined  viva  voce  wlien 
he  appeared  in  olieilieiiee  to  the  subpoena,  tho 
luactice  now  was  to  put  in  a  written  answer, 
commencing  with  a  protestation  against  the 
truth  or  siifilcieney  of  the  matters  contained  in 
tlie  bill,  slating  tlie  facts  relied  iiiioii  by  the  de- 
fendant, and  concluding  witli  a  prayer  that  ho 
may  bo  dismissed,  witli  his  costs.  I'liero  were 
likewise,  for  tlic  purpose  of  intro<lucing  new 
facts,  special  replications  and  rejoinders,  which 
continued  till  tho  reign  of  Elizabeth,  but  wliich 
have  been  rendered  unnecessary  by  tho  modern 
practice  of  amending  tlie  bill  and  answer.  Pleas 
and  demurrers  now  appear.  Although  the  plead- 
ings were  iu  English,  the  decrees  on  the  bill  con- 
tinued to  be  in  Latin  down  to  tho  reign  of  Henry 
VIII.  Hills  to  perpetuate  testimony,  to  set  out 
metes  and  lioiinds,  and  for  injunctions  against 
proceedings  at  law,  and  to  stay  waste,  became 
frequent." — Lord  Campbell,  Lirt^  of  the  Cluin- 
ecllors,  V.  1,  p.  309. 

A.  D.  1461-1483. — Jurisdiction  of  Chancery 
over  Trusts. — "  The  equitable  jurisdiction  of 
the  Court  of  Chancery  may  be  considered  as 
making  its  greatest  advances  in  this  reign  [Edw. 
IV.].  The  point  was  now  settled,  that  there 
being  a  feolTinent  to  uses,  the  '  cestui  quo '  use, 
or  person  beneficially  entitled,  could  maintain 
no  action  at  law,  the  Judges  saying  that  he  liad 
neither  'jus  in  re'  nor  'jus  ad  a-m,'  and  that 
tlicir  forms  could  not  be  moulded  so  as  to  afford 


1989 


LAW.  EQiriTY,  1461-1488. 


LAW,  EQUITY.  IBM. 


him  uny  cITcciiml  rrllrf,  rltlicr  m  to  the  Iiiml  or 
tlif  prnlllH.  Till-  {'ImiK'clloni,  tlirrcforp,  with 
Ifciicnil  nphliiiiKc,  ilt'clurcd  tliitt  tliry  would  pro- 
(Tcd  liy  Hiiiipocim  iiK»inNt  lliu  fpolTcc  to  compel 
lilm  to  perform  ii  iliity  wliicli  in  eoiiHclenee  wim 
liindiiiK  upon  him,  itnd  Kritdniilly  ext4'nded  the 
remedy  iiKiiinHt  liU  heir  and  itKidnHt  hin  alienee 
with  notice  of  the  truMt,  idthoiiKh  tliey  held,  lui 
tlieir  HneeeHKorn  have  (lone,  that  tlie  purcluiHer  of 
tlieleKaleHtale  for  vainableconNideration  withont 
notice  mlKht  retain  the  land  for  his  own  benelU. 
They  tlierefore  now  freely  made  de  ree.s  reciiiir- 
inK  tlie  IrnHtec  to  convey  aecordin^  lO  the  direc- 
tiongof  tile  'cestui  que  trust.' or  person  iH-neH- 
cially  Interested;  and  tiie  most  important  brancii 
of  the  eipdtalile  Jurisdiiaion  of  the  Court  over 
trusts  was  firmly  and  irrevocutdy  estidtlislied." — 
Lord  Campbell.  Liotn  of  the  (JliiiiurUurn,  v.  1,  /). 

A.  D.  1538.— Lord  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal. 
— "  Hetween  the  deatli,  resl){nalion,  or  n;- 
moval  of  one  chancellor,  and  the  aiipointmeiit 
of  another,  tlie  Great  Heal,  Instead  of  remaining 
in  the  personal  custmly  of  the  Sovereign,  was 
sometimes  entrusted  to  a  temporal  ke(-per,  either 
with  limited  a\ithority  (as  only  to  seal  writs),  or 
with  all  the  powers,  tl  ough  not  with  the  rank 
of  Cliancellor.  At  last  the  practico  grew  up  of 
occasionally  appointing  a  person  to  hold  the 
Great  Heal  with  the  title  of  '  Keeper,'  where  it 
was  meant  that  he  should  permanently  hold  it 
in  his  own  right  and  di.scharge  all  the  duties  be- 
longing to  it.  Queen  Klizubetli,  ever  sparing  in 
tile  conferring  of  dignities,  havitig  given  tlie 
Great  Seal  with  the  title  of  '  Keeper '  to  Sir 
Nicholas  Ilrtcon,  ol)jcctlons  were  made  to  the 
legality  of  some  of  his  acts,— and  to  obviate 
these,  a  statute  was  pa.ssed  deeluritig  that  '  the 
Lord  Keeper  of  the  Great  S(!al  for  the  time 
being  shall  have  tlie  same  place,  pre-eminence, 
and  jurisdiction  ns  tlio  Lord  Chancellor  of  Kng- 
land.'  Since  tlieu  there  never  have  been  a  Chan- 
cellor and  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal  concurrently, 
and  the  only  difference  between  the  two  titles  is, 
that  the  one  is  more  sounding  tlian  the  other,  and 
is  regarded  as  n  higher  mark  of  royal  favor." — 
Lord  Campbell,  Liven  of  the  Chanrellovs,  v.  1,  p.  40. 

Also  in:  Sir  W.  U.  Anson,  Iaiw  and  Uiiatom  of 
tlie  Coiutitiition,  v.  2,  p.  1.50. 

A.  D.  1558.— Increase  of  Business  in  the 
Court  of  Chancery. — "The  business  of  the 
('oiirt  of  Chancery  had  now  so  much  increased 
that  to  dispose  of  it  satisfactorily  required  aJudgc 
regularly  trained  to  the  profession  of  the  law, 
and  willing  to  devote  to  it  all  his  energy  and  in- 
dustry. Tlie  Statute  of  Wills,  the  Statute  of 
Uses,  the  new  motles  of  conveyancing  introduced 
for  avoiding  transmutation  of  pos-sessiou,  tlie 
questions  wliich  arose  respecting  the  property 
of  the  dissolved  monasteries,  and  tlie  great  in- 
crease of  commerce  and  wealth  in  the  nation, 
brought  such  a  number  of  import4int  suits  into 
the  Court  of  Chancery,  that  the  holder  of  the 
Great  Seal  could  no  longer  satisfy  the  public  by 
occasionally  stealing  a  few  hours  from  Ids  politi- 
cal occupations,  to  d'spose  of  bills  and  petitions, 
and  not  only  was  his  claily  attendance  demanded 
in  Westminster  Hall  during  term  time,  but  it 
was  necessary  that  he  should  sit,  for  a  portion 
of  each  vacation,  either  at  his  own  house,  or  in 
some  convenient  place  appointed  by  him  for 
clearing  off  his  arrears."—  Lord  Campbell,  Liws 
of  the  Chaneellort,  v.  2,  p.  95. 


A.  D.  1567-1633. —  Actions  of  Assumpsit  in 
Equity. — "  The  lute  devi'lopinent  of  the  linpliiMl 
contract  to  pay  'quantum  meriiit.'and  tniiKlcm- 
nify  a  surety,  would  Ik-  the  inoie  Hurprising,  but 
for  the  fad  lliat  Kqiilty  gave  relief  to  taiUim 
ami  til.)  like,  and  to  suretleM  long  liefon*  the  com- 
mon law  lield  them.  H|M'iice,  althoiigli  at  a  I<nui 
to  account  for  the  Jurisdicthm.  mentions  a  Hull 
bniiight  in  Cliancery,  In  15117,  by  a  tailor,  to  re- 
cover the  amount  due  for  clotlies  furnLslied. 
The  suit  was  referred  to  tlie  (Jiieen's  tailor,  to 
ascertain  the  amount  due,  and  upon  Ids  re|Mirt  n 
decree  was  made.  The  l<'arned  writer  adds  that 
'there  were  suits  for  wages  and  many  others  of 
like  nature.'  Asurety  who  had  no  counter  Ixiiid 
tiled  a  bill  against  his  principal  in  UV.Vl,  in  a  case 
which  woulil  seem  to  have  been  one  of  the  earli- 
est of  the  kind,  for  the  rejiorter,  after  stating  that 
there  was  a  decree  for  tlie  plaintiff,  ailtis  'quod 
nota. '" — ,1.  H.  Ames,  tlMoriiofAmmnptiUIJlar- 
I'lirtl  l,(iw  l!ir.,  r.  2,  pj>.  fiO-tiO). 

A.  D.  1593. —All  Chancellors,  save  one, 
Lawyers.—  "  No  regular  judicial  system  at  that 
time  jirevailed  in  tlie  court;  Iml  the  suitor  wlien 
he  thouglit  himself  aggrieved,  found  a  desultory 
and  uncertain  remedy,  according  to  tlu^  private 
opinion  of  llie  chancellor,  who  was  generally  an 
ecclesiastic,  or  sometimes  (tlioiigh  rarely)  a  states- 
man: no  lawyer  having  mit  in  the  court  of  chan- 
ceiy  from  the  times  of  tlie  chief  justices  Thoriic 
lUKi  Knyvet,  successively  chancellors  to  King 
Edward  III.  in  1!)72  and  1373,  to  the  promotiim 
of  Sir  TiKmias  More  by  King  Henry  VIII.,  in 
l!i'M.  After  wliicli  the  great  seal  was  indiscrimi- 
nately committed  to  the  custody  of  lawyers  or 
courtiers,  or  churchmen,  according  as  the  c(m- 
venience  of  the  times  and  tlie  dis|iosition  of  tliu 
prince  required,  till  Sargcant  Puckering  was 
made  lord  kee|X!r  in  lliO'i;  from  whicli  lime  to 
tlie  present  the  court  of  cliancery  has  always 
been  filled  by  a  lawyer,  excepting  tlie  interval 
from  Wi\  to  lOa."),  when  the  seal  was  cntrustx'd 
to  Dr.  Williams,  tlien  dean  of  Westminster,  but 
afterwards  bisliop  of  Lincoln;  wlio  had  been 
cliaplain  to  Lord  Ellesmere  when  chancellor." — 
W.  Blackstoiie,  Comiiieiildriea,  bk.  3,  ch.  4. 

A.  D.  1595. — Injunctions  against  Suits  at 
Law. — Opposition  of  common  law  courts.— 
"The  strongest  inclination  was  shown  to  main- 
tain this  opposition  to  the  court  of  equity,  not 
only  by  the  courts,  but  by  the  legislature.  The 
Stat.  27  Elizabetli,  c.  I.,  which,  in  very  general 
words,  restrains  all  application  to  otlicr  jurisdic- 
tions to  impeach  or  impede  the  execution  of 
judgments  given  in  the  king's  courts,  under 
penalty  of  a  praemunire,  has  been  interpreted, 
as  well  as  stat.  Richard  II.,  c.  />,  not  only  as  im- 
posing a  restraint  upon  popish  claims  of  judica- 
ture, but  also  of  the  equitable  jurisdiction  in 
Cliancery;  and  in  tlie  thirty-first  and  thirty- 
second  years  of  this  reign,  a  counsellor-at-law 
was  indicted  in  the  King's  Bench  on  the  statute  of 
praemunire,  for  exhibiting  a  bill  in  Chancery 
after  judgment  had  gone  against  his  clientin  tliu 
King's  Bench.  Under  this  and  the  like  control, 
the  Court  of  Chancery  still  continued  to  extend 
its  autliority,  supported,  in  some  degree,  by  the 
momentum  it  acquired  in  the  time  ot  Cardinal 
Wolsey."- J.  Reeves,  Hint.  Eiifj.  Law  (tHnla- 
son's  erf.),  V.  5.  pp.  380-387. 

A.  D.  1596.  —  Lord  Ellesmere  and  his  De- 
cisions.— ^Kerly  says  the  earliest  chancellors'  de- 
cisions that  have  come  down  to  us  are  those  of 


1990 


LAW,  KqriTY,  iftne. 


LAW.   K(JIIITY,   Iflia. 


Ijonl  Ellonnicri'.  lli' wnH  the  HrHt  chiinci'lldr  lo 
('Ntiil)liNh  ('c|iilty  ii|>(iii  till'  IiiihIh  iif  i)rrccili'iilH. 
Hut  ccdiiimrc  Uccvch  (Kliila»(iii'H),  Illsl,  Km;. 
f  jiw,  V.  :l,  p.  .Vi:l,  wlio  nu'iitloim  lU'clHloim  in  tin- 
Yciir  H<H>kH,— Kcrly,  Jlitl.  of  the  Court  of  Chun- 
erru,  p.  WH. 

A.  D.  1601.  -Cy  Prei  Doctrine.—  "Tlirro  Is 
III)  triirr  iif  tlio  iliirtriiii'  liiiiiK  |»it  Into  |iriu'llr(3 
in  t^iiKliinil  lirfiire  llii!  Ui'fiiriimtii)n.  nltliiiiiKli  in 
till-  riirlli'.st  rrpiirti'il  casrs  wlirri'  it,  Iiiih  brrn  up- 
|ilii'ii  ll  is  tri'iitcii  as  II  wi'll  irronnl/.ril  riilr,  iinii 
ax  onr  owiii^  itH  origin  to  tin- trailitiniial  faviiiir 
with  wlilrit  cliaritirH  liail  alwiiyH  bmi  ri-);Hrili'ii. 
Much  i)f  tlii^  oliKcurity  wliicli  fnviTH  tin-  Inlroilur 
tiiiM  of  till!  liiM'trini!  into  our  Law  iiiiiy  pcrliaps 
1)1!  cxplalni'il  by  tlii'  fact  that.  In  tlic  carlicHl 
llnii'H,  purely  charitablo  RlftH,  an  they  woulil 
now  br  iinilrrstoDil.  were  aliiiDsl  unknown.  The 
piety  of  ilonorH  waH  nioHt  f;enerally  lilHiiiaynl  in 
((ifts  to  rellKioiiH  houscH,  ami  tlio  application  of 
the  Hubjei't  matter  of  such  glftn  wiih  exclusively 
in  tlie  HupuriorH  of  thu  (lilTereiit  OnlurH.  ami 
entirely  exempt  from  Hccular  control.  From  the 
rcligiouN  houHes  till!  ailministration  of  charitable 
Kifts  piiHsed  to  tliu  CImneullor,  as  keeper  of  the 
Kln(?'s  conscience,  the  latter  liavins  as  'parens 
iiatriae'  tlietrencralsuperintcnilencc  of  all  infants, 
liliots.  lunatics  and  charities.  Ami  it  was  not, 
until  some  time  later  tliat  this  Jurisiliction  be 
came  grailually  merged,  and  then  only  in  cases 
wliere  trusts  were  interpowd,  in  the  jteneral 
Jurisdiction  of  tlie  Chancery  Courts.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  go  into  the  long  vexed  iiuesllon  as 
to  when  tliat  actually  took  place.  It  is  enough 
to  say  that  it  is  now  pretty  conclusively  estuli- 
lislieo  that  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Chancery 
Courts  over  charitable  trusts  cxi.sted  anterior  to. 
and  independently  of,  the  Htatule  of  CImritalile 
Uses,  43  Eliz..  c.  4.  As  charitable  gifts  gener- 
ally involved  the  existence  of  a  trust  reposed  In 
some  uno,  it  was  natural  that  the  Clmneery 
Court,  wliieii  assumed  juiisdictioii  over  trusts, 
bIiouUI  have  gradually  extendi^d  that  jurisdiction 
over  ciuirities  generally ;  but  tlii!  origin  of  the 
power,  that  it  was  one  delegated  by  the  Crown 
to  the  Cliancellor,  luust  not  be  lost  sight  of,  an 
in  this  way.  probably,  can  be  l)C8t  explained  the 
curious  (fistmct  juri*lictions  vested  in  tlie 
Crown  and  the  Chancery  '^'ourts  respectively  to 
apply  gifts  Cy  pres.  the  limits  of  whicli,  though 
long  uncertain,  were  finally  determined  by  Lord 
Ehlon  in  the  celebrated  case  3f  Moggridge  v. 
Thaekwcll,  7  ves.  (19.  If  we  remember  that  the 
original  jurisdiction  in  all  charitable  matters  was 
ill  tile  Crown,  and  that  even  after  tho  Chancery 
Courts  acquired  a  jurisdiction  iver  trusts,  there 
was  still  u  class  of  cases  untouched  by  such  ju- 
risdiction, we  shall  better  understand  how  the 
prerogative  of  tlio  Crown  still  remained  in  a  cer- 
toin  class  of  cases,  as  wc  shall  sec  hereafter. 
However  this  may  be,  ihere  is  no  doubt  tliat 
when  tile  Chancery  Courts  obtained  the  jurisdic- 
tion over  tho  charities,  wiiich  thejr  have  never 
lost,  the  liberal  principles  of  the  Civil  or  Canon 
haw  as  to  the  carrying  out  of  such  gifts  were 
the  sources  and  inspirations  of  their  decisions. 
And  hence  the  Cy  ores  doctrine  b?ianie  gradu- 
ally well  recognised,  though  the  mode  of  its  ap- 
plication ha?  varied  from  tunc  to  time.  Perhaps 
the  most  striking  instances  of  this  liberal  con- 
struction are  to  be  found  in  the  scries  of  cases 
which,  by  a  very  s'  lained  interpretation  of  the 
Statute  of  Elizabctu  with  i'egard  to  charitable 


UHTN,  di'cliltMl  that  gIflH  to  Rui'h  UH<'S  in  favour  of 
ciirnoratlons,  which  could  not  take  l)V  deviiui 
unilcr  the  old  WIIIm  Act,  :Vi  lien.  Vlfl.,  c.  1, 
wiTi'  good  as  operating  in  the  nature  of  an  iin- 
polntinriit  of  the  trust  in  i'i|uity.  and  that  thu 
inti'iiilnieiit  of  the  Htatule  Is'ing  in  fiivourof  char- 
itable gifts,  ail  di'liclencies  of  aNSiiranie  were  to 
be  Nupplli'd  by  the  Courts.  Although,  liistorl- 
(ally,  liirre  iiiiiv  be  no  connecion  brtwern  tliu 
power  of  llir  King  ovc  the  iidminislriiliiiii  of 
cliarltirs,  and  the  dispi'iising  power  rcservcil  to 
liiin  by  the  i':irlirr  .Mortiiiaiii  .V'ls,  the  one  being, 
as  we  have  sern.  a  right  of  I'rerogative.  the  other 
a  Keiidal  right  iti  his  rapaiity  as  ultimate  Lord 
of  till-  fee,  it  is  perhaps  mil  wholly  out  of  place 
to  allude  shortly  to  the  liittir,  parllcularly  as  tho 
two  appear  not  to  have  breii  ke|)t  distinct  in 
later  times.  Ity  the  earlier  .Mortmain  Acts,  the 
dispensing  power  of  tlie  King,  as  Lord  I'aril- 
mount,  lo  waive  forfeitiiri's  iiikIit  tliise  Acts  was 
recognised,  and  gifts  of  land  to  religious  or 
charitable  corporations  were  made  not  'ipso 
facto'  void,  but  only  voidable  at  the  instance  of 
tlie  immediate  Lord,  or,  on  his  default,  of  tiie 
King  and  after  the  statute  '  quia  emplores,' 
which  practirally  abulished  mesne  seignorles,  tho 
Itoyal  license  became  in  most  cases  sulllilent  to 
si'ciire  till"  validity  of  tlie  gift.  The  power  of 
suspending  statutes  iK'ing  ileclareii  illegal  at  the 
Itevolution,  it  was  deemed  prudent,  seeing  tliat 
the  grant  of  licenses  in  Mortmain  imported  an 
exercise  of  siicli  suspending  power,  to  givo 
tliese  licenses  a  I'arliamentary  sanction;  and  ac- 
cordingly, by  7  and  8  William  III.,  c.  87.  it  wiih 
declared  that  the  Kii",'  might  grant  licenses  to 
aliens  ill  Mortmain,  and  iilso  to  purchase,  acijiiirc, 
and  hoi  i  lands  in  Mortmain  in  perpetuity  witll- 
out  pain  of  forfeiture.  Tlie  riglit  of  the  niesiio 
lord  was  thus  passed  over,  and  the  dispr  using 
power  of  tlie  (Jrown.  from  being  originally  a  Feu- 
dal riglit.  became  converted  practically  into  one 
of  I'lcrogative.  The  celebrated  Statute  if  I 
Edwanl  VI..  c.  14.  against  superstitious  uses, 
wliich  is  perliaps  tlie  earliest  statutory  recogni- 
tion of  tlie  ('y  pres  doctrine,  points i<lso strongly 
to  the  ori'iinal  jurisdiittion  in  tliese  matters 
being  in  the  King."  Tlie  autlior  proceeds  to 
trace  at  some  length  tho  subsequent  develop- 
ments of  the  doctrine  both  judicial  and  statu- 
tory. The  doctriiic  is  not  generally  recognised 
in  the  United  States. — II.  L.  Manby  in  J-air  .\fiiff. 
d-  Her..  At/i  Kfi:,  r.  irt  {/.onil.,  18Hl)-9()).  />.  20H. 

A.  D.  1603-1625. —  Equity  and  the  Construc- 
tion of  Wills. — "After  a  violent  struggle  be- 
tween Lord  Coke  and  Lord  Ellesmere,  the  juris- 
dictinii  of  tlic  Court  of  Chancery  to  stay  by  in- 
junciion  execution  on  judgments  at  law  was 
finally  established,  in  this  reign  [James  I.]  the 
Court  made  another  attempt. — which  was  speed- 
ily abandoned, —  to  determine  upon  the  validity 
of  wills, — ami  it  has  been  long  settled  that  the 
validity  of  wills  of  real  property  siiail  be  re- 
ferred to  coi.  s  of  law,  and  the  vdidity  of  wills 
of  personal  property  to  the  Ecclesiastical  (Jourts, 
—  equity  only  putting  0  construction  upon  them 
when  their  validity  has  been  established." — 
Lord  Campbell,  Livci'  of  the  Chancellon,  v.  3,  p. 
380. 

A.  D.  1612.— Rieht  of  Redemption.— The 
right  to  redeem  after  tho  day  dates  from  the 
rcTgn  of  .lames  I.  From  the  time  of  Edward 
IV.  (1461-83)  a  mortgagor  could  redeem  after  tho 
day  if   accident,  or  a  collateral  agreement,  or 


1991 


LAW.  EQUITY,  1618. 


LAW,  EQUITY,  1786. 


fra\ul  l)y  mortgngep,  prevented  pdymcnt. — Kerly, 
Hint,  of  the  Ciiiirt  of  (.'/iiincery,  p.  \4'.i. 

A.  i).  1616.— Contest  between  Equity  and 
Common-Law  Courts. — "In  the  ti.ne  of  Lord 
Ellesinere  (A.  1).  1016)  iirosc  tlmt  notable  dispute 
between  the  courts  of  liiw  nud  equity,  sot  on  foot 
by  Sir  Edward  Coke,  then  chief  justice  of  the 
rourt  of  king's  bench;  whether  a  court  of  equity 
could  give  relief  after  or  against  a  judgment  at 
the  coinnioi)  law?  This  contest  was  so  warmly 
carried  ou,  that  indictments  were  ))referre<l 
against  the  suitors,  tlie  solicitors,  the  counsel, 
and  even  a  master  in  chancery,  for  having  in- 
curred a  '  praemunire,'  by  questioning  in  a  court 
of  e(iuity  a  judgment  in  tlie  court  of  king's 
bench,  olitainod  by  a  gross  fraud  and  imposition. 
This  matter  lieing  brouglit  before  the  k  ig,  was 
by  him  referred  to  bis  learned  counsel  for  their 
advice  and  opinion;  wlio  reported  so  strongly  in 
favor  of  tlie  courts  of  equity,  that  his  majesty 
gave  judgment  in  their  behalf." — W.  Blackstone, 
Comnientiiriin,  bk.  3,  ;).  54. 

A.  D.  1616. — Relief  against  judjprments  at 
law. — "This  was  in  1610,  the  yenr  of  the  mem- 
orable contest  between  J^ord  Coke  and  Lord 
EUesmcre  as  to  tht;  jiowcr  of  equity  to  restrain 
the  execution  of  conunon-law  judgment  obtained 
by  fraud.  .  .  .  The  right  of  equity  to  enforce 
Bpccilic  performance,  where  damages  at  law 
wouU'  be  an  inadequate  remedy,  has  never  since 
been  questioned." — .1.  B.  Ames,  Specific  Pcrfurin- 
anee  of  Coiiiractn  {T/w  Civeii  Dntj,  v.  1,  p.  27). 

A.  D.  1671. — The  Doctrine  of  Tacking  es- 
tablished.— "It  is  the  established  doctrine  in 
tlie  English  law,  that  if  there  be  three  i.iort- 
gages  in  succession,  and  all  duly  registered,  or  a 
nortgnge,  and  tlien  a  judgment,  and  tlien  a  sec- 
ond mortgage  upon  tlie  estate,  the  junior  mort- 
gagee may  purcliase  in  the  first  mortgage,  aud 
tack  it  to  his  mortgage,  and  by  that  contrivance 
'squeeze  out'  the  middle  mortgage,  and  gnin 
preference  over  it.  The  same  rule  would  apply 
if  the  first,  as  well  as  the  second  incumbrance, 
was  a  judgment;  but  the  incumbmnccr  who 
tacks  must  always  'e  a  mortgagee,  for  he  stands 
in  the  light  of  a  bona  fide  purchaser,  parting 
witli  his  money  upon  the  security  of  the  mort- 
gage. ...  In  the  English  law,  the  rule  is  under 
some  reasonable  qualification.  The  last  mort- 
gagee cannot  tack,  if,  when  lie  took  his  mort- 
gage, he  had  notice  in  fact  .  .•.  of  the  inter- 
vening incumbrance.  .  .  .  The  English  doctrine 
of  tacking  was  first  solemnly  established  in 
JIarsh  V.  Lee  [2  Vent.  337],  under  the  assis- 
tance of  Sir  Matthew  Hale,  who  compared  the 
operation  to  a  plank  in  sliipwrcck  gained  by  the 
last  mortgagee ;  and  the  subject  was  afterwards 
very  fully  and  accurately  expounded  by  the 
Master  of  the  Rolls,  in  Brace  v.  Duchess  of 
Jlarlborough  [2  P.  Wms.  491]."— J.  Kent,  Cmn- 
mcntanes,  pt.  6,  kct.  58. 

A.  D.  1702-1714. — Equitable  conversion. — 
"  III  [Lord  Ilarcourt]  first  eatablislied  the  impor- 
tant doctrine,  that  if  money  is  directed  either  by 
deed  or  will  to  be  laid  out  in  land,  the  money 
shall  be  taken  to  be  land,  even  as  to  collateral 
heiiB." — Lord  Campbell,  Lives  of  the  Chancellora, 
V.  4  p.  874. 

A.  D.  1736-1756.— -Lord  Hardwicke  devel- 
oped System  of  Precedents. — It  was  under 
Lord  Hardwicke  that  the  jurisdiction  of  Equity 
was  fully  developed.  During  the  twenty  years 
of  his  chancellorship  the  great  branches  of  equi- 


table juri8<liction  were  laid  out,  and  bis  decisions 
were  regularly  cited  as  authority  until  after 
Lord  Eldon's  time. — Kerly,  Ilist.  of  </w  Court  of 
Vhnncery,  pp.  175-177. 

A.  D.  1742. —  Control  of  Corporations. — 
"That  the  (lirectors  of  a  corporiition  shall  man- 
age its  affairs  honestly  and  carefully  is  primarily 
a  right  of  the  corporation  itself  rather  than  of  the 
individual  stockholders.  .  .  .  The  only  authority 
before  the  present  century  is  the  case  of  the  Chan- 
tal)lc  Corporation  v.  Sutton,  decided  by  Lord 
Hardwicke  [2  Atk.  400].  But  tills  case  is  the 
basis  ...  of  all  subsequent  decisions  on  the 
point,  and  it  is  still  (jiiotcd  as  containing  an  ac- 
curate exposition  of  the  law.  The  corporation 
was  charitable  only  in  name,  being  a  joint-stock 
corporation  for  lending  money  on  pledges.  By 
the  fraud  of  some  of  the  directors  .  .  .  ,  and  by 
the  negligence  of  the  rest,  loans  were  made  with- 
out proper  security.  The  bill  was  against  the 
directors  and  other  officers,  'to  have  a  satisfac- 
tion for  a  breach  of  trust,  fraud,  and  misman- 
agement.' Lord  Hardwicke  granted  the  relief 
prayed,  and  a  part  of  his  decision  is  well  worth 
quoting.  He  suys:  '  Committee-nien  are  most 
jiroperly  agents  "to  those  who  employ  them  in 
this  trust,  and  who  empower  them  to  direct  and 
superintend  the  affairs  of  the  corporation.  In 
this  respect  they  may  be  guilty  of  acts  of  com- 
mission or  omission,  of  malfeasance  or  nonfea- 
sance. .  .  .  Nor  will  I  ever  determine  that  a 
court  of  equity  cannot  lay  hold  of  every  breach 
of  trust,  let  the  person  be  guilty  of  it  either  in  a 
private  or  public  capacity.' " — S.  AVillistou, 
Hist,  of  the  Law  of  liusiiuss  (Harvard  Law  He- 
view,  V.  2,  pp.  158-159). 

A,  D.  1782. — Demurrer  to  Bill  of  Discovery. 
— "Originally,  it  appears  not  to  have  been  con- 
templated that  a  demurrer  or  plea  would  lie  to  a 
bill  for  discovery,  unless  it  were  a  demurrer  or 
plea  to  the  nature  of  the  discovery  sought  or  to 
the  jurisdiction  of  tlic  court,  e.  g.,  a  plea  of  pur- 
chase for  value;  and,  though  it  was  a  result  of 
this  doctrine  that  plaintiffs  might  compel  discov- 
ery to  which  they  were  not  entitled,  it  seems  to 
have  been  supjioscd  that  they  were  not  likely  to 
do  so  to  anv  injurious  effect,  since  they  must  do 
it  at  til.  nvn  exjiense.  But  this  view  was 
afterwards  .  .undoned,  and  in  1782  it  was  decided 
that,  if  a  bill  of  discovery  in  aid  of  an  action  at 
law  stated  no  good  cause  of  action  against  the 
defendant,  it  might  be  demurred  to  on  that 
ground,  i.  e.,  that  it  showed  on  its  face  no  right 
to  relief  at  law,  and,  therefore,  no  riglit  to  dis- 
covery in  equity.  Three  years  later  in  Hindmun 
V.  Taylor,  the  question  was  raised  whether  a  de- 
fendant could  protect  himself  for  answering  a 
bill  for  discovery  by  setting  up  an  aflirmativc 
defence  by  plea;  and,  though  Lord  Thurlow  de- 
cided the  question  in  the  negative,  his  decision 
has  since  been  overruled;  and  it  is  now  fully 
settled  that  any  defence  may  be  set  iip  to  a  bill 
for  discovery  by  demurrer  or  plea,  the  same  as 
to  a  bill  for  relief;  and,  if  successful,  it  will  pro- 
tect the  defendant  from  answering." — C.  C. 
Langdell,  Summary  of  Equity  Pleading,  pp.  204- 
205. 

A.  D.  1786. — Injunction  after  Decree  to  pry 
Proceeds  of  Estate  into  Court. — "  As  soon 
a  decree  is  made  ....  under  whicli  the  ex- 
ecutor will  be  required  to  pay  the  proceeds  of 
the  whole  estate  inti/  court,  an  injunction  ought 
to  be  granted  against  the  enforcement  of  any 


1992 


LAW,  EQUITY,  1786. 


LAW,  EQUITY,  1814-1828. 


claim  ngninst  the  estate  by  (in  action  at  Inw;  and 
accordingly  such  has  been  the  csUiblished  rule 
for  more  than  a  hundred  years.  .  .  .  The  (irst 
injunction  that  was  granted  expressly  upon  the 
ground  above  explained  was  that  granted  by 
Lord  Thurlow,  in  1782,  in  the  case  of  Brooks  v. 
Reynolds.  ...  In  the  subseqiient  case  of  Ken- 
yon  V.  Worthington,  ...  an  application  to 
Lord  Thurlow  for  an  injunction  was  resisted  by 
counsel  of  the  greatest  eminence.  The  resistance, 
however,  was  unsuccessful,  and  tlie  injunction 
was  granted.  This  was  in  1780;  and  from  that 
time  the  question  was  regarded  as  settled." — C. 
C.  Langdell,  Eqititi/  Jurisdiction  (llaroanl  Liiw 
liemew,  v.  5,  pp.  122-123). 

A.  D.  1792. — Negative  Pleas. — "  In  Gun  v. 
Prior,  Forrest,  88,  note,  1  Cox,  197,  2  Dickens, 
657,  Cas.  in  Eu.  PI.  47,  a  negative  plea  was  over- 
ruled by  Ijord  Thurlow  after  a  full  argument. 
1  his  was  in  178.').  Two  years  later,  the  (juestion 
came  before  the  same  judge  again,  and,  after 
another  full  argument,  was  decided  the  same 
way.  Newman  v.  Wallis,  2  Bro.  C.  C.  143,  Cas. 
in  Bq.  PI.  52.  But  in  1702,  in  the  case  of  Hall 
V.  Noyes,  3  Bro.  C.  C.  483,  489,  Cas.  in  E(i.  PI. 
223,  227,  Lord  Tiuirlow  took  occasion  to  say  that 
lie  liad  changed  his  opinion  upon  the  8ul)ject  of 
negative  pleas,  and  that  his  former  decisions 
were  wrong ;  and  since  then  the  right  to  plead  a 
negative  plea  luis  not  been  questioned." — C.  C. 
Langdell,  Suiniimry  of  Equity  Plemling,  p.  114, 
note. 

A.  D.  1801-1827.— Lord  Eldon  settled  Rules 
of  Equity. — "'The  doctrine  of  this  Court,'  he 
[Lord  Eldon]  said  himself,  '  ought  to  be  as  well 
settled  and  as  uniform,  almost,  as  those  of  the 
comuKra  law,  laying  down  fixed  principles,  but 
taking  care  that  they  are  to  be  ap])lied  according 
to  the  circumstances  of  each  case.  I  cannot 
agree  that  the  doctrines  of  tliis  Court  arc  to  be 
changed  by  every  succeeding  judge.  Nothing 
would  infiict  on  megreatcr  pain  than  the  recol- 
lection that  I  had  done  any  thing  to  justify  the 
reproach  that  the  Equity  of  this  Cour^  varies 
like  the  Chancellor's  foot.'  Certainly  the  re- 
proach lie  dreaded  cannot  justly  be  inflicted 
upon  his  memory.  .  .  .  From  his  time  onward 
tlie  development  of  cquitj'  was  effected  ostensi- 
bly, and,  in  the  great  majority  of  cases,  actually, 
by  strict  deduction  from  the  principles  to  be  dis- 
covered in  decided  cases,  and  the  work  of  sub- 
sequent Chancery  judges  lias  been,  for  the  most 
part,  confined,  as  Lord  Eldon's  was,  to  tracing 
out  these  principles  into  detail,  and  to  rationalis- 
ing them  by  repeated  review  and  definition." — D. 
M.  Kerly,  Hist.  Court  Ohanc,  p.  183. 

A.  D.  1812. — Judge  Story.— "We  a.^  next 
to  regard  Story  during  his  tliirty-flve  years  of 
judicial  service.  He  performed  an  amount  of 
judicial  labor  almost  without  parallel,  either  in 
quality  or  quantity,  in  the  history  of  jurispru- 
dence. His  judgments  in  tlie  Circuit  Court  com- 
prehended thirteen  volumes.  His  opinions  in 
the  Supreme  Court  are  found  in  thirty-five  vol- 
umes. Most  of  these  decisions  are  on  nyitters  of 
grave  difficulty,  and  many  of  them  of  first  im- 
pression. Story  absolutely  created  a  vast  amount 
of  law  for  our  country.  Indeed,  he  was  essen- 
tially a  builder.  Wlien  he  came  to  the  bench,  the 
law  of  admiralty  was  quite  vague  and  unformed ; 
his  genius  formed  it  as  exclusively  as  Stowell's 
did  in  England.  He  also  did  much  toward 
building  up  the  equity  system  which  has  become 


part  of  our  jurisprudence.  In  ([uestions  of  in- 
ternational and  constitutional  law,  the  breadth 
and  variety  of  liis  legal  learning  enabled  him  to 
shine  with  peculiar  brilliancy.  It  is  sufficient  to 
say  that  there  is  scarcely  any  branch  of  the  law 
which  he  has  not  greatly  illustrated  and  en- 
larged,—  prize,  constitutional,  admiralty,  patent, 
copyright,  insurance,  real  estate,  commercial  law 
so  called,  and  equity, —  all  were  gracefully  fa- 
miliar to  him.  'rho  most  celebrated  of  his  judg- 
niunls  are  I)e  Lovio  v.  Boit,  in  which  he  investi- 
gates the  jurisdiction  of  the  Admiralty ;  Martin 
v.  Hunter's  Lessee,  which  examines  the  appellate 
jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court; 
Oarl mouth  College  v.  Woodward,  in  which  tlie 
(lueslion  was,  whether  the  charter  of  a  college 
was  a  contract  within  the  meaning  of  the  con- 
stitutional provision  prohibiting  the  enactment, 
by  any  State,  of  laws  impairing  the  obligations 
of  contracts;  his  dis.sentiiig  opinion  in  Charles 
Hiver  Bridge  Company  v.  The  Warren  Bridge, 
involving  substantially  the  same  ({uestion  as  the 
lust  ca.se;  and  the  opinion  in  the  Oirard  will 
case.  These  are  the  most  celebrated,  but  are 
scarcely  superior  to  scores  of  his  opinions  iu 
<!ases  never  heard  of  beyond  the  legal  profession. 
His  biographer  is  perhaps  warranted  in  saying 
of  his  father's  judicial  ')pinions:  '  For  closeness 
of  texture  and  compact  logic,  they  are  eciual  to 
the  best  judgments  of  Marshall;  for  luininous- 
ness  and  method,  they  stand  beside  tlio.se  of 
Mansfield;  in  elegance  of  style,  they  yield  the 
palm  only  to  the  pri/.e  cases  of  Lord  Stowell, 
bitt  in  fullness  of  illustration  and  wealth  and 
variety  of  learning,  they  stand  alone." — Irving 
Browne,  Short  Slndien  of  Great  Ldwyers,  pp.  293- 
29.J. 

A.  D.  1814-1823.— Chancellor  Kent— "In 
February,  1814,  he  was  ai)pointed  chancellor. 
Tlie  powers  and  jurisdiction  of  the  court  of 
chancery  were  not  clearly  defined.  There  were 
scarcely  any  precedents  of  its  ilecisions,  to  which 
reference  could  be  made  in  case  of  doubt.  With- 
out any  other  guide,  he  felt  at  liberty  to  exercise 
such  powers  of  the  English  chancery  as  ho 
deemed  applicable  under  the  Constitution  and 
laws  of  the  State,  subject  to  the  correction  of 
the  Court  of  Errors,  on  appeal.  ...  On  the 
31st  of  July,  1823,  having  attained  the  age  of 
sixty  years,  "the  period  limited  by  the  Constitu- 
tion for  the  tenure  of  his  office,  he  retired  from 
the  court,  after  hearing  and  deciding  every  case 
that  had  been  brought  before  him.  On  this 
occasion  the  members  of  the  bar  residing  in  the 
City  of  New  York,  presented  him  an  address. 
After  speaking  of  the  inestimable  benefits  con- 
ferred on  the  community  by  his  judicial  labors 
for  five  and  twenty  years  they  say :  '  During 
this  long  course  of  services,  so  useful  and  Inmor- 
able,  and  which  will  form  the  most  brilliant 
period  in  our  judicial  history,  you  have,  by  a 
series  of  decisions  in  law  and  equity,  distin- 
guished alike  for  practical  wisdom,  profound 
learning,  deep  research  and  accurate  discrimina- 
tion, contributed  to  establisli  the  fabric  of  our 
jurisprudence  on  those  sound  principles  that 
have  been  sanctioned  by  the  experience  of  man- 
kind, and  expounded  by  the  enlightened  and 
venerable  sages  of  the  law.  Though  others  may 
licreafter  enlarge  and  adorn  the  edifice  whose 
deep  and  solid  foundations  were  laid  by  the  wise 
ami  patriotic  framers  of  our  government,  in  that 
common  law  which  they  claimed  for  the  people 


1993 


LAW,  EQUITY,  1814-1823. 


LAW,  EQUITY,  1875. 


as  their  noblest  iiilKTitiincc,  your  labors  on  this 
nmgnillcent  strui;ttirc'  will  forever  rcnmin  oiiii- 
nenlly  conspicuous,  conuniind  the  applause  of 
the  present  generation,  and  exeiting  the  admira- 
tion and  gratitude  of  future  ages.'" — Charles  U. 
AVaite.  Jui/ien  Kent  (Chimi/o  Law  Timen,  v.  3,  pp. 
;):i!)-;Ml). 

A.  D.  1821. — Negative  Pleas  to  be  siipported 
by  an  Answer. —  "The  principle  of  negative 
2)Ieas  was  first  established  by  the  introduction  of 
anomalous  pleas;  but  it  was  not  perceivcU  at 
'irst  that  anomalous  pleas  involved  the  admission 
of  pure  negative  pleas.  It  would  ofttm  happen, 
however,  that  a  defendant  woidd  have  no  atlirm- 
ative  defence  to  a  bill,  and  yet  the  bill  could  not 
be  BUiiported  bemuse  of  the  falsity  of  some 
material  allegation  contained  in  it;  and,  if  the 
defendant  could  deny  this  false  allegation  bj'  a 
negative  plea,  he  would  thereby  avoid  giving 
discovery  as  to  all  other  parts  '' '  the  bill.  At 
length,  therefore,  the  experiment  of  setting  uj) 
such  a  ])lea  was  tried ;  and,  though  unsuccessful 
at  first,  it  prevailed  in  the  end,  and  negative 
pleas  became  fully  established.  If  they  had 
been  well  understood,  they  might  have  proved  a 
moderate  success,  although  they  were  wholly 
foreign  to  the  system  into  which  they  were  in- 
corporated; but,  as  it  was,  their  introduction 
was  attended  with  infinite  mischief  and  trouble, 
and  they  ilid  much  to  bring  the  system  into  dis- 
repute. For  example,  it  was  not  clearly  under- 
stood for  a  long  time  that  a  pure  negative  plea 
required  the  support  of  an  answer;  and  there 
was  no  direct  decision  to  that  effect  until  flic 
case  of  Sanders  v.  King,  6  Madd.  01,  Ciis.  in 
Eq.  PI.  74,  decided  in  1821."— C.  C.  L'lngdell, 
Summary  of  Eipiity  Pleading,  }>}).  113-114. 

A.  D.  1834. — First  Statute  of  Limitations  in 
Equity. — "  None  of  the  English  statutes  of  limi- 
tation, prior  to  3  &  4  Wm.  IV.,  c.  27,  had  any 
application  to  suits  in  equity.  Indeed,  they  con- 
tained no  general  terms  embracing  all  actions  at 
law,  but  named  specifically  all  actions  to  which 
they  applied;  and  they  made  no  mention  what- 
ever of  suits  in  equity.  If  a  plaintiff  sued  in 
equity,  when  he  might  have  brought  on  action 
at  law,  and  the  time  for  bringing  the  action  was 
limited  by  statute,  the  statute  might  in  a  certain 
sense  be  pleaded  to  the  suit  in  equity;  for  the 
defendant  mijjlit  say  that,  if  the  plaintiff  had 
sued  at  law,  his  action  would  have  been  barred ; 
that  the  declared  policy  of  the  law  therefore,  was 
against  the  plaintiff's  recovering;  and  hence  the 
cause  was  not  one  of  which  a  court  of  equity 
ought  to  take  cogni;'.anee.  In  strictness,  how- 
ever, the  plea  in  such  a  case  would  be  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  court. " — C.  C.  Langdell,  Sum- 
mary of  Equity  Pleading,  pp.  140-150. 

A.  b.  1836. — Personal  Character  of  Shares 
of  Stock  first  established  in  England.— "The 
most  accurate  definition  of  the  nature  of  the 
l)roperty  acquired  by  the  purchase  of  a  share 
of  stock  in  r.  corporation  is  that  it  is  a  fraction 
of  all  the  rights  and  duties  of  the  stoctdioldcrs 
composing  the  corporation.  Such  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  the  clearly  recognized  view 
till  after  the  beginning  of  the  present  century. 
The  old  idea  was  rather  that  the  corporation  held 
all  its  property  strictly  as  a  trustee,  and  that 
the  shareholders  were,  strictly  speaking,  'ces- 
tuis  que  tnist,'  being  ic  equity  co-owners  of  the 
corporate  property.  ...  It  was  not  until  the 
decision  of  Bligh  v.  Brent  [Y.  &  C.  268],  in  1836, 


that  the  modem  view  was  established  in  Eng- 
land."— S.  \Villi.ston,  Ifint.  of  t/ie  Lato  of  liuninem 
CorjMratiiiuK  before  ISOO  {Harvard  LawJiev.,  v.  2, 
pp.  149-1.')1). 

A.  D.  187s.— Patents,  CopyrightsanJ  Trade- 
Marks. —  "In  modern  times  the  inventor  of  a 
new  process  obtains  from  the  Stat(^  by  way  of 
recompense  for  the  benefit  he  has  conferred  upon 
society,  and  in  order  to  encourage  others  to  follow 
his  example,  not  only  an  exclusive  privilege  of 
using  the  new  process  for  a  fixed  term  of  years, 
but  also  the  right  of  letting  or  selling  his  privi- 
lege to  another.  Such  an  indulgence  is  called  a 
patent-right,  and  a  very  similar  favour,  known 
as  copy-ri;j;lit,  is  granted  to  the  authors  of  books, 
and  to  painters,  engravers,  and  sculptors,  in  the 
productions  of  their  genius.  It  has  been  a  some- 
what vexcfl  question  whether  a  'trade-mark  '  is 
to  be  added  to  the  list  of  intangibl'"  objects  of 
owneiship.  It  was  at  any  rate  so  treated  in  a 
scries  of  judgments  by  Lord  Westbury,  which, 
it  seems,  are  still  good  law.  He  says,  for  in- 
stance, '  Imposition  on  the  public  is  indeetl  nec- 
essary for  the  plaint i  V's  title,  but  in  this  woy 
only,  thot  it  is  the  tcsi  of  the  invasion  by  the 
defendant  cf  the  pli-intiff's  right  of  property.' 
rCiting  33  L.  J.  Ch.  204;  cf.  35C'h.  D.  Oakley  v. 
Dalton.l  It  WPS  also  so  described  in  the  '  Trade 
Marks  Ilegistmtion  Act,'  1875  [gg  3,  4,  5],  as  it 
was  in  the  French  law  of  1857  relating  to  '  Jlar- 
ques  de  fabrique  et  de  commerce.'  'The  exten- 
sion of  the  idea  of  ownership  to  these  three 
rights  is  of  comparatively  recent  date.  Patent- 
riglit  in  England  is  older  than  the  Statute  of 
Monopolies,  21  Jac.  I.  c.  3,  and  copy-right  is  ob- 
scurely traceable  previously  to  the  Act  of  8  Anne, 
c.  19,  but  trade-marks  were  first  protected  in  the 
present  century." — T.  E.  Holland,  Elements  of 
Jurixprudence,  Tithed.,  p.  183. 

A  so  IN :  E.  S.  Drone,  Treatise  on  the  Law  of 
Property  in  Intellectual  Productions. 


Topics  of  law  treated  imdcr  other  heads  are 
indicated  by  the  following  references: 

Agrarian  Laws.     See  Aguahian Assize 

of  Jerusalem.     See  Assizu Brehon  Laws. 

See  Bkeiion Canuleian  Laws.    See  1{ome: 

B.  C.  445 Code  Napoleon.      See  Fhance: 

A.  D.  1801-1804 Common  Law.  See  Com- 
mon Law Constitutional  Laws.  See  Con- 
stitution  Debt  and  Debtors.    See  Debt. 

....  Dioklesian      Laws.       See     Diokles 

Dooms   of    Ihne.      See   Dooms Draconian 

Laws.      See   Athens:    B.  C.  624 Factory 

Laws.      See  Factory Hortensian    Laws. 

See  Home:  B.  C.  286 Institutes  and  Pan- 
dects of  Justinian.    See  Coni'us  Junis  Civii.is. 

. . .  .Licinian  Laws.    See  Hcme:  B.  C.  376 

Lycurgan    Laws.     See  Spauta Ls""s   of 

Manu.     Sjc  M.\>'u Navigation  Laws.    See 

Navigation   Laws Og^Tnian    Law.      See 

Rome:   B.  C.   300 Laws  of  Oleron.     See 

Oleuon Poor  Laws.    See  Pooii  Laws 

Publilian   Laws.     See   Rome:    B.  C.   472-471, 

and  340 Salic  Laws.     See  Salic Slave 

Codes.    See  Slavery Solonian  La'ws.    Sec 

Athens:  B.  C.  594 Tariff  Legislation.  See 

Tauiff Terentilian     Law.       See     Rome: 

B.  C.  451-449 The  Twelve  Tables.    See 

Rome:  B.  C.  451-449 Valerian  Law.     See 

Rome:   B.   C.  509 Valero-Horatian   Law. 

See  Rome:  B.  C.  449. 


1994 


LAWFELD. 


LECIIFELD. 


LAWFELD,  Battle  of  (1747).  SeeNExnEU- 
i,ANi)8:  A,  I).  174(1-1747. 

LAWRENCE,  Captain  James:  IntheWar 
of  1812.  See  L'nitkd  Statkh  of  Am,:  A.  I). 
1812-1813. 

LAWRENCE,  Lord,  the  Indian  Adminis- 
tration of.  See  Indi.v:  A.  I).  1845-1840;  18.J7 
(Ju.NK— SKi'Tr.MiiKii);  mill  1863-1870. 

LAWRENCE,  Kansas:  A.  D.  1863.— Sack- 
ing of  the  town  by  Quantrell's  guerrillas.  See 
Unitkd   Statks  of  Am.:  A.  1).  1801)  (Auoust: 

MiSSOlIHI— K.\N8.\S). 

LAYBACH,    Congress  of.     See    Vekona, 

CONQUKSH  OK. 

LAZARISTS,  The.— "The  Priests  of  the 
Missions,  or  the  Laznrists  ['sometimes called  the 
Vincentian  Congregation'],  .  .  .  have  not  iin- 
frequently  done  very  essential  serviee  to  Chris- 
tianity." Tlieir  Society  was  founded  in  1024  by 
St.  Vmcent  do  Paul,  "at  the  so-called  Priory  of 
St.  Lazarus  in  Paris,  whence  the  name  Lazarists. 
.  .  .  Besides  their  mission-labours,  they  toolc 
complete  charge,  in  many  instances,  of  ecclesias- 
tical seminaries,  which,  in  obedience  to  the  in- 
struction of  the  Council  of  Trent,  had  been 
established  in  the  various  dioceses,  and  even  at 
tliis  day  many  of  tlieso  institutions  are  imder 
their  direction.  In  the  year  1643  these  6  oted 
priests  were  to  be  seen  in  Italy,  and  not  long 
after  were  sent  to  Algiers,  to  Tunis,  to  Madagas- 
car, and  to  Poland.'  —J.  Alzog,  Manual  of  Uni- 
versal Uhurch  Hut.,  ..  3,  ;>/).  463-46.5. 

Also  in  :  II.  L.  8.  Lear,  Priestly  Life  in  France, 
eh.  5. 

LAZICA.— LAZIC  WAR.— "  Lazica,  the 
ancient  Colchis  and  the  modern  Mingrelia  and 
Imeritia,  bordered  upon  the  Ulack  Sea."  From 
A.  D.  533  to  541  tlie  little  kingdom  was  a  depen- 
dency of  Rome,  its  king,  liaving  a>-,cepted  Chris- 
tianity, acknowledging  liiniself  a  vassal  of  the 
Romau  or  Byzantine  emperor.  But  tlie  Romans 
provoked  a  revolt  by  their  encroachments.  "They 
seized  and  fortifled  a  strong  post,  called  Petni, 
upon  tlie  coast,  appointed  a  commandant  wlio 
claimed  ru  authority  as  great  us  that  of  the 
Lazic  king,  and  established  a  commiTcial  monop- 
oly which  pressed  with  great  severity  upon  the 
poorer  classes  of  the  Lazi."  The  Persians  were 
accordingly  invited  in  to  drive  the  Romans  out, 
and  did  so,  reducing  Lazica,  for  the  lime  beiiiir, 
to  the  state  of  a  Persian  province.  But,  in  their 
turn,  the  Persians  became  obnoxious,  and  the 
Lazi,  making  their  peace  with  Rome,  were  taken 
by  the  Emperor  Justinian  under  his  protection. 
"The  Lazic  war,  which  commenced  in  con.se- 
quence  of  this  act  of  Justiiuan's,  continued  al- 
most without  intermission  for  nine  years — from 
A.  D.  540  to  557.  Its  details  are  rehiteil  at  great 
length  by  Procopius  und  Agatliias,  who  view 
tlie  struggle  as  one  whicli  vitidly  concerned  the 
interests  of  their  country.  According  to  them, 
ChosroOs  [the  Persian  king]  was  bent  upon  hold- 
ing Lazica  in  order  to  construct  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Phasis  a  great  naval  station  and  arsenal,  from 
which  his  fleets  might  issue  to  command  the  com- 
merce or  ravage  the  shores  of  the  Black  Sea. " 
The  Persians  in  the  end  withdrew  from  Lazica, 
but  the  Romans,  by  treaty,  paid  them  an  annual 
tribute  for  tlieir  possession  of  the  country. — G. 
Rawlinson,  Seventh  Great  Monarchy,  eh.  30. 

Also  in:  J.  Bury,  Later  Roman  Empire,  bk, 
4,  cA.  9  (».  1).  -See,  also,  Pbksia:  A.  D,  226-637. 

LAZZI,  The.    See  LiBTi. 


LEAGUE,  The  Achaian.  See  Grkeck:  B.C. 
28(1- 140. 
LEAGUE,  The  Anti-Corn-Law.     See  Tau- 

IKK  I.Kdlsl.ATIO.N  (KNdl.AND):  .V.  1  >.  1836-18:!!); 
ami  184.-)-1840. 

LEAGUE,  The  Borromean  or  Golden.  Sec 
SwnzK.ni.ANi):  A.  D.  ir)7i)-Ui;i(). 

LEAGUE,  The  Catholic,  in  France.  See 
Fuanck:  A.  I).  1.570- l.")8r),  laid  after. 

LEAGUE,  The  first  Catholic,  in  Germany. 
See  Papacy:  A.  I).  l.^iO-lT):!!. 

LEAGUE,  The  second  Catholic,  in  Ger- 
many.    SeeGKKMANV:  A.  I).  1008-1018. 

LEAGUE,  The  Cobblers'.  Sec  Germany: 
A.  I).  1.521-152.-). 

LEAGUE, The  Delian.  See  Gueece:  B.C. 
478-477. 

LEAGUE,  The  Hanseatic.  Sec  Hansa 
Towns. 

LEAGUE,  The  Holy,  of  the  Catholic  party 
in  the  Religious  Wars  of  France.  See  France: 
A.  I).  1576-1585,  to  1.593-1.598. 

LEAGUE,  The  Holy,  of  German  Catholic 
princes.     See  Gkumanv:  A.I).  15;i;!-1.540. 

LEAGUE,  The  Holy,  of  Pope  Clement  VIL 
against  Charles  V.  See  Italy:  A.  D.  1.523- 
1527. 

LEAGUE,  The  Holy,  of  Pope  Innocent  XL, 
the  Emperor,  Venice,  Polanu  and  Russia 
against  the  Turks.  See  Tuuks:  A.  !).  1684- 
1696. 

LEAGUE,  The  Holy,  of  Pope  Julius  II. 
against  Louis  XII.  of  France.  Sec  Italy: 
A.  I).  1510-1513. 

LEAGUE,  The  Holy,  of  Spain,  Venice  and 
the  Pope  against  the  Turks.  See  Tukks: 
A.  D.  1506-1.571. 

LEAGUE,  The  Irish  Land.  See  Ireland: 
A.  D.  1873-1879;  and  1881-1883. 

LEAGUE,  The  Swabian.  See  Landkriede, 
&c. 

LEAGUE,  The  Union.   See  Union  League. 

LEAGUE  AND  COVENANT,  The  sol- 
emn.    See  Enc.'and:  A.   I).   1043   (,Iuly— Si;i'- 

TEMllKU). 

LEAGUE  OF  AUGSBURG.  See  Germany: 
A.  1).  168(i. 

LEAGUE  OF  CAMBRAI.  See  Venice: 
A.  I).  1508-1.509. 

LEAGUE  OF  LOMBARDY.  See  Italy: 
A.  1).  1166-1107. 

LEAGUE  OF  POOR  CONRAD,  The.  See 
Gkumanv:  A.I).  1.524-1.52.5. 

LEAGUE  OF  RATISBON.  See  Papacy: 
A.  I).  1522-1.525. 

LEAGUE  OF  SMALKALDE,  The.  See 
Germany:  A.  1).  1530-1.5;«. 

LEAGUE  OF  THE  GUEUX.  See  Neth- 
ERLANUsf  A.  I).  1.562-1.500. 

LEAGUE  OF  THE  PRINCES.  See 
France:  A.  D.  1485-1487. 

LEAGUE  OF  THE  PUBLIC  WEAL. 
See  France:   A.  D.  1461-1468:  also,  1453-1461. 

LEAGUE  OF  THE  RHINE.  See  Rhine 
League. 

LEAGUE  OF  TORGAU.  See  Papacy: 
A.  D.  1525-1.529. 

LL  ."iGUES,  The  Grey.  See  Switzerland: 
A.  D.  i39P  -1499, 

LE  liOIIRGET,  Sortie  of  (1870).  See 
France:  A.  I).  1870-1871. 

LECHFELD,  OR  BATTLE  ON  THE 
LECH  (A.  D.  955).    See  Hungariams:  A.  D. 


1995 


LECHFELD. 


LEINSTER  TUIBUTE. 


fl33-055 (1632.)    Hte  Oeiimany:  A.  D.  1631- 

1633. 

LECOMPTON  CONSTITUTION,  The. 
Sec  Kanhah:  A.  I).  ly.ll-lHr.i). 

LEE,  General  Charles,  and  the  War  of  the 
American  Revolution.  .Sec  Unitei)  Mtatks  ok 
Am.:  a.  I).  177.")  (May— AiJdUHT);  1776  (.Iu.m:), 
(AiHirnT);  iiiiil  1778  (.Junk). 

LEE,  General  Henry  {"  Light  Horse  Har- 
ry"), and  the  American  Revolution.  See 
L'mtki)  SrATKs  OF  Am.  :  1780-1781. 

LEE,  Richard  Henry,  and  the  American 
Revolution.     Sec  L'mtkd  Statks  op  i  .m.  :  A.  1). 

1776  v.'AMAitv— .IiNK),  {.Ii'LY) Opposition 

to  the  Federal  Constitution.  Sec  UNiTiiD 
.Statksof  Am,  :  A.  I).  1787-178it. 

LEE,  General  Robert  E.  —  Can'paign  in 
West  >'irginia.  Sec  Umtkd  Sr.vrKti  ok  Am.: 
A.  D.   ^861  (Ai-ousT— Deckmbku:    Wkst  Viii- 

oiNiA) Command  on   the   Peninsula.     Sec 

Unitku  States  of  Am.  :  A.  I).  1802  (June:  Viu- 

ginia),    and    (JuiiY — Auoust:    Viuoinia) 

Campaign  against  Pope.  Bee  United  States 
okAm.  :  A.  I).  1802  (.July — AuorsT:  ViiuiiNrA); 
(Auoust:  Viuoinia);  iinil  (August — Sei'tem- 
BEU:  Viuoinia) First  invasion  of  Mary- 
land. See  United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  1802 
(Sei'temiieh:  Makyi.and) Defeat  of  Hook- 
er. Sec  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  1).  1803 
(Aniii. — May:  ViiuiiNiA) The  second  move- 
ment of  invasion. — Gettysburg  and  after.  Sec 
United  St..i'esof  Am.  :  A.  1).  1803  (.June:  Viu- 
oinia), and  (.Iune— July:  Pennsylvania);  also 
(July — Novemiieu:  Viuoinia) Last  Cam- 
paigns. See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  I).  1864 
(JIay:  Viuoinia),  to  1865  (Apuil:  Virginia). 

LEEDS,  Battle  at  (1643).— Leeds,  occupied 
by  tlio  Royalists,  under  Sir  William  Savile,  was 
taken  by  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax,  after  hard  fight- 
ing, on  the  23<1  of  January,  1643.— C.  R.  Mark- 
Jiam,  Life  of  the  Great  h)rd  Fairfa.r,  ch.  9. 

LEESBURG,  OR  BALL'S  BLUFF,  Bat- 
tle of.  Sec  United  States  of  Ay  •  \.  I).  1801 
(Octoheu:  Viuoini.s). 

LEEWARD  ISLANDS,  The.  'c  West 
Indies.  .^ 

LEFEVRE,  Jacques,  and  the  Reformation 
in  France.     See  Papacy:  A.  D.  1521-1535. 

LEFT,  The. —  Left  Center,  The.  See 
Rioiit.  .^c. 

LEGaTE.— Tills  was  the  title  given  to  the 
lieutenant-general  or  associate  chosen  by  a  Roman 
commander  or  provincial  governor  to  be  his 
8CCond-in-authorily. —  W.  Ramsay,  Manual  of 
Roman  Antiq.,  ch.  12. 

LEGES  JULIiE,  LEGES  SEMPRO- 
lilJE,  &c.  Sec  Julian  Laws;  Sempuonian 
Laws,  &c. 

LEGION,  The  Roman.— "The  ofigiual  or- 
der of  a  Roman  army  was,  as  it  seems,  similar  to 
the  phalanx;  but  the  long  unbroken  line  had 
been  divided  intti  smaller  detachments  since,  and 
perhaps  by  Camillus.  The  long  wars  in  the 
Samnite  mountains  naturally  caused  the  Romans 
to  retain  and  to  perfect  this  organisation,  which 
made  their  army  more  movable  and  pliable, 
without  preventing  the  separate  bodies  quickly 
combining  and  forming  in  one  line.  The  legion 
now  [at  the  time  of  the  war  with  Pyrrhus,  B.  C. 
2801  consistcdof  thirty  companies  (called  '  man- 
ipuli ' )  of  the  average  strength  of  a  hundred  men, 
■which  were  arranged  in  three  lines  of  ten  inan- 
ipuli  each,  like  the  black  squares  on  a  chess- 


board. The  manipuli  of  the  first  lino  rnnslstod 
of  the  youngest  lioops,  called  'hiistati';  those 
of  the  second  line,  called  '  principes,'  were  men 
in  the  full  vigour  of  life;  tliosc  of  the  third,  the 
'triarii,'  foinied  a  reserve  of  older  soldiers,  and 
wcn^  numeriiuUy  only  half  as  strong  as  the  other 
two  lines.  The  tactic  order  of  the  manipuli  en- 
abled the  general  to  move  the  'princi|)es'  for- 
ward into  the  intervals  of  the  'hastati,'  or  to 
withdraw  the  '  hastati'  back  into  the  intervals  of 
the  'principes,'  the  'triarii'  being  kept  as  a  re- 
serve. .  .  .  The  light  troops  were  armed  with 
javelins,  and  retired  behind  the  solid  mass  of  the 
manipuli  as  soon  us  they  had  discharged  their 
wca|>(iiis  in  front  of  the  line,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  <(]mbat."  —  W.  Ihne,  Hist,  of  Home,  bk.  3,  cli. 
16  (c.  1). — "The  legions,  as  they  are  described 
bv  Polybius,  in  the  time  of  the  Punic  ware, 
(lifl'ered  very  materially  from  those  which 
achieved  the  victovies  of  Cajsar,  or  defended 
the  monarchy  of  Hadrian  and  the  Antonines. 
The  constitution  of  the  Imperial  legion  may  be 
descrilwd  in  a  few  words.  The  heavy  armed 
infantry,  which  composed  its  principal  strength, 
was  divided  into  ten  cohorts,  aud  fiftj  -five  com- 
jjanies,  under  the  ordere  of  a  corresix)ndent  num- 
ber of  tribunes  and  centurions.  The  tlret  cohort, 
which  always  claimed  the  post  of  honour  and  the 
custody  of  the  eagle,  was  formed  of  1,105  sol- 
diers, the  most  approved  for  valour  and  fidelity. 
The  remaining  nine  cohorts  consisted  each  of 
555;  and  the  whole  bo<ly  of  legionary  infantry 
am<)\intcd  to  6,100  men.  .  .  .  The  legion  was 
usually  drawn  up  iigbt  deep,  and  the  regular 
distance  of  three  feet  was  left  between  the  files 
as  well  as  ranks.  .  .  .  The  cavalry,  without 
which  the  force  of  the  legion  would  have  re- 
mained imperfect,  was  divided  into  ten  troops  or 
squadrons ;  the  first,  as  the  companion  of  the  first 
cohort,  consisted  of  132  men;  whilst  each  of  the 
other  nine  amounted  only  to  06."  —  E.  Gibbon, 
Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Iloman  Empire,  ch.  1. 

Also  in:  W.  Ramsay,  Manual  of  Human 
Antiq.,  ch.  12. 

LEGION  OF  HONOR,  Institution  of  the. 
See  Fuance:  A.  D.  1801-1803. 

LEGITIMISTS  AND  ORLEANISTS.— 
The  partisans  of  Bourbon  monarchy  in  France 
became  divided  into  two  factions  by  the  revolu- 
tion of  1830,  which  deposed  Charles  X.  and 
ri\ised  Louis  Philippe  to  the  throne.  Charles  X., 
brother  of  Louis  XVI.  an'd  Louis  XVIII.,  was 
in  the  direct  line  of  royal  descent,  from  Louis 
XIV.  Louis  Philippe,  Duke  of  Orleans,  who 
displaced  him,  belonged  to  a  younger  branch  of 
the  Bourbon  family,  descending  from  the  brother 
of  Louis  XIV.,  PhilipiJo,  Duke  of  Orleans, 
father  of  the  liegcnt  Orleans.  Louis  Philippe, 
in  his  turn,  was  expelled  from  the  throne  in  1848, 
and  the  crown,  after  that  event,  became  an  ob- 
ject of  claim  in  botli  families.  The  claim  sup- 
ported by  the  I^cgitimists  was  extinguished  m 
1883  by  the  death  of  the  childless  Comte  de 
Chambonl,  grandson  of  Charles  X.  The  Orlean- 
ist  claim  is  still  maintained  (1894)  by  the  Comte 
de  Paris,  grandson  of  Louis  Philippe. 

LEGNANO,  Battle  of  (1176).  See  Italy: 
A.  D.  1174-1183. 

LEICESTER,  The  Earl  of,  in  the  Nether- 
lands. See  Netherlands:  A.  D.  1585-1586; 
and  1587-1588. 

LEINSTER  TRIBUTE,  The.  SeeBoAKi- 
AK  Tribute. 


1996 


LEIPSIC. 


lEPTIS  MAGNA. 


LEIPSIC :  A.  D.  1631.— Battle  of  Breiten- 
feld,  before  the  city.      See   Oeumany:    A.    I). 

io;n. 

A.  D.  1642.— Second  Battle  of  Breitenfeld. 
— Surrender  of  the  city  to  the  Swedes.  8ce 
«k.iimany:  a.  I).  1010-1045. 

A.  D.  1813. — Occupied  by  the  Prussians  and 
Russians.  —  Regained  by  the  French.  —  The 
great  "  Battle  oTthe  Nations."  See  Oeumany: 
A.  I).  1812-1813;  1813  (Apuri,— May),  (Septem- 
iiEU — OcTODEii),  and  (Octobeh). 


LEIPSIC,  University  of.  See  Education, 
Medi.-evai,:  Gkumany. 

LEISLER'S  REVOLUTION.  See  New 
Yokk:  a.  1).  108l»-10!)l. 

LEITH,  The  Concordat  of.  See  f  otland: 
A.  1).  1573. 

LEKHS,  The.     See  Lyoianh. 

LELAND  STANFORD  JUNIOR  UNI- 
VERSITY. See  Edhcation,  jIodeun  :  Amku- 
ica:  a.  I).  1884-1891. 

LELANTIAN  FIELDS.— LELANTIAN 
FEUD.    See  Ciialcis  and  Eiieti'ia;  and  Eu- 

IKKA. 

LELEGES,  The.— "The  Greeks  beyond  tlio 
8ea  [Ionian  Greeks  of  Asia  Minor]  were  however 
not  merely  designated  in  groups,  according  to 
the  countries  out  of  which  they  came,  but  certain 
collective  names  existed  for  them  —  such  as  that 
of  Javan  in  the  East.  .  .  .  Among  all  these 
names  the  most  widely  sjiroad  was  that  of  the 
Leleges,  which  the  ai.cients  themselves  desig- 
nated as  that  of  a  mixed  people.  In  Lycia,  in 
Miletus,  and  in  the  Troad  these  Leleges  had  their 
home;  in  other  words,  on  the  whole  extent  of 
coast  in  which  we  have  recognized  the  primitive 
seats  of  the  people  of  Ionic  Greeks." — E.  Cur- 
tius.  Hist,   of  Oreeet,   bk.    1,   ch.   2. — See,   also, 

DoniANS  AND  IONIAN8. 

LELIAERDS. — In  the  mcdiffival  annals  of 
the  Flemish  peojjle,  the  partisans  of  the  French 
are  called  "  Leliaerds,"  from  "  lelie,"  the  Flemish 
for  lily. — J.  Hutton,  Jamei  and  Philip  van  Arte- 
eeUl,  p.  32,  foot-note. 

LE  MANS  :  Defeat  of  the  Vendians.  See 
Fkance:  a.  D.  1793  (Jf  I. y — Decembeu). 

LE  MANS,  Battle  of  (1871).  See  France: 
A.  D.  1870-1871. 

LEMNOS. — One  of  the  larger  islands  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  .iEgean  Sea,  lying  opposite 
the  Trojan  coast.  It  was  anciently  associated 
with  Samothracc  and  Imbros  in  the  mysterious 
worship  of  the  Cabeiri. 

LEMOVICES,  The.— The  Lemovices  were 
a  tribe  of  Gauls  who  occupied,  in  Cwsar's  time, 
the  territory  afterwards  known  as  the  Limousin 
—  department  of  Upper  Vienne  and  parts  ad- 
joining.—  Napoleon  III.,  Hist,  of  Cassar,  bk.  3, 
ch.  2,  foot-note. — The  city  of  Limoges  derived  its 
existence  and  its  name  from  the  Lemovices. 

LEMOVII,  The. — A  tribe  in  ancient  Ger- 
many whose  territory,  on  the  Baltic  coast,  prob- 
ably in  the  neighborhood  of  Danzig,  bordered  on 
that  of  the  Gothones. — Church  and  Brotlribb, 
Qeog.  Notes  to  the  Oermany  of  Tacitus. 

LENAPE,  The.  See  American  Aborigines: 
Delawareb. 

LENS,  Siege  and  battle  (1647-1648).  See 
Netherlands  (Spanish  Provinces):  A.  D. 
1647-1048. 

LENTIENSES,  The.  See  Alkmanni:  A.  D. 
213. 


LEO   I.,  Roman  Emperor  (Eastern),  \.  D. 

457-474 Leo  II.,  Pope,  082-083 Leo  II., 

Roman  Emperor  (Eastern),  474 Leo  III., 

Pope,  795-810 Leo  III.  (called  The  Isau- 

rian),   Emperor  in  the   East    (Byzantine,  or 

Greek),717-741 Leo  IV.,  Pope,  847-85.5 

Leo  IV.,  Emperor  in  the  East  (Byzantine, 
or  Greek),  775-780 Leo  V.,  Pope,  903,  Oc- 
tober to  December Leo  V.,  Emperor  in  the 

East  (Byzantine,  or  Greek),  813-820 Leo 

VI.,   Pope,  1(28-929 Leo  VI.,   Emperor  in 

the  East  (Byzantine,  or  Greek),  880-911 

Leo  VII.,  Pope,  936-939 Leo  VIII.,  Anti- 
pope,  903-905 Leo    IX.,  Pope,  1049-1054. 

...Leo    X.,    Pope,    1513-1521 Leo    XI., 

Pope,   1005,  April  2-27 Leo   XII.,   Pope, 

1823-1829 Leo  XIII.,  Pope,  1878, 

LEOBEN,  Preliminary  treaty  of  (1797).  See 
Fkance:  A.l).  1790-1797  (October— Apuil). 

LEODIS  (WEREGILD).     See  Guaf. 

LEON,  Ponce  de,  and  his  quest.  See 
America:  A.  D.  1512. 

LEON,  Origin  of  the  name  of  the  city  and 
kingdom. — "'lliis  name  Legio  or  Lcou,  so  long 
borne  by  a  province  and  by  its  cliief  city  in 
Spain,  is  derived  from  the  old  Roman  '  Regniim 
Legionis '(Kingdom  of  the  Legion)." — H.  Coppee, 
Conquest  of  Spain  by  the  Avab-Moors,  bk.  5,  ch.  1 
(».  1). 

Origin  of  the  kingdom.  See  Spain  :  A.  D. 
713-910. 

Union  of  the  kingdom  with  Castile.  See 
Spain:  A.  I).  1020-1230;  and  1212-1238. 


LEONIDAS   AT   THERMOPYLiE.     See 

Greece:  B.  C.  480;  and  Athens:  B.  C.  480^79. 

LEONINE  CITY,  The.    See  Vatican. 

LEONTINI.  —  The  Leontine  War.  See 
Syracuse:  B.  C.  415-413. 

LEONTIUS,  Roman  Emperor  (Eastern), 
A.  I).  095-098. 

LEOPOLD  I.,  Germanic  Emperor,  A.  D. 
1058-1705;  King  of  Hungary,  1055-1705;  King 

of  Bohemia,  1057-1705 Leopold  I.,  King  of 

Belgium,  1831-1865 Leopold  II.,  Germanic 

Emperor,  and  King  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia, 

1790-1793 Leopold  II.,  King  of  Belgium, 

1865. 

LEPANTO,  Naval  Battle  of  (1571).  See 
Turks:  A.  I).  1566-1571. 

LEPERS  AND  JEWS,  Persecution  of. 
See  Jews:  A.  D.  1321. 

LIPIDUS,  Revolutionary  attempt  of.  See 
Rome:  B.  C.  78-68. 

LEPTA.    See  Talent. 

LEPTIS  MAGNA. —  "The  city  of  Leptis 
Majjiia,  originally  a  Phoenician  colony,  was  the 
capital  of  this  part  of  the  province  [the  tract  of 
north- African  coast  between  the  Lesser  and  the 
Greater  Syrtes],  and  held  much  the  same  promi- 
nent position  as  that  of  Tripoli  at  the  present 
day.  The  only  other  towns  In  the  region  of  the 
Syrtes,  as  it  was  sometimes  called,  were  (Ea,  on 
the  site  of  the  modern  Tripoli,  and  Sabrata,  the 
ruins  of  which  are  still  visible  at  a  place  called 
Tripoli  Vecchio.  The  three  together  gave  the 
name  of  the  Tripolis  of  Africa  to  this  region,  as 
distinguished  from  the  Ptntapolis  of  CyrenaVca. 
Hence  the  modern  appellation."  —  E.  H.  Bun- 
bury,  Hist,  of  Ancient  Qeog.,  ch.  20,  sect.  \.,  foot- 
note (».  2).— See,  also,  Cartoaoe,  Tuk  Domin- 
ion OF. 


199^ 


I^ERIDA. 


LEUDE8. 


LERIDA:  B.  C.  49.  —  Caesar's  success 
•gainst  the  Pompeians.     Sec  Homf.  :  U.  C.  4l(. 

A.  D.  1644-1640,  Sieges  and  battle.  Hcc 
Hpain:  a.  I).  1044   I « HI, 

A.  D.  1707.  —  Stormed  and  sacked  by  the 
French  and  Spaniards.     Sci,' Si-ain:  A.  I).  1707. 

LESBOS.— Tlu!  liirgcRt  of  tlio  i.slands  of  tlin 
.^i^ciin,  lying  soutli  of  the  Troml,  great  part  of 
which  it  once  controlled,  was  particiilarly  dis- 
lingiiishcd  iu  the  early  literary  history  of  an- 
cient Greece,  linving  produced  what  is  called 
"  the  vEolian  school  "  of  lyric  poetry.  Alcieus, 
Happho,  Terpander  and  Arion  were  poets  who 
sprang  from  Lesbos.  The  island  was  one  of  tlii! 
important  colonies  of  what  was  known  ns  the 
vEolic  migration,  but  became  subject  to  Athens 
after  the  Persian  War.  In  the  fourth  vear  of 
the  Peloponnesian  War  its  chief  city,  Mitylene 
(whicli  afterwards  gave  its  name  to  the  entire 
island),  seized  the  opportunity  to  revolt.  The 
siege  ond  reduction  of  Mytilene  by  the  Athe- 
nians was  one  of  the  exciting  incidents  of  tliat 
struggle. — Tliucydides,  History,  bh.  3. 

Also  in:  G.  Grote,  Hist,  of  Orcece.,  pt.  2,  eh. 
14  luul  50. — See,  also,  Asia  Minor:  The  Gueek 
t^oi.oNiEs;  and  Greece:  B.  C.  420-427. 

B.  C.  412.  —  Revolt  from  Athens.  Sec 
Gheece:  R  C.  413-412, 

LESCHE,  The.  —  The  clubs  of  Sparta  and 
Athens  formed  an  important  feature  of  the  life 
of  Greece,  In  every  Grecian  community  tliere 
was  a  place  of  resort  called  the  Lesche.  In 
Sparta  it  was  peculiarly  the  resort  of  old  men, 
who  assembled  round  a  blazing  tire  in  winter, 
and  were  listened  to  with  profound  respect  by 
their  juniors.  Tlie.se  retreats  were  numerous  in 
Athens.  — C.  O.  Mllller,  Hint,  and  Antiquities 
of  the  Done  race,  v.  2,  p.  396.  — "The  proper 
home  of  the  Spartan  art  of  speech,  the  original 
source  of  so  many  Spartan  jolies  current  over 
all  Greece,  was  the  Lesche,  the  place  of  meeting 
for  men  nt  leisure,  near  tlio  public  drilling- 
grounds,  where  they  met  in  small  bands,  and 
exclianged  merry  talk."  —  E.  Curtius,  Hist,  of 
Greece,  v.  1,  ;),  220  (Am.  ((J.). 

LESCO  v.,  Duke  of  Poland,  A.  D.  Ilfl4- 
1227 Lesco  VI.,  Duke  of  Poland,  1279-1289, 

LESE-MAJESTY.  — A  term  in  English  law 
signifying  treason,  borrowed  from  the  Homans, 
The  contriving,  or  counselling  or  consenting  to 
the  king's  deatli,  or  sedition  against  the  king,  are 
included  in  the  crime  of  "lese-majesty."  —  W. 
Stubbs,  Coiut.  Hist,  of  Eng.,  ch.  21,  sect.  786. 

LE  TELLIER,  andthe  suppression  of  Port 
Royal.  See  Port  Royal  and  the  Jansenists: 
A.  D.  1702-1713. 

LETTER  OF  MAJESTY,  The.  See  Bo- 
hemia: A.  D.  1611-1618, 

LETTERS  OF  MARQUE.  See  Priva- 
teers. 

LETTRE  DE  CACHET.— "In  French  his- 
tory, a  letter  or  order  under  seal ;  a  private  letter 
of  state:  a  name  given  especially  to  a  written 
order  proceeding  from  and  signed  by  the  king, 
and  countersigned  by  a  secretary  of  state,  and 
used  at  first  as  an  occcasional  means  of  delaying 
the  course  of  justice,  but  later,  in  the  17th  and 
18th  centuries,  as  a  warrant  for  the  imprisonment 
without  trial  of  a  person  obnoxious  for  any  rea- 
son to  the  government,  often  for  life  or  for  a  long 
period,  and  on  frivolous  pretexts.     Lettres  do 


cachet  were  abolished  at  the  Re  volution." — Cen- 
tury />tW.—  "The  rdidstcr  used  to  give  generous- 
ly blank  lettres-decachet  to  the  iiilendants,  the 
bishops,  and  people  in  the  administration.  Saint- 
Florentin,  alone,  gave  away  as  many  as  .50,000. 
Never  had  man's  dearest  treasure,  liberty,  been 
more  lavishly  sciuandercd.  These  letters  were 
the  object  of'a  protltabio  trafllc;  thev  were  sold 
to  fathers  who  wanted  to  get  rid  of  their  sons, 
and  given  to  pretty  women  who  were  incon- 
venienced by  their  husbands.  This  last  cause  of 
impriionment  was  one  of  the  most  prominent. 
And  all  through  goodnature.  Tlie  king  [Louis 
XV.]  was  too  good  to  refuse  a  lettrc-do-cachet 
to  a  great  lord.  The  intendant  was  too  goixl- 
iiatured  not  to  grant  one  at  a  lady's  request.  The 
government  clerks,  the  mistresses  of  tlie  clerks, 
and  tlie  friends  of  these  mistresses,  through 
good-nature,  civility,  or  mere  politeness,  ob- 
tained, gave,  or  lent,  those  terrible  orders  by 
which  tt  man  was  buried  alive.  Buried;  — for 
such  was  the  carelessness  and  levity  of  tlioso 
amiable  clerks, — almost  all  nobles,  fashionable 
men,  all  occupied  witli  their  pleasures, — that 
tliey  never  had  the  time,  wlicn  once  the  poor 
fellow  was  shut  up,  to  think  of  liis  position." — 
J.  Michelet,  Historical  View  of  the  French  Revolu- 
tion, introd.,  fit.  2,  sect.  9. 

LETTS.    See  Lithuanian;!. 

LEUCADIA,  OR  LEUCAS.— Originally  a 
peninsula  of  Acamaniii,  on  the  western  coast  of 
Greece,  but  converted  into  an  island  by  the  Co- 
rinthians, wlio  cut  a  canal  across  its  narrow  neck. 
Its  chief  towr,  of  the  same  name,  was  at  one 
time  tlic  meeting  place  of  the  Acarnanian 
League.  The  high  promontory  at  tlie  south- 
western extremity  of  the  island  was  celebrated 
for  tlie  temple  of  AjioUo  whicli  crowned  it,  and 
ns  being  the  scene  of  the  story  of  Sappho's  sui- 
cidal leap  from  the  Lcucadian  rock. 

LEUCiE,  Battle  of.— Tlio  kingdom  of  Per- 
gamum  liaving  been  beciueatlicd  to  the  liomans 
by  its  bust  king.  Attains,  a  certain  Aristonicus 
attempted  to  resist  their  possession  of  it,  and 
Crassus,  one  of  the  consuls  of  B.  C  131  was 
sent  against  him.  But  Crassus  had  no  success 
and  was  finally  defeated  and  slain,  near  Leucw. 
Aristonicus  surrendered  soon  afterwards  to  M. 
Perperna  and  the  war  in  Pergamum  was  ended. 
— G.  Lo"g,  Decline  of  the  lloinan  Republic,  v.  1, 
eh.  14. 

LEUCATE,  Siege  and  Battle  (1637).  See 
Spain:  A.  D.  1637-1640. 

LEUCI,  The.— A  tribe  in  Belgic  Gaul  which 
occupied  the  southern  part  of  the  modern  de- 
partment of  the  Meuse,  the  greater  part  of  the 
Meurthe,  and  the  department  of  the  Vosges. — 
Napoleon  III.,  Hist,  of  Casar,  bk.  3,  ch.  2,  foot- 
note (v.  2). 

LEUCTRA,  Battle  of  (B.  C.  371).  See 
Greece:  B.  C.  379-b71. 

LEUD,  OR  LIDUS,  le.  See  Slavery, 
Medi.eval:  Germany. 

LEUDES.— "The  Prankish  warriors,  but 
particularly  the  leaders,  were  called  'leudes,' 
from  the  Teutonic  word  'leu''  ,'  'iiude,'  'leutc,' 
people,  as  some  think  (Thien  Lettres  sur  I'Hist. 
do  Franc,  p.  130).  In  the  Sciuulinavian  dialects, 
'  lide '  means  a  warrior  .  .  .  ;  and  in  the  Kym- 
ric  also  'Iwydd'  means  an  army  or  war-band. 
...  It  was  not  a  title  of  dignity,  as  every  free 
fighter  among  the  Franks  was  a  leud,  but  in 
process  of  time  tlie  term  seems  to  have  been 


1998 


LEUDES. 


LraERTY  BOYS. 


restricted  to  the  most  iiroininent  mid  powerful 
wiirriors  nlone. " — P.  Qodwlii,  Hid.  of  France : 
Ancient  (hull,  hk.  3,  eh.  Vi,  foot-note. 

LEUGA,  The.— "Tlie  ronds  lii  the  whole 
Roman  cinpiru  were  measured  and  marked  ae- 
i'ording  to  the  unit  of  tlie  Homan  ndie  (1.48 
kilom.),  and  up  to  tlic  end  of  tlie  Hccond  century 
this  applied  also  to  tliose  [tlio  Oaliie]  provinces, 
iJut  from  Severus  onward  its  place  was  taken  in 
the  three  Onuls  and  the  two  Qermanies  by  a  mile 
correlated  no  doubt  to  the  Homan,  but  yet  dilTcr- 
ent  and  with  a  Oailic  name,  tlie  'leu),'a'  (2.223 
kilometres),  equal  to  one  and  a  half  Umiian  miles. 
.  .  .  The  double  Meuira,'  the  Oerrnau  'rasta,' 
.  .  .  corresponds  to  the  French  'lieue. '"  —  T. 
Slomnisen,  llht.  of  the  IlouKinn,  bk.  8,  ch.  3. 

LEUKAS.     See  Koukyka. 

LEUKOPETRA,  Battle  of  (B.C.  146).  See 
GnKicn;:  U.  0.  280-U(i. 

LEUTHEN,    Battle   of.      See    Geilmany: 

A.   1).    1757  (.lUI.Y— DlXKMHKR). 

LEVELLERS,  The.—"  Especially  popular 
among  the  soldiers  [of  the  Parliamentary  Army, 
EuRland,  A.  U.  1047-481,  and  keeping  up  their 
excitement  more  particulaily  against  tlie  House 
of  Lords,  were  tlu;  iiaiiiplilels  that  came  from 
John  Lilburne,  and  an  associate  of  his  named 
Richard  Overton.  .  .  .  Tliese  were  the  pamphlets 
.  .  .  wiiich  .  .  .  were  popular  Willi  the  common 
soldiers  of  tlie  Parliamentary  Army,  and  nursed 
that  especial  form  of  the  democratic  passion 
among  them  wliicli  longed  to  sweep  away  the 
House  of  Lords  and  see  England  governed  by  a 
single  Representative  House.  Baxter,  who  re- 
ports this  growth  of  democratic  opinion  in  tlie 
Army  from  his  own  observation,  distinctly  recog- 
nises in  it  tlie  beginnings  of  that  rough  ultra- 
Republican  party  wliieli  afterwards  became  for- 
midable under  the  name  of  The  Levellers. " — D. 
Masson,  Life  of  John,  Milton,  v.  8,  bk.  4,  ch.  \. — 
"They  [the  Levellers]  bad  a  vision  of  a  pure 
and  patriotic  Parliament,  accurately  represent- 
ing the  people,  yet  carrying  out  a  political  pro- 
gramme incoinprchensible  to  nino-tentlis  of  the 
nation.  This  Parliament  was  to  represent  all 
legitimate  varieties  of  thouglit,  and  was  yet  to 
act  together  as  one  man.  The  necessity  for  a 
Council  of  State  they  therefore  entirely  denied; 
and  they  denounced  it  as  a  new  tyranny.  The 
excise  they  condemned  as  an  obstruction  to  trade. 
Tliey  would  have  no  man  compelled  to  light, 
unless  he  felt  free  in  his  own  conscience  to  do  so. 
Tliey  appealed  to  the  law  of  nature,  and  found 
their  interpretation  of  it  carrying  them  further 
and  further  away  from  Englisli  traditions  and 
habits,  whether  of  Church  or  State."  A  mutiny 
of  the  Levellers  in  the  army,  which  broke  out  in 
April  and  May,  1649,  was  put  down  with  stern 
vigor  by  Cromwell  and  Fairfax,  several  of  the 
leaders  being  executed. — J.  A.  Picton,  Oliner 
Cromwell,  ch.  17. 

LEWES.  Battle  of.  See  England:  A.  D. 
1316-1374. 

LEWIS  AND  CLARK'S  EXPEDITION. 
See  Unitei>  States  of  A.m.  :  A.  I).  1804-180.'). 

LEXINGTON,  Mass.:  A.  D.  1775.- The 
beginning  of  the  War  of  the  American  Revo- 
lution. See  United  States  of  K-a.  :  A.  D.  1775 
(April).  ^ 

LEXINGTON,  Mo.,  Siege  of.  See  United 
States  of  Am.  :  A.  U.  1861  (July — September: 
Missouri). 


Battle  at.     See  United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D. 
1804 (.Maik'ii— OcTonKH:  Arkansas — Mismiuri). 


LEXOVII,  The.— The  Lexovil  were  one  of 
the  tribes  of  northwestern  Gaul,  in  the  time  of 
Ca'sar.  Tlieir  position  is  indicated  and  their 
name,  in  a  modified  form,  preserved  by  the  town 
of  IJsieux  lietween  Caen  and  Evreux. — Q.  Long, 
Decline  of  the  lioman  lit  public,  v.  4,  ch.  0. 
♦ 

LEYDEN:  A.  D.  1574.  —  Siege  by  the 
Sjianiards. — Relief  by  the  flooding  of  the  land. 
— The  founding  of  the  University.  Sec  Netii- 
ehlands:  a.  T).  157;)-ir)74;  and  Education, 
Renaissance:  Nktiikui.ands. 

a.  D.  1609-1620.— The  Sojourn  of  the  Pil- 
grim Fathers.  See  Indei'E.n'DENTs;  A.  D.  1004- 
1017. 


LHASSA,  the  seat  of  the  Grand  Lama. 
See  La.mas. 

LIA-FAIL,  The.— "The  Tuatha-de-Danaan 
[the  people  who  preceded  the  Milesians  in  ('olo- 
iiizing  Ireland,  according  to  the  fabulous  Iri.sh 
histories]  brought  with  them  from  Scandinavia, 
among  other  extraordiniiry  tilings,  three  marvel- 
lous treasures,  the  LiaFail,  or  Stone  of  Destiny, 
the  Sorcerer's  Spear,  and  the  Magic  Caldron,  all 
celebrated  in  the  old  Irish  romances.  Tlie  Lia- 
Fail possessed  the  remarkable  property  of  mak- 
ing a  strange  noise  and  becoming  wonderfully 
disturbed,  whenever  a  monarch  of  Ireland  of 
pure  blood  was  crowned,  and  a  prophecy  was 
attached  to  it,  that  wliatcver  country  posseased 
it  should  be  ruled  over  by  a  king  of  Irish  do- 
scent,  and  enjoy  uninterrupted  success  and  pros- 
perity. It  was  preserved  at  Casliel,  where  the 
kings  of  Munster  were  crowned  upon  it.  Ac- 
cording to  some  writers  it  was  afterwards  kept 
at  the  Hill  of  Tara,  where  it  remained  until  it 
was  carried  to  Scotland  by  an  Irish  prince,  wlio 
succeeded  to  the  crown  of  that  country.  There  it 
was  preserved  at  Scone,  until  Edward  I.  carried 
it  away  into  England,  and  placed  it  under  the 
seat  of  the  coronation  chair  of  our  kings,  where 
it  still  remains.  ...  It  seems  to  be  the  opinion 
of  some  modem  antiquarians  that  a  pillar  stone 
still  remaining  at  the  Hill  of  Tara  is  the  true  Lia- 
Fail, which  in  that  case  was  not  carried  to  Scot- 
land."—T.  Wright,  Hist,  of  Ireland,  bk.  1,  ch.  3, 
and  foot-note— See,  also,  Scotland:  8tu-0tii 
Centctries. 

LIBB  Y  PRISON.  See  Prisons  and  Prison- 
Pens.  CONFEDEn.\TE. 

LIBERAL  ARTS,  The  Seven.  See  Edu- 
cation, MEDI.15VAI,:   ScnOLASTICISM. 

LIBERAL  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.    See 

United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D.  1872. 

LIBERAL  UNIONISTS.  See  England: 
A.  D.  188.'>-1886. 

LIBERI  HOMINES.  See  Slavery,  Me- 
di.kval:  England. 

LIBERIA,  The  founding  of  the  Republic  of. 
See  Slavery,  Neouo:  A.  D.  1816-1847. 

LIBERTINES  OF  GENEVA,  The.— The 
party  which  opposed  Calvin's  austere  and  arbi- 
trary rule  in  Geneva  were  called  Libertines. — F. 
P.  Guizot,  John  Calvin,  eh.  9-16. 

LIBERTINI.     See  Ingencl 

LIBERTY  BELL,  The.  See  Indepen- 
dence Hall. 

LIBERTY  BOYS.— The  name  by  which 
the  Sons  of  Liberty  of  the  Americao  Revolution 


1999 


LIBEUTY  BOYS. 


LinRARlES. 


woro  fftmillnrlv  known.  Him;  Unitkd  Statks  ok 
Am.:  a.  1).  I'tir.;  Nkw  Yohk:  A.  I).  1773-1774; 
nnd  LiiiKiiTV  Thkk. 

LIBERTY  CAP.— "This  .•niblnn,  likfi  mnny 
Himiliir  onts  received  liy  the  revolutionH  from  tlie 
tiuiiil  i)f  chnnee,  wiis  a  inVHterypven  totlioso  who 
wore  it.  It  liiid  hwn  iKloiited  [nt  I'lirls]  for  tlu; 
first  tinu!  on  tlie  day  of  tlie  triuin|)li  of  the  hoI- 
(liorsof  CliiUeiiiivieu.v  [April  1(5,  1793,  when  41 
Hwiss  soldiers  of  the  regiment  of  CliAteiiuvieux, 
rondemned  to  the  giilleys  for  imrtlcipation  iti  ii 
cliingeroiiM  mutiny  of  the  fiiirrison  at.  Nancy  in 
17il(t.  Iiul  lilieruted  In  compliance  with  the  d(;- 
nianilH  of  the  mob,  were  fflled  as  heroes  by  the 
Jacobins  of  I'aris].  Some  said  it  was  the  coilTure 
of  the  galley-shivca,  once  Infamous,  but  glorious 
since  it  had  covered  the  brows  of  these  martyrs 
of  the  iusurreetion ;  and  they  added  that  the 
people  wished  to  purify  this  headdress  from 
every  stain  by  wearing  it  themselves.  Others 
only  saw  in  it  the  I'hrj-gian  bonnet,  a  symbol  of 
freedom  for  slaves.  Tlie  'bonnet  rouge'  had 
from  its  first  appearance  been  the  subject  of  dis- 
pute and  dissension  amongst  the  Jacobins;  the 
'cxaltds'  wore  it,  whilst  the  'motleres'  yet  ab- 
stained from  adopting  it."  Robespierre  and  Ins 
immediate  followers  opposed  the  "  frivolity  "  of 
the  "bonnet  rouge,"  and  momentarily  suppressed 
it  in  the  Assembly.  ' '  But  even  the  voice  of  Robes- 
pierre, and  the  resolutions  of  the  Jacobins,  could 
not  arrest  the  outbreak  of  cntluLsiasm  that  had 
placed  the  sign  of  '  avenging  eiimdily  '  ('  I'egalite 
vengeresse ')  on  every  head ;  and  the  evening  of 
the  day  on  which  it  was  repudiated  at  tlie 
Jacobins'  saw  it  inaugurated  at  all  the  theatres. 
The  bust  of  Voltaire,  the  destroyer  of  prejudice, 
was  adorned  with  the  Phrygian  cap  of  liberty, 
amidst  the  shouts  of  the  spectators,  whilst  the 
cap  and  pike  became  the  uniform  and  weapon  of 
the  citizen  soldier." — A.  de  Lamartine,  Hint,  of 
tilt  OirondisU.  bk.  13  (v.  1). 

Also  in  :  H.  M.  Stephens,  Ilitt.  of  tlie  French 
ifcr.,  •».  3,  cli.  3. 

LIBERTY  GAP,  Battle  of.  See  United 
Statks  OK  A.M. :  A.  1).  1803  (June — July:  Ten- 
nessee). 

LIBERTY  PARTY  AND  LIBERTY 
LEAGUE.  See  Slavery,  Neoko:  A.  D.  1840- 
1847. 

LIBERTY  TREE  AND  LIBERTY 
HALL. — "  Lafayette  said,  when  in  Boston,  '  The 
world  should  never  forget  the  spot  where  once 


stoo<l  Liberty  Tree,  so  famous  In  your  annnla,' 
.  .  .  The  open  space  at  the  four  corners  of 
Washington,  Kssex,  and  Boylslon  streets  was 
once  known  as  Hanover  Sciuare,  from  the  royal 
house  of  Hanover,  and  sometimes  as  the  Lhu 
Neighborlidod,  from  the  magnillcent  elms  with 
which  it  was  environed.  It  was  one  of  the  lliicst 
of  these  that  obtained  the  name  of  Lil'erty  Tree, 
from  its  being  used  on  the  tlrst  occasion  of  resis- 
tance to  the  obnoxious  Stain))  Act.  ...  At  day- 
break oil  the  14th  August,  1705,  nearly  ten  years 
before  ai'tive  hostilities  broke  out,  an  elllgy  of 
Mr.  Oliver,  tlie  Stamp  olllcer,  and  a  boot,  with 
the  Devil  peeping  out  of  it,  —  an  allusion  to  Lord 
Bute, —  was  discovered  hanging  from  Liberty 
Tree.  The  images  remained  hanging  all  day, 
and  were  visited  by  great  numbers  of  people, 
both  from  the  town  and  the  ueighboring  coun- 
try. Business  was  almost  suspended.  Lieuten- 
ant-Governor Hutchinson  ordered  tlie  slieiiti  to 
take  the  flguros  <lown,  but  he  was  obliged  to  ad- 
mit that  he  dared  not  do  so.  As  the  day  closed 
in  the  efflgies  were  taken  down,  placed  upon  a 
bier,  and,  followed  by  several  thousand  people 
of  every  class  and  condition,"  were  borne  through 
the  city  and  then  burned,  after  which  miU'li  riot- 
ous conduct  on  tlic  part  of  the  crowd  occurred. 
"  In  not),  when  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  took 
lihice.  a  large  copper  jilate  was  fastened  to  tlio 
tree,  inscribed  in  golden  cliaracters: — 'This  tree 
WHS  planted  in  the  year  1040,  and  pruned  by  order 
of  the  Sons  of  Liberty,  Feb.  14tli,  1700.'.  .  .The 
ground  immediately  about  Liberty  Tree  was 
popularly  known  as  Liberty  llali.  In  August, 
1707,  a  tiagstair  had  been  erected,  which  went 
through  and  extended  above  its  liighest  brandies. 
A  Hag  hoisted  upon  this  staff  was  llie  signal  for 
tlic  assembling  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty.  ...  In 
August,  1775,  tlie  name  of  Liberty  having  be- 
come offensive  to  the  tories  and  their  British 
allies,  tlie  tree  was  cut  down  by  a  party  led  by 
one  Job  Williams." — S.  A.  Drake,  Old  Land- 
mnrks  iif  Jiontnn,  ch.  14. 

LIBERUM  VETO,  The.  See  Poland: 
A.  D.  ISTS-IO.W. 

LIBRA,  The  Roman. —  "The  ancient  Roman 
unit  of  weiglit  was  the  libra,  or  poiidus,  from 
which  the  inoderu  names  of  the  livrc  and  pound 
are  derived.  Its  weiglit  was  equal  to  5,015  Troy 
gr.  or  835  ^rm.,  and  it  was  identical  with  the 
Greek- Asiatic  mina. " — H.  AV.  Chisholm,  Science 
of  Weighing  and  Measuring,  ch.  3. — See,  also,  As. 


LIBRARIES. 


Ancient. 


Babylonia  and  Assyria. — "  The  Babylonians 
■were  .  .  .  essentially  a  reading  and  writing  peo- 
ple. .  .  .  Books  were  numerous  and  students 
were  many.  The  books  were  for  the  most  part 
written  upon  clay  [tablets]  with  a  wooden  reed 
or  metal  stylus,  for  clay  was  cheap  and  plenti- 
ful, and  easily  impressed  with  the  wedge-shaped 
lines  of  which  tlie  characters  were  composed. 
But  besides  clay,  papyrus  and  possibly  also 
parchment  were  employed  as  writing  materials; 
at  all  events  the  papyrus  is  referred  to  in  the 
texts."  —  A.  H.  Sayce,  Social  Life  among  the  As- 
syrians ami  Babylonians,  p.  30. — "We  must 
speak  of  the  manner  iu  which  the  tablet  was 
formed.     Fine  clay  was  selected,  kneaded,  and 


moulded  into  the  shape  of  the  required  tablet. 
One  side  was  flat,  and  the  other  rounded.  The 
writing  was  then  inscribed  on  both  sides,  holes 
were  pricked  in  the  clay,  and  then  it  was  baked. 
The  holes  allowed  the  steam  which  was  gene- 
rated during  the  process  of  baking  to  escape. 
It  is  thought  that  tlie  clay  used  in  some  of  the 
tablets  was  not  only  well  kneaded,  but  ground  iu 
some  kind  of  mill,  for  the  texture  of  the  clay  is 
as  lino  as  some  of  our  best  modern  pottery. 
The  wedges  appear  to  have  been  impressed  by  r 
square  headed  instrument." — E.  A.  W.  Budge, 
Babylonian  Life  and  History,  p.  105.  —  Assur- 
banipal,  the  Sardanapalus  of  the  Greeks,  was 
the  greatest  and  most  celebrated  of  Assyrian 
monarchs.      lie   was    the    principal    patron  of 


2000 


LIBRA  HIES. 


Anrlrnt !    Unhylnnlun 
anil  AnHyrtitn, 


LinHAIUES. 


Assyrian  lltprdtiirp.  and  tlic  irr('iit<'r  |mit  of  tlii' 
graiiil  lil)riiry  iit.  Nlncvcli  wiis  wrltli'ii  ilurinj;  liU 
rt'l)(n."  —  (}.  Smith.  Aimi/ridii  DincnreniK,  rh.  IH. 
—  "  Agsurlmnipiil  is  fond  of  old  boolis,  piirtini- 
larly  of  tlio  old  surrcd  worlds.  Ilr  ODllccts  llii' 
sciittcri'd  Hpcciiiii.'im  from  tlic  cliicf  cltli's  of  Ids 
cmpiro,  mid  even  ciniiloys  scribes  in  (Iliuldcii, 
Ouroiil<,  Hiirsippii,  iukI  llaliylon  to  copy  for  him 
tliu  tiil)lct8  deposited  in  tlie  temples.  His  priii- 
cipnl  lil)riiry  is  iit  Nineveli,  in  tlic  palnco  whicii 
he  Imiit  for  hinmelf  upon  the  Imnkt  of  the 
Tigris,  and  wliicli  lie  lias  just  tlnished  decorat- 
ing. It  contains  more  tlinn  thirty  tliousaiid 
tiililets,  inetliodically  classilled  and  arranged  in 
several  rooms,  willi  detaih^d  catalogues  for  con- 
venient reference.  Many  of  tlic  woriss  are  con- 
tinued from  tablet  to  tablet  and  form  a  series,  oacii 
bearing  the  first  words  of  tlie  te.xt  as  its  title. 
Tiic  account  of  the  creation,  whicli  begins  witli 
the  phrase:  '  Formerly,  that  which  is  atxive  was 
not  yet  called  the  heaven,'  was  entitled:  'For- 
merly, that  which  is  above,  No.  1 ; '  '  Fornierly, 
that  wliicli  is  above.  No.  3;'  and  so  on  to  the 
end.  Assurbanipal  is  not  less  proud  of  Ins  love 
of  letters  than  of  his  political  activity,  and  he  is 
an.\iou8  tliat  jiosterity  sliould  know  how  much 
he  has  done  for  literature.  His  name  is  in- 
scrilied  upon  every  work  in  his  library,  ancient 
ami  modern,  "file  jialace  of  Assurbanipal, 
king  of  legions,  king  of  multitudes,  king  of  As- 
syria, to  wliom  tlie  god  Nelio  and  tlie  goddess 
"fasinctu  have  granted  attentive  ears  and  open 
eye.s  to  discover  the  writings  of  the  scribes  of 
my  kingdom,  whom  the  kings  my  predecessors, 
have  emjiloyed.  In  my  respect  for  Ncbo,  the 
god  of  intelligence,  I  have  collected  tliese  tablets; 
I  have  bad  them  copied,  I  have  marked  them 
witli  my  name,  and  I  have  deposited  tlicm  in 
my  palace.'  'The  library  at  Diir-Sarginu,  al- 
though not  so  rich  as  the  one  in  Ninev.'h,  is  still 
fairly  well  supplied."  —  G.  jrasi>erc.  Life  in, 
Anrieiit  Eyupt  and  Asmjrin,  eh.  16.  —  "Collec- 
tions of  inscribed  tabieis  had  been  made  by  Tig- 
Inth-Pilcser  II.,  king  of  Assyria,  B.  C.  74.'>,  wlio 
had  copied  some  liialorical  inscriptions  of  liis  pre- 
decessors. Hargon,  tlic  founder  of  tlie  dynasty  to 
whicli  Assur-banipal  liclonged,  B.  C.  722,  lin(l  in- 
creased tiiislibrary  by  adding  a  collection  of  a.stro- 
logical  and  similar  te.\ts,  and  Sennaclierib,  B.  C. 
705,  had  composed  copies  of  tlie  Assyrian  canon, 
short  Iiistories,  and  miscellaneous  inscription.s, 
to  add  to  tlie  collection.  Sennacherib  also 
moved  tlic  libmry  from  C'alali,  its  original  scat, 
to  Nineveh,  the  capital.  Esarliaddon,  B.  C.  081, 
added  numerous  historical  and  mythological 
texts.-  All  the  inscriptions  of  the  former  kings 
were,  however,  notliing  compared  to  tliosc  writ- 
ten during  the  reign  of  Assur-bani-pal.  Thou- 
sands of  inscribed  tablets  from  all  places,  and  on 
every  variety  of  subject,  were  collected,  and 
copied,  and  stored  in  the  library  of  the  palace  at 
Nineveh  during  Iiis  reign ;  and  by  his  statements 
they  appear  to  have  been  intended  for  the  inspec- 
tion of  tlie  people,  and  to  spread  learning  among 
the  Assyrians.  Among  tliesc  tablets  one  class 
consisted  of  liistorical  texts,  some  the  Iiistories  of 
tlie  former  kings  of  Assyria,  and  others  copies 
of  royal  inscriptions  from  various  other  jilaces. 
Similar  to  tliesc  wnc  the  copies  of  treaties,  des- 
patclies,  and  orders  from  the  king  to  his  generals 
and  ministers,  a  large  number  of  which  formed 
part  of  tlie  library.  There  was  a  large  collec- 
tion of  letters  of  all  sorts,  from  despatches  to 


tlic  king  on  tlie  one  hand,  down  to  private  notes 
on  tlie  o'hcr.  (Icography  found  a  j)la<'e  aiiKing 
tlie  sciences,  and  was  represeiiled  liy  lists  of 
countries,  towns,  rivers,  and  nioiintains,  notices 
of  tlie  position,  i)ioducts,  and  character  of 
distric'ts,  &c.,  He.  Tlicn-  were  tallies  giving  ac- 
counts of  the  law  and  legal  decisions,  and  lalili'tii 
with  contracts,  loans,  deeds  of  sale  anil  barter, 
iic.  There  wen;  lists  of  triliute  and  ta.\cs,  ac- 
<'ounts  of  ])rop('rty  in  the  various  cities,  foniiiiig 
solium  appriMieii  to  a  census  and  general  arcount 
of  the  empire.  One  large  and  important  section 
of  the  library  was  devoteil  to  legends  of  various 
sorts,  many  of  wliicli  weri^  borrowed  from  other 
countries.  Among  these  were  tlii!  legends  of  the 
hero  l/dubar,  perliaps  tlic  Niuiroil  of  llie  Bilile. 
One  of  these  legends  gives  the  (,'lialdean  aeci  iint 
of  the  tliMid,  olliers  of  this  description  give 
various  fables  and  stories  of  evil  spirits.  'I'lie 
mythological  part  of  the  library  embraced  lists 
of  the  g(Mls,  (heir  titles,  attributes,  temples,  itc., 
hymns  in  praise  of  various  deities,  ))rayeis  to  \w 
used  by  dilTeii'iit  classes  of  men  to  ililTerent  gods, 
and  undci  vnrinus  circumstances,  as  during 
eclipses  or  (alamities,  on  setting  out  for  a  cam- 
paign, &c.,  Ac,  Astronomy  was  represented  by 
various  tablets  and  works  on  the  appearance 
and  motions  of  tlie  heavens,  and  tlie  various  celes- 
tial phenomena.  Astrology  was  closely  con- 
nected witli  Astronomy,  and  formed  a  numerous 
class  of  subjects  and  inscriptions.  An  interest- 
ing division  was  formed  by  the  works  on  natural 
history;  tlieso  consisted  of  lists  of  animals, 
birds,  reptiles,  trees,  grasses,  stones,  &c.,  itc. , 
arranged  in  classes,  according  to  their  character 
and  allinities  as  tlieu  understood,  lists  of  mill- 
erais  and  their  uses,  lists  of  foods,  &.V.,  kc. 
^Mathematics  and  arithmetic  were  found,  includ- 
ing s(piare  and  cube  root,  the  working  out  of 
problems,  &c.,  &c.  Much  of  the  learning  on 
these  tablets  was  borrowed  from  tlie  Clialileans 
and  the  peoidc  of  Babylon,  and  had  orginiilly 
been  written  in  a  dilTeie'nt  language  and  style  of 
writing,  hence  it  was  necessary  to  have  tiiinsla- 
tions  and  explanations  of  many  of  these;  and  in 
order  to  make  their  meaning  clear,  grammars, 
dictionaries,  and  lexicons  were  ])repare(l,  em- 
bracing the  principal  features  of  the  two  lan- 
guages involved,  and  enabling  tlie  A.s.syrians  to 
study  the  older  inscriptio-is.  Sudi  are  some  of 
the  principal  features  of  the  grand  As.syrian 
library,  which  Assurbanipal  establisiicd  at  Nine- 
veh, and  which  proliably  numbered  over  10,000 
clay  documents."  —  George  Smith,  Ancient  His- 
tory from,  the  yT<>nnm<ntn;  Anxyriii,  jip.  IHH-IOX. 
—  "It  is  now  [1883]  more  than  thirty  years  since 
Sir  Ileury  Layard,  passing  through  one  of  the 
doorways  of  tlie  partially  explored  palace  in  the 
mound  of  Kouyiinjik,  guarded  by  sculptured 
il.sh  gods,  stood  for  the  lirst  time  in  the  double 
chambers  containing  a  large  portion  of  tlie  re- 
mains of  the  immense  library  collected  by  As- 
fiurbnnnipal,  King  of  NincviOi.  .  .  .  Since  that 
time,  witli  but  slight  interi  iis,  this  treasure- 

house  of  a  forgotten  past  .  ii  turned  over 

againand  again,  notably  in  ti.  litionsof  the 

iivte  Mr.  George  Sniitli,  and  slii.  le  supply  of 
its  cuneiform  literature  is  not  exliausted.  Lntil 
iast  year  [1881]  tiiis  discovery  remained  uni(iue; 
but  tlie  perseverance  of  the  Britisli  Museum 
authorities  and  the  patient  labour  of  Mr.  Rassam 
were  then  rewarded  by  the  exhumation  of  what 
is  apparently  the  library  chamber  of  the  temple 


2001 


LinitAUlEH. 


Anelml:  CIrttk. 


LI  im  A  HIES. 


or  pnliirc  at  8l|ipiirii,  willi  nil  lis  10,000  talilitM, 
ri'NliiiK  uiidlNturlx'd,  arriiiiK<^'(|  in  tliiir  |i<mitliin 
on  the  hIh'Ivch,  JiiHt  iiH  pliiccil  in  nrilcr  by  tlic  li- 
liriiriiiii  twenty  live  ci'iitiirics  iiko.  .  .  .  Kroin 
wliiil  ItcrdHiiH  ti'llH  nx  witli  rcKiinl  to  Sippitnt,  or 
Paiitiliil)lon  (till,'  town  of  hooliH),  llic  very  city, 
one  of  wliosu  lihriiilcs  1ms  just  Iktii  lirouijlit  to 
lljtlit,  ...  It  limy  l)c  liifcrrt'd  timt  this  wim  (it- 
tninly  one  of  the  lirnt  townH  tImt  collcctcil  a 
liliritry.  .  .  .  It  Ih  poHsil)li>  tImt  tlic  mound  at 
.MiiKlii'ir  (.'nHlirini's  tlu;  oidcHl  liliriiry  of  all,  for 
here  arc  llu-  rt'niaiiiH  of  llic  city  of  L  r  (probably 
tlic  Itibllcal  Ur  of  the  Clialdccs).  From  thfs 
Hpol  came  the  I'urlifHt  known  royal  bricit  inscrip- 
tion, aH  follow!*:  —  '  Urnkli,  King  of  I'r,  wlio 
Hit  Nanur  built.'  AItli(iu>;li  there  are  several 
texts  from  Miigheir,  such  as  tluil  of  Diinf^i,  son 
of  rrukh,  yet,  unless  by  means  of  copies  made 
for  later  libraries  in  Assyria,  we  cannot  be  said 
to  know  much  of  its  library.  fStianfic  to  say, 
however,  the  liritisli  Museum  i)osscsscs  tlie  sij;- 
net  cylinder  of  oik'  of  tlio  librarians  of  I'r,  who 
is  tiie  earliest  known  person  holding  sucli  an 
olllee.  ...  Its  inscription  is  given  thus  by 
Smith:  —  '  Emu(|-sin,  the  powerful  hero,  the 
King  of  Ur,  King  of  the  four  regions;  Aiuil 
Ann,  the  t4iblet-keeper,  son  of  Oatu  his  servant.' 
.  .  .  Erech,  the  modern  Warka,  is  u  city  at 
which  wc  know  there  nuist  have  been  one  or 
more  libraries,  for  it  was  from  thence  Assur- 
bannipal  copied  the  famous  Isdiibar  series  of 
legends  in  twelve  tablet.s,  one  of  which  contained 
the  account  of  the  Deluge.  Hence  also  caine 
the  wonderful  work  cm  magic  in  more  than  one 
lit  iidred  tablets;  for,  as  we  have  it,  it  is  nothing 
more  than  a  facsimile  by  Assurbannipal's  scribes 
of  a  treatise  whicli  had'  formed  part  of  the  col- 
lection of  the  school  (i  lie  priests  at  Erech. 
.  .  .  Larsa,  now  named  ^l■nkcrch,  was  the  seat 
of  a  tablet  collecticjn  that  seems  to  have  been 
largely  a  mathematical  one;  for  in  the  remains 
we  pos.scss  of  it  are  tablets  containing  tables  of 
Sfpiares  and  cube  roots  and  otliers,  giving  tlie 
characters  for  fractions.  There  arc  from  here 
also,  however,  fragments  with  lists  of  the  gods, 
a  portion  of  a  geographical  dictionary,  lists  of 
temples,  &c.  .  .  .  To  a  library  at  Cuthawc  owe 
the  remnants  of  a  tablet  work  containing  an  ac- 
count of  the  creation  and  the  wars  of  the  gcnls, 
and,  among  others,  a  very  ancient  terracotta 
tablet  bearing  a  copy  of  an  inscription  engraved 
in  the  temple  of  the  gml  Dup  Lan  at  C^utlm,  by 
Dungi,  King  of  Ur.  The  number  of  tablets  anil 
cylinders  found  by  M.  do  Sarzec  at  Zirgiilla 
show  that  there  too  the  habit  of  committing  so 
much  to  writing  was  as  rife  as  in  other  cities  of 
whose  literary  character  we  know  more." —  The 
Libraries  of  Babylonia  and  Aiuii/rta  (Knowlfdgp, 
Nov.  24,  1882,  and  March  2,  1883).  — "One  of 
the  most  important  results  of  Sir  A.  II.  I^ayard's 
explorations  at  Nineveh  was  the  discovery  of  the 
ruined  library  of  the  ancient  city,  now  buried 
under  the  mounds  of  Kouyiinjik.  The  broken 
clay  tablets  behmging  to  this  library  not  only 
furnished  the  student  with  an  immense  mass  of 
literary  matter,  btit  also  with  direct  aids  towards 
a  knowledge  of  the  Assyrian  syllabary  and  lan- 
guage. Among  the  literature  reprcsciited  in  tlic 
flbrary  of  Kouyunjik  were  lists  of  characters, 
with  their  various  phonetic  and  ideographic 
meanings,  tables  of  synonyines,  and  catalogues  of 
the  names  of  plants  and  animals.  This,  how- 
ever, was  not  all.     The  inventors  of  the  cunei- 


form sygtem  of  writing  had  Iwcn  a  people  who 
preceded  the  Semites  in  the  occupation  of  Haby- 
lonia,  and  who  spoke  an  agglutinative  language 
utterly  (lilferent  from  that  of  their  Semitic  suc- 
cessors. These  Accadlans,  as  they  are  usually 
termed,  left  behind  tliem  a  considerable  amount 
of  literature,  which  was  highly  pri/.ed  by  the 
Semitic  Babylonians  and  Assyrians.  A  largo 
portion  of  tlie  Ninc^vile  tablets,  aciordlngly,  con- 
sists of  interlinear  or  parallel  translations  from 
Accadian  into  Assyrian,  as  well  as  of  reading 
IxHiks,  dictionaries,  and  gnunmars,  in  wliich  the 
Accadian  original  is  placed  by  the  side  of  its 
Assyrian  e(iulvalent."— A.  II.  S'ayce,  Fresh  Liyht 
frniu  the  Ancient  MonumfnU,  eh.  1. 

Greece.— "IMsistratus  the  tyrant  Is  said  to 
have  been  IIk;  tirst  who  sup|)ired  books  of  tho 
liberal  sciences  at  Athens  for  pid)lic  use.  After- 
wards the  Athenians  themselves,  with  great  caro 
and  pains,  increased  their  number;  but  all  this 
midtitude  of  books,  Xerxes,  when  he  obtained 
possession  of  Athens,  and  burn<'d  the  whole  of 
the  city  exceot  the  citadel,  seized  and  carried 
away  to  Persia.  Hut  king  Seleucus,  who  wag 
called  Nicanor,  many  years  afterwards,  was  care- 
ful that  all  of  them  should  be  again  carried  back 
to  Athens."  "That  I'isistratus  was  the  tirst  who 
collected  books,  seems  generally  allowed  by  an- 
cient writers,  ...  In  Greece  were  several 
famous  libraries.  Clearehus,  who  was  a  follower 
of  I'liito,  founded  a  miignitleent  one  in  Ileraclea. 
There  was  <me  in  tlie  island  of  C'nidos.  The 
books  of  Athens  wen^  by  Sylhi  removed  to  Home. 
Tlie  public  libraries  of  the  iiomans  were  tilled 
with  books,  not  of  miscellaneous  literature,  but 
were  rather  political  and  sacred  collections,  con- 
sisting of  what  regarded  their  laws  and  the  cere- 
monies of  their  religion." — Aiilus  Gellius,  The 
Attic  NiijhtH,  bk.  0,  eh.  17  (v.  2),  mth  foot-note  by 
ir.  Ikloe. —  "  If  the  libraries  of  the  Greeks  at  all 
resembled  in  form  and  dimensions  those  found  at 
Pompeii,  tliey  were  by  no  means  spacious; 
neither,  in  fact,  was  a  great  deal  of  room  neces- 
sary, as  the  manuscripts  of  the  ancients  stowed 
away  much  closer  than  our  modern  books,  and 
were  sometimes  kept  in  circular  boxes,  of  elegant 
form,  with  coveraof  turned  wood.  Tlie  volumes 
consisted  of  rolls  of  parchment,  sometimes  purple 
at  the  back,  or  papyrus,  about  twelve  or  four- 
teen inches  in  breadth,  and  as  many  feet  long  as 
the  subject  required.  The  pages  formed  a  num- 
ber of  transverse  compartments,  commencing  at 
the  left,  and  proceeding  in  order  to  the  other  ex- 
tremity, and  the  reader,  holding  in  either  hand 
one  end  of  the  manuscript,  unrolled  and  rolled  it 
up  as  he  read.  Occasionally  these  books  were 
placed  on  shelves,  in  piles,  witli  the  ends  out- 
wards, adorned  with  golden  bosses,  the  titles  of 
the  various  treatises  being  written  on  pendant 
labels."  — J.  A.  St.  John,  The  Hellene*,  v.  2,  p. 
84. — "The  learned  reader  need  not  bo  reminded 
how  wide  is  the  difference  between  the  ancient 
'volumen,'  or  roll,  and  the  'volume'  of  tho 
modern  book-trade,  and  how  much  smaller  tho 
amount  of  literary  matter  which  the  former  may 
represent.  Any  single  '  book  '  or  '  part '  of  a 
treatise  would  anciently  have  been  called  '  vol- 
umen,' and  would  reckon  as  such  in  the  enumera- 
tion of  a  collection  of  books.  The  Iliad  of 
llomer,  which  in  a  niotlern  librarj'  may  form  but 
a  single  volume,  would  have  counted  as  twenty- 
four  '  volumina '  at  Alexandria.  We  read  of 
authors  leaving  behind  them  works  reckoned, 


2002 


LiniUItlEM. 


A  nrlrni : 
Atexitndrian. 


LIDRAIilES. 


not  liy  voliiiiicH  or  Icim  of  vdluiiicM,  liiit  liy  Iiuii- 
(IroiU.  ...   It  will  lit  iiiMi-  In-  iindcrHliMMl  that 

.  .  tli(<  viTV  lurK<'Ht  asM'inblitt;!'  of  '  voliiiiiiim ' 
HBxlKiK'd  iiH  till'  total  of  till!  Krcati'Ht  of  \\u;  an 
cii'iit  nilluctloiiH  wimlil  fall  far  Hliort,  in  IIh  ri'ul 
literary  coiitciitH,  of  tlio  st'coiiilrati!,  or  cvni 
thinlratu  coIIctIIohh  of  the  pri'Hcnt  day."  — 
lAbviirieit,  Ancient  and  Minlcrn  (Ktlinhurijh  llci\, 
Jan..  1H74). 

Alexandria. — "  Tho  ilrst  of  tho  Ptolctnlon, 
LaKi's,  not  only  cndi'avouri'd  to  ri'iiilrr  Alexan- 
dria ini'of  thu  most  lioautifill  and  most  roninier- 
clal  of  titles,  III!  llkewl.so  wished  her  to  lieeonui 
the  cniillo  of  selenee  and  lihilosonhy.  Hy  the 
advice  of  an  Athenian  einifcrant,  Ueinetrius  of 
Pliali  ros,  this  |)rlnei!  eHtalilishi'd  a  soelety  of 
Icnrni'd  and  Hclentille  men,  the  prototype  of  our 
neaileinies  and  niiidern  institution.s.  lie  raiisi'd 
that  eelelirated  inii.s<!Uin  to  he  rai.sed,  thatbeeainu 
an  orinunent  to  the  Hniehioii ;  and  here  was  de- 
in)slted  the  nohio  lllirary,  'a  eiilleetion,'  says 
I'itn-^  Llviiis,  'at  once  a  proof  of  the  niagnlll- 
cenci!  of  those  kings,  and  of  tlieir  love  of  science.' 
Philadelphos,  thu  siieeessor  of  [jUf^ns,  llnding 
that  the  library  of  tho  Hruchion  already  iiutn- 
bered  400,000  volumes,  and  cither  thitikiiifj  that 
tne  cdillce  could  not  well  make  room  for  any 
more,  or  licing  desirous,  from  mol i ves  of  jcidimsy, 
to  render  his  inune  ei|ually  famous  by  tho  con- 
gtrui'liiin  of  a  similar  monument,  founded  a  sec- 
ond lihniry  in  the  temple  of  Serapis,  called  the 
Serapeum,  siluateil  at  some  distance  fr-jm  tho 
Bruehion,  in  another  part  of  the  town.  These 
two  libraries  were  denominated,  for  a  length  of 
time,  the  Mother  and  tlie  Daughter.  During  tho 
war  with  Kgypt,  Ciesar,  having  set  tire  to  tho 
king's  fleet,  whicli  happened  to  bo  anchored  in 
the  great  port,  it  communicated  with  the  Hru- 
chion; the  parent  library  was  consumed,  and,  if 
any  remains  were  rescued  from  tho  tlames,  they 
wore,  ill  all  probability,  conveyed  to  the  Seni- 
pcuin.  Conseiiuenlly,  ever  after,  there  can  be 
no  question  but  of  tlie  latter.  Euergetes  and 
the  other  Ptolemies  enlarged  it  successively;  and 
Cleopatra  added  200,000  manuscripts  at  once 
from  the  library  of  King  Pergamos,  given  her 
by  Mark  Antony.  .  .  .  Aulus  Qellius  and  Am- 
mianus  Marcellus  seem  to  insinuate  that  the 
whole  of  the  Alexandrian  library  had  been  de- 
stroyed by  Arc  in  the  time  of  Cojsar.  .  .  .  But 
botli  are  mistaken  on  this  point.  Ammianus,  in 
the  rest  of  bis  narrative,  evidently  confounds 
Serapeum  and  Bruehion.  .  .  .  Suetonius  (in  his 
life  of  Domitian)  mentions  that  this  emperor  sent 
some  amanuenses  to  Alexandria,  for  the  purpose 
of  copying  a  quantity  of  books  tliat  wero  want- 
ing in  bis  library ;  consequently  a  library  exi.sted 
in  Alexandria  a  long  while  after  Cajsar.  Besides, 
wo  know  that  the  Serapeum  was  only  destroyed 
A.  D.  391,  l)y  the  order  of  Thcoilosius.  Doubt- 
less the  library  suffered  considerably  on  this  lust- 
mentioned  occasion;  but  that  it  still  partly 
existed  is  beyond  a  doubt,  according  to  tlie  testi- 
mony of  Oroses,  who,  twenty-four  years  .later, 
made  a  voyage  to  Alexandria,  and  assures  us  that 
he  'saw,  in  several  temples,  presses  full  of 
books,'  tho  remains  of  ancient  libraries.  .  .  . 
Tho  trustworthy  Oroses,  in  415,  is  the  last  wit- 
ness we  have  of  the  existence  of  a  library  at 
Alexandria.  The  numerous  Christian  writers  of 
the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries,  who  liave  handed 
down  to  us  so  many  trifling  facts,  have  not  said 
-a  word  upon  this  important  subject.     We.  thore- 

3-29 


fori',  have  no  certain  diicumi'iits  upon  the  fate  of 
our  lilirary  fnim  415  to  ll:ll),  or,  acconling  to 
others,  tH(),  when  the  Arabs  look  posiesMlon  of 
Alexandria,  — a  period  of  ignorance  and  liarlm- 
risiii,  of  war  and  revoliitliins,  and  vain  dlMputes 
l)etwci'ii  11  liuiidrcd  diirerent  sects.  Now,  to- 
wards A.  I).  <i:lll,  or  (110,  the  troopsiif  the  caliph, 
Omar,  lieaili'd  by  his  lieutenant,  .Vinroii,  took 
poHscsslon  of  Alexandria.  For  more  than  six 
centuries,  nobi«ly  in  Kurope  took  the  trouble  of 
ascertaining  what  had  become  of  the  library  of 
Alexandria.  At  length.  In  the  year  Itldt),  ii 
learned  Oxford  scholar,  ICdward  I'ococko,  who 
had  bt'cn  twice  to  tlie  ICast,  and  liad  brought 
back  a  numlicr  of  Arabian  manuscripts,  Ilrst  in- 
troduced the  Orieiiliil  history  of  the  physician 
Aliulfarage  to  tho  learned  world,  in  a  Latiii  trans- 
lation. In  it  wo  read  the  fiillowlng  pas.sage:  — 
'In  those  days  nourished  .lohn  of  Alexandria, 
whom  we  have  surnanird  the  Orammariau,  and 
•vhi)  adopted  the  tcnetsof  the  Christian. lacobitiH. 
.  .  .  lie  lived  to  the  time  when  Anirou  Kbno'l- 
As  took  Alexandria.  lie  went  to  visit  liie  con- 
ipieriir;  and  Amrim,  who  was  aware  of  the 
height  of  learning  and  science  that  .lohn  had  at- 
tained, treati'd  bini  with  every  distinctiiin,  and 
listened  eagerly  to  his  lectures  on  philiisophy, 
wliidi  were  quite  new  to  the  Arabians.  Aniriiu 
was  liiinself  a  man  of  intellect  and  discernment, 
and  vi'ry  clearheaded.  He  retained  the  learned 
man  about  his  person.  .lohn  one  iliiy  said  to  him, 
"  You  have  visited  all  the  stores  of  Alexandria, 
and  you  have  jmt  your  seal  on  all  tho  dilTer- 
ent  things  you  found  there.  I  say  nothing 
about  those  treasures  whicli  have  any  value  for 
you ;  but,  in  good  sooth,  you  might  leave  im 
those  of  which  you  make  •  use."  "Wliat  then 
is  it  tliatyou  want '("  interi  .,ited  Amrou.  "The 
books  of  pbilo.sophy  tliat  are  to  1)0  found  in  the 
royal  treasury."  answered  .John.  "  I  can  di-^poso 
of  nothing,"  Amrou  then  said,  "without  the 
permission  of  the  lord  of  all  true  believers,  Omar 
Ebno'l-Chattab. "  He  therefore  wrote  to  Omar, 
iaforming  him  of  John's  request.  He  received 
an  answer  from  Omur  in  these  words.  "As  to 
the  books  you  mention,  eitlier  they  agree  with 
Qod's  holy  book,  and  then  God's  l)ook  is  all-sulll- 
cient  without  them;  or  they  disagree  with  God's 
book,  in  wliich  case  they  ought  not  to  bo  pre- 
served. "  And,  in  consequence,  Amrou  Ebno'l- As 
caused  them  to  be  distributed  amongst  the  dilTer- 
ent  batlis  of  the  city,  to  serve  as  fuel.  In  this 
manner  they  wero  eonsun.ed  in  Imlfayear. ' 
When  this  account  of  Abulfanigo's  was  made 
known  in  Europe,  it  was  at  onco  admitted  as  a 
fact,  without  tho  least  question.  .  .  .  Since  Po- 
cocke,  onotlier  Arab  historian,  likewise  a  physi- 
cian, was  discovered,  wlio  gave  pretty  nearly  tiio 
same  account.  This  was  Abdollatif,  who  wrote 
towards  1200,  and  con.sequently  prior  to  Abulfar- 
age.  .  .  .  Abdollatif  does  not  relate  any  of  tho 
circumstances  accessory  to  the  destruction  of  the 
library.  But  what  faith  can  we  put  in  a  writer 
who  tells  us  that  he  has  actually  seen  what  could 
no  longer  have  been  in  existence  in  ills  time"?  '  I 
have  seen,'  says  he,  '  the  portico  and  tlie  college 
that  Alexander  the  Great  caused  to  be  built,  and 
which  contained  tho  splendid  library,'  &c.  Now, 
these  buildings  were  situated  within  the  Bru- 
ehion; and  since  the  reign  of  Aurclian,  who  had 
destroyed  it  —  tliat  is  to  say,  at  least  nine  hun- 
dred years  before  Abdollatif  —  tlio  Bruehion  was 
a  deserted  spot,  covered  with  ruins  and  rubbish. 


2003 


UimAUlKrt. 


Alexandrian, 


LmnAuiErt. 


Atmlfamirn.  im  llic  other  liimd,  pliircs  tlir  llliriiry 
ill  III!'  Uoyal  Tri'iiHiiry ;  iiiiil  tin-  iiniiclironlHiii  ffi 
Jilsl  iiH  liml.  Till'  niyiil  I'clillri'HWcrc  all  contaiiiril 
witliiii  till'  wiiIIh  of  till'  Hrucliioii :  ami  not  iiiicof 
tlii'in  ('011111  tlii'ii  !)••  left.  ...  An  II  fact  Is  not 
ncccHHiirlly  Incolitcstalilc  Iicciiiihi'  nilvaiui'd  iin 
mull  liy  one  or  cvrn  two  lilstorianM,  hcvitiiI  pcr- 
Kons  of  Icurnin^  ami  n'Hciiri'li  liavii  doiiliti'il  tlin 
triilli  of  this  aHKcrtioii.  Hriiainlot  (llUt.  ilc.s 
I'atrlarclicHd'Ali'xaiKlrlr)  liitil  nlrcnily  (lUOHtioiii'd 
its  aiitlii'iitlt'lty,  liy  oliKcrvIni;:  "I'lils  acciiiilit  is 
rather  silsplcloiiH,  as  Is  fri'inieiitly  tlio  caso  with 
the  Aralilans. '  And,  lastly,  tiucrcl,  the  two 
Asseinanl,  Villolson,  and  (Jlhlion,  roiiiplctely  de- 
clared tlieinselves  iiKainst  it.  (Jilibon  at  onen 
expresses  Ills  iistonisliinent  that  two  historians, 
both  of  Kf!ypt,  should  not  have  said  a  won! 
nliout  go  reiiiitrkniile  nn  event.  The  tlrst  of  these 
Is  Eiityehiiis,  patriareh  of  Alexandria,  who  lived 
In  that  eity  fS(K)  years  after  it  was  taken  by  tlio 
Haraeens,  iind  who  Rives  ii  lon^  and  detailed  ae- 
count,  in  Ills  Annals,  both  of  the  Hieire  and  the 
Hiu'eeedhiK  events  ;  the  second  is  Elinacin,  a 
most  veraeioiw  writer,  the  author  of  a  History  of 
the  Haraeens,  and  who  especially  relates  the  life 
of  Omar,  and  tlio  tnUing  of  Alexandria,  with  its 
minutest  eircimistanees.  Is  it  conceivable  or  to 
be  believed  that  these  two  historians  should  have 
been  ignorant  of  so  important  a  circumstance? 
That  two  learned  men  who  would  have  been 
<leei)ly  interested  in  such  a  lossshoiihl  have  made 
no  inentlon  of  it,  though  living  and  writing  in 
Alexandria  —  Eutyehius,  too,  at  no  distant  period 
from  the  event?  and  that  wc  should  learn  it  for 
the  llist  time  from  a  stranger  who  wrote,  six 
centuries  after,  on  the  frontiers  of  Media?  He- 
sides,  as  Oibbon  observes,  why  should  the  Caliph 
Omar,  who  was  no  enemy  to  science,  have  acted, 
in  this  one  in.stance,  in  direct  opposition  to  his 
character.  .  .  .  To  flieRC  reasons  may  be  added 
the  remark  of  a  German  writer,  51.  Heinlmrd, 
wlio  observes  that  Eutyehius  (Annals  of  Kiity- 
chiuH,  vol.  II.  p.  iilfl)  tran.scribes  the  very  words 
of  the  letter  in  which  Amroii  gives  the  Caliph 
Omar  an  account  of  the  taking  of  Alexandria 
ofter  a  long  and  obstinate  siege.  '  I  have  carried 
the  town  by  storm,'  says  he,  'ond  witliout  any 
preceding  olTer  of  capitulation.  I  cannot  describe 
all  the  treasures  it  contains;  sulllce  it  tosav,  that 
it  numbers  4,000  palaces,  4,(K)0  baths,  40,000 
taxable  Jews,  400  theatres,  12,000  gardeners  who 
sell  vegetables.  Your  Mussulmans  demand  the 
privilege  of  pillaging  the  city,  and  Bharlng  the 
booty.'  Omar,  in  his  rcplv,  disapproves  of  tlie 
rcfpiest,  and  expressly  forbids  all  pillage  or  dilap- 
idation. It  is  plain  that,  in  his  oHlcial  report, 
Amrou  Ri^eks  to  oxnggerato  the  value  of  his  con- 
quest, am;  to  magnify  its  importance,  like  the 
dildomatists  of  our  times.  He  does  not  overlook 
a  single  hovel,  nor  a  Jew,  nor  a  gardener.  How 
then  could  he  have  forgotten  the  library,  he  who, 
according  to  Abulfaroge,  was  a  friend  to  the  fine 
arts  and  philosophy  ?  .  .  .  Elmacin  in  turn  gives 
us  Ainrou's  letter  nearly  in  the  same  terms,  and 
not  one  word  of  tlie  library.  .  .  .  We  .  .  .  run 
no  great  risk  in  drawing  the  conclusion,  from  all 
these  premises,  that  tlie  library  of  the  Ptolemies 
no  longer  existed  in  640  at  the  taking  of  Alexan- 
dria by  the  Saracens.  .  .  .  If  it  be  true,  as  we 
have  every  reason  to  think,  that  in  640  .  .  .  the 
celebrated  library  no  longer  existed,  we  may  in- 
quire in  what  mar.n  t  it  had  been  dispersed  and 
destroyed  since  415  when  Groses  aulrms  that  he 


saw  If  T  Tn  the  first  place  we  must  observe  that 
Oroses  only  mentions  some  presses  which  he  saw 
In  the  ti'iiiplrs.  It  was  not,  therefore,  llie  library 
of  the  I'toleinles  as  it  once  existed  ill  the  Mem- 
Ileum.  Let  us  call  to  mind,  moreover,  that  ever 
since  the  first  Koinaii  emperors,  Egypt  bad  been 
the  tlieatre  of  Incessant  civil  warfare,  iind  wo 
shall  be  Murprlscd  that  any  traces  of  the  library 
could  still  exist  In  later  times." — lli»tiiiiriil  He- 
m-iirr/ifn  on  the  /n-i  ^  mlid  huritiiui  nf  the  l.ihrnrriiff 
Alej-iiiiilriil  liy  l/ir  SinnriiM  (rntiter'ii  Sf'tf/milut, 
April.  1H44).  —  "  After  siimmlng  up  the  evidence 
we  have  been  able  to  collect  In  regard  to  thesis 
librarieN,  we  conclude  that  almost  all  lhe7(N),IKN) 
volumes  of  the  earlier  Alexandrian  libraries  liad 
liccn  destroyed  before  tlii!  capture  of  the  city  by 
the  Arabs;  "that  iinother  of  considerable  size,  but 
chli'llyof  Christian  iitcratiiri',  had  lieen  collected 
in  the  a.10  years  Just  preceding  the  Arab  occupa- 
tion; and  that  AbulpharaJ,  in  a  statement  that 
is  not  literally  true,  gives.  In  the  main,  a  correct 
account  of  the  Hiial  destruclioii  of  the  Alexan- 
drian Mbrary." — (;.  W.  Huper,  Alexitmlna  and 
iln  l.ibriiriei  (Nntiaual  Qiiiirt.  Her.,  Dee.,  1H75). 

Al.HO  in:  E.  Edwards,  Meinoiri  of  lAhriirie*, 
hk.  X,  eh.  5  (r.  1). — The  Same,  Lihrnriet  and  tht 
Foiiiulem  of  [,ibr(irie»,  eh.  1. — See,  also,  Educa- 
tion, Anciknt;  Ai.exanuhia;  and  Ai.exan- 
diua:  H.  C.  282-346. 

Pcrgamum.    See  Pkiioamum. 

Rome. —  I'liny  states  that  (;.  Asinlus  Pollio 
was  tlie  first  who  established  a  Public  Library  In 
l{onie.  Hut  "  Liicullus  was  undoubtedly  before 
liim  In  this  claim  upon  the  gratitude  of  the 
lovers  of  books.  Plutarch  tells  us  expressly  that 
iiul  only  was  the  Library  of  Lucullus  remarkablo 
for  its  extent  and  for  the  beauty  of  the  volumes 
which  composed  It,  but  that  tlie  use  he  mad(>  of 
them  was  even  more  to  his  honour  tli'iii  the  pains 
he  liad  taken  in  tlieir  aeiiuisition.  The  Library, 
he  says,  'was  open  to  all.  The  Orccks  who 
were  at  Home  resorted  thillier,  as  It  were  to  tlio 
retreat  of  tlie  Muses.'  It  is  important  to  notice 
that,  according  to  Pliny,  the  benefaction  of 
Asinlus  Pollio  to  the  literate  among  the  Romans 
was  'ex  maiiubils.'  This  expression,  conjoined 
with  the  fact  that  the  statue  of  M.  Varro  was 
placed  in  the  Librarv  of  Pollio,  has  led  a  recent 
distinguished  historian  of  Home  under  the  Em- 
pire, Mr.  Merivale,  to  sucgcst,  that  very  proba- 
bly Pollio  only  made  additions  to  that  Library 
which,  as  wc  know  from  Suetonius,  Julius  Cicsar 
had  directed  to  be  formed  for  public  u.se  under 
the  care  of  Varro.  These  exploits  of  Pollio, 
which  are  most  likely  to  have  yielded  him  the 
'  spoils  of  war,'  were  of  a  date  many  years  subse- 
quent to  the  commission  given  by  Ciesar  to  Varro. 
It  has  been  usually,  and  somewhat  rashly  per- 
haps, inferred  that  tliis  project,  like  many  other 
schemes  that  were  surging  in  that  busy  bruin, 
remained  a  project  only.  In  the  absence  of  proof 
cither  way,  may  it  not  be  reasonably  conjectured 
that  Varro's  bust  was  placed  in  the  Library  called 
Pollio's  because  Varro  had  iii  truth  carried  out 
Cicsar's  plan,  with  the  ultimate  concurrence  and 
aid  of  Pollio  ?  This  Library  —  by  whomsoever 
formed  —  was  probably  in  tlie  '  allium  libertatis ' 
on  the  Aventine  Mount.  From  Suetonius  wc 
further  leirn  that  Augustus  added  porticiK's  to 
the  Temple  of  Apollo  on  the  Palatine  Mount, 
witli  (as  appears  from  monumental  inscriptions 
to  those  wlio  had  charge  of  them)  two  distinct 
Libraries  of    Greek    and    Latin    authors;    that 


2004 


LIBUAKIKK. 


Ani'irnt  ;  h'lttmtn. 


LIHUAidKS. 


TilwriiiN  lulilril  to  th«  Piilillc  Lllintrtcii  tlx'  wcirkx 
of  thcUn'i'k  p<x>tii  Kiipliorlnn,  KliiiiiiiiiH  unci  rui'- 
tlu'iiliiH, —  iiiitliorH  wliiirii  lie  cHpccljilly  ailmlncl 
anil  trlcil  to  liiilliitt',— iiml  iiIhh  iln'lr  HdiiiicH; 
tliiit  ('iillKillit  (III  ikIiIIiIoii  til  li  Ni'licini'  f<irKii|> 
pri'HHliiK  IIiiKur)  hull  lliiiiiKlitMiir  liuiilsliiiiu  Imtli 
tlif  worKH  anil  tlio  liimtH  of  VIikII  lunl  nf  liivy  — 
(;lmnicl<'rl/.iiiK  llii- one  uh  ii  wriliT  of  im  KciililH 
ntiil  of  lUtlc  IfuriiliiK,  mill  iliii  oilii'r(Miil.  i|iiilr  ho 
uiifiirtiiiiult'l.v)  UM  II  c'lirclcM  ami  vitIhihi  IiIhIh- 
riuii  —  from  ull  till!  liiliriirli'.M;  uiul  thai  Doiiiltlaii 
curly  In  IiIh  rt'l){n  ri'Hlori'il  at,  vuhI  ('xpi'iisn  the 
LIhmrlt's  In  llii-  ('a|iitol  which  huil  Item  liuriit, 
Hliil  tothlit'iiil  hiith  I'ollt'Ctcil  MSS.  from  varioiH 
fountrlcM,  uiiil  Hi'iit  HcrlhcH  to  Alrxaiiilria  ex- 
])ri'Hsly  to  copy  or  to  corn-ct  workH  which  were 
there  pri'Hcrvi'il.  In  uililition  to  the  Llhrurlcs 
iiK'ntioni'il  by  SiictonluH,  wu  rciiil  In  I'liiturch  of 
the  Ijlhrury  dedicated  by  Octavlu  to  the  memory 
of  MarcelluH;  in  AiiIiih  QcIIIiih  of  a  Library  in 
the  i'aiace  of  TIberlUH  and  of  another  in  the 
Temple  of  IVuce;  and  In  Dion  CJaHsiiis  of  tiio 
more  famoiia  L'Ipian  Library  founded  by  Trajan. 
This  Library,  we  are  told  by  V'opiscun,  was  In 
IiIh  day  luliled,  by  way  of  adornmi^nt,  to  the 
Uatlis  of  Diocletian.  Of  private  Libruriex 
amongHt  tlie  Uomans  one  of  the  earliest  recorded 
In  that  which  Kmiiins  I'aiduH  found  amongHt  the 
Bpiiils  of  I'erHeiiH,  and  whicli  he  Im  huIiI  to  have 
Bliared  between  his  Hon.s.  Tlie  collection  of  Ty- 
rannion,  some  eigiity  years  later  (perhupH), 
nmiiiinted,  aceordini;  to  a  passage  in  Suiiias,  to 
80.(MJ0  volumes.  Tliut  of  Luciillus  —  which, 
Home  will  think,  oiigiit  to  be  placed  in  tills  cate- 
gory—  lias  been  mentioned  already.  With  that 
—  tlie  most  famous  of  all  —  wliidi  was  the  delight 
and  the  pride  of  Cicero,  every  reader  of  Ids  let- 
ters has  an  almost  personal  famiiiaritA',  extending 
even  to  the  names  and  services  of  those  wlio 
were  employed  in  binding  and  in  placing  the 
iHMik.s.  ...  Of  tlie  Liliraries  of  the  long-buried 
cities  of  Poinpeit  and  Hercuianeiim  there  is  not  a 
Bcintilla  of  information  extant,  other  than  that 
which  has  been  gathered  from  their  ruins.  At 
one  time  great  hopes  were  entertained  of  impor- 
tant additions  to  classical  h'arning  from  remains, 
the  discovery  of  whieli  has  so  largely  Increased 
our  knowleifge  both  of  the  arts  an  1  of  tlie  man- 
ners of  the  Romans.  Uiit  all  elTort  in  tills  direc- 
tion lias  hitherto  been  eitlier  fruitless  or  else  only 
tantalizing,  from  the  fragnu^ntary  cliaracter  of 
the  results  atttdncd. " —  E.  Edwards,  Memoirn  of 
Liliraries,  pp.  30-20. — "Most  houses  had  a  li- 
brary, which,  according  to  Vitruvius,  ought  to 
face  the  east  in  order  to  admit  tlie  liglit  of  the 
morning,  and  to  prevent  tlie  biwks  from  becoming 
mouldy.  At  Herculaneum  a  library  with  book- 
cases containing  1,700  scrolls  has  been  discovered. 
Tlie  gwmmarian  Epaiilirodiliis  possessed  a  li- 
brary of  80,000,  and  Sammunicus  Serenus,  the 
tutor  of  tlio  younger  Goriliun,  one  of  02,000 
books.  Senec'i  ridicules  the  fasliionabio  folly  of 
illiterate  men  who  adorned  their  walls  with  tliou- 
sands  of  Iwoks,  the  titles  of  which  were  the  de- 
light of  the  yawning  owner.  According  to 
Publius    Victor,   Rome    possessed    twenty-nine 

Eublic  libraries,  the  first  of  whicli  was  opened 
y  Asiniua  Polio  in  the  forecourt  of  the  Temple 
of  Peace ;  two  others  were  founded  during  the 
reign  of  Augustus,  viz.,  the  Octavian  and  the 
Palatine  libraries.  Tiberius,  Vespasian,  Domi- 
tian,  and  Trajan  added  to  their  number;  the 
Ulpian  library,  founded  by  the  last-mentioned 


emnernr,  liolng  the  iiiont  linportAnt  of  nil." —  E. 
Oiilil  and  \V.  Konor,  T/u>  I.^J'r  of  the  (Irrthiinul 

lloiiiiniii,  /).  X\\. 

HercuUneum, — "  Herculaneum  remained  a 
Hiibtei  lanean  city  from  the  year  7'(  t  the  year 
170(1.  In  the  l.itlcr  year  Moiiir  laboiirerH  who 
were  employed  in  illggiii"  a  well  came  upon  a 
Htatiie,  a  circunis  aiice  whicli  led— not  very 
spei'llly  but  in  course  of  time  ...  — to  sys- 
temalic  e.\  avations.  Almost  half  a  nntury 
pasm  il,  however,  liefore  the  llrst  roll  of  papyrus 
was  dlHcovcred,  near  to  I'lirlici  at  a  depth  from 
the  surface  of  alKtut  120  Knglisli  feet.  In  the 
courHe  of  a  year  or  t>vo,  Home  250  rolls  —  most  of 
them  Greek  —  had  been  found.  ...  In  1754, 
further  iinil  more  careful  ri'searches  were  iiiado 
by  Camiilo  I'adernI,  who  HUccceilid  in  gelling 
togetlier  no  less  than  'Ml  Greek  vulumeM  and  18 
Latin  volumes.  The  latter  were  of  larger  di- 
mensions tlian  the  Gri'ek,  nnd  in  worsi!  cundition. 
Very  naturally,  great  interest  was  excited  by 
these  discoveries  amonfHt  scholars  in  all  parts  of 
Europe.  In  the  years  1754  and  H.Vi  the  subject 
was  repeatedly  liroiifrlit  liefore  the  l^)yal  Hixiety 
by  Mr.  Locke  and  otTier  of  Its  fellows,' soniet lines 
in  llie  form  of  conimunlcations  from  Paiieml 
himself;  at  other  times  from  the  notes  and  obser- 
vations of  travellers.  In  one  of  these  papers  the 
dlKlnterred  rolls  are  described  as  appearing  at 
first  '  like  riHils  of  woimI,  all  black,  and  seeming 
to  be  only  of  one  piece.  One  of  tlieiii  falling  on 
the  ground,  it  broke  in  the  middle,  and  many 
lett'TS  were  observed,  by  which  it  was  first 
known  that  the  rolls  were  of  papyrus.  .  .  .They 
were  In  wooden  cases,  so  much  burnt,  .  .  .  that 
they  cannot  be  recovered.'.  .  .  At  the  beginning 
of  tlie  present  century  tlio  attention  of  the  Hrit- 
isli  government  was,  to  some  extent,  attract«'d  to 
this  subject.  .  .  .  Leave  was  at  length  obtained 
from  tlie  Neapolitan  government  for  a  literary 
mission  to  Ilerciilaiieiim,  which  was  enlrUKled  to 
Mr.  Ilayter,  one  of  the  chaplains  to  tlie  Prince 
Ifcgent.  liut  the  results  were  few  and  iiiisatis 
factory.  .  .  .  Tiin  Commission  siibsei|uently  en- 
trusted to  Dr.  Sickler  of  lliidburghausen  was 
still  more  unfortunate.  ...  In  181H,  a  <'ominit- 
tco  of  the  House  of  Commons  was  appointed  to 
inquire  into  the  matttT.  It  reported  that,  after 
an  expenditure  of  about  .ei.lOO,  no  useful  results 
had  been  attained.  This  iiuiuiry  and  the  experi- 
ments of  Sickler  led  Sir  llumpiirey  Davy  to  in- 
vestigate the  subject,  and  to  undertake  two  suc- 
cessive journeys  into  Italy  for  its  tliorough 
elucidation,  itis  account  of  his  researches  Is 
higlily  interesting.  .  .  .  '  My  experiments,' says 
Sir  Humphrey  Davy  .  .  .  ,  '  soon  convinced  me 
that  the  nature  of  tliese  JISS.  had  been  generally 
misunderstoo<l ;  that  they  had  not,  as  is  usually 
supposed,  been  carbonized  by  the  operation  ot 
fire,  .  .  .  but  were  in  a  state  analogous  to  peat 
or  Bovey  coal,  the  leaves  being  generally  ce- 
mented into  one  mass  by  a  peculiar  substance 
whicli  had  formed  during  the  fermentation  and 
chemical  change  of  tlie  vegetable  matter  com- 
prising them,  in  a  long  course  of  ages.  The  na- 
ture of  this  substance  being  known,  the  destruc- 
tion of  it  became  a  subject  of  obvious  chemical 
investigation;  and  I  was  fortunate  enougli  to 
find  means  of  accomplishing  this,  without  injur- 
ing the  characters  or  destroying  the  texture  of 
the  MSS.'  These  means  Sir  Humphrey  Davy 
has  described  very  minutely  in  his  subsequent 
communications  to  the  lioyul  Society.     Briefly, 


2005 


LIBRARIES. 


UeditBval. 


LIBRARIES. 


they  rrmy  be  said  to  have  coiKsisted  in  ft  mixture 
nf  a  Holiitioii  of  glue  with  alcoliol,  enough  to 
gelatinize  it,  applie.l  by  a  cnmel's  hair  brush,  for 
the  scpurulion  of  the  layers.  The  pr(K:e8s  was 
Biimetinies  a8.sislc(l  by  the  ageney  of  ether,  ami 
the  layers  were  dried  by  the  action  of  a  stream 
of  air  wanned  gradually  up  to  the  tempemture 
of  boiling  water.  '  After  the  cliemical  operation, 
the  leaves  of  mo.st  of  the  fragments  separated 
perfectly  from  each  other,  and  the  Greek  char- 
uel-,'rs  were  in  a  high  degree  distinct.  .  .  .  The 
MSS.  were  irobably  on  shelves  of  wood,  which 
w(To  broken  down  when  the  roofs  of  the  houses 
yielded  to  the  weight  of  the  superincumbent 
mass.  Hence,  many  of  them  were  crushed  and 
folded  in  a  moist  state,  and  the  leaves  of  some 
pressed  together  in  u  perpendicular  direction 
.  .  .  in  confused  heaps;  in  these  heaps  the  ex- 
terior MSS.  .  .  .  must  have  been  acted  on  by 
the  water;  and  as  the  ancient  ink  was  composed 
of  flnely  divided  charcoal  suspended  in  a  solution 
of  glue  or  gum,  wherever  the  water  percolated 
continuously,  tiie  characters  were  more  or  less 
erased.'.  .  .  Sir  Humphrey  Davy  proceeds  to 
stale  that,  according  to  the  information  given 
him,  the  number  of  MSS.  and  fragments  of  ilHS. 
originally  deposited  iu  the  Naples  Museum  was 
l,OUr>;  that  of  these  bS  had  then  been  unrolled 
and  found  to  be  legible;  that  319  others  had  been 
operated  upon,  and  more  or  less  unrolled,  but 
were  illegible;  that  24  had  been  sent  abroad  as 
presents;  and  thatof  the  remaining  1,265  —  which 
he  had  carefully  examined  —  the  majority  were 
cither  small  fragments,  or  JISS.  so  crushed  and 
mutilated  as  to  olTcr  little  hope  of  sepu.-ation; 
whilst  only  from  HO  to  120  ollered  a  probability 
of  success  (and  he  elsewhere  adds: — 'this  esti- 
mate, as  my  researches  jjroceeded,  appeared 
much  too  high ')....'  Of  the  88  unrolled  iMSS. 
.  .  .  the  great  body  consists  of  works  of  Greek 
philosophers  or  sophists;  nine  arc  of  Epicurus; 
thirty-two  bear  the  name  of  Philodemus,  three 
of  Uemetrius,  one  of  each  of  these  authors: — 
Colotcs,  Polystratus,  Carneades,  Chrysippus; 
and  the  subjects  of  these  works,  .  .  .  and  of 
those  the  authors  of  which  are  unknow-i,  are 
either  Natund  or  Moral  Philosophy,  Medicine, 
Criticism,  nir".  leneral  observations  on  Arts,  Life, 
and  Manners.'" — E.  Edwards,  Memoiiv  of  Li- 
brarien,  v.  1,  bk.  1,  ch.  5. 

Constantinople.  —  "When  Constantino  the 
Great,  in  the  year  336,  made  Eyzautium  the  seat 
of  his  empire,  he  in  a  great  measure  newly  built 
the  city,  tlecorated  it  witli  numerous  splendid 
edifices,  and  called  it  after  his  own  name.  De- 
sirous of  making  reparation  to  the  Christians,  for 
the  injuries  they  had  sustained  during  the  reign 
of  hi°  tyrannical  predecessor,  this  prince  com- 
ma -.0(1  the  most  diligent  scan^h  to  be  made 
after  those  books  which  had  been  doomed  to  de- 
struction. He  caused  transcripts  to  be  made  of 
such  books  as  had  escaped  the  Diocletian  persc- 
cuti(ra;  to  these  he  adcled  others,  and  with  llie 
whole  formed  a  valaable  Library  at  Constanti- 
nople. On  the  death  of  Coustantine,  the  number 
of  books  CO  itained  in  the  Imperial  Library  was 
only  six  mnisand  nine  hundred;  but  it  was  suc- 
cessively enlarj-rd  by  the  t  "lerors,  Julian  and 
Theodosius  the  your'ger,  the  latter  of  whom 
augnient4:d  it  to  one  hundred  thousand  volumes. 
Of  these,  more  than  half  were  burnt  in  the 
seventh  century,  by  commau('.  of  the  emperor 
Leo  III.,  iu  order  to  destroy  all  the  monuments 


that  might  be  quoted  in  proof  against  his  oppo- 
sition to  the  worship  of  iimiges.  In  this  library 
was  deposited  the  only  authentic  copy  of  tho 
Council oi  Nice:  ithnsalso  bi'tnassertecftlmt  tho 
works  of  Homer,  wiitteu  in  golden  lettere,  were 
consumed  at  the  same  time,  together  with  a  inag- 
niticent  copy  of  the  Four  Gospels,  bound  in  plates 
of  gold  to  the  weight  of  fifteen  pounds,  and  en- 
richeil  with  precious  stones.  The  cimvulsions 
that  weakened  the  lower  empire,  weitj  by  no 
means  favourable  to  the  interests  of  literature. 
During  the  reign  of  ConsUmtiue  Porphyrogeune- 
tus  (in  the  eleventh  century)  literature  flourished 
for  u  short  time :  and  he  is  said  to  have  employed 
many  learned  Greeks  in  collec'ting  bixjks  for  ii 
library,  the  arrangement  of  Ai'hich  he  superin- 
tended himself.  The  final  subversion  of  the 
Eastern  Empire,  and  the  capture  of  Constantino- 
ple by  Mohammed  H.,  A.  D.  1453,  dispei'sed  tho 
literati  of  Greece  over  Western  Europe:  but  tho 
Imperial  Library  was  preserved  by  the  express 
command  of  the  concpieror,  and  continued  to  be 
kept  in  seme  apartments  of  the  Seraglio;  until 
Slourad  (or  Amurath)  IV.,  iu  a  fit  of  devotion, 
s.ieriticed  (as  it  is  reported)  all  the  books  in  this 
Library  to  his  hatred  against  the  Christians." — 
T.  L'.  Home,  Iiitrudactiuii  to  the  Study  of  lliblioy- 
raphji,  ]>p.  23-25. 

Tripoli. — Destruction  of  Library  by  Cru- 
saders.    See  CnusAUKs:  A.  D.  1104-1111. 

Mediaeval. 

Monastic  Libraries. —  "In  every  monastery 
there  was  cstablisheil  first  a  library,  then  great 
studios,  where,  to  increase  the  number  of  books, 
skilful  caligrnphers transcribed  manuscripts;  and 
finally,  schools,  ojieu  to  all  those  who  had  need 
of,  or  desire  for,  instruction.  At  Montierendor, 
at  Lorsch,  at  Corvey,  at  Fulda,  at  St.  Gall,  at 
Reicheni'u,  at  Nonantula,  at  Alonte  Cassino,  at 
Wearmoutli,  at  St.  Albans,  at  Croy  land,  there  were 
famous  libraries.  At  St.  Michael,  at  Luueburg, 
there  were  two  —  one  for  the  abbot  and  one  for 
the  monks.  In  other  abbeys,  as  at  Hirsehau,  the 
abbot  himself  took  his  place  in  tlic  Scriptorium, 
where  many  other  monks  were  occupied  in  cojjy- 
ing  manuscripts.  At  St.  Ri(iuiei',  books  bought 
for  high  prices,  or  transcribed  w  ith  the  utmost 
care,  were  regarded  as  the  most  valuable  jewels 
of  the  monastery.  '  Here,' says  the  chronicler  of 
the  abbey,  counting  up  with  innocent  pride  tho 
volumes  which  it  contained — 'here  are  the  riches 
of  the  cloister,  the  treasures  of  the  celcstirl  life, 
•vhicli  fatten  the  soul  by  their  sweetness.  This 
is  how  we  fulfil  the  excellent  precept,  Love  the 
study  of  the  Sciiptures,  and  you  will  not  love 
vice.'  If  we  were  called  upon  to  enumerate  the 
)irincipal  centres  of  learning  in  this  century,  we 
should  be  obliged  to  name  nearly  all  the  great 
abbeys  whose  founders  we  have  mentioned,  for 
most  of  them  were  great  homes  of  knowledge. 
.  .  .  The  principi.'.  unci  most  constJint  occupa- 
tion of  the  learned  Benedictine  nuns  was  the 
transcription  of  manuscripts.  It  can  neve:'  be 
known  how  many  services  to  learning  and  his- 
tory were  rendered  by  vlieir  delicate  hands 
throughout  he  middle  ages.  They  brought  to 
the  work  a  dexterity,  an  elegance,  and  an  assi- 
duity which  the  monks  themselves  could  not  at- 
tain, and  we  owe  to  them  some  of  the  most 
beautiful  specimens  of  the  marvellous  caligraphy 
of  the  period.  .  .  .  Nuns,  therefore,  were  tho 
ritrals  of  monks  iu  the  task  of  enlarging  and 


2006 


LIBRARIES. 


McdicEiHil. 


LIBRARIKS. 


fertilising  the  flrlil  of  Cntholic  loarnir.r.  Every 
one  is  iiwnrc  that,  tlio  copying  of  miinnseripts 
was  one  of  tlie  lial)itual  oeeiipationv.  of  monies. 
By  it  tliey  fed  tlio  claiistral  libraries  already 
spoken  of,  and  w'lieh  are  the  prineipal  source  of 
modern  knowledge.  Thus  we  must  again  refer 
tr  the  first  beginning  of  the  -Monastio  Orders  to 
dm  tlic  earliest  traces  of  a  custom  which  from 
that  time  was,  as  it  were,  identiticd  with  thu 
practices  of  religions  life.  In  the  depths  of  tiio 
TliebaYde,  in  the  primitive  monasteries  of  Ta- 
benna,  every  house  .  .  .  had  its  library.  There 
is  express  mention  made  of  this  in  the  rule  of 
St.  Benedict.  ...  In  the  seventh  century,  St. 
Benedict  Biscop,  founder  and  abbot  of  Wear- 
mouth  in  England,  undertook  five  sea- voyages 
to  search  for  and  purchase  books  for  his  abbey, 
to  which  .each  time  he  brought  back  a  large 
cargo.  In  the  ninth  century,  Loup  of  Ferri^'ies 
transformed  his  monastery  of  St.  Josso-Dur-Mer 
into  (I  kind  of  depot  for  the  trade  in  books 
which  was  carried  on  witli  England.  About  the 
same  time,  during  Uw  wars  which  ravaged  Lom- 
bardy,  most  of  the  literary  treasures  which  are 
now  the  pride  of  the  Anibrosian  library  were 
being  collected  in  the  abbey  of  Bobbio.  The 
monastery  of  Pomposii,  near  Ravenna,  had,  .".c- 
cording  to  contemporaries,  a  finer  library  than 
those  of  lionie  or  of  any  other  town  in  the  world. 
In  tlie  eleventh  century,  the  library  of  the  abbey 
of  Oroyla'Ml  numbered  3,(M)0  volumes.  The 
library  of  Novalese  had  0,700,  which  the  monks 
saved  at  the  risk  of  their  lives  when  their  abbey 
was  destroyed  by  the  Saracens  in  905.  Ilirschau 
contained  nn  immcp.sc  number  of  manu.scripts. 
But,  for  the  number  and  va'.ie  of  its  books, 
Fulda  'ipscd  ■  the  monasteries  of  Germany, 
and  perhaps  ol  ;  wliole  Christian  world.  On 
the  other  ln>r.;i  ?onie  writers  assure  us  that 
Monte  Oavsino,  lor  the  Abbot  Didier,  tlic 
friend  of  Gregory  vll.,  possessed  the  richest 
collection  V  hich  it  was  possible  to  lind.  The 
libraries  thus  created  by  the  labours  of  nioiiks 
became,  i.s  it  were,  the  intellectual  ar.senals  of 
princes  and  potentates.  .  .  .  There  were  also 
colleeiioMS  of  books  in  all  the  cathedrals,  in  all 
the  collegiate  churches,  and  in  m.uiy  of  the 
castles.  Much  has  been  said  of  the  excessive 
price  of  certain  books  during  the  middle  ages: 
Robertson  and  his  imitators,  in  support  of  tliis 
theory,  are  fond  of  quoting  the  famous  '■ollec- 
tiori  of  homilies  that  Greciiv  Countess  of  Anjou 
houglit,  in  105G,  for  two  hundred  sheep,  a  mei's- 
nre  of  wljcat,  one  of  millet,  one  of  rye,  several 
marten-skins,  and  four  pounds  of  silver.  An  in- 
stance like  tliis  always  produces  its  effect;  but 
these  writers  forgot  to  .say  that  tlie  books  bought 
for  sucli  liigh  prices  were  -xdmirable  specimens 
of  caligraphy,  of  painting,  and  of  carving.  It 
would  be  just  as  reasonable  to  quote  the  exor- 
bitant sums  paid  at  sales  by  bibliomaniacs  of  ^ur 
days,  in  order  to  prove  th.at  since  the  invention 
of  printing,  books  have  been  excessive  in  price. 
Moreover,  the  ardent  fondness  of  the  Countess 
Grecia  for  beautiftd  books  had  been  shared  by 
other  amateurs  of  a  much  earlier  date.  Bede 
relates  that  Alfred,  King  of  Northumbria  in  the 
seventh  century,  g","e  eight  hides  of  land  to  St. 
Benedict  Biscop  in  exchange  for  a  Cosmogiaphy 
which  that  book-loving  abbot  had  bought  at 
Rome.  Tlie  monks  loved  their  books  with  a 
passion  wliich  has  never  been  surpassed  in 
modem  times.  ...  It  is  an  error  to  .  .  .  sup- 


pose that  books  of  theology  or  piety  alone  tiller' 
the  libraries  ol  the!  monks.  .Somi^  eneunes  of  Iho 
religious  orders  have,  indeed,  argue<l  that  this 
was  the  case;  but  the  proof  of  the  contrary  is 
evident  in  all  documents  relating  to  tlie  subject. 
The  catalogues  of  the  prineipal  monastic  libra- 
ries during  those  centuries  which  historians  re- 
gard as  most  barbarous,  are  still  in  existence; 
and  tliese  catjilogues  amply  justify  the  sentence 
o'  the  great  Leibnitz,  when  he  saio,  'Books  and 
learning  were  preserved  by  the  monasteries.'  It 
is  acknowledged  that  if,  on  one  hand,  the  Bene- 
dictines settled  in  Iceland  collected  the  Eddas 
and  the  principal  tradi'.ions  of  the  Scandinavian 
mythology,  on  the  other  all  the  monuments  of 
Greece  and  Rome  which  escaped  the  devaslal lens 
of  barbarians  were  saved  by  tlie  monks  of  Italy, 
Fiance,  and  Germany,  and  by  them  alone.  And 
if  in  some  monasteries  the  .scarcity  of  pa'chment 
and  the  ignorance  of  the  superiors  permitted  the 
destruction,* by  copyists,  of  a  certain  small  num- 
ber of  precious  works,  liow  can  we  forget  that 
without  tlie.ie  same  copyists  we  slionld  possess 
nothing  —  absolutely  nothing  —  of  classic  antiqui- 
ty? .  .  .  Alcuin  enumerates  among  tlie  books 
in  the  library  at  York  the  works  of  Aris- 
totle, Cicero,  i'liny,  Virgil,  Statins,  Lucan,  and 
of  Trogus  PompeViis.  In  his  correspondence 
with  Ciiarlumague  he  quotes  Ovid,  Horace,  Ter- 
ence, and  Cicero,  acknowledging  tliaf  in  his 
youth  ho  had  been  more  moved  !•  me  lears  of 
I)i('o  tlian  by  the  Psalms  of  David." — Count  de 
Moutalembcrt.  The  }[oiil;-i  of  the  West,  lik.  18,  eh. 
4  (!'.  6). — "  It  is  in  the  great  houses  of  the  Bene- 
dictine Order  that  we  find  the  largest  libraries, 
such  as  in  England  at  Bury  St.  Edmund's,  Glas- 
tonbury, IVtciboroii ';li.  Heading,  St.  AUian's, 
and,  above  all,  tiiat  of  Christ  Cliurch  in  Canter- 
bury, probably  the  earliest  library  formed  in 
England.  Among  the  other  English  monasteries 
of  the  libraries  of  which  we  still  possess  cata- 
logues 01  other  details,  are  St.  Peter's  at  York, 
described  in  tlic  eighlli  century  by  Alcuin,  St. 
Cnthbcrt's  at  Durham,  and  St.  Augustine's  at 
(Janterbury.  At  the  dissolution  of  the  mouas- 
teries  their  libraries  woi.'  dispersed,  and  the 
bi'.sisof  the  great  modern  libraries  is  the  volumes 
thus  scattered  over  England.  In  general  *ho 
volumes  were  dispo.sed  much  as  now,  that  is  to 
saj%  upright,  and  in  large  cases  allixed  to  a  wall, 
often  with  doors.  The  larger  volumes  at  lea.st 
w<'rc  in  many  cases  chained,  so  that  they  could 
only  be  used  within  .about  six  fectof  their  proper 
place;  and  since  the  ciiain  was  always  riveted 
on  the  fore-edge  of  one  of  the  si<les  of  a  boo'n.  the 
back  of  the  volume  had  ;  )  be  tliru.st  first  into 
the  shelf,  leaving  the  front  edge  cf  the  leaves 
exposed  to  view.  Many  old  volumes  bear  a 
mark  in  ink  on  thif.  front  edge;  and  when  this  is 
the  case,  we  may  be  sure  that  it  was  once  chained 
iu  a  library;  ami  usu.dly  a  lit;le  further  investi- 
gation will  disclose  the  mark  of  a  rivet  on  one  of 
the  sides.  Itegulatio;  s  were  carefully  made  to 
prevent  the  mixture  of  dilTcreiit  kinds  of  books, 
and  their  overcrowding  or  inconvenient  position; 
while  an  organized  system  of  lending  was  in 
vogue,  by  which  at  least  once  a  j'ear,  and  less 
formally  at  shorter  intervals,  the  monks  could 
change  or  renew  the  volumes  already  on  loan. 
.  .  .  Let  us  take  an  example  of  the  arrangement 
of  a  monastic  library  of  no  special  distinction  in 
A.  D.  1400,— that  at  Titclifleld  Abbey,— tles- 
cribing  it  in  the  words  of  the  register  of  the 


2UU7 


LIBRARIES. 


Rmautance. 


LIBRARIES. 


monnstpry  it.sclf,  only  tn.nsliiting  tlie  Liiliii  into 
Englisli.  'The  iirriingcnKMit  of  the  library  of 
tin- monastery  of  Tycliofcld  is  this: — There  ore 
in  the  lilirnry  of  TyehefeUl  four  cayes  (columnar) 
in  which  to  place  books,  of  which  two,  tlie 
first  and  second,  are  on  the  eastern  face;  on 
the  soutliern  face  i.s  the  third,  and  on  the 
northern  face  the  fourth.  And  ea(!li  of  them 
has  eight  shelves  O'radus),  marked  with  a  letter 
and  number  alllxecl  on  the  front  of  each  shelf, 
that  is  to  say,  on  the  lower  board  of  each 
of  the  aforesaid  shelves;  certain  letters,  liow- 
cver,  are  excepted,  namely  A,  II,  K,  L,  M,  O,  P, 
Q,  which  have  no  numbers  afllxed,  because  all 
the  vohimes  to  which  one  of  those  letters  be- 
longs are  contained  in  the  shelf  to  which  that 
letter  is  assigned.  [That  is,  the  shelves  with  the 
letters  A,  II,  K,  etc.,  have  a  complete  class  of 
bo(<k3  in  each,  and  in  no  case  does  that  clr.ss 
overllow  into  a  se(!ond  shelf,  so  there  was  no 
need  of  marking  these  shelves  with  numbers  as 
■well  as  letters,  in  the  wav  in  whicli  the  test  were 
marked.  Thus  wc  should  tiiid  '  H  1,"  IJ  3,"  IJ  8," 
.  .  .  '  H  7,' because  H  fille(l  seven  shelves;  but 
'A'  only,  because  A  tilled  one  shelf  alone.]  '^o 
all  and  singular  the  volumes  of  the  said  libraiy 
are  fully  marked  on  tlio  lirst  leaf  and  elsewhere 
on  the  shelf  belonging  to  the  book,  with  certain 
numbered  letters.  And  in  order  that  what  is  in 
tl'.e  library  may  be  more  quickly  fotind,  the 
marling  of  the  shelves  of  the  said  Horary,  the 
inscriptions  in  tlic  books,  and  the  references  in 
tlie  register.  In  ail  points  agree  with  each  other. 
Anno  Domini  MCCCC.  .  .  Titchfleld  Abbey 
was  a  Pncmonstratcusian  house,  founded  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  and  never  special'iv  rich  or 
prominent,  yet  wc  find  it  with  a  gjod  library  of 
sixty-eight  books  in  theology,  thirty-nine  ia 
Canon  and  Civil  Law,  twenty-nine  in  Medicine, 
thirty-seven  in  Arts,  and  in  all  three  hundred 
and  twenty-six  volumes,  many  containing  several 
treatises,  so  that  the  total  number  of  works  was 
c  insidcrably  over  a  thousand. " — F.  Madan,  Books 
in  Manuscript,  pp.  70-79. 

Renaissance. 

Italy. — On  the  revival  of  learning  in  Italy, 
"scarcity  of  hooks  was  at  first  a  ihief  impedi- 
ment to  the  study  of  antiquity.  Popes  and 
princes  and  even  great  religious  institutions 
possessed  far  fewer  books  than  many  farmers  of 
the  present  age.  The  library  belonging  to  the 
Cathedral  Church  of  8.  Martino  at  Lucja  in  the 
ninth  century  contained  only  nineteen  volumes  of 
abridgements  from  ecclesiastical  commentaries. 
The  Cathedral  of  Novara  in  1213  could  boast 
copies  of  Boethius,  Priscian,  the  Code  of  Jus- 
tinian, the  Decretr>.ls,  and  the  Etymology  of 
Isldorus,  besides  a  Bible  and  some  devotional 
treatises.  This  slender  stock  passed  for  great 
riches.  Each  of  the  precious  volumos  in  such  a 
collection  was  an  epitome  of  mediaeval  art.  Its 
pages  were  composed  of  fine  vellum  adorned  with 
pictures.  The  initial  letters  displayed  elaborate 
ilourishes  and  exquisitely  illuminated  groups  of 
figures.  The  scribe  took  pains  to  render  his  cali- 
grii)hy  perfect,  and  to  ornament  the  margins  with 
crimson,  goid,  and  blue.  Then  he  handed  the 
parchment  sheets  to  the  binder,  who  tncas(^d 
them  in  rich  settings  of  velvet  or  carved  ivory  and 
wood,  embossed  with  gold  and  precious  stones. 
The  edges  were  gilt  and  stamped  witli  patterns. 
The  clasps  were  of  wrought  silver  chased  with 


niello.  The  price  of  such  masterpieces  was 
enoimous.  ...  Of  these  MSS.  the  greater  part 
were  manufactured  in  the  cloisters,  and  it  Voo 
hero  too  that  the  martyrdom  of  aiu'ient  authors 
took  place.  Lucretius  and  Livy  gave  place  to 
chronicles,  antiphonaries,  and  homilies.  Parch- 
ment was  extremely  dear,  and  the  scrolls  which 
nobody  could  read  might  be  scraped  and  wa.shed. 
Ai-cordingly,  the  cojiyist  eia.scd  the  learning  of 
the  ancients,  an(i  filled  the  fair  blank  space  he 
gained  with  litanies.  At  the  same  time  it  is  but 
just  to  the  monks  to  add  tliat  palimpsests  have 
occasionally  been  found  in  whii^li  e(^clesiastical 
works  have  yielded  place  to  copies  of  tl:o  Latin 
poets  used  in  elementary  education.  Another 
obstacle  to  the  diitusion  of  learning  was  the  in- 
C'lmpetence  of  the  copyists.  It  is  true  that  at 
the  great  universities  'stationarii,'  who  supplied 
the  text-books  in  use  to  students,  were  certified 
and  subjected  to  tl.o  control  of  special  censors 
called  '  jieciiirii.'  Yet  their  number  was  not  large, 
and  when  they  quitted  the  routine  to  which  tliey 
were  accustomed  their  incapacity  betrayed  itself 
by  numerous  errors.  Petrarch's  invective  against 
I  the  professional  copyists  shows  the  dei)th  to 
which  the  art  had  sunk.  'Who,' he  exclaims, 
'  will  discover  a  cure  for  the  ignorance  and  vile 
slot'.i  of  these  copyists,  who  spoil  everything  and 
turn  it  to  nonsense?  If  Cicero,  Livy.  and  other 
illustrious  ancients  were  to  return  to  life,  do  you 
think  they  would  uiulerstand  their  own  works? 
There  is  no  check  upon  these  copyists,  selected 
witliout  examination  or  test  of  their  capacity.' 
...  At  the  same  time  the  copyists  formed  a 
necessary  and  flou'.ishiiig  class  of  craftsmen. 
They  were  well  paid.  .  .  .  Under  these  circum- 
stances it  was  usual  for  even  the  most  eminent 
scholars,  like  Petrarch,  Boccaccio,  and  Poggio,  to 
make  their  own  copies  of  MSS.  Niccolo  de'  Nic- 
coli  transcribed  nearly  the  whole  of  the  codices 
that  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  Library  of  the 
Mark.  ...  It  is  clcpr  that  the  first  step  toward 
the  revival  of  learuingimplied  three  things:  first, 
the  collection  of  MSS.  wherever  they  could  bo 
saved  from  the  indiilence  of  the  monks ;  secondly, 
the  formation  of  libraries  for  their  preservation; 
and,  thirdly,  the  invention  of  an  art  whereby  they 
might  be  multiplied  cheaply,  conveniently,  and 
accurately.  The  labour  involved  in  the  collec- 
tion of  classical  manuscripts  had  to  be  performed 
by  a  few  enthusiastic  scholars,  who  received  no 
help  from  the  universities  and  tlieir  academical 
scribes,  and  who  met  with  uo  sympathy  in  the 
monasteries  they  were  bent  on  ransacking.  .  .  . 
Tlie  monks  performed  at  best  the  work  of  earth- 
worms, who  unwittingly  preserve  fragments  of 
Greek  architecture  from  corrosion  by  heaping 
mounds  of  mould  and  rubbish  round  them. 
Meanwhile  the  humanists  went  forth  with  the 
instinct  of  explorers  to  release  the  captives  and 
awake  the  dead,  From  the  convent  libraries  of 
Italy,  from  the  museunis  of  Constantinople,  from 
the  "abbeys  of  Germany  and  Switzerland  and 
ITrance,  the  slumbering  snirits  of  the  ancients 
had  to  be  evoked.  .  .  .  This  work  of  disco.ery 
began  with  Petrarch.  ...  It  was  carried  on  by 
Boccaccio.  The  account  given  by  Benvenuto  da 
Imola  of  Boccaccio's  visit  to  Monte  Cassino 
brings  vividly  before  us  both  the  ardour  of  these 
first  explorers  and  the  apathy  of  the  Benedic- 
tines (who  have  Si.  notimes  been  called  the 
saviours  of  k  irniug)  with  regard  to  the  treas- 
ures of    their  own  libraries.  .  .  .   '  Desirous  of 


2008 


LIBKARIES. 


3/(vleni  Europe. 


LIBRARIES. 


seeing  the  collection  of  b(X)ks,  which  he  'inder- 
stood  to  bo  r.  very  choice  one,  lie  nioilestly  asked 
11  mouk  —  for  he  was  always  nios*.  courteous  in 
nmiiners  —  to  open  the  library,  as  a  favour,  for 
him.  Tlie  monk  answered  stillly,  pointing  to  a 
8teep8tairca.se,  "Qoup;  itisojien. "  Boccaccio 
went  up  gladly ;  but  he  found  that  the  place 
which  held  so  great  a  treasure  was  without  or 
door  or  key.  lie  entered,  and  saw  grass  sprout- 
ing on  the  wiudows,  and  all  tlie  books  and 
benches  thick  witli  dust.  In  his  astonishnicnt 
he  began  to  open  and  turn  the  leaves  of  (list 
one  tonic  and  then  another,  and  found  many 
and  divers  volumes  of  ancient  and  foreign  works. 
Some  of  them  had  lost  several  sheets;  others 
were  .snipped  and  par  "1  all  round  tlie  text,  und 
mutilated  in  various  ways.  At  length,  lament- 
ing tliat  the  toil  and  study  of  so  many  illusaious 
men  should  have  iiassed  into  tlie  hands  of  most 
abandoned  \. 'retches,  he  departed  with  tears  and 
sighs.  Coming  to  the  cloister,  he  asked  a  immk 
whom  he  met,  why  those  valuable  books  bad 
been  so  disgracefully  mangled.  lie  unswered 
that  the  monks,  seeking  to  gain  a  few  soldi,  were 
in  the  habit  of  cutting  oil  slieets  and  making 
psalters,  which  tli"y  sold  to  boys.  The  margins 
loo  they  manufactured  into  <:liaims,  and  sold  to 
women.'.  .  .  What  Italy  contained  of  ancient 
<:odices  soon  saw  the  light.  The  visit  of  Poggio 
Bnieciolini  to  (lonstance  (1414)  opened  up  for 
Itiilian  .scholars  the  stores  that  lay  neglected  in 
transalpine  monasteries.  .  .  .  The  treasures  he 
unearthed  »it  Ueiclienau,  Weingaiten,  and  above 
all  S.  Oalleu,  restored  to  Italy  many  lost  master- 
liie^es  of  Latin  literature,  and  supplied  students 
with  full  texts  of  authors  who  bad  hithtito  been 
known  in  mutilated  copies.  The  account  he 
gave  of  his  visit  to  S.  Gallen  m  a  Latin  letter  to 
a  friend  is  justly  celebrated.  .  .  .  'In  tlic  miiUUe 
[he  says]  of  a  well-stocked  library,  too  large  to 
eat.doguc  at  preseni,,  we  discovered  Quiiitilian, 
safe  as  yet  and  sound,  though  covered  with  dust 
and  filtliy  with  aegleet  and  age.  The  books, 
j'ou  must  know,  were  not  housed  according  to 
their  worth,  but  were  lying  in  a  most  foul  and 
obscure  dungeon  at  the  very  bottom  of  a  tower, 
a  place  into  which  condemned  criminals  would 
hardly  have  been  thrust;  and  I  am  (irmly  per- 
suaded that  if  anyone  would  but  explore  those 
ergastula  of  the  barbarians  wherein  they  incar- 
cerate such  m-ni,  we  should  meet  with  like  good 
fortune  in  the  case  of  many  whose  funeral  ora- 
tions have  long  ago  been  pronounced.  Besides 
(juintilian,  we  exhumed  the  three  first  books  and 
a  lialf  of  the  fourth  book  of  the  Argonautica  of 
Flaecus,  and  tin  Commentaries  of  Asconius 
Pediauus  upon  e'ght  orations  of  Cicero.'.  .  . 
Never  was  there  a  tir""  'n  the  world's  iustory 
when  money  was  spent  morn  freely  upon  the 
collection  and  preservati(m  of  Mb,S.,  and  when  a 
more  complete  machinery  was  put  in  motion  for 
tlie  sake  of  securing  literary  treasures." — J.  A. 
Syinonds,  Ileiuiumnee  in  Italy:  The  Revival  of 
JAiiniiiii;,  ch.  8. 

Modern. 

Europe :  Rise  and  growth  of  the  greater 
Libraries. — In  a  work  ti.titled  "  Kssai  Statistiquc 
sur  les  BibliothiSques  de  Vicniie,"  published  in 
lyu."),  M.  Adrien  Balbi  entered  into  an  examina- 
tion of  the  literary  and  numerical  value  of  the 
principal  libraries  of  ancient  and  modern  times. 
M.  Balbi,  in  this  work,  shows  that  "the  Impe- 


rial Library  of  Vienna,  regularly  increasing  from 
the  epoch  of  its  formation,  by  means  equally 
honorable  to  the  sovereign  and  to  the  nation, 
held,  until  the  French  revolution,  the  first  place 
am  ng  the  libraries  of  Europe.  Since  that 
period,  several  other  institutions  have  risen  to  a 
much  higher  iiiinierical  rank.  .  .  .  No  one  of  the 
libraries  of  the  llrst  class,  now  in  existence,  dates 
beyond  the  fifteenth  century.  The  Vatican,  the 
origin  of  which  has  been  frequently  carried  back 
to  the  days  of  St.  Ililarius,  in  4(iri,  cannot,  with 
any  propriety,  be  said  to  liav(^  deserved  the  name 
of  lilirary  before  the  ruign  of  .Martin  the  Fiftli, 
by  whose  order  it  was  removed  from  Avignon  to 
Rome  in  1417.  And  oven  then,  a  strict  atten- 
tion to  the  force  of  the  term  would  re(|uire  us  to 
withliold  from  it  this  title,  until  the  period  of  its 
final  organization  by  Nicholas  the  Fifth,  in  1447. 
It  is  (lifiicult  to  speak  with  certainty  concerning 
tlie  libraries,  whether  public  or  private,  wdiich 
are  supposed  to  have  existed  previous  to  the 
fifteenth  century,  both  on  account  of  the  doubtful 
authority  and  mdefinitene.ss  of  the  passages  in 
which  tliey  are  mentioned,  and  the  custom  which 
so  readily  obtained,  in  those  dark  ages,  of  digni- 
fying every  petty  collection  with  the  name  of 
library.  But  many  liliraries  of  tlie  fifteenth  cen- 
tury being  still  in  exi.stence,  and  others  having 
been  preserved  long  enough  to  make  them  the 
subject  of  hislorioal  inquiry  before  their  dissolu- 
tion, it  becomes  easier  to  lix,  witli  .satisfactory 
accuracy,  the  date  of  their  foundation.  We  find 
accordingly,  that,  including  the  Vatican,  and 
the  libraries  of  Vienna,  Hatisbon,  and  the  Lauren- 
tian  of  Florence,  wliicli  are  a  few  years  anterior 
to  it,  no  less  than  ten  were  formed  between  the 
years  1430  and  I'M).  Tlie  increase  of  Europenn 
libraries  has  generally  been  slowly  progressive, 
although  there  have  ueen  periods  of  sudden  aug- 
mentation in  nearly  all.  Most  of  them  began 
with  a  small  number  of  manuscripts,  sometimes 
with  a  few  printed  volumes,  r.iid  often  without 
any.  To  tluise,  gradual  accessions  were  made, 
from  the  difTercnt  sources,  which  have  always 
been  more  or  less  at  the  command  of  the  sover- 
eigns and  nobles  of  Europe.  In  WTiTj,  the  Vati- 
can contiuned  5,000  manuscripts.  .  .  .  Far  dif- 
ferent was  the  progress  of  the  Royal  Library  of 
Paris.  The  origin  of  this  institution  is  placed  in 
the  year  l.'iO.'),  the  date  of  its  removal  froir  Fon- 
tainebleau  to  Paris  by  order  of  Henry  the  Fourth. 
In  1060,  it  contained  but  1,435  printed  volumes. 
In  the  course  of  the  following  year,  this  numljer 
was  raised  to  16,746,  both  printed  volumes  and 
manuscripts  During  the  ensuing  eiglit  cars 
the  library  was  nearly  doubled ;  and  befc  re  the 
close  of  the  next  century,  it  was  supposed  to 
have  bet  'i  augmented  by  upwards  of  100.000 
volumes  .nore." — O.  W.  Greene,  llixtorkul  Sluil- 
ic.H,  pp.  '.J78-281.— "The  oldest  of  tlie  great 
libraries  of  printed  books  is  probably  that  of 
Vienna,  which  dates  from  1440,  and  is  said  to 
have  been  opened  to  the  public  as  early  as  157.'). 
The  Town  Library  of  Ratisbcn  dates  from  1430; 
St.  Mark's  Library  at  Venice,  from  1468;  the 
Town  Library  of  Franiifort,- from  1484;  that  of 
Ilamliurg,  from  1529;  of  Strasburg,  from  1531; 
of  Augsburg,  from  1537;  those  of  Berne  and 
(ieneva,  from  1550;  that  of  Basel,  from  1.564. 
The  Royal  Library  of  Copenhagen  was  founded 
about  1550.  In  lOTl  it  poGsessed  10,000  vol- 
umes; in  1748,  about  65,000;  in  1778,  100,000; 
in  X8;i0,  300,000;   and  it  now  couta:".s  410,000 


'juoy 


LIBRARIES. 


Oerman]/.— France. 


LIBRARIES. 


voliimrs.  Tlie  Niitioiml  Liliniry  of  Pirn's  wna 
foiiiidcd  In  ir)l».'),  but,  was  not  rniuln  public  until 
171(7.  In  1(140  it  contiiiiuMl  iibout  17,000  vol- 
ume's; in  1084.  .lO.OOO;  in  177.'),  150,000;  in  17110, 
200,000."— K.  Kil  wards,  A  Stiitintieitl  View  of  (lie 
I'riiirijuil  I'u'il',;  IMmtrien  in  Europe  and  the 
II.  S.  of  N.  Ant.  (Journul  of  the  tStaliiitical  Soc., 
An;/..  1848). 

Germany.  —  According  to  "Minerva"  (the 
"Vciirbook  of  the  Learned  World"),  for  180!i- 
04.  the  Uoyal  Library  at  Berlin  contains  850,000 
printed  books  and  24,023  manuscripts;  the 
Slllnicli  University  Library,  370,000  books  and 
50,000  pamphlets,  ineludinn;  3,101  incunabula; 
the  Leipsic  University  Library,  .')00,000  printe<l 
books,  and  4,000  manuscripts;  Heidelberg  Uni- 
versity Library,  400,000  bound  volumes  (includ- 
ing 1,000  incimabula),  and  17.5,000  pamphlets 
and  "ilissertutioncn,"  with  ii  large  collection  of 
mantiscripts;  Dresden  T{oyal  Public  I '''rary, 
800,000  printed  books  (including  2,000  incunab- 
ula), 0,000  manuscripts,  and  20,000  maps;  Frei- 
burg University  Library,  250,000  volumes  and 
over  .500  manuscripts;  KiVnigsberg  University 
Library,  320,000  volumes  and  1,100  manuscripts; 
Tubingen  University  Library,  300,000  volumes 
and  H,.500  manuscripts;  Jena  University  Library, 
200,000  volumes  and  100,000  "  dis.sertationen "' ; 
Hallo  University  Library,  183,000  books  and  800 
manuscripts,  besi<le3  13,800  book.s,  35,000  pam- 
phlets and  1,040  manu.scripts  in  the  Poni('kausclic 
Bibliotliek,  which  is  united  with  the  University 
Library;  Hamburg  City  Library,  about  500,000 
printed  Imoks  and  5,000  mimuscripts;  Frankfort 
City  Library  (April,  1893),  320,139  volumes; 
Cologne  City  Library,  105,000  volumes,  includ- 
ing 2,000  incunabula;  Augsburg  City  and  Pro- 
vincial I.,ibrary,  about  2lJ0,000  volumes  (iucliul- 
ing  1,700  incunabula)  and  3,000  I'lanuscripts; 
GOttingcn  University  Library,  450,000  volumes 
of  books  and  5,300  manuser'pts;  Gotha  Public 
Library,  200,000  printed  books,  including  1,029 
incunabula,  and  7,037  manuscripts,  of  which 
3, .500  arc  oriental;  Greifswald  University  Libra- 
ry, 143  voiumes  of  printed  books  and  about  800 
manuscripts;  Bamberg  Royal  Public  Library, 
300,000  volumes,  3,133  manuscripts;  Be:b'u  Uni- 
versity Librr.ry,  143,129  volumes;  Bonn  Uni- 
versity Library,  219,000  volumes,  including 
1,235  incunabula,  and  1,273  manuacripts;  Bre- 
men City  Library,  120,000  volumes;  Brcslaii 
University  Library,  300,000  voliuncs,  including 
about  3,.500  incunabula,  and  about  3,000  niauu- 
scripts;  Breslau  City  Library,  1.50,000  volumes 
and  3,000  manuscripts;  Erlangcn  University 
Library,  180,000  volumes;  Hanover  Royai  Pub- 
lic Library,  180,000  books  and  3,500  manu- 
scripts; Hanover  City  Library,  47,000  volumes; 
Carlsruhe  Gnmd-dueal  Library,  159,;"  J2  books 
and  3,754  manuscripts;  Kiel  University  Library, 
217,039  volumes,  3,3."5  manu.scripts;  Colmar 
City  Library,  80,000  volumes;  Marburg  Uni- 
versity Library,  150,000  volumes;  Strasburg 
University  Library,  700,000  volumes;  Strasburg 
City  Library,  90,000  volumes;  Weimar  Grand- 
ducal  Lil)rary,  223,000  volumes  and  2,000  manu- 
scripts; WUr/.burg  University  Library,  300,000 
voiumes. — Minena.  1893-94. — '•The  Munich 
library,  .  .  in  matter  of  administration,  re- 
sembles the  British  JIuseum.  Here  one  linds 
carefully  catalogued  that  great  wealth  of  mate- 
rial that  appears  only  in  doctorate  theses,  and 
lor  this  reason  is  most  valuable  to  the  historic 


student.  Xo  tedious  formalities  arc  insisted 
upon,  and  orders  for  books  ar<!  not  subjected  to 
long  delavs.  The  Vienna  library  moves  slowly, 
as  thougii  its  machinery  were  retarded  by  the 
weight  of  its  royal  imperial  name.  The  cata- 
logue is  not  accessible,  the  attendants  are  not 
an.\ious  to  please,  and  the  worker  feels  no  spe- 
cial affection  for  the  instituticm.  But  at  the 
royal  library  of  Berlin  there  exists  an  opposite 
state  of  nlfairs  —  with  the  catalogue  at  hand  oni^ 
can  leadily  give  the  information  needful  in  till- 
ing up  the  call  card.  This  being  a  lending 
library,  one  occasionally  meets  with  disappoint- 
ment, but,  as  the  privilege  of  borrowing  is  easily 
had,  this  feature  can  have  a  compensatory  side. 
The  most  marked  peculiarity  found  here  is  the 
periodic  delivery  of  books.  All  books  ordered 
before  nine  o'clock  arc  delivered  at  eleven; 
those  before  eleven,  atone;  those  before  one,  at 
three;  and  those  after  three  are  delivered  the 
same  day  if  possible.  This  causes  some  delay, 
but  as  soon  as  the  ride  is  known  it  has  no  dniw- 
back  for  the  continuous  user,  and  for  tlie  benelit 
of  one  who  wants  only  a  single  order  there  is 
placed  at  the  outer  door  of  the  building  a  box 
into  which  one  can  deposit  the  call  card,  and  re- 
turning at  the  proper  time  tind  the  book  waiting 
in  the  reading  room  above.  This  saves  the 
climbing  of  many  steps,  and  enables  one  to  per- 
form otlier  duties  between  ordering  dikI  receiv- 
ing. As  far  as  I  know,  hero  alone  does  one  pur- 
chase the  call  cards,  but  as  the  price  is  only 
twenty  cents  per  liuudred  the  cost  is  not  an  im- 
jiortant  item." — J.  II.  Gore,  Libniry  Facilities  for 
iStnilji  in  Europe  (Educational  Iter.,  June,  1803). 
— In  Berlin,  "the  report  of  the  city  government 
for  1889-90  reckons  25  public  free  libraries; 
334,837  books  were  read  by  14,900  jiersons,  i.  e., 
17,219  volumes  less  than  last  year  The  ex- 
penses were  20,490  marks,  'ho  allowance  from 
the  city  treasury  33,400  marks  [less  than  $0,000]." 
—  The  Librarn  Journal,  Ma)i,  1893. 

France :  The  Btblioth^que  Nationalc.  - 
"The  histciy  of  the  vast  collection  of  books 
which  is  now,  after  many  wanderings,  definitely 
located  in  ^ho  Rue  de  Richelieu,  aividos  itseK 
naturally  into  three  i)eriods,  which,  for  the  sake 
of  convenience,  may  well  be  called  by  three  of 
the  names  muler  whicli  the  Library  has,  at  dif- 
ferent times,  been  known.  The  first  period  is 
that  in  which  the  Library  was  nothing  more  than 
the  private  collection  of  each  successive  sover- 
eign of  France,  winch  sometimes  accompanied 
him  in  his  journeys,  und  but  too  often,  as  in  the 
case  of  King  Jo'.n,  or  that  of  Ciiarles  VIL, 
shared  i;i  )iis  misfortunes;  it  was  then  litlycalled 
the  '  Bibiiolhiyiiue  du  I{<.i.'  This  period  may  bo 
considered  as  ending  in  the  time  of  Henry  IV., 
who  transferred  the  royal  collection  from  Fon- 
taijebleaii  to  Paris,  and  gave  it  a  temporary 
homo  in  tlie  Collfige  d.3  Clermont.  Although  its 
abode  has  often  b(!en  changed  since,  it  lias  never 
again  been  attached  lo  a  royal  palace,  or  bee. 
removed  from  the  <apital.  The  second  period 
dates  from  this  i  ct  of  Henry  the  Fourth's,  and 
extends  down  to  the  Revolution  of  1789,  during 
wliicii  time  the  Library,  although  open  witli  but 
slij-di',  restricti  >ns  to  all  men  of  letters  who  were 
well  rec(munended,  and  to  the  general  public  for 
two  days  a  week,  from  the  year  1093,  was  not 
reganled  as  national  property,  but  as  an  appen- 
dage of  the  Crown,  wliich  was  indeed  graci'usly 
opened  to  the  learned,  but  was  only  national 


2010 


LinilAKIKS. 


pyance. 


LinnAuiEs. 


property  in  the  same  spiiro  tlint  tlio  Quopn's 
priviite  library  at.  Windsor  iM  national  property. 
Altlionfrh  still  called  tlio  l!ilili<illi(^i(iip  <lu  lioi 
during  this  ppriod,  it.  may  well  lip  liprp  spoken 
of,  for  the  sake  of  distinction,  as  the  BibliolliJciuo 
Uoyalo  down  to  the  Kevohition.  In  1701,  tlio 
Kind's  library  was  proclaimed  national  properly, 
and  it  was  decreed  that  it  sliould  henceforth  he 
called  '  Bibliotli(*(pio  Nationale,' which  name  it 
bore  till  thn  coronation  of  Napoleon  as  EnipiTor 
of  the  French,  in  ISO."),  when  it  was  styled  '  Hib- 
llothJiino  Imperiale.'  Of  cour.sc  it  was  Uiblio- 
thiipio  Uoyale again  in  1815,  'Nationale 'in  1H18, 
and  once  iijrain,  in  1853,  was  declan'd  to  be  the 
'Hibliothique  Imperiale.'  "'—Tiiipertnl  Libmn/  af 
Pdria  (WiMmiimlei'  Her.  April,  1870).  —  After 
the  fall  of  th"  Second  Empire,  the  great  library 
again  bccan  iSationale"  in  name.  Acconl- 
ing  to  a  re  t  made  in  the  spring  of  1894,  the 
Bibliothi^Qi..  Nationale  of  France  contained,  at 
the  end  of  the  previous  year,  1,934,15-t  "  'num- 
l)ers,'  forming  at  least  2,000,000  volumes."  This 
report  was  made  by  a  committee  of  twenty  jjer- 
sons,  appointed  to  consider  thn  advisability  and 
method  of  printnig  th(!  catalogue  of  the  library. 
Tlie  conclusions  of  tin,'  committee  are  favorable 
to  the  printing  of  thcs  catalogue. — The  Ndtimi, 
}f<i!l  17,  1894. — Books  come  to  the  National  Li- 
brary "in  three  ways:  from  (1)  gifts,  about  3,000 
a  year;  ...  (2)  purchase,  4,500  (the  library  has 
SCO,000  ft  year  to  spend  on  books  and  binding); 
(3)  copyright,  22,000  articles  ai.'.  0.000  pieces  of 
music.  The  printer,  not  the  jiublisher,  is  bound 
to  make  the  deposit,  so  that  if  the  text  and  the 
illustrations  are  printed  at  different  places  there 
is  a  chance,  unless  every  one  is  careful,  that 
the  library  will  have  an  iinperlect  copy.  But 
the  greatest  trouble  conies  from  periodicals, 
of  'viiich  the  Bibliotlu'''(iue  Nationale  receives 
3,000.  What  would  some  of  our  librarians  think 
of  this  who  are  inclined  to  boast  or  to  lauK'nt 
that  they  receive  300  V  Every  number  of  every 
newS|)aper  in  France  must  be  received,  sent  for 
if  it  fails  to  come,  registered,  put  on  its  ]iile,  and 
at  the  end  of  the  year  tied  up  in  a  biuidle  and 
put  away  (for  only  the  most  important  are 
bound).  .  .  .  The  titles  of  new  books  are  printed 
in  a  bulletin  in  two  series,  French  and  Foreign 
(causing  a  printer's  bill  of  5,000  francs  a  year). 
This  began  in  1875  for  the  foreign,  and  in  18M2 
for  the  French.  These  bulletins  are  cut  up  and 
the  titles  mounted  on  slips,  which  are  fastened 
in  a  Leyden  bmder,  three  making  a  small  folio 
page.  The  result  is  a  series  of  000  volumes, 
less  easy  to  ccmsult  thai  a  good  card  catalog, 
vcfy  much  less  easy  than  the  British  ^lu.seum 
pasted  catalog,  the  Uudolph  books,  or  the 
Uudolph  machine.  .  .  .  The  books  received  at 
the  Bibliothfique  Nationale  before  1875  and  1882 
are  entered  on  some  3,000,000  slips,  which  an; 
divided  between  two  catalogs,  that  of  the  old 
library  ('  fonds  ancien'),  and  of  the  intermediate 
library  ('  fonda  intermedinrie ').  In  each  of  these 
catalogs  they  arc  arranged  in  series  according  to 
the  subject  divisions  given  above  and  under  each 
•'  '  -ot  ftlpliabetically.  There  is  no  author  cata- 
log, and  the  public  are  not  allowed  to  consult 
these  catalogs.  If  then  a  reader  asks  for  a  work 
receive(l  l)efore  1875  the  attendant  guesses  in 
which  '  fonds'  it  is  and  what  subject  it  treats  of; 
if  he  does  not  find  it  where  he  looks  first  he  tries 
some  other  division.  No  wonder  it  takes  on  an 
av  'rage  half  an  hour  for  the  reader  to  got  his 


book.  I  must  bear  witness  to  the  great  skill 
which  necessity  has  dev<'loped  in  the  olUcials 
charged  with  this  work.  Some  of  their  successes 
in  bringing  me  outof-thcway  books  were  mar 
vellons.  On  the  other  hand,  when  they  re- 
ported certain  works  not  in  the  libiary  I  did  not 
feel  at  all  sure  that  they  were  right,  and  I  dare 
say  tl'cv  doubted  themselves.  All  this  will  be 
changcil  when  the  library  gels  a  printed  alpha- 
1)etical  catalog  of  authors  and  has  made  from  it 
a  pasted  alphabetical  catalog  of  subjects.  The 
author  catalog,  by  the  way,  is  expected  to  till 
40,000  double  cohimned  (pnirto  pagi.  I.  .  .  .  The 
library  now  has  50  kilometres  (31  n>iles)oi  shelve-^ 
and  is  full.  A  new  store-house  is  needed  and  a 
public  reading-room  ('salle  do  lecture'),  which 
can  be  lighteil  by  eleclri<;ity,  and  be  opened,  lik(! 
the  British  Museum,  in  the  evening." — V,.  A. 
Cutter,  Notes  on  the  liiblintlii'qjie  Atttioiiale  (lA- 
lir/in/  Joiiriuil,  June,  1894). — Paris  Municipal 
Libraries. — "The  Biblioth('ques  Mmuciiiales  de 
Paris  have  undergone  a  rapid  development  within 
the  last  few  years.  In  1878  tliero  were  only  nine 
altogether,  of  which  11  ^'c  w  ere  little  used,  and  four 
practically  unused.  A  special  Burea\i  was  tlx'n 
appointe(l  by  the  Municipal  C'oiuicil  to  take 
ciiarge  of  them,  with  the  result  that  altogether 
22  libraries  have  boon  opened,  while  the  numlier 
of  volumes  lent  rose  from  29,339  in  '878  to  57,840 
in  1879,  to  147,507  in  1880,  to  242,738  in  1881, 
and  to  303,322  in  1883.  ...  A  sum  of  3,0.50 
fnmcs  is  placed  at  the  disposal  of  each  lil)rary 
by  the  Municipal  Council,  which  is  thus  appro- 
priated; Books  and  Binding,  Fr.  1,7.50,  Librarian. 
1,(100;  Attendant,  300.  The  amount  of  the  sums 
thus  voted  by  the  Municipal  Council  in  tlu!  ye-.r 
)883  was  110,150  fr.  For  the  year  of  1884  tlie 
SMn\  of  171,700  fr.  has  been  voted,  the  increase 
being  intcndeil  to  proviilo  for  the  establishment 
of  lifteen  new  libraries  in  Conuuunal  Schools,  as 
well  as  for  the  growing  re((uireinents  of  some  of 
the  libraries  already  established.  The  individual 
libraries  are  not,  of  course,  as  yet  very  considera- 
ble in  point  of  numbers.  The  stock  pos.ses.sed 
bv  th.'!  twenlv-two  Bibliotlie([ues  JIunicipales  in 
1882  was  87,831  volumes,  of  which  20,411  had 
been  added  during  that  year.  Information  re- 
ceived since  the  pul)lication  of  M.  Dardennc's 
Beport  places  the  number  in  1883  at  98,843 
volumes.  .  .  .  The  libraries  are  open  to  the  pub- 
lic gratuitously  every  ev(!ning  from  8  to  10 
o'clock,  and  are  clo.sed  on  livo  days  only  during 
the  whole  year.  Books  may  be  read  in  the  library 
or  are  lent  out  for  home  use.  .  .  .  Music  is  lent 
as  well  as  books,  the  experiment  having  been 
lirst  tried  at  'he  Mairie  of  the  second  arrondis.se- 
nient,  in  1879,  and  having  proved  so  successful 
that  nine  arrondis.sement3  have  followed  suit, 
and  the  total  number  of  nuisical  issues  from  the 
ten  lil)raries  in  1883  was  9,085.  .  .  .  Beside  these 
libraries  under  the  direction  of  the  Mairies,  tliore 
are  a  certain  number  of  poiiular  free  libraries  es- 
ta'olished  and  supported  by  voluntary  efforts. 
Without  dwelling  upon  the  history  of  these 
libraries,  all  of  which  have  been  formed  since 
1860,  it  may  lie  .stated  that  there  are  now  four- 
teen such  libraries  in  as  many  arrondissements. " 
— E  ('.Thomas.  T/'ie  Pi/pulin-  Libra  ries  of  Paris 
{f.ibnin/  Ohronirle,  r.  1,  1884,  pp.  13-14).— "The 
'■lournal  Olliciel'  contains  in  the  number  for 
Aug.  29,  of  this  year  (1891),  the  substance  of  the 
following  account:  .  .  .  Thecity  of  I'arishasnow 
04  public  libraries,  all  of  which  send  out  books 


2011 


UBRArilES. 


Italy. 


LIBRARIJCS. 


nnil  arcommndato  rdiders  in  tliclr  hdllg;  they  are 
open  at  tlie  times  wlien  tlie  factories  and  sliops 
arc  closed.  .  .  .  Tlie  lil>raries  are  kept  la  the 
mayoralty  buildings  or  ward  district  school- 
houses;  a  eeiilrid  olilce  provides  for  the  adminis- 
tration and  support,  while  in  each  precinct  a 
conunitteo  of  superinteii<lence  attends  to  the 
choice  and  ordering  of  new  accessions.  All  ex- 
penses are  paid  by  the  city,  which,  in  its  last 
budget,  in  18i)(),  appropriated  therefor  the  trille 
of  2"2.'),000  francs.  On  every  library  in  full  use 
are  bestowed  yearly  about  2,400  francs,  while 
14,000  francs  are  employed  in  foiniding  new 
ones.  The  number  of  books  circidated  in  1890 
was  l,;i86,042,  agiunst  20,330  in  1878,  in  the  nine 
libraries  then  existing.  In  1878  there  was  an 
average  of  only  3,259  readers  for  each  library, 
and  in  the  last  year  the  average  was  23,500,  which 
.shows  a  seven-folil  u.sc  of  the  libraries.  ' — Public 
Lihniries  ill  Paris  ;  tr.  from  the  IViraenhldtt,  Oct. 
7,  1H91  {Library  Jour.,  May,  1892).— Other  Li- 
braries.— .\  library  of  importance  in  Paris  second 
oidy  to  the  great  Nation  il  is  the  Jlazarin,  wliich 
<-onlains  3()(),000  volumes  (1,000  ii.cunabula),  and 
5,800  manuscripts.  The  Library  of  tlie  Uni- 
versity has  141,078  volumes;  the  Library  of  the 
JLiseum  of  Natural  History  has  140,850  books 
and  2,050  manuscripts;  the  Sainte-Genevieve 
Library  contains  120,000  voUunes  and  2,392 
ni;inuseripts;  the  Library  of  tlie  City  of  Paris, 
1)0,000  volumes  and  2,000  manuseripls.  The 
principal  libraries  of  the  provincial  cities  are  re- 
])orte(l  as  follows:  Caen  Municipal  Library, 
100  000  volumes,  620  manuscripts;  Dijon  JIu- 
I'icipal  Lilirary,  100,000  volumes,  1,558  manu- 
scripts; I\Iarsei lies  City  Library,  102,000  volumes, 
1,650  manuscripts;  Montiielier  City  Library, 
120,000  volumes;  Nantes  City  Library,  102  r'? 
volumes,  2,231  manuscripts;  Rheims  Litinny, 
100,000  books  and  1,700  manuscripts;  Lyons 
City  Library  and  Library  of  tlie  Palace  of  Arts, 
100,000  volumes  and  1,000  manusciipti;  Tou- 
louse City  Librarj",  100,000  volumes  and  950 
manuscripts ;  Rouen  City  Library,  l!i2,000  printed 
books  and  3,800  nijnusrripts;  Avignon,  117,000 
volumes  and  3,300  iuanuscript.s;  Uordeau.\, 
160,000  volumes,  1,500  manuscripts;  Tours, 
100,000  volumes  and  1,743  manuscripts;  Amiens, 
80,000  volumes,  1,500  manuscripts;  Ik'sangon, 
It.;, 000  volumes  and  1,850  manuscripts. — Min- 
<:rra,  1893-94. 

Italy. — "There  are  in  Italy  between  thirty 
and  forty  libraries  which  the  present  National 
Government,  in  reeognit'.n  of  former  Govern- 
mental support,  is  comn.itced  to  maintain,  at 
least  in  some  degree.  It  if  a  division  of  resources 
which  even  a  rich  country  would  find  an  iniimli- 
mcnt  in  developing  a  proper  National  Library, 
and  Italy,  with  its  overburdened  Treasury,  is  far 
from  being  in  a  position  to  offer  the  world  a 
single  library  of  the  first  class.  .  .  .  Italy,  to 
bull  1  up  a  library  which  shall  rank  with  the 
great  national  libraries  of  the  future,  wil!  need 
to  concentrate  her  resou-ccs;  for  though  she  has 
libraries  now  which  are  rich  in  manuscripts,  she 
has  not  one  which  is  able  to  meet  the  great  de- 
mands of  modern  scholarship  for  printed  books. 
...  If  with  this  want  of  fecundity  tliere  iveiit 
a  corresponding  slothfulness  in  libraries,  there 
would  be  little  to  be  hoped  of  Italy  in  amassing 
great  collections  of  books.  In  some  respecis  I 
liave  found  a  more  active  bibliothecal  spirit  in 
Itiily  than  elsewhere  iu  Kurope,  and  I  suspect 


that  if  Itnlinn  unidcation  has  accomidished 
nothing  el.se,  it  has  unshackled  the  minds  of 
librarians,  and  placed  them  more  in  sympathy 
with  the  modern  gospel  which  makes  a  library 
more  the  servant  than  the  master  of  its  users.  I 
suspect  this  is  not,  as  r.  rule,  the  case  in  Germany. 
...  I  have  certainly  found  in  Italian  librarians 
a  great  alertness  of  mind  and  a  marked  eager- 
ness to  observe  the  advances  in  library  methods 
which  have  taken  place  elsewhere  during  the  la.st 
five  and  twenty  years.  Hut  at  the  same  time, 
with  all  this  in  iivity,  the  miserable  bureaucratic 
methods  of  w  ;  ih  even  the  chance  stranger  sees 
BO  much  in  Italy,  are  allowed  to  embarrass  the 
efforts  of  her  best  librarians.  ...  In  the  present 
couditicm  of  Italian  linaiiees  nothing  ade(|iiate  to 
the  needs  of  the  larger  libraries  c-ii  be  allowed, 
and  the  wonder  is  that  so  much  is  done  as  is  ap- 
liarcnt;  and  it  is  doubtless  owing  to  the  great 
force  of  character  which  I  lind  in  some  of  the 
leading  librarians  tliat  any  jjiogress  is  made  at 
all.  During  tli's  years  when  the  new  Italian 
kingdom  had  its  capital  in  Florence  a  certain 
amount  of  concentration  started  the  new  liibllo- 
teca  Nazionale  Centrale  on  its  career;  and  when 
later  the  Government  was  transferred  to  Rome, 
the  new  capital  was  given  another  library,  got 
together  in  a  similar  way,  whicli  is  called  the 
Biblioteca  Nuzion.de  VitlorioKmanuele.  Neither 
collection  is  housed  in  any  w;iy  suited  to  its  fuiic- 
ticms,  and  tiie  one  at  Florence  is  much  the  most 
important;  indeed  it  is  marvellously  rich  in 
early  printed  books  and  in  manuscripts." — .1. 
Winsor,  T/ie  miidilina  of  Ilatidii  Libraries  (The 
Nation,  July  0,  1891).— The  Vatican  Library.— 
"Even  so  inveterate  a  hater  of  literature  as  the 
Calif,  who  conquered  Alexandria  and  gave  its 
precious  volumes  to  the  llames,  would  have  ap- 
i)reciated  sudi  a  library  as  the  Vatican.  Not  a 
liook  is  to  be  seen  —  not  a  slielf  is  visible,  mid 
there  is  nothing  to  inforiii  the  visitor  that  he  is  in 
the  most  famous  liDraiy  in  the  world.  .  .  .  The 
eye  is  bewildered  by  innumerable  busts,  statues, 
and  columns.  The  walls  are  gay  with  brilliant 
arabesques,  and  the  visitor  passes  through  lofty 
corridors  and  along  splendid  galleries,  tinding  in 
every  directi(m  something  to  please  and  interest 
him.  .  .  .  The  prirted  books  number  about 
125,000  volumes  and  there  are  about  25,000 
manuscripts.  The  books  and  manuscripts  are 
enclosed  in  low  wooden  cases  around  the  walls  of 
the  various  apartments,  the  eases  are  painted  in 
white  and  gold  colors,  and  thu"*  harmonize  with 
the  gay  oppearance  of  the  walls  and  ceilings. 
.  .  .  The  honor  of  foundiiiLT  the  Vatican  Library 
belongs  to  Pope  Nichola.s  V.,  who,  in  1447, 
tr;iiisferred  to  the  lalace  of  the  Vatican  the 
manuscripts  which  had  be:  n  collected  in  the 
Liiteran.  At  his  death  .lie  library  contained 
9,000  manuscripts,  but  many  of  them  were  tlis- 
perscd  under  hissucccss:)!',  Calixtus  III.  Sixtus 
\\.  was  very  active  in  restoring  and  increasing 
the  library.  In  1588,  the  present  library  build- 
ing was  erected  by  Si.vtus  V.,  to  receive  the  im- 
mense collection  obtaiiied  by  Leo  X.  In  the 
year  1600  the  value  of  the  library  was  greatly 
augmented  by  the  acquisition  of  the  collection  of 
Fulvius  Ursinus  and  the  valuable  manuscripts 
from  the  Uenedictine  Monastery  of  Bobbio,  com- 
posed chietly  of  palimpsests.  .  .  .  The  next  ac- 
quis'lion  was  the  Library  of  the  Elector  Palatine, 
captured  in  1021,  at  Heidelberg,  by  De  Tilley, 
who  presented  it  to  Gregory  XV.     It  numbered 


2012 


LIBRARIES. 


AuMtrIa,  etc. 


LIBRARIES. 


2.388  mnnuRcripta,  l.O.'ifl  in  Liitin,  irnil  VM  In 
Greek.  In  lO.W  tlio  Library  foimiled  by  Diilic 
Federigo  do  Urbino — 1,711  (Irecli  mid  Latin 
nianuscripta — was  added  to  tlie  valuable  ('ollee- 
tion.  Ono  of  the  most  valuable  aeeessions  wa.s 
tlie  collection  ot  Queen  Christinaof  Sweden,  c(  ii- 
taining  all  the  literary  works  which  her  father, 
Oastiivus  Adolphus,  had  captured  at  Prajfue, 
Bremen,  etc.,  amoimting  to  2,201  manuscripts, 
Greek  and  Latin.  In  1740  the  ma>;nific(!nt 
library  of  tlic  Otfobuoni  family,  containiufj  3,802 
Greek  and  Latin  manu.script.s,  enriched  the 
Vaticiin  collection.  After  tlie  downfall  of  Na- 
poleon and  the  restoration  of  the  peace  of  Europe 
in  1815,  'he  King  of  Frus-sia,  at  the  suggestion 
of  lIuinlK)ldt,  applied  to  Pope  Pius  VII  lor  the 
restoration  of  some  of  the  manuscripts  which  l)e 
Tillcy  had  plundered  from  the  Heidelberg  Libra- 
ry. The  Po]K',  mindful  of  the  prominent  part 
taken  by  Prii8.sia  in  the  restoration  of  the  Papal 
See.  immediately  complied  with  the  royal  recpiest, 
and  many  manuscripts  of  great  value  to  the  Qer- 
tiian  historians  were  sent  back  to  Germany." — 5. 
L.  Didier,  T/ie  Vatican  Lihiori/  {I.itcrnrn  World, 
June  28,  1884).— The  following  recent  statistics 
of  other  Italian  libraries  are  from  ".Aliuerva," 
1803-04:  Florence  National  (,'entral  Library, 
422,183  juiutcd  books,  308,845  pamphlets  nn<l 
17.:{8((  manuscripts;  Rome,  National  Central 
Library  of  Victor  Emmanuc!,  241,078  books, 
130,728  pamplilet.s,  4,07(5  manuscripts;  Naples 
University  Library,  181,072  printed  tooks,  43,45;} 
pamphlctsi,  and  109  manuscripts;  Bologna  Uni- 
versity Library,  251,700  bcwks,  43,033  pamphlets 
and  5,000  manuscripts;  Pavia  University  Li- 
brary, 130,000  l)ooks,  80,000  pamphlets  and  1,100 
manuscripts;  Turiu  National  Library,  190,270 
printed  l)ooks  and  4,110  mannsciripts;  Venice, 
Natitmal  Library  of  St.  Mark,  401,652  printed 
and  bound  l)ooks,  80,450  pamphlets,  and  12,010 
manuscripts;  Pisa  University  Library,  108,188 
b(K)ks,  22,060  pamphlets  and  274  manuscripts; 
Genoa  University  Library,  100,003  books,  40,231 

gamphlets,  and  1,580  manuscripts;  ALxleiia,  the 
ste  Library,  123,300  volumes,  and  5,000  manu- 
scripts; Paduii  University  Library,  135,837  vol- 
umes, 3,326  manuscripts,  and  03,840  pamphlets, 
etc. ;  Palermo  National  Library,  177,892  volumes 
and  pamphlets,  and  1,527  manuscripts;  Palermo 
Communal  Library,  200,000  books,  10,000  pam- 
phlots.ctc. ,  3,000  manuscripts ;  Parma  Palatine  Li- 
brary, 350,000  l)ooks,  20,313  pamplilets,  etc.,  4,700 
manuscripts;  Siena  Communal  Library  67,000 
volumes,  36.968  pamphlets,  4,890  manuscripts. 

Austria-Hungary.— The  principal  libraries  in 
the  Empire  .ire  reported  to  contain  us  follows: 
Vienna  University  Library,  410,008  volumes,  373 
incunabula,  408  manuscripts;  Vienna  Imperial 
and  Royal  Court  Library,  500,000  volumes,  0,401 
incunnbula,  and  30,t)00  manuscriptji;  Budapest 
University  Library,  300,000  volumes,  1,000  man- 
uscripts; Hungarian  National  Museum,  400,000 
volumes  and  (fe,000  inanuscripts,  mostly  IIuu- 
garian;  Czeriiowitz  University  Library,  04,580 
volumes  and  over  30,000  partiphlets,  etc. ;  Graz 
University  131,397  volumes  of  books  and  1,708 
manuscripts;  lunspruck  University  Lilirary, 
135,000  printed  books,  including  l,t>,53  incunab- 
ula, and  1,040  manuscripts;  Cracow  University 
Library,  383,858  volumes  and  5, 1.50manu.scripts; 
Lemlicrg  University  Library,  120,000  volumes; 
Prague  University  Library,  311,131  volumes, 
3,848  manuscripts.— .ViHe/'ea,  1893-94. 


Switzerland, — The  principal  libraries  of 
Switzerlanil  are  the  following:  Haslo  Pulilie  Li- 
brary, 170,000  volumes  of  printed  books  and 
about  5,000  manuscripts;  Berne  (-'ity  Library, 
80,000  volumes  and  a  valuable  manuscript  collec- 
tion; Borne  University  Lil)rary,  !)5,000  volumes; 
St.  Gall  "  Stiftsbibliothek,"  about  40,000  vol- 
umes, including  1,584  incunabula,  and  1,730 
manuscripts;  Lucerne  Cantonal  Library,  80,000 
volumes;  Zurich  City  Library,  130,000  volumes, 
—  .Viiurr>i,  1803-04. 

Holland. —  The  following  statistics  of  libraries 
in  Holland  are  given  in  tlie  German  handbook, 
"  Minerva,"  1893-94:  Leyden  University  Library, 
190,000  v-luriu'sof  jjrinied  books  and  .5,400  man- 
uscripts, of  wliich  latter  2,400  are  oriental; 
Utrecht  University  Lilirary,  200,000  voliiincs, 
besides  pamphlets;  Groniugen  University  Li- 
brary, 70,000  volumes. 

Belgium. —  Brussels  Royal  Library,  375,000 
volumes,  and  27,000 manuscripts;  Ghent,  Library 
of  the  City  and  University  of  Gand,  .300,000  vol- 
umes. 

Denmark,  Norvray  and  Sweden. —  The  prin- 
cipal libraries  of  the  Scandinavian  kingdoms 
contain  as  follows:  Cliristiania  University 
Library,  312,000  volumes;  Gothenburg  City  Li- 
brary, about  60,000  volumes;  Copenhagen  Uni- 
V(!rsuy  Library  300,000  books  and  5,000  inanu- 
scripts; Lund  University  Lil)rary,  1.50,000 
volumes;  Stockholm  Roy»!  library,  300,1)00 
printed  books  and  11,000  manuscripts;  Upsala 
University  Library,  275,000  vohnres  and  11,000 
manuscripts. — Miutrai,  1893-94. 

Spain. —  The  principal  librarier,  in  Spnin  arc 
the  following:  Barcelona  Provii.  'al  and  Jul  ver- 
sify Library,  .54,000  volumes;  Madrid  University 
Library,  200,761  volumec  and  3,000  manuscripts; 
Madrid  National  Library,  450,000  volumes  and 
10,000  manuscripts;  Salamanca  University  Li- 
brary, 73,000  volumes  and  870  manuscripts; 
Seville  University  Library,  02,000  volumes;  Va- 
lencia University  Lilirary,  45,000  volumes;  Val- 
ladolld  University  Library,  32,000  volumes. — 
Miiiena,  1803-94. 

Russia. —  "The  most  notable  [Russian]  libra- 
ries are  those  founded  by  the  government.  Ot 
these,  two  deserve  special  attention:  the  library 
of  the  Academy  of  Sciences  and  tlie  Imperial 
Public  Librory  in  St.  Petersburg.  Books  taken 
by  the  Russian  armies  from  the  Baltic  provinces 
at  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century 
formed  the  foundation  of  tlie  first.  The  Imperial 
Library  was  the  result  of  the  Russian  capture  of 
Warsaw.  Count  Joseph  Zalussky,  bishop  of 
Kiev,  spent  forty-three  years  collecting  a  rich 
library  of  300,000  volumes  and  10,000  manu- 
scripts, devoting  all  his  wealth  to  the  purchase 
of  books.  His  brother  Andrew  further  enriched 
the  library  with  voliraes  taken  from  the  museum 
of  the  Polish  king,  John  III.  In  1747  Joseph 
Zalussky  opened  the  library  to  the  public,  and 
in  1761  be(iueathec'.  it  to  a  college  of  Jesuits  in 
Warsaw.  Si.K  years  later  (1707)  Zalussky  was 
arrested  and  his  library  removed  to  St.  Peters- 
burg. The  transfer  iook  place  in  bad  weather 
and  over  poor  roads,  so  that  many  books  were 
injured  and  many  lost  in  transit.  When  the  li- 
brary reached  St.  Petersburg  it  numbered  202,040 
volumes  and  24,!500  esiampes,  Many  had  been 
stolen  during  the  journey,  and  years  later  there 
were  to  be  f>)und  iu  Pciland  books  bearing  the 
signature  of  Zalussky.    To  the  Imperial  Lib.-ury 


2013 


r.innAuiES. 


BriUtK  Vtueum. 


LinUARIES. 


AIcxfttidcT  I.  iwMcd,  ill  1805,  tlic  Dulirovsky 
(;oll(!i:li()ii.  .  .  .  Diilirovsky  giillicriMl  his  collcc- 
tloii  diiriiij;  a  twcniytlvu  years'  rcsidt'iice  In 
I'liris,  Koi.ic,  Miidrlcl,  uiid  otlii'r  liirRi!  cities  of 
Kiiii  |)e.  lie  ueiinircd  iiiiiny  diirini^  lliii  Krencli 
revdliilioii.  ,  .  .  The  Iiiiperial  Iiil)iiiry  possesses 
liiiiny  imliiiipHests,  Greek  iiiiiiiiisirlpls  of  the 
seeoiid  eelitiiry,  .  .  .  besides  Slavonian,  Latin, 
Kreiieli,  and  Oriental  niamiscripls.  .  .  .  Tlie 
lilirary  isconslanlly  growing,  uliout  25,000  vol- 
(iiiies  l)eing  added  every  year.  In  ineoine,  size, 
und  niiiiilier  of  readers  it  vastly  surpasses  all 
private  libraries  in  Kiissia,  tlie  largest  of  whicli 
diH'S  not  exeecd  25,000  volumes.  In  later  years 
tlie  village  seliools  began  to  open  libraries  for 
limited  circles  of  readers.  Small  liln'aries  were 
giiccussfiilly  maintained  in  cities  and  the  demand 
for  good  reading  steadily  increased  among  the 
people." — A.  V.  Babine,  lAlintririt  in  lltiKnin. 
{Lihrari/  •foiininl,  Manh,  18i)H). —  The  principal 
libraries  of  liussia  reported  in  tlie  German  year- 
book, "Minerva,"  189;i-04,  ore  the  following: 
Charkow  University  Library,  123,000  volumes; 
Dorpat  University  Library,  170,000  volumes,  and 
101,700  dissertationen ;  llelsingfors  University 
Library  170,000  volumes;  Kasan  University 
Library,  100,000  voluims;  Kiev  Univer-iity  Li- 
brary, 118,000  volume i;  Moscow  University 
Library,  217,000  volur.ies;  Odessa  University- 
Library,  102,000  volumes;  St.  Petersburg  Uni- 
versity Library,  215,700  volumes;  St.  Petersburg 
Imperial  Public  Library,  1,050,000  volumes, 
28,000  manuscripts. 

England :  The  King's  Library  and  the  Brit- 
ish Museum.— "No  monarch  of  England  is 
known  to  have  been  an  extensive  collector  of  books 
(ill  IIh!  modern  acceptation  of  the  term)  except 
George  111.,  or,  if  the  name  of  Cliailes  I.  should 
1)0  added,  it  must  be  in  a  secondary  rank,  and 
witli  some  uncertainty,  because  we  have  not  the 
same  evidence  of  liis  collection  of  books  as  we 
have  of  his  pictures,  in  tlie  catalogue  which  ex- 
ists of  tliem.  A  royal  library  had,  indeed,  been 
established  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VII. ;  it  was 
increased,  as  noticed  by  Walpolc,  by  many  pres- 
ents from  abroad,  made  to  o'.ii  Tiionarchs  after 
the  restoration  of  learning  and  the  invention  of 
printing;  and  naturally  received  accessions  in 
every  subseuuent  reign,  if  it  were  only  from  the 
various  presents  by  which  authors  desired  to 
sliow  their  respect  or  to  solicit  patronage,  as  wc'.i 
as  from  the  custom  of  making  new  year's  gifts, 
whieli  were  often  books.  Tliere  were  also  added 
to  it  tlic  entire  libraries  of  Lord  Lumley  (iiiclud- 
iug  tliose  of  Henry,  Earl  of  Arundel,  and 
ArchbLshop  Cranmer),  of  tlie  celebrated  Casau- 
lion,  of  Sir  John  Morris,  and  the  Oriental  JISS. 
of  Sir  Thomas  Roe.  Whilst  this  collection  re- 
mained at  St.  James's  Palace,  the  mimljcr  of 
books  amassed  in  each  reign  could  liavc!  been 
easily  distinguished,  ns  they  were  clas.sed  and  ar- 
raiigeil  under  the  names  of  the  respective  so /- 
creigns.  In  1759  King  George  II.  transferred 
the  whole,  by  letters  patent,  to  the  then  newly- 
formed  establishment  of  the  British  Museum; 
the  arrangement  under  reigns  was  .lome  time 
after  departed  from,  and  the  several  royal  col- 
lections interspersed  with  the  other  books  ob- 
tained from  Sir  Hans  Sloane,  Major  Edwards, 
and  various  other  sources.  .  .  .  George  III.,  on 
his  accession  lo  the  crown,  thus  found  the  apart- 
ments which  had  formerly  contained  the  library 
of  the  Kings  of  England  vacated  by  their  uaciuut 


tenants.  .  .  .  .Sir  V.  A.  Barnard  states  that 
'  to  create  an  establishment  so  necessary  and 
imporlant,  and  lirattach  it  to  tlio  royal  nwiilence, 
w.is  one  of  the  earliest  objects  whicli  engagctl 
Ills  majesty's  attenlion  at  the  commencement  of 
Ills  reign  ;  '  and  \w  adils  that  the  library  of  .losi'ph 
Smitli,  Esq.,  the  Britisli  Consul  at  Venic*;, 
whicli  was  purclia.scd  in  1702,  'iR'came  the  foun- 
dation of  the  present  Uoyal  Library.'  Consul 
Smith's  collectior  was  nliiwidy  well  known,  from 
a  <'atalogue  wlii<'li  Ini'i  liecn  printed  iit  Venice  in 
1755,  to  be  eminent'y  rich  in  the  earliest  editions 
of  tlic  cliLssics,  and  in  Italian  literature.  Its 
purchase  was  effected  for  alMUt  illO.OOO,  ami  it 
was  brought  direct  to  stmic  iipartiiient.s  at  tho 
Oueen's  Palace  commonly  called  Buckingham 
House.  Here  the  subsc<iucnt  collections  were 
amassed;  and  here,  after  they  had  outgrown  tho 
rooms  at  first  appropriated  to  them,  the  King 
erected  two  large  additional  libraries,  one  of 
which  was  a  hand.somu  (X'tagon.  Ijattcrly  thu 
books  occupied  no  les-i  than  seven  apartments. 
.  .  .  Early  in  the  year  182:1,  it  was  made  known 
to  tile  public  that  King  George  IV.  had  pres<'ntcd 
the  lioyal  Library  to  the  British  nation.  .  .  . 
Sliortly  after,  tlie  Chancellor  of  tho  Excheciuer 
stated  in  the  House  of  Commons  tliat  it  was  his 
majesty's  wisli  that  the  library  slioukl  be  phiced 
in  the  British  Museum,  but  in  a  separate!  apart- 
ment from  tlie  Mu.si'um  Library." —  Oeiitleinnii,'s 
Miujdzinr,  18;i4,  ?)/).  lG-2'2.  —  "In  the  chief  coun- 
tries of  tho  Continent  of  Europe  .  .  .  great  na- 
tional ^luseums  have,  commonly,  had  their 
origin  in  the  liberality  and  wise  foresight  citiicr 
of  some  sovereign  or  oilier,  or  of  some  i>owerful 
minister  whose  mind  was  large  enough  to  com- 
bine Willi  tlie  cares  of  State  a  care  for  Learning. 
Ill  Britain,  our  cliief  public  collection  of  litera- 
ture and  of  science  originated  simply  in  the 
public  spirit  of  jirivate  persons.  The  British 
Museum  was  founded  ))reciselv  at  that  periwi  of 
our  history  when  tlio  distinctively  national,  or 
governmental,  care  for  tlic  interests  of  literaturo 
and  of  science  was  at  its  lowest,  or  almost  its 
lowest,  point.  As  regards  the  monarchs,  it 
would  be  hard  to  l^x  on  any,  since  the  dawn  of 
the  Uevival  of  Learning,  who  cvincjd  less  con- 
cern for  the  jirogrcss  and  diffusion  of  learning 
than  did  tlie  first  and  .second  princes  of  tlie 
House  of  Hanover.  As  regards  Parliament,  tlie 
tardy  and  languid  acceptance  of  tlie  boon  prof- 
fered, postliuniously,  by  Sir  Hans  Sloane,  con- 
stitutes just  the  one  exceptional  act  of  encour- 
agement that  serves  to  give  saliency  to  tlie  utter 
indilTerenco  whicli  formed  the  ordinary  rule. 
Long  before  Sloaue's  time  .  .  .  there  had  been 
zealous  and  repeated  efforts  to  arouse  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Government  as  well  to  the  political 
importance  as  to  the  educational  value  of  public 
museums.  Many  thinkers  had  already  perceived 
tliat  Such  collections  were  a  positive  increase  of 
public  wealtli  and  of  naiional  greatness,  as  well 
as  a  i)owerful  instrument  of  popular  education. 
It  had  been  shewn,  over  and  over  again,  tliat  for 
lack  of  public  care  precious  monuments  and 
treasures  of  learning  had  been  lost;  sometimes 
by  tlicir  removal  to  far-olT  countri'  ;;  sometimes 
by  their  utter  destruction.  Until  the  appeal 
made  to  Parliament  by  tlie  Executors  of  Sir 
Hans  Sloane,  in  the  middle  of  the  eiglitccnth 
century,  all  those  eflforts  had  uniformly  failed. 
But  Sir  Hans  Sloane  cannot  claim  to  h",  regarded, 
individually  or  very  specially,  us  the  i^'ounderof 


2014 


LIBUAHIKS. 


llrilUh  i/iuriim. 


LIBUAUIES. 


the  nritiHh  Museum.  IIIh  lant  Will,  indeed,  anro 
iin  opportunity  for  the  fouixhition.  Htrlntly 
Hpciikitif;,  III!  wiiH  not  even  the  Fmindcr  of  IiIh 
own  (/'ollt'clioii,  n.H  it  stoixl  in  Ills  lifctlnic.  Tlu! 
Founder  of  tint  Hloaiie  Museum  was  \Villiam 
(.'ourlen,  the  last  of  a  line  of  wctalthy  I-'lenilsli 
refugees,  whose  Idstory,  in  their  adopted  coun- 
try, 7»  ii  series  of  ronianlic  adventures,  I'arlia 
inent  had  previously  iieeepted  th(t  Rifl  "f  *''<• 
Oottoniaii  Mhrary,  lit  t  >■  hands  of  Sir  .lolin  (Jot- 
ton,  third  in  deseent  Iroiii  its  Koiiiider,  and  its 
acceptance  of  that  jjifl  liad  been  followed  by 
almost  unbroken  nej^lecl,  iilllioiigli  the  ^ifl  was 
a  nolilo  one.  Hir  .lolin.  when  eonversinj;,  on  one 
occasion,  witli  Thomas  (Jarte,  told  tint  historian 
that  ho  had  been  olTered  i'flO.OUO  of  Knglish 
money,  together  with  a  curte  blanehu  for  .some 
honorary  mark  of  royal  favour,  on  tint  part  of 
[jewisXIV.,  for  the  Library  which  hiMifteivvards 
settled  upon  the  Hrilish  nall.ii.  It  has  been 
estimated  that  Sloaue  expended  (from  lirs*  to  last) 
upon  his  various  collections  about  ,€.jO,utM);  so 
tliat  even  from  the  mercantile  pi  inl  of  view,  tlio 
(!olton  family  may  be  said  to  have  been  larger 
voluntary  contributors  towards  our  eventual  Na- 
tional Alusuum  than  was  Sir  Hans  Sloaiie  him- 
self. That  point  of  view,  however,  would  be  a 
very  false,  because  very  narrow,  oni'.  Whether 
estimated  by  mere  money  value,  or  l)y  a  truer 
standard,  the  third,  in  order  of  time,  of  the 
Foundation-CJolleclions, — tliat  of  tlu;  'Ilarle- 
ian  Manuscripts,'  —  was  a  much  less  important 
acquisition  for  the  Nation  tliun  was  the  INIuseuin 
of  Sloane,  or  the  Library  of  Cotton;  but  its 
literary  value,  as  all  students  of  our  history  and 
literature  know,  is,  iievertlieless,  considerable. 
Its  first  Collector,  iinbcrt  llarley,  the  Minister  of 
Queen  Anne  and  llu  lirst  of  tlie  llarleian  Karls 
of  Oxford,  is  fairly  entitled  to  rank,  after  Cottou, 
Courten,  and  Sloane,  among  the  virtual  or 
eventual  co-fouiidcrs  of  the  Rrit'sh  Museum. 
Chronologically,  then,  Sir  Uobert  Cotton,  Will- 
iam Courten,  Hans  Sloane,  and  Hjbert  llarley, 
rank  first  os  Founders;  so  lon^  as  we  estimate 
their  relative  position  in  accordance  with  tlie 
successive  steps  by  which  tlic  British  Museum 
was  eventually  organized.  But  there  is  another 
synchronism  by  wliich  greater  accuracy  is  attain- 
able. Although  four  years  had  elapsed  between 
the  passing  —  in  1753  —  of  '  An  Act  for  the  pur- 
clias(!  of  the  Museum  or  Collection  of  Sir  Hans 
Sloane,  and  of  tiic  llarleian  Collection  of  Manu- 
scripts, and  for  providing  one  general  repository 
for  the  better  reception  and  more  convenient  use 
of  tlie  add  Col''ctions,  and  of  the  Cottonian  Li- 
Imiry  and  of  th  additions  thereto,'  and  the  gift 
—  in  17.57  —  to  l.ie  Tru.stees  of  those  already 
united  Collections  by  King  George  II.  of  tlie  Old 
Koyal  Library  of  tlie  Kings  his  predecessors, 
yet  tliat  royid  collection  itself  i.ad  been  (in  a  re- 
stricted sense  of  the  words)  a  Public  and  National 
possession  soon  after  the  days  of  the  fii'st  real 
and  central  Founder  of  tlie  present  Museum, 
Sir  Robert  Cotton  But,  despite  its  title,  that 
Koyal  Library,  also,  was  —  in  the  main  —  the 
creation  of  subjects,  not  of  Sovereigns  or  Gov- 
ernments. Its  virtual  founder  was  Henry,  prince 
of  Wales  [son  of  James  I.].  It  was  acquired, 
out  of  his  privy  purse,  iis  a  subject,  not  as  a 
Prince.  Hn,  tiierefoie,  has  a  title  to  be  placed 
among  the  individual  Collectors  whose  united  ef- 
forts resulUid  —  after  long  intervals  of  time  —  in 
the  creation,  eveutually,  of  a  public  institution 

201 


second  to  none,  of  Us  kind.  In  llio  world."— 10. 
Edwards,  Founilern  nf  the  Hi-ilinh  Sfiiwiini,  hk.  I, 
eh.  1. —  "  Mmitagiie  llouse  was  purchiiHed  l)y  the 
Trustees  In  X'Tii  for  a  general  repository,  and 
the  colii'clions  were  removed  to  it.  .  .  .  On  the 
ITith  of  .lanuary,  \~'A),  the  British  .Museum  was 
opened  for  the  inspection  and  use  of  tiic  pulillc. 
At  llrst  tlie  iMuseum  was  divided  into  three  de- 
partments, viz.,  Printed  Books,  Maniscripls, 
and  Natural  History;  at  the  heail  o'  eiich  of 
them  was  placed  an  olUcer  designated  i  s  '  Under 
Librarian.'  Tlie  increase  of  the  collei  lions  soon 
reiidereil  it  necessary  to  providit  additioiiiil  ac- 
cominodalloii  for  Ihiin,  .Montague  II  iiisc  prov- 
ing insulUcient.  The  jircsent  by  George  III.  of 
Kgyptian  Antuiuities,  anil  the  purciiase  of  the 
Hamilton  and  Towidey  Antiquities,  made  it 
moreover  imperative  to  create  an  additional  de- 
partment—  that  of  Antiquities  ami  Art  —  to 
which  were  united  the  Prints  and  Drawings,  as 
well  as  tlie  .Medals  iinil  Coins,  previoiislv  at- 
tached to  the  library  of  I'riiited  Books  and  .^lanu- 
scripts.  Tlie  acqiiisitinn  of  the  Hluiii  .Marbles 
in  181(1  made  the  Department  of  Antiquities  of 
the  highest  importanci!,  and  increased  room  being 
indispensable  for  the  exhibition  of  tliose  marbles, 
a  temporary  sheller  was  prepared  for  them. 
This  was  tlie  last  addition  to  Montague  House. 
When,  in  1821),  the  library  collected  by  George 
III.  was  presented  to  the  nation  by  George  IV. 
it  became  necessary  to  erect  a  building  til  to  re- 
ceive tills  valuable  and  extensive  colleetiim.  It 
was  tlien  decided  to  liave  an  entirely  new  editice 
to  contain  tlie  whole  of  the  Jluseiim  collection, 
including  tlie  recently-acquired  library.  Sir  U. 
Sniirke  was  accordingly  directed  by  tlie  Trustees 
to  [irepare  plans.  The  eastern  side  of  tlie  pres- 
ent structure  was  completed  in  1828,  and  the 
Hoyal  Library  was  then  placed  in  it.  Tlie  niirtli- 
crn,  soutiiern,  and  western  sides  of  the  building 
were  subsequently  aildei),  and  in  18l."i  the  whole 
of  Montague  House  and  its  additions  iiad  di.sap- 
peareil;  while  tlie  increasing  collections  had 
rendered  it  necessary  to  make  various  additions 
to  tiic  original  design  of  Sir  II.  Smirke,  some  of 
tliem  even  before  it  liad  been  carried  out. " — J. 
\V^  .Tones,  liritixh  Muneum:  a  Guide,  pp.  ii-iii. 
The  necessity  of  a  general  enlargement  of 
the  I,  irary  led  to  the  suggestion  of  many  plans 
—  some  impracticable  —  si.nie  too  expensive  — 
and  all  involving  a  delay  wliich  would  have  been 
fatal  to  the  elliciency  of  the  Inslitition.  .  .  . 
Fortunately  .  .  .  after  niucli  vigorous  discus- 
sion, a  plan  which  had  been  suggested  by  the  .  .  . 
Principal  Librarian  [.Mr.  PanizziJ  for  buiidiuj-  m 
tlie  vacant  quadrangle,  was  adopted  and  can  .ed 
out  under  his  own  immediate  and  watciiful  su- 
perintendence. .  .  .  Tliequadrangle  within  wliich 
tlie  new  library  is  built  is  313  feet  in  length  by 
235  wide,  comprising  an  area  of  73,555  square 
feet.  Of  this  space  the  building  covers  47,473 
feet,  being  258  feet  long  by  184  feet  in  width,  tlius 
leaving  an  interval  of  from  27  to  30  feet  all  round. 
By  this  arrangement,  tlie  light  and  ventilation  of 
tiie  surrounding  buildings  is  not  interfered  w  ith, 
and  the  risk  of  fire  from  the  outer  buildings  is 
guarded  against.  Tlie  Reading  Room  is  circular. 
Tile  dome  is  140  feet  in  diameter,  and  its  height 
100  feet.  Tlie  diameter  of  the  lanten,  is  40  feet. 
Liglit  is  furtiier  obtained  from  twenty  circular- 
lieaded  windows,  27  feet  high  by  12  feet  wide, 
inserted  at  equal  intervals  round  the  dome  at 
a  heiglit  of  35  feet  from  the  ground.     In  it* 

5 


MUHAHIES. 


Sniilanil. 


MnUAUIKS. 


(Iliiiiiclcr  the  iIdiiic  cif  tlu!  Ki'iidlti);  IliMHii  cxcH'ds 

nil  (itlUTH,    with  tllC  CXCCltlioM  (if   lIlC   I'lUltllCOII  (if 

Home,  which  In  ulxml  J  feel  wider.  TImt,  of  St. 
I'i'tcr'M  III  Uotiic,  mid  (if  Saiilii  Miirlii  in  Flori'iico 
arc  I'lu'li  (inly  IMU  feet;  timt  (if  Ihu  tonib  of  Ala- 
hdiiict  at  H(ja|i(iri',  IIW;  (if  St.  I'md'H,  112;  (if 
St.  Sdplila,  III  ('(iiiHtantiii(i|il(',  lOT;  and  (if  lliu 
cliurcli  (if  Diiriiisladt,  lori.  The  new  Ucadlii^ 
KiHini  ('iintalMH  l.'jrill.OIH)  culilc  feet  (if  Ktiacc, 
and  the  HiirriiimilliiK  lllirarics  7."iO.{M)().  'I'hcsi^ 
lllinirU'H  arc  'M  feet  In  height,  witli  thu  ('.vccptldn 
(if  that  part  which  nniH  rdiiiid  the  diitHidu  iif  tho 
licadliiK  liddiii,  which  Is  \i'i  feet  IiIkIi  ;  tlu;  spriii); 
(if  the  ddnic  licln;;  24  feet  fniin  the  (l(i(ir  of  the 
KcadhiK  Kddin,  and  the  ^fo*!'"'  excavated  H  feet 
lieldW  this  level.  Tlie  whole  Imlldinj^  in  cdii- 
htriicted  jirlnclpiilly  of  Iron.  .  .  .  The  Heading 
liddiii  contains  ainplu  and  coinfoituble  acconinio- 
(liitldii  for  !i()3  readers.  Th.'ro  are  thirty-live 
tallies:  el^ht  are  :t4  feet  lon^.  and  iiccoinnio<liite 
Kixteen  reiiderH,  eight  on  eiicli  Hide;  nine  are  UO 
feet  hinj;,  and  accoinniodiite  fourteen  readers, 
Beven  on  each  side;  two  are  30  feet  lonjf,  and  ac- 
coninuHlate  eij^ht  readers  each,  viz.,  seven  on  one 
side  and  one  on  the  other —  these  two  tables  are 
si't  apart  fcir  the  exclusive  use  (if  lidies;  sixteen 
other  tables  are  0  feet  long,  and  accoininodate 
two  readers  each  —  these  are  fitted  up  wdth  ris- 
ing desks  of  a  large  size  for  those  reiii'ers  who 
may  have  occasion  to  consult  works  beyond  the 
usual  dimensions.  Kach  person  has  allotted  to 
liim,  at  the  long  tables,  a  space  of  4  feet  H  Inches 
in  length  by  2  feet  1  inch  in  depth.  Ho  is 
screened  from  the  opposite  occupant  by  a  longi- 
tudinal division,  which  is  tlttcil  with  a  hinged 
desk  graduated  on  sloping  racks,  and  a  folding 
shelf  for  spare  books.  In  the  space  between  the 
two,  which  is  recessed,  an  ink.sland  is  llxed,  hav- 
ing suitable  penholders.  .  .  The  framework  of 
each  table  is  of  iron,  forming  air-distributing 
channels,  which  are  c(jntrived  so  that  the  air  may 
be  delivered  at  the  top  of  tlie  longitudinal  screen 
division,  above  tho  level  of  the  heads  of  the 
readers,  or,  if  desired,  only  at  each  end  pedestal 
of  the  tables,  all  the  outlets  being  under  the  con- 
trol of  valves.  A  tidjidar  foot-rail  also  passes 
from  end  to  end  of  each  table,  which  may  have 
a  current  of  warm  water  through  it  at  pleasure, 
and  be  used  as  a  foot-warmer  if  recjuired.  The 
jiedestalo  of  the  tables  form  tubes  communica- 
ting with  the  air-chamber  below,  which  is  (i  feet 
high,  and  occupies  the  '.vholc  area  of  the  Head- 
ing Room:  it  is  fitted  with  hot- water  pipes 
arranged  in  radiatiuL'  lines.  The  smiply  of  fresh 
air  is  obtained  from  u  shaft  oo  feet  high.  ,  .  . 
The  shelves  within  the  Heading  Hoom  contain 
about  60,000  volumes:  the  new  building  alto- 
gether will  necommodato  about  1,500,000  vol- 
iniies." — List  of  the  ]}ixtkn  of  Mtference  in  the 
Jieailing  Room  of  the  Britinh  Museum;  preface. — 
The  number  of  volumes  of  printed  books  in  the 
British  Museum  in  181)3  is  reported  to  have  been 
1,600,000,  the  number  of  manuscripts  50,000  and 
the  maps  aud  charts  200,000.— iWnerra,  1803-94. 
— A  purchase  from  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  of 
adjoining  land,  to  the  extent  of  five  and  a  half 
acres,  for  the  enlargement  of  the  Museum,  was 
announced  by  the  London  Times,  March  18, 
1894.  With  this  addition,  the  area  of  ground  oc- 
cupied by  the  Museum  wil!  be  fourteen  acres. 

England:  The  Bodleian  Library.  —  "Its 
founder,  Sir  Thomas  Bodley,  was  a  worthy  of 
Devon,  who  had  been  actively  employed   by 


(jiieen  Kll/.abcth  as  a  diplomatist,  and  bad  re- 
tiiriie(l  tired  of  court  life  to  the  rniversity, 
where  long  before  he  had  been  Fellow  of  Merton 
College.  \U'.  found  tlu^  ancient  library  of  the 
rniverslty  (which,  after  growing  slowly  with 
many  vl  issltudcs  froiii  small  beginnings,  had 
sud([enly  lieeii  eiiriched  in  1 130  III  by  a  gift  of 
264  valuable  MSS.  from  ILiiiplircy,  Duke  of 
Oloiicester;  utterly  dcHtroyed  by  IMward  V'l.'s 
CommisslonerH,  and  the  room  built  for  Its  recep- 
tion (still  ciilleil  'Duke  Humphrey's  library') 
swept  dear  even  of  the  renders' desks.  Ills  de- 
termination to  refound  the  library  of  the  Univer- 
sity was  actively  carried  out,  and  on  November 
H,  1002,  the  new  inslituli'in  was  formally  opened 
with  about  2.000  iirlntcd  and  manuscript  vol- 
umes. Two  striking  advantages  were  possessed 
by  the  nodlclan  almost  from  the  first.  Sir 
'I  bonias  liodley  employed  his  great  influence  at 
court  and  with  friends  to  induce  them  to  give 
help  to  his  scheme,  and  accordingly  we  find  not 
only  donations  of  money  and  books  from  per- 
sonal friends,  but  240  MSS.  contributed  by  tho 
Deans  and  Chapters  of  Exeter  and  Windsor. 
Moreover,  in  1610,  be  arranged  with  the  Station- 
ers' Company  that  they  should  present  his  foun- 
dation with  a  copy  of  every  limited  liook  jiub- 
llslied  by  a  member  of  the  Company ;  and  from 
that  time  to  this  the  right  to  every  book  published 
in  the  kingdom  has  been  continuously  enjoyed." 
— F.  Madan,  Jiixiksin  Mttnnseiipt,  p.  84. — In  1891 
the  liodlelan  '/brary  was  said  to  contain  400,000 
lirinted  books  and  30,000  manuscripts.  Under 
the  copyright  act  of  Great  Uritiiin,  the  Hrillsh 
Jliiseum,  the  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford,  the 
Cambridge  University  Library,  tlie  Advocates 
Library,  Edinburgh,  and  the  Trinity  College  Li- 
brary, Dublin,  are  each  entitled  to  m  copy  of 
every  work  published  in  the  United  Knigdom. 

England  :  Rise  and  Growth  of  Free  Town- 
Libraries. — In  the  "  Eiicyclopie(li;i  Britannica" 
(9lh  ed.)  we  read,  in  tlu?  article  "  Libraries."  that 
"the  tine  old  library  instituted  by  Humphrey 
Chetham  in  .MancheHter,  in  ltiri3,  and  wducli  is 
still  'housed  in  the  old  collegiate  buildings 
where  Haleigh  was  once  entertained  by  Dr.  Dee, 
might  be  said  to  be  the  first  free  library '  in 
England.  Two  centuries,  however,  before 
worthy  Chetham  had  erected  his  free  fountain 
of  knowledge  for  thirsty  souls,  a  grave  fraternity 
known  as  the  (iuild  of  Kalendiirs  had  establislied 
a  frei  library,  for  all  comers,  in  connection  with 
a  church  yet  standing  la  one  of  the  tborouglifares 

of  Old  Bristol John  Leland  (temp.   Henry 

VIII.)  speaks  of  the  Kalendars  as  an  established 
body  about  the  year  1170;  and  when  in  1216 
Henry  III.  held  a  Parliament  in  Briotol,  the 
deeds  of  the  guild  were  inspected,  and  ratified 
on  account  of  the  antiquity  and  high  character 
of  the  fraternity  ('  propter  antifiuitittes  et  boni- 
tates  in  eft  Gilda  repertas '),  and  Gualo,  the  P'lnai 
Legate,  oommcnded  the  Kalendars  to  the  care  of 
AVilliam  de  Blois,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  within 
whose  diocese  Bristol  then  lay  It  was  tlie  ollice 
of  the  Kalendars  to  record  local  eventr,  auil  such 
general  affairs  as  were  thought  worthy  of  com- 
memoration, whence  their  nam'!.  They  consisted 
of  clergy  and  laity,  even  women  being  admitted 
to  their  Order.  ...  I*  was  ordered  by  Wolstan, 
Bishop  of  Worcester,  who  in  visitation  of  this 
part  of  his  diocese,  July  10,  1340,  examined  the 
ancient  rules  of  the  College,  that  a  prior  in 
priest's  orders  should  be  chosen  by  the  majority 


2016 


LinUAHIES. 


JTni/loiul, 


MUHAHIKS. 


(if  tlic  ('linplains  iii'il  Iny  liri'tliri'ii,  witlinut  the 
Holi'iiinlty  of  ciiMtlrMiiUioii,  coiiHi'triilloM  nr  iM'tii'- 
(lic'tiiiii  of  NiipcrinrK,  ami  i'IkIiI  cliitpliilrm  who 
were  not  liound  \<y  moimHtlc  rules,  were  to  lii' 

iolrii'cl  witli  liliii  to  (■<'l(;l)riit«^  for  dcimrtiMl 
irctliri'ii  1111(1  iHiicfiictorH  I'vcry  iliiy.  Hv  iiii 
onlinaiK'i'  of  Jiiliii  Carpenter.  hUliop  of  \Vor- 
cesler.  A.  I).  1  Kit,  tlii'  Prior  was  lo  leslile  In  tlie 
colli"{e,  and  take  charge  of  a  certain  liliniry 
newly  erected  at  lli<!  lilsliop'H  expi'iine.  so  tliat 
every  festival  <lay  from  Heven  to  eleven  In  tlie 
forenoon  admission  should  Ix^  freely  allowed  to 
all  desirous  of  consiiltlnK  the  I'rior,  lo  read  a 
piihlic  lectiiri!  every  week  In  the  library,  and 
flu(l<lale  olis(Mirc' plures  of  .Scripture  as  well  as 
he  could  to  tlioH(MleHlroiiH  of  Ills  teiichinKH.  .  .  . 
Lest,  through  negligence  or  accident,  the  hooks 
should  be  lost,  it  was  ordered  that  tlirei!  cata- 
luKues  of  them  Khoilld  be  kept;  ono  to  remain 
Willi  tlio  Dean  of  AuguHtinian  Canons,  whose 
14lli 'Century  church  Is  now  Bristol  Cathedral, 
nnother  witli  the  Mayor  for  the  time  lieiii|i;,  and 
tlu^  third  with  th(!  I'rior  himself.  I'liforluiialely, 
they  are  nil  three  lost.  .  .  .  This  inlcrestlnj; 
library  was  destroyed  by  tire  In  14IMI  throiif^li 
the  carelessness  of  a  drunken  '  point-maker,'  two 
udjoiiiin);  houses  against  the  steeple  of  the 
church  being  at  the  sume  time  burnt  down." — 
J.  Taylor,  The  Fint  KiiyUnh  Five  lAlirarii  it  ml 
itH  FinmlevH  {}fiirray'a  Mny.,  Nov.,  18111). — 
"Free  town-libraries  are  essentially  a  modern 
Institution,  and  yet  can  boiust  of  a  greater  au- 
thiully  than  Is  generally  supposed,  for  we  lliid  a 
town-library  at  Auvergiie  in  ir)4(),  and  one  at  a 
still  earlier  date  at  Aix.  Either  tlu^  muiiillceiice 
of  Indlvldvials  or  the  action  of  corporate  authori- 
ties has  given  very  many  of  the  contlirnital 
towns  freely  aecesslblo  libraries,  some  of  tliei.i  of 
considerable  extent.  In  England  the  history  of 
town-librarii^s  is  much  briefer.  There  is  rcison 
to  believe  that  London  at  an  early  date  wi-.s  jios- 
8Cs.se(l  of  a  common  library ;  and  Hristol,  Nor- 
wleli,  and  Lcu'cster,  hail  eiich  town-libraries, 
b'lt  the  corporalUms  proved  but  can^less  guar- 
dians of  their  trus*,  and  in  eacli  case  adowed  it  to 
be  diverted  from  the  free  use  of  the  citizens  for 
the  benefit  of  a  subscription  library.  At  Hris- 
tol, In  1013,  Jlr.  Uobert  Redwood  'gave  his 
lodge  to  be  convex, ed  Into  a  library  or  place  to 
put  books  in  for  the  furtheraneo  of  learning.' 
Some  few  years  after,  Tobie  Mattlicw,  Arch- 
bishop of  York,  left  some  valuable  l)(K)k3  in 
various  departments  of  literature  for  free  access 
'to  the  merchants  and  .shopkeepers.'.  .  .  The 
paucity  of  our  public  libraries,  twenty  years 
ago,  excited  the  attention  of  Mr.  Edwanl  Ed- 
wards, to  whose  labours  In  this  Held  the  country 
owes  so  much.  Having  collected  a  large  aiaount 
of  statistics  ni  to  the  companitive  number  of 
these  hu'titutions  In  dllTerent  States,  he  com- 
municated the  result  of  his  reser.rches  to  the 
Statistical  Society,  in  a  paper  which  was  read  on 
the  20tli  of  March,  1848,  and  was  printed  In  this 
'  Journal '  In  the  August  fcllowing.  The  paper 
revealed  some  unpleasant  facts,  and  showeil 
that,  in  respect  of  the  provision  of  public  libra- 
ries. Great  Britain  occupied  a  very  unworthy 
position.  In  the  United  Kingdom  (including 
Malta)  Mr.  Edwards  could  only  discover  29 
libraries  having  more  than  10,(XX)  volumes, 
whilst  France  could  boast  107,  Austria  41, 
Switzerland  13.  The  number  of  volumes  to 
every  hundred  of  the  population  of  ci'ies  con 

201 


talning  libraries,  was  in  (Jreat  Ilrlrdii  43.  France 
125,  HruMswi.k  2.!)r.3,  (If  the  '.'l.  Urilish  libra 
ricH  ciiiiiiK  nitiMl  liy  .Mr.  Edwards,  some  hail  only 
doubtful  claims  to  be  considered  as  public,  and 
only  one  of  them  was  absolutely  free  to  all 
comers,  without  inllucnce  or  foriimlily.  That 
one  was  the  piiblir  llliriiry  at  .Miinclicsti'r, 
founded  by  lliiniplircy  Chcthiim  in  ItUI.").  The 
paper  read  before  lliis  Society  t  wriily-t  wn  years 
ago  was  destined  to  l)c  proitiictive  of  great  and 
speedy  results.  From  the  reading  of  it  sprang 
the  present  system  of  free  town  libraries.  The 
seed  was  then  sown,  and  It  Is  now  fructifying  In 
the  libraries  wliidi  are  springing  up  on  every 
hand.  The  paper  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
late  William  Ewiirt,  Esii.,  M.  P.,  and  ultimately 
led  to  the  appointment  of  a  piirllanieiitarv  com- 
mittee on  the  subject  of  public  libraries.  The  re- 
Iiort  of  this  committee  paved  the  way  for  the 
'ubilc  Libraries  Act  of  iH.'iO."— \V.  E.  A.  Axon, 
StaliHtirul  Niitt»  on  the  Free  Toirn-l,ihriirii»  of 
(/rent  Uritnin  and  the  Continent  (Joitrnul  of  the. 
SliilMieiil  Sie. ,  Sent.  1870,  ('.  8:t).— Tlu!  progressof 
free  public  libraries  In  England  under  the  Act  of 
IH.'iO  wasiiot,  fiira  long  time,  very  rapid.  "  Inthe 
HO  years  from  18r)()oiiward  — thatis,  down  to  1HH(I 
— 133  places  had  availed  themselves  of  the  bene- 
fits of  the  act.  That  was  not  a  very  large  num- 
ber, not  amounting  quite,  upon  tlie  overage,  to 
four  In  each  of  those  315  years.  .  .  .  Now,  sco 
the  change  which  has  taken  place.  We  liavo 
only  four  years,  from  1887  to  1800,  and  In  tho.so 
four  years  po  less  than  70  places  have  taken  ad- 
vantiigo  of  the  act,  so  that  Instead  of  an  average 
of  less  than  four  places  In  the  year,  we  have  an 
average  of  more  than  17  places." — W.  E.  Olail- 
stone,  Aililrem  at  the  Ojieniiig  of  the  Free  I'lililie 
Liliriiry  of  St.  Mnrtiu'n-in-theFielilii.  —  "The 
Clerkciiwcll  Library  (Commissioners  draw  iitlen- 
tlon  to  the  enormous  strides  London  has  made 
witliin  the  last  live  years  in  the  matter  of  pulilie 
libraries.  In  1880  four  parislies  had  ailopled 
the  Acts;  by  December,  IHill,  29  parishes  had 
uilopted  them,  and  there  are  already  30  libraries 
and  branches  opened  lliroughoiit  the  Ciiimty  of 
London,  possessing  over  IjriO.OOO  volumes,  and 
Issuing  over  3,000,000  volumes  per  annum." — 
The  lAbriiri/  Jon  null,  Fvh.,  1892. — Under  a  new 
law,  which  came  into  force  In  1893,  "  any  local 
authority  (i.  e.,  town  council  or  district  boiiril), 
save  in  the  County  of  London,  may  cstablisli 
and  maintain  public  libraries  w  ilhoiit  reference 
to  tlie  wishes  of  tlie  rate  payers." — Library  Jour- 
Hid,  October.  1893  (r.  18,  ]>.  442). 

United  States  of  America :  Franklin  and 
the  first  Subscription  Library. —  When  Frank- 
lin's club,  at  Philadelphia,  the  .luuto,  was  first 
formed,  "its  meetings  were  liel'!  (us  the  custom 
of  clubs  was  in  that  clubliing  age)  in  a  tavern; 
and  in  a  tavern  of  such  humble  pretensions  as  to 
be  called  by  Franklin  an  ale-house.  Hut  the 
leathern  aproned  philosophers  soon  removed  to  a 
room  of  their  own,  lent  them  by  one  of  their 
members,  Uobert  Grace.  It  often  happened  that 
a  member  would  bring  a  book  or  two  to  the 
.Junto,  for  the  purpose  of  Illustrating  the  subject 
of  debate,  and  this  led  Franklin  to  propose  that 
all  the  members  should  keep  their  books  in  the 
.Junto  room,  as  well  for  reference  while  debating 
as  for  the  use  of  men.bers  during  the  week.  The 
suggestion  being  uppri.ved,  one  end  of  their  littlo 
apartment  was  soon  fill.'d  with  books ;  and  there 
they  remained  for  the  common  benefit  a  year. 

7 


LIDKARIES. 


America. 


LIBRARIES. 


But  gome  l)ook8  Iinviiig  been  injurcrl,  tlifir 
owners  beciinie  dissutistied,  and  the  bouks  were 
all  taken  lionie.  Bcxjks  were  then  scarce,  liigh- 
prieed,  and  of  great  bulk.  Folios  were  still 
eonimon,  and  a  book  of  less  magnitude  than 
(juarto  was  deemed  insignitleaut.  .  .  .  Few  books 
of  mueli  importance  were  published  at  less  than 
two  guineas.  Such  prices  as  four  guineas,  live 
guineas,  and  six  guineas  were  not  uncommon. 
Deprived  of  the  advanUige  of  the  Junto  collec- 
tion, Franklin  conceived  the  idea  of  a  subscrip- 
tion library.  Early  in  ITUl  he  drew  up  a  plan, 
the  substance  of  which  was,  that  each  subscriber 
should  contribute  two  poiuids  sterling  for  the 
llrst  purchase  of  books,  and  ten  shillings  a  year 
for  the  increase  of  the  library.  As  few  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Philadelphia  hud  money  to  spare, 
and  still  fewer  cared  for  reading,  he  found  very 
great  difficulty  in  procuring  a  sudicient  number 
of  subscribers.  lie  says:  '1  put  myself  as  much 
as  I  could  out  of  sight,  and  stated  it  as  a  scheme 
of  a  number  of  friends,  wlio  had  requested  me  to 
go  about  and  propose  it  to  such  as  they  thought 
lovers  of  reading.  In  this  way  my  alt.urs  went 
on  more  smoothly,  and  I  ever  after  practiced  it  on 
such  occasions,  and  from  my  frequent  successes 
can  heartily  recommend  it.'  Yet  it  was  not  until 
November,  1731,  at  least  five  mouths  after  the 
project  was  started,  that  fifty  names  were  ob- 
tained ;  and  not  till  March,  1733,  that  the  money 
was  collected.  After  consultiug  James  Logan, 
'  the  best  judge  of  books  in  these  parts,'  the  first 
list  of  books  was  made  out,  a  draft  upon  London 
of  forty-five  pounds  was  purchased,  and  both 
were  placed  in  the  hands  of  one  of  the  directors 
who  wius  goi'ig  to  England.  Peter  CoUinson 
undertook  the  purchase,  and  added  to  it  i)resents 
of  Newton's  'Priucipia,'  and  'Gardener's  Dic- 
tionary.' All  the  business  of  the  library  Mr. 
C-jUinson  contiuue<l  to  transact  for  thirty  years, 
and  always  swelled  the  annual  parcel  of  books  by 
gifts  of  valuable  works.  In  those  days  getting 
a  i)arcel  from  Loudon  was  a  tedious  affair  indeed. 
All  the  summer  of  1732  the  subscribers  were 
waiting  for  the  coming  of  the  books,  as  for  an 
event  of  the  greatest  interest.  ...  In  October 
the  books  arrived,  and  were  placed,  at  first,  in  the 
room  of  the  Junto.  A  librarian  was  appointed, 
and  the  library  was  opened  once  a  week  for  giv- 
ing out  the  books.  The  second  year  Franklin 
himself  served  as  librarian.  For  many  years  the 
secretary  to  the  directors  was  Joseph  Ureintnal, 
by  whoso  zeal  and  diligence  the  interests  of  the 
library  were  greatly  promoted.  Franklin  printed 
a  catalogue  soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  bof)ks, 
for  which,  and  for  other  printiug,  he  was  ex- 
empted from  paying  his  annual  ten  shillings  for 
two  years.  'The  success  of  this  library,  thus 
begun  by  a  few  mechanics  and  clerks,  was  great 
in  every  sense  of  the  word.  Valuable  donations 
of  books,  money  and  curiosities  were  frequently 
made  to  it.  The  number  of  subscribers  slowly, 
but  steadily,  increased.  Libraries  of  similar  char- 
acter 8|)rung  up  all  over  the  country,  and  many 
were  started  even  in  Philadelphia.  Kalm,  who 
was  in  Philadelphia  in  1748,  says  that  then  the 
parent  library  had  given  rise  to  'nuuiy  little 
libraries, '  on  the  same  plan  as  itself.  He  also 
says  that  non-subscribers  were  tlnn  allowed  to 
take  books  out  of  the  library,  by  leaving  a  pledge 
for  the  value  of  the  book,  and  paying  for  a  folio 
eight  pence  a  week,  for  a  quarto  six  pence,  and 
f  ,r  all  others  four  pence.     '  The  subscribers,'  he 


says,  '  were  so  kind  to  me  as  to  order  tlie  libra- 
rian, during  my  stay  here,  to  lend  me  every  book 
I  f^hould  want,  without  rc(iuiring  any  i)ayment 
of  me.'  In  1704,  the  shares  had  risen  in  value  to 
nearly  twenty  pounds,  and  the  collection  was  con- 
sidered 10  be  worth  seventeen  hundred  pounds. 
In  1785,  the  number  of  volumes  was  5,487;  in 
1807,  14,457;  in  1801,  70,000.  Tlie  mstitution  is 
one  of  the  few  in  America  that  has  held  on  its 
waj',  unchanged  in  any  essential  princijile,  for  a 
century  and  a  quarter,  always  on  the  increase, 
always  faithfuPy  administered,  always  doing 
well  its  appointed  work.  There  is  every  reason 
to  believe  that  it  will  do  so  for  centuries  to  come. 
The  prosperity  of  the  Philadeli)hia  Library  was 
owing  to  the  original  excellence  of  the  plan,  the 
good  sense  embodied  in  the  rules,  the  care  with 
which  its  affairs  were  conducted,  ami  the  vigi- 
lance of  Franklin  and  his  friends  in  turning  to 
account  passing  events,  Thomas  Peim,  ''or  ex- 
am]>le,  visited  Philadelphia  a  year  or  two  after 
the  library  was  foumh'd;  when  the  directors  of 
the  library  waited  upon  him  with  a  dutiful  ad- 
dres.s,  and  received,  in  return,  a  gift  of  books 
and  apparatus.  It  were  dillicult  to  over-estimate 
the  value  to  the  colonies  of  tlie  libraries  that 
grew  out  of  Franklin's  original  conception. 
They  were  among  the  chief  means  of  educating 
the  colonics  up  to  Independence.  '  l{ea<liug  be- 
came fiushionable,' says  Franklin;  'and  our  peo- 
ple having  no  public  amusements  to  divert  their 
attention  from  study,  became  better  acquainted  . 
with  books,  and  in  a  few  years  were  observed,  by 
strangers,  to  be  better  instructed  and  more  intel- 
ligent than  i)eople  of  the  same  rank  generally 
are  in  other  countries.' .  .  .  What  the  Philadel- 
phia Library  did  for  Franklin  himself,  the  li- 
braries, doubtless,  did  for  many  others.  It  made 
him  II  daily  stu<lent  for  twenty  years.  He  set 
apart  an  hour  or  two  every  day  for  study,  and 
thus  accjuired  the  substance  of  all  the  most  valu- 
able knowledge  then  possessed  by  nuinkind. 
AVhether  Franklin  was  the  originator  of  sub- 
scription libraries,  and  of  the  idea  of  permitting 
books  to  be  taken  to  the  homes  of  subscribers,  1 
cannot  positively  assert.  But  I  can  discover  no 
trace  of  either  of  those  two  fruitful  conceptions 
before  his  time." — J.  Parton,  Life  and  Tiinen  of 
Beujamin,  Franklin,  pp.  200-203. — "The  books 
were  at  first  kept  in  the  house  of  Robert  Grace, 
whom  Franklin  characterizes  as  '  a  young  gentle- 
man of  some  fortune,  generous,  lively,  and  witty, 
a  lover  of  punning  and  of  his  friends.'  After- 
ward they  were  allotted  a  room  in  the  State- 
House  ;  and,  in  1743,  a  charter  was  obtained  from 
the  Proprietaries.  In  1700,  having  in  the  in- 
terval absorbed  several  other  associations  and 
sustained  a  removal  to  Cari)enter's  Hall,  where 
its  ajiurtinent  had  been  used  as  a  hospital  for 
wounded  American  soldiers,  the  Library  was  at 
last  housed  in  a  building  especially  erected  for  it 
at  Fifth  and  Chestimt  streets,  where  it  remained 
until  within  the  last  few  years.  It  brought  only 
about  eight  thousand  volumes  into  its  new  quar- 
ters, for  it  had  langiushed  somewhat  during  the 
Revolution  and  the  war  of  words  which  attended 
our  political  birth.  But  it  had  received  no  in- 
jury. .  .  .  Two  years  after  removal  to  its  quar- 
ters on  Fifth  street,  the  Library  received  the 
most  valuable  gift  of  books  it  has  as  yet  had. 
James  Logan,  friend  and  adviser  of  Penn,  .  .  . 
liad  gathered  a  most  important  collection  of 
books.    Mr.   Logan  was  translator  of  Cicero's 


2018 


LIBRARIES. 


America, 


LIBRARIES. 


'  Cato  Major,'  the  first  clnssic  published  in 
America,  besides  being  versed  in  natural  science. 
His  library  comprised,  as  lie  tells  us,  'over  one 
hundred  volumes  of  authors,  all  in  Greek,  witli 
mostly  their  versions;  all  the  Roman  classics 
^*  itliout  exception ;  all  the  Greek  mathematicians. 
.  .  .  Besides  tliere  are  many  of  the  most  valu- 
able Latin  authors,  and  a  great  number  of  mod- 
ern mathematicians.'  These,  at  first  bcqucathccl 
as  a  public  library  to  the  city,  became  a  branch 
of  the  Philadelphia  Library  under  certain  con- 
ditions, one  of  which  was  tliat,  barring  contin- 
gencies, one  of  the  donor's  descendants  should 
always  hold  the  ollicc  of  trustee.  And  today 
his  direct  descendant  fills  the  position,  and  is 
perliaps  the  only  example  in  this  country  of  an 
hereditary  ofilce-holder.  ...  In  1809  died  Dr. 
James  Hush,  son  of  Benjamin  Hush,  and  himself 
well  known  as  the  autlior  of  a  work  on  the 
human  voice,  and  as  husband  of  a  lady  who  al- 
most succeeded  in  naturalizing  the  salon  in  this 
country.  By  Ills  will  about  one  million  dollars 
were  devoted  to  the  erection  and  maintenance  cl 
an  isolated  and  fire-proof  library-lmildiiiK,  which 
was  to  be  named  tlie  Itidgway  Library,  in  mem- 
ory of  his  wife.  This  building  was  offered  to 
the  Philadelphia  Company,  and  the  bequest  was 
ncceptwl.  That  institution  had  by  tliis  time 
accumulated  about  one  hundred  tliousand  vol- 
umes. ...  A  building  of  the  Doric  order  was 
erected,  which  with  its  grounds  covers  an  entire 
square  or  block,  and  is  calculated  to  contain  four 
hundred  thousand  volumes,  or  three  times  as 
inimy  as  tlie  Library  at  present  has,  anil  to  this 
building  the  more  valuable  books  of  the  Library 
were  removed  in  18T8;  the  fiction  and  more 
modern  works  being  placed  in  another  designed 
in  imitation  of  the  old  edifice,  and  nearer  the 
center  of  the  city." — B.  Samuel,  I'he  Father  of 
American  Libraries  (Century  Mag.,  May,  1883). 
— In  1863,  the  library  of  the  Pliiladelphia  Library 
Company  contained  171,009  volumes. —  The 
First  Library  in  New  York. —  The  New  York 
Society  Library  is  the  oldest  institution  of  the 
kind  in  the  city  of  New  York.  "In  1729,  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Millington,  Rector  of  Newington,  Eng- 
land, by  his  will,  bequeathed  his  library  to  the 
Society  for  tlie  Propajjation  of  the  Gospel  in 
Foreign  Parts.  By  this  society  the  library  of 
Dr.  Alillington  was  presented  to  the  corporation 
of  the  city,  for  the  use  of  the  clergy  and  gentle- 
men of  New-York  and  the  neighbouring  prov- 
inces. .  .  .  '  In  1754  [as  related  in  Smith's  His- 
tory of  New  York]  a  set  of  gentlemen  undertook 
to  carry  about  a  subscription  towards  raising  a 
public  library,  and  in  a  few  days  collected  near 
600  pounds,  which  were  laid  oiit  in  purchasing 
about  700  volumes  of  new,  well-chosen  books. 
Every  sub.scriber,  upon  payment  of  five  pounds 
principal,  and  the  annual  sum  of  ten  shillings, 
19  entitled  to  the  use  of  these  books, —  his  right, 
by  the  articles,  is  assignable,  and  for  non-com- 
plianco  with  them  may  be  forfeited.  The  care 
of  this  library  is  committed  to  twelve  trustees, 
annually  elected  by  the  subscribers,  on  the  last 
Tuesday  of  April,  who  arc  restricted  from  mak- 
ing any  rules  repugnant  to  tlie  fundamental  sub- 
scription. This  is  the  beginning  of  a  library 
which,  in  process  of  time,  will  probably  become 
vastly  rich  and  voluminous,  and  it  would  be  very 
proper  for  the  company  to  have  a  Charter  for  its 
security  and  cncouiagemcnt.'  Tlie  library  of 
the  corporation  above  uUuded  to,  appearing  to 

3-30 


have  been  mismanaged,  and  at  leneth  entirely 
disused,  the  trustees  of  the  New-York  Society 
Library  offered  to  take  charge  of  It,  and  to  de- 
posit their  own  collection  with  it,  in  the  City- 
Hall.  This  proposal  having  been  acceded  to  by 
the  corporation,  the  Institution  thenceforward 
reccivo(l  tlie  appellation  of  'The  City  Library,' 
a  name  by  wliicli  it  was  commonly  known  for  a 
long  time.  A  good  foundation  having  been  thus 
obtained,  the  library  prospered  and  increasrd. 
...  In  XIT^i,  a  charter  was  granted  to  it  by  the 
colonial  government.  The  war  of  the  revolu- 
tion, however,  which  soon  after  occurred,  inter- 
fered with  tliL'se  pleasing  prospects;  tlie  city  fell 
into  tlio  possession  of  the  enemy;  the  effect  on 
all  our  public  institutions  was  more  or  less  dis- 
astrous, and  to  the  library  nearly  fatal.  An  in- 
terval of  no  less  than  fourteen  years,  (of  which  it 
possesses  no  record  whatever,)  here  occurs  i:i  the 
history  of  the  society.  At  length  it  appears 
from  the  minutes,  that  '  the  accidents  of  tlie  late 
war  having  nearly  destroyed  the  former  library, 
no  meeting  of  the  proprietors  for  the  choice  of 
trustees  was  held  from  the  last  Tuesday  in  April, 
1774,  until  Saturday,  the  21st  December,  1788, 
when  a  meeting  was  summoned.'  In  1789,  the 
original  charter,  with  all  its  privileges,  was  re- 
vived by  the  legi:  lature  of  this  state ;  the  sur- 
viving members  resumed  the  payment  of  their 
annual  dues,  an  accession  of  new  subscribers 
was  obtained,  .'nd  the  society,  undeterred  by  the 
loss  of  its  bo(>'..i,  commenced  almost  a  new  col- 
lection."—  C'.a'.orjue  of  the  N.  Y.  Society  Lihrary : 
Ilintorical  Notice. — Redwood  Library. —  Wliile 
Bishop  Berkeley  was  residing,  in  1729,  on  his 
farm  near  Newport,  Rliode  Island,  "he  took  an 
active  share  in  forming  a  philosopliical  society  in 
Newport.  .  .  .  Among  tlie  members  were  Col. 
Updike,  Judge  Scott  (a  grandunclc  of  Sir  Walter 
Scott),  Nathaniel  Kay,  Henry  Collins,  Nallian 
Townsend,  the  Rev.  James  Iloneyman,  and  the 
Rev.  Jeremiah  Condy.  .  .  .  The  Society  seems 
to  have  been  very  successfu'.  One  of  its  objects 
was  to  collect  bcoks.  It  originated,  in  1747,  the 
Redwood  Library." — A.  C.  Fraser,  Life  and 
Letters  of  Oeorge  Berkeley  (b.  4  of  Works),  p.  109. 
—  The  library  thus  founded  took  its  name  from 
Abraham  Redwood,  who  gave  .^.'iOO  to  it  in  1747. 
Other  subscriptions  were  obtained  in  Newport  to 
the  amount  of  £.'5,000,  colonial  currency,  and  a 
building  for  the  library  erected  in  17.')0. 

United  States  of  America  :  Free  Public  Li- 
braries.— "Mr.  Ewart,  in  his  Report  of  the 
Select  Committee  on  Public  Libraries,  1849,  says: 
'  Our  younger  brethren,  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  have  already  anticipated  us  in  the  forma- 
tion of  libraries  entirely  open  to  the  public'  No 
free  public  library,  however,  was  then  in  opera- 
tion, in  the  United  States,  yet  one  had  been  au- 
thorized by  legislative  action.  The  movements 
in  the  same  direction  in  England  and  the  United 
States  seem  to  liave  gone  on  independently  of 
each  other;  and  in  the  public  debates  and  private 
correspondence  relating  to  the  subject  there 
seems  to  have  been  no  borrowing  of  ideas,  or 
scarcely  an  allusion,  other  than  the  one  quoted, 
til  what  was  being  done  elsewhere.  In  October, 
1847,  Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,  Mayor  of  Boston, 
suggested  to  the  City  Council  tliat  a  petition  be 
sent  to  the  State  legislature  asking  for  authority 
to  lay  a  tax  by  which  tlie  city  of  Boston  could 
establish  a  library  free  to  all  its  citizens.  The 
Massachusetts  legislature,  in  March,  1848,  passed 


2019 


LinUAHIES. 


America, 


LIBRARIES. 


midk  (in  nrt,  nnd  in  1851  jnnde  the  net  npply  to 
111!  the  eities  nnd  towns  in  the  State.  In  iH49 
donations  of  liool<s  were  made  to  the  Hoston 
Public;  Library.  Late  in  tlio  game  year  Mr.  Ed- 
ward Everett  made  to  it  tlie  donation  of  liis  very 
complete  colleetion  of  United  States  documents, 
and  Mayor  Higelow  a  gift  of  $1,000.  In  .May, 
1852,  the  first  Hoard  of  tni-stiies,  with  .Mr. 
Everett  as  president,  was  organized,  and  Mr. 
Joshua  Hates,  of  London,  made  his  first  donation 
of  1.50,000  for  the  use  of  the  library.  It  was 
fortunate  that  the  puhlicliorary  system  started 
where  it  did  and  under  the  supervision  of  the 
eminent  men  wlio  constituted  the  first  board  of 
trustees  of  tlie  Boston  Public  Library.  Mr. 
George  Ticknor  was  the  person  who  mapped  .)ut 
the  sagacious  policy  of  that  li!'rary  —  a  policy 
which  has  never  been  improved,  and  wliieli  lias 
been  adopted  by  all  the  public  lit)raries  in  tliis 
coun.i-y,  and,  in  its  main  features,  by  the  free 
libraries  of  England.  For  fifteen  years  or  more 
Mr.  Ticknor  gave  tlie  subject  his  personal  atten 
lion.  He  went  to  the  library  evervday,  ao  regu- 
larly as  any  of  tlie  employes,  and  devoted  several 
hours  to  the  minutest  dctjiils  of  its  administra- 
tion. Before  he  had  any  ofllcial  relati(nis  witli 
it,  he  gave  profound  consideration  to,  and  settled 
in  his  own  mind,  tlie  leading  principles  on  which 
the  library  should  be  conduced.  .  .  .  Started  as 
the  public-library  system  was  on  such  principles, 
and  under  the  guidance  of  these  eminent  men, 
libraries  spranjj  up  rapidly  in  Massaciiusetts,  and 
similar  legislation  was  adopted  in  other  States. 
Tlie  first  legislation  in  Massachusetts  was  timid. 
The  initiative  law  of  1848  allowed  the  city  of  Bos- 
ton to  spend  only  $5,000  a  year  on  its  Public 
Library,  which  has  since  expended  |125,000  a 
year.  Tlie  State  soon  abolished  all  limitation  to 
the  ainouiit  which  might  be  raised  for  library 
purposes.  New  Ilampsliire,  in  1849,  anticipated 
JIassachusetts,  by  two  years,  in  the  adoption  of 
a  general  library  law  JI»ine  followed  in  1854; 
Vermont  in  1865;  Ohio  in  1807;  'Jolorado,  Illi- 
nois, and  Wiscon.'-m  in  1872;  Indiana  and  Iowa 
in  1873;  Texas  in  1874;  Connecticut  and  Rhode 
Island  in  1875;  Michigan  and  Nebraska  in  1877; 
California  in  1878;  Missouri  and  New  Jersey  in 
1885;  Kansas  in  1888.  .  .  .  The  public  library 
law  of  Illinois,  adopted  in  1872,  and  since  enacted 
by  other  \\'estem  S^Uos,  is  more  elaborate  and 
complete  than  the  library  laws  of  any  of  the 
New  England  States.  .  .  .  The  law  of  Wiscon- 
sin is  similar  to  that  of  Illinris.  .  .  .  New  Jersey 
has  a  public-library  law  patterned  after  that  of 
Illinois." — W.  F.  Poole,  I'remhnt'g  Address  at 
the  annual  meeting  of  tlie  American  JAhrary  A»- 
nociation,  1887. — The  State  of  New  York  adopted 
a  library  law  in  1892,  under  which  tlie  creation 
of  free  libraries  has  been  promisingly  begun.  A 
law  liaving  like  effect  was  adopted  m  New 
Hampshire  in  1891. 

United  States  of  America :  Library  Statis- 
tics of  1891. — "As  to  the  early  statistics  of 
libraries  in  this  country  but  little  can  be  found. 
Prof.  Jowett,  in  his  '  Notices  of  Public  Libraries,' 
published  by  the  Smitlisoniun  Institution  in  1850, 
gave  a  suinmary  of  public  libraries,  amounting 
to  694  and  containing  at  that  time  3,201,633 
volumes.  In  the  census  of  1850  an  attempt  was 
made  to  give  the  number  of  libraries  ind  the 
number  of  volumes  they  contained,  exclusive  of 
school  and  Sunday  school  libraries.  This  num- 
ber was  1,560;  the  number  of  volumes,  2,447,086. 


In  1856  Mr.  Edward  Edwards  in  his  summary  of 
libraries  gave  a  much  smaller  nuinl)erof  libraries, 
being  only  341,  biH  the  number  of  volumes  was 
nearly  the  same,  being  2,H71,887,  and  was  also 
ba.se(l  upon  the  census  of  1850.  Mr.  William  J. 
Uhees,  in  his  '  Manual  of  Public  Libraries,'  which 
was  printed  in  1859,  gave  a  list  of  2,902  libraries, 
but  of  all  this  number  only  1,312  had  any  report 
whatever  of  the  number  of  volumes  they  con- 
tained. From  these  meager  statistics  it  is  seen 
that  the  reports  do  not  varv  very  much,  giving 
about  the  same  number  of  libraries  and  number 
of  volumes  in  them,  talking  account  of  the 
changes  that  would  occur  from  the  different 
classifications  as  to  what  was  excepted  or 
omitted  as  a  library.  The  annual  reports  of  the 
Bureau  from  1870  to  1874  contained  limited 
■Statistics  of  only  a  few  hundred  libraries,  ami 
little  more  is  shown  than  the  fact  that  there  were 
about  2,000  public  libraries  of  all  kinds  in  the 
United  States.  About  five  years  of  labor  was. 
expended  in  collecting  material  for  the  special 
report  of  tlie  Bureau  upon  public  libraries, 
which  was  printed  in  1876,  and  this  gave  a  list  of 
3,649  libraries  of  over  300  volumes,  and  the  total 
number  of  volumes  was  13,278,964,  this  being 
about  the  first  fairly  con.plete  collr:>tion  of 
library  statistics.  In  the  report  of  the  Bureau 
for  1884-85,  after  considerable  correspondence 
and  using  the  former  work  as  a  basis,  another 
list  of  imblic  libraries  was  published,  amounting 
to  5,3t)8  libraries  of  over  300  volumes,  an  in- 
crease of  1,869  libraries  in  ten  years,  or  almost 
54  per  cent.  The  number  of  volumes  contained 
in  these  libraries  at  that  time  was  20,632,078,  or 
an  increase  of  about  6<)  per  cent,  and  sliowing 
tliat  the  percentage  of  increase  in  the  number  of 
volumes  was  even  greater  than  that  of  the  num- 
ber of  libraries.  An  estimate  of  the  proportion 
of  smaller  libraries  under  500  volumes  in  that 
list  indicates  that  tiiese  smaller  libraries  included 
only  about  20  per  cent  of  the  books,  so  that  this 
list  could  be  said  to  fairly  show  the  extent  of  the 
libraries  at  that  time.  In  tlie  report  for  1886-87, 
detailed  statistics  of  the  various  classes  of 
libraries  were  given,  except  those  of  colleges  and 
schools,  which  were  included  in  the  statistics  of 
those  institutioiis.  From  the  uncertainty  of  the 
data  and  the  imperfect  records  given  of  the  very 
small  libraries,  it  was  deemed  best  to  restrict  the 
statistics  to  collections  of  books  that  mi;.'ht  be 
fairly  called  representative,  and  as  those  liaving 
less  than  1,000  volumes  made  but  a  proportionally 
small  percentage  of  the  whole  number  of  books 
the  basis  of  1,000  volumes  or  over  was  *aken. 
This  list  includes  the  statistics  only  of  libraries  of 
this  size  and  amounted  to  1,777  libraries,  con- 
taining 14,012,370  volumes,  and  were  arranged 
in  separate  lists  by  cla.sscs  as  far  as  it  could  be 
done.  .  .  .  The  number  of  libraries  and  of 
volumes  in  each  of  the  seven  special  classes  in 
the  report  made  in  1887  was  as  follows:  Free 
public  lending  libraries,  434;  volumes,  3,721,191 ; 
free  public  reference  libraries,  153;  volumes, 
3,075,099;  free  public  schcwl  libraries,  93;  vol- 
umes, 177,560;  free  corporate  lendini;  libraries, 
341;  volumes  1,727,870;  libraries  of  clubs,  asso- 
ciations, etc.,  341;  volumes,  3,460,884;  subscrip- 
tion corporate  libraries,  453;  volumes,  2,644,929; 
and  circulating  libraries  proper,  751 ;  volunies, 
315,487.  The  statistics  [now]  given  .  .  ,  are  for 
the  year  1891,  and  include  only  libniries  of  1,000 
volumes  and  over,  thus  differing  from  the  com- 


2020 


LIBRARIES. 


LIBRARIES. 


plete  report  of  1885.  .  .  .  There  were,  in  1801, 
3,804  libraries.  Of  these,  3  contain  nvir  rm.mn 
volumes;  1  between  3(M),()()0  and  500,000;  20  be- 
tween 100,000  and  300,000;  08  between  ,'iO,0(l() 
nud  100,000;  128  between  2r,,000  and  50,000;  383 
between  10,000  and  25,000;  505  between  5,000 
and  10,000;  and  2,360  between  1,000  and  5,000. 
.  .  .  The  North  Atlantic  Division  contains  1,913 
libraries,  or  50.3  percent  of  tlie  wliolc  number; 
the  South  Atlantic,  330,  or  8.88  per  cent;  the 
South  Central,  256,  or  0.73  per  cent;  the  North 
Central,  1,098,  or  28.87  per  cent,  and  the  West- 
ern, 198,  or  5.32  per  cent.  Of  tlie  distribution  of 
volumes  in  tlie  libraries,  the  North  Atlantic  Di- 
vision has  10,605,286 or  53.34  per  cent;  the  Soutli 
Atlantic,  4,276,894,  or  13.71  per  cent;  tlie  South 
Central  1,345,708,  or  4.03  per  cent;  the  North 
Central,  7,820,045,  or  23.33  per  cent;  and  the 
Western,  1,598,974,  or  5.34  per  cent.  .  .  .  From 
[1885  to  1891]  the  increase  in  the  United  StJites 
in  the  number  of  libraries  was  from  2,087  to 
3,804,  an  increase  of  817,  or  27.35  per  cent;  in 
the  North  Atlantic,  from  1,543  to  1,913,  an  in- 
crease of  370,  or  24  per  cent ;  in  the  South  At- 
lantic, from  289  to  388,  an  increase  of  49,  or  17 
per  cent ;  in  the  South  Central,  from  201  to  256, 
an  increase  of  55,  or  27.5  per  cent;  in  the  Nortli 
Central,  from  813  to  1,099,  an  increase  of  280,  or 
85. 18  per  cent ;  and  in  the  Western,  from  141  to 
198,  an  increase  of  57,  or  40.43  per  cent.  Tliese 
figures  sliow  that,  comparatively,  the  largest  in- 
crease in  the  number  of  libraries  was  in  the 
W^estern  Division,  and  of  the  number  of  volumes 
the  greatest  increase  was  in  the  North  Central 
Division.  The  percentage  of  increase  in  the 
whole  country  was  66.3  for  si.\  years,  or  an 
average  of  over  11  per  cent  each  year,  whicli  at 
this  rate  would  double  the  ti  umber  of  volumes 
and  libraries  every  nine  years.  ...  In  the 
United  States  in  1885  tliere  was  one  library  to 
each  18,823  of  the  population,  while  in  18P1 
there  was  one  to  every  16,462,  or  a  decrease  of 
population  to  a  library  oi  2,360,  or  12.5  percent; 
in  the  NortL  Atlantic  Division  tlie  decrease  was 
from  10,246  to  9,096,  1,150,  or  11.2  per  cent;  in 
tlie  .South  Atlantic,  from  28,740  to  26,200,  3,534,  or 
8.08  per  cent;  in  the  South  Central,  from  48,974 
to  42,863,  6,111,  or  12.5  per  cent;  in  the  North 
Central,  from  24,807  to  20,348,  4,459,  or  18  per 
cent;  and  in  the  Western,  from  15,557  to  15,290, 
277  or  1.8  per  cent.  The  distribution  of  libra- 
ries in  the  North  Atlantic  Division  shows  the 
smallest  average  population  to  a  library  and  the 
least  change  in  the  number,  except  the  Western 
Division,  where  the  increase  of  population  from 
immifrration  has  oeen  greater  than  the  increase 
in  the  number  of  libraries.  But,  generally,  tlie 
establishment  and  growth  in  the  size  of  libraries 
liave  been  very  large  in  nearly  every  section. 
.  .  .  This  shows  that  in  1885  there  were  in  tlie 
United  States  in  the  libraries  of  the  size  men- 
tioned 34  bools'i  to  every  100  of  the  population, 
while  in  1891  tliis  number  was  50,  or  an  incre;  .-.e 
of  16  books,  or  47  per  cent.  In  the  North  At- 
lantic Division  the  increase  was  from  66  to  95,  an 
increase  of  29  books,  or  84  per  cent ;  in  the  South 
Atlantic,  from  84  to  48,  an  increase  of  14,  or  41 
per  cent ;  in  the  South  Centml,  from  9  to  12,  an 
increase  of  8,  or  83.83  per  cent;  In  the  North 
Central,  from  30  to  83,  an  increase  of  13,  or  65 
per  cent;  and  in  the  Western,  from  43  to  53,  an 
increase  of  10,  or  23  per  cen(  These  figures 
show  that,  comparatively,  the  largest  incrt-ose  of 


books  to  population  has  been  in  the  great  Nofth- 
wcst,  over  11  per  cent  each  year.  In  tlie  whole 
country  there  has  been  an  average  increase  of 
7.8  per  cent  per  annum;  thiit  is,  tlie  increase  of 
tlie  niimlicr  of  books  iu  the  libraries  of  the 
country  has  been  7.8  per  cent  greater  than  the 
increase  of  the  population  during  tlie  past  six 
years."  —  W.  Flint,  StatUtiai  of  Puhlic  Librarie^i 
\U.  S.  liureau  of  £kl.,  Cire.  of  Information,  No.  7, 
180 ,). 

United  States  of  America :  Massachusetts 
Free  Libraries. — "In  1839  the  Hon.  Horace 
Mann,  then  Secretarj'  of  the  Board  of  iOducation, 
stated  as  the  result  of  a  careful  effort  to  ob'ain 
authentic  information  relative  to  the  libraries  in 
the  State,  that  there  were  from  ten  to  fifteen  town 
libraries,  containing  in  the  aggregate  from  three 
to  four  thousand  volumes,  to  which  all  the  ciM- 
zens  of  tlie  town  had  the  riglitof  access;  that  the 
aggregate  number  of  volumes  in  the  public  libra- 
ries, of  all  kinds,  in  tlie  State  was  about  300,000; 
and  that  but  little  more  than  100,000  persons,  or 
one-seventh  of  the  population  of  thu  State,  hail 
any  right  of  access  to  them.  A  little  over  a  half 
century  has  passed.  There  are  now  175  towns 
and  cities  having  free  public  libraries  under  mu- 
nicipal control,  and  248  of  the  351  towns  and 
cities  contain  libraries  in  whicli  the  people  have 
rights  or  nee  privileges.  There  uie  about 
2,500,000  volumes  in  tliese  libraries,  available  for 
the  use  of  2,104,224  of  the  2,238,943  inliabitants 
which  the  State  contains  according  to  the  census 
of  1890.  The  gifts  of  individuals  in  money,  not 
including  gifts  of  books,  for  libiaries  and  lil.rary 
buildings,  excei  d  five  and  a  half  million  dollars. 
Tliere  are  still  108  towns  in  the  State,  with  an 
aggregate  population  of  134,719,  which  do  not 
have  the  I'eneflt  of  t!ie  free  use  of  a  public 
library.  These  are  almost  witliout  exception 
small  towns,  with  a  slender  valuation,  and  07  of 
them  sliow  a  decline  in  population  in  the  past 
five  years.  The  State  has  taken  the  initiative  in 
aiding  the  formation  of  free  public  libraries  in 
such  towns. " — First  Report  of  the  Free  Public  Li- 
brary Commission  of  Massachusetts,  1891,  prcf. — 
Tlie  second  report  of  the  Commissioners,  1893, 
showed  an  addition  of  36  to  the  towns  which 
have  establislied  free  public  libraries. 

United  States  of  Americj. :  The  American 
Library  Association. — A  ;'.istinctlj'  ne\v  era  in 
tlie  history  of  American  libraries  —  and  in  the 
history,  it  may  be  .» .id,  of  libraries  throughout 
the  English-speaking  world, —  was  opened,  in 
1876,  by  the  meeting  of  a  conference  of  iibmrians 
at  Philadelphia,  during  the  Centennial  Exhibi- 
tion of  the  summer  of  that  year.  The  first  fruit 
of  the  conference  was  tlie  organization  of  a  per- 
manent American  Library  Association,  which  has 
held  annual  .nettings  since,  bringing  largo  num- 
bers of  the  librarians  oi  the  country  together  ev-  ry 
year,  making  common  property  of  their  experi- 
ence, tlieir  knowledge,  their  ideas, —  animating 
them  with  a  com  .non  spirit,  and  enlistinc  thein  in 
important  undertakings  of  cooperative  work.  Al- 
most simultaneously  with  the  Philadelpliia  meet- 
ing, but  earlier,  tliere  was  issued  the  first  num- 
ber of  a  "Library  Journal,"  called  into  beinr-  by 
the  sagacious  energy  of  the  same  small  bund  of 
pioneers  who  planned  and  brought  about  the 
conference.  The  Library  Journal  became  the 
organ  of  the  American  Library  Association,  and 
each  was  stimulated  and  sustained  by  the  other. 
Their  combined  influence  has  acted  powerfully 


2021 


LIBRAKIES. 


America. 


LIBRARIES. 


upon  tlioso  engngcd  in  llio  work  of  Amt-rieun 
libniricB,  to  elevate  tlieir  iilnis,  to  increase  their 
cfflciency,  nnd  to  nmke  tlieir  nvocu'.'on  a  recog- 
nized profession,  exacting  well-dctlned  qualifica- 
tions. The  general  result  among  th-  libraries  of 
the  country  has  been  an  increa.se  i.!  public  use- 
fulness beyond  measure.  To  this  renaissance  in 
the  library  world  many  persons  contri!)uted;  but 
its  leading  spiriis  were  Melvil  Dewey,  latterly 
Director  of  the  New  York  State  Library;  Justin 
Winsor,  Librarian  of  Harvard  University,  for- 
merly of  the  Boston  Public  Library;  the  late 
William  F.  Poole,  LL.D.,  Librarian  of  the 
Newberry  Library  nnd  formerly  of  the  Chicago 
Public  Library;  Charles  A.  (Gutter,  lately  Li- 
brarian of  the  iJoston  Athcnreum ;  the  late  Fred- 
erick Fvcypoldt,  Irst  publisher  of  the  "  Library 
Journal,"  and  his  successor,  H.  U.  Bowkcr. 
Tlie  new  library  spirit  was  happily  defined  by 
James  Russell  Lowell,  in  his  address  delivered 
at  the  opening  of  a  free  public  library  in  Ciielsea, 
Mas,s.,  and  published  in  tlie  volume  of  his  works 
entitled  "Democracy  and  other  Addresses": 
"  Formerly,"  he  said,  "the  duty  of  a  librarian 
was  considered  too  mucli  that  of  a  watch-dog,  to 
keep  people  as  much  as  iiosslble  away  from  the 
books,  and  to  hand  these  over  to  his  successor  as 
little  worn  by  use  as  he  could.  Librarians  now, 
it  is  pleasant  to  see,  have  a  different  uoiion  of 
their  trust,  and  arc  in  the  habit  of  preparing,  for 
tlie  direction  of  the  inexperienced,  lists  of  sucli 
books  as  they  think  best  worth  reading.  Cata- 
loguing has  also,  thanks  in  great  measure  to 
American  librarians,  become  a  science,  and  cata- 
logues, ceasing  to  be  labyrinths  without  a  clew, 
arc  furnish'jd  with  finger-posts  at  every  turn. 
Subject  catalogues  again  save  the  beginner  n 
vast  deal  of  time  and  trouble  by  supplying  him 
for  nothing  with  one  at  least  of  the  results  of 
thorough  scholarship,  the  knowing  where  to 
look  for  what  he  wants.  I  do  not  mean  by  this 
that  tliere  is  or  can  be  any  short  cut  lo  learning, 
but  that  there  may  be,  and  is,  such  a  short  cut 
to  information  tjiat  will  make  learning  more 
easily  accessible." 

The  organization  of  the  American  Library  As- 
sociation led  to  the  formation,  in  1877,  of  the 
Library  Association  of  the  United  Kingdom, 
which  was  incident  to  the  meeting  of  an  inter- 
national conference  of  Librarians  held  in  London. 
United  States  of  America :  Principal  Libra- 
ries.—  The  following  are  the  libraries  in  tlic 
United  States  which  exceeded  100,000  volumes  in 
1891,  as  reported  In  the  "Statistics  of  Public 
Libraries"  published  by  the  Bureau  of  Educa- 
tion. The  name  of  each  library  is  preceded  by 
the  date  of  its  foundation : 
1688.     Harvard  University  Library,  292, 000  vols. ; 

278,097  pamps. 
1701.     Yale  College  Library,  New  Haven,  185,- 

000  vols. ;  100,000  pamps. 
1731.     Philadelphia  Library  Company,    165,487 

vols. ;  30,000  pamps. 
1749.     University  of  Pa.,  Pliila.,  100,000  vols.; 

100,000  pamps. 
1754.    ColiuTibia   College  Library,  New  York, 

135,000  vols. 
1789.     Library  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

Washington,  125,000  vols. 
1800.     Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  659,- 

843  vols. ;  210,000  pamps. 
1807.    Boston  Athenseum,  173,831  vols. ;  70,000 
;    '  -         pamps. 


1818.     New  Yor'..  State  Library,  Albany,  157, 114 
vols. 

1820.  New  York  Mercantile  Library,  New  York, 

239,793  vols. 

1821.  Philadolphia  Mercantile  Library,  166,000 

vols.  ;  10,000  pamps. 
1820.     Maryland  State  Library,  Annapolis,  100,- 

000  vols. 
1840.     Astor  Library,  New  Y'ork,  238,046  vols. ; 

12,000  pamps. 
1852.     Boston  Public  Jvibrary,  558,288  vols. 
1857.     Brooklyn  Library,   113,251  vols. ;  21,500 

pamps. 
1857.     Peabody    Institute,    Baltimore,     110,000 

vols.  ;  13,500  pamps. 
1805.     Library  of  the  Surgeon-General's  Ofilce, 

Washington,    104,300     vols. ;     161,700 

pamps. 
1865.     Detr  ;l  Public  Library,  108,720  vols. 

1867.  Cincinnati  Public  Library,  156,67!     '      ; 

18,326  pamps. 

1868.  Cornell  University  Library,  Ithaca,  N.  Y., 

111,007  vols. ;  25,000  pamps. 
1872.     Chicago  Public   Library,   175,874  vols. ; 

25,203  pamps. 
1882.     Enoch    Pratt    Free   Library,    Baltimore, 

106,003  vols. ;  1,.500  pamps. 

1890.  University  of  Chicago  Library,   280,000 

vols. 

1891.  Sutro   Library,    San    Francisco,    200,000 

vols. 

United  States  of  America :  Library  Gifts. 
—  A  remarkable  number  of  the  free  public  libra- 
ries of  the  United  States  are  the  creations  of  pri- 
vate wealth,  munificently  emi)loyed  for  the  com- 
mon good.  The  greater  institutions  which  have 
this  origin  are  the  Astor  Library  iu  New  York, 
founded  by  John  Jacob  Astor  and  enriched  by 
his  descendants;  the  Leaox  Library  in  New 
York,  founded  by  James  Lenox ;  the  Peabixly 
Institute,  in  Baltimore,  founded  by  George  Pea- 
body  ;  the  Enoch  Pratt  Free  Library,  in  Balti- 
more, founded  by  the  gentleman  whose  name  it 
bears;  the  Newberry  Library,  in  Chicago, 
founded  by  the  will  of  AValter  L.  Newberry, 
who  died  in  1868;  the  Sutro  Library  in  San 
Francisco,  founded  by  Adolph  Sutro,  and  the 
Carnegie  Libraries  founded  at  Pittsburg,  Alle- 
ghany City  and  Braddock  by  Andrew  Carnegie. 
By  the  will  of  John  Crerar,  who  died  in  1889, 
trustees  for  Cliicago  are  in  possession  of  an  estate 
estimated  at  $2,500,000  or  $3,000,000,  for  tlie  en- 
dowment of  a  library  which  will  soon  exist.  The 
intention  of  the  late  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  former 
Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  to  apply  the 
greater  part  of  his  immense  estate  to  the  endow- 
ment of  a  free  library  in  tlie  City  of  New  York, 
has  been  pai  tially  defeated  by  contesting  heirs; 
but  the  just  feeling  of  one  among  the  heirs  has 
restored  $3,000,000  to  the  purpose  for  which 
$5,000,000  was  appropriated  in  Mr.  Tilden's 
intent.  Steps  preparatory  to  tlie  creation  of  the 
library  are  in  progress.  Tlie  lesser  libraries,  and 
institutions  including  libraries  of  considerable 
importance,  which  owe  their  origin  to  the  public 
spirit  and  generosity  of  individual  men  of  wealth, 
are  quite  too  numerous  in  the  country  to  be  cata- 
logued in  this  place.  In  addition  to  such,  the 
l)e  quests  and  gifts  which  have  enriched  the  en- 
dowment of  libraries  otherwise  founded  are 
beyond  computation. 

United  States  of  America:  GoTernment 
Departmental   Libraries  at  Washington. —  A 


2022 


LinnAniEa. 


AmtrUa, 


LinnARiES. 


ruinarknblo  crcntiDn  of  siicciiil  libmripsronnootcd 
witli  th(!  (lopartinciits and  liumiimof  till!  national 
Oovcrnmcnt,  lias  occurred  within  a  few  yours 
past.  Tlic  more  import4tnt  anion);  them  arc  tlio 
followinj; :  Department  of  Agriculture,  30,000  vol- 
umes and  15,000  pamphlets;  Department  of  Jus- 
tice, 31,500  volumes;  Departnientof  State,50,0()0 
volumes;  Department  of  the  Interior,  11,500; 
Navy  Department,  34,518;  I'ost  (Xlicc  Depart- 
ment,  10,000;  Patent  Olllcn  Scieiitillo  Library, 
50,000  volumes  and  10,000  paniphleis;  Signal 
Ollicc,  10,540  volumes;  Surgeon  General's  Olliee, 
104,300  volumes  and  101,700  namphlets  (rcput'-'l 
to  be  tlie  best  collection  of  medical  literature,  as 
it  is  certainly  the  best  catalogued  medical  library, 
in  tlie  worm);  Treasury  Department,  31,000  vol- 
umes; Uureau  of  Education,  45,000  volumes  and 
130,000  pamphlets;  Coast  and  Qecxletic  Survey, 
13,000  volumes  nn(i  4,<)00  pamphlets;  Geological 
Hurvey,  30,414  volumes,  and  43,917  pamphlets; 
Naval  Observatory,  13,000  volumes  and  8,0>  0 
pamphlets;  United  States  Senate,  73,593  vol- 
umes; United  States  Ilorso  of  Uepresentatlvjs, 
135,000  (both  of  these  being  distinct  from  the 
great  Library  of  Congress,  wliicli  contained,  in 
1891,  059,843  volumes);  War  Department,  30,000 
volumes. 

Canada. — "In  1779  a  number  of  the  officers 
stationed  at  Quebec,  and  of  the  leading  mer- 
cliants,  undertook  the  formation  of  a  subscrip- 
tion library.  The  Governor,  General  Ilaldimand, 
took  an  active  part  in  the  work,  and  ordered  on 
behalf  of  the  subscribers  £500  worth  of  books 
from  London.  Tlic  selection  was  entrusted  to 
Ricliard  Cumberland,  the  dramatist;  and  an  in- 
teresting letter  from  the  Governor  addressed  to 
him,  describing  tlie  literary  wants  of  the  town 
and  the  class  of  books  to  be  sent,  is  now  in  the 
Public  Arcinves.  A  room  for  their  reception 
was  granted  iu  tlic  Bishop's  Palace ;  and  as  late 
as  1806,  we  learn  from  Lambert's  Travels  that 
it  was  tlie  only  library  [?]  iu  Canada.  Removed 
several  times,  it  slowly  increased,  until  in  1883 
it  numbered  4,000  volumes.  The  list  of  sub- 
scribers having  become  very  much  reduced,  it 
was  leased  to  the  Quebec  Literary  Association 
in  1843.  In  1854  a  portion  of  it  was  burnt  with 
the  Parliament  Buildings,  where  it  was  then 
quartered;  and  finally  in  1806  the  entire  library, 
consisting  of  6,990  volumes,  were  sold,  subject 
to  conditions,  to  the  Literary  and  Historical  So- 
ciety for  a  nominal  sum  of  |B00.  .  .  .  Naturally 
on  the  organization  of  each  of  the  provinces, 
libraries  were  established  in  connection  with  the 
Parliaments.  We  have  therefore  the  following: 
—  Nova  Scotia,  Halifa.\,  25,319;  New  Brunswick, 
Predericton,  10,850;  Prince  Ed.  Island,  Char 
lottetown,  4,000;  Quebec,  Quebec,  17,400;  On- 
tario, Toronto,  40,000;  Manitoba,  Winnipeg, 
10,000;  Northwest  Territory,  Uegina,  1,480; 
British  Columbia,  Victoria,  1,300;  Dominion  of 
Canada,  Ottawa,  120,000.  Total  volumes  in 
Parliamentary  libraries,  230,249.  By  far  the 
most  important  of  our  Canadian  libraries  is  the 
Dominion  Library  of  Parliament  at  Ottawa. 
Almost  corresixmding  with  the  Congressional 
Library  at  Washington  in  its  sources  of  income 
and  work,  it  has  grown  rapidly  during  the  past 
ten  years,  and  now  numbers  130,000  volumes. 
Originally  established  on  the  union  of  the  prov- 
inces of  tjpper  and  Lower  Canada  in  1841,  it  was 
successively  removed  with  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment from  Kingston  to  Montreal,  to  Quebec,  to 


Toronto,  again  to  Quebec,  and  finally  to  Ottawa. 
.  .  .  The  38  colleges  in  Canada  are  provided 
with  libraries  containing  429.470  volumes,  or  an 
avcragt!  of  11,303.  The  senior  of  these,  Laval 
College,  Quebec,  is  famous  as  being,  after  Har- 
vard, the  oldest  on  the  continent,  being  founded 

by  Bishop  Laval  in  1003 In  1848  tlu    late 

Dr.  Uycrson,  Superintendent  of  Education  from 
1844-1870,  drafted  a  school  bill  whi<;i  coiilaincd 
provisions  for  school  and  township  lllirarics,  and 
succeeded  in  awakening  ii  deep  interest  in  the 
subject.  ...  In  1854  Parliiimiiit  pa.ssed  the 
recjuisite  act  and  granted  him  the  necessary  funds 
to  carry  out  his  views  in  the  matter.  The  regu- 
lations of  the  department  authorized  each  county 
council  to  establish  four  clas.ses  of  libraries —  1. 
An  ordinary  common  scluxil  library  in  each 
sclioolhouse  for  the  use  of  the  children  and  rate- 
payers. 3.  A  general  public  lending  library 
available  to  all  the  ratepayers  in  the  municipal- 
ity. 3.  A  professional  library  of  books  on 
teaching,  school  organization,  language,  and 
kindred  subjects,  available  for  teachers  only.  4. 
A  library  in  any  public  institution  under  the  con- 
trol of  the  municipalit}',  for  the  use  of  the  in- 
mates, or  in  any  county  jail,  for  the  use  of  the 
prisoners.  .  .  .  The  proposal  to  establish  the 
second  class  was  however  premature;  and  ac- 
cordingly, finding  that  mechanics  institutes  were 
being  ueveloned  throughout  the  towns  and  vil- 
lages, the  Educational  Department  wisely  aided 
.  the  movement  by  giving  a  small  grant  propor- 
tionate to  the  amount  contributed  by  tlic  ■nem- 
bcrs  and  reaching  a  maximum  of  $200,  afterwards 
increased  to  $400  annually.  In  1869  these  had 
grown  to  number  20;  in  1880,  74;  and  in  1880. 
135.  The  number  of  volumes  pos.sessed  by  these 
135  is  306,146,  or  an  average  of  1,650.  ...  In 
the  cities,  however,  the  mechanics  institute,  with 
its  limited  number  of  subscribers,  has  been  found 
unequal  to  the  task  assigned  it,  and  nccordingly, 
in  1882,  the  Free  Libraries  Act  was  passed,  based 
upon  similar  enactments  in  Britain  and  the  United 
States.  ...  By  the  Free  Libraries  Act,  the 
maximum  of  taxation  is  fixed  at  i  a  mill  on  the 
annual  assessment.  .  .  .  None  of  the  other  prov- 
inces have  followed  Ontario  in  this  matter." — 
J.  Bain,  Brief  Ileview  of  the  Libraries  nf  Ciinndd 
{T/ioiimind hlands  Vonferenctnf  LibrariiiM,  1887). 
—  "The  total  numberof  public  libraries  in  Can- 
ada of  all  kinds  containing  1,000  or  more  vol- 
umes is  303,  and  of  this  number  the  Province  of 
Ontjirio  alone  has  153,  or  over  three-fourths  of 
all,  while  Quebec  has  37  or  over  one-half  of  the 
remaining  fourth,  the  other  provinces  having 
from  3  to  6  libraries  eacli.  The  total  number  of 
volumes  and  pamphlets  in  all  the  libraries  re- 
ported is  1,478,910,  of  which  the  Provinec  of 
Ontario  has  863,332  volumes,  or  almost  60  per 
cent,  while  the  Province  of  Quebec  has  490,354, 
or  over  33  percent;  Nova  Scotia,  48,350  volumes, 
or  -Si  percent;  New  Brunswick,  34,894  volumes, 
a  little  over  2^  per  cent;  Manitoba,  31,035  vol- 
umes, or  St^u  per  cent ;  British  Columbia,  10,335 
volumes,  or  not  quite  -^  oi  \  per  cent;  and 
Prince  Edw.ird  Island,  5,300  volumes,  or  over  ■j'j 
of  1  percent  of  the  total  number." — W.  Flint, 
Statistics  [1891  To/  Public  Librariei  in  t/ie  IT.  8. 
and  Canadu  (U.  8.  Bureau  of  Education,  Cir- 
cular of  Infonmition  No.  7,  1893). 

Mexico. — The  National  Library  of  Mexico 
contains  155,000  books,  besides  manuscripts  and 
pamphir  3. 


2023 


LIBRARIES 


China  and  Jajxtn. 


LIBUAUIES. 


China.— The  Imperial  Library,— "It  wrwld 
Im' HiirprisitiK  If  it  piiiplc  like  tlu^  Cliiiicsc,  who 
liiive  the  HUTiiry  iiisthu't  so  Htrongly  developed, 
had  not  lit  an  eiirlv  diitc  found  the  necessity  of 
those  jfreiit  eolleetions  of  l)ooks  wliicli  iiR'  the 
meium  for  eiirrviiig  on  tlie  great  work  of  elvillzn- 
tion.  Cliinii  liiid  lier  first  great  l)ihliotlieeal 
riitastroi)lie  two  renturies  before  tlic  C'liristian 
era,  wlieii  the  famous  edict  for  tlic  l)urning  of 
tlie  liooks  was  pronuilgatcd.  Literature  and 
despotism  liavo  never  heen  on  very  goixl  terms, 
and  tlie  desjiot  of  Tsin,  tin<iing  a  power  at  worlj 
wldch  was  unfavorulih'  to  his  pretensions,  deter- 
mined to  liavc  ali  l)ook8  (iestroycd  except  tlioso 
relating  to  agriculture,  divination  and  tlic  Ids- 
tory  of  liis  own  liouso.  His  liatred  to  books  in- 
cluded tlie  makers  of  tliem,  and  the  literati  have 
not  failed  to  make  his  name  execrated  for  Ids 
double  murders  of  men  and  books.  Wlien  tlie 
brief  dynasty  of  Tsin  passe<I,  tlie  Princes  of  Uiui 
siiowed  more  ajipreeiatiou  of  culture,  and  in  190 
B.  C.  the  atrocious  edict  was  repealed,  and  the 
greatest  efforts  made  to  recover  such  literary 
treasures  as  had  escaped  the  destroyer.  Some 
classics  are  said  to  have  been  rewritten  from  tlic 
dictation  of  scholars  who  had  committeci  them 
to  memory.  Some  rolibers  broke  open  the  tomb 
of  .Seang,  ICing  of  Wei,  who  died  15.  C.  205,  a'.i<l 
found  in  it  bamboo  tablets  containing  more  tiian 
100,000  peen  [bamlioo  slips].  These  included  a 
copy  of  the  Classic  of  Changes  and  the  Annals 
of  the  Bamboo  Books,  which  Indeed  take  their 
title  from  tliis  circumstance.  This  treasure 
trove  was  placed  in  tlie  Imperial  Library.  So 
the  Shooking  is  said  to  have  been  found  in  a 
wall  where  it  had  been  liidden  by  a  descenda  it 
of  '^'onfuciiis,  ou  the  proclamation  of  llie  edict 
against  books.  Towards  the  close  of  tlie  first 
century  a  library  liad  been  formed  by  Lew 
Ileang  and  his  son  Lew  Ilin.  .  .  .  Succeeding 
dynasties  imitated  more  or  less  this  policy,  and 
under  the  later  llan  dynasty  great  efforts  were 
niiulo  to  restore  the  iilirary.  ...  In  the  troubles 
at  the  close  of  the  second  century  the  palace  at 
Lo-Yang  was  burned,  and  tlie  greater  part  of 
the  liooks  destroyed.  .  .  .  Anotlier  Imperial  col- 
lection at  LoYang,  amounting  to  29,945  books, 
was  destroyed  A.  D.  311.  In  A.  D.  4;!  .  Seily 
Ling-Yuen,  the  keeper  of  tlie  archives,  made  a 
catalogue  of  4,583  books  in  ids  custody.  Another 
catalogue  was  compiled  in  473,  and  recorded 
5,704  books.  Buddliism  and  Taouism  now  be- 
gan to  contribute  largely  to  the  national  litera- 
ture. Amongst  tlie  other  consequences  of  the 
overthrow  of  the  Tse  dynasty  at  the  end  of  tlie 
fifth  century  was  tlic  destruction  of  the  royal' 
library  of  18,010  liooks.  Early  in  the  next  cen- 
tury a  collection  of  33,106  books,  not  including 
the  Buddhist  literature,  was  made  cliiefly,  it  is 
said,  liy  the  exertions  of  Jin  Fang,  tlic  olflcial 
curator.  The  Emperor  Yuen-tc  removed  his 
library,  then  amounting  to  70,000  books,  to  King 
Cliow,  and  the  building  was  burnt  down  when 
he  was  tlireatened  by  the  troops  of  Chow.  The 
library  of  the  later  'Wei  dynasty  was  dispersed 
in  the  insurrection  of  531,  and  the  efforts  made 
to  restore  it  were  not  altogetlier  successful. 
The  later  Chow  collected  a  library  of  10,000 
books,  and,  on  the  overthrow  of  tlie  Tse  dynasty, 
this  was  increased  by  a  mass  of  5,000  mss.  oli- 
tained  from  the  fallen  dynasty.  When  towards 
the  close  of  the  sixth  century  tlie  Suy  became 
masters  of  the  empire  they  began  to  accumulate 


books.  .  .  .  Tlie  Tang  dynasty  are  specially  re- 
markable for  their  patronage  of  lilerafre. 
Early  in  the  elglith  century  the  catalogue  ex- 
tended to  5!),015  books,  and  a  collection  of  recent 
authors  iniluded  28,400  books.  Printing  liegan 
to  superse<le  manuscript  in  tlic  tenth  century, 
plentiful  editions  of  tiio  cia.ssics  ap|icared  and 
voluminous  compilations.  Whilst  the  Sung 
were  great  patrons  of  literature,  tlie  Leaoii  were 
at  least  lukewarm,  and  issued  an  edict  prohitiit- 
ing  the  [irinting  of  books  by  private  persoiw. 
The  Kin  had  liooks  translated  into  their  own 
tongue,  for  tlie  lienefit  of  the  then  Jlongolian 
suiijects.  A  similar  policy  was  pursued  iiy  the 
Yuen  dynasty,  under  wlio'm  dramatic  literature 
and  fiction  began  to  fiourish  In  the  year  1400, 
the  printed  books  in  the  Iniijorial  Library  are 
said  to  have  amounted  to  '500,000  printed  books 
and  twice  the  numlier  of  ins«.  .  .  .  The  great 
Imperial  Lilirary  was  foun''ed  by  K'in  Lung  in 
tlie  hi.st  century.  In  response  to  an  imperial 
edict,  many  of  the  literati  anil  book-lovers  placed 
rare  editions  at  tlio  service  of  the  governinent, 
to  lie  copied.  Tlie  Imperial  Library  lias  many 
of  its  books,  therefore,  in  mss.  Chinese  print- 
ing, however,  is  only  an  imperfect  copy  of  the 
callgraphy  of  good  scribes.  Four  copies  were 
made  of  each  work.  One  was  destined  for  tlie 
Wan  Y'uen  Hepository  at  Peking ;  a  second  for 
tlie  Wan-tsung  Hepository  at  Kang-ning,  the 
capital  of  Kiang-su  province;  a  tliird  for  the 
Wan-hwui  Repository  at  Yang-cliou-fc,  and  the 
fourth  for  the  Wan-Ian  Repository  at  Iloug-Ciiou, 
the  capital  of  Clieh-Kiang.  A  catalogue  was 
published  from  which  it  appears  tliat  the  library 
contained  from  ten  to  twelve  thousaud  distinct 
works,  occupying  168,000  volumes.  The  cata- 
logue is  in  eifect  an  annotated  list  of  Chinese 
lit"rature,  and  includes  the  works  which  were 
still  wanting  to  the  lilirary  and  deemed  essential 
to  its  completion.  Dr  D.  J.  McQowan,  who 
visited  the  Ilong-Chou  collection,  says  that  it 
was  really  intended  for  a  public  library,  and 
tliat  those  who  applied  for  permission  to  tlic 
local  authorities,  not  only  were  allowed  access, 
but  were  afforded  facilities  for  obtaining  food 
and  lodging,  '  but  from  some  cause  or  other  the 
library  is  rarely  or  never  consulted.'  Besides 
the  Imperial,  there  are  Provincial,  Departmental 
and  District  Libraries.  Thus,  the  examination 
hall  of  every  town  will  contain  the  standard 
classical  and  liistorical  hooks.  At  Canton  and 
otiier  cities  there  are  extensive  collections,  but 
their  use  is  restricted  to  tlio  mandarins.  Tliere 
are  collections  of  books  and  sometimes  printing 
presses  in  connection  witli  tlie  Buddhist  monas- 
teries. " — W.  E.  A.  Axon,  Kotes  on  Chines')  Libra- 
ries {Library  Journal,  Jan.  and  Feb.,  1880). — For 
an  account  of  tlie  ancient  library  of  Cliinese 
classics  in  stone,  see  Education,  Ancient: 
China. 

Japan. — "The  Tokyo  Library  is  national  in 
its  cliaracter,  as  the  Congressional  Library  of  the 
United  States,  the  British  Museum  or  Great 
Britain,  etc.  It  is  maintained  by  tlie  State,  and 
by  the  copyright  AC  it  is  to  receive  a  copy  of 
every  book,  pamphlet,  etc.,  published  in  the 
empire.  The  Tokyo  Library  was  established  in 
1872  liy  tlie  Department  of  Education  with  about 
70,000  volumes.  In  1873  it  was  amalgamated 
with  the  library  belonging  to  the  Exhibition 
Bureau  and  two  years  later  it  was  placed  under 
the  control  of  the  Uomc  Department,  while  a 


2024 


LinUARIES. 


LICTORS. 


new  libmry  with  tlic  titlo  of  Tnkyn  Llbrnry  wns 
8ti< 'tc'd  liy  llic  r.ducntloii  IK'piirtmi'iit  at  the  saiiu; 
time  with  iiboiit  28,000  vohiini'N  newly  collected. 
TliUH  the  Tokyo  Llbrnry  bej^iui  its  ciirecr  on  ii 
qidte  :ileiidcr  biisiH;  but  in  1870,  the  b(K>k8  in- 
crersed  to  08,95!),  and  in  1877  to  71,85:1.  Hinc(! 
that  time,  both  the  nninbcrsof  booksand  visitors 
Imve  steadily  increased,  8o  imich  ho  tliat  in  1881 
tlie  former  reached  1()2,;}50  and  latUT  115,080, 
averaging  359  persons  per  one  day.  Tlie  library 
was  then  open  free  to  all  cl:is.scs;  but  the  pres- 
ence of  too  many  readers  of  the  commonest  text- 
books and  light  literature  was  found  to  have 
caused  mucli  Idndrancc  to  the  scriouS  students. 
.  .  .  This  disadvantage  wns  soniewliat  remedied 
l)y  introducing  the  feu  system,  widcli,  of  course, 
jilaced  much  restriction  to  the  visitors  of  the 
libmry.  ...  It  is  very  clear  from  tlie  character 
of  the  library  tlint  it  is  a  reference  library  and 
not  n  cireulnting  library.  But  as  tliere  nro  not 
any  )tlicr  hirgc  nnd  well-e(iuipped  librnries  in 
Tolcyo,  n  system  of  'lending  out'  is  ndded, 
something  like  tlint  of  KOnigllchc  Bibliothek  zu 
Berlin,  with  a  subscription  of  5  yen  (nlmut  i^5) 
per  annum.  .  .  .  T!ie  Tokyo  Lil)rnry  now  con- 
tains 97,550  Jnpnnesc  and  C'liinese  Imoks  and 
25,559  Kuropenn  books,  besides  about  100,000  of 


LIBURNIANS,  The.    Sec  KonKvnA. 

LIBYAN  SIBYL.     See  SinvLS. 

LIBYANS,  The.— "The  nnme  of  Africa  wns 
applied  by  tlio  ancients  only  to  that  small  por- 
tion of  country  soutli  of  Cape  Bon ;  tlie  rest  was 
called  Libya.  Tlie  bulk  of  the  population  of 
the  nortlicrn  coast,  between  Egypt  and  the  Pil- 
lars of  Hercules,  was  of  the  Ilamitic  race  of 
Phut,  who  were  connected  witli  the  Egyptians 
and  Etliiopians,  and  to  wliom  the  name  of  Liiiy- 
ans  was  not  applied  until  a  later  date,  as  this 
name  was  originally  confined  to  some  tribes  oi 
Arian  or  .laplietic  race,  who  had  settled  among 
the  natives.  From  tliese  nations  sprung  from 
Pluit  descended  the  races  now  called  Berl)ers, 
who  have  spread  over  the  nortli  of  Africa,  from 
the  nortliernmost  valleys  of  the  Atlas  to  the 
soutlicrn  limits  of  the  Sahara,  and  from  Egypt 
to  the  Atlantic;  pcrliaps  even  to  the  Canaries, 
wliere  the  ancient  Guanches  seem  to  liave  spoken 
a  dialect  nearly  approaciiing  tliat  of  the  Berbers 
of  Morocco.  Tliese  Berbers — now  called  Ama- 
zigh,  or  Sliuluh,  in  Morocco;  Kabylcs,  in  tlie 
three  provinces  of  Algeria,  Tunis,  and  Tripoli; 
Tibboos,  between  Fezzan  and  Egypt;  and  Tua- 
rlks  in  the  Sahara  —  arc  the  descendants  of  tlie 
same  great  family  of  nations  wliose  blood,  more 
or  less  pure,  still  runs  in  the  veins  of  tlie  tribes 
inliabiting  tlie  different  parts  of  tlie  vast  terri- 
tory once  possessed  by  tlieir  ancestors.  Tlie 
language  tliey  still  speak,  known  through  the 
labours  of  learned  officers  of  the  Frencli  army 
In  Africa,  is  nearly  related  to  tliat  of  Ancient 
Egypt.  It  is  that  in  which  the  few  inscriptions 
we  possess,  emanating  from  tlie  natives  of  Libya, 
Numidia,  and  Mauritania  in  olden  times,  are 
written.  The  alphabet  peculiar  to  these  natives, 
whilst  unr'or  tlie  Cartliaginian  rule,  is  still  used 
by  tlie  Tuariks.  Sallust,  who  was  able  to  con- 
sult the  archives  of  Carthage,  and  who  seems 
more  accurate  tliau  any  other  classical  writer  on 
African  history,  was  acquainted  with  the  annals 
of  the  primitive  period,  anterior  to  the  arrival  of 
the  Arian  tribes  and  the  settlement  of  the  Pho;- 
nician   colonies.      Then  only  three  races,  un- 


diiplicates,  popular  books,  etc.,  wliicli  are  not 
used.  Tlie  average  number  of  b<M>ks  used  Is 
a!n,20a  a  year.  .  .  .  The  Lllirary  of  the  Imperial 
University,  which  is  also  under  "my  charge,  com- 
nrises  all  the  books  belonging  to  the  Imperial 
UnUerslty  of  .lapan.  These  books  are  solely 
for  the  use  of  the  instructors,  students,  and 
pi:;''ls,  no  ndmiltancn  being  granted  to  the  gen- 
eral public.  The  library  contains  77,991  Euro- 
penn  books  and  101,217  Japanese  and  Chinese 
books.  As  to  otiier  smaller  libraries  of  .lapan, 
then;  are  eight  public  and  ten  private  libraries  in 
different  parts  of  the  empire.  Tiie  books  con- 
tained in  tliem  are  60,912  Japanese  and  Cliine.se 
books  and  4,731  European  books  witli  43,911 
visitors!  Besides  those.  In  most  of  towns  of  re- 
spectable size,  tliere  are  generally  two  or  three 
small  private  circulating  lilmiries,  which  contain 
books  chictly  consisting  of  liglit  literature  and 
historical  works  popularly  treated. " — I.  Tanaka, 
Tokyo  Libra}'})  (Sun  Fraiidsco  Coi\ference  of  Li- 
hill  rill  tm,  1891). 

India. — The  first  free  library  in  a  native  state 
of  India  was  opened  in  1893,  with  10,000  vol- 
umes, 7,000  being  in  Englisli.  It  was  founded 
by  tlie  brother  of  tlie  Maharajah. — Library  Jour- 
nal, V.  17,  2).  395. 


equally  distributed  in  a  triple  zone,  were  to  be 
met  with  tliroughout  Northern  Africa.  Along 
the  shore  bordering  the  Mediterranean  were  tlie 
primitive  Libyans,  who  were  Ilamites,  descen- 
dants of  Phut;  behind  tlieni,  towarils  tlie  interior, 
but  on  tlie  western  half  only,  were  tli5  Qetulians 
.  .  .  ;  further  still  in  the  interior,  and  beyond 
tlie  Sahara,  were  tlio  negroes,  originally  called 
by  the  Greek  name  'Ethiopians,  whicli  was 
afterwards  erroneously  applied  to  the  Cushites 
of  the  Upper  Nile.  Sallust  also  learnt,  from  tlie 
Carthaginian  traditions,  of  tlie  great  Japhetic  in- 
vasion of  Uic  coast  of  Africa.  .  .  .  Tiie  Egyp- 
tian niomiments  have  accjuaintcd  us  witli  the  date 
of  the  arrival  of  these  Indo-Europeans  in  Africa, 
among  whom  were  the  Libyans,  properly  so 
called,  the  Maxyans,  and  Maca;.  It  was  contem- 
porary witli  the  reigns  of  Seti  I.  and  liaiiiscs 
II. ■' — F.  LenoiXnant,  Manual  of  Ancient  Hint,  of 
the  East,  bk.  0,  ch.  5  (v.  3). —See,  also,  Numidi- 
ANS ;  nnd  AmoUITES. 

LICINIAN  LAWS,  The.  See  Rome:  B.  C. 
370-367. 

LICINIUS,  Roman  Emperor,  A.  D.  807-333. 

LICTORS.— FASCES.— "The  fa.sces  were 
bundles  of  rod8(virgie)  of  elm  or  bircliwood,  tied 
togetlier  round  the  handle  of  an  axe  (securis) 
with  (most  likely  red)  straps.  Thi  iron  of  the 
axe,  which  was  tlic  executioner's  tool,  protruded 
from  tlie  sticks.  Tlie  fasces  were  carried  on  their 
left  shoulders  by  thelictors,  who  walked  in  front 
of  certain  magistrates,  making  rooin  for  them, 
and  compelling  all  people  to  move  out  of  the 
way  (summovere),  barring  Vestals  and  Romaa 
matrons.  To  about  the  end  of  the  Republic, 
when  a  special  executioner  was  appointed,  the 
lictors  inflicted  capital  punishment.  Tiie  king 
was  entitled  to  twelve  fasces,  tlie  same  number 
being  granted  to  tlie  consuls.  .  .  .  The  dictator 
was  entitled  to  twenty-lour  lictors.  .  .  .  Since 
42  B.  C.  tlie  Flainen  Dialis  and  tlic  Vestals  also 
were  entitled  to  one  lictor  each.  In  case  a  higher 
official  met  his  inferior  in  the  street,  lie  wns  sa- 
luted by  tlie  lictors  of  the  latter  withdrawing 
the  axe  and  lowering  the  fasces." — E.  Guiil  and 


2025 


LICT0R8. 


LiaURIANH. 


W.  Knnrr,  TAfn  nf  thr  Grrrkt  and  Hitman*,  Mft. 
WT,f(x,t>iotf. 

LIDUS.OR  LEUD,  OR  LATT,  The.  Hp(! 
Slavkhv,  MK.i)i.t;vAi,:  Oi-.iimany. 

LlkCE  :    The    Episcopal    Principality.— 

"  IJrjjc  lli'H  on  the  t'dnlcrlaiid  of  the  French  iind 
Gcrriiun  Hpcaking  riiccs.  ...  It  wiih  th(!  ciiiiilal 
of  an  (•(•(•k'siastlcal  principality,  whose  territory 
extendeil  Honicdistanco  up  the  river  and  over  the 
wo(Hied  ridges  and  j^recn  valleys  of  the  Ardennes. 
Tlio  town  liad  iiri){iiially  sprung  up  round  the 
tonil)  of  St.  Laniliert  —  iislirino  mucli  freuuented 
Iiy  pilgrims.  .  .  .  The  Prince  Dlshop  of  Liegu 
was  the  vassal  of  the  emperor,  but  his  subjects 
had  long  considered  the  kings  of  France  their 
natural  proti^ctors.  It  was  in  France  timt  tliey 
found  a  market  for  their  Manufactures,  from 
France  that  ]iilgrims  came  to  tlic  tomb  of  HI. 
Ijimbert  or  to  the  sylvan  shrine  of  St.  Hubert. 
DilTerence  of  language  and  rivalry  in  trade  sepa- 
rated them  from  their  Dutchspcaking  neigh- 
bours. Wo  hear,  as  eorly  as  the  lOtli  century, 
of  successful  attempts  on  the  part  of  the  people 
of  liiige,  supported  and  directed  l)y  their  hi  iiioi>s, 
to  sulxiue  the  lords  of  the  castles  in  their  neigli- 
bourliood.  A  population  of  traders,  arti/.ans, 
and  miners,  were  unlikely  to  submit  to  the  pre- 
tensions of  a  feudal  aristocracy.  Nor  was  there 
a  l)urgl_icr  oligarcliy,  as  in  many  of  the  Flemislj 
and  Gernum  towns.  Every  citizen  was  cligil)lu 
to  olllce  if  he  could  ol)taln  a  majority  of  tlie 
votes  of  tJK!  whole  male  population.  Constitu- 
tional limits  were  Imposed  on  tlie  power  of  the 
bis'iop;  but  he  was  the  sole  foimtain  of  law  and 
justice.  By  suspending  their  administrati<m  he 
could  paralyse  the  social  life  of  the  State,  and  by 
his  interdicts  annildlate  its  religious  life.  Yet 
the  burghers  were  involved  in  perpetual  disputes 
witli  their  bishop.  When  tiie  power  of  the 
Dukes  of  Burgundy  was  establish'  ;1  in  tlio  Low 
Countries,  it  wjis  to  them  tliat  the  latter  naturally 
applied  for  assistance  against  thei'  unndy  flock. 
John  the  Fearless  defeated  tie  citizens  with 
great  slaugliter  in  1408.  He  himself  reckoned 
tlie  numbcrof  slain  at  S.l.OOO.  In  14!J1  Liege  was 
compelled  to  pay  a  line  of  200,000  crowns  to  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy."  The  Duke— Pliilip  tue 
Good  —  afterwards  forced  the  reigning  bisliop  to 
resign  in  favorof  a  brother  of  the  Duke  of  Bour- 
bon, a  dissolute  boy  of  eighteen,  whose  govern- 
ment was  reckless  and  intolerable. — P.  F.  Willert, 
Reign  of  IjCicia  XL,  pp.  03-94. 

Also  in  :  J.  P.  Kirk,  Ilitt.  of  Charles  tlie  Bold, 
hk.  1,  ch.  7. 

A.  D.  1467-1468.—  War  with  Charles  the 
Bold  of  Burgundy  and  destruction  of  the 
city.     See  Buuoundy:   A.  D.   1467-1468;  also, 

DiNANT. 

A.  D.  1691. — Bombardment  by  the  French. 
—  The  Priuce-l)isliop  of  Liege  having  joined  tlie 
League  of  Augsburg  against  Louis  XIV.,  and 
having  received  troops  of  the  Grand  Alliance 
into  Ins  city,  the  town  was  bombarded  in  May, 
1691,  by  the  French  General  Boufflers.  There 
was  ni  1  attempt  at  a  siege ;  tlie  attack  was  simpl  v 
one  of  destructive  malice,  and  the  force  which 
made  it  withdrew  speedily. —  IL  Martin,  IliH.  of 
France  :  Age  of  IjOui»  XIV.,  r.  2,  ch.  2. 

A.  D.  1702.— Reduced  by  Marlborough.   See 
Nethkrlands:  A.  D.  1702-1704. 
t,    A.  D.  1792-1793.— Occupation  and  surrender 
by  the  French.    See  France:  A.  D.  1792  (Sep- 


TKMnKn— DKCEMnKR);  and   1703  (Fkrritahv  — 

Al'RII,). 

♦ 

LIEGNITZ,  The  Battle  of  (1241).— On  tlio 
9th  of  April,  A.  I).  12tl.  the  MongolN,  who  had 
already  overrun  a  great  part  of  HusMia.  defeated 
the  combined  forces  of  Polaiul,  Moravia  and  Si- 
lesia in  a  battle  wliicli  tilled  all  Kuropu  witli  con- 
sternation. It  was  foiiglit  near  Llgnitz(or  Lieg- 
nitz),  on  a  plain  watered  by  llie  river  Keias,  tlm 
site  being  now  occupied  by  a  village  called 
Wahlstailt,  i.  e.,  "Field  of  Battle."  "  It  was  a 
Mongol  liabit  to  cut  off  on  ear  from  each  corpsi! 
after  a  battle,  so  as  to  liave  a  record  of  the  num- 
ber slain;  and  we  arc  told  they  filled  nine  sacks 
with  tliesc  ghastly  trophies,"  from  the  field  of 
Lignitz.— H.  H.  Iloworth,  Hist,  of  he  Monf/oU, 
pt.  1,  p.  144.  — See  Mon<ioi,h:  A.  1).  1229-1204. 

Battle  of  (1760).    See  Geh.many:  A.  I).  1760. 
♦ 

LIGERIS,  The.— The  ancient  name  of  tlio 
river  Loire. 

LIGHT  BRIGADE,  The  Charge  of  the. 
Sec  Russia  :  A.  D.  18r)4  (October- N()vk.vibek). 

LIGII,  The.     See  Lyoians. 

LIGNY,  Battle  of.  See  France:  A.  D.  1815 
(.IrNE). 

LIGONIA.  See  Maine;  A.  D.  1029-1631; 
and  1043-1677. 

LIGURIAN  REPUBLIC,  The.— The  me 
diicval  republic  of  Genoa  is  often  referred  to  as 
the  Ligurian  Hepublic;  Imt  the  name  was  dis- 
tinctively given  by  Napoleon  to  one  of  his  ephem- 
eral creations  in  Italy.  Sec  Fiiance:  A.  D. 
1797  (May— OCTOHKU),  ond  1804-180,5. 

LIGURIANS,  The.— "The  whole  of  Pied- 
mont in  its  present  extent  was  inhabited  by  tlio 
Ligui'ians:  Pa  via,  under  the  name  of  Ticinuni, 
was  founded  by  n  Ligurian  tiilie,  the  Liuvians. 
When  they  pushed  forward  tlicir  frontier  among 
tlie  Apennines  into  tlie  Casenlino  on  tlie  declinu 
of  the  Etruscans,  they  probably  only  recovered 
what  had  before  been  wrested  from  them. 
Amonj,  the  inhabitants  of  Corsica  tliere  were 
Ijigurians.  .  ,  .  The  Ligurlans  and  Iberians  were 
anciently  contiguous;  wliereas  in  aftcrtimes  tliey 
were  parted  by  the  Gauls.  We  are  told  by 
Scylax,  that  from  the  borders  of  Iberia,  that  is, 
from  the  Pyrenees,  to  the  Rhone,  the  two  nations 
were  dwelling  intermixed.  .  .  .  But  it  is  far 
more  prolmble  tliot  the  Iberians  came  from  the 
south  of  the  Pyrenees  into  Lower  Languedoc,  as 
they  did  into  Aqiiitaine,  and  tliat  the  Ligurlans 
were  driven  back  by  them.  When  the  Celts, 
long  after,  moving  in  an  opposite  direction, 
reached  tlie  shore  of  the  Mediterranean,  tliey  too 
drove  the  Ligurlans  close  down  to  the  coast,  and 
dwelt  as  the  ruling  people  amongst  them,  in  tlie 
country  about  Avignon,  as  is  implied  by  the 
nameCeltoLigurians.  .  .  .  Of  their  place  in  tlie 
family  of  nations  we  ore  ignorant:  we  only  know 
thot  they  were  neither  Iberians  nor  Celts." — 
G.  B.  Niebulir,  J/ist.  of  Home,  t.  \.—"  On  the 
coast  of  Liguria,  the  land  on  each  side  of  the 
city  of  Genoa,  a  land  which  was  not  reckoned 
Italian  in  early  times,  we  find  fieople  who  seem 
not  to  have  been  Aryan.  And  these  Ligurlans 
seem  to  have  been  part  of  n  race  which  was 
spread  through  Italy  and  Sicily  Ix^fore  the  Aryan 
settlements,  and  to  have  been  akin  to  the  non- 
Aryan  inhabitants  of  Spain  and  southern  Gaul, 
of  whom  the  Basques  .  .  .  remain  as  a  remnant." 
— E.  A.  Freeman,  Ilist.  Oeog.  of  Europe,  eh.  8. 


2026 


LIOURIANS. 


LIMOUSIN. 


Al.HO  IN:  I.  Taylor,  Origin  of  thf  Aryant,  rh.  3, 
kH.  7. — S<'P,  alHi),  Ai'i'KNinx  A,  v.  I. 

LILLE:  A.  D.  1583.— Submisiion  to  Spain. 
Sec  Nktiikki.andh:  a.  1).  1384-1(585  Limitm  ok 

TIIK  UNITKO  I'llOVINCKH. 

A.  D.  1667.  —  Taken  by  the  French.  Sco 
Nk""'"'  ani)h(Tiik  HrANiHii  I'iiovinckh):  a.  I). 
lOOV. 

A.  D.  1668.— Ceded  to  France.  See  Nkthkk- 
l,AMW(il()l,l.ANl)):   a.  I).  IIKW. 

A.  D.  1708. —  Siege  and  capture  by  Marl- 
borough and  Prince  Eugene.  Si'is  Nktiiku- 
l,ANim:  A.  I>.  17()8-170». 

A.  D.  I7i3.--Restoration  to  France.  Sco 
Utiikciit:  a.  I).  1712-1714. 

LILLEBONNE,  Assembly  of.— A  ftcncral 
assembly  of  Noriimii  liaroiiH  convnnod  by  Duke 
AVilliani,  A.  I).  KXMl,  for  tlic  consltlcrinK  of  his 
contcmplBteU  invasion  of  EriKlund. — E.  A.  Freu- 
man,  Norman  ('oix/iifiit,  eh.  13,  »eH.  8  (».  8), 

LILLIBULLERO.  —  "Thomas  Wharton, 
wlio,  in  thu  last  Parliament,  had  rcprcscntcil 
Buckinghamshire,  and  who  wiw  already  con- 
gpieuous  l)oth  as  a  libertine  and  as  a  Wlifg,  had 
written  [A.  I).  1088,  Just  prior  to  tlie  Revolution 
which  drove  James  11.  from  the  English  throne] 
u  satirical  ballad  on  tho  adnduiutration  of  Tyr- 
conncl  [Richani  Talbot,  Earl  of  Tyrconnel, 
James'  Lord  Deputy  in  Ireland — soe  Iiiki.and: 
A,  D.  1085-1088).  In  this  little  poem  au  Irish- 
man congratulates  a  brotlicr  Irishman,  in  a  bar- 
barous jargon,  on  the  approacliing  triumph  of 
Popery  and  of  the  Milesian  race.  .  .  .  Tliesc 
verses,  which  were  in  no  respect  above  tlic  ordi- 
nary standard  of  street  poetry,  had  for  burden 
some  giblxirish  which  was  said  to  have  been  used 
as  a  watcliword  by  tho  insurgents  of  Ulster  in 
1641.  Tho  verses  and  tho  tunc  caught  tho  fancy 
of  tho  nation.  From  one  end  of  England  to  tlie 
other  all  classes  were  constantly  singing  this  idle 
rhyme.  It  was  especially  the  dcliglit  of  the 
English  army.  Sloro  tlian  seventy  years  after 
tlio  Revolution,  a  great  writer  dehneated,  with 
ex(|uisitc  skill,  a  veteran  who  had  fought  at  tho 
Boyno  and  at  Namur.  One  of  tlie  characteris- 
tics of  the  goo<l  old  soldier  is  his  trick  of  whist- 
ling Llllibullero.  Wharton  afterwards  boasted 
that  he  bad  sung  a  King  out  of  three  kingdoms. 
But  in  truth  the  success  of  Llllibullero  was  the 
effect,  and  not  tlio  cause,  of  that  excited  stiite  of 
public  feeling  which  prwluced  tho  Revolution. 
.  .  .  The  song  of  Lillibullcro  is  among  the  State 
Poems.  In  Percy's  Relics  tho  first  part  will  b(! 
found,  but  not  tho  second  part,  which  was  added 
after  William's  landing." — Lord  Macaulay,  Hist, 
of  Eng.,  eh.  0,  with  foot-note. 

Also  in  :  W.  W.  Wilkins,  Political  Ballads  of 
the  \lth  and  Vdth  Centuries,  v.  1,  p.  275. 

LILY  OF  FLORENCE,  The.  See  Fi,oii 
ence:  OiiioiN  AND  Name. 


LILYBiEUM  :  B.  C.  368.— Siege  by  Dio- 
nisius. — "  This  town,  close  to  tho  western  cape  of 
Sicily,  appears  to  have  arisen  as  a  substitute  for 
the  neighbouring  town  of  Motye  (of  which  we 
hear  little  more  3ince  its  capture  by  Dlonysius 
in  396  B.  C),  and  to  have  become  the  principal 
Carthaginian  station."  Lilybsum  was  first  be- 
sieged and  then  blockaded  by  the  Syracuse 
tyrant,  Dlonysius,  B.  C.  368 ;  but  he  failed  to 
reduce  it.     It  was  made  a  powerful  stronghold 


by  the  Carlliaginiuns.— U.  Orote,  IIi»l.  of  Oretet, 
III.  a,  eh.  8;i, 

B.  C.  377.— Siege  by  Pyrrhus.  Seo  Romk: 
II.  ('.  '282-375. 

B.  C.  350-341. — Siege  by  the  Romans.     S<>e 

I'l'MC  WaII,  'I  I  IK  FlIlHT. 

LIMA:  Founded  by  Pizarro  (1535).  See 
PkhI':   a.  1),   l.'i!t;t-15»8, 

LIMBURG:  Capture  by  the  Dutch  (1633). 
Hie   N|.;tiikui.aniih;   A.  D.  ltl-.'l-l(r!;t. 

LIMERICK  :  A.  D.  1690-1691.— Su-ges  and 
surrender.    Hoe  Ikki.and:  A.  D.  1081)  lOlll. 

A.  O.  1691.— The  treatyof  surrender  and  its 
violation.     See  Iuki.anii:  A.  I>.  lOUl. 

LIMES,  The.— This  term  was  applied  to 
rcrtalii  Itonian  frontier-roads.  "Limes  is  not 
every  iinperiul  frontier,  but  only  that  which  is 
marked  out  by  human  hands,  and  arranged  at 
tho  same  time  for  being  patrolled  and  having 
posts  stationed  for  frontier-defence,  such  as  wo 
find  in  Germany  and  in  Africa.  .  .  .  The  Limes 
is  thus  the  imperial  frontier-road,  destined  for 
the  regulation  of  frontier-intercourse,  iiutsmuch 
us  tlie  crossing  of  it  was  allowed  only  at  certain 
points  corresponding  to  the  bridges  of  tho  river 
iKiundary,  and  elsewhere  forbidden.  This  was 
doubtless  elTectod  in  the  llrst  instance  by  (latroll- 
ing  tho  line,  and,  so  long  as  this  was  done,  tho 
Limes  remained  a  bouinTary  road.  It  remained 
so,  too,  when  it  was  fortltlecf  on  botli  sides,  as  was 
(lone  in  Britain  and  at  the  ino\ith  of  tlie  Danube; 
tlie  Britannic  wall  is  also  termed  Limes." — T. 
Monimsen,  Hint,  of  Home,  hk   8,  eh.  A,  foot-note. 

LIMIGANTES, The.— Tlie  Limigantes  were 
a  tribe  occupying,  in  tlio  fourth  century,  a  re- 
gion of  country  between  the  Danube  and  the 
Tlieiss,  who  were  said  to  have  been  formerly  tlio 
slaves  of  a  Sarmatiau  people  in  the  same  terri- 
tory iind  to  liav(?  overpowered  and  expelled  their 
masters.  Tlie  latter,  in  exile,  became  depen- 
dents of  tlic  warlike  nation  of  the  Quadi.  At 
tlie  end  of  a  war  witli  tho  latter,  A.  D.  357-351), 
in  which  they  were  greatly  humbled,  the  Em- 
peror Constantius  coniniunded  the  Limigantes  to 
surrender  their  stolen  territory  to  its  former 
owners.  Tliey  resisted  the  mandate  and  were 
exterminated. — E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of 
the  Roman  Kinjiire,  ch.  18-19. — Tho  Limigantes 
were  a  branch  of  tho  lazygcs  or  Jazyges,  a  no- 
madic Sarmatiau  or  Sclavonic  people  who  were 
settled  in  earlier  times  on  the  Pains  Mieotis. 

LIMISSO.  See  IiospiTAi.iJi:us  ov  St.  John: 
A.  D.  1118-1310. 

LIMOGES,   Origin  of  the  town.    See  Le- 

JIOVKKS. 

A.  D.  1370.— Massacre  by  the  Black  .''riace. 
—  A  foul  crime  which  stains  the  name  cf  "tlio 
Black  Prince."  Taking  the  city  of  Limoges,  in 
France,  after  a  sliort  siege,  A.  D.  1370,  he 
ordered  a  promiscuous  massacre  of  the  popula- 
tion, and  more  than  3.000  men,  women  and 
children  were  slain,  while  tho  town  was  pillaged 
ond  burned.  —  Froi.ssart,  Ghronielet  (trans,  by 
Johnes),  bk.  1,  ch.  288,  290.— See,  also,  Fkance: 
A.  D.  1360-1380. 


LIMONUM.     See  Poitieus. 
LIMOUSIN,  Early  inh«btt«nts  of  the. 
Lkmovices, 


D60 


2027 


LINCOLN. 


LianoN. 


LINCOLN,  Abraham.  -  Election  to  the 
'Preiidency.    H<'c  1,'mtkii  Htatkhok  Am.  ;  A.  I), 

IHtio      (,\i-iiii.  —  NnvKMiiKiti Inauguration 

and  Preiidential  adminittr»tion.  i^m;  I'mtkii 
,Si.\rKM   OK    Am.:     a.     I).     INOl   (Fkiiih;ahy  — 

M.MUir),    lo   IMILI  (Ai'Hii.) GettytburK  ad- 

dresB.  Sc('  IMtki)  Htatkh  ok  A.m.;  A.  I>, 
|H(i:i  (XovKMiiKii) Relilection  to  the  Presi- 
dency. Hce  L'MTK.n  Htateh  ok  Am.:  A.  I). 
IHlIt  (May— NovKMiiKii) Visit  to  Rich- 
mond.   Hco    I'mtkk    Htatkh  ok   Am  :    A.   I). 

IHO.KAntll,;  VlltoiNIA) Astassinati^"    Sim; 

Unitkii Htatkhok  Am.  :  A.  I>.  lNt|.l(Ariiii,  Mtii). 

LINCOLN,  General  Benjamin,  in  the  War 
of  the  American  Revolution.  Scu  Unitki) 
Htatkhok  .\m.  :  A.  I).  177H-17T(l  Thk  Waucau- 
IIIKI)  INTOTIIK  HlU'TlI;  1770  (Skitkmueh— Of- 
TOIIKK):  17H(I  (Fkhui'auv— Alolbt). 

LINCOLN,      Battle     of.     Sco    Lambeth, 

TllKATY  OK. 

LINCOLN,  Origin  of.    Sew  LrNiUM. 
LINDISWARA,  OR  LINDESFARAS.— 

"  nwclliTM  iil>()ut  I.liiiliiiii."  or  I.inculii;  ii  iiiuiii' 
fivt'n  for  II  time  to  tlie  An;,'.  ■«  who  Holzi'il  and 
wttli'd  in  tliHt  Kiiglish  ilisii.ct.  —  J.  U.  Orccn, 
T/ie  Milking  of  EiujViml. — Suo  Enolamu:  A.  1). 
547-fliW. 

LINDSEY,  Kingdom  of.— One  of  the  Hiniill 
nr.<l  triiiiHicnt,  kliij;iri>mH  of  tlio  .Vngli's  in  early 
Knglaiiil. — \V.  SttibbH,  C'omt.  I/ist.  of  Enij.,  c/i. 
7,  nert.  70  (r.  1). 

LINDUM.— The  Roman  city  from  which 
snran);  the  Knglish  city  of  Lincoln. — T.  Wright, 
Celt,  Itiimitn  niul  fiij-mi,  ch.  5. 

LINGONES,  The.— A  tribe  in  ancient  Oa\il 
whose  territory  eiubraeed  parts  in  tlio  mcxlera 
French  departments  of  the  Ilaiitc-Marnc,  the 
Aul)0,  the  Yonne  and  the  (.'Oto-d'Or. — Napoleon 
III.,  Hint,  nf  Uirmr.  Iik.  .S,  rh.  i,  foot-note  (v.  2).— 
See,  also,  Home:  \\.  (^  300-347. 

LINKOPING,  Battle  of  (1508).  See  Bcan- 
dinavian  Stateh (Sweden):  A.  1).  1523-1004. 

LION  AND  THE  SUN,  The  Order  of  the. 
— A  Persian  order,  instituted  in  1808. 

LION  OF  ST.  MARK,  The  Winged.— 
The  standard  of  the  Venetian  republic.  "His- 
torians have  failed  or  omitted  to  fix  the  precise 
time  when  this  ensign  of  the  Mon  was  first 
iidopted  by  the  Republic.  But  when  the  two 
granite  columns  ['trophies  of  a  successful  raid 
in  the  Archipelago  '],  atill  the  conspicuous  orna- 
ments of  the  Piazetta  of  St.  Mark,  were  erected, 
in  or  about  1172,  a  winged  lion  in  bronze  was 
placed  on  one  of  them,  and  a  statue  of  St. 
Theodore,  a  patron  of  earlier  standing,  on  the 
other."  — 7V1«  liepublic  of  Venice  (Quart.  Jien., 
Oct.,  1874),  p.  423.— See,  also,  Venice:  A.  D.  829. 

LIPAN,   Battle  of  (1434).     See  Bohemia: 

A.  D.  1419-1434. 

* 

LISBON :  Orig^in  and  early  history.  See 
Portugal:  Eauly  iiistouy. 

A.  D.  1 147. —Capture  from  the  Moors. — 
Made  the  capital  ot  Portugal.  Sec  Poktuoal: 
A.  D.  101)5-1325. 

A.  D.  1755.— The  great  Earthquake.— "  On 
the  morning  of  the  1st  of  November  in  this  year, 
at  the  same  period,  though  in  less  or  greater  de- 
gree, a  far-spreading  earthquake  ran  through 
great  part  both  of  Europe  and  Borbary.  In  the 
noith  its  effects,  as  usual  with  earthquakes  in 
that  region,  were  happily  slight  and  few.  Some 
gentle  vibrations  were  felt  aa  far  as  Dantzick. 

2028 


...  In  Madrid  a  violent  «ii  vk  wn«  felt,  hut  no 
buildlngH,  and  mdy  two  hui....>i  lieingN,  perlHhcd. 
In  Fez  and  in  .Morin'co,  on  the  coiitritry,  gn'at 
nuiiibiTH  of  houNcH  fell  down,  and  great  miilt'.- 
tiidcsof  people  wrri!  bnrli'il  lii'iicatli  the  riiinN. 
Hut  till'  widcNt  and  inoNt  fearful  deHtriiction  was 
reserved  for  LLtbon.  Already,  In  the  year  1531, 
that  city  had  lieen  laid  liiilf  in  ruins  by  an  eartli- 
(|imke.  Tlie  1st  of  November  1755  wilh  All 
Siiiiit.s'  Day,  a  festival  of  great  Nolemnity ;  anil  at 
nine  in  th(>  morning  all  tlie  churches  of  Lisbon 
were  crowded  with  kneeling  worNhlppcrs  of  each 
Kcv,  all  classes,  and  all  ages,  when  a  Kiiililin  and 
nio.st  violent  shock  made  every  church  reel  to  its 
fdiindations.  Within  the  intervals  of  a  few  min- 
utes two  other  shocks  no  less  violent  ensued,  and 
every  church  in  Lisbon  —  tall  column  and  tower- 
ing spire —  was  hurled  to  tlie  ground.  Thousands 
and  thousands  of  ,<eople  were  crushed  to  death, 
and  IhouHaiiils  more  grievously  nntimed,  uiiablu 
to  crawl  away,  and  left  to  e.\pire  in  lingering 
agony.  The  more  stately  and  iniign'tlcent  had 
been  the  fabric,  the  wider  and  mote  grievous 
was  the  havoc  made  by  its  ruin.  About  one 
fourth,  aa  was  vaguely  coni|)uteil,  of  all  the 
houses  in  the  city  toppled  down.  The  encum- 
bered streets  could  scarce  allord  an  outlet  to  tho 
fugitives;  '  friends,' says  an  eye-witness,  'run- 
ning from  their  friends,  fathers  from  their  cliil- 
drcn,  hu  bands  from  their  wives,  because  every 
one  Med  away  from  their  habllalloiis  fullof  terror, 
confusion,  and  distraction.'  The  earth  s<'eme(l 
to  heave  and  q\dver  like  an  animated  being. 
The  sun  was  darkened  with  the  clouds  of  lurid 
dust  that  arose.  Frantic  with  fear  a  headlong 
multitude  rushed  for  refuge  to  n  large  and  newly 
built  stone  pier  which  jutted  out  into  theTagus, 
when  a  sudden  convulsion  of  the  stream  turned 
this  ])ler  bottom  i  ppermost,  like  a  sliiji  <  n  its 
keel  in  the  tempest,  i;'ul  then  eiigulplied  :■  And 
of  all  the  livinT  creatui  es  who  hud  lately  thronged 
it,— full  8,000,  it  is  said,— not  one,  even  as  a 
corpse,  ever  rose  again.  From  the  banks  of  tho 
river  other  crowds  were  looking  on  in  speechless 
ailright,  wlieu  tho  river  itself  came  rushing  in 
upon  them  like  n  torrent,  though  against  wind 
and  tide.  It  rose  nt  lenst  fifteen  feet  above  the 
highest  spring  tides,  anu  then  again  subsided, 
drawing  in  or  dashing  to  i)ieees  every  thing 
within  its  reach,  while  the  very  ships  in  tliL  har- 
bour were  violently  whirled  around.  Earth  and 
water  alike  scemeii  let  loose  as  scourges  on  this 
devoted  city.  'Indeed  every  element,'  says  a 
person  present,  'seemed  to  conspire  to  our  'ic- 
struction  .  .  .  for  in  about  two  hours  after  tho 
shock  fires  broke  out  in  three  different  parts  of 
the  city,  occasioned  from  the  goods  and  tho 
kitchen  fires  being  all  jmnbled  together.'  At 
this  time  also  the  wind  grew  into  a  fresh  gale, 
which  nntde  the  fires  spread  in  extent  and  rage 
with  fury  during  three  days,  until  there  remained 
but  little  for  them  to  devour.  Many  of  the 
maimed  and  wounded  are  believed  to  have 
perished  unseen  and  unheeded  in  the  flames; 
some  few  were  almost  miraculously  rescued  after 
being  for  whole  days  buried  where  they  fell, 
without  light  or  food  or  hope.  The  total  num- 
ber of  deaths  was  computed  at  the  time  as  not 
less  than  30,000."— Lord  Mahon  (Earl  Stanhope), 
Hist.'^Eiig.,  1713-1783,  ch.  32  (».  4). 

A.  O.  1807. — Occupied  by  the  French. — De- 
oarture  of  the  Royal  Family  fc.  Brazil.  See 
Portugal:  A.  D.  1807. 


T,IRT--R. 


LITUnoiES, 


LISLE.    Son  Ln.i.F. 

LISSA,  Battle  of  (1866).    Hco  Itai.t:  A.  D. 
1808-tH(m. 
LIT  DE  JUSTICE.    800  Bkd  of  .Iiihtick. 

LITHUANIA:  A.  D.  laas.-Formation  of 
the  Grand  Duchy. — "  From  1^21  [when  UiishIii 
WI18  proBtrnU'd  liy  tho  Mongol  C()iu|iipst|  to  1 1H7 
.  .  .  |g  n  pcrlixl  of  (il)HriiriilioM  in  liiiHsiiin  liin- 
tory,  (lurlnir  whirli  Uussin  U  noMiiriK  in  tlx'  HIii- 
voniitn  world.  Tlio  hour  of  Uiissla's  wciikne.sM 
was  tliikt  in  which  tlu<  LitliiinniiuiH,  fnniu'rly  a 
mere  rlmoH  of  Hliivo-Fiiiiiisli  tribes,  iihsumkmI 
orKnnl/.ation  niid  litrcngth.  Unitini^  llio  original 
Llthtmniaii  trllii'8  Into  ono  govornnitnt,  unit  ex- 
tending IiIh  sway  over  tho.so  terrltoricH,  formerly 
included  in  the  KuRHlan  Kinpirc,  which  the  Moii- 
golinn  destruction  of  the  Kii&sian  power  had  li>rt 
without  a  ruler,  II  nativo  chief,  named  HiiiKold, 
founded  (laH.'S)  a  now  atate  called  the  Grand- 
Duchy  of  Lithuania.  Tlio  Ihnits  of  tliis  statu 
extended  from  the  Baltic  coast,  which  it  touelied 
at  n  singlo  point,  i.cros.H  the  entire  r<mtin('nt,  al- 
most to  the  Hiaclt  Sea,  with  Litluiauia  proper  ns 
Its  northern  nucleus,  and  tho  |)opulatlons  alon^ 
the  whole  course  of  tho  Dnieper  ns  its  suhjcctM. 
The  Lithuiuiians,  thus  made  formidable  hy  the 
extent  of  tlieir  doniinion,  were  at  tlds  time  still 
licathcns." — Puland:  llev  Jlinton/  aiul  Primpirtu 
(Wenlminiiter  Ilev.,  Junii/tn/,  IHV)),  p.  119. — 8ee, 
also,  Russia:  A.  D.  12:17-1180. 

A.  D.-1386.  —  Union  with  Poland  under  the 
Jagellon kings.     See  Poland:  A.  D.  l;i:t:t-l,')73. 

LITHUANIANS.—  LETTS.  —  "They  and 
the  Slnvoniansare  branches  of  tho  same  Sarmatiau 
family;  so,  of  course,  their  languages,  thougli 
different,  are  allied.  But  next  to  the  Slavonic 
wliat  tongues  are  nearest  the  Lithuantc?  Not 
the  speech  of  tlie  Fin,  tiio  German,  or  the  Kelt, 
though  these  are  the  nearest  in  geography.  The 
Latin  's  liiior  than  any  of  these;  but  the  likest  of 
all  is  the  ancient  sacred  language  of  India  —  the 
Sanskrit  of  the  Vedas,  Puranas,  the  Mahabhanita, 
and  the  Ramayana.  Am'  what  tongue  is  tlio 
nearest  to  the  Sansltrit?  Not  those  of  Tibet  an(l 
Armenia,  not  even  those  ot  Southern  India.  Its 
nearest  parallel  Is  the  obscure  and  almost  unlet- 
tered languages  of  Grodno,  Wilna,  Vitepsi<, 
Courland,  Livonia,  and  East  Prussia.  There  is 
a  ditticult  problem  here.  .  .  .  Tlie  present  dis- 
tribution of  tho  Lithuanian  populations  is  second 
only  in  importance  to  that  of  tho  Ugrians.  Li- 
vonia is  the  most  convenient  starting-point. 
Here  it  is  spoken  at  present ;  though  not  aborigi- 
nal to  the  province.  Tho  Polish,  German,  and 
Russian  languages  have  encroached  on  the 
Lithuanian,  the  Lithuanian  on  the  Ugrian.  It 
Is  the  Lett  branch  of  the  Litlnmnian  which  is 
spoken  hy  tlie  Letts  of  Livonia  (Lietland),  but 
not  by  the  Liefs.  The  same  is  the  case  in 
Courland.  East  Prussia  lies  l)eyond  the  Russian 
empire,  but  it  Is  not  imnecessary  to  state  that, 
as  late  as  the  sixteenth  century,  a  Lithuanian 
tongue  was  spoken  there.  Vilna,  Grodno,  and 
Vltepsk  are  tlio  proper  Lithuanian  provinces. 
There,  the  original  proper  LIthuanic  tongue  still 
survives;  uncultivated,  and  day  by  day  suffer- 
ing from  the  encroachment  of  the  Russian,  but, 
withal,  in  the  eyes  of  the  ethnologist,  the  most 
Important  language  in  Europe."-  R.  G.  Latham, 
Ethnology  of  Eurojit,  ch.  6. 


LITTLE  BIG  HORN,  Battle  of  the.  See 
UNJTF.n  Status  Of  Am.  :  A.  I).  IM70. 
LITTLE    BRETHREN.    Soo   Dboitike*. 

LITTLE  ROCK,  Federal  occupation  of. 

See  Tnitkh  STATKf  ''K  Am.:  A.  D.  IHdlKAu- 
(ii;ht— ()<  TOiil'.ii :   .Vukanhah  -   MfHOfni). 

LITTLE  RUSSIA.    See  Hi  hhia.  Ghicat. 

LITTLE    YAHNI,  Battle  of  (1877).    See 
TlMlKs;  A.  I).  1877-lHTS. 

LITURGIES.—"  It  was  not  only  hy  taxation 
of  its  members  tliat  the  [.Vthenianj  State  met  it.-i 
tlnanelal  needs,  but  alsoliy  many  other  kinds  of 
services  which  it  demanded  from  them,  and 
which,  though  not,  like  tlie  former,  produc- 
ing an  Income,  yet  neverthelcMS  saved  an 
expense.  Such  services  are  ?allcd  Liturgies 
['1.  e.,  properly,  services  for  me  people.'—  Foot- 
note]. TI.ey  are  partly  ordinary  or  'encyclic' — 
Hucli  I'liii  18,  OS  occurred  annually,  even  In  times 
of  pence,  according  to  a  certain  order,  and  which 
all  borj  some  relation  to  worsliip  and  to  the  ccle- 
hiation  of  festivals — and  partly  extraordinary, 
for  tile  needs  of  war.  Among  the  former  class 
tho  most  important  Is  the  so-called  ('horegia,  I.  e., 
tlie  furnishing  of  a  chorus  for  musical  cr  tests 
and  for  festivals.  ...  A  similar  though  less 
burdensome  Liturgy  was  the  Gymnasiarchy  for 
those  feasts  which  were  celebrated  with  gyinnas 
tic  contests.  The  gymnaslardi,  as  It  seems, 
was  compelled  to  have  all  who  wished  to  come 
forward  as  competitors  trained  In  tho  gymnasia, 
to  furnish  them  with  board  during  the  time  of 
training,  and  at  the  games  themselves  to  furnisli 
the  necessary  fittings  ami  ornaments  of  the  place 
of  contest.  .  .  .  More  important  and  more  costly 
than  oil  these  ordinary  or  encyclic  Liturgies  was 
the  cxtraordinory  Liturgy  of  trierarchy,  1.  e.,  tin- 
equipment  of  a  ship  of  war." — G.  F.  SchOmann, 
Antii/.  of  Greece:  The  State,  pt.  8,  eh.  3.— "The 
LiturgiiD,  which  are  sometimes  considered  as  pe- 
culiar to  tho  Athenians,  .  .  .  were  common  to  all 
democracies  at  least  [in  tlie  Greek  states],  and 
even  to  certain  aristocracies  or  oligarchies.  .  .  . 
The  Liturgin!  of  the  Greeks  were  distinguished 
by  a  much  more  generous  and  noble  chara^'ter- 
Istic  than  the  corresponding  services  and  contri- 
Initions  of  tho  present  day.  Tliey  were  consid- 
ered honorable  services.  .  .  .  Niggardliness  in 
the  performance  Oi  them  was  considered  dis- 
graceful. Tho  state  needed  no  paid  ofllccr,  or 
contractors  to  superintend  or  undertake  their 
execution.  .  .  .  The  ordinary  Liturgiie  ...  are 
principally  tho  chorcgia,  tlic  gymnasiarchia,  and 
tlie  feasting  of  the  tribes  [or  hestiasis].  .  .  .  The 
lampadarchy,  if  not  the  only  kind,  was  certainly 
the  most  important  and  expensive  kind  of  gym- 
nasiarciiy.  The  race  on  foot  with  a  torch  in  the 
hand  was  a  common  game.  Tho  same  kind  of 
race  was  run  with  horses  for  the  I5rst  time  at 
Athens  In  the  time  of  Socrates.  The  art  con- 
sisted, besides  other  particulars,  in  running  the 
fastest,  and  ot  the  same  time  not  extinguisliing 
tho  torch.  .  .  .  Since  the  festivity  was  cele- 
brated at  night,  the  illumination  of  the  place 
which  was  the  scene  of  the  contest  was  neces- 
sary. Games  of  this  kind  were  celebrated 
specially  in  honor  of  the  gods  of  light  and  fire. 
.  .  .  The  expenses  of  the  feasting  of  the  tribes 
were  borne  by  a  person  selected  for  this  purpose 
from  the  tribe.  .  .  .  Tiic  entertainments,  tlie  ex- 
penses of  which  were  def-ayed  by  means  of  this 
lituTgia,  were  different  from  the  great  feastings 


2029 


tTTTTKOniS, 


LIVmnSTON  MANOR. 


of  the  proplc,  tlio  expenses  of  which  were  paid 
from  llic  licasiiry  of  the  llieorica.  They  were 
merely  entertiiiniiients  iit  the  festivals  of  the 
tribes." — A.  Uoiekh,  J'lihlie  Economy  of  the. 
At/iiiiidiin  (trans,  hy  Lnmli),  lik.  3,  eh.  1  ««rf  21-23. 

Also  in:  E.  G.  Dulwer-Lytton,  Athens,  bk. 
5,  eh.  8. 

LITUS,  The.  — In  the  Snlic  law,  of  the 
Franks,  the  litus  appears  as  representing  a  ehuss 
in  that  Germanic  nation.  He  "was  no  doubt 
identical  with  the  serf  whom  Tacitus  represents  as 
cultivating  the  soil,  and  paying  a  rent  in  kind  to 
his  lord.  That  the  litiis  was  not  free  is  evident 
from  the  mention  of  his  ma.ster  and  tlic  fact  that 
he  could  bo  sold;  though  we  find  a  weregild  set 
upon  his  life  ecpial  to  that  of  a  free  Homan." — 
W.  (,'.  i'eirv,  The.  Frnnk-H,  eh.  10. 

LIVERPOOL  AND  MANCHESTER 
RAILWAY,  The.    See  Steam  loccmotion  on 

I.ANI). 

LIVERPOOL  MINISTRY,  The.  See 
Enc.i.am):  a.  1).  1812-18i;t. 

LIVERY,  Origin  of  the  term.— "After  an 
ancient  custom,  the  kings  of  France,  at  great 
solemnities,  gave  such  of  their  subjects  as  were 
at  court  certain  capes  or  furred  mantles,  with 
which  the  latter  innnediately  clothed  them- 
selves before  leaving  the  court.  In  the  ancient 
'comptes'  (a  sort  of  audits)  tliese  capes  were 
called  'livrees'  (whence,  no  doubt,  our  word 
livery),  because  the  monarch  gave  them  ('les 
livrait')  himself."— J.  P.  Michaud,  Hist,  of  the 
Cnisnden,  hh.  13. 

LIVERY  COMPANIES.    See  Guilds,  Me- 

DI/F.VAI.. 

LIVERY  OF  SEIZIN.    See  Feodal  Ten- 

URK.S. 

LIVINGSTON    MANOR,    The.— Rrberr 

Livingston, ' '  secretary  of  Albany, "  son  of  a  Scotch 
clergyman,  began  to'acquire  a  landed  estate,  by 
purchases  from  the  Indians,  soon  after  his  arrival 
in  America,  which  was  aljiout  1674.  "  The  Mohe- 
gan  tribes  on  the  erst  side  of  the  Hudson  had 
become  reduced  to  a  few  old  Indians  and  squaws, 
who  were  ready  to  sell  the  lands  of  whicli  they 
claimed  the  ownership.  Livingston's  position  as 
clerk  of  Indian  affairs  gave  him  exceptional 
opportunities  to  .select  and  to  purchase  the  best 
lands  in  desirable  localities.  ...  In  1702,  Lord 
Bellomont  [then  governor  of  New  York]  writes, 
'  I  am  told  Livingston  has  on  his  great  grant  of 
10  miles  long  and  24  broad,  but  four  or  live  cot- 
tages^  occupied  by  men  too  poor  to  be  farmers, 
but,  are  his  vassals.'  After  the  close  of  the  war 
[Queen  Anne's  War],  Livingstoninadc  niorerar-'.i 
progress  in  his  improvements.  Ho  erected  fiour 
and  timber  mills,  and  a  new  manor-hou.se."  In 
171.')  liivingston  obtained  from  Governor  Hunter 
a  conlirmatory  patent,  under  an  e.\act  and  care- 
ful survey  of  his  estate.  "  Although  it  does  not 
give  the  number  of  acres,  the  survey  computes 
the  area  of  the  manor  to  contain  100,240  acres. 
It  was  now  believed  to  be  secure  against  any 
attack.  .  .  .  Philip,  the  second  proprietor,  was 
not  disturbed  as  to  title  or  limits.  He  was  a 
merchant,  and  resided  in  New  York,  sjiending 
his  summers  at  the  Manor  House.  .  .  .  His  son, 
Robert,  succeeded  him  as  the  third  proprietor, 
but  he  had  hardlj'  come  into  possession  before  he 
began  to  bo  harassed  by  his  eastern  neighbors, 
the  people  of  JIassachusetts.  .  .  .  Massachusetts, 
by  her  charter,  claimed  the  lands  lying  west  of 
her  eastern  bouauary  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.    She 

2030 


had  long  soujjht  to  make  settlements  within  the 
province  of  New  York.  Now  as  her  population 
increased  she  pushed  them  westward,  and  gradu- 
ally encroached  on  IbikL  within  the  limits  of  a 
si8t<T  province.  In  April,  1752,  Livingston  wrote 
to  Governor  Clinton,  and  entered  complaint 
against  the  trespassers  from  Massachusetts.  A 
long  correspondence  between  the  governors  of 
the  two  provinces  followed,  but  settled  nothing. 
The  trouble  continued,"  for  a  numlier  of  years, 
and  frequent  riots  were  incident  to  it,  in  wliich 
several  men  were  killed.  At  length,  "  the  boun- 
dary between  New  York  and  JIassachusetts  was 
finully  settled,  and  the  claimants  ceased  their 
annoyance.  .  .  .  The  Revolution  was  approach- 
ing. The  puldic  mind  was  occupied  with  poli- 
tics. .  .  .  Land  titles  ceased  to  be  topics  of  dis- 
cussion. Tlie  proprietors  of  the  old  manor,  and 
all  bearing  their  name,  with  a  few  unimportant 
e.vceptions,  took  a  decided  stand  in  favOr  of  in- 
dependence. During  the  war  that  followed,  and 
for  some  years  after  it«  close,  their  title  and  pos- 
session of  their  broad  acres  were  undisputed.  But 
in  1795  another  effort  was  made  to  dispossess 
them.  Tlie  old  methods  of  riots  and  arrests  were 
abandoned.  Tlie  title  was  now  attacked  by  the 
tenants,  incited  and  encouraged  by  the  envious 
and  disalTectcd.  A  petition,  numerously  signed 
by  the  tenants  of  the  manor,  was  sent  to  the 
Legislature.  .  .  .  The  committee  to  which  the 
petition  was  referred  reported  odversely,  and 
this  was  approved  by  the  House  on  March  23, 
1705.  .  .  .  After  the  failure  of  1795  to  break  the 
title,  there  was  a  season  of  comparative  quiet 
continued  for  nearly  forty  years.  Then  a  com- 
bination was  formed  by  tlie  tenants  of  the  old 
manorial  estates,  including  those  of  large  landed 
proprietors  in  otlier  parts  of  the  State,  termed 
'anti-renters.'  It  was  a  civil  association  with  a 
military  organization.  It  was  their  purpose  to 
resist  the  payment  of  rents.  The  tenants  of  the 
Van  Rensselaer  and  the  Livingston  Manors,  being 
the  most  numerous,  were  the  projectors  and  lead-  • 
ers,  giving  laws  and  directions.  .  .  .  Landlords 
and  officers  were  intimidated  by  bands  disguised 
as  Indians,  and  some  property  was  destroyed. 
The  anti-renters  carried  their  grievances  into 
,)olitics,  tlirowing  their  votes  for  the  party  which 
would  give  tliein  tlie  most  favorable  legislation. 
In  1844,  they  petitioned  the  Legislature  to  set 
aside  as  defective  the  Van  Rensselaer  title,  and 
put  the  tenants  in  legal  possession  of  the  farms 
t\\cy  occupied.  The  petition  was  referred  to  the 
Judiciary  Committee  of  tlie  Assembly,  the  late 
Judge  Williair  Allen  being  chairman.  Anti- 
renters  of  known  ability  were  on  the  committee, 
and  a  favorable  report  was  anticipated.  But 
after  a  long  and  thorough  investigation  of  the 
title  .  .  .  the  committee  unonimously  reported 
against  tlie  prayer  of  the  petition.  This  put  an 
end  to  tlie  combination,  and  to  the  anti-rent  war, 
although  resistance  to  the  collection  of  rents  iu 
isolated  cases,  witli  bloodshed  and  loss  of  life,  is 
still  [1835]  continued.  The  landlords,  however, 
particularly  the  Livingstons,  were  tired  of  the 
strife.  They  adopted  measures  of  compromise, 
selling  to  their  tenants  the  lands  they  occupied  at 
reduced  valuations.  Only  small  portions  of  the 
old  manor  now  remain  in  the  hands  of  Robert 
Livingston's  descendants."—  G.  W.  Schuyler, 
Colonial  New  York,  v.  1,  pp.  243-285. 

Also  in  :  E.  P.  Cheyney,  Anti-Mtnt  Affitatim$ 
in  2f.  Y.  {Univ.  of  Penn.  JPubs.). 


LIVONIA. 


LOOIST^  AND  EUTHYNI. 


LIVONIA  :  I2th-i3th  Centuries.— ."irst  in- 
troduction of  Commerce  and  Cliristiii.nity. — 
"Till  tlio  year  A.  D.  1158  .  .  .  Livoiui  was 
well-nigh  utterly  unknown  to  the  rest  of  Europe. 
Some  tnuiers  of  Bnjmen  then  visited  it,  anil 
for-'od  several  settlements  alons  the  co^8t. 
Till  commercial  relations  with  their  western 
neigl  ours  first  opened  up  the  country  to  mi;\- 
siomii  V  enterprise,  and  in  the  year  A.  D.  1180 
one  of  the  mercliant-sliips  of  Bremen  brought  to 
the  mouth  o'  the  DUna  a  venerable  canon  named 
Meinliard."  Meinliard  died  in  1196,  having  ac- 
complished little,  lie  was  succeeded  by  a  Cis- 
tercian abbot  named  Berthold,  who,  being  driven 
aWay  by  the  obstinate  pagans,  returned  wratli- 
fully  in  1198,  witli  a  crusading  army,  which 
Pope  Innocent  III.  liadcoinniissioned  him  'o  lead 
against  them.  This  was  tlie  beginning  of  a  long 
and  merciless  crusading  warfare  waged  against 
the  Livonians,  or  Lieflanders,  and  against  thiMr 
Prussian  and  other  Sclavonic  neighbors,  until 
all  were  forced  to  submit  to  Uie  religious  rites 
of  their  conquerors  and  to  ci'",  themselves  Chris- 
tians. For  the  furthering  of  this  crusade,  Ber- 
thold's  successor,  Albert  vi.n  Apeldern,  of  Bre- 
men (who  founded  the  to  vu  of  Rig;.),  "  institut"d, 
in  the  year  A.  D.  1201,  vith  the  concurrence  of 
the  emperor  OthoIV.  and  the  approbation  of  the 
Pope,  the  knightly  '  Order  of  the  Sword,'  and 
placed  it  under  the  special  protection  of  tlic  Vir- 
gin Mary.  The  members  of  this  order  bound 
themselves  by  solemn  vowj;  to  liear  mass  fre- 
quently, to  abstain  from  marriage,  to  lead  a  sober 
and  chaste  life,  and  to  fight  agiiust  the  heathen. 
In  return  for  these  services  tli;'y  were  to  have 
and  to  enjoy  whatever  lands  th"y  might  wrest 
witli  their  swords  from  tlieir  pagiiu  adversaries. 
.  .  .  Albert  von  Apeldern  made  Kiga  tlie  start- 
ing-point of  his  operations.  Thence,  aided  by 
AValdemar  II.  king  of  Denmark,  he  directed  the 
arms  of  his  crusaders  agaiiisi  Jisthonia,  and  the 
neighbouring  countries  of  Scmgallen  and  Cour- 
land.  On  these  war-wasted  districts  he  suc- 
ceeded in  imposmg  a  nominal  form  of  Christian- 
ity." Tlie  Order  of  the  Sword  was  subsequently 
united  with  the  Teutonic  Order,  which  turned 
its  crusading  energies  from  tlio  Moslems  of  the 
Holy  Land  to  the  heathendom  of  the  Baltic.  —  G. 
F.  Maclear,  Apostles  of  MedicBval  Europe,  ch.  15- 
16. 

Also  in:  A.  Rambaud,  IliH.  of  Russia,  n,  1, 
eh.  9— See,  also,  Prussia:  ISthCentuuy. 

LLANOS.    See  Pampas. 

LLORENS,  Battle  of  (164S).  Sec  Spain: 
A.  D.  1644-1646. 

LOANO,  Battle  of.  See  France:  A.  D. 
1795  (June — December). 

LOBBY,  The.—  "  'Tlie  Lobby'  is  the  name 
given  in  America  to  persons,  r  ,t  being  members 
of  a  legislature,  who  undertake  to  influence  its 
members,  and  thereby  to  secure  the  passinjj  of 
bills.  The  term  includes  both  those  who,  since 
they  hang  about  the  chamber,  and  make  a  regu- 
lar profession  of  working  upon  the  members,  are 
called  'lobbyists,'  and  those  persons  who  on  any 
particular  occasion  may  come  up  to  advocate, 
by  argument  or  solicitation,  any  particular  meas- 
ure in  which  they  happen  to  be  interested.  The 
name,  therefore,  does  not  necessarily  impute  any 
improper  motive  or  conduct,  though  it  is  com- 
monly used  in  what  Bonthara  calls  a  dyslogistic 
sense." — J.  Bryce,  T/ie  Am.  Comtnonwealth,  v, 
1,  app.  note  (B)  to  ch.  18. 


LOBOSITZ,  OR  LOWOSITZ,  Battle  ot 
See  Germany:  A.  D.  1756. 

LOCH  LEVEN,  Mary  Stuart's  captivity 
at.     See  Scotland:  A.  D.  1561-1568. 

LOCHLANN.— The  Celtic  name  for  Nor- 
way, meaning  Lakeland. 

LOCKE'S  CONSTITUTION  FOR  THE 
CAROLINAS.     See  Noktii  Carolina:  A.  1). 

iO(iu-ioo;i. 

LOCOFOCOS.— "  In  1835,  in  the  city  and 
county  of  New  York,  a  portion  of  the  democrats 
organized  them.selves  into  the.  '  equal  rights  ' 
party.  At  a  meeting  in  Tammany  Hall  tliey  at- 
t'?nipted  to  embarrass  the  proceedings  of  tlio 
democratic  nominating  committee,  by  presenting 
a  chairman  in  opposition  to  tlie  one  supported  by 
tlie  regular  democrats.  Both  parties  came  to  a 
dead  lock,  and,  in  the  midst  of  great  confusion, 
the  committee  extinguished  the  lights.  The 
equal  rights  men  immediately  relighted  tlie  room 
with  ciindles  and  locofoco  matches,  with  wliich 
they  had  provided  themselves.  From  this  they 
received  tlie  name  of  locofocos,  a  designation 
which,  for  a  time,  was  applied  to  the  whole 
democratic  party  by  tlie  opposition." — W.  II. 
Houghton,  JUkI.  of  Am.  Politics,  p.  219. 

LOCRI. —  The  city  of  Locri,  or  Locri  Epize- 
phyrii,  an  ancient  Greek  settlement  in  Southern 
Italy,  was  founded  by  the  Locrians  as  early  as 
B.  C.  083.  Tl,e  elder  Dionysius,  tyrant  of  Syra- 
cuse, married  a  Locrian  woman  and  showed  great 
favor  to  the  city,  of  wliicli  he  acquired  control ; 
but  it  suffered  tt  rribly  from  his  son,  the  younger 
Dionysius,  who  transfer! ed  his  residence  to 
Locri'  when  first  ilriven  from  Syracuse. 

LOCRIANS,  The.     See  Lokrians. 

LODGER  FRANCHISE.  See  England: 
A.  I).  1884-1885. 

LODI,  Battle  oH:  See  France:  A.  D.  1796 
(April — October). 

LODI,  Treaty  of  (1454).  See  Milan:  A.  D. 
1447-14.54;  ami  Italy;  A.  D.  1447-1480. 

LOEN,  OR  STADTLOHN,  Battle  of 
(1623).    See  Germany:  A.  D.  1631-1023. 

LCETIC  COLONIES.— During  and  after 
the  civil  wars  of  the  declining  years  of  the  Ro- 
man empire,  large  numbers  of  Germans  were 
enlisted  in  the  service  of  Uie  rival  factions,  and 
were  recompensed  by  gifts  of  land,  on  which 
they  settled  as  colonists.  "Tliey  were  called 
Lceti,  i^d  the  colonies  loetic  colonies,  probably 
from  the  German  word  'leute,'  people,  because 
they  w ere  regarded  as  the  people  or  men  ..f  the 
empir-;." — P.  Godwin,  Hist,  of  France:  Ancient 
Oaiil,  hk.  3,  eh.  Si, footnote. 

LOG,  The.     See  Ephail 

LOG  CABIN  AND  HARD  CIDER  CAM- 
PAIGN. See  United  States  op  Am.  :  A.  D. 
1840. 

LOGAN  CROSS  ROADS,  Battle  of.  See 
United  States  op  Am.  :  A.  D.  1862  (January 
— February  :  Kentucky — Tennessee). 

LOGAN'S  WRONGS.— LOGAN'S  WAR. 
—LOGAN'S  FAMOUS  SPEECH.  SeeOnio 
(Valley):  A.  D.  1774. 

LOGBERG,  The.    See  TniNO. 

LOGI,  The.    See  Britain:  Celtic  TRiBEa 

LOGISTiE  AND  EUTHYNI,  The.— "In 
Athens,  all  accounts,  with  the  exception  of  those 
of  the  generals,  were  rendered  to  the  logista;  and 
euthyni.  Both  authorities,  before  and  after  the 
archonship  of  Euclid,  existed  together  at  the 
same  time.    Their  name  itself  shows  that  the 


2031 


LOGIST.*:  AND  EUTHYNI. 


LOMBARDS. 


logistic  were  nuditora  of  accounts.  The  euthynl 
were  in  immediate  connection  \.'itli  tliem.  .  .  . 
Tlie  logifitiD  were  tlie  principnl  persons  in  tlic 
niHlitiiig  boiird." — A.  IJoeclili,  Piihlic  Economy 
of  Al/ifim  (trftim.  hi/  Laiiih),  Ok.  2,  eh.  8. 

LOGOGRAPHI,  The.— Tlie  curlier  lonlnn 
Greek  liistori'iiia  ■'cimtincd  their  attention  to 
tlie  circle  of  myths  uiid  antiquities  connected 
with  single  fiimilie.i.  single  cities  and  tHstricts. 
Tliese  were  the  Ionic  '  logographi,'  so  culled 
because  they  noted  down  in  easy  narrative  tlie 
reiiiarkable  facts  that  thoy  liad  collected  and 
obtained  by  inciuiry  as  to  the  foundation  of  the 
cities,  the  myths  of  the  prehistoric  age,  and  tlie 
natural,  political,  and  social  condition  of  differ- 
ent countries. " —  E.  Curtius,  Hist,  of  Greece,  bk. 
8,  c/i.  3  {v.  2). 

LOGOTHETES.— A  ciass  of  offlcers  created 
under  Justinian  for  the  alministration  of  the  im- 
perial finances  in  Italy,  after  its  conquest  from  the 
Goths.  Tlieir  functions  corresponded  with  those 
of  a  mcxlern  auditor,  or  comptroller. — T.  Ilodg- 
kin,  Hall/  and  Her  Inmders,  bk.  5,  ch.  15  (r.  4). 

LOGSTOWN.  — About  the  middle  of  the 
18tli  century,  Logstown  was  "  an  important  In- 
dian village  ft  little  below  the  site  of  tlio  present 
city  of  Pittsburg.  Here  usually  resided  Tana- 
charisson,  a  Seneca  chief  of  great  note,  being 
head  sachem  of  the  mi.xed  tribes  which  had  mi- 
grated to  the  Ohio  and  its  brandies.  He  was 
generally  surnamcd  the  half-king,  being  subordi- 
nate to  tlie  Iroquois  confederacy." — AV.  Irving, 
Life  of  Wimhinr/ton,  u.  1,  eh.  5. 

LdlDIS.    See  Elmet. 

LOJA :  Sieges  and  capture  by  the  Span- 
iards (1482-1483).    See  Spain  :  A.  D.  1476-1493. 

LOJERA,  Battle  of  (1353).  See  Constanti- 
nopi.k:  A.  I).  1348-1355. 

LOKRIANS,  The.— "The  coast  [of  Greece, 
in  ancient  times]  opposite  to  the  western  side  of 
Euba?a,  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Thermopylie 
as  far  as  the  Bceotian  frontier  at  Anthedon,  was 
po.sscs.se(l  by  the  Lokrians,  whose  northern  fron- 
tier town,  Alpeni,  was  conterminous  with  the 
JIalians.  There  was,  however,  one  narrow  strip 
of  Pliokis  —  tlie  town  of  Daphnus,  where  the 
Phokinns  also  touched  the  Eubtean  sea  —  which 
broke  this  continuity  and  divided  the  Lokrians 
into  two  sections, —  Lokriau.^  of  Jlount  Knemis. 
or  Epiknemidian  Lokrians,  and  Lokrians  of 
Opus,  or  Opuntian  Lokrians.  .  .  .  Besides  these 
two  sections  of  tlie  Lokrian  name,  there  was  also 
n  third,  completely  separate,  and  said  to  have 
been  colonised  from  Opus, —  the  Lokrians  sur- 
namcd O/.ola?,  —  who  dwelt  apart  on  the  western 
side  of  Phokis,  along  the  northern  coast  of  the 
Corinthian  Gulf.  .  .  .  Opus  prided  Itself  on  be- 
ing the  mother-city  of  the  Lokrian  name.  .  .  . 
The  whole  length  of  this  Lokrian  coast  is  cele- 
brated for  its  beauty  and  fertility,  both  by  ancient 
and  modern  observers." — G.  Grote,  Hist,  of 
Greeee.  pt.  3,  eh.  3  (i:  2). 

LOLLARDS.  The.  See  Ekqland:  A.  D. 
1360-1414;  and  Beouines.  — Beoiiards. 

LOLLARDS'  TOWER.— When  the  perse- 
cution of  the  Lollards,  or  disciples  of  Wyclif, 
began  in  England,  under  Henry  IV.,  the  prisons 
were  soon  crowded,  and  the  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury found  need  of  building  an  additional 
tower  to  his  palace  at  Lambeth  for  the  custotlv 
of  them.  The  Lollards'  Tower,  as  it  was  nametf, 
is  still  standing,  with  the  rings  in  its  walls  to 
which  the  captives  were  chained. 


LOMBARDl'.,  OR  LANGOBARDI.— Early 

history. — "Tlie  Langobardi  .  .  .  are  ennobled 
by  the  smallness  of  their  numbers;  since,  though 
surrounded  by  many  powerful  nations,  they  de- 
rive security,  not  from  obsequiousness,  but  from 
their  martial  enterprise."  —  Tacitus,  Qermniiy, 
Oxford  trans.,  eh.  40. — "I.  tlie  reign  of  Augus- 
tus, the  I^angobardl  dwelt  on  this  side  the  Elbe, 
between  Luneburgand  Magdeburg.  When  con- 
quered and  driven  beyond  the  Elbe  by  Tiberius, 
they  occupied  that  part  of  the  country  where 
arc  now  Prignitz,  Ruppin,  and  part  of  the  Mid- 
dle Marclie.  They  afterward  founded  tlie  Lom- 
bard kingdom  in"  Italy." — Translator's  note  to 
abo-e. — The  etymology  which  explains  the  name 
of  the  Lombards  or  Langobardi  by  finding  in  it 
a  reference  to  the  length  of  their  beards  is  ques- 
tioned bv  some  modern  writers.  Sheppard 
("Fall  of  Rome")  conjectures  that  tlie  name 
originally  nicant  "long-spears"  rather  than 
"long-beards."  Other  writers  derive  the  name 
"  from  the  district  they  inhabited  on  the  banks 
of  the  Elbe,  where  BOrde  (or  Bord)  still  signifies 
'  a  fertile  plain  by  the  side  of  a  river,'  and  a  dis- 
trict near  Magdeburg  is  still  callecl  the  lango 
Biirdo.  According  to  this  view,  Langobardi 
would  signify  '  inhabitants  of  the  long  bord  of 
the  river  ;  and  traces  of  their  name  are  supposed 
still  to  occur  in  such  names  as  Bardengau  and 
Bardewick,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Elbe." 
— Dr.  W.  Smith,  Note  to  Gibbon's  Decline  and 
Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  ch.  43.— From  tlie 
Elbe  the  Langobardi  moved  in  time  to  the  Dan- 
ube. "  Here  they  encountered  the  GepidiB,  who, 
.  .  .  after  having  taken  a  leading  part  in  the  de- 
feat and  dispersion  of  the  Huns  in  the  great  bat- 
tle of  Nctad  [A.  D.  453],  had  settled  in  the  plains 
of  Upper  Hungary  and  on  the-  Transylvaiiian 
hills.  For  thirty  years  these  two  powerful  tribes 
continued  a  contest  in  which  buth  sides  sought 
the  assistance  of  the  Greek  emperor,  and  both 
were  purposely  encouraged  in  their  rivalry  with 
ft  view  to  their  common  destruction."  In  566  the 
struggle  was  decided  by  ft  tremendous  battle  in 
which  the  Gepidic  were  crushed.  The  Lombards, 
in  this  lost  encounter,  had  secured  tlie  aid  of  the 
pretended  Avars,  then  lately  arrived  on  the  Dan- 
ube ;  but  the  prestige  of  tl  -overwhelming  vic- 
tory attached  itself  to  the  name  of  the  young 
Lombard  king,  Alboin.  "  In  the  days  of  Charle- 
magne, the  songs  of  the  German  peasant  still 
told  of  his  beauty,  his  heroic  qualities,  and  the 
resistless  vigour  of  his  sword.  His  renown 
cros.sed  the  Alps,  and  fell,  with  ft  foreboding 
sound,  upon  the  startled  ears  of  the  Italians,  now 
experienced  in  the  varied  miseries  of  invasion." 
— J.  G.  Sheppard,  Fall  of  Rome,  led.  6. 

A.  D.  568-573.— Conquests  and  settlement 
in  Italy. —  Wlien  the  Lombards  and  the  Avars 
crushed  the  nation  of  the  Gepidie  (see  Avaks),  in 
566,  it  was  one  of  the  terms  of  the  bargain  be- 
tween them  that  the  former  should  surrender  to 
the  Avars,  not  only  tlie  conquered  territory  —  in 
Wallachia,  Moldavia,  Transylvania  and  part  of 
Hungary  —  but,  also,  their  own  homes  in  Pan- 
nonia  and  Noricum.  No  doubt  the  ambitious 
Lombard  king,  Alboin,  had  thoughts  of  an  easy 
conquest  of  Italy  in  his  mind  when  ho  assented 
to  so  strange  an  agreement.  Fourteen  years  be- 
fore, the  Lombard  warriors  had  traversed  the 
sunny  peninsula  in  the  army  of  Narses,  as  friends 
and  allies  of  the  Roman-Greeks.  The  recollec- 
tion of  its  charms,  and  of  its  still  surviving 


2032 


LOMBARDS. 


LOJIBARnS. 


wcnlth,  invited  them  to  return.  Tlicir  old  leader, 
Nurses,  Imd  been  deposed  from  tlie  exiirclmto  at 
Ravenna;  it  is  possible  Mint  ho  encouraged  tlieir 
coming.  "  It  was  not  an  army,  but  nn  entire 
nation,  which  descended  the  Alps  of  Frluli  in  the 
year  568.  The  exareh  Longinus,  who  had  suc- 
ceeded Narses,  shut  himself  up  within  the  walls 
of  I{avenna,  and  ofTered  no  other  resistance. 
Pttvia,  which  had  been  well  fortified  by  the  Itings 
of  the  Ostrogotlis,  closed  its  gates,  and  sustained 
a  siege  of  four  years.  Several  other  towns, 
Padua,  Monzelice,  and  i\Iantua,  opposed  tlieir 
isolated  forces,  but  with  less  perseverance.  Tlie 
Lombards  advanced  slowly  into  the  country,  but 
still  they  advanced;  at  their  approach,  the  in- 
habitants iied  to  the  fortified  towns  upon  the  sea 
coast  in  the  hope  of  being  relieved  by  the  Greek 
fleet,  or  at  least  of  finding  a  refuge  in  the  ships, 
if  it  became  necessary  to  surrender  the  place. 
.  .  .  The  islands  of  Venire  received  the  numer- 
ous fugitives  from  Venetia,  and  at  their  head  the 
patriarch  of  Aquileia,  who  toolc  up  his  abode  at 
Qrado;  Ravenna  opened  its  gates  to  the  fugi- 
tives from  the  two  banks  of  the  Po;  Genoa  to 
those  from  Liguria;  the  inhabitants  of  La 
Romagna,  between  Rimini  and  Ancona,  retired 
to  the  cities  of  the  Pentapolis;  Pisa,  Rome,  Gaeta, 
Naples,  Amalfl,  and  all  the  maritime  towns  of 
the  south  of  Italy  were  peopled  at  the  same 
time  by  crowds  of  fugitives."  —  J.  C.  L.  de 
Sismondi,  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  eh.  11  (».  1). 
— "  From  the  Trentlne  hills  to  the  gates  of  Raven- 
na and  Itome,  the  inland  regions  of  Italy  became, 
without  a  battle  or  a  siege,  the  lasting  patrimony 
of  the  Lombards.  .  .  .  One  city,  which  had  been 
diligently  fortified  by  tlie  Goths,  resisted  the 
arms  of  o  new  invader;  and,  while  Italy  was 
subdued  by  the  flying  detachments  of  the  Lom- 
bards, the  royal  camp  was  fixed  above  three 
years  before  the  western  gate  of  Ticinum,  or 
Pavia.  .  .  .  The  impatient  besieger  had  bound 
hii<  elf  by  a  tremendous  oath  that  age,  and  sex, 
and  dignity  sliouid  be  confounded  in  a  general 
massacre.  Tlie  aid  of  famine  at  length  enabled 
him  to  execute  his  bloody  vow ;  but  as  Alboin 
entered  the  gate  his  horse  stumbled,  fell,  and 
cftuld  not  be  raised  from  the  ground.  One  of 
his  attendants  was  prompted  by  compassion,  or 
piety,  to  interpret  this  miraculous  sign  of  the 
wratli  of  Heaven :  the  conqueror  paused  and  re- 
lented. .  .  .  Deliglited  with  tlie  situation  of  a 
city  which  was  endeared  to  his  pride  by  tlie  diffi- 
culty of  the  purcliase,  the  prince  of  the  Lombards 
disdained  tlie  ancient  glories  of  Milan ;  and  Pavia 
during  some  ages  was  respected  as  the  capital  of 
tlie  kingdom  or  Italy."  —  E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and 
Fall  of  (he  Itonmn  Empire,  ch.  45. 

A.  D.  S73-7S4.  —  Their  kingdom.  — Alboin 
survived  but  a  short  time  the  conquest  of  his 
Italian  kingdom.  He  was  murdered  in  June, 
573,  at  the  instigation  of  his  wife,  the  Gepid 
princess  Rosamond,  whose  alliance  with  him  had 
been  forced  and  hateful.  His  successor.  Clef, 
or  Clepho,  a  chief  elected  by  the  assembly  of  the 
nation  at  Pavia,  reigned  but  eighteen  months, 
when  he,  too,  was  murdered.  After  a  distracted 
period  of  ten  years,  in  which  there  wnS  no  king, 
the  young  son  of  Clepho,  named  Autharis,  came 
to  manhood  and  was  raised  to  the  throne. 
"Under  the  standard  of  their  new  king,  the 
conquerors  of  Italy  withstood  three  successive 
invasions  [of  the  Franks  and  the  Alemanni],  one 
of  which  was  led  by  Childebert  himself,  the  last 


of  the  Merovingian  race  who  descended  from  the 
Alps.  .  .  .  During  a  period  of  20(>  years  Itjily 
was  unequally  divided  between  tlie  kingdom  of 
the  Lombards  and  the  exarchate  of  Ravenna. 
.  .  .  From  Pavia,  the  royal  seat,  their  kingdom 
[that  of  the  Lombards]  was  extended  to  the 
east,  the  north,  and  the  west,  as  far  as  the  con- 
fines of  the  Avars,  the  Uavarians,  and  the 
Franks  of  Au.strasia  and  Burgundy.  In  the  lan- 
guage of  mcxlern  g('<)graphy,  it  is  now  repre- 
sented by  the  Terra  Firma  of  the  Venetian 
republic,  Tyrol,  the  Milanese,  Piodmoat,  the 
coast  of  Genoa,  Jlantua,  Parma,  and  Jloiiena, 
the  grand  duchy  of  Tuscany,  ami  a  large  portion 
of  the  ecclesiastical  state  from  Perugia  to  the 
Adriatic.  The  dukes,  and  at  length  the  princes, 
of  Beneventum,  survived  tlie  monarcliy,  and 
propagated  the  name  of  the  Lombards,  From 
Capua  to  Tarentum,  they  reigned  near  500  years 
over  the  greatest  part  of  the  present  kingdom  of 
Naples."— E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and  FaU  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  ch.  45. 

A.  D.  754-774.- The  Fall  of  their  monarchy. 
—Charlemagne's  conquest. — Until  754  the  Lom- 
bard kings  pursued  a  generally  prosperous 
career  of  aggrandizement,  in  Italy.  They  had 
succeeded,  at  the  last,  in  expelling  the  exarchs 
of  the  Eastern  Empire  from  Ravenna  and  in 
taking  possession  of  that  capital,  with  much  of 
the  territory  and  many  of  the  cities  in  central 
Italy  which  depended  on  it.  These  successes  in- 
flamed tlieir  determination  to  acquire  Rome, 
which  had  practically  resumwl  its  independence, 
and  theoretically  reconstituted  itself  a  republic, 
with  the  Pope,  in  fact,  ruling  it  as  an  actual 
prince.  In  753  the  Papal  chair  was  filled  by 
S;  .phen  II.  and  the  Lombard  throne  by  King 
Aistaulf,  or  Astolphus.  The  former,  being 
newly  threatened  by  the  latter,  made  a  journey 
to  the  court  of  tlie  Frank  king,  Pippin,  to  solicit 
his  aid.  Pippin  was  duly  grateful  for  the  sanc- 
tion which  the  preceding  pope  had  given  to  liis 
seizure  of  tlie  Merovingian  crown,  and  he  re- 
sponded to  the  appeal  in  a  vigorous  way.  In  a 
sliort  campaign  beyond  the  Alps,  in  754,  he  ex- 
torted from  the  Lombard  king  a  promise  to  make 
over  the  cities  of  tlie  exarchate  to  the  Pope  and  to 
respect  his  domain.  But  the  promise  was  broken 
as  soon  as  made.  The  Franks  were  hardly  out 
of  Italy  before  Aistulf  was  ravaging  tlie  en- 
virons of  Rome  and  assailing  its  gates.  On  this 
provocation  Pippin  came  back  tlie  next  year  and 
humbled  the  Lombard  more  elTectually,  strip- 
l)ing  him  of  additional  territory,  for  the  benetit 
of  the  Pope,  taking  heavy  ransom  and  tributes 
from  him,  and  binding  him  by  oatlis  and  hos- 
togcs  to  acknowledge  the  supremacy  of  the  king 
of  the  Franks.  Tliis  chastisement  sufficed  for 
nearly  twenty  years ;  but  in  773  tlie  Pope  (now 
Hadrian)  was  driven  once  more  to  appeal  to  the 
Frank  monarch  for  protection  against  his  north- 
ern neiglibors.  Pippin  was  dead  and  his  great 
son  Charles,  or  Charlemagne,  had  quarrels  of  his 
own  with  Lombardy  to  second  the  Papal  call. 
He  passed  the  Alps  at  the  head  of  a  powerful 
army,  reduced  Pavia  after  a  year-long  siege  and 
made  a  complete  conquest  of  the  kingdom,  im- 
muring its  late  king  in  a  cloister  for  the  remain- 
der of  his  days.  He  also  confirmed,  it  is  said, 
tlie  territoriol  "donations"  of  his  father  to  the 
Holy  See  and  added  some  provinces  to  them. 
"Thus  the  kingdom  of  the  Lombards,  after  a 
stormy  existence  of  over  two  hundred  years,  was 


2033 


LOMBAUDS. 


LONDON. 


forever  txtinKiiighed.  Comprising  Piedmont, 
Uenoii,  tlie  Milanese,  Tuscany,  and  several 
smaller  states,  it  constituted  the  most  valuable 
acquisition,  perhaps,  the  Franks  liad  lutelv 
achieved.  Their  limits  were  advanced  by  it 
from  the  Alps  to  the  Tiber;  yet,  in  the  disposnl 
of  his  spoil,  the  magnanimous  conqueror  re- 
garded the  forms  of  government  which  had  been 
previously  established.  He  introduced  no 
changes  that  were  not  deemed  indispensable. 
The  native  dukes  and  counts  were  confirmed  in 
their  dignities;  the  national  law  was  preserved, 
and  the  distributions  of  land  maintained,  Karl 
receiving  the  homage  of  the  Lombanl  lonis  as 
their  feudal  sovereign,  and  reserving  to  himself 
only  the  name  of  King  of  Lombardy." — P.  God- 
win, JIM.  of  France:  Ancient  Gaul,  eh.  15-10. 

Also  IN:  E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the 
Iloman  Empire,  eh.  49. — J.  I.  Mombert,  Charle- 
magne, bk.  1,  eh.  2,  and  bk.  2,  ch.  2. — J.  Bryce, 
The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  ch.  4-5. — See,  also. 
Papacy:  A.  D.  728-774. 


LOMBARDY  :  A.  D.  754.— Charlemagne's 
reconstitution  of  the  kingdom.  Hee  Lo.m- 
iiAKDs:  A.  D.  754-774. 

A.  D.  961-1039. — The  subjection  to  Ger- 
many.   See  Italy:  A.  I).  9«1-10;59. 

A.  D.  1056-1152.— The  rise  of  the  Republi- 
can cities.     See  Italy:  A.  I).  105(!-11.V2. 

A.  D.  1154-1183.— The  vicars  of  Frederick 
Barbarossa  against  the  Communes.— The 
League  of  Lombardy.  Sec  Italy:  A.  1).  1154- 
1103,  to  1174-1183;  and  Fedeual  Govehnmbnt: 
jVIedi.eval  Leagi'e  of  Lomhaudy. 

A.  D.  1183-1250.— The  conflict  with  Fred- 
erick II.     See  Italy:  A.  D.  1183-1250. 

A.  D.  1250-1520.— The  Age  of  the  Despots. 


See  Italy  :  A. 


1520.— 
I).  135^ 


50-1530. 


A.  D.  1277-1447.— Rise  and  domination  of 
the  Visconti  of  Milan,  and  the  dissolution  of 
their  threatening  tyranny.  See  Milan  :  A.  D. 
1377-1447. 

A.  D.  1310-1313.— Visit  of  the  Emperor 
Henry  VII. — His  coronation  with  the  Iron 
Crown.    See  Italy:  A.  D.  1310-1313. 

A.  D.  1327-1330.— Visit  and  coronation  of 
Louis  IV.  of  Bavaria.  Sec  Italy:  A.  D.  1313- 
1330. 

A.  D.  1360-1301.— The  Free  Companies  and 
the  wars  with  Florence  and  with  the  Pope. 
See  Italy:  A.  D.  1343-1393. 

A.  D.  1412-1422.— Reconquest  by  Filippo 
Maria  Visconti,  third  duke  of  Milan.  See 
Italy:  A.  D.  1413-1447. 

A.  D.  1447-14S4.— Disputed  succession  of 
the  Visconti  in  Milan. — The  duchy  seized  by 
Francesco  '  orza. — War  of  Venice,  Naples, 
and  other  Slates  against  Milan  and  Florence. 
See  Milan:  A.  D.  1447-1454. 

A.  D.  1492-1544.— The  struggle  for  the  Mi- 
lanese territory,  until  its  acquisition  by  the 
Spanish  crown.  See  references  under  Milan  : 
A.  D.  1493-1496,  to  1544. 

A.  D.  1713. — Cession  of  the  duchy  of  Milan 
to  Austria.     See  Utrecht:  A.  D.  1712-1714. 

A.  D.  1745-17A6.— Occupied  by  the  Span- 
iards and  French  and  recovered  by  the  Aus- 
trians.  Sec  Italy:  A.  D.  1745;  and  1746- 
1747. 

A.  D.  1749-1792.— Under  Austrian  rule,  after 
the  Peace  of  Aix-Ia-Chapelle.  Sec  Italy: 
A.  D.  1749-1792. 


A.  D.  1796-1797. — Conquest  by  Bonaparte. 
— Creation  of  the  Cisalpine  Republic.  See 
Fuanck:  a.  I).  1796  (Ai-niL- October);  1796- 
1797  (October— April);  and  1797  (May— Octo- 
ber). 

A.  D.  1709.  —  French  evacuation.  See 
France:  A.  D.  1799  (Ai'iiii. — Heptemuku). 

A.  D.  1800.— Recovery  by  the  French.  See 
France:  A.  I).  1800-1801  (.May— February). 

A.  D.  1805.— The  Iron  Crown  bestowed  on 
Napoleon,  as  King  of  Italy.  See  France: 
A.  b.  1804-1805. 

A.  D.  1814.— French  evacuation.  SeelTAiiT: 
A.  I).  1814. 

A.  D.  1814-1815.— Restored  to  Austria.— 
Formation  of  the  Lombardo-Venetian  king- 
dom. See  France:  A.  I).  1814  (Aprii. — June); 
Vienna,  The C'oNOREBs OF;  Italy:  A.  D.  1814- 
1815;  and  Austria:  A.  I).  1815-1846. 

A.  D.  1848-1849. — The  struggle  for  freedom 
from  Austrian  misrule  and  its  failure.  See 
Italy:  A.  D.  1848-1849. 

A.  D.  1859. — Emancipation  from  the  Aus- 
trians. — Absorption  in  the  kingdom  of  Italy. 
See  Italy:  A.  D.  18.56-18.59;  aniri859-1861. 

LOMBARDY,  The  iron  crown  of.— The 
crown  of  the  Lombard  kings  was  lined  with 
an  iron  band,  believed  to  liave  been  wrought  of 
the  nails  used  in  the  Cruciflxion.  Hence  it  was 
called  the  Iron  Crown. — J.  I.  Mombert,  Ilist.  of 
Charles  the  Great,  bk.  3,  ch.  2. 

LONATO,  Battle  of.  See  France:  A.  D. 
1796  (April— October). 

LONDINIUM.— The  Roman  name  of  the  city 
of  London.    See  London. 


LONDON  :  The  origin  of  the  cit^  and  its 
name. — "When  Plautius  [Aulas  Plaulius,  who, 
in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Claudius,  A.  D.  43, 
led  the  second  Roman  invasion  of  Britain,  that 
of  Ca;8ar  having  been  the  first]  withdrew  his 
soldiers  from  the  marshes  they  had  vainly  at- 
tempted to  cross,  he,  no  doubt,  encamped  them 
somewhere  in  the  neighbourhooii.'  I  believe  the 
place  was  London.  The  name  of  London  refers 
directly  to  the  marshes,  though  I  cannot  hare 
enter  into  a  philological  argument  to  prove  the 
fact.  At  London  the  Roman  general  was  able 
both  to  watch  ins  enemy  and  to  secure  the  con- 
quests he  had  made,  vhile  his  ships  could  supply 
him  with  all  the  necessaries  he  required.  When, 
in  the  autumn  of  the  year  43,  he  drew  the  lines 
of  circumvallation  round  his  camp,  I  believe  he 
founded  the  present  metropolis  of  Britain.  The 
notion  entertained  by  some  antiquaries  that  a 
Brtish  town  preceded  the  Roman  camp  has  no 
foundation  to  rest  upon,  and  is  inconsistent  with 
all  we  know  of  the  early  geography  of  this  part 
of  Britain." — E.  Guest,  Origines  Celticne,  v.  2, 
pt.  2,  ch.  13. — "Old  as  it  is,  London  is  far  from 
being  one  of  the  oldest  of  British  cities;  till  the 
coming  of  the  Romans,  indeed,  the  loneliness  of 
its  site  seems  to  have  been  unbroken  by  any 
settlement  whatever.  The 'dun'  was,  in  fact, 
the  centre  of  a  vast  wilderness.  .  .  .  We  know 
nothing  of  the  settlement  01'  the  town  ;  but  its 
advantages  as  the  first  landing-place  along  the 
Thames  secured  for  it  at  once  the  command  of 
all  trading  intercourse  with  Gaul,  and  through 
Gaul  with  the  empire  at  large.  So  rapid  was  'ts 
growth  that  only  a  few  years  after  the  landing  of 
Claudius  [who   joined  Aulud  Plautius  in  the 


2034 


LONDON. 


LONDON. 


of  43]  London  Imil  risen  into  a  flourisli- 
t."  —  .1.  11.  Oreeii,    The  Making  of  En;/- 


niitumn 
inj?  port, 

Juiul,  ch.  9, — "Tlu!  (leriviition  of  '  Londiniiuu 
from  '  Llyn-din,'  tlio  liiliu  fort,  seeni.s  to  iiuri'u 
best  witli  the  Bituatiou  and  tlie  liistory.  Tlio 
lioninn  could  not  fninic  to  pronounce  the  Uritisit 
word  '  Llyn,'  a  word  which  must  Imve  sounded 
to  his  ears  very  much  lilte  '  Clun,'  or  '  l,un,'  and 
the  fact,  if  it  is  a  fact,  that  Llyn  was  turned  into 
Lon,  goes  to  increase  tlie  probability  that  this  is 
the  correct  derivation  of  the  name.  Tlie  flrst 
founder  called  his  fastness  the  '  Fortof  tlieLalie,' 
»nd  this  is  all  that  renutlns  of  liiin  or  it.  .  .  . 
London  was  in  those  days  empliatically  a  Llyn- 
din,  the  river  itself  being  more  iil<e  a  broad  lalie 
tlian  a  stream,  and  beliind  tlie  fortress  lying  tlic 
'  great  northfrn  lake,'  as  a  writer  so  late  as  Fit/.- 
Stephen  call*  it,  where  is  now  Moorlields.  I  take 
it,  it  was  somctldng  very  like  an  island,  if  not 
quite  —  a  piece  of  high  ground  rising  out  of  lake, 
and  swamp,  and  estuary."  —  W.  J.  Loftie,  Hint. 
<if  LdiiiUin,  ch.  1,  (iiiil  foot-note. 

A.  D.  6i. — Destruction  by  the  Iceni. — Lon- 
dinium  was  one  of  tlie  Roman  towns  in  Britain 
(lestroycd  by  the  leeni,  at  the  time  of  the  furious 
insurrection  to  which  they  were  incited  by  their 
outraged  queen  Boadicea,  A.  D.  01.  It  "was 
crowded  with  Itoman  residents,  crowded  still 
more  at  this  moment  with  fugitives  from  the 
country  towns  and  villas:  but  it  was  undefended 
by  wails,  its  population  of  traders  was  of  little 
account  in  military  eyes,  and  Suetonius  sternly 
determined  to  leave  it,  witli  all  the  wealth  it 
harboured,  to  the  barbarians,  ratlier  than  sacri- 
flce  Ids  soldiers  in  the  attempt  to  save  it.  .  .  . 
Amidst  the  overthrow  of  the  great  cities  of 
southern  Britain,  not  less  than  70,000  Roman 
colonists  .  .  .  perished.  The  worlc  of  twenty 
years  was  in  a  moment  undone.  Far  and  wide 
every  vestige  of  Roman  civilization  was  trodden 
into  the  soil.  At  this  day  the  workmen  who  dig 
through  the  foundations  of  the  Norman  and  the 
Saxon  London,  strike  beneath  them  on  the  traces 
of  a  double  Roman  city,  between  which  lies  a 
mass  of  charred  and  broken  rubbish,  attesting 
the  conflagration  of  the  terrible  Boadicea. "  —  C. 
Merivalo,  Jlist.  of  the  liovMiis,  ch.  51. 

4th  Century. — The  Roman  Augusta  and  its 
walls. — "It  IS  certain  that,  either  under  Con- 
stantine  [the  emperor]  himself,  or  under  one  of 
his  immediate  successors,  the  outer  wall  was 
built.  Though  the  building  of  the  Roman  wall, 
which  still  in  a  sense  defines  the  city  boundaries, 
is  an  event  in  the  history  of  London  not  second 
in  importance  even  to  its  foundation,  since  it 
made  a  mere  village  and  fort  with  a  '  tCte  du 
pont '  into  a  great  city  and  the  capital  of  provin- 
cial Britain,  yet  we  have  no  records  by  which 
an  exact  date  can  be  assigned  to  it.  All  we 
know  is  that  in  350  London  had  no  wall :  and  in 
369  the  wall  existed.  The  new  wall  must  have 
taken  in  an  immense  tract  of  what  was  until 
then  open  country,  especially  along  the  Watling 
Street,  towards  Cheap  and  Newgate.  It  trans- 
formed London  into  Augusta;  and  though  the 
now  name  hardly  appears  on  the  page  of  history, 
and  never  without  a  reference  to  the  older  one, 
its  existence  proves  tlio  increase  in  estimation 
wliich  was  then  accorded  to  the  place.  The 
object  of  this  extensive  circumvallation  is  not 
very  clear.  The  population  to  be  protected 
might  very  well  have  been  crowded  into  a  much 
smaller  space.  .  .  .  The  wall  enclosed  a  space 

3-31  203 


fif  'WO  acres,  being  5,485  yards  in  lengtli,  or  3 
miles  and  205  yaiilM.  The  portion  along  the 
river  extended  from  Blackfi'ia.s  to  the  Tower." 
— W.  J.  Loftie,  IIM.  of  Londoit,  rh.  2  (v.  1).— 
"Tile  historian  Animianus  Marcellinus,  who. 
wrote  about  A.  I).  380,  in  the  reign  of  Uratian, 
states  that  Londinium  (he  calls  it  Luii(liiiiiiiii) 
was  in  his  days  called  Augusta.  From  him  wu 
learn  that  Lupieinus,  who  was  sent  by  Julian  to 
repress  the  inroads  of  the  Scots  and  Piets,  made 
Londinium  his  head  quarters,  and  there  con- 
i:('rted  the  plan  of  the  campaign.  In  the  reign 
of  Valentinian  Britain  was  again  disturbed,  not 
only  by  the  northern  barbarians,  but  also  by  the 
Franks  and  Saxons.  Theodosius,  who  was  ap- 
jioiuted  commander  of  the  legions  and  cohorts 
selected  for  this  service,  came  from  Boulogne, 
by  way  of  Riitupiie,  to  Londinium,  the  same 
route  taken  a  few  years  previously  by  Lupieinus, 
ami  there  he  also  matured  his  plan  for  the  res- 
toration of  the  tran<iiiillity  of  the  province.  It 
is  on  this  occasion  that  Marcellinus  spcalis  iw'wx', 
of  Londinium  as  an  ancient  town,  thi^ii  called 
Augusta.  By  the  anonymous  chorographer  of 
Uavenna  it  is  called  Londinium  Augusta ;  and  it 
is  in  this  sense,  a  cognomen  or  distinguishing 
appellation,  as  applied  to  a  preeminen'  town  or 
capital,  that  wc  must  probably  iinder.suind  the 
term  as  used  by  Marcellinus  in  relation  to  Lon- 
dinium. .  .  .  The  extent  of  Londinium,  from 
Ludgate  on  the  west  to  the  Tower  on  the  east, 
was  about  a  mile,  and  about  half  ii  mile  from  the 
wall  on  the  north  (London  Wall)  to  the  Thames, 
giving  dimensions  far  greater  than  those  of  any 
other  Roman  town  in  Britain.  These  were  the 
limits  of  the  city  when  the  liomans  relinquished 
the  dominion  of  tlie  island." — Chas.  Roach  Smith, 
lUuntratioim  of  liomaii  London,  pp.  11-12. 

4th  Century.— The  rrowth  of  the  Roman  city. 
— "That  London  gradually  increased  in  impor- 
tance beyond  the  dignity  of  a  commercial  city  is 
plain,  from  the  mention  of  it  in  the  Itinera, which 
show  the  number  of  marching  roads  beginning 
and  terminating  there.  .  .  .  London  then  [in  the 
times  of  .luliau  and  Theodosius]  bore  the  name 
of  'Augusta,'  or  'Londinium  Augusta,'  and  this 
title  is  only  applied  to  cities  of  pre-eminent  im- 
portance. The  area  of  Roman  London  was  con- 
siderable, and,  from  discoveries  made  at  different 
times,  appears  to  have  extended  with  the  growth 
of  Roman  power.  The  walls  when  the  Romans 
left  Britain  reached  from  Ludgate,  on  the  west, 
to  the  Tower  on  the  cast,  about  one  mile  in 
length,  and  from  London  Wall  to  the  Thames. 
...  It  also  extended  across  the  river  on  the 
Kentish  side. " — H.  M.  Scarth,  Ilouum  Britain, 
ch.  15. — "Roman  London  was  built  on  the  ele- 
vated ground  on  both  sides  of  a  stream,  known 
in  after  time  by  the  name  of  Wallbrook,  which 
ran  into  the  'flianies  not  far  from  Southwark 
Bridge.  ...  Its  walls  were  identical  witli  those 
which  enclosed  the  medioival  city  of  London. 
.  .  .  The  northern  and  north-eastern  parts  of 
the  town  were  occupied  with  extensive  and  —  to 
judge  by  the  remains  which  have  been  brought 
to  light  —  magnificent  mansions.  ...  At  the 
period  to  which  our  last  chapter  had  brought  us 
[A.  D.  353],  the  city  had  extended  to  the  other 
side  of  the  'Thames,  and  the  borough  of  South- 
wark  stands  upon  ground  which  covers  the  floors 
of  Roman  houses  and  the  pavings  of  Roman 
streets." — T.  Wright,  Celt,  Soman  and  Saxari, 
ch.  5. 


LONDON. 


LONDON. 


Ai.Ro IN:  C.  Roach  Smith,  AntiquUie»  of  Ro- 
nuin  h>n4l(m. 

6th-9th  Centuries.— During  the  Saxon  con- 
quest and  settlement. — For  nearly  half  a,  cen- 
tury afUT  its  ('on(|UL'st  by  the  East-Saxong 
(which  took  place  probably  alxiut  the  middle  of 
the  0th  century)  London  "wholly  disappearH 
from  our  view."  "We  know  nothing  of  the 
circumHtanccH  of  its  conquest,  of  the  fate  of  its 
citizens,  or  of  the  settlement  of  the  conquerors 
within  its  walls.  That  some  sucli  settlement  had 
taken  place,  at  least  as  early  as  the  close  of  the 
seventh  century,  is  plain  from  the  story  of  Mel- 
litus,  when  placed  as  bishop  within  its  walls 
[see  Enoland:  A.  D.  507-685];  hut  it  is  equally 
I)lain  that  the  settlement  was  an  English  one, 
that  the  provincials  had  here  as  elsewhere  dis- 
appeared, and  that  the  ruin  of  the  city  had  been 
complete.  Had  London  merely  surrendered  to 
the  East-Saxons  and  retained  its  older  popula- 
tion and  municipal  life,  it  is  hard  to  imagine 
how,within  less  than  half  a  century,  its  burghers 
could  have  so  wholly  lost  all  trivce  of  Christianity 
that  not  even  a  ruined  clnirch,  as  at  Canterbury, 
remained  for  the  use  of  the  Christian  bishop, 
and  tliuL  the  first  care  of  Mellitus  was  to  set  up 
a  mis.sion  cuurch  in  the  midst  of  a  heathen  popu- 
lation. It  is  even  harder  to  imagine  how  all 
trace  of  the  municipal  institutions  to  which  the 
Koman  towns  clung  so  obstinately  should  have 
so  utterly  disappeared.  But  more  direct  proofs 
of  the  wreck  of  the  town  meet  us  in  the  stray 
glimpses  which  wo  arc  able  to  get  of  its  earlier 
topographical  history.  The  story  of  early  Lon- 
don IS  not  that  of  a  settled  commimity  slowly 
putting  off  the  forms  of  Koman  for  those  of 
English  life,  but  of  a  number  of  little  groups 
scattered  here  and  there  over  the  area  within  the 
walls,  each  growing  up  with  its  own  life  and 
institutions,  gilds,  sokes,  religious  houses,  and 
the  like,  and  only  slowly  drawing  together  into 
a  municipal  union  which  remained  wohk  and 
imperfect  even  at  the  Norman  Conquest.  .  .  . 
Its  position  Indeed  was  such  that  traffic  could 
not  fail  to  recreate  the  town;  for  whether  a 
bridge  or  a  ferry  existed  at  this  time,  it  was  here 
that  the  traveller  from  Kent  or  Oaul  would  still 
cross  the  Thames,  and  it  was  from  London  that 
the  roads  sill!  diverged  whicli,  silent  and  deso- 
late as  tliev  had  become,  furnished  the  means  of 
communication  to  any  part  of  Britain." — J.  R. 
Green,  Ttie  Cong,  of  Eng.,  pp.  149  ami  452-459.— 
"London  may  be  said  after  this  time  [early  in 
the  9th  century]  to  be  no  longer  the  capital  of 
one  Saxon  kingdom,  but  to  be  the  special  prop- 
erty of  whichever  king  of  whichever  kingdom 
was  then  paramount  in  all  England.  When  the 
supremacy  of  Morcia  declined,  and  that  of  Wes- 
sex  arose,  London  went  to  the  conqueror.  In 
823,  Egbert  receives  the  submission  of  Essex, 
and  in  827  he  is  in  London,  and  in  833  a  Witan 
is  held  there,  at  which  he  presides.  Such  are 
the  scanty  notes  from  which  the  history  of  Lon- 
don during  the  so-called  Heptarchy  must  be 
compiled.  .  .  .  London  had  to  bear  the  brunt  of 
the  attack  [of  the  Danes]  at  first.  Her  walls 
wholly  failed  to  protect  her.  Time  after  time 
the  freebooters  broke  in.  If  the  Saxons  had 
spared  anything  of  Roman  London,  it  must  have 
disappeared  now.  Massacre,  slavc/y,  and  fire . 
i>ecarae  familiar  in  her  streets.  At  last  the 
Banes  seemed  to  have  looked  on  her  as  their 
headquarters,   and  when,   in   872,   Alfred  was 


forced  to  make  tnice  with  them,  they  actually 
retired  to  London  as  to  their  own  city,  to  recruit. 
To  Alfred,  with  his  militjiry  experience  and  po- 
litical sagacity,  the  possession  of  London  was  a 
necessity ;  but  he  had  to  wait  long  l)efore  he  ob- 
tained it.  His  preparations  were  complete  in 
884.  The  story  of  the  conflict  is  the  story  of  his 
life.  Ills  first  great  success  was  the  capture  of 
London  after  a  short  siege :  to  hold  It  was  the 
task  of  all  his  later  years." — W.  J.  Loftle,  Ilitt. 
of  Lomloii,  eh.  U  (v.  1). — See,  also,  Enolamd: 
A.  D.  477-527. 

A.  D.  1013-1016.— Resistance  to  the  Danes. 
See  England:  A.  D.  979-1010. 

13th  Century. — Mag^nitude  and  importance 
of  the  city. — "We  find  them  [the.  Londoners] 
active  in  the  civil  war  of  Stephen  and  Matilda. 
The  famous  bishop  of  Winchester  tells  the  Lon- 
doners that  they  are  almost  accounted  as  noble- 
men on  account  of  the  greatness  of  their  cUy; 
into  the  community  of  which  It  appears  that 
some  barons  hiul  been  received.  Indeed,  the 
citizens,  themselves,  or  at  least  the  principal  of 
them,  were  called  barons.  It  was  certainly  by 
far  the  greatest  city  in  England.  There  have 
been  dilTerent  estimates  of  its  population,  some 
of  which  are  extravagant;  but  I  think  it  could 
hardly  have  contained  less  than  30,000  or  40,000 
souls  within  its  walls;  and  the  suburbs  were 
very  populous."— II.  llallam.  The  Middle  Ages, 
eh.  8,  pt.  3  (v.  3). 

14th  Century.— Guilds. — Livery  Companies. 
See  Guilds. 

A.  D.  1381.— In  the  hands  of  the  foUowera 
of  Wat  Tyler  and  John  Ball.  See  England: 
A.  D.  1381. 

j6th  Century.— In  Shakespeare's  time. — 
"The  London  of  those  days  did  not  present  the 
gigantic  uniformity  of  the  modern  metropolis, 
and  had  not  as  yet  become  wholly  absorbed  In 
the  whirl  of  busfncss  life.  It  was  not  as  yet  a 
whole  province  covered  with  houses,  but  a  city 
of  motlerate  size,  surveyable  from  end  to  end, 
with  walls  and  gates,  beyond  which  lay  pleasant 
suburbs.  .  .  .  Compared  with  the  London  of  to- 
day, it  possessed  colour  and  the  stamp  of  origi- 
nality; for,  as  in  the  southern  climes,  business 
and  domestic  operatiors  were  carried  on  in  the 
streets  —  and  then  the  red  houses  with  their 
woodwork,  high  gables,  oriel  windows  and  ter- 
races, and  the  inhabitants  in  picturesque  and 
gay  attire.  The  upper  circles  of  society  did  not, 
as  yet,  live  apart  In  other  districts ;  the  nobility 
still  had  their  mansions  among  the  burgher  class 
and  the  working  people.  Oueen  Elizabeth  might 
be  seen  driving  In  an  unwieldy  gilt  coach  to  some 
solemn  service  in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  or  riding 
through  the  city  to  the  Tower,  to  her  hunting 
grounds,  to  a  review  of  her  troops,  or  might  be 
seen  starting  for  Richmond  or  Greenwich,  ac- 
companied by  a  brilliant  retinue,  on  one  of  her 
magnificent  barges  that  were  kept  in  readiness 
clos""  to  where  the  theatres  stood.  Such  a  scene, 
wita  but  little  stretch  of  the  imagination,  might 
have  led  Shakespeare  to  think  of  the  brilliant 
picture  of  Cleopatra  on  the  Cydnus.  The 
Thames  was  crossed  by  one  bridge  only,  and  was 
still  pure  and  clear  as  crystal;  swans  swam 
about  on  it,  and  gardens  and  meadows  lined  its 
banks  where  we  now  have  dusty  wharfs  and 
warehouses.  Hundreds  of  boats  would  be  skim- 
ming up  and  down  the  stream,  and  incessant 
would  be  the   calls  between  the   boatmen  of 


2036 


LONDOX. 


LONDON. 


'■Wcstwnnl  ho!'  or  'Enstwnrd  ho!'  And  j-ct 
tlm  loungers  in  tlic  Temple  Gardens  and  nt  Queen- 
hitho  could  amuse  tlivmselvcs  by  catching  siil- 
mon.  In  the  streets  crowds  would  he  piissing  to 
nnil  fro;  above  all,  the  well-known  and  dreaded 
apprentices,  whose  business  it  was  to  attract 
customers  by  calling  out  in  front  of  tlio  shot.s: 
'  Wliat  d'yo  lack,  gentles ?  what  d'ye  lack?  My 
ware  is  best!  Here  shall  j'ou  have  your  choice  f' 
&c.  Foreigners,  too,  of  every  nationality,  resi- 
dent in  London,  would  be  met  with.  Amid  all 
this  life  every  now  ond  again  would  hv  seen  the 
perambulation  of  one  or  other  of  the  guihls, 
wedding  processions,  groups  of  coimtry  folk, 
gay  compaides  of  train-bands  and  archers.  .  .  . 
The  city  wos  rich  in  springs  and  ganiens,  and 
the  inhabitants  still  had  leisure  to  enjoy  their  ex- 
istence; time  had  not  yet  come  to  bo  synonymous 
with  money,  and  men  enjoyed  their  gossip  at 
the  barbers  and  tobacconists  shops ;  at  the  latter, 
instri.  'ion  was  even  given  in  the  art  of  smoking, 
and  in  1614  it  is  said  that  there  were  no  less  than 
7,000  such  shops  in  London.  St.  Paul's  was  a 
rendezvous  for  promenaders  and  idle  folk ;  and 
on  certain  days,  Smithfleld  and  its  Fair  would  bo 
the  centre  of  attraction ;  also  Hartholomew  Fair, 
with  its  puppet-shows  and  e.\hil)itioiis  of  curiosi- 
ties, where  Bankes  and  his  dancing-horse  Mo- 
rocco created  a  great  sensation  for  a  long  time ; 
Southwark,  too,  with  its  Paris  Garden,  attracted 
visitors  to  see  the  bear-baiting ;  it  was  here  tliat 
the  famous  l)ear  Sackcrson  put  the  women  in  a 
pleasant  state  of  flutter;  Master  Slender  had  seen 
the  bear  loose  twenty  times,  and  taken  it  by  tlie 
chain.  No  less  attractive  were  the  bowling- 
alleys,  tlio  fights  at  the  Cock-pit  and  the  tent- 
pegging  in  tlie  tiltyard ;  and  yet  all  these  amuse- 
meiits  were  even  surpassed  by  the  newly-risen 
star  of  the  theatre.  .  .  .  The  population  of  Ixindon 
during  the  reign  of  the  Bloody  Mary  is  estimated 
by  the  Venetian  ambassador,  Giovanni  Micheli, 
at  150,000,  or,  according  to  other  MS.  reports  of 
Ids,  at  180,000  souls.  The  population  must  have 
increased  at  an  almost  inconceivable  rate,  If  we  are 
to  trust  the  reports  of  a  second  Venetian  ambassa- 
dor. Marc  Antonio  Correr,  who,  in  16lO,  reckoned 
the  number  of  inhabitants  at  300,000  souls ;  how- 
ever, according  to  Raumer,  another  Venetian, 
Molino,  estimated  the  population  at  300,000  in 
1607.  Tlie  number  of  foreigners  in  London  was 
extremely  large,  and  in  1631  the  colony  of 
foreigners  of  all  nations  found  settled  there 
amounted  to  no  less  than  10,000  persons.  Com- 
merce, trade,  and  the  industries  were  in  a  very 
flourishing  state.  The  Thames  alone,  according 
to  John  Norden  in  his  MS.  description  of  Essex 
(1594),  gave  occupation  to  40,000  men  as  boat- 
men, sailors,  fishermen,  and  others.  Great  po- 
litical and  historical  events  had  put  new  life  into 
the  English  nation,  and  given  it  an  important 
impetus,  which  manifested  itself  in  London  more 
especially,  and  exercised  a  stimulating  influence 
upon  literature  and  poetry.  Indeed,  it  may  be 
said  tliat  Shakespeare  had  the  good  fortune  of 
having  his  life  cast  in  one  of  the  greatest  his- 
torical periods,  the  gravitating  point  of  which 
lay  principally  in  London.  "—If .  Elze,  William 
Shake»peare,  ch.  3. 

A.  I>.  1647.— Outbreak  against  the  Indepen- 
dents  and  the  Army.  Sec  England:  A.  D. 
1647  (April— AuoDST). 

A.  D.  1665.— The  Great  Plapie.— "  The 
■water  supply,  it  is  now  generally  acknowledged, 


is  the  first  cause  of  epidemics  diaea.se.  In  Lon- 
don, at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  .laniea  I.,  it 
was  threefold.  Some  water  came  to  public  con- 
duits, like  those  in  (Ihcap,  by  imderground  pipes 
from  Tyburn.  Some  was  drawn  t)y  water-wheels 
and  other  similar  means  from  the  Thames,  pol- 
lut(!d  as  it  was,  at  Lond<m  Bridge.  A  third 
source  of  supply  wos  still  more  dangerous:  in  all 
tlic  suburbs,  and  probably  also  in  most  houses  in 
the  city  itself,  people  depended  on  wells.  What 
wells  among  habitations,  and  especially  filthy 
habi'ations,  l)ecome,  we  know  now,  but  in  the 
17th  century,  ond  much  later,  the  idea  of  thtir 
danger  hod  not  been  started.  Such  being  the 
conditions  of  existence  in  Ijondon,  the  plague 
now  and  then  smouldering  for  a  year  or  two, 
now  and  then  breaking  o\it  as  in  1603,  1625,  and 
1636,  a  long  drouth,  which  mcons  resort  to  holf 
dry  and  stagnant  reservoirs,  wos  suflicient  to  call 
it  forth  in  all  its  strength.  The  lieat  of  the  sum- 
mer weather  in  1665  was  such  that  the  very  birds 
of  the  air  were  imagined  to  languish  in  their 
flight.  The  7th  of  Jvme,  said  Peiiys,  wos  the 
hottest  day  that  ever  he  felt  In  his  life.  The 
deaths  from  the  plogue,  which  had  begun  at  the 
end  of  the  previous  year,  in  the  suburb  of  St. 
Giles'  in  the  Fields,  ot  a  house  in  Long  Acre, 
where  two  Frenchmen  hod  died  of  it,  rose  during 
Juno  from  113  to  368.  The  entries  in  the  diory 
are  for  four  months  almost  continuous  as  to  the 
progress  of  the  plague.  Although  it  wos  calculat- 
ed that  not  less  than  300,000  people  had  followed 
the  example  of  the  king  and  court,  and  fled  from 
the  doomed  city,  yet  tlie  dcotlis  increased  daily. 
The  lord  mayor,  Lawrence,  held  his  ground,  as 
did  the  brave  earl  of  Craven  and  General  Monk, 
now  became  duke  of  Albemarle.  Craven  pro- 
vided a  burial-ground,  the  Peat  Field,  with  a 
kind  of  cottage-hospital  in  Soho ;  but  the  only 
remedy  that  could  be  devised  by  the  united  wis- 
dom of  the  cori)oration,  fortified  by  tlie  presence 
of  the  duke  and  the  earl,  was  to  order  fires  in  oil 
the  streets,  as  if  the  weather  was  not  already  hot 
enough.  Sledical  art  seems  to  have  utterly 
broken  down.  Those  of  the  sick  who  were 
treated  by  a  physician,  only  died  a  more  painful 
death  by  cupping,  scarifying  and  blistering.  The 
city  rectors,  too,  who  liad  come  back  with  the 
king,  fled  from  the  danger,  as  might  be  expected 
from  their  antecedents,  and  the  nonconformist 
lecturers  who  remained  had  overwhelming  con- 
gregations wlierever  they  preached  repcntcnce  to 
the  terror-stricken  people.  .  .  .  The  symptoms 
■were  very  distressing.  Fever  and  vomiting  were 
among  tiie  first,  and  every  little  ailment  was 
thougnt  premonitory,  so  that  it  was  said  at  the 
time  that  as  many  died  of  fright  as  of  the  disease 
itself.  .  .  .  The  fatal  signs  were  glandular  swell- 
ings which  ran  their  course  in  a  few  hours,  the 
plague  spots  turning  to  gangrene  almost  as  soon 
as  they  appeared.  The  patients  frequently  ex- 
pired the  same  day  that  they  were  seized.  .  .  . 
The  most  terrible  stories  of  premature  burial  were 
circulated.  All  business  was  suspended.  Grass 
grew  in  the  streets.  No  one  ■went  about.  The 
rumbling  wheels  of  the  cart,  ond  the  cry,  '  Bring 
out  your  dead  I '  alone  broke  the  stillness  of  the 
night.  ...  In  the  first  weeks  of  September  the 
number  of  fatal  cases  rose  to,  1,500  a  day,  the  bills 
of  mortality  recording  34,000  deaths  between  the 
Ist  and  2l8t  of  that  month.    Then  at  last  it  be- 

§an  to  decline,  but  rose  again  at  the  beginning  of 
ictober.  A  change  of  weather  at  length  occurred, 


2037 


LONDON. 


LONDON. 


iind  llio  iivcTiijfc  (lpcllno<l  hh  nipldly  tliiit,  by 
tlic  l)i'Ki»riiiiK  of  Novi'iiibcr,  tliciiiiniliii'  ordciitliH 
wiiH  rcdiici'd  to  t,'J()0,  iiinl  lii'fort' ('liristiiiitN  cuiiiv 
it  had  fiillcM  to  tlu!  iiNiiiil  number  of  foniicr 
yciirH.  In  all,  the  olllcial  HtatementH  cnunienited 
in,:i()0  death!)  during  the  year,  and,  if  we  add 
tlioHe  unreconied,  a  very  moderate  cHtimale  of 
tlie  wliole  mortalitv  woidd  place  it  at  tiie  appall- 
inif  figure  of  1(M),'()()()  at  leant."— \V.  J.  Loftle, 
Jliiit.  iif  London,  eh.  11  (r.  1). 

Ai.w)  in:  H.  IN'pys,  Dion/,  Iflflr). 

A.  D.  1666— The  Great  Fire.— "While  the 
war  [with  the  Dutch |  continued  withovit  any  de- 
cisive success  on  either  side,  a  calamity  happened 
in  London  which  threw  the  people  into  jjreat 
consternation.  Fire,  brealiiufjout  [Si^itembcr  3, 
1(1(101  in  a  baker's  houst!  near  the  bridge,  spread 
it.self  on  all  sides  with  such  rapidity  that  no 
ctTorts  coidd  extinguish  it,  till  it  laid  In  ashes  a 
considerable  part  of  the  city.  Tlie  inhabitants, 
without  being  able  to  provide  effectually  for  their 
relief,  were  reduced  to  bo  spectators  of  their  own 
ruin ;  and  were  pursued  from  street  to  street  by 
tlie  tiamcs  which  unexpectedly  gathered  round 
them.  Three  days  and  nights  did  the  lire  ad- 
vance; ond  It  was  only  by  the  blowing  u])  of 
liousi'S  that  it  was  at  last  extinguished.  .  .  . 
About  400  streets  and  13,000  houses  were  re- 
duced to  ashes.  The  causes  of  the  calamity  were 
evident.  The  narrow  streets  of  London,  the 
houses  built  entirely  of  wood,  the  dry  season, 
and  a  violent  east  wind  which  blew ;  these  were 
so  many  concurring  circ\im.stances  which  ren- 
dered it  easy  to  assign  the  reason  of  the  destruc- 
tion that  ensued.  H\it  the  peo))lc  were  not  satis- 
tied  with  this  obvious  account.  Prompted  by 
blind  rage,  some  ascribed  tlie  guilt  to  tlio  republi- 
cans, others  to  the  Catholics.  .  .  .  The  iiro  of 
London,  though  at  that  time  a  great  calamity, 
has  proved  in  the  issue  beneficial  both  to  the  city 
and  the  kingdom.  The  city  was  rebuilt  in  a  very 
little  time,  and  care  was  taken  to  make  the  streets 
wider  and  more  regular  than  before.  .  .  .  Lon- 
don became  much  more  healthy  after  the  fire." 
— D.  Hume,  Hist,  of  Eng.,  ch.  (U. — "I  went  this 
morning  [Sept.  7]  on  foot  from  Whitehall  as  far 
as  London  Bridge,  thro'  the  late  Fleete-strcet, 
Ludgate  hill,  by  St.  Paules,  Cheapesidc,  Ex- 
change, Bisliopsgate,  Aldersgate,  ond  out  to 
Mooreflelds,  thence  through  Cornehill,  &c.,  with 
extraordinary  difliculty,  clambering  over  lieaps 
of  yet  smoking  rubbish,  and  frequently  mistak- 
ing whe'.c  I  was.  Tlie  ground  under  my  feeto 
so  hot,  that  it  even  burnt  the  soles  of  my  shoes. 
...  At  my  returne  I  was  inflnitcly  concerned  to 
find  that  gomlly  Church  St.  Paules  now  a  sad 
ruine.  .  .  .  Thuslay  in  ashes  that  most  venerable 
church,  one  of  the  most  ancient  pieces  of  early 
piety  in  ye  Christian  world,  besides  ueere  100 
more.  ...  In  five  or  six  miles  traversing  about 
I  did  not  see  one  loade  of  timber  unconsuin'd, 
nor  many  stones  but  what  were  calcin'd  white  as 
snow.  ...  I  then  went  towards  Islington  ond 
Highgote,  where  one  might  have  seen  200,000 
eople  of  all  ranks  and  degrees  dispers'd  and 
[ying  along  by  their  heaps  of  what  they  could 
save  from  the  fire,  deploring  their  losse,  and  the' 
ready  to  perish  for  hunger  ond  destitution,  yet 
not  asking  one  penny  for  reliefe,  which  to  mo 
ir'd  0  stranger  sight  than  any  I  liad  yet  be- 
— J.  Evelyn,  Diary,  Sept.  7,  1666  (o.  2). 

.u.so  m:  S.  Pepys,  Diary,  Sept.  2-15,  1666  (c 
4).— L.  PMUimore,  Sir  Christopher  Wren,  eh.  6-7. 


Fv 


A.  D.  1685.- The  molt  populous  capital  In 
Europe.— Tne  first  liKhting^  of  the  streets. — 

"There  is  rca.son  to  believe  that,  In  1(IH.'5,  Lou- 
don had  been,  during  about  half  a  century,  tlio 
most  populous  capital  in  Europe.  The  inhabi- 
tants, who  are  now  [184H|  at  least  1,900.0(H», 
were  then  iirobably  little  more  tlian  half  a  mil 
Hon.  L<>n(loii  bad  in  the  world  oi.ly  one  com- 
mercial rival,  now  long  ago  outstripped,  the 
mighty  and  opulent  Amst<!rdaiii.  .  .  .  There  is, 
itKlcccI,  no  doubt  that  the  trade  of  the  inetropoliH 
then  bore  a  fjir  greater  proportion  than  at  pa'H- 
ent  to  the  whole  trade  of  the  country;  yet  to  our 
generation  the  honest  vaunting  of  our  ancestors 
must  oppear  olmost  ludicrous.  Tlie  shipping 
which  they  thought  Incredibly  great  appears  not 
to  have  exceeded  70,000  tons.  This  was,  in- 
deed, tlien  more  than  a  third  of  the  whole  ton- 
nage of  the  kingdom.  ...  It  ought  to  be  noticed 
that,  in  the  last  year  of  the  reign  of  Charles  II. 
IIOH.")],  began  a  great  change  in  the  police  of 
London,  a  change  wlilcli  has  perhaps  odded  as 
much  to  the  happiness  of  the  body  of  tlie  people 
as  revolutions  of  much  greater  fame.  An  in- 
genious projector,  named  Edward  lleming,  ob- 
tained letters  patent  conveying  to  liim,  for  a 
term  of  years,  the  excliLsive  riglit  of  lighting  up 
London.  He  undertook,  for  a  moderate  consicl- 
eration,  to  place  a  light  before  every  tenth  dimr, 
on  moonless  nights,  from  Michaelmas  to  Lady 
Day,  ond  from  six  to  twelve  of  the  clock." — 
Lord  Macaulay,  Iliit,  of  Emj.,  ch.  8  (v.  1). 

A.  D.  1688.— The  Irish  Night.— The  igno- 
minious flight  of  James  II.  from  his  capital,  on 
the  morning  of  December  11,  1088,  was  followed 
by  a  wild  outbreak  of  riot  in  London,  which  no 
effective  outhority  existed  to  promptly  repress. 
To  the  cry  of  "No  Popery,"  Uomou  Catholic 
chapels  and  the  residences  of  ambassadors  of 
Roman  Catholic  States,  were  sacked  ond  burned. 
"Th  •  morning  of  the  12th  of  December  rose  on 
a  ghpitly  sight.  The  capital  in  many  places 
presented  'he  aspect  of  a  city  taken  by  storm. 
The  Lords  met  at  Whiteliall,  and  exerted  them- 
selves to  restore  tran(iuillity.  ...  In  spite, 
however,  of  the  well-meant  elTorts  of  the  pro- 
visional government,  the  agitation  grew  hourly 
more  formidable.  .  .  .  Another  day  of  agitation 
and  terror  closed,  and  was  followed  by  o  night 
the  strangest  and  most  terrible  that  England  hod 
ever  seen."  Just  before  his  flight.  King  James 
hod  sent  an  order  for  the  disbanding  of  Ins  army, 
which  had  been  composed  for  the  most  part  of 
troops  brought  over  from  Ireland.  A  terrifying 
rumor  that  this  disbanded  Irish  soldiery  was 
morching  on  London,  and  massacring  men,  wo- 
men and  children  on  the  rood,  now  sp.ead 
through  the  city.  ' '  At  one  in  the  morning  the 
drums  of  the  militia  beat  to  arms.  Everywhere 
terrified  women  were  weeping  ond  wringing 
their  hands,  while  their  fathers  ond  husbands 
were  equipping  themselves  for  fight.  Before 
two  the  capital  woro  o  face  of  stern  prepared- 
ness which  might  well  have  daunted  a  real  cn- 
c.Tiy,  if  such  on  enemy  had  been  approaching. 
Candles  were  blazing  at  oil  the  windows.  The 
public  ploces  were  as  bright  as  ot  noonday.  All 
the  great  ovenues  were  barricaded.  More  than 
20,000  pikes  and  muskets  lined  the  streets.  The 
late  daybreak  of  the  winter  solstice  found  the 
whole  City  still  in  arms.  During  many  years 
the  Londoners  retained  a  vivid  recollection  of 
what  they  called   the    Irish   Night.  .  .  .  The 


2038 


LONDON. 


LONDONDKRUT. 


panip  Iind  not  boon  crjiillncd  to  London.  Tlic 
cry  timt  (liHbiktiilrd  Irlsli  soldlcrH  wcr('  coining;  to 
murder  tlio  I'rotcHtiiiit.t  Imd,  witli  iniiliKiiiuil. 
InKi'iiuitv,  Ix'cii  rnlscd  iit.  oner  in  iimiiy  placcM 
wMclv  itlstiint  from  r'licli  oilier." — l.onf  .>lii('ivii' 
lay,  llint.  of  Kng..  rh.  10. 

A.  D.  1780.— The  Gordon  No-Popery  Riots. 
Hit  Knoi.aNI):  .\.  I).  177H-1780. 

A.  D.  1848.— The  last  Chartist  demonitra- 
tion.     Sec  Knoi,.\ni):  A.  I).  1HI8. 

A.  D.  1851.— The  great  Exhibition.  See 
Enoi.anu:  a.  I).  tWl. 

LONDON  COMPANY  FOR  VIRGINIA, 
A.  D.  1606-1625. — Charter  and  undertakings 
in  Virginia.  See  Viikhnia;  A.  1).  l(t(Ht-l(l()T, 
and  lifter. 

A.  D.  1619. — The  unused  patent  granted  to 
the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden.  Heo  I.ndki-kndknth 
on  Ski'auatikth:  a.  I).  1017-1(130;  nnd,  also, 
Makhac'iiii(*i;tt»*:  A.  I).  10',>0,  and  1021. 

LONDONDERRY:  Origin  and  Name.  See 
IllKl.A.Nl):  A.  I).  1807-1011. 

A.  D.  1688.— The  shutting  of  the  gates  by 
the  Prentice  Boys.    See  Iiikland:  A.  D.  IflSS- 

lOHH. 

A.  D.  1689.— The  Siege.— James  II.  fled  in 
December,  10H8,  to  France,  from  the  Uevolution 
in  England  which  cave  liiH  throne  to  IiIh  diiii);li- 
ter  .Mary,  and  her  hu.tbaud,  William  of  Orange. 
lie  received  aid  from  the  French  king  and  wa.s 
landed  in  Ireland  the  following  March,  to  at- 
tempt the  maintenance  of  his  sovereigaty  in  that 
kingdom,  if  no  more.  Almost  inimediatrly 
upon  his  arrival  lie  led  his  forces  against  Lon- 
donderry, where  a  great  part  of  the  Protestant.s 
■<f  Ulster  li.id  taken  refuge,  and  William  an(t 
Mary  had  been  proclaimed.  "The  city  in  108!) 
was  contained  witliin  the  walls;  and  it  ro.se  by  a 
gentle  ascent  from  the  base  to  the  summit  of  a 
hill.  The  whole  city  was  thus  exposed  to  the 
Are  of  on  enemy.  There  was  no  moat  nor  coun- 
terscarp. A  ferry  crossed  the  river  Foyle  from 
the  east  gate,  anil  the  north  gate  openeu  upon  a 
quay.  At  tlie  entrance  of  the  Foylo  was  the 
strong  fort  of  Culmore,  with  a  smaller  fort  on 
the  opposite  bank.  About  two  miles  below  the 
city  were  two  forts  —  Charles  Fort  and  Grange 
Fort.  The  trumpeter  sent  by  the  king  with  a 
summons  to  the  obstinate  city  found  the  inhabi- 
tants '  in  very  great  disorder,  liav'ng  turned  out 
their  governor  Lundy,  upon  suspicion.'  The 
cause  of  this  unexpected  reception  was  the 
presence  of  'one  Walker,  a  minister.'  lie  was 
opposed  to  Lundy,  who  thought  the  place  un- 
tenable, and  counselled  the  townsmen  to  make 
conditions ;  '  but  the  fierce  ministerof  the  Gospel, 
being  of  the  true  Cromwellian  or  Cameronian 
stamp,  inspired  them  with  bolder  resolutions.' 
The  reverend  George  Walker  and  Major  Baker 
were  appointed  governors  during  the  siege. 
They  tnustered  7,020  soldiers,  dividing  them  into 
regiments  under  eight  colonels.  In  the  town 
there  were  about  30,000  souls;  but  they  were 
reduced  to  a  less  burdensome  number,  by  10,000 
accepting  an  offer  of  the  besieging  commander 
to  restore  them  to  their  dwellings.  There  were, 
according  to  Lundy's  estimation,  only  provisions 
for  ten  days.  The  number  of  cannon  possessed 
by  the  besieged  was  only  twenty.  On  the  20th 
of  April  the  city  was  investe(i,  and  the  bom- 
bardment was  begun.  .  .  .  No  imoression  was 


made  during  nine  days  upon  the  dotormlnntion 
to  hold  out;  and  on  the  20tli  King  .lames  re- 
Iraci'd  his  steps  to  Dublin,  in  coiiHideraliie  ill 
liiimour.  'I'lic  siege  went  on  fir  six  weeks  with 
little  change.  Hamilton  was  imw  the  1  minian- 
der  of  .lames's  furies.  The  garrison  of  London- 
derry  and  the  inliabitants  were  gradually  perish- 
ing from  fatigue  and  insuflicient  food.  Itiit  they 
bravely  repelleil  an  assault,  in  which  400  of  tl'U 
assailants  fell.  .  .  .  Across  the  narrow  part  of 
the  river,  from  Cliarles  Fort  to  Orange  I-'ort,  the 
enemy  stre  lied  a  great  boom  of  llr-timber, 
Joined  by  iron  chains,  and  fasteiii'd  on  either 
shore  by  cables  of  a  foot  thick.  Oil  the  [."ith  of 
.tune  an  Kngli"h  tieet  of  thirty  sail  was  (h'scried 
in  the  Lough.  Signals  were  given  and  an- 
swered; but  the  ships  lay  at  anchor  for  wei^ks. 
At  the  end  of  .lune,  Uaker,  one  of  the  heroic 
governoi-H,  died.  Hamilton  had  been  superseded 
hi  his  comiiiand  by  Kosen,  who  i.ssued  a  savage 
|)ro<'lamatioii,  declaring  that  unless  the  ))luco 
were  surrendered  by  the  1st  of  .Inly,  lie  would 
collect  all  the  Protestants  from  the  neighbouring 
districts,  and  drive  them  under  the  walls  of  tho 
city  to  starve  with  those  within  the  walls.  A 
famlslK-d  triKip  camo  thus  beneath  the  walls  of 
Londonderry,  where  they  lay  starving  for  three 
days.  The  besieged  immediately  threatened  to 
hang  all  the  prisoners  within  the  city.  This 
threat  had  its  effect,  and  the  famished  crowd 
wended  back  their  way  to  their  solitary  villages. 
It  is  but  justice  to  .)ames  to  say  that  he  cx- 
pres.sed  his  displeasure  at  this  iiroceedlng." — C. 
Kni^'ht,  Crown  IlUt.  of  Kitrj.,  rh.  34.— "The 
state  of  the  city  was,  hour  liy  hour,  becoming 
more  frightful.  The  number  of  the  inhabitants 
had  been  thinned  more  'ly  famine  and  I'.iseaso 
tlian  by  the  fire  of  tho  enemy.  Yet  that  fire 
was  sharper  and  more  constant  than  ever.  .  .  . 
Every  attack  was  still  repelled.  But  the  light- 
ing men  of  the  garrison  were  so  much  exhausted 
that  they  could  scarcely  keep  their  legs.  Sev- 
eral of  them,  in  the  act  of  striking  at  the  enemy, 
fell  down  from  mere  weakness.  A  very  small 
quantity  of  grain  remained,  and  was  doled  out 
by  moutlifuls.  The  stock  of  salted  hides  wr.8 
considerable,  and  by  gnawing  tliein  the  garrison 
appeased  the  rage  of  hunger.  Dogs,  fattened 
on  the  bloixl  of  the  slain  who  lay  unburied 
round  the  town,  were  luxuries  which  few  could 
afford  to  purchase.  The  price  of  a  whelp's  paw 
was  five  shillings  and  sixpence.  Nine  horses 
were  still  alive,  and  but  barely  alive.  They 
were  so  lean  that  little  meat  was  likely  to  be 
found  upon  them.  It  was,  however,  determined 
to  slaugliter  them  for  food.  .  .  .  The  whole  city 
was  poisoned  by  tlie  stench  exhaled  from  tho 
idles  of  the  dead  and  of  the  half  dead.  .  .  . 
It  was  no  slight  aggravation  of  the  sufferings 
of  the  garrison  that  all  this  time  the  English 
ships  were  seen  far  off  in  Lough  Foyle."  At 
length,  positive  orders  from  England  compelled 
Kirke,  the  commander  of  the  relieving  expedi- 
tion "to  make  an  attempt  which,  as  far  as  ap- 
pears, he  might  have  made,  with  at  least  an 
equally  fair  prospect  of  success,  six  weeks 
earlier."  Two  merchant  ships,  the  Mountjoy 
and  the  Pheenix,  loaded  with  provisions,  and 
the  Dartmouth,  a  frigate  of  thirty-six  guns, 
made  a  bold  dash  up  the  river,  broke  the  great 
boom,  ran  the  gauntlet  of  forts  and  batteries,  and 
reached  the  city  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening  of 
the  28th  of  July.    The  captain  of  the  Mountjoy 


2039 


LONDONDEHRY. 


Lonna. 


WMkllloiliii  the  lirrnlr  undiTtnklnK,  but  I.onilnn- 
drrrv.  IiIn  nntlvc  town,  whh  luivcil.  Tlin  I'liciiiy 
coiitliiiicil  iticlr  lioinlmrilniciit  for  tlirci-  ilayn 
more.  "  Hut,  (iM  till!  tliinl  niKlit,  flaiiii'ii  vivrv 
Kcnn  iiriHliiK  fniin  tlir  ('uni|i:  iktid,  wlini  tlii!  ilrnt 
of  AiiuuKt  (litwiu'il,  a  Hill*  of  itiuokiiiK  ruiiiM 
mnrki'iV  tint  hIIu  liklcly  orcupicd  liy  tlir  liutH  of 
tlid  bcRlcKpni.  ...  Ho  (>nili'il  IIiIh  (Jtrciit  Hlcfji', 
till'  mimt  mi'momlili!  In  tliii  niiniiU  of  the  liritlHli 
IhIcs.  It  Imil  liiHtrd  lOR  iIuyH.  Tlir  K'^rrl.Hon 
hail  Im'cii  ri'iluccil  from  about  7,IM)0  cITi'ctlvo 
ini'ii  to  about  ii,(K)0.  Tlio  Iohh  of  tlie  b<-Nlrf(('n< 
rnnniit  bo  pri'i'lHoly  anctTtaliii'd  Walker  I'stl- 
niatx'd  It  at  H,(KH)  men." — Lord  Maoatdity,  Jlift. 
o/Kiig..  eh.  12. 

Ai,Ho  in:  W.  n.  Torrlano,  William  the  Third, 
eh.  21.— Hit,  also,  Ikki.and:  A.  D.  108U-1691. 

LONE  JACK,  Battle  of.  See  Unitki) Htatkh 
OF  Am.;    a.  I).  1H03  (Jui.Y— Hkptkmbkk:  JIih- 

HOIIIII— AllKANBAH). 

LONE  STAR,  Order  of  the.  See  Cuba: 
A.  I).  lH4r>-lHflO. 

LONE  STAR  FLAG.— LONE  STAR 
STATE. —  On  iisHundng  indi'iu'iidunco,  in  l«'t«, 
tlid  ri'i)Ubli(:  of  TexiLH  adopted  a  Ha^  beariuj?  a 
single  star,  wliicli  was  known  as  '  the  Hag  of  the 
lone  8tar.'  With  reference  to  this  emblem, 
Texas  is  often  called  the  Lono  Htar  State. 

LONG  ISLAND  :  A.  D.   1614.—  Explored 

by  the  Dutch.    Hce  Nkw  Yoiik:  A.  1).  1010-1014. 

A.  D.  1624.— Settlement  of  Brooklyn.  Heo 
Brooklyn. 

A.  D.  1634. —  Embraced  in  the  Palatine 
grant  of  New  Albion.     See  Nkw  Ai.hion. 

A.  D.  1650. — Division  between  the  Dutch  of 
New  Netherland  and  the  English  of  Connec- 
ticut.    See  Nkw  Yokk  :  A.  D.  ICIO. 

A.  D.  1664. — Title  acquired  for  the  Dulce  of 
York.     See  New  Youk:  A.  I).  1004. 

A.  D.  1673.—  The  Dutch  reconquest.  See 
New  Youk:  A.  D.  1673. 

A.  D.  1674.— Annexed  to  New  York.  See 
CoNNKCTic:i!T:  A.  I).  1074-1<'7.'). 

A.  D.  1776.— The  defeat  of  the  American 
army  by  Lord  Howe.  Sec  United  States  of 
Am.  :  A.  D.  1776  (Auoubt). 

LONG  KNIVES,  The.    Sec  Yankee. 
LONG    PARLIAMENT.      Sec   England: 

A.  D.  1640-1041 

LONG  WALLS  OF  ATHENS.-Thc  walls 
which  the  Athenians  built,  II.  C.  457,  one,  four 
miles  long,  to  the  harbor  of  Phalerum,  and 
others,  four  and  one  half  miles  long,  to  the 
Pineus,  to  protect  the  communication  of  their 
city  with  its  port,  were  called  the  Long  Walls. 
The  same  name  had  been  previously  given  to  the 
walls  built  by  the  Athenians  to  protect  tlie  com- 
munication of  Megara,  then  their  ally,  with  Its 
port  of  Niswa;  and  Corinth  had,  also,  its  Long 
Walls,  uniting  it  with  the  port  Lechteum.  The 
Long  Walls  of  Athens  were  destroyed  on  the 
surrender  of  the  city,  at  the  termination  of  the 
Peloponnesian  War,  B.  C.  404,  and  rebuilt,  B.  C. 
303,  by  Conon,  with  Persian  help.     See  Athens  : 

B.  C.  466-454. 

LONGJUMEAU,  Peace  of  (1568).  Sec 
France:  A.  D.  1563-1570. 

LONGSTREET,  General  James.— Siege 
of  Knoxville.  See  United  States  of  Am.  : 
A.  D.  1868(Octobbb — Dbcbmbeb:  Tennessee). 


LONGUEVILLE,  The  Ducheia  de,  and 
the  Fro'ide.  H<e  Kiun(k;  A.  1).  1041),  to  1051- 
10.VI. 

LOOKOUT  MOUNTAIN,  its  poiition,  and 
the  battle  on  it.  Hie  Initki)  HtatkkokAm.  : 
A.  I).  lHO;i  (.Vrin'HT— Hkitkmiikii:  'I'knnkhhkk); 
and  (OiTonKii — Novk.mhkh:  Tknnkhhkk). 

LOOM,  Cartwright'a  invention  of  the 
power.     H<'i'  Cditun  AlANi'KAiTriiK. 

LOPEZ,  The  Tyranny  of.    Hce  I'auaoi'at: 

A.  I).   100M-lH7lt. 

LOPEZ  FILIBUSTERING  EXrEHI- 
TION  (1851).     See  CniA:  A.  I).  1845-lMOO. 

LORD.— "  Kvery  Teutonic  King  or  other 
leader  was  surr  iinili'd  by  a  band  of  cliown  war- 
riors, personally  attached  to  lilin  of  their  own 
free  cholre  [HeeCoMlTATl's).  .  .  .  The  followers 
HiTVi'd  llii'lr  chief  In  peace  and  In  war;  they 
fought  for  him  to  the  death,  and  rescued  or 
avenged  his  life  with  their  own.  In  return,  they 
sliared  whatever  gifts  or  honours  the  chief  could 
distribute  among  them;  and  in  our  tongue  at 
least  it  was  his  character  of  dispenser  of  gifts 
which  gave  the  chief  his  olHclal  title.  He  was 
the  '  Illafonl,' the  '  Loaf-giver,' a  name  which, 
tlin)ugh  a  series  of  softenings  and  contractions, 
and  with  a  complete  forgetfulness  of  Its  prlnd- 
tive  meaning,  has  settled  down  into  the  modern 
form  of  Lord." — E.  A.  Freeman,  Hint.  A'orman 
('on(/.,  eh.  8,  sect,  3  (r.  1). —  On  the  Latin  equiva- 
lent,' I)omlnu8,'see  Imi-kuator:  Final  siunifi- 

CATION. 

LORD  CHANCELLOR,  The.    Sec  Chan- 

CKI.I.Oll. 

LORD  DUNMORE'S  WAR.  Sec  Omo 
(Vai.i.ev):  a.  1).  1771, 

LORDS,  British  House  of.— "The  ancient 
National  Assembly  [of  England]  gradually 
ceased  to  be  anything  more  than  an  assembly  of 
the  'greater  barons,  and  ultlmat<!ly  developed 
into  tt  hereditary  House  of  Lords,  the  Upper 
House  of  the  National  Parliament.  The  heredi- 
tary character  of  the  House  of  Lords  —  now  long 
regarded  as  fl.xed  and  fundamental  —  accrued 
slowly  and  undesignedly,  as  a  con.seiiuence  of 
the  hereditary  descent  of  the  baronial  fiefs,  prac- 
tically inalienable,  in  right  of  which  summonses 
to  the  national  council  were  issued. " — T.  P.  Tas- 
well-Langmead,  English  Const.  Hist.,  eh.  7. — 
"The  English  aristocracy  is  atypical  e.\am])lo 
of  the  way  in  which  a  close  corporation  dies  out. 
Its  members  arc  almost  always  wealthy  in  the 
first  instance,  and  their  estates  have  been  con- 
stantly added  to  by  favour  from  the  Crown,  by 
something  like  the  monopoly  of  the  best  Gov- 
ernment appointments,  and  by  marriages  with 
wealthy  heiresses.  They  arc  able  to  commanil 
the  field  snorts  and  open-air  life  that  conduce  to 
health,  and  the  medical  advice  that  combats  dis- 
ease. Nevertheless,  they  die  out  so  rapidly  that 
only  five  families  out  of  nearly  six  hundred  go 
back  without  a  break,  and  in  the  male  line,  to 
the  fifteenth  century.  .  .  .  155  peers  were  sum- 
moned to  the  first  Parliament  of  .James  II.  In 
1825,  only  140  years  later,  only  forty-eight  of 
these  nobles  were  represented  by  lineal  descen- 
dants in  the  male  line.  The  familv  has  in  sev- 
eral instances  been  continued  by  collaterals  beg- 
ging the  peerage,  which  they  could  not  have 
claimed  at  law,  and  in  t.'v ;  way  the  change  may 
seem  less  than  it  has  really  Oten ;  but  the  broad 
result  appears  to  be  that  left  to  itself  from  1688, 
with  new  creations  absolutely  forbidden,  the 


2040 


LORDS. 


LOIIUAINE. 


Hoiiwt  of  LonU  Wniilil  liy  iIiIh  timn  lirtvc-  IwPIl 
i)rH(.'tl(-nlly  vxtliiKiiiHlit'd.  of  Clmrli'H  II.'h  hIx 
UMtarilH,  wlio  wurii  iimdr  iliikrh.  only  llirrt'  liitvc 
perpctiiiitcil  lilt!  riico.  'riiri'ti  iiccniKi's  liuvi!  Ikm'ii 
loHt  t<i  tliu  Ilowitnl  fiiiiilly,  llircc  to  iliii  (Jrcyn, 
two  to  till)  MordiiuiilM.  two  to  tlio  Myili'H,  two  to 
tilt)  OitriinlH,  anil  two  to  till)  I.iicuMt'H.  .  .  .  ItlHiii 
tilt)  liiwt^r  Htnttii  >if  Hot'ltity  tliiit  v/i'.  Iiiivt>  to  iw'i'k 
for  tilt'  HprlnKH  of  niilloniil  llfo." — (!.  II.  IViirif  • 
Siiliiiiiiil  Life  anil  (Utiirneter,  /ip.  7(>-7lt.  —  "'I  .1 
llrltlftli  tit'i'riiKi)  In  HoinutliliiK  iiiiliiiiu  In  tliu  worlil. 
Ill  lOnK'""''  tli'To  ix,  Htrlclly  Hpi'iikliiK,  no  no- 
liillty.  TIiIn  uivInK  iniiy  Inilet'il  HoiintI  Ilki)  u 
piiriitlox.  Tilt!  f'^iiKllNli  nobility,  tliii  IlritlHli  iirlH- 
toiTiify,  art'  pliniHfs  whicli  iirt!  In  tiVfiyliotly'H 
inoiitli.  Yt't,  111  Htriiant'KH,  tliiTo  Im  no  hiicIi  tiling 
iiH  nil  iiriHt(K!riit'y  or  a  noliiiity  in  ICiikIuihI.  Tlicrii 
U  iiiiiloiihtt'illy  an  arlHtiH-ratii'.  I'lt'iiicnl  in  tliu 
KiikHxIi  ('oiiHtitutiou;  till!  IIoiiHt!  of  LordH  1m  that 
arlHtocralioi'lDiiK'iit.  Ami  tliert!  liavu  bt'i'u  tiiiifs 
In  KnKllNli  lilMtory  wlit'ii  tlii'itj  Iuin  liut'ii  a  HtroiiK 
tfiidi'iiiry  to  arlstocrat-y,  wlifn  tliu  lorils  liavo 
liuuii  HtroMKur  tliaii  I'ltliur  tliu  kiii^  or  tliu  pcoplu. 
.  .  .  Hut  a  rual  aristocriify,  liku  tliat  of  Vt'iiiuc, 
nn  arlHtoi-rauy  not  only  HtronKur  tliun  uitliur  king 
or  pt'oplu,  but  wliicli  liiul  driven  out  Uitli  king 
and  puoplc,  un  iiriHtocrauy  from  wIiohu  raiikM  no 
man  fan  t'oinu  iltiwn  nim  into  wliosu  rankH  no 
man  fun  riso  Have  by  tliu  lift  of  tliu  privilugud 
IkkIv  ItHulf, — Biich  an  arlHtofracy  nn  IIiIh  Eng- 
liiiKl  bus  nuvur  Huun.  Nor  liiM  England  uvit 
Huun  a  nobility  in  tliu  truo  suiihu ,  tliu  suiihu  wliiuli 
till'  woril  buars  in  uvury  foiitiiiunttil  laiitl,  a  IxMly 
into  wliif  li  niun  may  bu  raisud  by  tliu  king,  but 
from  wliicli  no  man  may  foiiiu  down,  a  lioily 
wliif  li  liaiidH  on  to  all  itH  mumlK-rs,  to  tliu  latust 
gunuratioiiH,  Home  kind  of  privilugu  orillHtinction, 
wliutbur  itH  privilugua  coiisigt  in  substantiul  po- 
litit;al  powur,  or  in  bare  titlun  and  precuduncc.  In 
Englanil  tliuru  la  no  nobility.  Tliu  ao-cnllud 
noblf  family  is  not  noblu  in  tho  continuutui  sunso ; 
privilugu  docM  not  go  on  from  guiiuratlon  to  gun- 
oration;  titli'.s  and  jirccuduncu  uro  ItMt  in  tliu 
second  or  third  generation;  Hubstantiul  privilugu 
exists  in  only  one  member  of  tlie  family  at  a 
time.  The  powers  and  privileges  of  the  peer 
himself  are  many ;  but  they  belong  to  liimsulf 
only;  his  childrun  are  legally  commotiurs;  his 
graudcbildrun  are  in  most  eusus  undistinguisliuble 
from  othur  commonurs.  ...  A  certain  great 
position  in  the  state  Is  liuruditary ;  but  nobility 
in  thu  strict  sense  there  is  none.  The  actual 
holtler  of  the  peerage  has,  as  it  were,  drawn  to 
his  own  person  the  whole  nobility  of  the  family." 
— E.  A.  Freeman,  Practical  Bearings  of  European 
Hintori/  (Lectures  to  Ameriain  Audieneet),  pp. 
805-307.— "At  the  end  of  1803  there  were  545 
members  of  the  House  of  Lords,  matlo  up  thus: 
Peers,  469;  Lortis  of  Appeal  and  Ex-Lortls  of 
Appeal,  5;  Represontativu  Peers  of  Scotland,  18; 
llepresentative  Peers  of  Ireland,  28 ;  Lords  Spir- 
itual, 27.  Tho  Lords  of  Appeal  are  lawyers  of 
great  distinction  who  are  appointed  by  tho  Queen 
and  hold  olBco  during  gooil  behavior.  Their 
number  Is  aiways  about  the  same.  Their  work 
is  mainly  jud'cial ;  but  these  Law  Lords,  as  they 
are  called,  als )  speak  ond  vote  in  the  delibera- 
tive and  Icgisl'itivu  proceedings  of  the  Upper 
House.  The  position  of  a  Lord  of  Appeal  differs 
from  that  of  an  trdinary  peer  in  that  his  office  is 
not  hereditary.  As  regards  the  representative 
peers,  those  from  Ireland,  who  number  28,  are 
elected  for  life ;  those  from  Scotland,  who  num- 


iM'r  1(1,  are  eluf tutl  at  a  mufting  of  Rcotfli  pcom, 
liulil  in  llolyroiHl  Paljife,  Killnburgli,  aftur  tauh 
Oi'iiural  Klt'ctloii,  anil  Imld  otilft'  during  thu  lifu- 
titnu  of  a  I'arliaiiii'Mt.  The  Lords  Hplritiiiil  In- 
(iiitli!  (I)  the  Ai-fliblNliop  of  Caiiturbiiry,  tho 
ArfhblHliiip  of  York,  tlit-  lilshopH  of  London, 
Diirhiini,  and  Wiiirlu'Hti'r;  ami  ('-!)  twenty  two 
out  of  thu  other  twi'iityiiliK!  binhops  of  thu 
Church  of  Englaiiil,  The  pruhitus  wIionu  titlus 
have  been  given  lake  lliuir  sfiits  In  tliu  Hoiiso 
liiiiiiutliatuly  on  appolnlinunt ;  thu  other  bisliops 
take  their  Heats  by  tirdur  of  Ht'iilorily  of  con- 
Nefnitlon.  The  iirt'lati's  who  are  wiilioiit  suatii 
in  the  lloiiHi!  of  Lords  are  known  us  Junior 
bisliops.  Thu  Itishoi)  of  Hotlor  and  .Man  has  a 
M-at  ill  thu  House  of  LonlH.  but  no  vote." — E. 
Porrltt,  The.  h'ni/tinhiiidiKtt  Jfniim,  eh.  0. —  Koran 
iifcoiint  of  the  transient  abolition  of  the  IIoiimi 
of  Lords  In  lfl4U,  seu  Eniii„\ni>:  A.  I>.  1(140 
(Fkiiuiiauy).  Hue,  also,  P.\ui,i.\mknt,  Tiik  Eno- 
i.iHii ;  mill  Eht.m'Kh,  Tiik,  Tiiukk. 

LORDS  OF  ARTICLES.  Seo  Scotland: 
A.  I).   l;i'Jfl-l(10:i;  and   l(W8-|(19(l. 

LORDS  OF  THE  CONGREGATION.  Seu 
8ct)Ti,.\M):  A.  I).  1.V.7;  and  ir),W-15(l(). 

LORDS  OF  THE  ISLES.  See  Hkiihidicr: 
A.  1).  i;tl(H.")i)4 ;  and  ll.\iii,/vw,  Batti.kok. 

LORDS  SPIRITUAL  AND  TEMPO- 
RAL, The.    Hue  Entatks,  Tiik  Tiiukk. 

LORENZO  DE'  MEDICI  (called  The 
Magnificent),  The  rule  of.  Seu  Fi.oiik.nck: 
A.  D.  11UI)-14U2. 


LORRAINE:  A.  D.  81(3-870.— Formation 
and  dissolution  of  the  kingdom. —  In  the  di- 
vision of  the  uinpiru  of  ChurTemagne  among  his 
three  grandsons,  matlo  by  the  treaty  of  Verilun, 
A.  I).  843,  the  ehler.  Lothaire,  lieariiig  the  title 
of  Emperor,  recclveil  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  anil, 
witli  It,  another  kiiigtlom,  named,  after  himself, 
Lotbaringia  —  afterwards  called  Lorraine.  This 
latter  was  so  formed  as  to  be  an  extension  north- 
westwardly of  bis  Italian  kingdom,  and  to  stretch 
In  a  long  belt  between  the  Gerinanic  dominion 
of  his  brother  Lutlwig  anil  the  Francia  Nova,  or 
France,  of  his  brother  Chorlcs.  It  extended 
"  from  the  mouth  of  the  Rhino  to  Provence, 
bounded  by  that  river  on  one  frontier,  by  Franco 
on  the  other." — H.  llallani,  The  Middle  Aye*,  eh.  1, 
pt.  1,  note. — "  Hetwcen  these  two  states  [of  tho 
Eastern  iintl  Western,  or  Germanic  anil  Qallio 
Franks]  the  policy  of  tho  ninth  century  instinc- 
tively put  a  barrier.  The  Emperor  Lotliur,  be- 
sides Italy,  kept  a  long  narrow  strip  of  territory 
between  the  dominions  of  his  Eastern  and  West- 
ern brothers.  .  .  .  This  land,  having  .  .  .  been 
the  dominion  of  two  Lothars,  took  the  name 
of  Lothuringia,  Lothringen,  or  Lorraine,  a  namo 
which  part  of  it  has  kept  to  this  day.  Tliis  land, 
sometimes  attached  to  the  Eastern  kingdom, 
sometimes  to  the  Western,  sometimes  divided  be- 
tween the  two,  sometimes  separated  from  both, 
always  kept  its  cliaracter  of  a  bordcr-lnnd.  .  .  . 
Lotharingia  took  in  the  two  duchies  of  the  Ripu- 
arian  Lotharingia  and  Lotharingia  on  the  Mosel. 
The  former  contains  a  large  part  of  the  moilern 
Belgium  and  the  neighboring  lands  on  tho  Rhino, 
including  tho  royal  city  of  Aachen.  Lotharingia 
on  the  Mosel  answers  roughly  to  the  later  duchy 
of  that  name,  though  its  extent  to  tho  East  {s 
consiilerably  larger." — E.  A.  Freeman,  Histor- 
ical Oeofi.  of  Europe,  ch.  6,  sect.  1. — "Upon  the 
death  of  the  Emperor  Lothair  [A.  D.  855]  his 


2041 


(.OHKAINK. 


t.oUUAINK. 


uliiirf  iif  llip  ("urlovltitfliin  lnlir>rltAnri>,  thn  KInir- 
iliiiii  Hi'c|iilri'(l  liy  iliMilinllciirr,  vliilciiir,  iliTcil 
nii<l  rniml,  hiinIiiIih'iI  fiirtlitT  |iiirtltliiiiH:  Uilliiiiri* 
pirer  of  tlii>  rent  KKriix'Ht  ^i^x  •'lutclicil  iiml  till 
ti'n'il  iii(iiin  niid  iiitiilii  liy  liU  iii'iircHl  of  kin,  liU 
tlircr  Hiiim,  mill  tlirlr  two  iiiirliit,  anil  tin*  luiim 
anil  tliii  hiiiih'  nihim  nf  tils  witm  iinil  iinclrit,  llll  tlic 
lliiriiKii  t'liili'il.  .  .  .  Till-  Kiii|ii'riir  l.ntlialr  liail 
lilri'cli'il  mill  I'liiiMrniril  tlii'  |iiirlhliiii  of  IiIh  tlilnl 
fif  llii<  ('iirliivini(lmi  Kinpiri',  appnliitcil  In  liini 
by  tli«  trnity  of  ViTiliin."  IIIm  nanirHak)!,  liU 
W'Ciinil  Klin,  [.olliair  II.,  rccclvi'il  tin-  kinKiloiii 
called  "  l/iitliarlriKiu,  LnlliicrrrKni',  or  Lorraine," 
and  wliieli  In  ilellneil  In  the  teriiiH  of  niixlern 
Keoitrapliy  hn  followH:  " 'I'lie  thirteen  CantoiiH 
of  Switzerland  wi'.i  their  allieH  and  triliutarlcM, 
KiiMt  or  Free  KrI 'MJaiid,  OiilenliiUKli,  tlie  wliiile 
of  the  I'liited  NetlierlanilH,  all  other  territories 
Ineliided  in  thi-  ArehhiNlioprii!  of  I'Ireelil,  llie 
Triiin  KveelieH,  Met/.,  Toul  and  Verdun,  the 
I'leetoraleH  of  TW^ven  and  of  Colojfiie,  tiie  I'ala- 
tlno  liiHhoprle  of  IJi'^kc,  Aluaee  anil  Fraiiehe- 
Coiiite,  llainault  and  the  CainbreHiH,  Itralmnt 
(known  In  InteriiiediateNtaKeM  iih  liaHNe Lorraine, 
or  the  Diiehy  of  l.ohier),  Naiiiiir,  .lulierH  and 
Cleves,  Luxendiiirfrli  and  liiinliiirK,  the  Diieiiy 
of  Mar  and  the  Diieliy  whieh  retained  tho  iimnu 
of  I/orraine,  the  only  nieiiiorial  of  the  antient 
und  disHolved  kingdom.  .  .  .  After  KUxg  l.o- 
Miair'H  death  [A.  I>.  Hltll|  nine  family  eonipetltorg 
Biieeessively  eaine  Into  the  Held  for  that  tmieli- 
roveted  l.iitharlnKlH.  "  CharlcH  the  Uald,  one  of 
the  iiiu'leM  of  the  deeensed  klnjf, —  lie  who  held 
the  NuuKtrian  or  Kreneli  dominion, —  took  pim- 
Besslon  and  Kot  hiniHelf  erowned  kin^  of  Lotlia- 
rinKhi.  lint  the  rival  uncle,  Louis  the  German, 
noon  forced  him  (A.  I).  H70)  to  a  division  of  the 
spoils.  "  Tlio  lot  of  ('liarles  consisted  of  Bur- 
gundy  and  Provence,  and  most  of  those  Lotlia- 
rInKian  ilondnlons  where  the  French  or  \\  dioon 
tongue  was  and  yet  is  spoken;  .  .  .  he  ii'si.  look 
some  purely  Heljilc  territories,  espe('iuily  that 
very  Important  district  suecesslvely  known  as 
liiiMse- Lorraine,  the  Duchy  of  Lohier,  and  Ika- 
Imnt.  Modem  history  Is  dawning;  fast  upon  us. 
Louls-lo-Qernianlaue  received  Aixhi-Chapelle, 
(Jologne,  Trives,  Utrecht,  Htmshurgh,  Metz, — 
Indeed  nearly  all  tho  territories  of  the  lielKicund 
German  tongues." — Sir  P.  Palgravo,  Jlint.  of 
jS'ormitiuly  and  Kng.,  v.  1,  pp.  3fll-!t70. — See, 
also,  VKiint'N,  TnK.vTY  of. 

A.  D.  911-980.— The  dukedom  established. 
— The  detinile  separation  of  the  Kast  Franks. 
who  tdtimatcly  constituted  the  Germany  of 
niiKlprn  history,  from  the  AVest  or  Neustrian 
Franks,  out  of  whose  jnulitical  organization 
sprang  tho  kingdom  of  France,  took  place  in 
Oil,  when  tho  Franconinn  duke  Conrad  was 
elected  king  by  the  Germanic  nations,  and  the 
rule  of  the  Carolingian  princes  was  ended  for 
them.  In  this  proceeding  Lotharingiii,  or  Lor- 
raine, refused  to  concur.  "Nobles  and  people 
held  to  the  old  imperial  dynasty.  .  .  .  Opinions, 
customs,  tnulitions,  still  rendered  the  Ijotlmrin- 
gians  mainly  members  of  Homanizcd  Gnid.  They 
severed  themselves  from  the  Germans  beyond 
the  Rhine,  separated  by  influences  moro  powcr- 
fu'.  than  the  stream."  Tho  Lothariugiiins,  ac- 
cent iiigly,  repudiated  tho  sovereignty  of  C'onrart 
and  plaeed  themselvef  under  the  rule  of  Charles 
the  Simple,  the  Carolingian  king  then  strug- 
gling to  mnintain  bis  slender  throne  ut  Laon. 
''Twice  did  King  Conrad  attempt  to  win  Lo- 


tharingla  iinil  rriiidte  the  IIMne. kingdom  to  the 
German  realm:  he  Hiireeeiled  in  iibtididng  Al- 
Hiice,  but  the  remainder  was  reHolutely  retained 
by  Charies. "  In  llltl  this  rcniiiinder  was  coimtl- 
luted  a  iliichv.  by  Charles,  and  eonferreii  U|H)II 
Gilbert,  Kiinof  liainier.Couiil  of  llidnault.wl  'liiiid 
been  the  leader'  the  miivniii  nl  iiL;alnNt  Co.iriul 
and  III"  Germaii.  natloim.  A  llllie  later,  when 
the  Ciirolingian  dynasty  was  near  ItH  end,  Henry 
the  Fowli  r  and  liis  son  Otlio,  the  great  German 
king  who  revlvi'd  the  empire,  recovered  the  hii- 
zerainty  >f  Lorraini*,  and  Otho  gave  It  to  hU 
brother  Hriino,  Archtilshop  of  Cologne.  I'lider 
llruno  It  was  divided  Into  two  purls,  I'pper  and 
Lower  Lorraine.  Lower  Lorraine  was  Hubse- 
(pieiilly  conferred  by  Otho  II.  upon  his  cousin 
Charles,  brother  to  Lotliaire,  the  last  of  tho 
French  Carolingian  kings.  "The  nature  and 
extent  of  this  same  grant  has  iH'cn  the  subject 
of  elaborate  critical  "ni(uiry ;  but,  for  our  pur- 
poses. It  Is  sufllclent  to  know,  that  CharleH  U 
accepted  by  all  tho  historical  disputants  as  tirat 
amongst  tlie  hereditary  Dukes  of  the  '  liassc- 
Lorralne';  and,  having  received  Inveslllure,  he 
became  a  vassal  of  the  Kinperor."  In  OHO,  this. 
dis[)iisition  of  Lower  Lorraine  was  ratitled  by 
Lothain-,  tho  French  king,  who,  "abandoning 
all  his  lights  and  pretensions  over  Lorraine, 
openly  and  solemnly  renounced  the  dominions, 
and  granted  the  same  to  bo  held  without  let  or 
Interference  from  tho  French,  and  bo  subjected 
for  ever  to  the  German  Kmnlre." — Sir  F.  Pal- 
grave,  IliHt.  <if  M(irmnii<l;i  and  Kiifj.,  hk.  \,  pi.  2, 
r/i.  1  auilrli.  4,  pt.  2.  —  "Lotharlnghi  retained  it» 
("arolinglan  princes,  but  it  retained  them  only  by 
detlnitlvely  becoming  a  lief  of  the  Teutonic  King- 
dom. Charles  died  In  prison,  but  his  children 
contlnueil  to  reign  In  Lotharlngia  as  vassals  of 
the  Empire.  Lotharingia  was  thus  wholly  lost 
to  France;  »'  ,t  portion  of  it  which  was  retained 
by  the  descendants  of  Charles  In  tho  b  inalo  lino 
still  preserves  Its  freedom  as  part  of  the  indepen- 
dent Kingdom  of  lielglum.  '  —  K.  A.  Freeman, 
Hint,  of  the  Aorman  Conquint  of  Kiiy.,  ch.  4,  neH. 
4  (r.  1). 

A.  D.  1430.— Acquisition  of  the  duchy  by 
Ren<,  Duke  of  Anjou  and  Count  of  Provence, 
aftervvarda  King  of  Naples. — Union  with  Bar. 
See  Anjou:  A.  1).  1206-1443. 

A.  D.  1476.— Short-lived  conquest  by  Charles 
the  Bold.     See  HruouNDV:  A.  1).  147(1-1477. 

A.  D.  1505-1559.  —  Rise  o(  the  Guises,  a 
branch  of  the  ducal  house.— Cession  to  France 
of  Les  Trois  ETech6s.  See  Fkanck:  A.  D. 
1547-1  .WO. 

A.  D.  1634-1663. — Quarrels  and  war  of  Duke 
Charles  IV.  with  Richelieu  and  France. — Ruin 
and  depopulation  of  the  duchy. — Its  posses- 
sion by  the  French. — Early  in  Uichclieu's  ad- 
ministration of  the  French  government,  the  llrst 
steis  were  taken  towards  tho  union  of  Lorraine 
with  France.  "Its  situation,  as  well  as  its  wealth 
and  fertility,  made  it  an  acquisition  specially  val- 
uable to  that  kingdom.  .  .  .  Lorraino  had  long 
l)een  ruled  by  tho  present  fandly  of  Ju.'^es,  uiul 
in  its  government  more  had  remained  of  feudal 
usages  thon  in  tho  monarchy  that  had  grown  up 
beside  it.  Tlie  chamcter  and  career  of  tho  mem- 
bers of  the  house  of  Guise  had  brought  Lorraii'c 
into  very  intimate  connection  with  France,  and 
the  closeness  of  its  relations  added  danger  to  its 
position  as  an  independent  state.  Charles  IV. 
became  Duke  of  Lorraine  in  1624  by  virtue  of 


2042 


LORRAINK. 


LOSE  COAT  FIELD. 


thr  Hffhtii  nf  hid  rimnln  iiml  wifi'.  the  ilnii);lit>T 
of   the  liiNt  iliiki'.  Ill'  HiHiri   Iji'i;iim  to   lukc 

pnrt  III  (III'  liilrlKiii'14  cif  tlir  Kri'iuji  CdiiiI.  hihI  lir 
Plirnlliil  lillilHi'lf  riMI<itl)(  till'  liiviTK  of  Mint',  lie 
(.'licvri'iiHi'  itiiil  III!'  I'lirinlrx  of  Itlilii'lii'ii.  .  .  . 
Ulclii'lli'il  liml  li<tii(  MiiilKlit  ocniHliiii  fur  iitTi'lU'i' 
nKiiiii'*!' tlio  Diiki'  Clmrli's.  Tlii'  l>iiki>  (if  F.<>r 
niliiit  wiiH  lioiiiiil  III  i|i>  liiiiiiir  til  the  Krciii  li  klii^ 
for  till'  Diicliy  iif  Hiir  (wlilrli  wuh  ii  llrf  of  tlw 
Kri'iicli  rrowii,  wlilli'  l.orniliic  wuh  iiii  iiiiptriiil 
fl('f|,  II  iliity  which  wiiH  oftrii  iiiiiltti'il.  mill  tlir 
ngi'tllH  of  liiclirliril  illHriivcrril  tliiit  Kniliri'  hail 
iilirlcnt  anil  viillil  ilalnm  to  ntliiT  partn  nf  IiIh 
torrltory.  IIIh  ri'liitlonx  with  Krancr  wrrr  nii- 
(Icrcd  Htlll  innri'  unciTtaln  by  IiIn  own  nntriiHt 
worthy  c'haraetrr.  To  tril  thr  triilli  or  to  ircp 
hU  a^ri'i'ini'iit  wric  <'i|iially  IiiiiiohhIIiIc  for  Diikii 
('liarli'H,  anil  he  wan  ilralliiK  wllli'  a  man  with 
wlioin  It  was  iliin){> ToiiH  to  tritli'.  OiiHlaviiH 
Aiiol|iliufi  had  InviiiTi'il  (ii'rinany,  anil  the  Diikii 
of  riorraliii'  wan  catirrr  In  (Irfcnilln^f  thii  I'luise  of 
till'  Knipcror.  In  .luniiary,  \IM'i,  lie  wuh  forced 
to  niakv  ii  iicacc  with  Knincr,  by  which  he  agreed 
to  inaki!  no  treaty  with  any  other  prince  or  Htate 
without  thu  knowleilKi-'  anil  pernilH.siiin  of  tliu 
French  king.  CharleH  paid  no  ai'"ntliin  to  this 
treaty,  and  for  all  tlieHo  cuiihi's  in  June,  1(1112, 
LoiiIh  [XIII. 1  Invaded  lil.s  donilnlonx.  They  lav 
open  to  the  Krench  arniy,  and  no  etUclent  oppo- 
Rltlon  could  be  made.  On  .lune  'Jdth  Clitirles 
wan  forced  to  hIi{Ii  a  second  treaty,  by  which  he 
surrendered  the  city  and  county  of  Clernuint, 
nnd  also  yielded  the  possession  for  four  years  of 
the  cltiidels  of  Htenay  nnd  tiarnctz.  .  .  .  This 
treaty  made  little  chanf^o  In  the  condition  of  af- 
fairs. Charles  continued  to  net  In  ho:stlllty  to 
the  Swedes,  to  assist  Oaston  [Duke  of  Orleans, 
the  rebellious  and  troiiblesoine  brother  of  Louis 
XIII.,  who  had  married  Marj^aret  of  Lorraine, 
the  Duke's  sister],  and  In  every  way  to  violate 
the  conditions  of  the  treaty  he  had  made.  Ho 
scorned  resolved  to  comnleto  his  own  ruin,  and 
l>e  did  not  have  to  wait  long  for  Its  aecomplUh- 
mont.  In  103i)  Louis  a  second  time  Inviuled  Lor- 
raine, nnd  the  Swedes,  in  return  for  the  duke's 
hostility  to  them,  also  entered  the  province. 
Charles'  forces  were  scattered  and  he  was  help- 
less, but  he  was  as  false  ns  ho  was  weak,  no 
promised  to  surrender  his  sister  Margaret,  and 
ho  allowed  her  to  escape.  lie  sent  his  lirother  to 
mnke  a  trenty  and  then  refused  to  rntlfy  it.  At 
last,  hu  made  tlio  most  disadvantageous  tren  • 
".,%  was  possible,  and  surrendered  Ida  capiuU, 
Ni.  ■'■y,  the  most  strongly  fortified  city  of  Lor- 
raii  >,  into  Louis'  possession  until  all  ilillleulties 
sho  Id  be  settled  between  the  king  and  thediil;e, 
will  'h,  ns  Uiehelieu  said,  might  take  till  eternity. 
In  .).»nunry,  1634,  Charles  pursued  his  eccentric 
cnreer  by  grnntlng  all  bis  rights  In  the  duchy  to 
his  brother,  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine.  The  new 
(lul'c  also  married  a  cousin  In  order  to  unite  the 
rights  of  the  two  branches.  .  .  .  Charles  adopted 
the  life  of  a  wandering  soldier  of  fortune,  which 
was  most  to  his  taste,  and  commanded  the  im- 
perial forces  at  the  battle  of  Nordlingcn.  IIo 
soon  assumed  again  the  rights  which  he  had 
ceded,  but  his  conduct  rendered  them  constantly 
less  valuable.  The  following  years  were  tilled 
with  struggles  with  France,  which  resulted  In 
her  taking  possession  of  still  more  of  Lorraine, 
until  its  duke  was  entirely  a  fugitive.  Such 
struggles  brought  upon  Its  inhabitants  a  condi- 
tion of  constontly  increasing  want  and  misery. 


...  It  was  ravaged  by  the  honlcM  nf  the  Iliike- 
of  Weimar  and  the  SHrdi's  Uei'  (Ikiimanv:  A  l>. 
l<i:il-l<i:il)|,  mill  on  I  very  Hide  were  |illlage  and 
burning  ami  iiiiirderH.  Faiiilne  followed,  and 
the  hiirrors  per|iitniteil  fioin  It  were  nald  to  be 
more  tliiin  coiilil  lie  ilcHcrllied.  HIclii'lii'il  liliii- 
self  wrote  that  the  liiliabltanis  of  Lorraine  were 
niimtly  dead,  villages  liiirii'  I,  clllis  diMcrted, 
and  a  I'eiitiiry  would  nut  entirely  restore  the 
country.  Vliici'iil  de  Paul  did  much  of  his  char- 
itable  work  In  that  unhappy  province.  .  .  .  'I'lie 
iliiki^  at  last,  In  DItl,  caiiie  as  a  Kiippllant  to 
Itlchi'lleii  to  ask  for  his  d'.'.chy,  and  It  was 
gninti'd  lilin,  but  on  the  londltioii  that  Stenay, 
Dun,  .Imiiet/.,  and  Clermont  hIiiiiiIiI  be  united  to 
Kranee,  that  Nancy  hlioiild  r<'iiialn  In  the  king's 
poHsesslon  until  the  peace,  i.nd  that  the  diikii 
should  assist  France  with  his  troops  against  alt 
enemies  wlieiiever  ri'i|iiireil.  .  .  .  Charles  was 
hardly  back  in  his  dominions  before  he  ehosi>  to 
regard  the  treaty  he  had  made  as  of  iio  vallditv, 
and  In  iliily  he  violated  It  openly,  and  shortly 
tiHik  refuge  with  the  Spanish  iiriiiy.  .  .  .  There- 
upon the  Krench  again  Invailid  Lorraine,  and  by 
October,  Kl'tl,  practically  the  whole  province 
was  In  their  hands.  It  so  eontlniied  until  111(111."^ 
— .1.  H.  Perkins,  hhiiiiY  iiniUr  \  Uic/mlirn  diiil] 
Mmiirin,  r/i.  5  (c.  1).  — "The  faithfiihiess  with 
which  he  [the  Duke  of  Lorridnej  adlKred  to  Ids 
alliance  with  Austria,  in  spite  of  threatened 
losses,  formed  In  llie  end  ii  strong  bond  of  recip- 
rocal attacbineiit  and  symputliy  between  the 
Ilapsburgs  and  the  Princes  of  Lorraine,  which, 
at  n  later  day,  U'came  even  tinner,  and  tlnally 
culminated  In  the  marriage  of  Ste|)lien  of  Lor- 
raine and  Miiria  Theresa." — ,\.  (llndely,  JfiKl.  of 
the  Thirty  VdirH    \\'<ir,  v.  2,  eh.  0,  *W.  !l. 

A.  D.  1648.— Desertion  of  the  cause  of  the 
duke  in  the  Peace  of  Westphalia.  See  Uvm- 
many:  a.  I).  104H. 

A.  D.  1659.— Restored  to  the  duke  with 
some  shearing;  of  territory.  See  Fkanck  :  A.  I ). 
l«.-|i»-l«(ll. 

A.  D.  1679-—  Restoration  refused  by  the 
duke.     See  Nimk  u'kn,  Pkack  ok. 

A.  D.  1680.— En. ire  absorption  of  LesTroia 
Evechts  in  France  vnlh  bound.iries  extended 
by  the  Chamber  of  Re?.nnexation.  See  Fiia.nck  : 
A.  1).  IflTU-ltiHl 

A.  D.  1607.— Restored  to  the  duke  by  the 
Treaty  of  Ryswick.     See  Cuanck:  A.  I).  Ull»7. 

A.  u.  1735. — Ceded  to  France.— Reversion 
of  Tuscany  secured  to  the  former  duke.  See 
Fiianck:  a.  D.  1733-17;''^. 

A.  D.  1871,— On'  fifth  ceded  to  the  German 
empire   by  France.     See   Fkanck:  A.  D.   1M71 

(.lANtlAUV — M  .V). 

A.  D.  1 87 1  1879. — Organization  of  the  gov- 
ernment of  Alsace-Lorraine  as  a  German  im- 
perial provirce.    See  Geumany:   A.  D.  1871- 

187».  ^ 

LOSANTIVILLE.  Sou  Cincinnati:  A.  D. 
178H. 

LOSE-COAT  FIELD,  Battle  of.— In  1470 
an  insurrection  against  the  government  of  King 
Edward  IV.  broke  out  In  Lincolnshire,  England, 
under  the  lead  of  Sii-  Robert  Welles,  who  raised 
the  Lancastrion  standard  of  King  Henry.  Tho 
insurgents  were  vigoroiisly  attacked  by  Edward, 
at  a  place  near  Stamford,  when  the  greater  part 
of  them  "tiling  away  their  coats  and  took  to 
flight,  leaving  their  leader  u  prisoner  in  the  hand» 


2043 


LOSE  COAT  FIELD. 


LOUISIANA,  1698-1712. 


of  his  enemies.  The  manner  in  wliicli  tlie  rebels 
were  dispersed  caused  the  action  to  l)e  spolten  of 
as  tlio  battiu  of  Losc-coat  Field." — J.  Galrdner, 
Jlounenof  lMncn*ter  and  York,  ch.  8. — The  engage- 
ment is  sometimes  culled  the  Battle  of  Stamford. 

LOST  TEN  TRIBES  OF  ISRAEL.  See 
Jkws:  Kinoooms  of  Ihkael  ANi>Jui)An;  also, 
Samahia. 

LOTHAIRE,  King  of  France,  A.  1).  954- 
nno Lothaire  I.,  King  of  Italy  and  Rhine- 
land,  t'17-8.'>ri;  King  of  Lotharingia,  and  titu- 
lar Emperor,  8.13-85r) Lothaire  II.,  Em- 
peror, li33-ll.")7:  King  of  Germany,  1125-1137. 

LOTHARINGIA.    See  LounAiNE. 

LOTHIAN.    See  Scotland:   10-1  Itd  Cen- 

TUIIIK.B. 

LOUIS,  King  of  Portugal,  A.  D.  1801-1889. 
....Louis  of  Nassau,  and  the  struggle  in 
the  Netherlands.     See  Netuerlands:  A.  I). 

ir)02-1500,    to    lf)73-1574 Louis    I.   (called 

The  Pious),  Emperor  of  the  West,  A.  D.  814- 
840;  King  of  Aquilaine,  781-«14;  King  of  the 

Franks,  8 14-840 Louis  I.(called  The  Great), 

King  of  Hungary,  1342-1382;  King  of  Poland, 

1370-1382 Louis  1  ,  King  of  Naples,  1882- 

1384;  Count  of  Provei.ce  and  Duke  of  Anjou, 

1389-1384 Louis  I.,  King  of  Sicily,  1IW2- 

1355 Louis  II. (calledTheStammerer),King 

of  France,  877-879 Louis  II.  (called  The 

German),  King  of  the  East  Franks  (Germany), 

843-875 Louis  II.,  Kin.v^  of  Hungary  and 

Bohemia,    1516-1526 Lo;iis    11.,    King    of 

Naples,  1389-1309;  Duke  of  Anjou  and  Count 
of  Provence,  1384-1417.     See  Italy  :  A.  D.  1343- 

1389,   and   1380-1414 Louis  III.,   King  of 

the  Franks  '(Northern  France),  879-882 ;  East 
Franks  (Germany— in  associatioi;  with  Carlo- 
man),  876-881 Louis  III.  (called  The  Child), 

King  of  the  East  Franks  (German.?),  899-910. 
—  Louis  III.,  King  of  Provence,  i417-1434. 
Louis  IIL,  Duke  of  Anjou,  Count  of  Prov- 
ence, and   titular  King  of  Naples,  1417-1434. 

Louis   IV.,  King  of  France,  936-954 

Louis  V.  (of  Bavaria),  Emperor,  1327-1847; 
King  of  Germany  (in  rivalry  wi::h   Frederick 

III.),  1313-1347;  King  of  Italy,  1327-1347 

Louis  v.,  King  of  France,  986-987 Louis 

VI.  (called  The  Fat),  King  of  France,  1108- 

1137 Louis  VII.,   King  of  France,   1137- 

1180 Louis  VIII. ,  King  of  France,  1223- 

1226 Louis  IX.  (called  Saint  Louis),  King 

of  France,  1226-1270 Louis  X.  (called  Le 

Hutin,  or  The  Brawler),  King  of  France,  1814- 

1316;    King  of  Navarre,  1305-1316 Louis 

XL,  King  of  France,  1461-1483 Louis  XII., 

King  of  France,  1498-1515 Louis  XIIL, 

King  of  France,    1610-1643 Louis    XIV. 

(called    "The    Grand    Monarch"),    King   of 

France,    1643-1715 Louis    XV.,    King   of 

France,  1715-1774 Louis    XVI.,   King  of 

France,  1774-1798 Louis  XVII.,  nominal 

King  of  France,  1793-1796,  during  the  Revolu- 
tion ;  died  in  prison,  aged  twelve  years 

Louis  XVIIL,  Kit.g  of  France,  1814-1824 

Lou^s  Napoleon   Bonaparte.    See  Napoleon 

IIT Lf'jis  Philippe,  King  of  France  (of  the 

House  of  Orleans),  1830-1848. 

LOUIS,  Saint,  Z^t.ibiisu.'aent'j  of.  See 
Waqer  of  Battle. 


LOUISBOURG:  A.  D.  1720-1745.  — The 
fortification  of  the  Harbor.  Sec  Caj  <e  Breton  : 
A.  D. 1720-1745. 


A.  D.  1745. — Surrender  to  the  New  En,^- 
landers.     See  New  England:  A.  D.  1745. 

A.  D.  1748.— Restoration  to  France.  See 
New  England:  A.  I).  174;j-1748. 

A.  D.  1757. — English  designs  against,  post- 
poned.    Sec  Canada:  A.  D.  1756-1757. 

A.  D.  1758-1760. — Final  capture  and  de- 
struction of  the  place  by  the  English.  See 
Cape  Breton  Island:  A.  D.  1758-1760. 


L(  ^UISIANA :  The  aboriginal  inhabitants. 
See  American  Aborigines:  Muskhogean  Fam- 
ily, and  Pawnee  (Caddoan)  Family. 

A.  D.  1629.— Mostly  embraced  in  the  Caro- 
lina grant  to  Sir  Robert  Heath,  by  Charles  I. 
of  England.     See  America:  A.  D.  1620. 

A.  D.  i68a  —Named  and  possession  taken 
for  the  kine  of  France,  by  La  Salle.  Seo 
Canada:  A.  D.  1669-1687. 

A.  D.  X698-1712. — Iberville's  colonization. — 
Separation  in  government  from  New  France. 
— Crozat's  monopoly. — The  French  territorial 
claim. — "The  court  of  France  had  been  en- 
gaged in  wars  and  political  intrigues,  and  nothinK 
toward  colonizing  Louisiana  had  been  effected 
since  the  disastrous  expedition  of  La  Salle. 
Twelve  years  had  elapsed,  but  his  discoveries 
and  his  unfortunate  fote  had  not  been  forgotten. 
At  length,  in  1698,  an  expedition  for  colonizing 
the  region  of  the  Lower  Mississippi  was  set  on 
foot  by  the  French  king.  It  was  placed  under 
the.  command  of  M.  d'  Iberville,  who  had  been 
an  experienced  and  distinguished  naval  com- 
mander in  the  French  wars  of  Canada,  and  a  suc- 
cessful agent  in  establishing  colonics  in  Canada, 
Acadie  and  Cape  Breton.  .  .  .  With  his  little 
fleet  of  two  frigates,  rating  30  guns  each,  and 
two  smaller  vessels,  bearing  a  company  of  ma- 
rines and  200  colonists,  including  a  few  women 
and  children,  he  prepared  to  set  sail  from  France 
for  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  The  colonists 
were  mostly  soldiers  who  had  served  in  the 
armies  of  France  and  had  received  an  -honorable 
discharge.  They  were  well  supplied  with  pro- 
visions and  Implements  requisite  for  opening 
settlements  in  the  wilderness.  It  was  on  the 
24th  day  of  September,  1698,  that  this  colony 
sailed  from  Rochelle."  On  the  2d  of  the  follow- 
ing March,  after  considerable  exploration  of  the 
coast,  west  from  the  Spanish  settlement  at  Pensa- 
cola,  Iberville  found  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi, 
being  confirmed  in  the  identification  of  it  by  dis- 
covery of  a  letter,  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians, 
which  Tonti  had  written  to  La  Salle  thirteen 
years  before.  "Soon  afterward,  Iberville  select- 
ed a  site  and  began  to  erect  a  fort  upon  the  north- 
east shore  of  the  Bay  of  Biloxl,  about  fifteen 
miles  north  of  Ship  Island.  Here,  upon  a  sandy 
shore,  and  under  a  burning  sun,  upon  a  pine 
barren,  he  settled  his  colony,  about  80  miles 
northeast  from  the  present  city  of  New  Orleans. 
.  .  .  Having  thus  loccced  his  colony,  and  pro- 
tected them  [by  a  forcj  from  the  danger  of  In- 
dian treachery  and  h  utility,  he  made  other  pro- 
vision for  their  comfort  and  security,  and  then 
set  sail  for  France,  leuv'ng  his  two  brothers, 
Sau voile  and  Bienville,  as  his  lieutenants."  The 
following  September  an  English  corvette  ap- 
peared in  the  river,  intending  to  explore  it,  but 
was  .yarned  off  by  the  French,  and  retired. 
During  Se  summer  of  1699  the  colonists  suffered 
terribly  iiom  the  maladies  of  the  region,  and 
M.  SauvoUe,  with  many  others,  died.     "Early 


2044 


LOUISIANA,  1698-1712. 


John  Lair'ii 
Misginsippi  Bubble. 


LOUISIANA,  1717-1718. 


In  December  following  d'  Iberville  returned  with 
an  (idditional  colony  an<l  a  detachment  of  troops, 
in  company  with  several  vessels  of  war.  Uj)  to 
this  time,  the  principal  settlements  had  been  at 
Ship  Island  and  on  the  Hay  of  Uiloxi;  others  had 
been  begim  at  the  Bay  of  St.  I.,ouia  and  on  the 
Bay  of  Alobile.  These  were  made  as  a  matter  of 
convenience,  to  bold  and  occupy  the  country ;  for 
his  principal  object  was  to  colonize  the  banks  of 
the  MLssissippi  itself."  Iberville  now  built  a 
fort  and  located  a  small  colony  at  a  point  about 
54  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  about 
38  miles  below  the  present  city  of  New  Orleans. 
The  next  year,  having  been  jomcd  by  the  veteran 
De  Tonti  with  a  party  of  French  Canadians  from 
the  Illinois,  Iberville  ascended  the  river  nearly 
400  miles,  formed  a  friendly  alliance  with  the 
Natchez  tribe  of  Indians,  and  selected  for  a 
future  settlement  the  site  of  the  present  city  of 
Natchez.  "  In  the  spring  of  1703  war  bad  been 
declared  by  England  against  France  and  Spain, 
and  by  order  of  the  King  of  Prance  the  head- 
quarters of  the  commandant  were  removed  to 
Hie  western  bank  of  the  Mobile  Kiver.  This  was 
the  first  European  settlement  within  the  present 
State  of  Alabama.  The  Spanish  settlement  at 
Pensacola  was  not  remote ;  but  as  England  was 
now  the  common  enemy,  the  French  and  Spanish 
commandants  arranged  their  boundary  between 
Mobile  and  Pensacola  Bays  to  be  the  Perdido 
River.  .  .  .  The  whole  colony  of  Southern  Lou- 
isiana as  yet  did  not  number  80  families  besides 
soldiers.  Bilious  fevers  had  cut  oil  many  of  the 
first  emigrants,  and  famine  and  Indian  hostility 
now  threatened  the  remainder."  Two  years 
later,  Iberville  was  broken  in  health  by  an  at- 
fcick  of  yellow  fever  and  retired  to  France. 
After  six  further  years  of  hardship  and  suffering, 
the  colony,  in  1710,  still  "  presented  a  population 
of  only  380  souls,  distributed  into  five  settle- 
ments, remote  from  each  other.  These  w  re  on 
Ship  Island,  Cat  Island,  at  Biloxi,  Mobi.;,  and 
on  the  Mississippi.  .  .  .  Heretofore  the  settle- 
ments of  Louisiana  had  been  a  dependence  on  New 
France,  or  Canada,  although  separated  by  a 
•wilderness  of  2,000  miles  in  extent.  Now  it  was 
to  bo  made  an  independent  government,  respon- 
sible only  to  the  crown,  and  comprising  also  the 
Illinois  country  under  its  jurisdiction.  The 
government  of  Louisiana  was  accrrdingly  placed 
[1711]  in  the  hands  of  a  governor-general.  The 
headquarters,  or  seat  of  the  colonial  government, 
was  established  at  Mobile,  and  a  new  fort  was 
erected  upon  the  site  of  the  present  city  of 
Mobile.  ...  In  France  it  was  still  believed  that 
Louisiana  presented  a  rich  field  for  enterprise  and 
speculation.  Tlie  court,  therefore,  determined 
to  place  the  resources  of  the  province  under  the 
influence  of  individual  enterprise.  For  this  pur- 
pose, a  grant  of  exclusive  privileges,  in  all  the 
commerce  of  the  province,  for  a  term  of  15  years, 
was  made  to  Anthony  Crozat,  a  rich  and  influ- 
ential merchant  of  France.  His  charter  was 
dated  September  28th,  1713.  At  this  time  the 
limits  of  Louisiana,  as  claimed  by  France,  were 
very  extensive.  As  specified  in  the  charter  of 
Crozat,  It  was  '  bounded  by  New  Mexico  on  the 
west,  by  the  English  lands  of  Carolina  on  the 
east,  including  all  the  establishments,  ports,  ha- 
vens, rivers,  and  principally  the  port  and  haven 
of  the  Isle  of  Dauphin,  heretofore  called  Massacre ; 
the  River  St.  Louis,  heretofore  called  Mississippi, 
from  the  edge  of  the  sea  as  far  as  the  Dlinois, 


together  with  the  River  St.  Philip,  heretofore 
called  Missouri,  the  River  St.  .Jerome,  heretofore 
called  Wabash,  with  all  the  lands,  lakes,  and 
rivers  mediately  or  immediately  flowing  into  any 
part  of  the  River  St.  Louis  or  Mississippi.'  Thus 
Louisiana,  as  claimed  by  France  at  that  early 
period,  enibraccd  all  the  immense  regions  of  the 
United  States  from  the  Alleghany  Mountains  on 
tlio  east  to  the  Rocky  Mountains  on  the  west, 
and  northward  to  the  great  lakes  of  Canada. "  — 
J.  W.  Monettc,  Hist,  of  the  Discover;/  anil  Settle- 
metit  of  the  Valley  of  the  Mimsaippi,  bk.  3,  eh. 
5  (».  1). 

A.  D.  1717-1718.— Crozat's  failure  and  John 
Law's  Mississippi  Bubble. — The  founding  of 
New  Orleans. — "  Crozat's  failure  was,  in  the 
nature  of  things,  foreordained.  His  scheme, 
indeed,  proved  a  stumbling-block  to  the  colony 
and  a  loss  to  himself.     In  five  years  (1717)  be  was 

flad  to  surrender  his  monopoly  to  the  crown, 
'rom  its  aslies  sprung  the  gigantic  Mississippi 
Scheme  of  John  Law,  to  whom  all  Louisiana, 
now  Including  the  Illinois  country,  was  grante(l 
for  a  term  of  years.     Compared  with  this  prodi- 

fality  Crozat's  concession  was  but  a  plaything, 
t  not  only  gave  Law's  Company  proprietary 
rights  to  the  soil,  but  power  was  conferred  to  ail- 
minister  justice,  make  peace  or  war  with  the 
natives,  build  forts,  levy  troops  and  with  consent 
of  the  crown  to  appoint  such  military  governors 
as  it  should  think  fitting.  These  extraordinary 
privileges  were  put  in  force  by  a  royal  edict, 
dated  in  September,  1717.  The  new  company 
[called  the  Western  Company]  granted  lands 
along  the  river  to  individuals  or  associated  per- 
sons, who  were  sometimes  actual  emigrants, 
sometimes  great  personages  who  sent  out  colo- 
nists at  their  own  cost,  or  again  the  company  itselt 
undertook  the  building  up  of  plantations  on  lands 
reserved  by  it  for  the  purpose.  One  colony  of 
Alsatians  was  sent  out  by  Law  to  begin  a  planta- 
tion on  the  Arkansas.  Others,  more  or  less 
flourishing,  were  located  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Yazoo,  Natchez  and  Baton  Rouge.  All  were  agri- 
cultural plantations,  though  in  most  cases  the 
plantations  themselves  consisted  of  a  few  poor 
huts  covered  with  a  thatch  of  palm-leaves.  The 
earliest  forts  were  usually  a  square  earthwork, 
strengthened  with  palisades  about  the  parapet. 
The  company's  agricultural  system  was  founded 
upon  African  slave  labor.  Slaves  were  brought 
from  St.  Domingo  or  other  of  the  West  India 
islands.  By  some  their  employment  was  viewed 
with  alarm,  because  it  was  thought  the  blacks 
would  soon  outnumber  the  whites,  and  might 
some  day  rise  and  overpower  them ;  but  we  find 
only  the  feeblest  protest  entered  against  the 
moral  wrong  of  slavery  in  any  record  of  the 
time.  Negroes  could  work  in  the  fields,  under 
the  burning  sun,  when  the  whites  could  not. 
Their  labor  cost  no  more  than  their  maintenance. 
The  planters  easily  adopted  what,  indeed,  already 
existed  among  their  neighbors.  Self-interest 
stifled  conscience.  The  new  company  wisely  ap- 
pointed Bienville  governor.  Three  ships  brought 
munitions,  troops,  and  stores  of  every  sort  from 
Prance,  with  which  to  put  new  life  into  the  ex- 
piring colony.  It  was  at  this  time  (February, 
1718)  that  Bienville  began  the  foundation  of  the 
destined  metropolis  of  Louisiana.  The  spot 
chosen  by  him  was  clearly  but  a  fragment  of  the 
delta  which  the  river  had  been  for  ages  silently 
building  of  its  own  mud  and  driftwood.    It  had 


2045 


LOUISIANA,  1717-1718. 


7%«  Ifatchfi. 


LOUISIANA,  1763, 


litorally  risen  from  the  spn.  Elovntcd  only  n 
few  fi'ct  iibovo  sen-level,  threatened  with  fre- 
cincnt  iriiindution,  and  in  its  primitive  estate  a 
cypress  swamp,  it  seemed  little  suited  for  the 
ttlKide  of  men,  yet  time  has  confirnied  the  wis- 
dom of  th(!  clioiee.  Here,  then,  n  hundred  miles 
from  the  Oulf,  on  the  alluvial  banks  of  the  great 
river,  twenty-tive  coirvicts  and  ns  many  carpen- 
ters were  set  to  work  clearing  the  ground  and 
building  the  humble  log  cabins,  which  w^ere  to 
constitute  the  capital,  in  its  infancy.  The  settle- 
ment was  named  New  Orleans,  in  honor  of  the 
Regent,  Orleans,  who  ruled  France  during  the 
minority  of  Louis  XV."  —  8.  A.  Drake,  The 
Making  of  the  Great  West,  pp.  126-128. 

Ai.BO  IN:  A.  McF.  Davis,  Canada  and  Louis- 
iana (Narratire  and  Critical  Hitt.  of  Am.,  v.  S, 
eh.  1).  —  A.  Thiers,  The  yfirnxsippi  litihhle,  eh. 
3-8. — C  Mackay,  Memoirs  of  Kxtraordimtry  Pop- 
vlar  Delusions,  r.  1,  eh.  1. — See,  also,  France  : 
A.  D.  1717-1720. 

A.  D.  1719-1750. — Surrendered  to  the  Crown. 
— Massacre  of  French  by  the  Natchez,  and 
destruction  of  that  tribe. — Unsuccessful  war 
with  the  Chickasaws. — "  The  same  prodigality 
and  folly  wliich  prevailed  in  France  during  the 
government  of  ,Iohn  Law,  over  credit  and  com- 
merce, foimd  their  way  to  liis  western  posses- 
sions; and  though  the  colony  thn"  planted  sur- 
vived, and  the  city  then  founded  became  in  time 
what  had  been  hoped, — it  was  long  before  the 
influence  of  the  gamliling  mania  of  1718-19-20 
passed  away.  Indeed  the  returns  from  Louisiana 
never  repaid  the  cost  and  trouble  of  protecting  it, 
and,  in  1732,  the  Company  asked  leave  to  sur- 
render their  privileges  to  the  crown,  a  favor 
which  was  granted  them.  But  though  the  Com- 
pany of  the  West  did  little  for  the  enduring 
welfare  of  the  Mississipi)i  valley,  it  did  some- 
thing; the  cultivation  of  tobacco,  indigo,  rice, 
and  silk,  was  introduced,  the  lead  mines  of  Jlis- 
souri  were  opened,  though  at  vast  expense  and 
in  hope  of  tinding  silver;  and,  in  Illinois,  tlie 
culture  of  wheat  began  to  assume  some  degree 
of  stability  and  of  importance.  In  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  river  Kaskaskia,  Charlevoi.x  found 
three  villages,  and  about  Fort  Chartrcs,  the  head 
quarters  of  the  Company  in  that  region,  the 
French  were  rapidly  settling.  All  the  time,  how- 
ever, during  which  the  great  monopoly  lasted, 
was,  in  Louisiana,  a  time  of  contest  and  trouble. 
•  The  English,  who,  from  an  early  period,  had 
opened  commercial  relations  with  the  Chicka- 
saws, through  them  constantly  interfered  with 
the  trade  of  the  Mississippi.  Along  tlie  coast, 
from  Pcnsacola  to  the  Rio  del  Norte,  Spain  dis- 
puted the  claims  of  lier  northern  neighbor:  and 
at  length  the  war  of  the  Natchez  struck  terror 
into  tlie  hearts  of  both  white  and  red  men. 
Amid  that  nation  .  .  .  D'Iberville  had  marked 
out  Fort  Rosalie  [on  the  site  of  the  present  city 
of  Natchez],  in  1700,  and  fourteen  years  later  its 
erection  had  been  commenced.  The  French, 
placed  in  the  midst  of  the  natives,  and  deeming 
them  worthy  only  of  contempt,  increased  their 
lands  und  injuries  until  they  required  even 

.ri  abnu(ionment  of  the  chief  town  of  the 
Natchez,  that  the  intniders  might  use  its  site  for 
a  plantation.  Tlic  inimical  Chickasaws  heard 
the  murmurs  of  their  wronged  brethren,  and 
breathed  into  their  ears  counsels  of  vengeance; 
the  sufferers  determined  on  the  extermination  of 
their  tyrants.    On  the  28th  of  November,  1729, 


every  Frenchman  in  that  colony  died  liy  the 
hands  of  the  natives,  with  the  exception  of  two 
mechanics:  the  women  au<,' children  were  spared. 
It  was  a  fearful  revenge,  a.ul  fearfully  did  the 
avengers  sufTer  for  their  inuders.  Two  months 
passed  by,  and  the  Fren(  h  and  Choctaws  in  one 
day  to  k  60  of  their  scalps ;  in  three  months  they 
were  driven  from  their  country  and  scattered 
amimg  the  neighboring  tribes;  and  within  two 
years  the  remnants  of  the  nation,  chiefs  and  peo- 
])le,  were  sent  to  St.  Domingo  :.iid  sold  into  sla- 
very. So  perished  this  ancient  and  peculiar  race, 
in  the  same  year  in  which  the  Comjiany  of  the 
West  yielded  its  grants  into  the  royal  hands. 
When  Louisiana  came  again  into  the  charge  of 
the  government  of  France,  it  was  determined,  as 
a  first  step,  to  strike  terror  into  the  Chickasaws, 
who,  devoted  to  the  Englisli,  constantly  inter- 
fered with  the  trade  on  the  Jlississippi.  For  this 
purpose  tlie  forces  of  New  France,  from  New 
Orleans  to  Detroit,  were  ordered  to  meet  in  the 
country  of  the  inimical  Indians,  upon  the  10th 
of  May,  1730,  to  strike  a  blow  which  should  be 
final."  D'Artaguette,  governor  of  Illinois,  wps 
promptly  at  the  rendezvous,  with  a  large  ice 
of  Indians,  and  a  small  body  of  FrencI  ut 
Bienville,  from  the  southern  province,  piuved 
dilatory.  After  waiting  ten  days,  D'Artaguette 
attacked  the  Chickasaws,  carried  two  of  their 
defenses,  but  fell  and  was  taken  prisoner  in  the 
assault  of  a  third;  whereupon  his  Indian  allies 
fled.  Bienville,  coming  up  five  days  afterwards, 
was  repulsed  in  his  turn  and  retreated,  leaving 
D'Artaguette  and  his  captive  companions  to  a 
fearful  fate.  "Three  years  more  passed  away, 
and  again  a  French  army  of  nearly  4,000  white, 
red  and  black  men,  was  gathered  upon  the  banks 
of  the  Mississippi,  to  chastise  the  Chickasaws. 
From  the  summer  of  1739  to  the  spring  of  1740, 
this  body  of  men  sickened  and  wasted  at  Fort 
Assumption,  upon  the  site  of  Memphis.  In 
March  of  the  last  named  year,  without  a  blow 
struck,  peace  was  concluded,  and  the  province  of 
Louisiana  once  more  sunk  into  inactivity.  Of 
the  ten  years  which  followed  we  know  but  little 
that  is  interesting." — J.  H.  Perkins,  Annals  of 
the  West,  pp.  61-63. 

Also  in:  M.  Dumont,  Hist.  Memoirs  {French's 
Hist.  Coil's  of  Tx>uisia7ia,  pt.  5). — C.  Gayarre, 
Louisiana;  its  Colonial  Hist,  and  Jiomanee,  2d 
series,  led.  5-7. — S.  Q.  Drake,  Aboriginal  liaces 
of  North  Am.,  bk.  4,  eh.  5. 

A.  D.  1728.— The  Casket  Girls.— Wives  for 
the  colonists. — "In  the  beginning  of  1728  there 
came  a  vessel  of  the  company  with  a  considerable 
number  of  young  girls,  who  had  not  been  taken, 
like  their  predecessors,  from  houses  of  correc- 
tion. The  company  had  given  to  eacli  of  them 
a  casket  containing  some  articles  of  dress.  From 
that  circumstance  they  became  known  in  the 
colony  under  the  nickname  of  the  '  fllles  il  la 
cassette',  or 'the  casket  girls.'.  .  .  Subsequently, 
it  became  a  matter  of  importance  in  tlie  colony 
to  derive  one's  origin  from  the  casket  girls,  rather 
than  from  the  correction  girls." — C.  Gayarre, 
Louisiana ;  its  Colonial  Hist,  and  Bomanee,  p. 
306. 

A.  D.  1755. — Settlement  of  exiled  Acadians. 
See  Nova  Scotia  :   A.  D.  1755. 

A.  D.  1763. — East  of  the  Mississi^i,  ex- 
cept New  Orleans,  ceded  to  Great  Britain, 
and  west  of  the  Mississippi,  with  New  Or- 
leans, to  Spain,    Sec  Seven  Ykabb  War. 


2046 


LOUISIANA,  1760-17fi8. 


Spanlnh 
Occupation. 


LOUISIANA,  1709. 


A.  D.  1766-1768. — Spanish  occupation  and 
the  revolt  against  it. — The  short-lived  re- 
public of  New  Orleans. — "Spain  luicoptcd  Loii- 
isiaua  [west  of  the  Mississippi,  witli  New  OrleiwisJ 
with  reluctiuice,  for  she  lost  France  as  licr  bul- 
warli,  and,  to  Iccep  tlie  territory  from  England, 
assumed  new  expenses  and  dangers.  Its  inhabi- 
tants loved  the  land  of  their  ancestry ;  by  every 
law  of  nature  and  human  freedom,  they  had  the 
right  to  protest  against  the  transfer  of  their  al 
legiance."  Their  protests  were  unavailing, 
however,  and  their  appeals  met  the  respon.se: 
"France  cannot  bear  the  charge  of  supporting 
the  colony's  precarious  existence."  In  March, 
1766,  Antonio  do  Ulloa  arrived  at  New  Orleans 
from  Havana,  to  take  possession  for  the  Spanish 
king.  "Ulloa  landed  with  civil  ofllcers,  three 
capuchin  monks,  and  80  soldiers.  His  reception 
was  cold  and  gloomy.  He  brought  no  orders  to 
redeem  the  seven  million  livres  of  French  paper 
money,  wliicli  weighed  down  a  colony  of  less 
than  6,000  white  men.  Tlie  French  garrison  of 
300  ref  us(  to  enter  the  Spanish  service,  the  peo- 
ple to  give  up  their  nationality,  and  Ulloa  was 
obliged  to  administer  the  government  under  tlie 
French  flag  by  the  old  French  ofllcers,  at  the 
cost  of  Spain.  In  May  of  the  same  year,  the 
Spanisli  restrictive  system  was  applied  to  Lou- 
isiana; in  September,  an  ordinance  compelled 
French  vessels  having  special  permits  to  accept 
the  paper  currency  in  pay  for  their  cargoes,  at  an 
arbitrary  tariff  of  prices.  .  .  .  The  ordinance 
was  suspended,  but  not  till  the  alarm  had  de- 
stroyed all  commerce.  Ulloa  retired  from  New 
Orleans  to  the  Balise.  Only  there,  and  opposite 
Natchez,  and  at  the  river  Iberville,  was  Spanish 
jurisdiction  directly  exercised.  T.  '^  state  of 
tilings  continued  for  a  little  more  than  two  years. 
But  the  arbitrary  and  passionate  conduct  of 
Ulloa,  the  depreciation  of  the  currency  with  the 
prospect  of  its  becoming  an  plmoot  total  loss,  the 
disputes  respecting,  the  expenses  incurred  since 
the  session  of  1762,  the  interruption  of  com- 
merce a  captious  ordinance  which  made  a  private 
monopoly  of  the  traffic  witli  the  Indians,  uncer- 
tainty of  Jurisdiction  and  allegiance,  agitated  the 
colony  from  one  end  to  the  otlier.  It  was  pro- 
posetf  to  make  of  New  Orleans  a  republic,  like 
Amsterdam  or  Venice,  with  a  legislative  body 
of  40  men,  and  a  single  executive.  The  people 
of  the  country  parishes  crowded  in  a  mass  into 
the  city,  joined  tliose  of  New  Orleans,  and  formed 
a  numerous  assembly,  in  which  Lafrenidre,  John 
Milhet,  Joseph  i^Iilhet,  and  the  lawyer  Doucet 
were  conspicuous.  ...  On  the  25th  "of  October, 
1768,  they  adopted  an  address  to  the  superior 
council,  written  by  Lafreni^re  and  Caresse,  re- 
hearsing their  griefs;  and,  in  their  petition  of 
rights,  they  claimed  f  ree<lom  of  commerce  with 
the  ports  of  France  and  America,  and  the  ex- 
pulsion of  Ulloa  from  the  colony.  The  address, 
signed  by  500  or  600  persons,  was  adopted  the 
next  day  by  the  council  .  .  .  ;  when  the  French 
flag  was  displayed  on  the  public  square,  children 
and  women  ran  up  to  kiss  its  folds,  and  it  was 
raised  by  900  men,  amid  shouts  of  'Long  live 
the  king  of  France !  we  will  have  no  king  but 
him.'  Ulloa  retreated  to  Havana,  and  sent  his 
representations  to  Spain.  The  inhabitants  elected 
their  own  treasurer  and  syndics,  sent  envoys  to 
Paris,  .  .  .  and  memoriai'rrid  the  French  mon- 
arch to  stand  as  intercessor  between  them  and 
the  Catholic  king,  offering  no  alternative  but  to 


be  a  colony  of  France  or  a  free  commonwealth." 
— O.  Hancroft,  JliM.  of  the  U.  8.  (Author's  Uut 
rerinioii),  v.  3,  pp.  316-318. 

Al-so  IN:  M.  Tlionipsoii,  Story  of  Loiiiiiiiina, 
(•''.4. — C.  Gayarre,  JIi.-<(  -f  Ijouisiana :  French 
Doiiniiiition,  r.  3,  led.  3-U. 

A.  D.  1769.— Spanish  authority  established 
by  "Cruel  O'Reilly."— "It  was  the  fate  of  tlio 
Creoles  —  possibly  a  climatic  result  —  to  be  slack- 
handed  and  dilatory.  Jloiith  after  month  fol- 
lowed the  October  uprising  without  one  of  those 
incidents  that  would  have  succeeded  in  the  his- 
tory of  an  earnest  people.  In  March,  1769,  Fou- 
cault  [French  infendant]  covertly  deserted  hia 
associates,  and  denounced  them,  by  letter,  to  tho 
French  cabinet.  In  April  the  Spanish  frigate 
sailed  from  New  Orleans.  Three  intrepid  mea 
(Loyola,  Gayarre,  and  Navarro),  the  govern- 
mental staff  which  Ullo'i  had  left  in  the  province, 
still  remained,  uninOiCsted.  Not  a  fort  was 
taken,  tliough  it  is  probable  not  one  could  have 
witlistood  assault.  Xot  a  spade  was  struck  into 
the  ground,  or  an  obstruction  planted,  at  any 
strategic  point,  throughout  that  whole  '  Creole ' 
spring  time  which  stretches  in  its  exuberant  per- 
fection from  January  to  June.  .  .  .  One  morning 
toward  tlie  end  of  July,  1789,  the  people  of  New 
Orleans  were  brought  suddenly  to  their  feet  by 
the  news  that  the  Spaniards  were  at  the  mouth 
of  the  river  in  overv/helming  force.  Tlierc  was 
no  longer  any  room  to  postpone  choice  of  action. 
Marquis,  the  Swiss  captjain,  with  a  white  cock- 
ade in  liis  liat  (he  had  been  the  leading  advocate 
for  a  republic),  and  Petit,  witli  a  pistol  in  either 
hand,  came  out  upon  the  ragged,  sunburnt  grass 
of  the  Place  d'Armes  and  called  upon  the  people 
to  defend  their  liberties.  About  100  men  joined 
them ;  but  the  town  was  struck  motionless  with 
dismay ;  the  few  who  had  gathered  soon  disap- 
peared, and  by  the  next  day  the  resolution  of  tlio 
leaders  was  distinctly  taken,  to  submit.  But  no 
one  fled.  .  .  .  Lafrenifire,  Marquis,  and  Milhet 
descended  the  river,  appeared  before  the  com- 
mander of  the  Spaniards,  and  by  tho  mouth  of 
Lafrenifiro  in  a  submissive  but  brave  and  manly 
r  ress  presented  the  homage  of  the  people.  The 
ci...tain-general  in  his  reply  let  fall  the  word  se- 
ditious. Marquis  boldly  but  resiicctfully  object- 
ed. He  was  answered  with  gracious  dignity 
and  the  assurance  of  ultimate  justice,  and  the 
insurgent  leaders  returned  to  New  Orleans  and 
to  their  homes.  The  Spanish  fleet  numbered  24 
sail.  For  more  than  three  weeks  it  slowly  |)U8licd 
its  way  around  the  bends  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
on  the  18th  of  August  it  finally  furled  its  canvas 
before  the  town.  Aubry  [commanding  the  small 
force  of  French  soldiers  which  had  remained  In 
the  colony  under  Spanish  jiay]  drew  up  his 
French  troops  with  the  colonial  militia  at  the 
bottom  of  the  Place  d'  Amies,  a  gun  was  fired 
trom  the  flagship  of  the  fleet,  and  Don  Alexandro 
O'Reilly,  accompanied  by  2,600  chosen  Spanish 
troops,  and  with  50  pieces  of  artillery,  landed  In 
unprecedented  pomp,  and  took  formal  possession 
of  the  province.  On  the  Slst,  twelve  of  the 
principal  insurrectionists  were  arrested.  .  .  . 
Villere  [a  planter,  of  prominence]  either  '  died 
raving  mad  on  the  day  of  his  arrest, '  as  stated  in 
the  Spanish  official  report,  or  met  his  end  in  the 
act  of  resisting  the  guard  on  board  the  frigate 
where  he  had  been  placed  in  confinement.  La- 
frenifere  [former  attorney-general  and  leader 
of  the  revolt],  Noyan  [a  young  cx-captoin  of 


2047 


LOUISIANA,  1769. 


yavi. 


vigall' 
Miu 


n/the 
I't. 


LOUISIANA,  1785-1800. 


cfivalry],  Cnrcsac  [a  raerclinnt],  Marquis,  and 
JoiM-pli  Millu't  [a  nicrclmiit]  were  condemned  to 
be  hanged.  The  supplicutions  both  of  colonists 
and  Spanisli  ofHcials  saved  them  only  from  the 
gallows,  and  they  fell  before  the  fire  of  a  file  of 
Spanish  grenadiers."  The  remaining  prisoners 
wero  sent  to  Havana  and  l<cpt  in  confinement  for 
a  year.  "  '  Cruel  O'lteilly  ' —  the  captain-general 
was  justly  named.  .  .  .  O'lleiliy  had  come  to 
set  up  a  government,  but  cot  to  remain  and 
govern.  On  organizing  tao  cabildo  [a  feebly 
constituted  body — 'like  a  crane,  all  feathers,' 
'  which,  for  the  third  part  of  a  century,  ruled 
the  pettier  destinies  of  the  Louisiana  Creoles'], 
he  announced  the  appointment  of  Don  Loids  do 
Uu/.aga,  colonel  of  the  regiment  of  Havana,  as 
governor  of  the  province,  and  yielded  him  the 
chair.  But  under  his  own  higher  commission  of 
captain-general  he  continued  for  a  time  in  con- 
trol. Ho  established  in  force  the  laws  of  Cas- 
tile and  the  Indies  and  the  use  of  the  Spanish 
tongue  in  the  courts  and  the  public  otllces.  .  .  . 
Spanish  rule  in  Louisiana  was  better,  at  least, 
than  French,  which,  it  ij  true,  scarcely  deserved 
the  name  of  government.  As  to  the  laws  them- 
selves, it  is  worthy  of  notice  thot  Louisiana  '  is 
at  this  time  the  only  State,  of  the  vast  territories 
acquired  from  France,  Spain,  and  Mexico,  in 
which  the  civil  law  hos  been  retained,  and  forms 
a  large  portion  of  its  jurisprudence.'  On  the 
29th  of  October,  1770,  O'Reilly  sailed  from  Kew 
Orleans  with  most  of  his  troops,  leaving  the 
Spanish  power  entirely*  and  peacefully  estab- 
lislicd.  The  force  left  by  him  in  the  colony 
amounted  to  1,200  men.  lie  had  dealt  a  sudden 
and  terrible  blow ;  but  he  had  followed  it  only 
with  velvet  strolfcs." — G.  AV.  Cable,  T/ie  Creoles 
of  Ijuuisiana,  ch.  10-11. 

Also  in:  G.  E.  Waring,  Jr.,  and  G.  W.  Cable, 
Hist,  and  Present  Condition  of  Nev>  Orleans  (U.  B. 
Tenth  Census,  v.  19). 

A.  D.  1779-1781. —  Spanish  reconquest  of 
West  Florida,    See  Flobida  :  A.  D.  1779-1781. 

A.  D.  1785-1800. — The  question  of  the  Navi- 

tation  of  the  Mississippi,  in  dispute  between 
pain  and  the  United  States. — Discontent  of 
settlers  in  Kentucky  and  Tennessee. — Wil- 
kinson's intrigues. — "Settlers  in  considerable 
numbers  had  crossed  tlie  mountains  into  Ken- 
tucky and  Tennessee  while  the  war  of  Indepen- 
dence was  in  progress.  ...  At  onco  it  became  a 
question  of  vital  importance  how  these  people 
were  to  find  avenues  of  commerce  with  the  outer 
wjrld.  .  .  .  Immigration  to  the  interior  must 
cross  the  mountains ;  but  the  natural  highway  for 
commerce  was  the  Mississippi  River.  If  tlie  use 
of  this  river  were  left  free,  nothing  better  could 
be  desired.  Lnfortunately  it  was  not  free.  The 
cast  bank  of  the  river,  as  far  south  as  the  north 
boundary  of  Florida  [which  included  some  part 
of  the  present  states  of  Alabama  and  Mississippi, 
but  with  the  northern  boundary  in  dispute  —  see 
Florida:  A.  D.  1783-1787],  was  the  property  of 
the  United  States,  but  the  west  bank,  together 
with  the  island  of  Orleans,  was  held  by  Spain. 
That  power,  while  conceding  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi as  far  down  as  the  American  ownership 
of  the  left  bank  extended,  claimed  exclusive 
jurisdiction  below  that  line,  and  proposed  to  ex- 
act customs  duties  from  such  American  commerce 
as  should  pass  in  or  out  of  the  mouth  of  the 
river.    Tills  pretension  if  yielded  to  would  place 


all  that  commerce  at  the  mercy  of  Spain,  and 
render  not  merely  tlie  navigation  of  the  river  of 
little  value,  but  the  very  land  from  which  the 
commerce  sprung.  It  was  inconceivable  that 
such  pretensions  sliould  be  tolerated  if  successful 
resistance  wero  possible,  but  the  settlers  wero 
able  to  combat  it  on  two  grounds,  eitiier  of  which 
seemed,  according  to  recognized- rules  of  interna- 
tional law,  conclusive.  First,  As  citizens  of  tlie 
country  owning  one  of  the  banks  on  the  upper 
portion  of  the  stream,  they  claimeti  the  free  navi- 
gation to  the  sea  with  tlie  privilege  of  a  landing 
place  at  its  moutli  as  a  natural  riglit ;  and  they 
were  able  to  fortify  this  claim  —  if  it  needed  sup- 
port —  with  tlie  opinions  of  publicists  of  acknowl- 
edged authority.  Second,  They  claimed  under 
the  treaty  of  1763  between  Great  Hritain  and 
France,  whereby  the  latter,  then  the  owner  of 
Louisiana,  had  conceded  to  the  former  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi  in  its  whole  breadth 
and  length,  with  passage  in  and  out  of  its  mouth, 
subject  to  the  payment  of  no  duty  wliatsoever. 
.  .  .  Thus  both  in  natural  right  and  by  treaty 
concession  the  claim  of  tlio  American  settlers 
seemed  incontrovertible,  and  perhaps  it  may  fairly 
be  said  that  the  whole  country  agreed  in  this 
view.  When  Mr.  Jay,  while  the  war  of  indepen- 
dence was  still  in  progress,  was  sent  to  Spain 
to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  amity  and  assistance,  he 
was  specially  charged  with  the  duty  to  see  that 
tiie  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was  con- 
ceded. All  Ins  endeavors  to  that  end,  however, 
resulted  in  failure,  and  he  was  compelled  to  re- 
turn home  with  tlie  American  claim  still  disputed. 
In  1785  tlie  negotiation  was  transferred  to  this 
country,  and  Mr.  Jay  renewed  his  effort  to  obtain 
concessions,  but  witliout  avail.  The  tenacity  with 
which  Spain  held  to  its  claim  was  so  per.sistent 
that  Congress  in  its  anxiety  to  obtain  a  treaty  of 
commerce  finally  instructed  Mr.  Jay  on  its  belialf 
to  consent  that  for  twenty-five  years  the  United 
States  should  forbear  to  claim  the  right  in  dis- 
pute. The  instruction  was  given  by  the  vote  of 
the  seven  Northern  States  against  a  united  South ; 
and  the  action  was  so  distinctly  sectional  as  to 
threaten  the  stability  of  the  Union.  .  .  ■ .  In  the 
West  the  feeling  of  dissatisfaction  was  most  in- 
tense and  uncompromising.  The  settlers  of  Ken- 
tucky already  deemed  themselves  sufllciently 
numerous  and  powerful  to  be  entitled  to  set  up  a 
state  government  of  their  own,  and  to  have  a 
voice  m  the  councils  of  the  Confederation.  .  .  . 
In  Tennessee  as  well  as  in  Kentucky  settlements 
had  been  going  on  rapidly ;  and  perhaps  in  the 
former  even  more  distinctly  than  in  the  latter  a 
growing  indifference  to  the  national  bond  was 
manifest.  .  .  .  One  of  the  dilHcult  questions 
which  confronted  the  new  government,  formed 
under  the  Federal  constitution,  was  how  to  deal 
with  this  feeling  and  control  or  remove  it.  Span- 
ish levies  on  American  commerce  were  in  some 
rases  almost  prohil'tory,  reaching  fifty  or 
seventy-five  per  cent,  ad  '^ilorem,  and  it  was 
quite  out  of  the  question  that  hardy  backwoods- 
men trained  to  arms  should  for  any  considerable 
time  submit  to  pay  them.  If  the  national  gov- 
ernment failed  to  secure  their  rights  by  diplo- 
macy, they  would  seek  redress  in  such  other  way 
as  might  be  open  to  them.  .  .  .  Among  the  most 
prominent  of  the  Kentucky  settlers  was  Gen. 
James  Wilkinson,  who  had  gone  there  as  a  mer- 
chant in  1784.  He  was  shortly  found  ail  vocating, 
though  somewhat  covertly,  the  setting  up  of  an 


2048 


LOUISIANA,  1785-1800. 


Tmiufrr  to 
fyanct. 


LOUISIANA.  1798-1803. 


Independent  State  Qovernmcnt.  In  1787  lie 
opened  tnide  with  New  l)rlcHnB,  and  endeavored 
to  impress  upon  tlie  Spanisli  authorities  tlie  im- 
portance of  an  amicable  understanding  witli  tlio 
settiers  in  the  Ohio  valley.  His  representations 
for  a  time  had  considerable  effect,  and  the  tnido 
was  not  only  relieved  of  oppressive  burdens,  but 
Americans  were  invited  to  make  settlements 
within  Spanish  limits  in  Lotdsiana  and  West 
Florida.  A  considerable  settlement  was  actually 
made  at  New  Madrid  under  this  invitation.  But 
there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  genuine  good 
feeling  inspired  this  policy ;  the  purpose  plainly 
in  view  was  to  build  up  a  Spanish  party  among 
the  American  settlers  and  eventually  to  detach 
them  from  the  United  States.     But  tiie  course 

Eursued  was  variable,  being  characterized  in  turn 
y  liberality  and  by  rigor.  Wilkinson  appears 
to  have  been  ollowed  special  privileges  in  trade, 
and  this,  together  with  the  fact  that  he  was 
known  to  receivo  a  heavy  remittance  from  New 
Orleans,  begat  a  suspicion  that  ho  was  under 
Spanish  pav;  a  suspicion  from  which  he  was 
never  wholly  relieved,  and  which  probably  to 
some  extent  affected  the  judgment  of  men  when 
he  came  under  further  suspicion  in  consequence 
of  equivocal  relations  with  Aaron  Burr.  In  1789 
a  British  emissary  made  his  appearance  in  Ken- 
tucky, whoso  mission  seemed  to  be  to  soimd  the 
sentiments  of  the  people  respecting  union  with 
Canada.  He  came  at  a  bad  time  for  his  pur- 
poses; for  the  feeling  of  the  country  against 
Great  Britain  was  then  at  its  height,  and  was 
particularly  strong  in  the  West,  where  the  failure 
to  deliver  up  the  posts  within  American  limits  was 
known  to  have  been  influential  in  encouraging 
Indian  hostilities.  The  British  agent,  therefore, 
met  with  anything  but  friendly  reception.  .  .  . 
Meantime  Spain  had  become  so  for  complicated 
in  European  wars  as  to  be  solicitous  regarding 
the  preservation  of  her  own  American  posses- 
sions, then  bordered  by  a  liostile  people,  and  at 
her  suggestion  an  envoy  was  sent  by  the  United 
States  to  Madrid,  with  whom  in  October  1795  a 
treaty  was  made,  whereby  among  other  things 
it  was  agreed  that  Spain  sliould  permit  the  peo- 
ple of  tlie  United  States  for  the  term  of  three 
years  to  make  use  of  the  port  of  New  Orleans  as 
a  place  of  deposit  for  their  produce  an<l  merchan- 
dise, and  to  export  the  same  free  from  all  duty 
or  charge  except  for  storage  and  incidental  ex- 
penses. At  the  end  of  the  three  years  the  treaty 
contemplated  further  negotiations,  and  it  was 
hoped  by  the  American  authorities  that  a  decisive 
step  had  been  taken  towards  the  complete  recog- 
nition of  American  claims.  The  treaty,  however, 
was  far  from  satisfying  the  people  of  Kentucky 
and  Tennessee,  who  looked  upon  the  assent  of 
Spain  to  it  as  a  mere  makeshift  for  the  protection 
of  her  territory  from  invasion.  Projects  for  tak- 
ing forcible  possession  of  the  mouth  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi continued  therefore  to  be  agitated.  .  .  . 
The  schemes  of  Don  Francisco  de  Miranda  for 
the  overthrow  of  Spanish  authority  in  America 
now  became  important.  Miranda  was  of  Spanish- 
American  birth,  and  had  been  in  the  United 
States  while  the  war  of  Independence  was  pend- 
ing and  formed  acquaintance  among  the  Ameri- 
can ofBcers.  Conceiving  the  idea  of  liberating 
the  Spanish  colonies,  he  sought  assistance  from 
England  and  Russia,  but  when  the  French  lievd 
lutfon  occurred  he  enlisted  in  the  French  service 
and  for  a  time  held  important  military  positions. 


Driven  from  France  in  1797  he  took  up  his  old 
Bcliemc  again,  looking  now  to  Kngland  and 
America  for  the  necessary  assistance.  Several 
leading  American  stixtesmen  were  approa(^hcd  on 
the  subject,  Hamilton  among  them;  and  while 
the  relations  between  France  ond  the  United 
States  seemed  likely  to  result  in  war,  that  great 
man,  who  had  no  fear  of  evils  likely  to  result 
from  the  extension  of  territory,  listened  with 
approval  to  the  project  of  a  combined  attack  by 
Bntish  and  American  forces  on  the  Spanish  Col- 
onies, and  would  have  been  willing,  with  the 
approval  of  the  government,  to  personally  take 
part  in  it.  Presiilent  Adams,  however,  frowned 
upon  the  scheme,  and  it  was  necessarily  but  with 
great  reluctance  abandoned.  And  now  occurred 
an  event  of  highest  interest  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States.  Spain,  aware  of  her  precarious 
hold  upon  Louisiana,  in  1800  retroceded  it  to 
France." — T.  M.  Cooley,  I'/ie  Acquisition  of 
Louisiana  (Indiana  Hist.  Soc.  Pamphlets,  no.  3). 

Also  in:  W.  H.  Safford,  T^e  lilennerhassett 
Papers,  eh.  5. — 11.  Marshall,  Hist,  of  Kentucky, 
t.  1,  ch.  12-15. — J.  H.  Monetle,  IHscocery  and 
Settlement  of  the  Valley  of  the  Mississippi,  hk.  5, 
eh.  6  (B.  2).— J.  M.  Brown,  The  Political  liegin- 
nings  of  Kentucky. — T.  M.  Green,  The  Sjuinish 
Consjnracy. 

A.  D.  1798-1803.— The  last  days  of  Span- 
ish rule. — The  great  domain  transferred  to 
France,  and  sold  by  Napoleon  to  the  United 
States. — The  bounds  of  the  purchase. — "Dur- 
ing the  years  1796-97  the  Spanish  an  orities 
exhausted  every  means  for  delaying  a  contirma- 
tion  of  the  boundary  line  as  set  forth  in  the 
treaty  of  1783.  By  one  pretext  and  another, 
they  avoided  the  surrender  of  the  Natchez  ter- 
ritory and  continued  to  hold  the  military  posts 
therein.  Not  until  the  23d  of  March,  1798, 
was  the  final  step  taken  by  which  the  Federal 
Government  was  permitted  to  occupy  in  full  the 
province  of  Mississippi.  .  .  .  Soon  after  this  wo 
find  the  newly  made  territory  of  Mississippi  oc- 
cupied by  a  Federal  force,  and,  strange  to  say, 
with  Gen.  Wilkinson  in  command.  The  man 
who  but  lately  had  been  playing  the  r6lo  of 
traitor,  spy,  insurrectionist  and  smuggler,  was 
now  cliief  commander  on  the  border  and  was 
building  a  fort  at  Loftus  Heights  just  above  the 
boundary  line.  The  new  governor  of  Louisiana 
[Qayoso  de  Lemos],  seeing  the  hope  of  detaching 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee  fall  dead  at  his  feet, 
finally  turned  back  to  the  old  policy  of  restrict- 
ing immigration  and  of  discriminating  against 
Protestants.  By  the  treaty  signed  at  Madrid  in 
1795,  it  had  been  stipulated  that  the  citizens  of 
the  United  States  should  not  only  have  free  nav- 
igation of  the  Mississippi  River,  but  that  they 
should  also  have  the  right  to  deposit  in  New 
Orleans  all  their  produce  during  the  space  of 
three  years.  This  limit,  it  was  agreed,  was  to 
be  extended  by  the  Spanish  Government,  or, 
instead  of  an  extension  of  time,  a  new  point  on 
the  island  of  New  Orleans  was  to  be  designated 
for  depot.  But  at  the  expiration  of  the  three 
years  Morales,  the  Spanish  intcndont  at  New 
Orleans,  declined  to  permit  further  deposits 
there,  and  refused  to  designate  another  place  in 
accordance  with  the  stipulation.  This  action 
aroused  the  people  of  the  West ;  a  storm  of  re- 
sentment broke  forth  and  the  government  of  the 
United  States  was  forced  to  make  a  threatening 
demonstration   in   the   direction  of  Louisiana. 


2049 


LOUISIANA,  1798-1803. 


I*}trchftae  hy  the 
Uniled  titalei. 


LOUISIANA,  1708-1803. 


Three  rct,'iiiienU  of  tho  roj^ulur  army  were  at 
onco  dispatched  to  the  Ohio.  The  people  tlcw 
to  anna  Invasion  appeared  imminent."  Hut 
the  Hpanlnh  authorities  jjavc  way,  and  a  new  In- 
tendant  at  New  Orleans  "received  from  his 
(lovernment  orders  to  remove  tho  Interdict  Is- 
Bue<I  hy  Ouyoso  and  to  restore  to  the  Western 
people  the  rij;ht  of  deposit  at  New  Orleans. 
These  orders  he  i)romplly  ohoyed,  thus  reviving 
good  feelhi«s  betwi^en  his  province  and  tho  Unlteil 
States.  Trade  revived ;  immigration  increased. 
.  .  .  Tho  deluge  of  immigration  startled  the 
Spaniards.  They  saw  to  what  it  was  swlftlj'  tend- 
ing. A  few  more  years  and  this  tide  would  rise 
too  high  to  be  resisted  and  Lnidsiana  would  U'. 
lost  to  ihe  king,  lost  to  the  holy  religion,  given 
over  to  freedom,  republicanism  and  ruin.  .  .  . 
On  the  18th  of  July  .  .  .  [1802]  the  king  ordered 
tliat  no  more  grants  of  land  bo  given  to  citizens 
of  tho  United  States.  This  effectually  killed 
the  commerce  of  the  Slississipjii  River,  and  tho 
indignation  of  tho  Western  people  knew  no 
bounds.  .  .  .  Humors,  apparently  well  founded, 
were  afloat  that  tho  irresistible  genius  of  Napo- 
leon was  wringing  the  province  from  Spain  and 
that  this  meant  a  division  of  tlie  territories  be- 
tween France  and  the  United  States.  To  a  large 
majority  of  Louisiana's  population  these  were 
thriUingly  welcome  rumors.  The  very  thought 
of  onco  more  becoming  the  subjects  of  Prance 
was  enough  to  intoxicate  them  with  delight. 
The  treaty  of  Ildefonso,  however,  which  had 
been  ratilied  at  Madrid  on  the  21st  of  ]SIarch, 
1801,  had  been  kept  a  secret.  Napoleon  had 
lioped  to  occupy  I.K)uisiaua  with  a  strong  army, 
consisting  of  25,000  men,  together  with  a  fleet 
to  guani  tlie  coast ;  but  his  implacable  and  ever 
watcliful  foe,  England,  discovered  his  design  and 
tliwarted  it.  But  by  the  terms  of  the  treaty, 
the  colony  and  province  of  Louisiana  hau  gone 
into  his  bands.  Ho  must  take  possession  and 
liold  it,  or  lie  must  see  England  become  its  mas- 
ter. Pressed  on  every  side  at  that  time  by  wars 
and  political  complications  and  well  understand- 
ing that  it  would  endanger  his  power  for  him  to 
undertake  a  grand  American  enterprise,  he 
gladly  opened  negotiations  with  the  United 
States  looking  to  tho  cession  of  Louisiana  to  tliat 
Government  .  .  .  Napoleon  had  agreed  with 
Spain  that  Louisiana  should  not  be  ceded  to  any 
other  power.  .  .  .  Diplomacy  very  quickly  sur- 
mounted so  sinall  an  obstacle.  .  .  .  The  treoty  of 
cession  was  signed  on  the  30th  of  April,  1803, 
the  United  States  agreeing  to  pay  France 
60,000,000  francs  as  the  purchase  price  of  tho 
territory.  ...  In  addition,  the  sum  due  Ameri- 
can citizens  .  .  .  was  assumed  by  the  United 
States.  The  treaty  of  April  was  ratified  by  Na- 
poleon in  May,  1803,  and  by  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  in  October.  .  .  .  Pausing  to  glonco 
at  this  str.:.  .go  transaction,  by  which  one  repub- 
lic sells  outright  to  another  republic  a  whole 
country  without  in  the  least  consulting  tho 
wishes  of  the  inhabitants,  whose  allegiance  and 
all  of  whose  political  and  civil  rights  are  changed 
thereby,  we  are  tempted  to  wonder  if  tho  re- 

Eublic  of  the  United  States  could  to-day  sell 
ouisiana  with  the  same  Impunity  that  attended 
the  purchase  I  She  bought  the  country  and  its 
people,  just  as  she  might  have  bought  a  desert 
island  with  its  goats." — M.  Thompson,  The 
Story  of  Loxiiafana,  ch.  6,  with  foot-note. — "No 
one  could  say  what  was  the  soutliwest  boundary 


of  the  territory  acquired ;  wliether  it  shouhl  bo 
the  Sabine  or  the  Hio  del  Norte;  and  a  contro- 
versy with  Spain  on  the  sutijcct  might  at  any 
tinu!  arise.  The  northwest  boundary  was  also 
somewhat  vague  and  uncertain,  and  would  Ix) 
open  to  controversy  witli  Great  Hritain.  ITIiat] 
tho  territory  extended  west  to  the  Hooky  Moun- 
tains was  not  questioned,  but  it  might  lie  claimed 
that  it  extended  to  the  Pacillc.  An  impression 
that  it  did  so  extend  has  since  prevailed  in  some 
((uarters,  and  in  some  public  papers  and  do<.-u- 
iiients  it  lias  been  assumed  as  an  undoubted  fact. 
IJut  neitlicr  Mr.  Jefferson  nor  the  French,  wlioso 
right  he  jiurchased,  ever  claimed  for  Louisiana 
any  such  extent,  and  our  title  to  Oregon  has 
been  safely  deduced  from  other  sources.  Mr. 
Jefferson  said  exjiressly :  '  To  tlio  waters  of  tho 
Pacific  we  can  found  no  claim  in  right  of  Louisi- 
ana.'"—  Judge  T.  M.  Cooloy,  The  Artjiimtion 
of  IjOuMana  {Indiana  Hint.  iSoc,  Pamphlets, 
«'.  3).— "By  tho  charter  of  Louis  XIV.,  tho 
country  purcliased  to  the  north  included  all  tliat 
was  contiguous  to  the  waters  that  flowed  into  tlio 
Mississippi.  Conseciuently  its  northern  boun- 
dary was  tho  summit  of  the  highlands  in  which 
its  northern  waters  rise.  By  tho  tenth  article 
of  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  Franco  and  England 
agreed  to  appoint  commissioners  to  settle  tlio 
boundary,  and  these  commissioners,  as  such 
boundary,  marked  this  summit  on  the  40th  [lar- 
allel  of  north  latitude.  This  would  not  curry 
the  rights  of  the  United  States  beyond  the  Rocky 
Mountains.  Tlic  cliiim  to  the  territory  beyond 
was  based  upon  tin:  principle  of  continuity,  the 
prolongation  of  the  territory  to  the  adjacent 
great  bo<ly  of  water.  As  against  Great  Britain, 
tlie  claim  was  founded  on  the  treaty  of  1783, 
between  France  and  Great  Britain,  by  wliicli  the 
latter  power  ceded  to  the  former  all  its  riglits 
west  of  tho  Mississippi  River.  The  United 
States  succeeded  to  all  the  rights  of  France. 
Besides  this,  there  was  an  independent  claim 
created  by  the  discovery  of  the  Columbia  Ri\'tr 
by  Gray,  in  1792,  and  its  exploration  by  Lov/is 
and  Clarke.  All  this  was  added  to  by  the  o;s- 
sion  by  Spain,  in  1810,  of  any  title  that  it  had  to 
all  territory  north  of  the  42d  degree,  "-r- Rt. 
Rev.  C.  F.  Robertson,  The  Louisiana  Purchase 
(Papers  of  Am.  Hist.  Ass'n,  v.  1,  p.  259). —  As  its 
southwestern  and  southeastern  boundaries  were 
eventually  settled  by  treaty  witli  Spain  [see 
Flouida:  a.  D.  1810-1821],  the  Louisiana  pur- 
chase embraced  2,300  sq.  miles  in  the  present 
state  of  Alabama,  west  of  tho  Perdido  and  on 
the  gulf,  below  latitude  31°  north;  3,600  sq. 
miles  in  the  present  state  of  Mississippi,  soutli 
of  tho  same  latitude;  the  whole  of  the  present 
states  of  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Missouri,  Iowa, 
Nebraska,  and  the  Dakotas ;  Minnesota,  west  of 
the  Alississippi;  Kansas,  all  but  the  soutli  west 
corner ;  the  whole  of  the  Indian  Territory,  and 
so  much  of  Colorado,  Wyoming,  and  Montana  as 
lies  on  the  eastern  slope  of  the  llocky  Mountains. 
If  it  is  held  that  the  French  claim  was  good  to 
the  Pacil'  then  we  may  say  that  we  owe  the  re- 
mainder ut  Montana,  with  Idaho,  Oregon  and 
Washington  to  the  same  great  purcliase. — T. 
Donaldson,  The  Public  Domain,  p.  105. — On  tho 
constitutional  and  political  aspects  of  the  Louis- 
iana purchase,  see  United  States:  A.  D.  1803. — 
Detailed  occountsof  the  interesting  circumstances 
and  incidents  connected  with  tho  negotiation  at 
Paris  will  be  found  iu  the  following  works: — 


2050 


LOUISIANA,  1708-1808. 


l/iter  hittory. 


LOUi  -ANA,  1865-1867. 


H.  A(lnm8,  ITUt.  of  the  U.  S.:  Fir»t  AdminMra- 
Hon  of  Jefferton.  r.  2,  eh.  1-8.— I).  C.  Oilmnn, 
Jame.1  Monroe,  ch.  4. — H.  Mnrbols,  Hint,  of  htnin- 
ana,  pt.  3. — Am.  State  J'djKm:  Foreign  Itela- 
tioim,  V.  3,  fp.  606-583. 

A.  D.  1804-1805. — Lewis  and  Clark's  explo- 
ration of  the  northwestern  region  of  the  pur- 
chase, to  the  Pacific.  See  United  States  ok 
A.M.  :  A.  I).  1804-1805. 

A.  D.  1804-1812.— The  purchase  divided  into 
the  Territories  of  Orleans  and  Louisiana. — 
The  first  nr.med  becomes  the  State  of  Louisi- 
ana; the  second  becomes  the  Territory  of 
Missouri.— "Uii  the  26lh  of  Miirch,  1804,  Con- 
gress passed  an  net  dividing  the  province  into 
two  parts  on  the  33d  parallel  or  latitude,  the 
present  nortlicrii  boundary  of  Louisiana,  and  es- 
tablishing for  llio  lower  portion  a  di.stlnct  terri- 
torial government,  under  the  tith'of  the  territory 
of  Orleans.  The  net  was  to  go  into  effect  in  the 
following  October.  One  <  t  its  provisions  was 
the  interdiction  of  the  slave-trade.  .  .  .  The 
labors  of  the  legislative  council  began  on  the  4th 
of  December.  A  charter  of  incorporation  was 
given  by  it  to  the  city  of  New  Orleans." — O.  E. 
Waring,  Jr.,  and  O.  W.  Cable,  HiHt.  and  Pres- 
ent Condition  of  New  Orleunn  (U.  K  Tenth  Cen- 
mis,  V.  10),  pp.  32-33.— "All  north  of  the  33d 
porallcl  of  north  latitude  was  formed  into  a  dis- 
trict, and  styled  the  District  of  Louisiana.  For 
judicial  and  administrative  purposes  this  district, 
or  upper  Louisiana  as  wc  shu'l  continue  to  call  it, 
was  attached  to  the  territory  of  Indiana."  But 
In  March,  1805,  Congress  passed  an  act  "which 
erected  the  district  into  a  territory  of  the  tlrst  or 
lowest  grade,  and  changed  its  title  from  the  Dis- 
trict to  the  Territory  of  Louisiana."  Seven 
years  Inter,  in  .June  1812,  the  Territory  of  Or- 
leans (the  lower  Loinsiana  of  old)  liavmg  been 
received  into  the  federal  Union  as  the  State  of 
Louisiana,  the  territory  which  bore  the  ancient 
nauje  was  advanced  by  act  of  Congress  "from 
the  first  to  the  second  grade  of  territories,  and 
its  name  changed  to  Missouri." — L.  Carr,  Mis- 
touri,  ch.  5. 

A.  D.  1806-1807.— Burr's  Filibustering  con- 
spiracy. See  Unitki)  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D. 
1800-1807. 

A.  D.  1812.— The  Territory  of  Orleans  ad- 
mitted to  the  Union  as  the  State  of  Louisiana. 
— "The  population  of  the  Territory  of  Orleans 
lind  been  mignientod  annually  by  emigration 
from  the  Unified  States.  According  to  the  cen- 
sus of  1810,  the  whole  territory,  exclusive  of  the 
Florida  parishes,  contuined  an  aggregate  of 
76,550  souls.  Of  this  number,  tlie  city  of  New 
Orleans  and  its  precincts  contained  34,553  per- 
sons, leaving  53,000  souls  for  the  remainder  of 
the  territory.  Besides  these,  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Florida'  parishes  amounted,  probably,  to  not 
less  than  3,500,  including  slaves.  .  .  .  Congress, 
by  an  act  approved  February  11th,  1811,  .  .  . 
authorized  the  election  of  a  convention  to  adopt 
a  Constitution,  preparatory  to  the  admission  of 
the  Territory  into  the  Union  as  an  independent 
state.  The  convention,  consisting  of  60  dele- 
gates from  the  original  parishes,  met  according 
to  law,  on  the  first  Monday  in  November,  and 
concluded  its  labors  on  the  38d  day  of  January 
following,  having  adopted  a  Constitution  for  the 
l)roposed  new  '  State  of  Lom'siana. "...  The 
Constitution  was  accepted  by  Congress,  and  the 
State  of  Louisiana  was  formally  admitted  into 


the  Union  on  the  8th  day  of  April,  1812,  upon 
an  eipial  footing  with  the  original  states,  from 
and  after  the  30th  day  of  April,  it  being  tho 
ninth  amdversary  of  the  treaty  of  Paris.  A  few 
(lays  Hubseciuently,  a  '  supplemental  act '  of  Con- 
gress extended  the  limits  of  the  new  state  by  the 
achlition  of  the  Florida  parishes  [see  Fi,onii>A: 
A.  D.  1810-1818].  This  gave  it  the  boundaries 
it  has  at  present." — J.  W.  Alonette,  DiKorery and 
Stttlement  of  the  Valley  of  the  Mimaaippi,  bk.  5, 
eh.  15  (i\  2). 

A.  D.  1813-1814.— The  Creels  War.  See 
Uniteu  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  1813-1814  (Au- 
gust— Aruii,). 

A.  D.  1815. — Jackson's  defense  of  New  Or- 
leans.   See  United  States  op  Am.  :  A.  1).  1815 

(J.«NI!AIIY). 

A.  D.  1 861  (January).— Secession  from  the 
Union.  See  United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D. 
1861  (JANUAnT— Fehuuaky). 

A.  D.  1862  (April).— Farragut's  capture  of 
New  Orleans.  See  United  States  ok  Am.: 
A.  D.  1H02  (Ai'kii.:  On  the  Missishiim'i). 

A.  D.  i862(May — December). — NewOrleans 
under  General  Butler.  See  United  States  op 
Am.:  a.  I).  1863  (May— Decemueu:  Louisi- 
ana). 

A.  D.  1862  (June). — Appointment  of  a  Mili- 
tary Governor.     See  United  States  ok  Am.  : 

A.  1).  1802  (Maiioii— June). 

a.  D.  18611. — Reconstruction  of  the  state 
under  President  Lincoln's  plan.  See  United 
States  of  Am.  ;  A.  D.  1868-1864  (Decemukr — 
July). 

A.  D.  1864.— The  Red  River  Expedition. 
See  United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D.  1864  (Mauch 
— May:  Louisiana). 

A.  D.  1865. — President  Johnson's  recogni- 
tion of  the  reconstructed  state  government. 
See  United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D.  1865  (May — 
July). 

A.  D.  1865-1867.— The  first  Reconstruction 
experiment. — The  Riot  at  New  Orleans. — Es- 
tablishment of  military  rule. — "  In  1805  the  re- 
turned Confederates,  restored  to  citizenship  by 
the  President's  anmesty  proclamation  [s<;e  United 
States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D.  1865  (May— .July)],  soon 
got  control  of  almost  all  the  State  [as  reorganized 
under  the  constitution  framed  and  adopted  in 
1864].  The  Legislature  was  in  their  hands,  as 
well  as  most  of  the  State  and  municipal  offices; 
so,  when  the  President,  on  tlie  30th  of  August, 
1886,  by  proclamation,  extended  his  previous  in- 
structions regarding  civil  affairs  in  Texas  so  as 
to  have  them  apply  to  all  the  seceded  States, 
there  at  once  began  in  Louisiana  a  system  of  dis- 
criminative legislation  directed  against  the  freed- 
men,  that  led  to  flagrant  wrongs  in  tlie  enforce- 
ment of  labor  contracts,  and  in  the  remote 
parishes  to  numbers  of  outrages  and  murders. 
To  remedy  this  deplorable  condition  of  things,  it 
was  proposed,  by  those  who  had  established  the 
government  of  1864,  to  remodel  the  constitution 
of  the  State ;  and  they  sought  to  do  this  by  re- 
assembling the  convention,  that  bwly  before  its 
adjournment  having  provided  for  reconvening 
under  certain  conditions,  in  obedience  to  the  call 
of  its  president.  Therefore,  early  in  the  summer 
of  1866,  many  members  of  this  convention  met 
in  conference  at  New  Orleans,  and  decided  that 
a  necessity  existed  for  reconvening  the  delegates, 
and  a  proclamation  was  issued  accordingh^  by 

B.  K.  Howell,   President  pro  tempore.    Mayor 


3-83 


2051 


LOUISIANA,  18n.V18BT. 


LOUVRE. 


John  T.  Monroo  nnd  tlio  other  ofllrinl*  of  New 
Orlciiim  looked  upon  tills  propoHcil  lu^tloii  an  rev- 
olulloimry,  iiikI  liy  tlir  llmo  tlio  coMVcnlion 
iiHwmblfil  (.Inly  HO)  Hiich  bittcmcHH  of  ffcliiin 
prcviiilcrl  timt  cITortd  wcn^  iimilu  l)y  the  iimyor 
nixl  tity  police  to  mippress  the  iiieetlnjj.  A 
bloody  riot  followed,  resulting  In  the  killing  nnd 
wounding  of  iibout  1(10  persons.  I  Imppened 
[the  writer  Is  (lenerid  Hherldiin.  then  In  eoniiniind 
of  the  MUitnry  Division  of  the  Gulf]  to  be  ab- 
sent from  the  elty  lit  the  time,  returning  from 
Texas,  where  I  had  been  called  l)y  nfTnirs  on  the 
Hlo  (Jrande.  On  my  way  up  from  the  mouth  of 
the  .Mississippi  1  was  met  on  tlu!  niffht  of  July 
80  by  one  of  my  staff,  who  rei)orted  what  had 
oeeurre<l,  giving  the  details  of  the  massaere  — 
no  milder  term  is  (Itting  —  Bn<l  informing  me 
that,  to  pnivent  further  slaughter,  General 
Haird,  the  senior  military  oflleer  present,  had 
assumed  control  of  the  municipal  government. 
On  reaching  the  city  I  made  an  investigation, 
nnd  that  night  sent  [a  brief  report,  which  was 
followed,  on  the  Otli  of  August,  by  an  extended 
account  of  tlu!  facta  of  the  riot,  containing  the 
following  statements]:  .  .  .  'The  convention 
assembled  at  13  M.  on  the  BOtli,  the  timid  mem- 
bers absenting  themselves  becotise  the  tone  of 
the  general  public  was  ominous  of  trouble.  .  .  . 
About  1  P.  M.  a  procession  of  say  from  60  to  130 
colored  men  marched  up  Burgundy  Street  and 
across  Canal  Street  toward  the  convention,  carry- 
ing an  American  Hag.  These  men  had  about  one 
pistol  to  every  ten  men,  nnd  canes  and  clubs  in 
addition.  AVhIle  crossing  CVial  Street  a  row  oc- 
curred. ...  On  arrival  at  the  front  of  the  In- 
stitute [whore  the  convention  was  held]  there 
was  some  throwing  of  brickbats  by  both  sides. 
The  police,  who  liad  been  held  well  In  hand, 
were  vigorously  marched  to  the  scene  of  dlsor- 
(ii  The  procession  entered  the  Institute  with 
th^  nug,  about  6  or  8  remaining  outside.  A  row 
occurred  between  a  policeman  and  one  of  these 
colored  men,  and  a  shot  was  again  fired  by  one 
of  tho  parties,  which  led  to  an  indiscriminate  flrc 
on  the  building  through  the  windows  by  the 
policemen.  Tins  had  been  going  on  for  a  short 
time,  wlien  n  white  flag  was  displayed  from  the 
windows  of  tlio  Institute,  whereupon  the  firing 
ceased,  and  the  police  rushed  into  the  buikling. 
From  tlie  testimony  of  wounded  men,  and  others 
who  were  inside  the  building,  the  policemen 
opened  an  indiscriminate  fire  upon  the  audience 
until  they  had  emptied  their  revolvers,  when 
they  retired,  and  those  inside  barricaded  the 
dcjrs.  The  door  was  broken  in,  and  tlie  firing 
again  commenced,  when  many  of  the  colored 
and  white  people  either  escaped  throughout  the 
door  or  were  passed  out  by  the  policemen  inside ; 
l)ut  as  they  came  out  the  policemen  who  formed 
the  circle  nearest  the  building  fired  upon  them, 
nnd  they  were  again  fired  upon  by  the  citizens 
that  formed  the  outer  circle.  Many  of  those 
wounded  and  taken  prisoners,  and  others  who 
were  prisoners  and  not  wounded,  were  fired 
upon  by  their  captors  and  by  citizens.  Tlie 
wounded  were  stabbed  while  lying  on  the 
ground,  and  their  heads  beaten  with  brickbats. 
.  .  .  Some  were  killed  and  wounded  several 
squares  from  the  scene.'  .  .  .  Subsequently  a 
military  commission  investigoted  the  subject  of 
the  riot,  taking  a  great  deol  of  testimony.  The 
commission  substantially  confirmed  the  conclu- 
sions given  in  my  despatches,  and  still  later  there 


VTM  an  InTcstlgation  by  a  select  committee  of  the 
House  of  Hepreseiitatives.  ...  A  list  of  the 
killed  and  woundc<l  was  embraced  In  the  com- 
mittee's report,  and  among  other  conclusions 
reache<l  were  the  following:  .  .  .  'This  riotous 
attack  upon  the  convention,  with  itf,  terrible  re- 
sults of  mas.sucre  and  murder,  was  not  an  acci- 
dent. It  was  the  determined  purpose  of  the 
mayor  of  the  city  of  New  Orleans  to  break  up 
this  convention  by  armed  force.'.  .  .  The  com- 
mittee held  that  no  legal  government  existed  In 
Louisiana,  and  rcecmimended  the  temporary  es- 
tablishment of  a  provisional  go\crnment  there- 
in." In  the  following  March  the  Military  Re- 
construction Acts  were  passed  by  Congress  —  see 
Unitt'-u  Statks  ok  Am.  :  A.  D.  1807  (March)  — 
and  General  Sheridan  was  assigned  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  fifth  military  district  therein  de- 
fined, consisting  of  Loidsiana  and  Texas.— P.  H. 
Sheridan,  J'erxmnl  Afemoir/,  r.  2,  ck.  10-11. 

Also  in:  Jiept.  of  tklect  Com.  on  New  Orleaiu 
Itiot,  Wth  Cojif/remi,  2<l  Se»ii.,  If.  li.  Kept.,  No.  16. 

A.  D,  i868. —  Reconstruction  complete. — 
Restored  representation  in  Congress.  See 
United  States  op  Am.  :  A.  D.  1868-1870. 


LOUISVILLE,  Ky. :  Threatened  by  the 
Rebel  Army  under  Bragg.  See  United  States 
OF  Am.  :  A.  D.  1863  (.Iune— October:  Tenneb- 
BKE — Kentucky). 

» 

LOUVAIN  :  A.  D.  1635.  —  Unsuccessful 
siege  by  the  French.  See  Netherlands: 
A.  1).  1035-1638. 

A.  D.  1706.— Taken  by  Marlborough  and  the 
Allies.    See  Netherlands:  A.  D.  1706-1707. 


LOUVAIW,  Battle  of.  See  France:  A.  D. 
1703  (FKniiirAHY — Ai'uii.). 

LOUVRE, The.— "The  eariy  history  of  the 
Louvre  Is  involved  in  great  obscurity.  The 
name  of  Its  founder  and  the  periotl  of  its  erec- 
tion are  alike  imknown ;  the  first  notice  of  it  we 
meet  with  upon  record  Is  in  the  7th  century, 
when  Dagobert  kept  here  his  horses  and  hounds. 
The  kings  [Merovingeans]' called  'falneans' 
often  visited  it,  when  after  dinner  they  rode  in  a 
sort  of  coach  throtigh  the  forest,  which  covered 
this  side  of  the  river,  and  in  the  evening  returned 
in  a  boat,  fishing  by  the  way,  to  the  city,  wliere 
they  supped  and  slept.  There  is  no  mention  of 
this  royal  dwelling  tinder  the  second,  nor  even 
under  the  third  race  of  kings,  till  the  reign  of 
Philip  Augustus.  About  the  year  1204,  that 
prince  converted  it  into  a  kind  of  citadel,  sur- 
rounded with  wide  ditches  and  flanked  with 
towers.  .  .  .  The  walls  erected  by  Philip  Au- 
gustus did  not  take  in  the  Louvre,  but  after  hov- 
fiig  remained  outside  of  Paris  more  than  six  cen- 
turies, it  was  enclosed  by  the  walls  begun  in 
1367,  under  Charles  V.,  and  finished  in  1388, 
under  Charles  VI.  .  .  .  Charles  IX.,  Henry  III., 
Henry  IV.,  and  Louis  XIII.,  inhabited  the 
Louvre  and  added  to  its  buildings.  Nothing  re- 
mains of  the  old  chateau  of  Philip  Augustus, 
which  Charles  V.  epaired;  the  most  ancient 
part  now  in  existence  is  that  called  '  le  Vieux 
Louvre,'  begun  by  Francis  I.  in  1539,  and  finished 
by  Henry  II.  in  1548." — Hi»t.  of  Paris  (London, 
1827),  ch.  a  (v.  2).— "The  origin  of  the  word 
Louvre  is  believed  to  be  a  Saxon  word,  '  Leowar ' 
or 'Lower,' which  meant  a  fortified  camp.  .  .  . 
Francis  I.  did  little  more  than  decide  the  fate  of 


2052 


LOUVRE. 


LUDI. 


the  (lid  Louvre  liy  Introiliirlng  the  now  fiisliinn. 
His  successors  wiTit  on  with  the  work;  iiiiil  Iht^ 
projfress  of  it  may  be  followed,  rclgti  iifter  ri'lj;ii, 
till  the  lost  visilile  friigiueiil  of  tlie  Ootliie  castlcf 
hitd  been  ruthlessly  carted  away.  .  .  .  Vast  a.s 
is  the  Louvre  that  we  know,  it  is  as  nothing  in 
comparison  witli  the  proiiiKlous  scheme  Imagined 
by  liichelieu  and  Louis  XlIL  ;  a  s<'hemu  whicli, 
though  never  carried  out,  gave  a  very  strong  im- 
pulse to  the  works,  and  ensured  the  completion 
of  the  present  l)uilding,  at  least  In  a  subseciuent 
reign.  .  .  .  llappilv  for  the  Louvre  fiouis  XIV. 
interested  himself  in  it  before  he  engulfe<i  liis 
millions  at  Marly  and  Versailles.  .  .  .  The  sums 
of  money  expended  on  the  Louvre  and  Tuileries 
defy  all  calculation.  .  .  .  The  gn^atest  spender 
on  these  palaces  was  Napoleon  IIL" — P.  O. 
Hamerton,  PnHii  in  Old  ami  Present  Timet,  eh.  0. 

LOVERS,  War  of  the.  See  Fiiance:  A.  D. 
1578-1580. 

LOW  CHURCH.  See  England:  A.  D. 
1080  (Ai'iiii,— AiTdiTST). 

LOW  COUNTRIES,  The.     See  NExnEn- 

LANDS. 

LOWLANDS     OF     SCOTLAND.      See 

BcoTcii  IIiiiiii.AND  and  Lowland. 

LOWOSITZ,  OR  LOBOSITZ,  Battle  of. 
Bee  Oeumanv:  A.  D.  1750. 

LOYALISTS,  American.  See  Touies  ov 
THE  Am.  Hev. 

LOYOLA,  and  the  founding  of  the  Order  of 
Jesus.    Sec  Jesuits:  A.  I).  1530-1550. 
♦ 

LUBECK:  Origin  and  rise.  — "Near  the 
mouth  of  tlie  river  Trave  there  had  long  existed 
a  small  settlement  of  pirates  or  flslicrmen.  The 
convenience  of  the  harbour  had  led  to  this  settle- 
ment and  it  had  been  much  frequented  1  ly  Chris- 
tian merchants.  The  unsettled  statu  of  the 
country,  however,  ailorded  them  little  security, 
and  it  had  been  often  taken  and  plundered  by 
the  Pagan  freebooters.  When  Henry  acquired 
the  dominion  of  the  soil  [Henry  the  Lion,  Duke 
of  Saxony,  who  subdued  tlie  heathen  Wendisli 
tribe  of  the  Oborites,  A.  D.  1105,  and  added 
their  country  to  his  dominions]  ho  paid  par'icular 
attention  to  this  infant  establishment,  and  under 
the  shadow  of  his  power  the  city  of  Lubeck  (for 
BO  it  became)  arose  on  a  broad  and  permanent 
basis.  He  made  it  .  .  .  the  scat  of  a  bishop; 
he  also  estiiblishcd  a  mint  and  a  custom-house, 
and  by  the  grant  of  a  municipal  govemm(!nt, 
he  secured  the  personal,  while  he  prepared  tlie 
way  for  the  political,  rights  of  its  burghers.  The 
ancient  name  of  the  harbour  was  Wisby,  and  by 
a  proclamation  addressed  to  the  Danes,  Norwe- 
gians, Swedes,  and  Russians,  he  invited  them  to 
frequent  it,  with  an  assurance  that  the  ways 
should  be  open  and  secure  by  land  and  water. 
.  .  .  This  judicious  policy  was  rewarded  by  a 
rapid  and  large  increase  to  the  wealth  and  com- 
merce of  Lubeck." — Sir  A.  Halliday,  Annals  of 
the  House  of  Ilanover,  «.  \,pp.  339-230. — See.  e.lso, 
Hansa  Towns. 

A.  D.  1801-1803.— One  of  six  free  cities 
which  survived  the  Peace  of  Luneville.  See 
Germany:  A.  D.  1801-1803. 

A.  D.  1806.— Battle  of  French  and  Prus- 
sians.   See  Germany  :  A.  D.  1800  (October). 

A,  D.  1810. — Annexation  to  France.  See 
France:  A.  D.  1810  (February  —  Decemher). 

A.  D.  1810-1815.— Loss  and  recovery  of  au- 
tonomy as  a  "  free  city."    See  Cities,   Impe- 


rial AND  Free,   of  Germany;  and  Vienna, 

CONIIRKBH  OK. 

A.  D.  t866.— Surrender  of  free  privileges.— 
Entrance  into  the  ZolWerein.  See  Gehuanv: 
A.  I).  1888. 


LUBECK,  Treaty  of.  See  Germany:  A.  D. 
1027-1030, 

1  UCANIANS,  The.  See  Sadines;  also, 
Samniteh. 

LUCCA:  The  founding  of   the  city.    See 

JItlTINA  AND  PaUMA. 

8th  Century. — The  seat  of  Tuscan  govern- 
ment.    See  Ti:hcany:  A.  I).  085-1115. 

A.  D.  1248-1378.— In  the  wars  of  the  Guelfs 
and  Ghibellines.  See  Fi.ork.nce:  A.  I).  1218- 
1378. 

A.  D.  1384-1293.  —  War  with  Pisa.  See 
Pisa:  A.  D.  1003-120!'. 

A.  D.  1314-1338 The    brief    tyranny    of 

Uguccione  della  Faggiuola,  and  the  longer  des- 
potism of  Castruccio  Castracani. — Erected 
into  an  imperial  duchy.  See  Italy:  A.  I). 
1313-13.30. 

A.  D.  133S-I34I-  —  Acquired  by  Mastino 
della  Scala  of  Verona — Sold  to  Florence. — 
Taken  by  Pisa.  See  Florence:  A.  1).  1341- 
1343. 

A.  D.  1803.- Conferred  on  the  sister  of  Na- 
poleon.    See  France:  A.  I).  1804-180.5. 

A.  D.  1814-1860 After  the  fall  of  Napoleon 

Lucca  was  briefly  occupied  by  the  Neapolitans ; 
then,  in  the  new  arrangements,  figured  for  some 
time  as  a  distinct  duchy;  afterwards  became 
part  of  Tuscany,  until  its  absorption  in  the  king- 
dom of  Ita!y. 

LUCENA,  Battle  of  (1483).  See  Spain: 
A.  D.  1470-1493. 

LUCERES,  The.  See  Rome:  Bkoinnino 
and  Name. 

LUCHANA,  Battle  of  (1836).  See  Spain: 
A.  D.  1833-1840. 

LUCIUS   II.,   Pope,   A.    D.    1144-1145 

Lucius  IIL,  Pope,  1181-1185. 

LUCKA,  Battle  of  (1308).  See  Germany: 
A.  D.  1273-1308. 

LUCKNOW,  The  siege  of.  See  India: 
A.  D.  1357  (May— August),  and  1857-1858  (July 
—June). 

LUCOTECIA.    See  Lutetia. 

LUD. — Ancient  Lvdia. 

LUDDITES,  Rioting  of  the.  See  England: 
A.  D.  1813-181.3. 

LUDL  — LUDI  CIRCENSES,  ETC. — 
"  Public  games  (Ludi)  formed  an  Important  fea- 
ture in  the  worship  nf  the  gods  [in  ancient  Rome], 
and  in  the  earlier  s  were  always  regarded  as 
religious  rites;  so  t.,;it  the  words  Ludi,  Feriae 
and  Dies  Festi  are  frequently  employed  as  sy- 
nonymous. Games  celebrated  every  year  upon  a 
fixed  day  were  denominated  Ludi  Stati.  Such 
were  tlie  Ludi  Roman!  s.  Magni,  held  invariably 
on  the  31st  of  September;  the  Megalcsia  on  4tn 
April;  the  Floralia  on  28th  April,  and  many 
others.  .  .  .  Another  classification  of  Ludi  was 
derived  from  the  place  where  tiiey  were  ex- 
hibited and  the  nature  of  the  exhibition  .  .  .  : 
1.  Ludi  Circenses,  chariot  races  and  other 
games  exhibited  in  a  circus.  2.  Ludi  Scenici, 
dramatic  entertainments  exhibited  in  a  theatre. 
3.   Munera  Gladiatoria,  prize-fights,  which  were 


2053 


LUDl. 


LUXEMHURO. 


iisimllypxiilblu-d  In  niiiiiiiphltlipntrp."— W.  Ram- 
Hiiy.  Siiinuiil  iif  /toiiiiin  Aiilii/.,  eh.  10. 
lUDI   MAXIMI   ROMANI.      See   Roman 

CiTV   KKHTIVAf. 

LUDI  SiCCULARES,  The.     Hi-t-  HKCfi.Aii 

OAMKH. 

LUDOVICO    (called    II    Moroj,    Duke    of 
Milan,  A.  I).  1  llil-ir.oo. 
LUDWIG.    Sec  \.ww. 
LUGDUNENSIS     AND     LUGDUNUM. 

Sec  liVONH:    I'MIICll  TMK  KoMANH, 

LUGUVALLIUM.-Tho  Honmti  inililiiry 
Htfttiim  lit  the  western  extremity  of  the  Konian 
wall  in  liritiiin;  tlie  kIKmiF  tlio  nii^lern  eity  nf 
Curllsle.— II.  M.  Hearlli,   limniin.  liritain,  rk.  H. 

LUITPERTUS,  King  of  the  Lombards, 
A.  I).  700-701. 

LUKETIA.    Seo  LuTKTiA. 

LUNA  :  Dettruction  by  the  Northmen.  See 
Noilmanh;   a.  I).  Nlll-HtlO. 

LUND,  Battle  of  (1676).  See  Scanijinavian 
8t.\tkh  (Swedkn):  a.  I).  1(144-161)7. 

LUNDY,  Benjamin,  and  the  rite  of  the 
Abolitionisti.  Heu  I^lavekt,  Xehuo:  A.  I). 
l«2H-lH:t2. 

LUNDY'S  LANE,  Battle  of.  See  ITnitk.I) 
Statk.hok  Am,  :  A.  I).  1814(Ji;i,y — Seite.mhkii). 

LONEBURG,  Duchy  of.  Heo  Saxony:  The 
GUI  DrciiY;  iinil  A.  I).  117H-1183. 

LUNEBURG  heath,  Battle  of  (A.  D. 
880).    Set!  KHnsDoiiK. 

LUNEVILLE,  The  Treaty  of  (1801).  beo 
Gehmany:  a.  I).  18()l-lH0:i. 

LUPERCAL.— LUPERCALIA.—  The  Lu- 
ncrcul  was  the  wolf  cave  in  wliieh,  according  to 
Uoman  legend,  tlic  twins,  RomuiuB  and  UemuH, 
were  nursed  by  a  she-wolf.  It  was  supposed  to 
be  situated  at  the  foot  of  the  Palatine  Hill. 
"The  Lupercal  is  deserilMjd  by  Dionysius  as 
having  once  been  a  large  grotto,  shaded  witli 
tbicic  bushes  and  large  trees,  and  containing  a 
copious  spring  of  water.  This  grotto  was  dedi- 
cated to  Lupercus,  an  ancient  Latin  pastoral 
divinity,  wlio  was  worshipped  by  shepherds  as 
the  protector  of  their  flocks  against  wolves.  A 
festival  was  held  every  year,  on  the  15th  of  Feb- 
ruary, in  the  Lupercal,  in  honour  of  Lupercus; 
the  place  contained  an  altar  and  a  grove  sacrecl 
to  the  god.  .  .  .  Gibbon  tells  us  the  festival  of 
the  Lupercalia,  whose  origin  had  preceded  the 
foundation  of  Rome,  was  still  celebrated  in  the 
reign  of  Anthemus,  472  A.  D. " —  H.  M.  Wcstropp, 
Early  and  Imperial  liome,  p.  83. — "At  the  Lu- 
percalia youths  ran  through  the  streets  dressed 
fn  Roots'  sl^ins,  beating  all  those  they  met  with 
strips  of  goats'  leather." — W.  Ihne,  JIM.  of 
liome ,  hk.  1,  ch.  13. 

LURIS.    See  Gypsies. 

LUSIGNAN,  House  ot  See  Jerusalem: 
A.  D.  1149-1187,  1192-1229,  and  1291 ;  also,  Cy- 
prus: A.D.  1191,  and  1192-1489. 

LUSITANIA.— THE  LUSITANIANS.— 
The  Lusitani  or  Lusitanians  were  the  people  who 
resisted  the  Roman  conquest  of  Spain  most  ob- 
stinately —  with  even  more  resolution  than  tlieir 
neighbors  and  kinsmen,  the  Celtiberians.  In 
153  B.  C.  they  defeated  a  Roman  army,  which 
lost  6,000  men.  The  following  year  they  in- 
flicted another  defeat,  on  the  proitor  Mummius, 
who  lost  9,000  of  his  soldiers.  Again,  in  151, 
the  pnEtor  Galba  suffered  a  loss  of  7,000  men  at 
their  hands.  But,  in  150,  Galba  rovaged  the 
Lusitanian    country    so    effectually    that  they 


RUed  for  p<'arp.  Pretending  to  armngo  tormn  of 
frienilNliit)  with  them,  this  inftinxiuH  Roman  per 
HUaded  three  large  liiindH  of  (lie  NuHlt:uiianH  to 
lay  down  tlieir  iiriiiH,  which  liehig  <lone  he  siir- 
roiinili'd  the, I.  .villi  his  troops  and  miiHtiaered 
them  ill  cold  blood.  One  of  the  few  who  escaped 
was  o  man  named  Vlriiithus,  who  became  thence- 
forth the  leader  of  Ills  Hiirviviiig  eoiintrynieii  In 
a  guerrilla  warfare  which  lasted  for  ten  years, 
and  which  cost  the  Romans  (liouHandH  of  men. 
In  the  eii<l  they  could  not  vaiiiiuiMh  ViriathiiH, 
but  biiHely  bribed  Home  traitors  in  his  own  camp 
to  murder  him.  The  Uoiiiim  province  wliirii 
was  aft(  rwards  formed  out  of  the  country  of  the 
liU.sltaiiians,  and  which  took  their  name,  has 
be(!n  mistakenly  identitied  with  thi^  incHlern  king- 
dom of  Portugal,  which  it  coincided  with  only 
in  part.— W.  Ihne,  Hint,  of  Home,  bk.  5,  eh.  0 
(v.  8). 

Ai.boin:  II.  M.Stephens,  The  Story  of  I'ortu- 
t/iit,  fh.  1.  —  gee  Pohtuoai.:  Kaki.y  iiihtoky. — 
On  the  settlemcutof  the  Alans,  see  Spain;  A.  D. 
409-414. 

LUSTRUM.— After  the  [Roman]  Oensom 
had  ((included  the  various  duties  committed  to 
their  charge,  they  proceeded  in  the  last  place  to 
offer  up,  on  beliali  of  the  whole  Roman  people, 
the  great  expiatory  sacrittce  culled  Lustrum,  and 
tills  Ix-lng  offered  tip  once  only  In  the  space  of 
live  years,  the  term  Lustrum  is  frequently  em- 
ployed to  denote  that  space  of  time.  .  .  .  On  the 
(lay  lixed,  the  whole  body  of  the  people  were 
Hummoiied  to  assemble  in  the  ('ampus  Martins 
in  martial  order  (exercitus)  ranked  according  to 
their  Classes  and  Centuries,  horse  and  foot.  Tho 
victims,  c(msisting  of  a  sow,  a  sheep,  and  a  bull, 
whence  the  sacrltice  was  termed  Suovetaurillii, 
before  being  led  to  the  altar,  were  carried  thrico 
round  tlie  multitude,  who  were  then  held  to  bo 
iniritled  and  absolved  from  sin,  and  while  tho 
immolation  took  place  the  Censor  recited  a  set 
form  of  prayer  for  the  preservation  and  aggran- 
dizement of  the  Roman  State." — AV.  Itumsay, 
Manual  of  lioman  Antit/.,  ch.  5. 

LUTETIA,  OR  LUKETIA,  OR  LU- 
COTECIA. —  Tlie  beginning  of  the  great  city 
of  Paris  was  represented  by  a  small  town  named 
as  above  —  the  stronghold  of  the  Gallic  peopio 
called  the  Parisii  —  built  on  one  of  the  Islands  in 
the  Seine  which  Paris  now  covers  and  surrounds. 
See  Paris,  Beoinnino  ok. 

LUTHER,  Martin,  and  the  Reformation. 
See  Papacy:  A.  D.  1510-1517,  1517,  1517-1521, 
1521-1522, 1522-1525, 1525-1539, 1530-1581 ;  also, 

Germany;  A.  D.  1530-1533 On  Education. 

See  Education,  Renaissance  ;  Germany. 

LUTTER,  Battle  of  (1626).  See  Germany: 
A.  D.  1624-1626. 

LOTZEN,  Battle  of  (1632).— Death  of 
Gustavus  Adolphus.  See  Germany;  A.  I). 
1631-1633. 

lOtzen,   or    gross   GORSCHEN, 

Battle  of  (1813).     See  Gehmany;  A.  U.  1813 
(Aprii, — May). 

LUXEMBURG,  The  House  of:  Its  aggran- 
dizement in  the  Empire,  in  Bohemia,  Hun- 
gary, and  Brandenburg.  See  Germany  ;  A.  D. 
1308-1313,  and  1347-1403;  also,  Hungary;  A.D. 
1301-1442;    and   Brandenburg:    A.  D.  1168- 

1417. 

* 

LUXEMBURG:  A.  D.  1713.— Ceded  to 
Holland.    See  Utrecht:  A.  D.  1713-1714. 


2054 


LUXEMnUBO. 


LY0IAN8. 


A.  D.  1795.— Siege  and  capture  by  the 
French.      Hcf  Fuanck:  A.  1).  imi  (.Iunk— Dk- 

CKMIIKK). 

A.  O.  1867.— Separated  from  Germany  and 
formed  into  a  neutral  state.  Her  (iKii.MANV: 
A.  I).  lStMI-lM70.  ^ 

LUZZARA,  Battle  of  (170a).  Sea  Italy: 
A.  !>.  1701-171:1, 

LYCEUM,  The  Athenian.  Her  Acadkmy, 
Tick  Atiiknian;  hihI  (Iymnahia,  Okkkk;  hIho, 
ri'liiltvo  111  ilio  Hiippri'Hsloii  of  tli<!  liycciuii,  wc 
Atiiknh;  A.  I).  Wl». 

LYCIAN  LEAGUE,  The.— "I'rolmbly  the 
best  coiiHtructcil  KcdiTiil  OoviTiiini'iit  tliut  tlic 
ancient  world  bclitld.  Tlio  iiccoiint  jflvi'n  by 
Btrabo,  our  dolu  iiutliorlty,  is  ho  full,  clcitr,  hiiII 
brief,  tliiit  I  cannot  do  better  lliiui  tntnHliUu  it. 
Tliu  'mieustritl  ronMtitutlori  of  tliu  Itykiitn 
League  '  Is  deHcrilMHl  by  the  greiil  jjoogritpher  In 
theae  words:  'Tlieru  iiro  three  and  twenty  cltleH 
which  liiive  Ik  Nhitrn  in  the  HulTnif^e,  iind  they 
como  together  from  each  elty  In  the  eoniinon 
Fcderiil  AHsembly,  clKH)8in(j  for  tlii'lr  pliicc  of 
meeting  iiiiy  city  which  they  think  best.  And, 
among  tlic  cities,  tlio  greiitest  are  possesseil  of 
three  votes  apiece,  the  niiddio  ones  of  two,  and 
the  rest  of  one;  and  In  the  samu  proportion  they 

Say  taxes,  and  take  thuir  share  of  other  public 
urthcns.  .  .  .  And,  in  the  Federal  Assembly, 
first  the  Lyklarc:h  is  chosen  and  then  the  other 
magistrates  of  the  League,  and  bodies  of  Federal 
Judges  are  appointed;  and  formerly  they  used 
to  considt  about  war,  and  peace,  and  alliance; 
this  now,  of  course,  they  cannot  do,  but  these 
things  must  needs  rest  with  the  Romans.'.  .  . 
On  the  practical  working  of  this  constitution 
Strabo  bestows  the  highest  praise.  Lvkia  was, 
in  his  <lay,  a  Uoman  dependency,  but  it  retained 
its  own  laws  and  internal  government." — E.  A. 
Freeman,  Jlht.  of  Fidenil  Vnrt.,  eh.  4,  »<■(•<.  4. 

LYCIANS,  The.— The  people  who  occupied 
in  ancient  times  the  extreme  southern  peinnsula 
of  Asia  Minor.  "The  ancients  knew  of  no  un- 
mixe<l  ponidation  in  tills  district.  The  Plueni- 
eians  explored  the  Lyclan  Taurus  as  well  as  the 
Clliclan ;  and  by  hind  also  Semitic  tribes  seem  to 
have  immigrated  out  of  Syria  and  Cillcia;  and 
these  tribes  formed  the  tribe  of  the  Solymi. 
Another  influx  of  population  was  conducted  to 
this  coast  by  means  of  the  Khodiaii  chain  of 
islanfis:  men  of  Crete  came  across,  who  called 
tliemselves  Termili  or  Trameli,  and  venerated 
Sarpedon  as  their  Hero.  After  an  arduous  strug- 
gle, they  gradually  made  tli^  niselves  masters  of 
the  land  encircled  by  sea  aiul  rock.  .  ,  .  From 
the  mouMi  of  the  Xanthus  the  Cretans  entered 
the  land.  There  Leto  had  first  found  a  hospit- 
able reception ;  in  Patara.  near  by,  aro.se  the  lirst 
great  temple  of  Apollo,  the  god  of  light,  or  Ly- 
cius,  with  the  worship  of  wliom  the  inhabitants 
of  the  land  l)ccame  subsequently  to  such  a  degree 
identified  as  to  receive  themselves  from  the  Greeks 
on  whose  coasts  they  landed  the  siuno  namu  as 
tlie  god,  viz.,  Lycians.  .  .  .  Wo  know  that  the 
Lycians,  in  courage  and  knowledge  of  the  sea 
fully  the  equals  of  the  most  scafarmg  nation  of 
the  Archipelago,  from  a  desire  of  an  orderly  po- 
litical life,  renouncetl  at  an  early  period  the  pub- 
lic practice  of  piracy,  which  their  neighbours  in 
Pisfdia  and  Cillcia  never  relinquished.      Their 

Satriotism  they  proved  in  heroic  struggles,  and 
I  the  quiet  of  home  developed  a  greater  refine- 


ment of  mannrnt,  to  which  the  Rporlal  lionour  In 
which  tliey  held  the  female  M'X  bears  markeil  tes- 
timony." — K.  CurlluM,  Hint,  oj'drrece,  hk-.  \,eh.  U 
C.  1). 

LYCURGUS,  Conititutlon  of.  H<'e  Hi-aiita: 
TiiK  ('oNKirn'TioN. 

LYDIANS,  The.  — "  On  the  western  coast  of 
Asia  .Minor  tin-  nation  of  the  l,ydlanM,  which  pos- 
s<'ss('d  the  vallles  of  Ihc  llcrmus  and  .Ma'ander, 
had  early  arrived  at  a  monarchy  and  a  point  of 
civllbatlon  far  In  advance  of  the  stauesof  jirlnd- 
tlvcllfe.  .  .  .  When  thedreeks  fori  I  the  I'henl- 
clans  from  the  islaiiils  of  tiie  .Kgean  sea,  anil 
then,  about,  the  end  of  llie  eleventh  and  beginning 
of  the  tenth  century,  H.  ('.,  landed  on  the  west- 
ern coast  of  Asia  Minor,  the  I.ydlans  were  not 
able  any  more  than  the  Tciicriaiis  and  .Myslana 
In  the  North,  or  the  Carlans  in  the  South,  to  pre- 
vent the  establishment  of  the  (irceks  on  their 
roasts,  the  loss  of  the  ancient  native  sanctuarleg 
at  Hmyriia,  C'oloption,  Kphesus,  and  the  found- 
ing of  Greek  cities  in  their  land  on  the  moiithsof 
the  Lyilian  rivers,  the  llrrniiis  and  the  Cayster, 
though  the  Greek  emigrants  came  in  Isolated  ex- 
peditions over  tlio  Bi'a.  It  was  on  the  Lydlan 
coasts  tliat  the  most  Important  Greek  cities  rose: 
Cyme,  Phociea,  Smyrna,  Colophon,  Kphesus. 
Pricne,  Myus,  and  Alllelus  were  on  the  land  of 
the  Carlans." — M.  Duncker,  llUt.  0/  Antii/iiili/, 
hk.  4,  <•/*.  17. — "On  the  basis  of  a  jxipulatlon  re- 
lated to  the  Phryghms  and  Armenians  arose  the 
nation  of  the  Lydlans,  which  through  its  orginal 
ancestor,  i>ud,  would  appear  in  Kastern  traiiltion 
also  to  be  reckoned  as  a  member  of  the  Semitic 
family.  As  long  as  we  remain  unacquainted 
with  the  spoken  and  written  language  of  the 
Lydians,  it  will  be  impossible  to  dellne  with  any 
accuracy  the  mixture  of  peoples  which  here  took 
place.  Hut,  speaking  generally,  there  Is  no 
doubt  of  the  double  relationship  of  this  people, 
and  of  Its  consequent  important  place  in  civiliza- 
tion among  the  groups  of  the  nations  of  Asia 
Minor.  The  Lydians  became  on  land,  as  the 
Phtenlcians  by  sea,  the  mediators  between  Hellas 
and  Anterior  Asia.  .  .  .  Tlie  Lydians  are  the 
first  :  King  the  nations  of  Asia  Slinor  of  whom 
we  hiui;  any  intimate  knowledge  as  a  political 
community.  — E.  Curtlus,  Hint,  of  Greeec,  hk.  1, 
eh.  3  (0.  1). — The  first,  perhaps  legendary,  dy- 
nasty of  Lydiii,  called  the  Atyada;,  wius  followed 
by  one  called  the  1  lerakieidic  by  the  Greeks,  which 
Is  said  to  have  ruled  over  500  years.  The  last  king 
of  that  family,  Kandaules,  was  nuirdered,  about 
H.  C.  715,  by  Gyges,  who  founded  the  dynasty 
of  tlio  Mermuiidie,  under  wliom  the  Lydian  do- 
minion was  extended  over  most  of  Asia  Minor, 
and  its  kings  contended  on  fairly  ciiiial  terms 
with  the  power  of  the  Medes.  But  tlieir  nion- 
arcliy  was  overthrown  by  Cyrus,  B.  C.  540,  and 
tlio  famous  Crwsus,  last  of  their  line,  ended  his 
days  as  an  attendant  and  counselor  of  the  Per- 
sian king. — G.  Grote,  Ui»t.  of  Qreeee,  pt.  2,  eh.  17 
and^2. — Recent  discoveries  tend  to  the  conclusion 
tliat  the  primitive  inliabitants  of  Lydia  were  of  a 
race  to  which  the  Hittites  belonged. — A.  H. 
Sayce,  ed.,  Ancient  Empires  of  the  Ednt,  iipp.  4. — 
See,  also,  Asia  Minoii:  B.  C.  724-530;  and 
Persia:  B.  C.  549-521. 

LYGIANS,  The.— "Of  all  the  invaders  of 
Gaul  [in  the  reign  of  Probus,  A.  D.  277]  the 
most  formidable  were  the  Lygians,  a  distant 
people  who  reigned  over  a  wide  domain  on  the 
frontiers  of  Poland  and  Silesia.    In  the  Lygian 


2055 


LYOIAN^. 


McCLELLAN. 


nnilnn  llio  Aiil  hold  tho  flnit  mnk  by  llx'lr  niini- 
Imtn  iiikI  tlcrccni'iw.  '  Thfl  Aril '  (it  l«  lliiin  tliiit 
tliry  iiri)  (IcMcrllM'd  by  thti  incr^y  "f  Tiicltiin) 
'Mtiiily  lo  Improve  liy  iirt  iiiiil  clnnimntiinccH  t\w 
iiiniilo  (vrrorH  of  thc-lr  bitrbnrlitin.  Tlwir  ihirlds 
nri'  bliu'k,  tbfir  biKllcM  uri'  imiiitcd  bliick.  Tiicy 
c'liooM!  for  l\w  coriilmt  tb<:  diirk(-iit  lioiir  of  tb<> 
niKlit.'.  .  .  Yet  the  iiriiiN  luid  dlHciplitx-  of  thn 
lioinunii  (.'luiily  diw.'oiiitltt'd  tlicKit  borrlil  plum 
tomn.  Tho  Lygll  wcni  dcfrutt'd  In  »  Ki'"t'nd  i'"- 
Kntfciiicpt,  mid  Hoiniio,  thii  iiioHt  rcnowiu'd  of 
their  chii'fK,  fell  nlivo  into  the  hiin<lH  of  ProbuH. 
That  prudent  emperor,  unwilling  to  reduce  n 
briive  people  to  deHpaIr,  Kmnted  theniun  honour- 
able eapitulitt  ion  and  |)ermitted  them  to  return 
in  Mfety  to  their  native  country.  Iblt  tho  Iohm'n 
which  they  NMlTered  in  the  inarch,  the  battle,  and 
the  retreat,  broke  I  lie  jiower  of  the  nation:  nor 
Ih  the  Lvulan  naino  ever  repeated  In  the  hintory 
cltherof  Uerinany  orof  tlie  empire. " — K.  Uibboii, 
IhHine  anil  Full  of  the  Human  Kmjnre,  cA.  13. — 
"  LvkII  appearN  to  liavo  liecn  tho  Kcnerle  name 
of  the  tShiviinianR  on  the  ViHtnln.  They  are  tlio 
Mime  people  uh  thoHc  called  LekliH  by  Nestor, 
the  ItuHNlaii  chronicler  of  the  twelfth  century. 
Thew^  LekliH  iiri^  the  ancestors  of  the  I'oIch.  Heu 
Latham,  The  Oermania  of  Tacitus,  p.  IIW." — W. 
Smith,  Note  to  alnire.  from  tlililxm. — "The  Ligil 
were  a  widely-spread  trilie,  comprehending 
several  clans.  Tacitus  names  the  ilarll  [or 
Arli],  Ilelvecones,  Manlml,  Klisil,  and  Nahanar- 
vall.  Their  tx;rritflry  was  between  the  Oder  and 
Vistula,  and  would  include  the  greater  part  of 
Poland,  and  probably  a  porthm  of  Silesia." — 
(Jhurdi  and  linMlribb,  (/»v/.  Note*  to  the  tier- 
viaiiy of  Turitiiit. — "ThcElysii  are  supposed  to 
have  given  name  to  Silesia.  — Note  to  the  OJford 
I'ranK.  of  Tiirilim:  Utrmany,  eh.  43. 

LYK^ ANS,  The.    Sec  LYciA.fs. 

LVMNE,  in  Roman  timet.  See  Pobtus 
Lkmanis. 

LYON,   General  Nathaniel:   Campaign   in 

Missouri,   and   death.     See  iMiHsoi'iti:    A.    I). 

1801  (Feiiiiuaiiy — Jt!i,y);  and  United  Statics  ok 

Am.  :  A.  D.  1861  (July— Seitembeu  :  Mishoubi). 

• 

LYONS  :  Under  the  Romans.  —  Minutius 
Pluueus,  lioinan  governor  of  Uallia  C'omata,  or 
the  Gaul  of  tliesar  s  conquest,  founded,  B.  C.  43, 
a  city  called  Liigdunum,  at  tho  confluence  of  the 
Rhone  and  the  Saone.  A  few  years  later,  under 
Augustus,  it  was  made  the  capital  of  a  province 
to  which  it  gave  ita  name — Lugdunensis  —  and 
which  comprised  the  whole  of  central  Caul,  be- 
tween the  Loire  and  the  Seine  with  tho  Armori- 
can  peninsula.  In  time  the  name  Lugdunum 
became  softened  and  shorn  to  Lyons.  "Lyons, 
which  stood  on  th^  west  side  of  the  Uhone,  not 
so  near  tho  confluence  of  the  Sflone  as  now,  ap- 
pears to  have  been  settled  by  fugitive  liomaus 


driven  out  of  VIonno  by  nnotlior  party.  It  grew 
witli  as  marvelous  a  ra|;ldlty  as  soino  of  our 
western  cities,  for  in  llfteen  years  it  swelled  from 
a  simple  (polony  into  a  metropolis  of  consldeniblo 
splendor.  .  .  .  Lugdun  appears  to  have  Iwen  a 
Keiths  designation,  and,  as  the  'g'  in  that  speech 
took  the  sound  of  'y '  and  'd'  was  silent,  we  can 
easily  see  how  tliu  name  liecame  liyon." — \'. 
(iodwin,  //(■«/.  of  hhiiire  :  Aiieient  (Jaiil,  hk.  8, 
eh.  5,  with  footnote. — "Not  having  origiiiat«<l 
out  of  n  Celtic  cant(m,  and  hence  always  with  a 
ti^rritory  of  narrow  limits,  but  from  the  outset 
eompom'd  of  Italians  and  in  |M)SS(>s8lon  of  the  full 
Uoman  fninchlse,  it  [Ijyons|  sttHKl  forth  uni(|uo 
in  its  kind  among  tlie  communities  of  the  threo 
(laiils  —  as  respects  its  legal  relatltms.  In  some 
meiiNure  n'sembling  Washington  in  the  North 
American  federation.  .  .  .  Only  the  governor  of 
the  middle  or  IjUgiidunenslan  province  had  hla 
seat  therts  but  when  emperors  or  princes  stayed 
in  Gaul  they  as  a  rule  resided  in  Lyons.  Lvona 
wan  vlongside  of  Carthage,  the  only  city  of  the 
I..ati  .'lalfof  the  empire  which  olitained  a  8ti"id- 
ing  garrison,  after  tlii!  UKMlel  of  that  of  tlu-  capl- 
tai!  The  only  mint  for  imperial  money  which 
we  can  point  to  with  certainty,  for  the  earlier 
period  of  the  <anpire,  is  that  of  Lyons.  Hero 
was  tho  headquarters  of  the  transit-duos  which 
emlirace<l  all  Oaul ;  and  to  this  as  a  centre  the 
Gallic  network  of  roads  converged.  .  .  .  Thus 
Lug'idunum  rapldiv  rose  into  prosperity.  .  .  . 
In  tlie  later  i)erl(Kl  of  the  empire,  no  doubt, 
It  fell  behind  Troves."— T.  iMominsen,  IlUt.  of 
l{»me,  hk.  8,  eh.  3. 

A.  D.  500.— Under  the  Burg^ndiant.  See 
lU;u<ifNi)iANw;  A.  I).  500. 

loth  Century.— In  the  kingdom  of  Aries. 
See  BtTiuiUNDi :  A.  I).  84!J-933. 

13th  Century.— "  The  Poor  Men  of  Lyons." 
See  Wai.dknsks. 

A.  D.  1685-1698.— Loss  in  the  silte  wear- 
ii'ig  industry  by  the  Huguenot  exodus.  See 
FltANiK:  A.  I).  1681-1008. 

A.  D.  1793-1794.— Revolt  against  the  Revo- 
lutionary government  at  Paris.— Siege  and 
capture  ana  fearful  vengeance  by  the  Terror- 
ists. ScoFkanck:  a.  U.  17l>8  (June),  (July— 
Decembeb);  and  1798-1704  (OcTOBKii—Arnii,). 

A.  D.  1795.— Reaction  against  the  Reign  of 
Terror.— The  White  Terror.  See  Fuancr: 
A.  D.  1704-1705  (July— Ai'iiiL). 

LYONS,  Battle  of  (A.  D.  197).  Sco  Rome: 
A.  n.  102-284. 

LYSIMACHUS,  and  the  wars  of  the 
Diadochi.  See  Macedonia:  B.  C.  833-316.  to 
207-280. 

LYTTON,  Lord,  The  Indian  administra- 
tion of.  Sco  India:  A.  D.  1876,  1877;  and 
Akouanistan  :  A.  D.  1869-1881. 


M. 


MAARMORS.    See  Mohmaers. 

MACjE,  The.     See  Lihyans. 

McAllister,  Fort,  The  storming  of. 
See  United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  1884  (No- 
vf.mbeu — December  :  Qeohoia). 

MACALO,  Battle  of  (1437).  See  Italy: 
A.  n.  1413-1447. 

MACBETH,  King  of  Scotland :  A.  D.  1039- 
1054. 


MACCABEES,  The.  See  Jews:  B.  C. 
166-40. 

MACCIOWICE,  Battle  of  (1794).  See  Po- 
land: A.  D.  1703-1700. 

McCLELLAN,  General  George  B.— Cam- 
paign in  West  Virginia.  Dee  United  States 
OK  Am.  :  A.  D.   1861  (June— July  :  West  Viu- 

niMA) Appointment  to  chief  command. — 

Organization  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 


2056 


McCLELLAN. 


MACEDONIA,  B.  C.  U»a-a70. 


r     campaign.        Hcu 
A.  I).  imivMMAiuii— 


Xci'  irNiTED  Htatkh  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  tHdl  (.Iri.T— 

NovKMiiKii) Protracted  inaction    through 

the  winter  of  i86i-6j.  Hoi!  I'nitkii  Htatki*  hk 
Am.:    a.    I).    U'tll   1H«2   (I)K(KMiiKii— Maikii 

V'lUiiiNiA) Peninsular 

I'nitki)  Wtatkh  i)K  Am. 

May:    V'mhiinia),  (.Iri.v— ArtHHT:    VlUdiMA). 

During  Gen.  Pope'a  campaign.  Huii  Unitku 

Statkh  t)K   Am.:  A.    1).    IHlVi  (Jiw.y— Aikiiht: 

VlU(llNIA),  to  (Al^llTHT— HkI'TKMIIKU,  VllKll.NIA). 

...Antietam  Campaign,  and  removal  from 
command.  Hon  I.'nitki)  S''atk»  hv  Am.  :  A.  I). 
IMO'J  ;SKi-rKMiiKH:  Mauvi.and);  iiikI  (<)<  T(>I1|.;U— 

Dkckmiiku:  Vih(iinia) Defeat  in  Preilden- 

tial  election.  S»'c  Unitkd  Htatkh  ok  Am.  : 
A.  I).  1M(I4  (May— NovKMiiKii). 

MACDONALD,  Marshal.— Campaigns  of. 
»(■(■  K  vsck:  A.I)  171)H-l7Ul)(Ai;(iiHT— .\i-iiii,), 
171)1)  (.Vi'iiii,— Skitkmiiku);  Okiimany:  A.  D. 
IHOl)  (Jii,Y— HKi'TK.MnKK);   181!1  (Ai'iiii,— May), 

^Anil'KT),      (OcTOItKH),    (OCTOHK.II — l)K(KMIIKH) ; 

tiiiil  Kuhhia:  a.  I).  1HI3  (.It'NK— Hki'tkmmkii) 

MACDONOUGH,  Commodore  Thomas, and 
his  victory  on  Lake  Champtain.  Sro  Unitici) 
Mtai'Kh  OK  Am.  :  A.  I).  1814  (Ski'ikmiikii). 

McDowell,  Battle  at.  Hi'u  Unitkd 
HrATK8  OF  Am.  :  A.  1).  IHO'J  (May— .Iu.nk:  Vili- 
ui.nia), 

MACE,  as  a  symbol  of  authority.  The.— 
"Tlioclub  or  miu'i!,  formed  oriKiniilly  of  Imnl 
wimhI,  itiul  tlu!  Iiitlitr,  HubHi'(|ueiitly  t^ltlaT  wliolly 
or  ill  imrt  of  mctiil,  would  niitunilly  be  mlopti'd 
us  one  of  thu  i'urlii.'Hi  weiipoiia  of  primitive  man, 
but  It  soon  ciiniu  to  Iw  regnrded  us  u  symbol  of 
authority,  .  ,  .  In  the  Middle  Agi-s  tliu  maco 
was  a  common  weapon  with  etclesiastifs,  who, 
in  coiiseiiuenco  of  their  tenures,  frequently  took 
the  Held,  but  were,  by  a  canon  of  the  Church, 
forbidden  to  wield  tlio  sword.  It  strikes  mo  us 
not  improbable  that  in  this  custom  wu  hnvc  the 
origin  uf  the  use  of  the  mace  as  a  symbol  of  au- 
thority by  our  cathedral  and  oth(!r  ancient  reli- 
gious bodies.  ...  In  all  probability  its  use  by 
luy  corporations  may  bo  traced  to  the  corps  of 
sergeants-at-mace,  instituted  as  a  biKly-guanl 
bolli  by  Philip  Augustus  of  Franco  nud  our  own 
lilchard  I.,  whilst  with  tho  Crusaders  In  Pales- 
tine. Wo  learn  that  when  the  former  monarch 
was  in  the  Holy  Land  lie  found  it  necessary  to 
secure  his  person  from  the  emissaries  "{  u  sheik, 
called  'the  Old  Man  of  the  Mountain,'  who 
bound  themselves  to  assas^^unu;  whomsoever  ho 
assigned.  'When  the  king,'  says  an  ancient 
chr  inicler,  '  heard  of  this  lio  began  to  reflect 
seriously,  and  took  counsel  how  ho  might  best 
guard  his  person.  Ho  therefore  instituted  a 
guard  of  scrjeants-il-muccs  who  night  and  day 
wtre  to  bo  about  his  person  in  order  to  protect 
him.'  These  sergeus-4-maces  w'.'vo  'afferwards 
culled  scrgcauts-ut-arms,  for  Jean  Boutciller 
.  .  .  ,  who  lived  in  tho  time  of  Charles  VI.,  that 
is,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  fourteenth  century 
tells  us,  "Tho  sergens  d'anncs  aro  tho  maco- 
bcarcrs  that  tho  king  has  to  perform  his  duty, 
and  who  curry  maces  before  tho  king ;  these  are 
called  sergeants-ut-arms,  because  they  are  ser- 
geants for  tho  king's  body."'  We  learn  further 
that  Richard  I.  of  England  soon  imitated  the 
conduct  of  the  French  king,  but  he  seems  to 
have  given  his  corps  of  8ergeant«-at-arms  a  more 
extensive  power.  Not  only  were  they  to  watch 
round  tho  king's  tent  in  complete  annour,  with 
A  mfi.;e,  a  sword,  a  bow  and  arrows,  but  wore 


ooruHlonally  i'>  urrcKt  trallorH  and  otiier  ofTemlerR 
about  the  court,  f<>r  which  llie  inacr  huh  deemed 
II  HiilUc|i>ut  autlmrily.  .  .  .  Ileiii'i',  in  all  prolm 
lilllly,  was  derived  the  cUHtom  of  the  chief 
maglNtrute  of  a  nuinlripulity,  who,  lui  hiii'Ii, 
in  the  reprcHentatlve  nf  the  sovereign,  being 
attended  by  IiIh  iiiari'  JH'arer,  as  a  symbol  of 
the  royal  authnrily  thus  delegated  to  him." — 
W.  Kelly,  r/ie  (/rent  Mare  (liityal  Hint.  .•*«•. 
Traim,,  r.  !)). 

MACEDONIA  AND  MACEDONIANS, 
The. — "The  Miirediiiiliiim  of  the  fiiiirlli  leiitiiry 
II.  C.  aci|uireil,  from  the  ability  and  cnterDriHii 
of  two  successivu  kings,  a  great  perfertiim  in 
On'ek  ndlitary  organl/ation,  without  any  of  tho 
loftl.T  Hellenic  qualities.  'Pheir  career  inOreeeo 
U  purely  di'Htrurtive,  extinguishing  the  free 
iiiiivenieiit  (if  the  Nepiiriite  iIiIih,  and  disarming 
the  ('iti/.i'U'Wililicr  to  make  riH<m  fur  the  foreign 
nicreeiiary  whose  Hword  was  unhallowed  by  any 
feelings  of  patriotism  —  yet  totally  Incompetent 
to  substitute  any  good  syNtem  of  central  or  piieitlu 
adrnliiistmtion.  liiit  the  .Macedunians  of  tho 
seventii  aii>l  sixth  centuries  li.  C.  are  an  aggre- 
gate only  of  rude  inland  tribes,  subdivided  into 
distint  t  petty  prmciiialltleH,  and  Heparateil  from 
the  (Jr(!eks  liy  a  wilier  ethnical  dilTerence  even 
than  the  Kplrots;  since  HeriidotUH,  who  considers 
the  Epirotic  Molossians  and  Thesprotians  as 
children  of  Hellei,  deciili'dly  thinks  the  contrary 
respecting  the  Mucedonluns.  In  the  main,  liow- 
cver,  they  seem  at  this  early  periiMl  analogous  to 
the  Epirots  in  character  and  civilization.  They 
had  some  few  towns,  but  they  were  chiefly  vil- 
lage residents,  extremely  brave  and  pugnacious. 
.  .  .  Tlie  origiuul  seats  of  tho  Macedonians  were 
in  the  region  4  east  of  tho  chain  of  8karilus  (tho 
northerly  c  intininition  of  Pindus)  —  north  of  tho 
chain  called  the  Cumbnniun  mountains,  wlilch 
connects  Olympue  witli  Pindus,  and  which  forms 
tho  north-western  Iwundary  of  Thessaly;  but 
they  did  not  reach  so  far  eastward  us  the  Ther- 
male  Oulf.  .  .  .  The  Maceilouiuu  language  was 
different  from  Illyr1:iu,  from  Thraclan,  and 
seemingly  also  fr.mi  Pieonian.  It  was  also  dif- 
ferent from  Greek,  yet  apparently  not  more 
widely  distinct  lli.iu  that  of  the  Epirots;  so  that 
the  acquisition  of  Greek  was  comparatively  easy 
to  tho  chiefs  and  people.  .  .  .  The  largo  and 
comparatively  productive  region  covered  by  tho 
viivious  sections  of  Macedonians,  helps  to  explain 
timt  increase  of  ascendency  which  they  succes- 
sively acquired  over  all  their  neiglibours.  It 
was  not  however  until  a  lute  period  that  they  be- 
came united  under  one  government.  At  first, 
each  section  —  how  many  wo  do  not  know  —  had 
its  own  prince  or  chief.  The  Elymiots,  or  in- 
habitants of  Elymeia,  the  southernmost  portion 
of  Macedonia,  were  thus  originally  distinct  and 
indei)cndent ;  also  the  Orestro,  in  mountain-scats 
somewhat  north-west  of  the  Elymiots.  .  .  .  Tho 
section  of  the  Macedonian  name  who  afterwards 
swallowed  up  all  tlie  rest  and  became  known  as 
'  The  Macedonions '  had  their  original  ecu  re  at 
■  V'gtti  or  Edcssa  —  tho  lofty,  commanding  and 
picturesquo  site  of  tlio  modern  Vodhenu. " — O. 
Groto,  nut.  of  Greece,  pt.  2,  ch.  25  (i>.  3). 

B.  C.  508.— Subjection  to  Persia.  See  Peh- 
sia:  B.C.  .'521-493. 

B.  C.  383-379.— Overthrow  of  the  Olynthian 
Confederacy  by  Sparta.  See  Gbeecu:  B.  C. 
383-379. 


2057 


MACEDONIA,  B.  U.  359-358. 


Conquest /t 
of  Ateu-ander. 


MACEDONIA,  B.  C.  334-330. 


B.  C.  359-358.— Accession  and  first  proceed- 
ings of  King  Pliilip. — His  acquisition  of  Am- 
phipolis.     Sfe  GiiKKC  k;  15.  C.  359-358. 

B.  C.  353-336. — Philip's  conquest  of  Thes- 
saly. — Intervention  in  the  Sacred  War. — Vic- 
tory at  Chaeronea. —  Mastery  of  Greece. — 
Preparation  to  invade  Persia  — Assassination. 
bee  (JiiEiccK:  IJ.  C.  357-330. 

B.  C.  351-348.— War  with  the  Olynthian 
Confederacy. —  Destruction  of  Olynthus.  l^i'u 
Ohekce:  B.C.  351-348. 

B.  C.  340. —  Philip's  unsuccessful  siege  of 
Byzantium.     See  Qukece;  B.  C.  340. 

B.  C.  336-335.—  Alexander's  campaigns  at 
the  north. — Revolt  aad  destruction  of  Thebes. 
bee  (JitEKCE:  B.  C.  836-335. 

B.  C.  334-330. —  Invasion  and  conquest  of 
the  Persian  empire  by  Alexander  the  Great. 
—  Philip  (>f  Macedonia  fell  under  the  hand  of  an 
a.s8assin  in  the  midst  of  his  preparations  (B.  C. 
330)  for  the  invasion  of  the  Persian  Empire.  He 
was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Alexander,  who  ap- 
plied himself  flrst,  with  significant  energy,  to  the 
chastisement  of  the  troublesome  barbarians  on 
his  northern  frontier,  and  to  the  crushing  of  re- 
volt in  Greece  (see  Greece  :  B.  C.  336-335).  He 
had  not  yet  been  a  year  on  the  throne  "  when  he 
stood  forth  a  greater  and  more  powerful  sover- 
eign than  bis  father,  with  bis  empire  united  in 
the  bonds  of  fear  and  admiration,  and  ready  to 
carry  out  the  long  premeditated  attack  of  the 
Greeks  on  the  dominion  of  the  Great  king.  .  .  . 
lie  had  indeed  a  splendid  army  of  all  branches, 
lieavy  infantry,  light  infantry,  slingers  and 
archero,  artillery  such  as  the  ancients  could  pro- 
duce without  gunpowder,  and  cavalry,  both 
Thcssftlianand  Macedonian,  fit  for  both  skirmish- 
ing and  the  shock  of  battle.  If  Its  numbers  were 
not  above  40,000,  this  moderate  force  was  surely 
a3  much  as  any  commander  could  handle  in  a 
rapid  <'ami)aign  with  long  marches  through  a 
hostile  country.  .  .  .  After  a  Homeric  landing 
on  the  ( oast  n'jar  Ilium,  and  sacrifices  to  the  Ilian 
goddesi  at  her  ancient  shrine,  with  feasts  and 
gauu^s  the  king  started  East  to  meet  the  Persian 
satraps,  who  bad  collected  their  cavalry  and 
Greek  mercenary  infantry  on  the  plain  of  Zolcia, 
behind  the  river  Granicus  (B.  C.  3S4).  Here  he 
fought  his  first  great  battle,  and  showed  the  na- 
ture of  his  tactics.  He  used  his  heavy  infantry, 
divided  into  two  columns  or  phalan.xes  as  his  left 
wiug,  flanked  by  Tbessalian  cavalry,  to  threaten 
the  right  <)f  the  enemy,  and  keep  him  engaged 
while  he  delivered  his  main  attack.  Developing 
this  movement  by  a  rapid  advance  in  echclonned 
squadrons  thrown  forward  to  the  right,  threaten- 
ing to  outflank  the  enemj',  he  induced  them  to 
spread  their  forces  towards  their  left  wing,  and 
BO  weaken  their  left  centre.  No  sooner  had  he 
succeeded  in  this  than  he  threw  his  heavy  cavalry 
on  this  weak  point,  and  after  a  very  severe 
struggle  in  crossing  the  river,  and  climbing  its 
rugged  banks,  he  completely  broke  the  enemy's 
line.  ...  He  did  not  strike  straight  into  Asia, 
for  this  would  have  left  it  possible  for  Mentor 
and  Memnon,  the  able  Rhodians  who  commanded 
on  the  coast  for  Darius,  either  to  have  raised  all 
Asia  Minor  against  him,  or  to  have  transferred 
thewarbttck  toMacedon.  .  .  .  So  then  he  sei?  jd 
Sardis,  the  key  of  all  the  highroads  eastwo-.ds; 
he  laid  siege  to  Halicarnassus,  which  made  a 
very  long  and  stubborn  resistance,  and  did  not 
advance  till  he  had  his  rear  safe  from  attack. 


Even  witli  nil  these  precautions,  the  Persian 
fleet,  under  Menmon,  was  producing  serious 
ditticulties,  and  bad  not  that  able  general 
died  at  the  critical  moment  (B.  C.  333),  the  Spar- 
tan revolt,  which  was  put  down  the  foHo*.  ing 
year  in  Greece,  would  have  (issiuned  serious 
l)roportions.  Alexander  iii>vv  saw  that  he  could 
l)ress  on,  and  strika  at  the  headquarters  of  the 
enemies' power—  Pluinici I  and  the  Great  king 
himself.  He  crossed  the  diflieult  range  of  the 
Taurus,  the  southern  bulwark  of  the  Persian 
Empire,  and  occupied  Cilicia.  Even  the  sea 
was  supposed  to  have  retreated  to  allow  his  army 
to  pass  along  a  narrow  strand  under  precipitous 
cliffs.  The  Great  king  was  awaiting  him  with  a 
vast  army  —  grossly  exaggerated,  moreover,  in 
our  Greek  accounts  —  in  the  plain  of  Syria,  near 
Danniscus.  Foolish  advisers  persuaded  liim, 
owing  to  some  delay  in  Alexander's  advance,  to 
leave  his  favourable  position,  where  the  advan- 
tage of  his  hosts  of  cavalry  was  clear.  He  there- 
fore actually  crossed  Alexander,  who  bad  passed 
on  the  sea  side  of  Mount  Amanus,  southward, 
and  occupied  Issus  on  his  rear.  The  Slaccdouian 
army  was  thus  c\it  off  from  home,  and  a  victory 
necessary  to  its  very  existence.  The  great  battle 
of  Issus  was  fought  on  such  narrow  ground,  be- 
tween the  sea  and  the  mountains,  that  neither 
side  had  room  for  outflanking  its  opponent,  ex- 
cept by  occupying  the  high  ground  on  the  inland 
side  or  the  plain  (B.  C.  333).  This  was  done  by 
the  Persians,  and  the  banks  of  a  little  river  (the 
Pinarus)  crossing  their  front  were  fortified  as  at 
the  Granicus.  Alexander  was  obliged  to  advance 
with  a  large  reserve  to  protect  his  right  flank. 
As  usual  he  attacked  wfth  his  right  centre,  and 
as  soon  as  he  had  shaken  the  troops  opposed  to 
him,  wlieeled  to  the  left,  and  made  straight  for 
the  king  hfmself,  who  occupied  the  centre  in  hia 
chariot.  Had  Darius  withstood  him  bravely  and 
for  some  time,  the  defeat  of  tlie  Macedonians' 
left  wing  would  probably  have  been  complete, 
for  the  Persian  cavalry  on  the  coast,  attacking 
the  Thessalians  on  Alexander's  left  wing,  were 
decidedly  superior,  and  the  Greek  infantry  was  at 
this  time  a  match  for  the  phalanx.  But  the 
flight  of  Darius,  and  the  panic  which  ensued 
about  him,  left  Alexander  leisure  to  turn  to  the 
assistance  of  his  hard-pressed  left  wing,  and  re- 
cover the  victory.  .  .  .  The  greatness  of  this 
victory  completely  paralyzed  all  the  revolt  pre- 
pared in  his  rear  bj  the  Persian  fleet.  Alexander 
was  now  strong  enough  to  go  on  without  any  base 
of  operation,  and  he  boldly  (in  the  manifesto  he 
addressed  to  Darius  after  the  battle)  proclaimed 
himself  King  of  Persia  by  right  of  conciuest, 
who  would  brook  no  equal.  Nevertheless,  he 
delayed  many  months  (which  the  siege  of  Tyre 
[see  Tyke:  B.  C.  332]  cost  him,  B.  C.  833),  and 
then,  passing  through  Jerusalem,  and  «liowing 
consideration  for  the  Jews,  he  again  paused  at 
the  siege  of  Gaza  [see  Gaza:  B.  C.  332],  merely, 
we  may  suppose,  to  prove  that  he  was  invinci- 
ble, and  to  settle  once  for  all  the  question  of  the 
world's  mastery.  He  delayed  again  for  a  short 
while  in  Egypt  [see  Eoypt:  B.  C.  882],  when 
he  regulated  the  country  as  a  province  under 
his  Bway,  with  kindness  towards  the  inhabitants, 
and  respect  for  their  religion,  and  founded  Alex- 
andria; nay,  he  even  here  made  his  first  essay 
in  claiming  divinity ;  and  then,  at  last,  set  out  to 
conquer  the  Eastern  provinces  of  Darius'  em- 
pire.   The  great  decisive  battle  in  the  plains  of 


2058 


MACEDONIA,  B.  C.  334-330. 


Conqueftt.i 
of  'Alexander. 


MACEDONIA,  B.  C.  330-323. 


Mfsopotnmia  (B.  C.  831)  — it  is  celled  either 
Arboln  or  QiiUBUinela —  v/na  spoken  of  a.s  a  trial 
of  strengtli,  and  tlie  enormous  nunil)er  of  the 
Persian  ravalry,  aetiiig  on  open  ground,  gav(' 
timid  people  room  to  fear;  Imt  Ale.\ander  had 
long  since  found  out,  what  the  British  have  foiuid 
in  their  many  Eastern  wars,  tliat  even  a  valiant 
cavalry  is  helpless,  if  undisciplined,  against  nn 
army  of  regulars  under  a  competent  commander. 
.  .  .  Tlie  Macedonian  had  again,  however,  failed 
to  capture  his  opponent,  for  wliieli  ho  blamed 
Parmenio.  ...  So  then,  though  the  issue  of  the 
war  was  not  doubtful,  there  was  still  a  real  and 
legitimate  rival  to  the  throne,  commanding  the 
sympathies  of  most  of  liis  subjects.  For  the 
present,  however,  Alexander  turned  his  attention 
to  occupying  the  great  capitals  of  the  Persian 
empire — capitals  of  older  kingdoms,  emboiiied 
in  the  empire.  .  .  .  These  great  cities,  Babylon 
in  Mesopotamia,  Susa  (Shuslian)  in  Elam,  Persep- 
olis  in  Persia  proper,  and  Ecbatana  in  Media, 
■were  all  full  of  ancient  wealth  and  splendour, 
adorned  with  great  palaces,  and  famed  for  mon- 
strous treasures.  The  actual  amount  of  gold 
and  silver  seized  in  these  hoards  (not  less  than 
£80,000,000  of  English  money,  and  perhaps  a 
great  deal  more)  had  a  far  larger  effect  on  the 
world  than  the  discovery  of  gold  and  silver 
mines  in  recent  times.  Every  adventurer  in  the 
army  became  suddenly  rich ;  all  the  means  and 
materials  for  luxury  which  the  long  civilization 
of  the  East  had  discovered  and  employed,  were 
suddenly  thrown  into  the  hands  of  comparatively 
rude  and  even  barbarous  soldiers.  It  was  a  prey 
such  as  the  Spaniards  found  in  Mexico  and  Peru, 
but  had  a  far  stronger  civilization,  which  must 
react  upon  the  conquerors.  And  already  Alex- 
ander showed  clear  signs  that  he  regarded  him- 
self as  no  mere  Macedonian  or  Greek  king,  but 
as  the  Emperor  of  the  East,  and  successor  in 
every  sense  of  theumortunate  Darius.  He  made 
superhuman  efforts  to  overtake  Darius  \n  his  re- 
treat from  Ecbatana  through  the  Parthian  passes 
to  the  northern  provinces  —  Baikh  and  Samar- 
caud.  The  narrative  of  this  famous  pursuit  is 
as  wonderful  as  anything  in  Alexander's  cam- 
paign. He  only  reached  the  fleeing  Persian  as 
he  was  dying  of  tlie  wounds  dealt  him  by  the 
traitor  Bessus,  his  satrap  in  Bactriu,  who  had 
aspired  to  the  crown  (B.  C.  330).  Alexander 
signally  executed  d\e  regicide,  and  himself  mar- 
ried the  daughter  of  Darius  —  who  had  no  son  — 
thus  assuming,  as  far  as  possible,  the  character 
of  Darius' legitimate  successor." — J.  P.  Mahaffy, 
T?te  Story  ofAleramler's  Empi  'e,  eh.  2-3. 

Also  in:  C.  Thirlwall,  Hisi.  ^f  ctreece.c/i.  49- 
50  (».  6). — E.  8.  Creasy,  Fifteen  Decisive  Buttles  : 
Ar/)cla.—T.  A.  Dodge,  Alemiu'-i;  eh.  18-31. 

B.  C.  330-323. — Alexander's  conquest  of 
Afghanistan,  Bactria  and  Sogdiana.— His 
invasion  of  India. — His  death  at  Babylon. 
—  His  character  and  aims. — "After  reducing 
tae  country  at  the  south  of  the  Caspian, 
Alexander  marched  east  and  south,  through 
what  is  now  Persia  and  Afghanistan.  On 
his  way  he  founded  the  colony  of  Alexandria 
Arion,  now  Herat,  an  important  mili*,ary  position 
on  the  western  border  of  Afghanistan.  At 
Prophthasia  (Purrah),  a  little  further  south,  !>p 
stayed  two  months.  .  .  .  Thence  he  went  on 
eastwards  and  founded  a  city,  said  to  be  the 
modern  Candahar,  and  then  turned  north  and 
crossed  the  Ilindo  Koosh  mountains,  founding 


another  colonv  near  what  is  now  Cabul.  Bessus 
had  int(!nde(l  to  resist  Alexander  in  Bac^tria 
(Balkh),  but  ho  tied  northwards,  and  was  taken 
and  put  to  death,  -llexandcr  kept  on  inarch- 
ing nortliwards,  and  took  Mara  Kanda,  now 
Samarcand,  the  cajiital  of  Bokhara  (IJ.  ('.  329). 
He  crossed  the  river  .laxartes  (Sir),  running 
into  the  sea  of  Aral,  and  defeated  tlie  Scyth- 
ians beyond  it,  but  did  not  penetrate  their 
country.  He  intended  the  .Taxartes  to  be  the 
northern  frontier  of  his  empire.  .  .  .  The  con- 
quest of  Sogdiana  (Bokhara)  gave  Alexander 
some  trouble,  and  occupied  him  till  the  year 
B.  C.  327.  Ill  B.  C.  327  Alexander  set  out  from 
Bactria  to  conquer  India  [see  India:  B.  C.  327- 
312].  .  .  .  Alexander  was  as  eager  for  discovery 
as  for  conquest ;  and  from  the  mouth  of  the  In- 
dus he  sent  his  fleet,  under  the  admiral  Nearchus, 
to  make  their  way  along  the  coast  to  the  nio'ith 
of  the  Euphrates.  He  himself  marched  west- 
wards with  the  army  through  the  deserts  of 
Beloochistan,  and  brought  tliem  after  terrible 
sufferings,  through  thirst,  disease,  and  fatigue, 
again  to  Persepolis  (B.  C.  324).  From  this  lie 
went  to  Susa,  where  he  stayed  some  months,  in- 
vestigating the  conduct  of  his  satraps,  and  pun- 
ishing some  of  tliem  severely.  Since  the  battle 
of  Arbela,  Alexander  had  become  more  and  more 
like  a  Persian  king  in  his  way  of  living,  al- 
though he  did  not  allow  it  to  interfere  with  his 
activity.  He  dressed  in  the  Persian  manner,  and 
took  up  the  ceremonies  of  the  Persian  court. 
The  soldiers  were  displeased  at  his  giving  up  the 
habits  of  Macedonia,  ami  at  Susa  he  provoked 
them  still  more  by  making  eightv  of  his  chief 
officers  marry  Persian  wives,  'flie  ot).iect  of 
Alexander  was  to  break  down  disflnctions  of 
race  and  country  in  his  emiiire,  and  to  abolish 
the  great  gulf  that  there  had  hitherto  been  be- 
tween the  Greeks  and  the  Asiatics.  He  also 
enrolled  many  Persians  in  the  regiments  which 
had  hitherto  contained  none  but  ilacedonians, 
and  levied  30,000  troopi  from  the  most  warlike 
districts  of  Asia,  whom  he  armed  in  the  Mace- 
donian manner.  Since  the  voyage  of  Nearchus, 
Alexander  had  def-'rmined  on  an  expedition 
against  Arabia  by  sea.  and  had  given  orders  for 
ships  to  be  built  in  Phcenieia,  and  then  taken  to 
pieces  and  carried  by  land  to  Thapsakus  on  the 
Euphrates.  At  Thapsakus  they  ve  'l  to  be  jiut 
together  again,  and  so  make  their  way  to  Baby- 
lon, from  wliicli  the  expedition  was  to  start.  In 
the  spring  of  B.  C.  323,  Alexander  set  out  from 
Susa  for  Babylon.  On  his  journey  he  was  met 
by  embassies  from  nearly  all  the  States  of  the 
known  world.  At  Babylon  he  found  the  ships 
ready :  fresh  troops  had  arrived,  both  Greek  and 
Asiatic;  and  the  expedition  was  on  the  point  of 
starting,  when  Alexander  was  seized  with  fever 
and  died  (June,  B.  C.  323).  He  was  only  thirty- 
two  years  old." — C.  A.  Fyffe,  Hist,  of  (rreece 
(Primer),  eft.  7. — "Three  great  battles  and  sev- 
eral great  sieges  made  Alexander  master  of  the 
Persian  empire.  And  it  is  worth  remark  that 
the  immediate  results  of  tlie  three  battles,  Qran- 
ikos,  Issos,  and  Gaugamela,  coincide  with  last- 
ing results  in  tlie  history  of  the  world.  The  vic- 
tory of  the  Granikos  made  Alexander  master  of 
Asia  Minor,  of  a  region  wliich  in  the  course  of  a 
few  centuries  was  thoroughly  hellenized,  and 
which  remained  Greek,  Christian,  and  Orthodox, 
down  to  the  Turkish  invii-sions  of  the  11th  cen- 
tury.   The  territory  which  Alexander  thus  won, 


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H7ir«  o/ 
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MACEDONIA,  B.  C.  323-310. 


•the  lands  from  the  Danube  to  Mount  Tnuros, 
iinHWcrcd  very  nearly  to  the  extent  of  the  By- 
ziintine  Empire  for  sevcriil  centuries,  iind  it 
might  very  po.ssibly  have  been  ruled  by  him,  as 
it  was  in  Byzantine  times,  from  an  European 
■centre.  The  field  of  Issos  cave  him  Syria  and 
Egypt,  lands  which  tlie  Sfacedonian  and  the 
Iloman  kept  for  nearly  a  thousand  years,  and 
■which  for  ages  contained,  in  Alexandria  and 
Antioch,  the  two  greatest  of  Grecian  cities. 
But  Syria  and  Egypt  themselves  never  became 
<Jreek ;  when  they  became  Cliristian,  they  failed 
to  Ixjcome  OrtlKKiox,  and  they  fell  away  at  the 
first  touch  of  the  victorious  Saracen.  Their 
government  called  for  an  Asiatic  or  Egyptian 
■capital,  but  their  ruler  might  himself  still  have 
remained  European  and  Hellenic.  His  third 
triumph  at  Gaugamela  gave  him  the  possession 
of  the  whole  East;  but  ft  was  but  a  momentary 
possession:  he  had  now  pressed  onward  into 
lands  where  neither  Grecian  culture,  lioman  do- 
minion, nor  Christian  theology  proved  in  the  end 
able  to  strike  any  lasting  root.  ...  lie  had 
gone  too  far  for  his  original  objects.  Lasting 
pos.session  of  his  conquests  beyond  the  Tigris 
could  be  kept  only  in  the  character  of  King  of 
the  Medes  and  Persians.  Policy  bade  him  put  on 
that  character.  We  can  also  fully  believe  that 
ho  was  himself  really  dazzled  with  the  splen- 
dour of  his  superhuman  success.  .  .  .  His  own 
deeds  had  outdone  those  which  were  told  of  any 
of  his  divine  forefathers  or  their  comrades; 
Achillcus,  Herakles,  Theseus,  Dionysos,  had 
done  and  suffered  Icbs  than  Alexander.  Was  it 
then  wonderful  that  he  should  seriously  1/elievo 
that  one  who  liad  outdone  their  acts  must  come 
«f  a  stock  equal  to  their  own?  AVas  it  wonder- 
ful if,  not  merely  in  pride  or  policy,  but  in 
genuine  faith,  he  disclaimed  a  human  parent  in 
Philip,  and  looked  for  the  real  father  of  the 
conqueror  and  lord  of  earth  in  the  conqi  ;ror 
and  lord  of  the  heavenly  world?  We  believe 
then  that  policy,  passion,  and  genuine  super- 
stition were  all  joined  together  in  the  demand 
which  Alexander  made  for  divine,  or  at  least  for 
unusual,  honours.  He  had  taken  the  place  of  the 
<3reat  King,  and  he  demanded  the  homage  which 
was  held  to  be  due  to  hira  who  held  that  place. 
Such  homage  his  barbarian  subjects  were  per- 
fectly ready  to  pay;  they  would  most  likely 
have  had  but  lit>'e  respect  for  a  king  who  forgot 
to  call  for  it.  But  the  homage  which  to  a  Persian 
seemed  onlv  the  natural  expression  of  respect 
for  the  royal  dignity,  s<!emed  to  Greeks  and  Mace- 
donians an  invasion  of  the  honour  due  only  'to 
the  immortal  Gods.  ...  He  not  only  sent  round 
to  all  the  cities  of  Greece  to  demand  divine 
honours,  which  were  perhaps  not  worth  refus- 
ing, but  he  ordered  each  city  to  bring  back  its 
political  exiles.  This  last  was  an  interference 
with  the  internal  government  of  tho  cities  which 
certainly  was  not  warranted  by  Alexander's  posi- 
tion as  head  of  the  Greek  Confederacy.  And, 
in  other  respects  also,  from  this  unhoppy  time 
all  the  worst  failings  of  Alexander  become  more 
strongly  developed.  .  .  .  The  unfulfilled  de- 
signs of  Alexander  must  ever  remain  in  darkness ; 
no  man  can  tell  what  might  have  been  done  by 
one  of  such  mighty  powers  who  wos  cut  off  at 
so  early  a  sta^e  of  his  career.  That  he  looked 
forward  to  still  further  conquests  seems  beyond 
doubt.  The  only  question  is.  Did  his  conquests, 
alike  those  which  were  w  jn  and  those  which  were 


still  to  be  won,  spring  from  mere  ambition  and 
love  of  adventure,  or  is  he  to  be  looked  on  as  in 
any  degree  the  intentional  missionary  of  Hel- 
lenic culture?  That  such  he  was  is  set  forth 
with  much  warmth  and  some  extravagance  In  u 
special  treatise  of  Plutarch;  it  is  argued  more 
soberly,  but  with  true  vigour  and  eloquence,  in 
the  seventh  volume  of  Bishop  Thirlwall.  Mr. 
Grote  denies  him  all  merit  of  the  kind." — E.  A. 
Freeman,  Alexander  (Hist.  Kumys,  series  2). 

Also  in:  C.  Thirlwall,  Hist,  of  Greece,  ch.  51- 
55  (p.  0-7). 

B.  C.  323-322.— Revolt  in  Greece.— The 
Lamian  War. — Subjugation  of  Athens.  See 
GuEE<  a:  B.  C.  323-322. 

B.  o.  323-316.- The  Partition  of  the  Empire 
of  Alexander. — First  Period  of  the  Wars  oi^the 
Diadochi  or  Successors  of  Alexander. — Alex- 
ander "left  his  wife  Hoxana  pregnant,  who  ut 
the  end  of  three  months  brought  into  the  world 
the  rightful  heir  to  the  sceptre,  Alexander;  he 
left  likewise  an  illegitimate  son,  Hercules;  a 
bastard  half-brother,  Arrhidoius;  his  mother, 
the  haughty  and  cruel  Olympias,  and  a  sister, 
Cleopatra;  both  ^idows;  the  artful  Eurydico, 
(daughter  to  Cyane,  one  of  Philip's  sisters,)  sub- 
sequently married  to  the  king,  Arrhidfcus ;  and 
Thessalonica,  Philip's  daughter,  afterwards  unit- 
ed to  Cassandcr  of  Macedonia.  The  weak  Ar- 
rhidnius,  under  the  name  of  Philip,  and  the  in- 
fant Alexander,  were  at  last  proclaimed  kings, 
the  regency  being  placed  in  the  hands  of  Per- 
diccas,  Leonnatus,  and  Meleager;  the  last  of 
whom  was  quickly  cut  off  at  the  instigation  of 
Perdiccas."  The  provinces  of  the  Empire  which 
Alexander  had  conquered  were  now  divided  be- 
tween the  generals  of  his  army,  who  are  known 
in  history  as  the  Diadoclii,  that  is,  the  Successors. 
The  division  was  as  follows :  ' '  Ptolemy  son  of 
Lagus  received  Egvpt  [see  Egypt:  B.  C.  323- 
30] ;  Leonnatus,  Mysia ;  Antigonus,  Phyrgia, 
Lycia,  and  Pamphylia;  Lysymachus,  Macedo-. 
nian  "Thrace;  Antipater  and  Craterus  remained 
in  possession  of  IMacedonia.  .  .  .  The  remaining 
provinces  either  did  not  come  under  tlie  new 
division  [see  Seleucidae],  or  else  their  gover- 
nors are  unworthy  of  notice." — A.  II.  L.  Heeren, 
Manual  of  Ancient  History,  p.  222. —  Meantime, 
"the  body  of  Alexander  lay  unburicd  and  neg- 
lected, and  it  was  not  until  two  j'ears  after  Ills 
death  that  his  remains  were  consigned  to  the 
tomb.  But  his  followers  still  shewed  their  re- 
spect for  his  memory  by  retaining  the  feeble 
ArrhidfBUS  on  the  throne,  and  preventing  tlie 
marriage  of  Perdiccas  with  Cleopatra,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Philip ;  a  union  which  manifestly  was  pro- 
jected to  open  a  way  to  the  throne.  But  while 
this  project  of  marriage  occupied  the  attention 
of  the  regent,  a  leagi:-;  had  secretly  been  formed 
for  his  destruction;  find  the  storm  burst  forth 
from  a  quarter  whcce  it  was  least  expected. 
.  .  .  The  barbarous  tribes  of  the  Cappadocians 
and  Paphlagonians  .  .  .  asserted  their  indepen- 
dence after  the  death  of  Alexander,  and  chose 
Ariarathes  for  their  leader.  Perdiccas  sent 
against  them  Eumenes,  who  had  hitherto  ful- 
filled the  peaceful  duties  of  a  secretary ;  and  sent 
orders  to  Antigonus  and  Lconatus,  tl:o  governors 
of  Western  Asia,  to  join  the  expedition  with  all 
their  forces.  These  commands  were  disobeyed ; 
and  Perdiccas  was  forced  to  march  with  the 
royal  army  against  the  insurgents.  He  easily 
defeated  these  undisciplined  troops,  but  sullied 


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MACEDONIA,  B.  C.  315-310. 


his  victory  by  unneccgsnry  cruelty.  On  his  re- 
turn lie  summoned  the  satrups  of  Western  Asiii 
to  appear  before  his  tribunal,  and  answer  for 
their  disobedience.  Antigoiuis,  seeing  his  dan- 
ger, entered  inio  a  league  with  Ptolemy  tlie  sa- 
trap of  Egypt,  Antipater  the  governor  of  Mace- 
don,  and  several  other  noblemen,  to  crusli  the 
regency.  Verdiccas,  on  tlie  other  hand,  leaving 
Eumenes  to  guard  Lower  Asia,  marched  witli 
the  choicest  divisions  of  the  royal  army  against 
Ptolemy,  whose  craft  and  ability  lie  dreaded  even 
more  than  his  power.  Antipater  and  Craterus 
were  early  in  the  fleld ;  they  crossed  the  Helles- 
pont with  the  army  tliat  had  been  left  for  tlie 
defence  of  Macedon.  .  .  .  Seduced  by  .  .  .  false 
information,  they  divided  their  forces;  Antipater 
hastening  tlirough  Phrygia  in  pursuit  of  Per- 
diccas,  while  Craterus  and  Neoptolemus  marched 
against  Eumenes.  They  encountered  him  in  the 
Trojan  plain,  and  were  completely  defeated. 
.  .  .  Eumenes  sent  intelligence  of  his  success  to 
Perdiccas;  but  two  diiys  before  tlio  messenger 
reached  the  royal  camp  the  regent  was  no  mor  . 
His  army,  wearied  by  the  long  siege  of  Pelusium, 
became  dissatisfied ;  their  mutinous  dispositions 
were  secretly  encouraged  by  the  emissaries  of 
Ptolemy  .  .  .  and  Perdiccas  was  murdered  in 
his  tent  (B.  C.  321).  ...  In  the  meantime  a 
brief  struggle  for  independence  had  taken  j)lace 
in  Greece,  which  is  commonly  called  the  Laminn 
.var  [seeGuKECE:  B.  C.  323-322].  .  .  .  As  soon 
as  Flolemy  had  been  informed  of  the  murder  of 
Perdiccaa.  he  came  to  the  royal  army  with  a 
large  supply  of  wine  and  provisions.  His  kind- 
ness anci  courteous  manners  so  won  upon  these 
turbulent  soldiers,  that  they  unanimously  offered 
him  the  regency ;  but  he  had  the  prudence  to  de- 
cline so  dangerous  an  office.  On  his  refusal,  the 
feeble  Arrhidajus  and  the  traitor  Python  were 
appointed  to  the  regency,  just  as  the  news  ar- 
rived of  the  recent  v'  'ory  of  Eumenes.  This 
intelligence  filled  the  loyal  army  with  indigna- 
tion. .  .  .  They  hastily  passed  a  vote  proclaim- 
ing Eumenes  and  his  adherents  public  enemies. 
.  .  .  The  advance  of  an  army  to  give  effect  to 
these  decrees  was  delayed  by  a  new  revolution. 
Eurydice,  the  wife  of  Arrhidteus,  a  woman  of 
great  ambition  and  considerable  talent  for  in- 
trigue, wrested  the  regency  from  her  feeble  hus- 
band and  Python,  but  was  stripped  of  power  on 
the  arrival  of  Antipater,  who  reproached  the 
Macedonians  for  submitting  to  the  government 
of  a  woman ;  and,  being  ably  supported  by  An- 
tigonus  and  Seleucus,  obtained  for  himself  the 
office  of  regent.  No  sooner  had  Antipater  been 
invested  witli  supreme  power  than  he  sent  Arrhi- 
daius  and  Eurydice  prisoners  to  Pella,  and  en- 
trusted the  conduct  of  the  war  against  Eumenes 
to  the  crafty  and  ambitious  Antigonus.  .  .  . 
Eumenes  was  unable  to  cope  witli  the  forces  sent 
against  him ;  having  been  defeated  in  the  open 
fleld,  he  took  shelter  in  Nora,  a  Cappadocian 
city,  and  maintained  a  vigorous  defence,  reject- 
ing the  many  tempting  offers  by  wliicli  Anti- 
gonus endeavoured  to  win  him  to  the  support  of 
his  designs  (B.  C.  318).  The  death  of  Antipater 
produced  a  new  revolution  in  tlie  empire;  and 
Eumcp- J  in  the  meantime  escaped  from  Nora, 
.  .^^iiipanied  by  his  principal  friends.  .  .  .  An- 
tipater, at  his  death  ot  "ueathed  the  regency  to 
Polysperchon,  excluding  his  son  Cassander  from 
power  on  account  of  his  criminal  intrigues  with 
the  wicked  and  ambitious  Eurydice.    Though  a 


brave  general,  Polysperchon  had  not  the  qualifl- 
cal ions  of  a  statesman;  he  provoked  the  power- 
ful resentment  of  Antigonus  by  entering  into  a 
close  alliance  witli  Eumenes;  and  he  permitted 
Cassander  to  strengthen  himself  in  southern 
Greece,  wliero  he  st'ized  the  strong  fortress  of 
Munychia.  .  .  .  Polysperchon,  unable  to  drive 
Cassander  from  Attica,  entered  the  Peiojionnesus 
to  punish  tlie  Arcadians,  and  engaged  in  a  fruit- 
less siege  of  Megalopolis.  In  the  meantime 
Olympias,  to  whom  he  had  confliled  the  govern- 
ment of  Macedon,  seized  Arrhidieus  ami  Eu- 
rydice, whom  she  had  murdered  in  prison.  Cas- 
sander hasted,  at  the  head  of  all  his  forces,  to 
avenge  the  death  of  his  mistress:  Olympias,  un- 
able to  meet  him  in  the  fleld,  fled  to'Pydna;  but 
the  city  was  forced  to  surrender  after  a  brief  de- 
fence, and  Olympias  was  immediately  put  to 
death.  Among  the  captives  were  Uo.xaiia  tlio 
widow,  Alexaniler  ^Egus  the  p\istliumou3  son, 
and  Thessalouica  the  youngest  daughter,  of 
Alexander  the  Great.  Cassander  sought  and  ob- 
tiiined  the  han<l  of  the  latter  princess,  and  thus 
consoled  himself  for  the  loss  of  his  beloved  Eu- 
rydice. By  this  marriage  he  acquired  such  in- 
fluence, that  Polysperclion  did  not  venture  to 
return  liomi;,  but  continued  in  the  Peloponnesus, 
where  he  retained  for  some  time  a  shadow  of  au- 
thority over  the  few  Macedonians  who  still  clung 
to  the  family  of  Alexander.  In  Asia,  Eumenes 
maintained  the  royal  cause  against  Antigonus, 
though  deserted  by  all  the  satraps,  and  harassed 
by  the  mutinous  dispositions  of  his  troops,  especi- 
ally the  Argyraspides,  a  body  of  guards  that 
Alexander  had  raised  to  attend  his  own  person, 
and  presented  with  tlie  silver  shields  from  which 
they  derived  their  name.  After  a  long  struggle, 
both  armies  ioined  in  a  decisive  engagement; 
the  Argyraspides  broke  the  hostile  infantry,  but 
learning  tliat  their  baggage  had  in  the  meantime 
been  captured  by  tlie  liglit  troops  of  the  enemy, 
they  mutinied  in  tlie  very  moment  of  victory, 
antl  delivered  their  leader,  bound  with  his  own 
sash,  into  the  hands  of  his  merciless  enemy  (B.  C. 
315).  The  faitliful  Eumenes  was  put  to  death 
by  the  traitorous  Antigonus;  but  he  punished 
tlie  Argyraspides  for  their  treachery." — W.  C. 
Taylor,  The  titmUnl't  Manual  of  Ancient  Ui»tory, 
ch.  11,  aeH.  3. 

Also  in:  P.  Smith,  Hist,  of  the  World:  An- 
cient, ch.  17  (r.  2). — O.  Grote,  Hist,  of  Greece,  eh. 
96  (p.  13).— See,  also,  Gueece:  B.  C.  331-312. 

B.  C.  315-310. — The  first  leag^ue  and  war 
against  Antigonus. —Extermination  of  the 
heirs  of  Alexander. — "Antigonus  was  now  un- 
questiouabiy  the  most  powerful  of  the  successors 
of  Alexander  the  Great.  As  master  of  Asia.  \\i 
ruled  over  those  vast  and  rich  lands  that  ex- 
tended from  India  to  tlie  Mediterranean  Sea. 
.  .  .  Although  nearly  seventy  years  old,  and 
blind  in  one  eye,  he  still  preserved  the  vigor  of 
his  forces.  .  .  .  He  was  fortunate  in  being  as- 
sisted by  a  son,  the  famous  Demetrius,  who, 
though  .^"ssessed  of  a  very  passionate  nature, 
yet  from  ca."  '  vouth  displaj'cd  wonderful  mili- 
tary ability,  i. .  -^ve  all,  the  prominent  repre- 
sentatives of  tlie  roy..  'amily  had  disappeared, 
and  there  remained  only  the  youthful  Alexan- 
der, Ilerakles,  the  illegitimate  son  of  Alexander 
the  Great,  who  had  no  law  f ul  claim  whatever  to  the 
sovereignty,  and  two  daughters  of  Philip,  Kleo- 
patra,  who  lived  at  Sardis,  and  Thessalonike, 
whom  Kassander  had  recently  married — none  of 


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MACEDONIA,  B.  C.  310-801. 


whom  were  suftlciently  strong  to  assert  thoir 
rijfhts  to  the  throne.  Thus  Antig()n\is  seemed 
indeed  destined  to  l)eeonu!  vieiir  nnd  muster  of 
tlie  entire  Alexfindriiin  liinjfdom,  and  to  re.store 
tlie  unity  of  tlie  empire.  But  not  only  was  this 
union  not  realized,  but  even  tlie  great  realm 
which  Antlgonus  hi;.'  established  in  Asia  was 
doomed  to  incvitaldi;  destruction.  The  generals 
who  possessed  the  various  satrapies  of  the  em- 
pire could  not  bear  his  supremacy,  and  accord- 
mgly  entered  into  a  convention,  which  gnidually 
ripened  into  an  active  alliance  against  him.  The 
principal  organ  of  this  movement  was  Seleukus, 
who,  having  escaped  to  Ptolemy  of  Egvpt,  tirst 
of  all  persiuided  the  latter  to  form  an  alliance  — 
which  Kassander  of  Macedonia  and  Lysimachus 
of  Thrace  -eadily  joined  —  against  the  formidable 
power  of  Antlgonus.  The  war  lasted  for  four 
years,  and  was  carried  on  in  Asia,  Europe,  and 
Africa.  Its  fortunes  were  vnrious  [the  most 
noteworthy  event  being  a  bloody  defeat  inflicted 
upon  Demetrius  the  son  of  Antlgonus,  by 
Ptolemy,  at  Gaza,  in  313],  but  the  result  was 
not  decisive.  ...  In  811  B.  C.  a  compact  was 
made  between  Antigonus  on  one  side,  and  Kas- 
sander, Ptolemy,  and  Lysimachus  on  the  other, 
whereby  '  the  supreme  command  in  Europe  was 
guantnteed  to  Kassander,  until  the  maturity  of 
Alexander,  son  of  Roxana ;  Thrace  being  at  the 
same  time  assured  to  Lysimachus,  Egypt  to 
Ptolemy,  and  the  whole  of  Asia  to  Antlgonus. 
It  was  at  the  same  time  covenanted  by  all  that 
the  Hellenic  cities  should  be  free.'  Evidently 
this  peace  contained  the  seeds  of  new  disputes 
and  increasing  jealousies.  The  first  act  of  Kas- 
sander was  to  cause  the  death  of  Roxana  and 
her  child  in  the  fortress  of  Amphipolis,  where 
they  had  been  confined;  and  thus  disappeared 
forever  the  only  link  winch  apparently  main- 
tained the  union  of  the  empiie,  and  a  ready 
career  now  lay  open  to  the  ambition  of  the  suc- 
cessors. Again,  the  name  of  Seleukus  was  not 
even  mentioned  in  the  peace,  wlnlo  it  was  well 
known  at  the  time  it  was  concluded  that  he  had 
firmly  established  his  rule  over  the  eastern  sa- 
trapies of  Asia.  .  .  .  The  troops  also  of  Antigo- 
nus, notwithstanding  the  treaty,  still  remaned 
in  Hellas,  under  command  of  his  nepluw 
Ptolemy.  Ptolemy  of  Egypt,  therefore,  accui- 
ing  Antigoniis  of  having  contravened  the  treaty 
by  garrisoning  various  Hellenic  cities,  re- 
newed the  war  and  the  triple  alliaijce  against 
him. "  A  series  of  assassinations  soon  followed, 
which  put  out  of  the  way  the  young  prince 
llerakles,  bastard  son  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
and  Kleopatra,  the  sister  of  Alexander,  who  was 
preparing  to  wed  Ptolemy  of  Egypt  when  An- 
tigonus brought  about  her  murder,  to  prevent 
the  marriage.  Another  victim  of  the  jealousies 
that  were  rife  among  the  Diadochi  was  Antigo- 
nus' nephew  Ptolemy,  who  had  deserted  his 
uncle's  side,  but  who  was  killed  by  the  Egyp- 
tian Ptolemy.  "For  more  thai  "n  years  .  .  . 
Antigonus,  Ptolemy,  Lysimar'  nnd  Kassan- 
der successively  promised  V  the  Greeks 
independent,  free,  and  ungual  mt  the  latter 
never  ceased  to  be  guarded,  ta-  ind  ruled  by 
Alacedonian  despots.  We  may,  imteed,  say  that 
the  cities  of  Hellas  never  before  had  siijBfered 
so  much  as  during  the  time  when  such  great 
promises  were  made  about  their  liberty.  The 
.^tolians  alone  still  possessed  their  indepen- 
dence.   Rough,  courageous,  warlike,  and  fond 


of  freedom,  they  continued  fighting  against  the 
Macedonian  rule."— T.  T.  Timayenis,  Jlist.  of 
Greece,  pt.  i),  eh.  ,"5  (r.  2). 

Ai.HO  IN:  J.  P.  Mahaffy,  Story  of  Alexander' » 
Empire,  eh.  5-0. 

B.  C.  310-301.—  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  at 
Athens.— His  siege  of  Rhodes.— The  last  com- 
bination against  Antigonus. — His  defeat  and 
death  at  Ipsus. — Partition  of  his  dominions. — 
After  tlie  war  which  was  renewed  in  310  B.  C. 
had  lasted  three  years,  "Antigonus  resolved  to 
make  a  vigorous  effort  to  wrest  Greece  from  the 
hands  of  Cassander  and  Ptolemy,  who  held  all  the 
principal  towns  in  it.  Accordmgly,  in  the  sum- 
mer of  307  B.  C. ,  he  despatched  his  son  Demetrius 
from  Ephesiis  to  Athens,  with  a  fleet  of  850  sail, 
and  5,000  talents  in  money.  Demetrius,  who 
afterwards  obtained  the  surname  of  '  Poliorcetes,' 
or  'Besieger  of  Cities,'  was  a  young  man  of  ar- 
dent temperament  and  great  abilities.  Upon 
arriving  at  the  Pira;us,  he  immcdiatel  v  proclaimed 
the  object  of  his  expedition  to  be  the  liberation 
of  Athens  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Alacedoniau 
garrison.  Supported  by  the  Macedonians,  Deme- 
trius the  Phalerean  had  now  ruled  Athens  for  a 
period  of  more  than  ten  years.  .  .  .  During  the 
first  perio<l  of  his  administration  he  appears  to 
have  governed  wisely  and  equitably,  to  have  im- 
proved tlie  Atlienian  laws,  and  to  have  adorned 
the  city  with  useful  buildings.  But  in  spite  of 
his  pretensions  to  philosophy,  the  possession  of 
uncontrolled  power  soon  altered  his  character  for 
the  worse,  and  he  became  remarkable  for  luxury, 
ostentation,  and  sensuality.  Hence  he  gradually 
lost  the  popularity  which  he  had  once  enjoyecf. 
.  .  .  The  Athenians  heard  witli  pleasure  the 
proclamations  of  the  son  of  Antigonus ;  his  name- 
sake, the  Phalerean,  was  obliged  to  surrender  the 
city  to  him,  and  to  close  his  political  career  by 
retiring  to  Thebes.  .  .  .  Demetrius  Poliorcetes 
then  formally  announced  to  the  Athenian  assem- 
bly the  restoration  of  th(!ir  ancient  constitution, 
and  promised  them  a  large  donative  of  corn  and 
ship-timber.  Tliis  muniticcnce  was  repaid  by  the 
Athenians  with  the  basest  and  most  abject  flat- 
tery [see  Gueece:  B.  C.  307-197].  .  .  .  Deme- 
trius Poliorcetes  did  not  remain  long  at  Athens. 
Early  in  306  B.  C.  he  was  recalled  by  liis  father, 
and,  sailing  to  Cyprus,  undertook  the  siege  of 
Salamis.  Ptolemy  hastened  to  its  relief  with  140 
vessels  and  10,000  troops.  The  battle  that  en- 
sued was  one  of  the  most  memorable  in  the  annals 
01  ancient  naval  warfare,  more  particularly  ou 
account  of  the  vast  size  of  the  vessels  engaged. 
Ptolemy  was  completely  defeated;  and  so  im- 
portiint  was  the  victory  deemed  by  Antigonus, 
that  on  the  strength  of  it  he  assumed  the  title  of 
king,  which  he  also  conferred  upon  his  son.  This 
example  was  followed  by  Ptolemy,  Selencus,  and 
Lysimachus.  Encouraged  by  their  success  at 
Cyprus,  Antigonus  and  Demetrius  made  a  vain 
attempt  upon  Egypt,  which,  however,  prove('  a 
disastrous  failure.  By  way  of  revenge,  Deme- 
trius imdertook  an  expedition  against  Rhodes, 
which  had  refused  its  aid  in  the  attack  upon 
Ptolemy.  It  was  from  the  memorable  siege  of 
Rhodes  that  Demetrius  obtained  his  name  of 
Poliorcetes.  .  .  .  After  a  year  spent  in  the  vain 
attempt  to  take  the  town,  Demetrius  was  forced 
to  retire  and  grant  the  Rhodians  peace  [see 
Rhodes:  B.  C.  305-3041.  Whilst  Demetrius  was 
thus  employed,  Cassander  had  made  great  prog- 
ress in  reducing  Greece.     He  had  taken  Corinth, 


2062 


Burl-  a  MTttndJi  Co  LtKRiita, 


MACEDONIA,  B.  C.  810-801. 


U'dCH  (»/ 

the  IHiuiochi. 


MACEDONIA,  B.  C.  297-280. 


and  wnH  bofilcglng  Athcnfi,  wlion  Demetrius 
entered  the  Euripu!i.  CaH«!in<ler  immedintely 
rnl.'k'd  the  siege,  iind  wna  suhseciuently  defeiited 
In  im  iiction  neiir  TlxTniopjIic.  VVlu'n  Deiiic- 
trills  entered  Athens  he  wns  reeelved  iis  before 
with  the  most  e.xtniviigii'  lliitteries.  He  re- 
ninincd  two  or  three  yc  in  Oreeee,  during 
wlileh  his  superiority  over  t  iissimder  wiis  deeided, 
tliougli  no  great  linttlo  wiis  fouglit.  In  tlie 
spring  of  301  D.  C.  lie  was  recalle<l  liy  Ids  fiillier 
Antigonus,  who  stoixl  in  need  of  his  assistance 
against  Lysiinnehus  and  Beleiieus.  In  the  eoiinso 
or  the  same  year  tlic  struggle  between  Antigonus 
and  Ills  rivals  was  brought  to  a  close  by  the  bat- 
tle of  Ipsus  In  Phrygia,  in  which  Antlgoniw  was 
killed,  and  his  army  completely  defeated.  Antig- 
<mus  had  attained  the  ago  of  81  at  the  time  of 
his  deatli.  Demetrius  retreated  witli  the  remnant 
of  the  army  to  Ephesus,  whence  ho  sailed  to 
Cyprus,  anil  afterwards  propo,sed  to  go  to  Athens ; 
but  the  Athenians,  alienated  by  his  ill- fortune  at 
Ipsus,  refused  to  receive  him.'  — W.  Smith,  IHhI. 
of  Ureec;  c/i.  43.— "After  the  battle  [of  Ipsus] 
it  remained  for  the  conquerors  to  divide  the  spoil. 
TIio  dominions  of  Antigonus  were  actually  in  the 
hands  of  Scleiicus  and  Lyslmachug,  and  they 
ulono  had  achieved  the  victory.  It  does  not 
appear  that  they  consulted  either  of  their  allies 
on  the  partition,  though  it  seems  tliat  tliey  ob- 
tained the  assent  of  Cassander.  They  agreed  to 
share  all  that  Antigonus  had  pos-sessed  between 
themselves.  It  is  not  clear  on  wliat  principle  the 
line  of  demarcation  was  drawn,  nor  is  it  possi- 
ble to  trace  it.  But  the  greater  part  of  Asia 
Minor  was  given  to  Lysimaehus.  The  portion  of 
Seleucus  included  not  only  the  whole  country  be- 
tween the  coast  of  Syria  and  the  Eunhrates,  but 
also,  it  seems,  a  part  of  Phrygia  and  of  Cappa- 
docia.  Cilicia  was  a.ssigiie(l  to  Cassander's 
brother  Pleistarchus.  With  regard  to  Syria  how- 
ever a  dilllculty  remained.  The  greater  part  of 
It  had  .  .  .  been  conquered  by  Ptolemy:  Tyre 
and  Sidon  alone  were  still  occupied  by  the  garri- 
sons of  Antigonus.  Ptolemy  had  at  least  as  good 
a  right  as  his  ally  to  all  that  he  possessed.  .  .  . 
Seleucus  liowever  began  to  take  possession  of  it, 
and  when  Ptolemy  pressed  his  claims  returned  an 
answer,  mild  in  sound,  but  threatening  in  its  im- 
port .  .  .  :  and  it  appears  that  Ptolemy  was  in- 
duced to  withdraw  his  opposition.  There  were 
however  also  some  native  princes  [Ardoates  in 
Armenia,  and  Mithridates,  son  of  Ariobarzanes, 
in  Pontus  —  see  Mithridatic  Wars]  wlio  had 
taken  advantage  of  the  contests  between  the 
Macedonian  chiefs  to  establish  their  authority 
over  e.xtensive  territories  in  the  west  of  Asia. 
...  So  far  as  regards  Asia,  the  battle  of  Ipsus 
must  be  considered  as  a  disastrous  event.  Not 
because  it  transferred  the  power  of  Antigonus 
into  different  hands,  nor  because  it  would  have 
been  more  desirable  that  he  should  have  tri- 
umphed over  Seleucus.  But  the  new  distribution 
of  territory  led  to  calamitous  consequences,  which 
might  perhaps  otherwise  have  been  averted.  If 
the  empire  of  Seleucus  had  remained  confined  be- 
tween the  Indus  and  the  Euphrates,  it  might 
have  subsisted  mucli  longer,  at  least,  as  a  barrier 
against  the  inroads  of  the  barbarians,  who  at  last 
obliterated  all  the  traces  of  European  civilisation 
left  there  by  Alexander  and  his  successors.  But 
shortly  after  his  victory,  Seleucus  founded  his 
new  capital  on  the  Orontes,  called,  after  his 
father,  Antiochia,  peopling  it  with  the  inhabi- 


tants of  Antigonia.  It  liocamc  the  residcnro  of 
his  dynasty,  and  grow,  while  their  vast  empire 
dwindled  into  the  Syrian  monarchy.  For  the 
prospects  of  Greece,  on  the  other  liand,  the  fall 
of  Autigimiis  must  clearly  be  accounted  an  ad- 
vantage, so  far  as  tlie  effect  was  to  dlsnieml>er 
his  territory,  and  to  distriliutc  it  so  that  the  most 
powerful  of  his  successors  was  at  the  greatest  dis- 
tance. It  was  a  gain  that  .Macedonia  was  left  an 
independent  kingdom,  within  it.s  ancient  limita, 
and  bounded  on  the  north  by  a  state  of  superior 
strength.  It  does  not  appear  that  any  compact 
was  made  between  Ca.nsaniler  and  his  allies  as  to 
the  possession  of  On-ece.  It  was  probably  under- 
stood that  he  gliould  keep  whatever  he  might  ac- 
(|iiire  there."— C.  Thirlwall,  IIM.  of  Oreeee,  eh. 
51)  (p.  7). 

Also  in:  B.  O.  Niebuhr,  Fjcett.  on  Ancient 
IIM.,  leet.  80-87(0.  8). 

B.  C.  207-280. —  Death  of  Casander.— In- 
trigues of^Ptolemy  Keraunos.— Overthrow  and 
death  of  Lysimaehus. — Abdication  and  death 
of  Ptolemy. — Murder  of  Seleucus. — Seizure  of 
the  Macedonian  crown  by  Keraunos. — "('as- 
ander  died  of  disease  (a  rare  end  among  this 
seed  of  dragon's  teeth)  in  297  B.  C,  and  so  the 
Greeks  were  left  to  as.sert  their  liberty,  and  De- 
metrius to  maehinato  and  effect  his  establishment 
on  the  throne  of  Jlaeedonia,  as  well  us  to  keep 
the  world  in  fear  and  suspense  by  ills  naval 
forces,  and  his  preparations  to  reconquer  his 
father's  position.  Lysimaehus,  Seleucus,  and 
Ptolemy  were  watching  one  another,  and  al- 
ternating in  alliance  and  in  war.  All  these 
l)rinc<'s,  as  well  as  Demetrius  and  Pyrrlius,  king 
of  Epirus.  were  connected  in  marriage;  they  all 
married  n  many  wives  as  they  pleased,  appar- 
ently without  remonstrance  from  tlieir  previous 
consorts.  So  the  whole  complex  of  the  warring 
kings  were  in  close  family  relations.  .  .  .  Pyrrhus 
was  now  a  very  rising  and  ambitious  prince ;  if 
not  in  alliance  with  Demetrius,  he  was  striving 
to  extend  his  kingdom  of  Epirusinto  Macedonia, 
and  would  doubtless  have  succeeded,  but  for  the 
superior  power  of  Lysimaehus.  This  Thracian 
monarch,  in  spite  of  serious  reverses  against  tlie 
barbarians  of  the  North,  who  took  both  him  and 
his  son  prisoners,  and  released  them  very  chival- 
rously, about  this  time  possessed  a  solid  and 
secure  kingdom,  and  moreover  an  able  and 
righteous  son,  Agatliocles,  so  that  his  dynasty 
might  have  been  establislied,  but  for  the  poison- 
ous influence  of  Arsinoe,  the  daughter  of  Ptolemy, 
whom  he,  an  old  man,  had  married  in  token  of 
an  alliance  after  the  battle  of  Ipsus.  .  .  .  The 
family  quarrel  which  upset  the  world  arose  in 
this  wise.  To  seal  tlie  alliance  after  Ipsus,  old 
king  Ptolemy  sent  his  daughter  Arsinoe  to  marry 
his  rival  and  friend  Lysimaehus,  who,  on  his 
side,  had  sent  his  daughter,  another  Arsinoe,  in 
marriage  to  the  younger  Ptolemy  (Philadelphus). 
This  was  the  second  son  of  the  great  Ptolemy, 
who  had  chosen  him  for  the  throne  in  preference 
to  his  eldest  son,  Keraunos,  a  man  of  violent  and 
reckless  character,  who  accordingly  left  the 
country,  and  went  to  seek  his  fortune  at  foreign 
courts.  Meanwhile  the  old  Ptolemy,  for  safety's 
sake,  installed  his  second  son  as  king  of  Egypt 
during  his  own  life,  and  abdicated  at  the  age  of 
83  [B.  C.  283],  full  of  honours,  nor  did  he  leave 
tlio  cimrt,  where  he  appeared  as  a  subject  before 
his  son  as  king.  Keraunos  naturally  visited,  in 
the  first,  instance,  the  Thracian  court,  where  he 


2063 


MACEDONIA,  B.  C.  207-880. 


Thr  Inal  of  the 
Dimlm-hl. 


MAC^KDONIA,  B.  C.  277-244. 


not  nnlv  lind  a  half  RiRtor  (Arainnp)  qiioen,  hut 
wlipii'  IiIh  full  KlKtcr,  IiyHiindrii,  wuii  inarrlcfl  to 
till'  fToxvii  prince,  till-  Ki>">i'>t  "ixl  i><>|>uliir 
AKnt'Micli'H;  liut'  KrriiuMDH  luul  the  <|uc(>n  ('(lu- 
splri'il  iipiinHt  tliJH  prince;  they  perHuiiiled  old 
LvHlnmclitis  tlmt  he  wiis  a  traitor,  ami  so  Ke- 
rauiiiiH  wiiH  directed  to  put  him  to  death.  This 
crliiie  cauHcd  unuHUiil  excitement  and  odium  ull 
tlirouKh  the  country,  and  the  relationH  and  party 
of  tlie  murdered  [irincu  called  on  HtdeucuH  to 
avenj^e  him.  He  diil  ho,  and  advanced  with  an 
uriiiy  a^ainHt  liyNiiimclnm,  wliom  he  defeated 
and  hIi'w  in  a  ^reat  liattle,  Nomewhere  not  far 
from  the  Held  of  IpHun.  It  was  called  i\w  plain 
of  Coroii  (H.  (;.  2S1).  Thus  died  the  last  hut  one 
of  Alexander's  Companions,  at  the  aj^u  of  '10,  he, 
t<K),  in  hattle.     Ptolemy  was  already  laid  in  his 

f)eaceful  grave  (H.  C;.  28!1).  There  remained  the 
ast  and  greatest,  the  king  of  Asia,  Heleiicus. 
He,  however,  gave  up  all  his  Asiatic  possessions 
from  the  Hellespont  to  tlio  Indus  to  his  son  An- 
tlochus,  and  meant  to  spend  his  last  years  in  the 
home  of  his  fathers,  Macedonia;  hut  as  he  was 
entering  that  kingiloni  he  was  murdered  hy 
Keraunos,  whom  he  brought  with  him  in  his 
train.  This  bloodthirsty  adventurer  was  thus 
left  with  an  army  which  ha(I  no  leader,  in  a 
kingdom  which  had  no  king;  for  Dcmi'trius'  son, 
Antigoniis,  the  strongest  claimant,  had  not  yet 
made  good  his  position.  All  the  other  kings, 
whose  heads  were  full  with  their  newly  acquired 
sovranlies,  viz.,  Antiochus  in  Asio  and  Ptolemy 
II.  in  Egypt,  joine<l  with  Keraunos  in  buying 
olT  the  dangerous  Pyrrhus  [king  of  Epirus  — 
see  Komk:  H.  C.  282-275],  by  brilws  of  men, 
nioticy,  and  elephants,  to  make  his  expedition  to 
Italy,  and  leave  them  to  settle  their  aiiairs.  The 
Greek  cities,  as  usual,  when  there  was  a  change 
of  sovran  in  Macedonia,  rose  and  asserted  what 
they  were  pleased  to  call  their  liberty,  so  pre- 
venting Antigonus  frotn  recovering  his  father's 
dominions.  Meanwhile  Keraunos  established 
bimsclf  in  Macedonia;  ho  even,  like  our  Rich- 
ard, induced  the  queen,  his  step-sister,  his  old 
accomplice  ogaiiist  Agathoclos,  to  marry  him! 
but  it  was  only  to  murder  her  children  by  Ly- 
simaclius,  the  only  dangerous  claimants  to  the 
Thraciim  provinces.  The  wretched  queen  fled  to 
Samotliracc,  and  thence  to  Egypt,  where  she 
ended  her  guilty  and  chequered  career  as  queen 
of  her  full  brother  Ptolemv  II.  (Pliiladelphus), 
and  was  deified  during  licr  life !  Such  then  was 
the  state  of  Alexander's  Empire  in  280  B.  C. 
All  the  first  Diadoclii  were  dead,  and  so  were 
even  the  sons  of  two  of  them,  Demetrius  and 
Agath<x;lcs.  The  son  of  the  former  was  a  claim- 
ant for  the  throne  of  Macedonia,  which  lie  ac- 
quired after  long  and  doubtful  struggles.  Anti- 
Oi'lius,  who  had  long  been  regent  of  the  Eastern 
provinces  beyond  Mesopotamia,  had  come  sud- 
denly, by  his  father's  murder,  into  possession  of 
so  vast  a  kingdom,  that  he  coull  not  control  the 
coast  of  Asia  Minor,  where  sundry  free  cities 
and  dynasts  sought  to  establish  themselves. 
I'toleray  II.  was  already  king  of  Egypt,  includ- 
ing the  suzerainty  of  Cyrene,  and  hiui  claims  on 
Palestine  and  Syria.  Ptolemy  Keraunos,  the 
double-dyed  v'.lluin  and  murderer,  was  in  pos- 
session of  the  throne  of  Macedonia,  but  at  war 
with  the  claimant  Antigonus.  Pyrrhus  of 
Epirus  was  gone  to  conquer  a  new  kingdom  in 
the  West.  Such  was  the  state  of  things  when  a 
terrible  new  scourge  [the  invasion  of  the  Qauls] 


broke  over  the  worid."  — .1.  P.  MalmlTy,  Tlif 
Storii  of  AUxiiiiiUr'ii  Empire,  rh.  7. 

Ai.Ko  in:  C.  Thirlwall,  llUt.  of  Oreere,  rh.  00 
(r.  8). 

B.  C.  a8o-a79.— Invation  hj  the  Gauls.— 
Death  of  Ptolemy  Keraunoa.  H''e  Oaii.h:  li.  C. 
280-271t. 

B.  C.  277-344.— Strife  for  the  throne.— Fail- 
ures of  Pyrrhus. — Success  of  Antigonus  Gona- 
tus. — His  subjugation  of  Athens  and  Corinth. 
—  "On  the  retirement  of  the  Oauls,  Antlpater, 
the  nephew  of  CasHiuider,  came  forward  for  the 
sectmd  time,  ond  was  accepted  as  king  by  a  por- 
tion, at  any  rate,  of  the  Macedonians.  Hut  a 
nc!W  pretender  soon  ai)|i('ared  upon  the  scene. 
Antigonus  Oonatus.  the  son  of  Demetrius  Polior- 
cetes,  who  liad  maintained  himself  since  tliat 
monarch's  captivity  as  an  independent  prince  in 
Central  or  Southern  Hellas,  claimed  the  throne 
once  tilled  by  his  father,  and,  having  taken  Into 
his  service  a  body  of  Gallic  murceuaries,  de- 
feated Antlpater  and  made  himself  master  of 
Macedonia.  His  pretensions  tieing  disputed  Iiy 
Antiochus  Hoter,  the  son  of  Seleucus,  who  had 
succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Syria,  he  engaged  in 
war  with  that  prince,  crossing  into  Asia  and 
uniting  his  forces  with  those  of  Nicomudes,  the 
Bithynian  king,  whom  \ntiochii8  was  endeav- 
ouring to  conquer.  To  this  comliination  Anti- 
ochus was  forced  to  yield:  relinquishing  his 
claims,  he  gave  his  sister,  Phila,  in  marriage  to 
Antigonus,  and  recognised  him  as  king  of  Mace- 
donia. Antigonus  upon  this  fully  estalilished  his 
power,  repulsing  a  fresh  attack  of  tlie  Gauls. 
.  .  .  But  lie  was  not  long  left  in  repose.  In  B.  C. 
274,  Pyrrhus  finally  quilted  Italy,  having  failed 
in  all  his  schemes,  but  having  made  himself  a 
great  reputation.  Landing  in  Epirus  with  a 
scanty  force,  he  found  the  condition  of  Macedo- 
nia and  of  Greece  favourable  to  his  ambition. 
Antigonus  had  no  hold  on  the  affections  of  his 
subjects,  whose  recollections  of  his  father,  De- 
metrius, were  iinpleasing.  The  Greek  cities 
were,  some  of  them,  under  tyrants,  others  occu- 
pied against  their  will  liy  Macedonian  garrisons. 
Above  all,  Greece  and  Alacedonia  were  full  of 
military  adventurers,  ready  to  flock  to  any  stan- 
danl  which  offered  them  a  fair  prospect  of  plun- 
(ler.  Pyrrhus,  therefore,  having  taken  a  bmly 
of  Celts  into  his  pay,  declared  war  against  An- 
tigonus, B.  C.  273,  and  suddenly  Invaded  Mocc- 
donia,  Antigonus  gave  him  battle,  but  was 
worsted,  owing  to  the  disaffection  of  his  soldiers, 
and  lieing  twice  defeated  became  a  fugitive  and 
a  wanderer.  The  victories  of  Pyrrhus,  and  Ills 
son  Ptolemy,  placed  the  Macedonian  crown  upon 
the  brow  of  the  former,  who  might  not  improba- 
bly have  become  the  founder  of  a  great  power, 
if  he  could  have  turned  his  attention  to  consoli- 
dation, instead  of  looking  out  for  fresh  conquests. 
But  the  arts  and  employments  of  peace  liad  no 
charm  for  tlie  Epirotic  knight-errant.  Hardly 
was  he  settled  in  Ids  seat  wlien,  upon  the  invita- 
tion of  Cleonymus  of  Sparta,  he  led  an  expedi- 
tion into  the  Peloponnese,  and  attempted  the 
conquest  of  that  rough  and  dilllcult  region.  Re- 
pulsed from  Sparta,  wliicli  he  liad  hoped  to  sur- 
prise, he  sought  to  cover  his  disappointment  by 
the  capture  of  Argos ;  but  here  he  was  still  more 
unsuccessful.  Antigonus,  now  once  more  ot  the 
head  of  an  army,  watched  the  city,  prepared  to 
dispute  its  ocoipation,  wliilc  the  lately  threatened 
Spartans  hung    -pou  the  invader's  rear.     In  .t 


2064 


MACKDONIA.  B.  C.  277-844. 


MADIUn. 


ilosprrnlp  iittcmpt  foBolzc  llic  pliiro  by  ni)flit,  tlin 
nilvnitiiroiiH  Kplroti"  wiih  llrxt  woiiiiilcil  liy  ii 
aolilicr  iiikI  tlicn  hIjiIii  by  tlir  lilow  of  u  tile, 
thrown  froiii'ii  li()iiK<'ti)i)  ^ly  mi  Arjtivc  womiiri. 
n.  C.  a71.  Oil  till-  flciith  of  I'yrrI  m  tlii-  Miicc 
(Ionian  tlirono  wiih  rcrovcrccl  liy  AntiKoniis,  wlio 
(•oininen(T(l  liix  Ht'cond  rci^jn  by  cHtiibliHliiiiK  liitt 
itilliK'ncc  over  inoHt  of  tim  Vcloponncw,  iiftcr 
wliicli  lie  WIIH  cMKii^cii  in  ii  loiiK  vviir  witli  tlic 
Atlii'iiiiuiH(i).  ('.  'iW  lo  2flH),  will)  wore  Hupporlcci 
liy  Spiirtji  iind  liy  Kgypt  [sec  Atiiknh;  II.  ('.  2HH- 
2fll(|.  Tiicsc  iillleH  r<Mi<ierf<l,  liowcvcr,  liiit  iiltlc 
lu'lp;  iind  AtliciiH  iiiuHt  Imyn  hoop  Hii('<'iimb(Mi, 
liii(l  not  Antigoiiiis  been  ciilicd  iiwiiy  to  Mncc- 
donia  by  till!  inviiHion  of  Ait-ximdcr,  Hi  n  of  I'yr- 
rliUH.  TliiH  cntcrprixiii);  prince  curried,  iit  lirnt, 
nil  bcfori!  biin,  nnd  wiih  cycn  itcknowlcdf^cd  uh 
Mitccdoniiin  kiii^;  but  cm  Ioiik  DcnictriiiH,  the 
Hon  of  AnliKonuH,  ImvinR  dcfciitcd  Alexander 
nciir  Dcrdiii.  re  cHtiiblished  bin  father's  dominion 
over  Macedon,  and,  invading  Kpiriin,  Hiiccecded 
In  driving  tlie  Kpirotic  monarch  out  of  IiIh  pa- 
ternal liinpdoni.  The  Epirots  noon  rentorcd  lilin ; 
hut  from  thin  timi)  ho  remained  at  peace  with 
AiitigoniiH,  who  was  alile  (mco  more  to  devote 
his  undivided  attention  to  the  subjugation  of  tlic 
Qrceks.  In  H.  (,'.  2611  lie  took  Athenn,  and  ren- 
dered himself  complcto  master  of  Attica;  and, 
in  B.  C.  244,  .  .  .  lie  contrived  by  a  treacheroiiB 
stratagem  to  obtain  posscsHion  of  Corinth.  Hut 
at  this  point  his  successes  ceased.  A  power  had 
licen  (luietly  growing  up  in  a  corner  of  the  Pelo- 
ponneso  [the  Achaian  I.*ague — sec  Oukkck  :  H.  C. 
280-146]  wliicli  was  to  become  a  counterpoise  to 
Macedonia,  and  to  ^Ive  to  the  closing  scenes  of 
Grecian  history  an  interest  little  inferior  to  tliiit 
whldi  liad  belonged  to  its  earlier  pages."— G. 
]{<iwlln8on,  Manual  of  Ancient  Hint.,  pp.  201- 
368. 

Also  in:  B.  G.  Niebuhr,  Leet't  on  Ancie7it 
If  int.,  lert.  100-102. 

B.  C.  214-168.— The  Roman  conquest. — Ex- 
tinction of  the  kingdom.  SeeOiiKKCK:  B.  C. 
214-146. 

B.  C.  205-197. —  Last  relations  with  the 
Seleucid  empire.  Sec  8ei.eucid.«:  B.  C.  224- 
187. 

Slavonic  occupation.  See  Slavonic  Peoples  : 
0-7T1I  Centuhikh. 


MACEDONIAN  DYNASTY,  The.  See 
Byzantine  Empiue:  A.  I).  820-10,57. 

MACEDONIAN  PHALANX.  See  Pha- 
lanx, Macedonian. 

MACEDONIAN  WARS,  The.  SeeGiiEECE: 
B.  (;.  214-140. 

MACERATA,  Battle  of  (1815).  Sec  Italy 
(SoiiTllEKN):  A.  I).  1815. 

McHENRY,  Fort,  The  bombardment  of, 
by  the  British.  See  United  States  of  Am.  : 
A.  I).  1814  (Auoust — Septemhek). 

MACHICUIS,  The.  See  Ameiiican  Aug 
nioiNKs:  Pampas  TiiinES. 

MACHINE,  Political.     See  Stalwaiitb. 

MACK,  Capitulation  of,  at  Ulm.  Sec 
Fuanck:  a.  T).  1805  (MAncii — DECEMnEn). 

MACKENZIE,  William  Lyon,  and  the 
Canadian  Rebellion.  See  Canada:  A.  D.  1837; 
and  1837-1838.  ^ 

MACKINAW  (MICHILLIMACKINAC): 
Discovery  and  first  Jesuit  Mission.  See  Can- 
ada: A.  D.  1634-1673. 


Rendeivnus  of  the  Coureurs  de  Bols.    Ht-n 
CmHEriiH  UK  Bois. 
A.  D.  1763.— Captured  by  the  Indians.    See 

I'iINTIAC'h  \V  All. 

♦■ 

McKINLEY  TARIFF  ACT,  The  Hoe 
Taiiikk  I.koihi.ation   (I'mtkd  States     ,V.  D. 

IHOO. 
McLEOD  CASE,  The.     See  Canada:  A.  I). 

IHll)    IHIl. 

MacMAHON,  Marshal,  President  of  the 
French  Republic,  A  I).  1M7:)-1H7«.  HeeFiiANCE: 
A.  I).  1H7I-1M7(1;  and  1H7.V1HH1). 

MACON,  Fort,  Capture  of.  See  Unitkh 
Statkh  OK  Am.  :  A.  I).  1862  (.Iani;ahy — Aphil: 
Noirni  Caiioi.ina). 

McPHERSON,  General:  Death  in  the 
Atlanta  campaign.  .See  I'mted  States  ok 
Am.:  a.  I).  1H64  (May:  Gkdikiia);  ami  (.May— 
Septemiieh  :  (iKoniiiA). 

MACRINUS,  Roman  Emperor,  A.  T>.  317- 
218. 

MACUSHI,  The.    .Sec  Ameiiican  Anoiiioi 

NKS:    ('AllIIIS  AND  TIIKIll  KINDItED. 

MADAGASCAR:  A.  D.  i882-i883.-French 
claims  and  demands  enforced  by  war.  Sec 
Fuanck:  A.  D.  lHT.-.-lM8(). 

MADEIRA    ISLAND,   Discovery  of.  — In 

the  year  1410,  .lohani  Uonvalve/.  Zarco  and  Tris- 
tan! Vnz,  "seeing  from  Porto  Santo  Noinetliing 
that  seemed  like  a  cloud,  but  yet  dilTerent  (the 
origin  of  so  much  dlHcovcry,  noting  tbi!  dilTer- 
ence  in  the  likeness),  built  two  boats,  and,  mak- 
ing for  this  cloud,  soon  found  tlieniselves  along- 
side a  beautiful  island,  abounding  in  many 
things,  but  most  of  nil  in  trees,  on  which  account 
they  gave  it  the  mime  of  .Madeira  (wowl)." — A. 
Helps,  Snaninh  Cmiipiett,  hk.  1,  ch.  1. 

MADISON,  James,  and  the  framing  and 
adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  Sim- 
United  .St  .\tks  of  Am.  :  A.I).  1787:  1787-1780. 
...  .Presidential  election  and  administration. 
See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1808,  to  1817. 


MADRAS:  A.  D.  1640.— The  founding  of 
the  city.     Sec  India:  A.  1).  1000-1702, 

A.  D.  1746-1748.— Taken  by  the  French.— 
Restored  to  England.  Sec  India:  A.  D.  1748- 
1752. 

A.  D.  1758-1759.— Unsuccessful  siege  by  the 
French.     See  India:  A.  D.  n.W-nOl. 

MADRID :  A.  D.  1560.— Made  the  capital 
of  Spain  by  Philip  II.  See  Spain:  A.  I).  l.j.'jO- 
1.563. 

A.  D.  1706-1710.  —  Taken  and  retaken  by 
the  French  and  Austrian  claimants  of  the 
crown.     SccSp\in:  A.  I).  1706;  and  1707-1710. 

A.  D.  1808.— Occupied  by  the  French.— 
Popular  insurrection.  See  Spain:  A.  I).  1807- 
1808. 

A.  D.  1808. — Arrival  of  Joseph  Bonaparte, 
as  king,  and  his  speedy  flight.  See  Spain  : 
A.  D.  1808  (May— Septemheu). 

A.  D.  1808  (December).  — Recovery  by  the 
French.— Return  of  King  Joseph  Bonaparte. 
See  Spain:   A.    I).    1808  (Septemiiku— Dkcem- 

UElt). 

A.  D.  1812.— Evacuation  by  the  French.— 
Occupation  of  the  city  by  Wellington  and  his 
army.     See  Spain:  A.  I).  1812 (.June— Ai'oust). 

A.  D.  1823.- Again  occupied  by  the  French. 
See  Spain:  A.  D.  1814-1837. 


2065 


MADIUI). 


MAONUS. 


MADRID,    Th«    Treaty    of    dsat),      Hco 

Kuan.k:  a.  I)    \nv   .520. 

M^ATiC,  Thp.--A  common  or  nntlonni 
iiiiiiii'  ),'ivrii  liy  tlii>  Kiimiinii  to  tint  trilH'M  In  Hcot- 
IjuiiI  wliii'h  ilwfit  iN-twiTii  till'  Fortli  iiiul  tlir 
CImIc'.  next  to  "  tile  Willi," 

MiEOTIS  PALUS,  OR  PALUS  MiEO- 
TIS. — The  iui(!l*':it  Uri'i'k  niuiii<  of  ihi'  hoily  of 
wilier  now  culled  the  Hcii  of  A/.ov. 

MAESTRICHT:  A.  D.  1576.— The  Sp«n- 
iih  Fury.  See  Nktiikui.andn:  A.  I>.  ITiTri- 
1577. 

A.  D,  1579. — Spanish  liege,  capture  and 
maitacre.  Heo  Nktiikhi.andh:  A.  1).  1S77- 
l.Wl. 

A.  D.  1633.— Siege  and  capture  by  the 
Dutch.     Sec  NKTiimi.ANrm:  A.  1).  t()!il-lfl;):t. 

A.  D.  1673.— Siege  and  capture  bv  Vauban 
and  Louis  XIV.  Hce  Ni':TMKiti,A.Nim(II(>i.i.ANi>): 
A.  I>.  IflT'J^  1(174. 

A.  D.  1676.— UnaucceiifuUy  besieged  by 
William  of  Orange.  Sec  NKriticKi.ANim  (IIoi.- 
i.and):  A.  I).  1(I74-1(17H. 

A.  D.  1678.— Restored     to     Holland.      Sec 

NiMKIlfKS,   I'kACK  I)K. 

A.  D.  1748.— Taken  by  the  French  and  re- 
stored to  Holland.  Sec  Nktiikulandh:  A.  I). 
1710-1717;  iind  Aix-l.A-CllAPKl.i.K,  (JoNdiiEtiH 
AND  Thkaty. 

A.  D.  1793.— Unsuccessful  siege  by  the 
French.  Sec  Fuani'k:  A.  I>.  17U;j  (Kkiiki.'auy 
— Ai'iiii,). 

A.  D.  1795.— Ceded  to  France.  SecFnANCE: 
A.  I).  1794-1705  (OiToiiKK— May). 

.   MAFRIAN.     See  .Iacoiutk  Ciiuiicn. 

MAGADHA,  The  kingdom  of.  See  India: 
IJ.  C.  :127-;U'J;  and  :tl2-— . 

MAGDALA,  Capture  of  (1868).  Sec  Abyb- 
oinia:  A.  1).  1H,')4-1«H1). 

MAGDEBURG:  A.  D.  1631.— Siege,  storm- 
ing, and  horrible  sack  and  massacre  by  the 
troops  of  Tilly.  Bee  Geumany  :  A.  D.  1630- 
lOlll. 

MA  'ELLAN,  Voyage  of.  Sec  America: 
A.  1).  1.,  19- 1524. 

MAGENTA,  Battle  of  (1859).  See  Italy: 
A.  I).  1H.-)(I-1859. 

MAGESiETAS,  The.  ScoKnoland:  A.  I). 
547-033. 

MAGIANS.— MAGI.— The  priesthood  of  the 
ancient  Iraniiin  religion  —  the  religion  of  the 
Avcstii  and  of  Zarathriistrii,  or  Zoroaster  —  as  it 
existed  among  tlie  Mcdcs  and  Persians.  In 
Eastern  Iran  the  priests  were  called  Athravas. 
In  Western  Iran  "they  arc  not  called  Athravas, 
but  Magush.  This  name  is  first  found  in  the  in- 
scription which  Dari'is  caused  to  be  cut  on  the 
rock-wall  of  Behistui: ;  afterwards  it  was  consis- 
tently used  by  Western  writers,  from  Herodotus  to 
Agathios,  for  the  priests  of  Iran. " — 51.  Dunckcr, 
Jlint.  of  Antiquity,  bk.  7,  eh.  8  (p.  5).— "The 
priests  of  the  Zoroastrians,  from  a  time  not  long 
subsequent  to  Darius  llystaspis,  were  the  Magi. 
This  tribe,  or  caste,  originally  perhaps  external 
to  Zoroastrianism,  had  come  to  be  recognised  as 
a  .rue  priestly  order;  and  was  entrusted  by 
the  Sassaniau  princes  with  the  whole  con- 
trol and  direction  of  the  religion  of  the  state. 
Its  chief  was  a  personage  holding  a  rank  but 
very  little  inferior  to  the  king.     He  bore  the 


title  of  'Tonpot,'  'Head  of  the  Ilellglon,'  or 
'  Miivpctnn  Movpet,'  '  Head  of  the  Chief  Magi.'" 
-0.  HiiwIliiHoii,  .St/'hM  (Irriit  Orienliil  Man- 
iiirhjf,  ih.  'JH.  —  "To  the  whole  lUicieiit  world 
/.oMiiNler'M  lore  was  Ix'st  known  by  the  name  of 
the  iloctrliic  of  the  .Magi,  which  ili'iiomiiiatlon 
wiiH  coniinoiily  applii'<l  to  tlie  prii'slH  of  India, 
I'lTsla,  anil  liabyloiiia.  The  earliest  mention  of 
llii'iii  is  made  by  the  prophet  .Icremiali(.\\.\lx.  3), 
who  enumerated  among  the  retinue  of  King 
Ni'inicliailnex/ar  at  his  eiitrv  into  .leruHiilein,  the 
'Clilef  of  the  Magi'  ('rat)  nnig'  In  Hebrew), 
from  which  statement  we  may  dlHtlnctly  gather 
that  the  Magi  exercised  a  great  inlluence  at  the 
court  of  Habylonla  (KM)  yi  ars  II.  (".  They  were, 
however,  foreigners,  and  are  not  to  be  con- 
founded with  the  indlgeiio'is  priests.  .  .  .  Thu 
name  Magi  occurs  even  in  the  New  TcHtament. 
In  the  (iospel  according  to  St.  .Matthew  (il.  1), 
the  Magi  (Oreek  'magoi,'  translated  In  the  Kng- 
llsh  IJlble  by  'wise  men')  came  from  the  Kast  to 
Jerusalem,  to  wors'.ilp  the  niw-bom  child  .lesiis 
at  liethleheni.  That  these  Magi  were  priests  of 
the  Zoroastrian  religion,  we  know  from  (Ireok 
writers." — M.  Ilaug.  /•,'*«(//«  on  llie  liiliijioii  of 
the  I'ltrriH,  1.— See,  also,  ZuuoASTIttANH, 

MAGNA  CARTA.  See  Enoi.and:  A.  D. 
1215. 

MAGNA  GRiECIA.— "It  was  during  the 
height  of  their  prosperity,  seemingly,  in  the 
sixth  century  H.  (',,  that  the  Italic  Greeks  [in 
southern  Italy)  either  aciiiiircd  for,  or  bestowed 
upon,  their  territory  the  appellation  of  Magna 
Oru'cia,  which  at  that  time  it  well  deserved; 
for  not  only  were  Sybarls  anil  Kroton  then  the 
greatest  Grecian  cities  situated  near  together,  but 
the  whole  peninsula  of  Calabria  may  lie  con- 
sidered as  attached  to  the  (irtcian  cities  on  the 
const.  The  native  (Knotrians  and  Sikels  occu- 
pying the  interior  had  bei'ome  hcllcnised,  or 
Kcmilielienisi^d,  with  a  mixture  of  Urecks  among 
them  —  comnum  subjects  of  tliese  great  cities.  ' 
— G.  Orote,  Hint,  of  (Ineet,  pt.  2,  eh.  23.— On  the 
Saninite  comiucst  of  JIagna  Griecia  —  see  Sam- 

NITKS. 

MAGNANO,  Battle  of  (1799).  See  Fuancb: 
A.  1).  17(»H-17im  (Auot'ST— AiMiii,). 

MAGNATiE,  The.  See  Iuki.and,  Tribes 
OK  hahi.v  Cki.tic  inhabitants. 

MAGNESIA.— The  eastern  coast  of  Thcssaly 
was  anciently  so  called.  The  Magnetes  who  oc- 
cui)ied  it  were  among  the  people  who  became  sub- 
ject to  the  Thessaliansor  Tliesprotians,  wlien  the 
latter  came  over  from  Epirus  and  occupied  the 
valley  of  the  Peneus. — G.  Grote,  Hint,  of  Greece, 
pt.  2,  ch.  8. —  Two  towns  named  Magnesia  in 
Asia  Minor  were  believed  to  be  colonies  from  the 
Magnetes  of  Thcssaly.  One  was  on  the  south 
side  of  the  Mfcander ;  tlie  other,  more  northerly, 
near  the  river  Harmus. — The  same,  ch.  13. 

MAGNESIA,  Battle  of  (B.  C.  190).  See 
Ski.kucii).*:  U.  C.  224-187. 

MAGNUS  I.,  King  of  Denmark,  A.  D.  1042- 

1047 Magnus  I.  (called  The  Good),  King 

of  Norway,  1035-1047 Magnus  I.,  King  of 

Sweden,    1275-1200 Magnus   II.,   King  of 

Norway,  1006-1060 Magnus   II.,  King  of 

Sweden,  1310-1350,  and  1350-1303;  and  VII.  of 

Norway,  1310-1343 Magnus  III.,  King  of 

Norway,  1093-1103 Magnus  IV.,  King  of 

Norway,   1180-1134 Magnus  V.,  King  of 

Norway,  1102-1186 Magnus  VI.,  King  of 

Norway,  1203-1280. 


2066 


MAGYARS. 


MAIIOMKTAN  CONQUEST. 


MAGYARS,  The.    Hm  IIiinoarians. 

MAHARAJA.     Spo  IUja. 

MAHDI,  Al,  Caliph,  A.  1>.  77.V78.T 

MAHDI,  The.— "nil)  rtllglon  of  Iiilnm 
tu^knowk'dgcH  tho  iniHMion  of  Jchiim,  l>iit  not  ilia 
<llvliilty.  Hliico  tho  Ort'iktlim,  It  teiichea,  (Ivu 
prophets  lind  iippcun^d  liffori^  tho  birth  of  Mii- 
lioiiutt  —  Adikiii,  Noith,  Ahrahiun,  Mohch,  itnd 
Jl'siih  —  ciicli  being  grt'iitcr  tlmii  hlH  prcdi'cessor, 
and  each  bringlnK  u  fuller  luid  higher  revelation 
thim  the  liiHt.  .Tchiih  riiiiks  itbov(!  nil  the  prophetn 
of  the  old  dUpenitatlon,  hut  lielow  thoHe  of  the 
new,  limuguniUKl  by  iMiihoniet.  In  the  tlniil 
BtruKKle  He  will  be  but  the  Herviint  nnduuxiliiiry 
of  Ik  more  augurit  ])erHonikKe  —  the  MikhdI.  The 
lllentl  mcunlng  of  the  word  Mikhdl  Ih  not,  an  the 
iiewspapera  generally  iiHHert,  'Ho  who  leikdH,' ik 
nieumug  more  In  consoniknct^  with  Kuropenn 
ld(...,  but  'He  who  U  led.'.  .  ,  If  )n;  leudK  hU 
fellow-nicn  It  Is  becuuHu  he  ulone  Is  the  '  well- 
giddcd  one,'  led  by  Ood  —  tho  Mikhdl.  The 
word  Mahdl  Is  only  an  epithet  which  may  be  ap- 
plied to  any  prophet,  or  even  to  any  ordinary 
i)crson;  but  used  as  a  proper  name  it  Indicates 
dm  who  Is  '  well-guided '  beyond  all  othurs,  tho 


Mahdl  '  par  cxcollence,'  who  Is  to  end  the  drama 
of  l\w  world,  and  of  whom  .leiius  shall  oidv  Ihi 
the  vicar.  .  .  .  Tlie  Koran  does  not  sp(>ak  of  tho 
.Mahdl,  but  It  Hvvmn  certain  that  .Mahomet  must 
have  announced  him.  .  .  .  The  idea  of  the  .Mahdl 
once  formed,  It  circulated  throughout  the  Mussul- 
man world:  we  will  follow  It  rapidly  In  Its 
course  among  the  Persians,  the  Turks,  tho  Egyp- 
tians, and  the  Arabs  of  the  Houdan;  but  without 
for  an  instant  pretending  to  pass  In  review  all 
tile  Mahdis  who  hav(!  appeared  upon  tho  pro- 
Ithetic!  stage;  for  their  name  is  J,eglon." — J. 
barmesteter,  The  Mnhtli,  J'aiit  and  J'reient,  eh. 
l-'i.— Hoc,  also,  Isi.AM ;  Ai.moiiaues;  and  Eoyit; 
A.  n.  1870-IH8!J,  and  1«84-1HH.'>. 

MAHDIYA :  Taken  by  the  Moorish  Cor- 
sair, Dragut,  and  retaken  by  the  Spaniards 
(1550).      See    ItAitiiAuy    Statkn:    A.    1).    ISlil- 

irm. 
MAHMOUD    I.,    Turkish    Sultan,    A.    D. 

17!)()-n.'M Mahmoud  II.,  Turkish  Sultan, 

1S08-18:)U Mahmoud,  the  Afghan.  Shah  of 

Persia,     1722-17'J.5 Mahmoud,    the    Gas- 

nevide,  Th«;  Empire  of.    beu  TuiiKu:   A.  D. 
I  UUU-11H3. 


•MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST   AND   EMPIRE. 


A,  D.  609-63a.-  -The  Mission  of  the  Prophet. 

— Mahomet  (tho  .isago  of  Christendom  has  (Ixed 
this  form  of  tho  name  Mohammad)  was  born  at 
Mecca,  on  or  about  tho  20th  day  of  August, 
A.  D.  570.  Ho  sprang  from  "  tho  noblest  race  In 
Mecca  and  in  Arabia  [tlio  tribe  of  Koreish  and 
the  family  of  Ilashem].  To  his  family  belonged 
the  hereditary  guardianship  of  tlio  Kuaba  and  a 
high  place  among  tho  aristocracy  of  his  native 
city.  Personally  poor,  he  was  raL  i<l  to  a  position 
of  importanco  by  his  marriage  with  tho  rich 
•willow  Khadijah,  whoso  mercantile  affairs  he 
liad  previously  conducted.  In  his  fortieth  year 
he  began  to  announce  himself  as  an  Apostle  of 
God,  sent  to  root  out  idolatry,  and  to  restore  tho 
true  faith  of  the  preceding  Prophets,  Abraham, 
Moses,  and  Jesus.  owly  and  gradually  he 
makes  converts  in  hi.s  imtivo  city ;  his  good  wife 
Khadijah,  his  faithful  servant  Zoyd,  arc  the  first 
to  recognize  his  nkission;  his  young  cousin,  tho 
noble  All,  tho  bnkve  and  generous  and  Iniured 
model  of  Arabian  chivalry,  declares  himself  his 
convert  and  Vizier;  the  prudent,  moderate  and 
bountiful  Abu-Bekr  acknowledges  the  preten- 
sions of  tho  daring  innovator.  Tlirough  rnock- 
cry  and  persecution  tho  Prophet  keeps  unflinch- 
ingly in  his  path;  no  threats,  no  injuries,  hinder 
him  from  still  preaching  to  his  people  tho  unity 
and  the  righteousness  of  God,  and  exhorting  to 
a  far  purer  and  better  morality  than  had  ever 
been  set  before  them.  He  claims  no  temporal 
power,  no  spiritual  domination ;  ho  asks  but  for 
simple  toleration,  for  free  permission  to  win  men 
by  persuasion  into  the  way  of  truth.  ...  As 
yet  at  least  his  hands  were  not  stained  with  blood, 
nor  his  inner  life  with  lust." — E.  A.  Freeman, 
Jlist.  and  Conquests  of  the  Saracens,  leet.  2. — 
After  ten  years  of  preaching  at  Mecca,  and  of  a 
private  circulation  and  repetition  of  tho  succes- 
sive Suras  or  chapters  of  the  Koran,  as  the 
prophet  delivered  tl,"-j,  Ma^iomet  had  gained 
but  a  small  following,  while  ',he  opposition  to 
his    doctrines    and    pretensions     had     gained 


strength.  Hut  In  A.  I).  O'iO  (ho  being  then  fifty 
years  of  i';e)  he  gained  the  ear  of  a  conniany  of 
pilgrims  -.ouk  Medina  and  won  them  to  hm  faith. 
Iteturning  homo,  they  spreail  the  gosnel  of  Islam 
among  their  ueighbore,  and  tlie  discii.les  at  Me- 
dina were  b  ;on  strong  enough  in  numbers  to 
offer  p  ouj^'icm  to  tlieir  prophet  and  to  his  per- 
sec'uted  followers  in  Mecca.  As  the  result  of 
two  pledges,  fankous  in  Mohometan  history, 
which  were  given  by  tho  men  of  Jledina  to  Ma- 
homet, in  secret  meetings  at  tlie  hill  of  Acaba, 
;i  general  emigration  of  tho  adherents  of  tho 
new  faith  from  >Iecca  to  Medina  took  place  in 
tho  spring  of  the  year  02'.J.  Mahomet  and  his 
closest  friend,  Abu  Uakr,  having  remained  with 
their  families  until  tho  likst,  oscaiied  the  rage  of 
the  Koreish,  or  CoreiSh,  only  by  a  secret  night 
and  a  concealment  for  three  days  in  a  cave  on 
Jlount  Tlittur,  near  Mecca.  Their  departure 
from  the  cave  of  Thaur,  occording  to  tho  most 
accepted  reckoidng,  was  on  the  20th  of  .lune, 
A.  D.  623.  This  la  the  date  of  the  Ilegira,  or 
flight,  or  emigration  of  Mahomet  from  Mecca  to 
Mediui..  Tho  Mahometan  Era  of  tho  Hegira, 
"  though  referring  '  par  excellence '  to  the  flight 
of  the  Prophet,  ...  is  also  applicable  to  oil  his 
followers  who  emigrated  to  Siedina  prior  to  the 
capture  of  Mecca;  and  they  are  licnco  called 
Muhfijirln,  i.  e.,  the  Emigrants,  or  Refugees. 
Wo  have  seen  that  they  commenced  to  emigrate 
from  tho  beginning  of  Jloharram  (the  first  month 
of  the  Ilegira  era)  two  months  before."  The 
title  of  the  Muhiijirln,  or  Refugees,  soon  becumo 
an  illustrious  one,  as  did  that  of  the  Ansar,  or 
Allies,  of  Medina,  who  received  and  protected 
them,  i't  Medina  Mai  omct  found  himself 
strongly  sustained.  Before  tho  year  of  his  flight 
ended,  ho  opened  hostilities  against  the  city 
which  had  rejected  him,  by  attacking  its  Syr- 
ian ^aravans.  The  attacks  were  followed  up 
and  the  truflic  of  Mecia  greotly  interfered  with, 
until  January,  624,  when  the  famous  battle  of 
Bedr,  or  Budr,  was  fought,  and  the  first  great 


3-33 


2067 


MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST. 


77ie 
Firat  Advance. 


MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST. 


victory  of  the  sword  of  Islam  achieved.  The  300 
warriors  of  Bedr  formed  "the  peerage  of  Islam." 
Fnjin  tills  time  the  ascendancy  of  Alahomet  was 
rapidly  gained,  and  assumed  a  political  as  well 
as  a  religious  character.  His  authority  was  es- 
tablished at  Medina  and  his  Influence  spread 
among  the  neighboring  tribes.  Nor  was  his 
cause  more  than  temporarily  depressed  by  a 
sharp  defeat  which  ho  sustained,  January,  625, 
in  battle  with  the  Koreish  at  Ohod.  Two  years 
later  Aledioa  was  attaclied  and  besieged  by  a 
great  force  of  the  Koreish  and  otlier  tribes  of 
Arabs  and  Jews,  against  the  latter  of  whom  Ma- 
hotnct,  after  vainly  courting  tlielr  adhesion  and 
recognition,  had  turned  with  relentless  hostility. 
The  siege  failed  and  the  retreat  of  the  enemy 
was  hastened  by  a  timely  storm.  In  the  next 
year  Mahomet  extorted  from  the  Koreish  a 
treaty,  known  as  the  Truce  of  Hodeibia,  which 
suspended  hostilities  for  ten  years  and  permitted 
the  prophet  and  his  followers  to  visit  Mecca  for 
three  days  in  the  following  year.  The  pilgrim- 
age to  Mecca  was  made  in  the  holy  month,  Feb- 
ruary, 629,  and  in  630  Mahomet  found  adherents 
enough  within  the  city  and  outside  of  it  to  de- 
liver the  coveted  shrine  and  capital  of  Arabia 
into  hid  hands.  Alleging  a  breach  of  the  treaty 
of  peace,  he  marched  against  the  city  with  an 
army  of  10,000  men,  and  it  was  surrendered  to 
him  by  his  obstinate  opponent,  Abu  Sofian,  who 
acknowledged,  at  last,  the  divine  commission  of 
Mahomet  and  became  a  disciple.  The  idols  in  the 
Koaba  were  thrown  down  and  the  ancient  temple 
dedicated  to  the  worship  of  the  one  God.  The 
conquest  of  Mecca  was  followed  within  no  long 
time  by  the  submission  of  the  whole  Arabic  pe- 
ninsula. The  most  obstinate  In  resisting  were  tlio 
great  Bedouin  tribe  of  the  Hawazin,  in  the  hill 
country,  southeast  of  Mecca,  with  their  kindred, 
the  Bani  Thackif.  These  were  crushed  in  the  im- 
portant battle  of  Ilonein,  and  their  strong  city 
of  Tayif  was  afterwards  taken.  Before  Ma- 
homet died,  on  the  8th  June,  A.  D.  632,  he  was 
the  prince  as  well  as  the  prophet  of  Arabia,  and 
his  armies,  passing  the  Syrian  borders,  had  al- 
ready encountered  the  Romans,  though  not 
gloriously,  in  a  battle  fought  at  Muta,  not  far 
from  the  Dead  Sea. — Sir  W.  Muir,  Life  of  Ma- 
homet. 

Also  in  ;  E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  eh.  50. — J.  W.  H.  Stobart,  Idam 
and  its  Founder,  eh.  8-9. — W.  Irving,  Mahomet 
and  his  Successors,  ch.  6-39. —  R.  D.  Osborn, 
Islam  under  the  Arabs,  pt.  1,  ch.  1-3. — See,  also, 
Islam,  and  Era,  Mahometan. 

A.  D.  632-639.  —  Abu  Bekr.  —  Omar.  —The 
foundinp;  of  the  Caliphate. — Conquest  of  Syria. 
— The  death  of  Mahomet  left  Islam  without  a 
head.  Tiie  Prophet  had  neither  named  a  suc- 
cessor (Khalif  or  Caliph),  nor  had  he  instituted  a 
mode  in  which  the  choice  of  one  should  be  made. 
His  nephew  and  son-in-law — "the  Bayard  of 
Islam,"  the  lion-hearted  All — seemed  the  natural 
heir  of  that  strangely  bom  sovereignty  of  the 
Arab  world.  But  its  elders  and  chiefs  were 
averse  to  All,  and  the  assembly  which  they  con- 
vened preferred,  instead,  the  Prophet's  faithful 
friend,  the  venerable  Abu  Bekr.  This  first  of 
the  caliphs  reigned  modestly  but  two  years,  and 
on  his  death,  July,  A.  D.  634,  the  stern  soldier 
Omar  was  raised  to  the  more  than  royal  place. 
By  this  time  the  armies  of  the  crescent  were 
already  far  advanced  beyond  the  frontiers  of 


Arabia  in  their  fierce  career  of  conouest.  No 
sooner  had  Abu  Bekr,  in  633,  set  his  heel  on 
some  rebellious  movements,  which  threatened 
his  autliority,  than  he  made  haste  to  open  fields 
in  which  the  military  spirit  and  ambitions  of  his 
inuiuiot  people  miglit  find  full  exercise.  With 
bold  impartiality  he  challenged,  at  once,  and 
alike,  the  two  dominant  powers  of  the  eastern 
world,  sending  armies  to  invade  the  soil  of  Per- 
sia, on  one  hand,  and  the  Syrian  provinces  of  the 
Roman  empire,  on  the  otlier.  The  invincible 
Khaled,  or  Caled,  led  the  former,  at  first,  but 
was  soon  transferred  to  the  more  critical  field, 
which  tlie  latter  proved  to  be.  "One  of  the 
fifteen  provinces  of  Syria,  the  cultivated  lands 
to  the  eastward  of  the  Jordan,  had  been  deco- 
rated by  Roman  vanity  with  the  name  of  'Arabia ' ; 
and  the  first  arms  of  the  Saracens  were  justified 
by  the  semblance  of  a  national  right."  The 
strong  city  of  Bosra  was  taken,  partly  through 
the  treachery  of  its  commander,  Romanus,  who 
renounced  Christianity  and  embraced  the  faith 
of  Islam.  From  Bosra  the  Moslems  advanced  on 
Damascus,  but  suspended  the  siege  of  the  city 
until  they  had  encountered  the  army  which  the 
Emperor  Heraclius  sent  to  its  relief.  This  they 
did  on  the  field  of  Aizuadin,  in  the  south  of 
Palestine,  July  30,  A.  D.  634,  when  50,000  of 
the  Roman-Greeks  and  Syrians  are  said  to  have 
perished,  while  but  470  Arabs  fell.  Damascus 
was  Immediately  Invested  and  taken  after  a  pro- 
tracted siege,  which  Voltaire  has  likened  to  the 
siege  of  Troy,  on  account  of  the  many  combats 
and  stratagems  —  the  many  incidents  of  tragedy 
and  romance  —  which  poets  and  historians  have 
handed  down,  in  some  connection  with  its  prog- 
ress or  its  end.  The  ferocity  of  Klialed  was  only 
half  restrained  by  his  milder  colleague  in  com- 
mand, Abu  Obeidah,  and  tlie  wretched  inhabi- 
tants of  Damascus  suffered  terribly  at  his  hands. 
The  city,  itself,  was  spared  and  highly  favored, 
becoming  the  Syrian  capital  of  the  Arabs.  He- 
liopolis  (Baalbec)  was  besieged  and  taken  in 
January,  A.  D.  636;  Emessa  surrendered  soon 
after.  In  November,  636,  a  great  and  decisive 
battle  was  fought  with  the  forces  of  Heraclius 
at  Yermuk,  or  Yermouk,  on  the  borders  of  Pales- 
tine and  Arabia.  The  Christians  fought  obsti- 
nately and  well,  but  they  were  overwhelmed 
with  fearful  slaughter.  "After  the  battle  of 
Yermuk  the  Roman  army  no  longer  appeared  in 
the  field ;  and  the  Saracens  might  securely  choose, 
among  the  fortified  towns  of  Syria,  the  first  ob- 
ject of  their  attack.  They  consulted  the  caliph 
whether  they  should  march  to  Csesarea  or  Jeru- 
salem ;  and  tlie  advice  of  Ali  determined  the  im- 
mediate siege  of  the  latter.  .  .  .  After  Mecca 
and  Medina,  it  was  revered  and  visited  by  the 
devout  Moslems  as  the  temple  of  the  Holy  Land, 
which  had  been  sanctified  by  the  revelation  of 
Moses,  of  Jesus,  and  of  Mahomet  himself."  The 
defense  of  Jerusalem,  notwithstanding  its  great 
strength,  was  maintained  with  less  stubbornness 
than  that  of  Damascus  had  been.  After  a  siege 
of  four  months,  in  the  winter  of  A.  D.  637,  the 
Christian  patriarch  or  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  who 
seems  to  have  been  flrpt  in  authority,  proposed 
to  give  up  the  Holy  City,  if  Omar,  the  calipli, 
would  come  in  person  from  Medina  to  settle  and 
si^n  the  terms  of  surrender.  Omar  deemed  the 
pnze  worthy  of  this  concession  and  made  the 
long  journey,  travelling  as  simply  as  the  hum- 
blest pilgrim  and  entering  Jerusalem  on  foot. 


2068 


MAUOJIETAN  CONQUEST. 


Persia 
and  Egypt, 


MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST. 


After  this,  little  remained  to  make  tlie  conquest 
of  111!  Syria  complete.  Aleppo  was  taken,  but 
not  easily,  after  a  siege,  and  Antioeli,  tlie  splen- 
did s>eat  of  eastern  luxury  and  weaUli,  was  aban- 
doned by  the  emperor  and  submitted,  paying  i, 
great  ransom  for  its  escape  from  spoliation  and 
the  sword.  Tlie  year  039  saw  Syria  at  the  feet 
of  the  Arabs  whom  it  Inid  despised  six  years  be- 
fore, and  the  armies  of  the  caliph  were  ready  to 
advance  to  new  fields,  east,  northwards,  and 
■west. — E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Ilornan 
Empire,  ch.  51. 

Also  in:  W.  Irving,  Mahomet  and  Ilia  Suc- 
cessors, V.  2,  ch.  3-23.-8.  Ockley,  Hist,  of  tlie 
Saracens:  Abubeker. — Sir  W.  JIuir,  Annals  of 
the  Early  Caliphate,  ch.  2,  11,  19-31. — See,  also, 
Jerusalem:  A.  D.  637;  and  Tyre:  A.  D.  038. 

A.  D.  632-651.— Conquest  of  Persia.— Dur- 
ing the  invasion  of  Syria,  Abu  Bekr,  tlie  first  of 
the  Caliphs,  sent  an  expedition  towards  the 
Euphrates,  under  command  of  the  redoubtable 
Khaled  (688).  The  first  object  of  iis  attack  was 
Hira,  a  city  on  the  western  branch  of  the  Eu- 
phrates, not  far  from  modern  Kufa.  Ilira  was  the 
seat  of  a  small  kingdom  of  Christian  Arabs  tribu- 
tary to  Persia  and  under  Persian  protection  and 
control.  Its  domain  embraced  the  northern  part 
of  that  fertile  tract  between  the  desert  and  the 
Euphrates  which  the  Arab  writers  call  Sawad ; 
the  southern  part  being  a  Persian  province  of 
which  the  capital ,  Obolla,  was  the  great  emporium 
of  the  Indian  trade.  Hira  and  Obolla  were 
speedily  taken  and  this  whole  region  subdued. 
But,  Khaled  being  then  transferred  to  the  army 
in  Syria,  the  Persians  regained  courage,  while  the 
energy  of  the  Moslems  was  relaxed.  In  an  en- 
counter called  the  Battle  of  the  Bridge,  A.  D. 

636,  the  latter  experienced  a  disastrous  check; 
but  the  next  year  found  them  more  victorious 
than  ever.  The  great  battle  of  Cadesia  (Kadisi- 
yeh)  ended  all  hope  in  Persia  of  doing  more  than 
defend  the  Euphrates  as  a  western  frontier. 
Within  two  yeara  even  that  hope  disappeared. 
The  new  Arab  general,  Sa'ad  Ibn  Abi  Wakas,  hav- 
ing spent  the  interval  in  strengthening  his  forces, 
and  in  founding  ':he  city  of  Busrah,  or  Bassora, 
below  the  junction  of  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris, 
as  well  as  that  of  Kufa,  wliich  became  the  Mos- 
lem capital,  advanced  into  Mesopotamia,  A.  D. 

637,  crossing  the  river  without  opposition.  Tlie 
Persian  capital,  Ctesiphon,  was  abandoned  to 
him  so  precipitately  that  most  of  its  vast  treas- 
ures fell  into  his  hands.  It  was  not  until  six 
months  later  that  the  Persians  and  Arabs  met 
in  battle,  at  Jt^lula,  and  the  encounter  was  fatal 
to  the  former,  100,000  having  perished  or  the 
field.  "By  the  close  of  the  year  A.  D.  637  the 
banner  of  the  Prophet  waved  over  the  whole 
tract  west  of  Zagros,  from  Nineveh  almost  to 
Susa."  Then  a  brief  pause  ensued.  In  641  the 
Persian  king  Isdigerd  —  last  of  the  Sassanian 
house — made  a  great,  heroic  effort  to  recover  his 
lost  dominions  and  save  what  remained.  He 
staked  all  and  lost,  in  tlie  final  battle  of  Nehav- 
end,  which  the  Arabs  called  "  Fattah-hul-Fut- 
tuh,"  or  "  Victory  of  Victories. "  "The  defeat 
of  Nehavend  terminated  the  Sassanian  power. 
Isdigerd  indeed,  escaping  from  Rei,  and  flying 
continually  from  place  to  place,  prolonged  an  in- 
glorio  18  existence  for  the  space  of  ten  more  years 
—  froBi  A.  D.  641  to  A.  D.  651;  but  he  had  no 
!:ngcr  a  kingdom.  Persia  fell  to  pieces  on  the 
occasion  of  '  the  victory  of  victories,'  and  made 


no  other  united  effort  against  the  Arabs.  Prov- 
ince after  province  was  occupied  by  the  fierce  in- 
vaders; and,  at  length,  in  A.  D.  Oul,  their  arms 
penetrated  to  Mcrv,  where  the  last  scion  of  the 
house  of  Babek  ha<l  for  some  years  found  a  ref- 
uge. .  .  .  The  order  of  conquest  seems  to  have 
been  the  following :  —  Media,  Northern  Persia, 
Hhagiana,  Azerliiian,  Qurgan,  Tabaristan,  and 
Khonissan  in  A.  D.  043;  Southern  Persia,  Ker- 
man,  Seistan,  Mekran,  and  Kurdistan  in  A.  D. 
643;  Merv,  Balkh,  Herat,  and  Kharezm  in  A.  D. 
650orfi>3." — Q.  Kawlinson,  Seventh  Oreat  Ori- 
ntnl  Monarchy,  ch.  20,  and  foot-notes. 

Also  IN:  W.  Irving,  Mahomet  and  his  Succes- 
sors, V.  2,  ch.  25-34. — Sir  W.  Muir,  Annals  of  the 
Early  Caliphate,  ch.  10-18,  2.')-36. 

A.  D.  640-646. — Conquest  of  Eg^pt.  —  "It 
was  in  the  ninetcentli  or  twentieth  year  of  the 
Ilegira  [A.  D.  640  or  641]  that  Amru,  having  ob- 
tained the  hesitating  consent  of  the  Caliph,  set 
out  from  Palestine  for  Egypt.  His  army, 
though  joined  on  its  march  by  bands  of  Bedouins 
lured  by  the  hope  of  plunder,  did  not  at  the  first 
exceed  4,000  men.  Soon  after  he  had  left,  Omar, 
concerned  at  the  smaliness  of  his  force,  would 
have  recalled  him ;  but  finding  that  he  had  al- 
readv  gone  too  far  to  be  stopped,  he  sent  heavy 
reinfoi  cements,  under  Zobeir,  one  of  the  chief 
Companions,  after  him.  The  army  of  Amru  was 
thus  swelled  to  an  imposing  array  of  from  13,000 
to  16,000  men,  some  of  them  warriors  of  renown. 
Amru  entered  Egypt  by  Arish,  and  overcoming 
the  garrison  at  Faroma  [ancient  Pelusium], 
turned  to  the  left  and  so  passed  onward  through 
the  desert,  reaching  thus  the  easternmost  of  the 
seven  estuaries  of  the  Nile.  Along  this  branch 
of  the  river  lie  marched  by  Bubastis  towards 
Upper  Egypt,"  —  and,  so,  to  Heliopolis,  near  to 
the  great  ancierc  city  of  Misr,  or  Memphis. 
Here,  and  throughout  their  conquest  of  Egypt, 
the  Moblem  invaders  appear  to  have  found  some 
goodwill  towards  them  prevailing  among  the 
Christians  of  the  Jacobite  sect,  who  had  never 
become  reconciled  to  the  Orthodox  Greeks. 
Heliopolis  and  Memphis  were  surrendered  to 
their  arms  after  some  hard  fighting  and  a  siege  of 
no  long  duration.  "Amru  lost  no  time  in 
inarching  upon  Alexandria  so  as  to  reacli  it  be- 
fore the  Greek  troops,  hastily  called  in  from  the 
outlying  garrisons,  could  rn.lly  there  for  its  de- 
fence. On  tlie  way  ho  put  to  flight  several 
columns  which  sought  to  hinder  his  advance;  and 
at  last  presented  himself  before  the  walls  of  the 
great  city,  which,  off''iing  (as  it  still  does)  on  the 
land  side  a  narrow  .ind  wcll-fortiflcd  front,  was 
capable  of  an  obstinate  resistance.  Towards  the 
sea  also  it  was  open  to  'ccour  at  the  pleasure  of 
the  Byzantine  Court.  But  during  the  siege 
Heracliua  died,  and  the  )pportunity  of  relief  was 
supinely  allowed  to  slip  away."  In  the  end 
Alexandria  capitulated  and  was  protected  from 
plunder  (see  Libraries,  Ancient:  Alexan- 
dria), paying  tribute  to  the  conquerors.  ' '  Amru, 
it  is  siiid,  wished  to  fix  his  seat  of  government  at 
Alexandria,  but  Omar  would  not  allow  him  to 
remain  so  far  away  from  his  camp,  with  so  many 
branches  of  the  Nile  between.  So  he  returned 
to  Upper  Egypt.  A  body  of  the  Arabs  crossed 
the  Nile  and  settled  in  Ghizeh,  on  the  western 
bank  —  a  movement  which  Omar  permitted  only 
on  condition  that  a  strong  fortress  was  construct- 
ed there  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  their  being 
surprised  and  cut  off.    The  headquarters  of  the 


2069 


MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST.        North  Africa.       MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST. 


airoy  were  pitched  near  Memphis.     Around  them 

frcw  up  u  Military  station,  called  from  its  origin 
'ostat,  0.-  'the  Kncampme- 1. '  It  expanded 
rapidly  i  ito  the  capital  of  j^-gypt,  the  modern 
Cairo.  .  .  .  This  name  'Cahira,'  or  City  of  the 
Victory,  is  of  later  date  [see  below :  A.  D.  908- 
1171].  .  .  .  Zobcir  urged  Amru  to  enforce  the 
right  of  conquest,  and  divide  the  land  among  his 
followers.  But  Amru  refused;  and  the  Caliph, 
as  might  have  been  expected,  confirmed  the 
judgment.  'Leave  the  laud  of  Egypt,'  was  his 
wise  reply,  '  in  the  people's  bands  to  nurse  and 
fructify.'  As  elsewhere,  Omar  would  not  allow 
the  Arabs  to  become  proprietors  of  a  single  acre. 
Even  Amru  was  refused  ground  whereupon  to 
build  a  mansion  for  biniself.  ...  So  the  land  of 
Egynt,  left  in  the  hands  of  its  ancestral  occu- 
pants, became  a  rich  granary  for  the  Hcjaz,  even 
as  in  bygone  times  it  had  been  the  granary  of 
Italy  and  the  Byzautine  empire.  .  .  .  Amru, 
with  the  restless  spirit  of  his  faith,  soon  pushed 
his  conquests  westward  beyond  the  limits  of 
Egypt,  established  himself  in  Barca,  and  reached 
even  to  Tripoli.  .  .  .  Early  in  the  Caliphate  of 
Othnian  [A.  D.  646]  a  desperate  attempt  was 
made  to  regain  possession  of  Alexandria.  The 
Moslems,  busy  with  their  conquests  elsewhere, 
had  left  the  city  Insufflciently  protected.  The 
Greek  inhabitants  conspired  with  the  Court ;  and 
a  fleet  of  300  ships  was  sent  under  command  of 
Manuel,  who  drove  out  the  garrison  and  took 
possession  of  the  city.  Amru  hastened  to  its 
rescue.  A  great  battle  was  fought  outside  the 
walls:  the  Greeks  were  defeated,  and  the  un- 
happy town  was  subjected  to  the  miseries  of  a 
second  and  a  longer  siege.  It  was  at  last  taken  by 
storm  and  given  up  to  plunder.  .  .  .  The  city, 
though  still  maintaining  its  commercial  import, 
fell  now  from  its  high  estate.  The  pomp  and 
circumstance  of  the  Moslem  Court  were  trans- 
ferred to  Fostat,  and  Alexandria  ceased  to  be  the 
capital  of  Egypt."  —  Sir  \V.  Muir,  Amuili  of  the 
Kiirly  Caliphiite,  ch.  24,  with  foot-note. 

Also  in:  E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  ch.  51. —  W.  Irving,  Mahomet 
and  hiK  Successors,  v.  2,  ch.  24  and  35. 

A.  D.  644. — Assassination  of  Caliph  Omar. 
— The  death  of  Omar,  tlie  second  of  the  Caliphs, 
was  a  violent  one.  "It  occurred  in  November, 
A.  D.  644.  One  day  a  slave  who  worked  for  his 
master  at  the  carpenter's  bench  camf)  to  see  the 
Commander  of  the  Faithful,  and  complained  to 
him  of  being  overworked,  and  badly  treated  by 
the  citizen  that  owned  him.  Omar  listened  at- 
tentively, but  arriving  at  tlie  conclusion  that  the 
charges  were  false,  sternly  dismissed  the  car- 
penter to  his  bench.  The  man  retired,  vowing 
to  be  revenged.  The  following  day  was  Friday, 
'the  day  of  the  Assembly.'  Omar,  as  usual, 
went  to  lead  the  praj'crs  of  the  assembly  in  the 
great  mosque.  He  opened  his  mouth  to  speak. 
He  had  just  said  '  Allah,'  when  the  keen  dagger 
of  the  offended  slave  was  thrust  into  his  back,  and 
the  Commander  of  the  Faithful  fell  on  the  Bacred 
floor,  fatally  wounded.  The  people,  in  a  perfect 
frenzy  of  horror  and  rage,  fell  upon  the  assassin, 
but  with  superhuman  strength  he  threw  them 
off,  and  rushing  about  in  the  madness  of  despair 
he  killed  some  and  wounded  others,  and  finally 
turning  tlic  point  of  his  dagger  to  his  own  breast, 
fell  dead.  Omar  lingered  several  days  in  great 
agony,  but  he  was  brave  to  the  end.  His  dying 
words  were,  'Give  to  my  successor  this  parting 


bequest,  that  he  be  kind  to  the  men  of  this  city, 
Medina,  which  gave  a  home  to  us,  and  to  the 
Faith.  Tell  him  to  make  much  of  their  virtues, 
and  to  pass  lightly  over  their  faults.  Bid  hira 
also  treat  well  the  Arab  tribes,  for  verily  they 
are  the  backbone  of  Islam.  Jloreover,  let  him 
faithfully  fulfil  the  covenants  made  with  the 
Christians  and  the  Jews!  O  Allah!  I  have 
finished  my  cours- : !  To  him  that  cometh  after 
me,  I  leave  the  ki.gdom  firmly  established  and 
at  peace  I '  Thus  perished  one  of  the  greatest 
Princes  the  Mohammedans  were  ever  to  know. 
Omar  was  truly  a  great  and  good  man,  of  whom 
any  country  and  any  creed  might  be  proud." — 
J.  J.  Pool,  Studies  in  Mohammedanism,  pp. 
58-50. 

A.  D.  647-700.  —  Conquest  of  northern 
Africa. — "While  Egypt  was  won  almost  with- 
out a  blow,  Latin  Africa  [northern  Africa  be- 
yond Egypt]  took  sixty  years  to  conquer.  It 
was  first  invaded  under  Othman  in  647,  but 
Carthage  was  not  subdued  till  698,  nor  was  the 
province  fully  reduced  for  eleven  years  longer. 
And  why  ?  Doubtless  because  Africa  contained 
two  classes  of  inhabitants,  not  over-friendly  to 
each  other,  but  both  of  whom  had  something  to 
lose  by  a  Saracenic  conquest.  The  citizens  of 
Carthage  were  Roman  in  every  sense,  their  lan- 
guage was  Latin,  their  faith  was  orthodox ;  they 
had  no  wrongs  beyond  those  which  always  aftlict 
provincials  under  a  despotism ;  wrongs  not  likely 
to  be  alleviated  by  exchanging  a  Christian  des- 
pot at  Constantinople  for  an  infidel  one  at 
Sledina  or  Damascus.  Beyond  them,  in  tlie  in- 
land provinces,  were  the  native  Moors,  barbari- 
ans, and  many  of  them  pagans;  they  had  fought 
for  their  rude  liberty  against  the  Ciesars,  and 
tliey  had  no  intention  of  surrendering  it  to  the 
Caliphs.  Romans  and  floors  alike  long  pre- 
ferred the  chances  of  the  sword  to  either  Koran 
or  tribute ;  but  their  ultimate  fate  was  different 
Latin  civilization  and  Latin  Christianity  gradu- 
ally disappeared  by  the  decay  and  extermination 
of  their  votaries.  The  Moors,  a  people  not  un- 
like the  Arabs  in  their  unconverted  state,  were 
at  last  content  to  embrace  their  religion,  and  to 
share  their  destinies  and  their  triumphs.  Arabs 
and  floors  intermingled  went  on  to  further  con- 
quests; and  the  name  of  the  barbarian  converts 
was  more  familiarly  used  in  Western  Europe  to 
denote  the  united  nation  than  the  terrible  name 
of  tiie  original  compatriots  of  the  Prophet." — 
E.  A.  Freeman,  Hist,  and  Conquests  of  the  Sara- 
cens, Icct.  3. — "  In  their  climate  and  government, 
their  diet  and  habitation,  the  wandering  Moors 
resembled  the  Bedoweens  of  tlie  desert.  With 
the  religion  thoy  were  proud  to  adopt  the  lan- 
guage, name,  and  origin  of  Arabs ;  the  blood  of 
the  strangers  ond  natives  was  insensibly  mingled ; 
and  from  the  Euphrates  to  the  Atlantic  the  same 
nation  might  seem  to  be  diffused  over  the  sandy 
plains  of  Asia  and  Africa  Yet  I  will  not  deny 
that  50,000  tents  of  pure  Arabians  might  be 
transported  over  the  Nile  and  scattered  through 
the  Libyan  desert ;  and  I  am  not  ignorant  that 
five  of  the  Moorish  tribes  still  retain  their  bar- 
barous idiom,  with  the  appellation  and  character 
of 'white'  Africans." — E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and 
Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  ch.  51.—"  By  647  the 
Barbary  coast  was  overrun  up  to  the  gates  of 
Roman  Carthage ;  but  the  wild  Berber  popula- 
tion was  more  difficult  to  subdue  thau  the  lux- 
urious subjects  of  the  Sasauids  of  Persia  or  the 


2070. 


MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST.       The  omeyyad,.       MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST. 


Greeks  of  Syria  and  Egypt.  Kaymwtin  was 
founded  as  tlie  African  capiud  in  OfO;  Carthage 
fell  in  693,  and  tlie  Arabs  piislied  tbcir  arms  as 
far  as  tlic  Atlantic.  Froni  Tangier  tliey  crossed 
into  Spain  in  710." — S.  Lane-Poole,  The  Muluim- 
maiJan  Dynastica,  p.  5. 

Also  in:  AV.  Irving,  Malu>met  ami  his  Sue- 
eenHura,  v.  2,  ck.  35,  44,  r)4-5o. — R.  D.  Osborn, 
Mam  viukr  the  Arabs,  2>t.  1,  ch.  1-3. — See,  also, 
Cakthaoe:  a.  D.  608;  and  Mouocco. 

A.  D.  66i. — Accession  of  the  Omeyyads. — 
Abu  Bekr,  the  immediate  successor  of  Mahomet, 
reigned  liut  two  years,  dyinjj;  August,  A.  D.  634. 
By  his  nomination,  Omar  was  raised  to  tlic  Cali- 
pliate  and  ruled  Islam  until  644,  when  he  was 
murdered  by  a  Persian  slave.  His  successor  was 
Othman,  who  had  been  the  secretary  of  tlie 
Prophet.  Tlie  Caliphate  of  Othman  was  trouljled 
by  many  plots  and  increasing  disaffection,  which 
ended  in  his  assassination,  A.  D.  638.  It  was  not 
until  then  that  All,  the  nephew  and  son-in-law  of 
Mahomet,  was  permitted  to  take  the  Prophet's 
seat.  But  the  dissensions  in  the  Moslem  world 
had  grown  more  bitter  as  the  fields  of  ambitious 
rivalry  were  widened,  and  the  factions  opposed 
to  All  were  implacable.  "Now  begins  the  tragic 
tale  of  the  wrongs  and  martyrdoms  of  the  im- 
mediate family  of  the  Prophet.  The  province 
of  Syria  was  now  ruled  by  the  crafty  Moawiyah, 
whose  father  was  Abu-Sotian,  so  long  the  bitter- 
est enemy  of  JIahomet,  and  at  last  a  tardy  and 
unwilling  proselyte.  .  .  .  Such  was  the  parent- 
age of  the  man  who  was  to  deprive  the  descen- 
dants of  the  Apostle  of  their  heritage.  Sloawiyah 
gave  himself  out  as  the  avenger  of  Othman ;  All 
was  represented  as  his  murderer,  although  hia 
sons,  the  grandsons  of  the  Prophet,  had  fought, 
and  one  of  them  received  a  wound,  in  the  de- 
fence of  that  Caliph.  .  .  .  Ayesha.  too,  the 
Jlother  of  the  Faithful,  Telha  and  Zobeir,  the 
Prophet's  old  companions,  revolted  on  their  own 
account,  and  the  whole  of  the  brief  leign  of  Ali 
was  one  constant  8\iccession  of  civil  war." 
Syria  adhered  to  Moawij^ah.  Ayesha,  Zoheir 
and  Telha  gained  possession  of  Bussorah  and 
made  that  city  their  headquarters  of  rebellion. 
They  were  defeated  there  by  Ali  in  a  great  battle, 
A.  D.  656,  called  the  Battle  of  the  Camel,  because 
the  litter  which  bore  Ayesha  on  the  back  of  a 
camel  became  the  center  of  the  flght.  But  he 
gained  little  from  the  success ;  nor  more  from  a 
long,  indecisive  battle  fought  with  Moawiyah  at 
Siffin,  in  July,  A.  D.  657.  Amru,  the  conqueror 
of  Egypt,  had  now  joined  Moawiyah,  and  his 
influence  enlisted  that  great  province  in  the  re- 
volt. At  last,  in  661,  the  civil  war  was  ended 
by  the  assassination  of  Ali.  His  eldest  son, 
Hassan,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  spiritless 
yoiith,  bargained  away  his  claims  to  Jloawiyah, 
and  the  latter  became  undisputed  Caliph,  found- 
ing a  dynasty  called  that  of  the  Ommiades,  or 
Omeyyads  (from  Oinmiah,  or  Onieyya,  the  great 
grandfather  of  Moawiyah),  which  occupied  the 
throne  for  almost  a  century  —  not  at  Medina,  but 
at  Damascus,  to  which  city  the  Caliphate  was 
now  transferred.  "In  thus  converting  the  Cali- 
phate into  an  hereditary  monarchy  he  utterly 
changed  its  character.  It  soon  assumed  the 
character  of  a  common  oriental  empire.  .  .  .  The 
Ommiads  were  masters  of  slaves  instead  of  lead- 
ers of  free.nen;  the  public  will  was  no  longer 
consulted,  and  the  public  good  as  little;  the 
Commander  of  the  Faithful  sank  into  an  earthly 


despot,  1  aling  by  force,  like  any  Assyrian  con- 
queror of  old.  The  early  Caliphs  dwelt  in  the 
sacred  city  of  Medina,  and  directed  the  counsels 
of  the  Empire  from  beside  the  tomb  of  the 
Prophet.  Moawiyah  transferred  his  throne  to 
the  conquered  splendours  of  Dama.scus;  and 
Mecca  and  Medina  became  tributary  cities  to  the 
ruler  of  Syria.  At  one  time  a  rival  Caliph,  Ab- 
dallah,  established  himself  in  Arabia ;  twice  were 
the  holy  cities  taken  by  storm,  and  the  Kaaba 
itself  was  battered  down  by  the  engines  of  the 
invaders.  .  .  .  Such  a  revolution  however  did 
not  effect  itself  without  considerable  opposi- 
tion. The  parlizans  of  the  house  of  Ali  con- 
tinued to  form  a  formidable  sect.  In  their  ideas 
the  Vicarship  of  the  Prophet  was  not  to  be,  like 
an  earthly  kingdom,  the  mere  prize  of  craft  or 
of  Viilour.  It  was  the  inalienable  heritage  of  the 
sacred  descendants  of  the  Prophet  himself.  .  .  . 
This  was  the  origin  of  the  Shiah  sect,  the  as- 
scrtors  of  the  rights  of  Ali  and  his  house." — 
E.  A.  Freeman,  Jlist.  and  Conquests  of  the  Sara- 
cens, lect.  3. 

Also  in:  Sir  W.  Muir,  Annals  of  the  Early 
Caliphate,  eh.  31-46.  —  U.  D.  Osborn,  Islam 
Under  tlie  Arabs,  pt.  3.— S.  Lane-Poole,  The  Mo- 
hammadan  Dynasties,  pp.  9-11. 

A.  D.  68o.— The  Tragedy  at  Kerbela.— 
When  Alt  or  Aly,  the  nephew  and  son-in-law 
of  Malionut,  had  been  slain,  A.  D.  661,  and  the 
Calipliate  had  been  seized  by  Moawiyah,  the 
first  of  the  Ommiades,  "the  followers  of  'Aly 
proclaimed  his  elder  son,  Hasan,  Klialif;  but 
this  poor-spirited  youth  was  contented  to  se' 
pretensions  to  the  throne.  ...  On  his  death,  .i.s 
brother  Iloseyn  became  the  lawful  Khalif  in  the 
eyes  of  the  partisans  of  the  House  of  'Aly,  who 
ignored  the  general  admission  of  the  authority 
of  the  'Ommiades.'  .  .  .  For  a  time  Iloseyn  re- 
mained quietly  at  Medina,  leading  a  life  of  de- 
votion, and  declining  to  push  his  claims.  But 
at  length  an  opportunity  for  striking  a  blow  at 
the  rival  House  presented  itself,  and  Iloseyn  did 
not  hesitate  to  avail  himself  of  it.  He  was  in- 
vited to  join  an  insurrection  which  had  broken 
out  at  Knfa  [A.  D.  680],  the  most  mutinous  and 
fickle  of  all  the  cities  of  the  empire ;  and  he  set 
out  with  his  family  and  friends,  to  the  number 
of  100  souls,  and  an  escort  of  500  horsemen,  to 
join  the  insurgents.  As  he  drew  nigh  to  Kufa, 
he  discovered  that  the  rising  hatl  been  suppressed 
by  the  '  Oinmiade'  governor  of  the  city,  and  that 
the  country  round  him  was  hostile  Instead  of 
loyal  to  him.  And  now  there  came  out  from 
Kufa  an  armv  of  4,000  horse,  who  surrounded 
the  little  body  of  travellers  [on  the  plain  of 
Kerbela],  and  cut  them  off  alike  from  the  city 
and  the  river.  ...  A  series  of  single  combats, 
in  which  Iloseyn  and  his  followers  displayed 
heroic  courage,  ended  in  the  death  of  the  Imam 
and  the  men  who  were  with  him,  and  the  enslav- 
ing of  the  women  and  children." — S.  Lane-Poole, 
Studies  in  a  Mosque,  ch.  7. — "The  scene  [of  the 
massacre  of  Hosein  and  his  band]  ...  is  still 
fresh  as  ycstei-day  in  the  mind  of  every  Believer, 
and  is  commemorated  with  wild  grief  and  frenzy 
as  often  as  the  fatal  day,  the  Tenth  of  the  flr^t 
month  of  the  year  [tenth  of  Moharram  —  Oct. 
10],  comes  round.  .  .  .  The  tragedy  of  Kcrbala 
decided  not  only  the  fate  of  the  Caliphate,  but 
of  Mahometan  kingdoms  long  after  the  Caliphate 
had  waned  and  disappeared.  .  .  .  The  tragedy 
is  yearly  represented  on  the  stage  as  a  religious 


2071 


MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST. 


Check 
at  Poitiers, 


MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST. 


ceremony" — In  the  "Passion  Play"  of  the  Mo- 
Imrram  Festival.— Sir  W.  Muir,  Annnlt  of  the 
Karly  Caliphate,  eh.  40,  with  fout- note. — See,  also, 
Islam. 

A.  D.  668-675. — First  repulse  from  Constan- 
tinople. See  Constantinople:  A.  D.  668- 
675. 

A.  D.  710.— Subjugation  of  the  Turks.— 
"Afit.nlie  full  of  the  Persian  kingdom,  the  river 
O.xus  divided  the  territories  of  the  Saracens  and 
of  tlie  Turks.  This  narrow  l)oundary  wps  soon 
ovcrlenpcd  by  the  spirit  of  the  Arabs;  the  gov- 
ernors of  Chorasaan  extended  tlieir  successive  in- 
roads; and  one  of  their  triumphs  was  adorned 
with  tlio  buskin  of  a  Turkisli  queen,  which  she 
dropped  in  her  precipitate  (light  beyond  the  hills 
of  Bochara.  But  the  final  conquest  of  Trans- 
oxana,  as  well  as  of  Spain,  was  reserved  for  the 
glorious  reign  of  the  inactive  AValid;  and  the 
name  of  Catibah,  tlie  camel-driver,  declares  the 
origin  and  merit  of  his  successful  lieutenant. 
Wliile  one  of  his  colleagues  displayed  the  first 
Mahometan  banner  on  the  banks  of  the  Indus, 
the  spacious  regions  between  the  Oxus,  the  Jax- 
artcs,  and  the  Caspian  sea  were  reduced  by  tlie 
arms  of  Catil)ah  to  the  obedience  of  the  prophet 
and  of  the  caliph.  A  tribute  of  two  millions  of 
pieces  of  gold  was  imposed  on  the  infidels;  their 
idols  were  burned  or  broken;  the  ^lussulman 
chief  pronounced  a  sermon  in  the  new  mosch 
[mosqiie]  of  Carizme;  after  several  battles  the 
Turkish  hordes  were  driven  back  to  the  desert; 
and  the  emperors  of  China  solicited  the  friend- 
ship of  the  victorious  Arabs.  To  their  industry 
the  prosperity  of  the  i^rovince,  the  Sogdiana  of 
the  ancients,  may  in  a  great  measure  be  ascribed ; 
but  the  advantages  of  the  soil  and  climate  had 
been  understood  and  cultivated  since  the  reign 
of  the  Macedonian  kings.  Before  the  invasion 
of  the  Saracens,  Carizme,  Bochara,  and  Samar- 
cand  were  rich  and  populous  under  the  yoke  of 
the  shepherds  of  the  North. " — E.  Gibbon,  Decline 
and  Full  of  the  Ronmn  Em]rire,  eh.  51. 

Also  in  :  B.  A.  Freeman,  Uist.  and  Conguests 
of  the  Saracens,  led.  3. 

A.  D.  711-713.— Conquest  of  Spain.  See 
Spain:  A.  D.  711-713. 

A.  D.  715-732.- The  repulse  from  Gaul.— 
"  The  deeds  of  Musa  [in  Africa  and  Spain]  had 
been  performed  '  in  the  evening  of  his  life,  but, 
to  borrow  the  words  of  Gibbon,  '  his  breast  was 
still  flred  with  the  ardor  of  youth,  and  the  pos- 
session of  Spain  was  considered  as  only  the  first 
step  to  the  monarchy  of  Europe.  With  a  pow- 
erful armament  by  sea  and  land,  he  was  prepar- 
ing to  pass  the  Pyrenees,  to  extinguish  in  Gaul 
the  declining  kingdoms  of  the  Franks  and  Lom- 
bards, and  to  preach  tlie  unity  of  God  on  tlie 
altar  of  the  Vatican.  Theuce,  subduing  the  bar- 
barians of  Germany,  he  proposed  to  follow  the 
course  of  the  Danube  from  its  source  to  the 
Euxine  Sea,  to  overthrow  the  Greek  or  Roman 
empire  of  Constantinople,  and,  returning  from 
Europe  to  Asia,  to  unite  his  new  acquisitions 
with  Antioch  and  the  provinces  of  Syria. '  This 
vast  enterprise  .  .  .  was  freely  revolved  by  the 
successors  of  Musa.  In  pursuance  of  it,  El 
Haur,  the  new  lieutenant  of  the  califs,  assailed 
the  fugitive  Goths  in  their  retreats  in  Septimauia 
(715-718).  El  Zamah,  who  succeeded  him, 
crossed  the  mountains,  and,  seizing  Narbonne, 
expelled  the  inhabitants  and  settled  there  a  col- 
ony of  Saracens  (719).    The  following  year  they 


passed  the  Rhone,  in  order  to  extend  their  do- 
minion over  Provence,  but,  repelled  by  the  dukes 
and  the  militia  of  the  country,  turned  their 
forces  toward  Toulouse  (731).  Eudo,  Duke  of 
Aquitain,  bravely  defending  his  capital,  brought 
on  a  decisive  combat.  ...  El  Zamah  fell.  The 
carnage  among  his  retreating  men  then  became 
so  great  tliat  the  Arabs  named  the  passage  from 
Toulouse  to  Carcassone  the  Roa(l  of  Martyrs 
(I3alat  al  Cliouda).  Supporting  their  terrible  re- 
verses with  the  characteristic  resignation  of  their 
race  and  faith,  the  Arabs  were  still  able  to  retain 
a  hold  of  Narbonne  and  of  other  fortresses  of 
tlie  south,  and,  after  a  respite  of  four  years, 
spent  in  recruiting  their  troops  from  Spain  and 
Africa,  to  resume  their  projects  of  invasion  and 
pillage  in  Gaul  (725).  Under  the  Wall  Anbessa, 
they  ascended  the  Rhone  as  far  as  the  city  of 
Lyons,  devastating  the  towns  and  the  fields.  .  .  . 
When,  ...  at  the  close  of  his  expeditions,  An- 
bessa perished  by  the  hands  of  the  Infidels,  all 
the  fanaticism  of  the  Mussulman  heart  was 
aroused  into  an  eager  desire  for  revenge.  His 
successor,  Abd-el-Rahman,  a  tried  and  experi- 
enced general,  energetic  and  heroic  as  he  was  just 
and  prudent,  .  .  .  entered  into  elalxirate  prep- 
arations for  the  final  cont^uest  of  Gaul.  For  two 
years  tlie  ports  of  Syria,  Egypt,  and  Africa 
swarmed  with  departing  soldiery,  and  Spain  re- 
sounded with  tlie  calls  and  cries  to  arms  (727- 
729)."  The  storm  broke  first  on  Aquitaine,  and 
its  valiant  Duke  Eudes,  or  Eudo,  rashly  meeting 
the  enemy  in  the  open  field,  in  front  of  Bor- 
deaux, suffered  an  irretrievable  defeat  (>Iay, 
731).  Bordeaux  was  stormed  and  sacked,  and 
all  Aquitaine  was  given  up  to  the  ravages  of  tlio 
unsparing  Moslem  host.  Eudej  fied,  a  helpless 
fugitive,  to  his  enemies  the  Franks,  and  besought 
the  aid  of  the  great  palace-mayor,  Karl  Martcl, 
practical  sovereign  of  the  Frankish  kingdoms, 
and  fatlierof  the  Pippin  who  would  soon  become 
king  in  name  as  well  as  in  fact.  But,  not  for 
Aquitaine,  only,  but  for  all  Gaul,  all  Germany, 
—  all  Cliristendora  in  Europe,  —  Karl  and  his 
Franks  were  called  on  to  rally  and  do  battle 
against  the  sons  of  the  desert,  whose  fateful 
march  of  conquest  seemed  never  to  end.  "  '  Dur- 
ing all  the  rest  of  the  summer,  the  Roman  clari- 
ons and  the  German  horns  sounded  and  groaned 
through  all  the  cities  of  Neustria  and  Austrasia, 
through  the  rustic  palaces  of  the  Frankish  leudes, 
and  in  the  woody  gaus  of  western  Germany.' 
.  .  .  Meanwhile,  Abd-el-Rahman,  laden  with 
plunder  and  satiated  witli  blood,  had  bent  his 
steps  toward  the  southwest,  wliere  he  concen- 
trated his  troops  on  the  banks  of  the  Charente. 
Enriched  and  victorious  as  he  was,  there  was 
still  an  object  in  Gaul  which  provoked  alike  the 
cupidity  and  the  zeal  of  his  followers.  This 
was  the  Basilica  of  St.  Martin  of  Tours,  the 
shrine  of  the  Gallic  Christians,  wliere  the  richest 
treasures  of  the  Church  were  collected,  and  in 
which  the  profoundest  veneration  of  its  mem- 
bers centred.  He  yearned  for  the  pillage  and 
the  overthrow  of  this  illustrious  sanctuary,  and, 
taking  the  road  from  Poitiers,  he  encountered  the 
giants  of  the  North  in  the  same  valley  of  the 
Vienne  and  Clain  where,  nearly  three  hundred 
years  before,  the  Franks  and  the  Wisigoths  had 
disputed  the  supremacy  of  Gaul.  There,  on 
those  autumn  fields,  the  Koran  and  the  Bible  — 
Islamism  and  Christianity  —  Asia  and  Europe  — 
stood  face  to  face,  ready  to  grapple  in  a  deadly 


2072 


SEVENTH  CENTURY. 

CONTEMPORANEOUS  EVENTS. 


A.  D.  

((02.    Revolt  in  Constantinople;  fall  and  death  of  Maurice;  acccsalon  of  Phocas. 

fl04.    Death  of  Pope  Gregory  the  Great. — Death  of  St.  Augustine  of  Canterbury.* 

008.     Invasion  of  Asia  Minor  by  Chosroes  II.,  king  of  Persia. 

ttlO.  Death  of  the  Eastern  Einpcror  Phocas;  accession  of  Heraclius.  — Venetla  ravaged  by 
the  Avars. 

614.    Invasion  of  Syria  by  Chosroes  II. ;  capture  of  Damascus. 

015.    Capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Cliosroes;  removal  of  the  supposed  True  Cross. 

OlO.    First  expulsion  of  the  Jews  from  Spain. —  Advance  of  the  Persians  to  the  Bosphorus. 

022.  The  flight  of  Mahomet  from  Mecca  (the  Ilcgira). — Romans  under  Heraclius  victorious 
over  the  Persians. 

02(t.    Siege  of  Constantinople  by  Persians  and  Avars. 

027.  Victory  of  Heraclius  over  Chosroes  of  Persia,  at  Nineveh. — Conversion  of  Northumbria 
to  Christianity. 

G28.    Recovery  of  Jerusalem  and  of  the  supposed  True  Cross,  from  the  Persians,  by  Heraclius. 

Olio.    Submission  of  Mecca  to  the  Prophet. 

032.     Death  of  Mahomet;  Abu  Bekr  chosen  caliph. 

034.  Death  of  Abu  Bekr;  Omar  chosen  caliph.  —  Battle  of  Ilieromax  or  Yerrauk;  Battle  of 
the  Bridge.* — Defeat  of  Heraclius.  —  Compilation  and  arrangement  of  the  Koran.* 

035.  Siege  and  capture  of  Damascus  by  the  Mahometans;  invasion  of  Persia;  victory  at 
Kadisiych.* — Defeat  of  tlie  Welsli  by  the  Englisli  in  the  battle  of  the  Ileavenfleld. 

030.    Mahometan  subjugation  of  Syria;  retreat  of  the  Romans. 

037.    Siege  and  conquest  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Moslems;  their  victories  in  Persia. 

03t>.     Publication  of  the  Ecthcsis  of  Heraclius. 

040.  Capture  of  Ciesarea  by  the  Moslems;  invasion  of  Egypt  by  Amru. 

041.  Death  of  the  Eastern  Emperor  Heraclius;  three  rival  emperors;  accession  of  Constans  II. 
—  Victory  at  Nehavend  and  final  conquest  of  Persia  by  the  Mahometans;  end  of  the  Sassanian  king- 
dom; capture  of  Alexandria,*  founding  of  Cairo. 

043.  Publication  of  the  Lombard  Code  of  Laws. 

044.  Assassination  of  Omar;    Othman  chosen  caliph. 
<J40.    Alexandria  recovered  by  the  Greeks  and  lost  again. 

048.  Publication  by  Constans  II.  of  the  edict  called  "The  Type." 

049.  Mahometan  invasion  of  Cyprus. 

050.  Conquest  of  Merv,  Balkh,  and  Herat  by  the  Moslems.* 

052.  Conversion  of  the  East  Saxons  in  England. 

053.  Seizure  and  banishment  of  Pope  Martin  I.  by  the  Emperor  Constans  11. 

050.  Murder  of  Caliph  Othman;  All  chosen  caliph ;  rebellion  of  Moawiyah;  civil  war;  Battle 
of  the  Camel. 

($57.    Ali's  transfer  of  the  seat  of  government  to  Kufa. 

058.    Syria  abandoned  to  Moawiyah ;  Egypt  in  revolt. 

001.  Assassination  of  AH;  Moawiyah,  first  of  the  Omeyyads,  made  caliph;  Damascus  his 
capital. 

063.    Visit  of  the  Emperor  Constans  to  Rome. 

008.  Assassinatio.-i  of  Constans  at  Syracuse*;  accession  of  Constantine  IV.  to  the  throne  of  the 
Eastern  Empire. — Beginning  of  the  siege  of  Constantinople  by  the  Saracens. 

07O.    The  founding  of  Kairwan,  or  Kayrawan.* 

073.  First  Council  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church,  at  Hereford.— Birth  of  the  Venerable  Bede* 
(d.  735). 

077.    The  raising  of  the  siege  of  Constantinople;  treaty  of  peace.* 

080.  Sixth  General  Council  of  the  Church,  at  Constantinople;  condemnation  of  the  Monoth- 
elite  heresy. — Massacre  at  Kerbela  of  Hoseyn,  son  of  All,  and  his  followers. 

085.  Death  of  the  Eastern  Emperor,  Constantine  IV.,  and  accession  of  Justinian  II. — The 
Angles  of  Northumbria,  under  King  Ecgfritli,  defeated  by  the  Picts  at  Nectansmere. 

087.    Battle  of  Testri;  victory  of  Pippin  of  Heristal  over  the  Neustrians. 

005.  Pall  and  banishment  of  Justinian  II. 

006.  Founding  of  the  bishopric  of  Salzburg. 

007.  Election  of  the  first  Doge  oi  Venice. 

008.  Conquest  and  destruction  of  Carthage  by  the  Moslems.* 

*  Uncertain  date. 


2073 


EIGHTH  CENTURY. 

CONTEMPORANEOUS  EVENTS. 


A.  D. 


704.  Recovery  of  the  throne  by  the  Eastern  Emperor  Justinian  II. 

705.  Accession  of  the  (Jiiliph  Welid. 

700.     Accession  of  Roderick  to  tlio  Gotliic  throne  in  Spain. 

711.  Invasion  of  Spain  by  tlie  Arali-Moors. — Moslem  conquest  of  Trnnsoxiana  and  Sardinia. — 
Pinal  full  ntid  death  of  the  Eastern  Emperor  Justinian  II. 

713.     Surrender  of  Toledo  to  the  Moslem  invaders  of  Spain. 

717.  Elevation  of  Leo  tlie  Isaurian  to  the  throne  of  the  Eastern  Empire. — Second  siege  of  Con- 
stantinople by  the  Moslems. — Great  defeat  of  tlie  Moslems  at  the  Cave  of  Covadonga  in  Spain. 

718.  victory  of  Charles  Martel  at  Soissons;  his  authority  acknowledged  in  both  Frankish 
kingdoms. 

7  li>.    Mahometan  conquest  and  occupation  of  Narbonne. 

7m.    Siege  of  Toulouse;  defeat  of  the  Moslems. 

725.    Mahometan  conquests  in  Septimania. 

720.    Iconoclastic  edicts  of  Leo  the  Isaurian;  tumult  and  insurrection  in  Constantinople. 

731.  Death  of  Pope  Gregory  II.;  election  of  Gregory  III.;  last  confirmation  of  a  Papal 
election  by  the  Eastern  Emperor. 

732.  Great  defeat  of  the  Moslems  by  the  Franks  under  Charles  Martel  at  Poitiers  or  Tours. — 
Council  held  at  Rome  by  Pope  Gregory  III. ;  edict  against  the  Iconoclasts. 

733.  P'cctical  terminatiou  of  Byzantine  imperial  authority. 
735.     Birth  of  Alcuin  (d.  804). 

740.  Death  of  Leo  the  Isaurian,  Emperor  in  the  East;  accession  of  Constantine  V. 

741.  Death  of  Charles  Martel. — Death  of  Pope  Gregory  III. ;  election  of  Zacharias. 

743.  Birth  of  Charlemagne  (d.  814). 

744.  Defeat  of  the  Saxons  by  Carloman;  their  forced  baptism. — Death  of  Liutprand,  king  of 
the  Lombards. 

747.  The  Plague  in  Constantinople. — Pippin  the  Short  made  Mayor  in  both  kingdoms  of  the 
Franks. 

750.  Fall  of  the  Omeyyad  dynasty  of  caliphs  and  rise  of  the  Abbassides. 

751.  Extinction  of  the  Exarchate  of  Ravenna  by  the  Lombards. 

753.  End  of  the  Merovingian  dynasty  of  Frankish  kings;  assumption  of  the  crown  by  Pippin 
the  Short. — Death  of  Pope  Zacharias;  election  of  Stephen  II. 

754.  First  invasion  of  Italy  by  Pippin  the  Short. — Rome  assailed  by  the  Lombards. 

755.  Subjugation  of  the  Lombards  by  Pippin;  his  donation  of  temporalities  to  the  Pope. — 
Martyrdom  of  Saint  Boniface  in  Germany. 

750.    Founding  of  tlie  caliphate  of  Cordova  by  Abderrahman. 

757.    Deatij  of  Pope  Stephen  II. ;  election  of  Paul  I. 

768.    Accession  of  Ofia,  king  of  Mercia. 

75t>.    Loss  of  Narbonne,  the  last  foothold  of  the  Mahometans  north  of  the  Pyrenees. 

7G3.    Founding  of  the  capital  of  the  Eastern  Caliphs  at  Bagdad.* 

707.  Death  of  Pope  Paul  I. ;   usurpation  of  the  anti-pope,  Constantine. 

708.  Conquest  of  Aquitaine  by  Pippin  the  Short. — Death  of  Pippin;  accession  of  Charlemagne 
and  Carloman.  —  Deposition  of  the  anti-pope  Constantine;  election  of  Pope  Stephen  III. 

771.    Death  of  Carloman,  leaving  Charlemagne  sole  king  of  the  Franks. 

773.  Charlemagne's  first  wars  with  the  Saxons. — Death  of  Pope  Stephen  III. ;  election  of 
Hadrian  I. 

7  74.  Charlemagne's  acquisition  of  the  Lombard  kingdom ;  his  enlargement  of  the  donation  of 
temporalities  to  the  Pope. —  Forgery  of  the  "  Donation  of  Constantine."* 

'775.    Death  of  the  Eastern  Emperor  Constantine  V. ;  accession  of  Leo  IV. 

7 '7 8.    Charlemagne's  invasion  of  Spain;  tlie  "dolorous  rout"  of  Roncesvalles. 

780.  Death  of  the  Eastern  Emperor  Leo  IV. ;  accession  of  Constantine  VI. ;  regency  of  Irene. 

781.  Italy  and  Aquitaine  formed  into  separate  kingdoms  by  Charlemagne. 
785.    Great  struggle  of  the  Saxons  against  Charlemagne;  submission  of  Wittikind. 
780.     Accession  of  Haroun  al  Raschid  in  the  eastern  caliphate. 

787.  Seventh  General  Council  of  the  Church  (Second  Council  of  Nicaa). —  First  incursions  of 
the  Danes  in  England. 

788.  Subjugation  of  the  Bavarians  by  Charlemagne.  — Death  of  Abderrahman. 
'790.    Composition  of  the  Caroline  books.* 

791.    Charlemagne's  first  campaign  against  the  Avars. 
.    794.    Accession  of  Cenwulf,  king  of  Mercia. 
[   795.     Death  of  Pope  Hadrian  I. ;  election  of  Leo  III. 
-^'  797.    Deposition  and  blinding  of  tlie  Eastern  Emperor  Constantine  VI.,  by  his  mother  Irene. 

800.  Imperial  coronation  of  Charlemagne;  revival  of  the  Empire. — Accession  of  Ecgberht, 
king  of  Wessex,  the  first  king  of  all  the  English. 

*  Uncertain  date. 


2074 


MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST. 


TTir  (liriil'il 
CtlUphitte. 


MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST. 


and  (1eci8lve  conflict.  .  .  .  Trivial  Blcirmislics 
from  time  to  time  Itept  nlivo  tlio  nrdor  of  Imlli 
Ii08t8,  till  nt  length,  nt  dawn  on  Snturdiiv,  tlio 
llih  of  October  [A.  D.  7!t'-!l.  the  HiKnid'for  a 
genernl  onset  WI18  given.  With  one  loud  shout 
of  Allnh-Alcbftr  (God  is  great  i.  tlie  Arab  horse- 
men churged  like  atcHipestuiic.il  their  foe,  but 
the  deep  columns  of  the  Franks  did  not  bend 
before  the  blast.  '  I>ikc  a  wall  of  iron,' says  the 
clironicler,  'like  a  rampart  of  ice,  tlie  men  of  the 
North  stood  unmoved  by  the  frightful  shock.' 
All  day  long  the  charges  were  renewed. "  Still  the 
stout  Franks  held  their  (;roun(l,  and  still  the  in- 
domitable warriors  of  Islam  pressed  upon  them, 
until  late  in  the  afternoon,  when  the  latter  were 
thrown  into  confusion  by  an  attack  on  their  rear. 
Then  Karl  and  his  men  charged  on  them  and 
their  lines  were  broken  —  their  rout  was  bloody 
and  complete.  When  night  put  an  end  to  tlio 
Blau^hter,  the  Franks  slept  upon  their  arms,  ex- 
pecting tliat  the  dreaded  Saracens  would  rally 
and  resume  the  fight.  Hut  they  vanished  in  the 
darkness.  Their  leader,  the  bnive  Abd  el-Kah- 
man  had  fallen  in  tlio  wild  melee  and  no  courage 
was  left  in  their  hearts.  Abandoning  everything 
but  their  liorses  and  their  arms,  tliey  fled  to  Nar- 
bonne.  "  Europe  was  rescued,  Christianity  tri- 
umphant, Karl  the  hero  forever  of  Christian 
civilization." — P.  Godwin,  Hint,  of  France:  Aii,- 
eieiit  Gaul,  eh.  14. — The  booty  found  by  the 
Franks  in  the  Moslem  camp  "was  enormous; 
hard-money,  ingots  of  the  preciou,  metals, 
melted  from  jewels  and  shrines;  precio.is  vases, 
rich  stuffs,  subsistence  stores,  flocks  and  herds 
gathered  and  parked  in  the  camp.  Most  if  tliis 
booty  had  been  taken  by  the  Moslemah  frr.m  tlie 
Aquitauians,  who  now  had  the  sorrow  of  seeing 
it  greedily  divided  among  the  Franks."  —  H. 
Coppee,  Conquett  of  Spain  by  tlie  Arab-Moors,  bk. 
6,  eh.  1  (».  2). 

Also  in  i  E.  8.  Creasy,  Fifteen  Decisive  Battles 
of  the  World,  eh.  7. 

A.  D.  715-750. — Omeyyads  and  Abbassides. 
— The  dividing  of  the  Cfaliphate. — Tlie  tragic 
deatli  of  Hosein  and  !iis  companions  at  Kerbela 
kindled  a  passion  whicli  time  would  not  extin- 
guish in  the  hearts  of  one  great  party  among  the 
Moslems.  The  first  ambitious  leader  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  the  excitement  of  it,  as  a  means  of 
overthrowing  the  Omeyyads,  was  Abdallah  ibn 
Zobeir,  who,  piosing  first  as  tlie  "Protector  of 
the  Holy  House  "  of  All,  soon  proclaimed  himself 
Caliph  and  maintained  for  thirteen  years  a  rival 
court  at  Mecca.  In  the  war  whicli  raged  during 
a  great  part  of  tliose  years,  Medina  was  taken  by 
storm  and  given  over  to  pillage,  while  the  holy 
c^ty  of  Mecca  withstood  a  siege  of  forty  days, 
during  whicli  the  sacred  Caaba  was  destroyed. 
Zobeir  fell,  at  last,  in  a  final  battle  fought  under 
the  walls  of  Jlecca.  Meantime,  several  changes 
in  the  caliphate  at  Damascus  had  taken  place  and 
the  throne  was  soon  afterwards  [A.  D.  705]  occu- 
pied by  the  Caliph  Welid,  whose  reign  proved 
more  glorious  than  that  of  ony  otlicr  prince  of 
his  Iiouse.  ' '  Elements  of  disorder  still  remained, 
but  under  the  wise  and  firm  sceptre  of  Welid  they 
were  lield  in  check.  Tlie  arts  of  peace  prevailed ; 
schools  were  founded,  learning  cultivated,  and 
poets  royally  rewarded ;  public  works  of  every 
useful  kind  were  promoted,  and  even  hospitals 
established  for  the  aged,  lame,  and  blind.  Such, 
indeed,  at  this  era,  was  tlie  glory  of  the  court  of 
Damascus  that  Weil,  of  all  the  Caliphs  both  be- 


fore and  after,  gives  the  precedence  to  Welid. 
It  is  the  fashion  for  the  Arabian  historians  to 
obuse  the  Omeyyads  as  a  dissolute,  intemperate, 
and  godless  race;  but  we  must  not  forget  that 
these  all  wrote  more  or  less  under  Abbassidc  in- 
spiration. .  .  .  After  Welid,  the  Onieyyad  dy- 
nasty lasted  sixandthirty  years.  But  it  began 
to  rest  on  a  precarious  l)asi8.  For  now  tlie  agents 
of  the  liouse  of  Ilashim,  descendants  of  tlie 
Prophet  and  of  his  uncle  Abbas,  commenced  to 
ply  secretly,  but  with  vigour  and  persistency, 
their  task  of  canvass  and  intrigue  in  distant  cities, 
and  especially  in  the  provinces  of  the  East.  For 
a  long  time,  the  endeavour  of  these  agitators  was 
directed  to  the  advocacy  of  tlie  Shiya  riglit;  that 
is  to  say.  It  was  based  upon  the  Divine  claim  of 
Aly,  and  his  descendants  in  the  Prophet's  line,  to- 
the  Imamatc  or  leadership  over  tlie  empire  of 
Islam.  .  .  .  The  disconiHture  of  the  Sliiyas 
paved  tlic  way  for  the  designing  advocates  of  the 
other  Hashimite  branch,  namely,  that  of  the 
house  of  Ablms,  the  uncle  of  the  Prophet.  These 
had  all  along  been  plotting  in  liic  background, 
and  watcliing  tlieir  opportunitj'.  Tliey  now 
vaunted  the  claims  of  this  line,  ond  were  bare- 
faced enough  to  urge  that,  being  descended  from 
the  uncle  of  Mahomet  tlirough  male  representa- 
tives, tliey  took  precedence  over  the  direct  de- 
scendants of  the  Prophet  hini.seif,  because  tlieso 
came  through  Fatima  in  tlie  lemale  line.  Almut 
tlio  year  130  of  the  Hegira,  Abul  Abbas,  of  Abas- 
side  descent,  was  put  forward  in  Persia,  as  the 
candidate  of  tills  party,  and  his  claim  was  sup- 
ported by  tlie  famous  general  Abu  Sluslim.  Suc- 
cessful in  the  East,  Abu  Muslim  turned  his  arms 
to  the  West.  A  great  liattle,  one  of  those  whicli 
decide  the  fate  of  empin's,  was  fouglit  on  the 
lianks  of  the  Zab  [A.  D.  7.')0] ;  and,  through  the 
defection  of  certain  Kliareiite  and  Yemen  levies, 
was  lost  by  the  Omeyyacl  army.  Merwan  II., 
tlie  last  of  !iis  dynasty,  wan  driven  to  Egypt,  and 
tliere  killed  in  the  cliurch  of  Bussir,  whither  he 
had  fled  for  refutrc.  At  the  close  of  tlie  year  133- 
[Aug.  5,  A.  D.  750],  the  black  flag,  emblem  of 
the  Abbassides,  floated  over  the  liattlements  of 
Damascus.  The  Omeyyad  dynasty,  after  ruling 
tlio  vast  Moslem  empire  for  a  century,  now  dis- 
appeared in  cruelty  and  bloodshed.  ...  So 
perisiied  the  royal  house  of  the  Omeyyads.  But 
one  escaped.  He  fled  to  Spain,  wliieh  had  never 
favoured  the  overweening  pretensions  of  the 
Prophet's  family,  whether  in  the  line  of  Aly  or 
Abbtts.  Accepted  by  the  Arab  tribes,  wliosc  in- 
fluence in  the  West  was  paramount,  Abd  al 
Rahman  now  laid  tlie  foundation  of  a  new  Dy- 
nasty and  perpetuated  tlie  Omeyyad  name  at  the 
magnificent  court  of  Cordova.  .  .  .  Thus,  with 
tl  J  rise  of  the  Abbassides,  the  unity  of  the  Cali- 
pliate  came  to  an  end.  Never  after,  eitiier  in 
tlieory  or  in  fact,  was  tliere  a  successor  to  the 
Prophet,  acknowledged  as  such  over  all  Islam. 
Other  provinces  followed  in  tlie  wake  of  Spain. 
The  Aghlabite  dynasty  in  the  east  of  Africa,  and, 
west  of  it,  the  Edrisites  in  Fez,  both  of  Alyite 
descent;  Egypt  and  Sicily  under  independent 
rulers;  thelahirite  kings  in  Persia,  their  native 
soil ;  these  and  others,  breaking  away  from  tlio 
central  government,  established  kingdoms  of  tlieir 
own.  The  name  of  Caliph,  however  it  might 
survive  in  the  Abbasside  lineage,  or  be  assumed 
by  less  legitimate  pretenders,  had  now  altogether 
lost  its  virtue  and  significance." — Sir  W.  Muir, 
Annals  of  the  Early  Caliphate,  ch.  50. 


2075 


MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST. 


OordoiHi  ami 
BagcUui. 


MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST. 


Al.RO  in:  S.  LnncPoole,  The  Mohammadan 
DjIiKiMiiii,  p]>.  13-14. — H.  1).  Osborii,  Mtim  i'luler 
the  Aiit/m,  lit.  8. 

A.  D.  717-718.— Second  repulse  from  Con- 
stantinople.    See  CoNBTA.NTi.Noi'l.K;  A.  I).  717- 

71H. 

A.  D.  753-759. — Final  expulsion  from  south- 
ern Gaul. — During  Mic  yeiir  of  liis  coroniition 
(A.  I).  7r)3)  Pi|)i)in,or  Pepin  tlif  Sliort  — tlie  firm 
uf  the  Curolinginng  to  nNHUiiie  the  Fraukish 
crown  —  Imvin^  tiiktn  nieiisurcH  to  reduce  A(iui- 
taino  to  obedience,  wiis  divcrtctl,  on  his  miirch 
towiirdg  that  country,  into  Septimania.  The 
discord  prevailing  among  tlie  Moslems,  who  had 
occupied  this  region  of  Uaul  for  more  than  thirty 
yearH,  "openea  the  prospect  of  an  easy  con- 
quest. With  little  flghting,  and  through  the 
treachery  of  a  Qoth  named  Anseniond,  who 
commanded  at  Beziers,  Agde,  Maguelonne,  and 
NisMK's,  under  an  Arabian  wall,  he  was  enabled 
to  seize  those  strongholds,  and  to  leave  a  p;irt 
of  his  trooi)S  to  besiege  Narbonne,  as  the  first 
step  towiini  future  success."  Then  Pippin  was 
called  away  by  war  with  the  Saxons  and  in  Brit- 
tany, and  was  occupied  with  otlier  cares  and 
conllicts,  until  A.  I).  759,  when  ho  took  up  and 
(inished  the  ta.sk  of  expelling  the  Saracens  from 
Oaul.  "  Ilis  troops  left  in  occupation  of  Hepti- 
mania  (752)  had  steadily  prosecuted  the  siege  of 
Narbonne.  .  .  .  Not  till  after  a  blockauc  of 
seven  years  was  the  city  surrendered,  and  then 
through  the  treason  of  the  Christians  and  Goths 
who  were  inside  the  walls,  and  made  secret  terms 
with  the  beleaguercrs.  They  rose  upon  the 
Aral>8,  cut  them  in  pieces,  and  opened  the  gates 
to  the  Franks.  A  reduction  of  Elnc,  Caueolib- 
cris,  and  Carcassone  followed  hard  upon  that  of 
Narbonne.  ...  In  a  little  while  the  entire  Arab 
population  was  driven  out  of  Septinianiii,  after 
an  occupation  of  forty  years;  and  a  large  and 
important  province  (equivalent  nearly  to  the 
whole  of  Languedoc),  held  during  the  time  of 
the  Merovingians  by  the  Wisigoths,  was  secured 
to  the  possession  of  the  Franks.  The  Arabs, 
however,  though  expelled,  left  many  traces  of 
their  long  residence  on  the  manners  and  customs 
of  Southern  Gaul." — P.  Godwin,  Jfist.  of  France: 
Ancient  Oaul,  ch.  15. 

A.  D.  756-1031.— The  Omeyyad  caliphs  of 
Cordova. — When  the  struggle  of  the  house  of 
Abbas  witn  the  house  of  Omeyya,  for  the  throne 
of  the  caliphate  at  Damascus,  was  ended  by  the 
overthrow  of  the  Omeyyads  (A.  D.  750),  the 
■wretched  members  of  the  fallen  family  were 
hunted  down  with  unsparing  ferocity.  ' '  A  single 
youth  of  the  doomed  race  escaped  from  destruc- 
tion. After  a  long  series  of  romantic  adventures, 
he  found  his  way  Into  Spain  [A.  D.  756] ;  he  there 
found  partizans,  by  whose  aid  he  was  enabled  to 
establish  himself  as  sovereign  of  the  country,  and 
to  resist  all  the  attempts  of  the  Abbassides  to 
regain,  or  rather  to  obtain,  possession  of  the  distant 
province.  From  this  Abderrahman  [or  Abdulrah- 
man]  the  Oinmiad  proceeded  the  line  of  Emirs  and 
Caliphs  of  Cordova,  who  reigned  in  splendour 
in  the  West  for  three  centuries  after  their  house 
had  been  exterminated  in  their  original  posses- 
sions. .  .  .  When  the  Onmiiad  Abdalrahman 
escaped  into  Spain  .  .  .  the  peninsula  was  in  a 
very  disordered  state.  The  authority  of  the 
Caliphs  of  the  East  was  nearly  nominal,  and 
governors  rose  and  fell  with  vcrv  little  reference 
to  their  distant  sovereign.  .  .  .  'The  elevation  of 


Abdalrahman  may  have  been  the  result,  not 
so  nnich  of  any  blind  preference  of  Onuniads  to 
Abbassides.  as  of  a  cimvietion  that  nature  de- 
signed the  Iberian  peninsula  to  foriu  an  indepen- 
dent state.  But  at  that  early  period  of  Mahoin- 
clan  history  an  independent  Maliometan  state 
could  hardly  be  founded,  except  under  the  giilso 
of  a  rival  Caliphate.  .  .  .  And  undoubtedly 
nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  the  Onuniads 
of  Cordova  were  in  every  sense  a  rival  dynasty 
to  the  Abbassides  of  Bagdad.  The  race  of  Moa- 
wiyah  seem  to  have  decidedly  improved  by  their 
migration  westward.  The  Caliphs  of  Spain 
must  be  allowed  one  of  the  highest  places  among 
Mahometan  dyiULSties.  In  the  duration  of  their 
house  ,'uid  in  the  abundance  of  able  princes 
wliich  it  produced,  they  v'jld  only  to  the 
Ottoman  Sultans,  while  they  rise  Incomparably 
above  them  in  every  estimable  quality.  .  .  . 
Tlie  most  splendid  period  of  the  Saracen  empire 
in  Spain  was  during  the  tenth  century.  The 
great  ('aliph  Abdalrahman  Annasir  Ledinallah 
raised  the  magnificence  of  the  Cordovan  mon- 
archy to  its  highest  pitch.  .  .  .  The  last  thirty 
years  of  the  Ommiad  dynasty  are  a  mere  weari- 
some series  of  usurpations  and  civil  wars.  In 
1031  the  line  became  extinct,  and  the  Onimiud 
empire  was  cut  up  into  numerous  petty  states. 
F'rom  this  moment  the  Christians  advance,  no 
more  to  retreat,  and  the  cause  of  Islam  is  only 
sustained  by  repeated  African  immigrations." — 
E.  A.  Freeman,  Uiat.  and  Conquents  vf  the  ISara- 
eens,  tect.  4-5. 

Also  in  :  H.  Coppee,  Conqiteit  of  Sixiin  by  the 
Arab-Moon,  bk.  0,  cli.  5;  bk.  7,  ch.  1-4;  bk.  8, 
ch.  1. 

A.  D.  763.— The  Caliphate  transferred  to 
Bagdad. — "The  city  of  Damascus,  full  as  it 
was  of  memorials  of  the  pride  and  greatness  of 
the  Ommiade  dynasty,  was  naturally  distasteful 
to  the  Abbassides.  The  Caliph  Mansur  had 
commenced  the  building  of  a  new  capital  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Kufa,  to  be  called  after  the 
founder  of  his  family,  Hashimiyeh.  The  Kufans, 
however,  were  devoted  partisans  of  the  descen- 
dants of  Ali.  .  .  .  The  growing  jealousy  and 
distrust  between  the  two  houses  made  it  inad- 
visable for  the  Benl  Abbas  to  plant  the  seat  of 
their  empire  in  immediate  propinquity  to  the 
head-quarters  of  the  Ali  faction,  and  Mansur 
therefore  selected  another  site  [about  A.  D.  703]. 
This  was  Bagdatl,  on  the  western  bank  of  the 
Tigris  [fifteen  miles  above  Medain,  which  was 
the  ancient  Seleucia  and  Ctesiphon],  It  was 
well  suited  by  nature  for  a  great  capital.  The 
Tigris  brought  commerce  from  Diyar  Bekr  on 
the  north,  and  through  the  Persian  Gulf  from 
India  and  China  on  the  east ;  while  the  Euphrates, 
which  here  approaches  the  Tigris  at  the  nearest 
point,  and  is  reached  by  a  good  road,  communi- 
cated directly  with  Syria  and  the  west.  The 
name  Bagdad  is  a  very  ancient  one,  signifying 
'  given  or  founded  by  the  deity,'  and  testifies  to 
the  imi)ortance  of  the  site.  The  new  city  rapidly 
increased  in  extent  and  magnificence,  the  founder 
and  his  next  two  successors  expending  fabulous 
sums  upon  its  embellishment,  and  the  ancient 
palaces  of  the  Sassanian  kings,  as  well  as  the 
other  principal  cities  of  Asia,  were  robbed  of 
their  works  of  art  for  its  adornment." — E.  II. 
Palmer,  Ilaroun  AlraschiU,  Caliph  of  Bagdad,  ch. 
2. — "Baghdad,  answering  to  its  proud  name  of 
'  Dar  al  Salam,'  '  The  City  of  Peace,'  became  for 


2076 


MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST. 


tSrniri'ni/iru  «/ 
(Aa  Tuikt. 


MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST. 


a  time  the  capital  of  the  world,  the  centre  of 
luxury,  till!  emporium  of  commerrc,  niui  tlio  wiit 
of  Iciiniing." —  Sir  W.  Muir,  AniuiU  of  the  Hnrly 
('(iliji/iitte.  eh.  50. 

A.  D.  81^-945.— Decline  and  temporal  fall 
of  the  Caliphate  at  Baedad. —  "It  wim  not 
until  iiciuly  tliu  tlosi?  of  tliu  llrst  rcniury  aft(T 
tliL'  llcjira  tlmt  the  banners  of  Islnni  wore  cur- 
ried into  the  rc'jfiong  Iw^yond  the  O.xus,  and  only 
after  a  great  deal  of  hard  llgliting  that  the  oases 
of  Hdkhara  an<I  Samarkand  were  annexed  to  the 
dominiona  of  the  khalif.  In  these  struggles,  .i 
large  n\irnl)er  of  Turks  —  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren—  fell  into  the  power  of  the  Moslems,  and 
were  scattered  over  Asia  as  slaves.  .  ,  .  The 
khalif  Mamoun  [son  of  Ilaroun  Alruschid  — 
A.  I).  815-834]  was  tlio  first  sovereign  who  con- 
ceived the  idea  of  Imsing  the  royal  power  on  a 
foundation  of  regularly  drilled  Turkish  soldiers." 
—  H.  D.  Oshorn,  Idam  viulcr  the.  Khitlifn  of 
Baghdad,  pt.  3,  ch.  1.— "Tlic  Caliphs  from  this 
time  leaned  for  support  on  great  bands  of  foreign 
mercenaries,  chielly  Turks,  and  their  captains 
became  the  real  lords  of  tlio  empire  as  soon  as 
they  realised  their  own  strength.  How  tl  or- 
ougldy  the  Ahlmsid  calipliatc  had  hecMi  under- 
mined was  shown  ail  at  once  in  a  shocking  man- 
ner, when  the  Caliph  Mutawakkil  was  murdered 
by  ids  own  servants  at  the  conunand  of  his  son, 
and  the  parricide  Muutasir  set  upon  the  throne 
in  his  stead  (Dec.  861).  The  power  of  tiie  Caliphs 
was  now  at  an  end;  they  became  the  mere  play- 
things of  their  own  savage  warriors.  Tlio  re- 
moter, sometimes  even  tlio  nearer,  provinces 
■were  practically  independent.  The  princes  for- 
mally recognised  tlie  Calipli  as  their  sovereign, 
stiunpcd  his  name  upon  tlieir  coins,  and  gave  it 
precedence  in  public  prayer,  but  these  were  hon- 
ours without  any  solid  value.  Some  Caliplis, 
Indeed,  recovered  a  measure  of  real  power,  but 
only  as  rulers  of  a  much  diminished  State.  Tlieo- 
retically  the  fiction  of  an  undivided  empire  of 
Islam  wos  maintained,  but  it  had  long  ceased  to 
be  a  reality.  The  names  of  Caliph,  Commander 
of  the  Faithful,  Imtim,  continued  still  to  inspire 
some  reverence;  the  theological  doctors  of  law 
insisted  tliat  tlie  Citliph,  in  spiritual  things  at 
least,  must  everywhere  bear  rule,  and  control  all 
judicial  posts ;  but  even  tlieoretically  his  position 
was  far  behind  that  of  a  pope,  and  in  practice 
was  not  for  a  moment  to  be  compared  to  it.  The 
Caliph  never  was  tlie  head  of  a  true  hierarchy ; 
Islam  in  fact  knows  no  priesthood  on  whicli 
such  a  system  could  have  rested.  In  thn  tenth 
century  the  Buids,  tliree  brothers  who  liad  left 
tlie  hardly  converted  Gilan  (the  mountiiinous 
district  at  the  soutliwest  angle  of  the  Caspian 
Sea)  as  poor  adventurers,  succeeded  in  con  uer- 
ing  for  themselves  tlie  sovereign  command  o;'er 
wide  domains,  and  over  Bagdad  itself  [establish 
ing  what  is  known  as  the  dynasty  of  the  Buids 
or  Bouidcs,  or  Bowides,  or  Dilcmites].  Tliey 
even  proposed  to  themselves  to  displace  the  Ab- 
bosids  and  set  descendants  of  All  upon  the 
throne,  and  abandoned  the  idea  only  because 
they  feared  that  a  Caliph  of  tlie  house  of  All 
might  exercise  too  great  an  authority  over  their 
Shiite  soldiers,  and  so  become  Independent; 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  they  could  make 
use  of  these  troops  for  anj-  violence  they  cliose 
against  the  Abb&sid  puppet  who  sat  in  Alansur's 
seat."— T.  NOIdekc,  Sketches  from  Eastern  UUt., 
ch.  3. 


A.  D.  837-878.— Conquest  of  Sicily.  See 
Hicii.v:  A.  I).  827-878. 

A.  D.  840-890. — The  Saracen*  in  touthern 
Italy.     See  Italy  (Soistiikun);  A.  I).  8(H)-1()1«. 

A.  D.  908-1171.— The  Fatimite  caliphr— 
"  Kgypt,  during  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries, 
was  the  theatre  of  several  revolutions.  Two 
dynasties  of  Turkish  slaves,  the  Tolunldes  and 
the  IlkBhlditea,  estalilished  theniHclves  in  tliat 
country,  which  was  (>nly  reunited  to  theCaliphatu 
of  Bagdad  for  a  brief  pcri(Kl  between  their  usur- 
patioii.s.  But  early  in  the  ninth  century  a  singular 
power  had  l)een  growing  up  on  its  western  bor- 
der. ...  A  schism  arose  among  the  followers 
of  All  [tlie  slilahs,  who  recognized  no  succession 
to  the  Prophet,  or  Imamato — leadership  in 
Islam  —  except  in  the  line  of  descent  from  All, 
nephew  of  Mahomet  anil  husband  of  .Mahomet's 
daughter,  Fatinia)  regarding  the  legitimate  suc- 
cession to  the  sixth  Imam,  .latter.  Ills  eldest 
son,  Ismail  or  Ishinael,  dying  before  him,  .lalTer 
apiiointed  another  son,  Moussa  or  Moses,  his 
licir.  But  a  large  body  of  the  sect  denied  that 
.lalTer  had  the  right  to  make  a  new  iu>mlnatlr)u; 
they  adlrmed  the  Iniamate  to  be  strictly  heredi- 
tary, and  formed  a  new  partjrof  Ishniaelians,  who 
seem  to  have  made  sometliing  very  like  a  deity 
of  their  hero.  A  cliief  of  tins  sect,  Mahomet, 
Hurnanied  Al  Mehdi,  or  the  Leader,  a  title  given 
by  tlie  Shlalis  to  their  Imams,  revolted  in  Africa 
in  908.  He  professed  liimself,  though  his  claims 
were  bitterly  derided  bj'  his  enemies,  to  be  a  de- 
scendant of  Ishinael,  and  consequently  to  be  the 
legitimate  Imam.  Armed  with  this  claim,  it  was 
of  course  his  business  to  acquire,  if  he  could, 
the  temporal  power  of  a  Caliph ;  and  as  he  soon 
obtained  tlie  sovereignty  of  a  considerable  portion 
of  Africa,  a  rival  Caliphate  was  consequently 
established  in  that  country.  This  dynasty  as- 
sumed the  name  of  Fatimites,  in  honour  of  their 
famous  ancestress  Fatima,  the  daughter  of  the 
Prophet.  The  fourth  in  succession,  Muez/eddia 
by  name,  obtained  poasession  of  Egypt  about 
007.  .  .  .  Tliu  Ilkshfdites  and  tlieir  nominal  sov- 
ereigns, tho  Abhassides,  lost  Egypt  witli  great 
rapidity.  Al  Muezzcddin  transferred  his  res- 
idence thither,  and  founded  [at  Fostat  —  see 
above,  A.  D.  640-040]  the  city  of  Cairo,  which 
,he  made  his  capital.  Egypt  thus,  from  a  tribu- 
tary province,  became  again,  as  in  the  days  of  its 
Pharaohs  anci  Ptolemies,  the  seat  of  a  powerful 
kingdom.  Tlie  claims  of  the  Egyptian  Caliphs 
were  diligently  proRclied  througliout  all  Islam, 
and  their  temporal  power  was  rapidly  extendeil 
into  the  adjoining  provinces  of  Syria  and  Arabia. 
Palestine  became  again  .  .  .  the  battle-field  for 
the  lords  of  Egypt  and  of  the  East.  Jerusalem, 
tlie  holy  city  of  so  maiiy  creeds,  was  conquered 
ond  reconquered.  .  .  .  The  Egyptian  Caliphate 
.  .  .  played  an  imi)ortant  part  in  tlie  history  of 
tlie  Cru.sades.  At  last,  in  1171,  it  was  abolislicd 
by  the  famous  Saladin.  He  himself  became  the 
founder  of  a  new  dynasty;  but  the  formal 
aspect  of  tho  change  was  that  Egypt,  so  long 
schismatic,  was  again  restored  to  the  obedience 
of  Bagdad.  Saladin  was  lord  of  Egypt,  but  the 
titles  of  the  Abbasside  Caliph,  the  true  Com- 
mander of  the  Faitiiful,  appeared  again  on  the 
coin  and  in  the  public  prayers,  insteiul  of  tiiat  of 
his  Fatimite  rival." — E.  A.  Freeman,  Uist.  and 
Conquests  of  the  Sarocens,  lect.  4. 

Also  in;  S.  Lane-Poole,  Vie  Mohamnmdun 
Dynasties,  pp.   70-73.— W.  C.  Taylor,  Uist.  of 


2077 


MAHOMETAN  CONQUEST. 


MAINE. 


Mohnmmfdaniim  and  tit  Srrid,  ek.  8  ami  10.— Sep, 
hIso,  .Ikhihai.km:  A.  I).  1UII-11H7. 

A.  D.  963-1187.  — The  Ghasnavide  empire. 
H«c  India:  A.  IJ.  077-1200;  uml  Tukkb:  A.  I). 

ooo-iih:i. 

A.  D.  964-976.— Loites  in  Syria  and  Cilicia. 
fk'e  Hv/.ANTi.MC  Kmi-iiik:  A.  I).  OlMI-loa.'S;  iiIho, 
Antkkh,  a.  I).  000. 

A.  D.  1004-1160.  —  The  Seljuk  Conqueitt. 
BceTtiiiKH;  A.  I).  l(H»»-l(Mi;i  to  1002-11(10. 

A.  D.  1017.  —  Expulsion  from  Sardinia  by 
the  Pisans  and  Genoese.     HcuI'iha:  Okkiin  ok 

TIIK  CITV, 

A.  D.  1031-1086.  —  Fragmentary  kingdoms 
in  Spain.    See  Si-ain:  A.  I).  lODl-lOHO. 

A.  D.  1060-1090.  —The  lost  of  Sicily.  810 
Itai.V:  a.  1).   10(MI-1()1)0. 


A.  D.  1086-1147.— The  empire  of  the  Almo- 
ravides.     Hcc  Ai.mohavidkk. 

A.  D.  1146-1333.- The  empire  of  the  Almo- 
hades.  Hcu  Almoiiaubh;  ami  Spain:  A.  D. 
Ultl  12:<a. 

A.  D.  1340-1453.  — Conquests  of  the  Otto- 
man  Turks.     i\vr    Tiukh:    A.    I).    1240-11)2(1; 

i:i2(i-i;ir.O;  i;mo-i;wo;  i;tno-iio:!;  M02-I4r)i;iiii(l 

M.'>1-1IH1. 

A.  D.  1358.— Extinction  of  the  Caliphate  of 
Bagdad  by  the  Mongols.    Scu  Uauuad:  A.  D, 

vm. 

A.  D.  13^3-1493.— Decay  and  fall  of  the  last 
Moorish  kingdom  in  Spain.  HouUi-ain:  A.  I>. 
127;)-ll(10;  mid  117(1-1402. 

A.  D.  TS19-1605.— The  Mogul  conquest  of 
India.    UuuImuia:  A.  I).  liiOO-1005. 


MAHOMETAN  ERA.    See  Era,  Mahomk- 

TAN. 


MAHRATTAS  :  17th  Century.— Origin  and 
growth  of  power.     Set- India:  A.  I).  10(12-1  74h. 

A.  D.  1759-1761.- Disastrous  conflict  with 
the  Afghans.— Great  defeat  at  Panniput.  Hco 
1m)IA:  a.  I).  1747-1701. 

A.  D.  1781-1819.— Wars  with  the  English. 
See  India:  A.  D.  1780-1783;  1708-1805;  and 
1810-1810. 

MAID  OF  NORWAY.  See  Scotland: 
A.  I).  1200-iao,'i. 

MAID  OF  ORLEANS,  The  Mission  of  the. 
SeeFliANCK:  A.  I).  1420-M;tl, 

MAIDA,    Battle    of   (1806).      Sec   Fuancf.: 

A.    I).   lHO,'>-lW)0(l)KrKMIlKU— SKI'T.-MIIEII). 

MAILLOTINS,  Insurrection  of  the.  Seo 
Pauib:  a.  D.  1381. 

MAINE:  The  Name.— "Sullivan  In  'Hist. 
of  Sliiine,'  and  others,  say  that  the  territory  was 
called  the  Province  of  Maine,  in  compliment  to 
Queen  Henrietta,  who  had  that  province  in 
France  for  dowry.  Hut  Folsoni,  'Discourse  on 
Jlaiue"  (Maine  Itist.  Coll.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  38),  says 
that  that  province  in  Franco  did  not  belong  to 
Henrietta.  Maine,  like  all  the  rest  of  the  coa.st, 
was  known  as  the  'Elaine,'  the  mainland,  and  it 
is  not  unlikely  that  the  word  so  much  used  by 
the  early  fishers  on  the  coast,  may  thus  have 
been  permanently  given  to  this  part  of  it." — 
W.  C.  Bryant  and  8.  II.  Guy,  Hut.  of  the  U.  S., 
V.  1,  p.  837,  foot-note. 

Aboriginal  inhabitants.  See  A.mkkican  Abo- 
iiKiiNKs:  Ahnakiw,  and  Amionquian  Family. 

Embraced   in  the    Norumbega    of  the  old 

feographers.     See  Nouu.mheoa  ;  also,  Canada  : 
HK  NaMKS. 

A.  D.  1607-1608. — The  Popham  colony  on 
the  Kennebec. — Fruitless  undertaking  of  the 
Plymouth  Company. —  The  company  chartered 
in  England  by  King  .lames,  in  1600,  for  the 
colonization  of  the  indefinite  region  called  Vir- 
ginia, was  divided  into  two  branches.  To  one, 
commonly  spoken  of  as  the  London  Company, 
but  sometimes  as  the  Virginia  Company,  was 
assigned  a  domain  in  the  south,  from  34°  to  41° 
N.  L.  To  the  other,  less  familiarly  known  as 
the  Plymouth  Company,  or  the  North  Virginia 
Company,  was  granted  a  range  of  territory  from 
38°  to  4.5°  N.  1.  (see  Virginia:  A.  D.  1000- 
1007).  The  first  named  company  founded  a 
state ;  the  Plymouth  branch  was  less  fortunate. 


"Of  tho  Plymouth  Company,  George  Popham, 
brother  of  the  Chief  .Iu.stice,  and  Itidelgh  Gilbert, 
son  of  the  earlier  navigator  and  nephew  of  Sir 
Waller  K^kleigh,  were  original  associates.  A 
vcs-sel  despatehcd  from  liristol  by  Sir  .John 
I'opham  made  a  further  survey  of  the  coast  of 
New  England,  and  returned  with  accounts  which 
infused  vigorous  life  into  the  undertaking;  and 
it  was  .low  prosecuted  with  eagerness  and  libe- 
rality. But  In  little  more  tlian  a  year  'all  itft 
former  hoijes  were  frozen  to  death.'  Three  shipa 
sailed  from'  Plymouth  with  100  settlers,  amply 
fiimlHlied,  and  taking  two  of  Qurges's  Indians 
[kidnapped  on  the  voyage  of  Captain  Weymouth 
in  1005]  as  Iiitcrpieters  and  guides.  After  a 
prosperous  voyage  they  reached  the  mouth  of 
tho  river  called  .Sagadiihoc,  or  Kennebec,  in 
Maine,  and  on  a  projecting'  point  proceeded  to 
organize  their  commtinity.  After  praj-ers  and  a 
sermon,  they  listened  to  n  reading  of  tho  patent 
and  of  the  ordinances  under  whinh  it  had  been 
decreed  by  the  authorities  at  homo  that  thev 
should  live.  George  Popham  had  been  consti- 
tuted their  President,  Raleigh  Gilbert  was  Ad- 
miral. .  .  .  The  adventurers  dug  wells,  and  built 
huts.  More  than  half  of  the  number  bceamo 
discouraged,  and  returned  with  the  ships  to  Fng- 
land.  Forty-five  remained  through  the  wintrir, 
which  proved  to  be  very  long  and  severe.  .  .  . 
When  the  President  sickened  and  died,  and, 
presently  after,  a  ves.sel  despatched  to  them  with 
supplies  brought  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Sir 
John  Popham,  and  of  Sir  John  Gilbert,  —  tho 
latter  eveiit  calling  for  tlie  presence  of  tho 
Admiral,  Gilbert's  brother  and  heir,  in  England, 
—  they  were  ready  to  avail  tlicmselves  of  the  ex- 
cuses thus  aJTorded  for  retreating  from  the  dis- 
tasteful enterprise.  All  yielded  to  tlicir  home- 
sickness, and  embarked  on  board  of  the  returning 
shii),  taking  with  them  a  small  vessel  which  they 
had  built,  and  some  furs  and  other  products  of 
the  country.  Statesmen,  merchants,  and  soldiera 
liad  not  learned  the  conditions  of  a  settlement  in 
New  England.  '  The  country  was  branded  bv 
the  return  of  the  plantation  as  being  over  cold, 
and  in  respect  of  that  not  habitable  by  English- 
men.' Still  the  son  of  tho  Chief  Justice,  'Sir 
Francis  Popham,  could  not  so  give  it  over,  but 
continued  to  send  thither  several  years  after,  in 
hope  of  better  fortunes,  but  found  it  [fruitless, 
and  was  necessitated  at  last  to  sit  down  with  tho 
loss  he  had  already  undergone.'  Sir  Francis 
Popham's  enterprises  were  merely  commercial. 
Gorges  alone  [Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  who  had 
been  among    the  most  active  of   the   original 


2078 


MAINE. 


MAINE. 


firnmotors  of  tho  Coiiipnny],  'not  doubting  l>iit 
lixl  would  I'lTt'cl  tliiit  wliicli  man  ilcNpiiirvil  nf,' 
pt'DiovonHl  ill  clifrisliliiK  tlir  project  of  ii  colony." 
—.1.  O.  Piilfrcv,  l/Ul.  .'/  .\.  /•;«,'/.,  r,  1,  eh.  -i. 

Ai.Ko  in;  \V.  ('.  Hryiiiit  iinil  S.  11.  (iiiv,  /V/ik- 
litr  JIM.  I'fthfl  U.  .v.,  -/i.  Vi.  V.  1.— It.  K;  HowiiII, 
Ancient  Dmninioiui  of  Afiiiiie,  eh.  1). 

A.  D.  1633-1631.— Gorges'  ftnd  Mason's 
grant  and  the  division  01  it.— First  colonies 
planted.     S.c  .Niw  K.mii.and:  A.  D.  IfWl-liWl. 

A.  D.  1639-1631.— The  Ligonia,  or  Plow 
Patent,  and  other  grants. — "  The  const  from 
till!  riii('iitiu|iiii  to  the  KeiiiiclM'C  wiiH  covercil  by 
six  .  .  .  pateiitH,  iHsued  in  the  course  of  threo 
yciirg  by  the  Council  for  New  Kiij^liuid,  with  the 
coiiHUUt,  doubtlesH,  of  (ior/.;es,  who  wiif)  unxloiiH 
to  intercut  its  iimny  persons  us  possililo  in  the 
projects  of  colonization  to  which  he  was  hliiiself 
HO  much  devoted.  Hevend  of  these  grunts  were 
for  smnll  tracts ;  the  most  iniportanl  enibraced 
nn  extent  of  40  miles  H(|Uai'e,  bordering  on  Casco 
liay,  and  iiained  Lif^onia.  The  establishnients 
hitherto  attemptiMl  on  the  eastern  coast  had  been 
principally  for  llshing  and  fur-trading;  this  was 
to  lie  an  agricultural  colony,  and  became  famil- 
iarly Itnown  as  the  '  I'low  patent.'  A  company 
was  formed,  and  some  settlers  sent  out;  but  they 
did  not  like  the  Hitiiation,  and  removed  to  ^tussa- 
clniselts.  Another  of  tlu'se  grants  was  the 
l'eina(|uid  patent,  a  narrow  tract  on  both  sides 
of  I'einaquid  I'oint,  where  already  were  Koine 
settlers.  I'emuquid  remained  an  indepenilent 
community  for  tho  next  forty  years." — K.  Ilil- 
dreth,  JUkI.  of  the  U.  S.,  ch.  7  (p.  1).— Tho  Plow 
Patent  "first  ciune  Into  notoriety  in  u  territorial 
dispute  in  1(143.  The  main  facts  of  the  case  are 
told  shortly  but  clearly  by  Win'lirop.  According 
to  liim,  in.Fuly,  1031.  <-•'  liucbandmen  caino  from 
England,  in  a  ship  named  the  Plough,  with  a 
patent  for  land  at  8agadahock.  ISut  us  the  place 
did  not  please  them  they  settled  in  Massachtisetts, 
and  were  seemingly  dispersed  in  the  reliijious 
troubles  of  1030.  ...  At  a  later  day  tho  rights 
of  the  patentees  were  bought  up,  and  were  made 
a  groinid  for  ousting  Gorges  from  a  part  of  his 
territory." — J.  A.  Doyle,  The  Kitglim  in  Am.: 
The  Puritan  Colonies,  v.  1,  ch.  7. 

Also  in:  I'emaquid  Pujhtn ;  and  Ancient 
Pemaquid,  by  J.  ^Y.  TiMrnton  (Maine  Iliat.  Soc. 
Coll.,  /).  5). 

A.  D.  1639. — A  Palatine  principality.— The 
royal  charter  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges. — "  In 
April  1039  u  charter  was  granted  by  the  King 
constituting  Oorges  Lord  I'roprietor  of  JIaine. 
The  territory  was  bounded  by  the  Sagadaliock 
or  Kennebec  on  the  north  and  tlie  Piscataqua  on 
tlie  south,  and  was  to  extend  120  nules  inland. 
Tlie  political  privileges  of  the  Proprietor  were 
to  be  identical  with  those  enjoyed  by  the  Uishop 
of  Durham  as  Count  Palatine.  He  was  to  legis- 
late in  conjunction  with  the  freeholders  of  the 
province,  and  with  the  usual  reservation  in 
favour  of  tho  laws  of  England.  Mis  political 
riglits  were  to  bo  subject  to  the  control  of  the 
Commiesioners  for  Plantations,  but  his  territorial 
rights  were  to  be  independent  and  complete  in 
tliemselves.  Ho  was  also  to  enjoy  a  monopoly 
of  the  trade  of  the  colony.  The  only  other 
points  specially  worth  notice  were  a,  declaration 
that  the  religion  of  the  colony  was  to  be  that  of 
the  Church  of  England,  u  reservation  on  behalf 
of  all  Euglisli  subjects  of  the  right  of  tishiug 
with  its  necessary  incidents,  and  the  grant  to  the 


Proprietor  of  authority  to  create  manorH  and 
manorial  courts.  There  Is  Homething  painful  in 
the  Npectacle  of  the  once  vigorous  and  ent<'rpris- 
ing  soldier  amusing  his  old  age  by  playing  at 
kingship.  In  no  little  Oerman  court  of  the  last 
century  could  tho  forms  of  government  and  tho 
realities  of  life  have  been  more  at  vnrianco.  To 
conduct  the  business  of  two  tishing  villages 
(iorges  called  into  existence  a  stalT  of  oMIcials 
which  might  have  sullleed  for  the  alTairs  of  tho 
Ily/.aiitliio  Empire.  He  even  oulilld  the  absurd- 
ities which  the  Proprietor.';  of  Carolina  perno- 
Irated  thirty  years  later.  They  at  least  saw  that 
their  elaborate  machinery  of  caeiiiues  and  land- 
graves was  unlit  for  i)ractieal  purposes,  and  they 
waived  it  in  favour  of  a  simple  system  whicli 
had  sprung  up  in  iibedience  to  natural  wants. 
Hut  Gorges  ti^lls  coniplacently  and  with  a  delib- 
erate care,  wliich  contrasts  with  his  usually 
hurried  and  slovenly  style,  how  \u'.  parcelled  out 
his  territory  and  nominated  his  olllcials.  .  .  . 
The  task  of  putting  this  cumbrous  machinery 
Into  molicm  was  eiil rusted  liy  the  Proprietor  to 
his  son,  Thomas  (iorgcn,  as  Deputy-Governor." 
— J.  A.  Doyle,  The  Knf/linh  in  Am. :  The  Puritan 
CidouieH,  V.  1,  ch.  7. — "Tho  Province  was  divid- 
ed into  two  counties,  of  one  of  which  Agamcntl- 
cus,  or  York,  was  the  principal  settlement;  of 
the  other,  Saco.  ...  1  he  greatness  of  York 
mado  It  arrogant;  anil  it  sent  a  deputation  of 
aldermen  and  burgesses  to  the  General  Court  at 
8uco,  to  save  its  metropolitan  rights  by  a  solenui 
protest.  The  Proprietary  was  Its  friend,  and 
before  long  exalted  it  still  more  by  a  city  charter, 
authorl/.ing  it  and  Its  suburbs,  constituting  a 
territory  of  21  gipiare  miles,  to  bo  governed, 
under  tho  name  of  'Qorgcana,'  by  a  Slayor, 
twelve  Aldermen,  n  Common  Council  of  2-i 
members,  and  a  Itecorder,  all  to  be  annually 
chosen  by  the  citizens.  Probably  as  many  as 
two  thirds  of  the  adult  males  were  in  places  of 
authority.  Tho  forms  of  proceeding  in  the  Re- 
corder's Court  were  to  bo  copied  from  tho.se  of 
the  British  cliancery.  This  grave  foolery  wos 
acted  more  than  ten  vears. " — J.  G.  Palfrey,  Jfist. 
of  New  Eng.,  v.  1,  ch.  13. 

Also  in:  Sir  P.  Gorges,  Brief  Narration 
(Maine  Hint.  ISoc.  Coll.,  c.  2). 

A.  D.  1643-1677. — Territorial  jurisdiction  in 
dispute. — The  claims  of  Massachusetts  made 
good. — "In  1043,  the  troubles  in  England  be- 
tween tho  King  and  Commons  grew  violent,  and 
in  tliat  year  Alexander  Higby  bought  the  old 
grant  called  Lygonia  or  '  Plow  Patent,'  and  ap- 
pointed George  Cleaves  his  deputy-president. 
Governor  Thomas  Gorges  about  that  time  re- 
turned to  England,  and  left  Vines  in  his  i>lace. 
Between  Cleaves  and  Vines  there  was  of  course 
a  conllict  of  Jurisdiction,  and  Cleaves  appealed 
for  aid  to  JIassacliusetts ;  and  both  parties  agreed 
to  leave  their  claims  (1045)  to  the  decision  of  tho 
JIassachusetts  Magistrates,  who  decided  —  that 
tliey  could  not  decide  tlie  matter.  But  the  next 
year  the  Commissioners  for  Anuirican  plantations 
in  England  decided  in  favor  of  lUgby;  and 
Vines  left  the  country.  In  1047,  at  last,  at  tho 
age  of  74,  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  died,  and  with 
him  died  all  his  plans  for  kingdoms  and  power 
in  JIaine.  In  lO.'il,  Massachusetts,  finding  that 
her  patent,  which  included  lands  lying  three 
miles  north  of  the  head  waters  of  the  Merri- 
mack, took  in  all  the  lower  part  of  Maine,  began 
to  extend  her  jurisdiction,  and  as  most  of  the 


2079 


MAINK 


MA  LATEST  A  FAMILY. 


HPttlvn*  fiivori'd  her  iiiitlinrity,  It  wim  pretty 
well  I'MtiililiNhnl  till  tlu*  tlrim  iif  tliu  KcMtonitldii 
(ItlOO).  I'pcMi  the  Ki'Htoriitloii  of  Clmrli'H  II., 
tlic  lii'lr  of  (}orK<'i*  ('laiiii)'(l  liU  rl>{lilN  to  Maine. 
IIU  iixciit  III  the  province  wim  Kilwitnl  OiNlfrcy. 
TlioH)-  clitiiiiN  were  coiitlriiicil  by  the  Coiiiiiiltti'e 
of  I'lirlliiliiciit,  mill  In  1(1(14  lie  olitiiliii'd  an  ordrr 
from  the  KIni;  to  the  Oovcriior  of  .MuHHii('hiiH<'it.4 
to  restore  hliii  IiIh  provliire.  In  l(i(14  the  KiiiK  i 
('(iliinilHHionei'Meaiiiu  over,  anil  proceeded  tliroiiKli 
the  ('olonlcN,  and  nni(iii){  the  rest  to  Maine; 
where  they  appointed  various  oHlcem  without 
llie  concurrence  of  MaHMiicliUHettH;  ko  that  for 
Noino  years  Maine  wag  dlHtracted  with  partlcii, 
and  wiiH  in  confuHlon.  In  \Mm,  ^laHHikcliUHetts 
Hent  four  CoinmlKHloners  to  Yorit,  who  resumed 
and  re-eslabllHlied  the  jiirlsdlclloii  of  MasHachii- 
W'ttH,  with  wliich  the  iiiajorllv  of  the  people 
were  best  pleased;  and  In  l(l(iu  the  Deputies 
from  Maine  a^aln  took  their  seats  In  the  Massa- 
chusetts Court.  Her  Jurisdiction  was,  however, 
disputed  by  tliu  heirs  of  .Mason  and  Qorf^es,  anil 
it  wag  not  lliially  set  at  rest  till  the  year  1077, 
by  the  purchase  of  their  claims  from  them,  by 
Massachusetts,  for  £l.'i^O."—V.  W.  Elliott,  I'he 
A'eifl  Kiif/.  Hint.,  V.  1,  eh.  20. 

Al.Bo  in:  K.  K.  8ewall,  Ancient  Dominion*  of 
Miiinf,  eh.  8-4.  — W.  I).  Wllllamsim,  JIi»t.  of 
Maine,  r.  1,  eh.  6-21. 

A.  D.  1664.— The  Pemaquid  patent  pur- 
chased and  granted  to  the  Dulce  ot  York,  See 
Nkw  Vouk;  a.  1).  1«04. 

A.  D.  1675.— Outbreak  of  the  Tarentines. 
See  Nkw   K.nolanu:    A.  1).    1(J75  (.lui.v— Ski-- 

TKMIIK.U). 

A.  D.  1689-1697.— King  William's  War.— 
Indian  cruelties.  8ee  (.a.nad.v:  A.  I).  lUUO- 
1(JI)0;  and  101)2-1097. 

A.  D.  1723-1735.— Renewed  Indian  war.  See 
Nova  Scotia:  A.  1).  17i:t-17aO. 

A.  D.  1744-1748.— King  George's  War.  Sec 
Nkw  Enoi,.\nd:  A.  I).  1744;  174.5;  and  1745- 
1748. 

A.  D.  1814.— Occupied  in  large  part  and  held 
by  the  English.  See  United  St.\tks  ok  A.m.  : 
A.  1).  1813-1811. 

A.  D.  1820.— Separation  from  Massachu- 
setts.— Recognition  as  a  distinct  common- 
wealth and  admission  into  the  Union. — "  Peti- 
tions for  the  separation  of  the  District  of  Maine 
were  first  preferred  to  tlie  legislature  of  Jlassa- 
chusctts  in  1816,  and  a  convention  was  appointed 
to  be  holdcn  at  Brunswick.  This  convention 
voted  in  favor  of  the  step,  but  the  separation  was 
not  effected  until  1820,  at  which  time  Maine  was 
erected  into  a  distinct  and  independent  common- 
wealth, and  was  admitted  into  tlie  American 
Union." — Q.  L.  Austin,  Hist,  of  Mass.,  p.  408. — 
"  In  the  division  ot  the  property  all  the  real 
estate  in  Massachusetts  was  to  Imj  forever  liers; 
all  that  in  Maine  to  be  ociually  divided  between 
the  two,  share  and  share  alike.  .  .  .  The  admis- 
sion of  Maine  and  Missouri  into  tlie  Union  were 
both  under  discussion  in  Congress  at  the  same 
time.  Tlic  advocates  of  the  latter,  wisiiing  to 
carry  it  through  the  Legislature,  without  any  re- 
strictive clause  against  slavery,  put  both  into  a 
bill  together,-  ■  determined  eacli  should  share  the 
same  fate.  .  .  .  Several  days  the  subject  was  de- 
bated, and  sent  from  one  brancli  to  the  other  in 
Congress,  till  the  1st  of  March,  when,  to  our  joy, 
they  were  ilivorced ;  and  on  the  3d  ot  the  mouth 
[March,  1830J  an  act  was  passed  by  which  Maine 


was  declared  to  be,  fnmi  and  after  the  15th  of 
that  moiilli,  one  of  the  I'liiled  Slates."— W.  D. 
Wiiliaiiison,  Jlinl.  of  Sloioe,  r,  2,  en.  27.— See, 
also,  U.NiTK.i)  Statk'h  OK  Am.:  A.  I).  1H1H-1H2I. 
A.  D.  184a.— Settlement  of  the  northern 
boundary  disputes,  by  the  Ashburton  Treaty. 
See  Unitkk  HTATh>  OK  Am.  :  A.  1).  1812. 

MAIWAND,  English  disaster  at  (1880). 
See  Akiiiianihtan:  A.  D.  180y-lH81. 

MAJESTAS,  The  Law  of.— "The  law  of 
Majestus  or  'I'reason  .  .  .  under  the  [Itonian] 
empire  .  .  .  was  tlie  legal  protection  thrown 
round  the  person  of  the  chief  of  the  state:  any 
attempt  against  the  dignity  or  safety  of  the  com- 
iniinltv  became  an  attack  on  its  glorified  repre- 
sentative. Nevertheless,  It  Is  reinarkatile  tliat 
tlie  first  legal  enactment  which  received  this 
title,  half  a  century  before  tlie  foundation  of  the 
empire,  was  actually  devised  for  tlie  protection, 
not  of  the  state  itself,  but  of  a  personage  dear  to 
the  state,  namely,  the  tribune  of  tlie  people. 
Treason  to  the  State  indeed  liad  long  lieforo  bcca 
known,  ond  dedm  ;  :is  Perduellio,  the  levving  of 
war  against  the  commonwealth.  .  .  .  liut  the 
crime  ot  majesty  was  first  specified  by  the  dema- 
gogue Apuleius,  in  an  eiiurtnient  of  tlie  year  054 
[It.  C.  XWi],  for  the  purpose  of  guarding  or  ex- 
alting the  dignity  of  the  champion  ot  the  plebg. 
.  .  .  The  law  ot  Apuleius  was  followed  by  that 
of  another  tribune,  Variiis,  conccdved  In  a  similar 
spirit.  .  .  .  [After  tlie  constitution  of  Sulla]  the 
distinction  between  Majestas  and  Perduellio 
henceforth  vanishes:  tlie  crime  of  Treason  is 
specifically  extended  from  acts  of  violence  to 
measures  calculated  to  bring  the  State  into  con- 
tempt."— C.  Merivale,  Hist,  of  the  Itomans,  eh.  44. 

MAJORCA:  Conquest  by  King  James  of 
Aragon.     Sec  Spain:  A.  I).  1212-1238. 

MAJORIAN,  Roman  Emperor  (Western), 
A.  1).  4.57-401. 

MAJUBA  HILL,  Battle  of  (1881).  See 
South  Akuica:  A.  1).  18(10-1881. 

MALAGA  :  A.  D.  1036-1055.— The  seat  of 
a  Moorish  kingdom.  See  Si'ain:  A.  I).  1031- 
1080. 

A.  D.  1487.— Siege  and  capture  from  the 
Moors  by  the  Christians.  See  Sfain:  A.  D. 
1470-1492.  ^ 

MALAKHOFF,  The  storming  of  the  (1855). 
See  Russia:  A.  1).  1854-18.50. 

MALAMOCCO.— The  second  capital  of  the 
Venetians.  See  Venice:  A.  I).  697-810;  and 
452. 

MALATESTA  FAMILY,  The.— "  No  one 
with  any  tincture  of  llterarv  knowledge  is  Igno- 
rant of  the  fame  at  least  or  the  great  Malatesta 
family  —  the  house  of  the  Wrongheads,  as  tliev 
were  rightly  called  by  some  prevision  of  tliefr 
future  part  in  Lombard  liistory.  .  .  .  The  story 
of  Francesca  da  Polenta,  who  was  wedded  to  the 
hunchback  Giovanni  Malatesta  and  murdered 
by  him  with  her  lover  Paolo,  is  known  not 
merely  to  students  ot  Dante,  but  to  readers 
of  Byron  and  Leigh  Hunt,  to  admirers  of  Flax- 
man,  Ary  Bcheffer,  Dore  —  to  all,  in  fact,  wlio 
have  of  art  and  letters  any  love.  The  liistory  of 
these  Malatesti,  from  tlieir  first  establishment 
under  Otlio  III.  [A.  D.  990-1002]  as  lieutenonts 
for  the  Empire  In  the  Marches  of  Aucona,  down 
to  their  final  subjugation  by  the  Papacy  in  the 


2080 


MALATKSTA  FAMILY. 


MALAYAN  RACE. 


HK<i  "f  tl><*   Iti'iiiilHNnniT,   Ih  iniicli'   up  of  all  tliu 

vil'ilwItlKlt'H  Wllicll    CIMlld    licrilll  II  tlll'llilt'VIll    Ititl- 

Inn  <l('N|)<itiHrM.  A('i|iiirinK  an  iinlanriil  riulit 
over  till!  liiwnx  of  KiniinI,  Ci'sma,  Kii;;liuiii), 
Uliiaccluiilo,  tlu'V  riilcil  their  pilty  iirlncliiiilitli'M 
like  tyrnntH  tiv  tfic>  liclp  of  llii>  (iiiilf  and  Ulillicl 
line  factionH,  Inclining  to  tlic  one  or  tliu  other  as 
It  Hiiitcd  their  hiinioiir  or  their  IntercHt,  wrai 
lint{  ainonK  themHelveH,  tranHuiiltini;  the  Hiieei 
'on  of  their  (lylniHty  throUKh  bastanlH  anil  liy 
.leednof  force,  (inarrelllnK  with  their  iieiKhhourH 
the  Counts  of  L'rliino,  alternately  defying  and 
HUliinlttitii^  to  tlio  I'jipal  lef^ates  in  KoinaKHa, 
servinf;  as  (Mindottierl  In  the  warH  of  the  V'iHeonti 
and  the  Htate  of  Venice,  and  by  their  reHtleHHiieNX 
and  KenluM  for  ndlllary  IntriKueH  eonlrlliutiiiK  in 
no  HiTght  meuHuro  to  tho  general  iliHturliance  of 
Italy.  Tho  Malatentl  were  a  race  of  Htrongly 
marked  character:  more,  perhaps,  than  any  other 
house  of  Italian  tyrants,  they  conihined  for  gen- 
eruticms  those  i|ualitles  of  the  fox  and  the  lion, 
Avhich  Machlavelli  thought  iiidispensalih;  to  u 
Buvcesgful  despot.  ...  80  far  as  Hiininl  is  eon- 
corned,  tho  house  of  ..lalatestii  euhnlnated  In 
Hlglsinondo  I'andolfo,  son  of  Oian  Galea/./.o  Vis- 
conti's  general,  tho  perlldlous  I'andolfo.  .  .  . 
Having  iM'gun  liy  dc'fying  tlit^  Holy  See,  he  was 
impeached  at  Homo  for  heresy,  parricide,  Incest, 
adultery,  rape,  and  sacrilege,  burned  in  elllgy  by 
Pope  Plus  II.,  and  finally  restored  to  tho  bosom 
of  tho  Church,  after  suffering  the  despoliation  of 
almost  all  his  territories,  in  140;J.  Theoccaslon  on 
which  this  flerco  and  turbulent  despiser  of  laws 
human  and  divine  was  forced  to  kneel  as  a  peid- 
tent  befoN!  the  Papal  legate  in  the  gorgeous 
teinplo  dedicated  to  Ins  own  pride,  in  order  tliat 
till!  ban  of  excommunication  might  bo*rcmoved 
from  Himini,  was  ono  of  those  jictty  triumphs, 
interesting  ehielly  for  their  picturcsqucness,  by 
which  tho  Popes  confirmed  their  (luegtlonalile 
rights  over  the  cities  of  Itomagna.  SIgismondo, 
shorn  Of  his  sovereignty,  took  the  command  of 
the  Venetian  troops  against  tho  Turks  In  the 
Morea,  an<l  returned  in  140.5,  crowned  with 
laurels,  to  die  at  Ulmlni. " — J.  A.  Symonds, 
Hketehet  in  Italy  and  (/reece,  pp.  217-320. 

Also  in  :  A.  M.  F.  Uobinson,  The  End  of  the 
Midille  Ai/en,  pp.  274-390. 

MALAYAN  RACE,  The.— Many  ethnolo- 
gists set  up  as  a  distinct  stock  "the  'Malayan' 
or  '  Brown  race,  and  claim  for  It  an  Importance 
not  less  than  any  of  the  darker  varieties  of  the 
species.  It  bears,  however,  the  marks  of  an 
origin  too  recent,  and  presents  Asian  analogies 
too  clearly,  for  it  to  be  regarded  otherwise  tlian 
as  a  branch  of  the  Asian  race,  descended  like  it 
from  some  ancestral  tribe  in  that  great  continent. 
Its  dispersion  has  been  extraordinary.  Its  mem- 
bers nro  found  almost  continuously  on  the  land 
areas  from  Madagascar  to  Easter  Island,  a  dis- 
tance nearly  two-thirds  of  the  circumference  of 
the  globe ;  everywhere  they  speak  dialects  with 
such  atilnitics  that  wo  must  assume  for  all  one 
parent  stem,  and  their  separation  must  have 
taken  place  not  so  very  long  ogo  to  have  per- 
mitted such  a  monoglottic  trait  as  this.  The 
stock  Is  divided  at  present  into  two  groups,  tho 
western  or  Malayan  peoples,  and  the  eastern  or 
Polynesian  peoples.  There  lias  been  some  dis- 
cussion about  the  original  identity  of  these,  but 
wo  may  consider  it  now  proved  by  both  physical, 
linguistic  and  traditional  evidence.  The  original 
home  of  the  parent  atom  has  also  excited  some 


controversy,  but  this  too  may  be  taken  as  nettled. 
There  is  no  reasonable  doiilil  but  that  the  Malnv* 
cami!  from  the  siiulheastern  re;.'ions  of  ANla, 
from  th(!  peninsula  of  Farlhir  Iinlla,  ami  thence 
spread  south,  east  and  west  over  the  whole  of 
the  Inland  worlil.  Tlieir  first  occupation  of  Hu- 
matra  and  Java  hat  been  estlmateil  to  have  00- 
(!urn!d  noi.  kater  tlian  KHM)  H.  (;.,  ami  probably 
was  a  thousand  years  earlier,  or  about  the  time 
that  the  Aryans  entered  Northern  India.  The 
relationship  of  thi!  .Mjdaylc  with  tlii!  other  Asian 
slocks  has  iiot  yet  iH'ei  ma<le  out.  Physhukllv 
they  stand  iiejir  to  tho  .SInltle  peo|)les  of  small 
stature  and  roundish  heads  of  south>'astern  Asia. 
The  oldest  form  of  their  lai.guage,  however, 
was  not  monosvUablc  and  toidc,  but  was  dis- 
syllabic. .  .  .  Tim  purest  type  of  the  true  Ma- 
lays Is  seen  in  .Malacca,  Humatra  ami  .lava.  .  . 
It  has  changed  slightly  by  foreign  interndxturo 
among  the  liattakg  of  Humatra,  the  Davaks  <jf 
liorneii,  the  Alfures  ai.d  tho  Hugls.  liut  th't 
supposition  that  these  are  so  remote  that  they 
cannot  properly  be  class<!d  with  the  Malay  I  Is  an 
(!xaggeration  of  some  recent  ethnograph(!tH,  and 
Is  not  approved  by  the  best  authorities.  ...  In 
character  the  Malays  aro  energetic,  quick  of 
perception,  genial  lndi!meanor,  butunscrupuloiis, 
cruel  and  revengeful.  Vemcity  is  unknovvn,  and 
tho  love  of  gain  IS  farstronger  than  any  other  pas- 
sion or  affection.  This  thirst  for  gold  made  tho 
Malay  tho  daring  navigator  he  early  became. 
As  merchant,  plrati;  or  explorer,  and  generally 
as  all  three  In  one,  ho  pushed  his  crafts  far  and 
wide  over  the  tropical  seas  through  13,<HM)  miles 
of  extent.  On  the  extreme  west  ho  reached  and 
coloni/.ed  Madagascar.  The  Ilovas  tlie're,  un- 
doubtedly of  Malay  blood,  numlHT  about 
800,(HK)  in  a  population  of  five  and  a  half  mil- 
lions, the  remainder  being  Negroids  of  various 
degrees  of  fusion.  In  spito  of  tills  disproportion, 
the  Ilovas  are  tho  recognized  masters  of  tho 
island.  .  .  .  Tho  Malays  probably  established 
various  cohmles  in  southern  India.  The  natives 
at  Travancore  and  thc!  Sinhalese  of  Ceylon  liear 
a  strongly  Malayiui  aspect.  .  .  .  Some  ethnog- 
raphers would  make  the  Polynesians  and  Micro- 
neslans  a  dilTerent  race  from  the  Malays;  but  tho 
farthest  that  one  can  go  in  this  direction  Is  to 
admit  that  they  reveal  some  strain  of  another 
blood.  This  Is  evident  in  their  physical  appear- 
ance. ...  All  the  Polynesian  languages  have 
some  afilnities  to  the  Malayan,  and  the  Polyne- 
sian traditions  unanimouslj'  refer  to  tho  west  for 
t'  e  homo  of  their  ancestors.  We  are  able,  in- 
Qoed,  Iiy  carefully  analyzing  these  traditions,  to 
trace  with  considerable  accuracy  both  tho  route 
they  followed  to  the  Oceanic  isles,  and  the  re- 
spective dates  when  they  settled  them.  Thus, 
tho  first  station  of  their  ancestors  on  l(!avlng  tho 
western  group,  was  tho  small  island  of  Bum  or 
Boru,  between  Celebes  and  New  Quinoa.  Here 
they  encountered  the  Papuas,  some  of  whom 
still  dwell  in  the  inter'or,  while  tho  coast  people 
aro  fair.  Leaving  Boru,  they  passed  to  tho  north 
of  New  Guinea,  colonizing  the  Caroline  and 
Solomon  islands,  but  the  vanguard  pressing  for- 
ward to  take  possession  of  Savai  in  tho  Samoan 
group  and  Tonga  to  its  south.  Those  two 
islands  formed  a  second  center  of  distribution 
over  the  western  Pacific.  The  Slaoris  of  New 
Zealand  moved  from  Tonga — 'holy  Tonga'  as 
they  call  it  in  their  songs  —  about  600  years  ago. 
The  Society  islanders  migrated  from  Savai,  and 


2081 


MALAYAN  RACE. 


MAMEKTINE  PRISON. 


they  in  turn  sent  forth  the  population  of  the 
^Farqucsas,  the  Sandwich  islamis  and  Easter 
island.  The  separation  of  tlie  Polynesians  from 
the  western  Malays  must  have  taken  place  about 
the  beginning  of  our  era." — D.  O.  Brintou, 
Kaces  and  Peoples,  led.  8,  met.  2. 

Also  in:  A.  H.  Wallace,  The  Malay  Archi- 
pelago, ch.  40. — H.  Urown,  The  Uacem  of  Man- 
kind, r.  2,  eh.  7. 

MALCOLM  IIL,  King  of  Scotland,  A.  D. 

or)7-i(m:).       ------       ._     .     . 

ura-nar,. 


10r)7-l(m:) Malcolm  IV.,  King  of  Scotland, 


ing  o 
IV., 


MALDON,  Battle  of— Fouglit,  A.  I).  001,  by 
the  English  ai^ainst  an  invading  army  of  Nor- 
wegians, who  proved  the  victors.  The  battle, 
with  tlie  heroic  death  of  tlie  English  leader, 
lirihtnoth,  became  the  subject  of  a  famous 
early-Englisli  poem,  which  is  translated  in  Free- 
man's "  <M(1  pjiiglisli  History  for  Cliildren."  Tlic 
Held  of  battle  was  on  the  Ulackwater  in  Essex. 

MALEK  SHAH,  Seljulc  Turkish  Sultan, 
A.  I).  1073-1093. 

MALIANS,  The. — One  of  the  early  peoples 
of  Greece,  who  dwelt  on  the  Malian  Gulf,  in  the 
lower  valley  of  the  Sperchiuus.  They  were  a  war- 
like people,  neiglibors  and  close  allies  of  the 
Dorians,  before  the  migration  of  the  latter  to  the 
Peloponnesus. —  C.  O.  Midler,  Hist,  and  Antiq. 
of  the  Doric  Race,  v.  1,  hh.  1,  ch.  3. 

MALIGNANTS.—"  About  this  time  [A.  D. 
10-13]  tlie  word  'nudignant'  was  lirst  born  (as  to 
the  common  use)  in  England;  the  deduction 
thereof  being  disputable,  whether  from  '  mains 
ignis,'  b.id  lire,  or  'malum  lignum,'  bad  fuel; 
but  this  is  sure,  betwixt  both,  the  name  made  a 
combustion  all  over  England.  It  was  fixed  as  a 
note  of  disgrace  on  those  of  the  king's  party."  — 
T.  Fuller,  Church  Hist,  of  Britain,  bk.  11,  sect. 
4  (r.  3). 

MALINES:  Taken  b^  Marlborough  and 
the  Allies  (1706).  See  ><ethkiii,.\nd8:  A.  D. 
1700-1707. 

MALLUM.  —  MALL,  —  M  ALLBERG.  — 
"TheFr.inks  .  .  .  constituted  one  great  army, 
the  main  body  of  whicli  was  encamped  round  the 
abode  of  tlieir  Kyning  or  commander,  and  the 
rest  of  which  was  broken  up  into  various  de- 
tachments. .  .  .  Every  siicli  detachment  became 
ere  long  a  sedentary  tribe,  and  the  chief  of  each 
was  accustomed,  as  occasion  required,  to  con- 
vene tlie  mallum  (that  is,  an  assembly  of  the  free 
inhabitants)  of  his  district,  to  deliberate  with  him 
on  all  the  affairs  of  his  immediate  locality.  The 
Kyning  also  occasionally  convened  an  assembly 
of  the  whole  of  the  Frankish  chiefs,  to  deliberate 
with  him  at  the  Champs  de  Mars  on  the  affairs 
of  the  whole  confederacy.  But  neither  the  mal- 
lum nor  the  Champs  de  Mars  was  a  legislative 
convention.  Each  of  them  was  a  council  of  war 
or  an  assembly  of  warriors."  —  Sir  .1.  Stephen, 
Lects.  on  the  Hist,  of  France,  lect.  8. — "Tlie  Court 
was  mostly  held  in  a  field  or  on  a  hill,  ca'led 
'mallstatt,  or  'mallberg,'  that  is,  the  placu  or 
hill  where  the  '  mall '  or  Court  assembled,  and  the 
judge  set  up  his  shield  of  office,  without  which 
he  might  not  hold  Court." — J.  I.  Mombert,  Hist, 
of  Charles  the  Great,  bk.  1,  ch.  3. 

Also  IN:  W.  C.  Perry,  The  Franks,  ch.  10. — 
See,  also.  P.vuliam   «t  ob"  Paris. 

MALMO,  Arm.  xe  of.  See  Qeumany: 
A.  I).  1848  (Makch — September). 

MALO-JOROSLAVETZ,  Battle  of.  See 
Russia:  A.  U.  1813  (Octoueii — December). 


MALPLAQUET,    Battle    of  (1709). 
Netiiuklandh:  a.  D.  1708-1700. 


See 


MALTA:  A.  D.  1530-1565.— Ceded  by  the 
emperor,  Charles  V.,  to  the  Knights  of  St. 
John. — Their  defense  of  the  island  against  the 
Turks  in  the  great  siege.  See  IIohi'itali.kiw 
OF  St.  .John:  A.  I).  1.530-1,505. 

A.  D.  1551. — Unsuccessful  attack  by  the 
Turks.  See  BAUUAuy  States:  A.  D.  1543- 
1500. 

A.  D.  1798.  —  Seizure  and  occupation  by 
Bonaparte.    See  France:  A.  I).  171)8  (May— 

AuiilST). 

A.  D.  1800-1802. — Surrender  to  an  English 
fleet.  —  Agreement  of  restoration  to  the 
Knights  ofSt.  John.  See  Fr.\nce:  A.  D.  1801- 
1803. 

A.  D.  i8i4.—C'ided  to  England.  See  France: 
A.  D.  1814  ( April— .luNE). 


MALTA,  Knights  of. — During  tlieir  occupa- 
tion of  the  islaniT,  the  Knights  Hospitallers  of 
St.  .lolin  of  .Jerusalem  were  commonly  called 
Knights  of  Malta,  as  they  had  previously  been 
called  Knights  of  Rliodes.  See  Hospitallers 
OF  St.  .John. 

MALVASIA,  Battle  of  (1263).  See  Genoa: 
A.  D.  1201-1209. 

MALVERN  CHASE.  — An  ancient  royal 
forest  in  Worcestershire,  England,  between  Mal- 
vern Hills  and  the  River  Severn.  Few  remains 
of  it  exist. — .1.  C.  Brown,  Forests  of  Eng. 

MALVERN  HILL,  Battle  of.  See  United 
Status  OF  Am.  :  A.  D.  1802  (June — July:  Vir- 

(IINIA). 

MAMACONAS.     See  Yanaconas. 

MAMELUKE,  OR  SLAVE,  DYNASTY 
OF  INDIA.     See  India:  A.  D.  977-1300. 

MAMELUKES  OF  BRAZIL.  ScoBrazil: 
A.  I).  1531-1041. 

MAMELUKES  OF  EGYPT;  their  rise; 
their  sovereignty;  their  destruction.  See 
Egypt:  A.  1).  1250-1517;  and  1803-1811. 

MAMELUKES  OF  GENEVA,  The.  See 
Geneva:  A.  D.  1504-1535. 

MAMERTINE  PRISON,  The.— "  Near  the 
Basilica  Porcia,  and  at  the  foot  of  tlie  Capitolino 
Hill  [in  ancient  Rome],  was  the  ancient  career  or 
prison.  The  original  erection  of  it  has  been  at- 
tributed to  Ancus  Martins,  as  we  learn  from  Livy, 
who  says  '  he  made  a  prison  in  tlie  middle  of  the 
city,  overlooking  the  Forum.'  Tlie  name  by 
which  it  is  known  —  Mamertinus — may  have 
been  derived  from  its  being  built  by  Ancas 
Martins.  Mamers  was  the  Sabine  name  of  the 
god  JIars,  and  consequently  from  the  name 
Slamertius,  the  Sabine  way  of  spelling  Martins, 
may  have  been  derived  Mamertinus.  In  this 
prison  there  are  two  chambers,  one  above  the 
other,  built  of  hewn  stone.  The  upper  is  square, 
while  the  lower  is  semicircular.  The  style  of 
masonry  points  to  an  early  date,  when  the  Etrus- 
can style  of  masonry  prevailed  in  Rome.  .  .  . 
To  tliese  chambers  there  was  no  entrance  except 
by  a  small  aperture  in  the  upper  roof,  and  a  sim- 
ilar hole  in  the  upper  floor  led  to  the  cell  below. 
From  a  passage  in  Livy  it  would  appear  that 
TuUianum  was  the  name  given  to  the  lower  cell 
of  the  career.  .  .  .  Varro  expressly  tells  us  that 
the  lower  part  of  the  prison  which  was  under- 
ground was  called  Tullianum  because  it  was 
added  by  Servius  TuUiua."  —  II,  JI.  Westropp, 


2082 


MAI^IERTIXE  PRISON. 


jyiANICriEANS. 


Early  and  Imperial  Home,  p.  03. — "The  oldest 
portion  of  the  horror-striking  Mamertine  Prisons 
.  .  .  is  the  most  ancient  among  all  Roman  build- 
ings still  extant  as  originally  conatrunted."  —  C. 
I.  Ilemaus,  Historic  and  Muiiumeiital  Hiune,  cli. 
4. — "Here,  Jugurtha,  king  of  Mauritania,  was 
starved  to  death  by  Marius.  Here  Julius  ('lesar, 
during  his  triumph  for  the  conquest  of  Gaul, 
caused  his  gallant  enemy  Vorcingetorix  to  be  put 
to  death.  .  .  .  The  spot  is  n\ore  interesting  to 
the  C!hri.sliiin  world  ns  the  prison  of  SS.  Peter 
and  Paul."— A.  J.  C.  Hare,  WiI/ck  in  Jinne,  ch.  3. 

MAMERTINES  OF  MESSENE,  The. 
See  Punic  Waii,  Tiik  Fiust. 

MAMUN,  AL,  Caliph,  A.  D.  813-833. 

MAN,  Kingdom  of.  See  Manx  Kingdom, 
Tiik. 

MANAOS,  The.  Sec  American  Aborigi- 
nes: GucK  OK  Coco  Quorp. 

MANASSAS :  A.  D.  i86i  (July).— First  bat- 
tle (Bull  Run).  See  United  States  of  Am.  : 
A.  D.  1801  (July:  Viiuiinia). 

A,  D.  1862  (March). — Confederate  evacua- 
tion. See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1801- 
1803  (December— Maucu  :  Vikoinia). 

A.  D.  1862  (August). — Stonewall  Jackson's 
Raid.— The  Second  Battle.  Sec  United 
States  of  Am.:  A.  D.  1863  (August:  Vir- 
ginia); i'.nd  (August- September:  Virginia). 

MANCHESTER:    Origin.      See    Mancu- 

NIU.M. 

A.  D.  1817-1819.— The  march  of  the  Blan- 
keteers,  and  the  "  Massacre  of  Peterloo." 
See  England:  A.  D.  1810-1830. 

A.  D.  1838-1839. — Beginning  of  the  Anti- 
Corn-Law  agitation.  Sec  '1/Vriff  Legisla- 
tion (England):  A.  D.  1836-1839. 

A.  D.  1861-1865.- TheCottonFamine.  See 
.Engl.vnd:  a.  1).  1861-1803. 

A.  D.  1894. — Opening  of  the  Ship  Canal. — 
A  ship  canal,  connecting  Manchester  with  Liver- 
pool, and  making  the  former  practically  a  sea- 
port, was  opened  on  the  1st  day  of  January,  1894. 
The  building  of  the  canal  was  begun  in  1887. 

MANCHU  TARTAR  DYNASTY  OF 
CHINA,  The.     See  China:  A.  D.  1294-1883. 

MANCUNIUM.— A  Roman  town  in  Britain 
which  occupied  the  site  of  the  modern  city  of 
Manchester. — T.  Wright,  Celt,  Soman  and  Saxon, 
eh.  5. 

MANDANS,  OR  MANDANES,  The.  ^eo 
Ameiucan  Ahouioinkm:  Siouan  Family. 

MANDATA,  Roman  Imperial.  See  Corpus 
Juiiis  Civii.is. 

MANDUBII,  The.— A  tribe  in  ancient  Gaul, 
which  occupied  part  of  the  modern  French  de- 
partment of  the  Cote-d'Or  and  whose  chief  town 
was  Alesia,  the  scene  of  Ca?sar's  famous  siege. — 
Napoleon  III.,  Hist,  of  Casar,  bk.  3,  ch.  3,  foot- 
notc  (p.  2). 

MANETHO,  List  of.— "Of  nil  the  Greek 
writers  who  have  treated  of  the  history  of  the 
Pharaohs,  there  is  only  one  whose  testimony  has, 
since  the  deciphering  of  the  hieroglyffliics,  pre- 
served any  great  value  —  a  value  which  increases 
the  more  it  is  compared  with  the  original  monu- 
ments; we  speak  of  Manetho.  Once  he  was 
treated  with  contempt;  his  veracity  was  dis- 
puted, the  long  scries  of  dynasties  he  unfolds  to 
our  view  was  regarded  as  fabulous.     Now,  all 


that  remains  of  his  work  is  the  first  of  all  authori- 
ties for  the  reconstruction  of  the  ancient  history 
of  Egypt.  Munctho,  a  priest  of  the  town  of 
Sebennytus,  in  the  Delta,  wrote  in  Greek,  in  the 
reign  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  a  history  of 
Egypt,  founded  on  the  ollicial  archives  pre- 
served in  the  temples.  Like  many  other  books 
of  anti<iuity,  this  history  has  been  lost;  we  pos- 
sess now  a  few  fragments  only,  with  the  list  of 
all  the  kings  placed  by  Manetho  at  the  end  of  his 
work  —  a  list  happily  preserved  in  the  writings 
of  some  chronologers  of  the  Christian  epoch. 
This  list  divides  into  dyna.stie.s,  or  royal  families, 
nil  the  kings  who  reigned  sueces.sively  in  Egypt 
down  to  tlie  time  of  Alexander." — F.  Lenormunt, 
Manual  of  Ancient  Hist,  if  the  East,  bk.  3,  eh.  1, 
sect.  2  (('.  1). — See,  also,  Egypt:  Its  historical 
antiquity. 

♦ 

MANHATTAN  ISLAND  :  Its  aboriginal 
People  and  name. — "The  earlie.st  notice  wo 
have  01  the  island  wliiili  is  now  adorned  by  u 
beautiful  and  opulent  city  is  to  be  found  in 
Hudson's  journal.  '.Maiia-lmta'  is  therein  men- 
tioned, in  reference  to  the  hostile  people  whom 
he  encountered  on  his  return  from  his  exploring 
of  the  river,  and  who  resided  on  this  island.  De 
Laet  .  .  .  calls  those  wicked  people  Manatthans, 
and  names  the  river  Manhattes.  .  .  .  Hartger  calls 
the  Indians  and  the  island  Mahattan.  ...  In 
some  of  the  early  transactions  of  the  colony,  it 
is  spelled  Monhattoes,  Munhatos,  and  Manhattoes. 
Professor  Ebeling  says,  that  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  lived  the  Manhattans  or  Jlana*hanes  (or  as 
the  Englishmen  commonly  called  it,  Manhados), 
who  kept  up  violent  animosities  with  th^ir 
neighbours,  and  were  at  tirst  most  hostile  to- 
wards the  Dutch,  but  suffered  themselves  to  be 
persuaded  afterwards  to  sell  them  the  island,  or 
at  least  that  part  of  it  where  New  York  now 
stands.  Manhattan  is  now  the  name,  and  it  was, 
wlien  correctly  adopted,  so  given  by  the  Dutch, 
and  by  them  it  not  only  distinguished  the  In- 
dians, the  island  and  the  river,  but  it  was  a  gen- 
eral name  of  their  plantations.  .  .  .  Jlr.  Ilecke- 
welder  observes  that  hitherto  all  his  labours  had 
been  fruitless  in  iiKpiiring  about  a  nation  or  tribe 
of  Indians  called  th  -  '  JIanhattos '  or  '  !Mana- 
thones ' ;  Indians  both  of  the  Mahicanni  and  Dela- 
ware nations  assured  him  that  they  never  had 
heard  of  any  Indian  tribe  by  that  name.  He  says 
he  is  convinced  that  it  was  the  Dela wares  or  Mun- 
seys  (which  last  was  a  br".ncb  of  the  Delawares) 
who  inhabited  that  part  t  f  the  country  where  New 
York  now  is.  York  Islr.nd  is  called  by  the  Del- 
awares to  this  day  [182-  ]  Manahattani  or  JMana- 
Imchtanink.  The  Del). ware  word  for  'Island' 
is  'Maniitey';  the  Mo  ify  word  for  the  same  is 
'  Mandehtey. ' .  .  .  Dr.  jiarton  also  has  given  as 
his  belief  that  the  Manhattaj  were  a  branch  of 
the  Mun;,is."— J.  V.  N.  Yates  ond  J.  W.  JIoul. 
ton,  Hist,  of  the  State  of  N.  Y.,v.l,  pp.  233-224. 

Also  in;  Memorial  Hist,  of  the  City  of  N.  Y., 
V.  1,  ch.  3. — See,  also,  Ameimcan  Aiiorigines: 
Delawares,  and  Alooncjuian  Family. 

A.  D.  1613.  —  First  settlements.  —  Argall's 
visit.     See  New  York:  A.  D.  1010-1014. 


MANICHEANS,  The.— "A  certain Mani (or 
Manes,  as  the  ecclesiastical  writers  call  him), 
born  in  Persia  about  A.  D.  240,  grew  to  man- 
hood under  Sapor,  exposed  to  .  .  .  various 
religious  iutlueuces.  .  .  .  With  a  mind  free  from 


3-34 


2083 


MANICHEANS. 


MANORS. 


prpjudice  and  open  to  conviction,  he  studied  tlie 
viirious  systems  of  belief  wliieli  ho  found  estiili- 
lislied  in  Western  Asia  —  tlie  Ciibalism  of  tlie 
Babylonian  Jews,  tlic  Duiilism  of  the  Magi,  the 
mysterious  doctrines  of  tlio  C'liristians,  and  oven 
tlio  liuddhisni  of  India.  At  first  lie  inclined  to 
Christianity,  and  is  said  to  have  been  admitted 
to  priest's  orders  and  to  have  ministered  to  a 
congregation;  but  after  a  time  he  thought  that 
he  saw  his  way  to  tlie  formation  of  a  now  creed, 
■which  should  combine  all  that  was  best  in  the 
religious  systems  which  he  was  acquainted  with, 
and  omit  wliat  was  siiperlluo\is  or  objectionable. 
He  adopted  the  Dualism  of  the  Zoroastrians,  the 
metempsychosis  of  India,  the  angolism  and  de- 
monism  of  the  Talmud  and  Trinitarianism  of  the 
Gospel  of  Christ.  Christ  himself  ho  identified 
with  Jlithra,  and  gave  Him  his  dwelling  in  the 
sun.  He  assumed  to  be  the  Paraclete  promised 
by  Christ,  who  should  guide  men  into  all  truth, 
and  claimed  that  his  'Ertang,'  a  sacred  book 
illustrated  by  pictures  of  his  own  painting, 
should  supersede  the  New  Testament.  Such 
pretensions  were  not  likely  to  be  tolerated  by 
the  Christian  community;  and  Manes  had  not 
put  them  forward  very  long  when  ho  was  ex- 
pelled from  the  church  and  forced  to  carry  his 
teaching  elsewhere.  Under  these  circumstances 
ho  is  said  to  have  addressed  himself  to  Sapor 
[the  Persian  king],  who  was  at  first  inclined  to 
show  him  some  favour;  but  when  he  found  out 
■what  the  doctrires  of  the  now  teacher  actually 
■were,  his  feelings  underwent  a  change,  and 
Planes,  proscribed,  or  at  any  rate  threatened 
■with  penalties,  liad  to  retire  into  a  foreign  coun- 
try. .  .  .  Though  the  morality  of  the  Manicheos 
was  pure,  and  though  their  religion  is  regarded 
by  some  as  a  sort  of  Christianity,  there  were  but 
few  points  in  which  it  was  an  improvement  on 
Zoroastrianism."  —  G.  Kawl'nson,  The  Seventh 
Great  Oriental  Momurhy,  ch.  4. — First  in  Persia 
and,  aftirwards,  throughout  Christendom,  the 
Manielieans  were  subjected  to  a  merciless  perse- 
cution ;  but  they  spread  their  doctrines,  notwith- 
standing, in  the  west  and  in  the  east,  and  it  was 
not  until  several  centuries  had  passed  that  the 
heresy  became  extinct. — J.  L.  Mosheim,  Chris- 
tianitu  dunnf/ tlie  first  ^25  years,  Third  Century, 
led.  SO-.'),"). — See,  also,  Paulicians. 

MANIFESTATION,  The  Aragonese  pro- 
cess of.     Sec  CouTES.  The  Early  Spanish. 

MANILIAN  LAW,  The.  See  Rome:  E.  C. 
69-63. 

MANIMI,  The.    See  Lyoi.\ns. 

MANIN,  Daniel,  and  the  struggle  for  Vene- 
tian independence.    See  Italy:  A.  D.  1848-1849. 

MANIOTO,  OR  MAYNO,  The.  See  Ameu- 
ICAN  AuouKiiNES:  Andesians. 

MANIPULI.    See  Leoion,  Rosian. 

MANITOBA.  See  Canada:  A.  D.  1869- 
187.3. 

MANNAHOACS,    The.      See     American 

AUOUIOINES:    I'oWItATAN  CONFEDEnACY. 


MANNHEIM:  A.  D.  1622.— Capture  by 
Tilly.    SeeGEiiMANV:  A.  I).  16'31-1023. 

A.  D.  1689. — Destroyed  by  the  Frencj.  See 
Fuance:  a.  D.  1689-16i)0. 

A.  D.  1799. — Capture  by  the  Austrians.  See 
Fbance:  a.  D.  1799  (August — DKCEMBEn). 


MANOA,  The  fabled  city  of.    See  El  Do- 

BAUO. 


MANORS. — "  The  name  manor  is  of  Norman 
origin,  b\it  the  estate  to  which  it  was  given  ex- 
isted, in  its  essential  character,  long  before  the 
Conquest;  it  received  a  new  name  as  the  shire 
also  did,  but  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  was 
created  by  this  change.  The  local  jurisdictions 
of  the  thegns  who  had  grants  of  sac  and  soc, 
or  who  exercised  judicial  functions  amongst 
their  free  neighbours,  were  identical  with  the 
manorial  jurisdictions  of  the  new  owners.  .  .  . 
The  manor  itself  was,  as  Orderieus  tells  us,  noth- 
ing more  nor  less  tlian  the  ancient  township, 
now  lield  by  a  lord  who  possessed  certain  judicial 
rights  varying  according  to  the  terms  of  the 
grant  by  which  ho  was  infeoffed.  Every  manor 
had  a  court  baron,  the  ancient  gemot  of  the 
township,  in  which  by-laws  were  made  and  other 
local  business  transacted,  and  n  court  customary 
in  which  the  business  of  the  villenago  was  des- 
patched. Those  manors  whose  lords  had  imder 
the  Anglo-Saxon  laws  possessed  sac  and  soc,  or 
who  since  the  Conquest  had  had  grants  in  which 
those  terms  were  used,  had  also  a  court-lcet,  or 
criminal  jurisdiction,  cut  out  as  it  were  from  the 
criminal  jurisdiction  of  the  hundred,  and  excus- 
ing the  suitors  who  attended  it  from  going  to  the 
court-lcet  of  the  hundred." — W.  Stubbs,  Const. 
Hist,  of  ^ng.,  ch.  9,  sect.  98,  and  ch.  11,  v  5*.  nd' 
(».  1). — "From  the  Conquest  to  the  14th  century 
we  And  the  samo  agricultural  conditions  pro- 
vailing  over  the  greater  part  of  England.  Small 
gatherings  of  hous  s  and  cots  appear  as  oases  in 
tlie  moorland  and  I'orest,  more  or  less  frequent, 
according  to  the  early  or  late  settlement  of  the 
district,  and  its  freedom  from,  or  exposure  to, 
the  ravages  of  war  and  the  punishment  of  re- 
bellion. These  oases,  townships  or  vills  if  of 
some  extent,  hamlets  if  of  but  a  few  houses, 
gather  round  one  or  more  mansions  of  superior 
size  and  importance,  the  Manor  houses,  or  abodes 
of  the  Lords  of  the  respective  Manors.  Round 
each  township  stretch  the  great  ploughed  fields, 
usually  three  in  number,  open  and  uninclosed. 
Each  "field  is  divided  into  a  series  of  parallel 
strips  a  furlong  in  length,  a  rod  wide,  four  of 
■which  vould  make  an  acre,  the  strips  being  sep- 
arated by  ridges  of  turf  called  balks,  ■Nvhile  along 
the  head  of  each  series  of  strips  runs  a  broad 
band  of  turf  known  as  a  headland,  on  which  the 
plough  is  turned,  when  it  does  not  by  custom 
turn  on  some  fellow-tenant's  land,  and  which 
serves  as  a  road  to  the  various  strips  In  the  fields. 
These  strips  are  allotted  in  rotation  to  a  certain 
number  of  the  dwellers  in  the  township,  a  very 
common  holding  being  that  known  as  a  virgate 
or  yardland,  consisting  of  about  30  acres.  .  .  . 
Jlr.  Seel)ohm's  exhaustive  researches  have  con- 
clusively connected  this  system  of  open  fields 
and  rotation  of  strips  with  the  system  of  com- 
mon ploughing,  each  holder  of  land  providing 
so  many  oxen  for  the  common  plough,  two  being 
the  contribution  of  the  holder  of  a  virgate,  and 
eight  the  normal  number  dra'wing  the  plough, 
though  this  would  vary  with  the  character  of 
the  soil.  ...  At  the  date  of  Domesday  (1086), 
the  holders  of  land  in  the  common  fields  com- 
prise the  Lord;  the  free  tenants,  socmanni  or 
liberi  homines,  when  there  are  any;  the  villani 
or  Saxon  goburs,  the  holders  of  virgates  or  half 
virgates;  and  the  bordarii  or  cotarii,  holders  of 
small  plots  of  5  acres  or  so,  who  have  fewer 
rights  and  fewer  duties.  Besides  ploughing  the 
common-fielua,  the  villani  as  part  of  their  tenure 


2084 


MANORS. 


MANTINEA. 


Imve  to  supply  the  labour  necessary  to  cwltivnto 
tlie  nmblo  land  that  t!io  Lord  of  the  Manor  keeps 
ill  his  own  hands  us  his  domain,  dominicum,  or 
demesne." — T.  E.  Scriitton,  Commonn  and  Com- 
mon  IHelih,  ch.  1. —  Relative  to  the  origin  of  the 
manor  and  tlic  development  of  tlie  eonimunity 
from  which  it  rose  tliere  are  divergent  views 
much  discussed  at  the  present  day.  "The inter- 
pretation, current  fifteen  years  ago,  was  tlie 
natural  outcome  of  the  Mark  theory  and  was 
somewhat  as  follows:  The  community  was  a 
voluntary  association,  a  simple  unit  within 
which  there  were  households  or  families  of  va- 
rious degrees  of  wealth,  rank  and  authority,  but 
in  point  of  status  each  was  the  equal  of  tlie  other. 
Each  was  subjectonly  to  the  customs  and  usages 
of  tlie  community  and  to  the  court  of  tlic  Mark. 
The  Mark  was  therefore  a  judicial  and  political 
as  well  as  an  agricultural  unit,  though  cultiva- 
tion of  the  soil  was  the  primary  bond  of  union. 
All  offices  were  filled  by  election,  but  the  incum- 
bent in  due  time  sank  back  into  the  general  body 
of  'markgenossen.'  lie  who  was  afterwards  to 
be  the  lord  of  the  manor  was  originally  only 
'the  first  Marksman,' who  attained  to  this  pre- 
eminence in  part  by  the  prestige  of  election  to 
a  position  of  headship,  in  part  by  usurpation, 
and  in  part  by  the  prerogatives  which  protection 
and  assistance  to  weaker  Marksmen  brought. 
Thus  the  first  larksman  became  the  lord  and 
held  the  others  .'  a  kind  of  subjection  to  him- 
self, and  received  from  them,  though  free,  dues 
and  services  which  grew  increasingly  more 
severe.  Tlie  main  difflculty  here  seems  to  be  in 
tlie  premise,  and  it  is  the  evident  artificiality  of 
the  voluntary  association  of  freemen  which  has 
led  to  such  adverse  criticism  upon  the  whole 
theory.  .  .  .  While  the  free  village  community 
was  under  fire  at  home  as  well  as  abroad,  Mr. 
Beebohm  presented  a  new  view  of  anex:ictly  op- 
posite character,  with  the  formula  of  the  com- 
munity in  villeinage  under  a  lord.  Although  this 
view  has  for  the  moment  divided  thinkers  on  the 
subject,  it  has  proved  no  more  satisfactory  than 
the  other;  for  while  it  does  explain  the  origin  of 
the  lord  of  the  manor,  it  leaves  wholly  untouched 
the  body  of  free  Saxons  whom  Earle  calls  the 
rank  and  file  of  the  invading  army.  Other 
theories  have  sought  to  supply  the  omissions 
in  this  vague  non-documentary  field,  all  erected 
with  learning  and  skill,  but  unfortunately  not  in 
harmony  with  one  another.  Coote  and  Pinlason 
have  given  to  the  manor  an  unqualified  Roman 
origin.  Lewis  holds  to  a  solid  British  founda- 
tion, the  Teutonists  would  make  it  wholly  Saxon, 
while  Gomme  is  inclined  to  see  an  Aryo-British 
community  under  Saxon  overlordship.  Thus 
there  is  a  wide  range  from  which  to  select;  all 
cannot  be  true;  no  one  is  an  explanation  of  all 
conditions,  yet  most  of  them  have  considerable 
sound  evidence  to  support  them.  It  is  this  lack 
of  harmony  which  drives  the  student  to  discover 
some  theory  which  shall  be  in  toufh  with  known 
tribal  concfitions  and  a  natural  consequence  of 
their  development,  and  which  at  the  same  time 
shall  be  sulBciently  elastic  to  conform  to  the 
facts  which  confront  us  in  the  early  historical 
period.  An  attempt  has  been  made  [in  the  work 
here  quoted  from]  to  lay  down  two  premises, 
the  first  of  wliich  is  the  composite  character  of 
the  tribal  and  village  community,  and  the  second 
the  diverse  ethnological  conditions  of  Britain 
after  the  Conquest,  conditions  which  would  allow 


for  different  results.  .  .  .  Kemble  in  his  vliaptcr 
on  Personal  Rank  has  a  remark  which  is  ill  in 
keeping  with  his  peaceful  Mark  theory.  He 
says:  '  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  some  kind  .if 
military  organization  preceded  the  peaceful  set- 
tlement, and  in  many  respects  determined  its 
mode  and  character.'  To  this  statement  Earle 
has  added  another  equally  pregnant:  '  Of  all 
principles  of  military  regiment  there  is  none  so 
necessary  or  so  elementary  as  this,  that  all  men 
must  bo  under  a  captain,  and  such  a  captain  as 
is  able  to  command  prompt  and  willing  obe- 
dience. Upon  this  military  principle  I  conceive 
the  English  settlements  were  originally  founded, 
that  each  several  settlement  was  under  a  military 
leader,  and  that  this  military  leader  was  the  an- 
cestor of  the  lord  of  the  manor.'  Professor  Earle 
then  continues  in  the  endeavor  to  apply  the  sug- 
gestion contained  in  tlie  above  quotation,  lie 
shows  that  the  '  hundreds '  represent  the  first 
pennanent  encampment  of  the  invading  host, 
and  that  the  military  occupation  preceded  tlie 
civil  organization,  the  latter  falling  into  the 
mould  wliich  the  former  had  prepared.  Accord- 
ing to  this  the  manorial  organization  was  based 
upon  a  composite  military  foundation,  the  rank 
and  file  composing  the  one  element,  the  village 
community;  the  captain  or  military  leader  com- 
posing the  other,  settled  witli  suitable  provision 
by  the  side  of  his  company ;  the  lord  by  the  side 
of  free  owners.  In  this  attempt  to  give  the 
manor  a  composite  origin,  as  the  "ily  rational 
means  whereby  the  chief  difflculty  can  be  re- 
moved, and  In  the  attempt  to  carry  the  scignorial 
element  to  the  very  beginning  we  believe  him  to 
be  wholly  right.  But  an  objection  must  be 
raised  to  the  way  In  which  Professor  Earle  makes 
up  his  composite  element.  It  is  too  artificial,  too 
exclusively  military ;  t'lo  occupiers  of  the  village 
are  the  members  of  the  '  company,'  the  occupier 
of  the  adjacent  seat  is  the  'captain,'  afterwards 
to  become  the  lord.  .  .  .  We  feel  certain  tliot 
the  local  community,  the  village,  was  simply 
the  kindred,  the  sub-clan  group,  which  had  be- 
come a  local  habitation,  )-et  when  we  attempt  to 
test  its  presence  in  Anglo-Saxon  Britain  we  meet 
witli  many  difficulties.  — C.  McL.  Andrews,  Ttie 
Old  Eng.  Manor,  pp.  7-5 L 

Also  in:  P.  Seebohra,  English  Village  Com- 
munities, ch.  2,  sect.  12.— Sir  11.  Maine,  Village 
Communities,  Icct.  5. 

MANSFIELD,  OR  SABINE  CROSS 
ROADS,  Battle  of.  See  United  St.ytes  of 
Am.  :  A.  D.  1864  (JI.\rcii— May  :  Louisiana). 

MANSOURAH,  Battle  of  (1250).  See  Cbd- 
8AI1ES:  A.  D.  1248-12.54. 

MANSUR,  Al,  Caliph,  A.  D.  754^775. 
♦ 

MANTINEA. — "  Mantinea  was  the  single 
city  of  Arcadia  which  liad  dared  to  pursue  an  in- 
dependent line  of  policy  [see  Spauta:  B.  C.  743- 
5101.  Not  until  the  Persian  Wars  the  community 
coalesced  out  of  five  villages  into  one  fortified 
city;  this  being  done  at  the  instigation  of  Argos, 
which  already  at  this  early  date  entertained 
thoughts  of  forming  for  itself  a  confederation 
in  Its  vicinity.  Mantinea  had  endeavored  to 
increase  its  city  and  territory  by  conquest,  and 
after  the  Peace  of  Nicias  had  openly  opposed 
Sparta." — E.  Curtlus,  Ilist.  of  Oreece,  bk.  5,  ch. 
5  (0.  4). 

U.  C.  418.— Battle.  See  Oreece:  B.  C.  421- 
418. 


2085 


MANTINEA. 


MANX  KINGDOM. 


B.  C.  385.— Destruction  by  the  Spartans. 
Sen  Giieeck:  B.  C.  :wr». 

B.  C.  371-362.— Restoration  of  the  city.— 
Arcadian  union  and  disunion, — The  great  bat- 
tle.— Victory  and  death  of  Epaminondas.  8i'U 
Gueeck:  B.  C.  371;  and  371-303. 

B.  C.  233. — Change  of  name. — In  the  war 
between  Cleomcues  of  Sparta  and  the  Aclia.-an 
League,  the  city  of  Mantinea  was,  first,  surprised 
by  Ariitus,  the  chief  of  the  League,  B.  C.  220, 
and  occupied  by  an  Aehican  garrison ;  then  re- 
captured by  Cleomcnes,  and  his  partisans,  B.  C. 
224,  and  finally,  B.  C.  222,  stormed  by  Antigonus, 
king  of  Macedonia,  acting  in  the  name  of  the 
League,  and  given  up  to  pillage.  Its  citizens 
were  sold  into  slavery.  "The  dispeopled  city 
was  placed  by  the  conqueror  at  the  disposal  of 
Argos,  which  decreed  that  a  colony  should  be 
sent  to  take  possession  of  it  >nider  the  auspices  of 
Aratus.  The  occasion  enal)k'd  him  to  pay  another 
courtly  compliment  to  the  king  of  Macedonia.  On 
his  proposal,  the  name  of  the  'lovely  Mantinea' 
—  as  it  was  described  in  the  Homeric  catalogue  — 
■was  exchanged  for  that  of  Antigoneu,  a  symbol 
of  its  ruin  and  of  the  humiliation  of  Greece." — 
C.  Thirhvall,  niat.  of  Greece,  ch.  02  (v.  8). 

B.  C.  307. — Defeat  of  the  Lacedaemonians. 
— In  the  wars  of  the  Achreau  League,  the  Lacc- 
doemonians  were  defeated  luider  the  walls  of 
Mantinea  with  great  slaughter,  by  the  forces  of 
the  League,  ably  marshalled  by  Philopccmen, 
and  the  Lacedmnionian  king  Machanidas  was 
slain.  "  It  was  the  third  great  battle  fought  on 
the  same,  or  nearly  the  same,  ground.  Ilero,  in 
the  interval  between  the  two  parts  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian  War,  had  Afeis  restored  the  glory  of 
Sparta  after  her  humiliation  nt  Sphakteria;  hero 
EpamcinOndas  had  fallen  in  the  moment  of  vic- 
tory ;  hero  now  [B.  0.  207]  was  to  be  fought  the 
last  great  battle  of  independent  Greece." — E.  A. 
Freeman,  Iliat.  of  Federal  Govt.,  ch.  8,  sect.  2. 


MANTUA:  ii-i3th  Centuries.— Rise  and 
acquisition  of  republican  independence.  See 
It.\i,y:  a.  D.  1050-1152. 

A.  D.  1077-1115. — In  the  dominions  of  the 
Countess  Matilda.  See  Papacy:  A.  D.  1077- 
1102. 

A.  D.  1328-1708.— The  house  of  Gonzaga. 

Sec  GOKZAGA. 

A.  D.  1627-1631. — War  of  France,  Spain 
and  the  Empire  over  the  disputed  succession 
to  the  duchy. — Siege  and  capture  of  the  city 
by  the  Imperialists. — Rights  of  the  Duke  de 
Nevers  established.  See  Italy:  A.  D.  1627- 
1631. 

A.  D.  1635. — Alliance  with  France  against 
Spain.     See  Qeumany:  A.  D.  1034-1639. 

A.  D.  1796-1797. — Siege  and  reduction  by 
the  French.  See  France:  A.  D.  1796  (ApBtL 
— OcTOBEii) ;  and  1790-1797  (Octobeu — April). 

A.  D.  1797.— Ceded  by  Austria  to  the  Cisal- 
pine Republic.  See  Fhance:  A.  D.  1797  (May 
— Octobeu). 

A.  D.  1799. — Siege  and  capture  by  Suwar- 
row.     See  France:  A.   D.  1799  (Apbii.— Sep- 

TEMBEK). 

A.  D.  1814. — Restoration  to  Austria.  See 
Fkance:  a.  D.  1814  (April — June). 

A.  D.  1866. — The  Austrinns  retained  Mantua 
until  their  final  withdrawal  from  the  peninsula, 
in  1806,  when  it  was  absorbed  in  the  new  king- 
dom of  Italy. 


MANU,  Laws  of.— "The  Indians  [of  Hindo- 
stan]  ])ossess  a  series  of  books  of  law,  which, 
like  that  called  after  Manu,  bea.  the  name  of  a 
saint  or  seer  of  antiquity,  or  of  a  god.  One  is 
named  after  Gautama,  another  after  Vasishtha, 
a  third  after  Apastamba,  a  fourth  after  Yajna- 
valkya;  others  after  Bandhayana  and  Vishnu. 
According  to  the  tradition  of  the  Indians  the  law 
of  Manu  is  tlie  oldest  and  most  honourable.  .  .  . 
The  conclusion  is  .  .  .  inevitable  that  the  deci- 
sive precepts  which  we  find  in  the  collection  must 
have  been  put  together  and  written  down  about 
the  year  600  [B.  C.]."— M.  Duncker,  JIM.  of 
Antiquity,  bk.  .5,  ch.  0. — "The  name,  'Laws  of 
Manu,' somewhat  resembles  a  '  pious  fraud ' ;  for 
the  'Laws'  are  merely  the  laws  o.  customs  of  a 
school  or  association  of  Hindus,  r  led  the  Jlana- 
vas,  who  lived  in  the  country  rc...lered  holy  by 
the  divine  river  Saraswati.  In  this  district  the 
Hindus  first  felt  themselves  a  settled  people,  and 
in  this  neighbourhood  they  established  colli'gcs 
and  hermitages,  or '  asramas, '  from  some  of  which 
we  may  suppose  Brahmanas,  Upanishads,  and 
other  religious  compositions  may  have  isstied; 
and  under  such  influences  we  may  imagine  the 
Code  of  Manu  to  have  been  composed." — Mrs. 
Manning,  Ancient  and  MedioBval  India,  v.  1,  p. 
270. 

MANUAL  TRAINING.  See  Education. 
Modern:  Reforms,  &c.  :  A.  D.  1805-1880. 

MANUEL  I.  (Comnenus),  Emperor  in  the 
East  (Byzantine,  or  Greek),  A.  D.  1143-1181. 
. . .  .Manuel  II.  (Palaologus),  Greek  Emperor 
of  Constantinople,  1391-1425. 

MANX  KINGDOM,  The.— The  Isle  of  Man 
in  the  Irish  Sea  gets  its  Finglish  name,  Man,  by 
an  abbreviatlou  of  the  native  name,  Mannin,  the 
origin  of  which  is  unknown.  The  language, 
called  Man.x  (now  litJc  used),  and  the  iuhabi- 
tants,  called  Manx-.ncn,  are  both  of  Gaelic,  or 
Irish  derivation.  From  the  sixth  to  the  tenth 
century  the  island  was  successively  ruled  by  the 
Scots  (Irish),  the  "Welsh  and  the  Norwegians, 
finally  becoming  a  separate  petty  kingdom,  with 
Norwegian  claims  upon  it.  In  the  thirteenth 
century  the  little  kingdom  was  annexed  to  Scot- 
laud.  Subsequently,  after  various  vicissitudes, 
it  passed  under  English  control  and  was  granted 
by  Henry  IV.  to  Sir  John  Stanley.  The  Stan- 
leys, after  some  generations,  found  a  dignity 
which  they  esteemed  higher,  in  the  earldom  of 
Derby,  and  relinquished  the  title  of  King  of  Nan. 
This  was  done  by  the  second  Earl  of  Derby,  1505. 
In  1765  the  sovereignty  and  revenues  of  the 
island  were  purchased  by  the  British  govern- 
ment; but  its  independent  form  of  government 
has  undergone  little  change.  It  enjoys  "liomo 
rule  "  to  perfection.  It  has  its  own  legislature, 
called  the  Court  of  Tynwald,  consisting  of  a 
council,  or  upper  chamber,  and  a  representative 
body  called  the  House  of  Keys.  Acts  of  the  im- 
perial parliament  do  not  apply  to  the  Isle  of 
Man  unless  it  is  specifically  named  in  theuL  It 
has  its  own  courts,  with  judges  called  deemsters 
(who  are  the  successors  of  the  ancient  Druidical 
priests),  and  its  own  governor,  appointed  by  the 
crown.  The  divisions  of  the  island,  correspond- 
ing to  English  counties,  are  called  sheadings. — 
8.  Walpole,  T/te  Land  of  Uome  liule. 

Also  in:  H.  I.  Jenkinson,  Ovide  to  Isle  of 
Man. — Hall  Caine,  The  Little  Manx  Nation. — 
Our  Oien  Country,  v.  5. — See  Monapia;  and 
Noumans  :  8Tii-9Tn  Centukies. 


2086 


MANZIKEUT. 


MARGARET. 


MANZIKERT,  Battle  of  (1071).  Sco 
Ti'iikh;  a.  I).  l()0;!-107it. 

MAONITES,  The.— "  Wo  must  .  .  .  regnrd 
tliem  us  II  remnant  of  the  Amoritcs,  which,  in 
liittT  times,  .  .  .  spreiid  to  tlie  west  of  Petrn. " — 
II.  Kwiild,  Hint,  of  Turin  I,  inlnxl.,  sect.  4. 

MAORIS.— MAORI  WAR.  See  New  Zea- 
la.nk:  Tirn  AiiouiuiNES:  A.  D.  1803-1883;  also, 
Malayan  Hack. 

MAPOCHINS,  The.  See  Cuile:  A.  D. 
1450-1734. 

MAQUAHUITL,  The.— This  was  a  weapon 
In  use  among  tlie  Mexicans  wlien  tlie  Spaniards 
found  them.  It  "was  a  stout  stick,  three  feet 
and  a  lialf  long,  and  about  four  inclies  broad, 
armed  on  eacli  side  witli  a  sort  of  razors  of  tlie 
stone  itztli  (obsidian),  extraordinarily  sliarp,  fixed 
ami  flrndy  fastened  to  the  stick  with  gum  lack. 
.  .  .  Tlic  first  stroke  only  was  to  bo  feared,  for 
the  razors  became  soon  blunt. " — P.  8.  Clavigero, 
Hint,  of  Mexico,  bk.  7. 

Also  in  :  Sir  A.  Helps,  Tlw  Spanish  Conquest 
of  Am.,  bk.  10(0.  2). 

MARACANDA.— The  chief  city  of  the  an- 
cient So^diani,  in  Central  Asia  —  now  Samarcand. 

MARAGHA.     See  Peusia:  A.  D.  1258-1393. 

MARAIS,  OR  PLAIN,  The  Party  of  the. 
See  FitANCE;  A.  D.  1792  (September— Ncvem- 

BEU). 

MARANHA,  The.  Seo  American  Aborig- 
ines: GucK  OR  Coco  Group. 

MARANGA,  Battle  of.— One  of  the  battles 
fought  by  the  Romans  with  the  Persians  during 
tlie  retreat  from  Julian's  fatal  expedition  beyond 
the  Tigris,  A.  D.  363.  The  Persians  were  re- 
])ulsed. — G.  Rawlinson,  Seventh  Oreat  OHental 
M<iiiarc?ty,  ch.  10. 

MARAPHIANS,  The.— One  of  the  tribes  of 
the  ancient  Persians. — -M.  Duncker,  Hist,  of  An- 
tiquity, bk.  8,  ch.  3. 

MARAT  AND  THE  FRENCH  REVO- 
LUTION. See  France:  A.  D.  1790,  to  1793 
(Mauch  —  June) Asisassination  by  Char- 
lotte Corday.    Seo  France;  A.  D.  1793  (July). 

MAR  ATA.  See  American  Aboriqines; 
Puehlos. 

MARATHAS.    See  Mahrattas. 

MARATHON,  Battle  of.  See  Greece: 
B.  C.  490. 

MARAVEDIS.    See  Spanish  Coins. 

MARBURG  CONFERENCE,  The.  See 
Switzerland:  A.  D.  1528-1531. 

MARCEL,  Etienne,  and  the  States  Gen- 
eral of  France.    Seo  France:  A.  D.  1356-1358. 

MARCELLUS  II.,  Pope,  A.  D.  1555,  April 
to  May. 

MARCH.— MARK.— The  frontier  or  boun- 
dary of  a  territory ;  a  border.  Hence  came  the 
title  of  Marquis,  which  was  originally  that  of  an 
ofilcer  charged  with  the  guarding  of  some  March 
or  border  district  of  a  kingdom.  In  Great  Brit- 
ain this  title  ranks  second  in  the  five  orders  of 
nobility,  only  the  title  of  Duke  being  superior  to 
it.  The  old  English  kingdom  of  Mercia  was 
formed  by  the  Angles  who  were  first  called  the 
"Men  of  the  March,"  having  settled  on  the 
Welsh  border,  and  that  was  the  origin  of  its 
name.  The  kingdom  of  Prussia  grew  out  of  the 
"Mark  of  Brandenburg,"  which  was  originally 
a  military  border  district  formed  on  the  skirts  of 
the  German  empire  to  resist  the  Wends.  Various 
other  European  states  had  the  same  origin.  Sec, 
also,  Maroravb. 


MARCH  CLUB.  See  Ci,uns:  Tire  Octo- 
heh  and  the  Mauch. 

MARCHFELD  OR  MARSCHFELD, 
Battle  of  the  (1278).     Sec  Auhtria:  A.  I).  1246- 

1282 (1809)  (also  called  the  battle  of  As- 

pern-Esslingen,  or  of  Aspern).  bee  Oer:iany: 
A.  1).  1809(Jani'auy — riJ.NK). 

MARCIAN,  Roman  Emperor  (Eastern), 
A.  I).  450-457. 

MARCIANAPOLIS.  See  Goths:  A.  D. 
344-251. 


MARCOMANNI    AND    QUADI,    The.— 

"The  Marcoinaniii  [an  ancient  German  people 
who  dwelt,  tlrst,  on  the  Lhine,  but  afterwards  oc- 
cupied southern  Bohemia]  stand  first  in  strength 
and  renown,  and  their  very  territory,  from  which 
the  Boil  were  driven  in  a  former  ago,  was  won 
by  valour.  Nor  are  the  Narisci  [settled  in  the 
region  of  modern  Ratisbon]  and  (Juadi  [who 
probably  occupied  MoraviaJ  inferior  to  them. 
This  I  may  call  the  frontier  of  Germany,  so  fur 
as  it  is  completed  by  the  Danube.  The  Slarco- 
nianni  and  (iuadi  have,  up  to  our  time,  been 
ruled  by  kings  of  their  own  nation,  descended 
from  the  noble  stock  of  Maroboduus  and  Tudni.s. 
They  now  submit  even  to  foreigners;  but  tlie 
strength  and  power  of  the  monarch  depend  on 
Roman  influence." — Tacitus,  Oermani/,  trans,  by 
Church  and  Brodrihh,  ch.  42.  —  "The  Marco- 
manni  cannot  be  demonstrated  as  a  distinct 
people  before  Marbod.  It  is  very  possible  that 
the  word  up  to  that  point  indicates  nothing  but 
what  it  etymologically  signifies  —  the  land  or 
frontier  guard." — T.  Jlonimsen,  Hist,  of  Home, 
bk.  5,  ch.  7,  foot-note. — Seo,  also,  Aori  Decu- 

MATES. 

War  with  Tiberius.  See  Germ.vny:  B.  C. 
8-A.  I).  11. 

Wars  with  Marcus   Aurelius.     See  Sarma- 

TIAN     AND    MaRCOMANNIAN     WaRS    OK    MaRCUS 

Aurelius. 

•- 

MARCUS  AURELIUS  ANTONINUS, 
Roman  Emperor,  A.  I).  101-180. 

M  ARDI  A,  Battle  of  (A.  D.  313).  Seo  Rome  : 
A.  1).  305-323. 

MARDIANS,  The.— One  of  the  tribes  of  the 
ancient  Persians;  also  called  Amardians. — M. 
Duncker,  lliat.  of  Antiquity,  bk.  8,  ch.  3. — See, 
also,  Tapurians. 

MARDYCK:  A.  D.  1645-1646. —  Thrice 
taken  and  retaken  by  French  and  Spaniards. 
See  Netherlands:  A.  D.  1045-1040. 

A.  D.  1657. —  Siege  and  capture  by  the 
French.  —  Delivery  to  the  English.  See 
France:  A.  D.  1655-16.58. 

MARENGO,  Battle  of  (1800).  Seo  France: 
A.  D.  1800-1801  (JIay— Feiiuuary). 

MARFEE,  Battle  of  (1641).  See  France: 
A.  D.  1641-1042. 

MARGARET,  Queen  of  the  North:  Den- 
mark and  Norway,  A.  D.  1387-1412;  Sweden, 

1388-1412 Margaret   (called  The  Maid  of 

Norway),   Queen  of  Scotland,  1286-1290 

Margaret   of   Anjou,  and    the  Wars  of   the 

Roses.     See   England:  A.    D,   1455-1471 

Margaret  of  Navarre,  or  Marguerite  d'An- 
gouleme,  and  the  Reformation  in  France.  Seo 
Papacy:  A.  D.  1.521-1535;  and  Navarre:  A.  D. 
1S28-1563 Margaret    of    Parma  and  her 


2087 


MARGARET. 


MARK. 


Regency  in  the  Netherlands.  Sec  NKTircn- 
landh;  A.  I).  1555-1  sou,  iind  iifter. 

MARGHUSH.     Hue  Mauoiana. 

MARGIANA.— The  ancient  name  of  the  val- 
ley of  tlie  Murglnib  or  Moorgliiib  (culled  the 
Margos).  It  is  represented  ut  the  present  day 
bv  the  oasis  now  called  Merv ;  was  tlie  Hactrian 
5lo\irii  and  the  IMargliusli  of  tlie  old  Persians. 
It  was  inliabitedby  tlie  Margiaui. — SI.  Dimcker, 
Hint,  of  Aiitii/Hiti/,  hk.  7,  eh.  1. 

MARGRAVE.  —  MARQUIS.  —  "  This  of 
Marltgrafs  (fJrafs  of  tlie  Marclies,  '  marlted  ' 
Places,  or  Boundaries)  was  a  natural  invention  in 
tliat  state  of  circumstances  [tlie  circumstances  of 
the  Germany  of  the  lOtli  century,  under  Henry 
tlio  Fowlerj.  It  did  not  qiiile  originate  with 
Henry ;  but  was  much  perfected  by  him,  lie  first 
recognising  how  essential  it  was.  On  all  fron- 
tiers he  had  his  '  Graf '  (Count,  '  Reeve,' '  G'reeve,' 
whom  some  think  to  be  only  'Qrau,'  Gray,  or 
'Senior,'  tlie  hardiest,  wisest  steel-gray  man  ho 
could  discover)  stationed  on  tlie  Jlarck,  strenu- 
ously doing  watch  and  ward  there :  the  post  of 
dilHculty,  of  peril,  and  naturally  of  honour  too, 
nothing  of  a  sinecure  by  any  means.  Whicli 
post,  like  every  other,  always  had  a  tendency  to 
become  hereditary,  if  the  kindred  did  not  fail  in 
fit  men.  And  hence  have  come  the  inniimerablu 
Margraves,  Marquises,  and  such  like,  of  modern 
times ;  titles  now  become  chimerical,  and  more  or 
less  mendacious,  as  most  of  our  titles  are." — T. 
Carlyle,  Frederick  the  Great,  hk.  3,  ch.  1.— "The 
title  derived  from  the  old  imperial  office  of  mark- 
grave  [margrave],  'comes  niarchensis,' or  count 
of  the  marclics,  had  belonged  to  several  foreign- 
ers who  were  brought  into  relation  with  England 
in  the  twelfth  century ;  the  duke  of  Brabant  was 
marquess  of  Antwerp,  and  the  count  of  Mauri- 
cnno  marquess  of  Italy ;  but  in  France  the  title 
was  not  commonly  used  until  the  seventeenth 
ccnturjr,  and  it  is  possible  tliat  it  came  to  Eng- 
land direct  from  Germanpr.  .  .  .  The  fact  that, 
■within  a  century  of  its  introduction  into  Eng- 
land, it  was  used  in  so  unmeaning  a  designation 
as  tlie  marquess  of  Montague,  shows  that  it  had 
lost  all  traces  of  its  original  application. " — W. 
Stubbs,  Count.  Hint,  of  Eng.,  ch.  '20,  ««c<.  751. — See 
Maucii;  also,  Gu.vF. 

MARGUS,  Treaty  of.— A  treaty  which  At- 
tila  the  Ilun  extorted  from  the  Eastern  Roman 
Emperor,  Theodosius,  A.  D.  434,  —  called  by 
Sismondi  "the  most  shameful  treaty  that  ever 
mojiarch  signed."  It  gave  up  to  the  savage  king 
every  fugitive  from  his  vengeance  or  his  jeal- 
ousy whom  he  demanded,  and  even  the  Roman 
captives  who  had  escaped  from  his  bonds.  It 
promised,  moreover,  an  annual  tribute  to  him  of 
700  pounds  of  gold. — J.  C.  L.  de  Sismondi,  Fall 
of  the  lioirmn  Empire,  ch.  7  (c.  1). 

MARHATTAS.     See  IMaiiiiattas. 

MARIA,  Queen  of  Hungary,  A.  D.  1309- 

1437 Maria,   Queen   of   Sicily,   1377-1403. 

...Maria  I.,  Queen  of  Portugal,  1777-1807. 
. . .  Maria  II.,  Queen  of  Portugal,  1836-1853. 
....Maria  Theresa,  Archduchess  of  Austria 
and  Queen  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  1745- 

'-H0. 

MARIA  THERESA,  The  military  order 
of.     See  Germany  :  A.  D.  1757  (Apuil-— Junk). 

mar: ANA.  See  New  England:  A.  D. 
1631-1631. 

MARIANDYNIANS,  The.     See    Bithtn- 

lANB. 


MARIANS,  The.    See  Rome;   B.  C.  88-78. 
MARICOPAS,  The.     See  American  Auo- 

UKIINKS:    I'UKIlI.OS. 

MARIE  ANTOINETTE,  Imprisonment, 
trial  and  execution  of.  See  France:  A.  I). 
1793  (AuousT);  and  1793  (Sei'temhku— Dkckm- 

iiEH) Marie  Louise  of  Austria,  Napoleon's 

marriage  to.  See  Fhance:  A.  I).  1810-1813. 
....Marie  de  Medicis,  The  regency  and  the 
intrigues  of.  See  Fhance:  A.  D.  1610-1619, 
to  1630-1633 Marie.     See,  also,  Mauy. 

MARIETTA,  O.  :  The  Settlement  and 
Naming  of  the  town.  See  Noutiiwest  Tehui- 
tohy:  a.  D.  1786-1788. 

MARIGNANO,  or  MELIGNANO,  Battle 
of.     SceFiiANCK:  A.  1).  1515. 

MARINUS,  Pope.     See  JIaiitin. 

MARIOLATRY,  Rise  of.    See  Nestorian 

AND  MONOIMIVHITK  CoNTUOVEUSY. 

MARION,  Francis,  and  the  partisan  war- 
fare in  the  Carolinas.  See  UNrri:»  States  ov 
A.M. :  A.  D.  1780  (Auoust— December),  and 
1780-1781. 

MARIPOSAN  FAMILY, The.  ScgAmkri- 
CAN  AuoiiKii.NKs:  Mauii'osan  Family. 

MARITIME  PROVINCES.— The  British 
American  provinces  of  Nova  Scotia,  New  Bruns- 
wick, Prince  Edward  Island,  and  Newfound- 
land, are  commonly  referred  to  as  the  Maritime 
Provinces. 

MARIUS  AND  SULLA,  The  civil  war  of. 
See  Rome:  B.  0.  88-78. 

MARIZZA,  Battle  of  the  (1363).  See  Turks 
(TiiK  Ottomans):  A.  I).  1360-1389. 

MARJ  DABIK,  Battle  of  (1516).  Sec 
Turks:  A.  D.  1481-1530. 

MARK. — A  border.    See  JlARcn.— Mark. 

MARK,  The.— "The  theory  of  the  Mark,  or 
as  it  is  more  generally  called  in  its  later  form, 
the  free  village  community,  has  been  an  accepted 
hypothesis  for  the  historical  and  economic  world 
for  more  than  half  a  century.  Elaborated  and 
expanded  by  the  writings  of  Kemble  in  Eng- 
land and  v.  Slaurer  in  Germany,  taken  up  by 
later  English  writers  and  given  wide  currency 
through  the  works  of  Sir  Henry  Maine,  Green, 
and  Freeman,  it  lias  been  accepted  and  extended 
by  scores  of  historical  writers  on  this  side  of  the 
Atlantic  as  well  as  the  other  until  it  has  become 
a  commonplace  in  literature.  Firm  as  has  been 
its  hold  and  important  as  has  been  its  work,  it  i& 
almost  universally  conceded  that  further  modifi- 
cation or  entire  rejection  must  be  the  next  step 
to  be  taken  in  the  presence  of  the  more  thorough 
and  scholarly  research  which  is  becoming  promi- 
nent, and  before  all  questions  can  be  answered 
which  this  study  brings  to  light.  A  change  has 
taken  place  in  the  thought  upon  this  subject ;  a 
reaction  against  the  idealism  of  the  political 
tliinkers  of  half  a  century  ago.  The  history  of 
the  hypothesis  forms  an  interesting  chapter  in 
the  relation  between  modern  tliought  and  the  in- 
terpretation of  past  history,  and  shows  that  in 
the  formation  of  an  opinion  both  writer  anil 
reader  are  unconsciously  dependent  upon  the 
spirit  of  the  age  in  which  they  live.  "The  free 
village  community,  us  it  is  commonly  under- 
stood, standing  at  the  dawn  of  English  and  Ger- 
man history  is  discoverable  in  no  historical 
documents,  and  for  that  reason  it  has  been  ac- 
cepted by  prudent  scholars  with  caution.  But 
the  causes  which  have  made  it  a  widely  accept- 
able hypothesis  and  have  served  to  entrench  it 


2088 


MARK. 


MAROCCO. 


firmly  In  the  mind  of  srliolnr  and  render  alike, 
linve  cftslly  supplied  what  was  wanting  In  tho 
way  of  exact  material,  and  have  led  to  conclu- 
sions which  are  now  recognized  as  often  too  hazy, 
historically  inaccurate,  though  agreeable  to  tno 
thought  tendencies  f)f  the  age.  .  .  .  Tho  Mark 
a.s  detine(l  by  Kemble,  who  felt  In  this  Interpre- 
tation the  InHuenco  of  tho  German  writers,  .  .  . 
was  a  district  large  or  small  with  a  well-detined 
boundary,  containing  certain  proportions  of 
lieath,  forest,  fon  and  pasture.  Upon  this  tract 
of  land  were  communities  of  families  or  house- 
holds, originally  bound  by  kindred  or  tribal  tics, 
but  who  liad  early  lost  this  blood  relationship 
.and  were  composed  of  freemen,  voluntarily  as- 
sociated for  mutual  support  and  tillage  of  tho 
soil,  with  commonable  rights  in  the  land  withir» 
the  Mark.  The  Marks  were  entirely  indepen- 
dent, having  nothing  to  do  with  each  othc,  self- 
supporting  and  Isolated,  until  by  continual  ex- 
pansion tliey  eitluT  federated  or  coalesced  into 
larger  communities.  Such  communities  varying 
in  size  covered  England,  internally  differing  only 
In  minor  details,  in  all  other  respects  similar. 
This  view  of  the  Mark  liud  been  taken  already 
more  or  less  independently  by  v.  Maurer  in  Ger- 
many, and  live  years  after  the  appearance  of 
Kenible's  work,  there  was  published  the  first  of 
the  series  of  volumes  which  have  rendered 
jlaurer's  name  famous  as  the  establisher  of  tho 
theory.  As  his  method  was  more  exact,  his  re- 
sults were  built  upon  a  more  stable  foundation 
than  were  those  of  Kemble,  but  in  general  tho 
two  writers  did  not  greatly  differ." — 0.  ^McL. 
Andrews,  The  Old  Eng.  Manor,  pp.  1-0. 

Also  in  :  J.  M.  Kemblo,  The  Saxons  in  Enr/- 
land,  bk.  1,  ch.  3. — E.  A.  Freeman,  IIM.  of  the 
Norman  Conquest,  ch.  3,  sect.  3. — W.  Stubbs, 
Cotist.  Hist,  of  Eng.,  ch.  3,  sect.  24  (».  1).— See, 
also,  Manor. 

MARKLAND.  Seo  America:  IOtii-Htii 
Centikiks. 

MARKS,  Spanish.    See  Spanish  Coins. 

MARLBOROUGH,  John  Churchill,  Dulce 
of,  and  the  fall  of  the  English  Whigs.     Seo 

England:    A.    D.    1710-1713 Campaigns. 

See  Netherlands:  A.  D.  1703-1704,  to  1710- 
1713;  and  Germany:  A.  D.  1704. 

MAROCCO :  Ancient.    See  Mauretania. 

The  Arab  conquest,  and  since. — The  tide  of 
Mahometan  conquest,  sweeping  across  North 
Africa  (see  MAno.\iETAN  Conquest  :  A.  D.  647- 
709),  burst  upon  ^larocco  in  698.  "Eleven 
years  were  required  to  overcome  the  stubborn 
resistance  of  the  Berbers,  who,  however,  when 
once  conquered,  submitted  with  a  good  grace 
and  embraced  the  new  creed  with  a  facility  en- 
tirely in  accordance  with  the  adaptive  nature 
they  still  exhibit.  Mingled  bands  of  Moors  and 
Arabs  passed  over  into  Spain,  under  Tarik  and 
Moossa,  and  by  the  defeat  of  Roderic  at  the  bat- 
tle of  Guadalete,  in  711,  the  foundation  of  their 
Spanish  empire  was  laid  [see  Spain:  A.  D.  711- 
713],  on  wliich  was  afterwards  raised  the  mag- 
nificent fabric  of  the  Western  Khalifntc.  This 
is  not  the  place  to  dwell  on  the  glories  of  their 
dominion.  .  .  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  a  reflec- 
tion of  this  giory  extended  to  Marocco,  where 
the  libraries  and  universities  of  Fez  and  Marocco 
City  told  of  the  learning  introduced  by  wise 
men,  Moorish  and  Christian  alike,  who  pursued 
their  studies  without  fear  of  iuterruption  on  the 


score  of  religious  belief.  The  Sfoors  In  the  days 
of  their  grentneAs,  be  it  ol)served,  were  far  more 
liberal-minded  than  tho  Spanish  Catholics  after- 
wards showed  themselves,  and  allowed  Chris- 
tians to  practise  their  own  religion  in  their  own 
places  of  worship  —  in  striking  contrast  to  tho 
fanaticism  of  their  descendants  In  Marocco  at  tho 
present  day.  .  .  .  Tlie  intervals  of  repose  under 
♦he  rule  of  powerful  and  enlightened  monarchs, 
during  which  tho  above-mentioned  institutions 
flourislied,  were  nevertheless  comparatively  rare, 
and  the  general  history  of  Marocco  during  tho 
>Ir)orish  dominion  in  Spain  seems  to  have  been 
one  monotonous  record  of  strife  between  con- 
tending tribes  and  dynasties.  Early  In  tho 
tenth  century,  tho  Berljers  got  the  mastery  of 
the  Arabs,  who  never  afterwards  apjjoar  in  tho 
history  of  the  country  except  under  the  general 
name  of  Moors.  Various  principalities  were 
formed  [ll-18th  centuries  —  see  Ai.mouavides 
and  Almohadkh],  of  which  the  chief  were  Fez, 
Marocco,  and  Tafllet,  though  now  and  again, 
and  especially  under  tho  Marin  dynasty.  In  tho 
13th  century,  the  two  f'  rmer  were  consolidated 
into  one  kingdom.  In  tlio  15th  century  tho  suc- 
cesses of  the  Spaniards  caused  tho  centre  of 
Moorish  power  to  shift  from  Spain  to  Marocco. 
In  tho  declining  days  of  tho  Hispano-Moorish 
(Miipire,  and  after  Its  final  extinction,  tho 
Spaniards  and  Portuguese  revenged  them- 
selves on  their  conquerors  by  attacking  tho 
coast-towns  of  Maroci'O,  many  of  which  they 
captured.  It  is  not  improbable  that  they  would 
eventunlly  have  possessed  themselves  of  the  en- 
tire country,  but  for  tlio  disastrous  defeat  of 
King  Sebastian  in  l.')78,  at  the  battle  of  tho 
Three  Kings,  on  the  banks  of  the  Wad  El  Ma 
Ilassen,  near  Alcazar  [see  Pqjituoal:  A.  D. 
1.579-1580].  This  was  tlio  turning-point  In 
Moorish  history,  and  an  African  Creasy  would 
have  to  rank  tho  conflict  at  Alcazar  among  the 
decisive  battles  of  the  continent.  With  the  rout 
and  slaughter  of  the  Portuguese  fled  the  last 
chance  of  civilizing  the  country,  which  from 
that  period  graduallj'  relapsed  into  a  state  of  iso- 
lated barbarism.  .  .  .  For  250  years  tho  throne 
has  been  in  tho  hands  of  members  of  the  Slier- 
eefian  family  of  Fileli,  who  have  remained  prac- 
tically undisputed  masters  of  the  whole  of  the 
empire.  All  this  time,  as  in  the  earlier  classical 
ages,  Marocco  lias  been  practically  shut  out 
from  tho  world.  .  .  .  Tlie  chief  events  of  impor- 
tance in  Moorish  affairs  in  tho  present  century 
were  the  defeat  of  the  Moors  by  the  French  at  the 
battle  of  Isly  [see  Barbart  States:  A.  D.  1830- 
1846],  near  tho  Algerian  frontier.  In  1844,  and  tho 
subsequent  bombardment  of  Mogndor  and  the 
coost-towns,  and  the  Spanish  war  which  termi- 
nated in  1860  with  the  peace  of  Tetuan.  These 
reverses  taught  the  Moors  the  power  of  European 
states,  and  brought  about  a  great  improvement  in 
the  position  of  Cliristians  in  the  country.  Tho 
Government  of  Marocco  is  in  effect  a  kind  of 
graduated  despotism,  where  every  official,  while 
possessing  complete  authority  over  those  be- 
neath him,  must  render  absolute  submission  to 
his  superiors.  The  supremo  power  is  vested  In 
the  Sultan,  the  head  of  the  State  in  all  things 
spiritual  and  temporal.  ...  Of  the  ultimate 
dissolution  of  the  Moorish  dominion  there  can 
be  little  doubt.  .  .  .  European  States  have  long 
had  their  eyes  upon  it,  but  the  same  mutual  dis- 
trust and  jealousy  wliich  preserves  the  decaying 


2089 


MAUOCCO. 


MAUTIN. 


fiibrlc  of  the  TiirkiKh  Kmpire  has  hitherto  dono 
thn  like  far  Miirocio,  whoso  Sultdii  serves  the 
game  piirposn  on  tlii^  Stnilts  of  Oiliniltar  ns  the 
Turkish  Hulliiii  docs  on  the  Bosphorus. " — 
II.  E.  M.  Btutflcld,  l<:i  Md'jhreh.ch.  16.— See,  also, 
IIahmauv  States. 

♦ 

MARONITES,    The.      See    Monotuelitk 

Co.NTHOVKIiSY. 

MAROONS.    Sec    Jamaica:    A.    D.    1055- 
ITIKl. 
MARQUETTE'S  EXPLORATIONS.  See 

Canada:  A.  I).  1034-1073. 

MARQUIS.    See  Mauokave. 

MARRAIM,  The.— An  ancient  ditch  run- 
ning from  Alba  to  Rome, —  being  part  of  a  chan- 
nel by  which  tlie  Valo  of  Qrotta  was  drained. — 
B.  Q.  Niebuhr,  Leet't  on  Ancient  Ethnog.  and 
Oeog.,  f.  2,  p.  50. 

MARRANOS.  3ce  Inquibition:  A.  D. 
1203-1525. 

MARRIAGE,  Repnblican.  See  France: 
A.  I).  1703-1794  (OcTOHEu— April). 

MARRUCINIANS,  The.    See  Sahines. 

MARS'  HILL.     See  Aueopaous. 

MARSAGLIA,  Battle  of.  See  France: 
A.  I).  1093  (OcToiiER). 

MARSCHFELD.    Set,  Marciifeld. 

MARSEILLAISE,  Tht— Origin  of  the 
Song. — Its  introduction  into  Paris. — In  prep- 
aration for  the  insurrection  of  August  10,  1793, 
which  overthrew  the  French  monarchy,  and  made 
the  Revolution  begun  in  1789  complete,  the  Jaco- 
bins had  summoned  armed  bands  of  their  sup- 
porters from  all  parts  of  France,  ostensibly  as 
volunteers  to  join  the  army  on  the  frontier,  but 
actually  and  immediately  as  a  reinforcement  for 
the  attack  whicli  they  had  planned  to  make  on 
the  king  at  the  Tuilcrics  [see  France:  A.  D. 
1703  (June— August)].  Among  the  "fCderes" 
who  came  was  a  battalion  of  500  from  IMarseilles, 
which  arrived  at  the  capital  on  the  30th  of  July. 
"This  battalion  has  been  described  by  every  lii.s- 
torian  as  a  collection  of  the  vagabonds  who  are 
always  to  be  found  in  a  great  seaport  town,  and 
particularly  in  one  like  Marseilles,  where  food 
was  cheap  and  lodging  unnecessary.  But  their 
character  has  lately  been  vindicated,  and  it  has 
been  sV.own  that  these  Marseillais  were  picked 
men  from  the  national  guards  of  Marseilles,  like 
the  otlier  federes,  and  contained  the  most  hardy 
as  well  as  the  most  revolutionary  men  of  the  city. 
.  .  .  They  left  Marseilles  513  strong,  with  two 
guns,  on  July  2,  and  had  been  marching  slowly 
across  France,  singing  the  immortal  war-srng  to 
whicli  they  gave  their  name.  .  .  .  The  '  Marseil- 
laise '  had  in  itself  no  very  radical  history.  On 
April  24,  1793,  just  after  the  declaration  of  war, 
the  mayor  of  Strasbourg,  Dietrich,  who  was  him- 
self no  advanced  republican,  but  a  constitutional- 
ist, remarked  at  a  great  banquet  that  it  was  very 
sad  that  all  the  national  war  songs  of  France 
could  not  be  sung  by  her  present  defenders,  be- 
cause they  all  treated  of  loyalty  to  the  king  and 
not  to  the  nation  as  well.  One  of  the  guests  was 
a  young  captain  of  engineers,  Rouget  de  Lisle, 
who  had  in  1791  composed  a  successful  '  Hymne 
i  la  Liberie,'  and  Dietrich  appealed  to  him  to 
compose  somethii.g  suitable.  The  young  man 
was  struck  by  the  notion,  and  during  the  night 
lie  was  suddenly  inspired  with  both  words  and 
air,  and  on  the  following  day  he  sang  over  to 
Dietrich's  guests  the  famous  song  which  was  to 


be  the  war-song  of  the  French  Republic.  Madame 
Dietrich  arranged  the  air  for  the  orchestra; 
Rouget  de  Lish'  dedicated  it  to  Marshal  LUckncr, 
as  the  'Chant  de  guerre  pour  I'arinee  du  Rhin,' 
and  it  at  once  became  popular  in  Strasbourg. 
Neither  Dietrich  nor  Rouget  were  advanced  re- 
publicans. The  watchword  of  the  famous  song 
was  not  'Sauvons  la  Republitiue,'  but  '  Sauvons 
lo  Patrie.'  The  air  was  a  taking  one.  From 
Strasbourg  it  quickly  spread  over  the  south  of 
France,  and  particularly  attracted  the  patriots  of 
Marseilles.  .  .  .  There  are  many  legends  on  the 
origin  of  the  '  Marseillaise  ' ;  the  account  here  fol- 
lowed Is  that  given  by  Amedeo  Rouget  do  Lisle, 
the  author's  nephew,   in   his  '  La  verito  sur  la 

fjaternito  de  la  Marseillaise,'  Paris,  1865,  whicli 
9  confirmed  by  a  letter  of  Madame  Dietrich's, 
written  at  the  time,  and  first  published  in  '  Sou- 
venirs d'Alsace  —  Rouget  de  Lisle  il  Strasbourg 
et  ft  Hunlngue,'  by  Adolphe  Morpain." — II.  M. 
Stephens,  IlUt.  ofOm  French  Rev.,  v.  2,  jip.  114- 
115. — A  quite  different  but  less  trustworthy  ver- 
sion of  the  story  may  be  found  In  Laniartine's 
Hist,  of  the  Oirondiati,  bk.  16,  lecta.  26-30  {».  1). 

MARSEILLES,  The  founding  of.  See 
Asia  Minor;  B.  C.  724-539,  and  PiioCiKANS. 

B.  C.  49.— Conquest  by  Czsar.  See  Rome  : 
B.  C.  49. 

loth  Century. — In  the  kingdom  of  Aries. 
See  Buroundy:  A.  D.  843-933. 

11th  Century.— The  Viccounts  of.  See  Bur- 
gundy: A.  D.  1082. 

I2th  Century. — Prosperity  and  freedom.  See 
Provence:  A.  D.  1179-1207. 

A.  D.  1524. —  Unsuccessful  siege  by  the 
Spaniards  and  the  Constable  Bourbon.  See 
France:  A.  D.  1523-1525. 

A.  D.  1792. — The  Marseillais  sent  to  Paris, 
and  their  war-song.    See  Mauseili.aise. 

A.  D.  1793.— Revolt  against  thfi  Revolution- 
ary Government  at  Paris. — Fearful  vengeance 
of  the  Terrorists.  See  Francij:  A.  D.  1793 
(.Tune),  (July — December);  and  1793-1794  (Oc- 
tober— April). 

A.  D.  1795. — Reactioi.  against  the  Reign  of 
Terror.- The  White  Terror.      See  France: 
A.  D.  1794-1795  (July— April). 
* 

MARSHAL,  The.    See  Constable. 

MARSHALL,  John,  and  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution of  the  U.  S.  See  United  States  of 
Am.  :  A.  D.  1787-1789;  and  Supreme  Court  op 
THE  United  States. 

MARSI,  The.    See  Saxons;  also,  Franks. 

MARSIAN  WAR,  The.  See  Rome:  B.  C. 
90-88. 

MARSI ANS,The.  SeeSABiNKB;  also,  Italy: 

A.NCIENT 

MARSIGNI,  The.— The  Marsignl  were  an 
ancient  German  tribe  who  inhabited  "what  is 
now  Galatz,  Jagerndorf  and  part  of  Silesia." — 
Tacitus,  Qeryminy;  Oxford  trans.,  foot-note. 

MARSTON  MOOR,  Battle  of.  See  Eng- 
land :  A.  D.  1644  (January — July). 

MARTHA'S  VINEYARD:  Named  by 
Gosnold.    See  America:  A.  D.  1602-1605. 

MARTIN,  King  of  Aragon,  A.  D.  1395- 
1410;  King  of  Sicify,  A.  D.  1409-1410 Mar- 
tin L,  Pope,  649-655 Mari'in  I.,  King  of 

Sicily,   1402-1409 Martin   11.  (or  Marinus 

I.),  Pope,  882-884 Martin  II.,  King  of  Sici- 
ly, 1409-1410 Martin  III.  (or  Mannus  II.), 


2090 


MARTIN. 


JIAUYLAND,  1033. 


Pope,  043-040 Martin  IV.,  Pope,  1281-128.'). 

, .  .  .Martin  V.,  Pope,  1417-14;il  (I'lfcted  by  tlie 
('(iiiiuil  of  ('oiistiuicc). 

MARTLING  MEN.  —  In  Fcbnmry,  1800, 
wlicii  DiiWitt  {'liiiloii  mill  hJH  politlnil  followers 
wcro  orKiiiilzlnB  (ippo.silioii  to  Oovcrnor  Lewis, 
and  were  forming  iin  iilliunco  to  tlmt  end  with 
the  polillcal  friends  of  Aiiron  Hiirr,  a  meeting  of 
Itepiililieiins  (afterwards  called  Detnoerats)  was 
held  at  "  Slartling's  Long  Hooni,"  in  New  Vorlt 
City.  Ilenco  Mr.  Clinton's  Democratic  oppo- 
nents, "for  a  long  time  afterwards,  were  known 
in  other  parts  of  the  state  by  the  name  of  Jlart- 
ling  Men." — J.  D.  Hammond,  Hint,  of  Pulitical 
Paitiet  in.  the  State  nf  X.  Y..  v.  1,  /).  2;t(). 

MARY  (called  Mary  Tudor),  Queenof  Eng- 
land, A.  B.  l.W;)- mSS Mary   of  Burgundy, 

The  Austrian  marriage  of.    See  Netiikui.ands: 

A.  I).   1477 Mary   II.,  Queen   of  England 

(with  King  William  III.,   her  consort),  1089- 

101)4 Mary    Stuart,    Queen    of  Scotland, 

ir)43-ir)07.     8eo  Scotland:  A.  I).  1544-1048,  to 

1501-1508;  and  En(ii,and:  A.  D.  1585-1587 

Mary.     See,  also,  AIaiiib. 

MARYLAND:  A.  D.  1632.— The  charter 
granted  to  Lord  Baltimore. — An  American 
palatinate. — "Among  those  who  had  become 
Interested  in  the  London  or  Virginia  Company, 
under  its  second  charter,  in  1009,  was  Sir  Oeorgo 
Calvert,  afterwards  the  founder  of  Slaryland. 
.  .  .  Upon  the  dissolution  of  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany ...  he  wos  named  by  the  king  one  of  the 
royal  commissioners  to  wliom  tl;o  government  of 
that  colony  was  confided.  Ilitherto  he  hod  been 
a  Protestant,  but  in  1024,  having  become  un- 
settled in  his  religious  convictions,  he  renounced 
the  church  of  England,  in  which  ho  had  been 
bred,  ond  enibnieed  the  faith  of  the  Catholic 
church.  Moved  by  conscientious  scruples,  ho 
determined  no  longer  to  hold  the  ollice  of  secre- 
tary of  state  [conferred  on  him  in  1010],  which 
would  make  him,  in  a  manner,  the  instrument  of 
persecution  against  those  whose  failh  he  had 
adopted,  and  tendered  his  resignation  to  the 
king.  .  .  .  The  king,  .  .  .  while  he  accepted 
his  resignation,  continued  him  as  a  member  of 
his  privy  council  for  life,  and  soon  after  created 
hira  Lord  Baltimore,  of  Baltimore,  in  Ireland. 
The  spirit  of  intolerance  at  that  time  pervaded 
England.  .  .  .  The  laws  against  tlie  Catholics 
in  England  were  partieulorly  severe  and  cruel, 
and  rendered  it  Impossible  for  any  man  to  prac- 
tice his  religion  in  quiet  and  safety.  Sir  George 
Calvert  felt  this;  and  although  he  was  assured 
of  protection  from  the  gratitude  and  affection  of 
the  king,  he  determined  to  seek  another  land  and 
to  found  a  new  state,  where  conscience  should 
be  free  and  every  man  might  worship  God  ac- 
cording to  his  own  heart,  in  peace  and  perfect 
security.  ...  At  first  he  fixed  his  eyes  on 
New-found-land,  in  the  settlement  of  which  he 
had  been  interested  before  his  conversion.  .  .  . 
r  'ng  purchased  a  ship,  he  sailed  with  his 
1.  to  that  island,  in  which,  a  few  years  be- 

for.  id  obtained  a  grant  of  a  province  under 

the  niii  of  Avalon.  Here  he  only  resided  two 
years  [see  Newfoxjndland:  A.  D.  1010-1655], 
when  he  found  the  climate  and  soil  unsuitcd  for 
the  establishment  of  a  flourishing  community, 
and  determined  to  seek  a  more  genial  country  m 
the  south.  Accordingly,  in  1028,  he  sailed  to 
Virginia,  with  the  intention  of  settling  in  the 


limits  of  that  colony,  or  more  probably  to  ex- 
plore the  iMiinliabili'd  eoiuilry  on  lis  borders,  in 
order  to  secure  a  grant  of  it  from  the  king. 
I'pon  his  arrival  within  the  Jurisdiction  of  the 
colony,  the  autliorilies  tendered  him  the  oaths  of 
allegiance  and  8Utirema('y,  to  wldeh,  as  then 
framed,  no  Catholic  could  suliscrilie.  Lord 
IlaltiMore  refused  to  take  them,  but  prepared  a 
form  of  nn  oath  of  allegiauce  whieli  he  and  all 
his  followers  were  willing  to  accept.  His  pro- 
posal was  rejected,  and  being  compelled  to  leave 
their  waters,  he  explored  the  IMiesapeake  above 
the  settlements.  He  was  pleased  with  the  beau- 
tiful and  well  wooded  country,  which  surrounded 
the  noble  inlets  and  indentations  of  the  great 
bay,  and  determini'd  there  to  found  his  princi- 
pality. .  .  .  He  returned  to  England  to  obtain  a 
grant  finm  Charles  I,  who  had  s\iceeeded  his 
father,  .liimes  I,  upon  the  throne.  Hemember- 
ing  his  services  to  his  father,  and  pcrha])S  moved 
by  the  intercessions  of  Henrietta  Jlaria,  his 
Catholic  queen,  who  desired  to  secure  an  asylum 
abroad  for  the  persi.'cuted  members  of  herch\irch 
in  England,  Charles  directed  the  pat<'nt  to  be 
issued.  It  was  prepared  by  Lord  Baltimore 
himself;  but  before  it  was  finally  e-xccuted  that 
truly  great  and  good  man  died,  and  the  patent 
was  delivered  to  his  son  Cecllius,  who  succeeded 
.IS  well  to  his  noble  designs  as  to  his  titles  and 
istates.  The  charter  was  issued  on  the  20th  of 
Juno,  1033,  and  the  new  province,  iu  honor  of 
Queen  Henrietta  Maria,  was  named  'Terra  Maria)' 
—  Maryland." — J.  McSherry,  JfiKt.  of  Jfari/laiKl, 
iiitrod. — "The  boundaries  of  Maryland,  unlike 
those  of  the  other  colonies,  were  precisely  de- 
fined. Its  limits  were:  on  the  north,  the  fortieth 
parallel  of  north  latitude;  on  the  west  and  .south- 
west, a  line  running  south  from  this  parallel  to 
the  farthest  source  of  the  Potomac,  and  tlience 
by  the  farther  or  western  bank  of  that  river  to 
Chesapeake  Bay;  on  the  soutli  by  a  line  running 
across  the  bay  and  peninsula  to  the  Atlantic; 
and  on  the  east  by  the  ocean  and  the  Delaware 
Bay  ond  Uiver.  It  included,  therefore,  all  the 
present  State  of  Delaware,  a  large  tract  of  land 
now  forming  part  of  Pennsylvauia,  and  another 
now  occupied  and  claimecl  by  West  Virginia. 
Tlie  charter  of  >Iaryland  contained  the  most 
ample  rights  and  privileges  ever  conferred  by  a 
sovereign  of  England.  It  erected  Maryland  into 
a  palatinate,  equivalent  to  a  principality,  reserv- 
ing only  the  feudal  siipremacy  of  the  crown. 
The  Proprietary  was  made  absolute  lord  of  the 
land  and  water  within  his  boundaries,  could 
erect  towns,  cities,  and  ports,  make  war  or  peace, 
call  the  whole  fighting  population  to  arms,  and 
declare  martial  law,  levy  tolls  and  duties,  estab- 
lish courts  of  justice,  appoint  judges,  magis- 
trates, and  other  civil  ofllcers,  execute  tlie  laws, 
and  pardon  offenders.  He  could  erect  manors 
with  courts-baron  and  courts-leet,  and  confer 
titles  and  dignities,  so  that  they  differed  from 
those  of  England.  He  could  make  laws  with 
th"  assent  of  the  freemen  of  the  province,  ond, 
Ir  cases  of  emergency,  ordinances  not  impairing 
!'fe,  limb,  or  property,  without  their  as.sent. 
'  10  could  found  churches  and  chaTi^ls,  have  them 
consecrated  according  to  the  ecclesiastical  laws 
of  England,  and  appoint  the  incumbents.  All 
this  territory,  with  these  royal  rights,  'jura 
regalia,'  was  to  l)e  held  of  the  crown  in  free 
socage,  by  the  delivery  of  two  Indian  arrows 
yearly  at  the  palace  of  Windsor,  and  the  fifth  of 


2091 


MAUYI.AND,  1033. 


Colony 
at  HI.  itttry't. 


MAUVLAND,  1(W8-1037. 


all  Rold  or  sllvprmlnfid.  Tliu  coIoiiIhIs  ftnd  tlieir 
<l<fHCi-iiilniitH  w«ri!  to  romitiii  KiikHkIi  HuliU'ctM. 
.  .  .  Tlio  KiiiK  fiirtlirriiKiro  bouiiil  liims<-lf  iirul 
his  RiiccosHorH  to  lay  no  tiixi'S,  cuHtomH,  huI)- 
Hidlt'N,  or  coiitril)iitl(in8  whntuvcr  upon  tho  pcoplu 
of  llic  province.  .  .  .  This  rlmrtcr,  by  which 
Miirylimd  was  virtually  an  Independent  and  self- 
governed  rornnuinlty,  placed  the  destinies  of  th<! 
<'olonlKt,s  In  their  own  hands.  ,  .  .  Though  often 
attacked,  and  at  times  lield  In  ubeyanee,  tho 
charter  was  never  revoked." — VV.  if.  Hrowne, 
Marylanil,  r/i.  2.  —  The  IntenOlon  to  create  a  pala- 
tine principality  In  Maryland  Is  distinctly  ex- 
pressed In  the  fourth  section  of  the  charter,  which 
graut.s  to  Lord  Ilaltimore,  liis  heirs  and  assigns, 
"as  ample  rights,  jurisdictions,  privileges,  pre- 
rogatives, royalties,  liberties,  lmn\unities,  and 
royal  rights  ...  as  any  bi.shop  of  Durham, 
within  the  bishoprick  or  county  |>alatino  of  Dur- 
ham, In  our  kingdom  of  England,  ever  hereto- 
fore hath  had,  held,  Ufcd,  or  enjoyed,  or  of  riglit 
could,  or  ought  to  liivo,  held,  use,  or  enjoy.  ' — 
J.  L.  Bo/.man,  Hint,  nf  Maryland,  v.  8,  ;).  11. 

Also  IN:  11.  W.  Preston,  Duct.  Illu»lratire  of 
Am.  JliH.,  p.  03. 

A.  D.  1633-1637.— The  planting  of  the  col- 
ony at  St.  Mary's. — "  C(U'I1,  Lord  Haltimore, 
after  receiving  his  charter  for  Maryland,  InJime, 
1033,  prepared  to  carry  o>it  his  father's  ])lan3. 
Terms  of  settlement  were  Issued  to  attract  col- 
onists, and  a  body  of  endgrants  was  soon  col- 
lected to  begin  the  foundation  of  tho  new  prov- 
ince. The  leading  gc'ntlemen  who  were  induced 
to  take  part  In  the  jjroject  were  ('atliolics;  those 
whom  they  took  out  to  till  tho  soil,  or  ply  various 
trades,  were  not  nil  or,  indeed,  mainly  Catholics, 
but  they  could  not  have  been  very  strongly 
Protestant  to  embark  in  a  venture  so  absolutely 
under  Catholic  control.  At  Avalon  Sir  George 
Calvert,  anxious  for  tho  religious  life  of  his 
colonists,  had  taken  over  both  Catholic  and 
Protestant  clergymen,  and  was  ill  repaid  for  his 
liberal  conduct.  To  avoid  a  similar  groiuid  of 
reproach,  Baron  Cecil  left  each  part  of  his  col- 
onists free  to  take  their  own  clergymen.  It  Is  a 
significant  fact  that  the  Protestant  portion  wero 
so  Indifferent  that  they  neither  took  over  any 
minister  of  religion,  nor  for  several  years  after 
Maryland  settlements  began  made  any  attempt 
to  procure  one.  On  behalf  of  the  Catholic 
settlers,  Lord  Baltimore  applied  to  Father  Rich- 
ard Blount,  at  that  time  provincial  of  tho  Jesuits 
in  England,  and  wrote  to  the  Qeneral  of  the  So- 
ciety, at  Rome,  to  excite  their  zeal  in  behalf  of 
„ho  English  Catholics  who  were  about  to  pro- 
ceed to  Maryland.  He  could  offer  the  clergy  no 
support.  .  .  .  The  Jesiilts  did  not  shrink  from  a 
mission  field  where  they  wero  to  look  for  no  sup- 
port from  the  proprietary  or  their  flock,  and 
were  to  live  amid  dangers.  It  was  decided  that 
two  Fathers  were  to  go  as  gentlemen  adventurers, 
taking  artisans  with  them,  and  acquiring  lands 
like  others,  from  which  they  were  to  draw  their 
support.  .  .  .  The  JIaryland  pilgrims  under 
Leonard  Calvert,  brother  of  the  lord  proprietary, 
consisted  of  his  brother  George,  some  20  other 
gentlemen,  and  200  laboring  men  well  provided. 
To  convey  these  to  the  land  of  Mary,  Lord  Balti- 
more hatf  his  own  pinnace,  the  Dove,  of  50  tons, 
commanded  by  Robert  Winter,  and  the  Ark,  a 
chartered  vessel  of  350  tons  burthen,  Richard 
Lowe  being  captain.  Leonard  Calvert  was  ap- 
pointed governor,  Jerome  Uawley  oud  Thomas 


Cornwalcys  being  joined  In  the  comndsslon." 
After  many  malicious  hindrances  anil  delays,  tho 
two  vessels  Hailed  from  Cowes,  November  23, 
1033,  and  made  their  voyage  in  safety,  tliough 
encountering  heavy  storms.  They  came  to  an- 
chor In  Chesapeake  Bay,  near  one  of  the  Heron 
Islands,  which  tliey  named  Ht.  (Moment;  and  on 
that  island  they  raised  a  cross  and  celebrated 
mass.  "Catholicity  tlius  ))lanted  lier  cross  and 
her  altar  In  tlie  heart  of  the-  English  colonies  In 
America,  March  2(5,  1034.  The  land  was  conso- 
crated,  and  then  i)reparationa  wero  made  to 
select  a  spot  for  tho  settlement.  Leaving  Father 
White  at  St.  Clement's,  the  governor,  with 
Father  Altham,  ran  up  the  river  in  a  pinnace, 
and  at  Potomac  on  tho  southern  shore  met 
Archiliail,  regent  of  the  powerful  tribe  that  held 
sway  over  that  part  of  the  land."  Having  won 
the  goodwill  of  the  savages,  "Leonard  Calvert 
sailed  back  to  Saint  Clement's.  Then  tho  pil- 
grims entered  tho  Saint  Mary's,  a  bold,  broad 
stream,  emptying  into  tho  Potomac  about  13 
miles  from  its  mouth.  For  tho  first  settlement 
of  tho  new  province,  Leonard  Calvert,  who  had 
landed,  selected  a  spot  a  short  distance  above, 
about  a  mile  from  the  eastern  shore  of  tho  river. 
Here  stood  an  Indian  town,  whose  inhabitants, 
hara.ssed  by  tho  Susciuehaimas,  had  already  be- 
gun to  emigrate  to  the  westward.  To  observe 
strict  iustico  with  tlie  Indian  tribes,  Calvert  pur- 
chased from  tho  werowance,  or  king,  Yaocomoco, 
80  miles  of  territory.  The  Indians  gradually 
gave  up  some  of  their  houses  to  the  colonists, 
agreeing  to  leave  tho  rest  also  after  they  had 
gathered  in  their  harvest.  .  .  .  Tho  new  settle- 
ment began  with  Catholic  and  Protestant  dwell- 
ing together  In  harmony,  neither  attempting  to 
interfere  with  tho  religious  rights  of  tho  otlier, 
'  and  religious  liberty  obtainecl  a  home,  its  only 
homo  in  tho  wide  world,  at  tho  humble  vil- 
lage which  bore  tho  name  of  St.  Mary's '  [Ban- 
croft, i,  247].  .  .  .  Tho  settlers  were  soon 
at  work.  Houses  for  their  use  were  erected, 
crops  wero  planted,  activity  and  Industry  pre- 
vailed. St.  Mary's  chapel  was  dedicated  to  tho 
worship  of  Almighty  God,  and  near  It  a  fort 
stood,  ready  to  protect  the  settlers.  It  was  re- 
quired by  the  fact  that  Clayborne  [a  trading  nd- 
venturer'and  a  member  of  the  Virginia  Countil], 
tho  fanatical  enemy  of  Lord  Baltimore  and  his 
Catholic  projects,  who  had  already  settled  on 
Kent  Island,  was  exciting  the  Indians  against  tho 
colonists  of  Maryland.  The  little  community 
gave  the  priests  a  field  too  limited  for  their  zeal. 
.  .  .  The  Indian  tribes  were  to  bo  reached.  .  .  . 
Another  priest,  witli  a  lay  brother,  came  to  share 
their  labors  before  the  close  of  tho  year  1635 ;  and 
tho  next  year  four  priests  were  reported  as  tho 
number  assigned  to  the  Maryland  mission.  Of 
their  early  labors  no  record  Is  preserved.  .  .  . 
Sickness  prevailed  in  tho  colony,  and  the  mis- 
sionaries did  not  escape.  Within  two  months 
after  liis  arrival  Father  KnoUcs,  a  talented  young 
priest  of  much  hope,  sank  a  victim  to  the  climate, 
and  Brother  Gervase,  one  of  the  original  band  of 
settlers,  also  died.  .  .  .  Lord  Baltimore's  scheme 
embraced  not  only  religious  but  legislative  free- 
dom, and  his  charter  provided  for  a  colonial 
assembly.  ...  In  less  than  three  years  an  as- 
sembly of  the  freemen  of  tho  little  colony  was 
convened  and  opened  Its  sessions  on  the  25-36th 
of  January,  1637.  All  who  had  taken  up  lands 
were  summoQed  to  attend  in  person. "    Some  of 


2092 


MARYLAND,  1688-1097. 


hirtl  Bnlllmor* 
and  (A<  Purilan$. 


MAItYLANI),  1043-1049. 


the  resulting  lofclnlntloii  wns  <lli)n|)provpiI  l)y  tliu 
iiii.sHioniirli'H,  iiiid  "  tlii!  viiriiiiuu!  of  oiiliiioii  wim 
iiioHl  iiiifortiiiiiite  in  lu  rctnilu  to  tlu;  (polony,  m 
inipttlring  tlio  liitrniony  which  hiul  hithurto  prv- 
vitdfd."  — J.  O.  Hlifii,  The  CatlwUe  Church  in 
Colonial  iMj/;  eh.  'i. 

Al.HOiN:  J.  L.  Ho/ninn,  IM.  of  Maryland, 
f/i_  1. —  VV.  II.  Hrownt',  George  Oilrert  and 
Ceeiliim  Culrert,  eh.  \\A. 

A.  D.  1634. — Embraced  in  the  palatine  grant 
of  New  Afbi 


t>ion.     See  Nkw  Ai.iiio.n. 


A.  D.  163S-1638.— The  troubles  with  Clay- 
orne. —  WflTliini    (Miiyl)orni!   "wiih    lliu   person 
most  iifjKrievcd  by  thu  .Maryland  eliartcr.     Under 


u  Bt'neral  license!  from  Charlci  I.  to  trade,  lie  liail 
<'Stalillshe<l  11  Iticrativu  post  on  Kt^nt  Island.  Thu 
King,  as  he  had  untiiiestioned  right  to  do  tmdcr 
the  theory  of  Kngllsh  law,  gninted  to  Lord  Ual- 
timore  a  certain  tract  of  wihl  laixl,  including 
Kent  Island.  (Mayhorno  had  no  legal  right  there 
«xcept  as  the  subject  of  Haltimore;  hut,  since 
his  real  injuries  coincided  with  tlie  fancied  ones 
of  tlie  Ylrginians  generally,  Ids  claim  assumed 
importance.  .  ,  .  There  was  ...  so  strong  a 
feeling  in  favor  of  Clavborne  in  Virginia  that 
ho  was  soon  able  to  sencf  an  armed  |)lnuacu  up 
tho  Cliesapeake  to  (lefeiiil  his  Invaded  rights  at 
Kent  Island,  hut  the  expedition  was  unfortunate. 
Governor  (lalvcrt,  after  a  sharp  encounter,  cap- 
tured Claybonic's  pinnace,  and  ])roelaimed  its 
owner  a  rebel.  Calvert  then  demanded  that  tho 
author  of  this  trouble  should  bo  given  np  liy 
Virginia;  but  Harvey  [the  governor],  who  had 
been  in  dillicultieg  hin\self  on  account  of  his 
Inliewarmness  toward  Clayl)orne,  refused  to  com- 
ply. Clayborne,  Iiowever,  solved  the  problem 
;  "his  own  way,  by  going  at  onco  to  England  to 
.1  iclt  ids  encudes  in  their  stronghold.  .  .  .  On 
his  arrival  in  England  ho  .  .  .  prescntcil  a  peti- 
tion to  the  King,  and  liy  adroitly  working  on  tiio 
cupidity  of  Charles,  not  only  came  near  recover- 
ing Kent  Island,  but  almost  obtained  a  largo 
grant  l)csides.  After  involving  Lord  Baltimoro 
in  a  go(xl  deal  of  litigation,  Clayborne  was 
obligea,  by  an  adverse  decision  of  tho  Lords 
Commissioners  of  Plantations,  to  abandon  all 
hopes  in  England,  and  therefore  withdrew  to 
Virginia  to  wait  for  better  times." — II.  C.  Lodge, 
Short  Ilist.  of  the  Kng.  Colonien  in  Am.,  ch.  3. 

Also  in:  J.  L.  Bozman,  Jliet.  of  Muryland,  v. 
3,  ch.  1. 

A.  D.  164^-1649.— Colonial  disturbances 
from  the  EngrUsh  Civil  War. — Lord  Baltimore 
and  the  Puritans. — The  struggle  of  parties  in- 
cident to  the  overthrow  of  the  monarchy  and 
tho  civil  war,  in  England,  was  attended  in 
Maryland  "with  a  degree  of  violence  dispropor- 
tionate to  its  Bubstuntiat  results.  It  is  dillicult 
to  fasten  the  blame  of  the  first  attack  detinitely 
on  cither  party.  In  1043  or  1044  tlie  King  gave 
letters  of  marq\io  to  Leonard  Calvert  connnls- 
sioning  lum  to  seize  upon  all  8hli)s  belonging  to 
the  Parliameut.  It  would  seem,  however,  as  if 
tho  other  side  liad  liegun  to  bo  active,  since  only 
three  months  later  we  find  the  Governor  issuing 
a  proclamation  for  the  arrest  of  Kichard  Ingle,  a 
sea-coptain,  apparently  a  Puritan  and  an  ally  of 
Clayborne.  .  .  .  Ingle  .  .  .  landed  at  St.  Mary's 
[104.5],  while  Clayborne  at  the  same  time  made  a 
iresli  attempt  upon  Kent  Island.  Later  events 
sliowed  that  under  a  resolute  leader  the  Maryland 
lioyalists  were  callable  of  a  determined  resis- 
tuuce,  but  now  either  no  such  leader  was  forth- 


coming, or  the  party  was  taken  l)y  surprise. 
Cornwallls,  who  Kcerns  to  liave  birn  the  most 
energetic  man  In  the  colony,  was  absent  in  Eng- 
land, and  Leonard  Culvert  tied  into  Virginia, 
apparently  without  an  efTort  to  maintain  his  au- 
thority. Ingle  and  his  followers  landed  and 
iiei7.e({  upon  Ht.  Mary's,  tiHik  possession  of  tho 
government,  and  plundered  Cornwullls's  housu 
and  goods  to  the  value  of  £3(K).  Their  success 
was  shortlived.  Calvert  returned,  rallied  Ids 
party,  and  ejected  Clayborne  and  Ingle.  The 
Parliament  nuide  noattemnt  to  back  the  procecel- 
ings  of  its  supporters,  and  the  matter  dwindled 
into  a  petty  dispute  lietwcen  Ingle  and  Cornwal- 
lls, In  which  the  latter  obtained  at  least  some  re- 
dress for  Ids  losses.  The  Isle  of  Kent  held  out 
somewhat  longer,  but  In  the  course  of  tlio  next 
year  it  was  brought  ))ack  to  its  allcgianc<>.  This 
event  was  followed  in  less  than  a  twelvemonth 
l)y  the  death  of  tho  Governor  [.Iiine  0,  1047|. 
ISaltlmore  now  l)egan  to  see  that  in  tho  existing 
position  of  parties  ho  must  choose  between  his 
tldelity  to  a  fallen  cause  and  his  position  as  tho 
Proprietor  of  Maryland.  As  early  as  1043  wo 
find  him  waridng  tlie  Roman  Catholic  priests  in 
ids  colony  tliat  they  must  expect  no  privileges 
l)ey(md  those  which  they  would  (^njoy  in  Eng- 
land, lie  now  8howe<l  his  anxiety  to  propitiate 
the  rising  powers  l)y  his  choice  of  a  successor  to 
his  brother.  Tlio  new  Governor,  William  Htone, 
was  a  Protestant.  Tho  Council  was  also  recon- 
stituted and  only  two  Papists  appeared  among 
its  members.  .  .  .  Furtliermore  he  [Lord  Haiti- 
more]  exacted  from  Stone  an  oatli  that  he  would 
not  molest  any  persons  on  tho  ground  of  their 
religion,  provided  they  accej)ted  tlie  fundauK'ulal 
dogmas  of  Christianity.  The  Uoman  Catholics 
were  singled  out  as  tho  special  objects  of  this  pro- 
tection, though  wo  may  reasonably  supjiose  that  it 
was  also  intended  to  check  ndigious  dissensions. 
80  far  Baltimoro  only  acted  like  u  prudent,  unen- 
thuslastic  man,  who  was  willing  to  make  tho 
best  of  a  defeat  and  save  what  ho  could  out  of 
It  by  o  seemingly  free  sacrifice  of  what  was 
already  lo.st.  .  .  .  The  internal  condition  of  tho 
colony  liad  now  been  substantially  changed  since 
the  failure  of  Ingle  and  Clayborne.  Tlio  Puri- 
tan party  there  had  received  an  important  ad- 
dition. ...  A  number  of  Nonconformists  had 
made  an  attempt  to  establish  themselves  on  tho 
sliores  of  tho  Chesapeake  Hay.  .  .  .  Tho  tolera- 
tion which  was  denied  them  by  tlie  rigid  and 
narrow-minded  Anglicanism  of  Virginia  was  con- 
ceded by  the  liberality  or  the  indifference  of  Balti- 
more. Tlie  precise  date  and  manner  of  their 
immigration  cannot  bo  discovered,  but  wo  know 
tliat  by  10.jO  their  settlement  was  important 
enougli  to  bo  made  into  a  separate  county  under 
the  name  of  Ann  Arundel,  and  by  10.53  they 
formed  two  distinct  communities,  numbering  be- 
tween them  close  upon  140  householders.  All 
that  was  required  of  them  was  an  oatli  of  fidelity 
to  the  Proprietor,  and  it  seems  doubtful  whether 
even  that  was  exacted  at  the  outset.  They 
seem,  in  the  unsettled  and  anarchical  condition 
of  tlie  colony,  to  liavo  been  allowed  to  form  a 
separate  and  well-nigh  independent  body,  hold- 
ing political  views  openly  at  variance  witli  tlioso 
of  the  Proprietor.  To  what  extent  the  settlers 
on  tho  Isle  of  Kent  were  avowedly  hostile  to 
Baltimore's  government  is  doubtful.  But  it  is 
clear  that  discontent  was  rife  among  them,  and 
that  In  conjunction  with  the  new-comors  they 


2093 


MA  a  V  LAM),   lOia  1010. 


and  Inlultranet. 


MAUYLVND.  1980-1675. 


mndo  tip  a  fnrmliliililo  Ixnly,  prcpiircd  t(i  (ippoRu 
the  T'niprit'tor  unci  Hiipport  tlio  I'lirllitiriciit. 
HyiiiptiiiiiK  (if  Intcriiiil  tlisiitTi'clion  ucre  sriMi  In 
till)  prdi'i'CilitiffH  of  lliii  AHMMiihly  nf  Hill). " — ,1. 
A.  Dojlc,  T/ii:  Hiii/Uih  in  America:  Viryinin, 
Mnrylimil,  ifr.,  eh.  10. 

Ai.Ho  I.N:  (1.  P.  F'lHlirr.  The  Colonial  Era,  eh.  8. 

A.  D.  1649.— The  Act  ofToleration.— "  Hn- 
li);l<)iiit  liberty  wim  ii  vital  pitrt  of  tho  curlii'st 
rornmon  law  of  tlin  province.  At  tliu  datu  of 
tin'  cliarlcr,  Toleration  exiHted  In  the  heart  of 
the  proprli'tary.  Anil  it  appeared  In  tho  earliest 
ndndnlNtration  of  the  alTaim  of  tho  province. 
But  (in  oath  was  H(K)n  prepnreil  by  hlin,  includ- 
ing a  pled);o  from  tho  governor  and  the  privy 
coun.sellorH,  'directly  or  Indirectly'  to  'trouble, 
niolcHt,  or  discountenance'  no  'person  whatever,' 
in  the  nrovince,  '  professing  to  believo  in  Jesus 
Christ.  Its  date  Is  still  an  open  (luestion  — 
BoiiU!  writers  Hupposing  It  WJI8  Imposed  In  l(i;)7; 
and  others,  in  1U4H.  I  am  Inclined  to  think  thu 
oat  h  of  tho  latter  was  but '  an  uu^moiitcd  edition ' 
of  tho  one  in  tho  former  year.  The  grant  of  tho 
charter  marks  tho  em  of  a  special  Toleration. 
But  the  earliest  tiraclico  of  tho  government  pre- 
■ents  tho  first,  tli'  olllclal  oath  the  second,  tho 
action  of  tho  Assembly  in  1040  tho  third,  and  to 
advocates  of  a  republican  government  tlic  most 
important  phasis,  in  the  history  of  tho  general 
Toleration.  .  .  .  To  tho  legislators  of  1040  was 
it  given  ...  to  tako  their  own  rank  among  tho 
foremost  spirits  of  tho  ago.  Niar  the  close  of 
the  session,  ...  by  a  solemn  act  [tlie  'Act  Con- 
cerning Hcligion '],  they  endorsed  that  policy 
which  over  sinoo  lias  shod  tho  brightest  lustre 
upon  tho  legislative  annals  of  the  province.  .  .  . 
The  design  was  five-fold: — to  guard  by  nn  ex- 
press penalty  'the  most  sacred  things  of  God'; 
to  inculcate  tho  principle  of  religious  decency 
and  order;  to  establish,  tipon  n  firmer  basis,  tho 
Iiannony  already  existing  between  tho  colonists; 
to  scjuro,  in  the  fullest  sense,  freedom  as  well  as 
protection  to  all  believers  in  Christianity;  aiKl  to 
protect  quiet  disbelievers  against  every  sort  of 
reproach  or  ignominy." — O.  Ii.  Davis,  Tlt«  Buy- 
itar  nf  American  Freedom,  ch.  i-7. — "In  the 
■wording  of  this  act  we  see  evident  marks  of  a 
compromise  between  tho  differing  sentiments  in 
the  Assembly.  ...  It  was  iw  good  a  compro- 
mise as  could  bo  made  at  the  time,  and  an  im- 
mense advance  tipon  tlio  principles  and  practice 
of  tho  age.  In  reality,  it  simply  formulated  in 
a  statute  what  had  been  Haltimorc's  policy  from 
the  first.  .  .  .  From  the  foundation  of  the  colony 
no  man  was  molested  under  Baltimore's  rule  on 
account  of  religion.  Whenever  tho  Proprietary's 
power  was  overthrown,  religious  persecution  be- 
gan, and  was  checked  so  soon  as  he  was  rein- 
stated."— W.  H.  Browne,  Maryland,  ch.  4. 

Also  in  :  The  same,  Qeorge  Calvert  and  Cecil- 
tut  Calcert,  eh.  8. 

A.  D.  1650-1675.-111  Puritan  times,  and 
after.  —  "To  whatever  causes  .  .  .  toleration 
■was  due,  it  worked  well  in  populating  Mary- 
land. There  was  an  influx  of  immigration,  com- 
posed In  part  of  the  Puritans  driven  from  Vir- 
ginia by  Berkeley.  These  people,  although 
refusing  the  oath  of  fidelity,  settled  at  Provi- 
dence, near  the  site  of  Annapolis.  Not  merely 
the  Protestant  but  the  Puritan  interest  was  now 
predominant  in  Maryland,  and  in  the  next  As- 
sembly the  Puritan  hiction  had  control.  They 
elected  one  of  their  leaders  Speaker,  and  expelled 


n  Catholic  who  n'fuscd  to  take  nn  oath  rcquirinjr 
secrecy  on  thi'  part  of  the  Uurges.si'S.  .  .  .  Yet 
they  passed  stringent  laws  against  Clayborne,  and 
an  act  reciting  their  alTection  for  Lord  llallimoro, 
who  had  so  vivid  an  Idea  of  their  power  that  ho 
deemed  It  best  to  assent  to  sumptuary  laws  of  n 
typically  Puritan  character.  Tho  Assembly  '.ip- 
iii'ars  to  have  acknowledged  the  supr<'nni('y  of 
Parliament,  while  th(dr  proprietary  went  so  for 
ill  the  same  direction  that  his  loyalty  was 
doubled,  and  Charles  II.  afterward  appointed  Hir 
William  Davenant  in  his  place  to  govern  Mary- 
land. This  discreet  conduct  on  thu  ])art  of  I/ird 
ISaltlmoro  served,  however,  as  a  protection 
neither  to  the  colonists  nor  to  tho  proprietary 
right. .  To  the  next  Assembly,  tho  Puritans  of 
Providence  refused  to  send  delegates,  evhiently 
expecting  a  dissolution  of  tho  proprietary  gov- 
criunent,  and  tho  conseipient  suprenuicy  of  tlieir 
faction.  Nor  were  they  deceived.  Hurh  had 
been  tho  prudence  of  the  Assembly  and  ( f  Lord 
Baltimore  that  Maryland  was  not  expressly  named 
in  the  Parllam(^ntnry  commission  for  tho  'reducc- 
nient '  of  the  colonies,  but,  unfortunately,  Clay- 
borne  was  tho  ruling  spirit  among  the  Parlia- 
nieiitary  commissioners,  and  he  was  not  tho  man 
to  let  any  informality  of  wording  in  a  document, 
stand  between  him  and  his  revenge.  .  .  .  Clay- 
borne  and  Ulchard  liennet,  one  of  the  Provi- 
dence settlers,  and  also  u  commissioner,  soon 
gave  their  undivided  attention  to  Maryland." 
Btono  was  displaced  from  the  Governorship,  but 
reinstated  after  a  year,  taking  sides  for  a  time 
with  tho  Puritan  party,  "lie  endeavored  to 
trim  at  a  time  when  trimming  was  impossible. 
.  .  .  Stone's  second  change,  however,  was  a  de- 
cided one.  Altho\igh  he  proclaimed  Cromwell 
as  Lord -Protector,  ho  carried  on  the  government 
exclusively  in  Baltimore's  interest,  e,jected  tho 
I'uritans,  recalled  the  Catholic  Coimclllors,  and 
issued  a  proclamation  against  the  inhabitants  of 
Providence  as  factious  and  seditiou.s.  A  flagrant 
attempt  to  convert  a  young  girl  to  Catholicism 
added  fuel  to  tho  flames.  MiHleration  was  at  an 
end.  Clayborne  and  Bennet,  backed  by  Vir- 
ginia, ret\irned  and  called  an  A.ssembly,  from 
which  Catholics  were  to  bo  excluded.  In  Mary- 
land, as  in  England,  the  extreme  wing  of  the 
Puritan  party  was  now  in  the  ascendant,  and  ex- 
ercised its  power  oppressively  and  relentlessly. 
Stone  took  arms  and  marched  against  the  Puri- 
tans. A  battle  was  fought  at  Providence,  in 
which  tlie  Puritans,  who,  whatever  their  other 
failings,  ■were  always  ready  in  u  fray,  were  com- 
pletely victorious.  A  few  executions  and  some 
sequestrations  followed,  and  severe  laws  against 
the  Catholics  were  passed.  The  policy  of  the 
Puritans  was  not  toleration,  and  they  certoinly 
never  believed  in  It.  Nevertheless,  Lord  Balti- 
more kept  his  patent,  and  the  Puritans  did  not 
receive  In  England  tho  warm  sympathy  they 
Imd  expected.'  In  the  end  (1057)  there  was  a 
compromisi!.  Tho  proprietary  government  was 
re-establis).ed,  and  Fendall,  whom  Baltimore 
had  appointed  Governor  in  place  of  Stone,  was 
recognized.  "The  results  of  all  this  turbulence 
wore  the  right  to  carry  arms,  tho  practical  asser- 
tion of  the  right  to  make  laws  and  lay  taxes, 
relief  from  the  oath  of  fealty  with  the  obnoxious 
clauses,  and  tho  breakdown  of  the  Catholic 
interest  in  Maryland  politics.  Toleration  was 
wisely  restored.  The  solid  advantages  were 
gained  by  tho  Puritan  minority  at  the  expense 


2094 


MAUYLAND,  lOSO-1075. 


JliitHmon. 


MAUYLAND,  1785-1780. 


of  tilt)  lord  nroprictiiry.  In  llui  Ititprri-ffinitn 
wlilcli  ciiNUi'tl  on  till'  iibilU'iitldii  of  Iticliiinl 
Cromwi'll,  tlio  ANNciiiMy  iiirt  miil  tlitliiiiil  hu 
prviiic  HUtliority  in  tlx'  proviiico,  miil  di'iilcil 
tlicir  rcHponHililllty  to  iiiiy  orii'  but  tliti  HovcrrlKii 
Iti  KiiKlitixl.  I'Viiiliill,  Ik  wciik  I'litii  of  till!  a){l- 
tutor  Hpi'cirH,  ii('('4'(l('(l  to  the-  cliiliiiH  of  tliu  Ah 
gcinbly;  but  liultiiiion.'  rcinovcil  Fciiiliill,  itiiil 
kept  till)  powci'  wlilch  lli(!  AHHciiibly  bail  lit- 
ti'iiiptcil  to  tnkn  iiwiiy.  ,  .  .  iMiirybinil  did  not 
HUlTrr  by  tlir  itcstoratlon,  bb  waH  the  caso  with 
bur  HJHtur  colouicH,  but.  Kaincd  many  Holid  udvitti- 
tnffes.  Tlui  fiictioUH  Htrlfo  of  years  was  at  last 
allayed,  and  order,  peace,  and  Mtability  of  gov- 
ernmciit  supervened.  I'liilio  Calvert,  an  illeKll- 
imatf!  son  of  the  first  proprietary,  was  governor 
for  nearly  two  years,  and   was  tlien  succeeded 

11flOI|  by  bis  nopliuw,  Charles,  the  oldest  son  of 
iord  Haltiniorv,  whoso  administration  last<Ml  for 
fourteen.  It  would  havu  been  dilllcult  to  tlnil  at 
that  time  liutter  governors  than  tliesu  Calverts 
proved  themselves.  Mmlerate  and  Just,  they 
administered  the  ufTairs  of  Alaryland  8ensll)ly 
and  well.  Population  increased,  and  the  inuni- 
grntion  of  Quakers  and  foreigners,  and  of  the 
oppressed  of  all  nations,  was  greatly  stinuilute<l 
by  a  renewal  of  tlie  olcl  policy  of  religious  tol- 
oration.  The  prosperity  of  the  colony  was 
marked."— II.  C.  Lodge,  Short  Jlitt.  of  t/ie Eii'j. 
Colonies,  eh.  8. 

Also  in:  J.  Oralmme,  Jlint.  of  the  U,  S.  (Co- 
hniat),  bk.  8  (p.  1).— I).  U.  Uandall,  A  Puritan 
Colony  in  Md.  (Johnii  llupkiiia  Unio.  Stiutiet,  ilh 
tenet,  no.  6). — \V.  II.  Hrowiie,  Ueorgt  Calvert  niul 
Ceciliiit  Calrert,  eh.  8-9. 

A.  D.  1664-1682.— Claims  to  Delaware  dis- 
puted by  the  Duke  of  York.— Grant  of  Dela- 
ware   by  the    Duke  to   William  Penn.    See 

l'KNNHVI,V.\NI.\:    A     I).    Um. 

A.  D.  1681-1685.— The  Boundary  dispute 
with  William  Penn,  in  its  first  stages.  Bee 
Pennsvlvani.\:  A.  D.  108."). 
,A.  D.  1688-1757.— Lord  Baltimore  deprived 
of  the  government. — Change  of  faith  and  res- 
toration of  his  son. — Intolerance  revived.— 
Lord  liultiniore,  "though  guilty  of  no  mul  .1- 
mlnistrution  in  his  government,  though  a  zealous 
Koman  catholic,  and  Urmly  attuche<l  to  the  cause 
of  king  James  II.,  could  not  prevent  his  charter 
from  being  questioned  in  that  arbitrary  reign, 
and  a  suit  from  being  commenced  lodeprlve  him 
of  tlio  property  and  jurisdiction  of  a  province 
granted  by  the  royal  favour,  and  peopled  ut  such 
a  vast  expence  of  his  own.  But  It  was  the  error 
of  that  weak  and  unfortunate  reign,  neither  to 
know  its  friends,  nor  its  enemies;  but  by  a  blind 
precipitate  conduct  to  hurry  on  everything  of 
whatever  consequence  with  almost  equal  heat, 
and  to  imagine  that  the  sound  of  the  royal  au- 
thority was  sufilcient  to  justify  every  sort  of 
conduct  to  every  sort  of  people.  But  these  in- 
juries could  not  shako  the  honour  and  constancy 
of  lord  lialtimore,  nor  tempt  him  to  desert  the 
cause  of  his  master.  Upon  the  revolution  [1688] 
he  had  no  reason  to  expect  any  favour ;  yet  ho 
met  with  more  than  king  James  had  intended 
him;  he  was  deprived  indeed  of  alibis  jurisdic- 
tion [1091],  but  ho  was  left  tlic  profits  of  his 
province,  which  were  by  "neaua  inconsider- 
able; and  when  his  desce  n;.  had  conformed 
to  the  church  of  Englanu,  w  to   restored 

[1741]  to  all  ',heir  rights  us  1,        us  the  legisla- 
ture has  thought  fit  that  uuy  proprietor  should 


enjoy  Ihem.  When  upon  the  revolution  power 
changecl  hands  in  that  province,  the  new  nwn 
made  but  an  itulilTerent  re(|ultal  for  '.he  llbertien 
and  indulgences  they  had  enjoyed  under  the  old 
udndidHtrathm.  They  not  only  deprived  the  'io- 
man  culhollcM  of  all  itnare  in  the  gnvernuient,  but 
of  all  tho  rights  of  freemen;  they  have  .-ven 
adopted  tho  whole  body  of  the  penal  laws  of 
Kngland  Hgulnst  tin  in;  they  are  at  this  day  [17.')7] 
meditating  new  laws  In  the  Name  spirit,  ami  they 
would  uiidiiiibtedly  go  to  the  greatest  lengths  In 
this  respect,  if  the  moderation  and  good  senso 
of  the  government  In  Kngland  did  not  set  soino 
bounds  to  their  bigotry." — K.  liiirke,  Aee't  of  the 
Eiiiojkan  Sittliiiieiilt  in  Ainerien,  jit.  7,  eh.  18 
(".2). — "We  may  now  place  side  by  side  tho 
three  tolerations  (if  Maryland.  Tho  toleration  of 
the  Proprietaiies  lasted  fifty  years,  and  under  It 
all  believers  In  Christ  wito  eipial  before  the  law, 
and  all  sup|iort  to  churches  or  ndnlslers  was  vol- 
untary; the  Puritan  toleration  lasted  six  years, 
and  incluiled  all  but  Papists,  Prelatlsts,  ami 
those  who  held  objectionable  doctrines;  the. Angli- 
can toleration  lasted  eighty  years,  and  had  glebes 
and  chun^bes  for  the  Establishment,  coiiiiivanco 
for  Dissenters,  the  penal  laws  for  Catholics."— 
\Y.  U.  Ilrowne,  .U'lri/laiul,  eh.  11. 

A.  D.  1690.— The  first  Colonial  Cong -ess.— 
King  William's  War.  See  U.su'uu  Sr.viKs  of 
Am.:  A.  I).  1090;  and  Canada:  A.  I).  1089- 
1090. 

A.  D.  1729-1730.— The  founding  of  Balti- 
more.— "Maryland  bad  never  taken  kindly  to 
towns,  and  though  in  Queen  Anne's  reign,  in 
conformily  with  tho  royal  wish,  u  number  were 
founded,  tlie  reluctant  Assembly  '  erecting  '  them 
by  batches  —  43  at  once  in  1700  —  scarcely  uny 
passed  b.'yond  tlie  embryonic,  stage.  ...  St. 
Mary's  and  Annapolis,  the  one  waning  us  tho 
other  waxed,  remained  tlie  only  real  towns  of 
the  colony  for  the  first  90  years  of  its  existenco. 
.lopim,  on  the  Gunpowder,  was  the  next,  and  hud 
a  fair  share  of  ])rosperity  for  TiO  years  and  more, 
until  her  young  and  more  vigorous  rival,  Iliilti- 
niore,  drew  oil  lu  r  trade,  and  she  gradually 
dwindled,  peaked,  and  pined  away  to  a  solitary 
house  and  a  grassgrown  graveyard,  wherein 
slumber  tho  mortal  remains  of  her  ancient  citi- 
zens, naitiinoro  on  the  Patapsco  was  not  tho 
first  to  bear  tliat  appellation.  At  least  two  Ual- 
timores  had  a  name,  if  not  u  local  habitation,  and 
perished,  if  they  can  bo  said  ever  to  have  rightly 
existed,  before  their  younger  sister  saw  the  light. 
.  .  .  lu  1729,  tlio  planters  near  tho  Patapsco, 
feeling  tho  need  of  a  convenient  port,  made  up- 
pliaition  to  the  Assembly,  and  an  act  was  pu.ssed 
authorising  tho  i)ureliuse  of  the  necessary  land, 
whereupon  00  acres  bounding  on  the  northwest 
bninch  of  the  river,  at  the  part  of  the  harbor  now 
called  tho  Basin,  were  bought  of  Daniel  and 
Charles  Carroll  at  40  shillings  the  acre.  Tho 
streets  and  lots  were  laid  olt  in  tho  following 
January,  and  purchasers  invited.  The  water- 
fronts were  immediately  taken  up." — AV.  II. 
Browne,  Maryland,  eh.  12. 

A.  D.  1754^— The  Colonial  Congress  at  Al- 
bany, and  Franklin's  Plan  of  Union.  See 
Unitku  Statios  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  Vt'A. 

A.  D.  1755-1760.— The  French  and  Indian 
War.  See  Canada:  A.  D.  17.')0-17.'53,  to  1700; 
Ohio  (Vai.i.ky):  A.  I).  1748-1754,  1754,  1755; 
Nova  Scotia:  A.  D.  1749-1755.  1755;  and  Cai>k 
BiiETON  Island;  A.  D,  1758-1760. 


2095 


MAKYLAND,  1760-1707. 


MASORETES. 


A.  D.  1760-1767.— Settlement  of  the  boun- 
dary dispute  with  Pennsylvania. — Mason  and 
Dixon's  tine.  8l'u  I'e.nnbvlvania:  A.  1).  170'J- 
17(17. 

A.  D.  1760-1775. —  Opening^  events  of  the 
Revolution.  fSoc  Cmted  Statks  ok  Am.  :  A.  D. 
1700-1775,  to  1775;  and  Boston:  A.  D.  1768,  to 
1773. 

A.  D.  1776. —  The  end  of  proprietary  and 
royal  g^overnment. — Formation  and  adoption 
of  a  state  constitution. — "lu  Miiryliind  tliu 
piirly  ill  fiivor  of  irulcpcndence  encountered  pe- 
culiar ob.stuclos.  Under  the  i)roprietary  rule  the 
colony  enjoyed  a  liirge  uieivsure  of  happiness  and 
I)ro.sperity.  The  Governor,  Robert  Eden,  was 
f^rcatly  respecteil,  and  to  tlie  last  was  treated 
with  forbearance.  .  .  .  The  political  power  was 
vested  in  a  Convention  which  created  the  Coun- 
cil of  Safety  and  provided  for  the  common  de- 
fence. This  was,  however,  s  uich  under  the 
control  of  the  proprietary  pni  and  timid  Whigs 
that,  on  the  21st  of  May  [1.  .(i],  it  renewed  its 
former  instructions  against  indcpendonce.  .  .  . 
The  popular  leaders  determined  'to  take  the 
sense  of  the  people.'  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrol- 
ton,  and  Samuel  Chase,  who  had  just  returned 
from  Canada,  entered  with  zeal  into  the  move- 
ment on  the  side  of  indeiiendcnce  and  revolution. 
Meetings  were  called  in  the  counties.  .  .  .  Anno 
Arundel  County  declared  that  the  province,  ex- 
cept in  questions  of  domestic  policy,  was  bound 
byt"'"  decisions  of  Congress.  .  .  .  Cliarh  j  County 
followed,  pronouncing  for  independence,  confetl- 
eration,  and  a  new  government.  .  .  .  Frederick 
County  (June  17)  unanimously  resolved:  'That 
what  may  be  recommended  by  a  majority  of  the 
Congress  e(iually  delegMcd  by  the  people  of  the 
United  Colonies,  we  will,  at  the  hazard  of  oi;r 
lives  and  fortunes,  support  and  maintain.'.  .  . 
Tliis  was  immediately  printed.  '  Read  the 
papers,'  Samuel  Chase  wrote  on  the  21st  to  John 
Adams,  'and  be  assured  Frederick  speaks  the 
sense  of  many  couniics.'  Two  days  afterward 
the  Britisli  man-of-wur,  Fowey,  with  a  flag  of 
truce  at  her  top-gallant  mast,  anchored  before 
Annapolis;  the  next  day,  Governor  Eden  was  on 
board ;  and  so  closed  tlio  series  of  royal  gover- 
nors on  JIaryland  soil." — R.  Frothingliam,  7'fm 
Jlise  of  the  Republic,  pp.  525-5'i7. — 'Elections 
were  held  throughout  the  state  en  the  1st  day  ot 
August,  1776,  for  delegates  to  a  new  convention 
to  form  a  constitution  and  sti'^o  government. 
.  .  .  On  the  14th  of  August  t.\'  new  body  as- 
sembled. .  .  .  On  the  3d  of  November  the  bill 
of  rights  was  adopted.  On  the  8th  of  the  same 
month  tne  constitution  of  the  State  was  finally 
agreed  to,  and  elections  ordered  to  carry  it  into 
elTcct." — .1.  JlcSherry,  lUst.  of  Maryland,  ch.  10. — 
See,  also,UNiTED  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1776-1779. 

A.  D.  1776-1783.  —  The  War  of  Inaepen- 
dence,  to  the  Peace  with  Great  Britain.  Sec 
United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1770,  to  1783. 

A.  D.  1776-1808. — Anti-Slavery  opinion  and 
the  causes  of  its  disappearance.  See  Sl.wkuy, 
Xiciiuo:  A.  D.  1770-1808. 

A.  D.  1777-1781. — Resistance  to  the  western 
territorial  claims  of  states  chartered  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean. — Influence  upon  land-cessions 
to  the  United  States.  Sec  Lmted  States  op 
Am.  :  A.  D.  1781-1780. 

A.  D.  1787-1788.— Adoption  and  ratification 
of  the  Federal  Constitution.  See  United 
Si.\te8  of  i-M. :  A.  D.  1787;  and  1787-1789. 


A.  D.  1813.— The  coast  of  Chesapeake  Bay 
harried  by  the  British.  See  United  States  of 
Am.  :  A.  1).  1812-1813. 

A.  D.  1861  (April).— Reply  of  Governor  HicLs 
to  President  Lincoln's  call  for  troops.  See 
United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1801  (Aphil) 
PuEsiDENT  Lincoln's  call  to  aums. 
'  A.  D.  1861  (April).  —  Secession  activity.— 
Baltimore  mastered  by  the  rebel  mob. — At- 
tack on  the  Sixth  Massachusetts  Regiment. 
See  United  States  of  A.m.  :  A.  D.  1801  (Apuil) 
Activity  of  uebellion. 

A.  D.  1861  (April— May).— Attempted  "neu- 
trality "  and  the  end  of  it. — General  Butler  at 
Annapolis  and  Baltimore.  See  United  States 
of  Am.  :  A.  I).  1801  (ArniL- May:  Mauyland). 

A.  D.  1862  (September).— Lee's  first  inva- 
sion and  his  cool  reception. — The  battf:.^  of 
South  Mountain  and  Antietam.  Sec  United 
States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  180!.'  (SEi'TEMBEn;  SIaiiy- 
land). 

A.  D.  1863.— Lee's  second  invasion.— Get- 
tysburg. See  United  States  op  Am.  :  A.  D. 
1863  (,''jNE — July:  Pennsylvania). 

A.  D,  1864. — Early's  invasion.  See  United 
States  OP  Am.  :  A.  D.  1804  (July:  Virginia — 
Maryland). 

A.  D.  1867. — The  founding  of  Johns  Hop- 
kins University.  See  Education,  Modern: 
America:  A.  D.  1807. 


MARZOCCO. — "  '  Marzocco '  was  the  name 
given  to  the  Florentine  Lion,  a  stone  figure  of 
which  was  set  up  in  all  suDif":t  places  and  the 
name  shouted  as  a  battle-cry  by  their  armies.  It 
is  said  to  be  ''"rived  from  the  Hebrew,  'Mare' 
(foi  .,  or  ar  ranee,  or  aspect)  and  'Sciahhal,' 
'  a  great  Lio  ' — IT.  E.  Napier,  Florentine  His- 
tory, T.  '1,  p.  .    ^  fwt-note. 

MASANIEi..  D'S  REVOLT.  See  Italy: 
A.  D.  10J6-1654. 

MASTCOKI  FAMILY  OF  INDIANS.    See 

A.MEHiCAN  AnORIOINES:    MUSKIICOEAN    FAMILY. 

ma-;koutens,  or  mascontens. 

The.    See  American  AiiouiaiNEs:  Sacs,  &c. 

MASNADA.    See  Cattani. 

mason,  John,  and  his  grant  in  New  Hamp- 
shire.    See  New  Enoi.an.t:  A.  D.  1621-1031. 

MASON  AND  DIXON'S  LINE.  See  Penn- 
sylvania: A.  D.  1700-1767. 

MASON  AND  SLIDELL,  The  seizure  of. 
Sep  United  States  op  Am.  :  A.  D.  1861  (Nove.m- 
ber). 

MASORETES,  OR  MASSORETES — 
MASORETIC— When  the  Hebrew  language 
had  ceased  to  be  a  living  language  "the  so- 
called  Masorctes,  or  Jewish  scribes,  m  the  sixth 
century  after  tlio  Christian  era,  invented  a  sys- 
tem of  symbols  which  should  represent  the  pro- 
nunciation of  the  Hebrew  of  the  Old  Tcsti-  Jient 
as  read,  or  rather  chanted,  at  the  time  in  the 
great  synagogue  of  Tiberias  in  Palestine.  It  is 
in  accordance  with  this  Alasoretic  mode  of  pro- 
nunciation that  Hebrew  is  now  taught." — A.  H. 
Sayce,  Fresh  Liijhtfrom  the  Ancient  Monuments, 
ch.  3. — "  Massora  denotes,  id  general,  tradition 
.  .  ,  ;  but  more  especially  it  denotes  the  tradition 
conce-ning  the  text  of  the  Bible.  Hence  those 
who  made  this  special  tradition  their  object  of 
study  were  called  Massoretes.  ...  As  there  was 
an  eastern  and  western,  or  Babylonian  and  Pal- 
estinian Talmud,  so  likewise  there  developed 
itself   a   twofold    Massora, —  a   Babylonian,  or 


2096 


MA80RETES. 


MASSACHUSETTS.  1620. 


eastern,  nnd  a  Palcstliiian,  or  western:  the  more 
important  is  tlie  former.  At  Tiberias  tlio  studj- 
of  tlie  iMiissora  luul  l)cen  in  a  flourisliing  condi- 
tion for  a  long  time.  Here  lived  the  famous 
Massorete,  Aaron  bon-Moses  ben-Aslier,  com- 
mouly  called  Bcn-Asher,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
tenth  century,  who  finally  fixed  tlie  so-called 


Jlrtssorctic  text." — Sehaff-IIerzog Eneyclop.  of  Re- 
U'liiiiin  Kn»wli(lf/e. 

'  MASPIANS,  The.— One  of  the  tribes  of  the 
ancient  I'ersiiins. — .M.  Ouncker,  Hist,  of  Antig., 
hk.  H,  ch.  ;!. 

MASSACHUSETTS,  The.    See  Ameuican 
Aborigines:  Aloonquian  Family. 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


The  Name. — "The  name  Massachusetts,  so 
far  as  1  liave  observed,  is  flrs„  mentioned  by 
Captjiin  Smith  in  his  '  Description  of  New  Eng- 
land,' 1016.  He  spoils  une  word  variously,  but 
lie  appears  t?  use  the  term  Massachuset  aiul  Mas- 
sachewset  to  denote  the  countiy,  while  he  adds 
a  final  's'when  ho  is  speakii.g  of  the  inhabi- 
tants. He  speaks  of  Massaehusets  Mount  and 
Massachusets  Kiver,  using  the  word  also  in  its 
possessive  form;  while  in  another  place  he  calls 
the  former  'the  high  mountain  of  Massachusit.' 
To  this  mountain,  on  his  map,  he  gives  the  Eng- 
lish name  of  'Chevyot  Hills.'  Hutchinson  (i. 
460)  supposes  the  Blue  Hills  of  Milton  to  be  in- 
tended. He  says  that  a  small  hill  near  Sciuan- 
tum,  the  former  seat  of  a  great  Indian  sachem, 
was  called  JMassacliusetts  Hill,  or  Mount  Massa- 
chusetts, d.""'  i  to  liiu  time.  (!otton,  in  his  Indian 
vocal)uli,iy,  says  the  word  means 'a  hill  in  the 
form  of  an  arrow's  head."  See,  also,  Ncal's 
'Ntw  England,'  ii.  215,  216.  In  the  Jlassachu- 
setts  charter  the  name  is  spel'ed  in  three  or  four 
ditTerent  ways,  to  make  sure  of  a  description  of 
the  territory." — 0.  Deaue,  New  England  {\tirra- 
five  and  Critical  Hist,  of  Am.,  v.  3,  n.  Si'i,  foot- 
note). 

A.  D.  l6o2. — The  Bay  visited  by  Gosnold. 
Sec  Ameiucw;  a    D.  1602-16().j. 

A.  D.  1605. — The  Bay  visited  by  Champlain. 
SeeCA.NAUA:  A.  I).  1603-1005. 

A.  D.  i6^o.--The  Pilgrim  Fathers.— Whence 
and  why  they  came  to  New  England.  See 
Ixi>ki'knui;nts  oh  Si:rAii.*.TisTs. 

A.  D.  1620. — The  voyage  of  the  Mayflower. 
— The  landing  of  the  Pilgrims. — The  founding 
of  Plymouth  cclcn^.  -The  congregation  of 
John  Hobinson,  at  Lej'den,  having,  after  long 
efforts,  procured  from  the  London  Company  for 
Virginia  a  pati  nt  or  grant  of  lan<l  wliieh  proveil 
useless  to  them,  and  having  closed  a  hard  bar- 
gain with  certain  merchants  of  London  who  sup- 
plied to  some  limited  extent  the  means  necessary 
for  their  emigration  and  settlement  (see  Indic- 
r.CNDENTS,  OU  SEPARATISTS:  A.  D.  1617-1020). 
were  prepared,  in  the  summer  of  1620,  to  send 
forth  the  first  p'lgrims  from  their  community, 
across  the  ocean,  seeking  freedom  in  the  worship 
of  'jcod.  "The  means  at  command  provided 
only  for  sending  a  portion  of  the  company;  and 
'  those  that  stayed,  being  the  greater  iiu  .iber, 
required  tlie  pastor  to  stay  with  them,'  while 
Elder  Brewster  accompanied,  in  the  pastor's 
stead,  the  almost  as  numerous  minority  who  were 
to  constitute  a  church  by  themselves;  and  in 
every  church,  by  Uol'inson's  theories,  the  '  gov- 
erning elder,'  next  in  ranli  to  the  pastor  and  the 
teacher,  must  be  '  apt  to  teach. '  A  small  ship, — 
the  'Speedwell,' — of  some  CO  tons  burden,  wis 
bought  and  fitted  out  in  Holland,  and  earl;  in 
July  those  who  were  ready  for  the  formii';  jlc 
voyage,  being  '  the  youngest  and  stronger ;,.  ,rt,' 


left  Leyden  for  embarkation  at  Pelft-Ilaven, 
nearly  20  miles  to  the  southward, —  sad  at  the 
parting,  'but,' says  Bradford,  'they  knew  that 
they  were  pilgrims.'  About  the  middle  of  the 
second  week  of  the  month  the  vessel  sailed  for 
Southampton,  England.  On  the  arrival  there 
they  fcmnd  tlie  '  Mayflower,'  a  ship  of  about  180 
tons  burden,  which  had  been  hired  in  London, 
awaiting  them  with  their  fellow  passengers, — 
partly  laborers  employed  by  the  mercliants, 
partly  Englishmen  like-minded  with  themselves, 
who  were  dispo.sed  to  join  the  colony.  Mr. 
Weston,  also,  was  there,  to  represent  the  mer- 
cliants; but,  when  discussion  arose  about  the 
terms  of  tlie  contract,  he  went  off  in  anger,  leav- 
ing the  contract  unsigned,  and  the  arrangements 
so  incomplete  that  the  Pilgrims  were  forced  to 
dispose  of  sixty  pounds'  wortli  of  their  not  abun- 
dant stock  of  provisions  to  meet  absolutely  nec- 
essary charges.  The  ships,  with  perhaps  120 
passengers,  put  to  sea  about  August  5/15,  with 
hopes  of  tile  colony  being  well  settled  before 
winter;  butthe '  Speedwell  'was soon  pronounced 
too  leaky  to  proceed  witliout  being  overhauled, 
and  so  both  ships  put  in  at  Dartmouth,  after 
eight  dajs'  sail.  Repairs  were  made,  and  lieforo 
the  end  of  another  week  they  started  again ;  but 
when  about  a  hundred  leagues  beyond  Land's 
End,  Reynolds,  the  master  of  the  '  Speedwell,' 
declared  her  in  imminent  danger  of  sinking,  so 
that  both  ships  again  put  about.  On  i  •caching 
Plymouth  Harbor  it  was  decided  to  abandon  tlie 
smaller  vessel,  and  thus  to  send  back  those  of 
the  company  whom  such  a  succession  of  mishaiia 
had  dislieartened.  ...  It  was  not  known  till 
later  that  the  alarm  over  the  '  Speedwell's  '  con- 
dition was  owing  to  deception  practised  l)y  the 
master  and  crew.  ...  At  length,  on  Wednes- 
day, Septemlier  6/10,  the  Mayflower  left  Ply- 
mouth, and  nine  weeks  from  the  following  day, 
on  November  9/19,  siglitcd  the  eustem  coast  of 
the  flat,  but  at  that  time  weil-wooded  shores  of 
Cape  Cod.  She  took  from  Plymouth  103  passen- 
gers, besides  the  master  and  crew ;  on  the  voyage 
one  man-servant  died  and  one  child  was  born, 
making  102  (73  males  aud  29  females)  who 
reached  their  destination.  Of  these,  the  colony 
proper  consisted  of  84  adult  males,  18  of  them 
accompanied  by  their  wives  and  14  by  minor 
children  (20 boys  and  8  girls);  besides  those,  there 
were  3  maid-servants  and  19  men-servants,  sail- 
ors, and  craftsmen,— 5  of  them  only  half-grown 
boys. —  who  were  hired  for  temporory  service. 
Of  tlie  34  men  who  were  tlie  nucleus  of  the 
colony,  more  than  half  are  known  to  hiivo  come 
fi'om  Leyden ;  in  fact,  but  4  of  the  34  are  cer 
jiinly  known  to  be  of  tin  Southampton  acces- 
sions. .  .  .  And  whither  were  they  bound  ?  As 
we  have  seen,  a  patent  was  secured  in  1019  in 
Mr.  AVincob's  name ;  but  '  God  so  disposed  as 
he  never  went  nor  they  ever  made  use  of  this 


2097 


MASSACUUSETTS,  1620. 


lAtnding  nf 
the  Pilgrim  Father). 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1020. 


patent,'  siiy.s  nriulf.ird. —  not  liowevcr  iimkiiiK  it 
olcur  when  the  iuteitiondf  colonizing  under  this 
iustninient  was  ali.indoncd.  Tlie  '  nierclnuit  ad- 
vcntiifLTa '  wlulc  negotiating  at  Lcyilen  seem  to 
have  talien  out  another  patent  from  the  Virginia 
Company,  in  February,  1020,  in  tlie  names  of 
Jcihn  Peirce  and  of  his  associates;  and  tlds  was 
more  probably  the  authority  under  which  the 
JIaytiower  voyage  was  undertaken.  As  the  Pil- 
grims liad  known  before  leaving  Holland  of  an 
intended  grant  of  the  northern  parts  of  Virginia 
to  a  new  company, —  the  Counoil  for  New  Eng- 
land,—  when  they  found  themselves  off  Cajjc 
Cod,  '  the  patent  they  had  being  for  Virginia 
and  not  for  New  England,  which  belonged  to 
another  Government,  witli  which  the  Virginia 
Company  lii><l  mithing  to  do,'  they  changed  the 
ship's  course,  wiJi  intent,  says  Bradford,  'to 
linil  some  place  abo\it  Hud.son'.s  Kiver  for  tlieir 
habit'ition,' and  so  fulfil  the  conditions  of  their 
patent;  but  dilliculties  of  navigation  and  opposi- 
tion from  the  master  and  crew  caused  the  exiles, 
aflcr  half  a  day's  voyage,  to  retrace  tlieir  course 
and  seek  a  resting-place  on  the  neurut  shore. 
.  .  .  Their  radical  cliange  of  destination  exposed 
the  colonists  to  a  new  danger.  As  soon  as  it 
was 'Known,  someof  the  hired  laborers  threatened 
to  break  loose  (upon  landing)  from  tlieir  engage 
nients,  and  to  enjoy  full  license,  as  a  result  of 
tliu  loss  of  the  authority  delegated  in  the  Vir- 
ginia Company's  iiatent.  The  necessity  of  some 
mode  of  civil  govern-.iuut  had  been  enjoined  on 
tlie  I'ilgrims  in  tl-e  farewi'.'  letter  from  their 
pastor,  and  was  now  availed  oi  to  restrain  tlieso 
insurgents  and  to  unite  visibly  the  well-affected. 
A  compact,  which  has  often  been  eulogized  as 
the  tirst  written  ccmstitulion  in  the  world,  was 
drawn  up.  .  .  .  Of  the  41  signers  to  this  com- 
pact, 34  were  the  adults  called  above  the  nucleus 
of  the  colony,  and  seven  wen-  servants  or  hired 
workmen;  tlie  seven  remaining  adult  males  of 
the  latter  sort  were  perliaps  too  ill  to  sign  with 
the  rest  (all  of  them  soon  died),  or  the  list  of 
signers  may  be  imperfect.  This  needful  pre- 
liminary step  was  taken  on  Saturday,  November 
11/21,  by  which  time  tlie  Mayllowefl:!..!  round'.'d 
tlie  Cape  and  found  shelter  in  the  quiet  harbor 
on  which  now  lies  the  village  of  Provincetown ; 
and  i)rol)ably  on  the  same  day  they  'chose,  or 
rather  confirmed,'  as  Bradford  has  it,  .  .  .  Mr. 
John  Carver  governor  for  tlie  ensuing  year.  On 
the  same  day  an  armed  delegation  visited  the 
neighl>oriug  shore,  finding  no  inhabitants.  There 
were  no  attractions,  however,  for  a  permanent 
settlement,  nor  oven  accommodations  for  .a  com- 
fortable encampment  wliHe  such  a  place  was 
being  sought. "  Some  days  were  si)ent  in  exploring 
Cajie  Cod  Bay,  and  the  harbor  since  known  as 
Plymoutli  Bay  was  chosen  for  the  settlement  of 
the  colony,  "riic  exploring  i)arty  landed,  as  is 
believed,  at  the  famous  Hock,  on  iMonday  De- 
cemlier  11/21.  "Through  an  unfortunate  mis- 
take, originating  in  the  last  ceitury,  the  22d  has 
been  commonly  adopted  as  the  true  date.  .  .  . 
Tradition  divides  the  honor  of  being  the  first  to 
step  on  Plymouth  Hock  betweci  John  Alden  and 
JIary  Chilton,  but  the  date  of  their  landing  must 
have  been  subsequent  to  Deceniberll  fN.  S.  21]." 
It  was  not  till  the  end  of  the  week,  Deccnilier 
10,^26,  that  the  JIayflower  wr.s  anchored  in  the 
clio-en  baven.  "  The  selection  of  a  site  anil  the 
preparation  of  materials,  in  uncertain  weather, 
delayed  till  Monday,  the  25' h  [.Jan.  4,  N.  S.]  the 


beginning  of  '  the  first  house  for  common  use,  to 
receive  them  and  tlieir  good.s.'  Before  the  new 
year,  house-lots  were  a.ssigned  to  families,  and 
by  the  middle  of  January  most  of  the  company 
had  left  the  ship  for  a  home  on  land." — F.  B. 
Dexter,  7'he  Pilgn'm  Church  aiul  Plymouth 
Colony  (Karratice  anil  Critical  IHst.  of  Am.,  v. 
8,  c!i.  8,  with  foot-tuitcK). — "Before  the  Pilgrims 
landed,  they  by  a  solemn  instrument  founded 
the  Puritan  republic.  The  tone  of  this  instru- 
nii  at  and  the  success  of  its  autliors  may  afford 
a  lesson  to  revolutionists  who  sever  the  present 
from  the  past  with  the  guillotine,  fling  the  illus- 
trious dead  out  of  their  tombs,  and  begin  history 
again  with  the  year  one.  These  men  had  been 
wronged  as  much  as  tlie  Jacobins.  '  lu  the  name 
of  God.  Amen.  We  whose  names  are  under- 
written, the  hiyal  subjects  of  our  droa<l  Sover- 
eign Lord  King  James,  by  the  grace  of  God  of 
Great  Jiritain  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  faith, 
etc.,  having  undertaken,  for  tlie  glory  of  God 
and  advancement  of  the  Chri'^'tian  faith,  and 
honour  of  our  king  and  ciuntry,  a  voyage  to 
plant  the  first  cohiny  in  the  northern  parts  of 
Virginia,  do  by  tliese  presents  solemnly  and 
mutually,  in  the  presence  of  God  and  of  one 
another,  covenant  and  combine  ourselves  to- 
gether into  a  civil  liody  politic  for  our  better 
ordering  and  preservation,  and  for  tlie  further- 
ance of  the  ends  aforesaid ;  and  l)y  virtue  hereof 
to  exact,  constitute,  and  frame  such  just  and 
equal  laws,  ordinances  and  acts,  constitutions  and 
oliices.  from  time  to  time,  as  sliall  bo  thought 
most  meet  for  the  general  good  of  the  colony,  unto 
whieli  we  promise  all  due  submission  and  obe- 
dience' And  then  follows  the  roll  of  plebeian 
names,  to  which  tlie  Uoll  of  Battle  Abbey  is  a 
poor  record  of  nobiiit}'.  T.iere  are  points  in  his- 
tory at  which  the  spirit  wliicii  moves  the  whole 
shows  itself  more  clearly  through  the  outward 
frame.  This  is  one  of  them.  Hero  we  are  pass- 
ing from  the  feudal  age  of  privilege  and  force 
to  the  age  o'i  due  submission  and  obedience,  ',o 
just  and  equ.al  oflices  and  laws,  for  our  better 
onicr'tig  and  jireservati.m.  In  this  political  cove- 
nant of  the  Pilgrim  fathers  lies  the  American 
Declaration  of  Indei)endcnce.  From  the  Ameri- 
can Declaration  of  Indppcndence  was  borrowed 
the  French  Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  JIan. 
France,  rushing  ill-prepared,  tliough  with  over- 
weening confidence,  on  the  great  problems  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  slial  tered  not  her  own  lioi)ea 
alone,  butnearly  at  the  same  moment  the  Puritan 
Ilepublic,  breaking  the  last  slight  link  tliat  bound 
it  to  feudal  Eur.;,iie,  and  placing  modern  society 
firmly  and  tra.iquilly  on  its  new  foundation.  To 
the  free  States  of  America  we  owe  our  best 
assurance  that  the  o'''"st,  the  most  f.mious,  the 
most  cherislicd  of  human  ii.stitutioni  are  not  tho 
life,  nor  would  their  fall  bo  the  death,  of  social 
man;  that  all  which  comes  of  Charlemagne,  and 
all  wdiidi  comes  of  Constantino,  might  go  to  the 
tombs  of  Charlemagne  and  Constantino,  and  yet 
social  duty  and  affection,  religion  and  worship, 
free  olicdience  to  good  government,  free  rever- 
ence for  just  laws,  continue  as  before  Tliey 
who  have  achieved  this  liave  little  need  to  talk 
of  Bunker's  Hill.  "  —  Goldwin  Smith,  On  tlie 
Foundation  nfthe  Am.  Colonies  (Lects.  on  the  Study 
of  Hist.). 

Al.BO  IN :  W.  Bradford,  Jfint.  of  Plymouth  Plan- 
tation (}fasa.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  4th  series,  v.  3),  bk.  1. 
— Jlourt'a  Relation,  or  Journal  of  the  Plantation 


2098 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1620. 


I'lymouth 
Colony. 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1622-1028. 


at  Plymouth;  ed.  by  11.  M.  Dexter.— J.  S.  Barry, 
Jlist.  of  Mim.,  V.  1,  eh.  3. 

A.  D.  1621. — The  first  year  of  the  Plymouth 
Colony  and  its  sufferings. — The  Pierce  patent. 
— The  naming  of  Plymouth. — "The  lal)or  of 
jirovicliiig  httbitaf'ons  had  scarcely  begun,  when 
sickness  set  in,  the  consequence  of  cxposaro  and 
bad  food.  Within  four  mouths  it  carried  off 
nearly  half  their  number.  Si.x  died  in  Deccm- 
lier,  eight  in  January,  seventeen  in  February, 
and  thirteen  in  March.  At  one  time  during  the 
winter,  only  six  or  seven  had  strength  enough 
left  to  nurse  the  dying  and  bury  the  dead.  Des- 
titute of  every  provision,  which  the  weakness 
and  the  daintiness  of  the  invalid  require,  the  sick 
Jay  crowded  in  the  unwholesome  vessel,  or  in 
half-built  cabins  heaped  around  with  snow-drifts. 
The  rude  sailors  refused  them  even  a  share  of 
those  coarse  sea-stores  which  would  have  given 
n  little  variety  to  their  tiiet,  till  disease  spread 
among  the  crew,  and  the  kind  ministrations  of 
those  whom  they  had  neglected  and  alTronted 
brought  them  to  a  better  temper.  The  dead 
were  interred  in  a  bluff  by  the  waterside,  the 
marks  of  burial  l)eing  carefully  effaced,  lest  the 
natives  should  discover  how  the  colony  had  been 
weakened.  .  .  .  ^Meantime,  courage  and  fidelity 
never  gave  out.  The  well  carried  out  the  dead 
through  the  cold  and  snow,  and  then  hastened 
back  from  the  burial  to  wait  on  the  sick ;  and  as 
the  sick  began  to  recover,  they  took  the  places 
of  those  whose  strength  had  been  exhausted." 
In  March,  the  Jrst  intercourse  of  the  colonists 
with  the  few  natives  of  the  region  was  opened, 
through  Samoset,  a  friendly  Indian,  who  had 
learned  from  fishermen  on  the  more  eastern  coast 
to  speak  a  little  Englisli.  Soon  afterwards,  tln^y 
matle  a  treaty  of  friendship  and  alliance  with 
Massasoit,  the  chief  of  the  nearest  tribe,  which 
treaty  remained  in  force  for  54  years.  On  the 
5th  of  April  the  Mayflower  set  sail  on  her  home- 
ward voyage,  "with  scarcely  more  than  half  the 
crew  which  had  navigated  her  to  Americii,  the 
rest  having  fallen  victims  to  the  epidemic  of  the 
winter.  .  .  .  She  carried  back  not  one  of  the 
■emigrants,  dispiriting  as  were  the  hardships 
which  they  had  endured,  and  those  they  had  still 
in  prospect."  Soon  after  the  departure  of  the 
Mayflower,  Carver,  the  Governor,  died.  "Brad- 
ford was  chosen  to  the  vacant  lattice,  with  Isaac 
Allerton,  at  his  request,  for  his  Assistant.  Forty- 
six  of  the  colonists  of  the  J'avflower  were  now 
dead,  — 28  out  of  the  48  adult  men.  Before  the 
arrival  of  the  second  party  of  emigrants  in  the 
•uitumn,  the  dead  r'  .ohed  the  number  of  51,  and 
only  an  equal  numocr  survived  the  first  mi;<eries 
of  the  enterprise.  .  .  .  Before  the  winter  set  in, 
tidings  from  England  had  come,  to  relievo  tlio 
long  year's  lonesomeness ;  and  a  welcome  addi- 
tion was  made  to  the  sadlj'  diminished  number. 
The  Fortune,  a  vessel  of  55  tons'  burden,  reached 
Plymouth  after  a  passage  of  four  mouths,  with 
Cushman  and  some  30  other  emigrants.  The 
men  v.ho  now  arrived  outnumbered  those  of 
their  predecessors  who  were  still  living.  .  .  . 
Some  were  old  friends  of  the  colonists,  at  Ley- 
<leu.  Others  were  persons  who  added  to  the 
moral  as  well  as  to  the  numerical  strength  l  f  the 
settlement.  But  there  were  not  wanting  such  as 
became  subjects  for  anxiety  and  coercion."  The 
Fortune  a'.so  brought  to  the  colonists  a  patent 
from  the  Council  for  New  Englanu,  as  it  was 
<ummonly  knov a  —  the  corporation  into  wliich 

3-35  20 


the  old  Plymouth  (Jompany,  or  North  Virginia 
branch  of  the  Virginia  Company,  had  been  trans- 
fvirmcd  (see  Nkw  Esoi.a.no:  A.  I).  1620-1023). 
"  Upon  lands  of  tins  cori)oration  Bradford  ami 
h's  companions  had  sat  (h)wn  without  leave,  and 
were  of  course  liable  to  be  summarily  expelled. 
Informed  of  their  position  by  the  return  of  the 
Mayflower  to  England  in  the  spring,  their  friends 
obtained  from  tlie  Council  a  patent  which  was 
brought  by  the  Fortune.  It  was  taken  out  in 
tlie  name  of  Mohu  Pierce,  citi/en  and  cloth- 
worker  of  London,  and  his  associates,' with  the 
understanding  that  it  should  be  heUl  in  trust  for 
the  Adventurers,  of  whom  Pierce  was  one.  It 
allowed  100  acres  of  land  to  every  colonist  gone 
and  to  go  to  New  England,  at  a  yearly  rent  of 
two  .shillings  an  acre  after  seven  years.  It 
granted  1,500  acres  for  public  uses,  and  liberty 
to  'hawk,  fish,  and  fowl';  to  'truck,  trade,  and 
tnillic  with  the  savages ' ;  to  '  establisli  such  laws 
and  ordinances  as  are  for  their  better  govcrn- 
lueut,  and  the  S!U,>e,  by  sucli  olliccr  or  ofllcers  as 
they  shall  by  mosi  voices  elect  and  choose,  to 
put  in  execution';  and  'to  encounter,  cxpulse, 
repel,  and  resist  l)y  force  of  arms '  all  intruilers. 
.  .  .  The  instrument  was  signed  for  the  Council 
l)y  the  Duke  of  Hamilton,  the  Duke  of  Lenox, 
the  Earl  of  Warwick,  Lord  SheflU'ld,  and  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges.  .  .  .  The  precise  time  of 
the  adoption  of  the  name  which  the  settlement 
has  borne  since  its  first  year  is  not  kno,vn.  Ply- 
mouth is  the  name  recorded  on  Smith's  map  as 
having  been  given  to  the  spot  by  Prince  Charles. 
It  seems  very  likely  that  the  emigrants  had  with 
them  this  map,  whicii  liad  been  nuich  circulated. 
.  .  .  ]\Iorton  (Memorial,  50)  assigns  as  a  reason 
for  adopting  it  that  '  Plyniouth  in  Old  England 
was  the  last  town  they  left  in  their  native  coun- 
try, and  they  received  many  kindnesses  from 
some  Christians  there'  In  Mourt,  'Plymouth' 
and  'the  now  well-defended  town  of  New  Ply- 
mo\ith '  are  used  as  e([uivalent.  Later,  the  name 
Plymouth  came  to  be  appropriated  to  the  town, 
and  New  Plymouth  to  the  Colony. " — J.  G.  Pal- 
frey, Hint,  of  N.  Kiifj.,  v.  1,  eh.  5,  and  foot-note. 

Also  in  :  ,7.  A.  Goodwin,  The  I'ih/rim  licjitih- 
he,  eh.  9-10. — F.  Baylies,  Hist.  Memoir  of  the 
Colony  ■/  JVcin  Plyniouth,  v.  1,  ch.  .5-0. — A. 
Young,  Chronicles  of  the  Pili/Hm  Fathers. 

A.  D.  1622-1628. — Weston  at  Wessagusset, 
Morton  at  Merrymount,  and  other  settle- 
ments.— "  During  the  years  immediately  follow- 
ing the  voyage  of  the  JIayflower,  several  at- 
tempts at  settlement  were  made  about  the  shoi  es 
of  Massachusetts  bay.  One  of  the  merchant 
adventurers,  Thf  -las  Weston,  took  it  into  his 
head  in  1622  to  separate  from  his  [lartuers  and 
send  out  a  colony  of  seventy  men  on  his  own 
account.  These  men  made  a  settlement  at  Wes- 
sagusset,  some  twenty-five  miles  north  of  Ply- 
mouth. They  were  a  disorderly,  thriftless  rabble, 
picked  up  from  the  London  streets,  and  soon 
got  into  trouble  with  the  Indians;  after  a  j'ear 
they  were  glad  to  get  back  to  England  as  best 
they  could,  and  in  this  the  Plymouth  settlers 
willingly  aided  them.  In  June  of  that  same 
year  1622  there  arrived  on  the  scene  a  pictur- 
esque but  ill  understood  personage,  Thomas 
Morton,  'of  Clifford's  Inn,  Gent.,'  as  he  tells  (m 
the  title-page  of  his  quaint  and  delightful  book, 
the  'New  English  Canaan.'  Bradl'onl  di.sparag- 
ingly  says  that  be  '  had  been  a  kind  of  petie- 
fogjier  of  Furnifell's  Inn':  but  the  churchman 

99 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1G23-1628. 


Plymouth 
Colony. 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1623-1629. 


Samuel  Maverick  declares  that  he  was  a  '  gen- 
tleman of  go(Kl  niiaHtie.'  lie  was  un  agent  ot 
Sir  Ferdinaiulo  Gorges,  and  came  with  some 
thirty  followers  to  make  the  beginnings  of  u 
royalist  and  Episcopal  settlement  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts bay.  He  was  naturally  regarded  witli 
ill  favour  by  the  Pilgrims  as  well  as  by  the  later 
Puritan  settlers,  and  their  accounts  of  him  will 
probably  bear  taking  with  a  grain  or  two  of 
salt.  In  1625  there  came  one  Captain  Wollas- 
ton,  with  a  gan^  of  indented  white  servants, 
and  established  himself  on  the  site  of  the  pr^^sent 
town  of  Quiucy.  Finding  this  system  of  indus- 
try ill  suited  to  northern  agriculture,  he  cuiried 
most  of  his  men  off  to  Virginia,  where  he  sold 
them.  Morton  took  possession  of  the  site  of  the 
settlement,  which  he  called  Merrymount.  There, 
according  to  Bradford,  he  set  up  a  '  schoole  of 
athismc,'  and  his  men  did  quaff  strong  waters 
and  comport  themselves  'as  if  tliey  had  anew 
revived  and  celebrated  the  feasts  of  ye  Ho- 
man  Goddes  Flora,  or  the  beastly  practices  of 
ye  madd  Bachanalians.'  Cliarges  of  atlieism 
have  been  freely  hurled  about  m  all  ages.  In 
Morton's  case  the  accusation  seems  to  have  been 
based  upon  the  fact  that  ho  used  the  P.ook  of 
Common  Prayer.  His  men  so  far  maintained 
the  ancient  customs  of  merry  England  as  to 
plant  a  Maypole  eighty  feet  high,  about  which 
they  frolicked  with  the  redskins,  while  further- 
more they  taught  them  the  use  of  llrearms  and 
sold  them  muskets  and  rum.  This  was  posi- 
tively dangerous,  and  in  the  summer  of  1628  tlie 
settlers  at  Merrymount  were  dispersed  by  Jliles 
Standish.  Morton  was  sent  to  England,  but 
returned  the  ne.\t  year,  and  presently  again  re- 
paired to  Merrj'mount.  By  this  time  other  set- 
tlements were  dotted  about  the  coast.  There 
were  a  few  scattered  cottages  or  cabins  at  Nan- 
tasket  and  at  tne  mouth  of  the  Pi.scatoqua,  while 
Samuel  Maverick  had  fortified  himself  on  Nod- 
dle's Island,  and  William  Blackstone  already 
lived  upon  the  Shawmut  peninsula,  since  called 
Boston.  These  two  gentlemen  were  no  friends 
to  the  Puritans ;  they  were  churchmen  and  rep- 
resentatives of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges."  —  J. 
Fiskc,  The  Seginnings  of  JY.  Eng.,  ch.  3. 

Also  in:  C.  F.  Adams,  Jr.,  Old  Planters 
about  Boston  JIarbor  {Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proceed., 
June,  1878). — The  same,  Introd.  to  Morton's  A'ew 
English  Canaan  (Prince  Soc,  1883). 

A.  D.  1623.— Grant  to  Robert  Gorges  on  the 
Bay.    See  New  England:  A.  D.  1621-1631. 

A.  D.  1623-1629. — Plymouth  Colony.— Land 
allotments. — Buying  freedom  from  the  adven- 
turers at  London. — ^The  new  patent. —  "In  1623 
the  Ann  and  J.ittle  James,  the  former  of  140  tons, 
and  the  latter  of  44  tons,  arrived  with  60  p'-rsons 
to  be  added  to  the  colony,  and  a  number  of  others 
who  had  come  at  their  own  charge  and  on  their 
own  account.  .  .  .  The  passengers  in  the  Ann 
and  Little  James  completed  the  list,  of  those  wlio 
are  usually  called  the  first-comers.  The  Ann  re- 
turned to  England  in  September,  carrying  Mr. 
Winslow  to  negotiate  with  the  merchants  for 
needful  supplies,  and  the  Little  James  remained 
at  Plymouth  in  the  service  of  the  company.  .  .  . 
Up  to  that  time  the  company  had  worked  to- 
gether on  the  company  lands,  and,  each  shariug 
in  the  fruits  of  another's  labors,  felt  little  of  that 
personal  responsibility  which  was  necessary  to 
secure  the  largest  returns.  .  .  .  '  At  length,  after 
much  debate  of  things,  the  Governor  (with  the 


advise  of  the  cheefcst  amongest  them)  gave  wav 
that  they  should  set  come  every  man  for  his 
owne  perticuler,  and  in  that  regard  trust  to  them- 
selves; in  all  other  things  to  goe  on  in  the  gen- 
erall  way  as  before.  And  so  assigned  to  every 
family  a  parcell  of  land,  according  to  the  propor- 
tion of  their  number  for  that  end.  .  .  .  This  had 
very  good  success;  for  it  made  all  hands  very  in- 
dustrious.'. .  .  Such  is  the  language  of  Brad- 
ford concerning  a  measure  which  was  adopted 
from  motives  of  necessity,  but  which  was,  to  a 
certain  extent,  an  infringement  of  the  provisions 
of  the  contract  with  the  adventurers.  Before  the 
planting  season  of  the  ne.\t  year  a  more  emphatic 
violation  of  the  contract  was  committed.  '  They 
(the  colony)  begane  now  highly  to  prise  come  as 
more  pretious  thun  silver,  and  those  that  had 
some  t  --"-e  beganu  to  trade  one  with  another 
for  s"  ,  things,  by  the  quarte,  potle,  &  peck 
&C.  or  money  they  had  none,  and  if  any  had, 
cornt  .vas  prcfered  before  it.  That  they  might 
tlierforo  encrcase  their  tillage  tolietter  advantage, 
they  made  suite  to  the  Governor  to  have  some 
portion  of  land  given  them  for  continuance,  and 
not  by  yearly  lotte.  .  .  .  Which  being  well  con- 
sidered, their  request  was  granted.  And  to  every 
person  was  given  only  one  acre  of  land,  to  them 
and  theirs,  as  nerc  the  towne  as  might  be,  and 
they  had  no  more  till  the  1  years  were  expired.' 
This  experience  gradually  led  the  colony  in  the 
right  track,  and  the  grow'ng  necessity  for  some 
other  circulating  medi.nn  than  silver  secured 
abundant  harvests."  'Ni  inslow  returned  from 
England  in  1624,  "bringing,  besides  a  good  sup- 
ply, '  3  heifers  &  a  bull  the  first  begining  of 
any  catle  of  that  kind  in  the  laud.'  At  that  time 
there  were  180  persons  in  the  colony,  '  some  cii  i- 
tle  and  goats,  but  many  swine  and  poultry  aud 
thirty-two  dwelling  houses.'  lu  tlie  latter  part 
of  the  year  Winslow  sailed  again  for  England  in 
the  Littb  James  and  rctarne<l  in  1625.  The  news 
he  brought  was  discouraging  to  the  colonists. 
The  debt  due  to  the  adventurers  was  £1,400,  and 
the  creditors  had  lost  confidence  ii.  their  enter- 
prise." On  this  intelligence,  Capt.  Standish  was 
sent  to  England,  followed  next  year  by  Air.  Aller- 
ton,  "  to  make  a  composition  with  the  adventur- 
ers," and  obtain,  if  possible,  a  release  from  the 
seven  years  contract  under  which  the  colonists 
were  bound.  Allerton  returned  in  1627,  having 
concluded  an  agreement  witli  the  adventurers  at 
London  for  the  purchase  of  all  their  rights  and 
interests  in  thj  plantation,  for  the  sum  of  £1,800. 
Tlie  iig:eemeut  was  ajjproved  by  the  colony,  and 
Bradford,  Standish,  Allerton,  Winslow,  Brewster, 
Howland,  Alden,  and  others,  assumed  the  debt 
of  £1,800,  the  trading  privileges  of  the  colony 
being  assigned  to  them  for  their  security.  "  In  ac- 
cordance with  this  agreement  these  gentlemen  at 
once  entered  vigorously  into  the  enterprise,  and 
by  the  use  of  wampum,  as  a  circulating  medium, 
carried  on  so  extensive  a  trade  with  the  natives, 
in  the  purchase  of  furs  and  other  articles  for  ex- 
port to  England  as  within  the  prescribed  period 
[six  years]  to  pay  off  the  entire  debt  and  leave  the 
colony  in  the  undisputed  possession  of  their  lands. 
No  legal-tender  scheme,  in  these  later  days,  has 
been  bolder  in  its  conception,  or  more  successful 
in  its  career,  than  that  of  the  Pilgrim  Father, 
which,  with  the  shells  of  the  shore,  relieved 
their  community  from  debt,  aud  established  on 
a  permanent  basis  the  wealth  and  prosperity 
of  New  England.  .  .  .  After  the  negotiations- 


3100 


MASSACnUSETTS,  1623-1020. 


Mumachutetlt 
Bay. 


SIASSACIIUSETTS,  1620-1630. 


with  the  adventurers  Iincl  been  completed,  the 
colonist.s  were  iinxioiis  to  obinin  nnotlicr  patent 
from  the  New  England  Company  conferring 
larger  powers  and  deUning  their  territorial  limits. 
After  three  visits  to  England,  Allerton  was  sent 
a  fourth  time,  in  1620,  and  secured  a  patent  dated 
January  13,  1020  (>)ld  style),  and  signed  by  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  on  behalf  of  the  Council  of  New 
England,  enlarging  the  original  grant,  and  estab- 
lishing the  boundaries  of  what  has  been  since 
known  as  the  Old  Colony.  It  g.anted  to  William 
Bradford  and  his  associates  'all  that  part  of  New 
England  i  i  America,  the  tract  and  tracts  of  land 
that  lie  within  or  between  a  certain  rivolct  or 
rundlett,  then  commonly  called  Coahasset  alias 
Conahasset,  towards  the  north,  and  the  river 
commonly  called  Naraganset  river  towards  the 
south,  and  the  great  Western  ocean  towards  the 
cast,"  and  between  two  lines  ''.escribed  as  extend- 
ing, severally,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Naraganset 
and  the  mouth  of  tno  Coahasset,  "  up  into  the 
mainland  westward,"  "to  the  utmost  limits  and 
bounds  of  a  country  or  place  in  New  England 
called  Pokernacutt,  alias  Puckenakick,  alias 
Sawaamset." — W.  T.  Davis,  Ancient  Landmarks 
of  Plymouth,  ch.  2. 

A.D.  1623-1629. — The  Dorchester  Company 
and  the  royal  Charter  to  the  Governor  and 
Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay. — "  While  the 
people  of  Plymouth  were  struggling  to  establish 
their  colony,  some  of  the  English  Puritans,  rest- 
less under  the  growinij  despotism  of  Charles, 
began  to  turn  their  eyes  to  New  England.  Under 
the  lead  of  the  Rev.  Jolui  White,  the  Dorchester 
Company  was  formed  for  trading  and  fishing, 
and  a  station  was  established  at  Cape  Ann  [A.  1). 
1623] ;  but  the  enterprise  did  not  prosper,  the 
colonists  were  disorderly,  and  the  Comi)any  made 
an  arrangement  for  Itoger  Conant  and  others, 
driven  from  Plymouth  by  the  rigid  principles  of 
the  Separatists,  to  come  to  Cape  Ann.  Still 
matters  did  not  improve  and  the  Company  was 
dissolved ;  but  White  held  to  his  purpose,  and 
Conant  and  a  few  others  moved  to  Naumkeag, 
and  determined  to  settle  there.  Conant  induced 
his  companions  to  persevere,  and  matters  in 
England  led  to  n  fresh  attempt;  for  discontent 
grew  rapidly  as  Charles  proceeded  in  his  policy. 
A  second  Dorchester  Company,  not  this  time  a 
small  affair  for  fishing  and  trading,  but  one 
backed  by  men  of  wealth  and  influence,  was 
formed,  and  a  large  grant,  of  lands  [from  three 
miles  north  of  the  Merrimac  to  three  miles  south 
of  the  Charles,  and  to  extend  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Western  Ocean]  was  made  by  the  Council 
for  New  England  to  Sir  Henry  Uoswell  and  fiv(, 
others  [March,  1028].  One  of  the  six  patentees, 
John  Endicott,  went  out  during  the  following 
summer  with  a  small  company,  assumed  '.ho 
government  at  Naumkeag,  which  was  now  ca'.lcd 
Salem,  and  sent  out  exploring  parties.  The 
company  thus  formed  in  England  was  merely  a 
voluntary  partnership,  but  it  paved  the  way  for 
another  and  much  larger  scheme.  Disaffection 
had  become  wide-spread.  The  Puritans  began  to 
fear  that  religious  and  political  liberty  alika  were 
not  only  in  danger  but  were  doomed  to  d»struc- 
t;cn,  and  a  large  portion  of  the  party  resolved  to 
combine  for  the  preservation  of  all  that  was 
dearest  to  them  by  removal  to  the  New  World. 
The  Dorchester  Company  ,vi;s  enlarged,  and  a 
royal  charter  was  obtained  incorporating  the 
Governor  and  Company  ot  Massachusetts  Bty," 


:«arch  4,  1020.-11.  C.  Lfnlge,  Short  m»t.  of  (lie 
''ii;i.  Colonim  in  Am.,  ch.  18. — "This  [the  nrj-al 
iiiirter  named  above]  is  tlie  instrument  under 
which  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  continued  to 
conduct  its  affairs  for  r>.'i  years.  The  patentees 
named  in  it  were  Hoswell  and  his  five  associates, 
with  20  other  persons,  of  whom  White  was  not 
one.  It  gave  power  forever  to  the  freemen  of 
the  Company  to  elect  ininually,  from  their  own 
number,  a  Oovernor,  Deputy-Qovernor,  and  18 
A.ssistants,  on  the  last  Wednesday  of  Easter 
term,  and  to  make  laws  and  ordinances  not  re- 
pugnant to  the  laws  of  EnglamI,  for  their  own 
l)eneflt  and  the  government  of  persons  inhabiting 
their  territory.  Four  meetings  of  the  Company 
were  to  be  held  in  a  year,  and  others  might  be 
convened  in  a  manner  preseribed.  Meetings  of 
the  Governor,  Deputy-Governor,  and  AssistaiKj, 
were  to  be  held  once  a  month  or  oftener.  The 
Governor,  Deputy-Governor,  and  any  two  As- 
sistants, were  authorized,  but  not  retiuircd,  to 
administer  to  freemen  the  oaths  of  supremacy 
and  allegiance.  The  Company  might  trars- 
port  settlers  not  'restrained  by  special  name.' 
They  had  authority  to  admit  new  associates,  and 
establish  the  terms  of  their  admission,  and  elect 
and  constitute  such  ofiicers  as  they  should  see  fit 
for  the  ordering  and  managing  of  their  affairs. 
They  were  empowered  to  '  encounter,  repulse, 
repel,  and  resisi,  by  force  of  arms  .  .  .  all  such 
person  ind  persons  as  should  at  any  time  there- 
after attempt  or  enterprise  the  destruction,  inva- 
sion, detriment,  or  anuoyance  to  the  said  plan- 
tation or  inhabitants.'  Nothing  was  said  of 
religious  liberty.  Tlie  government  may  have 
relied  upon  its  power  to  restrain  it,  and  the  emi- 
grants on  their  distance  and  obscurity  to  protect 
it."— J.  G.  Palfrey,  Hint,  of  N.  Eng.,  v.  1,  ch.  8. 
— "In  anticipation  of  a  future  want  the  grantees 
resisted  the  insertion  of  any  condition  which 
should  fix  the  government  of  the  Company  in 
England.  Winthrop  explicitly  .states  that  the 
advisers  of  the  Crown  liad  originally  imposed 
such  a  condition,  but  that  the  patentees  suc- 
ceeded, not  without  difficulty,  in  freeing  them- 
selves from  it.  Tliat  fact  is  a  full  answer  to 
those  who  held  that  in  transferring  the  govern- 
ment to  America  the  patentees  broke  faith  with 
the  Crown." — J.  A.  Doyle,  The  English  i.i,  Am.  : 
The  Puritan  Colonies,  v.  1,  ch.  3. 

Also  in:  Records  of  the  Oov.  and  Co.  of  Mass. 
Tiny ;  ed.  by  N.  B.  Shurtkff,  n.  1  {containing  the 
Charter).— S.  P.  Haven,  Origin  of  t/ie  Company 
(Archaologia  Americana,  v.  3). 

A.  D.  1629-1630. — The  immieration  of  the 
Governor  and  Company  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  v7ith  their  Royal  Charter. — "Several  per- 
sons, of  consii'  -able  importance  in  the  English 
nation,  were  now  enlisted  among  the  adventur- 
ers, who,  for  the  unmolested  enjoyment  ot  their 
religion,  were  resolved  to  remove  into  Massa- 
chusetts. Foreseeing,  however,  and  dreading 
the  inconvenience  of  being  governed  by  laws 
made  for  them  without  their  own  consent,  they 
judged  it  m'^re  reasonable  that  the  colony  should 
be  ruled  by  men  residing  in  the  plantation,  than 
by  those  dwelling  nt,  a  distance  of  three  thousand 
miles,  and  over  v  hon.  they  should  have  no  con- 
trol. At  a  meeting  oi  the  company  on  the  28th 
of  July  [1620],  I  tatthew  Cradock,  the  governor, 
proposed  that  the  charter  should  be  transferred 
to  those  of  the  f.'eemeu  who  should  become  in- 
hp.bitants  of  the  co.ony,  and  the  powers  conferred 


2101 


MASSACIIUSflTTS,  1020-1630. 


llirth 
I)/  Button. 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1030. 


by  it  be  executed  for  the  future  in  New  Engliiud. 
An  ligreeiiient  wiis  iiccordiiiKly  miulc  at  C'lini- 
bridge,  in  Engliiml,  on  the  UOtli  of  August,  be- 
tween Sir  liiclmrd  Siiltonstiill,  Thomas  Dudley, 
Isime  Jolinson,  John  Winthrop,  and  a  few  otlier.s, 
that,  on  tlio.se conditions,  tliey  would  be  ready  tlie 
ensuing  iMarcli,  witli  tlieir  persons  and  fanulies,  to 
onibark  for  New  England,  for  the  purpose  of 
settling  in  the  country.  Tlie  governor  and  com- 
pany, entirely  disposed  to  promote  tlie  measure, 
called  ft  general  court  [at  which,  after  a  serious  de- 
bate, adjourned  from  one  day  to  the  next,]  ...  it 
was  decreed  that  the  g'  rnment  and  the  patent  of 
the  plantation  should  be  transferred  from  London 
to  Massachusetts  Bay.  An  order  was  drawn  up 
for  that  purpo.se,  in  pursuance  of  which  a  court 
was  holden  on  tlie  20th  of  October  for  a  new 
election  of  ollicers,  who  would  be  willing  to  re- 
ii'ove  with  their  families;  and  'the  court  having 
received  extraordinary  great  commendati  )n  of 
Mr.  J  jlin  Winthrop,  both  for  his  integrity  and 
sutlicienc'y,  as  being  one  very  well  fitted  for  the 
place,  with  a  full  consent  clio.se  him  governor 
for  the  year  ensuing.'  .  .  .  I'rejiarations  were 
now  made  for  the  removal  K,t  a  large  number  of 
colonists,  and  in  the  spring  of  1030  a  lleet  of  14 
sail  was  got  ready.  Mr.  \Vintlirop  having  by 
the  consent  of  all  been  chosen  for  their  leader, 
immediately  set  about  making  preparations  tor 
his  departure.  He  converted  a  tine  estate  of 
JEfl(M)  or  11700  per  annum  into  money  and  in  March 
embarked  on  board  tlie  Arbella,  one  of  the 
principal  ships.  Before  leaving  Yarmoutli,  an 
address  to  their  fathers  and  brethren  remaining 
in  England  w.s  drawn  up,  and  subscribed  on  the 
7th  of  April  by  Governor  Winthrop  awl  others, 
breathing  an  alfectionate  farewell  to  the  Cliurch 
of  England  and  their  native  land.  ...  In  the 
same  ship  with  Governor  Winthrop  came  Thomas 
Dudley,  who  had  been  chosen  deputy  governor 
after  the  emliarkation,  and  several  other  gentle- 
men of  wealth  and  quality;  the  fleet  containing 
about  840  passengers,  of  various  occupations, 
some  of  whom  were  from  the  west  of  England, 
but  most  from  the  neigb.borhood  of  London. 
The  fleet  sailed  early  in  April ;  and  the  Arbella 
arrived  off  Cape  Ann  on  Friday,  the  1 1th  of  .June, 
and  on  the  following  day  entered  the  harbor  of 
Salem.  A  few  days  after  their  arrival,  the  gov- 
ernor, and  several  of  the  principal  persons  of  the 
colony,  made  an  excunsion  some  20  miles  along 
tlio  bay,  for  the  purpose  of  selecting  a  conve- 
nient site  for  a  towa.  They  finally  intclied  down 
on  the  north  side  of  Charles  river  (Charlestown), 
and  took  lodgings  in  the  great  house  built  there 
the  preceding  year;  the  rest  of  the  company 
erected  cottages,  booths,  and  tents,  for  present 
accommo 'ation,  ab<mt  the  .iwr  hill.  T.heif 
place  of  assembling  for  divine  service  was  under 
aspreadirg  tree.  On  the  8th  of  July,  a  day  of 
tlunksgi\ing  was  kept  for  the  safe  arrival  of  the 
fliict.  On  tlie  30th  of  the  same  month,  after  a 
day  of  solemn  prayer  and  fasting,  the  founda 
tion  of  a  church  was  laid  at  Charlestown,  after- 
wards the  first  church  of  Boston,  and  Governor 
Winthrop,  Deputy  Governor  Dudley,  and  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Wilson,  catered  into  church  covenant. 
The  first  court  of  assistants  was  held  at  Charles- 
town, on  the  23d  of  August,  and  the  first 
quest'on  proposed  was  a  suitable  provision  for 
the  support  of  the  gospel.  'I'owards  the  close 
of  autumn,  Governor  Winthrop  and  most  of 
the  assistants  removed  to  the  peninsula  of  Sliaw- 


mut  (Boston),  and  lived  there  tlie  first  winter, 
intending  in  the  spring  to  buil<l  a  fortified  towu, 
but  undetermined  as  to  its  situation.  On  the  Otli 
of  December  they  resolved  to  fortify  the  isthmus 
of  thkt  peninsula;  but,  changing  their  minds 
before  the  month  expired,  they  agreed  up(m  u 
place  about  three  miles  above  Charlestown,  which 
they  called  first  Newtown,  and  afterwards  Cam- 
bridge, where  they  engaged  to  build  houses  the 
ensuing  spring.  The  rest  of  the  winter  they 
suffered  much  by  the  severity  of  the  season,  and 
were  obliged  to  live  upon  acorns,  gnmudnuts, 
and  Khell-Hsli.  .  .  .  Thejr  had  aiijiointed  the  6th 
of  February  for  a  fast,  in  consequence  of  tlieir 
alarm  for  the  safety  of  a  ship  which  had  been 
sent  to  Ireland  for  provisions;  but  fortunately 
the  vessel  arrived  on  the  5tli,  and  they  ordered  a 
public  thanksgiving  instead  thereof."  —  J.  B. 
Moon;,  IjiccH  vf  the  (Joccrnoni  of  New  I'lytiitmlh 
and  Man*.  Bay;  pt.  2:   Winthrop. 

Also  in  :  U.  C.  Wintlirop,  Life  and  Letters  of 
John  Winthrop,  v.  1,  ch.  15-11),  and  v.  3,  eh.  1-4. 
— A.  Young,  CkrunicleM  of  the  Jimt  I'lantcm  of 
MamtchimettH  Hay,  eh.  14-10. — J.  S.  Barry,  Hint, 
of  Mann.,  v.  1,  eh.  7. 

A.  D.  1630.  —  The  founding  of  Boston. — 
"Tlie  English  people  who  came  with  Governor 
Winllirop  first  located  upon  the  peninsula  of 
Mishawum,  whicli  they  called  Charlestown.  .  .  . 
They  found  here  a  single  white  man  named 
Thomas  Walford,  living  very  peaceably  and  con- 
tentedly among  the  Indians.  They  also  di%- 
covered  that  the  peninsula  of  Shawmut  had  one 
solitary  white  inhabitant  whose  name  was  Wil- 
liam Blackstone.  They  could  see  every  day  the 
smoke  curling  above  tliis  man's  lonely  cabin. 
He,  too,  was  a  Puritan  clergyman,  like  many  of 
those  who  had  now  come  to  make  a  home  in  the 
New  World,  free  from  the  tyranny  of  the  English 
bishops.  Still  another  Englishman,  Samuel 
Maverick  by  name,  liad  built  a  house,  and  with 
the  help  of  David  Thompson,  a  fort  which 
mounted  four  small  cannon,  truly  called  '  mur- 
tlierers,'  and  was  living  very  comfort.ibly  on 
the  island  tliat  is  now  East  Boston.  And 
again,  by  looking  across  tlie  bay,  to  the  south, 
the  smoke  of  an  English  cottage,  on  Thompson's 
Island,  was  probably  seen  stealing  upward  to 
the  sky.  So  that  we  certainly  know  these  people 
were  the  first  settlers  of  Boston.  But  scarcity 
of  water,  and  sickness,  wiiicli  soon  broke  out 
among  tlicni,  made  the  sett'ers  at  Charlestown 
very  discontented.  They  began  to  scatter.  In- 
deed this  peninsula  was  too  small  properly  to 
accommodate  all  of  them  witli  their  cattle. 
Therefore  gwKl  William  Blackstone,  with  true 
hospitality,  came  in  their  distress  to  tell  them 
there  was  a  fine  spring  of  pure  water  at  Shaw- 
mut, and  to  invite  them  there.  Probably  his  ac- 
count induced  quite  a  number  to  remove  at  once; 
while  others,  wishing  to  make  farms,  looked  out 
homes  along  the  shores  of  the  mainland,  at  Jled- 
ford,  Newtown  (Cambridge),  Watertown  and 
Uoxbury.  A  separate  company  of  colonists  also 
settled  at  Mattapan.  or  Dorchester.  The  dis- 
satisfa,;tiou  with  Charlestown  was  so  general 
that  at  last  only  a  fe  .v  of  the  original  settlers  re- 
mained there.  .  .  .  While  those  in  chief  author- 
ity were  still  undecided,  Isaac  Johnson,  one  of 
the  most  influential  and  honored  men  among  the 
colonists,  began,  with  others,  in  earnest,  the  set- 
tlement of  lioston.  He  chose  for  himseif  the 
square  of  laud  now  eucluaed  by  Tremont,  Court, 


2102 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1030. 


PiiHtnn 
Intolrmnce. 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1031-1080. 


Wnshington  nnd  Srlionl  Strocfs.  Unfortiinalrly 
this  geiitlcniiiM.  who  wum  iiuich  bolovcd,  dicil  lic- 
fdic  the  rfinoviil  to  Uostoii  bcranic  gtmcriil.  .  .  . 
Although  tlio  chief  men  of  tlio  colony  continued 
for  some  time  yet  to  favor  tin!  plan  of  a  fortilied 
town  further  inlatxl,  Hostou  had  now  become  too 
(irmly  rooted,  and  the  pei  i  le  too  umvillinir,  to 
make  a  second  change  of  locition  praeli<'able,  or 
even  desiralile.  So  this  project  was  abandoned, 
though  not  befon^  high  words  passed  between 
Winthrop  an<i  Dudley  about  it.  The  governor 
then  removed  the  frame  of  his  new  house  from 
Cambridge,  or  Newtown,  to  Boston,' setting  it 
up  on  the  land  between  Milk  Street,  Spring 
Lane,  nnd  Washington  Street.  One  of  the  linest 
springs  being  upon  his  lot,  the  name  Spring 
Lane  is  easily  traced.  The  people  first  located 
thcm.selves  within  the  space  now  comprised  be- 
tween Milk,  Bromfield,  Tremont,  and  Hanover 
Streets  and  the  water,  or,  in  general  terms,  upcm 
the  southeasterly  slope  of  Beacon  Hill.  Pel  ■ 
berton  Hill  soon  became  a  favorite  locality.  The 
North  End,  including  that  portion  of  the  town 
north  of  Union  Street,  was  soon  biiilt  up  by  the 
new  emigrants  coming  in,  or  l)y  removals  from 
the  South  End,  as  nil  the  town  south  of  this  dis- 
trict was  called.  In  time  a  third  district  on  the 
north  side  of  Beacon  Hill  grew  up,  and  was 
called  the  West  End.  And  in  the  olil  city  these 
general  divisions  continue  to-day.  Shawmut, 
we  rei.iember,  was  the  first  name  Boston  had. 
Now  the  cettlers  at  C^harlestown,  seeing  always 
before  tbeni  a  high  bill  to|)ped  with  three  little 
peaks,  had  already,  nnd  very  aptly  too,  wo 
think,  named  Shawmut  Trimountiiin  [the  origin 
of  the  name  Tremont  in  Boston].  iJut  when 
they  began  to  remove  there  tlicy  called  it  Boston, 
after  a  place  of  that  name  in  England,  nnd  be- 
cnnse  they  had  determined  beforehand  to  give  to 
their  chief  town  tlds  name.  So  says  the  second 
highest  person  ninong  them,  Deputy  Governor 
Tliomas  Dudley.  The  settlers  built  their  first 
church  on  the  grotuid  now  covered  by  Brazer's 
Building,  in  State  Street.  .  .  .  Directly  in  front 
of  the  meeting-house  wii.  the  tov.'n  marketplace. 
Where  Quincy  Market  'a  was  the  piincipal  land- 
ing-place. The  (/'ommi  r  was  set  apart  as  a  pas- 
ture-ground nnd  t'ninir(,-ficld.  ...  A  beacon 
wns  set  up  on  the  summit  of  Trimountain  and  a 
fort  upon  the  southernmost  hill  of  the  town. 
From  this  time  these  hills  took  the  names  of 
Windmill,  Beacon,  nnd  Fort  Hills."  —  S.  A. 
Drake,  Around  the  Hub,  ch.  2. — "The  order  of 
the  Court  of  Assistants, —  Governor  Wintlirop 
presiding, — '  That  Trimontaine  sliall  be  called 
Boston,'  was  passed  on  the  7th  of  September, 
old  style,  or,  ns  we  now  count  it,  the  17th  of 
September,  1030.  The  nnme  of  Boston  was 
specially  dear  to  the  JInssachusctts  colonists,  from 
its  association  with  tlie  ol<l  St.  Botolphs'  town,  or 
Boston,  of  Lincolnshire,  England,  from  which 
the  Lady  Arbella  Johnson  iind  her  husband  had 
come,  nnd  where  John  Cott<in  was  still  preach- 
ing in  its  noble  parish  church.  But  the  precise 
date  of  the  removal  of  the  Governor  nnd  Com- 
pany to  the  peninsula  is  nowhere  given."  —  U.  C 
Winthrop,  Boston  Fimnded  (Memorial  Hist.  <,f 
Boston;  ed.  by  J.   Winnor,  v.  1),  pp.  110-117. 

Al«o  iij:  C.  F.  Adams,  Jr. ,  Earlicjit  Rrpl.  and 
Settlement  of  Boston  Harbor  (Mem.  Hist.,  pp. 
63-80). 

A.  D.  1631-1636  — The  Puritan  Theocracy 
and  its  intolerancr.. — *'  The  charter  of  the  Mas- 


sachusetts Company  lind  prescribed  no  condition 
of  investment  willi  its  franebise,  —  or  witli  what 
luider  tile  eireumstances  winch  hail  arisen  was 
the  same  thing,  the  prerogatives  of  <Mti/.enslMp 
in  the  planlation, — except  the  will  nnd  vote  of 
those  who  were  already  freemen.  At  the  first 
Cisatlantic  General  Court  for  election,  '  to  the  end 
tlu!  body  of  the  commons  miiy  bo  preserved  of 
lionest  and  good  men,'  it  was  'ordered  and 
agreed,  that,  for  the  time  to  come,  no  man  shall 
be  admitted  to  the  freedom  of  this  boily  politic, 
but  such  as  an^  mcmliers  of  some  of  the  churclies 
within  tlie  limits  of  the  same.'  The  men  who 
laid  this  singular  foundation  for  tho  commou- 
wealth  which  they  were  instituting,  had  been 
accustomed  to  feel  responsibility,  and  to  net 
upon  well-considered  reasons.  By  chnrter  fn  m 
the  English  crown,  the  land  was  theirs  as  against 
all  other  civilized  people,  and  they  hnd  a  riglit 
to  choose  nccording  to  their  own  rules  tho  asso- 
ciates who  shoidd  help  them  to  occupy  nnd  gov- 
ern it.  Exercising  tliis  right,  they  determmed 
that  magistracy  and  eitizensliip  .should  belong 
only  to  Christian  men,  ascertained  to  be  such  by 
the  best  test  which  tliey  knew  how  to  apply. 
They  established  n  kind,  of  arisioci.icy  hitherto 
unknown." — J.  Q.  Palfrey,  Hist,  of  N.  timj.,  v.  1, 
rh.  9. — "The  aim  of  Wintlirop  and  his  friends 
in  coming  to  Massacliusetts  wns  tlie  construction 
of  n  theocrntic  state  wliic'li  should  bo  to  Chris- 
tians, under  tlie  New  Testament  dispensation, 
all  that  the  theocracy  of  Moses  and  Joshua  and 
Samuel  had  been  to  the  Jews  in  Old  Testament 
days.  They  should  be  to  all  intents  and  pur- 
poses freed  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Stuart 
king,  nnd  so  far  ns  possible  the  text  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures  sliould  be  their  guide  both  in  weighty 
matters  of  general  legisiat'  ai  and  in  the  shajting 
of  tlie  smallest  detiuls  of  daily  life.  In  such  a 
scheme  there  was  110  room  for  religious  liberty 
as  wo  understand  it." — .1.  Fiske,  llie  Benin- 
■nings  of  New  Enylund,  rh.  A. — " 'The  projected 
religious  commonwealth  was  to  be  founded  and 
admini.slcred  by  the  Bible,  the  whole  Bible,  not 
by  the  New  Testament  alone.  .  .  .  They  revered 
and  used  and  treated  the  Holy  Book  as  one 
whole.  A  single  sentence?  from  a.iy  part  of  it 
was  an  oracle  to  them :  it  wns  as  a  slice  or  crumb 
from  any  part  of  a  loaf  of  bread,  all  of  the  same 
consistency.  God,  ns  King,  liad  been  the  Law- 
giver of  Isrnel:  be  should  be  their  Lawgiver 
too.  .  .  .  The  Church  should  fashion  the  State 
and  be  identical  with  it.  Only  experienced  and 
covenanted  Cliristian  believers,  pledged  by  their 
profession  to  accordance  of  opinion  anil  purpose 
witli  the  original  proi)rietors  and  exiles,  should 
be  admitted  ns  freemen,  or  full  citizens  of  the 
commonwealth.  They  would  restrain  nnd  limit 
their  own  liberty  of  conscience,  as  well  as  their 
own  freedom  of  action,  within  Bible  rules.  In 
fact,  —  ill  spirit  even  more  than  in  the  letter, — 
they  did  adopt  nil  of  the  Jewisli  code  which  was 
in  any  way  practi,  able  for  them.  The  lending 
minister  of  the  colony  was  formally  appointed 
by  the  General  Court  to  adapt  the  Jewisli  law  to 
their  case  [1030];  and  it  was  enacted  that,  till 
that  work  was  really  done,  'Moses,  his  Judi- 
cials,'  should  be  in  full  force.  Mr.  Cotton  in 
due  time  presented  the  results  of  his  labor  in  a 
code  of  laws  illustroted  by  Scripture  texts. 
This  code  was  not  formally  adopted  by  the 
Court;  but  the  spirit  of  it.  soon  rewrought  into 
another  body,  had  full  sway.  .  .  .  That  fninkly 


2103 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1081-1036. 


The  Chnrfir 
in  I'Frlt. 


MA8SACUU8KTTS,  1034-1037. 


Bvowed  and  praotlciilly  applied  nurpogc  of  tliu 
Fiitliprs,  of  CHtiibllshing  licrc  ii  Jiibli;  Commoii- 
wciiltli,  '  under  u  due  fonn  of  Kovcrnmunt,  both 
civil  and  efclt'sittstii'ttl,'  furniahcs  the  key  to,  the 
explanation  of,  all  durl<  tiling-'*  "iid  all  tlio  bright 
things  in  their  early  history.  The  young  people 
I'ducateil  among  us  ouglit  to  read  our  lii.story  by 
that  simple,  plain  inter|iretatiou.  Tlie  eon- 
gciences  of  our  Fathers  were  not  free  in  our 
sense  of  tliat  word.  They  were  held  under  rigid 
Hubjcclion  to  what  thoy  regarded  an  God's  Holy 
"Word,  through  and  througii  in  every  sentence 
of  it,  just  as  the  consciences  of  their  Fathers 
were  held,  under  tlio  sway  of  the  Pope  and  the 
Roman  C'liurch.  Tlie  BiUe  was  to  them  su- 
preme. Their  cliurcli  was  based  on  it,  modelled 
by  it,  governed  by  it;  and  Jiey  intended  tlieir 
State  shoidd  be  also."— G.  E.  Ellis,  JyoicJl  Imit. 
Lectt.  on  the  Early  Iliat.  of  Mtua.,  pp.  50-55. — 
"Though  communicants  were  not  necessarily 
voters,  no  one  could  be  a  voter  who  was  not  a 
communicant;  tlierefore  the  towu-mecting  was 
Dolldng  but  the  church  meeting,  possibly  some- 
what attenuated,  and  called  by  a  ilillerent  name. 
By  this  insidious  statute  tlie  i  lergy  seized  the 
temporal  power,  which  tliey  held  tdl  the  cliarter 
fell.  The  minister  stood  at  the  head  of  the  con- 
gregation and  moulded  it  to  suit  his  purposes 
and  to  do  his  will.  .  .  .  Common  men  could  not 
have  kept  this  hold  u|)ou  the  inhabitants  of  New 
England,  but  the  clfn-gy  were  learned,  resolute, 
nd  able,  aud  their  strong  but  narrow  minds 
burned  with  fanaticism  and  love  of  jwwer ;  with 
tlieir  beliefs  and  under  tlieir  temptations  perse- 
cution seemed  to  them  not  only  tlieir  most  potent 
weapon,  but  a  duty  they  owed  to  Christ  — 
and  that  duty  they  unflinchingly  performed." — 
B.  Adams,  T/ie  Emancipation  of  Mam.,  c/i.  1. 

Also  in:  J.  S.  Barry,  J/isl.  of  Mass.,  v.  1,  ch. 
10. — I'.  Oliver,  The  I'liriUin  Coininonwealth,  ch. 
2,  pt.  \. — D.  Campbell,  The  Puritan  in  Holland, 
En;/.,  and  Am.,  ch.  23  (r.  3), 

A.  D.  1633-1635.— Hostilities  between  the 
Plymouth  Colony  and  the  French  on  the 
Maine  coast.  See  Nova  Scotia:  A.  D.  1031- 
1008. 

A  D.  1634-1637. — Threatening;  movements 
in  England. — The  Charter  demanded. — "That 
the  government  of  Charles  I.  should  view  with  a 
hostile  eye  the  growth  of  a  Puritan  state  in  New 
England  is  not  at  al'  surprising.  The  only  fit 
ground  for  wonder  would  seem  to  be  that  Charles 
Bhould  have  been  willing  at  the  outset  to  grant  a 
charter  to  the  able  and  influential  Puritans  who 
organized  the  Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 
Probably,  however,  the  king  thought  at  first  it 
would  relieve  him  at  home  it  a  few  dozen  of  the 
Puritan  leaders  could  be  allowed  to  concentrate 
their  minds  upon  a  project  of  colonization  in 
America.  It  miglit  divert  attention  for  a  mo- 
rent  from  his  own  despotic  schemes.  Very 
likely  the  scheme  would  prove  a  failure  I'nd  the 
Massachusetts  colony  incur  a  fate  like  .hat  of 
Koanoke  Island;  and  at  all  events  the  wealth  of 
ilie  Puritans  might  better  be  sunk  in  a  remote 
and  perilous  enterprise  than  employed  at  home 
in  organizing  resistance  to  the  crown.  Such, 
ver^  likely,  may  have  been  the  king's  motive  in 
granting  ihe  Massanhusett  charter  two  days 
after  turning  his  Parliament  out  of  doors.  But 
the  events  of  the  last  half-dozen  years  had  come 
to  present  the  case  in  a  new  light.  The  young 
colony  was   noi   lauguishiug.    It   v.  as  ^ull  of 


sturdy  life;  it  bad  wrought  mtschicf  to  tlio 
schemes  of  Gorges;  and  whiit  was  more,  it  had 
begun  to  take  unheard-of  liberties  with  things 
ccclcNijiHtical  and  political.  Its  example  was 
getting  to  be  a  dangerous  one.  It  was  evidently 
wortli  while  to  put  a  strong  curb  upon  Massa- 
chusetts. Any  promise  miule  to  his  subjects 
Charles  regantcd  as  a  pronii.sv  made  under  duress 
which  ho  was  quito  Justified  in  breaking  when- 
ever it  suited  his  purpo!^'  to  do  so.  Enemies  of 
Massachusetts  were  busy  in  England.  Schis- 
matics from  Salem  and  revellers  from  Merry- 
mount  were  ready  with  their  tides  of  wm-,  and 
now  Gorges  and  Jlasoii  were  vigorously  press- 
ing their  territorial  clatms."— J.  Fiskc,  The  Jie- 
ijinninjia  of  Aew  Eng.,  ch.  3. —  In  April,  1034, 
"the  superintendence  of  the  colonies  was  .  .  . 
removed  from  the  privy  council  to  an  arbitrary 
special  commission,  of  wliieh  William  Laiuf, 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  the  archbi.shop  of 
York,  were  the  cliief.  These,  v'ith  tt'n  of  tlio 
higliesl  olllcers  of  State,  were  invested  with  full 
power  to  make  laws  and  orders,  ...  to  appoint 
Judges  and  magistrates  nrd  establish  courts  for 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  alTairs,  ...  to  revoke  all 
charters  and  patents  which  Imd  been  surrep- 
titiously obtained,  or  which  conceded  liberties 
prejudicial  to  the  royal  prerogative.  Cradock, 
who  had  been  governor  of  the  corporation  iu 
England  befoio  the  transfer  of  the  charter  of 
Massachusetts,  was  strictly  charged  to  deliver  it 
up;  and  he  wrote  to  the  governor  and  council  to 
send  it  home.  Upon  receipt  of  liis  letter,  they 
resolved  '  not  to  return  any  answer  or  excuse  at 
that  tiiiu!. '  In  September,  a  copy  of  the  com- 
mission to  Archbiiihojj  Laud  and  his  associates 
was  brought  to  Boston ;  and  it  was  at  the  same 
time  rumored  lliat  the  colonists  were  to  be  com- 
pelled by  foK  !■  to  accept  a  new  governor,  the 
discipline  of  the  church  of  England,  and  tho 
laws  of  the  commissioners.  Tlie  intelligence 
awakened  '  the  magistriites  aid  deputies  to  dis- 
cover their  minds  each  to  o'  her,  and  to  hasten 
their  fortifications,' towards  which,  poor  as  was 
the  colony,  £000  were  raised.  In  January,  1035, 
all  the  ministers  assembled  at  Boston;  and  they 
unanimously  declared  against  the  reception  of  a 
general  governor,  saying:  '  We  ought  to  def'  id 
our  lawful  possessions,  if  we  are  able;  if  no,  n. 
avoid  and  protract.'  In  the  month  before  this 
declaration,  it  is  not  strange  that  Laud  and  his 
associates  should  have  esteemed  the  inhabitants 
of  Massachusetts  to  be  men  of  refractory  humors. 
.  .  .  Restraints  were  placed  upon  emigration; 
no  one  ab've  the  rank  of  a  serving  man  might 
remove  t(  the  colony  without  the  special  leave 
of  Laud  lid  his  associates.  .  .  .  Willingly  as 
these  acts  o'cre  enforced  by  religious  bigotry, 
they  were  promoted  by  another  cause.  A  change 
liad  come  over  the  character  of  tlie  great  Ply- 
mouth council  for  the  coU.nization  of  New  Eng- 
land," which  now  schemed  and  bargained  with 
the  English  court  to  surrender  its  general  char- 
ter, on  the  condition  that  the  vast  territory  which 
it  had  already  ceded  to  the  Jlassachusctts  Com- 
pany and  others  should  be  reciaimcd  by  the  king 
and  granted  anew,  in  stveralty,  to  its  members 
(see  New  Enola.vi):  A.  D.  1035).  "At  tho 
Trinity  term  of  the  court  of  king's  bench,  a  quo 
warranto  was  brought  against  the  Company  of  the 
Massachusetts  bay.  At  the  ensuing  Slichael- 
nias,  several  of  its  members  who  resided  in  Eng- 
land made  thc'r  appearance,  mid  jud>;mcut  was 


2i04 


MASSACHUSETTS,  iua4-10a7.     K-iwr  miUanu.     MASSACHUSETTS,   l(i:!0-10iW. 


pronnunrcd  (iRiilnRt  thrm  Inrtlvldunlly ;  tlic  rent 
of  till'  |)iitelil('i'S  Htoiiil  iiiitliiwnl,  lull  III)  jiiiIK' 
incut  was  I'litcri'd  iiK"'""''  111'''".  Tin;  iiiirx- 
iiiTtcil  di'ittli  of  MiiHoii,  till!  proiiriuliiry  of  Nrw 
lliiinpHliiro,  In  DecomlKT,  Kt!).'),  rt'iiiovoil  tlu! 
'lili'f  instlicfttor  of  tlu'Bi!  iigjfrt'HHloiiH.  In  .lulv, 
lOHT,  till!  K'lijf,  profft,sliij{  'to  ri'ilrcKs  llic  iiifs- 
cliU'fit  tliat  liiut  iiriHcn  out  of  the  niiiiiy  illlTiTt'iil 
limiiimrs,'  took  tlio  govcrnmt'nt  of  New  KiiKlund 
into  Ills  ovvr  liiimlH,  iind  uppoliitcd  ovi'i-  It  Sir 
Kcriliimii'io  Gorges  us  (;ovcTnorj!;riicriil.  .  .  . 
lint  llic  I)  riisuro  was  fi'olili!  itiid  ini'lli'ctiiiil." 
(iorjics  "  u'VtT  It'ft  EiiKlniid,  mid  wiis  Imrdly 
heard  of  except  by  petitioiiN  to  Its  govermiieiil. " 
'ProulileB  liad  llilekened  about  kiiiff  CliiirlcH  and 
Ills  creature  Laud  until  they  no  longer  liail  tiiue 
or  disposition  to  bestow  inoru  of  their  thoughts 
on  Massachusetts.  A  longsiifTerlnK  nation  was 
making  ri'ady  to  ])iit  an  end  to  their  niallgnant 
activities,  anil  tin;  I'lirltans  of  New  Knglaiiii  and 
01(1  Kngland  were  allku  delivered. — G.  Uaucroft, 
JIM,  of  the  U.  S.  {Aut/ior'e  taut  rev.),  2>t.  1,  ch. 
17  (r.  1). 

Ai.so  in:  T.  Iliitchluson,  NM.  of  tlie  Colony  of 
M<ti<».  litiy,  V.  1,  pp.  51  (i«(<  86-89. 

A.  D.  1635-1636. — The  foundmg;  of  Boston 
Latin  School  and  Harvard  College.  See  Edu- 
(^ATlo.N,  MoDEU.N:  Amkiiic.v:  A.  1).  \Vi',\T);  and 
ICIIO. 

A.  D.  1635-1637.— The  mig;ration  to  Con- 
necticut.    See  CoNNKCTieiT:    A.  1).  KCil-KKiT. 

A.  D.  1636. — The  banishment  of  Roger  Wil- 
liams.—  "The  intolerauceof  England  had  eslab- 
lislieil  the  New  England  colonies.  The  time  was 
at  hand  when  those  colonies  should  In  their  turn 
alienate  from  them  their  own  children,  and  be 
the  unwilling  parents  i;f  a  fresh  state.  In  1031, 
there  arrived  at  Boston  a  young  nunister,  Koger 
Williams,  '  godly  and  y.eulous,  having  precious 
gifts.'.  .  .  His  theological  doctrines  seem  to 
liave  been  tho.so  generally  received  among  the 
I'lirltans,  but  in  (questions  of  church  discipline 
he  went  far  beyond  most  of  hl.s  sect.  He  was  a 
rigid  separatist,  and  carried  the  doetri'ie  of  tol- 
eration, or,  as  perhaps  it  might  be  more  properly 
called,  state  indifference,  to  its  fiillcit  length. 
Accordingly  it  was  impossible  to  cnipl  ly  him  us 
a  minister  at  Boston.  He  went  to  Sulom,  which 
was  then  without  u  preacher,  and  was  appointed 
to  the  vacant  olllce.  But  a  message  from  Win- 
tlirop  and  the  assistants  compelled  tUc  church  of 
Salem  to  retract  its  choice,  and  the  young  enthu- 
siast withdrew  to  Plymouth,"  where  he  remained 
two  years,  until  August,  1033,  when  lie  returned 
to  Salem.  "  In  1034,  he  incurred  the  displeasure 
of  some  of  his  cc  .grcgation  by  i,iittlng  forward 
the  doctrine  that  uo  tenure  of  land  could  be  valid 
which  had  not  the  sanction  of  the  natives.  His 
doctrine  was  censured  by  the  court  at  Boston, 
but  on  his  satisfying  the  court  of  his  'loyalty,' 
the  matter  passed  over.  But  before  long  lie  put 
forward  doctrines,  in  the  oi)inlon  of  the  govern- 
ment, yet  more  tlangeroiis.  Ho  advocated  com- 
plete separation  from  the  Church  of  England, 
and  denounced  compulsory  worship  and  a  com- 
pi'  jry  church  establishment.  Carrying  the 
doctiine  of  individual  liberty  to  its  fullest  ex- 
tent, he  asserted  that  the  magistrate  was  only 
the  ageni  of  the  people,  and  had  no  right  to  pro- 
tect the  people  against  itself;  that  his  power  ex- 
tends onl.\  as  far  as  such  cases  as  disturb  the 
l)iiblic  peace.  .  .  .  On  the  8th  of  August,  1635, 
Williams   was   summoned    before    the   general 


court;  Ills  opinions  weri' denounced  iis  'erroneous 
and  Very  dangerous,'  and  nollrewas  glvi'ii  to 
llie  ('liiirch  at  Salem  that,  unless  it  could  explain 
till' matter  to  the  satiHl'iirtion  of  the  court,  Wil- 
liams iiiiist  be  disnii.'ised.  In  Octulier,  Williams 
was  again  bri<uglit  bi'l'me  the  court,  and  after  a 
'disputation'  with  ,Mr.  llnoker,  wlilrh  failed  to 
leiliiee  him  from  any  of  his  errors,  he  was  sen- 
tenri'd  to  depart  out  of  the  |urisdli'liiiii  of  Mas- 
wcliiisi'lls  in  six  weeks.  Tlie  cliiirrli  of  S;iliin 
iiri|iiii'sri'il  in  the  coiiileinnatiiiii  of  tlieir  paslor. 
'I'lii'ir  own  experience  might  have  taught  the 
fathers  of  New  England  that  the  best  way  to 
slreiigthen  hen  .sy  Is  to  oppose  it.  The  natural 
result  followed;  the  peo|)le  were  '  much  taUin 
with  the  appri'bension  of  Williams'  goiiliness, ' 
and  1^  large  congregation,  iiuluding  '  many  de- 
vout women,'  gathered  round  him.  Since  they 
had  failed  to  clieck  the  evil,  the  .Massachusetts 
governnieiit  resolved  to  exterminate  it  and  to 
slilp  Williams  for  England.  The  crew  of  a  plii- 
naie  was  sent  to  arrest  him,  but,  fortunately  for 
tin;  fiituri!  of  New  Englaud,  h  \  had  escaped. 
.  ,  .  He  had  set  out  l.lanuary,  lfl;irt|  for  the  ter- 
rilory  of  Narragan.sett,  and  there  founded  the 
village  of  ProvldeiK?!'." — J.  A.  Doyle,  The  Amen- 
enn  Volonii'n,  eh.  'J. — "  His  [Roger  Williams' |  own 
statement  is,  it  was  '  only  for  the  holy  truth  of 
Christ  .k'siis  that  lie  was  denied  the  common  air 
to  breathe  in,  and  a  ei<'it  cohabitation  iipiin  the 
same  coninion  earth. '  But  the  facts  of  the  case 
seem  to  show  that  u  was  because  his  opinions 
differed  from  the  opinions  of  tlio.se  among  whom 
he  lived,  and  were  considered  by  them  as  danger- 
ous and  seditious,  tending  to  the  utter  destriic- 
tiiin  of  their  commimity,  that  he  was  iv  sacrilice 
to  honest  convictions  of  truth  and  duty.  .  .  . 
The  sentence  of  banishment,  liowever,  was  not 
passed  without  reluctance.  Governor  Winthroj) 
remained  his  friend  to  the  day  of  his  dea^ll,  and 
even  jiroposed,  in  view  of  his  .services  in  the 
Peijuot  war,  that  his  sentence  should  be  revoked. 
Governor  Ilaynes,  of  Connecticut,  who  pro- 
nounced his  sentence,  afterwards  regretted  it. 
Governor  Winslow,  of  Plynioulli,  wiio  bad  no 
liand  in  his  expulsion,  '  put  a  piece  of  gold  in 
the  hands  of  his  wife,'  to  relieve  his  necessities, 
and  though  Mr.  Cotton  hardly  clears  himself 
from  the  charge  of  having  procured  his  sentence, 
there  was  no  private  feud  between  them.  Cotton 
Mather  concedes  that  '  many  jiidieioiis  persons 
judged  hiiu  to  have  had  the  root  of  the  matter 
In  him. '  Later  writers  declare  him,  '  from  the 
whole  course  and  tenor  of  his  life  and  conduct, 
to  have  been  one  of  the  most  disinterested  men 
that  ever  lived,  a  most  pious  and  heavenly- 
minded  soul.'  And  the  magnanimcus  exile  him- 
self says,  'I  did  ever  fron:  my  soul  honor  and 
love  them,  eveu  when  their  judgment  led  them 
to  afflict  me.'  " — J.  S.  Barry,  UM.  of  Mais.,  v.  1, 
ch.  9. 

Also  in:  J.  D.  Knowles,  Memoir  of  Roger 
WilliamK,  ch.  3-3. — E.  B.  Underhill,  iiitrod.  to 
WilliiiiiM'  '  BloHily  Tenent  of  Pcr.tecution  '  (Han- 
sard KiuiUysifoc). — G.  E.  Ellis,  The  Puritan  Age 
and  Rule,  eh.  8. — See,  olso,  Rhode  Island;  A.  D. 
1036. 

A.  D.  1636-1638.  —  Mrs.  Anne  Hutchinson 
and  the  Antinomian  troubles. — "The  agitation 
and  strife  connected  with  the  Antinomian  con- 
troversy, opened  by  Mrs.  Ann  Hutchinson,  came 
dangerously  near  to  bringing  the  fortunes  of  the 
young  Massachusetts  colony  to  a,  most  disastrous 


2105 


MASftACML'HETTH,  10a«-in!tM.  .^'""•  liuirhinmn.       MAHSACIIIHKTTS,  1007. 


niln.  .  .  .  Tlir  peril  Dvprhiing  111  II  tlnir  wlicii  the 
i>rii|irii'tiiry  ciildiiiHtH  liitil  tlii'  iiuMt  rciiMoimlilr  iiml 
fciirfiil  riiri'liiiilliiftH  of  llic  Idsh  of  tlirirclmrtcr  hy 
tlip  liilrrfcrciKT  of  II  I'rivy  Couiicil  ('mnmlsKloii. 
.  .  .  Ominously  ciioiikIi,  too,  Mrs.  Ilulclilii' 
Ron  iirrivfd  lic'rc.  Hepl.  IH,  l(l!14,  in  the  vi'HwI 
wlilcli  lirouiflit  llic  <'opy  of  that  cominlHKlon. 
WIfitlirop  (liscrlticH  her  iis  ii  wonmn  of  ii  '  riMidy 
■wit  Mini  hold  spirit.'  Strongly  jrifti-d  lirrsclf. 
shf  liiid  II  ncntlt^  iukI  wciilc  IhihIkiimI,  who  wiiH 
fiuiilccl  hy  her,  She  hiid  iit  home  cnjoyi'd  no 
ininUtrntionH  ho  much  iih  thoKc  <if  (button,  iind 
Iicr  hrotliLT-lu-lnw,  Mr.  WlicidwriKht.  Slii;  cuino 
lii>r(!  to  put  licrKt'lf  ii);itin  undrr  the  pri'iirhliiK  "f 
the  former.  .  .  .  Hlie  hud  licen  here  for  two 
yeiirN.  known  its  ii  reiidy,  kindly,  ami  most  ser- 
viicililc  woniiiii,  especially  to  her  own  sex  In 
theirslriills  and  siekiiesses.  Hut  Nile  anticipated 
the  iiilnHliietiiiii  of  'the  woman  (piestlon' anions 
ihe  coloiilNt.s  in  a  more  trouhlesoine  form  than  it 
has  yet  assumed  for  us.  .Joined  hy  lier  hrotlier- 
inlaw,  who  waa  also  admitted  to  tlie  church, 
after  those  two  (juiet  years  slie  soon  made  her 
intluene(!  felt  for  trouble,  as  he  did  llkewi.se.  .  .  . 
The  male  niend>erH  of  the  Ilostoii  Church  had  a 
weekly  meeting,  iu  which  they  discussed  the 
ininlslriit  ions  of  Cotton  and  Wilson.  Mrs.  Muteli 
iufion  orKiiiii/.ed  and  presided  over  one,  held 
soon  twieu  In  a  week,  for  her  own  se.v,  attended 
by  nearly  a  hundred  of  tlie  principal  women  on 
the  peninsula  an<l  in  the  neii;hhorliood.  It  was 
easy  to  foresee  what  would  eonu^  of  it.  throuj^h 
one  HO  able  and  earnest  as  herself,  even  if  she 
had  no  novel  or  disjointed  or  disproportioned 
doctrine  to  inculcate;  which,  however,  it  proved 
that  she  had.  Antinomian  means  a  denying',  or, 
nt  least,  a  weakening,  of  the  obligation  to  ob- 
serve the  moral  law,  and  to  comply  with  the  ex- 
ternal duties;  to  do  the  works  assoelatcd  with 
the  idea  of  internal,  spiritual  righteousness.  It 
was  II  false  or  disjiroportioned  construction  of 
St.  Paul's  great  doctrine  of  justillcalion  by  faith, 
■without  the  worksof  the  law.  .  .  .  jMrs.  Hutch- 
inson ■ivas  understood  to  teach,  that  one  who 
was  graciously  justiticd  by  a  8|)iritnal  assurance, 
need  not  be  greatly  coneerned  for  outward  sancti- 
ficiition  by  works.  Hlie  judged  and  approved, 
or  censured  and  di-scrcditcd,  the  preachers  whom 
she  heard,  according  as  they  favored  or  repu- 
diated that  view.  Her  admirers  accepted  her 
opinions.  .  .  .  Word  soon  went  fcrth  tliat  Jlrs. 
Hutchinson  had  pronounced  in  her  meetings, 
that  Mr.  Cotton  and  her  brother-in-law  Wlieel- 
■wright,  alone  of  all  the  ministers  in  the  colony, 
■wen^  under  '  a  covenant  of  grace,'  the  rest  being 
'legali.sts,'  or  under  'a  covenant  of  works.' 
Tliese  reports,  which  soon  became  more  than 
opinions,  were  blazing  brands  that  it  would  bo 
impossible  to  keep  froi.i  reaching  inflammable 
niaterial.  ...  As  the  contention  extended  it 
involved  all  the  ;  ineipal  pereons  of  the  rolony. 
Cotton  and  "II  out  live  members  of  the  IJoston 
(Miurch  —  though  one  of  these  flvo  was  Win- 
throp,  and  another  was  Wilson  —  proved  to  be 
sympathizers  with  Mrs.  Hutchinson;  wliilc  the 
minist^.s  und  leading  people  outside  in  the  otlier 
hamlets  were  strongly  opjjosed  to  her.  Slie  had 
n  partisan,  moreover,  of  transcending  influence 
in  the  yoimg  Governor,  Sir  Henry  Vane,"  who 
had  come  over  from  Kngland  the  year  before, 
nnd  who  had  l>cen  chosen  at  the  next  election  for 
Go\ernor,  with  Winthrop  as  deputy.  "Though 
pure  und  devout,  and  ardent  in  zeal,  he  bad  not 


then  the  practical  wisdom  for  wliich  Miltim 
aflerwariJH  pmisi'd  him  in  Ids  noble  sonnet:  — 
'  Vane,  young  In  years,  but  in  sage  coiumeiH  old.' 
.  .  .  W'itli  his  strong  su|)porl,  and  that  of  two 
other  prominent  maglHtriites,  and  of  ho  over- 
whelming II  majority  of  the  Boston  Church,  Mrti. 
Hutchinson  naturally  felt  emboldened."  Itut  In 
the  end  her  Chur<h  and  parly  were  overcome  by 
the  iidnlslers  and  their  HUpporlers  in  Ihe  other 
parts  of  the  colony;  she  was  exi'onununieiited 
and  banished  (Novcmlwr,  tli:i7,  and  .March,  lllltH), 
going  forth  to  perish  six  years  later  at  tlie  IiiukIh 
of  the  Indians,  whiU^  living  on  the  shon*  of  Lung 
Island  Sonnd.  at  a  place  now  known  as  I'elham 
Neck,  near  New  Uochelle.  "As  the  sumndng 
up  of  the  strife,  70  persons  were  disarmed ;  two 
were  disfran<hlsed  and  flncd  ;  'i  more  were  lined  ; 
H  more  were  disfrancliised  ;  :i  were  baniNlied  ;  and 
11  who  had  asked  pi'miissiou  to  remove  hiul 
leave,  In  the  form  of  a  liinitntion  of  time  within 
which  they  must  do  It.  Tiu^  more  eslimablc 
and  considenibk!  of  them  apologi/.ed  an<l  were 
leceivcd  hack." — U.  K.  Kills,  hnnll  [imt.  hrtx. 
oil  the  Kiirbj  Hint,  of  Maw  ,  mt.  Itri-lOO. 

Also  I.N:  U.  Adams,  The  Kiiiitiicijmtion  of 
Miinn.,  eh.  'i. —  hWlimiiMliciil  Hint,  of  M.  Kill/. 
{.Vdnn.  Ilhl.  S(m:  Coll.,  uriiHl.  i:  «).— "(1.  K.  Kills, 
/-//'(•  of  A  line  llulrhiiiiioii.  (IMirnry  of  Am.  Jiidi/., 
iinr  M'neu,  ii.  (1). — J.  Anderson,  MemorMe  'SVomeii 
of  I'ltntiin  TiiiieM,  r.  1,  ;)/).  XM-iii). 

A.  D.  1637.  —  The  Pequot  War.  Sec  Nkw 
K.N(ii..\Ni):  A.  I).  I(lit7. 

A.  D.  1637.— The  first  Synod  of  the  Churches 
and  its  dealings  with  Heresy. — The  eleclion  of 
Sir  Harry  Vane  to  lie  Governor  of  tlie  colony.  In 
place  of  John  Winthrop,  "  took  place  in  tlii'  open 
air  upon  what  is  now  Cambridge  Co.nmon  on  the 
27th  day  of  May  110J171.  Four  moi.ths  later  it 
was  followe('  by  the  gathering  of  tlie  .'Irst  Synwl 
of  Massachusetts  churches;  which  agaii,  meeting 
hero  in  ('ambridge,  doubtless  held  it  >  sessions  in 
the  original  meeting-house  standing  on  what  is 
now  ealh'd  Jlount  Auburn  Street.  The  Syncnl 
sat  through  twenty-four  ilays,  during  which  It 
busied  itself  unearthing  heterodox  opinions  and 
making  the  situation  uncomfortable  for  those  bus- 
Iieeted  of  heresy,  until  it  had  spread  upon  its 
record  no  less  than  eighty-two  such  'opinions, 
some  bliispliemou.s,  others  erroneous,  and  all  un- 
safe,' besidis  'nine  unwliolesome  expressions,' 
all  alleged  to  be  rife  in  tlie  infant  community. 
Having  i)erformed  this  feat,  it  broke  up  amid 
general  congratulations  '  tiiat  matters  had  been 
carried  on  so  peaceably,  and  concluded  so  com- 
fortably in  all  love.'.  .  .  As  the  lw!g  is  bent, 
the  tree  inclines.  The  Jlassachuselts  twig  was 
here  and  tlieu  bent;  and,  as  it  was  bent,  it  during 
hard  upon  two  centuries  inclined.  The  question 
of  Heligious  Toleralioii  wi.s,  so  far  as  Mas:  .ichu- 
setts  could  decide  it,  decideil  in  1037  in  the  nega- 
tive. .  .  .  Tl!o  turning  i)oiiit  in  the  history  of 
early  Massadiusetts  was  the  Cambridge  Synod  of 
September,  10157,  .  .  .  wliicli  succeeded  in  spreiul- 
in^  on  its  record,  as  then  prevailing  in  tlie  in- 
fant settlement,  eighty-two  '  opinions,  some  blas- 
])liemou8,  others  erroneous  and  all  unsafe,'  be- 
sides 'nine  unwholesome  expressions,'  the  whole 
mighty  mass  of  which  was  tiien  incontinently  dis- 
i'iisse(l,  in  the  language  of  one  of  the  leading 
divines  wlio  figured  in  that  Assembly,  'to  the 
devil  of  hell,  from  whence  they  came'  The 
mere  enumeration  of  this  long  list  of  hereaicp  as 
then  somewhere  prevailing  is  strong  evidence  of 


!106 


M.VHSX'IirSKTTS,  iniH. 


Thf  CnmliHilii' 
VUttftirm. 


MASSACmiSETTS,   l(Hlt-lfl.M. 


Inti'Ilcctimt  iK'tlvlly  in  early  MiiSMiicIiusctlH,— iiii 
iK'livliy  which  fiimiil  ri'iicly  ('X|iri'H.sicin  llinmuh 
Hiich  iiii'ii  iiM  Kii^'cr  W'illiiiiiiM.  .Idhii  ('niton,  .Inhii 
NVIicclwriiflit  1111(1  Sir  Henry  Vime,  to  Miiy  ii<)thini{ 
of  Mrs,  lliiteliitimin,  wliile'  the  receptive  condl 
lion  of  the  nientiil  will  in  likewise  neen  in  llie  iiold 
the  new  opinions  tooi(.  It  was  plainiv  a  |)i'ri<Hl 
of  Intelleetiiai  (piii  kenintf. —  a  ilawn  of  pronilHe. 
or  tills  tliere  can  no  ilouiit  exlHt.  It  was  freely 
ncknowleilKeil  at  the  time;  it  him  been  Hiateil  us 
one  of  till)  condillons  of  fliat  period  by  all  writers 
on  It  Mince.  Tlie  body  of  tliose  wlio  listened  to 
liiiii  stood  by  Hofter  Williams;  and  llie  magis- 
trates drove  him  away  for  that  reason.  Anno 
lliitcliinson  HO  held  the  ear  of  the  whole  lloston 
eomnuinity  that  she  had  'some  of  all  sorts  and 
i|Uality,  in  all  ])lai'es  to  defend  and  patronl/e  ' 
her  opinions;  'sonii^  of  the  iiiafiisl rales,  Koine 
gentlemen,  some  Hcholars  nnil  men  of  learning', 
Bonie  Hiirxesses  of  our  Oenerai  Court,  some  of 
(Mir  captains  and  soldiers,  some  chief  men  In 
towns,  and  some  men  eminent  for  relifflon,  parts 
and  wit,'  TlicHi!  words  of  u  leader  of  the<'lerical 
faction,  —  niic  of  tiiose  most  active  in  the  work  of 
repression, — describiMotlie  life  an  active-minded, 
IntelliKcnt  community  ((uiek  to  receive  and  ready 
to  assimilate  thai,  wiiieli  is  new.  Tlien  came  the 
Hynod.  It  was  a  premonition.  It  was  as  if  the 
fresh  new  sap, —  tlie  younn  buddiiifj  leaves, — 
the  possible,  incipient  tlowe.s,  hail  felt  the  chill 
of  an  approaching;  jflacler.  And  that  was  e.vactly 
what  it  was; — a  tlieoloKical  K'"cier  then  slowly 
settled  down  Jipon  Massachusetts, —  a  jjlaclcr 
lastinj;  throujrh  a  perl(«l  of  nearly  one  hundred 
and  tlfty  years." — ('.  F.  Adams,  SfitKiuirhiiiuttii  : 
Itit  IliHtoriiiitii  iiiid  Uh  Ilintiiri/,  pp.  10-5!). 

A.  D.  1638-1641. — Introduction  of  Slavery. 
See  Si..\VKUV,  Nkouo;  A.  D.  HlliH-lTHI, 

A.  D.  1639. — The  first  printing  press  setup. 
Kee  I'niNTiNo;  A.  I).  loOT-nOU. 

A.  D.  i640-i6il4.— The  end  of  the  Puritan 
exodus. — Numerical  growth  and  politicul  de- 
velopment. See  Nkw  Knoi.a.nd:  A.  I).  1040- 
1041. 

A.  D.  1641. —  Jurisdiction  extended  over 
New  Hampshire.  See  Nkw  1Iami>hiiiuk:  A.  D. 
1641-1070. 

A.  D.  1643.— The  first  Public  School  law. 
See  EmiCATios,  SIodekn:  Amekic.v:  A.  D. 
1642-1732. 

A.  D.  1643.— The  Confederation  of  the  Col- 
onies.— The  growth  of  Plymouth.  Sei^  Nkw 
Knik.and:  a.  I).  1643. 

A.  D.  1643-1654.— Interest  in  Acadia  and 
temporary  conquest  of  the  Province.  See 
Nova  Scotia:  A.  1).  1631-lf!(!8. 

A.  D.  1646-1651.— The  Presbyterian  Cabal 
and  the  Cambridge  Platform. — "There  liad 
now  r.iine  to  be  many  persons  in  Jlassadiusetts 
who  disapproved  of  Mie  provision  which  re- 
stricted the  sulTragc  to  members  of  the  Indepen- 
dent or  Congregational  chiircliLa  of  New  Eng- 
land, and  in  1046  the  views  of  tncse  people  were 
presented  in  a  petition  to  the  General  Court.  .  .  . 
The  leading  signers  of  this  menacing  petition 
were  Williani  Vassall,  Samuel  Maverick,  and 
Dr.  Robert  Child.  .  .  .  Their  rcijuest  would 
seem  at  first  siglit  reasonable  enoiigli.  At  a 
siiperfleial  glance  it  .seems  conceived  in  vi  modern 
spirit  of  liberalism.  In  reality  it  was  nothing  of 
the  sort.  In  England  it  was  just  the  critical 
moment  of  the  struggle  between  Presbyterians 
and  Independents  which  hud  come  in  to  compli- 


cate the  Issiien  of  the  great  civil  war,  VaKWill, 
Cliild,  and  Maverick  seem  to  have  been  the  lead- 
ing spirits  In  a  cabal  for  the  eHtiiblishment  of 
I'resbyterianism  In  New  Kngiand,  and  In  their 
petition  they  simiilv  took  advantage  of  the  liis- 
content  of  tlie  illsfraneliis<'il  citl/.enH  In  Massii- 
chiisetls  in  order  to  put  in  an  entering  wedge. 
'('Ills  was  thoroughly  iinderslood  by  the  legisla- 
ture of  .Massachusetts,  and  acionlingiy  the  peti- 
tion was  dismissed  and  the  |ictitlonerH  wern 
roundly  lined.  .Inst  as  Child  was  about  to  Htiirt 
for  Knglaiid  wIth-hlH  grievances,  the  magistrates 
overhauled  his  papers  and  ilismvered  a  petition 
to  the  parllainentary  Moard  of  CommlsslonerM, 
Kiiggesting  that  I'rcsbytcrhinism  nIkmiIiI  be  us- 
tablished  in  New  England,  and  that  a  viceroy  or 
governor  general  should  be  appointed  to  rule 
there.  To  the  men  of  Massachusetts  this  last 
Hiiggestloii  was  a  crowning  horror.  It  Hcemed 
Hcarcely  less  than  treason.  The  signers  of  tills 
])etltion  were  tli(>  same  who  had  signed  tlie  peti- 
ti(.ii  to  tlicdeiicral  Court.  They  were  now  lined 
still  more  heavily  .mil  imprisoned  forsix  moiitliH. 
Hy  and  by  Ihev  found  their  way,  one  after  aii- 
ollier,  to  I.oiiiliin,  wliile  the  colonists  sent  Eil- 
ward  Winslow,  of  I'lymoiith,  as  an  advocate  to 
thwart  their  sclicmes.  .  .  .  The  cabal  accom- 
plished notliing  because  of  the  decisive  defeat  of 
I'resbyterianism  in  Kngland.  '  ('ride's  I'urgi! ' 
Rj'ttled  all  that.  The  pi-tition  of  Va.s.sall  and  Ids 
friends  was  the  occasion  for  the  meeting  of  a 
synod  of  churclics  at  Cambridge,  in  order  to 
complete  the  organi/.atiou  of  (.'ongregaMonalism. 
In  1648  the  work  of  the  synod  was  emlxKlled  in 
tlie  famous  Cambridge  I'lalform,  which  adopted 
the  Westminsti'r  Confession  as  its  creed,  carefully 
dedneil  the  powers  of  the  clergy,  and  declared  it 
to  be  th(^  dii'v  of  magistrates  to  suppress  heresy. 
In  lf!4()  the  deiieral  Court  laid  tills  platform  be- 
fori!  the  congregations;  in  \y\Tt\  it  was  adopted; 
and  this  event  may  be  regarded  as  completing 
tlie  theocratic  organization  of  the  Puritan  coni- 
monwealth  in  Massaehiiselts.  It  was  inimedi- 
ately  preceded  an  I  followed  by  the  deaths  of  the 
two  foremost  men  in  that  commonweiillh.  .John 
VVintliroi)  died  in  1649  and  .lolin  Cottonin  16.53." 
—  ,1.  FisKe,  The  /kf/iiiniiwn  of  JVein  Kiii/.,  eli.  4. 

Also  in:  C.  Mather.  Mnyiuilia  OlirMi  Aiiieri- 
rtiiui,  hk.  5,  pt.  2.  —  B.  Adams,  The  Kmaitcijia- 
tion  of  .Viimi.,  eh.  ii. 

A.  D.  1649-1651. — Under  Cromwell  and  the 
Commonwealth  of  England. — "  Massachusetts- 
had,  from  tlie  out.set,  sympathized  witli  Parlia- 
ment in  its  contest  witli  the  king,  and  had  blend- 
ed her  fortunes  witli  the  fortunes  of  the  re- 
formers. She  had  expressed  her  willingness  to 
'  rise  and  fall  witli  tli-  m,'  and  'sent  over  useful 
men,  others  going  voluntarily,  to  tlieir  aid,  who 
were  of  good  use,  and  did  acceptable  service  to 
tlie  army.'  Her  loyalty,  therefore,  procured  for 
her  the  protection  of  Parliament.  Yt^t  the  exe- 
cution of  Cliarles,  which  royalists  have  ever  re- 
garded with  the  utmost  abhorrence,  was  not 
openly  approved  here.  'I  find,'  says  Hutchin- 
son, '  scarce  any  marks  of  approbation  of  the 
tragical  scene  of  which  this  year  they  received 
intelligence.'  Tlie  few  allusions  we  have  dis- 
covered arc  none  of  them  couched  in  terms  of 
exultation.  Virginia  pursued  a  different  cour.se, 
and  openly  resisted  Parliament,  refused  to  sub- 
mit to  its  decrees,  and  adlu^red  to  the  cause  of 
royalty.  .  .  .  Yet  the  legislation  of  the  common- 
wealth was  not  wholly  favorable  even  to  Massa- 


2107 


MASSACHUSETTS.  ]640-16r>l.       The  Quaker,.       MASSACHUSETTS,  IBSO-ieei. 


rliusctts.  Tlip  proclnmiitinn  reliitive  to  Virginia 
usatTttMi,  in  goiiernl  terms,  tlie  power  of  appoint- 
ing governors  unci  comniissioncrs  to  be  piaced  in 
all  tlie  Englisii  colonies,  witliout  exception;  and 
by  Mr.  Winslow,  tlieir  agent  in  England,  they 
were  informed  that  it  was  tiie  ])leasure  of  Par- 
liament the  patent  of  Massachusetts  should  be 
returned,  and  a  new  one  takim  out,  under  which 
coiirls  were  to  b(!.  held  and  warrants  issued. 
Witli  this  reciuest  tlio  people  weri'  indisposed  to 
comply;  and,  too  wary  to  liazard  the  liberties  so 
<learly  purchased,  a  petition,  was  drawn  up, 
pleading  tlie  cause  of  the  colony  with  great  force, 
setting  forth  its  allegiance,  and  expressing  the 
hope  that,  under  the  new  government,  things 
might  not  go  \vor9e  with  them  than  under  that 
of  tlie  k'ng,  and  that  their  charter  might  not  be 
recalled,  as  they  desire<l  no  better.  Tliis  re- 
monstrance was  successful;  the  measure  was 
ilropped,  and  tlic  charter  of  Charles  continued  in 
force.  Parliament  was  not  '  foiled '  by  the  col- 
ony. Its  request  was  deemed  reasonable;  and 
th'>re  was  no  disposition  to  invade  forcibly  its 
liberties.  AVe  have  evidence  of  this  in  tlie  course 
of  (Jromwell.  After  his  success  in  the  '  Emerald 
Isle,'  conceiving  the  pioject  of  introducing  Puri- 
tanism into  Ireland,  an  invitation  was  extended 
to  the  people  of  Massachusetts  to  remove  thither 
and  settle.  Put  they  were  too  strongly  attached 
to  the  land  of  their  adoption,  and  to  its  govern- 
ment, •  the  happiest  and  wisest  this  day  in  the 
worhl,'  readily  to  desert  it.  Hence  the  politic 
proposal  of  the  lord  protector  was  respectfully 
declined."  —  J.  S.  Barry,  Hist,  of  Mass.,  v.  1,  c?t. 
13. 

Also  in:  J.  A.  Doyle,  T/ie  English  in  Am.: 
Puritan  Colonies,  v.  1,  r!i.  9. 

A.  D.  1651-1660. — The  absorption  of  Maine. 
.ScoMaink:  a.  D.  1643-1077. 

A.  D.  1656-1661. — The  persecution  of  the 
Quakers. — "In  Julv,  lO.'iC,  Mary  Fisher  and 
Ann  Austin  came  to  Ijoston  from  Barbadoes;  and 
shortly  after,  nine  others,  men  and  women,  ar- 
rived in  the  ship  Speedwell  from  L'ndon.  It 
was  at  once  known,  for  they  did  not  wish  to 
conceal  it,  that  they  were  'Friends,'  vulgarly 
called  '  Quakers ' ;  and  the  Slagistratcs  at  once 
took  them  in  hand,  determined  that  no  people 
holding  (as  they  considered  them)  such  damnable 
opinions,  should  come  into  the  Colony.  A  great 
crowd  collected  to  hear  them  questioned,  and 
Boston  w.",s  stirred  up  by  a  few  illiterate  enthusi- 
asts. They  stood  up  before  the  Court  with 
their  hats  on,  apparently  without  fear,  and  had 
no  hesitation  in  calling  governor  Endicott  plain 
'John.'  .  .  .  The  replies  which  these  men  and 
women  made  were  direct  and  bold,  and  were 
considered  rude  and  contemptuous.  .  .  .  They 
.  .  .  were  committed  to  prison  for  their  '  Rude- 
ness and  Insolence';  there  being  no  law  then 
under  which  they  could  be  punished  for  being 
Quakers. "  Before  the  year  closed,  this  defect  of 
law  was  remedied  by  severe  enactments,  "laying 
a  penalty  of  £100  for  bringing  any  Quaker  into 
tlie  Colony :  forty  shillings  for  entertaining  them 
for  an  hour;  Quaker  men  who  came  against 
these  prohibitions  were,  upon  first  conviction,  to 
lose  one  ear,  upon  the  second,  the  other  car;  and 
women  were  to  be  whipped.  Upon  the  third 
conviction,  their  tongues  were  to  be  bored  with 
a  hot  iron.  Bi't  these  things  seemed  useless,  for 
the  Quakers,  knowing  their  fate,  swarmed  into 
Massachusetts;  nnd  the  Magistrates  were  fast 


fctting  more  business  than  they  could  attend  to. 
t  was  then  determined  to  try  greater  severity, 
nnd  in  October,  IG/jS,  n  law  was  passed  in  Mas:-r- 
chusetts  (resisted  by  the  Deputies,  urged  by  t;;e 
Majjistrates),  punishing  Quakers,  who  had  'ica 
banished,  with  death.'  The  first  to  challtugc 
tlie  dread  penalty  were  a  woman,  Mary  Dyer, 
and  two  men,  William  Hcb'nson  and  JIarmaduke 
Stevenson,  who,  after  being  banished  (Septem- 
ber, 1059),  came  defiantly  back  the  next  month. 
"Governor  Endicott  pronounced  sentence  of 
death  against  them.  ...  On  the  27th  of  Octo- 
ber, in  the  afternoon,  a  guard  of  230  men,  attended 
with  a  drummer,  conducted  them  to  the  gallows." 
Stevenson  and  Hobinson  were  hanged ;  but  Mary 
Dyer  vas  reprieved.  "Her  mind  was  made  up 
for  death,  and  her  reprieve  brought  her  no  joy. 
She  was  taken  away  by  hi.-r  son.  .  .  .  Mary 
Dyer  was  a  '  comely  and  valiant  woman,'  and  in 
the  next  Spring  she  returned.  What  now  was 
to  be  done  ?  The  law  said  she  must  be  hung, 
nnd  Endicott  again  pronounced  sentence,  and 
she  was  led  out  to  die  a  felon's  death.  Some 
scoffed  and  jeered  her,  but  the  most  pitied; 
she  died  bravely,  fearing  notliing.  .  .  .  There 
seemed  no  end ;  for  Quaker  after  Quaker  came ; 
they  were  tried,  they  were  whipped,  and  the 
prison  was  full.  ...  William  Ledra  [banished 
in  1657]  came  back  (September,  1000),  and  was 
subject  to  death.  They  offered  him  his  life,  if 
he  would  go  away  and  promise  not  to  return ; 
he  said :  '  I  came  here  to  bear  my  testimony,  and 
to  tell  the  truth  of  the  Lord,  in  the  ears  of  this 
people.  I  refuse  to  go.'  So  ho  was  hanged  in 
the  succeeding  March  (14th).  Wenlock  Chris- 
topherson,  or  Christison,  came,  and  was  tried 
and  condemned  to  die.  .  .  .  Tlie  death  of  Ledra, 
and  the  retu.-n  of  AVenlock  Christison,  brought 
confusion  among  the  Magistrates,  and  some  said 
'  Where  will  this  end  1 '  and  declared  it  was  time 
to  stop.  Governor  Endicott  found  it  dilflcult  to 
get  a  Court  to  agree  to  sentence  Christison  to 
death;  but  he  halted  not,  and  pronounced  the 
sentence.  .  .  .  But  a  few  days  afterward  the 
jailor  opened  the  prison  doors,  and  Wenlock 
(with  27  others)  was  set  at  liberty,  much  to  his 
and  their  surprise."  The  friends  of  the  Quakers 
in  England  had  prevailed  upon  King  Clinrles  11., 
then  lately  restored,  "  to  order  the  persecutions  to 
cease  in  New  England  (Sept.  1061).  Samuel 
Shattock,  a  banished  Quaker,  was  sent  from 
England  by  Charles,  with  a  letter  to  Governor 
Endicott  ftlie  subject  of  Whittier's  poem,  '  The 
King's  Missive'],  commanding  that  no  more 
QuaKcrs  should  bo  hanged  or  imprisoned  in  New 
England,  but  should  be  sent  to  England  for  trial. 
This  ended  the  persecutions;  for,  on  the  9th  of 
December,  1061,  the  Court  ordered  all  Quakers 
to  be  set  at  liberty."— C.  W.  Elliott,  The  Mw 
England  Hist.,  v.  1,  ch,  36. — "Some  of  our 
writers,  alike  in  prose  and  in  poetry,  have  as- 
sumed, and  have  written  on  the  assumption,  that 
the  deliverance  of  the  Quakers  was  effected  by 
the  interposition  in  their  behalf  of  King  Charles 
II.  .  .  .  The  royal  letter  .  .  .  had  .  .  .  been 
substantially  anticipated  as  to  its  principal  de- 
mand by  the  action  of  the  Court  [in  Mossachu- 
setts].  Tlie  general  jail  delivery  of  31  Quakers, 
including  the  three  under  the  death  sentence 
who  had  voluntarily  agreed  to  go  off,  was  ordered 
by  the  Court  in  October,  1660.  The  King's  letter 
was  dated  at  Whitehall  a  year  afterword.  Let 
us   claim  whatever  of   relief  we  can  find   in 


2108 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1050-1661. 


The  retimed 
StuarU. 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1000-1605. 


reminding  ourselves  tlint  it  was  tlic  stern  opposi- 
tion and  protest  of  tlie  majority  of  tlic  people  of 
the  Puritan  Colony,  and  not  tlie  King's  command, 
that  ha'  opened  the  gates  of  mercy." — G.  E. 
Elli.'!,  '  o  Puritan  Age  and  Rule,  pp.  477-479. — 
VVIiilo  i-lic  Quakers  first  arrested  at  Boston  were 
lying  in  jail,  "  tlie  Federal  Commissioners,  tlien 
in  session  lit  Plymouth,  recommended  that  laws 
be  forthwith  enacted  to  keep  these  dreaded  here- 
tics out  of  the  land.  Next  j-ear  they  stooped  so 
far  as  to  seek  tlie  aid  of  Uhodo  Island,  tlie  colony 
which  they  had  refused  to  admit  into  tlieir  con- 
federacy. .  .  .  Roger  Williams  was  then  presi- 
dent of  Rhode  Island,  and  in  full  accord  with  his 
noble  spirit  was  the  reply  of  the  as.scmbly.  '  We 
liave  no  law  amongst  us  whereby  to  punish  any 
for  only  declaring  by  words  their  minds  and 
understandings  concerning  the  things  and  ways 
of  God  as  to  salvation  and  our  eternal  condition.' 
As  for  these  Quakers,  we  lind  that  where  they 
are  'most  of  all  suffered  to  declare  themselves 
freely  and  only  opposed  by  arguments  in  dis- 
course, there  tlicy  least  of  all  (lesire  to  come.' 
Any  breach  of  the  civil  law  shall  be  punished, 
but  the  'freedom  of  'afferent  consciences  shall 
be  respected.'  This  veply  enraged  the  confeder- 
ated colonies,  and  5Ias.sacliusetts,  as  the  strongest 
and  most  overbearing,  threatened  to  cut  off  the 
trade  of  Rhode  Island,  wliich  forthwith  appealed 
to  Cromwell  for  pvotcction.  ...  In  thus  pro- 
tecting the  Quakers,  Williams  never  for  a  mo- 
ment concealed  his  antipatliy  to  their  doctrines. 
.  .  .  The  four  confederated  colonies  all  proceeded 
to  pass  laws  banishing  Quakers.  .  .  .  Those  of 
Connecticut  .  .  .  were  the  mildest." — J.  Fiske, 
Tlie  Beginniiifis  of  New  Eng.,  ch.  4. 

Also  in:  B.  Adams,  The  Emaneipntion  of 
Mass.,  eh.  5.— R.  P.  Ilallowell,  T/ie  Quaker  In- 
vasion of  Mass. 

A.  D.  1657-1662.— The  Halfway  Covenant. 
See  Boston  :  A.  D.  1057-1669. 

A.  D.  1660-1665. — Under  the  Restored  Mon- 
archy.--The  first  collision  with  the  crown. — 
"In  May,  1680,  Charles  II.  mounted  the  throne 
of  his  ancestors.  ...  In  December  of  this  year, 
intelligence  of  the  accession  of  a  new  king  had 
reached  Massachusetts;  the  General  Court  con- 
vened and  prepared  addresses  to  his  majesty. 
...  In  the  following  May  a  reply,  signed  by 
Mr.  Secretary  Morrice,  together  with  a  mandate 
for  the  arrest  of  Goffe  and  Whalloy,  tlie  regicides 
who  had  escaped  to  Massachusetts,  was  received 
in  Boston.  The  king's  response  contained  a 
general  expression  of  good  will,  wliich,  however, 
did  not  quiet  the  apprehensions  of  the  colonists. 
The  air  was  filled  with  rumors,  and  something 
seemed  to  forebode  an  early  collision  with  the 
crown.  At  a  special  session  of  the  court,  held  in 
June,  'a  declaration  of  natural  and  chartered 
rights '  was  approved  and  published.  In  this 
document  the  people  affirmed  tlieir  right  '  to 
choose  their  own  governor,  deputy  governor, 
and  representatives;  to  admit  freemen  on  terms 
to  be  prescribed  at  their  own  pleasure;  to  set  up 
all  sorts  of  officers,  superior  and  inferior,  and 
point  out  tlieir  power  and  places ;  to  exercise,  by 
their  annually  elected  magistrates  and  deputies, 
all  power  and  authoritv,  legislative,  executive, 
and  judicial;  to  defend  themselves  by  force  of 
arms  against  every  aggicssion ;  and  to  reject,  as 
an  infringement  of  their  riglits,  any  parliamen- 
tary or  royal  imposition,  prejudicial  to  the  coun- 
try, and  contrary  to  any  just  act  of  colonial 


legislation.'  More  tlian  a  year  elap.sed  from  the 
restoration  of  Charles  II.  to  his  public  recogni- 
tion at  Boston.  .  .  .  Even  the  drinking  of  his 
health  was  forbidden,  and  the  event  was  cele- 
brated only  amid  the  coldest  formalities.  Mean- 
while the  colonists  not  only  declared,  but  openly 
assumed,  their  rights ;  and  in  conseciuence  com- 
plaints were  almost  daily  instituted  by  tiioso 
wlio  were  hostile  to  the  government.  Political 
opinion  was  diversifleil;  and  while  'a  majority 
were  for  sustaining,  with  the  cliarter,  an  indepen- 
dent government  in  undiminished  force,  a  mi- 
nority were  willing  to  make  some  concessions.' 
In  tlie  midst  of  the  discussions,  John  Norton,  '  a 
friend  to  moderate  counsels,' and  Simon  Brad- 
street  were  induced  to  go  to  England  as  agents 
of  the  colony.  Having  been  instructed  to  con- 
vince the  king  of  the  loyalty  of  the  people  of 
Massachusetts,  and  to  'engage  to  nothing  preju- 
dicial to  tlieir  present  standing  according  to  tlieir 
patent,  and  to  endeavor  tlie  establishment  of 
tlic  rights  and  privileges  th .'n.  enjoyed,'  the  com- 
missioners sailed  from  Boston  on  the  10th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1663.  In  England  they  were  courteously 
reccdved  by  king  Cliarlcs,  and  from  him  ob- 
taineil,  in  a  letter  dated  June  28,  a  confirmation 
of  tlieir  charter,  and  an  amnesty  for  all  past 
offences.  At  tlie  same  time  the  king  rebuked 
tliem  for  the  irregularities  which  had  been  com 
plained  of  in  tlie  government;  directed  '  a  repeal 
of  all  laws  derogatory  to  his  autliorit^ ;  the  talking 
of  the  oath  of  allegiance;  the  administration  of 
justice  in  his  name;  a  concession  of  tlie  eliictive 
if ranchisi-.  to  all  freeholders  of  competent  estate ; 
and  as  '  liio  principle  of  the  charter  was  the 
freedom  of  the  lioerty  of  conscience,'  the  allow- 
ance of  that  freedom  to  those  who  desired  to  use 
'  the  bookeof  common  prayer,  and  perform  their 
devotion  in  the  manner  established  in  England.' 
Tliese  requisitions  of  the  king  proved  anytliing 
but  acceptable  to  the  people  of  Massachusetts. 
With  them  the  question  of  obedience  became  a 
question  of  freedom,  and  gave  rise  to  tlie  parties 
which  continued  to  divide  tlie  colony  until  the 
establishment  of  actual  independence.  It  wa:, 
not  thought  best  to  comply  immediately  with 
Ids  majesty's  demands;  on  the  other  hand,  no 
refusal  to  do  so  was  promulgated."  Presently  a 
rumor  reached  America  "  that  royal  commis- 
sioners were  to  be  appointed  to  regulate  the 
affairs  of  New  England.  Precautionary  meas- 
ures were  now  taken.  The  patent  and  a  dupli- 
cate of  the  same  were  delivered  to  a  committee 
of  four,  witli  instructions  to  hold  them  in  safe 
keeping.  Captain  Davenport,  at  Castle  Fort,  was 
ordered  to  give  early  announcement  of  the  arrival 
of  his  majesty's  ships.  Officers  and  soldiers  were 
forbidden  to  land  from  ships,  excejit  in  small  par- 
ties. ...  On  the  23d  of  July,  1604,  '  about  five 
or  six  of  tlie  clojk  at  night,'  tlie  'Guinea,'  fol- 
lowed by  three  other  ships  of  the  line,  arrived  in 
Boston  harbor.  They  were  well  manned  and 
equipped  for  the  reductioa  of  the  Dutch  settle- 
ments on  the  Hudson,  and  brought  commis- 
sioners hostile  to  colonial  freedom,  and  who  were 
charged  by  the  king  to  determine  '  all  complaints 
and  appeals  in  all  causes  and  matters,  as  well 
military  as  criminal  and  civil,' and  to  'proceed 
in  all  things  for  the  providing  for  and  settling 
the  peace  and  security  of  the  country,  according 
to  their  good  and  sound  discretions.'  Colonel 
Richard  Nichols  and  Colonel  George  Cartwright 
were  the  chief  members  of  the  commission.    At 


2109 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1660-1665.       I**  Charttr.       MASSACHUSETTS,  1671-1686. 


flip  rnrlicst  poRsiWo  momrnt  tlipy  prndiifrd  tlicir 
Ipjfiil  warriuit,  the  king's  Icttir  of  April  23,  and 
rp(|Upstpd  tlip  a.ssistnnce  of  the  colonics  in  tlip  n;- 
diiction  of  the  Dutch.  Shortly  nft('r\jards  tlio 
fleet  Ret  out  for  New  Netherlands.  On  the  lid 
of  August  the  General  Court  convened,  and  the 
state  of  af'airs  was  discussed."  As  the  result  of 
the  discussion  it  was  agreed  that  a  force  of  200 
men  should  he  raised  to  H<'rve  against  the  Dutch, 
and  that  the  old  law  of  citizenship  should  be  so 
far  n.oditied  as  to  provide  "'that  nil  English 
suhjecis,  being  freeholders,  and  of  a  competent 
estate,  and  certitled  by  the  ministers  of  the  place 
to  be  orthodo.x  in  faith,  and  not  vicious  in  their 
lives,  should  be  made  freemen,  although  not 
members  of  the  church.'  Before  the  ses-sion 
closed,  Massachusetts  published  an  order  forbid- 
ding the  making  of  complaints  to  the  commis- 
sioners," and  adopted  a  spirited  address  to  the 
king.  AVhen,  in  February,  1665,  three  of  the 
commissioners  returned  to  Boston,  they  sooi; 
found  that  they  were  not  to  be  permitted  to  take 
any  proceedings  which  cotdd  call  in  (luestion 
"the  privilege  of  government  within  themselves  " 
whica  the  colony  claimed.  Attempting  in  Ji  .y 
to  liold  a  court  for  the  hearing  of  charges  against 
a  Boston  merchant,  they  were  interrupted  by  a 
herald  from  the  governor  who  sounded  his  trum- 
jK-t  and  forbade,  in  the  name  of  the  king,  any 
abetting  of  their  proceedings.  On  this  they 
wrathfully  departed  for  the  north,  after  sending 
reports  of  the  cont\imacy  of  Massachusetts  to 
the  king.  The  latter  now  summoned  governor 
Bellingham  to  England,  but  the  summons  was 
not  obeyed.  "  '  We  have  already  furnished  our 
views  in  writing  [said  the  General  Court],  so 
that  the  ablest  persons  among  us  could  not  de- 
clare o\ir  case  more  fullj'.'.  .  .  The  defiance  of 
Massachusetts  was  followed  by  no  immediate 
danger.  For  n  season  the  contest  with  the  crown 
ceased.  The  king  himself  was  too  much  engaged 
with  his  women  to  bestow  liis  attention  upon 
matters  of  state;  and  thus,  while  England  was 
lamenting  the  want  of  a  good  government,  the 
colonies,  true  to  themselves,  their  country,  and 
their  God,  flourished  in  purity  and  peace." — G. 
'/.  Austin,  IIM.  of  M(us.,  ch.  4. — Records  of  the 
(/ov.  and  Co.  of  Ma»is.  Bay,  v.  4,  pi.  2. — See,  also, 
New  Youk:  A.  D.  1664. 

A.  D.  1671-1686.— ThestruKgle  for  the  char- 
ter and  its  oyerthrow. — "Altnough  the  colo- 
nists were  alarmed  at  their  own  success,  there 
was  nothing  to  fear.  At  no  time  before  or  since 
could  England  have  been  so  safely  defied.  .  .  . 
The  discord  between  the  crown  and  Parliament 
paralyzed  the  nation,  and  the  wastefulness  of 
(;harles  kept  him  always  prur.  By  the  treaty  of 
Dover  in  1670  he  became  a  p  '"ioner  of  Louis 
XIV.  The  Cabal  followed,  pi.'Onbly  the  worst 
ministry  England  ever  (?av  and  in  1672,  at 
Clifford's  suggestion,  the  exchequer  was  closed 
and  the  debt  repudiated  to  provide  funds  for  the 
second  Dutch  war.  In  March  fighting  began, 
and  the  tremendous  battles  with  De  Ruyter  kept 
the  navy  in  the  Channel.  At  length,  in  1673,  the 
Cabal  fell,  and  Danby  became  prime  minister. 
Although  during  these  years  of  disaster  and  dis- 
grace Massachusetts  was  not  molested  by  Great 
Britain,  tlicy  were  not  all  years  during  which 
the  theocracy  could  tranquilly  enjoy  its  victory. 
.  .  .  With  the  rise  of  Danby  a  more  regular  ad- 
ministration opened,  and,  as  usual,  tlie  attention 
of  the  government  was  fixed  upon  Massachusetts 


by  the  clamors  of  those  who  demanded  redress 
for  injuries  alleged  to  have  been  received  nt  her 
hands.  In  1674  tlio  heirs  of  Mason  and  Gorges, 
in  despair  at  the  reoccupation  of  Maine,  proposc(i 
to  surrender  their  claim  to  the  king,  reserving 
one  third  of  the  product  of  the  ciistoms  for  them- 
selves. Tlic  London  merchants  also  had  become 
restive  under  the  systematic  violation  of  the 
Navigation  Acts.  The  breach  in  the  revenue 
laws  had,  indeed,  been  long  a  subject  of  com- 
plaint, and  the  commissioners  had  received  in- 
structions relating  thereto ;  but  it  was  not  till  this 
year  that  these  questions  became  serious.  .  .  . 
New  England  was  fast  getting  its  share  of  the 
carrying  trade.  London  merchants  already  be- 
gan to  feel  the  competition  of  its  cheap  and  un- 
taxed ships,  and  manufacturers  to  complain  that 
they  were  undersold  in  the  American  market,  by 
goods  brought  direct  from  the  Continental  ports. 
A  petition,  therefore,  was  presented  to  the  king, 
to  carry  the  law  into  effect.  .  .  .  The  famous 
Edward.  Randolph  now  appears.  The  govern- 
ment was  still  too  deeply  cnbarrassed  to  act  with 
energy.  A  tcmpori/.ing  policy  was  therefore 
adopted ;  and  as  the  eiLperiment  of  a  commission 
had  failed,  Randolph  was  chosen  as  a  messenger 
to  carry  the  petitions  and  opinions  to  Massachu- 
setts; together  with  a  letter  from  the  king,  di- 
recting that  agents  should  be  sent  in  answer 
thereto.  After  delivering  them,  he  was  ordered 
to  devote  himself  to  preparing  a  report  upon  the 
country.  lie  reached  Boston  June  10,  1676. 
Although  it  was  a  time  of  terrible  suffering  from 
the  ravages  of  the  Indian  war,  the  temper  of  the 
magistrates  was  harsher  than  ever.  The  repulse 
of  the  commissioners  had  convinced  them  that 
Charles  was  not  only  lazy  and  ignorant,  but  too 
poor  to  use  force ;  and  they  also  believed  him  to 
be  so  embroiled  with  Parliament  as  to  make  his 
overthrow  protjablc.  Filled  with  such  feelings, 
their  reception  of  Randolph  was  almost  brutal. 
John  Lcvcrett  was  governor,  who  seems  to  have 
taken  pains  to  mark  his  contempt  in  every  way 
in  his  power,  liandolph  was  an  able,  but  an  un- 
scrupulous man,  and  probably  it  would  not  have 
been  diflicult  to  have  secured  his  gootl-will.  Far 
however  from  bribing,  or  even  flattering  him, 
they  so  treated  him  as  to  niake  him  the  bitterest 
enemy  the  Puritan  Commonwealth  ever  knew. 
.  .  .  The  legislature  met  in  August,  1676,  and 
a  decision  had  to  be  made  concerning  agents. 
On  the  whole,  the  clergy  concluded  it  would  bo 
wiser  to  obey  the  crown,  '  provided  they  bo, 
with  vtmost  care  &  caution,  qualified  as  to  their 
instructions.'  Accordingly,  ofter  a  short  ad- 
journment, the  General  Court  chose  William 
Stoughton  and  Peter  Bulkely;  and  haviiig 
strictly  limited  their  power  to  a  settlement  of  the 
territorial  controversy,  they  sent  them  on  their 
mission.  .  .  .  The  controversy  concerning  the 
boundary  was  referred  to  the  two  chief  justices, 
who  promptly  decided  against  the  Company; 
and  the  easy  acquiescence  of  the  General  Court 
must  raise  a  doubt  as  to  their  faith  in  the  sound- 
ness of  their  claims.  And  now  again  the  fatality 
which  seemed  to  pursue  the  theocracy  in  all  its 
dealings  with  England  led  it  to  give  fresh  provo- 
cation to  the  king  by  secretly  buying  the  title  of 
Gorges  for  1,250  pounds.  Charles  had  intended 
to  settle  Maine  on  the  Duke  of  Monmouth.  It 
was  a  worthless  possession,  whose  revenue  never 
paid  for  its  defence ;  yet  so  stubborn  was  the  col- 
ony that  it  made  haste  to  anticipate  the  crown 


2110 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1671-1680. 


Vie  annuUinii  of 
the  Charter. 


IIASSACIIUSETTS,  1686-1080. 


and  tlius  bccnmo  '  Lord  Proprietary '  of  a  bur- 
densome provinc  at  the  cost  of  a  sliglit  whicli 
was  never  forgiven.  Almost  immediately  tlie 
Privy  Council  liad  begun  to  open  otiier  matters, 
such  as  coining  and  illioit  trade ;  and  the  attor- 
ney-general drew  up  a  list  of  statutes  wliicli,  in 
las  opinion,  were  contrary  to  tlie  laws  of  England. 
...  In  tlie  spring  the  law  officers  gave  an 
opinion  that  tlie  misdemeanors  alleged  against 
Jlassachusctts  were  sufficient  to  avoid  her  patent ; 
i.nd  the  Privy  Council,  in  view  of  tlic  encroach- 
ments and  injuries  which  she  had  continually 
practised  on  her  neighbors,  iind  lier  contempt  of 
his  majesty's  commands,  advised  that  a  '  quo 
warnmto '  should  be  brought  against  the  charter. 
Randolph  was  appointed  collector  at  Boston. 
Even  Leverett  now  saw  that  some  concessions 
must  be  made,  and  the  General  Court  onlered 
the  oatli  of  allegiance  to  be  taken ;  nothing  but 
perversity  seems  to  have  caused  vhe  long  (lelay. 
The  royal  arms  were  also  carved  in  the  court- 
house ;  and  this  was  all,  for  the  clergy  were  de- 
tarmined  upon  tliose  nintters  touching  their 
authority.  .  .  .  Nearly  half  a  century  had 
elapsed  since  the  emigration,  and  witli  the  growth 
of  wealth  and  population  cluinges  iiad  come.  In 
Marcli,  John  Leverett,  who  hud  long  been  the 
head  of  the  high-church  party,  died,  and  the  elec- 
tion of  Simon  Bradstreet  as  his  successor  was  a 
triumph  for  tlie  opposition.  Great  as  the  clerical 
inHuencc  still  was,  it  had  lost  much  of  its  old 
despotic  power,  and  the  congregations  were  no 
longer  united  in  support  of  the  policy  o.'  their 
pastors.  .  .  .  Boston  and  the  larger  towns  fa- 
vored concession,  whi'e  the  country  was  tlie 
ministers'  stronghold.  The  result  of  this  diver- 
gence of  opinion  was  that  the  moderate  party,  to 
which  Bradstreet  and  Dudley  belonged,  ])re- 
(lominated  in  the  Board  of  Assistants,  ^vuile  the 
deputies  remained  immovable.  The  branches  of 
the  legislature  thus  became  opposed ;  no  course 
of  action  coulJ  be  agreed  on,  and  the  theocracy 
drifted  to  its  destri'ction.  .  .  .  Meanwhile  llim- 
dolph  had  renewed  his  attack.  He  declared  that 
in  spite  of  promises  and  excuses  the  revenue  laws 
were  not  enforced;  that  his  men  were  beaten, 
and  that  he  hourly  expected  to  be  thrown  into 
prison ;  whereas  in  other  colonies,  he  asserted,  he 
was  treated  with  great  respect.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  ingenuity  was  used  to  devise  means  of 
annoyance ;  and  certainly  the  life  ho  was  made 
to  lead  was  hard.  In  JIarch  he  sailed  for  home, 
and  wliile  in  London  he  made  a  series  of  reports 
to  the  government  which  seem  to  have  produced 
the  conviction  that  the  moment  for  action  had 
<!ome.  In  December  he  returned,  commissioned 
as  deputy-surveyor  and  auditor-general  for  all 
New  England,  except  New  Hampshire.  .  .  . 
Hitherto  the  clerical  party  had  procrastinated, 
buoyed  up  by  the  hope  that  in  the  fierce  struggle 
with  the  commons  Charles  might  be  overthrown ; 
but  this  dream  ended  with  the  dissolution  of  the 
Oxford  Parliament,  and  further  inaction  became 
impossible.  Josepli  Dudley  and  John  Richards 
were  chosen  agents,  and  provided  witli  instruc- 
tions bearing  the  peculiar  tinge  of  ecclesiastical 
statesmanship.  .  .  .  The  agents  were  urged  to 
do  what  was  possible  to  avert,  or  at  least  delay, 
the  stroke;  but  they  were  forbidden  Co  consent 
to  appeals,  or  to  alterations  in  the  qualifications 
required  for  the  admission  of  freemen.  They 
had  previously  been  directed  to  pacify  the  king 
by  a  present  of  2,000  pounds ;  and  this  ill-judged 


attempt  at  bribery  had  covered  them  witli  ridi- 
inle.  Further  negotiation  would  have  lieeii 
fi  tile.  Proceedings  were  begun  at  once,  and 
limidolph  was  sent  to  Boston  to  serve  the  writ  of 
'quo  warranto';  he  was  also  charged  with  a 
royal  declaration  promising  that,  even  then, 
were  submission  made,  the  charter  should  be  re- 
stored with  only  such  changes  as  the  public  uel- 
iare  demanded.  Dudley,  who  wius  a  man  of 
much  political  sagacity,  ha<l  returned  and 
strongly  urged  moderr  I"n.  The  magistrates 
were  net  without  the  instincts  of  statesmanship: 
I  hey  saw  that  a  breach  with  England  must  tle- 
stroy  all  safeguards  of  the  common  freedom,  and 
they  voted  an  address  to  the  crown  accepting  the 
proffered  terms.  But  the  clergy  strove  against 
tliem :  the  privileges  of  tiicir  order  were  at  stake ; 
they  felt  that  the  loss  of  their  importance  would 
be  'destructive  to  the  interest  of  religion  and  of 
Christ's  kingdom  in  the  colony,'  and  they  rou.sed 
their  congr.'gations  to  resist.  The  deputies  did 
not  represent  the  people,  but  the  church.  .  .  . 
The  influence  which  had  moulded  their  minds 
and  guided  th-.'ir  actions  controlled  them  still, 
and  they  rejected  the  a<ldress.  .  .  .  All  that 
could  bo  resolved  on  was  to  retain  Robert 
Humphrys  of  the  Middle  Temple  to  interpose 
such  delays  as  the  law  permitted;  but  no  at- 
tempt was  made  at  (k'fenco  upon  the  merits 
of  their  cause,  probably  because  all  knew  well 
that  no  such  defence  was  i)ossible.  Sleanwliile, 
for  technical  reasons,  the  'quo  warranto'  had 
been  abandoned,  and  a  writ  of  '  scire  facias '  had 
been  issued  out  of  cliancery.  On  June  18,  1684, 
the  lord  Leeper  ordered  the  defendant  to  appear 
and  plead  on  the  lirst  day  of  tlie  next  Michael- 
mas Term.  Tho  time  allowed  was  too  short  for 
an  answer  from  America,  and  Judgment  was  en- 
tered by  default.  ...  So  perished  the  Puritan 
Commonwealth.  The  child  of  the  Reformation, 
its  life  sprang  from  the  assertion  of  tlie  freedom 
of  the  mind ;  but  this  great  and  noble  principle 
is  fatal  to  tho  temporal  power  of  a  priesthood, 
and  c'uring  the  supremacy  of  the  clergy  the 
government  was  doomed  to  be  both  persecuting 
and  repressive.  Under  no  circumstance  could 
the  theocracy  have  endured:  it  must  have 
fallen  by  revolt  from  within  if  not  by  attack 
from  without."  —  Brooks  Adams,  T/ie  Kmancipa- 
t.ioii  of  Massathusetts,  c.h.  6. — "December  10, 
1686,  Sir  Edmund  iVndros  arrived  at  Nantasket, 
in  the  Kingfisher,  a  50  gun  ship,  with  coni'^iis- 
sions  from  King  James  for  the  goverp-v.ent  of 
New  England" — T.  Hutchinson,  //iV.  of  the 
Colony  of  Mam.  Bay,  v.  1,  ch.  3. 

Also  in:  G.  E.  Ellis,  Puritan  Age  and  Utile 
in  Mans.,  ch.  13. — C.  Deane,  The  Struggle  to 
Maintain  the  Charter  of  Charlcn  I.  (Memorial 
Hist,  of  Boston,  v.  1,  pp.  320-383).  —  7fec»rrf«  of 
the  Oov.  and  Co.  of  Mans.  Bay.  v.  .'5.  — See,  also, 
NewEnoland:  A.  D.  1686. 

A.  D.  1674-1678. — King  Philip's  War.  See 
Nkw  England:  A.  D.  1674-167i>;  1675;  1676- 
1678. 

A.  D.  1670.— The  severance  of  New  Hamp- 
shire.    See  New  IlAMPeiiiUK:  A.  D.  1641-1070. 

A.  D.  1686-1680.— The  tyranny  of  Andros 
and  its  downfall. — "With  the  charter  were 
swept  away  representative  government,  and 
every  right  "and  every  political  institution  reared 
duriug  half  a  century  of  conflict.  The  rule  of 
Andros  was  on  the  model  dear  to  the  heart  of 
his  royal  master  —  a  harsh  despotism,  but  neither 


2111 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1686-1680.    ^^  ^^'"^^^^^^    MASSACHUSETTS,  1080-1803. 


Rtronf;  nor  wise;  it  wns  wretrhed  misgovern- 
mcnt,  iind  stupid,  l)liin(l('riiig  oppression  And 
tliis  arbitrary  and  niifx'raljie  system  Andros 
undertf«>l{  to  force  upon  a  people  of  Kngiisli 
race,  wlio  liad  been  in(lependent  and  self-Kovern- 
ing  for  fifty  years.  He  laid  taxes  at  his  own 
pleftsiirc,  and  not  even  according  to  previous 
rates,  as  lie  had  promised ;  he  denied  the  Ha)x.>as 
Corpus  to  Jolm  Wise,  the  intrepid  minister  of 
Ipswich,  arrested  for  preaching  against  taxation 
without  representation,  and  ht^  awaltened  a  like 
n'sistancc  in  all  directions.  He  instituted  fees, 
was  believed  to  pack  juries,  and  made  Handolph 
licenser  of  the  press.  Worst  of  all,  he  struck  at 
property,  demanded  the  examination  of  the  old 
titles,  declared  them  worthless,  extorted  quit- 
renta  for  renewal,  and  issued  wriis  of  intrusion 
against  those  who  resisted;  while,  not  content 
with  attacking  political  liberty  and  the  rights  of 
property,  he  excited  religious  animosity  by  for- 
bidding civil  marriages,  seizing  the  old  South 
church  for  the  Episcopal  service,  and  introduc- 
ing swearing  by  the  Book  in  courts  of  justice. 
He  left  notlung  undone  to  enrage  the  people  and 
prepare  for  revolution;  and  when  he  returned 
from  unsuccessful  Indian  warfare  in  the  cast,  tlic 
storm  was  ready  to  burst.  News  came  of  the 
landing  of  the  Prince  of  Orange.  Andros  ar- 
rested the  bearer  of  the  tidings,  and  issued  a 
jjroclaraation  against  the  Prince ;  but  the  act  was 
vain.  Without  apparent  concert  or  preparation 
Boston  rose  in  arras,  tlie  signal-fire  blazed  on 
Beacon  Hill,  and  the  country  people  poured  in. 
Lot  for  revenge.  Stome  of  the  old  magistrates 
met  at  the  town-house,  and  read  a  'declaration 
of  the  gentlemen,  merchants,  and  inhabitants,' 
setting  forth  the  misdeeds  of  Andros,  the  ille- 
gality of  the  Dudley  government  by  commission, 
and  the  wrongful  suppression  of  the  charter. 
Andros  and  Dudley  were  arrested  and  thrown 
into  prison,  together  with  the  captain  of  the 
Hose  frigate,  which  lay  helpless  beneath  the  guns 
of  the  S)rt,  and  a  provisional  government  was 
established,  with  Bradstreet  at  its  head.  Wil- 
liam and  Mary  were  proclaimed,  the  revolution 
was  complete,  and  Andros  soon  went  back  a 
prisoner  to  England." — H.  C.  Lodge,  Sliort  Hut. 
of  tlte  English  Z'olonien,  eh.  18. 

Also  in:  J.  Q.  Palfrey,  IlUt.  of  Neio  Eng.,  bk. 
8,  eh.  13-14  (b.  3).— The  Andro»  Tracts;  ed.-  by 
W.  IT.  Whitmore(PritieeSoc.,  1868). 

A.  D.  1689-1603. — The  procuring  of  the  new 
Charter.— The  Colonial  Republic  transformed 
into  a  Royal  Province — The  absorption  of 
Plymouth. — "A  little  more  than  a  month  from 
the  overthrow  of  Andros  a  ship  from  England 
arrived  at  Boston,  with  news  of  the  proclamation 
of  William  and  Mary.  This  was  joyful  intel- 
ligence to  the  body  of  the  people.  The  magis- 
trates were  at  once  relieved  from  their  fears,  for 
the  revolution  in  the  old  world  justified  that  in 
the  new.  Three  days  later  the  proclamation 
was  publis'  crt  with  unusual  ceremony.  ...  A 
week  later  ic  representatives  of  the  several 
towns,  upon  a  new  choice,  met  at  Boston,  and 
proposals  were  made  that  charges  should  be 
forthwith  drawn  up  against  Andros,  or  that  all 
the  prisoners  but  Andros  should  be  liberated  on 
bail ;  but  both  propositions  were  rejected.  The 
representatives  likewise  urged  the  unconditional 
resumption  of  the  charter,  declaring  that  they 
could  not  act  in  any  thing  until  this  was  con- 
ceded.   Many  opposed  the  motion;  but  it  was 


finally  adopted;  and  it  was  resolved  that  all  the 
laws  in  forre  May  12,  1080,  should  be  continued 
until  further  orders.  Yet  the  magistrates,  con- 
scious of  the  insecurity  of  the  position  they  occu- 
pied, used  prudently  the  powers  intrusted  to 
them."  Meantime,  Increase  Mather,  who  had 
gone  to  England  before  the  Hevolution  took 
place  as  agent  for  the  colony,  had  procured  an 
audience  with  the  new  king,  William  III.,  and 
received  from  him  an  assurance  that  he  would  re- 
move Andros  from  the  government  of  New  Eng- 
land and  call  him  to  an  account  for  his  adminis- 
tration. "  Anxious  for  the  restoration  of  the  old 
charter  and  its  piivileges,  under  which  the  colony 
had  prospered  so  well,  the  agent  applied  himself 
diligently  to  that  object,  advising  with  the  wisest 
statesmen  for  its  accomplishment.  It  was  the 
concurrent  judgment  of  all  that  the  best  course 
would  be  to  obtain  first  a  reversion  of  the  judg- 
ment against  the  charter  by  an  act  of  Parlia- 
ment, and  then  apply  to  the  •  king  for  such 
additional  privileges  as  were  necessary.  Accord- 
ingly, in  the  House  of  Commons,  where  the  whole 
subject  of  seizing  charters  in  the  reign  of  Charles 
II.  was  up  for  discussion,  the  charters  of  New 
England  were  inserted  with  the  rest;  and,  though 
enemies  opposed  the  measure,  it  was  voted  that 
their  abrogation  was  a  grievance,  and  that  they 
should  be  forthwith  restored."  But  Iwfore  the 
bill  having  this  most  satisfactory  effect  had  been 
acted  on  in  the  House  of  Lords,  the  Convention 
Parliament  was  prorogued,  then  dissolved,  and 
the  next  parliament  proved  to  be  less  friendly. 
An  order  was  obtained,  however,  from  the  king, 
continuing  the  government  of  the  colony  under 
the  old  charter  until  a  new  one  was  settled,  and 
requiring  Andros  and  his  fellow  prisoners  to  be 
sent  to  England  for  trial.  On  the  trial,  much 
court  influence  seemed  to  go  in  favor  of  Sir 
Edmund ;  tlie  proceedings  against  him  were  sum- 
marily q  '.ushcd,  and  he  was  dischsrged.  Soon 
afterwards  he  was  made  governor  or  Virginia, 
while  Dudley  receivc(i  appointment  to  tlie  office 
of  chief  justice  at  New  York.  Contending 
against  the  intrigues  of  the  Andros  party,  and 
many  other  adverse  influences,  the  agents  of 
Massachusetts  were  reluctantly  forced  at  last  to 
relinquish  all  hopes  of  the  restoration  of  the  old 
charter,  and  "application  was  made  for  a  new 
grant,  which  should  confirm  the  privileges  of  the 
old  instrument,  and  such  in  addition  as  the  ex- 
perience of  the  people  had  taught  them  would 
be  of  benefit.  .  .  .  The  king  was  prevailed  upon 
to  refer  the  affairs  of  New  England  to  the  two 
lords  chief  justices  and  the  attorney  and  solici- 
tor-general, all  of  whom  were  supposed  to  be 
friendly  to  the  applicants.  Mr.  Mather  was 
pernntted  to  attend  their  meetings. "  Difllculties 
arose  in  connection  with  Plymouth  Colony.  It 
was  the  determination  in  England  that  Plymouth 
should  no  longer  be  separately  chartered,  but 
should  be  joined  to  Massachusetts  or  New  York. 
In  opposing  the  former  more  natural  union,  the 
Plymouth  people  very  nearly  brought  about 
their  annexation  to  New  Y'ork ;  but  Slather's  in- 
fluence averted  that  result.  "The  first  draught 
of  a  charter  was  objected  to  by  the  agents,  be- 
cause of  its  limitation  of  the  powers  of  the  gov- 
ernor, who  was  to  be  appointed  by  the  king. 
The  second  draught  was  also  objected  to;  where- 
upon the  agents  were  informed  that  they  '  must 
not  consider  themselves  as  plenipotentiaries  from 
a  foreign  state,  and  that  if  they  v/ere  unwilling 


2112 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1(WU-1C03 


Salem 
tyuchcraft. 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1092. 


to  submit  to  tlio  pleasure  of  the  king,  his  mnjesty 
would  settle  the  country  without  them,  and  they 
mlKht  take  whirt  would  follow.'  Nothin);  re- 
miilued,  therefore,  but  to  deeide  whether  they 
would  submit,  or  continue  without  a  charter, 
and  at  the  mercy  of  the  king."  The  two  col- 
leagues who  Inuf  been  associated  with  Matlier 
opposed  submission,  hut  the  latter  yielded,  and 
the  charter  was  signed.  "By  the  term.s  of  this 
new  charter  the  territories  of  Mas.sachusetts, 
riymouth,  and  Maine,  with  a  tract  fartiier  ca.st, 
were  united  into  one  jurisdiction,  whose  oOicers 
were  to  consist  of  a  governor,  a  deputj'  gover- 
nor, and  a  secretary,  appointe(l  by  the  king,  and 
28  councillors,  chosen  by  the  people.  A  General 
Court  was  to  bo  holden  ann\ially,  on  the  last 
Wednesday  in  May,  and  at  such  other  times  as 
the  governor  saw  fit;  and  each  town  was  au- 
thorized to  choose  two  deputies  to  represent 
tluim  in  this  court.  Tlio  choice  of  these  depiities 
was  conceded  to  all  freeholders  having  an  ejtato 
of  the  value  of  fortv  pounds  sterling,  or  land 
yielding  an  income  oi:  at  least  forty  shillings  per 
annum;  and  every  deputy  was  to  take  the  oath 
of  allegiance  prescribed  by  the  crown.  All  resi- 
dents of  tlie  province  and  their  children  were 
entitled  to  the  liberties  of  natural  bom  subjects ; 
and  liberty  of  conscience  was  secured  to  all  but 
Papists.  .  .  .  To  the  governor  was  given  a  nega- 
tive upon  all  laws  enacted  by  the  General  Court ; 
witliout  his  consent  in  writing  none  were  valid ; 
and  all  receiving  his  sanction  were  to  be  trans- 
mitted to  the  king  for  approval,  and  if  rejected 
at  any  time  within  three  years  were  to  be  of  no 
effect.  The  governor  was  empowered  to  estab- 
lish courts,  levy  taxes,  convene  the  militia,  carry 
on  war,  exercise  martial  law,  with  the  consent  of 
the  council,  and  erect  and  furnish  all  requisite 
forts.  .  .  .  Such  was  tlie  province  charter  of 
1692  —  a  far  different  instrument  from  the  colo- 
nial chorter  of  1629.  It  effected  a  thorough 
revolution  in  the  country.  The  form  of  govern- 
ment, the  powers  of  the  people,  and  the  entire 
foundation  and  objects  of  the  body  politic,  were 
placed  upon  a  new  basis ;  and  tlie  dependence  of 
the  colonies  upon  the  crown  was  secured.  ...  It 
was  on  Saturday,  the  14th  of  May,  1692,  that  Sir 
William  Phips  arriveaat  Boston  as  the  first  gov- 
ernor of  the  new  province." — J.  8.  Barry,  lliiit. 
of  Mass.,  v.  1,  eh.  18. 

Also  in:  W.  H.  Whitmore,  The  Inter- C/wrter 
Period  (Memorial  Hist,  of  Boston,  v.  2). — Q.  P. 
PMsher,  The  Colonial  Era,  eh.  13. 

A.  D.  1689-1697.— King  William's  War.— 
Temporary  conquest  of  Acadia. — Disastrous 
expedition  a^^ainst  Quebec. — Threatened  at- 
tack by  the  French.  See  Canada  :  A.  1).  1689- 
1690;  and  1092-1697. 

A.  D.  1690. — The  first  Colonial  Congress. 
See  United  States  op  Am.  :  A.  D.  1090. 

A.  D.  1692.— The  Salem  Witchcraft  mad- 
ness: in  its  beg^inning, — "The  people  of  Mas- 
sachusetts in  the  17th  century,  like  all  other 
Christian  people  at  that  time, —  at  least,  with 
extremely  rare  individual  exceptions, —  believed 
in  the  reality  of  a  hideous  crime  called  '  witch- 
craft. ' .  .  .  In  a  few  instances  witches  were  be- 
lieved to  have  appeared  in  the  earlier  years  of 
New  England.  But  the  cases  had  been  sporadic. 
.  .  .  With  three  or  four  exceptions  ...  no  per- 
son appears  to  have  been  punished  for  witchcraft 
in  Massachusetts,  nor  convicted  of  it,  for  more 
than  sixty  years  after  the  settlement,  though 


tlicro  had  been  three  or  four  trials  of  other  per- 
sons simpecteil  of  the  crime.  .Vt  the  time  wlieii 
the  (luestion  respecting  the  coloniiil  charter  was 
ni])idly  approaching  an  issue,  and  the  public 
mind  was  in  feverish  agitation,  i\w  inini.sters  sent 
out  a  paper  of  proposjils  for  collecting  facts  c<m- 
cerning  witchcrafts  and  other  'strange  appari- 
tions.' This  brought  out  a  work  from  President 
[Increase]  Mather  entitled  'Illustrious  Provi- 
dences,' in  wliich  that  intlucntiiil  person  related 
numerous  stories  of  the  performances  of  lersons 
leagued  witli  the  Devil.  The  imagination  of  his 
restless  young  son  [Cotton  Mather]  was  stimu- 
lated, and  circumstances  fed  the  lluiiic. "  A  poor 
Irisii  washerwoman,  in  Boston,  accused  by  some 
malicious  children  named  Goodwin,  who  played 
antics  which  were  suppose<l  to  signify  that  they 
hud  been  bewitched,  was  trie<l,  convicted  and 
sent  to  the  gallows  (1088)  as  a  witcli.  "  Cotton 
Mather  took  the  oldest  '  alllicti.'d  '  girl  to  his 
house,  where  she  dexterously  played  upon  his 
self-conceit  to  stimulate  his  eredility.  Slie  sat- 
isfied him  tliat  Satan  regarded  liim  as  liis  most 
terrible  enemy,  and  avoided  him  with  especial 
awe.  .  .  .  Mather's  account  of  these  transactions 
['  Late  Memorable  Providences  relating  to  Witcli- 
cratta  and  Possessions'],  with  a  coTleelion  of 
otlier  appropriate  matter,  was  circulated  not 
only  in  Massachusetts,  but  widely  also  in  Eng- 
land, where  it  ohUuned  the  warm  commendation  of 
Uicliard  Baxter ;  ard  it  may  be  supposed  to  have 
had  an  important  effect  in  producing  the  more 
disastrous  delusion  wliieli  followed  three  years 
after.  .  .  .  Mr.  Samuel  Parris  was  minister  of  a 
church  in  a  part  of  Salem  which  was  then  culled 
'Salem  Village,'  and  which  now  as  a  separate 
town  bears  tlie  name  of  Danvers.  He  was  a  man 
of  tidents,  and  of  repute  for  professional  endow- 
ments, hut  avaricious,  wrong-headed,  and  ill- 
tempered.  Among  his  parishioners,  at  the  time 
of  his  installation  and  afterwards,  there  had  been 
angry  disputes  about  the  election  of  a  minister, 
which  had  never  been  composed.  Neighbors  and 
relations  were  embitterea  against  eacli  other. 
Elizabeth  Parris,  the  minister's  daughter,  was 
now  nine  years  old.  A  niece  of  his,  eleven  years 
old,  lived  in  his  family.  His  neighbor,  Thomas 
Putnam,  the  parish  clerk,  had  a  daughter  named 
Ann,  twelve  years  of  age.  These  cliildreii,  witli 
a  few  other  young  women,  of  whom  two  were 
as  old  as  twenty  years  or  thereabouts,  had  be- 
come possessed  with  a  wild  curiosity  about  the 
sorceries  of  which  they  had  been  hearing  and 
reading,  and  used  to  hold  meetings  for  study,  if 
it  may  be  so  called,  and  practice.  Tliey  learned 
to  go  through  motions  similar  to  those  whicii  had 
lately  made  the  Goodwin  cliildren  so  famous. 
They  forced  their  limbs  into  grotesque  postures, 
uttered  unnatural  outcries,  were  seized  with 
cramps  and  spasmg,  became  incapable  of  speech 
and  of  motion.  By  and  by  [March,  1092],  they 
interrupted  pubijc  worship.  .  .  .  Tlie  families 
were  distressed.  The  neighbors  were  alarmed. 
The  physicians  were  perplexed  and  baflled,  and 
at  length  declared  that  nothing  short  of  witchery 
was  the  trouble.  The  kinsfolk  of  the  '  afllicted 
children '  assembled  for  fasting  and  prayer. 
T.'ien  the  neighboring  ministers  were  sent  for, 
and  held  at  Mr.  Parris's  house  a  prayer-meeting 
which  lasted  through  the  day.  The  children 
performed  in  their  presence,  and  the  result  was 
a  confirmation  by  the  ministers  of  the  opinion  of 
the  doctors.    Of  course,  the  next  inquiry  was 


2113 


MASSACHUSETTS,   1002. 


Sr.lrm 
M-itchiia/l. 


MASSACHUSKTTS,  1092. 


by  whoiii  the  iiiiiiilfcst  wilclicriifl  was  I'Xcrclsi'd. 
It  wuH  prcHiiiiu'd  tliiit  till'  iiiilmppy  girlH  tiiulil 
give  llie  iinswer.  Knr  u  lime  tliey  refused  to  do 
80.  Hut  at  ieiiKtIi,  yielding  to  iiu  iinpnrtiiiiity 
wliicli  it  Iiiid  lieeoiiie  dillleiilt  to  ewiipe  uiilesstiy 
uii  iivowiil  of  their  fraud,  tliey  |)ri)nouiiced  tlie 
iiHiiies  of  Good,  Osborn,  and  I'ituba.  Tilul)!!  — 
lialf  Indian,  lialf  neirrii — was  a  servant  of  Mr. 
I'urris.  liroujjlit  liy  liiin  from  HarlmdiH's,  wliere 
he  liud  formerly  l)een  a  mereliaiit.  Sarah  Good 
was  an  oid  woman,  miseriildy  poor.  Sarali  Os- 
born liiid  lieen  prosperous  in  early  life.  Slie  liad 
Iwen  married  twice,  and  li':.  seeo'nd  liu.slmnd  was 
Htili  livinj;,  liut  separated  from  lier.  Her  reputa- 
tion was  iioi  good,  and  for  some  time  she  liad 
lieen  iM'dridden,  and  in  a  distiirlDed  nervous  state. 
.  .  .  Tiluba,  whether  in  eolliision  with  her  young 
mistress,  or,  as  was  afterwards  said,  in  <'onse- 
quenee  of  liavinK  been  seourKed  Ijy  Mr.  Parris, 
confi'ssed  lier.self  to  lie  a  witch,  and  charged 
Qo(k1  and  (Jsborn  with  lieing  her  nocompliix's. 
The  evidence  was  tlicn  Ihoiiglit  suitlcient,  and 
the  tliree  were  committed  to  gaol  for  trial. 
Martini  Corey  anil  Hebecca  Mourse  were  ne.\t 
cried  out  against.  Both  were  cliurcli-mend)ers 
of  excellent  cliaracter,  tiio  latter,  seventy  years 
of  age.  They  were  examined  liy  tlie  same  "Slag- 
istratcs,  and  sent  to  prison,  and  with  them  a 
child  of  Sarah  Good,  only  four  or  five  years  old, 
also  charged  with  diabolical  practices." — J.  O. 
Palfrey,  /list,  of  JV.  Enij.,  bk.  4,  ch.  4  (p.  4). 

Also  in  :  C.  W.  Uphani,  Sdlem  Witchcmft,  jit. 
3  (v.  2). — S.  G.  Drake,  AniuiU  of  Witchcmft  in 
New  Kng. 

A.  D.  1692.— The  Salem  Witchcraft  mad- 
ness: in  its  culmination. — "  Now  a  new  feature 
of  tills  thing  showed  itself.  The  wife  of  Tliomas 
Putuani  joined  the  children,  and  '  makes  most 
terrible  shrieks'  against  Goody  Nurse  —  that  she 
was  bewitching  her,  ton.  On  the  3d  of  April, 
Minister  Parris  preached  ■  long  and  strong  from 
the  Text,  '  Have  I  not  chosen  you  twelve,  and 
one  of  you  is  a  devil  1 '  in  which  he  bore  down 
so  hard  upon  the  Witches  accused  that  Sarah 
Cloyse,  the  sister  of  Nurse,  would  not  sit  still, 
but  '  went  out  of  meeting ' ;  always  a  wicked 
thing  to  do,  as  they  thought,  but  now  a  heinous 
one.  At  once  the  children  cried  out  against  her, 
and  she  was  clapt  into  prison  with  the  rest. 
Through  the  months  of  April  and  May,  Justices 
Hawthorne  and  Curwin  (or  Corwin),  witli  Mar- 
slial  George  Ilerrick,  were  busy  getting  the 
Witches  into  jail,  and  the  good  people  were 
startled,  astounded,  and  terror-struck,  at  the 
numbers  who  were  seized.  .  .  .  Bridget  Bishop, 
only,  was  then  brought  to  trial,  for  the  new 
Charter  and  new  Governor  (Phips),  were  ex- 
pected daily.  She  was  old,  and  had  been  accused 
of  witchcraft  twenty  years  before.  .  .  .  So,  as 
there  was  no  doubt  about  her,  She  was  quickly 
condemned,  and  hung  on  the  10th  day  of  this 
pleasant  June,  in  the  presence  of  a  crowd  of  sad 
and  frightened  people.  .  .  .  The  new  Governor, 
Phips, one  of  Mather's  Church,  fell  in  with  the  pre- 
vailing fear,  and  a  new  bench  of  special  Judges, 
composed  of  Lieutenant-Governor  StougLton, 
Major  Saltonstall,  Major  Uichards,  Major  Gid- 
ney,  Mr.  Wait  Winthrop,  Captain  Sewall,  and 
Mr.  Sargent,  were  sworn  in,  and  went  to  work. 
On  the  iJOth  of  June,  Sarah  Good,  Rebeka  Nurse, 
Susannah  Martin,  Elizabeth  How,  and  Sarah 
Wilder,  were  brought  to  trial;  all  were  found 
guilty,  and  sentenced  to  death,  except  Nurse, 


who,  liciiig  a  Church  member,  was  acmiitted  by 
the  jury.  At  this,  llie  'alllictcd'  children  fell 
into  Ills,  and  others  made  great  outcries;  and  the 
popular  dissatisfai'tiiiii  was  so  great,  that  thii 
Court  sent  them  back  to  the  jury  room,  and  they 
returned  shortly,  with  a  verdict  ^if  Guilty !  Tliu 
I'l  . .  Mr.  Noyei;,  of  Salem,  then  excommunicated 
Nurse,  delivereil  her  to  Satan,  and  they  all  were 
led  out  to  die.  Minister  Noyes  told  Sii.sannah 
.Martin  tliat  she  was  a  witcli,  and  knew  it,  and 
sh<!  had  l)etler  confess  it;  but  slie  refused,  and 
told  him  that  'lie  lied,'  and  tliat  he  knew  it; 
and,  'that  if  he  took  away  her  life,  God  would 
give  him  blood  to  drink;'  wliicli  curse  is  now 
traditionally  believed,  and  that  he  was  choked 
with  blood.  They  were  hanged,  protesting  their 
innocence;  and  there  was  none  to  pity  tliem. 
On  the  .'itli  of  August,  a  new  batch  was  haled 
before  the  Court.  Ueverend  George  Burroughs, 
John  Proctor  and  his  wife,  John  Willard,  George 
Jacobs,  and  JIartha  Carrier.  Burroughs  was 
disliked  by  some  of  the  Clergy,  for  he  was  tinc- 
tured wit  liUoger  Williams's  Heresies  of  Religious 
Freedom;  and  he  was  particularly  obnoxious  to 
.Mather,  for  he  had  spoken  sliglitingly  of  witch- 
craft, and  hail  even  said  there  was  no  such  thing 
as  a  witch.  Willard  had  been  a  cimstable  em- 
ployed in  seizing  witclies,  but,  becoming  sick  of 
tlie  business,  had  refused  to  do  it  any  more.  Tlie 
children  at  once  cried  out,  that  he,  too,  was  a 
witch;  he  lied  for  his  life,  but  was  caught  at 
Nashua,  and  brought  back.  Old  Jacobs  was  ac- 
cused by  his  own  granddaughter;  and  Carrier 
was  convicted  up  m  tlic  testimony  of  her  own 
children.  They  were  all  quickly  convicted  and 
sentcnceil.  .  .  .  All  but  Mrs.  Proctor  saw  the 
last  of  earth  on  he  Itlth  of  August.  They  were 
hanged  on  Gallows  Hill.  Minister  Burroughs 
made  so  moving  a  prayer,  closing  with  tlrj  Lord's 
Prayer,  whicli  it  was  thought  no  witch  could 
say,  that  there  was  fear  lest  the  crowd  should 
hinder  the  hanging.  As  soon  as  he  was  turned 
off,  Mr.  Matlier,  sitting  on  his  horse,  addres-ted 
the  people,  to  prove  to  them  that  Burroughs  was 
really  no  Minister,  and  to  show  how  he  must  bo 
guilty,  notwithstanding  his  jirayer,  for  the  devil 
coultl  change  himself  into  an  angel  of  light.  .  .  . 
Giles  Cory,  an  old  man  <ff  80,  saw  that  tlie  ac- 
cused wen  prejudged,  and  refused  to  plead  to 
the  charge  against  him.  What  could  be  done 
with  him  ?  It  was  found  tliat  for  this,  by  some 
sort  of  old  law,  he  might  be  pressed  to  death. 
So  on  the  ICth  of  September,  just  as  the  autumn 
tints  were  beginniufe  to  glorify  the  earth,  he  was 
laid  on  the  ground,  bound  hand  and  foot,  and 
stones  were  piled  upon  him,  till  the  tongue  was 
pressed  out  of  his  moutli ;  '  tlie  Sheriff  with  his 
cane  forced  it  in  again  when  he  was  dying.' 
Such  cruel  things  did  fear  —  fear  of  the  Devil  — 
lead  these  people  to  do.  He  was  the  first  and 
last  who  died  in 'New  England  in  this  way.  On 
the  22(1  of  September,  eight  of  the  sentenced 
were  carted  up  Gallows  Hill  and  done  to  death. 
Amid  a  great  concourse  of  men,  women,  and 
children,  from  the  neighboring  villages,  and  from 
Boston,  the  victims  went  crying  and  singing, 
dragged  through  the  lines  of  terror-stricken  or 
pitying  people.  Some  would  have  rescued  them, 
but  they  had  no  leaders,  and  knew  not  how  to 
act ;  so  that  tragedy  was  consummated ;  and  the 
Reverend  Mr.  Noyes,  pointing  at  them,  said, 
'  What  a  sad  thing  it  is  to  sec  eight  firebrands 
of  Ucll  hanging  there  I '    Sad  indeed !    Nineteen 


2114 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1603. 


.tnlfni 
Wltchcni/t. 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1798-17315. 


Imd  now  been  hung.  One  prcaxcd  t.)  dentil. 
Eight  were  condemned.  A  hundred  iind  llfty 
were  in  prison ;  find  two  hundred  more  were  iie- 
cusjmI  by  tlie  '  iifllleted. '  Home  llfty  hml  iieknowl- 
edged  them»(!lve8  witche.s,  of  whora  not  oni! 
WHS  cxeeuted.  ...  It  was  now  Oetoher,  nnd 
this  mischief  seemed  to  he  sprending  like  lire 
iimong  the  dry  grass  of  the  Prairies;  and  abetter 
<|uality  of  persons  was  beginning  to  be  accused 
by  tlie  bewitelied.  .  .  .  But  tlieso  nccusations 
niade  people  consider,  and  many  began  to  think 
thill  tiiey  had  been  going  on  too  fast.  '  Tliu 
juries  changed  sooner  than  the  judges,  and  they 
sooner  than  the  Clergy.'  'At  last,' says  one  of 
tlicm,  '  it  was  evidently  seen  that  there  must  be 
a  st()|)  put,  or  the  generation  of  tlie  ehureh  of 
Ood  would  fall  un(ler  that  condemnation.'  In 
otlior  words,  the  be'ter  class  of  cliureh  members 
were  in  danger!  At  the  .lanuary  session,  only 
three  were  convicted,  and  they  were  reprieve<l; 
whereat  Chief  .Iu.sticc  Stoughton  rose  in  anger, 
and  said,  'The  Lord  V)e  merciful  to  this  country  1' 
In  the  spring.  Governor  Pliips,  being  about  to 
li'ave  the  country,  pardoned  all  who  were  con- 
demned, and  the  jails  were  delivered.  Tlic  ex- 
citement subside(f  as  rapidly  us  it  had  arisen,  but 
the  evil  work  was  done."— C.  W.  Elliott,  The 
A'ew  Kng.  Ilintory,  v.  3,  ch.  3. 

Also  in:  S.  P.  Fowler,  erf.,  Siilem  Witchernft 
(incUiiUnq  Culef's  "More  Wonders  of  the  Iiinnhle 
World,"  etc.).—C.  S.  Osgood  anil  II.  M.  Batchel- 
der,  IIM.  Sketch  of  Stlem,  ch.  2.— ,1.  8.  Barry, 
lliKt.  of  Mim.,  V.  3,  ch.  3. 

A  D.  16^2-169^. — The  Salem  Witchcraft 
madness:  its  ending,  and  the  reaction. — "On 
the  second  Wednesday  in  October,  1693,  about  a 
fortnight  after  the  last  hanging  of  eight  at 
Salem,  the  representatives  of  the  colony  assem- 
bled ;  and  the  people  of  Audover,  their  minister 
joining  witli  them,  appeared  with  their  remon- 
strance against  the  doings  of  the  witcli  tribunals. 
Of  tlie  discussions  tliat  ensued  no  record  is  j)rc- 
serveil ;  we  know  only  the  issue.  The  general 
court  ordered  by  bill  a  convocation  of  ministers, 
that  the  people  might  be  led  in  tlie  right  way 
as  to  the  witchcraft.  .  .  .  They  abrogated  the 
special  court,  established  a  tribunal  by  statute, 
nnd  delnj'ed  its  opening  till  January  of  the  fol- 
lowing year.  'This  interval  gave  the  public 
mind  security  and  freedom ;  and  thougli  Phips 
still  conferred  the  place  of  chief  judge  on  Stough- 
ton, yet  jurors  acted  independently.  When,  in 
January,  1603,  the  court  met  at  Salem,  six 
women  of  Andovor,  renouncing  their  confessions, 
treated  tlic  witchcraft  but  as  something  so  called, 
the  bewildered  but  as  'seemingly  atilicted.'  A 
memorial  of  like  tenor  came  from  the  inhabitants 
of  iVndover.  Of  the  presentments,  the  grand  jury 
dismissed  more  than  half;  and  of  the  twenty-six 
against  whom  bilU  we.'e  found  through  the  testi- 
mony on  whicli  others  had  been  condemned,  ver- 
dicts of  acquittal  followed.  .  .  .  The  people  of 
Salem  village  drove  Parris  from  the  place ;  Noyes 
regained  favor  only  by  a  full  confession  and 
consecrating  the  remainder  of  his  life  to  deeds  of 
mercy.  Sewall,  one  of  the  judges,  by  rising  in 
his  pew  in  the  Old  South  meetinghouse  on  a 
fttstday  and  reading  to  the  whole  congregation 
a  paper  in  which  he  bewailed  his  great  offence, 
recovered  public  esteem.  Stoughton  never  re- 
pented. The  diary  of  Cotton  Mather  proves  that 
he,  who  had  sought  the  foundation  of  faith  in 
tales  of  wonders,  himself  '  had  temptations  to 

3-30  2115 


atheism,  and  to  the  abandonment  of  all  rcliginn 
as  a  mere  delusion.'" — O.  Bancroft,  IlUt.  of  the 
U.  S.  (Author M  taut  rn:).  pt.  3,  ch.  3  (r.  3).— "It 
was  long  before  the  public  mind  recovered  fr<mi 
its  paralysis.  No  one  knew  what  ought  to  bo 
said  or  done,  the  tragedy  had  been  so  awful. 
Th(!  i>arties  who  hail  acted  in  it  were  so  numer- 
ous, and  of  such  staniling,  including  almost  all 
the  most  eminent  and  honored  leaders  of  the 
eommunily  from  the  bei  ch,  the  bar,  the  magis- 
tracy, the  pulpit,  the  medical  faculty,  and  in 
fact  all  classes  and  descriptions  of  persons;  thu 
mysteries  connected  witli  the  accusers  and  con- 
fessors; the  universal  prevalence  of  the  legal, 
theological,  nnd  philosophical  theories  that  had 
led  to  the  i)roceei.lngs;  the  utter  iinpossiliility 
of  realizing  or  inensuring  the  extent  of  the  ca- 
lamity ;  and  the  general  shame  and  horror  associ- 
ated witli  the  sul)ject  in  all  minds;  prevented 
any  open  movement.  .  .  .  Dr.  Bcntley  describes 
the  condition  of  the  coiuiiiunily  in  some  brief 
nnd  pregnant  sentences  ...  :  '  As  soon  as  tho 
judges  censed  to  condemn,  the  people  ceased  to 
accuse.  .  .  .  Terror  at  the  violence  and  guilt  of 
the  proci^edings  succeeded  instantly  to  the  con- 
viction of  blind  /(Mil ;  nnd  what  everv  man  had 
encouraged  all  professed  to  abhor.  Few  dared 
to  blame  oIIkt  men,  bei^ause  few  were  innocent. 
Tho  guilt  and  the  shame  became  the  iiortion  of 
tlie  country,  while  Salem  had  the  infamy  of 
being  the  place  of  the  transactions.'" — C  W. 
Upham,  S(tleiu  Witchcraft,  t\  3,  Hiipplement. — 
"The  probability  seems  to  be  that  those  who 
began  in  harmless  deceit  found  tliemselves  at 
length  involved  so  deeply,  that  dread  of  shamo 
nnd  punishment  drove  them  to  an  extremity 
where  their  only  choice  wiis  between  sacritlcing 
themselves,  or  others  to  save  tliemselves.  It  is 
not  unlikely  that  .some  of  the  younger  girls  were 
so  far  carried  along  by  imitation  or  imnginntivo 
sympathy  as  in  t..)ine  degrei'  to  '  credit  their  own 
lie.'  .  .  .  Pnrisli  and  bmindary  feuds  had  set 
enmity  between  neighlior.-i,  and  the  girls,  called 
on  to  say  who  troubled  them,  criecl  out  upon 
those  wliom  they  had  been  wont  to  hear  called 
by  hard  names  at  home.  Tliey  proliably  had  no 
notion  what  a  friglitf ul  ending  their  comedy  wa.s 
to  have ;  tint  at  any  rate  they  W"re  powerless, 
for  tlio  reins  had  jiassed  out  of  tlieir  liands  into 
the  sterner  grasp  if  minister  and  magistrate. 
...  In  one  respect,  to  whicli  Mr.  Upham  lirst 
gives  the  importance  it  deserves,  t'\e  Su'om  trials 
were  distinguished  from  all  others.  Though 
some  of  the  accused  had  been  teiri'jed  into  con- 
icssion,  yet  not  one  persevered  in  it,  but  all  died 
protesting  their  innocence,  and  with  unshaken 
constancy,  though  an  acknowledgment  of  guilt 
would  have  saved  the  lives  of  all.  This  martyr 
proof  of  the  etil  jacy  of  Puritanism  in  the  char- 
acter and  con'^'jience  may  bo  allowed  to  out- 
weigh a  great  many  sneers  at  Puritan  fnnnti- 
cism." — J.  R.  Lowell,  Witchcraft  {Among  My 
Books,  series  1). 

Ai.so  in:  G.  M.  Beard,  Psychohgy  of  the  Salem 
Witchcraft  Excitement. 

A.  D.  1703-1711.— Queen  Anne's  War.  See 
New  Enul.vnd:  A.  D.  1703-1710;  and  Canada.: 
A.  I).  1711-1713. 

A.  D.  1704. — The  first  Newspaper.  See 
PuiNTiNo,  &c. :  A.  D.  1704-1729. 

A.  D.  1722-1735.— Renevired  War  with  the 
northeastern  Indians.  See  Nova  Scotia: 
A.  D.  1713-1730. 


MASSACnUSETTH,  n44-174S.„.  <>iit'"><i  ihr 

nriU  of  Auiitanct, 


MASSAC1IUHETT8,  1774. 


A.  D.  1744-1748.— King  George'i  W«r.— 
The  taking  of  Louisbourgr  and  its  reitoration 
to  France.  Sec  Nkw  K.N(ii,ani):  A.  I).  1711; 
n-J.'.;  iiiiil  174.V174H, 

A.  D.  1754^— The  Colonial  Conerets  at  Al- 
bany and  Franklin's  plan  of  Union,  ticu 
UNiTKri  Statkn  <iK  Am.:  .V.  I).  1754. 

A.  D.  1755.— Expedition  against  Fort  Beau 
S«jour  in  Nova  Scotia.  Sir  Nov.v  Hiotia: 
A.  I>.  I74u-i7r)r). 

A.  D.  1755-1760. — The  French  and  Indian 
War,  and  conquest  of  Canada.  Hve  V.\s\u.'.  ■ 
A.  I).  nr.O-n.'W.  to  17(H);  Nova  Scotia;  A.  I). 
174l»-17.'i5,  nr,r,;  Ohio  (Vam.ky);  A.  I).  1748- 
17S4,  1754,  1753;  Capk  Bueton  Island:  A.  I>. 
1758-1760. 

A.  D.  1761.— Harsh  enforcement  of  revenue 
laws.— Tne  Writs  of  Assistance  and  Otis's 
speech.  —  "  It  wiih  in  17(11,  liniiu'diiiti'jy  iiftiT 
the  oviTllirow  of  till!  Fri'iicli  in  Cimadii,  tliiit  at- 
ti'iiipts  were  iimdi!  to  enforce  the  revenue  laws 
more  strictly  tliiui  heretofore;  iind  trouble  was 
at  once  tlirciiteiicd.  Charles  Pa.xton,  the  principal 
oftlcer  of  the  custoni-house  In  Hoston,  applied 
to  the  Superior  Court  to  grant  him  the  authority 
to  use  '  writs  of  assistance '  in  searching  for 
smuggled  go(«ls.  A  writ  of  assistance  was  a 
general  search-warrant,  empowering  the  otliccr 
•umicd  with  it  to  enter,  l)y  force  if  necessary,  any 
dwclling-hou.se  or  warehouse  where  contraband 
goixls  were  supposed  to  be  stored  or  hidden.  A 
special 'Search- warrant  was  one  in  which  the 
name  of  the  suspected  person,  and  the  house 
which  it  was  proposed  to  search,  were  accurately 
Bpecilled,  and  the  gocnls  which  it  was  intended 
to  seize  were  as  far  as  possible  described.  In 
the  iise  of  such  special  warrants  there  was  not 
much  danger  of  gross  Injustice  or  oppression. 
.  .  .  But  the  general  search-warrant,  or  '  writ 
of  assistance, '  as  it  was  called  because  men  try 
to  cover  up  the  ugliness  of  hateful  things  by 
giving  thcra  innocent  names,  was  quite  a  differ- 
ent affair.  It  was  a  blank  form  upon  which  the 
custom-house  ofllcer  might  fill  in  the  names  of 
persons  and  descriptions  of  houses  and  goods  to 
suit  himself.  .  .  .  The  writ  of  assistance  was 
therefore  an  abominable  instrument  of  tyranny. 
Such  writs  had  l)een  allowed  by  a  statute  of  the 
evil  reign  of  Charles  II . ;  a  statute  of  William 
III.  had  clothed  custom-house  offlcers  in  the 
colonies  with  like  powers  to  those  which  they 
possessed  in  England ;  and  neither  of  these  stat- 
utes had  been  repealed.  There  can  therefore  be 
little  doubt  that  the  issiie  of  such  search-war- 
rants was  strictly  legal,  unless  the  authority  of 
Parliament  to  make  laws  for  the  colonies  was 
to  bo  denied.  James  Otis  then  held  the  crown 
office  of  advocate-general,  with  an  ample  salary 
and  prospects  of  high  favour  from  government. 
When  the  revenue  otflcers  called  upon  him,  in 
view  of  his  position,  to  defend  their  cause,  he 
resigned  his  office  and  at  once  undertook  to  act 
as  counsel  for  the  merchants  of  Boston  in  their 
protest  against  the  issue  of  the  writs.  A  large 
fee  was  offered  him,  but  he  refused  it.  '  In  such 
a  cause,'  said  he,  '  I  despise  all  fees.'  The  case 
was  tried  in  the  council-cha  nbcr  at  the  east  end 
of  the  old  town-hall,  or  wh  it  is  now  known  as 
the  '  Old  State-House,'  in  Boston.  Chief  justice 
Hutchinson  presided,  and  Jereniiah  Gridley,  one 
of  the  greatest  lawyers  of  that  day,  argued  the 
case  for  the  writ"  in  a  very  powerful  speech. 
The  reply  of  Otis,  which  took  five  hours  in  the 


delivery,  was  one  of  the  greatest  speeches  of 
modern  tinu's.  It  went  beyond  the  particular 
legal  <iU('Ntion  at  issue,  and  took  up  the  whole 
(luestlon  of  the  constitutional  relations  Ix'twccn 
the  coloides  and  the  mother-country.  At  the 
bottimi  of  this,  as  of  all  the  disputes  that  led 
to  the  Ueyohition,  lay  the  ultimate  (luestion 
whether  Americans  were  bound  to  yield  obe- 
<llence  to  laws  which  they  had  no  share  In 
making.  This  ((uestion,  and  the  s]>irit  that 
answered  it  flatly  and  doggedly  in  the  negative, 
were  heard  like  an  imilertone  i)crva<ling  all  the 
arguments  in  Otis's  wonderful  speech,  and  it  was 
because  of  this  that  the  young  lawyer  .lohn 
A<lam8,  who  was  present,  afterward  declared 
that  on  that  day  '  the  child  Independence  was 
born.'  Chief-Justice  Hutchinson  .  .  .  reserved 
his  decision  until  ailvice  could  be  had  from  the 
law-officers  of  the  crown  in  London;  and  when 
ne.vt  term  he  was  Instructed  by  them  to  grant  the 
writs,  this  result  added  fresh  Impetus  to  the 
spirit  that  Otis's  eloquence  had  aroused.  The 
custom-house  officers,  armed  with  their  'vrits, 
began    breaking    into  warehou:ws    and  seizing 

ifoixls  whli'i  were  said  to  have  been  sunigglcd. 
n  this  rouga  way  they  confiscated  private  prop- 
erty to  the  value  of  many  thousands  of  pounds; 
but  sometimes  the  owners  of  warehouses  armed 
themselves  and  liarricaded  their  doors  and  win- 
dows, and  thus  the  officers  were  often  success- 
f\dly  defied,  for  the  sheriff  was  far  from  prompt 
in  coming  to  aid  them." — J.  Fiske,  The  War  of 
Independence,  eh.  4. 

Also  in:  W.  Tudor,  Life  of  Jame*  OtU,  eh.  5- 
7. — P.  Bowen,  Life  of  James  Otis  (lAhrary  of 
Am.  lUog,,  serieii  3,  v.  2),  eh.  3-8. 

A.  D.  1761-1766.— The  question  of  taxation 
by  Parliament.- -The  Sugar  Act.— The  Stamp 
Act  and  its  repeal.— The  Declaratory  Act. — 
The  Stamp  Act  Congress.- Non-importation 
agreements.  See  Unitkd  States  ov  A.m.  : 
A.  D.  17(iO-1775,  to  1766. 

A.  D.  1768.— The  Circular  Letter  to  other 
colonies.  See  Unitkd  St.\tes  op  Am.  :  A.  D. 
1767-1768. 

A.  D.  1768-1770.— The  quartering  of  troops 
in  Boston. — The  "Massacre." — Removal  of 
the  troops.     See  Boston:  A.  I).  170H;  and  1770. 

A.  D.  1769. — The  Boston  patriots  threat- 
ened.— Virginia  roused  to  their  support.  See 
United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  I).  1760. 

A.  D.  1770-1773.— Repeal  of  the  Townshend 
duties  except  on  Tea. —Committees  of  Cor- 
respondence instituted. — The  coming  of  the 
Tea  Ships.  See  United  States  of  A.m.  :  A.  D. 
1770;  and  1772-1773. 

A.  D.  1773. — Destruction  of  Tea  at  Boston. 
See  Boston:  A.  D.  1773. 

A.  D.  1774.— The  Boston  Port  Bill  and  the 
Massachusetts  Act. — Free  government  de- 
stroyed and  commerce  interdicted. — The  First 
Continental  Congress.  See  United  States 
OF  Am.  :  A.  D.  1774  (March— April)  ;  and  Bos- 
ton: A.  D.  1774. 

A.  D.  1 77i(.— Organization  of  an  indepen- 
dent Provisional  Government. — The  Commit- 
tee of  Safety — Minute-men.— "Governor Gage 
issued  writs,  dated  September  1,  convening  the 
General  Court  at  Salem  on  the  5th  of  October, 
but  dissolved  it  by  a  proclamation  dated  Septem- 
ber 28,  1774.  The  members  elected  to  it.  pur- 
suant to  the  course  agreed  upon,  resolved  them- 
selves into  a  Provincial  Congress.    This  body,  oa 


2116 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1774. 


War  <}/ 
JwUpeniitnce. 


MASSACHUSETTS,  1780-1787. 


the  2flth  of  Ocfobor,  ndnpfod  ix  plan  for  orKiuilz- 
iiiK  till'  inilitiii,  iimliitiiiiiiiiK  it,  1111(1  ciilllii^  it  o\it 
when  circunistiiiiceH  sli(mi(i  reniicr  il  iii'ccHsiiry. 
It  provided  tliiit  one  iiujirtcr  of  tlie  liiinilxT  en- 
rolled hIioiiIiI  he  held  in  reiidineHH  to  niiiNter  ill 
the  shortest  noti<'e,  who  were  culled  hy  the 
popular  naiiK!  of  ininuto-men.  An  exeeiitivi,' 
authority  —  the  Coinmitteo  of  Safety  —  was 
Treated,  clothed  witli  largo  disrretlonarv  powers; 
and  another  called  the  Coinmlttee  of  S,;p|)lii's." 
— It.  Frothin(j;hain,//(W.  oft/w  Sirf/e  of  Himtun,  ii. 
41. —  Under  the  Provincial  Con>;re88  and  the 
cne-gntic  Cointnlttee  of  Safety  (which  consisted  at 
the  lieglnnini;  of  llancocls,  Warren  and  Church, 
of  Boston,  Hu-hard  Devensof  (,'harlestown,  nenj. 
White  of  Hrooltline,  .Tosepli  Palmer  of  Braintree, 
Abraham  Watson  of  ('anihrldge,  A/.or  Orne  of 
Marblchead,  and  Norton  Quincy,  who  declined) 
a  complete  and  elTective  administration  of  gov- 
ernment, entirely  independent  of  rrvyal  authority, 
was  brought  into  op'^rntion.  Subsequently, 
John  Pigeon  of  Newton,  William  Heath  of  Uox- 
bury,  and  Jabez  Fisher  of  Wrcntham,  were 
added  to  tho  coinmlttee. — U.  Frothingham,  Life 
and  Time*  of  Joiieph  Warren,  p.  380. — See  UNrrtu 
Statks  OK  A.M. :  A    D.  177.VAi'Kn.). 

A.  D.  1775.— The  beginning  of  the  War  of 
the  American  Revolution. — Lexington.— Con- 
cord.— The  country  in  arms  and  Boston  under 
siege.  —  Ticonderoea.  —  Bunker  Hill.  —  The 
Second  Continental  Congress,  See  United 
Statks  ok  Am.  :  A.  D.  177r). 

A.  D.  1775-1776.— Washington  in  command 
at  Cambridge. — British  evacu'\tion  of  Boston. 
See  Unitki>  St.\tks  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  177.>-1770. 

A.  D.  1776  (April  —  May).  —  Independence 
assumed  and  urged  upon  the  General  Con- 
gress.— "Massachusetts  had  for  nearly  a  year 
acted  independently  of  the  ollicers  of  the  crown. 
.  .  .  Tho  Qenernl  Court,  at  their  session  in  April 
[1770],  passed  a  resolve  to  alter  tho  stylo  of  writs 
and  other  legal  processes — substituting  'tho 
people  and  government  of  Massachusetts'  for 
George  III. ;  and,  in  dating  official  papers,  tho 
particular  year  of  tho  king  was  omitted,  and 
only  the  year  of  our  Lord  was  mentioned.  Early 
in  May,  likowiso,  an  order  was  passed  and  pub- 
lished, by  which  the  people  of  the  several  towns 
in  the  province  were  advised  to  give  instructions 
to  their  respective  representatives,  to  be  chosen 
for  the  following  political  year,  on  the  subject 
of  independence.  It  is  not  contended  that  this 
was  the  first  instance  in  which  such  a  proposition 
was  publicly  made ;  for  North  Carolina  had,  two 
weeks  before,  authorized  her  delegates  to  join 
with  tho  other  colonies  in  declaring  indepen- 
dence; and  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut  had 
indicated  their  inclination  by  dispensing  with 
tho  oatli  of  allegiance  to  the  king,  tliough  a 
month  elapsed  before  tho  Connecticut  Assembly 
instructed  their  delegates  to  vr  e  for  indepen- 
dence. Tho  returns  from  the  towns  of  Massa- 
chusetts were  highly  encouraging,  and  in  nearly 
every  instance  tho  instructions  lo  tlieir  represen- 
tatives were  favorable  to  an  explicit  dcclaratioa 
■  of  independence." — J.  8.  Barry,  Hist,  of  Mass., 
r.  3,  eh.  8. 

A.  D.  1776  (July).— The  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence by  the  Continental  Congress.  See 
United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1776  (July). 

A.  D.  1776-1777.— The  struggle  for  New 
York  and  the  Hudson. — The  campaigns  in 
New  Jersey  and  on  the  Delaware, — Burgoyne's 


Invasion  and  lurrender.    See  Unitkp  Statka 
OK  Am,:   A.  D.  177tl(AiorHT),  to  1777  (.Iii.v— 

OCTOIIKU). 

A.  D.  1777-1783.— The  Articles  of  Confed- 
eration.—Alliance  with  France.— Treason  of 
Arnold.— The  war  in  the  south.— Surrender 
of  Cornwallis. — Peace.  Sei"  I'mtkd  States 
OK  Am.;  a.  I).  1777-17K1,  to  17H;t. 

A.  D.  1779.— Framing  and  adoption  of  a 
State  Constitution.  .Si'e  Unitkii  .States  ok 
Am.:  a.  I).  177rt-1771». 

A.  D.  1781.— Emancipation  of  Slaves.  See 
Si.AVEiiY,  NE<iito:  A.  I).  t():iH-1781. 

A.  D.  1785.— Western  territorial  claims  and 
their  cession  to  the  United  States.  See 
United  States  OK  Am.  :  A.  I).  17h1-17H(I. 

A.  D.  I786.--Settlement  of  land  claims  with 
New  York.— The  cession  of  western  New 
York.     See  New  Yoiik;  A.  I).  liHll-iTlMI. 

A.  D.  1786-1787.— The  Shays  Rebellion.— 
"The  Shays  Kebellioii,  which  tiikes  its  name 
from  tho  leader  of  the  insurgents,  Daniel  Shays, 
lately  a  captain  in  the  Continental  army,  had  its 
taproot  in  tho  growing  spirit  of  lawlessness. 
But  special  causes  of  (lisconteiit  were  traceable 
to  an  unequal  distribution  of  wealth  au(l  ex- 
cessive land  taxation  in  Massachusetts,  the  solo 
seat  of  the  outbreak.  Governor  Bowdoin  and  _ 
his  party  strove  vigorously  to  reduce  the  State  ' 
debt  and  keen  up  tho  public  credit  at  a  periinl 
of  great  public  depression.  But  this  strained 
8overe!y  the  farmers  and  citizens  of  moderate 
means  in  the  inland  towns.  I'rivate  creditors 
pressed  their  debtors,  while  tho  State  pressed  all. 
Attachments  were  put  upon  tho  poor  man's  cattlo 
and  teams,  and  his  little  homestead  was  sacriliced 
under  the  sheriff's  hammer.  It  was  no  sign  of 
prosperity  that  tho  dockets  of  the  county  courts 
were  crowded,  and  that  lawyers  and  court  ollicers 
put  in  the  sickle.  There  was  common  complaint 
of  the  high  salaries  of  public  olllcials  and  tho 
wasteful  cost  atten<ling  litigation.  One  might 
suppose  that  a  legislature  annually  chosen  would 
soon  remedy  this  state  of  tilings.  But  the  in- 
habitants of  the  western  counties  took  the  short 
cut  of  resisting  civil  process  aiul  openly  defying 
the  laws.  And  herein  their  error  lay.  .Shays 
rallied  so  large  a  force  of  malcontents  about 
Worcester  in  the  fall  of  17H0  that  the  sheriff  and 
his  deputies  were  powerless  against  them,  and 
no  court  could  bo  held.  .  .  .  This  first  success 
of  tho  Massachusetts  instirgcnts  alarmed  the 
friends  of  order  througliout  the  Union.  .  .  . 
Congress,  by  this  time  an  adept  in  stealthy  and 
diplomatic  methods,  offered  secret  aid  to  tho  au- 
thorities of  Mas.sacliusetts  upon  the  pretext  of 
dispatching  troops  against  the  Indians.  But  the 
tender  was  not  accepted ;  for  in  James  Bowdoin 
tho  State  had  an  executive  equal  to  tho  emer- 
gency. Availing  himself  of  a  temporary  loan 
from  patriotic  citizens,  he  miscd  and  equipped  a 
militia  force,  large  enough  to  overawe  tho 
rebels,  which,  under  General  Lincoln's  command, 
was  promptly  marched  against  them.  Shays 
appears  to  have  had  more  of  the  demagogue 
than  warrior  about  him,  and  his  followers  (led 
as  the  troops  advanced  [being  finally  surprised 
and  routed  at  Petersham,  Feb.  4,  1787].  By 
midwinter  civil  order  was  restored ;  but  tho  legis- 
lature made  some  concessions  not  less  just  than 
prudent.  The  vanquished  rebels  were  treated 
with  marked  clemency.  But  Governor  Bow- 
doia's  energy  lost  him  a  re-election  the  following 


2117 


MA88ACnU8ETTS,  1786-1787. 


MAXIMILIAN. 


iiprinft,  nnd  nnn  of  the  iniiiillcHt  plon  jpfh  of  C'on- 
tliii'iitiil  reform  wiut  rtMiiltU'd  to  priviito  llfci  for 
the  rcHt  of  IiIh  iliiyH  To  liliii  Hiicc.'Ctlrd  tlu'  vet- 
criiii  lliiiicoc'k,  wlioHC  liulit  Hi'oiin  tlirouKli  a 
liornlunUTn  of  viinity  mm  lov.'  of  popiilitr  iip' 
pluuRr." — J.  Kclioulur,  llUt.  of  the  U.  H.,  e.  1,  (ft. 
1,  *W.  1. 

Al.H<>  IN;    J.  H.  MoMmU'-.,  l/inl.  of  the  I'mjilf. 

of  the   If.  S.,  V.  1,  fh.  8.—).  O.  Ilolliiii.l,  J/inl.  of 

W.  MiiDii.,  r.  1,  eh.  10-18  — M.  A.  Orccii,  Spring- 

fflil.  Kiail-IMMO,  rh.  14.- -.1.  K.  A.  Mmitli.  J/i«t.  of 

JSttuftflil.  17:t»-lH(M),  f'l.  21-22. 

A.  D.  1^88. —  Ratification  of  the  Federal 
Conititution.  Hm  Unitkd  Htatkm  ok  A.m.  ; 
A.  I).  17M7-17HP. 

A.  D.  i8i3-i8'.4.—Oppoiition  of  Federalists 
to  the  war  with  England.  Hei'  United  8tatk8 
OK  A.M. :  A.  I>  1812. 


Bee  HCYTIIIANB. 

See  MYHTit'i«.M. 
people  of  Mniwilln  ■ 


MASSACRES.— Of Glenco.    8oe  Gt  oti.and: 

A.  I).  Um or  the  Mamelukes  (iS   i).    Sec 

Koyi'T;  A.  I).  180:J-1H11 Of  the  Mountain 

Meadrwa  U857).     Hee  Itaii:  a.  I).  IHW-IHSU. 
...  .Of  St.  Bartholomew's  Day.     Sec  Fuanck: 

A.  I>.  1572 Of  St.  Brice's  Day  (1002).     8ec 

Enoi.a.m):    A.  I).  l»7i»-1010 Of  September, 

1793,  in  the  Paris  prisons.    Heo  Fuanck:  A.  1>. 

1703  (AiKiUBT— SuiTEMrKii) Of  the  Shiites. 

Hec  Tukkh:  A.  I).  1481-1520 The   Sicilian 

Vespers  (laSa).    See  I'.aiv  (Soutiieun):  A.  U. 
12H2- 1:100. 

MASSAGETiE,  The. 

MASSALIANS,  The. 

MASSALIOTS.— The 
liiieieiit  .Marseilles. 

MASSE  N A,  Marshal,  Campaigns  of.  Sco 
Fuanck:  A.  1).  1700-1707  (()( tohku— Arnii,) ; 
1708-1700  (AiKiiiHT—AiMiii,);  1700  (Apnii-— 8kp- 
TKMHK.K)  and  (AlKniBT — Dkckmiieu);  1800-1801 
(May— Fkhuuauy);  1805  (Makch— Decemhku); 

1805-1800  (nKfEMllKK—SEITEMIlEU)  J  ttlld  Si'AIN  : 

A.  I).  lHlO-1812. 

MASSILIA.— Tliemiciuiit  iiiimc  of  JliirsciUus. 
See  l'lii);',«ANS. 

MASSIMILIANO,  Duke  of  Milan,  A.  T>. 
1512-1515. 

MASSORETES.    See  Masoretes. 

MASULIPATAM,  English  capture  of 
(1759).     See  India:  A.  D.  1758-1701. 

M ATAGUAYAS,  The,    Sec  Bolivia  :  Abo- 

RKIINAI,  INIIAllITANTS. 

MATELOTAGE.  See  America:  A.  D. 
10i!(»-170(). 

MATHER,  Cotton,  and  the  Witchcraft  ex- 
citement.    See  Massaciiuhettk:  A.  O.  1002. 

MATHER,  Increase,  and  the  new  Massa- 
chusetts Charter.  See  MAssACHuaETTB:  A.  D. 
1080-1002. 

MATILDA,  Donation  of  the  Countess.  See 
Pai'ACY:  a.  I).  1077-1102. 

MATRON  A,  The. —  The  ancient  name  of  the 
river  Miiriic. 

MATRON  ALIA,  The.— An  ancient  Uoman 
festival,  celebrated  on  the  Calends  of  March,  in 
memory  of  the  intervention  of  the  Sabine  ma- 
trons, to  make  peace  between  their  Sabine  kins- 
men and  their  Roman  husbands. — II.  G.  Liddell, 
JIM.  of  Ilonu,  bk.  1,  ch.  1  (v.  1). — See  Rome:  The 
MAi'K.  OK  THE  Sabine  women. 

MATTHIAS,    Germanic    Emperor,   A.    D. 

1012-1019 Matthias    Corvinus,    King     of 

Hungary,  1457-1400. 


A.  D.  1814.— The  Hat' lord  ConTention.  See 
United  Htatkk  OK  Am.  :  A.  1/.  'Hi4(I>iccKMnEU). 

A.  D.  i8i8-i8ai.— The  .'oundlngof  Amherst 
College.  Si'e  Kdi'cation,  ..loDEiiN:  Ameiika: 
A.  I).  181H-1H21. 

A.  D.  i8ao.— The  district  of  Maine  erected 
into  a  distinct  State.     See  .Maine:  A.  1).  IH.M). 

A.  D.  i>'ii  (April).  —  Prompt  response  to 
Prtside.'it  Lincoln's  call  for  troops.  —  Attack 
on  the  Sixth  Regiment  in  Baltimore.  See 
United  Htatkh  OK  A.M. :  .\.  I).  IHOl  (Aruii.). 

A.  D.  1861  (April  —  May).  —  The  Eighth 
Regiment  ilcing  its  way  to  Washington.— 
Butler  and  Baltimore.  Se(!  Unhkd  Status  ok 
Am.:  A.I).  IHOl  (Ai-uii.— May:  Maiiyi.and). 

A.  D.  1889.  — The  founding  of  Clark  Uni- 
versity. See  Education,  Modern:  America: 
A.  I).  1887-1880. 

MATTIACI,  The.— The  Mattiad  ..ore  an 
ancient  Oeriiian  trib..  .Viendly  to  Home.  They 
inhabited  a  n'^lon  in  NasHaii,  about  Wiesbaden. 
— Church  and  HriMlribb,  (Aw/-  -Aw'''*  t»  The  Her- 
minii/  of  I'lieilim. — See,  also,  .Mooontiacim. 

MAUREGATO,  King  of  Leon  and  the 
Asturias,  or  Oviedo,  A.  1).  783-788. 

MAURETANIA.— MAURETANIANS.- 
MOORS.     See  Nimidians. 

Under  the  Romans.  See  Akhica:  The  Ro- 
man I'llOVINCK. 

A.  D.  374-398. — Revolts  of  Firmus  and 
Gildo.     See  Rome:  A.  I).  :i90-;!08. 

Conquest  by  the  Vtndals.  See  Vandai.h: 
A.  I).  420-4:19. 

Mahometan  Conquest.  See  Maiiombtan 
CoNtjUKsT:  A.  I).  047-700. 

Medieval  and  Modern  History.  Sec  Ma- 
iiocco;  also,  Hauhauy  Statkh. 

MAURICE,    Roman    Emperor   (Ea^^ern), 

A.  I).  582-002 Maurice,  Prince  of  Oranee 

and  Count  of  Nassau,  Stadtholdt.  of  the 
United  Provinces  (Netherlands),  1587-1625. 
See  Netiikhi.ands:  A.  I).  1,584-1585,  10  1021- 
lOil.t Maurice  of  Saxony,  The  dishonor- 
able exploits  of.  See  Geu.many:  A.  D.  1.540- 
1553. 

MAURIENNE,  Counts  of. —The  earliest 
title  of  the  princes  of  the  House  of  Savoy.  Sec 
Savoy:  11-15tii  Centijiues. 

MAURITANIANS.    See  Mauretania. 

MAURITIUS,  or  the  Isle  of  France,  Eng- 
lish acquisition  of  the  (1810).  See  France: 
A.  1).  1814  (April— .June);  also,  India:  A.  1). 
1805-;810. 

MAURITIUS  RIVER.— The  name  given 
by  the  Dutch  to  the  Hudson  River. 

MAUSOLEUM  AT  HALICARNASSUS. 
See  Cauians. 

MAUSOLEUM  OF  HADRIAN.  See  Cas- 
tle St.  Anoelo. 

MAVROVALLACHIA.  See  Balkan  and 
Danuhian  States:  12tii  Century. 

MAXEN,  Capitulation  of.  See  Germany: 
A.  I).  1759  (.July — Novemrer). 

MAXIMA  CiESARIENSIS.  See  Britain: 
A.  D.  32,3-!i37. 

MAXIMIAN,  Roman  Emperor,  A.  D.  286- 
305. 

MAXIMILIAN,  Emperor  of  Mexico.     Sec 

Mexko:    A.   n.  1801-1807 Maximilian   I., 

Archduke  of  Austria,  King  of  the   Romans, 


2118 


MAXIMILIAN. 


MEDIA  AND  TIIK  MKDES. 


A.    D.    14Nn-t40.1:    Germanic  Emperor,    1  lim- 

mil) Maximilian  II.,  Archduke  of  Austria, 

King  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  and  Germanic 
Emperor,  i:i(rt-l,')7(l. 

MAXIMIN,  Roman  Emperor,  A.  T).  2!)»-2:i8. 

MAXIMUS,  Revolt  of.    Htc  Hhitain:  A.  I). 

MAXYANS,  The.     Hcc  I,iiivan«. 

MAY,  OR  M^iY,  Cape:  The  Name.  Sio 
Nkw  York:  A.  1).  1(110-1014, 

MAY  LAWS,  The  German.  Hvo  Ubhmany: 
A.  I).  1H7:1-1HM7. 

MAY  LAWS,  The  Russian,  of  1883.  Sun 
Jkwm:  IKtii  Ckntihy. 

MAYAS,  The,  and  their  early  civilization. 

St'L'  /.      '^UICAN  AllOllKtlNKH:    MaYAH. 

MA    ENCE.     Hce  Mkntz. 

MA\    LOWER,  The  Voyage  of  the.  See 

Mamhaciiuhktth:  A.  I).  1820. 

MAYNOOTH,  Siege  of.— Tlio  puhHo  of  Mny- 
nooth,  licltl  by  tlio  Irish  in  the  rubtlllcm  of  15!t5, 
-wiM  bi'Hli'fri'd  by  tli(!  Km^IihIi,  stormciliUKitiikcn, 
March  23  of  tlmt  yciir,  unci  twenty-Mix  of  its  dc- 
femlcrg  liitnKcil.  Tlie  ri'bt'llion  »oon  colliipxcd. 
—  J.  A.  Kroii  li'.  Hint,  of  Km/.,  eh.  8. 

MAYNOOTH  Git  "^NTiThe.  SccIiiei.anu: 
A.  I).  1844. 

MAYO,  Lord,  The  Indian  administration 
and  the  issassination  of.  Uco  Inula:  A.  D. 
1802-1870. 

MAYOR  OF  THE  PALACE.  — "The 
Mayor  of  the  I'liliice  is  met  witli  In  nil  the  Frank- 
isli  kiu>;(l()ni8.  .  .  .  The  mayors  were  at  tlrst 
merely  the  flrst  superintendents,  the  first  adnii.-. 
istrators  of  the  intcrlorof  the  palace  of  the  kinj?; 
the  chiefs  whom  he  put  at  tlia  head  of  his  coin- 

f  anions,  of  his  leudes,  still  united  around  him. 
t  was  their  duty  to  niaintiUn  order  among  the 
king's  men,  to  ailminlster  justice.'to  look  to  all 
the  affairs,  to  all  the  wants,  of  that  great  domestic 
society.  They  were  the  men  of  the  king  with 
the  leudes;  this  was  their  first  character,  their 
first  state.  Now  for  the  second.  After  having 
exercised  the  power  of  the  king  over  his  lcu<les, 
his  mayors  of  the  palace  usu.ped  it  to  their  own 
profit.  The  leudes.  by  grants  of  public  charges 
and  fiefs,  were  not  long  before  they  became 
great  proprietors.  Tlds  new  situation  was  su- 
perior to  that  of  companions  of  the  king ;  they 
detached  themselves  from  him,  and  united  In 
order  to  defend  their  common  Interestti.  Acconl- 
ing  as  their  fortune  dictated,  the  mayors  of  the 
palace  sometimes  resisted  them,  more  often 
united  with  them,  and,  at  first  servants  of  the 
king,  they  at  last  became  the  chiefs  of  an  aris- 
tocracy, against  whom  royalty  could  do  nothing. 
These  are  the  two  principal  pliases  of  this  insti- 
tution: it  gained  more  extension  and  fixedness 
in  AustrasTa,  in  the  family  of  the  Pepins,  who 
possessed  it  almost  a  century  and  a  half,  than 
anywhere  else." — F.  Quizot,  Hiat.  of  Civiliza- 
tion, V.  3  (France,  v.  1),  lect.  19. 

Also  in:  W.  C.  Perry,  The  Franks,  ch.  5.— 
Bee.  also,  Franks:  A.  D.  511-752. 

MAYORUNA,  OR  BARBUDO,  The.  See 
Amkukan  Auokioinks:  Andesians. 

MAYPO,  Battle  of  (1818).  8ee  Chile:  A.  D. 
1810-1818. 

MAZ  AC  A.  — "  Mazaca  [the  capital  city  of 
ancient  Cappadocia]  was  situated  at  the  base  of 
the  great  volcanic  mountain  Argaeiis  (Argish), 
about  18,000  feet  high.  .  .  .  The  Roman  em- 
peror Tiberius  changed  the  name  of  Mazaca  to 


{'(ifdarcla,  iinil  It  U  now  Kai>uiriyeh  on  tlie  Kam 
Hu.  n  small  Htrcain  which  tlxwH  into  the  llalyH 
(Kl/.il  Krniak)."— <}.  Long,  Decline  nf  tho  Human 
Hqniltlir,  r.  .'i,  rh.  22. 

MAZARIN,  Ministry  of.  See  Fiianck: 
A.  I).  1012   t04:i,  to  |0.')IMOni. 

MAZARINE  BIBLE,  The.  See  Phintinci: 
A.  I).  14:10  1150. 

MAZARQUIVER,  Siege  of  (1563).  Heo 
TUiiiiAiiv  Sr.vrKM:  A.  f).  l.Wt-mO.V 

MAZES.     Sec  Laiivkl-stmh. 

MAZOR.     Hcc  IviYi-i':  1th  Names. 

MAZZINI,  Joseph,  and  the  revolutionary 
movements  in  Italy.  (See  Italy:  A.  I>.  IHItl- 
IHIM. 

MEADE,  General  George  G.:  Command  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac— Battle  of  Gettys- 
burg, and  after.  See  United  Htateb  ok  Am.  : 
A.  1).   180,'J  (.IliNK— Ji'LY:  1'ennsvlvania);  and 

(JlH.V — NOVKMIIEU:    VlKdl.NIA). 

MEAL-TUB  PLOT,  The.  8ooEn«lani>: 
A,  1).  107i»(.Ii  NE), 

ME/  NEE,  Battle  of  (1843).     Hce  Scinde. 

MEAJX,  Siege  of.— The  city  of  Mcanx,  on 
Ihi'  V>rne,  in  Fnince,  wis  vigorously  besieged 
for  si!vcn  months  by  Henry  V.  of  Kni;Iand,  but 
surrendered  on  the  lOih  of  Mav,  1422.-  'Ions- 
trelet,  ChronieU*,  hk.  1,  ch.  240-250. 


See 


MECCA :     Rise    of   Mahometanism. 
>Iaiio.metan  Oon^i'est:  009-0112. 

A.  D.  693.— Siege    by  the  Omeyyads. 
Maitometan  Consent:  A.  I),  715-7:)0. 

A.  D.  929.— Stormed  and   Pillaged  by  the 
Carmathians.     !See  Caumathl^nh. 


See 


MECHANICSVILLE,  Engagements  at. 
See  United  States  ok  A.m.  :  A.  I).  1802  (May: 
Vikoinia)  The  Peninsulau  Campaign;  and 
(June— July:  Vikoinia). 

MECHLIN:  A.  D.  1573.— Pillage  and  mas- 
sacre by  Alva's  troops.  See  Netiieulands: 
A.  1).  1573-157;t. 

A.  D.  1585.— Surrender  to  the  Spaniards. 
See  Netiieulandh;  A.  I).  1584-158,5. 

MECKLENBURG:  The  Duchy  bestowed 
on  Wallenstein  (1628).  See  Geiima.ny:  A.  D. 
1027-1020. 

MECKLENBURG  DECLARATION, 
The.    See  Nohtii  Cakolina  :  A.  D.  1775  ^May). 

MEDAIN.— Medain,  "the  twin  city,"  com- 
bined in  one,  under  this  Arabic  name,  the  two 
contiguous  Persian  capitals,  Selcucia  and  (Jtes- 
iphon.  The  name  Medain  signifies  "  cities,"  and 
"it  is  said  to  liave  comprised  a  cluster  of  seven 
towns,  but  it  is  ordinarily  taken  to  designate  the 
twin  cities  of  Scleucia  and  Ctesiphon." — Sir  W. 
Muir,  Annalaoflhe  Early  Caliphate,  ch.  IQand  17. 

MEDIA  AND  THE  MEDES.— The  coun- 
try of  the  Medes,  in  its  original  extent,  coincided 
very  nearly  with  the  northwestern  part  of 
modern  Persia,  between  Farsistan  and  the  Klburz 
mountains.  "The  boundaries  of  Media  are 
given  somewhat  differently  by  different  writers, 
and  no  doubt  they  actually  varied  at  different 
periods;  but  the  variations  were  not  great,  and 
the  natural  limits,  on  three  sides  at  any  rate,  may 
be  laid  down  with  tolerable  precision.  Towards 
the  north  the  boundary  was  at  flrst  the  moun- 
tain chain  closing  in  on  that  side  the  Urumiyeb 


2119 


MEDIA  AND  THE  MEDE8. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


basin,  nftcr  wlilch  it  seems  fo  have  been  held 
lliiit  tlie  true  limit  WU8  the  Araxcs,  to  its  entrance 
oi.  tlie  low  cotiutry,  and  then  the  nioiiutain  chain 
went  and  8()\itli  of  the  ('aspian.  AVestward,  tlii 
line  of  (k'Miarcution  may  be  best  regarded  as. 
towards  the  soiitli,  running  along  the  cenvre  of 
the  Zagros  region;  and,  above  this,  as  fotmcd 
by  tliat  continuation  of  the  Zagros  chain  wldch 
separatt^s  tlie  Urunnveh  from  the  Van  batin. 
Eastward,  the  boundary  was  marked  by  tliB 
spur  from  tlie  Elburz,  across  which  lay  the  pans 
known  as  the  Pylffi  Caspiue,  and  below  this  bj- 
the  great  salt  (fcsert,  whose  western  limit  is 
nearly  in  the  same  longitude.  Towards  the 
south  there  was  no  marked  line  or  natural  boun- 
dary. .  .  .  We  may  place  the  southern  limit  witli 
much  probability  about  the  line  of  the  thirty- 
second  parallel,  wl.'icli  is  nearly  the  present 
boundary  between  Ir.ik  and  Fars." — G.  Kawlin- 
son,  tXte great  MimareliieK:  Media,  ch.  1. — "The 
nation  of  tlie  Medes  belongs  to  the  group  of  the 
Aran  tribes,  which  occupie(l  the  table-land  of 
Ir.'n.  This  has  betn  already  proved  by  the 
statement  of  Herodotus  that  in  ancient  times  the 
^Medians  were  called  Areans  by  all  men,  by  the 
religion  of  the  Medes,  and  by  all  the  Median  words 
and  names  that  have  come  down  to  us.  Accord- 
ing to  Herodotus  the  nation  consisted  of  six 


t-ibes:  the  ArlzantI,  Busac,  Struchates,  Biulil, 
ParaetaccMii,  and  Abigi.  .  .  .  The  Magians  wu 
have  already  found  t')  be  a  hereditary  order  of 
Priests." — M.  Duncker,  Hist,  of  Antiquity,  bk.  b, 
ch.  1. — The  Medes,  who  seem  to  have  been  long 
without  any  centralizing  authority  among 
tlicm,  became,  at  last,  united  under  a  monarchy 
which  grew  in  power,  until,  in  the  later  part  of 
the  seventh  century  B.  C,  it  combined  with 
Ui.bylonia  against  the  decaying  Assyrian  king- 
dom. Nineveh  was  destroyed  by  the  confederates, 
and  the  dominions  of  Assyria  were  divided  be- 
tween them,  The  Median  empire  which  then 
rose,  by  the  side  of  tlie  Babylonian,  endured  little 
more  than  half  a  century.  It  was  the  first  of  the 
conquestii  of  Cyrus  (see  Peusia  :  B.  C.  549—521), 
or  Kyros,  the  founder  of  the  Persian  empire  (B.  C. 
549). — A.  U  Sayce,  Ancient  Em}nre»  of  the  East, 
appendix  5. 

Also  in:  I'.  Lenormant  and  E.  Chevallier, 
Manual  of  the  Ancient  Hist,  of  the  East,  bk.  5, 
ch.  1-1. 

The  ancient  religion.    Sec  Zokoastrianb. 

MEDIA    ATROPATENE.    See   Atropa- 

TKNK. 

MEDIi£VAL,  Belonging  to    the  Middle 

Ages — which  see. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Chronology  of  Development. — Renouard,  in 
his  "History  of  Jledicine,"  arranges  the  chron- 
ology of  the  development  of  medical  knowledge 
in  three  grand  divisions  or  Ages,  subdivided 
into  eight  periods.  "The  First  Age  commences 
with  the  infancy  of  society,  as  far  back  as  historic 
tradition  carries  us,  and  terminates  toward  the 
end  of  the  second  century  of  the  Christian  era, 
at  the  aeath  of  Galen,  during  the  reign  of  Sep- 
timus Severus.  This  lapse  of  time  constitutes, 
in  Medicine,  the  Foundation  Age.  The  germ  of 
the  Healing  Art,  concealed,  at  first,  in  the  in- 
stincts of  men,  is  gradually  developed ;  the  basis 
of  the  science  is  laid,  and  great  principles  are  dis- 
cussed. .  .  .  The  Second  Age,  which  may  be 
called  the  Age  of  Transition,  offers  very  little 
material  to  the  history  of  Medicine.  We  see  no 
longer  the  conflicts  and  discussions  between 
partisans  of  different  doctrines ;  the  medical  sects 
are  confounded.  The  art  remains  stationary,  or 
imperceptibly  retrogrades.  I  can  not  better  de- 
pict this  epoch  than  by  comparing  it  to  the  life 
of  an  insect  in  tbe  nympha  state;  though  no  ex- 
terior change  appears,  an  admirable  metamor- 
phosis is  going  on,  imperceptibly,  within.  The 
eye  of  man  only  perceives  the  wonder  after  it  has 
been  finished.  Thus  from  the  15th  century, 
which  is  the  beginning  of  the  third  and  last  Age 
of  Medicine,  or  the  Age  of  Renovation,  Europe 
offers  us  a  spectacle  of  which  the  most  glorious 
eras  of  the  republics  of  Greece  and  Rome  only 
can  give  us  an  idea.  It  would  seem  as  if  a  new 
life  was  infused  into  the  veins  of  the  inhabitants 
of  this  part  of  the  world ;  the  sciences,  fine  arts, 
industry,  religion,  social  institutions,  all  are 
changed.  A  multitude  of  scliools  are  open 
for  teaching  Medicine.  Establishments  which 
had  no  models  among  the  ancients,  are  cre- 
ated for  the  purpose  of  extending  to  the  poorer 
classes  the  benefits  of  the  Healing  Art.     The 


ingenious  activity  of  modern  Christians  ex- 
plores and  is  sufficient  for  everything.  These 
tliree  grand  chronological  divisions  do  not  suffice 
to  classify,  in  our  minds,  the  principal  phases  of 
the  history  of  Medicine;  consequently,  I  have 
subdivided  cvdh  age  into  a  smaller  number  of 
sections,  eisy  v'o  be  retained,  and  which  I  have 
named  Periods.  The  first  Age  embraces  four 
periods,  the  second  and  third  ages,  each,  two. 
.  .  .  The  first  period,  which  we  name  Primitive 
Period,  or  that  of  instinct,  ends  with  the  ruin  of 
Troy  about  twelve  centuries  before  the  Christian 
era.  The  second,  called  the  Mystic  or  Sacred 
Period,  extends  from  the  dissolution  of  the 
'  Pythagorean  Society '  to  about  the  year  500 
A.  C.  The  third  period,  which  ends  at  the 
foundation  of  the  Alexandrian  Library,  A.  C, 
320,  we  name  the  P.hilosophic  Period.  The 
fourth,  which  we  designate  tlie  Anatomic,  ex- 
tends to  the  end  of  the  first  age,  i.  o. ,  to  the  year 
200  of  the  Christian  era.  Ihe  fifth  is  called  the 
Greek  Period ;  it  ends  at  the  destruction  of  the 
Alexandrian  Librury,  A.  D.  G40.  The  sixth  re- 
ceives the  surname  of  Arabic,  a^^  closes  with 
the  14th  century.  The  seventh  period,  which  be- 
gins the  third  age,  comprises  the  15th  and  16th 
centuries;  it  is  distinguished  as  the  Erudite. 
Finally,  the  eighth,  or  last  period,  embraces  the 
17th  and  18th  centuries  [beyond  which  tlio 
writer  did  not  carry  his  history],  I  call  it  the 
Reform  Period." — P.  V.  Renouard,  History  of 
Medicine,  inti-od. 

Egyptian. — "Medicine  is  practised  among 
them  [the  Egyptians]  on  a  plan  of  separation ; 
each  physician  treats  a  single  disorder,  and  no 
more:  thus  the  country  swarms  with  medical 
practitioners,  some  undertaking  to  cure  diseases 
of  the  eye,  others  of  the  head,  others  again  of  the 
teeth,  others  of  the  intestines,  and  some  those 
which   are    not    local."  —  Herodotus,    History, 


2120 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Ancient  Egyptian, 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


ii:  hy  Rawlinmn,  hk.  2,  eh.  84.—  'Not  only  was 
the  study  of  medicine  of  very  early  dale  in 
Egypt,  but  medical  men  there  were  in  such  re- 
jiiite  that  they  were  sent  for  at  various  times 
from  other  countries.  Tlieir  knowledge  of  nicdi- 
cini!  is  celebrated  by  Homer  (Od.  iv.  330),  who 
<li'S('ribe8  Polydamna,  tli"  wife  of  Thonis,  as 
giving  medicinal  plants  '  Helen,  in  Egypt,  a 
country  producing  an  inflni  number  of  drugs 
.  .  .  where  each  physician  p  jsscsscs  knowledge 
nbove  all  other  men.'  'O  .irgin  daughter  of 
Egypt,'  says  Jeremiah  (Ixvi.  11),  '  in  vain  shall 
thou  use  many  medicines.'  Cyrn,  and  Darius 
both  s<;nt  to  Egypt  for  medical  men  (Her.  iii.  1, 
133);  and  Pliny  (.\ix.  5)  says  post  mortem  ex- 
nniinatious  were  made  in  order  to  discover  tlie 
nature  of  maladies.  Doctors  received  their 
salaries  from  the  treasury ;  but  they  were  obliged 
to  conform  in  '  ho  treatment  of  a  patient  to  the 
rules  laid  down  in  their  books,  his  death  being  a 
capital  crime,  if  ho  was  found  to  have  been 
treated  in  any  otlier  way.  But  deviations  from, 
and  approved  additions  to,  the  sacred  prescrip- 
tions were  occasionally  made;  and  the  proliibi- 
tion  was  only  to  prevent  the  experiments  of 
young  practitioners,  whom  Pliny  considers  the 
only  persons  privileged  to  kill  a  man  with  im- 
punity. Aristotle  indeed  says  'the  Egyptian 
physicians  were  allowed  after  the  third  day  to 
alter  the  treatment  prescribed  by  authority,  and 
even  before,  taking  upon  themselves  the  re- 
sponsibility' (Polit.  iii.  11).  Experience  gradu- 
ally taught  them  many  new  remedies ;  and  that 
they  had  adopted  a  method  (of  no  very  old  stand- 
ing' in  modern  practice)  of  stopping  teeth  with 
gold  is  proved  by  some  mummies  found  at 
Thebes.  Besides  the  protection  of  society  from 
tlie  pretensions  of  quacks,  the  Egyptians  pro- 
vided that  doctors  should  not  demand  fees  on  a 
foreign  journey  or  on  military  service,  when  pa- 
tients were  treated  free  of  expense  (Diod.  i.  83); 
and  we  may  conclude  that  they  were  obliged  to 
treat  the  poor  gratis,  on  consideration  of  tlie  al- 
lowance paid  them  as  a  body  by  government. 
.  .  .  Poor  and  superstitious  people  sometimes 
had  recourse  to  dreams,  to  wizards,  to  donations 
to  sacred  animals,  and  to  exvotos  to  the  gods. 
.  .  .  Charms  were  also  written  for  the  credulous, 
some  of  which  have  been  found  on  small  pieces 
of  papyrus,  which  were  rolled  up  and  worn  as 
by  the  modern  Egyptians.  Accoucheurs  were 
women ;  whic"  we  learn  from  Exodus  i.  15,  and 
from  the  sculptures,  as  in  modern  Egypt.  .  .  . 
The  Egyptian  doctors  were  of  the  sacerdotal  or- 
der, lilce  the  embalmers,  who  are  called  (in 
Genesis  i.  2) '  Physicians,'  and  were  '  commanded 
by  Joseph  to  embalm  his  father.'  They  were  of 
tlie  class  called  Pastophori,  who,  according  to 
Clemens  (Strom.  lib.  6),  being  physicians,  were 
expected  to  know  about  all  things  relating  to  the 
body,  and  diseases,  and  remedies,  contained  in 
the  six  last  sacred  books  of  Hermes.  Manetho 
tells  us  that  Athothes,  the  second  king  of  Egypt, 
who  was  a  physician,  wrote  the  anatomical 
books;  and  his  name,  translated  Hennogenes, 
may  have  been  the  origin  of  the  tradition  tliat 
ascribed  them  to  Hennes,  the  Egyptian  Thoth. 
Or  the  fable  may  mean  that  they  were  the  result 
of  inttUect  personified  by  Thoth,  or  Hermes."  — 
G.  Rawlinson,  Note  to  Herodotus,  as  above. — 
"The  ancient  Egyptians,  though  medical  science 
was  zealously  studied  by  them,  also  thought 
that  the  etliccy  of  the  treatmeut  was  enhanced 


by  magic  formtilie.  In  the  Elwrs  Papyrus,  an 
important  and  very  ancient  manual  of  Egyptian 
niitlicine,  the  prescriptions  for  various  medica- 
ments are  aeoompanii'd  by  the  forms  of  exorcism 
to  be  used  at  the  sanu!  time,  a:  id  yet  many  por- 
tions of  this  work  give  evidence  of  the  advanced 
knowledge  of  its  authors." — Q.  Eliers,  J'^jj/pt, 
r.  2,  pp.  (il-02,  — "  AVorks  on  medicine  abounded 
in  Egypt  from  the  remotest  times,  and  the  great 
medical  library  of  Memphis,  which  was  of  im- 
memorial aiiti(iuity,  was  yet  in  existence  in  the 
second  century  before  our  era,  wlien  Oalcn  vis- 
iied  the  Valley  of  the  Nile.  .  .  .  Ateta,  third 
king  of  the  First  Dynasty,  is  the  reputed  autlior 
of  a  treatise  on  anatomy.  He  also  covered  him- 
self with  glory  by  the  invention  of  an  infallible 
hair-wash,  which,  like  a  dutiful  son,  he  is  said 
to  have  prepared  especially  for  the  benefit  of  his 
motlier.  No  less  than  five  medical  papyri  have 
come  down  to  our  time,  the  finest  being  the  cele- 
brated Ebers  papyrus,  bought  at  Thebes  by  Dr. 
Ebers  in  1874.  I'his  papyrus  contains  one  hun- 
dred and  ten  pages,  each  page  consisting  of 
about  twenty-two  lines  of  bold  liieratic  writing. 
It  may  be  described  as  an  Encyclopaidia  of 
Medicine  as  known  and  practised  by  the  Egyp- 
tians of  the  Eighteenth  Dynasty ;  and  it  contains 
prescriptions  for  all  kinds  of  diseases  —  some 
borrowed  from  Syrian  medical  lore,  and  some  of 
such  great  antiquity  that  they  are  ascribed  to 
the  mythologic  ages,  when  the  gods  yet  reigned 
personally  upon  earth.  Among  others,  we  are 
given  the  recipe  for  an  application  whereby 
Osiris  cured  lla  of  the  headache.  The  Egyptians 
attached  great  importance  to  these  ancient  medi- 
cal works,  which  were  regarded  as  final.  The 
physician  who  faithfully  followed  their  rules  of 
treatment  might  kill  or  cure  with  impunity ;  but 
if  he  ventured  to  treat  the  patient  according  to 
his  own  notions,  and  if  that  patient  died,  lie  paid 
for  the  experiment  with  his  life.  Seeing,  how- 
ever, what  the  canonical  remedies  were,  the  mar- 
vel is  that  anybody  ever  recovered  from  any- 
thing. Raw  meat;  horrible  mixtures  of  nitre, 
beer,  milk,  and  blood,  boiled  up  and  swallowed 
hot;  the  bile  of  certain  fishes;  and  the  bones, 
fat,  and  skins  of  all  kinds  of  unsavory  creatures, 
such  as  vultures,  bats,  lizards  and  crocodiles, 
were  among  their  choicest  remedies."  —  A.  B. 
Edwards,  Pharaohs,  Fellahs  and  Explorers,  ch.  6. 
— "In  Egypt  .  .  .  man  does  not  die,  but  some 
one  or  something  assassinates  him.  The  mur- 
derer often  belongs  to  our  world,  and  can  be 
ea.°ily  pointed  out.  .  .  .  Oftc-n,  though,  it  be- 
long;?, to  the  invisible  world,  and  only  reveals 
itself  by  the  malignity  of  its  attacks:  it  is  a  god, 
a  spirit,  the  soul  of  a  dead  man,  that  has  cun- 
ningly entered  a  living  person,  or  that  throws 
itself  upon  him  witli  irresistible  violence.  .  .  . 
Wioever  treats  a  sick  person  has  therefore  two 
equally  important  duties  to  perform.  He  must 
first  discover  the  nature  of  the  spirit  in  possession, 
and,  if  necessary,  its  name,  and  then  attack  it, 
drive  it  out,  or  even  destroy  it.  He  can  only 
succeed  by  powerful  magic,  so  he  must  be  an 
expert  in  reciting  incantations,  and  skilful  In 
making  amulets.  He  must  then  use  medicine  to 
contend  with  the  disorders  which  the  presence 
of  the  strange  being  has  produced  in  the  body ; 
this  is  done  by  a  finely  graduated  regime  and 
various  remedies.  The  cure-workers  are  there- 
fore divided  into  several  categories.  Some  in- 
cline towards  sorcery,  and  have  faith  in  formulas 


2121 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Sabylonkin. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


and  tallsmcn  only;  tlicy  tliink  they  hiivc  done 
•■notigh  if  tlicy  havu  drivtii  out  the  Hpirit. 
Others  extol  the  use  of  drugs;  thev  study  the 
(lualities  of  i)liints  iind  niiueruls,  deseribe  the 
(tiscuses  to  which  eiieh  of  the  substuuces  ])ro- 
vidcd  by  nature  is  suitable,  and  settle  the  exact 
lime  when  they  mu.st  be  procured  and  ajjplied: 
certain  herbs  have  no  power  unless  they  are 
gathered  during  the  night  at  the  full  moon, 
others  are  etlicacious  in  summer  only,  another 
acts  e(jually  well  in  winter  or  summer.  The 
best  doctors  carefully  avoid  binding  themselves 
exclusively  to  either  method." — G.  Maspero, 
Life  ill  Ancient  Egypt  ami  Aimyria,  eh.  7. — "  The 
employment  of  numerous  drugs  in  Egypt  has 
been  mentioned  by  sacred  and  profane  writers; 
and  the  medicinal  properties  of  many  herbs  which 
grow  in  the  deserts,  particularly  between  the 
Nile  and  Red  Sea,  arc  still  known  to  the  Arabs, 
though  their  application  has  lieeu  but  Imper- 
fectly recorded  and  preacived.  .  .  .  Homer,  in 
the  Odyssey,  describes  the  many  valuable  medi- 
cines given  by  Polydainna,  the  wife  of  Tlionis, 
to  Helen,  wl'.'.Ie  in  E^y pt,  '  a  country  whose  fer- 
tile soil  produces  un  mtinity  of  drugs,  some  salu- 
tary and  some  pernicious,  where  each  physician 
possesses  knowledge  above  rll  other  men  ' ;  and 
Pliny  makes  freciuent  mention  of  the  produc- 
tions of  that  country,  and  their  use  in  medicine. 
He  also  notices  the  pliysicians  of  Egypt ;  and  as 
If  their  number  was  indicative  of  the  many 
maladies  to  which  the  inhabitants  were  subject, 
he  observes  that  it  was  a  country  productive  of 
numerous  diseases.  In  this,  however,  he  does 
not  agree  with  Herodotus,  wlio  affirms  tliat, 
'  uft<.'r  the  Libyans,  there  are  no  people  so  healthy 
as  the  Egyptians,  which  may  be  attributed  to 
the  invi.riable  nature  of  the  seasons  in  their 
country.'  In  Pliny's  time  the  introdtiction  of 
luxurious  habits  and  excess  had  probably 
wrought  a  change  in  the  people ;  and  to  the  same 
cause  may  be  attributed  the  numerous  com- 
plaints among  the  Romans,  '  unknown  to  their 
fathers  and  ancestors. '  The  same  author  tells  us 
that  the  Egyptians  examined  the  bodies  after 
death,  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  the  diseases  of 
which  they  had  died;  and  we  can  readily  believe 
that  a  people  so  far  advanced  in  civilization  and 
the  principles  of  medicine  as  to  assign  each  phy- 
sician his  peculiar  branch,  would  have  resorti^d 
to  this  effectual  mcthmi  of  acquiring  knowledge 
and  experience  for  the  benefit  of  the  community. 
It  is  evident  that  the  medical  skill  of  the  Egyp- 
tians was  well  known  even  in  foreign  and  distant 
countries;  and  we  learn  from  Herodotus,  that 
Cyrus  and  Darius  both  sent  to  Egypt  for  medical 
men.  .  .  .  The  Egyptians,  according  to  Pliny, 
claimed  the  honour  of  having  invented  the  art  of 
cu-ing  diseases." —  Sir  J.  G.  Wilkinson,  Manners 
and  Customs  of  tlie  Ancient  Egyptians,  eh.  10  (v. 
2). — "  The  Ptolemies,  dovra  to  the  very  termina- 
tion of  their  dominion  over  Egypt,  appear  to 
have  encouraged  the  curative  art,  and  for  the 
purpose  of  restoring  declining  health,  surrounded 
themselves  with  the  most  illustrious  pliysicians 
of  the  age.  .  .  .  The  science  of  medicine  of  the 
period  was  fully  represented  at  the  Museum  by 
distinguished  professors,  who,  [  ccording  to  Atlic- 
najus,  restored  the  knowledge  of  this  art  to  the 
towns  and  islands  of  the  Grecian  Archipelago. 
.  .  .  About  the  period  of  the  absorption  of  the 
Egyptian  kingdom  into  the  expanding  dominion 
of  the  Romans,  the  schools  of  Alexandria  still 


continued  to  be  tlic  centra  of  medical  studies; 
and  notwithstituding  the  apparent  dissidence  be- 
tween tlie  demands  of  a  strict  scicice  and  pub- 
lic allairs,  its  professors  exhibited,  equally  witli 
their  brother  philosophers,  a  taste  for  diplomacy. 
Dioscorides  and  Serapion,  Mvo  physicians  of  Alex- 
andria, were  the  envoys  of  the  elder  Ptolemy  to 
Rome,  and  at  a  later  date  were  bearers  of  'is- 
jiatches  from  Cwsar  to  one  of  his  olHcera  in 
Egypt."  —  G.  F.  Fort,  Medical  Economy  DuriiKj 
the  Middle  Ayes,  ch.  3. 

Babylonian.  —  The  Babylonians  "have  no 
physicians,  but  when  a  man  is  ill,  they  lay  him 
in  tlie  public  square,  and  the  passers-by  come 
up  to  him,  and  ir  they  have  ever  had  his  disease 
themselves  or  have  known  anyone  who  has  suf- 
fered from  it,  they  give  him  advice,  recom- 
mending him  to  do  whatever  they  found  good 
in  their  own  case,  or  in  the  case  known  to  them. 
And  no  one  is  allowed  to  pass  the  sick  man  in 
silence  without  asking  him  what  his  ailment 
is." — Herodotus,  History,  trans,  by  0.  liawlin- 
son,  bk.  1,  eh.  197  (v.  1). — "The  incantations 
against  diseases  describe  a  great  variety  of 
cases.  .  .  .  But  the  most  numerous  are  those 
which  aim  at  the  cure  of  the  plague,  fever,  and 
'disease  of  the  head;'  this  latter,  judging  from 
the  indications  which  are  given  of  its  symptoms 
and  its  effects,  appears  to  have  been  a  sort  of 
erysipelas,  or  cutaneous  disease.  .  .  .  These  are 
the  principal  passages  of  a  long  incantation 
against  '  the  disease  of  the  liead : '  the  tablet  on 
wliicli  we  find  it  bears  six  other  long  formulas 
against  the  same  evil.  '  The  disease  of  tlie  head 
exists  on  man.  The  disease  of  the  head,  the 
ulceration  of  the  forehead  exists  on  man.  The 
disease  of  the  head  marks  like  a  tiara,  the  dis- 
ease of  the  head  from  sunrise  to  sunset.  In  the 
sea  and  the  vast  earth  a  very  small  tiara  is  be- 
come the  tiara,  the  very  large  tiara,  his  tiara. 
The  diseases  o'  the  head  pierce  like  a  bull,  tlie 
diseases  of  the  head  shoot  like  the  palpitation  of 
the  heart.  .  .  .  The  diseases  of  the  head,  like 
doves  to  their  dove-cotes,  like  grasshoppers  into 
the  sky,  like  birds  into  space  may  they  fly  away. 
May  the  invalid  be  replaced  in  the  protecting 
hands  of  his  god ! '  This  specimen  will  give  the 
reader  an  idea  of  the  uniform  composition  of 
these  incantations  against  diseases,  which  filled 
the  second  book  of  the  work  under  considera- 
tion. They  all  follow  the  san.e  plan  throughout, 
beginning  with  the  ('.eflnition  )f  the  disease  and 
its  symptoms,  which  occupies  the  greater  part 
of  the  formula;  and  ending  with  a  desire  for  de- 
liverance from  it,  and  the  order  for  it  to  depart. 
Sometimes,  however,  the  incantation  of  the 
magician  assumes  a  dramatic  form  at  the  end. 
.  .  .  We  must  add  .  .  .  the  use  of  certain  en- 
chanted drinks,  which,  doubtless,  really  contained 
medicinal  drugs,  as  a  cure  for  diseases,  and  also 
of  magic  knots,  the  efficacy  of  which  was  so 
firmly  believed  in,  even  up  to  the  middle  ages. 
Here  is  a  remedy  which  one  of  the  formula;  sup- 
poses to  have  been  prescribed  by  Hea  against  a 
disease  of  the  head :  '  Knot  on  the  right  and  ar- 
range flat  in  regular  bands,  on  the  left  a  woman's 
diadem;  divide  it  twice  in  seven  little  bands; 
.  .  .  gird  the  head  of  the  invalid  with  it ;  gird 
the  forehead  of  the  invalid  with  it ;  gird  the  seat 
of  life  with  it;  gird  his  hands  and  his  feet;  scat 
him  on  his  bed;  pour  on  him  enchanted  wa- 
ters. Let  the  disease  of  his  head  be  carried  away 
into  the  heavens  like  a  violent  wind ;  .  .  .  may 


2122 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Ancient  Hindu. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


the  earth  swallow  It  up  .iko  passing  waters! ' 
Still  more  powerful  tliiin  the  incnntatinns  were 
coujurations  wrought  bv  tlie  power  of  iiuniliers." 
— F*.   Ix!norniaiit,  O/iidifeim  Mitf/ir,  eli.  land  3. — 

Finnish. — "Thy  I  iiiiiish  incuiitntiong  for  ex- 
orcising the  demc.is  of  diseases  were  conipoxsetl 
in  exactly  the  same  spirit,  and  founded  upon 
the  same  data,  as  the  Accadian  Incantations 
destine<l  for  the  like  purpose.  They  were  form- 
ulic  belonging  to  the  same  family,  and  they 
often  showed  a  reniarkable  similarity  of  lan- 
guage; the  Egyptian  incantations,  on  the  con- 
trary, having  been  composed  by  p(!oplu  with 
very  different  ideas  about  the  supernatural 
world,  assumed  quite  another  form.  This  is  an 
incantation  from  one  of  the  songs  of  the  Kale- 
vala:  'O  malady,  disappear  into  the  heavens; 
rain,  rise  up  to  the  clouds;  intlamed  vapour,  Hy 
iijto  the  air,  in  order  that  the  wind  may  take 
thee  away,  that  the  tempest  may  chase  thee  to 
distant  regions,  where  neither  sun  nor  moon 
give  their  light,  where  tl.c  warm  wind  does  not  in- 
Same  the  flesh.  O  pain,  mount  upon  the  winged 
^tccd  of  stone,  and  lly  to  the  mountains  covered 
witli  iron.  For  he  is  too  robust  to  be  devoured 
by  disease,  to  be  consumed  by  pains.  Go,  O 
diseases,  to  where  the  virgin  of  pains  has  her 
hearth,  where  the  daughter  of  WUinitmOinen 
cooks  pains,  go  to  the  hill  of  pains.  There  are 
the  white  dogs,  who  formerly  hov/led  in  tor- 
ments, who  groaned  in  their  sufferings. ' " — F. 
Lenormant,  Chaldean  Magic,  cfi.  17. 

Hindu. — "Tliere  is  reason  to  .  .  .  conclude, 
from  the  imperfect  opportunities  of  investigation 
we  ]x)sses8,  that  in  medicine,  as  in  astronomy  and 
metaphysics,  the  Hindus  once  kept  pace  with 
the  most  enlightened  nations  of  the  world ;  and 
that  they  attained  as  thorough  a  profleiency  in 
medicine  and  surgery  as  any  people  whose  acqui- 
sitious  are  recorded,  and  as  indeed  was  practi- 
cable, before  anatomy  was  made  known  to  us  by 
the  discoveries  of  modern  enquirers.  It  might 
easily  be  supposed  that  Mieir  patient  attention 
and  natural  shrewdness  would  render  the  Hindus 
excellent  observers;  whilst  the  extent  and  fer- 
tility of  their  native  country  would  furnish  them 
with  many  valuable  drugs  and  medicaments. 
Their  Nidana  or  Diagnosis,  accordingly,  appears 
to  define  and  distinguish  symptoms  with  great 
accuracy,  and  their  Dravyabhidhana,  or  Materia 
Mcdica,  is  sufticiently  volun;inous.  They  have 
also  paid  great  attention  to  regimen  and  diet,  and 
have  a  number  of  works  on  the  food  and  general 
treatment,  suited  to  the  complaint,  or  favourable 
to  the  operation  of  the  medicine  administered. 
This  branch  they  entitle  Pathyapathya.  To  these 
subjects  are  to  be  added  the  Chikitsa.or  medical 
treatment  of  diseases — on  which  subject  thoy 
have  a  variety  of  compositions,  containmg  much 
absurdity,  with  much  that  is  of  value ;  and  the 
Rasavidya,  or  Pharmcicy,  in  whicli  they  are  most 
deficient.  All  these  works,  however,  are  of  lit- 
tle avail  to  the  present  generation,  as  they  are 
very  rarely  studied,  and  still  more  rarely  under- 
stood, by  any  of  the  practising  empirics.  The 
divisions  of  the  science  thus  noticed,  as  existing 
in  books,  exclude  two  important  branches,  with- 
out which  the  whole  system  must  be  defective  — 
Anatomy  and  Surgery.  We  can  easily  imagine, 
that  these  were  not  likely  to  have  been  much 
cultivated  in  Hindustan.  .  .  .  The  A^ur  Veda, 
as  the  medical  writings  of  highest  antiquity  and 
authority  arc  collectively  called,  is  considered  to 


be  a  portion  of  the  fourth  or  Atharva  Veda,  and 
is  consequently  tlie  work  of  Hralinia  —  by  him  it 
was  communicated  to  Dakslia,  tlie  Prajaimti, 
and  by  him  the  two  Aswins,  or  sons  of  Surya, 
the  Sun,  were  instructed  in  it,  and  they  then  be- 
came the  medical  attendants  oi  the  gods  —  a  gene- 
alogy that  cannot  fail  recalling  to  us  the  two 
sons  of  Esculapius,  and  their  descent  fwm  Apollo. 
Now  what  were  tlie  duties  of  the  Aswins,  accord- 
ing to  Hindu  authorities?  —  the  gods,  enjoying 
eternal  youth  and  health,  8to(Ml  in  no  need  of 
pliysicians,  and  consc(iuently  they  held  no  such 
sinecure  station.  The  wars  between  the  gods 
and  demons,  however,  and  the  coiitlicts  amongst 
the  gods  themselves,  in  which  wounds  might  be 
suffered,  although  death  might  not  be  inflicted, 
required  cliirurgical  aid  —  audit  was  this,  accord- 
ingly, which  the  two  Aswins  rendered.  .  .  .  The 
meaning  of  these  legendarv  absurdities  is  clear 
enough,  and  is  conformable  to  the  tenor  of  all 
history.  Slan,  in  the  semi-barbarous  state,  if  not 
more  subject  to  external  injuries  tlian  internal 
disease,  was  at  least  more  likely  to  seek  remedies 
for  the  former,  which  were  obvious  to  his  senses, 
than  to  imagine  the  means  of  relieving  the  latter, 
whose  nature  he  could  so  little  comprehend. 
Surgical,  therefore,  prcce<led  medicinal  skill ;  as 
Cclsus  has  asserted,  when  commenting  on 
Homer's  account  of  Podalirius  and  Maehaon, 
who  were  not  consulted,  he  says,  during  the 
plague  in  the  Grecian  camp,  although  regularly 
employed  to  extroct  darts  and  heal  wounds.  .  .  . 
We  may  be  satisfied  that  Surgery  was  once  ex- 
tensively cultivated,  and  highly  esteemed  by  the 
Hindus.  Its  rational  principles  and  scientific 
practice  are,  however,  now,  it  may  be  admitted, 
wholly  unknown  to  tliem.  ...  It  would  be  an 
enquiry  of  some  interest  ,.0  trace  the  period  and 
causes  of  tlie  disappeaiiince  of  Surgery  from 
amongst  the  Hindus;  it  is  evidently  of  compara- 
tively modern  occurrence,  as  operative  and  in- 
strumental practice  forms  so  principal  a  part  of 
those  writings,  whioli  are  undeniably  most 
ancient ;  and  wliicli,  being  regarded  as  the  com- 
position of  inspired  writers,  are  held  of  the  high- 
est authority." — H.  H.  Wilson,  Ensai/s  on  Sans- 
kvit  Literature,  pp.  209-376,  ami  391.  "The 
number  of  medical  works  and  autiiors  is  extra- 
ordinarily large.  The  former  are  cither  systems 
embracing  the  whole  domain  of  the  science,  or 
highly  special  iuvestijjations  of  single  topics,  or, 
lastly,  vast  compilations  prepared  in  modern 
times  under  the  patronage  of  kings  and  princes. 
The  sum  of  knowledge  embodied  in  their  con- 
tents appears  really  to  be  most  respectable.  Many 
of  the  statements  on  dietetics  and  on  the  origin 
and  diagnosis  of  diseases  bespeak  a  very  keen 
observation.  In  surgery,  too,  the  Indians  seem 
to  have  attained  a  special  proficiency,  and  in  this 
department  European  surgeons  might  perhaps 
even  ot  the  present  day  still  learn  something 
from  them,  as  indeed  tliey  have  already  borrowed 
from  them  the  operation  of  rhinoplasty.  The  in- 
formation, again,  regarding  the  medicinal  prop- 
erties of  minerals  (especially  precious  stones  and 
metals),  of  plants,  and  animal  substances,  and  the 
chemical  analysis  and  decomposition  of  these, 
covers  certainly  much  that  is  valuable.  Indeed, 
the  branch  of  Materia  Medica  generally  appears 
to  be  handled  with  great  predilection,  and  this 
makes  up  to  us  in  gome  measure  at  least  for  the 
absence  of  investigations  in  the  field  of  natural 
science.    On  the  diseases,   &c.,  of  horses  and 


2123 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Jewiali. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


«lcplmnt8  iilso  tlicro  exist  very  specinl  mono- 
^'raplis.  For  tlic  rtst,  during  tliu  lust  few  coiitu- 
rius  medical  sciuncc  liiis  snlTtTcd  greut  ;letrimeut 
from  tlifi  increasing  i)rcvulciice  of  the  notion,  in 
itself  n  very  ancient  one,  that  diseases  are  but  the 
result  of  transgressions  and  sins  committed,  and 
from  the  consetinent  very  general  substitution  of 
fastinf^s,  alms,  and  gifts  to  the  Brahinans,  for  real 
remedies.  .  .  .  The  influence  ...  of  Hindu 
medicine  upon  the  Arabs  in  the  irst  centuries  of 
the  Ilijrii  wiis  one  of  the  very  highest  signifi- 
cance:  and  the  Khnlifs  of  Dngdad  caused  a  con- 
siderable number  of  works  u])on  tho  subject  to 
be  translated.  Now,  as  Arabian  medicine  consti- 
tuted the  chief  authority  and  guiding  principle 
of  European  physicians  down  to  the  seventeenth 
century,  it  directly  follows  —  just  as  in  the  case 
of  astronomy  —  that  the  Indians  must  have  been 
held  in  hijjh  esteem  by  tliesc  latter;  and  indeed 
Charalca  is  repeatedly  mentioned  in  the  Latin 
translations  of  Avicenna  (Ibn  Sina),  Rhazes  (Al 
Riisi),  and  Serapion  (Ibn  Serabi)." — A.  Weber, 
Higt.  of  Indian  Literature,  pp.  209-371. 

Jewish. — "If  we  are  to  judge  from  the  fre- 
■quent  mention  of  physicians  (E.\.  xv.  20;  Isa. 
iii.  7;  Jer.  viii.  23;  Sir.  x.  11,  xxxviii.  1  it. ;  Matt. 
ix.  12;  Mark  v.  20;  Luke  iv.  23,  etc.),  the  Is- 
raelites must  have  given  much  attention  to 
medicine  from  ancient  times.  The  physicians 
must  have  understood  how  to  heal  wounds  and 
•external  injuries  with  bandaging,  mollifying 
with  oil  (Isa.  i.  0 ;  Luke  x.  34),  balsam  (Jer.  xlvi. 
11,  li.  8),  plasters  (3  Kings  xx.  7),  and  salves  pre- 
pared from  herbs  (Sir.  xxxviii.  8;  Ex.  xxi.  19;  3 
Kings  viii.  29 ;  Ezek.  xxx.  31).  The  ordinances 
respecting  leprosy  also  show  that  the  lawgiver 
was  well  acquainted  with  the  various  kinds  of 
skin  eruptions  (comp.  sect.  114).  And  not  only 
Moses,  but  other  Israelites  also  may  have  ac- 
quired much  practical  knowledge  of  medicine  in 
Egypt,  where  the  healing  urt  was  cultivated  from 
high  antiquity.  But  as  to  how  far  the  Israelitish 
jjhysicians  advanced  in  this  art,  we  have  not 
more  exact  information.  Prom  the  few  scattered 
hints  in  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  so  much 
only  is  clear,  that  internal  diseases  were  also 
treated  (3  Chron.  xvi.  13;  Luke  viii.  43),  and 
that  the  medicinal  springs  which  Palestine  pos- 
sesses were  much  used  by  invalids.  It  by  no 
means  follows  from  the  fact  that  the  superinten- 
dence of  lepers  and  the  pronouncing  of  them 
clean  are  assigned  by  the  law  to  the  priests,  that 
these  occupied  themselves  chiefly  with  medicine. 
The  task  which  the  law  lai '  on  them  has  nothing 
to  do  with  the  healing  of  leprosy.  Of  the  appli- 
cation of  charms,  there  is  not  a  single  instance 
in  Scripture." — C.  F.  Keil,  Manual  of  Biblical 
ArehoBology,  v.  3,  pp.  276-377.— "The  surgery  of 
the  Talmud  includes  a  knowledge  <  ""  dislocations 
of  the  thigh,  contusions  of  the  lu ■;.  ..  perforation 
of  the  lungs  and  other  organs,  injuries  of  the 
spinal  cord  and  trachea,  and  fractures  of  the 
ribs.  Polypus  of  the  nose  was  considered  to  be 
a  punishment  for  past  sins.  In  sciatica  the  pa- 
tient is  advised  to  rub  the  hip  sixty  times  with 
meat-broth.  Bleeding  was  performed  by  me- 
chanics or  barbers.  The  pathology  of  the  Tal- 
mud ascribes  diseases  to  a  constitutional  vice,  to 
evil  influences  acting  on  the  body  from  without, 
or  to  the  effect  of  magic.  Jaundice  is  recognized 
as  arising  from  retention  of  the  bile,  dropsy  from 
suppression  of  the  urine.  The  Talmudists  di- 
vided dropsy  into  anasarca,  ascites,  and  tympa- 


nites. Rupture  and  atrophy  of  the  kidneys 
wer(^  hel<l  to  be  always  fatal.  Hydatids  of  the 
liver  wen^  more  favourably  considered.  Suppu- 
ration of  the  spinal  cord,  induration  of  the  lungs, 
etc.,  are  incurable.  Dr.  Baas  says  that  these  are 
'  views  which  may  have  been  based  on  the  dis- 
section of  (dead)  animals,  and  may  be  considered 
the  germs  of  pathological  anatomy.'  Some  crit- 
ical symptoinsare  sweating,  sneezing,  defecation, 
and  dreams,  which  promise  a  favourable  termi- 
nation of  the  disc'ise.  Natural  remedies,  Iwth 
external  and  internal,  were  employed.  Magic 
was  also  Talmudic.  Dispensations  were  given 
by  the  Kabbis  to  permit  sick  i)ersons  to  cat  pro- 
liibited  food.  On'ons  were  prescribed  for  worms ; 
wine  and  pepper  for  stomach  disorders;  goat's 
milk  for  dilliculty  of  breathing;  emetics  in  nau- 
sea; a  mixture  of  gum  and  alum  for  meuorrha- 
gia  (not  a  bad  prescription);  a  dog's  liver  was 
ordered  for  the  bite  of  a  mad  dog.  Many  drugs, 
such  a  assaf(etida,  are  evidently  adopted  from 
Greek  medicine.  The  dissection  of  the  bodies  of 
animals  provided  the  Talmudists  with  their 
anat/imy.  It  is,  however,  recorded  that  Rabbi  ^ 
Ishmael,  at  the  close  of  the  first  century,  made  a 
skeleton  by  boiling  the  body  of  a  prostitute. 
We  find  that  dissection  in  the  interests  of  science 
was  permitted  by  the  Talmud.  The  liabbis 
counted  253  bones  in  the  human  skeleton. " — E. 
Berdoe,  The  Origin  and  Growth  of  the  Healing 
Art,  bk.  3,  ch.  3. 

Greelc. — "It  *s  well  known  that  the  oldest 
documents  which  we  possess  relative  to  the 
piiictice  of  Medicine,  are  the  various  treatises 
contained  in  the  Collection  which  bears  the  name 
of  Hippocrates.  Their  great  excellence  has  been 
acknowledged  in  all  ages,  and  it  has  always  been 
a  question  which  has  naturally  excited  literary 
curiosity,  by  what  steps  the  art  had  attained  to 
such  perfection  at  so  early  a  period.  ...  It  is 
clearly  established  that,  long  before  the  birth  of 
philosophy,  medicine  had  been  zealously  and 
successfully  cultivated  by  the  Asclepiadic,  an 
order  of  priest-physicians  that  traced  its  orii^in 
to  a  mythical  personage  bearing  the  distin- 
guished name  of  .^Esculapius.  Two  of  his  sons, 
Podalirius  and  Machaon,  figure  in  the  Homeric 
poeirs,  not  however  as  priests,  but  as  warriors 
possessed  of  surgical  skill  in  the  treatment  of 
wounds,  for  which  they  are  highly  complimented 
by  the  jjoet.  It  was  probably  some  generations 
after  this  time  (if  one  may  venture  a  conjecture 
on  a  matter  partaking  very  much  of  the  legen- 
dary character)  that  .iEsculapius  was  deified, 
and  that  Temples  of  Health,  called  'Asclepia,' 
presided  over  by  the  Asclepiadre,  were  erected  in 
various  parts  of  Greece,  as  receptacles  for  the 
sick,  to  which  invalids  resorted  in  those  days 
for  the  cure  of  diseases,  under  the  same  circum- 
stances as  they  go  to  hospitals  and  spas  at  the 
present  time.  What  remedicl  measures  were 
adopted  in  these  temples  we  have  no  means  of 
ascertaining  so  fully  as  could  be  wished,  but  the 
following  facts,  collected  from  a  variety  of 
sources,  may  be  pretty  confidently  relied  upon 
for  their  accuracy.  In  the  first  place,  then,  it  is 
well  ascertained  that  a  large  proportion  of  these 
temples  were  built  In  the  vicinity  of  thermoe,  or 
medicinal  springs,  the  virtues  of  which  would  no 
doubt  contribute  greatly  to  the  cure  of  the  sick. 
At  his  entrance  into  the  temple,  the  devotee  was 
subjected  to  purifications,  and  made  to  go 
through  a  regular  course  of  bathing,  accom- 


2124 


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Oreek. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


panicd  with  mctho''.ical  frictions,  rcscinl>ling  tlie 
oriental  system  now  well  linown  by  the  name  of 
slmmpoolng.  Fomentations  with  (lecoctious  of 
odoriferous  herbs  were  also  not  forgotten.  A 
total  abstinence  from  foo<l  was  at  first  prescribed, 
but  afterwards  the  patient  would  no  doubt  be 
]icrmitted  to  partake  of  the  liesli  of  the  animals 
which  were  brought  to  tlie  temples  as  sacrifices. 
Every  means  tliat  coul(i  be  thought  of  was  used 
for  worliing  upon  the  imagiuaticn  of  the  sick, 
sucli  as  religious  ceremonies  of  an  imposing  na- 
ture, accompanied  by  music,  and  wliatever  else 
could  arouse  their  senses,  conciliate  their  con- 
tldence,  and,  in  certain  cases,  contribute  to  tlieir 
amusement.  ...  It  is  also  well  known  that  the 
Asclepiados  noted  down  with  great  care  the 
symptoms  and  issue  of  every  case,  and  that, 
from  such  observations,  tliey  became  in  time 
great  adepts  in  tlie  art  of  prognosis.  .  .  .  The 
office  of  priesthood  was  hereditary  in  certain 
families,  so  that  information  thus  ae<iuired  would 
be  transmitted  from  father  to  son,  and  go  on  ac- 
cumulating from  one  generation  to  anotlier. 
Whether  the  Asclepiadae  availed  themselves  of 
the  great  opportunities  which  tliey  must  un- 
doubtedly have  had  of  cultivating  human  and 
comparative  anatomy,  lias  been  mucli  disputed 
In  motiern  times.  ...  It  is  worthy  of  remark, 
tliat  Galen  holds  Hippocrates  to  have  been  a  very 
successful  cultivator  of  anatomy.  ...  Of  the 
'  Asclepia '  wc  have  mentioned  aijove,  it  will 
naturally  be  supposed  that  some  were  in  much 
higher  repute  tlian  others,  citiier  from  being 
possessed  of  peculiar  advantages,  or  from  the 
prevalence  of  fashion.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
tifth  century  before  the  Christian  era  the  temples 
of  Rhodes,  Cnidos,  and  Cos  were  held  in  especial 
favour,  and  on  the  extinction  of  tlie  first  of  these, 
another  rose  up  in  Italy  in  its  stead.  But  the 
temple  of  Cos  was  destined  to  throw  the  reputa- 
tion of  all  the  others  into  the  background,  by 
producing  among  the  priests  of  .iEsculapius  the 
mdividuiu  who,  in  all  offer  ages,  has  l)een  distin- 
guished by  the  name  of  the  Great  Hippocrates. 
.  .  .  That  Hippocrates  was  lineally  descended 
from  .^sculapius  was  generally  admitted  by  his 
countrymen,  and  a  genealogical  table,  professing 
to  give  a  list  of  the  names  of  his  forefathers,  up 
to  .^sculapius,  has  been  transmitted  to  us  from 
remote  antiquity.  ...  Of  the  circumstances 
connected  with  the  life  of  Hippocrates  little  is 
known  for  certain.  .  .  .  Aulus  Gellius,  ...  in 
an  elaborate  disquisition  on  Greek  and  Roman 
chronology,  states  decidedly  that  Socrates  was 
contemporary  with  Hippocrates,  but  younger 
than  he.  Now  it  is  well  ascertained  tliat  the 
death  of  Socrates  took  place  about  the  year  400 
A.  C,  ond  as  he  was  then  nearly  seventy  years 
old,  his  birth  must  be  dated  as  happening  about 
the  y.ar  470  A.  C.  ...  It  will  readily  occur  to 
the  reader,  then,  that  our  author  flourished  at 
one  of  the  most  memorable  epochs  in  the  intel- 
lectual development  of  the  human  race.  .  .  . 
From  his  forefathers  he  inherited  a  distinguished 
situation  in  one  of  the  most  eminent  hospitals, 
or  Temples  of  Health,  then  in  existence,  where 
ho  must  have  enjoyed  free  access  to  all  the  treas- 
ures of  observations  collected  during  many 
generations,  and  at  the  same  time  would  have  an 
opportunity  of  assisting  his  own  father  In  the 
management  of  the  sick.  Thus  from  his  youth 
he  must  have  been  familiar  with  the  principles 
of  medicine,  both  in  the  abstract  and  in  the  con- 


crete. .  .  .  Initiated  in  the  tlitory  and  first 
principles  of  medicine,  as  now  dcscrilied.  Hip- 
l)Oi'rafiH  no  doubt  commenced  the  practice  of  hia 
art  in  the  A.sclepion  of  Cos,  as  his  forefathera 
had  done  before  him.  Why  he  afterwards  left 
the  place  of  his  nativity,  and  visited  distant 
regions  of  tlie  earth,  whither  tlio  duties  of  Ids 
profession  and  the  calls  of  humanity  invited 
liim,  cannot  now  bo  satisfactorily  determined. 
.  .  .  According  to  all  the  accounts  whicli  have 
come  down  to  us  of  his  life,  he  spent  the  latter 
jiart  of  it  in  Thessaly,  and  died  at  Lariasa,  when 
far  advanced  in  years.  .  .  .  As  a  medical  author 
the  name  of  Hippocrates  staniis  pre-eminently 
illustrious.  .  .  .  Looking  upon  the  animal  sys- 
tem as  one  whole,  every  part  of  whicli  conspires 
and  sympathises  witli  all  the  other  parts,  ho 
would  appear  to  liave  regarded  disease  also  as 
one,  and  to  have  referred  all  its  modifications  to 
peculiarities  of  situation.  Whatever  may  now 
be  thought  of  his  general  views  on  Pathology, 
all  must  admit  that  his  mode  of  prosecuting  tlie 
cultivation  of  medicine  is  in  the  true  spirit  of 
the  Inductive  Pliilosophy ;  all  his  descriptions  of 
disease  are  evidently  derived  from  patient  obser- 
vation of  its  phenomena,  and  all  his  rules  of 
I)racticeare  clearly  based  on  experience.  Of  the 
fallaciousness  of  experience  by  itself  lie  was 
well  aware,  however.  .  .  .  Above  all  others 
Hippocrates  was  strictly  the  physician  of  experi- 
ence and  common  sense.  In  siiort,  the  basis  of 
his  system  was  a  rational  experience,  and  not  a 
blind  empiricism,  so  tliat  the  Empirics  in  after 
ages  had  no  good  grounds  for  claiming  him  as 
belonging  to  their  sect.  What  lie  appears  to 
have  studied  with  particular  attentiim  is  the 
natural  history  of  diseases,  that  is  to  say,  their 
tendencies  to  a  favorable  or  fatal  issue.  .  .  . 
One  of  the  most  distinguishing  choracteristics, 
then,  of  the  Hippocratic  system  of  medicine,  is 
the  importance  attached  in  it  to  prognosis,  under 
which  was  comprehended  a  complete  acquaint- 
ance witli  tlie  previous  and  present  condition  of 
the  patient  and  the  tendency  of  the  disease.  .  .  . 
In  tlie  practice  of  surgery  he  was  a  bold  opera- 
tor. He  fearlessly,  and  as  we  would  now  think, 
in  some  cases  unnecessarily,  perforated  the  skull 
with  the  trepan  and  the  trephine  in  injuries  of  the 
head.  He  opened  the  chest  also  in  empyema 
and  hydrothorax.  His  extensive  practice,  and  no 
doubt  his  great  familiarity  with  the  accidents  oc- 
curring at  the  public  games  of  his  country,  must 
have  furnished  liim  with  ample  opportunities  of 
becoming  acquainted  with  dislocations  and  frac- 
tures of  all  kinds;  and  how  well  he  had  profited 
by  the  opportunities  which  he  thus  enjoyed,  every 
page  of  his  treatises  'On  Fractures,'  and  'On 
the  Articulations,'  abundantly  testifies."  —  P. 
Adams,  Preliminary  Discoume  {Genuine  Workg  of 
Hippocrates),  sect.  1. — "The  school  of  the  Ascle- 
piado!  has  lieen  responsible  for  certain  theories 
which  have  been  more  or  less  prominent  during 
the  earlier  historical  days.  One  of  these  which 
prevailed  throughout  the  Hippocratic  works  is 
that  of  Coction  and  Crisis.  By  the  former  term 
is  meant  thickening  or  elaboration  of  humors  in 
the  body,  whicli  was  supposed  to  be  necessary 
for  their  elimination  in  some  tangible  form.  Dis- 
ease was  regarded  as  an  association  of  phenome- 
na resulting  from  efforts  made  by  the  conser- 
vative principles  of  life  to  effect  a  coction,  i.  e.,  a 
combination,  of  the  morbific  matter  in  the  econo- 
my, it  being  held  that  the  latter  could  not  be 


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Ortek. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


properly  expelled  until  thus  united  iind  pn  pared 
W)  lis  tr)  form  excrenieiitiims  maleriiu.  This 
(rliihoratlon  was  supposed  to  ho  hroujjlit  ahout 
Ijy  the  vital  prineiples  which  some  calledMiaturo 
(f'liusis),  some  spirit  (Psyche),  some  lin'ath 
(I'lieuina),  and  some  heat  (Therinon).  The  grad- 
ual climax  of  morhid  plicnomena  has,  since  the 
days  of  Hlppocrntes,  been  commonly  known  as 
Crisis.  All  this  was  regarded  as  tlio  announce- 
ment of  the  completion  of  this  union  by  coction. 
The  day  on  which  it  was  accomplislied  was 
termed  'critical,'  as  were  also  tlie  signs  whicli 
preceded  or  accompanied  It,  and  for  the  crisis  tlie 
physician  anxiously  watched.  Coction  having 
been  elTect<^d  and  crisis  occurring,  it  only  re- 
mained to  evacuate  the  morblllc  mat^^rial,  which 
nature  sometimes  spontjineously  accomplislied  by 
the  critical  sweat,  urination,  or  stools;  or  some- 
times the  physician  had  to  come  to  her  relief  by 
the  administration  of  diuretics,  purgatives,  et 
cetera.  The  term  'critical  peri(xl '  was  given  to 
the  number  of  days  necessary  for  coction,  wliich 
In  its  perfection  was  supposed  to  be  four,  the  so- 
called  quaternary,  while  the  septenary  was  also 
held  In  high  consideration.  .  .  .  This  doctrine  of 
crisis  In  disease  1  ift  an  Imiress  upon  the  medical 
mind  not  yet  fully  eliminaic;!." — Uoswell  Park, 
Ijectg.  oil,  llie  Hut.  of  Medicine  (in  MS. ). — "  Making 
no  pretension  ...  to  describe  the  regular  medical 
practice  among  the  Greeks,  I  shall  here,  never- 
theless, Introiluce  some  few  particulars  more  or 
less  connected  with  It,  whicli  may  be  regarded 
us  characteristic  of  the  age  and  people.  Great 
were  the  virtues  which  they  ascribed  to  the  herb 
aly.sson,  (biscutclla  didyiiia,)  which,  being 
pounded  and  eaten  witli  meat  cured  liydro- 
I)hobia.  Nay,  more,  being  suspended  in  the 
house,  it  promoted  the  health  of  Its  inhabitants ; 
It  protected  likewise  both  man  and  cattle  from 
enchantment;  and,  bound  In  a  piece  of  scarlet 
flannel  round  the  necks  of  the  latter,  it  preserved 
them  from  all  diseases.  Coriander-seeci,  eaten  in 
too  great  quantity,  produced,  they  thought,  a  de- 
rangement of  the  Intellect.  Ointment  of  sniXrou 
had  an  opposite  effect,  for  the  nostrils  and  heads 
of  lunatics  being  rubbed  therewith  they  were 
supposed  to  receive  considerable  relief.  Slelam- 
pos  the  goatherd  was  reported  to  have  cured  the 
daughters  of  Pnttos  of  their  madness  by  large 
doses  of  black  hellebore,  which  thereafter  received 
from  him  the  name  of  Mclampodlon.  Sea-onions 
suspended  over  the  doors  preserved  from  enchant- 
ment, as  did  likewise  a  branch  of  rhamnus  over 
doors  or  windows.  A  decoction  of  rosemary  and 
of  the  leaves  and  stems  of  the  anemone  was  ad- 
ministered to  nurses  to  promote  the  secretion  of 
milk,  and  a  like  potion  prepared  from  the  leaves 
of  the  Cretan  dittany  was  given  to  women  In  la- 
bour. This  herb,  in  order  to  preserve  Its  virtues 
unimpaired,  and  that  it  might  be  the  more  easily 
transported  to  all  parts  of  the  country,  was  pre- 
served in  a  joint  of  a  ferula  or  reed.  A  plaster 
of  Incense,  Cimolian  earth,  and  oil  of  roses,  was 
applied  to  reduce  the  swelling  of  the  breasts. 
A  medicine  prepared  from  mule's  fern,  was  be- 
lieved to  proiduce  sterility,  as  were  likewise  the 
waters  of  a  certain  fountain  near  Pyrrlia,  while 
to  those  about  Thespio;  a  contrary  effect  wos  at- 
tributed, as  well  as  to  the  wine  of  Heraclea  in 
Arcadia.  The  Inhabitants  of  this  primitive 
region  drank  milk  as  an  aperient  in  the  Spring, 
because  of  the  medicinal  herbs  on  which  the 
cattle  were  then  supposed  to  feed.    Medicines  of 


laxative  properties  were  prepared  from  the  juico 
of  the  wild  cucumber,  which  were  said  to  retain 
their  virtues  for  two  hundred  years,  though 
siinnles  in  geneml  were  thought  to  lose  their 
me(licinal  qualities  in  less  than  four.  The  ori- 
ental gum  called  kaiikamon  was  administered  in 
water  or  honeyed  vinegar  to  fat  persons  to  di- 
minish their  obesity,  and  also  as  a  remedy  for 
the  toothache.  For  this  loiter  purpose  the  gum 
of  the  Ethiopian  olive  was  put  into  the  hollow 
tooth,  though  more  elllcucy  perliaps  was  attrib- 
uted to  the  root  of  dittandcr  which  they  sus- 
pended as  a  charm  about  the  neck.  A  plaster  of 
the  root  of  the  white  thorn  or  iris  roots  prepared 
with  flour  of  copper,  honey,  and  great  centaury, 
drew  out  thorns  and  arrow  heads  without  pain. 
An  unguent  procured  from  fern  was  sold  to  rustics 
for  curing  tlie  necks  of  their  cattle  galled  by  the 
yoke.  A  decoction  of  marsh-mallow  leaves  and 
wine  or  honeyed  vinegar  was  administered  to 
persons  who  had  been  stung  by  bees  or  wasps  or 
other  insects;  bites  and  burns  were  healed  by  an 
external  application  of  the  leaf  smeared  with 
oil,  and  the  powdered  roots  cast  Into  water 
caused  It  to  freeze  If  placed  out  during  the 
niglit  in  the  open  air ;  an  unguent  wos  prepared 
with  oil  from  reeds,  green  or  dry,  which  pro- 
tected those  who  anointed  themselves  with  it 
from  the  stings  of  venomous  reptiles.  Cinna- 
mon unguent,  or  terebinth  and  myrtle-berries, 
boiled  in  wine,  were  supposed  to  be  a  preserva- 
tive against  tlie  bite  of  the  tarantula  or  scorpion, 
OS  was  the  pistachio  nut  against  that  of  serpents. 
Some  persons  ate  a  roasted  scorpion  to  cure  its 
own  bite ;  a  powder,  moreover,  was  prepared  from 
sco-crobs  supposed  to  be  fatal  to  tiiis  reptile. 
Vipers  were  made  to  contribute  their  port  to  the 
materia  medica;  for,  being  caught  alive,  thoy 
were  enclosed  with  salt  and  dried  flgs  in  a  vase 
which  was  then  put  into  a  furnace  till  its  con- 
tents were  reduced  to  chorcoal,  which  they 
esteemed  a  valuable  medicine.  A  considerable 
quantity  of  viper's  flesh  was  in  the  last  century 
imported  from  Egypt  Into  Venice,  to  be  used  in 
the  composition  of  medicinal  treacle.  From  the 
flowers  of  the  sneezewort,  a  sort  of  snuff  ap- 
pears to  have  been  manufactured,  though  prob- 
ably used  only  in  medicines.  The  ashes  of  old 
leather  cured  burns,  galls,  and  blistered  feet. 
The  common  remedy  when  persons  had  eaten 
poisonous  mushrooms  was  a  dose  of  nitre  ex- 
hibited in  vinegar  and  water ;  with  water  it  was 
esteemed  a  cure  for  the  sting  oi  a  burncow,  and 
with  benzoin  it  operated  as  an  antidote  against 
the  poison  of  bulls'  blood."— J.  A.  Si.  John, 
Tlie  Hellenes,  bk.  6,  eh.  6  (t>.  3). 

The  Hippocratic  Oath.— "Medical  societies 
or  schools  8e(!m  to  have  been  as  ancient  as  Hip- 
pocrates. The  Hippocratic  oath,  as  it  is  called, 
has  been  preserved,  and  is  one  of  the  greatest 
curiosities  we  have  received  from  antiquity:  ' I 
swear  by  Apollo  ^he  physician,  by  .^sculapius, 
by  Hygeia,  by  Panacea,  and  by  all  gods  and 
goddesses,  that  I  will  ^ultll  religiously,  accord- 
ing to  the  best  of  iny  power  and  judgment,  the 
solemn  vow  which  I  now  make.  I  will  honour 
as  my  fatlicr  the  master  who  taught  me  the  art 
of  medicine ;  his  children  I  will  consider  as  my 
brothers,  and  teach  them  my  profession  without 
fee  or  reward.  I  will  admit  to  my  lectures  and 
discourses  my  own  sons,  my  master's  sons,  and 
those  pupils  who  have  taken  the  medical  oath; 
but  no  one  else.    I  will  prescribe  such  medicines 


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MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Ionian. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


a8  may  l)o  best  Bultcd  to  the  cases  of  my  patients, 
aocomlnj?  to  the  best  of  my  judgment;  and  no 
temptation  shall  ever  induce  me  to  adndtdster 
pol.son.  I  will  religiously  maintain  the  purity  of 
my  character  and  the  honour  of  my  art.  I  will 
not  perform  the  operation  of  lithotomy,  but  leave 
it  to  those  to  whose  calling  it  l)elongs.  Into  what- 
ever house  I  enter,  I  will  enter  it  with  the  sole 
view  of  relieving  the  sick,  and  conduct  myself 
with  jiropriety  towards  the  women  of  the  family. 
If  during  my  attendance  I  happen  to  hear  of  any- 
thing that  should  not  be  revealed,  I  will  keep  it 
a  profound  secret.  If  I  observe  this  oath,  may 
I  have  success  in  tliis  life,  and  may  I  obtaiii  gen- 
eral esteem  after  it;  if  I  break  it,  may  the  con- 
trary be  my  lot.'" — Anrient  P/ii/nic  and Phyaieians 
(Diihlin  ifiiiB.  Mart.,  April,  IS.Kl). 

1st  Century. — Greek  physicians  in  Rome. — 
Pliny's  Picture. — Pliny's  account  of  the  Greek 
|)hysicians  in  Home  in  his  time  (tirst  century)  is 
not  tlattering  to  the  profession.  lie  says  :  "  For 
the  cure  of  King  Antioch  i  —  to  givo  our  tirst 
'Mustration  of  the  profits  realized  by  tlic  medical 
art  —  Erasistratus  received  from  his  son.  King 
Ptolemaius,  the  sum  of  one  hundred  talents.  .  .  . 
I  pass  over  in  silence  many  physicians  of  the 
very  Idghest  celebrity,  the  Cassii,  for  instance, 
the  Calpctani,  the  Arruntii,  and  the  Kubrii,  men 
who  received  fees  yearly  from  the  great,  amount- 
ing to  no  less  than  250, 000  sesterces.  As  for  t). 
Stertinius,  he  thought  that  he  conferred  an  obli- 
gation upon  tlie  emperora  in  being  content  with 
§00,000  sesterces  per  annum;  and  indeed  he 
proved,  by  an  enumeration  of  tlie  several  houses, 
that  a  city  practice  would  bring  him  in  a  yearly 
income  of  not  le^s  tlian  600,000  sesterces.  Fully 
equal  to  tills  was  the  sum  lavislied  upon  his 
brother  by  Claudius  Ciesar;  and  the  two  broth- 
ers, although  they  had  drawn  largely  upon  their 
fortunes  in  beautifying  the  public  buildings  at 
Neapolis,  left  to  their  heirs  no  less  than  30,000,000 
ot  sesterces!  such  an  estate  as  no  pliysician  but 
Arruntius  had  till  then  possessed.  Next  in  suc- 
cession ai'ose  Vettius  Valens,  rendered  so  notori- 
ous by  his  adulterous  connection  with  Messalina, 
the  wife  of  Claudius  Cajsar,  and  equally  cele- 
brated as  a  professor  of  eloquence.  When 
established  in  pub?  j  favour,  lie  became  the 
founder  of  a  new  sect.  It  was  in  the  same  age, 
too,  during  the  reign  of  tlie  Emperor  Nero,  that 
the  destinies  of  the  medical  art  passed  into  the 
hands  of  Thessalus,  a  man  who  swept  away  all 
the  precepts  of  ills  predecessors,  and  declaimed 
with  a  sort  of  frenzy  against  tlie  pliysicians  of 
every  age ;  but  witli  what  discretion  and  in  wliat 
spirit,  we  may  abundantly  conclude  from  a 
single  trait  presented  by  his  character  —  upon 
liis  tomb,  wliicli  is  still  to  be  seen  on  tlie  Appian 
Way,  he  had  his  name  inscribed  as  tiie  '  latron- 
ices ' —  the  '  Conqueror  of  the  Physicians. '  No 
stage-player,  no  driver  of  a  tliree-horse  chariot, 
liad  a  greater  throng  attending  him  when  he 
appeared  in  public:  but  lie  was  at  last  eclipsed 
in  credit  by  Crinas,  a  native  of  Mussilia,  who, 
to  wear  an  appearance  of  greater  discreetness 
and  more  devoutness,  united  in  liimself  the  pur- 
suit of  two  sciences,  and  prescribed  diets  to  liis 
patients  in  accordance  with  the  movements  of 
the  heavenly  bodies,  as  indicated  by  the  alma- 
nacks of  the  mathematicians,  taking  observa- 
tions iiiinseif  of  the  various  times  and  seasons. 
It  was  but  recently  that  he  died,  leaving  10,000,000 
of  sestor-'O",  after  liaviug  expended  hardly  a  less 


sum  upon  Iniilding  the  walls  of  his  native  plaro 
and  01  other  towns.  It  was  while  these  men 
were  ruling  our  destinies,  that  all  at  once,  Char- 
mis,  a  native  also  of  Massilia,  took  the  (,'ity  liy 
surprise.  Not  rontent  with  condemning  the 
])ractice  of  preceding  physicians,  lie  proscrilied 
the  use  of  warm  baths  as  well,  nnd  persuaded 
people,  in  the  very  depth  of  winter  even,  to  im- 
merse themselves  la  cold  water.  His  patients  ho 
used  to  plunge  into  large  vessels  llllea  with  cold 
w.iter,  and  it  was  a  common  thing  to  see  agecl 
men  of  consular  rank  make  it  a  matter  of  parailc 
to  freeze  themselves;  a  method  of  treatment,  in 
favour  of  which  Annreus  Seneca  gives  his  per- 
sonal testimony,  in  writings  still  extant.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  whatever,  that  all  these  men,  in 
the  pursuit  of  cclelirity  by  tlie  intro<iuctioii  of 
some  novelty  or  other,  n  ade  purchase  of  it  at 
the  downright  expen.se  of  human  life.  Hence 
those  woeful  discussions,  tliosc  consultations  at 
the  bedside  of  the  patient,  where  no  one  thinks 
tit  to  be  of  the  same  opinion  as  another,  l(,'st  ho 
may  have  the  appearance  of  lieing  siiliordinatc 
to  another;  hence,  too,  tliat  ominous  inscription 
to  bj  read  upon  a  tomb,  '  It  was  tlie  multitude 
of  physicians  that  killed  me.'  Tlie  medical  art, 
so  often  modified  and  renewed  as  it  has  been,  is 
still  on  the  change  from  day  to  day,  and  still  are 
we  impelled  onwards  liy  the  pulTs  which  ema- 
nate from  the  ingenuity  of  the  Greeks.  .  .  . 
Ca.ssius  Ilemina,  one  of  our  most  oncient  writers, 
says  that  the  first  physician  tliat  visited  Home 
was  Arcliagathus,  the  son  of  Lysanias,  who  came 
over  from  Peloponnesus,  in  tlie  year  of  the  City 
535,  L.  .^milius  and  M.  Livius  being  consuls. 
He  states  also,  that  the  right  of  free  citizenship 
was  granted  him,  and  tliat  he  had  a  shop  pro- 
vided for  his  practice  at  the  public  expense  in 
the  Acilian  Cross-way ;  tliat  from  his  practice  ho 
received  tlie  name  of  '  Vulnerarius ' ;  that  on  his 
arrival  he  was  greatly  welcomed  at  first,  but 
that  soon  afterwards,  from  the  cruelty  displayed 
by  him  in  cutting  and  searing  his  patients,  ho 
acquired  the  new  name  of '  Carnifex,'  aud  brought 
liis  art  and  physicians  in  general  into  considera- 
ble disrepute.  That  such  was  the  fact,  we  may 
readily  understand  from  tlie  words  of  M.  Cato, 
a  man  whose  authority  stands  so  high  of  itself, 
that  but  little  weight  is  added  to  it  by  tlie  tri- 
umph wliicli  he  gained,  and  the  Censorship 
which  he  held.  I  shall,  therefore,  give  liis  own 
words  in  reference  to  this  subject.  'Concerning 
those  Greeks,  son  Marcus,  I  will  speak  to  you 
more  at  lengtli  on  tiie  befitting  occasion.  I  will 
show  you  the  results  of  my  own  experience  at 
Alliens,  aud  that,  while  it  is  a  good  plan  to  dip 
into  tlicir  literature,  it  is  not  worth  while  to 
make  a  thorough  acquaintance  witli  it.  Tliey 
are  a  most  iniquitous  and  intractable  race,  and 
you  may  take  my  word  as  the  word  of  a  prophet, 
when  I  tell  you,  that  wlienever  that  nation  shall 
bestow  its  literature  upon  Rome  it  will  mar 
everything;  and  that  all  the  sooner,  if  it  sends 
its  pliysicians  among  us.  They  have  conspired 
among  themselves  to  murder  all  barbarians  with 
their  medicine ;  a  profession  which  they  exercLso 
for  lucre,  in  order  that  they  may  win  our  confi- 
dence, and  dispatcli  us  all  the  more  easily. 
They  are  in  the  common  Iiabit,  too,  of  calling  us 
barbarians,  and  stigmatize  us  beyond  all  other 
nations,  by  giving  us  tlie  abominable  appella- 
tion of  Opici.  I  forbid  you  to  have  anything  to 
do  witli  physicians.'    Cato,  wlio  wrote  to  this 


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MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


pffprt,  (Hod  In  Ills  dghfy-flfth  ynnr,  In  tlio  year 
of  tlio  City  0(1.1;  ho  tlmt  no  one  U  to  simpoHb 
Unit  lin  IiikI  not  HufHrlcnt  timo  to  form  his  ex- 
IHTicnce,  fltlKT  with  reference  to  the  duration 
of  the  republic,  or  tlu-  length  of  his  own  life. 
Well  then  — lire  wc  to  conclude  tlmt  ho  hiis 
Htampetl  with  condemnation  a  thing  that  In 
Itself  Is  most  useful  ?  Far  from  it,  by  Hercu- 
les! .  .  .  Medicine  is  the  only  one  of  the  arts  of 
Greece,  that,  lucrative  as  it  Is,  the  Human  grav- 
ity has  hitherto  refused  to  cultivate.  It  is  but 
very  few  of  our  fcllowcHlzcns  that  have  even 
atU'inpted  it."— I'liiiy,  Natural  Hint,  (liohn's 
trnim.).  hk.  21),  en.  U-H  (c.  5). 

2d  Century.  —  Galen  and  the  develop- 
ment of  Anatomy  and  Pathology.— "  In  the 
earliest  concejitlons  which  men  entertained  of 
their  power  of  moving  their  own  members,  they 
probably  had  no  tlioiiglit  of  any  mechanism  or 
organization  by  which  this  was  effected.  The 
foot  and  the  hand,  no  less  than  the  head,  were 
seen  to  be  endowed  with  life;  and  this  pervad- 
ing life  seemed  sutliciently  to  explain  the  power 
of  motion  in  each  part  of  the  frame,  without  its 
being  held  necessary  to  seek  out  a  special  seat  of 
the  will,  or  Instruments  by  which  Its  impulses 
were  made  effective.  But  the  slightest  inspec- 
ti(m  of  dissected  animals  showed  tlmt  their  limbs 
were  formed  of  a  curious  and  complex  collec- 
tion of  cordage,  and  communications  t)f  various 
kinds,  running  along  and  connecting  the  bones 
of  the  skeleton.  These  cords  and  communica- 
tions we  now  distinguish  as  muscles,  nerves, 
veins,  arteries,  &c. ;  and  among  these,  wo  assign 
to  the  muscles  the  ofllce  of  moving  the  parts  to 
which  they  are  attached,  as  cords  move  the  parts 
of  a  machine.  Though  this  action  of  the  muscles 
on  the  bones  may  now  appear  very  obvious,  it 
was,  proliably,  not  at  first  discerned.  It  is  ob- 
served that  Ilomcr,  who  describes  the  wounds 
which  are  infiicted  in  his  battles  witli  so  much 
apparent  anatomical  precision,  nowliere  employs 
the  word  muscle.  And  even  Hippocrates  of 
Cos,  the  most  celebrated  physician  of  autiqulty, 
is  held  to  have  had  no  distinct  conception  of 
sucli  an  organ.  .  .  :  Nor  do  we  find  much  more 
distinctness  on  this  suliject  even  in  Aristotle,  a 
generation  or  two  later.  ...  lie  is  held  to  have 
really  had  the  merit  of  discovering  the  nerves  of 
sensation,  wliich  he  calls  the  'canals  of  the 
brain ' .  .  .  ,  but  the  analysis  of  the  meclmnism  of 
motion  is  left  by  him  almost  untouclied.  .  .  . 
His  immediate  predecessors  were  far  from 
remedying  the  dcflcleneies  .of  his  doctrines. 
Tliose  who  professed  to  study  physiology  and 
medicine  were,  for  the  most  part,  studious  only 
to  frame  some  general  system  of  abstract  prin- 
ciples, which  might  give  an  appearance  of  con- 
nexion and  profundity  to  their  tenets.  In  this 
manner  the  successors  of  Hippocrates  became  a 
medical  school,  of  great  note  in  its  day,  desig- 
nated as  the  Dogmatic  school ;  in  opposition  to 
wliich  arose  an  Empiric  sect,  wlio  professed  to 
deduce  tiieir  modes  of  cure,  not  from  theoretical 
dogmas,  but  from  experience.  These  rival  par- 
ties prevailed  principally  in  Asia  Minor  and 
Egypt,  during  the  time  of  Alexander's  suc- 
cessors,—  a  period  rich  in  names,  but  poor  in  dis- 
coveries ;  and  we  find  no  clear  evidence  of  any 
decided  advance  in  anatomy.  .  .  .  The  victories 
of  Lucullus  and  Poiiii""i<),  in  Greece  and  Asia, 
made  the  Romans  ii^  nted  with  the  Greek 

philosophy ;  and  the  cini.,cquence  soon  was,  that  | 


shoals  of  plillosfipliors,  rlicforiclnns,  poet«,  and 
pliVHlcians  strcaiiinl  from  Greece,  Asia  Minor, 
and  Egypt,  to  Homo  and  Italy,  to  traffic  their 
knowle(l)re  anil  their  arts  for  Roman  wc.'.llh. 
Among  tliese  was  one  person  whose  name  makes 
a  great  tigure  In  the  history  of  medicine,  Ascle- 
piades  of  I'riisa  in  liilliynia.  This  man  appears 
to  have  been  a  (piack,  with  the  usual  endow- 
ments of  his  class.  ...  He  would  not,  on  such 
accounts,  ileserve  a  jilace  In  the  history  of  science, 
but  tlmt  he  became  the  founiler  of  a  new  schiHil, 
the  MetlKxlic,  which  professed  to  hold  itself 
separate  both  from  the  Dogiiiutlcs  and  the  Em- 
iiirics.  I  have  noticed  tliese  scliools  of  medicine, 
liecaiise,  though  I  am  not  able  to  state  distinctly 
their  respective  merits  in  the  cultivaticm  of  unot- 
omy,  a  great  progress  in  tliat  science  was  un- 
doubtedly made  during  their  domination,  of 
which  the  praise  must,  I  conceive,  be  in  somo 
way  divided  among  tliem.  The  amount  of  tills 
progress  we  are  able  to  estimate,  when  we  come 
to  the  works  of  Galen,  who  tloiirislied  under  the 
Antonlnes,  and  died  obout  A.  I).  20!».  Tlic  fol- 
lowing passage  from  his  works  will  show  that 
this  progress  in  knowledge  was  not  made  with- 
out the  usual  condition  of  laborious  and  careful 
experiment,  while  it  implies  the  curious  fact  of 
such  experiment  being  conducted  by  means  of 
family  tradition  and  instruction,  bo  as  to  give 
rise  to  a  caste  of  dissectors.  In  the  opening  of 
his  Second  Rook  on  Anatomical  Manipulations, 
he  speaks  tlius  of  his  predecessors:  'I  do  not 
blame  the  ancients,  who  did  not  write  books  on 
II. mtomlcal  manipulation;  tliough  I  praise  Mari- 
nas, who  did.  For  it  was  superlluous  for  them 
to  compose  such  records  for  themselves  or  others, 
while  they  were,  from  their  childhood,  exercised 
liy  their  parents  in  dissecting,  just  as  familiarly 
as  in  writing  and  reading ;  so  that  there  wrs  no 
more  fear  of  their  forgetting  their  anatomy,  than 
of  forgetting  their  alphabet.  But  when  grown 
men,  as  well  as  children,  were  touglit,  tliis 
thorough  discipline  fell  off;  and,  the  irt  being 
carried  out  of  the  family  of  the  Ar  •'  '.iads,  ana 
declining  by  repeated  transmissior  books  be- 
came necessary  for  tlie  student. '  T.iat  the  gen- 
eral structure  of  the  animal  frame,  as  composed 
of  bones  and  muscles,  was  known  witli  great 
accuracy  before  tlie  time  of  Galen,  is  munifest 
from  the  nature  of  the  mistakes  and  deflcienc'  s 
of  his  predecessors  which  he  finds  it  necessarj' '  >> 
notice.  .  .  .  Galon  was  from  the  first  highly 
esteemed  as  an  anatomist.  He  was  originally  o^ 
Pergamus;  and  after  receiving  the  instruction'; 
of  many  medical  and  philosophical  professors, 
and  especially  of  those  of  Alexandria,  whicli  was 
then  the  metropolis  of  the  learned  and  sciei.l'flc 
world,  he  came  to  Rome,  where  his  reputation 
was  soon  so  great  as  to  excite  the  - :  -v  and 
hatred  of  the  Roman  physicians.  The  emperors 
Slarcus  Aurelius  and  Lucius  Verus  would  have 
retained  him  near  them ;  but  he  preferred  pur- 
suing his  travels,  directed  principally  by  curios- 
ity. When  he  died,  he  left  beliind  him  numer- 
ous works,  nil  of  them  of  great  value  for  the 
light  they  throw  on  the  history  of  anatomy  and 
medicine ;  and  these  were  for  a  long  period  the 
storehouse  of  all  tlie  most  important  anatomical 
knowledge  wliicli  the  world  possessed.  In  the 
time  of  intellectual  barrenness  and  servility, 
among  tlie  Arabians  and  the  Europeans  of  the 
dark  ages,  the  writings  of  Galen  had  almost  un- 
questioned authority;  and  it  was  only  by  an 


2128 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Arabian. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


\inrommon  pflort  of  lmlpp<'nilpnt  tlilnkinp;  tlmt 
Alxlollatif  ^;■ntll^p^l  to  iiswrt,  llmt  cvcii  Oiilrn'H 
nsscrtlons  muRt  glv(?  way  to  tliu  I'vldctioc  of  tlic 
HcnucH.  In  more  mndprn  tlitieg,  wlii'ii  Vcsiillus, 
Itj  tlio  sixteenth  century,  nccused  Oiilcn  of  nilK- 
tiikes,  he  drew  upon  liimnclf  the  hostility  of  the 
whole  Ixxly  of  pliy.'  -inns." — W.  Whewell,  Jlit- 
tory  of  the  ImliiHire  .  rieiteo,  lik.  17,  eh.  I,  uet.  1 
(v.  2). — "  Qnlen  strongly  denied  l)eli'.g  iittnrhed  to 
nny  of  the  sects  of  his  diiy,  nnd  reganled  ns 
sliives  those  who  t(K)k  the  title  of  Hlp|MK'nitists, 
I'raxiigorenns,  or  llerophillsts,  nnd  so  on.  Never- 
theless his  pre<lllection  In  favor  of  the  Hippo- 
crntlc  writings  Is  well  marked,  for  he  explains, 
comments  upon  them,  and  ampllfles  them  at 
length,  refutes  the  objections  of  their  adversaries 
andgives  them  the  highest  place.  He  says,  '  No 
one  Ixjfore  me  has  given  the  true  niethixl  of 
treating  disease;  Hippocrates,  I  confess,  has 
heretofore  shown  the  path,  l)\it  as  he  was  the 
first  to  enter  it  ho  was  not  al)lo  to  go  as  far  as  he 
wished.  ...  He  has  not  made  all  the  necessary 
distinction,  and  is  often  obscure,  as  is  usually  the 
cose  with  ancienta  when  they  atU-mpt  to  be  con- 
cise. He  says  very  little  of  complicated  diseases ; 
In  a  wonl,  he  has  only  sketched  what;  another 
was  to  complete;  he  has  oiH'ned  the  path,  but, 
has  left  It  for  a  successor  to  enlarge  and  make-  it 
p  ii.'  This  implies  how  he  reganled  himself  as 
the  successor  of  Hippocrates,  and  how  little 
weight  he  attached  to  the  labors  of  others.  He 
hekf  that  there  were  three  sorts  of  principles  in 
man  —  spirits,  humors,  and  solids.  Throughovit 
his  metaphysical  speculations  Ualen  reprmluccs 
nnd  ampliftes  the  Hippoeratlc  dogmatism.  Be- 
tween perfect  health  and  disea.se  there  were,  he 
thought,  eight  kinds  of  temperaments  or  imper- 
fect mixtures  compatible  with  the  exercise  of  the 
functions  of  life.  With  Plato  and  Aristotle  he 
thought  the  human  soul  to  be  composed  of  three 
facidtics  or  parts,  the  vegetive,  residing  in  the 
liver;  the  Irascible,  having  its  seat  in  the  heart, 
and  the  rational,  which  resided  in  the  brain.  He 
divided  diseases  of  the  solids  of  the  body  into 
what  he  called  distempers;  he  distinguished  be- 
tween the  continued  and  intermittent  fevers,  re- 
garding the  quotidian  as  being  caused  by  phlegm, 
the  tertian  as  due  to  yellow  bile,  and  the  quartan 
due  to  atrabile.  In  the  doctrine  of  coction, 
crises,  and  critical  days,  he  agreed  with  Hippo- 
crates; with  him  he  also  agreed  in  the  positive 
stJitement  that  diseases  arc  cured  by  their  con- 
traries."— Uoswell  Park,  Ix'cts.  on  the  J  fiat,  of 
Medicine  (in  .VS.). 

7-1  ith  Centuries, — Medical  Art  of  the  Arabs. 
— "  It  probably  rounds  paradoxical  (though  It  is 
not)  to  affirm  that,  throughout  the  tir.st  half  of 
the  Middle  Ages,  science  made  its  home  chieflv 
with  the  Semites  ond  Grreco-Romans  (its  found- 
ers), while,  in  opposition  to  the  original  relations, 
faitli  and  its  outgrowths  alone  were  fostered  l)y 
the  Germans.  In  the  sterile  wastes  of  the  desert 
the  Arabians  constructed  a  verdant  oasis  of 
science,  in  lands  to-day  the  home  ouce  more  nf 
absolute  or  partial  barbarism.  A  genuine  meteor 
of  civilization  were  these  Arabians.  .  .  .  The 
Arabians  built  their  medicine  upon  the  principles 
and  theories  of  the  Greeks  (whose  medical  writ- 
ings were  studied  and  copied  mostly  in  transla- 
tions only),  nnd  especially  upon  those  of  Galen, 
in  such  a  way,  that,  on  the  whole,  they  added  to 
it  very  little  matter  of  their  own,  save  numerous 
subtle  deflnitious  and  amplifications.    But  Indian 


niedlc.d  views  and  works,  as  well  as  tlmse  of 
otliiT  earlier  Asiatic  peoples  (e.  g. ,  the  ( 'hal<l<'jins), 
exercised  ilemonstntbly,  but  In  a  subordinate  de- 
gree, an  inllueiice  upon  Arabian  medicine.  The 
Arabians  Interwove  too  lito  their  medical  views 
various  philosophical  theorems,  especially  those 
of  Aristotle,  alri'ady  corrupted  by  the  Alexan- 
drians and  still  further  falsillcd  by  themselves 
wilh  portions  of  the  Neo  i'liitonic  philosophy; 
and  dually  they  a(hle(l  thereto  a  goodly  share  of 
(he  absurdities  of  astrology  and  alchemy.  Iii- 
fleed  it  is  nowadays  considered  proven  that  they 
even  made  us(!  of  ancient  Kgyntlan  medical 
works,  e.  g.,  the  papyrus  ElK'rs.  Thus  the  medi- 
cine of  the  Arabians,  like  Orecian  medicine  Its 
pan-nt,  did  not  greatly  surpass  the  grade  of  de- 
velopment of  mere  medical  philosophy,  and,  so 
far  as  regards  Its  inlrinsic  worth,  it  stands  en- 
tirely upon  Grecian  foundations.  .  .  .  Yet  they 
constantly  advanced  noveltii's  in  the  sciences 
subsidiary  to  medicine,  materia  medica  and  pliar- 
macy,  from  the  latter  of  which  chemistry,  phar- 
macies and  the  profession  of  the  apothecary  were 
developed.  .  .  .  The  mode  of  transfer  of  Greek 
medicine  to  the  Arabians  was  probably  as  fol- 
lows :  The  inhabitants  of  the  neighboring  parts 
of  Asia,  including  both  the  Persians  and  Ara- 
bians, as  the  result  of  multifarious  business  con- 
nexions wilh  Alexandria,  came,  even  at  an  early 
date.  In  contact  with  Orecian  science,  and  by  de- 

frees  a  permanent  alliance  was  formed  with  It. 
n  a  more  evident  way  the  same  result  wjis  ac- 
complished by  the  Jewish  schools  in  Asia,  the 
great  majority  of  wliich  owed  their  foundation 
to  Alexandria.  Such  schools  were  established  at 
Nislbis,  at  Nr.nardea  in  Mesopotamia,  at  Malhie- 
Mechasja  on  the  Kuphrates,  at  Sura,  Ac,  and 
their  peri(Hl  of  prime  falls  in  the  5th  century. 
The  intluenco  of  the  Nestorian  universities  was 
especially  favorable  and  permanent,  particularly 
the  school  under  Greek  management  founded 
at  Edessa,  in  Mesopotamia,  where  Stephen  of 
Edessa,  the  reputed  father  of  Alexander  of  Tral- 
les,  taught  (A.  D.  MO).  .  ,  .  Still  more  intluen- 
tlal  in  the  transfer  of  Grecian  science  to  the  Ara- 
bians was  the  banishment  of  the  'heathen' 
philosophers  of  the  last  so-calIe<l  Platonic  school 
of  Athens,  by  the  '  Christian '  desi)ot  .Justinian  I. 
(.129).  These  philosophers  were  well  received  at 
the  court  of  the  infidel  Chosrol's,  and  in  return 
manifested  their  gratitude  by  the  propagation  of 
Grecian  scieiu'c.  .  .  .  From  all  these  causes  it 
resulted  that,  even  ns  early  as  the  time  of  Moliam- 
med  (.571-632),  physicians  educated  in  the  Grecian 
doctrines  lived  among  the  Arabians.  .  .  .  Ara- 
bian culture  (and  of  cc/urse  Arabian  medicine) 
reached  its  zAiith  at  the  period  of  the  greatest 
power  and  greatest  wealth  of  the  Calipliate  in 
the  9th  and  10th  centui  ■  At  that  time  intel- 
lectual life  wiis  rootei'  m  the  schools  of  the 
mosques,  i.  e.,  the  Arabian  universities,  which  the 
great  caliphs  were  zei'ous  in  founding.  Such 
Aniblan  universities  arose  and  existed  in  the 
progress  of  time  (even  as  late  as  the  14th  century) 
at  IJagdad,  Bassora,  Cufa,  Samarcand,  Ispahan, 
Damascus,  Bokhara,  Firuzabad  and  Khurdistan, 
and  under  the  scholastic  Fatimides  (909-1171)  in 
Alexandria.  Under  the  Ommyiadcs  (75.')-1031), 
after  the  settlement  of  the  Arabians  in  Spain  In 
the  beginning  of  the  8th  century,  were  founded 
the  famous  universities  of  Cordova  (possessing  in 
tlie  10th  century  a  library  of  250,000  volumes), 
Seville,  Toledo,  Almeriu  and  Murcia  under  the 


2129 


MKDICAI,  HCIENC'E. 


ArabUtn. 


MEDICAL  BCIEKCB. 


tIir('ornll|iliiiiiam<'<1  AlMlrrrnliiniiti  niiil  Al  llnkcin. 
lii'HH  iiiipiirliiiit  WIT)!  till)  uiiivrrHltii'fi  of  Oranudii 
iitiil  V'lili'iK'iii,  anil  Irnitt  Inipnrtiint  of  nil,  tliosii 
fiiiiiiili'il  hy  thf  KilrUi  ilyriiiMr  (H(M)-I)N(I)  In  llir 
provlnri'H  of  'I'iimIm,  Vcr,  iinil  >li>riM'rii.  In  gpltn 
of  all  tliCHo  liiHllliitlonH  till'  AniblanM  poMuawil 
no  tali'nt  for  priNliirtlvo  rrwarrli ;  Htlll  li'M,  llko 
till!  ancliMit  Hrnilti'M,  illil  tlicy  rrralo  any  nrtu, 
BHvi!  poi'sy  anil  ari'liltcclurr.  Tlirlr  wliolo  civili- 
zation linri'  tliu  Htanip  of  IIm  fiiri'it;n  orlf^ln.  .  .  . 
'Till!  I'rlnci!  of  I'liyHlilanH' (il  Slirlk  el  HcU  — 
hi!  was  also  a  pot't)  was  tlir  lltli-  (riven  by  tlio 
ArablaiiH  to  Abu  All  el  lIosMrlii  rbn  Abilallancbn 
SlMa(Kbn  KInn,  Avlrrnna),  1»Hl)-l();i7,  in  rccojfni 
tlon  of  his  KTvat  (<ruilitii>n,  of  wlilrli  tliu  cliii'f 
cviiii-nrcs  are  Htoreil  in  Ills  '  Canon.'  This  work, 
though  It  contains  Niibstantiaily  nii'rcly  the  eoii- 
olimions  of  till'  (IrrcUs,  was  tlii<  text  book  and 
law  of  till'  hriilln);  art,  fvcn  as  lali!  ns  the  first 
ri'nliiry  of  nioi'rrn  tinu'S." — J.  II.  Haas,  OiitUnin 
of  III,-  /Union/ of  M.ilinuc,  pp.  210-',".J1I.  — "Thi! 
Saraci'iis  comini'nrrd  tliii  application  of  chemis- 
try, both  to  the  tlii'ory  anil  practice  of  meillcino, 
in  the  cx|)laMation  of  the  functions  of  the  human 
body  and  in  the  cure  of  itH  diseases.  Nor  was 
their  surgery  beliiiid  their  medicine.  Albucasis, 
of  Cordova,  Rhrliiks  not  from  the  performiince  of 
the  most  fiirniidable  operations  in  Ids  own  and  in 
the  obstetrical  art  ;  tlie  actual  cautery  and  the 
knife  are  used  without  hesitation.  He  has  left 
us  ample  descriptions  of  the  surgicnl  instruments 
then  employed;  and  from  hlin  we  learn  that,  In 
operations  on  b males  In  which  considerations  of 
delicacy  Intervened,  the  services  of  properly  in- 
structeil  women  were  secured.  IIow  different 
was  all  this  from  the  .state  of  thln^^s  in  Ktirope: 
t.'ie  Christian  peasant,  fever-strick^i;  or  overtaken 
by  ncclilcnt,  hied  to  tlie  nearest  sain*  shrine  and 
expected  a  miracle;  the  i^panlsh  Moor  relied  on 
the  prescription  or  lancet  of  his  physlciai!.  or  the 
bandage  and  knife  of  his  surgeon." — J.  W. 
Draper,  Jlitt.  of  the  Intellectual  DtKlopment  if 
J'jiiropc,  v.  2,  eh.  2.  —  "The  accession  of  Geliwer 
to  llie  throne  of  Mu.ssulman  Spain,  early  in  the 
eleventh  century,  was  marked  by  the  pronudga- 
liou  of  regulations  so  judiciously  planned,  touch- 
ing medical  science  and  its  praetioe,  that  he 
deserves  the  highest  comnicndation  for  the  un- 
wavering zeal  with  which  he  supervised  this  im- 
portant branch  of  Icaridng  taught  in  the  metropo- 
lis. Those  evils  which  the  provinces  had  suffered 
previous  to  his  rule,  through  the  practice  of 
medicine  by  debased  empirics,  were  ijuickly  re- 
inovod  by  this  segacious  Caliph.  Upon  the  pub- 
lication of  his  rescripts,  such  medical  charlatans 
or  ambulatory  physicians  as  boldly  announced 
themselves  to  be  medici,  without  a* knowledge  of 
the  science,  were  Ignominicusly  expelled  fronv 
the  provincial  towns.  He  decreed  that  a  college 
of  skilled  surgeons  should  be  forthwith  organ- 
ized, for  the  single  specified  function  of  rigidly 
examining  into  the  assumed  qualificittions  of  ap- 
plicants for  licenses  to  exercise  the  curative  art 
in  municipal  or  rural  departments,  or  sought 
professional  employment  as  physicians  in  the  nu- 
merous hospitals  upon  the  ^lahomctan  domains." 
— Q.  F.  Port,  Medical  Economy  during  tlte  Middle 
Ages,  eh.  17. — "Anatomy  and  physiology,  far 
from  making  any  conquests  under  Arabian  rule, 
followed  on  the  contrary  a  retrograde  movement. 
As  those  physicians  never  devoted  themselves  to 
dissections,  tliey  were  under  the  necessity  of 
cuuformiug  entirely  to  the  accounts  of  Galen. 


.  .  .  Pathology  won  onrichoil  in  the  Arabian 
writingR  by  some  new  obHorvntions.  .  .  .  The 
phyHlcianii  of  this  nation  were  the  llrst  .  .  .  who 
liegan  to  illHlinguiidi  eruptive  fevent  by  the  ex- 
terior characters  of  the  eruption,  while  the 
Greeks  paid  but  little  attention  to  these  signs. 
TherapeulicH  made  also  Home  Interesting  acqul- 
fiitioiis  under  the  Arab  pliyHiclans.  It  owes  to 
them,  among  other  things,  the  Introduction  of 
mild  purgatives,  such  as  cassia,  Henna,  anil 
manna,  which  replaced  advantageously,  In  many 
cases,  the  drastics  employed  by  the  ancients;  it 
is  Indebted  to  them,  also,  for  several  chemical 
and  pharmaceutieal  iiuprovenients,  as  the  con- 
fection of  Hyriips.  tinctures,  andilistilled  woters, 
which  are  very  frequently  and  usefully  employ- 
ed. Finally,  external  therapeutics,  or  surgery, 
received  some  minoraddltioiiH,  such  as  poinades, 
jilasters,  an.l  new  i.ir'lments;  but  these  addi- 
tions were  very  far  from  compensating  for  the 
considerablu  h)8ses  which  it  Hullered  by  their 
abandoning  u  multitude  of  opi'rations  in  usu 
among  the  Greeks." — P.  V.  lienouard,  Ilintury 
if  Medicine, j>.  207. 

I2-I7th  Centuries. — Mediaeval  Medicine.— 
"The  dllllcultles  under  which  medical  science 
laboured  may  be  estimated  from  the  fact  that 
dissection  was  forbidden  by  tlie  clergy  of  the 
Middle  Ages,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  Im- 
pious to  mutilate  a  form  made  in  the  image  of 
God.  We  do  not  find  this  i)ious  objection  inter- 
fering with  such  mutilation  when  effected  by 
means  of  the  rack  and  the  wheel  and  such  other 
clerical  rather  than  medical  instruments.  Hut 
in  the  reign  of  I'liilip  the  Second  of  Spain  u 
famous  Hpanlsh  doctor  was  actually  condemned 
by  the  Inquisition  to  be  burnt  for  having  per- 
formed a  surgical  operation,  and  It  was  only  by 
royal  favour  that  he  was  permitted  instead  to  ex- 
piate his  crime  by  a  pilgrimage  to  tlio  Holy 
Land,  where  he  died  in  poverty  and  exile.  This 
being  the  attitude  of  the  all-powerful  (,'hurcli 
towards  medical  progress,  it  Is  not  surprising 
that  medical  science  should  have  stagnated,  ana 
tliat  Galen  and  Dioscorides  were  permitted  to 
lay  down  the  law  In  the  sixteenth  century  as 
they  hud  done  since  the  beginning  of  the  Chris- 
tian era.  Some  light  Is  thrown  upon  the  state  of 
things  herefrom  resulting  by  a  work  translated 
from  the  German  in  the  year  1561,  and  entitled 
'  A  most  excellent  and  perfecte  homlsh  apothc- 
carye  or  pliysicke  booke,  for  all  the  grefes  and 
diseases  of  the  bodye. '  The  first  chapter  is '  Con- 
cerning the  Head  and  his  partes.'  '  Galen  sayth, 
the  head  Is  divided  into  foure  iiartcs:  In  the  fore 
part  hath  blood  the  dominion;  Colera  in  the 
ryght  syde,  Slelancholy  in  the  left  syde,  and 
Flegma  beareth  rule  in  the  hlnderinost  part.  If 
the  head  doth  ako  so  sore  by  reason  of  a  run- 
ninge  that  he  cannot  snoffe  liys  nose,  bath  liys 
fete  in  a  depc  tub  untill  the  knees  and  give  liiin 
this  medicine  .  .  .  which  ri-seth  into  hys  head 
and  dryetli  hys  moyst  braynes.  Galon  sayth  IIo 
tliaf.  hath  paynu  in  the  hindermost  part  of  hys 
head,  the  same  must  be  let  blood  under  the 
cliynnc,  specially  on  the  right  side;  also  were  it 
good  oftc  to  burn  the  lieyrc  of  a  man  before  liys 
nose.  The  braynes  are  greved  many  wayes; 
many  tlicio  are  whom  the  head  whyrleth  so  sore 
that  he  thiukcth  tliecanh  turncth  upsydedoune: 
Cummin  refmineth  the  wliyrling,  comfortcth  tho 
braynes  and  inaketh  them  to  growe  agayne:  or 
he  may  take  the  braynes  of  a  liogge,  rest  the 


2130 


MEDICAL  8CIENCE. 


ilnliaval. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE 


umo  upon  a  grc<lo  yron  ami  c\it  illrei  tlipifof 
mill  lay  to  tli*- gn^vcil  imrtH. '  TliU  doctrlti)'  of 
iiki'  liclpinv  like  wiiH  of  iiiilvcrHitl  uppllcitlioii, 
mill  ill  iii('(li('iil  woiUh  of  tli)>  MIddlit  Ak<'H  wo 
iiiH't  coiiHtiinlly  wlllisiicli  prcscriplliiiiHnH  llirHo; 
— '  Tiik«!  Ili<!  rlalit  t-yc  of  u  Froit n,  lap  It  in  u 
pcvcc  of  niHiM't  ciotli  iiiiil  ImiiK  Ituliimt  the  iiotk; 
'It  curi'tli  till!  rlKlit  cyii  if  it  Ix't!  ciiIIiiiik'iI  or 
lilciiri'd.  And  if  tlio  left  eye  1m>  (fri'ved,  do  tlui 
like  liy  till!  k'ft  v\v  of  tlic  wild  I-'mk'!?.'  A(?iilli  — 
'Tliu  Hkiii  of  n  Hiivt'ii'M  lii'i'l  iit  i;ood  iiKuliiHt  tlii! 
gout,  hut  tlip  rlKlit  Ik'cI  skill  iiiiiHt  lie  liiiil  u|ioii 
the  rii;lit  foot  If  tliiit  lie  KoHtV,  mid  tin-  left  upon 
tlic  li'fl.  ...  If  you  would  Imvi!  ii  man  iM'cotiu; 
Ixild  or  iinpuik'iit  let  liiiii  curry  iiliout  liiiii  tliu 
Bkl'i  or  cycH  of  ii  Lion  or  n  Cock,  iiiid  liu  will  liu 
foii.losH  of  Ills  cni'iiilcs,  imy,  he  will  he  very  Icr 
ribli'  'into  tliciii.  If  you  would  liiivi-  Idin  iiilkii- 
tivo,  giv<!  llllll  toiiirilrs,  mill  seek  out  tliosi'  of 
wiitcr  fro,i?H  mid  diirks  mid  sucii  irriilurcH  iioto- 
riouH  for  tlii'ir  contiiiuiill  noise  initkiii^.'  On  llic 
smnc  principle  wo  lliid  it  pn'scribcd  iim  ii  euro  for 
till'  i|Uiirlmu)  iiKUu  to  lay  tlio  fourlli  liook  of 
IlDiiR'r'Mlliiiduiidi'r  tlio  pationl'H  liuitd;  i\  ri'iiii'dy 
wliicli  liiid  ut  li'UHt  tliu  ncgntivo  merit  of  not 
being  nmi.seou".  .  .  .  For  weak  eyes  the  patient 
l8  to  '  take  till!  toiin^e  of  a  fo.xe,  and  lianKe  the 
Mtino  about  IiIh  neckc,  and  ho  lon^  it  huiiKeth 
tliei'u  lil»  Higlit  Hliall  not  wax  feeble,  an  Huyth 
Pliny.'  Tlio  hanging  of  such  aiiiiilels  round 
the  neck  was  very  freipiently  proBcrilted,  and 
the  ertlciicy  of  them  1h  a  thing  curiously  well 
attested.  Kllas  AKlimole  in  Ilia  diary  for  1081 
1ms  entered  the  following — 'I  tooke  this  morn- 
ing a  good  doso  of  elixir,  and  hung  three  spiders 
about  my  neck,  and  they  drove  my  nguo  away. 
Ueo  gnuiasl'  A  baked  toad  hung  in  a  silk  bag 
about  the  neck  was  also  held  in  high  esteem,  as 
was  a  toad,  cither  alive  or  dried,  laid  upon  the 
back  of  the  neck  as  a  means  of  stopping  a  lilccd- 
ing  at  the  nose ;  and  again,  '  cither  frogg  or 
toado,  the  nails  whereof  have  been  clipped, 
hanged  about  one  that  Is  sick  of  quartano  ague, 
riddeth  away  the  disease  forever,  as  sayth  Pliny.' 
We  have  even  a  striking  instance  of  the  benetit 
derived  from  an  amulet  by  a  horse,  who  could 
not  be  suspected  of  having  helped  forward  the 
cure  by  the  strength  of  his  faith  in  it.  'The  root 
of  cut  Malowe  hanged  about  the  neck  driveth 
awny  blemisiics  of  the  eyen,  whether  it  be  in  a 
man  or  a  horse,  as  I  Jerome  of  Brunsweig,  have 
seeno  myselfe.  1  have  mvselfe  done  it  to  a  bl'.nd 
horse  that  I  bought  for  Jt  crounes,  and  was  sold 
.again  of  XL  crounes' — a  trick  distinctly  worth 
knowing."  —  E.  A.  King,  MedUtml  Medicine 
(Ni  III  tee  nth  Ceiituri/,  July  1893).  —  "  If  we  survey 
the  social  and  political  state  of  Europe  from  the 
twelfth  to  the  sixteenth  century,  in  its  relation 
to  tlio  development  of  medical  art,  our  attention 
is  at  once  arrested  by  Italy,  which  at  this  period 
was  far  ahead  of  the  rest  of  the  world.  'Taking 
the  number  of  universities  as  an  index  of  civili- 
zotion,  we  find  that,  before  the  year  ITiOO,  there 
were  sixteen  in  Italy, — while  in  France  there 
were  but  six;  in  Germany,  including  Hungary, 
Bohemia,  Bavaria,  «kc. ,  there  were  eight ;  and  in 
Britain,  two;  making  sixteen  in  nil,  —  the  cx.ict 
number  which  existed  in  Italy  alone.  The  Italian 
Universities  were,  likewise,  no  less  superior  in 
number  than  in  fame  to  those  of  the  north.  .  .  . 
In  many  of  the  Italian  republics,  during  the 
twelfth,  thirteenth,  and  fourteenth  centuries,  the 
power  was  chiefly  iu  the  hands  of  the  luiddle 

3-37  2131 


clniiM'ii;  and  It  U  prnhflMc  tlint  the  phynlclnna 
■  H'ciipU'd  a  high  niid  inltiieiilial  poNlllun  nnioiig 
them.  OalvmiiN  FlaniiiiaileiwrilieHMllan  In  I'JHM, 
as  having  a  population  of  'JlN),(NN),  among  whom 
were  (WK»  nutiirles.  UMM)  phyNiclmiH,  MO  hcIiikiI. 
masters,  ami  tifly  traiiHcrilH'rM  of  iimnuncriptH  or 
liiMiks.  Milan  was  alHiiit  tills  |ierl>Nl  at  a  pitch 
of  glory  wliirh  has  not  been  ei|ualU'il  Hlnct!  the 
(ireek  niiubllrs. " — J.  H.  Kussell,  J/i»tiir/f  iiml 
llrriHii  nj  the  Avt  of  Meilieine,  eh.  5.  — '"riirio 
schoiils,  ascarly  as  'H,  had  a  reputation  which 
(■xlriiili'd  Ihroughoi.t  the  whole  of  Kurope: 
Paris  fiirthi'iiloglcal  Htiidies,  Bolngim  for  Uiinian 
or  civil  law,  and  Salcrnn  as  the  cliirf  iiii'dlial 
Mchool  of  the  west." — (j.  F.  Fort,  Muliiuil  Hroim- 
iiijl  tliiriiiji  the  Miiliile  Af/in.  eh.  'ii.  — "  In  1313 
Pope  Innocent  III.  fnlmiiiated  an  anathema 
siieclally  dirrcled  a;;aliist  surgery,  by  ordaining, 
that  as  the  church  abhorred  all  cruel  or  sangui- 
nary practices,  no  priest  should  be  permitted  to 
follow  surgery,  or  to  perfor'u  any  operations  in 
which  either  Instruments  of  steel  or  lire  wen'  em- 
ployed; and  that  they  should  refuse  their  bene- 
diction to  all  those  who  professed  anil  |iur.sued 
it.  .  .  .  Tlie  saints  have  proved  sad  enemies  to 
tlie  doctors.  MiraciiloiU  cures  are  attested  by 
monks,  abbots,  bishops,  popes,  and  consecrated 
saints.  .  .  .  Pilgrimages  mid  visits  to  holy 
shrines  have  usurped  the  place  of  medicine,  and,  as 
in  many  cases  at  our  own  watering  places,  by  air 
and  exercise,  have  un(|Uesllonably  elTected  what 
the  em|)liiyiiient  of  regular  professional  aid  had 
been  unable  to  accomplish.  St.  Dominic.  8t. 
Belliniis,  and  St.  Vitus  have  been  greatly  re- 
nowned in  the  cMiro  of  disi^ases  in  genenil ;  the 
latter  particularly,  who  takes  both  poisons  and 
madness  of  all  kinds  under  his  special  protection. 
Melton  says  '  the  saints  of  tlie  Honianists  have 
usurped  the  place  of  the  zodiacal  constellallona 
ill  tlieir  governance  of  the  parts  of  man's  body, 
and  that  "  for  every  llnibe  they  have  a  saint." 
Tims  St.  Otilia  kcepes  the  head  instead  of  Aries; 
St.  Blasius  is  appointed  to  governe  the  nccke  in- 
stead of  Taurus ;  St.  Lawrence  kecpes  the  backc 
and  shoulders  instead  of  OeminI,  Cancer,  and 
Li":  St.  Erasmus  rules  the  belly  with  the  on- 
tia>lc8,  in  the  place  of  Libra  and  Hcorpius;  in 
the  .stead  of  Sagittarius,  Capricornus,  Aquarius, 
and  Pisces,  the  holy  church  of  Home  hath  elected 
St.  Burgardc,  St.  ftochus,  St.  Qulrinus,  St.  John, 
and  many  others,  which  governe  the  tlilghes, 
.  feet,  shinncs,  and  knees.'  This  supposed  inllu- 
'  encD  of  the  liomish  saints  is  more  minutely  ex- 
hibited, according  to  Hone,  in  two  very  old 
prints,  from  engravings  on  wood,  in  the  collec- 
tion of  the  British  Museum.  Hight  hand:  the 
top  joint  of  tlie  thumb  is  dedicated  to  God.  the 
second  joint  to  the  Virgin;  the  top  joint  of  the 
forefinger  to  St.  Barnabas,  the  second  joint  to 
St.  John,  the  third  to  St.  Paul;  the  top  joint  of 
the  second  finger  to  Simon  Cleophas,  the  second 
joint  to  Tathideo,  the  third  to  Joseph ;  the  top 
joint  of  the  third  finger  to  Zaccheus,  the  .second 
to  Stephen,  the  third  to  the  evangelist  Luke; 
the  top  joint  of  the  little  finger  to  Leatus,  the 
second  to  Mark,  the  third  to  Kicodemus.  Left; 
hand:  the  top  joint  of  the  thumb  is  dedicated  to 
Christ,  the  second  joint  to  the  Virgin;  the  top 
joint  of  the  fore-finger  to  St.  James,  the  second 
to  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  the  third  to  St.  Peter; 
tlie  first  joint  of  tlie  second  finger  to  St.  Simon, 
the  seconil  joint  to  St.  Matthew,  tlie  third  to  St. 
James  tlie   Great;   the   top   joint  of  the   third 


MEDICAL  HCIENCE. 


Sltlnnlk  CVntury. 


MEDICAL  8CIENCE. 


flnffcr  to  Ht.  Jiiilc,  till-  wcoiid  Joint  ti>  Ht.  Ilnr- 
tliiiiiiini-w,  ttu*  tlilnl  to  Ht.  Aiiilri'W ;  tliu  top  Joint 
of  llie  little  llnKiT  to  Ht.  Mitttliluit.  Iliu  lu-rond 
to  Ht.  Tlioinim,  the  llilnl  loint  to  Ht.  I'lilllp. 
.  .  .  "TiKMTfiliillty  of  nmiiklnil  liun  never  Iwcn 
more  ulronKly  (llH|>lityeil  tliiui  In  the  Keiienil 
belief  nlTorileil  to  the  uutlientltlty  of  reniiirkiible 
C'llleil  of  illM'itM'H  Hitl'l  to  liikve  iH'cn  efTeetecl  liy 
the  ini|ioHltion  of  royiil  IiiukIh.  The  pntitiee 
M-eniM  to  haveorlKlliiiteil  In  im  opinion  that  there 
in  NoniethInK  Miiered  or  divine  nttacliiuK  either  to 
the  NoverelKn  or  hi*  funetlonH.  .  ,  .  The  pnic- 
tlcu  ntJpearK  to  Ik*  one  of  KnKlifih  f^rowtli,  <'oin- 
inenelnK  with  Kdwurd  the  CoiifeftHor,  uiid  de- 
■cenditiK  only  to  foreign  potentntes  who  could 
■bow  iin  nllliiiiet!  with  the  royul  fimiily  of  Kiik- 
hind.  The  kliigN  of  France,  however,  cliilrned 
the  ri^ht  >(>  (liHpeniM!  the  (lift  of  llen'niK,  and  It 
wan  certain! V  exercisod  liy  Philip  tl  .?  First;  but 
the  French  lilHtorlanH  Hay  that  ho  '  /as  deprived 
of  the  power  on  account  of  the  irregidarlty  of 
his  life.  Luiirentiuit,  first  physician  to  Henry 
IV,  of  France,  who  is  Indignant  at  the  attempt 
made  to  derive  Its  orl>;ln  from  Edward  the  ("on- 
fessor,  asserts  the  power  to  have  commenced 
with  Clovls  I,  A.  I).  4H1,  and  savs  that  Louis  I, 
A.  I).  814,  added  to  the  cert^monial  of  toiichln);, 
the  sign  of  the  cross.  Mezeray  also  says,  that 
St.  Loiilg,  through  humility,  flrst  added  the  sign 
of  the  cross  in  touching  lor  the  king's  evil.  .  .  . 
If  credit  is  to  be  given  to  a  statement  ...  by 
William  of  Malmesbury,  Willi  respect  to  Edward 
the  Confessor,  we  must  admit  that  In  England, 
for  a  period  of  nearly  700  years,  the  practice  of 
the  royal  touch  was  exercised  in  a  greater  or 
lesser  degre<.>  as  it  extended  to  the  reign  of 
l>ueen  A>mc.  It  must  not  however  be  supposed 
tli.1t  hist  .irlcal  documents  are  extant  to  prove  a 
regular  continuance  of  the  practice  during  this 
time.  No  accounts  ■whatever  of  the  tlrst  four 
Norm.in  kings  attcmptiug  to  cure  thu  complaint 
arc  to  im  found.  In  the  reign  of  William  III,  it 
was  not  on  any  occasion  exercised.  He  mani- 
fested more  sense  than  his  preder-'sor.s,  for  ho 
withheld  I'om  e:iiploylng  the  royai  'aucb  for  the 
cure  of  scrofula;  ond  Itapln  says,  that  ho  was  so 
persuaded  he  should  •'o  no  Injury  to  personp  af- 
tlictcd  with  this  distenijKrbvsottoucnlngihem, 
that  he  refrained  from  It  all  his  reign,  (^ucen 
Elizabeth  was  ulso  avirse  to  the  practKie,  yet 
she  extensively  ^orformed  It.  It  flourished  mo.it 
in  the  time  of  f'harlcs  II,  pnrticularij  after  his 
restoration,  and  a  public  register  of  cases  was 
kept  at  Whitehall,  the  principal  scone  of  Its 
operation." — T.  J.  Pctlgrow,  iuperitition*  eon- 
necied  with  the  History  ind  Practice  of  Medicine 
and  Surgery,  pp.  84-37,  rnd  117-121. 

i6th  Century. — Paracelsus. — Parocelsus,  of 
whose  mony  names  this  o.in  stands  alone  in  his- 
tory to  represent  him,  was  .mi  extraordiiiarv  per- 
son, bom  in  Switzerland,  li.  1493.  He  died  in 
1541.  "His  character  has  lecn  very  variously 
estimated.  The  obstructives  of  his  own  age  and 
many  hastv  Judges  since  have  pronounced  him  a 
quack.  This  is  simply  ridiculous.  As  a  chemist, 
he  is  considered  to  have  been  tiic  discoverer  of 
zinc,  and  perhaps  of  bismuth.  He  was  ac- 
quainted with  hydrogen,  muriatic,  and  sulphur- 
ous gases.  He  distinguished  alum  fr.im  the  vitri- 
ols ;  remarking  that  the  former  contained  im  eartli, 
and  the  latter  metals.  He  perceived  the  part 
played  by  the  utmospherc  In  combustion,  and 
recognized  the  analogy  between  combustioii  and 


resplrnllon.  Hi-  Haw  that  In  the  organic  system' 
rlieiiileai  proceiwi'M  are  eoiiMtaiitly  going  on. 
ThilM,  to  lilm  In  due  the  fiindamenlal  idea  from 
wlileh  have  Niining  theelietnlco  phyHlological  re- 
Hearches  of  t.leliig,  .Mulder,  lioUHsingaiilt,  and 
others,  liy  iiHliig  In  mi'iliclne,  not  crude  vege- 
tiilili'H,  but  their  active  principles,  he  opened  the 
wjiy  to  the  diHcovery  of  the  proximnte  |)rincli)les 
of  vegetabli'M,  organic  alkalis,  r  the  llko. 
Hut  perhaps  the  greatest  service  he  .enilered  to 
ehemlHtry,  was  by  declaring  It  an  ossential  part 
of  medical  education,  and  liy  showing  that  Its 
true  tiractiral  application  lay  not  in  gold  niaklni;, 
but  In  pharmacy  and  the  Industrial  arts.  In 
meiiicine  lie  s<'outed  the  fearfully  complex  elec- 
tuaries and  iiilxtiireH  of  the  (laleiilHts  and  the 
Arabian  polypharmaeUtH,  recommending  simpler 
and  more  active  ]>reparations.  He  showed  that 
tlioldeaof  poison  is  merely  relative,  and  knew 
that  poisons  in  Hultablu  doses  may  bo  employed 
in  meiiicine.  Ho  prescribed  tin  as  u  remedy  for 
intestinal  worms,  mercury  as  an  antisyphllltlc, 
and  lead  In  the  diseases  of  the  skin.  He  also 
used  preparations  of  antimony,  arsenic,  and  Iron. 
He  employed  sulphuric  acid  in  the  treatment  of 
satiirnlno  afTectioiis.  The  astontshing  cures 
which  he  undoubtedly  performed  were,  however, 
due  not  so  much  to  his  peculiar  medicines,  as  to 
his  eminent  sagacity  and  insight.  He  sliowod 
the  Importance  of  a  chemical  examination  of 
urine  for  tho  diagnosis  of  disease."  —  J.  W. 
Slater,  J'araeelstis  (imperia',  Diet,  of  Univ.  Dioy.). 
i6th  Century.— The  fimt  English  College  of 
Physicians. — "The  miHlern  doctor  dates  only 
from  the  reign  of  Henry  VIIL,  when  the  College 
of  I'hyslcians  In  England  was  founded  us  a  bixly 
corporate  by  letters  patent  In  tho  tenth  year  of 
the  reign.  This  grant  was  In  response  to  a  peti- 
tion from  a  few  of  tho  most  notaulo  members  of 
tho  profession  resident  in   London,   who   wi^re 

fierhaps  moved  by  both  a  laudable  zeal  In  the 
ntcrests  of  science,  and  a  coi  .asslon  for  the 
sufferings  of  the  subjects  of  astrological  and 
toxicologlcal  experiments.  The  charter  thus  ob- 
tiiincd,  tlioiigli  probably  drafted  by  tho  promo- 
ters themselves,  was  found  to  bo  so  Inadequately- 
worded  and  expressed,  that  it  became  necessary 
to  obtain  powers  to  amend  It  by  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment. Among  these  early  members  wore  Linacre, 
Wotton,  and  others,  famous  scholars  beyond 
doubt,  though  possibly  but  Indifferent  practi- 
tioners. In  fact,  wo  are  constantly  struck 
throughout  the  early  history  of  the  profession  by 
the  frequent  occurrence  of  names  associated  wita 
almost  every  other  branch  of  study  than  that 
strictly  appertaining  to  the  art  of  medicine.  We- 
have  naturalists,  magnetlclans,  astronomers, 
maihematiclans,  logicians,  and  classical  scholars, 
but  scarce  one  who  accomplished  anything 
worthy  to  be  recorded  In  the  annals  of  medical 
science.  Indeed  It  Is  difflcult  to  conceive  any 
useful  object  that  could  have  been  attained  by 
tlio  cxl8t<?ncc  of  tlie  College  as  a  professional 
llccn.tlng  body,  other  than  the  pecuniary  interests 
of  the  orthodox.  ...  It  is  most  signincant  as  to 
the  social  degradation  of  the  science  of  medicine, 
that  mo.st  of  the  notorious  empirics  of  the  latter 
half  of  the  sixteenth  century  were  both  higlilv 
recommended  and  'itrenuously  supported  in  their 
resistance  to  the  proctors  of  orthodoxy  by  some 
of  the  greatest  names  of  the  ago.  'fhese  self- 
deluded  victims  of  quackery  were  not  indeed 
adverse  in  theory  to  tlie  pretensions  of  mure- 


2132 


MEDICAL  8CIENCE. 


I'liii  Hflmoi-.l. 
Uitrvry, 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


regular  momhoni  of  tho  prnrruilnn.  Thoy  would 
pittronize  tli«  Cnurt  iiliyxliliinH.  or,  If  ^iivoriliH 
of  ilif>  Cmwn,  tlii'y  iiiiKlit  ovcji  Hubniit  lo  dm 
HovcrelK"'*  n'coiiiniciiiliitioii  In  tlmt  lii'hiilf ,  liiit 
none  tliv  Iciw  their  fituilly  ilmaor  wnii  in  far  Uki 
many  ciiiu'h  houk'  outJjiniliHJi  profcHiwir  of  occult 
aril,  KtJtIm'd  in  Iciirncd  Ktiitx  on  tin*  prcniiiwi, 
wild  und<'rtiM)k  llicHpcolv,  not  to  tuiy  nilriiculouN, 
cure  of  IiIm  piitron'it  pjirtl(  iiliir  dlwii.sc  liv  oil  tliu 
clmrrnN  of  tli<'  Citliiilii." — 11.  Hull,  Tlw  Kurly 
Metlifui  (\firry  Kiifflniul;  alto  in  Eclectic  Mdi/a- 
line,  ,/iiiie.  IHS-t). 

i6th  Century.— The  System  of  Van  Het- 
mont.— Jolin  linptiiil  van  lldniont  "  wiis  liorn 
Ht  HruHiu'lH  in  tlic  yciir  1577.  .  .  .  Ills  parcntH 
wiTf  noble,  iind  Iki  wuh  lu^ir  to  great  poxwrniouN. 
Ho  purHUed  in  Louvain  tlio  imnitl  couriteof  hcIio- 
liuitlc  pidlosopliy.  .  .  .  lieconiinK  arcid"ntally 
accpminted  wiili  tint  writliiK**  of  'I'liotuaH  i\  Iveiii- 
pit!  and  John  Tnulur,  'nt  from  that  day  adopted 
what  Koca  by  the  vague  term  of  niyHtlciiini. 
That  Id,  tUorouKhly  <'onvinc4.>d  that  theru  wuh  u 
■piritual  worUf  in  Intimate  and  eternal  \inion 
with  the  8i>irit  uf  man;  that  thin  Hplritual  world 
was  revealed  to  that  luiman  itoul  which  Hiibmit- 
ted  to  receive  It  in  hundllty ;  and  that  the  doc- 
trines of  (/'hristlanity  wero  not  to  be  loolted  upon 
aa  a  Hystem  of  philosophy,  but  as  a  rule  of  life, 
ho  resolved  to  follow  them  to  the  letter.  The 
confK'QUenco  of  this  resolution  was,  tluit  he  de- 
voted Idniself  to  the  art  uf  medicine.  In  Imitation 
of  the  Great  Healer  of  the  bodv  as  well  as  of  the 
80nl;  and  as  the  prejudices  of  Ills  tlnio  and  coun- 
try made  his  rank  and  wealth  an  obstacle  to  his 
entnuico  Into  tho  medical  profession,  he  made 
over  all  his  jiroperty,  with  its  honours,  to  his 
sister;  that,  'laying  aside  every  weight,  he 
might  run  tho  race  that  was  set  before  hini.' 
He  entered  on  his  new  studies  with  all  tho  zeal 
of  his  charncter,  and  very  soon  had  socompi.'tely 
mitstered  the  writings  of  IIi|ipocratc8  and  Oid  'n, 
as  to  excite  tho  surprise  of  his  contcmporu.ies. 
But  although  styled  a  dreamer,  and  having  a 
mind  easily  moved  to  belief  in  spiritual  mani- 
festation, he  was  not  ol  a  credulous  naturu  in 
regard  to  nvittors  belonging  to  the  senses.  And 
as  he  believed  tlmt  Chnstmnity  was  to  be  prac- 
tised, and  to  be  found  true  by  tho  test  of  experi- 
ment, so  he  believed  that  tho  doctrines  of  Ilip- 
pocrates  and  of  Qalcn  were  to  bo  subjected  to  a 
similar  trial.  An  opportunity  soon  occurred  to 
himsnif.  He  caught  the  itch  and  turned  to 
Galen  for  its  cure.  Galen  attributes  this  disease 
to  overheatcO  ."'^  "•■  '  cv  ir  phlegm,  and  says 
that  It  Is  to  be  cured  by  j  argativcs.  Van  Hcl- 
mont,  with  the  Implicit  faith  of  his  simple 
nature,  procured  the  prcs  ribcd  mcdicior  \,  .>nd 
took  them  08  ordered  by  lalen.  Alas,  no  cure 
of  the  itch  followed,  but  gicat  exhaustion  of  his 
whole  body:  so  Qalcn  was  not  to  be  trusted. 
This  was  a  serious  discovery;  for  if  he  could  not 
trust  Galen,  by  whom  the  wliolo  medical  world 
swore,  to  whom  was  he  to  turn  ?  .  .  .  Van  Ilel- 
mont  resolved  to  work  out  for  himself  a  solution 
of  the  great  problem  to  which  he  had  devoted 
his  life.  Van  Helmont's  system  may  be  called 
spiritual  vitalism.  The  primary  cause  of  all 
organization  was  Archxus.  By  Archoius,  a 
man  is  mucii  more  nearly  allied,  he  says,  to  the 
world  of  spirits  and  the  Father  of  .spirits  than  to 
the  external  world.  Archojus  is  the  creative 
spirit  which,  working  upon  the  raw  material  of 
water  or  fluidity,  by  means  of  '  a  ferment '  ex- 


citci  all  the  rndh'Hit  uctionii  which  result  In  the 
growth  and  nonriiihmrnt  of  the  IxMly  TIiiik, 
digi'Niion  Ih  nt'lllii'r  a  chemical  nor  a  mechanical 
oiicratlon;  nor  Is  it,  as  wait  then  HUpi>oHcd,  thn 
clTi'clH  of  heat,  for  It  is  arreitlcd  hmtcjiil  of  aidcil 
by  fever,  and  g<H'H  on  in  perfection  in  INIics  and 
cold  bloiHlcd  animals;  but,  on  the  conunand  of 
ArcliM'uit,  an  aciil  Ik  generated  In  the  Ntornach, 
which  iUhnoIvcs  the  ftKKl.  This  is  the  llrNt  dlxeH- 
llon.  The  second  conNlHtM  in  the  neutralization 
of  this  acid  by  the  liilc  out  of  the  gall  blutldcr. 
Thetldrd  takes  \>huv  in  the  vesm'lHol'  the  mesen- 
tery. The  fourth  goes  on  in  the  heart,  by  tlicjiction 
of  tile  vital  spirits.  The  lift  lu'onsiHtH  in  I  lie  con  ver- 
sion of  tint  arterial  bliMHl  into  vital  splrltH,  clilelly 
in  thi^  brain.  TIk^  hIxIIi  ('onslHtH  of  the  pre|.aru- 
tion  of  nourish  icnt  In  the  laboratory  of  ciu:h 
organ,  during  which  operation  Arclueus,  present 
everywhere,  is  Itself  regencralcti,  and  Huperln- 
tcnds  the  moinentJiry  n'geni^ratlon  of  the  whole 
frame.  If  for  digestion  we  substitute  the  word 
nutrition,  we  caimot  fail  to  Ixt  struck  liy  tho 
near  approach  to  accuracy  in  this  description  of 
the  succession  of  processes  by  which  it  Is 
brought  about.  Van  Helmont's  oathology  was 
(|uile  consistent  with  his  physiology.  As  lifo 
and  all  vital  action  tiepended  upon  Arclncus,  so 
the  PC  ...rbation  of  Archieus  gave  rise  to  fevers, 
and  derangenu'iits  of  the  IiIcxkI  and  secretions. 
Thus,  gout  was  a  dlseast;  not  conllneii  to  tho 
part  in  which  it  showed  Itself,  but  wim  l\\v.  re- 
sult of  Archieus.  It  will  bo  seen  that  by  this 
theory  the  entire  system  of  Galen  was  non- 
suited. There  Is  no  pla(;e  fur  tho  elements  and  tho 
humours." — J.  H.  Uusscli,  llialiirj/ (ind  J/eroe-ii  uf 
the  Art  of  Medieiiu,  ch.  8. 

17th  Century. — Harvey  and  the  Diicovery 
of  the  Circulation  of  the  Blood.— Wiliiant 
llarvey,  "  physician  and  discoverer  of  the  circu- 
lation of  tho  bloixl,  was  born  at  Folkestone, 
Kent,  1  April  1578,  In  a  house  which  was  In  later 
times  tho  posthouso  of  tlie  town  and  which  stilt 
liclungs  to  Cuius  (,'ollege,  Cambridge,  to  which 
Harvey  bequeathed  it.  His  father  was  Thomas 
Harvey,  a  Kentish  yeoman.  ...  In  l.WS  Wil- 
liam was  sent  to  tlie  King's  School,  C'nnJerbury. 
Thence  he  went  to  Cambridge,  where  ho  w.-'s  ad- 
mitted a  pensioner  la  Gonville  and  Cuius  Colli-;. 
31  May  1503.  ...  He  graduated  B.  A.  1537, 
ami,  determining  to  study  me<licine,  travelled 
through  Franco  un<i  Germany  to  Padua,  tho  most 
famous  school  of  physic  of  that  time.  .  .  .  Ho 
returned  to  Englund,  graduated  M.  U.  at  Cam- 
bridge 10U2,  and  sooii  after  took  a  house  In  the 
parish  of  8t.  Martin-ex. rn  Ludgato  In  London. 
...  On  4  Aug.  1615  he  was  elected  Lumlclan 
lecturer  ot  tho  College  of  Physicians,  .  .  .  and 
in  the  following  April,  on  the  16th,  17th,  and 
18th,  he  delivered  at  the  college  In  Knightrider 
Street,  neur  .St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  tho  lectures  in 
which  he  made  tlie  first  public  statement  of  his 
thoughts  ou  tlie  circulation  of  tho  blood.  Tho 
notes  from  whicl.i  he  delivered  these  lectures, 
exist  in  tlieir  original  manuscript  and  binding  at 
tho  British  Museum.  ...  In  1628,  twelve  years 
after  his  first  stutciucit  of  it  in  his  lectures,  he 
published  ot  Frankfurt,  tlirough  William  Fitzer, 
his  discovery  of  the  circulation  of  tho  blood. 
The  book  is  0  small  quarto,  entitled  '  Excrcitotlo 
Anotomico  de  M'  u  Cordis  ot  Sangulni?  '..1  Anl- 
malibus, '  ond  contains soveiity-two  pagei and  two 
plates  of  diagrams.  Tho  printers  evidently  had 
difilculty  in  reading  the  author's  handwriting. 


2133 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


ft.'venleentli 
Century  Viacocvrien. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


and  tlinre  nrc  muny  misprinta.  .  .  .  He  begins 
by  inixlc'stly  stilting  how  tlio  ililliclties  of  tlie 
subject  Imd  griidually  Iweoine  rleiir  to  lilni, 
iind  hy  e.\preH.sing  witli  n  quotation  from  tlie 
'Andriii'  of  Terence,  the  liope  tbnt  his  dis- 
covery niiglit  lielp  otliers  to  still  further  Itnowl- 
cdge.  He  then  describes  the  motions  of  arteries, 
of  the  ventricles  of  tlie  lieart,  iind  of  its  nuricles, 
as  seen  in  living  animals,  and  the  use  of  these 
movements.  He  shows  that  the  blo(xl  coining 
into  the  riglit  auricle  from  the  vena  cava,  and 
passing  then  to  the  right  ventricle,  is  pumped 
out  to  the  lungs  through  the  pulmonary  artery, 
passes  through  the  parenchyma  of  the  lungs, 
and  comes  '.lence  by  the  i)ulinonary  veins  to  the 
left  ventricle.  This  same  blood,  ho  shows,  is 
then  ))umpe(l  out  to  the  body.  It  is  carried  out 
by  arteries  and  comes  bacli  by  veins,  performing 
a  complete  circulation.  He  shows  that,  in  a  live 
snake,  when  the  great  veins  are  tied  some  way 
from  the  heart,  the  piece  of  vein  between  the 
ligature  and  the  heart  is  empty,  and  further, 
that  blood  coming  from  the  heart  is  checked  in 
ail  artery  by  a  ligature,  so  that  there  is  blood  be- 
tween the  iieart  and  tlie  ligature  and  no  blood 
beyond  the  ligature.  lie  then  shows  how  the 
blood  comes  back  to  the  heart  by  the  veins,  and 
demonstrates  their  valves.  These  had  before 
been  described  by  llieronymus  Fabricius  of 
Aquapcndente,  but  before  Harvey  no  exact  ex- 
planation of  their  function  had  been  given.  He 
gives  diagrams  showing  the  results  of  obstruct- 
ing the  veins,  and  that  these  valves  may  thus  be 
seen  to  prevent  the  flow  of  blood  in  the  veins  in 
any  direction  except  towards  the  lieart.  After  a 
summary  of  a  few  lines  in  the  fourteenth  chapter 
he  further  illustrates  the  perpetual  circuit  of  the 
blood,  and  points  out  how  morbid  materials  are 
carried  from  the  heart  all  over  the  body.  The 
last  chapter  gives  a  masterly  account  of  the  struc- 
ture of  the  heart  in  men  and  animals,  and  points 
out  that  the  right  ventricle  is  thinner  than  the 
left  because  it  has  only  to  send  the  blood  a  short 
way  into  the  lungs,  while  the  left  ventricle  has 
to  pump  it  all  over  the  body.  This  great  and 
original  book  at  once  attracted  attention  and  ex- 
cited discussion.  In  the  College  of  Physicians 
of  London,  where  Harvey  had  mentioned  the 
discovery  in  his  lectures  every  year  Since  1616, 
the  Exercitatio  received  all  the  honour  it  de- 
served. On  the  continent  of  Europe  it  was  re- 
ceived with  less  favour,  but  neither  in  England 
nor  abroad  did  anv  one  suggest  that  the  dis- 
covery was  to  be  found  in  other  writers.  ,  .  . 
Before  his  death  the  great  Jiscovery  of  Harvey 
was  accepted  throughout  "iie  medical  world. 
The  modern  controversy  ...  as  to  whether  the 
discovery  was  taken  from  some  jirevious  author 
is  sufflciently  refuted  by  the  opinion  of  the  oppo- 
nents of  his  views  in  his  own  time,  who  agreed  in 
denouncing  the  doctrine  as  new;  by  the  labori- 
ous method  of  gradual  demonstration  obvious  in 
his  book  and  lectures;  and,  lastly,  by  the  com- 
plete absence  of  lucid  demonstration  of  the  action 
of  the  heart  nud  course  of  the  blood  .a  C'a.'sal- 
pinus,  Servetus,  and  all  others  who  have  been 
suggested  as  possible  originals  of  the  discovery. 
It  remains  to  this  day  the  greatest  of  the  dis- 
coveries of  physiology,  and  its  wliole  honour  be- 
longs to  Harvey." — N.  Moore,  llartey  (Diet,  of 
National  Biog.,  v.  25). 

Also  in  :  R.  Willis,  William  llartey :  A  history 
of  the  Discovery  of  the  Circulation  of  the  Blood. 


17th  Century. — Discovery  of  the  Lymphatic 
Circulation. — "The  discovery  of  the  lymphati' 
vessels  and  their  purpose  was  scarcely  less  re- 
markable than  that  of  the  circuli.Uon  of  the 
blood.  It  has  about  it  less  of  eclat,  because  it 
was  not  the  work  of  one  man,  but  was  a  matter 
of  slow  development.  Herophilus  and  Erasis- 
tratiis  had  seen  white  vessels  connected  with 
the  lymph  nodes  in  tlio  mesentery  of  certain 
animals,  and  had  supposed  them  to  be  arteries 
full  of  air.  Galen  disputed  tliis,  and  believed 
the  intestinal  chyle  to  be  carried  by  the  veins  of 
the  mesentery  into  the  liver.  In  1.163  Eustachius 
had  described  the  thoracic  duct  in  the  horse;  iu 
1623  A.selli,  i)rofessor  of  anatomy  at  Milan,  dis- 
covered the  lacteal  vessels  in  a  dog  which  had 
been  killed  immediately  after  eating.  Having 
jiricked  one  of  these  by  mistake,  l  ;  saw  a  white 
fluid  issue  from  it.  Hepeating  the  same  experi- 
ment at  other  times  lie  became  certaiii  that  the 
white  threads  wi.'re  vessels  which  drew  ihe  chyle 
from  the  intestines.  He  observed  the  valves 
with  which  they  are  supplied,  and  supposed 
these  vessels  to  all  meet  iu  the  pancreas  and  to 
be  continued  iuto  the  liver.  In  1647  Pecquet, 
who  was  still  a  student  at  Montpelier,  discovered 
the  lymph  reservoir,  or  reCeptaculum  chyli,  and 
the  canal  which  leads  from  it,  i.  e.,  the  thoracic 
duct,  which  he  followed  to  its  termination  in  the 
left  subclavian  vein.  Having  ligated  it  he  saw 
it  swell  below,  and  empty  itself  above  the  liga- 
ture. He  studied  the  courses  of  the  lacteals, 
and  convinced  himself  that  they  all  entered  into 
the  common  reservoir.  His  discovery  gave  the 
last  blow  to  the  aucient  theory,  which  attributed 
to  the  liver  the  function  of  blood  making,  and  it 
confirmed  the  doctrine  of  Harvey,  while,  like  it, 
it  had  been  very  strongly  opposed.  Strangely 
enough,  Harvey  in  this  instance  united  with  his 
great  opponent,  Riolan,  in  making  common 
cause  against  the  discovery  of  Pecquet  and  its 
significance.  From  that  time  the  lymphatic 
vessels  and  glands  became  objects  of  common 
interest  and  were  investigati  '  by  many  anato- 
mists, especially  Bartholin,  Ruysch,  the  Hunters, 
Heivson,  and  above  all  by  Mascagai.  He  was 
the  first  to  give  a  graphic  description  of  the 
whole  lymphatic  apparatus." — Roswell  Park, 
Ijccts.  on  the  Hist,  of  Medicine  (in  MS.). 

17th  Century. — Descartes  and  the  dawn  of 
modern  Physiological  science. — "The  essence 
of  modern,  as  contrasted  with  ancient,  physi- 
ological science  apijears  to  mc  to  lie  in  its  antag- 
onism to  animistic  hypotheses  and  animistic 
phraseology.  It  offers  physical  explanations  of 
vital  phenomena,  or  frankly  confesses  that  it  has 
none  to  ofTer.  And,  so  far  as  I  know,  the  first 
person  who  gave  expression  to  this  modern  view 
of  physiology,  who  was  bold  enough  to  enunciate 
the  proposition  that  vital  phenomena,  like  all  the 
other  phenomena  of  the  physical  world,  are,  iu 
ultimate  analysis,  resolvable  iuto  matter  and 
motion  was  Rene  Descartes.  The  fifty-four  years 
of  life  of  tills  most  original  and  powerful  Miinker 
are  widely  overlapped,  on  both  sides,  by  the 
eighty  of  Ilarvey,  who  survived  his  youn jer  con- 
temporary by  seven  vears,  and  takes  pleasure  'n 
acknowledging  the  l^rench  philosopher's  appre- 
ciation of  his  great  discovery.  In  fact,  Descartes 
accepted  the  doctrine  of  the  circulation  as  pro- 
pounded by  '  Harv.x'us  ni''ideciu  d'Angleterre,' 
and  gave  a  full  account  of  i;  1  his  first  work,  ;lio 
famous  '  Discours  de  la  Metiiode,'  which  was 


2134 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Cartetian 
Science, 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


published  in  1637,  only  nine  years  after  the  cxcr- 
citation  '  I)c  motu  cordis;'  and,  thoujili  dilTering 
from  Harvey  on  some  important  points  (in  which 
it  may  be  noted,  in  passing,  Descartes  was  wroni; 
and  I'larvey  right),  he  always  speaks  of  liini  with 
great  respect.  Anil  so  important  docs  the  sub- 
ject seem  to  Descartes  that  he  returns  to  it  in  tlie 
'Traite  des  Passions'  and  in  the  'Traite  de 
rilomme.'  It  is  easy  to  see  that  Harvey's  work 
must  have  had  a  peculiar  significance  for  the 
subtle  thinker,  to  whom  we  owe  botli  the  spirit- 
xiallstio  and  tlie  materialistic  philosophies  of 
modern  times.  It  wa.s  in  the  very  year  of  its 
p\d)lication,  1028,  that  Descartes  withdrew  into 
that  life  of  solitary  investigation  and  metlitation 
of  which  his  philosophy  was  the  fruit.  .  .  .  Des- 
cartes uses  'thought' as  the  equivalent  of  our 
modern  term  'consciousness.'  Thought  is  the 
function  of  the  sotd,  and  its  only  function.  Our 
natural  heat  and  all  the  movements  of  the  body, 
says  he,  do  not  depend  ou  the  soul.  Death  does 
not  take  place  from  any  fault  of  the  soul,  but 
only  because  some  of  the  principal  parts  of  the 
body  become  corrupted.  .  .  .  Descartes'  'Treatise 
on  5'T.i'  is  a  sketcli  o.  human  iihysiology,  in 
■whicu  ft  bold  attempt  is  made  to  e.\i)lain  all  the 
phenomena  of  life,  e-xcept  tliosc  of  consciousness, 
by  physical  reasonings.  To  a  mind  tinned  in 
this  I  >ection,  Harvey's  exposition  of  the  heart 
and  vessels  as  ft  hydra\dic  meclianism  must  have 
been  supremely  welcome.  Descartes  was  not  a 
mere  philosophical  theorist,  but  a  hardworking 
dissector  and  e-xperimentcr,  and  he  helil  the 
strongest  opinion  respecting  the  practicjd  value 
of  the  new  conception  which  he  was  introducing. 
...  'It  is  true,'  says  lie.  'that  as  medicine  is 
now  practised,  it  contains  little  that  Is  very  use- 
ful; but  witliout  any  desire  to  depreciate,  I  am 
sure  that  there  is  no  one,  even  iimong  professional 
men,  who  will  not  declare  that  all  we  know  is 
very  little  as  compared  with  tliat  which  remains 
to  be  known ;  and  that  wc  miglit  escape  an  in- 
finity of  diseases  of  tlie  mind,  no  less  than  of  the 
body,  and  even  perhaps  from  the  weakness  of 
old  age,  if  we  had  sulllcient  knowledge  of  their 
causes  and  of  all  the  remedies  with  wliic.'i  nature 
has  provided  us.'  ^o  strongly  impressed  was 
Descartes  with  this,  that  he  resolved  to  spend 
the  rest  of  his  life  in  trying  to  acquire  such  a 
knowledge  of  nature  as  would  lead  to  the  con- 
struction of  a  better  medical  doctrine.  The  anti- 
Cartesians  found  material  frr  clieap  ridicule  in 
these  aspirations  of  the  philosopher;  and  it  is 
almost  needless  to  say  that,  in  the  thirteen  years 
which  elapsed  between  the  publication  of  the 
'  Discours '  and  the  death  of  Descartes,  he  did  not 
contribute  much  to  their  realisation.  But,  for 
the  next  century,  all  progress  in  physiology  took 
place  along  the  lines  which  Descartes  laid  down. 
The  greatest  physiological  and  pathological  work 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  Uorelli's  treatise  '  Dc 
Motu  Animalium,'  is.  to  all  intents  and  purposes, 
a  development  of  Descartes'  fundamental  con- 
ception ;  and  the  same  may  be  said  of  the  physi- 
ology and  pathology  of  Boerhaave,  whose  au- 
thonty  dominated  in  the  medical  world  of  the 
first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Witli  the 
origin  of  modern  chemistry,  and  of  electrical 
science,  in  tlie  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
turj ,  aids  in  the  analysis  of  the  phenomena  of 
life,  of  which  Descartes  could  not  have  dreamed, 
were  offered  to  the  physiologist.  And  the  greater 
part  of  the  gigantic  progress  which  has  been 


made  in  the  present  century  is  a  justification  of 
the  prevision  of  I  )escartcs.  For  it  consists,  essen- 
tially, in  a  more  and  more  complete  resolution  of 
the  grosser  organs  of  the  living  body  into  i)liysi- 
co-chemical  mechanisms.  '  I  shall  try  to  explain 
our  whole  bodily  niacliinery  in  sucli  a  way,  that 
it  will  be  no  more  necessary  for  us  to  suppose 
that  the  soul  produces  such  movements  as  arc 
not  voluntary,  than  it  is  to  tliink  that  there  is  in 
a  clock  a  soul  which  causes  it  to  show  the  hours. ' 
These  words  of  Descartes  might  be  appropriately 
taken  as  a  motto  by  the  author  of  any  modern 
treatise  on  physiology." — T.  H.  Huxley,  Coiinee- 
tinn  irf  the  Hiologiatl  l^-ieiiein  with  Medicine 
(tk-icnce  iiml  Culture,  etc..  Uet.  13). 

17th  Century.  —  Introduction  of  Peruvian 
Bark. — "The  nborigiucs  of  Soutli  America  ap- 
pear, exci.'t  perhaps  in  one  locality,  to  have 
iieen  ignorant  of  the  virtues  of  Peruvian  bark. 
This  sovereign  remedy  is  absent  in  tlie  wallets  of 
itinerant  doctors,  whose  materia  niedica  has  been 
handed  down  from  father  to  son,  since  the  days 
of  the  Yncas.  It  is  mentioned  neither  by  tlie 
Ynca  Qarcilasso  de  la  Vega,  nor  by  Acosta,  in 
their  lists  of  Indian  medicines.  It  .seems  iiroba- 
ble,  nevertheless,  tliat  the  Indians  were  aware  of 
the  virtues  of  Peruvian  bark  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Loxa,  230  miles  south  of  Quito,  where  its  use 
was  first  made  known  to  Europeiins;  and  the 
local  name  for  the  tree  quina-quina,  '  bark  of 
bark,'  indicates  that  it  was  believed  to  possess 
some  special  medicinal  properties.  ...  In  1038 
tlic  wife  of  Don  Luis  Geronimo  Fernandez  de 
Cabrera  Bobadilla  y  Mendoza,  fourth  Count  of 
Chinclion.  and  Viceroy  of  Peru,  lay  sick  of  an 
intermittent  fever  in  the  palace  of  Lima.  .  .  . 
The  news  of  her  illness  at  Lima  reached  Don 
Francisco  Lopez  de  Canizares,  the  Corregidor  of 
Loxa,  who  had  become  acquainted  with  the  feb- 
rifuge virtues  of  the  hark.  He  sent  a  parcel  of 
it  to  tlie  Vice-Queen,  and  the  new  remedy,  ad- 
ministered by  iier  physician,  Dr.  Don  Juan  dc 
Vega,  effected  a  rapicl  and  complete  cure.  .  .  . 
The  Countess  of  Chinclion  returned  t<)  Spain  in 
the  spring  of  1640,  bringing  with  her  a  supply 
of  that  precious  (juina  bark  wliicli  had  worked 
so  wonderful  a  cure  upon  herself,  and  the  healing 
virtues  of  which  she  intended  to  distribute 
amongst  the  sick  on  her  husband's  estates.  It 
thus  gradually  became  known  in  Europe,  and 
was  most  appropriately  called  Countess's  powder 
(Pulvis  Comitissa;).  15y  this  name  it  was  long 
known  to  druggists  and  in  commerce.  ...  In 
memory  of  the  great  service  to  humanity  per- 
formed by  tlie  Countess  of  Chinchon,  Linnieus 
named  the  genus  which  yields  Peruvian  burk, 
Chinchona.  Unfortunately  the  great  botanist 
was  misinformed  as  to  tue  name  of  her  whom  he 
desired  to  honour.  This  is  to  be  accounted  for 
by  his  having  received  his  knowledge  of  the 
Countess  through  a  foreign  and  not  a  Spanish 
source.  Thus  misled,  Linna;us  spelt  the  word 
Cinchona  .  .  .  and  Cinhona,  .  .  .  omitting  one 
or  two  letters.  .  .  .  After  the  cure  of  the  Coun- 
tess of  Cliinclion  the  Jesuits  were  tlie  great  pro- 
moters of  the  introduction  of  bark  into  Europe. 
In  1670  these  fathers  .sent  parcels  of  the  pow- 
dered bark  to  Rome,  whence  it  was  distributed 
to  members  of  the  fraternity  throughout  Europe, 
by  Cardinal  de  Lugo,  and  used  for  the  cure  of 
agues  with  great  success.  Hence  the  name  of 
'Jesuits'  bark,'  and  'Cardinal's  bark;'  and  it 
was  a  ludicrous  result  of  its  patronage  by  the 


2135 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Sydenham. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Jcsiiita  tlint  its  use  ahnuUl  have  l)ecn  for  a  long 
time  opposed  by  Protestants,  and  favoured  by  Ro- 
man Catholics.  In  1670  Louis  XIV.  t)ouKlit  the 
secret  of  preparing  quinquina  from  8ir  Uobort 
Talbor,  an  English  doctor,  for  2,000  louisd'or, 
a  large  pension,  and  a  title.  From  that  time  Pe- 
ruvian bark  seems  to  have  been  recognised  as  the 
most  efflcacious  remedy  for  intermittent  fevers." 
— C.  H.  Markham,  Peruvian  Bark,  ch.  2-4. 

17th  Century. — Sydenham,  the  Father  of 
Rational  Medicine.  —  "Sydenham  [Thomas 
Sydenham,  1624-1689],  the  prince  of  practical 
physicians,  whoso  cliaractcr  is  as  beautiful  and 
as  genuinely  English  as  his  name,  did  for  his  art 
what  Locke  did  for  the  philosophy  of  mind  —  he 
made  it,  in  the  main,  observational;  lie  made 
knowledge  a  means,  not  an  end.  It  would  not 
be  easy  to  over-estimate  our  obligations  as  a  na- 
tion to  these  two  men,  in  regard  to  all  that  is 
involved  in  the  promotion  of  health  of  body  and 
soundness  of  mind.  They  were  among  the  first 
in  their  respective  regions  to  show  their  faith  in 
the  inductive  method,  by  their  works.  They 
both  professed  to  be  more  of  guides  than  critics, 
and  were  the  interpreters  and  servants  of  Nature, 
not  her  diviners  and  tormentors."  Of  Syden- 
ham, "  we  must  remember  in  the  midst  of  what 
amass  of  errors  and  prejudices,  of  theories  ac- 
tively mischievous,  he  was  placed,  at  a  time 
when  the  mania  of  hypouiesis  was  at  its  height, 
and  when  the  practical  part  of  his  art  was  over- 
run and  stultified  by  vile  and  silly  nostrums. 
We  must  have  all  this  in  our  mind,  or  we  shall 
fail  in  estimating  the  amount  of  independent 
thought,  of  courage  and  uprightness,  and  of  all 
that  deserves  to  be  called  magnanimity  and  vir- 
tue, which  was  involved  in  his  thinking  and 
writing  and  acting  as  he  did.  'The  improve- 
ment of  physic  [he  wrote]  in  my  opinion,  de- 
pends, 1st,  Upon  collecting  as  genuine  and 
natural  a  descnption  or  history  of  diseases  as  can 
bo  procured ;  and,  2d,  Upon  laying  down  a  fixed 
and  complete  method  of  cure.  With  regard  to  the 
history  of  diseases,  whoever  considers  the  under- 
taking deliberately  will  perceive  that  a  few  such 
particulars  must  be  attended  to:  1st,  All  diseases 
should  be  described  as  objects  of  natural  history, 
witli  the  same  exactness  as  is  done  by  botanists, 
for  there  are  many  diseases  that  come  under  the 
same  genus,  and  bear  the  same  name,  that,  being 
specifically  different,  require  a  different  treat- 
ment. The  word  ca/duus  or  thistle,  is  applied  to 
several  herbs,  and  yet  a  botanist  would  be  inac- 
curate and  imperfect  who  would  content  himself 
with  a  generic  description.  Furthermore,  when 
this  distribution  of  distempers  into  genera  has 
been  attempted,  it  has  been  to  fit  into  some  liy- 
pothesis,  and  hence  this  distribution  is  made  to 
suit  the  bent  of  the  author  rather  than  the  real 
nature  of  the  disorder.  How  much  this  has  ob- 
Ltructed  the  improvement  of  physic  any  man 
may  know.  In  writing,  therefore,  such  a  natural 
history  of  diseases,  every  merely  philosophical 
hypothesis  should  bo  set  aside,  and  the  manifest 
ana  natural  phenomena,  however  minute,  should 
be  noted  with  the  "••nost  exactness.  The  use- 
fulness of  this  1"  ire  cannot  be  easily  over- 
rated, as  compart.  .  iti>  the  subtle  inquiries  and 
trifiing  notions  of  modern  writers.  ...  If  only 
one  person  in  rvery  age  had  accurately  described, 
and  consistently  cured,  but  a  single  disease,  and 
made  k'-own  his  secret,  physic  would  not  be 
where  it  now  is ;  but  we  have  long  since  forsook 


the  ancient  metho<l  of  cure,  founded  upon  tho 
knowledge  of  conjunct  causes,  Insomuch  that 
Uie  art,  as  at  this  day  practised,  is  rather  the  art 
'<*  talking  about  diseases  than  of  curing  thtm.' 
.  .  .  His  friend  Locke  coidd  not  liave  stated  tho 
case  more  clearly  or  sensibly.  It  is  this  dor.tnne 
of  'conjunct  causes,'  this  necessity  forwat'^hing 
the  action  of  compouni.  and  often  opposing 
forces,  and  the  having  to  do  all  this  not  in  a  ma- 
chine, of  which  if  you  have  seen  one,  you  have 
seen  all,  but  where  each  organism  has  often  much 
that  is  different  from,  as  well  as  common  with, 
all  others.  ...  It  is  this  which  takes  medicine 
out  of  tlie  category  of  exact  sciences,  and  puts  it 
into  that  which  includes  politics,  ethics,  naviga- 
tion and  practical  engineering,  in  all  of  which, 
though  there  are  principles,  and  those  principles 
quite  within  the  scope  of  human  reason,  j'et  tho 
application  of  these  principles  must,  in  the  main, 
be  left  to  each  man's  skill,  presence  of  mind,  and 
judgment,  as  to  the  case  in  hand.  ...  It  would 
not  bo  easy  to  over-estimate  the  permanent  Im- 
pression for  good,  which  the  writings,  the  char- 
acter, and  the  practice  of  Sydenham  have  made 
on  the  art  of  healing  in  Lughuid,  and  on  the 
Continent  generally.  In  the  writings  of  Boer- 
haave,  Stahl,  Gaubius,  Pinel,  Bordeu,  Haller, 
and  many  others,  he  is  spoken  of  as  the  father  of 
rational  medicine ;  as  the  first  man  who  applied 
to  his  profession  the  Baconian  principles  of  in- 
terpreting and  serving  nature,  and  who  never 
forgot  tho  master's  rule,  '  Non  llugendum  aut  ex- 
cogitandum,  sed  inveniendum,  quid  natura  aut 
facial  aut  ferat.' .  .  .  Like  all  men  of  a  largo 
practical  nature,  he  could  not  have  been  what  he 
was,  or  done  what  he  did,  without  possessing 
and  often  exercising  tho  true  philosophizing 
faculty.  Ho  was  a  man  of  tho  same  quality  of 
mind  in  this  respect  with  Watt,  Franklin,  and 
John  Hunter,  in  whom  speculation  was  not  the 
less  genuine  that  it  was  with  them  a  means 
rather  than  an  end." — Dr.  John  Brown,  iMcke 
and  Sydenham  and  other  Papers,  pp.  54-90. 

Also  in:  T.  Sydenham,  Works;  trans,  by  It. 
O.  Latham. 

17th  Century. — Closini;  period  of  the  Humor- 
al Patholofi^. — The  Doctrines  of  Hoffmann. 
Stahl  and  Boerhaave. — "If  we  take  a  general 
survey  of  medical  opinions,  we  shall  find  that 
they  arc  all  either  subordinate  to,  or  coincident 
with,  two  grand  theories.  The  one  of  these  con- 
siders the  solid  constituents  of  tho  animal  econ- 
omy as  the  elementary  vehicle  of  life,  and  conse- 
quently places  in  them  the  primory  seat  of 
disease.  Tho  other,  on  the  contrary,  sees  in  the 
humors  the  original  realization  of  vitality;  and 
these,  as  they  determine  the  existence  and  quality 
of  the  secondary  parts,  or  .solids,  contain,  tliere- 
fore,  within  themselves,  the  ultimate  principle 
of  the  morbid  affection.  By  relation  to  these 
theories,  the  history  of  medicine  is  divided  into 
tlircc  great  periods.  During  the  first,  the  two 
theories,  still  crude,  are  not  yet  disentangled 
from  each  other;  this  period  extends  from  tho 
origin  of  nicdicino  to  the  time  of  Galen.  The 
second  comprehends  the  reign  of  Humoral  Pa- 
thology —  the  interval  between  Galen  and  Fred- 
eric Hoffmann.  In  the  last  the  doctrine  of  the 
Living  Solid  is  predominant;  from  Hoffmann 
it  reaches  to  the  present  day.  ...  By  Galen, 
Ilumorism  was  first  formally  expounded,  and 
reduced  to  a  regular  code  of  doctrine.  Four 
elementary  fluids,  their  relations  and  changes. 


213G 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


End  of  the 
Humoral  Pathology. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Bufflccd  to  explain  the  varieties  of  natural  tem- 
perament, orti  the  causes  of  disease;  wliiie  the 
genius,  eio(juencc,  ond  unlmunded  learning  witli 
which  he  illustroted  this  theory,  mainly  bestowed 
on  it  the  ascendency,  which,  without  essential 
alteration,  it  retained  from  tlio  conclusion  of  the 
second  to  the  beginning  of  tlie  eighteenth  cen- 
tury. Galenism  and  Iluniorism  are,  in  fact, 
convertible  expressions.  Not  that  this  hypothe- 
sis during  that  long  interval  encountered  no  op- 
position. It  met,  certainly,  with  some  partial 
contradiction  among  the  Greek  and  Arabian  phy- 
sicians. After  the  restoration  of  learning  Ferne- 
lius  and  Brissot,  Argenterius  and  .Toubert,  at- 
tacked it  in  different  ways.  .  .  .  Until  the  epoch 
we  have  stated,  the  prevalence  of  the  Humoral 
Pathology  was,  however,  all  but  universal.  Nor 
was  this  doctrine  merely  an  erroneous  specu- 
lation; it  exerted  tlio  most  decisive,  tlic  most 
pernicious  influence  on  practice. — Tlie  various 
diseased  affections  were  denominated  in  accom- 
modation to  tlie  theory.  In  place  of  saying  that 
a  malady  affected  the  liver,  the  iicritomuuni,  or 
the  organs  of  circulation,  its  sc:  was  assumed 
in  the  blood,  the  bile,  or  the  lynij)!!.  The  mor- 
bific causes  acted  exclusively  on  the  fluids ;  the 
food  digested  in  the  stomach,  and  converted  into 
chyle,  determined  the  qualities  of  the  blood ;  and 
poisons  operated  tlirough  the  corruption  they 
thus  effected  In  the  vital  liumors.  All  symptoms 
were  interpreted  in  blind  subservience  to  the  hy- 
pothesis ;  and  those  only  attracted  attention  wliich 
the  liypotliesis  seemed  calculated  to  explain. 
The  color  and  consistence  of  the  blood,  mucus, 
feces,  urine,  and  pus,  were  carciuUy  studied. 
On  the  other  hand  the  phenomena  of  the  solids, 
if  not  wholly  overlooked,  as  mere  accidents,  were 
slumped  together  under  some  collective  name, 
and  attached  to  the  theory  througli  a  subsidiory 
hypothesis.  By  supposed  changes  in  tlic  liumors, 
they  explained  the  association  and  consecution  of 
symptoms.  Under  the  terms,  crudity,  coction, 
and  evacuation,  were  designated  the  three  prin- 
cipal periods  of  diseases,  as  dependent  on  an 
alteration  of  the  morbific  matter.  In  the  first, 
this  matter,  in  all  its  deleterious  energy,  had  not 
yet  undergone  any  change  on  the  part  of  the 
organs;  it  was  still  crude.  In  the  second,  nature 
gradually  resumed  the  ascendant;  coction  took 
place,  la  the  third,  the  peccant  matter,  now  ren- 
dered mobile,  was  evacuated  by  urine,  perspira- 
tion, dejection,  »&c.,  and  tequilibrium  restored. 
When  no  critical  discharge  was  apparent,  tlie 
morbific  matter,  it  was  supposed,  liad,  after  a 
suitable  elaboration,  been  assimilated  to  the 
huinors,  and  its  deleterious  character  neutralized. 
Coction  miglit  be  perfect  or  imperfect;  and  tlie 
transformation  of  one  disease  into  another  was 
lightly  solved  by  the  transport  or  emigration  of 
the  noxious  humor.  .  .  .  Examinations  of  the 
de-.J  body  confirmed  tliem  in  their  notions.  In 
•-.le  redness  and  tumefaction  of  inflamed  parts, 
they  be'.-eld  only  a  congestion  of  blood ;  and  in 
dropsies,  merely  the  dissolution  of  that  fluid; 
tubercles  were  simply  coagula  of  lymph;  and 
other  organic  alterations,  in  general,  naught  but 
obstructions  from  on  increased  viscosity  of  the 
humors.  The  plan  of  cure  was  in  unison  witli 
tlie  rest  of  the  hypothesis.  Venesection  was 
copiously  employed  to  renew  the  blood,  to  atten- 
uate its  consistency,  or  to  remove  a  part  of  the 
morbific  matter  with  which  it  was  impregnate:! : 
and  cathartics,  sudurifics,  diuretics,  were  largely 


administered,  with  a  similar  intent.  In  a  word, 
as  plethora  or  cacorhvmia  were  the  two  greot 
causes  of  disease,  tlieir  whole  therapeutic  was 
directed  to  change  the  quantity  or  quality  of 
the  fluids.  Nor  was  this  murderous  treatment 
limited  to  the  actual  period  of  disease.  Seven  or 
eight  annual  bloodings,  and  as  many  purgations 
—  Bucli  was  the  common  regimen  the  theory  pre- 
scribed to  insure  continuance  of  health ;  and  the 
twofold  depletion,  still  customary,  at  spring  and 
fall,  among  the  peasantry  of  many  European 
countries,  is  a  remnant  of  the  once  universal 
practice.  In  Spain,  every  village  has  even  now 
Its  Sangrador,  whose  only  cast  of  surgery  is 
blood-letting ;  and  he  is  rarely  idle.  The  medical 
treatment  of  Lewis  XIII.  may  be  quoted  as  a 
specimen  of  tlie  humoral  therapeutic.  Within  a 
single  year  this  tlieory  inflicted  on  that  unfortu- 
nate nionarcli  above  a  hundred  cathartics,  and 
more  than  forty  bloodings.  —  During  tlie  fifteen 
centuries  of  Ilumorism,  how  manv  millions  of 
lives  did  medicine  cost  mankind  1  The  establish- 
ment of  a  system  founded  on  the  corrector  doc- 
trine of  Solidism,  and  purified  from  the  crudities 
of  tlie  latro-mathematical  and  latro-chemical  hy- 
potheses was  reserved  for  three  celebrated  physi- 
cians toward  tlie  commencement  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century  —  Frederic  Hoffmann  —  George 
Ernest  Staid — and  Hermann  Boerhaave.  The  first 
and  second  of  this  triumvirate  were  born  in  the 
same  year,  were  both  pupils  of  Wedelius  of  Jena, 
and  both  professors,  and  rival  professors,  in  the 
University  of  Halle;  the  third  was  eight  years 
younger  than  his  contemporaries,  and  long  an  or- 
nament of  the  University  of  Leyden." — Sir  W. 
Ilomilton,  DineuasioM  on  Philoaophy  and  Litera- 
ture, pp.  246-249. — "The  great  and  permanent 
merits,  -f  Hoffmann  [1660-1742]  as  a  medical 
philosopher,  undoubtedly  consisted  in  his  having 
perceived  and  pointed  out  more  clearly  than  any 
of  his  predecessors,  the  extensive  and  powerful 
influence  of  the  Nervous  System,  in  modifying 
and  regulating  at  least,  if  not  in  producing,  all 
the  phenomena  of  the  organic  as  well  as  of  the 
animal  functions  in  the  human  economy,  and 
more  particularly  in  ills  aiiplication  of  this  doc- 
trine to  the  explanatiop  of  diseases.  ...  It  was 
reserved  for  Hoffmann  .  to  take  a  comprelien- 
sive  view  of  the  Nervous  System,  not  only  as 
the  organ  of  sense  and  motion,  but  also  as  the 
common  centre  by  whicli  all  the  different  parts 
of  the  animal  economy  arc  connected  together, 
ond  through  which  they  mutually  influence  each 
other.  He  was,  oecordingly,  led  to  regard  all 
those  alterations  in  the  structure  and  functions 
of  this  economy,  wliichconstitute  the  state  of  dis- 
ease, as  having  their  primary  origin  in  affec- 
tions of  the  nervous  system,  and  as  depending, 
tlierefore,  upon  a  deranged  state  of  the  imper- 
ceptible and  contractile  motions  in  tlie  solids, 
ratlier  than  upon  changes  induced  in  tlie  chemical 
composition  of  the  fluid  iiarts  of  the  bony." — J. 
Tlionison,  Account  of  the  Life,  Lectures  and 
Writings  of  William  Cullen.  pp.  19.")-t00.— 
"George  Ernest  Stahi  (1660-1734),  chemi.st,  was 
professor  of  medicine  at  Halle  (1694)  and  pliy- 
sician  to  the  King  of  Prussia  (1716).  He  opposed 
materialism,  and  substituted  'animism,' explain- 
ing the  symptoms  of  disease  as  efforts  of  the 
soul  to  get  rid  of  morbid  influences.  Stahl's 
'  aiiinia '  corresponds  to  Sydenham's  '  nature '  in 
a  measure,  and  has  some  relationship  to  the 
Archeus  of  Paracelsus  and  Van  Ilelmont.    Stahl 


2137 


MEDICAL  C^;iENCE. 


T^e  Microtcope. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


WRU  tlip  niithor  of  the  '  phlogiston '  theory  in 
chiniistry.  wliich  in  its  time  liii'i  hiul  impor- 
tant intlucnro  on  modicini'.  Pliljjtiston  \\.'.«  n 
Rutistantc!  wliic'h  he  supposed  to  exi^'  in  all  com 
Inistiblc  mutters,  and  the  escape  of  t'lis  principle 
from  any  compound  was  held  to  account  for  the 
phenomenon  of  Are.  According  to  Stahl,  dis- 
eases arise  from  the  direct  action  of  noxious 
powers  upon  tlie  body;  and  from  the  reaction  of 
the  system  itself  endeavouring  to  oppose  and 
counteract  the  elTects  cf  the  noxious  powers, 
and  so  preserve  and  repair  itself.  He  did  nut 
consider  diseases,  therefore,  ]>crnicious  in  them- 
selves, though  he  admitted  that  tliey  might  be- 
come so  from  mistakes  made  by  the  soul  in  the 
choice,  or  proportion  of  the  motions  excited  to 
remove  them,  or  the  time  when  these  efforts  are 
made.  Death,  according  to  this  theory,  is  due 
to  the  indolence  of  the  soul,  leading  it  to  desist 
from  its  vital  motions,  and  refusing  to  continue 
longer  the  struggle  against  the  derangements  of 
the  body.  Here  we  have  the 'expccUint  treat- 
ment '  so  much  in  vogue  with  many  medical 
men.  '  Trusting  to  the  constant  attention  and 
wisdom  of  nature,'  they  administered  inert  .ncd- 
icines  as  placebos,  while  they  left  to  nature  the 
cure  of  the  disease.  But  thej'  neglected  the  use 
of  invaluable  remedies  such  as  opium  and  Peru- 
vian bark,  for  which  error  it  must  be  admitted 
they  atoned  by  discountenancing  bleeding,  vom- 
iting, etc.  Stahl's  remedies  were  chiefly  of  the 
class  known  as  'Antiphlogistic,'  or  anti-febrile." 
—  E.  Berdoe,  The  Origin  ami  Ortneth  of  the  Heal- 
ing Art,  bk.  5,  eh.  7. — "The  influence  of  Bocr- 
haave  [1668-.738]  was  immense  while  it  lasted  — 
it  was  world-wide;  but  it  was  like  a  ripple  on 
the  ocean  —  it  had  no  depth.  He  knew  every- 
thing and  did  everything  better  than  any  of  his 
conteniporarics,  except  those  who  made  one 
thing,  not  everything,  their  study.  He  was  fa- 
miliar with  the  researclies  of  the  great  anatomists, 
of  the  chemists,  of  the  botanists,  of  historians,  of 
men  of  learning,  but  he  was  not  a  great  anato- 
mist, chemist,  or  historian.  As  to  his  practice, 
we  cannot  pronounce  a  very  decided  opinion,  ex- 
cept that  he  was  a  man  of  judgment  and  inde- 
pendence. Here  his  reputation  made  his  success : 
a  prescription  of  his  would  no  doubt  effect  many 
a  cure,  although  the  patient  had  taken  the 
remedy  he  prescribed  fifty  times  without  any 
benetit.  His  greatness  depended  upon  his  inex- 
haustible acti\  ity.  He  had  the  energy  of  a 
dozen  ordinary  men,  and  so  he  was  tfvelve  times 
as  powerful  as  one.  He  mentions  quite  inciden- 
tally how  he  was  in  the  habit  of  frequently 
spending  whole  nights  in  botanical  excursions  on 
foot :  and  we  know  he  had  no  time  to  sleep  in 
the  day.  He  took  an  interest  in  everything, 
was  always  on  the  alert,  had  a  prodigious  mem- 
ory, and  indefatigable  industry.  On  these  great 
homely  qualities,  added  to  a  kmd  disposition  and 
an  unaffected  piety,  his  popularity  was  founded. 
It  was  all  fairly  won  and  nobly  worn.  It  is 
startling,  however,  to  find  that  a  man  whose 
name  one  hundred  years  ago  was  familiar  to  the 
ear  as  household  words,  and  of  whom  hist^)rians 
predicted  that  he  would  always  be  regarded  as 
one  of  the  greatest  as  well  as  best  of  men,  an 
example  to  his  race,  should  be  already  almost 
forgotten.  An  example  is  of  no  use  unless  it  is 
known ;  Boerhaave  is  now  unknown.  The  reason 
is  plain ;  —  he  was  not  the  founder  of  any  sys- 
tem, nor  did  he  make  any  discovery.    He  simply 


used  with  supren  -uccess  the  thoughts  and  dis- 
coveries of  others,  as  soon  as  he  ceased  to  live, 
his  influence  l)egan  therefore  to  decline;  and  bp- 
forc  his  generation  had  passed  away,  his  star  had 
waned  before  the  genius  of  Cullcn,  who  succeed- 
ed in  fixing  the  attention  of  Europe,  and  who, 
in  his  turn,  was  soon  to  bo  displaced  by  otlicrs." 
—  J.  R.  I{us.sell.  llintory  avil  Ileroes  of  the  Art  of 
Medicine,  pp.  207-208. 

i7-i8th  Centuries. —  Introduction  of  the 
Microscope  in  Medicine. — First  glimmerings 
of  the  derm  Theory  of  Disease.  —  "Since 
Athanasius  Kircher  [I6OI-IO80]  mistook  blood 
and  pus  corpuscles  for  small  worms,  and  built 
up  on  Ills  mistake  a  new  theory  of  disease  and 
putrefaction,  and  since  Christian  Lange,  the 
Professor  of  Pathological  Anatomy  in  Leipzig, 
in  the  preface  to  Kircher's  book  (1071)  expressed 
his  opinion  that  the  purpura  of  lying-in-women, 
measles,  and  other  fevers  were  the  residt  of 
putrefaction  caused  by  worms  or  animalcula;,  a 
'Pathologia  Animafa  has,  from  time  to  time, 
been  put  forward  to  explain  the  causation  of  dis- 
ease. .  .  .  IJemarkable  as  were  Kircher's  obser- 
vations, still  more  wonderful  were  those  of  An- 
thony van  Leeuwenhoek,  a  native  of  Delft  in 
_II()lland,  who  in  his  youth  had  learned  the  art  of 
"polishing  lenses,  and  who  was  able,  ultimately, 
to  produce  the  first  really  good  microscope  that 
liau  yet  been  constructed.  Not  only  did  Leeu- 
wenhoek make  his  microscope,  but  he  used  it  to 
such  good  purpose  that  he  was  able  to  place  be- 
fore the  Royal  Society  of  London  a  series  of  most 
interesting  and  valuable  letters  giving  the  re- 
sult of  his  researches  on  minute  specks  of  living 
protoiDlasm.  .  .  .  The  world  that  Leeuwenhoek 
.  .  .  opened  up  so  thoroughly  was  rapidly  in- 
vaded by  other  observers  and  theorists.  The 
thoughtful  physicians  of  the  time  believed  that 
at  last  they  Imd  found  the  'fons  et  origo  mali,' 
and  Nicolas  Andry,  reviewing  Kircher's  '  Con- 
tagium  Animatum,'  replaced  his  worms  by  these 
newly-described  animalcula;  or  germs,  and  push- 
ing the  theory  to  its  legitimate  and  logical  con- 
clusion, lie  also  evolved  a  germ  theory  of  putre- 
faction and  fermentation.  He  maintained  that 
air,  water,  vinegar,  fermenting  wine,  old  beer, 
and  sour  milk  were  all  full  of  germs;  that  the 
blood  and  pustules  of  smallpox  also  contained 
them,  and  that  other  diseases,  very  rife  about 
this  period,  were  the  result  of  the  activity  of 
these  organisms.  Such  headway  did  he  make, 
and  such  conviction  did  his  arguments  carry 
with  them,  that  the  mercurial  treatment  much 
in  vogue  at  that  time  was  actually  based  on  the 
supposition  that  these  organisms,  the  'cahsis 
causantes '  of  disease,  were  killed  by  the  action 
of  mercury  and  mercurial  salts.  With  a  kind  of 
prophetic  instinct,  and  certainly  as  the  result  of 
keen  observation,  Varro  and  Lands!  ascribed  the 
dangerous  character  of  marsh  or  swamp  air  to 
the  action  of  invisible  animalcula;;  in  fact  the 
theory  was  so  freely  and  forcibly  propagated 
that  even  where  no  micro-organisms  could  be 
found  their  presence  was  inferred  with  the  inev- 
itable result,  as  LOffler  points  out,  that  these 
'  inconceivable '  worms  became  the  legitimate 
butts  for  the  shafts  of  ridicule ;  and  in  1726  there 
appeared  in  Paris  a  satirical  work.  In  which 
these  small  organisms  received  the  name  of 
'fainter,'  'body-pincher,'  '  ulcerator,'  '  weeping 
fistula,'  'sensualist';  the  whole  system  was  thus 
laughingly  held  up  to  satire,  and  the  germ  theory 


2138 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Ilnhnemann 
and  HomauiMthy. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


of  disease  completely  discroditod.  T,innn>ns[1707- 
1778],  however,  with  his  wonderful  powers  <if 
obaerviition  nnd  deduction,  (■()nsi<lered  llmt  it 
was  possible  that  there  niiglit  be  rescued  from 
this  '  chaos '  small  living  beings  whicli  were  as 
vet  insufflciently  separated  and  examined,  but 
in  whicli  he  firmly  believed  miglit  lie  not  only 
the  actual  contagium  of  certain  eruptive  diseases, 
and  of  acute  fevers,  but  also  thee.xciting  causes 
of  both  fermentation  and  putrefaction.  Tlie 
man,  however,  who  of  all  worlters  earliest  recog- 
nized tiie  importance  of  Linnicus'  observations 
was  a  Viennese  doctor,  Marcus  Antonius  Plenciz. 
...  He  it  was  who,  at  tliis  time,  insisted  upon 
the  specific  cliaracter  of  tlie  infective  agent  in 
every  case  of  disea.se ;  for  scarlet  fever  there  was 
ft  scarlet  fever  seed  or  germ  —  a  seed  wliich 
could  never  give  rise  to  smallpox.  lie  showed 
tliat  it  was  possible  for  this  organism  to  become 
disseminated  througli  tlio  air,  and  for  it  to  mul- 
tiply in  tlie  body;  and  he  explained  tlie  incuba- 
tion stage  of  a  febrile  disease  as  dependent  on 
the  growth  of  a  germ  witliin  the  body  during 
the  period  after  its  introdtiction,  wlien  its  jircs- 
ence  had  not  yet  been  made  manifest.  ...  As 
regards  putrefaction,  having  corroborate<l  Lin- 
nreus'  observations  and  found  countless  aninial- 
culie  in  putrefying  matter,  he  came  to  tlie  con- 
clusion tliat  this  process  was  tlie  result  of  the 
development,  multiplication,  and  carrying  on  of 
the  functions  of  nutrition  and  excretion  by  these 
germs;  the  products  of  fermentation  being  tlic 
volatile  salts  set  free  by  the  organisms,  whicli, 
multiplying  rapidly  by  forming  seeds  or  eggs, 
rendered  the  fluid  in  which  tliey  developed  tliick, 
turbid,  and  foul.  This  tlieory,  admirable  as  it 
was,  and  accurate  as  it  has  since  been  proved  to 
be,  could  not  then  be  based  on  any  very  exten- 
sive or  detailed  observation,  and  we  find  that 
some  of  tlie  most  prominent  and  brilliant  men  of 
the  period  did  not  feel  justified  in  accepting  tlie 
explanation  that  Plenciz  had  offered  as  to  the 
causes  of  disease  and  fermentation  processes."  — 
G.  S.  Woodhead,  Bacteria  and  their  Products, 
ch.  3. 

i7-i8th  Centuries.  —  Hahnemann  and  the 
origin  of  the  System  of  Homoeopathy. —  Samuel 
rialiiiemann,  originator  of  the  system  of  medi- 
cine called  "  Homoeopathy,"  was  born  in  1755,  at 
Meissen,  in  Saxony.  He  studied  medicine  at 
Leipsic,  and  afterwards  at  Vienna.  In  1784  lie 
settled  in  Dresden,  but  returned  to  Leipsic  in 
1789.  "  In  the  following  year,  while  translat- 
ing Cullen's  Materia  Medica  out  of  English  into 
German,  his  attention  was  arrested  by  the  in- 
suflicieut  explanations  advanced  in  that  work  of 
the  cure  of  ague  by  cinchona  bark.  By  way  of 
experiment,  he  took  a  large  dose  of  that  sub- 
stance to  ascertain  its  action  on  the  healthy  body. 
In  the  course  of  a  few  days  ho  experienced  the 
symptoms  of  ague ;  and  it  thus  occurred  to  him 
that  perhaps  the  reason  why  cinchona  cures  ague 
is  because  it  has  the  power  to  produce  symptoms 
in  a  healthy  person  similar  to  those  of  ague.  To 
ascertain  the  truth  of  this  conjecture,  he  ran- 
sacked the  records  of  medicine  for  ■well-attested 
cures  effected  by  single  remedies;  and  finding 
sufficient  evidences  of  tliis  fact,  he  advanced  a 
step  further,  and  proposed,  in  an  article  pub- 
lished in  Hufeland  s  Journal,  in  the  year  1797,  to 
apply  this  new  principle  to  the  discovery  of 
proper  medicines  for  every  form  of  disease. 
Soon  afterwards  he  published  a  case  to  illustrate 


his  method.  It  was  one  of  a  severe  kind  of  colio 
cured  by  a  strong  dose  of  veratrum  album.  He- 
fore  this  substance  gave  relief  to  the  patient  it 
excited  a  severe  aggravation  of  Ids  symptoms. 
This  induced  Ilalinemaiin,  instead  oi'^  drops  or 
grains,  to  give  the  fraction  of  a  drop  or  grain, 
and  he  tlius  introduced  infinitesimal  doses.  Home 
years  later  he  applied  his  new  principle  in  the 
treatment  of  scarlet  fever;  and  finding  tliat  bella- 
donna cured  the  peculiar  type  of  that  disease, 
which  tlien  prevailed  in  Germany,  he  proposed 
to  give  tills  medicine  as  a  propliylactic,  or  jire- 
vcnlive  against  scarlet  fever;  from  that  time  it 
has  been  extensively  employed  for  this  purpose. 
In  the  year  1810  he  published  his  great  work,  en- 
titled Organon  of  Medicine,  wlii''h  has  been 
translated  into  all  the  European  languages,  as 
well  as  into  Arabic.  In  this  book  he  fully  ex- 
pounded his  new  system,  which  he  called 
llonucopntliy.  His  next  publicHtion  was  a  Ma- 
teria Medica,  consisting  of  a  description  of  the 
effects  of  mediriucs  upon  jiersons  in  health. 
These  works  were  luiblished  between  the  vears 
1810  and  1831,  at  Leipsic,  where  he  founded  a 
school,  and  was  surrounded  by  disciples.  As 
his  system  involved  the  administration  of  medi- 
cines, each  separately  by  itself,  and  in  doses  in- 
finitely minute,  tliere  was  no  longer  any  need  of 
the  apothecaries'  intervention  between  tlie  physi- 
cian and  the  patient.  In  consequence  of  tliis"the 
Apothecaries  Company  brought  to  bear  upon 
Hahnemann  an  act  forbidding  pliysieiaus  to  dis- 
pense tlieir  own  medicines,  and  witli  such  effect 
that  he  was  obliged  to  leave  Leipsic.  Tlie 
Grand  Duke  of  Aniialt  Kiithen,  appointed  him 
his  pliysician,  and  invited  him  to  live  at  Iviithen. 
Thitlier,  accordingly,  ho  removed  in  tlic  yeaf 
1821,  and  tliere  lie  prepared  various  new  edi- 
tions of  his  Organon,  and  new  volumes  of  his 
Materia  Jlcdica  for  publication.  In  1835  he 
married  a  second  time;  his  wife  was  a  French 
lady  of  considerable  position;  and  in  tlie  same 
year  lie  left  KOtlien,  and  settled  in  Paris,  where 
he  enjoyed  a  great  reputation  till  his  deatli, 
which  took  place  in  tlie  year  1843." —  W.  Bayes, 
Orif/inand  Present  Status  of  llotntfopathy  (Trans, 
of  the  llomnopathie  Medical  Soe.  of  the  State  of 
N.  Y.,  1869,  art.  21). 

Also  in:  W.  Anekc,  Ilist.  of  Ilonuropathy. — 
J.  C.  Burnett,  Kcce  Medieus;  or  Hahnemann  a» 
a  man  and  as  a  jthi/sirian. 

i8th  Century. — The  work  of  John  Hunter 
in  surgery  and  anatomy. — "John  Hunter  [born 
1728,  died  1793]  was  not  only  one  of  the  most 
profound  anatomists  of  the  age  in  whicli  he 
lived,  but  he  is  by  the  common  consent  of  his 
successors  allowed,  to  be  one  of  the  greatest  men 
that  ever  practised  surgery.  One  of  tlie  most 
striking  dis-joveries  in  this  part  of  his  profession 
—  indeed  one  of  tlie  most  brilliant  in  surgery  of 
his  century  —  was  tlie  operation  for  the  cure  of 
liopliteal  aneurism  by  tying  tlie  femoral  artery 
above  the  tumour  in  the  ham,  and  witliout  inter- 
fering with  it.  He  improved  the  treatment  of 
tlie  rupture  of  the  tendo  acliillis,  in  consequence 
of  having  experienced  the  accident  himself  when 
dancing.  He  invented  the  method  of  curing 
fistula  lacrymalis  by  perforating  the  os  unguis, 
and  curing  liydrocele  radically  by  injection.  His 
anatomical  discoveries  were  numerous  and  im- 
portant —  amongst  others  the  distribution  of  tlie 
blood-vessels  of  the  uterus,  which  he  traced  till 
their  disappearance  in  the  placenta.    He  was  the 


2139 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Inoculation 
and  VaccmatioH. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


first  who  (lomonstrntcd  tlu;  oxistence  of  lym- 
plmtic  vcsKcIt)  in  birds;  dpscrilifd  tlic distribution 
of  tliu  brandies  of  the  olfactory  nerve,  us  well  as 
those  of  the  fifth  pair;  and  to  liim  wc  owe  the 
best  and  most  faithful  acco\int  of  the  descent  of 
the  testicle  in  tlie  human  subject,  from  the  atKlo- 
tncn  into  the  scrotum..  Pliyslology  is  also  in- 
debted to  him  for  many  new  views  and  ingenious 
luggestions.  .  .  .  '  Before  his  time  surgery  had 
been  little  more  than  a  mechanical  art,  somewhat 
dignified  bv  the  material  on  which  it  was  em- 
ployed. Hunter  first  made  it  a  science;  and  by 
pointing  out  its  peculiar  excellence  os  affording 
visible  examples  of  the  effects  and  progress  of 
disease,  induced  men  of  far  higher  attaimnents 
than  those  who  had  before  iiractiscd  it  to  make 
it  their  study.'  The  best  monument  of  his  genius 
and  talents,  liowever,  is  tlie  splendid  museum 
which  ho  formed  by  his  sole  efforts,  and  which 
ho  made,  too,  when  labouring  under  every  dis- 
advantage of  deficient  education  and  limited 
means.  It  shows  that  as  an  anatomist  oud 
physiologist  he  had  no  superior." — W.  IJaird, 
Uii liter  (Imperial  Diet,  of  Univ.  liiog.). 

Also  in:  8.  D.  Gross,  John  Hunter  and  !tis 
Pujnlt. 

i8th  Century. —  Preventive  Inoculation 
against  Smallpox. — "  One  of  the  most  notable 
events  of  the  18th  century,  or  for  that  matter,  in 
the  history  of  medicine,  was  the  introduction  of 
the  systematic  practice  of  preventive  inoculation 
against  small-pox.  We  are  so  generally  taught 
thot  this  is  entirely  due  to  the  efforts  of  Jenner,  or 
rather  wo  are  so  often  allowed  to  think  it  with- 
out being  necessarily  taught  otherwise,  that  the 
measure  deserves  a  historical  sketch.  The  con»- 
tnunication  of  the  natural  disease  to  the  healthy 
in  order  to  protect  them  from  the  same  natural 
disease  in  other  words,  tlie  communication  of 
small-pox  to  prevent  the  same,  reaches  back  into 
antiquity.  It  Is  mentioned  in  the  Sanskrit  Vedas 
as  then  performed,  always  by  Brahmins,  who  em- 
ployed pus  procured  from  small-pox  vesicles  a 
year  before.  They  rubbed  the  place  selected  for 
operation  until  the  skiu  was  red,  then  scratched 
'n'ith  a  sharp  instrument,  and  lUid  upon  tho  placo 
cotton  soaked  in  the  variolous  pus,  moistened 
witli  water  from  the  sacred  Ganges.  Along 
■with  this  measure  they  insisted  upon  most  hy- 
gienic regulations,  to  which  in  a  largo  measure 
their  good  results  were  due.  Among  tlie  Chinese 
was  practised  what  was  known  as  'Pock-sow- 
ing,' and  as  long  ago  as  1000  years  before  Christ 
thev  introduced  into  tho  nasal  cavities  of  young 
children  pledgets  of  cotton  saturated  with  vario- 
lous pus.  The  Arabians  inoculated  the  same 
disease  with  needles,  and  so  did  the  Circassians, 
while  In  the  states  of  north  Africa  Incisions  were 
made  between  the  fingers,  and  among  some  of 
the  negroes  inoculation  was  performed  in  or 
upon  tho  nose.  In  Constantinople,  under  the 
Greeks,  tho  custom  had  long  been  naturalized 
and  was  practised  by  old  women  instructed  in 
the  art,  who  regarded  it  as  a  revelation  of  St. 
Mary.  The  first  accounts  of  this  practice  were 
given  to  tho  lloyal  Society  by  Timoni,  a  physi- 
cian of  Constantinople,  in  1714.  Tho  actual  in- 
troduction of  tho  practice  into  the  West,  how- 
ever, was  duo  to  Lady  Mary  Wortloy  Montagu, 
who  died  in  1763,  and  who  was  wife  of  tho 
English  ambassador  to  the  Porto  in  1717.  She 
had  her  son  inoculated  in  Constantinople  by  her 
surgeon  Maitlaud,  and  after  her  return  to  Lou- 


don, in  1721,  It  was  also  performed  upon  her 
daughter.  During  the  same  years  exp<u-iment8 
were  undertaken  by  Maitland  upon  criminals, 
and  as  these  turned  out  favorably,  tho  Prince  of 
Wales  and  his  sisters  were  inoculated  by  Mead. 
The  jiractico  was  then  more  or  less  speedily 
adopted  on  this  side  of  the  ocean  as  well  as  on 
that,  but  Buffered  occasional  severe  blows  be- 
cause of  unfortunate  cases  hero  and  there,  such 
as  never  can  be  avoided.  The  clergy,  especially, 
using  tlie  Bible,  as  designing  men  always  can 
use  It,  to  back  up  any  view  or  practice,  became 
warm  opponents  of  vaccination,  and  stigmatized 
it  as  a  very  atrocious  invasion  of  tho  Divine  pre- 
rogative of  punishment.  But  In  1740  tho  Bishop 
of  Worcester  recommended  it  from  tho  pulpit, 
and  established  houses  for  iiioculatlon,  and  thus 
made  It  again  popular.  In  Germany  the  opera- 
tion was  generally  favored,  and  ia  Franco  and 
Italy  a  little  later  came  Into  vogue." — Uoswell 
I^iik,  Lects.  OH  the  Jlist.  of  Medicine  {in  3/S.). 

i8th  Century. — Jenner  and  the  discovery  of 
Vaccination. — Many  before  the  English  physi- 
cian. Dr.  Jenner,  "  Imd  witnessed  tho  cow-pox, 
and  had  heard  of  the  report  current  among  tho 
milkmaids  in  Gloucestershire,  that  whoever  had 
taken  that  disease  was  secure  against  ama"pox. 
It  was  a  trifling,  vulgar  rumor,  supposed  to  huvo 
no  sigiiiflcance  whatever ;  and  no  one  had  thought 
It  worthy  of  invostigotion,  until  it  was  acciden- 
tally brought  under  the  notice  of  Jenner.  He 
was  a  youth,  pursuing  his  studies  at  Sodbui/, 
when  his  attention  was  arrested  by  the  casual 
observation  made  by  a  country  girl  who  came  to 
his  master's  shop  for  advice.  Tlie  smallpox  was 
mentioned,  when  the  girl  said,  '  I  can't  take  that 
disease,  for  I  have  liad  cow-pox.'  The  observa- 
tion immodiatoly  riveted  Jenner's  attention,  and 
ho  forthwith  set  about  inquiring  and  making  ob- 
servations on  the  subject.  Ills  professional 
friends,  to  whom  he  mentioned  his  views  as  to 
tho  prophylactic  virtues  of  cow-pox,  laughed  at 
him,  and  even  threatened  to  expel  him  from  their 
society,  if  he  persisted  in  harassing  them  with 
*ho  subject.  In  London  he  was  so  fortunate  as 
to  study  under  John  Hunter  [1770-1773]  to  whom 
he  communicated  his  views.  The  advice  of  the 
great  anatomist  was  thoroughly  characteristic: 
'Don't  think,  but  try;  be  patient,  be  accurate.' 
Jenner's  courage  was  greatly  supported  by  the 
advice,  which  conveyed  to  him  tho  true  art  of 
philosophical  investigation.  He  wont  back  to 
tho  country  to  practise  his  profession,  and  care- 
fully to  make  observations  and  experiments, 
which  ho  continued  to  pursue  for  a  period  of 
twenty  years.  His  faith  in  his  discovery  was  so 
implicit  that  he  vaccinated  his  own  sou  on  three 
several  occasions.  At  length  he  published  his 
views  in  a  quarto  of  about  seventy  pages,  in 
which  ho  gave  the  details  of  twenty-threo  cases 
of  successful  vaccliiatftn  of  individuals,  to  whom 
it  was  found  afterwards  impossible  to  communi- 
cate the  smallpox  either  by  contagion  or  inocula- 
tion. It  was  in  1798  that  this  treatise  was  pub- 
lished ;  though  he  had  been  working  out  his  ideas 
as  long  before  as  1775,  w  "u  they  began  to 
assume  a  definite  form.  How  was  the  discovery 
received  t  First  with  indifference,  then  with 
active  hostility.  He  proceeded  to  London  to  ex- 
hibit to  the  profession  the  process  of  vaccination 
and  its  successful  results;  but  not  a  single  doctor 
could  be  got  to  make  a  trial  of  it,  and  after  fruit- 
lessly waiting  for  nearly  three  months,  Jenner 


2140 


MEDICAL  8CIENCK. 


The  Rrunnnlan 
Hyttem. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


returned  to  his  imtlvo  viUnge.  IIo  was  even 
rnrlcnturcd  nnd  nl)ii8e<l  for  Ids  lUtcinpt  to  '  hes- 
tlnlizo '  Ids  species  by  the  IntnMluctlon  into  their 
systems  of  diseased  mnttor  from  the  covv'h  udder. 
Col)l)ett  was  one  of  his  most  furious  iissniliuits. 
Viiccinntiori  was  denounced  from  tlic  pulpit  as 
'diabolical.'  It  was  averred  that  vaccinated 
children  became  'ox-faced,' that  abscesses  broke 
out  to  'indicate  sprouting  horns,' and  that  the 
countenance  was  gradually  '  tran.Hmulcd  into  the 
visage  of  a  cow,  tlio  voice  Into  the  bellowing  of 
bulls.'  Vaccination,  however,  was  a  truth,  and 
notwithstanding  the  violence  of  the  opposition 
belief  in  it  spreail  slowly.  In  one  village  where 
a  gentleman  tried  to  introduce  Ihe  practice,  the 
tirst  persons  who  permitted  tliemselves  to  be 
vaccinated  were  absolutely  pelted,  and  were 
driven  into  their  houses  if  they  apiMii  red  out  of 
doors.  Two  ladies  of  title, —  Lady  Ducie  and 
the  Countess  of  Herkeley, —  to  their  honor  l)e  it 
remembered, —  had  tlie  courage  to  vaccinate  their 
own  children;  and  the  prejudices  of  the  day 
were  at  once  broken  through.  The  medical  pro- 
fession gradually  came  round,  and  there  were 
several  who  even  sought  to  rob  Dr.  .lenner  of  tlic 
merit  of  the  discovery,  when  its  vast  importance 
came  to  be  recognized.  Jenner's  cause  at  last 
triumphed,  and  ho  was  publicly  honored  and  re- 
warded. In  his  prosperity  lie  was  as  modest  as 
he  had  been  in  his  obscurity.  He  was  invited  to 
settle  in  London,  and  tohf  that  he  might  com- 
mand a  practice  of  £10,000  a  year.  But  his 
answer  was,  'No!  In  the  morning  of  my  days  I 
liave  sought  the  sequestered  and  lowly  paths  of 
life, — the  valley,  and  not  the  mountain, —  and 
now,  in  the  evening  of  my  days,  it  is  not  meet 
for  me  to  liold  myself  up  as  an  object  for  fortune 
and  for  fame.'  In  Jenner's  own  lifetime  the 
practice  of  vaccination  had  been  adopted  all  over 
the  civilized  world ;  and  when  he  died,  his  title 
as  Benefactor  of  his  kind  was  recognized  far  and 
wide.  Cuvier  has  said,  '  If  vaccme  were  the 
only  discovery  of  tlie  epoch,  it  would  serve  to 
render  it  illustrious  forever." — S.  Smiles,  Self- 
help,  ch.  4. 

Ai.BOiN:  J.  Barron,  Life  of  EdimrUJenner. 

i8th  Century. — The  Bninonian  System  of 
Stimulation. — "John  Brown,  born  of  obscure 
parents  in  a  village  of  Berwick,  in  Scotland,  was 
remarkable,  from  his  early  youth,  for  an  extra- 
ordinary aptitude  for  acquiring  languages,  a  de- 
cided inclination  for  scholastic  dispute,  a  pedan- 
tic tone  and  manner,  and  somewhat  irregular 
conduct.  Having  abandoned  tlieology  for  medi- 
cine, he  fixed  his  residence  in  Edinburgh.  .  .  . 
He  was  particularly  entertained  and  counte- 
nanced by  Cullen,  who  even  took  Inm  into  his 
family  in  the  character  of  preceptor  of  his  cliil- 
dren.  This  agreeable  relation  subsisted  during 
twelve  consecutive  years  between  these  two  men, 
wliose  characters  and  minds  were  so  dillerent. 
.  .  .  But  some  trifling  misters  of  mutual  dis- 
content grew  at  lengthlnto  coldness,  and  changed 
the  old  friendship  which  Iiad  imited  them  into  an 
irreconcilable  hatrcd.  Their  rupture  broke  out 
about  the  year  1778,  and  in  a  short  time  after. 
Brown  publislied  liis  Elements  of  Medicine.  .  .  . 
Brown  employed  some  of  the  ideas  of  Ids  master 
to  develop  a  doctrine  mucli  more  simple  in  ap- 
pearance, but  founded  entirely  on  abstract  con- 
siderations ;  a  doctrine  in  wliich  every  provision 
seems  to  be  made  for  discussion,  but  none  for 
practice.    Cullen  had  said  that  the  nervous  sys- 


tem receives  tlie  first  impression  of  cxcltantA, 
and  transmits  it  afterwanis  to  tlie  other  organs 
endowed  with  motion  and  vitality.  Brown  ex- 
plains thus,  the  same  thought:  'Life  is  only 
sustained  by  incitation.  It  Is  only  tlio  result  of 
the  action  of  incitants  on  the  incilabillty  of 
organs.'  Cullen  regarded  the  atony  of  the  small 
vessels  as  the  proximate  cause  of  fever.  Brown, 
Improving  on  this  hypothesis,  admits,  with 
hardly  any  exceptions,  only  hyposthenic  dis- 
eases. .  .  .  The  Scotch  physiologist  distinguished 
only  two  pathological  states  —  one  consisting  in 
an  excess  of  incitabillty,  which  he  names  the 
sthenic  diathesis;  the  other,  constituted  by  a 
want,  more  or  less  notable,  of  the  same  faculty, 
which  he  designates  as  tlie  asthenic  diatliesis. 
Besides,  Brown  considers  these  two  states  as 
affecting  the  entire  economy,  rather  than  any 
organ  in  particular.  .  .  .  After  having  reduced 
all  diseases  to  two  genera,  and  withdrawn  from 
patliology  the  study  of  local  lesions,  Brown 
arrives,  by  a  subtile  argumentation,  to  consider 
the  affections  of  the  sthenic  order  us  prevailing 
in  a  very  small  number  of  instances,  so  that  the 
diseases  of  the  asthenic  type  comprehend  nearly 
the  totality  of  affections.  According  to  tills 
theory,  a  pliysician  is  rarely  ever  mistaken  if  ho 
orders  in  all  his  cases,  remedies  of  an  exciting 
nature.  .  .  .  Never  since  tlie  days  of  Thes-saliis 
(of  charlatan  memory)  had  any  one  simplified  to 
such  a  point  the  study  and  practice  of  medicine. 
We  may  even  say  that  in  this  respect  the  Scotch 

Sathologist  left  far  in  the  rear  the  physician  of 
'ero.  To  this  attraction,  well  calculated  to 
tempt  students  and  practitioners,  the  doctrine  of 
Brown  joined  tlie  advantage  of  being  presented 
in  an  energetic  and  captivating  style,  full  of 
imagery,  which  suffices  to  explain  its  rapid  prog- 
ress. But  this  doctrine,  so  seductive  in  its  ex- 
position, so  easy  in  its  application,  is  one  of  tlio 
most  disastrous  that  man  has  been  able  to  imag- 
ine, for  it  tends  to  propagate  the  abuse  of  diffusi- 
ble stimulants,  of  which  spirituous  liquors  make 
a  part,  an  abuse  cxcoisively  injurious  to  health 
in  general,  and  the  intellectual  faculties  in  par- 
ticulor  —  an  abuse  to  which  man  is  too  much  in- 
clined, naturally,  and  which  tiic  sophisms  of 
Brown  may  have  contributed  to  spread  in  all 
classes  of  English  society.  ,  .  .  Notwithstand- 
ing its  defects,  the  system  of  Brown  made  rapid 
progress,  principally  in  Germany  and  Italy." — 
P.  V.  Henouard,  Hi/it.  of  Medicine,  pp.  r>,'),5-.'56(). 
i8th  Century.— The  System  of  Haller.— 
"About  the  time  when  wo  seniors  commenced 
the  study  of  medicine,  it  was  still  under  the  in- 
fluence of  the  important  discoveries  which  Al- 
brecht  von  Ilaller  [1708-1777]  had  made  on  the 
excitability  of  nerves;  and  which  he  had  placed 
in  connection  with  the  vitalistic  tlieory  of  the 
nature  of  life.  Haller  had  observed  the  excita- 
bility in  tlie  nerves  and  muscles  of  amputated 
members.  Tlie  most  surprising  thing  to  him 
was,  that  the  most  varied  external  actions,  me- 
chanical, chemical,  thermal,  to  which  electrical 
ones  were  subsequently  added,  liad  always  the 
same  result ;  namely,  that  they  produced  muscu- 
lar contraction.  Tliej'  were  only  (piantitatively 
distinguished  as  regards  their  action  on  the 
organism,  that  is,  only  by  the  strength  of  the 
excitation;  lie  designated  tliem  by  the  common 
name  of  stimulus ;  he  called  the  altered  ccmdi- 
tion  of  the  nerve  the  excitation,  and  its  capacity 
of  responding  to  a  stimulus  the  excitability, 


2141 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Biehal. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


wliirh  was  lost  iit  dontli.  This  ontlro  condition 
of  tiiinKH,  which  pliyNicitlly  gpciiliinK  luutcrtH  no 
more  tlian  tlie  nerves,  iia  conccnm  tlic  cliiinKcH 
wliicli  tiil<c  pljicc  in  tliciii  itftcr  cxcitiition.  nro  in 
nn  exceedingly  unHtiihIo  Htate  of  ei|uilll>rliun: 
this  was  looked  upon  as  tlie  fundanienlal  prop- 
erty of  aiiiinul  life,  and  was  unhesitatintfly  tnitis- 
ferred  to  tlie  other  organs  and  tissues  of  the 
iMMly,  for  which  there  was  no  similar  Ju8till<'a- 
tion.  It  was  believed  that  none  of  thcin  were 
active  of  tliemseives,  hut  must  receivo  an  im- 
pulse liy  a  stimulus  from  witliout;  air  and  nour- 
ishment were  eonsidereit  to  lie  the  normal  Ktimiili. 
Tlie  kind  of  activity  seemed,  on  tli(!  contrary,  to 
lie  conditioned  Iiy  the  specitlo  enerjiy  of  the 
organ,  under  the  inlluence  of  the  vital  force. 
Increase  or  diminution  of  tlie  excitaliility  was 
the  category  under  whieli  the  whole  of  the  acute 
diseases  were  referred,  and  from  which  indica- 
tions were  taken  as  to  wlielher  the  treatment 
should  lie  lowering  or  stimulating.  The  rigid 
oiie-sidedness  and  the  unrelenting  logic  with 
which  .  .  .  [.loliii]  llrown  had  once  worked  out 
the  system  was  liroken,  hut  it  always  furnished 
the  leailing  points  of  view." — H.  Ilelmholtz,  On 
T/kiiii/M  in  Medicim  (Popular  Lecti.,  series  3, 
Ucl.  r». 

i8th  Century.  —  Physiological  Views  of 
Bichat. — .Mario  Francis  Xavier  Iticliat,  was  liorn 
in  1771  and  died  in  1803,  a<coi.  iilishing  his  ex- 
traordinary work  as  an  anatomist  and  physician 
within  a  lifetime  of  thirty-one  years.  "The 
peculiar  ]ihysiological  views  of  Bichat  are  to  lie 
found  stated  more  ur  less  distinctly  in  all  his 
works;  and  it  is  n  merit  of  his  tiiat  ho  has 
always  kejit  in  sight  the  necessary  connexion  of 
this  part  of  tlio  science  of  niedicino  with  every 
other,  and,  so  far  as  !ic  has  developed  his  ideas 
upon  the  subjects  of  pathology,  materia  mcdica, 
and  therapeutics,  they  seem  all  to  have  been 
founded  upon  and  connected  with  the  prinei])les 
of  pliysiology,  whicli  he  had  adopted.  .  .  . 
Everything  around  living  bodies,  according  to 
Bichat,  tends  constantly  to  their  destruction. 
And  to  this  influence  they  would  necessarily 
yield,  were  they  not  gifted  with  some  perma- 
nent principle  of  reaction.  This  principle  is 
their  life,  and  a  living  system  is  therefore  neces- 
sarily always  engaged  in  tlie  performance  of 
functions,  whose  object  is  to  resist  death.  Life, 
however,  does  not  consist  in  a  single  principle, 
as  has  been  taught  by  some  celebratccl  writers, 
by  Stahl,  Van  Helmont,  and  Barthez,  &c.  We 
are  to  study  the  phenomena  of  life,  as  we  do 
those  of  other  matter,  and  refer  the  operations 
performed  in  living  systems  to  such  ultimate 
principles  as  we  can  trace  them  to,  in  the  same 
way  that  we  do  the  opcnitions  taking  place 
among  inorganic  substances.  .  .  .  His  essential 
doctrine  ...  is  that  there  is  no  one  single,  indi- 
vidual, presiding  principle  of  vitality,  which 
animates  the  body,  but  that  it  is  a  collection  of 
matter  gifted  for  a  time  with  certain  powers  of 
action,  combined  into  organs  which  are  thus  en- 
abled to  act,  and  that  the  result  is  a  scries  of 
functions,  the  connected  performance  of  which 
constitutes  it  a  living  tiling.  This  is  his  view  of 
life,  considered  in  the  most  general  and  simple 
way.  But  in  carrying  the  examination  farther,  he 
points  out  two  remarkable  mo<liflcations  of  life, 
as  considered  in  different  relations,  one  common 
both  to  vegetables  and  animals,  the  other  pecu- 
liar to  animals.  .  .  .  Those  which  we  have  in 


common  with  tlio  vegetable,  which  are  noressnry 
nieirly  to  our  iiidivi<lual,  bodily  existence,  are 
called  the  functions  of  organic  life,  because  they 
are  common  to  all  organi/.c<i  matter.  Those,  on 
the  other  hand,  which  are  pei^uliar  to  animal.i, 
which  in  them  are  Kupera<lded  to  the  possession 
of  the  organic  functions,  are  ciilleii  the  functions 
of  animal  life.  Phydlologically  speaking,  then, 
wo  have  two  lives,  tlie  concurrence  of  wiilch  en- 
ables us  to  live  and  move  and  have  our  being; 
liolli  e(iually  n('c<'ssary  to  the  relations  we  main- 
tain as  liuinan  beings,  but  not  o<pially  necessary 
to  the  siinnle  existence  of  a  living  thing.  .  .  . 
The  two  lives  ditfer,  in  some  iniportant  re- 
spects, as  t<i  the  organs  by  which  tliiir  functions 
are  performed.  Those  of  the  aninial  life  pre- 
sent a  symmetry  of  external  form,  strongly  con- 
trasted with  the  irregularity,  which  is  a  promi- 
nent characteristic  of  tlioso  of  organic  life.  In 
the  animal  life,  every  function  is  either  per- 
formed by  a  pair  of  organs,  perfectly  similar  in 
structure  and  si/e,  situated  one  upon  each  side 
of  the  median  dividing  line  of  the  body,  or  else 
by  a  single  organ  divided  into  two  similar  and 
iierfectly  symmetrical  halves  by  that  line.  .  .  . 
The  organs  of  the  organic  life,  on  the  contrary, 
present  a  idctiire  totally  diltercnt;  tliey  are  ir- 
regularly formed,  and  irregularly  arranged.  .  .  . 
This  symmetry  of  the  form  is  accompanied  by  a 
corresponding  harmony  in  the  functions  of  the 
organs  of  the  animal  life.  .  .  .  The  functions 
of  the  organic  life  are  constantly  going  on; 
they  admit  of  no  interruption,  no  repose.  .  .  . 
In  tliose  of  theanininl  life,  the  case  is  widely  differ- 
ent. They  have  intervals  of  entire  reiio.se.  The 
organs  of  this  lifo  are  incapable  of  constant 
activity,  they  become  fatigued  by  exercise  and 
require  rest.  This  rest,  with  regard  to  any  par- 
ticular organ,  is  the  sleep  of  that  organ.  .  .  . 
Upon  this  principle,  Bichat  founds  liin  theory  of 
sleep.  General  sleep  is  the  comblnal  ion  of  the 
sleep  of  particular  organs.  Sleep  then  is  not 
any  definite  state,  but  Is  more  or  less  complete 
rest  of  the  whole  system  in  proportion  to  the 
number  of  organs  which  require  repose.  .  .  . 
The  two  lives  differ  also  in  regard  to  liabit;  the 
animal  being  much  under  its  control,  the  organic 
but  slightly.  .  .  .  But  the  principal  and  most 
important  feature  in  the  physiological  system  of 
Bicliat,  is  the  complete,  antl  entire,  and  exclusive 
explanation  of  nil  the  phenomena  of  the  living 
system  upon  the  principles  of  vitality  alone. 
iVrmer  physiologists  have  not  always  kepi  this 
distinctly  m  view.  .  .  .  The  human  body  has 
been  regarded,  too  often,  as  a  mass  of  matter, 
orgonized  to  be  sure,  but  yet  under  the  direction 
of  physical  laws,  and  the  performance  of  its 
functions  lias  been  ascribed  to  tlie  powers  of  in- 
organic matter.  Hence,  physiology  has  gener- 
ally been  somewhat  tinctured  by  the  favorite 
science  of  the  ago,  with  some  of  its  notions.  .  .  . 
With  Bichat  the  properties  of  life  were  all  in  all. 
The  phenomena  of  the  system,  whether  in  lieulth 
or  disease,  were  all  ascribed  to  their  influence 
and  operation." — J.  Ware,  Life  and  Writings  of 
liichat  (North  Am.  Rev.,  July,  1822). 

iS-ipth  Centuries. — Pinel  and  the  Reform 
in  treatment  of  the  Insane. — Philippe  Pinel, 
' '  who  had  attained  some  distinction  as  an  alienist, 
was  appointed,  1793,  to  fill  the  post  of  superin- 
tendent of  the  Bic6tre,  which  then  contained  up- 
wards of  300  male  patients,  believed  not  only  to 
be  incurable,  but  entirely  uncontrollable.    The 


214: 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Diteovery 
0/  Arurtthrlicii. 


MEDICAL  W'lENCE. 


fircvlDUS  ox|t('rirM('c  nf  the  plivsirlim,  hero  stood 
liin  ill  it'xxl  Htcail.  He  hull  been  ii  diligent 
student  of  the  luithorltles  of  hU  own  iind  foreign 
countries  on  diseases  of  tlie  mind,  iind  in  Ids 
curlier  yenrs  liiul  been  appointed  t)y  tlie  P'reiieli 
jjoverninent  to  report  on  tlie  condition  of  the 
iisyluins  lit  Purls  imd  Cliun^nton.  On  usHUininK 
the  oversight  of  tlie  HIcflIre,  he  found  M  men 
lunKuishiiiK  in  eliuins,  some  of  whom  hud  been 
bound  foru  great  number  of  years.  These  were 
regarded  'ly  the  authorities  as  dangerous  nnd 
even  desperate  characters;  but  the  sight  of  nun 
grown  gray  and  decrepit  as  the  result  of  ])ro- 
longed  torture,  made  u  very  dllTerent  impression 
on  tlic  mind  of  I'iuel.  He  addressed  appeal  after 
appeul  to  the  Commune,  craving  power  to  re- 
lease, witliout  delay,  the  uiiliaiipy  beings  under 
his  charge.  The  aulhorities  tardily  anil  un- 
willingly yielded  to  the  importunity  of  the  pliy- 
giciii:j.  An  olllcial,  who  was  deputed  by  the 
Commune  to  accompany  the  superintendent  and 
watch  his  experiment,  no  sooner  cauglit  sight  of 
the  clmined  maniacs  than  he  excitedly  exelaimcd : 
'  Ah,  <,'a  I  citoycn,  es-tu  fou  toi-mflinq  de  vouloir 
duchalncr  de  pureils  uniniuux?'  The  physician 
was  not  to  bo  deterred,  however,  from  carrying 
out  his  benevolent  project,  and  <lid  not  rest  satis- 
lied  until  all  of  the  53  men  had  bci'ii  gradually 
liberated  from  their  chains.  Singular  us  it  may 
apix;ar,  the  man  who  had  been  regarded  us  the 
most  dangerous,  and  who  had  survived  forty 
years  of  this  severe  treatment,  was  afterwards 
known  as  the  faithful  and  devoted  servant  of 
Pinel.  The  reforms  of  Pinel  were  not  conflned 
to  the  IMcCtre,  an  estubllshinent  exclusively  for 
men,  but  extended  to  the  SalpCtriiSre,  an  institu- 
tion for  women.  There  is,  perhaps,  no  more 
touching  event  in  history  than  that  of  this  kind- 
hearted  and  wise  physician  removing  tlie  bands 
and  chaius  from  the  ill-fat«d  inmates  of  this 
place  of  horrors.  The  monstrous  fallacy  of 
cruel  treatment  onco  fully  exposed,  the  insane 
came  to  be  looked  upon  ds  unfortunate  human 
beings,  stricken  with  a  terrible  disease,  and,  like 
other  sick  persons,  requiring  every  aid  wliicli 
science  and  benevolent  sympathy  could  provide 
with  a  view  to  cure.  Governmental  inquiries 
were  instituted  with  a  view  to  the  attainment  of 
better  treatment,  and  in  different  countries,  ol- 
most  simultaneously,  tlie  provision  of  suitable 
and  adequate  accommodation  for  the  insane  was 
declared  to  be  a  Statu  necessity." — \V.  P.  Letcli- 
worth.  The  Insane  in  Foreign  Countries,  eh.  1. 

19th  Century. — The  Discovery  of  Anaesthet- 
ics.— "In  1798,  Mr.  Humphry  Davy,  an  appren- 
tice to  Mr.  Borlase  a  surgeon  at  Bodmin,  hud  so 
distinguished  himself  by  zeal  and  power  in  tlie 
study  of  chemistry  and  natural  philosophy,  tliut 
he  was  invited  I.y  Dr.  BeddcJjs  of  Bristol,  to  be- 
come the  '  s'.;ijerintcndent  of  the  Pneumatic  Insti- 
tution wiiicli  hud  been  established  at  Clifton  for 
the  purpose  of  trying  the  medicinal  effects  of  dif- 
f; ".nt  gases.'  lie  obtained  release  from  his  ap- 
prenticeship, accepted  tlie  appointment,  and  de- 
voted himself  to  the  study  of  gases,  not  only  in 
their  medicinal  effects,  but  much  more  in  all 
their  chcmicnl  nnd  physical  relations.  After  two 
years'  work  he  published  his  '  Researches,  Cliemi- 
cal  and  Philosophical,  chiefly  concerning  Nitrous 
Oxide.'.  .  .  He  wrote,  near  the  end  of  Ills  essay : 
'  As  nitrous  oxide  in  its  extensive  operation  ap- 
pears capable  of  destroying  physical  pain,  it  may 
probably  be  used  with  advantage  durmg  surgical 


opcnitiiins  in  which  no  great  efTiision  of  IiIihkI 
takes  place.'  It  seems  strange  tliat  no  one  caught 
at  a  suggestion  such  as  this.  .  .  .  Tlie  nitrouM 
oxide  nilglit  have  been  of  a.;  little  general  Interest 
as  tile  carliiiidc  or  any  other,  had  it  not  been  for 
the  strange  and  various  excitements  proiluced  by 
its  lulialation.  Tlie.se  made  it  a  favourite  sub- 
ject with  (■hemical  lecturers,  and  year  after  year, 
in  nearly  every  cheiiiieui  theatre,  it  was  fun  to 
iiiliale  it  after  the  lecture  on  the  gust'ous  eom- 
pounils  of  nitrogen;  and  uiiiong  those  who  In- 
liulcd  it  there  must  have  been  muny  who,  in  their 
into.xi('utlon,  received  sliarp  and  heavy  blows, 
but,  at  the  time,  felt  no  pain.  And  this  went  on 
for  more  than  forty  years,  exciting  nothing 
worthy  to  be  called  thought  or  observutiim,  till. 
In  I)e(rember  1444,  Mr.  Colinn,  u  popular  itinerant 
lecturer  on  chemistry,  delivered  a  lecture  on 
'laughing gas'  in  Hartfnrd,  Connecticut.  Among 
his  auditors  was  Mr.  Horace  Wells,  an  enterpris- 
ing dentist  in  tliat  town,  a  man  of  some  power  in 
mechanieul  invention.  After  tlu^  lecture  eunie 
the  usual  amusement  of  inhaling  the  gas.  and 
Wells,  in  wliom  long  wishing  had  bred  a  kind  of 
belief  tliat  something  might  be  found  to  make 
tooth-drawing  painless,  observed  that  one  of  the 
men  excited  by  the  gas  was  not  conscious  of 
hurting  liimsclf  when  lie  fell  on  the  benclies  and 
bruised  and  cut  his  knees.  Even  wlien  he  be- 
came calm  and  clearheaded  the  man  was  sure 
that  he  did  not  feel  pain  at  tlie  time  of  his  fall. 
Wells  was  at  once  convinced  —  more  easily  con- 
vinced than  a  man  of  more  scientific  mind  would 
have  been  —  that,  during  similur  insensibility,  in 
a  state  of  intense  nervouscxcitement,  teeth  might 
be  drawn  without  pain,  and  he  determined  that 
himself  and  one  of  his  own  largest  teetli  should  be 
the  first  for  trial.  Next  morning  Coltoii  gave  him 
the  gas,  and  his  friend  Dr.  lliggs  extracted  his 
tootli.  He  remained  unconscious  for  a  few  mo- 
ments, and  then  exclaimed,  'A  new  era  in  tooth- 
pulling  !  It  did  not  hurt  lae  more  than  the  prick 
of  a  pin.  It  is  tlie  greatest  discovery  ever  made. ' 
In  the  next  three  weeks  Wells  extracted  teeth 
from  some  twelve  or  fifteen  persons  under  tlie  in- 
fluence of  the  nitrous  oxide,  and  gave  pain  to 
only  two  or  three.  Dr.  Higgs,  also,  used  it  witii 
the  same  success,  and  the  practice  was  well  known 
and  talked  of  in  Hartford.  Encouraged  by  his 
success  Wells  went  to  Boston,  wislilng  to  enlarge 
the  reputation  of  his  discovery  and  to  have  an 
opportunity  of  giving  the  gas  to  some  one  under- 
going a  surgical  operation.  Dr.  J.  C.  Warren, 
tlie  s>'nior  Surgeon  of  the  Massachusetts  General 
Hospital,  to  wliom  he  applied  for  this  i>urpo.se, 
asked  him  to  show  first  its  effects  on  some  one 
from  whom  he  would  draw  a  tooth.  He  under- 
took to  do  this  ill  the  theatre  of  the  medical  col- 
lege before  a  large  class  of  students,  to  whom  lie 
had,  on  a  previous  day,  explained  his  plan  I'n- 
luckily,  the  bag  of  gas  from  which  tlic  p  I'nt 
was  inlialing  was  taken  away  too  soon;  he  i  ried 
out  when  his  tooth  was  drawn;  the  students 
hissed  and  hooted;  and  the  discovery  was  de- 
nounced as  un  imposture.  Wells  left  Boston  dis- 
appointed and  disheartened;  lie  fell  ill,  and  was 
for  many  montlis  unable  to  practise  his  profes- 
sion. Soon  afterwards  he  gave  up  dentistry,  and 
neglected  the  use  and  study  of  the  nitrous  oxide, 
till  he  was  recalled  to  it  by  a  discovery  even 
more  important  than  his  own.  The  thread  of 
the  history  of  nitrous  oxide  may  be  broken  here. 
The  iuhalatiuu  of  sulphuric  ether  was  often,  even 


2143 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


PUrovrry 
of  AtuMtthetic; 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


In  llir  IftHt  rcntiiry,  iispd  for  tlio  relief  nf  iipn8- 
DiodicaHtliiiiu,  plitlilRlH,  mill  fioiiiiMitlu'rdiM'iiMi'sof 
the  clii'Ht.  ...  As  tli(-  Hiilpliiiric  t'tlicr  would 
'  pnxlufc  pflccU  very  ilmilur  to  tlioM!  (M'ciutloniMl 
by  nItroiiB  oxide,'  and  was  much  the  more  euHy 
to  procure,  It  came  to  lie  often  Inhiiled,  for 
amuseineut,  liy  cliemUt'*  lads  and  by  pupils  In 
the  dlHpemuirteH  of  Nurgeoiui.  It  wan  often  thus 
UBe<l  hy  youug  people  In  many  phtces  In  the 
United  States.  Tliey  had  what  they  called  '  ether- 
frolics.'.  .  .  Amoii)!;  tliost!  who  had  Joined  In 
tJiew)  ether-frolics  was  Dr.  Wllhlte  of  Anderson, 
South  Carolina.  In  one  of  them.  In  1830,"  a 
negro  boy  was  unconscloug  so  long  that  hu  was 
vupposed  for  some  time  to  be  dead.  "The 
fright  at  having.  It  was  supposed,  so  nearly  killed 
thy  iKiy,  put  an  end  to  the  etlier-frollcs  In  that 
neighbourhood ;  but  In  1843,  Wllhlte  had  liecomo 
a  piipll  of  Dr.  Crauford  Long,  practising  at  that 
time  at  Jefferson  (Jackson  County,  ueorgia). 
Here  he  and  Dr.  Ixing  and  three  fellow-pupils 
often  amused  themselves  with  the  cthcr-tnhala- 
tlon,  and  Dr.  Long  observed  that  when  ho  be- 
came furiously  excited,  us  ho  often  did,  ho  was 
unconst-ious  of  the  blows  which  he,  by  chinco, 
received  as  ho  rushed  or  tumbled  about.  He  ob- 
served the  same  Id  hia  pupils;  and  thinking  over 
this,  and  emboldened  by  what  Mr.  Wilhltc  told 
him  of  the  negro-boy  recovering  after  on  hour's 
Inseu.slblllty,  he  determined  to  try  whether  the 
ether-inhalation  would  make  any  one  insonslblo 
of  the  pain  of  an  operation.  So,  In  March,  1842, 
nearly  three  years  before  Wells's  observations 
with  the  nitrous  oxide,  ho  induced  a  Mr.  Veuable, 
■who  had  been  very  fond  of  inhaling  ether,  to  In- 
hale it  till  he  WHS  quite  Insensible.  Then  he  dis- 
sected a  tumour  from  his  neck ;  no  pain  was  felt, 
and  no  harm  followed.  Three  months  later,  ho 
similarly  removed  another  tumour  from  him ;  and 
again.  In  1842  and  In  1845,  he  operated  on  other 
three  patients,  and  none  ifelt  pain.  His  opera- 
tions were  known  and  talked  of  In  his  neighbour- 
hood ;  but  the  neighbourhood  was  only  that  of  an 
obscure  little  town;  and  he  did  not  publish  any 
of  his  observations.  ...  He  wuitxid  to  test  tho 
ether  more  thoroughly  In  some  greater  operation 
than  those  In  which  ho  had  yet  tried  It ;  and  then 
he  would  have  published  his  account  of  it.  While 
he  was  waiting,  others  began  to  stir  more  actively 
in  busier  places,  where  his  work  was  quite  un- 
known, not  even  heard  of.  Among  those  with 
whom.  In  bis  unlucky  visit  to  Boston,  Wells 
talked  of  his  use  of  the  nitrous  oxide,  and  of  the 
great  discovery  which  he  believed  that  ho  had 
made,  were  Dr.  Morton  and  Dr.  Charles  Jackson. 
.  .  .  Morton  was  a  restless  energetic  dentist,  a 
rough  man,  resolute  to  get  practice  and  make  his 
fortune.  Jackson  was  a  quiet  scientific  gentle- 
man, unpractical  and  unselfish,  In  good  repute  as 
a  chemist,  geologist,  and  mineralogist.  At  the 
time  of  Wells's  visit,  Morton,  who  had  been  his 
pupil  in  1842,  and  for  a  short  time,  in  1843,  his 
portner,  was  studying  medicine  and  anatomy  at 
the  Massachusetts  Medical  College,  and  was  liv- 
ing in  Jackson's  house.  Neither  Morton  nor 
Jackson  put  much  If  any  faith  in  Wells's  story, 
and  Morton  witnessed  his  failure  in  tho  medical 
theatre.  Still,  Morton  had  it  In  his  head  that 
tooth-drawing  might  somehow  be  made  painless. 
.  .  .  Jackson  bad  long  known,  as  many  others 
did,  of  sulphuric  ether  being  Inhaled  for  amuse- 
ment and  of  its  producing  effects  like  those  of 
nitrous  oxide ;  he  knew  also  of  its  employment 


as  a  remr<ly  for  the  irritation  rausotl  by  Inhaling 
chlorine,  lie  had  liliniu'lf  uocd  it  for  thU  pur- 
pose, anil  once,  in  IH42,  while  using  It,  he  became 
I'omiiletely  InsenHibie.  He  had  thus  iH'en  led  to 
thhiK  that  the  pure  ether  might  bu  used  for  the 
prevention  of  pain  Iti  surgical  op<  .itlons;  he 
spokeof  it  with  some  scientific  frictidx,  and  sumo- 
times  advised  a  trial  of  it;  but  he  did  not  urge 
it  or  take  any  active  steps  to  promote  even  the 
trial.  One  evening,  Morton,  who  was  now  in 
practice  as  a  dentist,  called  on  him,  full  of  some 
scheme  which  he  did  not  divulge,  and  urgent  for 
success  in  painless  tooth-drawing.  Jackson  ad- 
vised him  to  use  the  ether,  and  taught  him  how 
to  use  it.  On  that  same  evening,  tho  nUth  of 
Heptemlier,  1840,  Morton  Inhaled  tho  ether,  put 
himself  to  sleep,  and,  when  he  awoke,  found  that 
he  hud  been  asleep  for  eight  minutes.  Instantly, 
as  he  tells,  he  looked  for  an  opportunity  of  giv- 
ing it  to  a  patient;  and  one  Just  then  coming  In, 
a  stout  healthy  man,  ho  Induced  him  to  Inliulc, 
made  him  quite  insensible,  and  drew  his  tooth 
without  his  having  the  least  consciousness  of 
what  was  done.  Uut  the  great  step  had  yet  to 
be  made.  .  .  .  Could  it  be  right  to  incur  the  risk 
of  insensibility  long  enough  and  deep  enough  for 
a  large  surgical  operation'/  It  was  generally  be- 
lieved that  in  sucii  Insensibility  there  was  serious 
danger  to  life.  Was  it  really  sof  Jackson  ad- 
vised Morton  to  ask  Dr.  J.  C.  Warren  to  let  lilm 
try,  and  Warren  dared  to  let  him.  It  Is  hard, 
now,  to  think  how  bold  the  enterprise  must  have 
seemed  to  those  who  were  capable  of  thinking 
accurately  on  the  facts  then  Itnown.  The  first 
trial  was  made  on  tho  16th  of  October,  1846. 
Morton  gave  the  ether  to  a  patient  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts General  Hospital,  and  Dr.  Warren  re- 
moved a  tumour  from  his  neck.  The  result  was 
not  complete  success ;  the  patient  himlly  felt  the 
pain  of  the  cutting,  but  he  was  aware  that  tho 
operation  wos  being  performed.  On  the  next 
day,  In  a  severer  operation  by  Dr.  Hayward,  the 
success  was  perfect;  the  patient  felt  nothing, 
and  in  long  insensibility  there  was  no  appearance 
of  danger  to  life.  Tho  discovery  might  already 
be  deemed  complete;  for  the  trials  of  the  next 
following  days  liad  the  same  success,  and  thence 
onwards  the  use  of  the  ether  extended  over  con- 
stantly widening  fields.  ...  It  might  almost  be 
said  that  in  every  place,  at  least  in  Europe,  where 
the  discovery  was  promoted  more  quickly  than 
in  America,  the  month  might  bo  named  before 
which  all  operative  surgery  was  agonising,  and 
after  which  it  was  painless." — Sir  J.  Paget,  Es- 
cape from  Pain  (Nineteenth  Century,  Dec.  1879). 
19th  Century.— The  Study  of  Fermentation 
and  its  results. — "It  was  some  time  ago  the 
current  belief  that  epidemic  disca.ses  generally 
were  propagated  Ify  a  kind  of  malaria,  which 
consisted  of  orgauic  matter  in  a  state  of  motor- 
decay  ;  that  when  such  matter  was  taken  into 
the  body  through  the  lungs,  skin,  or  stomach.  It 
had  the  [lower  of  spreading  there  the  destroying 
process  by  which  itself  had  been  assailed.  Such 
a  power  was  visibly  exerted  in  tho  case  of  yeast. 
A  little  leaven  was  seen  to  Jeavcn  the  whole 
lump  —  a  mere  speck  of  motter,  in  this  sup- 
posed state  of  decomposition,  being  appar- 
ently compe  cut  to  propagate  indeflnitely  itsown 
decay.  Wh/  should  not  a  bit  of  rotten  malaria 
act  in  a  similar  manner  within  the  human  frame? 
In  1886  a  very  wonderful  reply  was  given  to 
this  question.    In  tliat  year  Cagniard  dc  la  Tour 


2144 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Ftrmtnlallon. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


dlscnvrrod  tlio  yi-iuit  piniit  —  n  living  orffnnlam, 
wliicli  wlii'ii  pittccd  III  II  projicr  iiii-tlliiiii  fi'i-dH, 
groWH,  iiikI  ri'priidiU'CH  ilHcIf,  itiid  in  IIiIh  wity 
ciirrli's  on  llin  procfMH  wlilcli  wi.'  iiiiinn  fcrinriitu- 
tlon.  Hy  tlilH  RlrlkliiK  diHcovcry  furiiu'iitiktiim 
witH  connui'U'd  willi  orKiiniu  growth.  Hrliwuiin, 
of  Iti^rlln,  dlHcoverud  tlio  ycuMt  pliiiit  liiilciicn- 
di'iitly  ttlioiitllic  HUiiic  tiiiif. " — .1.  'ryiiiliill,  Fni;/- 
nuiili  of  Scitnee,  v.  1,  eh.  5.  —  Tlio  i|Ui'Htioii  of 
fvriiivntation  "  Imd  coino  to  prcitciit  iin  I'litircly 
new  iispt-ct  thrnugli  tlio  dixcovtry  of  CiiKniiird  dc 
la  Tour  tliut  yviwt  i»  rciilly  w  plant  liclonKing  to 
Olio  of  tliu  lowost  typos  of  fungi,  wliicli  growH 
and  ropriMliicoa  itsoli  in  the  foriiiontublo  lliiid, 
Biid  wlioHu  vcgotative  notion  is  pronuiniiliiy  tlio 
CHUM  of  tliiil  forniontHtion,  Jimt  lis  tlio  dovolop- 
ment  of  mould  in  n  Jumpot  oooasions  u  liko 
cliango  In  tlio  iippor  stratinu  of  tlii^  Jam,  on 
wlioHo  surfiu'o,  and  ut  wlioso  cxponso.  It  IIvoh 
and  ropnxluoos  itsolf.  Cliomists  goiiorally  — 
esiM'claliy  Licbig,  who  had  a  formoiitatloii  tlioory 
of  his  own  —  piKili-pooliod  tills  idea  altogothor; 
maintulalng  tliu  proscuco  of  tlio  ycast-planl  to  be  ii 
moro  concomitant,  and  refusing  to  lioiiovc  that 
tt  liiul  any  real  share  in  the  process.  But  in  1843, 
Professor  Ilclmholtz,  then  a  young  uiidistin- 
guishod  man,  devised  a  nuitluxl  of  stopping  the 
passage  of  organic  germs  from  a  formoiitlng  into 
a  fermentable  liquid,  without  checking  the  pas- 
sage of  lluids;  and  as  no  foriiicntation  was  then 
set  up,  ho  drew  the  inference  that  the  '  particu- 
late '  organic  germs,  not  tliu  soluble  material  of 
the  yeast,  furnish  the  primuni  mobile  of  this 
cliaage, —  a  doctrine  which,  though  now  univer- 
sally accepted,  had  to  fight  its  way  for  some 
time  against  the  whole  force  of  chemical  author- 
ity. A  little  before  Cagnlard  do  la  Tour's 
discovery,  a  set  of  investigations  had  been  made 
by  Schulzo  and  Schwann,  to  detcrmiuu  whether 
the  exclusion  of  air  was  absolutely  necessary  to 
prevent  the  appearance  of  living  organisms  iu 
decomposing  tliiids,  or  whether  these  lluids  might 
be  kept  free  from  animal  or  vegetable  life,  by 
such  means  as  would  presumably  destroy  any 

germs  wliicli  thu  air  admitted  to  them  might 
ring  iu  from  without,  such  as  passing  it 
through  a  red-hot  tube  or  strong  sulphuric  acid. 
Those  experiments,  it  should  be  said,  had  refer- 
ence rather  to  the  question  of  '  spontaneous  gen- 
eration,' or  'abiogenesis,'  than  to  the  cause  of 
fermentation  and  uecom  position;  its  object  being 
to  determine  wliother  the  living  things  found  by 
the  microscope  in  u  decomposing  liquid  exposed 
to  tlie  air,  spring  from  germs  brought  by  the  at- 
mosphere, or  are  generated  '  do  novo  '  in  the  act 
of  decay  —  the  latter  doctrine  having  then  many 
upholders.  But  the  discovery  of  the  reol  nature 
of  yeast,  and  the  recognition  of  the  part  it  plays 
in  alcoholic  fermentation,  gave  &n  entirely  new 
value  to  Scbuize's  and  Schwann's  lesults;  sug- 
gesting tliat  putrefactive  and  other  kinds  of  de- 
composition may  be  really  due,  not  (as  formerly 
supposed)  to  the  action  of  atmospheric  oxygen 
upon  unstable  organic  compounds,  but  to  a  new 
arrangement  of  elements  brought  about  by  the  de- 
velopment of  germinal  particles  deposited  from 
the  atmosphere.  It  was  at  this  point  that  Pas- 
teur took  up  the  inquiry ;  and  for  its  subsequent 
complete  working-out,  science  is  mainly  indebted 
to  him :  ■  for  although  other  investigators  — 
notably  Professor  Tyndall  —  have  confirmed  and 
extended  his  conclusions  by  ingenious  variations 
on  his  mode  of  research,  they  would  be  the  first 


to  acknowledge  that  all  thoac  main  poailioni 
which  have  now  gained  universal  iiiroptanee  — 
Have  on  the  part  of  a  few  olmtinate  '  irrcconcilc- 
aliles  '  —  have  been  eNlabllHlied  liy  I'aHteur's  own 
Ijibours.  .  .  .  The  llrst  application  of  tlioMo  due- 
tritu'H  to  the  Ktiidy  of  diwase  In  tlio  living  animal 
was  niad<^  In  a  very  important  InveHtigatloii, 
committed  to  I'liNteiir  by  hU  old  master  in  eliern- 
istry  (the  eminent  and  eloquent  DiimaNi,  into  the 
natiiri!  of  the  '  pel.rlne,'  which  was  threateMliig 
to  extinKuish  the  whole  silk  culture  of  Kriinco 
and  Italy.  .  .  .  Though  it  concerned  only  a 
humble  worm,  it  laid  the  foundation  of  an  en- 
tirely now  system  and  nieth(Kl  of  research  into 
the  nature  anil  causeH  of  a  largo  dasMot'  diseases 
In  man  and  the  liiglier  animals,  of  wliicli  wo  are 
now  only  lieginniiig  to  see  thu  important  isMiies. 
Among  the  most  imincdlKtoly  prixluetivo  of  its 
results,  may  be  accouiitt^d  the  'antiseptic  sur- 
gery'  of  Professor  Mster;  of  which  the  principle 
is  the  careful  exclusion  of  living  bacteria  aii<l 
other  germs,  aliku  from  thu  natuial  internal 
cavities  of  tlic  body,  and  from  such  as  an; 
formed  by  disease,  whenever  those  may  1h'  laid 
open  by  accident,  or  may  have  to  bo  opened  surgi- 
cally. Thisexclusion  IsefTectcd  by  the  Judicious 
use  of  carbolic  acid,  which  kills  the  germs  witli- 
out  doing  any  mischief  to  tlie  patient:  and  the 
saving  of  lives,  of  limbs,  and  of  soveio  siitToring, 
already  brouglit  about  by  tills  metluHl,  consti- 
tutes in  itsoir  a  glorious  triumph  alike  to  tlio 
scientific  elaborutor  of  the  germ-doctrino,  and 
to  the  scicnlitlc  surgeon  by  whom  it  has  lieon 
thus  applied.  A  far  wider  range  of  study,  how- 
ever, soon  opened  itself.  The  revival  by  Dr. 
Farrof  tlio  doctrine  of  'zymosis  '  (fermentation), 
—  lo"g  ago  suggested  by  the  sagacity  of  Robert 
Hoyle,  and  practically  tiikcn  up  m  the  middle  of 
the  last  century  by  Sir  John  Pringlo  (the  most 
scientific  physician  of  his  time), — us  the  expres- 
sion of  the  elToct  protluced  in  the  blood  by  the 
introduction  of  u  specific  poison  (such  as  that  of 
small-pox,  measles,  scarlatina,  cholera,  typhus, 
&c.),  had  naturally  directed  the  attention  of 
thoughtful  men  to  the  question  (often  previously 
raised  speculatively),  whether  tliese  specific 
poisons  are  not  really  organic  germs,  oiicli  kind 
of  which,  a  real  '  contagium  vi  nm,'  wlien  sown 
in  the  circulating  fiuid,  pruiluces  a  definite 
'  zymosis '  of  its  own,  iu  the  course  of  which 
the  poison  is  reproduced  with  large  increase,  ex- 
actly after  the  manner  of  yeast  in  a  fenuenting 
wort.  Pasteur's  success  brouglit  this  question 
to  the  front,  as  one  not  to  talk  about,  but  to  work 
at." — W.  B.  Carpenter,  Disease-Genus (A'ineteenth 
Century,  Oct.,  1881). 

Vlso  in  :  L.  Pasteur,  Studies  in  Fermentation. 
—Dr.  Duclaux,  Fermentation. 

19th  Century,  —  Virchow  and  Cellular 
Pathology. — "That  really  gifted  scholar  and 
paragon  of  industry  and  attainment,  Uudolph 
Virchow,  aimouncou  in  1858  a  tlicory  known  as 
Modern  Vitalism  which  wos  borrowed  from 
natural  scientific  medicine  and  is  distinguished 
from  the  viliilism  of  the  previous  century  in 
this,  that  it  breaks  up  the  old  vitol  force,  which 
was  supposed  to  be  either  distributed  througli- 
out  the  entire  body,  or  located  in  a  few  organs, 
into  an  indefinite  number  of  associate  vital 
forces  working  harmoniously,  and  assigns  to 
them  all  the  final  elementary  principles  without 
microscopic  scat.  '  Every  animal  principle  has 
a  sum  of  vital  unities,  each  of  which  bears  ail 


2145 


MKDIfAL  HCIENCE 


C'u«M/itr  Pnlkiiliiiiy 
llticUriolityi/. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


th(<  clinriirtiTlMlni  of  llfiv  The  rlmrnctiTlttllcn 
aiiit  iitiily  iif  lift!  ciiiiiirit  III!  foiiiiil  In  any  ili'lrr- 
inlnair  point  nf  a  IiIkIkt  orKiinlHin.  r.  n.,  in  Ihc 
bruin,  but  onlv  in  llii'  tlcllnlli'.  i'm  r  tcciirrln^f  ar 
rnnKcini-iits  <i^  null  t'ji'inrnt  iinsi  iil  llcnii'  I' 
n'HiiltH  that  till'  t'oiiipimlliiin  »'  u  \nrKf  limlv 
nnionntH  loa  kinil  nf  micial  arranurinrnt,  In  u  lilcli 
each  iiMi'  (if  till'  innvi'nirnlH  of  inilivlilnul  cxint' 
eiK'i'  Ih  ili'pi'nili'iil  upon  tlic  iMIuth,  Init  in  Hiirh  a 
way  tliut  rai  li  t'li-niL'iit  haii  n  Hpi'cial  activity  of 
ItH  own,  nnil  that  each,  altliiiiiKli  It  rrccivcH  llio 
iinpnisc  to  itx  own  aclivity  from  other  piirtH,  Htill 
ilM'lf  pcrforinH  iu  own  functions.'  TIiIh  It  will 
bt'  Hccn  Is  nothliijf  lint  another  way  of  cxpreHHliiK 
the  cell  iliHtrlne  to  which  most  Micillciil  men  are 
now  commltteii,  which  means  that  nin'  lioili>'sare 
bnilt  lip  with  cells,  anil  that  each  cell  liana  unity 
a'lil  a  purpose  of  its  own.  Sir  Koliert  llnoke  in 
1677  illHCovereil  plant  cells,  Hchwanii  iliscovereil 
ani.iial  cells,  ami  Itoliert  Drown  ilisi'overcil  cell 
niicl  'I,  but  it  remaineil  for  Vircliow,  ukIiik  the 
micri.Hcopi',  to  supply  the  pap  wliicli  liail  risen 
iH'twei  II  anatomical  linowleilKe  ami  mulicul  the- 
ory, tint  Is,  III  supply  a  'cellular  pafholojfy,' 
sincfl  wliU-h  time  the  cell  has  assumeil  the  role 
which  tht  lllire  occupleil  in  the  theories  of  the 
17th  iind  \M\\  centuries.  Time  alone  can  ileciile 
as  to  tho  ul'iinate  vuliility  of  Uwm:  views.  This 
theory  was  fi'oin  its  announcement  most  enthusi- 
astically received,  ami  so  far  has  responded  to 
nenrly  nil  the  rci|uirements  which  liave  been 
made  of  it,  Vacu  its  author  was  almost  startled 
with  its  succes!.  ,  .  ,  As  a  result  of  Vircliow's 
labors  there  has  arisen  in  Uermany  what  has 
been  called  the  medical  sehool  nf  natund  sciences 
of  which  Vircliow  Is  the  Intellectual  father. 
Tills  school  seeks  .nainly  by  means  of  patlio- 
logicul  iiuatomy  and  microscopy,  fxperimental 
physiology  and  patholigy,  and  the  other  apjilled 
aciunccs,  or  rather  by  tlieir  methiHls,  to  make 
medicine  also  an  exact  tcience, " — Hoswell  Park, 
Lectii.  on  the  Hint,  of  Mtii'ciiie  {in  M.S.). 

19th  Century. — The  dtvelopment  of  Bacteri- 
ology.—  "The  Iruditioiial  expression  contagium 
vivum  received  u  more  precise  meaning  in  1840 
from  Ilenle,  who  in  his  " I'.Ubologischen  Uuter- 
suchungen,'  showed  clearly  and  distinctly  that 
•,hc  contagia  till  then  Invisibl.i  must  be  regarded 
as  living  organisms,  and  gave  ills  reasons  for  this 
view.  ...  If  we  are  forced  to  recognise  the 
cliarnctcrlstlc  qualities  of  living  beings  In  these 
contagia,  tlicre  is  no  good  reason  why  we  should 
not  regard  them  as  real  living  beings,  parasites. 
For  the  only  general  distinction  between  their 
mode  of  appearance  and  operation  and  that  of 
parasites  is,  that  the  para.sites  wlili  which  we 
are  acijualntcd  have  been  seen  and  t.'ie  contaglu 
have  not.  That  this  may  be  due  to  Imperfect 
observation  Is  shown  by  the  experlmei.ts  on  the 
Itch  In  1840,  in  which  the  contiigiuin,  the  Itch- 
ndte,  though  almost  visible  without  ma^'nlfying 
power,  was  long  at  least  misunderstood.  It  was 
only  a  short  time  before  that  tho  mtcri'scopic 
Fungus,  Achorion,  which  causes  favus,  was 
unexpectedly  discovered,  as  well  as  the  Fungus 
which  gives  rise  to  the  Infectious  disease  in  the 
caterpillar  of  the  silkworm  known  as  niusi-ar- 
dliie.  Other  and  similar  cases  occurred  ai  a 
Liter  time,  and  among  them  that  of  the  discov- 
ery of  the  Trichinae  between  1850  and  18(50,  a 
very  remarkable  Instance  of  a  contagious  para- 
site long  overlooked.  Ilcnle  repeated  his  state- 
ments in  1853  iu  bis  '  Ratiuuellu  Pathologie,'  but 


for  reiiHons  which  It  Is  not  our  biisinesH  to  exant 
liie.  Ills  views  on  animal  pathology  met  with 
llMie  attention  or  approval  It  was  in  connection 
with  plant -pathology  that  llenle's  vh^ws  were 
tinit  destined  to  further  development,  and  ob 
tallied  a  llrmer  fooling.  It  Is  true  lliiit  the 
liiitanisis  who  occupied  themselves  with  the  ills- 
eiLHCH  of  plants  knew  nothing  of  llenle's  patho 
logical  writings,  but  made  inde|M'nileiil  elTortsto 
carry  on  koiiu!  Ilrst  attempts  which  had  been 
miide  with  dlstliigulshed  HiiccesH  In  the  begin- 
ning of  the  cenliirv.  Hut  they  did  in  fai't  strike 
upon  the  path  inillcated  by  Ilenle,  and  the  con- 
Ktant  advance  made  after,  about  the  year  IH.'iO, 
resulted  not  only  in  the  tracing  back  of  all  Infec- 
tloiiH  disi'iises  in  plants  to  parasites  as  their  ex- 
citing cause,  but  In  proving  (hat  most  of  tho 
discuses  of  plants  are  due  to  parasitic  Infection. 
It  may  now  certainly  be  admitted  that  the  task 
was  comparatively  easy  iu  the  vegetable  king- 
dom, partly  bei  ause  the  structiiru  of  plants 
makes  them  iii' re  accessible  to  research,  jiartly 
because  most  of  the  para  es  which  Infect  them 
are  true  Fungi,  and  coi  derably  larger  tliiin 
most  <if  tlie  contagia  of  animal  biHlles.  From 
this  time  observers  in  the  domain  of  animal 
patholoify,  partly  iiitlner.ced,  more  or  less,  by 
these  discoveries  In  botany,  and  partly  in  con- 
seipicnco  of  the  revival  of  tho  vitallstie  theory  of 
fermentation  by  Pasteur  about  the  year  18(10,  re- 
turned to  llenle's  vitallstie  theory  of  contagion. 
Ilenle  himself,  in  the  exposition  of  his  vlewn, 
had  already  indicated  the  points  of  comparison 
between  his  own  theory  and  the  theory  of  fer- 
mentation founded  at  that  time  by  Cagnliird- 
Latoiir  and  Schwann.  Under  the  influence,  as 
ho  expressly  says,  of  Pasteur's  writings,  Davaiiu! 
recalled  to  miiid  the  little  rods  Ilrst  seen  by  his 
teacher,  Rayer,  iu  tlio  bimxl  of  an  animal  sutler- 
Ing  from  anthrax,  and  actually  discovered  In  them 
the  exciting  cause  of  the  disease,  which  may  be 
taken  as  a  type  of  an  Infectious  disease  Imth  con- 
tagious and  iiiiasmatlc  also.  In  so  far  as  It  origi- 
nates, as  has  been  said,  in  anthrax  (llslricts. 
This  was,  in  18(t!J,  a  very  important  contlrmation 
of  llenle's  theory,  inasmuch  as  a  very  small  para- 
site, not  very  easy  of  observation  at  that  time, 
was  recognised  as  a  contaglum.  It  was  some 
time  before  much  further  advance  was  made. 
.  .  .  The  lotest  advance  to  be  recorded  be- 
gins with  the  participation  of  Robert  Koch  In 
the  work  of  research  since  1876." — A.  Do  Hary, 
Lerliuvn  on  nirteria,  ])]>.  145-148. — "  M.  Pasteur 
is  no  ordinary  man;  he  Is  one  of  the  rare  Indi- 
viduals who  must  be  described  by  the  term 
'genius.'  Having  commenced  his  scientific  ca- 
reer and  attained  great  distinction  as  a  chemist, 
M.  Pasteur  was  led  by  his  study  of  the  chemical 
process  of  fermentations  to  give  his  attention  to 
the  jihenomena  of  disease  In  living  bixlles  re- 
sembling fermentations.  Owing  to  a  singular 
and  fortunate  mental  characteristic,  he  has  been 
able,  not  simply  to  pursue  a  rigid  path  of  inves- 
tigation dictated  by  the  logical  or  natural  con- 
nection of  the  phenomena  investigated,  but  de- 
liberately to  select  for  Inciuiry  matters  of  tho 
most  profound  importance  to  the  community, 
and  to  bring  his  inquiries  to  a  successful  practi- 
cal Issue  In  a  large  number  of  Instances.  Thus 
he  has  saved  the  silkworm  Industry  of  France 
and  Italy  from  destruction,  he  has  taught  the 
French  wine-makers  to  quickly  mature  their 
wine,  he  has  effected  au  enormous  improvement 


2U6 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


tUwl»rioh>gy 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


•ml  pronnmy  In  tlin  mnniifnrtiiro  of  licor,  lie  Iiim 
rMCUoil  tlio  mIi<'i-|i  mill  cnltli-  of  Eiiro|)<-  fnini  (lit) 
faUl  illHi'iiHit  '  itiitlini.\,'  mill  it  N  |iroliiilili^  —  lii> 
wniiM  nut  liiiiiHcIf  iiHHcrt  that  It  i*  at  prrfu'iit 
niiirr  llimi  prnlmlilL'  —  lliiit  In-  liiiit  rt'iiilrri'il 
hvilriipiiiiliiik  II  tliiiif(  of  till-  pitHt.  The  iIUidv 
I'rli'H  iiiiiiU'  liy  tliix  rrniirkiihlc  iiimi  woiilil  liiivr 
riiiiliTi'il  him,  liiiil  lii^  pitti'iiti'il  tlii'ir  iipi>lii'mliiii 
and  ills|M»H-il  of  tliiMn  at  riiriiinK  to  ('iiininrirliil 
priiirlpli'it,  tlifi  riclK'Nl  iiuin  in  the  uorlil.  'I'liiy 
rt'prrsi'iit  It  K<>i"  "^  HoiiK!  iiiilliDiii  HtcrliiiK  nnnii- 
Ally  to  llii'  coininiinily.  .  .  .  .M.  I'liHtciir'it  tli>t 
c.xjiiM'inii'nt  ill  rrliition  to  liyilri>pholiiii  wiii  iniiili> 
III  Dm'rliilii'r  IHNII,  wlicn  lir  iiiiiciiliitril  two  iiili- 
liltH  witli  the  iiiiiciis  from  Hid  iiioiitli  of  ii  cliiiit 
wliicli  Imil  (lli'il  of  tliiitdiHciisi'.  Am  IiIh  ini|iiii'ii'H 
cxtcnili.'il  Ik:  foiiiiil  that  it  whh  ni'ccHHiiry  tocHlnli. 
IIhIi  liy  mi'iiiiH  of  cxpciiiiiriit  I'Vrn  tin-  must  clr- 
nicntiiry  fiicts  with  ri'(,'iiril  to  tin  (li.sciiHr,  foe  ihi- 
cxlHtiiiK  kiiowlcilni!  on  tho  HiiliJiTt  wiiKcxIrcini'ly 
amiill,  mill  much  of  wliiit  iihhhciI  for  knowii'il):'(- 
was  only  lllfounili'il  tnulltlon,"— K.  U.  IjiuiUi'h- 
tiT,  T/ie  All  rn  nee  me  lit  of  Su'fiio;  ii/i.  r.Jl-l:i;i. — 
"Till'  (It'vclopmcnt  of  our  knowlnlKi'  rrliiliii){  to 
till!  hactcria,  gtitnulatcil  by  tliu  coiilrovtTHy  nt- 
latiiiK  to  K|)o!iianroiiH  ^''txration  ami  by  tho 
(Icinonst ration  that  viirloiiH  procfsscft  of  fi'rnicn- 
tatlon  anil  putrefaction  are  iliio  to  mirroilrKan- 
Ihiiis  of  tliN  clan.s.  has  doprnilrd  lar^rly  upon 
Iniprovcnuuits  in  ini'tlii«ls  of  research.  Anion;; 
the  most  important  points  in  tho  duvelopinent  of 
biictcrlolo^ical  tecliiiii|ue  wo  may  mention, 
first,  the  use  o'  a  cotton  air  filter  (Hchrl\der  and 
Von  Duscb,  1H.')4);  second,  tin)  sterilization  of 
culture  lluida  by  beat  (mctbods  perfected  by 
Pasteur,  Koch,  and  others);  thin!,  tlin  use  of  the 
aniline  ilyes  as  staining  a^eiils  (llrst  recom- 
mended bv  W'elKert  in  1877);  fourth,  tin,' iiitro- 
(liirtion  of  solid  culture  media  and  the  '  |)late 
method  '  for  obtaining  pure  cultures,  by  Ivocli  in 
IHHl.  The  various  inipiovcments  in  melliods  of 
rciv^arcli,  and  especially  the  introduction  of  solid 
ciiliiiro  media  and  Koch's  'plate  method  '  for 
isolating   bacteria  from   mixed    cultures,    have 

fliiccd  bacteriology  upon  a  scienlillc  basis.  .  .  . 
t  was  a  distingiiislicd  French  |)liysician,  Da- 
vaine,  who  (irst  demonstrated  the  ctiolo^tical  re- 
lalioii  of  a  microilrganism  of  this  class  to  a 
spccitlc  infectious  disease.  Tlie  anthrax  biicillus 
had  been  seen  In  the  blood  of  animals  liyin,-; 
from  tills  disease  by  Pollendcr  in  1849,  anil  liy 
Daviiirte  in  18.")(l,  but  if  was  several  years  later 
(18(1:3)  before  the  l.ist-liaineil  ob.server'claimed  to 
have  demonstrateii  by  inoculation  experiments 
tho  causal  relation  of  the  bacillus  to  tlie  diseaso 
in  question.  Tlie  experiments  of  Davaine  were 
not  j;i'nerally  accepted  as  conehisive,  because  in 
inoculating  an  animal  with  bloiHl  containing  tlie 
bacillus,  from  an  infected  "viinal  wliicli  had  suc- 
cumbed to  the  di.sease,  the  living  microorganism 
was  associated  willi  material  from  the  body 
of  the  diseased  animal.  This  objection  was  sub- 
sequently removed  by  tlie  experiments  of  I'as- 
teur,  Ivocb,  and  many  others,  with  pure  cultures 
of  tlio  bacillus,  wliicli  were  shown  to  have  the 
same  pathogenic  effects  as  bad  been  obtained  in 
inoculation  experiments  with  the  blood  of  an  iii- 
fec'ed  animal." — G.  M.  Sternberg,  Mnnnul  of 
Bacteriology,  p.  0. — "  In  1876  the  eminent  micro- 
scopist,  Professor  Colin,  of  Breslau,  was  in  Lon- 
don, and  he  then  handed  me  a  number  of  his 
'  Beitrilge,'  containing  a  memoir  liy  Dr.  Koch  on 
Splenic  Fever  (Milzbrand,  Cliarbon,  Malignant 

3-38  2j^H 


Pustule),  which  nocmrd  to  me  to  mnrlc  nn  ptiorh 
III  the  liiNtory  of  this  formidable  illHcaHc.  \Vltli 
ndiiiiriible  patlimce.  skill,  and  |M>nefratioii  Kish 
followed  up  the  life  liistory  of  bai'lilils  antl'mcis. 
the  conlagiiim  of  this  fever.  At  the  time  here 
referred  to  he  was  a  young  pliyiieian  holding  a 
siiiall  appointmeiit  In  the  iieit'liboiirliiHid  of 
Iti'i'slaii,  and  it  was  easy  to  predicl,  iiml  In- 
deed  I  iireilieteil  at  the  time,  that  lie  wuiild 
HiHiii  lliiil  himself  In  a  higher  position.  Wlieii 
I  next  lieiird  of  him  he  wiis  lieiid  of  the  Im- 
perliil  ,'^tinltary  Inslitiite  of  ISerlin.  .  .  .  Koch 
was  not  the  discoverer  of  the  panislle  i,f  splenic 
fever.  |)iviiliie  and  Hayir,  In  IH.Vt,  had  ob- 
served the  Hull'  microscopic  rods  In  the  blood 
of  animalH  which  had  died  of  splenic  lever.  Hut 
they  were  quite  unconscious  of  the  significance 
of  iheir  observation,  and  for  Ibirteen  years,  as 
.M.  Kiiilot  iiifnrms  us,  strangely  let  the  matter 
drop.  In  18(l;i  Davainc's  nitenlion  was  ag;iin 
din  rfed  to  the  subject  by  the  researches  of  Pas- 
teur, and  he  tliiii  proiioiineed  the  parasite  to  be 
the  cause  of  Hie  fever,  lie  was  oppo-eil  by 
Kiiiiie  of  bis  feliowcoiintrymen;  long  discussions 
fiillowed,  and  a  Hccoiid  period  of  tliirtecii  years, 
ending  with  tlie  publication  of  Ki  eii'-,  piiner, 
elapsed  before  M.  I'li-ileiir  took  up  ilie  qiiesllon. 
I  always.  Indeed,  iissiiined  tlmt  from  the  paper 
of  the  feiirned  (iermiui  eiinie  tlie  impulse  towards 
a  line  of  inquiry  In  wliiih  .M.  I'lisleiir  lias 
achieved  such  splendid  results.  " — .1.  Tyndall, 
Ai'ir  yiiiiiiiiiiiln.  VI'-  11<()-11)1.  — "  On  the  'jllli  of 
March,  IMH-i,  an  address  of  very  serious  public 
import  was  delivered  by  Dr.  Iviich  before  the 
Physiological  Society  of  Berlin.  .  .  .  The  ad- 
dress .  .  .  is  entitled  'The  Kllology  of  Tubercu- 
lar Disease.'  ICoeli  first  made  liimself  known, 
and  famous,  by  the  penetration,  skill,  and  tlior- 
oiigliness  of  his  researches  on  the  co'itaglum  of 
aiillirax,  or  splenic  fever.  .  .  .  Koc'i's  lust  In- 
quiry deals  with  a  disease  wiiich,  in  point  of 
iiiort'ality,  stands  at  the  head  of  then,  all.  If,' 
he  says,  '  the  seriousness  of  a  malady  be  -iieas- 
iireil  by  the  number  of  its  victims,  then  liie  most 
dreaded  pests  wliicli  have  liitlK'rto  ravaged  the 
world  —  plague  and  cholera  included  —  must 
stand  far  behind  the  one  now  under  considera- 
tion.' Then  follows  the  Ktarlling  slatement  that 
one-seventh  of  the  deaths  of  the  liuniiin  race  are 
due  to  tubercular  disease.  Prior  to  Kocli  it  had 
been  placed  beyond  doubt  that  the  disease  was 
communicable;  and  the  aim  of  the  Ili'rlin  pliysi- 
clan  has  been  to  determine  the  precise  cliaracter 
of  the  contaglum  which  previous  experiments  on 
inociihition  and  inhalation  had  proved  to  be 
capable  of  indefinite  transfer  and  reproduction. 
He  subjected  the  ili.seased  organs  of  a  great 
number  of  men  and  animals  to  microscopic  ex- 
amination, and  found,  in  all  cases,  the  tuliercles 
infested  by  a  minute,  rod-shaped  parasite,  which 
by  means  of  a  special  dye,  he  difrerenliatcd  from 
tlie  surrounding  tissue.  '  It  was, '  he  sa.s,  '  in  the 
highest  degree  impressive  to  observe  in  the  centre 
of  the  tubercle-cell  the  minute  organism  wliich 
had  created  it. '  Transferring  directly,  by  inocu- 
lation, the  tuberculous  matter  froni  "diseased 
animals  to  healthy  ones,  lie  in  every  instance  re 
produced  the  disease.  To  meet  the  objection 
that  it  was  not  tlie  parasite  itself,  but  some  virus 
in  which  it  was  imbedded  in  the  diser.sed  oriran, 
tliat  was  the  real  contagiuni,  he  ciiltivalcil 
bis  bacilli  artificially  for  long  periods  of  time 
and     througli     many     successive     generations. 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


eoru  < 
Dun 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


With  a  speck  of  matter,  for  cxuraplc,  from  a 
tuberculous  Inimnn  lung,  lie  Infected  a  sub- 
stance prepared,  after  much  trial,  by  himself, 
with  the  view  of  affording  nutriment  to  the  para- 
site. In  '.his  medium  ho  permitted  it  to  grow 
and  multiply.  From  the  new  generation  he  took 
a  minute  sample,  and  infected  therewith  fresh 
nutritive  matter,  thus  producing  another  brof)d. 
Generation  after  generation  of  bacilli  were  d  ;• 
veloped  iu  this  way,  without  the  intervention  of 
disease.  At  the  end  of  the  process,  which  some- 
times embraced  successive  cultivations  extend- 
ing over  half  a  year,  the  purified  bacilli  were 
introduced  into  the  circulation  of  healthy  animals 
of  various  kinds.  In  evcr^  case  inoculation  was 
followed  by  the  reproductir)n  and  spread  of  the 
parasite,  and  the  generation  of  the  original  dis- 
ease. .  .  .  The  moral  of  these  experiments  is 
obvious.  In  no  other  conceivable  way  than  that 
pursued  by  Koch  could  the  true  character  of  the 
most  destructive  malady  by  which  humanity  is 
now  assailed  be  determined.  And  however 
noisy  the  fanaticism  of  the  moment  may  be,  the 
common-sense  of  Englishmen  will  not,  in  the 
long  run,  permit  it  to  enact  cruelty  in  the  name 
of  tenderness,  or  to  debar  us  from  the  light  and 
leading  of  such  investigations  as  that  which  is 
here  so  imperfectly  described." — J.  Tyndall,  JVew 
FragmentK,  pp.  423-428. 

19th  Century.— The  Theory  of  Germ  Dis- 
eases.— "An  account  of  the  innumerable  ques- 
tions and  investigations  in  this  department  of 
modem  pathogenesi"",  of  the  various  views  on 
certain  questions,  etc.,  does  not  fall  within  the 
compa.ss  of  our  brief  sketch.  Nor  are  we  able 
to  furnish  a  consistent  theory,  simply  because 
such  an  one  does  not  [1889]  exist.  One  fact 
alone  is  agreed  upon,  to  wit,  that  certain  of  the 
lower  fungi,  as  parasites  within  or  upon  the 
body,  excite  diseases  (infectious  diseases).  As 
regards  the  modus  operandi  of  these  parasites 
two  main  theories  !>re  held.  According  to  one 
theory,  these  parasites,  by  their  development, 
deprive  the  body  of  its  nutriment  and  endanger 
life  particularly  when,  thronging  in  the  blood, 
they  deprive  ibis  of  the  oxygen  necessary  for  ex- 
istence. According  lo  tlie  other  theory,  they 
threaten  life  by  occasioning  decompositions 
which  engender  putrid  poisons  (ptomaines). 
These  latter  poisons  were  first  isolated  by  P  L. 
Panum  iu  1856,  and  have  been  recently  specially 
studied  by  Bricger  (Uebcr  Ptomaine,  Berlin, 
1885-^6).  They  act  dilTerently  upon  bodies  ac- 
cording to  the  variety  of  the  aikaloidal  poison. 
Metschnikoff  regards"  the  white  blood-corpuscles 
as  antagonists  of  these  parasites  (thus  explaining 
the  cases  of  recovery  from  parasitic  diseases), 
and  in  this  point  of  view  calls  them  '  phago- 
cytes.' On  the  other  hand  E.  Salmon  and  Theo- 
dore Smith  ('Transactions  of  the  AVashington 
Biological  Society,  Feb.  22<1,  1886)  were  the  first 
to  demonstrate  that  sterilized  nutritive  folutions 
or  germ-free  products  of  change  of  matter  of  the 
virulent  exciters  of  disease,  when  injected,  afford 
protection.  A.  Chauveau  as  early  as  1880  had 
brorght  forward  evidence  of  the  probability  of 
this  fact,  and  llaus  Buchner  in  1879  admitted 
the  possibility  of  depriving  bacteria  of  their 
virulence.  Pasteur,  however,  believes  he  has 
demonstrated  that  by  continued  cultures  (also  a 
sort  of  bacillary  Isopathy)  'debilitated'  germs 
act  as  prophylactics  against  the  corresponding 
parasitic  diseases,  and  be  even  thinks  be  has  con- 


firmed this  by  his  inoculations  against  hydro- 
phobia—  a  view,  at  all  events,  still  open  to 
doubt.  .  .  .  The  chief  diseases  regarded  as  of 
parasitic  original  present  are:  anthrax  (Davaine, 
1850);  relapsing  fever  (Obcrmeier,  1878);  gon- 
orrhtpa  nnd  blenorrhoea  neonatorum  (Ncisser, 
1879);  glanders  (Stnick,  1882,  Locffler  and 
Sclitltz) ;  syphilis  (Sigm.  Lustgarten,  1884): 
diphtheria  (Ocnel,  Letzerich,  Klebs);  typhus 
(Eberie,  Klebs);  tuberculosis  (Koch,  188'^); 
cholera  (Koch,  1384);  lepra  (Armsucr- Hansen); 
actinomycosis  (Bollinger  in  cattle,  1877;  Israel 
in  man,  1884);  septictemia  (Klebs);  erysipelas 
(Fchleisen);  pneumonia  (Friedlilnder) ;  mala.ial 
fever  (Klebs,  Tommasi-Crudeli,  Marchiafava); 
malignant  redema  (Koch);  tetanus  (Carle  and 
liattone,  Nicolaier,  Roeschlaub  assumed  a  te- 
tania occasioned  by  bacilli);  cancer  (Scheuerlcn; 
priority  contested  by  Dr.  Q.  Rappia  and  Prof. 
Domingo  Freire  of  "Rio  Janeiro);  yellow  fever 
(microbe  claimed  to  have  been  discovered  by 
Freire) ;  dysentery  (bacillary  diphtheritis  of  the 
large  intestine);  cholera  nostras  (Finklcr  and 
Prior) ;  scarlet  fever  (Coze  and  Feltz,  '72) ;  variola 
and  vaccina  (Keber,  ZUlzer,  Weigert,  Klebs); 
acute  yellow  atrophy  of  the  liver  (Klebs,  Wald- 
eyer,  Eppinger);  enuocarditis  (Zieglcr);  ha-mo- 
philia  neonatorum  (Klebs,  Eppinger);  trachoma 
(Sattler);  keratitis  (Leber  —  aspergillus);  ulcus 
rodens  cornea;  (Sattler) ;  gonorrhoea!  rheumatism 
(Petrone,  Kammerer).  If  the  bacterial  theory  of 
infection,  constantly  threatening  life  by  such 
numerous  pathogenic  varieties  of  nifecting  organ- 
isms, mvist  be  looked  upon  as  a  gloomy  one,  the 
anti-bacterial  Phagocyte  Theory  of  Metschnikoff, 
professor  of  zoology  in  Odessa,  is  adapted  to 
make  one  feel  more  comfortable,  inasmuch  as  it 
brings  into  view  the  possibility  of  an  antagonism 
to  these  infecting  organisms,  and  explains  the 
method  of  nature's  cures.  Metschnikoll  observed 
that  the  wandering  cells  —  the  white  blood  cor- 
puscles—  after  the  manner  of  amoeboe,  surround, 
hold  fast,  digest  ('devour,'  hence  'phagocytes'), 
and  thus  render  harmless  the  bacteria  which 
have  entered  the  body.  .  .  .  The  prophylactic 
effects  of  inoculation  are  explained  on  the  theory 
that  by  means  of  this  operation  the  wandering 
cells  are  prepared,  as  it  were,  for  subsequent 
accidental  irruptions  of  similar  pathogenic  bac- 
teria, are  habituated  or  compelled  thereby  to  at 
once  devour  such  organisms  when  they  enter  the 
body  spontaneously,  and  thus  to  render  them 
harmless.  Inoculation  would  thus  be  a  sort  of 
training  or  education  of  tlie  phagocytes.  The 
immunity  of  many  persons  from  infectious  dis- 
eases, so  far  as  it  is  not  effected  by  inoculations, 
would  by  analogy  be  explained  on  the  theory 
that  with  s\ich  individuals  the  phagocytes  are 
from  the  outset  so  constituted  that  they  at  once 
render  harmless  any  stray  bacteria  which  come 
within  their  domain  by  immediately  devouring 
them.  .  .  .  When  ...  in  spite  of  the  phago- 
cytes, the  patients  die  of  infectious  diseases,  tlu; 
fact  is  to  be  explained  by  the  excessive  number 
of  the  bacteria  present,  which  is  go  great  that  t/ie 
phagocytes  are  unequal  to  the  task  of  'devour- 
ing'them  all." — J.  H.  Baas,  OtUlinea  of  the  Ilia- 
lory  of  Medicine,  pp.  1007-1009. 

19th  Century.— Sanitary  Science  and  Legis- 
lation.— "Together  with  the  growth  of  our 
knowledge  of  the  causes  of  disease  there  has 
been  .  .  .  slowly  growing  up  also  a  new  kind 
of  warfare  against  disease.     It  is  this  science 


2148 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


Snndnrj/ 
Legislation, 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


of  hygiene  which  is  now  promising  to  transform 
nil  the  old  tnulitionnl  ways  of  dealing  witli  dis- 
ease, and  wliich  now  malies  possible  the  organi- 
sation of  the  conditions  of  liealth.  And  tids 
science  of  hygiene,  it  must  be  repeated,  rests  on 
the  exact  Itnowledgc  of  the  causes  of  disease 
w'.'ich  we  are  now  obtaining.  ...  At  the  be- 
ginning of  tlic  eighteenth  century  Mead,  a  fa- 
mous physician  of  tliat  day,  whose  reputation 
Klill  lives,  had  jjroposed  the  "formation  of  a  cen- 
tral l)oiird  of  lie:ilth  to  organise  common  meas- 
ures for  the  public  safety.  It  was  not,  however, 
until  more  than  a  liundred  years  later,  in  1831, 
under  the  inlluencc  of  the  terror  of  cholera,  that 
this  first  step  was  taken ;  so  tliat,  as  it  has  been 
well  said  and  often  since  proved,  '  panic  is  the 
parent  of  sanitation.'  In  1843  Sir  Edwin  Chad- 
wick  issued  his  rei)ort  on  '  The  Sanitary  Condi- 
tion of  tlie  Labouring  Population  of  Great 
Britain.'  This  report  produced  marked  elTect, 
and  may  truly  be  said  to  liavo  inaugurated  the 
new  era  of  collective  action,  eml)odying  itself  in 
legislation  directed  to  the  preservation  of  na- 
tional health,  an  era  wliich  is  thus  just  half  a 
century  old.  Ciiadwick's  report  led  to  a  Royal 
Commission,  which  was  tlie  first  step  in  the  ele- 
vation of  public  healtli  to  a  State  interest;  and  a 
few  years  later  (1847)  Liverpool,  and  imme- 
diately afterwards  London,  appointed  the  first 
medical  oflicers  of  health  in  Great  Britain.  In 
1848  another  epidemic  of  cliolera  appeared,  and  a 
General  Board  of  Health  was  cstablislicd.  Dur- 
ing this  epidemic  Dr.  Snow  began  those  in- 
quiries wliich  led  to  the  discovery  tliat  the 
spread  of  the  disease  was  due  to  the  contamina- 
tion of  drinking-water  by  the  intestinal  dis- 
ciiarges  of  patients.  Tliat  discovery  marked  tlic 
first  great  stage  in  tlie  new  movement.  Hence- 
forth the  objects  to  be  striven  for  in  the  evolu- 
tion of  sanitation  became  ever  more  clear  and 
lirecise,  and  a  succession  of  notable  discoveries 
in  connection  with  various  epidemics  enlarged 
tlie  sphere  of  sanitation,  and  revealed  new  possi- 
bilities in  tlie  prevention  of  human  misery." — 
II.  Ellis,  7'he  Nationalisation  of  Health,  pp. 
21-24. — "  Of  all  countries  of  the  civilized  world, 
none  has  a  sanitary  code  so  complete  and  so  pre- 
cise as  England.  In  addition,  Englisli  legisla- 
tion is  distinguished  from  that  of  other  countries, 
by  tlie  fact  tliat  the  principal  regulations  ema- 
nate from  Parliament  instead  of  being  simple  ad- 
ministrative orders.  Tims  the  legislation  isi  the 
work  of  the  nation,  whicli  has  recognised  its 
necessity  in  its  own  interest.  Consequently  the 
laws  are  respected,  and,  as  a  rule,  religiously  ob- 
served, without  objection  or  murmur.  In  tlie 
whole  country,  the  marvellous  results  which  have 
been  produced  can  be  seen.  Thanks  to  tliese 
laws,  the  rate  of  mortality  has  been  lowered, 
the  mean  duration  of  life  increased,  the  amount 
of  sickness  decreased.  They  have  greatly  alle- 
viated tlie  misery  in  the  houses  of  the  poor,  wlio, 
thanks  to  sanitary  measures,  liavo  a  better 
prospect  of  recovering  their  health  and  the 
means  of  providing  for  tlicir  subsistence  and  that 
of  their  families.  .  .  .  The  sanitary  administra- 
tion of  England  is,  in  accordance  witli  tlie  Pub- 
lic Health  Act  of  1875,  in  the  hands  of  a  central 
authority,  tlie  Local  Government  Board ;  and  lo- 
cal authorities,  the  Local  Boards  of  Health.  The 
Local  Government  Board  consists  of  a  president, 
nominated  by  tlic  Queen,  and  the  following  e.K- 
olBcio  members :  —  the  Lord  President  of  tlie 


Privy  Council,  all  the  principal  Secretaries  of 
State  for  the  time  being,  the  Lord  Privy  Seal, 
the  Chancellor  of  tlie  E.xchequer,  a  Parliamentary 
Secretary,  and  a  permanent  Secretary.  Tlio 
President  and  Secretaries  are,  jiroperly  speaking, 
the  directors  of  the  Local  Government  Board, 
the  otlisr  members  being  only  consulted  on  mat- 
ters of  prime  importance.  Nine  special  depart- 
ments are  controlled  by  the  Local  Government 
Board:  1.  Poor-law  administration.  3.  Legal 
questions.  3.  Sanitary  regulations  respecting 
buiUiings.  4.  Sanitary  regulations  respecting 
sewers,  streets,  etc.  5.  Medical  and  hygienic 
matters.  6.  Vaccination.  7.  Tlie  Hygiene  of 
factories.  8.  Tlie  water  supply  of  London.  9. 
Statistics.  Medical  and  sanitary  matters  arc  un- 
der tlie  direction  of  a  Medical  Oflicer,  and  an  As- 
sistant Jletlicai  Officer. " — A.  Palmberg,  Treatise 
on  Public  Health :  Knglatul,  eh.  1. — "  Tlic  Unit'^d 
States  have  no  uniform  legislation  for  tlie  organi- 
zation of  public  hygiene  to  the  present  day. 
Each  State  organizes  tills  service  as  it  chooses. 
.  .  .  That  Tvliich  characterizes  tlie  sanitary  or- 
ganization of  the  States  is  tlie  fact  that,  in  a 
large  number  of  States,  the  right  is  granted  to 
tlie  sanitary  administrations  to  carry  before  the 
justices  the  infractions  of  tlie  regulations  on  this 
subject.  It  is  a  similar  organization  to  tliat  of 
Great  Britain,  with  a  little  less  independence, 
and  it  is  the  logical  result  of  the  general  system 
of  administration  wliicli  exists  in  the  American 
Union.  .  .  .  Witliout  doubt  the  day  will  come 
when  the  National  Board  of  Health  will  be  by 
act  of  Congress,  with  the  consent  of  all  the  States, 
the  real  superior  council  of  public  hygiene  of  tlio 
American  Union."  —  E.  StSvc,  On  t/ie  General 
Organization  of  Public  Hygiene  (Proceeding),  In- 
ternat'l  Sanitary  Conference,  1881). — "The  Gen- 
eral Government  [of  the  United  States]  can  do 
little  in  the  way  of  compulsory  legislation, 
whicli  might  interfere  witli  the  action  of  the 
several  States  to  control  their  own  sanitary 
affairs.  It  is  possible  that  upon  tlie  ground  of 
power  to  lejjlslate  with  regard  to  commerce,  it 
might  establish  sonic  general  system  of  quaran- 
tine and  do  sometiiiug  toward  the  prevention  of 
the  pollution  of  navigable  streams;  but  it  could 
probably  only  do  this  with  sucii  restrictions  and 
exceptions  as  would  make  its  action  of  little 
practical  value,  unless,  indeed,  it  should  resort 
to  its  right  of  eminent  domain,  and  become  liable 
for  all  cfamages,  individual  or  municipal,  which 
its  action  miglit  cause.  .  .  .  No  one  would  deny 
that  the  General  Government  can  properly  create 
an  organization  for  tlie  purpose  of  collecting  and 
diffusing  information  on  sanitary  matters;  but 
comi  aratively  few  understand  how  much  real 
power  liat'  intluencG  such  an  organization  might 
acquire  without  having  the  slightest  legal  au- 
thority to  enforce  any  of  its  recommendations. 
•The  passing  of  sanitary  laws,  and  the  granting 
to  a  certain  department  tlie  power  to  enforce 
these  laws,  will  not  ensure  good  public  health 
unless  the  public  at  large  supports  those  laws 
intelligently,  and  it  can  only  do  this  through 
State  and  municipal  sanitary  organizations.  The 
General  Government  miglit  do  mucli  to  promote 
the  formation  of  such  organizations,  and  to 
assist  tiici  1  in  various  ways.  ...  By  the  '  act 
to  prevent  the  introduction  of  infectious  or  con- 
tagious diseases  into  *lie  United  States,  and  to 
establish  a  national  board  of  health,'  approved 
March  3,  1879,  the  first  step  has  been  taken  in 


2149 


MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 


MEOAHA. 


the  diivrtlnn  nliovo  imlirnfcd.  The  net  provides 
for  a  luitionid  bonnl  of  health,  to  consist  of  seven 
mcmb  ;rs,  appointed  by  tlie  President,  and  of  four 
oftlceri  detailed  from  the  iMediciil  Department  of 
the  y.rniy.  Medical  Department  of  the  Navy, 
and  llie  Marine  Hospital  Service,  and  the  De- 
partment of  Justice  respectively.  No  dctinite 
term  of  OfBce  is  prescribed,  tlie  Board  being 
ecsentially  provisional  in  character.  The  duties 
of  the  board  arc  '  to  obtain  information  upon  all 
matters  nfTccting  the  public  health,  to  advise  the 
several  departments  of  the  government,  tlie  exec- 
utives of  the  several  Statt.'s,  and  the  Conunis- 
sioners  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  on  all  ques- 


tions submitted  by  them,  or  whenever  in  the 
opinion  of  the  board  such  ailvice  may  tend  to  the 
]ire.servation  and  improvement  of  the  public 
health.'  The  board  is  also  directed  to  prepare  a 
plan  for  a  national  public  liealth  organization  in 
conjunction  with  the  National  Academy  of 
.Sciences." — .1.  S.  Billinffs,  Inirod.  to  "A  JWiitine 
un  Hygiene  and  I'liltlic  //ailt/t,"  ed.  by  A.  II.  Puck. 
Also  in:  Sir  J.  Simon,  EnglMi  Sanitnry  In- 
stitutions.—  The  same.  Public  Health:  lieports 
of  tlie  Medical  Officer  of  the  Privy  Council  and 
JAicnl  Gor't  Board.  —  United  states  JWctionnl 
Hoard  of  Health,  Annnal  Reports. —  Massachusetts 
Hoard  of  lleidth,  Annnal  Reports. 


MEDICI,  The.  See  Fi.ouence:  A.  D.  1378- 
1427,  and  after. 

♦ 

MEDINA:  the  City  of  the  Prophet.— By 
Mahomet's  Hcgira  or  flight  from  Mecca  to  Yeth- 
rib,  A.  D.  62'^,  the  latter  city  became  the  seat  of 
Islam  and  was  henceforward  Itnownas  Jledina  — 
Medinet-cn-Neby — "the  City  of  the  Prophet." 
— S.  Lane-Poole,  Studies  in  a  Mosr/ue,  eh.  2. — See 
Mahometan  Conquest:  A.  D.  000-033. 

A.  D.  66i.— The  Caliphate  transferred.  See 
Mahometan  Conquest:  A.  D.  001. 

A.  D.  683. — Stormed  and  sacked. —  In  the 
civil  war  which  followed  the  accession  of  Yczid, 
the  second  of  the  Omeyyad  caliphs,  Medina  was 
besieged  and  stormed  by  Yezid's  army  and  given 
up  for  three  days  to  every  imaginable  brutality 
on  the  part  of  the  soldiery.  The  inhabitants 
who  survived  wore  made  slaves. — Sir  W.  Muir, 
Annals  of  the  Early  Caliphate,  eh.  50. 

Also  in:  W.  Irving,  Mahomet  and  his  Suc- 
cessors, V.  2,  ch.  47.— See  Mahometan  Conquest: 
A.  P   715-750. 

^ic:DINA  DEL  RIO  SECO,  Battle  of.  Sec 
Spain:  A.  D.  1808  (May— Septemheu). 

MEDIOLANUM.— Modern  Milan.  Taken 
by  the  Romans  in  323  B.  C.  from  the  Insubrian 
Gauls.     See  Rome:  B.  C.  29,')-191. 

MEDIOMATRICES,  The.— A  tribe  in  Bel 
gic   Gaul  which  occujiied   a   region   extendinij 
from  the  upper  course  of  the  Meuse  to  the  Rhine. 
—Napoleon  III.,  Hist,  of  Ccesar,  bk.  3,  ch.  ^.foot- 
note (V.  3). 

MEDIOMATRICI.— The  original  form  of 
the  name  of  the  city  of  Metz,  which  had  been 
called  Divodurum  by  the  Gauls  1  *  an  earlier  dav. 

MEDISM.— MEDIZED  GREEKS.— Dur- 
ing the  wars  of  the  Persians  against  the  Greeks, 
the  former  had  many  friends  and  allies,  both 
secret  and  open,  among  the  latter.  These  were 
commonly  called  Medized  Greeks,  and  their  trea- 
son went  by  the  name  of  Medisni. 

MEDITERRANEAN  SEA:  When  named. 
— "For  this  sea  .  .  .  the  Greeks  had  no  distinc- 
tive name,  because  it  had  so  long  been  jiractically 
the  only  one  known  to  them;  and  Strabo  can 
only  distinguish  it  as  '  the  Inner '  or  '  Our '  Sea. 
.  .  .  The  now  familiar  appellation  of  JNIediter- 
ranean  is  in  like  manner  first  used  by  Solinus 
[third  century],  only  as  a  convenient  designation, 
not  as  a  strictly  geographical  term.  .  .  .  The 
first  extant  author  who  employs  it  distinctly  as  a 
proper  name  is  Isidorus,  who  wrote  in  the  seventh 
century." — E.  H.  Bunbury,  Hist,  of  Ancient  Qeoq., 
ell.  31,  sect.  1,  ch.  33,  sect.  2,footnote,  ch.  31  (r.  3). 

MEERUT,  The  Sepoy  mutiny  at.  Sec 
India:  A.  D.  1857  (May). 


I       MEGALESIA,  Tb»,    See  Ludi. 

I       MEGALOPOLIS  :  B.  C.  37i.-The  found- 
ing of  the  city.     See  GilEKCK:  IJ.  C.  371. 
B.  C.  317. — Defense  against  Polysperchon. 
;   See  Greece:  B.  C.  331-313. 

B.  C.  222. — Destruction  and  restoration. — 
1   The  last  exploit  of  C'leomenes  of  Sparta,  in  his 
i   .strugigle  with  tlie  Aclia;an  League  and  its  ally, 
;   the  king  of  Macedonia,  before  the  fatal  field  of 
I   Sellasia,  was  the  capture  of  Megalopolis,  B.  C. 
I  333.    Most  of  the  citizens  escaped.    He  offered 
!   to  restore  their  town  to  them  if  they  would  for- 
I   sake  the  League.     They  refused,  and  he  de- 
stroyed it,  so  utterly  that  its  restoration  was  be- 
lieved to  be  inijiossible.     But  in  the  following 
year  the  inhabitants  were    brought  back  and 
Megalopolis  existed  again,  though  never  with  its 
former  importance. — Poly  bins.  Histories,  bk.  2, 
ch.  55  and  after  (v.  1). 

B.  C.  194-183.— In  the  Achaian  League.— 
"  The  city  of  Megalopolis  held  at  this  time  [B.  C. 
194-183]  the  same  sort  of  position  in  thi;  Achaian 
League  which  the  State  of  Virginia  held  in  the 
first  days  of  the  American  Union.  Without  any 
.sort  of  "legal  prel'minence,  without  at  all  assum- 
ing the  '■  laracter  of  a  capital,  Megalopolis  was 
clearly  the  first  citj'  of  the  League,  the  city  which 
gave  the  nation  the  largest  proportion  of  "its  lead- 
ing statesmen.  Megalopolis,  like  Virginia,  was 
'  the  Mother  of  Presidents,'  and  tliat  too  of  Presi- 
dents of  different  political  parties.  As  Virginia 
])roduced  both  Washington  and  Jefferson,  so 
Megalopolis,  if  she  produced  Pliilopoimen  and 
Lykortas,  produced  also  Aristainos  and  Diopli- 
anes." — E.  A.  Freeman,  Hist,  of  Federal  Oov't,  ch. 
9,  sect.  3. 

— — « 

I  MEGARA,— Megara,  the  ancient  Greek  city 
and  state  whose  territory  lay  between  Attica  and 
Corinth,  forming  part  of  the  Corinthian  isthmus, 
"  is  afflrmcd  to  have  been  originally  setth'd  by 
the  Dorians  of  Corinth,  and  to  have  remained  for 
some  time  a  dependency  of  that  city.  It  is  farther 
said  to  have  been  at  first  merely  one  of  five  sep- 
arate villages  —  Megara,  Heroja,  Peira'a,  Kyno- 
sura,  Tripodiskus —  inhabited  by  a  kindred  popu- 
lation, and  generally  on  friendly  terms,  yet 
sometimes  distracted  by  quarrels  [.see  Corinth: 
B.  C.  745-735].  .  .  .  AVhatevcr  may  be  the  truth 
respecting  this  alleged  early  subjection  of  Me- 
gara, we  Know  It  in  the  historical  age,  and  that 
too  as  early  as  the  14th  Olympiad,  only  as  an  in- 
dependent Dorian  city,  maintaining  the  integ- 
rity of  its  territory  under  its  leader  Orsippus,  the 
famous  Olympic  runner,  against  some  powerful 
enemies,  probably  the  Corinthians.  It  was  of  no 
mean  consideration,  possessing  a  territory  which 


2150 


MEQARA. 


MEMPHIS. 


rxlcndcd  across  Mount  flcTiinpiti  to  the  C'oriiitliiun 
(iiilf,  on  wliicli  tlie  fortiHcd  town  niul  port  of 
I'Pgip,  belonging  to  the  Mcgariiins,  wiis  Riluiitod. 
It  was  motlutr  of  early  and  distant  colonit's, —  and 
eomiK'tent,  during  tlic  time  of  Solon,  to  curry  on 
a  protracted  contest  witli  the  Atlieniaiis,  for  the 
possession  of  Salamis;  wlieieiii,  altliouirli  llie  lat- 
ter were  at  last  victorious,  it  was  not  witliout  an 
intermediate  period  of  ill-success  and  despair." 
— O.  Orote,  lli.st.  (if  Greece,  pt.  2,  c/i.  1). — See, 
also,  GuEKCE:  The  Mi(iii.\ti<)NS. 

B.  C.  610-600.— Struggle  with  Athens  for 
Salamis. — Spartan  arbitration  favorable  to 
> he  Athenians.     See  AriiiiNs;  U.  ('.  010-,")H(!. 

B.  C.  458-456.— Alliance  with  Athens  in  war 
with  Corinth  and  Mginsi.  See  Gueeik:  15.  ('. 
.158-4r)0. 

B.  C.  446-445. — Rising  against  Athens.   See 

tJuEECE:  n.  0.  im-ar,. 

B,  C.  431-424. — Athenian  invasions  and  rav- 
ages.    See  Athens:  U.  C.  4;il. 

B.  C.  339-338.— Resistance  to  Philip  of 
Macedon,     See  Gueece;  1!.  C.  357-330. 


MEGARA  OF  CARTHAGE,  The.  .Sec 
CAuriiAOE:  Divisions. 

MEGIDDO.— The  valley  of  Megiddo,  form- 
ing the  western  part  of  the  great  Plain  of  Es- 
draelon,  in  northern  Palestine  —  stretcliing  from 
the  valley  of  the  Jordan  to  tlie  Mediterranean 
Sea,  along  the  course  of  the  river  Kislion  —  was 
tlie  field  of  many  important  battles  in  ancient 
limes.  Tliothmes  III.  of  tlic  eigliteenth  Egyp- 
tian dynasty,  whose  reign  is  placed  about  IttUO 
B.  C,  met  there,  near  the  city  of  Megiddo,  und 
defeated  a  confederacy  of  Syrian  nnd'Canuuuite 
princes  who  attempted  to  throw  olT  his  yoke.  A 
remarkable  account  of  his  victory  and  of  the 
spoils  he  took  is  preserved  in  inscriptions  on  the 
walls  of  the  temple  lit  Karnak. —  II.  Brugsch, 
Jlist.  of  Egypt,  eh.  13  (u.  1). — It  was  at  Megiddo, 
also,  that  Siseni,  commanding  the  forces  of  the 
t'auaanltes,  was  beaten  and  driven  to  llight  by 
the  Israelites  under  Barak.  Gideon's  assault  on 
the  Midianites  was  from  tlie  slope  of  Mount 
Oilboa,  which  rises  out  of  the  same  vallev.  The 
latter  battle  has  been  called  by  historians  the 
Battle  of  Jezreel,  and  Jezreel  is  one  of  the  forms 
of  the  name  of  the  valley  of  Esdraclon.  It  was 
there  that  the  Philistines  were  arrayed  when  Saul 
fought  Ilia  last  battle  with  them,  and  on  the  slopes 
of  Gilboa  he  fell  on  his  sword  and  died.  On  the 
same  historic  plain,  near  the  city  of  Slegiddo, 
Josiah,  king  of  Judali,  fought  against  Necho, 
the  Pharaoh  of  Egypt,  B.  C.  009,  and  was  de- 
featei'  and  mortally  wounded.  Tlie  plain  of 
Megid(i.>  was  so  often,  in  fact,  the  meeting  place 
of  ancient  armies  that  it  seems  to  have  come  to 
be  looked  ujion  as  the  typical  battle-ground,  anc' 
apparently  the  name  Armageddon  in  Revelations 
is  au  allusion  to  it  in  that  sense.  The  ancient 
city  of  Megiddo  has  been  identiticd  in  site  with 
the  present  town  of  Ledjiln,  which  is  the  Legio 
of  the  liomans  —  the  station  of  a  Roman  legion. 

MEGISTANES,  The.— "Tlie  liing  [of  the 
Partliiau  inouarehy]  was  permanently  advised  by 
two  councils,  consisting  of  persons  not  of  his  own 
nomination,  whom  riglits,  conferred  by  birth  or 
olliee,  entitled  to  their  seats.  One  of  these  was 
a  family  conclave,  .  .  .  -.r  assembly  of  Die  full- 
grown  mules  of  the  Roynl  House;  the  other  w.<( 
a  senate  comprising  both  the  spiiit'ial  and  Jie 
lempurul  chiefs  uf  the  nation,  the  Sophi,  or  '  Wise 


Men, 'and  the  Magi,  or'Priests.'  Together tliesc 
two  bodies  constituted  the  Megi.stanes,  the 
'  Nobles  '  or  '  Great  Men' — the  privileged  class 
which  to  a  consiilenible  extent  checked  and  con- 
trolled tlie  monarch.  The  monarchy  was  elec- 
tive; but  only  in  the  house  of  the  Arsacidie. " — 
Cr.  Rawlinson,  ISixlh  Great  Oriental  Monarehy, 
c/i.  «. 

MEHDI,  Al.     Sec  M.viini,  At.. 

MEHEMET  ALI  AND  THE  INDE- 
PENDENT PASHALIK  OF  EGYPT.  Se« 
Tt;nKs:  A.  I).  1831-lH-lO;  and  Kuvi-r:  A.  D. 
184()-18()!l, 

MEHERRINS,  The.  See  Ameiucan  Ano- 
uioiNEs:  Iiioiji.ois  TitniES  OK  THE  South. 

MEIGS,  Fort,  Sieges  of.  See  United  States 
OF  Am.  :    A.  I).   1S1'.J-1813    II.vukison'h   noiitii- 

WESTEUN  CAMrAION. 

MELBOURNE  MINISTRIES,  The.  Sec 
Enoi.and:  a    I).  1834-1837;  and  1841-1842. 

MELCHITES. — A  name  applied  in  the  re- 
ligious controversies  of  the  0th  century,  by  the 
heretical  Jacobites,  to  the  adlierents  of  the  ortho- 
dox church.  It  signified  that  they  were  ini 
pertalists,  or  royalists,  taking  their  doctrines 
from  the  sovereign  iiower. — II.  F.  Tozer,  The 
Church  (iixi  the  Eauterii  Empire,  ch.  Tt. 

MELDiG,  The.— A  tribe  in  ancient  Gaul 
which  was  established  in  the  north  of  tlie  modern 
French  department  of  tlie  Seine-et-Marne  and  in 
n  small  part  of  the  department  of  the  Oise. — 
Napoleon  III.,  Hist,  of  Vtenar,  bk.  3,  ch.  'i,  foot- 
note (('.  2). 

MELIAN  FAMINE.  See  Gkeece:  B.  C. 
410. 

MELIGNANO,  OR  MARIGNANO,  Bat- 
tle of.     SeeFitANCE:  A.  I).  151.^ 

MELISCEET  INDIANS,  The.  Sec  Ameii- 
ICAN  Abouioines  :  Aloonijuian  Family. 

MELORIA,  Battles  of  (1241  and  1284).  See 
Pisa:  A.  I).  1003-1293. 

MELOS:  Siege,  conquest  and  massacre  by 
the  Athenians.     See  Gueece:  B.  C.  410. 

MELUN,  Siege  of. — One  of  the  important 
sieges  in  the  second  campaign  of  the  English 
king  Henry  V,  in  France,  A.  I).  1420.  —  Alon- 
strelet,  Vhroniclen,  bh.  1,  ch.  220-230  (v.  1). 

MEMLUKS.    See  Ma.melukes. 

MEMPHIS,  Egypt.— "The  foundation  of 
Memphis  is  tlic  first  event  in  Egyptian  history, 
the  one  large  historical  incident  in  the  reign  of 
the  first  king,  who  emerges  a  real  man  from  the 
shadowland  which  the  Egyptians  called  the 
reign  of  the  gods.  .  .  .  Menes,  the  founder  of 
Jlemphis  and  Egyptian  history,  came  from  the 
south.  Civilisation  descended  the  Nile.  His 
native  place  was  Tliinis,  or  This,  in  Upper 
Egypt,  a  still  older  town,  where  his  shadowy 
predeceasors  ruled.  ...  A  great  engineering 
work  was  the  first  act  of  the  builder.  He  chose 
his  site  .  .  .  but  the  stream  was  on  the  wrong 
side,  flowing  below  the  Libyan  chain,  flowing 
over  where  the  city  should  be,  offering  no  water- 
bulwark  against  the  invader  from  the  eastern 
border.  So  he  raised,  a  few  mii>._  *o  the  south,  a 
mighty  dyke,  and  turned  tlie  river  k  -^  the  pres- 
ent^ course,  founding  the  city  on  the  wc.  ''auk, 
with  the  desert  behind  and  the  Nile  before.  . 
The  new  city  received  a  name  which  reflects  the 
satisfaction  of  the  ancient  founder;  he  called  it 
Mennufre,  'the  Good'  or  'Perfect  Alansion.' 
This  was  the  civil  name.  .  .  .  The  civil  name  is 


2151 


MEMPHIS. 


MENDICANT  ORDERS. 


the  parent  of  tlio  Greek  Memphis  nnd  the  He- 
brew Moph,  olso  fouud  hi  the  form  Noph." — R. 
8.  Poole,  Oitien  of  Egypt,  eh.  2.  —  Bee,  also, 
EoYPT:   TiiK  Old  Emi'iiie  and  the  Middle 

E.MI'II<K. 

A.  D.  640-641.— Surrender  to  the  ?>7oslems. 
See  Maii<).met.\n  (.'oNQUEsr:  A.  D.  (!-l()-0-!(i. 

MEMPHIS,  Tenn.:  A.  D.  1739-1740.— A 
French  fort  on  the  site.     Sec  Louihiana  :  A.  D. 

niu-n.-io. 

A.  D.  1862.— Naval  fight  in  the  river.— Sur- 
render of  the  city  to  the  Union  forces.  See 
United  States  ok  Am.  ;  A.  1).  1803  (.June;  On 

THE  MiSSIHSII'IM). 

♦ 

MENAPII,    The.     Sec    Viv.\.nx,  also,    IiiE 

land;     'rUIIlES   OP  EARLY  CELTIC    INIIAIIITANTS. 

MENDICANT  ORDERS.—  Franciscans. 
— Dominicans. — "This  period  [13-13th  cen- 
turies], .so  prolific  in  institutions  of  every  sort, 
also  gave  birth  to  the  Mendicant  orders,  a  species 
of  spiritual  chivalry  still  more  generous  and 
heroic  than  that  which  wc  have  just  treated  [the 
militarv-religious  orders!,  ""'i  unique  in  history. 
.  .  .  Slany  causes  combined  to  call  them  into 
existence.  In  proportion  as  the  Church  grew 
wealthy  her  discipline  relaxed,  and  dangers 
menaced  her  on  every  side.  .  .  .  The  problem 
thus  presented  to  the  Church  was  taken  up  at 
the  opening  of  the  13th  century,  and  thrown  into 
practical  shape  by  two  men  equally  eminent  in 
intellectual  endowments  and  spiritual  gifts. 
While  each  solved  it  in  his  own  way,  they  were 
both  attached  to  each  other  by  the  closest  friend- 
ship. Dominic,  a  member  of  the  powerful  house 
of  Guzman,  was  born  in  the  year  1170,  at  Calla- 
rucga  (Calahorra,  in  Old  Castde),  a  village  in  the 
diocese  of  Osma.  While  pursuing  his  studies  in 
the  university  of  Valencia,  he  was  distinguished 
by  a  spirit  of  charii;y  and  self-sacrifice.  .  .  . 
Diego,  Bishop  of  Osma,  ...  a  man  of  severe 
character,  and  ardently  devoted  to  the  good  of 
the  Church,  found  in  Dominic  one  after  his  own 
heart.  He  took  the  young  priest  with  him  on  a 
mission  which  he  made  to  the  south  of  France. " 
Dominic  was  finally  left  in  charge  of  the  mission. 
''His  peaceful  disposition,  liis  spirit  of  prayer, 
his  charity,  forbearance,  and  patient  temper 
formed  a  consoling  contrast  to  the  bloody  crusade 
whicli  had  recently  been  set  on  foot  against  the 
Albigcnscs.  jVfter  spending  ten  years  in  this 
toilsome  nnd  thankless  mission,  labouring  only 
for  love  of  God  and  the  profit  of  souls,  he  set  out 
for  Rome,  in  1315,  with  his  plans  fully  matured, 
and  submitted  to  Pope  Innocent  HI.  the  project 
of  giving  to  the  Church  a  new  method  of  defence, 
in  an  order  which  should  combine  the  contem- 
plative life  of  the  monk  with  the  active  career  of 
a  secular  priest.  .  .  .  Innocent  gave  his  sanction 
to  Dominic's  project,  provided  he  would  manage 
to  bring  it  imder  some  of  the  existing  Rules. 
Dominic  accorditgly  selected  the  Rule  of  St. 
Augustine,  introducing  a  few  changes,  with  a 
view  to  greater  severity,  taken  from  the  Rule  of 
the  Prcmonstratensians.  That  the  members  of 
the  new  order  might  be  free  to  devote  themselves 
entirely  to  their  spiritual  labours,  they  were  for- 
bidden to  accept  any  property  requiring  their 
active  administration,  but  were  permitted  to  re- 
ceive the  incomes  of  such  as  was  administered 
by  others.  Property,  therefore,  mi^ht  be  held 
by  the  Order  as  a  body,  but  not  admmistered  by 


its  members.  Pope  Ilonorius  III.  confirmed  the 
actii):i  of  his  illustrious  predecessor,  and  ap- 
proved the  Ord.T  in  the  following  year,  giving 
it.  from  its  olrect.  the  name  of  the  'Order  of 
!  Kriars  Preachers' ('Ordo  Pncdicatorum,  Fratres 
I  Pra'diwitores ').  .  .  .  Dominic  founded,  i '.  the 
year  1200,  an  Order  of  Dominican  nuns.  .  .  . 
The  dress  of  the  Dominicaus  is  a  white  garment 
an<l  scapular,  resembling  in  form  that  of  the 
Augustinians,  with  a  blacK  cloak  and  a  pointed 
cap.  Francis  of  Assisi,  the  son  of  a  wealthy 
merchant  named  Bernarclini,  was  born  in  the  year 
1183,  in  Assisi,  in  Umbria.  His  baptismal  name 
was  John,  but  from  his  habit  of  reading  the 
romances  of  the  Troubadours  in  his  youth,  he 
gradually  acquired  the  name  of  II  Francesco,  or 
the  Little  Frenchman.  .  .  .  AVlien  about  twenty- 
four  years  of  age,  he  fell  dangerously  ill,  and, 
while  sulTering  from  this  attack,  gave  himself 
up  to  a  train  of  religious  thought  which  led  him 
to  consider  the  emptiness  and  uselessness  of  his 
past  life.  .  .  .  He  .  .  .  conceived  the  idea  of 
founding  a  society  whose  members  should  go 
about  through  the  whole  world,  after  the  man- 
ner of  the  apostles,  preaching  and  exhorting  to 
penance.  .  .  .  His  zeal  gradually  excited  emula- 
tion, nnd  prompted  others  to  aspire  after  the 
same  perfection.  His  first  associates  were  his 
townsmen,  Bernard  Quintavallc  and  Peter  Cat- 
tano,  and  others  soon  followed.  Their  habit 
consisted  of  a  long  1/rown  tunic  of  coarse  woolen 
cloth,  surmounted  by  a  hood  of  the  same  ma- 
terial, and  confined  about  the  waist  with  a 
hempen  cord.  This  simple  but  ennobling  dress 
was  selected  because  it  was  that  of  the  poor 
peasants  of  the  surrounding  country.  ...  Ho 
sent  his  companions,  two-and-two,  in  all  direc- 
tions, saying  to  them  in  taking  leave:  'Go;  al- 
ways travel  two-and-two.  Pray  until  the  thirtl 
hour;  then  only  may  you  speak.  Let  your 
speech  be  simple  and  humble.' .  .  .  With  St. 
Francis,  absolute  poverty  was  not  only  a  prac- 
tice, it  was  the  essential  principle  on  which  he 
based  his  Order.  Not  only  were  the  individual 
members  forbidden  to  have  any  personal  prop- 
erty whatever,  but  neither  could  they  hold  any 
as  an  Order,  and  were  entirely  dependent  for 
their  support  upon  alms.  .  .  .  Hence  the  chief 
difference  between  mendicant  and  other  monastic 
orders  consists  in  this,  that,  in  the  former,  beg- 
ging takes  the  p'ace  of  the  ordinary  vow  of  per- 
sonal poverty.  .  .  .  In  1223,  Pope  Ilonorius  III. 
approved  the  Order  of  Franciscans  (Fratres  Mino- 
res),  to  which  .  .  .  Innocent  III.  had  given  a 
verbal  sanction  in  1210." — J.  Alzog,  Manual  of 
Univ.  Church  Hist.,  sect.  247  (b.  2).— "They  were 
called  '  Friars '  because,  out  of  humility,  their 
founders  would  not  have  them  called  '  Father ' 
and  'Dominus,'  like  the  monks,  but  simply 
'  Brother' (' Fratcr,' 'Friiro,' Friar).  .  .  .  Domi- 
nic gave  to  his  order  the  name  of  Preaclnng 
Friars;  more  commonly  they  were  styled  Domin- 
icans, or,  from  tlic  colour  of  their  habits,  Black 
Fr  ....  The  Franciscans  were  styled  by 
t'  "ounder  'Fratri  Minori' — lesser  brothers. 
Minors;  they  were  more  usually  called 
'riars,  from  the  colour  of  their  habits,  or 
t  liers,  from  the  knotted  cord  whicli  formed 
their  characteristic  girdle." — E.  L.  Cutts,  Scenes 
and  Gharactera of  the  Middle  Ages,  ch.  5.— "Peo- 
ple talk  of  '  Monks  and  Friars '  as  it  these  were 
convertible  terms.  The  truth  is  that  the  differ- 
ence between  the  Monks  and  the  Friars  was 


2152 


MENDICANT  ORDERS. 


MERCY  FOR  THE  REDEMPTION. 


almost  one  of  kind.  The  Monk  was  supposed 
never  to  leave  Ills  cloister.  The  Friiir  in  St. 
Francis' first  intention  had  no  cloister  to  leave." 
— A.  Jessopp,  The  Coming  of  the  Friars,  1. 

Also  in:  Mrs.  Ollplmnt,  Life  of  St.  t'raneit  of 
Assini. — H.  L.  Luconlaire,  Life  of  St.  Dominir. 
— R.  Pnull,  IHctiires  of  Old  England,  ch.  3. — E. 
F.  Henderson,  Select  Jlintorical  Documents  of  the 
Middle  Ages,  bk.  3,  no.  8.— P.  Subutier,  Life  of  St. 
FranriH  of  AkkIh. 

MENENDEZ'S  MASSACRE  OF  FLOR- 
IDA HUGUENOTS.  See  Fi.ouiua.  A.  1). 
15(15. 

MENHIR.—  Meaning  literally  "long-stone." 
The  name  ia  usually  given  to  single,  up- 
right stones,  sometimes  very  large,  which  arc 
found  in  the  British  islands,  li'rance  and  else- 
where, and  whieli  are  supposed  to  be  the  rude 
sepulchral  monuments  ot  some  of  the  earlier 
races,  Celtic  and  preCeltic— Sir  J.  Lubbock, 
Prchintorie  Times,  ch.  5. 

MENOMINEES,  The.  See  Amehican  Ab- 
onioiNKs:  Ai.ookquian  Family. 

MENTANA,  Battle  of  (1867).  See  Italy: 
A.  D.  1807-1«70. 

MENTZ  :  Origin.     See  Moqontiacum. 

A.  D.  406.— Destruction  by  the  Germans. 
SeeOAUL:  A.  D.  400-409. 

I2th  Century.  —  Origir  of  the  electorate. 
See  Qeiimanv:  A.  D.  1135-1153. 

A.  D.  1455-1456.— Appearance  of  the  first 
printed  book.     See  Puintino:  A.  D.  1430-1450. 

A.  D.  1631. —  Occupies)  by  Gustavus  Adol- 
phus  of  Sweden.  See  Qeumany:  A.  D.  1031- 
1033. 

A.  D.  1792.  —  Occupation  by  the  French 
Revolutionary  army.— Incorporation  with  the 
French  Republic.  See  Franci'.:  A.  D.  1793 
{Septembek— Dkce.mbeu). 

A.  D.  1793.— Recovery  by  the  Germans,  See 
Prance:  A.  D.  1793  (.July — Decismber). 

A.  D.  J801-1803. — Extinction  of  the  electo- 
rate.   See  Germany:  A.  D.  1801-1803. 


MENTZ,  Treaty  of  (1631).  See  Germany: 
A.  D.  1031-1033. 

MENZEL  PAPERS,  The.  See  Germany: 
A.  D.  1755-1750,  and  1750. 

MERCED,  The  order  of  La. — "Jayme  [king 
of  Aragon,  called  El  Conquistador],  when  a 
captive  in  the  hands  of  Simon  de  Montfort  [see 
.Spain:  A.  D.  1313-1338],  had—  mere  baby  as  he 
was  —  made  a  vow  that,  when  he  should  be  a 
man  and  a  king,  he  would  endeavour  to  do  some- 
thing for  the  redemption  of  captives.  So,  before 
he  was  a  man  in  age,  he  instituted  another  re- 
ligious order  of  knighthood,  called  La  Merced, 
which  added  to  their  other  duties  that  of  collect- 
ing uh'.is  and  using  them  for  the  ransoming  of 
■captives  to  the  Moors." — C.  M.  Yonge,  The 
Story  of  the  Christians  and  Moors  of  Spain,  p. 
184. 

MERCENARIES,  Revolt  of  the.  See  Car- 
■tiiaoe:  B.C.  241-338. 

MERCHANT  ADVENTURERS.— "The 
original  Company  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers 
carried  on  trade  cliiefly  with  tlio  Netherlands. 
Their  principal  mart  was  at  first  Bruges,  whence 
it  was  removed  to  Antwerp  early  in  the  fifteenth 
century.  In  distinction  from  the  staplers,  who 
•dealt  in  certain  raw  materials,  the  Merchant  Ad- 
venturers had  the  monopoly  of  exporting  certain 


manu  factured  articles,  especially  cloths.  Though 
of  naiionul  importance,  they  constituted  a  strictly 
l)rivale  company,  and  not,  like  the  staplers,  an 
administrative  organ  of  the  Britisli  government. 
The  former  were  all  subjects  of  the  English 
crown;  the  staplers  were  made  up  of  aliens  as 
well  as  Englishmen.  In  the  sixteenth  and  seven- 
teenth centuries  frequent  dissensions  broke  out 
between  these  two  bodies  regarding  the  exporta- 
tion of  cloth.  To  carry  on  foreign  trade  freely 
ill  wool  as  well  as  in  cloth,  a  merchant  had  to 
join  both  companies.  Much  obscurity  hangs 
over  the  early  history  of  the  Merchant  Adven- 
turers. They  claimed  that  .John,  Duke  of  Bra- 
bant, founded  their  society  in  1310  or  1348,  and 
that  it  originally  bore  the  name  of  the  Brother- 
hood of  St.  Thomas  il  Beckct.  But  it  could 
scarcely  have  existed  in  its  later  form  before  the 
reign  of  Edward  III.,  when  the  cloth  industry 
began  to  flourish  in  England.  Tlio  earliest 
charter  granted  to  it  as  an  organized  association 
dates  from  the  year  1407.  Their  powers  were 
greatly  increased  by  llenrj;  VII.  The  soul  of 
this  society,  and  perhaps  its  original  nucleus, 
was  the  Mercers'  Company  of  Loudon.  .  .  . 
Though  the  most  influential  Merchant  Adven- 
turers resided  in  Loudon,  there  were  many  in 
other  Engli.sh  towns.  .  .  .  The  contrast  between 
the  old  Gild  Merchant  and  the  Company  of  Mer- 
chant Adventurers  is  striking.  The  one  had  to 
do  wholly  with  foreign  trade,  and  its  members 
were  forbidden  to  exercise  a  manual  occupation 
or  even  to  lie  retail  shopkeepers;  the  other  con- 
sisted mainly  of  small  shopkeepers  and  artisans. 
The  line  of  demarkation  between  merchants  and 
manual  craftsmen  was  sharply  drawn  by  the 
second  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  term 
'  merchant'  having  already  acquired  its  modern 
signification  as  a  dealer  on  an  extensive  scale. 
Besides  the  Company  of  Merchant  Adventurers 
trading  to  the  Low  Countries  —  which  during 
the  eighteenth  century  was  called  the  Hamburg 
Company  —  various  new  Companies  of  Merchant 
Adventurers  trading  to  other  lands  arose  in  the 
sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries,  especially 
during  the  reigns  of  Elizabeth  ami  her  immedi- 
ate successors.  Among  them  were  the  Russian 
or  Muscovy  Company,  the  Turkey  or  Levant 
Company,  the  Guinea  Company,  the  Morocco 
Company,  the  Eastland  Company,  the  Spanish 
Company,  and  the  East  India  Company,  the  last- 
mentioned  being  the  most  powerful  of  them  all." 
—  C.  Gross,  The  Gild  Merc/iant,  pp.  148-156. 
MERCHANT  GUILD.    See  Guilds,   Me- 

DIv«VAL. 

MERCHANT  TAYLORS'  SCHOOL.   See 

Education,  Modern  :  European  Countries. — 
Enoland. 

MERCIA,  The  Kingdom  of. — A  kingdom 
formed  at  the  close  of  the  0th  century  by  the 
West  Angles,  on  the  Welsh  border,  or  March. 
The  people  who  formed  it  Imd  acquired  the  name 
of  Jlen  of  the  March,  from  which  they  came  to 
be  called  Mercians,  and  their  kingdom  Alercia. 
In  the  next  century,  under  King  Penda,  its  terri- 
tory and  its  power  were  greatly  extended,  at  the 
expense  of  Northumbria.  —  J.  R.  Green,  The 
Mil  kin'/  of  England. — See,  also,  England:  A.  D. 
547-033, 

MERCY  FOR  THE  REDEMPTION  OF 
CHRISTIAN  CAPTIVES,  The  Order  of.- 
"For  the  institution  of  this  godlike  order,  the 
Christian  world  was  indebted  to  Popo  Inuoccut 


2163 


MERCY  FOR  THE  REDEMPTION. 


MESSENE. 


III.,  nt  the  close  of  the  12th  century.  .  .  .  The 
I'xerlioris'of  the  order  were  k(«)ii  crowned  with 
suceeitH.  One  third  of  its  revenues  wfts  appro- 
I)riatc(l  to  tlie  objects  of  its  foundiition,  iind 
tliousands  groaninj^  in  slavery  were  restored  to 
tlieir  country.  .  .  .  The?  order  .  .  .  met  witli  so 
mucli  enconrngement  that,  in  tlie  time  of  Alherie, 
tlie  monk  (wlio  wrote  aliout  forty  years  after  its 
lustltntion),  tlie  iiumlKT  of  monastic  liouses 
iimoiinted  to  0()0,  most  of  wliich  were  situated 
in  France,  Lomtmrdy  and  Spain." — 8.  A.  Dun- 
ham, Hint,  iif  SjHiiu  and  J'aitii'jtil,  bk.  3,  lect.  U, 
ch.  4  (r.  4). 

MERGENTHEIM,  Battle  of  (1645).    Sec 
Oeilmany:  a.  I).  104()-1«45. 


MERIDA,  Origin  of.   See  Emkhita  Augusta. 
A.  D.  713.— Siege  and  capture  by  the  Arab- 
Moors.     SecHl'AlN:  A.  D.  711-713. 


MERIDIAN,   Miss.,    Sherman's    Raid  to. 

See  Unii'ku  States  op  Am.  :  A.  D.  1B()3-18(I4 
(Dkckmiieu — Ai'hil:   Tennessee — Mississipim). 

MERMNADiE,  The.— Tlie  third  dynasty 
of  the  kings  of  J^ydia,  beginning  with  Gyges 
and  ending  with  Cra-sus. — M.  Duncker,  Hint,  of 
Antir/uiti/.f'k-  4.  ch.  17  (r.  3). 

MERO£,  The  Kingdom  of.    Sec  ETiiioriA. 

MEROM,  Battle  of— The  tinal  great  victory 
won  by  Joshua  in  the  conquest  of  Canaan,  over 
the  Canaanite  and  Amorite  kings,  under  Jabin, 
king  of  Hazor,  who  seems  to  have  been  u  kind 
of  over-king  or  chieftjiin  among  them. — Deau 
Stanley,  Lects.  on  the  Hut.  of  the  Jewhh  Church, 
led.  12  (».  1). 

MEROVINGIANS,  The.  See  Fhanks  : 
A.  I).  448-450;  and  511 -752. 

MERRIMAC  AND  MONITOR,  Battle  of 
the.  See  United  States  of  A.m.  :  A.  D.  1863 
(.Makcii). 

MERRYMOUNT.  See  Massachusetts: 
A.  I).  1622-1028. 

MERTiE,    The.       See    Buitain:     Celtic 

TllIBES. 

MERTON,  Statutes  of.— A  body  of  laws 
enacted  at  a  Great  Council  held  at  Alerton,  in 
England,  under  Henry  III.,  A.  D.  1230,  which 
marks  an  important  advance  made  in  the  develop- 
ment of  constitutional  legislation. — Q.  W.  Pro- 
thero,  Simon  de  Montfort. 

MERU.     See  Mekv. 

MERV,  OR  MERU  :  A.  D.  1221.— Destruc- 
tion by  Jingis  Khan. — In  the  merciless  march 
through  Central  Asia  of  the  awful  Jlongol  horde 
set  in  motion  by  Jingis  Khan,  the  great  city  of 
Meru  (modern  Slerv)  was  reached  in  the  autumn 
of  A.  D.  1220.  This  was  "Meru  Shahjan,  i.  e., 
Meru  the  king  of  the  world,  one  of  the  four 
chief  cities  of  Khorassan,  and  one  of  the  oldest 
cities  of  the  world.  It  had  been  the  capital  of 
the  great  Seljuk  Sultans  Melikshah  and  Sanjar, 
and  was  very  rich  and  populous.  It  was  situated 
on  the  banks  of  the  Meri  el  rond,  also  called  the 
Murjab.  .  .  .  The  siege  commenced  on  the  2jth 
of  February,  1221.  Tlie  governor  of  the  town 
.  .  .  sent  a  venerable  imam  as  an  envoy  to  the 
Mongol  camp.  He  returned  with  such  fair 
promises  that  the  governor  himself  repaired  to 
the  camp,  and  was  loaded  with  jiresents;  he  was 
asked  to  send  for  his  chief  relations  and  friends; 
when  these  were  fairly  in  his  power,  Tului  [one 
of  the  sons  of  Jingis"  Khan]  ordered  them  all, 


inrluding  the  governor,  to  1k'  killed.  The  Mon- 
gols then  entered  the  town,  tli<!  inhabitants  were 
ordered  to  evacuate  it  with  their  treasures:  the 
mournful  procession,  we  are  told,  trxik  four  days 
to  detile  out.  ...  A  general  and  frightful  I'ins- 
saere  ensued;  only  4(>0  artisans  and  a  rerti|in 
number  of  youngiieople  were  reserved  as  slaves. 
The  author  of  the  '  Jhankushai' says  that  the 
Seyhl  Yzz-ud-din,  a  man  renowned  for  his  virtues 
and  piety,  assi.sted  by  many  people,  were  thirteen 
(lavs  in  counting  the  corpses,  which  numbered 
l,300,()(tO.  Ibu  al  Ethir  says  that  700.000 corpses 
were  counted.  The  town  was  sacked,  the  mau- 
soleum of  the  Sultan  Sanjar  was  ritled  and  then 
burnt,  and  the  walls  and  citadel  of  Meru  levelled 
with  the  ground." — H.  H.  lloworlh,  /lint,  of  the 
Mom/oU,  r.  1,  p.  87.— See,  ulso,  Kiiuhassan: 
A.  I).  1220-1221. 

A.  D.  1884. — Russian  occupation.  Seo  Rus- 
sia: A.  D.  1860-1881. 

MERWAN   I     Caliph,  A.   D.   683-684 

Merwan  II.,  Caliph,  744-750. 

MERWING.— One  of  the  forms  given  to  the 
name  of  the  royal  family  of  the  Franks,  estab- 
lished in  i)ower  by  Clovis,  and  more  commonly 
kno\VTi  as  the  Merovingian  Family. 

MERY,  Battle  of.  See  Fhance:  A.  I).  1814 
(Januakv— Mahcii). 

MESCHIANZA,  OR  MI5CHIANZA,  The. 
See  I'im.ADioi.iiiA:  A.  .>.  1777-1778. 

MESOPOTAMIA.  — "Uetwcen  the  outer 
limits  of  the  Syro- Arabian  desert  and  the  foot  of 
the  great  mountain-range  of  Kurdistan  and  Luri- 
stan  intervenes  a  territory  long  famous  in  the 
world's  history,  and  the  chief  site  of  three  out  of 
the  five  empires  of  whose  history,  geography, 
and  antiquities  it  is  proposed  to  treat  in  the  pres- 
ent volumes.  Known  to  the  Jews  as  Aram-Na- 
haraim,  or  'Syria  of  the  two  rivers';  to  the  Greeks 
and  lionmns  as  Mesopotamia,  or  '  the  between- 
river  country';  to  the  Arabs  as  Al-Jezireh,  or 
'the  island,'  this  district  has  alwavs  taken  its 
name  from  the  streams  [the  Tigris  an<l  Euphrates] 
which  constitute  its  most  striking  feature. " — Q. 
Uawlinson,  Mve  Qreut  Monurcliiea :  Chaldaa, 
ch.  1. 

MESSALIN  A,  The  infamies  of.  Sec  Rome  : 
A.  D.  47-54. 

MESSANA.    Sec  Messene. 

MESSAPIANS,  The.     See  (Enotrianb. 


MESSENE,  in  Peloponnesus  :  B.  C.  369. 
— The  founding  of  the  city.— Restoration  of 
the  enslaved  Messenians.  See  .Messenian 
Waii,  The  Tuiud;  also,  Greece:  B.  C.  371- 
302. 

B.  C.  338. — Territories  restored  by  Philip  of 
Macedon.     See  Greece  :  B.  C.  357-336. 

B.  C.  184. — Revolt  from  the  Achaean  League. 
— A  faction  in  Mcssene  which  was  hostile  to  the 
Achojan  League  having  gained  the  ascendancy, 
B.  C.  184,  declared  its  secession  from  the  League. 
Philopa'men,  tlie  chief  of  the  League,  proceeded 
at  once  with  a  small  force  to  reduce  tlie  Messeni- 
ans to  obedience,  but  was  taken  prisoner  and  was 
foully  executed  by  his  enemies.  Bishop  Tliirl- 
wall  pronounces  him  "  the  last  grout  man  whom 
Greece  produced."  The  death  of  Philopccmen 
was  speedily  avenged  on  those  who  caused  it  and 
Messene  was  recovered  to  the  League. — C.  Thirl- 
wall,  JIM.  of  Greece,  ch.  OS. 

Also  in  :  Plutarch,  Philopamen, 


2154 


M  ESSEN  E. 


METHODISTS. 


M.~SSENE  (MODERN  MESSINA),  in 
Sicily. —  The  founding;  of  the  city.— "  ZaiicU! 
wiw  orijjiimlly  coloiiisi'd  liy  piriilcs  who  ciiiiu! 
ficim  Cyiiio  tlic  Cliulcidiiiii  city  in  ()|)i(iii.  .  .  . 
Zaiiclu  was  tliu  (iriKirial  iiaiiic  of  tlio  place,  a 
immi!  jfivt'ii  by  the  Sicels  liecauso  lh(!  situ  was  in 
shape  lilie  a  siclvle,  for  wliich  tlie  Siecl  word  is 
Zaiicloii.  These  earlier  settlers  were  afterwunls 
driven  out  t)y  the  Saiiiians  and  other  lonians, 
who  when  tliev  lied  from  the  Persians  found 
their  way  to  l^ieily.  Not  lonj,'  afterwards  An- 
axilas,  tlio  tyrant  of  Uhcgiiini,  drove  out  these 
Saiuiaiis.  lie  tlieii  repeopled  their  city  with  a 
mixed  multitude,  and  called  the  i)laee  Slesseiie, 
after  his  native  country." — Thueydides,  llittory, 
triiiin.  Ill/ Jiiirett,  lik.  0,  Heet.  4. 

B.  C.  396.— Destruction  by  the  Carthagin- 
ians.    See  Svii.Kci'SK:  \\.  ('.  ;m7-3U0. 

B.  C.  364. — The   Mamertines.      See   Punic 

WaU,   TiIK  FlllST. 

A.  D.  1849. — Bombardment  and  capture  by 
King  Ferdinand.     Sec  Italy:  A.  I).  1H48-184'J. 

MESSENIAN  WARS,  The  First  and 
Second. — The  Spartnns  were  cnjiaKed  in  two  suc- 
cessive wars  witli  their  neighbors  of  Messcnia, 
wliosc  territory,  adjoining  their  own  in  the 
southwestern  extremity  of  Peloponnesus,  was 
rich,  prosperous  and  covctable.  "It  was  tm- 
avoidable  that  the  Spartans  should  look  down 
with  euvy  from  their  bare  rocky  ridges  into  the 
prosperous  land  of  their  neighbours  and  tlie  ter- 
races close  by,  descending  to  tlio  river,  witii  their 
well-cultivated  plantations  of  oil  and  wine. 
Besides,  the  Dorians  who  had  immigrated  into 
Messenia  liad,  under  the  influence  of  the  native 
population  and  of  n  life  of  comfortable  ease,  lost 
their  primitive  cliaracter.  Messenia  seemed  like 
a  piece  of  Arcadia,  with  wliich  it  was  most  in- 
timately connected.  .  .  .  Hence  this  was  no  war 
of  Dorians  against  Dorians ;  it  rather  seemed  to 
be  Sparta's  mission  to  make  good  the  failure  of 
tlic  Dorization  of  Messenia  which  liad  sunk  back 
into  Pelasgic  conditions  of  life,  and  to  unite  with 
herself  the  remains  of  the  Dorian  people  stil. 
surviving  there.  In  short,  a  variety  of  motives 
contributed  to  provoke  a  forcible  extension  of 
Spartan  military  power  on  this  particular  side." 
— E.  Curtius,  Ukt.  of  Greece,  bk.  2,  i.  .  1  (».  J).— 
The  First  Messenian  War  was  commenced  B.  C. 
745  and  lasted  twenty  years,  ending  in  the  com- 
plete subjugation  of  the  Messeuians,  wlio  were 
reduced  to  a  state  of  servitude  like  that  of  the 
Heluts  of  Spurta.  After  enduring  the  oppres- 
sion for  thirty-nine  years,  the  Messenians  rose  in 
revolt  against  their  Spartan  masters,  B.  C.  685. 
The  leader  and  great  hero  of  tliis  Second  Messe- 
nian War  was  Aristomencs,  whose  renown  became 
80  great  in  tlio  despairing  struggle  tliat  the  lat- 
ter was  called  among  the  ancients  the  Aristom- 
nean  War.  But  all  the  valor  and  self-sacridce 
of  the  unliappy  Messenians  availed  nothing. 
They  gave  up  the  contest,  B.  C.  008;  large  num- 
bers of  them  escaped  to  other  lands  aud  those 
who  remained  were  reduced  to  a  more  wretched 
condition  than  before. — C.  Thirlwall,  llist.  of 
Greece,  ch.  9. — See,  also,  Si'auta:  B.  C.  743-510. 

The  Third.— "The  whole  of  Laconia  [B.  0. 
464]  was  shaken  by  an  earthquake,  wliicli  opened 
great  chasms  in  the  ground,  and  rolled  down 
huge  masses  from  the  highest  peaks  of  Taygc- 
tus:  Sparta  itself  became  a  heap  of  ruins,  in 
which  iiut  more  tliun  live  Louses  are  said  to  have 


been  left  standing.  .More  than  20,0()0  persons 
were  lielieved  to  have  been  destroyed  by  Ihu 
shock,  and  the  flower  of  X\w.  Spartiin  yontii  was 
overwhelmeil  tiy  the  fall  of  the  buildings  in 
which  they  were  exercising  themselves  at  the 
time.  "— C.  Thirlwall,  Hint,  of  Greece,  r/i.  17.— 
The  Helots  of  Sparta,  especially  tliose  wlio  were 
descended  from  the  enslaved  .Mes.senianH,  took 
advantage  of  tlie  confusion  jirodiiccd  by  the 
cartluiuake,  to  rise  in  revolt.  Having  secured 
possession  of  Itluaue,  they  fortilied  themselves 
in  the  town  and  withstood  there  a  siege  of  ten 
years, — Boinetiines  called  the  Third  Messenian 
War.  The  Spartans  invited  tlie  Athenians  to  aid 
them  in  the  siege,  but  80(m  grew  jealous  of  t..eir 
allies  and  dismissed  them  witli  some  rudeness. 
This  was  one  of  the  prime  causes  of  the  animosity 
between  Athens  and  Sparta  which  afterward 
flamed  out  in  the  Peloponnesian  War.  In  tho 
end,  the  Mes.senians  at  Itliome  cajiitulated  and 
were  allowed  to  (piit  the  country;  whereupon 
the  Athenians  settled  tliem  at  Naiipactus,  on  the 
Corinthian  gulf,  and  so  gained  an  ardent  ally,  in 
an  important  situation.  —  Tliueydides,  History, 
Ilk.  1,  Hect.  101-103. —  Nearly  one  hundred  years 
later  (B.  C.  360)  when  Tliebes,  under  Epiiininon- 
dus,  rose  to  power  in  Greece  and  Sparta  was 
humiliated,  it  was  one  of  the  measures  of  the 
Tlieban  statesman  to  found  at  Ithome  an  impor- 
tant city  which  lie  named  Messenc,  into  wliich 
the  long  oppressed  Messenians  were  gathered, 
from  slavery  and  from  exile,  and  were  organized 
in  a  state  oneo  more,  free  and  independent. — C. 
Tliirlwall,  Hint,  of  Greece,  ch.  39. 

A1.80  in:    Q.    Grote,    Ilist.   of  Greece,  pt.    2, 
ch.  78. 

MESSIDOR,    The    month.     See    Fuanck: 
A.  I).   1703  (C)(  rouKU)  Tiik    nkw  KEPfULicAN 

CAI.KNDAIt. 

MESTIZO.  --  MULATTO.  -        half-breed 

ferson  in  Peru,  born  of  a  white  father  and  an 
ndian  mother,  is  called  a  Mestizo.  One  born  of 
a  wiiite  father  and  a  negro  mother  is  called  a 
mulatto. — J.  J.  Von  Tsehudi,  Traccls  in  Peru, 
ch.  5. 

METAPONTIUM.     See  Sinis. 

METAURUS,   Battle  of   the.     See  PuNio 

Wau,    The    Second Defeat    of   the  Ale- 

manni.     See  Alk.manni:  A.  I).  270. 

METAYERS.     See  Fuance:  A.  D.  1789. 

METEMNEH,  Battle  of(i88s).  See  Eoypt: 
A.  1).  1KH4-18N5. 

METHODISTS:  Origin  of  the  Religious 
Denomination. — "The  term  Methodist  was  a 
college  nickname  bestowed  upon  a  small  society 
of  students  at  Oxford  who  met  together  between  » 
1729  and  1735  for  the  purpose  of  mutual  im- 
provement. They  were  accustomed  to  com- 
municate every  week,  to  fast  regularly  on  Wed- 
nesdays and  Fridays,  and  on  most  days  during 
Lent:  to  read  and  discuss  the  Bible  in  ccmimon, 
to  abstiiin  from  most  forms  of  amusement  and 
luxury,  and  to  visit  sick  persons  and  prisoners  in 
the  gaol.  Jolin  Weslej',  the  master-spirit  of  this 
society,  and  the  future  leader  of  the  religious 
revival  of  the  eighteenth  century,  was  burn  in 
1703,  aud  was  the  second  surviving  son  of  Samuel 
Wesley,  the  Rector  of  Epv/orth,  in  Lincolnshire. 
.  .  .  'i'lie  society  hardly  numbered  more  than 
fifteen  members,  and  was  the  object  of  much 
ridicule  at  the  university ;  but  it  included  some 
men  who  afterwards  played  considerable  parts 


2155 


METHODISTS. 


MEXICO. 


In  thn  world.  AmoiiK  tlicrn  was  Cliarlos,  the 
yifiiiiger  hrothor  of  .lolm  Wfsli'y,  wliosw  liymni 
ui'caiiK!  till!  fuvoiiritt!  poetry  of  tlio  si'ct,  and 
whoso  K^ntlcr,  inorii  Btibniiasivo,  and  more  umin- 
blu  cliunictor,  though  loss  lUtod  than  that  of  hla 
lirotlKT  for  the  groat  contlicts  of  piililic  life,  was 
very  iisbfiil  in  niodorutlng  the  uiovi-uicnt,  and  in 
drawing  converts  to  it  by  personal  Intluence. 
Charles  Wesley  appears  to  have  been  the  first  to 
originate  the  society  at  Oxford;  he  brought 
AVhiteheld  Into  Its  pale,  and  besides  being  the 
moat  popular  i)oet  lie  was  one  of  the  most  per- 
suasive preachers  of  tlie  movtiment.  There,  too, 
was  .lames  Ilervey,  who  became  one  of  the 
earliest  liulis  connecting  Methodism  witli  gen- 
eral literature." — \V.  E.  11.  Lecky,  Ilintory  of 
Kiiq.  ill  l/i,'lHlh  C'eiitin-i/,  rli.  l){i\  2). 

METHUEN,  Rout  of.— The  first  Scotch 
army  assend)led  by  Robert  liruee  after  he  had 
been  crowned  king  of  .Sfotliuid,  was  surprised 
and  routed  by  Aymer  de  Valence,  Juuc  2U,  1300. 
—V.  II.  Pearson,  Hint,  of  Kiiy.  during  the  Early 
and  Midilh;  Ar/ea,  r.  2,  eh.  14. 

METHUEN  TREATY,  Th«.  See  Pon- 
TUOAL:  a.  D.  170a;  and  Sl'.\lN :  A.  U.  1703- 
1704. 

METOACS,  The.  Scd'Amkuican  Abouioi- 
neh:  Ai,(i()N(iUiAN  Family. 

METCECI.— "  Uesident  aliens,  or  MetoDci, 
are  non-citizens  possessed  of  personal  freedom, 
and  settled  In  Attica.  Tlieir  number,  in  the 
flourishing  periods  of  the  State,  might  amount  to 
45,000,  and  therefore  was  about  hiuf  that  of  the 
citizens." — 0.  F.  Schumann,  Antiq.  of  Greece: 
The  State,  pt.  3,  ch.  3,  iiect.  2. 

METON,  The  year  of.— "Hitherto  [l)efore 
the  age  of  Pericles]  the  Athenians  had  only  had 
the  Octaeteris,  i.  e.,  the  period  of  eight  years,  of 
whicli  three  were  composed  of  thirteen  montlis, 
in  order  thus  to  make  the  lunar  years  corre- 
spond to  the  solar.     But  as  eight  such  solar 


yearn  still  amount  to  something  short  of  00  lunar 
months,  this  cycle  was  Insulllcient  for  Its  pur- 
pose. .  .  .  Meton  liud  his  as.s(H'iates  calculated 
that  a  im>re  correct  adjustment  ndglit  be  ob- 
tained within  a  cycle  of  0,040  days.  These 
made  \ip  'i'Mi  months,  which  formed  a  cycle  of 
10  years;  and  this  was  the  so-called  'Great 
Year,' or  'Year  of  Meton.'" — E.  Curtlus,  Jliiit. 
ofdreeee.  bk.  3,  ch.  3  (».  'i). 

METRETES,  The.    See  Eimiaii. 

METROPOLITANS.     See  Phimatks. 

METROPOTAMIA,  The  proposed  State 
of.     Hee  NoiiTiiWKHT  Tkuihtouy:  A.I).  1784. 

METTERNICH.The  governing  syitem  of. 
See  Holy  Alliance. 


METZ  :  Original  names. — The  Oallic  town 
of  l)ivodurunuic(iulred  later  llie  name  of  Medlo- 
matrici,  whicli  modern  tongues  have  changed  to 
Metz. — C.  Merivale,  Hint,  of  the  liomam,  ch.  34, 
foot  note. 

A.  D.  451.— Destruction  by  the  Huns.  See 
IIi:n8:  A.  D.  4.')1. 

A.  D.  511-752.— The  Austrasian  capital. 
See  FuANKs:  A.  1).  511-753. 

A.  D.  1552-1559. — Treacherous  occupation 
by  the  French. — Siege  by  Charles  V. — Cession 
to  France.     See  Fkanck:  A.  I).  ViU-Xrm. 

A.  D.  164&. — Ceded  to  France  in  the  Peace 
of  Westphalia.     See  Okumany:  A.  I).  1048. 

A.  D.  1679-1680.— The  Chamber  of  Rean- 
nexation.    SecFiiANCE:  A.  D.  1070-1081. 

A.  D.  1870. — The  French  army  of  Bazaine 
enclosed  and  besieged. — The  surrender.  See 
Fhance:  a.  D.  1870  (July— Auoubt),  to  (Sep- 

TEMBEIl— OCTODEK). 

A.  D.  1871.— Cession  to  Germany.  Sec 
France:  A.  D.  1871  (January— May). 


MEXICAN   PICTURE-WRITING. 
Aztec  and  Maya  Pictuue-Wihtino. 


See 


MEXICO. 


Ancient :  The  Maya  and  Nahua  peoples  and 
their  civilization. — "  Notwithstancling  evident 
marks  of  similarity  In  nearly  all  the  manifesta- 
tions of  the  progressional  spirit  in  aboriginal 
America,  In  art,  thought,  and  religion,  there  is 
much  reason  for  and  convenience  in  referring  all 
the  native  civilization  to  two  branches,  tlie  Slaya 

"  and  the  Nahua,  the  former  tlie  more  ancient,  the 
latter  the  more  recent  and  wide-spread.  ...  It 
Is  only,  however,  in  a  very  general  sense  that 

•  this  classification  can  be  accepted,  and  tlien  only 
for  practical  convenience  in  elucidating  the  sub- 
ject; si-  ie  there  are  several  nations  that  must  be 
ranked  among  our  civilized  peoples,  whicli,  par- 
ticularly in  tlio  matter  of  language,  show  no 
Maya  nor  Nahua  afflnities.  Nor  is  too  much  im- 
portance to  be  attached  to  the  names  Maya  and 
Nahua,  by  which  I  designate  these  parallel  civili- 
zations. The  former  Is  adopted  for  the  reason 
that  the  Maya  people  and  tongue  are  commonly 
regarded  as  among  the  most  ancient  in  all  the 
Central  American  region,  a  region  where  for- 
merly flourished  the  civilization  that  left  such 
■wonderful  remains  at  Palenque,  Uxmal,  and 
Copan ;  the  latter  as  being  an  older  designation 
than  eithc  Aztec  or  Toltec,  both  of  which  stocks 
the  race  Nahua  includes.    The  civilization  of 


what  is  now  the  Mexican  Republic,  north  of 
Tehuantepec,  belonged  to  the  Nahua  branch, 
both  at  the  time  of  the  conquest  and  throughout 
the  historic  period  preceding.  Very  few  traces 
of  the  Maya  element  occur  north  of  Chiapas,  and 
these  are  chiefly  linguistic,  appearing  iu  two  or 
three  nations  dwelling  along  the  shores  of  the 
Mexican  gulf.  In  published  works  upon  the 
subject  the  Aztecs  are  the  representatives  of  tlie 
Nahua  element;  indeed,  wliat  is  known  of  tlie 
Aztecs  has  furnished  material  for  nine  tenths  of 
all  that  has  been  written  on  the  American  civi- 
lized nations  in  general.  The  truth  of  the  mat- 
ter is  that  the  Aztecs  were  only  the  most  power- 
ful of  a  league  or  confederation  of  tliree  nations, 
which  iu  tlie  lOth  century,  from  their  capitals  in 
the  valley,  ruled  central  Mexico." — II.  H.  Ban- 
croft, Native  Races  of  the  Pueifie  states,  v.  2,  ch. 
2. — "The  evidence  .  .  .  has  pointed  —  with 
varying  force,  but  with  great  uniformity  of 
direction  —  towards  the  Central  or  Usumacinta 
region  [Central  America],  not  necessarily  as  the 
original  cradle  of  American  civilization,  but  as 
the  most  ancient  lioine  to  which  it  can  be  traced 
by  traditional,  monumental,  and  linguistic  rec- 
ords. .  .  .  Tliroughout  several  centuries  pre- 
ceding the  Christian  era,  and  perhaps  one  or 


2156 


MEXICO. 


AneUftt 


MEXICO. 


two  centuries  following,  there  flourished  In  Cen- 
tral America  the  great  Mayn  empire  of  tlio 
Cbani's,  Cuiliuas,  or  Serpents,  iiniiwn  to  its  foes 
AS  Xiliulba,  witli  Its  centre  in  ('liinpas  at  or  near 
Paleni|ue,  ami  witl  .  reral  ailictl  capitals  in  tlie 
surrouuilInK  rei^ion.  ts  tlrst  cstabliHiiment  at  a 
remote  period  was  attriliutcil  by  tlie  people  to  a 
being  called  Votau,  who  was  afterwards  wor- 
shipped as  a  god.  .  .  .  From  its  centre  in  tlie 
Usumacinta  region  the  Votanic  power  was  gradu- 
ally extended  north-westward  towards  Auiihuac, 
wliere  its  subjects  vaguely  appear  in  tradition  as 
Quinames,  or  giants.  It  also  penetrated  north- 
eastward into  Yucatan,  wlierc  Zamna  was  its  re- 
puted founder,  and  the  Cocomes  ami  Ilzas  proba- 
bly its  suljjects.  .  .  .  The  Maya  empire  seems  to 
have  been  in  the  heiglit  of  its  prosperity  wli'en 
the  rival  Nahua  power  came  into  prominence, 
perhaps  two  or  three  centuries  before  Clirlst. 
The  origin  of  tlie  new  people  and  of  the  new 
institutions  is  as  deeply  shrouded  in  mystery  as 
is  that  of  their  predecessors.  .  .  .  The  Plumed 
Serpent,  known  in  ditlerent  tongues  as  CJuet/.ai- 
coatl,  Oucumatz,  and  Cukulcan,  was  the  being 
wlio  traditionally  £r>unded  the  new  order  of 
things.  The  Nahua  power  grew  up  side  by  side 
with  its  Xibalban  predecessor,  having  its  capital 
Tulan  apparently  in  Chiapas.  Like  the  Maya 
power,  it  was  not  confined  to  its  original  home, 
but  was  borne  .  .  .  towards  Anfiluiac.  .  .  .  The 
struggle  on  the  part  of  the  Xibalbans  seems  to 
have  been  that  of  an  old  efTcto  monarchy  against 
a  young  and  progressive  people.  Whatever  Its 
cause,  the  result  of  the  conquest  was  the  over- 
throw of  the  Votanic  monarchs  at  a  date  which 
may  be  approximately  fixed  within  a  century  be- 
fore or  after  the  beginning  of  our  era.  From 
that  time  the  ancient  empire  disappears  from  tra- 
ditional history.  .  .  .  Hespecting  the  ensuing 
period  of  Nahua  greatness  in  Central  America 
notlnng  is  recorded  save  that  it  endeil  in  revolt, 
disaster,  and  a  general  scattering  of  the  tribes  at 
some  period  probably  preceding  the  5th  century. 
The  national  names  that  appear  in  connection  witli 
the  closing  struggles  are  the  Toltecs,  Chichimccs, 
Quiches,  Nonohualcas,  and  Tutul  Xius,  none  of 
them  apparently  identical  with  the  Xibalbans. 
...  Of  the  tribes  that  were  successively  defeated 
and  forced  to  seek  new  homes,  those  tliat  spoke 
the  Maya  dialects,  although  considering  them- 
selves Nahuas,  seem  to  have  settled  chiefly  in 
the  soutii  and  east.  Some  of  them  afterwards 
rose  to  great  prominence  in  Guatemala  and  Yuen- 
tan.  .  .  .  The  Naliua-speaking  tribes  as  a  rule 
established  tliemselves  in  Anahuac  and  in  tlic 
western  and  north-western  parts  of  Mexico.  .  .  . 
Tlie  valley  of  Mexico  and  the  country  immedi- 
ately adjoining  soon  became  the  centre  of  the 
Kahuas  in  Mexico." — Tlic  same,  v.  fi,  e/i.  3. — See, 
also,  Amkuican  Aboriqines:  May/s;  and  Az- 
tec AND  Maya  Pictuke-Wuitino. 

Ancient :  the  Toltec  empire  and  civiliza- 
tion.—  Are  they  mythical? — "The  old-time 
story,  how  tlie  Toltecs  in  the  6th  century  ap- 
peared on  the  Mexican  table-land,  how  they  vere 
driven  out  and  scattered  in  the  11th  century, 
how  after  a  brief  interval  the  Chlchimecs  followed 
their  footsteps,  and  how  these  last  were  suc- 
ceeded by  the  Aztecs  wlio  were  found  in  posses- 
sion,—  the  last  two,  and  probably  the  first, 
migrating  in  immense  hordes  from  the  far 
north-west,  —  all  this  is  sufficiently  familiar  to 
readers  of  Mexican  history,  and  is  furthermore 


fully  ict  forth  In  the  Bth  volume  of  this  work. 
It  is  probable,  however,  that  tlii.s  account,  accu- 
rate to  a  certain  ilogree,  has  b(!en  by  many 
wrili  14  too  literally  coimtrued;  since  the  onns 
popular  theory  of  wholesale  national  mlgrati(m« 
of  American  peoples  within  historic  times,  and 
piirMcillarly  of  such  migrations  from  the  north- 
w  ,  may  now  be  regarded  as  practically  un- 
fii.uided.  The  0th  century  is  the  most  renioto 
period  to  which  we  are  carried  in  the  annals  of 
Anahuac  by  traditions  HiiMlcleutly  detlnite  to  lio 
considered  In  any  proper  sen.se  as  historic  rec- 
ords. .  .  .*At  the  opening  ...  of  the  historic 
times,  we  find  the  Toltecs  in  possession  of  Ani- 
huacand  the  surrounding  country.  Though  the 
civilization  was  old,  the  name  wn.  new,  derived 
probably,  although  not  so  regarded  by  all,  from 
Tollan,  a  capital  city  of  tlie  empire,  but  after- 
ward becoming  svnonymous  with  all  that  is 
excellent  In  art  and  high  culture.  Tradition  im- 
putes to  the  Toltecs  a  higher  civilization  than 
that  found  among  the  Aztecs,  who  had  degener- 
ated with  the  growth  of  the  warlike  s])irit,  and 
especially  by  tlie  introduction  of  more  cruel  and 
sanguinary  religious  riles.  Hut  this  superiority, 
in  some  respects  not  improbable,  rests  on  no  very 
strong  evidence,  since  this  people  left  no  relies 
of  that  artistic  skill  which  gave  them  so  gi'eat 
traditional  fame;  there  is,  however,  much  reason 
to  ascribe  tlie  construction  of  the  pyramids  at 
Teotihuacan  and  Cholula  to  the  Toltec  or  a  still 
earlier  period.  Among  the  civilized  peoples  of 
the  lOtli  century,  however,  and  among  their  de- 
scendants down  to  the  present  day,  nearly  every 
ancient  relic  of  architecture  or  sculpture  is  ac- 
credited to  the  Toltecs,  from  whom  all  claim 
descent.  ...  So  confusing  has  l.i'cn  the  elTect  of 
this  universal  reference  of  all  traditinriid  events  to 
a  Toltec  source,  that,  while  we  can  uoi  doubt  the 
actual  existence  of  this  great  empire,  the  details 
of  its  history,  into  which  the  supernatural  so 
largely  enters,  must  be  regarded  as  to  a  great 
extent  mythical.  There  are  no  data  for  fixing 
accurately  the  bounds  of  the  Toltec  domain, 
particularly  in  the  south.  There  is  very  little, 
however,  to  indicate  that  it  was  more  extensive 
in  this  direction  than  that  of  the  Aztecs  in  later 
times,  although  it  seems  to  liave  extended  some- 
what farther  northward.  On  the  west  there  is 
some  evidence  tliat  it  included  the  territory  of 
Michoacan,  never  subdued  by  the  Aztecs;  and  it 
probably  stretched  eastward  to  the  Atlantic. 
.  .  .  During  the  most  flourishing  period  of  its 
traditional  five  centuries  of  duration,  the  Toltec 
empire  was  ruled  by  a  confederacy,  similar  in 
some  respects  to  the  alliance  of  later  date  be- 
tween Mexico,  Tezcuco  and  Tlacopan.  The 
capitals  were  CuUiuacan,  Otorapau,  and  Tollan, 
the  two  former  corresponding  somewliat  in  ter- 
ritory with  Mexico  and  Tezcuco.  while  the  latter 
was  just  beyond  the  limits  of  the  valley  toward 
the  north-west.  Each  of  these  capital  cities  be- 
came in  turn  the  leading  power  in  the  confeder- 
acy. Tollan  reached  the  higliest  eminence  in 
culture,  splendor,  and  fame,  and  Culhuacan  was 
the  only  one  of  the  three  to  survive  by  name  the 
bloody  convulsions  by  which  the  empire  was  at 
last  overthrown,  and  retain  anything  of  her 
former  greatness.  Long-continued  civil  wars, 
arising  chiefiy  from  dissensions  between  rival 
religious  factions,  .  .  .  gradually  undermine  the 
imperial  thrones.  ...  So  the  kings  of  Tollan, 
Culhuacan,   and  Otompan,  lose,  year  by  year, 


2157 


MEXICO. 


litre  Ptrlud. 


JIEXICO. 


their  preitlge,  nnd  flnallv,  in  tho  niidd)"  of  tlic 
nth  century,  are  cnniiiiclrly  ovortlirown,  Iciiv- 
liitf  tlic  Mi'xlrnn  tnliiomiid  to  Ih-  riilcil  hy  new 
cniiiliiimlioiiH  iif  riNinif  powtTR." — II.  II.  Ilitii- 
(■ri)ft,  Siilitr  llncfii  (if  the  I'acifif  Slutm.  r,  'J,  r/i. 
'i. — "  I-oiiff  tii'fdri'  llio  A/.t(MS,  Ik  'I'dllcc  irllic 
riillcil  tlic  AcdIliiiiiH,  or  ('iiIIiiiiin.  IiiiiI  scttlcil  in 
tlic  viiilcy  of  Mexico.  Tiic  inline  is  more  iiniicnt 
tliiin  tiiat  of  Toltcc,  iinil  tlic  Mexican  civ  ilj/.iition 
ini^lit  |icrliui)s  a.s  appropriately  lie  callcii  Ciilliiia 
iiH  Naliua.  The  iiaiiie  is  Interpreted  '  crool<cd  ' 
from  coloa,  bend;  also  '  Krandfatlicr  '  from  colli. 
Colliuacan  nilKlit  therefore  Hi^nify  l.^nd  of  Oiir 
Ancestors  " —  Tjie  same,  Jfint.  oftlw  I'ncijie  Slati». 
r.  4,  ji.  vH,  fiidt-iiiite.  —  "Tlie  most  vciieralile 
traditions  of  the  Maya  race  rlnimc<l  for  them  a 
mii;rati(m  from  'Tollan  in  Ziiyvu.' .  .  .  This 
Tollan  is  certainly  none  otiier  than  the  iiliode  of 
Qnctzalcoall.  .  .  .  The  cities  wliii^li  selected  liim 
as  tlieir  tutelary  deity  weru  named  for  that  which 
he  was  suppoHcd  to  have  ruled  over.  Thus  we 
have  Tollan  and  Tollant/.inco  ( '  liehind  Tollan  ' ) 
in  the  Valley  of  Mexico,  and  the  pyramid 
t^liolnla  was  called  "I'olliint'lioloUan,'  as  well 
as  many  other  Tollans  and  Tulas  anion;;  the  Na- 
liuatl  colonies.  The  natives  of  tlie  city  of  Tula 
were  called,  from  its  name,  Tolteca,  whicli 
simply  means  'tliosc  who  dwell  in  Tollan.'  And 
who,  let  us  ask,  were  these  Toltees?  They  have 
hovered  about  the  dawn  of  American  history 
long  enougli.  To  them  have  lieen  attributed  not 
only  the  primitive  culture  of  (central  America 
uiul  Mexico,  but  of  lands  far  to  the  north,  and 
even  the  eartliworlts  of  the  Ohio  Valley.  It  is 
time  they  were  assigned  their  proper  place,  and 
that  is  among  tlic  purely  fabulous  creations  of 
the  imagination,  among  the  giants  and  fairies, 
the  gnomes  and  sylphs,  and  other  such  fancied 
beings  wliich  in  all  ages  nnd  nations  the  popular 
niiiid  lias  loved  to  create.  Toltcc,  Toltccatl. 
which  in  later  days  came  to  mean  a  skilled 
craftsman  or  artiticer,  signifies,  as  I  have  said, 
an  inhabitant  of  Tollan  —  of  the  City  of  tlie  Sun 
—  in  other  words,  a  Child  of  Light.  ...  In 
some,  nnd  tiiese  I  consider  the  original  versions 
of  the  myth,  they  do  not  constitute  u  nation  at 
all,  but  are  merely  the  disciples  or  servants  of 
Quetzalcoatl.  They  have  all  the  traits  of  beings 
of  supernaturnl  powers."  —  I).  G.  Urintou, 
Ainencan  lIero-Myth»,  ch.  3,  mH.  3. 

Ai.sois:  The  snine,  ISmuiysofaiiAmericaniiit, 
pp.  83-100. — A  recent  totnlly  contrary  view,  in 
which  the  Toltees  are  fully  nccep'ed  nnd  mod- 
ernized, is  presented  by  M.  Charnay. — D. 
Charnay,  Ancient  (Utieit  of  the  XeiK  Wurlti. 

A.  D.  1325-1502.— The  Aztec  period.— The 
so  called  empire  of  Montezuma. — "The  new 
era  succeeding  tlie  Toltcc  rule  is  that  of  the 
Chichimec  empire,  which  endured  with  some 
variations  down  to  the  coming  of  Cortes.  Tlio 
ordinary  version  of  tlie  early  annals  has  it,  that 
the  Cliicliimecs,  n  wild  tribe  living  far  in  tlie 
north-west,  learning  tlint  the  fertile  regions  of 
Central  Mexico  had  lieen  aliandoncd  by  the  Tol- 
tees, came  down  in  immense  liordes  to  occupy 
the  land.  .  .  .  The  name  Cliicliiniec  at  tlie 
time  of  the  JSpanisli  conciuest,  and  subseiiucntiy, 
was  used  with  two  signillcntions,  first,  as  applied 
to  the  lino  of  kings  that  reigned  at  Tezcuco,  and 
second,  to  all  the  wild  hunting  tribes,  particu- 
larly in  the  tiroad  and  little-known  regions  of  the 
north.  Traditionally  or  liistorically,  the  name 
has  been  applied  to  nearly  every  people  men- 


lloiicil  In  the  ancient  history  of  Amorica,  This 
has  caused  the  greatest  confusion  among  writers 
on  llie  Hubjecl,  a  ronfiisioii  which  I  believe  can 
o'dy  be  cleared  up  by  the  supposition  that  the 
name  Chichimec,  like  that  of  Toltcc,  never  was 
applied  as  a  tribal  or  national  designation  jiioper 
•  to  any  people,  while  such  people  were  living. 
It  seems  prolialile  that  among  the  Naliua  [leoples 
that  occupied  the  country  from  the  0th  to  the 
11th  centuries,  a  few  of  the  leading  powers  ap- 
jiropriated  to  themselves  the  title  Toltees,  which 
Iiail  been  nt  lilst  etnployed  bv  the  inhabitants  of 
Tollan,  whose  artistic  excellence  soon  rendered 
it  a  designation  of  lumor.  To  the  other  Naliua 
peoples,  by  whom  these  leading  jiowers  were 
siirroundeil,  wliose  institutions  were  identical, 
but  wl.oso  polish  aiul  elegance  of  manner  were 
deemed  by  tliese  selfiumslituted  aristocrats 
somewlint  inferior,  tlie  term  Chichimccs,  bnr- 
biirians,  etymologicnlly  'dogs,'  was  applied. 
After  the  convulsions  tliat  overthrew  Tollan, 
nnd  reversed  the  condition  of  the  Naliua  nations, 
the  'ilogs'  in  tlieir  turn  assumed  an  air  of  supe- 
riority and  retained  their  designation,  Cliiclii- 
mecs, as  a  title  of  honor  and  nobility." — II.  II. 
Bancroft,  Antire  Races  of  the  I'HciJie  Statet,  v.  2, 
rh.  2. — "We  may  suppose  the  ' Toltec  period ' 
in  Mexican  tradition  to  liave  been  simply  the 
period  when  tlie  pueblo-town  of  ToUau  was 
tlourishing,  and  domineered  most  likely  over 
neiglibouringpueliios.  One  might  tliiis  speak  of 
it  as  one  would  speak  of  the  '  Theban  pcricxi '  in 
Greek  history.  After  the  'Toltcc  period,' with 
perhaps  an  intervening  'Cliicliimec  period'  of 
confusion,  came  tlie  'Aztec  period; '  or,  in  other 
words,  some  time  after  Tollan  lost  its  importance, 
tlie  city  of  Mexico  came  to  the  front.  Such,  I 
suspect,  is  the  slender  historical  residuum  under- 
Iving  the  legend  of  a  'Tolt^'c  empire.'  The 
Oodex  Knniirez  assigns  tlie  year  1108  as  the  date 
of  the  abandonment  of  the  Serpent  Hill  by  the 
people  of  Tollan.  We  begin  to  leave  this  twi- 
light of  legend  when  we  meet  the  Aztecs  already 
encamped  in  the  Valley  of  Mexico.  Finding  the 
most  obviously  eligible  sites  preoccupied,  tliey 
were  sagacious  enough  to  dptect  the  advantages 
of  a  certain  marsliy  spot  through  which  tlie  out- 
lets of  lakes  Chalco  and  Xocliimilco,  besides  sun- 
dry rivulets,  flowed  northward  nnd  eastward 
Into  Lake  Tezcuco.  Here  in  the  ycur  132,')  they 
began  to  build  their  pueblo,  whicli  tliey  called 
Tenochtitlan, —  a  name  whereby  hangs  a  tale. 
When  tho  Aztecs,  hard  press(!(l  by  foes,  took 
refuge  among  these  '.narslies,  they  came  upon  n 
sacrificial  stone  whicli  they  recognizeil  as  one 
ui)on  whicli  some  years  before  one  of  tlieir 
priests  had  immolated  a  captive  cliief.  From  a 
crevice  in  this  stone,  where  a  little  earth  was 
imbedded,  tlierc  grew  a  cnctus,  upon  wliicli  sat 
nn  englc  holding  in  its  beak  a  serpent.  A  priest 
ingeniously  interpreted  tliis  symbolism  as  a 
prophecy  of  signal  and  long-continued  victory, 
and  fortiiwitli  diving  into  tlie  hike  lie  had  an  in- 
terview witli  Tlnloc,  the  god  of  waters,  who 
told  him  that  upon  tliat  very  spot  the  people 
were  to  build  their  town.  Tlic  place  was  there- 
fore culled  Tenochtitlan,  or  '  place  of  the  cactus- 
rock,'  but  the  name  under  whicli  it  afterward 
came  to  be  best  known  was  taken  from  MexitI, 
one  of  the  names  of  the  war-god  Iluitzilopochtli. 
Tlie  device  of  the  rock  and  cactus,  with  the 
eagle  and  serpent,  formed  a  tribal  totem  for  the 
Aztecs,   and  has  been  adopted  as  the  coat-of- 


2158 


MEXICO,  1383-in<W. 


Atln-  IWi.Hl 


MKXICO,  IfJlO 


nrmn  "f  tlii>  prcsont  Ilcpulillo  of  Moxlro  Tin- 
|iiii'lil(i  of  TciKH'lilllliiii  wim  Hiirronnilrcl  by  milt 
inarHlicH.  wliicli  liy  iliiit  of  dlkcx  ami  riiiiHcways 
the  Azl«<'s  grmliiiilly  convnlrd  Into  ii  liir>?c  aril- 
llcliil  laki',  nml  tliiiH  iimdr  tliclr  piiclilo  liy  far 
the  moHt  (IcfciiKlblc  Klroii^liold  In  Anahnac, — 
lrn|in'Knal)li'.  iinlcril,  ho  far  as  Indian  niodrx  of 
attack  were  coMi'crncd.  Tin.'  advanlaircM  of  this 
coiinnandlnK  position  wrn^  hlowly  Imt  surely 
realized.  A  dant'eroiis  neliihhour  upon  tho 
wosteni  Bhoro  of  ihe  laU(!  was  the  trllM- of  Tee- 
paiieciis,  whose  prlnrlpal  puelilo  was  Azf'apilt- 
zalro.  Tho  Aztecs  succeeded  In  niaklni;  an  alli- 
aucp  with  these  Tecpatiecas,  Imt  it  was  \ipon 
inifavonrable  terms  nn<l  Involved  the  payment  of 
Irlliiite  to  Azcapiitzalco.  It  nave  the  Aztecs, 
however,  some  tlnK^  to  ilevelo|>  llieir  strenKlh. 
Their  military  oritanlzatlon  was  (jradiially  per- 
fected, and  In  ID'.'i  lh<'y  electeil  their  llrst  tlaeat- 
ecuhtli,  or  'chlef-of  men,'  whom  Kiiropei\n 
writers,  in  tho  loose  pliraseolojtv  formerly  cur- 
rent, called  '  founder  of  the  Jlexloan  empire.' 
The  name  of  this  ollielal  was  Acainapichtll,  or 
'  liandfid-of  Heeds,'  During  the  ciiijhtand- 
twenly  years  of  his  chieflancy  the  ])uel)lo  houses 
in  Teiioihtitlan  be^an  to  be  built  very  solidly  of 
stone,  and  the  irrejfidar  watercourses  llowhi); 
between  them  were  Improved  into  canals.  .Some 
nionths  after  his  death  In  140:)  his  son  Iliiitzlll- 
hultl,  or  '  llunuuinir-hird,'  was  eliosen  to  suc- 
ceed him.  This  Iliutzilihultl  was  siiceeeded  in 
1414  by  his  brother  (.'himalpopoca,  or  'Smoklni!; 
Bhield,'  iiniler  whom  temporary  calandty  vis- 
ited tlio  Aztec  town.  The  alliance  with  Azca- 
putznlco  was  broken,  and  that  |)uelilo  joined  its 
forces  to  tlioso  of  Tezeuco  <m  the  eastern  shore 
of  the  lake.  Unitfid  they  attacked  the  Aztecs, 
defeated  them,  and  captured  their  ehlef-of-men, 
who  dle<l  a  prisoner  in  14'.37.  He  was  succeeded 
by  Izcoatzin,  or  '  Obsidian  Snake,'  an  need  chief- 
tain who  dieil  in  14!}(i,  Durinjj  these  nine  years 
a  complete  change  came  over  the  scene.  Quar- 
rels arose  between  Azcaputzalco  and  Tezeuco; 
the  latter  pueblo  entered  into  alliance  with 
Tenochtltlan,  and  together  they  overwhelmed 
and  destroyed  Azcaputzalco,  and  butchered  most 
of  its  people.  What  was  left  of  the  conquered 
pueblo  was  made  a  slave  mart  for  the  Aztecs, 
and  tho  remnant  of  the  people  were  removed  to 
the  neighbouring  pueblo  of  Tlacopan,  which 
was  made  tributary  to  Mexico.  By  this  great 
victory  the  Aztecs  also  ac(iuired  secure  control 
of  llie  springs  upon  C'hepultcpec,  or  'Grasshop- 
per Hill,'  which  furnished  a  steady  supply  of 
fresh  water  to  their  island  pueblo.  Tho  next 
step  was  the  formation  of  a  partnership  between 
the  three  pueblo  towns,  Tenochtltlan,  Tezeuco, 
and  Tlacojjan,  for  tho  organized  and  .systematic 
plunder  of  other  pueblos.  All  the  tribute  or 
spoils  extorted  was  to  be  divided  into  live  parts, 
of  which  two  parts  each  were  for  Tezeuco  and 
Tenochtltlan,  and  one  part  for  Tlacopan.  The 
Aztec  chief-of-mcn  became  military  commander 
of  the  confederacy,  which  now  began  to  extend 
operatitms  to  a  (listance.  The  next  four  chiefs- 
of-men  were  Montezuma,  or  'Angry  Chief."  the 
First,  from  143(5  to  1404 ;  Axayacatl,  or  '  Fnce- 
in-tho- Water,'  from  1404  to  1477;  Tizoc,  or 
'Wounde<l  Leg,' from  1477  to  1480;  and  Ahui- 
zotl,  or  ■  Water-Hat.'  from  1480  to  1502,  Under 
these  chiefs  the  great  teinple  of  Mexico  was 
completed,  and  the  aqueduct  from  Cliepultepec 
was  iucrcascd  iu  capacity  until  it  not  only  sup- 


plied water  for  ordinary  uhcs,  but  could  nine  Iw 
made  to  maintain  the  level  of  the  caiiids  and  the 
lake.  In  Ihe  driest  seasons,  tlierefori',  Teiiiwh- 
titlan  remaine<l  safe  from  attack.  Forth  from 
tills  wellproleeted  lair  the  Aztec  warriors  went 
on  their  -rrands  of  lilood.  Thirty  or  more 
pueblo  to.vns,  mostly  between  Teliocbtlllan  and 
the  Uidf  coast,  scattered  over  jin  area  aliout  tliu 
size  of  Mas.sachuKetts,  were  niad<'  tributary  to 
the  C'onfe<leracy ;  and  lis  all  these  communities 
spoke  Ihe  Nahua  langinigc,  this  process  of  con- 
(|uest,  if  it  hail  not  been  cut  short  by  the  Span- 
liirils,  iidght  in  course  of  time  have  ended  in  Ihe 
fornuUion  of  a  primitive  kind  of  stale.  This 
tributary  area  formed  but  a  verv  small  portion 
of  Ihe  count  y  which  we  call  Mexico,  If  the 
leader  will  jui>*  look  at  a  map  of  the  liepulilie 
of  Mexico  In  a  modern  atlas,  and  observe  that 
the  states  of  Qucretaro,  (iiianaxualo,  MIchoaean, 
(iucrrero,  and  a  good  part  of  La  I'uebla,  lie  out- 
side the  rei;ion  Hometimes  absurdly  styled  '  .Mon- 
tezuma's Kinpire.'  and  surround  liiree  sides  of  it, 
he  w  111  begin  to  put  himself  into  the  proper  state 
of  iiilnil  for  appreciating  the  history  of  Cortes 
and  his  iiimpanlons.  Into  the  outlying  region 
just  nu'ntloned,  occupied  by  tribes  for  Ihe  most 
part  akin  to  the  Nahiiiis  In  blood  anil  speech,  the 
warriors  of  Ihe  Conl'ederucv  sometimes  ventured, 
I  with  varying  fortunes,  'fhey  levleil  occasional 
I  tribute  among  th<^  pueblos  in  lliese  regions,  but 
hardly  made  any  of  tlien\  regularly  tribuljuy. 
The  longest  range  of  their  arms  seems  to  have 
been  to  the  eastward,  where  tliey  sent  their  tax- 
gatherers  along  Ihe  coast  into  the  isthmus  of 
Tehuantepec,  and  came  into  conlllet  with  tlio 
warlike  Mayas  and  Quiches.  .  .  .  Such  was,  in 
general  outline,  what  we  may  call  tho  polllieal 
situation  in  the  time  of  the  son  of  Axayacatl, 
tho  secom'.  Montezuma,  who  was  elected  chlef-of- 
men  in  IflOi!,  being  then  thirty-four  years  of  age." 
— .J.  Fiske,  7'/if  Jh'ncdivfi/ nf  Ainencd.  (•//.  8  {v.  3). 
A.  D.  1517-1518.— First  found  by  the  Span- 
iards.    See  Amkhica:  A.  R  ir>17-l.'518. 

A.  D.  1519  (February— April).— The  coming 
of  Cortes  and  the  Spaniards.— Some  tinio  In 
the  latter  part  of  the  year  ir>n,  tho  Spaniards 
in  Cuba  had  ocijuired  definite  knowledge  of  a 
much  civilized  people  who  inhabited  "terra 
llrma "  to  the  west  of  them,  by  the  return  of 
Ilernandez  de  Cordova  from  his  involuntary 
voyage  to  Yucatan  (see  Amkuic.v:  A.  I).  Vill- 
1518).  In  the  spring  of  liilS  the  Cuban  gover- 
nor, Velasquez,  had  enlarged  that  knowledge  by 
sending  an  expedition  under  Grijalva  to  tho 
Mexican  coast,  and,  even  before  Orijalva  re- 
turned, he  had  begun  preparations  for  a  more 
serious  imderlaking  of  coniiuest  and  occupation 
in  the  rich  country  newl}'  found.  For  the  com- 
mand of  this  sceonil  armament  he  selected 
Hernando  Cortes,  one  of  the  boldest  and  most  am- 
bitious of  tho  adventurers  wlio  had  helped  to  sub- 
due and  settle  the  island  of  Cuba.  IJefore  the 
tlect  sailed,  liowever,  a  jealous  distrust  of  his 
lieutenant  liad  become  excited  by  some  cause  In 
the  governor's  mind,  and  be  attempted  to  super- 
sede him  in  the  command.  Cortes  slipped  out 
of  port,  lialf  prepared  as  lie  was  for  the  voyage, 
detied  the  orders  of  his  superior,  and  made  his 
way  (February,  1519)  to  the  .scene  of  his  future 
conquests,  actually  as  ft  reliel  against  the  on- 
tliority  which  commissioned  him.  "Tlu;  squad- 
ron of  Cortes  was  composed  of  eleven  small 
vessels.    There  were  110  sailors,  553  soldiers,  of 


2159 


MEXICO,  1S1». 


Tht  ilnrrh  of 

t'lirleB. 


MEXICO,  inio. 


Whirli  n  wrrr  nriiifil  with  muHkclx.  ntiil  i\'i  with 
•riiili'liiiiu'R,  llii<  otIiiTi  with  MU'orilH  iiikI  pikrit 
only.  Thiro  were  10  lltih-  flchi  pliciH,  iiiiil  10 
IliiriH-ii.  HikIi  were  (he  forcfN  witli  which  llic> 
ImiIiI  ndvrnti  'it  lU't  fcirtli  tii  r'c>ii<|ii)'r  ik  vimt 
i'iM|ilr(',  ilcfi'ii,  il  liy  liiriri'  nriiiii'H,  nut  wllliiiiit 
<'<iiiriiK(',  nccnrciiiiK  to  tlii'  report  iif  Orijrilvii. 
lint  till'  roinpiiiiiiinH  of  Ciirti'H  wcrf  iinfnniiliiir 
will)  fi'iir.  CcirtoH  followed  tlie  Hiinie  route  m 
Orijiilvn.  ...  At  the  'I'lilinHro  Ulver.  wliieli 
tlie  SpiiiiJMh  ciilleil  l{lo  cie  (Jrijiilvii,  lieeiiiiHo  lliiU 
explorer  hiid  lilm'overeii  It.  tliey  liiul  it  IlKl't  with 
Kline  niiliveH  who  reHlHteij  liieir  ikjipriiiirli.  TlicHe 
liiillveH  foiiKJit  liruvely,  liiit  tlu^  tire  iirnifi,  nnd 
nliove  all  the  liorseH,  wliieli  they  eoneelved  to  ho 
of  one  piece  with  their  riderH,  ciiuiM'd  tlieni  ex- 
treme terror,  and  the  rout  wn»  eoinplcte.  .  .  , 
The  niilivo  prhu'c,  overcome,  Kent  KlflH  to  the 
coiii|ueror,  mid,  witlioiit  niiich  knowing  the 
extent  of  hix  af;rceinent,  ncknowledKcd  hiinitelf 
AH  viiHHal  of  tlie  kiiif^  of  .Spain,  tlu^  iiio.st  power- 
ful monarch  of  the  worlil."     Meiinti ,  tidiiigH  I 

of  II  frcMli  appeiiraiire  of  the  same  KiraiiKe  race 
which  had  lirielly  viKited  the  HhorcH  of  I  lie  empire 
the  year  before  were  conveyed  to  Monte/.unin, 
and  the  kiiiK,  wlio  had  Kent  envoys  to  the  Htriin- 
gerH  before,  but  not  (piiekly  enough  to  llnd  them, 
resolved  lo  do  no  aKnln.  "The  presents  pre 
pnrcd  for  Urijalvn,  wliieh  had  reached  the  Hlion; 
too  late,  were,  alas!  all  ready.  To  lliest!  were 
now  added  tlie  ornaments  used  in  the  decoration 
of  the  ima);e  of  (jiiet/.aleoati,  on  days  of  Holein- 
nity,  regarded  as  tlie  most  sacreil  amonf;  nil  the 
possessions  of  the  royal  house  of  iMi'xieo.  Cortes 
accepted  the  r61c  of  (|uet7.nlcoatl  and  allowed 
himself  to  be  decorated  with  the  ornainenis 
belonging  to  that  god  witliout  hesitntion.  Tlic 
populace  were  convinced  that  it  was  their  deity 
really  returned  to  them.  A  feast  was  served  to 
the  envoys,  with  the  iiccompaniment  of  some 
European  wine  which  they  found  delicious.  .  .  . 
During  the  feast  native  painters  were  busy  de- 
pietiiig  every  thing  they  saw  to  be  shown  to  their 
royal  master.  .  .  .  Cortes  sent  to  Montezuma  u 
gilt  helmet  with  the  message  that  he  Iioped  to 
gee  It  back  again  filled  with  gold.  .  .  The 
bearer  of  this  gift  and  coMuiiiinication,  returning 
Bwiftlj'  to  the  court,  re,  rted  to  tlie  monarch 
that  the  intention  of  the  stranger  was  to  come  at 
once  to  the  capital  of  tlie  <iiipire.  Montezuma 
at  once  assembled  a  new  council  of  all  his.  great 
va.ssals,  some  of  whom  urged  the  reception  of 
Cortes,  others  his  ininieuiate  dismissal.  The 
lotter  view  prevailed,  and  the  monarch  st'Ut, 
with  more  presents  to  the  unknown  invader, 
benevolent  but  peremptory  commands  that  he 
Bliould  go  away  immediately.  .  .  .  Meanwhile 
the  Spanish  camp  was  feasting  and  reposing  in 
huts  of  cane,  with  fresh  provisions,  in  great  joy 
after  the  weariness  of  their  voyage,  riiey  ac- 
cepted witli  enthusiasm  the  presents;  of  the 
emperor,  but  the  treasures  wliich  were  sent  had 
nn  entirely  dillerent  ellect  from  that  hoped  for 
by  Montezuma;  they  only  inlhimed  the  desire  of 
the  Bpaniartl  to  have  all  within  his  grosp,  of 
wliich  tills  was  but  a  specimen.  It  was  now 
that  the  great  mistake  in  policy  was  apparent, 
by  whidi  the  Aztec  chieftain  had  for  j'cars  been 
making  enemies  nil  over  the  country,  invading 
Burroiinding  states,  and  carrying  oil  prisoners  for 
a  horrible  death  by  sacrifice.  Tliese  welcomed 
the  strangers  and  encouraged  their  presence." — 
8.  Hale,  The  Story  of  Mexico,  ch.  13. 


Ai.KoiN:  IVmnI  Diaz  ilel  Castillo,  Mmoin, 
eh.  !J-!I1»  (r.  I).—. I.  Klske,  Tfie  DUtOMTy  of 
Amfiirn.  rh.  H  (r.  2). 

A.  D.  1519  (lun«— October).— The  advanc* 

of  Cort4i  to  Tiaical*.—"  Meanwhile  Cortcw.  by 
Ills  craft,  (|uieted  a  rising  faction  of  the  party  of 
VelaiM|Uez  which  demanded  to  be  led  liack  lo 
Culm.  lie  did  this  by  Heeiniiig  lo  acipdesce  in 
the  demand  of  his  followers  In  laying  the  foiin- 
datioiis  of  n  town  and  constituting  its  iieopk'  a 
municipality  competent  lo  cIiikiw  a  n'prescnta- 
tive  of  the  royal  authority.  This  done,  Cortes 
resigned  IiIh  commisHlon  from  Vclaiupie'/,  and 
was  at  once  invested  with  supreme  |Hiwer  by  the 
new  niiiniclpallty.  The  scheme  wliieli  Velasciuez 
had  suspected  was  thus  brought  to  fruition. 
Whoever  resisted  the  new  caplalii  was  con(|uered 
b.v  force,  persuasion,  tact,  or  magiH'tism;  and 
Cortes  became  as  popular  as  he  was  irresistible. 
At  this  |H>int  messi'iigera  presented  themselves 
from  tribes  not  far  olT  who  were  unwilling  sub- 
jects :)f  the  Aztec  jiower.  The  presence  of  pos- 
sible allies  was  a  propitious  eirciiniHtance,  and 
Cortes  jiroceeded  to  cultivate  the  friendsliip  of 
these  tribes.  He  moved  his  camp  day  by  day 
along  the  shore,  inuring  his  men  lo  marches, 
while  the  fleet  sailed  in  company.  Tliey  reaclieil 
a  large  city  [t'empoalla,  or  Zemnoalla,  the  situ 
of  wliich  has  not  been  determined  |,  ami  were  re- 
galed. Kacli  <lilef  toUl  of  the  tyranny  of  Mon- 
tezuma, and  the  eyes  of  CortC-s  gltstened.  The 
Hpaniiirds  went  on  to  another  town,  slaves  being 
provided  to  bear  their  burdens.  Ileri!  they  fouiui 
taxgatherers  of  Alontezuma  collecting  tribute. 
Kmboideiied  by  Cortes'  glance,  his  hosts  seized 
tlie  Aztec  emissaries  and  delivend  them  to  the 
Kjianiards.  Cortes  now  played  a  double  giiine. 
lie  |iropitiated  the  servants  of  Montezuma  by 
secretly  releasing  them,  and  added  to  Ids  allies 
by  enjoining  every  tribe  he  could  reacli  to  resist 
the  Aztec  collectors  of  tribute.  The  wandering 
municipality,  as  represented  in  this  ])iraticiil 
army,  at  last  stoppeil  at  a  harbor  where  a  town 
(La  villa  Ul<'a  do  Vera  Cruz)  sprang  up,  and 
became  tlio  base  of  future  operations."  At  tills 
point  In  his  movements  the  adventurer  despatched 
a  vessel  to  Spain,  with  letters  to  the  king,  and 
with  dazzling  gifts  of  gold  and  A/tec  fabrics. 
"Now  came  the  famous  resolve  of  Cortes.  Ho 
would  band  his  heterogeneous  folk  together  — 
adherents  of  Cortes  and  of  Velaaiiuez  —  in  one 
common  cause  and  danger.  80  he  adroitly  led 
them  to  be  partners  in  the  deed  which  he  stealthily 
planned.  Hulk  after  hulk  of  the  apparently 
worm-eaten  vessels  of  the  llect  sank  in  the  har- 
bor, until  there  was  no  llotilla  left  upon  which 
any  could  desert  him.  Tlie  morcli  to  Mexico 
was  now  assured.  The  force  with  wliic:li  to  ac- 
complish tills  consisted  of  about  450  Spaniards, 
six  or  seven  llglit  guns,  fifteen  horses,  and  a 
swarm  of  Indian  slaves  and  atteudatits.  A  body 
of  the  Totoniics  accompaided  them.  Two  or 
three  days  brought  them  into  the  higher  plain 
and  its  enlivening  vegetation.  When  they 
reached  the  dei)endeucie8  of  Jlontezuma,  they 
found  orders  had  been  given  to  extend  to  tliem 
every  courtesy.  They  soon  readied  the  Ana- 
liuac  plateau,  which  reminded  tliem  not  a  little 
of  Spain  itself.  They  passed  from  cacique  to 
cacictue,  some  of  whom  groaned  under  the  yoke 
of  the  Aztec ;  but  not  one  dared  do  more  than 
orders  from  Montezuma  dictotcd.  Then  the  in- 
vaders approached  the  territory  of  an  independent 


2160 


MEXtro,   1,119. 


Mnuatrrr  nt 

f*hnluhl. 


MEXICO 


p<'ii|ilc,  tlioM>  of  TInarnlii.  wlm  liml  wiillcil  ilicir 
niiintry  ikKolnxt  nolKlilx'rinK  cncniirii.  A  IIkIiI 
t(M)k  ii'liii'i^  lit  tli(^  frontli'i-H,  in  which  the  Spiiii- 
innUloHt  twoliiiriM'M.  They  forccil  |iiiKwmiK"i»'*t 
Ifrvnl  inIiIn,  liiit  iikiiIii  IohI  iv  hiirw  or  two. 
—  which  wim  II  |H'rci'|)lililc  illniiriution  of  Iliclr 
|Hiwcr  to  terrify.  Tlic  iktoiiiiIh  upciil*  nf  Iim- 
MH'iiM-  liorili'H  of  tlii'TluHraliiiiH.  wliicli  liistorliin*! 
now  tiilic  witli  nllowimci'H.  Krciit  (irHiniill.  ('ortr'X 
Hpri'iiil  wliiit  nhirin  In-  coiilij  liy  liiiniini;  villiii;i'H 
nnil  cnjiturinK  tlKM'oiintry  pcoiilc.  Ills  f;rciitcHt 
olHtacIc  NiMin  iippcnri'cl  In  tlic  compiictcil  army 
of  TlaHcalanH  arniycil  In  IiIh  front.  Thi-  contlic't 
wliicli  cnHiicd  waH  for  a  wliilc  lioulitfiil.  Kvcrv 
liorw  wiiH  liiirt,  and  (KIMpanianlH  were  wonnilnl; 
hilt  tlie  rcHiilt  was  llie  retreat  of  tlie  'riaxcaliiii.M. 
Dlvlniii);  tliat  tlie  Spaninli  power  wun  drriveil 
from  till!  nun,  lh(>  enemy  phiniied  a  ninUl  attack; 
iiiit  Corti-H  KUHpeeled  It,  and  iiHxaiilted  them  In 
their  own  amliiiHli.  CorlcH  ■•  w  had  an  oppor- 
tunity to  diHplay  his  double  fiieedncNX  and  IiIh 
wIlcH.  Ho  received  cmlMishleH  liolli  from  .Moiitc- 
7.umu  mill  from  tlio  Hcnate  of  the  TliiHcahuiN.  lie 
cnjoU'd  eiieh,  and  played  off  his  fiieiidHlilp  for 
the  one  In  ceinetitliiK  an  alliiiiiee  with  the  oilier. 
Iliit  to  TliiHcahi  and  Mexico  he  would  >;o,  ko  he 
told  them.  The  TliiHcalanH  were  not  avenie.  for 
thi^y  tliouKht  It  liiKled  no  good  to  the  A/.tei's,  If 
lie  could  he  hound  to  thcmHclvcH.  .Monte/.uma 
(ireiided  tlie  coiitiict,  nnd  tried  to  Intimidate  tlie 
stnui^ters  by  talen  of  the  liorrilili'  ditlliMiltli  i  of 
the  Journey.  Presently  tin;  iiriny  tmik  up  IIh 
mureli  for  TIasraIn,  where  tliey  wen'  royal'y  re- 
ceived, and  wives  in  aliiindunee  were  IicsIowimI 
upon  the  leaders.  Next  they  pnsHcd  to  ('liolula, 
which  was  subject  to  tlio  Aztecs." — J.  Winsor, 
Niirrdlirr.  nnd  I'ritidd  I  [int.  of  Am.,  v.  'i,  eh.  (I. 
A.  D.  1519  (October).— The  Massacre  at 
Cholula.— The  match  to  Mexico. — "'I'lie  dis- 
laiiee  from  TliiHcala  to  (.'hololiui  [or  ('holulaj  is 
but  from  15  to  20  niilcH.  It  was  a  kiixl  of  holy 
pbicc,  venemted  fur  and  wide  in  Anahuae;  pil- 
grimages were  mitdc  tliitlier,  as  the  .Mniiometans 
(lo  to  Mecca,  and  (Jhrlstiaiis  to  .lerusalem  or 
Home.  The  city  was  consecrated  to  tho  worship 
nf  Qiictznicoati,  who  had  there  the  iiobleHt 
temple  in  all  Mexico,  built,  like  all  tlic  temples 
In  tliu  country,  on  tho  Hiimiiilt  of  n  truncat(  ' 
pyramid.  The  traveller  of  the  present  diiy  be 
holds  this  pyramid  on  tlie  horizon  as  lie  ap- 
proaches Piiebia,  on  his  route  from  Vera  (Iriiz  to 
Mexico.  Hut  tlic  worship  of  tho  bciK'tlcent 
Quetzalcontl  had  been  perverted  by  tho  sombre 
ffcniiis  of  the  Aztecs.  To  this  essentially  nood 
deity  0,0(H)  liuman  victims  were  annually  Immo- 
lated In  Ills  temple  at  Cludolan.  .  .  .  Tlio  Kpiin- 
lards  found  at  Cliololnn  an  eager  and,  to  all  ip- 
pcanuicc  at  least,  a  perfectly  cordial  welcome." 
But  this  hospitality  masked,  it  is  said,  a  great 
plot  for  their  destruction,  which  Montezuma  had 
inspirt^l  nnd  tn  aid  which  ho  lind  sent  into  the 
neighborhood  of  the  city  a  powerful  Jlexican 
army.  The  plot  was  revealed  to  Cortez  —  .so  the 
Spanish  historians  relate  —  and  "he  took  his  reso- 
lution with  his  accustomed  energy  nnd  foresight, 
lie  made  his  dispositions  for  tlio  verv  next  day. 
He  acipiaiuted  tlic  ciici(|ues  of  Chololau  that  ho 
should  cvaciintc  the  city  at  break  of  dawn,  and 
required  them  to  furnisu  2,000  porters  or  '  tam- 
nnes,'  for  the  baggage.  Tho  cuchiuos  then  or- 
ganized their  attack  for  tho  morrow  morning, 
not  without  a  promise  of  theinenreciuired,  wliom, 
in  fact,  they  brought  ut  dawn  to  the  great  court 


ill  which  the  forcigniTH  we-e  domiciled.  The 
conlllct  iic««ii  began.  'I'lie  SpanlardN,  who  were 
perfectly  pri'piired,  conimenced  by  inassacrlni; 
the  eacii|iieH.  The  iiiiinh  of  ('hololans  that  iit- 
leinpted  to  invaile  their  i|iiiirlerM  were  erilRlieil 
under  tin'  tire  of  their  uriillery  and  mUHkelry, 
and  the  chargen  of  their  ciivalry.  Hearing  the 
reports,  the  TlawalaiH.  who  hail  been  left  at  tho 
eiitriiiice  of  the  lity,  riiHlieil  on  lo  the  risciie. 
.  .  .  They  could  HOW'  irliit  their  liatn'd  and  ven- 
;{eaiiee;  they  slaughtered  as  long  as  they  I'oiild, 
and  I  hen  set  lo  work  at  plunder.  The  Miiaiiiarils, 
tiHi,  after  having  killed  all  Unit  resisted,  beloiik 
liieniselves  to  pillage.  The  iinfortunale  cily  of 
Ciioiolaii  was  thus  Inundated  with  liloixl  and 
sacked.  I'orle/,.  however,  enjoined  tliiit  tho 
women  and  children  should  b<^  spared,  and  wo 
are  assured  Unit  in  that  he  was  olM-yed,  even  by 
Ills  cruel  auxiliarii's  from  Thiseiila.  .  .  .  To  the 
praise  of  ('orte/  It  must  be  said  that,  after  the 
vl(!tory,  he  once  More  showed  himseif  tolerant ; 
he  left  the  Inhiibilanls  lit  liberty  to  follow  their 
old  religion  on  eoiidltlon  that  tliey  should  no 
longer  iiiimoiiili'  huiiian  victims.  After  this  sig- 
nal blow,  all  the  threats,  all  the  inlri'^iies,  of 
Monleziima,  Inid  no  possible!  elTect,  and  tho 
Aztec  emperor  could  be  under  no  illusion  as  to 
tlie  iiitlexible  Inlenlioii  of  Corlez.  The  hitter,  as 
soon  us  he  had  inslalled  new  chiefs  at  Chololan, 
and  elTiieeil  the  more  hideous  traces  of  tlie  mas- 
sacre and  pillagi!  that  had  desolated  tlie  city,  set 
out  with  his  own  troops  and  his  Indian  auxiliaries 
from  TInseala  for  tlie  capilal  of  the  .'izlcc  em- 
pire, tlie  magiiitleent  city  of  Teiiocl.  .llan." — M. 
(Mievalier,  Mexim,  Aiieinit  mid  .\f<i<ltrn,  nl.'i,  eh. 
4(1'.  I). 

The  Capital  of  Montezuma  as  des  ribed  by 
Cortes  and  Bernal  Diar.— "Thi  !''o'  line  is  in 
the  form  of  a  circle,  surrounded  >n  all  sides  by 
lofty  and  rugged  mountains;  its  level  surface 
eonipris  1  an  area  of  about  70  leagues  in  ciri'iim- 
ferenee.  Including  two  hikes,  that  overspread 
nearly  Iho  whole  valley  lieing  navigated  by 
lioats  more  than  no  leagiK  round.  Oneofthesu 
lakes  contains  fresli.  and  the  oilier,  wliicli  Is  tho 
larger  of  the  two.  salt  water.  On  one  side  of  tlic 
lakes,  in  tlic  micidle  rif  the  valley,  a  range  of 
iiighlands  divides  them  from  one  another,  with 
the  exception  of  a  narrow  strait  which  lies  be- 
tween till!  highlands  and  tlu^  lofty  Sierras.  This 
strait  is  a  bow-sliot  wide,  and  connecls  the  two 
lakes;  and  1)V  this  means  a  trade  is  carried  on  be- 
tween the  cities  and  other  settlements  on  tho 
lakes  in  canoes  without  Hie  necessity  of  travelling 
by  land.  As  the  salt  lake  rises  and  falls  witli 
its  tides  like  tlie  sea,  during  tlie  time  of  high 
water  it  pours  into  the  other  lake  with  the  rapid- 
ity of  a  powerful  stream;  and  on  the  other  hand, 
when  llic  tide  has  ebbed,  the  water  runs  from 
the  fresh  into  tlie  .salt  lake.  This  great  city  of 
Temixtilaii  [Tenochlillan— Mexico]  is  situated 
in  this  salt  lake,  and  from  tho  main  land  to  tho 
denser  parts  of  it,  by  whichever  route  one 
cliooses  to  enter,  the  distance  is  two  leagues. 
There  are  four  avenues  or  cnlrnnces  to  the  city, 
nil  of  which  are  formed  by  artificial  causeways, 
two  speare'  lengtli  in  width.  The  city  is  as  largo 
as  Seville  or  Cordova ;  its  streets,  I  speak  of  the 
principal  ones,  arc  very  wide  and  stmight;  some 
of  these,  and  all  the  inferior  ones,  arc  lialf  land 
nnd  half  water,  and  are  navigated  by  canoes.  All 
the  streets  at  intervals  have  openings,  through 
which  the  water  Hows,  crossing  from  one  street 


2161 


MEXICO, 


Tlte  PutMo  . 
of  Montezuma. 


MEXICO. 


to  nnolhor:  nnt)  nt  tlicso  openings,  somo  nf  wliicli 
arc  very  wide,  tlicre  arc  also  ver^'  wide  lirid^fs. 
composed  of  larjro  pit'fcs  of  limber,  of  great 
strensilh  and  well  put  togetlier;  on  mniiy  of  llicsc 
bridfte.s  leii  horses  ean  go  abreast.  .  .  .  Thlseity 
lias  many  piililie  si(iiares,  in  wliieh  arc  siliiated 
the  markels  and  other  places  for  buying  and 
selling.  There  is  one  sciuaro  twice  as  large  as 
that  of  the  cily  of  Snlaiiianra,  surrounded  by 
poriieoes,  where  are  daily  asseml)led  more  than 
OO.OOO  souls,  engaged  in  buying  and  selling ;  and 
where  are  found  all  kinds  of  mercliandise  tliat 
the  world  alTords.  embracing  the  neces.saries  of 
life,  as  for  instance  articles  of  food,  as  well  as 
jewels  of  gold  and  silver,  lead,  brass,  copi)er,  tin, 
precious  stones,  bones,  shells,  snails,  and  feathers. 
,  ,  .  i^very  kind  of  merchandise  is  sold  in  a  par- 
ticular street  or  (luarler  a.ssigned  lo  it  c.vcliisive- 
ly,  and  thus  the  best  order  is  preserved.  They 
sell  everything  by  number  or  measure;  at  least 
so  far  we  have  not  ol)serve<l  them  lo  sell  any 
tiling  by  weight.  There  is  a  Imilding  in  the 
great  stjuare  tliat  is  used  as  an  audience  house, 
where  ten  or  twelve  persons,  who  arc  inagislrates, 
sit  and  decide  all  controversies  that  arise  in  the 
market,  and  order  delin<iuents  to  be  i)unished. 
.  .  .  Tliis  great  city  contains  a  large  number  of 
temples,  or  hou.scs  for  their  idols,  very  liandsomc 
edifices,  which  are  situated  in  tlio  different  dis- 
tricts an<l  the  suburbs.  .  .  .  Among  these  tem- 
ples there  is  one  which  far  siirpas.ses  nil  tlie  rest, 
whose  grandeur  of  architectural  details  no  human 
tongue  is  able  to  describe;  for  within  its  pre- 
cincts, surrounded  by  a  lofty  wall,  there  is  room 
enough  for  a  town  of  500  families.  Around  the 
interior  of  this  enclosure  there  are  handsome  edi- 
fices, containing  large  halls  and  corridors,  in 
which  the  religious  persons  attached  to  the  tem- 
ple reside.  Tliere  arc  full  40  towers,  which  are 
lofty  and  well  binlt,  the  largest  of  which  has  .50 
steps  leading  lo  ils  main  body,  and  is  higher  than 
the  tower  of  the  principal  church  at  Seville.  The 
stone  and  wood  of  which  they  are  conslructed 
are  .so  well  wrought  in  every  part  that  nothing 
could  be  belter  (lone.  .  .  .  This  noble  city  con- 
tains many  line  and  magnificent  houses;  which 
may  be  accounted  for  from  the  fact  that  all  the 
nol)ilit}-  of. the  country,  who  are  tlie  vassals  of 
Mulcczuma,  have  houses  in  the  city,  in  whicli 
they  reside  a  certain  part  of  the  year;  and,  be- 
sides, there  are  numerous  wealthy  citir'.ens  who 
also  possess  lino  houses." — II.  Cortes,  Ikupatches 
[lAttern]  (trans,  by  O.  Folmm),  letter  2,  c/t.  5. — 
•'We  had  already  been  four  days  in  the  cily  of 
Mexico,  and  neither  our  commander  nor  any  of 
us  had,  during  that  time,  left  our  quarters,  ex- 
cepting lo  vi.sit  tlie  gardens  and  buildings  ad- 
joining the  palace.  Cortes  now,  therefore,  de- 
termined to  view  the  cily,  and  visit  the  great 
market,  and  the  chief  temple  of  Iluitzilopochtli. 
.  .  .  Tlie  moment  we  arrived  in  this  immense 
rr.arket,  we  were  perfectly  astonished  at  the  vast 
numbers  of  people,  llie  profusion  of  merchandise 
which  was  tliere  exposed  for  sale,  and  at  the 
good  police  and  order  tiiat  reigned  throughout. 
.  .  .  Every  species  of  goods  which  New  Spain 
produces  were  here  to  be  found ;  and  everything 
put  me  in  mind  of  my  native  town  Medina  dc-l 
Campo  during  fair  time,  wliere  every  merchan- 
dise has  a  separate  street  assigned  for  its  sale. 
,  .  .  On  quitting  the  market,  we  entered  the 
spacious  yards  wuich  surround  the  chief  temple. 
.  ,  .  Motecusuina,  who  was  sacrificing  ou  the 


top  lo  his  idols,  sent  six  papas  and  two  of  his 
Iirincipal  ollicers  lo  conduct  Cortes  up  the  steps. 
There  were  114  steps  lo  the  summit.  .  .  .  In- 
deed, this  infernal  temple,  frimi  ils  great  heiglit, 
commanded  a  view  of  the  whole,  surrounding 
neighbourhood.  From  llns  i)lace  we  could  like- 
wise SCO  the  three  causeways  which  led  into 
Mexico.  .  .  .  We  also  observed  the  a(|Uediict 
which  ran  from  Chapultepec,  and  provided  the 
whole  town  willi  sweet  water.  We  could  also 
distinctly  see  the  bridges  across  the  openings,  by 
which  these  causeways  were  inlersecled,  and 
tlirough  which  the  waters  of  the  lake  ebbed  and 
flowed.  The  lake  il.self  was  crowded  with 
canoes,  which  were  bringing  provisions,  manu- 
factures and  otlier  mcrchandi.se  to  the  city. 
From  here  wc  al.so  discovered  that  the  only  com- 
munication of  the  houses  in  this  city,  and  of  all 
the  other  towns  built  in  the  lake,  was  by  means 
of  drawbridges  or  canoes.  In  all  these  towns 
the  beautiful  while  plastered  lenii)les  rose  above 
the  smaller  ones,  like  so  many  towers  and  castles 
in  our  Spanish  towns,  and  this,  it  may  be  imag- 
ined, was  a  splendid  sight." — Bcrnal  Diaz  del 
Castillo,  ^fcmtlira  (tntim.  by  Loekhint),  eh.  03 
(r.  1). 

The  same  as  viewed  in  the  light  of  modern 
historical  criticism, — "  In  the  West  India  Is- 
lands the  Spanish  discoverers  found  small  Indian 
tribes  under  the  government  of  chiefs;  but  ou 
the  continent,  in  tlie  Valley  of  Mexico,  they 
found  a  confederacy  of  three  Indian  tribes  under 
a  more  advanced  but  similar  government.  lu 
the  midst  of  the  valley  was  a  large  pueblo,  the 
largest  in  America,  surrounded  with  water,  ap- 
proached by  causeways;  in  fine,  a  water-girt 
fortress  impregnable  to  Indian  assault.  This 
pueblo  ])resented  to  the  Spanish  adventurers  the 
extraordinary  spectacle  of  aij  Indian  society  lying 
two  ethnical  periods  back  of  European  society, 
but  with  a  government  and  plan  of  life  at  once 
intelligent,  orderly,  and  complete.  .  .  .  The 
Spanisli  adventurers  who  captured  the  pueWo  of 
Slexico  saw  a  king  in  Montezuma,  lords  in  Aztec 
chiefs,  and  a  palace  in  the  large  joint-tenement 
house  occupied,  Indian  fashion,  by  Jlontezuma 
and  his  fellow-liotiseholders.  It  was,  perhaps, 
an  unavoidable  self-deception  at  the  time,  be- 
cause they  knew  nothing  of  the  Aztec  social  sys- 
tem. Unfortunately  it  inaugurated  American 
aboriginal  liLstory  upon  a  misconception  of  In- 
dian life  which  has  remained  substantially  un- 
questioned until  recently.  The  first  eye- witnesses 
gave  the  keynote  to  this  history  by  introducing 
Montezuma  as  a  king,  occupying  a  palace  of 
great  extent  crowded  with  retainers,  and  situated 
in  the  midst  of  a  grand  and  populous  city,  over 
which,  and  much  besides,  he  was  reputed  master. 
But  king  and  kingdom  were  in  time  found  too 
common  to  ex  press  all  the  glory  and  splendor  the 
imagination  was  beginning  to  conceive  of  Aztec 
society ;  and  emperor  and  empire  gradually  su- 
perseded the  more  humble  conception  of  the  cou- 
(juerors.  ...  To  every  author,  from  Cortes  and 
I3ernal  Diaz  to  Drasseur  do  Bourbo.urg  and 
Hubert  II.  Bancroft,  Indian  society  was  an  un- 
fathomable mystery,  and  their  works  have  left 
it  a  mystery  still.  Ignorant  of  its  structure  and 
principles,  and  unable  to  comprehend  ils  pecu- 
liarities, they  invoked  the  imagination  to  supply 
whatever  was  necessary  to  fill  out  the  picture. 
.  .  .  Thus,  iu  this  case,  we  have  a  grand  his- 
torical romance,   strung  upon  the  conquest  of 


216^ 


MEXICO. 


The  Upanieh 
Conquest. 


MEXICO,  1519-1520. 


Mexico  as  upon  a  thread;  the  acts  of  tlie  Span- 
iards, the  pueblo  of  Mexico,  and  it.s  capture,  are 
historical,  while  the  descriptions  of  Indian  society 
and  g()vernment  are  imaginary  and  delusive. 
.  .  .  There  is  a  strong  ijrobabllity,  from  what  is 
known  of  Indian  life  and  society,  that  the 
house  in  which  Montezuma  lived,  was  a  joint- 
tenement  house  of  the  aboriginal  American  model, 
owned  by  a  large  number  of  related  faniilios, 
and  occupied  by  them  in  common  as  joint  pro- 
prietors; that  the  dinner  [of  Montezuma,  in  his 
palace,  as  described  by  Cortes  and  Bcrual  Diuz] 
.  .  .  was  the  usual  single  daily  meal  of  a  coni- 
uiunal  liouschold,  prepared  in  a  common  cook- 
house from  common  stores,  and  divided,  Indian 
fasliion,  from  the  kettle;  and  that  all  the  Span- 
iards found  in  INIexlco  was  a  simiile  confederacy 
of  three  Indian  tribes,  the  counterpart  of  which 
was  found  in  all  parts  of  America.  It  may  be 
premised  further  that  the  Spanish  adventurers 
wlio  thronged  to  the  new  world  after  its  dis- 
covery found  the  same  race  of  Ued  Indians  in 
the  West  India  Islands,  in  Central  and  Soutli 
America,  in  Florida,  and  in  Mexico.  In  tlieir 
mode  of  life  and  means  of  subsistence,  in  their 
weapons,  arts,  usages,  and  customs,  in  their  in- 
stitutions, and  In  tlicir  mental  and  pliysical  char- 
acteristics, they  were  the  same  i)eople  in  different 
stages  of  advancement.  No  distinction  of  race 
was  observed,  and  none  in  fact  existed.  .  .  . 
Not  a  vestige  of  the  ancient  pueblo  of  Mexico 
(Tenochtltlan)  remains  to  assist  us  to  a  knowledge 
of  its  architecture.  Its  structures,  which  were 
useless  to  a  people  of  European  habits,  were 
speedily  destroyed  to  make  room  for  a  city 
adapted  to  the  wants  of  a  civilized  race.  We 
must  seek  for  its  characteristics  in  contemporary 
Indian  houses  which  still  remain  in  ruins,  and  in 
such  of  the  early  descriptious  as  have  come  down 
to  us,  and  then  leave  the  subject  with  but  little 
accurate  knowledge.  Its  situation,  partly  on 
dry  land  and  partly  in  the  waters  of  a  shallow  arti- 
ficial pond  formed  by  causeways  and  dikes,  led  to 
the  formation  of  streets  and  squares,  which  were 
unusual  in  Indian  pueblos,  and  gave  to  it  a  remark- 
able appearance.  .  .  .  Many  of  the  houses  were 
large,  far  beyond  the  supposable  wants  of  a  ''igle 
Indian  family.  They  were  constructed  of  adobe 
brick  and  of  stone,  and  plastered  over  in  both 
oases  with  gypsum,  which  made  them  a  brilliant 
white ;  and  some  were  constructed  of  a  red  i)orous 
stone.  In  cutting  and  dressing  this  stone  flintim- 
plements  were  used.  Tiie  fact  that  the  houses 
were  plastered  externally  leads  us  to  infer  that  they 
had  not  learned  to  dress  stone  and  lay  them  in 
cuvirses.  It  is  not  certainly  establislied  that  they 
had  learned  the  use  of  a  mortar  of  lime  and  sand. 
In  the  final  attack  and  capture,  it  is  said  tliat 
Cortes,  in  the  course  of  seventeen  days,  destroyed 
and  levelled  three-quarters  of  the  pueblo,  which 
demonstrates  the  flimsy  character  of  the  ma- 
sonry. ...  It  is  doubtful  \vlietlicr  there  Avas  a 
single  pueblo  in  North  America,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Tlascala,  Cholula,  Tezcuco,  and  Mexico, 
which  contained  10,000  inhabitants.  There  is 
no  occasion  to  apply  the  term  'city 'to  any  of 
them.  None  of  tlic  Spanish  descriptions  enable 
us  to  realize  the  exact  form  and  structure  of 
these  houses,  or  their  relations  to  each  other  in 
forming  a  pueblo.  ...  It  is  evident  from  the 
citations  made  that  the  largest  of  tl  ese  joint-tene- 
ment houses  would  accommodate  from  ,'500  to 
1,000  or  more  people,  living  in  the  fashion  of  lu- 

8-8» 


dians;  and  that  the  courts  were  probablv  quad- 
rangles, formed  by  constructing  the  building  on 
three  sides  of  an  inclosed  space,  as  in  the  New 
Mexican  pueblos,  or  upon  the  four  sides,  as  in 
tl>e  House  of  tlie  Nuns,  at  Uxmal." — L.  II. 
Morgan,  Houses  and  Ho  itclife  of  the  Am.  Ah)- 
rii/iiies  {U.  8.  Ocog.  and  i>eol.  Sun.  of  llnck;/  Mt. 
litij.:  Contrib.  to  K.  Am.  .Vt/uwtogi/,  v.  4),  eh.  10. 
A.  D.  1519-1520.— Captivity  of  Montezuma, 
Cortes  ruling;  in  his  name. — The  discomfiture 
of  Narvaez. — The  revolt  of  the  capital. — When 
Cortes  had  time  to  survey  and  to  realize  his 
position  in  the  Mexican  capital,  he  saw  that  it 
was  full  of  extreme  dangc.  To  be  isolated  with 
so  small  a  force  in  tlie  miust  of  any  hostile, 
populous  city  would  be  perilous;  but  in  Jlexico 
that  iieril  was  immeasurably  increased  by  the 
peculiar  situation  and  construction  of  tlie  island- 
city —  Venice-like  in  its  insulation,  and  connected 
with  the  mainland  by  long  and  narrow  cause- 
ways and  bridges,  easily  broken  and  dilHcult  to 
secure  for  retreat.  AVith  characteristic  audaci- 
ty, the  Spanish  leader  mastered  the  danger  of 
the  situation,  so  to  speak,  by  taking  Montezuma 
himself  in  pledge  for  the  peace  and  good  behavior 
of  his  subjects.  Commanded  by  Cortes  to  quit 
his  palace,  and  to  take  up  his  residence  with  the 
Spaniards  in  their  quarters,  the  M-exican  mon- 
arch remonstrated  but  obeyed,  am',  became  from 
that  day  the  shadow  of  a  king.  "During  six 
months  that  Cortes  remained  m  Mexico  [from 
November,  1519,  until  May,  1520],  the  monarch 
continued  in  the  Spanish  quarters,  with  an  ap- 
pearance of  as  entire  satisfaction  and  tranquillity 
as  if  he  had  resided  there,  not  from  constraint, 
but  through  choice.  His  ministers  and  officers 
attended  him  as  usual.  lie  took  cognizance  of 
all  affairs;  every  order  was  issued  in  Ins  name. 
.  .  .  Such  was  the  dread  which  both  Montezuma 
and  his  subjects  had  of  the  Spaniards,  or  such 
the  veneration  in  which  tliey  held  them,  that 
no  attempt  was  made  to  deliver  tlieir  sovereign 
from  confinement,  and  though  Cortes,  relying  on 
this  ascendant  which  he  had  acquired  over  their 
minds,  permitted  him  not  only  to  visit  his 
temples,  but  to  make  hunting  excursions  beyond 
the  lake,  a  guard  of  a  few  Sijaniards  carried  with 
it  such  a  terrour  as  to  intimidate  the  multitude, 
and  secure  the  captive  monarch.  Thus,  by  the 
fortunate  temerity  of  Cortes  in  seizing  Jlonte- 
zuma,  the  Spaniards  at  once  secured  to  them- 
selves more  extensive  authority  in  the  Jlexican 
empire  than  it  was  possible  to  have  acquired  in 
a  long  course  of  time  by  oi)en  force ;  and  they 
cxerci.sed  more  absolute  sway  in  the  name  of 
another  than  they  could  have  done  in  their  own. 
.  .  .  Cortes  availed  himself  to  the  utmost  of  the 
powers  which  he  possessed  by  behu^  able  to  act 
in  the  name  of  Montezuma.  He  sent  some  .Span- 
iards, whom  he  judged  best  qualified  for  such 
commissions,  into  different  parts  of  the  empire, 
accompanied  by  persons  of  distinction,  wliom 
Montezuma  appointed  to  attend  them  both  as 
guides  and  protectors.  They  visited  most  of  the 
provinces,  viewed  their  soil  and  jjroductions, 
surveyed  with  particular  care  the  districts  which 
yielded  gold  or  silver,  pitched  upon  several 
jjlaces  as  proper  stations  for  future  colonies,  and 
endeavoured  to  prepare  the  minds  of  the  jjcople 
for  submitting  to  tlie  Spanish  yoke. "  At  the 
same  time,  Cortes  strengthened  his  footing  in 
the  capital  by  building  and  launching  two  brig- 
autiues   on   the   lake,    with  an  equipment  and 


163 


MEXICO.  1519-1520. 


The  Spanish 
Conquett. 


MEXICO,    1520. 


armament  which  lils  royal  prisoner  caused  to  be 
brought  up  for  him  from  Vera  Cnz.  He  also 
persuaded  Montezuma  to  acknowl>  dge  himscK  a 
vassal  of  the  King  of  Castile,  and  to  subject  his 
kingdom  to  the  payment  of  an  .mnual  tribute. 
But,  while  his  cunning  conquest  of  an  empire 
was  advancing  thus  prosperously,  the  astute 
Spanish  captain  allowed  his  prudence  to  be  over- 
ridden by  his  religious  zeal.  Becoming  impatient 
at  the  obstinacy  with  which  Montezuma  clung 
to  his  false  goils,  Cortes  made  a  rash  attempt, 
with  his  soldiers,  to  cast  down  the  idols  in  the 
great  temple  of  the  city,  and  to  set  the  image  of 
the  Virgin  in  their  place.  The  sacrilegious  out- 
rage roused  the  Mexicans  from  their  tame  sub- 
mission and  fired  them  with  an  inextinguishable 
rage.  At  this  most  unfortunate  juncture,  news 
came  from  Vera  Cruz  whic!.  '  mianded  the  per- 
sonal presence  of  Cortes  on  the  coast.  Velasquez, 
the  hostile  governor  of  Cuba,  to  whom  the  ad- 
venturer in  Mexico  was  a  rebel,  had  sent,  at 
lost,  an  expedition,  to  put  a  stop  to  his  unau- 
thorized proceedings  and  to  arrest  his  person. 
Cortes  faced  the  new  menace  as  boldly  as  he  hod 
faced  oil  others.  Leaving  150  men  in  the  angry 
Mexican  capital,  under  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  he 
set  out  with  the  small  remainder  of  his  force  to 
attack  the  Spanish  intruders.  Even  after  pick- 
ing up  some  detachments  outside  and  joining 
the  garrison  at  Vera  Cruz,  lie  could  muster  but 
250  men;  while  Narvaez,  who  commanded  the 
expedition  from  Cuba,  had  brought  800  foot 
soldiers  and  80  horse,  with  twelve  pieces  of 
cannon.  The  latter  had  taken  possession  of  the 
city  of  Zerapoalla  and  was  strongly  posted  in 
one  of  its  temples.  There  Cortes  surprised  him, 
in  a  night  attack,  took  him  prisoner,  in  o 
wounded  state,  and  compelled  his  troops  to  lay 
down  their  arms.  Nearly  the  whole  of  the  latter 
were  soon  captivated  by  the  commanding  genius 
of  the  man  they  had  been  sent  to  arrest,  and 
enlisted  in  his  service.  He  found  himself  now  at 
the  head  of  a  thousand  well  ormed  men ;  and  he 
found  in  the  same  moment  that  he  needed  them 
all.  For  news  came  from  Mexico  that  Alvarado, 
thinking  to  anticipate  and  crush  a  suspected  in- 
tention of  the  Mexicans  to  rise  against  him,  had 
provoked  the  revolt  and  made  it  desperote  by  a 
most  perfidious,  brutal  massacre  of  several  hun- 
dred of  the  chief  persons  of  the  empire,  com- 
mitted while  they  were  celebrating  one  of  the 
festivals  of  their  religion,  in  the  temple.  Tlie 
Spaniards  at  Mexico  were  now  beleaguered,  as 
the  consequence,  in  their  quarters,  and  their  only 
hope  was  the  hope  that  Cortes  would  make  haste 
to  their  rescue, — which  he  did. — W.  Robertson, 
EUt.  of  America,  bk.  5  (v.  2). 

Also  in:  H.  H.  Bancroft,  Mist,  of  the  Pacific 
States,  V.  4,  eh.  17-23. 

A.  D.  1520  (June— July).—  The  return  of 
Cortts  to  the  Mexican  Capital. — The  battle 
in  the  city. — The  death  of  Montezuma. — The 
disastrous  Retreat  of  the  Spaniards. —  The 
alarming  intelligence  which  came  to  him  from 
the  Mexican  capital  called  out  in  Cortes  the 
whole  energy  of  his  nature.  Hastily  summon- 
ing back  the  various  expeditions  he  had  already 
sent  out,  and  gathering  all  his  forces  together, 
he  "reviewed  his  men,  and  found  that  they 
amounted  to  1,300  soldiers,  among  whom  were 
96  horsemen,  80  cross-bowmen,  and  about  80 
musketeers.  Cortez  marched  with  great  strides 
to  Mexico,  and  entered  the  city  at  the  head  of 


this  formidable  force  on  the  24th  of  June,  1520, 
the  day  of  John  the  Baptist.  Very  different  was 
the  reception  of  Cortez  on  this  occasion  from 
t!...c  on  his  first  entry  into  Slexico,  when  Monte- 
zuma had  gone  f^rth  with  all  pomp  to  meet  him. 
Now,  the  Indians  stoml  silently  in  the  doorways 
of  their  houses,  and  the  bridges  between  the 
houses  were  taken  up.  Even  when  he  arrived 
at  his  own  quarters  he  found  the  gates  barred, 
so  strict  had  been  the  siege,  and  he  1  id  to 
demand  an  entry."  The  Mexicans,  strangely 
enough,  made  no  attempt  to  oppose  his  entrance 
into  the  city  and  his  junction  with  Alvarado; 
yet  the  day  after  his  return  their  attack  upon 
the  Spanish  quarters,  now  so  strongly  reinforced, 
was  renewed.  "Cortez,  who  was  not  ut  all 
given  to  exaggeration,  says  that  neither  the 
streets  nor  the  terraced  roofs  ('azoteas')  were 
visible,  being  entirely  obscured  by  the  people 
who  were  upon  them;  that  the  multitude  of 
stones  was  so  great  that  it  seemed  as  if  it  rained 
stones ;  and  that  the  arrows  came  so  thickly  that 
the  walls  and  the  courts  were  full  of  them,  ren- 
dering it  ditBcult  to  move  about.  Cortez  made 
two  or  three  desperate  sallies,  and  was  wounded. 
The  Mexicans  succeeded  in  setting  fire  to  the 
fortress,  which  was  with  difflculty  subdued,  and 
they  would  have  scaled  the  walls  at  the  point 
where  the  fire  had  done  most  damage  but  for  a 
large  force  of  cross-bowmen,  musketeers,  and  ar- 
tillery, which  Cortez  threw  forward  to  meet  the 
danger.  The  Mexicans  at  last  drew  back,  leav- 
ing no  fewer  than  80  Spaniards  wounded  in  this 
first  encounter.  The  ensuing  morning,  as  soon 
as  it  was  daylight,  the  attack  was  renewed.  .  .  . 
Again,  and  with  considerable  success,  Cortez 
made  sullies  from  tlie  fortress  in  tlie  course  of 
the  day ;  but  at  the  end  of  it  there  were  about  60 
more  of  his  men  to  be  added  to  the  list  of 
wounded,  already  large,  from  the  injuries  re- 
ceived on  the  preceding  day.  The  third  day 
was  devoted  by  the  ingenious  Cortez  to  making 
three  movable  fortresses,  called  'mantos,'  which, 
lie  thought,  would  enable  his  men,  with  less  dan- 
ger, to  contend  against  the  Mexicans  upon  their 
terraced  roofs.  ...  It  was  on  this  day  that  the 
unfortunate  Montezuma,  either  at  the  request  of 
Cortez,  or  of  his  own  accord,  came  out  upon  a 
battlement  and  addressed  the  people. "  He  was 
interrupted  by  a  shower  of  stones  and  arrows 
and  received  wounds  from  which  he  died  soon 
after.  The  fighting  on  this  day  was  more 
desperate  than  it  had  been  before.  The  Span- 
iards undertook  to  dislodge  a  body  of  the  Indians 
who  had  posted  themselves  on  the  summit  of  the 
great  temple,  which  was  dangerously  near  at 
hand.  Again  and  again  they  were  driven  back, 
until  Cortez  bound  his  shield  to  his  wounded 
arm  and  led  the  assault.  Then,  after  three  hours 
of  fighting,  from  terrace  to  terrace,  they  gained 
the  upper  platform  and  put  every  Mexican  to 
the  sword.  But  40  Spaniards  perished  in  the 
struggle.  "This  fight  in  the  temple  gave  a 
momentary  brightness  to  the  arms  of  the  Span- 
iards and  afforded  Cortez  an  opportunity  to  re- 
sume negotiations.  But  the  determination  of 
the  Mexicans  was  fixed  and  complete.  .  .  .They 
would  all  perish,  if  that  were  needful,  to  gain 
their  point  of  destroying  the  Spaniards.  They 
bade  Cortez  look  at  the  streets,  the  squares,  and 
the  terraces,  covered  with  peojile ;  and  then,  in  a 
business-like  and  calculating  manner,  they  told 
him  that  if  25,000  of  them  were  to  die  for  each 


216i 


MEXICO,  1520. 


The  SpanUK 
Conquett. 


MEXICO,  1521. 


Spaniard,  still  tlie  Spaniards  would  perish  first. 
...  It  generally  requires  at  least  as  mucli  cour- 
age to  retreat  as  to  advance.  Indeed,  few  men 
have  tlie  courage  and  the  ready  wisdom  to  re- 
treat in  time.  But  Cortez,  once  convinced  that 
his  position  in  Mexico  was  no  longer  tenable, 
wasted  no  time  or  energy  in  parleying  with  dan- 
ger. Terror  had  lost  its  influence  witli  tlie  Jlex- 
Icans,  and  superior  strategy  was  of  little  avail 
against  such  overpowering  numbers.  .  .  .  Cortez 
resolved  to  quit  the  city  that  night  [July  1, 1520]. 
...  A  little  before  midnight  tlie  stealthy  marcli 
began.  The  Spaniards  succeeded  in  laying  down 
the  pontoon  over  the  first  bridge- way,  and  the 
vanguard  with  Sandoval  passed  over;  but,  while 
the  rest  were  passing,  the  Mexicans  gave  the 
alarm  with  loud  shouts  and  blowing  of  horns. 
.  .  .  Almost  immediately  upon  this  alarm  the 
lake  was  covered  with  canoes.  It  rained,  and 
the  misfortunes  of  the  night  commenced  by  two 
horses  slipping  from  the  pontoon  into  the  water. 
Then  tlie  Mexicans  attacked  the  pontoon-bearers 
so  furiously  that  it  was  impossible  for  them  to 
raise  it  up  again."  After  that,  all  seems  to  have 
been  a  confused  struggle  in  the  darkness,  where 
even  Cortez  could  do  little  for  the  unfortunate 
rear-guard  of  his  troops.  "This  memorable 
night  has  ever  been  celebrated  in  American  his- 
tory as  'la  noclie  tristc.'  In  this  flight  from 
Mexico  all  the  artillery  was  lost,  and  there 
perished  450  Spaniards,  .  .  .  4,000  of  the  Indian 
allies,  46  horses,  and  most  of  the  Mexican  pris- 
oners, including  one  son  and  two  daughters  of 
Moutezuraa,  and  his  nephew  the  King  of  Tez- 
cuco.  A  loss  which  posterity  will  ever  regret 
was  that  of  the  books  and  accounts,  memorials 
and  writings,  of  which  there  were  some,  it  is 
said,  that  contained  a  narrative  of  all  that  had 
happened  since  Cortez  left  Cuba.  ...  In  the 
annals  of  retreats  there  has  seldom  been  one  re- 
corded which  proved  more  entirely  disfistrous." 
— Sir  A.  Helps,  Spanish  Conquest  in  America,  bk. 
10,  ch.  7-8  (v.  2). 

A.  D.  1520-1521.— The  retreat  to  Tlascala. 
—Reinforcements  and  recovery.— Cortes  in 
the  field  again.— Preparations  to  attack  Mex- 
ico.— "After  the  disasters  and  fatigues  of  the 
'noche  tristc,' the  melancholy  and  broken  band 
of  Cortez  rested  for  a  day  at  Tacuba,  whilst  the 
Mexicans  returned  to  their  capital,  probably  to 
bury  the  dead  and  purify  their  city.  It  is  singu- 
lar, yet  it  is  certain,  tliat  they  did  not  follow  up 
their  successes  by  a  death  blow  at  the  dis- 
armed Spaniards.  B;'t  this  momentary  paralysis 
of  their  efforts  was  not  to  be  trusted,  and  ac- 
cordingly Cortez  began  to  retreat  castwardly, 
under  the  guidance  of  the  Tlascalans,  by  a 
circuitous  route  around  the  northern  limits  of 
lake  Zumpango.  The  flying  forces  and  their 
auxiliaries  were  soon  in  a  famishing  condition, 
subsisting  alone  on  corn  or  on  wild  cherries 
gathered  in  tlie  forest,  with  occasional  refresh- 
ment and  support  from  the  carcase  of  a  horse 
that  perished  by  tlie  way.  For  six  days  these 
fragments  of  the  Spanish  army  continued  their 
weary  pilgrimage,  and,  on  the  seventh,  reached 
Ottimba. "  At  Olumba  their  progress  was  barred 
by  a  vast  army  of  the  Aztecs,  which  had 
inarched  by  a  shorter  road  to  intercept  them; 
but  after  a  desperate  battle  the  natives  fled  anel 
the  Spaniards  were  troubled  no  'nore  until 
they  reached  the  friendly  shelter  of  Tloscala. 
The  Tlascalans  held  faithfully  to  their  alliance 


and  received  the  flying  strangers  with  helpful 
hands  and  encouraging  words.  But  many  of 
Cortez'  men  demandeil  permission  to  continue 
their  retreat  to  Vera  Cruz.  "Just  at  this  mo- 
ment, too,  Cuitlahua,  who  mounted  the  throne 
of  >iexico  on  the  death  of  Montezuma,  des- 
patched a  mission  to  the  Tlasailans,  proposing 
to  bury  the  hatchet,  and  to  unite  in  sweeping 
the  Spaniards  from  the  realm."  A  hot  discus- 
sion ensued  in  the  council  of  the  Tiascalan  chiefs, 
which  resulted  in  the  rejection  of  the  Mexican 
proposal,  and  the  confidence  of  Cortez  was 
restored.  He  succeeded  in  pacifying  his  men, 
and  gave  them  employment  by  expetlitions 
ogainst  tribes  and  towns  within  reach  which 
adhered  to  the  Mexican  king.  After  some  time 
he  obtained  reinforcements,  by  an  arrival  of  ves- 
sels at  Vera  Cruz  bringing  men  and  supplies,  and 
he  began  to  make  serious  preparations  for  the 
rceonquest  of  the  Aztec  capital.  He  "con- 
structed new  arms  and  caused  old  ones  to  be  re- 
paired ;  made  powder  with  sulphur  obtained  from 
the  volcano  of  Popocatopetl ;  and,  under  the  di- 
rection of  his  builcier,  Lopez,  prepared  the  timber 
for  brigantines,  which  he  designed  to  carry,  in 
pieces,  and  launcli  on  the  lake  at  the  town  of 
Tezcoco.  At  that  port,  he  resolved  to  prepare 
himself  fully  for  the  final  attack,  and,  this  time, 
he  determined  to  assault  the  enemy's  capital  by 
water  as  well  as  by  land."  Tlie  last  day  of  De- 
cember found  him  once  more  on  the  shores  of 
the  Mexican  lake,  encamped  at  Tezcoco,  with  a 
Spanish  force  restored  to  600  men  in  strength, 
having  40  horses,  80  arquebuses  and  nine  small 
cannon.  Of  Indian  allies  he  is  said  to  have  had 
many  thousands.  Jlcantime,  Cuitlahua  had  died 
of  smallpox  —  which  came  to  the  country  with 
the  Spaniards  —  and  had  been  succeeded  by 
Guatemozin,  his  nephew,  a  vigorous  young  man 
of  twenty-five.  "At  Tezcoco,  Cortez  was 
firmly  planted  on  the  eastern  edge  of  the  val- 
ley of  Mexico,  in  full  sight  of  the  capital  which 
lay  across  the  lake,  near  its  western  shore,  at 
the  distance  of  about  twelve  miles.  Behind 
him,  towards  tlie  sea-coast,  he  commanded  the 
country,  .  .  .  while,  by  passes  through  lower 
spurs  of  the  mountains,  ho  might  easily  com- 
municate with  the  valleys  of  which  the  Tlas- 
calans and  Cholulans  were  masters."  One  by 
one  ho  reduced  and  destroyed  or  occupied  the 
neighboring  towns,  and  overran  the  surrounding 
country,  in  expeditions  which  made  the  com- 
plete circle  of  the  valley  and  gave  liim  a  com- 
plete knowledge  of  it,  while  they  re-established 
the  prestige  of  the  Spaniards  and  the  terror  of 
their  arms.  On  the  28tli  of  April  the  newly 
built  brigontines,  13  in  number,  were  lounched 
upon  tlie  lake,  and  all  was  in  readiness  for  an  at- 
tack upon  the  city,  with  forces  now  increased 
by  fresh  arrivals  to  87  horse  and  818  Spanish  in- 
fantry, with  three  iron  field  pieces  and  15  brass 
falconets. — B.  Mayer,  jl/e.«co,  Aztec,  Spanish  ancl 
Jiepublican,  bk.  1,  ch.  6-8  {v.  1). 

A.  D.  1521  (May— July). — The  siege  of  the 
Aztec  capital  begun. — "The  observations  which 
Cortes  had  made  in  his  late  tour  of  reconnais- 
sance had  determined  him  to  begin  tlic  siege  by 
distributing  his  forces  into  three  separate  camps, 
which  he  jiroposed  to  establish  at  the  extremities 
of  the  principal  causeways,"  under  three  of  his 
captains,  Alvarado,  Olid  and  Sandoval.  The 
movement  of  forces  from  Tezcuco  began  on  the 
10th  of  May,  1521.    Alvarado  and  Olid  occupied 


2165 


MEXICO,  im. 


7%e  Spnniah 
Contiueit. 


MEXICO,  1521. 


Tacubft,  ctit  the  aqueduct  which  conveyed  water 
from  C;hapoltepcc  to  the  capital,  and  nindo  an 
unauccessful  attempt  to  get  possession  of  tlio 
fatal  causeway  of  "tlie  noche  triste. "  Holding 
Taciiba,  however,  Alvarado  commanded  that  im- 
portant passage,  while  Sandoval,  seizing  the 
city  of  Iztapalapan,  at  the  southern  extremity  of 
the  lake,  and  Olid,  establishing  himself  near'thc 
latter,  at  Cojohuacan,  were  in.mted  at  the  two 
outlets,  it  would  seem,  of  another  of  the  cause- 
ways, which  branched  to  attain  the  shore  at 
those  two  points.  When  so  much  had  been  ac- 
complished, Cortes,  in  person,  set  sail  with  his 
tleet  of  brigantines  and  speedily  cleared  the  lalie 
of  all  the  swarm  of  light  canoes  and  little  vessels 
with  which  the  unfortunate  Mexicans  tried  vainly 
though  valorously  to  dispute  it  with  him.  "This 
victory,  more  complete  than  even  the  sanguine 
temper  of  Cortes  had  prognosticated,  ])roved  the 
superiority  of  the  Spaniards,  and  left  them, 
henceforth,  undisputed  masters  of  the  Aztec  sea. 
It  was  nearly  dusk  when  the  squadron,  coasting 
along  the  great  southern  caiisewav,  anchored  oif 
the  point  of  junction,  called  Xoioc,  where  the 
branch  from  Cojohuacan  meets  the  principal  dike. 
The  avenue  widened  at  this  point,  so  as  to  afford 
room  for  two  towers,  or  turreted  temples,  built 
of  stone,  and  surrounded  by  walls  of  the  same 
material,  which  presented  altogether  a  position 
of  some  strength,  and,  at  the  present  moment, 
was  garrisoned  by  a  body  of  Aztecs.  They  were 
not  numerous ;  and  Cortes,  landing  with  his  sol- 
diers, succeeded  without  much  difficulty  in  dis- 
lodging the  enemy,  and  in  getting  possession  of 
the  works."  Here,  in  a  most  advantageous  po- 
sition on  the  great  causeway,  the  Spanish  com- 
mander fortified  himself  and  establislied  his 
headquarters,  summoning  Olid  with  half  of  his 
force  to  join  him  and  transferring  Sandoval  to 
Olid's  post  at  Cojohuacan.  "The  two  principal 
avenues  to  Mexico,  those  on  the  south  and  the 
west,  were  now  occupied  by  the  Christiaus. 
There  still  remained  a  third,  the  great  dike  of 
Tepejacac,  on  tlie  north,  which,  indeed,  taking 
up  the  principal  street,  that  passed  in  a  direct 
line  through  the  heart  of  the  city,  might  be  re- 
garded as  a  continuation  of  the  dike  of  Iztapala- 
pan. By  this  northern  route  a  means  of  escape 
was  still  left  open  to  the  besieged,  and  they 
availed  themselves  of  it,  at  present,  to  maintain 
their  communications  with  the  country,  and  to 
supply  themselves  with  provisions.  Alvarado, 
■who  observed  this  from  his  station  at  Tacuba, 
advised  his  commander  of  it,  and  the  latter  in- 
structed Sandoval  to  take  up  his  position  on  tlie 
causeway.  That  officer,  though  suffering  at  the 
time  from  a  severe  wound,  .  .  .  hastened  to 
obey;  and  thus,  by  shutting  up  its  only  com- 
munication with  the  surrounding  country,  com- 
pleted the  blockade  of  the  capital.  But  Cortes 
was  not  content  to  wait  patiently  the  effects  of  a 
dilatory  blockade. "  He  arranged  with  his  sub- 
ordinate captains  the  plan  of  a  simultaneous 
advance  along  each  of  the  causeways  toward  the 
city.  From  his  own  post  he  pushed  forward  with 
great  success,  assisted  by  the  brigantines  which 
sailed  along  side,  and  which,  by  the  flanking  Are 
of  their  artillery,  drove  Uie  Aztecs  from  one 
barricade  after  another,  which  they  had  erected 
at  every  dismantled  bridge.  Fighting  their  way 
steadily,  the  Spaniards  traversed  the  whole 
length  of  the  dike  and  entered  the  city ;  pene- 
trated to  the  great  square ;  saw  once  more  their 


old  quarters;  scaled  again  the  sides  of  the  pyra- 
mid-temple, to  slay  the  bloody  priests  and  to 
strip  tlie  idols  of  their  jewels  aiid  gold.  But  the 
Aztecs  were  frenzied  by  this  sacrilege,  as  they 
had  been  frenzied  by  the  same  deed  before,  and 
renewed  the  battle  Witli  so  nuich  fury  that  the 
Spaniards  were  driven  back  in  thorough  i)anic 
and  disarray.  "All  seemed  to  be  lost;  —  when 
suddenly  sounds  were  heard  in  an  adjoining 
street,  like  the  distant  tramp  of  horses  galloping 
rapidly  over  the  pavement.  They  drevt'  nearer 
and  nearer,  and  a  body  of  cavalry  soon  emerged 
on  the  great  square.  Though  but  a  handful  in 
number,  they  plunged  boldly  into  the  thick  of 
the  enemy,"  who.speedily  broke  and  fled,  enabling 
Cortes  to  withdraw  his  troops  in  safety.  Neither 
Alvarado  nor  Sandoval,  who  ha<l  greater  dilli- 
culties  to  overcome,  and  who  had  no  help  from 
the  brigantines,  reached  the  suburbs  of  the  city ; 
but  their  assault  had  been  vigorously  made,  and 
had  been  of  great  help  to  that  of  Cortes.  The 
success  of  the  demonstration  spread  consterna- 
tion among  the  Mexicans  and  their  vassals,  and 
brought  a  number  of  the  latter  over  to  the 
Spanish  side.  Among  these  latter  wns  the  prince 
of  Tezcuco,  who  joined  Cortes,  with  a  large 
force,  in  the  next  assault  which  the  latter  made 
presently  upon  the  city.  Again  penetrating  to 
the  great  square,  the  Spaniards  on  this  occasion 
destroyed  the  palaces  there  by  Are.  But  the 
spirit  of  the  Mexicans  remained  unbroken,  and 
they  were  found  in  every  encounter  opposing  as 
obstinate  a  resistance  as  ever.  They  contrived, 
too,  for  a  remarkable  length  of  time,  to  run  the 
blockade  of  the  brigantines  on  the  lake  and  to 
bring  supplies  into  the  city  by  their  canoes.  But, 
at  length,  when  most  of  the  great  towns  of  the 
neighborhood  had  deserted  their  cause,  the  sup- 
lilies  failed  and  starvation  began  to  do  its  work 
in  the  fated  city.  At  the  same  time,  the  Span- 
iards were  amply  provl'^ioned,  and  their  new 
allies  built  barracks  and  huts  for  their  shelter. 
Cortes  "  would  gladly  have  spared  the  town  and 
its  inhabitants.  ...  He  intimated  more  than 
once,  by  means  of  the  prisoners  whom  he  re- 
leased, his  willingness  to  grant  them  fair  terms 
of  capitulation.  Day  after  day,  he  fully  expected 
his  proffers  would  be  accepted.  But  day  after 
day  he  was  disappointed.  He  had  yet  to  learn 
how  tenacious  was  the  memory  of  the  Aztecs." 
— W.  H.  Prescott,  Hist,  of  the  Cong,  of  Mexico, 
bk.  C,  cJi.  4-5. 

A.  D.  1521  (July). — Disastrous  repulse  of 
the  Spaniards. — "The  impatience  of  the  sol- 
diers grew  to  a  great  height,  and  was  supported 
in  an  official  quarter  —  by  no  less  a  persou  than 
Aldcrete,  the  king's  treasurer.  Cortez  gave 
way,  against  his  own  judgment,  to  their  impor- 
tunities "  and  another  general  attack  was  ordered. 
"On  the  appointed  day  Cortez  moved  from  his 
camp,  supported  by  seven  brigantines,  and  by 
more  than  3,000  canoes  tilled  with  his  Indian 
allies.  When  his  soldiers  reached  the  entrance 
of  the  city,  he  divided  them  in  the  following 
manner.  There  were  three  streets  which  led  to 
the  marketplace  from  the  position  which  the 
Spaniards  had  already  gained.  Along  the  prin- 
cipal street,  the  king  s  treasurer,  with  70  Span- 
iards and  15,000  or  20,000  allies,  was  to  make  his 
way.  His  rear  was  to  be  protected  by  a  small 
guard  of  horsemen.  The  other  two  streets  were 
smaller,  and  led  from  the  street  of  Tlacuba  to 
the  market-place.    Along  the  broader  of  these 


2166 


MEXICO,  1521. 


The  flpanUh 
Conquest, 


MEXICO,  1521. 


two  streets  Cortez  sent  two  of  his  princinnl  cnp- 
tuiiis,  with  80  Hpnniards  nml  10,000  Imliniis;  ho 
himself,  with  eight  horsemen,  75  f(K)t-8()l(lier8, 
25  musketeers,  niui  an  'infinite  nimiber'  of  iilliea, 
was  to  enter  the  narrower  street.  At  tlie  en- 
trance to  tlic  street  of  Tliicubu  lie  left  two  large 
cannon,  with  eight  horsemen  to  guard  them, 
and  at  the  entrance  of  his  own  stieet  ho  also 
left  eight  horsemen  to  protect  the  rear.  .  .  . 
The  Spaniards  and  their  allies  made  their  en- 
trance into  the  city  with  even  more  success  and 
less  cmbarra.isment  than  on  previous  occasions. 
Bridges  and  barricades  were  gained,  and  the 
three  main  bodies  of  tlic  army  moveil  forward 
into  tlio  heart  of  the  city."  lint  In  the  excite- 
ment of  their  advance  they  left  unreiMiired  behind 
tliein  a  great  breach  in  the  causeway,  ten  or 
twelve  paces  wide,  although  Cortez  had  repeat- 
edly enjoined  upon  his  captains  tliat  no  such 
dangerous  death-trap  should  be  left  to  catch 
them  in  the  event  of  a  retreat.  The  neglect  in 
this  case  was  most  disastrous.  Beint'  presently 
repulsed  and  driven  back,  the  division  which 
had  allowed  this  chasm  to  yawn  behind  it  was 
engulfed.  Cortez,  whose  distrust  had  been 
excited  in  some  way,  discovered  the  danger,  but 
too  late.  IIo  made  his  way  to  the  spot,  only  to 
find  "tlic  wliole  aperture  so  full  of  Spaniards 
and  Indians  that,  as  ho  says,  there  was  not  room 
for  a  straw  to  float  upon  the  surface  of  the 
water.  The  peril  was  so  imminent  that  Cortez 
not  only  thought  that  tlio  Conquest  of  Jlexico 
was  gone,  but  that  the  term  of  his  life  as  well  as 
of  his  victories  had  come,  and  he  resolved  to  die 
there  fighting.  All  that  he  could  do  at  first  was 
to  help  his  men  out  of  the  water;  and,  mean- 
while, the  Mexicans  charged  upon  them  in  such 
numbers  that  he  and  his  little  party  were  entirely 
surrounded.  The  enemy  seized  upon  his  person, 
and  would  have  carried  him  oft  but  for  the  reso- 
lute bravery  of  some  of  his  guard,  one  of  whom 
lost  his  life  there  in  succouring  his  master.  .  .  . 
At  last  he  and  a  few  of  his  men  succeeded  in 
fighting  their  way  to  the  broad  street  of  Tlacuba, 
where,  like  a  brave  captain,  instead  of  continu- 
ing his  flight,  he  and  the  few  horsemen  who 
■were  with  him  turned  round  and  formed  a  rear 
guard  to  protect  his  retreating  troops.  lie  also 
sent  immediate  orders  to  tlie  king's  treasurer 
and  the  other  commanders  to  make  good  their 
retreat." — Sir  A.  Helps,  The  Sjmnisk  Cunqucut  in 
America,  bk.  11,  ch.  1  (v.  2). — "As  wo  were  thus 
retreating,  we  continually  heard  the  large  drum 
beating  from  the  summit  of  tlie  chief  tciiiplo  of 
the  city.  Its  tone  was  mournful  indeed,  and 
Bounded  like  the  very  instrument  of  Satan.  This 
drum  was  so  vast  in  its  dimensions  ihat  it  could 
be  heard  from  eight  to  twelve  miles  distance. 
Every  time  we  heard  its  mournful  sound,  the 
Mexicans,  as  we  subsequently  learnt,  ilfcred  to 
their  idols  the  bleeding  hearts  of  our  unfortunate 
countrymen.  .  .  .  After  wo  had  at  last,  with 
excessive  toil,  crossed  a  deep  opening,  and  had 
arrived  at  our  encampment,  .  .  .  the  largo  drum 
of  Huitzilopochtli  again  resounded  from  the 
summit  of  the  temple,  accompanied  by  all  the 
hellish  music  of  shell  trumpets,  horns,  and  other 
instruments.  .  .  .  AVe  could  i)lainly  see  the  plat- 
form, with  the  chapel  in  wliicli  those  cursed 
idols  stood ;  how  the  Jlexicans  had  adorned  the 
heads  of  the  Spaniards  with  feathers,  and  com- 
pelled their  victims  to  dance  round  tlic  go<l 
Huitzilopochtli;    we  saw  how  they    stretched 


them  out  at  full  length  on  a  large  stone,  ripped 
open  their  breasts  with  flint  knives,  tore  out 
the  palpitating  heart  and  offered  it  to  their  idols. 
Alas!  we  were  forced  to  bo  spectators  of  all  this, 
and  how  they  then  seized  hold  of  the  dead  bcKlies 
by  the  legs  and  threw  them  headlong  down  the 
steps  of  the  temple,  at  the  bottom  of  which  other 
executioners  stood  ready  to  receive  them,  who 
severed  the  arms,  legs,  and  heads  from  the 
IxMlies,  drew  tlie  skin  off  tlie  faces,  which  were 
tanned  with  the  beards  still  adherinj-  to  them, 
and  produced  as  spectacles  of  mockery  and  de- 
rision at  their  feasts:  the  legs,  arms,  and  other 
parts  of  the  body  being  cut  up  and  devoured. 
.  .  .  On  that  terrible  day  the  loss  of  the  three 
divisions  amounted  to  (JO  men  and  7  horses." 
—  Ilernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  Jfemoirs,  ch.  152 
(f.  -i). 

A.  D.  IS2I  (August).— The  last  days  of  the 
Siege. — The  taking  of  the  ruined  city. — The 
end  of  the  Aztec  aominion. —  "Uuatemo/.in's 
victory  diffused  immense  enthusiasm  among  the 
Aztecs  and  those  who  remained  united  to  tliein. 
The  priests  proclaimed  that  the  gods,  satiated 
by  the  sacrifice  of  the  Spanish  prisoners,  had 
promised  to  rid  the  country  of  the  foreigners, 
and  that  the  promise  would  be  fulfilled  within 
eight  days.  This  intelligence  spread  alarm 
among  the  allies  of  the  Spaniards.  They  de- 
serted in  great  numbers  —  not  to  go  over  to  tlio 
Aztecs,  whose  anger  they  dreaded,  but  to  return 
to  their  homes.  Cortez  had  good  watch  kept 
in  the  camp.  The  sorties  of  the  besieged  were 
repulsed ;  the  eight  days  passed  without  the 
Spaniards  having  lost  more  than  a  few  maraud- 
ers. The  allies,  seeing  that  the  oraclo  was 
wrong,  came  back  to  their  former  friends.  The 
aggressive  ardour  of  tlie  besieged  grew  cooler, 
and  they  soon  found  themselves  assailed  by  the 
plagues  that  ordinarily  attack  troops  massed  in 
a  city  —  not  only  famine,  but  epidemic  diseases, 
the  result  of  want  and  overcrowding.  .  .  . 
Famine  pinched  them  more  cruelly  day  after 
day.  Lizards  and  such  rats  as  they  cotild  lind 
were  their  richest  nourLshnient ;  reptiles  and  in- 
sects were  eagerly  looked  for,  trees  stripped  of 
their  bark,  and  roots  stealthily  sought  after  by 
night.  Meanwhile,  Cortez,  seeing  that  there 
was  no  other  means  of  bringing  them  to  submis- 
sion, pursued  the  work  of  destruction  he  had 
resolved  on  witli  so  much  regret.  .  .  .  Heaps  of 
bodies  were  found  in  every  street  that  was  won 
from  them;  this  people,  so  punctilious  in  their 
customs  of  sepulture,  had  ceased  to  bury  their 
dead.  .  .  .  Soon  there  was  left  to  the  besieged  but 
one  quarter,  and  that  the  most  incommodious  of 
all,  forming  barely  an  eiglith  of  the  city,  where 
there  were  not  houses  enough  to  give  them 
shelter.  .  .  .  The  13th  August,  1521,  had  now 
arrived,  and  that  was  to  be  the  last  day  of 
this  once  flourishing  empire.  Before  making  a 
final  assault,  Cortez  once  more  invited  the 
emperor  to  his  presence.  His  envoys  came  back 
with  the  'ciliuacoatl,'  a  magistrate  of  the  first 
rank,  who  declared,  with  an  air  of  consternation, 
that  Quatomozin  knew  how  to  die,  but  that  he 
would  not  come  to  treat.  Then,  turning  towards 
Cortez,  he  added :  '  Do  now  whatever  you 
please.'  '  Be  it  so,' replied  Cortez;  'go  and  tell 
your  friends  to  prepare;  they  are  going  to  die.' 
In  fact,  the  troops  advanced;  there  was  a  last 
melee,  a  last  carnage,  on  land  and  on  the  lake. 
.  .  .  Quatcmoziu,  driven  to  the  shore  of   the 


2167 


MEXICO,  1321. 


Settlement 
of  the  Conquest. 


MEXICO.  1535-1822. 


l»ko,  threw  lilmnclf  into  a  canoe  with  a  few  war- 
rlorH.  and  emicavoiircd  to  pscapo  by  <lint  of  row- 
ing: but  he  waa  purHued  l)y  a  brif^aotine  of  tlie 
8puniHh  ticct,  titken  and  brought  to  C'orle7,.  who 
received  him  witli  tlie  respect  due  to  a  crowned 
head.  .  .  .  Tlie  Aztec  empire  liad  ceased  to  ex- 
ist; Spanislt  swav  was  establislied  in  Mexico. 
The  Cross  was  trlumplinnt  ili  tliat  fine  country, 
antl  tliere  was  no  siuirer  in  its  reign.  The  num- 
ber of  persons  tluit  jierislied  in  tlie  siege  has 
been  (iifferentiy  estimatiKi.  Tiie  most  nuxieratc 
calculation  puts  it  at  120,000  on  tlio  side  of  the 
Aztecs.  Very  many  Indians  feli  on  tlio  side  of 
the  b<'8iegers.  Tlie  liistoriaii  Ixtlixocliitl  says 
there  were  30,000  dead  of  tlie  warriors  of  Tezcuco 
alone.  All  tliat  were  left  alive  of  the  Aztecs 
were,  at  tlie  request  of  Gualemozin.  allowed  to 
leave  tlie  city  in  freedom,  on  the  morning  after 
it  was  taken.  .  .  .  Tliey  dispersed  in  all  direc- 
tions, everywliere  spreading  a  terror  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  tlic  feeling  that  to  resist  them 
was  impossible.  Tliat  conviction  must  liave 
been  estal)iislied  speedily  and  firmly,  for  tlicre 
was  no  furtlier  attempt  at  resistance,  unless  it 
were  at  one  point,  in  tlie  territory  of  Panuco, 
near  the  Atlantic  Ocean." — SI.  Chevalier,  Mexico, 
Ancient  ami  Modern,  pt.  2,  eh.  8-0  (u.  1). 

Also  in:  11.  Cortes.  DesjxiMies  [fitters],  ti: 
by  O,  Fi/Uom,  letter  3,  eh.  5. 

A.  D.  1521-1524.— The  rebuilding  of  the 
capital.— The  completion  and  settlement  of 
the  Conquest. — "The  first  ebullition  of  triumph 
was  succeeded  in  the  army  by  very  different 
feelings,  as  they  beheld  the  scanty  spoil  gleaned 
from  the  conqtiered  city ; "  and  Cortes  was  driven, 
by  tlic  clamors  and  suspicious  of  his  soldiers,  to 
subject  his  heroic  captive,  Guatemozin,  to  tor- 
ture, in  the  liope  of  wringing  from  him  a  dis- 
closure of  some  concealment  of  his  imagined 
treasures.  Its  only  result  was  to  add  anotlier  in- 
famy to  the  name  and  memory  of  the  conquerors. 
"  The  commander-in-chief,  with  his  little  band 
of  Spaniards,  now  daily  recruited  by  reinforce- 
ments from  the  Islands,  still  occupied  tlie  quar- 
ters of  Cojohuacan,  whicli  tliey  had  taken  up  at 
the  termination  of  the  siege.  Cortes  did  not 
immediately  decide  in  what  quarter  of  the  Val- 
ley to  establisli  the  new  capital  which  was  to 
take  the  place  of  the  ancient  Tenochtitlan.  .  .  . 
At  length  he  decided  on  retaining  tiie  site  of  tlie 
ancient  city,  .  .  .  and  he  made  preparations  for 
the  reconstruction  of  the  capital  on  a  scale  of 
magnificence  which  Hliould,  in  his  own  language, 
'  raise  her  to  the  rank  of  Queen  of  the  surround- 
ing provinces,  in  the  same  manner  as  she  Iiad 
been  of  yore.'  The  labor  was  to  be  performed 
by  the  Im'i.in  population,  drawn  from  all  quar- 
ters of  tlh  Valley,  and  including  tlie  Jlexicans 
themselves,  great  numbers  of  whom  still  lingered 
in  the  neiglil)orlio(Hl  of  their  ancient  residence. 
...  In  less  than  four  years  from  the  destruction 
of  Mexico,  a  new  city  liad  risen  on  its  ruins, 
which,  if  inferior  to  the  ancient  capital  in  extent, 
surpassed  it  in  magnificence  and  strength.  It 
occupied  so  exactly  the  same  site  as  its  predeces- 
sor that  tlic  'plaza  mayor.'  or  great  square,  was 
the  same  spot  which  had  been  covered  by  the 
hu^e  '  teocalli '  and  the  palace  of  Montezuma ; 
while  the  principal  streets  took  their  dep.arturc 
as  liefore  from  this  central  point,  and,  passing 
througli  the  whole  length  of  the  city,  terminated 
at  the  principal  causeways.  Great  alterations, 
however,  took  place  in  tlie  fashion  of  the  archi- 


tecture." Meantime,  Cortes  liad  been  brought 
into  much  danger  at  the  Spanish  court,  liy  the 
machinations  of  his  enemies,  cncouragcil  by 
IJisliop  Fonseca,  the  same  mlni.strr  who  pursued 
('olumbus  with  ho.stility.  llis  friends  in.  Spain 
rallied,  liowever,  to  his  supjiort,  and  the  result 
of  an  investigation,  undertaken  by  a  board  to 
wliicli  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  referred  all  the 
charges  against  him.  was  the  confirmation  of  liis 
acts  in  Mexico  to  their  full  extent.  "  lie  was 
constituted  Governor.  CaptainGeneral.  and  Cliief 
.lustice  of  New  Spain,  with  jiower  to  appoint  to 
all  ofiices.  civil  ami  military,  and  to  order  any 
person  to  leave  the  country  whose  residence 
there  he  miglit  deem  prejudicial  to  tlie  interests 
of  the  Crown.  This  judgment  of  the  council 
was  ratified  by  Cliarles  V.,  and  the  commission 
investing  Cortes  witli  these  ample  powers  was 
signeii  by  the  emperor  at  Valladolid,  October 
IStli,  1523.  .  .  .  Ihe  attention  of  Cortes  was 
not  confined  to  tlic  capital.  lie  was  careful  to 
establish  settlements  in  every  part  of  the  coun- 
try wliicli  afforded  a  favourable  position  for 
tlieni.  .  .  .  While  thus  occupied  witli  the  in- 
ternal economy  of  the  country.  Cortes  was  still 
lient  on  his  great  schemes  of  discovery  and  con- 
quest." He  fitted  out  a  fleet  to  explore  the 
shores  of  the  Pacific,  and  anotlier  in  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  —  tlie  prime  object  of  both  being  the  dis- 
covery of  some  strait  that  would  open  one 
ocean  to  the  other.  He  also  sent  Olid  in  com- 
mand of  an  expe<lition  by  sea  to  occupy  and 
colonize  Honduras,  and  Alvarado,  by  land,  at 
the  head  of  a  large  force,  to  subdue  Guatemala. 
The  former,  having  partly  accomplished  his 
mission,  attenijited  to  establish  for  himself  an 
independent  jurisdiction,  and  his  conduct  in- 
duced Cortes  to  proceed  to  Honduras  in  person. 
It  was  in  tlie  course  of  this  expedition  that 
Guatemozin.  the  dethroned  Mexican  chief,  who 
had  been  forced  to  accompany  his  conqueror, 
was  accused  of  a  plot  against  the  Spaniards  and 
was  hung  to  a  tree.  We  have  the  testimony  of 
Bernal  Diaz,  one  of  Uie  Spaniards  on  tlie  spot, 
tliat  the  execution  "was  most  unjust,  and  was 
tliought  wrong  liy  all  of  u.s."  "Witliin  three 
sliort  years  after  the  Conquest  [Cortes]  liad  re- 
duced under  the  dominion  of  Castile  an  extent 
of  country  more  than  400  leagues  in  length,  as 
he  affirms,  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  and  more  tlian 
500  on  the  Pacific;  and.  with  the  exception  of  a 
few  interior  provinces  of  no  great  importance, 
had  brought  tliem  to  a  condition  of  entire  tran- 
quillitv."— W.  II.  Prescott,  Jliat.  of  the  Conquest 
of  Mexico,  bk.  7.  ch.  1-3. 

Also  in:  H.  II.  Bancroft.  Hist,  of  the  Pacifie 
States,  r.  5  (.Vcrico,  v.  2).  ch.  1-8. 

A.  D.  1535-1540. — Introduction  of  Printing. 
See  PuiSTiNO,  &c. :  A.  I).  1535-1709. 

A.  D.  1535-1822. — Under  the  Spanish  vice- 
roys.— "Antonio  do  Mcndoza,  Conde  de  Ten- 
dilla.  was  the  first  viceroy  sent  liy  Cliarles  V.  to 
New  Spain.  He  orrived  in  the  autumn  of  1535. 
...  lie  had  a  well-balanced  and  moderate  char- 
acter, and  governed  the  country  witli  justice  and 
generosity  combined.  He  ...  set  iiimself  to 
reform  the  abuses  which  liad  already  appeared, 
protected  the  Indians  from  the  humiliations 
viiich  the  newly  arrived  Spaniards  were  dispo.sed 
to  put  upon  tlieni :  he  stimulated  all  branches  of 
agriculture,  and  finding  tlie  natives  were  already 
well  informed  in  tlie  culti\ation  of  land,  he  en- 
couraged them  in  this  pursuit  by  all  possible 


2168 


MEXICO,   1535-1833. 


The  .Spaiii'M 
i'lceroyi. 


MEXICO,  1810-1810. 


efforts.  ...  To  the  ruligloug  onlera  In  Mexico 
is  due  In  great  mensure  the  Hrm  base  upon  which 
tlie  government  of  Spiiin  was  e-stablislieii  tliere. 
Tlie  new  viceroy  fully  recognized  this,  and  en- 
couraged the  foundations  of  colleges  and  sch(H)ls 
already  undertaken  by  them.  In  every  wny  he 
promoted  the  prosperity  and  growth  of  the  coun- 
try, and  had  the  satisfaction  m  the  course  of  his 
government,  which  lasted  15  years,  to  see  every- 
thing bear  tlic  marks  of  his  iudgmcntand  enter- 
prise. It  was  ho  who  founded  two  cities  [Gua- 
dalajara anil  Valladolld]  which  have  reached 
great  imiiortjince.  ....  Cortes  was  away  wlien 
the  Viceroy  Mendoza  arrived  in  Mexico.  lie 
still  retained  his  title  as  governor,  with  the  same 
powers  always  conferred  upon  him;  but  his  long 
absences  from  the  capital  made  it  nccess,iry,  as 
he  fully  recognized,  that  some  other  strong  au- 
thority should  be  established  there.  Neverthe- 
less, ho  never  got  on  very  well  with  such  other 
authorities,  and  on  his  return  soon  became  at 
odds  witli  Mendoza,  who,  in  his  oi>inion,  inter- 
fered with  his  prerogatives.  It  was  then  that 
Cortes  bade  farewell  to  his  family,  and  taking 
with  him  his  eldest  son  and  heir,  Don  JIartin, 
then  eight  years  old,  he  embarked  for  Spain, 
leaving  Mendoza  undisturbed  in  the  execution  of 
his  otlice.  ...  In  1536  was  issued  the  lirst  book 
printed  in  Mexico,  on  a  press  imported  by  Jleu- 
doza,  and  put  into  the  hands  of  one  Juan  Pablos. 
...  In  1550  this  good  ruler  [Mendoza]  sailed 
away  from  Mexico.  ...  He  passed  on  to  take 
charge  of  the  government  of  Peru,  by  a  practice 
which  came  to  be  quite  common  —  a  sort  of  dip- 
lomatic succession  by  which  the  viceroys  of  New 
Spain  were  promoted  to  the  post  at  Peru.  Don 
Luis  do  Velasco,  second  viceroy  of  New  Spain, 
made  his  cntraucc  Into  tlic  capital  with  great 
pomp,  at  the  end  of  the  year  1550.  He,  like  his 
predecessor,  had  been  selected  with  care  by  the 
orders  of  Charles  V.  .  .  .  His  first  decree  was 
one  liberating  150  Indians  from  slavery,  who 
were  working  chiefly  in  the  mines.  ...  Ho  es- 
tablished In  Mexico,  for  the  security  of  travellers 
upon  the  liighway,  the  tribunal  of  the  Holy 
Brotherhood,  instituted  In  Spain  for  the  same 
purpose  in  the  time  of  Isabella.  He  founded  the 
Koyal  University  of  Slexico,  and  the  Royol  Hos- 
pital for  the  exclusive  use  of  tlie  natives.  .  .  . 
The  good  Viceroy  Velasco  died  in  1504,  having 
governed  the  country  for  14  years.  .  .  .  During 
tlic  government  of  tlds  ruler  and  his  predecessor 
all  the  administration  of  New  Spain,  political, 
civil,  and  religious  was  estiiblished  upon  so  firm 
a  foundation  that  it  could  go  on  in  daily  action 
like  a  well  regulated  machine."  In  the  mean- 
time, Charles  V.  had  resigned  the  burden  of  his 
great  sovereignty,  transferring  all  his  crowns  to 
his  narrow-souled  son,  Philip  II.,  who  cared 
nothing  for  the  New  World  except  as  a  source 
of  gold  and  silver  supply  and  a  field  for  religious 
bigotry.  Under  Philip  "the  character  of  the 
viceroys  was  lowered  from  the  high  stand:ir(l  ad- 
hered to  when  Charles  the  Emperor  selected 
them  himself.  To  follow  the  long  list  of  them 
would  be  most  tedious  and  useless,  as  they 
passed  In  rotation,  governing  according  to  the 
best  of  their  lights  for  several  years  in  Jlexico, 
and  then  passing  on,  either  by  deatli  or  by  pro- 
motion to  Peru.  In  1571  the  Inquisition  was 
fully  established  .  .  .  and  tlie  next  year  the 
Jesuits  arrived.  .  .  .  The  first  '  auto-da-fe '  was 
celebrated  in  the  year  1574,  when,  as  its  chroni- 


cler mentions  cheerfully,  '  there  perished  81  pes- 
tilent Lutherans.'  Fn)m  this  time  such  cero- 
monies  were  of  frequent  occurrence,  but  tho 
In(|idsition  never  reached  tho  noint  it  did  In  Old 
Spain.  .  .  .  The  viceroys  of  New  Spain  under 
Phllii.  III.  [1578-10311  were,  for  rhc  most  part, 
men  nf  judgment  and  modenitlon.  While  the 
governiiK'nt  at  home,  in  the  hands  of  prolligato 
favorites,  was  growing  weaker  and  weaker,  that 
of  .Mexico  was  becoming  more  firndy  estab- 
lished." It  was  not  shaken  nor  disturbed  by  tho 
War  of  the  Spanish  Succession,  during  the  early 
years  of  the  eighteenth  century ;  but  the  Revolu- 
tion in  France,  wliich  convulsed  Europe  before 
that  century  closed,  wrouglit  changes  which 
were  lasting  in  the  New  World  as  well  as  the 
Old.  "There  were  in  all  04  viceroys,  beginning 
with  Don  Antonio  de  Memloza,  1535,  and  ending 
with  Juan  O'DonoJu  in  1832."— S.  Hale,  The 
Story  of  Mexico,  eh.  20-23. 

Also  in:  H.  H.  IJancroft,  Ilitt.  of  the  Paeijie 
Stiili'M,  r.  5-0(.l/,'.riV»,  r.  2-3). 

A.  D.  1539-1586.— Expeditions  of  Niza.Cor- 
onado,  and  others  to  the  North. — Sfarch  for 
the  Seven  Cities  of  Cibola.  Sec  Amkuican 
Ahohioi.\i;s;  Pikhi.os, 

A.  D.  1810-1819.— The  first  Revolutionary 
movement, —  Hidalg^o. —  Allende. —  Morelos. — 
"The  causes  of  the  coming  revolution  were  not 
hidden.  The  law  that  excluded  Spaniards  born 
in  America  from  equal  rights  with  those  who 
were  Immigrants  was  a  natural,  not  to  say  nec- 
essary, source  of  discontent  among  people  whoso 
good-will  was  much  needed  by  any  viceroy. 
There  was  inevitably  not  a  little  mutual  repug- 
nance between  the  Mexican  and  Spanisli  stocks, 
and  the  home  government  did  nothing  to  mollify 
such  asperities.  There  were  commercial  mo- 
nopolies militant  against  public  Interests.  The 
clergy  were  alienated,  ami  since  they  were  not 
thus  so  serviceable  os  formerly  in  the  part  of 
mediators  in  enforcing  governmental  aims,  it 
was  found  necessary  to  use  force  where  the  peo- 
ple were  not  accustomed  to  it.  The  Viceroy 
Josij  de  Iturrigaray  practised  a  scendng  conde- 
scension that  deceived  no  one,  and  he  pursued 
his  exactions  partly  by  reason  of  self-interest, 
and  partly  In  order  to  supply  Madrid  with  means 
to  meet  tho  financial  troubles  that  tho  Napo- 
leonic era  was  creating.  After  8on\e  years  of 
these  conditions  In  New  Spain,  a  conspiracy,  re- 
sulting from  a  reaction,  sent  the  viceroy  back  to 
Spain  a  prisoner.  This  gave  strength  to  revolu- 
tionary sentiments,  and  a  few  trials  for  treason 
increased  the  discontent.  The  men  who  were 
now  put  successively  in  the  vice-regal  place  had 
few  (lualities  for  tho  times,  and  a  certain  timidity 
of  policy  was  not  conducive  to  strength  of  gov- 
ernment. .  .  .  Tho  outbreak,  when  it  carao, 
brought  to  tho  front  a  curate  of  Dolores,  a  nativti 
priest,  Miguel  Hidalgo,  who  commanded  the  con- 
fidence of  tlie  disiiffcctod,  and  was  relied  uijon 
to  guide  the  priesthood.  Ignacio  de  AUonde 
had  some  of  the  soldierly  qualities  needed  I'or  a 
generalissimo.  Tlie  purpose  of  these  men  and 
their  allies,  before  they  should  openly  proclaim- 
a  revolt,  was  to  seize  some  of  the  leading  Span- 
iards; but  their  plot  being  discovered,  they 
hastily  assembled  at  Dolores  and  raised  the  stan- 
dard of  revolt  (1810).  Thus  banded  together, 
but  badly  organized  and  poorly  armed,  a  body  of 
5,000  insurgents  marched  from  Dolores,  headed 
by  Hidalgo  and  Allende,  and  approached  Quaua- 


2169 


MEXICO,  1810-1819. 


Ktvotution. 


MEXICO,  1820-1886. 


luftto,  whcrp  tho  Intcndcntc  Hldfin  liml  lntrenrlio<l 
liiiiiNcir  ill  H  fortilU'd  itllioniligu,  or  Kruonry. 
Tlic  iittack  of  the  ri't)ol.>)  wiis  lifuillDiifj  mid 
WoiHly.  The  );i>tc»  wrrc  tired  with  tliiiiiiiig  nili- 
biHh,  mid  tlirouffli  tlie  (flowing  wiiy  llic  iiiiid 
tliroMj;  niHliod,  mid  iiftpr  u  liiuidto  hand  ronllict 
(.Scptc'iiilicr  28,  IHKI)  tl,c  fortress  fell.  Tlie 
roviillHt  lender  hiid  lieen  killed,  and  geenes  of 
pilla>;e  and  riot  followed.  Meaiiwhilo  the  viee- 
royiii  .Me.xico  prepared  to  reeoivothe  insurijeiitM, 
mid  his  ally,  the  chiircli,  e.\coninniiiieate(l  their 
leaders.  The  militarv  force  of  the  royalists  was 
inoonslderabli',  and  what  there  was.  it  was  feared, 
miijht  prove  not  as  loyal  as  was  <lesiral)le.  As 
Hidalgo  marched  towards  the  eapital,  he  trie(l 
to  seduce  to  his  side  a  young  lieiiteiiaiit,  Augus- 
tln  Iturbide,  who  was  in  command  of  a  small 
outlying  force.  The  future  emperor  declined 
the  offer,  and,  making  liis  way  tu  the  city,  was 
at  once  sent  to  join  Triijillo,  who  commiindcd  a 
corps  of  observation  which  confronted  the  insur- 
gents, and  who  finally  ran  the  chances  of  a  battle 
nt  Las  Criices.  .  .  .  The  insurgents  soon  sur- 
rounded him,  am'  he  was  only  able  to  reach  tho 
city  by  breaking  witli  a  part  of  his  force  through 
the  enveloping  line.  Hidalgo  had  lost  2,000 
men,  but  he  had  gained  the  day.  He  soon  In- 
tercepted a  despatch  and  learned  from  it  that 
General  Calleja  had  been  put  in  motion  from  San 
Luis  Potosi,  and  it  seemed  more  prudent  to 
Hidalgo  that,  histead  of  approaching  Mexico,  ho 
should  retreat  to  be  nearer  his  rccruitiug  ground. 
The  retrograde  movement  brought  the  usual  re- 
sult to  an  undisciplined  force,  and  ho  was  already 
weakened  by  ilesertions  when  Calleja  struck  his 
line  of  march  at  Aculco.  Hidalgo  felt  it  impor- 
tant for  the  revolution  to  have  time  enough  to 
spread  into  other  parts  of  the  province,  and  so 
he  merely  fought  Calleja  to  cover  his  further  re- 
treat. The  rebel  leader  soon  gathered  his  forces 
nt  Celaya,  while  AUende,  his  colleague,  posted 
himself  at  Guanajuato.  Here  the  latter  was  at- 
tacked by  Calleja  and  routed,  and  the  royal 
forces  made  bloody  work  in  the  town.  Hidalgo, 
moving  to  Vallndolid,  reorganized  his  army,  and 
then,  proceeding  to  Guadalajara,  he  set  up  a 
form  of  government,  with  Ignacio  Lopez  Rayon 
ns  Secretary-general.     At  this  time  the  insur- 

gents  held  completely  the  provinces  of  Nucva 
alicia,  Zacatecas,  and  San  Luis  Potosi,  a  belt 
of  country  stretching  from  sea  to  sea  in  the  lati- 
tude of  Tampico.  ...  In  January,  1811,  the 
signs  were  not  very  propitious  for  tho  royalists. 
...  At  this  juncture  .  .  .  Hidalgo  moved  out 
from  Guadalajara  with  his  entire  force,  wliicli 
■Was  large  enough,  consisting  of  00,000  foot, 
20,000  horse,  ana  100  cannon;  but  it  was  poorly 
armed,  and  without  effective  discipline;  while 
Calleja  commanded  a  well-equipped  and  well- 
organized  force,  but  in  extent  it  only  counted 
8,000  foot,  with  ns  many  horse,  and  ten  guns. 
At  the  bridge  of  Calderon,  10  or  11  leagues  from 
the  city,  Hulalgo  prepared  to  stand.  Hero  Cal- 
leja attacked  him,"  and  won  the  day,  entering 
Guadalajara  as  a  victor  on  the  21st  of  January, 
1811.  "  Hidalgo  fled  with  liis  broken  army,  and 
soon  resigned  the  command  to  Allende.  This 
general  had  scarcely  4,000  or  5,000  men  left 
when  he  reached  Saltillo,  where  he  joined  Jim- 
enes.  The  disheartenment  of  defeat  was  spread- 
ing through  the  country.  Town  after  town  was 
heard  from  as  yielding  to  the  victors.  Tho 
leaders,  counselllDg  together  at  Saltillo,  resolved 


to  escape  to  the  I'liited  Slates;  but,  a«  they  were 
marching, —  about  2,000  In  all,  with  24  guns 
and  a  nioncy-chest, —  they  fell  into  an  ambush 
planned  in  the  interest  of  acounter-revipliition  by 
one  Kllzondo,  and,  with  nothing  more  tlimi  a 
show  (if  resistance,  the  party  was  captured,  one 
and  all.  The  judgment  of  death  unon  Hidalgo, 
Allende,  and  Jlmenes  soon  followed.  The  main 
force  of  the  insurgents  had  thus  disappeared,  but 
a  small  body  still  remained  in  arms  under  the 
lead  of  ,)()s6  Maria  .Morelos."  Morelos  was  un- 
educated, but  capable  and  energetic,  and  he  kept 
life  in  the  rebellion  for  two  years.  He  eajilured 
Orizaba  in  October,  1812,  Oajaca  intlic  follow- 
ing month,  and  Acapulco  in  the  spring  of  1813. 
In  November  of  that  year  he  appeared  before 
Valladolid,  the  capital  of  MieluKican,  but  was 
attacked  there  by  Iturbide  and  routed.  "In 
January,  1814,  Jforelos  made  a  (Inal  stand  at 
Puruaran,  but  Iturbide  still  drove  him  on.  Dis- 
aster followed  upon  disaster,  till  tinally  Morelos 
was  deposed  by  his  own  congress.  This  bo<ly 
had  adherents  enough  to  make  it  necessary  for 
Calleja  to  appeal  to  tho  homo  government  for  a 
reinforcement  of  8,000  troops.  .  .  .  Morelos, 
meanwhile,  commanding  an  escort  which  was 
protecting  the  migratory  congress,  was  inter- 
cepted and  captured  by  a  force  of  royalists,  and, 
after  the  fonns  of  a  trial,  ho  was  executed  De- 
cember 22,  181.5.  Tho  campaign  of  1810  was 
sustained  by  the  insurgents  against  a  force  of 
80000  men  which  Calleja  had  collected.  .  .  . 
Neither  side  had  much  success,  and  the  war  was 
simply  tedious.  At  last,  in  August,  a  new  vice- 
roy, .Juan  Uiaz  do  Apodaca,  succeeded  to  C'al- 
leja,  and  uniting  a  more  humane  policy  with 
vigor  in  disposing  his  forces,  the  leading  rebel 
olticers  .  .  .  surrendered  in  January,  1817.  .  .  . 
A  certain  qui.xotic  interest  is  lent  to  the  closing 
months  of  the  revolution  by  tho  adventurous  ex- 
ploits of  Espoz  y  .Mina.  He  had  fitted  out  iv 
small  expedition  in  the  United  States,  which, 
landing  on  tho  Gulf  coast,  for  a  while  swept  vic- 
toriously inland.  .  .  .  But  Mina  was  finally  sur- 
prised and  executed.  Other  vagrant  rebel  lead- 
ers fell  one  by  one  into  the  hands  of  the  royalists ; 
but  Guadalupe  Victoria  held  out,  and  conceoled 
himself  in  the  wilds  for  two  years." — J.  Win- 
sor,  Spanish  yorth  Am.  (Narrative  and  Critiatl 
IliKt.  of  Am.,  V.  8,  ch.  4). 

Also  in:  AV.  D.  Robinson,  Memoirs  of  the 
Mexican  Revolution. 

A.  D.  1819. — Texas  occupied  as  a  province. 
See  Texas:  A.  D.  1819-1835. 

A.  D.  1820-1826. — Independence  of  Spain. — 
The  brief  empire  of  Iturbide  and  its  fall. — 
Constitution  of  the  Republic  of  the  United 
Mexican  States. — "The  establishment  of  a  con- 
stitutional government  in  Spain,  in  1820,  pro- 
duced upon  Mexico  an  effect  very  different  from 
what  was  anticipated.  As  the  constitution  pro- 
vided for  a  more  liberal  administration  of  gov- 
ernment in  Mexico  than  had  prevailed  since 
1812,  the  increased  freedom  of  the  elections 
again  threw  the  minds  of  the  people  into  a  fer- 
ment, and  the  spirit  of  independence,  which  had 
been  only  smothered,  broke  forth  anew.  More- 
over, divisions  were  created  among  the  old 
Spaniards  themselves;  some  being  in  favor  of 
the  old  system,  while  others  were  sincerely 
attached  to  the  constitution.  Some  formidable 
inroads  on  the  property  and  prerogatives  of 
the  church  alienated  the  clergy  from  the  new 


2170 


MEXICO,  1820-1886. 


IiulepetuWncr. 
ItHrhitte. 


MEXICO,   182i>-1826. 


govprnmont,  nnd  Inilurrd  tliom  todoslro  a  ri't\irn 
to  the  old  sys'  Ml.  Till!  Viceroy,  Apiidiicii,  en- 
couroffcd  by  tlic  hones  hchl  mit  by  the  HoyiiliHtH 
in  Spnin.  nlth(>ii>;h  lie  hud  at  llrftt'tukeii  tli'e  oiitli 
to  8iip|>ort  the  ooiistitiition,  Kocretly  fiivorcd  the 

fmrty  opposed  to  it,  nnd  iirranfted  "his  ph\ns  for 
ts  overtlirow.  Don  Auj;ustin  Itiirbide,  the  per- 
son selected  by  tlio  Viceroy  to  malic  tli(^  Urst 
open  demonstration  against  the  e.xlstinir  ijoverii- 
nicnt,  was  ollered  the  command  'mdy  of 

troops  on  the  western  coast,  at  tin  ''  which 

he  was  to  proclaim  the  re-cstublislin,  of  the 
absolute  authority  of  the  king.  Ituiliide,  ac- 
cepting the  connnisslon,  departed  from  the  cat)!- 
tal  to  take  command  of  tlie  troops,  but  wllli 
Intentions  very  dliTcrent  from  those  which  the 
Viceroy  supposed  him  to  entertain.  Hellecthi)? 
upon  the  state  of  the  country,  and  convinced  of 
the  facility  with  which  the"  authority  of  Spain 
might  be  shaken  off,  —  by  bringing  the  Creole 
troop.s  to  act  in  concert  with  the  old  insurgents, 
—  Iturblde  resolved  to  jiroclaim  Jlexico  wholly 
independent  of  the  Spanish  nation.  Having  lifs 
head  quarters  at  the  little  town  of  Tgtuila,  on  the 
road  to  Acapuleo,  Iturblde,  on  the  24th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1821,  there  proclaimed  Ins  jirojcct,  known 
as  the  'Plan  of  Iguala,'  and  inihiccd  his  soldiers 
to  take  an  oath  to  support  it.  This  '  Plan  '  de- 
clared that  Mexico  should  be  an  independent 
nation,  its  religion  Catholic,  nnd  its  govermnent 
a  constitutloniu  monarchy.  The  crown  was  of- 
fered to  Ferdinand  VII,  of  Spain,  provided  he 
would  consent  to  occupy  the  throne  in  person ; 
nnd,  in  case  of  his  refusal,  to  his  infant  brothers, 
Don  Carlos  and  Don  Francisco.  A  constitution 
was  to  be  formed  by  a  Slexican  Congress ;  .  .  . 
nil  distinctions  of  caste  were  to  bo  abolished.  .  .  . 
The  Viceroy,  astonished  by  this  unexpected 
movement  of  Iturblde,  and  remaining  irresolute 
nnd  inactivo  at  tho  capital,  was  deposed,  and 
Don  Francisco  Novello,  a  military  ofllcer,  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  government ;  but  his 
authority  was  not  generally  recognized,  nnd 
Iturl)ido  was  left  to  pursue  his  plans  in  the 
interior  without  interruption.  Being  joined  by 
Generals  Guerrero  and  Victoria  as  soon  as  they 
Ijnew  tliat  the  independence  of  their  country  was 
tlie  object  of  Iturblde,  not  only  all  the  survivors 
of  the  first  insurgents,  b"t  whole  detachments  of 
Creole  troops  flocked  to  liis  standard,  and  his 
success  was  soon  rendered  certain.  Tlie  clergy 
and  tho  people  were  equally  decided  in  favor  of 
independence;  .  .  .  and,  before  the  month  of 
July,  the  wliole  country  recognized  tlie  authority 
of  Iturblde,  with  tho  exception  of  the  capital. 
In  which  Novello  had  shut  himself  up  with  tho 
European  troops.  Iturblde  had  already  reached 
Queretaro  witli  his  troops,  on  his  road  to  Slexico, 
when  he  was  informed  of  the  arrival,  at  Vera 
Cruz,  of  a  new  Viceroy.  ...  At  Cordova, 
whither  the  Viceroy  liacl  been  allowed  to  pro- 
ceed, for  the  purpose  of  an  interview  witli  Itur- 
blde, the  latter  induced  him  to  accept  by  treaty 
the  Plan  of  Iguala,  as  the  only  means  of  securing 
the  lives  and  property  of  the  Spaniards  then  in 
Mexico,  and  of  establishing  the  right  to  the 
throne  in  the  house  of  Bourbon.  By  this  agree- 
ment, called  tlie  'Treaty  of  Cordova,'  the 
Viceroy,  in  the  name  of  the  king,  his  master, 
recognized  tho  independence  of  Mexico,  and 
gave  up  the  capital  to  the  army  of  tlie  insur- 
gents, which  took  possession  of  it,  without  effu- 
Bion  of  blood,  on  the  27tli  of  September,  1821. 

21 


All  o])posltion  being  ended,  nnd  tho  cnnltnl  occu- 
liied.  ill  accordance  with  a  provision  of  the  i'liin 
of  Iguala  a  provisional  Junta  was  eNtabllHhed, 
the  principal  business  of  wlilcli  was  to  call  a 
congress  for  the  formation  of  a  constitution  suit- 
able to  the  country,  At  the  same  time  a  regency, 
consisting  of  five  Individuals,  was  elected,  at  tdu 
head  of  which  was  placi'd  Iturblde.  .  .  .  When 
the  congress  assembled  [Feb.  '.'4,  1822],  three 
distinct  parlies  were  found  amongst  the  nii'mbers. 
The  Houriionists,  adhering  to  the  Plan  of  Iguala 
altogether,  wished  a  (onstitutlonal  nioiiarchv, 
with  a  prince  of  the  house  of  Bourbon  at  fts 
head:  tho  Hepiibllcan,  setting  aside  tho  Plan  of 
Iguala,  desired  a  federal  republic;  while  a  third 
party,  the  Ilurbldists,  adopting  the  I'lan  of 
Iguala  with  the  cxcepllon  of  the  article  in  favor 
of  the  Bourbons,  wished  to  place  Iturbid(^  him- 
self upon  the  throne.  As  it  was  soon  learned 
that  the  Spanish  guverninent  had  declared  the 
treaty  of  Cordova  null  ami  void,  the  liourbonists 
ceased  to  exist  as  a  party,  and  the  struggle  was 
contlned  to  the  Iturbldis'ts  and  the  Ucpublieans." 
By  the  aid  of  a  mob  demonstration  in  the  city  of 
Jfoxico.  on  tlie  night  of  May  18,  1822,  the  former 
trluinpheil,  and  Itiirbide  was  declared  emperor, 
under  the  title  of  Auguslin  the  First.  "The 
choice  was  rntlHcd  by  the  provinces  without 
opposition,  and  Iturblde  found  himself  in  peace- 
able possession  of  a  throne  to  which  his  own 
abilities  and  a  concurrence  of  favorable  circum- 
stances had  rai.sed  him.  Had  the  monarch  elect 
been  guided  by  counsels  of  prudence,  and  allowid 
his  authority  to  be  contlned  within  constitutional 
liinit.s,  he  might  perliajis  have  continued  to  main- 
tain a  mo<liticd  authority;  but  forgetting  the 
unstable  foiintlation  of  his  throne,  he  began  his 
reign  with  all  the  airs  of  hereditary  royalty.  On 
his  accession  a  struggle  for  power  immediately 
commenced  Ijctween  him  nnd  the  congrc.s.s. " 
After  arbitrarily  imprisoning  the  most  distin- 
guished members  of  that  body,  Itiirbide,  at  last, 
proclaimed  its  dissolution  nnd  substituted  a  junta 
of  his  own  nomination.  "  Before  the  end  of  No- 
vember an  insurrection  broke  out  in  the  northern 
provinces,  but  this  was  speedily  quelled  by  tho 
imperial  troops."  It  was  followed  in  December 
by  n  more  formidable  revolt,  led  off  by  Santa 
Anna  (or  Santnna),  a  young  general  who  had 
supported  Iturblde,  but  wlio  had  been  haughtily 
dismissed  from  the  government  of  Vera  Cruz. 
Santa  Anna  was  joined  by  Victoria  and  other  old 
Republican  leaders,  and  the  power  of  Iturblde 
crumbled  so  rapidly  that  he  resigned  his  crown 
on  the  10th  of  March,   1823,  promising  to  quit 


the  country,  on  being  n.ssured  a  yearly  allowance 
of  125,000  for  his  support.  "\Vith  his  family 
and  suite  he  embarked  for  Leghorn  on  the  Utli 


of  >Iay.  .  .  .  From  Italy  he  proceeded  to 
London,  and  made  preparations  for  returning  to 
Jlexico;  inconsequence  of  \vhich,  congress,  on 
the  28th  of  April,  1824,  pa.ssed  a  decree  of  out- 
lawry against  him.  He  landed  in  disguise  at 
Soto  la  Marina,  July  14th,  1824;  was  arrested  by 
General  Garza,  and  shot  at  Padillo  by  order  of 
tlie  provincial  congress  of  Tamaulipas,  on  the 
19th  of  that  month.  .  .  .  On  the  departure  of 
Iturblde,  a  temporary  executive  vrns  appointed, 
consisting  of  Generals  Victoria,  Bravo,  and 
Negrete,  by  whom  the  government  was  admin- 
istered until  the  meeting  of  a  new  congress, 
which  assembled  at  the  capital  in  August.  1833. 
This  body  immediately  entered  on  the  duties  of 

71 


MEXICO,  1820-1826. 


Santa  Anna. 


MEXICO,  1838-1844. 


prppnring  li  new  roniitltiitlon,  wliicli  wnx  ii\ib 
initlcd  on  (ho  illNt  of  .Iiuiiiury,  |H2I,  nml  ilctlnl- 
tlvi'ly  Mwiclioncd  on  tli<>  4tli  of  Octolicr  followhiK. 
Uy  IIiIh  ingtruincnt,  nKxlclcd  Hoincwhnt  after  tlio 
conHtitution  of  tli<<  I'nltcd  Htiitc'8,  the  iibHolute 
imiependenrc  of  tlie  eoiintry  wiih  dueliired,  and 
the  wvernl  Mexieun  Provlnres  were  united  in  n 
Fc(h'ral  Hepnhlic.  The  k'^ixhilive  power  waH 
veHte<l  In  a  ConKrcfis,  conslHtlng  of  a  Senate  and 
n  House  of  Hepresentatlves.  .  .  .  Tlio  suprenu^ 
exeeiitlve  authority  waH  vested  In  one  Individual 
styled  the  '  President  of  the  United  Mexican 
Htates.'.  .  .  Tli('  third  artlcde  In  the  eonstitti- 
tlon  declared  that  •The  HeilKlon  of  the  Mexican 
Nation  is,  and  will  he  perpetually,  the  Honinn 
Catholic  Apostolic.  The  nation  will  protect  it 
by  wise  and  Just  laws,  oud  prohibit  the  exercise 
of  any  otiier  whatever. '  .  .  .  On  the  Ist  of  Jan- 
uary, 1H2.'',  the  llrst  conj^ress  under  the  federal 
constitution  assembled  in  llie  city  of  Mexico; 
ond,  at  the  same  time.  General  Guadalupe  Vic- 
toria was  Installed  as  |)resident  of  the  republic, 
and  General  Nicholas  IJravo  as  vice-president. 
Tlic  years  1825  and  1820  passed  with  few  dis- 
turbances; the  administration  of  Victoria  was 
f[cuerallv  popidar;  and  the  country  enjoyed  a 
dgher  dcgreo  of  prosperity  than  at  any  former 
or  8ubsc(pient  period." — M.  Willson,  Americ<in 
Jlintory,  bk.  3,  pt.  2,  eh.  4-."). 

Ai.»o  IN:  H.  II.  Ilancroft,  lli»t.  of  the  Paciflc 
States,  V.  7  (Mexico,  v.  8),  eh.  89-88,  and  v.  8,  ch. 
1-2. 

A.  D.  1823-1828.— Free-Masonry  inpolitics. 
— The  rival  branches  of  the  order. — The  Es- 
coc<s  and  the  Yorkinos. — For  some  years  a 
furious  contest  raged  between  two  political  so- 
cieties, "known  as  the  'Kscoces'  and  'Yorki- 
nos'—  or,  as  wo  should  call  them,  Scotch  Free- 
Masons  and  York  Frce-Mosons  —  whose  secret 
organizations  were  cmi)loyed  for  political  pur- 
poses by  two  rival  political  parties.  At  the  time 
of  the  restoration  of  the  Constitutional  Oovern- 
mcut  of  Spain  in  1820,  Free-Masonry  was  intro- 
duced into  Mexico ;  and  as  It  was  (ferived  from 
the  Scotch  brancli  of  that  order,  it  was  called, 
after  the  name  of  the  people  of  Scotland, 
'Escoces.'  Into  this  institution  were  initiated 
many  of  the  old  Spaniards  still  remaining  in  the 
country,  the  Creole  aristocracy,  and  the  privi- 
leged classes — parties  that  could  ill  endure  the 
elevation  of  a  Creole  colonel,  Iturbide,  to  the 
Imperial  throne.  When  Sir.  Poinsett  was  sent 
out  as  Embassador  to  >Iexico  [1823j,  he  carried 
witli  him  the  charter  for  a  Grand  Lodge  from 
the  American,  or  York  order  of  Free-Masons 
in  the  United  States.  Into  this  new  order  the 
leaders  of  the'  Democratic  party  were  inltii.  ted. 
The  bitter  rivalry  that  sprung  up  between  these 
two  branches  of  the  Masonic  body  kept  the 
country  in  a  ferment  for  ten  years,  and  resulted 
finally  in  the  formation  of  a  party  whose  motto 
was  opposition  to  all  secret  societies,  and  wlio 
derived  their  name  of  Anti-Masons  from  tlio 
party  of  the  same  name  then  nourishing  in  the 
United  States.  When  the  Escoces  had  so  far 
lost  grotuid  in  popular  favor  as  to  be  in  the 
greatest  apprehension  from  their  prosperous  but 
imbittercd  rivals,  the  Yorkinos,  as  a  last  resort, 
to  save  themselves,  and  to  ruin  tlie  hated  organi- 
zation, they  pronounced  against  all  secret  socie- 
ties. .  .  .  '  General  Bravo,  Vice-President  of 
Mexico,  and  leader  of  the  Escoces,  having  issued 
his  proclamation  declaring  that,  as  a  last  resort, 

21 


he  appealed  to  armx  to  rid  the  republic  of  that 
I)est,  Nccrel  societies,  and  that  he  would  not  give 
up  th<- contest  until  he  had  rooted  them  out.  root 
and  branch,  took  up  his  (losition  at  'I'ulanslngo 
—  a  village  about  HO  ndh'S  north  of  the  City 
of  Mexico.  Mere,  at  about  daylight  on  the 
morning  of  the  7tli  .lanuary,  1828,  lie  was  as- 
sailed i)y  General  Guerrero,  the  leader  of  the 
Yorkinos,  and  coniniander  of  the  forces  of  gov- 
ermnent.'  After  a  slight  skirmish,  in  wTiieh 
eight  men  were  killed  and  six  wounded.  General 
Uravo  and  his  J)arly  were  made  prisoners;  and 
thus  perished  forever  the  party  of  the  Kucoees, 
This  victory  was  so  c(iniplet<:  as  to  prove  a  real 
disaster  to  the  Yorkinos.  The  want  of  outside 
|>re,ssure  led  to  internal  dissensions;  so  that  when 
two  of  its  own  members,  Guerrero  and  Pe- 
draza,  became  rival  can<lldates  for  t\w  presi- 
dency, the  election  was  determined  l)y  a  resort 
to  arms." — H.  A.  Wilson,  Mexico:  itn  J'tiiMuulu 
and  tin  Primlii.  eh.  f>. 

Also  in:  H.  II.  Hancroft,  Hist,  of  the  Paeijie 
States,  r.  8  ( .l/cri>»,  p.  ,')),  eh.  2. 

A.  D.  1828-1844.— The  rise  of  Santa  Anna. 
— Dissolution  of  the  Federal  System.— The 
Unitary  Republic  established.— Recognition 
by  Spain. — The  Pastry  War. — Retrograda- 
tion  and  decline. — "After  the  death  of  Iturbide, 
by  far  the  most  powerful  person  in  the  nation 
was  the  Creole  general  Santa  Anna,  who,  at  the 
age  of  24,  liacl  olreiuly  destroyed  the  luilitary 
empire  of  his  chief.  Santa  Anna  at  first  inter- 
ested himself  in  the  visionary  project  of  Bolivar 
for  framing  a  general  confederation  of  the  new 
nationsof  South  America  [sceCoLcMiiiAN  States; 
A.  I).  18201.  This  project  .  .  .  failed  com- 
pletely ;  and  for  several  years  he  settled  <lown  as 
governor  of  Vera  Cruz,  reconciled  himself  to  tlio 
Federal  Republic,  and  took  no  part  in  public 
life.  In  1828,  however,  the  Presidential  election 
led  to  a  civil  war  in  which  Santa  Anna  and  his 
favourite  Veracrusanos  first  found  out  their 
capabilities;  and  they  had  an  opportunity  of 
testing  them  again  in  the  next  year,  when  the 
feeble  force  of  Barrados,  the  last  military  ottcmpt 
made  by  Spain  to  reduce  Mexico,  was  cut  to 
pieces  at  Tampico.  From  that  movement  Santa 
Anna  became  the  sole  controller  of  the  destinies 
of  the  country :  and  in  1833  he  was  elected  Pres- 
ident. Forty  years  ago  all  Europe  knew  the 
picture  of  Santa  Anna,  with  his  tall  spare  figure, 
Hiinburnt  face,  and  black  hair  curling  over  his 
fcirehead;  how  lie  lived  on  his  hacienda  of  Manga 
de  Clavo,  cocl«flghting,  gambling,  and  horse- 
racing,  occasionally  putting  himself  at  the  head 
of  Ills  bronzed  troops,  and  either  making  a  dash 
at  an  insurrection,  or  making  a  pronuuciaraento 
on  his  own  account.  Slexican  histories  tell 
how  gallantly  he  defended  Vera  Cruz  in  1839, 
against  the  French  invasion  under  Prince  de 
Joinville  [called  'the  Pastry  War,'  because  con- 
sequent on  the  non-payment  of  French  claims, 
among  which  there  was  prominence  given  to  a 
certain  pastry-cook's  claim  for  goods  destroyed 
In  the  riot  of  a  revolution  at  the  capital  in  1828]; 
how  his  leg,  having  been  shattered  by  a  ball, 
was  buried  with  a  solemn  service  and  a  funeral 
oration  in  the  cemetery  of  Santa  Paula  in  Mex- 
ico ;  and  how,  in  a  few  years,  when  Santa  Anna 
was  in  disgrace  with  the  people,  they  destroyed 
the  tomb,  and  kicked  Santa  Anna's  limb  about 
the  streets  with  every  mark  of  hatred  and  con- 
tempt. .  .  .  The  manifold  difUcultics  of  govern- 

72 


JIEXICO.  181W-1844 


ir.ir  with 
Ihe  I'Hiled  aiattt. 


MEXICO.  1»»0-1!M7. 


iiiptit  In  Mexico  fiunidcritly  nttpxtrd  the  wenknoss 
dF  the  Ki'ilcnil  coimtitiKldii;  anil  In  IHItn,  iiftcr  Ji 
triitl  of  I'lovcn  yi'iirs,  the  Htiitu  (joVfriimLMilH  were 
(lUsolveil,  iwid  llic  Urpiilillc,  one  iiml  Indlviiiilile, 
»et  up  for  It  thne  In  their  pliice.  Tiierc  wng  now 
to  hu  It  I'resldent,  elected  by  an  indirect  vole  for 
el)?lit  yeiirH,  it  Scuiite,  nnd  it  lloune  of  DeputleR, 
both  elected  by  it  direct  nopidiir  vote,  mid  itn 
elective  Supremo  Court.  Simla  Anna,  who  waH 
Identillcd  willi  the  Unitary  principle,  was  re- 
elected three  times:  so  that  with  some  Interinis- 
slon  he  governed  Mexico  for  'M  years.  Tlie  din- 
solution  of  tlie  Federal  jjovernment  naturally 
strengthened  the  hands  or  Santa  Anna;  and  in 
1M80  Mexico  was  for  the  (irst  time  recogni/.ed  by 
Spain.  Hut  the  unitary  republic  was  a  lime  of 
d{8a.stcr  and  disgrace;  and  from  the  point  of 
view  of  progress  it  was  a  period  of  reaction. 
.  .  .  K  "rope  loolced  forward,  almost  without 
lealous  to  the  time  wlien  the  great  nation  of 
North  America  woulil  absorb  this  people  of  half- 
clvlllzcd  Indians  ndxed  witli  degenerate  Span- 
lards.  Events  which  now  happened  greatly 
strengthened  this  Impression." — ^E.  J.  Payne, 
Jliil.  of  Kiiro)>ean  Col<inie»,  eh,  20,  »ect.  0-7. 

A.  D.  1829-1837.— The  Abolition  of  Slavery. 
— "Thegeneralatfairsof  the  country  in  I  he  second 
half  of  1820  were  In  a  chaotic  stitte.  Disorganl- 
zatiou  fettered  every  branch  of  the  government. 
.  .  .  And  yet.  amidst  its  constant  struggle,  Ouer- 
reto's  ndmlnistratlon  decreed  several  progressive 
measures,  the  most  important  of  which  was  tlio 
a)x)lition  of  slavery.  African  slavery  had  Indeed 
been  reduced  to  narrow  limits.  The  Domlnlcon 
Iirovincial  of  Chiapas.  Father  Matlas  Cordoba, 
gave  freedom  to  tlie  slaves  on  the  estates  of  his 
order.  On  the  lOtli  of  September,  1825,  Presi- 
dent Victoria  had  liberated  in  the  country's  name 
the  slaves  purchased  witli  a  certain  fund  collected 
for  that  purpose,  as  well  as  those  given  up  by 
their  owners  to  tlic  potriotic  junta.  The  general 
abolition,  however,  was  not  actually  carrieil  out 
for  some  time,  certain  dilHcuitics  having  arisen; 
and  several  states,  omong  which  was  Zacatccas. 
had  decreed  the  freedom  of  slaves  before  the 
general  trovernmcnt  arrived  at  a  final  conclusion 
on  the  sublect.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  few  re- 
maining Eilaves  were  in  domestic  service,  and 
treated  more  like  members  of  families  than  as 
actual  chatf^ls.  At  last  Deputy  Torncl.  taking 
advantage  of  the  time  wlien  Guerrero  was  invested 
with  extraordinary  powers,  drew  up  and  laid  be- 
fore him  a  decree  for  total  abolition.  It  was 
signed  September  lH,  1829,  and  proclaimed  the 
next  day.  the  national  anniversary.  The  law 
met  with  no  demur  save  from  Coahuila  and 
Texas,  in  -which  state  were  about  t.OOO  slaves, 
■whose  manumissiiou  would  cost  hc'aviiy,  as  the 
owners  held  them  at  a  higli  valuation.  It  seems 
that  the  law  was  not  fully  enforced;  for  on  the 
5th  of  April.  1837,  another  was  promulgated,  de- 
claring slavery  abo.Ushed  witliout  exception  and 
with  compensation  to  the  owners." — II.  II.  Ban- 
croft. Jlist.  of  ihe  Pacific  States,  v.  8  (Mexico,  v.  5), 
eh.  4. 

A.  D.  1845.— The  Annexation  of  Texas  to 
the  United  States.  See  Texas:  A.  D.  1830- 
1845. 

A.  D.  1846. —  The  American  aggression 
which  precipitated  war.— "Texas  liad  claimed 
the  Uio  Grande  as  her  western  limit,  though  she 
had  never  exercised  actual  control  over  either 
New  Mexico  or  the  country  lying  between  the 


Nupcps  and  tlie  ]{lo  Grande.  The  groiindlcM 
cliuraclcr  of  Ihe  clainiH  of  Texas  to  llie  Uio 
Grande  as  its  weslcrii  boundary  was  even  ltd- 
initted  by  some  friends  of  the  measure.  .  .  .Silas 
Wright,  .  .  .  referring  to  the  boundaries  of 
Texas,  declared  that  '  they  emiiraced  a  country 
to  which  Texas  liad  no  claims,  over  which  she 
had  neveritsserted  Jurlsdicllon,  and  which  she  had 
no  right  to  cede.'  .Mr.  Henloii  denounced  the 
treaty  (of  annexation  and  cession  of  territory]  its 
an  altempl  In  seize  2,l)(H)  square  miles  of  .Mexican 
territory  by  the  Incorporation  of  the  lelt  liiink  of 
the  Hio  del  Norte,  wlilch  would  bo  an  act  of 
direct  aggression.  ...  In  ordering,  lliercforc. 
General  raylor  to  pass  a  portion  of  his  forces 
Westward  of  the  river  Nueces,  which  was  done 
before  annexitlion  was  accompllslicd.  President 
Polk  put  In  peril  Ihe  peace  'iiid  the  good  name  of 
the  country.  In  his  Annual  Mes,sage  of  Decem- 
ber of  that  year  [I84.'i|  he  stated  that  American 
troops  were  In  position  on  tlio  Nueces,  '  to  defend 
our  own  and  the  rights  of  Texas.'  Hut,  not  con- 
tent wllh  occupying  ground  on  and  westward  of 
the  Nueces,  he  Issueil,  on  the  llllh  of  .January, 
1840,  the  fatal  order  to  General  Taylor  to  advanco 
and  'occupy  po.sltlous  on  or  near  the  left  bank  of 
the  Uio  del  Norte. '  That  movement  of  the  army 
from  Corpus  Chrlsti  to  the  Uio  Gmndc.  a  distanco 
of  more  tlian  100  miles,  was  an  invasion  of  Mexi- 
can territory, —  on  act  of  war  for  whidi  the  Presi- 
dent was  ami  must  ever  be  held  respmisible  by 
the  general  judgment  of  mankind." — II.  Wilson. 
Jlitt.  of  the  nine  ami  Fall  of  ihe  Slate  Puieer  in 
Am.,  V.  2.  ch.  2. 

Also  in:  T.  II.  Henton,  Thirty  Yearn'  Vieir, 
V.  2,  ch.  140. 

A.  P.  1846-1847.— The  American  conquest 
of  California.    See  C.\i.ifo](Ma:   A.  D.  184U- 

1847. 

A.  D.  1846-1847.  —  War  with  the  United 
States. — The  first  movements  of  American 
invasion. — Palo  Alto. — Resaca  de  la  Palma. — 
Monterey. — Buena  Vista. — Fremont  in  Cali- 
fornia.—  "  The  annexation  of  Texas  accomplished 
[see  Tkxas:  A.  D.  1824-1830.  and  18;!0-184.51. 
General  Taylor,  the  United  States  commander  in 
the  Southwest,  received  orders  to  advance  to  the 
Hio  Grande.  Such  was  the  impoverished  and 
distracted  condition  of  Mexico  that  slie  ap- 
parently contemplated  no  rctalialion  for  the  in- 
jury she  had  sustained,  and.  liad  the  American 
army  remained  at  the  Nueces,  a  conflict  might 
perhaps  have  been  avoided.  Hut,  on  Taylor's 
ajjproaching  the  Rio  Grande,  a  combat  ensued 
[May  8,  1840]  at  Palo  Alto  with  Arista,  tlic 
Alexican  commander,  wlio  crossed  over  that 
stream.  It  ended  in  tlie  defeat  of  the  Mexicans, 
and  the  next  day  another  engagement  took  i)lace 
at  Resaca  do  la  Palma,  with  the  same  result. 
These  actions  eventually  assumed  considerable 
political  importiince.  'fhey  were  among  tlie 
causes  of  General  Taylor's  subsequent  elevation 
to  tlie  Presidency.  As  soon  as  mtelligencc  of 
what  had  occurred  reached  Washington.  Presi- 
dent Polk,  forgetting  that  the  autlior  of  a  war  is 
not  lie  wlio  begins  it,  but  he  who  has  made  it 
necessary,  adilresscd  a  special  message  to  Con- 
gress announcing  that  the  Mexicans  'had  at  last 
invaded  our  territoiT,  and  shed  the  blood  of  our 
fellow-citizens  on  our  o\vn  soil.'  Congress  at 
once  (May  13th.  1840)  passed  an  act  providing 
money  and  men.  Its  preamble  stated.  '  Whereas, 
by  the  act  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico,  a  state  of 


2173 


MEXICO.  IHAf^mi. 


War  irilh 
Ihe  Vnlltil  Ntiilr: 


MEXICO,  1847. 


wnr  vxiMn  iM'twcm  Hint  toiinlry  nn<l  llic  I'Mltcd 
HInlcH,  Im"  It  riimti'<l,'  I'lr.  Ah  loiijf  iircvlnimly 
lu  1H4:I,  Mr.  li<M'iiiii-tfm.  tlio  Mcxicuii  MliilHtiT  of 
KorclKn  KcliitloiiM,  liiul  foriiiiilly  notiHiMl  tlii< 
Aiiii'ri<'iiii  Ki'ViTiiincnt  that  the  iitiiit'XHtlon  of 
Tcxiis  woiilil  Ini'vitiilily  Icml  to  wiir.  (U'litTiil 
Alinciiitt',  till'  .Mrxican  iniiilHttT  nt  WiiHliitiKton, 
in  II  iiipt('  to  Mr.  L'pHhur.  tlic  Mcrrctary  of  Hialc, 
Hald  that,  'in  liio  name  of  liiK  nation,  and  now  for 
thcin,  \w.  protcHlM,  in  tlx*  nioht  Huicnin  manner, 
nKaiiiht  Mtu'li  un  aKK<^''*'*'on ;  and  Ik!  niorcoviT  di!- 
clarcH,  liv  ('X|iri'HH  order  of  liiH  Kovcrnnienl,  tinti, 
on  HanetloM  \winif  Kiveti  Itv  tiiu  exeeutivu  of  tlio 
TnliMi  to  tliu  ini'orporntfoii  of  Texan  into  tlut 
rnited  HtatcM,  he  willconHider  liin  iniHHion  en<led, 
KcelMK'  ll'at,  as  tile  Hecrelary  of  Hiatc  will  have 
learned,  tho  Mexican  government  l»  renolveil  to 
deelare  war  aH  Hoon  aH  it  receives  intimation  of 
Niieli  an  act.'  War  lieiiiK  tliim  provoked  by  the 
American  jfovertiment,  tleneral  Scott  received 
orders  (N<ivemlier  IHth,  IHItl)  to  take  command 
of  the  expedition  inlendeil  for  tlio  InvaMlon  of 
Mexico."— J.  W.  Diaper,  Itiil.  «/ Ifie  Am.  Cirit 
]\'(ii;  rh.  2;l  (c.  I).— After  his  defeat  at  Hesaca 
do  la  I'aima,  Ihe  Mexican  ({•■"cral  .\rlMta  "re- 
treated in  the  direction  of  San  Luis  I'olosI,  and 
wa*  superseded  liy  Oen.  I'edro  Ampudia.  Oen- 
eral  Taylor  marclied  his  forces  across  the  Uio 
Orande  on  the  ITth  of  May  and  thu  invasion  of 
Mexico  was  licKUii  In  earnest.  From  the  ^Ist  to 
the  »4th  of  September,  he  was  eiiKage(l  with 
7,00<l  men  in  the  attack  upon  Monterey,  the  capi- 
tal of  N'ueva  I,eon,  garrisoned  by  a  force  of 
O.tKM).  He  met  with  tliu  same  success  which  had 
attended  his  former  engagements,  (leueral  Am- 
pudia was  also  forced  to  retire  to  San  I.uis  I'o- 
tosi.  The  brilliant  features  of  this  attack  were 
tho  assault  upon  f)l)ispa(lo  Viejo  by  Oeneral 
Worth  on  the  llrst  day  of  the  light,  and  the  storm- 
ing of  the  heights  aliovo  on  tho  following  day. 
.  .  .  Tpon  tho  defeat  of  Ampudia,  Santa  Anna, 
having  then  Just  attained  to  the  chief  magistracy 
of  Mexico  [tlio  American  blockading  si)uadron 
at  Vera  Cruz  had  permitted  him  to  return  to  tho 
coimtry,  expecting  that  his  nresenco  wouhl  be 
itdvantagcous  to  tho  invaders|,  and  left  it  in  the 
hands  of  his  Vice-President,  Oomez  Farias,  took 
tho  command  of  flio  Mexican  forces  and  set  out 
to  check  tho  advance  of  General  Taylor.  On  tho 
23d  of  February,  1817,  the  bloixly  battle  of  An- 
gosturn,  OS  it  is  called  by  tho  Mexicans  (known 
to  the  Americans  ns  the  battle  of  Hiicna  Vista), 
was  fought,  and  lost  by  tho  Aloxicau  army. 
Santa  Anna  rcturne<l  to  San  Luis  P'ltosl,  whence 
ho  was  called  to  tho  capital  to  head  olT  the  iusur- 
rcctlon  against  Oomez  Farias,  by  tho  party 
called  derisively  the  Polkos,  iM'causo  their  insur- 
rection at  that  time  was  clearly  favorable  to  tho 
movements  of  tho  American  army,  and  because 
James  K.  Polk  was  then  tho  President  of  the 
United  States  and  head  of  tho  American  party 
favorable  to  tho  war.  It  was  at  this  time  that 
the  ormy  of  Taylor  was  reduced  to  about  5,000 
men  in  order  to  supply  Ucnend  Winfield  Scott 
with  forces  to  carry  out  Ilia  military  operations, 
and  tho  Held  of  war  was  transferred  to  the  region 
between  Vera  Cruz  and  the  capital.  While  these 
events  were  in  progress  an  expedition  under 
Oen.  John  C.  Fremont  lia<l  been  made  over-land 
through  New  Mexico  and  into  California  [see 
Cai.ikohnia  :  A.  I).  1846-1847 ;  and  Nkw  Mexico: 
A.  D.  1846],  and  under  the  directions  of  the 
United  States  government  the  Mexicans  of  Cali- 


fornia had  been  Incited  to  revolt."— A.  II.  Noll, 
Shirt  llitl.  of  )tffint.  i-h.  1). 

Al.Ho  IN:  11.  Von  IIoIkI,  Coniil.  anil  P^d.  llitl. 
••fthf  V.  S.,  r.  a,  r/i.  4-l».— II.  ().  Kadd,  llinl.  of 
lltf  »'<(»•  irilh  \ff.rin,,  r/i.  4-M.— E.  I).  .Maimtlejif, 
//(»^  <•/  l/if  .Mf.rintii  W,ii:r/i.  2-4  rt»(f  8.— <).  O. 
Howard,  Ihiimil  Tuiitnr.rli.  M-|(>. 

A.  D.  1847  (March  -September).— General 
Scott't  campaign.--' From  Vera  Cruz  to  the 
capital.— Cerro  Gordo.—  Contrerat. —  Churu- 
buico.- Molino  del  Rey.— Chapultepec— The 
conquest  complete. — "Oeneral  WIntleld  Scolt 
was  orderiMl  to  .Mexico,  to  take  clilcf  command 
and  <'(induct  the  war  according  to  his  own 
plan.  This  was.  In  brief,  to  carry  an  expedition 
agaiiiHt  Vera  Cruz,  reduce  its  deicnces,  and  tlien 
march  on  the  city  of  .Mexico  liv  tlie  shortest 
route.  ,  .  .  (In  the  "111  of  .March  [18471,  thellcet 
with  Scott's  army  came  t<;  anchor  a  few  miles 
Kouthof  Vera  Cruz,  and  two  days  later  he  latuled 
his  whole  force  —  nearly  l2,(XM)nicn  —  by  means 
of  surf  boats.  Vera  I'riiz  was  a  city  of  7,000 
Inhabitants,  strongly  fortltled.  .  .  ()n  the  22d 
the  investment  wiis  complete.  A  summons  to 
Hurrender  being  refused,  the  batteries  opened, 
and  th(- bombardment  was  kept  up  for  four  days, 
the  small  war  vessels  Joining  in  It.  The  .Mexican 
batteries  and  the  castle  [of  San  Juan  do  Ulloa, 
on  a  reef  in  the  harbor]  replied  witli  spirit,  anil 
Willi  some  little  elTect;  but  tho  city  and  castlu 
were  surrendered  on  the  27tli.  'Ihe  want  of 
draught  animals  and  wagons  delayed  till  thu 
middle  of  April  the  marcli  upon  the  capitid  of 
the  country,  200  miles  distant.  The  tinit  obslucio 
was  found  at  Cerro  Oordo,  M  miles  northwest 
of  Vera  Cruz,  where  the  Mexicans  had  taken 
position  on  the  heights  around  a  nigged  moun- 
tain pass,  with  a  battery  commanding  every 
turn  of  the  road.  A  way  was  found  to  (lank  the 
position  on  tlio  extreme  left,  and  on  the  morning 
of  April  18tli  tho  Americans  attacke<l  in  three 
columns.  .  .  .  Tho  divisions  of  Twiggs  and 
Worth  .  .  .  attacked  tlieheiglit  of  Cerro  Gordo, 
where  tho  Mexican.-i  were  most  strongly  in- 
trenched, and  where  Santa  Anna  commiinded  In 
person.  This  being  carried  by  storm,  its  guns 
Were  turned  first  upon  the  retreating  .Mexicans, 
and  then  upon  the  advanced  position  that  Pillow 
was  assaulting  in  front.  Tho  .Mexicans,  finding 
themselves  surrounded,  soon  surrendered.  Santa 
Anna,  with  tho  remainder  of  his  troops,  ticil 
toward  Jalapa,  where  Scott  followed  him  and 
took  the  place."— W.  C.  Bryant  and  S.  H.  Gay, 
Popular  Hint,  of  ihe  U.  S.,  v.  4,  ch.  14.  — "Loss 
than  a  month   later  [after  tho  battio  of  Cerro 


Oordo]  the  American  army  occupied  tho  city  of 
Puebla.  Scott  remained  at  Puebhi  during  June 
and  July,  awaiting  reinforcements  and  tirilling 
them  as  tlioy  arrived.  On  the  7th  of  August  he 
set  out  for  the  capital,  which  was  now  defended 
by  about  30,000  troops.  A  series  of  encounters 
took  place  on  the  lOtli,  and  on  tho  next  day  three 
battles  were  fought,  at  Contrcras,  Churubusco, 
and  San  Antonio.  They  were  in  reality  parts 
of  one  general  engagement.  The  troops  on  both 
sides  fought  with  stubbornness  and  bravery,  but 
in  tho  end  the  .Mexicans  were  completely  routed, 
and  the  pursuit  of  tlio  Hying  enemy  reached 
almost  to  the  gates  of  the  capital.  A  commis- 
sioner, Nicholas  P.  Trist,  having  been  previously 
appointed  to  negotiate  with  tlio  Mexicans,  an 
armistice  was  now  agreed  upon,  to  begin  on  the 
23<l  of  August.     The  armistice,  from  u  strategic 


J174 


MEXICO,  1847. 


Trriily  nt 
OunfiiilttuiHi  lltihiltftt. 


MEXICO,  1S4M. 


point  of  vU'W.  wiM  a  mHtnko.  the  mlvniitiiiri-  of 
the  ovi<rwli*'linliii;  vIctorli'H  nf  llii'  IIMIi  unci  :.>iltli 
WHS  ill  Ki°i'iit  part  lixtl,  iiimI  tlu'  McxirniiH  ucrf 
ciijiIiIimI  to  rct'iivcr  from  thcili'innriill/iitloii  wlilili 
llllil  fiillowcil  their  ilrfnit.  'I'lir  pcisitioii  of  tiir 
Aiii<'i'ii''>ii  iiriiiy,  ill  tlic  liciirl  of  liiiciicmy'Hi'oiiii 
try,  wlicn-  it  iiil({lit  \m'  ml  olf  from  rciiiforci'- 
iiii'iitM  anil  Hupplli'H,  wiiH  full  of  iliiiiKcr,  unci  tin,' 
forlitlcallonH  wliicli  liiirri'd  tlic  wiiv  I  llii' capital. 
Molino  ilrl  It4'y.  CaNji  Mata.  ami  Ciiapiilli'pi'c, 
will'  I'xcrciliiiKly  formldalilr.  On  tlic  7lli  of 
HrpliinlxT  the  iirmiHlici'  caiiir  loan  rnii.  Tlii' 
lii'KothitionN  hail  failril,  anil  Orni'iai  Srotl  pre- 
liarcii  III  iiiiivc  on  tlir  remaining  works.  A  rc- 
(■onnolHiinco  wan  inaiii'  on  Unit  liav,  anil  on  the 
Hill  Hcott  altacki'cl  tin-  I'linny.  Tiif  army  of 
Maiita  Anna  was  liiawii  up  wllli  lis  rlKlit  rmlliiK 
on  Casa  .Matii  ami  il.s  Irft  on  Molino  ilrl  Ucv. 
Ilnlli  llirHU  positions  wrrr  carrii'il  by  assaiitl, 
ami  llir  .Mi'xiciiiis,  i  ficr  hi'Viti'  loss,  wcri'  ilc- 
fuutL'il  anil  (Irivni  oil  tiir  llilii.  'I'lic  nrxt  two 
(luyh  were  occiiplcil  in  prttpariiiK  for  tlii!  final  I's 
■lu'llt  iipiin  ('liapiilli'prc.  A  carrfiil  ilispimition 
was  ma;l('  of  the  troops,  lialtrrirs  wrri?  planlcil 
witliin  raiiKL'.  <>i><l  on  tln'  l-ll>  they  oprnril  a 
(li'strncllvc  tlrf.  On  tlu.'  IMlh  a  HlniiiltanroiiH  as- 
Hiiiilt  was  iiiaiic  from  holh  siilcs,  llii^  troops 
stornilnj,'  the  forlrrss  witli  i^rnxl  liiavfry  ami 
(lasli,  anil  tins  works  were  carrii'il,  tlii'  ciicniy 
living  in  confusion.  Tin-  army  followcil  tlii'in 
afong  the  two  causeways  of  Helen  anil  Hun 
C'osmi),  llKhting  Its  way  to  tlio  gales  of  the  citv. 
Here  a  Htruggh!  contliitieil  till  after  niglitfail, 
the  enemy  matting  a  di'sperali^  liefi'iice.  Karly 
the  next  niorning,  a  ilepiilalioiiof  tlie  city  coun- 
cil waili'il  upon  Oi'iierai  Seoll,  asking  for  terms 
of  capitiilatiim.  TlieS"  were  refiiscil,  ami  tiie 
divisions  of  Worlli  and  (jiiitinan  entered  the 
capital.  Street  lighting  was  kept  up  for  two 
days  longer,  Imt  by  the  Kith  the  Americans  liail 
seeured  possession  of  the  city.  N'egoliutions  were 
now  renewed,  and  tiie  occupation  of  tiie  territory, 
ineanwiille,  continued.  Tiie  principal  towns 
were  garrisoned,  and  taxes  and  duties  collected 
by  the  rniti'd  States.  Ooeasional  encounters 
took  place  at  various  points,  l)ut  the  warfare  was 
chietly  of  u  guerrilla  character.  Towards  the 
clo.sc;  of  the  war  General  .Scott  was  superseded 
by  General  Hutler.  Hut  the  work  had  iK'en  al- 
ready coniph^ted." — .1.  U.  Soley,  The  iViim  of 
the  U.  K,  \~m-\mi)  (Xarriitii'e itnd  Critiml  llint. 
of  Am.,  T.  7,  eh.  (I). 

Also  in:  H.  II.  Hancroft,  Ifint.  of  the  Pacifte 
States,  r.  8  {.Vej^im,  v.  r,),  eh.  lT-2().— Oen.  \V. 
Bcott,  Afcmuin,  hy  hiimelf,  cli.  27-33  (r.  2.) — 
Prendent'n  AfentiKije  and  Doe'K,  Ihr.  7,  1H-I7  (tkn- 
ate  Er.  J),:.\,  No.  1,  ZQth  Con!/.,  ^nt  •'*■'»«.). 

A.  D.  1848.— The  Treaty  of  Guadaloupe 
Hidalgo.  —  Territory  ceded  to  the  United 
States. — "The  Mexican  people  had  now  suc- 
cumbed to  the  victorious  armies  of  the  '  barba- 
rians of  tile  North.'  Tiie  Mexican  Government 
was  favorable  to  tiie  settlement  of  tlie  questions 
which  Imd  caused  this  unhappy  war.  A  new 
administration  was  in  power.  General  Anayn 
on  the  lltli  of  November  was  elected  President 
of  tlie  Mexican  Ueputilic  until  the  Htli  of  .Janu- 
ary, 1848,  when  the  constitutioiml  term  of  olllee 
■would  expire.  .  .  .  National  pride  .  .  ,  bowed 
to  the  necessities  of  tlie  republic,  and  the  de|)u- 
ties  ussenibleil  In  the  ]*Iexu;aii  Congress  favored 
the  organization  of  a  commission  for  llie  pur- 
pose of   reopening  uegotiatious  with  Mr,  Trist, 


wlioHllll  rcnmlned  in  Mexico,  nnd  WMdctertnlned 
to  anHiime  till'  rrHiionHlblllty  of  acting  niIII  as 
ageni  of  the  riilleil  Stales  |iillliougll  his  powers 
had  liceii  williilrawii|.  Tlie  lack  of  cooperation 
by  the  adlieri'iits  of  Santa  Anna  prevented  im- 
inedlale  acllon  on  the  |iart  of  these  commission- 
ers. On  tlie  Mlh  of  JaiiiiMry.  18iH,  General  ller- 
rera  was  elected  Consli  'iiai  I'resldi  ill  of  the 
Mexican  Kcpublic.  ...  I  iidcr  I  he  new  adiiiiii- 
iHlnillon  negotiallons  were  easily  opened  with  a 
spirit  of  liartiiony  and  concession  wlilcli  Imliialed 
a  happy  issue.  .Mexico  gave  up  her  claim  to  tin.' 
Nueces  as  tlie  boiindarvline  of  her  territory, 
and  the  rniteil  SlatcHiliil  Hot  longer  iiiNlst  upon 
the  cession  of  Lower  Caliriiriiia  and  Ilie  right  of 
way  across  the  Islhmiis  of  Tchiiautcpec.  Tlie 
previous  olTer  of  money  liy  Hie  I'nlled  Slates  for 
the  cession  of  Ni'W  Mexico  and  Cpiier  California 
was  also  conliiiiied.  .  .  .  On  the  2il  of  Kcliriiary 
a  treiily  of  peace  was  iinaiiliiiously  adopled  and 
signed  by  the  commissloiiers  at  the  c''y  of  Giia- 
daloiipe  Hidalgo.  .  .  .  The  ralltications  of  llio 
Ab'Xicim  Congress  nnd  of  IIk^  I'nlled  Slates  Sen- 
ate were  exchanged  .May  iloili.  1H|H.  The  I'nited 
States,  by  the  terms  of  tills  tratv,  paid  to 
.Mexico  lltrLlllKMNM)  for  the  territory  iidded  M  its 
boiiiidaries.  Tiiey  iiioreovcr  freeif  tin:  .Mexican 
Uepiibllc  from  all  claims  of  cili/.eiis  of  llu; 
rniledSlatesagainst  .Mexico  fordamagi'S,  which 
the  rnited  States  agreed  to  pay  to  the  amoiinl 
of  lli;i,2"il),000.  Tlie  lioundary-liiie  was  also  llxed 
between  the  two  re|iul)lies.  It  began  in  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico  three  miles  from  the  inotilh  of 
the  Ulo  Gruiide  del  Norte,  running  up  the  centre 
of  that  river  to  the  point  where  it  strikes  tiio 
southern  boundary  of  New  .Mexico;  then  west- 
ward along  lliat  gout  hern  bound.iry  which  runs 
norlh  of  Klpaso,  to  its  weslcrn  teriniiialion; 
thence  northward  along  Hie  western  line  of  New 
.Mexico  until  it  Intersects  the  tlrsl  briuieh  of  the 
river  Gila,  thence  down  the  middle  of  Hie  Gila 
until  It  empties  into  the  Ulo  Colorado,  following 
Hie  division  line  between  I'ppcr  and  Lower  Cali- 
fornia to  the  Pacitlc  Ocean,  one  marine  league 
Koutli  of  the  port  of  San  Diego,  On  the  12lh  of 
.June,  tlie  last  of  the  United  Stales  troops  left 
the  capital  of  Mexico.  .  .  .  Tlie  partisan  sup- 
porters of  President  Polk's  adniiiiisi ration  did 
not  hesitate  to  avow  Hint  the  war  wllli  Jlexleo 
was  waged  for  conquest  of  territory.  .  .  .  Tlio 
demands  of  indemnity  from  Jlexico  first  made 
by  the  United  States  were  equal,  exclusive  of 
'lY'xas,  to  half  of  the  domain  of  Mexico,  ein- 
bmcing  a  territory  upward  'if  800,000  square 
miles.  .  .  .  The  area  of  New  Mexico,  as  aelually 
ceded  by  treaty  to  Hie  United  States,  was  .')'.>fl,078 
square  miles.  Tlie  disputed  ground  of  Texas, 
wliich  rightfully  belonged  to  Mexico,  lyid  which 
was  also  yiclcleil  in  the  treaty  of  ]>encr,  contained 
no  less  than  12.'),620  square  miles.  Tiie  aciiuisi- 
tlon  of  Hie  total  anioiiiit  of  IS'>\,!>\)\  s(piare  miles 
of  territory  was  one  of  the  direct  results  of  this 
war,  in  wliich  President  Polk  was  ever  iiretend- 
ing  'to  con(iuera  peace.'  To  tills  iiiusi  be  added 
the  undisputed  region  of  Texas,  wliich  was 
82.5,'')'20  square  miles  more,  in  order  adequately 
to  represent  the  acquisition  of  territory  to  Hie 
United  States,  nmotinting  to  831,. '(90  square 
miles.  This  has  been  computed  to  be  sevcntcca 
times  the  extent  of  tlie  State  of  New  York.  .  .  . 
Tlie  territory  thus  acquired  Included  ten  degrees 
of  latitude  on  the  Paeitic  coast,  and  extended 
cast  to  the  Klo  Qniude,  a  distance  of  1,000  miles. 


2175 


aiEXICO,  1848. 


A  deciule 
of  Kevolutiont. 


MEXICO,  1848-1861. 


.  .  .  Five  thousand  miles  of  Bca-const  were  nddcil 
to.tlie  possessions  of  tlie  United  Stiites.  .  .  . 
Tli(!  minenil  resources  of  the  conquered  territory, 
iiieluding  Cnlifornia,  New  Mexico,  Arizona, 
Western  Colorado,  Utah,  and  Nevada,  have  lieeu 
developed  to  such  an  extent  that  their  value  is 
beyond  computation."— II.  O.  Ladd,  Hint,  of  the 
War  with  Mexico,  ch.  30-31. 

Also  in  :  Treaties  and  Conrentiont  bet.  the  II.  S. 
and  other  Ci'iiiitries  (■■d.  «f  1880),  ;>/>.  681-694. 

A.  D,  1848-1861. — The  succession  of  Revo- 
lutions and  the  War  of  the  Reform. — The  new 
Constitution.— The  government  of  Juarez  and 
the  Nationalization  of  Church  property. —  '  For 
a  brief  pericxl,  after  the  withdrawal  of  the  Ameri- 
can army,  the  Mexican  people  drew  the  breath  of 
peace,  disturbed  only  by  outbreaks  headed  by  the 
turbulent  Paredes.  .  .  .  In  June,  1848,  Seiiorller- 
rera  (who  had  been  in  power  at  the  opening  of 
the  war  with  the  United  States)  took  possession  of 
the  presidential  chair.  For  the  first  time  within 
the  memory  of  men  then  living,  the  supreme 
power  changed  hands  without  disturbance  or 
opposition.  .  .  .  The  army  .  .  .  was  greatly  re- 
duced, arrangements  were  made  with  creditors 
abr.)ad,  and  for  the  faithful  discharge  of  internal 
alTairs.  General  Mariano  Arista,  formerly  min- 
ister of  war,  assumed  peaceful  possession  of 
power,  in  January,  1851,  and  continued  the  wise 
and  economical  administration  of  his  predecessor. 
But  Mexico  could  C3t  long  remain  at  peace,  even 
with  herself;  she  was  (juiet  merely  because 
titterly  prostrated,  and  in  December,  1852,  some 
military  officers,  thirsting  for  power,  rebelled 
against  the  government.  They  commenced  again 
the  old  system  of  '  pronunciamientos ' ;  usually 
begun  by  some  man  in  a  province  distant  from 
the  seat  of  government,  .'uul  gradually  gaining 
such  strength  that  when  finally  met  by  the  law- 
ful forces  they  were  beyond  control.  IJathcr 
than  plunge  his  country  anew  into  the  horrors  of 
a  civil  war,  General  AristA  resigned  his  olHce 
and  sailed  for  Europe,  where  he  died  in  poverty 
a  few  years  later.  It  may  astonish  any  one  ex- 
cept the  close  student  of  Mexican  history  to  learn 
the  name  of  the  man  next  placed  in  power  by 
the  revolutionists,  for  it  was  no  one  els"  than 
General  .  nio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna!  Re- 
called by  u.  jccessful  rebels  from  his  exile  in 
Cuba  ana  South  America,  Santa  Anna  hastened 
to  the  scene  of  conflict.  ...  He  commenced  at 
once  to  extend  indefinitely  the  army,  and  to  in- 
trench himself  in  a  position  of  despotic  power, 
and,  in  December,  1853,  he  issued  a  decree  which, 
in  substance,  declared  him  perpetual  dictator. 
This  aroused  opposition  all  over  the  country,  and 
the  Liberals,  who  were  opposed  to  an  arbitrary 
centralizujl  government,  rose  in  rebellion.  The 
most  successful  leaders  were  Generals  Alvarez 
and  Comonfort,  who,  after  repeated  victories, 
drove  the  arch  conspirator  from  the  capital,  on 
the  9th  of  August,  1855.  Santa  Anna  secretly 
left  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  a  few  days  later  em- 
barked at  Vera  Cruz  for  Havana.  During  sev- 
eral years  he  resided  in  Cuba,  St.  Thomas, 
Nassau,  and  the  United  States,  constantly  in- 
triguing for  a  return  to  power  in  Mexico." — P. 
A.  Ober,  Young  Folks'  Jlist.  of  MeTim,  ch.  33. — 
"Upon  the  flight  of  Santa  Anna,  anarchy  wu 
imminent  In  the  capital.  The  most  prominent 
promoters  of  the  revolution  assembled  quickly, 
and  elected  Gen.  Romulo  Diaz  de  la  Vega  acting- 
president,  and  he  succeeded  in  establishing  order. 


...  By  a  representative  assembly  Gen.  ^lartin 
C'arrem  was  elected  acting-president,  and  he  was 
instidled  on  the  1.5th  of  August,  185,5,  but  re- 
signed on  the  11th  of  the  following  month,  when 
the  presidency  devolved  a  second  time  upon 
Gen.  liomulo  Diaz  de  la  Vega.  The  revolution  of 
Alvarez  and  Comonfort,  known  as  the  Plan  de 
Ayotla,  was  entirely  successful,  and  under  the 
wise  and  just  administration  of  Diaz  de  la  Vega, 
the  country  was  brought  to  the  wholly  abnormal 
state  of  (luiet  and  order.  Uepresentatives  of  the 
triumphant  party  assembled  in  Cuernavaca  and 
elected  Gen.  Juan  Alvarez  iiresident  ad  interim, 
and  u|)on  the  formation  of  his  cabinet  he  named 
Comonfort  his  Minister  of  War.  Returning  to 
the  capital,  he  transferred  the  presidency  to  his 
Jlinister  of  War,  and  on  the  12th  of  December, 
1855,  Gen.  Ignacio  Comonfort  entered  upon  the 
discharge  of  his  duties  as  acting-president.  Ho 
was  made  actual  president  by  a  large  majority 
in  the  popular  election  held  two  years  later,  and 
was  reinstalled  on  the  1st  of  December,  1857. 
He  proved  to  be  one  of  tlio  most  remarkable 
rulers  of  >Iexico,  and  his  administration  marks 
the  beginning  of  a  new  era  in  Mexican  history. 
Scarcely  had  Comonfort  begun  his  rule  as  the 
substitute  of  Alvarez,  when  revolutions  again 
broke  out  and  assumed  formidable  proportions. 
Puebla  was  occupied  by  5,000  insurgents.  Fed- 
eral troops  sent  against  them  joined  their  cause. 
Comonfort  succeeded  in  raising  an  army  of  16,000 
men,  well  equipped,  and  at  its  head  marched  to 
Puebla  and  suppressed  the  revolution  before  the 
end  of  March.  But  in  October  another  rebellion 
broke  out  in  Puebla,  headed  by  Col.  Miguel  Mir- 
ainon.  The  government  succeeded  in  suppress- 
ing this,  as  well  as  one  which  broke  out  in  San 
Luis  Potosi,  and  another,  under  the  leadersliip 
of  Gen.  Tomas  Mejia,  in  Queretaro.  It  was  by 
Comonfort  that  the  war  between  the  Church  and 
the  government,  so  long  threatened,  was  pre- 
cipitated. In  June,  1856,  he  issued  a  decree 
ordering  the  sale  of  all  the  unimproved  real 
estate  held  by  the  Church,  at  its  assessed  value. 
The  Cliurch  was  to  receive  the  proceeds,  but  the 
land  was  to  become  thereby  freed  from  all  eccle- 
siastical control."  Upon  information  of  a  con- 
spiracy centering  in  one  of  the  monasteries  of 
the  city  of  Mexico,  the  president  sent  troops  to 
take  possession  of  the  place,  and  finally  ordered 
it  to  be  suppressed.  These  measures  provoked 
an  implacable  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  sup- 
porters of  the  Church.  "On  the  5th  of  Febru- 
ary, 1857,  the  present  Constitution  of  Mexico 
was  adopted  by  Congress.  C-'omonfort,  as  Pro- 
visional President,  subscribed  it,  and  it  was 
under  its  provisions  that  he  wus  elected  actual 
president.  But  ten  days  after  his  inauguration 
in  December,  1S57,  and  his  taking  the  oath  to 
support  the  new  Constitution,  the  President, 
supposing  that  he  could  gain  the  full  support  of 
the  Liberals,  and  clai.  iing  that  he  had  found  the 
operation  of  the  Constitution  impracticable,  dis- 
solved Congress  and  set  the  Constitution  aside. 
He  threw  his  legal  successor,  Benito  Juarez,  the 
President  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Justice,  and 
one  of  the  supporters  of  the  new  Constitution, 
into  prison."  Revolution  upon  revolution  now 
followed  in  quick  succession.  Comonfort  fled 
the  country.  Zuloaga,  Pezucla,  Pavon,  !Mir- 
amon,  were  seated  in  turn  in  the  presidential 
chair  for  brief  terms  of  a  half  recognized  gov- 
ernment.    "Constitutionally  (if   wu  may  ever 


217G 


MEXICO,  1848-1861. 


Juarez. 
FYenck  Sntervention, 


MEXICO,  1861-1867. 


use  that  word  seriously  in  connection  witli  Mexi- 
can ftffiiirs),  upon  tlie  iibandonment  of  tlie  presi- 
dency by  Coraoufort,  tlie  otllce  devolved  upon 
the  President  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Justice. 
That  oflice  was  held  at  the  time  by  Don  Benito 
Juarez,  who  thereupon  became  president  de  jure 
of  Mexico.  .  .  .  The  most  curious  specimen  of 
tlic  nomenclature  adopted  in  Jlcxican  history  is 
that  which  gives  to  the  struggle  between  the 
Church  party  and  its  allies  and  tlie  Constitutional 
government  the  name  of  the  War  of  the  lieform. 
.  .  .  What  was  thereby  reformed  it  would  be 
difflcult  to  say,  .  .  .  further  than  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  outreaching  power,  wealth,  and  in- 
fluence of  the  Church,  and  the  assertion  of  the 
supremacy  of  the  State.  .  .  .  But  the  '  War  of 
the  Reform '  had  all  the  bitterness  of  a  religious 
war.  .  .  .  Juarez,  who  is  thus  made  to  appear 
as  a  reformer,  was  the  most  remarkable  man 
Mexico  has  ever  produced,  lie  was  born  in  1806 
in  the  mountains  of  Oaxaca.  ...  He  belonged 
to  the  Zapoteca  tribe  of  Indians.  Not  a  drop  of 
Spanish  blood  flowed  in  his  veins.  .  .  .  Upon 
the  flight  of  Comonfort,  Juarez  was  utterly 
without  support  or  means  to  establish  his  gov- 
ernment. Being  driven  out  of  the  capital  by 
Zuloaga  he  went  to  Quadalajara,  and  then  by 
way  of  the  Paciflc  coast,  Panama,  and  New 
Orleans,  to  Vera  Cruz.  There  he  succeeded  In 
setting  up  the  Constitutional  gover.iment,  sup- 
porting it  out  of  the  customs  duties  collected  at 
the  ports  of  entry  on  the  Gulf  coast.  It  was 
war  to  the  knife  between  the  President  in  Vera 
Cruz  and  the  Anti-Presidents  in  the  capital.  .  .  . 
On  the  12th  of  July,  1859,  Juarez  made  a  long 
stride  in  advance  of  Comonfort  by  issuing  his 
famous  ilecree,  '  nationalizing ' —  that  is,  seques- 
trating, or  more  properly  contiscating  —  the 
property  of  the  Church.  It  was  enforced  in 
Vera  Cruz  at  once.  .  .  .  The  armies  of  the  two 
rival  governments  met  in  conflict  on  many  occa- 
sions. It  was  at  Calpulalpam,  in  a  battle  last- 
ing from  the  21st  to  the  24th  of  December,  1860, 
that  Sliramon  was  defeated  aud  forced  to  leave 
the  country.  General  Ortega,  in  command  of 
the  forces  of  Juarez,  advanced  to  the  capital  and 
held  it  for  the  return  of  his  chief.  When  the 
anny  of  Juarez  entered  the  capital,  on  the  27th 
of  December,  the  decree  of  sequestration  began 
to  be  executed  there  with  brutal  severity.  .  .  . 
Monasteries  were  closed  forthwith,  and  tlic  mem- 
bers of  the  various  religious  orders  were  expelled 
the  country.  ...  It  is  said  that  from  the  '  na- 
tionalized '  church  property  the  government  se- 
cured $20,000,000,  without,  as  subsequent  events 
showed,  deriving  any  permanent  benefit  from  it. 
It  helped  to  precipitate  another  war,  in  which  it 
was  all  dissipated,  and  the  country  was  poorer 
than  ever.  .  .  .  The  decree  issued  by  Juarez 
from  Vera  Cruz  in  1859,  nationalizing  the  prop- 
erty of  the  Church,  was  quickly  followed  up  by 
a  decree  suspending  for  two  years  payment  on 
all  foreign  debts.  The  national  debt  at  that  time 
amounted  to  about  $100,000,000,  according  to 
some  statements,  and  was  divided  up  between 
England,  Spain,  and  France.  England's  share 
was  about  $80,000,000.  France's  claim  was  com- 
paratively insigniilcant.  They  were  all  said  to 
have  been  founded  upon  usurious  or  fraudulent 
contracts,  and  the  French  claim  was  especially 
dubious.  .  .  .  Upon  the  issuing  of  the  decree 
suspending  payment  on  these  foreign  debts,  the 
three  creditor  nations  at  once  broke  off  diplo- 


matic •■elations  with  Mexico,  and  Napoleon  III., 
of  P'nincc,  proceeded  to  carry  out  a  plan  which 
had  for  some  time  occupied  his  mind." — A.  H. 
Noll,  Short  Jlint.  of  Mexico,  rh.  10-11. 

Also  in:  II.  II. "Bancroft,  Hint,  of  the  Pacific 
States,  p.  8  (Mcjrico,  r.  5),  ch.  20-30,  and  v.  9  ((5), 
<■/(.  1. — See  CoNSTiTmoN  ok  JIexico. 

A.  D.  1853. — Sale  of  Arizona  to  the  United 
St.'.tcs.— The  Gadsden  Treaty.  Sec  Arizona  : 
A.  1).  •.853. 

A.  1).  1861-1867.— The  French  intervention. 
— Maximilian's  ill-starred  empire  and  its  fate. 
— The  expedition  against  Mexico  "was  in  the  be- 
ginning a  joint  undertaking  of  England,  France, 
aud  Spain.  Its  professed  object,  as  set  forth  in 
a  convention  signed  in  London  on  October  31st, 
1861,  was  '  to  demand  from  the  Mexican  autliori- 
ties  more  etllcacious  protection  for  the  persons 
and  properties  of  their  (the  Allied  Sovereigns') 
subjects,  as  well  as  a  fullllment  of  the  obligations 
contracted  toward  their  ^Majesties  by  the  Hepub- 
lic  of  Mexico.' .  .  .  Lord  Uussell,  who  had  acted 
with  great  forbearance  towards  >iexico  up  to  this 
time,  now  agreed  to  co  operate  with  France  and 
Spain  in  exacting  i?paration  from  Juarez.  But 
he  defined  clearly  the  oxtent  to  which  the  inter- 
vention of  England  would  go.  Englunil  would 
join  in  an  expedition  for  the  purpose,  if  neces- 
sary, of  seizing  on  Mexican  cu.stom-houscs,  and 
thus  making  good  the  foreign  claims.  But  she 
would  not  go  a  step  further.  She  would  have 
nothing  to  do  with  upsetting  the  Government  of 
Mexico,  or  imposing  any  European  system  on  the 
Mexican  people.  Accordingly,  the  Second  Article 
of  the  Convention  pledged  the  contracting  parties 
not  to  seek  for  themselves  any  acquisition  of  ter- 
ritory or  any  special  advantage,  and  not  to  exer- 
cise in  the  internal  affairs  of  Mexico  any  influence 
of  a  nature  to  prejudice  the  right  of  the  Slexican 
nation  to  choose  and  to  constitute  freely  the  form 
of  its  government.  The  Emperor  of  the  French, 
however,  had  already  made  up  his  mind  that  he 
would'establish  a  sort  of  feudatory  monarchy  in 
Mexico.  He  had  long  had  various  schemes  and 
ambitions  floating  in  his  mind  concerning  those 
parts  of  America  on  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  which  were  once  the  possessions  of 
France.  ...  At  the  very  time  when  he  signed 
the  convention  with  the  pledge  contained  in  its 
second  article,  he  had  already  been  making  ar- 
rangements to  found  a  monarchy  in  Mexico.  If 
he  could  have  ventured  to  set  up  a  monarchy 
with  a  French  prince  at  its  head,  he  would  prob- 
ably have  done  so;  '.  ;t  this  would  have  been  too 
bold  a  venture.  He,  therefore,  persuaded  the 
Archduke  JIaximilian,  brother  of  the  Emperor  of 
Austria,  to  accept  the  crown  of  tlie  monarchy  he 
proposed  to  set  up  in  Mexico.  The  Archduke 
was  a  man  of  pure  and  noble  character,  but 
evidently  wanting  in  strength  of  mind,  and  he 
agreed,  after  some  hesitation,  to  accept  the  offer. 
Meanwhile  the  joint  expedition  sailed.  We  [the 
English]  sent  only  a  line-of-battle  ship,  two  frig- 
ates, and  700  marines.  France  sent  in  the  first 
instance  about  2,500  men,  whom  she  largely  rein- 
forced immediately  after.  Spain  Had  about  6, 000 
men,  under  the  command  of  the  late  Marshal  Prim. 
The  Allies  soon  began  to  find  that  their  purposes 
were  incompatible.  There  was  much  suspicion 
about  the  designs  of  France.  .  .  .  Some  of  the 
claims  set  up  by  France  dispiisted  the  other 
Allies.  '1  he  Jecker  claims  were  for  a  long  time 
after  as  familiar  a  subject  of  ridicule  as  our  own 


2177 


MEXICO,  1801-1867. 


Maximilian  and 
Ilia /ale. 


MEXICO,  1867-1892. 


Pftciflco  claims  had  been.  A  Swiss  liousc  of 
Jfckcr  &  Compnny  lind  lent  tlie  former  Govern- 
nioiit  of  Mexico  '^750,000,  and  got  bonds  from 
thiit  Government,  which  was  on  its  very  last  logs, 
for  ^15,000,000.  The  Government  was  immedi- 
ately afterwards  U))set,  and  Juarez  came  into 
power.  JI.  Jeeker  modestlv  put  in  his  claim  for 
11.5,000,000,  Juarez  refuse'd  to  comply  with  the 
demand.  lie  offered  to  pay  the  $750,000  lent 
and  live  per  cent,  interest,  but  he  declined  to  pay 
exactly  twenty  times  the  amount  of  the  sum 
advanced.  M.  Jeeker  liad  by  this  time  become 
somehow  a  suliject  of  France,  and  the  French 
Government  took  up  his  claim.  It  was  clear 
that  the  Emperor  of  the  French  had  resolved  that 
there  should  be  war.  At  lust  the  designs  of  the 
French  Government  became  evident  to  the  Eng- 
lish and  Spanish  Plenipotentiaries,  and  England 
and  Spain  withdrew  from  the  Convention.  .  .  . 
The  Emperor  of  the  French  '  walked  his  own  wild 
road,  whither  that  led  him. '  lie  overran  a  certain 
])ortion  of  jNIexico  with  his  troops.  lie  captured 
Puebla  after  a  long  and  desperate  resistance  [and 
after  suffering  a  defeat  nn  the  5th  of  May,  1863, 
in  the  battle  of  Cinco  d  Mayo] ;  he  occupied  tlie 
capital,  and  ho  set  up  the  Mexican  Empire,  with 
Maximilian  as  J^mporor.  French  troops  remained 
to  ])rotect  the  now  Empire.  Against  all  this  the 
United  States  Government  protested  from  time 
to  time.  .  .  .  However,  the  Emperor  Napoleon 
cared  nothing  just  then  about  the  Monroe  doc- 
trine, complacently  satisfied  that  the  United 
,  'ites  were  going  to  pieces,  and  that  the  South- 
ci  Confederacy  would  be  his  friend  and  ally. 
lit.  •!Coived  the  protests  of  the  Am,;ricau  Govcrn- 
mei.  with  unveiled  indifference.  At  last  the 
tide  ill  Vmerican  affairs  turned.  The  Confederacy 
crumbk  I  away ;  Richmond  was  taken ;  Lee  sur- 
rende  "cd ,  Jefferson  Davis  was  a  prisoner.  Then 
♦he  United  States  returned  to  the  Mexican  Ques- 
tion, and  the  American  Government  informed 
Louis  Napoleon  that  it  wotdd  be  inconvenient, 
gravely  inconvenient,  if  he  were  not  to  withdraw 
his  soldiers  from  Mexico.  A  significant  move- 
ment of  American  troops  under  a  renowned  Gen- 
eral, then  flushed  with  success,  was  made  in  the 
direction  of  the  Mexican  frontier.  There  was 
nothing  for  Louis  Napoleon  but  to  withdraw 
[March,  1867].  .  .  .  The  Mexican  Empire  lasted 
two  months  and  a  week  after  the  last  of  the 
French  troops  had  been  withdrawn.  Slaximilian 
endeavoured  to  raise  an  army  of  his  own,  and  to 
defend  himself  against  the  daily  increasing 
strength  of  Juarez.  He  showed  all  the  courage 
which  might  have  been  exi)ected  from  his  race, 
and  from  his  own  previous  history.  Hut  in  an 
evil  hour  for  himself,  and  yielding,  it  is  stated, 
to  the  persuasion  of  a  French  officer,  he  had  issued 
a  decree  that  all  who  resisted  his  authority  in 
arms  should  be  shot.  By  virtue  of  this  monstrous 
ordinance,  Mexican  offlcers  of  the  regula.  .irmj, 
taken  prisoners  while  resisting,  as  they  were 
bound  to  do,  the  invasion  of  a  European  prince, 
were  shot  like  brigands.  The  Mexican  general, 
Ortega,  was  one  of  those  thus  shamefully  done  to 
death.  When  Juarez  conquered,  and  Alaxirailian, 
in  his  turn,  was  made  a  prisoner,  ho  was  tried 
by  court-martial,  condemned  and  shot.  .  .  .  The 
French  Empire  never  recovered  the  shock  of  this 
Mexican  failure." — J.  SIcCarthy,  Jliat.  of  Our 
Own  Times,  ch.  44. 

Also  in:  II.  H.  Bancroft,  Uist.  of  the  Pacific 
Stalet,  V.  0  (ifexico,  v.  6),  ch.  1-14.— H.  M.  Fliiit, 


Mexico  ttnder  Maximilian. — F.  Salm-Salm,  My 
Diary  in  Mexico  (1867).— 8.  Schroeder,  The  Fall 
of  Maximilian's  Empire. — Count  E.  de  Keratry, 
Tht  liise  and  F(dl  of  the  Emperor  Marimilinn. — 
J.  jNI.  Taylor,  Maximilian  and  Carlotta. — U.  R. 
Burke,  Life  of  licnito  Juarez. 

A.  D.  1867-1892.— The  restored  Republic— 
"On  the  15th  of  July  [1867]  Juarez  made  a 
solemn  entry  into  the  capital.  JIany  good  citi- 
zens of  Mexico,  who  had  watched  gloomily  the 
whole  episode  of  the  French  intervention,  now 
emerged  to  light  and  rejoiced  conspicuously  in 
the  return  of  their  legitimate  chief.  ...  He  was 
received  with  genuine  ncclaraations  by  the  jiopu- 
lacc,  while  high  society  remained  within  doors, 
curtains  dose-drawn,  except  that  the  women 
took  pride  in  showing  their  deep  mourning  for 
the  death  of  the  Emperor.  .  .  .  Peace  now  came 
back  to  the  country.  A  general  election  estab- 
lished Juarez  as  President,  and  order  and  ])rog- 
ross  once  more  consented  to  test  the  good  resolu- 
tions of  the  Republic."  Santa  Anna  made  one 
feeble  and  futile  attempt  to  disturb  the  quiet  of 
his  country,  but  was  arrested  without  difficulty 
and  sent  into  exile  again.  But  Juarez  had  many 
opponents  and  enemies  to  contend  with.  "As 
the  period  of  election  approached,  in  1871,  party 
lines  became  sharply  divided,  and  the  question 
of  his  return  to  i)ower  was  warmly  contested. 
A  large  body  still  advocated  the  reelection  of 
Juarez,  as  of"  the  greatest  im])ortanco  to  the  con 
solidation  of  the  Constitution  and  reform,  but  the 
admirers  of  military  glor}'  claimed  the  honors  of 
President  for  General  Diaz,  who  had  done  so 
much,  at  the  head  of  the  army,  to  restore  the 
Republic.  A  third  party  represented  the  in- 
terests of  Lerdo,  minister  of  Juarez  all  through 
the  epoch  of  the  intervention,  a  man  of  great 
strength  of  character  and  capacity  for  govern- 
ment. .  .  .  Tlie  campaign  was  vigorous  through- 
out the  country.  .  .  .  The  election  took  place ; 
the  Juaristas  were  triumphant.  Their  party  had 
a  fair  majority  and  Juarez  was  re-elected.  But 
the  Mexicans  not  yet  had  learned  to  accept  the 
ballot,  and  a  rebellion  followed.  The  two  de- 
feated parties  combined,  and  civil  war  began 
again.  Government  defended  itself  with  vigor 
and  resolution,  and,  in  spite  of  the  popularity  of 
General  Diaz  as  a  commander,  lield  its  own  dur- 
ing a  campaign  of  more  than  a  year.  Its  op- 
ponents were  still  undaunted,  and  the  struggle 
might  have  long  continued  but  for  the  sudden 
death  of  Juarez,  on  the  19th  of  July,  1872.  .  .  . 
Don  Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  then  President 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  assumed  the  government, 
was  elected  President,  and  the  late  agitation  of 
parties  was  at  an  end.  For  tliree  years  peace 
reigned  in  Mexico,  and  then  began  another  rev- 
olution. Towards  the  end  of  1875,  rumors  of 
dissatisfaction  wore  afloat.  .  .  .  Early  in  the 
next  year,  a  '  Plan '  was  started,  one  of  those  fatal 
propositions  for  change  which  have  always  spread 
like  wildfire  through  the  Mexican  community. 
By  midsummer,  the  Republic  was  once  more 
plunged  in  civil  war.  Although  he  had  appar- 
ently no  hand  in  the  '  Plan  '  of  Tuxtepec,  Geueial 
Porfirio  Diaz  appeared  at  the  head  of  the  army 
of  the  revolutionists.  .  .  .  During  the  summer 
there  was  fighting  and  much  confusion,  in  the 
midst  of  which  the  election  took  place  for  the 
choice  of  President  for  another  term  of  four 
vears.  The  result  was  in  favor  of  Lerdo  de 
Tejada,  but  he  was  so  unpopular  that  he  was 


217b 


MEXICO,  1867-1892. 


MICHIGAN. 


obliged  soon  nftcr  to  Icixve  the  rnpitnl,  on  tlio 
20tli  of  November,  accompanied  l)y  liis  ministers 
and  a  few  otlier  persons.  Tlie  o'tlier  Lerdistns 
liid  tliemselves.  Congress  dissolved,  and  tlie  op- 
po.sition  triumplied.  Tims  ended  the  covernment 
of  tlie  Lerdistns,  l)ut  a  few  days  before  tlie  ex- 
piration of  its  legal  term.  On  the  24tli  of  No- 
vember, General  Porfirio  Diaz  made  his  solemn 
entry  into  the  capital,  and  was  proflnimed  Pro- 
visional President.  Afterag(X)d(lcalof  lighting 
all  over  the  country.  Congress  declared  him,  in 
May,  1877,  to  be  Constitutional  President  for  a 
term  to  last  until  Novemlxjr  30, 1880.  .  .  .  Pre.-5i- 
dent  Diaz  was  able  to  consolidate  his  power,  and 
to  retain  his  seat  without  civil  war,  although 
this  has  been  imminent  at  times,  especially  to- 
wards the  end  of  his  term.  In  1880,  General 
Manuel  Gonsalez  was  elected,  and  on  tiie  1st 
of  December  of  that  year,  for  the  second  time 
only  in  the  history  of  the  Republic,  the  retiring 
President  gave  over  his  otHce  to  his  legally 
elected  successor.  .  .  .  Tlie  administration  of 
Gonsalez  passed  through  its  four  years  without 
any  important  outbreak.  ...  At  the  end  of  that 
term  General  Diaz  was  re-elected  and  became 
President  December  1,  1884.  Tlie  treasury  of 
the  country  was  empty,  the  Republic  without 
credit,  yet  he  has  [1888]  .  .  .  succeeded  in 
])l«cing  his  government  upon  a  tolerably  (table 
financial  basis,  aud   done  much  to  restc     the 


MIAMIS,  The.  See  Amekican  Aborioises: 
Ai.ooNQUiAN  Family,  Ii.mnois,  and  Sacs,  &c. 

MICESLAUS   I.,  King  of  Poland,   A.  D. 

864-1000 Miceslaus   II.,   King  of  Poland, 

1025-1037 Miceslaus  III.,  Duke  of  Poland, 

1173-1177. 

MICHAEL   (the  first    of   the   Romanoffs), 

Czar  of  Russia,  A.  D.  1613-164.5 Michael 

I.,  Emperor  in  the  East  (Byzantine,  or  Greek), 

811-813 Michael  II.  (called  the  Armorian), 

Emperor  in  the  East,  820-829 Michael  III., 

Emperor  in  the  East,  842-807 Michael  IV., 

Emperor  in  the  E  .st,  1034-1041 Michael 

v.,    Emperor    in    the     East,    1041-1042 

Michael  VI.,  Emperor  in  the  East,  10.50-10r)7. 

Michael  VII.,  Emperor  in  the  East,  1071- 

1078 Michael  VIII.   (Palaeologus),   Greek 

Emperor  of  Nicaea,  1260-1261 :  Greek  Emper- 
or of  Constantinople,  1261-1282 Michael 

Wiecnowiecki,  King  of  Poland,  1070-1674. 

MICHIGAN  :  The  aboriginal  inhabitants. 
See  Amekican  AuoiiKiiNEs;  lUruoNs,  aud  O.iin- 

WAY8. 

A.  D.  i68o.— Traversed  by  La  Salle.  See 
Canada:  A.  D.  1669-1687. 

A,  D.  1686-1701. — The  fpunding  of  the 
French  post  at  Detroit.  See  Detuoit:  A.  1). 
1680-1701. 

A.  D.  1760. — The  surrender  tc  the  English. 
See  Canada;  A.  D.  1700. 

A.  D.  1763. — Cession  to  Great  Britain.  See 
Seven  Ykaus  Wau:  The  The.^tiks. 

A.  D.  1763. — The  King's  proclamation  ex- 
cluding settlers.  See  Nouthwebt  Teuiiitouy  : 
A.  D.  1763. 

A.  D.  1763-1764. — Pontiac's  War.    SecPoN- 

TIAC'S  WaK. 

A.  D.  1774.— Embraced  in  the  Province  of 
Quebec.     See  Canada:  A.  D.  1763-1774. 

A.  D.  1775-1783.  —  Held  by  the  British 
throughout  the  War  of  Independence.    See 

3-40  21 


foreign  credit  of  the  Republic." — S.  Hale,  Tht 
Stiirji  of  Mftico.  eh.  41-42. — "At  the  close  of 
Ma.ximilian's  empire  Jle.xico  had  but  one  railroad, 
with  260  miles  of  track.  To-day  she  has  them 
running  in  all  directions,  with  an  [aggregate] 
of  10.025  kilometers  (about  0.300  miles),  and  is 
building  more.  Of  telegraph  lines  in  1807  she 
ha<l  but  a  few  short  connections,  under  3,000 
kilometers;  now  she  has  telephone  and  telegraph 
lines  which  aggregate  between  60,000  aud  70.000 
kilometers.  ...  In  his  .  .  .  me8.sage  to  Con- 
gress (1801)  President  Diaz  said :  '  It  is  gratifying 
to  me  to  bo  able  to  inform  Congress  that  the 
financial  situation  of  the  republic  continues  to 
improve.  .  .  .  AVithout  increasing  the  tariff,  the 
custom-houses  now  collect  $9,000,000  more  than 
they  did  four  years  ago.'  .  .  .  The  revenues  of 
the  republic  have  more  than  doubled  in  the  past 
twenty  years.  In  1870  they  were  $16,000,000; 
tliev  are  estimated  now  at  over  $36,000,000." 
The  third  term  of  President  Diaz,  "now  [1892] 
drawing  to  a  close,  has  been  one  of  great  pros- 
jierity.  ...  As  we  write  popular  demonstrations 
are  being  made  in  favor  of  another  term." — W. 
Butler,  Mexico  in  Transition,  pp.  284-287. — 
President  Diaz  was  re-elected  for  a  fourth  term, 
which  began  December  1,  1802,  and  will  expire 
in  1896. 

Also  in  :  11.  II.  Bancroft,  Hist,  of  tlie  Pacific 
States,  V.  9  (Mexico  v.  6),  ch.  19. 


United  States  op  Am.  :  A.  D.  1778-1779 
Clauk's  Conquests. 

A.  D.  1784. — Included  in  the  proposed  states 
of  Cherronesus  and  Sylvania.  See  Noutiiwest 
Tehritohy:  A.  1).  1784. 

A.  D.  1785-1786.— Partially  covered  by  the 
V7estern  land  claims  of  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut,  ceded  to  the  United  States.  See 
L'nited  States  OK  A.M. :  A.  D.  1781-1786. 

A.  D.  1787.— The  Ordinance  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Northwest  Territory. — Perpetual 
exclusion  of  Slavery.  See  Noiithwest  'Tekhi- 
ToitY:  A.  D.  1787. 

A.  D.  1805. — Detached  from  Indiana  Terri- 
tory and  distinctly  named  and  organized.  Sec 
Indlvna:  a.  D.  1800-1818. 

A.  D.  181 1. — Tecumseh  and  hh  League, — 
Battle  of  Tippecanoe.  See  United  States  op 
Am.:  a.  D.  1811. 

A,  D.  i8i2. — The  surrender  of  Detroit  and 
the  whole  territory  to  the  British  arms  by 
General  Hull.  See  United  St.vtes  of  A.m.  : 
A.  I).  1812  (.June— Octoheu). 

A.  D.  1813.— Recovery  by  the  Americans. 
Sl'c  United  States  op  Am.  :   A.  D.  1812-1813 

HaUKISON'S  NoHTIIWESTERN  CA>rPAION. 

A.  D.  1817. — Thefoundingof  the  University 
of  Michigan.  See  Education,  Modern:  Ameri- 
ca: A.  D.  1804-1837. 

A.  D.  1818-1836.— Extension  of  Territorial 
limits  to  the  Mississiopi,  and  then  beyond. 
See  Wisconsin:  A.  D.  180.';-184H. 

A.  D.  1837.— Admission  '"t°  the  Union  as  a 
State. — Settlement  of  Boundaries. — A  contiict 
between  tlu;  terms  of  the  coiistitutiot  under 
which  tlie  state  of  Ohio  was  ndnuttwl  into  the 
Union  in  1803  and  the  Act  of  Congress  which, 
in  1805,  erecte.l  the  Territory  of  Micliigan,  gave 
rise  to  a  serious  boundary  dispute  i'etwcen  the 
two.  The  Mici:>'jau  claim  rested  not  only  upon 
the  Act  of  1805,  but  primarily  upon  the  great 
Ordinance  of  1787.     It  involved  the  possession 

•9 


MICHIGAN. 


MIDDLE  AGES. 


of  ft  ■wedge-shappd  strip  of  terrltorj',  which 
"ftvernged  six  nillfs  in  widtli,  across  Ohio,  em- 
l)nice<l  some  468  8(|uarc  miles,  iind  inclmicd  the 
Inlic'-port  of  Toledo  iiml  the  mouth  of  the  Miiu- 
mi'e  river  "  In  1834,  MichiKiin  begun  to  urge 
iier  claims  to  statehood.  "  Without  waiting  for 
an  enai)ling  act,  a  convention  held  at  Detroit  in 
May  and  .lunc,  1835,  adopted  a  state  constitution 
for  submission  to  congress,  demanding  entry  into 
the  Union,  '  in  conformity  to  the  fifth  article  of 
the  ordinance '  of  1787  —  of  course  tlie  bounda- 
ries sought  being  tlioso  established  by  the  article 
in  ([uestton.  That  summer,  there  were  popular 
disturbances  in  the  disputed  territory,  and  some 
gunpowder  harmlessly  wasted.  In  Decemljer, 
PrcHident  Jackson  laid  the  matter  before  con- 
gress in  a  special  message.  Congress  quietly  de- 
terminod  to  'arbitrate'  the  quarrel  by  giving  to 
Oliio  the  di.3puted  tract,  and  oilering  Michigan, 
by  way  of  partial  recompense,  the  whole  of 
what  is  to-day  hei  upper  peninsula.  Micliigan 
did  not  want  the  supposedly  barren  and  wortli- 
Icss  country  to  her  northwest,  protested  long  and 
loud  against  what  she  deemed  to  be  an  outrage, 
declared  that  she  had  no  community  of  interest 
with  the  north  peninsula,  and  was  separated 
from  it  by  insurmountable  natural  barriers  for 
one-half  of  the  year,  while  it  rightfully  belonged 
to  tlie  fifth  state,  to  be  formed  out  of  the  North- 
west Territory.  But  congress  persisted  in  mak- 
ing this  settlement  of  the  quarrel  one  of  the 
conditions  precedent  to  the  admission  of  Michi- 
gan into  the  Union.  In  September,  1836,  a  state 
convention,  called  for  the  sole  purpose  of  decid- 
ing the  question,  rejected  the  proposition  on  the 
groimd  that  congress  had  no  ri/iht  to  annex  such 
a  condition,  according  to  the  '.erms  of  the  ordi- 
nance; a  second  convention,  however,  approved 
of  it  on  the  15th  of  December  following,  and 
congress  at  once  accepted  this  decision  as  final. 
Tluis  Michigan  came  into  the  sisterhood  of 
states,  January  26,  1837,  with  the  territorial 
limits  which  she  possesses  to-day."  —  R.  G. 
Tliwaites,  The  Boundaries  of  Wiscoimn  (Wis. 
JJist.  Soc.  Coil's,  v.U,  pp.  456-460). 

Also  in:  B.  A.  Hinsdale,  The  Old  Northwest, 
ch.  17. 

A.  D.  i85ii. — Early  organization  and  victory 
of  the  RepuDlican  Party.  See  United  States 
OP  Am.  :  A.  D.  18o4-1855. 

MICHIGAN,  Lake  :  The  Discovery.  See 
Canada:  A.  D.  1634-1673. 

Navigated  by  La  Salle.  See  Canada:  A.  D. 
1860-1687. 

♦ 

MICHIGANIA,  The  proposed  State  of. 
See  NouTiiwKsr  TRnniTOUY :  A.  D.  1784. 

MICHILLIMACKINAC.     See  Mackinaw. 

MICHMASH,  War  of.— One  of  Saul's  cam- 
paigns against  the  Philistines  received  tliis  name 
from  Jonathan's  exploit  in  scaling  the  height  of 
Michmash  and  driving  the  garrison  in  panic  from 
their  stronghold.— I.  Samuel  XIV.— Dean  Stan- 
ley, Lect's  on  the  Hist,  of  the  Jewish  Church,  lect. 
21  (»-.  2). 

MICKLEGARTH.— "Constantino  had  trans- 
planted tlie  Roman  name,  the  centre  of  Roman 
power,  and  much  of  what  was  Roman  in  ideas 
and  habits,  to  Byzantium,  tlie  New  Rome  [see 
Constantinople:  A.  D.  330].  .  ;  .  The  result 
was  that  remarkable  empire  [see  Byzantine 
EMPnus]  whicli,  though  since  its  fall  it  has  be- 


come a  by-word,  was,  when  it  was  standing,  the 
wonder  and  the  envy  of  the  barbarian  world,  the 
mysterious  '  Micklegarth,'  'the  Great  City,  tlie 
Town  of  towns,'  of  the  northern  legends." — R. 
W.  Church,  The  Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
ch.  6. 

MICMACS,  The.  See  Amkkican  Auomoi- 
NEs:  Aloonquian  Fa.mily. 

MICROSCOPE  IN  MEDICINE,  The.  See 
Medical  Science:  17-18Tn  Centukies,  and 
after. 

MIDDLE  AGES.— "Tlie  term  Middle  Ages 
is  applied  to  the  time  which  elapsed  between  the 
fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  and  the  formation  of 
tlie  great  modern  monarchies,  between  the  first 
permanent  invasion  of  the  Germans,  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  5th  century  of  our  era  [see  Gaul: 
A.  D.  406-409],  and  tlio  last  invasion,  made  by 
the  Turks,  ten  centuries  later,  in  1453." — V. 
Duruy,  Hist,  of  the  Middle  Ages,  author's  pref. 
— "  It  is  not  possible  to  fix  accurate  limits  to  tlie 
Middle  Ages ;  .  .  .  though  the  ten  centuries  from 
the  5th  to  the  15th  seem,  in  a  general  point  of 
view,  to  constitute  that  period." — H.  Plallam, 
The  Middle  Ages,  pref.  to  first  ed. — "Wo  com- 
monly say  that  ancient  history  closed  witli  tlie 
year  476  A.  D.  The  great  fact  which  marks  the 
close  of  that  age  and  the  beginning  of  a  new 
one  is  the  conquest  of  the  Western  Roman  Em- 
pire by  the  German  tribes,  a  process  which  occu- 
pied tlie  whole  of  the  fiftli  century  and  more. 
But  if  we  are  to  select  any  special  date  to  mark 
the  change,  the  year  476  is  the  best  for  the 
purpose.  .  .  .  When  we  turn  to  the  close  of 
medieval  history  we  find  no  such  general  agree- 
ment as  to  the  specific  date  which  shall  be  se- 
lected to  stand  for  tliat  fact.  For  one  author  it 
is  1453,  the  fall  of  the  Eastern  Roman  Empire 
through  the  capture  of  Constantinople  by  the 
Turks ;  for  another,  1492,  the  discovery  of  Amer- 
ina ;  for  anotlier,  1520,  tlie  full  opening  of  the  Ref- 
ormation. This  variety  of  date  is  in  itself  very 
significant.  It  unconsciously  marks  the  ex- 
tremely important  fact  that  the  middle  ages 
come  to  an  end  at  different  dates  in  the  different 
lines  of  advance — manifestly  earlier  in  politics 
and  economics  than  upon  the  intellectual  side. 
...  It  is  a  transition  age.  Lying,  as  it  does, 
between  two  ages,  in  each  of  whicli  there  is  an 
especially  rapid  advance  of  civilization,  it  is  not 
itself  primarily  an  age  of  progress.  As  com- 
pared with  either  ancient  or  modern  history,  the 
additions  which  were  made  during  the  middle 
ages  to  the  common  stock  of  civilization  are  few 
and  unimportant.  Absolutely,  perhaps,  tliey  are 
not  so.  .  .  .  But  the  most  important  of  them 
fall  within  the  last  part  of  the  perio<l,  and  they 
are  really  indications  that  the  age  is  drawing  to 
a  close,  and  a  new  and  different  one  coming  on. 
Progress,  however  much  there  may  have  been, 
is  not  its  distinctive  characteristic.  There  is  a 
popular  recognition  of  this  fact  in  the  general 
opinion  that  the  medieval  is  a  very  barren  and 
uninteresting  period  of  history  —  the  'dark 
ages' — so  confused  and  without  evident  plan 
that  its  facts  arc  a  mere  disorganized  jumble,  im- 
possible to  reduce  to  system  or  to  hold  in  mind. 
This  must  be  emphatically  true  for  every  one, 
unless  there  can  be  found  running  through  all 
its  confusion  some  single  line  of  evolution  which 
will  give  it  meaning  and  organization.  .  .  . 
Most  certainly  there  must  be  some  such  general 
meaning  of  the  age.    The  orderly  and  regular 


2180 


MIDDLE  AGES. 


MIDDLESEX. 


projfress  of  history  makes  It  impossililc  tlmt  it 
slioiild  be  otlicrwisc.  W'lietlier  tlmt  nieuning 
Clin  be  correctly  stdtcd  or  not  ia  iiiucli  more  un- 
certain. It  is  the  (lifUculty  of  doing  this  which 
makes  medieval  history  seem  so  comparatively 
barren  a  period.  The  most  evident  general  mean- 
ing of  the  age  is  .  .  .  assimilation.  The  great- 
est work  which  had  to  be  done  was  to  l)ring  tlie 
German  barbarian,  who  had  taken  possession  of 
the  ancient  world  and  become  everywhere  the 
riding  race,  up  to  such  a  level  of  attainment  and 
understanding  that  he  wouhl  be  able  to  take  up 
the  work  of  civilization  where  antiquity  had 
been  forced  to  suspend  it  and  go  on  with  it  from 
that  point.  .  .  .  Here,  then,  is  tlie  work  of  the 
middle  ages.  To  tlie  resvdts  of  ancient  history 
were  to  bo  added  the  ideas  and  institutions  of 
the  Germans;  to  the  enfeebled  Roman  race  was 
to  be  added  the  youthful  energy  and  vigor  of 
the  German.  Under  the  conditions  which  ex- 
isted this  union  could  not  be  made  —  a  liarmo- 
nious  and  homogeneous  Christendom  could  not 
be  formed,  except  through  centuries  of  time, 
through  anarchy,  and  ignorance,  and  supersti- 
tion."— G.  B.  Adams,  Uiviliztition  During  the 
Middle  Ages,  intvod. — "We  speak,  sometimes,  of 
the  'Dark  Ages,'  and  in  matters  of  the  exact 
sciences  perliaps  they  were  dark  enough.  Yet 
we  must  deduct  something  from  our  j-outliful 
ideas  of  their  obscurity  wlien  we  find  that  our 
truest  lovers  of  beauty  fix  the  h'lilding  age  of 
the  world  between  the  years  500  and  LlOO  of 
our  era.  Architecture,  more  tlian  any  other  art, 
is  an  index  to  the  happiness  and  freedom  of  the 
people;  and  during  this  perio<i  of  1,000  years,  'an 
architecture,  pure  in  its  principles,  reasonable  in 
its  practice,  and  beautiful  to  the  eyes  of  all  men, 
even  t!"!  simplest,'  covered  Europe  witli  beauti- 
ful buildings  from  Constantinople  to  the  norih 
of  Britain.  In  presence  of  this  manifestation  of 
free  and  productive  intelligence,  unmatched 
even  in  ancient  Greece  and  Home,  and  utterly 
unmatcliable  to-day,  we  may  usefully  reflect 
upon  the  expressive  and  constructive  force  of 
the  spirit  of  Christendom,  even  in  its  darkest 
hours.  Tlie  more  closely  we  examine  the  ques- 
tion, the  less  ground  we  shall  find  for  the  con- 
ception of  tlie  Middle  Ages  as  a  long  sleep  fol- 
lowed by  a  sudden  awakening.  Rather  we 
should  consider  that  ancient  Greece  was  the 
root,  and  ancient  Rome  the  stem  and  branches 
of  our  life ;  tlmt  the  Dark  Ages,  as  wc  call  them, 
represent  its  flower,  and  the  modern  world  of 
science  and  political  freedom  the  slowly-matured 
fruit.  If  we  consider  carefully  that  the  Cliristian 
liumnnistic  spirit  held  itself  as  cimrged  from  the 
first  with  the  destinies  of  the  illiterate  and  lialf- 
heathen  masses  of  the  European  peoples,  wherc- 
^  as,  neitlier  in  Greece  nor  in  the  Roman  Empire 
'  was  civilisation  intended  for  more  than  a  third 
or  a  fourth  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  their  terri- 
tories, we  sliall  not  be  surprised  at  an  apparent 
fall  of  intellectual  level,  which  really  meant  the 
beginning  of  a  universal  rise  hitherto  unknown 
in  the  history  of  tlie  world.  Ideas  of  this  kind 
may  help  us  to  Understand  what  must  remain 
after  all  a  paradox,  that  we  have  been  taught  to 
apply  the  term  '  Dark  Ages '  to  the  perio<l  of 
■what  were  in  some  respects  the  greatest  acliieve- 
ments  of  the  human  mind,  for  example,  the 
Cathedral  of  Florence  and  the  writings  of  Dante. 
...  It  is  perfectly  obvious  now  to  all  who  look 
carefully  at  these  questions,  that  the  instinct  of 


our  pliysical  science  and  naturalistic  art,  of  our 
evolutionist  philosopliy  and  democratic  politics, 
is  not  antagonistic  to,  but  is  essentially  one  with 
the  instinct  wliicli,  in  tlie  Middle  Ages,  regarded 
all  beauty  and  truth  and  power  as  the  working 
of  the  Divine  reason  in  tlie  mind  of  man  and  in 
nature.  What  a  genuine  tliough  grotescjue  an- 
ticipation of  Ciiarles  Darwin  is  tiiere  in  Francis 
of  Assisi  preaching  to  the  birds  I " — B.  Bosan- 
quet.  The  Civilization  of  Christendom,  ch.  3. — 
"  'I  know  nothing  of  lliose  ages  which  knew 
nothing.'  I  really  forget  to  which  of  two  emi- 
nent wits  this  saying  lielongs;  but  I  have  often 
thought  that  I  should  have  liked  to  ask  him  liow 
lie  came  to  know  so  curioi'^  and  important  a 
fact  respecting  ages  of  whici  lie  knew  nothing. 
Was  it  merely  by  hearsay?  Evcrybo<ly  allows, 
however,  that  they  were  dark  ages.  Certainly; 
but  what  do  wo  mean  by  darkness?  Is  not 
the  term,  as  it  is  generally  usi'd,  compara- 
tive? Suppose  I  were  to  say  that  I  am  writing 
'in  a  little  dark  room,'  would  you  understand 
me  to  mean  that  I  could  not  see  the  paper  before 
me?  Or  if  I  should  say  that  I  was  writing  'on 
a  dark  day,' would  you  tliink  I  meant  tliat  tlie 
sun  liad  not  risen  by  noon?  Well,  then,  let  me 
beg  you  to  remember  tliis,  when  you  and  I  use  the 
term,  dark  ages.  .  .  .  Many  causes  .  .  .  Iiave 
concurred  to  render  those  ages  very  dark  to  us; 
but,  for  the  present,  I  feel  it  sufflcient  to  remind 
tlie  reader,  that  darkness  is  quite  a  different 
tiling  from  sliutting  tlie  eyes;  and  tlmt  we  have 
no  riglit  to  complain  that  we  can  see  but  little 
until  we  have  used  due  diligence  to  see  wliat  we 
can.  As  to  the  other  point  —  that  is,  as  to  tlie 
degree  of  darkness  in  which  those  ages  were 
really  involved,  and  as  to  the  mode  and  degree 
in  whicli  it  affected  those  who  lived  in  tliem,  I 
must  express  my  belief,  that  it  lias  been  a  good 
deal  exaggerated.  There  is  no  doubt  that  those 
who  lived  in  what  are  generally  called  the  '  mid- 
dle' or  tlie  'dark'  ages,  knew  nothing  of  many 
tilings  wliicli  are  familiar  to  us,  and  which  we 
deem  essential  to  our  comfort,  and  almost  to  our 
existence ;  but  still  I  doubt  wlietlier,  even  in  this 
point  of  view,  they  were  so  entirely  dark  as 
some  would  have  us  suppose." — S.  R.  ^laitland, 
The  Dark  Age»,  introd. — "In  the  Middle  Aijes 
botli  sides  of  liunian  consciousness  —  tlmt  winch 
was  turned  witliin  as  that  which  was  turned  with- 
out—  lay  dreaming  or  half-awake  beneath  a  com- 
mon veil.  The  veil  was  woven  of  faith,  illusion, 
and  cliildisli  prepossession,  tlirougli  wliicli  tlie 
world  and  history  were  seen  clad  in  strange 
hues.  Man  was  conscious  of  himself  only  as  a 
member  of  a  race,  people,  party,  family,  or  cor- 
poration—  only  througli  some  general  category. 
In  Italy  this  veil  first  melted  into  air;  an  ob- 
jective treatment  and  consideration  of  the  state 
and  of  all  the  tilings  of  this  world  became  possible. 
The  suliiective  side  at  the  same  time  asserted 
itself  with  corresponding  emphasis;  man  became 
a  spiritual  individual,  and  recognised  himself  as 
such." — J.  Burckhardt,  'The  Jicnainmnce  in  Italy, 
jit.  2,  ch.  1  (p.  1). — See,  also,  Europe  (pp.  1010- 
1048):  Education,  Medieval  ;  Lihraiues,  Me- 
dieval; Medical  Science,  MEm.«VAL;  Money 
AND  Bankino.  Medieval. 

MIDDLEBURG :  Taken  by  the  Gueux  of 
Holland  (iS74).  See  Netherlands:  A.  D. 
1573-1.574. 

MIDDLESEX,  Origin  of.  See  Enqlakd: 
A.  D.  477-527, 


2181 


MIDDLESEX  ELECTIONS. 


MILAN,  A.  D.  689. 


MIDDLESEX  ELECTIONS,  John  Wilkes 
and  the.     See  Kn(ii-ani);  A.  D.  n(t8-lT74. 

MIDIANITES,  The.— "The  imme  of  MM- 
inn,  tliough  somt'timcs  given  pcculiiirly  to  tlie 
trilx'  on  the  soutli-eiist  shores  of  tlie  Gulf  of 
Alinlm,  wns  extended  to  all  Ariil)iiin  trilK's  on 
the  east  of  tlio  Jordan, — '  tlie  Amaleliltes,  and  all 
the  children  of  the  East.'  " — Dcnn  Stanley,  I^dn. 
on  the  I  fiat,  of  the  JewMi  Church,  led.  1,5(0.  1). 

MIGDOL.    See  Jkws:  The  Route  of  tiie 

EXODIH. 

MIGHTY  HOST,  Knights  of  the.  See 
Unitki)  Statks  ok  Am.  ;  A.  I).  1804  (OcroBEn). 

MIGNONS  OF  HENRY  III.,  The.  8ec 
Fhan(i;:  a.  I).  1.573-1570. 

MIKADO.— "  Tliough  this  is  the  name  l)y 
wliich  the  whole  outer  world  knows  the  sover- 
eign of  Japan,  it  is  not  that  now  used  in  Japan 
itself,  except  in  poetry  and  oi.  great  occasions. 
Tlie  Japanese  have  got  into  the  habit  of  calling 
their  sovereign  by  such  alien  Chinese  titles  as 
Tenshl,  '  the  Son  of  Heaven ' ;  TenO,  or  TennO, 
'  the  Heavenly  Emperor ' ;  Shujo,  'the  Supreme 
Master.'  His  designation  in  the  olHclal  trans- 
lations of  modern  public  documents  into  English 
is  '  Emperor.'  .  .  .  The  etymology  of  the  word 
Mikado  is  not  quit«  clear.  Some — and  theirs  is 
the  current  opinion — trace  it  to  'mi,'  'august,' 
and  '  kndo,'  a  'gate,'  reminding  one  of  the  '  Sub- 
lime Porte '  of  Turkev.  .  .  .  The  word  Mikado 
is  often  employed  to  denote  the  monarch's  Court 
as  well  as  the  monarch  himself."  —  B.  II. 
Clmmberlain,  Things  .Japanese,  p.  229. 

MIKASUKIS,  The.  See  Ameuicas  Abo- 
lUGiNEs:  Muskiiogean  Family. 

MILAN,  King,  Abdication  of.  See  Balkan 
andDanubian  States:  A.  D.  1879-1889. 


MILAN  :  B.  C.  223-222.— The  capital  of 
the  Insubrian  Gauis  (Mediolauum). — Taken 
by  the  Romans.     See  Home:  B.  C.  29.5-191. 

A.  D.  268. — Aureolus  besieged. — During  the 
miserable  and  calamitous  rcign  of  the  Roman 
emperor  Gallienus,  the  army  on  the  L^pper 
Danube  invested  their  leader,  Aureolus,  with 
the  imperial  purple,  and  crossed  t!ie  Alps  to 
))lace  him  on  the  throne.  Defeated  by  Gallienus 
in  a  battle  fought  near  Milan,  Aureolus  and  liis 
army  took  refuge  in  that  city  and  were  tlierc 
besieged.  During  the  progress  of  the  siege  a 
con8pii,.cy  against  Gallienus  was  formed  in  his 
own  camp,  and  he  was  assassinated.  The  crown 
was  then  offered  to  the  soldier  Claudius  —  after- 
wards called  Claudius  Gothicus  —  and  he  ac- 
cepted it.  Tiie  siege  of  Jlllan  was  continued  by 
Claudius,  the  city  was  forced  to  surrender  and 
Aureolus  was  put  to  death. — E.  Gibbon,  Decline 
and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Umpire,  (h.  11. 

A.  D.  286.— The  Roman  imperial  court. — 
"  Diocletian  and  JIaxImian  were  the  first  Roman 
princes  who  fixed,  in  time  of  peace,  their  ordi- 
nary residence  in  the  pri  i  rices.  .  .  .  The  court 
of  the  emperor  of  the  wi  [Maximian]  was,  for 
the  most  part,  establislied  ut  Milan,  whose  situa- 
tion, at  the  foot  of  tlie  Alps,  appeared  far  more 
convenient  than  that  of  Rome,  for  the  important 
purpose  of  watching  tlie  motions  of  the  bar- 
barians of  Germany.  Milan  soon  assumed  the 
splendour  of  an  imperial  city.  The  houses  are 
described  as  numerous  and  well-built;  the  man- 
ners of  the  people  as  polished  and  liberal." — E. 
Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  liaman  Empire, 
di.  13. 


A.  D.  3ir— Constantine't  Edict  of  Tolera- 
tion.    See  Rome:  A.  I).  313. 
A.  D.  374-397.— The  Ambrosian  Church.— 

The  greatness  of  th('  Milanese,  In  later  times, 
"was  chiefly  originated  and  promoted  by  the 
prerogatives  of  their  Archbishop,  amongst  which 
that  of  crowning,  and  so  in  a  manner  constitut- 
ing, the  King  of  Italy,  raised  him  In  wealth  and 
splendour  above  every  other  prelate  of  the  Ro- 
man Church,  and  his  city  above  every  other  city 
of  Lombardy  in  power  aiid  pride.  ...  It  is  said 
that  the  Church  of  Milan  was  founded  by  St. 
Barnabas;  it  is  certain  that  It  owed  Its  chief  ag- 
grandisement, and  the  splendour  which  dis- 
tinguished It  from  all  other  churches,  to  St.  Am- 
brose [Archbishop  from  374  to 397].  who,  having 
come  to  Jlilan  in  tlie  time  of  Valentinlan  as  a 
magistrate,  was  bv  the  people  made  Bishop  also, 
and  as  such  was  able  to  e.\alt  it  b.v  the  ordination 
of  many  inferior  dignitaries,  and  by  obtaining 
supremacy  for  it  over  all  the  Bishops  of  Lom- 
bardy. .  .  This  church  received  from  St.  Am- 
brose a  peculiar  liturgy,  which  was  always 
much  loved  and  venerated  by  the  Milanese,  and 
continued  longer  in  u.se  tlian  any  of  those  which 
anciently  prevailed  in  other  churches  of  the 
West.  To  the  singing  in  divine  service,  wliich 
was  then  artless  and  rude,  St.  Ambrose,  taking 
for  models  the  ancient  melodies  still  current  in 
his  time,  the  last  echoes  of  the  civilisation  of 
distant  ages,  imparted  a  more  regular  rhythm 
[known  as  '  the  Ambrosian  Chant '] ;  whicli, 
when  reduced  by  St.  Gregory  to  the  grave  sim- 
plicity of  tone  that  best  accords  with  the  majesty 
of  worship,  obtained  the  name  of  '  Canto  fermo  ; 
and  afterwards  becoming  richer,  more  elaborate, 
and  easier  to  learn  through  the  many  ingenious 
inventions  of  Guldod'Arezzo,  .  .  .  was  brought 
by  degrees  to  the  perfection  of  modern  counter- 
point. ...  St.  Ambrose  also  composed  prayers 
for  his  church,  and  hymns;  amongst  others,  ac- 
cording to  popular  belief,  that  most  sublime  and 
majestic  one,  the  Te  Deuin,  which  is  now 
familiar  and  dear  to  the  whole  of  Western 
Christendom.  It  is  said  that  his  clergy  were  not 
forbidden  to  marry.  Hence  an  opinion  prevailed 
that  this  church,  according  to  the  ancient 
statutes,  ought  not  to  be  entirely  subject  to  that 
of  Rome."— G.  B.  Testa,  Hist,  of  the  War  of 
Frederick  I.  against  the  Communes  of  Lombardy, 
pp.  23-24. 

A.  D.  404. — Removal  of  the  Imperial  Court. 
See  Rome:  A.  D.  404-408. 

A.  D.  452. — Capture    by    the    Huns.     Sec 
Huns:  A.  D.  4.52. 

A.  D.  535).— Destroyed  by  the  Goths. — When 
Bellsarlus,  in  ills  first  campaign  for  the  recovery 
of  Italy  from  the  Goths,  had  secured  pos.sesslon 
of  Rome,  A.  D.  538,  he  sent  a  small  force  north-, 
ward  to  Milan,  and  that  city,  hating  its  Gothic 
rulers,  was  gladly  surrendered  to  him.  It  was 
occupied  by  a  small  Roman  garrison  and  un- 
wisely left  to  tlie  attacks  upon  It  that  were  inev- 
itable. Very  soon  the  Goths  appeared  before 
its  walls,  and  with  tiiem  10,000  Burgundians 
who  had  crossed  the  Alps  to  their  assistance. 
Bellsarlus  despatched  an  army  to  the  relief  of 
the  city,  but  the  generals  in  command  of  it  were 
cowardly  and  did  nothing.  After  stoutly  re- 
sistiug  for  six  months,  suffering  the  last  extremes 
of  starvation  and  misery,  Slilan  fell,  and  a  ter- 
rible vengeance  was  wreaked  upon  it.  "  All  the 
men  were  slain,  and  these,  if  the  information 


2182 


MILAN,  A.  D.  539. 


MILAN,  1277-1447. 


(?ivcn  to  Procopius  ■wna  correct,  nmountcd  to 
800,000.  The  women  were  mmie  slnves,  mid 
Imndi'd  over  by  the  Ootlis  to  their  UurKundiaii 
(lilies  in  payment  of  tlieir  services.  The  city 
itself  WHS  rased  to  the  ground:  not  the  only  time 
tlmt  signnl  destruction  has  overtaken  the  fair 
capital  of  Lombnrdy." — T.  Ilodgkin,  lUtlji  ami 
her  fiinulen,  bk.  5,  ch.  11. — See,  also,  Home:  A.  D. 
63,5_5,i53._"Tho  Goths,  in  their  last  moments, 
were  revenged  by  the  destruction  of  a  citv 
second  only  to  Rome  in  size  and  opulence." — K,. 
Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
ch.  41. 

nth  Century. — Acquisition  of  Republican 
independence.     Sec  It.\i.v:  A.  1).  lO.^d-ll.'i'J. 

A.  D.  1 162. — Total  destruction  by  Frederick 
Barbarossa.     See  It.vi.v:  A.  I).  11.14-11(13. 

A.  D.  1 167.— The  rebuilding  of  the  city.  Sco 
Italy:  A.  I).  1160-1107. 

A.  D.  1277-1447. — The  rise  and  the  reign  of 
the  Visconti. — Extension  of  their  Tyranny 
over  Lombardy. — The  downfall  of  their  House. 
— "The  power  of  the  Visconti  in  .Milan  was 
founded  u|)on  that  of  the  Delia  Torre  family, 
who  preceded  them  as  Captains  General  of  the 
people  at  the  end  of  the  13th  ceutury.  Otho, 
Archbishop  of  .Milan,  first  laid  a  substantial 
basis  for  the  dominion  of  his  house  by  imprison- 
ing Napoleoue  Delia  Torre  and  five  of  his  rela- 
tives in  tiu'ee  iron  cages  in  1277,  and  by  causing 
his  nephew  JIatteo  Visconti  to  be  nondnated 
both  by  the  Emperor  and  by  the  people  of  Milan 
as  imperial  Vicar.  Matteo,  who  headed  the 
Ghibellinc  party  in  Lombardy,  was  the  model  of 
a  prudent  Italian  despot.  From  tlie  date  1311, 
when  he  finally  succeeded  in  his  attempts  tipon 
the  sovereignty  of  Lilian  [see  It.vi.y:  A.  D.  1310- 
1313],  to  1322,  when  he  abdicated  in  favour  of  his 
son  Galeazzo,  ho  ruled  his  states  by  force  of  char- 
acter, craft,  and  insiglit,  more  than  by  violence 
or  cruelty.  E.xcellent  as  a  general,  he  was  still 
better  as  a  diplomatist,  winning  more  cities  by 
money  than  by  the  sword.  All  through  his  life, 
as  became  a  Ghibellinc  chief  at  tliat  time,  he 
persisted  in  fierce  enmity  against  the  Church. 
.  .  .  Galeazzo,  his  sou,  was  less  fortunate  than 
Matteo,  suruamed  11  Grande  by  the  Lombards. 
The  Emperor  Louis  of  Bavaria  tlirew  him  into 
prison  on  the  occasion  of  his  visit  to  Jlilan  in 
1327  Tsee  It.vly:  A.  D.  1313-1330].  and  only  re- 
leased him  at  the  intercession  of  his  friend  C'as- 
truccio  Castracano.  To  such  an  extent  was  the 
growing  tyranny  of  the  Visconti  still  dependent 
upon  their  ollice  delegated  from  tlie  Empire.  .  .  . 
Azzo  [the  son  of  Galeazzo]  bought  the  city,  to- 
gether  witli  the  title  of  ImpcriafVicar,  from  the 
same  Louis  who  had  imprisoned  his  father. 
When  he  was  thus  seated  in  the  tyranny  of  his 
grandfather,  ho  proceeded  to  fortify  it  further 
by  the  addition  of  ten  Lombard  towus,  which  he 
reduced  beneath  the  supremacy  of  Milan.  At 
the  same  time  he  consolidated  his  own  power  by 
the  murder  of  his  uncle  JIarco  in  1329,  who  had 
grown  too  might}'  as  a  general.  .  .  .  Azzo  died 
m  1339,  and  was  sticceeded  by  his  uncle  Lucchi- 
no,"  who  was  poisoned  by  Ins  wife  in  1349. 
"  Lucchino  was  potent  as  a  general  and  governor. 
He  bought  Parma  from  Obizzo  d'  Este,  and 
made  the  town  of  Pisa  dependent  >ipou  ^  .ilan. 
.  .  .  Lucchino  left  sons,  but  none  of  proved 
legitimacy.  Consequently  he  was  s\icceeded  by 
Ids  brother  Giovanni,  sou  of  old'  Matteo  1! 
Grande  and  Archbishop  of  Milan.      This  man. 


the  friend  of  Petrnrcli,  was  one  of  the  most 
notable  characters  of  the  14th  century.  Kinding 
himself  at  the  head  of  10  cities,  he  added  Hologiuv 
to  the  tyranny  of  the  Visconti,  in  13.')0,  and  nuide 
himself  strong  enough  to  defy  the  Pope.  .  .  . 
In  13.")3  Giovanni  annexed  Genoa  to  the  Milanese 
principality,  and  <lled  in  IS.'U,  having  established 
tlie  rule  (if  the  Visconti  over  tlie  whole  of  the 
north  of  Italy,  with  the  exception  of  Piedmont, 
Verona,  Mantua,  Ferrara,  and  Venice.  The 
reign  of  the  Archbishop  Giovanni  marks  a  new 
epocli  in  tlie  despotism  of  the  Visconti.  They 
are  iii>w  no  longer  the  successful  rivals  of  the 
Delia  Torre  family,  or  dependents  on  imperial 
caprice,  but  self-made  sovereigns,  witii  a  well- 
established  power  in  Milan  and  a  wide  extent  of 
subject  territory.  Their  dynasty,  though  based 
on  force  and  maintained  by  violence,  has  come 
to  be  acknowledged;  and  we  shall  soon  see  them 
allying  tliemselves  witli  the  royal  houses  of 
Europe.  After  the  deatli  of  Giovanni,  Matteo'a 
sons  were  extinct.  But  Stefano,  the  last  of  his 
family,  had  left  three  children,  who  now  suc- 
ceeded to  the  lands  and  cities  of  tlic  house. 
They  were  named  Matteo,  Bernabo,  and  Gale- 
azzo. Between  these  three  princes  a  partition 
of  the  heritjige  of  Giovanni  Visconti  was  elleeted. 
.  .  .  Jlilan  and  Genoa  were  to  be  ruled  by  the 
three  in  common. "  Matteo  was  put  out  of  tlie  way 
by  his  two  brothers  in  MTta.  Bernabo  reigned 
brutally  at  Milan,  and  Galeazzo  with  great 
splendor  at  Pavia.  The  latter  married  his  daugh- 
ter to  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  son  of  Edward  III. 
of  England,  and  his  son  to  Princess  Isabella,  of 
France.  "  Galeazzo  died  in  1378,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded in  Ills  own  portion  of  the  Visconti  domain 
by  his  son  Gian  Galeazzo,"  who  was  able,  seven 
years  afterwards,  by  singular  refinements  of 
treachery,  to  put  his  uncle  to  death  and  take 
possession  of  his  territories.  "The  reign  of 
Gian  Galeazzo,  wiiich  began  with  this  coiip-de- 
main  (1385-1402),  forms  a  very  important  cliapler 
in  Italian  history.  ...  At  tlie  time  of  his  ac- 
cession the  Visconti  had  already  rooted  out  the 
Correggi  and  Rossi  of  Parma,  the  Seotti  of 
Piacenza,  the  Pelavieini  of  San  Donnino,  the 
Tornielli  of  Novara,  the  Ponzoni  and  Cavalcab6 
of  Cremona,  the  Beccaria  and  Languschi  of 
Pavia,  the  Fisiraghi  of  Lodi,  the  Brusatt  of 
Brescia.  .  .  .  But  the  Carrara  family  still  ruled 
at  Padua,  the  Gonzaga  at  Mantua,  the  Este  at 
Ferrara,  while  tlie  great  house  of  Scala  was  in 
possession  of  Verona.  Gian  Galeazzo's  schemes 
were  at  first  directed  against  the  Scala  dj'nasty. 
Founded,  like  that  of  tlie  Visconti,  upon  the 
imperial  autlioritv,  it  rose  to  its  greatest  heiglit 
under  the  Ghibelline  general  Can  Grande  and  liis 
nepliew  Mastino  in  the  first  half  of  the  14th  cen- 
tury (1313-13.')1).  Mastino  had  himself  cherished 
the  project  of  an  Italian  Kingdom ;  but  he  died 
before  approacliing  its  accomplishment.  The 
degeneracy  of  his  house  began  with  his  three 
sons.  The  two  younger  killed  the  eldest;  of  the 
survivors  the  stronger  slew  the  weaker  and  then 
died  in  1374,  leaving  his  domains  to  two  of  hia 
bastards.  One  of  these,  named  Antonio,  killed 
the  other  in  1381,  and  afterwards  fell  a  prey  to 
the  Visconti  in  1387.  In  his  subjugation  of  Ve- 
rona Gian  Galeazzo  coutrived  to  make  use  of  the 
Carrara  family,  although  these  princes  were  allied 
by  marriage  to  the  Scaligers,  and  had  everything 
to  lose  by  their  downfall.  lie  next  proceeded  to 
attack  Padua,  and  gained  the  co-operation  of 


2183 


MILAN,  1377-1447. 


MILAN,  1447-1454. 


Vcnirp.  In  13S8  Frnnrcsro  clft  Crtrrnrn  Imd  to 
cede  IiIr  territory  In  Viscdiitis  jfcncriils,  who  In 
tlie  »iuno  yi'iir  poswssi'il  themselves  for  him  of 
the  Trevisun  Mitrcliea.  It  was  then  that  the 
Venetlani*  saw  too  Into  the  error  they  had  rom- 
milted  III  sulTering  Verona  and  Padua  to  l)o  an- 
ne.\ed  liy  tlie  Visconti.  .  .  .  Ilavinjf  now  niad(^ 
himself  'master  of  the  north  of  Italy  with  tlio 
exception  <if  Mantua,  Ferraia,  ami  Uologna, 
Oian  C!alea//o  turned  his  attention  to  these 
cities."  Ilv  iiitriifues  of  devilisli  subtlety  and 
maiiifnity,  lie  drew  tlie  .Maniuis  of  Fernira  and 
tiie  Marquis  of  Mantua  Into  crimes  which  were 
their  ruin,  anil  made  ids  con(|uest  of  those  cities 
easy.  "The  wliole  of  Lointmrdy  was  now  p.-os- 
trato  licfore  the  .Milanese  viper.  Mis  iie.xt  iiiovl 
was  to  set  fiM)t  in  Tuscany.  For  this  i)urpose 
I'isa  had  to  1)0  aciiuired;  and  here  anain  lie  re- 
sorted to  his  devilish  jiolicy  of  ineitinjf  other 
men  to  crimes  l)v  which  he  alone  would  jirolit  in 
the  long  run.  I'lsn  was  riile.l  at  that  time  by  the 
Qambacorta  family,  with  an  old  merchant  named 
Pietro  at  their  head."  Glan  Oaleazzo  caused 
Pletro  to  be  assassinated,  and  then  bought  the 
city  from  the  assassins  (1899).  "In  1!)99  tlie 
Duke  laid  hands  on  ,Siena;  and  in  tlio  ne.\t  two 
years  the  plague  came  to  his  assistance  by  en- 
feebling the  ruling  families  of  Lucca  and  Uo- 
logna, the  Gulnl/.zl  and  the  Bentivogli,  so  that 
ho  was  now  able  to  take  possession  of  those 
cities.  There  ri'inalned  no  power  In  Italy,  except 
the  Hepublic  of  Florence  and  the  exiled  but  in- 
vincible Francesco  da  Carrara,  to  withstand  his 
further  progress.  Florence  [see  Fi-ohence  :  A.  D. 
1300-1402]  delayed  his  concpiests  in  Tuscany. 
Francesco  mani-.ged  to  return  to  Padua.  Still 
the  peril  which  threatened  the  whole  of  Italy 
was  Imminent.  .  .  .  At  last,  when  all  other  hope 
of  independence  for  Italy  had  failed,  the  plague 
broke  out  with  fury  in  Lombardy,"  and  Oian 
Oaleazzo  died  of  it  In  1403,  aged  !>'>.  "At  his 
death  his  two  sons  were  still  mere  boys.  .  .  . 
The  generals  refused  to  act  with  them,  and  each 
seized  upon  such  jwrtions  of  the  Vi.sconti  inheri- 
tance as  he  could  most  easily  ac(iuire.  The  vast 
tyranny  of  the  first  Duke  of  Milan  fell  to  jdeces 
in  a  day."  The  dominion  wliich  his  elder  son 
lost  (see  Italy  :  A.  D.  1403-1400)  and  which  his 
younger  son  regained  (see  Italy:  A.  D.  1412- 
1447)  slipped  from  the  family  on  the  death  of 
the  last  of  them.  In  1447. — J.  A.  Symonds,  He- 
naissauce  in  Italy :  The  Age  of  the  De»]X)ts,  ch.  2. 
— "At  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century  their 
[the  Visconti's]  informal  lordship  iiassed  by  a 
royal  grant  [from  the  Emperor  Wencesiaus  to 
Olan-Oaleazzo,  A.  D.  139.5]  into  an  acknowledged 
duchy  of  the  Empire.  The  dominion  which  they 
had  gradually  gained,  and  whicli  was  thus  in  a 
manner  legalized,  took  in  all  the  great  cities  of 
Lombardy,  those  especially  which  had  formed 
tlic  Lombard  League  against  the  Swabian  Em- 
peroi-s.  Pa  via  Indeed,  the  ancient  rival  of  Milan, 
kept  a  kind  of  separate  being,  and  was  formeil 
into  a  distinct  county.  But  the  duchy  granted 
by  Woiiccslaua  to  Gian-Oaleazzo  stretched  far 
on  both  sides  of  the  lake  of  Garda," — E.  A. 
Freeman,  Historical  Geog.  of  Eiiroi>e,  ch.  8, 
sect.  3. 

Also  in:  J.  C.  L.  de  SIsmondi,  Hist,  of  the 
Italian  Republics,  ch.  4. — G.  Procter  (O.  Perceval, 
pseud.),  Ilist.  of  Italy,  ch.  4-5  (v.  1).— T.  A. 
Trollope,  Hist,  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Florence, 
bk,  4,  ch.  4-«  (B,  3). 


A.  D.  1360-1391.— Wars  with  Florence  and 
with  the  Pope,— Dealings  with  the  Free  Com- 
panies.    See  Italy:  A.  I).  l;t43-i;iU;l. 

A.  D.  1422.— The  sovereignty  of  Genoa  sur- 
rendered to  the  Duke.  SccGknoa:  A.  I).  i:tHl- 
1433. 

A.  D.  1447-IJ54.— Competitors  for  the  ducal 
succession  to  the  ViscontL— The  prize  carried 
off  by  Francesco  Sforza.— War  of  Milan  and 
Florence  with  Venice,  Naples,  Savoy,  and 
other  states. —  .lolin  Galeaz/.o  Visconti  had  iiiar- 
rieil  (as  stated  above)  a  daughter  of  King  .Inliii 
of  Fninee.  "  Valentine  Visconti,  oneof  tlie  chil- 
dren of  this  marriage,  married  her  cousin,  Loui.s, 
duke  of  Orleans,  the  only  brother  of  Charles  VI. 
In  their  marriage  contract,  which  the  pone  con- 
firmeil,  it  was  stipulated  that,  upon  failure  of 
heirs  male  In  the  family  of  VLscoiiti,  the  duchy 
of  Milan  should  descend"  to  tlie  posterity  of  Val- 
entino and  the  duke  of  Orleans.  That  event 
took  place.  In  the  year  1447,  Philip  Maria,  the 
last  prince  of  tlie  ducal  family  of  Visconti,  died. 
Various  comiietitors  claimed  tlie  8UCC(?ssion. 
Charles,  duke  of  Orleans,  jdeaded  his  riglit  to  it, 
founded  on  the  marriage  contract  of  his  mother, 
Valentine  Visconti.  Alfonso,  king  of  Naples, 
(■laiiii"d  It  in  consequence  of  a  will  made  by 
Philip  ^laria  In  his  favor.  The  emperor  con- 
tended t...at,  upon  the  extinction  of  male  issue  in 
the  family  of  Visconti,  tiie  Hef  returne<l  to  the 
superior  lord,  and  ought  to  be  re-annexed  to  the 
empire.  The  people  of  Milan,  smitten  with  the 
love  of  liberty  which  In  that  a^e  prevailed  among 
the  Italian  states,  declared  against  the  dominion 
of  any  master,  an<l  established  a  republican  form 
of  government.  But  during  the  struggle  among 
so  many  competitors,  the  iirize  for  wlilch  tliey 
contended  was  seized  by  one  from  whom  none 
of  them  apprehended  anv  danger.  Francis 
Sforza,  the  natural  son  of  .lacomuzzo  Sforza, 
whom  Ills  courage  and  abilities  had  elevated 
from  the  rank  of  a  iicnsant  to  be  one  of  the  most 
eminent  and  jiowerful  of  the  Italian  condottleri, 
having  succeeded  his  father  in  the  command  of 
the  adventurers  who  followed  his  standanl,  had 
married  a  natural  daughter  of  tiie  last  duke  of 
Milan  [see  Italy:  A.  IX  1412-1447].  Upon  this 
sliadow  of  a  title  Francis  founded  his  pretensions 
to  the  duchy,  which  he  su])portcd  with  such 
talents  and  valor  as  placed  him  at  last  on  the 
ducal  throne." — W.  Robertson,  llist.  of  Charles 
the  Fifth:  View  of  the  Progress  of  Society,  sect.  3. 
— "Francesco  Sforza  possessed  himself  of  the 
supreme  power  by  treachery  a  1  force  of  arms, 
but  he  saved  forhnlf  a  century  ilie  independence 
of  a  State  which,  after  170  years  of  tynuiny,  was 
no  longer  capable  of  life  as  a  conunonwealth, 
and  furthered  Its  i)rospcritj',  while  he  powerfully 
contributed  to  the  formation  of  a  political  sys- 
tem which,  however  great  its  weakness,  was  tiie 
most  reasonable  under  existing  circumstances. 
Without  the  aid  of  Florence  and  Coslmo  de' 
Medici,  he  would  not  have  attained  his  ends. 
Cosimo  hod  recognised  his  ability  In  the  war 
with  Visconti,  and  made  a  close  alliance  with 
him.  ...  It  was  necessary  to  choose  between 
Sforza  and  Venice,  for  there  was  only  one  alter- 
native: either  the  coudottiero  would  make  him- 
self Duke  of  Milan,  or  the  Republic  of  San 
JIarco  would  extend  its  rule  over  all  Lombardy. 
In  Florence  several  voices  declared  in  favour  of 
the  old  ally  on  the  Adriatic.  .  .  .  Cosimo  de' 
Medici  gnve  the  casting-vote  in  Sforza's  favour. 


2184 


MILAN,  1447-14.M. 


MILESIANS. 


.  .  .  Without  Florentine  money,  Sforzn  would 
never  liiivu  l>een  iil)l(!  to  innliiliiiii  the  (inubh*  coii- 
ti'Ht  —  on  the  one  Hide  u^iiitiHt  Milan,  wliieli  lie 
bioclduied  iiud  stiirved  out;  and  on  the  otlicr 
ajjaiimt  tlio  Vunetlans,  wlio  Houslit  to  relieve  it, 
ami  wliom  he  repulsed.  And  wlien,  on  .Mareli 
2.">,  U.W,  lie  made  Ids  entry  into  tlie  city  wldeh 
proelainieu  him  ruler,  he  was  oldiKed  to  niain- 
tiiln  Idniself  with  Florentine  money  till  lie  had 
csliUill.ihed  his  poHitiun  and  re-oriranised  the 
State.  .  .  .  Common  nnimosity  to  Florence  ami 
Sfor/.ii  drew  Venice  and  the  kiiii;  [Alfun.so,  of 
Naples]  nerrer  to  cme  another,  and  at  tlie  end 
of  1I.">1  an  alliance,  ollensive  and  defensive,  was 
concluded  against  tliem,  which  Siena,  Savoy, 
and  .Montferrat  joined.  ...  On  May  10.  14.52, 
the  Hepublic,  ami,  four  weeks  iater^  KiuK  Al- 
fonso, declared  war,  whicli  the  Emperor  Fred- 
erick III.,  tlien  in  Italy,  and  I'ope  Nicholas  V., 
successor  to  Eiigenius  IV.  since  1447,  in  vain 
endeavoured  to  prevent."  The  next  year  "a 
foreign  event  contributed  more  than  all  to  ter- 
minate this  misemble  war.  ...  On  May  29, 
14.j3,  Molmmi  '<1  II.  sto'-ned  Constantinople. 
The  West  was  'nreatened,  ..lore  especially  Ven- 
ice, wliieli  had  such  great  and  wealthy  jiosses- 
sions  in  the  Levant,  and  Naides.  This  time  the 
excellent  Pope  Nicholas  V.  (lid  not  exert  himself 
in  vain.  On  April  1),  14.')4,  Venice  concluded 
a  tolerably  favourable  peace  with  Francesco 
Sforzaat  Lo<li,  in  which  King  Alfonso,  Florence, 
Savoy,  Montferrat,  Mantua,  and  Siena,  were  to 
be  included.  The  king,  wlio  had  made  consider- 
able preparations  for  war,  did  not  ratify  the  com- 
pact till  .lanunry  26  of  the  following  year.  Tlio 
States  of  Nortliern  and  Central  Italy  then  joined 
in  an  alliance,  and  a  succession  of  peaceful  years 
followed." — A.  vouReumont,  Loremoile'  Medici, 
bk.  1,  ch.  7  (o.  1). 

Also  in:  W.  P.  Urquhart,  Life  and  Times  of 
Fniiici'sco  Sfovza. — A.  M.  P.  Robinson,  The  Eiid 
of  tlie  Middle  AgcH :  Valentine  Viaconti. —  The 
French  Claim  to  Milan. 

A.  D.  1464. — Renewed  surrender  of  Genoa 
to  the  Duke.     See  Okno.\:  A.  I).  14r)8-14((4. 

A.  D.  1492-1496. — The  usurpation  of  Lu- 
dovico,  the  Moor. — His  invitation  to  Charles 
VIII.  of  France. — The  French  invasion  of 
Italy.  SeelT.VLY:  A.  D.  1493-1404;  and  1404- 
1400. 

A.  D.  1499-1500.— Conquest  by  Louis  XII. 
of  France. — His  claim  by  right  of  Valentine 
Visconti.     Sec  Italy:  A.  D.  1490-1.500. 

A.  D.  1501. — Treaty  for  the  investiture  df 
Louis  XII.  as  Duke,  by  the  Emperor  Maxi- 
milian.   See  Italy:  A.  1).  l.")01-l.")t)4. 

A.  D.  1512. — Expulsion  of  the  French  and 
restoration  of  the  Sforzas. — Notwitlistanding 
tlie  success  of  the  French  at  Ravenna,  in  tlieir 
struggle  with  the  Holy  League  formed  against 
them  by  Pope  Julius  II.  (see  Italy:  A.  D.  1.510 
-1513),  they  could  not  hold  their  ground  in  Italy. 
"Cremona  shook  off  tlie  yoke  of  France,  and 
city  after  city  followed  her  c^  '>le.  Nor  did 
it  seem  possible  longer  to  hold  in  subjec- 

tion.   That  versatile  state,  aftc,  bending 

the  neck  to  Louis,  a  second  time  git  veary  of 
his  government;  and  greedily  listeiud  to  the 
proposal  of  the  Pope  to  set  upon  the  tlirone  Mas- 
similiauo  Sforza,  son  of  their  late  Duke  Ludov- 
ico.  Full  of  this  project  the  people  of  Jlilan 
rose  simultaneously  to  avenge  the  cruelties  of 
the  French ;  the  soldiers  and  merchants  remain- 


ing in  the  city  were  plundered,  nnd  about  l,nO() 
put  to  the  swoni.  The  retreating  army  was 
liarasNcd  by  the  Lombards,  and  severely  galled 
by  tlie  Swiss ;  and  after  encountering  the  greatest 
dilllculties,  the  French  crossed  thi-  Alps,  having 
preserved  none  of  tlieir  comiuests  in  Lombaidy 
except  the  citadel  of  .Milan,  and  ;i  few  other 
fortresses.  ...  At  the  close  of  (he  year,  Massi- 
niiliano  Sfor/a  made  his  triunipbat  entry  into 
Milan,  with  tlie  most  extravagunt  ebullitions  of 
<l<'light  on  the  part  of  thi'  people." — Sir  U. 
Coniyn,  llint.  of  tlif  WiHtirn  Kntjiiiv,  eh.  117  (c.  2). 

A.D.  1515. -^French  reconquest  by  Francis 
I. — Final  overthrow  of  the  Sforzas.  See 
FllANCK;  A,  1).  1.515;  and  I51.5-151S. 

A.  D,  1517. — Abortive  attempt  of  the  Em- 
peror Maximilian  against  the  French.  Sec 
Fu.^.sii;:  A.  1).  1510-1517, 

A.  D.  1531-1522.— The  French  again  ex- 
pelled.    SeeFuANd:;  A.  I).  1.520-152:!, 

A.  D.  1524-1525.  —  Recaptured  and  lost 
again  by  Francis  I.  of  France.  See  FitANd;: 
A.  I),  1.52;)- 1.52.5, 

A.  D.  1527-1529.— Renewed  attack  of  the 
French  king. — Its  disastrous  end. — Renun- 
ciation of  the  French  claim.  See  Italy:  A.  1), 
1.527-1520. 

A.  D.  1544. — Repeated  renunciation  of  the 
claims  of  Ftancis  I. — The  duchy  becomes  a 
dependency  of  the  Spanish  crown.  See 
Fha.nck:  a,  I).  1.5:12-1.547, 

A.  D.  1635-1638.— Invasion  of  the  duchy  by 
French  and  Italian  armies.  See  Italy:  A,  I). 
103.5-10.50. 

A.  D.  1713. — Cession  of  the  duchy  to  Aus- 
tria.    See  Utueciit:  A.  1).  1712-1714. 

A.  D.  1745. — Occupied  by  thn  Spaniards  and 
French.     See  Italy:  A,  I).  1745. 

A.  D.  1746. — Recovered  by  the  Austrians. 
See  Italy;  A.  I).  1740-1747. 

A.  D.  1749-1792.— Under  Austrian  rule  after 
the  Peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle.  See  Italy: 
A.  I).  1740-1702. 

A.  D.  1796. — Occupation  by  the  French. — 
Bonaparte's  pillage  of  the  Art-galleries  and 
Churches.     See  Fkanie:   A.  1>.   1700  (.VritiL — 

OCTOllKU). 

A.  D.  1799.— Evacuation    by    the    French. 

See  FllANCK:    A.  D.  1700  (Aphil — Skptkmiiku). 

A.  D.  1800. — Recovery  by  the  French.  See 
Fkance:  a.  D.  1800-1801  (.May— Fkiiiu.auy). 

A.  D.  1805. — Coronation  of  Napoleon  as 
king  of  Italy.     See  Fuanck:  A.  T).  1804-180.5, 

A.  D.  1807-1808. —  Napoleon's  adornment 
of  the  city  and  its  cathedral.  See  FiiANcii: 
A,  1).  1807-1808  (XoviiMm-;u—Fi-:iii(i-AiiY). 

A.  D.  1814-1815. — Restored  to  Austria.  See 
FitA.NCE:  A.  D.  1814  (Ai'hil— Jc.nk);  and  Vi- 
enna, The  Conoukks  of. 

A.  D.  1848-1849. — Insurrection. — Expulsion 
of  the  Austrians. —  Failure  of  the  struggle. 
See  Italy;  A.  D.  1848-1849, 

A.  D.  1859. — Liberation  from  the  Austrians. 
See  Italy:  A.  D.  1850-18.50;  and  1850-1801. 


MILAN  DECREE,  The.  See  Fiiance: 
A.  n.  1800-1810;  also,  Unitep  States  of  Am.: 
A.  1).  1804-1809, 

MILANESE,  OR  MILAKESS,  The.— The 
district  or  duchy  of  Milan, 

MI'-EoIANS,  Irish. — In  Irish  legendary  his- 
tory, the  followers  of  Miled,  who  came  from  the 
north  of  Spain  and  were  the  last  of  the  four  races 


2185 


MILESIANS. 


MINORCA. 


wliich   colonized    Irt'liind.— T.  WrlRlit,  llitt.  of 
Irildiiil,  hk.    1,  ell.  'i  (r.  1). — Sco  IllELANU:  TllK 

I'ltlMITIVK  LnIIAIIITA.NTB. 


MILETUS.— Mik'tus.  on  tlio  const  of  AbIii 
Mliiiir,  near  ItHHouthwoHttTiifXtrcmlty,"  with  Iht 
fimr  liiirlKmrs,  liiul  been  the  curliest  ancliora^'u 
on  the  entire  coast.  I'iKcniclans,  Cretans,  and 
Carlans,  had  inauKuratcd  her  world-wide  impor- 
tance, and  Attic  fainlllcH,  endowed  with  eniliient 
encr)fv,  had  founded  the  city  anew  [see  Asia 
Mi.Noii:  TuK  OiiKEK  Coi.dNiKHj.  True,  Miletus 
also  had  a  rich  territory  of  her  own  In  lier  rear, 
viz.,  the  broad  valley  of  the  Mieaiidcr,  where 
anions  other  rural  i)ursuil8  particularly  IIk- breed- 
iuK'  of  sheep  llourlHlied.  Miletus  became  the 
principal  market  for  the  liner  sorts  of  wool;  and 
the  manufacture  of  this  article  into  vnriegated 
tapestry  and  coloured  stulTs  for  clothing  em- 
ployed a  largo  multitude  of  hunmn  beings.  Hut 
this  imiustrv  also  continued  In  an  increa.sing 
measure  to  (lemand  importation  from  witliout  of 
all  kinds  of  nniterials  of  art,  articles  of  food,  and 
slaves  [see  Asia  Minok;  U.  C.  72'l-ri;tO].  In  no 
city  was  agriculture  made  a  consideration  so 
sccomlary  to  industry  and  trade  as  here.  At 
Miletus,  tlie  maritime  trade  even  came  to  form  a 
particular  party  among  the  citizens,  the  so-called 
'Aelnautie,'  the  'men  never  off  the  water.'" — 
E.  Curtius,  Hint,  of  Greeee,  hk.  3,  ch.  3  (p.  1).— 
Miletus  took  an  early  leading  part  in  the  great 
Ionian  enterprises  of  colonization  and  trade,  jiar- 
ticulnrly  in  the  Pontus,  or  Black  Sea,  where  the 
Milesians  Biiccceded  the  Pha-nlclans,  establishing 
important  commercial  settlements  at  SInope, 
Cyzicus  and  elsewhere.  They  were  among  the 
last  of  the  Asiatic  lonlnns  to  succumb  to  tlie 
Lydian  monarchy,  and  they  were  the  flrst  to  re- 
volt against  the  Persian  domination,  wlien  that 
Iiad  tiiken  the  place  of  the  Lydian.  The  great 
revolt  failed  and  Miletus  was  i)ractically  de- 
stroyed [seePKiisiA:  B.  C.  531-493].  Hecover- 
ing  some  importance  it  was  destroyed  again  by 
Alexander.  Once  more  rising  under  the  Uoman 
empire,  it  was  destroyed  finally  by  the  Turks 
and  its  very  ruins  have  not  been  identified  with 
certainty. 

B.  C.  412.  —  Revolt  from  Athens.  See 
GilEECE:  B.  C.  413-413. 


MILITARY-RELIGIOUS  ORDERS.  Sec 

IIOSI'ITAI.I.KHS;  TkMI"I.A118;  TEUTONIC  KnHIIITS; 

and  St.  Lazaui:s,  Ivnioiits  op. 

MILL  SPRING,  Battle  of.  See  Ukited 
States  of  Am.:  A.  D.  18C3  (Januaky  —  Feu- 
BUAitv :  Kentucky — Tennessee). 

MILLENIAL  YEAR,  The.— "It  has  often 
Li  on  stated  that  in  the  tenth  century  there  was  a 
universal  belief  tliat  the  end  of  the  world  was  to 
hoppen  in  the  year  1000  A.  D.  This  representa- 
tion has  recently  been  subjected  to  a  critical 
scrutiny  by  Eiken,  Lc  Roy,  and  Orsi,  and  found 
to  be  an  unwarrantable  exaggeration.  It  would 
be  still  less  applicable  to  any  century  earlier  or 
later  than  the  tenth.  A  conviction  of  the  im- 
pending destruction  of  the  world,  however,  was 
not  uncommon  at  almost  any  period  of  the  mid- 
dle age.  It  is  frequently  found  expressed  in  the 
writings  of  Gregory  of  Tours,  Fredegar.  Lam- 
bert of  Hersfeld,  Ekkehard  of  Auruch,  ond 
Otto  of  Freisingeu." — K.  Flint,  HiHtory  of  the 
Philosophy  of  Ilktory:  France,  etc.,  pp.  101- 
103. 


MILOSCH  OBRENOVITCH,  The  career 

of.  See  Balkan  and  Danuiiian  States: 
14-lf(Tii  C'e.ntiiiikh  (Skuvia). 

MILTIADES:  Victory  at  Marathon.- Con- 
demnation and  death.  Sec  Okekck:  B.  C.  4t)l); 
also,  Athens:  B.  C.  501-4U0,  and  B.  C.  4«0- 
480. 

MILVIAN  BRIDGE,  Battle  of  the  (B.  C. 

78).     See  1{().\ik:   H.  ('.  7M-(|H. 

MIMS,  Fort,  The  maaiacre  at.  See  United 
States  ok   A.m.;    A.   I).   1«13-1814  (Auouht- 

Al'HII.). 

MINA.     S<'e  Talent;  also.  Shekel. 

MINCIO,  Battle  of  the.  See  Italy;  A.  I). 
IHU. 

MINDEN,  Battle  of.  See  Oehmany:  A.  D. 
IT.!!!  (Al'HII, — AuorsT). 

MINE  RUN  MOVEMENT,  The.  See 
United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D.  1803  (July— 
Novemiuou:  ViiioiNiA). 

-MING  DYNASTY,  The.  See  China:  The 
OuKiiN  OK  THE  Pkoi-le,  itc. ;  and  1304-1883. 

MINGELSHEIM,  Battle  of  (1622).  Sco 
Geumanv:  A.  1).   1031-1033. 

MINGOES,  The.    See  A-mehican  Auouio- 

INES:    MiNllOES. 

MINIMS. — "Of  the  orders  wbicli  arose  in 
the  15th  century,  the  most  remarkable  was  that 
of  Eremites  [Hermits]  of  St.  Francis,  or  Minims, 
founded  ...  by  St.  Francis  of  Paola,  and  ap- 
proved by  Sixtus  IV.  in  1474."  St.  Francis,  a 
Alinorito  friar  of  Calabria,  was  one  of  the  dev- 
otees wlumj  Louis  XI.  of  France  gathered 
about  himself  during  bis  last  days,  in  tlie  hoi>e 
that  their  intercessions  might  prolong  his  life. 
To  propitiate  him,  Louis  "founded  convents  at 
Pleasis  and  at  Amboiso  for  the  new  religious  so- 
ciety, the  members  of  which,  not  content  with 
the  name  of  Minorites,  desired  to  signify  tlicir 
profession  of  utter  insignificance  by  styling 
themselves  Minims." — J.  C.  Robertson,  Ihat.  of 
the  Chrhtiiin  Chuieh.  r.  8,  iip.  309  and  324. 

MINISTRY.-MINISTERIAL  GOV- 
ERNMENT,   The    English.     See    Cauinet, 

THE  EnoLISII. 

MINNE.    See  Guilds  of  Flanders. 


MINNESOTA:  The  aboriginal  inhabitants. 
See  Ameuican  Ahoukiines:  Sioian  Family. 

A.  D.  1803.— Part  of  the  state,  west  of  the 
Mississippi,  acquired  in  the  Louisiana  Pur- 
chase.    See  Louisiana:  A.  D.  1798-1803. 

A.  D,  1834-1838.- Joined  to  Michigan  Ter- 
ritory ;  then  to  Wisconsin  ;  then  to  Iowa.  See 
■Wisconsin:  A.  D.  1805-1848. 

A.  D.  1849-1858.- Territorial  and  State  or- 
ganizations.— jfinnesota  was  organized  as  a 
Territory  in  1849,  and  admitted  to  the  Union  as 
a  State  in  1858, 

♦ 

MINNETAREES,    The.      See    Ameuican 

AuonioiNEs:  H1DAT8A,  and  Siouan  Family. 


MINORCA:  13th  Century.— Conquest  by 
King  James  of  Aragon.  See  Si'aw:  A.  D. 
1313-1338. 

A.  D.  1708. — Acquisition   by   England. — In 

1708,  during  the  AVar  of  the  Spanish  Succession, 
Port  Slahon,  and  the  whole  island  of  Jlinorca, 
were  taken  by  an  English  expedition  from  Bar- 
celona, under  General  Stanhope,  who  afterwards 
received  a  title  from  his  conquest,  becoming  Vis- 
count Stanhope  of  Mahou.    Port  Malion  was  then 


2186 


MINORCA. 


MIR. 


ciinsliliTi'd  tlu!  l)Ogt  hnrlwr  In  the  Mcdllcrrnnonn 

1111(1  ilH  linpiirtiiiici-  til  KiikIiuiiI  wiih  riitcil  alxivu 
timt  of  Oilinilliir. — Kitrl  SiaiilKipc,  IUhI.  of  Eiw.: 
llfifin  iif  Queen  Aiuie,  eh.  1(»,— Scr  Spain;  A.  I) 
no'T-ltlO.— At  tlip  IViuc  of  I'trt'clit  Minorca 
WW  ct'dt'd  to  Orciit  Hrllalii  mid  ri'iiiiiliicd  inidci 
the  DritiMli  Mug  diiriii);  llic  grciitiT  part  of  tlio 
IMth  (cHturv.     Sec  I  tuk(  llf.  A.  I).  1712-1714. 

A.  D.  1756.— Taken  by  the  French.— At  tlui 
outliri'iik  of  tlif  Sfvtii  Vciirs  War,  In  n^O,  tlicro 
was  great  dread  In  Kiiglaiid  of  an  Immediate 
Freneli  inviiHlon;  and  "the  Oovernnient  ho 
tlioroughly  lost  heart  an  to  reiiuest  the  King  to 
garrlMon  Lnglandwlth  llaiioverlan  tnicip.s,  This 
dread  wiih  Itept  alive  by  u  simulated  eolleetion 
of  Kreneli  troops  in  the  iiorlh.  Hut,  uiidi  r  cover 
of  thiM  threat,  a  licet  wiih  being  collected  at 
Toulon,  w'itli  the  real  design  of  capturing 
Minorca.  The  ministry  were  at  last  roused  to 
tills  danger,  and  Uyiig  was  despatched  with  ten 
sail  of  the  line  to  prevent  It.  Three  davs  after 
he  .ict  sail  the  Duke  de  Kiclielieu,  wltii  10.000 
men,  slipped  across  into  tlio  Island,  and  com- 
pelled (Jenerai  HIakeney,  who  was  somewhat  old 
and  inlirm,  to  witlidruw  into  the  castle  of  St. 
I'liilip,  which  was  at  onco  besieged.  On  tlio 
IBth  of  May  —  mucli  too  late  to  prevent  the  land- 
ing of  l{lchelieu  —  Uyng  arrived  within  view  of 
St.  Piiilij),  which  was  still  in  the  possession  of 
tlie  English.  Tlie  French  Admiral,  La  Galls- 
sonnifre,  sailed  out  to  cover  the  siege,  and  Uyng, 
wlio  apparently  felt  himself  uuc({ually  matched 
—  although  \Vest,  his  second  in  command,  be- 
haved with  gallantry  and  success  —  called  a 
cotincil  of  war,  and  witlidrew.  Biakcney,  wlio 
had  defended  his  position  with  great  bravery, 
had  to  surrender.  Tlic  failure  of  Byng,  and  tlie 
general  weakness  and  incapac  of  tlio  ministry, 
roused  tlio  temjier  of  the  penjjlo  to  rage;  and 
Newcastle,  trembling  for  himself,  tlirew  all  the 
blame  upon  the  Admiral,  hoping  by  this  means 
to  satisfy  tlio  popular  cry.  .  .  .  A  court  martial 
iield  upon  that  olHccr  had  been  bound  Iiy  strict 
instructions,  and  had  found  itself  obliged  to  bring 
in  a  verdict  of  guilty,  though  without  casting 
any  imputation  on  tlic  personal  courage  of  the 
Admiral.  On  his  nceession  to  power  Pitt  was 
courageous  enougli,  altliougli  ho  rested  on  the 
popular  favour,  to  do  his  liest  to  gee  Byng  par- 
doned, and  urged  on  the  King  that  the  Ilouse 
of  Commons  seemed  to  wish  the  sentence  to  lie 
mitigated.  Tlio  King  is  said  to  have  answered 
in  words  that  fairly  doscrilio  Pitt's  position,  '  Sir, 
you  have  taught  me  to  look  for  the  sense  of  my 
subjects  in  another  place  than  the  House  of  Com- 
mons.' The  sentence  was  carried  out,  and  Byng 
was  sliot  on  tlie  quarter-deck  of  the  '  Monanjue ' 
at  Portsmouth  (Marcli  14,  1757)."— J.  F.  Bright, 
Uist.  of  Enn.,  period  3,  pp.  1021-1023. 

A.  D.  1763. — Restored  to  England  by  the 
Treaty  of  Paris.  See  Seven  Ykaiw  Wau  :  The 
Tkeaties. 

A.  D.  1782.— Captured  by  the  Spaniards. 
See  England:  A.  1).  1780-1783. 

A.  D.  1802.— Ceded  to  Spain  by  the  Treaty 
of  Amiens.    See  Fuanck:  A.  D.  1801-1803. 


MINORITES,  The.— Tlie  Franciscan  friars, 
called  by  tlieir  founder  "Fratri  Minori,"  bore 
very  commonly  tlie  name  of  the  Minorites.  See 
Mendicant  Okdebs. 

MINQUAS,  The.  See  Ameuican  Aborigi- 
nes; Aloonquian  Family,  and  Susqueh annas. 


MINSIS,  OR  MUNSEES,  OR  MINI- 
SINKS.  See  .Vmkiiiian  .\lioitl<ilNE»;  .Vi.oon- 
({I'lAN  Family,  and  Dklawaiieh;  and,  also,  .Man- 
hattan Ihi.ank. 

MINTO,  Lord,  The  Indian  administration 
of.     See  India:   A    l>.  IH(t.1-|Hl«. 

MINUTE-MEN.  SccMASs.uHlgETrn;  A.  I). 
1774. 

MIN  YI,  The.—  "  The  race  [among  the  Orccksl 
which  .  .  .  Ilrst  issues  forth  with  a  history  of 
Its  own  from  tlic  dark  backgroiiiul  of  the  Pclas. 
glan  people  Is  that  of  the  Minyl.  The  cycle  of 
llu'lr  heroes  Includes  Iiison  and  EuneiiH,  IiIh  son, 
who  trades  with  I'hii'iilclans  and  with  Orceks. 
.  .  .  The  niylliH  of  the  Argo  were  developed  In 
the  greatest  coinplcteiiiss  on  the  I'ligiisieim  gulf, 
111  the  seats  of  the  .Minyl;  and  they  are  the  first 
witli  whom  II  perceptible  movement  of  thu 
Pelasgeiin  tribes  bcvond  tlie  sea  —  in  other  words, 
a  Greek  history  in  V^nrope  —  begins.  The  .Minyl 
spread  both  by  land  and  sea.  Tliev  migrated 
soutliwards  Into  the  fertile  tlelds  of  Bieotia,  and 
settled  on  the  southern  side  of  the  Copieic  valley 
by  the  sea.  .  .  .  After  leaving  tlie  low  souljiem 
coast  they  founded  a  new  cltv  at  tli(^  western  ex- 
tremity of  tile  Mo'otian  valley.  There  a  long 
mountain  ridge  juts  out  from  tlie  direction  of 
Parnassuii,  and  round  its  farthest  projection  Hows 
in  a  semicirele  the  Cephissus.  At  llie  lower  edge 
of  the  height  lies  tlio  village  of  Skripu.  Ascend- 
ing fnmi  Its  huts,  one  passes  over  primitive  lines 
of  wall  to  the  peak  of  the  mountain,  only  np- 
proacliable  by  a  rocky  staircase  of  a  Iiundred 
steps,  and  forming  the  summit  of  a  castle.  This 
la  the  second  city  of  the  .Minyl  In  Bceotia,  called 
Orchomenus:  like  tin;  first,  the  most  ancient 
walled  royal  (*eat  which  can  l)e  proved  to  liavo 
existed  in  Hellas,  occupying  a  proud  and  com- 
manding position  over  the  valley  by  the  sea. 
Only  a  little  above  the  dirty  huts  of  clay  rises 
out  of  the  depths  of  tlie  soil  the  iniglity  block  of 
marble,  more  than  twenty  feet  high,  which 
covered  the  entrance  of  a  round  building.  Tlio 
ancients  called  it  the  treasury  of  ilinyas,  in  the 
vaults  of  which  tlio  ancient  liings  were  believed 
to  have  hoarded  the  superfluity  of  their  treasures 
of  gold  and  silver,  and  in  tliese  remains  en- 
deavoured to  recall  to  themselves  the  glory  of  Or- 
chomenus sung  by  Homer." — E.  Curtius,  Hint, 
of  (Irceee,  H:  1,  eh.  3  (p.  1). — See,  also,  Bceotia; 
and  Ouekck:  The  JIiobations. 

MIR,  The  Russian.— "The  'mir'  is  a  com- 
mune, wlioso  bond  is  unity  of  autonomy  and  of 
possession  of  land.  Sometimes  the  mir  is  a 
single  village.  In  this  case  tlie  economic  admin- 
istration adapts  itself  exactly  to  the  civil.  Again, 
it  may liappen  that  a  large  village  is  divideiiinto 
many  rural  communes.  Then  each  communo 
has  its  special  economic  administration,  wliilst. 
the  civil  and  police  administration  is  common  to 
all.  Sometimes,  lastly,  a  number  of  villages 
only  liave  one  mir.  Thus  the  size  of  tlie  mir 
may  vary  from  20  or  30  to  some  tliousands  of 
'dvors.'.  .  .  The 'dvor,' or  court,  is  the  economic 
unit:  it  contains  one  or  several  liouses,  and  one 
or  several  married  couples  lodge  in  it.  Tlio 
'dvor'  has  only  one  liedge  and  one  gate  in  com- 
mon for  its  inmates.  .  .  .  With  the  Great  Hus- 
sians  the  mir  regulates  even  the  ground  that  the 
houses  stand  on;  the  mir  iias  the  right  to  shift 
about  the  'dvors.'.  .  .  Besides  land,  the  com- 
munes have  property  of  another  kind:  fish- 
lakes,  communal  mills,  a  communal  herd  for  thu 


2187 


MI  It 


MISSIHSII'IM. 


Iinpmvcmcnt  nf  oxen  niul  hornet;  flnnllv,  More- 
lifiiiiM'H,  IiiK'IicIimI  for  till'  <liHtribiitloii  to  tlii'  |h'hn' 
HiitH  of  M't'iU  for  tlii'ir  tli'lilx  or  fiHHl  for  tlirir 

flllllilicN.        Tllr    I'lljOVIIU'Mt    of     nil     tll('N4'    viirioiiH 

tliiiiKH  iiiUMt  In<  illHtrlliiitcil  iinioiiK  the  iiit.'inlH'ri« 
of  till'  roiiiiiMliir,  iiiUMt  Ih'  illNlriliuti'il  ri'KnIiirly, 
ri|imllv,  ri|iillalily.  TIiiih.  i\  fiiir  iliHtrilnitioii  to 
iliiy  will  not  Ih'  fiilr  tlvr  or  hIx  vi'iir*  liiiiir,  ln'- 
iiiimr  In  Hoiiii-  fiiiiiilk'H  tlir  iiuiii1)i'r  of  ini'iiilK'rs 
will  hiivi'  iiirri'uxril.  In  oIIhth  iliininiNliril.  A 
iii'w  (llstrllmlloii,  tlu'ri'fori',  will  hi;  iifri'Mwiry  to 
.nuke  till'  Himri'H  ri|iiHl.  For  ii  lon^  tinii.'  thin 
i'i|iiali/.iitlon  riiii  lir  liriiii)rht  ulioiit  hy  |iiirtiiil 
hhiiriii>;N  U|i,  hy  rxihuiiui'  of  IoIm  of  fcroiiiiil  hr- 
Iwii'ii  till'  priviUi'  iiiTsons  roiircnircl.  without 
lipHrtliii);  rviTylioily  hy  it  ^.'rniriil  i'i'iIIhIi'IIiiiiIou, 
.  .  .  Till'  KusHJiin  iiiir  Is  not  im  I'li'iiii'ntiiry  \inlt. 
It  Is  niiidi'  up  of  tM'vi'riil  priniorilliil  ci'lls  —  of 
Hiiiiill  rirrli'ti  timt  form  in  |H'rfrrt  fri-rclofu.  Tin- 
niir  only  iihUh  tliiit  tiii-  lirrlcN  (osniiikH)  iiri'  rqiial 
iiH  to  lalioiir  ))owrr.  Tliix  roiidition  fulllllrii,  I 
am  fri'n  to  choo.si;  niy  rompimlons  in  lucorilaiiri! 
with  my  fririiilahip.H  or  my  intiTcsts.  Whon  the 
vlllatfr  has  any  work  to  ilo,  any  property  to  ills- 
trihiiti',  the  nilministration  or  the  assi'mhlyof  tin.' 
I'liinmiini'  f^i'iicrally  ilocs  not  coiici'rn  itself  with 
iniliviiluals,  hut  with  the  'osmak.'.  .  .  Eaeli 
village  hai)  an  ailministratloii;  it  is  representeil 
hy  a  mayor  (selskt  starosta),  eliosen  hy  the  mir. 
lint  this  ailministriitioii  has  to  ilo  iinly  with 
alTalrs  iletermiiieil  U|)on  in  principle  hy  the  eoin- 
iniinal  assemhiy.  The  starosta  has  no  right  of 
Initiating  any  measures  of  Iniportnnce.  Hueh 
questions  (partition  of  the  land,  new  taxes,  leuses 
of  eomintinal  iiroperty,  etc.)are  only  adjudicated 
and  decided  liy  the  assi-mhly  of  the  mlr.  All 
the  peasants  living  in  the  village  come  to  the 
nssemhly,  even  the  women.  If,  for  example,  the 
wife,  hy  the  death  of  Iier  hushaud,  is  the  head 
of  the  family,  at  the  assemhiy  she  has  the  right 
to  vote.  .  .  .  The  peasants  meet  very  freiiuently. 
.  .  .  The  assemblies  are  verv  lively,  .  .  .  coura- 
geous, independent." — L.  I'ikhomlrov,  Itit»Mii, 
Politic)il  and  Sieinl,  bk.  'A,  eh.  3,  with  f(M>t-note, 
ch.  1  (e.  1). 

Al-80  IN:  D.  M.  Wallace,  Utima,  r.  1,  ch.  8. — 
W.  T.  Stead,  The  Truth  nlmiit  liiimii,  l>k.  4,  ch. 
S. — A.  Leroy-Ueaulleu,  The  Kiiqtire  of  the  I'mirs, 
pt.  1,  hk.  8. 

MIRABEAU,  and  the  French  Revolution. 
See  Fu.\n<k:   A.  I).  ITHit  (M.w),  to   170()-1T«1. 

MIRACULOUS    VICTORY,    The.      Sec 

TlIf.NDKKINIl  I.KOIDN. 

MIRAFLORES,  Battle  of  (i88i).  See 
Ciiii.e:  a.  a  I.s:!:t-i8y4. 

MIRANDA,  Revolutionary  undertaking's  of. 
See  Li)ii»i.\N.\;  A.  I).  ITH.l-lSOO;  and  C'olo.m- 
bi.\nStati:s:  A.  I).  1810-1819. 

MIRANHA,  The.  See  American  Abouioi- 
neb:  Oi'ck  oh  Coco  Giiorp. 

MIRISZLO,  Battle  or(i6oo).  Sec  Balkan 
ANi>  T)ANfniAN  St.\te»:  14tii-18th  Centuries. 

MISCHIANZA,  The.     See  Piuladelpiiia: 

MISCHNA,  The.— Tifthhl  Jehudn,  the  Patri- 
arch at  Tiberias,  was  the  author  (about  A.  D. 
194)  of  "a  new  constitution  to  the  .Jewish  peo- 
ple. He  emlKKlied  in  the  celebrated  Mischnn.  or 
Code  of  Traditional  Law,  all  the  •dithorlzed  in- 
terpretations of  tlie  Mosaic  Law,  the  traditions, 
the  decisions  of  the  learned,  and  the  precedents 
of  the  cruris  or  schools.  .  .  .  The  sources  from 
which  tiie  Mischua  was  derived  may  give  a  fair 


view  of  the  nnturo  of  the  Ibihlilniral  authority, 
and  the  nianiii'r  In  which  it  had  HUiM'riu'ili'd  the 
original  Moxalc  ConHtitiitlon.  The  MlMi'hna  wiin 
groiindrd,  1.  »»n  the  Written  Law  of  .Mows.  'i. 
On  the  Oral  Law,  rerelved  hy  .Mohi's  on  .Mount 
Sinai,  and  handed  down,  It  was  wdd,  by  iinhi- 
lirniptril  tradition.  :l.  The  ilerisionHormaxInm 
of  the  Wise  .Men.  4.  Opinions  of  particular  In- 
dlvldiials,  on  which  the  schools  were  divided, 
,  atid  wlilrh  still  n'maiiieil  open.  fi.  Aniient 
I  UHagi'H  and  customs.  The  distribution  of  tliu 
I  .Mischna  alTords  a  curlons  cxemplltleatlon  of  the 
I  liillinate  manner  in  wliirh  the  religious  and  civil 
dutli'H  of  the  .lews  were  interwoven,  and  of  the 
iiulhorlty  assumed  by  the  Law  over  every  traim- 
aiiion  of  life.  The  Mlsihna  eoniireiiceil  with 
rules  for  prayer,  tliankHglving,  ablutions;  It  is 
impo.ssible  to  loneelve  tlie  ndnuteness  or  subtlety 
of  these  rules,  and  the  tine  distinctions  drawn  hy 
the  Habbins.  It  was  a  iiuestion  whether  a  man 
who  ate  tigs,  grapes,  and  pomegranates,  was  to 
say  one  or  three  graces;  .  .  .  whether  he  should 
sweep  the  lioiLse  and  then  wash  his  hands,  or 
wash  Ills  hands  and  then  sweep  the  house.  Mut 
there  are  nobler  words." — II.  II.  .Mllnian,  Hint. 
I'f  the  JeicM.  Ilk.  19.— See,  also,  TAI.MfU. 

MISE  OF  AMIENS,  The.  See  Cxfohd, 
I'miivistons  ok. 

MISE  OF  LEWES,  The.  Seo  Enoiand: 
A.  1).  l'.'l()-l'JT4. 

MISENUM,  Treaty  of.— The  arrangement 
by  which  Sextus  I'ompelns  was  virtually  ad- 
niltted  (B.  ('.40)  for  a  time  Into  partnership  with 
the  triumvirate  of  Antony,  Octavlus  and  Lepl- 
dus,  was  BO  called.     See  Uo.ME:  U.  C,  44-43. 

MISR.     SeeKiiviT:  Its  Names. 

MISSI  DOMINICL— "Nothing  was  inoro 
novel  or  peeullarin  the  legLslatlon  of  Karl  [Char- 
lemagne] than  Ills  institution  of  imperial  depu- 
ties, called  Missi  Dondnicl,  who  were  regularly 
sent  forth  from  the  palace  to  oversee  and  Inspect 
the  various  local  administrations.  Consisting  of 
a  body  of  two  or  three  offlcerseach,  one  of  wliom 
was  always  a  jirelate,  they  visited  the  counties 
every  three  months,  and  held  there  the  local  as- 
sizes, or  '  placita  niinores.'.  .  .  Even  religion 
and  morals  were  not  exempted  from  this  scru- 
tiny."—  I'.  Godwin,  Ilitt.  of  Prance:  Ancient 
(Idiil,  eh.  17. —  Seo,  also,  I'ai.atink,  Coints. 

MISSIONARY  RIDGE  :  Its  position,  and 
the  battle  fought  on  it.    See  United  States  ok 
Am.  :  A.  D.  180!{(Auoi8T— Septemuek:  Tennes- 
see); and  (Uctouek — November:  Tennessee). 
♦^ 

MISSISSIPPI:  The  aboriginal  inhabi- 
tants. See  Amkuican  Ahorigines:  Ml'skho- 
oEAN  Family,  and  Ciieuokees. 

A.  D.  1629.  —  Embraced  in  the  Carolina 
grant  to  Sir  Robert  Heath.  Sec  America: 
A.  D.  1039. 

A.  D.  1663.  —  Embraced  in  the  Carolina 
grant  to  Monk,  Chesterfield,  and  others.  See 
North  Carolina  :  A.  D.  1003-1670. 

A.  D.  1732.— Mostly  embraced  in  the  new 
province  of  Georgia.  Seo  Georgia:  A.  D. 
1733-1739. 

A.  D.  1763.— Partly  embraced  in  West  Flor- 
ida, ceded  to  Great  Britain.  See  Seven  Years 
War:  The  Tre.\ties;  Florida;  A.  D.  1703; 
and  Northwest  Territory:  A.  D.  1703. 

A.  D.  1779-1781.  — Reconquest  of  West 
Florida  by  the  Spaniards.  See  Florida:  A.  D. 
1779-1781, 


2188 


MISSIHSIPPI, 


MIHSISSIPPI  niVER 


A.  D.  1783.— MoiUy  covered  by  the  English 
cettlon  to  the  United  State*.  St'o  I'mtki) 
Stvtkh  OK  Am.  ;  A.  I).  ITh:)  (Ski'tkwiikh). 

A.  D.  1783-1787.— Partly  In  dispute  with 
Spain.    Si'c  Ki.oHiDv:  AD.  l7H:t-i7HT. 

A.  D.  1708-1804.— The  Territory  constituted 
and  organized. — "The  Ifrrilnry  licrcliifuri!  Mur- 
riiKliTcil  l>y  tlic  Spiirilsh  mitliiirilirs,  iiml  lyliit; 
iwirtli  of  tlici'lHtdcKrciMif  liilltucjc,  witli  tlio  con- 
m'lil  1111(1  ap'|)r<ilmt|iiii  of  tin-  Hliilc  of  (Jcor.'^lii, 
wiw  cri'CKiI  "'o  a  lorrltory  of  tlu^  I'liltod  Stales 
l)y  iii't  of  Cimg'.cHM,  unproved  April  7tli,  17U», 
eiilltli'il  'an  net  for  tlie  uiniciiliU'  Hettteineiit  of 
limits  witli  thu  Htaloof  Oeor^la,  and  aiitliori/.iiiK 
(h(>  estalillslimcnt  of  a  Kovernnu'iit.  In  the  .Missis- 
sippi  Territory.  The  territory  eoinprised  In  the 
new  orgnni/adon,  or  the  original  .Missi.ssippl  Ter- 
ritory, einlirared  that  portion  of  eouiitry  between 
tlie^tpanlMli  line  of  deinarkallonund  u  line  drawn 
due  ea.st  from  the  nioiith  of  the  Ya/00  to  the  ( 'hat  - 
talioiH'hy  Klver.  The  Mlsutissippi  Uiver  was  Its 
western  limit  and  the  Chattahooehy  its  eastern. 
The  or>caid/.atlon  of  a  territorial  >,'overnnient  by 
the  United  titntes  was  In  no  wi.se  to  impair  the 
rights  of  Oeor^la  to  the  soil,  which  was  left  open 
for  future  iiei;otiatlon  between  tlie  Stale  of  Oeor- 
gla  an<l  the  t'nlte<l  Slates."  In  1802  the  Slate  of 
Oeorifia  eeded  lo  the  I'nllod  Slates  nil  her  claim 
Id  lands  south  of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  slipu- 
Iallnj5  10  receive  l|ll,a.'M),0(K)  "out  of  llio  first  nctt 

Iiroceeds  of  lands  lying  In  said  ceded  territory." 
n  IHOi  "till!  whole  of  the  extensive  territory 
ceded  by  Qeorgia,  lying  north  of  the  Mississippi 
Territory,  and  south  of  Tennessee,  was  .  .  .  an- 
nexed lo  tho  Mlsslsslnnl  Territory,  nnd  was  sub- 
sequently included  witldn  its  limils  nnd  jurl.sdic- 
tlon.  TIk!  iKUindnrics  of  the  Mississippi  Territorv, 
consoipicntly,  were  the  31st  degree  on  the  south, 
and  the  JWth  <legreeon  the  north,  extending  from 
the  Mississippi  Ulver  to  the  western  lindts  of 
Georgia,  and  coniitrised  the  whole  territory  now 
embruced  in  the  States  of  Alabama  nnd  MLssls- 
sippi,  cxcenling  the  small  Florida  District  be- 
tween the  Pearl  nnd  Perdldo  Rivers.  Four  lifths 
of  tills  extensive  territory  were  In  the  possession 
of  the  four  gront  southern  Indian  confederacies. 
Ilio  Choctils,  tho  C'hlekasfts,  the  Creeks,  nnd  the 
C'lierokees,  comprising  nn  aggregate  of  about 
7.'5,000  souls,  nnd  nt  least  10,000  varriors.  The 
only  portions  of  this  territory  to  which  the  Indian 
title  iiad  been  extinguished  was  a  narrow  strip 
from  115  to  !)0  miles  in  width,  on  the  east  side  of 
the  Mississippi,  nnd  about  70  miles  in  length, 
and  a  smnll  district  on  the  Tom'.ngby." — ,1.  W. 
Monctte,  Discovery  nnd  S'ttkinent  of  the  VaUty 
of  the  Mimmppi,  bk.  5,  ch.  18  (c.  2). 

A.  D.  1803.— Portion  acquired  by  the  Louisi- 
ana Purchase.  See  Loiisi.vna;  A.  D.  1708- 
1803. 

A.  D.  1812-1813.— Spanish  West  Florida 
annexed  to  Mississippi  Territory  and  posses- 
sion taken.     See  Fi.ouida:  A.  U.  1810-1813. 

A.  D.  1813-1814.— The  Creek  War.  Sec 
United  St.vtcs  OF  A.m.:  A.  D.  1813-1814  (Au- 
orsT— Ari.n.). 

A.  D.  1817.— Constitution  as  a  State  and 
admission  into  the  Union. — The  sixth  and  .sev- 
enth of  ihc  new  States  added  to  the  orijgiual 
Union  of  thirteen  were  Indiana  and  Mississippi. 
"These  last  almost  simultaneously  found  repre- 
sentation in  the  Fifteenth  Congress;  and  of  them 
Indiana,  not  without  nn  internal  struggle,  held 
steadfastly  to  the  fundaineutal  Ordinance  of  17f/7 

2189 


under  which  It  wan  M<ttle<l,  having  adopted  Its 
free  Slate  coimtllutlon  In  .liine,  18(0:  MUslHtlppl, 
which  followiil  on  the  slave  side,  ngpclng  upon 
n  cciiiHlllullon,  In  .Viigust,  18|7.  wlileli  the  new 
Congress,  at  its  earliest  opporlunlly  (Dec,  10, 
|8|7]  after  nsHcnihllng,  pmnounceil  ri'pniilii  1111 
inform,  and  nutisfaelorv." — -I.  Siliouler,  Hint. 
'fill,-  I',  S.,  r.  !1,  II.  too,— .Vl  the  same  lime,  tho 
part  of  Mississippi  Territory  which  forms  thu 
jin'senl  State  o'  .Vlabama  was  detached  and 
erected  Into  the  Territorv  of  Aiabani!).  8eo 
Ai.AiiAM.v:  A    I).  1817-IHrit, 

A.  D.  1861  (January).— Secession  from  the 
Union.      See    I  Niri.l)   Statks   ok    .\m   :    .V,  D. 

IMIll   (.IaMMIV  — KkiUU  AIIV). 

A.  D.  i86a  (April— May).— The  taking  of 
Corinth  by  the  Union  forces.  See  Unitkd 
States  ok  Am.  :    A.    D.    1862   (Ai'itii.— May: 

Tl'.NNKSSEK — .MiSSIHHII'I'I). 

A.  D.  1862  (May— Julyi.— First  Union  at- 
tempts against  Viclcsburg.  See  UNtTr.D  Statks 
OK  Am.:  a.  D.  |H(12  (May— .Itl.v:  On  TMi:  .Mis- 
stsHimi. 

A.  D.  i86a(September—October).— The  bat- 
tles of  luka  and  Corinth.  See  Umtkd  States 
OK   Am.:    \.    I).    1802   (SKfTKMiii-;n— OcToiiKli: 

MlSSIHHIPfl). 

A.  D.  1863  (April— May).— Grierson's  raid. 
See  i'.NiTi-;i)  States  OK  Am.  :  A.  I>.  18(13  (.Vi-nii. 
— .Vav:  .Mississiim'I). 

h.  D.  i863(April— July).— Federal  siege  and 
C8;jture  of  Vicksburg.  See  United  .States  0/ 
Am.:  A.  I).  IH(I3  (Ai-uii.- .h;i.Y). 

A.  D.  1863  (July).— Capture  and  destruction 
of  Jackson.  See  U.mted  States  ok  Am.: 
A.  D.  18(13  (.III. V:  Mississippi). 

A.  D.  1864  (February).— Sherman's  raid  to 
Meridian.  See  United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  I). 
18(13-1804  (Decemhek— Apiui.:  Tennessee- 
Mississippi). 

A.  D.  1865  (March— April).— Wilson's  raid. 
—The  end  of  the  Rebellion.  See  United 
St.\tes  OK  Am.  :  A.  D.  180.')  (Apiui.— .May). 

A.  D.  1865  (June).— Provisional  government 
set  up  under  President  Johnson's  plan  of  Re- 
construction. See  U.MTED  Stateh  ok  Am.  : 
A.  I).  180.'>(.'Mav — Iii.Y). 

A.  D.  1865-1870.— State  reconstruction.  See 
United  States  ok  Am.  .  A.  D.  1865  (.May — 
July),  to  1868-1870. 

♦ 

MISSISSIPPI  RIVER:  A.  D.  iSip.-Dis- 
covery  of  the  mouth  by  Pineda,  for  Garay. 
SeeAMEKUA:  A.  1).  1.519-1.52.5. 

A.  D.  1588-1542.— Crossed  by  Cabe9a  de 
'Vaca,  and  by  Hernando  de  Soto.— Descended 
by  the  survivors  of  De  Soto's  company.  See 
F1.0UIDA:  A.  D.  1528-1542. 

A.  D.  1673.— Discovery  by  Joliet  and  Mar- 
quette.    Sec  Canada;  A.  I).  1034-1(173. 

A.  D.  1682.— Exploration  to  the  mouth  by 
La  Salle.     See  Canada:  A.  I).  10(t!)-l()87. 

A.  D.  1712.— Called  the  River  St.  Louis  by 
the  French.     See  Loilkiana:  A.  D.   1('.»H-1712. 

A.  D.  1783-1803.— The  question  of  the  Right 
ol  Navigation  disputed  between  Spain  and  the 
United  States.  See  Florida:  A.  D.  1783- 
1787;  nnd  Louisiana:  A.  D.  1785-1800,  and 
179S-1803. 

A.  r  "-1863.— Battles  and  Sieges  of  the 
Civil  ■<  'ar  Sec  United  St.vtes  ok  Am.  ;  A.  D. 
1861  (Sh.  •'.u— NovEMnEU:    On  THE  Missis- 

sippi),  BcIl    ..t;    1862   (Maiicu— April),   New 


MISSISSIPPI  RIVER. 


MISSOURI. 


Mndrid  and  Island  No.  10;  1863  (ArillL),  New 
Orlfiins;  1803  (May— July),  First  Vlcksburg 
attack;  1862 (June),  Memphis;  1863(r)ECE.MiiEU), 
Second  Vicksburg  attack:  1863  (Januauy  — 
Apuii.),  and  (Aphil— July),  Siege  and  capture 
of  Vicksliurg;  1863  (May— July),  Port  Hudson 
and  tlie  clear  openinj;  of  tlie  River. 

MISSISSIPPI  SCHEME,  Tohn  Law's. 
See  Fiiance:  A.  D.  1717-1720;  and  Louisi.vjja: 

A.  D.  1717-1718. 

* 

MISSISSIPPI  VALLEY:  A.  D.  1763.— 
Cession  of  the  eastern  side  of  the  river  to 
Great  Britain.  See  Seven  YeahsWau:  Tiie 
Thkatiks. 

A.  D.  1803. — Purchase  of  the  western  side 
by  the  United  States.  See  Louisiana;  A.  D. 
1798-1803. 


MISSOLONGHI,    Siege    and   capture    of 
(1825-1826).     SeeGitKErE:  A.  D.  1831-1820. 
» 

MISSOURI  :  A.  D.  1719-1732.— First  de- 
velopment of  lead  mines  by  the  French.  See 
Loiisiana;  A.  I).  1710-1750. 

A.  D.  1763-1765.— French  withdrawal  to  the 
West  of  the  Mississippi. — The  founding  of 
St.  Louis.     See  Illinois;  A.  D.  1765. 

A.  D.  1803. —  Embraced  in  the  Louisiana 
Purchase.     See  Louisi.\na;  A.  D.  1798-1803. 

A.  D.  1804-1812. — Upper  Lon'°.iana  organ- 
ized as  the  Territory  of  Louisiana. —  The 
changing  of  its  name  to  Missouri.  See  Louis- 
iana; A.  I).  1804-1813. 

A.  D.  1819. — Arkansas  detached.  Sec  Aii- 
Kansas;  a.  D.  1819-1836. 

A.  D.  1821. — Admission  to  the  Union. — The 
Compromise  concerning  Slavery.  See  United 
St.\tks  ok  All. :  A.  D.  1818-1821. 

A.  D.  '854-1859.— The  Kansas  Struggle. 
See  Kansas;  A.  1).  1854-1859. 

A.  D.  i86i  (February— July).— The  baffling 
of  the  Secessionists.— Blair,  Lyon  and  the 
Home  Guards  of  St.  Louis. — The  capture  of 
Camp  Jackson.  —  Battle  of  Boonville. — A 
loyal  State  Government  organized.  —  Tlie 
seizure  of  arsenals  and  arms  by  the  secessionists 
of  tlie  Atlantic  and  Gulf  States  "naturally  di- 
rected the  attention  of  tbe  leaders  of  the  differ- 
ent political  parties  in  Jlissouri  to  the  arsenal  in 
St.  Louis,  and  set  tlicni  to  work  planning  how 
they  iniglit  get  control  of  the  40,000  muskets 
anil  other  munitions  of  war  which  it  was  known 
to  contain.  .  .  .  Satisfied  that  movements  were 
on  foot  among  irresponsible  parties,  Unionist  as 
well  as  Secessionist,  to  take  possession  of  this 
post,  General  D.  M.  Frost,  of  the  ^Missouri  state 
iiiilttia,  a  graduate  of  West  Point  and  a  thorough 
soldier,  is  said  to  have  called  Governor  Jackson's 
attention  to  the  necessity  of  '  looking  after '  it. 
.  .  .  Jackson,  however,  needed  no  prompting. 
.  .  .  He  did  not  hebitaiu  i,o  give  Frost  autliority 
to  seize  the  arsenal,  whenever  in  his  judgment 
it  might  become  necessary  to  do  so.  Meanwhile 
he  was  to  assist  in  protecting  it  against  mob  vio- 
lence of  any  kind  or  from  any  source.  .  .  . 
Frost,  liowev.  ,  waa  not  the  only  person  in  St. 
Louis  who  had  bis  eyes  llxed  upon  the  arsenal 
and  its  contents.  Frank  Blair  was  looking  long- 
ingly in  the  same  direction,  and  was  already  I  .islly 
engaged  in  organizing  the  bands  which,  supplied 
with  guns  from  this  very  storehouse,  ouabled 


him,  some  four  months  later,  to  lay  such  a  heavy 
hand  upon  Missouri.  Just  then,  it  is  true,  he 
could  not  arm  them,  .  .  .  but  he  did  not  permit 
this  to  interfere  m  ith  the  work  of  recruiting  and 
drilling.  That  went  on  steadily,  and  as  i.  con- 
se(]uence,  when  the  moment  came  for  action, 
Ulair  was  able  to  appear  i.*  the  decisive  point 
Willi  a  well-armed  force,  ter  'lines  as  numerous 
as  that  which  his  opponents  could  bring  against 
him.  In  the  mean  time,  whilst  these  two,  or 
rather  three,  parties  (for  Frost  can  hardly  be 
termed  a  secessionist,  though  as  an  ollleer  in  the 
service  of  the  State  he  was  willing  to  obey  the 
orders  of  bis  commander)  were  watching  each 
other,  the  federal  government  awoke  from  its 
lethargy,  and  began  to  concentrate  troops  in  St. 
Louis  lor  the  protection  of  its  property.  .  .  . 
IJy  the  18th  of  February,  the  day  of  the  election 
of  delegates  to  the  convention  which  pronounced 
so  deei  !y  against  secession,  there  were  be- 
tween a-  and  live  hundred  men  behind  the 
arsenal  wills.  .  .  .  General  Harney,  who  was  in 
command  of  the  department  and  presumably 
familiar  with  its  condition,  under  date  of  Feb- 
ruary 19,  notilied  the  authorities  at  Washington 
that  there  was  no  danger  of  an  attack,  and  never 
had  been.  .  .  .  Such  was  not  the  opinion  of 
Captain  Nathaniel  Lyon,  who  had  arrived  at  the 
arsenal  on  the  Ctli  of  Februarj',  imd  who  was 
destined,  in  the  short  space  of  the  coming  six 
months,  to  write  his  name  indelibly  in  the  history 
of  the  State.  .  .  Under  the  Rtimulating  in- 
fluence of  ti.'o  such  spirits  as  Blair  and  .  .  . 
[Lyon]  the  work  of  preparation  went  bravely  on. 
By  the  middle  of  April,  four  rc'gimeiits  bad  been 
enlisted,  and  Lyon,  who  was  now  in  Lonim."-  d  of 
t'lC  arsenal,  though  not  of  the  d^  ..artmi-r  iro- 
ceedcd  to  arm  them  in  accordance  with  a\  der 
which  Blair  had  procured  from  W.-siiin  <n\. 
Backed  by  this  force,  Blair  felt  strong  enougi.  . 
set  up  an  opposition  to  the  state  government, 
and  accordingly,  when  Jackson  refu',ed  to  fur- 
nish the  quota  of  troojis  assigned  ;o  ftlissouri 
!inder  President  Lincoln's  call  of  i^.pril  15,  1861 
[see  United  States  of  Am.  ;  A.  D.  1861 
(.\.1"RIL)],  ho  telegraphed  to  Wasii'.ngton  that  if 
ail  order  to  muster  the  men  into  the  service  was 
sent  to  Captain  Lyon  '  the  requisition  would  be 
filled  in  two  days.'  The  order  was  duly  for- 
warded, and  five  regimenis  having  been  sworn 
in  instead  of  four,  as  called  for,  Bliur  was  of- 
fered the  fommand.  This  lie  declined,  and,  on 
bis  recori"  jndation,  Lyon  was  elected  in  his 
place.  Gu  the  7th  and  8th  of  May  another  bri- 
gade was  organized.  .  .  .  This  made  ten  regi- 
ments of  volunteers,  besides  several  companies 
of  regulars  and  a  battery  of  artillery,  that  were 
now  ready  for  service ;  and  as  General  Harney, 
whoso  relatives  and  associates  were  suspected  of 
disloyalty,  had  bed.  ordered  to  Washington  to 
explain  bis  position,  Lyon  was  virtually  in  com- 
mand of  the  department.  .  .  .  Jackson,  .  .  . 
though  possessed  of  but  little  iictual  power,  was 
unwilling  to  give  up  the  couiest  without  an 
effort.  Ho  did  not  accept  the  decision  of  the 
February  election  as  final.  .  .  .  Itepairing  to  St. 
Louis,  as  soon  as  the  adjournment  of  the  General 
Assembly  'lad  left  him  free,  be  began  at  once,  ia 
conjunction  with  certain  leading  secessionists,  to 
concert  measures  for  arming  the  militia  of  the 
State.  ...  To  this  rnd,  the  seizure  of  the 
arsenal  was  held  to  be  a  prereijuisite,  and  Gen- 
eral Frost  was  preparing  a  memorial  showing 


2190 


MISSOURI. 


MISSOURI  COMPROMISE, 


how  this  coiihl  host  he  done,  wlicn  tlie  siirrcnilcr 
of  Fort  Sumter  and  tlie  I'resident'.s  eonse<(uent 
call  /or  troops  liurried  Jackson  into  a  po.sition  of 
antagonism  to  tlic  federal  government.  .  .  .  He 
sent  messengers  to  tlie  Confederate  authorities  nt 
Montgomery,  Alabama,  asliing  them  to  supjily 
him  with  tlie  guns  that  were  needed  for  the  pro- 
posed attack  on  the  arsenal ;  and  he  >i\immoned 
the  Oeneral  Assembly  to  meet  at  .TelTiTson  City 
on  the  2d  of  Mnj',  to  deliberate  upon  such  meas- 
ures as  might  be  deemed  necessary  for  placing 
the  State  in  a  position  to  defend  herself.  He 
also  ordered,  as  lie  was  authorized  to  do  under 
the  law,  the  commanders  of  the  several  military 
districts  to  hold  the  regular  yearly  cncamiiments 
for  the  piifposo  of  instructing  their  men  in  <lrill 
fi'-d  discipline.  .  .  .  Practically  its  effect  was 
limited  to  tlie  first  or  Frost's  'irigade,  ac  that  was 
the  only  one  that  had  been  organized  under  the 
law.  On  the  3d  of  May,  this  little  band,  num- 
bering less  than  700  men,  pitched  their  tents  in  a 
wooded  valley  in  the  ftutskirts  of  the  city  of  St. 
Louis,  and  named  it  Camp  Jackson,  in  honor  of 
the  governor.  It  is  described  as  being  sur- 
rounded on  all  s'des,  at  short  range,  by  com- 
manding hills;  it  was,  moreover,  open  to  a  charge 
of  cavalry  in  any  and  every  direction,  and  the 
men  were  supplied  with  but  live  rounds  of  am- 
munition each,  hardly  enough  for  guard  pur- 
poses. In  a  word,  it  was  defensele!;  ...ui  this 
fact  is  believed  to  be  conclusive  in  regard  to  the 
peaceful  character  of  the  camp  ah  it  was  organ- 
ized .  .  .  Lyon  .  .  .  announced  his  intention  of 
seizing  the  eatire  force  i>t  the  camp,  without  any 
ceremony  other  than  a  demand  for  its  surrender. 
.  ,  .  Putting  ;  k  tToo\i  •  in  motion  early  in  the 
morning  of  the  lOtli  of  Maj-,  he  surrounded 
Camp  Jackson  and  demanded  its  surrender.  As 
Frost  could  make  no  defense  against  the  over 
whelming  odds  brought  against  him,  he  was  of 
course  obliged  to  comply;  and  his  men,  having 
been  disarmed,  \.ctq  marched  to  the  arsenal, 
where  they  were  paroled,  .  ,  ,  After  the  sur- 
render, and  whilst  the  prisoners  were  standing  in 
line,  waiting  for  the  order  t'^  march,  a  crowd  of 
meU;  women  and  children  collected  and  began  to 
abuse  the  home  guards,  attacking  them  with 
stones  and  other  missiles.  It  is  even  "r.Ul  liiat 
several  shots  were  fired  at  them,  but  this  lacks 
confirmation.  According  to  Frost,  who  was  nt 
the  head  of  the  column  of  prisoners,  the  first  inti- 
mation of  firing  was  given  by  a  single  shot,  fol- 
lowed almost  Immediately  by  volley  firing,  wliicli 
is  said  to  have  been  executed  with  precision  cnn- 
sidering  the  rawness  of  the  'roops.  When  the 
fusillade  was  checked,  it  was  ''ouiid  that  28  per- 
sons had  been  killed  or  mortally  wounded,  among 
whom  were  three  of  ihe  prisonirs,  two  wonwu, 
and  one  child,  .  ,  ,  Judging  th.s  action  by  tlie 
reasons  assigned  for  it,  and  by  i'aelfect  through- 
out the  State,  it  must  be  pronounced  a  blunder. 
So  far  from  intimidating  the  secessionists,  it 
served  only  to  exasperate  them;  and  it  drove  not 
a  few  Union  men,  among  them  General  Sterling 
Price,  into  the  ranks  of  the  opposition  and  ulti- 
mately into  the  Confederate  army." — L.  Carr. 
Missouri,  ch.  14, — When  news  of  the  capture  of 
Camp  Jackson  reachecl  Jctlerson  City,  where  the 
legislature  was  in  session.  Governor  Jackson 
at  once  ordered  a  bridge  on  the  railroad  from  St, 
Louis  to  be  destroyed,  and  the  legislature  made 
haste  to  pass  several  bills  in  the  interest  of  the 
rebellion,  including  one  which  placed  the  whole 


military  power  of  the  State  in  the  hands  of  the 
Governor.  Armed  with  this  nuthoritv,  Jackson 
proceeded  to  organize  the  Militia  of  Missouri  as 
a  secession  army.  Jleantime  Captain  Lyon  had 
been  suiiorseded  in  command  by  the  arrival  at 
St,  Louis  of  General  Ilnrney,  anil  the  latter  in- 
troduced a  total  change  of  policy  at  once.  lie 
was  trapped  into  an  agreement  with  Governor 
Jackson  and  Sterling  Price,  now  general-in-chief 
of  the  Jlissouri  forces,  which  tied  his  hands, 
while  the  cunning  rebel  leaders  were  rapidly 
placing  the  State  in  active  insurrection.  But 
the  ^'yes  of  the  aulhorities  at  Washington  were 
opened  by  Blair;  Harney  was  soon  displiiced  and 
I.,  on  restored  to  command.  This  occurred  May 
30tli.  On  the  1.5tliof  June  Lyon  took  possession 
of  the  capital  of  the  State,  "JclTerson  City,  the 
Governor  and  other  State  ofiicers  taking  fiiglit  to 
Boonville,  where  their  forces  were  being  gath- 
ered. Lyon  promptly  followed,  routing  and  dis- 
persing them  at  Boon"ille  on  the  Itth.  The 
State  Convention  which  had  taken  a  recess  in 
March  was  now  called  together  by  a  committee 
that  had  been  cmjiowered  to  do  so  before  the 
convention  separated,  and  a  provisional  Slate 
government  was  organized  (July  31)  with  a  loyal 
governor,  Hamilton  R.  Gamble,  at  its  head. — 
J,  G,  Nicolay,  The  Outbn  ':  of  (he  Rebellion, 
ch.  10, 

Also  in:  T,  L.  Siiead,  The  Fight  for  Misaonri. 
— J  Peckham,  Oeii.  JVnthaniel  Lyon  and  Mis- 
soi:ri  in  1861. 

A.  D.  i86i  (July— September).— Sigel's  re- 
treat from  Carthage. — Death  of  Lyon  at  Wil- 
son's Creek. — Siege  of  Lexington. — Fremont 
in  command.  See  Un'ited  St.vtes  ok  Am.  : 
A.  1).  IHGl  (Jt:i,v — SKPTF-Mnnii:  Missorui). 

A.  D.  i86i  (August — October). — Fremont  in 
command. — His  premature  proclamation  of 
freedom  to  the  Slaves  of  rebels.— His  quarrel 
with  Frank  P.  Blair. — The  change  in  com- 
mand. See  U.Nn'Ki)  Statks  ok  A.m.  :  A.  IJ. 
1861  (August — OcTonEii:  Jlissouni). 

A.  D.  1862  (January— March),— Price  and 
the  Rebel  forces  driven  into  Arkansas. — Bat- 
tle of  Pea  Riilge.  See  United  St.\tes  ok  Am.  : 
A.  D.  1802  (J.\NUARY — Makcii:  Missouut — Ak- 

KANSAS). 

A.  D.  1862  (July — September). —  Organiza- 
tion of  the  loyal  Militia  of  the  state. — War- 
fare with  Rebel  guerrillas.  See  U.mtei)  States 
OK  A.M.:  A.  D.  1802  (Jui.v — Septembeu:  Mis- 
souri— Arkansas). 

A.  D.  1862  (September  —  December).  —  So- 
cial effects  of  the  Civil  War.- The  Battle  of 
Prairie  Grove.  See  United  States  or  Am.  : 
A.  D.  1862  (Septemder— Decemueu:  JIissouki 
— Arkansas), 

A.  D.  1863  (August).— Quantrell'3  guerrilla 
raid  to  Lawrence,  Kansas.  See  United 
States  OP  Am,  :  A,  I),  1863  (August:  Missouri 
— Kansas). 

A.  D.  1863  (October).  —  Cabell's  invasion. 
See  United  States  ok  Am,  :  A.  1),  1863  (Au- 
gust— October :  Arkansas — Missoiri). 

A.  D.  1864  (September— October).— Price's 
raid.  See  United  States  ok  Am,:  A,  I).  1804 
(JI ARCH— October  :  Arkan? as— Missouri). 

MISSOURI  COMPROMISE,  The.  — Its 
Repeal,  and  the  d.  :ision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  against  it.  '  •  J  United  States  ok  Am.  : 
A.  D,  1818-1821,  :'.:i;  aud  1857. 


2191 


MISSOURI  RIVER. 


MITHRIDATIC  WARS. 


MISSOURI  RIVER  :  Called  the  River  St. 
Philip  by  the  French  (171a).  Set  Loui8I.\n.\: 
A.  I).  l(lltH-1713. 

MISSOURIS,  The.    See    American    Ano- 

IlHilNKS:    SlOl'AN  F.\MII,T. 

MITCHELL,  General  Ormsby  M. :  Expe- 
dition into  Alabama.  See  Unitkd  States  of 
A.M.:  A.  D.  1803(Apuil — Mav:  Ai.aiia.ma);  and 
(.1 CNE — OcToiiEU :  Tennessee — Kentucky). 

MITHRIDATIC  WARS,  The.— A  somu- 
^flint  viiguely  (icflncd  pnrt  of  eastern  Asia  Minor, 
l)ctween  Annenin,  Plirygiii,  Ciliclii  and  the  Eii.x- 
ine,  was  called  Cappiulocia  in  times  anterior  to 
303  15.  C.  Like  its  neighbors,  it  liad  fallen 
under  the  rule  of  the  Persians  and  formed  a 
province  of  their  empire,  ruled  by  hereditary 
satraps.  In  the  year  above  named,  the  then 
reigning  satrap,  Ariobarzanes,  rebelled  and 
made  lumself  khig  of  the  northern  coast  district 
of  Cappadocia,  while  the  southern  and  inland 
part  was  retained  under  Persian  rule.  The 
kingdom  founded  by  Ariobarzanes  took  the 
name  of  Pontus,  from  the  sea  on  which  it  bor- 
dered. It  was  reduced  to  submission  by  Alex- 
ander the  Great,  but  regained  independence  dur- 
ing the  wars  between  Alexander'.^,  successors 
(see  Macedonia:  B.  C.  310-801;  i:nd  Seleu- 
cin.K :  B.  C.  281-224),  and  extended  its  limits  to- 
wards the  west  and  south.  The  kingdom  of 
Pontus,  however,  only  rose  to  importance  In 
history  under  the  powerful  sovereignty  of  Mlth- 
rldates  V.  who  took  the  litle  of  Eupator  and  Is 
often  called  Mithridotes  the  Great.  He  ascended 
the  throne  while  a  child,  B.  C.  120,  but  received, 
notwithstanding,  a  wonderful  education  and 
training.  At  tlie  age  of  twenty  (B.  C.  112)  he 
entered  upon  a  career  of  coiiquest,  which  was 
Intended  to  strengthen  his  power  for  the  strug- 
gle with  Rome,  which  he  saw  to'be  inevitable. 
Within  a  period  of  about  seven  years  he  ex- 
tended his  dominions  pround  the  nearly  complete 
circuit  of  the  Euxine,  through  Armenia,  Colchis, 
and  along  the  northern  coasts  westward  to  the 
Crimea  and  the  Dniester;  ■while  at  the  same  time 
he  formed  alliances.'  with  the  barbarous  tribes  on 
the  Danube,  with  which  he  hoped  to  threaten 
Italy. — Q.  Rawllnson,  Manual  of  Ancient  Hist., 
bk.  4,  jKriod'i,  pt.  4. — "He  [Mithrldates]  rivalled 
Hannibal  In  his  unquenchable  hatred  to  Rome. 
This  hatred  had  its  origin  in  the  revocation  of  a 
district  of  Phrygia  which  the  Senate  had  granted 
to  his  father.  ...  To  his  banner  clustered  a 
quarter  of  a  milliou  of  the  fierce  warriors  of  the 
Caucasus  and  the  Scythian  steppes  and  of  his 
own  Hellenlzed  Pontic  soldiers ;  Greek  captains, 
ia  whom  he  had  a  confldence  unshaken  by  disas- 
ter—  Archclaus,  Neoptolemus,  Dorilaus — gave 
tactical  strength  to  his  forces.  He  was  allied, 
too,  with  the  Armenian  king,  Tigranv'S  ■  and  he 
now  turned  his  thoughts  to  Numidia,  Syria,  and 
Egj'pt  with  the  intention  of  forming  a  coalition 
against  his  foe  on  the  Tiber.  A  coin  has  been 
found  which  commemorated  an  alliance  pro- 
posed between  the  Pontic  king  and  the  Italian 
rebels.  .  .  .  The  imperious,  folly  of  M'.  Aqril- 
lius,  the  Roman  .?nvo}  In  the  East,  precipitated 
the  Intentions  of  the  king ;  Instead  of  contending 
for  the  princedom  of  Bithynia  and  Cappadocia, 
he  suddenly  appealed  to  the  disaffected  in  the 
Roman  province.  The  fierce  white  fire  of 
Asiatic  hate  shot  out  simultaneoublv  ilirough 
the  length  and  breadth  or  the  country  [B.  C.  88] ; 
and  the  awful  news  came  to  distracted  Rome 


that  80,000  Italians  had  fallen  victims  to  the 
vengeance  of  the  provincials.  Terror-stricken 
nubllcani  were  chased  from  Adramyttlum  and 
Ephesus  into  the  sea,  their  only  refuge,  and 
there  cut  down  by  their  pursuers ;  the  Jlicander 
was  rolling  along  the  corpses  of  the  Italians  of 
Tralles;  in  Caria  the  refined  cruelty  of  the  op- 
pressed people  was  butchering  the  children 
before  the  eyes  of  father  and  mother,  then  the 
mother  before  the  eyes  of  her  huu'jand,  and  giv- 
ing to  the  man  death  as  the  crown  and  the  relief 
of  his  torture.  .  .  .  Asia  was  lost  to  Rome ;  only 
Rhodes,  which  had  retained  her  independence, 
remained  faithful  to  her  great  ally.  The  Pontic 
fleet,  vmder  Areht)aus,  nppearecl  at  Delos,  and 
carried  thence  2,000  talents  to  Athens,  offering 
to  that  imperial  city  the  government  of  her  an- 
cient tributary.  Tills  politic  measure  awaked 
hopes  of  independence  in  Greece.  Aristion,  an 
Epicurean  philosopher,  seized  the  reins  of  power 
In  Athens,  and  Archclaus  repaired  the  crumbling 
battlements  of  the  Pincus.  The  wav3  of  eastern 
conquest  was  rolling  on  towards  Italy  itself. 
The  proconsul  Sulla  marched  to  Brundisium, 
and,  undeterred  by  the  ominous  news  that  his 
consular  colleague,  Q.  Rufus,  had  been  mur- 
dered in  PIcenum,  or  by  the  sinister  attitude  of 
the  new  consul  Cinna,  he  crossed  over  to  Greece 
with  five  legions  to  stem  the  advancing  wave. 
History  knows  no  more  magnificent  illustration 
of  cool,  self-restrained  determination  than  the 
ictlon  of  Sulla  during  these  three  years."  He 
left  Rome  to  his  enemies,  the  fierce  faction  of 
Marius,  who  were  prompt  to  seize  the  city  and 
to  fill  it  with  "  wailing  for  the  dead,  or  with  the 
more  terrible  silence  which  followed  a  complete 
massacre"  [see  Rome:  B.  C.  88-78].  "The 
news  of  tills  carnival  of  democracy  reached  the 
camp  of  Sulla  along  with  innumerable  noble 
fugitives  who  hod  escaped  the  >Iarian  terror 
The  proconsul  was  unmoved ;  with  unexampled 
self-confidence  he  began  to  assume,  that  he  and 
his  constituted  Rome,  while  the  Forum  and 
Curia  were  filled  w'th  lawless  anarchists,  who 
would  soon  have  t  ^  be  dealt  with.  He  carried 
Athens  by  assavdt,  and  slew  the  whole  popula- 
tion, with  their  tyrant  Aristion  [see  Athens: 
B.  C.  87-86],  but  he  coimted  It  among  the  fa- 
vours of  the  goddess  of  Fortune  that  he,  man 
of  culture  as  he  was,  was  able  to  save  the  Im- 
memorial buildings  of  the  city  from  the  fate  of 
Syracuse  or  Corinth.  Archclaus,  In  Pineiis, 
offered  the  most  heroic  resistance.  .  .  .  With 
the  spring  Sulla  heard  of  the  approach  of  the 
main  army  from  Pontus,  under  the  command  jf 
Taxiles.  120,000  men,  and  ninety  scythed  char- 
iots, were  pouring  over  Moimt  ffita  to  over- 
whelm him.  With  a-onderful  rapidity  he 
marched  northwards  through  friendly  Thebes, 
and  drew  up  his  little  army  on  a  slope  near 
Chreronea,  digging  trenches  on  his  left  and  right 
to  save  his  flank  from  being  turned.  He  showed 
himself  cvt/y  inch  a  general,  he  compelled  the 
enemy  to  meet  him  on  this  ground  of  Ids  own 
choice,  and  the  day  did  not  close  before  110,000 
of  the  enemy  were  captured  or  slain,  and  the  camp 
of  Archclaus,  who  had  hastened  from  Athens 
to  take  the  command,  was  carried  by  assaidt. 
We  have  before  us  still,  in  the  pages  of  Plutarch, 
Sulla's  own  memoirs.  If  we  may  believe  him, 
he  lost  only  fifteen  men  in  the  battle.  By  this 
brilliant  engagement  he  had  restored  Greece  to 
her  allegiance,  and,  what  was  even  better,  the 


2192 


MITimiDATIC  WARS. 


M0ABITE8. 


disaster  aroused  all  the  savagery  of  MIthmdatep, 
tlie  Greek  vanished  in  tlie  oriental  despot.  Has- 
jiicioiis  and  ruthless,  he  ordered  liis  nearest 
friends  to  be  assassinated ;  he  transported  all  the 
jiopuldJon  of  Chios  to  the  mainland,  and  by  his 
violence  ana  e.vaction  stirred  Ephcsns,  Sardes, 
Tralles,  and  many  other  cities,  to  renounce  his 
control,  and  to  return  to  the  Roman  government. 
Still,  ho  did  not  suspect  Archelaus,  but  ap- 
point->dhim,  together  with  Dorilaus,  to  lead  a  new 
army  into  Greece.  The  new  army  appeared  in 
B(eo"tia,  and  encamped  by  the  Copidc  Lalie, 
near  Orchomenos.  Before  the  raw  levies  coulil 
become  familiar  with  the  sight  of  the  legions, 
Sulla  assaulted  the  camp  [B.  C.  85],  and  rillied 
his  wavering  men  by  leading  them  in  person 
with  the  cry,  '  Go,  tell  them  in  Rome  that  you 
left  your  general  in  the  trenches  of  Orchome- 
nos, the  self-consciousness  was  sublime,  for 
nothing  would  have  pleased  the  people  in  Rome 
better;  his  victory  was  complete,  and  Archelaus 
escaped  alone  In  a  boat  to  C'alchis.  As  the  con- 
queror returned  from  the  battle-field  to  reorgan- 
ize Greece,  he  learnt  that  the  Senate  Imd  deposed 
him  from  command,  declared  him  nn  outlaw, 
and  appointed  as  his  successor  the  consul  L.  Va- 
lerius Placcus.  The  disorganization  of  the  re- 
public seemed  to  have  reached  a  clima.\.  Plac- 
cus conducted  his  army  straight  to  the  Bosphorus 
without  venturing  'o  approach  the  rebel  procon- 
sul Sulla;  while  Mitliradates,  who  began  to  wish 
for  peace,  preferred  to  negotiate  witli  his  con- 
(luero:  rather  than  witli  the  consul  of  the  re- 
public. To  complete  this  complication  of  an- 
archy, Flaccus  was  murdered,  and  superseded 
in  tlie  command  by  his  own  legate,  C.  Flavins 
Fimbria;  this  choice  of  their  general  by  the 
legions  themselves  might  seem  significant  if 
anything  could  be  significant  or  connected  in 
such  a  chaos.  But  Sulla  now  crossed  into  Asia, 
and  concluded  peace  with  Jlitliradates  on  these 
conditions:  The  king  was  to  relinquish  all  his 
cou-iuests,  surrender  deserters,  restore  the  people 
of  Chios,  pay  2,000  talents,  and  give  up  seventy 
of  his  ships.  Fimbria  .  .  .  remained  to  be  dealt 
with.  It  was  not  a  difficult  matter:  the  two 
Roman  armies  confronted  one  another  at  Tliya- 
tlra,  and  the  Fimbrians  streamed  over  to  S\iila. 
After  all,  the  legionaries,  who  had  long  ceased 
to  be  citizens,  were  soldiers  first  and  politicians 
after ;  they  worshipped  tlui  felicity  of  the  great 
general ;  and  the  deirocratic  general  had  not  yet 
appeared  who  could  bind  his  men  to  him  by  a 
spell  stronger  than  Sulla  s.  Fimbria  persuaded 
a  slave  to  thrust  him  through  with  his  swor '.. 
His  enemies  were  vanquished  in  Asia,  but  in 
Rome  Cinna  was  again  consul  (85  B.  C),  and 
his  colleague,  Cn.  Papirius  Carbo,  outCinnaed 
Cinna.  \  et  Sulla  was  in  no  hurry.  He  spent 
more  than  a  year  in  reorganizing  the  disordered 
province.  .  .  .  He  even  allowed  Cinna  and 
Carbo,  who  began  to  prepare  for  war  with  him 
(84  B.  C),  to  be  re-elected  to  the  consulship; 
but  when  the  more  cautious  pai  ly  in  the  Senate 
entered  into  negotiations  witli  him,  and  offered 
him  a  safe  conduct  to  Raly,  ho  showed  in  a 
word  what  he  took  to  be  the  nature  of  the  situa- 
tion by  saying  that  he  was  not  in  need  of  their 
safe  conduct,  but  he  was  coming  to  secure 
them.' — R.  P.  Horton,  JliKt.  of  the  Romans,  ch. 
26. — Plutarch,  Sulla. — After  a  second  and  athird 
war  with  Rome  (see  Ro.me:  B.  C.  78-68,  and 
60-63),  Mithridates  was  finally  (B.  C.  65)  uriven 


from  his  old  dominions  into  the  Crimean  king- 
dom of  Bosporus,  where  he  ended  his  life  m 
despair  two  years  later.  Tlie  kingdom  of  Pon- 
tus  was  ab.sorbeil  in  the  Roman  empire.  Tlie 
southern  part  of  Cappadoeia  held  .some  rank  as 
an  independent  kingdom  until  A.  D.  17,  when  it 
was  likewise  reduced  to  the  state  of  a  Roman 


province. 
MITLA,  The    Ruins  '  of. 

AllOUKilNKS:    Z.\l'OTECS,   KTC. 


See  Ameuican 


MITYLENE.  — The  chief  city  in  ancient 
times  of  tlie  island  of  Lesbos,  to  which  it  ulti- 
mately gave  its  name.     See  Lesbos. 

B.  C.  428-427.— Revolt  'rom  Athenian  rule. 
—Siege  and  surrender. —  i'he  tender  mercies 
of  Athens.     See  Giieeck;  B.  C.  4-,'1)-427. 

B.  C.  406.— Blockade  of  the  Athenian  fleet. 
—Battle  of  Arginusx.  See  Gueece:  B.  C.  400. 
♦ 

MIXES,  The.     See  Ameuican  Ahouiqines: 

ZArOTKCS,  ETC. 

MIXTECS,  The.  See  American  A.'ionioi- 
NEs:  Zapotecs,  etc. 

MIZRAIM.     See  Eoyi't:  Its  Na.vies. 

MOABITES,  The.— The  Moabite  Stone.— 
As  related  in  the  Bible  (Gen.  xi.\.  37),  Jloab  was 
the  son  of  Lot's  eldest  dtuighter  and  the  ancient 
jieople  called  Jloabites  were  descended  from  him. 
They  occupied  at  an  early  time  the  rich  table- 
land or  highlands  on  the  east  side  of  the  Dead 
Sea;  but  the  Amorites  drove  them  out  of  tlio 
richer  northern  part  of  this  territory  into  its 
southern  half,  where  thev  occupietl  a  very  narrow 
domain,  but  one  easily  defended.  This  occurred 
shortly  before  the  coining  of  the  Israelites  into 
Canaan.  Between  the  Jloabites  and  the  Israel- 
ites, after  the  settlement  of  the  latter,  there  was 
frequent  war,  but  sometimes  relations  both 
peaceful  and  fricn''ly.  David  finally  subjugated 
their  nation,  in  a  war  of  peculiar  atrocity.  After 
the  division  of  the  kingdoms,  Moab  was  subject  to 
Israel,  but  revolted  on  the  death  of  Aliab  ami  wiis 
nearly  destroyed  in  the  horrible  war  which  fol- 
lowed. The  Biblical  account  of  this  war  is  given 
in  2  Kings  HI.  It  is  strangely  supplemented 
and  filled  out  by  a  Aloabite  loeord  —  tlie  famous 
Moabite  Stone  —  found  and  deciphered  witliin 
quite  recent  times,  under  tlie  following  circum- 
stance. Dr.  Klein,  a  German  missionary,  travel- 
ling in  1869  in  what  was  formerly  tlie  "  Land  of 
Moii">."  discovered  a  stone  of  black  basalt  bearing 
a  long  inscription  in  Plitenitian  characters.  He 
copied  a  small  part  of  it  and  made  his  discovery 
known.  The  Prussian  government  opened  nego- 
tiations for  tlie  purchase  of  the  stone,  and  M. 
Clcrmont-Ganneau,  of  the  French  consulate  at 
■lerusalein,  made  ef.  ir:^  likewise  to  secure  it  for 
his  own  country.  Jleantime,  very  fortunately, 
the  latter  sent  men  to  tt.ke  impressions  —  squeezes, 
as  they  arc  called  —  of  the  inscription,  which 
was  imperfectly  done.  But  these  imperfect 
squeezes  proved  invaluable;  for  the  Arabs,  find- 
ing the  stone  to  be  a  covetable  thing,  and  fearing 
that  it  was  io  be  taker,  from  them,  crumbled  it 
into  fragments  with  the  aid  of  fire  and  water. 
Jlost  of  the  i)ieces  were  subsecjuently  recovered, 
and  were  put  tog(  '.her  by  the  help  of  M.  Cler- 
mont-Ganneau's  s(iucezes,  so  that  an  important 
part  of  the  inscription  was  deciphered  in  the 
end.  It  wa"  found  to  be  a  record  by  Mesha, 
king  of  >Ioi;b,  of  the  war  with  Israel  referred  to 
above. — A.    II.    Sa^ce,    Frah    Light  from    the 


2193 


MOABITE8. 


MOIIAVES. 


Ancient  Monnmentii,  eh.  4. — The  Monbitcs  nppcnr 
to  have  recovered  from  the  blow,  but  not  niucli 
of  their  subsequent  history  is  known. — G.  Grove, 
Dictionarii  of  the  Bible. 

Also  in:  J.  King,  3/b«A'»  Patriarchul  Stone. 
—See,  nlso,  Jkws:  The  Eaui.y  IIebhew  IIis- 
Tonv,  nnd  Undeu  tiik  Judoes. 

MOAWIYAH,  Caliph  (founder  of  the  Om- 

eyyad   dynasty),  A.  I).  001-071) Moavriyah 

II.,  Caliph,  0H3.  ^ 

MOBILE:  A.  D.  1702-1711.— The  founding 
of  the  city  by  the  French.  See  Louisiana: 
A.  I).  1098-1713. 

A.  D.  1763.— Surrendered  to  the  English. 
SeeFi-OKinA:  A.  D.  1703  (.Iuly). 

A.  D.  1781. — Retaken  by  the  Spaniards. 
See  Flouida  :  A.  1).  1779-1781. 

A.  D.  1813. —  Possession  takrn  from  the 
Spaniards  by  the  United  States.  See  Fi.ohida  : 
A.  I).  1810-181'i. 

A.  D.  1864.— The  Battle  in  the  Bay.— Far- 
ragut's  naval  victory.  See  United  States  op 
Am.:  a.  D.  1804  (AriirsT:  Alabama). 

A.  D.  1865  (March — April).— Siege  and  cap- 
ture by  the  National  forces.  See  Unitkd 
States  of  Am.  ;  A.  D.  1805  (Aphil- May). 


MOBILIANS,  The.     See  AwEntcAN  Abo- 

RKilNES:    JIUSKIIOOEAN  FA.MILY. 

MOCOVIS,  The.    See  American  Aboiiigi- 
NEs:  Pampas  TniBEs. 


MODENA,  Founding  of.    See  AIutina. 

A.  D.  1288-:4S3.  —  Acquired  by  the  Mar- 
quess of  Este. — Created  a  Duchy.  See  Este, 
The  House  op. 

A.  D.  1767. — Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits.  Sec 
Jesuits:  A.  D.  1701-1709. 

A.  D.  1796. — Dethronement  of  the  Duke  by 
Bonaparte. — Formation  of  the  Cispadane  Re- 
public. See  France:  A.  D.  1796-1797  (Octo- 
ber-.Ypril). 

A.  D.  1801. —  Annexation  to  the  Cisalpine 
Republic.     See  Germany:  A.  T>.  1801-1803. 

A.  D.  1803. — The  duchy  acquired  by  the 
House  of  Austria.    See  Este,  House  op. 

A.  D.  1815. — Given  to  an  Austrian  Prince. 
See  Vienna,  The  Congress  op. 

A.  D.  1831. — Revolt  and  expulsion  of  the 
Duke. — His  restoration  by  Austrian  troops. 
SeelTYi-Y:  A.  D.  1830-1832. 

A.  D.  1848-1849. — Abortive  revolution.  Sec 
Italy:  A.  D.  1848-1849. 

A.  D.  1859-1861. —  End  of  the  dukedom. — 
Absorption  in  the  new  Kingdom  of  Italy.  Sec 
Italy;  A.  D.  1850-1859;  and  1859-1801. 


MODIUS,  The.    See  Amphora. 

MODOCS,  The.  See  American  Aborigi- 
nes: Monocs. 

MOERIS,  Lake.— "On  the  west  of  Egypt 
there  is  an  oasis  of  cultivable  land,  the  Fayum, 
buried  in  the  midst  of  the  desert,  anrt  attached 
by  a  sort  of  isthmus  to  the  couutrj'  watered  by 
the  Nile.     In  the  centre  of  this  oasis  is  a  large 

Slateau  about  the  same  level  as  the  valley  of  the 
[ilc:  to  the  west,  however,  a  considerable  de- 
pression of  the  land  jiroduces  a  valley  occupied 
by  a  natural  lake  more  than  ten  leagues  in  length, 
the  Birket  Kerun.'  In  the  centre  of  this  plateau 
Amcnemho  [twelfth  dynasty]  undertook  the  for- 
mation of  an  artiflcial  lake  with  an  area  of  ten 


millions  of  square  metres.  If  the  rise  of  the  \ile 
was  insulHcient,  the  water  was  led  into  the  lake 
an<l  .stored  up  for  use,  not  only  in  the  Fayum, 
but  over  the  whole  of  the  left  bank  of  the  Nili' 
as  far  as  the  sea.  If  too  large  an  inundation 
threatened  the  dykes,  the  vast  reservoir  of  the 
artificial  lake  remained  open,  and  when  th'j  lake 
itself  overflowed,  the  surplus  waters  were  led  by 
a  canal  into  the  Birket  Kerun.  The  two  names 
given  in  Egypt  to  this  admirable  work  of  Amen- 
emhe  III.  deserve  to  be  recorded.  Of  one, 
Meri,  that  is  'the  Lake,'  par  excellence,  the 
Greeks  have  made  Moeris,  a  name  erroneously 
applied  by  them  to  a  king;  whilst  the  other, 
P-iom,  'the  Sea,'  has  become,  in  the  mouth  of 
the  Arabs,  the  name  of  the  entire  province,  Fay- 
um."— M.  Mnriette,  quoted  in  Lenormant's  Man- 
ual nf  Ancient  Hint,  of  the  Rid,  bk.  3     "    :. 

MCESIA,  OR  MiESIA.— "Af  me  Dan- 
ube had  received  the  waters  of  the  ',  v'f  s  [Theiss] 
and  the  Save,  it  acquired,  at  least  among  the 
Greeks,  the  name  of  liter.  It  formerly  divided 
Mo'sia  and  Dacia,  the  latter  of  which,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  was  a  conquest  of  Trajan 
and  the  only  province  beyond  the  river.  .  .  .  On 
the  right  hand  of  tlie  Danube,  Ma'.sia,  .  .  .  dur- 
ing the  middle  ages,  was  broken  into  the  barba- 
rian kingdoms  of  Servia  and  Bulgaria. " —  E.  Gib- 
l)on.  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Itomnn  Empire,  ch. 
1. — Mo'sia  was  occupied  by  the  Goths  in  the  4th 
century.     See  Gotiis:  A.  D.  341-381;  and  376. 

MOESKIRCH,  Battle  of  (1800).  See 
France:  A.  I).  1800-1801  (May— February). 

MCESO-GOTHIC.  See  Gotiis:  A.  D.  341- 
381. 

MOGONTIACUM.—"  The  two  headquarters 
of  the  [Uoman]  army  of  the  Rhine  were  always 
Vetera,  near  Wescl,  and  Jlogontiacum,  the  mod- 
ern Mcntz.  .  .  .  Mogontiacum  or  Mentz,  [was] 
from  the  time  of  Driisus  down  to  the  end  of  liome 
the  stronghold  out  of  which  the  Romans  sal'icd  to 
attack  Germany  from  Gaul,  as  it  is  at  the  present 
day  the  true  barrier  of  Gcrmanj'  against  France. 
Here  the  Romans,  cvn  after  they  had  abandoned 
their  rule  in  the  region  of  the  upper  Rhine  gen- 
erally, retained  not  merely  the  tCte-depont  on 
the  other  bank,  the  '  castellum  Jlogontiacense ' 
(Castel),  but  also  that  plain  of  the  Main  itself,  in 
their  possession;  and  in  this  region  a  Roiuau 
civilisation  might  establish  itself.  The  land 
originally  belonged  to  the  Chatti,  and  a  Chat'an 
tribe,  the  Mattiaci,  remained  settled  here  even 
under  Roman  rule. " —  T.  Mommscn,  lli»t.  of 
Home.  hk.  8,  ch.  4  {The  Provinces,  v.  1). 

MOGUL  EMPIRE.— THE  GREAT  MO- 
GUL.    See  India:  A.  D.  1399-1605. 

MOHACS,  Battle  of  (1526).    Sec  IIunoary; 

A.  D.  1487-1526 Second   Battle  of  (1687). 

See  Hungary:  A.  D.  1683-1699. 

MOHAMMED,  The  Prophet  of  Islam.  See 
Mahometan  Conquest  and  E.mpire Mo- 
hammed, Turkish  Sultan,  A.  D.  1104-1116 

Mohammed  I.,  Turkish  Sultan,  1413-1431 

Mohammed   II.,   Turkish   Sultan,   1451-1481. 

Mohammed   III.,  Turkish   Sultan,  1595- 

1603 Mohammed     IV.,    Turkish    Sultan, 

1649-1687 Mohammed  Mirza,  Shah  of  Per- 
sia, 1577-1582 Mohammed  Shah,  sover- 
eign of  Persia,  1834-1848. 

MOHARRAM  FESTIVAL,  The.  See  Ma- 
iio.METAN  Conquest  :  A.  D.  680. 

MOHAVES,  OR  MOJAVES,  The.  See 
American  Aborigines:  Apache  Group. 


2194 


MOHAWKS. 


MONASTEItY. 


MOHAWKS,  The.      Sec   American   Ano- 

niOINKS:    IU(KJi:OIH  (.'ONFEDKIIACY. 

MOHAWKS,  The,  of  Boston  and  New 
York.  Sec  Boston:  A.  I).  1773;  uud  Nkw 
Yohk:  a.  I).  1773-1774. 

MOHAWKS,  OR  MOHOCKS,  of  London. 

Sot'  .MoirocKK. 

MOHEGANS,  OR  MAHICANS,  The.  .Stc 
A.MKiiicAN  Adouioineij:  Ai.dONvjuiAN  Family, 
HoHiKANs,  and  Stockdkidok  Indians;  nlao, 
Nkw  Knoi.and:  A.  D.  10;{7. 

MOHILEF,  Battle  of.  See  Russia:  A.  I). 
18r3(.It:Ni;— Septkmiikii). 

MOHOCKS,  The.— "Thi.s  notturnul  fmter- 
nity  iiiut  i'l  the  iliiys  of  (.iucoii  Amie:  but  it 
liiul  Iwcii  for  many  previous  yuars  the  favouritu 
anuist'inc'iit  of  dissolute  youn;;  nioii  to  form 
themselves  into  Clubs  and  Associations  for  com- 
mitting? all  sorts  of  excesses  in  tlie  p\iblic  streets, 
and  alilic  attacking  orderly  pedestrians,  and  even 
<lefencelo83  women.  Tliesc  Clubs  took  various 
slang  desigtuitions.  At  the  Restoration  they 
were  'Mums,'  and  'Tityretus.'  They  were 
succeeded  by  tlic  '  Hectors  and  '  Scourers, '  wlien, 
says  Shadwell,  'a  man  could  not  go  from  tlic 
Rose  Tavern  to  tlie  Piazza  once,  but  he  must 
venture  his  life  twice.'  Tlien  came  the  'Nick- 
ers,' wliose  deliglit  it  was  to  smash  windows  witli 
sliowers  of  halfpence;  next  were  the  '  Ilawka- 
bites';  and  lastly  the  'Mohocks.'  These  last 
are  described  in  the  'Spectator,'  No.  324,  as  a 
sat  of  men  who  have  borrowed  tlieir  name  from 
a  sort  of  uiunibals,  in  India,  who  subsist  by 
plundering  and  devouring  all  tlie  nations  about 
them.  .  .  .  Their  avowed  design  was  mischief, 
Aud  upon  tills  foundation  all  their  rules  and 
orders  were  framed.  They  took  care  to  drink 
themselves  to  a  pitcli  beyond  reason  or  human- 
ity, aiid  then  made  a  general  sally,  and  attacked 
all  who  were  in  the  streets.  Some  were  knocked 
down,  others  stabbed,  and  others  cut  and  car- 
bonadoed. .  .  .  They  had  special  barbarities 
which  they  executed  upon  their  prisoners.  '  Tip- 
ping the  lion '  was  squeezing  the  nose  Hat  to  the 
face  and  boring  out  the  eyes  with  their  fingers. 
'Dancing-masters' were  those  who  taught  their 
scholars  to  cut  capers  by  runinng  swords  tlirough 
tlieir  legs.  The  '  Tumblers '  set  women  on  their 
heads.  The  '  Sweaters '  worked  in  parties  of 
half-a-dozen,  surrounding  their  victims  with  the 
points  of  their  sword.s.  .  .  .  Another  savage  di- 
version of  the  Mohocks  was  their  thrusting 
women  into  barrels,  and  rolling  them  down  Snow 
or  'judgate  Hill.  ...  At  length  the  villanies  of 
the  Mohocks  were  attempted  to  be  put  down  by 
a  Royal  pr.jclamatioii,  issued  on  the  18th  of 
March,  1713:  this,  however,  had  very  little  effect, 
for  wo  soon  find  Swift  exclaiming:  '  They  go  on 
still  and  cut  people's  faces  every  night ! ' .  .  .  The 
Mohocks  held  together  until  nearly  the  end  of 
the  reign  of  George  J." — J.  Tiinbs,  Clubs  and 
Clnh  Life  in  TA'iuUin.  pp.  33-38. 

MOIRA,  Lord  (Marquis  of  Hastings),  The 
Indian  administration  of.  See  India:  A.  D. 
ISCK-ISIO. 

MOJOS,  OR  MOXOS,  The.  See  Ameui- 
■can  Auouioines;    Andesians;    also,  Bolivia: 

AhoUIGINAI,  INIIAlirl'ANTS. 

MiKERN,  Battle  of  (1813).  See  Gekmany: 
A.  I).  1812-1813. 

MOLAI,  Jacques  de,  and  the  fall  of  the 
Templars.  See  Templahs:  A.  D.  13C7-1314; 
uud  Fuance:  a.  D.  1385-1314. 


MOLASSES  ACT,  The.  Sco  United 
States  ok  A.m.  :  A.  1).  I7():t-I7fl4. 

MOLDAVIA.—  MOLDO-WALLACHIA. 
See  Bali^an  and  Dani'hian  Stati;s. 

MOLEMES,  The  Abbey  of.   S(  0  Cisteucian 

OllDKIi. 

MOLINISTS,  The.     Sec  Mysticism. 

MOLINO  DEL  REY,  Battle  of.  See  Mex- 
ico: A.  1).  1847  (.Maiich— Sei'temheu). 

MOLINOS  DEL  REY,  BattU  of  (1808). 
See  SfAiN:  A.  D.  1808-1809  (Decemueu- 
Makcii). 

MOLLWITZ,  Battle  of  (1741).  See  Auh- 
thia:  a.  I).  1740-1741. 

MOLOSSIANS,  The.  See  Hellas;  and 
Ki'iius, 

MOLTKE'S  CAMPAIGNS.  See  Turks: 
A.  D.  1831-1840;  Ukiimany:  A.  D.  1800; 
Fuance:  a.  D.  1870,  and  1870-1871. 

MOLUCCAS:  Secured  by  Spain  (1524). 
See  Ameuica:  A.  I).  Iul0-1.')34. 

MONA. —  The  ancient  name  of  the  island  of 
Anglesea.  It  was  the  final  seat  of  tlie  I.iruidicai 
religion  in  Britain.  Taken  by  the  Romans  under 
Suelonius,  A.  1).  01,  the  priests  were  slain,  the 
sacred  groves  destroyed  and  Druidism  practi- 
cally exterminated. — C.  3Ierivale,  Ilmt.  of  the 
I'limiin^,  ch.  .51. — See  Monapia. 

MONACANS,  The.     Sec  Ameuican   Ano- 

IIKIINKS:     I'OWII.VTAN     CONFEDERACY,    and    IrO- 

qrois  Timu;s  oi-  the  South. 

MONAPIA.— "The  name  of  Monapia  first 
occurs  in  Pliny,  and  must  be  unciuestionably 
identiflcvl  with  the  Isle  of  JIan;  though  the  nanm 
of  the  latter  would  dispose  us  at  first  to  considei 
it  OS  representing  Mona.  But  the  Mona  of  the 
Romans,  which  was  attacked  by  Suetonius  Pauli- 
nus  and  Agricola,  was  certainly  Anglesea." — E. 
H.  Bunbury,  Hist,  of  Ancient  Oeog.,  ch.  34,  sect. 
3,  piot-nate. 

MONASTERY.— MONASTICISM.— 
CONVENT.  —  ABBEY.  —  PRIORY.  —  '  Mo- 
nasticism  was  not  tlie  product  of  Christianity;  It 
was  the  inheritance  of  the  Churcli,  not  its  inven- 
tion; not  tlie  offspring,  hut  the  adopted  child. 
The  old  antiigonisni  between  mind  and  matter, 
Hesli  and  spirit,  self  and  the  world  has  asserted 
itself  in  all  ages,  especially  among  the  nations 
of  the  East.  The  Essenes,  the  Therapeuta;,  and 
otlier  Oriental  mystics,  were  as  truly  the  precur- 
sors of  Christian  asceticism  in  the  desert  or  in 
the  cloister,  as  Elijah  and  St.  John  the  Baptist. 
The  Xeoplatonism  of  Alexandria,  extolling  tlie 
passionless  man  above  him  who  regulates  his 
))assio'is,  sanctioned  and  systematized  this  crav- 
ing after  a  life  of  utter  abstraction  from  external 
things,  this  abhorrence  of  all  contact  with  what 
is  material  as  a  defilement.  •  Doubtless  the  cher- 
ished remembrance  of  the  martyrs  and  confessors, 
who  in  the  preceding  centuries  of  the  Christian 
era  had  triumphed  over  many  a  sanguinary  per- 
secution, gave  a  fresh  impulse  in  the  fourth  cen- 
tury to  this  propensity  to  asceticism,  st'.nulating 
the  devout  to  vie  with  tlieir  forefathers  in  the 
faitli  by  their  voluntary  endurance  of  self-i'illicted 
austerities.  .  .  .  The  terms.monastery,  originally 
the  cell  or  cave  of  a  solitary,  laura,  an  irregular 
cluster  of  cells,  and  coDiiobium,  an  as.sociation  of 
monks,  few  or  many,  under  one  roof  and  undiir 
one  control,  mark  the  three  earKest  stages  in  t  lie 
development  of  mona.^ticism.  In  Syria  and  Pal- 
estine each  monk  originally  had  a  separate  eel'; 
in  Lower  Egypt  two  were  together  in  one  eel. , 


8-41 


2195 


MONASTEUY. 


MONASTERY. 


■whence  the  term  'synccUltn,'  or  tlmrer  of  the 
cell,  (lime  to  express  this  sort  of  coinrmleship ;  in 
tlie  Tliclmid,  under  I'achoinius  of  Tiibcnua,  encli 
cell  eonlulned  three  monks.  At  a  later  period 
the  monks  nrrogiited  to  themselves  by  general 
consent  tlie  title  of  'the  religions,' nnd  ndmission 
into  a  monastery  was  termed  '  conversion '  to  God. 
.  .  .  The  history  of  monasticism,  like  the  history 
nf  states  and  institutions  in  general,  divides  itseff 
broadly  into  three  great  periods,  of  growth,  of 
glory,  and  of  decay.  .  .  .  From  the  beginning 
of  the  fourth  century  to  the  close  of  the  tifth, 
from  Antony  the  hermit  to  Hcnedict  of  Monte 
Ca.sino,  is  the  ago  of  undisciplined  impulse  of 
enthusiasm  not  as  yet  regulated  by  experience. 
.  .  .  Everything  is  on  a  scale  of  illogical  exag- 
geration, is  wanting  in  balance,  in  jjroportion. 
In  symmetry.  Because  purity,  unworldliness, 
cliarity,  are  virtues,  therefore  a  woniai.  is  to  be 
regarded  as  u  venomous  reptile,  gold  as  a  ^vo^th- 
less  i)ebble;  tlie  deadliest  foe  and  the  dearest 
friend  are  to  be  esteemed  just  alike.  Because  it 
is  riglit  to  be  humble,  therefore  the  monk  cuts 
off  hand,  ear,  ir  tongue,  to  avoid  being  uiailo 
bishop,  and  feigns  idiocy,  in  order  not  to  be  ac- 
counted \visc.  Because  it  is  well  to  teach  people 
to  be  patient,  therefore  a  sick  monk  never  sjieaks 
a  kuid  word  for  years  to  tlie  brother  monk  who 
nursed  him.  Because  it  is  right  to  keep  the  lips 
from  idle  words,  therefore  a  monk  holds  a  large 
Btoiie  in  his  moutli  for  three  years.  Every  jire- 
cept  is  to  be  taken  literally,  "and  obeyed  iinrea- 
Boningly.  Therefore  monks  who  have  been 
plundered  by  a  robber  run  after  him  to  give  him 
n  somctliing  which  has  escaped  his  notice.  Self- 
denial  if  enjoined  in  the  gospel.  Therefore  the 
austerities  of  asceticism  are  to  be  simply  endless. 
One  ascetic  makes  his  dwelling  in  a  hollow  tree, 
another  in  a  cave,  another  in  a  tomb,  another  on 
the  top  of  a  jiillar,  anotlier  has  so  lost  the  very 
appearance  of  a  man,  that  lie  is  shot  at  by  shep- 
herds, who  mistake  him  for  a  wolf.  The  natural 
instincts,  instead  of  being  trained  and  cultivated, 
are  to  be  killed  outriglit,  in  tliis  abhorrence  of 
things  material.  .  .  .  The  period  wliich  follows, 
from  the  tlrst  Benedict  to  Cliarleinagne,  exhibits 
monasticism  in  a  more  mature  stage  of  activity. 
Tlie  social  intercourse  of  the  monastery,  duly 
harmonized  by  a  traditional  routine,  with  its 
subordination  of  rank  and  offlces,  its  division  of 
duties,  its  mutual  dependence  of  all  on  each 
other,  and  on  their  head,  civilized  the  monastic 
life;  and,  as  the  monk  himself  became  subject  to 
the  refining  influences  of  civilization,  ho  went 
forth  into  the  world  to  civilize  others.  .  .  .  Had 
it  not  been  for  monks  and  monasteries,  the  bar- 
barian deluge  might  have  swept  away  utterly 
the  traces  of  Roman  civilization.  The  Benedic- 
tine monk  was  the  pioneer  of  civilization  and 
Christianity  iu  England,  Germany,  Poland,  Bo- 
liemia,  Sweden,  Denmark.  The  schools  attached 
to  the  Lerinensian  monasteries  were  the  precur- 
sors of  the  Benedictine  seminaries  in  France  and 
of  tlie  professional  chairs  filled  by  learned  Bene- 
dictines iu  the  univci-sitiesof  metliicval  Christen- 
dom 'With  the  incessant  din  of  arms  around 
him,  it  was  the  monk  in  his  cloister,  even  in 
regions  beyond  the  immediate  sphere  of  Bene- 
dict's legislation,  even  in  the  remote  fastnesses,  for 
instance  of  Mount  Athos,  who,  by  preserving 
and  transcribing  ancient  manuscripts,  both  Chris- 
tian and  pagan,  as  well  as  by  recording  his  ob- 
servations of  contemporaneous  events,  was  haud- 

0 


ing  down  the  torcli  of  knowledge  unqucnclied  to 
future  generations,  and  hoarding  up  stores  of 
erudition  for  the  researclics  of  a  more  enlightened 
age.  The  first  musicians,  iiainters,  farmers, 
statesmen,  in  Europe,  after  t lie  downfall  of  Im- 
perial Home  under  the  onslaught  of  the  barbari- 
ans, were  monks." — I.  Gregory  Smith,  Chnntinn 
MoiHiDticism,  iiitroil. — "The  monastic  streain, 
which  had  been  born  in  the  deserts  of  Egypt, 
divided  itself  into  two  great  arms.  The  one 
spread  in  the  East,  at  first  inundated  everything, 
then  concentrated  and  lost  itself  there.  The 
'  cr  escaped  into  tlic  West,  and  spread  itself  by 
a  thousand  channels  over  an  entire  world  wliicli 
had  to  be  covered  and  fertilised."  Athanasius, 
who  was  driven  twice  by  persecution  to  take 
refuge  among  the  hermits  in  the  Thebaid,  Egypt, 
and  who  was  three  times  exiled  by  an  imperial 
order  to  the  West,  "became  thus  the  natural 
link  between  the  Fathers  of  the  desert  and  those 
vast  regions  wliicli  their  successors  were  to  con- 
quer and  transform.  ...  It  was  in  84U  tliat  he 
came  for  the  first  time  to  Rome,  in  order  to  cs- 
cajic  the  violence  of  the  Ariaus,  and  invoke  the 
protection  of  Pope  Julius.  ...  He  spread  in 
Rome  the  first  report  of  the  life  led  by  the  niouks 
iu  the  Thebaid,  of  the  marvellous  exploits  of 
Anthony,  who  was  still  alive,  of  the  immense 
foundations  wliicli  Pacome  was  at  that  time  form- 
ing upon  tlie  banks  of  the  higher  Nile.  He  had 
brought  with  him  two  of  tlic  most  austere 
of  these  monks.  .  .  .  The  narratives  of  Athana- 
sius .  .  .  roused  the  hearts  and  imaginations 
of  the  Romans,  and  esi)ecially  of  the  Roman 
women.  The  name  of  monk,  to  wliich  popular 
prejudice  seems  alreatly  to  liave  attached  a  kind 
of  ignominy,  became  immediately  an  lioiioured 
and  envied  title.  The  impression  piwluced  at 
first  by  the  exhortatioas  of  the  illustrious' exile, 
was  extended  and  strengthened  during  the  two 
other  visits  which  he  made  to  tlie  Eternal  City. 
Some  time  afterwards,  on  tlie  death  of  St  An- 
thony, Athanasius,  at  the  request  of  his  disciples, 
wrote  the  life  of  the  patriarch  of  tlie  Thebaid ;  ami 
this  biography,  circulating  through  all  the  West, 
immediately  acquired  there  the  popularity  of  a 
legend,  and  the  authority  of  a  confession  of  faitli. 
.  .  .  Under  this  narrative  form,  says  St  Gregory 
of  Naziauzus,  he  promulgated  the  laws  of  mon- 
astic life.  Tlie  town  and  environs  of  Rome  were 
soon  full  of  monasteries,  rapidly  occujiied  by 
men  distinguished  alike  by  birth,  fortune  and 
knowledge,  who  lived  there  in  charitj^,  sanctity, 
and  freedom.  From  Rome  the  new  institution, 
already  distinguished  by  tlie  name  of  religion, 
or  religious  life,  par  excellence,  extended  itself 
over  all  Italy.  It  was  planted  at  the  foot  of  the 
Alps  by  the  influence  of  a  great  bishop,  Euse- 
bius  of  Vercelli.  .  .  .  From  tlie  continent  the 
new  institution  rapidly  gained  tlie  isles  of  the 
Mediterranean,  and  even  the  rugged  rocks  of  the 
Gar^on  and  of  Capraja,  where  the  monks,  volua- 
tarily  Lxiled  from  the  workl,  went  to  take  (lie 
place  of  the  criminals  and  political  victims  whom 
the  emperors  had  been  accustomed  to  banish 
thither.  .  .  .  Most  of  the  great  leaders  of  the 
ceuobilical  institution  had,  since  St  Pacome, 
made  out,  under  tlie  name  of  Rule,  instructions 
and  constitutions  for  the  use  of  their  immediate 
disciples ;  but  none  of  these  works  liad  acquired 
an  extensive  or  lasting  sway.  In  tlie  East,  it  is 
true,  the  rule  of  St  Basil  had  prevailed  in  a 
multitude  of  monasteries,  yet  notwithstanding 


196 


MONASTEHY. 


MONASTERY. 


Cnssliinus,  In  visiting  Ejtypt,  Piilcatinc,  and 
Sk'sopotamin,  fouiiil  tlierc-  iiriiiost  iis  luauy  dilTiT- 
cut  ruli'S  lis  tlierc  wore  iiioimstiTii's.  "  In  the 
Wtst  the  (livcrsitv  wns  still  more  stnmge.  Each 
man  made  for  himself  his  own  rule  ami  disci- 
pline, taking  Ills  authority  from  the  writings  or 
example  of  the  Eastern  Fathers.  The  Oauls  es- 
IH'cially  exclaimed  against  the  extreme  rigcnir  of 
tlic  tii.sts  and  ahstlneuces,  which  ndghl  he  suita- 
lile  under  a  fervid  sUy  like  that  of  Egyiit  or 
Syria,  but  which  co\dd  not  he  endured  Ity  what 
they  already  tailed  Galilean  weakness;  and  even 
in  tlic  initial  fervour  of  the  monasteries  of  the 
Juni,  they  had  succeeded  in  imposing  a  necessary 
medium  upon  their  chiefs.  Here  it  was  the 
changing  will  of  an  alihot;  there  a  written  r\de; 
elsewhere,  the  traditions  of  the  elders,  which  de- 
terndned  the  order  of  conventual  life.  In  some 
houses  various  rules  were  practised  at  the  same 
time,  according  to  tlic  inclination  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  each  cell,  and  were  dianged  according 
to  tlie  times  and  places.  They  passed  thus  from 
excessive  austerity  to  laxness,  luid  convcrsc'y, 
according  to  tlie  liking  of  each.  Uncertainty 
and  instability  were  everywhere.  .  .  .  Ageneriil 
arrangement  was  preeiselv  what  was  most  want- 
ing in  monastic  life.  There  were  an  immense 
number  of  monks;  there  had  l;cen  among  them 
saints  and  illustrious  men;  hut  to  speak  truly, 
the  monastic  order  had  still  no  existence.  Even 
where  the  rule  of  St  llasil  had  ac(iuired  the  nec- 
essary degree  of  establishment  and  authi.nty  — 
that  is  to  say,  in  a  considerable  i)ortii  n  of  the 
E  rt  — the  gift  of  fertility  was  denied  to  it.  .  .  . 
In  the  West  also,  towards  the  end  of  tlie  fifth  cen- 
tury, the  cenobltical  institution  seemed  to  have 
fallen  into  the  torpor  and  sterility  of  the  East. 
After  St  Jerome,  who  died  in  420,  and  St  Augus- 
tine, wliodied  in  430,  after  the  Fathers  of  Lerins, 
whose  splendour  paled  towards  4.")0,  there  was  a 
kind  of  eclipse.  .  .  .  Except  in  Ireland  and 
Gaul,  where,  in  most  of  the  lu-ovinccs,  some  new 
foundations  rose,  a  general  interruption  was  ob- 
servable in  the  extension  of  the  institution.  .  .  . 
If  this  eclipse  had  htstcd,  the  history  of  the 
monks  of  the  West  wouUl  only  have  been,  like 
that  of  the  Eastern  monks,  a  sublime  but  brief 
passage  in  tlie  annals  of  the  Church,  instead  of 
licing  their  longest  and  oest-rtlled  page.  Tliis 
was  not  to  be;  but  to  keep  the  promises  which 
the  monastic  order  had  made  to  the  Church  and 
to  the  new-born  Christendom,  it  needed,  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  sixth  century,  a  new  and  ener- 
getic impulse,  such  as  would  concentrate  and 
discipline  so  many  scattered,  irregular,  and  inter- 
mittent forces;  a  uniform  and  universally  accept- 
ed rule;  a  legislator  inspired  by  the  fertile  and 
glorious  past,  to  establish  and  govern  the  future. 
Gwl  provided  for  that  necessity  by  sending;  St 
Benetlict  into  the  world. " — Count  de  Montalcm- 
hert,  The  Monks  of  the  West,  v.  1,  j^p.  381-38? 
and  513-51.').  —  "The  very  word  monastery  is  a 
misnomer :  the  word  is  ii  Greek  word,  and  means 
the  dwelling-place  of  a  solitary  person,  living  in 
.seclusion.  ...  In  the  13th  century  ...  a  mon- 
astery meant  what  we  now  understand  it  to 
mean— viz.,  the  abode  of  a  society  of  men  or 
women  who  lived  together  in  common  —  wlio 
were  supposed  to  ]iartake  of  common  meals;  to 
sleep  together  in  one  common  dormitory;  to  at 
tend  certain  services  together  in  their  "common 
church;  to  transact  certain  business  or  pursue 
certain  employments  in  the  sight  and  hearing  of 

21 


each  other  in  the  common  cloister;  and,  when  the 
end  came,  to  be  hiid  side  by  side  in  the  conimun 
graveyard,  wliere  in  theory  noneliut  members  of 
the  onlercould  tind  a  resting-place  for  their  hones. 
When  I  say  '  societies  of  men  and  women  '  I  am 
again  reminded  that  the  other  term,  'convent,' 
has  somehow  got  to  be  use'd  commonly  in  a  mis- 
taken sense.  People  use  the  word  as  if  it  signi- 
fied a  religious  house  tenanted  exclusively  by 
women.  Tlie  truth  is  that  a  convent  is  nothing 
more  than  a  Latin  name  for  an  ns.sociation  of 
persons  who  have  come  together  with  a  view  to 
live  for  a  common  object  and  to  submit  to  cer- 
tain rules  in  the  ordering  of  their  daily  Uvea. 
The  monastery  was  the  ^'ominon  dwelling-place; 
the  convent  was  the  society  of  persfins  inhabiting 
it;  and  the  ordinary  formula  used  when  a  body 
of  monks  or  nuns  execute  any  corporate  act  — 
such  as  buying  or  selling  land  —  by  any  legal 
instrument  is,  '  The  Prior  and  Convent  of  the 
Mimastery  of  the  Holy  Trinitv  at  Norwich;' 
'  the  Abbot  and  Convent  of  the  Slcmastery  of  St. 
Peter's,  Westminster;'  'the  Abbess  and  Convent 
of  the  ^Monastery  of  St.  Mary  and  St.  lieriiard 
at  Lacock,'  and  so  on.  ...  A  monastery  in 
theory  then  was,  as  it  was  called,  a  Hellgious 
House.  It  was  sujiposed  to  be  the  home  of  peo- 
ple whose  lives  were  jiassed  in  the  worship  of 
God,  and  in  taking  care  of  their  own  souls,  and 
making  themselves  fit  for  a  better  world  than  this 
hereafter.  .  .  .  The  church  of  a  monastery  was 
the  heart  of  the  place.  It  was  not  that  the 
church  was  built  fr)r  the  monastery,  Imtthemon- 
asterj' existed  for  the  church.  .  .  .  Almost  as  es- 
sential to  the  idea  of  a  monastery  as  the  church 
was  the  cloister  or  great  ((uadrangle,  inclosed 
on  all  sides  by  the  high  walls  of  the  monastic 
buildings.  .  .  .  All  round  this  quadrangle  ran  u 
covered  arcade,  whose  roof,  leaning  against  the 
high  walls,  was  supported  on  the  inner  side  by 
an  open  trellis  work  in  stone  —  often  exhibiting 
great  beauty  of  design  and  worknian.sliip  — 
through  which  light  and  air  was  admitted  into 
the  arcade.  .  .  .  The  cloister  was  really  the  liv- 
ing place  of  the  monks.  Here  they  pursued 
their  daily  avocations,  here  they  taught  their 
school.  .  .  .  'Hut  surely  a  monk  always  lived  in 
a  cell,  didn't  he? '  The  sooner  we  get  rid  of  that 
delusion  the  better.  He  it  understood  that  until 
Henry  II.  founded  the  Carthusian  Abbey  of 
Witliam,  in  1178,  there  was  no  such  thing  known 
in  England  as  a  monk's  cell,  as  we  understand 
the  term.  It  was  a  peculiarity  of  the  Carthusian 
order,  and  when  it  was  first  introduced  it  was 
regarded  as  a  startling  novelty  for  any  privacy 
or  anything  approaching  solitude  to  be  tolerated 
in  a  monastery.  The  Carthusian  system  never 
found  much  favour  in  England.  ...  At  the 
time  of  tlie  Norman  Couquest  it  may  be  said 
that  all  English  monks  were  professedly  under 
one  and  the  same  Rule  —  the  famous  Benedictine 
Rule.  The  Rule  of  a  monastery  was  the  consti- 
tution or  code  of  laws,  which  regulated  the  dis- 
cipline of  the  house,  and  the  Rule  of  St.  Bene- 
dict dates  back  as  far  as  the  Cth  century,  though 
it  was  not  introduced  into  England  for  more  thani 
100  years  after  it  had  been  adopted  elsewhere. 
.  .  .  About  150  years  before  the  Conquest,  a 
great  reformation  had  been  attempted  of  the 
Frcnid'.  monasteries,  .  .  .  the  reformers  breaking 
away  from  the  old  Benedictines  and  subjecting 
themselves  to  a  new  and  improved  Rule.  These 
first  reformers  were  called  Cluniac  monks,  from 

9*^ 


MONASTEIIY. 


MONEY  AND  DANKINO. 


the  prvnt  AI)l)oy  "f  Cliijinl.  in  Iliirjfiindy,  In 
wliirli  the  new  order  of  lliiii^s  liml  Ih'KUII.  The 
tlMt  KnKlisli  house  of  rcformiil  or  Cliinlac 
inoiikH  was  foiindi'd  iit  I.cwch,  in  SuKNt'X,  11 
yi'iirs  after  tlie  (,'on()iie»t.  .  .  .  The  coniititulioii 
of  every  convent,  j{reat  or  small,  was  nionarchi- 
eal.  The  head  of  the  honse  was  almost  an  aliso- 
Idle  HovereiKii,  and  was  called  the  Alibot.  His 
dondnions  often  (^vtendeil,  even  in  Kn);land,  over 
n  very  wide  trn^t  of  co"ntry.  aial  soinetinios  over 
several  minor  iiionavieries  which  were  called  Cells. 
.  .  .  The  lieads  ci  tliesc  cells  or  subject  jinuses 
were  called  I'riors.  An  Abbey  was  a  monastery 
which  was  indi'pendent.  A  priory  was  a  moniis 
tery  widch  in  theory  or  in  fact  was  subject  to  nn 
abbey.  All  the  Oluidac  monasteries  in  KnjLcland 
were  thus  said  to  be  alien  priories,  because  tliey 
were  mere  cells  of  llu^  ureal  Abbey  of  ('lui;ni  in 
France,  to  which  each  priory  ])aid  heavy  tribute. " 
— A.  Jessopp,  T/ie  I'liminij  of  (lie  Fiiiim,  ch.  il. 


At.RO  IN:  E.  L.  Cutts,  SfeufH  and  (Jharneten 
iif  the  MitUlle  Ar/en,  ch.  0.— .1.  liiiiglinin,  Atttiii.  of 
th,-  Chrint.  Ch.,  bk.  7,  ch.  3,  wet.  11-14.— I.  (i. 
Sndtli,  ('hnatian  Afonimtieiiim,  4-OM  Venturieii. 
—  Heo,  ttlso,  C'dCNOHit'M;   L.vuiiab;  Mendicant 

OHUKIIB;    BkNKUICTINK;    ClHTlillCIAN;    Caumki.- 

ITK.  and  Ai'STiN  ('anonh. 

MONASTERIES,  The  English,  Suppres- 
sion of.     See  Kn(1i,ani):  A.  I>.  1  .W.")- 1 nitU. 

MONASTIC    LIBRARIES.      Son    LiiiiiA- 

IIIK.S,   Mkdi.kvai., 

MONASTIC  ORDERS.  See  Austin  Can- 
ons; IIknkdktink  Oitiuaiw,  Cai'i;ciiinh;  Caii- 

MKMTK       FltlAUS;       CAIlTIlfHIAN;      CiSTKIUIAN ; 

Claiiivaux;    Ci.l'uny;     Mknuicant    Ohdkus; 

Kecom.kcts:  8f,uvitks;  Tiikatinks;  Tkai'I'ists. 

MONCON,  OR  MON/iON,  Treaty  of  (1626). 

Se('  Khanci;;  A.  I),  KK'l-KVilt. 

MONCONTOUR,  Battle  of  (1569).  See 
FuANii::  A.  1).  ir,tl3-lS70. 


MONEY  AND   BANr.ING. 


Nature  and  Origin  of  Money. — '•When  the 
division  of  labour  has  been  once  thoronghlj-  es- 
tiiblished.  it  is  but  iv  very  small  part  of  a  man's 
wants  which  the  produce  of  Ids  own  labour  can 
supply,  lie  supplies  the  far  greater  part  of 
them  l)y  exclianging  that  surplus  part  of  the 
produce  of  his  own  labour,  winch  is  over  and 
above  his  ovs'n  consumption,  for  such  parts  of 
the  produce  of  other  men's  hibovir  as  he  has  oc- 
casion for.  P>ery  man  thus  lives  by  exchang- 
ing, or  becomes  in  some  measure  a  merchant, 
and  the  society  itself  grows  to  bo  what  is  prop- 
erly a  commercial  .society.  Hu',  wlien  tlie  di 
vision  of  labour  first  lx!gan  to  take  ))lace,  this 
power  of  exchanging  must  frequently  have  been 
very  much  clogged  and  embarrassed  in  its  opera- 
tions. One  man,  we  shall  suppo.se,  has  more  of 
a  certain  commodity  than  he  himself  has  occasion 
for,  while  another  has  less.  The  former  conse- 
quently would  be  glad  to  dispose  of,  and  the 
latter  to  purchase,  a  part  of  this  superfluity. 
But  if  tins  latter  should  chance  to  have  nothing 
that  tlio  former  stands  in  need  of,  no  exchange 
can  bo  made  between  them.  The  butcher  has 
more  meat  in  his  shop  than  he  himself  can  con- 
sume, and  the  brewer  and  the  baker  would  each 
of  them  be  willing  to  purchase  a  part  of  it.  But 
they  have  nothing  to  offer  in  exchange,  except 
the  different  ])roductions  of  their  respective 
trades,  and  the  butcher  is  already  provided  with 
all  the  bread  and  beer  which  ho  has  immediate 
occasion  for.  No  exchange  can,  in  this  case,  be 
made  between  them.  ...  In  order  to  avoid  the 
inconveniency  of  such  situations,  every  prudent 
man  in  every  period  of  society,  after  the  first 
esta'ilishmont  of  the  division  uf  labour,  must 
natiirally  have  e.'deavourcd  to  manage  his  affairs 
in  such  a  monuer,  as  to  have  at  all  times  by  him, 
besides  the  peculiar  produce  of  his  own  industry, 
a  certain  quantity'  of  some  one  commwlity  or 
other,  such  as  ho  imagined  few  people  would  be 
likely  to  refuse  in  exchange  for  "10  produce  of 
their  industry.  Many  different  commo'lities,  it 
is  probable,  were  successively  both  thought  of 
and  emi)loyed  for  this  purpose.  In  the  rude 
ages  of  society,  cattle  are  said  to  have  been  the 
common  instrument  of  commerce ;  and,  though 
they  must  have  been  a  most  incon .  enient  one, 


yet  in  ohi  times  we  find  things  were  frcqtiently 
valued  according  to  the  number  of  cattle  which 
had  been  given  in  exchange  for  them.  The 
armour  of  Diomedc,  says  llomor,  cost  only  nine 
oxen;  but  that  of  Olaucus  cost  an  hundred oxeu. 
Halt  is  said  to  he  the  connnon  instrument  of  com- 
merce and  exchange  in  Abyssinia ;  a  species  of 
sheila  in  some  parts  of  the  coasts  of  India ;  dried 
cod  at  Newfoundland;  tobacco  in  Virginia; 
sugar  in  .some  of  our  West  India  colonies ;  hidoa 
or  dressed  leather  in  some  other  countries ;  and 
there  is  at  this  day  [ITTriJ  a  village  in  Hcotland 
where  it  is  not  uncommon,  I  am  told,  for  a  work- 
man to  carry  nails  instead  of  money  to  the 
baker's  shop  or  the  alehouse.  In  all  countries, 
however,  men  seem  at  last  to  have  been  deter- 
mined by  irresistible  reasons  to  give  the  prefer- 
ence, for  tliis  employment,  to  metals  above  every 
other  commmlity." — Adam  Smith,  Wealth  of 
Nations,  ch.  4,  ok.  1  (v.  1). — "There  is  ...  no 
machine  which  has  saved  as  much  labor  as 
money.  .  .  .  The  iuvention  of  money  has  been 
rightly  compared  to  the  invention  of  writing 
with  letters.  We  may,  however,  call  the  intro- 
duction of  money  as  the  universal  medium  of 
exchange  .  .  .  one  of  the  greatest  and  most 
beneficent  of  advances  ever  made  by  the  race. 
.  .  .  Very  different  kinds  of  commodities  have, 
according  to  circumstances,  b?en  used  as  money; 
but  uniformly  on'y  such  as  possess  a  universally 
recognized  economic  value.  On  tin  whole, 
people  in  a  low  stage  of  civilization  are  'ont  to 
employ,  mainly,  only  ordinary  commodities, 
such  OS  are  calculated  to  satisfy  a  vulgar  and 
urgent  want,  as  an  instrument  of  exchange.  As 
they  advance  in  civilization,  they,  at  each  step, 
choose  a  more  and  more  costly  object,  for  tliis 
puri)ose,  and  one  which  ministers  to  the  more 
elevated  wants.  Races  of  hunters,  at  least  in 
non-tropical  countries,  usually  use  skius  as 
money ;  that  is  the  almost  exclusive  product  of 
their  labor,  one  which  can  be  preserved  for  a 
long  period  of  time,  which  constitutes  their  prin- 
cipal article  of  clothing  and  their  principul  ex- 
nort  in  the  more  highly  developed  regions. 
Nomadic  races  and  the  lower  agricultural  races, 
pass,  by  a  natr-:il  gratlation,  to  the  use  of  cattle 
as  money;    which  supposes  rich  pasturages  at 


2198 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


KgypI 
and  Hiili/limia, 


MONEY  AND  UANKINQ, 


tlu' illapoanl  of  nil.  If  it  were  otlicrwiao,  tlirro 
Wdulil  lie  11  Rrciit  ninny  to  wliom  jmynii'nts  of 
tills  kind  liiul  l)i'('n  niiulc,  who  would  not  know 
wlmt  to  do  with  lliii  rattle  (^Ivon  thoni.  on  iic- 
count  of  the  clmrgi's  for  tliulr  niitlntoniincc!,  .  .  . 
Tliiit  nwtaU  w<'ro  imed  for  the  O'lrposcof  niotwy 
much  later  thiui  tho  coninKxIitlcH  above  men- 
tioned, and  the  prccloun  inetalH  in  turn  later  than 
the  non-preciouH  metals,  cnimot  by  any  nu-aim 
bo  sliown  to  be  universally  true,  ({athcr  Is  I'lld 
in  some  countries  to  be  olCained  bv  tho  ex(  else 
nf  HO  little  skill,  and  both  gold  ntu\  silver  s  .tisfy 
a  want  so  live  and  general,  and  one  so  ear'/  felt, 
that  they  are  to  l)0  met  with  as  an  Instrun.ont  of 
<xcliango  in  very  early  limes.  In  the  case  of 
isolatccl  races,  much  depends  on  the  nature  of 
the  metals  with  which  the  geologic  consiitution 
of  the  country  has  furnished  them.  In  general, 
however,  the  above  law  is  foimd  to  prevail  here. 
The  higher  the  development  of  a  people  becomes, 
the  more  fre(iucnt  is  the  occurrence  of  large  i)ay- 
inents;  and  to  elTect  these,  the  more  costly  a 
metal  is,  the  better,  of  course,  it  is  adapted  to 
elTect  sucli  payments.  liesides,  only  rich  nations 
ai  '  able  to  possess  the  costly  metals  in  u  quantity 
absolutely  great.  Among  the  Jews,  gold  as 
money  dates  only  from  the  time  of  David.  King 
Phei(lon,  of  Argos,  it  is  said,  intnKiuced  silver 
money  into  Greece,  about  the  middle  of  the 
eighth  c'jntury  before  Christ.  Gold  came  into 
use  at  n  much  later  period.  The  lionians  struck 
silver  money,  for  the  first  time,  in  200  before 
Christ,  and,  in  207,  the  first  gold  coins.  Among 
m(Mlern  nations,  Venice  (1285)  and  Florence  seem 
to  have  been  the  first  to  have  coined  gold  in  any 
(luantlty." — AV.  Itoscher,  Principles  of  IVutical 
Economy,  hk.  2,  eh.  8,  teet.  117-1 10  (p.  1). 

Ancient  Egypt  and  Babylonia. — "Money 
seems  to  us  now  so  obvious  a  convenience,  and 
so  much  a  ncressity  of  commerce,  that  it  ap- 
pears almost  inconceivable  that  a  people  who 
created  tlic  Sphinx  and  the  I'yranii<ls,  the  tem- 
ples of  Ipsamboul  and  Karnac,  shoidd  have  been 
entirely  ignorant  of  coins.  Yet  it  aiipears  from 
the  statements  of  Herodotus,  and  the  evidence 
of  the  monuments  themselves,  that  tliis  was 
really  the  case.  As  regards  the  commercial  and 
banking  systems  of  ancient  Egypt,  we  are  almost 
entirely  without  information.  Their  standard 
of  value  Bcems  to  have  been  the  '  outcn '  or  '  ten ' 
of  copper  (04-00  grammes),  which  circulated  like 
the  a;8  rude  of  the  liomans  by  weight,  and  in  the 
form  of  bricks,  being  measured  by  the  l)aliuito. 
It  was  obtained  from  tlie  mines  of  Jlouut  Sinai, 
whicli  were  worked  as  early  as  the  fourth  dy- 
nasty. Gold  and  silver  appear  to  have  been  also 
U8e(l,  though  less  frequently.  Like  copper,  they 
were  sometimes  in  the  form  of  bricks,  but  goner- 
ally  in  rings,  resembling  the  ring  money  of  the 
ancient  Celts,  which  is* said  to  have  been  em- 
ployed in  Ireland  down  to  the  12lh  century,  and 
still  hoidi.  its  own  in  the  interior  of  Africa.  This 
approximated  very  nearly  to  the  i)ossession  of 
moiiey,  but  it  wanted  what  the  Uoman  lawyers 
callefl  'tlie  low'  and  'the  form.'  Neither  the 
weight  nor  the  pureness  was  guii-".itced  by  any 
public  authority.  Such  a  state  of  t'lin^s  seems 
to  us  very  inconvenient,  but  after  all  it  is  not 
very  different  from  that  which  prevuils  in  China 
even  at  the  present  day.  The  first  money  struck 
in  Egypt,  and  that  for  the  use  rather  of  the 
Greek  and  Phoenician  merchants  than  of  the  na- 
tives, was  by  the  Satrap  Aryandes.     In  ancient 

21 


Kabylonia  and  Awiyrln,  m  In  Egypt,  tho  prccloiii 
inetals,  and  especially  silver,  clrcuhiteil  as  un- 
coined Ingots.  They  were  reiulily  taken  indeed, 
but  taken  by  weight  and  verified  by  the  balance 
like  any  other  merchandise.  The  excavations  in 
Assyria  and  Italiylon,  which  have  thrown  so 
incch  light  upon  ancient  history,  have  alTordcd 
us  some  interesting  information  as  to  the  com- 
mercial arrangements  of  these  countries,  and  we 
now  possess  a  considerable  numlxir  of  receipts, 
contracts,  and  other  records  relating  to  loans  of 
silver  on  personal  securities  at  fixed  rates  of  In- 
ttirest;  loans  on  landed  or  bouse  property;  sjdeg 
of  land,  in  one  case  with  n  i)lan;  sales  of  slaves, 
iic.  Tliese  were  engiaveil  on  tablets  of  clay, 
which  were  then  burnt.  M.  Lenornnint  divides 
these  most  interesting  documents  into  five  prin- 
cipal types: —  1.  Simple  obligations.  2.  Obliga- 
tions with  a  penal  clause  in  case  of  non-fulfil- 
ment. One  lie  gives  which  had  70  days  to  run. 
3.  Obligations  with  the  guarantee  of  a  third 
party.  4.  Obligations  payable  to  a  third  per- 
son. 5.  Drafts  drawn  upon  one  plau',  payjiblein 
anotlier.  .  .  .  These  Assyrian  drafts  were  ne- 
gotiable, but  from  the  nature  of  things  could  not 
pass  l>y  endorsement,  because,  when  the  clay 
was  once  l)aked,  nothing  new  could  lie  addeti, 
and  under  these  circumstances  the  name  of  the 

f)ayeo  was  freciuently  omitted.  It  seems  to  fol- 
ow  that  tliey  must  have  been  regularly  advised. 
It  is  certainly  remarkal)le  that  such  instruments, 
and  especially  letters  of  credit,  should  have  pre- 
ceded the  use  of  coins.  Tlie  earliest  bank- 
ing firm  of  which  we  have  any  account  is  said 
to  be  that  of  Egilii  and  Company,  for  our  knowl- 
edge of  whom  we  are  indelited  to  Mr.  Hosca- 
wtii,  Mr.  I'iuches,  and  Mr.  Hilton  Price.  Several 
documents  and  records  belonging  to  tliis  family 
arc  in  the  Uritish  Museum.  They  are  on  clay 
tablets,  and  were  discovered  in  an  earthenware 
jar  found  in  the  neighliourhood  of  Hillah,  a  few 
miles  from  Uiibylon.  Tiie  house  is  said  to  have 
acted  as  a  sort  of  national  bank  of  Habyion :  the 
founder  of  the  house,  Egibi,  probably  lived  in 
the  reign  of  Sennacherib,  about  700  IJ.  C.  This 
family  has  been  triiced  during  a  century  and  a 
iialf,  and  through  five  generations,  down  to  tlie 
reign  of  Darius.  At  the  same  time,  the  tablets 
hitherto  trguslated  scarcely  seem  to  me  to  prove 
that  the  firm  act.'d  as  bankers,  in  our  sense  of 
the  word." — Sir.'.  Lubbock,  The  Ilixtory  of  Money 
{Nineteenth  Cen',.,  Nov.,  1870). — "We  have  an 
enormous  number  of  the  documents  of  this  firm, 
beginning  with  Nebueh.idnczzar  the  Great,  and 
going  on  for  some  five  genera iions  or  so  to  tlie 
time  of  Dar'us.  The  talilets  are  dated  month 
after  month  and  year  after  year,  and  thus  they 
alTord  us  a  sure  method  of  fixing  the  chronology 
of  that  very  uncertain  period  of  history.  There 
is  a  small  contract  tablet  in  tlie  Museum  at 
ZOrich,  discovered  bv  Dr.  Ojipert,  dated  in  the 
nth  year  of  Pacorus,  king  of  Persia,  wlio  reigned 
about  tlie  time  of  Domitiuu.  Tiierc  is  a  lit'le 
doul)t  about  the  reading  of  one  of  tlie  characters 
in  the  name,  but  if  it  is  correct,  it  will  prove 
that  the  use  of  cuneiform  did  not  fall  into  disuse 
until  after  the  (Miristian  Era.  .  .  .  Some  liave 
tried  to  show  t  hat  Kgibi  is  tlie  Baliy Ionian  form  of 
.lacob,  which  would  lead  one  to  suspect  the  family 
to  have  been  Jews;  but  this  is  not  certain  at  pres- 
ent." — E.  A.  W.  Uudge,  ISiihyionian  Life  and  Hit- 
t<,,-y,  p.  11.').  —  "It  is  in  tlie  development  of  trade, 
and  especially  of  banking,  rather  tliaii  in  mauu- 

99 


MONEY  AND  BANKINO. 


cnina. 


MONEY  AND  BANKING 


furttiroK.  thftt  nftbyloiila  and  ClmMird  w(>ro  In 
nilviiiicc  of  111!  till'  ri'Ht  (if  tlu>  world.  Tlir  iiiimt 
ciiiitioiiH  AHHyrlolo^lNtH  am  the  Iciixt  coiilldciit  in 
tlii'lr  n'lidcringHof  the  niimcrouit  rontract  tiilili'ls 
fniin  which,  If  they  woro  lucimitoly  Intcrpri'tt'd, 
wc  Bliould  wrtnliily  bo  iiblo  to  rt'construct  tlio 
liiwH  and  ugnscHof  the  world'H  tint  Krcnt  niiirkt't 
place.  .  .  .  Th<^  following  neconnt  of  nabytiiniiin 
UtSKCi  Is  di'ilvi'd  from  tho  text  of  M.  Hcvlllonl's 
Work.  ...  It  In  conDrnKMl  In  CHNcntlaU  by  the 
later  work  of  MclsHniT,  who  hnn  transhitfil  over 
one  hundred  deeds  of  the  aguof  llainnitiralii  and 
liLs  NiiiceHsors.  In  Chakhea  every  kind  of  eoni- 
inodlty,  from  land  to  money,  eircniated  with  a 
freedom  that  U  unknown  to  modern  eomnieree; 
every  value  was  negotiable,  and  there  was  no 
llndt  to  the  numlHT  and  variety  of  the  agree- 
mentH  I  hut  miijlit  l)0  entered  Into.  .  .  .  Urlck 
tablets  dUl  not  lend  themselves  readily  to  '  liniik- 
keeping,' as  no  further  entry  roidd  Jie  ma<Ie  after 
baking,  while  tlie  llrst  entry  was  not  seeun;  \m- 
less  baked  at  onee.  P]aeh  brick  recorded  one 
transaction,  and  was  kept  by  the  party  interested 
till  tlie  contract  was  completed,  and  tho  destruc- 
tion of  tlio  tablet  was  equivalent  to  a  receipt. 
Habylonian  law  allowed  debts  to  be  paid  by 
as.signlng  another  person's  debt  to  the  creditor; 
a  debt  was  property,  and  could  bo  a.ssigned  witli- 
out  reference  to  the  debtor,  so  lliat  any  formal 
acknowledgment  of  Indebtedness  could  Ix;  treat- 
ed like  a  negotiable  bill  —  a  fact  which  speaks 
volumes  for  the  commercial  honesty  of  t\w  peo- 
ple. A  separate  tablet  was,  of  course,  reipdred 
to  record  tlic  original  debt,  or  ratiier  to  .say  that 
So-and-so's  debt  to  Such-an-one  has  been  by  him 
gold  to  a  third  party.  Such  third  parly  could 
again  either  assign  lits  claim  to  a  bank  for  a  con- 
sideration, or  if  the  last  debtor  had  a  credit  at 
the  baidi,  the  creditor.could  bo  paid  out  of  tliat,  a 
sort  of  forecast  of  the  mcMlern  clearinghouse 
system.  The  debtor  who  pays  before  the  term 
agreed  on  has  to  receive  a  formal  surrender  of 
the  creditor's  claim,  or  a  transfer  of  it  to  him- 
self. Tho  Babylonian  regarded  money  and  credit 
as  synonymous,  and  tho  phrase,  '  Jloney  of  .Sucli- 
an-one  upon  So-and-i;o,'  is  used  as  eciidvalent  to 
A's  credit  with  B.  .  .  .  In  ancient  Babylonia, 
as  In  modern  China,  tlie  normal  elTect  of  a  loan 
was  supposed  to  bo  beneficial  to  tlio.  borrower. 
In  Egypt,  judging  from  the  form  of  the  deeds, 
tho  idea  was  that  the  creditor  asserted  a  claim 
upon  tho  debtor,  or  tlio  debtor  acknowleged  a 
liability  to  tho  man  from  wliom  he  liad  borrowed. 
In  Bi'bylonia  tho  personal  question  is  scarcely 
considered;  one  person  owes  money  to  another  — 
that  Is  tho  commonest  thing  in  tho  world  —  sucli 
loans  are  in  a  chronic  state  of  being  incurred  and 
paid  off ;  one  man's  debt  is  another  man'''i  credit, 
and  credit  being  the  soul  of  commerce,  tho  loan 
Is  considered  rather  as  a  part  of  the  floating  ne- 
gotiable capital  of  the  country  than  as  a  burden 
on  the  shoulders  of  one  particulai  debtor." — E. 
J.  Simcox,  Primitive  Civilizations,  v.  1,  pj).  hZZ- 
822. 

China. — "Not  only  did  tho  Chinese  possess 
coins  at  a  very  early  period,  b>.  they  were  also 
the  inventors  of  bank  notes.  Some  writers  re- 
gard bank  notes  as  having  originated  about 
119  B.  C,  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Ou-ti. 
At  this  time  the  Court  was  in  want  of  money, 
and  to  raise  it  Klaprot!:  tells  us  that  the  prime 
minister  hit  upon  the  following  device.  When 
any  princess  or  courtiers  entered  the  Imperial 


presonce.  It  was  customary  to  cover  the  face 
Willi  a  piece  of  skin.  It  was  first  decreed  then, 
that  for  this  purpose  tlie  skin  of  certain  white 
deer  kept  In  one  of  iIh-  royal  parks  shouhl  alonii 
be  nermlltecl,  aii<l  then  these  pieces  of  skin  were 
sold  for  a  high  price.  But  althougii  they  appear 
to  have  passed  from  one  noble  to  another,  lliey 
do  not  weni  ever  to  have  tntcreil  into  genenll 
cireulatlon.  It  was  therefore  very  different  from 
the  Uusslan  skin  mimey.  In  this  case  tlie  itotes 
were  'used  instead  of  llio  skins  fnmi  wliicli  Iliey 
were  cut,  the  skins  themselves  being  too  bulky 
and  heavy  to  be  constantly  carried  backward  and 
forward.  Only  a  llttlo  picco  was  cut  off  to 
flgiir  ■  as  a  token  of  possession  of  tlio  whole  skin. 
Tlie  ownership  was  [iroved  when  the  piece  filled 
in  the  hole.'  True  bank  notes  are  tuiid  to  liiivit 
been  invented  about  800  A.  I).,  in  the  reign  of 
Iliantsoiiiig,  of  the  dynasty  of  Tlning,  and  were 
<alled  '  feytsleii,'  or  Hying  money.  It  iseiirlous, 
however,  though  not  surprising,  to  llnd  tiiat  tlie 
teniplation  to  over-issiio  fed  to  tiu!  same  results 
in  China  as  In  the  West.  The  value  of  the  notes 
fell,  until  at  length  It  took  11.IM)0  mla,  or£;),OIMI, 
to  buy  a  cake  of  rice,  and  the  use  of  notes  an- 
pi'ars  to  have  been  abandoned.  Hiibsec|uently 
the  issue  was  revived,  and  Tciiang-yang  (000-1)1)0 
A.  D.)  seems  to  have  been  the  first  nrtvate  per- 
son who  Issued  notes.  Somewhat  later,  under 
the  Emperor  Tchlng-tsong  (1)1)7-1022),  this  Inven- 
tion was  largely  extended.  Sixteen  of  tlie  rich- 
est firms  uiiited  to  form  a  bank  of  Issue  which 
omitted  paper  money  in  scries,  some  payable 
every  three  years.  The  earliest  mention,  in 
European  litenitnre,  of  paper,  or  rather  cotton, 
money  appears  to  bo  by  Hiiliruqiils,  a  monk,  wiio 
was  sent  by  St.  Louis,  in  tlio  year  IS.Vi,  to  llio 
Court  of  the  Mongol  Prince  ^laiigu-Klian,  but 
he  merely  mentions  the  fact  of  its  existeice. 
Marco  Polo,  who  resided  from  IST.")  to  1284  at 
tiiecourt  of  Kublai-Khan,  .  .  .  gives  us  a  longer 
and  inleresting  account  of  the  nolo  sy.stem, 
wliicli  he  greatly  admired,  and  ho  concludes  by 
saying,  'Now  you  have  heard  the  ways  and  means 
wiiereby  the  great  Kliau  may  liave,  and,  in  fact, 
lias,  more  treiisuro  than  all  tho  kings  in  tlio 
World.  You  know  all  about  it,  and  the  reason 
wliy.'  But  this  ajiparent  facility  of  creating 
money  led,  in  tlie  East,  as  it  has  elsewhere,  to 
great  abuses.  Sir  Joim  Mandeviilo,  who  wuj  in 
Tartary  shortly  afterward.s,  in  1322,  tells  us  that 
the  '  Emperour  may  dispenden  ols  moclie  as  ho 
wile  wilii  oiiten  e?tymacioum  For  he  dcspen- 
detli  not,  no  maketh  no  money,  but  of  letlier 
emprented,  or  of  papyre.  .  .  .  For  there  and 
lievondo  hem  the!  make  no  money,  nouther  of 
gold  nor  of  sylver.  And  tlicrefore  he  may  des- 
pende  yuow  and  outrageously. '  The  great  K lian 
seenr'to  have  been  himself  of  the  same  opinion, 
lie  appears  to  have  'deSpent  outrageously,'  and 
the  value  of  the  paper  money  again  fell  to  a  very 
small  fraction  of  its  nominal  amount,  causing 
great  discontent  and  misery,  until  about  tho 
middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  uni'.c  tlie  Itland- 
chu  dynasty,  it  was  abolislied,  and  appears  to 
have  been  "so  conipietely  forgotten,  that  tho 
.Jesuit  father,  Gabriel  de  Magaillans,  who  resided 
at  Pekin  about  10(18,  observes  that  there  is  no 
recollection  of  paper  money  having  ever  existe<l 
in  tiio  manner  described  by  Marco  Polo;  though 
two  centuries  later  it  was  again  ir.  use.  It  must 
bo  observed,  however,  that  these  Chinese  bank 
notes  differed  from  ours  in  one  essential— namely, 


2200 


MONEY  AND  lUNKINO. 


Kilrly  Coiitiiar, 
Ancitnl  llimkrrt. 


MONEY  AND  HANKINO. 


Ilicy  wpro  not.  pnynlilo  nt  slijlit.  Wcntom  notrs, 
I'ViMi  wlicii  not  paynlilc  at  all,  liavo  K*'nt'rally 
niii'itortcd  to  Im)  oxcliaiiKcahlu  at  tin-  will  of  tlwi 
iKililLr,  but  tliiit  prlnclpli;  tliu  Clilni'iu-  illit  nut 
ailiipt,  aiKltliflrnott'BwiTfOiilvpjiyablcatccrtiilu 
■pccllluil  iktIo<1h."— Sir  J.  Liiblxjck,  T/ie  lliitory 
of  Moneji  (Sineteenth  Cent..  Xod..  1H71)). 

Ai.H"  in;  VV.  Vlssorliiif,  On  C/iiiietf  Ciirreiin/. 

Coin«Ke  in  it*  BcKinningt.  —  "  Many  rc'ii- 
tuilt'H  iHiTorc  tlio  liivi'iition  of  tlu-  art  of  coliilriK, 
gold  and  hIIvit  Iu  tlio  KaHt,  and  bron/.u  in  lli<^ 
Wcitt,  in  l)\dlloii  form,  liiid  alri'ady  Hiippliinti'd 
Imrtor,  the  nio»t  prbnitivt-  of  all  nii'lliiMls  of  Inly- 
ing and  BulliMK,  wlieii  among  pattoral  propli'x 
tliu  ox  and  tliu  Hlicep  wcru  tliu  ordinary  mediums 
of  I'xclmngo.  The  vcrv  word  'iM'i'unia'  is  an 
cvldi'nco  of  tidg  practice  In  Italy  at  a  pcrlcMl 
wliicli  is  probably  recent  in  (oniparison  with  the 
time  wlicn  valncs  were  estimated  in  cattle  In 
Greece  and  the  East.  '  .So  far  as  we  have  any 
knowledge,' says  llerodotns,  "tlio  I/ydians  wcn^ 
the  llrst  nation  to  intr<Mlnce  the  use  of  gold  and 
silver  coin.'  This  statement  of  the  fiillicr  of  his- 
tory must  not,  liowever,  be  accepted  as  llnally 
settling  the  vexed  ({uestioii  as  to  who  were  the 
Inventors  of  coined  money,  for  Strabo,  Aellan, 
and  the  Parian  ('lironU^le,  all  agree  In  adopting 
the  more  commonly  received  tradition,  that 
I'lieidon,  King  of  Argos,  llrst  struck  silver  coins 
in  the  island  of  Aegina.  Tliese  two  apparently 
contradictory  assertions  modern  research  tends  to 
reconcile  with  one  another.  Tlie  one  end)odies  the 
Asiatic,  the  otlier  the  European  trailition;  and 
the  truth  of  llio  matter  is  that  gold  was  first 
<'oined  iiy  tlio  I.vdians  in  Asia  .Sliiior,  in  the 
seventh  century  licfore  our  era;  and  that  silver 
was  tint  struck  iu  European  Greece  about  the 
same  time.  The  earliest  coins  are  simply  bullets 
of  metal,  oval  or  bean-8hape<l,  bearing  on  one 
side  the  signet  of  the  state  or  of  the  community 
responsible  for  the  purity  of  tlie  metal  and  the 
exactness  of  tlio  weight.  Coins  were  at  llrst 
stamped  on  one  side  only,  the  reverse  show- 
ing merely  the  impress  of  the  s(iuare-lieaded 
spike  or  anvil  on  which,  after  being  weighed, 
the  bullet  of  hot  metal  vN'as  placed  with  a  pair  of 
tongs  and  there  lield  while  a  second  workman 
adjusted  upon  it  the  engraved  die.  Tills  done,  a 
tlifrd  man  with  a  heavy  hammer  would  come 
down  upon  it  with  all  his  might,  and  the  coin 
would  be  produce<l,  bearing  on  its  face  or  ob- 
verse the  seal  of  the  issuer,  and  on  the  reverse 
only  the  mark  of  the  anvil  spike,  an  incuse 
sciuiire.  This  simple  process  was  after  a  time 
improved  upon  by  acUling  a  si'cond  engraved  die 
beneath  the  metal  bullet,  so  that  a  single  blow 
of  the  sledge-hammer  would  provide  the  coin 
with  a  tj'pe,  as  it  is  called,  in  relief  on  both 
sides.  Tlie  presence  of  the  unengraved  incuse 
s(iuare  may  tliereforc  bo  accei)ted  as.'  an  indica- 
tion of  high  antiipiity,  and  nearly  all  Greek  coins 
whicli  are  later  than  tlie  age  of  the  Pet.sian  wars 
bear  a  type  on  lioth  sides.  .  .  Greek  coin- 
types  may  be  divided  into  two  distinct  classes  : 

(a)  Mytliological  or  religious  representations,  and 

(b)  portraits  of  historical  persons.  From  the 
earliest  times  down  to  tlie  ago  of  .iMexander  the 
Great  the  types  of  Greek  coins  arc  almost  exclu- 
sively religious.  However  strange  this  may 
.seem  at  firet,  it  is  not  <litHcult  to  explain.  It 
must  be  borne  in  mind  that  when  the  enterpris- 
inj,-  and  commercial  Lydians  first  lighted  upon 
the  happy  idea  of  stanii)iug  metal  for  general  cir- 


culation, a  guarantee  of  Just  welglit  and  purItT 
of  metal  W(nild  be  tlie  one  condition  rei|uirei|. 
.  .  .  What  more  binding  gujirante(>  could  be 
found  tlian  the  invo<'atiiinof  oneorotherof  thos<. 
divinities  most  honoured  and  inostdreaded  liillie 
district  In  wliicli  tlie  coin  was  intended  to  cirru- 
littc.  Then-  is  even  giHid  reason  to  tliiiik  that 
tile  earliest  coins  were  actuallv  struck  williin  the 
precincts  of  tlie  temples,  and  under  tlie  diri'ct 
auspices  of  the  priests;  for  in  times  of  general 
Insi'curlty  by  si'a  and  land,  the  temples  aloiiu 
remalneif  sacred  and  Inviolate." — H.  V.  Head, 
(litik  Qiiiia  (Coin)  ami  Sfctlalu,  eil.  hy  ,S.  lAiite- 
I'ool,;  r/i.  i). 

Early  Banking,— "  The  banker's  calling  Is 
bolli  new  and  old.  As  a  distinct  branch  of  com- 
merce, and  a  separate  agent  in  the  advancement 
of  civilisiillon,  lis  history  lijirdly  cvlendH  over 
!)IM)  years;  but,  in  a  rude  and  undeveloped  sort 
of  wav,  it  has  existed  during  some  do/.<Mis  of 
centuries.  It  began  idinost  with  the  beginning 
of  society.  No  sooner  had  men  learnt  to  ailopt 
a  portable  and  artlllcial  eciulvalent  for  their  com- 
modities, ami  tliiis  to  buy  and  sell  ami  get  gain 
iiionM'asily,  tluin  the  more  careful  of  them  liegaii 
to  gather  up  their  moiiev  iu  little  heaps,  or  iu  great 
heaps,  if  tliey  were  f'orliinate  enougli.  These 
heaps  were,  liy  tlie  Uoniaus,  called  monies  — 
mounds,  or  banks, —  and  heni'cfortli  every  mon- 
ey-meker  Was  u  primitive  banker.  The  prudent 
farmers  and  shopkeepers  in  tlar  out-of  tlieway 
villages,  wlio  now  lock  up  llieirsavingsin  strong 
boxes,  or  conceal  them  in  places  where  they  are 
least  likely  to  be  found  by  thieves,  sliow  us  how 
the  richest  and  most  enterprising  men  of  fardit 
times,  wlietlicr  In  Anglo-Saxon  or  mediieval 
Hritain,  ancient  Greece  and  Home,  Cliiiia  or  .Ju- 
diea,  made  banks  lor  Uieinselves  before  the  great 
advantages  of  iolntstcck  lieai)lng  up  of  money 
were  discovered.  When  and  in  what  precise  way 
that  discovery  was  made  anti(|uarians  have  yet 
to  decide.  .  .  .  Perhaps  .lews  and  Greeks  set 
the  example  to  the  modern  world.  Every  ricji 
Atlienianhad  his  treasurer  or  money-keeper,  am. 
wlieneverany  particular  treasurer  proved  him- 
self a  good  accountant  and  safe  banker,  it  is  ea.sy 
to  undeiiitand  how,  from  liavi''g  one  master,  lio 
came  to  have  several,  until  lie  was  able  to  change 
his  condition  of  slavey  for  tlie  humble  rank  of 
a  frecdman,  and  then  to  use  his  freedom  to  such 
good  jnirpose  that  he  became  an  inlliieiitial  mem- 
ber of^  the  community.  Having  many  people's 
money  entrusted  to  his  care,  he  receivcil  good 
payment  for  Ids  responsible  duly,  and  he  iiiiickly 
learned  to  increase  liis  wealth  by  lending  out  his 
own  savings,  if  not  his  employers'  capital,  at  tlio 
highest  rate  of  interest  tliat  he  could  obtain. 
The  Greek  bankers  were  chielly  famous  ns  money- 
lenders, and  interest  at  thirty-six  jier  cent,  per 
annum  was  not  considered  unusually  exorbilant 
among  them.  For  tlieir  charges  they  were  often 
blamed  by  spcridlhrifls,  satirists,  and  olliers. 
'It  is  said,'  complains  Plutaicli,  'that  hares 
bring  forth  and  nourish  their  young  at  tlie  same 
time  tliat  they  conceive  again;  but  the  debts  of 
these  scoundrels  and  savages  bring  fortli  liefore 
they  conceive,  f(n-  they  give  ami  immediiitely 
demand  again;  they  take  away  their  money  at 
the  same  time  as  they  put  it  out;  tiiej-  place  at 
interest  what  they  receive  as  interest.  The  .Mes- 
senians  Imve  a  proverb ;  "  There  is  a  Pylos  before 
Pylos,  and  yet  anotlier  Pvlos  still."  So  of  the 
usurers  it  may  be  siiiil,  "  'I'liere  is  a  proUt  before 


2201 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


Oreek. 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


profit,  and  yet  another  profit  still;"  and  then, 
forsooth,  they  laugh  at  philosoi>licr8,  who  say 
that  nothing  can  come  out  of  nothing ! '  Tlic 
Greek  bankersand  money-lenders,  those  of  Delos 
and  Delphi  especially,  are  reported  to  liave  used 
the  temples  as  treasure-houses,  and  to  have 
taken  the  priests  into  partnership  in  their  money- 
making.  Some  arrangement  of  that  sort  seems 
to  have  existed  among  the  Jews,  and  to  have 
aroused  the  anger  of  Jesus  -when  he  went  into 
the  Temple  of  Jerusalem,  '  and  overthrew  the 
tables  of  the  money-changers,  and  siiid  unto 
them.  It  is  written,  My  house  shall  be  called  the 
house  of  prayer;  but  ye  have  made  it  a  den  of 
thieves.'  Bankers'  or  money-cliangers'  tables 
■were  famous  institutions  all  over  the  civilised 
•world  of  the  ancicnta.  Livy  tells  how,  in  308 
B.  C,  if  not  before,  they  were  to  be  found  in 
the  Roman  Forum,  and  later  Latin  authors  make 
frequent  allusions  to  banking  transactions  of  all 
sorts.  They  talk  of  deposits  and  securities,  bills 
of  exchange  and  drafts  to  order,  cheques  and 
bankere'  books,  as  glibly  as  a  mod  jrn  merchant. 
But  these  things  were  nearly  forgotten  during 
the  dark  ages,  until  the  Jews,  true  to  the  money- 
making  propensities  that  characterised  them 
■while  they  still  hi'.d  a  country  of  their  own,  set 
tlie  fashion  of  money-making  and  of  banking  in 
all  the  countries  of  Europe  through  which  they 
■were  dispersed." — II.  I{.  Fox  Bourne,  Ilomance 
of  Trade,  ch.  4. 

Ancient  Greece.  —  "Oriental  contact  first 
stirred  the  'auri  sacm  fames'  in  the  Greek  mind. 
Tliat  this  was  so  the  Greek  language  itself  tells 
plainly.  For  'chrusos,'  gold,  is  a  Semitic  loan- 
word, closely  related  to  the  Hebrew  'charuz,' 
but  taken  immediately,  there  can  be  no  reason- 
able doubt,  from  the  Phojnician.  The  restless 
treasure-seekers  from  Tyre  ■were,  indeed,  as  the 
Gncco-Scmitic  term  metal  intimates,  the  original 
subterranean  explorers  of  the  Balkan  peninsula. 
As  early,  probably,  as  the  15th  century  B.  C. 
they  '  digged  out  ribs  of  gold  '  on  the  Islands  of 
Thasos  and  Siphnos,  and  on  the  Thracian  main- 
land at  Mount  PangOium ;  and  the  fables  of  the 
Golden  Fleece,  and  of  Aiiinuspiaa  wars  with 
gold-guarding  grifflns,  prove  the  hold  ■won  by 
the  '  [irecious  bane '  over  the  popular  imagina- 
tion. Asia  Jlinor  was,  however,  the  chief  source 
of  prehistoric  supply,  the  native  mines  lying 
long  neglected  after  the  Phoenicians  h.id  been 
driven  from  the  scene.  Midas  ■was  a  typical  king 
In  a  land  where  the  mountains  were  gold-granu- 
lated, and  the  rivers  ran  over  sands  of  gold. 
And  it  was  in  fact  from  Phrygia  that  Pelops 
■was  traditionally  reported  to  iiave  brought  the 
treasures  which  made  Mycenic  the  golden  city 
of  the  Achrean  w  rid.  Tlie  Epic  aftlueutc  in  gold 
■was  not  wholly  fictitious.  From  the  sepulchres 
of  Mycena;  alone  about  one  Inmdred  pounds 
Troy  weight  of  the  metal  have  been  disinterred ; 
freely  at  command  even  in  the  lowest  stratum 
of  the  successive  habitations  at  Ilissarlik,  it  was 
lavislily  stored,  and  highly  wrought  in  the 
picturesquely-named  '  treasure  of  Priam ' ;  and 
has  been  found,  in  plates  and  pearls,  beneath 
twenty  metres  of  volcanic  debris,  in  the  Cyclatic 
islands  Thera  and  Therapia.  This  plentifulncss 
contrasts  strangely  with  the  extreme  scarcity  of 
gold  in  historic  Greece.  It  persisted,  however, 
mainly  owing  to  the  vicinity  of  the  auriferous 
Ural  Mountains,  in  the  Itlilesian  colony  of  Pauti- 
capsum,  near  Kertch,  where  graves  have  been 


opened  containing  corpses  shining  '  like  images ' 
in  a  complete  clothing  of  gohi-leaf,  and  equipi)ed 
with  ample  supplies  of  golden  vessels  and  orna- 
ments. Silver  was,  at  the  outset,  a  still  rarer 
substance  than  gold.  Not  that  there  is  really 
less  of  it.  .  .  .  But  it  occurs  less  obviously,  and 
is  less  easy  to  obtain  pure.  Accordingly,  in 
some  very  early  Egyptian  inscriptions,  sdver, 
by  heading  the  list  of  metals,  claims  a  suprennicy 
over  them  which  proved  short-lived.  It  termina- 
ted for  ever  with  the  scarcity  that  had  protiuced 
it,  when  tlic  Phoenicians  began  to  pour  the  flood 
of  Spanish  silver  into  the  markets  and  treasure- 
chambei-R  of  the  East.  Armenia  constituted 
another  tolerably  copious  source  of  supply ;  and 
it  was  in  this  quarter  that  Homer  located  the 
'  birth-place  of  silver.' " — A.  M.  Gierke,  Familiar 
Studies  in  Jlomer,  eh.  10. — "Taken  as  a  whole 
the  Greek  money  is  excellent;  pure  in  metal  and 
exact  in  weight,  its  real  corresponding  to  its 
nominal  value.  Nothing  better  has  been  done 
in  this  way  among  the  most  civilized  and  best 
governed  nations  of  modern  times.  Tliere  is, 
indeed,  always  a  certain  recognized  limit,  which 
keeps  the  actual  weight  of  the  money  slightly 
below  its  theoretical  weight;  and  this  fact  re- 
curs with  such  regularity  that  it  may  be  regard- 
ed as  a  rule.  AVe  must  conclude,  therefore,  that 
it  was  under  this  form  that  Greek  civilization  al- 
lowed to  the  coiner  of  money  the  right  of  seigni- 
orage, or  the  benefit  legitimately  due  to  him  to 
cover  the  expenses  of  'he  coinage,  and  in  ex- 
change for  the  service  rendered  by  him  to  the 
public  in  providing  them  with  money,  by  which 
they  were  saved  the  trouble  of  perpetual  weigh- 
ing. This  allowance,  however,  is  always  kept 
within  very  narrow  limits,  rnd  is  never  more 
than  the  excess  of  the  natural  value  of  the  coined 
money  over  that  of  the  metal  in  ingots.  ...  Of 
course,  the  general  and  predominant  fact  of  the 
excellence  of  the  Greek  money  in  the  time  of 
Hellenic  independence  is  subject,  like  all  human 
things,  to  some  exceptions.  There  were  a  few 
cities  which  yielded  to  the  delusive  bait  of  an 
unlawful  advantage,  debasing  the  quality  of 
their  coins  without  foreseeing'  that  the  conse- 
quences of  this  unfair  operation  would  react 
against  themselves.  But  these  exceptions  are 
very  rare." — F.  Lcnormant,  Money  in  Ancient 
Q:-eeee  and  Rome  (Conicmp.  Ret.,  fib.,  1879). — 
"  The  quantity,  particularly  of  gold,  .  .  .  was, 
in  the  ..'Icr  historical  perio<l8,  according  to  un- 
cxcepiionaVile  testimony,  extremely  small.  In 
the  vime  oi  Croisus,  according  to  'Theopompus, 
gold  was  not  to  be  found  for  sale  in  any  of  the 
Greek  States,  'i  lie  Spartans,  needing  some  for  a 
vo»ive  offering,  wished  to  purchase  a  quantity 
from  "rocsus;  manifestly  because  ho  was  the 
neare&i  pei-sou  from  whom  it  could  be  obtained. 
.  .  .  Even  during  the  period  from  the  seven- 
tieth to  the  eightieth  Olympiads,  (B.  C.  500-400,) 
pure  gold  was  a  rarity."  When  Hiero  of  Syra- 
cuse wished  to  send  a  tripod  and  a  statue  of  the 
Gotldess  of  Victory,  made  of  pure  gold,  to  the 
Delphian  Apollo,  lie  could  not  procure  the  requi- 
site quantity  of  metal  until  his  ageuts  applied  to 
the  Corinthian  Arcliitiles,  who,  as  was  related  by 
the  above-mentioned  Theopompus  and  Phanias 
of  Ercsus,  had  long  been  in  the  practice  of  pur- 
chasing gold  in  small  (piantities,  and  hoarding 
it.  Greece  proper  itself  did  not  possess  many 
mines  of  preciout.  metals.  The  most  important 
of  the  few  which  it  possessed  were  the  Attic 


2202 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


Phatnician  and 
Jetoish. 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


silvcrminesof  Laurion.  Tlicse  were  nt  first  very 
productive.  .  .  .  Asia  and  Africa  fiirnislied  in- 
comparably a  larger  quantity  of  the  precious 
mctjils  than  was  procured  in  Greece  and  the  otlier 
European  countries.  .  .  .  Colchis,  Lydia,  and 
Vhrygia,  were  distinguished  for  their  abinidancc 
of  gold.  Some  derive  the  tradition  of  the  golden 
fleece  from  the  gold  wa.shings  in  Colcliis.  ■  Who 
lias  not  heard  of  the  ric'-'S  of  Jlidas,  and  Gyges, 
and  Croesus,  the  gold  mines  of  the  mountains 
'Tmolus  and  Sipylus,  the  gold-sand  of  the  Pacto- 
lus  1  .  .  .  From  the  very  productive  gold  mines 
of  India,  together  with  its  rivers  flowing  with 
gold,  among  which  JB-taflticular  the  Ganges  may 
be  classed,  arose  the  mblc'Tlf  Mm  i|>iiliJ  digging 
nnts.  Prom  these  annual  revenues  the  royal 
treasure  was  formed.  By  this  a  great  quantity 
of  precious  metal  was  kept  from  circulation.  It 
was  manifestly  their  principle  to  coin  only  as 
much  gold  and  silver  as  was  necessary  for  the 
purposes  of  trade,  and  lor  the  expenditures  of 
the  State.  In  Greece,  also,  great  quantities  were 
kept  from  circulation,  and  accumulated  in  treas- 
unea  There  were  locked  up  in  the  citadel  of 
Athens  9,700  talents  of  coined  silver,  besides  the 
gold  and  silver  vessels  and  utensils.  The  Del- 
phian god  possessed  a  great  number  of  the  most 
valuable  articles.  .  .  .  The  magnificent  expen- 
ditures of  Pericles  upon  public  edifices  and 
structures,  for  works  of  the  plastic  arts,  for  the- 
atrical exhibitions,  and  in  carrying  on  wars,  dis- 
tributed what  Athens  had  collected,  into  many 
hands.  The  temple-robbing  Pliocians  coined 
from  the  treasures  at  Delphi  ten  thousand  talents 
in  gold  and  silver;  and  this  large  sum  was 
consumed  by  war.  Pliilip  of  >Iacedonia,  in 
fine,  carried  on  his  wars  as  much  with  gold  as 
with  arms.  Thus  a  large  amount  of  money  came 
into  circulation  in  the  period  b(Jtween  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Persian  wars  and  the  age  of 
Demosthenes.  The  precious  metals,  therefore, 
must  of  necessity  have  depreciated  in  value,  as 
they  did  at  a  later  period,  when  ConstAntine  Mie 
Great  caused  money  to  be  coined  from  the  pre- 
cious articles  found  in  the  !.eathen  temples. 
But  what  a  quantity  of  gold  and  silver  flowed 
through  Alexander's  conquest  of  Asia  into  thi' 
western  countries !  Allowing  that  his  historians 
exaggerate,  the  main  point,  however,  remains 
certain.  .  .  .  Alexander's  successors  not  only 
collected  immense  sums,  but  by  their  wars  again 
put  them  into  circulation.  .  .  .  The  enormous 
taxes  which  were  raised  in  tlie  Macedonian  king- 
doms, the  revelry  and  extravagant  liberality  of 
the  kings,  which  passed  all  bounds,  indicate  the 
existence  of  an  immense  amount  of  ready  money. " 
—  A.  Boeckh,  The  Public  Economy  of  the  Athe- 
nians, bk.  1,  c/i.  3. 

Phcenicia. — "Nearly  all  the  silver  in  common 
use  for  trade  throughout  the  East  was  brought 
into  the  market  by  the  Phoenicians.  The  silver 
mines  were  few  and  distant;  the  trade  was  thus 
a  monopoly,  worth  keeping  so  by  the  most  savage 
treatment  of  suspected  rivals,  and,  as  a  mo- 
nopoly, so  lucrative  that,  but  for  the  long  and 
costly  voyage  between  Spain  and  Syria,  the  mer- 
chant would  have  seemed  to  get  his  profit  for 
nothing.  .  .  .  The  use  of  silver  money,  thougli 
it  did  not  originate  with  the  Phoenicians,  was  nc 
doubt  promoted  by  their  widespread  dealings. 
The  coins  were  always  of  known  weigh'  and 
standing  in  a  well-known  relation  to  tne  bars 
used  for  largo   transactions," — E,   J.   Bimcox, 


Pnmitire  Cinlizationn,  r.  1.  ;).  400. — "It  is  a 
curious  fact  that  coinage  in  Phoenicia,  one  of  the 
most  commercial  of  anoiont  countries,  should 
have  been  late  in  origin,  and  apparently  not  very 
plentiful.  There  are,  in  fact,  no  coins  of  earlier 
v'.'i.vi.  limn  the  third  century  which  we  can  with 
certaintv  attribute  to  the  great  cities  of  Tyre  and 
Sidop.  Some  modern  writers,  however,  consider 
thai  ii..>..y  of  the  coins  generally  classed  under 
Per- ''I -- notably  those  bearing  tlie  types  of  a 
chaiiot,  a  galley,  and  an  owl  respectively  — 
were  issued  by  those  cities  in  the  (itli  and  4tli 
centuries  B.  C.  But  it  is  certain,  in  any  case, 
that  the  Phoenicians  were  far  behind  the  Greeks 
in  the  art  of  moneying.  With  the  invasion  of 
Persia  by  Alexander  the  Great  came  a  great 
change;  and  all  the  ancient  Inndmarks  of  Asiatic 
government  and  order  were  swept  away.  During 
the  life  of  Alexander  the  Great  the  coins  bearing 
his  name  and  his  types  circulated  throughout 
Asia;  and  after  his  death  the  same  range  of  cur- 
rency was  attained  by  the  money  of  the  early 
Seleucid  Kings  of  Syria  —  Seleucis  I.,  Antiochus 
I.,  and  Antiochus  II.,  who  virtually  succeeded  to 
the  dominions  of  the  Persian  Kings,  and  tried  in 
many  respects  to  carry  on  thcii-  iiolicy.  Of  these 
inonarchs  we  possess  a  splendid  scries  of  coins." 
—  S.  Lane-Poole,  Coins  and  Medals,  ch.  6. 

The  Jews. — "It  would  seem  that,  until  the 
middle  of  the  second  century  B.  C,  the  Jews 
either  weighed  out  gold  and  silver  for  the  price 
of  goods,  or  else  used  the  money  usually  current 
in  Syria,  that  of  Persia,  Phoenicia,  Athens,  and 
the  Seleucidae.  Simon  the  Slaccabee  was  the 
first  to  issue  the  Jewish  shekel  as  a  coin,  and  we 
learn  from  the  Book  of  Maccabees  that  the 
privilege  of  striking  was  expressly  granted  him 
by  King  Antiochus  VII.  of  Syria.  We  possess 
shekels  of  years  1-5  of  the  deliverance  of  Zion; 
the  types  arc  a  chalice  and  a  triple  flower.  The 
kings  who  succeeded  Simon,  down  to  Antigonus, 
confined  themselves  to  the  issue  of  copper  money, 
with  Hebrew  legends  and  with  types  caliiilated 
not  to  shock  the  susceptible  feelings  of  their 
people,  to  whom  the  representation  of  a  living 
thing  was  abominable — such  types  as  a  lily,  a 
palm,  a  star,  or  an  anchor.  When  the  Ilerodian 
family  came  in,  several  violations  of  this  rule  ap- 
pear.''— 8.  Lane-Poole,  Coins  and  Medals,  ch.  6. 

Also  in  :  G.  C.  Williamson,  The  Money  of  tlie 
Bible. 

Rome. — "In  Rome  the  generic  terms  for 
money  seem  to  have  been  successively,  pecunia. 
As,  numnius,  and  moneta.  .  .  .  Jlon'eta  ...  is 
derived  from  the  name  of  the  temple  In  which, 
or  in  a  building  to  or  next  to  which  the  money 
of  Rome  was  coined  after  the  defeat  of  P^-rrlius, 
B.  C.  27S,  more  probably  after  the  capture  of 
Tarentum  by  the  Romans,  B.  C.  373.  It  prob- 
ably did  not  come  into  use  until  after  the  era  of 
Scipio,  and  then  was  only  used  occasionally  until 
the  period  of  the  Empire,  when  it  and  its  deriv- 
atives became  more  common.  Nuinmus,  never- 
theless, continued  to  hold  its  ground  until 
towards  the  decline  of  the  Empire,  when  it  went 
entirely  out  of  use,  and  moneta  and  its  deriva- 
tives usurped  its  place,  which  it  has  continued 
to  hold  ever  since.  Moneia  is  therefore  sub- 
tantially  a  term  of  the  Dark  Ages.  .  .  .  The 
idea  associated  with  moneta  is  coins,  whose  value 
was  derived  mainly  from  that  of  the  material  of 
which  they  were  composed ;  whilst  the  idea  s.so- 
ciated  with  nummus  is  a  system  of  sruibols 


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MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


Roman. 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


whose  value  was  derived  from  Icgnl  limitntion. 
From  the  fact  that  our  language  sprang  from 
the  Dark  Ages,  we  have  no  generic  word  for 
money  other  than  moneta,  which  only  relates  to 
one  kind  of  money.  For  a  similar  reason,  the 
comparative  newness  of  th<?  English  tongue,  we 
have  no  word  for  a  piece  of  money  except  coin, 
wliieh,  (Toperiy  speaking,  only  relates  to  one 
kind  or  piece,  namelv,  that  which  is  struck  by 
thecuneus." — A.  Del  Mar,  Ilist,  of  Afoney  in 
Ane'  nt  Countries,  eh.  28. — The  extent  and  energy 
of  the  Homan  traffic,  in  the  great  age  of  tlic  Repub- 
lic, during  the  third  and  second  centuries  l)efore 
Christ,  "  may  be  traced  most  distinctly  by  means 
of  coins  and  monetary  relations.  Tlie  Roman 
denarius  kept  pace  with  the  Roman  legions.  .  .  . 
The  Sicilian  mints-^last  of  all  tliat  of  tiyracuse 
In  543  —  were  closed  or  at  any  rate  restricted  to 
small  money  in  consequence  of  the  Roman  con- 
quest, and  ...  in  Sicily  and  Sardinia  tlie  de- 
narius obtained  legal  circulation  at  least  side  by 
Bide  with  the  older  silver  currency  and  probably 
very  soon  became  the  exclusive  legal  tender. 
With  equal  if  not  greater  rapidity  the  Ro  .la" 
silver  coinage  penetrated  into  Spnln,  wliero  uie 
great  silver-mines  existed  and  there  was  vir(  ,.  Uy 
no  earlier  national  coinage;  at  a  very  aarly 
peri<xl  the  Spanish  towns  even  began  to  coin 
after  the  Roman  standard.  On  tho  whole,  as 
Carthage  coined  only  to  a  very  limited  extent, 
there  existed  not  a  single  important  mint  in  ad- 
dition to  tliatof  Rome  in  the  region  of  tlie  western 
Mediterranean,  witli  the  exception  of  the  mint  of 
Massilia  and  perhaps  also  of  those  of  the  Illyrian 
Greeks  at  ApoUonia  and  Epidammis.  Accord- 
ingly, when  the  Romans  began  to  establish  them- 
selves in  the  region  of  the  Po,  these  mints  were 
about  235  subjected  to  the  Roman  standard  in 
sucii  a  way,  that,  while  they  retained  the  right 
of  coining  silver,  they  uniformly  —  and  the  )fas- 
siliots  in  particular — were  led  to  adju.st  their 
drachma  to  the  weight  of  tlie  Roman  tliree-quar- 
ter  denarius,  which  the  Roman  government  on 
its  part  began  to  coin,  primarily  for  the  use  of 
upper  Italy,  under  the  name  of  the  '  piece  of 
Victory '  (victoiriatus).  This  new  system,  based 
on  the  Roman,  prevailed  throughout  the  Mas- 
siliot,  Upper  Italian,  and  Illyrian  territori"s ;  and 
these  coins  even  penetrated  into  the  barbarian 
lai.as  on  the  north,  those  of  JIassilia,  for  in- 
stance, into  the  Alpine  districts  along  the  whole 
basin  of  the  Rhone,  and  those  of  Illyria  as  far  as 
the  modem  Transylvania.  The  eastern  half  of 
the  >Iediterranean  was  not  yet  reached  by  the 
Roman  money,  as  it  had  not  yet  fallen  under  the 
direct  sovereignty  of  Rome;  but  its  place  was 
filled  by  gold,  the  true  and  natural  medium  for 
International  and  transmarine  commerce.  It  is 
true  that  the  T>oii...T  government,  in  conformity 
with  its  strictly  coi.servativo  character,  adhered 
—  with  the  exception  <""  a  temporary  coinage  of 
gold  occasioned  by  'J.j  tinancial  embarrassment 
during  the  Hanniba'io  war  —  steadfastly  to  the 
rule  of  coining  silver  only  in  addition  to  the 
national-Italian  copper;  but  commerce  liad  al- 
ready assumed  such  dimensions,  that  it  was  able 
in  tlio  absence  of  money  to  conduct  its  transac- 
tions with  gold  by  weight.  Of  the  sum  in  cash, 
whicli  lay  in  the  Roman  treasury  in  597,  scarcely 
a  sixth  was  coined  or  uncoined  silver,  flve-sixtlis 
consisted  of  gold  in  bars,  and  beyond  d^nbt  the 
precious  metals  were  found  in  all  the  chests  of 
the  larger  Roman  capitalists    in   substantially 


similar  proportions.  Already  therefore  gold  held 
the  first  place  in  great  transactions;  and,  as  may 
be  inferred  from  tliis  fact,  the  preponderance  of 
traffic  was  maintained  with  foreign  lands,  aiKl 
particularly  with  the  East,  which  shice  the  times 
of  Philip  and  Alexander  the  Great  had  adopted 
a  gold  currency.  The  whole  gain  from  tlKsc 
immense  transactions  of  the  Homan  capitalists 
flowed  in  tlie  long  run  to  Rome.  .  .  .  TIh) 
moneyed  superiority  of  Rome  as  compared  witii 
the  rest  of  the  civilized  world  was,  accordingly, 
quite  as  decided  as  its  political  and  military 
ascendancy.  Rome  in  this  respect  stood  towanls 
other  countries  soinewliat  as  the  England  of  *tho 
present  day  stands  towards  the  continent. " — T. 
Jlommsen,  Jliitf.  of  Rome,  bk.  3,  ch.  13  (r.  2).— 
In  the  later  years  of  the  Roman  Republic  the 
coinage  became  debased  and  uncertain.  "  Cwsar 
restored  tlie  public  credit  by  issuing  good  money, 
such  as  had  not  been  seen  in  Rome  for  a  length 
of  time,  money  of  pure  metal  and  exact  weight; 
witli  scarcely  any  admixture  of  plated  pieces, 
money  which  could  circulate  for  its  real  value, 
and  this  measure  became  one  of  tlie  principal 
sources  of  his  popularity.  Augustus  followed  his 
example,  but  at  the  same  time  took  away  from 
the  Senate  the  right  of  coining  gold  and  silver, 
reserving  tliis  exclusively  to  the  imperial  aiuhor- 
ity,  which  was  to  exercise  it  alisolutely  without 
control.  From  this  time  we  find  the  theory  that 
the  value  of  money  is  arbitrary,  and  depemls 
solely  on  the  will  of  the  sovereign  who  issues  it, 
more  and  more  widely  and  tenaciously  held. 
.  .  .  The  faitli  placed  in  the  official  impress 
fostered  the  temptation  to  abuse  it.  .  .  .  In  less 
than  a  century  the  change  of  the  money  of  the 
State  into  imperial  monoy,  and  the  theory  that 
its  value  arose  from  its  bearing  the  efligy  of  the 
sovereign,  produced  a  system  of  adulteration  of 
specie,  which  went  on  growing  to  the  very  close 
of  the  Empire,  and  wliicli  the  successors  of 
Augustus  utilized  largely  for  the  indulgence  of 
their  passions  and  their  prodigality.  ",—F\  Lenor- 
mant.  Money  in  Ancient  Greece  and  Borne  (Con- 
temp.  Rev.,  Feb.,  1879). 

Medizval  Money  and  Banking.  —  "As  re- 
gards tho  monetary  system  of  tlie  Middle  Ages, 
the  .precious  metals,  when  uncoined,  were 
weighed  by  the  pound  and  half  pound  or  mark, 
for  which  different  standards  were  in  use,  the 
most  generally  rccogni.sed  being  those  of  Troyes 
and  Cologne.  Of  coined  money  there  existed  a 
perplexing  variety,  wliich  made  it  almost  impos- 
sible to  ascertain  the  relative  value,  not  only  of 
different  coins,  but  of  the  same  coin  of  different 
issues.  This  resulted  from  the  emperoi  or  king 
conferring  the  right  of  coinage  upon  various 
lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  from  whom  it  was 
ultimately  acquired  by  individual  towns.  Tlie 
management  was  in  most  cases  entrusted  to 
a  company,  temporary  or  permanent,  inspected 
by  an  official,  the  coin-tester,  originally  appointed 
by  the  sovereign,  but  aft'irwards  by  the  com- 
pany, and  confirmed  by  clio  king  or  bishop.  The 
house  where  the  process  of  coining  was  per- 
formed was  called  the  mint,  and  the  company 
w^ho  held  the  rights  of  coinage  in  fee  was  known 
as  the  Mint  House  Company,  or  simply  the 
House  Company.  Very  generally  the  office  was 
held  by  the  Corporation  of  Goldsmiths.  The 
want  of  perfect  supervision  led  to  great  debase- 
ment of  the  currency,  especially  in  Germany  a:id 
France ;  but  in  England  and  Italy  the  standard 


2204 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


.\fediceval. 


MONEY  AND  BAXKINO. 


was  tolembly  well  mnlntainod.  Pnymcnts  in 
silver  were  miicli  more  common  tliiin  in  gold. 
Before  the  Crusades  tlic  only  gold  coins  known 
in  Europe  were  the  Byzantine  solidcs,  the  Itnliun 
tari,  and  Moorish  mauniboMni.  The  solid!, 
which  were  originally  of  23  to  23^  carat  gold, 
but  subsequently  very  much  deteriorated,  were 
reckoned  as  equal  to  twelve  silver  denars. 
Tliey  passed  current  in  Southern  and  Eastern 
Europe,  Hungary,  Germany,  Poland,  and  Prus- 
sia. .  .  .  Solclc,  sol,  and  sou  are  only  repeated 
transformations  of  the  name  of  the  coin,  which 
have  been  accompanied  by  still  greater  changes 
in  its  value.  The  tari  or  tarcntini  derived  its 
name  from  the  Italian  town  wliere  it  was  orig- 
inally struck.  It  was  less  goncrally  known  than 
tlie  solidcs,  and  was  c(ivial  to  one-fourth  the  lat- 
ter in  value.  Tlio  maurabotini  or  sarazens  were 
only  of  15  carats  gold.  The  name  survives  in 
the  Spanish  maravedi,  which,  however,  like  the 
sou,  is  now  made  of  copper  instead  of  gold.  In 
the  thirteenth  century  augustnls,  tiorentines,  and 
ducats,  or  zecchins  (sequins),  were  coine<l  in  Italy. 
The  first-mentioned,  the  weight  of  wliicli  was  half 
an  ounce,  were  named  in  lionour  of  Frederick  II., 
who  was  Roman  Ciesar  and  Augustus  in  1252. 
Tlic  florcntines,  also  known  as  gigliati,  or  lilies, 
from  tlie  arms  of  Florence,  whicli  they  bore  on 
one  side,  witli  the  effigy  of  John  the  Baptist  on 
the  reverse,  were  of  fine  gold  and  ligliter  than 
the  solidi,  about  64  being  reckoned  equal  to  tlie 
mark.  The  ducats  or  zeccliins  were  of  Venetian 
origin,  receiving  their  first  name  from  the  Duca 
or  Doge,  and  the  other  from  the  Zecca  or  Jlint 
House.  They  were  somewliat  less  in  value  than 
tlie  tiorentines,  60  or  07  being  counted  to  the  fine 
mark.  Nearly  equivalent  in  value  to  these  Italian 
coins  were  the  gold  gidlders  coined  in  the  fotir- 
teenth  century  In  Hungary  and  the  Rhino 
regions.  The  Rhenisli  guilder  was  of  22|  or  23 
carats  fine,  and  in  weiglit  ^  of  a  mark  of  Co- 
logne. The  silver  guilder  was  of  later  produc- 
tion, and  the  name  is  now  used  as  equivalent  to 
florin.  ...  In  silver  payments,  the  metal  being 
usually  nearly  pure,  it  was  conunon  to  compute 
by  weight,  coins  and  uncoined  bullion  being 
alike  put  into  tlie  scale,  as  is  still  the  case  in 
some  Eastern  countries.  Ilcnce  the  origin  of  tlie 
pound,  livre,  or  mark.  The  most  widely  dif- 
fused silver  coin  was  the  denarius,  wliicli  was,  as 
in  ancient  Roman  times,  the  -J^  of  a  pound. 
The  name  pending  or  pcnnig,  by  which  the  de- 
narius was  known  among  tlic  old  Teutonic  na- 
tions, seems  to  be  connected  with  pcndere,  to 
weigh  out  or  pay ;  as  the  other  ancient  Teutonic 
coin,  the  sceat,  was  witli  sceoton,  to  pay,  a  word 
which  is  preserved  in  tlie  modern  phrases  '  scot 
free,'  'pay  your  scot.'.  .  .  Halfpennies  and 
farthings  were  not  known  in  the  earliest  times, 
but  tlie  penny  was  deeply  indented  by  two  cross 
lines,  which  enabled  it  to  be  broken  into  quarters 
or  farthings  (feordings  or  fourthings).  From  the 
indented  cross  the  iTenarius  was  known  in  Ger- 
many as  the  krcutztr.  .  .  .  Witli  such  a  diversity 
of  coinage,  it  was  necessarj'  to  settle  any  mer- 
cantile transaction  in  the  currency  of  tlie  place. 
Not  only  would  sellei-s  have  refused  to  accept 
money  whose  value  was  unknown  to  them,  but 
In  many  places  they  were  forbidden  to  do  so  by 
law.  ftlercliants  attending  foreign  markets 
therefore  brought  with  tliem  n  quantity  of  fine 
silver  and  gold  in  bars,  which  they  exchanged 
on  the  spot  for  the  current  coin  of  the  place,  to 


be  used  in  'cttling  their  transactions;  the  bal- 
ance remaining  on  hand  they  re-cxchangcd  for 
bullion  before  leaving.  The  business  of  money- 
changing,  wliich  thus  arose,  was  a  very  lucrative 
(IMC.  and  was  originally  mostly  in  the  liands  of 
Italian  mercliants,  chielly  Lombards  and  Florcn- 
tines. In  Italy  the  money-changers  formed  a 
guild,  members  of  which  settled  in  the  Xdlicr- 
lands,  England,  Cologne,  an<l  the  Mediternincan 
ports.  In  these  dillerent  towns  and  coiuilries 
they  kept  up  a  close  connection  with  each  other 
anil  with  Italy,  and  at  an  early  period  (before  the 
thirteenth  century)  commenced  the  ]im(lico  of 
issignments,  i.  c.,  receiving  money  in  one  place, 
to  bo  paid  liy  an  order  upon  tlieir  correspondents 
ill  another,  thus  saving  tlie  merchant  wlio 
travelled  from  country  to  country  the  e.vpenso 
and  risk  of  transporting  specie.  In  the  thir- 
teenth century  tliis  branch  of  business  was  in  ex- 
tensive use  at  Barcelona,  and  in  1307  the  tribute 
of  'Peter's  pence  '  was  sent  from  England  to  the 
Pope  through  tlio  Lombard  exchangers.  From 
5  to  6  per  cent.,  or  more,  was  charged  upon  the 
trinsaction,  and  tlie  profitable  nature  of  the 
business  soon  led  many  wealthy  anil  even  noble 
Italian  families  to  employ  lu  'ir  money  in  this 
way.  They  established  a  member  of  their  firm 
in  eacii  of  the  great  centres  of  trade  to  receive 
and  pay  on  their  account.  In  Florence  alone 
(about  1350)  tlierc  are  said  to  liave  been  eighty 
such  houses.  Among  these  tlie  Frescobaldi, 
Bardi,  and  Peruzzi  are  well-known  names;  but 
the  chief  place  was  taken  by  the  famous  Floren- 
tine hou.le  of  tlic  Medici,  who  liad  banking 
houses  estalilished  m  sixteen  of  tlic  chief  cities 
of  Europe  and  the  Levant.  In  the  north  of 
Europe,  before  long,  similar  arrangements  were 
establislied  by  the  merchants  of  tl'  >  llnnseatic 
League.  .  .  .  Assignments  of  this  kind  were 
drawn  out  in  the  form  of  letters,  requesting  the 
person  by  whom  the  money  was  due  to  pay  it 
over  to  another  party,  named  in  tlie  bill,  on  ac- 
count of  the  '.Titer,  specifying  also  the  time 
within  which  and  the  form  in  wliicli  the  pay- 
ment was  to  be  made.  They  were  thus  known 
as  letters,  billets,  or  billsof  exchange,  and  appear 
in  Italy  as  early  as  the  tliirtecntli  and  fourteenth 
centuries.  Among  the  earliest  examples  in  ex- 
istence are  a  letter  of  exchange,  dated  at  Jlilan 
in  1825,  payable  within  five  months  at  Lucca; 
one  dateil  at  Bruge-i,  1304,  and  payable  at  Bar- 
celona;  and  anotlier,  dated  at  Bologna,  131S1, 
payable  in  Venice.  ..."  Tlie  first  writers  wlio 
treat  of  bills  are  Italians:  tlie  Italian  language 
furnishes  tlie  teclinical  terms  for  drafts,  remit- 
tances, currency,  sight,  usance,  and  discount, 
used  in  most  of  the  "languages  of  Europe.'.  .  . 
Of  other  branches  of  banking  the  germs  also  ap- 
peared in  tlie  Jliddle  Ages.  Venice  seems  to 
liave  been  tlie  first  city  to  possess  sometliing 
answering  to  a  dcjiosit  bank.  Tlie  mercliants 
here  united  in  forming  a  common  treasury, 
where  they  dciiosited  sums  of  money,  upon 
whicli  they  gave  assignments  or  orders  for  pay- 
ment to  their  creditors,  and  to  which  .similar  as- 
signments due  to  tliemselves  were  paid  andaiUled 
on  to  tlic  amount  at  their  credit.  The  taula  di 
canibi  (exchange  counter)  of  Barcelona  was  a 
similar  institution,  as  also  the  bank  of  St. 
George,  at  Genoa. " — .1.  Yeats,  Growth  nntl  Viriti- 
situdcs  of  Commerce,  appendix-  P.  —  Tlu!  name 
"  Lombards "  was  frequently  given,  during  the 
Middle  Ages,   to  all  the  Italian  mercliants  and 


2205 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


Flortntine. 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


monoy-lcndcrs  — from  Florence,  Venice,  Genoa, 
and  elscwliere  —  who  were  engaged  tliroiigbout 
Europe  in  liuukinK  and  trudc. 

Florentine  Bonking. —  "  The  business  of 
money  clmnKing  geemecl  tlioroughly  ftt  home 
here,  unit  it  is  not  surprising  tlint  the  in/ention 
of  bills  of  cxclmnge,  which  we  first  meet  with  in 
1100  in  the  relations  between  England  and  Italy, 
should  be  ascribed  to  Florence.  The  money 
trade  seems  to  have  tlourishcd  as  early  as  tlie 
twelfth  century,  towards  the  end  of  which  a 
Maniuis  of  Fcrrara  raised  money  on  his  lands 
frf)m  the  Florentines.  In  1204  we  find  the 
money-changers  as  one  of  the  corporations.  In 
1228,  and  probably  from  tlie  bcgiiming  of  the 
century,  sev.eral  Florentines  were  settled  in  Lon- 
don as  changers  to  King  Henry  III  ;  and  here,  as 
in  France,  they  conducted  the  money  transactions 
of  the  Panal  chair  in  conjunction  with  the  Sien- 
cse.  Their  oldest  linown  statute,  which  estab- 
lished rules  for  the  whole  conduct  of  trade  (Sta- 
tute deir  Universitit  delln  Mcrcatanzia)  drawn 
up  by  a  commission  consisting  of  five  members 
of  the  great  guilds,  is  dated  1280.  Their  guild- 
hall was  in  the  Via  Calimaruzza,  opposite  that  of 
the  Calimala,  and  was  later  included  in  the  build- 
ings of  the  postolllce,  on  the  site  of  which, 
after  the  post-otllce  had  been  removed  to  what 
was  formerly  the  mint,  a  building  was  lately 
erected,  similar  in  architecture  to  the  Palazzo  of 
the  Signoria,  which  stands  opposite.  Their  coat 
of  arms  displayed  gold  coin?  laid  one  beside  an- 
other on  a  red  field.  At  the  end  of  the  thirteenth 
century  their  activity,  esi)ecially  in  France  and 
England,  was  extraordinarily  great.  But  if 
wealth  surpassing  all  previous  conception  was 
attained,  it  not  seldom  involved  loss  of  repute, 
and  those  who  pursued  the  calling  ran  the  risk 
of  immense  losses  from  fiscal  measures  to  the 
carrying  out  of  which  they  themselves  contrib- 
uted, as  well  as  those  which  were  caused  by  in- 
solvency or  dishonesty.  .  .  .  The  names  of  Tus- 
cans and  Ix)mbards,  and  that  of  Cahorsiens  in 
France,  no  longer  indicated  the  origin,  but  the 
trade  of  the  money-changer?,  who  drew  down 
the  ancient  hatred  upon  themselves.  .  .  .  France 
possessed  at  this  time  the  greatest  attraction  for 
the  Florentine  money-makers,  although  tliey  were 
sometimes  severely  oppressed,  which  is  sufticient 
proof  that  their  winnings  were  still  greater  than 
their  occasional  losses.  .  .  .  The  Florentine 
money  market  siiffered  the  severest  blow  from 
England.  At  the  end  of  the  twelftli  century 
there  were  already  Florentine  houses  of  exchange 
in  London,  and  if  Pisans,  Genoese,  and  Vene- 
tians managed  the  trade  by  sea  in  the  times  of 
the  Crusades,  it  was  the  Florentines  mostly  who 
looked  after  financial  affairs  in  connection  with 
the  Papal  chair,  as  we  have  seen.  Numerous 
banks  appeared  about  the  middle  of  the  thir- 
teenth century,  among  which  the  Frescobaldi,  a 
family  of  ancient  nobility,  and  as  such  attainted 
by  the  prosecutions  against  it,  took  the  lead,  and 
■were  referred  to  the  custom-houso  of  the  country 
forre-imbursement  of  the  loans  made  to  the  kings 
Edward  I.  and  II.  Later,  the  two  great  trading 
companies  of  the  Bardl  and  Peruzzi  came  into 
notice,  and  with  their  money  Edward  III.  began 
the  French  war  against  Philip  of  Valois.  But 
even  in  the  first  year  of  this  war,  which  began 
with  an  unsuccessful  attack  upon  Flanders,  tlie 
king  suspended  the  payments  to  tlie  creditors  of 
the  State  by  a  decree  of  May  0,  1339.    The  ad- 


vances made  by  the  Banli  amounted  to  180,000 
marks  sterling,  those  of  the  Peruzzi  to  above 
185,000,  accoraing  toGiovatud  Villani,  who  knew 
only  too  well  alx>ut  tlicse  things,  since  lie  was 
ruined  by  them  liimsclf  to  the  extent  of  '  a  sum 
of  more  than  1,355,000  gold  tlorins,  equivalent  to 
the  value  of  a  kingdom/  Bonifazio  Peruzzi,  the 
head  of  the  house,  liastened  to  London,  where  he 
died  of  grief  in  tlie  following  year.  The  blow 
fell  on  tlie  whole  city.  .  .  .  Both  houses  began 
at  once  to  liquidate,  and  the  prevailing  diuturb- 
ance  contributed  not  a  little  to  tlie  early  success 
of  the  ambitious  plans  of  the  Duke  of  Athens. 
Tlie  real  bankruptcy  ensued,  however,  in  Janu- 
ary 1346,  when  new  losses  had  occurred  in 
Sicily.  .  .  .  The  banks  of  the  Acciaiuoli,  Bon- 
accorsi,  Cocclii,  Antellesi,  Corsmi,  da  Uzzano, 
Peicndoli  and  many  smaller  ones,  as  well  as 
numerous  private  persons,  were  invalve<l  in  the 
ruin.  '  The  immense  loans  to  foreign  sovereigns,' 
addi  Villani,  'drew  down  ruin  upon  our  city, 
the  like  uf  which  it  had  never  known.'  There 
wns  a  complete  lack  of  cash.  Estates  in  the  city 
found  no  purchasers  at  a  third  of  their  former 
value.  .  .  .  The  famine  and  pestilence  of  1347 
and  1848,  the  oppressions  of  the  mercenary  bands 
and  the  heavy  expenses  caused  by  tliem,  the  cost 
of  the  war  against  Pope  Gregory  XL,  and  finally 
the  tumult  of  the  Cioinpi,  left  Florence  no  peace 
for  a  long  time.  ...  At  the  beginning  of  the 
fifteenth  century  industry  was  again  flourishing 
in  all  its  bninclies  in  Florence,  financial  opera- 
lions  were  extended,  and  foreign  countries  filled 
with  Florentine  banks  and  mercantile  houses. 
...  In  London  the  most  important  firms  had 
their  representatives,  Bruges  was  the  chief  place 
for  Flanders,  and  we  shall  sec  how  these  connec- 
tions lasted  to  the  time  of  the  greatest  splendour 
of  the  Medici.  France  is  frequently  mentioned. 
The  oflicial  representatives  of  the  Florentine 
nation  resided  in  the  capital,  while  numerous 
houses  established  themselves  in  Lyons,  in 
Avignon  (since  the  removal  of  the  Papal  chair  to 
this  town),  in  Nismes,  Naibonne,  Carcassonne, 
Marseilles,  &c.  .  .  .  The  house  of  the  Peruzzi 
alone  had  sixteen  counting-houses  in  the  four- 
teenth century,  from  London  to  Cyprus." — A. 
von  Reumont,  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  bk.  1,  ch.  i  (r.  1). 
— "The  three  principal  branches  of  industry 
which  enriched  the  Florentines  were  —  banking, 
the  manufacture  of  clotli,  and  the  dyeing  of  it, 
and  the  manufacture  of  silk.  The  three  most  im- 
jiortant  guilds  of  the  seven  '  arti  maggiori '  were 
those  which  represented  these  three  industries. 
Perliaps  the  most  important  in  the  amount  of  its 
gains,  as  well  as  thst  which  first  rose  to  a  high 
degree  of  importance,  was  the  '  Arte  del  Cambio, ' 
or  banking.  The  earliest  banking  operations 
seem  to  have  arisen  from  tlic  need  of  the  Roman 
court  to  find  some  means  of  causing  the  dues  to 
which  it  laid  claim  in  distant  parts  of  Europe  to 
be  collected  and  transmitted  to  Rome.  When 
the  Papal  Court  was  removed  to  Avignon,  its 
lesidencij  i  re  occasioned  a  greatly  increased 
sending  backwards  and  forwards  of  money  be- 
tween Italy  and  that  city.  And  of  all  this  bank- 
ing business,  the  largest  and  most  profitable  por- 
tion was  in  the  liands  of  Florentine  citizens, 
whether  resident  in  Florence  or  in  the  various 
commercial  cities  of  Europe.  We  find  Floren- 
tines engaged  iu  lending  money  at  interest  to 
sovereign  princes  os  early  as  the  first  quarter  of 
the  twelfth  century."— T.  A.  Tiollope,  IJistonj 


2206 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


Bank  of 
St.  Oeorge. 


MONEY  AND  BANKINU. 


of  the   Commotneealth  of  Florence,   bk.   4,  eh.  1 
(V.  2). 

Genoa.— The  Bank  of  St.  George— "Tho 
Uiink  of  St.  Q(!orgc,  its  constitution,  i's  buililiiif;, 
ami  its  history,  forms  one  of  tlie  most  intcrpsting 
relics  of  incdiicvai  commcrciai  activity.  Tlio.se 
old  grev-  walls,  as  seen  still  in  Genoa,  begrimed 
with  dirt  and  fast  falling  into  decay,  are  the 
cradle  of  modern  commerce,  modern  banking 
schemes,  and  imxlern  wealth.  .  .  .  This  liank 
of  St.  Oeorge  is  indeed  a  most  singular  political 
phenomenon.  Elsewhere  than  in  Genoa  we 
search  in  vain  for  a  pamllel  for  the  existence  of 
ft  body  of  citizens  distinct  from  the  government 
—  witli  their  own  laws,  magistrates,  and  indepen- 
dent autliority  —  a  .state  within  a  state,  a  repub- 
lic witiiin  a  republic.  All  dealings  with  the 
governnii  i.c  were  voluntary  on  the  i>art  of  the 
bank.  .  .  .  Hut,  far  from  working  without  liar- 
mony,  wo  always  tind  the  greatest  '.manimity  of 
feeling  between  tliese  two  "^  .<  of  repid)lics 
witldn  the  same  city  walls,  ine  government  of 
Genoa  always  respected  tlio  liberties  of  the  bank, 
and  the  bank  always  did  its  best  to  assist  the 
govcrimient  when  in  pecuniary  distress.  .  .  .  To 
define  an  exact  origin  for  the  bank  is  tlifflcuit ;  it 
owed  its  'jxistence  to  tiie  natural  development  of 
commercial  enteriirisc  rather  than  to  tho  genius 
of  any  one  man,  or  the  shrewdness  of  any  par- 
ticular period  in  Genoese  history.  Tlie  Crusades, 
and  the  necessary  preparation  of  galleys,  brought 
into  Genoa  the  idea  of  advancing  capital  for  a 
term  of  years  as  a  loan  to  the  government  on  tho 
security  of  the  taxes  ftnd  public  revenues;  but 
in  those  cases  the  profits  were  quickly  realized, 
and  the  debts  stxju  cancelled  by  the  monarchs 
who  incurred  Ihcm.  However,  tho  expeditions 
against  the  Saracens  and  the  Jloors  were  other- 
wise, and  were  undertaken  at  some  risk  to  Genoa 
herself.  .  .  .  Now  large  sums  of  money  were 
advanced,  the  profits  on  which  were  not  spon- 
taneous; il  was  more  an  investment  of  capital 
for  a  longer  term  of  years,  whieli  was  secured 
by  the  public  revenues,  but  the  profits  of  which 
depended  on  the  success  of  tlie  expedition.  In 
1148  was  tho  first  formal  debt  incurred  by  the 
government,  and  to  meet  the  occasion  the  same 
system  was  adopted  which  continued  in  vogue, 
subject  only  to  regulations  and  improvements 
whiclv  were  found  necessary  as  time  went  on, 
until  tho  days  of  the  French  Revolution.  The 
creditors  nominated  from  amongst  themselves  a 
council  of  administration  to  watch  over  the  com- 
mon interests,  and  to  them  tho  government  con- 
ceded a  certain  number  of  the  custom  duties  for 
a  term  of  years  until  the  debt  sliould  bo  extin- 
guished. This  council  of  administration  elected 
their  own  consuls,  after  the  fashion  of  tlie  IJe- 
public  governors.  Every  hundred  francs  was 
termed  a  share  (luogo)  and  every  creditor  a 
shareholder  (luogatorio).  .  .  .  Eacli  separate  loan 
was  termed  a  'coinpera,'  and  these  loans  were 
collectively  known  as  the  'compere  of  St. 
George, '  which  in  later  years  became  the  cele- 
brated bank.  Each  loan  generally  took  the 
name  of  the  object  for  wliicli  it  was  raised,  or 
the  name  of  the  saint  on  wliose  day  tho  contract 
was  signed ;  and  when  an  advance  of  money  was 
required,  it  was  done  by  public  auction  in  the 
streets,  when  the  auctioneer  sold  tho  investment 
to  tho  ever  ready  merchants,  who  collected  out- 
side the  'loggia,'  or  other  prominent  position 
chosen  for  the  sale.    In  a  loud  voice  was  pro- 


claime<l  tho  name  and  object  of  the  loan,  and  the 
tax  which  was  to  bo  handed  over  to  the  pur- 
chasers to  secure  its  repayment.  So  numerous 
dill  these  loans  become  by  ViTi'i,  that  it  was  found 
necessary  to  unite  them  under  one  head,  witii  a 
chancellor  and  other  minor  ofilciais  to  watch  over 
them.  And  as  time  went  on,  so  great  was  the 
credit  of  Genoa,  and  so  easy  was  this  system 
found  for  raising  money,  that  the  people  began 
to  grow  alarmed  at  the  extent  of  the  liabilities. 
So,  in  1303,  comini.ssioners  were  appointed  at  a 
great  ns.scmbly,  two  huiulred  and  seventy  one 
articles  and  regulations  were  drawn  up  to  give 
additional  .security  to  investors,  and  henceforth 
uo  future  h)an  could  be  cITected  without  tho 
sanction  of  the  consuls  and  the  confirmation  of 
the  greater  council  of  the  shareholders.  .  .  . 
During  the  days  of  the  first  doge,  Simone  Boc- 
canegra,  great  dianges  were  to  ho  elTected  in  the 
working  system  of  the  'compere  of  St  George.' 
To  this  date  many  have  assigned  the  origin  of 
tho  Bank  of  St.  George,  b>it  it  will  be  seen  only 
to  bo  a  further  consoli(!ati(m  of  the  same  system, 
which  had  already  been  at  work  two  centuries. 
...  In  1339,  ...  at  the  popular  revolution, 
all  tho  old  books  were  burnt,  and  a  new  com- 
mission appointed  to  regulate  the  '  compere.' .  .  . 
Instead  ...  of  being  the  origin  of  the  bank,  it 
was  only  another  step  in  the  growing  wUh  for 
consolidation,  which  the  expanding  tendency  of 
tho  '  compere '  rendered  necessary ;  which  con- 
solidation took  final  effect  in  1407,  wlien  the 
Hank  was  thoroughly  organized  on  the  same 
footing  which  lasted  till  tho  end.  Every  year 
and  every  event  tended  towards  this  system  of 
blending  the  loans  together,  to  which  fact  is 
due  the  extensive  power  which  the  directors  of 
the  bank  eventually  wielded,  when  all  interests 
and  all  petty  disputes  were  merged  together  in 
one.  ...  As  time  went  on,  and  tlie  French  gov- 
ernor, Boucicault,  weighed  on  the  treasury  the 
burden  of  fresh  fortifications,  and  an  expensive 
war;  when  Corsican  troubles,  and  tho  Turks  In 
tho  East,  caused  tho  advance  of  money  to  be  fre- 
quent, an  assembly  of  all  tho  shareholders  in  all 
the  loans  decided  that  an  entire  reorganization 
of  the  public  debts  should  take  place.  Nine 
men  were  elected  to  draw  up  a  now  scheme,  in 
1407,  and  by  their  instrumentality  all  the  shares 
were  united ;  the  interest  for  all  was  to  bo  seven 
percent.,  and  fresh  officials  were  appointed  to 
superintend  tlie  now  thoroughly  constituted  and 
re-named  'Bank  of  St.  George.'  And  at  length 
we  behold  this  celebrated  bitnk.  Its  credit  never 
failed,  and  no  anxiety  was  ever  felt  by  any 
shareholder  about  his  annual  income,  until  the 
days  of  tho  French  Revolution.  .  .  .  This  Bank 
of  St.  George  was  essentially  one  of  the  times, 
and  not  one  which  could  have  existed  on  modern 
ideas  of  credit;  for  it  was  a  bank  which  would 
only  issue  paper  for  the  coin  in  its  actual  posses- 
sion, and  would  hardly  suit  the  dictates  of 
modern  ccmmerce.  It  was  not  a  bank  for  bor- 
rowers but  for  capitalists,  wlio  required  enormous 
security  for  immense  sums  until  they  could  em- 
ploy them  themselves.  .  .  .  One  of  tho  most  in- 
teresting features  in  connection  with  tlie  deal- 
ings of  the  bank  with  the  Genoese  government, 
and  a  conclusive  proof  of  the  perfect  accord 
which  existed  between  them,  was  the  cessioa 
from  time  to  time  of  various  colonies  and  prov- 
inces to  the  directors  of  the  bank  when  the  gov- 
ernment felt  itself  too  weak  and  too  poor  to 


2207 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


Prtcious  melalt 

from  America. 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


maintain  tliem.  In  tliis  manner  were  the  colo- 
iiic'H  In  tlic  Black  8ca  niadu  over  to  the  bank 
when  (he  TurkUh  dlttlcultius  arose.  Corsica  and 
CypruH,  also  towns  on  the  Hiviera,  such  as  8ar- 
zana,  Ventimiglia,  Lovanto,  found  themselves 
at  various  times  under  tlie  direct  sovereignty  of 
the  hank.  ...  It  is  melancholy  to  have  to  draw 
a  veil  over  the  career  of  this  illustrious  bank 
with  (he  Revolution  of  1708.  The  uew  onler  of 
things  which  Genoa  had  learnt  from  France 
deemed  it  inconsistent  with  liberty  that  the 
ta-xes,  the  property  of  the  Republic,  should  re- 
main in  the  hands  of  the  directors  of  8t.  George; 
it  was  voted  a  tyranny  on  a  small  scale,  and  the 
directors  were  compelled  to  surrender  thi'm ;  and 
inasnuich  as  the  taxes  represented  tlu^  sole  source 
from  which  tlieir  income  w.\8  derived,  they  soon 
discovered  tliat  their  bank  notes  were  useless, 
and  the  building  was  closed  sliortly  afterwards. 
In  1804  and  1814  attempts  were  made  to  resusci- 
tate the  fallen  fortunes  of  St.  George,  but  with- 
out avail ;  and  so  this  bank,  ihe  origin  of  which 
was  shrouded  in  the  mysteries  of  oygone  cen- 
turies, fell  under  tlie  sweepiug  scythe  of  the 
French  Revolution." — J.  T.  tient,  Genoa,  ch,  11, 
—See,  also,  Genoa:  A.  D.  1407-1448. 

i6-i7th  Centuries. — Monetary  effects  of  the 
Discovery  of  America. — "From  1403,  the  j-ear 
of  the  discovery  of  the  New  AVorld,  to  1500, 
It  is  doubtful  whether  [the  mines  of  Jlexico 
and  P'jru]  .  .  .  yielded  on  an  average  a  prev  of 
more  than  1,500,000  francs  (£00,000)  a  year. 
From  1500  to  1545,  if  i-e  odd  to  the  treasure  jjro- 
duced  from  the  mines  the  amount  of  plunder 
found  in  the  capital  of  the  ^loutezumas,  Tenoch- 
titlan  (now  the  city  of  Mexico),  as  well  as  in  the 
temples  and  palaces  of  the  kingdom  of  the  In- 
cus, the  gold  and  silver  drawn  from  Aiuerica  did 
not  exceed  an  average  of  sixteen  million  francs 
(£040,000)  a  year.  From  1545,  the  scene  changes. 
In  one  of  the  gloomiest  deserts  on  the  face  of 
the  globe,  in  tlie  midst  of  the  rugged  and  inhos- 
pitable mountain  scenery  of  Upper  Peru,  chance 
revealed  to  a  poor  Indian,  who  wos  guarding  a 
flock  of  llamas,  a  mine  of  silver  of  incomparable 
richness.  A  crowd  of  miners  was  instantly  at- 
tracted by  the  report  of  the  rich  deposits  of  ore 
spread  over  the  sides  of  this  mountain  of  Potoc- 
chi  —  a  name  which  for  euphony  the  European 
nations  have  since  changed  to  Potosi.  The  ex- 
portation of  the  precious  metals  from  America 
to  Europe  now  rose  rapidly  to  an  amount  which 
equalled,  weight  for  weight,  sixty  millions  of 
francs  (£2,400,000)  of  our  day,  and  it  afterwords 
rose  even  to  upwards  of  eighty  millions.  At  that 
time  such  a  mass  of  gold  and  silver  represented 
a  far  greater  amount  of  riches  than  at  present. 
Under  the  influeuce  of  so  extroordinary  a  sup- 
ply, the  value  of  these  precious  metals  deciined 
In  Europe,  in  comparison  with  every  other  pro- 
duction of  human  industry,  just  as  would  be 
the  case  with  iron  or  lead,  if  mines  were  discov- 
ered which  yielded  those  metals  in  superabun- 
dance, as  compared  with  their  present  consump- 
tion, and  at  a  much  less  cost  of  labour  than 
previously,  just  in  fact  as  occurs  in  the  case  of 
manufactures  of  every  kind,  whenever,  by  im- 
proved processes,  or  from  natural  causes  of  a 
novel  kind,  they  can  be  produced  in  urmsual 
quantities,  and  at  a  great  reduction  of  cost. 
This  fall  In  the  value  of  gold  and  silver,  in  com- 
parison with  oil  other  productions,  revealed 
itself  by  the  increased  quantity  of  coined  metal 


which  it  was  necessary  to  give  in  exchange  for 
the  generality  of  other  articles.  And  it  was  thus 
that  the  worKiug  of  tlie  mines  of  America  had 
necessarily  for  effect  a  general  rise  of  prices,  in 
other  words,  it  made  all  other  commodities  dearer. 
The  fall  in  the  value  of  the  precious  metals, 
or  that  whicli  means  the  same  thing,  the  general 
rise  of  [trices,  does  not  appear  to  have  been  very 
great,  out  of  Spain,  till  after  tlie  middle  of  tlie 
10th  century.  Shortly  after  the  commencement 
of  the  17th  century,  the  effects  of  the  produc- 
tiveness of  tlic  new  mines  and  of  the  diminished 
cost  of  working  them  were  realised  in  nil  parts 
of  Europe.  For  the  silver,  which  liatl  been  ex- 
tracted in  greater  proportion  than  the  gold,  ond 
on  more  favourable  terms,  the  fall  in  value  had 
been  in  the  proportion  of  1  to  'i.  In  transactions 
where  previously  one  pound  of  silver,  or  a  coin 
containing  a  given  quantity  of  this  metal,  had 
sulliced,  lienceforth  three  were  required.  .  .  . 
After  having  been  arrested  for  awhile  in  this 
downward  course,  and  even  after  having  wit- 
nessed for  a  time  a  tendency  toon  upward  move- 
ment, the  fall  in  the  value  of  the  precious  metals, 
and  tilt  corresponding  rise  in  prices,  resumed 
their  course,  under  the  inlluence  of  the  same 
causes,  until  towards  the  end  of  the  18th  cen- 
tury, without  however  manifesting  their  influ- 
ence so  widely  or  Intensely  as  hod  been  witnessed 
after  the  first  development  of  the  great  Ameri- 
can mines.  We  find,  as  the  result,  that  during 
the  first  half  of  the  10th  century,  the  value  of 
silver  fell  to  about  the  sixth  of  wliat  it  was  be- 
fore the  discovery  of  America,  when  compared 
with,  the  price  of  corn."— M.  Clievalier,  On  the 
I'rtibabh  Full  in  the  Value  of  Oukl(tr.  by  Cobden), 
eed.  1,  cJt.  1. 

17th  Century. — The  Bank  of  Amsterdam. — 
"In  1000,  tlie  great  Paiik  of  Amsterdam  was 
founded,  and  its  foundation  not  only  testifies  to 
the  wealth  of  the  republic,  but  marks  un  epoch 
in  the  commercial  history  of  Northern  Europe. 
Long  before  this  periwl,  banks  had  been  estab- 
lished in  the  Italian  cities,  but,  until  late  in  the 
history  of  the  Bank  of  England,  which  was  not 
founded  until  nearly  a  century  later,  nothing 
was  known  on  such  a  scale  as  this.  It  was  estab- 
lished to  meet  the  inconvenience  arising  from  the 
circulation  of  currency  from  all  quarters  of  the 
globe,  and  to  accommodate  merchants  in  their 
dealings.  Any  one  making  a  deposit  of  gold  or 
silver  received  notes  for  the  amount,  less  a  small 
commission,  and  these  notes  commanded  a 
premium  in  all  countries.  Before  tlie  end  qf  the 
century  its  deposits  of  this  character  amounted 
to  one  hundred  and  eighty  million  dollars,  au 
amount  of  treasure  which  bewildered  financiers 
in  every  other  part  of  Europe. " — D.  Campbell, 
The  Puritan  in  Holland,  England,  and  America, 
V.  2,  pp.  333-324. 

17th  Century. — Indian  Money  used  in  the 
American  Colonies. — Sea  shells,  strung  or  em- 
broidered on  belts  and  garments,  formed  the 
"wampum "  which  was  the  money  of  the  North 
American  Indians  (sec  Wampum).  "Tradition 
gives  to  the  Narrag.msetts  the  honor  of  invent- 
ing these  valued  articles,  valuable  both  for  use 
and  exchange.  This  tribe  was  one  of  the  most 
powerful,  and  it  is  asserted  that  their  commercial 
use  of  wampum  gave  them  their  best  opportuni- 
ties of  wealth.  The  Long  Island  Indians  manu- 
factured the  beads  iu  large  quantities  and  then 
were  forced  to  pay  them  away  in  tribute  to  the 


2208 


MONEY  AND  BANKING.  „  p''"'""', •""'"■«! .   MONEY  AND  BANKING. 

Early  Englith  Hanking. 


Molmwks  nnd  the  fiercer  tribes  of  flic  intf-rior. 
Purs  were  readily  exclmnged  for  these  trinkets, 
wliiel!  carrie(i  a  nernmnent  vnlue,  lliroiigh  tlie 
constancy  of  tlie  Indian  desire  for  tlieni.  Tlio 
liolder  of  wampum  always  compelled  trade  to 
come  to  him.  After  the  use  of  «ami)um  was 
establislied  In  eolor.ial  life,  contracts  were  made 
poyable  at  will  In  wampum,  beaver,  or  silver. 
.  .  .  The  use  began  in  New  Englanil  in  1037.  It 
was  a  legal  tender  until  1601,  nhd  for  more  than 
three  quarters  of  a  century  the  wampum  was  cur- 
rent in  small  transactions.  For  more  tlian  a  cen- 
tury, Indeed,  this  currency  entered  into  the  inter- 
course of  Indian  and  colonist.  .  .  .  Labor  is  a 
chief  factor  in  civilized  society  and  the  labor  of 
the  Indian  was  made  available  tlirough  wamiium. 
As  Winthrop  shows,  10,000  beaver  skins  annually 
came  to  the  Dutch  from  the  Great  Lake.  The 
chase  was  the  primitive  form  of  Indian  industry 
and  fun.  were  the  most  conspicuous  feature  of 
foreign  trade,  as  gold  is  to-day,  but  wampum 
played  a  mucli  larger  part  in  the  vital  trade  of 
the  time.  Wampum,  or  the  things  it  represented, 
carried  deer  meat  and  Indian  corn  to  the  New 
England  men.  Corn  and  pork  went  for  fish ;  fish 
went  for  AVest  India  rum,  molasses,  and  the  sil- 
ver whicli  Europe  coveted.  AVest  India  products, 
or  the  direct  exchange  of  fish  with  the  Catholic 
countries  of  Euro])e,  brouglit  back  the  g<Kxls 
needed  to  replenish  and  extend  colonial  indus- 
tries and  trade.  .  .  .  As  long  as  the  natives  were 
active  and  furs  were  plenty,  there  appears  to 
have  been  no  difficulty  in  passing  any  quantity 
of  wampum  in  common  with  other  currencies. 
The  Bay  annulled  its  statutes,  making  the  beads 
a  legal  tender  In  1061.  Uho<lc  Island  and  Con- 
necticut followed  this  example  soon  after.  .  .  . 
New  York  continued  tlie  beads  In  circulation 
longer  than  the  regular  use  prevailed  in  New 
jingland.  In  1693  tliey  were  recognized  in  tlie 
definite  rates  of  the  Brooklyn  ferry.  They  con- 
tinued to  be  cii-culated  in  the  more  remote  dis- 
tricts of  New  England  tlirough  the  century,  and 
even  into  the  beginning  of  tlie  eighteenth." — 
W.  B.  Weeden,  Indian  Money  aa  a  Factor  in  New 
Eng.  Civilization,  pp.  5-30. 

17th  Century. — Colbnial  Coinage  in  Amer- 
ica.— "  The  earliest  coinage  for  America  is  said 
to  have  been  executed  in  1613,  wlien  the  Vir- 
ginia Company  was  endeavoring  to  establish  a 
Colony  on  the  Summer  Islands  (the  Bermudas). 
This  coin  was  of  the  denomination  of  a  sliilling, 
ond  was  struck  in  brass."  The  "pine-tree" 
money  of  Massachusetts  "was  instituted  by  the 
Colonial  Assembly  in  1653,  after  the  fall  of 
Charles  I.  .  .  .  This  coinage  was  not  discontin- 
ued until  1686;  yet  they  appear  to  have  con- 
tinued the  use  of  the  same  date,  the  shillings, 
sixpences,  and  threepences  all  bearing  the  date 
1653,  while  the  twopenny  pieces  are  all  dated 
1663.  .  .  .  After  the  suppression  of  their  mint, 
the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  issued  no  more 
coins  until  after  tlie  establishment  of  the  CJon- 
federacy.  .  .  .  Tlie  silver  coins  of  Lord  Balti- 
more, Lord  Proprietor  of  Maryland,  were  the 
shilling,  sixpence,  and  fourpence,  or  groat." — 
J.  li.  Snow;'en,  Description  of  Ancient  and  Mod- 
ern Coim,  pp.  85-87. — See  Pine  Tree  Money. 

i7-i8th  Centuries.— Banking  in  Great  Brit- 
ain.—Origin  and  influence  of  the  Bank  of  Eng- 
land.— "In  the  reign  of  William  old  men  were 
still  living  who  could  remember  the  days  when 
there  was  not  a  single  banking  house  iu  the  city 


of  London.  So  late  as  the  time  of  the  Restora- 
tion every  trader  had  his  own  strong  box  in  bis 
own  houso,  and.  when  an  acceptance  was  pre- 
sented to  him,  told  down  the  crowns  and  Caro- 
luses  on  his  own  counter.  But  the  increase  of 
wealth  had  imxiuced  its  natural  elTect,  the  sub- 
division of  labour.  Before  the  end  of  the  reign 
(if  Charles  II.  a  new  mode  of  paying  and  receiv- 
ing money  had  come  into  fashion  among  the  mer- 
chants of  the  capital.  A  class  of  agents  arose, 
who.se  otllce  was  to  keep  the  cash  of  the  com- 
mercial houses.  Tlds  new  branch  of  business 
naturally  fell  into  tlie  hands  of  the  goldsmiths, 
who  were  accustomed  to  traffic  largely  In  the 
precious  metals,  and  wlio  liad  vaults  in  which 
great  masses  of  bullion  could  lie  secure  from  flro 
and  from  robbers.  It  was  at  the  shops  of  the 
goldsmiths  of  Lombard  Street  that  all  the  jiay- 
nienls  in  coin  were  made.  Other  traders  gave 
and  received  nothing  but  jMipcr.  This  great 
change  did  not  take  place  willioiit  much  opposi- 
tion and  clamour.  .  .  .  No  sooner  had  banking 
become  a  separate  and  important  trade,  than  men 
began  to  discuss  with  earnestness  the  iiuestiou 
wlicther  it  would  be  expedient  to  erect  a  national 
bank.  .  .  .  Two  public  banks  had  long  been  re- 
i.owncd  throughout  Europe,  the  Bank  of  Saint 
George  at  Genoa,  and  the  Bank  of  Amsterdam. 
.  .  .  Why  should  not  the  Bank  of  London  be  as 
great  and  as  durable  as  the  Banks  of  Genoa  and 
Amsterdam  ? '  Before  the  end  of  the  reign  of 
Cliarles  II.  several  plnns  were  proposed,  exam- 
ined, attacked  and  defended.  Some  pamiihle- 
t'  'I's  maintained  that  a  national  bank  ought  to  Ix! 
under  the  direction  of  tlie  King.  Otliers  tlioiight 
that  the  management  ought  to  be  entrusted  to 
tlie  Lord  Mayor,  Alderman  and  Common  Council 
of  the  capital.  After  the  Revolution  tlie  subject 
was  discussed  witli  an  animation  before  un- 
known. ...  A  crowd  of  iilans,  some  of  which 
resemble  the  fancies  of  a  cliild  or  the  dreams  of 
a  man  in  a  fever,  were  jircssed  on  tlie  govern- 
ment. Pre-eminently  conspicuous  among  the  po- 
litical mountebanks,  whose  busy  faces  were  seen 
every  day  ii;  tlie  lobby  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
were  Jolin  Briscoe  and  Ilugli  Chamberlayne,  two 
projectoi-s  worth}'  to  liave  been  members  of  that 
Academy  which  Gulliver  found  at  Lagado. 
Tliese  men  affirmed  that  the  one  cure  for  every 
distemper  of  tlie  State  was  a  Land  Bank.  A 
Land  Bank  would  work  for  England  miracles 
sucli  as  had  never  been  wrought  for  Israel.  .  .  . 
These  blessed  effects  the  Land  Bank  was  to  pro- 
duce simjily  by  issuing  enormous  quantities  of 
notes  ou  landed  security.  The  doctrine  of  the 
projectora  was  that  every  person  who  had  real 
property  ought  to  have,  "besides  tliat  propCity, 
paper  money  to  the  full  value  of  that  property. 
Tims,  if  his  estate  was  wortli  two  thousand 
pounds,  he  ought  to  have  liis  estate  and  two  tliou- 
sand  pounds  in  paper  money.  Both  Briscoe  and 
Chamberlayne  treated  witli  the  greatest  contempt 
the  notion  that  there  coula  be  an  overissue  of 
paper  as  long  as  there  was,  for  every  ten  pound 
note,  a  piece  of  land  in  the  country  worth  ten 
pounds.  .  .  .  All  the  projectors  of  this  busy 
time,  however,  were  not  so  absurd  as  Chamber- 
layne. One  among  tliem,  William  Paterson, 
was  an  ingenious,  tlsough  not  always  a  judicious 
speculator.  Of  his  early  life  little  is  known  ex- 
cept that  he  was  a  native  of  Scotland,  and  that 
he  had  been  in  the  West  Indies.  .  .  .  This  man 
submitted  to  the  government,  iu  1601,  a  plan  of 


2209 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


Thf  Hank 
nf  Knylnnit. 


MONEY  AND  BANKINO. 


I 


n,  nnlinnnl  hunk ;  niid  liis  plan  wns  fnvoumbly  re" 
ct'lvnl  lK)tli  by  HtiitrNnicM  iind  by  nierchaiits.  Hut 
fvuTH  paHHt'd  away ;  and  nolliiii);  was  done,  till, 
II  the  Hprln^of  1004,  It  Iwcaniu  almdlutcly  ncccs- 
Hiiry  to  find  Hoino  new  miihIu  nf  defraying?  tlio 
<liar)?('«  of  llio  war.  Then  at  Icnstli  tli((  hcIiciiu; 
diivjsi'd  by  tli(!  p(Mir  and  obscure  Hcoltisli  adviMi- 
turcr  was  taken  up  in  earnest  liy  MoiitaKUo 
I  Charles  MontaK»e,  then  one  of  the  lords  of  the 
treasury  and  subseiiuently  C'haneellor  of  the 
Kxchetiuer).  With  MonlaJ;u(!  was  closely  allied 
Michael  (J(Klfrey.  .  .  .  MicliacI  was  one  of  the 
ablest,  most  upright  and  most  opulent  of  the  mer- 
chant princes  of  London.  .  .  .  Uy  these  two  >d.s- 
tlnguished  men  I'alerson's  scheme  was  fathered. 
Montaigne  undertook  to  manage  the  House  of 
Commons,  Oixifrey  to  manage  the  City.  An 
opproving  vote  was  obtained  from  tlie  (-'ommittee 
of  Ways  and  Means ;  and  a  bill,  the  title  of  which 
gave  occasion  to  many  sarea:!tns,  was  laiil  on  the 
table.  It  was  indee(f  not  easy  to  guess  that  a 
bill,  which  purported  only  to  impose  a  new  duty 
on  toiuiagc  for  the  bcnellt  of  such  persons  as 
should  advance  money  towards  carrying  on  the 
war,  was  really  a  bill  creating  the  greatest  com- 
mercial institution  that  the  world  had  ever  seen. 
The  plan  was  that  .tl, 200,000  should  be  borrowed 
by  the  government  on  what  was  then  considered 
ns  the  modenite  interest  of  eight  per  cent.  In 
order  to  induce  capitalists  to  aclvance  the  money 
promptly  on  terms  so  favoumblo  to  the  pidjlie, 
the  subscribers  were  to  be  incorporated  by  the 
name  of  the  Governor  and  Company  of  the  Hank 
of  England.  The  corporation  was  to  have  no 
exclusive  privilege,  and  was  to  be  restricted  from 
trading  in  any  tiling  but  bills  of  exchange,  bul- 
lion and  forfeited  pledges.  As  soon  as  the  plan 
became  generally  known,  a  paper  war  bn)ke  out. 
.  .  .  All  the  goldsmiths  and  pawnbrokers  set  up 
a  howl  of  rage.  Some  discontented  Tories  pre- 
dicted ridn  to  the  monarcliy.  .  .  .  Some  discon- 
tented Wiiigs,  on  the  other  hand,  predicted  ruin 
to  our  liberties.  .  .  .  Tlie  power  of  tlie  purse, 
the  one  great  security  for  all  the  rights  of  Eng- 
lishmen, will  bo  transferred  from  the  House  of 
Commons  to  the  Governor  and  Directors  of  the 
new  Company.  This  last  consideration  was  really 
of  some  weiglit,  and  was  allowed  to  be  so  by  the 
authors  of  tlie  bill.  A  clau.sc  was  therefore  most 
properly  inserted  which  inhibited  the  Bank  from 
advancing  money  to  tlie  Crown  without  authority 
from  Parliament.  Every  infraction  of  this  salu- 
tary rule  was  to  bo  punished  by  forfeiture  of 
tluco  times  the  sum  advanced ;  and  it  was  pro- 
vided that  the  King  should  not  have  power  to 
remit  any  part  of  the  penalty.  The  plan,  thus 
amended,  received  the  sanction  of  the  Commons 
more  easily  than  miglit  have  been  expected  from 
the  violence  of  tlic  adverse  clamour.  In  truth, 
the  Parliament  was  under  duress.  Money  must 
bo  had,  and  could  in  no  other  way  bo  had  so 
easily.  .  .  .  Tlic  bill,  however,  was  not  safe 
when  it  had  reached  the  Upper  House,"  but  it 
was  passed,  and  received  the  royal  assent.  "In 
the  City  the  success  of  Montague's  plan  was  com- 
plete. It  was  then  at  least  as  diflicult  to  raise  a 
million  at  eight  per  cent,  as  it  would  now  bo  to 
raise  forty  millions  at  four  per  cent.  It  had  been 
supposed  that  contributions  would  drop  in  very 
slowly:  and  a  considerable  time  had  therefore 
been  allowed  by  the  Act.  This  indulgence  was 
not  needed.  So  popular  was  the  new  invest- 
ment that  on  the  day  on  which  the  books  were 


opened  £8<H).000  were  siibscriljcd;  800,000  more 
were  subscribed  during  the  next  48  hours;  and, 
in  ten  days,  to  the  delight  of  all  the  friends  of  the 
government,  it  was  announced  that  the  list  was 
full.  The  whole  sum  which  the  Corporation  was 
boutid  to  lend  to  the  State  was  paid  into  the  Ex- 
chequer before  the  tirst  instalment  was  due. 
Somers  gladly  put  the  Great  Seal  to  a  charter 
framed  iu  conformity  with  tlio  terms  prescribed 
by  Parliament;  and  the  liank  of  England  com- 
menced its  operath)ns  in  the  house  of  the  C(mi- 
nany  of  Grocers.  ...  It  soon  appeare<l  that 
Montague  had,  by  skilfully  availing  himself  of 
the  tinancial  dilllcMilties  of  the  countrv,  rendered 
an  inestimable  service  to  his  party,  buring  sev- 
eral generations  the  Bank  of  England  was  em- 
phatically a  Whig  body.  It  was  Whig,  not  acci- 
dentally, but  necessarily.  It  must  have  instantly 
stopped  payment  if  it  liad  ceased  to  receive  the 
interest  on  tlie  sum  whi(!h  it  had  advanced  to  the 
government;  and  of  that  interest  James  would 
not  have  paiil  one  farthing." — Lord  Mncaulay, 
JIihI.  of  Eni/.,  eh.  20 — "  For  a  long  time  tlie  Bank 
of  England  was  the  focus  of  London  Liberalism, 
and  in  tliat  capacity  rendered  to  tlie  State  inesti- 
mable services.  In  return  for  these  substantial 
benertts  the  Bank  of  England  received  from  tlio 
Government,  either  at  tirst  or  afterwards,  three 
most  important  privileges.  First.  The  Bank  of 
Englaiul  had  the  cxelusivo  poasession  of  the 
Government  balances.  In  its  (Irst  jieriod  .  .  . 
tlie  Bank  gave  credit  to  the  Government,  but 
afterwards  it  derived  credit  from  the  Govern- 
ment. There  is  a  natural  tendency  in  men  to 
follow  the  example  of  the  Government  under 
which  they  live.  The  Government  is  tlic  largest, 
most  important,  and  mostconspicuoiisentity  witli 
wliicli  tlie  mass  of  any  people  arc  acquainted ;  its 
range  of  knowledge  must  always  bo  intinitely 
greater  than  the  average  of  their  knowledge,  and 
therefore,  unless  there  is  a  conspicuoiis  warning 
to  the  contrary,  most  men  arc  inclined  to  think 
their  Government  right,  and,  when  they  can,  to 
do  what  it  does.  Especially  in  money  matters  a 
man  might  fnifly  reason — '  If  the  Government 
is  riglit  in  trusting  the  Bank  of  England  with  the 
great  balance  of  the  nation,  I  cannot  bo  wrong  in 
trusting  it  with  my  little  balance.'  Second.  The 
Bank  of  England  had,  till  lately,  the  monopoly 
of  limited  liability  in  England.  The  common  law 
of  England  knows  nothing  of  any  such  principle. 
It  is  only  possible  by  Boyal  Charter  or  Statute 
Law.  And  by  neither  of  these  was  any  real  bank 
.  .  .  permitted  with  limited  liability  in  England 
till  within  tlicsc  few  years.  .  .  .  Thirdly.  The 
Bank  of  England  had  the  privilege  of  being  the 
sole  joint  stock  company  permitted  to  issue  bank 
notes  in  England.  Private  London  bankers  did 
indeed  issue  notes  down  to  the  middle  of  the  last 
century,  but  no  joint  stock  company  could  do  so. 
The  explanatory  clause  of  the  Act  of  1742  sounds 
most  curiously  to  our  modern  cars.  .  .  .  '  It  is 
the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the  said  Act  tliat 
no  other  bank  shall  bo  created,  established,  or 
allowed  by  Parliament,  and  that  it  shall  not  be 
lawful  for  any  body  politic  or  corporate  whatso- 
ever created  or  to  bo  <  rcatcd,  or  for  any  other 
l)ersons  whatsoever  im.ted  or  to  bo  united  in 
covenants  or  partnership  exceeding  the  number 
o'  six  persons  in  that  port  of  Great  Britain  called 
England,  to  borrow,  owe,  or  take  up  any  sum 
or  sums  of  money  on  their  bills  or  notes  payable 
on  demand  or  at  any  less  time  than  six  montlis 


2210 


MONEY  AND  HANKING. 


CoUmiai  Paptr.        MONEY  AND  DANKINO 


from  the  borrowing  thereof  during  the  contlnii- 
Biiee  of  such  siiid  privilege  to  tlie  salt!  governor 
nnd  eonipany,  who  iire  lierehy  declared  lo  l)e  and 
remain  a  coriMiration  wltli  the  i)rlvlloge  of  exchi- 
8iv<'  liatiliing,  as  hefore  reeiled.'  To  our  modern 
ears  these  words  seem  to  mean  more  than  tliey 
<lid.  Tlie  term  lianliing  was  then  a|)plied  only 
to  the  isHuc  of  notes  nnii  the  taking  up  of  money 
on  liills  cm  demand.  Our  present  system  of  de- 
posit banking,  ia  which  no  bills  or  promis.sory 
notes  are  issued,  was  not  then  known  on  a  great 
scale,  and  was  not  called  banking.  ISut  its  elTect 
was  very  imiwrtant.  It  in  time  gave  the  Hank 
of  Kngland  tlie  monoi>oly  of  (he  note  issue  of  the 
IMetropolLs.  It  had  at  that  time  no  branches, 
and  so  it  did  not  compete  for  the  country  circu- 
lation. Hut  in  tile  Metropolis,  where  it  iliil  com- 
pete, it  was  completely  victorious.  No  company 
but  the  Hank  of  England  cotdd  issue  notes,  and 
unincorporated  iud-viduals  gradually  gave  way, 
nnd  ceased  to  do  so.  Up  to  1844  London  private 
bankers  ndght  liave  issued  notes  if  they  pleased, 
l)Ut  almost  a  hundred  years  ago  they  were  forced 
out  of  the  field.  The  Hank  of  England  lutd  so 
long  had  a  practical  monopoly  of  the  circulation, 
that  it  is  commonly  believed  always  to  Iiave  had 
a  legal  monopoly.  And  the  i)ractical  elTeet  of 
the  clause  went  further:  it  was  believed  to  nudie 
the  Hank  of  England  the  only  joint  stock  com- 
pany that  could  recei\  i  deposits,  as  well  as  the 
oidy  company  that  could  issue  notes.  The  /{ift 
of  'exclusive  banking'  to  the  Hank  of  England 
was  read  in  its  most  natural  mo<lern  sense :  it  was 
thougiit  to  prohibit  any  other  banking  com|)any 
from  carrying  ou  our  present  system  of  banking. 
After  joint  stock  l)anking  was  perndtted  in  tjie 
country,  people  began  to  incpdre  why  it  should 
not  exist  In  tlic  Metropolis  too  ?  Anil  then  it  was 
seen  tiint  the  words  I  liave  (|iu)ted  only  forbid 
the  issue  of  negotiable  instnunents,  and  not  the 
receiving  of  money  when  no  such  instrument  is 
given.  Upon  this  construction,  the  London  and 
Westminster  Bank  and  all  our  older  joint  stock 
l)8nks  were  founded.  Hut  till  they  began,  the 
Hank  of  England  had  among  companies  not  only 
the  exclusive  privilege  of  note  issue,  but  that  of 
deposit  l)ankiug  too.  It  was  in  every  sense  the 
only  banking  comiianj-  in  London.  AVith  .so  many 
advantages  over  all  competitors,  it  is  tiuite  natu- 
ral that  the  Hank  of  England  should  have  far  out- 
stripped tliem  all.  .  .  .  All  the  other  bankers 
grouped  themselves  round  it,  and  lodged  their 
reserve  with  it.  Thus  our  one-reserve  system  of 
banking  was  not  deliberately  founded  upon  defi- 
nite reasons;  it  was  tlic  gradual  consc(|uence  of 
many  singular  events,  and  of  an  accumulation  of 
legal  privileges  on  a  single  bank  which  has  now 
1)een  altered,  and  which  no  one  would  now  de- 
fend. .  .  .  For  more  than  a  century  after  its  crea- 
tion (notwithstanding  occasional  errors)  the  Bank 
of  England,  in  the  main,  acted  with  judgment 
and  with  caution.  Its  l)usine:s3  was  but  small  as 
we  should  now  reckon,  but  for  the  most  part  it 
conducted  that  business  with  priidence  and  dis- 
cretion. In  1000,  it  had  been  invclved  in  the 
most  serious  dilliculties,  and  had  been  obliged  to 
refuse  to  pay  some  of  its  notes.  For  a  long 
period  it  was  in  wholesome  dread  of  public  opin- 
ion, and  the  necessity  of  retaining  j)id)lie  confi- 
dence made  it  cautious.  Hut  the  English  Gov- 
ernment removed  that  necessity.  In  1797,  Mr. 
Pitt  feared  that  he  miglit  not  be  able  to  obtain 
sufficient  specie  for  foreign  payments,  in  conse- 


qiicnco  of  the  low  Mnto  of  the  Hank  reserve,  and 
he  therefore  re<|uired  the  liank  not  to  pay  in  cash. 
Me  removed  the  preservative  appreh  'usion  whicii 
Is  the  Ix'st  security  of  all  Hanks.  For  this  reason 
the  period  under  whicli  the  liank  of  England  did 
not  pay  gold  for  Its  notes  —  the  pericMl  from  171(7 
to  IHIO  — Is  afwayscalleil  the  period  of  the  Hiuik 
'restriction.'  As  the  Hank  during  that  |it'ri(Hl 
did  not  perform,  and  was  not  compelled  by  law 
to  perform,  its  contract  of  jiayin?  its  noteH  in 
cash,  it  ndght  apparently  liavc  l)een  well  called 
the  period  of  Hank  license.  Hut  the  word  're- 
striction '  wasendteriglit,  and  was  the  (mly  proper 
word  as  a  deHcription  of  the  policy  of  1707.  .Mr. 
I'itt  did  not  say  that  the  Hank  of  England  need 
not  pay  its  notes  in  specie;  he  'restricted'  them 
from  (loing  so;  he  said  tliat  they  must  not.  In 
consequence,  from  1707  to  1H44  (when  a  new  era 
Ix'gins),  tliere  never  was  a  proper  caution  on  tlie 
j-ail  of  the  Hank  directors.  At  heart  they  con- 
sidered that  the  Ih>nk  of  England  had  a  kind  of 
charnu'd  life,  and  tfiat  it  was  above  the  oniinary 
bank..:g  anxiety  to  pav  its  way.  Anil  tins  feel- 
ing \.as  very  natural.'' — W.  llagehot,  iMinhard 
Street,  ch.  3--4. 

Also  in:  J.  W.  Oilbart,  Hint,  and  I*rinriple* 
of  Jiankiiir/. — II.  May,  Tla-  littiik  of  KnijUind 
(hhrtnifihtlH  liet.,  Mnirh.  Wm). 

i7-i8th  Centuries.— Early  Paper  issues  and 
Banlcs  in  the  American  Colonies. — "  i'revious 
to  the  Hevolutionary  War  paper  money  was 
issued  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  by  each  one  of 
the  thirteen  colonies.  The  first  issue  was  by 
Massachusetts  in  1000,  to  aid  in  fitting  out  the 
expedition  against  Canada.  Kinular  issues  had 
Ijeen  made  by  New  Hampshire,  Uliodu  Island, 
Connecticut,  New  York,  and  New  .Ter.sey,  previ- 
ous to  the  year  1711.  Houtli  Carolina  began  to 
emit  bills  in  1713,  Pennsylvania  in  1723,  Mary- 
land in  17IU,  Delaware  in  17;tO,  Virginia  in  175.'), 
and  Georgia  in  1700.  Originally  the  issues  were 
autliorizcd  to  meet  the  necessities  of  tlie  colonial 
treasuries.  In  Massachusetts,  in  1715,  as  a 
remedy  for  the  prevailing  embarrassment  of 
trade,  a  land  liank  was  ])roi)osed  with  the  right 
to  issue  circulating  notes  secured  by  land.  .  .  . 
The  pli  n  for  the  land  bank  was  defeated,  but  the 
issue  of  paper  money  by  tlie  treasury  was  au- 
tliori/.ed  to  the  extent  ol  £,50,000,  to  be  loaned  on 
good  mortgages  in  sums  of  not  more  than  £.500, 
nor  less  than  £50,  to  one  person.  The  rate  of 
interest  was  five  per  cent.,  piiyalile  with  one-fifth 
of  the  principal  annually.  .  .  .  In  1733  an  issue 
of  bills  to  the  amount  of  £110,000  was  made  by 
the  mercliants  of  Hoston,  wliieli  were  to  be  re- 
deemed at  the  end  of  ten  years,  in  silver,  at  the 
rate  of  19  sliillings  \wt  ounce.  In  1730,  the  com- 
mercial and  financial  embarrassment  still  con- 
tinuing, another  land  bank  was  started  In 
jNIassachusetts.  ...  A  S])ecie  bank  was  also 
formed  in  1730,  by  Edward  Hutcliinson  and 
others,  which  issued  bills  to  the  amount  of 
£120,000,  redeemable  in  fifteen  years  in  silver,  at 
20  shillings  per  ounce,  or  gold  pro  rata.  The  pay- 
ment of  these  notes  was  guaranteed  by  wealthy 
and  responsible  merchants.  These  notes,  anil 
those  of  a  similar  issue  in  1733,  were  largely 
hoarded  and  did  not  pass  gcnendly  into  ciu'iila- 
tion.  In  1740  Parliament  passed  a  bill  to  extend 
the  act  of  17'20,  known  as  tlie  bubble  act,  to  tliu 
American  colonies,  witli  the  intention  of  break- 
ing up  all  comimnies  formed  for  the  purpose  of 
issuing  paper  money.     Under  this  act  both  the 


%-4A 


2211 


MONEY  AND  aVNKINO. 


Vunllnmlnt 
Vnmney. 


MONEY  AND  HANKING. 


land  bnnk  anil  llio  sprrlo  Imnk  wc"  forced  to 
lii|iil(|jiti'  thrir  itlTalrH,  tlioiiKli  not  without  hoiik; 
nultitiinco  (III  tin-  jmrt  of  tlii;  fornicr.  .  .  .  Tlio 
piipcr  liioeu'y  of  the  coloiiif!),  whether  Ihsiu'i!  Iiy 
thetii  or  liy  the  hmii  IxuikH,  ileprecinteil  ahiioNt 
without  exception  iih  tlie  iimountH  In  eireuhition 
InereiiHed.  .  .  .  TIk^  einiHNlon  of  l)illH  liy  the 
coloiileH  nnd  the  liiinkH  wiM  not  reminded  witli 
fiivor  liy  tlie  mother  eoiiiitry,  nnd  tiic  provineliil 
jfovemorH  were  itH  ii  f;er</riil  thlni{  opposed  to 
lh('H(!  Ihhik'S.  They  were  eonHe(|uenlly  iiiMpienlly 
emiirolled  with  their  lejfl»liiturc8.  "— J.  J.  Knox, 
Unitfil  StdtfH  AiiliM,  pp.  1-3. 

I7-I9th  Centuries.— Creation  of  the  princi- 
pal European  Banlci. — "The  Hunk  of  Vienna 
wiiH  loiinded  aH  a  hank  of  depoHJt  in  17(KI.  nnd 
aH  a  hank  of  Ikhuo  in  \1W);  tliu  HankH  of  Herliri 
an<i  HreHlnii  In  HO.'i  with  gtntu  Hanelion;  tliu 
Austrian  National  Hank  in  1810.  In  8t.  IVters- 
hurg  three  banks  were  set  up;  the  Loan  Hank  in 
llTi,  advancing  loans  on  deposits  of  liullion  and 
Icwels;  tlie  Assignation  Hank  in  1708  (and  in 
Moscow,  1770),  Issiiln"  ijoverninent  paper  money ; 
the  Aid  Hank  in  1707,  to  relieve  estntes  from 
mortgage  and  advaiK'e  money  for  Improvements. 
The  C'oinmerelul  Uiiiik  of  Russia  was  founded  In 
1818.  Tlic  Hank  of  Htockholm  was  founded  in 
1<1H8.  The  Hunk  of  Fraiieo  was  founded  (list  In 
18()il  and  reorganised  In  18(M5,  when  Its  capital  was 
raised  to  110,000,000  francs,  held  In  W),000  shares 
of  1,000  francs.  It  Is  the  only  nulliorised  source 
of  paper  money  in  France,  nnd  is  intimntely  ns- 
soi'lated  witli  llio  government," — II.  do  IJ.  Gib- 
bins,  JliHt.  of  Ciimmirce  in  Eurojie,  bk.  3,  ch.  4. 

A.  D.  1775-1780.— The  Continental  Cur- 
rency of  the  American  Revolution. — "Tho 
(■olonies  .  .  .  went  into  tlic  Hevoluthmnry  War, 
•ly  of  them  with  ])aper  already  in  circulation. 
,.  of  them  making  issues  for  the  expenses  of 
ndlltary  preparations.  Tho  Coiitiuciitnl  Con- 
gress, having  no  power  to  tax,  and  its  members 
lieing  accustomed  to  paper  issues  us  tlie  ordinary 
form  of  public  finance,  began  to  issue  bills  on 
tho  faith  of  tlie 'Continent,' Franklin  earnestly 
approving.  Tiie  tirst  issue  was  for  300,000 
Spanish  dollars,  redeemable  in  gold  or  silver,  in 
tliree  years,  ordered  in  May  nnd  issued  in  August, 
K*.!.  Paper  for  nine  million  dollars  was  i.ssueil 
before  any  depreciation  began.  Tho  Issues  of 
the  separate  colonies  must  have  affected  it,  but 
the  popular  enthusiasm  went  for  something. 
Pelatinli  Webster,  almost  alone  as  it  seems,  in- 
sisted on  ti  xution,  but  a  member  of  Congress 
indiguanily  asked  If  he  was  to  help  tax  tlio 
people  when  they  could  go  to  the  printiiig-otllce 
and  get  a  cartload  of  money.  In  1770,  when  tlie 
depreciation  began.  Congress  took  harsh  meas- 
ures to  try  to  sustain  the  bills.  Cominittccs  of 
safety  also  took  measures  to  punish  those  who 
'  forestalled '  or  'engrossed,'  these  being  the  terms 
for  speculators  who  bought  up  for  a  rise." — W. 
Q.  Sumner,  Iliri.  of  Am.  Currency,  pp.  48-44. — 
"During  the  summer  of  1780  this  wretched 
'  Continental '  currency  fell  into  contempt.  As 
Washington  said,  it  took  a  wagon-load  of  money 
to  buy  tt  wagon-load  of  provisions.  At  the  end 
of  the  year  1778,  the  paper  dollar  was  worth 
sixteen  cents  in  the  northern  states  nnd  twelve 
cents  in  the  south.  Early  in  1780  its  value  had 
fallen  to  two  cents,  and  before  the  end  of  the 
year  it  took  ten  paper  dollars  to  make  i*  cent. 
In  October,  Indian  coru  sold  wholesale  in  Boston 
for  |150  a  bushel,  butter  was  $12  u  pound,  tea 


too,  sugar  (10,  In'ef  |8.  coffee  |t3.  nnd  n  hnrrri 
of  lliiur  cost  $l,n7.'i.  Mamiiei  Adams  paid  |'.2,(NM) 
for  a  liat  and  suit  m'  ciotlies.  The  money  WMin 
censed  to  clrciil:;e,  debts  couid  not  lie  eolleclfd, 
nnd  tliere  was  v  gencal  |)roHtnition  of  credit. 
To  sny  that  a  thitig  was  'worth  n  Coiitlnentnl' 
iM'came  tin;  Htroiij^eNtiioiislblo  expresHioii  of  con- 
tempt."— .1.  Fiske,  Tlie  Am.  llevolutioii,  ch.  13 
(r.  2).— Hefore  tiie  chisc  of  tho  yenr  1780,  tho 
Continental  (.'urrency  had  ceased  to  circulate. 
AttemjitH  w<'i(^  Hubscquently  made  to  have  it 
funded  or  redeemed,  but  witlioiit  success.  8cc 
Unitko  Statkh  ov  Am.  :  A.  1).  1780(Januaiiy — 
Ai'itii.). 

A1.K0IN:  II  I-nillips,  Jr.,  llintnriail  SMehet 
of  AiiieriMii  hiprr  Ciirrfiic!/,  2(1  nei'ieii. 

A.  D.  1780-1^  <<4.— The  Pennsylvania  Bank 
and  the  Bank  ci  North  America. — "  Thi^  I'cnn- 
sylvjinia  Hani.,  whleti  was  organized  in  I'liila- 
delplila  during  the  Hcvoiutionnry  War,  was 
founded  for  the  purpose  of  faciliUiting  the  oiM'r- 
ations  of  the  Government  in  transporting  sun- 
plies  for  the  army.  It  began  its  useful  work  In 
1780,  nnd  continued  in  existence  until  after  tlie 
close  of  tiio  war;  llnally  closing  its  affairs  to- 
ward the  end  of  tiie  year  1784.  But  the  need 
was  felt  of  n  national  bank  whicli  shouhl  not  only 
aid  tlie  Government  on  a  large  scale  by  its  money 
and  credit,  but  slioiild  extend  facilities  to  indi- 
viduals, and  thereby  benefit  the  community  as 
well  as  the  state.  Tiirougli  the  intlucnce  ami  ex- 
ertion of  I{i)bert  Jlorris,  tlicn  Buperintcmlent  of 
Finance  for  tlic  United  States,  tho  Hank  of 
North  America,  at  Pliiln<lelphia,  was  organized 
with  a  cnpitiil  of  ijUOO.OOO.  It  was  incorporated 
by  Congress  in  December,  1781,  and  by  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania  n  few  months  afterward. 
Its  success  was  immediate  and  complete.  It  not 
only  rendered  valiialilc  and  timely  oid  to  the 
United  States  Government  and  to  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania,  but  it  greatly  assisted  in  restoring 
confidence  and  credit  to  tlie  commercial  com- 
munity, and  afforded  facilities  to  private  enter- 
prise that  were  especially  welcome.  .  .  .  The 
success  of  the  Banli  of  North  America,  nnd  the 
advantages  whiuli  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia 
enjoyed  from  the  facilities  it  offered  tliem,  nut- 
urnlly  suggested  the  founding  of  u  similar  enter- 
prise In  the  city  of  New  York. "  The  Bank  of 
New  York  was  accordingly  foundwl  in  1784. — 
II.  W.  Domett,  JJiet.  of  the  BiUik  of  Kcw  York, 
eh.  1. 

Also  in:  W.  O.  Sumner,  The  Financier  and 
the  Finaneen  of  the  Am.  Itevoliilion,  eh.  17  (r.  2). 

A.  D.  1780-1^96.— The  Assignats  of  the 
French  Revolution. — "The financial  embarrass- 
ments of  the  government  in  1780  were  extreme. 
Many  taxes  had  ceased  to  be  |)roductIve;  the 
confiscated  estntes  not  only  yielded  no  revenue 
but  caused  a  large  expense,  and,  ns  a  measure 
of  resource,  the  finance  committee  of  the  As- 
sembly reported  in  favor  of  issues  based  upon 
the  confiscated  lands.  But  tlie  bitter  experience 
of  France  through  the  Mississippi  scliemes  of 
John  Law,  1710-31,  made  the  Assembly  and 
the  nation  hesitate.  .  .  .  Necker,  the  Minister, 
stood  firm  in  his  opposition  to  the  issue  of  paper 
money,  even  as  a  measure  of  resource ;  but  the 
steady  pressure  of  fiscal  exigencies,  together 
with  the  influence  of  the  fervid  orators  of  the 
Assembly,  gained  a  continually  Increasing  sup- 
port to  the  proposition  of  the  committee.  .  .  . 
The  leaders  of  the  Assembly  were  secretly  actu- 


Si212 


M(JNEY  AND  P.V  :KING. 


hWnch 


MONEY  AND  HANKING. 


uU'il  liy  II  iKilitiral  purpiiRc,  vl/,.,  liy  widclv  tli^- 
tril)UtriiK  tlif  titlcH  to  llio  ronllxciiU'il  laii(lH(riir 
mull  tliL-  piipcr  inoiwy  in  cITcct  wiix)  to  coniniit 
till'  tliilfly  inldillc  cliiitH  of  Friuur  to  lliu  princl- 
pU'8  mill  iiu'itHurcH  of  the  rcvoliilioii.  .  .  .  Om- 
lory,  tlio  forco'  of  IIkcuI  luri'SHltlcH,  lliu  liiilf-con- 
fi'SHcd  poliliciil  (l('Hi);ii,  pi'oviiilnl  .it  liiHt  over  tlio 
wiirniliKH  of  cxpcrii'iKc;  iiiiil  ii  ilccrtc  piiHHOil  tlic 
AHsi'iiihly  iiiltlioriziiiK  an  issnc^  of  iiotcH  to  tlio 
value  of  four  hiiiiilrcd  nillli<in  francH.  on  tliu 
Hcciirity  of  tlu;  public  lands.  To  c-inplmsi/.u  tlilx 
Hccui'ity  tlio  title  of  '  a.ssignats '  was  applied  to 
tlio  paper.  .  .  .  Tlin  issue  was  made;  the  as- 
Hignats  went  into  circulallon;  and  soon  ranie  the 
inevitable  deiiiaiid  for  wore.  .  .  .  The  dcerie 
for  a  further  Lssiie  of  eiglit  hundred  iiiillioiig 
passed,  Heptenibcr,  ITIIO.  Tliou);h  tlie  oppo- 
nents of  the  issue  liad  lost  heart  anil  voire,  they 
still  polle'  43:1  votes  against  rm.  To  coneiliutii 
a  minority  still  so  larKC  coiilraetinn  was  pro- 
vided for  by  refiuiring  that  tlie  paper  when  paid 
into  tlie  'reasury  sliould  be  burneil,  and  tlu^ 
deeree  contained  a  Holeinii  declaration  tliut  in  no 
case  should  tbi^  amount  exceed  twelve  Inmdred 
millions.  .hiiK!  It),  IT'Jl,  llie  Assembly,  against 
feeble  resistance,  violated  this  piedjje  and  author- 
i/.ed  a  further  issue  of  six  hundred  millions. 
Under  tliu  operation  of  (iresliam's  Law,  specie 
now  began  to  disappear  from  circulation.  .  .  . 
And  now  cai'ic  the  collapse  of  French  industry. 
.  .  .  '  Everything  that  tarilTs  and  custom-iiouses 
could  do  was  done.  Still  the  great  manufac 
tories  of  Normandy  were  closed;  those  of  tlie 
rest  of  the  kingdom  speedily  followed,  and  vast 
numbers  of  workmen,  in  all  )iarts  uf  the  coun- 
try, were  thrown  out  of  employment.  ...  In 
tlio  spring  of  1791  no  one  knew  wlicliier  a  piece 
of  paper  money,  representing  100  francs,  would, 
u  month  later,  have  a  purclmsing  jiower  of  100 
francs,  or  10  francs,  or  80,  or  UD.  Tlie  result 
was  that  capitalists  declined  to  embark  tlieir 
means  in  business.  Knterprise  received  a  mortal 
blow.  Demand  for  laixir  was  still  further  dimin- 
ished. Tlic  business  ot  France  dwindled  into  11 
mere  living  from  liand  tonioutli.'.  .  .  Towards 
the  end  of  171)4  there  had  been  issued  7,000  mil- 
lions in  assignats;  by  May,  170"),  10,000  millions; 
by  tlic  end  of  July,  16,000  niiilions;  by  the  be- 
ginning of  1796,  4.),000  millions,  (,f  which  36,000 
millions  were  in  actual  circulation.  Jl.  Bresson 
gives  tlic  following  table  of  deprc'lation:  24 
livrcs  in  coin  were  worlli  in  assignats  April  1, 
1705,  288;  May  1,  299;  June  1,  439;  July  1,  808; 
Aug.  1.  807;  Sept.  1,  1,101;  Oct.  1,  1,205;  Nov. 
1,  2,588;  Dec.  1,  3,575;  Jan.  1,  1790,  •'.OM;  Feb. 
1,  5,337.  At  tlio  last  'an  assigiiat  professing  to 
be  worth  100  francs  was  commonly  exchanged 
for  5  sous  6  deniers:  iu  other  words,  a  paper- 
note  professing  to  bo  worth  £4  sterling  passcu 
current  for  less  than  3d.  in  nionoy.'  Tlic  down- 
waitl  course  of  the  assignats  had  unquestionably 
been  accelerated  by  the  extensive  counterfeiting 
of  the  paper  in  Belgium,  Switzerland,  and  Eng- 
land. .  .  .  Now  appears  that  last  resort  of 
finance  under  a  depreciating  paper:  nn  issue  un- 
der new  names  and  new  tlevices.  .  .  .  Territo- 
rial Mandates  were  ordered  to  be  issued  for 
assignats  at  30:1,  tlie  mandates  to  be  directly  ex- 
changeable for  land,  at  the  will  of  the  holder,  on 
demand.  .  .  .  For  a  brief  time  after  tiie  tirst  lim- 
ited emission,  the  mandates  rose  as  high  as  80  per 
cent,  of  tlieir  nominal  value ;  but  soon  additional 
issues  sent  them  down  even  more  rapidly  tliau 


the  atwignHtH  hail  fiillen."— F.  A.  Walker,  .Voiwy, 
I't.  2,  eh.  16. 

Ai.wt  i.N:  Andrew  I).  Whit*',  l\ii,cr-monfy  /«- 
Jliiliiin  ill  hyunee. 

A.  D.  1701-1816.— The  First  Bank  of  the 
United  States.— On  theorgani/ation  of  the  piv- 
eriirnciit  of  the  I'liltcii  States,  under  its  federal 
coiistitiitloi,,  in  I7H9  :in<l  I7II0.  th*^  lead  in  con- 
structive Htatcsiiiaiihhip  was  taken,  as  i.H  well 
known,  by  Alexander  llaiiiilton.  Ills  plan  "  in- 
cluded a  llnaiichtl  iiistiliition  to  devi  Im,.  '.'.10 
national  resources,  strengthen  the  public  credit, 
aid  the  Treasury  Department  in  it«  iidndr-islra- 
tion,  and  provide  a  secure  iiiid  Hound  cirr  .uitiiig 
'■'('ilium  for  the  people.  On  December  l;(,  1190, 
I  sent  Into  Congress  a  report  on  the  subject  of 
a  tional  bank.  The  Ucpubliian  party,  then  in 
tlie  minority,  opposed  the  pliin  us  iiiuoiiHlitu- 
tional,  oil  the  ground  that  the  power  of  creating 
banks  or  any  corporate  body  had  not  been  ex- 
pressly delegated  to  Congress,  and  was  thcreforo 
not  possessed  by  it.  Washington's  cabinet  was 
divided;  JelTerson  opposing  the  measure  as  not 
witliin  t.'ie  ini|)lied  powers,  because  it  was  an  ex- 
pediency and  not  a  paraiiiouiit  necessity.  liater 
lie  use(l  stronger  language,  and  denniinced  the 
institution  as  'one  of  the  most  diailly  hostility 
existing  against  tlie  principles  and  form  of  our 
Constitutiiin,'  nor  did  lie  ever  abandon  these 
views.  There  is  the  autiiori.y  of  Mr.  Uallatiu 
for  ".lying  that  Jefferson  'died  a  decided  enemy 
to  our  banking  system  generally,  and  specially 
to  a  bank  of  the  Cniteil  States.'  But  llamiUon  « 
views  prevailed.  Washington,  who  in  the  weary 
years  of  war  had  seen  tiie  imperative  necessity 
of  somu  national  organisation  of  tlit^  lliiaiiccs, 
afterniaturcdelibenitionapproveiltlieplari,andon 
February  25,  1791,  tlu;  Bank  of  the  I'nited  Stiites 
was  inc()rporated.  The  capital  stock  was  limited 
to  twenty-five  tliousaml  shares  of  four  hundred 
dollars  each,  or  ten  millions  of  dollars,  payable 
one  fourth  iu  gold  and  silver,  and  three  fourths 
in  public  securities  bearing  an  interest  of  six  and 
three  per  cent.  The  stov  ii  w  as  immediately  sub- 
scribed for,  the  government  taking  five  thousand 
shares,  two  millions  of  dollars,  under  the  right 
re8<;rved  in  tlie  charter.  The  subscription  of  tlie 
United  States  was  paid  in  ten  equal  annual  in- 
stalments. A  large  proportion  of  the  stock  was 
held  abroad,  and  the  shares  sixm  rose  above  par. 
.  .  .  Authority  was  given  the  bank  to  establi.sh 
ofllccs  of  discount  and  deposit  within  the  U'liited 
States.  Tile  chief  bank  was  placed  in  Piiiiadcl- 
phia  and  brandies  were  established  in  eight 
cities,  with  capitals  in  proportion  to  tlieir  com- 
mercial importance.  In  1809  the  stockholders  of 
the  Bank  of  the  United  States  memorialized  the 
government  for  a  renewal  of  tlieir  diarter,  which 
would  expire  on  March  4, 1811 ;  and  on  March  9, 
1809,  Mr.  Gallatin  sent  in  a  report  iu  wliicli  ho 
I  .eviewed  the  operations  of  the  bank  from  its  or- 
;!;anization.  Of  the  government  siiares,  five 
inillion  dollars  at  par,  two  thousand  four  hun- 
di'cd  and  ninety-three  shares  were  sold  in  1796  and 
1797  at  an  lulvance  of  25  per  cent.,  two  hundred 
and  eighty-seven  in  1797atan  advance  of  twenty 
per  cent.,  ond  the  remaining  2,220 shares  in  1802, 
at  an  advance  of  45  percent.,  making  togetlier, 
exclusive  of  the  dividends,  a  profit  of  $671,680 
to  the  United  States.  Eighteen  tliousand  shares 
of  the  bank  stock  were  held  abroad,  and  seven 
tliousand  shares,  or  a  little  more  than  one  fourth 
part  of  the  capital,  iu  the  United  States.   A  table 


2213 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


Bank  of 
the  United  Statet. 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


of  nil  the  dividends  mndo  by  tlic  bank  sliowed 
tliftt  tliey  liiul  oil  tliu  average  been  at  tlie  rate  of 
8f  (precisely  8^})  per  cent,  a  year,  wliicli  proved 
timt  tlie  bank  had  not  in  any  considerable  degree 
U8t!(l  the  public  deposits  for  tlie  purpose  of  ex- 
tending its  discounts.  From  a  general  view  of 
the  debits  and  credits,  as  prcsi'nted,  it  appeared 
tliat  the  aiTaira  of  the  Hank  of  the  Uniteil  States, 
Cv)nsidcred  as  n  moneyed  institiilion,  had  licen 
wisely  and  skilfully  managed.  The  advantages 
derived  by  tlic  govcniment  Mr.  Gallatin  stated 
to  be,  1,  safekeeping  of  the  public  moneys;  3, 
trausmission  of  the  public  moneys;  8,  collection 
of  the  revenue;  4,  loans.  The  strongest  objec- 
tion to  the  renewal  of  the  charter  lay  in  the  great 
portion  of  the  bank  stock  held  by  for''igners. 
Not  on  account  of  any  influence  over  the  institu- 
tion, since  tliey  had  no  vote;  but  because  of  the 
liigli  rate  of  interest  imyalilc  by  America  to 
foreign  countries.  .  .  .  Congress  refused  to  pro- 
long its  existence  and  the  institution  was  dis- 
solved. Fortunately  for  the  country,  it  wound 
up  its  affairs  with  such  deliberation  and  prudence 
as  to  allow  of  tlie  interposition  of  otlier  liank 
credits  in  lieu  of  those  withdrawn,  and  tlius  pre- 
vented a  serious  shock  to  the  interests  of  the 
community.  In  the  twenty  years  of  its  exis- 
tence from  1791  to  1811  its  management  was  irre- 
proachable. The  immediate  elTect  of  the  refusal 
of  Congress  to  recharter  tlic  Bank  of  the  United 
States  was  to  bring  the  Treasury  to  the  verge  of 
bankruptcy.  The  interference  of  Parish,  Girard, 
and  Astor  alone  saved  the  credit  of  the  govern- 
ment. .  .  .  Another  immediate  eiTect  of  tlie  dis- 
solution of  the  bank  was  the  withdrawal  from 
the  country  of  the  foreign  capital  invested  in  the 
bank,  more  than  seven  millions  of  dollars.  This 
amount  was  remitted,  in  the  twelve  montlis  pre- 
ceding tlie  war,  in  specie.  Specie  was  at  t'lat 
time  a  product  foreign  to  the  United  States,  and 
by  no  means  easy  to  obtain.  .  .  .  Tlie  notes  of 
the  Bank  of  the  United  Staies,  payable  on  de- 
mand in  gold  and  sliver  at,  the  countei's  of  the 
bank,  or  any  of  its  branches,  were,  by  its  char- 
ter, receivable  in  all  payments  to  the  United 
States ;  but  this  quality  was  also  stripped  from 
them  on  March  19,  1812,  by  a  repeal  of  the  act 
according  it.  To  these  disturbances  of  the  finan- 
cial equilibrium  of  ilie  country  was  added  the 
necessary  withdrawal  of  fifteen  millions  of  bank 
credit  and  its  transfer  to  other  institutions.  This 
gave  an  extraordinary  iiniiuisc  to  the  cstabllsii- 
mcnt  of  local  banks,  each  eager  for  a  share  of 
the  profits.  The  capital  of  tlie  country,  instead 
of  being  concentrated,  was  dissipated.  Between 
January  1,  1811,  and  1815,  one  hundred  and 
twenly  new  banks  were  chartered,  and  forty 
millions  of  dollars  were  added  to  the  banking 
capital.  To  realize  profits,  the  issues  of  paper 
were  pushed  to  the  extreme  of  possible  circula- 
tion. Meanwhile  New  England  kept  aloof  from 
the  nation.  Tlic  specie  in  tlic  vaults  of  the  banks 
of  Massacliusctts  rose  from  $1,706,000  on  June 
1,  1811,  to  $7,326,000  on  June  1,  1814.  .  .  .  The 
suspension  of  tlie  banks  was  precipitnt.>d  by  the 
capture  of  Washington.  It  began  in  ii;i!timore, 
which  was  threatened  by  the  British,  and  was  nt 
once  followed  in  Philadelphia  and  New  York. 
Before  the  end  of  September  all  the  banks  south 
and  west  of  New  England  had  suspended  specie 
payment.  .  .  .  Tlie  depression  of  tlie  local  cur- 
rencies ranged  from  seven  to  twenty-five  per 
cent.  ...  In  Novembei  the  Treasury  Depart- 


ment found  itself  Involve  :1  In  tlie  common  di" 
asier.  The  refu.sal  of  the  banks,  in  wliicli  the 
public  moneys  were  deposited,  to  pay  tlicir  notes 
or  tlie  drafts  upon  them  In  specie  deprived  the 
government  of  Its  gold  and  silver ;  and  tlieir  re- 
fusal, likewise,  of  credit  and  circulation  to  the 
issues  of  batiks  in  other  States  deprived  tlie  gov- 
ernment also  of  the  only  means  it  possessed  for 
transferring  its  funds  to  pay  tlie  dividends  on  the 
debt  and  discliarge  the  treasury  notes.  .  .  .  On 
October  14,  1814,  Alexander  J.  Dallas,  Mr.  Gal- 
latin's old  friend,  who  had  been  appointed  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  on  the  0th  of  tlie  same 
month,  in  a  report  of  a  i)lan  to  sujiport  the 
public  credit,  proposi*!  l!ie  incorporation  of  a 
national  bank.  A  bill  was  ))assed  by  Congress, 
l)ut  returned  to  it  by  Madison  with  his  veto  on 
January  l.'i,  1815.  .  .  .  Mr.  J[.>alla8  again,  as  a 
last  resort,  insisted  on  a  bank  as  the  only  means 
by  which  the  currency  of  tlie  country  could  be 
restored  to  a  sound  condition.  Jn  December, 
1815,  Dallas  reported  to  the  C'omirittee  of  tlie 
House  of  Hepresentati  ves  on  the  nationni  currency, 
of  whicli  John  C.  Calhoun  was  chairn.an,  a  plan 
for  a  national  bank,  and  on  March  8,  1816,  the 
second  Bank  of  the  United  States  was  cliartcred 
l)y  Congress.  The  capital  was  thirtj'-flve  mil- 
lions, of  which  the  government  held  seveu  mil- 
lions in  seventy  tiiousand  shares  of  one  hui.dred 
dollars  each.  Mr.  Madison  approved  tlie  bill. 
.  .  .  The  .«econd  national  bank  of  the  Uniied 
States  was  located  at  Philadelphia,  and  chartered 
for  twenty  years." — J.  A.  Stevens,  AWert  Oalla- 
tin,  ch.  0. 

A.  D.  1817-1833.— The  Second  Banlc  of  the 
United  States  and  the  war  upon  it. — "  On  tlic 
1st  of  January,  1817,  the  bank  opened  for  busi- 
ness, with  tile  country  on  the  brink  of  a  great 
monetary  crisis,  but  '  too  late  to  prevent  the 
crasli  wliicli  followed.'  Tiie  management  of  the 
bank  during  tlie  first  two  years  of  its  existence 
was  far  from  satisfactory.  It  ng'jravated  the 
troubles  of  the  financial  situation  instead  of  re- 
lieving tliem.  Specie  payments  were  noniinnlly 
resumed  in  1817,  but  tlie  insidious  canker  of  in- 
flation bad  eaten  its  way  into  the  arteries  of  busi- 
-<;ss,  and  in  tlie  crisis  (it  1810  came  anotlicr  sus- 
pension tliat  lasted  for  two  years.  ...  It  was 
only  by  a  desperate  effort  that  the  bank  finally 
weathered  tlic  storm  brouglit  on  by  its  own  mis- 
management and  tliat  of  tlie  State  Banks.  After 
the  recovery,  a  period  of  several  yeare  of  pros- 
jierity  followed,  and  the  management  of  the 
liank  was  tliorouglily  reorganized  and  souml. 
From  this  time  on  until  the  great  'Bank  War' 
its  aflairs  seem  to  liave  been  conducted  witli  a 
view  to  pcrfonning  its  duty  to  the  government 
as  well  as  to  its  individual  stocklioklors,  and  it 
rendered  such  aid  to  tlie  public,  directly,  and  in- 
directly, as  entitled  it  to  respect  and  fair  treat- 
ment on  tlie  jmrt  of  the  servants  of  the  pcoiile. 
.  .  .  But  the  bank  controversy  was  not  yet  over. 
It  was  about  to  be  revived,  and  to  become  a 
prominent  issue  in  a  period  of  our  national  poli- 
tics more  distinguislicd  for  tlie  bitterness  of  its 
personal  animosities  than  perhaps  any  other  in 
our  annals.  ...  As  already  said,  tlie  ton  years 
following  the  revulsion  of  1819-25  were  years  of 
almost  unbroken  prosperity.  .  .  .  The  question 
of  tlie  continuance  of  the  bank  was  not  under 
discussion.  In  fact,  scarcely  any  mention  of  tlie 
subject  was  made  until  President  Jackson  re- 
ferred to  it  in  his  message  of  December,  1820. 


2214 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


President  Jackson 
and  the  Bank  War. 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


In  this  messftgG  he  reopened  the  question  of  the 
constitutioniility  of  the  bunk,  hut  the  committee 
to  wliicli  tliis  portion  of  tlie  message  wns  referred 
in  the  House  of  lleprcscntatives  made  a  report 
fttvorable  to  tlie  institution.  Tliere  seems  no 
reason  to  doubt  tlic  lionesty  of  Jackson's  opinion 
that  tlio  bank  was  unconstitutional,  and  at  Hrst 
he  probably  had  no  feeling  in  tlie  matter  except 
that  which  sprang  from  his  convictions  on  this 
point.  Certain  events,  however,  increased  his 
hostility  to  the  bank,  and  strengthenc<l  his  reso- 
lution to  destroy  it.  .  .  .  When  President  Jack- 
8<m  firet  attacked  the  bank,  the  weapon  ho  chiefly 
relied  on  was  the  alleged  unconstitutionality  of 
the  charter. " — D.  Kinley,  T/ie IiulfjienileiU  Tieax- 
vry  of  the  IT.  8.,  ch.  1. — The  ([uestion  of  the 
rechartcring  of  the  Bank  was  made  an  issue  in 
tlie  presidential  campaign  of  1833,  by  Henry 
Clay.  "  Its  disinterested  friends  in  both  parties 
strongly  dissuaded  Biddle  [president  of  the 
Bank]  from  allowing  the  question  of  rechartcr 
to  1)0  brought  into  the  campaign.  Clay's  advisers 
tried  to  dissuade  him.  The  bank,  however, 
could  not  oppose  the  public  man  on  whom  it  de- 
pended most,  and  the  party  leaders  deferred  at 
last  to  their  chief.  Jackson  never  was  more  dic- 
tatorial and  obstinate  than  Clay  was  at  tliis 
juncture."  Pending  the  election,  a  bill  to  renew 
the  charter  of  the  Bank  was  passed  through  both 
houses  of  Congress.  The  President  promptly 
vetoed  it.  "The  national  republican  convention 
met  at  Baltimore,  December  13,  1831.  It  .  .  . 
issued  an  address,  in  which  the  bank  question 
was  put  forward.  It  was  declared  that  the 
President '  is  fully  and  three  times  over  pledged 
to  the  people  to  negative  any  bill  that  may  be 
passed  for  rechartcring  the  bank,  and  tliere  is 
little  doubt  that  the  additional  influence  which 
he  would  acquire  by  a  reelection  would  be  em- 
ployed to  carry  through  Congress  the  extraordi- 
nary substitute  which  he  has  repeatedly  pro- 
posed.' The  appeal,  therefore,  was  to  defeat 
Jackson  in  order  to  save  the  bank.  .  .  .  Such  a 
challenge  as  that  could  have  but  one  effect  on 
Jackson.  It  called  every  faculty  he  possessed 
into  activity  to  compass  the  destruction  of  the 
bank.  Instead  of  retiring  from  the  position  he 
had  taken,  the  moment  there  was  a  tight  to  bo 
fought,  he  did  what  ho  did  at  New  Orleans.  Ho 
moved  his  lines  up  to  the  last  point  he  could 
command  on  the  side  towards  the  enemy.  .  .  . 
The  proceedings  seemed  to  prove  just  what  the 
anti-bank  men  had  asserted ;  tha'.,  the  bank  was 
a  great  monster,  which  aimeil  to  jontrol  elections, 
and  to  set  up  and  put  down  Presidents.  The 
campaign  of  1833  was  a  struggle  between  the 
popularity  of  the  bank  and  the  popularity  of 
Jackson.'— W.  G.  Sumner,  Aiulreio  Juckwii,  ch. 
11. — Jackson  was  overwhelmingly  elected,  and 
feeling  convinced  that  his  war  upon  the  IBank 
had  received  the  approval  of  the  people,  he  de- 
termined to  remove  the  public  deposits  from  its 
keeping  on  his  own  responsibility.  "  Witli  this 
view  he  removed  (in  the  spring  of  1833)  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury,  who  would  not  consent 
to  remove  the  deposits,  and  appointed  William 
J.  Duane,  of  Pennsylvania,  in  his  place.  He 
proved  to  be  no  more  compliant  than  his  prede- 
cessor. After  many  attempts  to  persuade  him, 
the  President  announced  to  the  Cabinet  his  final 
decision  that  the  deposits  must  be  removed.  The 
Reasons  given  were  that  the  law  ga .  i,  the  Secre- 
tary, not  Congress,  control'  of  the  deposits,  that 


it  wa.s  improper  to  leave  them  longer  in  a  bank 
whose  charter  would  so  soon  expire,  that  the 
Bank's  funds  had  been  largely  used  for  political 
purposes,  that  its  inability  to  pay  all  its  deposi- 
tors had  been  shown  by  its  efforts  to  procure  nji 
extension  of  time  from  its  creditors  in  Europe, 
and  tliat  its  four  go-  nment  directors  had  been 
systematically  kept  f.  >i  knowledge  of  its  man- 
agement. Secretary  I  .ane  refused  citlier  to  re- 
move the  deposits  or  to  resign  his  otHce,  and  pro- 
nounced the  proposed  .emova^.  unnecessary,  un- 
wise, vindictive,  arbitrary,  aid  unjust.  He  was 
at  once  removed  from  office,  ai'd  Roger  B.  Tuney, 
of  Maryland,  appointed  in  his  place.  The  nec- 
essary Orders  for  Removal  were  given  by  Secre- 
tary Taney.  It  was  not  strictly  a  removal,  for 
all  i)revious  deposits  were  left  in  the  Bank,  to  be 
drawn  uoon  until  exhausted.  It  was  rather  a 
cessation.  The  deposits  were  afterwards  made 
in  various  State  IJanks,  and  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States  was  compelled  to  call  in  its  loans. 
The  commercial  distress  whicli  followed  in  con- 
se(|uence  probably  strengthened  the  President  in 
tlie  end  by  giving  a  convincing  proof  of  the 
Bank's  power  as  an  antagonist  to  tlie  Govern- 
ment."— A.  Johnston,  History  of  Ameneuii  Poll- 
tics,  ch.  VS. 

A.  D,  1837-18^1.— The  Wild  Cat  Banks  of 
Michigan, — "  Michigan  became  a  State  in  Janu- 
ary, 1837.  Almost  the  first  act  of  her  State 
legislature  was  the  passage  of  a  general  banking 
law  under  which  any  ten  or  more  freeholders  of 
any  county  might  organize  themselves  into  a 
corporation  for  tlie  transaction  of  banking  busi- 
ness. Of  the  nominal  capital  of  a  bank  only  ten 
per  cent,  in  specie  was  required  to  be  paid  when 
subscriptions  to  the  stock  were  made,  and  twenty 
per  cent,  additional  in  specie  when  the  bank  be- 
gan business.  For  the  further  security  of  tlic 
notes  which  were  to  be  Lssued  as  currency,  the 
stockholdera  were  to  give  first  mortgages  upon 
real  estate,  to  be  estimated  at  its  cash  value  by 
at  least  three  county  officers,  the  mortgages  to 
be  filed  with  the  auditor-general  of  the  State.  A 
bank  commissioner  was  appointed  to  superintend 
the  organization  of  the  banks,  and  to  attest  the 
legality  of  their  proceedings  to  the  auditor-gen- 
eral, who,  upon  receiving  sucli  attestation,  was 
to  deliver  to  the  banks  circulating  notes  amount- 
ing to  two  and  a  half  times  the  capital  certified 
to  as  having  been  paid  In.  This  law  was  passed 
in  obedii  -ce  to  a  popular  cry  that  the  banking 
business  had  become  ar-  'odious  monopoly'  that 
ought  to  be  broken  up.  Its  design  was  to  '  in- 
troduce free  competition  into  what  was  consid- 
ered a  profitable  brancli  of  business  heretofore 
monopolized  by  a  few  favored  corporations.* 
Anybody  was  to  be  given  fair  opportunities  for 
entering  the  business  on  equal  terms  with  every- 
body else.  The  act  was  passed  in  March,  1837, 
and  the  legislature  adjourned  till  November  & 
following.  Before  the  latter  date  arrived,  in 
fact  before  any  banks  had  been  organized  under 
tlie  law,  a  financial  panic  seized  the  wliole  coun- 
try. An  era  of  wild  speculation  reached  a 
climax,  tlio  banks  in  all  the  principal  cities  of 
the  country  suspended  specie  payments,  and 
State  legislatures  were  called  together  to  devise 
remedies  to  meet  the  situation.  That  of  Jlichi- 
gan  was  convened  in  special  session  in  June,  and 
its  remedy  for  the  case  of  Michigan  was  to  leave 
the  ge'ieral  banking  law  in  force,  and  to  add  to 
it  full  a'lthority  for  bunks  organized  under  it  to 


2215 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


Wild  Cut 
Banks. 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


begin  tho  business  of  issuing  l)iiis  in  n  state  of 
suspension  —  tliiit  Is,  to  Hood  tlie  Stute  witli  tin 
irrc(ieenmbie  currency,  bii.seil  upon  tliirty  per 
cent,  of  specie  iinil  seventy  per  cent,  of  bind 
inortgiige  bonds." — Cheap- Moitfy  Ejepenmcnti 
{from  the  Century  May.),  pp.  75-77.— "Wild 
lands  tiiiit  Imd  been  recently  bouglit  of  the  gov- 
ernment at  one  dollar  and  twenty-five  cents  nn 
acre  were  now  valued  at  ten  or  twenty  times 
that  amount,  and  lots  in  villages  that  st'll  existed 
only  on  pai)er  had  a  worth  for  banking  purposes 
only  limited  by  tlic  conscience  of  the  omcer  who 
was  to  take  the  securities.  Any  ten  freeholders 
of  a  county  must  be  poor  indeed  if  tlicy  could 
not  give  sufllcient  security  to  answer  the  purpose 
of  the  general  banking  law.  The  reiiuirement 
of  the  payment  of  thirty  per  cent,  of  the  capital 
stock  in  specie  was  more  dilllcult  to  be  complied 
with.  But  as  the  payment  was  to  be  made  to  the 
bank  itself,  the  dllHculty  was  gotten  over  in 
various  ingenious  ways,  which  the  author  of  the 
general  banking  law  could  liardly  have  antici- 
pated. In  some  ca.ses,  stock  notes  in  terms  pay- 
able in  specie,  or  the  certificates  of  individuals 
which  stated  —  untruly  —  that  the  maker  held  a 
specified  sum  of  specie  for  tlie  bank,  were 
counted  as  specie  itself;  in  others,  a  small  sum 
of  specie  was  paid  in  and  taken  out,  and  the 
process  repented  over  and  over  until  the  aggre- 
gate of  payments  equaled  the  sum  required;  in 
still  others,  the  specie-  with  which  one  bank  was 
organized  was  passed  from  town  to  town  and 
made  to  answer  the  purposes  of  several.  By  the 
first  day  of  January,  1838,  articles  of  association 
for  twenty-one  banks  had  been  filed,  making, 
with  tlie  banks  before  in  existence,  an  average 
of  one  to  less  than  five  tliousand  people.  Some 
of  them  were  absoluf  jly  without  capital,  and 
some  were  organized  by  scheming  men  in  New 
York  and  elsewhere,  who  took  the  bills  away 
with  them  to  circulate  abroad,  putting  out  none 
at  home.  For  some,  locations  as  inaccessible  as 
possible  were  selected,  that  the  bills  might  not 
come  back  to  plague  the  managers.  The  bank 
commissioners  say  in  their  report  for  1838,  of 
their  journey  for  mspection :  '  Tlie  singular  spec- 
tacle was  presented  of  the  offlcers  of  the  Stat« 
seeking  for  banks  in  situations  the  most  inacces- 
sible anu  remote  from  trade,  and  finding  at  every 
step  an  increase  of  labor  by  the  discover  •  of  new 
ana  unknown  organizations.  Before  they  could 
be  arrested  the  mischief  was  done :  large  issues 
were  in  circulation  and  no  adequate  remedy 
for  the  evil.'  One  bank  was  found  housed  in  a 
saw-mill,  and  it  was  said  with  pardonable  ex- 
aggeration in  one  of  the  public  papers,  '  Every 
village  plat  with  a  house,  or  even  without  a 
house,  if  it  bad  a  hollow  stump  to  s^rve  as  a  vault, 
was  the  site  of  a  bank.' .  .  .  The  governor,  when 
he  delivered  his  annual  message  in  January, 
1838,  still  had  confidence  in  the  general  banking 
law,  which  he  said  'offered  to  all  persons  the 
privilege  of  banking  under  certain  guards  and 
restrictions,'  and  he  declared  that  'the  principles 
upon  which  this  law  is  based  are  certainly  cor- 
rect, destroying  as  they  do  the  odious  feature  of 
a  banking  monopoly,  nnd  giving  equal  rights  to 
all  classes  of  tho  community.'.  .  .  The  aggre- 
gate amount  of  private  indebtedness  had  by  this 
time  become  enormous,  and  the  pressure  for 
payment  was  serious  and  disquieting.  .  .  .  The 
people  must  have  relief;  and  what  relief  could 
bo  so  certain  or  so  speedy  as  more  banks  and 


more  money  ?  More  banks  therefd.e  continued 
to  be  organized,  and  the  paper  current  flowed 
out  among  the  people  in  increasing  volume.  .  .  . 
At  the  beginning  of  1839  the  bank  cimimissioners 
estimated  tliat  there  were  a  million  dollars  of 
bills  of  insolvent  bunks  in  the  hands  of  individ- 
uals and  unavailable.  Yet  the  governor,  in  his 
annual  message  delivered  in  January,  found  it  a 
'source  of  unfeigned  gi'atifl''ation  to  be  able  to 
C(mgratulnte  [the  legi.slaiuie]  on  the  prosperous 
condition  to  wliicli  our  rising  commonwealth  has 
attained.'.  .  .  Then  came  s»"  laws,  and  laws 
to  compel  creditoi-s  to  iukc  i  .ly'i  at  a  valuation. 
They  were  doubtful  in  point  of  util'ty,  and  more 
than  doubtful  in  i)oint  of  morality  and  constitu- 
tionality. The  federal  bankrupt  act  of  1841  first 
brought  substantial  relief:  it  brought  almost  no 
dividends  to  creditor.s,  but  it  relieved  debtors 
from  their  crushing  burdens  and  permitted  them, 
sobered  and  in  their  right  minds,  to  enter  once 
more  the  fields  of  industry  and  activity.  The 
extraordinary  history  of  the  attempt  to  break  up 
an  'odums  monopoly'  in  banking  by  making 
everybody  a  banker,  and  to  create  prosperity  by 
unlimited  issues  of  paper  currency,  was  brought 
at  length  to  a  fit  conclusion." — T.  51.  Cooley, 
Michiiiiin,  eh.  13.— See  Wn,D  Cat  Banks. 

A.  D.  1838.— Free  Banking  Law  of  New 
York.— "On  April  18th,  1838,  the  monopoly  of 
banking  under  special  charters,  was  brought  to 
a  close  ill  the  State  of  New  York,  by  the  passage 
of  the  act  '  to  authorize  the  business  of  Banking.'  • 
Under  this  law  Associations  for  Banking  pur- 
poses nnd  Individual  Bankers,  were  authorized 
to  carry  on  tho  business  of  Banking,  by  estab- 
lishing offices  of  deposit,  discount  and  circula- 
tion. Subsequently  a  separate  Department  was 
orgonized  at  Albaiij;,  called  'The  Bank  Depart- 
ment,'with  a  Superintendent,  who  was  charged 
with  the  supervision  of  all  the  banks  in  the 
State.  Under  this  law  institutions  could  be  or- 
ganized simply  as  banks  of  '  discount  and  de- 
posit,' and  might  also  add  the  issuing  of  a  paper 
currency  to  circulate  as  money.  At  first  the  law 
provided  that  State  and  United  States  stocks  for 
one-half,  and  bonds  and  mortgages  for  the  other 
half,  miglit  be  deposited  as  security  for  the  cir- 
culating notes  to  be  issued  by  Banks  nnd  indi- 
vidual Bankers.  Upon  a  fair  trial,  however,  it 
was  found  that  when  a  bank  failed,  and  tho 
Bank  Department  was  called  unon  to  redeem  the 
circulating  notes  of  such  bank,  the  mortgages 
could  not  be  made  available  in  time  to  meet  the 
demand.  ...  By  an  amendment  of  the  law  the 
receiving  of  mortgages  as  security  far  circulat- 
ing notes  was  discontinued." — E.  G.  Spaulding, 
One  Hundred  Year»  of  Progress  in  the  Bujiiiess  of 
Banking,  p.  48. 

A.  D.  1844.— The  English  Bank  Charter 
Act. — "By  an  act  of  parliament  passed  in  1838, 
conferring  certain  privileges  on  the  Bunk  of 
England,  it  was  provided  that  the  charter 
granted  to  that  body  should  expire  in  1855,  but 
the  power  was  reserved  to  tho  legislature,  on 
giving  six  months'  notice,  to  revise  the  charter 
ten  years  earlier.  Availing  themselves  of  this 
option,  tho  government  proiwsed  a  measure  for 
regulating  the  entire  monetary  system  of  the 
country." — W.  C.  Taylor,  Life  and  Times  of  Sir 
Robert  Peel,  v.  3,  eh.  7.— "Tfie  growth  of  com- 
merce, and  in  particular  tho  establishment  of 
numerous  joint-stocky  banks  had  given  a  danger- 
ous impulse  to  issues  of  paper  money,  v/hich 


2216 


MONEY  AND  BA:',  JNO. 


Englli,. 
Bank  Charter  Act. 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


were  not  then  rcstrictrd  by  law.  Even  the  Bank 
of  England  did  not  observe  any  fi.ved  proportion 
between  tlie  amount  of  notes  wldcli  it  issued  and 
tlic  .imount  of  bullion  which  it  kept  in  reserve. 
Wlien  introducing  this  subject  to  the  House  of 
Commons,  Peel  remarked  that  within  the  last 
twenty  years  there  had  been  four  i)eriod8  when 
a  contraction  of  issues  had  been  necessary  in  or- 
der to  maintJ  i  the  convertibility  of  paper,  and 
that  in  none  of  these  bad  the  Ba'idc  of  England 
acted  with  vigour  equal  to  the  emergency.  In 
the  latest  of  these  perio<ls,  from  June  of  18!}8  to 
June  of  1839,  the  nmoiuit  of  bullion  in  the  Bank 
had  fallen  to  little  more  than  1:4,000,000,  whilst 
the  total  of  paper  in  circulation  had  risen  to 
little  less  than  £30,000,000.  .  .  .  Peel  was  not 
the  first  to  devise  the  mctluMls  which  ho  adopted. 
Mr.  Jones  Loyd,  afterwar<ls  Lord  Overstonc, 
who  impressed  the  learned  with  bis  tracts  and 
the  vulgar  w:th  his  ridies,  had  advised  the 
principal  chniiges  in  tlie  law  relating  to  the  issue 
of  paper  money  which  Peel  eftected  by  tlie  Bank 
Charter  Act.  These  changes  were  three  in  num- 
ber. The  first  was  to  separate  totally  the  two 
departments  of  the  Bank  of  England,  tl"!  bank- 
ing department  and  the  issue  department.  The 
banking  department  was  left  to  be  managed  as 
best  the  wisdum  of  the  directors  could  devise  for 
the  profit  of  the  shareholders.  The  issue  depart- 
ment was  placed  under  regtdatious  wliich  de- 
prived the  Bank  of  any  discretion  in  its  manage- 
ment, and  may  almost  be  said  to  have  made  it  a 
department  of  the  State.  The  second  innovation 
was  to  limit  the  issue  of  paper  by  the  Bank  of 
England  to  an  amount  proportioned  to  the  value 
of  its  assets.  The  Bank  was  allowed  to  issue 
notes  to  the  amount  of  £14,000,000  against 
Government  securities  in  Its  possession.  The 
Government  owed  the  Bank  a  debt  of  £  1 1 , 000, 000, 
besides  which  the  Bank  held  Exchequer  Bills. 
But  the  amount  over  £14,000,000  which  the  Bank 
could  issue  was  not,  henceforwards,  to  be  more 
than  the  equivalent  of  the  bullion  in  its  posses- 
sion. By  this  means  it  was  made  certain  that  the 
Bank  would  be  able  to  give  coin  for  any  of  its 
notes  which  might  be  presented  to  it.  The  third 
innovation  was  to  limit  the  issues  of  the  country 
banks.  The  power  of  issuing  notes  was  denied 
to  any  private  or  joint-stock  banks  founded 
after  the  date  of  the  Act.  It  was  recognized  in 
ihose  banks  which  already  possessed  it,  but 
1  mitcd  to  a  total  sum  of  £8,500,000,  the  average 
quantity  of  such  notes  wliich  had  been  in  circu- 
lation during  the  years  immediately  preceding. 
It  was  provided  that  if  any  of  the  banks  which 
retained  tliis  privilege  should  cease  to  exist  or  to 
issue  notes,  tiie  Banlc  of  England  should  be  en- 
titled to  increase  its  note  circulation  by  a  sum 
equal  to  two-thirds  of  the  amount  of  the  former 
issues  of  the  bank  which  ceased  to  issue  jiaper. 
Tlie  Bank  of  England  was  required  in  this  con- 
tingency to  augment  tlie  reserve  fund.  By  Acts 
passed  in  the  succeeding  year,  the  principles  of 
the  English  Bank  Charter  Act  were  applied  to 
Scotland  and  Ireland,  with  such  moditicatioiis  as 
the  peculiar  circumstances  of  those  kingdoms  re- 
quired. The  Bank  Charter  Act  has  ever  since 
been  the  subject  of  voluminous  and  contradictory 
i:ritici8m,  both  by  iiolitical  economists  and  by 
men  of  business.  — F,  C.  ^lontague.  Life  of  Sir 
Pa/>ert  Peel,  eh.  8. 

Also  in:  Bonamy   Price,   The  Bank   Charter 
Act  0/1844  (Frtuer'%  Magazine,  June,  1865). — W. 


C.  Taylor,    Life  and  Tiineti  of  Sir  Holwt  Peel,  v. 
3,  ch.  7. 

A.  D.  1848-1893.— Production  of  the  Pre- 
cious Metals  -n  the  last  half-century.  —  The 
Silver  Question  in  the  United  States.—  "  The 
total  (estiniated)  stock  of  gold  in  the  world  in 
1848,  was  £500,000,000.  As  for  tlie  annual  pro- 
duction, it  liad  varied  considerably  since  tlio 
beginning  of  the  century  [from  £3,000,000  to 
£8,000,000].  Such  was  the  state  of  things  im- 
mediately preceding  1848.  In  tliat  year  the 
Californian  discoveries  took  place,  and  these 
were  followed  by  the  discoveries  in  Australia  in 
1851  [see  Calikouni.v:  A.  D.  1818-1840;  and 
AisTH.M.iA:  A.  D.  1839-185.51.  For  these  three 
years  the  annual  average  pro(luetion  is  set  down 
by  the  Economist  at  £9.(K)0,000,  but  from  this 
date  the  production  suddenly  rose  to,  for  1853, 
£27,000,000,  and  continued  to  rise  till  1850,  when 
it  attained  its  maximum  of  £32,2.50,000.  At 
this  stage  a  decline  in  the  returns  occurred,  the 
lowest  point  reached  being  in  1800,  when  they 
fell  to£18,083,000,  but  from  this  they  rose  again, 
and  for  tlio  last  ten  years  [iK'fore  1873]  have 
maintained  an  average  of  about  £20,.500,000; 
the  returns  for  the  year  1871  being  £20,811,000. 
The  total  amount  of  gold  added  to  the  world's 
stock  by  this  twenty  years'  production  has  been 
about  £.500,000,000,  an  amount  nearly  e(iual  to 
that  existing  in  the  world  at  the  date  of  the  dis- 
coveries: in  other  words,  the  stock  of  gold  in 
the  world  has  been  nearly  doubled  since  that 
time." — J.  E.  Cairnes,  Kimya  in  Political  Econ- 
omy, pp.  100-101. — "The  yearly  average  of  gold 
production  in  the  twenty-live  years  from  1851-75 
was  8137,000,000.  The  yearly  average  product 
of  silver  for  the  same  period  was  !j;5 1,000, 000. 
The  average  annual  product  of  gold  for  the 
fifteen  years  from  1876  to  1890  declined  to 
$108,000,000;  a  minus  of  15  per  cent.  Tlie 
average  annual  product  of  silver  for  the  same 
period  increased  to  1116,000,000;  a  plus  of  127 
per  cent.  There  is  t:  j  whole  silver  question." — 
L.  U.  Elirich,  T/ie  Quention  of  Silver,  p.  21. — 
"  From  1793 — the  date  of  the  first  issue  of  silver 
coin  by  the  United  States  —  to  1834  the  silver  and 
the  gold  dollar  were  alike  authorized  to  be  re- 
ceived as  legal  tender  in  payment  of  debt,  but  sil- 
ver alone  circulated.  Subsequently,  however, 
silver  was  not  used,  except  in  fractional  iiayments, 
or,  since  1853,  as  a  subsidiary  coin.  The  silver 
coin,  as  acoin  of  circulation,  had  become  obsolete. 
The  reason  why,  prior  to  1834,  payments  were 
made  exclusively  in  silver,  and  subsequently  to 
that  date  in  gokf,  is  found  in  the  fact  that  prior 
totlic  legislation  of  1834  .  .  .  the  standard  silver 
coins  were  relatively  the-  cheaper,  and  con- 
sequently circulated  to  the  exclusion  of  the  gold ; 
wliile  during  the  later  perio<l  the  standard  gold 
coins  were  the  cheaper,  circulating  to  tlie  exclu- 
sitm  of  the  silver.  The  Coinage  Act  of  1873,  by 
wliich  the  coinage  of  tlie  silver  dollar  was  dis- 
continued, became  a  law  on  February  12tli  of 
that  year.  The  act  of  February  28,  878,  which 
passed  Congress  by  a  two-thirds  vote  over  tlie 
veto  of  President  Hayes,  again  provided  for  the 
coinage  of  a  silver  dollar  of  412.5  grains,  the 
silver  bullion  to  be  purchased  at  the  market 
price  by  the  Government,  and  the  amount  so  pur- 
chased and  coined  not  to  be  less  than  two  millions 
of  dollars  per  month.  During  the  debate  on 
this  bill  the  charge  was  repeatedly  made,  in  and 
out  of  Congress,  that  the  previous  act  of  1873, 


2217 


MONEY  ANO  BANKING. 


The 
Silver  qiualion. 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


(liccontinuing  the  free  .  oiniigc  of  the  silver  dnllur, 
tviia  passed  Hiirrcptitioiisly.  This  stutement  1ms 
lie  fuuiulutiou  in  fiict.  The  report  of  the  writer, 
who  was  then  Deputy  Comptroller  of  the  Cur- 
rency, trausniittcd  to  Congress  in  1870  by  the 
Secretary,  tliree  times  distinctly  stated  that  the 
bill  acco.npanying  it  proposed  to  discontinue  tlio 
issue  of  the  silver  dollar-piece.  Variousexperts, 
to  whom  it  had  been  submitted,  approved  this 
feature  of  the  bill,  and  their  opinions  were 
printed  by  order  of  Congress." — J.  J.  Kno.v, 
United  States  Notet,  eh.  10.— "The  bill  of  1878, 
generally  spoken  of  as  the  '  Bland '  1)111,  directed 
the  secretary  of  the  treasury  to  purchase  not  less 
than  two  million  nor  more  than  four  niilliou 
dollars'  worth  of  silver  bullion  per  month,  to 
coin  it  into  silver  dollars,  said  silver  dollars  to 
be  full  legal  tender  at  '  their  nominal  value. ' 
Also,  that  the  holder  of  ten  or  more  of  these 
silver  dollars  could  exchange  them  for  silver 
ccrliflcates,  said  certificates  being  '  receivable  for 
customs,  taxes,  and  all  public  dues.'  The  bill 
was  pushed  and  passed  by  the  efforts,  principally, 
of  the  greenback  inflationists  and  the  representa- 
tives of  the  silver  States.  .  .  .  Since  1878  [to 
1891],  40,1,000,000  silver  dollars  have  been  coined. 
Of  these  348,000,000  are  still  lying  in  the  treas- 
ury vaults.  No  comment  is  needed.  The  Bland- 
Allison  act  did  not  hold  up  silver.  In  1870  it 
was  worth  |1.13  an  ounce,  in  1880  SI.  14,  '81 
$1.13,  '83  $1.13,  '83  $1.11,  '80  09  cents,  until  in 
'89  it  reached  93i  cents  an  ounce.  That  is,  in 
1889  the  commercial  ratio  was  23:1  and  the  coin 
value  of  the  Bland-Allison  silver  dollar  was  73 
cents.  In  March,  1890,  a  bill  was  reported  to 
the  House  by  the  coir.nittceof  '  coinage,  weights 
and  measures,'  brsed  ou  a  plan  proposed  by 
Secretary  Windc  .n.  .  .  .  The  bill  passed  the 
House.  The  Sejate  passed  it  with  an  amend- 
in  lit  making  provision  for  free  and  unlimited 
coinage.  It  finally  went  to  a  conference  com- 
mittee which  reported  the  bill  that  became 
a  law,  July  14,  1890.  This  bill  directs  the 
secretary  of  the  treasury  to  purchase  four  and 
one-half  million  ounces  of  silver  a  month  at  the 
market  price,  to  give  legal  tender  treasury  notes 
therefor,  said  notes  being  redeemable  in  gold  or 
silver  coin  at  the  option  of  the  government,  '  it 
being  the  established  policy  of  the  United  States 
to  maintain  the  two  metals  on  a  parity  with  each 
other  upon  the  present  legal  ratio.'  It  was  be- 
lieved that  this  bill  would  raise  the  price  of  silver. 
.  .  .  To-day  [December  8,  1891]  the  silver  in  our 
dollar  is  actually  worth  73  cents." — L.  R.  Ehrich, 
The  Quettion  of  Silver,  pp.  31-35. — See,  also. 
United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1873,  1878,  and 
1890-1803.— In  the  summer  of  1893,  a  financial 
crisis,  produced  in  the  judgment  of  the  best  in- 
formed by  the  operation  of  the  silver-purchase 
law  of  1890  (known  commonly  as  the  Sherman 
Act)  became  so  serious  that  President  Cleveland 
called  a  special  session  of  Congress  to  deal  with  it. 
In  his  Message  to  Congress,  at  the  opening  of  its 
session,  the  President  said:  "With  plenteous 
crops,  with  abundant  promise  of  remunerative 
production  and  manufacture,  with  unusual  invi- 
tation to  safe  investment,  and  with  satisfactory 
assurance  to  business  enterprise,  suddenly  finan- 
cial fear  and  distrust  have  sprung  up  on  every 
side.  Numerous  moneyed  institutions  have  sus- 
pended because  abundant  assets  were  not  im- 
mediately available  to  meet  the  demands  of  the 
frightened  depositors.     Surviving  corporations 


and  individuals  are  content  to  keep  In  hand  the 
money  they  are  usually  anxious  to  loan,  and 
those  engaged  in  legitimate  business  are  sur- 
prised to  find  that  the  securities  they  offer  for 
toatis,  though  heretofore  satisfactory,  are  no 
longer  accepted.  Values  supposed  to  be  fixed 
are  fast  becoming  conjectural,  and  loss  and  fail- 
ure have  involved  every  branch  of  business.  I 
believe  these  things  are  principally  chargeable  to 
congriHsional  legislation  touching  the  purchase 
and  coinage  of  silver  by  tlie  General  Govern- 
ment. This  legislation  is  embodied  in  a  statute 
passed  on  the  14lh  day  of  July,  1890,  which  was 
the  culmination  of  much  agitation  on  tlie  subject 
involved,  and  which  may  bo  considered  a  truce, 
after  a  long  struggle  between  the  advocates  of 
free  silver  coinage  and  those  intending  to  bo 
more  conservative. "  A  bill  to  repeal  the  act  of 
July  14,  1800  (the  Sherman  law,  so  called),  was 
passed  by  both  hoiLses  and  received  the  Presi- 
dent's signature,  Nov.  1,  1893. 
•  A.  D.  1853-1874.— The  Latin  Union  and  the 
Silver  Question. — "The  gold  discoveries  of  Cal- 
ifornia and  Australia  were  directly  the  cause  of 
tlic  Latin  Union.  ...  In  1853,  when  the  subsid- 
iary silver  of  the  United  States  had  distippeared 
before  the  cheapened  gold,  we  reduced  the(iuan- 
tity  of  silver  in  the  small  coins  sutllcientty  to 
keep  them  dollar  for  dollar  below  the  value  of 
gold.  Switzerland  followed  this  exam))le  of  the 
United  States  in  her  law  of  January  31,  1800; 
but,  instead  of  distinctly  reducing  the  weight  of 
pure  silver  in  her  small  coins,  she  accomplished 
the  same  end  by  lowering  the  fineness  of  stan- 
dard for  these  coins  to  800  thousandths  fine.  .  .  . 
Meanwhile  France  and  Italy  had  a  higher  stan- 
dard for  their  coins  than  Switzerland,  and  as  the 
neigliboring  states,  which  had  the  franc  system 
of  coinage  in  common,  fotind  each  other's  coins 
in  circulation  within  their  own  limits,  it  was 
clear  that  the  cheaper  Swiss  coins,  according  to 
Gresham's  law,  must  drive  out  the  dearer  French 
and  Italian  coins,  which  contained  more  pure  sil- 
ver, but  which  passed  current  at  the  same  nom- 
inal value.  The  Swiss  coins  of  800  thousandths 
fine  began  to  pass  the  French  frontier  and  to 
displace  the  French  coins  of  a  similar  denomina- 
tion ;  and  the  French  coins  were  exported,  melted, 
and  recoined  in  Switzerland  at  a  profit.  This, 
of  course,  brought  forth  a  decree  in  France  (April 
14,  1804),  which  prohibited  the  receipt  of  these 
Swiss  coins  at  the  public  oftices  of  France,  tim 
customs-oflices,  etc.,  'vnd  they  were  conseiiuently 
refused  in  common  trade  among  individuals.  Bel- 
gium also,  as  well  as  Switzerland,  began  to  think 
it  necessary  todeal  with  the  questions  affecting  her 
silver  small  coins,  which  were  leaving  that  coun- 
try for  the  same  reason  that  they  were  leaving 
Switzerland.  Belgium  then  .ndertook  to  make 
overtures  to  France,  in  order  Uiat  some  concerted 
action  might  be  undertaken  by  the  four  countries 
using  the  franc  system — Italy,  Belgium,  France, 
and  Switzerland  —  to  remedy  the  evil  to  which 
all  were  exposed  by  the  disappearance  of  their 
silver  coin  needed  in  every-day  transactions. 
The  discoveries  of  gold  had  forced  a  reconsider- 
ation of  their  coinage  systems.  In  consequence 
of  these  overtures,  a  conference  of  delegates  rep- 
resenting the  Latin  states  just  mentioned  assem- 
bletlinParis,  November  30, 1805.  .  .  .  The  Con- 
ference, fully  realizing  the  effects  of  the  fall  of 
gold  in  driving  out  their  silver  coins,  agreed  to 
establish  a,  uniform  coinage  in  the  four  countries. 


2218 


MONEY  AND  UANKING. 


Orembackii  ami 
Xatlonal  Bankt. 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


on  the  c88ontial  principles  ndopted  by  the  United 
States  iu  1853.  Tliey  lowered  the  silver  pieces 
of  two  fmncs,  one  frnnc,  fifty  centimes,  und 
twenty  centimeo  from  a  stnndiird  of  90()  thou- 
snndths  tlno  to  a  uniform  tlncnes.s  of  885  thou- 
sandths, reducing  these  coins  to  the  position  of 
a  subsidiiirv  currency.  They  retained  for  the 
countries  of  the  Latin  Union,  however,  the  sys- 
tem of  biuictullism.  Gold  pieces  of  one  hundred, 
fifty,  twenty,  ten,  and  five  francs  were  to  be 
coined,  together  with  five-franc  pieces  of  jilver, 
and  all  at  a  standard  of  1)00  thousandths  fine. 
Free  coinage  at  a  ratio  of  15i:l,  was  thereby 
granted  to  any  holder  of  either  gold  or  silver 
bullion  who  wanted  silver  coins  of  five  francs, 
or  gold  coins  from  five  francs  and  upward.  .  .  . 
The  subsidiary  silver  coins  (below  five  francs) 
were  made  a  legal  tender  between  individuals  of 
the  state  which  coined  them  to  the  amount  of 
fifty  francs.  .  .  .  The  treaty  was  ratified,  and 
went  into  effect  August  1,1800,  to  continue  until 
January  1, 1880,  or  about  fifteen  years.  .  .  .  Tlie 
downward  tendency  of  sMver  in  1873  led  the 
Latin  Union  to  fear  that  tlie  demonetized  silver 
of  Germany  would  floml  their  own  mints  if  they 
continued  the  fa-e  coinage  of  flve-fnuic  silver 
pieces  at  a  legal  ratio  of  15i:  1.  .  .  .  This  coudi- 
tion  of  things  led  to  tlic  meeting  of  delegates 
from  the  countries  of  the  Latin  Union  at  Paris, 
January  30,  1874,  who  there  agreed  to  a  treaty 
supplementary  to  that  originally  formed  in  1865, 
ond  determined  on  withdrawing  from  individuals 
the  full  power  of  free  coinage  by  linuting  to  a 
moderate  sum  the  amount  of  silver  five-franc 
pieces  which  should  be  coined  by  each  state  of 
the  Union  during  tlic  year  1874.  The  date  of 
tiiis  8\Jspension  of  coinage  by  the  Latin  Union 
is  regarded  by  all  authorities  as  of  great  import 
in  regard  to  tlio  value  of  silver." — J.  L.  Laugh- 
lin,  The  IIi»lory  of  Bimetallism  in  the  United 
States,  pp.  140-155. 

A.  D.  1861-1878.— The  Legal-tender  notes, 
or  Greenbacks,  and  the  National  Bank  System, 
of  the  American  Civil  War. — "In  January, 
1801,  the  paper  currency  of  the  United  States 
was  furnished  by  1,000  private  corporations, 
organized  under  thirty-four  different  State  laws. 
The  circulation  of  the  bunks  amounted  to 
8202,000,000,  of  wliicli  only  about  §50,000,000 
were  issued  in  the  States  wiiich  in  April,  1861, 
undertook  to  set  up  an  independent  govern- 
ment. About  $150,000,000  were  in  circulation  iu 
the  loyal  Stutes,  including  West  Virginia.  Wlien 
Congress  met  iu  extraordinary  sesiion  on  the  4th 
of  July,  the  three-months  volunteers,  who  hud 
hastened  to  the  defence  of  the  capital,  were  con- 
fronting the  rebel  army  on  the  line  of  the 
Potomac,  and  tlie  first  great  battle  at  Bull  Run 
was  impending.  President  Lincoln  called  upon 
Congress  to  provide  for  the  enlistment  of  400,000 
men,  and  Secretary  Chase  submitted  estimates 
for  probable  expenditures  amounting  to  |318,- 
000,000.  The  treasury  was  empty,  and  tlie  ex- 
penses of  the  government  were  nipiiUy  approach- 
ing a  million  dollars  a  day.  The  ordinary 
expenses  of  the  government,  during  tlie  year 
ending  on  the  30th  of  Juue,  1861,  had  been 
863,0W),O0O,  and  even  this  sum  had  not  been  sup- 
plied by  the  revenue,  which  amouuted  to  only 
§41,000,000.  The  rest  had  been  borrowed.  It 
was  now  necessary  to  provide  for  an  expenditure 
increased  fivefold, and  amounting  to  eight  times 
the  income  of  the  country.    Secretary  Chase  ad- 


vised that  |80,000,000  lie  provided  by  taxation, 
and  $240,000,000  by  loans;  and  that,  in  antic'.- 
nation  of  revenue,  provision  be  made  for  the 
issue  of  850,(K)(),()00  of  treasury  notes,  re<leemable 
on  demand  in  coin.  '  The  greatest  care  will,  how- 
ever, be  rc(iuisite,'  he  said,  'to  prevent  the  degra- 
dation of  such  issues  into  an  irredeemable  paper 
currency,  than  which  no  more  certainly  fatal  ex- 
pedient for  impoverishing  the  masses  and  dis- 
crediting the  government  of  any  country  can 
well  lie  devi.sed.'  The  desired  authority  was 
grunted  by  Congress.  The  Secretary  was  au- 
thorized to  borrow,  on  the  credit  of  the  United 
States,  not  exceeding  8250,000,000,  and,  'as  a  part 
of  the  above  loan,'  to  issue  an  exchange  for  coin, 
or  pay  for  salaries  or  otlier  dues  from  the  United 
States,  not  over  850,000,000  of  treasury  notes, 
bearing  no  interest,  but  payable  on  demand  at 
Philadelpliia,  New  York,  or  Boston.  The  act 
does  not  say,  '  payable  in  coin,'  for  nobody  had 
then  imagined  that  any  other  form  of  payment 
was  possil)le.  Congress  adjourned  on  the  6th  of 
August,  after  passing  an  act  to  provide  an  in- 
creased revenue  from  imports,  and  laying  a 
direct  tax  of  l|;20,000,000  upon  the  States,  and 
a  tax  of  3  per  cent,  upon  the  excess  of  all 
private  incomes  above  $800.  The  Secretary  im- 
mediately invited  tlio  banks  of  Philadelphia,  New 
York,  and  Boston  to  assist  in  the  negotiation  of 
the  proposed  loans,  and  they  loyally  responded. 
On  the  19tli  of  August  they  took  850,000,000  of 
three  years  7-30  bonds  at  par;  on  the  Ist  of  Oc- 
tober, 850,000,000  more  of  the  same  securities  at 
par;  and  on  the  I61I1  of  November,  8.50,000,000 
of  twenty  years  0  per  cents.,  at  a  rate  making 
the  interest  cfiuivalent  to  7  per  cent.  Tliese  ad- 
vances relieved  the  temporary  necessities  of  the 
treasury,  and,  when  Congress  reassembled  In 
December,  Secretary  Chase  was  prepared  to 
recommend  a  permnncnt  financial  policy.  Tlic 
solid  basis  of  this  policy  was  to  be  taxation.  .  .  . 
It  was  estimated,  a  revenue  of  S90,000,01X)  would 
be  needed;  and  to  secure  that  sum,  the  Secretary 
advised  that  the  duties  on  tea,  coffee,  and  sugar 
be  increased;  that  a  direct  tax  of  $20,000,000  be 
assessed  on  the  Stjxtes;  that  the  income  tux  be 
modified  so  as  to  prmluce  $10,000,000,  and  that 
duties  be  laid  on  litiuors,  tobacco,  carriages, 
legacies,  bank-notes,  bills  payable,  and  convey- 
aiices.  For  the  extraordinary  expenses  of  the 
war  it  was  necessary  to  depend  upon  loans,  and  the 
authority  to  be  granted  for  this  purpose  the  Sec- 
retary left  'to  tha  better  judgment  of  Congress,' 
only  suggesting  that  the  rate  of  interest  should 
be  regulated  by  law,  and  that  the  time  had  come 
when  the  government  might  properly  claim  a 
part,  at  least,  of  the  advantage  of  the  jiaper  cir- 
culation, then  constituting  a  loan  without  inter- 
est from  the  people  to  the  banks.  There  were 
two  ways,  Secretary  Chase  said,  in  wliicli  this 
advantage  miglit  be  secured:  1.  By  increasing 
the  issue  of  Lnited  States  notes,  and  taxing  the 
bank  notes  out  of  existence.  2.  By  providing  a 
national  currency,  to  be  issued  by  the  banks  but 
secured  by  the  pledge  of  United  States  bonds. 
The  former  plan  the  Secretary  did  not  recom- 
mend, regarding  the  hazartl  of  a  depreciating 
and  finally  worthless  currency  as  fur  outweighing 
the  probable  benefits  of  the  measure.  .  .  .  Con- 
gress had  hardly  begun  to  consider  these  recom- 
mendations, when  tne  situation  was  completely 
changed  by  the  suspension  of  specie  payments, 
on  the  88th  of  December,  by  the  banks  of  New 


2219 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


7^0(1/  Tender  Koien. 
nulioHat  Banki. 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


York,  followed  by  tlic  suspcnHlon  of  the  other 
ImtikH  ill  the  country,  tind  compelling  the  treiis- 
ury  also  to  HimpcDd.  Thig  suHpcnflion  was  the 
result  of  a  niinic  ocensioued  by  th"  flindow  of 
war  with  Lngiund.  ...  To  provide  for  the 
prciwing  wnnt8  of  the  treasury.  Congress,  on  the 
12tli  of  February,  1802,  nulhorized  the  issue  of 
810,000,000  more  of  denumd  notes.  Before  the 
end  of  the  session  further  issues  were  provided 
for,  making  the  aggregate  of  United  States  notes 
1|;;)()0.(M)0,000,  besides  fractional  currency.  There 
was  a  long  debate  upon  the  propriety  of  making 
the»<,'  notes  a  legal  tender  for  private  debts,  ami 
it  si'emed  for  a  time  that  the  measure  would  be 
defeated  by  this  dispiite.  [The  bill  authori/.ing 
the  issue  of  legal  tender  notes  known  afterwards 
OS  'Greenbacks'  was  prepared  by  the  Hon.  E. 
G.  8paiilding,  wlio  subsequently  wrote  the  his- 
tory of  the  measure.]  Secretary  Cha.so  finally 
advised  the  concession  of  this  jwint ;  nevertlieless, 
T)Tt  votes  in  the  House  of  Hepresentatives  .  .  . 
■were  recorded  against  the  provision  making  tlie 
notes  a  tender  for  private  ilebts.  Congress  also 
empowered  the  Secretary  to  borrow .1500,000,000 
on  5-20  year  0  per  cent,  bonds,  besides  a  tem- 
porary loan  of  §100,000,000,  and  provided  that 
the  interest  on  the  bonds  shoidd  be  i)aid  in 
coin,  and  that  the  customs  should  be  collected  in 
coin  for  that  purpose.  Nothing  was  said  about 
the  jirincipal,  for  it  was  taken  for  grnnted  tliat 
specie  ijaymenls  wo\dd  be  resumed  before  the 
jmymeut  of  the  principal  of  the  debt  would  be 
\indertaken.  .  .  .  Congress  liad  thus  adopted 
the  plan  which  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  did 
not  recommend,  and  neglected  the  proposition 
■which  he  preferred.  .  .  .  When  Congress  met  in 
December,  1862,  the  magnitude  of  the  war  liad 
become  fully  apparent.  .  .  .  The  enormous  de- 
mands upon  the  treasury  .  .  .  had  exhausted  the 
resources  provided  by  Congress.  The  disburse- 
ments in  November  amounted  to  $59,847,077 
—  two  millions  a  day.  Unpaid  requisitions  hod 
accumulated  amoimting  to  $46,000,000.  The 
total  receipts  for  the  year  then  current,  end- 
ing June  30,  1863,  were  estimated  at  $511,000,- 
000;  the  expenditures  at  $788,000,000;  leaving 
8277,000,000  to  be  provided  for.  There  were 
only  two  ways  to  obtain  this  sum  —  by  a  fresh 
issue  of  United  States  notes,  or  by  new  interest- 
bearing  loans.  But  the  gold  premium  had  ad- 
vanced in  October  to  34;  the  notes  were  already 
at  a  discount  of  25  per  cent.  The  conseqyences 
of  an  addition  of  $277,000,000  to  the  volume  of 
currency,  the  Secretary  said,  would  be  'intlation 
of  prices,  increase  of  expenditures,  augmenta- 
tion of  debt,  and,  ultimately,  disastrous  defeat 
of  the  very  purposes  sought  to  be  obtained  by 
it.'  He  therefore  recommended  an  increase  in 
the  amount  authorized  to  be  borrowed  on  the 
5-20  bonds.  ...  In  oitler  to  create  a  market  for 
the  bonds,  lie  again  recommended  the  creation 
of  banking  associations  under  a  national  law 
requiring  them  to  secure  their  circulation  by  a 
deposit  of  government  bonds.  TJie  suggestion 
thus  renewed  was  not  received  with  favor  by 
Congress.  .  .  .  On  tlie  7th  of  January  Mr. 
Hooper  offered  again  his  bill  to  provide  a  na- 
tional currency,  secured  by  a  pledge  of  United 
States  bonds,  but  the  next  day  Mr.  Stevens,  of 
Pennsylvania,  submitted  the  bdl  with  an  adverse 
report  from  the  committee  on  ways  and  means. 
On  the  14th  of  January  Mr.  Stevens  reported  a 
resolution  authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 


ury to  issue  $100,000,00v  >iiore  of  United  States 
notes  for  tlie  immediate  payment  of  the  army 
and  navy.  The  resolution  passed  the  House  at 
once,  and  the  Senate  the  next  day.  ...  On  the 
lUth  of  January  President  Lincoln  sent  a  special 
message  to  the  House,  announcing  that  he  had 
signea  the  joint  resolution  authorizing  a  new 
issue  of  United  States  notes,  but  adding  that  ho 
considered  it  his  dutj  to  express  his  sincere  re- 
gret that  it  had  been  found  necessary  to  add 
such  a  sum  to  an  already  redundant  currency, 
while  the  suspended  banks  were  still  left  free  to 
increase  tlieir  circulation  at  will.  He  warned 
(.'ongress  that  such  a  policy  must  soon  protluce 
<lisastrous  consetjuences,  and  the  warning  was 
effective.  On  the  25th  of  January  Senator  Sher- 
man offered  a  bill  to  i)rovide  a  national  currency, 
differing  in  some  resjiects  from  Mr.  Hooper's  in 
tlio  House.  The  bill  passed  the  Senate  on  the 
12th  of  February,  23  to  21,  and  the  House  on  the 
20Hi,  78  to  04.  .  .  .  It  was  signed  by  the  Presi 
dent  on  the  25tli  of  February,  1863."— H.  W. 
Ilichardson,  The  National  Hanks,  ch.  2. — "One 
immediate  effect  of  the  Legal  Tender  Act  was  to 
destroy  our  credit  abroad.  Stocks  were  sent 
home  for  sale,  and,  as  Bagehot  shows,  Lombanl 
Street  was  closed  to  a  nation  which  had  adopted 
legal  tender  paper  money.  .  .  .  By  August  all 
specie  had  disappeared  from  circulation,  and 
postage-stamps  and  private  note-issues  took  its 
place.  In  July  a  bill  was  passed  for  issuing 
stamps  as  fractional  currency,  but  in  March 
1863,  another  act  was  passed  providing  for  an 
issue  of  50,000,000  in  notes  for  fractional  parta 
of  a  dollar — not  legal  tender.  For  many  years 
the  actual  issue  wos  only  30,000,000,  the  amount 
of  silver  fractional  coins  in  circulation  in  the 
North,  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  when  the 
war  broke  out.  .  .  .  Gold  rose  to  200-220  or 
above,  making  the  paper  worth  45  nr  50  cts., 
at  which  point  the  5  per  cent,  ten-forties  floated. 
The  amount  sold  up  to  October  31st,  1865,  was 
$172,770,100.  Mr.  Spaulding  reckons  up  the 
l)aper  issues  which  acted  more  or  less  as  cur- 
rency, on  January  30th,  1864,  at  81,125,877,034; 
812,000,000  bore  no  interest."— W.  G.  Sumner,. 
Ilist.  of  Am.  Ciirrency,  pp.  204-208. — The  paper- 
money  issues  of  the  Civil  War  were  not  brought 
to  parity  of  value  witli  gold  until  near  tlie  close 
of  the  year  1878.  The  Ist  day  of  January,  1879, 
had  been  flxed  for  resumption  by  an  act  passed 
in  1875,;  but  that  date  was  generally  anticipated 
in  practical  business  by  a  few  months. — A.  S. 
BoUes,  Financial  Ilintory  of  the  If.  S.,  1861-1885, 
bk.  1,  eh.  4,  5,  8,  and  11,  and  bk.  2,  eh.  2. 

A.  D.  1871-1873.— Adoption  of  the  Gold 
Standard  by  Germany. — "At  the  close  of  tlie 
Franco-Pruf -ian  war  the  new  German  Empire 
found  the  opportunity  .  .  .  for  the  establish- 
ment of  a  uniform  coinage  throughout  its  numer- 
ous small  states,  and  was  essentially  aided  in 
its  plan  at  this  time  by  the  receipt  of  the  enor- 
mous war-indemiiity  from  France,  of  which 
$54,60<),000  was  paid  to  Germany  in  French 

foid  coin.  Besides  this,  Germany  received  from 
mnce  bills  of  exchange  in  payment  of  the  in- 
demnity which  gave  Germany  the  title  to  gold 
in  places,  such  as  London,  on  which  the  bills 
were  drawn.  Gold  in  this  way  left  London  for 
Berlin.  With  a  large  stock  of  gold  on  liand, 
Germany  began  a  scries  of  measures  to  change 
her  circulation  from  silver  to  gold.  Her  circula- 
tion In  1870,  before  the  change  was  made,  was 


2220 


MONEY  AND  BANKING. 


MONGOLS. 


composed  mibstnntinlly  of  Rllvcr  and  paper 
money,  with  no  more  timn  4  twr  cent  of  the 
whole  clrciiliitlon  In  cold.  .  .  .  The  Hubfititution 
of  gold  instead  of  silver  in  a  country  like  Ger- 
many which  had  a  single  silver  medium  was 
carried  out  l)y  a  path  which  led  flret  to  tempora- 
ry bimetidlisni  and  later  to  gold  niononietalli.sm. 
And  for  this  purpose  the  preparatory  measures 
were  jmssed  December  4,  1871.  .  .  .  This  law 
of  1871  created  new  gold  coins,  current  eciually 
with  existing  silver  coins,  at  rates  of  exchange 
which  were  nased  on  a  ratio  lietween  the  giild 
and  silver  coins  of  l:ir)A.  The  silver  coins  were 
not  demonetized  by  this  law  ;  their  coinage  was 
for  the  prescuit  only  disctonliuiicd;  but  there  was 
no  doubt  as  to  the  intention  of  the  (iovernmeiit 
in  the  future.   .   .  .  The  next  anil  decisive  step 

MONGOLS  :  Origin  and  earliest  history.— 
"The  name  Mongol  (a>,c()rding  to  8ehmt(it)  is 
derived  from  the  wonl  Mong,  meaning  brave, 
daring,  bold,  an  etymology  wldch  is  acquiesced 
in  by  Dr.  Scliott.  Ssauang  Setzen  says  it  was 
first  given  to  the  race  in  tlie  time  of  Jingis  Khan, 
but  it  is  of  mucli  older  date  than  his  time,  as  we 
know  from  the  Chinese  accounts.  .  .  .  They 
point  further,  as  the  statements  of  Raschid  do, 
to  the  Mongols  having  at  first  been  merely  one 
tribe  of  a  great  confederacy,  whoso  name  was 
probably  extended  to  the  whole  when  the  prow- 
ess of  the  Imperial  House  wldch  govenied  it 
gained  the  supremacy.  We  learn  lastly  from 
them  that  the  generic  name  by  which  the  race 
was  known  in  early  times  to  the  Cidnese  was 
Sid  wei,  the  Mongols  having,  in  fact,  been  a 
tribe  of  tlio  Shi  wei.  .  .  .  Tiie  Shi  wei  were 
known  to  tlie  Chinese  from  tiie  7th  century ;  they 
then  consisted  of  various  detached  hordes,  sub- 
ject to  the  Tim  kin,  or  Turks.  .  .  .  After  the 
fall  of  the  Yuan-Yuan,  the  Turks,  by  wliom 
they  were  overthrown,  at'quired  the  supreme 
control  of  Eastern  Asia.  Tliey  had,  under  the 
name  of  Iliong  nu,  been  masters  of  the  Mon- 
golian desert  and  Its  border  land  from  a  very 
early  period,  and  under  their  new  name  of  Turks 
they  merely  reconquered  a  position  from  which 
they  had  been  driven  some  centuries  before. 
Everywhere  in  Mongol  history  we  find  evidence 
of  tlieir  presence,  tlie  titles  Khakar,  Khan. 
Bigui  or  Beg,  Tcrkhan,  &c.,  are  common  to  both 
races,  while  the  same  names  occur  among  Mon 
gol  and  Turkish  chiefs.  .  .  .  Tins  fact  of  the 
former  predominance  of  Turkisli  influence  in 
further  Asia  supjiorts  the  traditions  collected  by 

Raschid,  Abulglnizi,  &c which  trace  tlic 

race  of  Mongol  Khans  up  to  the  old  royal  race 
of  the  Turks."— H.  H.  Howorth,  IlUt.  of  th 
Mongols,  v.  1,  pp.  27-32. — "Here  [in  the  er'-t- 
crn  portion  of  Asia  known  as  tlie  desert  of 
Gobi],  from  time  immemorial,  tlie  Mongols,  a 
people  nearly  akin  to  tlie  Turks  i:i  language  and 
physiognomy,  had  made  their  iionie,  leading  a 
miserable  nomadic  life  in  the  midst  of  a  wild  and 
barren  country,  unrecognised  by  their  neigh- 
bours, and  tlieir  very  name  unknown  centuries 
after  their  kinsmen,  the  Turks,  had  been  exer- 
cising an  all-powerful  influence  over  the  desti- 
nies of  Western  Asia." — A.  Vambery,  Hist,  of 
Bokliarn,  eh.  8. — See,  also,  Tautahs. 

A.  D.  1 153-1327.— Conquests  of  Jin^iz  Khan. 
— "  Jingiz-Khan  [or  Genghis,  or  Zingis],  whose 
original  name  was  Tamujin,  the  son  of  a  Ta- 
tar chief,  was  born  in  the  year  1153  A.  D.    In 


toward  a  single  gold  standard  was  taken  by  the 
act  of  ,Iuly  U,  187!!.  ...  By  tills  measure  gold 
was  established  as  the  monetary  standard  of  tlic 
country,  witli  the  '  mark  '  as  tlie  unit,  and  silver 
was  used,  as  in  the  United  States  in  ISM,  in 
a  subsidiary  service.  .  .  .  Under  the  terms  of 
this  legislation  Germany  iK'gan  to  withdraw  iier 
old  silver  coinage,  and  to  sell  as  bullion  wiiat- 
ever  silver  was  not  recoined  into  the  new  sub- 
sidiary currency." — ,1.  L.  Lauglillii,  Hint,  of 
llimititlliiim  ill  the,  V.  S.,  ;>/),  i;i(l-140. 

A.  D.  1893.— Stoppage  of  the  free  Coinage 
of  Silver  in  India. — The  free  coiimge  of  silver 
ill  India  was  stopped  by  the  Ooveriiniciit  in 
June.  181);).  thus  taking  the  llrst  step  toward  tlie 
establishmeut  of  the  gold  standard  in  that  coun- 
try. 


1302,  at  the  age  of  41),  he  had  defeated  or  propi- 
tiated all  hiseiicmies,  and  in  121)5  was  proclaimed, 
by  a  great  assembly,  Kliakan  or  Emperor  of 
Tartary.  His  capital,  a  va.st  assemlilage  of 
tents,  was  at  Kara-Ivoriim,  in  a  distant  part  of 
Chinese  Tartary;and  fnim  thence  he  sent  foitli 
mighty  armies  to  conciuer  the  world.  This  ex- 
traordinary man,  who  could  iieitlier  read  nor 
write,  establislied  laws  for  the  regulation  of 
social  life  and  for  tlic  chase;  and  adopted  a 
religion  of  pure  Tiieism.  His  army  was  divided 
intoTumansof  10, (KM)  men,  llazarehs  of  l.tKW, 
Sedelis  of  100,  and  Deiiehs  of  10,  each  under  a 
Tatar  olflcer,  and  they  were  armed  with  bows 
and  arrows,  swords,  and  iron  maces.  Having 
brought  the  whole  of  Tartary  under  his  sway, 
he  conquered  China,  while  liis  sons,  Oklai  ami 
Jagatai,  were  sent  [A.  D.  12181  with  a  vast  army 
against  Kliuwari/iii  [whoso  prince  liad  provoked 
tlie  attack  by  murdering  a  large  number  of  iner- 
cliauts  who  were  under  the  protection  of  Jingiz]. 
Tiie  country  was  coiKiuerod,  thougli  bravely  de- 
fended by  tlie  king's  son,  Jalalu-'d-Diu;  100,000 
I>eople  were  put  to  tlie  sword,  the  rest  sold  as 
slaves.  .  .  .  The  sons  of  ,)ingiz-Klian  then  re- 
turned in  triumph  to  their  father;  but  the  brave 
young  prince,  Jalalu-'d-Din,  still  held  out  against 
tlie  conquerors  of  his  country.  This  opposition 
roused  .liugiz-Klian  to  fury;  Balk  was  attacked 
for  having  harboured  the  fugitive  prince  in  1221, 
and,  having  surrendered,  the  people  were  all  put 
to  death.  Nishapur  sliared  the  same  fate,  and  a 
horrible  massacre  of  all  the  inhabitants  took 
place.",  Jalalu-'d-Din,  pursued  to  tlie  banks  of 
the  Indus  and  defeated  in  a  des|K'mte  battle 
fought  there,  swam  the  river  on  horseback,  in 
tlie  face  of  the  enemy,  and  escaped  into  India. 
"Tlie  Mongol  liordes  then  overran  Kandahar 
and  Multan,  Azerbaijan  and  'Irak;  Fars  was  only 
saved  by  the  submission  of  its  Ata-bcg,  and  two 
Mongol  generals  marched  round  the  Caspian  Sea. 
Jingiz-Khan  returned  to  Tartary  in  A.  D.  1222, 
but  in  these  terrible  campaigns  ho  lost  no  less 
than  200,000  men.  As  soon  as  the  great  con- 
quercr  had  retired  out  of  Persia,  tlic  indefatiga- 
ble Jalalu-'d-Din  recrosscd  the  Indus  with  4,()00 
followers,  and  passing  through  Sliiraz  and  Isfa- 
ham  drove  the  Mongols  out  of  Tabriz.  But  ho 
was  defeated  by  them  in  1226 ;  and  though  he 
kejit  up  the  war  in  Azerbaijan  for  a  short  time 
longer,  he  was  at  length  utterly  routed,  and  fly- 
ing into  Kurdistan  v.s  killed  in  the  house 
of  a  friend  there,  four  years  afterwards.  .  .  . 
Jingiz-Kliau  died  in  the  year  1227. "— C.  U.  Mark- 
ham,  llist.  of  Persia,  eh.  7.  —  In    1224   Jingiz 


2221 


M0N00L8. 


MONGOLS. 


"divided  his  gignntic  rmpirc  amongRt  hia  mnn 
an  folluwH:  C'liina  and  Mongoliii  wcro  given  to 
Oktni,  wliom  Uv.  nnminitU'd  an  IiIh  BUcccHSor ; 
Tclmgliatiil  rerclvc'd  ik  p»rt  of  tlie  lliguric  piisses 
as  fiir  118  KImliri-zni,  hicliKling  Tiirlicstun  itnil 
Trnnsoxiinin;  Djudi  liad  dli'd  in  (Iil>  meiintinii', 
BO  liatu  wits  inadu  lord  of  Klutro/ni,  Doslit  i- 
Kipteliult  of  tlie  puss  of  Dcrlx'iul  and  Tuli  wan 
placed  'jviT  Kliontsitn,  Pentia,  and  India."— A. 
VambOry,  //ii<t.  of  Ihkhara,  ch.  8. —  "Popu- 
larly liu  [JinKiH-Klian]  Is  inentioiicd  with  Attila 
mid  with  Timur  as  onu  of  the  'Scourgos  of  Ood.' 
.  .  .  Hut  he  was  farinoro  tlianatoni|Ut'n;r.  .  .  . 
In  every  dctjiil  of  social  and  political  economy 
be  was  a  creator;  his  laws  an<l  his  administm- 
tive  rules  arc  equally  admirable  ami  astounding 
to  the  student.  .  .  .  He  may  fairly  claim  to  have 
concjuercd  tlic  greatest  area  of  the  world's  sur- 
face that  wiLS  ever  subdued  by  one  hand.  .  .  , 
Jlngis  organised  a  system  of  intelligence  and 
espionage  by  wliicli  he  generally  knew  well  tiio 
internal  condition  of  tiie  country  he  was  aliout  to 
attack.  He  intrigued  with  tlie  discontented  and 
seduced  them  by  fair  promises.  .  .  .  The  Mon- 
gols ravaged  and  laid  waste  the  country  all 
round  the  bigger  towns,  and  they  generally  tried 
to  entice  a  portion  of  the  garrison  into  au  ambus- 
cade. They  built  regular  slege-worka  armed 
witii  catapults;  the  captives  and  peasants  were 
forced  to  take  part  In  the  assault;  the  attack 
never  ceased  night  or  day ;  relief  of  troops  keep- 
ing the  garrison  in  perpetual  terror.  They  cm- 
ployed  Chinese  and  Persians  to  make  their  war 
engines.  .  .  .  Tiiey  rarely  abandouod  the  siege 
of  11  place  altogether,  and  would  sometimes  con- 
tinue a  biockiule  for  years.  They  were  bound 
by  no  oath,  and  however  solemn  their  promise  to 
the  inhabitants  who  would  surrender,  It  was 
broken,  and  a  general  massacre  ensued.  It  was 
their  policy  to  leave  behind  them  no  body  of 
people,  however  submissive,  who  might  in- 
convenience their  communications.  .  .  .  His 
[Jingis'J  creed  was  to  sweep  away  all  cities,  as 
the  haunts  of  slaves  and  of  luxury;  that  his 
herds  might  freely  feed  upon  grass  whose  green 
was  free  from  dusty  feet.  It  docs  make  one 
hide  one's  face  in  terror  to  read  that  from  1211  to 
1223,  18,470,000  human  beings  perished  in  Clilna 
and  Tangiit  alone,  at  the  hands  of  Jlngis  and  his 
followers. "— II.  II.  Ilowortii,  llut.  of  the  Mon- 
gul»,  V.  1,  p.  49, 108-113.— "  He  [Jlnglz-Khan]  was 
.  .  .  tt  military  genius  of  the  very  nrst  order,  and 
it  may  be  questioned  whether  cither  Cicsar  or 
Napoleon  can,  as  commanders,  be  placed  on  a 

{)ar  witli  him.  The  manner  in  which  he  moved 
arge  bodies  of  men  over  vast  distances  without 
an  apparent  etTort,  tlie  judgment  he  showed  in 
the  conduct  of  several  wars  in  countries  far 
apart  from  each  other,  his  strategy  ia  unknown 
regions,  always  on  the  alert  yet  never  allowing 
hesitation  or  over-caution  to  interfere  with  his 
enterprises,  the  sieges  which  he  brought  to  a  suc- 
cessful termination,  his  brilliant  victories  .  .  . 
—  all  combined,  make  up  the  picture  of  a  career 
to  whicii  Europe  can  offer  notiiing  that  will  sur- 
pass, if  indeed  she  has  anything  to  bear  compari- 
son with  it." — D.  C.  Boulger,  llist.  of  (Jliina,  v. 
1,  eh.  21.— Sec,  also,  China:  A.  D.  1205-1234; 
Khokabsan;  Bokiiaua:  A.  D.  1210;  Samaii- 
KANU;  Mekv;  Balkii;  Kiiuarez.m. 

A.  D.  1202.— Overthrow  of  the  Kerait,  or 
the  kingdom  of  Prester  John.  See  Fiiebter 
JouN,  Tub  kinodusi  of. 


A.  D.  122^1294.— Conqueitt  of  the  tuc- 
ceiiors  of  Jingiz  Khan.- "(>kk(Mlal  [or  Ogotai 
or  OktaiJ,  tile  son  mid  successor  of  ('hinghiz, 
foilowt'd  up  the  siilijugation  of  China,  extin- 
guished tlio  Kin  llnally  in  1234  and  consolidated 
with  Ills  empire  all  the  provinces  north  of  the 
Great  Klang.  .  .  .  After  establishing  his  |M)wer 
over  so  mucli  of  China  as  we  have  said,  Okkodal 
raised  a  vast  anny  and  set  It  in  motion  towards 
the  west.  One  portion  was  directed  against 
Armenia,  Georgia,  and  Asia  Minor,  whilst  an- 
other great  host  under  Main,  tlie  iienhew  of  tlio 
Great  Khan,  conquered  tiie  countries  north  of 
Caucasus,  overran  Russia  making  it  tributary, 
and  still  continued  to  carry  lire  and  slaughter 
westward.  One  great  detachment  under  a  lieu- 
tenant of  Uatu's  entered  Poland,  burned  Cracow, 
found  Bresiaw  in  ashes  and  abandoned  by  its 
people,  and  defeateil  with  great  slaughter  at 
WaiilsUidt  near  I.ignitz  (April  12th,  1241)  the 
triKips  of  Poland,  .^Il)ravia  and  Silesia,  who  had 
gathered  under  Duke  Henry  of  tlie  latter  prov- 
hice  to  make  head  against  this  astounding  flood 
of  heathen.  Uatu  himself  with  the  main  Ixxly 
of  his  army  was  ravaging  Hungary  [see  lIuN- 
OAiiY;  A.  1).  1114-13011  .  .  .  Pesth  was  now 
taken  and  burnt  and  ad  its  people  put  to  tlie 
sword.  The  rumours  of  tiie  Tartars  ai'd  their 
frightful  dev;i8tatlons  liiul  scattered  fear  through 
Europe,  whicli  the  defeat  at  Lignitz  raised  to  a 
climax.  Indeed  weak  and  disunited  Cliristen- 
(loiii  seemed  to  lie  at  the  foot  of  the  barbarians. 
The  Pope  to  be  sure  proclaimed  crusade,  and 
wrote  circular  letters,  but  the  enmity  between 
him  and  the  Emperor  Frederic  II.  was  allowed 
to  prevent  any  co-operation,  and  neither  of  tiiem 
responded  by  anytliing  belter  than  words  to  the 
»•,  rnest  calls  for  help  whicli  came  from  the  King 
of  Hungary.  No  human  aid  merited  tliunks 
when  Europe  was  relieved  by  heaving  tiiat  the 
Tartar  host  had  sudiieniy  retreated  eastward. 
The  Great  Khan  Okko*lui  was  dead  [A.  1).  1241] 
in  the  depths  of  Asia,  and  a  courier  had  come  to 
recall  the  army  from  Europe.  In  12.55  a  new 
wave  of  concjuest  rolled  westward  from  Mon- 
golia, this  time  directed  aii;ain8t  the  Ismaeliansor 
'  Assassins '  on  tlie  snuth  'if  the  Caspian,  and  then 
successively  against  the  Khallf  of  Bagiidad  and 
Syria.  Tiie  conclusion  of  this  expedition  under 
Hulagu  may  be  considered  to  marii  the  climax  of 
tiie  Alongol  power.  JIangu  Khan,  the  emperor 
then  reigning,  and  who  died  on  a  campaign  in 
China  in  1259,  was  tlie  last  wLo  exercised  a 
sovereignty  so  nearly  universal.  His  sucj'bsor 
Kublui  extended  indeed  largely  the  frontiers 
of  tlie  Mongol  power  in  China  [see  China: 
A.  D.  1259-1294],  which  he  brought  entirely 
under  the  yoke,  besides  gaining  conquests  rather 
nominal  than  real  on  its  southern  and  south- 
eastern bonlers,  but  he  riled  effectively  only  in 
the  eastern  regions  of  the  great  empire,  w;;!ch 
had  now  broken  up  into  four.  (1)  The  immediate 
Empire  of  tlie  Great  Khan,  seated  eventually  at 
Khanbalik  or  Peking,  embraced  China,  Corea, 
Mongolia,  and  Manchuria,  Tibet,  and  claims  at 
least  over  Tunklng  and  countries  on  tiie  A va  fron- 
tier; (2),  the  Chagatai  Khanate,  or  Middle  Empire 
of  tlieTartars,with  its  capital  at  Almalik,  included 
the  modern  Dsungaria,  part  of  Cliinese  Turkes- 
tan, Transoxiana,  and  Afghanistan;  (3),  the  Em- 
pire of  KipcliiiU,  or  the  Northern  Tartars, 
founded  on  1  1  nests  of  Batu,  and  with  its 

chief  seat  at  .        ,  on  the  Wolga,  covered  a 


2222 


MONOOLS. 


MONOTIIEMTE  CONTUOVERHY. 


Inrgp  part  of  Fluwtlii,  tlip  roimtry  north  of  Cfiu- 
riutiiM.  Khwitri/.m,  and  n  part  of  iIip  nuxlcrti 
SIhuriii;  (4),  I'lTHiit.  witll  lU  capitiil  cvcntiiallv  at 
Tahrlz,  viubniccd  UvorKiii,  Armenia,  A/.('rl)alJaii 
mill  part  of  AmIii  Minor,  all  i'crsia,  Anil)lari  Irak, 
ami  Kliorawui. " — II.  Yiilc,  ('iit/iiii/  unit  t/if  irny 
TIr'llur:  I'riiiminiirji  Kiuiiy,  lurt.  U',i-ll4  (i\  I' 

Al.w)  IN:  II.  II.  lloworth,  /Hit.  of  the  MimijuU, 
rh.  4-.T 

A.  D.  1338-1391.— The  Kipchak  empire.— 
The  Golden  Horde. — "  It  was  iiiiiicr  Toimlii  [or 
Jiicliil,  Hon  of  Tiu'lilngii*,  that  tliu  great  migra- 
tion of  thu  MogiilH  c'iTcetod  nnaliliiing  Kcttlcincnt 
in  ItuRsia.  .  .  .  ToiihIiI,  with  lialf  11  iiiillion  uf 
Moguls,  ontcred  KurolM- close  by  the  Seaof  Azof. 
On  the  hanks  of  tiiu  river  Kalka  he  encounteri'd 
the  united  forces  of  Ihu  UuHsian  princes.  'I  lie 
death  (if  Toiishi  for  atvliilo  arresteil  tlie  progress 
of  the  Tatar  arms.  But  in  ViM,  Hatii,  the  son  of 
Toushl,  took  the  command,  and  all  the  principall- 
ties  and  cities  of  HiiHsia,  with  the  exception  of 
Novogorod,  were  desolated  by  tiro  and  sword 
Hiid  oc(^upie<l  hy  the  enemy.  For  two  cen- 
turies HiiHsia  was  held  cabined,  cribbed,  confined 
by  tills  encampment  or  horde.  Tho  Golden 
Horde  of  the  Deshtl  Kip/.ak,  or  Steppe  of  the 
Hollow  Tree.  Between  the  Volga  and  the  Don, 
and  beyond  tlie  Volga,  Hpri'ads  this  limitless 
region  the  Deshtl  KIp/.ak.  It  was  occupied 
in  tho  tlrst  instance,  most  probably,  by  Hun- 
Turks,  who  (irst  attracted  and  then  were  Jib- 
Borbcd  by  fresh  lmniigrant.s.  From  this  re- 
gion an  empire  took  its  name.  By  tho  river 
Akhtuba,  a  brnncli  of  the  lower  Volga,  at  Great 
Serai,  Batii  erected  his  golden  tci  and  here  It 
was  he  received  the  Russian  princes  whom  he 
bad  reduced  to  vassalage.  Here  he  entertained 
a  king  of  Armenia;  and  here,  t(X),  he  received 
the  ambassadors  of  8.  Louis.  .  .  .  With  the  ex- 
ception of  Novogorod,  which  had  Joined  tho 
Ilanseatio  League  In  1376,  and  rose  rapidly  in 
commercial  prosperity,  all  Uussia  continued  to 
endure,  till  tho  extlncthm  of  the  house  of  Batu, 
a  degrading  and  hopeless  bondage.  When  the 
direct  race  came  to  an  end,  tho  coiratoral  branches 
became  Involved  in  very  serious  conflicts;  and  in 
1880,  Temnik-Mami  was  overthrown  near  the 
river  Don  by  Demetrius  IV.,  who,  with  tho  vic- 
tory, won  a  title  of  honour,  Donski,  which  out- 
lasted the  benefits  of  tho  victory ;  although  it  Is 
from  this  conHlct  that  Kussian  writers  dato 
the  commencement  of  tlieir  freedom.  .  .  .  After 
an  existence  of  more  than  250  years  the  Golden 
Horde  was  finally  dissolved  in  1480.  Already, 
in  1408,  the  khanate  of  Kusan  [or  Kazan]  was 
conquered  and  absorbed  by  tho  Grand  Duke 
Ivan;  and,  after  tho  extinction  of  tho  horde, 
Eurot)eans  for  the  first  time  i.  ctcd  tribute  of 
the  Tatar,  and  ambassadors  found  their  way  im- 
obstructed  to  Moscow.  But  the  breaking  up  of 
the  Golden  Horde  did  not  carry  with  It  the  col- 
lapse of  all  Tatar  power  in  Russia.  Rather  the 
efiect  was  to  create  a  concentration  of  all  their 
residuary  resources  in  the  Crimea." — C.  L  Black, 
Tlie  Proselytes  of  hhmael,  pt.  3,  eh.  4. — "Tho 
Mongol  word  yurt  meant  originally  the  domestic 
fireplace,  and,  acconling  to  Von  Hammer,  the 
word  Is  Identical  with  the  German  horde  and  tho 
English  hearth,  and  thence  came  in  a  secondary 
sense  to  mean  liousc  or  home,  the  chief's  house 
being  known  as  Ulugh  Yurt  or  the  Great  House. 
An  itsseinblago  of  several  yurts  formed  an  ordu 
or  onla,  equivalent  to  the  German  hort  and  the 


KngllHli  horde,  which  really  means  a  camp.  Tho 
chief  ramp  where  the  ruler  of  the  nation  lived 
was  called  the  Hir  Orda,  I.  e.,  tlie  Golden  Horde. 
...  It  came  about  that  eventually  llie  whole 
nation  was  known  as  the  Golden  Horde."  Tho 
power  of  tho  Golden  Horde  was  broken  by  tho 
conciucHts  of  TImour  (A.  I).  1;IHU-1!WI).  It  was 
finally  broken  Into  several  fnigrnents,  \.\w,  chief 
of  which,  the  Khanates  of  Kazan,  of  Astrakhan, 
and  of  Krim,  or  tho  Crimea,  maintained  a  long 
struggle  with  Russia,  and  were  succesHlvely 
overjiowered  and  absorbed  in  the  empire  of  thu 
.Muscovite. — II.  H.  lloworth.  Hint,  of  the  Midi- 
r/ols,  pt.  3,  pp.  1  mill  X.  —  Hee,  also,  above:  A.  I). 
1330-1304;  Kii'ciiaks;  and  Ruhhi.^:  A.  I).  13:17- 
14H(). 

A.  D.  1357-1358.— Khulagu's  overthrow  of 
the  Caliphate.     See  B.midad:  A.  I).  ViW. 

A.  D.  1358-1393.— The  empire  of  the  Ilk- 
hans.     Hee  I'KitHU:  A.  I).  13.1H-i:«i:t. 

A.  D.  1371-1405.— The  conquests  of  Timour. 
Hee  TiMoini. 

A.  D.  1536-1605.- Founding;  of  the  Mo|rul 
(Moneol)  empire  in   India.     See  India:  A.   I>. 

vmt-mr>. 

MONITOR  AND  MERRIMAC,  Battle 
of  the.  See  United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D. 
18fl3  (Makcii). 

MONKS.  8co  Austin  Canons;  Bknedic- 
TiNK  OuDKiis;  Cai'uciiins;  Caiime'  itk  Fiiiaus; 
Cautiiusian  OiiDrn ;  Cisteiician  OnnEU :  (.'i.aiu- 

VAUX;  Cl.UONY;  MrNDICANT  OilDEHS;  RECOL- 
LECTS; Heuvites;  Tiieatines;  and  Tiiaitihts. 

MONMOUTH,  Battlft  of.  Hee  United 
HtatesopAm.  :  A.  D.  1778  (.Ivne). 

MONMOUTH'S  REBELLION.  See  Eno- 
LANO:  A.  I).  108.5  (May— Ji'i.v). 

MONOCACY,  Battle  of  the.  See  UNiTtu 
States  of  Am.:  A.  I).  1804  (.July:  Vikoinia — 
Makvlani)). 

MONOPHYSITE  CONTROVERSY.   Seo 

NebTOKIAN     and    Mo.NOl'UVSITK    CONTIIOVKKSV; 

also,  .Tacoiute  Ciiuhcii. 

MONOTHELITE  CONTROVERSY, 
The. — "Tho  Council  of  Clialcedon  having  de- 
cided that  our  Lord  possessed  two  natures,  united 
but  not  confused,  the  Eutyclilan  error  condemned 
by  It  Is  supposed  to  have  been  virtually  repro- 
duced by  the  Monothelites,  who  maintained  that 
the  two  natures  were  so  united  as  to  have  but 
one  will.  This  heresy  is  ascribed  to  Ileraclius 
the  Greek  emperor,  who  adopted  it  as  a  political 
project  for  reconciling  and  reclaiming  tho  Mo- 
nophysites  to  tlio  Church,  and  thus  to  the  empire. 
The  Armenians  lis  a  body  had  held,  for  a  Ion? 
time,  the  Monophysite  (a  form  of  the  Eiitychi- 
an)  heresy,  and  were  then  in  danger  of  break- 
ing their  allegiance  to  the  emperor,  as  they  had 
done  to  the  Church ;  and  it  was  chiefly  to  pre- 
vent the  threatened  rupture  that  Heraclius 
made  a  secret  compromise  with  some  of  their 
principal  men.  .  .  .  Neither  .  .  .  the  strenuous 
efforts  of  the  Greek  emperors  Heraclius  and  Con- 
stans,  nor  the  concession  of  Honorius  the  Roman 
pontiff  to  tho  soundness  of  tho  Monothelite  doc- 
trine, could  introduce  it  into  the  Church.  Hera- 
clius published  in  A.  D.  630  an  Ecthcsis,  or  a 
formula,  in  which  Monothclism  was  covertly 
intro<luced.  The  sixth  general  council,  held  In  ' 
Constantinople  A.  D.  680,  condemned  both  the 
heresy  and  Honorius,  the  Roman  jiontiff  who  • 
had    countenanced    it.     '  The    doctrine    of    the 


2224 


MONOTIIKLITE  CONTUOVEUSY. 


MONTKVIDKO. 


Monothclltci,  thiu  cnmlpmnpd  and  vxplfNlrd  by 
tlio  Council  of  ('(inRtHiitlnoplf,  foiiiiil  n  |iliicc>  of 
it'filKO  nmong  llio  MardiillcN,  ii  pooplu  who  In- 
)iiil)l;cd  th(<  moiititaiiiH  of  LIbikiiiiH  and  Aiitl- 
lilbuiiuH,  and  'vho,  about  tlii)  concliiHlon  of  tbJM 
ccnlury,  rccclvt'i!  thu  n.'  rnu  of  MaronltcM  from 
John  Maro,  thuirtlnii.  blgliop— a  name  which  they 
■till  retain.'.  ,  .  In  the  time  of  tiio  CruHadcm, 
tlio  MaronltoH  united  witli  tlicni  in  tlioir  warn 
aK'dnHt  thu  Hnraccns,  and  HuliHO(|Mi'ntly  (A.  I>. 
11H3)  In  their  faith.  After  tliu  evacuation  of 
Syria  by  the  (!ruiuulerH,  tlie  MnronitcH,  an  their 
former  allieH,  Imd  to  bear  tlie  ven;'e>irice  of  tlie 
8araeenie  IduKs:  and  for  a  Umif  time  tliey  de- 
fended theniHelveH  aH  tlicy  rould,  HomctiriN'H 
inllleling  HcriouH  injury  on  tlie  .MoHleni  army, 
and  at  others  HulTerlnjf  the  revengeful  fury  of 
their  encmleH.  They  ultimately  Hubmitted  to  the 
ride  of  their  iMohammedan  niuHteni,  and  are  now 
g(Hxl  Hubjccts  of  the  Hultnn.  .  .  .  T\u'  MaroniteM 
now  .  .  .  arc  entirely  free  from  tlie  Monothelitc! 
heresy,  which  they  doublleHU  followed  In  their 
earlier  lilHtory;  nor,  indeed,  does  then!  appear  a 
llnKlo  vestlgo  of  it  in  their  histories,  theolo)(icul 
booKM,  or  liturgies.  Their  fidth  in  the  person  of 
Christ  and  in  idl  the  articles  of  religion  Is  now, 
as  it  has  been  for. a  long  lime  past,  in  exact  lud- 
formity  witli  tlio  doctrines  of  the  Konian 
Church." — J.  Wortabet,  Heittnrehet  into  the  lie- 
Ujfiont  of  Syria,  pp.  103-111,  trithfixH-note. 

Ai.w)  IN:  H.  F.  Tozer,  The  Church  and  the 
Eautevii  Empire,  eh.  6. — K.  (ilbbon,  Ikeline  and 
Fall  of  the  Homnn  Empire,  ch.  47.— 1'.  SchalT, 
Hint,  of  the  Chritlian  Church,  v.  4,  ch.  11,  sect. 
100-111. 

MONROE,  James,  and  the  opposition  to 
.  the  Federal  Constitution.    Hee  Unitkh.Statks 
pv  Am.  :  A.  1).  1787-1780 Presidential  elec- 
tion and  administration.    See  U.mtku  .Statks 
OF  Am.  :  A.  I).  1810,  to  IH').'). 

MONROE  DOCTRINE,  The.  See  United 
SiWTKK  OK  Am.  :  A.  D.  182!J. 

MONROVIA.  ScoSlavekv,  Neouo:  A.  D. 
1810-1847. 

» 

MONS:  A.  D,  1572.— Capture  by  Louis  of 
Nassau,  recovery  by  the  Spaniards,  and  mas- 
sacre.    See  Nktheui.ands;  A.  I).  ir>Ti-irtT-i. 

A.  D.  1691.— Siege  and  surrender  to  Louis 
XIV.     SeeFuANCK;  A.  I).  1089-lOUl. 

A.  D.  1697.  —  Restored  to  Spain.  Sec 
Fuance:  A.  D.  1607. 

A.  D.  1709. — Siege  and  reduction  by  Marl- 
borough and  Prince  Eugene.  See  .NeTiiEii- 
LAKDs:  A.  I).  1708-1700. 

A.  D.  17 13.— Transferred  to  Holland.  See 
Utkeciit:  a.  I).  1713-1714. 

A.  D  1746-1748.— Taken  by  the  French  and 
restored  to  Austria.  See  Netiieui.andh;  A.  D. 
1740-1747;  and  Ai.v-la-Ciiapelle,  Tub  Con- 
ORE88. 

'» 

MONS  GRAMPIUS,  Battle  of.    Sec  Oram 

PIANM. 

MONS  SACER,  Secession  of  the  Roman 
Plebeians  to.     See  Home;  H.  C.  404-402. 

MONS  TARPEIUS.   See  Capitoi.ine  Hili,. 

MONSIEUR.— Under  the  old  regime,  in 
Prance,  this  was  the  special  designation  of  the 
elder  among  the  king's  brothers. 

MONT  ST.  JEAN,  Battle  of.  The  battle 
of  Waterloo— see  France;  A.  D.  1815  (June)— 
is  sometimes  so  called  by  the  French. 


MONTAGNAIS,  The.  See  Amkiiican  Aii- 
(iuioinkn:  Ai.ooNtjL'iA.M  Family,  and  Atiiai'as- 
JAN  Family. 

MONTAGNARDS,  OR  THE  MOUN- 
TAIN. See  FuANtK  A.  I».  171(1  (OiTonKIl); 
171I','  (Ski  TKMMK.u— NovKMiiKU);  and  after,  to 
17U4-171t.'>(.Ii  i,v— Ai-iiii). 

MONTAGNE    NOIRE,   Battle  of  (1794). 
SeeFuAN(K:  A.  D.  17tM-17l».'i  (tJiToiiKK— .May). 
••- 

MONTANA:  A.  D.  1803.— Partly  or  wholly 
embraced  in  the  Louisiana  Purchase.— The 
question.     See  Loiixiana:   .V.  D.  1708-180:1. 

A.  O.  1864-1889.— Organization  as  a  Terri- 
tory and  admission  as  a  State.—  .Montana  re 
ceiveil  Its  'I'crrltorlid  organization  in  18)1-1,  .mil 
was  iiihnilted  to  the  I'ldon  as  a  Stale  iii  1880. 
See  Initeii  States  OK  Am.  :  A.  1).  1880-18U0. 


MONTANISTS.— A  name  given  to  the  fo|. 
lowers  (if  .MontanuH,  who  aiipeared  In  the  '2d 
eentiuy,  anuiiig  the  ChrlsllanH  of  I'hrygia, 
claiming  that  the  Holy  Spirit,  the  I'araeletc, 
"  had,  by  divine  appointment,  descended  upon 
him  for  the  purpose  of  foretelling  things  of  the 
greatest  1  iimenl  that  were  about  to  haiipen,  and 
promulgating  a  bettr'r  and  more  perfect  disci- 
pline of  life  and  morals.  .  .  .  This  sect  rou- 
tinned  to  nourish  down  to  the  5tb  century.  " — 
.1.  Ij.  von  .Moshcim,  llintoiieal  Comnientaries,  2'i 
I'entiini,  mrt.  (10. 

MONTAPERTI,  Battle  of  (1260).  See 
Flouenck;  a.  I).  1218-1'278. 

MONTAUBAN,  Siege  of  (1621).  See 
Prance:  A.  I).  ItWO- 1 ()'2'2. 

MONTAUKS,  The.  See  American  Aug- 
ukiineh:  Aijio.scifiAN  Family. 

MONTBELIARD,  Battle  of  (1871).  Sec 
France:  A.  I).  1870-1871. 

MONTCALM,  and  the  defense  of  Canada. 
See  Canada:  A.  I).  I7.VI.  to  17.".1), 

MONTE  CASEROS,  Battle  of  (1852). 
See  AuoKNTiNE    Kia'ini.ic:  A.  I).  1810-1874. 

MONTE  CASINO,  The  Monastery  of. 
See  Henedictine  Okders. 

MONTE  ROTUNDO,  Battle  of  (1867). 
See  Italy:  A.  I).  1807-1870. 

MONTE  SAN  GIOVANNI,  Battle  and 
massacre  (1495).     See  Italy:  A.  I).  1404-1406. 

MONTEBELLO,  Battle  of  (1800).  See 
France:  A.  I).  1800-1801  (.May  — Fehruary). 
...  (1859.)    See  Italy:  A.  I).  IH.-iO-lsr.O. 

MONTECATINI,  Battle  of  (1315).  See 
Italy:  A.  1).  13iy-i:W0. 

MONTENEGRO.  Sec  Balkan  and  Danu- 
dian  States. 

MONTENOTTE,  Battles  at  (1796).  See 
France;  A.  I).  1700  (Aphii.— Octorer). 

MONTEREAU,  Battle  of.  See  Prance: 
A.  I).  1814  (Jancary— March). 

MONTEREAU,  The  Bridge  of  (1419),  See 
France:  A.  D.  1415-1419. 

MONTEREY,  Cal. :  Possession  taken  by 
the  American  fleet  (1846).  See  California: 
A.  I).  1840-1847. 

MONTEREY,  Mexico:  Siege  by  the 
Americans  (1846).  See  Me.mco:  A.  I).  1840- 
1847. 

MONTEREY,  Penn.,  The  Battle  of.  Sec 
United  States  ok  Am.:  A.  D.  1863  (June- 
July:  Pennsylvania^. 

MONTEVIDEO:  Founding  of  the  city. 
Sec  Argentine  Kepuulic:  A.  L).  1580-1777. 


2225 


MONTEZUMA. 


MOO  118. 


MONTEZUMA,  The  •o^alled  Bmpir*  of. 

8<r  mkviio  a  i>  laa.^-imta. 

MONTFORT,  Simon  de  (the  elder),  The 
CruMde  of.    Hn- Cuchadkn:  A   l>.  I'JOl  l'2():i 

MONT  FO.^T,  Simon  de  (the  younKcr),  The 
Engtiih  Parliament  and  the  Baroni'  war.    H<t 

I'aIII.IAMKNT.   TiIK    KniiIIHII;    K.MU.Y   HTAIIKK   IN 

MM  KViii.iTliiN ;  nml  Kniii.anI):  A.  I).  I21tl-I27l. 

MONTGOMERY,  General  Richard,  and  hit 
expedition  againit  Quebec.  Hcv  Canada: 
A.  I)    177.-.  ITfil 

MONTGOMERY  CONSTITUTION  and 
Government.     Hw,    L'nitkd    Htatkh   ok    Am  : 

A     I>     IHdl   (l''K.MIirAUV), 

MONTI  OF  SIENA,  The.     Hup  Hikna. 
MONTLEHERY,   Battle    of   (1465).     Hee 
FliANiK:  A.  1).  U0l-14(W. 


MONTMEDY:  A.  D.  1657.- Siege  and 
capture  by  the  French  and  Engliih.  Sn.' 
Fhanck:  a.  I).  um-KI.W. 

A.  D.  1659.— Ceieion  to  France.  Sou 
Phanik;  a.  1).  lO.W- 1(11)1. 


MONTMIRAIL,  Battle  of.  Sco  Francr: 
A.  I).  1H14  (.Iani'aiiy— MAiini). 

MONTPELIER,  Treaty  of.     Sec  Fkanck: 

A.  1).  I«'.i0-1022 Second  Treaty  of.  Sec 

Fhanck:  A.  I).  1()'.M-1()2«. 

MONTPENSIER,  Mademoiielle,  and  the 
Fronde.     Slu  Fuanck:  A.  I).  lO.M-lO.W. 

MONTREAL  :  A.  D.  1535.— The  Naming 
of  the  Uland.     S.e  Amkhica:  A.  I).  15;t4-l.')!).'>. 

A.  D.  161 1. —The  founding  of  the  City  by 
Champlain.     Hoo  Canada:  A.  I).  lOII-KlltJ. 

A.  D.  1641-1657.  —  Settlement  under  the 
seigniory  of  the  Sulpiciant,  Sec  Canada:  A.  1). 
lt):)7- 1(1.57. 

A.  D.  1689.— Destructive  attack  by  the  Iro- 
nuois.     Ki'c  CUnada  :   A.  I).  1040-1700. 

A.  O.  1690. —  Threatened  by  the  English 
Colonists.     Sfc  Canada;  A.  D.  1089-lOUO. 

A.  D.  1760.— The  surrender  of  the  city  and 
of  a.'l  Canada  to  the  English.  Sue  Canada: 
A.  1).  1700. 

A.  L\  1775-1776.— Taken  by  the  Americans 
and  recovered  oy  the  British.  Sec  Canada: 
A.  I),  n  75-1770. 

A.  D.  1813.— Abortive  expedition  of  Ameri- 
can forces axainst  the  city.   Sec  Un ii kd States 

OKAm.  :    A.D.   1813  (OCTOBKU— NOVEMDEII). 

MONTROSE,  and  thi^  Covenanter*.  See 
Scotland:  A.  I).  1038-lf40:  mid  1044-10 W. 

MONZ A,  Battle  of  (141a).  See  Italy:  A.  D. 
1412-1447. 

MONZON,  OR  MONCON,  Treaty  of(i626). 
See  Fuanck:   A.  1).  1024-1020. 

MOODKEE,  Battle  of  (184s).  Sec  India: 
A.  I).  1S4.-.-  IHli). 

MOOKERHYDE,  Battle  of  (1574).  See 
Kktmkulandm:  A.  I).  1.573-1.')74. 

MOOLTAN,  OR  MULTAN  :  A.  D.  1848- 
1849.— Siege  and  capture  by  the  English.  Sec 
lNnL\:  A.  1).  184.')-t849. 

MOORE,  Sir  John :  Campaign  in  Spain  and 
death.  See  Si-ain:  A.  I).  1808-1809  (Auoust— 
Jan  u  All  Y). 

MOORE'S  CREEK,  Battle  of  (1776).  See 
NouTii  Carolina:  A.  O.  177.'>-1770. 

MOORISH  SCHOOLS  AND  UNIVERSI- 
TIES.    See  Education,  J^Iedi^val. 


MOORS,  OR  MAURI,  Origin.    Hoo  Niimid. 

lANN. 

A.  D.  698-709.  —  Arab  conquest,  fn'p  Ma- 
hometan CoNc^iEUT:  A.  I).    04i-7()U;    nml  Ma- 

IUM'<'0. 

A.  D.  711-713. —  Conquest  of  Spain.  Sett 
Spain:  A.  I).  711-7i:i,  ami  iiflir. 

Ii-I3th  Centuries.— The  Almoravtdes  and 
Almohades  In   Morocco.     See  Almouaviukh; 

nml  Al.MollADKK. 

A.  D.  1493-1609.— Persecution  and  final  ex- 

fulslon  from  Spnin.— The  deadly  effect  upon 
hat  country.  —  "After  llic  rcdiictldii  .  .  .  uf 
the  liiKt  Molminiiiecliiii  kliixiloiii  In  Spulii,  the 
Kreitt  object  of  the  HpniilitnlH  lieeuine  to  convert 
tlioM-  whom  tliey  lind  coiuiiiered  |lii  violation  of 
the  trenty  niitdeontliemirrenderoMimnada].  .  .  . 
liy  tortiirInK  HOino,  by  hiiridiif.  otIierH,  and  liy 
threatenlnK  all,  they  at  leuKtl  Hnreeeded;  anil 
we  are  nxHured  that,  after  tin  year  1.520,  there 
wiM  no  MohaiMinednn  in  Spain,  who  liail  not 
been  converleil  to  ClirlHtlanlly.  Immense  nnm- 
Imth  of  them  were  liaptl/.eil  by  force;  but  lieinjj 
baptized,  it  was  held  that  they  iMOoii^ed  to  the 
(!hurch,  and  were  amenable  to  her  iliKcipllne. 
That  dlNcl|)llii«  was  administered  by  the  In(|uUl- 
llon,  whicli,  during  the  renL  of  Ihe'lOlh  century, 
HUbJected  Iheso  Hew  Clirlstlans,  or  Morlseoes,  as 
they  were  now  called,  to  the  most  barbarous 
treatment.  The  f;enulnenes.s  of  tlieir  forced  con- 
versions was  doubted;  It  therefore  became  the 
business  of  the  Church  to  in(|ulro  Into  their  sin- 
cerity. The  civil  f^overnnieiit  lent  its  aid ;  and 
among  other  enactments,  an  edict  was  issued  by 
I'hiiil)  II.,  in  1.500,  ordering  the  Morlseoes  to 
nbaiMon  iverything  which  by  tlu^  slightest  pos- 
slbi.ity  cnidd  rendnd  them  of  their  former  rc- 
llgijn.  They  were  commanded,  under  severe 
jienaltles,  to  Icnrn  Spanish,  and  to  give  up  u\f 
their  Arable  books.  They  were  forbidden  to 
read  their  native  language,  or  to  write  it,  or  even 
to  speak  it  in  their  own  houses.  Their  ceremonies 
and  their  very  games  were  strictly  prohibited. 
They  were  to  Indulge  In  no  amusements  which 
had  been  practised  by  their  fathers;  neither  were 
they  to  wear  such  clothes  ns  they  had  been  nc- 
ciistoined  to.  Their  women  were  to  go  unveiled ; 
and,  as  bathing  was  a  heathenish  custom,  all 
public;  baths  were  to  be  destroyed,  and  even  all 
iiaths  in  private  houses.  Hy  these  and  similar 
measures,  these  unhappy  people  were  at  length 
goaded  Into  rebellion;  and  in  1.508  they  took  the 
deBpcrate  step  of  measuring  their  force  against 
that  of  the  whole  Spaidsh  monarchy.  The  result 
could  hanlly  be  doubted ;  but  the  Moriseoes 
maddened  by  their  sufferings,  and  fighting  for 
their  all,  protracted  the  contest  till  1571  when 
the  insurrection  was  finally  put  down.  liy  this 
unsuccessful  effort  they  were  greatly  reduced 
in  numbers  and  in  strength;  and  during  the  re- 
maining 27  years  of  the  reign  of  Philip  II.  we 
hear  comparatively  little  of  them.  Notwith- 
standing an  occasional  outbreak,  the  old  animosi- 
ties were  subsiding,  and  in  the  course  of  tlino 
woidd  probably  have  disappeared.  At  all  events, 
there  was  no  pretence  for  violence  on  the  part  of 
the  Spaniards,  since  it  was  absurd  to  suppose 
that  the  Morlseoes,  wef'cf  i?'}.  in  every  way,  hum- 
bled, broken,  and  ih,iai;..'.l  tdrough  the  king- 
dom, could,  even  if  they  desired  It,  effect  any- 
thing aguiust  the  resources  of  the  executive 
government.  Hut,  after  the  death  of  Philip  II., 
that  movement  began  ,  .  .  which,  contrary  to 


2226 


MOORS. 


Mol'M 


the  rourRpnf  alTaInt  in  <>tli<-r  nntinn*,  Konircil  to 
the  Hpuiiluli  t'liTKy  111  tlif  17tli  ci'iiliiry.  iiim. 
power  tliitii  tlii'V  liiiil  iHiNHi'SM'il  III  tilt!  KItli.  Tliti 
cniiHi'iiuciuTHor  thU  wiTi-  liiitiii'illMt-'ly  ii|)|mri'Ml. 
Till*  r)('r)(y  lild  not  think  llint  tin-  Htt'|m  tuki'ii 
IjV  I'IiIII|i  II.  UKivlniit  the  MorimocM  wcri'  hiiIII' 
cli'iitly  (IccImIvo.  .  .  .  ruder  liU  Hiirci'H.Hiir,  llif 
t'U'rgy  .  .  Kitinccl  fri'Hli  HtrciiKtIi.  iiikI  tlicy  HiH  II 
fi'lt  I,  iiHclvi'S  Hiitlli'leiitly  |iowi'rfiil  to  IiokIii 
iiiiotlK'r  tinil  tliml  iruHmlt!  iiKiiinHl  tlu-  nilwriililo 
rcnmliin  of  tliu  MooHhIi  iiiUldn.  Tlic  Arcliliisliop 
of  Viilciu'iik  wiiM  tlio  llrMt  to  take  tliii  tlild.  In 
UM'i,  tlilii  I'lniiii'iil  |)ri'liitc  iircst'iitt'd  :  niciiiorial 
to  I'iiillp  III.  iiKiiliiHt  tlic  AlorlNi'iN'N:  iind  llmliiiK 
that  IiIh  views  were  corillallv  .>(iip|iorled  liy  llie 
rler^y.  and  not  dlseourajjed  liy  I  lie  erown.  he 
followed  up  the  hlow  liy  annlher  nieiniiriiil 
liavliiK  tli(<  HiiiiK!  olijei't.  .  .  .  II(  deelared  that 
the  Ainiiida,  whleh  I'hillp  II.  Heiit  aKaliixt  Kiii( 
land  in  \MH,  hud  been  deHlroyed.  beeiiime  Ood 
would  not  allow  even  that  pious  enterprlHe  to 
gileceed,  wlillo  those  who  undertook  it,  left  here- 
tics undisturlieil  at  home.  For  tlie  same  reason, 
the  late  e.vpeditlon  to  AlKi<'rsliad  failed;  itheinir 
evidently  the  will  of  Heaven  that  iiolhlnK  shoidd 

frosper  wdiilo  Hpaiii  wan  Inlialilted  by  apostates. 
le,  therefore,  exhorted  the  klii^  to  e.\ile  all  t.'ie 
Moriseoes,  except  some  whom  he  inlKhtcondeinn 
to  work  In  the  pulleys,  and  others  who  could  be- 
cimieslikves,  iiiid  labour  In  the  mines  of  America. 
This,  ho  added,  would  make  the  relfiii  of  Philip 

?:lorioiiH  to  nil  posterity,  ami  would  raise  his 
ame  far  nlH)vc'  tliat  of  IiIm  predecessors,  who  In 
this  matter  liad  ncKlectei'  their  obvious  duty. 
.  .  .  That  they  should  id'  be  slain,  instead  of 
being  Imnlsheil,  was  tho  desire  of  n  powerful 
))arty  in  the  Church,  who  thought  that  such  sig- 
nal punishment  would  work  good  by  striking 
terror  into  the  heretics  of  every  nation.  Hleda, 
the  celebrated  Dominican,  one  of  the  most  Intlu- 
cntiul  men  of  his  time,  wished  tliis  to  bu  done, 
and  to  bo  dono  thoroughly,  lie  said,  tliat,  for 
the  sake  of  example,  every  Morlsco  in  Spain 
should  Imvo  his  throat  cut,  becau.se  it  was  linpos- 
siblo  to  tell  which  of  them  were  Chrlstiiins  at 
lieurt,  and  it  was  enough  to  leave  tho  matter  to 
God,  who  knew  his  own,  and  who  would  reward 
111  tho  next  worhl  those  who  Wfro  really  Catho- 
lics. .  .  .  The  religious  scruples  of  Philip  III. 
forbade  him  to  struggle  with  tho  Church;  and 
Ills  minister  Lcrnia  would  not  risk  his  own  au- 
thority by  even  the  show  of  opposition.  In  1009 
ho  aunounced  to  tho  king,  that  the  expulsion  of 
the  Moriseoes  had  becomo  necessary.  '  The  res- 
olution,' replied  Philip,  'is  a  great  one;  lot  it  be 
executed.'  And  executed  it  was,  with  untlinch- 
ing  barbarity.  About  1,000,000  of  tho  most  in- 
dusf  .1U8  inhabitants  of  Spain  wore  hunted  out 
like  wild  beasts,  because  tlm  sincerity  of  their  re- 
ligious opinions  was  doubtful.  >Iany  were  slain, 
08  they  approached  the  coast;  others  wore  beaten 
and  plundered;  and  the  majority,  in  the  most 
wretched  plight,  sailed  for  Africa.  During  the 
passage,  the  crow,  in  many  of  the  ships,  rose 
upon  them,  butchered  the"  men,  ravished  the 
women,  and  threw  the  childa't;  into  the  sea. 
Those  who  escaped  this  fate,  landed  on  the  coast 
of  Barbary,  where  they  were  attacked  by  the 
Bedouins,  and  many  of  them  put  to  the  sword. 
Others  made  their  way  into  the  desert,  and  per- 
ished from  famine.  Of  tho  number  of  lives 
actually  sacritlcod,  we  have  no  authentic  ac- 
count; but  it  is  said,  on  very  good  authority, 

8-43  22 


that  In  one  expedition,  In  which  110,000  were 
carried  to  Afrlia,  upwanU  of  100,000  NufTered 
dealli  In  I  In  most  frightful  forms  within  a  few 
months  after  their  expulsion  fnim  Spain.  Now, 
for  the  tlrst  time,  the  Chureli  was  really  Iriiim- 
pliaiit.  For  the  llrst  time  there  was  not  a  heretic 
111  lie  Mt'cii  belweeii  thi'  PyreiiecH  and  the  SI  mils 
of  (liliniltar.  All  were  orthodox,  and  all  were 
loyal.  F.very  Inhabitant  of  iliat  grea'.  loiintiy 
iilH'yed  the  Cliiiirli,  and  feared  the  king.  And 
from  tills  happv  toiiibiiiatlon,  it  was  iM'lieved 
that  llie  prosperlly  and  grandeur  of  Hpaiii  were 
sure  to  follow.  .  .  .  The  elleels  upon  the  mate 
rial  prosperity  of  Hpaiii  may  be  slated  Ir  a  few 
words.  From  iiearlv  every  part  of  the  country, 
large  bo.Mes  of  iniiuslrinus  agriiiilliirlNts  and 
e.vperl  artilleers  were  Midilenly  withdrawn.  Tho 
best  systems  of  hiisliandry  ilu'ii  known,  were 
inattlsed  by  the  .Moriseoes,  who  tilled  and  Irri- 
gated witli  ind(  ,  itigable  labour.  The  eultlva- 
tiiiii  of  rice,  cotlon,  anil  sugar,  and  the  manufac- 
ture of  silk  and  paper  were  almost  <(inllned  to 
them.  Hy  their  expulsion  all  this  was  destroyed 
at  a  blow,  and  most  of  ll  was  destroyed  foi  ever. 
For  the  Spanlsli  Christians  considered  such  pur- 
suits beneath  their  illgnity.  In  their  Judgment, 
war  and  religion  were  the  oiilv  two  avocations 
worthy  of  being  followed.  To  light  for  the 
kinif,  or  to  Ciller  the  Church  was  lionourablo; 
but  everything  else  was  mean  and  sordid.  When, 
therefore,  the  Slorlscoes  were  thrust  out  of 
Spain,  there  was  no  one  to  1111  their  i)lace;  arts 
and  nii..iufactures  either  degenerated,  or  were 
entirely  lost,  and  immense  regions  of  arable  laud 
were  left  uncultivated.  .  .  .  Whole  districts 
were  suddenly  deserted,  and  down  to  the  present 
day  have  never  been  roiieopled.  These  solitudes 
gave  refuge  to  smugglers  and  brigands,  who 
succeeded  tho  indu:.trious  Inhiibltants  formerly 
(x;(Mipying  them;  and  It  is  said  that  from  the  ex- 
pulsion of  the  Moriseoes  Is  to  be  dalod  tiio  exis- 
tence of  those  organized  bands  of  robbers,  which, 
after  this  period,  became  the  scourge  of  Spain, 
and  which  no  subse(iuent  government  has  been 
able  entirely  to  extirpate.  To  these  disastrous 
consequences,  others  were  added,  of  a  dlllerent, 
and,  if  possible,  of  a  still  more  serious  kind. 
The  victory  gained  by  thetJhiirch  Increased  both 
her  power  and  her  rei)utation.  .  .  .  The  greatest 
men,  with  hardly  an  exception,  Ix'came  ecclesi- 
astics, and  all  temporal  considerations,  all  views 
of  earthly  policy,  were  despised  and  set  at 
nought.  No  one  Inouired;  no  one  doubted;  no 
one  ores  -.•.  '  •  ..«,  f  all  this  was  right.  Tlio 
minds  of  men  succi  abed  and  were  prostrate. 
While  every  other  co  iitry  was  advancing,  Spain 
alone  was  receding.  Every  other  country  was 
making  •  ome  additi  n  to  knowledge,  creating 
some  art,  or  enlarging  some  science,  Spain 
numbed  into  n  deathlike  torpor,  spellbound  and 
entranced  by  the  accursed  superstition  wliich 
preyed  on  her  strcngih,  presented  to  Europe  a 
solitary  instance  of  constant  decay." — U.  T. 
Buckle,  Jlint.  of  Civilization,  v.  2,  ch.  8. 

Ai.so  in:  W.  II.  Prescott,  Hint,  of  the  Tteif/n 
of  Philip  IT.,  bk.  5,  ch.  l-«  (p.  3).— 11.  Watson, 
hist,  of  the  Reign  of  Philip  in.,  bk.  4.— J.  Dun- 
lop,  Memoin  of  Spain,  1021-1700,  v.  1,  ch.  1.— 
See,  also,  Inquisition:  A.  D.  1203-1525. 

I5-I9th  Centuriei.— The  kingdom  of  Ma- 
rocco.    See  Maiiocco. 


MOPH.    See  Mkmpuis. 


27 


MOQUELUJrNAN  FAMILY. 


MORAVIAN  BRETHREN. 


MOQUELUMNAN    FAMILY,   The.    See 

AmKHICAN     AuOltlUINES:     M(«iUEl,LMNAN    FAM- 
ILY. 

MOQUIS,  The.  Sec  Ameiiican  Abokuiines: 
PuKiu.oa 

MORA,  The.— The  name  of  the  sliip  which 
bore  VVilliiim  the  Conciueror  to  Engliiiul,  and 
wliich  waa  the  gift  of  liis  wife,  the  Duchess  Ma- 
tilda. 

MORAT,  Battle  of  (1476).  Sec  nunouNDr 
(The  Fhencii  Dukedom)  :  A.  D.  1470-1477. 


MORAVIA  :  Its  people  and  their  early  his- 
tory.    See  UonEMiA :  Its  Peop'.e,  &r. 

9th  Century. — Conversion  '.o  Christianity. — 
The  kingdom  of  Svatopluk  aad  its  obscure  de- 
struction.— "Moravia  has  not  ctfcn  a  legendary 
history.  Her  name  appears  for  the  first  time  at 
the  beginning  of  tlie  9tn  centurv,  under  Hi  Slav 
form,  Morava  (German  '  March,  'Moehren  ).  It  is 
used  to  denote  at  the  same  time  a  tributary  of 
the  Danube  and  the  country  it  waters ;  it  is  met 
with  again  in  the  lower  valley  of  that  stream,  in 
Servia,  and  appears  to  have  a  Slav  origin.  Dur- 
ing the  7th  and  8th  centuries  there  is  no  doubt 
Momvia  was  divided  among  several  princes,  and 
had  a  hard  struggle  against  the  Avars.  The  first 
prince  whose  name  is  known  was  Molfmir,  who 
ruled  at  the  beginning  of  the  Otli  century.  .  .  . 
During  his  reign  Cliristianit;^  made  some  procress 
in  Moravia.  .  .  .  MoYmir  tried  to  witlistancl  the 
(Jerinans,  but  was  not  successful;  and  in  846 
Louis  the  German  invaded  his  country,  deposed 
him,  and  made  his  nephew  Rostislav,  whom  the 
chroniclers  call  Rastiz,  ruler  in  his  stead.  .  .  . 
The  new  prince,  Rostislav,  determined  to  secure 
both  the  political  and  moral  freedom  of  his  coun- 
try. He  fortified  his  frontiers  and  then  declared 
war  against  the  emperor.  He  was  victorious, 
and  when  once  pence  waa  secured  he  undertook 
a  systematic  conversion  of  his  people.  Thus 
came  about  one  of  the  great  episo.les  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  Slavs,  and  their  Church,  the  mission 
of  tlic  apostles  Cyril  and  Slethodius.  .  .  .  After 
having  struggled  successfully  for  some  time 
against  the  Germans  "  Rostislav  was  ' '  betrayed  by 
his  nephew  and  vassal,  Svatopluk,  into  the  hands 
of  Karloman,  duke  of  Carinthia  and  son  of  Louis 
the  German,  who  put  out  his  eyes  and  shut  him 
up  in  a  monastery.  Svatojjluk  believed  himself 
sure  of  the  succession  to  his  uncle  as  the  price 
of  his  treachery,  but  a  very  diJfereut  reward  fell 
to  his  lot,  as  Karloman,  trusting  but  little  in  his 
fidelity  to  the  Germans,  threw  him  also  into  cap- 
tivity. The  German  yoke  was,  however,  iiate- 
ful  to  the  Moravians;  they  soon  rebelled,  and 
Karloman  hoped  to  avert  the  danger  by  releas- 
ing Svatopluk  and  placing  him  at  the  head  of  an 
army.  Svatopluk  marched  against  the  Mora- 
vians, then  suddenly  joined  his  forces  to  theirs 
and  attack'Hl  the  Germans.  This  time  the  inde- 
pendence of  Moravia  was  secured,  and  was  rec- 
ognized by  the  treaty  of  Forcheim  (874).  .  .  . 
Thenceforward  peace  reigned  between  Svatopluk 
and  Louis  the  German.  ...  At  one  time  he 
[Svatopluk]  was  the  most  powerful  monarch  of 
the  Slavs;  Rome  was  in  treaty  witli  him,  Bohe- 
mia gravitated  towards  tlie  orbit  of  3Ioravia, 
while  Moravia  held  the  empire  m  check.  .  .  . 
At  this  time  [801]  the  kingdom  of  Svatopluk  .  .  . 
included,  besides  Moravia  and  the  present  Aus 
trian  Silesia,  the  subject  country  of  Bohemia, 
the  Slav  tribes  on  the  Elbe  and  the  Vistula  as  far 

2228 


as  the  neighbourhood  of  Magdeburg,  part  of 
Western  Oalicia,  the  country  o' the  Slovaks,  and 
Lower  Pannonia. "  But  Svatopluk  was  rinned  by 
war  with  his  neighbor,  Arnulf,  duke  of  Panno- 
nia. The  latter  "entered  into  an  alliance  with 
Braclav,  a  Slovene  prince,  sought  the  aid  of  the 
king  of  the  Bulgarians,  and,  what  was  of  fur 

f raver  importance,  summoned  to  his  help  the 
lagyars,  who  had  just  settled  themselves  on  the 
Lower  Danube.  Swabians,  Bavarians,  Franks, 
Magyars,  and  Slovenes  rushed  simultaneously 
upon  Jloravia.  Overwhelmed  by  numbers,  Svato- 
pluk made  no  attempt  at  resistance;  he  shut  up 
Ids  troops  in  fortresses,  and  abandoned  the  open 
country  to  the  enemy,  who  ravaged  it  for  four 
whole  weeks.  Then  hostilities  ceased;  but  no 
durable  peace  could  e.xist  between  the  two  adver- 
saries. War  begun  again  in  the  following  year, 
when  death  freed  Arnulf  from  Svatopluk.  .  .  . 
At  his  death  he  left  three  sons ;  he  chose  the  eld- 
est, Moi'mir  II.,  as  his  heir,  and  assigned  appa- 
nages to  each  of  the  others.  On  his  death-bed  ho 
begged  them  to  live  at  peace  with  one  another, 
but  his  advice  was  not  followed.  .  .  .  Bohemia 
soon  threw  off  those  bonds  which  had  attached 
her  as  a  vassal  to  Svatopluk ;  the  JIagyars  in- 
vaded Moravian  Pannonia,  and  forced  Jlolmir 
into  an  alliance  with  them.  ...  In  the  year  000 
the  Bavarians,  together  with  tlie  Cliekhs,  in- 
vaded Moravia.  In  903  the  name  of  ^loVmir  dis- 
appears. As  to  the  cause  of  his  deatli,  as  to  how 
it  was  tliat  suddenly  and  for  ever  the  kingdom 
of  Moravia  was  destroyed,  the  chronicles  tell  us 
nothing.  Cosmas  of  Prague  shows  us  Moravia 
at  the  mercy  of  Germans,  Chekhs,  and  Hun- 
garians; then  history  is  silent,  towns  and  castles 
crumble  to  pieces,  churches  are  overthrown,  the 
people  are  scattered.  "—L.  Leger,  Hist.  ofAustro- 
Hungary,  eh.  4. 

Also  in:  G.   F.   Maclear,    Cotivevtion  of  the 
West :  The  Slavs,  ch.  4. 

A.  D.  1355. —  Absorption  in  the  kingdom  of 
Bohemia.     See  Bouemia  :  A.  D.  1355. 


MORAVIAN  OR  BOHEMIAN  BRETH- 
REN (Unitas  Fratrum) :  Origin  and  early 
history.  See  Bohemia  :  A.  D.  1434-1457 ;  and 
1631-1(J48. 

In  Saxony  and  in  America.  —  The  Indian 
Missions. — "In  1722,  and  in  the  seven  follow- 
ing years,  a  considerable  number  of  these 
'Brethren,'  led  by  Christian  David,  who  were 
persecuted  in  their  homes,  were  received  by 
Count  Zinzendorf  on  his  estate  at  Berthels<lorf  in 
Saxony.  They  founded  a  village  called  Herrn- 
hut,  or  'the  Watch  of  the  Lord.'  There  they 
were  jo?ned  by  Christians  from  other  places  in 
Germany,  anci,  after  some  time,  Zinzeudorf  took 
up  his  abode  among  them,  and  became  their  prin- 
cipal guide  and  pastor.  ...  In  1737,  he  conse- 
crated himself  wholly  to  the  service  of  God  in 
connection  with  the  Moravian  settlement,  and 
was  ordained  a  bishop.  .  .  .  Zinzendorf  had  be- 
fore been  received  into  the  Lutheran  ministry. 
The  peculiar  fervor  which  charat  erized  his  re- 
ligious work,  and  certain  particulars  in  his  teach- 
ing, caused  the  Saxon  Government,  which  was 
wedded  to  the  traditional  ways  of  Lutheran- 
ism,  to  exclude  him  from  Saxony  for  about  ten 
veors  (1730-1747).  He  prosecuted  his  religious 
labors  in  Frankfort,  journeyed  through  Holland 
and  England,  made  a  voyage  to  the  West  Indies, 
and,  in  1741,  another  voyage  to  America.     New 


MORAVIAN  BRETHREN. 


MORAVIAN  BRETHREN. 


brnnclies  of  the  Jloravlan  body  ho  plaited  in  the 
countries  which  1)6  visited.  .  .  .  It  wns  a  church 
within  a  church  that  Zinzendorf  nimcd  to  estab- 
lish. It  was  far  from  his  purpose  to  found  a 
sect  antagonistic  to  the  national  churches  in  tlie 
midst  of  which  the  Moravian  societies  arose. 
.  .  .  Willi  a  religious  life  remarkable  as  combin- 
ing warm  emotion  with  a  quiet  and  serene  type 
of  feeling,  ihe  community  of  Zinzendorf  con- 
nected a  missionary  zeal  not  e(iualled  at  that 
time  in  any  other  Protestant  communion.  Al- 
though few  in  number,  they  sent  tlieir  gospel 
messengers  to  all  quarters  of  the  globe." —  G.  P. 
Fisher,  Hint,  of  the,  Chrht^'ui  Church,  ;>/).  500-007. 
— The  first  settlement  of  the  Moravians  in  Amer- 
ica was  planted  in  Georgia,  in  ns.'j.  "  but 
Oglethorpe's  border  war  with  the  Spaniards  com- 
pelled him  to  call  every  man  in  his  colony  to 
arms,  and  the  ^loravinns,  rather  tlian  forsalie 
tlieir  princ'ples  [of  nonresisfance,  and  depen- 
dence upon  prayer],  abandoned  tlieir  lands  and 
escaped  to  Pennsylvania  [1740].  Here  some  of 
their  brethren  were  already  fixed.  Among  the 
refugees  was  the  young  David  Zeisberger, 
the  future  head  of  tlie  Oliio  missions.  Uethle- 
hem  on  the  Lehigli  became,  and  is  yet,  the  centre 
in  America  of  their  double  system  of  missions 
and  education.  They  bought  lands,  laid  out 
villages  and  farms,  built  houses,  shops,  and  mills, 
but  everywhere,  and  first  of  all,  houses  of 
praj'er,  in  thankfulness  for  the  peace  and  pros- 
penty  at  length  found.  The  first  mission  estab- 
lished by  Zinzendorf  in  the  colonies  was  in  1741, 
among  tlie  Mohican  Indians,  near  tlie  borders  of 
New  York  and  Connecticut.  Tlie  bigoted  people 
and  authorities  of  the  neigliborlioo<l  by  outrages 
and  persecution  drove  them  off,  so  that  they  were 
forced  to  take  refuge  on  the  Lehigh.  The  breth- 
ren established  them  in  a  new  colony  twenty 
miles  above  Betlilehem,  to  which  they  gave  the 
name  of  Gnadenhtltten  (Tents  of  Grace).  The 
prosperity  of  the  Mohicans  attracted  the  atten- 
tion and  visits  of  the  Indians  beyond.  The 
nearest  were  the  Delawares,  between  whom  and 
I  •'.  Mohicans  there  were  strong  ties  of  aftinity, 
as  u^anchcs  of  the  old  Lenni  Lenapc  stock.  Re- 
lations were  thus  formed  between  the  Moravians 
and  the  Delawares.  And  by  tiie  fraternization 
between  the  Delawares  and  Shawanees  .  .  . 
and  their  gradual  emigration  to  the  West  to 
escape  the  encroachments  of  Penn's  people,  it 
occurred  that  the  Moravian  missionaries,  Zeis- 
berger foremost,  accompanied  their  Delaware 
and  Mohican  converts  to  the  Sus<iuehanna  in 
1765,  and  again,  when  driven  from  there  by  the 
cession  at  Port  Stanwix,  journeyed  with  them 
across  the  Alleghanies  to  Goshgoshink,  a  town 
establislied  by  the  unconverted  Delawares  far  up 
the  Alleghany  River."  In  1770,  having  gained 
some  important  converts  among  the  Delawares 
of  tlie  Wolf  clan,  at  Kuskuskee,  on  Big  Beaver 
Creek,  they  transferred  themselves  to  that 
place,  namih^  it  Friedenstadt.  But  there  tliey 
were  o])posec.  with  aich  hostility  by  warriors 
and  white  tiaders  that  they  determined  "to 
plunge  a  step  lurMier  into  the  wilderness,  and  go 
to  the  head  chief  of  il;?  Delawares  at  Geix'lmuk- 
pechenk  (Stillwater,  or  Tuscarawi)  on  the  Mus- 
kingum. It  was  near  this  village  that  Christian 
Frederick  Post,  the  brave,  enterprising  pioneer 
-j*  the  Jloravians,  had  established  himself  in 
l.-t,  with  the  approbation  of  the  chiefs.  .  .  . 
By  marriage  with  an  Indian  wife  he  had  for- 


feited his  regular  standinj^  with  tlie  congrega- 
tion. His  intimate  ac(|ua)ntanc.  with  tlie  In- 
dians, and  tlieir  languages  aiu!  oiisfonis,  so  far 
gained  upon  tliem  tliai  in  1702  lie  was  permitted 
to  take  Ileckeweldcr  to  share  .■'<<  cabin  and  es- 
tablish a  sclujol  for  the  Indian  children.  But  in 
the  autumn  the  threatened  oulu.rstof  Pontiac's 
war  had  compelled  them  to  flee."  Early  in  1773 
the  Moravian  colony  "  was  invited  by  the  coun- 
cil nt  Tuscarawi,  the  Wyandots  west  of  them 
approving  it,  to  come  with  all  their  Indiau 
bretlircn  from  the  Alleghany  and  Su8((uclianna, 
and  settle  on  the  Muskingum  (as  the  Tuscarawas 
was  then  called),  and  uikiu  any  lands  that  they 
might  choose."  The  invitation  was  accepted. 
"The  pioneer  party,  in  the  removal  from  the 
Beaver  to  Ohio,  consisted  of  Zeisberger  and  five 
Indian  familiej,  28  persons,  who  arrived  at  this 
beautiful  ground  May  3, 1772.  .  .  .  The  site  was 
at  the  large  spring,  and  appropriately  it  was 
named  for  it  Shoenlirun.  In  August  arrived  the 
Missionaries  Ettweiu  and  Ileckeweldcr,  witli  the 
main  body  of  Christian  Indians  who  had  been 
invited  from  the  /  Uegluiny  and  the  Susfiuelian- 
..t,  about  250  in  number.  .  .  .  This,  ami  further 
accessions  from  the  cast  in  September,  made  it 
advisable  to  divide  the  colony  into  two  villages. 
The  second  [named  Gnadenhl\tten]  was  estftb- 
ushcd  ten  miles  below^  Shoenbrun.  ...  In 
April,  1773,  the  remnants  of  the  mission  on  the 
Beaver  joined  their  brethren  in  Ohio.  Tlie  whole 
body  of  the  Moravian  Indians  .  .  .  was  now 
united  and  nt  rest  under  the  shelter  of  tlie  un- 
converted but  .  .  .  tolerant  Delaware  warriors. 
.  .  .  The  population  of  the  Moravian  villages  at 
the  clone  of  1775  was  414  persons.  .  .  .  The 
calamity  of  the  Sloraviuns  was  the  war  of  the 
American  Revolution.  It  develope<l  the  danger- 
ous fact  that  their  vil'ages  .  .  .  were  close  upon 
the  direct  line  between  Pittsburgh  and  Detroit, 
the  outposts  of  the  two  contending  forces."  The 
peaceful  settlement  became  an  object  of  liostility 
to  the  meaner  spirits  on  both  sides.  In  Septem- 
ber, 1781,  by  onler  of  the  British  commander  at 
Detroit,  they  were  expelled  from  their  settle- 
ment, robbed  of  all  their  possessions,  ond  sent  to 
Sandusky.  In  the  following  February,  a  half- 
starved  party  of  them,  numbering  96,  who  had 
ventured  back  to  their  ravagwl  homes,  for  the 
purpose  of  gleaning  the  corn  left  standing  in  the 
fields,  were  massacred  by  a  brutal  American 
force,  from  the  Ohio.  ' '  Bo  perished  the  Mora- 
vian missions  on  the  Muskingum.  Not  that  the 
pious  founders  ceased  their  labore,  or  that  these 
consecrated  scenes  knew  them  no  more.  But 
their  Indian  communities,  the  germ  of  their 
work,  the  sign  of  what  was  to  be  accomplished 
by  them  in  the  great  Indian  problem,  were  scat- 
tered and  gone.  Zeisberger,  at  their  head, 
labored  with  the  remnants  of  their  congregatioa 
for  years  in  Canada.  They  then  transferred 
themselves  temporarily  to  settlements  on  the 
Sandusky,  the  Huron,  and  the  Cuyahoga  rivers. 
At  last  he  and  Ileckewelder,  with  the  survivors 
of  these  wanderings,  went  back  to  their  lands  on 
the  Tuscarawas,  now  siirrounde<l  by  the  whites, 
but  fully  secured  to  them  by  the  generosity  of' 
Congress." — R.  King,  Ohio,  ch.  6. 

Also  in  :  D.  Crauz,  Ilwt.  of  tlie  United  Breth- 
ren.—  F.  Bovet,  The  Banished  Count  (Life  of 
Ziniendorf). — E.  de  Schweinitz,  Life  and  Times 
of  David  Zeisberger. — D.  Zeisberger,  Diary.— D. 
Berger,   United  Brethren  {Am.  Ch.  Jlist.),  v.  12. 


MOREA. 


M0RM0NI8M. 


MOREA:  Origin  of  the  name.— "The  Morca 
must  .  .  .  Imve  come  into  genenil  use,  as  tlio 
name  of  the  peninsula  [of  tlio  I'eloponnesus] 
among  the  Oreelis,  after  tlio  Latin  eomiuest  [ot 
1204-1205],  even  allowing  tliat  the  term  was 
used  among  foreigners  before  the  ()"rival  ot  tlie 
Franks.  .  .  .  The  name  Morea  was,  Iiowever,  at 
first  applied  only  to  the  western  coast  of  the 
Peloponnesus,  or  perlinps  more  particularly  to 
EliSi,  which  the  epitome  of  Strabo  points  out  as 
a  district  cxcli.sivoly  Sclavonian.  and  which, 
to  tills  day,  jireserves  ft  number  of  Sclavonian 
names.  .  .  .  Originally  the  word  appears  to  be 
the  stimo  geographical  denomination  which  the 
Sclavonians  of  the  north  had  given  to  a  moun- 
tain district  of  Thrace  in  the  chain  of  Mount 
Rhodope.  In  the  14th  century  the  name  of  this 
province  is  written  by  the  Emperor  Cantacu- 
zenos,  who  must  have  been  well  acquainted  with 
It  personally,  Morrha.  Even  as  late  as  the  14th 
century,  tlic  Morca  is  mentioned  in  offlcial  docu- 
ments relating  to  the  Prank  principality  as  a 
province  of  the  Peloponnesus,  though  tiie  name 
was  then  commonly  applied  to  the  whole  penin- 
sula."— Q.  Pinlay,  IIM.  of  Q recce  from  il>i  Con- 
quest by  the  CnisdderH.  eh.  1,  sect.  4. 

The  Principality  of  the.  See  Aciiaia:  A.  D. 
1205-1387. 

MOREAU,  General,  The  Campaigns  and 
the  military  and  political  fortunes  of.  See 
France:  A.  D.  170(5  (Apuil—Octoheu);  1796- 
1797  (OcTOBEn— Aphil);  1799  (Apkii.— Sep- 
tember), (NovEMiiER);  1800-1801  (May— Feb- 
ruary) ;  and  1804-1805 ;  also,  Germany  :  A.  D. 
1813  (AuousT). 

MORETON  BAY  DISTRICT.  See  Aus 
tralia:  a.  D.  1800-1840,  and  18.i9. 

MORGAN,  General  Daniel,  and  the  War 
of  the  American  Revolution.  See  United 
States  of  Am.  ;  A.  D.  1780-1781. 

MORGAN,  General  John  H.,  and  his  raid 
into  Ohio  and  Indiana.  See  United  States 
OP  Am.  :  A.  D.  1863  (July:  Kentucky). 

MORGAN,  William,  The  abduction  of.  See 
New  York:  A.  D.  1826-1833. 

MORGANATIC  MARRIAGES.— "  Besides 
the  dowry  which  was  given  before  the  marriage 
ceremony  had  been  performed,  it  wos  customary 
[among  some  of  the  ancient  German  jieoples]  for 
the  husband  to  make  his  wife  a  ])resent  on  the 
morning  after  the  first  night.  This  was  called 
the  'morgengabe,' or  morning  gift,  tlie  present- 
ing of  winch,  where  no  previous  ceremony  had 
been  observed,  constituted  a  ])articular  kind  of 
connexion  colled  matrimonium  morganaticam, 
or  'morganatic  marriage.'  As  the  liberality  of 
the  husband  was  apt  to  bo  excessive,  we  find  the 
amount  limited  by  the  Langobardian  laws  to  one 
fourth  of  tlio  bridegroom's  substance." — W.  C. 
Perry,  The  Franks,  ch.  10. 

MORGARTEN,  Battle  of  (1315).  See 
Switzeim.and:  The  Tiiruie  Forest  Cantons. 

MORINI,  The.    See  Belg^. 

MORISCOES.— This  name  was  given  to  tlie 
Moors  in  Spain  after  their  nominal  and  compul- 
sory conversion  to  Christianity.  See  Moors: 
A.  D.  1493-1009. 

MORMAERS,  OR  MAARMORS.— A  title, 
Bignifyiug  great  Moor  or  Steward,  borne  by  cer- 
tain princes  or  sub-kings  of  provinces  in  Scot- 
land in  the  10th  and  11th  centuries.  The  Mac- 
beth of  history  was  Mormaerof  Moray, — W.  F. 


Skene,  Celtic  fi.ntlnnd.  r.  3,  pp.  40-51.— See,  also, 
Scotland:  A.  I).  1039-1054. 

MORMANS,  Battle  of.  See  France:  A.  D. 
1814  (.Ianl'auv— Makcii). 

MORMONISM:  A.  D.  1805-1830.— Joseph 
Smith  and  the  Book  of  Mormon. — ".loseph 
Smith,  Jr..  who  .  .  .  appears  in  the  character 
of  the  first  Mormon  prophet,  and  the  putative 
founder  of  Mormonism  and  the  Church  of  Latter 
Day  Saints,  was  born  in  Sharon,  Windsor  County, 
Vt.,  December  13,  180.5.  He  was  the  son  of 
Joseph  .Smitli,  Sr.,  who,  with  his  wife  Lucy  and 
their  family,  removed  from  Royalton,  Vt.,  to 
Palmyra,  N.  Y.,  in  the  summer  of  1S16.  The 
family  embraced  nine  cliildreii,  Joseph,  Jr.,  be- 
ing the  fourth  in  the  order  of  their  ages.  ...  At 
Palmyra,  Mr.  Smith,  Sr.,  opened  'acake  and  beer 
shop,'  as  described  by  his  signboard,  doing  busi- 
ness on  a  small  scale,  by  the  profits  of  which, 
added  to  the  earnings  of  an  occasional  day's  work 
on  hire  by  himself  aud  his  elder  sons,  for  the  vil- 
lage and  farming  peojile,  he  was  understood  to 
secure  a  scanty  but  honest  living  for  himself  and 
family.  ...  In  1818  they  settled  upon  a  nearly 
wild  or  unimproved  piece  of  land,  mostly  covered 
with  standing  timber,  situate  about  two  miles 
south  of  Palmyra.  .  .  .  Little  imiirovement  was 
made  upon  this  land  by  the  Smith  family  in  the 
way  of  clearing,  fencing,  or  tillage.  .  .  .  The 
larger  proportion  of  the  time  of  the  Smiths  .  .  . 
was  spent  in  hunting  and  fishing  .  .  .  and  idly 
lounging  around  the  stores  and  shops  in  tlie  vil- 
lage. ...  At  tills  period  in  tlie  life  and  career 
of  Joseph  Smith,  Jr.,  or  'Joe  Smith,'  as  he  was 
universally  named,  and  the  Smith  family,  they 
were  popularly  regarded  as  an  illiterate,  wliiskey- 
drinkmg,  sliiftless,  irreligious  race  of  people  — 
the  first  named,  the  chief  subject  of  tills  biog- 
raphy,  being  unanimously  voieU  the  laziest  and 
most  worthless  of  the  generation.  .  .  .  Tacitur- 
nity was  among  his  characteristic  idiosyncracies, 
and  he  seldom  spoke  to  any  one  outside  of  his 
intimate  associates,  except  wlicu  firet  addressed 
by  another;  and  then,  by  reason  of  liis  extrava- 
gancies of  statement,  his  word  was  received  with 
tlic  least  confidence  by  those  who  knew  him  best, 
lie  could  utter  the  most  palpable  exaggeration 
or  marvellous  absurdity  with  the  utmost  ap- 
parent gravity.  ...  He  was,  however,  proverb- 
ially good-natured,  very  rarely  if  ever  indulging 
in  any  combative  spirit  toward  any  one,  wliat- 
ever  might  be  tlie  provocation,  and  yet  was 
never  known  to  laugh.  Albeit,  he  seemed  to  be 
the  pride  of  his  indulgent  father,  who  has  been 
lieord  to  boast  of  him  as  the  '  genus  of  the 
family,  quoting  his  own  expression.  Joseph, 
moreover,  as  lie  grew  in  years,  had  learned  to 
read  comprehensively,  in  which  (lualiflcation  he 
was  far  in  advance  of  his  elder  brother,  and  even 
of  his  father.  .  .  .  As  he  .  .  .  advanced  in  read- 
ing and  knowledge,  he  assumed  a  spiritual  or  re- 
ligious turn  of  mind,  and  frequently  perused  the 
Bible,  becoming  quite  familiar  with  portions 
thereof.  .  .  .  The  final  conclusion  announced  by 
him  was,  tliat  al'  sectarianism  was  fallacious,  all 
the  cliurcher  ailse  foundation,  and  the  Bible 

a  fable.  .  .  .'  September,  1819,  a  curious 
stone  was  found  in  the  digging  of  a  well  upon 
♦,ho  premises  of  Mr.  Chirk  Chase,  near  Palmyra. 
This  iitone  attracted  particular  notice  on  account 
of  it<<  pecu.liar  shape,  resembling  that  of  a  child's 
foot.     It  was  of  a  whitish,  glassy  appearance, 


2230 


M0RM0N18M. 


TIte  Bouk. 


MORMON  ISM. 


thoueh  opnqiie,  resembling  qunrtz.  Joseph 
Sniitn,  Sr.,  nnd  his  clilor  sons  Alvin  and  Ilyniin, 
(lid  the  chief  labor  of  tliis  well-digging,  ami  Jo- 
seph, Jr.,  who  had  been  a  freeiuentcr  in  the  prog- 
ress of  the  wo.'k,  as  an  idle  looker-on  and 
lounger,  nianifesi.;'d  a  special  fancy  for  tliis 
geological  curiosity,  and  he  carried  it  home  witli 
him.  .  .  .  Very  soon  the  pretension  transpired 
that  he  could  dec  wonderful  things  by  its  aid. 
.  .  .  Tlie  most  glittering  sights  revealed  to  the 
mortal  vision  of  the  young  impostor,  in  tlie  man- 
ner stated,  were  hiddo;  treasures  of  great  value, 
including  enormoi'.s  deposits  of  gold  and  silver 
sealed  in  earllien  pots  or  iron  chests,  and  buried 
in  the  earth  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the 
place  where  he  stood.  These  discoveries  finally 
became  too  da/.zling  for  his  eyes  in  dayl'ght,  and 
he  had  to  shade  his  vision  by  looking  at  the 
stone  in  his  hat!  .  .  .  The  imposture  was  re- 
newed and  repeated  at  fre<juent  intervals  from 
1820  to  1827,  various  localities  being  the  scenes 
of  .  .  .  delusive  scarclies  for  money  [for  carry- 
ing on  whicli  Smith  collected  contributions  from 
his  dupes],  as  pointed  out  by  the  revelations  of 
tlie  ma^ic  stone.  .  .  .  Numerous  traces  of  the 
excavations  left  by  Smith  are  yd  niaining  as 
evidences  of  his  impostures  and  i  >!!y  of  his 
dupes,  though  most  of  them  haw  Uecome  ob- 
literate<l  by  the  clearing  off  and  tilling  of  the 
lands  where  they  were  made."  In  the  summer 
of  1837  "Smith  had  a  remarkable  vision.  He 
pretended  that,  while  engaged  in  secret  prayer, 
alone  in  the  wilderness,  an  '  angel  of  the  Lord ' 
appeared  to  him,  with  tlie  glad  tidings  that  '  all 
his  sins  had  been  forgiven';  .  .  .  also  tliat  he 
had  received  a  '  promise  that  the  true  doctrine 
and  the  fulness  of  the  doctrine  and  tlie  fulness 
of  the  gospel  should  at  some  future  time  be  re- 
vealed to  him.'  ...  In  the  fall  of  the  same  year 
Smith  had  yet  a  more  miraculous  and  astonishing 
vision  than  any  preceding  one.  He  now  arro- 
gated to  himself,  by  authority  of  '  the  spirit  of 
revelation,'  and  in  accordance  witli  the  previous 
'  promises '  made  to  him,  a  far  higher  spliere  in 
the  scale  of  human  existence,  assuming  to  possess 
the%ift  and  power  of  'jirophet,  seer,  and  reve- 
lator.'  On  this  assumption  he  announced  to  his 
family  friends  and  the  bigoted  persons  who  had 
adhered  to  his  supernaturalism,  that  he  was 
'commanded,'  upon  a  secretly  fixed  day  am} 
hour,  to  go  alone  to  a  certain  spot  revealed  to  him 
by  the  angel,  and  there  take  out  of  the  eartli  a 
metallic  booli  of  great  antiquity  in  its  origin,  and 
of  immortal  importance  in  its  consequences  to 
the  world,  whicli  was  a  record,  in  mystic  letters 
or  characters,  of  the  long-lost  tribes  of  Israel, 
.  .  .  who  had  primarily  imiabited  tliis  continent, 
and  which  no  human  being  besides  himself  could 
see  and  live ;  and  tlie  power  to  translate  whicli 
to  the  nations  of  the  earth  was  also  given  to  him 
only,  as  the  chosen  servant  of  God.  .  .  .  Accord- 
ingly, when  the  appointed  hour  came,  the 
prophet,  assuming  his  practised  air  of  mystery, 
took  in  hand  his  money-digging  spade  and  a  large 
napkin,  and  went  off  in  silence  and  alone  in  the 
solitude  of  the  forest,  and  after  an  absence  of 
some  three  liours  returned,  apparently  witli  his 
sacred  charge  concealed  within  the  folds  of  the 
napkin.  .  .  .  With  the  book  was  also  found,  or 
80  pretended,  a  huge  pair  of  spectacles  in  a  per- 
fect state  of  preservation,  or  the  Urim  and 
Thummim,  as  afterward  interpreted,  whereby 
the  mystic  record  was  to  be  translated  and  the 


wonderful  dealings  of  Qod  revealed  to  man,  by 
tlie  superhuman  power  of  Josepli  Smith.  .  .  . 
The  sacred  treasure  was  not  seen  by  niortnl  eyes, 
save  those  of  the  one  anointed,  until  after  the 
lapse  of  a  year  or  longer  time,  when  it  was  found 
expedient  to  have  a  new  revelation,  as  Smitli's 
bare  word  had  utterly  failed  to  gain  a  convert 
beyond  Ids  original  circle  of  believers.  By  this 
amended  revemtion,  tlie  veritable  existence  of 
the  book  was  certified  to  by  eleven  witnesses  of 
Smith's  selection.  It  was  then  heralded  as  the 
Golden  Bible,  or  Book  of  Mormon,  and  as  tlie  be- 
ginning of  a  new  gosiiel  disixjnsation.  .  .  .  The 
spot  from  whicli  the  book  is  alleged  to  have  been 
taken  is  the  yet  partially  visible  pit  where  the 
money  siieculators  had  previously  dug  for  an- 
other kind  of  treasure,  which  is  upon  the  sum- 
mit of  wliat  has  ever  since  been  known  as  '  Mor- 
mon Hill,'  now  owned  by  Mr.  Anson  Hobinson, 
in  tlie  town  of  Manchester,  New  York.  Tliis 
book  .  .  ,  was  finally  described  by  Smith  and 
his  echoes  as  consisting  of  metallic  leaves  or 
plates  resembling  gold,  boimd  together  in  n 
volume  by  three  rings  runnin  through  one  edge 
of  tliem,  the  leaves  ojK'ning  like  an  ordinary 
paper  book.  .  .  .  Translations  and  interpreta- 
tions were  now  entered  upon  by  the  prophet," 
and  in  1830  the  "Book  of  Mormon  "  was  printetl 
and  published  at  Palmyra,  New  York,  a  well-to- 
do  farmer,  Martin  Harris,  paying  tlie  expense. 
"  In  claiming  for  the  statements  liercin  set  forth 
the  character  of  fairness  and  autlientieity,  it  is 
perhaps  appropriate  to  add  .  .  .  tliat  the  locality 
of  the  malversations  resulting  in  the  Mormon 
scheme  is  the  author's  birthpUee;  that  he  was 
well  acquainted  with  'Joe  Smith,'  the  first  Mor- 
mon prophet,  and  with  his  father  and  all  the 
Smith  family,  since  tlieir  removal  to  Palmyra 
from  Vermont  .  .  .  ;  that  he  was  equally  ac- 
quainted with  Martin  Harris  and  Oliver  Cowdcry, 
and  witli  most  of  the  earlier  followers  of  Smith, 
either  as  money  diggers  or  Jlormons;  that  he 
established  at  Palmyra,  in  1823,  and  was  for 
many  years  editor  and  proprietor  of  the  '  Wayne 
Sentinel,'  and  was  editorially  connected  with  that 
paper  at  the  printing  by  its  press  of  th«  original 
edition  of  the  'Book  of  Mormon'  in  1830;  that 
in  tlie  progress  of  the  work  he  performed  much 
of  the  reading  of  the  proof -sheets,  comparing  tlic 
same  witli  the  manuscript  copies,  and  in  the 
meantime  had  frequent  and  familiar  interviews 
with  tlie  pioneer  Mormons." — P.  Tucker,  Origin, 
Rise  and  Progress  of  Mormonism,  ch.  1-5,  and 
preface. — It  is  believed  by  many  that  the  ground- 
work of  the  Book  of  Mormon  was  supplied  by 
an  ingenious  romance,  written  about  1814  by  tlie 
Rev.  Solomon  Spalding,  a  Presbyterian  minister 
of  some  learning  and  literary  ability,  then  living 
at  New  Salem  (now  Conneaut),  Ohio,  This 
romance,  which  was  entitled  "The  Manuscript 
Pound,"  purported  to  narrate  the  history  of  a 
migration  of  the  lost  ten  tribes  of  Israel  to 
America.  It  was  never  published;  but  mem- 
bers of  Mr.  Spalding's  family,  and  other  persons, 
who  read  it  or  heard  it  read,  in  manuscript, 
claimed  confidently,  after  tlie  appearance  of  tlie 
Book  of  Mormon  that  the  main  body  of  the  nar- 
rative and  the  notable  names  introduced  in  it 
were  identical  with  those  of  the  latter.  Some 
circumstances,  moreover,  seemed  to  indicate  a 
probability  that  Mr.  Spalding's  manuscript,  be- 
ing left  during  several  weeks  witli  a  pubiljlicr 
named  Patterson,  at  Pittsburgh,  came  there  into 


2231 


MORMONISM. 


Perifcution. 


MORMONISM. 


the  Imndsof  one  Sidney  Higdon,  ft  young  printer, 
who  ft|)penre(l  subsequently  ns  one  of  the  lea<'  .:\' 
missionaries  of  Mormonism,  and  who  Is  believed 
to  have  visited  Jos'  nh  Smith,  at  Palmyra,  before 
the  Hook  of  Mon.ion  came  to  light.  On  the 
other  hand.  Mormon  believers  have,  latterly, 
made  much  of  the  fact  that  a  manuscript  ro- 
mance without  title,  by  Solomon  Spalding,  was 
found,  not  many  years  since  in  the  Snndwieh 
Islands,  by  President  Falrcl  Id  of  01)eilln  Col- 
egc,  Ohio,  and  proved  to  bear  no  resemblance 
to  the  Book  of  Mormon.  Spalding  is  said,  how- 
ever, to  liave  written  several  romances,  and.  If 
BO,  nothing  is  proved  by  this  discoverj-. — T. 
Greg  T/ie  Propliet  of  Palmyra,  ch.  1-11  and 
41^5. 

Also  in:  E.  E.  Dickinson,  Kew  Lirjht  on  Mnr- 
monism. — J.  M.  Kennedy,  Early  Days  of  Mor- 
monism, eh.  1-2. 

A.  D.  1830-1846.— The  First  He^ira  to  Kirt- 
land,  Ohio,  the  Second  to  Missouri,  the  Third 
to  Nauvoo,  Illinois.— The  Danites.— The  build- 
ing of  the  city  and  its  Temple.— Hostility  of 
the  Gentiles. — The  slaying  of  the  Prophet. — 
"  Immediately  after  the  publication  of  the  Book 
the  Church  was  duly  organized  at  ^lanchester. 
On  April  6,  1830,  six  members  were  ordained 
ciders  —  Joseph  Smith,  Sr.,  Joseph  Smith,  Jr., 
Hyrum  Smith,  Samuel  Smith,  Oliver  Cowdery 
and  Joseph  Knight.  The  first  conference  was 
held  at  Fayette,  Seneca  coimty,  in  June.  A 
special  '  revelation '  at  this  time  made  Smith's 
wife  'the  Elect  Lady  and  Daughter  of  God,' 
with  the  high-sounding  title  of  'Electa  Cyria.' 
In  later  years  this  lady  became  disgusted  with 
her  husband's  religion.  .  .  .  Another  revelation 
was  to  the  effect  that  Palmyra  was  not  the  gath- 
ering-place of  the  Saints,  after  all,  but  that  they 
should  proceed  to  Klrtlund,  in  Ohio.  Conse- 
quently, the  early  part  of  1831  saw  them  colo- 
nized in  that  place,  the  move  being  known  as 
'  The  First  Hegira.'  Still  another  revelation  (on 
the  6th  of  June)  stated  that  some  point  in  Mis- 
souri was  the  reliable  spot.  Smith  immediately 
selected  b  trdct  in  Jackson  county,  near  Inde- 
pendence. By  1883  the  few  Mormons  who  had 
moved  thither  were  so  persecuted  that  they  went 
Into  Clay  county,  and  thence,  in  1838,  into  Cald- 
well county,  naming  their  settlement  '  Far  West.' 
The  main  body  of  the  Mormons,  however,  re- 
mained in  Kirtland  from  1831  till  they  were 
forced  to  join  their  Western  brethren  in  1838. 
Brigham  Young,  another  native  of  Vermont, 
joined  at  Kirtland  in  1832,  and  was  ordained  an 
elder.  The  conference  of  ciders  on  May  3,  1833, 
repudiated  the  name  of  Siormons  and  adopted 
that  of  '  Latter-Day  Saints. '  The  first  presidency 
consisted  of  Smith,  Rigdon,  and  Frederick  G. 
Williams.  In  May,  1835,  the  Twelve  Apostles 
—  among  them  Brigham  Young,  Hcber  C.  Kim- 
ball and  Orson  Hyde — left  on  a  mission  for  pros- 
elytes. .  .  .  The  Mormons  were  driven  from 
Missouri  by  Governor  Boggs's  'Extraordinary 
Order,'  which  caused  them  to  gain  sympathy  as 
lia"ing  been  persecuted  in  a  slave  State.  They 
moved  to  Hancock  county,  Illinois,  in  1840,  and 
built  up  Nauvoo  [on  the  Mississippi  River,  14 
miles  above  KeokuKlby  a  charter  with  most  un- 
usual privileges.  "—F.  G.  Mather,  The  Early 
Days  of  Mormonism  (Lippincott's  Mag.,  Aug. 
1880).— In  the  midst  of  the  troubles  of  Smith  and 
his  followers  in  Missouri,  and  before  their  re- 
moval to  Nauvoo,  there  arose  among  them  "  the 


mysterious  and  much  dreaded  band  that  finally 
took  V.:<i  name  of  Danites,  or  sons  of  Dan,  con- 
cerning which  so  much  has  been  said  while  so 
little  is  known,  some  of  the  Mormons  even  deny- 
ing its  existence.  But  of  this  there  is  no  ques- 
tion. Says  Burton :  '  Tlie  Danite  band,  a  name 
of  fear  in  the  Mississippi  Valley,  is  said  by  anti- 
Mormons  to  consist  of  men  between  the  ages  of 
17  and  49.  Thev  were  originally  termed  I)aui;h- 
ters  of  Gideon,  Destroying  Angels  —  the  gentiles 
say  devils  —  and,  finally.  Sons  of  Dan,  or  Danites, 
from  one  of  whom  was  prophesied  he  should  be  a 
serpent  in  the  path.  'They  were  organized  about 
1837  under  D.  W.  Patten,  popularly  called  Cap- 
tain Fearnot,  for  the  purpose  of  dealing  as  aven- 
gers of  blood  with  gentiles;  in  fact  they  formed 
a  kind  of  death  society,  desperadoes,  thugs, 
hashshashiyun  —  in  plain  English,  assassins  in 
the  name  of  the  Lord.  The  Mormons  declare 
categorically  the  whole  and  every  particular  to 
l)e  tile  calumnious  invention  of  the  impostor  and 
arch  apostate,  Mr.  John  C.  Bennett.  John  Hyde, 
a  seceder,  states  that  the  Danite  band,  or  the 
United  Brothel's  of  Gideon,  was  organized  on  the 
4tli  of  July,  1838,  and  was  placed  under  the 
command  of  the  apostle  David  Patten,  who  for 
the  purpose  assumed  the  name  of  Captain  Fear- 
not.  It  is  the  opinion  of  some  that  the  Danite 
band,  or  Destroying  Angels  as  again  they  are 
called,  was  organized  at  the  recommendation  of 
the  governor  of  Missouri  as  a  means  of  self- 
defence  against  persecutions  in  that  State." — H. 
H.  Bancroft,  Hist,  of  the  Pacific  States  v.  21,  pp. 
134-126.— "  The  Mormons  first  attracted  national 
notice  about  the  timu  they  quitted  Missouri  to 
escape  persecution  and  took  refuge  in  Illinois. 
In  tliat  free  State  a  tract  of  land  was  granted 
them  and  a  charter  too  carelessly  liberal  in  terms. 
The  whole  body,  already  numbering  about 
15,000,  gathered  into  a  new  city  of  their  own, 
which  their  prophet,  in  obedience  to  a  revelation, 
named  Nauvoo;  here  a  body  of  militia  was 
formed  under  the  name  of  the  Nauvoo  legion ; 
and  Joe  Smith,  as  mayor,  military  commander, 
and  supreme  head  of  the  Church,  exerted  aiuiu- 
thority  almost  despotic.  The  wilderness  Wos- 
somed  and  rejoiced,  and  on  a  lofty  height  of  this 
lioly  city  was  begun  a  grotesque  temple,  built 
of  limestone,  with  huge  monolitliic  pillars  which 
displayed  carvings  of  moons  and  suns.  .  .  . 
Nauvoo  was  well  laid  out,  with  wide  streets 
which  slnjicd  towards  well-cultivated  farms;  all 
was  thrill  and  sobriety,  no  spirituous  liquors 
were  drunk,  and  the  colonists  here,  as  in  their  for- 
mer settlements,  furnished  the  ))attern  of  insect  in- 
dustry. The  wo.iderful  proselyting  work  of  this 
new  sect  abroad  had  already  begun,  and  recruits 
came  over  from  the  overplus  toilers  in  the  British 
factory  towns.  .  .  .  But  there  was  something  in 
the  methods  of  this  sect,  not  to  speak  of  the 
jealousy  they  excited  by  their  prosperity,  which 
bred  them  trouble  here  ns  evcrj'where  else  where 
they  came  in  contact  with  American  common- 
place life.  It  was  whispered  that  the  hierarchy 
of  impostors  grew  rich  upon  the  toils  of  their 
simple  followers.  Polygamy  had  not  yet  re- 
ceived the  sanction  of  a  divine  revelation ;  and 
yet  the  first  step  towards  it  was  practised  in  the 
theory  of  '  sealing  wives '  spiritually,  which 
Smith  had  begun  in  some  mysterious  way  that  it 
baffled  the  gentile  to  discover.  Sheriirs,  too, 
were  forbidden  to  serve  civil  i)rocess  in  Nauvoo 
without  the  written  permission  of  its  mayor.   All 


2232 


M0RM0NI8M. 


Exodut. 


MORMONISM. 


these  stranee  scandals  of  heathenish  pranks,  and 
more,  Ix'sides,  stirred  up  the  neig)it)<)riiig  gen- 
tiles, plain  Illinois  bacliwoodsmeu ;  and  the  more 
80  that,  besides  his  3,000  militia,  the  Mormon 
prophet  controlled  0,000  votes,  whidi,  in  the 
close  Presidential  canvass  of  1844,  might  liave 
been  enough  to  decide  the  election.  Joe  Smith, 
Indeed,  whose  Church  nominated  him  for  Presi- 
dent, showed  a  fatal  but  thoroughly  American 
disposition  at  this  time  to  carry  Ids  power  into 
politics.  This  king  of  plain  speecli,  who  dre.ssed 
as  a  journcvman  carpenter,  suppressed  a  news- 
p;.per  which  was  set  uj)  bv  seceding  Mc  mons. 
vVlien  complaint  was  made  he  resisted  Illinois 
process  and  proclaimed  martial  law ;  the  citizens 
of  tlie  surrounding  towns  armed  for  a  fight. 
Joe  Smith  was  arrested  and  thrown  into  jail  at 
Carthage  with  Ids  brother  Hiram.  The  rumor 
spreading  tlnit  the  governor  was  disposed  to  re- 
lease these  prisoners,  a  disorderly  band  gathered 
at  tiie  jail  and  sliot  them  [June  27,  1844J.  Thus 
perished  Smitli,  the  Mormon  founder.  His  death 
at  first  created  terror  and  confusion  among  Ins 
followers,  but  Urigham  Young,  Ids  successor, 
proved  a  man  of  great  force  and  sagacity.  The 
exasperated  gentucs  clamored  loudly  to  expel 
these  religious  fanatics  from  Illinois  as  tliey  liad 
been  expelled  from  Missouri;  and  finally,  to  pre- 
vent a  civil  war,  the  governor  of  the  State  took 
forcible  possession  of  tlic  holy  city,  with  its  un- 
finished temple,  while  the  Mormon  cliarter  of 
Nauvoo  was  repealed  by  tlie  legislature.  The 
Mormons  now  determiucu  [1846]  upon  the  course 
wliicli  was  most  suited  to  tlieir  growth,  and  left 
American  pioneer  society  to  found  tlieir  New 
Jerusalem  on  more  cndurmg  foundations  west  of 
the  Uocky  Mountains. " — J.  Schouler,  Hist,  of  the 
U.  S.,  V.  4,  ;>;).  547-549. 

Also  in:  T.  Ford,  Hist,  of  Illinois,  ch.  8  and 
10-11.— A.  Davidson  and  B.  Stuve,  Uist.  of  Illi- 
nois, eh.  41. — J.  Remy  and  J.  Brenchley,  Jouriiei/ 
to  Great  .S(«  Lake  City.  ^k.  3,  ch.  3-3  (p.  1).— li. 
F.  Burton,  The  City  of  the  Snints,  ]).  35«. 

A.  D.  1846-1848.— The  gentile  attack  on 
Nauvoo.— Exodus  of  "the  Saints"  into  the 
-wilderness  of  the  West.— Their  settlement  on 
the  Great  Salt  Lake. — "During  the  winter  of 
1845-'6  the  Mormu:':,  made  the  most  prodigious 
preparations  for  removal.  All  the  houses  in  Nau  • 
voo,  and  even  the  temple,  were  converted  into 
work-shops;  and  before  spring  more  than  13,000 
wagons  were  in  readiness.  The  people  from  all 
parts  of  the  country  flocked  to  Nauvoo  to  i)ur- 
chase  houses  and  farms,  which  were  sold  ex- 
tremely low,  lower  than  the  prices  at  a  sheriff's 
sale,  for  money,  wagons,  horses,  oxen,  cattle,  and 
other  articles  of  personal  property  whicli  might 
be  needed  by  tlie  Mormons  in  their  exodus  into 
the  wilderness.  By  the  middle  of  May  it  was  esti- 
mated tliat  16,000  Mormons  had  crossed  the  Mis- 
sissippi and  taken  up  their  line  of  march  with 
their  personal  property,  their  wives  and  little 
ones,  westward  across  the  continent  to  Oregon  or 
California;  leaving  beliind  them  in  Nauvoo  a 
small  remnant  of  1,000  souls,  being  those  who 
were  unoble  to  sell  tlieir  property,  or  who  having 
no  property  to  sell  were  unal)le  to  get  away. 
The  twelve  apostles  went  first  witii  about  3.000 
of  their  followers.  Indictments  had  been  found 
against  nine  of  them  in  tlie  circuit  court  of  tlie 
United  States  for  tlie  district  of  Illinois  at  its  De- 
cember term,  1845,  for  counterfeiting  the  current 
<x>in  of  the  United  States.    The  United  States 


Marslial  had  applied  to  me  [the  writer  being  at 
that  time  Governor  of  Illinois]  for  a  militia  force 
to  arre.st  them ;  liut  in  i)ursuauce  of  the  amnesty 
agreed  on  for  old  offences,  believing  tliat  the  ar- 
rt'.st  of  tlie  accused  would  prevent  tlie  removal  of 
the  Mormons,  and  tliat  if  arrested  there  was  not 
the  least  chance  that  any  of  tliem  would  ever  be 
convicted,  I  declined  the  application  unless  regu- 
larly called  upon  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States  according  to  law.  ...  It  was  notorious 
that  none  of  them  could  be  convicted ;  for  they 
always  commanded  evidence  and  witnesses 
enough  to  make  a  conviction  impossible." — T. 
Ford,  Jlist.  of  Illinnis,  ch.  13. — "The  Saints  who 
had  as  yet  been  unable  to  leave  Nauvoo  continued 
to  labour  assiduously  at  the  completion  of  the 
temple,  so  as  to  accomplish  one  of  tlie  most 
solemn  prophecies  of  their  well-beloved  martyr. 
The  sacred  edifice  was  ultimately  entirely  fin- 
islied,  at  the  end  of  April,  1846,  after  having 
cost  tlie  Saints  more  than  a  million  dollars.  It 
was  consecrated  with  great  pomp  on  the  1st  and 
2nd  of  May,  1846.  .  .  .  The  day  after  the  conse- 
cration of  the  temple  liad  been  celebrated,  the 
Mormons  withdrew  from  tlie  building  all  the 
sacred  articles  which  adorned  it,  and  satisfied 
with  having  done  tlieir  duty  in  accomplishing, 
thougli  to  no  purpose  otherwise,  a  Divine  com- 
mand, they  crossed  the  Mississippi  to  rejoin 
those  wlio  had  gone  before  them.  Nauvoo  was 
abandoned.  Tliere  remained  witliin  its  deserted 
walls  but  some  hundred  families,  whom  the  want 
of  means  and  the  inability  to  sell  their  effects  had 
not  allowed  as  yet  to  start  upon  the  road  to  emi- 
gration. The  presence  of  those  who  were  thus 
detained,  togetlicr  witli  the  bruit  caused  by  the 
ceremony  of  dedication,  raised  tlie  murmurs  of 
the  gentiles,  and  seemed  to  keep  alive  their  ani- 
mosity and  alarm.  Their  eager  desire  to  be  en- 
tirely rid  of  tlie  Mormons  macle  them  extremely 
sensitive  to  every  idle  story  respecting  tlie  proj- 
ects of  the  latter  to  return.  They  imagined  that 
the  Saints  had  only  left  in  detachments  to  seek 
recruits  among  tlie  red-skins,  meaning  to  come 
back  with  sufiicient  force  once  more  to  take  pos- 
session of  their  property  in  Illinois.  These  ap- 
])reliensioiiS  rose  to  such  a  pitch  that  the  anti- 
Mormons  plunged  into  fresh  acts  of  illegality  and 
barbarism.  .  .  .  On  the  10th  of  September,  1846, 
an  army  of  1,000  men,  possessing  six  pieces  of 
artillery,  started  to  begin  the  attack  under  the 
direction  of  a  iierson  named  Carliu,  and  of  the 
Reverend  Mr.  Brockman.  Nauvoo  lia<i  only  300 
men  ;to  oppose  to  this  force,  and  but  five  small 
cannon,  made  from  the  iron  of  an  old  steamboat. 
The  fire  opened  on  the  afternoon  of  the  lOtli,  and 
continued  on  the  11th,  12th  and  13th  of  Septem- 
ber." Every  attack  of  tlie  besiegers  was  re- 
pulsed, until  4hey  consented  to  terms  under 
whidi  tlie  remnant  of  the  Mormons  was  to  evacu- 
ate the  town  at  the  end  of  five  days.  "  Tlie  Mor- 
mons liad  only  three  men  killed  and  a  few 
wounded  during  tlie  whole  affair;  the  lo.ss  of  tlieir 
enemies  is  unknown,  but  it  would  seem  that  it 
was  heavy.  It  was  agreed  tliat  a  committee  of 
five  persons  sliould  remain  at  Nauvoo  to  attend 
to  the  interests  of  tlic  exiles,  and  on  the  17th  of 
Sei)tember,  while  the  enemy,  to  tlie  number  of 
1,635,  entered  tlie  city  to  plunder,  the  remnant  of 
the  Slormons  crosseil  the  Jlississippi  to  follow 
'the  track  of  Israel  towards  tlie  west.' .  .  .About 
the  end  of  June,  1846,  the  first  column  of  the 
emigrants  arrived  on  the  banks  of  the  Missouri, 


2233 


M0RM0NI8M. 


MOSCOW. 


ft  little  ahovo  the  point  of  confluence  of  tliig  im- 
mt'iiHC  riviT  witli  the  Plftttc,  in  tlie  country  of  the 
PotliiwatiimicB,  where  it  stopped  to  nwnit  the  <le- 
tiichinent^  in  its  rcnr.  This  spot,  now  known  by 
tlienameof  Council  Bluffs,  wbr  christened  Knnes- 
ville  by  the  Mormons.  ...  At  tliis  place,  in  the 
course  of  July,  the  fecleral  covemnient  made  an 
appeal  to  the  patriotism  of  the  Mormons,  and 
asked  them  to  nirnish  a  contingent  of  500  men 
for  tlie  Mexican  war.  Did  the  government  wish 
to  favour  the  Saints  by  affording  tliem  an  ojipor- 
tuidty  of  making  money  by  tiiking  service,  or 
did  it  merely  wisli  to  test  their  fidelity  ?  Tiiis 
we  cannot  decide.  .  .  .  Tlie  Hnints  generally  re- 
ganlcd  this  levy  as  a  species  of  persecution ;  how- 
ever .  .  .  they  furnished  a  battalion  of  .520 
men,  and  received  $20,000  for  equipment  from 
the  war  department."  The  head  ((Uarters  of  the 
enii«;nUion  remained  at  Kancsville  tin-ough  tlie 
winter  of  iy46-47,  waiting  for  the  brethren  who 
had  been  left  behind.  There  wtre  several  en- 
campments, however,  some  of  them  about  200 
miles  in  advance.  The  shelters  contrived  were 
of  every  kind  —  huts,  tents,  and  caves  dug  in 
the  earth.  The  suffering  was  considerable  and 
many  deaths  occurred.  The  Indians  of  the  region 
were  Pottawatamics  and  Ornahas,  both  hostile  to 
the  United  States  and  therefore  friendly  to  the 
Mormons,  whom  they  looked  upon  as  persecuted 
foes  of  the  American  nation.  "On  the  .'4'.li  of 
April  [1847],  Brigham  Young  and  eight  ap  istles, 
at  the  head  of  148  picked  men  and  70  carls  laden 
with  gmiu  and  agricultural  implements,  started 
In  search  of  Eden  in  the  far-west.  .  .  .  The  23rd 
of  July,  1847,  Orson  Pratt,  escorted  by  a  small 
advanced  guard,  was  the  first  to  reach  the  Great 
Salt  Lake.  He  was  joined  the  following  day  by 
Brigham  Young  and  the  main  body  of  the  pio- 
neers. That  day,  tlie  24th  of  July,  was  destined 
to  be  afterwards  celebrated  by  the  Mormons  as 
the  anniversary  of  their  deliverance.  .  .  .  Brig- 
ham Young  declared,  by  divine  inspiration,  that 
they  were  to  establish  themselves  upon  the  bor- 
ders of  the  Salt  Lake,  in  this  region,  which  was 
nobody's  property,  and  wherein  conseouently  his 
people  could  follow  their  religion  without  draw- 
ing upon  themselves  the  hatred  of  any  neigh- 
bours. He  spent  several  weeks  in  ascertaining 
the  nature  of  the  country,  and  then  fixed  upon  a 
Bite  for  the  holy  city.  .  .  .  When  he  had  thus 
laid  the  foundations  of  his  future  empire,  he  set 
off  on  his  return  to  Council  Bluffs,  leaving  on  the 
borders  of  the  Salt  Lake  the  greater  portion  of 
the  companions  who  had  followed  him  in  his  dis- 
tant search.  During  the  summer,  a  convoy  of 
566  waggons,  laden  with  large  quantities  of 
grain,  left  Kancsville  and  followed  upon  the  tracks 
of  the  pioneers.  ...  On  their  arrival  at  the  spot 
indicated  by  the  president  of  the  Church,  they 
set  to  work  without  a  moment's  repose.  Land 
was  tilled,  trees  and  hedges  planted,  and  grain 
sown  before  the  coming  frost."  The  main  body 
of  the  emigrants,  led  by  Brigham  Young,  moved 
from  the  banks  of  the  Missouri  about  the  1st  of 
May,  1848,  and  arrived  at  the  Salt  Lake  the  fol- 
lowing autumn. — J.  Remy  and  J.  Brenehley, 
Journey  to  0-reat-Salt-Lake  City,  bk.  2,  eh.  4  (».  1). 
— "  On  the  afternoon  of  the  22d  [August,  18471 
a  conference  was  held,  at  which  it  was  resolved 
that  the  place  should  be  called  the  City  of  the 
Great  Salt  Lake.  The  term  '  Great '  was  retained 
for  several  years,  until  changed  by  legislative 
enactment.    It  was  so  named  in  contradistinction 


to  Little  Salt  Lake,  a  term  applied  to  a  bo<ly  of 
water  some  200  miles  to  the  south."— II.  II.  Ban- 
croft, Hint,  of  the  I'aeific  Stntet,  r.  21,  eh.  10. 

A.  D.  1850.— Organization  of  the  Territorr 
of  Utah.     See  Ut.\ii:  A.  D.  1&40-I8r)0. 

A.  D.  1857-1859.— The  rebellion  in  Utah. 
See  Utah:  A.  D.  18,'57-18r)0. 

A.  D.  1894.— Admission  of  Utah  to  the 
Union  as  a  State.    See  Utah:  A.  I).  1804. 

MOROCCO.    See  Makocco. 

MORONA,  The.  Sec  American  Anoitioi- 
NES:  Andesians. 

MORRILL  TARIFF,  The.  See  Tauiff 
LEiiisr.ATioN:  A.  D.  1801-1864  (Unitki)  States). 

MORRIS,  Gouverneur,  and  the  framing  of 
the  Federal  Constitution.    See  United  States 

OK  Am.  :  A.  I).  1787 The  origin  of  the  Erie 

Canal.     See  New  Yghk:'  A.  D.  1817-182.5. 

MORRIS,  Robert,  and  the  finances  of  the 
American  Revolution.  See  United  States  of 
Am.  :  A.  I).  1784. 

MORRIS-DANCE,  The.— "Both  English 
and  foreign  glossaries,  observes  Mr.  Douce,  uni- 
formly ascribe  the  origin  of  this  dance  to  the 
Moors,  although  the  genuine  Moorish  or  Morisco 
dance  was,  no  doubt,  very  different  from  the 
European  morris.  ...  It  has  been  supposed 
that  the  morris-dance  was  first  brought  into 
England  in  the  reign  of  Edward  III.,  and  when 
John  of  Gaunt  returned  from  Spain;  but  it  is 
much  more  probable  that  we  had  it  from  our 
Gallic  neigliboui's,  or  the  Flemings." — H.  Smitli, 
Fettirnls,  lltimen,  ete.,  eh.  18. 

MORRIS  ISLAND,  Military  operations 
on.  See  United  States  op  Am.  :  A.  D.  1863 
(JuLV:  SoiTTH  Carolina). 

MORRIS'S  PURCHASE.  SecNKwYoiiK: 
A.  D.  1786-1709. 

MORRISTOWN,  N.  J.:  Washington  in 
winter  quarters  (1777-1778).  See  United 
States  of  Am.:  A.  D.  1776-1777;  and  1777 
(January — DECEMnER). 

MORTARA,  Battle  of  (1849).  Sec  Italy: 
A.  D.  1848-1849. 

MORTEMER,  Battle  of.— The  French  army 
invading  Normandy,  A.  D.  1054,  was  surprised 
by  the  Normans,  in  the  town  of  Mortem er  and 
utterly  routed.  The  town  was  destroyjd  and 
never  rebuilt. — E.  A.  Freeman,  Norman,  Con- 
gueM.  eh.  12,  Met.  2  {v.  3). 

MORTIMER'S  CROSS,  Battleof  (i.t6i).— 
One  of  the  battles  in  the  "Wars  of  the  Hoses," 
fought  Feb.  2,  1461,  on  a  small  plain  called 
Kingsland  Field,  near  Mortimer's  Cross,  in 
Herefordshire,  England.  The  Yorkists,  com- 
manded by  young  Edward,  Earl  of  March  (soon 
afterwards  King  Edwanl  IV.)  were  greatly 
superior  in  numbers  to  the  Lancastrians,  under 
the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  and  won  a  complete 
victory.     See  England:  A.  D.  1455-1471. 

MORTMAIN,  The  Stst-ite  of.  See  Eng- 
land: A.  D.  1279. 

MORTON,  Thomas,  at  Merrymount.  See 
Massac  iu'retts:  A.  D.  1622-1628. 

MORTUATH,  The.    See  Tuath,  The. 

MOSA,  The. — The  ancient  name  of  the  river 

Meuse. 

♦— — 

MOSCOW:  A.  D.  1 147.— Origin  of  the  city. 

— "The  name  of  Moscow  appears  for  the  first 
time  in  the  chronicles  at  the  date  of  1147.  It 
is  there  said   that   the  Grand   Prince  George 


2234 


MOSCOW. 


MUNICIPAL  CONSTITUTIONS. 


Dolgormiki,  Imving  arrived  on  the  domnin  of  a 
boyard  nnnicd  Stephen  Koiitchkn,  cniised  him  to 
Im!  put  to  (Icftth  on  some  pretext,  und  that,  struck 
by  the  position  of  one  of  the  villages  situated  on 
ft  heiglit  wftslicd  by  tlie  Moskown,  the  very  spot 
whereon  tlie  Kremlin  now  stands,  he  built  the 
city  of  Moscow.  .  .  .  During  tlie  century  fol- 
lowing its  foundation,  >Io80ow  remained  an  ob- 
scure and  insigniflcant  village  of  Souidal.  The 
chroniclers  do  not  allude  to  it  except  to  mention 
that  it  was  burned  by  the  Tartars  (1237),  or  that 
n  brother  of  Alexander  NevskI,  Michael  of  Mos- 
cow, was  killed  there  In  a  battle  with  tlie  Lithu- 
anians. The  real  founder  of  the  principality  of 
the  name  wos  Daniel,  a  son  of  Alexander  Nevski, 
who  had  received  this  small  town  ond  a  few 
villages  as  his  appanage.  .  .  .  He  was  followed. 
In  due  course,  by  his  brothers  George  and  Ivan." 
— A.  Rambaud,  Hist,  of  liuma,  v.  1,  ch.  13. 

A.  D.  1362-1480.— Rise  of  the  duchy  which 
grew  to  be  the  Russian  Empire,  Sec  Hutisi.^: 
A.  I).  1237-1480. 

A.  D.  1571.— Stormed  and  sacked  by  the 
Crim  Tartars.    See  Hubsia:  A.  I).  ir)(i0-ir)71. 

A.  D.  1813. — Napoleon  in  possession.— The 
burning  of  the  city.  See  Ui'sria:  A.  D.  1813 
(Septe.mheu);  and  (OcTon;.ii — Dgce.mbek). 

MOSKOWA,  OR  BORODINO,  Battle  of 
the.  See  Ritssia:  A.  D.  1813  (June  — Skp- 
TEMIIEU). 

MOSLEM.      See    Iala.m;  also    Mahometan 

CONIJt'KST  AND  EmPIHE. 

MOSQUITO  INDIANS  AND  MOS- 
QUITO COAST.  See  Ameiiican  Aboukunes: 
MusQUiTo,  or  Mosquito  Indians;  also  Nica- 
ragua: A.  D.  1850;  and   Centual  Amkkica: 

A.  n.  1831-1871. 

MOTASSEM,  Al,  Caliph,  A.  D.  833-841. 
MOTAWAKKEL,  Al,  Caliph,  A.  D.  847-861. 
MOT  YE,  Siege  of.      SccSyhacuse:    B.   C. 
397-3U0. 
MOUGOULACHAS,  The.    See  American 

AllOUKilNEB:    MUSKIIOOEAN   FAMILY. 

MOULEY-ISMAEL,  Battle  of  (1835).  See 
Baiihauv  States:  A.  D.  1830-1840. 

MOULTRIE,  Colonel,  and  the  defense  of 
Charleston.  See  United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D. 
177fi  (.Tune). 

MOUND-BUILDERS  OF  AMERICA, 
The.    See  America,  Pheiiistoric. 

MOUNT  BADON,  Battle  of.— This  battle 
was  fought  A.  D.  530  and  resulted  in  a  crushing 
defeat  of  the  West  Saxons  by  the  Britons,  ar- 
resting the  advance  of  the  latter  in  their  eon- 
quest  of  southwestern  England  for  a  generation. 
It  figures  in  some  legends  among  the  victories  of 
King  Arthur. — J.  R.  Green,  The  Making  of  Enr/- 
land,  ell.  3. 

MOUNT  CALAMATIUS,  Battle  of.  See 
Spartacus,  Rising  of. 

MOUNT  ETNA,  Battle  of  (1849).  See 
Italy:  A.  D.  1848-1849. 

MOUNT  GAURUS,  Battle  of.    See  Rome: 

B.  C.  .343-290. 

MOUNT  TABOR,  Battle  of  (1799).  See 
France:  A.  D.  1798-1799  (ArousT-AuorsTl 

MOUNT  VESUVIUS,  Battle  of  (B.  C. 
338).     See  Rome:  B.  C.  339-338. 

MOUNTAIN,  The  Party  of  the.  See 
France:  A.  D.  1791  (October);  1793  (Septem- 
ber— November)  ;  and  after,  to  1794-1795  (July 
— Afhil). 


MCVw^*IN  MEADOWS  MASSACRE, 

The  (1857).     See  Utah:  A.  I).  1857-1859. 

MOURU.     See  .Maikuana. 

MOXO,  The  Great.    See  El  Dokado. 

MOXOS,  OR  MOJOS,  The.  See  Bolhia: 
AiioiiKiiNAL  iniiahitants;  also,  American 
Aiiorkiinem:  Andesianh. 

MOYTURA,  Battle  of.— Celebrated  in  the 
legemlary  history  of  Ireland  and  represented  us  a 
fatal  defeat  of  the  ancient  people  in  that  coun- 
try called  the  Firbolgs  by  the  new-coming 
Tuatha-de-Daiiaan.  "Under  the  name  of  ilie 
'  Battle  of  the  Field  of  the  Tower'  [it!  was  hmg 
a  favourite  theme  of  Irish  song."— T.  Moore, 
Hint,  of  TnUiiKl.  eh.  5  (r.  1). 

MOZARABES,  OR  MOSTARABES.- 
Tlie  (,'hristian  people  who  remiiiiied  in  Africa 
and  southern  Spain  after  the  Moslem  conquest, 
tolerated  in  tlie  practice  of  tlieir  religion,  "were 
called  Mo8t4»rabe8  or  Mo/.arabes;  they  adopted 
the  Arabic  language  and  customs.  .  .  .  Th"* 
word  is  from  tlic  Arabic  '  musta'rab,'  which  meaiis 
one  'who  tries  to  imitate  or  become  an  Arab  in 
his  manners  and  language.'" — H.  Coppee,  IIi»t. 
of  (he  Coiif/iient  of  Spain  by  the  Arab-Moovn,  hk.  4, 
eh.  3  ()'.  1),  irith  font- note. 

Also  in  :  E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  tin 
Roman  Empire,  eh.  51. 

MOZART  HALL.  See  New  York:  A.  D. 
18()3-1H7I, 

MUFTI.     Sec  Schlime  Porte. 

MUGELLO,  Battle  of  (A.  D.  543).  See 
Rome:  A.  I).  ny.V.W;!. 

MUGGLETONIANS.     See  Ranteus. 

MUGHAL  OR  MOGUL  EMPIRE.  See 
India:  A.  D.  i:i9«-lfiori. 

MUGWUMPS.  See  United  St.\te8  op 
Am.  :  A.  D.  1884, 

MUHAJIRIN,  The.  See  Mahometan  Con- 
quest: A.  I).  009-633. 

MUHLBERG,  Battle  of  (1547).  See  Ger- 
many: A.  D.  1540-15.')3. 

MtiHLDORF,  OR  MAHLDORF,  Battle 
of  (1322).     See  Germany:  A.  D.  1314-1347. 

MULATTO.     See  Mestizo. 

MULE,  Crompton's,  The  invention  of.  See 
Cotton  Manufacture. 

MOLHAUSEN,  Battle  of  (1674).  See 
Netherlands  (Holland):  A.  D.  1674-1678. 

MULLAGHMAST,  The  Massacre  of.  See 
Ireland:  A.  I).  1559-1003. 

MULLIGAN,  Colonel  James  A.:  Defense 
of  Lexington,  Missouri.  See  United  States 
ov  Am.:  A.  D.  1861  (July— Septe.mber:  Mis- 
sou  hi  ). 

MULTAN,  OR  MOOLTAN :  Siege  and 
capture  by  the  English  (1848-1849).  See 
India:  A.  D.  1845-1849. 

MUNDA,  Battle  of.    Sec  Rome:  B.  C.  45. 

MUNDRUCU,  The.  See  American  Abo- 
RloiNlos:  TuPl.  • 

MUNERA  GLADIATORIA.    Sec  Ludl 


MUNICH:  13th  Century.— First  rise  to 
importance.     See  Bavaria:  A.  I).  1180-1350. 

A.  D.  1632. — Surrender  to  Gustavus  Adol- 
phus.     SeeGERM.\NY:  A.  D.  1631-1633. 

A.  D.  1743.— Bombardment  and  capture  by 
the  Austrians.    See  Austria  :  A.  D.  1743. 


MUNICIPAL  CONSTITUTIONS  AND 
FORMS.  See  Commune;  Borough;  and 
Guild. 


2235 


MUNICIPAL  CURIA. 


MUTINY  ACTS. 


MUNICIPAL  CURIA  OF  THE  LATER 
ROMAN  EMPIRE.    Kcc  (,'iiiia,  Minicipai.. 

MUNICIPIUM.— "The  ttrm  Mimlclplum 
nppi'nrH  to  Imvt'  lH,'cn  npplied  nrieinally  to  tliOHo 
coiiqucrcd  Italiun  towns  wliicli  Home  Incliulcd 
In  lier  dominion  witlioiit  conferring  on  tlie  peo- 
ple tlio  lioniitn  Buflnigo  and  tlie  capacity  of  at- 
taining tlio  honours  of  tlic  Koman  state.  ...  If 
the  inhabitants  of  sucli  Municipia  liod  everything 
Roman  except  tlie  riglit  to  vote  and  to  be  eligible 
to  the  lioman  magistracies,  they  liad  Comnier- 
clum  and  Conniiblum.  I)y  virtue  of  the  first, 
such  persons  couhl  acquire  property  within  tlie 
limits  of  the  Homan  state,  and  could  dispose  of 
it  by  sale,  gift,  and  testament.  By  virtue  of  the 
second,  they  could  contract  a  legal  marriage 
with  the  daughter  of  a  Roman  citizen." — 0. 
Long,  Dedine  nfthe  limmin  Itepuhlie,  t.  2,  eh.  14. 

MUNSEES,  The.  See  Amkukan  Anouuii- 
NF.s:  Dei.awakes,  and  Ai.ooNqmAN  Fa.mily; 
also,  Manhattan  Island. 


MONSTER  :  A.  D.  1533-1536.— The  reign 
of   the    Anabaptisti.      Hee    Anabaptists    ok 

MrNSTEIl. 

A.  D.  1644-1648. — Negotiation  of  the  Peace 
of  Westphrilia.  Sec  Oukmany:  A.  D.  1648; 
and  Netheul.'^nds:  A.  D.  1040-1048. 

MUNYCHIA.     See  PiU/Kis, 

MUNYCHIA,  Battle  of  (B.  C.  403).  See 
Athens.  U.  V.  404-403. 

MURA,  The.  See  Ameiiican  ABOiiiaiNEJ: 
GrcK  ou  Coco  Group. 

MURAD  v.,  Turkish  Sultan,  A.  D.  1876 
(Slay — August). 

MURAT,  King  of  Naples,  The  career  of. 
See  Fuance:  A.  I).  1800-1801  (.June— Feiiuu- 
auv),  1800  (.Tanuauy — OcTonEn);  Geumany: 
A.  D.  1800  (OcToiiEii),  to  1807  (Feuuuaky— 
June);  Spain:  A.  D.  1808  (May— Septembeh); 
Italy:  A.  D.  1808-1809;  Russia:  A.  D.  1812; 
Germany:  A.  D.  1813-1813,  1818  (Auoust), 
to  (October);  Italy:  A.  D.  1814,  and  1815. 

MURCI. — A  n:ime  given  to  degenerate  Ro- 
mans, in  the  Ibi  days  of  the  Empire,  wlio 
escaped  military  .service  by  cutting  off  the  fin- 
gers of  their  right  hands, — E.  Gibbon,  Decline 
and  Fall  of  the  llomnn  Empir,    eh.  17. 

MURET,  Battle  of  (A.  1-  1213).  SccAlbi- 
0EN8E8:  A.  D.  1310-1213;  and  Spain:  A.  D. 
1035-12.')8. 

MURFREESBOROUGH,  OR  STONE 
RIVER,  Battle  of.  See  United  States  op 
Am.:  a.  D.  1863-1868  (December— January: 
Tennessee). 

MURRAY,  The  Regent,  Assassination  of. 
See  Scotland:  A.  D.  1501-1568. 

MURRHINE  VASES.  — "The  highest 
prices  were  paid  for  the  so-called  Murrhine  vases 
(vasa  Murrhina)  brought  to  Rome  from  the  East. 
Pompey,  after  his  victory  over  Mithridates,  was 
the  first  to  bring  one  of  them  to  Rome,  which  he 
placed  In  the  temple  of  the  Capltoline  Jupiter. 
Augustus,  as  is  well  known,  kept  a  Murrhine 
goblet  from  Cleopatra's  treasure  for  himself, 
■while  all  her  gold  plate  was  melted.  The  Con- 
sularis  T.  Petronius,  who  owned  one  of  the 
largest  collections  of  rare  vases,  bought  a  basin 
from  :Murrha  for  800,000  sestertii;  before  his 
death  he  destroyed  this  matchless  piece  of  his 
collection,  so  as  to  prevent  Nero  from  laying 
hold  of  It.     Nero  himself  paid  for  a  handled 


drlnklng-goblct  from  Murrha  a  million  sestertii. 
Crystal  voses  also  fet('lie<l  enormous  j)rii'e». 
There  is  soiiio  doubt  about  the  material  of  these 
JMurrhino  vases,  which  U  the  more  dillloult  to 
solve,  as  the  only  vase  In  existence  which  per- 
haps may  \'\y  claim  to  that  name  is  too  thin  and 
fragile  to  allow  of  closer  investigation.  It  was 
found  in  the  Tyrol  in  1887  (see  'Neue  Zeitschrlft 
lies  Ferdinandeums,'  vol,  v.  1889).  Pliny  des- 
crilies  the  colour  of  the  Murrhine  va.ses  as  a 
mixture  of  white  and  purple;  according  to  some 
ancient  writers,  they  even  improved  the  taste  of 
the  wliie  drunk  out  of  tlit'in.''— E.  Oiihl  and  \\. 
Koner,  Life  of  the  GreekHiind  limnitnH,  feet.  01. — 
"I  believe  it  is  now  understiHxl  that  the  murrha 
of  the  Romans  was  not  porcelain,  as  had  been 
supposed  from  the  line,  'Murrhca(iue  in  Partliis 
pocula  corta  focis' (I'ropert.  iv.  5.  20.),  but  an 
imitation  in  coloured  glass  of  a  transparent 
stone."— C.  Merivale,  IltHt.  of  the  UomuM,  eh.  39, 
foot-  note. 

MURSA,  Battle  of  (A.  D.  351).    Sec  Rome: 

A.  I).  337-.')01. 

MUSCADINS.  Sec  France:  A.  D.  1794- 
1795  (July— April). 

MUSCULUS,  The.— A  huge  movable  cov- 
ered way  which  the  Romans  employed  in  siege 
operations.  Its  construction,  of  heavy  timbers, 
with  n  roof -covering  of  bricks,  clay  and  hides,  is 
descrilied  in  Cicsar's  account  of  the  siege  of 
JIassilia.— Ciesar,  The  Civil  War,  bk.  2,  ch.  10. 

MUSEUM,  British.  See  Libraries,  Mod- 
ern :    Knoland. 

MUSEUM  OF  ALEXANDRIA,  The.  Sec 
Alexandria  :    H.  C.  282-240. 

MUSKHOGEES,  OR  MASKOKALGIS, 
The.  See  American  Aborigines:  Muskhooean 
Family. 

MUSSULMANS.    See  Islam. 

MUSTAPHA    I.,   Turkish  Sultan,   A.    D. 

1017-1018;    and    1023-1623 Mustapha    II., 

Turkish  Sultan,  1005-1703 Mustapha  III., 

Turkish  Sultan,  1757-1774 Mustapha  IV., 

Turkish  Sultan,  1807-1808. 

MUTA,  Battle  of.  820  Mahometan  Con- 
quest: A.  D.  609-082. 

MUTHUL,   Battle  of  the.    See  Kuhidia: 

B.  C.  118-104. 

MUTINA,  Battle  of  (B.  C.  72).    See  Spar- 

TACU8,  Rising  of Battle  of  (B.  C.  43).    See 

Rome:  «.  C.  44-42. 

MUTINA  AND  PARMA.— On  the  final 
conquest  of  Cisalpine  Gaul  by  the  Romans,  about 
220  B.  C.  the  Senate  planted  the  colonies  of 
Mutina  (Modena)  and  Parma  on  the  line  of  the 
./Emilian  Road  and  assigned  the  territory  of  the 
Apuans  to  the  new  colony  of  Luca  (Lucca). — H. 
G.  Liddell,  Hint,  of  liome,  bk.  5,  eh.  41  (v.  2). 

MUTINY  ACTS,  The  English.— In  1689 
the  Parliament  (called  a  Convention  at  first) 
which  settled  the  English  crown  upon  William 
of  Orange  and  Mary,  ' '  passed  the  first  Act  for 
governing  the  ormy  as  a  separate  and  distinct 
body  under  its  own  peculiar  laws,  called  'The 
Mutiny  Act.'.  .  .  The  origin  of  the  first  Mutiny 
Act  was  this.  Prance  had  declared  war  against 
Holland,  who  applied  under  the  treaty  of  Nime- 
gueu  to  England  for  troops.  Some  English  regi- 
ments refused  to  go,  and  it  was  felt  that  the 
common  law  could  not  be  employed  to  meet  the 
exigency.  The  mutineers  were  for  the  time  by 
military  force  compelled  to  submit,  happily 
without  bloodshed ;  but  the  necessity  for  soldiers 


2236 


MUTINY  ACTS. 


MYSTICISM. 


to  be  govprnctl  liy  their  own  code  and  reffuln- 
tlons  iK'Cftiiiu  mniiifi'Ht.  Thereupon  the  am  of 
Parliament  was  Invoked,  liut  ciiiitloiiHly.  The 
tlrst  Mutiny  Act  was  very  short  In  eniu'tmenls 
and  to  continue  only  six  months.  It  recited  tliiit 
standing  armies  and  court.s  martial  were  un- 
known to  English  law,  and  enacted  that  no 
soldier  should  on  pain  of  death  desert  his  colours, 
or  mutiny.  At  the  expiration  of  the  six  months 
another  similar  Act  was  passed,  also  only  for  six 
months:  and  so  on  until  the  present  |)ractlco  was 
estnlillshed  of  regulating  and  governing  the 
army,  now  a  national  Institution,  by  an  annual 
IMutiny  Act,  which  is  reoulsite  for  the  legal  ex- 
istence of  a  recognised  force,  whereby  frecjuent 
meeting  of  Parliament  is  indirectly  secured,  if 
only  to  preserve  the  army  In  existence." — AV.  II. 
Tofrlano,  ll'iV/iVini  the  Third,  ch.  7. — "  Tlicse  arc 
the  two  effectual  securities  against  n\llllary 
power;  that  no  pay  can  bo  issiied  to  the  tr(K)ps 
■without  a  previous  authorisation  by  the  com- 
mons In  a  committee  of  supply,  and  by  both 
houses  in  an  act  of  ai)propriatlon ;  and  that  no 
offlcer  or  soldier  can  be  punished  for  disobedi- 
ence, nor  any  court-martlol  held,  without  the 
annual  re  enactment  of  the  mutiny  bill." — II. 
Ilullam,  Comt.  JIM.  of  Kng.,  ch.  15  (r.  3). 

Also  in;  Lord  Macaulay,  Ili»t.  of  Eng.,  ch.  11 
(B.  8). 

MUTINY  OF  THE  ENGLISH  FLEET. 
See  Esoiand;  A.  1).  1707. 

MUTINY  OF  THE  PHILADELPHIA 
LINE.     See  United  States  of  Am.  :    A.  1). 

1781  (.lANl'.^UY). 

MUTINY  OF  THE  SEPOYS.  SeelNDi.*.: 
A.  r>.  1857,  to  1857-1858  (July— June). 

MUYSCAS,  The.  See  American  Ahorioi- 
NES;  CiirnniAS. 

MYCALE,  Battle  of.  Sec  Greece;  B.  C. 
479. 

MYCEN.£,  See  Greece  r  Mycen.«  AND  ITS 
KiNos;  alsoARGOs;  IIeracleid.«;  and  Homer. 

MYCIANS,  The.— A  race,  so-called  by  the 
Greeks,  wlio  lived  anciently  on  the  coast  of  the 
Indian  Ocean,  east  of  modern  Kerman.  They 
were  known  to  the  Persians  as  Maka. — G.  liiw"- 
linson.  Fire  Qreat  MoTUirchiei :  Persia,  ch.  1. 

MYLJE,  Navdl  battle  at  (B.  C.  260).  See 
Punic  War,  The  First. 

MYONNESUS,  Battle  of  (B.  C.  190).  See 
SELKicin.E;  IJ.  C.  224-187. 

MYRMIDONS,  The.— "^akus  was  the  son 
of  Zeus,  born  of  ./Egina,  daughter  of  Asopus, 
whom  the  god  had  carried  off  and  brought  into 
the  island  to  which  lie  gave  her  name.  .  .  .  JEa- 
kus  was  alone  in  .^Egina :  to  relieve  liim  from 
this  solitude,  Zeus  changed  all  the  nnts  in  the 
island  into  men,  and  thus  provided  him  with  a 
numerous  population,  who,  from  their  origin, 
were  called  Myrmidons." — G.  Grotc,  Hist,  of 
Greece,  pt.  1,  c?i.  10. — According  to  the  legends, 
Peleus,  Telamon  and  Phocus  were  the  sons  of 
Xakus;  Peleus  migrated,  with  the  Myrmidons, 
or  8ome  part  of  them,  to  Thessaly,  and  from 
there  the  latter  accompanied  his  son  Achilles  to 
Troy. 

MYSIANS,  The.      See  Phrygians. -Mys- 

lANS. 

MYSORE,  The  founding  of  the  kingdom 
of.    See  India:  A.  D.  1767-1769. 

MYSORE  WARS,  with  Hvder  Ali  and 
Tippoo  Saib.  See  India:  A.  D.  1767-1769; 
1T80-1783;  1785-1793;  and  1798-1805. 


MYSTERIES,    Ancient    Religiout.      See 

Ei.EISINIAN  MvsTKRIKS. 

MYSTICISM.-QUIETISM.—  "The  tH- 

culiar  fiirm  of  devotional  religion  known  under 
these  names  was  not,  as  most  readers  are  aware, 
the  offspring  of  tlie  17tli  century.  It  rests,  in 
fact,  on  a  8ul)stratuni  of  truth  which  is  coeval 
with  man's  being,  and  expresses  one  of  the  ele- 
mcnlary  principles  of  our  moral  constitution. 
.  .  .  Tlie  system  of  tlie  Mvstles  arose  from  the 
lns''.nctlve  yearning  of  man"'s  soul  forcrminiunton 
Willi  the  Inllnite  and  the  Eternal.  Holy  Scrip- 
ture alxninds  with  sueh  aspirations  — ihe  Old 
Testament  as  well  as  the  New;  but  that  which 
under  the  Law  was  '  a  shadow  of  good  tilings  to 
i;ome,'  liiis  been  transformed  by  Clirisllanlty  Into 
H  living  and  abiding  reality.  The  Gospel  re- 
sponds to  these  longings  for  Intercommunion 
between  earth  and  heaven  by  that  fundamental 
iirtlcle  of  our  faith,  the  jierpetual  presence  and 
operation  of  GchI  the  Holy  Olio.st  in  the  Church, 
the  collective  '  Ixnly  of  Christ,'  and  In  the  Indi- 
vidual souls  of  the  regenerate.  Hut  a  sublime 
mystery  like  this  is  not  inrapalilc  of  misinterpre- 
tiUlon.  .  .  .  The  Church  has  ever  found  it  a  ditli- 
cult  matter  to  distinguish  and  adjudicate  between 
what  may  be  called  legitimate  or  orthodox  Mys- 
ticism and  tliose  corrupt,  degrading,  orgrotescpio 
versions  of  it  whicli  have  expos<'<l  religion  to  re- 
proach and  contempt.  Some  Mystics  have  In-en 
canonized  as  saints;  others,  no  less  deservedly, 
have  been  consigned  to  obloquy  as  pestilential 
heretics.  It  was  In  tlie  East  —  proverbially  the 
fatherland  of  idealism  and  romance  —  that  the 
ciirllest  phase  of  error  in  this  department  of 
tlieologv  was  more  or  less  stronely  developed. 
We  Ann  that  in  the  4th  century  tlie  Church  was 
tnubled  by  a  sect  called  Massallans  or  Euchites, 
who  placed  the  whole  of  religion  in  the  habit  of 
mental  jirayer;  alleging  ns  tlieir  authority  the 
Scripture  precept  'That  men  ought  always  to 
pray,  and  not  to  faint.'  They  were  for  the  most 
part  monks  of  Mesopotamia  and  Syria;  there 
were  many  of  them  at  Antloch  when  St.  Epipha- 
nlus  wrote  his  Tivatisc  against  heresies,  A.  D. 
371I  They  lield  that  every  man  is  from  his  birth 
possessed  by  nn  evil  spirit  or  familiar  demon, 
who  can  only  be  cast  out  by  the  practice  of  con- 
tinual prayer.  Tliey  disparaged  the  Sacraments, 
rcfiarding  them  as  tilings  indifferent;  they  re- 
jecte<l  manual  labor;  niid,  although  profe.s.slng 
to  be  perpetually  engaged  in  prayer,  they  slept, 
we  are  told,  the  greater  ]iart  of  the  da}',  and 
pretended  that  in  tliat  state  they  received  revela- 
tions from  above.  .  .  .  The  Slassalians  did  not 
openly  f'parate  from  the  Church;  they  were 
condemned,  however,  by  two  Councils  —  one  at 
Antioch  in  391,  the  other  at  Constantinople  in 
426.  Delusions  of  the  same  kind  were  repro- 
duced from  time  to  time  in  the  Oriental  Church; 
and,  as  Is  commonly  the  case,  the  originators  of 
error  were  followed  by  a  race  of  disciples  who 
advanced  considerably  beyond  them.  The  Hesy- 
clmsts,  or  Qiiletists  of  Mount  A  thos  in  the  14th 
century,  seem  to  have  been  fanatics  of  nn  ex- 
treme tj'pe.  They  imagined  that,  by  a  process 
of  profound  contcm|ilation,  they  could  discern 
internally  the  light  of  the  Divine  Presence  —  the 
'glory  of  0<k1' — the  very  same  wliich  was  dis- 
closed to  the  Apostles  on  tlie  Mount  of  Transfig- 
uration. Hence  tlicv  were  also  called  Thaborites. 
The  soul  to  which  this  privilege  was  vouchsafed 
had  no  need  to  practise  any  of  the  external  acts 


2237 


MYHTICISM. 


NAUATIIKAN8. 


orrlloHof  n-llglnn.  .  .  .  Tin- theory  of  nhRtrnrt 
coiitt'inplntlon,  with  tliccxtnioriliniirv  friiiUHiip- 
potu'i!  ti)  Im!  derived  from  It,  triivellpd  In  due 
ctnirito  Into  the  West,  and  there  giive  hirlli  to  the 
farfiiini'd  hcIkmiI  of  the  Mystles,  of  which  there 
were  viirloiis  ■riimlflciitlonx.  The  eurlleHt  expo- 
nent of  the  gyHtem  in  Friinee  wiih  John  Seotim 
Erijfenn,  tlie  contemporiiry  and  friend  of  Clmrlcs 
the  Hitld.  .  .  .  Krigena  irienrred  tlie  cenHures  of 
the  Holy  Hee;  hut  the  results  of  ills  teacliinf{ 
wore  permanent.  .  .  .  The  My  sties,  or  Theoso- 

f)hlsls  as  B e  stvlo  thcni,  attained  a  position  of 
dgli  renown  an<l  intluenee  at  I'aris  towards  the 
close  of  the  12lh  century.  Hero  two  of  the 
altlest  expositors  of  the  learning  of  tlie  middle 
age,  Hugh  and  HIehard  of  Ht.  Victor,  inHlaU-d 
crowds  of  ardent  diseiiilcs  Into  the  mysteries  of 
the  'via  Interna,'  and  of  'pure  love' — that  mar- 
vellous (|uality  hy  which  the  soul,  sublimated 
and  ctlieriallzed,  ascends  into  the  very  nifsence- 
clianiber  of  the  King  ol'  kings.  .  .  .  The  path 
thus  tniced  was  tnxiden  hy  many  who  were  to 
take  rank  eventually  as  the  most  perfect  masters 
of  spiritual  science;  among  tlu'm  are  the  vene- 
rated names  of  Thomas  il  Reiupis,  St.  Honaven- 
ture,  John  Tauler  of  Htrasburg,  Oerson,  and  St. 
Vincent  Ferrlcr.  .  .  .  But,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
is  not  less  true  that  emotional  religion  has  been 
found  to  degenerate,  in  nuxlcrn  us  well  as  In 
ancient  tin\es,  into  manifold  forms  of  moral  aber- 
ration. ...  To  exalt  above  measure  the  dignity 
and  privileges  of  the  sptrittud  element  in  man 
carries  with  it  the  danger  of  dispai-aging  the 
material  part  of  our  nature;  and  tids  results  In 
the  preposterous  notion  tliat,  provided  the  soul  be 
absorbed  In  the  contemplation  of  things  Divine, 
the  actions  of  the  bo<ly  are  unimportant  and  in- 
different, llow  often  the  Church  hug  combated 
and  denounced  this  moat  insidious  heresy  is  well 
known  to  all  who  have  amo<leratc  acquaintance 
with  its  history.  Under  tlic  various  appellations 
of  Beghanis,  Pratricelll,  Cathari,  Spirituals, 
Alblgenses,  Illumlnati,  Guerincts,  and  Qnietists, 
the  self-same  dc  usion  has  been  sedulously  prop- 
agated in  different  parts  of  Christendom,  and 
with  the  same  ultimate  consequences.  A  revival 
of  the  last-named  sect,  the  Quletists,  took  place 


In  Spain  about  the  year  IflT.'i,  when  Michel  do 
Molinos,  a  priest  of  the  diocese  of  SaniKosKji, 
publislied  his  treatise  called  'The  Spiritual 
Uul(le,'or,  in  th(>  Latin  translation,  '  .Manuductio 
spiritualls.'  Ills  leading  principle,  like  that  of 
his  multifarious  nredecessors,  was  tliat  of  habit- 
ual abHtnictlon  oi  tlie  mind  from  sensible  objects, 
with  a  view  to  gain,  by  passive  contemplation, 
n<it  only  a  profound  realisation  of  Ood  s  pres- 
ence, but  so  perfect  a  conununion  with  Him  a* 
to  end  In  absorption  Into  Ills  essence.  .  .  .  Per- 
sons of  the  highest  distinction  —  ('ardinuls.  In- 
quisitors, nay,  even  Pope  Innocent  himself  — 
were  suspected  of  sharing  these  dangerous  opin- 
ions. Molinos  was  arrested  and  imprisoned,  and 
in  due  time  tlie  In(|ulsltion  con<leinned  sixty- 
eight  propositions  from  his  works;  a  sentence 
which  was  conllrmed  by  a  Fajiui  bull  in  .Vugust, 
1(IU7.  Having  undergone  public  iicnaiice,  ho 
wasadmitted  toabsolution;  after  wliicli,  in  'mer- 
ciful'consideration  of  his  submission  and  repent- 
ance, he  was  consigned  for  the  rest  of  liis  davs 
to  tlio  dungeons  of  tlie  Holy  Otllce.  Here  no 
died  in  November,  IflO'i.  .  .  .  The  principles  of 
Quietism  had  struck  root  so  deeply,  that  they 
were  not  to  he  8(«>n  dishxiged  either  by  the  ter- 
rors of  the^InciuisitioM,  or  by  the  well-merited 
denunciations  of  tlie  Vatican.  The  system  was 
Irresistibly  fuseinuting  to  minds  of  a  certttin 
order.  Among  those  who  were  dazzled  by  it 
was  the  celebrated  Jeanne  Marie  De  la  Mothe 
Giiyon,"  whoso  ardent  propagation  of  lier  mys- 
tic theology  in  the  court  circles  of  France  — 
where  Fenelon,  Madame  de  Maintenon,  and  other 
important  personages  were  greatly  Inlluenced  — 
gave  rise  to  bitter  controversies  and  agitations. 
In  the  end,  Miulame  Quyon  was  silenced  and  im- 
prisoned and  Fenelon  was  subjected  to  humiliat- 
ing papal  censures. — W.  II.  Jervis,  IIi»t.  of  the 
church  of  France,  v.  2,  ch,  4. 

Also  in;  R.  A.  Vaughan,  Ifotirt  with  the  Myt- 
tics. — J.  Bigelow,  Mif/tiel  Molinoi,  the  Quietint. — 
T.  C.  Upliam,  Life  of  M'me  Ottyon.— 11  L.  8. 
Lear,  Fenelon,  ch.  3-5. — S.  E.  Ilerrick,  .S»»i« 
IlereticH  of  Yesterday,  ch.  1. — II.  C.  Lea,  Chapter! 
from  the  Jielu/ioim  Jlintory  of  <S))rtt»  .•  Mystica. 

MYTILENE,  Siege  of.    See  Lesuos. 


N. 


N.  S.  —  New  Style.  See  Calendar,  Gre- 
ooni    s. 

N.iARDEN:  A.  D.  1572.— Massacre  by  the 
Spaniards.  See  Netiikhi-ands:  A.  I).  lUTi- 
1573. 

NABATHEANS,  The. —  "  Towards  the 
seventh  century  B.  C.,  the  name  Edomlte  sud- 
denly disappears,  and  Is  used  only  by  some  of 
the  Israelitish  prophets,  who,  in  doing  so,  follow 
ancient  traditions.  Instead  of  It  is  found  the 
hitherto  unknown  word,  Nabathean.  Never- 
theless the  two  names,  Nabathean  and  Edomlte, 
undoubtedly  refer  to  the  same  people,  dwelling 
in  the  same  locality,  possessing  the  same  empire, 
with  the  same  boundaries,  and  the  same  capital, 
Selah  [Petra].  Whence  arose  this  chonge  of 
name?  According  to  all  appearances  from  an 
internal  revolution,  of  which  we  have  no  record, 
a  change  In  the  royal  race  and  in  the  dominant 
tribe." — F.  Lcnormant,  Manual  of  Ancient  Hist., 
bk.  7,  <•'..  4. — "This  remarkable  nation  [the 
Nabatheaos,  or  Nabatseans]  has  often  been  con- 


founded with  its  eastern  neighbours,  the  wander- 
ing Arabs,  but  it  is  more  closely  related  to  the 
Aramiean  branch  than  to  the  proper  children  of 
Ishmael.  This  Aramiean  or,  according  to  the 
designation  of  the  Occidentals,  Syrian  stock 
must  have  In  very  early  times  sent  forth  from  its 
most  ancient  settlements  about  Babylon  a  col- 
ony, probably  for  the  sake  of  trade,  to  the  north- 
ern end  of  the  Arabian  gulf;  these  were  the 
Nabatirnns  on  the  Sinaitic  peninsula,  between 
the  gulf  of  Suez  and  Aila,  in  the  region  of 
Petra  (Wadi  Mousa).  In  their  ports  the  wares 
of  the  Mediterranean  were  exchanged  for  those 
of  Tndia;  the  great  southern  caravan-route,  which 
ran  from  Gaza  to  the  mouth  of  the  Euphrates 
and  the  Persian  gulf,  passed  through  the  capital 
of  the  Nabatajans — Petra — whose  still  magnifi- 
cent rock-palaces  and  rock-tombs  furnish  clearer 
evidence  of  the  Nabatsenn  civilization  than  does 
an  almost  extinct  tradition."  —  T.  Mommsen, 
Hist,  of  Home,  bk.  5,  ch.  4. 
Also  in:  H.  Ewald,  Hitt.  of  Israel,  v.  5,  p.  351. 


2238 


NAnon, 


NAPLES. 


I'ndpr  the  MokIiiiI 


iroys  or  frovfriiorx  of  iiroviii' 
of    Niiwiil),   as  tlif    Niiwiili 


NABOB. -NAWAB. 

empire,  tcriiiln  viceroy 

ecu  bort'   the   tltli- 

AViizecr  or  VIzliT  of    Oiiilc.   wlilcli   Ix'nmic   in 

Kngllsli  <tpci'('li    Niilioli,  iiiiii  m'(|uir(>il   fiuiiiliiir 

U8U  'n  K  gland  us  u  turin  appMcd  tu  rieli  Anglu- 

IiidiiiiiM. 

NADIR  SHAH,  soTerelgn  of  Persia,  A.  I). 
I7im-I747, 

NAEFELS,  OR  NOFELS,  Battle  of 
(1388).  Scf  S\MT/.i;UI,A.M).  A.  I).  i:iHtl-l!tMH. 
. . ,  Battle  of  (1799).  See  Ku.vNd;;  A.  1).  17U« 
(Al  IllMT — Dkckmiikii). 

NAGPUR:  The  British  acquisition  and  an- 
nexation, hie  India:  A.  I).  lSlU-1810,  ami 
184H-1M,VI, 

NAHANARVALl,  The.     Sep  T.viiianr. 

NAHU A  PEOPLES. —  NAHUATL.  Sou 
Mkxko.  An(  iknt. 

NAIRS,  The,  8eo  India:  The  AnouuiiSAi, 
XN11A111TANT8. 

NAISSUS,  The  Battle  of.  Sec  Outiia: 
A.  I).  -•()8-'J7(). 

NAJARA,  Battle  of.     Sec  X.waiikttk. 

NAMANGAN,  Battle  of  (1876).  See  Rus- 
sia:  A.  I).  1H,J1)-1H7(I. 

NAM  AQUA,  The.    Sec  South  Africa  :  The 

AIXIUIIIINAI.  INIIAIIITANTS. 

NAMNETES,  OR  NANNETES,  The. 
See  Vknkti  ok  Wkhtkun  Oaii.. 

NAMUR:  A.  D.  1693.— Siege  and  capture 
by  the  French.     SclFuanck:  A.  I),  100'.'. 

A.  D.  1695.— Siege  and  recovery  by  William 
of  Orange.     .Sec  Fuanck:  A.  I).  lOll.VlOUO. 

A.  D.  1713.  —  Ceded  to  Holland.  See 
Utiikcht:  a.  1).  1713-1714;  luul  Nktiikui.ands 
(Holland):  A.  I).  1713-171.J. 

A.  D.  1746-1748.— Taken  by  the  French  and 
ceded  to  Austria.  Sco  Nktiikhlandh:  A.  I). 
1740-1747;  ami  Aixi,a-Ciiai'ELLE:  Conokess. 

NANA  SAHIB,  and  the  Sepoy  Revolt. 
8cf  India;  A.  1).  1848-18.)0;  18.'i7  (May— Au- 
gust); and  1857-1858  (.July— June). 

NANCY  :  Defeat  and  death  of  Charles  the 
Bold  (1477).    See  Buuoundy:  A.  D.  1470-1477. 


NANKING:  A.  D.  1842.— Treaty  ending 
the  Opium  War  and  opening  Chinese  ports. 
See  China:  A.  I).  1839-1842. 

A.  D.  1853-1864. — The  capital  of  the  Tai- 
ping  Rebefs.    Suo  China;  A.  D.  1850-1804. 
• 

NANTES:  Origin  of  the  name.  See 
Veneti  of  Webteun  Gaul. 

A.  D.  1598.— The  Edict  of  Henry  IV.  See 
France;  A.  D.  ISOS-l.-jGO. 

A.  D.  1685.— The  Revocation  of  the  Edict. 
See  France:  A.  D.  1081-1098. 

A.  D.  1793.— Unsuccessful  attack  by  the 
Vend^ans.— The  cruihing  of  the  revolt  and 
the  frightful  vengeance  of  the  Terrorists.— 
The  demoniac  Carrier  and  his  Noyades.  See 
FraiS'ce;  A.  1).  1793  (.July— December);  The 
civil  war;  and  1793-1794  (October— April). 

NANTICOKES,  The.  See  American  Abo- 
KidiNEs:  Aloonijuian  Family. 

NANTWICH,  Battle  of.  See  England; 
A.  D.  1044  (.January). 

NAO.    See  Caravels. 

NAPATA,    See  Ethiopia. 


NAPLES:    Origin  of  the  city.    Hrr  Neap 

OI.IM  AND  I'aI.KI'OLIM 

A.  D.  536-543.— Siege  and  .':apture  bv  Bel- 
itarius.— Recovery  by  the  Goths.  Hc-u  Uumm: 
A.  1).  .'i:r.-.v.ii. 

A.  D.  554-800.— The  dukedom,  ."^i  c  Homk: 
A.  1).  .V)4  SIM). 

8-9th  Centuries.— The  duchy  of  Beneven- 

turn.       See    llKNKVKNTl  M  ;   aUc).   .\.MVM.'I. 

A.  D.  1000-1080.— The  Norman  Conquest.— 
Grant  by  the  Pope  as  a  fief  of  the  Church. 
Sic  Italy:  A.  D.  HMW-KHIO. 

A.  D.  1137.— Union  of  Apulia  with  Sicily 
and  formation  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples  or 
the  Two  Sicilies.  See  Fialy:  A.  I).  t08U 
1194, 

A.  D.  1283-1300.— Separation  from  Sicily.—* 
Continuance  as  a  separate  kingdom  under  the 
House  of  Anjou.  — Adhesion  to  the  name 
"Sicily."  Sfo  Italy:  A.  I).  12H2-1300;  also, 
Two  Sicilies, 

A.  D.  1313-1313.— Hostilities  between  King 
Robert  and  the  Emperor,  Henry  VII.  Sen 
Italy:  A.  1>.  i;tl()-i;ii:). 

A.  D.  1313-1338.— King  Robert's  leadership 
of  the  Gueliinterest  In  Italy.— His  part  in  the 
wars  of  Tuscany.     SccItai.y:  A,  1).  i:ii;f-i;t:iO, 

A.  D.  1343-X389.— The  troubled  reign  of  Jo- 
anna I.— Murder  of  her  husband,  Andrew  of 
Hungary.  —  Political  effects  of  the  Great 
Schism  in  the  Church.— War  of  Charles  of 
Durazzo  and  Louis  of  Anjou.— Interfering  vio- 
lence of  Pope  Urban  VI.  See  Italy:  A,  I). 
1343-1389. 

A.  D.  1386-1414,  —  Civil  war  between  the 
Durazzo  and  the  Angevin  parties.— Success  of 
Ladislas.— His  capture,  loss,  and  recapture  of 
Rome.     See  Italy;  A.  I).  1380-1414. 

A.  D,  1414-1447 —  Renewal  of  civil  war.— 
Defeat  of  the  Angevins  and  acquisition  of  the 
crown  by  Alfonso,  king  of  Araeon  and  Sicily. 
—League  with  Florence  and  Venice  against 
Milan.    See  Italy:  A,  I),  1412-1447, 

A.  D.  1447-1454.- Claim  of  King  Alfonso  to 
the  duchy  of  Milan. —  War  with  Milan  and 
Florence.    See  Milan:  A,  I).  1447-14.')4. 

A.  D.  1458. — Separation  of  the  crown  from 
those  of  Aragon  and  Sicily.— Left  to  an  ille- 
gitimate son  of  Alfonso. —  Revived  French 
claims.     See  Italy:  A.  I).  1447-14H0. 

A.  D.  1494-1496. —  Invasion  and  temporary 
conquest  oy  Cnarles  VIII.  of  France. — Re- 
treat of  the  French. —  Venetian  acquisitions 
in  Apulia.  See  Italy;  A.  D.  1492-1494,  1494- 
1490;  and  Venice;  A.  D.  1494-1.503. 

A.  D.  1501-1504. — Perfidious  treaty  of  par- 
tition between  Louis  XII.  of  France  and  Fer- 
dinand of  Aragon.—  Their  joint  conquest.— 
Their  quarrel  and  war.— The  French  expelled. 
—  The  Spaniards  in  possession.  See  Italy; 
A.  D.  1.501-1.504. 

A.  D.  1504-1505. — Relinquishment  of  French 
claims.     See  Italy:  A.  1).  1.504-1.500. 

A.  D.  1508-1509 The  League  of  Cambrai 

against  Venice.    Sec  Venice:  A,  D.  1508-1.509. 

A.  D.  1528.— Siege  by  the  French  and  suc- 
cessful defense.     See  Italy;  A,  D.  1527-1.529. 

A.  D.  1528-1570. — Under  the  Spanish  vice- 
roys.—Ravages  of  the  Turks  along  the  coast. 
—The  blockade  and  peril  of  the  city.— Revolt 
against  the  Inquisition.— Alva's  repulse  of 
the  French.  See  Italy;  A.  D.  1528-1570;  and 
France:  A.  D.  1547-1059. 


2239 


NAPLES. 


NASHVILLE. 


D.  1544.— Repeated  renunciation  of  the 
■  ofFrancie  I.    S<r  Kua.nck:  A.  I».  l.VW- 


A.  D. 

claim 
1.547. 

A.  D.  1647-16J4.— Revolt  of  Maianiello.— 
Undertakinst  of  the  Duke  of  Culic  and  the 
French.     S.clr.viv:  A.M.  1(1  HI- 1(1.14. 

A.  D.  1713.— The  kingdom  ceded  to  the 
Houie  of  Auetria.  Sec  I  ruKiilT;  A.  I).  llVi- 
1:11. 

A.  D.  1734-1735.— Occupation  by  the  Span- 
iards.—Cesaion  to  Spain,  with  Sicily,  forming 
a  kingdom  for  Don  Carloa,  the  firit  of  the 
Neapolitan  Bourbont.  Stu  It.m.y:  A.  I>.  171.")- 
I7;r>;  and  K|(.vn<k;  A.  I).  17:i!t-l7!t.V 

A.  D.  1743.— The  neutrality  of  the  kingdom 
in  the  War  of  the  Austrian  Succeiiion  en- 
forced by  England.  Siu  It.vi.y;  A.  I).  1741- 
174:i, 

A.  D.  1744.— The  War  of  the  Austrian  Suc- 
cession.—Neutrality  broken.  Sic  Iiai.v:  A.  D. 
1744. 

A.  D.  1749-1793.— Under  the  Spanish-Bour- 
bon regime.     Sic  It.m.y:  A.  I).  1740-17112. 

A.  D.  1769.— Seizure  of  Papal  territory.— 
Demand  (or  the  suppression  of  the  Order  of 
the  Jesuits.     Sic  .Ikh  ith:  A.I).  1701-17(11). 

A.  D.  1793. —  Joined  in  the  Coalition 
against  Revolutionary  France.  Sco  Fhamcb: 
A.  I).  171»;(  (.Maimii— Skimkmiikii). 

A.  D.  1796.— Armistice  with  Bonaparte.— 
Treaty  of  Peace.  Sco  Fiian(K;  A.  I).  1700 
(Ai'itii. — OdoiiKii),  iiiid  (OcroiiKii). 

A.  D.  1798-1799. — The  king's  attack  upon 
the  Frencn  at  Rome.— His  defeat  and  flight.— 
French  occupation  of  the  capital. — Creation 
of  the  Parthenopeian  Republic.  Seu  Fka.me: 
A.  I).  1708-1700  (Ai:<nsT— Ai'Hii,). 

A.  D.  1799.— Expulsion  of  the  French. — 
Restoration  of  the  king.  Sec  Fhanx'K  :  A.  I). 
1700  (AuniHT — Dkckmiiku). 

A.  D.  1800-1801.— The  king's  assistance  to 
the  Allies. — Saved  from  Napoleon's  ven- 
geance by  the  intercession  of  the  Russian 
Czar. — Treaty  of  Foligno.  SeeFuASCE:  A.  D. 
1800-1801  (.Junk— Fehkuakv). 

A.  D.  1803  (April).— Joined  in  the  Third  Co- 
alition against  France.  Sec  Fha.nck;  A.  I). 
18U.')(.lANrAUY— Ai-uii,). 

A.  D.  1805-1806.— Napoleon's  edict  of  de- 
thronement against  the  king  and  queen. — Its 
enforcement  b^  French  arms. — Joseph  Bona- 

?a.'^,e  made  kitig  of  the  Two  Sicilies.    8i'c 
'kance:    a.    D.    180r)-1806  (Decemueh- Sep- 

TE.MIIKIC). 

A.  D.  1808.— The  crown  signed  by  Joseph 
Bonaparte  (now  king  of  Spain),  and  conferred 
on  Joachim  Murat.  Sec  Spai.n  :  A.  D.  1808 
(May — Sei'tkm  iikh). 

A.  D.  1 808- 1 809.— Murat  on  the  throne.— 
Expulsion  of  the  English  from  Capri. — Popu- 
lar discontent. — Rise  of  the  Carbonari.— Civil 
war  in  Calabria.     See  Italy:  A.  D.  1808-1800. 

A.  D.  T814.— Desertion  of  Napoleon  by  Mu- 
rat.—His  treaty  with  the  Allies.  Sec  Italy: 
A.  I).  1814. 

A.  D.  1815.— Murat's  attempt  to  head  an 
Italian  national  movement. — His  downfall  and 
fate.— Restoration  of  the  Bourbon  Ferdinand. 
See  Italy:  A.  D.  1815. 

A.  D.  1815.— Accession  to  the  Holy  Alli- 
ance.    See  floLY  ALLIANt  E. 

A.  D.  1830-1821.  —  Insurrection.  —  Conces- 
sion of  a  Constitution.— Perjury  and  duplicity 


of  the  king.— Intervention  of  Austria  to  over* 
throw  the  Constitution.— Merciless  re-estab- 
lishment  of  despotism.    Sco    Italy:     A.  U. 

IW'.'O-lM'Jl. 

A.  D.  iSao-iSaa.— The  Congresses  of  Trop- 
pau,  Laybach  and  Verona.— Austrian  inter- 
vention sanctioned,    Sci.'   V'kuo.na,  'I'iik  Con- 

(IIIKHHOK. 

A.  D.  1830.— Death  of  Francis  I.— Accession 
of  Ferdinand  II.     See  Italy:  A.  I).  18;it»-l«!ia. 

A.  D.  184S.— Abortive  revolt.  Heu  Italy: 
\.  I).  1848-1840. 

A.  D.  1859-1861.— Death  of  Ferdinand  II.— 
Accession  of  Francis  II. — The  overthrow  of 
his  kingdom  by  Garibaldi. — Its  absorption  in 
the  kingdom  of  Italy.  Seo  Italy:  A.  I).  I80O- 
18S0;  and  1MW-1801. 

NAPO,  OR  QUIJO,  The.    Sco  AMF.nicAX 

AnoHIIIINKH:   Ani>khl\nh. 

NAPOLEON  I. :  His  career.  Seo  Fhancb: 
A.  I).  170;i(,IiLY— l)K(KMiiKU);  iiml  170.1  (OcTO- 

IIEIl — DkIEMHKII),  tl)  181.'5  (.hNK— ,VnUMT) 

Napoleon  III.:  His  career  as  conspirator, 
President  of  the  French  Republic,  and  Em- 
peror. See  Fiianck:  A.  I).  18;J0-184();  imd  1848 
(Al'itii Deckmhkh),  to  1870  (.Skitkmiieh). 

NARBONNE  :  Founding  of  the  city.— "In 

the  yeiir  II.  C  118  it  wim  proposed  to  settle  11 
Uoninn  colony  in  the  Hoiitli  of  Friuiei'  nt  N'arlio 
(Xarl)onne).  .  .  .  The  HoniiinH  nnisi  have  ^elzeil 
Home  part  of  thin  eouiitry,  or  tliey  eould  not 
have  inado  a  colony,  which  implies  the  giving 
of  land  to  gcttlern.  Narbo  was  nn  old  natlvo 
town  which  cxlHted  at  least  as  early  as  the  latter 
part  of  the  sixth  century  before  the  Christian 
aera.  .  .  ,  The  possi^ssioii  of  Narho  gave  tho 
Uomans  easy  access  to  the  fertile  vallev  of  tho 
Qaronne,  and  It  was  not  long  betore  they  took 
and  plundered  Tolosii  (Toulouse),  which  i.s  on 
that  river.  .  .  .  Narbo  also  cnininanded  the  road 
into  Spain." — O.  Long,  Decline  of  the  Roman 
liepiihlie,  v.  1,  ch.  23. 

A.  D.  437.— Besieged  by  the  Goths.  See 
Q()Tiis(ViHiooTiis):  A.  D.  419-451. 

A.  D.  535-531.— The  capital  of  the  Visi- 
goths.    See  GoTiiHi(ViHi(ioTlis):  A.  D.  r»()7-711. 

A.  D,  719. — Capture  and  occupation  by  the 
Moslems.  See  Mahometan  Ccnuuest:  A.  I). 
715-7:}3. 

A.  D.  753-759.- Siege  and.recovery  from  the 
Moslems.  See  Mahcmetan  CoMquEST:  A.  D. 
752-759. 


NARISCI,  The.    See  Marcomannl 

NARRAGANSETTS,  The.  Sec  American 
AuonioLNEs:  Alooncjl'ian  Family;  Hiiodb 
Island:  A.  D.  1036;  and  NewEsolvnd:  A.  D. 
10;)7,  1074-1075,  1075,  and  1070-1678. 

NARSES,  Campaigns  of.  Sco  Rome  :  A.  D. 
535-55:1. 

NARVA,  Siege  and  Battle  of  (1700).  See 
Scandinavlan  States  (Sweden):  A.  D.  1897- 
1700. 

NARVAEZ,  Expedition  of.  See  Florida: 
A.  I).  1.528-1543. 

NASEBY,  Battle  of.  Sco  England:  A.  D. 
1045  (June). 


NASHVILLE,  Tenn. :  A,  D.  1779-1784.— 
Origin  and  name  of  the  city.  Seo  Tennessee: 
A.  D.  1785-1706.      ,  . 


2240 


NASHVILLE. 


NATIONALITY. 


A.  D.  i86a.— Occupied  by  the  Union  forcet. 
Sve  L'NiTKi)  Statkh  OK  Am.;  A.  I).  INtl'J  (.Iani - 
AHY— FKiint'AiiY;  Kksti'ckv— Tknnehhkk);  uml 
(Fkiiki'aiiv— Ai'uii.:  Tknnkhhkk). 

A.  D.  1864.— Under  ticKC.— Defeat  of  Hood's 
army.  .Si;  rNiTKn  Htmkm  oir  Am.  ;  A.  1).  IBtM 
(Dkckmiikk:  Tk.nnkkhkk). 

•♦-  — 

NASI,  The.— Tills  wim  iliu  title  of  the  Prcsl- 
licnt  of  till-  .Ii'wIhIi  Saiilii'ilrln. 

NASR-ED-DEEN,  Shah  of  Persia,  A.  D. 

1M.|H— . 

NASSAU,   The   Houte  of.—  "Wit  tlml  im 

OtllO,   ('(Hint  of   NltHHIill,  NO  lolIK  11^0  IIH  till!  Ill'^ill- 

nliiK  "f  ll>*'  K'tli  ('•'iitiiry,  t'liiployril  iih  uriirral 
iiniU'r  tTii'  Kiiiporor  Mi'iiry  I  .  .  .'in  HiiliiliiiiiK  li 
HWiirinof  Hnviii(c  IIiinifariuiiM,  w  lio  for  niiiny  vi'iifh 
liuil  infi'Htt'il  Ucrniiiny.  .  .  .  'l'lii>  winiu  forti'iiiuto 
warrior  Imil  11  i)riiii'i|ml  liaiiil  aftiTwiirilM  in  re- 
iliit'lriK  till!  V'iukuiIh,  l>ani-H,  Si'litvoiiiaiis,  Daliiia- 
tiaiiM,  anil  liolii'iniiins.  Anions  tlii>  ili'Mci'iiitantit 
of  Otiioof  NnHMiii,  Wiilnim  I  ami  III  iiiori;  par- 
tiriilarly  illHtinuuiNlii'il  tlii'iiiiti'lvcs  in  tliv  caiiNi! 
)f  till' (ji'riimii  r^inpiTors;  tliii  fornuT  iindiT  tlii' 
victorioiiH  Otlio  I,  tliu  lattiT  iliiili'T  Conrad  II.  It 
wiiH  to  tlii'iu'  faithful  HtTvici'S  of  liitt  proKi'iiitorH 
that,  in  a  great  iiU'itHiire,  wito  owing  tlio  liirgi' 
poHHCNHionH  of  Ili'Pry,  Hurnniiit'd  tin*  Hirli,  third 
111  di'siTiit  from  tliL' liiNt  niciitioni'd  W'alnini,  and 
graiiilfathi'r  to  tlm  brave  tint  unhappy  EiiiiM'ror 
AdolpliiiH  [drpuHC'd  and  Hlitin  at  the  battli.'  of  Grl- 
hfiiii,  In  I'.'KH,— soeOKUMANY:  A.  D.  laTU-lDOH). 
TliL"  iu;ct's»lon,  liy  murriagf.  of  Brrda,  ViamU'ii, 
and  other  lordships  in  tlio  NetherlaiidM.  gavu  tlio 
Nassiiim  such  iv  weight  in  those  provinces  that 
.lolin  II  of  Nassau-Diliembiirg,  and  his  son 
Engelliert  II,  were  Inith  successively  appointed 
Qoverniirs  of  liruliant  by  the  Sovereigns  of  that 
State  [t'hiirles  the  Hold,  Duke  of  Burgiinily,  and 
his  soninlaw,  the  Kniperor  Maximiliiinl.  .  .  . 
The  last,  who  was  lliiewise  honoured  with  tl^o 
I'oniniission  of  Alaximiliau  I's  LieutenantUeneral 
in  the  Low-Ciniutries,  iininortalized  his  fume,  at 
the  Slime  time  that  he  secured  his  master's  footing 
there,  by  the  glorious  victory  of  Qiiincgaste," — 
or  Ouinegate,  or  tlie  "Hattleof  the  Spurs," — see 
Fhanck:  a.  I),  l.-ilij-l.'il,').— .1.  Breval,  Jlint.  of 
the  House  of  N(tMttu,  pji.  2-3. — Engelliert  II.  dy- 
ing childless,  "was  succeeded  by  liis  brother 
•lolin,  whose  two  sons,  Henry  and  Williiim,  of 
Nassau,  divided  llie  great  inlieritance  lifter  tlieir 
fatliur'g  death.  William  succeeded  to  the  Ger- 
man estates,  became  a  convert  to  Protestiintism, 
and  introduced  tlie  Reformation  into  his  domin- 
ions. Henry,  the  eldest  son,  received  the  family 
possessions  aiii .  titles  in  Luxeinliourg,  Hrabuiit, 
Flanders  and  Holland,  and  distinguished  liimself 
as  much  iis  his  uncle  Engelbert,  in  the  service  of 
the  Burgundo- Austrian  house.  The  contidential 
friend  of  Cliurlcs  V. ,  whose  governor  he  had  been 
in  that  Emperor's  boyhooti,  he  was  ever  his  most 
efflcient  and  reliable  adherent.  It  was  ho  whose 
influence  placed  the  imperial  crown  upon  tlio 
liead  of  Charles.  In  1.515  ho  espoused  Claudia 
de  Chalons,  sister  of  Prince  I'liilibert  of  Orange, 
'  in  order,'  as  he  wrote  to  his  father,  '  to  be  obe- 
dient to  his  imperial  Majesty,  to  jilcaso  the  King 
of  Prance,  and  more  particularly  for  the  salic  of 
his  own  honor  and  profit.'  His  sou  Rene  de  Nas- 
satx-Chalons  succeeded  Philibert.  The  little 
principality  of  Orange,  at'  pleasantly  situated  be- 
tween Provence  and  Daupldny,  but  in  sucli  dan- 
gerous proximity  to  the  seat  of  the  '  Babylonian 


rnptlvify  '  of  the  popos  at  Avljfnon.  thua  nniuinl 
to  the  famil/of  Niuuuiii.  The  title  wait  of  high 
antlciiiity.  Alreiuly  in  the  reign  of  Charlemagne, 
(fuillaiiiue  ail  Court  .Ne/..  or  '  Willliim  with  the 
Short  .NoHf,'  had  defended  the  little  town  of 
Orange agaliiHl  the  asHjiultHof  the  Saracens.  Tho 
Interest  and  authority  jici|ulred  lu  the  iltnH'Hiies 
thus  preserved  by  liU  valor  b  'anie  extensive, 
aiidlii  priKTHsof  time  hereilili  ^  In  his  nice.  The 
prlnei|ialily  became  an  iibHoliite  ami  free  sover- 
eignty,  anil  liiul  already  di'Siended.  in  dellaneeof 
the  Siilie  law.  through  the  three  dlhtiiiit  familieii 
of  Orange,  liaiix,  and  CIiiiIoiih.  hi  1.M4,  I'riiiie 
Iti'nu  died  at  I  he  Emperor's  feet  in  llie  In'iuhes 
of  Saint  Di/.ier.  Having  no  legitimate  rhlldreii, 
he  left  all  his  lilies  and  estates  to  his  roiihin  ger- 
man.  William  of  Nassau  |tlie  urreiit  Ntatesinaii  and 
soldier,  afterwards  known  as  Wllliaiii  llieSik'iit|, 
Hon  of  his  father's  brother  William,  who  thus  at 
Iheage  of  eleven  years  became  Wlllliini  the  Ninth 
of  Orange."— .1.  L  .Motlev,  T/ie  Itiw  of  tin  Dutrh 
Uiiiii/iti,;  III.  2,  rh.  1  (r.  i),— The  Dutch  braiiih 
of  the  House  of  Nassau  Is  now  represi-nted  by 
the  royal  family  of  Holland.  The  [Missi'Shloimiif 
tlie  Uernian  branch,  in  the  Prussian  iinivince  of 
Hesse- Nassau,  after  fi-ei|ueiit  partllioiiliig,  was 
llnallv  gathered  Into  a  duchy,  which  Prussia  ex- 
tinguished and  absorbed  in  1800.  See  UtitMANY : 
A.  1).   IHOO. 

Also  in;  E.  A.  Freeman,  Onint/e  (.WiirmUliiii'» 
Mill).,  t'lh.,  1M7.')).— Baron  .Maiiricr,  l.irr»  of  all 
the.  I'riiidH  of  Om/ivc— See,  also.  Oua.mik;  and 
OiKi.DKUi.ANi);  A.  1).  I(t71t-147:t. 

NAT  TURNER'S  INSURRECTION.  Seo 
Slavkuy,  Neoiu):  a.  D.  1M28-18H2. 

NATAL  :  The  Name.  See  Soitu  Africa: 
A.  D.  MHO-lWim. 

A.  D.  1834-1843.— Founding  of  the  colony 
as  a  Dutch  republic—  Its  absorption  in  the 
British  dominions.  See  Sotnii  Akhiia:  A.  D. 
1800-1881. 

NATALIA,  Queen  of  Servia.  See  B.^kan 
AMI  DA.sriiiAN  Statks:  a.  D.  1870-1H89. 

NATCHEZ,  The.  See  Amkhhan  Abo- 
iiiiiiNEs:  Natciiesan  Family,  and  .Mi:skiiooean 
Family. 

NATCHEZ:  A.  D.  186a.— Taken  by  the 
National  forces.  See  United  States  ok  Am.  : 
A.  1).  1802  (.May— .July:  On  the  MisatssiiTi). 

NATCHITOCVES,  The.    SeeTEX.w:  Tub 

AIIOKUIINAL  INHABITANTS. 

NATIONAL  ASSEMBLY,  French  Revo- 
lution.   See  France;  A.  D.  1789  (.Tine). 

NATIONAL  ASSEMBLY,  German  Revo- 
lution.   See  Germany;   A.  I).   18^18  (MAittii— 

SElT'EMnEU). 

NATIONAL     BANK    SYSTEM,      See 

Money  and  Bankinu;  A.  D.  1801-1878. 

NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  French, 
End  of  the.  See  France;  A.  I).  1705  (Ocro- 
UER— Decemher). 

NATIONAL  LIBRARY  OF  FRANCE, 
See  LniiiARiEs,  Modern:  France. 

NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  OF 
THE  UNITED  STATES.  See  United 
ST.VTE8  Of  Am.  :  A.  I).  1825-1828. 

NATIONALISTS,  OR  HOME  RULERS, 
Irish.     ScoEnolanu;  A.  D.  188.'>-1880. 

NATIONALITY,  The  Principle  of.— 
"Among  the  French  a  nationality  is  regarded  as 


>241 


NATIONALITY. 


NAUL0CHU8. 


the  work  of  liistorj-,  rntlflcd  by  the  will  of  man. 
Tlie  elements  coninnsiiig  it  miiy  he  very  dllTerent 
in  their  origin.  The  point  of  denarture  is  of 
little  imiKirtunce ;  the  only  csscntiul  thing  is  tlio 
lK>int  reached.  The  Swiss  nationality  is  the 
most  complete.  !t  embraces  three  families  of 
people,  each  of  whicli  speaks  its  own  langnage. 
Moreover,  since  the  Swiss  territory  belongs  to 
three  geogniphical  regions,  separated  by  high 
mountains,  Switzerland,  which  has  vanquished 
the  fatjdivy  of  nature,  ^  from  both  tlie  ethno- 
graphieul  and  geographical  poin  of  view,  is  a 
unique  am",  wonderful  phcnomem  n.  But  she  is 
a  cont'ederation,  and  for  a  long  time  has  been  a 
neutral  country.  Thus  her  constitution  has  not 
been  sid)jcctcd  to  the  great  ordeal  of  lire  and 
Bwortl.  France,  despite  her  diverse  races  — 
Celtic,  German,  Roman,  and  Ua.sque— has  formed 
a  politiiud  entity  that  most  resembles  n  moral 
pei-son.  The  Hretons  and  Alsacians,  who  do  not 
all  imderstand  the  language  of  her  government, 
have  not  been  tlie  lerwst  devoted  of  her  children 
in  the  hour  of  tribulation,  Among  the  great  na- 
tions Franco  is  the  nation  nur  excellence.  Else- 
where the  nationality  blentis,  or  tends  to  blend, 
with  the  race,  a  natural  tlcvclopment  and,  hence, 
one  devoid  of  merit.  All  thy  cotmtries  that  have 
not  been  able  to  unite  their  races  into  a  nation, 
have  a  more  or  Icsn  troubled  existence.  Prussia 
has  not  been  able  to  nationalize  (that  is  the 
proix;r  word  to  use)  her  Polish  subjects,  hence 
she  has  a  Polish  question,  not  to  mention  ai  pres- 
ent any  other.  £nglan(t  has  an  Irisli  question. 
Both  Turkey  and  Austriit  have  a  number  of  such 
questions.  Groups  of  people  in  various  parts  of 
the  Austrian  Empire  demand  from  the  Lmperor 
that  tliey  may  be  allowed  to  live  as  Germans, 
Hungarians,  Tsechs,  Croatians,  in  fact,  even  as 
Itidiaus.  They  do  not  revolt  against  him;  on 
the  contrary,  each  of  them  offers  him  a  crown. 
The  time  is,  however,  past  when  a  single  head 
can  wear  several  crowns ;  to-day  evei^'  crown  is 
heavy.  TJicse  race  claims  are  not  merely  a  cause 
()f  internal  troubles;  the  agitations  that  they 
arouse  may  lead  to  great  wars.  Evidently  no 
8t4ite  will  ever  interpose  between  Ireland  and 
England,  but,  wliile  quarrels  take  place  between 
Germans  and  Slavs,  theix;  will  intervene  the  two 
conflicting  forces  of  Pan-Germanism  and  Pan- 
Slavism,  formidable  results  and  flnal  conse- 
quences of  ethnographical  patriotism.  Pan-Ger- 
manism and  Pan-Slavism  are,  indeed,  not  forces 
ofticially  acknowledged  and  organized.  The  Em- 
peror of  Germany  can  honestly  deny  that  he  is  a 
Pan-Qermanist,  and  the  Tsar  that  he  is  a  Pau- 
Slavist.  Germans  and  Slavs  of  Austria,  and 
Slavs  of  the  Balkans,  may,  for  tlicir  part,  desire 
to  remain  Austrian  or  independent,  as  tliey  are 
to-day.  It  is  none  the  less  true,  liowever,  that 
there  is  in  Europe  an  old  quarrel  between  two 
great  races,  that  each  of  them  is  represented  by 
a  powerful  empire,  and  that  these  empires  cannot 
forever  remain  unconcerned  about  the  (puirrels 
of  the  two  races.  .  .  .  The  chief  application  of 
the  principle  of  nationality  lias  been  the  forma- 
tion of  the  Italian  and  German  nations.  In 
former  times  the  existence,  in  the  centre  of  tlie 
Continent,  of  two  objects  of  greed  was  a  per- 
manent cause  of  war.  Will  the  substitution  of 
two  important  states  for  German  anarchy  and 
Italian  poh'archy  prove  a  guaranty  of  future 
peace?" — E.  Lavisse,  General  View  of  the  Politi- 
cal History  of  Europe,  ch.  .5,  sect.  6-7. 


NATIONALRATH,  T\i..  Sec  SwiTZF.n- 
LAND:   \.  I),  1848-1890. 

NATrONS  OF  THE  UNIVERSITIES. 
See  Eot;c.\Tio.\,  ^Ikiii.kv.m., 

NATIVE  STATES  OF  INDIA.  See  In- 
dia: A.  I).  1877. 

NATiVI.     See   Slavery,  Medi.sval,  «&c.  : 

E.Ndl.ANl). 

NAUARCHI.  — The  title  given  in  ancient 
Sparta  to  the  commanders  of  the  fleec.  At 
Atliens  "the  term  Nnuarchi  seems  to  liavc  been 
oflleially  applied  only  to  the  commanders  of  the 
so-called  sacred  triremes." — G.  ScliOniann,  Antiq. 
ofHreece:  The  State,  pt.  3.  ch.  1,  amid. 

NAUCRATIS.    See  Naukiiatis. 

NAUKRARIES.    See  Piivl/K. 

NAUKRATIS.— "Naukratis  was  for  a  long 
time  tlie  privileged  port  [in  Egypt]  for  Grecian 
commerce  witli  Egyjit.  No  Greek  merchant  was 
permitted  to  deliver  goo<ls  in  any  other  part 
[port],  or  to  enter  any  other  of  the  nioutlis  of  tlio 
Nile  except  the  Kanopic.  If  forced  into  anv  of 
them  by  stress  of  weather,  he  was  compelleil  to 
make  oath  that  his  arrival  was  a  matter  of  neces- 
sity, anil  to  coirvey  his  goods  round  by  sea  into 
the  Kanopic  branch  to  Naukratis;  and  if  the 
weather  still  forbade  such  a  proceeding,  the  mer- 
chandise was  put  into  barges  and  conveyed 
round  to  Naukratis  by  tlie  internal  canals  of  the 
delta.  Such  a  monopoly,  whicli  made  Naukratis 
in  Egypt  something  like  Canton  in  Chinr.  or 
Nangasaki  in  .Japan,  no  longer  subsisted  in  the 
time  of  Herodotus.  ...  At  what  precise  time 
Naukratis  first  became  licensed  for  Grecian  trade, 
we  cannot  directly  make  out.  But  there  seems 
reason  to  believe  that  it  was  the  port  to  which 
tlie  Greek  merchaiits  first  went,  so  soon  as  the 
general  liberty  of  trading  witli  the  country  was 
conceded  to  tliem ;  and  this  would  put  the  date 
of  such  grant  at  least  as  far  back  as  the  founda- 
tion of  Kyrene,  .  .  .  about  030  B.  C, during  the 
reign  of  Psammetichus.  .  .  .  [About  a  century 
later,  Amasis]  sanctioned  the  constitution  of  a 
formal  and  orgnniied  emporium  or  factory,  in- 
vested with  commercial  privileges,  and  armed 
witli  authority  cjercised  by  presiding  offlcers 
regularly  chosen.  Tliis  factory  was  connected 
witli,  and  probably  grew  out  of,  a  large  religious 
edifice  aiul  precinct,  built  at  the  jmnt  cost  of 
nine  Grecian  cities:  four  of  them  Ionic, — Cliios, 
Teos,  Phoka'a  and  Klazomeiiie;  four  Doric, — 
Bhodes,  Knidus,  Ilalikarnassus,  and  Plmselis; 
and  one  ^Eolic, — Mitylene.  By  these  nine  cities 
tlie  joint  temple  and  factory  was  kept  up  and  its 
jjresidiug  magistrates  chosen ;  but  its  destination, 
for  tlie  convenience  of  Grecian  commerce  gener- 
ally, seems  revealed  by  tlie  imposing  title  of  The 
HellCiiion." — G.  Grote,  Hist,  of  Greece,  pt.  £,  ch. 
20. — The  site  of  Naukratis  has  been  determined 
lately  by  the  excavations  of  Mr.  W.  M.  Flinders 
Petr'ie,  begun  in  1885,  the  results  of  which  are 
appearing  in  the  publications  of  the  "Egypt 
Exploration  Fund."  The  ruins  of  the  ancient 
city  are  found  buried  under  a  mound  called 
Nebireh.  Its  situation  was  west  of  the  Canobic 
branch  of  the  Nile,  on  a  canal  which  connected 
it  with  tliiU  stream.    Sec  Egypt:  B.  C.  070-525. 

NAULOCHUS,  Battle  of.— A  naval  battle 
fought  near  Naulochus,  on  tlic  coast  of  Sicily, 
in  which  Agrippa,  commanding  for  the  tri- 
umvir Octavius,  defiMited  and  destroyed  the  fleet 
of  Sextus  Pompeius,  B.  C.  86.— C.  Mcrivale,  Hist, 
of  t/ie  liomans,  ch.  37. 


2242 


NAUMACHI^. 


NAVARRE. 


NAUMACHIiE.— The  tmumacliice  of  tlie 
Romans  •vvero  structures  resembling  cxrnvnted 
ampliitlientres,  but  liaving  tlio  large  central  space 
filled  with  water,  for  the  representation  of  naval 
combats.  "The  great  Naumachia  of  Augustus 
was  1.800  feet  long  and  1,200  feet  broad."  — R. 
Burn,  Home  and  the  C<imp<if/ita,  iiiirod. 

NAUP ACTUS.  See  Mkssenian  Waii, 
TiiK,  Tiiiiin;  ond  GnKKCK:  B.  C.  357-838. 

NAUPACTUS,  Battle  of  (B.  C.  439).  See 
GnEKC;  B.  C.  42D-427. 

NAUPACTUS,  Treaty  of.— A  treaty,  con- 
cluded B.  C.  217,  whicli  tern\inated  what  was 
called  the  Social  War,  between  the  Aclwau 
League,  joined  with  Philip  of  Macedonia,  and  the 
./'Ktolian  League,  in  alliance  with  Sparta. —  C. 
Thirhvall,  Hist,  of  Greece,  eh.  63. 

Ai.BO  IN :  E.  A.  Freeman,  Hist,  of  Federal  Oovt., 
c7i.  8,  Met.  1. 

NAUPLIA.    See  Aiinos. 

NAURAGHL  Sec  Sakdinia,  Tire  Island; 
Name  and  eaiu.y  iiisToitY. 

NAUSETS,  The.  See  Ameuican  Abohioi- 
NE8:  Ai.oonquian  Family. 

NAUVOO,  The  Mormon  city  of.  Sec  Mor- 
monism;  a.  D.  1830-1846,  ar.l  1846-1848. 

NAVAJOS,  The.  Sec  American  AnoRini- 
NEs:  Athapascan  Family,  and  Apache  Group. 

NAVARETTE,  OR  NAJARA,  Battle  of. 
—Won,  April  3,  1367,  by  the  English,  Black 
Prince  over  a  Spanish  and  French  army,  in  a 
campaign  undertaken  to  restore  Peter  the  Cruel 
to  the  throne  of  Castile.  See  Spain  :  A.  D.  1366- 
1300,  and  France:  A.  D.  1360-1380. 


NAVARINO:  B.  C.  425.- An  .ancient  epi- 
sode in  the  harbor.    See  Greece:  B.  C.  425. 

A.  D.  1686.— Taken  by  the  Venetians.  See 
Turks:  A.  D.  1684-1696. 

A.  D.  1827. — Battle  and  destruction  of  the 
Turkish  fleet.    See  Greece:  A.  I).  1821-1829. 


NAVARRE  :  Aboriginal  inhabitants.  Sec 
Bas(jues. 

Origin  of  the  kingdom. — "No  historical  sub- 
ject is  wrapt  in  greater  obscurity  than  the  origin 
and  early  liistory  of  the  kiugciom  of  Navarre. 
Whether,  during  a  great  portion  of  the  eighth 
and  uiuth  centuries,  the  country  was  independent 
or  tributary;  and,  If  dependent,  whether  it 
obeyed  the  Franks,  the  Asturians,  or  the  Arabs, 
or  successively  all  three,  are  speculations  which 
have  long  exercised  the  pens  of  the  peninsular 
writers.  ...  It  seems  undoubted  that,  in  just 
dread  of  the  Mohammedan  domination,  the  in- 
habitants of  these  regions,  as  well  as  those  of 
Catalonia,  applied  for  aid  to  the  renowned  em- 
peror of  the  Fra  ,ks  [Charlemagne];  and  that 
lie,  in  consequer...i',  in  778,  jiourcd  Ids  legions 
into  Navarre,  ."id  seized  Pamplona.  It  seems 
no  less  C'Ttain  thi;t,  from  this  period,  he  con- 
sidered the  country  as  a  fief  of  his  crown ;  and 
that  his  pretensions,  whether  founded  in  violence 
or  in  the  voluntary  submission  of  tlie  natives,  gave 
the  niglicst  umbrage  to  the  Asturian  kings :  the 
feudal  supremacy  thenceforth  became  an  apple 
of  discord  between  the  two  courts,  each  striving 
to  gain  the  homage  of  the  local  governors.  .  .  . 
Thus  things  remained  until  the  time  of  Alfon.so 
III.,  who  .  .  .  endeavoured  to  secure  peace 
both  with  Navarre  and  France  by  marrying  a 
princess  related  to  both  Saucho  Ifiigo,  count  of 
Bigorrc,  and  to  the  Frank  sovereign,  and  by 


consenting  that  llio  province  should  be  held  as 
an  immovable  (Icf  by  that  count.  This  San 'ho 
Ifiigo,  besides  his  lordship  of  Bigorrc,  for  '..inch 
he  was  the  vassid  of  the  French  king,  had  do- 
mains in  Navarre,  and  is  believed,  on  apparently 
good  foundation,  to  have  been  of  Spanisli  descent. 
He  is  said,  however,  not  to  Imvo  been  the  first 
count  of  Navarre;  tliat  his  brother  Aznar  hold 
the  fief  before  him,  nominally  dependent  on  king 
Pepin,  but  successfidly  laying  the  foundation  of 
Navarrcse  Independence.  If  the  chronology 
which  makes  Sancho  succeed  Aznar  in  836,  and 
tlie  event  itself,  be  correct,  Alfonso  only  con- 
firmed the  count  in  the  lordship.  In  this  case, 
the  only  remaining  dilllculty  is  to  deterniino 
whether  the  fief  was  held  from  Charles  or  Alfonso. 
.  .  .  But  whichever  of  the  princes  was  acknowl- 
edged for  the  time  the  lord  paramoimt  of  the 
province,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  both  gov- 
ernor and  people  were  averse  to  the  sway  of 
either;  both  had  long  aspired  to  independence, 
and  that  independence  was  at  hand.  The  son  of 
this  Sancho  Ifiigo  was  Garcia,  father  of  Sancho 
Garces,  and  the  first  king  of  Navarre  [assum- 
ing the  crown  about  885-891] ;  the  first,  at  least, 
whom  .  .  .  historic  criticism  can  admit."— 8.  A. 
Dunham,  Ifist.  of  8]min  and  Portvgal,  hk.  3, 
sect.  2.  eh.  2.— See,  also,  Spain:  A.  D.  713-010. 

A.  D.  1026. — Acquisition  of  the  crown  of 
Castile  by  King  Sancho  el  Mayor.  See 
Spain:  A.  1).  1026-1230. 

A.  D.  1234.— Succession  of  Thibalt,  Count 
of  Champagne,  to  the  throne.  Sec  Spain: 
A.  I).  1212-1238. 

A.  D.  1284-1328.— Union  with  France,  and 
separation. —  In  1284,  the  marriage  of  Jeanne, 
heiress  of  the  kingdom  of  Navarre  and  of  the 
counties  of  Cliam;iagne  and  Brie,  to  Philip  IV. 
of  France,  united"  the  crown  of  Navarre  to  that 
of  France.  Tliey  were  separated  in  1328,  on  the 
death  of  her  last  surviving  son,  Charles  IV., 
without  male  issue.  Philip  of  Valois  secured 
the  French  crown,  under  the  so  called  Salic  law, 
but  that  of  Navarre  passed  to  Jeanne's  grand- 
daughter, of  her  own  name. 

A.  D.  1442-1521.— Usurpation  of  John  II.  of 
Aragon. — The  House  of  Foix  and  the  D'Al- 
brets. — Conquest  by  Ferdinand. — Incorpora- 
tion in  the  kingdom  of  Castile. —  Blanche, 
daughter  of  Charles  III.  of  Navarre  and  heiress 
of  the  kingdom,  married  John  II.  of  At.igon,  to 
whom  she  gave  three  children,  nam;%,  Don 
Carlos,  or  Charles,  "who,  as  heir  apparent,  bore 
the  title  of  Prince  of  Viana,  and  two  daugliters, 
Blanche  and  Eleanor.  Don  Carlos  is  known  by 
his  virtues  and  misfortunes.  At  the  death  of  his 
mother  Blanche  [1442],  he  should  have  succeeded 
to  the  throne  of  Navarre ;  but  John  II.  was  by 
no  means  disjioscd  to  relinquish  the  title  which 
he  had  accjuired  by  marriage,  and  Carlos  con- 
sented to  be  his  father's  viceroy.  But  even  this 
dignity  he  was  not  permitted  to  enjoy  unmo- 
lested." Persecuted  through  life,  sometimes  im- 
prisoned, sometimes  in  exile,  he  died  at  the  ago 
of  forty,  in  1461  (see  Spain:  A.  D.  1368-1479). 
' '  By  the  death  of  Don  Carlos,  the  succession  to 
the  crown  of  Navarre  devolved  to  his  sister 
Bliinchc,  the  divorced  wife  of  Henry  IV.  of 
Castile ;  and  that  amiable  princess  now  became 
an  object  of  jealousy  not  only  to  her  father  but 
also  to  her  younger  sister,  Eleanor,  married  to 
the  Count  of  Foix,  to  whom  John  II.  had  prom- 
ised the   reversion  of   Navarre  after  his  own 


3-44 


2243 


NAVARRE. 


NAVARRE. 


death.  Qaston  de  Foi.x,  the  offRprinff  of  this 
union,  liiul  married  u  sister  of  Louis  XI. ;  and  it 
liud  l)ei'n  provided  in  a  treaty  between  tliat 
inoimreh  and  John  II.,  tliat  in  order  to  secure 
tlie  succession  of  tlie  House  of  Foi.t  to  Navarre, 
lilanche  sliould  bo  delivered  into  tlie  custody  of 
lier  sister.  Jolin  executed  this  stipulation  witli- 
out  remorse.  Blanche  was  conducted  to  the 
Castlo  of  Ortlu'Ss  in  Hearn  (April  1463),  where, 
after  a  confinement  of  nearly  two  years,  she  was 
lxjisone<l  by  order  of  lier  sister  Eleanor. "  After 
committinif  this  crime,  the  latter  waited  nearly 
fifteen  years  for  the  crown  which  it  was  expected 
to  win,  and  then  enjoyed  it  but  three  weeks. 
Her  father  reigned  until  the  20th  of  January, 
1479,  when  he  died;  tlie  euilty  daughter  soon 
followed  him.  "After  L-.anor's  brief  reign 
.  .  .  the  blood-stained  sceptre  of  Navarre  passe<l 
to  lier  grandson  Phcebus,  1479,  who,  liowever, 
lived  only  four  years,  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
sister  Catherine'  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  [now 
occupying  the  thrones  of  Aragon  and  Castile] 
endeavoured  to  eirect  a  marriage  between  Cath- 
erine and  tlicir  own  heir;  but  this  scheme  was 
frustrated  bv  .Magdalen,  the  queen-mother,  a 
sister  of  Louis  XI.  of  France,  wlio  brought  about 
a  match  between  her  daughter  and  John  d'Al- 
bret,  a  French  nobleman  who  had  large  posses- 
sions on  the  borders  of  Navarre  (14fej).  Never- 
theless tlie  Kings  of  Spain  supported  Catherine 
and  her  liusband  against  her  uncle,  John  dc  Foix, 
viscount  of  Narbonne,  who  pretended  to  the 
Navarese  crown  on  the  ground  tliat  it  was 
limited  to  male  heirs;  and  after  the  death  of 
John,  the  alliance  witii  8pain  was  drawn  still 
closer  by  the  avowed  purpose  of  Louis  XII.  to 
support  Ills  nephew,  Gaston  de  Foix,  in  tlie 
claims  of  his  father.  After  the  fall  of  that  young 
hero  at  Ravenna  [see  Italy:  A.  I).  1.510-1.513], 
his  pretensions  to  tli«  throne  of  Navarre  devolved 
to  his  sister,  Germaine  de  Foix,  tlie  second  wife 
of  King  Ferdinand  [see  Spain:  A.  D.  1496- 
1517],  an  event  which  entirely  altered  the  rela- 
tions between  the  courts  of  Spain  and  Navarre. 
Ferdinand  had  now  an  interest  in  supporting  the 
claims  of  tlie  house  of  Foix-Narbonne ;  and  Cath- 
erine, who  distrusted  him,  despatched  in  May 
1512,  plenipotentiaries  to  the  French  court  to 
negotiate  a  treaty  of  alliance."  But  it  was  too 
late.  Ferdinand  had  already  succeeded  in  divert- 
ing to  Navarre  an  expedition  whicli  his  son-in- 
law,  Henry  VII Z.  of  England,  acting  in  the  Holy 
League  against  Louis  XlL,  which  Ferdinand  now 
joined  (see  Italy:  A.  D.  1510-1513),  had  sent 
against  Guieune.  With  this  aid  he  took  posses- 
sion of  Upper  Navarre.  "In  tlie  following  year, 
he  effected  at  Orthfis  a  year's  truce  with  Louis 
5CII.  (April  1st  1518),  by  which  Louis  sacrificed 
his  ally,  the  King  of  Navarre,  and  afterwards, 
by  renewing  the  truce,  allowed  Ferdinand  per- 
manently to  settle  himself  in  his  new  conquest. 
The  States  of  Navarre  had  previously  taken  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  Ferdinand  as  their  King, 
and  on  the  15th  of  June  1515,  Navarre  was  in- 
corporated into  the  kingdom  of  Castile  by  the 
solemn  act  of  the  Cortes.  The  dominions  of 
John  d'Alljret  and  Catherine  were  now  reduced 
to  the  little  territory  of  Beam,  but  they  still  re- 
tained the  ti'le  of  sovereigns  of  Navarre."  Six 
years  later,  il  '521,  the  French  invaded  Navarre 
and  overran  till  '/hole  kingdom.  "Pampeluna 
alone,  animated  by  the  courage  of  Ignatius 
Loyola,  made  a  sbort  resistaace.    To  this  oiege. 


the  world  owes  the  Order  of  the  Jesuits.  I.i  lyola, 
wl'ose  leg  had  been  shattered  by  a  cannon  ball, 
foi  nd  consolation  and  amusement  during  his 
cor  valesccnce  in  reading  the  lives  of  the  saints, 
an  I  was  thus  tlirowu  into  that  state  of  fanati?al 
ej.altation  whicli  led  him  to  devote  Ids  future  life 
tj  the  service  of  the  Papacy."  Attempting  to 
extend  tlieir  invasion  beyond  Navarre,  the 
French  were  defeated  at  Es(|uiros  and  driven 
back,  losing  the  whole  of  their  conquests. — T. 
H.  Dyer,  ImI.  of  M(ttlern  Europe,  bk.  1,  ch.  4  and 
7,  and  bk.  2,  ch.  3  (p.  1). 

Also  in:  W.  II.  Prescott,  Ilht.  of  the  lieiyn  of 
Ferdinand  and  Imbelln,  ch.  2  and  23  (».  1  and  3). 

A.  D.  1528-1563.— The  kingdom  remaining 
on  the  French  side  of  the  Pyrenees.— Jeanne 
d'Albret's  Bourbon  marriage  and  the  issue  of 
it. — Establishment  of  Protestantism  in  Biam. 
— Besides  tlie  Spanish  province  whicli  Feixli- 
nand  the  Catholic  appropriated  and  joined  to 
Castile,  and  whicli  gave  Us  name  to  the  king- 
dom of  Navarre,  "that  kingdom  emijraced  a 
hirge  tract  of  country  lying  on  the  French  side 
of  the  Pyrenees,  including  the  principality  of 
Beam  and  the  counties  of  Foix,  Armagnac,  Al- 
bret,  Bigorre,  and  Comminges.  Catherine  de 
Foix,  the  heiress  of  this  kingdom,  had  in  1491 
carried  it  by  marriage  into  the  house  of  D'Al- 
bret.  Henrjf,  the  seconil  king  of  Navarre  be- 
longing to  this  liouse,  was  in  1528  united  to  Mar- 
guerite d'AngoulCme,  the  favourite  and  devoted 
sister  of  Francis  I.  of  France.  Pampeluna,  tlic 
ancient  capital  of  their  kingdom,  being  in  the 
hands  of  the  King  of  Spain,  Henry  and  Margue- 
rite held  their  Court  at  Ncrac,  the  chief  town  of 
the  duchy  belonging  to  the  family  of  D'Albret. 
It  was  at  Nenic  that  Marguerite,  lierself  more 
thim  half  a  Huguenot,  opened  an  asylum  to  her 
1  -ecu ted  fellow-countrymen  [see  Papacy: 
D.  1521-1585].  Farel,  Calvin,  Beza  sought 
temporary  refuge  and  found  glad  welcome  tliere, 
while  to  Lefi^vre,  Clement  Marot,  and  Geranl 
Roussel  it  became  a  second  home.  Marguerite 
died  in  1549,  leaving  only  one  child,  a  daughter, 
who,  in  the  event  of  lier  father  having  no  issue 
by  any  second  marriage,  became  heiress  to  the 
crown  of  Navarro.  Born  in  1528,  Jeanne  d'Al- 
bret  had  early  and  bitter  experience  of  what 
heirship  to  such  a  crown  involved.  The  Em- 
peror Charles  V.  was  believed  to  have  early 
fixed  his  eye  on  her  as  a  fit  consort  for  Philip, 
his  son  and  successor."  Tc  prevent  this  mar- 
riage, slie  was  shut  up  for  years,  by  her  uncle, 
the  French  king,  Francis  I. ,  in  the  gloomy  castle 
of  Plessis-les-Tours.  When  she  was  twelve 
years  old  he  aftianced  her  to  the  Duke  of  Oleves, 
notwithstanding  her  vigorous  protests;  but  the 
alliance  was  subsequently  broken  off.  "The 
next  hand  offered  to  Jeanne,  and  whicli  she  ac- 
cepted, was  tliat  of  Antoine,  elder  brother  of  the 
Prince  of  Conde,  and  head  of  the  Bourbon  fam- 
ily. They  were  married  in  1548,  a  year  after 
the  death  of  Francis  I. ,  and  a  year  before  thr.t  ot 
Ills  sister  Marguerite,  Jeanne's  mother.  The 
marriage  was  an  unfortunate  one.  Ambitious, 
yet  weak  and  vain;  frivolous  and  vacillating, 
yet  headstrong  and  impetuous,  faithless  to  Ins 
wife,  faithless  to  his  principles,  faithless  to 
his  party,  Antoine  became  the  butt  and  victim 
of  the  policy  of  the  Court.  But  tliough  unfortu- 
nate in  so  many  respects,  this  marriage  gave  to 
France,  if  not  the  greatest,  the  most  fortunate, 
the  most  popular,  the  most  beloved  of  all  her 


2244 


NAVARRE. 


NAVIGATION  LAWS. 


monarchs"— namely,  Heury  IV.— Henry  of  N; 
varrc  —  the  first  of  the  Bourbon  dynasty  of 
French  kings.  "  Antoine  of  Navarre  died  at  the 
siege  of  Rouen  in  \M2.  The  first  use  that  tlie 
Queen  made  of  tlie  increased  measure  of  freedom 
slie  thus  acquired  was  to  publisli  an  edict  estab- 
lishing tlie  Protestant  and  intcnlicting  the  exer- 
cise of  tlie  Roman  Catholic  worship  in  Beam. 
So  bold  an  act  by  so  weak  a  sovereign  —  by  one 
whose  political  position  was  so  perilous  and  in- 
secure—  drew  down  upon  her  the  instant  and 
severe  displeasure  of  the  Pope,"  wlio  issued 
against  her  u  liull  of  excommunication,  in  Octo- 
ber, 1563,  and  assumed  the  right  to  dispose  i,f 
her  kingdom.  This  assumption  was  more  than 
tlie  French  Court  could  permit.  "The  Pope 
had  to  give  way,  and  the  Bull  was  expunged 
from  the  ecclesiastical  oi-diuances  of  tlie  Pontifi- 
cate."— W.  Ilanna,  The  Wam  of  the  lIiKjucnoU, 
eh.  4. 

A.  D.  1568-1569.  —  The  queen  joins  the 
Huguenots  in  France,  with  Prince  Henry. 
—Invasion  by  the  French.  See  Fuanck  :  A.  1). 
1503-1570. 

A.  D.  1620-1622. —  Protestant  intolerance. 
— Enforcement  of  Catholic  rights.— The  king- 
dom incorporated  and  absorbed  in  France, 
See  FnANCK:  A.  D.  1020-1023. 

A.  D.  1876.  —  Disappearance  of  the  last 
municipal  and  provincial  privileges  of  the  old 
kingdom.    See  Spain:  A.  D.  1873-1885. 

NAVE.-NAVIO.    See  Caravels. 

NAVIGATION  LAWS  :  A.  D,  1651.— The 
first  English  Act. — "After  the  triumph  of  the 
pnrliameiitaiy  cause  [in  the  English  Civil  War], 
great  numbers  of  the  royalists  had  sought  refuge 
in  Virginia,  Barbadoes,  and  the  otlier  West  India 
settlements;  so  that  the  white  population  of 
these  dependencies  was  in  general  fiercely  op- 
posed to  the  new  government,  and  tliey  might 
be  said  to  be  in  a  state  of  rebellion  after  all  the 
rest  of  the  empire  had  been  reduced  to  submis- 
sion and  (inlet.  Barbadoes,  indeed,  had  actually 
received  Lord  Willoughby  as  governor  under  a 
commission  from  Cliarlcs  II.,  then  in  Holland, 
and  had  proclaimed  Charles  as  king.  It  was  in 
these  circumstances  tliat  the  Englisli  parliament 
in  1651,  with  the  view  of  punishing  at  once  tlie 
people  of  the  colonies  and  the  Dutch,  wlio  had 
hitlierto  enjoyed  the  greater  part  of  the  carrying- 
trade  between  the  West  Indies  and  Europe, 
passed  their  famous  Navigation  Act,  declaring 
that  no  merchandise  either  of  Asia,  Africa,  or 
America,  except  only  such  as  should  be  imported 
directly  from  the  pluce  of  its  growth  or  manu- 
facture in  Europe,  should  be  imported  into  Eng- 
land, Ireland,  or  any  of  the  plantations,  in  any 
but  English-built  ships,  belonging  cither  to  Eng- 
lish or  English-plantation  subjects,  navigated  by 
English  commanders,  and  having  at  least  throe- 
fourths  of  the  sailors  Englishmen.  It  was  also 
further  enacted  that  no  goods  of  the  growth, 
production,  or  manufacture  of  any  country  in 
Europe  should  be  imported  into  Great  Britain 
except  in  British  ships,  or  in  such  ships  as  were 
the  real  property  of  the  jieoplc  of  tlni  country  or 
place  in  which  tlie  goods  w^re  produced,  or  from 
which  they  could  only  be,  or  most  usually  were, 
exported.  Upon  this  law,  which  was  re-enacted 
after  the  Restoration,  and  which  down  to  our 
own  day  has  been  generally  regarded  and  upheld 


as  the  palladium  of  our  commerce,  and  the  marl- 
time  Magna  Cliarta  of  England,  we  shall  only  at 
present  observe  that  one  of  its  first  coiise(iuence9 
was  undoubtedly  the  war  with  Holland  which 
broke  out  the  year  after  it  was  pa8.seii. " —  O.  L. 
Craik,  IIM.  of  Briiinh  Commeire,  th.  7  (c  2). 

Also  in;  Adam  Smith,  Wculth  (f  Jt'iitionit, 
Ilk.  4,  ch.  2. — J.  A.  Biaiuiui,  Jlist.  nfl'ul.  Ecimomy, 
ch.  20. 

A.  D.  1660-1672.— Effect  upon  the  American 
colonies,  and  their  relation  to  Great  Britain. 
See  L'.MTKi)  Statks  OK  A.M. :  A.  \>.  1651-1072. 

A.  D.  1849— Complete  repeal  of  the  British 
restrictive  Acts. — "The  tiucstion  of  the  naviga- 
tion laws  was  .  .  .  brought  forsvard  [in  the 
British  Parliament,  at  the  commencement  of  the 
session  of  18-19]  .  .  .  witli  a  fair  prospect  of 
being  settled."  The  stringency  of  tlie  original 
act  of  1651  had  been  "slightly  mitigated  by 
another  act  passed  in  tlie  reign  of  Cliarles  II. ; 
b'lt  the  modifications  thus  intriKluceil  were  of 
slight  im])ortance.  A  farther  relaxation,  made 
at  the  conclusion  of  tlie  war  of  independence, 
allowed  the  proiluce  of  the  United  States  to  be 
imported  in  sliips  belonging  to  citizens  of  those 
states.  Tie  last  amendment  of  the  original  law 
was  obtained  in  tlie  year  1825  by  3Ir.  Iluskisson, 
who  made  some  important  clianges  in  it.  The 
law,  then,  which  the  legislature  had  to  recon- 
sider in  the  year  1849  stootl  thus:  the  produce  of 
Asia,  Africa,  and  Amerieii  might  be  imported 
from  places  out  of  Europe  into  tlie  United  King- 
dom, if  to  be  used  therein,  in  foreign  as  well  as 
in  British  ships,  provided  that  such  ships  were 
the  ships  of  the  country  of  whicii  the  goods  were 
the  produce,  and  from  whicli  they  were  imported. 
Goods  which  were  the  produce  of  Euroix;,  and 
which  were  not  enumerated  in  the  act,  niiglit  be 
brought  thence  in  tlic  ships  of  any  country. 
Goods  sent  to  or  from  the  United  Kingdom  to 
any  of  its  possessions,  or  from  one  colony  to  an- 
other, must  be  carried  in  British  ships,  or  in 
ships  of  the  country  in  which  they  were  pro- 
duced and  from  which  tliey  were  imported. 
Tlien  followed  some  stringent  definitions  of  the 
conditions  which  constituted  a  vessel  a  British 
ship  in  tlie  sense  of  the  act.  These  restrictions 
were  not  without  their  defenders.  Even  the 
great  founder  of  economic  science,  Adam  Smilli, 
while  admitting  that  the  navigation  laws  were 
inconsistent  with  that  perfect  freedom  of  trade 
wliicli  he  contended  for,  sanctioned  their  («ntinu- 
ance  on  tlie  ground  that  defence  is  much  more 
important  than  opulence.  But  as  it  was  more 
and  more  strongly  felt  that  these  laws  were  part 
ariu  parcel  of  that  baneful  system  of  monopoly 
whicii,  under  the  name  of  protection,  lisul  so  long 
been  maintained  and  was  now  so  completely  ex- 
ploded, it  began  also  to  be  seriously  doubted 
whether  they  were  necessary  to  the  defence  of 
the  nation.  .  .  .  Therefore,  on  the  14th  of  Febru- 
ary in  this  year,  Mr.  Labouche/e,  as  president  of 
the  board  of  trade,  proposed  a  resolution  on  the 
subject  couched  in  the  following  terms:  'That 
it  is  expedient  to  remove  the  restrictioas  which 
prevent  the  free  carriage  of  goods  by  sea  to  and 
from  the  United  Kingifom  and  the  British  pos- 
sessions abroad,  aud  to  amend  the  laws  regulat- 
ing the  coasting  tnuli  of  the  United  Kingdom, 
subject  neverthelesa  to  such  control  by  her 
JIajesty  in  council  as  may  be  necessar;," ;  ii  id 
also  to  amend  the  lav/s  for  the  registration  of  ships 
and  aeamen. '    A  long  debate  took  place  on  the 


2245 


NAVIGATION  LAWS. 


NEAP0LI8. 


qiiestion  of  the  second  rcftding  of  the  govern- 
ment measure.  .  .  .  214  members  followed  Mr. 
Disraeli  Into  tlio  lobby,  wliilc  275  voted  witb  the 
government,  wliicli  therefore  had  a  majority  of 
61.  In  the  upper  liouse  Lord  Brougham  aston- 
Islicd  friend  and  foo  by  coming  forward  as  tlie 
strenuous  and  uncompromising  opponent  of  the 
ministerial  measure.  .  .  .  The  second  reading 
■was  carried  l)y  a  majority  of  10.  Tlie  smallncss 
of  this  majority  caused  some  anxiety  to  tlie  sup- 
porters of  the  measure  witli  regard  to  its  ulti- 
mate fate;  but  tlds  anxiety  was  relieved  by  the 
witlidrawal  of  the  most  conspicuous  opponents 
of  the  bill,  which  consequently  passed  without 
farther  opposition." — W.  N.  Sloleswortli,  Ilint. 
of  Eng.,  1830-1874,  v.  2,  eh.  5. 

Also  in:  J.  I).  J.  Kclley,  The  Quention  of 
8hi])s,  eh.  4.— S.  Walpole,  Hint.  ofKng.from  1815, 
eh.  20  (p.  4). 

— ♦ 

NAWAB-VIZiER,  OR  NEWAB-WU- 
ZEER,  of  Oude.     SeeOuDE;  also  Naboii. 


N AXOS :  B.  C.  490.—  Destruction  by  the 
Persians.    See  Greece:  B.  C.  490. 

B.  C.  466.—  Revolt  from  the  Delian  Con- 
federacy. —  Subjug^ation  by  Athens.  See 
Athens:  B.  C.  470^60. 

B.  C.  376.— Battle  betvireen  the  Spartans  and 
Athenians.— A  battle  was  fought  in  September, 
B.  C.  876,  off  Naxos,  between  a  Lacedicmonian 
fleet  of  00  triremes  and  an  Athenian  fleet  of  80. 
Forty-nine  of  the  former  were  disabled  or  cap- 
tured. "This  was  the  first  great  victory  .  .  . 
which  the  Athenians  had  gained  at  sea  since  the 
Peloponnesian  war." — G.  Grotj,  Ilitt.  of  Greece, 
pt.  2,  eh.  77. 

A,  D.  1204-1^67. — The  medisval  dukedom. 
— "In  the  partition  of  the  [Byzantine]  empire 
[after  tlie  conquest  of  Constantinople,  in  1204, 
by  the  Crusaders  and  the  Venetians],  tlie  twelve 
Islands  of  the  Archipelago,  which  had  formed 
the  theme  of  the  Egean  sea  in  the  provincial 
division  of  the  Byzantine  empire,  fell  to  the  share 
of  the  crusading  barons ;  but  Mark  Sanudo,  one  of 
the  most  influential  of  the  Venetian  nobles  in  tlie 
expedition,  obtained  possession  of  the  principal 
part  of  the  ancient  theme — though  whether  by 
purchase  from  the  Frank  barons  to  whom  it  had 
been  allotted,  or  by  grant  to  himself  from  the 
emperor,  is  not  known.  Sanudo,  however,  made 
his  appearance  at  the  parliament  of  Itavenika  as 
one  of  tlie  great  feudatories  of  the  empire  of 
Komania,  and  was  invested  by  tlie  emperor 
Henry  with  the  title  of  Duke  of  the  Archipelago, 
or  Naxos.  It  is  dilBcult  to  say  on  what  precise 
footing  Sanudo  placed  his  relations  with  the  re- 
public. His  conduct  in  the  war  of  Crete  shows 
that  he  ventured  to  act  as  a  baron  of  Komania, 
or  an  independent  prince,  when  he  thought  his 
personal  interests  at  variance  with  his  born  al- 
legiance to  Venice.  .  .  .  The  new  duke  and  his 
successors  were  compelled  by  tlicir  position  to 
ackn'^wledge  themselves,  in  some  degree,  vassals 
both  of  the  empire  of  Romania  and  of  the  repub- 
lic of  Venice;  yet  they  acted  as  sovereign 
prirces."  Nearly  at  the  close  of  tlie  fourteenth 
century  the  dukedom  passed  from  the  Sanudo 
family  to  the  Crispo  family,  who  reigned  under 
the  protection  of  Venice  until  1587,  when  tlie 
Duke  of  Naxos  was  reduced  to  vassalage  by  the 
Turkish  sultan  Suleiman.  Thirty  years  later, 
his  title  and  authority  were  extinguished  by  the 


sultan,  on  the  petition  of  the  Greek  inhabitants, 
wlio  could  not  endure  his  oppressive  and  dis- 
graceful government.  —  O.  Unlay,  jfint.  of 
Oreeeefrom  its  Cong'ient  by  the  CniiKulers,  eh.  10, 
tcct.  1-3. 

A1.8O  in;  Sir  .1.  E.  Tcnnent,  Hint,  of  ifixlern 
Oreecc,  eh.  3. — II.  F.  Tozcr,  The  Idands  of  the 
Aegean,  ch.  4. 

— — • 

NAZARETH,  Battle  of  (1799).  See 
Fuance:  a.  1).  1708-17Ui>  (AvousT— Ait(trsT). 

NEANDERTHAL  MAN.— Tlie  race  repre- 
sented by  a  remarkable  human  skull  and  imper- 
fect skeleton  found  in  1857,  in  a  limestone  cave 
in  the  Neanderthal,  Ilhenish  Prussia,  and  thought 
to  be  the  most  primitive  race  of  wliicli  any 
knowledge  has  yet  been  obtained. — J.  Qeikie, 
J'rehintoric  Kiirope,  p.  22. 

Also  in:  W.  B.  Dawkins,  Cave  Hunting,  p. 
240. 

NEAPOLIS,  Schools  of.— In  the  first  cen- 
tury of  tlie  Konian  empire,  "Ncapolis  [modern 
Naples]  Iiad  its  scliools  and  colleges,  as  well  as 
Athens ;  its  society  abounded  in  artists  and  men 
of  letters,  and  it  enjoyed  among  the  Romans  the 
title  of  the  learned,  wliicli  comprehended  in  their 
view  the  praise  of  elegance  as  well  as  knowl- 
edge."— C.  Merivale,  Hist,  of  the  liomans,  ch.  40. 

NEAPOLIS  AND  PALiEPOLIS.— "Pa- 
laepolis  is  mentioned  only  by  Livy :  it  was  an 
ancient  Cumaean  colony,  the  Cumaeans  liaving 
taken  refuge  there  across  the  sea.  Ncapolis  de- 
rives its  name  from  being  a  much  later  settle- 
ment of  different  Greek  tribes,  and  was  perhaps 
not  founded  till  Olymp.  01,  about  the  time  of  the 
Athenian  expedition  to  Sicily,  and  ns  a  fortress 
of  the  Groelis  against  the  Sabellians.  It  is  not 
impossible  thiit  the  Athenians  also  may  have  had 
a  share  in  it.  Both  towns,  however,  were  of 
Chalcidian  origin  and  formed  one  united  state, 
which  at  that  time  may  have  been  in  possession 
of  Iscliia.  Many  absurdities  have  been  written 
about  the  site  of  t'alaepolis,  and  most  of  all  by 
Italian  antiquaries.  We  have  no  data  to  go 
upon  except  the  two  statements  in  Livy,  that 
Palaepolis  was  situated  by  the  side  of  Ncapolis, 
and  that  the  Romans  [in  the  second  Samnite 
war]  had  pitched  their  camp  between  the  two 
towns.  The  ancient  Neapolis  was  undoubtedly 
situated  in  the  centre  of  tlie  modern  city  of 
Naples  above  the  church  of  Sta.  Rosa ;  the  coast 
is  now  considerably  advanced.  People  have 
sought  for  Palaepolis  likewise  within  the  com- 
pass of  the  modern  city.  ...  I  alone  should 
never  have  discovered  its  true  site,  but  my  friend, 
the  Count  de  Serre,  a  French  statesman,  who  in 
Ills  early  life  had  been  in  the  army  and  had  thus 
acquired  a  quick  and  certain  military  eye,  dis- 
covered it  in  a  walk  which  I  took  with  him. 
The  town  was  situated  on  the  outer  side  of 
Mount  Posilipo,  where  the  quarantine  now  is." — 
B.  G.  Niebulir,  Lect8.  on  the  Hist,  of  Jiome,  leH. 
40  (('.  1). — "^'arthcnopc  was  an  ancient  Greek 
colony'  <'ounded  by  the  Chalcidians  of  Cuma  on 
the  northern  part  of  the  Bay  of  Naples.  1" 
after  years  another  city  sprung  up  a  little  to  t 
soutli,  whence  tlio  original  Partheuope  was  callr 
Palo-'polis  or  Old  town,  while  tlie  new  town 
took  the  name  of  Ncapolis.  The  latter  preserves 
its  name  in  the  modem  Naples."  Palicpolis  was 
taken  by  the  Romans,  B.  C.  327,  at  tlie  begin- 
ning of  the  second  Samnite  War,  and  is  heard  of 
no  more.    Neapolis  made  peace  with  them  and 


2246 


NEAPOLia 


NEOPLATONICS. 


lived.— H.  O.  Liddell,  IIi»t.  of  Rome,  bk.  8,  eh. 
21  (r.  1). 

NEAPOLIS  (Syracuse).    See  Temeniteh. 

NEARDA.    StcJi;\v»:   B.  C.  530— A.  I).  50. 


NEBRASKA:  The  aboriKinat  inhabitants. 
SceA.MEiiicA  .  Abokiuinks:  Pawnee  (Cauuoan) 

FA>iII,Y. 

A.  D.  1803.— Embraced  in  the  Louisiana 
Purchase.     See  Louisiana:  A.  I).  1708-180;}. 

A.  D.  1854.— Territorial  organization.— The 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill.— Repeal  of  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise,  See  U.nitkd  States  of 
Am.  :  A.  1).  18.54. 

A.  D.  1867.— Admission  to  the  Union.— Xc- 
bniskiv  was  orjrniiized  ua  a  State  and  lulmittcd  to 
the  Union  in  1807. 

♦ 

NECKER,  Ministry  of.   See  Fhance:  A.  D. 

1774-1788,  to  1789  (.Iii.ne). 

NECTANSMERE,  Battle  of  (A.  D.  685). 
See  Scotland:  7ti[  Centuuv. 

NEERWINDEN,   OR    LANDEN,   Battle 

of  (1693).     Sec  Fhance:  A.  M.  1003  (.July) 

Battle  of  (1793).  See  Fuance:  A.  D.  1793 
(Feiiuitauy — Aphii,). 

NEGRITO.— •'  The  term  Negrito,  i.  e.  '  Little 
Negro,'  [was]  long  applied  by  the  Spaniards  to 
the  dark  dwarfish  tribes  in  the  interior  of  Luzon, 
and  some  others  of  the  Philippine  Islands.  Hero 
it  will  be  extended  to  the  dwarfish  negroid  tribes 
in  the  Andaman  Islands  and  interior  of  .Malacca, 
but  to  no  others." — A.  II.  Keane,  Philology  and 
Ethnology  of  the  Interoeeanic  li/tcea  (app.  to  Wal- 
lace's JfellwiM'n  AuntraUuia),  sect.  4. 

NEGRO,  The.    See  Akuica:  Tub  inhabit- 

INO  RACES. 

NEGRO  PLOT,  Imagined  in  New  York. 
See  New  Yokk:  A.  D.  1741. 

NEGRO  SLAVERY.  See  Slavery:  Ne- 
gro. 

NEGRO  SUFFRAGE.  See  United  States 
OK  Am.  :  A.  D.  1807  (January),  and  (March)  ; 
and  1868-1870. 

NEGRO  TROOPS,  in  the  American  Civil 
War.  Sec  United  States  ok  A.\i.  :  A.  D.  1803 
(May:  South  Carolina). 


NEGROPONT:  The  Name.— The  ancient 
island  of  Euba-a  received  from  tlie  Venetians  tlio 
name  Negropont.  "  In  the  middle  ages,  Euboca 
was  called  Egripo,  a  corruption  of  Euripus,  the 
name  of  the  town  built  upon  the  ruins  of  Chalcis. 
The  Venetians,  who  obtained  possession  of  the 
island  upon  the  dismemberment  of  the  Byzantine 
empire  by  the  Latins,  called  it  Negropont,  prob- 
ably a  corruption  of  Egripo,  and  'ponte,'  a 
bridge." — W.  Smith,  Diet,  of  0 reek  and  Roman 
Oeog. 

A.  D.  1470.— Capture  and  Massacre  by  the 
Turks.    See  Greece:  A.  D.  1454^-1479. 

NEGUS,  OR  NEGOOS,  The.  Sr  -  Abyb- 
BiNiA:  15-19TII  Centuries. 

NEHAVEND,  Battle  of.  See  Mahometan 
Conquest:  A.  D.  033-051. 

NELSON'S  FARM,  OR  GLENDALE, 
Battle  of.  See  United  States  of  A.m.  :  A.  D. 
1862  (.luNE — July:  Virginia). 

NEMEDIANS,  The.— It  is  among  the  le- 
gends of  the  Irish  that  their  island  was  settled, 
about  the  time  of  the  patriarch  Jacob,  by  a 
colony  of  descendants  from  Japbet,  led  by  one 


Ncmedlus,  from  whom  they  and  their  posterity 
took  the  name  of  Ncmcdians.  The  Ncmedians 
were  afterwards  subjugated  by  a  host  of  African 
sea-rovers,  known  as  F'oMiorians,  but  were  de- 
livered from  these  in  lime  by  a  froKh  colony  of 
their  kindred  from  the  East  called  the  Fir  ISolgs. 
—'I'.  Wright,  IfiKf.  <f  Iirliiml,  lik.  1,  ch.  3. 

NEMEAN  AND  ISTHMIAN  GAMES.— 
"The  Nemeim  and  Isthmian  [games  in  ancient 
Greece]  were  celebrated  eacli  twice  in  every 
Olympiad,  at  different  seasons  of  the  year:  the 
fortner  in  tlie  plain  of  Neniea,  in  Argolis,  under 
the  presidency  of  Argos;  the  latter  in  the 
Corintliian  isthmus,  under  tlie  presidency  of 
Corinth.  These,  like  the  Pythian  and  Olympic 
games,  cliunied  a  very  high  antiiiuity,  though 
the  form  in  which  they  were  finally  established 
was  of  late  institution;  and  it  is  highly  prabablo 
that  they  were  really  suggested  by  the  tradition 
of  ancient  festivals,  which  had  served  to  cement 
an  Amphictyonic  confederacy." — C.  Thirlwall, 
Hint,  of  (} reeci ,  eh .  10. 

NEMETACUM.— Modern  Arras.     See  Bel- 

NEMETES,  The.     See  Vangionks. 

NEMI,  Priest  of.     Sec  Arician  Qrovk. 

NEMOURS,  Vreaty  and  Edict  of.  See 
FRANfE:  A.  D.  1)84-1.589. 

NEODAMOI.ES.— Enfranchised  helot  ,  in 
ancient  Spartji.— -0.  Qrote,  Hist,  of  Greece,  pt.  2, 
ch.  73. 

NEOLITHIC  PERIOD.     See  Stone  Age. 

NEOPLATONICS,  The.— "  There  now  [in 
the  third  century  ;«fter  Christ]  arose  another 
school,  which  from  its  flrst  beginnings  announced 
itself  as  a  reform  and  support  of  the  ancient 
faith,  and,  consecjuentl/,  as  an  enemy  of  the 
new  religion.  Tins  was  the  Neoplatonic  scIkkiI 
of  Alexondria,  founded  by  Ammouius  Saccas 
and  Plotinus,  and  wliic'i  was  afterwards  repre- 
sented by  PorphjTius,  Amelius,  and  lambliciis. 
The  doctrine  of  this  school  was  the  last,  and  in 
many  respects  the  best  production  of  paganism, 
now  in  its  final  struggle;  the  effort  of  a  society, 
whicli  acknowledged  its  own  defects,  to  regen- 
erate and  to  purify  itself.  Philosophy,  and  the 
religion  of  the  vulgar,  liitherto  separated  and  ir- 
reconcilable, joined  in  harmony  together  for 
mutual  support,  and  for  a  new  existence.  The 
Neoplatonics  endeavoured,  tlierefore,  to  unite 
the  different  systems  of  philosopliy,  especially 
the  Pythagorean,  Platonic,  and  Anstotelcan,  in 
one  body  with  the  principles  of  oriental  learning, 
and  thus  to  raise  an  edifice  of  universal,  absolute 
truth.  In  the  same  manner  they  represented  tlie 
varied  forms  of  eastern  and  western  religious 
worship  as  one  entire  whole,  which  had  mani- 
fested itself  indeed  in  different  ways,  but  at  tlie 
foundation  of  which  there  lay  the  same  true 
faith.  They  taught  that '  every  kind  of  homage 
and  adoration,  which  men  offer  to  superior  be- 
ings, is  referred  to  heroes,  demons,  or  Gods,  but, 
finally,  to  the  one  most-high  God,  the  author  of 
oil:  that  tlicse  demons  are  the  chiefs  and  genii  of 
the  different  parts,  elements,  and  powers  of  the 
world,  of  people,  countries,  and  cities,  to  ob- 
tain whose  favour  and  protection,  it  behoved  men 
to  honour  them  according  to  the  rites  and  cus- 
toms of  the  ancients.'  It  is,  therefore,  manifest 
that  these  philosophers  were  essentially  hoslilo 
to  the  Cliristian  religion, —  tlie  exclusive  charac- 
ter of  which,  and  tendency  to  destroy  all  other 
religious,   stood    iu    direct  contrast  with  their 


2247 


NEOI'LATONICS. 


NE8T0RIAN. 


doctrines:  and  ns  their  scliof)!  was  In  its  vlgovir 
lit  tlie  very  time  in  wliicli  Cliristiiuiity  mude  its 
most  riipitl  ndviinces,  and  Imd  struck  Piigiinism 
wltli  It  mortal  wound,  tliey  employed  themselves 
especially,  and  more  earnestly,  than  otlier  philos- 
ophers, "to  maintain  their  own  tenets,  and  to 
destroy  Christianity.  They  in  nowise,  however, 
desired  to  defend  heathenism,  or  its  worship,  in 
their  then  degenerate  and  degrading  state:  their 
ideal  was  a  more  pure,  more  noble,  spiritualized, 
polvtheism,  to  estahlisii  whieh  was  the  object 
whfch  they  liad  proposed  to  themselves.  Whilst, 
therefore,  on  the  one  hand,  they  preserved  tlie 
ancient  and  genuine  truths  which  had  sprung 
from  primlthe  tradition,  and  purified  them  from 
recent  errors  and  deformations;  on  the  other, 
they  adopted  many  of  the  doctrines  of  the  lialed 
Christianity,  and  sought  to  reform  paganism  by 
the  aid  of  light  whidi  liad  streamed  upon  them 
from  the  sanctuary  of  the  (.'liureh.  Tliis  admis- 
Bion  and  employment  of  (;hristian  truths  are 
easily  explained,  if  it  be  true,  that  two  of  their 
chiefs,  Ammonias  and  Porphyrius,  had  been 
Christians.  It  is  well  known  that  they  received 
Instructions  from  Christian  masters.  .  .  .  This 
uniformity,  or  imitation,  consists  not  only  in  the 
use  of  terms,  but  in  essential  dogmas.  The  Neo- 
platonic  idea  of  three  liypostases  in  one  Godhead 
would  not  have  been  heard  of,  if  the  Christian 
doctrine  of  tlie  Trinity  Iiad  not  preceded  it.  .  .  . 
Their  doctrines  respecting  tlic  minor  Gods,  their 
influence  and  connexion  with  the  supreme  Being, 
approaclied  near  to  the  Christian  dogma  of  the 
angels.  Nor  is  the  influence  of  Cliristianity  less 
evulent  in  the  pure  and  grave  morality  of  the 
Neoplatonies:  in  their  lessons  wldch  teach  the 
purifying  of  fallen  souls,  the  detachment  from 
the  senses,  the  crucifying  .  .  .  of  the  atYections 
and  passions,  it  is  easy  to  distingiush  the 
Cliristian,  from  the  commingled  pagan,  elements. 
Tlie  Neoplatonies  endeavoured  to  reform  poly- 
theism by  giving  to  men  a  doctrine  more  pure 
concerning  the  Gods,  by  atirihuting  an  allegori- 
cal sense  to  tlie  fables,  and  a  moral  signillcation 
to  the  forms  and  ceremonies  of  religion:  they 
sought  to  raise  the  souls  of  men  to  piety,  and  re- 
jected from  their  mythology  many  of  the  de- 
grading narrations  with  which  it  had  before 
abounded.  It  was  their  desire  also  to  abolish  the 
sacrifices,  for  the  Gods  could  only  abhor  the 
slaughter,  the  dismemberment  and  tlic  burning 
of  animals.  But  at  tlie  same  time  tliey  reduced 
to  a  tlieory  tlie  apparitions  of  tlie  Gods ;  they  de- 
clared magic  to  be  the  most  divine  of  sciences: 
they  taught  and  defended  tlieurgy,  or  the  art  of 
invoking  the  Gods  (those  of  an  inferior  order, 
who  were  united  to  matter),  and  of  compelling 
them  to  comply  with  the  desires  of  men." — J.  J. 
I.  D5llinger,  Hist,  of  the  Church,  t.  l,}}p.  70-73. 

Also  in:  F.  Ueberweg,  lli»t.  of  Philosophy, 
sect.  00-70  (c.  1). — C.  Kiugsley,  Alexandria  and 
Her  Schools. 

NEPAUL,  OR  NIPAL,  English  war  with 
the  Ghorkas  of.     Sec  India:  A.  D.  1805-1810. 

NEPHTHALITES,  The.  See  Huns,  The 
White. 

NeRAC,  Treaty  of.  See  France:  A.  D. 
1578-1580. 

NERESHEIM,  Battle  of.  See  France: 
A.  D.  1790  (Apuil— October). 

NERI  AND  BIANCHI  (Blacks  and 
Whites),  The.  See  Florence:  A.  D.  1295- 
1300,  and  1301-1313. 


NERIUM,  Headland  of.— The  ancient  name 

of  Cape  Fiiiisterre. 

NERO,  Roman  Emperor,  A.  D.  54-68. 

NERONIA.— Games  instituted  by  Nero,  to 
be  conducted  in  the  Greek  fashion  and  to  recur 
periixlicallv,  like  the  Olvmplan. 

NERVA,  Roman  Emperor,  A.  D.  00-98. 

NERVII,  The.— A  tribe  in  Belgic  Gaul,  at 
the  time  of  Cic.sar's  conquest,  which  occupied 
the  country  "between  the  Hanibre  and  the 
Scheldt  (French  and  Belgic  Ilainaut,  provinces 
of  Southern  Braliant,  of  Antwerp,  and  part  of 
Eastern  Flanders).  Tlie  writers  posterior  to 
Cffisar  mention  Bagacum  (Bavay)  as  their  princi- 
pal town." — Napoleon  III.,  /list,  of  Comtr,  bk. 
8,  ch.  2,  foot- note  {e.  2). —  The  tribe  was  destroyed 
by  Ciesar.  See  Belo^,  Cesar's  campaion 
aoainst  the. 

NESSA:  Destruction  by  the  Mongols 
(1220).      Sei?  KlloiiASSAN:   A.  I).  13'J()-1221. 

NESTORIAN  AND  MONOPHYSITE 
CONTROVERSY.— Tlie  great  religious  con- 
troversy of  the  Christian  world  In  the  fourth 
century,  relating  to  the  mystery  of  the  Trinity, 
having  Ik'cu  settled  by  the  triumph  of  the  doc- 
trine of  Athanasius  over  the  doctrine  of  Arius, 
it  was  succeeded  in  the  fifth  century  by  a  still 
more  violent  disputation,  wliich  concerned  the 
yet  profounder  mystery  of  the  Incarnation.  To 
the  dogmatists  of  one  party  it  was  wickedness  to 
distinguish  the  divine  nature  and  the  human 
nature  which  they  believed  to  lie  united  in  Clirist; 
to  the  dogmatists  of  the  other  side  it  was  sin  to 
confound  them.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  liecamo 
the  implacable  leader  of  the  first  party.  Nesto- 
rius.  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  was  forced  to 
tlie  front  of  the  battle  on  the  other  side  ond  be- 
came its  martyr.  Tlie  opponents  of  Nestorius 
gained  advantages  in  tlie  contest  from  the  tlien 
rapidly  growing  tendency  in  the  Christian  world 
to  pay  divine  honors  to  the  Virgin  Mary  as  tlie 
Jlother  of  God.  To  Nestorius  and  those  who 
believed  with  him,  this  was  abhorrent.  "Like 
com  but  bear  like,"  said  Nestorius  in  one  of  his 
sermons;  "a  human  mother  can  only  bear  a 
human  being.  God  was  not  born  —  he  dwelt  in 
that  which  was  born."  But  the  mob  was  too 
easily  charmed  with  Mariolatry  to  be  moved  by 
reasoning  on  the  subject,  and  Cyril  led  the  mob, 
not  only  in  Alexandria,  where  it  murdered  Hy- 
patia  and  massacred  Jews  at  his  bidding,  but  gen- 
erally througliout  the  Christian  world.  A  Coun- 
cil called  at  Ephesus  in  431  and  recognized  as 
tlie  third  fficumenical  Council,  condemned  Nes- 
torius and  degraded  liim  from  his  episcopal 
throne;  but  a  minority  disputed  its  procedure 
and  organized  a  rival  Council,  which  retorted 
anathemas  and  excommunications  against  Cyril 
and  his  friends.  Tlie  emperor  at  last  interfered 
and  dissolved  both;  but  Nestorius,  four  years 
later,  was  exiled  to  the  Libyan  desert  and  perse- 
cuted remorselessly  until  he  died.  Meantime 
the  doctrine  of  Cyril  had  been  carried  to  another 
stage  of  development  by  one  of  his  most  ardent 
supporters,  the  Egyptian  monk  Eutyches,  who 
maintained  that  the*  human  nature  of  (3hrist  was 
absorbed  in  the  divine  nature.  Both  forms  of 
the  doctrine  of  one  nature  in  tlie  Son  of  Clod 
seem  to  have  acquired  somewhat  confusedly  the 
name  of  Monophysite,  though  the  latter  tenet  is 
more  often  called  Eutychian,  from  the  name  of 
its  chief  promulgator.  It  kindled  new  fires  in 
tlie  controversy.    In  449,  a  second  Council  at 


2248 


NESTOUIAN. 


NETAI). 


Epiicsus,  which  Ih  oiiUcd  the  "  Uohhor  Syntxl "  on 
account  of  the  |)cculiiir  violence  nnd  Indecency 
of  itH  proceedingB,  sustaiucd  thu  Monophysites. 
Hut  two  yours  Inter,  in  451.  the  viin(|iiishu<l 
tinrty,  supported  by  Pope  Ia'o  the  Great,  at 
Jionic,  succeeded  in  assembling  a  Council  at  ('lial- 
cedon  which  laid  down  a  dellnilion  of  tiie  t'liris- 
tian  faitli  atllrining  llie  existence  of  two  natures 
in  one  person,  and  wliicli  nevertheless  condemned 
Ne.storianism  and  Monophysitisin,  alil<e.  Their 
success  only  intlamed  the  passions  of  the  wor- 
siiippers  of  the  Virgin  as  the  "Mother  of  God." 
"  hverywhere  monks  were  at  the  liead  of  tlie  re- 
ligiousrevolution  wlii(;h  threw  olT  the  yoke  of 
tlie  Council  of  Chnlcedon."  In  Jerusalem  "the 
very  scenes  of  the  Savlo\ir's  mercies  ran  with 
blood  slied  in  his  name  by  his  ferocious  self  called 
disciples."  At  Alexandria,  a  bisliop  was  mur- 
dered in  the  baptistery  of  Ins  church.  At  Con- 
stantinople, for  sixty  years,  tliere  went  on  a 
succession  of  bloody  tinnults  and  llercc  revolu- 
tionary conspiracies  which  continually'  shook  tlie 
imperial  throne  and  disorganized  every  ]mrt  of 
society,  all  turning  upon  tlic  tlieologlcul  question 
of  one  nature  or  two  in  tlie  incarnate  Son  of 
Ood.  The  Kmperor  Zeno  "  after  a  vain  attempt 
to  obtain  the  opinions  of  the  chief  ecclesiastical 
dignitaries,  without  assembling  a  new  Council, 
a  measure  which  experience  had  shown  to  exas- 
perate ratlier  than  appease  the  strife,  Zeno  issued 
his  famous  Henoticon,  or  Edict  of  Union.  .  .  . 
It  aimed  not  at  the  reconcilement  of  the  conflict- 
ing opinions,  but  liopcd,  by  avoiding  all  expres- 
sions olTensive  to  either  party,  to  allow  them  to 
meet  together  in  Christian  amity."  The  Henot- 
icon only  multiplied  the  factions  in  number  and 
lieated  the  strife  between  tliem.  The  successor 
of  Zeno,  Anastasius,  became  a  partisan  in  tlie 
fray,  and  through  much  of  his  reign  of  twenty- 
seven  years  tlie  coiitlict  raged  more  tiercely  than 
ever.  Constantinople  was  twice,  at  least,  in  in- 
surrection. "The  blue  and  green  factions  of  the 
Circus  —  sucli   is  tlie  language  of  the  times  — 

fave  place  to  these  more  maddening  conflicts, 
he  liymn  of  the  Angels  in  Heaven  [the  Trisa- 
gion]  was  tlie  battle-cry  on  cartli. "  At  length 
the  death  of  Anastasius  ended  tlie  strife.  His 
successor  Justin  (A.  D.  518),  bowed  to  tlie  au- 
tliority  of  the  Bisliop  of  Home  —  the  Pope  Hor- 
misdas  —  and  invoked  his  aid.  Tlie  Eastern 
worhl,  exhausted,  followed  generally  the  em- 
peror's example  in  taking  tlie  orthodoxy  of 
Home  for  the  orthodoxy  of  Christianity.  Nesto- 
riauism  and  Monopliysitism  in  tlieir  extreme 
forms  were  driven  from  tlie  open  fleld  in  the 
Christian  world,  but  both  survived  and  have 
transmitted  tlieir  remains  to  the  iiresent  day. 
— H.  H.  Milmau,  llist.  of  Latin  Christianity,  bk. 
2,  ch.  3-i,  bk.  3,  ch.  1,  amlch.  3. 

Also  ix  :  E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the 
Unman  Empire,  ch.  47. — J.  Alzog,  Universal 
Church  History,  2d  epoch,  ch.  3. — See,  also,  Nes- 
TOKi.\xs;  J.\cobiteCiiukcii;  and  Moxotiielite 

COXTHOVEIISY. 

NESTORIANS,  The.— "Within  the  limits 
of  tlie  Roman  empire  .  .  .  this  sect  was  rapidly 
extirpated  Ijy  iKTsecution  [see  above,  Nestoui.\n 
AND  ^losopHYsiTE  CoNTKoVERBv] ;  aud  cven  in 
the  patriarchate  of  Autioch,  where,  as  we  have 
seen,  the  tenets  of  Nestorius  at  first  found  great- 
est favour,  it  had  disappeared  as  early  as  the  time 
of  Justinian  [A.  D.  537-565].  But  another  field 
lay  open  to  it  in  the  Persian  kingdom  of  the  Sas- 


sanidie,  and  in  this  It  ultimately  struck  its  roota 
deeply.  The  Chahliean  church,  which  at  the 
Ix'ginning  of  the  fifth  century  was  in  a  nourish- 
ing condition,  liail  Im'cii  founcfed  by  missionaries 
from  Syria;  its  i)rimate,  or  Catliolicos,  was  de- 
pen<ient  on  tlie  patriarcli  of  Antiocli,  and  in  re- 
spect of  language  and  discipline  it  was  closely 
connected  witli  tlie  Syrian  church.  It  is  not 
surprising,  therefore,  to  hnd  that  soim^  of  its 
members  U'lit  a  ready  ear  to  the  Nestorian  doc- 
trines. This  was  especially  the  case  with  the 
church-teachers  of  the  famous  seminary  at 
Edessft  in  Mesopotamia.  .  .  .  One  of  their  num- 
ber, Barsumas,  wlio  was  bishop  of  the  city  of 
Nisibis  from  435  to  489,  by  his  long  and  active 
labours  contributed  most  of  all  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Nestorian  church  in  Persia.  Ho 
persuaded  the  king  Phero/.es  (Firuz)  that  the 
antagonism  of  his  own  sect  to  the  doctrine  of 
the  establislied  church  of  the  Roman  empire 
would  prove  a  safeguard  for  Persia.  .  .  .  From 
that  time  Ncstoriaiiism  became  the  only  form  of 
Christianity  tolerated  in  Persia.  .  .  .  Tl'ie  Catliol- 
icos of  Clialdira  now  threw  off  his  dei>eiulence 
on  Antiocli,  and  assumed  the  title  of  Patriarch 
of  Babylon.  The  school  of  Edessa,  which  in  489 
was  again  broken  up  by  the  Greek  emperor, 
Zeno,  was  tmnsferred  to  Nisibis,  and  in  tliat 
place  continued  for  several  centuries  to  be  an 
important  centre  of  theological  learning,  and  es- 
pecially of  biblical  studies.  ...  In  the  sixth 
century  tlie  Nestorians  had  established  churches 
from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the  Caspian  Sea,  and 
had  preached  the  Gospel  to  the  Modes,  the 
Bacirians,  the  Huns,  and  tlie  Indians,  and  as 
far  as  the  coast  of  Malabar  and  the  island  of 
Ceylon.  At  a  later  perioti,  starting  from  Balk 
and  Siimarcand,  they  spread  Christianity  among 
the  nomad  Tartar  tribes  in  tlie  remote  valleys  of 
the  Imaus;  and  the  inscription  of  Siganfu,  wliich 
was  discovered  in  China,  and  the  genuineness  of 
which  is  considered  to  be  above  suspicion,  de- 
scribes tlie  fortunes  of  the  Nestorian  cluircli  in 
tliat  country  from  the  first  mission,  A.  D.  636,  to 
tlie  year  in  which  that  monument  was  set  up, 
A.  I).  781.  In  the  ninth  century,  during  the 
rule  of  the  caliphs  at  Bagdad,  the  patriarch  re- 
moved to  that  city,  and  at  this  jn  riod  twenty-five 
metropolitans  were  subject  to  liim.  .  .  .  From 
the  eleventh  century  onwards  the  prosperity  of 
tlie  Chaldwau  church  declined,  owing  to  the  ter- 
rible persecutions  to  which  its  members  were  ex- 
posed. Foremost  among  these  was  the  attack 
of  Timour  tlie  Tartar,  who  almost  exterminated 
them.  Within  the  present  century  their  dimin- 
ished numbers  have  been  still  further  thinned  by 
friglitf  ul  massacres  inflicted  by  the  Kurds.  Tlicir 
headquarters  now  are  a  remote  and  rugged  val- 
ley in  the  mountains  of  Kurdistan,  on  the  banks 
of  the  Greater  Zab.  .  .  .  Beyond  the  boundary 
which  separates  Turkey  from  Persia  to  the  south- 
ward of  Jlount  Ararat,  a  similar  community  is 
settled  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Urumia.  A  still 
larger  colony  is  found  at  Mosul,  and  others  .  .  . 
elsewhere  in  the  neighbourliood  of  the  Tigris. 
...  Of  their  widely  extended  missions  only 
one  fra.gment  now  remains,  in  tlie  Christians 
of  St.  Tiioraas  on  the  Malabar  coast  of  India." — 
H.  F.  Tozer,  The  Chnirch  and  ttu  Easttrn  Em- 
pire, ch.  5. 

Ai.80  IN :  E.  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  eh.  47. 

NETAD,  Battle  of.     See  Huns:  A.  D.  453. 


2249 


NETUBULANDS. 


NETHERLANDS. 


NETHERLANDS. 


The  Land. — ' '  The  north-western  corner  of  tlie 
Tiist  pliiin  wliich  oxtendH  from  the  Geriniin  ocean 
to  the  L'nil  nioiintiiiim  Is  occupied  by  the  coun- 
tricH  ciilU'<l  the  Netlierliindo  [I^ow  Countries]. 
Tliis  snmll  triangle,  enclosed  between  France, 
Oerniany,  and  the  sea,  is  divided  by  tlie  nKxiern 
kingdoms  of  Belgium  and  Holland  into  two 
nearly  ccjual  portions.  .  .  .  Geographically  and 
ethnographically,  the  Low  Countries  l>elong  both 
to  Gaul  and  to  Germany.  It  is  even  doubtful  to 
which  of  the  two  tlio  liutavian  island,  wldcli  is 
the  core  of  the  whole  country,  was  reckoned  by 
the  Uonians.  It  is,  however,  most  probable  tliat 
all  the  land,  with  the  exception  of  Friesiaud, 
was  considered  a  part  of  Gaul.  Three  great 
rivers — the  Uhine,  the  Meuse,  and  the  Scheld  — 
hail  dcijosited  their  slime  for  ages  among  the 
dunes  and  sandbanks  heaved  up  by  the  ocean 
around  their  moutlis.  A  delta  was  thus  formed, 
liabitable  at  last  for  man.  It  was  by  nature  a 
wide  morass,  in  which  oozy  islands  and  savage 
forests  were  interspersed  among  lag(X)ns  and 
shallows ;  u  district  lying  partly  below  the  level 
of  the  ocean  at  its  higlier  tides,  subject  to  con- 
stant overflow  from  the  rivers,  and  to  frequent 
and  terrible  inundations  by  tlie  sea.  .  .  .  Ilere, 
within  a  half-submerged  territory,  a  race  of 
wretched  icthyophagi  dwelt  upon  'terpen,'  or 
mounds,  which  tlicy  had  raised,  like  beavers, 
above  the  almost  fluid  soil.  Here,  at  a  later  day, 
the  same  race  chained  the  tyrant  Ocean  and  his 
miglity  streams  into  subserviency,  forcing  tliem 
to  fertilize,  to  render  commodious,  to  cover  witli 
a  benellcent  network  of  veins  and  arteries,  and  to 
bind  by  watery  highways  witli  the  farthest  ends 
of  the  world,  a  country  disiidicrited  by  nature 
of  its  rights.  A  region,  outcast  of  ocean  and 
earth,  wrested  at  last  from  both  domains  their 
richest  treasures.  A  race,  engaged  for  genera- 
tions in  stubborn  conflict  with  the  angry  ele- 
ments, was  unconsciously  educating  itself  for  its 
great  struggle  with  the  still  more  savage  despot- 
fsm  of  man.  The  whole  territory  of  the  Nether- 
lands was  girt  with  forests.  An  extensive  belt 
of  woodland  skirted  the  sea-coast,  reaching  be- 
yond tho  moutlis  of  the  Rhine.  Along  the  outer 
edge  of  this  barrier,  the  dunes  cast  up  by  tho 
sea  were  prevented  by  the  close  tangle  of  thickets 
from  drifting  further  inward,  and  thus  formed 
a  breastwork  wliicli  time  and  art  were  to 
strengthen.  The  groves  of  Hiuirlem  nnd  the 
Hague  are  relics  of  this  ancient  forest.  The 
Bodahuenna  wood,  horrid  with  Druidic  sacri- 
fices, extended  along  tlie  eastern  line  of  the  van- 
ished lake  of  Flevo.  The  vast  Hercynian  forest, 
nine  days'  journey  in  breadth,  closed  in  the  coun- 
try on  the  German  side,  stretching  from  the 
banks  of  tlio  Rhine  to  the  remote  regions  of  tlie 
Dacians,  in  such  vague  immensity  (says  the  con- 
queror of  the  whole  country)  that  no  German, 
after  traveling  sixty  days,  had  ever  reached,  or 
even  heard  of,  its  commencement.  On  the  south, 
the  famous  groves  of  Ardennes,  haunted  by  faun 
and  satyr,  embowered  the  country,  and  separated 
it  from  Celtic  Gaul.  Thus  inundated  by  mighty 
rivers,  quaking  beneath  the  level  of  the  ocean, 
belted  about  by  hirsute  forests,  this  low  land, 
nether  land,  hollow  land,  or  Holland,  seemed 
hardly  deserving  the  arras  of  the  all-accom- 
plished Roman."— J.  L.  Motley,  The  RUe  of  the 
Ihttch  JieptiMie,  itUrod,,  sect.  1. 


The  early  inhabitants.  Sec  HKi.OiK;  NKnvn ; 
Hatavianh;  and  Fhimians. 

A.  D.  69.— Revolt  of  the  Batavians  under 
Civilif.     8ce  Hatavia.nh. 

4-9th  Centuries. — Settlement  and  domina- 
tion of  the  Franlcs.  See  1"'uankh;  also,  Uai:i.: 
A.  I).  a.'.:)-3(ll. 

A.  D.  843-870.  —  Partly  embraced  in  the 
king-dom  of  Lotharingia. — The  partitioning;. 
See  I.0UUAI.NK:  A.  I).  S4;t-870. 

(Flanders):  A.  D.  863-1383.— The  Flemish 
towns  and  counts.     See  Fi.andkus. 

(Holland):  A.  D.  922-1345. —  The  early 
Counts  of  Holland. — "  It  was  in  the  year  022 
tliat  Charles  the  Simple  [of  France]  |)resented  to 
Count  Dirk  tlie  territory  of  lldlhuid,  by  letters 
patent.  This  narrow  liook  of  land,  destined,  in 
future  ages,  to  be  tlie  cradle  of  a  considerable  em- 
pire, stretching  through  both  hemispheres,  was, 
tlienceforth,  the  inheritance  of  Dirk's  descen- 
dants. Historically,  therefore,  ho  is  Dirk  1., 
Count  of  Holland.  .  .  .  From  the  time  of  the 
first  Dirk  to  tlie  close  of  the  13th  century  there 
were  nearly  four  hundred  years  of  unbroken 
male  descent,  a  long  line  of  Dirks  and  Florences. 
This  iron-luindcd,  hot-headed,  adventurous  race, 
placed  as  sovereign  upon  its  little  sandy  hook, 
making  ferocious  exertions  to  swell  into  large 
consequence,  conquering  a  mile  or  two  of  morass 
or  barren  furze,  after  harder  blows  and  bloo<lier 
encounters  than  might  have  cstablislied  an  em- 
pire under  more  favorable  circumstances,  at  last 
dies  out.  The  countship  falls  to  tho  house  of 
Avenues,  Counts  of  Hainault.  Holland,  together 
with  Zeland,  which  it  had  annexed,  is  thus  joined 
to  the  province  of  Hainault.  At  tho  end  of 
another  half  century  the  Hainault  line  expires. 
William  tlie  Fourth  died  childless  in  13.')') 
[1345'/]."— J.  L.  Motley,  liise  of  live,  Dutch  Re- 
public, introd.,  sect.  5-6. 

A.  D.  13-iSth  Centuries.— Relations  with 
the  Hanseatic  Leag^ue.    See  Hansa  Towns. 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1345-1354.- The  Rise  of 
the  Hooks  and  the  Kabeljauws,  or  Cods. — "On 
the  death  of  William  IV.  [Count  of  Holland] 
without  issue  in  1345,  his  sister,  married  to  the 
Emperor  Louis,  became  Countess  of  Zealand, 
Holland,  Friezland  and  Hainault.  But  her  lius- 
band  dying  soon  afterwards,  many  of  tlie  noblesse, 
whom  she  had  offended  by  the  attempt  to  restrain 
their  excesses,  instigated  her  son  to  assume  the 
sovereignty.  In  the  sanguinary  struggle  which 
ensued,  the  people  generally  adliered  to  the  cause 
of  Margaret."  They  "looked  forward  to  the 
necessities  of  a  female  reign  as  likely  to  afford 
them  opportunities  to  win  f  urtlier  immunities,  as 
the  condition  of  their  support  against  the  turbu- 
len.  nobles.  Did  not  tliese  live,  like  the  great 
fish,  by  devouring  the  smaller  ones  1  And  how 
could  they  be  checked  but  by  the  hooks  which, 
though  insignificant  in  appearance,  when  aptly 
used  would  be  too  strong  for  them.  Such  was 
the  talk  of  the  people;  and  from  these  house- 
hold words  arose  tlie  memorable  epithets,  which 
in  after  years  were  heard  in  every  civic  brawl, 
and  above  the  din  and  death-cry  of  many  a  bat- 
tle-field. Certain  of  the  nobles  adhered  to  the 
cause  of  the  Hooks,  while  some  of  the  cities, 
among  which  were  Delft,  Haarlem,  Dort,  and 
Rotterdam,  supported  the  Kabeljauws  [or  Co<ls]. 
The  community  was  divided  into  parties  ratlier 


2250 


NKTIIEHLANDS,  1345-1854.      Eartv  Commtne.      NETIIEULAND8,  1417-1480. 


tlmii  into  fliisscH.  ...  In  the  i'XiiM|)i'riiti()ii  of 
iiiutuiil  injury,  tlic  iiriinnry  cause  of  (|uiirri'l  wim 
Boon  forgotten.  Tlie  IIookh  were  prnud  (if  llie 
iicc'SBion  of  11  lord  to  tlicir  nuilcs;  unci  tlie  Iviilul- 
Jiiuws  were  e(|uiilly  xlud  of  tlie  vuluitl)le  itid 
wliich  11  wndtliy  imd  i)o|)ulous  town  was  able  to 
ullord.  Tlio  majority  of  tlio  cities, —  perhaps 
tlie  majority  of  the  iiilmliitant.s  in  all  of  them,— 
favoured  the  Hook  party,  as  the  jireponderanei' 
of  tlie  landowners  lay  in  the  opposite  scale.  Hut 
no  adherence  to  antaj?onlstio  princi|iles,  or  even 
a  systematic  profession  of  them,  is  traceable 
throughout  the  varying  struggle.  ...  In  Friez- 
laiid  the  two  factions  were  designated  by  the 
rec^riniinativu  cpitiiets  of  ' Vetlvoopcrs'  and 
'  Schicringers,' — terms  hardly  translateable.  In 
the  conflict  which  first  marslialled  the  two  parties 
in  hostile  array,  the  Hooks  were  utterly  defeated ; 
—  their  leaders  who  survived  were  banished, 
tiiei'"  property  confiscated,  and  their  dwellings 
ra/.ed  to  tlie  ground.  JIargaret  was  forced  to 
take  refuge  in  England,  wiicrc  she  remained  until 
a  sliort  time  previous  to  her  death  in  liJ54,  when 
the  four  provinces  acknowledged  William  V.  as 
their  undisputed  lord.  The  succeeding  reigns 
are  chiefly  characterised  by  the  incessant  strug- 
gles of  tlie  embittered  factions.  .  .  .  Wliatever 
progress  was  made  during  tlie  latter  half  of  the 
14tli  century  was  municipal  and  commercial.  In 
a  national  view  the  government  was  helpless  and 
incfllcicnt,  entangled  by  ambitious  family  alli- 
ances with  France,  England,  and  Germany,  and 
distracted  by  the  rival  powera  and  pretensions  of 
domestic  factions.  Under  the  administration  of 
the  ill-fated  .lacoba  [or  Jacqueline]  these  evils 
readied  their  full  maturity." — W.  T.  iMcCullagli, 
Iiuluntriid  Hint,  of  tVee  Natiom,  eh.  9  (e.  2). 

IA-I5th  Centuries.— Commercial  and  indus- 
trial superiority. — Advance  in  learning  and 
art. — "  Wliat  n  scene  as  (  ompared  with  the  rest 
of  Northern  Europe,  aiiu  especially  with  Eng- 
land .  .  .  must  have  bec"ii  presented  by  the  Low 
Countries  during  the  14th  century  I  In  1370, 
there  are  3,200  woollen-factories  at  Malines  and 
on  its  territory.  One  of  its  merchants  carries  on 
an  immenBC  trade  with  Damascus  and  Alexan- 
dria. Another,  of  Valent^iennes,  being  at  Paris 
during  a  fair,  buys  up  all  the  provisions  exposed 
for  sale  in  order  to  display  his  wealth.  Ghent,  in 
1340,  contains  40,000  weavers.  In  1389,  it  has 
189,000  men  bearing  arms;  the  drapers  alone  fur- 
nish 18,000  in  a  revolt.  In  1380,  the  goldsmiths 
of  Bruges  are  numerous  enough  to  form  in  war 
time  an  entire  division  of  the  army.  At  a  re- 
past given  by  one  of  the  Counts  of  Flanders  to 
the  Flemish  magistrates,  the  seats  provided  for 
the  guests  being  unfurnished  with  cushions,  they 
quietly  folded  up  their  sumptuous  cloaks,  richly 
embroidered  and  trimmed  with  fur,  and  placed 
them  on  the  wooden  benches.  When  leaving  the 
table  at  the  conclusion  of  the  feast,  a  courtier 
called  their  attention  to  the  fact  that  they  were 

going  without  their  cloaks.  The  burgomaster  of 
•ruges  replied:  'We  Flemings  are  not  in  the 
habit  of  carrying  away  the  cushions  after  dinner. ' 
.  .  .  Commines,  the  French  chronicler,  writing 
in  the  15th  century,  says  that  the  traveller,  leav- 
ing France  and  crossing  the  frontiers  of  Flanders, 
compared  himself  to  the  Israelites  when  they  had 
quitted  the  desert  and  entered  the  borders  of  the 
Promised  Land.  Philip  the  Good  kept  up  a 
court  which  surpassed  every  other  in  Europe  for 
luxury  and  magniflctnce.  ,  .  ,  In  all  such  mat- 


ters of  luxury  and  ilisplay,  England  of  the  Iflth 
or  17th  century  had  iKithfng  to  ccmiparc  with  the 
Nfthcrlaiiils  a  hiiiidrrd  or  even  two  hundred 
veins  before.  .Vfter  lii.xury,  come  comfort,  Intel- 
ligcnce,  nu  .  ly,  and  learning,  which  develop 
under  very  d  frent  coiulitioiis.  In  the  courBo 
of  time  even  Itiilv  was  outstripped  in  the  com- 
menial  race.  'I'lie  conquest  of  Egypt  by  II  ■: 
Turks,  and  the  discovery  of  a  water  passage  to 
thi.'  Indies,  broke  up  the  overland  trade  with  the 
EiLst,  and  destroyed  the  Italliin  and  (ierman  cities 
which  liad  flourished  mi  it.  .  .  .  Passing  from 
tiie  dominion  of  the  House  of  Hiirgundy  to  that 
of  the  House  of  Austria,  which  also  numbered 
Spain  among  its  vast  po.ssessions,  jiroved  to  them 
in  tlie  end  an  event  fraught  with  momentous 
evil.  Still  foi  a  tinie,  and  from  a  mere  material 
jioiiit  of  view,  it  was  an  evil  not  unmixed  with 
good.  The  Nether  inders  were  better  sailors  and 
keener  merchants  tliaii  the  Spaniards,  and,  being 
under  the  same  rulers,  gained  substantial  advan- 
tages from  the  close  connection.  The  new  com- 
merce of  Portugal  also  tilled  their  coffers;  so  that 
while  Italy  and  Germany  were  impoverished, 
tliey  became  wealtliier  an(l  more  prosperous  than 
ever.  .  .  .  With  wealth  pouring  in  from  all  quar- 
ters, art  naturally  lollowed  in  the  wake  of  com- 
nierco.  Architecture  was  first  I'eveloped,  and 
nowhere  was  its  cultivation  more  general  than  in 
the  Netherlands." — I).  Campbell,  The  I'unUtiiin 
lliiUdiid,  <fr. ,  r.  1,  eh.  1. 

(Holland  and  Hainault):  A.  D.  1417-1430. — 
The  despoiling  of  Countess  Jaqueline. — In 
1417,  Count  William  VI.  of  Holland,  Hainault 
and  Friesliind,  died,  leaving  no  male  heirs,  but  a 
daughter,  Jacoba,  or  Ja(iueline,  whom  most  of 
the  nobles  and  towns  of  the  several  states  had 
already  acknowledged  as  the  heiress  of  her 
fiitlier  s  sovereignty.  Though  barely  seventeen 
years  of  age,  the  countess  Jake,  as  she  was 
sometimes  called,  wore  a  widow's  weeds.  She 
had  been  married  two  3'ears  before  to  John,  the 
second  son  of  the  king  of  France,  who  became 
presently  thereafter,  by  ]iis  brother's  death,  the 
dauphin  of  France.  John  had  died,  a  few 
months  before  Count  William's  deatli,  and  the 
young  countess,  fair  in  person  and  well  en- 
dowed in  mind,  was  left  with  no  male  support, 
to  contend  witli  the  rapacity  of  an  unscrupulous 
bishop-uncle  (John,  called  The  Godless,  Bishop 
of  Liege),  who  strove  to  rob  her  of  her  heritage. 
"  Ilcnry  V.  [of  England]  had  tlicn  stood  her 
friend,  brought  about  a  reconciliation,  estab- 
lished her  rights  and  proposed  a  marriage  be- 
tween her  and  his  brother  Jolin,  Duke  of  Bedford, 
who  was  then  a  fine  young  man  of  live  or  six  antl 
twenty.  .  .  .  But  she  was  a  high-spirited,  wil- 
ful damsel,  and  preferred  her  first  cousin,  the 
Duke  of  Brabant,  whose  father  was  a  brother  of 
Jean  Sans  Peur  [Duke  of  Burj^undy].  .  .  .  The 
young  Duke  was  only  sixteen,  and  was  a  weak- 
minded,  passionate  youth.  Sharp  quarrels  took 
place  between  the  young  pair ;  the  Duchess  was 
violent  and  headstrong,  and  accused  her  husband 
of  allowing  himself  to  be  governed  by  favour- 
ites of  low  degree.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy  in- 
terfered in  vain.  .  .  .  After  three  years  of  quar- 
relling, in  the  July  of  1421  Jaqueline  rwle  out 
early  one  morning,  met  a  knight  of  Hainault 
called  Escaillon,  '  who  liad  long  been  an  Eng- 
lishman at  heart,'  and  who  brought  her  sixty 
horsemen,  and  galloped  off  for  Calais,  whence 
she  came  to  England,  where  Henry  received  her 


2251 


NETIIEULANDS,   1417-1430. 


fViunfrM 

Jar/ur/i'ne. 


NETHKULANDS,  1477. 


wlU<  the  coiirtcHy  iliic  to  ii  (llHtrcsHol  (lumi'-rrrnnt. 
ami  ilic  liecnnic  ii  iinMt  Intliniitc  ('iiiiipiiniDii  of 
till'  CJiU'Pii.  .  .  .  Hlu'  lomlly  Kuvc  out  timt  hIic 
liiti'iidfil  to  olttiiiil  II  M-piiriitloii  froiii  Iter  liiis- 
Imiiil  on  till'  pli'ii  of  ('oiiHiiiiKnInlly.  itltlioiiKli  ii 
(lUpciiMitioii  IiikI  Im'cii  Kritiiti'il  liy  tlii'  Council  of 
C'onstniici',  luiil  'timl  hIic  would  marry  winir  onu 
who  would  piiy  liir  tlii'  rcHpcct  diir  In  her  riiiik  ' 
This  pi'rsoii  wiiin  pri'scritcd  liiinsi'lf  in  tlii'  Hliiipu 
of  llunifrcy,  iluki-  of  OlouiTstcr,  tlic  KiiiK'n 
youngcMt  hrotlicr,  liiuiilHoinc,  ({niccful.  iiccom- 
pllthi'd.  Imt  fur  less  patient  and  cDiisclcnlioiiH 
than  any  of  hix  tiiroi' cldrrs."  Hi'ncdi<'t  XIII., 
the  antipojic,  was  pcrHuadcd  to  pronounrc  tlic 
inarrlaKo  of^.lai|U('liiR'  and  Jolui  of  Brilliant  null 
and  void;  "Imt  Henry  V.  knew  tliat  tliiH  was  a 
vain  sentenee,  and  inliniated  to  his  lirother  tiiat 
he  would  never  <onseiit  to  his  espimsinj,'  tlie 
Diiehess  of  Kraliant ;  hIiowIiik  liini  that  the  wed- 
lock could  not  lio  le^al,  and  that  to  claim  tlie 
lady's  iidierltanee  would  lead  to  a  certain  ru])- 
tiiro  with  the  Duke  of  Hurj;undy,  who  coidil  not 
but  ui)hold  th(!  cause  of  his  cousin  of  Brabant." 
KotwithstandiiiK  these  remonstrances,  the  Duke 
liumfrcy  did  marry  the  seductive  .laiiuelinc, 
early  in"l424.  "  lie  tlien  sent  to  demand  from 
the  Duke  of  Brabant  the  possession  of  the  lady's 
iDlicritance ;  and  on  his  refu.sal  the  Ilainaulters 
cspouseil  whichever  party  they  preferred  and 
began  a  warfare  among  themselves."  Soon 
afterwards  the  giMlless  bishop  of  I,it>ge  died  and 
"beipieathed  the  rights  he  pretended  to  have  to 
Ilainault,  not  to  his  niece,  but  to  tlie  Duke  of 
Burgundy.  Gloucester  in  the  meantime  in- 
vaded Ilainault  and  carried  on  a  '  bitter  war 
there.'  Burgundy  nsseinbleil  menatarms  for 
Its  protection;  and  letters  ]>i>s.seil  between  the 
Dukes,  ending  in  a  cliiiUenge  —  not  between 
Jaiiucline's  two  husbands,  who  would  have 
seemed  the  llttest  persons  to  have  fought  out 
the  quarrel,  but  between  Gloucester  and  Bur- 
gundy." It  was  arriinged  that  the  question  of 
the  pbs.sc8sion  of  Ilainault  should  lie  decided  by 
ginglc  combat.  Ilumfrey  returned  to  Englanil 
to  make  preparations,  leaving  Jnqueline  at  Mens, 
■with  her  mother.  The  latter  proved  false  and 
allowed  tlio  citizens  of  Mons  to  deliver  up  the 
unhappy  lady  to  Philip  of  Burgundy.  Iler 
English  husband  found  himself  powerless  to 
render  licr  much  aid,  and  was  possibly  indiffer- 
ent to  her  fate,  since  another  woman  had  caught 
his  fancy.  Jaqueline,  after  a  time,  escapeil  from 
her  captivity,  and  revived  the  war  in  Ilainault. 
Gloucester  sending  her  500  men.  "The  Duke  of 
Brabant  died,  and  rcjiorts  reached  her  that 
Gloucester  hiul  married  Eleanor  Cobham;  but 
she  coutin\ied  to  battle  for  her  county  till  1428, 
when  she  (Inally  came  to  terms  with  Philippe  [of 
Burgundy],  let  bim  garrison  her  fortresses,  ap- 
pointed him  her  heir,  and  promised  not  to  marry 
without  his  consent.  A  year  or  two  after,  how- 
ever, she  married  a  gentleman  of  Holland  called 
Frank  of  Bursleni,  upon  which  he  was  seized  by 
the  Burgundians.  1  o  purchase  his  liberty  she 
yielded  all  her  dominions,  and  only  received  an 
annual  pension  until  1430,  when  she  died,  hav- 
ing brought  about  as  much  strife  and  dissension 
as  any  woman  of  he>'  time." — C.  M.  Yonge, 
Cameos  of  Kng.  Hist.,  series  3,  e.  33. 

Also  in  :  H.  de  Monstrelet,  Chronicles  (trans, 
by  Johnes),  bk.  \,  eh.  164,  181,  234;  hk.  2,  ch.  22- 
33,  48-49.— C.  M.  Davies,  Uist.  of  Uolhind,  2>t.  1, 
ch.  6-6. 


A.  D.  1438-1430.— The  loverelgntr  of  the 
House  of  Burgundy  est«bliihed.  — "  I'pim  the 
surrender  of  iriilliind,  /ealiiiid.  Krie/.land,  anil 
Ilainault  by  .laroliii,  Philip  (the  duke  of  Bur- 
giiiiily  called  Philip  tlie  (ioihI]  became  po.ssessed 
of  the  most  considerable  states  of  Ilic  Nether- 
lands, .lohn,  duke  of  Burgundy,  his  father,  had 
succeeded  to  Flanders  and  Artols,  in  right  of  his 
mother  Margaret,  sole  heiress  of  Louis  van  der 
Mall',  count  of  Flanders.  In  the  year  142U, 
Philip  entered  Into  possession  of  the  county  of 
Niimur.  by  the  death  of  Theodore,  its  last 
native  jirincc,  without  Issue,  of  whom  he  had 
purchased  it  during  his  lifetime  for  lli'^.DOO 
crowns  of  gold.  To  Nainur  was  added  in  tlio 
next  year  the  neighbouring  liiichv  of  Brabant, 
by  the  death  [A.  I).  14!lt)|  of  Philip  (hrotlierof 
•lohn,  who  married  .lacoba  of  Holland),  witliout 
issue;  although  Margaret,  countess-dowager  of 
Holland,  aunt  of  the  late  duke,  stood  the  next 
in  succession,  since  the  right  extended  to  females, 
Philip  |irevailed  with  the  stales  of  Brabant  to 
confer  on  liim,  as  the  true  heir,  that  du<liy  and 
Llmburg,  to  which  the  Margraviate  of  Antwerp 
and  the  lordship  of  Mechlin  were  annexed.  .  .  . 
The  accession  of  a  powerful  and  ambitious 
prince  to  tlie  government  of  the  county  was  any- 
thing but  u  source  of  advantage  to  the  Dutch, 
excepting,  perhaps,  in  a  commercial  point  of 
view."— 0.    M.   Davies,   Jliiit.   of  Jlollaml,  jit.  i, 

ch.  1  (!'.   1), 

A.  D.  1451-1453.- Revolt  of  Ghent.  See 
Ghent:  A.  I).  14.->l-14.5;i, 

A.  D.  1456. — The  Burgundian  hand  laid  on 
Utrecht.     SeeUTiiKciir:  A.  D.  H'M. 

A.  D.  1473.  —  Guelderland  taken  into  the 
Burgundian  dominion.  8ec  Gi;Ki,i)Eiti,AND: 
A.  D.  1070-1473. 

A.  D.  1477. — The  severance  from  Burgundy. 
—  Accession  of  the  Duchess  Mary.  —  The 
grant  of  the  "Great  Privilege."— On  the  tifth 
of  January,  1477,  Charles  the  Bold  of  Burgundy 
came  to  his  end  at  Nancy,  and  Louis  XL  of 
Prance  laid  prompt  and  sure  hands  on  the  Bur- 
gundian  duchy,  which  remained  tlieneeforth 
united  to  the  French  crown.  It  was  the  furtlier 
intention  of  Louis  to  secure  more  or  less  of  the 
Netherland  domain  of  the  late  duke,  and  he  lie- 
gan  seizures  to  that  end.  But  the  Netherlaud 
states  much  preferred  to  acknowledge  the  sover- 
eignty of  the  young  <lucliess  Mary,  daughter 
and  sole  heiress  of  Charles  the  Bold,  provided  she 
would  make  proper  terms  with  them.  "  Shortly 
after  her  accession,  the  nobles,  to  whose  guar- 
dianship she  had  been  committed  by  Charles 
before  his  departure,  summoned  a  general  as- 
sembly of  the  states  of  the  Netherlands  at 
Ghent,  to  devise  means  for  orresting  the  enter- 
prises of  Louis,  and  for  raising  funds  to  support 
the  war  with  France,  as  well  us  to  consider  the 
state  of  affairs  in  the  provinces.  .  .  .  This  is  the 
first  regular  as.sembly  of  the  states-general  of 
the  Netherlands.  .  .  .  Charles,  and  his  fatlier, 
Philip,  had  exercised  in  the  Netherlands  a  species 
of  government  far  more  arbitrary  than  the  in- 
habitants had  until  then  been  accustomed  to. 
...  It  now  appeared  that  a  favourable  oppor- 
tunitj' offered  itself  for  rectifying  these  abuses; 
and  the  assembly,  therefore,  made  the  considera- 
tion of  them  a  preliminary  to  the  grant  of  any 
supplies  for  the  war.  .  .  .  They  insisted  so 
firmly  on  this  resolution  that  Mary,  finding  the^ 
were  determined  to  refuse  any  subsidies  till  their 


2252 


NET1IEHLAND9,  1477. 


.Mm// 
of  II Hiy unity 


NKTIIEULANIW,  14»3-U0a. 


grievance*  were  redrcised,  ronitcntril  to  Brunt 
cliurterH  of  privileges  to  nil  the  HtiilvH  of  the 
Ki'tlierliiiiilH.  Tliut  (if  Ildllitnd  niiil  Zriiliiii<l 
Iwiisl  ('ornniiinly  calleil  the  (Ireiit  Chiirter." — ('. 
M.  Diivlex,  JM.  of  llMiiiil,  pt.  ',',  (li.  a  (f.  1), 
irilh  J'liol- ii'ili.  —  " 'f\'i'  p'Hiilt  of  the  (lelllieriillons 
[of  the  iisjM'Mibly  of  the  stiite.s,  In  1177]  is  the 
lornml  uriinl  hy  Duehess  .Miirv  of  the  'Oroot 
Piivileu'ie.'or  (Ireat  I'rivllege.  llie  MiiffimClmrlii 
of  llollanil.  AlthonKh  this  luHtrunient  wjis 
ftfterwiirds  vloliite<l,  and  Indeed  aliollnhed,  it  br. 
came  the  foun<lalioii  of  the  repuhlie.  It  was  a 
reeapilulation  and  recognition  of  ancient  rights, 
not  an  aciniisilion  of  new  privileges.  It  was  a 
restoration,  not  a  revolution.  Its  principal 
points  deserve  attention  from  those  Interested  in 
the  i)olitleal  progress  of  ninnkind.  'The  duchess 
bIiiiII  not  marry  without  consent  of  the  estates  of 
her  ])rovincc9.  All  olllees  In  her  gift  shall  he 
conferred  on  natives  only.  No  man  shall  till  two 
ofllces.  No  otllce  shall  be  farmed.  The  (.Ireat 
Council  and  Supreme  t'ourt  of  Holland  is  re. es- 
tablished. Causes  sliall  be  brought  before  it  on 
njipeal  from  the  ordinary  courts.  It  shall  have 
no  origlmil  1urls<lictlon  of  matters  within  the 
cognizance  of  the  provincial  and  numiclpal  trl- 
Imnals.  The  estates  and  cities  are  guaranteed  in 
their  right  not  to  be  summoned  to  justice  be- 
yond the  limits  of  their  territory.  The  cities,  in 
common  with  all  the  provinces  of  the  Nether- 
lands, may  hold  diets  as  often  and  at  such  (ilaces 
as  they  choose.  No  new  taxes  shall  l)e  imposed 
but  by  con.sent  of  the  provincial  estates. 
Neither  the  duchess  nor  her  descendants  shall 
begin  either  an  olTenslve  or  defensive  war  with- 
out consent  of  the  estates.  In  case  a  war  be 
Illegally  undertaken,  the  estates  arc  not  bound  to 
contribute  to  its  mainteniince.  In  nil  public  and 
legal  documents,  the  Netherland  language  shall 
be  employed.  The  commands  of  the  iliicliess 
shall  be  Invalid,  If  contlicting  with  the  i)rivllegcs 
of  a  city.  The  seat  of  the  Supreme  Council  is 
transferred  from  Mechlin  to  the  Hague.  No 
money  shall  be  coined,  nor  Its  value  raLsed  or 
lowered,  but  by  consent  of  the  estate's.  Cities 
ore  not  lo  be  compelled  to  contribute  to  requests 
which  they  have  not  voteil.  The  Sovereign  shall 
come  in  person  before  the  estates,  to  make  his 
request  for  supplies.'.  .  .  Certainly,  for  the  11  f- 
teentli  century,  the  '  Great  Privilege '  was  a  rea- 
sonably liberal  constitution.  Where  else  upon 
earth,  at  that  day,  was  there  half  so  much  lib- 
erty as  was  thus  guaranteed?" — J.  L.  Motley, 
The  Jiise  of  the  Dutch  liepublk,  introd. ,  sect.  8. 

Also  is  :  L.  8.  Costello,  Memoirs  of  Mary  of 
BurgtuHly,  eh.  28-30. 

A,  D.  1477. —  The  Austrian  marriage  of 
Mary  of  Burgundy. — "Several  hu.jbands  were 
proposed  to  the  Princess  of  Burgundy,  and  every 
one  was  of  opinion  there  was  a  necx'ssity  of  her 
marrying,  to  defend  those  territories  that  sl"3  had 
left  to  her,  or  (by  marrying  the  dauphin),  to  re- 
cover what  she  had  lost  [sec  Bunou.NDv:  A.  D. 
1477].  Several  were  entirely  for  this  match,  and 
she  was  as  earnest  for  it  as  anybody,  before  the 
letters  she  had  sent  by  the  Lord  of  llumbercourt 
and  the  chancellor  to  the  king  [Louis  XL]  .vere 
betrayed  to  the  ambassadors  from  Ghent.  Some 
opposed  the  match,  and  urged  the  dispro])or- 
tlon  of  their  age,  tlio  dauphin  being  but  nine 
years  old,  and  besides  engaged  to  the  King  of 
England's  daughter;  and  tJuese  suggested  the 
sou  of    the    Duke  of   Cleves.     Others   recom- 


nwiided  Mnxinillinn,  the  omperor'n  son,  who  In  at 
present  King  of  the  Itoniaus. "  Duchesx  Mary 
made  choice  presently  of  .Maxindlian,  then  Arch 
duke  (if  Austria,  afterwards  King  of  the  Itomans 
and  tlniiUy  emperor.  The  husband-elect  "came 
to  Cologne,  where  sevcrid  of  the  princess's  ser- 
vants went  to  meet  liim,  and  carry  him  money, 
witli  which,  as  I  have  been  told,  he  was  but  very 
slenderly  furnishe(|;  for  his  father  was  the  stin- 
giest and  most  covetous  prince,  or  pcrHon,  of  his 
time.  The  Duke  of  Aiistriii  was  ((inducted  to 
Glient,  with  about  7IKI  or  HOO  horse  in  his 
retinue,  and  this  marrlag(>  was  consummated 
[Aug.  IH,  1177],  which  at  tlr.Ht  siglit  brought  no 
great  advantage  to  the  subjects  of  the  young 
princess;  for,  instead  of  his  supporting  her,  she 
was  forced  to  sujiply  him  with  money.  His 
armies  were  neither  strong  enough  nor  in  a  con- 
dition to  face  the  kings;  besides  which,  the 
humour  of  the  house  of  Austria  was  not  pleasing 
to  the  subjects  of  the  house  of  liurgundy,  who 
had  been  bred  vip  inider  wealthy  princes,  that 
had  lucrative  olllees  and  employments  to  dis- 
pose of;  wluLsi'  palaces  were  sumptuous,  whose 
tabk's  were  nobly  served,  who.se  dress  was  mag- 
uitleent,  and  whose  liveries  were  pompous  and 
splendid.  Hut  the  Germans  are  of  (|uite  a  con- 
trary temper;  boorish  In  their  maimers  and  rudu 
In  their  wav  of  living." — Philip  du  Commiues, 
Memoirs,  bX-.  0,  eh.  2  (e.  2). 

Ai.sotn:  L.  8.  Costello,  MemoimofMiiiyoffliir- 
f/iiiiily,  eh.  1)1.  —  See,  also,  ArsTiii.\:  A.  1).  1477- 
140.1. 

A.  D.  1482-1493.  —  Maximilian  and  the 
Flemings. —  The  end  of  the  Hook  party  in 
Holland, — "According  to  tlie  terms  of  the  mar- 
riage treaty  between  Ma.xinillian  and  Mary, 
their  eld(!St  son,  Philip,  succeeded  to  the  .sover- 
eignty of  the  Netherlands  immediately  upon  the 
death  of  his  mother  [March  28,  1483].  As  he  was 
at  this  time  only  four  years  of  age,  Maximilian 
obtained  the  acknowfedgment  of  himself  as 
guardian  of  the  young  count's  pers(m,  and  pro- 
tector of  his  states,  by  all  the  provinces  ex(;ept 
Flanders  and  Ouelderland.  The  Flemings  bavin)? 
secured  the  person  of  Philip  at  Ghent,  appointeil 
a  regency."  To  reduce  the  Flemings  to  obedi- 
ence, Maximilian  carried  ou  two  cmmpaigns  In 
their  country,  during  1484  and  148.5,  as  the  re- 
sult of  which  Ghent  and  Bruges  surrendered. 
"Maximilian  was  acknowledged  protector  of 
Flanders  during  the  minority  of  Philip,  who  was 
delivered  by  the  Ghenters  into  the  hands  of  his 
father,  and  by  him  entrusted  to  the  care  of  Mar- 
garet of  York,  Ducliess-dowagcr  of  Burgundy, 
until  he  became  of  age."  Three  years  later 
(1488) — Maximilian  having  been,  in  tin!  mean- 
time, crowned  "  King  of  the  Romans,"  at  Aix  la 
Chapelle,  and  thus  cadetted,  so  to  speak,  for  his 
subsequent  coronation  as  emperor — the  Flemings 
rose  again  in  revolt.  Maximilian  was  at  Bruges, 
and  rumor  accused  him  of  a  design  to  occupy  the 
city  with  German  troops.  The  men  of  Bruges 
forestalled  the  attempt  by  seizing  him  personally 
and  making  him  a  prisoner.  Tiiey  kept  him  in 
durance  for  nearly  four  months,  until  he  had 
signed  a  treaty,  agreeing  to  surrender  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  Netherlands  to  the  young  Duke 
Philip,  his  son ;  to  place  the  latter  under  the  care 
of  the  princes  of  tlie  blood  (his  relatives  on  the 
Burgundian  side);  to  withdraw  all  foreign 
troops,  and  to  use  his  endeavors  to  preserve 
peace  with  France.     On  these  terms  Maximilian 


2253 


NETIIKHLANDH,  14*2- UO!J. 


/4u<(ru-AMiniiA 
raw. 


NKTIIKHLANDH,  U04-1510. 


(ibUiliu'<l  IiIh  lilMTty :  but,  ini'itiitiinc,  IiIh  rutlivr, 
tbe  Kiii|)cnir  Fredcrif,  Inul  niitrchi'il  itn  uriiiy  to 
the  froiitU'rH  of  ilmlMint  for  IiIh  ilrllvt'ruiici',  luxl 
tlii>  very  lioiioriililn  King  of  tliu  ItonmiiM,  iiiiikiiiK 
liiiHtu  to  till)  HJii'ltur  of  tlii'M!  fiirci'H,  ri'imiliali'd 
with  iilitcrity  all  the-  (.'iiKiiK'^'KX^'itx  li»  I""'  Hworii 
til.  HIh  IiiiimtIiiI  fiitlivr  led  lliii  iiriiiy  liti  liiul 
liniiiullt  Into  Fliiiidi'rH  mill  laid  hIi'^u  to  Oliriit; 
liiit  tlrt'il  of  tliii  iiii(li'rtikklnf(  iiftiT  hIx  wrrkn  mid 
ruturiuMl  to  Gcrnmiiv,  luuvlnj;  liU  forci's  to  |iroiM!- 
cuto  tliu  hIcku  mid  tho  war.  Tlio  coinMiiitluiiH  In 
Flaiidera  nuw  linniKlit  to  llfu  tlio  |>ii|iiiliir  party 
(if  till)  "  KookH"  in  llolliiiiil,  and  war  lirnko  out 
in  lliat  iirovlncu.  In  iifillit'r  part  of  tho  Ni'tlu'r 
laniU  werii  tliu  InHiirgviitii  Hiicri'HHfiil.  Tliu 
FIcinliiKH  liad  lict'ii  lii'Ipcd  by  Fraiici',  and  wlii'ii 
till)  I^Vuncli  kln^  abandoiuMl  tlirin  tlu'y  wctd 
foro  I  to  buy  a  pt'iuu  on  liiiiiilliatliiK  ti'riiiH  and 
for  a  liDiivy  pricu  In  ciinIi.  In  Holland,  tliu  re- 
volt laiiKuiHlied  for  a  time,  but  broku  out  '  'tli 
fruHli  uplrlt  In  IJOO,  exeiteil  bv  an  edict  w...jli 
8tiinniarily  altered  tliu  value  of  tlio  coin.  In  ilio 
next  year  It  took  tlie  nainii  of  tlio  "  Cnwiiibrot- 
hIh;!,  or  Bread  and  CMieenu  War.  Tlil»lnHiirreetlon 
waggiippreHHi'd  In  MU'J,  with  tho  help  of  Uerinuu 
triKipH,  and  proved  only  disastrous  to  the  prov- 
liiee.  "  It  was  lliu  last  effort  iiiiidu  for  a  consid- 
erable tlinu  by  the  Hollanders  against  the  increas- 
ing power  and  extortion  of  their  counts.  .  ,  , 
The  miserable  remnant  of  the  Hook  or  popular 
party  melted  ho  entiri'lv  away  that  wo  hear  of 
them  no  more  In  Hollaii(l ;  the  county,  formerly  a 
power  respected  In  llsolf,  was  now  beconio  a 
small  and  despised  portion  of  an  overgrown 
Btate."  Ill  1404,  riiilip  having  reached  the  age 
of  seventeen,  and  Maximilian  having  beconio  eili- 
peror  by  the  death  of  his  father,  the  latter  surren- 
dered and  the  former  was  Installed  In  tho  govern- 
ment of  tho  Netherlands.— C.  M.  Davies,  Hint,  of 
HoUaml,  pt.  3,  eh.  3  (r.  1). 

A.  D.  1494-1519.— Beginning  of  the  Austro- 
Spanish  tyranny. — Absorption  in  the  vast 
dominion  of  Charles  V. — The  seventeen  Prov- 
inces, their  independent  constitutions  and 
their  States-General.-"  In  1494,  I'hilip,  now 
17  years  of  age,  became  sovereign  of  tho  Nether- 
lands. But  Tiu  would  only  swear  to  maintain 
the  privileges  granted  by  his  grandfather  and 
great-granafatlier,  Charles  and  Philip,  and  re- 
fused to  aciiuicsco  in  the  Oreat  Privilege  of  Ills 
mother.  Tho  Estates  acquiesced.  For  a  time, 
Friesland,  tho  outlying  province  of  Holland,  was 
severed  from  it.  It  was  free,  and  it  chose  as  its 
elective  sovereign  the  Duku  of  Saxony.  A'ter  a 
time  he  sold  liis  sovereignty  to  the  Houtj  of 
Hapsburg.  Tiie  dissensions  of  the  Estates  had 
put  them  at  tho  mercy  of  an  autocratic  family. 
Philip  of  Burgundy,  in  1490,  married  Joanna, 
daughter  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  In  1500 
his  son  Charles  was  born,  who  was  afterwards 
Charles  V.,  Duke  of  tho  Notherlaflds,  but  also 
King  of  Spain,  Emperor  of  Germany,  King  of 
Jerusalem,  and,  by  tho  grant  of  Alexander  VI., 
alias  Koderic  Borgia  and  Pope,  lonl  of  the  wholo 
new  world.  Joanna,  his  mother,  through  whom 
he  had  tliis  vast  iuiieritancc,  went  mad,  and  re- 
mained mad  during  her  life  and  his  [see  Spain  : 
A.  U.  1400-1517].  Charles  not  only  inherited 
his  raotlier's  and  father's  sovereignties,  but  his 
grandfather's  also  [see  Austuia:  A.  D.  1400- 
1520],  .  .  .  Tlio  peril  which  the  liberties  of  the 
Netherlands  were  now  running  was  greater  than 
ever.    They  bad  been  drawn  into  the  hands  of 


that  dynasty  which,  iMginning  with  two  lililu 
SpanUli  kingdoms  I ('itHllUi  and  Aragnnl,  liiid  in 
a  generation  develiipiMl  Into  the  mlglitli'Ht  of 
nionari'hieH.  .  .  .  Charles  Nucccrded  ills  father 
I'hilip  as  Count  of  Flanders  In  \Mm.  Ills  father, 
I'lilllj)  thu  HandMome,  was  at  BiirgiiN  In  Castile, 
where  he  was  attacked  by  fever,  and  died  whin 
only  2H  years  of  age.  Ten  yeiirs  afterwards 
Charles  became  King  of  Spain  (I'lKI).  When  he 
was  10  years  of  ago  (1510)  ho  was  elected  em- 
peror [see  ()Klt.MANV:  A.  I).  15101.  The  three 
nations  over  whom  he  was  destineil  to  rule  hated 
each  other  cordially.  There  was  anllpalhy  from 
the  beginning  between  Flemings  and  Spaiilards. 
The  Nt'lherlaiids  nobles  were  detested  in  Spain, 
the  Spaniards  in  the  Low  Countries  were  i'i|ually 
abhorred.  .  .  .  Charles  was  lioru  In  Flanders,  and 
during  Ills  whole  career  was  much  more  a  Flem- 
ing than  a  Spaniard,  This  did  not,  however, 
pruvenl  him  from  considering  his  Flemish  sub- 
Jects  as  mainly  destined  to  supply  Ids  wants,  and 
submit  to  his  exai^tlons.  He  was  always  iiard 
pre-HSi'd  for  moiiev.  The  Hermans  were  poor 
and  turbulent,  'I  he  C(>ni|Uest  and  siibjectioii  of 
tho  -Moorish  population  In  Spain  had  seriously 
iiijiiri'd  tlio  industrial  wealth  of  that  country. 
But  the  Flemings  were  Increasing  in  riches,  par- 
ticularly tho  iiihiibitants  of  (llieiit.  They  had 
to  supply  the  funds  wlilcii  Charles  rciiulred  In 
order  to  curry  out  the  operations  which  Ids  ne- 
cessities or  his  policy  rendered  urgent.  Ho  liad 
been  taught,  and  ho  readily  believed,  tliat  his 
subjects'  money  was  Ids  own.  Now  just  as 
Charles  had  come  to  the  empire,  two  circum- 
stances had  occurred  which  liavu  had  a  lasting 
intluenco  over  thu  alTaIrs  of  Western  Europe. 
The  lirst  of  these  wiw  thu  coniiiiest  of  Egyiit  by 
the  Turks  under  Selim  I  (151S-20).  .  .  .  Egypt 
had  for  nearly  two  centuries  been  tho  only  route 
by  which  Eastern  priHlucc,  so  much  valued  by 
European  nations,  could  reach  the  consumer. 
.  .  .  Now  this  trade,  trilling  to  be  sure  to  our 
present  experience,  was  of  tlie  higliest  Impor- 
tance to  the  trading  towns  of  Italy,  tlie  Hliinc, 
and  tho  Netherlands,  ,  ,  .  But  the  Netherlanoi 
had  two  industries  which  saved  them  from  the 
losses  which  aiTccted  the  Uerinans  and  Italians. 
Tliey  were  still  tho  savers  of  tho  world.  They 
still  had  tho  most  successful  tlsherics.  .  .  .  Tlie 
other  cause  was  the  revolt  against  tho  papacy  " 
[the  Keformation  —  see  Patacv:  A.  U.  1510- 
1517,  and  after].— J.  E.  T.  Hogers,  The  titory  of 
JIuUaiul,  ch.  5-0.  —  Tho  seventeen  provinces  com- 
prehended under  the  name  of  the  Netherlands, 
as  ruled  by  Charles  V,,  were  the  four  duchies  of 
Brobant,  Limburg,  Luxemburg,  and  Guelder- 
land;  the  seven  counties  of  Artois,  Ilainault,  Flan- 
ders, Namur,  Zutplien,  Holland,  and  Zealand ;  tho 
five  seigniories  or  lordships  of  Friesland,  Mech- 
lin, Utrecht,  Ovcryssel,  and  Groningcn;  ond  the 
margraviate  of  Antwerp,  "Of  th<;se  provinces, 
tlio  four  whicli  adjoined  the  French  border,  and 
In  whicli  a  French  dialect  was  spoken,  were 
called  Walloon  [see  Walloons]  ;  in  tho  other 
provinces  a  dialect,  more  or  less  resembling  Ger- 
man, prevailed,  that  of  the  midland  ones  being 
Flemish,  that  of  the  northern,  Dutch,  They 
dilTercd  still  more  in  their  laws  and  customs  than 
in  language.  Each  province  was  an  indepen- 
dent state,  having  its  own  constitution,  wliich 
secured  more  liberty  to  those  who  lived  under  it 
than  was  then  commonly  enjoyed  in  most  other 
parts   of   Europe.  .   ,   .  The   only  institutions 


2254 


NETIIKIir.ANDS,  U04-1«19.         Htf.rrmaiion         NETIIEIILANIW,  inSl-l.tM, 


whlrli  ■uppUc<l  any  llnki  of  union  nninnK  the 
(lIlTcrrnt  provlnrrn  wen-  llic  MlatcH  (Iriicriil,  or 
HHfU'inbly  of  ili'putirH  Hi'iit  frciin  ciicli,  hikI  the 
Hiiprcinii  Trihiiiiiil  tHtiiljIlHlicil  iit  .Mt'clillii,  liuv- 
\\\g  iin  iippi'lliitf  jiirlHilictloM  oviT  tlii'in  nil.  Tlio 
Htati'H'Ui'iiiTnl,  liDWi'ViT,  liiiil  no  I<')(ImIiiI|v('  nii- 
tlmrlty,  nr)r  power  to  linpoHc  taxci*.  iittil  wcrr 
Imt  riircly  coiivi'mMl.  .  ,  .  Tlii-  inenilHrs  of  llic 
Htaton  (Jcncral  were  not  rciiri'NcnlatlvrH  cliowii 
l)y  the  people,  but  deputieo,  or  nnilianNiKloDt, 
from  eertain  i)rovln(TH.  The  dllTerent  provhices 
had  also  llieir  own  Ktates."— T.  II.  Dver,  Ilinl. 
of  Miiilirii  Kiirope,  r.  'J,  />/i,  Sai-2'.>'». 

A.  D.  1^12,— Burguiidian  province!  included 
In  the  Circle  of  Burgundy.  Sec  (Ikumany: 
A.  I).  IllCt-l.llO. 

A.  D.  1531-1555.— The  Reformation  in  the 
Province!.— The  "Placardti"  and  Peraecu- 
tion!  of  Charlea  V.— The  Edict  of  1550.— The 
Planting  of  the  Inquiiition. — "The  people  of 
the  NellierlaudH  weri'  noted  not  less  for  tliclr  In 
genulty  hIiowii  In  the  invention  of  inachincH  anil 
rmidemeiits,  niid  for  tliclr  profleienry  in  Heicnee 
and  letters,  than  for  their  opulence  and  enter- 
prise'. It  was  their  boii.st  that  common  laborers, 
even  the  llHhermen  who  dwelt  in  the  huts  of 
Frii'sland,  could  read  and  write,  and  discuss  the 
Interpretation  of  Scripture.  ...  In  such  a  popu- 
lation, amoiiK  the  countrynu-n  of  Krasmus, 
where,  too,  in  previous  ages,  various  forms  of 
innovation  and  dissent  had  arisen,  the  doctrines 
of  Luther  must  inevitably  find  an  entrance. 
They  were  brought  in  by  foreign  uierchauts, 
'together  with  whoso  commodities,'  writes  the 
old  Jesuit  historian  Strnda,  'this  plague  often 
sails.'  They  were  InlnKluced  with  the  German 
and  Swiss  soldiers,  whom  Charles  V.  had  occa- 
sion to  bring  Into  the  cotintry.  Protestantism 
was  also  transplanted  from  England  by  numer- 
ous exiles  who  (led  from  tlic  persecution  of  Mary. 
Tlic  contiguity  of  the  country  to  Gcrmanv  and 
France  provided  abundant  avenues  for  the  in- 
coming of  the  new  opinions.  'Nor  did  tlie 
liliinc  from  Germany,  or  tlie  Meusc  from  France,' 
to  quote  the  regretful  language  of  Btrada,  '  send 
more  water  Into  the  Low  Countries,  than  by  the 
one  the  contagion  of  Luther,  by  the  other  of 
Culvin,  was  imported  into  the  same  Helglc  prov- 
inces. '  The  spirit  and  occupations  of  the  people, 
the  whole  ntmospliero  of  tlio  country,  were 
singularly  jiropitious  for  the  spread  of  the 
Protestant  movement.  The  cities  of  Flanders 
and  Brabant,  especially  Antwerp,  very  early 
furnished  professors  of  the  new  faith  Charles 
V.  issued,  in  1531,  from  Worms,  an  edict,  the 
first  of  a  series  of  barbarous  enactments  or 
'  P.lacards,'  for  the  extinguishing  of  licre.sy  in  the 
Netherlands;  and  it  did  not  remain  a  dead  letter. 
In  1533,  two  Augustinian  monks  were  burned  at 
the  stake  in  Brussels.  .  .  .  The  edicts  against 
heresy  were  imperfectly  executed.  The  Regent, 
Margaret  of  Savoy,  was  lukewarm  in  the  busi- 
ness of  persecution;  and  her  successor,  Maria, 
the  Emperor's  sister,  the  widowed  Queen  of 
Hungary,  was  still  more  leniently  disposed. 
The  I'rotestants  rapidly  incrca.sed  in  numlwr. 
Calvinism,  from  the  influence  of  France,  and  of 
Geneva,  where  yoimg  men  were  sent  to  be  edu- 
cated, came  to  prevail  among  them.  Anabap- 
tists and  other  licentious  or  fanatical  sectaries, 
such  as  appeared  elsewhere  in  the  wake  of  the 
lleforinatiou,  were  numerous ;  and  their  excesses 
afforded  a  plausible  pretext   for  violent   meas- 


un's  of  renremion  airainiit  nil  who  di'|>arti>d  from 
the  iilil  fMllli.  In  t.ViO.  CharleH  V.  liMued  a  new 
Placard,  In  uhlili  ihe  formrr  perMeculing  cdhtH 
wiTe  contlrmed.  ami  In  which  a  ri'ference  was 
made  lo  liii|iiiHllorH  of  Ihe  fiiltli,  as  well  as  lo  the 
ordlinirv  Judges  of  the  lii.ihops.  Tlii .  c.vrlted 
gri'at  alarm,  Hime  the  lni|Uinition  was  an  object 
of  extreme  averKinn  and  dread.  The  forolun 
menlmnts  ])repared  to  leave  Antwerti,  prlies 
fell,  traile  was  to  a  gnat  extent  suspended  ;  and 
such  was  Ihe  di.salTeelion  excited,  that  the 
Itegent  .Maria  Intercedeil  for  some  inodltlcntlon 
of  the  obnoxious  decree.  Verbal  changes  were 
made,  but  llie  fears  of  the  pi'0|)le  were  not 
iplieted;  and  it  was  published  at  Antwerp  in 
coniu'ction  with  a  i)rolest  of  the  maitlslrales  in 
behalf  of  Ihe  liberties  which  were  put  in  peril  by 
a  Irlbunai  of  Ihe  characler  threalened.  •And," 
Miiys  llie  learned  Annln'in  hislorian,  'as  this 
altairof  the  Ini|ul.iillon  ami  the  oppression  from 
Spain  prevaih'd  more  and  more,  all  mi  n  began 
to  be  convinced  that  they  were  deslined  to  per- 
petual slavery.'  Altliough  there  was  nuiili  per 
seculion  In  the  Netherlands  during  the  long  reign 
of  Charles,  yet  the  number  of  martyrs  could  not 
have  been  so  great  as  50,0()(),  the  numlKT  men- 
Honed  by  one  writer,  much  less  1()().(KM),  the 
number  given  by  drollus."— O.  P.  FIslier,  T/if 
IlifoniKitioii,  fh.  0. — "llishiuid  [tliat  of  Cliarles 
v. 1  planted  the  inquisition  in  the  N( 'herlands. 
Before  his  day  it  is  idle  to  say  tliat  the  llaboliral 
institution  ever  had  a  place  there.  Tl  e  isolateil 
cases  in  which  Inquisitors  had  exercised  functh)iis 
|)roved  the  abwiice  and  not  Hie  presence  of  the 
system.  .  .  .  Charles  introduced  and  organized 
a  papal  inquisition,  side  by  side  with  those  terri- 
ble 'i)lacanls'  of  his  invention,  which  constl- 
tilled  a  masked  ln(|uisitlon  even  more  cruel  than 
that  of  Spain.  .  .  .  The  number  of  Nether- 
landers  who  were  burned,  strangled,  beheaded, 
or  buried  alive.  In  obedience  to  Ills  edicts  .  .  . 
has  been  placed  ns  liigli  as  100,000  by  dLstin- 
giiishcd  authorities,  and  have  never  been  put  at 
a  lower  mark  than  50,000.  The  Venethm  envoy 
Navigero  placed  the  luinilK'r  of  victims  in  the 
provinces  of  Holland  and  Frieslanil  alone  at 
80,000,  and  this  in  154(1,  ten  years  befor.  the 
abdication,  and  live  before  the  promulgai  a  of 
tlie  hlde.jus  edict  of  15.50.  .  .  .  'No  one,'  said 
the  edict  [of  1550],  'shall  print,  write,  copy, 
keep,  conceal,  sell,  buy,  or  give  in  churches, 
streets,  or  other  places,  any  book  or  willing  made 
by  Martin  Lutlier,  John  Ecolunipadiiis,  L'Irich 
Zwinglius,  Martin  Bucer,  Joliu  Calvin,  or  other 
heretics  rejirobated  by  the  iloly  Church;  .  .  . 
nor  break,  or  otlii  vwi.sc  injure  tlie  images  of  the 
holy  virgin  or  canonized  saints;  .  .  .  nor  in  Ills 
house  hold  conventicles,  or  illegal  gatherings,  or 
be  present  nt  any  sucli  in  wliicli  the  adherents  of 
the  above-mentioned  heretics  teach,  bai)tize,  and 
form  conspiracies  against  the  Holy  Church  nnd 
the  general  welfare.  .  .  .  Moreover,  we  forbid 
...  all  lay  persons  to  converse  or  disjiute  con- 
cerning the  Holy  Scriptures,  openly  or  secretly, 
especially  on  any  doubtful  or  dilllcult  matters, 
or  to  read,  teach,  or  cxiiound  the  Scriptures, 
unless  they  have  duly  studied  tlieoiogy  nud  been 
approved  by  some  renowned  university ;  ...  or 
to  preacli  secretly,  or  openly,  or  to  entertain  any 
of  the  opinions  of  tlie  above-mentioned  heretics. 
.  .  .  Sucli  perturbators  of  the  general  (juiet  are 
to  be  executed,  to  wit:  the  men  with  the  sword 
and  the  women  to  be  buried  alive,  if  tliey  do  not 


2255 


NETIIEULANDS,  1521-1555. 


Philip  II. 


NETHERLANDS,  1555-1559. 


persist  In  their  errors;  if  they  do  persist  in  them 
tliey  lire  to  be  e.xeciitcd  witli  fire;  nil  their  prop- 
erty in  both  cases  being  conllscnteil  to  the 
crown.'"  The  horrible  edict  further  bribed  In- 
formers, by  promising  to  them  Imlf  the  goods  of 
n  convicted  iicrctic,  while,  nt  the  siinie  time,  it 
forbade,  under  shiirp  pennllles,  nny  petitioning 
for  pnrdon  in  favor  of  such  heretics. — J.  L.  >Iot- 
ley,  Tfie  liise  of  t/ie  Dutch  IlepiMic,  pi.  1,  c/i.  1, 
and  pt.  2,  eh.  1  (o.  1). 

Also  in:  J.  11.  Merle  d'Aublgne,  Ifist.  of  the 
Reformation  in  Europe  in  the  Time  of  Valvin,  bk. 
Vi  ch.  0-U  (r.  7). 

A.  D.  1539-1540.— The  revolt  and  enslave- 
ment of  Ghent.     See  GllKNT;  A.  1).  l.");ill-l.''>40. 

A.  D.  1547.— Prag^matic  Sanction  of  Charles 
V.  changing  the  Relations  of  his  Burgundian 
inheritance  to  the  Empire. — In  the  Oennanlc 
diet  iissembled  a*,  Augsburg  in  ir)47,  after  the 
Emperor's  defeat  of  the  Protestant  princes  at 
Muhllwrg  (sec  Geumany:  A.  D.  1540-1553),  he 
was  able  to  exercise  his  will  almost  without  op- 
position and  decree  arbitrarily  whatever  he  chose. 
He  there  "proclaimed  the  "Pragmatic  Sanction 
for  the  Netherlands,  whereby  his  old  Burgun- 
dian  Inheritance  was  declared  by  his  own  law  to 
be  Indivisible,  the  succession  settled  on  the  house 
of  Hapsburg,  it  was  attached  to  the  German 
empire  as  a  tenth  district,  had  to  pay  certain 
contributions,  but  was  not  to  be  subject  to  the 
Imperial  Chamber  or  the  Imperial  Court  of  Judi- 
cature. He  thus  secured  the  personal  union  of 
these  territories  with  his  hotiso,  and  made  it  the 
duty  of  the  empire  to  defend  them,  while  at  the 
same  time  he  withdrew  them  from  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  empire ;  it  was  a  union  by  which  the 
private  interests  of  the  house  of  Hapsburg  had 
everything  to  g.iin,  but  which  was  of  no  advan- 
tage to  the  empire." — L.  Hilusser,  The  Period  of 
the  Reformation,  ch.  16. 

A.  b.  1555.— The  Abdication  of  Charles  V. 
— Accession  of  Philip  II. — His  sworn  promises. 
— "  In  the  atituinn  of  this  year  [1555]  the  world 
was  astonished  by  the  declaration  of  the  emper- 
or's Intention  to  resign  all  his  vast  dominions, 
and  spend  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  a  cloister. 

.  .  On  the  25th  of  October,  the  day  appointed 
for  the  ceremony  [of  the  surrender  of  the  sover- 
eignty of  the  Netherlands]  '  «  knights  of  the 
Goldeti  Fleece,  and  the  depr  a  of  all  the  states 
of  the  Netherlands  asseinbl  I  at  Brussels.  .  .  . 
On  the  day  after  the  emperor's  resignation  the 
mutual  oaths  were  taken  by  Philip  and  the  states 
of  Holland ;  the  former  swore  to  maintain  all  the 
privileges  which  they  now  enjoyed,  including 
those  gra.ited  or  confirmed  at  his  installation  as 
heir  in  1549.  lie  afterwards  renewed  the  prom- 
ise made  by  Cliarles  in  the  month  of  May  pre- 
ceding, that  no  office  in  Holland,  except  that  of 
stadtholder,  shovild  be  given  to  foreigners  or  to 
Netherlandcrs  of  those  provinces  in  which  Hol- 
landers were  excluded  from  offices.  In  tue  Jan- 
uary of  the  next  year  [1556]  the  emperor  re- 
signed the  crown  of  Spam  to  his  son,  reserving 
only  an  annuity  of  100,000  crowns,  and  on  the 
7th  of  September  following,  having  proceeded 
to  Zealand  to  join  the  Beet  destined  to  carry  him 
to  Spain,  he  surrendered  the  imperial  dignity  to 
bis  brother  Fenliuaud."  He  then  proceeded  to 
the  cloister  of  St.  Just,  near  Piacenza,  where  he 
lived  In  retirement  until  his  death,  which  occurred 
August  21, 1558.— C.  M.  Davies,  Ilist.  of  Holland, 
pt.  2,  ch.  6  (V.  1). 


Also  in  :  W.  Stirling,  Cloister  Life  of  Charlet 
V.—O.  Dclepierre,  IliHtorical  nifficultifn,  ch.  10. 

A.  D.  1^55-1559.— Opening  of  the  dark  and 
bloody  reign  of  Philip  II.  oiSpain. — His  ma- 
lignity.—His  perfidy.— His  evd  and  plotting 
industry. — "  Philip,  bred  in  this  [Spanish]  school 
of  slavish  superstition,  taught  that  Ik-  was  the 
despot  for  whom  it  was  formed,  familiar  with 
the  degrading  tactics  of  eastern  tyranny,  was  at 
once  the  most  contemptible  and  tmfortunatc  of 
men.  ...  He  was  perpetually  filled  with  oik; 
idea  —  that  of  his  greatness;  he  had  but  one  am- 
bition —  that  of  command ;  but  one  enjoyment — 
that  of  exciting  fear.  .  .  .  Deceit  an<l  blood 
were  bis  greatest,  if  not  his  only,  delights.  The 
religious  zeal  which  he  affccte(l,  or  felt,  showed 
itself  but  in  acts  of  cruelty;  and  the  fanatic 
bigotry  which  inspired  him  formed  the  strongest 
contrast  to  tlie  divine  spirit  of  Christianity.  .  .  . 
Although  ignorant,  he  had  a  prodigious  instinct 
of  cunning.  He  wanted  courage,  but  its  place 
was  supplied  by  the  harsh  obstinacy  of  wounded 
pride.  All  the  corruptions  of  intrigue  were 
familiar  to  him;  yet  he  often  failed  in  his  most 
deep-laid  designs,  at  the  very  moment  of  their 
apparent  success,  by  the  recoil  of  the  bad  faith 
and  treachery  with  which  his  plans  were  over- 
charged. Such  was  the  man  who  now  began 
that  terrible  reign  which  menaced  utter  ruin  to 
the  national  prosperity  of  the  Netherlands.  .  .  . 
Philip  had  only  once  visited  the  Netherlands  be- 
fore his  accession  to  sovereign  power.  .  .  . 
Every  thing  that  he  observed  on  this  visit  was 
calculated  to  revolt  both  [his  opinions  and  his 
prejudices].  The  frank  cordiality  of  the  people 
appeared  too  familiar.  The  expression  of  popu- 
lar rights  sounded  like  the  voice  of  rebellion. 
Even  the  magnificence  displayed  in  his  honour 
offended  his  jealous  vanity.  From  that  moment 
he  seems  to  have  conceived  an  implacable  aver- 
sion to  the  country,  in  which  alone,  of  all  his 
vast  possessions,  he  could  not  display  the  power 
or  inspire  the  terror  of  despotism.  The  sover- 
eign's dislike  was  fully  emialled  by  the  disgust 
of  his  subjects.  .  .  .  Yet  Philip  did  not  at  first 
act  in  a  way  to  make  himself  more  particularly 
hated.  He  rather,'  by  an  ai)parent  consideration 
for  a  few  points  of  political  interest  and  individ- 
ual privilege,  and  particularly  by  the  revocation 
of  some  of  the  edicts  against  heretics,  removed 
the  suspicions  his  earlier  conduct  had  excited; 
and  his  intended  victims  did  not  perceive  that 
the  despot  sought  to  lull  them  to  sleep,  in  the 
hopes  of  making  them  an  easier  prey.  Philip 
knew  well  that  force  alone  was  insuHlcient  to 
reduce  such  a  people  to  slavery.  He  succeeded 
in  persuading  the  states  to  grant  him  considera- 
ble subsidies,  some  of  which  were  to  be  paid  by 
instalments  during  a  period  of  nine  years.  That 
was  gaining  a  great  step  towards  his  designs. 
...  At  the  same  time  he  sent  secret  agents  to 
Rome,  to  obtain  the  approbation  of  the  pope  to 
his  insidious  but  most  effective  plan  for  placing 
the  whole  of  the  clergy  in  dependence  upon  the 
crown.  He  also  kept  up  the  ormy  of  Spaniards 
and  Germans  which  his  father  hail  formed  on  the 
frontiera  of  France;  and  altliough  he  did  not  re- 
move from  their  employments  the  functionaries 
already  in  place,  he  took  care  to  make  no  new 
appointments  to  office  among  the  natives  of  the 
Netherlands.  ...  To  lead  his  already  deceived 
subjects  the  more  surely  into  the  snare,  he  an- 
nounced his  intended  departure  on  a  short  visit 


2256 


NETHERLANDS,  1555-1559. 


miip  n. 


NETHERLANDS,  1550-1563. 


to  Spain;  niul  created  for  the  period  of  lii.s  ab- 
sence ii  provisional  government,  diielly  composed 
of  tlie  leading  men  among  the  Belgian  nobility. 
He  flattered  himself  that  the  staten,  dazzle<l  by 
tlie  illustrious  illusion  thus  prepared,  would 
cheerfully  grant  to  this  provisional  government 
tlie  right  of  levying  taxes  during  tlic  temporary 
absence  of  the  sovereign.  He  also  reckoned  on 
tlie  iiitluence  of  the  clergy  in  the  national  assem- 
bly, to  procure  the  revival  of  the  edicts  against 
heresy,  which  he  had  gained  the  merit  of  sus- 
pendmg.  .  .  .  As  soon  as  the  states  had  con- 
sented to  i)lace  the  whole  powers  of  government 
in  the  hands  of  the  new  administration  for  the 
])criod  of  the  king's  absence,  the  royal  hypocrite 
lielievcd  his  scheme  secure,  and  flattered  himself 
he  had  established  an  instrument  of  durable  des- 
potism. .  .  .  The  edicts  against  heresy,  soon 
adopted  [including  a  re-enactment  of  the  terrible 
edict  of  1550  —  see  above],  gave  to  tlie  clergy  an 
almost  unlimited  power  over  the  lives  and  for- 
tunes of  tlie  people.  But  almost  all  the  digni- 
taries of  the  church  being  men  of  great  respec- 
tability and  moderation,  cliosen  bv  the  body  of 
the  inferior  clergy,  these  extrnordinary  powers 
excited  little  alarm.  Philip's  project  was  sud- 
denly to  replace  these  virtuoiis  ecclesiastics  by 
othere  of  his  own  clioice  [through  a  creation  of 
new  bislioprics],  as  soon  as  tlie  states  broke  up 
from  their  annual  meeting ;  and  for  this  intention 
he  had  procured  the  secret  consent  and  authority 
of  tlie  court  of  Rome.  In  support  of  these  com- 
binations, tlie  Belgian  troops  were  completely 
bn)ken  up  and  scattered  in  small  bodies  over  tlie 
country.  ...  To  complete  tlie  execution  of  tliis 
system  of  perfidy,  Pliilip  convened  an  assembly 
of  all  the  stfttes  at  Ghent,  in  the  month  of  July, 
1559.  .  .  .  Anthony  Perrenotte  de  Qranvelle, 
bishop  of  Arras  [afterwards  cardinal],  who  was 
considered  as  Philip's  favorite  counsellor,  but 
who  was  in  reality  no  more  tlian  his  docile  agent, 
was  commissioned  to  address  tlie  assembly  in  the 
name  of  his  master,  who  spoke  only  Spanish. 
His  oration  was  one  of  cautious  deception."  It 
announced  tlie  appointment  of  JIargaret,  duchess 
of  Parma,  a  natural  daughter  of  Charles  V.,  and 
therefore  lialf-sister  of  Philip,  to  preside  as  re- 
gent over  the  government  of  the  Netherlands 
during  the  absence  of  the  sovereign.  It  also 
urged  with  skilful  plausibility  certain  reciuosts 
for  money  on  tlie  part  of  the  latter.  "But  not- 
withstanding all  the  talent,  the  caution,'  and  the 
mystery  of  Philip  and  his  minister,  tliere  was 
among  the  nobles  one  man  [William  of  Nassau, 
prince  of  Orange  and  stadtholdcr,  or  governor, 
of  Holland,  Zealand,  and  Utrecht]  who  saw 
through  all.  Without  making  himself  suspici- 
ously prominent,  lie  privately  warned  some 
members  of  the  states  of  the  coming  danger. 
Those  in  wliom  he  confided  did  not  betray  the 
trust.  They  spread  among  the  other  deputies 
the  alarm,  and  pointed  out  the  danger  to  which 
they  had  been  so  judiciously  awakened.  The 
consequence  was,  a  reply  to  Philip's  demand,  in 
vague  and  general  terms,  without  binding  the 
nation  by  any  pledge ;  and  an  unanimous  entreaty 
that  he  would  diminish  the  taxes,  wltlidiiiw  tlie 
foreign  troops,  an''  entrust  no  official  employ- 
ments to  any  but  natives  of  the  country.  The 
object  of  this  last  request  was  tlie  removal  of 
Qranvelle,  who  was  born  in  Franclie-Comte. 
Philip  was  utterly  astounded  at  nil  this.  In  the 
first  moment  of   his  vexation  he  iuiprudently 


cried  out,  '  Would  ye,  then,  also  bereave  me  of 
my  place ;  I,  who  am  a  Spaniard  ? '  But  he  smin 
recovered  his  self-command,  and  resumed  his 
usual  mask;  expressed  his  regret  at  not  liaving 
sooner  learned  the  wishes  of  the  state;  promised 
to  remove  the  foreign  troops  within  tliree  months; 
and  set  off  for  Zealan<l,  with  assumed  compo- 
sure, but  filled  with  the  fury  of  a  discovered 
traitor  and  a  liumiliated  despot  "  In  August, 
in.'jy,  he  sailed  for  Spain.— T.  C.  Grattan,  Hint. 
of  the  yitheilniiiln,  c/i.  7. — "Crafty,  saturnine, 
atrabilious,  always  dissembling  and  suspecting, 
sombre,  and  silent  like  night  when  brooding  over 
the  hatching  storm,  ho  lived  sliriink  within  him- 
self, with  only  the  fellowship  of  his  gloomy 
tlioughts  and  cruel  resolves.  .  .  .  There  is  sonie- 
tliing  terrific  in  the  secrecy,  dissimulation  and 
dogged  perseverance  with  whi?h  Philip  would, 
during  a  series  of  years,  meditate  and  iirepare 
the  destruction  of  one  man,  or  of  a  whole  popu- 
lation, and  something  still  more  awful  in  the  icy 
indiiTcrcnce,  tlie  superhuman  insensibility,  tlie 
occumulatcd  cold-blooded  energy  of  hoanled-up 
vengeance  with  which,  at  the  opportune  moment, 
he  would  issue  a  dry  sentence  of  extermination. 
.  .  .  He  seemed  to  take  pleasure  in  distilling, 
slowly  and  chemically,  the  poison  which.  Python- 
like, he  darted  at  every  object  which  lie  detested 
or  feared,  or  which  he  considered  an  obstacle  in 
hispatli." — C.  Gayarre,  Philip  11.  of  SiKiiii.ch.  1. 
A.  D.  1559-1562.— The  Spanish  troops,  the 
new  bishoprics,  and  the  shadow  of  the  In- 
quisition.— The  appeal  of  Brabant  to  its  an- 
cient "  Joyeuse  Entree." — "The  first  cause  of 
trouble,  after  Philip's  departure  from  the  Neth- 
erlands, arose  from  the  detention  of  the  Spanisli 
troops  there.  The  king  had  pledged  his  word 
.  .  .  that  they  should  leave  the  country  by  the 
end  of  four  months,  at  farthest.  Yet  tliat  period 
had  long  since  passed,  and  no  preparations  were 
made  for  their  departure.  The  indignation  of 
the  people  rose  higher  and  higher  at  tlie  insult 
thus  offered  by  the  presence  of  these  detested 
foreigners.  It  was  a  season  of  peace.  No  inva- 
sion was  threatened  from  abroad;  no  insurrec- 
tion existed  at  home.  .  .  .  Qranvelle  liimsclf, 
who  would  willingly  have  pli-ased  b's  master  by 
retaining  a  force  in  tlie  country  on  which  he 
could  rely,  admitted  that  the  project  was  im- 
practicable. 'The  troops  must  be  withdrawn,' 
he  wrote,  'and  that  speedily,  or  the  consequence 
will  be  an  insurrection.'.  .  .  Tlie  Prince  of 
Orange  and  Count  Egmont  threw  up  the  com- 
ma'ids  intrusted  to  tliem  by  the  king.  Tlicy 
dared  no  longer  hold  them,  as  the  minister 
added,  it  was  so  unpopular.  .  .  .  Yet  Pliilip 
was  slow  in  returning  an  answer  to  the  importu- 
nate letters  of  the  regent  and  the  minister;  and 
when  he  did  reply,  it  was  to  evade  their  re- 
quest. .  .  .  The  regent,  however,  saw  that, 
witli  or  without  instructions,  it  was  necessary 
to  act.  .  .  .  The  troops  were  ordered  to  Zea- 
land, in  order  to  embark  for  Spain.  But  tlie  winds 
proved  unfavorable.  Two  months  longer  they 
were  detained,  on  sliore  or  on  board  the  trans- 
ports. Tliey  soon  got  into  brawls  witli  the 
workmen  employed  on  the  dikes ;  and  tlie  inhabi- 
tants, still  apprehensive  of  orders  from  the  king 
countermanding  the  departure  of  the  Spaniards, 
resolved,  in  sucli  an  event,  to  abandon  the  dikes, 
and  lay  the  country  under  vater  !  Fortunately, 
they  were  not  driven  to  tliiii  extremity.  In  Jan- 
uary, 1561,   more  than  a  year  after  the  date 


2257 


NETIIEULANDS,  1559-1562. 


PhiUp  II. 


NETHERLANDS,  1562-1566. 


assigned  by  Philip,  tlio  nation  was  relieved  of 
tlic  presence  of  the  intruders.  .  .  .  This  diffl- 
culty  WHS  no  sooner  settled  tlinn  it  wns  followed 
by  nnotlicr  scarcely  less  serious. "  Arrangements 
had  been  made  for  "addinjj  13  new  bislioprics 
to  the  four  already  existing  in  the  Nctlicrlands. 
.  .  .  Tlie  wlmlc  :■  (fair  had  been  kept  profoundly 
secret  by  the  government.  It  was  not  till  1561 
that  Pliilip  di.selosed  his  views,  in  a  letter  to 
some  of  the  principal  nobles  in  the  council  of 
state.  But,  long  before  that  time,  the  project 
had  taken  wind,  and  created  ii  general  sensation 
through  the  country.  The  people  looked  on  it 
as  an  attempt  to  subject  them  to  the  same  eccle- 
siastical system  which  existed  in  Si)ain.  The 
bishops,  by  virtue  of  their  ollice,  were  possessed 
of  certain  inquisitorial  powers,  and  these  were 
still  furtlier  enlarged  by  the  provisions  of  tlie 
royal  edicts.  .  .  .  The  present  changes  were  re- 
garded as  part  of  a  great  scheme  for  introducing 
tlie  Spanish  Inquisition  into  the  Netherlands. 
.  .  .  The  nobles  had  other  reasons  for  opposing 
the  measure.  The  bisliops  would  occupy  in  the 
legislature  the  place  formerly  held  by  the  ab- 
bots, who  were  indebted  for  their  election  to 
tlie  religious  liouses  over  which  they  presided. 
The  new  prelates,  on  the  contrary,  would  receive 
their  nomination  from  the  crown ;  and  the  nobles 
saw  with  alarm  their  own  independence  men- 
aced by  the  accession  of  an  order  of  men  who 
would  naturally  be  subservient  to  tlie  interests 
of  the  monarch.  .  .  .  But  tlie  greatest  opposi- 
tion arose  from  the  manner  in  which  the  new 
dignitaries  were  to  be  maintained.  Tliis  was  to 
be  done  by  suppressing  the  offices  of  the  abbots, 
and  by  appropriating  the  revenues  of  their 
liouscs  to  the  maintenance  of  the  bishops.  .  .  . 
Just  before  Philip's  departure  from  the  Nether- 
lands, a  bull  arrived  from  Kome  authorizing  the 
erection  of  the  new  bishoprics.  This  was  but 
the  initiatory  step.  Many  other  proceedings 
were  necessary  before  the  consummation  of  the 
affair.  Owing  to  impediments  tlirown  in  the 
way  by  the  provinces,  and  the  liabitual  tardi- 
ness of  the  court  of  Rome,  nearly  three  years 
elapsed  before  the  flnol  briefs  were  expedited  by 
Pius  IV."— W.  II.  Prescott,  Ilist.  of  the  lleignof 
Philip  II.,  bk.  2,  ch.  6(!>.  1).—"  Against  the  arbi 
trary  policy  embodied  in  the  edicts,  the  new 
bishoprics  and  the  foreign  soldiery,  the  Nether- 
landers  appealed  to  their  ancient  constitutions. 
These  charters  were  called  'handvests'  in  the 
Vernacular  Dutch  and  Flemish,  because  the  sov- 
ereign made  them  fast  with  his  hand.  As 
already  stated,  Philip  had  made  them  faster 
than  uny  of  the  princes  of  his  house  had  ever 
done,  so  far  as  oath  and  signature  could  accom- 
plish that  purpose,  both  as  hereditary  prince  in 
1549,  and  as  monarch  in  1555.  ...  Of  tliese 
constitutions,  that  of  Brabant,  known  by  the 
title  of  the  '  joycuse  entree '  '  blyde  inkomst,'  or 
blythe  entrance,  furnished  the  n.ost  decisive 
barrier  against  the  present  wholesale  tyrannj'. 
First  and  for'^^.nost,  the  'joyous  entry  '  provided, 
'that  the 'iince  of  the  laiid  should  not  elevate 
the  clerica"  state  higher  than  of  old  has  been  cus- 
tomary and  uy  former  princes  settled;  unless  by 
consent  of  the  other  two  estates,  the  nobility 
and  the  cities.'  Again,  'the  prince  can  prose- 
cute no  one  of  his  sulijects,  nor  any  foreign  resi- 
dent, civilly  or  criminallj-,  except  in  the  ordi- 
nary and  open  courts  of  justice  in  the  province, 
■where  the  accused  may  answer  and  defend  him- 


self with  the  help  of  advocates.'  Further,  'the 
prince  shall  appoint  no  foreigners  to  olHco  in 
Brabant.'  Lastly  'should  the  prince,  by  force 
or  otherwise,  violate  any  of  these  prvilegcs,  the 
inhabitants  of  Brabant,  iftcr  regular  prote  en- 
tered, are  discharged  ol  their  oaths  of  allegiance, 
and,  as  free,  independent,  and  unbound  people, 
may  conduct  themselves  exactly  as  seems  to 
them  best.'  Such  were  the  leading  features,  so 
far  as  they  regarded  the  points  now  at  issue,  of 
that  famous  constitution  whicli  was  so  liighly 
esteemed  in  tlie  Netherlands,  that  mothers  came 
to  the  province  in  order  to  give  birth  to  their 
children,  wlio  might  thus  enjoy,  as  a  birthright, 
the  privileges  of  Brabant.  Yet  the  charters  of 
the  other  provinces  ought  to  have  been  as  effec- 
tive against  the  arbitrary  course  of  the  govern- 
ment. 'No  foreigner,'  said  the  constitution  of 
Holland,  '  is  eli^'^-'e  as  councillor,  financier, 
magistrate,  or  member  of  a  court.  Justice  can 
be  administered  only  by  the  ordinary  tribunals 
and  magistrates,  'f  he  ancient  law3  and  customs 
shall  remain  inviolable.  Should  the  prince  in- 
fringe any  of  these  provisions,  no  one  is  bound 
to  obey  liim.'  These  provisions  from  tlie  Brabant 
and  Holland  charters  arc  only  cited  as  illustra- 
tive of  the  general  spirit  of  the  provincial  con- 
stitutions. Nearly  all  the  provinces  possessed 
privileges  eqiially  ample,  duly  signed  and 
sealed."— J.  L.  Motley,  The  Rise  of  tlie  Dutch 
Itepublie,  pt.  2,  ch.  2  (c.  1). 

Also  in:  E.  E.  Crowe,  Cardinal  Oranvelle 
{Eminent  Foreign  Statesmen,  v.  1). 

A.  D.  1562-1566.  —  Beginning  of  organized 
resistance  to  the  tyranny  And  persecution  of 
Philip.  —  The  signing  of  the  Compromise. — 
The  League  o7  the  Gueux.  —  William  of 
Orange  now  "claimed,  in  the  name  of  the  whole 
country,  the  convocation  of  tlie  states-general. 
This  assembly  alone  was  competent  to  decide 
wliat  was  just,  legal,  and  obligatory  for  each 
province  and  every  town.  .  .  .  The  ministers 
endeavored  to  evade  a  demand  which  they  were 
at  first  unwilling  openly  to  refuse.  But  the  firm 
demeanor  and  persuasive  eloquence  of  the  prince 
of  Orange  carried  before  them  all  who  were  not 
actually  bought  by  the  crown;  and  Oranvelle 
found  liimself  at  length  forced  to  avow  that  an 
express  order  from  the  king  forbade  the  convo- 
cation of  the  states,  on  any  pretext,  during  his 
absence.  The  veil  was  thus  rent  asunder,  wliich 
liad  in  some  measure  concealed  the  deformity  of 
Philip's  despotism.  The  result  was  a  powerful 
confederacy  among  all  who  held  it  odious,  for 
the  overthrow  of  Granvclle,  to  wliom  they  chose 
to  attribute  the  king's  conduct.  .  .  .  Those  who 
composed  this  confederacy  against  the  minister 
were  actuated  by  a  great  variety  of  motives.  .  .  . 
It  is  doubtful  if  any  of  the  confederates  except 
the  ])rinco  of  Orange  clearly  saw  that  tlicy  were 
putting  tliemselves  in  direct  and  personal  opposi- 
tion to  the  king  himself.  AVilliam  alone,  clear- 
siglited  in  politics  and  profound  in  his  views, 
knew,  in  thus  devoting  himself  to  the  public 
cause,  the  adversary  with  whom  he  entered  the 
lists.  This  great  man,  for  wliom  the  national 
traditions  still  preserve  the  sacred  title  of 
'  father '  (Vader-Willem),  and  who  was  in  truth 
not  merely  the  parent  but  the  political  creator  of 
the  country,  was  at  tliis  period  in  his  30tli  j-ear. 
.  .  .  Philip,  .  .  .  driven  before  the  popular 
voice,  found  liimself  forced  to  the  choice  of 
throwing  off  the  mask  at  once,  or  of  sacrificing 


2258 


NETHERLANDS,  1562-1506. 


77i«  autiu. 


NETIIEULANDS,  1566-1568. 


Grnnvelle.  An  invincible  inclination  for  man- 
(suvring  and  deceit  deci(ie<l  liini  on  the  latter 
measure;  and  tlic  cardinul,  recalled  but  not  (lis- 

f raced,  quitted  tlic  Netlierlands  on  tlie  lOtli  of 
larch,  1504.  The  secret  instructions  to  the 
government  remained  imrevoked ;  the  president 
viglius  succeeded  to  the  post  which  Granvellc 
had  occupied;  and  it  ^vas  clear  that  the  projei'ts 
of  the  king  had  suffered  no  change.  Js'evcrthc- 
less  some  go(Ml  resulted  from  the  departure 
of  the  unpo;nilar  minister.  Tlie  public  fermenta- 
tion 8ub.sided;  tlie 'patriot  lords  reappeared  at 
court;  and  the  prince  of  Orange  nciiuired  an  in- 
creasing inlluence  in  the  council  and  over  the 
governant.  ...  It  was  resolved  to  dispatch  a 
special  envoy  to  Spain,  to  e.\plaiu  to  Philip  the 
views  of  the  council.  .  .  .  Tlie  count  of  Kgmonl, 
chosen  by  the  council  for  this  imiiortant  mission, 
set  out  for  Madrid  in  the  month  of  Feliruary, 
1565.  Philip  received  him  with  profound  hy- 
pocrisy; loaded  liim  witli  the  most  flattering 
'promises;  sent  him  back  in  tlic  utmost  elation ; 
and  when  the  credulous  count  returned  to  Brus- 
sels, he  found  that  the  written  orders,  of  which 
lie  was  the  bearer,  were  in  direct  variance  with 
every  word  which  the  king  had  uttered.  Tlie.se 
orders  were  chietly  concerning  the  reiterated  sub- 
ject of  the  persecution  to  be  inflexibly  pursued 
against  the  religious  reformers.  Not  satisfled 
with  the  hitherto  established  forms  of  punish- 
ment, Philip  now  expressly  commanded  that  the 
more  revolting  means  decreed  by  his  father  in 
the  rigor  of  his  early  zeal,  such  as  burning, 
living  burial,  and  the  like,  should  be  adopted. 
.  .  .  Even  Viglius  was  terrifled  by  tlie  nature  of 
Philip's  commands;  and  the  patriot  lords  once 
more  withdrew  from  all  share  in  the  government, 
leaving  to  tlie  duchess  of  Parma  and  her  minis- 
ters the  whole  responsibility  of  the  new  meas- 
ures. They  were  at  length  put  into  actual  and 
vigorous  execution  in  the  beginning  of  tlie  year 
1506.  The  inquisitors  of  the  faith,  with  their 
familiars,  stalked  abroad  boldly  in  the  devoted 
provinces,  carrying  persecution  and  death  in  their 
train.  Numerous  but  partial  insurrections  oj)- 
posed  these  odious  intruders.  Every  district 
and  town  became  the  scene  of  frightful  execu- 
tions or  tumultuous  resistance." — T.  C.  Grattan, 
Ilitt.  (if  the  Netherlands,  ch.  7. — In  November, 
1565,  a  meeting  of  Flemish  nobles  was  held  at 
Culeiiborg  House,  Brussels,  where  they  formed 
a  league,  in  which  Philip  de  Marnix,  Lord  of 
8te.  Aldcgonde,  Count  Louis  of  Nassau,  a 
younger  brother  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and 
Viscount  Brcderodc,  were  tlio  foremost  leaders. 
"  In  a  meeting  held  at  Breda,  in  Jany.  1506, 
the  league  promulgated  their  views  in  a  p'lper 
called  the  Compromise,  attributed  to  the  hand  of 
Ste.  Aldcgonde.  The  document  contained  a  se- 
vere denunciation  of  the  inquisition  as  an  illegal, 
pernicious  and  iniquitous  tribunal ;  the  subscrib- 
ers swore  to  defend  one  another  against  any 
attack  that  might  be  made  upon  them ;  and 
declared,  at  the  sanie  time,  that  they  did  not 
mean  to  throw  off  their  allegiance  to  the  King. 
.  .  .  lu  tlie  course  of  two  months  the  Com- 
promise was  signed  by  about  2,000  jiersons,  in- 
cluding many  Catholics;  but  only  a  few  of  tlic 
great  nobles  could  be  prevailed  on  to  subscribe 
it.  .  .  .  Tlie  Prince  of  Orange  at  first  kept, 
aloof  from  the  league,  and  at  this  period  Egmont, 
who  was  of  a  more  impulsive  temper,  seemed  to 
act  the  leading  part ;  but  the  uatiou  relied  solely 

3-45  22 


u))on  \niliam.  The  latter  gave  at  least  n  tacit 
sancticm  to  the  league  in  the  spring  of  1506,  by 
joining  the  members  of  it  in  a  petition  to  the 
Kegent  which  he  had  himself  revised." — T.  H. 
Dyer,  llini.  of  Motkrn  Jiiimpe,  bk.  ;i,  (h.  7  (r.  2). 
— "The  league  had  its  origin  in  ban(iuets,  and 
a  baiKpiet  gave  it  form  and  perfection.  .  .  . 
Brcderode  entertained  the  confederates  in  Kui- 
lemberg  House;  about  IJOO  guests  assembled; 
intoxication  gave  tlii'in  courage,  and  their 
audacity  ro.se  with  tlicir  numbers.  During  the 
conversation,  one  of  their  number  happened  to 
remark  that  be  had  overheard  the  Count  of  Bar- 
laimont  whisper  in  Frendi  to  the  regent,  who 
was  seen  to  turn  pale  on  the  delivery  of  the 
petitions,  that  '  she  need  not  be  afraid  of  a  band 
<if  beggars  (gueux).' .  .  .  Now,  as  the  very  name 
for  their  fraternity  was  the  very  thing  which  had 
most  ])erplexed  them,  an  expression  was  eagerly 
caught  up,  wliicli,  while  it  cloaked  the  presump- 
tion of  their  enterprise  in  humility,  was  at  the 
same  time  appropriate  to  tliem  as  petitioners. 
Immediately  they  drank  to  one  another  under 
tliis  uame,  and  the  cry  'Long  live  the  gueux!' 
was  accompanied  with  a  general  shout  of  ap- 
l)lause.  .  .  .  What  they  had  resolved  on  in  the 
moment  of  intoxication  they  attempted,  wlien 
sol)er,  to  carry  into  execution.  ...  In  a  few 
days,  the  town  of  Brussels  swarmed  with  ash- 
gray  garments,  such  as  were  usually  worn  by 
mendicant  friars  and  penitents.  Every  confed- 
erate put  his  wliole  family  and  domestics  in  this 
dress.  Some  carried  wooden  bowls  thinly  over- 
laid with  plates  of  silver,  cups  of  the  same  kind, 
and  wooden  knives;  in  sliort,  the  whole  para- 
phernalia of  the  beggar  tribe,  wliicli  they  either 
fixed  round  their  hats  or  suspended  from  their 
girdles.  .  .  .  Hence  the  origin  of  the  name 
•  Gueux,' which  was  subsequently  borne  in  the 
Netherlands  by  all  who  seceded  from  popery, 
and  took  up  arms  against  the  king." — F.  Schiller, 
llintory  of  the  llevolt  of  the  Netherlands,  bk.  3. 

Also  in  :  J.  L.  Jlotley,  The  Rise  of  the  Dutch 
liepuhlic,  pt.  2,  ch.  3-6  (v.  1). — F.  von  Haunier, 
Hist,  of  the  lO/A  and  \lth  Centunes  ill.  by  original 
docs.,  letter  \^  (n.   1). 

A.  D.  1566-1568, —  Field  preaching  under 
arms. —  The  riots  of  the  Image-breakers. — 
Philip's  schemes  of  revenge. — Discouragement 
aiul  retirement  of  Orange. — Blindness  of  Eg- 
mont and  Horn,  and  their  fate. — "  While  the 
Privy  Council  was  endeavouring  to  obtain  a 
'  Moderation '  of  the  Edicts,  ami  .  .  .  effected 
that  the  heretics  should  be  no  longer  burnt  but 
hung,  and  that  the  Inijuisitiou  should  proceed 
'prudently,  and  with  circumspection,'  a  move- 
ment broke  out  among  the  people  which  mocked 
at  all  Edicts.  The  open  country  was  suddenly 
covered  with  thousands  of  armed  noblemen,  citi- 
zens, and  i)easants,  wlio  assembled  in  large  crowds 
in  the  ojien  air  to  listen  to  some  heretical  ji readier, 
Lutheran,  Calvinist,  or  even  an  Anabaptist,  and 
to  hold  forbidden  services,  witli  prayers  and 
hymns,  in  tlie  mother  tongue.  They  sallied  forth 
with  pistols,  arquebuses,  flails,  and  pitchforks; 
the  place  of  meeting  was  marked  out  like  a  camp, 
and  surrounded  by  guards ;  from  10,000  to  20,000 
assembled,  the  armed  men  outside,  the  women 
and  children  within.  After  the  immense  choir 
had  sung  a  psalm,  one  of  the  excommunicated 
preachers  appeared  between  two  pikes  (according 
to  the  'Moderation'  a  price  wrs  set  u))on  the 
head  of  every  one  of  them),  and  expounded  the 

59 


NETHERLANDS,  1500-1568.      Imigebreaking.      NETHEHLANDS.  1506-1508. 


new  doctrine  from  the  Scriptures;  tlic  ftS8cml)ly 
listened  in  (ievout  silence,  and  when  the  service 
was  ended  separated  ((uietiy,  but  deliantly.  This 
wiw  repeated  day  after  day  throughout  the  coun- 
try, and  nobody  dared  to  utt4ick  the  armed  Held 
preachers.  The  Regent  was  in  a  painful  situa- 
tion ;  she  was  always  having  it  ijrodaimed  that 
tlic  Edicts  were  in  force,  but  nobody  cared.  .  ,  . 
It  was  all  in  vain  unless  foreign  troops  came  to 
enforce  ot)C(lience,  and  these  she  had  neither 
power  nor  funds  to  procure.  The  King  liesitate<l 
in  his  usual  fashion,  and  left  the  Regent  to 
tlio  torments  of  powerlessness  and  uncertainty. 
Meanwhile  the  universal  excitement  bore  fatal 
fruit.  Instead  of  the  dignified  i)reachiMgs  and 
peaceful  assemblies  of  .May,  in  June  and  July 
there  were  wild  excesses  and  furious  mobs. 
Orange  had  just  persuaded  the  Regent  to  permit 
the  tleld  preacliing  in  tlie  open  country,  if  tliev 
avoided  the  towns,  when  the  first  great  outbreak 
occurred  in  Antwerp.  Two  ilays  after  a  great 
procession,  on  the  18th  of  August,  1560,  at  which 
the  Catholic  clergy  of  Antwerp  had  made  a  pomp- 
ous display  to  the  onnoyance  of  the  numerous 
Protestants,  the  beautiful  cathedral  was  invaded 
by  a  furious  mob,  wlio  destroyed  witliout  mercy 
ail  the  images,  pictures,  and  objects  of  art  that 
it  contained.  This  demolition  of  im.  ges,  the 
stripping  of  churches,  desecration  of  cliapels,  and 
destruction  of  all  symbols  of  the  ancient  faith, 
spread  from  Antwerp  to  other  places,  Tournay, 
Volencienncs,  &c.  It  was  done  with  a  certain 
moderation,  for  neither  personal  violence  nor 
theft  took  place  anywhere,  though  innumerable 
costly  articles  werc'lying  about.  Still,  tliese  fa- 
natical scenes  not  only  excited  the  ire  of  Catholics, 
but  of  every  religious  man;  in  Antwerp,  espe- 
cially, the  seafaring  mob  had  rushed  ujion  every- 
thing that  had  been  held  sacred  for  centuries.  In 
her  distress  the  Regent  wished  to  flee  from  Brus- 
sels, but  Orange,  Egmont,  and  Horn  compelled 
her  to  remain,  and  induced  her  to  proclaim  the 
Act  of  the  25th  of  August,  by  which  an  armistice 
was  decided  on  between  Spain  and  the  Beggars. 
In  this  the  Government  conceded  the  abolition  of 
the  Inquisition  and  the  toleration  of  the  new 
doctrines,  and  the  Beggars  declared  that  for  so 
long  as  this  promise  was  kept  their  league  was 
dissolved.  In  consideration  of  this,  the  first  men 
in  the  country  agreed  to  quell  the  disturbances  in 
Flanders,  Antwerp,  Tournay,  and  Malines,  and  to 
restore  peace.  Orange  effected  this  in  Antwerp 
like  a  true  statesman,  who  knew  how  to  keep 
himself  above  party  spirit;  but  in  Flanders,  Eg- 
mont, on  the  contrary,  went  to  work  like  a  brutal 
soldier;  he  stormetf  against  the  heretics  like 
Philip's  Spanish  executioners,  and  the  scales  fell 
from  the  eyes  of  the  bitterly  disappointed  people. 
Meanwhile  a  decision  had  been  come  to  at  ^ladrid. 
.  .  .  When  at  length  the  irresolute  King  liad  de- 
termined to  proclaim  an  amnesty,  though  it  was 
really  rather  a  proscription,  and  to  promise  in- 
dulgence, while  he  was  assuring  the  Pope  by 
protocol  before  notaries  that  he  never  would  grant 
any,  the  news  came  of  the  image  riots  of  August, 
and  a  report  from  the  Duchess  in  which  she 
humbly  begged  the  King's  pardon  for  having 
allowed  a  kmd  of  i,  ligious  peace  to  be  extorted 
from  her,  but  she  vvas  entirelj'  innocent;  they 
had  forced  it  from  her  as  a  prisoner  in  her  pal- 
ace, and  there  was  one  comfort,  that  the  King  was 
not  bound  by  a  promise  made  only  in  her  name. 
Philip's  rage  was  boundless.  ...  He  was  re- 


solved upon  fearful  revenge,  even  when  ho  was 
writing  that  he  should  know  how  to  restore  order 
in  his  provinces  by  means  of  grace  and  mercy. 
.  .  .  Weli-informeti  as  Orange  was,  he  under- 
stood the  whole  situation  perfectly ;  he  knew  that 
while  the  Regent  was  heaping  flattery  upon  Inm, 
she  and  Philip  were  compassing  his  destruction ; 
that  her  only  object  couUl  be  to  keep  tlie  peace 
until  the  Spanish  preparations  were  complete, 
and  meanwhile,  if  pot.jible,  to  compromise  him 
witli  the  people,  lie  wrote  to  Egmont,  and  laid 
the  danf^ers  of  their  situation  before  him,  and 
communicated  his  resolve  either  to  escape  Philip's 
revenge  by  flight,  or  to  join  with  his  friends  in 
armeclrcsist^ince  to  the  expected  attack  of  the 
Spanish  army.  But  Egmont  in  his  unhappy 
blindness  luul  resolved  to  side  witli  the  Govern- 
ment which  was  more  than  ever  determined  on 
his  destruction,  and  the  meeting  at  Dendermonde, 
October,  1500.  when  Orange  consulted  him,  Louis 
of  Nassau,  and  Ilogstraaten,  as  to  a  plan  of  united 
action,  was  entirely  fruitless.  .  .  .  Admiral  Horn, 
who  had  staked  large  property  in  tlie  service  of 
tlie  Emperor  and  Kmg,  and  had  never  received 
the  least  return  in  answer  to  his  just  demands, 
gave  up  his  office,  and,  like  a  weary  plulosopher, 
retired  into  solitude.  Left  entirely  alone.  Orange 
thought  of  emigrating;  in  short,  the  upper  circle 
of  'he  previous  party  of  opposition  no  longer  ex- 
isted. But  it  was  not  so  with  tlio  mad  leaders  of 
the  Beggars.  While  the  zealous  inhabitants  of 
Valenciennes,  incited  by  two  of  the  most  daunt- 
less Calvinistic  preachers,  undertook  to  defend 
themselves  against  the  royal  troops  with  desperate 
bravery.  Count  Brederode  went  about  the  coun- 
try with  a  clang  of  sabres,  exciting  disturbances 
in  order  to  give  the  heretics  at  Valenciennes 
breathing-time  by  a  happy  diversion.  .  .  .  All 
that  Philip  wanted  to  enable  him  to  gain  the  day 
was  an  unsuccessful  attempt  at  revolt.  The 
attack  upon  images  and  the  Beggars'  volunteer 
march  did  more  for  the  Government  tlian  all 
Granvella's  system;  .  .  .  drove  every  one  who 
favoured  the  Catholics  and  loved  peace  into  the 
arms  of  the  Government.  The  reaction  set  in 
with  the  sanguinary  defeat  of  the  rebels  at  Valen- 
ciennes, who  never  again  even  made  on  attempt 
at  resistance.  Orange  gave  up  the  liberties  of 
his  country  for  lost.  .  .  .  Stating  that  he  could 
never  take  the  new  oath  of  fealty  which  was  re- 
quired, because  it  woidd  oblige  him  to  become 
the  executioner  of  his  Protestant  countrymen,  ho 
renounced  his  offices  and  dignities,  .  .  .  made  a 
last  attempt  to  save  his  friend  Egmont,  .  .  .  and 
retired  to  Dillenburg,  tlie  ancient  property  of  the 
family.  He  wished  to  be  spared  for  better  times ; 
he  saw  tlie  storm  coming,  and  was  too  cool- 
headed  to  offer  himself  as  the  first  sacritice.  In 
fact,  just  when  he  was  travelling  towards  Ger- 
many, Duke  Alba  [more  commonly  called  Alva], 
the  hangman  of  the  Netherlands,  was  on  his  way 
to  his  destination."  Alva  arrived  in  August, 
1507,  with  an  army  of  10,000  carefully  picked 
veterans,  fully  empowered  to  make  the  Nether- 
lands a  conquered  territory  and  deal  witli  it  as 
such.  His  first  important  act  was  the  treacherous 
seizure  and  imprisonment  of  Egmont  and  Horn. 
Then  the  organization  of  terror  began.  The  im- 
prisonment and  the  mockery  of  a  trial  of  the  two 
most  distinguished  victims  was  protracted  until 
the  5th  of  June,  1508,  when  they  were  beheaded 
in  tlie  great  square  at  Brussels. — L.  Ililusser,  T/ie 
Period  of  the  liejovmatioii,  ch.  32-23. 


2260 


NETIIEULAXDS,  13C0-1568. 


Alia  (111(1  thr 
Counvil  (i/  Ulwid. 


NETHEULAXDS,  1567. 


Also  in:  .1.  L.  :Motk'V,  The  /?('«c  of  tlif  Thttrh 
Republic,  ),t.  2.  eh.  d-U).  uial  pt.  [i/eh.  l-'i.—V. 
Schiller,  JIM.  of  the  Uecolt  of  the  y<thirltuuh,  bk. 
3-4. 

A.  D.  1567.— The  Council  of  Blood.— "In 
the  saiiio  (k'spatch  of  tlie  Olh  Seiiteinbcr  [1507], 
in  which  the  Duke  coiiiiiuiiiieiiteil  to  Philip  the 
cnpture  of  Kgiiumt  luul  lldrii,  lie  aimouiiceil  to 
him  his  deteriiiiniitioii  to  estublisli  11  new  court 
for  the  trial  of  crimes  cominitted  during  tlie  re- 
cent pericvlof  troubles.  This  wonderful  tribunal 
was  accordingly  created  with  the  least  possible 
delay.  It  was  called  the  Council  of  Troubles, 
but  It  soon  acquired  the  terrible  name,  by  which 
it  will  be  forever  known  in  history,  of  tlie  Blood- 
Council.  It  s\iperse(led  all  other  institutions. 
Every  court,  from  those  of  the  niunicnpal  magis- 
tracies up  to  the  supreme  councils  of  the  prov- 
inces, were  forbidden  to  take  coi:nisance  in  future 
of  any  cause  growing  out  of  the  late  troubles. 
The  Council  of  State,  although  it  was  not  for- 
mally disbanded,  fell  into  complete  desuetude,  its 
members  being  occasionally  summoned  into 
Alva's  private  chambers  in  an  irregular  manner, 
while  its  principal  functions  were  usurped  by 
the  Blood-Council.  Xot  only  citizens  of  every 
province,  but  the  municipal  b(xlies,  and  even  the 
sovereign  provincial  Estates  themselves,  were 
compelled  to  plead,  like  humble  individuals,  be- 
fore this  new  and  c.vtraordinary  tribunal.  It  is 
unnecessary  to  allude  to  the  absolute  violation 
which  was  thus  committed  of  all  charters,  laws, 
and  privileges,  b.  cause  the  very  creati(ju  of  tlie 
Council  was  a  hold  and  brutal  proclamation  that 
those  laws  and  privileges  were  at  an  end.  .  .  . 
So  well  .  .  .  did  this  new  and  terrible  engine 
perform  its  work,  that  in  less  than  three  months 
from  the  time  of  itsereci'.m,  1,800  hiunan  beings 
had  suffered  death  by  its  summary  proceed- 
ings; s(mic  of  the  highest,  the  noblest,  and  the 
most  virtuous  in  the  land  among  the  number; 
nor  had  it  then  manifested  th.  slightest  indica- 
tion of  faltering  in  its  dread  career.  Yet,  strange 
to  say,  this  tremendous  court,  thus  established 
upon  the  ruins  of  nil  the  ancient  institutions  of 
the  country,  had  not  been  provided  witli  even  a 
nominal  authority  from  any  source  whatever. 
The  King  had  granted  it  no  letters  patent  or 
charter,  nor  had  even  the  Duke  of  Alva  thought 
it  worth  while  to  grant  any  commissions,  eitlier 
in  his  own  name  or  as  Captain-General,  to  any 
of  the  members  composing  tlie  board.  The 
Blood-Council  was  merely  an  informal  club,  of 
which  the  Duke  was  perpetual  jtresident,  while 
the  other  membeis  ■were  all  appointed  by  him- 
self. Of  these  subordinate  councillors,  two  had 
the  right  of  voting,  subject,  however,  in  all 
cases,  to  his  flnal  decision,  while  the  rest  of  the 
number  did  not  vote  at  all.  It  had  not,  there- 
fore, in  any  sense,  the  character  of  a  judicial, 
legislative,  or  executive  tribunal,  but  was  purely 
a  board  of  advice  by  which  the  bloody  labours 
of  the  Duke  were  occasionally  lightened  as  to 
detail,  while  not  a  feather's  weight  of  power  or 
of  responsibility  was  removed  from  his  shoulders. 
He  reserved  for  himself  the  linal  decision  upon 
all  causes  which  should  come  before  the  Council, 
and  stated  his  motives  for  so  doing  with  grim 
simplicity.  'Two  reasons,'  he  wrote  to  the 
King,  '  have  determined  nie  thus  to  limit  the 
power  of  the  tribinial ;  the  first  that,  not  know- 
ing its  members,  I  might  be  easilv  ileceived  by 
them ;  the  second,  that  the  men  of  law  only  con- 


demn for  crimes  which  are  proved ;  whereas  your 
-Majesty  knows  tlial  affairs  of  state  are  gov- 
erned by  very  different  rules  from  the  hiws 
whidi  they  have  here.'  It  being,  therefore,  the 
object  of  the  Duke  to  compose  a  hotly  of  men 
who  would  be  of  assistance  to  him  in  condemn- 
ing for  crimes  which  could  no'  be  proved,  and  in 
slipping  over  stattiles  whicli  were  not  to  be  rec- 
ognised, it  must  be  confessed  that  lie  was  not 
unfortunate  in  the  appointnieuta  which  he  made 
to  the  olllcc  of  councillors.  ...  No  one  who 
was  offered  the  office  refused  it.  Noircarmes 
and  Berlaymout  accepted  with  very  great  eager- 
ness. Several  iiresidents  and  councillors  of  the 
diirerent  provincial  tribunals  were  appointed, 
but  all  tlie  Netherlanders  were  men  of  straw. 
Two  Spaniards,  Del  Uio  and  Vargas,  were  the 
only  memliers  who  could  vote,  while  their  decis- 
ions, as  already  stated,  were  subject  to  reversal 
by  Alva.  Del  Rio  was  a  man  without  character 
or  talent,  a  mere  tool  in  the  hands  of  his  super- 
iors, but  Juan  de  Vargas  was  a  terrible  reality. 
Xo  better  man  could  have  been  found  in  Europe 
for  the  post  to  which  he  was  thus  elevated.  To 
shed  human  blood  was,  in  his  opinion,  the  only 
important  business  and  the  only  e.\hilarating 
pastime  of  life.  ...  It  was  tlie  duty  of  the  dif- 
ferent subalterns,  who,  as  already  stated,  had  no 
right  of  voting,  to  prepare  reports  upon  the 
cases.  Xothing  tould  be  more  summary.  In- 
formation was  lodged  against  a  man,  or  against 
a  hundred  men,  in  one  document.  The  Duke 
sent  the  papers  to  the  Council,  and  the  inferior 
councillors  reported  at  once  to  Vargas.  If  the 
report  concluded  with  a  recommendation  of 
death  to  the  man  or  the  hundred  men  in  (luc-stion, 
Vargas  instantly  approved  it,  and  execution  was 
done  upon  the  man,  or  the  hunilred  men,  within 
•18  hours.  If  the  report  had  any  other  conclu- 
sion, it  was  immediately  sent  back  for  revision, 
and  the  reporters  were  overwhelmed  with  re- 
jiroaches  by  the  President.  Such  being  the 
method  of  operation,  it  ma}'  be  supposed  tliat 
the  councillors  were  not  allowed  to  slacken  in 
their  terrible  industry.  The  register  of  every 
city,  village,  and  hamlet  throughout  the  Nether- 
lands showed  the  daily  lists  of  men,  women,  and 
children  thus  .sacrificed  at  the  shrine  of  the  de- 
mon WHO  had  obtained  the  mastery  over  this 
unlia|)py  lanil.  It  was  not  often  that  an  indi- 
vidual was  of  sutlicient  importance  to  be  tried  — 
if  trial  it  could  be  called  —  by  himself.  It  was 
found  more  expeditious  to  send  them  in  hatches 
to  the  furnace.  Thus,  for  example,  on  the  4th 
of  January,  84  inhabitants  of  Valenciennes  were 
condemned;  on  another  day,  95  miscellaneous 
individuals  from  different  places  in  Flanders;  ou 
another,  40  inhabitjints  of  Malines;  on  another, 
35  person^  from  different  localities,  and  so  on.  .  .  . 
Thus  the  whole  country  became  a  charnel-house ; 
the  death-bel!  tolled  hourly  in  eveify  village ;  not 
a  family  but  was  called  to  mourn  for  its  dearest 
relatives,  while  the  survivors  stalked  listlessly 
about,  the  ghosts  of  their  former  selves,  omong- 
the  wrecks  of  their  former  homes.  The  spirit  of 
the  nation,  within  a  few  months  after  the  arrival 
of  Alva,  seemed  hopelessly  broken.  The  blood 
of  its  best  and  I -:  vest  had  already  stained  the 
scaffold ;  men  to  w  uom  it  had  been  accustomed 
to  look  for  guidance  and  protection,  were  dead, 
in  prison,  or  in  exile.  Submission  had  ceased  to 
be  of  any  avail,  flight  was  impossible,  and  tlio 
spirit  of  vengeance  hud  alighted  ut  every  fireside. 


00 


261 


NETHERLANnS,  1567. 


NETHERLANDS,  1S68-1572. 


The  mouriif  rs  went  ilnlly  nlmut  tlio  streets,  for 
there  was  Imrdly  n  house  wliich  liiul  not  been 
made  desolate.  The  sealTolds,  the  ijallows,  the 
funeral  piles  whieh  had  been  siiMicient  in  ordi- 
nary times,  furnislied  now  an  entirely  inH(l('(iuale 
niaehinery  for  the  incessant  executions.  Columns 
and  stakes  in  every  street,  the  door-posts  of 
private  houses,  the  fences  in  tlie  tields,  were 
la<len  with  human  carcases,  strangled,  burned, 
l)eheaded.  The  orchards  in  the  coimtry  bore  on 
many  a  tree  the  hideous  fruit  of  human  bodies. 
Thus  the  Netherlands  were  crushed,  and,  but  for 
the  stringency  of  the  tyranny  which  had  now 
closed  their  gates,  would  have  been  depopula- 
ted."—J.  li.  Motley,  The  Jiiae  of  the  Dutch  He- 
piihlir,  pt.  ;t,  rh.  1  (/'.  2). 

A.  D.  1568.  —  Stupendous  death-sentence 
of  the  Inquisition. — The  whole  population  con- 
demned.—  "Early  in  the  year,  the  must  sublime 
sentence  of  death  was  im)mulgated  which  bus 
ever  been  pronounced  since  the  creation  of  the 
•world.  Tlie  Itoman  tyrant  wished  that  his  ene- 
mies' heads  were  all  upon  a  .single  neck,  that  he 
mi^ht  strike  them  off  at  a  blow ;  the  Inquisition 
assibted  Philip  lo  place  the  heads  of  all  his 
Nethcrland  subjects  upiMi  a  single  neck,  for  the 
same  fell  purpose.  Upm  the  10th  February, 
1568,  a  sentence  of  the  iloly  Oflice  condemned 
all  the  inliabitants  of  the  Netherlands  to  death 
as  heretics.  From  this  universal  doom  only  a 
few  persons,  especially  named,  were  cxcejited. 
A  proclamation  of  the  King,  dated  ten  daj'S 
later,  <ontirmcd  tliis  decree  of  the  Inquisition, 
and  ordered  it  to  be  carried  into  instant  execu- 
lion  without  regard  to  age,  sex,  or  condition. 
This  is  probably  tlie  most  concise  deatl.-v, arrant 
that  was  ever  framed.  Three  millions  Ol  people, 
men,  women,  and  children,  were  sentenced  to 
the  scaffold  in  three  lines;  and  as  it  was  well 
known  that  these  were  not  harmless  thunders, 
like  some  bulls  of  the  Vatican,  but  serious  and 
practical  measures  whicli  it  was  intended  should 
be  enforced,  the  horror  which  tliey  produced 
may  be  easily  imagined.  It  was  hardly  the  pur- 
pose of  Government  to  compel  the  absolute  com- 
pletion of  the  wholesale  plan  in  all  its  length  and 
breadth,  yet  in  the  horrible  times  upon  wliich 
they  had"  fallen,  the  Netherlanders  might  be  ex- 
cused for  believing  lliat  no  measure  was  too 
monstrous  to  be  fullilled.  At  any  rate,  it  was 
certain  tliat  when  all  were  condemned,  any 
■might  at  a  moment's  warning  be  carried  to  tlio 
scaffold,  and  tliis  was  precisely  the  course 
adopted  by  the  authorities.  .  .  .  Under  tliis  new 
decree,  tlie  executions  certainly  did  not  slacken. 
Men  in  the  highest  and  tlie  humblest  positions 
were  daily  and  hourly  dragged  to  tlie  stake. 
Alva,  in  a  single  letter  to  Philip,  coolly  esti- 
mated llie  number  of  executions  which  were  to 
take  place  immediately  after  the  expirati<m  of 
Holy  Week,  'at  800  heads.'  Many  a  citizen,  con- 
victed of  a  hundred  thousand  florins,  and  of  no 
other  crime,  saw  himself  suddenly  tied  to  a 
horse's  tail,  with  Ills  hands  fastened  behind  him, 
and  so  dragged  to  the  gallows.  But  although 
■wealth  was  an  unpardonable  sin,  poverty  jiroved 
rarely  a  protection.  Reasons  sulHcient  could  al- 
ways be  found  for  dooming  the  starvelvig 
laborer  as  well  as  the  opulent  burgher.  To  avoid 
the  disturbances  created  in  tlie  streets  by  the  fre- 
quent harangues  or  exhortations  addressed  to  the 
bystanders  by  the  victims  on  their  way  to  the 
scaffold,  a  new  gag  was  invented.    The  tongue 


of  each  prisoner  was  screwed  into  an  iron  ring, 
and  then  seared  with  a  hot  iron.  Thoswelling  and 
inllammation,  which  were  the  immediate  result, 
prevented  the  tongue  from  slipping  through  the 
ring,  and  of  course  efTectually  precluded  all  pos- 
sibility of  speech."—.!.  L.  .Slotley,  The  Jiise  of 
tlic  Dutch  Itiiiiihlic,  })t.  ."i.  ch.  2  (i\  2). 

A.  D.  1568-1572. —  The  arming  of  Revolt 
and  beginning  oT  War  by  the  Prince  of  Orange. 
— Alva  s  successes,  brutalities,  and  senseless 
taxation.  —  Quarrels  with  England  and  de- 
struction of  Flemish  trade. — "  So  unprecedented 
already  was  the  slauirhler  that  even  in  the  be- 
ginning of  Manli  irittH.  when  Alva  had  been 
scarcely  six  months  in  the  countrv,  the  Emperor 
i^Iaximilian,  himself  a  Roman  Catholic,  addressed 
a  formal  remonstrance  to  the  king  on  the  subject, 
as  bis  dignity  entitled  him  to  do,  .since  tlie  Neth- 
erlands were  a  part  of  the  Germanic  body.  It 
received  an  answer  which  was  an  insult  to  the 
remonstrant  from  its  detiance  of  truth  and  com- 
mon sense,  and  which  cut  olT  all  hope  from  the 
miserable  Flemings.  Philip  declared  that  what 
he  had  done  had  been  done  '  for  the  rejiose  of 
the  Provinces,' .  .  .  and  almost  on  the  same 
day  he  published  a  new  edict,  confirming  a  de- 
cree of  tlic  Inquisition  which  condemned  all  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Netherlands  to  death  as  here- 
tics, with  the  exception  of  a  few  i)ersons  who 
were  named  [see  above].  ...  In  their  utter  de- 
spair, tlie  Flemings  implored  the  aid  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  who  .  .  .  had  quitted  the  country. 
.  .  .  He  was  now  residing  at  Dillenbourg,  in 
Nassau,  in  safety  from  Philip's  threats,  and  from 
the  formal  sentence  which,  in  addition  to  the 
general  condemnation  of  the  whole  people,  the 
Council  of  Blood  had  just  pronounced  against 
him  by  name.  But  he  resolved  that  In  such  an 
emergency  it  did  not  become  him  to  weigh  his 
own  safety  against  the  claims  his  countrymen 
had  on  his  exertions.  After  a  few  weeks  ener- 
getically spent  in  levying  troops  and  raising 
UKmey  to  maintain  them,  be  published  a  docu- 
ment ■which  he  entitled  his 'Justification,' and 
which  stated  liis  own  case  and  that  of  the  Prov- 
inces with  a  mo.st  convincing  clearness;  and  at 
the  end  of  April  he  took  the  lleld  at  the  head  of 
a  small  force,  composed  of  French  Huguenots, 
Flemish  exiles,  .  .  .  and  German  mercenaries. 
.  .  .  Thus  in  the  spring  of  1568  began  that  terri- 
ble war  which  for  40  years  desolated  what,  in  spite 
of  great  natural  disadvantages,  had  hitherto  been 
one  of  the  most  prosperous  countries  of  Europe. 
...  To  dwell  on  many  of  its  details  .  .  .  would 
require  volumes.  .  .  .  And,  indeed,  the  pitched 
battles  were  few.  At  the  outset  [May  23, 1508] 
Count  Louis  of  Nassau,  the  prince's  brother,  de- 
f  I  ted  and  slew  Count  Aremberg,  the  Spanish 
governor  of  the  province  of  Groningen,  very 
nearly  on  the  spot  [near  the  convent  of  Heiliger- 
Lee,  or  tlie  Holy  Lion]  on  which,  in  the  palmy 
days  of  Rome,  the  fierce  valor  of  Arminius  had 
annihilated  the  legions  wliose  loss  was  so  deeply 
imprinted  on  the  heart  of  Augustus ;  and  Alva 
had  avenged  the  disaster  by  so  complete  a  rout 
of  Louis  at  Jemmingcn,  that  more  than  half  of 
tlie  rebel  army  was  slaughtered  on  the  field, 
and  Louis  liimself  only  escaped  a  capture,  which 
would  have  delivered  him  to  the  scaffold,  by 
swimming  tlie  Ems,  and  escaping  with  a  mere 
handful  of  troops,  all  that  were  left  of  his  army, 
into  Germany.  But  after  dealing  this  blow  .  .  . 
Alva  rarely  fought  a  battle  in  the  open  field. 


2262 


NETHERLANDS,  1.108-1573. 


Dutch  RepuMic. 


NETHERLANDS,  1573. 


He  preferred  Bliowing  the  superiority  of  his  gvn- 
ernlNliip  by  (IcfyiiiK  llii^  eiideiiVDur.s  of  the  prTiico 
mill  his  lirotluTH  to  liriii^  liiiii  to  urtioii,  iiiiscal- 
ctiliiting,  iiulecd,  the  cventiml  coiistMiueiircs  of 
Biuli  tiictic's,  mid  believing;  timt  the  prolruc- 
tion  of  tlie  war  must  briiij,'  the  rebels  to  lii.-i 
sovereign's  feet  l)y  tlie  utter  exlmus'ioii  of  tluir 
resources;  while  the  event  prover'  tlmt  it  was 
Spain  wlileli  was  exlmusted  by  the  contest,  that 
liiufrdoin  lieing  in  fact  so  utterly  prostrated  by 
continued  driiiniiij^  of  men  and  treasure  which  it 
involved,  that  her  decay  may  be  dated  from  the 
moment  when  Alva  reached  the  Klemish  borders. 
His  carwr  in  the  Netherlands  seemed  to  show 
that,  warrior  though  he  was,  persecution  was 
more  to  his  taste  than  even  victory.  Victorious, 
indeed,  he  was,  so  far  as  never  failing  to  reduce 
every  town  which  \n'.  besieged,  and  to  liatlle  every 
design  of  the  prince  wliich  he  anticipated.  .  .  . 
Every  triumph  which  ho  gained  was  sullied  by 
a  ferocious  and  delHienite  cruelty,  of  which  the 
history  of  no  other  general  in  the  world  alTords 
a  similar  example.  .  .  .  Whenever  Alva  cap- 
tured a  town,  he  himself  enjoined  his  troops  to 
show  no  mercy  either  to  the  garrison  or  to  the 
peaceful  inhabitants.  Every  atrocity  which 
greed  of  rapine,  wantonness  of  lust,  and  blo(xl- 
thirsty  love  of  slauglitcr  could  devise  was  per- 
petrated liy  his  express  direction.  ...  Ho  had 
dilllculties  to  encounter  b<;sidcs  those  of  his  mili- 
tary operations,  and  such  as  he  was  less  skilful 
in  meeting.  He  soon  began  to  bo  in  want  of 
money.  A  fleet  laden  with  gold  and  silver  was 
driven  by  some  French  privateers  into  an  Eng- 
lish harbour,  where  Elizabeth  at  once  laid  her 
liands  on  it.  If  it  belonged  to  her  enemies,  she 
had  a  right,  she  said,  to  seize  it:  if  to  her 
friends,  to  borrow  it  (she  had  not  rpiite  decided 
in  which  light  to  regard  the  Spaniards,  but  the 
logic  was  irresistible,  and  her  grasp  irremovable), 
and,  to  supply  the  deficiency,  Alva  had  recourse 
to  expedients  whicli  injured  none  so  much  as 
himself.  To  avenge  himself  on  the  Qneen,  ho 
issued  a  proclamation  [March,  1560]  forbidding 
all  commercial  intercourse  between  the  Nether- 
lands and  England;  .  .  .  but  his  prohibition 
damaged  the  Flemings  more  than  the  Eng- 
lish merchants,  and  in  so  doing  intlicteil  loss 
upon  himself.  .  .  .  For  he  at  the  same  time  en- 
deavoured to  compel  the  States  to  impose,  for 
his  use,  a  heavy  tax  on  every  description  of 
property,  on  every  transfer  of  property,  and 
even  on  every  article  of  merchandise  [the  tenth 
penny,  or  ten  per  cent.]  as  often  as  it  should  be 
sold:  the  last  impost,  in  the  Provinces  which 
were  terrified  into  consenting  to  it,  so  entirely 
anniliilating  trade  that  it  even  roused  the  disap- 
proval of  his  own  council ;  and  that,  finding 
themselves  supported  by  that  body,  even  those 
Provinces  which  had  complied,  retracted  their 
assent.  .  .  .  After  a  time  [1573]  he  wiw  forced 
first  to  compromise  his  demanils  for  a  far  lower 
sum  than  that  at  which  he  had  estimated  the 
produce  of  his  tjixes,  and  at  last  to  renounce 
even  that.  He  was  bitterly  disappointed  and 
indignant,  and  began  to  bo  weary  of  his  post. " — 
C.  D.  Yonge,  T/trce  Centuries  of  Modern  History, 
ch.  5. 

Also  in  :  J.  L.  Motley,  The  Rise  of  the  Dutch 
Republie,  pt.  3,  eh.  2-7  (f.  2).— D.  Campbell,  The 
Puritan  in  Holland,  Eng.,  and  Am.,  ch.  3  (i\  1). 

A.  D.  1572.— The  Beggars  of  the  Sea  and 
their  capture  of  Brill. — Rapid  Revolution  in 


Holland  and  Zealand,  but  wholly  in  the  name 
of  the  King  and  his  Stadtholder,  William  of 
Orange.— The  Provisional  Government  organ- 
ized.—  In  the  spring  of  l.'iTJ,  Alva  having 
reestablished  friendly  relations  withtjuecn  Eliza- 
beth, all  the  cruis(  rs  of  the  rebellious  Nether- 
landers — "  Heggars  of  the  Sea"  as  they  had 
styled  themselves  —  were  suddenly  expelled 
from  English  ports,  where  they  had  previously 
found  shelter  and  procured  supplies.  The  cou- 
seiiuence  was  unexpected  to  those  who  brought 
it  about,  and  proved  most  favorable  to  tlu^  patri- 
otic cau.se.  Desperately  driven  by  their  need  of 
some  harbor  of  refug<'.  the  tleet  of  these  adven- 
turers made  an  attack  upon  the  ini|iortant  sea- 
port of  Brill,  took  it  with  little  lighting  ancl  liehl 
it  stubbornly.  Excited  by  tins  siiccesa  the 
patriotic  burghers  of  Flusfiing,  on  the  isle  of 
Walcheren,  soon  afterwards  ro.s(!  and  expelled 
the  Spanish  garrison  from  their  town.  "The ex- 
ample thus  set  by  llrill  and  Flushing  was  rapidly 
followed.  The  tlrst  half  of  the  year  1573  was 
distinguished  by  a  series  of  triumphs  rendered 
still  more  reuiarkable  by  the  reverses  which  fol- 
lowed ai  its  close.  .  .  .  Enkhuizen,  the  key  to 
the  Zuyder  Zee,  the  principal  arsenal,  and  ono 
of  the  first  commercial  cities  in  the  Nelherlai.ds, 
rose  against  the  Spanish  Admiral,  anil  liting  out 
the  banner  of  Orange  on  its  ramparts.  The  revo- 
lution etiected  here  was  purely  the  work  of  tho 
people  —  of  tho  mariners  and  burghers  of  the 
city.  Sloreovcr,  the  magistnicy  was  set  aside 
and  the  government  of  Alva  repudiated  without 
shedding  ono  drop  of  blood,  without  a  single 
.wrong  to  person  or  property.  IJy  tlie  sumo  spon- 
taneous movement,  nearly  all  tho  important  cities 
of  Holland  and  Zealand  raised  the  standard  of 
him  in  wliom  they  recognized  their  deliverer. 
The  revolution  was  accomplislied  under  nearly 
similar  circumstances  everywhere.  With  one 
fierce  bound  of  enthusiasm  the  nation  shook  oil 
its  chain.  Oudewater,  Dort,  Harlem,  Lej'tleu, 
Gorcuni,  Loowensteiu,  Gouda,  Medcnblik,  Horn, 
Alkmaar,  Edam,  Moiinikendam,  Purmerende,  as 
well  as  Flushing,  Veer,  and  Enkhuizen,  all 
ranged  themselves  under  the  government  of 
Orange  as  lawful  stallholder  for  the  King.  Nor 
was  it  in  Holland  and  Zealand  alone  that  the 
beacon  fires  of  freedom  were  lighted.  City  after 
city  in  Gelderland,  Overyssel,  and  the  See  of 
Utrecht,  all  the  important  towns  of  Friesland, 
some  sooner,  some  later,  some  without  a  strug- 
gle, some  after  a  short  siege,  some  with  resistance 
by  the  functionaries  of  government,  some  by 
amicable  compromise,  accepted  the  garrisons  of 
the  I'rinceaml  formally  recognized  his  authority. 
Out  of  the  chaos  which  a  long  and  preternatural 
tyranny  had  produced,  the  first  struggling  ele- 
ments of  a  new  and  a  better  world  licgan  to  ap- 
pear. .  .  .  Not  all  tho  conquests  thus  rapidly 
achieved  in  the  cause  of  liberty  were  destined  to 
endure,  nor  Were  any  to  be  retained  without  a 
struggle.  Tho  little  northern  cluster  of  repub- 
lics, wliich  had  now  restored  its  honor  to  the  an- 
cient Batavian  name,  was  destined,  however, 
for  a  long  and  vigorous  life.  From  that  bleak 
isthmus  the  light  of  freedom  was  to  stream 
through  many  years  upon  struggling  liumanity 
in  Europe,  a  guiding  pharos  across  a  stormy  sea ; 
and  Harlem,  Leydon,  Alkmaar  —  names  hallowed 
by  deeds  of  heroism  sucli  as  have  not  often  illus- 
trated liiimau  annals,  still  breathe  as  trumpet- 
tongued  and  perpetual  a  defiance  to  despotism  as 


2263 


NETHERLANDS,  1572. 


SfHt  f  I  /j*/l 

AftiMitcrea. 


NETHERLANDS,  ISTa-inTfl. 


Mnrnlhon,  Tliortnopylno,  or  Snlnmls.  A  new 
ixinnl  of  ningistritti'H  Imd  )>orn  clioseii  In  iill  tlio 
reilc'cmcil  cities  by  populiir  flection.  Tliey  were 
rc(|uirc(l  to  tiilcc  nn  oatli  of  fidelity  to  the  Kiii>{ 
of  Spnln,  ami  to  tlie  Prince  of  Orange  ii.s  liis 
stiulholder;  to  prondsc  resistiuice  to  the  nuke  of 
Alvii,  tlie  tenth  i)enny,  iind  the  Innuisition;  'to 
support  every  man's  freedom  and  the  welfare  of 
the  country;  to  protect  widow.i,  orphans,  and 
miserable  persons,  and  to  maintain  jiisllee  anil 
truth.'  Diedrleli  Sonoy  arrived  on  the  'iiid  .June 
at  Enkhuizen.  He  was  nrovided  by  the  Prince 
with  a  commission,  appointinK  him  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  North  Holland  or  Wutcrland.  Thus, 
to  combat  Mio  authority  of  Alva,  was  set  tip  the 
authority  of  the  King.  Tlie  sladhohierate  over 
Holland  and  Zealaud,  to  whicli  the  Prinoe  had 
been  appointed  in  Ifl.'jO,  he  now  reassiimcd. 
Upon  tins  tlcti(m  reposed  the  whole  provisional 
polity  of  the  revolted  Netherlands.  .  .  .  The 
people  at  first  claimed  not  an  iota  more  of  free- 
dom than  was  secured  by  Philip's  coronation 
oath.  There  was  no  pretence  tliat  Philip  was 
not  sovereign,  but  there  was  a  pretence  and  a 
determination  to  worship  God  according  to  con- 
science, and  to  reclaim  the  ancient  political  '  lib- 
erties '  of  the  land.  So  long  as  Alva  reigned,  the 
Blood  Council,  the  Inquisition,  and  martial  law, 
were  the  only  codes  or  courts,  and  every  charter 
slept.  To  recover  this  practical  liberty  and  these 
liistorical  rights,  and  to  shake  from  their  slioul- 
dcrs  a  most  sanguinary  government,   was  the 

fiurpose  of  AVilliam  and  of  the  people.  No  revo- 
utionary  standard  was  displayed.  The  written 
instructions  given  by  the  Prince  to  his  lieutenant 
Sonoy  were  to  '  sec  that  the  Word  of  God  was 
preached,  without,  however,  suffering  any  Iiin- 
dranco  to  the  Roman  Church  in  the  e.vorcise  of 
Its  religion.'  .  .  .  The  Prince  was  still  in  Ger- 
many, engaged  in  raising  troops  and  providing 
funils."— J.  L.  >Iotley,  77ie  liici  of  th"  Dutch  lie- 
public,  pt.  3,  ch.  0-7  (e.  2). 

A.  D.  1572-1573.— Capture  of  Mens  by  Louis 
of  Nassau  and  its  recovery  by  the  Spaniards. 
— Spanish  massacres  at  Mechlin,  Zutphen  and 
Naarden. — The  siege  and  capture  of  Haarlem. 
— "While  AVilliam  of  Orange  was  in  Germany, 
raising  money  and  troops,  he  still  directed  the 
affairs  of  tlic  Netherlands.  His  prospects  were 
again  briglitened  by  the  capture,  by  liis  gallant 
brotlier  Louis  of  Nassau,  of  tlie  important  city 
»of  Mons.  .  .  .  Tills  last  startling  blow  forced 
Alva  to  Immediate  action.  He  at  once  sent  liis 
son,  Don  Frederic,  to  lay  siege  to  Mons.  Soon 
after,  tlie  Duke  of  Medina  Cadi,  Alva's  successor 
as  governor  of  the  Netherlands  [to  whom,  how- 
ever, Alva  did  not  surrender  his  autliority],  ar- 
rived safely  with  his  fleet,  but  another  Spanish 
squadron  fell  with  its  ricli  treasures  into  the 
hands  of  the  rebels.  Alva  was  now  so  pressed 
for  money  that  he  agreed  to  abolish  the  useless 
tenth-penny  tax,  if  the  states-general  of  the 
Netherlands  v  ild  grant  him  a  million  dollnrs  a 
year.  He  had  summoned  the  states  of  Holland 
to  meet  at  the  Hague  on  the  15th  of  .July,  but 
they  met  nt  Dort  to  renounce  his  authority,  at 
the  summons  of  William  of  Orange,  who  liad 
raised  an  army  in  Germany,  but  was  without 
U'cans  to  secure  the  necessary  three  months'  pay- 
ment in  advance.  While  still  owning  allegiance 
to  the  king,  the  states  recognized  Orange  as 
stadtholdcr,  empowered  him  to  drive  out  the 
Spanish  troops,  and  to  maintain  religious  free- 


dom. .  .  .  Treiiting  the  Emperor  Maximilian's 
peace  ordiTs  as  useless,  the  prince  marclK'd  his 
army  of  ■.J4,(MX)  men  to  tlic  relief  of  Mons.  .Most 
of  tlie  >.'etlierland  cities  on  tlie  way  accepted  his 
authority*,  and  everything  looked  favorable  for  his 
success,  when  an  unforeseen  and  terrible  calani- 
ity  occurred.  The  French  king,  Charles  I.\., 
whose  troops  had  been  routed  before  .Mons  [by 
the  Spaniards],  had  promised  to  furnish  further 
aid  to  the  |)rovin(es.  Admiral  Coligny  was  to 
join  the  forces  of  Oranifcwllh  l.l.OOO  men.  The 
frightful  massacre  of  St.  Uartholomew  in  Paris, 
on  tlie  24tli  of  August,  ,  .  .  was  11  terrible  blow 
to  tile  prince.  It  broke  up  all  his  plans.  He 
had  rearlu'd  the  neigliliorlio(Hl  of  Mons,  which  he 
was  trying  to  reinforce,  when  a  night  attack  was 
made  liy  the  Spaniards  on  his  lines,  September 
11.  .  .  .  (Jbliged  to  leave  his  gallant  brother 
Louis  to  his  fate  in  Mons,  Orange  narrowly  es- 
caped being  killed  on  his  retreat.  .  .  .  Deserted 
by  the  cities  tlial  had  been  so  earnest  in  his  cause, 
sorrowful,  but  not  despairing  for  his  country, 
William  had  only  his  trust  in  God  and  his  own 
destiny  to  sustain  him.  As  Holland  was  tlie 
only  provliiuo  that  clung  to  tliu  liero  patriot,  he 
went  there  expecting  and  prepared  to  die  for 
liberty.  Louis  of  Nivssau  was  forced,  on  the 
21st  of  September,  to  aliandon  Mons  to  the  Span- 
iards, who  allowed  Noirearmes  ...  to  massacre 
and  pillage  the  inhabitants  contrary  to  the  terms 
of  surrender.  This  wretch  killed  Ciilholics  and 
Protestants  alike,  in  order  to  secure  tlieir  riches 
for  himself.  .  .  .  The  city  of  Mechlin,  wliich 
had  refused  to  admit  a  garrison  of  his  troops, 
was  even  more  brutally  ravaged  by  Alva  in  order 
to  obtain  gold.  .  .  .  Alva's  son,  Don  Frederic, 
now  jiroved  an  apt  pupil  of  his  fatlicr.  by  almost 
literally  executing  Ids  command  to  kill  every 
man  and  burn  evcrj'  house  in  the  city  of  Zut- 
plien,  whicli  had  opposed  the  entrance  of  the 
king's  troops.  Tlie  massacre  was  terrible  and 
complete.  The  cause  of  Orange  suffered  .still 
more  l>j'  the  cowardly  lliglit  of  Ids  brother-in- 
law,  Count  Van  ilcn  Berg,  from  his  post  of  duty 
in  the  provinces  of  Gelderland  and  Overyssel. 
Uy  this  desertion  rugged  Frieslaud  was  also  lost 
to  the  patriot  side.  Holland  alone  held  out 
against  the  victorious  Spaniards.  The  little  city 
of  Naarden  at  lirst  stoutly  icfused  to  surrender, 
but  being  weak  was  obliged  to  yield  without 
striking  a  blow.  Don  Frtderie's  agent,  Julian 
Romero,  liaving  promised  tliat  life  and  property 
should  be  spared,  the  people  welcomed  him  and 
his  soldiers  at  a  grand  feast  on  the  2d  of  Decem- 
ber. Hardly  was  this  over  when  .'500  citizens, 
wlio  had  assembled  in  the  town  hall,  were  warned 
by  a  priest  to  prepare  for  death.  This  was  tlie 
signal  for  the  entrance  of  the  Spanish  troops, 
who  butciiercd  every  one  in  the  building.  They 
then  rushed  furiously  through  the  streets,  pillag- 
ing and  tlien  setting  fire  to  the  houses.  As  the 
inmates  came  fortli,  they  were  tortured  and  killed 
by  their  cruel  foes.  .  .  .  Alva  wrote  boastfully 
to  the  king  that  '  they  had  cut  the  throats  of  the 
burghers  and  all  the  garrison,  and  had  not  left  a 
mother's  son  alive.'  He  ascribed  this  success  to 
the  favor  of  God  in  i)ermitting  the  defence  of  so 
feeble  a  city  to  be  even  attempted.  ...  As  the 
city  of  Haarlem  was  the  key  to  Holland,  Don 
Frederic  resolved  to  capture  it  at  any  cost.  But 
the  people  were  so  bent  upon  resistance  tliat 
they  executed  two  of  their  magistrates  for 
secretly  negotiating  with  Alva.  .  .  .  Ripperda, 


2264 


NETIIKHLANDS,  1(573-1573,     sitgt  of  Haarttm.     NETHEIILAXDS,  187»-1.'574. 


tlio  cnmmnndnnt  of  the  Ilanrloin  garrison,  clioeri'il 
soldiers  aiid  people  by  Ills  heroic  ooiinnels,  and 
through  the  ellorts  of  Orange  the  eily  was  iilaeed 
under  patriot  rule.  Anisterdain,  which  \va«  in 
tlie  enemy's  hands,  was  ten  miles  distant,  across 
a  lalie  traversed  l)V  n  narrow  causeway,  and  the 
jirince  liad  erectc(l  anuml)erof  forts  to  conunand 
the  frozen  surface.  Asa  thick  fog  covered  the 
lake  in  tlieso  I)ecemt)er  days,  supplies  of  men, 
])r(>viNions,  and  amnuinition  were  lirouglit  into 
the  city  in  spite  of  tlie  vigilance  of  tlie  liesiegei-s. 
Tlic  sledges  and  skates  of  the  Hollanders  were 
very  useful  in  this  work.  Hut  against  Don 
Frederic's  army  of  30,000  men,  nearly  e<|ualling 
the  entire  population  of  Haarlem,  the  city  with 
its  e.xtensivo  but  weak  fortitiealions  had  only  a 
garrison  of  about  4,000.  The  fact  that  aliout 
300  of  these  were  resi)ectal)le  women,  armed 
with  sword,  musket,  and  (higger,  shows  the 
heroic  spirit  of  the  people.  The  men  were 
nerved  to  frcsli  exertions  by  those  Amazons, 
wlio,  led  by  their  noble  cliief,  tlie  Widow  Kenan 
Ha8.selaer,  fought  desperately  by  their  side,  botli 
withi;i  and  without  the  works.  The  banner  of 
tlds  famous  heroine,  who  has  been  called  the 
Joan  of  Arc  of  Haarlem,  is  now  in  the  City  Hall. 
A  vigorous  cannonade  was  kept  up  against  tlie 
city  tor  three  days,  beginning  l)ecend)er  18,  and 
men,  women,  and  children  worked  incessnutly 
in  repairing  the  shattered  walls.  They  oven 
dragged  the  statues  of  saints  from  the  churches 
to  (Til  up  the  gaps,  to  the  horror  of  the  super- 
stitious Spaniards.  The  brave  burghers  repelled 
their  assaults  with  oil  sorts  of  weapons.  Hum- 
ing  coals  and  boiling  oil  were  hurled  at  their 
heads,  and  blazing  pitch-hoops  were  skilfully 
caught  about  their  necks.  Astonished  by  this 
terrible  resistance,  whicii  cost  him  hundreds  of 
lives,  Don  Frederic  resolved  to  take  the  city  by 
siege."  On  the  last  day  of  January,  1573,  Don 
Frederic  having  considerably  shattered  on  out- 
work called  the  ravelin,  ordered  a  midnight  as- 
sault, and  the  Spaniards  carrietl  the  fort.  ' '  They 
mounted  the  walls  expecting  to  hove  the  city  at 
their  mercy.  Judge  of  their  amazement  to  find 
a  new  and  stronger  fort,  shaped  like  a  half-moon, 
which  had  been  secretly  constructed  during  tlie 
siege,  blazing  awoy  at  them  with  its  connon. 
Before  they  could  recover  from  their  shock,  tlie 
ravelin,  which  had  been  carefully  undermined, 
blew  up,  and  sent  them  crushed  and  bleeding 
into  the  air.  The  Spaniards  outside,  terrified  at 
these  outbursts,  retreated  hastily  to  their  camp, 
leaving  hundreds  of  dead  beneath  the  walls. 
Two  assaults  of  veteran  soldiers,  led  by  able 
generals,  having  been  repelled  by  the  dauntless 
burghers  of  Haarlem,  famine  seemed  the  only 
means  of  forcing  its  surrender.  Starvation  in 
fact  soon  threatened  both  besiegers  and  besieged. 
Don  Frederic  wished  to  abandon  the  contest,  but 
Alva  threatened  to  disown  him  as  a  son  if  he  did 
so.  .  .  .  There  was  soon  a  struggle  for  the  pos- 
session of  the  lake,  which  was  the  only  means  of 
conveying  supplies  to  tlie  besieged.  In  the  ter- 
rible liand-to-liand  fight  whicli  followed  the  grap- 
pling of  the  rival  vessels,  on  the  28th  of  5lay, 
the  prince's  fleet,  under  Admiral  Brand,  was 
totally  defeated.  .  .  .  During  the  month  of  June 
the  wretched  people  of  Haarlem  had  no  food  but 
linseed  and  rapeseed,  and  they  were  soon  com- 
Iielled  to  eat  dogs,  cats,  nits,  and  mice.  When 
these  gave  out  they  devoured  shoe-leather  and 
the  boiled  hides  of  horses  and  oxen,  and  tried  to 


nllay  the  panps  of  hunger  with  grass  ai'd  weeds. 
The  streets  weio  full  of  the  dea<raiid  the  dying." 
.\tlcinpM  at  relief  by  Orange  were  defeated. 
"  As  a  !  ^t  re.sort  the  besieged  resolved  lo  form  a 
solid  eolunin.  with  the  women  and  children,  the 
iiucil  and  infirm,  in  the  centre,  lo  llglit  llieir  way 
out :  but  Don  Frederic,  fearing  the  eily  woiihl 
be  left  in  ruins,  induced  them  to  surrender  on 
the  12lli  of  July,  under  ])romise  of  nierev.  Tills 
pronii.se  was  erilelly  broken  by  a  frightful  mas- 
sacre of  a. 000  people,  wliii  'i  'iive  great  joy  to 
Al  va  and  I'hilip.  "—A.  Yoi.  '«<.  of  the  S'eth- 

iildiitlM,  ch.  10-11. 

Also  i.n:  U.  Watson,  Iliit.  ,j  Philip  II.,  bk. 
11-1','.  J  1        . 

A.  D.  1S73-»S74.— Siege  and  deliverance  of 
Alkmaar.— Displacement  of  Alva.— Battle  of 
Mookerhyde  and  death  of  Louis  of  Nassau.— 
Siege  and  relief  of  Leyden.— The  flooding  of 
the  land.— Founding  of  Leyden  University. — 
After  tlie  surrender  of  llanrlem,  a  inutiny  brcjke 
out  among  the  Spanisii  troops  that  liad  lieen  en- 
gaged In  the  siege,  to  whom  28  months'  arrears 
of  pay  were  due.  "  It  was  appeosed  with  great 
ditllculty  at  the  end  of  seven  weeks,  when  Alva 
determined  to  make  a  decisive  attack  on  Holland 
both  by  land  and  \vater,  and  witli  this  view  com- 
manileil  his  .son,  Don  Frederic  ill  Toledo,  to 
march  to  the  siege  of  /.Ikinaar,  and  repaired  in 
l)er.son  to  Amsterdam.  .  .  .  Don  Frederic  laid 
siege  to  Alkmaar  at  the  head  of  10,000  able  anil 
efllcient  troops;  within  the  town  were  1,300 
armed  burghers  and  800  soldiers,  os  many  per- 
haps OS  it  was  at  that  time  capable  of  contain- 
ing. With  this  handful  of  men  the  citizens  of 
Alkmaar  defended  themselves  no  less  resolutely 
than  the  Haarlenimers  had  done.  The  fierce  on- 
slaughts of  the  Spaniards  were  beaten  back  with 
uniform  success  on  the  part  of  the  besieged;  the 
women  and  girls  were  never  seen  to  shrink  from 
the  fight,  even  wliere  it  was  hottest,  but  unceas- 
ingly supplied  the  defenders  witli  stones  and 
burning  missiles,  to  throw  amongst  their  enemies. 
.  .  .  But  as  there  were  no  means  of  conveying 
reinforcements  to  the  besieged  from  without, 
and  their  supplies  began  to  fail,  tliey  resolved, 
after  a  month's  siege,  on  the  desperate  measure 
of  cutting  through  the  dykes.  Some  troops  sent 
by  Sonnoy  having  elfected  this,  and  opened  the 
sluices,  the  whole  country  was  .soon  deluged  with 
water.  Don  Frederic,  astor-ided  at  this  novel 
mode  of  warfare,  and  fearing  tliat  himself  and 
his  whole  army  would  be  drowned,  broke  up  his 
camp  in  haste,  and  tied,  rather  than  retreated,  to 
Amsterdam.  It  seemed  almost  as  though  the 
blessing  which  the  Prince  of  Orange  had  prom- 
ised his  people  had  come  upon  them.  The  cap- 
ture of  Geertniydenberg,  about  this  time,  by  one 
of  his  lieutenants,  was  followed  by  a  naval  vic- 
tory, as  signal  as  it  was  important.  The  Admiral 
Bossu,  to  whom  was  given  the  command  of  the 
[Spanish]  fleet  at  Amsterdam,  having  sailed 
through  the  I'ampus  with  tlio  design  of  occupy- 
ing the  Zuyderzee,  and  thus  making  himself 
master  of  the  towns  of  North  Holland,  encoun- 
tered the  fleet  of  those  towns,  consisting  of  34 
vessels,  comiiianded  by  Admiral  Dirkson,  sta- 
tioned in  the  Zuyderzee  to  await  liis  arrival." 
After  several  days  of  skirmishing,  the  Dutch 
fleet  forced  a  close  fight,  "which  lasted  with 
little  intermission  from  the  afternoon  of  the  lltli 
of  October  to  midday  of  the  12th,  during  which 
time  two  of  the  royalist  ships  were  sunk  and  a 


2265 


NKTirEULANDS,  in78-tr,74.      si,o»  nf  Uy,tm.      NKTIIKHLANDS,  1S75-1577. 


tbtnl  rnptiirr-il."  Tlin  rrliiiilnilcr  (led  nr  hiir- 
rciulorcil,  lldHMii,  liiiiiHcir,  iH'iriff  tnki'ii  prisoni  r. 
"  On  liili'lliKciico  of  llif  iiwiK'  (if  till'  buttle,  Alva 
cjiiittcd  AiiiHtenliiiii  III  hii8tu  anil  Hccrci'y.  TIiIh 
gilcccHX  (li'llvcrcd  till!  townH  of  North  llnllanil 
from  till!  nioHt  iniinincnt  iliin^cr,  iwitl  rcnilcri'il 
the  poHHcsHlon  of  AniHtorilain  nritrly  iihcIcsh  to 
the  n>yitllHtH. "  Alvii  wiis  now  forccil  to  cull  a 
nii'i'tln)^  of  Iho  stnlcHRi'neral,  in  tlio  hopi)  of  oli- 
taining  a  voto  of  money.  "  Upon  their  as- 
Mnnblmi;  nt.  liriiHMelx,  tliu  Htateu  of  llollanil 
despateheil  iin  earncHl  and  eloipient  addrcHD,  ex- 
liortinK  them  to  emancipate  thcmMelveH  from 
Hpanisli  slavery  and  tliu  cniel  tyranny  of  Aiva, 
which  ttie  want  of  unanimity  in  the  provlnccH 
had  alone  enabled  him  to  excrclHC.  .  .  .  Their 
remonstriiiice  appears  to  have  been  at  tended  witli 
n  powerful  eireet,  Hince  tlic  stateHneneral  could 
neither  by  threats  or  remonstrances  bo  inilucbd 
to  grant  the  Hinallest  subsidy.  .  .  .  Alva,  hav- 
ing become  heartily  weary  of  the  government 
he  had  involved  in  such  irretrievable  confusion, 
now  obtained  his  recall;  his  place  was  tilled  by 
Don  Louis  de  Ucquesens,  grand  commander  of 
Castile.  In  the  November  of  this  year,  Alva 
quitted  the  Netherlands,  leaving  behind  him  a 
name  which  has  become  a  bye-word  of  hatred, 
scorn,  and  execration.  .  .  .  During  the  six  years 
that  ho  had  governed  the  Netherlands,  18, 000 
persons  hud  ])erished  by  the  hand  of  the  execu- 
tioner, besides  the  numbers  massncred  at  Naar- 
dcn,  Zutplien,  and  other  coniiuereil  cities."  The 
first  undertaking  of  the  now  gi'v  'rnor  was  an  at- 
tempt to  raise  the  siege  <■'  liddlebiu'g,  'be 
Hpanish  garrison  in  which  i  i  been  blockaded 
by  the  Queux  for  nearly  two  years;  but  tlie  llect 
of  40  ships  which  he  fitted  out  for  the  purpose 
was  defeated,  nt  Homers-wuale,  with  a  loss  of 
ten  vessels.  "Tl'c  surrender  of  .Middleburg  im- 
niedintely  followed,  and  with  it  that  of  Arne- 
muyden,  which  put  the  Gueiix  in  possession  of 
the  principul  Islands  of  Zealand,  and  rendered 
them  masters  of  the  sen."  Hut  these  successes 
were  counterbalanced  by  n  disaster  which  nt- 
tended  nn  expedition  led  from  Germany  by  Louis 
of  Nassau,  the  gallant  but  unfortunate  brother 
of  the  I'rinco  of  Orange.  His  army  was  attacked 
iiud  utterly  destroyed  by  the  Spaniards  (Ai)ril 
14, 1574)  nt  the  villnge  of  Mookcrheydc,  or  Mook, 
neur  Nimeguen,  ana  both  Louis  and  his  brother 
Henry  of  Nassau  were  slain.  "After  raising 
the  siege  of  Alkmanr,  the  Spnnish  forces,  placed 
under  the  commnnd  of  Francesco  d!  Vnldez  on 
the  departure  of  Don  Frederic  di  Toledo,  had  for 
some  weeks  blockaded  Leyden;  but  were  re- 
called in  the  spring  of  this  year  to  join  the  rest 
of  the  army  on  its  march  against  Louis  of  Nassau. 
From  that  time  the  burghers  of  Leyden  .  .  .  had 
not  only  neglected  to  lay  up  any  fresh  stores  of 
corn  or  other  provision,  but  to  occupy  or  destroy 
the  forts  with  which  the  enemy  had  encompassed 
the  town.  This  fact  coming  to  the  knowledge 
of  Don  Louis,  he  once  more  dispatched  Valdez 
to  renew  the  siege  at  the  head  of  8,000  troops. 
.  .  .  Mindful  of  Hnnrlcm  and  Alkmaar,  the 
Spanish  commander  .  .  .  brought  no  artillery, 
nor  made  any  preparations  for  assault,  but,  well 
aware  that  there  were  not  provisions  in  the  town 
sufficient  for  three  months,  contented  himself 
with  closely  investing  it  on  all  sides,  and  de- 
termined to  awnit  the  slow  but  sure  effects  of 
famine."  In  this  emergency,  the  States  of  Hol- 
land "decreed  that  uU  the  dykes  between  Leyden 


and  the  Meuse  and  YhhcI  should  l>o  cut  thrniigh, 
and  the  Hliiices  opened  at  Untterdum  and  Schie- 
dam, by  which  the  waters  of  those  rivers,  over- 
flowing the  valuable  lands  of  Schieliiiid  and 
liliynland,  would  admit  of  the  vessels  bringing 
Huccours  up  to  the  very  gates  of  Leyden.  Tlie 
ilaniago  was  cHllmated  at  (1(10,000  guilders.  .  .  . 
Till!  cutting  through  the  dykes  was  a  work  of 
time  and  ilifllciilly,  as  well  from  the  labour  re- 
ipiired  as  from  the  continual  Hkiriiiishes  with  the 
enemy.  .  .  .  Kven  when  completed,  it  appeared 
as  if  the  vast  sacTltlcu  were  uffi.'riy  unavailing. 
A  steady  wind  blowing  from  the  north  east  kept 
back  the  waters.  .  .  .  Meanwhile  the  besieged, 
who  for  some  weeks  heard  no  tidings  of  their 
(leliverers,  had  Kcariely  hope  left  to  enable  them 
to  sustain  the  appalling  sulierings  they  endured. 
.  .  ,  'Then,'  says  the  hlHtorian,  who  heaid  It 
from  the  mouths  of  Mk^  sufferers,  'there  was  no 
fc  nI  ho  (kIIoiis  but  it  was  esteemed  a  dainty.' 
.  .  .  The  siege  had  now  lasted  five  months.  .  .  . 
Not  n  morsel  of  fixid,  even  the  most  filthy  and 
loathsome,  remained  .  .  .  when,  on  a  sudden, 
tlie  wind  veered  to  the  north-west,  and  thence  to 
the  south-west;  the  waters  of  the  Meuse  rushed 
in  full  tide  over  the  land,  and  the  ships  roilo 
triumphantly  on  the  waves.  The  Oueiix,  attack- 
ing with  vigour  tlie  forts  im  the  dykes,  succeeded 
in  driving  out  the  garrisons  with  considerable 
slaughter.  .  .  .  On  the  .  .  .  3rd  of  October  .  .  . 
Valdezevacuntedall  the  forts  In  the  vicinity.  .  .  . 
In  memory  of  this  eventful  siege,  the  Prince  and 
States  offered  the  inhabitants  eitlier  to  found  an 
university  or  to  establish  a  fair.  They  chose  the 
former;  but  the  Strifes  .  .  .  granted  both:  the 
fair  of  Leyden  wns  nppolnted  to  be  held  on  the 
1st  of  October  in  every  year,  the  3rd  being  ever 
nftcr  held  as  a  solemn  festival ;  and  on  the  8th 
of  February  in  the  next  year,  the  university  re- 
ceived its  clinrter  from  the  Prince  of  Orange  in 
the  name  of  King  Philip.  IJotli  proved  lasting 
monuments." — C.  M.  Davies,  llist.  of  IluHand, 
pt.  3,  ch.  8-9  (v.  1-2). 

Also  in:  J.  L.  Motley,  The  Rise  of  the  Dutch 
liepubUc,  pt.  4,  ch.  1-3  {v.  '^).— W.  T.  Hewett, 
The  UnireritUy  of  Lcitlen  {Harper's  Mag.,  March, 
1881). — C.  M.  Yonge,  Cameos  from  Eng.  Hist., 
series  .l,  c.  10. 

A.  D.  1575-1577. — Congress  at  Breda. — 
Offer  of  sovereignty  to  the  English  Queen. — 
Death  of  Requesens. — Mutiny  of  the  Soldiery. 
— The  Spanish  Fury. — Alliance  of  Northern 
and  Southern  provinces  under  the  Pacification 
of  Ghent  and  the  Union  of  Brussels. — Arrival 
of  Don  John  of  Austria. —  "  The  bankrupt  state 
of  Philip  II. 's  excheiiuer,  and  the  reverses 
whidi  his  arms  had  sustained,  induced  him  to 
accept  .  .  .  the  proffered  medintion  of  the  Em- 
peror Maximilian,  which  he  had  before  so  ar- 
rogantly rejected,  and  a  Congress  wns  held  at 
Breda  from  JIarch  till  June  l575.  But  the  in- 
surgents were  suspicious,  and  Philip  wns  in- 
flexible; he  could  not  bo  induced  to  dismiss  his 
Spnnisli  troops,  to  allow  the  meeting  of  the 
States-Genenil,  or  to  admit  the  slightest  tolera- 
tion in  matters  of  religion ;  and  the  contest  wns 
therefore  renewed  with  more  fury  than  ever. 
The  situation  of  the  patriots  became  very  critical 
when  the  enemy,  by  occupying  the  islands  of 
Duyveland  and  Schouwen,  cut  off  the  communi- 
cation between  Holland  and  Zealand;  cspecinlly 
as  nil  hope  of  succour  from  England  had  expin  1. 
'Towards  the  close  of    the  year    envoys    were 


2266 


NETHERLANDS,  in7(J-1577.     The  Sptmiih  Fury.     XKTIIERLANDfl,  157.V1577. 


(lonpntchcd  to  solicit  tlip  iild  of  Eliznbctli,  nnd  to 
otTiT  liiT,  >lti(lr'r  <('rlalri  ('cinlitloiiM,  tli(!  hovit- 
clenly  of  IIolluiiil  1111(1  Zi'iiliincl.  UcqucHctm  Hcnt 
CniuiipiiKiiy  to  coiintcriu't  tlicHc  iK'KO('iiiti<iiiH, 
which  ciitlcd  in  notliliiK.  Tlu-  Kn^lisli  (|ui'cii 
wiiH  ufriiiil  of  provoltiiif;  llif  power  of  Spiiiii,  iiiid 
could  not  even  bo  Induced  to  uniiit  the  llol- 
liiiiderH  n  loiin.  The  iittitiido  iiKHiinied  iit  that 
time  by  tho  Duke  of  Aleii<,'on,  in  Fnince.  also 
prevented  tlieni  from  enterinf?  into  any  ncKocia- 
tinnH  with  that  I'rinco.  In  tlicoc  tryin)^  clrcuni- 
fitanccH,  Willhini  tiiu  Hileiit  dUplnyed  the);reitteHt 
tlriiiiicHM  and  couraf^e.  It  wm  now  that  he  Is  said 
to  iiave  contemplated  abandoning  llollund  and 
Hceking  witii  Its  inlmbltantH  u  home  in  the  New 
World,  liavln;^  Hr»t  restored  the  country  to  Its 
ancient  state  of  a  waste  of  waters;  a  tlioiiKlit, 
however,  wliicli  lio  probalily  never  seriously 
entertained,  tliotigli  lie  may  have  jflven  utterance 
to  it  in  a  motnent  of  irrit4itlon  or  despondency. 
.  .  .  Tlu!  unexpected  death  of  He(|Uesens,  wlio 
expired  of  u  fever,  ^larcli  5th  1570,  after  a  few 
(lays'  ilhiegp,  threw  the  government  Into  con- 
fusi(m.  Philip  II.  had  given  Itequcscns  a  carte 
blanche  to  name  his  successor,  Init  tlie  nature  of 
his  llli'.tn.^  had  prcvent(!d  lilm  from  tilling  it  up. 
The  goveriiment  therefore  devolved  to  the  Coun- 
cil of  State,  tho  members  of  which  were  at  vari- 
ance witli  one  another;  butPlillip  found  lilmself 
obliged  to  intrust  it  'ad  interim'  with  the  ad- 
ministration, till  a  succx'ssor  to  l{e(nieRens  could 
bo  appointed.  Count  Maimfeld  was  niado  com- 
mander-in-chief, but  was  totally  unable  to  re- 
strain the  licentious  soldiery.  'The  Spaniards, 
whose  pay  was  in  arrear,  bad  now  lost  all  dis- 
cipline. After  tho  raising  of  tlie  siege  of  I.eyden 
they  bad  besot  Utrecht  and  pillaged  and  mal- 
treated the  inhabitants,  till  Valdez  contrived  to 
furnish  tlicir  pay.  No  sooner  liad  Hefpiesens 
expired  than  they  broke  Into  open  mutiny,  and 
acted  as  if  they  were  entire  masters  of  tlio 
country.  After  wandering  about  some  time  and 
threatening  Brussels,  they  seized  and  plundered 
Alost,  where  tiiey  established  themselves;  and 
tliey  wore  soon  afterwards  joined  by  the  Walloon 
an(l  German  troops.  To  repress  their  violence, 
the  Council  of  State  restored  to  tlie  Nethorlanders 
the  arms  of  which  they  bad  been  deprived,  and 
called  upon  tllem  by  a  proclamation  to  repress 
force  by  force ;  but  these  citizen-soldiers  were  dis- 
persed with  great  slaughter  by  tho  dl.sclpllned 
troops  in  various  rencounters.  Ghent,  Utrecht, 
Valenciennes,  Slaestriclit  were  taken  and  plun- 
dered by  the  mutineers ;  and  at  last  tho  storm  fell 
upon  Antwerp,  which  the  Spaniards  entered  early 
in  November,  and  sacked  during  three  days. 
More  than  1,000  houses  were  burnt,  8,000  citizens 
are  said  to  have  been  slain,  nnd  enormous  sums 
in  ready  money  were  plundered.  The  whole 
damage  was  estimated  at  24, 000, 000  tiorins.  Tlio 
horrible  excesses  committed  in  tills  sack  procured 
for  it  the  name  of  the  '  Spanish  Fury. '  The 
government  was  at  this  period  conducted  in  the 
name  of  the  States  of  Brabant.  On  the  5th  of 
September,  De  HJze,  a  y.oung  Brabant  gentle- 
man who  was  in  secret  intelligence  with  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  had,  at  the  head  of  500 soldiers, 
entered  the  palace  where  the  Council  of  State 
was  assembled,  and  seized  and  imprisoned  tlie 
members.  William,  taking  advantage  of  the 
alarm  created  at  Brussels  by  the  sack  of  Ant- 
werp, persuaded  the  provisional  government  to 
summon  the   States-General,  although  such  a 


conmo  was  at  direct  variance  with  the  commandi 
of  the  King.  To  this  aH.si'iiiblv  all  the  priivhiceH 
except  Luxemburg  Hint  (iepiilfeti.  The  noblcMof 
the  southern  provlnce«,  alllioiigli  they  viewed  the 
I'rinco  of  Ortinge  with  suspU'ion,  feeling  llial 
then!  was  no  security  for  them  so  long  as  thi! 
Spanish  troops  rcniiilncd  in  pdNMeHsion  of  Ghent, 
sought  his  a.HMlHtance  In  expelling  them ;  which 
Willlani  conseiilcd  to  grant  only  on  condition 
that  an  alliance  hIiouIiI  be  elTectcd  between  the 
northern  and  the  soulherii,  or  Catholic  provinces 
of  tint  Netherliinds.  This  propoHal  wa.n  agreed 
t(  ,  and  towards  the  end  of  Septemlier  Orange 
sent  H(!veral  tboUHiind  men  fniiu  /Cealand  to 
Ghent,  at  whose  iipproach  the  Spaniards,  wlio 
had  valorously  defended  theinselves  for  two 
months  under  the  conduct  of  the  wIfiMif  their  ab- 
sent general  .Mondragoii,  Hurreiidered,  and  evacu- 
ated the  clliidel.  The  proposed  alliance  was  now 
converted  into  a  fornml  union  by  tli(!  treaty 
cii!  I  the  Pacllication  of  Ghent,  signed  Novem- 
bei  -'ill  157(1;  by  which  it  was  agreed,  without 
waiting  for  the  Hanetlon  of  Philip,  whose  author- 
ity however  was  iioininally  recognised,  to  renew 
the  edict  of  banishment  against  the  Spanish 
troops,  to  procure  the  suspension  of  tho  (lecrees 
against  tlu^  ProtcHlaiit  religion,  to  summon  tho 
States-General  of  the  northern  and  soulliern  prov- 
inces, according  to  the  model  of  the  assembly 
which  had  received  the  abdication  of  Clyirles  V., 
to  |)rovldo  for  the  toleration  and  practiP  of  tho 
Protestant  religion  in  Holland  and  Zealand,  to- 
gether witli  other  provisions  of  a  similar  charac- 
ter. About  the  same  time  with  the  Paciticatlon 
of  Ghent,  all  Zealand,  with  the  exception  of  tho 
island  of  Tliolen,  was  recovered  from  tho 
Hpani' rds.  .  .  .  It  was  a  mistake  on  the  part  of 
Pliillp  II.  to  leave  the  country  eight  months  witli 
only  an  'ad  interim'  government.  Had  lie  im- 
mediately tilled  up  the  vacancy  .  .  .  tho  .States 
could  not  have  seized  upon  the  government,  and 
the  alliance  established  at  Ghent  would  not  have 
been  elTectcd,  by  wliu^h  an  almost  independent 
commonwealth  had  been  erected.  But  Philip 
seems  to  have  been  puzzled  as  to  the  choice  of  a 
successor;  and  his  si-lection,  at  length,  of  his 
brother  Don  John  of  Austria  [a  natural  son  of 
Charles  v.],  caused  a  further  considerable  delay. 
.  .  .  The  state  of  the  Netherlands  comiH-'llcd  Don 
■John  to  enter  them,  not  witli  tlio  pomp  and  dig- 
nity becoming  tho  lawful  representative  of  a 
great  monarch,  but  stealthily,  like  a  traitor  or 
conspirator.  In  Luxemburg  alone,  the  only 
province  which  had  lujt  joined  tho  union,  could 
lie  expect  to  be  received;  and  he  entered  its 
capital  a  few  days  before  the  publication  of  the 
treaty  of  Ghent,  in  the  disguise  of  a  MiMjrigh 
slave,  and  in  the  train  of  Don  Ottavio  Oonzaga, 
brother  of  the  Prince  of  Melfi.  Having  neither 
money  nor  arms,  he  was  obliged  to  ncgociate 
with  the  provincial  government  in  order  to  pro- 
cure tho  recognition  of  his  authority.  At  the  in- 
stance of  tlie  Prince  of  Orange,  the  States^  in- 
sisted on  the  withdrawal  of  the  Spanish  troops, 
the  maintenance  of  tlic  treaty  of  Ghent,  an  act  of 
amnesty  for  past  oiTcnees,  the  convocation  of  tlie 
States-General,  and  an  oath  from  Don  John  that 
ho  would  respect  all  the  charters  and  customs  of 
the  country.  The  new  governor  was  violent,  but 
the  States  were  lirm,  and  in  January  1577  was 
formed  tlie  Union  of  Hrussels,  tlie  professed  ob- 
jects of  which  were,  the  immediate  expulsion  of 
the  Spaniards,  and  the  execution  of  the  Pucifica- 


1207 


NETIIKIILANDS,   157.V1577   /<■•»  J-'i"  "/ -luWr/o.  NKTIIKHLANDS,  inTT-lMl. 


tinn  nf  Olirnl:  wlillc  nt  tlic  frniiii' tiniotlic  ('ntlin. 
lie  ri'llKloii  itiiil  III)'  royiil  luilliority  wirr  in  lie 
llplirld.  'I'IiIh  uiiIiiII,  wliicli  wiiH  ciiily  ii  lni>ri' 
|iii|iiilitr  ri'|i<'litliiii  (if  till'  iri'itty  nf  oririil.  mhui 
oliiiiiiii'il  iiiiiiilH'rk'HM  HiumitiirrH.  .  ,  ,  Mcaiiwliili' 
KihIiiImIi  II.,  tlir  new  Eiiiiirnir  of  (loriiiiiiiv.  Iiail 
otriri'il  IiId  iiii'iliiilloii.  mill  iipiMiiiiti'il  tlir  flUlinp 
of  Mt'j{c  to  list'  lil<  jfimil  iilllrcH  hilwi'iii  till'  par- 
tli'H;  who,  with  till'  aHHUtiiiiri-  nf  |)iil<i'  William 
of  .liilliTM,  liroii^lit.  or  Hi'ciiicil  to  lirliiK.  the  nrw 
governor  to  ii  iiiori'  rriiHoiialili'  franii'  of  iniml. 
.  .  .  Don  .loliii  yli'lilril  all  the  polnt.s  In  iliNpiilc, 
mill  ciiilioilii'il  tliciii  In  what  was  calit'il  tlii'  I'lr 
iii'liial  Killcl.  puliliHlii'il  MiTch  r.'th,  l.'iT".  Tlir 
I'rinct!  of  OraiiK*'  HiiHpccti  I  from  the  tlrst  that 
tlicMi'  i'oik'cshIoiih  wcri'  a  nifrc  ilcrcptioii." — T.  II. 
Dyer,  Hint,  of  Mmlmi  Hninjv,  hk.  3,  e/i.  7-U 
(r.  2). 

Ai.hchn;  Sir  W.  Stirling  Maxwell,  Don  Mm 
of  . {lint rill,  i:  'i,  di.  4-.'). 

A.  D.  1577-1581.— The  mdminiitration  of 
Don  John.— Orange's  well-founded  distrust.— 
Emancipation  of  Antwerp.  — Battle  of  Gem- 
blours.— Death  of  Don  John  and  appointment 
of  Parma. — Corruption  of  Flemish  nobles. — 
Submission  of  the  Walloon  provinces.— Pre- 
tensions of  the  Duke  of  Anjou.— Constitution 
and  declared  independence  of  the  Dutch  Re- 

fmblic. — "  It  now  seemeil  that  the  NctlieriaiKlH 
lail  Ki'Ined  all  tliev  rtskeil  for,  anil  that  every- 
thing for  wlileh  tliey  hail  coiitemli'il  hail  been 
coneeileil.  The  IJlooil  ('ouiicil  of  Alva  hail 
almost  e.xtirpateil  the  IteforiiuTs,  ami  an  over- 
whelniiiiK  majority  of  the  Inliabllant.s  of  the  I^ow 
Coiintrli'.s,  with  the  e.veeptlon  of  the  llollanileirt 
mid  Zelanders,  heloiiged  to  the  old  Church,  pro- 
vided the  Ini;ulsition  was  done  away  willi,  and 
n  religlousi  peace  was  accorded.  liiit  Don  John 
had  to  reckon  with  tlii^  I'rinco  of  Orange.  In 
him  William  had  no  conlldcnee.  lie  could  not 
forget  the  past,  lie  believed  that  the  Hlgnatures 
und  concessions  of  the  governor  and  I'liilip  were 
only  expedients  tu  gain  time,  and  that  they 
would  be  revoked  or  set  aside  as  soon  as  it  was 
convenient  or  possible  to  do  so.  .  .  .  He  had  In- 
tercepted letters  from  the  lending  Spaniards  in 
Don  John's  employment,  in  which,  when  the 
treaty  was  in  course  of  signature,  designs  were 
disclosed  of  keeping  possession  of  all  the  strong 
iilaces  in  the  country,  with  the  object  of  reduc- 
ing the  patriots  in  detail.  .  .  .  Above  all,  AVill- 
iam  distrusted  the  Flemish  nobles.  lie  knew 
them  to  be  greedy,  tickle,  treacherous,  ready  to 
betray  their  country  for  personal  advantage, 
and  to  ally  themselves  blindly  with  their  natural 
enemies.  ...  As  events  proved.  Orange  was  in 
thy  right.  Ilenco  he  refused  to  recognize  the 
treaty  in  his  own  states  of  Holland  and  Zeland. 
As  soon  as  it  was  published  and  sent  to  him, 
William,  after  conference  with  these  states,  pub- 
lished a  severe  criticism  on  its  iirovisions.  .  .  . 
In  all  seeming  liov  ever  Don  John  was  prepared 
to  carrv  out  his  ■ngugenients.  lie  got  together 
wifli  ililHculty  the  finuls  for  paying  the  arrears 
due  to  tlic  troops,  aiui  sent  them  off  by  the  end 
of  April.  He  caressed  the  people  and  "he  bribed 
the  nobles.  lie  handed  over  the  citadels  to 
Flemish  governors,  and  entered  IJrussels  on  May 
1st.  Everytliing  pointed  to  success  uud  mutual 
good  will.  Hut  wo  have  Don  John's  letters,  in 
which  he  speaks  most  anrcsorvedly  and  most 
untlattcringly  of  his  new  friends,  and  of  his  de- 
signs on  the  libcrtiea  of  the  Nethcrluuds.     And 


all  the  while;  that  Philip  was  Koothing  and  tiat 
trrliig  his  broliier.  he  had  determini'd  on  ruining 
him.  and  on  murdrring  the  iiiaii|Ks('oveilo{  whom 
that  brother  loved  and  trusted.  About  this 
time,  too,  -wv  tlnd  that  Philip  and  his  deputy 
were  casting  about  for  the  means  by  wlileli  they 
iniglit  aHHiiKHlnate  the  Prince  of  Oniiige,  'who 
hail  bewitched  the  whole  people  I'  An  attempt 
of  Don  ,lolin  to  get  jiosHcHsion  of  the  ciladel  of 
.Vntwerp  foi  liiiiim  if  fiilli'il,  anil  the  patriots 
gained  It.  The  merihants  of  Antwerp  agreed  to 
tlnd  the  pay  still  owing  to  the  soldlerH,  on  condi- 
tion of  tlieir  i|uittlng  the  city.  Itiit  while  they 
were  discussing  the  terms,  a  lleet  of  Zeland  ves- 
sels came  sailing  up  the  Scheldt.  Immediately 
a  cry  was  raised,  'The  Heggars  are  enmiiig,' 
and  the  soliliers  tied  in  dismay  {.Vilgust  1,  l'')77l. 
Thin  the  Antwerpers  demolished  the.  citadel, 
and  turned  the  stutiiii  of  Alva  again  into  can- 
non. After  these  events,  .  William  of  Orange 
nut  an  end  to  negotiations  with  Don  .lohii. 
Prince  William  was  In  tlie  ascendant.  Hut  the 
Cutholie  noliles  eiinsplred  against  him,  and  in- 
duced the  Archduke  Matthias,  brother  of  the 
German  Kmperor  Kodolph,  to  accept  the  place  of 
governor  of  the  Netherlands  in  lieu  of  Don  John, 
lie  came,  but  Orange  was  made  the  Huwaard  of 
llrabant,  with  full  military  power.  It  was  tlie 
highest  olllco  wliidi  could  bi^  Ix'stowcd  on  him. 
The  '  Union  of  Hruss<'ls '  followed  and  was  a 
confederation  of  all  the  Netherlands.  Hut  the 
battle  of  (leinblours  was  fought  In  February, 
ir)7H,  and  the  patriots  were  defeated.  Many 
small  towns  were  captured,  und  It  seemed  that 
In  eour.se  of  time  the  governor  would  recover  at 
least  a  part  of  his  lost  mithorlty.  Hut  in  the 
month  of  September,  Don  John  was  seized  with 
a  burning  fever,  and  died  on  Octol)er  Ist.  .  .  . 
The  new  governor  of  the  Netherlands,  son  of 
Ottavio  Fttrne.se,  Prince  of  Purma,  and  of  Mar- 
garet of  Parma,  sister  of  Philip  of  Spain,  w^as 
a  very  different  person  from  any  of  the  regents 
who  had  liltherto  controlled  the  Netherlands. 
He  was,  or  socm  proved  himself  to  be,  the  grcot- 
est  general  of  the  age,  and  he  was  equally,  ac- 
cortling  to  the  statesmanship  of  the  age,  the 
most  accomplished  and  versatile  statesman.  lie 
had  no  designs  l)eyond  those  of  Philip,  and  dur- 
ing Ills  long  career  In  the  Netherlands,  from 
October,  l.")78,  to  December,  150!J,  he  served  the 
King  of  Spain  as  faithfully  and  with  as  few 
scruples  as  Philip  could  have  desired.  .  .  . 
Parma  was  religious,  but  he  had  no  morality 
wliatevor.  .  .  .  lie  had  no  scruple  in  deceiving, 
lying,  assa.ssinating,  and  even  less  scruple  In 
saying  or  swearing  that  he  had  done  none  of 
tliese  things.  ...  He  had  an  excellent  judg- 
ment of  men,  and  indeed  he  had  e.xpcrienco  of 
tlie  two  extremes,  of  the  exceeding  ba.senes8  of 
the  Flemish  nobles,  and  of  the  lofty  and  pure 
patriotism  of  the  Dutch  patriots.  Nothing  in- 
deed was  more  unfortunate  for  the  Dutch  than 
the  belief  which  they  entertained,  that  the  Flem- 
ings who  had  been  dragooned  into  uniformity, 
could  be  possiblv  stirred  to  pf.triotism.  Alva 
had  done  his  work  thoroughly.  It  is  possible  to 
extirpate  a  reformation.  But  the  success  of  the 
process  is  the  moral  ruin  of  those  who  are  the 
subjects  of  the  experiment.  Fortunately  for 
Pnrma,  there  was  a  suitor  for  the  Netherland 
sovereignty,  in  the  person  of  the  very  worst 
prince  of  the  very  worst  royal  family  that  over 
existed  in  Europe,  I.  e.,  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  of 


2268 


NKTIIKULANDS.  1377-l.Wl. 


I'rrUtntfiini 
(if  ImirftrntUncf. 


NKTHKULANDS,  IWl-lflm. 


tlio  linuHo  of  ViiIdU  [iwc  Fhanck:  A.  I),  l.****- 
IfiTH],  TIiIh  |)('r»i>fi  wan  favmiri'il  liy  Orange, 
pnilialily  hccaUHi'  lie  had  ilclrcticl  l'liili|i'H  ilcMiKiiH 
(III  KraiK'i',  mill  tlimiiflit  tlial  national  JrnloiiHV 
woiiM  Iniliicc  till'  Ki'i'iicli  ^ovi'minrnl,  wlilili 
wiiM  Callicrliii'  of  .Mi'dU'l,  to  favour  tin-  low 
cniintrii'H.  IIchIiIi'h,  I'aniiit  liail  a  faction  In 
every  l''lcinlHli  town,  who  wrrc  known  ai  the 
Malronli'iilM.  who  were  llir  parly  of  llir  j{r<'<'ily 
anil  iiiiHiriipiiloiiH  nolilcs.  Ami,  IkhIcIi's  An|oii, 
llirrr  wan  the  party  of  anoti cr  prcti-ndrr,  ,(ohii 
Caslinlr,  of  I'oliind.  lie,  howrvir,  nooii  left 
tliciii,  I'arina  ijiilckly  foiiml  In  hiicIi  dlsscnNloiiH 
pli'niy  of  men  whom  In-  could  usefully  hrilie. 
lie  made  IiIn  llrHt  piirchnseH  In  the  Wiilloon  dis- 
trict, and  Hcciired  them.  The  provinces  here 
were  Arlols,  Ilalnaiilt,  FJIle,  Doiiay,  and  Or- 
(hies,  They  were  soon  permanently  reunited  to 
Spain.  (»n  .lainiary  'iU,  l.'iTII,  tlie  I'nloii  of 
rtrecht,  which  was  virtually  the  Const  Hut  ion  of 
the  Dutch  Hepiililic,  was  ai^lced  to.  Ii  was 
trreiitcr  in  extent  on  the  Flemish  side  than  the 
I>ulcli  Itepiilillc  finally  remained,  less  on  that 
of  Frlcsland  [comprising  Holland,  /elaiiil,  (]el- 
derland,  /iilplicn,  I'trecht,  anil  the  Frisian  prov- 
inces!. Orange  still  hud  liopcs  of  Including 
most  of  the  Netherland  sealioard,  and  he  still 
kent  up  till!  form  of  allegiance  to  I'hilip.  The 
principal  event  of  the  year  was  the  sle);e  and 
capture  of  Miiestricht  twitli  tlii^  slaiiKhter  of 
nimost  Its  oiitiro  population  of  :)4,lM)llJ.  .  .  . 
Mechlin  niHo  was  Iwtriiyed  hy  Its  commander, 
I)e  Hours,  who  rernnoilcd  himself  to  Honiaiiism, 
and  received  the  pay  for  his  trea.son  from  Parma 
at  the  same  time.  In  March,  l.WO,  a  similar  act 
of  treason  was  committed  by  Count  Kcnneberp, 
the  governor  of  Frlcsland,  who  betraycil  its  chief 
oily,  Groningen.  ,  ,  .  In  the  same'vear,  l.WO, 
wa's  published  the  ban  of  Philip.  Tills  instru- 
ment, drawn  up  bv  Cardinal  Granvelle,  declared 
Orange  to  lie  ii  traitor  and  miscreant,  made  liiiii 
an  outlaw,  put  n  heavy  price  on  his  head  (W.IHM) 
gold  crowns),  olTered  tlic  a-ssassiii  the  pardon 
of  any  crime,  however  heinous,  and  nobility, 
whatever  be  lii.s  rank.  .  .  .  William  answered 
the  ban  by  a  vigorous  appeal  to  the  civilizeil 
world.  .  .  .  Henneberg.  tlie  traitor,  laid  siege  to 
Steenwyk,  the  principal  fortress  of  Drenthe,  nt 
the  beginning  of  l.Wi.  ...  In  February,  John 
Norris,  the  English  general,  .  .  .  relieved  the 
town.  IJenneberg  raised  the  siege,  wus  defeated 
in  July  by  the  same  Norris,  and  died,  full  of  re- 
morse, a  few  days  afterwards.  But  the  most 
important  event  in  l.")81  was  t.ie  declaration  of 
Dutch  Independence  formally  issued  at  the  Hague 
on  the  20th  of  July.  Uy  this  instrument,  Onmgc, 
though  most  unwillinglj',  felt  himself  obliged 
to  accept  the  sovereignty  over  Holland  and  Zc- 
land,  and  whatever  el.so  of  the  seven  provinces 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  patriots.  The  Nether- 
lands were  now  divided  into  three,  iiortions. 
Tlio  Walloon  provinces  in  the  south  were  recon- 
ciled to  Philip  and  Parma.  The  middle  prov- 
inces were  under  the  almost  nominal  sovereignty 
of  An^ou,  the  northern  were  under  William. 
.  .  .  iMillip's  name  was  now  discarded  from 
l)ulilic  documents  .  .  .  ;  his  seal  was  broken, 
and  William  was  tlicreafter  to  conduct  the  gov- 
ernment in  his  own  name.  The  instrument  was 
styled  an  'Act  of  Abjuration.'"— J.  E.  T.  Rog- 
ers, The  Story  of  Ihlliind,  eh.  11-13. 

Also  in  :  J.  L.  Motley,  The  lii»e  of  the  Duteh 
liepublie,  pt.  5,  eh.  4-5,  and  pt,  0,  ch.  1-4. — Sir 


\V.  Siirling-Mnxwpll,  Don  John  of  Anttrin,  r,  9, 

eh.  N-ID, 

A.  U.  i58i-i;84.  —  Refuial  of  the  sover- 
eignty of  the  United  Province!  by  Orange.— 
Iti  beatowki  upon  the  Duke  of  Anjou.— 
Bate    treac  of    Aniou.  —  The    "  French 

Fury"  at  /\...werp.  —  Aiiaasination  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange.  —  "  Wliai.  then,  was  the  con 
dilion  of  the  nation,  after  tlii.s  great  step  [the 
Act  of  Abjiiratlonl  liad  been  .aken?  It  nIimmI, 
as  It  were,  with  its  soverlgnty  In  its  liaiid.  divid 
lug  it  into  two  portions,  mid  olTeriiig  it,  tliiis 
separated,  to  two  distinct  individuals.  The 
sovereignty  of  Hollaiiil  ind  Zealand  had  been 
nluetantly  accepted  by  Orange.  The  sover- 
eignty of  the  I'lilted  Pioviiices  had  been  olTered 
to  Alijoll,  but  the  terms  of  agreement  with  that 
Duke  had  not  yet  been  ratllled.  The  iiiovenient 
was  therefore  triple,  consisting  of  an  abjuration 
and  of  two  Kcpanite  elections  of  lieredltary 
eliiefs;  these  two  elections  being  iiccomplUhed  in 
the  same  manner  by  the  representative  bodies 
respectively  of  the  united  provinces  and  of  Hoi-. 
laml  and  Zealmid.  .  .  .  Without  a  direct  inten- 
tion on  thu  part  of  the  people  or  Its  leadeni  lo 
establlsli  n  repiiiilie.  tlie  Kepiiblii;  establislieil 
Itself.  Providence  did  inil  permit  the  whole 
country,  so  full  of  wealth.  Intelligence,  lieallhy 
political  action — so  stocked  with  powerful  cities 
and  an  energetic  population,  to  be  coiiibined  Into 
one  free  and  prosperous  commonweiilth.  The 
factious  ambition  of  a  few  grmidces,  the  cynical 
veniility  of  many  nobles,  the  fren/.y  of  the 
Olient  di'iiiocnicy,  the  spirit  of  ndigloils  intohr- 
anee,  the  consum.nute  military  ami  political 
genius  of  Alexander  Farnese,  the  exaggerated 
self-abnegation  and  the  tragic  fate  of  Orange, 
all  united  to  dls.seyer  this  group  of  nourishing 
and  kindred  provinces.  Tlie  want  of  personal 
ambition  on  tlie  ])art  of  William  tlie  Silent  iii- 
tlicted,  perhaps,  a  serious  damage  upon  his 
country.  He  believed  a  single  cliief  reiiiiisito 
for  tlie  united  states;  he  iiilglit  have  been,  but 
always  refused  to  become  that  chief;  end  yet 
he  has  been  held  up  forcen'iiirles  by  many  \vrit- 
ers  as  a  conspirator  and  a  .self-.seeking  intriguer. 
.  .  .  'Tlie.se  provinces,'  said  John  of  Nas.sau, 
'are  coining  very  unwillingly  into  the  arrange- 
ment with  the  Diikeof  Alen(;on  [soon afterwards 
made  Duke  of  Anjou].  The  majority  feel  much 
more  inclined  to  elect  I  he  Prince,  who  Is  daily,  and 
without  iiiterniissioii,  implored  to  give  his  con- 
sent. .  .  .  He  refu.se.s  only  on  this  account  — 
that  it  may  not  be  tlioiighi  that,  instead  of  reli- 
gious frei'dom  for  the  country,  he  has  been  seek- 
ing a  kingdom  for  himself  and  his  own  private 
advancement.  Moreover,  he  believes  that  tlie 
comic  \  ion  with  France  will  be  of  more  benefit 
to  the  country  and  to  Christianity.'  .  .  .  Tlie 
unfortunate  negotiations  witli  Anjou,  to  which 
no  man  was  more  opposed  than  Count  John,  pro- 
ceeded flierefore.  In  the  meantime,  the  .sover- 
eignty over  the  united  provinces  was  provision- 
ally held  by  the  national  council,  and,  at  the 
urgent  solicitation  of  the  states-general,  by  the 
)rince.  The  Archduke  Matthias,  whose  func- 
tions were  most  unceremoniously  brought  to  an 
end  by  the  transaciions  which  we  have  been 
recording,  took  his  leave  of  the  states,  and  de- 
parted in  tlie  month  of  October.  .  .  .  Thus  it 
was  arranged  that,  for  the  present,  nt  least,  the 
Prince  slioiild  exercise  sovereignty  over  Holland 
and  Zealand ;  although  he  had  liirasclf  used  his 


2269 


NETHERLANDS,   1581-1584.       Dxike  ,./ Anjon.       NETHERLANDS,  1584-1585. 


utmost  e.vcrtinns  to  indiice  those  provinpcs  to 
join  the  rest  of  the  United  Netlieriands  in  tlie 
proposed  election  of  Aiijou,  Tliis,  liowever, 
they  sternly  refused  to  (lo.  There  wiis  also  ii 
great  disinclinntion  felt  by  nianv  in  the  other 
states  to  this  huznrdoiis  olTer  of  their  nllejjiance, 
and  it  was  the  personal  inlluenee  of  Orange  that 
eventually  carried  the  measure  tlirougli.  .  .  . 
By  nrMsnmmer  [1581]  the  Dnke  of  Anjou  made 
hisiippennuice  in  tlio  western  partof  tlie  Nether- 
lands. The  Prince  of  I'anna  liad  recently  come 
bi'foro  {-'amhray  with  the  intention  of  reducing 
tliat  important  city.  On  the  arrival  of  Anjou, 
however,  .  .  .  Alexander  raised  the  siege  pre- 
cipitately and  retired  towards  Tournay,"  to  which 
he  presently  laid  siege,  and  which  was  surren- 
dered to  him  in  November. — J.  L.  Motley,  77(8 
lliiv  of  till!  Dutch  UepiMic,  pi.  0,  r/i.  4-  5  (».  3).— 
Jleantime,  tlie  T)ulie  of  Anjou  had  visited  Eng- 
land, paying  court  to  Queen  Eli/.ulieth,  whom 
he  hope(l  to  marry,  but  who  declined  tlie  alliance 
after  making  the  ac<iuaintance  of  her  suitor. 
."  Elizabeth  made  all  tlie  reparation  in  her  power, 
by  the  honours  paid  him  on  his  dismissal.  She 
accompanied  him  as  far  as  Canterbury,  and  sent 
him  away  under  the  convoy  of  the  earl  of 
Ix?iee8ter,  her  chief  favourite;  and  with  a  bril- 
liant suite  and  a  fleet  of  llfteen  sail.  Anjou  was 
received  at  Antwerp  with  equal  distinction;  and 
was  inaugurated  there  on  the  19th  of  F(!bruary 
[1583]  as  Duke  of  Brabant,  Lothier,  Limbourg, 
and  Uuelders,  with  many  other  titles,  of  which 
he  soon  proved  himself  unworthy.  .  .  .  During 
the  rejoicings  which  follow"!  t'!'°  ;r.<iiispici(ms 
ceremony,  I'liilip's  proscription  a^'ainst  the  Prince 
of  Orange  put  forth  its  lirst  fruits.  The  latter 
gave  a  graml  dinner  in  the  chateau  of  Ant- 
werp, which  he  occupied,  on  tl.'j  18th  of  March, 
the  birth-day  of  the  duke  of  Anjou."  As  he 
((uitted  the  dining  hall,  he  was  shot  in  the 
cheek  by  a  young  man  who  approached  liiin  with 
the  pretence  of  offering  a  petition,  and  who 
proved  to  be  the  tool  of  a  Spanish  merchant  at 
Antwerp,  with  whom  Philip  of  Spain  had  con- 
tracted for  the  procurement  of  the  assassination. 
The  wound  inflicted  was  severe  but  not  fatal. 
"Within  ihree  months,  William  was  able  to  ac- 
company the  duke  of  Anjou  in  liis  visits  to 
Ghent,  Bruges,  and  the  other  chief  towns  of 
Flanders ;  in  each  of  which  the  ceremony  of  in- 
auf^uration  was  repeated.  Several  military  ex- 
ploits now  took  place  [the  most  important  of 
them  being  the  capture  of  Gudenarde,  after  a 
protracted  siege,  by  the  Prince  of  Parma],  .  .  . 
The  duke  of  Anjou,  intemperate,  inconstant,  and 
unprincipled,  saw  that  his  authority  was  but 
the  shadow  of  power.  .  .  .  The  French  ofllcers, 
who  formed  his  suite  and  possessed  all  his  con- 
fidence, had  no  ditHculty  in  raising  his  discon- 
tent into  treason  against  the  people  with  whom 
he  had  made  a  solemn  compact.  The  result 
of  their  councils  was  a  deep-laid  plot  against 
Flemisli  liberty;  and  its  e.\ecuti<m  was  ere-loug 
attempted.  He  sent  secret  orders  to  the  gover- 
nors of  Dunkirk,  Bruges,  Termonde,  and  other 
towns,  to  seize  on  and  hold  them  in  his  name; 
reserving  for  himself  the  infamy  of  the  enter- 
prise against  Antwerp.  To  prepare  for  its  execu- 
tion, he  caused  his  numerous  army  of  French 
and  Swiss  to  approach  the  city."  Then,  on  the 
17th  of  January,  1583,  with  his  body  guard  of 
200  horse,  he  suddenly  attacked  and  slew  the 
Flemish  guards  at  one  of  the  gates  and  adnxitted 


the  troops  waiting  outside.  "The  a.stonishc(i 
but  intrepid  citizens,  recovering  from  their  con- 
fusion, instantly  flew  to  arms.  All  dilTerencesin 
religion  or  politics  were  forgotten  in  the  common 
danger  to  their  freedom.  .  .  .  The  ancient  sjiirit 
of  Flanders  seemed  to  animate  all.  Workmen, 
armed  with  the  instruments  of  their  various 
tri'des,  started  from  their  shops  and  Hung  them- 
.selves  \ipon  the  enemy.  .  .  .  The  French  were 
driven  successively  from  the  streets  and  ramparts. 
.  .  .  The  duke  of  Anjou  saved  himself  by  tliglit, 
and  reached  Termonde.  Ilis  loss  in  this  base 
enterpri.se  [known  as  llie  French  Fury]  amounted 
to  1,500;  while  that  of  the  citizens  did  nut  ex- 
ceed 80  men.  The  attempts  sin'ultaneously  made 
on  the  other  towns  succeeded  at  Dunkirk  and 
Termonde;  but  all  the  others  failed.  The  char- 
acter of  the  Prince  of  Orange  never  appeared  so 
thoroughly  great  as  at  this  crisis.  With  wisdom 
and  magnanimity  rarely  cvjualled  and  never  sur- 
pas.sed,  he  threw  himself  and  his  authority  be- 
tween the  indignation  of  the  country  and  the 
guilt  of  Anjou;  saving  the  former  from  excess 
and  the  latter  from  execration.  The  disgraced 
and  discomfited  tlukc  proffered  to  the  states  ex- 
cuses as  mean  as  they  were  hypocritical V 

new  treaty  was  negotiated,  confirming  Anjoii  in 
his  former  station,  with  renewed  security  against 
any  future  treachery  on  his  part.  lie  in  the 
mean  time  retired  to  France,"  where  he  died, 
.June  10,  1584.  Exactly  one  month  afterwards 
(.July  10),  Prince  William  was  murdered,  in  his 
liouse,  at  Delft,  by  Balthazar  Gerard,  one  of 
the  many  assassins  whom  Philip  H.  and  Parmu 
had  so  persistently  sent  against  him.  He  was 
shot  as  he  place^l  his  foot  upon  the  first  stci)  of 
the  great  stair  in  his  house,  after  dining  in  a 
lower  apartment,  and  he  died  in  a  few  moments. 
— T.  C.  Orattan,  Jlist.  of  the  Xcthciiands,  ch.  13. 

Also  in:  J.  A.  Froude,  llUt.  of  England: 
Reign,  of  Elizabeth,  ch.  20,  29,  31-33  (».  5-0).— D. 
Campbell,  The  Puritan  in  Ilollund,  Eng.,  and 
Am.,  ch.  4(i'.  1). 

A.  D.  1584-1585.  —  Limits  of  the  United 
Provinces  and  the  Spanish  Provinces. — The 
Republican  constitution  of  the  United  Prov- 
inces, and  the  organization  of  their  govern- 
ment,—  Disgraceful  surrender  of  Ghent. — 
>actical  recovery  of  Flanders  and  Brabant 
the  Spanish  king. —  At  the  time  of  the  as- 
sassination of  the  Prince  of  Orange,"  the  Hniit  of 
the  Spanish  or  '  obedient '  Provinces,  on  the  one 
hand,  and  of  the  L'nited  Provinces  on  the  other, 
cannot ...  be  briefly  and  distinctly  stated.  The 
mcmomble  treason  —  or,  as  it  was  called,  the 
'  reconciliation '  of  the  Walloon  Provinces  in  tlic 
year  1583-4  —  had  placed  the  Provinces  of  Hain- 
ault,  Arthois,  Douay,  with  the  flourishing  cities. 
Arras,  Valenciennes,  Lille,  Tournay,  iiud  others 
—  all  Celtic  Flanders,  in  short  —  in  the  grasp  of 
Spain.  Cambray  was  still  held  by  the  French 
governor.  Seigneur  de  Ualagny,  who  had  taken 
atlvantage  of  the  Duke  of  Anjou's  treachery  to 
the  States,  to  establish  himself  in  an  unrecog- 
nized but  practical  petty  sovereignty,  in  defiauco 
both  of  France  and  Spain ;  while  East  Flanders 
and  South  Brabant  still  remained  a  disputed  ter- 
ritory, and  the  inuiiediate  field  of  contest.  With 
these  limitations,  it  may  be  assumed,  for  general 
purposes,  that  the  territory  of  the  '  'ted  States 
was  that  of  the  modern  Kingdom  ot  .,e  Nether- 
lands, while  the  obedient  Provinces  occupied 
what  is    now   the  territory  of    Belgium.  .  .  . 


2270 


NETHERLANDS,  1584-1385. 


liepithticttn 
ConatitiitioH. 


NETHEIiLANDS,  1584-1585. 


What  now  wns  the  politiral  pcisition  of  llip 
United  Provinces  at  tliis  juncturcV  Tlie  sover- 
eigntj' whieli  had  been  lield  lij'tii"  Estates,  leady 
to  be  conferred  respectively  u])(>'i  Anjou  anil 
Orange,  remained  in  tlie  liands  of  tlie  Estates. 
Tliere  was  no  opposition  to  tliis  tlieory.  .  .  .  Tlie 
])eople,  as  stich,  claimed  no  sovereignty.  .  .  . 
Wliat  were  the  Estates?  .  .  .  Tlic  groat  chanic- 
teristic  of  tlic  Nctlierland  government  was  the 
municipality.  Each  Province  contained  a  large 
number  of  cities,  which  were  governed  by  a 
board  of  magistrates,  varying  in  number  from  20 
to  40.  This  college,  called  the  Vroedscliap  (As- 
sembly of  Sages),  consisted  of  the  most  notable 
citizens,  and  was  a  self-electing  body — a  close 
corporation — the  members  being  appointed  for 
life,  from  the  citizens  at  large.  'Whenever  va- 
cancies occurred  from  death  or  loss  of  citizen- 
ship, the  college  chose  new  members  —  some- 
times immediately,  sometimes  by  means  of  a 
double  or  triple  selection  of  names,  the  choice  of 
one  from  among  which  was  offered  to  the  stadt- 
holder  [governor,  or  sovereign's  deputy]  of  the 
])roviuce.  This  fimctionary  was  appointed  by 
the  Count,  as  he  was  called,  whether  Duke  of 
Bavaria  or  of  Burgundy,  Emperor,  or  King. 
After  the  abjuration  of  Philip  [I.ISI],  the  gover- 
nors were  ai>pointed  by  the  Estates  of  each 
Province.  The  Sage-Men  chose  annually  a  board 
of  senators,  or  schepens,  whose  fiu'ctions  were 
mainly  judicial;  and  there  were  generally  two, 
and  sometimes  three,  burgomasters,  apjiointed 
in  the  same  way.  This  was  tlie  popular  branch 
of  the  Estates.  But,  besides  this  body  of  repre- 
sentatives, were  the  nobles,  men  of  ancient  line- 
age and  large  possessions,  who  had  exercised, 
according  to  the  general  feudal  law  of  Europe, 
high,  low,  and  intermediate  jurisdiction  upon 
their  estates,  and  had  long  been  recognized  as  an 
integral  part  of  the  bodj'  politic,  liaving  the 
right  to  appear,  through  delegates  of  their  order, 
in  the  provincial  and  in  the  general  assemblies. 
Hegarded  as  a  machine  for  bringing  the  most  de- 
cided political  capacities  into  the  administration 
of  public  affairs,  and  for  organizing  the  most 
practical  opposition  to  the  system  of  religious 
tyranny,  the  Netherland  constitution  was  a 
healthy,  and,  for  the  age,  an  enlightened  one. 
.  .  .  Thus  constituted  was  the  commonwealth 
upon  the  death  of  AVilliam  the  Silent.  The 
gloom  produced  by  that  event  was  tragical. 
Never  in  human  history  was  a  more  poignant 
and  universal  sorrow  for  the  death  of  any  individ- 
ual. The  despair  was,  for  a  brief  season,  abso- 
lute ;  but  it  was  soon  succeeded  by  more  lofty 
sentiments.  .  .  .  Even  on  the  very  day  of  the 
murder,  the  Estates  of  Holland,  then  sitting  at 
Delft,  passed  a  resolution  '  to  maintain  the  good 
cause,  with  God's  help,  to  the  uttermost,  with- 
out sparing  gold  or  blood.' .  .  .  The  next  move- 
ment, after  the  last  solemn  obsequies  had  been 
rendered  to  the  Prince,  was  to  ])rovide  for  the 
immediate  w  ants  of  his  family.  For  the  man  who 
had  gone  into  the  revolt  with  almost  royal  reve- 
r.ues,  left  his  estate  so  embarrassed  that  his  car- 
pets, tapestries,  housrfliold  linen  —  nay,  even  his 
silver  spoons,  and  the  very  clothes  of  his  ward- 
robe—  were  disposed  of  at  auction  for  thebeuetit 
of  his  creditors.  Ho  left  eleven  children  —  a  son 
and  daughter  by  the  tirst  wife,  a  son  and 
daughter  by  Anna  of  Saxony,  six  daughters  by 
Charlotte  of  Bourbon,  and  "an  infant,  Frederic 
Henry,  boru  six  months  before  his  death.     The 


eldest  son,  Philip  William,  had  been  a  captive 
in  Spain  for  seventeen  years,  having  been  kid- 
napped from  school,  in  I-eyden,  in  the  year  1507. 
He  h.id  already  become  .  .  .  thoroughly  His- 
l)aiii()lized  under  the  masterly  treatment  of  the 
King  and  the  .lesiiit.s.  .  .  .  The  next  .son  was 
Maurice,  then  IT  years  of  age.  .  .  .  (Jrandson  of 
Maurice  of  .Saxony,  whom  he  resembled  in  vis- 
age and  character,  he  was  summoned  by  every 
drop  of  blood  in  liis  veins  to  do  life-long  battle 
witli  the  spirit  of  Siianish  absolutism,  and  he 
was  already  girding  himself  for  his  life's  work. 
.  .  .  Very  soon  afterwards  the  Slates  C.eneral 
established  a  State  Council,  as  a  provisional  ex- 
ecutive board,  for  the  term  of  three  months,  for 
the  Provinces  of  Holland.  Zedand,  Utrecht, 
Friesland,  and  such  parts  of  Flanders  and  Bra- 
bant as  still  remained  in  the  Union.  At  the  head 
of  this  body  was  placed  young  Maurice,  who 
accepted  the  responsible  position,  after  throe 
days'  deliberation.  .  .  .  The  Council  consisted 
of  three  members  from  Brabant,  two  from  Flan- 
ders, four  from  Holland,  three  from  Zeeland, 
two  from  Utrecht,  one  from  Mechlin,  and  three 
from  Friesland  —  eighteen  in  all.  They  were 
empowered  and  enjoined  to  levy  troojis  by  land 
anil  .sea,  and  to  appoint  naval  and  military  offi- 
cers; to  establish  cou. ts  of  admiralty,  to  expend 
the  moneys  voted  by  the  Slates,  to  maintain  the 
ancient  privileges  of  the  countrj',  and  to  see  that 
all  troops  in  service  of  the  Provinces  made  oath 
of  fidelity  to  the  Union.  Diplomatic  relations, 
questions  of  peace  and  war,  the  treaty-making 
power,  wore  not  entrusted  to  the  Council,  with- 
out the  knowledge  and  consent  of  the  States 
General,  which  body  was  to  be  convoked  twice 
a  y  .ar  by  tlie  State  Council.  .  .  .  Alexander  of 
Parma  .  .  .  was  swift  to  take  advantage  of  the 
calamity  which  had  now  befallen  the  rebellious 
Provinces.  ...  In  Holland  and  Zeeland  the 
Prince's  blandishwients  were  of  no  avail.  .  .  . 
In  Flanders  and  Brabant  the  spirit  was  less 
noble.  Those  provinces  were  nearly  lost  already. 
Bruges  [which  had  made  terms  with  the  King 
early  in  1584]  seconded  Parma's  efforts  to  induce 
its  sister-city  Ghent  to  imitate  its  own  basi'iiess 
in  surrendering  without  a  struggle,  and  that 
powerful,  turbulent,  but  most  anarchical  little 
commonwealth  was  but  too  ready  to  listen  to 
the  voice  of  the  tempter.  .  .  .  Upon  the  17th 
August  [1584]  Dendermonde  surrendered.  .  .  . 
Upon  the  7th  September  Vilvoorde  capitulated, 
by  which  event  tlie  water-communication  be- 
tween Brussels  and  Antwerp  was  cut  off.  Ghent, 
now  thoroughly  disheartened,  treated  with 
I'arnia  likewise;  and  upon  the  17th  Seiitember 
made  its  reconciliation  with  tlie  King.  The  sur- 
render of  so  strong  and  important  a  place  was  as 
disastrous  to  the  cause  of  the  patriots  as  it  was 
disgraceful  to  the  citizens  themselves.  It  was, 
however,  the  result  of  an  intrigue  which  had  been 
long  spinning.  .  .  .  The  noble  city  of  Ghent  — 
then  as  large  as  Paris,  thoroughly  surrounded  with 
moats,  and  fortified  with  bulwarks,  ravelins,  and 
counterscarps,  constructed  of  eartli,  during  the 
previous  two  years,  at  great  expense,  and  pro- 
vided with  bread  and  meat,  powder  and  shot, 
enough  to  last  a  year — was  ignominiously  sur- 
rendered. The  population,  already  a  very  re- 
duced and  slender  one  for  the  great  extent  of 
the  i)lace  and  its  former  importance,  had  been 
estimated  at  70,000.  The  number  of  houses  was 
85,000,  so  that,    as  the  inhabitants  were  soon 


2271 


NETHERLANDS,  I'S-t-LWO. 


Siege 
of  Anttoerp. 


NETHERLANDS,  1585-1586. 


fnrtlicr  reduced  to  one-half,  there  rcmnliicd  but 
oiii  indivi(l\ial  to  eiicli  house.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  2.5  monasteries  and  convents  in  tlie 
town  were  repeopled.  .  .  .  Tlie  fall  of  Urussels 
was  deferred  till  Marcli.  and  that  of  Mechlin 
(l!»th  July,  1585),  and  of  Antwerp  [Sec  below] 
(lllth  Au£'ust,  1585),  till  Midsununer  of  the  fol- 
lowing year;  but  tlie  surrender  of  Ohent  fore- 
shadowed the  fate  of  Flanders  and  Hrabant. 
Oslend  and  Sluys,  however,  were  still  in  the 
hands  of  the  i)atriols.  and  with  them  the  control 
of  the  whole  Flemish  coast.  The  command  of 
the  sea  was  destined  to  remain  for  centaries  with 
the  new  repul)lic." — .T.  L.  Jlotlcy,  Jlint.  of  the 
Uiiih'il  y<:thirliii(ih,  ch.  1  (c.  1). 

A.  D.  1584-1585. — The  Siege  and  surrender 
of  Antwerp. — Decay  of  the  city. — "After  the 
fall  of  Ghent,  Farnese  applied  himself  earnestly 
to  the  siege  of  Antwerp,  one  of  tin;  most  memor- 
able recorded  in  ln.story.  The  citizens  were  ani- 
mated in  their  defence  by  tlie  valour  and  talent 
of  Ste  Aldegonde.  It  would  be  Impossible  to 
detail  with  minuteness  in  this  general  history  the 
various  eoutrivai'ces  resorted  to  ou  either  side  for 
the  attack  and  tiie  defence;  and  we  must  there- 
fore content  oursilves  with  brieliy  adverting  to 
that  stupendons  monument  of  Farnese 's  military 
genius,  the  bridge  which  he  carried  across  the 
Scheldt,  below  Antwern,  in  order  to  cut  off  the 
communication  of  the  city  with  the  sea  and  'he 
maritime  provinces.  From  the  depth  anil  wide- 
ne.48  of  the  river,  the  dilticulty  of  finding  the 
requisite  materials,  and  of  trausiiorllng  'hem  to 
the  place  selected  i".  th"  face  of  an  eiien._  that 
was  superior  on  the  wa'er,  the  project  vas 
loudly  denounced  by  Farnese's  ollicers  as  vit  n- 
ary  and  impracticable ;  yet  in  spite  of  all  tli^  "■ 
discouragements  and  dilliculties,  as  the  plac> 
seemed  unapproachable  in  the  usual  way,  he 
steadily  persevered,  and  at  last  succeeded  in  an 
undertaking  which,  had  he  failed,  wonld  heve 
covered  him  with  perpetual  ridicule.  The  s,,  Jt 
fixed  upon  for  the  bridge  was  between  Ordain 
and  Kalloo,  where  the  river  is  both  shallower 
and  narrower  than  nt  other  parts.  The  bridge 
consisted  of  piles  driven  into  the  water  to  such 
distance  as  its  depth  would  allow;  which  was 
200  feet  on  the  Flanders  siile  and  900  feet  on  that 
of  Brabant.  The  iuterval  between  the  piles, 
wliich  was  13  feet  broad,  was  covered  with 
planking;  but  at  the  e.Ntremities  towards  the 
centre  of  the  river  the  breadth  was  extended  to 
40  feet,  thus  forming  two  forts,  or  platforms, 
mounted  with  camion.  There  was  still,  how- 
ever, an  interstice  in  tise  middle  of  between  1,000 
and  1,100  feet,  throuj.h  which  tlie  ships  of  the 
enemy,  favoured  by  tl.e  wind  and  tide,  or  by  the 
night,  could  manage  to  pa.ss  without  any  con- 
siderable loss,  and  which  it  therefore  became 
necessary  to  till  up.  This  was  accomplished  by 
mixiring  across  it  the  liulis  of  33  vessels,  at  in- 
tervals of  about  20  feet  apart,  ami  connecting 
them  together  with  planks.  Each  vessel  was 
planted  with  artillery  and  garrisoned  by  about  30 
men;  while  the  bridge  was  protected  by  a  flota 
of  vessels  moored  on  each  side,  above  and  below , 
ai  a  distance  of  about  200  feet.  During  the  con- 
struction of  the  bridge,  which  lasted  half  a  year, 
the  citizens  of  Antwerp  viewed  with  dismay  the 
progress  of  a  work  that  was  not  only  to  deprive 
them  of  their  maritime  commerce,  but  also  of 
the  supplies  uec"8sary  for  their  subsistence  and 
defence.     At  length  they  adopted  a  plan  sug- 


gested by  Gianbelli,  an  Italian  engineer,  and 
resolved  to  destroy  th<'  bridge  by  means  of  lire- 
ships,  which  seem  to  have  been  first  used  on  this 
occasion.  Several  such  vessels  were  sent  down 
the  river  with  a  favourable  tide  and  wind,  of 
wliicli  two  were  changed  with  6,000  or  7,000  lbs. 
of  gunpowder  each,  packed  in  solid  masonry, 
with  various  destructive  missiles.  One  of  these 
vessels  went  ashore  before  reaching  its  destina- 
tion; the  other  arrived  at  the  bridge  and  ex- 
ploded with  terrihle  eltect.  Curiosity  to  behold 
so  novel  a  spectacle  had  attracted  vast  numbers 
of  the  Spaniards,  who  lined  the  shores  as  well  as 
the  bridge.  Of  these  800  were  killed  by  the  ex- 
plosion, and  by  tlie  implements  of  destruction 
discharged  with  the  powder;  a  still  greater  num- 
ber were  maimed  r.iid  wounded,  una  the  bridge 
itself  was  considerably  damaged.  Farnese  him- 
self was  thrown  to  the  earth  and  lay  for  a  time 
insensible.  The  besieged,  however,  did  not  fol- 
low up  their  plan  with  vigour.  They  allowed 
Farnese  time  to  repair  the  damage,  and  the 
Spaniards,  being  now  on  the  alert,  either  diverted 
the  course  of  the  lire-ships  that  were  subsequently 
sent  agffinst  tliein,  or  sulTered  them  to  pass  tlio 
bridge  throu^li  openings  made  for  the  purpose. 
In  spite  of  the  bridge,  however,  the  beleaguered 
citizens  ndglit  still  have  secured  a  transit  down 
the  river  by  breaking  through  the  dykes  between 
Antwerp  and  Lillo,  and  sailing  over  tlie  plains 
thus  laid  under  water,  for  which  purpose  it  was 
necessary  to  obtain  possession  of  the  counter- 
dyke  of  Kowenstyn;  but  after  a  partial  success, 
too  quickly  abandoned  by  Ilohenlohc  and  Sto 
Aldegonde,  they  were  defeated  in  a  bloody  battle 
which  they  fought  ujion  the  dyke.  Antwerp 
was  now  obliged  to  capitulate ;  and  as  Farnese 
was  anxious  to  put  an  end  to  so  long  a  siege,  it 
obtjviiied  more  favourable  terms  than  could  have 
been  anticipated  (August  17th  1585).  The  jiros- 
lierity  of  this  great  commercial  city  received, 
liowever,  a  severe  blow  from  its  capture  by  the 
Spaniards.  A  great  number  of  the  citizens,  as 
well  as  of  the  inhabitants  of  Brabant  and  Flan- 
ilers.  removed  to  Amsterdam  and  Middelbiirg." 
— T.  H.  Dyer,  Hint,  of  Modern  Europe,  bk.  3,  ch. 
9  (c.  2).  —  The  downfall  of  the  prosperity  of  the 
great  capital  "  was  instantaneous.  Tlie  mer- 
chants and  industrious  citizens  all  Mandered 
away  from  the  place  wliich  hod  been  the  seat  of 
a  world-wide  trafflc.  Civilization  and  commerce 
departed,  and  in  their  stead  were  the  citadel  and 
the  Jesuits." — J.  L.  Jlotley,  UUt.  of  the  United 
Xcthcrlatids,  ch.  5  {v.  1). 

Almoin:  F.  Schiller,  Siei/e  of  Antwerp. 

A.  D.  1585-1586.—  Proffered  sovereignty  of 
the  United  Provinces  declined  by  France  and 
England. —  Delusive  English  succors. —  The 
queen's  treachery  and  Leicester's  incompe- 
tency.—  Useless  battle  at  Zutphen. — "It  was 
natural  that  so  small  a  State,  wasted  b"  its  pro- 
tracted struggles,  should  desiic,  more  ci  .-nestly 
than  ever,  an  alliance  with  some  stronger  power ; 
and  it  was  from  among  States  supposed  to  have 
sympathies  with  Protestants,  that  such  on  alli- 
ance was  sought.  From  the  Protestant  countries 
of  Germany  tliere  was  no  promise  of  help ;  and 
the  eyes  of  the  Dutch  diplomatists  were  therefore 
turned  towards  France  and  England.  In  France, 
the  Huguenots,  having  recovered  from  St.  Bar- 
tholomew, now  enjoyed  toleration;  and  were  a 
rising  and  hopeful  party,  under  the  patronage 
of  Henry  of  Navarre.    If  the  king  of  France 


2272 


NETHERLANDS,  15S5-1580. 


Queen  Elhubith 
vf  Engtand, 


NETIIEIILAXDS,  1585-1586. 


would  protect  Holland  from  Philii),  nnd  extend 
to  its  jieoplc  the  same  toleration  which  he  al- 
lowed his  own  siiljjecls,  llolliiiid  ottered  him  the 
soverei),'iity  of  the  united  ])rovinees.  This 
tempting  offer  was  declined:  for  a  new  jioliey 
was  now  to  he  declared,  which  \inited  Franco 
and  Spain  in  a  higoted  crusade  against  the  Prot- 
.estant  faith.  The  League,  under  the  Duke  de 
Guise,  gained  a  fatal  ascendency  over  the  weak 
and  frivohms  king,  Henry  HL,  and  held  domin- 
ion in  France.  .  .  .  Nor  "was  the  baneful  inllu- 
enceof  tlie  League  confined  to  France:  it  formed 
II  close  alliance  with  I'hilip  and  the  Pope,  with 
wliom  it  was  plotting  the  overthrow  of  Protestant 
England,  the  suhjeition  of  the  revolted  prov- 
inces of  Spain,  and  the  general  extirpation  of 
heresy  throughout  Europe.  ,  .  .  The  only  hope 
of  the  Netherlands  was  now  in  England,  which 
was  threatened  by  a  common  danger;  and  en- 
voys were  sent  to  Elizabeth  with  offers  of  the 
sovereignty,  which  had  been  declined  by  France. 
So  little  did  the  Dutch  statesmen  as  yet  contem- 
plate u  republic,  that  they  offered  their  country 
to  any  sovereign,  in  return  for  ]irotection.  Had 
bolder  counsels  prevailed,  Elizabeth  might,  at 
once,  have  saved  the  Netherlands,  and  placed 
herself  at  the  head  of  the  Protestants  of  Europe. 
She  saw  her  own  danger,  if  Philip  slu-'Ud  re- 
cover the  provinces:  but  she  held  he.  purse- 
strings  with  the  grasp  of  a  miser:  she  dreaded 
an  open  rupture  with  Spain;  and  she  was  \m- 
willing  to  provoki  her  own  Catholic  subjects. 
Sympathy  with  tl.e  Protestant  cause,  she  had 
none.  .  .  .  She  desired  to  afford  as  much  assis- 
tance as  would  protect  her  own  realm  against 
Philip,  at  the  least  pos.siblo  cost,  without  precip- 
itating a  war  with  Spain.  She  agreed  to  send 
men  and  money:  but  retpnred  Flushing.  Brill, 
and  Kammekens  to  be  held  as  u  security  for  her 
loans.  She  refused  the  sovereignty  of  the 
States:  but  she  despatched  troops  to  the  Nether- 
lands, and  sent  her  favourite,  the  Earl  of  Leices- 
ter, to  command  tliem.  As  she  had  taken  the 
rebellious  subjects  oi  Spain  xmder  her  protec- 
tion, Philip  retaliated  by  the  seizure  of  British 
ships.  Spanish  vengeance  was  not  averted, 
while  the  Netherlands  profited  little  by  her  aid. " 
—  Sir  T.  E.  ilay.  Democracy  in  Eurupe,  ch.  11 
(r.  2). —  Leicester  sailed  for  the  Hague  in  the 
middle  of  December,  1585,  having  been  pre- 
ceded by  8,000  English  troops,  eager  to  ])revent 
or  revenge  the  fall  of  Antwerp.  "Had  there 
been  good  faith  and  resolution,  and  had  Lord 
Grey,  or  Sir  Richard  ]lingham,  or  Sir  John  Norris 
been  in  command,  20, 000  Dutch  and  English  troops 
might  have  taken  the  field  in  perfect  condition. 
The  States  would  have  spent  their  last  dollar 
to  find  them  in  everything  which  soldiers  could 
need.  They  woidd  have  had  at  their  backs  the 
enthusiastic  sympathy  of  the  population,  while 
the  enemy  was  as  universally  abhorred;  and 
Parma,  exhausted  by  his  cfTcjrts  in  the  great 
siege,  with  his  chest  emi)ty,  and  his  ranks  thinned 
almost  to  extinction,  could  not  have  encountered 
them  with  a  third  of  their  niunbers.  A  lost 
battle  •would  have  been  followed  by  a  renewed 
revolt  of  the  reconciled  Provinces,  and  Eliza- 
beth, if  she  found  peace  so  necessary  to  her, 
might  have  dictated  her  own  conditions. "  But 
months  passed  anil  nothing  was  done,  while 
Queen  Elizabeth  was  treacherously  negotiating 
with  agents  of  Spain.  In  the  summer  of  1586, 
"  half  and  more  than  half  of  the  brave  men  who 


had  come  over  In  the  past  September  were  dead. 
Their  places  were  taken  by  new  le\  ies  gathered 
in  haste  upon  the  highways,  or  by  mutinous  regi- 
ments of  Irish  kernes,  confessed  Catholics,  and 
lecl  by  a  man  [Sir  William  Stanley]  who  was 
only  watching  an  opportunity  to  betray  his 
sovereign.  .  .  .  Gone  was  now  the  enthusiasm 
which  had  welcomed  the  landing  of  Leicester. 
In  the  place  of  it  was  susi)icion  and  misgiving, 
distracted  councils,  and  divided  purposes.  Eliza- 
jiith  while  she  was  diplonuitising  held  her  army 
idle.  Parma,  short-handed  as  he  wa;.,  treateil 
with  his  hand  upon  his  sword,  and  was  for  ever 
carving  slice  on  slice  from  the  receding  frontiera 
of  file  States.  At  the  time  of  Leicester's  installa- 
tion he  was  acting  on  the  Meuse.  He  held  the 
river  as  far  as  Venloo.  Venloo  and  Grave  were 
in  the  hands  of  the  patriots,  both  of  tliem  strong 
fortresses,  the  latter  especially.  .  .  .  After  the 
fall  of  Antwerp  these  two  towns  were  Parma's 
next  object.  The  siege  of  Grave  was  formed  in 
January.  In  April  Colonel  Norris  and  Cotnit 
Holienlohe  forced  the  Spanish  lines  and  threw  in 
supplies;  but  Elizabeth's  orders  prevented  fur- 
ther effort.  Parnui  came  before  the  town  in  per- 
son in  June,  and  after  a  bond)ardnient  winch 
produced  little  or  no  effect.  Grave,  to  the  sur- 
prise of  every  one,  surrendered.  Count  Ilemart, 
the  governor,  was  said  to  have  been  corrupted 
by  his  mistress.  Leicester  hanged  him;  but 
liemart's  gallows  did  not  recover  Gru  ;  or  save 
Venloo,  which  smrendered  also  thr>  e  weeks 
later.  The  Earl,  conscious  of  the  disgrace,  yet 
seeing  no  way  to  mend  it,  .  .  was  willing  at 
last  to  play  into  his  mistress's  hands.  He  under- 
stood her  [Queen  Elizabeth]  at  last,  and  saw 
what  she  was  ainung  at.  'As  the  cause  is  now 
followed,'  he  wrote  to  her  on  the  27th  of  June, 
'it  is  not  worth  the  co.st  or  the  danger.  .  .  .  They 
[the  Netherlanders]  would  rather  have  lived  with 
bread  imd  drink  under  your  JIajesty's  protection 
than  with  all  their  possessions  under  the  King  of 
Spain.  It  has  almost  Ijroken  their  hearts  to 
think  j'our  ^Majesty  should  not  care  any  more  for 
them.  But  if  y  ju  mean  .soon  to  leave  them  they 
will  be  gone  almost  before  you  hear  of  it.  I  will 
do  my  best,  therefore,  to  get  into  my  hands 
three  or  four  most  principal  places  in  North  Hol- 
land, so  as  j'ou  shall  rule  these  men,  nnd  make 
war  and  i)eacc  as  you  list.  Part  not  with  Brill 
for  anything.  With  thcie  places  you  can  have 
what  peace  you  will  in  an  liour,  and  liave  your 
debts  and  charges  readily  answered.  But  your 
^lajesty  must  deal  graciously  with  them  at  pres- 
ent, and  if  you  mean  to  leave  thetu  keep  it  to 
yourself.'.  .  .  No  palliation  can  be  suggested, 
of  the  intentions  to  which  Leicester  saw  that  she 
was  still  clinging,  and  which  he  was  willing  to 
further  in  spite  of  his  o  itli  to  be  loyal  to  the 
States.  .  .  .  The  incapacity  of  Leicester  .  .  . 
was  growing  evident,  lie  had  been  used  as  a 
lay  figure  to  dazzle  the  eyes  of  the  Provinces, 
while  both  he  and  they  were  mocked  by  the 
secret  treaty.  The  treaty  was  hanging  tire.  .  .  . 
The  Queen  had  ...  so  far  opened  her  eyes  as 
to  see  that  she  was  not  improving  her  position  by 
keeping  her  army  idle;  and  Leicester,  that  he 
might  not  part  with  his  government  in  entire 
disgrace,  having  done  absolutely  nothing,  took 
the  field  for  n  short  campaign  in  the  middle  of 
August  [15fei(].  Parma  had  established  himself 
in  Gelderland,  at  Zutphen,  and  Duesberg.  The 
States  held  De  venter,  further  down  the  Issel ;  but 


2273 


^ETHEHLAXDS,  1585-1586. 


liuin  o/  the 
Sitaniith  Prt/vincea. 


NETHERLANDS,  1588-15na. 


Df  vMitur  would  probiibly  fall  iis  Griivc  iiiid  Vunloo 
liitd  fiillen  if  tlic  Hpiiiiiiirds  kept  tlicir  hol<l  upon 
the  river;  Leicester  tliureforu  proposed  toiitteiiipt 
to  recover  Zutphen.  Every  one  \v»s  dcllghtccl 
to  be  moving.  .  .  .  The  Eiirl  of  Es.se.\,  Sir  Wil- 
limn  Russell,  Lord  Willoughby,  and  others  who 
held  no  special  cointnands,  attached  themselves 
to  Leicester's  stalT;  Sir  PliiUp  Sidney  obtained 
leave  of  absence  from  Flushhijj;  Sir  .John  Norris 
and  his  brother  brought  the  English  contingent 
of  the  Stales  army;  Sir  Will'am  Stanley  had 
arrived  with  his  Ir'isluuen;  and  with  these  cava- 
liers glittering  about  him,  and  0,000  men, 
Leicester  entered  Oelderlaiid.  Duesberg  surren- 
dered to  him  without  a  blow  ;  Norris  surprised  a 
fort  outside  Zutphen,  which  comnianiied  the 
river  and  straitened  the  communications  of  llie 
town."  I'aruni  imide  an  atlempt,  on  tlie  moin- 
ing  oi  September  23,  to  thrt)w  supplies  into  the 
town,  and  Leicester's  knights  aim  gentlemen, 
forewarned  of  this  project  by  a  spy,  "Volun- 
teered for  an  ambuscade  to  cut  off  the  convoy. 
.  .  .  Parma  brought  with  him  every  man  that 
h(,'  could  spare,  and  the  ambuscade  party  were 
l)reparing  uncon.sciously  to  encounter  4,000  of 
the  best  troops  in  the  world.  They  were  in  all 
about  500.  .  .  .  The  morning  was  misty.  The 
\k'aggons  were  heard  coming,  l)ut  nothing  could 
be  seen  till  a  party  of  hor.se  appeared  at  the  head 
of  the  train  where  the  ambuscade  was  lying. 
Down  charged  the  500,  much  as  in  these  late 
years  600  English  lancers  charged  elsewhere,  as 
magniliceutly  and  as  uselessly.  .  .  .  Never  had 
l)een  a  more  brilliant  action  seen  or  heard  of, 
never  one  more  absurd  and  profitless.  For  the 
rauks  of  the  Spanish  infantry  were  unbroken, 
the  English  could  iiot  touch  thent,  could  not 
even  approach  them,  and  behind  the  line  of  their 
muskets  the  waggons  passed  steadily  to  the 
town.  ...  A  few,  not  many,  had  been  killed; 
but  among  those  whose  lives  had  been  Uung 
away  so  wildly  was  Philip  Sidney.  He  was 
r.truck  by  a  musket  baU  on  his  exposed  thigh, 
as  he  was  returning  from  Ills  last  charge,"  and 
died  a  few  weeks  later  "Parma  immediately 
afl'Twards  entered  Zi  >n  unmolested.  .  .  . 
L'  icester's  presence  was  i  nd  necessary  in  Eng- 
land. With  the  natural  Hj  ;npatliy  of  one  worth- 
less person  for  another,  he  hud  taken  a  fancy  to 
Stanley,  and  chose  to  give  him  an  indepen- 
dent command ;  and  leaving  the  government  to 
the  Council  of  the  States,  and  the  ariuy  again 
without  a  chief,  he  sailed  in  November  for  Lon- 
don."—  J.  A.  Froude,  Jfist.  of  England:  The 
lleign  of  Elizabeth,  ch.  33  (c.  6). 

Also  in  :  Cor.  of  Leicester  duriiif/  Ma  Govt,  of 
the  Low  CountriM  {Camden  8oc.  27). — W.  Gray, 
Life  and  Times  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  ch.  10. — C. 
K.  >Iarkliam,  The  Mghting  Veres,  ch.  7-8. 

A.  D.  1587-1588.— The  ruin  of  the  Spanish 
Provinces. —  Great  prosperity  of  the  United 
Provinces. — Siege  and  capture  of  Sluys.— The 
last  of  Leicester. — "  Though  tlie  United  Prov- 
inces were  distracted  by  domestic  dissensions  and 
enfeebled  by  mutual  distrust,  their  condition, 
compared  with  that  portion  of  the  Netherlands 
reduced  under  the  yoke  of  Spain,  was  such  as  to 
afford  matter  of  deep  gratulation  and  thankful- 
ness. The  miseries  of  war  had  visited  the  latter 
unhappy  country  in  the  fullest  measure;  ^nulti- 
tudcs  of  its  inhabitants  had  fled  in  despuir;  and 
the  sword,  famine,  and  pestilence,  vied  with  each 
other  in  destroying  the  remainder.  .  .  ,  The  rich 


and  smiling  pastures,  once  the  admiration  and 
envy  of  the  less  favoured  countries  of  Europe, 
were  now  no  more ;  woods,  roads,  and  fields,  were 
confounded  in  one  tangled  mass  of  cop.se  and 
brier.  In  the  formerly  busy  and  wealthy  towns 
c^f  Flanders  and  Urabant,  Ghent,  Antwerp,  and 
l.ruges,  members  of  noble  families  were  seen  to 
crci-p  from  their  wretched  abodes  in  the  darkness 
of  night  to  beg  their  bread,  or  to  search  the  streets 
for  bones  and  offal.  Astriking  and  cheering  con- 
trast is  the  picture  presented  by  the  United  Prov- 
inces. The  crops  ha<l,  indeed,  failed  there  also, 
but  the  entire  command  of  the  sea  which  they 
preserved,  and  the  free  importation  of  corn,  se- 
cured plentiful  supplies.  .  .  .  They  continued  to 
curry  on,  \nider  Sj)anish  colours,  a  lucrative  half- 
smuggling  tralllc,  which  the  government  of  that 
nation  found  it  its  interest  to  connive  at  and  en- 
courage. The  war,  therefore,  instead  of  being, 
as  usual,  an  hindrance  to  commerce,  rather  gave 
it  a  new  stimulus;  the  ports  were  crowded  with 
vessels.  .  .  .  Holland  and  Zealand  had  now  for 
more  than  ten  years  been  delivered  from  the 
enemy.  .  .  .  Thesecurity  they  thus  offered,  com- 
bined with  the  freedom  of  religion,  and  the  ac- 
tivity of  trade  and  commerce,  drew  vast  multi- 
tudes to  their  shores;  the  merchants  and  artisans 
expelled,  on  account  of  their  religion,  from  the 
Spanish  Netherlands,  transferred  thither  the  ad- 
vantages of  their  enterprise  and  skill.  .  .  .  The 
jjopulation  of  the  towns  became  so  overflowing 
that  it  was  found  impossible  to  build  houses  fast 
enough  to  contain  it.  .  .  .  The  miseruble  condi- 
tion of  the  Spuuish  Netherlands,  and  the  ditliculty 
of  finding  supplies  for  his  troops,  coused  the  Duke 
of  Purmu  to  delay  tailing  the  field  until  lute  in 
the  summer  [1587];  v/hen,  making  a  feint  attack 
upon  Ostend,  he  uftjrwards  .  .  .  commenced  u 
vigorous  siege  of  Sluys.  In  order  to  draw  him 
off  from  tins  undertaking,  Maurice,  with  the 
Count  of  Ilohenlohe,  marched  towards  Bois-le- 
Duc  .  .  .  The  danger  of  Sluys  hastened  the  re- 
turn of  the  Eurl  of  Leicester  to  the  Netherlands, 
who  arrived  in  Ostend  with  7,000  foot  and  500 
horse.  .  .  .  Sluys  had  been  besieged  seven  weeks, 
and  the  garrison  was  reduced  from  1,600  men  to 
scarcely  half  that  number,  when  Leicester  made 
ait  attempt  to  master  the  fort  of  Blaukenburg,  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  enemy's  camp;  but  on 
intelligence  that  Parma  was  approaching  to  give 
him  battle,  he  hastily  retreated  to  Ostend,"  and 
Sluys  was  "jurrendered.  "The  loss  of  Sluys  ex- 
asperated the  dissensions  between  Leicester  and 
the  States  into  undisguised  and  irreconcilable  hos- 
tility. "  He  was  soon  afterwards  recalled  to  Eng- 
land, and  early  in  the  following  year  tlic  ((ueen 
required  him  to  resign  his  command  and  gov- 
ernorship in  the  Netherlands.  In  the  meantime, 
the  English  queen  ha(i  reopened  negotiations  with 
Parma,  who  occupied  her  attention  while  his 
master,  Philip  H.  of  Spain,  was  preparing  the 
formidable  Armada  which  he  launched  against 
England  the  next  year  [see  Enol.\nd:  A.  D. 
1588].— C.  M.  Davies,  Hist,  of  Holland,  pt.  3,  ch. 
2-3  (c.  2). 

A.  D.  1588-1593. —  Successes  of  Prince 
Maurice. — Departure  of  Parma  to  France. — 
His  death. — Appointment  of  Archduke  Albert 
to  the  Government. — "The  destruction  of  the 
gre.it  Spanish  Armada  by  the  English  in  1.588 
infused  new  hopes  into  all  the  enemies  of  Spain, 
and  animated  the  Dutch  with  such  courage,  that 
I^Iauricc  led  his  army  against  that  of  the  Duke 


2274 


NETIIEHLAXD8,  1588-159a.       .Si«i..i»/i  ,U,:line.      NETIIEULANDS,   1504-1600. 


of  Purmo,  and  forced  him  to  raise  tlic  sit-gi-  of 
ntT);i'ii  op-Zuom,  at  tliat  time  garrisoned  liy  a 
l)()rti(m  of  Leicester's  army  uiide'  the  command 
of  Sir  Francis  Vere.  .  .  .  Tlie  young  Stadt- 
bolder  was  induced  by  this  success  to  surprise 
the  Ca&tle  of  Blyeubecli,  widcli  was  yielded  to 
his  irms  in  1589;  ami  tlio  following  year  [March 
1]  lie  got  possession  of  Hreda  l)y  a  '  ruse  de 
guerre,'" — having  introduced  70  men  into  the 
town  by  concealing  them  in  a  Ijoat  laden  with 
turf.  •'The  Duke  of  Parma  was  now  recalled 
from  the  Low  C-'ouiitries  into  France  [see 
FnANCE:  A.  I).  1590J,  and  the  olil  Peter  Ernest, 
Count  de  Mansfeld,  succeeded  to  the  government 
of  the  Low  Countries.  .  .  .  Maurice  defeated 
the  Spanish  army  in  the  open  field  at  Caervorden, 
and  took  Nimegueu  [October  2' ,  1501]  ami 
Zutphen  [May  30,  1591;  also,  I'  -enter,  June 
10,  of  the  same  yearj.  .  .  .  These  successes 
addeil  greatly  to  the  reputation  of  Count  Mau- 
rice, wlio  now  made  considerable  progress,  so 
that  in  the  year  1591  the  Dutch  saw  their  fron- 
tiers e-vtended,  and  had  well-grounded  hopes  of 
driving  the  Spajiardsoutof  Frieslaud  in  another 
campaign.  .  .  .  The  death  of  the  Prince  of 
Parma  [which  occurred  Deceml)er  3,  15921  de- 
livered the  Confederates  from  a  formidable  adver- 
sary ;  but  old  Count  Mansfeld,  at  the  head  of  an 
army  of  30,000  men,  took  the  Held  against  them. 
Maurice,  however,  in  1593,  notwithstanding  this 
covering  force,  sat  down  before  Gertruydenberg, 
advantageously  situated  on  the  frontier  of  lira- 
baut."  riio  siege  was  regarded  as  a  nnisterpiece 
of  tlie  military  art  of  the  day,  and  the  city  was 
l)rouglit  to  surrender  at.  the  end  of  tliree  months. 
"With  the  useful  aid  of  Sir  Francis  Vere  and 
the  English,  Maurice  afterwards  took  Gronen- 
burg  and  Grave,  which  formed  part  of  Ins  own 
patrimony.  The  Duki'  of  Parma  was  succeeded 
in  the  government  of  the  Netlierlands  by  the 
Archduke  Albert,  a  younger  son  of  the  Emperor 
Maximilian,  who  was  married  to  Isabella, 
daugliter  of  King  Pliilip."— Sir  E.  Cust,  Licts 
of  the  Warriorsof  t/ie  Thirty  rears'  War:  Mau- 
nee  of  Orange- Niimtiu,  pp.  25-28. 

Also  in:  C.  U.  Markham,  The  Fightiny  Veres, 
pt.  1,  ch.  10-15. 

A.  D.  I594-IS97. — Spanish  operations  in 
Northern  France.  See  Fuance;  A.  D.  1593- 
1598. 

A,  D.  1594-1609. — Steady  decline  of  Spanish 
power. — Sovereignty  of  the  provinces  made 
over  to  the  Infanta  Isabella  and  the  Archduke, 
her  husband.— Death  of  Philip  II.— Negotia- 
tions for  peace. — A  twelve  years'  truce  agreed 
upon. — Acknowledgment  of  the  independence 
of  the  republic. — "Philip's  French  enterprise 
had  failed.  The  dashing  and  unscrupulous 
Henry  of  Navarre  had  won  his  crown,  by  con- 
forming to  the  Catholic  faith  [see  Fuance:  A.  U. 
l.">91-1593].  .  .  .  Great  was  the  shock  given  by 
his  politic  apostacy  to  the  religious  sentiments  of 
Europe:  but  it  was  fatal  to  the  aml)ition  of 
Philip;  and  again  the  Isetherlauds  could  count 
upon  the  friendship  of  a  king  of  France.  Tlieir 
own  needs  were  great:  but  the  gallant  little  re- 
public still  found  means  to  assist  the  Protestant 
champion  against  their  common  enemy,  the  king 
of  Spain,  lu  the  Netherlands  the  Spanish  power 
was  declining.  The  feeble  successors  of  Parma 
were  no  match  for  Maurice  of  Nassa\i  and  the 
republican  leaders:  the  Spanish  troops  were 
starving   auu   mutinous:    the    provinces   under 


I  Spanish  rule  were  reduced  to  wretchedness  and 
I  l)eggary.  Cities  and  fortresses  fell,  one  after 
I  anotlier,  into  the  hands  of  the  st;idtholder.  The 
I  Dutch  lleet  joined  that  of  England  in  a  raid 
'  upon  .Spain  itself,  captured  and  sacked  Cadiz 
'  [.see  Si'AlN:  A.  D.  159(i|,  rai.sed  the  Hag  of  the 
republic  on  the  baltlement.s  of  that  famous  city; 
and  left  the  Spanish  lleet  burning  in  the  harbour. 
Other  events  followed,  deeply  atTecting  the  for- 
tunes of  the  republic.  Philip  at  length  made 
peace  with  Henry  of  Navarre,  and  was  again 
free  to  coerce  his  revolted  ])rovinces.  But  his 
accursed  rule  was  drawing  to  a  close.  In  1.598 
he  made  over  the  sovereignty  of  the  Netherlands 
to  the  Infanta  I.sal)ella  and  heralllanceil  husband, 
the  Archduke  Albert,  who  had  cast  aside  his  car- 
dinal's hat,  his  arehbislioprie,  and  his  priestly 
vows  of  celibacy,  for  a  consort  so  endowed, 
Philip  had  ceased  to  reign  in  the  Netherlands; 
and  a  few  months  afterwards  [Septcndier  18, 
1598J  he  closed  his  evil  life,  in  the  odour  of  sanc- 
tity. .  .  .  The  tyrant  was  dead:  the  little  repub- 
lic, which  he  had  scourged  so  cruelly,  was  living 
and  prosperous.  .  .  .  Far  ditferent  was  the  lot 
of  the  ill-fated  provinces  still  in  the  grasp  of  the 
tyrant.  The  land  lay  waste  and  desolate  :  its  in- 
habitants ha<i  lied  to  England  or  Holland,  or 
were  reduced  to  want  and  beggary.  .  .  .  Tliat 
the  rejiidjlic  should  have  outlived  its  chief  op- 
pressor was  an  event  of  happy  augury:  but 
years  of  trial  and  danger  were  still  to  be  passed 
through.  The  victory  of  Nleuport  [gained  July 
2,  1600,  by  an  army  of  Dutch  and  English  over 
the  sviperior  forces  of  the  Archduke  Albert] 
raised  Prince  Maurice's  fame,  as  a  soldier,  to  its 
highest  point ;  and  the  gallant  defence  of  Ostcud, 
for  upwards  of  three  years  [against  a  siege,  con- 
ducted by  the  Spanish  general  Spinola,  to  which 
its  garrison  tinally  succumbed  in  1()04,  when  the 
town  was  a  heap  of  ruins,  and  after  100,000  men 
are  said  to  have  been  sacriticed  on  both  sides] 
.  .  .  proved  that  the  courage  and  endurance  of 
his  soldiers  had  not  declined  during  the  pro- 
tracted war  [while  Sluys  was  taken  by  the  Prince 
the  same  year].  At  sea  the  Dutch  Heets  won 
new  victoiies  over  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese; 
and  privateers  made  constant  ravages  upon  the 
enemy's  conmierce.  But  there  were  al.so  failures 
and  reverses,  on  the  side  of  the  republic,  dissen- 
sions among  its  leaders,  and  anxieties  concerning 
the  attitude  of  foreign  States.  And  thus,  with 
varied  fortunes,  this  momentous  war  had  now 
continued  for  upwards  of  forty  years.  .  .  .  On 
both  sides  there  was  a  desire  for  peace.  The 
Dutch  woidd  accept  nothing  short  of  uncon- 
ditional independence:  the  Spainards  almost  de- 
spaired of  reducing  them  to  subjection,  while 
they  dreaded  more  republican  victories  at  sea. 
aial  the  extension  of  Dutch  maritime  enterprise 
in  th(^  East.  Overtures  for  peace  were  first  made 
cautiously  and  secretly  by  the  archdukes  [' this 
was  the  title  of  the  archduke  and  archduchess'], 
and  ri:ceived  by  the  States  with  grave  distrust. 
Jealous  and  haughty  was  the  bearing  of  tlie  re- 
public, in  the  negotiations  which  ensued.  The 
states-general,  in  full  session,  represented  Hol- 
land, and  received  the  Spanish  envoys.  Tlie  in- 
dependence of  the  States  was  accepted,  on  both 
sides,  as  the  basis  of  any  treaty :  but,  as  a  pre- 
liminary to  the  negotiations,  the  republic  insisted 
upon  its  formal  recognition,  as  a  free  and  efpial 
State,  in  words  dictated  by  itself.  .  .  .  At  length 
an  armistice  was  signed,  iu  order  to  arrange  the 


3-46 


2275 


NKTIIEULANDS,  1594-1(100. 


nntch  E<itt 
Imtiti  Cnmpanj/. 


NKTHEnLANDS,   l«08-lfll0. 


terms  of  n  trcniy  of  poftce.  It  was  n  welcome 
breatliing  time:  but  pence  was  still  beset  with 
(iillieiilties  and  obstacles.  The  iSpnniard.M  were 
insincere:  they  could  not  bring  tliemselves  to 
treat  seriously,  and  in  good  faith,  with  heretics 
and  relicis:  they  desired  the  re-establishnient  of 
the  Church  of  Home;  and  they  claimed  the  ex- 
clusive right  of  trading  with  the  East  and  West 
Indies.  Tlie  councils  of  the  republic  were  also 
divided.  Barneveldt,  the  Hvilian,  ivas  l)ent  upon 
peace:  Prince  Maurice,  tlie  soldier,  was  buruing 
for  the  renewal  of  the  war.  But  Barneveldt  and 
the  peace  party  prevailed,  and  negotiations  were 
continued.  Again  and  again,  the  armistice  was 
renewed:  but  a  treaty  of  peace  seemed  as  remote 
as  ever.  At  length  [April  0,  1009],  after  infinite 
disputes,  a  truce  for  twelve  years  was  agreed 
upon.  In  form  it  was  a  truce,  and  not  a  treaty 
of  peace;  but  otherwise  the  republic  gained 
every  point  <ipon  which  it  had  insisted.  Its  free- 
dom and  independence  were  unconditionally  rec- 
ognised: it  accepted  no  conditions  concerning 
religion :  it  made  no  concessions  in  regard  to  its 
trade  with  the  Indies.  The  great  battle  for  free- 
dom was  won ;  the  republic  was  free;  its  troubles 
ami  perils  were  at  an  e;.d.  Its  oppressors  had 
been  the  first  to  sue  for  peace;  their  commission- 
ers had  treated  with  tlie  states-general  at  the 
Hague;  and  they  had  yielded  every  point  for 
which  thev  had  been  waging  war  for  nearly  half 
a  century.^' — Sir  T.  E.  May,  Bemocrufy  in  Europe, 
eh.  11  (D.  2). 

Ai-so  in;  C.  M.  Davies,  Hist,  of  IMland,  pt. 
S,ch.  3-4  (r.  2).— J.  L.  Motley,  Hist,  of  the  United 
KetherlamU,  ch.  30-52  (r.  3-4).— D.  Campbell, 
The  Puritiin  in  Hollniul.  d-c,  ch.  18  {v.  2). 

A.  D.  1594-1620. — Rise  and  growth  of  East- 
ern trade. — Formation  of  the  Dutch  East 
India  Company. — "Previous  to  their  assertion 
of  national  independence,  tlie  commerce  of  the 
Dutch  did  not  extend  beyond  the  contiues  of 
Europe.  But  new  regions  of  traffic  were  now  to 
open  to  tlieir  dauntless  enterprise.  It  was  in 
1594  that  Cornelius  Houtman,  the  son  of  a 
brewer  at  Gouda,  returned  from  Lisbon,  where, 
having  passed  the  preceding  year,  he  had  seen 
the  gorgeous  produce  of  the  East  piled  on  tlie 
quays  of  the  Tagus.  His  descriptions  fired  tlie 
emulation  of  his  friends  at  Amsterdam,  nine  of 
wliom  agreed  to  join  stock  and  equip  a  little 
flotilla  for  a  voyage  round  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope;  Iloutmun  undertook  the  command,  and 
thus  the  marvellous  commerce  of  the  Dutch  in 
India  began.  The  influence  which  tlieir  trade 
with  India  and  their  settlements  tliere  exerted  in 
maturing  and  extending  tlie  greatness  of  the 
Dutch,  has  often  been  overrated.  It  was  a 
source,  indeed,  of  infinite  pride,  and  for  a  time 
of  rapid  and  glittering  profit;  but  it  was  at- 
tended with  serious  drawbacks,  botli  of  national 
expenditure  and  national  danger.  .  .  .  From  the 
outset  they  were  forced  to  go  armed.  The  four 
ships  that  sailed  on  the  first  voyage  of  specula- 
tion from  Amsterdam,  in  1595,  were  fitted  out 
for  either  war  or  merchandise.  Tliey  were  about 
to  sail  into  hitlierto  interdicted  waters;  they 
knew  that  the  Portuguese  were  already  estab- 
lished in  tlie  Spice  Islands,  whither  they  were 
bound ;  and  Portugal  was  then  a  dependency  of 
Spain.  On  their  arrival  at  Java,  they  had,  con- 
sequently, to  encounter  open  hostility  both  from 
Europeans  and  the  natives  whom  the  former  iu- 
flueaced  uguinst  them.    At  Bali,  however,  they 


were  better  received;  and,  in  1597,  they  reached 
home  with  a  rich  cargo  of  snicea  and  Indian 
wares.  It  was  a  proud  and  joyous  day  in 
Amsterdam  when  their  return  was  known.  .  .  . 
From  various  ports  of  Zealand  and  Holland  80 
vessels  sailed  the  following  year  to  America, 
Africa,  and  India.  Vainly  tlie  Portuguest;  colo- 
nists laboured  to  convince  the  native  princes  of 
the  East  that  the  Dutch  were  a  mere  horde  of 
pirates  with  whom  no  dealings  were  safe.  Their 
businesslike  and  punctilious  demeanour,  and 
probably,  likewise,  the  judiciously  s<^lccted  car- 
goes with  which  they  freighted  their  ships  out- 
wards, whereby  they  were  enabled  to  olTer  better 
terms  for  the  silk,  indigo,  ond  spice  they  wished 
to  buy,  rapi<lly  disarnicii  the  suspicion  of  several 
of  the  chiefs.  ...  In  1003  the  celebrated  Eost 
India  Company  was  formed  under  charter  granted 
by  the  States-General, —  the  original  capital  be- 
ing 0,000,000  guilders,  subscribed  by  the  mer- 
chants of  Delft,  Botterdam,  Iloorn,  Enkhuysen, 
Middleberg,  but  above  all  Amsterdam,  'riiey 
established  factories  at  many  places,  both  on  the 
continent  of  India  and  in  the  islands;  but  their 
chief  depot  was  fixed  at  Bantam,"  until,  dissatis- 
fied with  certain  taxes  imposed  on  them  by  the 
lord  of  Bantam,  they  looked  elsewhere  for  a  sta- 
tion. "The  Bovereign  of  Java  gladly  oifered 
them  a  settlement  not  above  100  miles  distant, 
with  full  permission  to  erect  such  buildings  as 
they  chose,  and  an  engagement  that  pepper  (the 
chief  spice  thence  exported)  sliould  be  sent  out 
of  his  dominions  toll-free.  These  terms  were  ac- 
cepted. Jocatra,  a  situation  very  propitious  for 
traffic,  was  chosen  as  the  site  of  their  future  fac- 
tory. Warehouses  of  stone  and  mortar  quickly 
rose;  and  dwellings,  to  the  number  of  1,000, 
were  in  a  short  time  added.  All  nations  had 
leave  to  settle  and  trade  within  its  walls;  and 
this  was  the  origin  of  Batavia.  In  six  years  the 
Company  sent  out  40  vessels,  of  which  43  re- 
turucd  in  due  course  laden  with  rich  cargoes. 
...  By  the  books  of  the  Company  it  appeared 
that,  during  the  next  eleven  years,  they  main- 
tained 30  sliips  in  tlie  Eastern  trade,  munned  by 
5,000  seamen.  .  .  .  Two  hundred  per  cent,  was 
divided  by  the  proprietors  of  the  Company's 
stock  on  their  paid-up  capital  in  sixteen  yeors. 
.  .  .  But  of  all  the  proud  results  of  their  Indian 
commerce,  tliat  wliicli  naturally  otTorded  to  the 
Dutch  the  keenest  sense  of  exultation,  was  the 
opportunity  it  afforded  them  of  thorouglily  un- 
dermining tlic  once  exclusive  trade  of  Spain,  not 
with  foreign  nations  merely,  but  witli  her  own 
colonies,  and  even  at  home.  The  infatuated 
policy  of  her  government  had  prepared  the  way 
for  her  decline.  ...  In  tlie  space  of  a  few  years 
the  Dutch  had  taken  and  rifled  11  Spanish  gal- 
leons, 'carUets  and  other  liuge  ships,  and  made 
about  40  of  ttiem  unserviceable.'  So  crippled 
was  their  colonial  trade  thot,  even  for  their  own 
use,  the  Spaniards  were  obliged  to  buy  nutmegs, 
cloves,  and  maci  from  their  hated  rivals." — VV. 
T.  McCullagh,  J  .atrial  Hist,  of  Free  Nations, 
ch.  13  (e.  2). 

Also  in  ;  D.  McPhersnn,  Annals  of  Commerce, 
V.  'Z,  pp.  200-290. — J.  Yeats,  C/routh  and  Vicisni- 
tudes  vf  Commerce,  pt.  3,  eh.  3-4. 

A.  b.  1603-1619. — Calvinistic  persecution  of 
Arminianism. — The  hunting  down  of  John  of 
Barneveldt  by  Prince  Maurice. —  Synod  of 
Dort. — Calvin's  doctrine  of  predestination  was 
struugly  expressed  in  what  was  called  the  Heidcl- 


00 


27() 


NETHERLANDS,  1003-1010.    J<>hn  „f  n„nie,;i,li.    NETIIKUL.VXDS    1003-1010. 


berR  Cftlcchism.  "A  synod  of  the  pastors  of 
Hollniiil  had  decreed  llmt  this  must  be  sif;ried  liy 
all  their  preachers,  ntid  be  to  them  what  tlie 
Tl'.irty-nine  Articles  are  to  the  Englisli  C'liurcli 
and  tlie  CJonfession  of  Augsburg  to  tlie  Lutlicraiis. 
Many  preacliers  hesitated  to  pledge  tlieni.selves 
to  doctrines  tliat  tliey  did  not  tliinic  Scriptural 
nor  according  to  primitive  faitii,  and  still  more, 
not  accordant  witli  tlie  eternal  mercy  of  God.  Of 
these  Jacob  Hermann,  a  minister  of  Amsterdam, 
or  as  lie  Latinised  his  name,  Arminius,  was  the 
foremost,  and  under  his  intluence  a  number  of 
clergy  refused  their  signature.  'I'lio  University 
of  Lcyden  in  1003  chose  Arminius  as  tlieir  Pro- 
fessor of  Theology.  Tlie  opposite  jiarty,  in  great 
wrath,  insistedon  holding  a  synod,  and  theStateri- 
General  gave  permission,  but  at  llrst  only  on  con- 
dition that  there  should  be  a  revision  of  tlie  con- 
fi'ssion  of  faith  and  catechism.  The  ministers 
refused,  but  the  States-Oeneral  insisted,  led  by 
John  Barneveldt,  then  Advocate  and  Keeper  of 
the  Seals,  who  declared  in  their  name  tliat  as 
'  foster  fathei's  and  protectors  of  the  churches  to 
them  every  right  beUmced.'  It  was  an  Erastian 
sentiment,  but  this  opinion  was  held  by  all  re- 
formed governments,  including  the  English,  and 
Harneveldt  spoke  in  the  hope  of  mitigating  Cal- 
vinistic  violence.  The  Advocate  of  the  States- 
General  was  'n  fact  their  mouthpiece.  They 
might  vote,  but  no  one  expressed  their  decisions 
at  home  or  abroad  save  the  Advocate ;  and  Bar- 
neveldt, both  from  position  and  character,  was 
thus  the  chief  manager  of  civil  affairs,  and  an 
equal  it  not  a  superior  power  to  Maurice  of  Nas- 
sau, theStadtholder  and  commander-in-chief,  and 
recently,  by  the  death  of  his  elder  brother.  Prince 
of  Orange.  Tlie  question  had  even  been  mooted 
of  giving  him  the  sovereignty,  but  to  this  Barne- 
veldt was  strongly  averse.  Maurice  knew  very 
little  about  tlie  argument,  and  his  real  feelings 
were  Arminian,  though  jealousy  of  Barneveldt 
made  him  favour  the  opposite  party,  whose  chief 
champion  was  Jacob  Oomcr,  or  Gomerus  as  he 
called  himself.  King  James,  though  really  hold- 
ing with  the  Arminians,  disliked  Barneveldt,  and 
therefore  threw  all  the  weight  of  England  into 
the  scale  against  thein.  Arguments  were  held 
before  Maurice  and  before  tiic  university,  in  which 
three  champions  on  the  one  side  were  pitted 
against  three  on  the  other,  but  nothing  came  of 
them  but  a  good  deal  of  audacious  profanity,  till^ 
Arminius,  in  ministering  to  tlie  sick  during  a  visi-' 
tation  of  the  plague  at  Amsterdam,  caught  the 
disease  and  died.  He  was  so  much  respected  that 
the  University  of  Leyden  pensioned  his  widow. 
They  chose  a  young  Genevese,  named  Conr.id 
Voorst  or  Vorstius,  as  his  successor.  Voorst  had 
written  two  books,  one  on  the  nature  of  Qoti, 
Tractatus  Theologicus  de  Deo,  and  the  other. 
Exegesis  Apologetica,  in  which  (by  Fuller's  ac- 
count) there  was  a  considerable  amount  of 
materialism,  and  likewise  what  amounted  to  a 
denial  of  the  Divine  Omniscience,  being  no  doubt 
a  reaction  from  extreme  Calvinism.  King  James 
met  with  the  book,  and  was  horrified  at  its  state- 
ments. He  conceived  himself  bound  to  interfere 
both  as  protector  to  the  Stales  —  which  he  said 
had  been  cemented  with  Englisli  l)lood  —  and  be- 
cause the  University  of  Lcyden  was  much  fre- 
(luented  by  the  youth  of  England  and  Scotland, 
Avho  often  completed  their  legal  studies  there. 
He  ordered  Sir  i{alf  Winwood,  his  ambassador  at 
the  Hague,  to  deliver  a  sharp  remonstruuce  to  the 


States,  and  to  read  them  a  catalogue  of  the  dan- 
gerous anil  lilasphcmous  errors  that  ho  had 
detected,  rcconunending  the  Stat<'s  to  jirotest 
against  the  appointment,  and  burn  the  biMik.s. 
Barneveldt  was  much  distressed,  and  uncertain 
whether  James  really  was  ipeaking  out  of  Zeal 
for  ortli(«loxy,  or  to  haveau  excuse  fora  (juarrel. 
Letters  and  arguments  pas.sed  without  number. 
.  .  .  Leyden  supported  the  professor  it  hail  in- 
vited, and,  together  with  Barnevelilt,  felt  that  to 
expel  a  man  whom  they  had  chosen,  at  the  bid- 
ding of  a  foreign  sovereign,  was  almost  accepting 
a  yokelikethiitof  the  Imiulsition.  .  .  .  .Maurice, 
on  the  other  hand,  was  glad  to  set  the  English 
King  against  Barneveldt,  and  to  represent  that 
support  of  the  foes  of  strict  Calvinism  meant 
treachery  to  the  Hepiiblic  and  a  betrayal  to 
Spain.  WIuwoihI,  on  tlii!  King's  part,  insisted  on 
Vorslius's  dismis.sal  and  banishment.  .  .  .  Mau- 
rice's own  preacher,  Uytenbogen,  wrote  a  remon- 
strance on  behalf  of  the  Arminians,  wlio  were 
therefore  sometimes  termed  Ucnionstrants,  while 
the  Qomerists,  from  tlieir  answer,  were  called 
Counter-Hernonstrants.  Unfortunately,  political 
jealousy  of  Barneveldt  on  the  part  of  Maurice 
caused  the  intluence  of  Uytenbogen  to  decline. 
Most  of  the  preachers  and  of  the  populace  held 
to  the  Counter-Uemonstrants  and  their  old-fash- 
ioned Calvinism,  most  of  the  nobles  and  magis- 
trates were  Ueinonstrants.  Tlie  question  began 
to  branch  into  a  second,  namely,  whether  the  sV.de 
had  power  to  control  the  faith  of  all  its  subjects, 
and  whether  when  it  convoked  a  synod  it  could 
control  its  decisions,  or  was  bound  to  enforce 
them  absolutely  and  without  question.  .  .  . 
Whichever  jiarty  was  predominant  in  a  place 
turned  the  other  out  of  ehtireh.  Appeals  were 
made  to  the  Stadtholder,  and  he  became  angry. 
The  States-General  at  large,  with  Bfirneveldt  to 
speak  for  them,  were  Heinonstrant;  the  states  of 
Holland  were  Counter- Heinonstrant;  and  one  of 
the  questions  thus  at  issue  was  how  far  the  power 
of  the  general  government  outweighed  that  of  a 
particular  .state.  .  .  .  By  steps  here  impossible 
to  follow,  ^Maurice  destroyed  the  ascendency  of 
Barneveldt,  and  the  reports  that  the  old  states- 
man was  playing  into  the  hands  of  Spain  grew 
more  and  more  current.  Tlie  magistrates  of  the 
Arminian  persua.sion  found  themselves  depend- 
ing for  protection  on  the  Waartgelders,  a  sort  of 
burgher  militia,  who  endeavoured  to  keep  the 
peace  between  tlio  furious  mobs  wlio  struggled 
on  either  side.  Accusations  Hew  about  freely 
tliat  now  Maurice,  now  Barneveldt  wanted  the 
sovereignty.  England  favoured  the  former ;  and 
after  Henri  IV.  was  dead,  French  support  little 
availed  the  latter,  but  rather  did  him  harm.  Mau- 
rice did  not  scruple  to  raise  the  popular  cry  tliat 
there  were  two  factions  in  Holland,  for  Orange 
or  for  Spain,  thougli  he  must  liiive  known  that 
there  never  liad  been  a  more  steady  foe  of  Spain 
than  the  old  statesman.  The  public,  however, 
preferred  the  general  to  the  statesman,  and  bit 
by  bit  JIaurice  succeeded  in  exchanging  Uemon- 
strant  magistrates  for  Counter-Uemonstrant,  or, 
as  Barneveldt  explained  the  matter  to  Sir  Dudley 
Carlcton,  who  had  beccmie  ambassador  from 
England,  Puritan  for  double  Puritan.  .  .  Sun- 
day, the  17th  of  July,  1017,  Uytenlx)geL  preached 
against  the  assembly  of  a  national  synod,  know- 
ing well  that  it  would  only  eontirm  and  narrow 
tlie  cruel  doctrine.  ^laurice,  who  was  bent  on 
the  synod  came  out  iu  u  rage,  ,  ■  .  Barneveldt 


NETIIEHLAND8,  1608-1610. 


H'lir  reneieed. 


NETnEHLANnS,  1631-1683. 


«)ii  IIiIh  moved  tlio  StiilcsOcncriil  to  refiiso  their 
<'oii»eiit  to  the  synod  us  Inconsistent  with  tlieir 
laws.  This  was  curried  by  ii  nmjorit  v,  and  wiis 
<alled  the  Slmrp  HcHolve.  .  .  .  The  IIIkIi  Conn- 
«il  by  a  majority  of  one  set  aside  tlie  Hlmrp  He- 
solve,  and  decided  for  the  synod.  Harneveldt  hud 
u  severe  illness,  diirin/f  wldeh  .Maurice's  inllnenee 
made  progress,  assisted  by  detestable  accusations 
that  the  Advocate  was  in  league  with  the 
Hoaniards.  At  lust  ^laurlce  mastered  L'trechI, 
hitherto  the  chief  hold  of  Armlnlanisni.  lie  dis- 
banded the  Waurtgehlers,  and  when  the  States- 
Oeneral  came  together  in  the  summer  of  lOlH,  he 
hud  all  i>repared  for  sw<'eping  his  adversaries 
from  his  palli.  On  the  21)tli  of  August,  as  Har- 
neveldt was  going  to  take  his  place  at  the  Htates- 
Oencral,  he  was  told  by  a  cluunberlain  that  Uui 
Prince  wished  to  spenk  with  him,  and  in  Mau- 
rice's ante-room  was  arrested  by  a  licutenunt  of 
the  guard  and  locked  up.  In  exactly  the  same 
manner  was  arrested  his  frien<l  and  supporter 
Pensionary  Ilambolt  IIoogeid)oets,  who  had  pro- 
tested against  the  decree  by  which  the  lligh 
<'ouacll  reversed  that  of  the  States-General,  and 
Hugo  Von  Gioot,  or,  as  ho  called  himself,  Hugo 
<)rotiu8,  one  of  the  greatest  scholars  who  ever 
lived,  especially  In  jurisprudence,  and  a  strong 
adherent  of  the  Advocate.  .  .  .  The  synod  met 
at  Dordrecht  [or  Dort]  in  January,  1019,  and 
lusted  till  April.  The  Calvinists  carried  the  day 
completely,  and  Anninians  wore  declared  here- 
tics, schismatics,  incapable  of  preaching,  or  of 
acting  as  professors  or  schoolmasters,  unless  they 
signed  the  Heidelberg  Catechism  and  Nctlicrlund 
Confession,  which  liiid  down  the  haidund-fust 
doctrine  that  predestination  excluded  all  free  will 
on  man's  part,  btit  divided  the  human  race  into 
vessels  of  wrath  and  vessels  of  mercy,  without 
power  on  their  own  part  to  reverse  the  doom. 
.  .  .  The  trial  of  Baruevcldt  was  going  on  at  the 
same  time  with  the  Synod  of  Dordrecht  after  he 
had  been  many  months  in  prison.  Twenty-four 
commissioners  were  appointed,  twelve  from  Hol- 
land, and  two  from  each  of  the  other  states,  and 
most  of  them  wore  personal  enemies  of  the  pris- 
oner. Before  them  he  was  examined  day  by  day 
for  three  months,  without  any  indictment;  no 
witnesses,  no  counsel  on  either  side ;  nor  was  he 
permitted  (len  and  ink  to  prepare  his  defence,  nor 
the  use  of  his  books  and  papers. "  BarneveUlt 
and  Ills  family  protested  against  the  flagrant  in- 
justice and  illegality  of  the  so-called  trial,  but 
refused  to  sue  for  pardon,  which  Jlaurice  was 
determined  they  should  do.  "  It  was  submission 
that  he  wanted,  not  life";  but  us  the  submission 
was  not  yielded  he  coldly  exncted  the  life.  Bur- 
neveldt  was  condemned  and  sentenced  to  be  be- 
headed by  the  sword.  The  sentence  was  executed 
on  the  same  day  it  was  pronounced.  May  12, 
1619.  ^rotius  was  condemned  to  perpetual  im- 
prisonment, but  made  his  escape,  by  tlie  contri- 
vance of  his  wife,  in  1621. — C.  M.  Yonge,  Cameos 
from  English  lliatori/,  series  6,  e.  9. 

Also  in:  J.  L.  Motley,  Life  and  Death  of  John 
of  liarneveld,  ch.  14-22  {v.  3). — J.  Arminitis, 
Worku,  etc. ;  ed.  by  yiehols,  v.  1. 

(United  Provinces):  A.  D.  1608-1620. — Resi- 
dence of  the  exiled  Independents  who  after- 
wards founded  Plymouth  Colony  in  Nevr 
Ens-land.    See  Independents:  A.  I).  100-1-1617. 

(United  Provinces):  A.  D.  1609.  —  The 
founding^  of  the  Bank  of  Amsterdam.  See 
Money  and  Banking  :  17tu  century. 


(United  Provinces):  A.  D.  1609.  —  Henry 
Hudson's  voyage  of  exploration.  See  Amku- 
ica:  a.  1).  1009. 

(United  Provinces):  A.  D.  1610-1614.— Pos- 
session taken  of  New  Netherland  (New  York). 
See  New  Youk:  A.  1).  1010-1011. 

(United  Provinces):  A.  D.  1621.— Incorpora- 
tion of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company.  See 
New  Y..11K:  A.  1).  10:.'!-1«-I0. 

A,  D.  1621-1633.— End  of  the  Twelve  Years 
Truce.  —  Renewal  of  war.  —  Death  of  Prince 
Maurice.— Reversion  of  the  sovereignty  of  the 
Spanish  Provinces  to  the  king  of  Spain. — "  lu 
1(121,  the  twelve  years'  truce  being  expired,  the 
King  of  .Spain  and  the  Archdukes  oirered  to  renew 
it,  on  the  con<iition  that  the  States  would  acknowl- 
edge their  ancient  sovereigns,  one  of  wliom,  the 
Archduke  Albert,  died  this  year.  Even  if  the 
Stnles  hud  been  Inclined  to  ncgotiute,  the  will  of 
Maurice  was  in  the  usfendant,  and  the  war  was 
renewed.  The  Dutch,  it  is  true,  were  now 
entirely  insulated.  .lames  of  England  was  mak- 
ing overtures  to  Spain  and  being  cajoled. 
France,  who  had  wished  to  save  Barneveldl,  was 
unfriendly  in  consecpience  of  the  manner  in 
which  her  intercession  had  been  treated.  The 
Dutch  partv  which  was  opposed  to  Maurice  was 
exa8penite(l,  and  the  great  counsellor  was  no 
more  there  to  advise  his  country  in  its  emergen- 
cies. The  safety  of  Holland  lay  In  the  fac^t  thai 
the  wars  of  religion  were  benig  waged  on  a 
wider  and  more  (listant  field,  for  a  larger  stake, 
and  with  larger  armies.  Not  content  with  mur- 
derin'  J<arneveldt,  Maurice  took  care  to  nun  his 
fumilv.  But  at  last,  and  just  before  his  death 
in  16L'5,  Maurice,  in  the  bitterness  of  disappoint- 
ment, said,  '  As  long  as  the  old  rascal  was  alive, 
we  had  counsels  and  money ;  now  wo  can  find 
neither  one  nor  the  other.'  .  .  .  The  memory  of 
Barncveldt  was  avenged,  even  though  his  repu- 
tation has  not  been  rehabiiitateir  Frederic 
Henry,  half-brother  of  Maurice,  was  at  once 
mudc  Captain  and  Admiral-General  of  the  States, 
and  soon  after  Studtholdcr.  .  .  .  Very  speedily 
the  controversy  which  had  threatened  to  tear 
Holland  asuncfer  wus  silenced  by  mutual  con- 
sent, except  in  synods  and  presbyteries.  In  a 
few  years,  Holland  became,  as  far  as  the  govern- 
ment was  concerned,  the  most  tolerant  coimtry 
in  the  world,  the  asylum  of  those  whom  bigotry 
hunted  from  their  native  land.  Hence  it  became 
tlie  favourite  abode  of  those  wealthy  and  enter- 
prising .lews,  wlio  greatly  increixsctl  its  wealtli 
by  aiding  its  external  and  internal  commerce." 
—J.  E.  T.  Rogers,  Stori/  of  Holland,  eh.  20.— 
"Marquis  Spiiiola  commenced  the  campaign  by 
the  siege  of  liergen-op-Zoom,  witli  a  consider- 
able Spanis'i  iirmy,  in  1622,  but  Maurice  was 
enabled  to  meet  him  with  the  united  forces  of 
Mansfeld,  Brunswick  [see  Geumany:  A.  D.  1021- 
1023],  and  his  own,  and  obliged  the  Marquis  to 
raise  the  siege.  Ho  afterwards  encountered  Don 
Gonsalvo  de  Cordova,  who  endeavoured  to  stay 
their  passage  into  Germany  with  a  Spanish  force 
near  Fletirus;  but  he  also  was  defeated.  After 
this,  however,  Prince  JIauricc  could  elTect 
nothing  considerable,  but  maintained  his  ground 
solely  by  acting  on  tlie  defensive  during  the 
entire  year  1623.  ...  He  could  not  prevent  the 
caj)ture  [by  Spinola]  of  Breda,  one  of  the 
strongest  fortifications  of  the  Low  Countries. 
.  .  .  The  mortification  at  being  unable  to  relieve 
this  place  during  a  long  blockade  of  six  month:; 


2278 


NETHEIU-ANDS,   1631-1(18!). 


In  Ihr 
Tliirly  IVum  H'cir. 


NKT1IKKLAND8,  Ifl:i5-ie8a 


preyed  upon  the  mind  »>f  Prince  Miturice,  wIiuko 
iieultli  had  iilreiuly  beuun  to  ftlvc  wiiv.  .  .  .  An 
iiccess  of  fever  ol)li);e(i  him  to  (|iill  the  lleitl  and 
witiidriiw  to  tile  IlujfUe,  wiiere  lie  died  in  1(1','"), 
lit  the  iiis'e  of  08  yeiirH."— Sir  K.  Cuxt,  /.iivi  »/ 
the  Wavrioriidf  the  Thiitj/  Yiiiiii  Wur :  Munrice 
of  OraiKji-Xnimitii,  /<.  47. — The  new  Stadtliolder, 
I'rince  Frederic  Henry,  made  every  elfort  to 
raise  the  siege  of  Ureda,  l)Ut  witiio'ut  siiceesH, 
lUid  llie  i)Iace  was  HUrrendered  (.June 'J,  KIW)  to 
tiie  Spaniards.  In  tlie  ne.xt  year  little  was  nc- 
complislied  on  citlier  side;  l)iit  in  Ki'.'T  tlie 
Prince  tooli  (Jrol,  after  a  siege  of  less  than  one 
month.  In  Ktas  tlie  Diitcli  Admlnil  Piet  Ileyn 
captured  one  of  the  Spanish  silver  lleets,  with  a 
cargo,  largely  pure  silver,  valued  at  12,()()(),0()0 
llorins.  In  1021)  the  l<ing  of  Spain  and  the  Arch- 
duchess made  overtures  of  iieacc,  with  olTers  of 
a  reiiewe<i  truce  for  2-1  years.  "  Hut  no  sooner 
did  tlie  negotiations  lieconic  public  than  they 
encountered  general  and  violciil  ojiposition," 
especially  from  the  West  India  Coinjiany,  whieli 
found  the  war  prolitable,  and  from  the  ministers 
of  the  church.  At  the  same  time  the  operations 
of  the  war  assumed  more  activity.  The  Prince 
laid  siege  to  Uoisle-Duc,  a  IJraliaiittown  deemed 
impregnable,  and  tlie  Spaniards,  to  draw  him 
away,  invaded  Ouelderland,  and  captured  Amcrs- 
foort,  near  Utrecht.  They  laid  waste  tlie 
country,  and  were  compelled  to  retire,  witliout 
interrupting  the  siege  of  HoisleOuc,  whicii 
presently  was  surrendered  In  1031  the  Prince 
undertook  the  siege  of  Dunliirk,  whieli  had  long 
been  a  rendezvous  of  ])iratcs,  troublesome  to  the 
commerce  of  all  the  surrounding  nations;  but 
on  the  approach  of  a  ,Sj)anish  relieving  force, 
the  deputies  of  the  States,  who  had  authority 
over  the  commander,  recpiired  him  to  relinquish 
the  undertaking.  In  1032,  tlie  Prince  adiieved 
a  great  success,  in  llie  siege  and  reduction  of 
Maestriclit,  which  he  accomplisli';d,  notwith- 
standing his  lines  were  attacked  by  a  Spanisli 
army  of  2^,000  men,  and  by  an  army  from  Ger- 
many, under  the  Imperial  gencra'i  Papiienheim, 
who  brought  10,000  men  to  assist  in  raising  the 
siege.  In  the  face  of  th  "je  two  armies,  Maes- 
triclit was  forced  to  capitulate,  and  the  fall  of 
Limburg  followed.  Peace  negotiations  were  re- 
opened tlie  same  year,  but  came  to  nothing,  and 
they  were  followed  shortly  by  the  death  of  tlio 
Archduchess  Isabella.  "At  her  death,  the 
Netherlands,  in  pursuance  of  the  terms  of  tlie 
surrender  made  by  Philip  II.,  reverted  to  tlie 
King  of  Spain,  who  placed  the  government,  after 
it  had  been  administered  a  short  time  by  a  com- 
mission, in  i;.'"  hands  of  the  Marquis  of  Aitoiui, 
commonder-itichief  of  tlie  army,  until  the  ar- 
rival of  his  brother  Ferdinand,  cardinal  and 
archbishop  of  Toledo  [known  as  '  the  Cardinal 
Infant'],  whom  he  had,  during  the  lifetime  of 
the  Archduchess,  appointed  her  successor."  —  C. 
M.  Davies,  Hist,  of  llolland,  pt.  3,  ch.  0  (v.  2). 

Ai.KO  IN :  C.  U.  Markham,  7'/ie  FiglUing  Veres, 
pt.  2,  ch.  4. 

(United  Provinces):  A.  D.  1623.— The  mas- 
sacre of  Amboyna.  Bee  India:  A.  D.  1000- 
1702. 

(United  Provinces):  A.  D.  1624-1661.— Con- 
quests in  Brazil  and  their  loss.  See  Uiiazil: 
A.  D.  1510-1601. 

A.  D.  1625.— The  Protestant  alliance  in  the 
Thirty  Years  War.  See  Geuma>- v :  A.  D.  1024- 
1626. 


(United  Provinces):  A.  D.  1635.— Alliance 
with  France  against  Spain  and  Austria.  See 
()i.u.i\.NV:  A.  It,  1(1.14   10;il). 

A.  D.  1635-1638.— The  Cardinal  Infant  in 
the  government  of  the  Spanish  Provinces. — 
His  campaigns  against  the  Dutch  and  French. 
— Invasion  of  France. —  Dutch  capture  of 
Breda.— In  lOU.").  the  .Vnliduclirss  I.siibclla  hav- 
ing recently  died,  it  was  thought  expedient  in 
Spain  "  tliat  a  iiu'inber  of  \\\v  royal  family  should 
be  intrusted  with  the  adniinlstralion'  of  the 
Netherlands  [Spanisli  Provincesl.  This  appoint- 
ment was  accordingly  conferred  01:  the  Curdinal 
Infant  I  Ferdinand,  sou  of  Philip  11I.|.  who  was 
at  that  time  in  Italy,  where  he  had  collected  a 
considerable  army.  With  tills  force,  amounting 
to  about  12,(K)0  men,  he  had  jtassed  in  the  pro- 
ceding  vear  through  Germany,  on  his  route  to 
llie  Nellierlands,  and,  having  formed  a  Junction 
with  tlie  Imperiaiists,  under  the  King  of  Hun- 
gary, he  greatly  coiitribiit<'d  to  the  victory 
gained  over  the  Swedes  and  Gernian  Pi'olestants, 
at  Nordlingen  lseeGi:ii.MANV:  A.  I).  1034-1(131*1. 
.  .  .  Th"  ''aixlinal  Infant  entered  on  the  civil 
and  inllit;  :y  government  of  the  Spanisli  Neth- 
erlands i.early  at,  the  time  when  tlie  seizure  of 
the  Elector  of  1. eves  had  called  forth  from 
France  an  open  declaration  of  war.  lly  uniting 
tlie  newly  raised  troops  which  he  had  brought 
with  him  from  Italy  to  the  veteran  l<giiiiisof  the 
provinces,  he  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a 
considerable  military  force.  At  the  siiiiie  time, 
an  army  of  20,000  French  was  assembled  under 
the  inspection  of  their  king  at  Amiens,  and  was 
intrusted  to  Chalillon,  and  Mareselial  lire/.e  the 
brotlier-inlaw  of  Kielielieu.  ...  It  was  in- 
tended, however,  that  this  armv  should  form  a 
junction  with  tlie  Dutch  at  Maestriclit.  after 
which  the  troops  of  both  nations  slKiiild  be 
placed  under  the  orilers  of  Frederic  Henry, 
I'rinco  of  Orange,  wlio  had  inlierited  all  the  mili- 
tary talents  of  his  ancestors.  In  order  to  coun- 
teract this  movement,  the  C'arilinal  Infant  sepa- 
rated his  army  into  two  divisions.  One  was 
ordered  to  confront  the  Dutcli,  ami  tlie  oilier, 
under  Prince  Thomas  of  Savoy,  marched  to  op- 
jiosc  the  pr'igress  of  the  French.  This  latter 
division  of  the  Spaniards  encountered  tlie  enemy 
at  Avein,  in  tlio  territory  of  Liege;  but  though 
it  had  taken  up  a  favourable  position,  it  was 
totally  defeated,  and  fo  c'cd  to  retreat  to  Namur. 
The  French  army  then  continued  its  marcli  with 
little  farther  interruption,  and  elTected  its  in- 
tended union  with  the  IJutcli  in  the  neiglibour- 
hood  of  .Maestriclit.  After  this  junction,  the 
Prince  of  Orange  assumed  the  command  of  the 
allied  army,  which  now  stormed  and  sacked  Til- 
lemonl,  where  great  cruelties  were  committed. 
.  .  .  The  union  of  the  two  armies  spread  terror 
throughout  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  and  the 
outrages  practised  at  Tilleniont  gave  the  Catho- 
lics a  liorror  at  the  French  name  and  alliance. 
.  .  .  The  Flemings,  forgetting  tlieir  late  discon- 
tents with  the  Spanish   ;'i>vernnient,  now  luudc 

the  utmost  efforts  iigaii.        'nir  invaders 

The  Spanish  prince  .  .  .  'ived  to 'elude  » 

general  engagement.  .....        pponcnts  .  .  . 

were  obliged  to  employ  their  a  s  in  besieging 
towns.  It  was  believed  for  some  time  tliat  they 
intended  to  invest  IJrussels,  but  the  storm  fell  on 
Louvain."  The  Emperor  now  sent  fronj  Ger- 
many a  force  of  18,0(5o  men,  under  Piccolomini, 
"to  the  succour  uf  the  Curdiuul  Infant.     The 


2279 


NETirEULANDs,  io;»-io;i». 


In  Ihf 
Ihirlu  Yrari  War. 


>'ETIIEKLANI)S,   104.-1-1040. 


HlowncHR  of  111!  till'  ()|M'riiti()iiA  of  llii>  Prince  of 
Oniiigc  iilTordcdHiilllrlciit  tiiiicfor  llicHf  iiuxilliir- 
Ics  to  cut  olT  tliL-  Krciicli  supplies  o[  [irovlsioiis, 
iiiul  adviiiice  to  tlie  relief  of  l,ouviiiii.  On  tlie 
intelliijeMce  of  tlieir  iipproiirh,  the  liiilt'  fiiinislieii 
Krencii  ultiiniloned  the  siege,  and,  after  KiilTerini; 
severely  in  iheir  retreat,  retired  to  recruit  at 
Kurenionde.  The  l>ul(li  alTorded  tliein  no  assis- 
tance, and  showeil  tlieui  hut  little  svnipatliy  in 
their  disasters.  Tiiongli  the  Duteli  lialed  Spain, 
they  wi'rc'  jealous  of  France,  aixl  dreade(l  an  in- 
crease of  its  power  in  the  Nellierlands.  .  .  . 
Marescluds  Chatillon  and  lire/.e,  wiio  were  thus 
in  a  great  measure  the  victims  of  the  iHilicy  of 
their  allies,  were  under  tlie  necessity  of  leading 
hack  heyond  tlie  Meuse.  to  Nimegiien,  the 
wretclieif  remains  of  their  army,  now  rediu'cd  lo 
l).O(M)  men.  .  .  .  After  the  (leliarture  of  tlie 
I''rench,  the  exerlions  of  tlie  Prince  of  Orangi' 
were  limited,  during  tliissea.son,  toanattempl  for 
the  recovery  of  the  strong  fortress  of  Sliiiil<, 
which  had  recently  been  reduced  by  the  Span- 
iards. Tlie  Cardinal  Infant,  availing  liiinself  of 
the  opportunity  Uiun  presented  to  him,  (pilckly 
regained,  by  aid  of  the  Austrian  reiiiforcemenis, 
ills  superiority  in  the  Held.  He  took  several  for- 
tresses from  the  Dutch,  and  sent  to  the  frontiers 
of  France  detachnicnts  whlcli  levied  contribu- 
tions over  great  part  of  Picardy  and  Champagne. 
.  .  .  Encouraged  by  tliese  successes,  Olivare/ 
[the  Spanish  minister]  redoubled  his  e.\ertions, 
and  now  boldly  planned  invasions  of  Fraiux- 
from  three  different  ((uartors" — to  enter  Picardy 
on  the  north.  Burgundy  on  the  east,  and  Oulenne 
at  the  soutii.  "  Of  all  these  expeditions,  tlie 
most  successful,  at  least  for  a  time,  was  the  in- 
vasion of  Picardy,  which,  indeed,  had  nearly 
proved  fatal  to  the  French  monarchy.  By  orders 
of  the  Cardiiinl  Infant,  his  generals.  Prince 
Thomas  of  Savi,. ,  Piccolomini,  and  John  de 
Vert,  or  Wert,  .  .  .  began  their  march  at  the 
head  of  an  army  which  exceeded  !)0,000  men, 
and  was  particularly  strong  in  cavalry.  .  .  .  No 
interruption  being  .  .  .  offered  by  tlie  Dutch, 
the  Spanish  generals  entered  Picardy  [lOitO],  and 
seized  almost  without  resistance  on  La  C^apelle 
and  Catelet,  wliicii  the  French  ministry  expected 
would  have  occupied  their  arms  for  some  months. 
The  Count  de  Soisstius,  who  was  already  thinking 
more  of  his  plots  against  Richelieu  than  the  de- 
fence of  his  country,  did  nothing  to  arrest  the 
progress  of  the  Spaniards,  till  they  arrived  at 
the  Somme,"  and  there  but  little.  They  forced 
the  passage  of  the  river  with  slight  difliculty, 
and  "occupied  Roye,  to  the  south  of  the  Somme, 
on  the  river  Oise ;  "and  liaving  thus  obtained  an 
cntrnuco  into  France,  spread  themselves  over  the 
whole  country  lying  between  these  rivers.  Tlie 
smoke  of  the  villages  to  which  they  set  fire  was 
seen  from  the  heights  in  the  vicinity  of  Paris; 
and  such  in  that  capital  was  the  consternation 
consequent  on  these  events  that  it  seems  probable, 
had  the  Spanisli  generals  marched  straight  on 
Paris,  the  city  would  liave  fallen  into  their 
hands. "  But  Prince  Thomas  was  not  bohl 
enough  for  the  exploit,  and  prudently  "receded 
with  his  army  to  form  the  siege  of  Corbie.  This 
town  presented  no  great  resistance  to  his  arms, 
but  the  time  occupied  by  its  capture  allowed  the 
Parisians  to  recover  from  their  consternation,  and 
to  prepore  the  means  of  defence. "  They  raised 
an  army  of  60,000  men,  ch.eliy  apprentices  and 
artisans   of   the   capital,   before  which  Prince 


Thomas  was  obliged  to  retreat.  "The  French 
quii'kly  recovered  all  those  fortilled  places  in 
Picardy  wliicli  ha<l  been  hrevioiisiy  lost  by  the 
iiicapa<'ity,  or.  lis  Richelieu  alleged,  by  the 
treachery  of  their  governors.  But  lliey  could 
nut  prevent  the  Spanianis  from  plundering  and 
desolating  the  country  as  they  retired.  .  .  .  The 
Cardinal  infant  was  obliged  to  remain  on  tliede 
fensive  for  some  time  after  his  retreat  from 
I'iciirdy  III  the  Netherlands,  which  were  anew 
invaded  by  a  Freiirh  fiii'ce,  under  the  Cardiiml 
],a  Valette,  a  younger  son  of  tlie  Diike  d'Eper- 
noii.  But  even  while  restricting  liis  operations  to 
defence,  the  Infant  could  not  prevent  the  iiiptiire 
by  the  j>ench  of  Ivry  and  Liindreci  in  lluinaiilt. 
\Vliile  opiiosing  the  e.icniy  in  that  i|Uarter,  he 
received  intelligence  of  an  une.xjiecled  altempt 
on  Breda  by  tli<!  Dutch  [UY.\'!\.  lie  immediately 
hastened  to  its  relief ;  but  the  Prince  of  Orange 
Imviiig  rapidly  collected  0,000  or  7, (MM)  lieiisanls, 
whom  he  hiiil  employed  in  forming  intrench- 
inents  and  drawing  lines  of  ciicumvallatinn,  was 
so  well  fortilled  on  tlie  arrival  of  the  (  irdinal 
Infant,  who  had  cro.ssed  the  Scheldt  at  Antwerp, 
and  approached  with  not  fewer  than  23, (MM)  men, 
that  that  Prince,  in  despair  of  forcing  the  enemy's 
camp,  or  in  any  way  succouring  Breda,  marclied 
towards  Cluclderland.  In  that  province  lie  took 
Veiilo  and  Ruremonde;  but  Breda,  as  he  had 
anticipated,  surrendered  to  the  Dutch  after  a 
siege  of  nine  week.s.  ...  Its  capture  griuitly  re- 
lieved the  Dutch  in  Braliant,  who  now,  for  many 
years,  had  been  checked  by  an  enemy  in  the 
iieart  of  their  territories.  .  .  .  Early  in  the  year 
10^8,  the  Infant  resumed  offensive  operations, 
and  again  rendered  himself  formidable  to  his 
enemies.  He  frustrated  tlie  attempts  which  the 
Dutch  had  concerted  against  Antwerp.  ...  In 
person  he  beat  off  the  army  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  who  had  invested  Queldrcs;  and,  about 
tile  same  time,  his  active  generals,  Prince  Tliomas 
of  Savoy  and  Piccolomini,  compelled  the  French 
to  raise  the  siege  of  St.  Omer." — J.  Dunlop, 
Memoin  of  Spain  froiu  1031  to  1700,  i:  1,  c/i.  4. 

A.  D.  1643. — Invasion  of  France  by  the 
Spaniards  and  their  defeat  at  Rocroi. — Loss 
01  Thionville  and  the  line  of  the  Moselle.  Sec 
Fii.vNci::  A.  D.  1043-104:!;  and  1043. 

A.  D.  1645-1646.  —  French  campaign  in 
Flanders,  under  Orleans  and  EnKhien(Cond£). 
— Siege  and  capture  of  Dunkirk. — "In  104.5, 
Orleans  led  the  [French]  army  into  Flanders, 
and  began  the  campaign  with  the  capture  of 
Mardyck.  A  few  weeks  of  leisurely  siege  re- 
sulted in  the  coniiucst  of  some  towns,  and  by  the 
first  of  September  Gaston  sought  rest  at  the 
Court.  As  it  wos  now  well  towards  the  end  of 
the  season,  the  Hollanders  were  at  last  ready  to 
cooperate,  and  tliey  joined  the  French  under 
Oassion  and  Rantzau.  But  the  allied  armies  did 
little  except  march  and  countermarch,  and  at  the 
end  of  the  year  the  Spaniards  surprised  the 
French  garrison  at  Slardyck  and  retook  the  only 
place  of  importance  they  had  lost.  .  .  .  Gaston 
was,  however,  well  content  even  with  the 
moderate  glory  of  such  warfare.  In  1046  he 
commanded  an  army  of  3.'),000  men,  one  i)ortiou 
of  which  was  led  by  Enghien  himself.  Tlie  Hol- 
landers were  under  arms  unusually  early,  but 
they  atoned  for  this  by  accomplishmg  nothing. 
The  French  laid  siege  to  Courtrai,  which  in  due 
time  surrendered,  and  they  then  spent  three 
weeks  in  a  vigorous  siege  of  Mardyck.    This 


2280 


NETIIEULANDS,  IW.VIWO.     /v<uf  k(/A  .-«;«.,..     NETlllillLANUS,  1(M«-1W8. 


pliirc  wan  flimlly  citntiirctl  fi>r  tlii'  wcoiiil  tiiiif  In 
fourti'i'ii  luoiilliH.  It  wim  now  late  in  AiigiiHt, 
and  Orleans  wan  riMitly  lo  rest  fruni  a  ciiinipaiifu 
\vlii<li  had  laNtcd  thrcf  innnllis,  .  .  .  lly  tlu'  ilr- 
partiinf  of  (i»Nton  tliu  Diiko  of  Hnxhli'iiwim  left 
frrc  to  attempt  houii;  iniporlant  inovciui'iit,  and 
Ills  tliouKlits  tnrniMl  upon  tlic  rapture  of  the  city 
of  Dunkirk.  Dunkirk  was  situated  on  tlie  sliore 
of  tile  Nortii  Kea,  in  a  position  tinit  niaiic  it  alike 
important  and  forinidaliie  to  eoinincrie.  .  .  . 
Its  harbor  ieadiiiK  to  ii  canal  in  the  eity  wliere  a 
licet  iui>;lit  safely  enter,  and  its  position  near  the 
shorcH  of  Kraiu'i?  and  tlie  llritisli  Channei,  iiad 
reiKlered  it  11  fre((Ucnt  retreat  for  pirates.  Tlic 
cruisers  that  captured  thi^  ships  of  tiie  merchants 
of  iluvre  anil  Die])pe,  or  luaile  plunderin);  expe- 
ditions alon^  the  shores  of  I'iearily  and  Nor- 
nuuidy,  found  safe  refuse  in  tlie  liarhor  of  Dun- 
kirk. Its  name  was  odious  through  northern 
Krujice,  alike  to  tlio  shipper  and  tiio  resident  of 
the  towns  alonjf  the  coast.  The  niva);es  of  the 
|)irates  of  Dunkirk  are  said  to  have  cost  France 
as  much  as  a  ndllion  a  vear.  .  .  .  The  position 
of  Dunkirk  was  sucli  that  It  seemed  to  defy  at- 
tack, and  the  strangeness  and  wiidness  of  its  ap- 
])roache8  added  terror  to  its  name.  It  was  sur- 
rounded by  vast  plains  of  sand,  far  over  which 
often  spread  the  waters  of  the  North  Sea,  and  its 
name  was  said  to  signify  the  cliurchuf  the  dunes. 
Upon  them  the  fury  of  the  storms  often  worked 
strange  changes.  Wliat  had  seemed  solid  land 
would  bo  swallowed  up  In  some  tempest.  What 
had  been  part  of  tlie  ocean  would  be  left  so  that 
men  and  wagons  (!oidd  pass  over  what  the  day 
before  had  been  as  iiiacc(.'ssiblc  as  the  Straits  of 
Dover.  An  army  attempting  a  siege  would  tin<l 
itself  on  these  wild  dunes  far  removed  from  any 
places  for  sui)plies,  and  exposed  to  the  utmost 
severity  of  storm  and  weather.  Tents  could 
hardly  be  pitclied,  and  the  changing  sitnils  would 
threaten  the  troops  witli  destruction.  The  city 
was,  moreover,  garrisoned  by  iJ.OOO  soldiers,  and 
by  !i,000  of  tlie  citizens  and  3,000  sailors.  .  .  . 
The  ardor  of  Knghien  was  increased  by  tliese 
dillii^uitiest  and  he  believed  that  with  skill  and 
vigor  the  perils  of  a  siege  could  be  overcome. 
This  plan  met  the  warm  approval  of  !Ma/.arin. 
.  .  .  Kngliien  advanced  with  his  army  of  about 
15,000  men,  and  on  the  19th  of  Septeml)er  the 
siege  begun.  It  was  necessary  to  ])revent  sup- 
plies being  received  by  sea.  Tromp,  excited  to 
hearty  admiration  of  the  genius  of  tlie  young 
general,  sailed  with  ten  ships  into  the  liarl)or. 
and  cut  off  communications.  Knghien,  in  tlie 
meantime,  was  pressing  the  circumvullation  of 
the  city  with  tlie  utmost  vigor.  .  .  .  Half  fed, 
wet,  sleepless,  the  men  worked  on,  inspired  by 
the  zeal  of  their  leader.  Piccolomini  utteniptcd 
to  relievo  the  city,  but  ho  could  not  force  Eu- 
ghien's  entrenchments,  except  by  risking  a 
l)itched  battle,  and  that  he  did  not  dare  to  ven- 
ture. Mines  were  now  carried  under  the  city  by 
tlie  besiegers,  and  a  great  explosion  maile  a 
breach  in  the  wall.  The  French  and  Spanish 
met,  but  the  smoke  and  confusion  were  so  ter- 
ril)le  that  Iiotli  sides  at  last  fell  back  in  disorder. 
The  French  tinally  discovereii  that  the  advantage 
was  really  theirs,  and  held  the  position.  Nothing 
now  remained  but  a  liual  and  bloody  assault,  but 
Leyde  did  not  think  that  honor  recjtiired  liim  to 
await  this.  lie  agreed  tliat  if  he  did  not  receive 
succor  by  the  I.Oth  of  October,  the  city  sliould 
be  surrendered.    Piccolomini  dared  not  risk  the 


liMt  army  in  Flanders  In  nn  amault  on  Englilcn'* 
entremiiinentj*.  and,  on  October  lltli,  the  Spanliili 
troops  evacuated  tlic  town.  A  siege  of  tiireu 
Weeks  liad  coiKpicrcd  obstacles  of  niaii  and 
nature,  and  dcstrovcd  the  scourge  of  Flench 
commerce."—.!.  H.  Vcrkiiis,  Finnce  umh-r  [Uieh- 
ill,  II  mill]  MiKiiiiii.  ell.  8  (r.  I). 

Ai.soiN;  Lord  Mahon.  Life  of  Cnmli.eh.  %. 

A.  D.  1646-1648.— Final  NcKOtiation  of 
Peace  between  Spain  and  the  United  Prov- 
inces.— "Tlic  late  caiiipaii;ii  hud  been  so  iinfor- 
lunate  [to  tlic  Spaniardsl  that  they  felt  their 
only  posHiliility  of  obtaining  reasonable  terms, 
or  of  continuing  tlu;  war  with  tlie  hope  of  a 
change  in  fortune,  was  to  break  the  alliance  lie- 
tween  Holland  and  France.  A  long  debt  of 
gratituile,  iiKsistaiicc  rendered  in  the  striigglu 
witli  Spain  wlicn  assistance  was  valuable,  tliu 
treaty  of  lfi:ri  renewed  In  KU4,  forbade  Holland 
making  a  peace,  except  jointly  with  France. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Statcs-tieneral  were 
weary  of  war,  and  jealous  of  the  power  and  am- 
bition of  tlie  Fri'iich.  .  .  .  Tills  disposition  was 
skilfully  fostered  by  the  Spaiiisli  envoys.  I'au 
and  Kiiiiyt,  plenipotentiaries  from  Holland  to 
tile  Congress  at  jllUister  [where,  in  |)ai't,  the 
negotiations  of  the  Peace  of  Westphalia  were  iu 
progress— see  Ueiimanv;  A.  I).  10481,  were 
gaine<l  to  the  Spanisli  interest,  as  Ma/.arin 
claimed,  by  tlie  promise  to  eacli  of  HMl.tMMJ 
crowns.  liut,  apart  from  brilies,  the  Spanish 
u.sed  Ma/.arin's  own  plans  to  alarm  the  Hol- 
landers. .  .  .  It  was  intimated  to  the  Hollanders 
that  France  was  about  to  make  a  separate  peace, 
that  tlie  Spanish  Netlierlands  were  to  be  given 
her,  and  tliat  ])erliaps  with  the  hand  of  tlie  in- 
fanta luiglit  be  transferred  what  <'laims  Spain 
still  made  on  tlie  allegiu  of  tlie  L'nitcd  Prov- 
inces. The  French  pro;  ed  in  vain  they  had 
never  thought  of  making  any  treaty  unless  Hol- 
land joined,  and  tliat  the  proposed  marriage  of 
Louis  with  the  infanta  had  been  idle  talk,  sug- 
gested by  tlie  Spanisli  for  the  purpose  of  alarm- 
ing the  States-General.  The  Hollanders  were  sus- 
picious, and  tliey  became  still  more  eager  for 
ix'iice.  ...  In  the  spring  of  1640,  seventy-one 
proposed  articles  liad  been  submitted  to  tlio 
Spanish  for  tlieir  consideration.  The  French 
made  repeated  i)rotests  against  these  steps,  but 
the  States-Genenil  insisted  tliat  they  were  only 
acting  with  sucli  celerity  as  should  enable  them 
to  have  the  terms  of  their  treaty  adjusted  as 
.soon  as  tliose  of  the  French.  The  successes  of 
1040  and  the  capture  of  Tunkirk  iiuickeiied  the 
desires  of  the  United  Provinces  for  a  treaty  with 
their  ancient  enemy.  .  .  .  In  December,  1(140,  ar- 
ticles were  signed  between  Spain  and  Holland,  to 
be  inserted  iu  the  treaty  of  MUnster,  when  tliat 
should  be  settled  upon,  though  the  Statt'S-Geiierul 
still  declared  that  no  peace  should  be  made  un- 
less the  terms  were  approved  by  France.  Active 
liostiiities  were  again  commenced  in  1047,  but 
little  progress  was  made  in  Flanders  iluring  this 
campaign.  Though  the  Hollanders  liiul  not 
actually  made  peace  with  Spain,  they  gave  the 
French  no  aid.  ...  On  January  80,  1048,  the 
treaty  was  at  last  signed.  'One  would  think,' 
wrote  3Iazarin,  •  tliat  for  eighty  years  France 
liad  been  warring  willi  the  provinces,  and  Spain 
liad  been  protecting  them.  Tliey  have  stained 
their  reputation  with  a  shameful  bleinish.'  It 
was  eighty  years  since  William  of  Orange  had 
issued  his  proclamation  inviting  all  the  Nether- 


2281 


NETIIEIILAND.S,  104«-1(J4n.        HuUU  n,  Uh,.       NET1IEULANU8,  m7-lO!M). 


IhiiiIk  to  tiiki-  ii|)  iiriim  '  In  <ip[i(iN('  tlir  vlolciil 
tyniiiiiy  of  tlif  HpiiiiiunlN  '  I'tiliki'  the  tnirc  nf 
ItlOU,  11  foriiiiil  iiiicl  lliml  iicacc  wiih  now  iiiiidr. 
Tlui  L'liltt'il  I'roviiicfs  wrro  iickiicivvliMlned  as 
(rc(!  itnd  hovi'I'I'Ikii  NlalcH.  At  the  tiiiii'  of 
tlu*  triico  till-  SpaiiiarilH  liad  only  Ircatcil 
with  tlu'iii  '  III  (|iiiility  of,  aiul  aH  holding  tlii'iii 
for  liid('|i('iidi'iit  proviiiccM. '  liy  a  proviHimi 
widcli  had  liicicaHi'd  tlic  raKi'i'iiiHH  for  piMicc  nl' 
the  liiir^'licrH  and  nicrcliaiitH  of  the  I'ldlcd  I'rnv 
iniM'M,  it  wax  aKi'i'i'd  that  the  Kitcaul  |S('h('ldl| 
Ithoulil  \h:  t'loscd.  Till'  wraith  and  loniiiicrci'  of 
Antwerp  wcit,'  tliiiH  narrillccd  for  Ihi!  ln'iii'llt  of 
AniHtcrduiii.  The  trade  with  the  liidleK  was 
divided  hetween  the  two  coiintrleH.  NiiineriiiiH 
conimerclal  iidvaiilau;eH  were  tieeiired  and  rertain 
lulditional  territory  was  ceded  to  the  HIiiii'h 
Qeneriil."— J.  II.  IVrklim,  Fniiiee  innltr  [llii-lie- 
lieu  anil]  .\fiiz<iriii,  eh.  H  (r.  I).  —  "It  had  .  .  . 
bccomo  a  settled  convietloii  of  lloliaiid  thai  a 
barrier  of  SpaiilKh  territory  Ix'tween  the  riilted 
Provinces  and   Kranee  wa«  neeeHHiiry  as  a  siife- 

fniaril  against  tiie  latter.  But  the  idea  of  IlKlit- 
iiK  to  inaintuin  that  harrier  Imd  not  yet  arisen, 
tlioiif^h  lifthtiiiK  WiiHtliv  outt'oinoof  thu  lioetriiie. 
Ail  that  tile  rnited  I'roviiiceH  now  did,  or  could 
do,  was  Biinply  to  liack  out.  of  tiie  war  with 
IHpain,  sit  still,  and  look  paHsively  upon  the  con- 
llict  lietween  her  and  France  for  possession  of  tiie 
l)arrier,  until  it  should  please  tiie  two  lieiligcr- 
enta  to  make  |)eace." — J.  (iedilcs,  Hint,  of  the 
Atliniiiintnitii/u  nf  John  l)e  Witt,  hk.  2,  eh,  1, 
»ee.t.  1  (v.  1). 

(Spanish  Provinces):  A.  D.  1647-1648.— The 
Spanish  war  with  France. — Sie^e  and  Battle 
01  Lens. — "  Willie  t'ondo  was  at  Uie  head  of  tliu 
army  of  the  Netherlands,  it  at  least  siilfcred  no 
disaster;  hut,  while  he  was  alTordiii|if  llie  enemy 
u  triiimpli  in  Bpaiii  (by  his  failure  at  Leridu  — 
sceSi'AiN:  A.  1).  1(144-104111,  the  army  which  he 
left  behind  him  was  equally  iiiifortiinatu.  As 
he  had  taken  some  ri'siments  with  him  to  Spain, 
it  (lid  not  e.xcced  10,000  men;  and  in  1047  was 
commanded  by  the  two  marshals,  Gassion  and 
Itant/.au,"  wlio  exercised  tlic  cimimand  on  alter- 
nate days.  Both  were  brave  and  skilful  olllcers, 
but  they  were  hostile  to  one  another,  and  Hant- 
zuii  was,  unfortunately,  a  drunkard.  "The 
Hpanish  army  had  been  raised  to  23,000  men, 
uud  besides  being  superior  in  numbers  to  tliem, 
WU8  now  under  the  command  of  a  singularly 
active  leader,  the  Arcluluko  Leopold.  Ho  took 
town  after  town  before  tlieir  face;  and  towards 
the  end  of  June  laid  siege  to  Liindrecies.  Tlie 
danger  of  so  important  a  place  stimulated 
Mazariu  to  send  some  strong  battalions,  includ- 
ing the  royal  guards,  to  reinforce  the  army:  and 
the  two  marslials  made  skilful  dispositions  to 
surprise  the  Spanish  camp.  liy  a  night  march 
of  great  rapidity,  tliey  reached  tlieueiglibourhood 
of  the  enemy  without  their  presence  being  sus- 
pected; but  tiie  next  morning,  when  the  attack 
was  to  be  made,  it  was  Uuntzau's  turn  to  com- 
mand; and  he  was  too  helplessly  drunk  to  give 
the  necessary  orders.  Before  he  had  recovered 
his  consciousness  daylight  had  revealed  his  dan- 
ger to  tlie  archduke,  and  he  had  taken  up  a 
position  in  wliich  he  could  give  battle  with  ad- 
vantage. Greatly  mortitied,  the  French  were 
forced  to  draw  off,  and  leave  Liindrecies  to  its 
fate.  As  some  apparent  set-off  to  their  losses, 
they  succeeded  in  taking  Dixmude,  and  one  or 
two  other  uaiiuportuut  towns,  and  were  besieging 


LeiiH,  when  GitNHion  wait  kilh'd ;  and  though,  a 
few  days  afterwariU,  tliat  town  was  taken,  its 
capture  made  but  Ninall  aineiid.i.  .  .  .  Though 
the  war  was.ahniMt  at  an  end  in  (iermany, 
Tureiiiie  waHHiill  in  tliat  country  ;  anil,  llieretnre. 
the  next  year  there  witH  no  one  who  (tonid  Ix!  Hint 
to  reulai'c  Uassion  but  Coiido  und  Urainmoiit. 
will)  fortunately  for  the  prince,  was  his  almo^t 
insepiirabic  coinradu  and  adviNcr.  .  .  .  Tlioiigli 
iO.IMIO  men  liad  been  thouglil  enough  for  (iiis 
Minn  und  I{>inl/,au.  !l(»,0(M)  were  now  collected  to 
enable  Conde  to  make  a  more  Mill  cessfiii  cam- 
paign. The  archduke  had  received  no  reinforce- 
menis,  and  liad  now  only  1H,()IM>  men  to  make 
head  against  liiin;  yet  wftli  this  greatly  inferior 
force  lie,  for  11  while,  balanced  Conile'ssuccesseK; 
losing  Ypres,  it  is  true,  but  taking  ('onrtnii  and 
Furnes,  and  defeating  and  almost  anniliilatiiig  a 
division  with  wliiih  tlie  prince  had  detached 
Kant/.au  to  make  an  attenifit  upon  t)stend.  At 
last,  in  the  middle  of  Aiign.st,  lie  laid  siege  to 
Lens,  the  capture  of  which  had,  as  we  liave 
already  mirntioned,  been  the  last  exploit  of  tlio 
French  army  in  tlio  i)recedlng  campaign,  and 
wliieii  was  now  retaken  witliout  the  garrison 
making  tlie  sliglit^st  effort  at  resistance.  Jiut, 
just  as  till'  tlrst  int^'liigence  of  liis  liaving  sat 
down  before  it  reached  Conde,  lie  was  Joined  by 
tlie  ('ount  d'Krlach  witli  a  reinforceineiit  of 
5,000  men  from  tlie  tlerman  army;  and  he  re- 
solved to  march  against  the  archduke  in  the  hope 
of  saving"  tlie  pla<!e.  "He  arrived  in  sigiit  of 
the  town  on  the  20th  of  August,  u  few  lionrs 
after  it  liad  surrendered;  and  he  found  tlie  arch- 
duke's victorious  army  in  a  position  which,  eager 
as  lie  was  for  battle,  he  could  not  venture  to  at- 
tack. For  Leopold  had  18,000  men  under  arms, 
and  tile  force  that  ('onde  had  been  able  to  bring 
with  him  did  not  exceed  14,000,  witli  18  guns. 
For  the  first  time  in  his  life  he  decided  on  re- 
treating;" but  early  in  the  retreat  his  army  was 
thrown  into  disorder  by  an  attack  from  the  arcli- 
duke's  cavalry,  commanded  by  General  Beck. 
"All  was  nearly  lost,  when  Qrammont  turned 
the  fortune  of  the  day.  He  was  in  tlie  van,  but 
the  moment  that  he  learnt  what  was  taking  place 
behind  liim,  lie  halted  the  advanced  guard,  and 
leading  it  back  towards  the  now  triumphant 
enemy,  gave  time  for  tliose  regiments  which  had 
been  driven  in  to  rally  behind  the  firm  line  which 
he  presented.  ...  It  soon  came  to  be  a  contest 
of  hard  fighting,  unvaried  by  mnnccnvres  on 
either  side;  and  in  hard  fighting  no  troops  could 
stand  before  those  who  miglit  be  lead  by  Conde. 
...  At  last  victory  declared  for  him  in  every 
part  of  his  line.  He  had  sustained  a  lieavy  loss 
himself,  but  less  than  that  of  the  enemy,  who 
left  3,000  of  their  number  slain  upon  tlio  field ; 
wliile  5,000  prisoners,  among  whom  was  Beck 
himself,  struck  down  by  a  mortal  wound,  and 
nearly  all  their  artillery  and  baggage,  attcstiMl 
the  reality  and  greatness  of  his  triumph." — C.  1>. 
Yonge,  Uwt.  of]<yance  under  tlie  Bourbont,  eh. 
10  (0.  2). 

Also  in:  Sir  E.  Gust,  Live»  of  the  Warriora 
of  the  Civil  Wart,  pt.  1,  pp.  149-153. 

A,  D.  1647-1650. — Suspension  of  the  Stad'- 
holdership. — Supremacy  of  the  States  of  Hol- 
land.—  The  fourth studtholdcr,  William  H.,  wlio 
succeeded  his  father,  Frederick  Henry,  in  1647, 
"  was  young  and  enterprising,  and  not  at  all  dis- 
posed to  follow  the  pacific  example  of  his  father, 
.  .  .  His  attempt  at  a  coup  d'etat  only  prepared 


2282 


NKTIIKHLANDM,   1(117-10.10 


SiitpriiiUit 
Sliiillholdrrthti: 


NKTIIKIll^ANDS.   1047-1950. 


llii'  >vity  for  nil  liilt'rri'^iiiiiii.  .  .  lie  wiih 
liriitiicr  Inlaw  to  tlir  I'llcctnr  i>r  Iti'iindi'iilmrK 
.  .  .  iinil  wiii'lnlitw  to  ClmrlcM  I.  cil'  Knulimil 
unci  lli'iirii'tlit  Miirlii,  tlic  hIsIit  t>r  LoiiIh  XIII. 
.  .  .  Till'  linmil  ilt'Hri'iiiliiiil  of  tin'  SliiiirlH.  tlir 
I'riiiccHH  .Nliiry,  wlm  liml  lii'cii  iimrrii'il  tii  liliii 
wlicM  liiirillv  iiiiiri'  tliiiii  II  chilli,  llimit'lit  it  lir 
iii'iitli  lirr  nut  to  III'  till'  will'  of  II  HoviTi'iKii,  iiml 
(iicoiiriiKi'il  liiT  IiunIhiiiiI  mil  to  Im>  witiHlli'il  in  rv 

iniiiii  inrri'ly  'tl Illrliil  of  ii  ri'iiulilic'     TIiiih 

t'iii'oiirii>(('<l,  till'  Hon  of  KrciicricK  llriiry  iIht 
IhIiciI  till!  Hi'crct  |)ur|ioHi'  of  triinsfornidijf  the 
elective  Ht4iiltliolilerHlil|i  iiilo  iin  liereilitiiry  inoii- 
iiriliy.  .  .  .  lit'  iieeileil  Kil|)reliie  iiiillioiity  to 
eiiiilili' lilin  loreiiil('rii,MHlHliiiiie  to  Cliarlcs  I  ,  .  . 
Kiiiilin  :  In  tile  o|i|ioHliion  of  the  StiitcH  an  iimur- 
inoiiiitiiliie  olmliule  to  his  wisli  of  inlerveiitlon, 
he  Koiinlit  tlic  Hupiiort  of  Kranee.  .  .  .  anil  was 
now  ready  to  coine  to  an  iinilerMtanilinK  witli  { 
Ma/.ariii  tolireaktlii'  ireaty  of  Muimteriinil  wrest 
till!  NetherlanilH  from  Spain.  Mii/.arln  promised 
in  return  to  help  liiin  to  assert  liisaiithorily  over 
the  Stale*.  .  .  .  But  if  William  desired  war,  the 
I'lilled  I'roviiiees,  and  in  partieiilar the  province 
of  llolliind,  could  not  dispen.se  with  peace.  .  .  . 
Till!  StiitcH  of  Holland  .  .  .  tlxeil  the  period  for 
tilt'  (lislmndinK  of  the  twenlynlne  eompiinles 
wliime  (lismisHul  had  been  promised  to  thcin. 
After  twelvo  days  of  useless  delilieralions  they 
issiiexl  detinit<!  orders  to  that  effect.  The  step 
hml  been  jirovoked,  but  it  was  precipitate  and 
might  give  rise  to  i\  legal  contest  as  to  their 
compctenry.  The  I'rinee  of  Orange,  therefore, 
eager  to  hasten  a  struggle  from  which  he  ex- 
pected an  easy  victory,  chose  to  consider  the 
resululion  of  llie  .States  of  ilolland  as  a  signal 
for  the  rupture  of  the  riiion,  and  the  very  nc.it 
day  Boleninly  demanded  reparation  from  tlie 
States-Ueiieriil,  who  in  their  turn  issueil  a  couii- 
ler  order.  The  Prince  miide  skilful  use  of  the 
rivalry  of  power  between  the  two  ussenililies  to 
obtain  for  himself  extraordinary  jiowcrs  which 
were  contrary  to  the  laws  of  the  (jonfederation. 
By  the  terms  of  the  resolution,  wliicli  was 
passed  by  only  four  provinces,  of  which  two 
were  represented  by  but  one  deputy  each,  he 
was  autiiorisiid  to  take  all  measures  necessary  for 
the  muiutemince  of  order  and  peace,  and  partic- 
ularly for  the  preservation  of  the  Union.  'The 
Stutcs-Qencral  consequently  commissioned  him 
to  visit  the  town  councils  of  Holland,  accom- 
jmnicd  by  six  members  of  the  .States-Oeiicral 
and  of  the  Council  of  State,  with  all  the  pomp 
of  a  military  escort,  including  a  large  number  of 
otHcerg.  He  was  charged  to  address  them  with 
remonstrances  and  threats  iutcnded  to  intimidate 
the  provincial  States.'  This  was  the  llrst  act  of 
the  coup  d'etat  that  he  had  prepared,  and  his 
mistake  was  ((uickly  shown  liim. "  The  I'rince 
gained  nothing  by  his  visitation  of  the  towns. 
At  Amsterdam  he  was  not  permitted  to  enter  the 
place  with  his  following,  and  ho  returned  to  the 
Hague  espciially  enraged  against  that  bold  and 
independent  city.  He  planned  an  expedition  to 
take  it  by  furprise;  but  the  citizens  got  timely 
warning  and  his  scheme  was  baffled.  He  had 
succeeded,  however,  in  arresting  and  imi)risoning 
six  of  the  most  inducntial  deputies  of  the  A.s- 
sembly  of  Holland,  and  his  attitude  was  formid- 
able enough  to  extort  some  concessions  from  the 
popular  party,  by  way  of  compromise.  A  stote 
of  suspicious  quiet  was  restored  for  the  time, 
which  William  improved  by  reuewing  negotia- 

2283 


tliinHfora»ecret  tri'iity  with  Knince.  "Arrogating 
to  liiiiiMi'ir  already  the  right  to  dlspomr  us  lii^ 
pleaM'd  of  the  republic,  he  signed  a  convention 
with  Count  d'  KHtriides,  whom  he  bad  summoned 
lo  (lie  Hague.  Ily  tliisthe  King  of  Kraiir  and 
till'  I'riiiie  of  Orange  engaged  llieinHelves  '  lo  at- 
tack conjointly  the  NetherlanilH  on  May  I,  Ui!H, 
with  an  iiriiiy'of  'JO. INN)  fool  and  lOlNNI  horw,  lo 
liniik  al  the  siinii'  lime  wilh  Cromwell,  |.)  re  es- 
talillNli  Charli'H  II.  an  King  of  Knglaad,  and  to 
iiiul..  '">  Ireaty  with  Spain  excepting  in  concert 
with  eac'i  otlier.'  The  I'rince  of  Orange  guar- 
aiil 1  a  lliil  of  .'lO  vessels  besidi'S  llie  land  con- 
tingent, and  in  rcliirn  for  his  co-operation  wax 
promlM'd  the  abHoliile  pimsi'Hsion  of  llie  city  of 
Antwerp  and  the  Duchy  of  llraliiint  or  Marqiil 
sale  of  the  Holy  Koniaii  Kmpire.  William  iIiiih 
iiitciislcd  Krance  in  the  success  of  his  cause  by 
making  ready  to  resume  Ihe  war  wilh  .Hpaiii. 
and  calculated,  as  lie  told  bis  contldanlH,  on 
prollting  by  her  assistance  to  liisperse  the  cabal 
opposed  to  him.  .  .  .  The  internal  piK'itlciilion 
ainountcd  then  to  no  more  than  a  truce,  when 
three  months  later  the  I'rinii'  of  Oranifc,  liiiving 
overfatlgni'd  and  lieiileil  himself  in  the  chase, 
Vitm  scii^ed  with  siiiall  pox.  of  which  in  ii  few 
days  he  died.  He  was  thus  carricil  off  at  the  age 
of  24,  in  the  full  force  and  tlower  of  his  age, 
leaving  only  one  son,  born  a  week  after  his 
father's  death.  .  .  .  His  atteinfit  al  a  coup  d'etat 
was  destined  to  press  heavily  and  long  upon  the 
fate  of  the  posthumous  son.  who  had  to  wait  'i'i 
years  before  succeeding  lo  Ids  ancestral  functions. 
It  closed  the  succession  to  him  for  many  years, 
by  making  the  stadtholdership  a  standing  men- 
lue  lo  the  public  freedom.  .  .  .  The  son  of 
William  II.,  an  orphan  before  his  birth,  and 
named  William  like  his  father,  seemed  destined 
to  succeed  to  little  more  than  the  paternal  iiaiiie. 
.  .  .  Three  days  after  the  death  of  William  H., 
the  former  deputies,  whom  he  had  treated  as 
state  iirisoners  and  (leprived  of  all  their  offices, 
were  recalled  to  take  thcirscats  in  the  As.sembly. 
Al  the  same  time  the  provincial  Town  (.'ouuclls 
assumed  the  power  of  nominating  their  own 
magistrates,  wliich  had  almost  always  been  left 
lo  the  pleasure  of  the  Stadlliolder,  and  thus  ob- 
tained the  full  enjoyment  of  municipal  freedom. 
The  States  of  Holland,  on  tli  irside,  grasjied  the 
authority  hitiierlo  exercised  in  their  province  by 
tlie  I'rince  of  Orange,  antl  claimed  successively 
all  the  rights  of  sovereignty.  Tlie  Stales  of 
Zealand  .  .  .  exhibited  the  same  eagerness  to 
free  themselves  from  all  subjection.  .  .  .  Thus, 
before  declaring  the  studtliolilcrship  vacant,  the 
olllce  was  deprived  of  its  prerogatives.  To  com- 
plete this  transformation  of  the  government,  the 
States  of  Holland  took  the  initiative  in  summon- 
ing to  the  Hague  a  great  assembly  of  the  Con- 
federation, wliich  uiet  at  the  beginning  of  llio 
year  10.51.  .  .  .  The  congress  was  called  upon 
to  deciilc  between  two  forms  of  constitution. 
The  question  was  whether  the  United  Provinces 
sliould  be  a  republic  governed  by  the  Stiites- 
Qciieral,  or  whether  the  government  should  bo- 
long  to  the  States  of  each  province,  with  only  a 
reservation  in  favour  of  the  obligations  imposed 
by  the  Act  of  Union.  Was  eacli  province  to  be 
eovcreign  in  itself,  or  subject  to  the  federal 
power  V "  The  result  was  a  suspension  and 
practical  abolition  of  the  stadtholdership.  ' '  Freed 
from  the  counterbalancing  power  of  the  Stadl- 
liolder, UuUand  to  a  great  uxtent  ubsorljcd  the 


NETHEHLANDS,   1047-1050. 


Tliv  itruHneroua 
Hepuotic. 


J^ETHEKLANDS,   1048-1805. 


ft'dcnil  power,  iinil  wa.s  tlio  Rulner  by  all  that 
iliat  power  lo.st.  .  .  .  The  Stales  of  llollaiid, 
.  .  .  ilestitied  henceforward  to  be  the  priiieipal 
iiistruiueiit  of  goveriiiiieiit  of  the  republic,  was 
composed  partly  of  uobh-s  ami  jmrtly  of  deputies 
from  the  towns.  .  .  .  The  Oraiid  I'eiisioniiry 
was  the  minister  of  the  8tutes  of  Holland,  lie 
was  appointed  for  live  years,  and  represented 
them  in  the  Slates-Oeneral.  .  .  .  Called  upon  by 
the  vacancy  in  the  stadtholdership  to  the  govern- 
ment of  tlie  United  Provinces.  williDUlany  legal 
jjower  of  enforcing  obedience,  Holland  required 
11  :  'atesman  who  could  sei'ure  this  political  su- 
premacy and  vise  it  for  her  bcnelit.  The  uoini- 
nalion  of  Jolin  de  Witt  as  Grand  Pensionary 
I)laced  at  her  service  one  of  the  youngest  inein- 
liers  of  the  assembly." — A.  L.  Pontalis,  Jo/in  tie 
Will.  eh.  I-'J  (('.  1). 

(Spanish  Provinces):  A.  D.  1648. —  Still 
held  to  form  a  part  of  the  Empire.  Hee  Ukk- 
many:  a.  1).  KU.S. 

(United  Provinces):  A.  D.  1648-1665.— 
Prosperity  and  pre-eminence  of  the  Dutch  Re- 
public.— The  causes.— "That  this  little  patch 
of  earth,  a  bog  rescued  from  the  waters,  wr.ried 
on  ever  by  man  and  by  the  elements,  without 
natural  advantages  e.Ncept  those  of  cimtact  with 
the  sea,  should  in  tlie  middle  of  the  seventeenth 
century  liave  become  the  coiumercial  centre  of 
Europe,  is  one  of  the  plienomena  of  history.  But 
in  the  explanation  of  this  phenomenon  history 
lias  one  of  its  most  instructive  lessons.  Philip 
11.  said  of  Holland,  'that  it  was  the  country 
nearest  to  hell.'  Well  might  he  express  such  an 
opinion.  lie  had  buried  around  the  walls  of  its 
cities  more  than  three  hundred  thousand  Spanish 
soldiers,  and  had  spent  in  the  attempt  at  its  sub- 
jugation more  than  two  hundred  million  ducats. 
This  fact  alone  would  account  for  his  abliorrence, 
but,  in  addition,  the  republic  was  in  its  every 
feature  opposeif  to  the  ideal  country  of  a  bigot 
and  a  despot.  The  first  element  which  con- 
tributed to  its  wealth,  as  well  as  to  the  vast  in- 
crease of  its  population,  was  its  religious  tolera- 
tion. .  .  .  This,  of  course,  was  as  incom])reheii- 
siblc  to  a  Spanisli  Catholic  as  it  w'as  to  a  High- 
Churchman  or  to  a  Presbyteria.!  in  England. 
That  Lutherans,  Calvinists,  Anabaptists,  Jews, 
and  C'.ithulics  should  all  be  permitted  to  live  un- 
der the  siiine  government  seemed  to  tiie  rest  of 
Europe  like  tlying  ni  the  face  of  Providence. 
Critics  at  this  time  occasionally  said  that  the 
Uollanders  cared  nothing  for  religion ;  that  with 
them  theology  wasot  less  account  than  commerce. 
To  taunts  like  these  no  reply  w-.s  needed  by 
men  who  could  point  to  their  record  of  eighty 
years  of  war.  This  war  had  been  fought  for 
liberty  of  conscience,  but  more  than  all,  as  the 
greater  includes  the  less,  for  civil  liberty.  Dur- 
ing its  continuance,  and  at  every  crisis.  Catholics, 
had  stood  side  by  side  with  Protestants  to  de- 
feud  their  country,  as  they  had  done  in  England 
when  the  Spanish  Armada  appeared  upon  h"r 
coast.  It  would  have  been  a  strange  reward  for 
their  fidelity  to  subject  them,  as  Elizabeth  did. 
to  a  relentless  persecution,  upon  the  pretext  that 
tlw.T  were  dangerous  to  the  State.  In  addition 
10  me  toleration,  fl>cre  were  other  causes  leading 
to  the  .narvellous  -osperity  of  the  republic, 
which  are  of  particuiur  interest  to  Americans. 
In  1050,  Samuel  Lamb,  a  prominent  and  far-see- 
ing London  merchant,  publislicd  a  ])amphlut,  in 
the  form  of  a  letter  to  Cromwell,  lU'ging  the  es 


tablishment  of  a  bank  in  England  similar  to  the 
one  at  Amsterdam.  In  this  pamphlet,  which 
Lord  Somers  thought  worthy  of  preservation, 
'he  author  gives  the  reasons,  as  they  occurred  to 
him,  which  accounted  for  the  vast  superiority  of 
Holland  over  the  rest  of  Europe  as  a  commercial 
nation.  ...  As  the  foundation  of  a  bank  for 
Englanil  was  the  subject  of  the  letter,  the  author 
naturally  lays  particular  stress  upon  that  factor, 
but  the  other  causes  which  lie  enumerates  as  ex- 
plaining the  great  trade  of  the  republic  are  the 
following:  First.  The  statesmen  sitting  at  the 
helm  in  Holland  are  many  of  them  merchants, 
bri'd  to  trade  from  their  youth,  improved  by 
foreign  travel,  and  acciuainted  with  all  the  neces- 
sities of  commerce.  Hence,  their  laws  and 
treaties  are  framed  with  wi.sdom.  Second.  In 
Holland  when  a  merchant  dies,  his  property  is 
e(iurtlly  divided  among  his  children,  and  the 
business  is  continued  and  expanded,  with  all  its 
traditions  and  inhe:'ited  experience.  In  England, 
on  the  contrary,  the  i)roperty  goes  to  the  <  Idest 
son,  who  often  .sets  up  for  a  country  gentleman, 
sipianders  his  patrimony,  and  neglects  tlic  busi- 
ness by  which  his  father  liad  become  enriched. 
Thinl.  Tlie  honesty  of  the  Hollanders  in  their 
manufacturing  and  commercial  dealings.  When 
goods  are  made  up  in  Holland,  they  sell  every- 
where without  question,  for  the  purchaser  knows 
that  they  are  exactly  as  represented  in  quality, 
weiglit,  and  measure.  Not  so  with  England's 
goods.  Our  manufacturei-s  are  so  given  to  fraud 
and  adulteration  as  to  bring  their  commodities 
into  disgrace  abroad.  '  Anil  so  the  Dutch  have 
the  pre-eminence  in  the  sale  of  their  manufac- 
tures before  us,  liy  their  trui!  making,  to  their 
very  flies  and  needles. '  Fourth.  The  care  and 
vigilance  of  the  government  in  the  laying  of  im- 
positions so  as  to  encourage  their  own  manufac- 
tures; the  skill  and  rapidity  with  which  they  are 
changed  to  meet  the  shifting  wants  of  trade; 
the  eucouragemeat  given  by  ample  rewards  from 
the  public  treasury  for  useful  inventions  and 
improvements;  and  the  promotion  of  men  to 
ollice  for  services  and  not  for  favor  or  sinister 
ends.  Such  were  the  causes  of  the  commercial 
supreinaey  of  the  Dutch  as  they  appeared  to  an 
English  merchant  of  the  time,  and  all  modern 
investigationssupport  his  view  .  .  .  ;  Sir  Joshua 
[Josiali]  Child,  writing  a  few  years  later  ['  A  New 
Discourse  of  Trade,  p.  3,  and  after — 1005],  gives 
a  fuller  explanation  of  the  great  prosperity  of 
the  Netherland  Republic.  He  evidently  had 
Lamb's  pamphlet  before  him,  for  he  enumerates 
all  the  causes  set  forth  by  his  predecessor.  In 
addition,  he  gives  several  others,  as  to  some  of 
which  we  shall  see  more  hereafter.  Among  these 
are  the  general  education  of  the  people,  includ- 
ing the  women,  religious  toleration,  care  of  the 
poor,  low  custom  duties  and  high  excise,  regis- 
tration of  titles  to  real  estate,  low  interest,  the 
laws  permitting  the  assignment  of  debts,  and  the 
judicial  sysiem  under  which  controversies  be- 
tween merchants  can  be  decided  at  one  fortieth 
part  of  the  expense  in  England.  .  .  .  Probably, 
no  body  of  men  governing  a  state  were  ever 
more  enlightened  and  better  acquainted  with  the 
necL_silies  of  legislation  than  were  these  burgh- 
ers, merchants,  and  inan.ifacturers  who  for  two 
centuries  gave  laws  to  Holland.  It  was  largely 
due  to  the  intelligence  displayet'  by  tliese  men 
that  the  republic,  during  the  continuance  of  its 
war,  was  enabled  to  support  a  burileu  of  taxu- 


2284 


NETHERLANDS,  104S-1005. 


Holland  and  hfi- 
Grand  Peimiomiri/. 


NETIIEKLANDS,  1005-16«(!, 


tion  sucli  lis  till' world  lias  rnrely  seen  before  or 
since.  The  internal  tuxes  seem  iippiillin;^.  Ucnts 
were  taxed  twenty-tivc  Jier  cent.  ;  on  all  sales  of 
real  estate  two  and  a  half  per  cent,  were  levied, 
and  on  all  collateral  iiduritances  live  jier  cent. 
On  beer,  wine,  meat,  .salt,  spirits,  and  all  articles 
^f  luxury,  the  tax  was  one  hnmlrcd  per  cent., 
...  I  on  some  articles  this  was  donbhMl,  Hut  this 
was  only  the  internal  taxation,  in  the  way  of  ex- 
cise duties,  wliicii  were  levied  on  every  one, 
natives  and  foreigners  alike.  In  regard  to 
foreign  commodities,  which  the  rei)ublic  needed 
for  its  support,  the  .system  was  very  ditrercnt. 
Upon  them  there  was  imposed  only  a  nianinal 
duty  of  one  per  cent.,  while  wool,  the  irreat 
staple  for  the  manufacturers,  was  admitted  free. 
Here  the  statesmen  of  tlie  republic  showed  the 
wisdom  which  placed  them,  as  masters  of  poi''.;- 
cal  economy,  at  least  two  centuries  in  ai'.ance 
of  their  contemporaries."—  1).  Camphell,  'J'/ic 
Puritnii  in  IfoUfiiid,  KhijUiihI,  iiiid  Amcrini,  r.  2, 
pp.  334-831. 

Al.sii  IN:  \V.  T.  McCullagh,  Indimtridl  hintory 
of  Fne  XdtioDK.  i:  'i ;  Tlif  Dnti-li.  .■/,.  VI. 

(The  United  Provinces):  A.  D.  1651-1660. 
— The  rule  of  Holland,  and  her  Grand  Pen- 
sionary, John  de  Witt. — "The  Republic  had 
shaken  oil'  the  domination  of  a  person;  it  now 
fell  under  the  domination  of  a  single  province. 
Holland  was  overwhelmingly  prepoialerant  in 
the  feder.ition.  She  pos.se.s.se(l  tlie  richest,  most 
populous,  and  most  powcrfid  towns.  She  con- 
tributed more  than  one-half  of  the  whole  federal 
t4ixatiun.  She  had  the  right  of  naming  the  am- 
bassadors at  Paris,  Stockholm  and  Vieima.  The 
fact  that  the  S'  tes  General   net  on  her  territory 

—  at... J  Hug-  -  necessarily  gave  her  additional 
iutlueuce  aiu.  irestige.  .  .  .  With  the  Sladt- 
holder's  powei  Kit  of  the  States  CJencral  also, 
as  representing  i..  idea  of  centralisation,  had 
largely  disuppcared.  The  Provincial  Estates  of 
lioTlaiid,  (herefore,  under  the  title  of  '  'I  heir 
High  Sii'^htiuesses,'  became  the  principal  power 

—  to  si'ili  an  extent,  indeed,  that  the  term 
'Ho.'laud'  had  by  the  time  of  the  Ucstoralion 
[the  English  Uestorution,  A.  D.  lOOOJ  become 
synonymous  among  foreign  powers  with  the 
whole  Uepublic.  Their  chief  mini.ster  was  called 
'The  Grand  Pensionary,'  and  the  olllcc  had  been 
since  1853  lilled  by  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
men  of  the  time,  John  de  V/itt,  John  de  Witt 
therefore  represented,  roughly  speaking,  the 
power  of  the  merchant  aristocracy  of  HoUuid, 
as  opposed  to  the  claims  of  the  House  of  Orange, 
which  were  supported  by  the  'noblesse,'  the 
army,  the  Calvinistic  clergy,  and  the  people  be- 
low the  governing  cla.ss.  Abroad  the  Oiiinge 
family  had  the  .sympathy  of  monarchical  Gov- 
ernments. Loins  XIV.  despised  the  Government 
of  '  Mes.sieurs  les  Marchauds,'  while  Charles  U. , 
at  once  the  uncle  and  the  guardian  of  the  young 
Prince  of  the  house  of  Orange,  the  future  Wil- 
liam III.  of  England,  and  mindful  of  the  scant 
courtesy  which,  to  satisfy  Cromwell,  the  Dutch 
had  shown  him  'n  exile,  was  ever  their  bitter  and 
unscrupulous  foe.  The  empire  of  the  Dutch 
Uepublict  was  purely  commercial  and  colonial, 
and  sh'"  held  in  t!.;s  respect  the  same  position 
relatively  to  the  rest  of  Europe  that  England 
holds  at  the  present  day. "--(>.  Airy,  The  Eny. 
lientoratiim  aiul  Loiiin  XIV.,  ch.  9. 

Also  in:  J.  Geddes,  Hid.  vf  tlu  Adminittni- 
(ion  0/ John  de  Witt,  e.  1, 


(Spanish  Provinces) :  A.  D.  1652.— Recovery 
of  Dunkirk  and  Gravelines. —  Invasion  of 
France.     See  Ph.vnck:  .V.  1).  \(i'>\i. 

(The  United  Provinces) :  A.  D.  1652.— First 
Settlement  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  .See 
SdiTu  .ViiiK  .\:  A.  1>.  lls(i-18(l(l. 

(The  United  Provinces):  A.  D.  1652-1654, — 
War  with  the  English  Commonwealth.  See 
EN01..V.NI):  A.  I).  lti,V.i-l(r.l. 

(Spanish  Provinces) :  A.  D.  1653-1656. — 
Campaigns  of  Cond^  in  the  service  of  Spain 
against   France,     Sec    Kit.^Mi;:    A.   1)    l(i.")3- 

'(M(i. 

(Spanish  Provinces):  A.  D.  1657-1658. — 
England  in  alliance  with  France  in  the 
Franco-Spanish  War.— Loss  of  Dunkirk  and 
Gravelines.     Sc(' Fu.\.\(k :  A.  I).  l(}.").")-Ui.")M. 

(Spanish  Provinces) :  A.  D.  1659.— Cessions 
of  territory  to  France  by  the  Treaty  of  the 
Pyrenees.     See  Fk.vnck:  A.  1).  l(i.-)!)-l(i«l. 

(Holland) :  A.  D.  1664.— The  seizure  of  New 
Netherland  by  the  English.  Sec  New  Youk; 
A.  I).  HUM. 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1665-1666.— War  with 
England  renewed. —  "A  formal  dcclaratiou  of 
war  lielwi'cn  Holland  and  England  took  [ilace  in 
March,  KJG.').  The  English  nation,  jealous  of  the 
comtiiercial  prosperity  of  Holland,  eagerly  sec- 
onded the  views  of  the  king  against  that  country, 
and  in  regard  to  the  war  a  remarl'-.'  '.  .ii'gree  of 
union  prevailed  throughout  Orea*  liritain.  Such, 
hcwevcr,  was  not  the  case  witli  the  Dutch,  who 
were  very  much  divided  in  opinion,  and  had 
many  re:vsons  to  lie  doubtful  of  the  support  of 
France.  One  of  the  grand  objects  of  Ch.irles  II. 
was  undou'  tcdiy  ,  .  to  restore  his  nephew  the 
Prince  of  tJrange  ./  all  the  power  which  had 
been  held  by  his  ancestors  in  the  Uniteil  Prov- 
i'lces.  But  between  Holland  and  England  there 
existed,  besides  numerous  other  most  fertile 
causes  of  discord,  un.settled  claims  upon  distant 
territories,  rival  colonies  in  remote  parts  of  the 
world,  maritime  jealousy  and  constant  coimner- 
cial  opposition.  These  were  national  motives 
for  hostility,  and  affected  a  large  body  of  the 
Dutch  people.  Hut,  on  tlie  other  hand,  consid- 
erations of  general  interest  were  set  aside  by  the 
political  factions  which  divided  the  Uintc:!  i\^i- 
inees,  and  which  may  be  classed  under  the 
names  of  the  licpublican  and  the  Monarchical 
parties.  The  .Monarchical  party  was,  of  course, 
that  which  was  attiiched  to  the  interests  of  tlie 
Hou.sc  of  Orange.  ...  In  the  end  of  1604,  130 
Dutch  merchantmen  had  been  captured  by  Eng- 
land; acts  of  hostility  had  occurred  in  tiuinea, 
at  the  Cape  de  Verd,  [iu  i\ew  Netherland],  and 
in  the  West  Indies:  but  Lou's  [XIV.  of  France] 
had  continued  to  avoid  takii.g  any  activ  part 
against  Great  lintnin,  uotwilhstaudiiig  all  the 
representations  of  De  Witt,  vho  on  this  occasion 
saw  in  France  tlie  uutimii  ally  of  Holland. 
On  the  13th  of  June  [1605],  however,  a  great 
naval  engagement  to^'c  place  between  the  Dutch 
fleet,  commanded  by  Opdam  and  Van  Tromp, 
and  the  English  fleet,  commanded  by  the  Duke 
of  York  and  Prince  Uupert.  Opdam  was  de- 
fcateil  and  killed ;  Van  Tromp  saved  tiie  remaii's 
of  his  fleet;  and  on  the  very  same  day  a  treaty 
was  concluded  between  Arlington  [the  English 
minister]  and  an  envoy  of  the  Bishop  of  Munster, 
by  which  it  was  agreed  tliat  the  warlike  and 
restless  prelate  should  invade  the  United  Provin- 
ces with  au  army  ot  30,000  lucu,  in  consideration 


2285 


NETIIEULANDS,   1C«5-1«00. 


W'arK,  Knylinh 
uHil  French. 


NETIIEHLANDS,   1007. 


of  Hiiiiis  of  iiioiiey  to  be  ])ai(I  by  EliKluml.  Tliis 
Irciily  itt  oiK'i'  culled  Louis  into  lutioii,  luid  be 
iiotiticd  to  tlic  Bisliop  of  Miiimtcr  tlial  if  he  iiiiide 
luiy  hoHtile  iiioveiiieiit  tiK»'»>*''  ('»'  !°^t>ites  of  llol- 
luiid  lie  would  liiid  the  troops  of  Kiiuice  prepared 
to  oppose  him.  This  faet  was  aiuiouneed  to  the 
(States  by  D'Estrudes  on  the  2;ind  of  July, 
together  with  the  information  that  the  French 
monarch  was  about  to  send  to  tlxur  assistance  a 
body  of  troops  by  the  way  of  Flanders.  .  .  . 
4Slili,  however,  Louis  hung  back  in  the  execution 
of  his  purposes,  till  the  aspect  of  atVairs  in  the 
beginning  of  KiOO  forced  him  to  declare  war 
against  England,  on  tlie  20th  of  January  in  that 
year,  according  to  the  terms  of  his  treaty  with 
llollnnd.  .  .  .  The  i)art  that  France  took  in  the 
war  was  altogether  ii..  ignidcaut,  and  served  but 
little  to  free  the  Dutch  from  the  danger  in  which 
they  were  ])laced.  That  nation  itself  made  vast 
efforts  to  obtnin  a  superiority  at  sei', ;  and  in  the 
beginning  of  June,  1000,  the  Dutch  tleet,  com- 
manded 1)V  De  Kuyter  and  Van  Tromp,  encoun- 
tered the  English  licet,  under  Alonk  and  Prince 
Uupert,  and  a  battle  which  lasted  for  four  days, 
with  scarcely  any  intermission,  took  place.  It 
would  seem  that  some  ail  vantage  was  g.dned  by 
the  Dutch;  but  both  fleets  were  treni'Tidously 
shattered,  and  retired  to  the  ports  of  t'  eir  own 
comitry  to  relit.  Shortly  after,  however,  t'ley 
again  encountered,  and  one  of  the  most  tremen- 
dous naval  engagements  in  history  took  place, 
in  which  the  Dutcli  suffered  a  complete  defeat; 
20  of  their  lirst-rate  men-of-war  wen^  captured 
or  sunk;  and  three  admirals,  with  4,000  men, 
were  killed  on  the  part,  of  the  States.  The 
French  (ieet  could  not  come  up  in  lime  to  tjike 
part  in  the  battle,  and  all  tli.it  Louis  did  was  to 
ftirnish  De  Witt  with  the  means  of  repairing  the 
losses  of  the  S'ates  as  rapidly  as  possible.  The 
energy  of  the  grant'  pensionary  himself,  bow- 
ever,  effected  much  more  than  tiie  slow  anil  un- 
willing succour  of  the  Freiich  king.  With 
almost  superhuman  exertion  new  lUcts  were 
made  ready  and  maimed,  while  the  grand  pen- 
sionary amused  the  English  ministers  with  the 
prospect  of  a  speedy  peace  on  their  own  terms; 
and  at  a  moment  when  England  was  least  pre- 
pared, De  Kuyter  and  Cornelius  de  Witt  ap- 
peared upon  the  coast,  sailed  up  the  Thames, 
attacked  and  took  Sheerness,  and  destroyed  a 
great  number  of  ships  of  the  line.  A  multitude 
of  smaller  vessels  were  burnt;  and  th'!  conster- 
nation was  so  great  throughout  England,  that  u 
■arge  quantity  of  stores  and  many  ships  were 
sunk  and  destroyed  by  order  of  the  British  au- 
thorities themselves,  while  De  Uuyter  ri'.'Mged 
the  whole  sea-coast  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Thames  to  t'.e  J^and's  End.  The  negotiations 
for  peace,  which  had  commenced  at  Breda,  were 
nov/  ci'.rried  on  upon  terms  much  more  advan- 
tageous to  Holland,  and  were  si)cedily  concluded ; 
England,  notwithstanding  the  naval  glory  she 
had  gained,  being  fully  as  much  tired  of  the  war 
us  the  States  themselves.  A  general  treaty  was 
signed  on  the  25th  of  Jidy." — G.  P.  1{.  James. 
Life  and  Times  of  /miiis  XIV.,  v.  2,  c/i.  6.— "The 
thunder  of  the  Dutch  guns  in  the  Medway  and 
the  Thames  woke  England  to  a  b'tter  sense  of  its 
degradation.  The  dream  of  loyalty  was  roughly 
broken.  'Everybody  ncw-a-days,'  Pepys  tells 
us,  'reflect  upon  Oliver  and  commend  him: 
what  brave  thiugs  he  did,  and  made  all  the 
neighbour  jiriuces  feur  him. '    But  Oliver's  suc- 


cessor was  coolly  watching  this  shame  and  dis- 
content of  his  people  with  the  one  aim  oi  turning 
it  to  his  own  udvauUige. " — J.  U.  Ore  n,  JIiHt. 
(ifl/ic  h'lif/.  I'mpk,  hk.  8,  ch.  1  (v.  3) 

Al.so  I.N:  ('.  D.  Yonge,  llist.  if  the  Unliah 
Aiir//,  r.  2,  Wi.  .'i. 

(The  Spanish  Provinces) :  A.  D.  1667. — 
The  claims  and  conquests  of  Louis  XIV. — 
The  War  of  the  Queen's  Rights.— In  1000 
J.,ouis  XIV.,  king  of  France,  was  married  to  the 
Infanta  of  Spain,  iMaria  Then'sa,  daughter  of 
Philip  IV.,  who  solemnly  renounced  at  the  time, 
for  hers(!lf  and  her  posterity,  all  rights  to  the 
Spanish  crown.  The  insincerity  and  hollowuess 
of  the  renunciation  was  proved  terribly  at  a  later 
time  by  the  long  "war  of  the  Spam,sli  succes- 
sion." .Meantime  Louis  discovered  other  pre- 
tended rights  in  his  Spanish  wife  on  which  he 
might  found  claims  for  the  satisfaction  of  his 
territorial  greed.  These  rested  on  the  fact  that 
she  was  l;.rii  of  her  father's  first  marriage,  and 
that  u  customary  right  in  certain  provinces  of 
the  Spanish  Netherlands  gave  daughters  of  u 
first  marriage  priority  of  Inheritance  over  sons 
of  a  second  marriage.  At  the  same  time,  in  the 
laws  of  Lu.xembourg  and  Fianche-Comte,  which 
admitted  all  children  to  die  partition  of  an  in- 
heritance, he  found  pretext  for  claiming,  on  be- 
half of  his  wife,  one  fourth  of  the  former  and 
one  third  of  the  principality  last  named.  Philip 
IV.  of  Spain  died  in  September,  1005,  leaving  a 
sickly  infant  sou  under  the  regency  of  ".::  in- 
capable and  priest-ruled  mother,  and  Louis  be- 
gan quickly  to  press  his  claims.  Having  made 
his  preparations  on  a  formidable  scale,  he  sent 
forth  in  Jluy,  1007,  to  all  the  courts  of  Europe, 
an  elaborate  "Treatise  on  the  Rights  of  the 
Must  Christian  Queen  over  divers  States  of  the 
monarchy  of  Spam,"  announcing  at  the  same  time 
his  inteution  to  make  a  "  journey  "  in  the  Catho- 
lic Netherlands — the  intended  journey  being  a 
ruthless  invasion,  in  fact,  with  50,000  men,  imdcr 
the  command  of  the  great  marshal-general, 
Turennc.  The  army  began  its  march  simultane- 
ously with  the  announcement  of  its  purpose, 
crossing  'he  frontier  on  the  24tli  of  May.  Town 
aft<.'r  town  was  tak(ui,  some  without  resistance 
and  others  after  a  short,  sharp  siege,  directed  by 
Vaubau,  the  most  famous  auioug  military  engi- 
neers. Charleroi  was  occupied  on  the  2(1  of 
June;  Tournay  surrendered  on  the  24th;  two 
weeks  later  Douai  fell;  Courtrai  endured  only 
four  days  of  siege  unu  Oudenarde  but  two;  Lille 
was  a  more  dillicult  jiri/.e  and  held  Turennc  and 
the  king  before  it  for  twenty  days.  "  All  AVal- 
loon  Flanders  had  again  becoir.e  French  at  the 
price  of  less  effort  and  bloodshed  than  it  had 
cost,  in  the  Middle  Ages,  to  force  one  uf  its 
jjlaces.  .  .  September  1,  the  whole  French 
army  was  found  assembleo  before  the  walls  of 
Qhei\t."  But  Ghent  was  not  assailed,  the  French 
army  being  greatly  fatigued  and  much  reduced 
by  the  garrisoning  of  the  conquered  places. 
Louis,  accordingly,  returned  U)  Saint-Germain, 
anil  Turennc,  after  taking  Alost,  went  into  win- 
ter quarters.  Before  tlie  winter  passed  great 
changes  of  circumstance  had  occurred.  The 
Triple  Alliance  of  England,  Holland  and  Sweden 
had  been  formed,  I.H)uis  liad  made  his  secret 
treaty  at  Vienna  with  the  Emperor,  for  the 
partitioning  of  the  Spanish  dominions,  and 
his  further  'journey"  in  the  Netherlands  was 
pos;;)oned.— II.  Martin,   Jlist.  of  France:    Ai/c 


2286 


NETHEIILAXDS.   KirtT. 


Tn,u,' Allkmc:      N' KTHKIU.ANDS,   1073-1074. 


nf  fyouin    AVI',   {trnim.    hy    M.    L.    /Itrth),   }\   1, 
fh.  4. 

Also  in:    A.F.  Ponmlis,  Jn/in  ih  Witt.  eh.  7 
('•.  1). 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1668.— The  Triple  Alliance 
with  England  and  Sweden  against  the  French 
king.  —  "Tlu;  riipiil  ronciuests  of  the  Frcndi 
king  in  Fliindcrs  during  the  Inst  summer  Imd 
driiwn  the  eyes  of  Europe  towards  llie  seat  of 
war  in  that  country.  Tlio  pope,  Clemrnl  IX.. 
tlirougli  pity  for  tlio  youiig  king  of  Spain,  and 
the  StjUes,  alarmed  at  tlie  approach  of  tlie 
French  arms  to  tlieir  frontier,  offered  tlieir 
mediation.  To  botli  Louis  returned  tlio  .same 
answer,  that  he  sought  notldng  more  tlian  to 
vindicate  the  riglils  of  his  wife;  that  he  sliould 
be  content  to  retain  possession  of  the  con(iuesls 
wliich  he  liad  already  madci,  or  toexdinnge  tlu'm 
eitlier  for  Lu.\cml)ourg,  or  Franclie-eomte,  witli 
tlie  addition  of  Aire,  St.  Omer,  Donai,  (,'ambrai, 
and  Charleroi,  to  .strengthen  Ins  norlliern  fron- 
tier. .  .  .  ButSpain  was  not  sudici',  liny  liuml)le(l 
to  submit  to  so  flagrant  an  injustice.  ...  If  it 
was  the  interest  of  England,  it  was  still  more 
the  interest  of  the  States,  to  exclude  France 
.'rom  the  possession  of  Flanders.  Under  this 
persuasion,  sir  William  Temple,  the  resident  at 
Brussels,  received  instructions  to  proceed  to  tlie 
Hague  and  sound  tlie  disposition  of  de  Witt; 
and,  on  his  return  to  London,  was  despatched 
back  again  to  Holland  with  tlie  proposal  of  a 
defensive  alliance,  tlie  object  of  wliicli  should  lie 
to  compel  the  French  monan'h  to  make  jieace 
with  Spain  on  the  terms  which  lie  liad  previously 
cflered.  .  .  .  Temple  acted  witli  promptitude 
and  address:  .  .  .  he  represented  the  danger  of 
delay;  and,  contrary  to  all  precedent  at  Ww. 
Hague,  in  tlie  sliort  space  ot  ilve  days —  had  tlie 
constitutional  forms  becnobserved  it  would  have 
demanded  five  weeks  —  bo  negotiated  [.lanuary, 
1908]  three  treiiUus  which  promised  to  put  an 
end  to  the  war,  or,  if  they  failed  hi  that  point,  to 
oppose  at  least  an  effectual  barrier  to  the  furthei 
progress  of  tlu  invader.  The  tirst  was  a  defen- 
sive ail:;\nce  by  which  tiie  two  nations  bound 
themselves  to  aid  each  other  against  any  ag- 
gressor with  a  fleet  of  forty  men  of  war,  and  an 
army  of  0,400  men,  or  with  a.ssistance  in 
money  in  proportion  to  tlio  detlciency  in  men ; 
by  the  second,  the  contracting  powern  agreed  by 
every  means  in  their  power  to  dispose  t'rance  to 
conclude  a  peace  with  Spain  on  the  alternative 
already  oiTered,  to  persuade  Spain  to  accept  one 
part  of  that  alternat'-o  before  the  end  of  .Miiy. 
and,  in  case  of  a  ■•.'fusal,  to  compel  her  by  war. 
on  condition  that  France  should  not  interfere  by 
force  of  arms.  '''Iiese  treaties  were  meant  for 
the  public  eye:  the  tliiro  «,:s  secret,  a:id  bound 
both  England  and  the  States,  I-i  case  .if  the  re- 
fusal of  liouis,  10  unite  with  Spain  in  the  war. 
and  not  to  lay  down  their  arms  till  the  peace  of 
the  Pyrenees  were  confirmed.  On  the  same  day 
the  Swedish  ambas.sa<lors  gave  a  provisional,  and 
afterwards  a  ])osilive  assent  to  the  league,  which 
from  that  circumstance  obtained  the  n:ime  of  the 
Triple  Alliance.  Louis  received  the  news  of  this 
transaction  with  an  air  i>f  liaughty  indilTerence. 
.  .  .  In  conse(iueiice(.r  the  inlirin  state  of  (,'liarles 
II.  of  Spain,  lie  had  secretly  coiuhided  willi  the 
emperor  Leopold  an  'eventual'  treaty  of  par- 
tition of  the  Spanish  monarchy  on  the  expected 
death  of  that  prince,  and  thus  had  aheady  bouiul 
liimself  by  treaty  to  do  the  very  thing  which  it 


was  the  object  of  the  allied  powers  .0  effcot. 
.  .  .  The  intervention  of  the  emperor,  in  con- 
se(|U(<nce  of  the  eventual  treaty,  juit  nn  end  to 
the  hesitation  of  the  Spanish  cabinet;  the  am- 
'  assadors  of  the  .several  powers  met  at  Aixla- 
Chapelle  [April -.May,  lOOH];  Spain  made  her 
choice;  the  conquered  towns  in  Flanders  were 
ceded  to  Loui.s,  and  peace  was  re-established  be- 
tween the  two  crowns.  .  .  .  The  States  coiikl  ill 
di.ssemhie  their  disappointment.  They  never 
louhted  that  Spain,  with  the  choice  in  her  hands, 
would  preserve  Flanders,  and  part  with 
Franche-c'omte.  .  .  .  The  result  was  owing,  it 
is  said,  to  the  resentment  of  ('iistel-Kodrigo  [the 
governorof  the  Spanish  Xetherlaiids|,  who,  find- 
iii.g  that  the  States  would  not  join  with  England 
to  conllne  Fianc(!  within  its  ancient  limits,  re- 
solved to  punish  them  by  making  a  cession, 
which  brought  the  French  frontier  to  the  very 
neighbourhood  of  tlie  Dutch  territory."—.!.  Lin- 
gard,  llixt.  iif  EiKj..  1:  11,  c/i.  0.  —  "  I)r.  Lingard, 
who  is  undoubtedly  a  very  able  and  wellin- 
fornied  writer,  bul"wliose  great  fundamental 
rule  of  judging  .seems  to  be  tliiit  the  popular 
opinion  on  a  historical  (nieslion  cannot  possilily 
be  correct,  speaks  verv  slightingly  of  this  cele- 
brated treaty  [of  the  Triple  Alliance).  .  .  .  But 
grant  that  Louis  was  not  really  stopped  in  his 
progress  by  this  famous  league;  still  it  is  certain 
that  the  wc-ld  then,  and  long  after,  believed 
that  be  was  so  stopped;  and  tliat  this  was  the 
prevailing  imi)ressi()ii  in  France  as  well  as  in 
other  countries.  Temi)le,  therefore,  at  tli(!  v(^ry 
least,  succeeded  in  raising  the  credit  of  his  coun- 
try, and  lowering  tlie  credit  of  a  rival  power." — 
Lord  Macaulay,  Sir  Willium  '/'i:iiij)te{/<j««iii/K). 

Ai.so  IN:  O.  Airy,  T/n'  Kiif/.  liextoration  and 
L'liiiK  A'/r.,  c/i.  14. — Sir  W.  Temple,  Lettrra^ 
Jan.  1008  (Worku,  v.  1).  —  L.  von  Kanke.  JM. 
of  h'lif/.,  {~tk  Cciitnrn,  bk.  \'\  -•/(.  4  (c.  I!).— A.  F. 
I'ontalis,  John  de  ]\'ilt.  eli.  7  {/•.  1). 

(Holland) :  A.  D.  1670. — Detrayed  to  France 
by  the  English  king;.  See  E.N(ii..\nd:  A.  D. 
1008-1070. 

(Holland) :  A.  D.  1672-1674.— The  war  with 
France  and  England. — Murder  of  the  De  Witts. 
— Restoration  of  the  Stadtholdership. —  'The 
storm  tli:it  had  lieen  prepared  in  secret  for  Hol- 
land began  to  break  in  Uil'i.  France'  and  Eng- 
land lia(l  declared  war  at  once  by  lanil  and  sea, 
without  any  cau.se  of  <iuarrel,  except  that  Louis 
declared  that  the  Dutch  insulted  him,  and  (.'liarles 
complained  that  they  would  not  lower  their  ll:ig 
to  his,  and  that  they  refu.sed  the  Stadtholdership 
to  his  nephew.  William  of  Orange.  Accor  '.ngly, 
bis  fleet  made  a  piratical  attack  on  the  Dutch 
ships  returniiig  from  Smyrna,  and  Louis,  with  an 
immense  army.  I  iiteicd  Holland.  .  .  .  They  [the 
Freneli]  would  have  altemiiteil  the  pa.ssage  of 
the  Vssel.  Iiut  the  Dutch  forces,  und(  .■  the  I'rince 
ofOrar're.  were  on  the  watch,  and  turned  towards 
t  lie  Hhiiie,  which  was  so  low,  in  conseiiuence  of  a 
drouth,  that  'i.(HH)  adventurous  cavalry  were  able 
to  cross,  half  wading,  half  sv.  imniing.  and  gained 
•1  footing  on  the  otlier  side."  This  "passage  of 
the  Uliine"  was  alisiinlly  cclebnited  as  a  great 
mililiiiT  (  x|iloit  by  the  servile  tlattcrers  of  thi; 
French  king,  "The  passage  thus  secured,  the 
King  crossed  the  river  tlie  next  day  <m  a  bridge 
()f  boats,  and  rapidly  overran  the  adjoining  coun- 
try, taking  the  lesser  towns,  and  oli'ering  to  the 
ItciMiblic  the  most  severe  terms,  destructive  of 
tfieir  independence,   but   securing   tl.o   nominal 


2287 


NETHERLANDS,  1673-1674. 


Murfter  nfthf 


NETHERLANDS,  1674. 


Stndtholdcrsliip  to  the  Prince  of  Ornngp.  Tlic 
niugi.slrntcsof  Amstcrdatn  liml  nlmost  decided  on 
carrying  tlic  kcj-s  to  Louis,  and  tlic  Orand  Pen- 
sionary himself  was  ready  to  yield;  but  William, 
who  preferred  ruling  a  free  people  by  their  own 
clioicc  to  being  imposed  on  tliem  by  the  con- 
(liicror,  still  mamtained  that  perseverance  would 
811-  J  Holland,  that  her  dykes,  when  opened,  would 
admit  Hoods  that  the  enemy  could  not  resist,  and 
that  they  had  only  to  be  firm.  The  spirit  of  the 
people  was  with  liim.  and  in  Am.sterciam,  Dord- 
recht, and  the  other  cities,  there  were  risings  with 
loud  outcries  of '  Orange  bovcn,'  Up  with  Orange, 
insisting  that  he  should  bo  appointed  Stadthohler. 
Tlio  magistrnry  confirmed  the  choice,  but  Cor- 
nelius do  Witt,  too  firm  to  yield  to  a  popular  cry, 
refused  to  sign  the  appointment,  ami  thus  drew 
on  himself  the  rage  of  the  peo])le.  He  was  ar- 
rested under  an  absurd  accusation  of  having 
bribed  a  man  to  assassinate  the  Prince,  and  .  .  . 

{after  torture]  was  sentenced  to  exile,  whereupon 
lis  l/rotlier  [the  Grand  Pensionary]  announced 
that  he  should  accompanj*  him ;  but  while  he  was 
with  him  in  his  prison  at  Amsterdam,  the  atro- 
cious mob  again  arose  [Aug.  20,  1073],  broke 
open  the  doors,  and,  dragging  out  the  Iwo  broth- 
ers, absolutely  tore  them  limb  from  limb." — 
C.  M.  Yonge,  Landinnrkii  of  JIM.,  pt.  3,  ch.  4, 
pt.  6. — The  Prince  of  Orange,  profiting  by  the 
murder  of  the  Do  Witts,  rewarded  the  murderers, 
and  is  smirched  by  the  deed,  whether  prini.irilv 
responsible  for  it  or  not;  but  the  power  which  it 
secured  to  him  was  used  ably  for  Holland.  The 
dykes  had  already  been  cut,  on  the  Ibth  o"  June, 
and  "the  sea  poured  in,  placing  a  ivasto  of  water 
between  Louis  and  Amsterdam,  and  the  province 
of  Holland  at  least  was  saved.  The  citizens 
worked  with  the  intonsest  energy  to  provide  for 
their  defence.  .  .  .  Every  fourth  ma'i  among  the 
peasantry  was  enlisted;  mariners  and  guimers 
were  drawn  fronj  the  Ueot."  Jleantime,  on  the 
7th  of  June,  the  (leet  itself,  under  De  Uuyter,  hud 
been  victorious,  in  Southwold  Buy,  or  Solebay, 
over  the  united  fleets  of  England  and  France. 
The  victory  was  indecisive,  but  it  jjaralyzed  the 
..Hied  navy  for  a  season,  and  prevented  a  con- 
templated descent  on  Zealand.  "  All  active  mili- 
tary operations  against  Holland  were  now  neces- 
sardy  at  an  end.  There  was  not  a  Dutch  town 
south  of  the  inundation  which  was  not  in  tlic 
hands  of  tlie  French ;  and  nothing  remained  for 
the  latter  but  to  lie  idle  until  the  ice  of  winter 
should  enable  them  to  cross  the  floods  which  cut 
them  off  from  Amsterdam.  Leaving  Turenne  in 
command,  Louis  tiiereforo  returned  to  St.  Ger- 
main on  August  1."  Before  winter  came,  how- 
ever, the  alarm  of  Europe  at  Louis'  aggressions 
had  brought  about  a  coalition  of  the  Emperor 
Leopold  and  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  to  suc- 
cor the  Dutch  States.  Louis  was  forced  to  call 
Turenne  with  10,000  men  to  Westphalia  and 
Condu  with  17,000  to  Alsace.  "On  September 
13  the  Austrian  general  Montecuculi,  the  Duke 
of  Lorraine,  and  the  Grand  Elector  effected  their 
junction,  intending  to  cross  the  Rhine  and  join 
William ;  "  but  Turenne,  by  a  series  of  luiisterly 
movements,  forced  them  to  retreat,  utterly  baf- 
fled, into  Franconiaand  Halberstadt.  Tlie  Elec- 
tor of  Brandenburg,  discourigcd,  witlidrew  from 
the  alliance,  and  made  peace  with  Louis,  June 
6,  1(57:3.  The  spring  of  l&i'A  found  the  Frenc 
kingadvautageouslv  situated,  and  his  advantages 
were  improved,    'fuming  on  the  Spaniards"  in 


tlicir  Belgian  Netherlands,  he  laid  siege  to  the 
important  stron-^hold  of  .Maestriclil  and  it  was 
taken  for  him  by  the  skill  of  V'auban,  on  the  SOtli 
of  June.  But  while  this  success  was  being 
scored,  the  Dutch,  at  sea,  had  frustrated  another 
attempt  of  the  Anglo-French  fleet  to  land  troops 
on  the  Zealand  coast.  On  the  7tli  of  June,  and 
again  on  the  14tir,  Dc  Ruytcr  and  Van  Tronip 
fought  off  the  invadei's,  uiuler  Prince  Rupert  and 
D'Estrees,  driving  them  back  to  the  'rimnics. 
( )nco  more,  and  for  the  last  time,  they  made  their 
attempt,  on  tlie  31st  of  August,  and  were  beaten 
in  a  battle  near  the  Zealand  shore  which  lasted 
from  dayliglit  until  dark.  The  end  of  August 
found  a  new  coalition  against  Louis  formed  by 
treaties  between  Holland,  Spait,  tlie  Emperor 
and  the  Duke  of  Lorraine.  A  little  later,  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  a£ter  capturing  Naarden,  ef- 
fected a  junction  near  Bonn  with  Montecuciili. 
who  had  evaded  Turenne.  The  Electors  if 
Treves  and  Mayenco  thereupon  joined  the  coali 
tion  and  Cologne  and  Minister  made  peace.  By 
this  time,  public  opinion  in  England  had  become 
so  angrily  opposed  to  the  war  that  Charles  was 
forced  to  arrange  terms  of  peace  with  Holland, 
notwithstanding  his  engagements  with  Louis. 
The  tide  was  now  turning  fost  against  France. 
Denmark  had  joined  the  coalition.  In  Marcli  it 
received  the  Elector  Palatine ;  in  April  the  Dukes 
of  Brunswick  and  Llineburg  came  into  the 
league ;  in  May  the  Emperor  procured  from  the 
Diet  a  declaration  of  war  in  the  name  of  the  Em- 
pire, and  ou  the  1st  of  July  the  Elector  of  Bran- 
denburg cast  in  his  lot  once  more  with  the 
enemies  of  France.  To  effectually  meet  this  new 
league  of  his  foes,  Louis  resolved  witli  heroic 
promptitude  to  abandon  his  cou<iuests  in  the 
Netherlands.  Maestrieht  and  Grave,  alone,  of 
the  places  he  had  taken,  were  retained.  But  Hol- 
land still  refused  to  make  peace  on  the  terms 
which  the  French  king  proposed,  and  held  her 
ground  in  the  league. — O.  Airy,  The  Emj.  lies- 
tomtion  and  Louis  AYT. ,  ch.  19. 

Also  in  :  F.  P.  Guizot,  Hint,  of  France,  cli.  44  (v. 
.5). — C.  D.  Yonge,  Hint,  of  France  under  the  Hour- 
bona,  eh.  l.")  (v.  3). — A.  F.  Pontalis,  John  dc  Witt, 
ch.  13-14  (('.  2).— Sir  W.  Temple,  Memoirs,  pt.  3 
{icor/cs,  V.  2). — See,  also.  New  Youk:  A.  D.  1073. 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1673. — Reconquest  of  New 
Netherland  from  the  English.  See  Nkw  Youk  : 
A.  D.  1073. 

(The  Spanish  Provi'-.ces) :  A.  D.  1673-1678. 
— Fresh  conquests  by  Louis  XIV.  Sec  Netii- 
Eiir-ANDS  (lIoi,i,.\Nm:  A.  I).  1073-1074,  and 
1074-1078;  also,  NiMi;(iiEN,  Peac  K  oi'. 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1674. —  The  Treaty  of 
Westminster. —  Peace  with  England. —  Re- 
linquishment of  New  Netherland. —  An  offer 
from  the  Dutch  to  restore  New  Netherland 
to  England  "  was  extorted  froni  the  necessi- 
ties of  tlic  republic,  and  its  engagement  with 
Spain.  With  the  consent  of  the  States  Gen- 
eral, tlie  Spanish  ambassador  offered  advan- 
tageous articles  to  the  British  government. 
Charles,  flnding  that  Louis  refused  him  further 
supplies,  and  that  he  could  not  expect  any  from 
Parliament,  replied  tliat  he  was  willing  to  accept 
reasonable  conditions.  .  .  .  Sir  "William  Temple 
was  summoned  from  his  retirement,  and  instruct- 
ed to  confer  with  the  SpanLsli  ambassador  at 
London,  the  JIarquis  del  Fresno,  to  whom  the 
States  General  had  sent  frll  powers.  In  three 
days  all  the  points  were  arranged,  and  a  treaty 


2288 


NETIIKULANDS,  1074. 


I'rncr   icilh 
Knylnnii. 


NETIIEULANDS,   1874-1678 


was  signed  at  Weatminstcr  [February  10,  1074] 
by  Arlington  iiml  four  otlier  cimniissioiicTs  on 
tlic  part  of  Great  liriUiin,  and  l)y  Fresno  on  ilic 
part  oi  tile  I'niteci  NeDierlands.  Tlic  lionor  of 
the  tla.if.  wlii(!li  liad  lieen  refused  by  De  Witt, 
was  yielded  to  England ;  the  Treaty  of  Ilreda  was 
revived;  tiic  riglits  of  neutrals  guaranteed;  and 
the  eomuicrelal  i)rinciples  of  the  Triple  Alliance 
renewed.  By  tlie  si.vtli  artiele  it  was  eoveniuiled 
that  '  all  lan(ls,  islands,  eities,  havens,  castles  and 
fortresses,  which  have  been  or  shall  be  taken  by 
one  party  from  the  other,  during  the  time  of  this 
last  unhappy  war,  whether  in  Europe  or  else- 
where, and  bd'ore  the  expiration  of  the  times 
above  linnted  for  the  duration  of  hostilities, 
shall  be  restored  to  the  former  I.,ord  and  Pro- 
prietor in  the  same  condition  they  shall  be  in  at 
the  time  *'■•■*  "lis  peace  shall  be  iiroclaimed.' 
This  urti^  ..stored  New  Netherland  to  the  King 
of  Grei,  liritain.  The  Treaty  of  IJreda  had 
ceded  it  .o  him  on  the  principle  of  '  uti  jmssi- 
detis.'  The  Treaty  of  Westminster  gave  it  l)ack 
to  him  on  tlie  principle  of  reciprocal  restitution. 
Peace  was  soon  proclaimed  at  London  and  at  the 
Hague.  The  treaty  of  Westminster  delivered 
tlic  Dutch  from  fear  of  Charles,  and  cut  off  the 
riglit  arm  of  ].,ouis,  their  more  dreaded  foe. 
England,  on  her  part,  slipped  out  of  a  disastrous 
war.  ...  By  the  treaty  of  Westminster  the 
United  Provinces  relinquished  their  con((uest  of 
New  Netherland  to  the  King  of  England.  The 
sovereign  Dutch  States  Ge.\eral  had  treated  di- 
rectly witli  Charles  us  sovereign.  A  question  at 
once  arose  at  Whitehall  about  the  subordinate 
interest  of  the  Duke  of  York.  It  was  claimed  by 
some  that  James's  former  American  proprietor- 
ship was  revived.  .  .  .  The  opinion  of  counsel 
having  been  taken,  they  advised  that  the  duke's 
jiroprietorship  had  been  extinguished  by  the 
Dutch  comiuest,  and  that  tlie  king  was  now 
alone  seized  of  New  Netherland,  by  virtue  of 
the  Treaty  of  Westminster.  ...  A  new  patent 
to  the  Duke  of  York  was  therefore  sealed.  By  it 
the  king  again  conveyed  to  his  brother  the  terri- 
tories he  had  held  before,  and  granted  him  anew 
the  absolute  powers  of  government  he  liad 
formerly  enjoyed  over  British  subjects,  witli  the 
like  additional  authority  over  '  any  other  per.son 
or  persons' inhabiting  his  province.  Under  the 
same  description  of  boundaries.  New  Jersey,  and 
all  the  territory  west  of  tlie  Ccmuecticut  Uiver, 
together  with  Long  Island  and  the  adjacent 
islands,  and  the  region  of  Pemaciuid,  were  again 
included  in  the  grant.  The  new  patent  did  not, 
ivs  has  been  commonly,  but  erroneousl>  stated, 
'recite  and  confirm  the  fo'-mer. '  It  did  not  in 
'iny  way  allude  to  that  instrument.  It  read  as  if 
no  previous  English  patent  iiad  ever  existed.  .  .  . 
As  liis  colonial  lieutenant  and  deputy,  the  duke, 
almost  necessarily,  appointed  Major  Edmund 
Andros,  whom  the  king  had  directed  in  tlie  pre- 
vious Marcli  to  receive  New  Netherland  from  the 
Dutch." — J.  H.  Brodliead,  llintory  of  the  State  of 
Keie  York,  r.  2,  ch.  5-0. 

(Holland) :  A.  D.  1674-1678.  —  Continued 
war  of  the  Coalition  against  France. — "The 
enemies  of  France  every wliere  took  courage. 
.  .  .  Louis  XIV.  embraced  with  a  tirm  glance 
the  whole  positi(m,  and,  well  advised  by  Tur- 
enne,  clearly  took  his  resolution.  He  under- 
stood the  extreme  dillieulty  of  preserving  liis 
conquests,  and  the  facility  moreover  of  making 
others  more  profitable,  while  defending  liis  own 


frontier.  To  evacuate  Holland,  to  indemnify 
himself  at  the  expense  of  Spain,  and  to  endeavor 
to  treat  separately  with  Iloiland  while  continu- 
ing tlie  war  against  the  House  of  Austria, — 
sncli  was  the  new  iilau  inlopted;  an  excellent 
I)lan.  the  very  \,isdom  of  which  condemned  so 
niiicli  tlie  more  sev<'relv  the  war  with  Holland. 
.  ,  .  The  places  of  the  /uydcr-Zce  were  evacu- 
ated in  tlie  course  of  December  by  the  French 
and  the  troops  of  MUnster.  .  .  .  The  eviwuation 
of  the  United  Provinces  was  wiiolly  linislied  by 
spring.  .  .  .  Louis  resolved  to  conquer  Fran  .iie- 
Cofite  in  person;  while  Turennc  covered  Alsace 
and  Lorraine,  Sciiomberg  went  to  defend  Uous- 
sillon,  and  t'onde  labored  to  strengthen  the 
French  iiosilions  en  the  Meuse,  by  sweeping  tlie 
enemy  from  the  environs  of  Liege  and  Jtaes- 
triclit.  On  the  ocean,  the  defensive  was  pre- 
served." Louis  entered  Franclie-Comte  at  tlie 
beginning  of  May  with  a  small  army  of  H,(K)0 
infantry  and  5,01)0  or  0,000  cavalry,  but  \sith 
Vauban,  the  great  master  of  sieges,  to  do  his 
serious  work  for  liim.  A  small  corps  had  been 
sent  into  the  country  in  February,  and  had 
already  taken  Gray,  "Vesoul  and  Lons-le-Saul- 
nier  Bcsan^on  was  now  reduced  by  a  short 
siege;  Dole  surrendered  soon  afterward,  and 
early  in  July  the  sutijugation  of  tlie  province 
was  complete  ' '  The  second  conquest  of  Franche- 
Comte  had  cost  a  little  more  trouble  than  the 
first;  but  it  was  detinitive.  Tlio  two  Burgun- 
dies were  no  more  to  be  separated,  and  France 
was  never  again  to  lose  her  frontier  of  the  .Jura. 
.  .  .  The  allies,  from  tlie  beginning  of  the  year, 
had  projected  a  general  attack  against  France 
Tliey  had  debated  among  themselves  the  design 
of  introducing  two  great  armies,  one  from  Bel- 
gium into  Chamiiagne,  the  other  from  Germany 
into  ALsaco  and  Lorraine;  the  Spaniards  were  to 
invade  Uoussillon;  lastly,  the  Dutch  l!eet  was  to 
threaten  the  coasts  of  France  and  attempt  some 
enterprise  there  Tie  tardiness  of  tlio  Germanic 
diet  to  declare  itself  frustrated  the  first  of  these 
plans.  Conde,  occujiying  a  stroL'g  jiosition  near 
Charleroi,  from  wliic  1  the  allies  oould  not  draw 
him,  took  quick  advantage  of  an  imprudent 
movement  wliicli  they  made,  ani  routed  them 
bv  a  fierce  attack,  at  the  village  of  SenefTc  (Aug. 
11,  1074).  But  William  of  Orange  rallied  the 
flying  forces  —  Dutch,  German  and  Spanish  now 
fighting  side  by  side  —  so  successfully  that 
Conde  was  repulsed  with  terrible  loss  in  the  end, 
when  he  attempted  to  make  his  victory  com- 
plete Tiie  battle  was  maintained,  by  the  liglit 
of  the  moon,  until  midnight,  and  both  armies 
witlidrew  next  morning,  liadly  crippled.  Tur- 
eniie  meantime,  in  June,  liad  crossed  the  Uliine 
at  Pliilii)psburg  and  encouiiteied  the  Imperial- 
ists, on  the  lOtli,  near  Sinsheim,  defeated  tliem 
there  and  driven  lliem  beyond  the  Neckar.  The 
following  montli,  he  again  crossed  the  river  and 
intiieted  upon  tlie  Palatinate  tlie  terrible  destruc- 
tion wliicli  made  it  for  tie  time  being  a  desert, 
and  wliicli  is  the  black  blot  on  the  fame  of  the 
great  soldier.  "Turenne  ordered  his  troojis  to 
consume  and  waste  cattle,  forage,  and  harvests, 
so  that  tlie  enemy's  army,  when  it  returned  in 
force,  as  he  foresaw  it  would  do,  could  find 
noching  wiiereon  to  subsist."  In  September  the 
city  of  Stiusburg  opened  its  gates  10  the  Im- 
perialists and  gave  them  the  control  of  its  forti- 
fied Inidge,  crossing  the  Bliine.  Turenne,  has- 
tening to  prevent  the  disaster,  but  arriving  too 


2289 


NKTMP^RLAXnS,   1074-1678. 


/VflCf* 

<»/  Ximeguen. 


NETHERLANDS,   1089-1696. 


Into,  iittiickcfl  Ills  ciii'Hiii'.s,  Oct.  4,  iit  the  villiigo 
of  EiiKinlu'liii  iiiid  Kiiincd  an  iiifoiu-liiKivc  victory. 
Then  followed,  bi'forc  tlm  clo-sc  of  the  ynr,  the 
iiioal  fiiiii'oim  of  tlu!  iiiilitiiry  inovi'iiicrit.H  of  Til- 
nmiic.  Tlio  iillies  Imviiij,'  been  hciivily  rciiiforc  rd, 
li(!  retired  before  tlieiii  Into  '.orraine,  -.iieeliiif; 
and  j;atlieriMi,'  up  reinforrements  of  lii.s  own  as  lie 
moved.  Then,  wlien  he  had  coiiiijletely  deceived 
tlieiii  as  to  his  intentions,  lu^  traversed  tlie  whole 
lengtli  of  IIk^  Vosges  with  his  army,  in  Decern- 
l)er,  and  appeareil  suddenly  at  lielfort,  finding 
their  forces  8<'attered  and  entirely  unprepared. 
Defeating  them  at  Ml\lliausen  December  !)!(,  and 
again  at  Colmar,  January  5,  he  expelled  tliem 
from  Alsace,  and  offered  to  Stra.sburg  the  renewal 
of  its  neutrality,  which  the  anxious  city  was 
glad  to  accept.  "Tints  ended  this  celebrated 
campaign,  tlio  most  glorious,  perhaps,  presented 
in  the  military  history  of  ancient  Franct^  None 
offers  higher  instruction  in  the  study  of  the 
great  art  of  war."  In  the  campaign  of  1075, 
which  opened  in  May,  Turenne  was  confronted 
by  Monteeuculi,  and  the  two  masterly  tacticians 
became  the  plavers  of  a  game  which  has  been 
the  wonder  o{  military  students  ever  since. 
"Like  two  valiant  athletes  struggling  foot  to 
foot  without  eitlier  being  able  to  overthrow  the 
other,  Turenne  and  M',utecu<Mdi  nianieuvred  for 
six  weeks  in  the  space  of  a  few  square  leagues 
[in  the  canton  of  Ortnau,  Swabia]  without  suc- 
ceeding in  forcing  each  other  to  quit  the  place." 
At  length,  on  the  27tli  of  July,  Turenne  found 
an  opportunity  to  attack  his  opponent  with  ad- 
vantage, in  the  detile  of  Salsbacli,  and  was  just 
completing  his  preparations  to  do  so,  when  a 
cannon-ball  from  one  of  the  enemy's  batteries 
struck  him  instantly  dead.  His  two  lieutenants, 
who  succeeded  to  the  command,  could  not  carry 
out  his  plans,  but  fought  a  useless  bloody  battle 
at  Altonheim  and  nearly  lost  thei'  '.rmy  before 
retreating  across  the  Uhine.  Conde  was  sent  to 
replace  Turenne.  Before  he  arrived,  Strasburg 
had  egain  given  its  bridge  to  tlie  Imperialists 
r.ud  tiiey  were  in  possession  of  Lower  Alsace; 
but  no  important  operations  were  \indertaken 
during  the  remainder  of  the  year.  In  other 
parts  of  the  wide  war  lield  the  French  suffered 
disaster.  Marshal  de  Crequi,  connnanding  on 
the  Moselle,  was  badly  defeated  at  Konsaar- 
brllck,  August  11,  and  TrtSves,  which  he  defended, 
was  lost  a  few  weeks  later.  Tlie  Swedes,  also, 
making  a  diversion  in  the  north,  as  allies  of 
Fnmce,  were  beaten  back,  at  Fclirbellin  —  see 
Su.\NDiNAViAN  St.\tes  (Swkdkn):  A.  I).  1044- 
1097.  But  next  year  (1070)  Louis  recovered  all 
his  prestige.  His  navy,  under  the  command  of 
Duipiesne  and  Tourville,  fought  the  Dutch  aud 
Spaniards  on  etiual  terms,  and  d(  tented  them 
twice  in  the  Mediterranean,  on  the  Sicilian  coast. 
On  hind  the  main  effort  of  the  French  was  di- 
rected against  the  Netherlands.  Conde,  Bou- 
cliain  and  Aire  were  taken  by  siege;  and  Maes- 
trieht  was  suecessfidly  defended  against  ()ra;ige, 
who  besieged  it  for  nearly  eight  weeks.  But 
Philippsburg,  th^  isl  iniportiuit  French  posf 
on  the  Hhinc,  was  lost,  surrendering  to  the  Duke 
of  Lorraine.  Early  in  1077,  Louis  renewed  his 
attacks  on  the  Spaiiisli  Netherlands  and  took 
Vulencienijes  March  17,  Cambrai  April  4,  and 
Saint-Omer  April  'M),  defeating  the  Prince  of 
Orange  at  Cassel  (April  11)  when  he  attemjited 
to  relieve  the  latter  place.  At  the  same  time 
Crequi,  unable  to  defend  Lower  Alsace,  destroyed 


it — burning  the  villag(«,  leaving  tlie  iiiliabitaiits 
to  perish  —  and  prevented  the  allies,  who  out- 
niimliered  him,  from  making  any  advance.  In 
November,  when  they  had  gone  into  winler- 
i|uartcrs,  lie  suddenlv  cros.seil  the  Hliine  and 
captured  Freiburg.  Tlie  next  spring  (1 07M)  op. 
erations  began  early  on  the  side  of  the  Freni  h 
wltli  the  siege  of  dhent.  The  city  eapiluliited, 
March  9,  after  a  short  bonibardnient.  The 
Spanish  governor  withdrew  to  the  citadel,  but 
"surrendeied,  on  the  Utli,  that  renowned  castle 
built  by  Charles  V.  to  hold  tlie  city  in  check. 
The  city  and  citadel  of  (Jlient  had  not  cos  iio 
French  army  forty  men."  Ypres  was  take,,  the 
same  month.  Serious  negotiations  were  now 
opened  and  the  Peace  of  Niineguen,  between 
France  and  Holland,  was  signed  August  11.  fol- 
lowed early  the  next  year  by  a  general  peace. 
'I'lie  Prince  of  t)range  who  ojiposed  the  peace, 
fought  one  bootless  i'lit  bloody  battle  at  Saint- 
Deni.s,  near  Mons,  on  the  I4tli  of  August,  three 
days  after  it  lind  been  cigniHl.— H.  Martin,  Hint. 
iif  l<\(i ni'e :  Aye  of  Lmtiii  X/V.  (Iniim.  bji  M.  I,, 
lionth),  c.  1,  ch.  .'i-O. — "  It  mav  be  doubted 
whether  Europe  has  fully  realised  the  greatness 
of  the  peril  she  so  narrowly  escaped  on  this  oc- 
casion. Tlie  extinction  of  political  and  mental 
freedom,  wliidi  would  have  followed  the  extinc- 
tion of  the  Duteli  Hepublic,  would  liave  been 
one  of  the  most  disastrous  defeats  of  the  cnuse 
of  liberty  and  enlightenment  possible  in  the  then 
condition  of  tlie  world.  .  .  .  The  free  presses  of 
Holland  gave  voice  to  the  stilled  thought  and 
ngony  of  mankind.  And  thej^  were  the  only 
free  presses  in  the  world.  But  Holland  was  not 
only  the  greatest  liook  murt  of  'Eiiro])e,  it  was 
emphatically  the  home  of  thinkers  and  the  birth- 
place of  ideas.  .  .  .  Tlie  two  men  then  living  to 
whose  genius  and  courage  the  modern  spirit  of 
mental  emancipation  and  toleration  owes  its  first 
and  most  arduous  victories  were  Pierre  Bayle 
and  John  Locke  And  it  is  beyond  dispute  that 
if  the  French  King  had  worked  his  will  on  Hol- 
land, neitlier  of  them  wou'd  have  been  able  to  ac- 
complioh  the  task  they  did  achieve  under  the  pro- 
tection of  Dutch  freedom.  They  both  were 
forced  to  seek  refuge  in  Holland  from  tlie  big- 
otry which  hunted  them  down  in  their  respective 
countries.  All  the  works  of  Bayle  were  iiub- 
lished  in  Holland,  and  some  of  the  earliest  of 
Locke's  writings  appeared  there  also;  and  if  the 
remainder  saw  tlie  liglit  afterwards  in  England, 
it  is  only  because  the  Dutch,  by  saving  their 
own  freedom,  were  the  means  of  saving  that  of 
Englnnd  as  well.  ...  At  least,  no  one  cat  man- 
tain  that  if  Holland  iiad  been  annihilated  in  \iSTi, 
the  Englisli  revolution  could  have  occurred  in 
the  form  and  at  the  time  it  did." — J.  C.  Morison, 
The  lieii/ii  of  Louis  XIV.  (Fovtiiightly  lieii., 
March,  1874). 

Alsoi.n;  H.  M.  Ilozier,  Turenne,  ch.  13-13. — 
T.  O.  Cockayne,  Life  if  T,,cnnc.  —Lord  Mahon, 
Life  of  Coiiili',  ch.  1',?.— See,  ilso,  Ni.MEOL'KN, 
Peach  ok. 

(Holland):  A.  D.  i68o.— Invasion  of  Eng- 
land by  the  Prince  of  OrV.nge. — His  accession 
to  the  English  throne.  See  En(ii<and-  A.  I). 
1088  (Ji'i.v  — NovEMiiEi,),  to  1089  (Januahv— 
FEnutiAUV). 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1689-1696.— The  War  of 
the  League  of  Augsburg,  or  the  Grand  Alli- 
ance against  Louis  XIV.  See  Fuakce;  A.  D. 
1089-1090,  to  1095-1090 


2290 


NETHf:HLAND8,  1690-1091. 


MftrlhtroHfih'ti 


NETIIEKLANDS,  1703-1704. 


(The  Spanish  Provinces):  A.  D.  1690-1691. 

—  The  Battle  of  Fleurus  and  the  loss  of 
IVIons.     Sec  FuANdo:  A.  D.  KlHil-limi. 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1692.— The  Naval  Battle 
ofLaHogue.     Sec  KsdhANl):  A.  I).  Ullli. 

(The  Spanish  Provinces) :  A.  D.  1692.— The 
loss  of  Namur  and  the  Battle  of  Steenkerke. 
S'c  FiiANci;;   A.  I).  UWi. 

(The  Spanish  Provinces):  A.  D.  1693.— The 
Battle  of  Neerwinden.  Sci'  Fiian>k:  A.  I>. 
lUl);i  (Jri.Y). 

(The  Spanish  Provinces):  A.  D.  1694-1696. 
—Campaigns  without  battles.— The  recovery 
of  Namur.  See  Fhan(  i-.:  A.  D.  lO'.ll;  ami  !()!»■")- 
llllKi. 

A.  D.  1697.  —  The  Peace  of  Ryswick. — 
French  conquests  restored.  fSci'  FuANcr. : 
A.  1).  1(197. 

A.  D.  1698-1700.  —  The  question  of  the 
Spanish  Succession. — The  Treaties  of  Parti- 
tion.    WcfSl-AiN:  A.  I).  l(!l)8-r.(M). 

(The  Spanish  Provinces) :  A.  D.  1701.— Oc- 
cupied by  French  troops.  See  Spain:  A.  1). 
170l-17()'.'. 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1702.— The  Second  Grand 
Alliance  against  France  and  Spain.  Sco 
Si-AiN:  A.  D.  1701-1702;  mid  England:  A.  I). 
1701-1703. 

A.  D.  1702. — The  War  of  the  Spanish  Suc- 
cession: The  Expedition  to  Cadiz. —  The 
sinking  of  the  treasure  ships  in  Vigo  B?.y. 
See  Spain:  A.  1).  170-'. 

A.  D.  1702-1704.— The  War  of  the  Spanish 
Succession  :    Marlborough's  first  campaigns. 

—  "The  t'!iiiip:iigii  (of  170J]  opciieil  liilc  in  the 
Low  Countries,  owing,  (loubtless,  to  the  deiilh 
of  king  William.  The  elcclor  of  Uiiviiria.  luul 
his  brother  the  elector  of  Cologne,  look  imil  with 
France.  .Yboal  tlic  middle  of  A|pril,  llie  prince 
of  XiissauSaarhniek  invested  Kcy.serwertli,  a 
place  belonging  to  the  latter  elector,  on  the 
Hliine;  wbils-t  lord  Atblone.  with  the  Dutch 
army,  covered  the  siege,  in  imrsiiaiico  of  the  lul- 
vice  of  lord  JNIarlboroiigh  to  the  states.  The 
place  was  strong;  the  French  marshal  IJoiitllers 
made  ettorts  to  relieve  it:  after  a  vigorous  ile- 
fence,  it  was  carried  by  a.ssaiill,  with  dreadful 
carnage,  about  the  middle  of  .luiie.  nfutlleis, 
unable  to  relieve  Keyservvortli,  made  a  rapid 
march  to  throw  himself  between  Ath'onc  and 
Ninieguen,  with  the  view  to  carry  that  plaic  by 
siirpri.se;  was  defeated  by  a  forced  and  stil.  more 
rapid  march  of  the  Oiiicb,  under  Atldoiie,  to 
cover  it;  and  moved  upon  CIcves,  laying  the 
country  waste  with  wanton  barbarity  along  his 
line  of  march.  Mailboroiigli  now  arrived  to  lake 
the  command  in  cliief.  It  wasdispmcd  with  him 
by  Athlone,  who  owed  his  military  rank  and  the 
lionours  of  *lic  peerage  to  the  favour  of  king 
William,  Certain  representatives  of  the  slates, 
who  attended  the  army  under  tlic  iiaine  of  field 
<lepiities,  thwarted  him  by  their  cautiDii  and  in- 
(iimpetency;  the  Prussian  and  Hanoverian  con- 
tingents refused  to  move  without  the  orders  of 
their  respective  sovereigns.  Lord  Marlborough, 
with  admirable  temper  and  adroitness,  and, 
doubtless,  with  the  liscenihint  of  his  genius,  sur- 
numuted  all  these  obstacle- .  Tlie  Dutch  general 
cheerfully  served  iimki  idm;  the  oonfcderates 
were  reconciled  to  his  orders;  lie  crossed  the 
Jleuse  in  pursuit  of  the  French ;  came  within  a 
few  leagues  of  Boutllers'  lines;  and,  addressing 
the  Dutch  fleld  deputies  who  accompanied  him, 

3-47 


said.  Ill  a  tone  of  easv  conlldence,  '  I  will  now 
rid  you  of  llnse  troublesome  neighbours.'  Hoiif- 
lliisaciiirdingly  retreated,  —  abandoning  Spanish 
(liielilerland,  and  exposing  Venloo,  Uiiremoiuie, 
aiidevrn  Liege,  whirh  he  had  madea  demonstrn- 
lion  to  cover.  The  ymiiig  duke  of  niirgiinily, 
g;aiiil.soii  of  LoiiU  XIV..  and  elder  bri)lli<r  of 
the  king  of  Spain,  had  coinmanded  tli<'  French 
army  in  name,  lie  ikjw  ret  in  lied  to  Versailles; 
and  lioiilUers  could  only  look  on.  whilst  .Marl- 
biiidiigh  successivelv  captured  Venloo.  Uure- 
inoiide,  :in<l  Lii'ge.  ^I'lie  navigation  of  the  Meiisc 
and  cominiinieation  with  .Maestricht  was  now 
wholly  free;  the  Dutch  frontier  was  si'dire;  and 
the  canipaign  terniinated  with  the  close  of  Octo- 
ber. .  .  .  The  duke  of  .Marlborough  resumeil 
his  eomniand  in  the  Low  Countries  about  the 
middle  of  spring.  He  found  the  French  strong 
and  menacing  on  every  side  Marshal  Villars 
had,  like  Marlborough,  ti.\eil  the  attention  of 
Eiiroiie  for  the  lirsl  iime  in  the  late  campaign. 
lie  obtained  a  splendid  victory  over  the  prince 
of  liadeii  at  Fredliiigen,  near  the  Black  Forest. 
That  prince  lost  li.OOO  iiicn.  his  cannon  and  the 
Held.  .  .  .  Villars  opened  this  year's  campaign 
liy  taking  Kehl,  passed  through  the  Black  Forest 
into  Bavaria,  and  forme(l  a  junction  with  the 
elector;  whilst  the  prince  of  Baden  was  kept  in 
check  by  a  Fri'iieh  army  under  marshal  Tallard. 
.  .  .  Tlie  imperial  general,  count  Styriim  was 
now  moving  to  join  the  priiic"  of  Baden  with 
'JO, 000  men.  Villars  persuaded  the  elector  to 
cro.ss  the  Danube  and  prevent  this  j. Miction;  at- 
tacked the  imperialists  in  the  plaii.  of  lloehstedt 
near  Dona  well;  and  put  them  to  the  rout.  The 
capture  of  Augsburg  followed:  the  road  was 
open  to  Vienna,  anil  the  emperor  thought  of 
abandoning  the  capital.  .  .  .  llolland  was  once 
more  threatened  on  her  frontier.  Jlarshal  Vil- 
leioi,  liberated  by  exchange,  was  again  at  the 
head  of  an  army,  ami,  in  conjunction  with 
Boutllers,  commenced  operations  for  recovering 
the  ground  and  the  strong  jilaccs  from  which 
Marlborough  had  dislodged  the  French  on  the 
]\leiise.  The  campaign  had  opened  at  this  point 
of  the  theatre  of  war  with  the  capture  of  Hlieiii- 
berg.  It  was  taken  by  the  Prussians  before  the 
(hike  of  Marlborough  arrived.  The  dukes  first 
ojieratioii  was  the  capture  of  Bonne  lie  re- 
turned to  the  inaiii.irn.y  with  the  view  tocngage 
the  French  under  VilleVoi.  That  marshal  aban- 
doned his  camp,  and  retired  within  his  lines  of 
(h'fence  on  the  approach  of  the  English  general. 
Marlborough  was  prevented  from  allackiiig  the 
French  by  the  reluctance  of  the  Dutch  iienerals 
and  the  jiositive  prohibition  of  the  Dutch  field 
deputies.  .  .  .  The  only  fruit  of  .MarlDoroiigh's 
movement  was  the  easy  captiireof  lliiy.  Boiif- 
llers  obtained  file  .slight  advantage  of  surprising 
and  defeating  the  Dutch  general  Opdam  near 
Antwerp.  Marlborough,  still  embarrassed  by 
the  Dutch  field  dejuities,  to  whose  good  inten- 
tions and  limited  views  he  bowed  with  a  facility 
which  only  iiroves  ihe  extent  of  his  superiority, 
do.sed  the  canipaign  with  the  aciiiiisition  of  ' 
liimlmrg  and  (Judders.  ...  In  the  beginning 
of  .  .  ."[1704]  the  emperor,  threatened  by  the 
French  and  Bavarians  in  the  very  capital  of  the 
empire,  implored  aid  from  the  (iiieen;  and  on 
the  19th  of  April,  the  duke  of  JIarlborough  left 
England  to  enter  upon  a  campaign  memorable 
for.  .  .  [the]  victory  of  Blenheim.  .  .  .  On  his 
arrival  at  the  Hague,  he  proposed  to  the  states 


2291 


NETHERLANDS,  1703-1704. 


M(li  ItKirough' a 
CampttiyHM. 


NETIIEULAND8,  1706. 


Kcni'ral  to  iiliiriii  Fraiui.'  for  licr  frontier  by  n  j 
inoviMiu'iit  oil  llii!  JMoM'llc.  'Plii'ir  coiiiti'iit  I'vcii 
tu  this  Hiiglit  Imxiird  for  their  own  M'Ciirity,  was 
not  fuBily  olit'iint'd.  Villcroi,  wlio  (.'oininiiiidi'tl 
iu  FliinderM,  soon  loMt  Hi^lit  of  him;  ho  rapid  or 
HO  WL'll  iniuslicd  wero  Ids  inovcniciils;  Tallard, 
wlio  coniinaiidi'd  on  llie  Mosciic,  tlioii!,'lit  only 
of  protcctinj;  till!  frontier  of  France;  and  Marl- 
boroiigli,  to  tiie  aina/.enieMl  of  Europe,  wlietiier 
L'lieiniea  urnllies,  parsed  in  rapid  siieceHHion  tiiu 
Jlhine,  the  iMaine,  and  tlic  Neclier.  Interrepted 
letters,  and  a  eourier  from  tlie  prince  of  Baden, 
apprised  1dm  that  tlio  Frencli  were  about  to  join 
the  Havarians  through  tlie  deliles  of  llic  Black 
Forest,  and  march  upon  Vienna,  lie  now  llirew 
ofT  the  iiiaslt,  sent  a  courier  to  the  states,  ae 
(juaintiuK  tlieni  tliat  he  was  inareliinK  to  tlie  su  - 
tour  of  tiie  empire  by  order  of  the  queen  of  Eng- 
land, and  trusted  they  would  pennit  their  troops 
to  share  Iho  ;,lory  or  his  enterprise.  The  pen- 
sionary llcinsius  alone  was  in  his  contldciice ;  and 
the  states,  tliough  taken  by  surprise,  conveyed 
to  him  their  sanction  and  eonttdence  vith  the 
best  grace.  He  met  I'rince  Eugene  for  the  lirst 
time  at  Mindlesheim.  Marlborough  and  Eugene 
are  henceforth  associated  in  tlie  career  of  war 
and  victory." — Sir  J.  Mackintosh,  T/ie  Hist,  of 
Jini/laml,  v.  9.  eh.  4. 

Also  in:  jj.  Creighton,  Life  of  Marlborotir/h, 
c/i.  0-7. —  G.  Saiutabury,  Murlborouyh,  eh.  5. — 
\V.  Coxe,  Metuoim  of  M(irll>oroii(/h,  eh.  1 1-2'J  (r. 
1). — J.  II.  Burton,  Ilist,  of  (he  Jieir/ii  of  Qiueii 
Anne,  eh.  u-O  (i'.  1). — See,  also,  GliU.MANY:  A.  1) 
1702,  and  1703. 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1704.-  The  War  of  the 
Spanish  Succession :  The  campaign  on  the 
Danube  and  vi<.iot/  at  Blenheim.  Sec  Gbu- 
many:  a.  D.  1704. 

A.  D.  1705. — The  V;  ar  of  the  Spanish  Suc- 
cession :  A  campaig[n  spoiled. — After  his  eaiii- 
paigu  in  Bavaria,  with  Us  ;,'i-eat  victory  on  llie 
field  of  Blenheim  (see  Gkumany:  A.  1).  1704), 
Marlborougii  passed  the  winter  in  England  and 
returned  iu  the  spring  of  170.')  to  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, where  he  had  planned  to  lead,  again,  the 
campaign  of  the  year.  Prince  Eugene  was  now 
in  Italy,  and  the  jealous,  incapable  Prince  Louis 
of  Baden,  commanding  the  German  army,  was 
the  coudjutoron  whom  he  must  depend.  The  lat- 
ter assented  to  Marlborough's  ])lans  and  promised 
co-operation.  The  Dutch  generals  and  deputies 
also  were  reluctantly  brought  over  to  his  views, 
which  contemplated  an  invasion  of  France  ou  the 
side  of  the  Moselle.  "Slight  as  were  the  hopes 
of  any  effective  co-operation  which  Prince  Louis 
gave,  they  were  much  more  than  he  accomplished. 
When  the  time  came  he  declared  himself  sick, 
threw  up  his  command  and  set  off  to  drink  the 
waters  of  Schlangenbad.  Count  de  Friso  whom 
he  named  in  his  place  brought  to  Marlborough 
only  a  few  ragged  banalious,  and,  moreover,  like 
his  principal,  showed  himself  most  jealous  of  the 
English  chief.  .  .  .  Marlborough  nevertheless 
took  the  field  and  even  singly  desired  to  give 
battle.  But  positive  instructions  from  Versailles 
precluded  Villars  [the  commander  of  the  French] 
from  engaging.  lie  intrenched  himself  in  an 
extremely  stroig  position  at  Sirk,  where  it  was 
impossible  for  an  inferior  army  to  assail  him. 
And  while  the  war  was  thus  unprosperons  ou 
the  Moselle,  there  came  adverse  tidings  from  the 
Meuse.  Marshal  Villeroy  had  suddenly  resumed 
th(.  uftensive,  had  reduced  the  fortress  of  Uuy, 


had  entered  the  city  and  invested  the  citadel  of 
Liege."  .Marlborough,  on  this  news,  being  ap- 
plh'd  to  for  immediate  aid  by  the  Dutch  General 
Overkirk  —  the  ablest  and  best  of  his  colleagues 
—  "set  out  the  very  next  day  on  his  nijireli  lo 
Liege,  leaving  only  a  sutUcieut  force  as  he  iioped 
for  the  security  of  Treves."  Villeroy  "  at  oiieo 
relini|uished  his  design  upon  the  citadel  of  Liege 
and  fell  back  iu  the  direction  of  Tongres,  so  that 
.Marlborough  and  Overkirk elTected  tlieir  junction 
witli  I'l.se.  .Marlborough  took  prompt  measures 
to  reinvest  the  fortress  of  Hiiy,  and  com|)elled  it 
to  surrender  on  the  Uth  of  .July.  Applying  his 
iiiiiid  to  the  new  sphere  before  him,  Marliioroiigh 
saw  ground  to  hope  that,  with  the  aid  of  the 
Diitcli  troojis.  he  might  still  make  a  triuinphant 
campaign.  The  tlrst  object  whs  lo  force  the  de- 
fensive lines  that  stretched  acniss  the  country 
from  near  Namur  to  Antwerp,  protected  by 
numerous  fortified  posts  and  covered  in  other 
places  by  rivers  and  morasses,  .  .  .  now  de- 
fended by  an  army  of  at  least  00,000  men,  under 
JIarshal  Villeroy  and  the  Elector  of  Bavaria. 
.Marlborough  laid  his  plans  before  Generals  Over- 
kirk and  Slaiigenberg  as  also  those  civilian  en- 
voys whom  the  States  were  wont  to  comnilssion 
at  their  ariuicH.  But  he  found  to  his  sorrow  that 
for  jealousy  and  slowness  a  Dutch  deputy  was 
fully  a  match  for  a  German  Margrave.'  lie  ob- 
tained witli  great  dillici'Ity  a  nominal  assent  to 
his  iilans,  and  began  t'le  execution  of  them  but 
in  the  very  midst  (  f  his  operations,  and  when 
one  divisicmof  the  Dutch  troops  had  successfully 
crossed  the  river  Dyle,  General  Slangenberg  and 
the  deputies  siuhleiily  drew  back  and  compelled 
a  retreat.  Then  .Marlborough's  "  fertile  genius 
devised  another  scheme  —  to  move  round  the 
sources  of  the  river  [Dyle]  and  to  threaten  Brus- 
sels from  the  southern  side.  .  .  .  On  the  15tli  of 
August  he  began  his  march,  as  did  also  Overkirk 
in  a  parallel  direction,  and  in  two  days  tiiey 
reached  Genappe  near  the  sources  of  tlu.'  Dyle. 
There  uniting  iu  one  line  of  battle  they  moved 
next  morning  towards  Brussels  by  the  main 
chau8see,or  great  paved  road ;  their  head-cjwarters 
that  day  being  fixed  at  Frischermont,  ne  ir  the 
borders  of  the  forest  of  Soignies.  On  tlie  Freiich 
side  the  Elector  and  Villeroy,  observing  tin  march 
of  the  allies,  had  made  a  corresponiling  move- 
ment of  their  own  for  the  protection  of  tlie  capi- 
tal. They  encamped  behind  the  small  stream  of 
the  Isclie,  their  right  and  rear  being  partly  cov- 
ered by  the  forest.  Only  the  day  before  they 
had  been  joined  by  Marsin  from  the  Uhi'o,  and 
they  agreed  to  give  battle  sooner  tlia.i  yield 
Brussels.  One  of  their  main  posts  was  at  Water- 
loo. ...  It  is  probable,  had  a  buttle  now  en- 
sued, that  it  would  have  been  fought  ou  the 
same,  or  nearly  the  same  ground  as  was  the 
memorable  coiillict  a  hundred  and  ten  yeais  after- 
wards. .  .  .  But  the  expected  battle  did  not  take 
place."  Once  more  the  Dutch  deputies  aad 
General  Slangenberg  interfered,  refusing  to  per- 
mit their  troops  to  engage;  so  that  Marlborougii 
was  robbed  of  the  opportunity  for  winning  a 
victory  which  lie  confidently  declared  would  have 
been  greater  than  Blenheim.  This  practically 
ended  the  campaign  of  the  year,  which  had  ben 
ruined  and  wasted  tlirougliout  I  y  the  stupidity, 
the  cowardice  and  the  jealousies  of  the  Dutch 
deputies  and  the  general  who  counselled  them. — 
Eail  Stanhope,  Hist,  of  Eng.  :  lleign  of  Queen 
Anne,  ch.   6. — In  Spain,  u  camjjaign  of  mrro 


2292 


NETIIEULANDS,   ITOV 


Martbiiniuyh't 


nf:tiikhlani)S,  nos-noo. 


lirilliiiMcy  \vii8  curried  on  by  Cliiirli's  Monluum 
Eiirl  of  IVU'rborough,  in  Cutuloiiiii.     Hue  Bl-Ai.s  ; 
A.  1).  1705. 

A.  D.  1 706- 1 707.— The  War  of  the  Spanish 
Succession  :  The  Battle  of  Ramillies  and  its 
results. — "'I'lie  CHriipiil^'n  of  17lH)  wiih  I)('i;iiii 
iinu.stiiilly  littc  liy  Miulliorou^li,  liis  hmi^  stiiy  on 
llin  ('ontinent  in  tlie  winlor  mid  liis  Knjilisli 
|ioliti(utl  busini'HH  (ictidiuuK  liini  in  London  till  lliu 
end  of  April,  iiiul  when  be  tliiiilly  Ijiiidt'd  iil  tliu 
iliigne  Ills  pliins  were  still  coloiucd  by  llii;  rt'- 
niL'inbruncu  of  tlu;  griitiiitoiiH  iind  intolcridilu 
liindriinci's  whiidi  hi;  bud  met  with  from  Ids 
nllies.  .  ,  .  III!  bud  mudiMip  his  mind  to  opiTutu 
with  EuKt'iie  in  Ituly,  wbirli.  if  Ik;  bud  done, 
there  would  probulily  huve  been  seen  whut  bus 
not  been  seen  for  neurly  two  IbouHund  yeurs  —  a 
successful  invusion  of  Frunce  from  tlie  south- 
east, liut  the  kiuf^s  of  l'rus.Hia  and  Denmark, 
and  others  of  the  allies  whom  JIurDiorougli 
thought  he  had  ])ropitiated,  were  us  recalcitrant 
as  the  I)ut(!h.  and  tlie  vigorous  acticm  of  Villars 
against  the  Margrave  of  Baden  mude  the  Stutes- 
Generul  more  than  i^ver  reluctant  to  lose  their 
sword  und  shield.  So  JIarlborough  wus  eon- 
denuied  to  action  on  bis  old  line  of  tlie  Dyle,  and 
this  time  fortune  was  less  unkind  to  liim.  S<'crel 
overtures  were  mude  which  induced  him  to 
threaten  Numur,  und  as  Xamur  wus  of  all  posts 
in  the  Low  Countries  that  to  whicli  tlie  French 
uttuched  most  importjince,  both  on  sentimental 
und  strategical  grounds,  V^illeroy  was  ordered  to 
abandon  the  defensive  policy  whii'b  he  bad  for 
nearly  two  yeurs  been  forced  to  maintain,  and  to 
tiglit  at  all  hazards.  Accordingly  the  tedious 
operations  whicli  had  for  so  long  been  i)ursued 
in  tins  ((uarter  were  exchanged  ut  once  for  a 
vigorous  ollcusive  and  defensive,  and  the  two 
generals,  Villeroy  with  rather  more  than  00,000 
men,  Marlborough  with  that  number  or  a  little 
less,  came  to  blows  ut  Uamillies  (a  few  miles 
only  front  the  spot  where  tl\e  lines  hud  been 
forced  the  yeur  before)  on  May  2;l,  1700,  or 
scarcely  more  tbun  a  week  after  the  cumpuign 
had  begun.  Here,  as  before,  the  result  is  as- 
signed by  tlie  French  to  the  fault  of  the  general. 
.  .  .  The  battle  itself  wns  one  completely  of 
generalship,  und  of  generulsiiip  us  simple  as  it 
wus  masterly.  It  was  in  defending  his  po.sition, 
not  in  taking  it  up,  that  Villeroy  lost  the  battle. 
.  .  .  Thirteen  thousand  of  the  French  and  Uavu- 
rians  were  killed,  wounded,  and  taken,  and  the 
loss  of  the  ullies,  who  hud  been  tliroughout  the 
attacking  party,  was  not  less  than  4.000  men. 
.  .  .  The  Dutch,  who  bore  the  burden  of  the 
attack  on  Uamillies,  had  the  credit  of  the  day's 
lighting  on  Die  allied  side,  as  the  Bavarian  horse 
hud  ou  that  of  the  French.  In  hurdly  uny  of 
Marlborough's  operations  hud  he  his  hands  so 
free  us  at  Uamillies,  and  in  none  did  he  carry  olT 
a  completer  victory.  .  .  .  The  si  rong  pluces  of 
Flande.a  fell  before  the  allied  army  like  ripe 
fruit.  Brussels  surrendered  and  was  occupied 
on  the  fourth  day  after  the  bu'tlc.  May  28. 
Louvuin  and  >Ialines  had  fallen  already.  The 
French  garrison  precipitately  left  Ghent,  and  tlie 
Duke  entered  it  ou  June  2.  Oii.lenarde  came  in 
next  day;  Antwerp  was  summoned,  expelled 
the  French  part  of  its  garrifeon,  and  capitulated 
on  September  7.  And  a  vigorous  siege  in  less 
than  a  month  reduced  Ostond,  reputed  one  of  the 
strongest  places  in  Europe.  In  .six  weeks  from 
the  battle  of  Uamillici  not  a  French  soldier  re- 


mained in  a  district  which  tlie  day  before  tliiit 
buttle  hud  been  occupied  by  u  network  of  the 
strongest  fortresses  and  a  llelil  army  of  HO.OdO 
men.  The  strong  pluces  on  tlii'  Lys  and  the 
Deiider,  Irlbiitaries  of  the  Helieldl,  gave  more 
trouble,  and  Meniii,  a  small  but  very  imporlant 
position,  cost  nearly  half  tie  los.i  of  Uamillies 
iiefore  it  could  be  taken.  But  il  fell,  as  well  as 
Dendernionde  und  Ath,  uihI  notliing  but  the  re- 
crudescence of  Dutch  obsliucliiin  prevented 
Murlborough  from  tinishing  the  cai  ipuigii  with 
tile  taking  of  Moiis,  almost  the  last  place  of  uny 
importance  held  by  the  French  n  irth  of  their 
own  frontier,  as  that  frontier  is  iio\/  understood. 
But  the  dillli'ulties  of  all  generals  are  sai<l  to  be- 
gin on  the  morrow  of  victory,  and  certainly  the 
saying  wus  true  in  .Marllmrough's  cu.se.  ,  .  . 
The  Dutch  were,  before  ull  things,  set  on  u 
strong  barrier  or  zone  of  territory,  studdi-d  with 
fortres.ses  in  tlieir  own  keeping,  between  tliem- 
selves  and  France:  the  Emperor  naturally  ob- 
jected to  the  iilieiialion  of  the  Spanish-Austrian 
Xetherlands.  The  barrier  disputes  were  for 
years  the  greatest  dilUeully  whicli  .Marlborough 
had  to  contend  with  aliromi,  and  the  inuin  tlieine 
of  the  objections  to  tlie  wur  mude  by  tlu;  adverse 
purty  ut  home.  ...  It  was  in  the  main  <lue,  no 
doubt,  to  these  jealousies  and  hesitations, 
strengtlu^ned  by  the  alarm  caused  by  the  loss  of 
the  battle  of  Alniunza  in  Spain,  and  by  the 
threatened  invasion  of  Qermany  under  Villars, 
that  made  the  campaign  of  1707  an  almost 
wliolly  inactive  one.  .  .  .  The  campaign  .if  this 
yea"  i.i  almost  wholly  barren  of  any  militury 
operations  interesting  to  anyone  but  the  mere 
ani"ilist  of  luetics."  —  O.  Saintsbury,  .\fiiii- 
liiinniijh,  ch.  0.  —  In  Spain,  several  sharp  changes 
of  fortune  during  two  years  terminated  in  a  dis- 
astrous defeat  of  the  allies  ut  Alman/.a  in  April, 
1707,  by  the  Duke  of  Berwick.  See  Sf.MN: 
A.  I).  1706  and  1707;  see,  ulso,  Qkilmany;  A.  D. 
1700-1711. — Earl  Stunhope,  Jlist.  of  Kitg.:  Ut'iijn 
"J  Qii'ci^  Amu',  <7(.  7  (iiid  0. 

A.  D.  1708-1709.— The  War  of  the  Spanish 
Succession:  Oudenarde and  Malplaquct. —  To 
the  great  satisluclion  of  Marlborough,  Prince 
Eugene  of  Savoy  was  sent  by  the  Emperor  to 
co-operate  with  him,  in  tliu  spring  of  1708.  The 
two  generuls  met  in  April  to  discuss  pluns;  after 
which  Eugene  returned  into  Germany  to  gather 
up  the  various  contingents  that  would  compose 
his  army.  He  encountered  many  dilticulties  und 
deluys,  and  wus  unable  to  bring  his  forces  to  the 
field  until  July.  Jlarlborough,  meautime,  had 
been  placed  in  a  critii  '  situation.  "  For  whilst 
the  English  command',,  and  Eugene  had  formed 
tlie  plan  to  unite  and  overwhelm  Vendome,  the 
Court  of  Versailles  had,  on  its  side,  contemplated 
the  ilespatch  of  a  portion  of  the  Army  of  the 
Uhine,  commaaded  by  the  Elector  of  Bavaria 
and  the  I)uk(i  of  Berwick,  so  to  reinforce  Ven- 
dome that  he  might  overwhelm  Marlborough, 
and  Berwick  was  actually  on  his  march  to  carry 
out  his  portion  of  the  plan."  Prince  Eugene 
crossed  tlie  Moselle  on  the  28th  June,  "reached 
DUren  the  3rd  July,  and  learning  there  that 
allairs  were  critical,  hastened  with  an  escort  of 
Hussars,  in  advance  of  his  army,  to  Brussels. 
On  his  arrival  there,  the  6th,  he  learned  that  the 
French  hud  attacked  and  occupied  the  city  of 
Ghent,  and  were  then  besieging  the  castle."  Th^ 
two  commooders  having  met  at  Assche,  to  con- 
cert their  movements,  made  haste  to  throw  "a 


2293 


NKTHKULANrw,  170H-17oit 


MitiliMtrtniffh'n 
t'ttmfMtiymi. 


NK'IHKUI.ANDS,   1710-1712 


roinfiirccini'nt  Into  tlio  forlrcRH  of  Oiiilfrmrili'. 
then  lii'Hli'tfcd  liy  llic  Frciuli ;  iinil,  ciiiiviticfd 
now  thai  till'  ('(>n(|iii'Ht  nf  ihiit  fnilrrHs  liy  Vcii- 
ilAinc  wiiiilil  ii\\'f  hhn  nil  iiiiiisNiiihilih'  |HiHiliiiii. 
Ih(',v  jiUHhril  (orwiii'd  their  lrii(i|m  with  all  ilili 
^'eiiee  Id  Have  ll.  The  two  iiriiih'H  illiiteil  nil  the 
Nth.  On  Hie  Otli  they  ^el  nut  fur  Oiidenarih', 
mill  eidsscil  the  Denijer  nn  the  KHh.  llefnre 
(layhreak  nf  tlii!  Iltli  Aliu'lhiiriiii^'h  deHpateheil 
<ii'iii'ral  ('ail<ii;aii  ^^llh  a  NtrniiK  ('i>r|i!t  Id  the 
Hclieldt,  111  lliiiiw  hrliU'iM  over  that  liver  near 
Oiiileiiai'ile  iiiid  to  reeoiiiiollre  Ihe  enemy.  The 
niiilii  army  followed  at  "o'eloeU."  In  the  lialtlu 
vhleh  ensued,  Veiidonie  was  hampered  by  Ihe 
equal  autliorlly  of  the  DuUe  of  llurtrundy  —  the 
kinjf's  lu'randson  —  who  would  not  eoiieur  with 
Ills  plans.  "One  after  anollier  the  jioslllons 
<ieeupled  liy  the  French  soldiers  were  carried. 
Then  these  look  advantaf^e  of  the  fallln);  iii^dit 
to  make  n  retreat  as  hurried  and  disorderly  as 
their  defence  liad  liecii  wanliiiK  in  tenacity.  In 
no  pilelied  liatlle,  iiid-ed,  have  Hie  Kreneli  sol 
diers  lessdistiii);ulshed  tliemselves  than  at  Oude 
narde.  KiffhtiiiK  under  a  divided  leadersliip, 
thev  were  llffhtliif;  virtually  without  leadersliip, 
anil  thev  knew  It.  The  Duke  of  Hurnnndy  con- 
trilmleil  as  iiiueh  as  eillier  Marlhoroiijfh  or 
Kui;eiie  to  (rain  the  battii^  of  Oiidenarde  for  the 
Allies."  Tlio  French  armv,  losinj;  lieavily  in  liie 
rclreiit,  was  rallied  fliiaily  at  Ulient.  "  Tlie 
Allies,  ineanwhiie,  prepared  to  take  iidvanta).;e 
of  tlieir  yictory.  They  were  withui  a  circle 
coniinandcd  liy  three  liostilo  fortresses,  Ypres, 
liille,  and  Touriiay.  After  some  considcratinn 
It  was  resolved,  on  the  iiroposition  of  Kiijjene, 
Unit  liille  sliould  he  hesiejicd."  Thi'  siej;e  of 
],ille,  the  capital  of  French  Flanders,  fortllled  by 
tlie  utmost  skill  and  science  of  Vaubnn,  and  held 
by  n  garrison  of  10,l)<)0  men  under  iMarslial 
lioufller.s,  was  ii  formidable  uiidertiikiiij;.  Tlie 
city  was  invested  on  the  liith  of  August,  and 
defended  heroically  liy  tlie  giirrison;  liiit  Yen- 
dome,  \ilii)  would  have  attacked  tlio  besiegers, 
was  imralyzed  liy  tlie  royal  youth  wlio  shared 
Ids  command.  Lillo,  the  town,  was  surrendered 
on  tlie  aid  of  Octolier  and  its  citadel  on  the  mh 
of  Decenilier.  The  siege  of  Ghent  followed,  and 
the  capitulation  of  tiiat  city,  on  the  2d  of  .lanu- 
nry.  1701),  closed  the  aimpaign.  "Tlie  winter 
of  1709  WHS  spent  mainly  in  negotiations,  l^oiiis 
XIV.  was  humiliated,  and  he  ollered  jieace  on 
lernis  wiiicli  the  Allies  would  have  done  well  to 
accept."  Their  demands,  liowever,  rose  loo 
high,  and  tlie  war  went  on.  "It  had  been  de- 
cided that  the  cainiiaigu  in  the  Netherlands 
should  be  cctinued  under  the  same  skilful  gen- 
erals who  had  brought  that  of  1708  to  so  success- 
ful nn  issue.  .  .  .  On  tlie  iliid  of  [.June]  .  .  . 
llie  allied  army,  consisting  of  110.0(10  men,  was 
as.seinbled  between  C'ourtray  and  Alenin.  Marl- 
borough commanded  the  left  wing,  about  70,000 
strong;  Eugene  the  right,  about  40,000.  ].,ouis, 
ou  his  side,  had  iniide  extraordinary  elVorts.  l!ut 
even  with  these  he  had  been  able  to  put  in  the 
Held  an  army  only  80,000  .strong  fundcr  Marshal 
ViilursJ.  .  .  .  Villars  had  occupied  a  posiiiiin  be- 
tween l)oiini  iind  the  Lys,  and  had  thi'ic  thrown 
lip  lines,  in  the  strengtliening  of  which  he  found 
daily  employment  for  his  troops."  Not  ventur- 
ing to  attack  the  French  army  in  its  .strong  posi- 
tion, Marlborough  and  Eugene  began  openitions 
by  laying  siege  to  Tournay.  The  town  was 
yielded  to  them  ou  the  UOtii  of  July  aud  the 


citadel  on  Ihe  Mil  of  Heiiteiiiber.  They  next 
turned  their  altenlion  to  .\lons,  which  the  French 
lliimglit  It  necessary  to  save  iil  any  cost.  The 
attempt  wliii'h  the  latter  made  to  drive  the 
allied  iiriny  frnin  the  pimllion  it  had  gained  be- 
tween Ihem.selves  iinil  Mons  had  its  outcome  la 
Ihe  terrihlv  bloody  battle  of  .Malplaipiit  —  "the 
liloodlest  known  till  then  in  modern  history. 
The  loss  of  the  victors  was  greater  than  that  of 
the  vani|iilslied.  Thai  of  Ihe  former  amounted 
III  from  18,000  to  ao.lKIO  men;  the  French  ad- 
mitted a  loss  of  7,000,  but  Oermaii  writers  rals(> 
ll  to  iri.OOII.  Probably  it  did  not  c.xceed  I  I.OIH). 
.  .  ,  Till!  results  .  .  .  were  in  no  way  propor- 
tionate to  Its  cost.  The  French  army  relrealed 
in  good  order,  taking  w  illi  it  all  its  liiipedimeiita, 
ton  new  position  as  strong  as  the  former.  There, 
under  Herwick,  who  was  sent  to  npliice  Villars, 
it  walclied  Ihe  movements  of  Ihe  Allies.  These 
resumed,  indeed,  the  siege  of  Mons  [wlilcii  sur- 
rendered on  the '.'llth  of  October].  .  .  .  Hut  this 
was  the  solitary  result  of  the  victory." — Col.  (1. 
H.  Malleson,  I'liiii-e  Kni/iiie  of  Sarnu,  rh.  10-11. 

Al.so  IN:  W.  (loxe,  Sti:iii'>tr»  of  Miiillxiniinih, 
i-h.  (111-8!)  (c.  .l-r)).  — II.  Martin,  liint.  «f  Friiniv: 
Ayi'  of  hiiiiH  XIV.  (tr.  hij  M.  L.  Itooth),  i\  2, 
r/i.  .VO.— J.  ^\.  Gerard,  J'lure  of  I't'-echt,  cji. 
17-11). 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1709.— The  Barrier  Treaty 
with  England.     See  Emh,.\.M):  A.  I).  1701). 

A.  D.  1710-1712.— The  War  of  the  Spanish 
Succession :  The  last  campaigns  of  Marl- 
borough.—"As  soon  as  it  liecame  clear  that  tlie 
negolialions  [at  GerlniydenbergJ  would  lead  to 
nothing,  Eugene  and  Marlborough  at  once  he 
gan  the  active  business  of  the  cani|'iaign.  .  .  . 
Marlborough  began  .  .  .  will  the  siege  of 
Doual,  tlie  possession  of  which  would  be  of 
the  greatest  importance  to  liim.  ...  In  spite 
of  Villars'  boasts  the  French  were  nimble  In 
prevent  the  capture  of  Doual.  .  .  .  The  cam- 
paign of  1710  was  full  of  disappointment  to 
Marlborough.  lie  had  lii>]ied  to  carry  the  war 
into  tlie  heart  of  France.  15ut  after  liouai  fell, 
Villiirs  so  |ilaeed  his  army  that  [Marlborough] 
.  .  .  was  oliliged  to  coiueut  hiniseif  with  tlie 
cnp'ure  of  liethune,  St.  Veiiant,  and  Aire. 
Heavy  rains  and  a  great  deal  of  illness  among 
his  troops  jirevenled  further  operations.  Hesides 
this,  his  energy  was  somewhat  paraly.sed  by  the 
changes  wliicii  had  taken  jillice  in  England." 
where  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough  and  the  Whig 
iiarty  had  lost  Ihe  favor  of  the  t^ueen,  and  llie 
Tory  opponents  of  Marlborough  and  the  war  had 
come  into  power. — 1,.  Creigiitoii,  Life  of  Mori- 
horouijh,  c/i.  15-1(1. — "111  1711,  in  a  complicated 
series  of  operations  round  Arras,  Alarlhorough, 
wlio  was  now  alone,  Eugene  laving  been  re 
called  to  Vienna,  complelely  outgeneraled  Vil- 
lars and  broke  through  ids  Hues.  Hut  lie  did  not 
light,  and  the  sole  result  of  the  camiiiiifu  was 
the  cajiture  of  Bouchain  at  tlie  cost  oi  some 
1(!,0()0  men,  while  no  serious  impicuaiou  was 
made  on  the  Frencii  system  of  defence.  .  .  . 
Eille  had  cost  14,000;  Tournay  n  number  not  ex- 
actly nientioned,  but  vi  .y  large:  the  petty  place 
of  Aire  7,000.  How  many,  nialconteiit  Englisli- 
nien  niiglit  well  ask  tliemselves,  would  it  cost  be- 
fore Arras,  C'ambriii,  Hesdiu,  (Jalais,  Naniur, 
and  nil  the  rest  of  the  fortresses  that  studded  the 
couiitry,  could  be  expected  to  fall  ?  .  .  .  Marl- 
borough had  himself,  so  to  speak,  spoilt  his 
audieuce.    He  hud  given  thcui  four  great  vie- 


2294 


NKTIIEUI.ANDS,  1710-1712.      «'<"•>>  Trrati,.. 


NKTIIKUI.ANDrt,   174V 


toricM  in  a  little  more  timii  Ave  vciirH;  it  wuh  per 
liiipit  iinrciifMiimlili',  Imt  (crtiiiiily  not  iiiiiiitturul, 
tliiit  tlicy  hliould  uniw  frclfii'l  wlini  he  kuvi! 
llu'iii  iiDiic  liiirltiK  iK'iirly  liiilT  tlio  miiiic  tlini'. 
.  .  .  Tilt'  cxiM'iiHii  (if  llic  war  wuk  friKliii'iiiii); 
nii'ii  of  all  (laHM'H  in  KiiKlaml,  ami,  iiiilciii'ii' 
(li'iitly  (if  llir  iiwint  Htrictly  puliticai  cciiiMlilirii' 
tloiiH,  ...  It  will  lie  HCfii  tlial  tlicri'  was  Hotim 
ri'iisoii  for  wInIiIiik  MarllioroUKli  aiiywhcrn  l)iit 
on  or  near  llm  Held  of  Ijattlc.  Ilr  was  K<>t  rid  of 
iioni!  t<H>  lioiioiiralily  :  rcHtrictioiiH  were  put  upon 
IiIh  MiR'ccNHor  Orniond  wliicli  wtTd  uimv  Un> 
lionoural)liM'ltiicr;  ami  when  Vlllarn,  freed  froin 
liix  invlnciliio  antuKordHt,  had  iMllictcd  a  Nliarp 
defeat  upon  KuKeiu;  at  Deiiaiii,  tlie  nillltarv  hilii- 
nlioi)  waH  eliaii^ed  from  one  very  iniieli  in  favour 
of  the  allie '  to  one  Hl!t;htly  ji^rainst  them,  ami  ko 
eontriliuled  lieyond  all  doulit  to  brln^  about  the 
IVaeeof  L'treelit." — (J.  HaintHl)ury,  .\finilxir(iiii//i, 
eh.  7. 

Al.wi  IN:  ().  n.  Miilleiton,  Prince  Kiu/nif  nf 
Siroi/,  eh.  12.— C.  M.  Davien,  IUkI.  >{f  llnliuiil, 
pt.  8,  eh.  11  (i\  !»).— See,  al.so,  Kn<ii,.\.ni>:  A.  I). 
1710-1712. 

A.  D.  1713-1714.— The  Treaties  of  Utrecht. 
—  Cession  of  the  Spanish  Provinces  to  the 
House  of  Austria.—  Barrier  towns  secured. 
See  I'riiKcirr:  A.  I).  1712  1711. 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1713-1715.— Second  Bar- 
rier Treaty  with  England.— Barrier  arrange- 
ments with  France  and  the  Emperor.  — 
Connected  with  tlu;  otiier  arrani;etueiits  con- 
eluded  in  tiiu  treaties  iiefjotiateil  at  I'trecht, 
tile  States,  in  171!(,  Hij^ncd  u  new  Harrier  Treaty 
with  ICn);land,  "annulling  that  of  170U,  and 
|iroviding  that  tlie  Kmpcror  Charles  slioidd  lie 
8ovorei>;n  of  the  Netherlands  [heretofore  the 
"Spanish  Provinces,'  but  now  be(uimo  tiio  '.Vus- 
Irlan  I'rovincea'],  widch,  neither  in  the  whole 
nor  in  the  part,  should  ever  be  possi'sst  d  by 
France.  The  States,  ou  their  side,  were  lound 
to  support,  if  reciuircd,  the  succession  of  the 
Eleetress  of  Hanover  to  the  throne  of  Knuland. 
.  .  .  Hy  the  treaty  concluded  between  France 
and  the  States,  it  was  aj^reed  that  .  .  .  the 
towns  of  .Menin,  Tournuy,  Namur,  Ypres,  with 
Warnetou,  I'operingen,  Comines  and  Werwyk, 
Furnes,  Dixmuyde,  and  the  fort  of  Knokke, 
were  to  be  ceded  to  the  States,  as  11  barrier,  to 
be  held  In  sucli  i'.  manner  as  they  should  after- 
wards agree  upon  .vitli  tlie  Emperor."  In  tlie 
Kut)se(iuent  iirrangenient,  concluded  witli  the 
Emperor  in  1715,  "he  permitted  the  boundjiry 
on  tile  side  of  Flanders  to  be  ti.xed  in  a  manner 
highly  satisfactory  to  the  States,  who  souglit 
security  rather  tlum  extent  of  dominion.  JJy 
thu  possession  of  Namur  they  conunandcd  the 
passage  of  the  Samliro  and  Meuse;  Tournny 
ensured  the  navigation  of  the  Scheldt;  Menip 
and  Warneton  iirotecled  the  Leyc;  while  Ypres 
and  the  fort  of  Knokke  kept  open  tlic  conuuuni- 
cation  with  Furnes,  Nicuport  and  Dunkirk.  . 
Events  proved  tlio  barrier,  so  earnestly  insisted 
upon,  to  have  been  wholly  in.sutllcient  as  a 
means  of  defence  to  the  United  Provinces,  and 
scarcely  worth  the  labour  and  cost  of  its  nuun- 
lenance." — C.  M.  Davies,  Hint,  of  JIullaiul,  c/i. 
II  {p.  :t). 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1713-1725. —  Continued 
Austro-Spanish  troubles. — The  Triple  Alli- 
ance.— The  Quadruple  Alliance.— The  Alli- 
ance of  Hanover.  See  Si-.u.n:  A.  U.  1713-1725; 
also,  Italy;  A.  I).  1715-1735. 


(Holland):  A.  D.  1729-1731.— The  Treaty 
of  Seville.— The  second  Treaty  of  Vienna.— 
The  Ostend  Company  aboiifihed.  See  Si-ain: 
A.  I).  172(l-17;ll. 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1731-1740.— The  question 
of  the  Austrian  Succession.— Guarantee  of 
the  Prngmatic  Sanction.  Si>e  Aiktiua  :  A.  I). 
l7lH-ir;(M;  and  I7lil. 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1740-1741.  — Beginning  of 
the  War  of  the  Austrian  Succession.  Sen 
AiHriii,\;  A.  1).  1710-1711. 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1743.— The  War  of  the 
Austrian  Succession :  Dutch  Subsidies  and 
Troops.  See  Aisriiiv:  \.  D.  I7i:i;  and  17i:i- 
1711. 

(Au.'.trian  Provinces) :  A.  D.  1744.— Invasion 
by  tho  French.    See  Aistuia:  A.  1).  171:1-1711. 

(The  Austrian  Provinces):  A.  D.  I74S.— 
The  War  of  the  Austrian  Succession  :  Bittle 
of  Fontenoy.  —  French  conquests.  —  In  tliu 
spring  of  1745,  while  events  in  the  second  Siles- 
ian  War  were  still  threatening  to  Frederick  tlio 
(ireat(H('e  AlisTlllA:  A.  I).  1744-1745),  his  allies, 
th(^  French,  thougli  indilTerent  to  his  triinbles, 
were  doing  belter  for  themselves  in  llie  Nether- 
lands. They  had  given  to  .Marshal  de  S«xo, 
who  connnanded  there,  an  army  of  70,000  ex- 
cellent troops.  "  As  to  the  Allies,  England  had 
furnished  her  full  coiuingent  of  2H,IN)0  men,  but 
llollunil  less  than  half  of  the  50,000  she  hiul 
Kllpulaled;  there  were  but  eight  Austrian  S(|Uad- 
rons,  and  the  wliolo  Ixxly  scarcely  exceeded 
50,(H)0  lighting  men.  The  nominal  leader  was 
the  young  Duke  of  Cumberlanil,  but  subject  In 
a  great  measure  to  the  control  of  an  Anslriau 
veteran.  Marshal  Konigscgg,  and  obliged  to  con- 
sult the  Dutcli  commander.  Prince  de  Wahh'ck. 
Against  tlieso  inierior  numbers  and  divided 
councils  the  Frencli  advanced  in  full  conlldencu 
of  victory,  and,  after  various  movements  to  dis- 
tract thi^  altenlion  of  the  Allies,  siuidenly,  on 
the  1st  of  May,  invested  Touriiay.  .  .  .  To  re- 
lieve this  important  city,  innnediately  iK'camo 
the  principal  object  with  the  Allies;  and  .tho 
States,  usually  so  cautious,  nay,  timorous  in 
their  suggestions,  were  now  as  eager  in  demand- 
ing battle.  .  .  .  Oil  the  other  hand,  the  .Marc- 
scliai  d(^  Sa.ve  made  most  skilful  dispositions  to 
receive  lliem.  Leaving  15,000  infantry  to  cover 
tlie  blockade  of  Tournay,  be  drew  up  the  rest  of 
his  army,  a  tew  miles  further,  in  an  excellent 
position,  which  be  strengthened  with  numerous 
works;  and  his  soldiers  were  Inspirited  by  tiio 
arrival  of  Uu:  King  and  Dauphin,  who  hail  has- 
tened from  Pari.H  to  join  in  thi!  expected  lution. 
The  three  allied  generals,  ou  advancing  against 
the  French,  found  them  oiicain])cd  on  some  gen- 
tle lieighlH,  with  the  village  of  Antoiu  and  tho 
river  Schehlt  on  llieir  riglit,  Fontenoy  and  iv 
narrow  valley  in  their  front,  and  a  small  wood 
named  liarre  ou  their  left.  Tlie  passage  of  the 
Sdieldt,  and,  if  needful,  a  retreat,  were  secured 
by  the  bridge  of  Calonnc  in  ilie  rear,  by  a  tf'te 
de  pont,  and  by  a  reserve  of  tho  Household 
Troops.  Abbatis  were  constiucted  in  tlie  wood 
of  Uarre;  redoubts  between  Antoin  and  Fonte- 
noy ;  and  the  villages  themselves  had  been  care- 
fully fmtitied  and  garrisoned.  The  narrow 
space  between  Fontenoy  and  Bane  seemed  suf- 
tlciently  defended  by  cross  fires,  and  by  the 
natural  ruggcdncss  of  the  ground:  in  sli<irt,  ns 
the  French  olllcers  thought,  the  strengtli  of  tho 
position  might  bid  detluncu  to  thu  boldest  assail- 


2295 


NETHERLANDS,  1745. 


f\mtfno]i. 


NETHERLANDS,  1746-1747. 


nnt.  Ncverthrlcss,  the  Allied  olilefs,  who  had 
nlrcftdy  resolved  on  n  general  engagement,  drove 
in  the  French  piquets  and  outposts  on  the  lOlh 
of  May,  New  Stylo,  nnd  issued  onlers  for  their 
Intended  attack  nt  daybreak.  .  .  .  At  six  o'clock 
on  the  morning  of  tlie  11th,  the  cannonade  be- 
gan. The  Prince  of  Waldeck,  and  his  Dutch, 
undertook  to  carrv  Antoin  and  Fontenoy  by  as- 
sault, while  the  Duke  of  Cumberland,  at  the 
head  of  the  British  and  Hanoverians,  was  to  ad- 
vance against  the  enemy's  left,  llis  Royal 
Highness,  at  the  same  time  with  his  own  attack, 
sent  General  Ingoldsby,  with  a  division,  to 
pierce  through  the  wood  of  Barre,  and  storm  the 
redoubt  beyond  it."  Ingoldsby's  division  and 
the  Dutcl;  troops  were  both  rcnulse<l,  and  the 
latter  made  no  further  effort.  But  the  British 
and  Hanoverians,  leaving  their  cavalry  behind 
and  dragging  with  them  a  few  field  pieces, 
"plunged  down  the  ravine  between  Fontenoy 
and  Barre,  and  marched  on  against  a  position 
which  the  best  Marshals  of  France  had  deemed 
impregnable,  and  which  the  best  troops  of  tliat 
nation  defended.  .  .  .  Whole  ranks  of  the  Brit- 
ish were  swept  away,  at  once,  by  the  murderous 
fire  of  the  batteries  on  their  left  and  right.  Still 
did  their  column,  diminishing  in  numbers  not  in 
spirit,  steadily  press  forward,  repulse  several 
desperate  attacks  of  the  French  infantry,  ond 
gain  ground  on  its  position.  .  .  .  The  battle  ap- 
peared to  l)e  decided :  already  did  Marshal  Kon- 
igsegg  o.."er  his  congratulations  to  the  Duke  of 
Cumberland;  already  had  Marcscbal  de  Saxe 
prepared  for  retreat,  and,  in  repeated  messages, 
urged  the  King  to  consult  his  safety  and  with- 
draw, while  it  was  yet  time,  beyond  the  Scheldt." 
The  continued  inactivity  of  the  Dutch,  however, 
enabled  the  French  commander  to  gather  his  last 
reserves  at  the  one  point  of  danger,  while  he 
brought  another  battery  'o  bear  on  the  head  of 
the  advancing  British  column.  ' '  The  British,  ex- 
liausted  by  tlieir  own  exertions,  mowed  down  by 
the  artillery  in  front,  and  assailed  by  the  fresh 
troops  in  liank,  were  overpowered.  Their  col- 
umn wavered  —  broke  —  fell  back.  ...  In  this 
battle  of  Fontenoy  (for  such  is  tlie  name  it  has 
borne),  the  British  left  behind  a  few  pieces  of 
artillery,  but  no  standards,  and  scarce  any  pris- 
oners but  the  wounded.  The  loss  In  these,  ond 
in  killed,  was  given  out  as  4,041  British,  1,763 
Hanoverians,  and  only  1,544  Dutch;  while  on 
their  part  the  French  likewise  acknowledged 
above  7,000."  As  the  consequence  of  the  battle 
of  Fontenoy,  not  only  Toumay,  but  Ghent,  like- 
wise, was  speedily  surrendered  to  the  French. 
"Equal  success  crowned  similar  attempts  on 
Bruges,  on  Oudenarde,  and  on  Dendcrmonde, 
wliile  tl  allies  could  only  act  on  the  defensive 
and  cover  Brussels  and  Antwerp.  The  French 
next  directed  their  arms  against  Ostend,  .  .  . 
which  .  .  .  yielded  in  fourteen  days.  .  .  .  Mean- 
while the  events  in  Scotland  [the  Jacobite  lebel- 
llon  — see  Scotland:  A.  D.  1745-1746]  were 
compelling  the  British  government  to  withdraw 
the  greater  part  of  their  force ;  and  it  was  only 
the  approach  of  winter,  and  the  retreat  of  both 
armies  into  quarters,  that  obtained  a  brief  respite 
for  the  remaining  fortresses  of  Flanders." — 
Lord  Mahon  (Earl  Stanhope),  Ilitt.  of  Eng., 
1713-1783,  ch.  26  (».  8). 

Also  in:  F.  P.  Guizot,  Popular  ITist.  of 
France,  eh.  52  (».  6).— J.  G.  Wilson,  Sketches  of 
Ulustrious  Soldiers ;  Saxe.    


A.  D.  1746-1747.— The  War  of  the  Austrian 
Succession  :  French  conquest  of  the  Austrian 
provinces.  —  Humiliation  of  Holland.  —  The 
Stadtholdership  restored. — "In  the  campaign 
in  Flanders  in  1746,  the  French  followed  up  the 
successes  which  they  had  achieved  in  the  pre- 
vious year.  Brussels,  Antwerp,  Mons,  Clmrleroi, 
Namur,  and  other  places  successively  surren- 
dered to  Marshal  Saxe  and  the  Prince  of  Conti. 
After  the  capture  of  Namur  In  September,  Mar- 
shal Saxe,  reuniting  oil  the  French  forces,  at- 
tacked Prince  Charles  of  Lorraine  at  Raucoux 
[or  Roucoux],  between  Liege  and  Viset,  and 
completely  (lefeated  him,  October  11;  after 
whicli  both  sides  wont  Into  winter  (uiarters.  All 
the  country  between  the  Meuse  and  the  sea  was 
now  in  the  power  of  France,  Austria  retaining 
only  Luxemburg  and  Limburg.  .  .  .  Ever  since 
the  ycor  1745  some  negociatlons  had  been  going 
on  between  France  ond  the  Dutch  for  the  re- 
establishment  of  peace.  The  Stotes-Generol  hod 
proposed  the  assembling  of  o  Congress  to  the 
Cabinet  of  Vienna,  which,  however,  had  been 
rejected.  In  September  1746,  conferences  had 
been  opened  at  Breda,  between  France,  Great 
Britain,  and  the  States-General;  but  as  Great 
Britain  liad  gained  some  advantages  at  sea,  the 
negociatlons  were  protracted,  and  the  Coblnets 
of  London  and  Vienna  had  endeavoured  to  Induce 
the  Dutch  to  take  a  more  direct  and  active  port 
in  the  war.  In  this  state  of  tilings  the  Court  of 
Versailles  took  a  sudden  resolution  to  coerce  the 
Stotes-Generol.  A  manifest  wos  publi.shed  by 
Louis  XV.  April  17th  1747,  filled  with  those 
pretexts  wliich  it  is  easy  to  find  on  such  occo- 
slons:  not.  Indeed,  exactly  declaring  war  against 
the  Dutch  Republic,  but  that  ho  should  enter  her 
territories  '  without  brooking  with  her ' ;  that  he 
should  hold  In  deposit  the  places  he  might  con- 
quer, and  restore  them  as  soon  as  the  States 
ceased  to  succour  his  enemies.  At  the  same 
time  Count  LOwendahl  entered  Dutch  Flanders 
by  Bruges,  and  seized  in  less  than  a  month  Sluys, 
Ysondick,  Sos  de  Gaud,  Hulst,  Axel,  aud  other 
places.  Holland  had  now  very  much  declined 
from  the  position  she  nod  liold  a  century  before. 
Tliere  wore  indeed  many  large  capitalists  in  the 
United  Provinces,  whoso  wealth  had  been 
amassed  during  the  period  of  the  Republic's  com- 
mercial prosperity,  but  the  State  as  a  whole  was 
impoverishofi  and  steeped  in  debt.  .  .  .  In  .  .  . 
becoming  the  capitalists  and  money-lenders  of 
Europe,  they  [the  Dutch]  had  ceased  to  be  her 
brokers  aud  carriers.  .  .  .  Holland  was  no  longer 
the  entrepot  of  nations.  The  English,  the 
Swedes,  the  D'":ies,  and  the  Ilamburghers  had 
oppropriated  the  greater  part  of  her  trade.  Such 
was  the  I'f  lUlt  01  the  long  wars  In  which  she  had 
been  engoged.  .  .  .  Her  political  consideration 
had  dwhdled  equally  with  her  commerce.  In- 
stead of  pretending  as  formerly  to  bo  the  arbiter 
of  nations,  slie  had  become  little  more  than  the 
sotelllte  of  Groo^  Britain ;  a  position  forced  upon 
her  1)3'  (car  of  France,  nnd  her  anxiety  to  main- 
tain her  barriers  against  tliot  encrooching  Power. 
Since  the  death  of  William  III.,  the  republican 
or  aristocratic  party  had  again  seized  tlie  ascen- 
dency. William  Ill.'s  collateral  heir,  John 
William  Friso,  had  not  been  recognised  as  Stadt- 
holder,  and  the  Republic  was  again  governed,  as 
in  the  time  of  De  Witt,  by  a  Grand  Pensionary 
and  greffl"r.  The  dominant  party  had,  however, 
become  highly  unpopular.     It  had  sacrificed  the 


2296 


NETHERLANDS,  1746-1747. 


RmUireil 
Stadtholilerah  ifi. 


NETHERLANDS,  1746-1787. 


army  to  mnintnin  the  fleet,  and  the  Repulilic 
seemed  to  lie  at  the  moioy  of  France.  At  tlio 
approach  of  the  French,  consternation  reigned  in 
the  provinces.  The  Orange  party  raised  its  head 
and  demanded  the  rc-cstablislnncnt  of  the  Htadt- 
lioldcrship.  The  town  of  Veere  in  Zealand  gave 
the  example  of  insurrection,  and  William  IV. 
of  Nassan-Dietz,  who  was  already  Stadtholder  of 
Friesland,  QrOningen  and  Qelderland,  was  ulti- 
mately proclaimcu  heredimry  Stadtholder,  Cap- 
tain-General and  Admiral  of  the  United  Prov- 
inces. William  IV.  was  the  son  of  Julm  William 
Friso,  and  son-in-law  of  George  II.,  whose 
daughter,  Anne,  he  had  married.  The  French 
threatening  to  attack  Maesiricht,  the  allies  imdcr 
the  Duke  of  Cumberland  marched  to  Lawfeld  in 
order  to  protect  it.  Here  tliey  were  attacked  by 
Marshal  Saxe,  July  2nd  1747,  and  after  a  bloody 
battle  compelled  to  recross  the  Jleuse.  The 
Duke  of  C\imbcrland,  however,  took  up  a  posi- 
tion which  prevented  tli'>  French  from  investing 
Maestricht.  On  the  other  hand,  LOwendahl  [a 
Swedish  general  in  the  French  service]  carried 
Bergcnop-Zoom  by  assault,  July  16th."  The 
following  spring  (1748),  tlie  French  succeeded  in 
laying  siege  to  Alaestricht,  notwithstanding  tlie 
presence  of  the  allies,  and  it  was  surrendered  to 
them  on  the  7th  of  May.  "  Negociations  had 
been  going  on  throughout  the  winter,  and  a  Con- 
gress had  been  appointed  to  meet  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  whose  first  conference  took  place  April 
24th  1748."  The  taking  of  Maestricht  was  in- 
tended to  stimulate  tliese  negotiations  for  peace, 
and  it  undoubtedly  had  that  effect.  The  treaties 
which  concluded  the  war  were  signed  the  follow- 
ing October.— T.  II.  Dyer,  Jlist.  of  Modem 
Europe,  bk.  6,  ch.  4  (».  3). 

Also  in  :  C.  M.  Davies,  IlUt.  of  Holland,  pt. 
8,  ch.  12,  pt.  4,  ch.  1. 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1746-1787.— The  restored 
Stadtholdership. — Forty  years  of  peace. — War 
with  England  and  trouble  with  Austria. — The 
razing  of  the  Barriers.  —  Premature  revolu- 
tions.— In  their  extremity,  when  tlie  provinces 
of  the  Dutch  Republic  were  tlireatened  with  in- 
vasion by  the  French,  a  cry  >:or  the  House  of 
Orange  was  raised  once  more.  "The  jealousies 
of  Provincial  magistratures  were  overborne,  and 
in  obedience  to  tlie  voice  of  the  people  a  Stad- 
holder  again  arose.  William  of  Nassau  Dietz, 
the  heir  to  William  III. ,  and  the  successor  to  a 
line  of  Stadholdcrs  who  had  ruled  continuously 
in  Friesland  since  the  days  of  Philip  II.,  was 
summoned  to  power.  .  .  .  William  IV.  had 
married,  as  William  II.  and  William  III.  liad 
done,  the  daughter  of  i  King  of  England.  As 
the  husband  of  Anne,  the  child  of  George  II.,  ho 
had  lulded  to  the  consideration  of  his  House; 
and  he  was  now  able  to  secure  for  his  descen- 
dants the  dignities  to  which  he  had  himself  been 
elected.  Tlie  States  General  in  1747  declared 
tliat  both  male  and  female  heirs  should  succeed 
to  his  honours.  The  constitution  was  thus  in  a 
measure  changed,  and  the  appointment  of  a 
hereditary  chief  magistrate  appeared  to  many 
...  to  be  a  departure  from  tlie  pure  ideal  of  a 
Republic.  The  election  of  tlie  new  Stadholder 
brought  less  advantage  to  his  people  than  to  his 
family,  lie  couUl  not  recall  the  glorious  days 
of  the  great  ancestors  who  bad  preceded  him. 
Without  abilities  for  war  himself,  and  jealous  of 
those  with  wliom  he  was  brought  in  contact,  lie 
caused  disuniou  to  ari.ic  among  the  forces  of  the 


allies.  .  .  .  When  the  terms  at  Aix  La  Chapelle 
restored  their  losses  to  the  Dutch  and  conllrmed 
the  stipulations  of  previous  treaties  in  tlieir 
favour,  it  was  felt  that  the  Republic  was  in- 
debted to  the  exertions  of  its  allies,  and  not  to 
any  strength  or  successes  of  its  own.  It  was 
well  for  the  Republic  that  she  could  rest.  Tlie 
days  of  her  greatness  had  gone  by,  and  the 
recent  struggle  had  manifested  her  decline  to 
Europe.  .  .  .  The  next  forty  venrs  were  years 
of  peace.  .  .  .  W::cn  war  again  arrived  it  was 
again  external  cir-umstanres  [connected  with 
tlie  war  between  England  and  her  revolted  colo- 
nies in  America]  at  compelled  the  Republic  to 
take  up  arms.  .  .  .  She  .  .  .  contemplated,  as 
it  was  discovered,  an  alliance  with  the  American 
insurgents.  The  exposure  of  her  designs  drew 
on  her  a  declaration  of  war  from  Englanil,  which 
was  followed  by  the  temporary  loss  of  many  of 
her  colonies  both  in  the  Eiust  and  West  Indies. 
But  in  Europe  the  struggle  ivas  more  equally 
sustained.  The  hostile  fleets  engaged  in  1781  oil 
the  Dogger  Bank ;  and  the  Dutch  sailors  fought 
with  a  success  that  made  them  claim  a  victory, 
and  that  at  least  secured  them  from  the  conse- 
(juences  of  a  defeat.  The  war  indeed  caused  far 
less  injury  to  the  Republic  than  might  have 
been  supposed.  .  .  .  When  she  concluded  peace 
in  1783,  tlie  whole  of  her  lost  colonics,  witli  the 
one  exception  of  Negapatam,  were  restored  to 
her.  But  the  occasion  of  the  war  Jiad  been 
made  tise  of  by  Austria,  and  a  blow  had  been 
meanwhile  inflicted  upon  the  United  Provinces 
the  fatal  effect  of  which  was  soon  to  be  apparent. 
The  Emperor  Joseph  11.^  had  long  protested 
against  the  existence  of  the  Barrier:  and  he  had 
seized  upon  the  opportunity  to  undo  by  an  arbi- 
trary act  all  that  the  blood  and  treasure  of 
Europe  had  been  lavished  to  secure.  'The  Em- 
peror will  hear  no  more  of  Barriers,' wrote  his 
minister;  'our  connection  with  France  has  made 
tl.em  needless ' :  and  the  fortresses  for  which 
William  I!L  had  schemed  and  Marlborough  had 
fought,  were  razed  to  the  ground  p78'->|.  Hol- 
land, unable  at  the  moment  to  resist,  withdrew 
her  garrisons  in  silence ;  and  Joseph,  emboldened 
by  his  success,  i)rocee(lcd  to  ask  for  more  [1784]. 
The  rectification  of  tlie  Dutch  frontiers,  the 
opening  of  the  Scheldt,  and  the  release  for  his 
subjects  from  the  long-enforced  restrictions  upon 
their  trade  did  not  appear  too  mucli  to  him. 
But  the  spirit  of  the  Dutch  had  not  yet  left 
them.  They  fircd  at  the  vessels  which  dared  to 
attempt  to  navigate  tlie  Scheldt,  and  war  again 
appeared  imminent.  The  support  of  France, 
however,  upon  whicli  the  Emperor  had  relied, 
was  now  given  to  the  Republic,  and  Jo.sepli 
recognized  that  he  hail  gone  too  far.  The  Bar- 
rier, once  destroyed,  was  not  to  be  restored ;  but 
the  claims  whicli  had  been  put  forward  were 
abandoned  upon  the  i)ayment  of  money  compen- 
sation by  the  States.  The  feverous  age  of  revo- 
lution was  now  at  hand,  and  party  spirit,  which 
had  ever  divided  the  United  Provinces,  and  had 
been  quickened  by  the  intercourse  and  allianqe 
with  America  during  the  war,  broke  out  in  an  in- 
surrection against  tlie  Stadholder  [William  V.], 
which  drove  him  from  his  country,  and  com- 
pelled him  to  appeal  to  Prussian  troops  for  liis 
restoration.  Almost  at  the  same  time,  in  the 
Austrian  provinces,  a  Belgic  Republic  was  pro- 
claiiiiCi!  [1787],  the  result  in  a  great  degree 
of  imprudent  changes  which  Joseph    II,   hod 


2297 


NETHERLANDS,  1740-1787. 


Jfapoleon'i 
Kingdom. 


NETHERLANDS,   1800-1810. 


enforced.  The  Dutch  returned  to  their  ohedience 
under  I'ru.ssiiin  threats  [nnd  invasion  (>f  Ilollitnd 
by  an  army  of  UO.OOO  men— fk.'ptcn)l)er,  1787], 
and  Belgium  under  the  concessions  of  Leopold 
HL  But  tliese  were  tlic  clouds  foresliadowing 
tlic  coming  storm,  beneath  wliose  fury  all  Europe 
was  to  tremble." — C.  F.  Johnstone,  lliatorical 
AltHtractii,  eh.  2. 

Al.HO  IN:  T.  H.  Dyer,  IIM.  of  Motlerii  Europe, 
bk.  0,  ch.  8  (c  a).— F.  C.  Hcldosser,  Hint,  of  the 
Wth  Century,  period  4,  eh.  1,  tect.  2,  and  ch.  2, 
net.  2  (p.  5). 

A.  D.  1748. — Termination  and  results  of  the 
\/ar  of  the  Austrian  Succession. —  French 
conquests  restored  to  Austria  and  to  Holland, 
See  Ar;-i,A-C'nAPELLK,  Tiik  CoNfiiiKss. 

(Holland) :  A.  D.  1782.— Reco^ition  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  See  Lnitkd  States 
OK  Am.:  a.  D.  1783  (Arnii.). 

A.  D.  1792-17M.— The  Austrian  provinces 
occupied  by  the  French  revolutionary  army. — 
Determination  to  annex  them  to  the  French 
Republic. — Preparations  to  attack  Holland. 
See  Fkance:  A.  D.  1792  (Septemueu— Dece.m- 
«EU);  and  1792-1793  (DECEMiiEn — Feuuuahy). 

A.  D.  1793  (Februaty— April). — French  inva- 
sion of  Holland. — De^at  at  Neerwinden  and 
retreat.— Recovery  of  Belgian  provinces  by 
the  Austrians.  See  Fuance:  A.  D.  1793  (Feb 
iiiiAiiY — Arnii.). 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1793  (March  — Septem- 
ber).—The  Coalition  against  Revolutionary 
France.  Sec  France:  A.  D.  1793  (Maucu — 
Seitember). 

A.  D.  1794.— French  conquest  of  the  Aus- 
trian Provinces. — Holland  open  to  invasion. 
See  France:  A.  D.  1794  (March — July). 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1724-1705. — Subjugation 
and  occupation  by  the  French.— Overthrow  of 
the  Stadtholdership.— Establishment  of  the 
Batavian  Republic,  in  alliance  with  France. 
See  France:  A.  D.  1794-1795  (October— May). 

(Holland) :  A.  D.  1797.— Naval  defeat  by  the 
English  in  the  Battle  of  Camperdown.  See 
Enolani):  A.  D.  1797. 

(Austr.an  Provinces) :  A.  D.  1797.— Ceded 
to  France.  See  France:  A.  D.  1797  (May- — 
October). 

(Holland):  A.  13.  1799.— English  ind  Rus- 
sicj  invasic.-i.— Capture  of  the  Dutch  fleet. — 
lenominioui:  es'd.ng  of  the  expedition. — Capit- 
ulation of  the  Ouke  of  York.— Dissolution  of 
the  Dutch  East  India  Company.  See  France  : 
A.  D.  1799  (Ai'RiL — September),  and  (Septem- 
ber-October). 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1801.— Revolution  insti- 
gated and  enforced  by  Bonaparte. — A  new 
Constitution.     See  France:  A.  D.  1801-1803. 

(Holland) :  A.  D.  1802.—  The  Peace  of 
Amiens.— Recovery  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope 
and  Dutch  Guiana.  See  France:  A.  D.  1801- 
1802. 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1806.— Final  seizure  of 
Cape  Colony  by  the  English.  See  South 
AFRtCA.  A.  D.  1480-1800. 

A.  D.  1806-1810. — Commercial  blockade  by 
the  English  Orders  in  Council  and  Napoleon's 
Decrees.      See  France:  A.  D.  1806-1810. 

(Holland) :  A.  D.  1806-1810.— The  Batavian 
Republic  transformed  into  the  Kingdom  of 
Holland. — Louis  Bonaparte  made  King. — His 
fidelity  to  the  country  offensive  to  Napoleon. 
—His  abdication. — Annexation  of  Holland  to 


the  French  empire. — "  While  Bonaparte  was  the 
chief  of  the  French  republic,  he  luid  no  objec- 
tion to  the  existence  of  a  Batavian  republic  in 
the  north  of  Fruncc,  aud  he  equally  tolerated  the 
Cisalpine  republic  in  tlie  south.  But  after  tlio 
coronation  all  the  republics,  which  were  grouped 
like  satellites  round  the  grand  republic,  were  eon- 
verted  into  kingdoms,  subject  to  the  I'uiplre,  it 
not  avowedly,  at  least  in  fact.  In  this  respect 
tliere  was  no  difference  between  the  i-  'iivjan 
and  Cisalpine  republic.  The  latter  having  i)een 
metamorphosed  into  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  it 
was  necessary  to  find  some  pretext  for  transform- 
ing the  former  into  the  kingdom  of  Holland.  ,  .  . 
The  Emperor  kept  up  such  an  extensive  agency 
in  Holland  that  he  easily  got  up  a  deputation, 
soliciting  him  to  choose  a  king  for  the  Batavian 
republic.  This  s\ibmissive  deputation  came  to 
Paris  in  1806,  to  solicit  the  Emperor,  os  a  favour, 
to  place  Prince  Louis  fNupoIeon's  brother]  on 
tlie  throne  of  Holland.  .  .  .  Louis  became  King 
of  Holland  much  against  his  inclination,  for  he 
opposed  the  proi)osition  as  nnich  as  he  dared, 
alleging  as  an  objection  the  state  of  his  health, 
to  which  ccrt«inly  the  climate  of  Holland  was 
not  favourable ;  but  Bonaparte  sternly  replied  to 
)<is  remonstraiice — 'It  is  better  to  die  a  king 
inan  live  a  prince.'  lie  was  then  obliged  to 
icoept  the  crown.  He  went  to  Holland  accom- 
panied by  Hortensc,  who,  however,  did  not  stay 
long  there.  The  new  king  wanted  to  make  him- 
self beloved  by  his  subjects,  and  as  they  were 
an  entirely  commercial  people,  the  best  way  to 
win  their  affections  was  .  .  .  not  to  adopt  Na- 
poleon's riq;id  hi'vs  against  commercial  inter- 
course with  England.  Hence  the  first  coolness 
between  llio  two  I'l'others,  which  ended  in  the 
abdication  of  Lo'.ils.  I  know  not  whether  Na- 
poleon reco!lccte<l  the  motive  assigned  by  Louis 
for  at  first  r^'iusing  the  crown  of  Ilolland, 
namely,  the  climate  of  the  country,  or  whether 
he  calculated  upon  greater  submission  in  another 
of  his  brothers ;  but  this  is  certain,  that  Joseph 
was  not  called  from  the  throno  of  Naples  to  the 
throne  of  Spain,  until  after  the  refusal  Oi  Louis. 
.  .  .  Before  finally  seizing  Ilolland,  Napoleon 
formed  the  project  of  separating  from  it  Bra- 
bant and  Zealand,  in  exchange  for  other  prov- 
inces, tlie  possession  of  which  was  doubtful :  but 
Louis  successfully  resisted  this  first  act  of  usur- 
pation. Bonaparte  was  too  intent  on  the  great 
liusiness  in  Spain,  to  risk  any  commotion  in  the 
north,  where  the  declaration  of  Russia  against 
Sweden  already  sufflcicntly  occupied  him.  He 
therefore  did  not  Insist  upon,  and  even  affected 
indifference  to  the  proposed  au -'mentation  of 
the  territory  of  the  empire.  .  .  .  .But  when  he 
got  his  brother  Joseph  recognized,  r.iid  when  he 
had  himself  struck  an  important  blow  in  the 
Peninsula,  lie  began  to  change  his  tone  to  Louis. 
On  the  20th  of  December  [1808]  he  wrote  to  him. 
a  very  remarkable  letter,  which  exhibits  the  un- 
reserved expression  of  that  tyranny  which  he 
wished  to  exercise  over  all  his  family  in  order  to 
make  them  the  instruments  of  his  despotism. 
Hij  reproaclied  Louis  for  not  following  his  sys- 
tem of  policy,  telling  him  that  lie  had  forgotten 
he  was  a  Frenchman,  and  that  he  wished  to  be- 
come a  Dutchman.  Among  other  things  he  said : 
.  .  .  '  I  have  been  obliged  a  second  time  to  pro- 
liibit  trade  with  Ilolland.  In  this  state  of  things 
we  may  consider  ourselves  really  at  war.  In 
my  8i)ccch  to  the  legislative  body  I  manifested 


2298 


NETHERLANDS,  1806-1810. 


Annexation  to 
i'Vancv. 


NETHERLANDS,  1813. 


my  (Hsplcnsurc ;  for  I  will  not  ooiiccal  from  jou, 
timt  my  intention  is  to  unite  Ilolliiml  willi  Frarur. 
Tliis  will  be  the  most  severe  blow  I  ran  aim 
ugainst  England,  and  will  deliver  me  from  tlie 
perpetual  insults  wliieli  the  plotters  of  your  eab- 
met  lire  constantly  direeting  against  me.  Tlic 
mouths  of  the  Rhine,  and  of  the  Jleuse,  ought, 
indeed,  to  belong  to  me.  .  .  .  The  following  are 
my  conditions:  —  First,  the  interdiction  of  all 
trade  and  communieution  with  England.  Second. 
The  supply  of  a  tleet  of  fourteen  sail  of  the  !!ne, 
seven  frigates  and  seven  brigs  or  corvettes,  armeil 
and  manned.  Third,  an  army  of  2.5,000  men. 
Fourth.  The  suppression  of  tlie  rank  of  Mar- 
shals. Fifth.  The  abolition  of  all  the  privileges 
of  nobility,  which  is  contrary  to  tlie  constitution. 
Your  Majesty  may  negotiate  on  tliese  buses  witli 
the  Duke  de  Cadore,  through  tlie  medium  of 
your  minister;  but  be  ivssured,  tlia*.  on  the  en- 
trance of  tlic  first  packet-boat  into  Holland,  I 
will  restore  my  prohibitions,  and  tliat  the  first 
Dutch  offlccr  who  may  presume  to  insult  my 
flag,  shall  be  seized  and  hanged  at  the  main-yanl. 
Your  Majesty  will  find  in  me  a  brother  it  you 
prove  yourself  a  Frenchman;  but  if  you  forget 
the  sentiments  which  attach  you  to  our  connnon 
country,  you  cannot  think  it  extraordinary  tliat 
I  should  lose  sight  of  those  which  nature  has 
raised  between  us.  In  short,  the  union  of  Hol- 
land and  Franco  will  be,  of  'ill  things  m(:-,<.  use- 
ful to  France,  Holland  and  the  I'ontinent.  tjecause 
it  will  bo  most  injurious  to  ■•^nK'ii'd.  This 
union  must  be  effected  willingly  or  by  force.' 
.  .  .  Here  the  correspondence  between  the  two 
brothers  was  suspended  for  a  time;  but  Louis 
still  continued  exposed  to  new  vexations  o-i  the 
part  of  Napoleon.  Abo\it  the  end  of  1800,  tlie 
Emperor  summoned  to  Paris  the  sovereigns  who 
might  be  called  his  vassals.  Among  the  numlxT 
was  Louis,  who,  however,  did  not  shew  himself 
very  willing  to  quit  his  states.  He  called  a 
council  of  his  ministers,  wlio  were  of  opinion 
that  for  the  interest  of  Holland  he  ought  to  make 
this  new  sacrifice.  He  did  so  with  resignation. 
Indeed,  every  day  passed  on  the  throne  was  a 
sttcriflco  to  Louis.  .  .  .  Amidst  the  general  silence 
of  the  servants  of  the  empire,  and  even  of  the 
kings  and  princes  assembled  in  tlie  capital,  he 
vcrtured  to  say :  —  'I  have  been  deceived  by 
promises  which  were  never  intended  to  be  kept. 
Holland  is  tired  of  being  the  sport  of  France. ' 
The  Empt^ror,  ■'vho  was  unused  to  such  lan- 
guage as  this,  was  highly  incensed  at  it.  Louis 
had  now  no  alternative,  bi?t  to  yield  to  the  inces- 
sant exactions  of  Napoleon,  or  to  see  Holland 
united  to  France.  He  chose  Jie  latter,  though 
not  before  he  had  exerted  all  his  feeble  power  in 
behalf  of  the  subjects  whom  Napoleon  had  con- 
signed to  him ;  but  he  would  not  be  the  accom- 
plice of  him  who  had  resolved  to  make  those 
subjects  the  victims  of  his  hatred  against  Eng- 
land. .  .  .  Louis  was,  however,  permitted  to 
return  to  his  states,  to  contemplate  the  stagnating 
effect  of  the  continental  blockade  on  every 
branch  of  trade  and  industry,  formerly  so  active 
in  Holland.  Dist-'^ssed  at  vitnessing  evils  to 
which  he  could  apply  no  remedy,  he  enden'oured 
by  some  prudent  remonstrances  to  avert  thu  utter 
ruin  with  which  Holland  ^as  threatened.  On 
the  23rdof  March,  1810,  lie  wrote  .  .  .  [a]  letter 
to  Napoleon.  .  .  .  Written  remonstrances  were 
not  more  to  Napoleon's  taste  tlu'a  verbal  ones  at 
a  time  when,  as  I  was  informed  by  my  friends. 


whom  fortune  chained  to  his<lesllny,  no  one  pre- 
sumed to  add.  ss  a  word  to  him,  except  to 
answer  his  (piestions.  .  .  .  His  brother's  letter 
highly  roused  his  displeasure.  Two  months 
after  hi'  received  il,  being  on  a  journey  in  iiw 
north,  he  addressed  to  Louis  from  Ostend  a  let- 
ter," followed  in  a  few  days  by  another  in  which 
latter  ho  said:  "'I  want  no  more  plira.ses  and 
prot<'stations.  It  is  time  I  should  know  whether 
you  intend,  by  your  follies,  to  ruin  Holland.  I 
do  not  choose  that  you  should  again  send  a  .Min- 
ister to  Austria,  or  tliat  you  should  dismiss  tin; 
Fiencli  who  are  in  your  service.  I  have  recalled 
my  Ambassador,  as  I  intend  only  to  huve  a 
C'harge-d'alTaires  in  Holland.  The  Sieur  Serru- 
rier,  wlio  remains  there  in  that  capacity,  will 
communicate  to  you  my  intcnti(ms.  My  Ambas- 
sador sh.ill  no  longer  be  exposed  to  your  insults. 
Write  to  me  no  nior^  tliosc  set  phrases  which 
you  have  be(  n  repeating  for  the  last  three  years, 
and  the  falsehood  of  wliicli  is  proved  every  day. 
This  is  tlie  last  letter  I  will  ever  write  to  you  as 
long  as  I  live.'.  .  .  Thus  reduced  to  the  cruel 
alternative  of  crushing  Holland  with  his  own 
liands,  or  leaving  that  task  to  tlie  Emperor, 
Louis  did  not  hesitate  to  lay  (h)wn  his  sceptre. 
H.iving  formed  this  resolution,  he  addressed  a 
message  to  the  legislative  body  of  the  kingdom 
of  Holland,  explaining  the  motives  of  his  abdi- 
cation. .  .  .  Tlie  French  troops  entered  Holland 
und -r  the  command  of  the  Dukede  Reggio;  and 
that  .Marslial,  who  was  more  King  than  the  King 
himself,  threatened  to  occupy  Amsterdam.  Louis 
tlien  descended  from  his  throne  [.July  1,  18101. 
.  .  .  Louis  bade  farcvell  to  the  people  of  Hol- 
land in  a  proclamati(.ii,  after  the  publication  of 
which  he  repaired  to  the  waters  of  Toeplitz. 
There  he  was  living  in  tranquil  retirement,  when 
he  learnt  that  his  brother  had  united  I'oUand  to 
the  Empire  [December  10,  181')].  He  then  pub- 
lislied  a  protest.  .  .  .  Thus  tliere  seemed  to  be 
an  end  of  all  intercourse  between  these  two 
brothers,  who  were  so  opposite  in  character  and 
disposition.  But  Napoleon,  who  was  enraged 
that  Louis  should  have  presumed  to  protest,  and 
that  in  energetic  tevms,  against  the  union  of  his 
kingdom  with  tlie  em|)ire,  ordered  him  to  return 
to  France,  whither  he  was  sunii'ioned  in  his 
character  of  Constable  and  French  Prince.  Louis, 
however,  did  not  tliink  proper  to  obey  this  sum- 
mons, and  Napoleon,  faitliftil  to  his  promise  of 
never  writing  to  him  ."".gain,  ordered  .  .  .  [a]  let- 
ter to  be  addressed  to  him  by  M.  Otto.  .  .  .  Am- 
bassador from  France  to  Vienna,  "saying:  "  'The 
Emperor  requires  that  Prince  Louis  shall  return, 
at  the  latest,  by  the  1st  of  December  next,  under 
pain  of  being  considered  as  disobeying  the  con- 
stitution of  tlic  empire  and  tlie  head  of  his 
family,  ond  being  treated  accordingly.'  " — M.  de 
Bourrienne,  Pnrnte  Memoirs  of  ^apokon,  v.  4, 
ch.  3. 

Also  in:  D.  A.  Bingham,  Mnrnnnes  of  the 
BonajKirten,  ch.  11  (v.  2). — T.  C.  Graitan,  llUt.  of 
the  NetherlandK,  ch.  32.— See,  also,  Fuance:  A.  D. 

1800  (JaNUAUY— OCTOIIKU). 

A.  D.  1809.— The  English  Walcheren  ex- 
pedition against  Antwerp.  See  Esoi.and: 
A.  I).  1809(.Jui.v— DwKMnKii). 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1811.— Java  taken  by  the 
English.     See  India;  A.  D.  I80.J-1810, 

(Holland):  A.  D.  1813.— Expulsion  of  the 
French. —  Independence  regained. —  Restora- 
tion of  the  Prince  of  Orange. — "Thp  univei-sal 


L>299 


NETHERLANDS,  1813. 


Libfnition 
from  the  French. 


NETHERLANDS,  1880-1882. 


fermcntfttlon  prrxlurod  in  Europe  by  llie  dtOlvpr- 
Bnco  of  Ocnniiny  [mcp  Oku.manv:  A.  I).  WVi- 
1818,  to  1818  ((JrToiiKK — I)k('Kmiikh)],  n.'hs  not 
long  of  sproiidinK  to  tlio  Dutch  Provinces.  Tlic 
yolie  of  Nnpoicon,  univcrsaily  grievous  from  tlic 
enormous  pecuniary  exactions  witli  wliicli  it  wiis 
attended,  and  tlie  wasting  ndlitarv  conscriptions 
to  wldcli  it  immediately  led,  liad  been  in  a  pecu- 
liar manner  felt  as  oppres-sive  in  Holland,  from 
tlie  maritime  and  commercial  liabit.s  of  the 
people,  and  the  total  stoppage  of  all  their  sources 
of  industry,  which  the  naval  war  and  long-con- 
tinued blockade  of  their  coasts  hud  occasioned. 
Tliey  had  tasted  for  nearly  twenty  years  of  the 
last  drop  of  humiliation  "in  the  cup  of  the  van- 
quished—  that  of  being  compelled  themselves  to 
aid  in  upholding  the  system  which  was  extermi- 
nating their  resources,  and  to  purchase  with  the 
blood  of  tlieir  children  the  ruin  of  their  country. 
These  feelings,  which  had  for  years  existed  in 
such  intensity,  as  to  have  rendered  revolt  inevi- 
table but  for  the  evident  hopelessness  at  all 
former  times  of  the  attempt,  could  no  longer  be 
restrained  after  the  battle  of  Ltipsic  had  thrown 
down  the  colossus  of  '^rench  external  power, 
and  the  approach  of  the  Allied  standards  to  their 
frontiers  had  opened  to  the  people  the  means  of 
salvation  [see  Okkmany:  A.  D.  1813  (October) 
and  (OcTOHKR — Dkcember)].  From  the  Ilansa 
Towns  the  Hume  of  independence  spread  to  the 
nearest  cities  of  the  old  United  Provinces;  and 
the  small  number  of  French  troops  in  the  couu- 
try  at  once  encouraged  revolt  and  paved  the  way 
for  external  aid.  At  this  period,  the  wliole 
troops  which  Napoleon  had  in  Holland  did  not 
exceed  6,000  French,  and  two  regiments  of  Ger- 
mans, upon  whose  fidelity  to  their  colours  little 
reliance  could  be  placed.  Upon  the  approach  of 
the  Allied  troops  under  Butow,  who  advanced 
by  the  road  of  Munster,  and  Winzingerode,  who 
soon  followed  from  the  same  quarter,  the  douan- 
iers  ull  withdrew  from  the  coast,  the  garrison  of 
Amsterdam  retired,  and  the  whole  disposable 
force  of  the  country  was  concentrated  at  Utrecht, 
to  form  a  corps  of  observation,  and  act  according 
to  circumstances.  This  was  the  signal  for  a  gen- 
eral revolt.  At  Amsterdam  [Nov.  l,")],  the  troops 
wore  no  sooner  gone  than  the  inhabitants  rose  in 
insurrection,  deposed  the  Imperial  authorities, 
hoisted  the  orange  Hag,  and  established  a  provi- 
sional government  with  a  view  to  the  restoration 
of  the  ancient  order  of  things;  yet  not  violently 
or  with  cruelty,  but  with  the  calmness  and  com- 
posure which  attest  the  exercise  of  social  rights 
by  a  ])eopIe  long  habituated  to  their  enjoyment. 
The  same  change  took  place,  at  the  same  time 
and  in  tlie  same  orderly  manner,  at  Holterdam, 
Dordrecht,  Delft,  Leyden,  Haarlem,  and  the  other 
chief  towns;  the  people,  everywhere,  amidst 
cries  of  '  Orange  Boven '  and  universal  rapture, 
mounted  the  orange  cockade,  and  reinstated  the 
ancient  authorities.  .  .  .  Military  and  political 
consequences  of  the  highest  importance  imme- 
diately followed  this  uncontrollable  outbreak  of 
public  enthusiasm.  A  deputation  from  Holland 
■waited  on  the  Prince  Regent  of  England  and  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  in  London :  the  latter  shortly 
after  embarked  on  board  an  English  line-of-battle 
ship,  the  Warrior,  and  on  the  27th  landed  at 
Scheveling,  from  whence  he  proceeded  to  the 
Hague.  Meantime  tlie  French  troops  and  coast- 
guards, who  had  concentrated  at  Utrecht,  seeing 
that  the  general  effervescence  was  not  as  yet 


supported  by  any  solid  military  force,  and  that 
the  people,  though  they  had  all  hoisted  the 
orange  tlag,  were  not  aided  by  any  corps  of  the 
Allies,  recovered  from  their  consternation,  and 
made  a  general  forward  movement  against  Am- 
sterdam. Before  they  got  there,  however,  a 
liody  of  300  Cossacks  had  reached  that  capital, 
where  they  were  received  with  enthusiastic  joy: 
and  this  advanced  guard  was  soon  after  followed 
liy  General  Benkendorf's  biigade,  which,  after 
travelling  by  post  from  Zwoil  to  llarderwyk, 
embarked  at  the  latter  place,  and,  by  the  aid  of  a 
favourable  wind,  reached  Amsterdam  on  the  Ist 
December.  The  Russian  general  immediately 
advanced  against  the  forts  of  Mayder  and  Hulf- 
weg,  of  which  he  made  himself  master,  taking 
twenty  pieces  of  cannon  and  000  prisoners;  while 
on  the  eastern  frontier,  General  Oppen,  witli 
Bulow's  advanced  guarcls,  cerried  Dornbourgby 
assault  on  the  23d,  and,  advancing  against  Arn- 
hcim,  threw  tlie  garrison,  8,000  strong,  which 
strove  to  prevent  tlie  place  being  invested,  with 
great  loss  back  into  the  town.  Next  day,  Bulow 
himself  came  up  with  tlic  main  strength  of  his 
corps,  and,  us  i.ie  ditches  were  still  dry,  hazarded 
an  escalade,  which  proved  entirely  successful; 
the  greater  part  of  the  garrison  retiring  to  Nime- 
giien,  by  the  bridge  of  the  Rhine.  Tlio  French 
troops,  finding  themselves  thus  threatened  on  all 
sides,  witlidrew  altogether  from  Holland:  the 
fleet  at  the  Texel  hoisted  the  orange  flag,  with 
the  exception  of  Admiral  Verhuel,  who,  with  a 
body  of  marines  that  still  proved  faithful  to  Na- 
poleon, threw  himself  with  honourable  fidelity 
into  the  fort  of  the  Tcxel.  Amsterdam,  amidst 
transports  of  entliusiasm,  received  the  beloved 
representative  of  tlie  House  of  Oraiige.  Before 
tlie  close  of  the  year,  the  tricolour  flag  floated  only 
on  Bergenop-zoom  and  a  few  of  the  southern 
frontier  fortresses;  and  Europe  beheld  the 
prodigy  of  the  seat  of  war  having  been  trans- 
ferred in  a  single  year  from  the  banks  of  tlic 
Niemen  to  those  of  the  Scheldt." — Sir  A.  Alison, 
Hist,  of  Europe,  1789-1815,  eh.  82  (p.  17). 

A.  D.  1814  (May — June).— Belgium,  or  the 
former  Austrian  pro^'inces  and  Liige,  an- 
nexed to  Holland,  and  the  kingdom  of  the 
Netherlands  created.  See  France:  A.  D. 
1814  (Apru.,— June)  ;  and  Vienna,  The  Con- 

ORESS  OF. 

A.  D.  1815.— The  Waterloo  campaign.— 
Defeat  and  overthrow  of  Napoleon.  See 
France:  A.  D.  1815  (.Iune). 

A.  D.  1816.— Accession  to  the  Holy  Alli- 
ance.   See  Hoi.v  Alliance. 

A.  D.  1830-1832. — Belgian  revolt  and  acqui- 
sition of  independence. — Dissolution  of  the 
kingdom  of  the  Netherlands. — Creation  of  the 
kingdom  of  Belgium. — Siege  of  Antwerp  cita- 
del.— "In  one  sense  the  union  "  of  Belgium  witli 
Holland,  in  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands 
created  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  "was  de- 
fensible. Holland  enjoyed  more  real  freedom 
tlia  ■  ,\ny  other  Continental  monfxrchy ;  and  the 
Be'.^ians  had  a  voice  in  the  government  of  the 
united  tcrr'tory.  But,  in  another  sense,  the 
union  was  singularly  unhappy.  The  jihlegmatic 
Dutch  Protestant  wiis  as  indisposed  to  unite  with 
the  light-hearted  Roman  Catholic  Belgian  as  the 
languid  waters  of  the  Saone  with  the  unpetucus 
torrent  of  the  Rhone.  Different  as  were  the 
rivers,  they  met  at  last;  and  diplomatists  proba- 
bly hoped  that  Dutch  and  Belgians  would  siiiii- 


2300 


NETHERLANDS,  1830-183*2. 


Btlfjian 
Imtt'jH'ndencr. 


NETHERLANDS,  1880-1889. 


Iftrty  oombino.  Tlioso  hopp»  were  (lisnppointcd, 
and  the  two  people,  inenpal)le  of  union,  cnili'av- 
oured  to  fiixl  iiulciicndcnt  courses  for  themselves 
in  gepiimte  elmnncls.  The  grounds  of  HelKlitn 
dislike  to  the  union  were  intelligible,  BelgTiini 
had  n  popidation  of  3,400,000  souls;  llollnnd  of 
only  3,000,000  persons.  Yet  Iwth  eountries  had 
nn  equal  representation  in  the  States-General, 
ndgium  was  taxed  more  heavily  than  Holland, 
and  the  produecof  taxation  went  almost  entirely 
into  Dutch  pockets.  The  Court,  which  was 
Dutch,  resided  in  Holland.  The  public  offlces 
wore  In  Holland.  Four  persons  out  of  every  live 
in  the  public  service  at  home  were  Dutchmen. 
The  army  was  almost  exclusively  commanded 
hy  Dutchmen.  Dutch  professors  were  appointed 
to  educate  tlic  Belgian  youths  in  Belgian  schools, 
and  a  Dutch  director  was  placed  over  the  Bank 
of  Brussels.  The  Court  even  cn(leavoure<i  to 
change  tlie  language  of  the  Belgian  race,  and  to 
substitute  Dutch  for  French  in  "11  'idicial  pro- 
ceedings. The  Belgians  were  r  ..liy  irritated. 
.  .  .  On  the  2nd  of  June,  the  States-General  were 
dissolved ;  the  elections  were  peacefully  con- 
cluded ;  and  the  closest  observers  failed  to  detect 
anv  symptoms  of  the  coming  storm  on  the  politi- 
cal horizon.  The  storm  wliicli  was  to  overwhelm 
the  union  was,  in  fact,  gathering  in  another 
country.  The  events  of  July  [at  Paris]  were  to 
shake  Europe  to  the  centre.  'On  all  sides 
crowns  were  failing  into  the  gutter,'  and  the 
shock  of  revolution  m  Paris  was  felt  perceptibly 
in  Brussels.  Nine  years  before  the  States-Gen- 
eral had  imposed  a  mouture,  or  tax  upon  flour. 
The  tax  had  been  carried  by  a  very  small  ma- 
jority; and  the  majority  had  been  almost  en- 
tirely composed  of  Dutch  members.  On  the 
25th  of  August,  1830,  the  lower  orders  in  Brus- 
sels engaged  in  a  serioiis  riot,  ostensibly  directed 
against  this  tax.  The  offlces  of  d  newspaper, 
conducted  In  the  interests  of  the  Dutch,  were 
attacked;  the  house  of  the  Minister  of  Justice 
was  set  on  Arc ;  tlie  wine  and  spirit  shops  were 
forced  open ;  and  the  mob,  maddened  by  li<iuor, 
proceeded  to  other  acts  of  pillage.  On  the 
morning  of  the  26th  of  August  the  troops  were 
called  out  and  instructed  to  restore  order.  Vari- 
ous conflicts  took  place  between  the  soldiers  and 
the  people;  but  the  former  gained  no  advantage 
over  the  rioters,  and  were  witiidrawn  into  tlie 
Place  Royale,  the  central  square  of  the  town. 
Relieved  from  the  interference  of  the  mil'tary, 
the  mob  continued  the  work  of  destruction. 
Respectable  citizens,  dreading  tlie  destruction  of 
their  property,  organised  a  guard  for  tlie  preser- 
vation of  order.  Order  was  preserved ;  but  the 
task  of  preserving  it  had  converted  Brussels  into 
an  armed  camp.  It  had  placed  the  entire  con- 
trol of  the  town  in  the  hands  of  the  inliabitants. 
Men  who  had  unexpectedly  obtained  a  mastery 
over  the  situation  could  liardiv  be  expected  tore- 
sign  the  power  which  events  had  given  to  them. 
They  hod  taken  up  their  arms  to  repress  a  mob ; 
victors  over  the  populace,  they  turned  their 
arms  against  the  Government,  and  boldlj'  des- 
patchea  a  deputation  to  the  king  urging  the 
concession  of  reforms  and  the  immediate  con- 
vocation of  the  States-General.  The  king  had 
received  the  news  of  the  events  at  Brussels  with 
considerable  alarm.  Troops  had  been  at  once 
ordered  to  march  on  the  city ;  and,  on  the  28th 
of  August,  an  army  of  0,000  men  had  encamped 
under  its  walls.     The  citizens,  however,  repre- 


I  sented  tlinl  the  ontranre  of  the  troops  would  be 
I  a  signal  for  tlie  renewal  of  the  disturbances ;  and 
I  the  offlcer  in  command  in  coiisec|uence  ogreed  to 
remain  passively  outside  the  walls.  The  kini; 
sent  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  make  terms  with 
his  insurgent  subject.^.  The  citizens  declined  lo 
admit  the  prince  into  the  city  unless  he  came 
witliout  his  soldiers.  The  prince,  unable  to  ob- 
tain any  iiKHlitlcation  of  tliis  stipulation,  was 
obliged  to  trust  himself  to  the  people  alone.  It 
was  already  evident  that  the  chief  town  of  Bel- 
gium liad  shaken  off  the  control  of  the  Dutch 
Government.  The  king,  compelled  to  submit 
to  the  demands  of  the  deputation,  summoned 
the  States-General  for  the  UStli  of  September. 
But  this  conces.sion  only  induced  the  B<'lgiaiis  to 
raise  their  demands.  'They  had  hitherto  only 
asked  for  reforms:  they  now  demanded  indepen- 
dence, the  dissolution  of  the  union,  and  the  in- 
dependent administriitioii  of  Belgium.  The 
revolution  liad  originally  been  confined  to  Urus- 
sels:  it  soon  extended  to  other  town.s.  Civic 
guanls  were  organised  in  Liege,  Tournay,  Mons. 
Vervicrs,  Bruges,  and  otiier  places.  Imitating 
the  example  of  Brussels,  they  demanded  the  dis- 
solution of  the  union  between  Holland  and  Bel- 
gium. The  troops,  consisting  of  a  mixed  force 
of  Dutch  and  Belgians,  could  not  be  depended 
on;  and  the  restoration  of  the  royal  authority 
was  obviously  impossible.  On  the  13th  of  Sep- 
tember the  States-General  met.  The  question  of 
separation  was  referred  to  them  by  the  king; 
and  the  Deputies  leisurely  applied  themselves  to 
its  conskieration.  In  conformity  with  tlie  tedious 
rules  by  which  their  proceedings  were  regulated. 
Long  before  they  had  completed  the  preliminary 
discussions  wliicli  they  thought  necessary  the 
march  of  events  had  taken  the  question  out  of 
their  hands.  On  the  19tli  of  September  fresh 
disturbances  broke  out  in  nnissels.  The  civic 
guard,  attempting  to  quell  the  riot,  was  over- 
powered ;  and  the  rioters,  elated  with  their  suc- 
cess, announced  tlieir  intention  of  attacking  the 
troops,  who  were  encamped  outside  the  city 
walls.  Prince  Frederick  of  Orange,  concluding 
tliat  action  was  inevitable,  at  last  made  up  his 
mind  to  attack  the  town.  Dividing  tlie  forces 
under  his  command  into  six  columns,  he  directed 
them,  on  the  23r(l  of  September,  against  the  six 
gates  of  the  city.  .  .  .  Three  of  the  columns 
succeeded,  after  a  serious  stniggle,  in  obtaining 
possession  of  the  higher  parts  of  the  city ;  but 
they  were  unable  to  accomplish  any  decisive 
victory.  For  four  days  tlie  contest  was  renewed. 
On  the  27th  of  September,  the  troops,  unable  to 
advance,  were  withdrawn  from  the  positions 
which  they  had  won.  On  the  following  day  the 
Lower  Chamber  of  the  States-General  dcci<led 
in  favour  of  a  dissolution  of  tlio  union.  Tlie 
crown  of  Belgium  was  evidently  dropping  into 
the  gutter;  but  the  king  decided  on  making  one 
more  effort  to  preserve  it  in  his  family.  On  the 
4tb  of  October  he  sent  the  Prince  of  Omnge  to 
Antwerp,  authorising  him  to  form  a  separate 
Administration  for  the  southern  provinces  of  the 
kingdom,  and  to  place  him.self  at  the  head  of  it. 
.  .  .  A'-rangements  of  this  cliaracter  had,  how- 
ever, already  become  impossible.  On  the  very 
day  on  which  the  prince  reached  Antwerp  the 
Provisional  Government  at  Brussels  issued  an 
ordonnance  declaring  tlie  independence  of  Bel- 
gium and  the  immediate  convocation  of  a  Na- 
tional Congress.  ...  On  the  10th  of  October, 


2801 


NETlIfcULANDS,  1800-1888.     The  tu-u  KiHgilom,.    NETIIERLANDH,  1880-1884. 


the  Provlsioniil  flovornmcnt,  fDlliwIng  np  its 
fiirmcr  ordoiiimiiw,  iiwucd  a  swdiiil  dccrcL',  rc^fii- 
littiii>;  tilt'  ('oinpdHitlon  of  the  Nittioiml  Congress 
iitiil  (he  ijiiiilitU'iitioiiA  of  the  electorH.  (>u  the 
lith  the  eleetloiis  were  fixed  for  the  27th  of 
OetolMT.  On  the  lOlh  of  Noveiiiher  tlie  Con- 
press  WHS  fornmlly  opened;  iind  on  the  IHth  the 
!iidepe"deneeof  the  Uelgiiiii  peoi)le  wiis  formiilly 
proeliiiiiied  hy  it.s  iiulhority.  .  .  .  On  the  4th  of 
S'ovcnilier  the  Ministers  of  tlie  live  greiit  Con- 
tinental powers,  iiHsemhled  in  liondon  lit  the  in- 
vitation of  the  King  of  Holland,  deelared  that  an 
annistice  should  immediately  be  eoneluded,  and 
that  the  Dutch  troops  should  be  willuirawn  from 
Ilelgium.  The  signature  of  this  protocol,  on  the 
eve  of  tlie  meeting  of  tlie  National  Congress, 
virtually  led  to  the  ii'(lependenee  of  the  Belgian 
people,  wliich  the  Congress  immediately  pro- 
claimed."— S.  Walpole,  llint.  of  Enyland  from, 
1813,  eh.  11  (p.  2).— It  still  remained  for  the 
Powers  to  provide  a  king  for  lieigium,  and  to 
gain  the  consent  of  the  Dutch  and  Ik'igian  (Jov- 
crnmenls  to  the  territorial  arrangements  drawn 
up  for  them.  The  first  difilciilty  was  overcome 
in  June,  18U1,  by  the  choice  of  Prince  Leopold 
of  Saxe  Coburg  to  be  king  of  Helgiuni.  The 
second  problem  was  complicatecl  by  strong  claims 
on  both  sides  to  the  Qrand  Duchy  of  Luxem- 
burg. The  Confereucc  solved  it  by  dividing  the 
disputed  territory  between  IJclgium  and  Hol- 
land. The  Belgians  accepted  the  arrangement; 
the  King  of  Holland  rejected  it,  and  was  coercetl 
by  France  ftn(.  England,  who  expelled  his  forces 
from  Antwerp,  ■which  he  still  held.  A  Frencli 
army  laid  siege  to  the  citadel,  while  an  English 
fleet  blockaded  the  river  Scheldt.  After  u  bom- 
bardment of  24  days,  December,  1882,  the  citiidel 
surrendered;  but  it  was  not  until  April,  1839, 
the  final  Treaty  of  Peace  between  Belgium  and 
Holland  was  signed.— C.  A.  Fyffe,  IIM.  of  Mod- 
ern Kurope,  v.  2,  ch.  5. 

Also  in:  Sir  A.  Alison,  Ilist.  of  Europe,  1815- 
1852,  ch.  24-25  and  29. 

A.  D.  1830-1884. —  Peaceful  years  of  the 
kingdoms  of  Belgmm  and  Holland. —  Consti- 
tutional and  material  progress. —  The  contest 
of  Catholics  and  Liberals  in  Belgium. — "After 
winning  ita  independence  (IH30)  Belgium  has  also 
been  free  to  work  out  its  own  career  of  prosper- 
ous development.  King  Leopold  L  during  his 
long  reign  showed  himself  tlie  model  of  a  consti- 
tutional sovereign  in  furthering  its  progress. 
The  first  railway  on  the  continent  was  opened  in 
1835  between  Brussels  and  JIalines,  and  its  rail- 
way system  is  now  most  complete.  Its  popula- 
tion between  1830  and  1880  increa.sed  by  more 
than  one-third,  and  now  is  the  densest  in  uU 
Europe,  numbering  5,900,000  on  an  area  only 
twice  as  large  as  Yorkshire.  .  .  .  AVhen  Napo- 
leon in.  seized  on  power  in  France  all  Belgians 
feared  that  he  would  imitate  his  uncle  by  seizing 
Belgium  and  all  land  up  to  the  Rhine;  but  the 
close  connection  of  King  Leopold  [brother  of 
Prince  Albert,  the  Prince  Consort]  with  the  Eng- 
lish royal  house  and  his  skilful  diplomacy 
averted  the  danger  from  Belgium.  Tlie  chief 
internal  trouble  has  been  the  strife  between  the 
liberal  and  clerical  parties.  In  1850  there  were 
over  400  monasteries,  with  some  12,000  monks 
and  nuns,  in  the  laud,  and  the  Liberals  made 
strenuous  efforts  for  many  years  to  abolish  these 
and  control  education ;  but  neither  party  could 
command  a  firm  and  lasting  majority.     In  the 


midst  of  these  eager  disputes  King  Leopold  I. 
died  (1805),  after  seeing  his  kingdom  firn.ly  cs- 
tablished  in  spite  of  ministerial  crise4  every  few 
months.  His  son  Leopold  II.  has  ,ilso  I>ecn  a 
constitutional  sovereign.  In  1867  the  Luxem- 
burg (luestion  seemecl  to  threaten  the  Belgian 
territory,  for  Napoleon  III.  had  iccretly  pro- 
|iose(l  to  Bismarck  that  France  should  take  Bel- 
gium and  Luxemburg,  as  well  as  idl  land  up  to 
the  Hhiiie,  as  the  price  of  bis  friendship  to  the 
new  German  Confederation  [see  Oi;iim,\ny:  A.  D. 
1800-1870],  .  .  Again  in  1870  the  Franco-Ger- 
man war  throw  a  severe  strain  on  Belgium  to 
guard  its  neutrality,  but  after  Sedan  this  danger 
vaniihed.  The  strife  between  the  liberal  and 
clerical  parties  went  on  as  fiercely  in  Belgium  as 
in  France  itself,  and  after  the  rise  and  fall  of 
many  ministries  the  Liberals  succeeded  in  cUisinfj 
the  convents  and  gaining  control  over  State  edu- 
cation. The  constitution  is  that  of  a  limited 
monarchy  with  responsible  ministers,  Senate,  and 
Chamber  of  Deputies.  The  electorate  up  to  1884 
was  limited  to  citizens  paying  42  francs  a  year 
in  direct  taxes,  but  in  1884  it  was  extended  by  the 
clerical  party  acting  for  once  in  connection  with  the 
radicals."  (On  the  revised  constituth)n  of  1803 
see  below:  1892-1893.)  In  the  kingdom  of  the 
Netherlands  (Holland),  King  Willijim,  after  he 
had  been  forced  to  recognize  Belgian  indepen- 
dence, "abdicated  [1840!  in  f,jvour  of  his  son. 
The  latter  soon  restore([  a  good  understanding 
Willi  Belgium,  antl  improved  tlie  finances  of  his 
kingdom ;  so  the  upheavals  of  1848  caused  no 
revolution  in  Holland,  and  only  led  to  a  thorough 
reform  of  its  constitution.  The  Upper  House  of 
the  States-General  consists  of  members  chosen  for 
nine  years  by  the  estates  or  councils  of  the  prov- 
inces, those  of  the  lower  house  by  electors  hav- 
ing a  property  qualification.  The  king's  minis- 
ters are  now  "sponsible  to  the  Parliament. 
Liberty  of  the  press  and  of  public  worsliip  is 
recognised.  The  chief  questions  in  Holland  have 
been  the  reduction  of  its  heavy  debt,  the  increase 
of  its  army  and  navy,  the  improvement  of  agrioid- 
tureand  commerce,  and  the  management  of  large 
and  dililcult  colonial  pos.sessions. "  Holland  ' '  has 
to  manage  28, 000, 000  sub jects  over  the  seas,  mostly 
in  JIalaysia.  She  there  holds  all  Java,  parts  of 
Borneo,  Sumatra,  Timor,  the  Aloliiccas,  Celebes, 
and  the  western  half  of  New  Guinea;  in  South 
America,  Dutch  Guiana  and  the  Isle  of  Cura(?oa. 
It  was  not  till  1882  that  the  Dutch  at  a  great  cost 
freed  the  slaves  in  their  West  Indian  possessions 
[viz.,  the  islands  of  Curagoa,  Aruba,  St.  Martin, 
Bonaire,  St.  Eustuche,  and  Saba] ;  but  their  rule 
in  Malaysia  is  still  conducted  with  the  main  pur- 
pose of  securing  revenue  by  means  of  an  oppres- 
sive labour  system.  The  Dutch  claims  in  Suma- 
tra arti  contested  by  tlie  people  of  Aclieen  in  the 
northern  part  of  that  great  island." — J.  II.  Hose, 
.1  Century  of  Continental  History,  ch.  43. — "The 
politico-religious  contest  lietween  Catholics  and 
Liberals  exists  to  a  greater  or  less  degree  in  all 
Catholic  countries,  and  even  in  Protestant  ones 
possessing,  like  Prussia,  Catholic  provinces:  but 
nowhere  is  political  life  more  completely  absorbed 
by  this  antagonism  tlian  in  Belgium,  nowhere 
are  the  lines  of  the  contest  more  clearly  traced. 
...  In  order  thoroughly  to  grasp  the  meaning 
of  our  politico-religious  strife.  We  must  cast  a 
glance  at  its  origin.  We  find  this  in  the  consti- 
tution atlopted  by  the  Congress  after  the  Revolu- 
tion of  1830.     This  constitution  enjoins  and  sanc- 


2302 


NETHERLANDS,  1830-18M4. 


ch  nuritt< 
Hflyiuii 


NETIIEHLAND8,  1830-1884. 


tlons  nil  tlic  frcccloiii  and  lilicrty  wliicli  has  long 
been  till'  privllctrc  of  Knjjlaml,  ami  of  the  Slates 
.she  has  roiiiKlcil  in  America  anil  Australia.  A 
froe  press,  librrtv  as  reKiuils  iiliicalloi),  freeiloni 
to  form  assoeiations  or  soeictles,  provincial  anil 
eommuiuil  a\itonomy.  representative  uilrninistni 
tion  —  nil  exactly  as  in  Englanil.  How  was  it 
that  the  Congress  of  IHDO,  the  majority  of  wliose 
meniliers  1ielon>ri'il  to  the  Catlinlic  party,  came 
to  vote  in  favour  of  priniipjes  opposeil,  not  only 
to  tho  trailitions,  hut  also  the  liogmas  of  the 
Catholic  Church  V  This  sirif;ular  fact  is  ex- 
plaiiieil  liy  the  writii'KS  of  the  eelehrated  priest 
anil  author.  La  Mennais,  wlioso  opinions  iit  thai 
time  exerciseil  tlie  greatest  inlluence.  La  Men- 
iinis's  lirsl  book,  'L'Kssai  sur  rimliiT' renee  en 
Jlatii^re  de  Uelipion,'  lowered  all  human  reason- 
inf;,  and  delivered  up  society  to  tlie  omnipotent 
guidance  of  the  Pope.  This  work,  entliusiasti- 
cally  perused  by  bishops,  seminarists,  and  priests, 
established  the  nuthor  as  an  \inprece(lented 
nulliority.  Wlien,  after  the  year  IH'JH,  he  pre- 
tended that  the  Church  would  regain  her  former 
power  by  separating  herself  from  the  State,  re 
talning  only  her  liberty,  mostof  his  adndrers  pro- 
fessed themselves  of  his  opinion.  .  .  .  Nearly  all 
Belgian  jirie.sts  were  at  that  time  La  Meiuiaisiens. 
Tliey  accepted  tho  separation  of  Church  and 
State,  and,  in  their  enthusiastic  intoxication, 
craved  but  liberty  to  reconquer  tlie  world.  It  was 
thus  tlmt  Catholics  and  Lil)erals  united  to  vote 
for  Belgium  the  constitution  still  in  cvistencc 
after  a  half-centurv.  In  1832,  I'ope  Gregory 
XVL,  as  Veuillot  tells  us,  'Inirled  a  thunderbolt 
at  the  Belgian  constitution  in  its  cradle.'  Li  a 
famous  Encyclical,  sinci^  incessantly  ipioted,  the 
Pope  declared,  ex  cathedra,  that  modern  liberties 
wei'c  a  iilague,  '  a  delirium,'  from  whence  incalcu- 
lable evils  would  inevitably  How.  Shortly  after- 
wards, the  true  author  of  the  Belgian  constitu- 
tion, La  Alennnis,  Imving  been  to  Home  in  the 
vnin  hope  of  conv^crting  the  Pope  to  his  views, 
was  repulsed,  and,  a  little  later,  cast  out  from 
the  bosom  of  the  Church.  The  separation  was 
f'fTected.  There  was  an  end  to  that  'union 'of 
Catholics  and  Liberals  which  had  overthrown 
King  William  and  founded  a  new  political  order 
in  Belgium.  It  was  not,  however,  till  after  1838 
that  tlie  two  parties  distinctly  announced  their 
antagonism.  .  .  .  The  Liberal  party  is  conipo.sed 
of  all  who,  having  faith  in  human  reason  and  in 
liberty,  fear  a  return  to  tlie  past,  and  desire  re- 
forms of  nil  sorts.  .  .  .  When  Catholics  are 
mentioned  as  opposed  to  Liberals,  it  is  as  regards 
tlieir  political,  not  their  religious  opinions.  The 
Liberals  are  all,  or  ncnrly  all.  Catholics  also;  at 
all  events  by  baptism.  .  .  .  The  Catholic  party 
is  guided  oflicially  by  the  bishops.  It  is  com- 
posed, in  tlie  first  place,  of  all  the  clc-"y,  of  the 
convents  nnd  monasteries,  and  of  those  who  from  a 
sentiment  of  religious  obedience  do  as  they  are 
directed  by  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  nnd  tlie 
Pope,  and  also  of  genuine  Conservatives,  other- 
wise called  reactionists  —  that  is  to  say,  of  those 
■who  consider  that  liberty  lends  to  anarchy,  and 
progress  to  communism.  This  section  comprises 
the  great  mass  of  the  proprietors  and  cultivators 
of  the  soil  and  the  country  populations.  .  .  .  We 
see  that  in  Belgium  p'lrticsnro  divided,  nnd  tight 
seriously  for  nn  idea ;  they  nre  separated  by  no 
material,  but  by  spiritual  interests.  The  Liberals 
defend  liberty,  wliich  they  consider  menaced  by 
the  aims  of  the  Church.    The  Cutholics  defend 


religion,  which  they  look  upon  n8  threntened  by 
their  adversaries' doct lines.  Both  desire  to  for- 
tify tliiinsi'lve^  against  a  danger,  non  existent 
yet,  but  which  they  foresee.  .  .  .  The  educa- 
tional i|ui'stion,  wliich  has  been  the  centre  of  the 
political  life  of  the  country  during  the  last  two 
years,  desiTVes  expounding  in  detail.  Impor- 
tant in  itself,  and  more  inipurtant  still  in  its  con- 
sii|uenci's,  it  is  everywhere  di.4cussed  with  pas- 
sion. Primary  education  was  organi/.iil  liere  in 
IXV',  by  a  law  of  coniproiiiise  ailnpli'il  by  the 
two  parties,  thanks  to  .M.  .1.  1).  Nolhoinli,  one  of 
the  founders  of  the  Belgian  (.'(institution,  who 
ilieil  recently  in  Berlin,  where  he  hud  been  Uel- 
ginn  .Minister  for  a  space  of  upwards  of  forty 
years.  This  law  enacted  that  every  purl  ill  should 
po.ssess  .schools  siillicienl  for  the  miniber  of  chil- 
dren needing  instruction;  but  it  allowed  the 
'commune'  to  adopt  private  schools.  The  in- 
spection of  the  public  sdiools  and  the  control  of 
the  religious  teaching  given  by  the  masters  anil 
mislres.ses,  was  reserved  to  the  clergy.  Advanced 
Liberals  began  to  clamour  for  tl'e  supiiression  of 
tills  liiltir  clause  as  soon  as  they  perceived  tho 
lueiiondeiating  inlluence  it  gave  the  priests  over 
tlie  lay  teachers.  The  reform  of  the  law  of  184'J 
bi'(  ame  the  wntchword  of  tlie  Liberal  party,  and 
this  was  ultimately  elTected  in  .luly,  IH70;  now 
eacli  pari.sli  or  village  must  provide  the  sdiools 
necessary  for  the  children  of  its  inlinbitants,  and 
must  not  give  support  to  any  private  school. 
Ecclesiastical  inspection  is  suitpressed.  Ueligious 
instruction  may  be  given  by  the  ministers  of  tlie 
various  denominations,  in  the  .school  buildings, 
but  out  of  the  regular  hours.  This  system  has 
been  in  force  in  Holland  since  the  commence- 
ment of  tlie  present  century.  Lay  instruction 
only  is  given  by  the  communal  masters  and  mis- 
tresses; no  dogmas  are  taught,  but  the  school  is 
open  to  the  clergy  of  all  denominations  who 
choose  to  enter,  as  it  is  evidently  tlieir  duty  to  do. 
This  system,  now  introduced  in  Belgium,  has 
been  accepted,  without  giving  rise  to  any  dilll- 
culties,  by  botli  Protestants  and  Jews,  but  it  is 
most  veliemently  condemned  by  the  Ciitholic 
lirie.sthooil.  ...  In  less  than  a  year  they  have 
succeeded  in  opening  n  private  .si  liool  in  every 
commune  nnd  village  not  formerly  possessing 
one.  In  this  instance  the  Catholic  party  has 
shown  a  devotedness  really  remarkable.  ...  At 
the  same  time  in  all  the  Churches,  and  nearly 
every  Sunday,  the  Government  schools  have  been 
attacked, stigmatized  as '  ecoles  sans  Dieu'  (schools 
witliout  Ooil),  to  be  avoided  as  the  plague,  and 
where  parents  weri!  forbidden  to  place  their  chil- 
dren, under  pain  of  committing  tlie  greatest  sin. 
Those  who  disobeyed,  and  allowed  their  children 
still  to  freijuent  the  communal  schools,  were  de- 
prived of  the  Sacraments  of  the  Church.  Tliey 
were  refiLsed  nb.v)lution  at  confession,  and  the 
Eucharist,  even  at  Easter.  All  the  schoolmas- 
ters and  mistresses  were  placed  under  the  ban  of 
the  Church,  and  the  priests  often  even  re- 
fused to  pronounce  a  blessing  on  their  marriage. 
It  is  only  lately  that,  contrarj-  instructions  hav- 
ing been  received  from  Bome,  this  extreme  step 
is  now  very  rarely  resorted  to.  The  Liberal  ma- 
jority in  tlie  House  has  ordered  a  Parliamentary 
in((Uiry  —  which  is  still  in  jjrogress,  and  the  re- 
sults of  whicli  in  this  last  six  months,  Hll  the 
columns  of  our  newspapers  —  in  order  to  ascer- 
tain by  what  means  the  clergy  succeed  in  tilling 
their  schools.  ...  As  a  natural  consequence  of 


2303 


NETIIEHLANDS,  1830-1884. 


Reviteil 
Cuiulitulion: 


NETHEHLANUSJ,  1803-1803. 


the  cxcpbbIvc  lieut  of  I  lie  conflict,  tlio  two  partit'8 
cud  l)y  juHlifylnj;  llic  m<iimilli>ii(i  of  tlicir  iidvcr- 
iMricH.  The  LilxTitlH  Ih'coiiic  iiiilircliKioniittH, 
bvcuiiHc  rcllKiuii  In  —  uiid  Ih  diiilv  becoming  more 
and  more  —  iintilibcnil;  imd  llie  CiitliolicM  are 
ufniid  of  lilierty,  becuiiHU  it  in  used  »K"ii»*t  tl»''i° 
fuitli,  wliicli  Ih,  in  tlicir  opinion,  the  only  true 
und  the  ncceswiry  fonndiition  of  civili/.ution. 
.  .  .  Tlie  e.\lHtcnc<!  in  Ilclgiiitn  of  two  parties  so 
iliNlinctly  and  clcjirly  s<'paratcd,  olTcrs,  however, 
some  compensation:  it  favours  the  (jimmI  working 
of  i'arliamentary  government." — E.  de  I,aveleye, 
T/ie  I'olitieal  Coiiiliiion  of  Helf/iuiii  (CoiUemixirary 
lUv.,  April,  1882),  m).  7ir>-Ta4,  irithU  ■■ii.ite. 

(Belgium):  A.  D.  1876-1890.  —  The  found- 
ing of  the   Congo   Free   State     See    Congo 

FltKK  HTATK. 

(Holland,  or  the  Kingdom  of  the  Nether- 
lands): A.  D.  1887.— Revision  of  the  Consti- 
tution.— Tlie  c<]iiHlitutlon  of  1848  (see  above).  In 
the  Kingdom  of  the  Netlierliinds,  was  n'vised  in 
1887,  but  ill  a  very  conservative  spirit.  At- 
tempts to  make  tlie  suHruge  universid,  and  to 
rfject  a  sepamtion  of  church  and  state,  were  de- 
leated.  The  sullrage  (luidiflciuion  liy  tax-pay- 
ment was  reduced  to  ten  guilders,  and  certain 
classes  of  l(Kigers  were  also  adniilted  to  the 
franchise,  more  than  doubling  thi^  total  number 
of  voters,  wliich  is  now  estimated  to  be  about 
290,000.  All  private  soldiers  and  noncoinmis- 
sioned  ollicers  of  the  regular  army  are  excluded 
from  the  franchisi'.  The  upper  cliamlier  of  the 
States  General  is  elected  as  before  by  the  Provin- 
cial States,  but  its  membership  is  raised  to  fifty. 
The  secoud  chamber,  consisting  of  one  hundred 
members,  is  chosen  directly  by  the  voters.  In 
the  new  constitution,  the  succession  to  the  throne 
is  definitely  prescribed,  in  the  event  of  a  failure 
of  direct  heirs.  Three  collateral  lines  of  descent 
are  designated,  to  be  accepted  in  tlicir  order  as 
follows:  1.  Princess  Sophia  of  Saxony  and  her 
issue;  2.  tlic  desccndantJi  of  tiie  lato  Princess 
Mainan  of  Prussia;  3.  tlie  descendants  of  the 
late  Princess  Mary  of  Wied.  The  late  king  of 
the  Netherlands,  William  III.,  died  in  1890, 
leaving  only  a  daughter,  ten  yeirs  old,  to  suc- 
ceed him.  The  young  queen,  Wilhelminu,  is 
reigning  under  the  regency  of  her  mother. — The 
Statetmaii't  Year-book,  1804. 

Also  in:  The  Annual  Register,  1887. — Apple- 
ton's  Annual  Cyclopadia,  1887. 

(Belgium):  A.  D.  1892-1893.— The  revised 
Belgian  Cor>.ititution.— Introduction  of  plural 
Suf^age. — A  great  agitation  among  the  Belgian 
workingmeu,  ending  in  a  formidable  strike,  in 
1890,  was  only  quieted  by  the  promise  from  the 
government  of  a  revision  of  the  constitution  and 
the  introduction  of  universal  suffrage.  Tlie 
Constituent  Chambers,  elected  to  perform  the 
task  of  revision,  were  opened  on  the  11th  of 
Julv,  1892.  The  amended  constitution  was  pro- 
mulgated on  the  7th  of  September,  1893.  It 
confers  the  suffrage  on  every  citizen  twenty-flve 
years  of  age  or  over,  domiciled  in  the  same  com- 
mune for  not  less  than  one  year,  and  not  under 
legal  disqualification.  The  new  constitution  is 
made  especially  interesting  by  its  introduction  of 
a  s.'stem  of  cumulative  or  plural  voting.  One 
supplementary  vote  is  conferred  on  every  mar- 
ried citizen  (or  widower),  thirty-five  years  or 
more  of  age,  having  legitimate  issue,  and  paying 
at  least  five  francs  per  annum  house  tax;  also  on 
every  citizen  not  less  than  twenty-five  years  old 


who  owns  real  property  to  the  value  of  2,000 
francs,  or  who  di'rivcs  an  iiicoine  of  no'  less  than 
100  francs  a  year  trom  an  invesi.nient  in  the  puliliu 
debt,  or  from  the  savings  bank.  Two  supple- 
mcntary  votes  are  given  to  each  citizen  twenty- 
five  years  of  age  who  has  received  certain 
diplomns  or  discharged  certain  functions  which 
imply  the  possession  of  11  sup<;rior  education. 
The  same  citizen  may  accumulate  votes  on  more 
than  one  of  these  (|Uallfiratioiis,  but  none  Ih  al- 
lowed to  cast  more  than  three.  On  the  adopllijii 
of  the  new  coiistitulion,  the  Hrussels  i orrespon- 
dent  of  the  "London  Times"  wrote  to  that 
journal:  "  This  article,  which  adds  to  maiihixMl 
sullrage  as  it  exists  in  France,  Spain,  Oerinany, 
Switzerland,  the  United  Stiitcs,  md  the  Aus- 
tralian colonies,  tlie  safi-giiard  of  a  double  and 
triple  suffrage  accorded  to  age,  mn  Huge,  and 
paternity,  as  well  as  to  the  ])ossessioii  of  money 
saved  or  inhcritn:,  or  of  a  profession,  will  con- 
stitute OIK!  of  the  distinguishing  marks  of  tho 
new  Helgian  C<mstitutioii.  As  it  reposes  upon 
the  just  principle  that  votes  must  be  considered 
in  reference  to  their  weight  rather  tlian  to  their 
numbers,  it  hits  had  the  effect  of  putting  an  im- 
mediate end  to  the  violent  political  crisis  which 
disturbed  the  country.  It  has  been  accepted 
without  much  enthusiasm,  indeed,  Imt  as  ,1  rea- 
sonable compromise.  The  moderates  ol'  all 
classes,  who  do  not  go  to  war  for  alistract  theories, 
think  that  it  has  a  prospect  of  enduring."  An 
attempt  to  introduce  proportional  representjition 
along  with  the  plural  suffrage  was  defeated. 
The  constitution  of  the  Senate  raised  questicms 
hardly  less  important  tlian  those  connected  with 
the  elective  fninchise.  Says  the  correspondent 
quoted  above:  "The  lulvanced  Itadical  and 
Socialist  parties  had  proposed  to  '  upplenient  tliu 
Chamber,  the  political  representation  of  the  ter- 
ritorial interests  of  the  country,  by  a  Senate  rep- 
resenting its  economic  interests.  The  great 
social  forces  —  capital,  labour,  and  science  —  in 
their  application  to  agriculture,  industry,  and 
commerce,  were  each  to  send  tlicir  representa- 
tives. It  may  be  that  this  formula,  which  .vould 
have  made  of  the  Belgian  Senate  an  Assembly 
sui  generis  in  Europe,  may  become  the  formula 
of  tlie  future.  The  Belgian  legislators  hesitated 
before  the  novelty  of  th.  idea  and  the  ditHculty 
of  its  application.  This  combination  rejected, 
there  remained  for  tho  Senate  only  the  alterna- 
tive between  two  systems  —  namely,  to  separate 
that  Assembly  from  the  Chu:!-.ber  by  its  c.-igin 
or  else  by  Its  composition.  The  Senate  and  the 
Government  preferred  the  first  of  these  solutions, 
that  is  to  say  direct  elections  for  the  Chamber, 
an  election  by  two  degrees  for  the  Senate,  eitlier 
by  the  members  of  the  provincial  councils  or  by 
specially  elected  delegates  of  the  Communes. 
But  these  proposals  encountered  from  all  tlie 
benches  in  tlie  Chamber  a  general  resistance." 
The  result  was  a  compromise.  The  Senate  con- 
sists of  76  members  elected  directly  by  the 
people,  and  26  elected  by  the  provincial  councils. 
The  term  of  each  is  eight  years.  The  Senators 
chosen  by  the  councils  are  exempted  from  a  prop- 
erty (|ualification ;  those  popularly  elected  are 
required  to  be  owne  s  of  real  property  yielding 
not  less  than  12,000  francs  of  income,  or  to  pay 
not  less  than  1,200  francs  in  direct  taxes.  The 
legislature  is  empowered  to  restrict  the  voting 
for  Senators  to  citizens  thirty  years  of  age  or 
more.    The  members  of  the  Chamber  of  llepre- 


2301 


NETHEHLAND8,  ia02-l«oa. 


NEW  CASTILE. 


RcntiUivcs  lire  nnptirtloiu'd  luronlliig  to  nopuln- 
tlou  iiii'l  I'lirti'd  .'or  four  yciirs,  oiio  liiiff  retir- 
ing every  two  years.  Tlie  Sermtc  and  (Miiunber 
meet  niiniiiilly  in  November,  iiiiil  ure  reiniireil 
to  Ih!  ill  KCMsiou  for  ut  leuat  forty  (luyH;  but  tliu 
Kin);  limy  coiivoli(-  e.\triior(liimry  seHHioim,  aiul 
may  illssolvo  tlie  ClminberH  either  Hepiinitely  or 
togctlier.  In  nuu^  of  ii  iliy.>ioliition,  tlie  eoiiKtitii- 
tlon  requires  an  election  to  be  held  within  forty 

NEUCHAT§L  :  Separation  from  Prussia. 
See  SwiT/KUl,.\Ni):  A.  iV  18():t-lHt8. 

NEUENBERG:  Capture  by  Duke  Bern- 
hard  (1638).     SeeOKUMANY:  A.  [).  Ili:t4-l((:)l). 

NEUSTRIA.     See  At  hthabia. 

NEUTRAL  GROUND,  The.  Seo  United 
Statks  OK  A.M. :  A.  1).  1780  (AuotisT— Skptkm- 

IIKU). 

NEUTRAL  NATION,  The.   See  Amkuican 

AHOUIOINKH:    lIlllllNS.  itc. 

NEUTRAL  RIGHTS.  See  Unitkd  St.\te8 
OK  Am.  :  A.  D.  1804-1H09. 

NEVADA:  The  aboriginal  inhabitants. 
See  Amkuican  Aiiouioinkw;  Shohhonkan 
Family. 

A.  D.  18^8-1864. — Acquisition  from  Mexico. 
— Silver  discoveries. — Territorial  and  State 
organization. — "Ceded  to  the  United  States  at 
the  same  time,  and,  indeed,  as  one  with  California 
[see  Mkxico:  A.  I).  1848],  this  region  of  the  Span- 
ish domain  had  not,  like  that  weut  of  the  Sierra 
Nevada,  a  distinctive  name,  but  was  described 
by  local  names,  and  divided  into  valleys.  In 
March  following  the  treaty  with  Mexico  and  the 
discovery  of  gold,  the  iuhabitimts  of  Salt  Lake 
valley  met  and  organized  the  state  of  Deseret, 
the  boundaries  of  which  included  the  whole  of 
the  recently  acquired  Mexican  territory  outside 
of  California,  and  something  more."  But  Con- 
gress, failing  to  recognize  the  state  of  Deseret. 
created  Instead,  by  an  act  passed  on  the  9th  of 
September,  1850.  the  Territory  of  Utah,  with 
boundaries  which  embraced  Nevada  likewise. 
This  association  was  continued  until  1861,  when 
the  Territory  of  Nevada  was  organized  by  act  of 
Congress  out  of  western  Utah.  Meantime  the 
discovery  in  1850  of  the  extraordinary  deposit  of 
silver  wliich  became  famous  as  the  Coiustock 
Lode,  and  other  mining  successes  of  importance, 
had  rapidly  attracted  to  the  region  a  large 
population  of  adventurers.  It  was  this  which 
had  brought  about  the  separate  territorial  organ- 
ization. Three  years  later  the  young  territory 
was  permitted  to  frame  a  state  constitution  and 
■was  admitted  into  the  Union  in  October,  1864.  — 
H.  H.  Bancroft,  Ukt.  of  the  Pdcijic  States,  t.  '20: 
Nevada,  p.  66. 

NEVELLE,  Battle  of  (1381).  Sec  Flan- 
DEUs:  A.  I).  1.379-1381. 

NEVILLE'S  CROSS,  OR  DURHAM, 
Battle  of. — A  crushing  defeat  suffered  by  an 
army  of  the  Scots,  invading  England  under  their 
young  king,  David  Bruce,  wlio  was  taken  pris- 
oner. The  battle  was  fought  near  Durham,  Oc- 
tober 17,  1346.— J.  II.  Burton,  lint,  of  fkMtlamt, 
eh.  25  (».  3).— See  Scotland:  A.  D.  1333-1370. 

NEW  ALBION,  The  County  Palatine  of. 
— By  a  royal  charter,  witnessed  by  the  Deputy- 
General  of  Ireland,  at  Dublin,  June  21,  1634, 
King  Charles  I.  granted  to  Sir  Edmund  Plow- 
den  and  eight  other  petitioners,  the  whole  of 


days,  and  a  meeting  of  the  ChamberH  within  two 
iiionlhn,  Only  the  Chaiiilier  of  UepreHentntl ves 
can  originate  money  hills  or  bills  relating  to  the 
contingent  for  the  army.  The  cxecutlvu  consists 
of  seven  liiinistrieH,  namely  of  Finance,  of  .Iiistiee. 
of  Interior  a-  il  Inslruetloii,  of  War,  of  Itidlways, 
Posts  and  Telegraphs,  of  Foreign  AtTairs,  of 
.Vgrieultiire,  Imriistry  and  Public  Works.  The 
King's  Privy  Council  is  a  ilistinet  IxHly. 

Long  I.sland  ("  .Manitie,  or  Loip.}  Isle  '  ;,  together 
with  forty  leagues  s<iuare  of  ihe  ailjoining  con- 
tinent, constituting  the  salil  domain  a  county 
P'llatine  and  calling  it  New  Alliion,  wliile  the 
island  received  the  mime  of  Isle  Plowden.  "In 
thiS(l(M;ument  the  boundaries  of  New  Albion  are 
so  dctlned  as  to  include  all  of  New  .lersey,  Mary- 
laiKl,  Delaware,  and  Pemisylvaiiia  eiiiliraced  In 
a  8(iuare,  the  eastern  sidtt  of  which,  forty  leagues 


in  length,  extended  (along  tlie  coast)  from  Sandy 
II(H)k  to  Cape  .May,  together  with  Long  Islanil, 
and  all  other  'isle's  ai  d  islands  in  the  sea  within 


ten  leagues  of  the  shores  of  the  said  region.'  The 
province  is  ex'iressly  erected  Into  a  eouiity  pala- 
tine, under  the  jurisdietionof  Sir  Kdmiiiid  l'lo\«- 
den  as  carl,  depending  upcm  his  Majesty's  "  royal 
person  and  iinperi  .'  crown,  as  Iving  of  Irelanif.'" 
Subsequently,  within  the  year  10;U,  the  whole  of 
the  grant  was  ac(|uired  by  and  became  vested  in 
Plowden  and  his  three  sons.  Sir  Edmund,  who 
(I'vd  in  1659,  spent  the  remainder  of  his  life  in 
futile  attempts  to  make  good  his  claim  against 
the  Swedes  on  the  Delaware  and  the  Dutch,  and 
iu  exploiting  his  magnilieent  title  as  Karl  Pala- 
tine of  New  Albion.  The  claim  and  the  tilled 
seem  to  have  reappeared  occasionally  among  his 
descendants  until  some  time  near  the  close  of  the 
18th  century. — O.  U.  Keen,  Avte  on  New  Allnoii. 
{Narrative  and  Critiail  Hint,  of  Am.,  J.  lIV/noc, 
ed.,  V.  3.  pp.  457-468). 

Also  in:  8.  IlazanI,  AnnaU  of  Penn.,  pp. 
30-38  <(mi  108-113. 

NEW  AMSTERDAM.— The  name  orig- 
inally given  by  the  Dutch  to  the  city  of  New 
York.  See  New  Youk:  A.  I).  1034;  and  1053. 
Also  the  name  first  given  to  the  village  out  of 
which  grew  tlie  city  of  Buflalo,  N.  Y.  See  New 
Youk:  A.  D.  1786-1709. 


NEW  BRUNSV/ICK:  Embraced  in  the 
Norumbega  of  the  old  geographers.  See 
NoiiCMiiEiiA;  also,  Canada:  Namkh. 

A.  D.  1621-1668. — Included  in  Nova  Scotia. 
See  Nova  Scotia:  A.  D.  1621-1608. 

A.  D.  1713.— Uncertain  disposition  by  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht.  See  Canada:  A.  D.  1711- 
1713. 

A.  D.  1820-1837.— The  Family  Compact. 
See  Canada  :  A.  D.  1820-1837. 

A.  D.  1854-1866.— The  Reciprocity  Treaty 
with  the  United  State*.  See  Tauikf  Leoihi.a- 
TioN  (United  St.^tes  and  Canada):  A.  1). 
1854-1806. 

A.  D.  1867.— Embraced  in  the  Confedera- 
tion of  the  Dominion  of  Canada.  See  Canada: 
A.  D.  1807. 

NEW  CiESAREA,  OR  NEW  JERSEY. 
See  New  Jeusey:  A.  D.  1664-1667. 

NEW  CARTHAGE.— The  founding  of. 
See  Cautiiaoena,  The  Foundino  op. 

NEW  CASTILE.  See  Peku:  A.  D.  1528- 
153V 


2305 


NEW  KNOLANI). 


NEW  ENOLAND. 


NEW  ENGLAND.* 


The  Aboriginal  Inhabltanti.    Sec  Amkiiu  an 

AlKlllllllNKH;     AldONiJI  IAN    KaMII.V, 

The  Norumbega  of  early  Keographeri,    Sco 

NllKIMIlKIIA. 

A.  D.   1498.—  First  coasted  by  Sebastian 

Cabot.      Sic  AMF.IlIt  a:   A     1).   I  tItH. 

A.  D.  1524,— Coasted  by  Verrazano.  Sec 
Amkiika:  a.  I),  IWI-I.VJI. 

A.  D.  1603-1607.— The  voyages  of  Gosnold, 
Pring  and  Weymouth.  Sec  .Xmhiiica:  A.  I». 
itMW-imr*. 

A.  D.  1604.—  Embraced  in  the  region 
claimed  as  Acadia  by  the  French.  Hce  Canada  : 
A.  I),  KKKl-KKI.V 

A.  D.  1605  —Coast  explored  by  Champlain. 
Hco  Canaha:  A.  I),  l(lo;t-l(l(i:i. 

A.  D.  1606.— Embraced  in  the  grant  to  the 
North  Virginia  Company  of  Plymouth.  Ht't- 
ViiiiiiNiA:  A.  I).  IO(Ht  1(107. 

A.  D.  1607-1608.— The  Popham  Colonv  on 
the  Kennebec— The  fruitless  venture  of  the 
Plymouth  Company.  See  JlAiMi;  A.  I).  1007- 
llKIH. 

A.  D.  1614.— Named,  mapped  and  described 
by  Captain  John  Smith,  Sec  Amkiika:  A.  1). 
1014-1(115. 

A.  D.  1630. — The  voyage  of  the  Mayflower 
and  the  planting  of  Plymouth  Colony.     Sir 

JlAHSACIirsKTlS;    A.  I).   lOiO. 

A.  D.  1630-1633.  —  Incorporation  of  the 
Council  for  New  England,  successor  to  the 
Plymouth  Company. — Its  great  domain  and 
its  monopoly  of  the  Fisheries. — '  While  tlie 
king  wiis  <'n);aj;i''l  in  the  ovLTllirow  (if  the  l.oii- 
iloii  coinijiuiy  [hoc  Viikiinia:  A.  I).  1022-1024], 
it8  more  Iiijal  riviil  in  the  West  of  Engliinil  [the 
I'lyinoulh  company,  or  North  Virginia  liraiieh  of 
the  Virginia  company]  soiiglitiiew  letters-patent, 
with  n  great  enlargement  of  their  domain.  The 
remoustrnnees  of  the  Virginia  corporation  and 
the  rights  of  English  commerce  could  delay  for 
two  years,  b\it  not  defeat,  the  measure  that  was 
pressed  by  the  friends  of  the  monarch.  (^11  the 
8d  of  November,  1020,  King  James  incorporated 
40  of  his  subjects — some  of  them  members  of 
his  household  and  his  government,  the  most 
wealthy  and  powerful  of  the  English  nobility — 
ns  '  The  (-"ouncil  established  at  Plymouth,  in  the 
county  of  Devon,  for  the  planting,  ruling,  order- 
ing, and  governing  New  England  in  America.' 
The  territory,  which  was  conferred  on  them  in 
absolut'  property,  with  mdimited  powers  of 
legislation  and  government,  extended  from  the 
40th  to  the  48th  degree  of  north  latitude,  and 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  The  grant  in- 
cluded the  fisheries;  and  a  revenue  was  con- 
sidered certain  from  a  duty  to  be  imposed  on  all 
tonnage  employed  in  them.  The  patent  placed 
emigrants  to  New  England  under  the  absolute 
authority  of  the  corporation,  and  it  was  through 
grants  from  that  plenary  power,  confirmed  by 
the  crown,  that  institutions  the  most  favorable 
to  colonial  independence  and  the  rights  of  man- 
kind came  into  being.  The  French  derided  the 
action  of  the  British  monarch  in  bestowing  lanils 
and  privileges  which  tlieirown  sovereign,  seven- 
teen years  before,  had  appropriated.  The  Eng- 
lish nation  was  incensed  at  the  larget<.s  of  im- 

*Tlie  grontpr  part  of  New  EiiKlniul  lilstory  is  Blven  pl.se- 
wliere,  ii»  the  lii«topy  of  the  sevi ml  New  KiiKlaiid  states, 
anil  is  ouly  iuUv.\eU  iu  this  place,  iustead  of  being  repeated. 

O 


lucn.sc  moiiop(j|i('M  by  the  royal  prerogative;  and 
in  April.  1(121.  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  brought  thi^ 

Jtrlevaiice  liel'ore  the  house  of  commotiH.  .  ,  . 
lilt  the  parliament  was  dissolved  before  a  bill 
could  be  perlVi'ted.  In  1022,  five  and  thirty  sail 
of  vessels  went  to  fish  on  the  coasts  of  New  Eng- 
land, and  made  good  voyages.  The  inonono- 
llstH  appeided  to  King  .lames,  and  he  IhsuiiI  a 
proclamation,  which  forbade  any  to  approach 
the  norlhcrri  coast  of  America,  except  wilh  the 
li'ave  of  their  company  ,ir  of  the  privy  council. 
In  .June,  102:1,  h'raiicis  West  was  despatched  as 
admiral  of  Nvw  England,  to  exclude  such  fisher- 
men as  eanu'  without  a  license.  Hut  they  re- 
fused to  pay  the  tax  which  he  imposed,  and  his 
iiulfeelual  authorilv  was  soon  resigned." — G. 
IJanerofI,  IUhI.  <-/'  ihis  U.  S.  (Author a  lant  rev.), 
pi.  1,  c/(.  1  !!((•.  1). 

Al.HO  I.N:  ('.  Deane,  .AVie  EmiUind  (Niirratire 
iiiiilCrilinil  Hint.  <if  Am.,  t.  «,  eli.  ()).— Sir  Ferdl- 
nando  (lorges,  y/liiif  Siirnitiini  (.\fiiiiic  Hint.  S>c. 
Coll..  1:  2), 

A.  D.  1621-1631.— The  grants  made  by  the 
Council  for  New  England.  —  Settlements 
planted.— Nova  Scotia,  Maine  and  New  Hamp- 
shire conferred. —  Captain  .John  Mason,  a  native 
of  King's  I.ynn,  in  Norfolk,  became  g4)vernor  of 
Newfounilland  in  1015.  "  While  there  he  wrote 
a  tract  entitled  'A  Brief  Discourse  of  the  New- 
foundland,'and  sent  it  to  his  friend  Sir  .John 
Scot  of  Edinburgh,  to  peruse,  and  to  iirint  if  he 
thought  it  worlliy.  It  was  printed  in  the  year 
1020.  ...  In  till'  spring  or  summer  of  1021, 
Mason  returned  into  Englaii  1,  and  Immediately 
found  proof  of  tli(!  elTect  of  his  little  tract.  .  .  . 
Sir  William  Alexander,  afterwards  Earl  of  Stir- 
ling, immediately  souglit  him  out.  He  had  been 
appointed  Uentl'emnn  of  the  Privy  Chamber  to 
Prince  Henry,  honored  with  Knighthood,  and 
was  Master  of  Heiiuests  for  Scotland.  He  invited 
Mason  to  his  house,  where  he  discus.sed  with  him 
a  scheme  of  Scotch  colonization,  and  he  resolved 
to  undertake  settling  a  colony  in  what  is  now 
Nova  Scotia.  He  begged  Mason  to  aid  him  in 
procuring  a  grant  of  this  territory  from  the 
Council  f()r  New  England,  it  being  "within  their 
limits.  Mason  referred  hi..i  to  Sir  Fer<lliiando 
Gorges,  one  of  the  Council  an<l  their  Tieasuit'r, 
The  king  readily  reccmnnended  Alexander  to 
Gorges,  and  Gorges  heartily  approved  the  plan. 
In  September,  1021,  Alexander  obtained  a  Hoyal 
Patent  for  a  tract  of  land  which  he  called  New 
Scotland,  a  name  attractive  to  his  countrymen. 
This  must  have  been  gratifying  to  Mason,  who 
had  tirged  Scotch  emigration  in  his  tract  printed 
only  a  year  before.  The  Council  for  New  Eng- 
land, established  in  November,  1020,  was  now 
granting  and  ready  to  grant  to  associations  or  to 
individuals  parcels  of  its  vastdomain  iu  America. 
.  .  .  The  second  patent  for  land  granted  by  the 
Council  was  to  Cant.  John  Mason,  bearing  date 
>Iarch  9,  1021-3.  It  was  all  the  land  lying  be- 
tween the  Naumkeag  and  tiio  Merrimac  rivers, 
extending  back  from  the  sea-coast  to  the  heads 
of  both  of  these  rivers,  with  all  the  islands  within 
three  miles  of  the  shore.  Mason  called  this 
>Iariana.  This  tract  of  territory  lies  wliolly 
within  the  present  bounds  of  Slas.sachusetts. 
We  now  arrive  at  a  period  when  Mason  and 
Gorges  have  a  joint  interest  in  New  England. 
On  the  10th  of  August,  1623,  the  Council  made 


306 


NEW  ENor.Axn,  inai-toiii. 


Karly  Oranl: 


NEW  ENOLAXI).  1688. 


a  tlilril  (irnnt.  TliU  was  t"  Oort^cs  iind  Muhkii 
Jointly  of  likiid  lyini;  upnn  tin?  whcoiikI  Iwlwci'ii 
the  ^Il'r^lmn(•  ihkI  iIk-  KciiiipIm'o  riviTH,  cxli'r'.i! 
Ing  tlin't'-sooro  miIIch  Inln  tin-  CDiintry,  wilt,  all 
JhIiiikIii  within  tlvt'  Iciikuch  of  the  pri'inlHcs  to  lie. 
or  Intendi'd  to  Iw,  ciillccl  the  I'rovliice  of  .Miiliii'. 
Thus  was  tlu!  It'rrltnrv  dcHtlncil  hcvcii  vt'iirs  Inter 
to  iH'iir  lliH  niiineof  Kcw  lliunpHldrc,  llrsi  carvrd 
from  tli«  vnHl  domiilii  of  New  Kiigland,  whose 
boiiiulnrleH  were  llxed  liy  tlit^  (jreat  eireles  of  the 
heavens.  Tims  was  ('apt.  Mason  joint  propri- 
etor of  his  territory  afterwards  known  as  N.'W 
HainpHliIrn,  before  a  single  settler  had  liullt  a 
cnhln  on  the  l>am'at»(|iia.  ('apt.  Koliert  Oorjies, 
sou  of  HIr  Fcrdlnancio,  was  authorized  to  K'^e 
tlio  grantees  possession  of  this  new  I'rovlnee. 
Great  enthiiHlasiM  on  the  sulijeet  of  eoloni/allon 
now  pn^vailed  in  England,  extending  from  the 
king,  throni^h  all  ranks.  .  .  .  liefore  the  year 
Wii  oloscii,  the  (Council  issued  many  patents 
for  land,  in  small  divisions,  to  persons  Intending 
to  make  plantations.  Among  the  grants,  Is  one 
to  David  Thomson  and  two  a^.toclales,  of  land 
on  the  Pascatacuni.  The  bounils  and  I'Xtent  of 
this  patent  arc  unknown.  Only  the  fact  that 
giich  a  patent  was  granted  is  pp'served.  .  .  . 
The  Coiineil  for  New  England,  in  view  of  the 
many  intended  settlements,  as  well  as  the  few 
already  made,  now  proposed  to  set  \ip  a  general 

government  in  New  England.  (!apt.  I{<ibert 
lorges,  recently  returned  from  the  Venetian 
ware,  was  appointed Oovemor,  with  ('apt.  Fran- 
cis West,  ('apt.  (y'hrlstopher  Levett,  and  the  gov- 
ernor of  New  I'lymouth  as  his  Couneil.  Capt. 
Gorges  arrived  hero  the  middle  of  September, 
1023,  having  been  preceded  some  months  by 
Capt.  West,  who  was  Vice-Admiral  of  New 
England  as  well  as  ('ouncillor.  Capt.  Levett 
came  as  late  as  November.  .  .  .  Tin-  next  year, 
1624,  war  between  England  and  Spain  broke 
out,  and  drew  off  for  a  while  Gorges  and  .Mason 
from  their  intcrtiits  in  colonization.  Gorges  was 
Captain  of  tlie  Ca.stleand  Island  of  St.  Nicholas, 
at  Plymouth,  n  post  that  lie  bad  held  for  thirty 
years;  and  he  was  now  wholly  taken  up  with 
tlie  duties  of  his  oHice.  Mason's  services  were 
re(iuired  as  a  uoval  olUcer  of  experience.  .  .  . 
In  1626  England  plunged  into  a  war  with  France, 
without  having  ended  the  war  with  Spain.  (Mpt. 
Mason  was  advanced  to  be  Trcastirer  and  Fay- 
master  of  the  English  armies  employed  in  the 
•wars.  There  was  no  time  now  to  think  of 
American  colonization.  His  duties  were  ardu- 
ous. ...  In  1631)  peace  was  made  with  France, 
and  the  war  with  Spain  was  coming  to  an  end. 
No  sooner  were  Gorges  and  Mason  a  little  re- 
lieved from  their  public  duties  than  they  sprang 
at  once  to  their  old  New  England  enterprise. 
They  resolved  to  push  forward  their  interests. 
They  came  to  some  understanding  about  a  divis- 
ion of  their  Province  of  Maine.  On  the  7th  of 
November,  1629,  a  day  memorable  in  the  liistory 
of  New  Ilampsidre,  the  Council  granted  to  Ma- 
son a  patent  of  all  tliat  part  of  the  Province  of 
Maine  lying  between  the  Merrimac  and  Pascata- 
qua  rivers;  and  Mason  called  it  New  Hampshire, 
out  of  regard  to  the  favor  in  v.'hich  he  held 
Hampshire  in  England,  where  he  had  resided 
many  years.  .  .  .  This  grant  had  hardly  been 
made  when  Champlain  was  brought  to  London, 
a  prisoner,  from  Canada,  by  Kirke.  The  French 
liad  been  driven  from  that  region.  Gorges  and 
Jlason  procured  immediately  a  grant  from  the 


Couneil  of  a  vast,  tra<'l  of  lanil  in  the  region  of 
Lake  Champlain.  .tiipposed  to  be  not  oidy  a  line 
eouMlry  for  peltry,  liut  to  contain  vast  mini'nti 
wealth.  The  Province  was  called  Laeorda  on 
account  of  the  luimerous  lak"S  supposed  or 
known  to  be  there,  and  was  the  most  northern 
grant  hitherto  made  by  the  Council.  The  pjitent 
bears  date  Nov,  17.  KI'JU.  only  tiMi  days  later 
than  Mason's  New  Hampshire  grant.  .  .  .  For 
the  pnrposit  of  advancing  the  interestsof  OorgcH 
and  Mason  in  Lacr>nla  as  well  as  on  the  Pasca- 
taipia,  they  joined  with  them  six  merchaids  in 
London,  and  ncelved  from  the  Council  a  grant 
dated  Nov.  SI,  tlllll,  of  a  tnict  of  lunil  lying  on 
both  sides  of  the  Pascataipia  river,  on  the  sea- 
cou  and  within  territory  already  owned  by 
Got  (  and  Ma.son  In  severalty.  This  jiatent, 
calleii  the  Pascataqua  Patent,  eoveri'd,  on  the 
west  side  of  the  river,  the  present  towns  of 
Portsmouth,  Newcastle,  Itycand  part  of  Green- 
land; on  the  east  side,  Kittery,  Kliot,  the  Her- 
wleks,  and  the  western  part  I)f  Lebanon." — C. 
W.  Tuttlc,  t',iiil<iiii  .Mm  .Mnanii  (I'rin.'e  Sot. 
I'uliliratioHii,  18M7),  pp.  12-24. 

Also  in.  S.  F.  Haven,  (Iniiiln under  tlir  Oreitt 
('iiiinrilfor  iV-iB  /Hill/,  (hurell  limt.  Lertn.:  Early 
IIM.  of  Mnxii.,  pp.  127-162).— .1.  P.  liaxler,  ed., 
Sir  Fcrilinnnili)  llonieit  and  Ith  I'mriiiei:  nf  \[iiine 
(I'ritw  S,>r.  I'libn.  1«D0).— .1.  G.  Palfrey,  Jlint.  of 
Afin  Kill/.,  V,  1,  ;).  S97,  fix'tiiote. — See,  also, 
M.vssACllusKTTs;  A.  1).  li)2;i-1620;  and  CoN- 
.m:(  riciT:  A.  D.  1631 

A.  D.  1623-1629. — The  Dorchester  Company 
and  the  roval  charter  to  the  Governor  and 
Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  See  .Mabsa- 
ciiL's|.:rTs:  A.  I).  162:1-16211. 

A.  D.  1639.— The  new  patent  to  Plymouth 
Colony.     Sec  MAssAciii'siirTs:  A.  1).  162;!-I62U 

Pl.VMOt'TII  ('OI.O.NV. 

A.  D.  1629-1630. — The  immigration  of  the 
Governor  and  Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay 
with  their  charter.  See  Massachusktts:  A.  D. 
162U-1630. 

A.  D.  1634-1637. — The  pioneer  settlements 
in  Connecticut.  See  (onnkcticut:  A.  D. 
1034-16;t7. 

A.  D.  1635. — Dissolution  of  the  Council  for 
New  England  and  partitioning  of  its  territorial 
claims  by  lot.— "  The  Council  Uiv  New  England, 
having  struggled  through  nearly  (ifteen  years  of 
maladministration  and  ill-luck,  had  yielded  to 
the  discouragements  whicli  beset  it.  IJy  the 
royal  favor,  it  had  triumphed  over  tlie  rival  Vir- 
ginia Company,  to  be  overwhelmed  in  its  turn 
by  the  just  jealousy  of  Parliaiiient,  and  by  dis- 
sensions among  its  members.  The  Council,  hav- 
ing, by  profuse  and  inciinsistent  grants  of  its 
lands,  exhausted  its  common  property,  as  well 
as  its  credit  with  purclia.sers  for  keepiiig  its  en- 
gagements, had  no  motive  to  continue  its  organ- 
ization. Under  these  circumstances,  it  deter- 
mined on  a  resignation  of  its  cliarter  to  the  king, 
and  a  surrender  of  tlie  administration  of  its  do- 
m  lin  to  a  General  Governor  of  his  appointment, 
on  the  coni^ition  that  all  the  territory,  a  largo 
portion  of  which  by  its  corporate  action  had 
already  been  alienated  to  other  parties  [see  above : 
A.  D.  1621-1631],  should  be  granted  in  severalty 
by  the  king  to  the  members  of  the  Council. 
Twelve  associates  accordingly  proceeded  to  a 
distribution  of  New  England  among  themselves 
by  lot ;  and  nothing  was  wanting  to  render  the 
transaction  complete,  and  to  transfer  to  them  the 


3-48 


230  ( 


NEW  ENGLAND,  1635. 


Pequut  War. 


NEW  ENGLAND,  1687. 


ov/ncrship  of  timt  region,  except  to  oust  the  pre- 
vious patentee's,  of  wliom  tlie  most  powerful 
body  were  colonists  In  Masstielmsetts  Uiiy.  To 
effect  tills,  Hlr  John  Hanks,  Attorney-Oenernl, 
brought  a  writ  .it  '  (pio  wnrninto '  in  Westmin- 
ster Jiall  against  the  Massachusetts  Company 
[se-e  Massaciiusktts:  A.  D.  1034-1637].  .  .  . 
It  seemed  that,  when  a  fi'w  more  forms  should 
1k'  gone  through,  nil  would  be  over  with  the 
presumptuous  Colony.  .  .  .  Hut  .  .  .  every- 
thing went  on  as  if  Weslminster  llr.U  had  not 
spoken.  '  The  Lord  frustrated  their  design. ' 
1  he  disorders  of  the  mother  country  were  a  safe- 

fuard  of  the  infant  liberty  of  New  England." — 
.  O.  Palfrey,  J/int.  uf  New  Unr/.,  v.  1,  ch.  10.— Tn 
the  parcelling  of  New  England  by  loi  among  the 
members  of  the  Council,  the  divisions  were: 
(1)  Between  the  St.  Croix  and  Pei.mquid,  to 
AVilliam  Alexander.  (3)  Prom  Penuiquid  to 
Sagadahoc,  in  part  to  the  Marquis  of  llandlton. 
(3)  Hetwcen  the  Kennebec  and  Androscoggin ; 
nnd  (4)  from  Sagadahoc  to  Piscatiuiua,  to  Sir  F. 
Gorges.  (5)  Prom  Piscntaqua  to  the  Naumkeag, 
to  Mason.  (6)  From  the  Naumkeag  round  the 
Bca-coast,  by  Cape  C(h1  to  Narragansett,  to  the 
Marquis  of  llandlton.  (7)  From  Narragansett 
to  the  half-way  bound,  between  that  and  the 
Connecticut  Uiver,  and  50  miles  up  into  tlie 
country,  to  Lord  Edward  Gorges.  (8)  From  this 
midway  point  to  the  Connecticut  River,  to  the 
Earl  of  Carlisle.  (9  and  10)  From  the  Connecti- 
cut to  the  Hudson,  to  the  Duke  of  Lennox.  (11 
and  12)  From  the  Hudson  to  the  limits  of  the 
Plymouth  Comi)any's  territory,  to  Lord  Mul- 
griive. — W.  C.  Bryant  and  S.  U.  Gay,  llitt.  of 
the  U.  S.,  V.  1,  p.  ^'Al,  foot-note. 

Ai.soiN:  T.  Hutchinson,  Iliit.oftfie  Coloni;  of 
Mass.  Hay,  v.  1,  jh  48-50. 

A.  D.  1636. —  Providence  Plantation  and 
Roger  Williams.  Sec  Massaciiusktts:  A.  D. 
1030;  ar.d  Kiiodk  Island:  A.  D.  1636. 

A.  D.  1636-1639. — The  first  American  con- 
stitution,— The  genesis  of  a  state.  See  Con- 
nkcticut:  a.  D.  1636-1639. 

A.  D.  1636-1641.  —  Public  Registry  laws. 
See  Law,  Com.mon:  A.  I).  1080-1641. 

A.  D.  1637.— The  Pequot  War.— "The  re- 
gion extending  from  the  bounds  of  Uhodc  Island 
to  the  banks  of  the  Hudson  was  at  the  time  of 
the  colonization  he'.d  in  strips  of  territory  mainly 
by  three  tribes  ri  the  natives,  who  Jiad  long  had 
feuds  among  '.iiemselves  and  with  otiicr  tribes. 
They  were  tlie  Narragausctts,  the  Mohegans,  and 
the  Pequots.  The  Jlohegans  were  then  tribu- 
taries of  the  Pequots,  ond  were  restive  under 
subjection  to  their  fierce  and  warlike  conquerors, 
who  were  estimated  to  number  nt  the  time  1,000 
fighting  men.  .  .  .  The  policy  of  the  whites  was 
to  aggravate  the  dissensions  of  the  tribes,  and  to 
make  alliance  with  one  or  more  of  them.  Win- 
throp  records  in  March,  1631,  the  visit  to  Boston 
of  a  Connecticut  Indian,  probably  n  Mohegan, 
who  invited  tlie  English  to  come  and  plant  near 
the  river,  and  who  olTered  presents,  with  the 
promise  of  a  profitable  trade.  His  object  proved 
to  be  to  engage  the  interest  of  the  whites  against 
the  Pequots.  His  errand  was  for  ilie  time  un- 
successful. Further  advances  of  a  similar  char- 
acter were  made  afterwards,  the  result  being  to 
persuade  the  English  that,  sooner  or  later,  they 
■would  ueed  to  interfere  as  umpires,  and  must 
use  discKtion  in  a  wise  regard  to  what  would 
prove  to  be  for  their  own  interest.     In  1633  the 


Pe()Uot8  had  savagely  mutilated  and  murdered  u 
party  of  English  tra  lers,  who,  under  Cupt.iiu 
Stone,  of  Virginia,  bad  gone  up  the  Connecticut. 
The  Boston  magistrates  had  instituted  measures 
to  call  the  Pecjuots  to  account,  but  nothing 
effectual  was  done.  Tlie  Dutch  had  a  fort  on  the 
river  near  Hartford,  and  the  English  liad  built 
one  nt  its  mouth.  In  1038  several  settlements 
had  been  made  in  Connecticut  by  the  English 
from  Cambridge,  Dorchester,  and  other  places. 
.John  Oldham,  of  Wntertown,  bad  in  that  year 
1  ecu  murdered,  while  on  a  trading  voyage,  by 
some  Indians  belonging  on  Block  Island.  To 
avenge  this  act  our  magistrates  sent  Endicott,  as 
general,  with  a  body  of  90  men,  with  orders  to 
kill  all  the  mule  Indians  on  that  island,  sjinring 
only  tJie  women  and  little  children.  He  accom- 
plished bis  bloody  work  only  in  part,  but  after 
destroving  all  the  corn-flelds  and  wigwams,  he 
turnecl  to  hunt  the  Pequots  on  the  main.  After 
this  expedition,  which  simply  exasperated  the 
Pecjuots,  they  made  a  desjieratc  effort  to  induce 
the  Narragansetts  to  come  into  a  league  with 
them  against  the  English.  It  seemed  for  a  wliils 
as  if  they  would  succee<l  in  this,  and  tlie  conse- 
(luences  would  doubtless  have  been  most  disas- 
trous to  tlic  whites.  The  scheme  was  thwarted 
largely  through  the  wise  and  friendly  interven- 
tion of  Uoger  Williams,  whose  diplomacy  was 
made  effective  by  the  confidence  which  \\\i  red 
neighbors  had  in  him.  The  Narr.igansett  mes- 
sengers tlien  entered  into  a  friendly  league  with 
the  English  in  Boston.  All  through  the  winter 
of  1637  the  Pecjuots  continued  to  pick  off  the 
whites  in  their  territory,  and  they  mutilated,  tor- 
tured, roasted,  aud  murdered  at  "least  thirty  vic- 
tims, becoming  more  aud  more  vindictive  and 
cruel  in  their  doings.  There  were  then  in  Con- 
necticut some  250  Englishmen,  and,  as  has  been 
said,  about  1,000  Pequot  'braves.'  The  authori- 
ties in  Connecticut  resolutely  started  a  military  or- 
ganization, giving  the  command  to  the  redoubta- 
ble John  Vinson,  a  Low-Country  soldier,  who  had 
recently  gone  from  Dorchester.  Mas.iachusetts 
and  Plymouth  contributed  their  quotas,  having 
as  allies  the  Mohegans,  of  whose  fidelity  they 
had  fearful  misgivings,  but  who  proved  con- 
stant though  not  very  effective.  Of  the  160  men 
raised  by  Massachusetts,  only  about  20,  under 
Captain  Uuderhill, —  a  good  fighter,  but  a  sorry 
scnmp, —  reached  the  scene  in  seasonto  join  with 
Mason  in  surprising  the  unsuspecting  and  sleep- 
ing Pequots  in  one  of  their  forts  neartho  Mystic. 
Fire,  lead,  and  steel  with  the  infuriated  ven- 
geance of  Puritan  soldiers  against  murderous  and 
tiendish  heathen,  did  effectively  the  exterminat- 
ing work.  Hundreds  of  the  savages,  in  their 
maddened  frenzy  of  fear  and  dismay,  were  shot 
or  run  through  as  they  were  impaled  on  their 
own  palisades  in  tlieir  efforts  to  rush  from  their 
blazing  wigwams,  crowded  within  their  frail  en- 
closures. The  English  sliowed  no  mercy,  for 
they  felt  none.  ...  A  very  few  of  the  wretched 
savages  escaped  to  another  fort,  to  which  tlie 
victorious  English  followed  them.  This,  how- 
ever, they  soon  .abandoned,  taking  refuge,  with 
their  old  people  and  children,  In  the  protection 
of  swamps  and  thickets.  Here,  too,  the  English, 
who  had  lost  but  two  men  killed,  though  they 
bad  many  wounded,  and  who  were  now  rein- 
/orccd,  pursued  and  surrounded  them,  allowing 
the  aged  and  the  children,  by  a  parley,  to  come 
out.    The  men,  however,  were  mostly  slain,  and 


2308 


NEW  ENGLAND,  1637. 


Confederation. 


NEW  ENGLAND,  1043. 


the  feeble  remnnnt  of  them  whicli  sought  protec- 
tion iiinong  the  so-cnlled  river  Iiuliaiis,  higher  up 
tlie  Connecticut,  nml  nmong  tlie  Molmwlts,  were 
but  Bcorntully  a'ceived, —  tiie  Pecpiot  sachem 
Snssncus,  being  belieudcil  by  tlie  hitter.  A  few 
of  the  prisoners  were  sold  in  the  West  Indies  ns 
slaves,  others  were  reduced  to  the  same  humilia- 
tion among  the  Mohegans,  or  ns  farm  and  house 
servants  to  the  English.  .  .  .  liut  the  alHances 
into  which  the  whiti'S  hud  entered  in  order  to  di- 
vide their  savage  foes  were  the  occasions  of 
future  entanglements  in  a  tortuous  policy,  and 
of  later  bloody  struggles  of  an  appalling  char- 
acter. .  .  .  ^n  all  candor  the  admission  must  be 
made,  that  the  Christian  white  men  .  .  .  allowed 
themselves  to  be  trained  by  the  experience  of  In- 
dian warfare  into  a  savage  cruelty  and  a  des- 
perate vcngefulness." — G.  E.  Ellis,  T/ie  Indians 
of  Ekuttevii  Stam.  {.\fciiion<il  Hint,  of  limton,  r.  1, 
pp.  352-254).— "  More  than  dOO  [of  the  I'eciuots] 
liad  been  slain  in  the  war,  and  less  than  2U()  re 
maiijed  to  share  the  fate  of  cajjtives.  These 
w.';re  distributed  amf-ng  the  Narragansets  and 
Mohegans,  witli  the  pledge  that  they  should  no 
more  be  called  Pequots,  nor  inliabit  their  native 
cou.'ilry  again.  To  make  the  anniliilation  of  the 
race  yet  more  complete,  their  very  name  was  ex- 
tinguished in  Connecticut  by  legislative  act. 
Pcqmt  river  was  called  the  Thames,  Pequot 
town  was  named  New  London." — S.  G.  Arnold, 
Mist,  if  Rhode  Mind,  v.  1,  ch.  3. 

Also  in:  G.  II.  IloUister,  Hint,  of  Conn.,  ch. 
2-3.— G.  E.  Ellis,  Life  of  John,  Mason  (Library  of 
Am.  TiiiKj. ,  series  2,  v.  3). 

A.  D.  1638.— The  purchase,  settlement  and 
naminp:  of  Rhode  Island. — The  founding  of 
New  Haven  Colony.  Sec  Kiiode  Island:  A.  D. 
1038-1&10;  and  Connecticut:  A.  D.  1638. 

A.  D.  1639.— The  Fundamental  Agreement 
of  New  Haven.   See  Connecticut:  A.  I).  1639. 

A.  D.  1640-1644. — The  growth  of  popula- 
tion and  the  rise  of  towns. — The  end  of  the 
Puritan  exodus. — "Over  20,000  persons  are 
estimated  to  have  arrived  in  New  England  in  the 
fifteen  years  before  the  assembling  of  the  Long 
Parliament  [1640] ;  one  liundrcd  and  '  ''lety-eight 
ships  bore  them  over  the  Atlantic;  ani  the  whole 
cost  of  their  transportation,  and  of  the  establish- 
ment of  the  plantation,  is  computed  at  about 
£200,000,  or  nearly  a  million  of  dollars.  The 
progress  of  settlement  had  been  proportionally 
rapid.  .  .  .  Ilingham  was  settled  in  1634.  New- 
bury, Concord,  and  Dedliam  were  incorporated 
in  1635.  And  from  tliat  date  to  1043,  acts  were 
passed  incorporating  Lyim,  North  Chelsea,  Salis- 
bury, Rowley,  Sudbury,  Braintree,  Woburn, 
Glouci-o.cr,  liaverhill,  Wcnham,  and  Hull. 
AVest  of  AVorcester,  the  only  town  incorporated 
within  the  present  limits  of  llic  state  was  Spring- 
field, for  wliich  an  act  was  [lassediu  1036.  These 
little  municipalities  were,  in  a  measure,  peculiar 
to  New  England ;  each  was  sovereign  within  it- 
self;  each  sustained  a  relation  to  the  whole,  nu- 
alogous  to  that  which  the  states  of  our  Union 
hold  respectively  to  the  central  power,  or  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States ;  and  the  idea 
of  the  formation  of  such  communities  was  prob- 
ably derivecl  from  tlie  parishes  of  England,  f(>r 
each  town  was  a  parisli,  and  each,  as  it  was  in- 
corporated, was  required  to  contribute  to  the 
maintenance  of  the  ministry  ns  the  basis  of  its 
grant  of  municipal  rights.  Four  cour"''s  were 
erected  at  this  time:  Suffolk,  Essex.  Middlesex, 


and  Old  Norfolk,  idl  which  were  incorporated  in 
1043.  Each  of  the  first  three  ccmtained  eight 
towns,  and  Old  Norfolk  six."— J.  S.  Harry,  Hist, 
of  Afass.,  r.  1,  eh.  H. — "Events  in  England  hud 
now  [1640]  rea<:lied  a  crisis,  and  the  Puritan 
juirty,  rising  rapi.lly  into  power,  no  longer 
looked  to  America  for  n  "fuge.  Tlie  great  tide 
of  emigration  ceased  tt  'ow;  but  the  govern- 
ment of  Massiicliu.sctts  cut  on  wisdy  and 
strongly  under  the  alternating  rule  of  Winthnp, 
Dudley,  and  IJellingham.  The  English  troubles 
crippled  the  holders  of  the  Ma  ,011  and  Gorges 
grants,  and  the  settlements  in  Ne  v  llanip.shire — 
whithe;  Wheelwright  had  gone,  and  where  tur- 
bulence had  reigned — were  gradually  added  to 
the  jurisdiction  of  Jlassuchusetts.  In  domestic 
matters  everything  went  smoothly.  There  was 
some  trouble  with  Ik'llingham,  and  Winthrop 
was  again  111  ide  Governor  [1042].  The  oath  of 
allegiance  to  tlie  King  taken  by  the  magistrates 
was  abandoned,  because  Charles  violated  the 
privileges  of  Parliament,  and  the  last  vestige  of 
dependence  vanished.  Massachusetts  was 
divided  into  counties;  and  out  of  a  ludicrous 
contest  about  a  stray  pig,  in  which  deputies  and 
magistrates  took  different  sides,  grew  a  very  im- 
liortant  controversy  as  to  the  powers  of  deputies 
and  assistants,  which  resulted  [1044]  in  tlie  divis- 
ion of  llic  legislature  into  two  branches,  and  a 
consequent  improvement  in  the  symmetry  and 
solidity  of  the  political  system." — II.  C.  Lodge, 
Short  Hist,  of  the  En;/.  Colonies,  ch.  18. — See, 
also.  Township  and  To'..n-meetino. 

A.  D.  1640-1655.— Colonizing  enterprises  of 
New  Haven  on  the  Delaware.  See  New 
Jeksev:  a.  D.  1040-1655. 

A.  D.  1643. — The  confederation  of  the  col- 
onies.—  111  May,  1043,  "a  confederacy,  to  be 
known  as  the  United  Colonics  of  New  England, 
was  entered  into  at  Boston,  between  delegates 
from  Plymouth,  Connecticut,  and  New  Haven 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  General  Court  of 
Jlassachusctts  on  the  other.  Supposed  dangers 
from  the  IiuUans,  and  their  quarrels  with  the 
Dutch  of  M.;aliatt«n,  had  induced  the  jieople  of 
Connecticut  to  withdraw  their  formal  objections 
to  this  measure.  Two  commissioners  from  each 
colony  were  to  meet  annually,  or  oftener,  if 
necessary ;  the  sessions  to  be  held  alternately  at 
Boston,  Hartford,  New  Ilavcn,  and  Plymouth; 
but  Boston  was  to  have  two  sessions  for  one  at 
each  oi  l!ie  itlier  places.  The  commissioners, 
all  of  whoi.i  must  be  church  members,  were  to 
choose  a  president  from  among  themselves,  and 
everything  was  to  be  decided  by  six  voices  out 
of  the  eight.  No  war  was  to  be  declared  by 
either  colony  without  the  consent  of  the  com- 
missioners, to  whose  province  Indian  affairs  and 
foreign  rclatious  were  especiallv  assigned.  The 
sustentation  of  the  '  truth  and  liberties  of  the 
Gospel' was  declared  to  be  one  great  object  of 
this  alliance.  All  war  expenses  were  to  be  a 
common  charge,  to  be  apportioned  according  to 
the  number  of  male  inhabitants  in  each  colony. 
Uiinaway  servants  and  fugitive  criminals  were 
to  be  delivered  up,  a  provision  afterward  intro- 
duced into  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States; 
and  the  commissioners  soon  recommended,  what 
remained  ever  after  the  practice  of  New  England, 
and  ultimately  became,  also,  a  provision  of  the 
United  States  Constitutio  1,  that  judgments  of 
courts  of  law  and  probates  of  wills  in  each  colony 
should  have  full  faith  and  credit  in  all  the  others. 


2309 


NEW  ENGLAND,  1643. 


King  Phlllp't 
tfur. 


NEW  ENGLAND,  1674-1673. 


Tlic  commissioners  from  Miissiicliusctts,  ns  rcpri-- 
svnting  bv  far  the  most  powerful  colony  of  the  alli- 
ance, cluimed  an  lionorary  precedence,  wliicli  the 
otiiors  readily  conceded.  Plymoutli,  though  far 
outgrown  by  Massachusetts,  and  even  by  Con- 
necticut, had  made,  however,  some  progress. 
It  now  contained  seven  towns,  and  had  lately 
adopted  a  representative  system.  But  tlie  old 
town  of  Plymouth  was  in  decay,  the  people 
being  drawn  off  to  the  new  settlements.  Brad- 
ford liad  remained  governor,  except  for  four 
years,  during  two  of  which  lie  liad  been  re- 
lieved by  Edward  Winslow,  and  the  other  two 
by  Thomas  Prince.  New  Haven  was,  perhaps, 
the  weakest  member  of  the  alliance.  Besides  that 
town,  the  inhabitants  of  which  were  principally 
given  to  commerce,  tliere  were  two  others.  Mil- 
ford  and  Guilford,  agricultural  settlements; 
Southold,  at  the  eastern  extrendty  of  Long 
Island,  also  acknowledged  the  jurisdiction  of 
New  Haven,  and  a  new  settlement  had  recently 
been  established  at  Stamford.  .  .  .  The  colony 
of  Connecticut,  not  limited  to  the  towns  on  the 
river,  to  which  several  new  ones  had  already 
been  added,  included  also  Stratford  and  Pair- 
field,  on  the  coast  of  the  Sound,  west  of  New 
Haven.  .  .  .  Tlie  town  of  Southampton,  on 
Long  Island,  acknowledged  also  tlie  jurisdiction 
of  Connecticut.  Fort  Saybrook,  at  the  mouth  of 
the  river,  was  still  an  independent  settlement, 
and  Fenwlck,  as  the  head  of  it,  became  a  party 
to  the  articles  of  confederation.  But  the  next 
vcar  he  sold  out  his  interest  to  Connecticut,  and 
into  that  colony  Saybrook  was  absorbed.  .  .  . 
Gorges's  province  of  Maine  was  not  received  into 
the  New  England  alliance,  '  because  tlie  people 
there  ran  a  different  course  both  in  their  ministry 
and  civil  admir'stration.'  The  same  objection 
applied  with  still  ga-ater  force  to  Aquiday  and 
Providence." — R.  Uildreth,  Hist,  of  the  IT.  h.,eh. 
10  (r.  1). 

Also  in:  J.  8.  Barry,  Jlist.  of  Mass.,  v.  1,  ch. 
11.— G.  P.  Fisher,  The  Colonial  Era.  ch.  8. 

A.  D.  1644. — The  chartering  of  Providence 
Plantation,  and  the  Rhode  Island  Union. 
See  Rhode  Island:  A.  D.  1638-1647. 

A.  D.  1649-1651.— Under  Cromwell  and  the 
Commonwealth.  Sec  MAssACiiusiiTTs :  A.  D. 
1649-1631. 

A,  D.  1650.  —  Adjustment  of  Connecticut 
boundaries  with  the  Dutch.  Seo  New  Youk  : 
A.  D.  1650. 

A.  D.  1651-1660. — The  disputed  jurisdiction 
in  Maine.  —  The  claims  of  Massachusetts 
made  good.    See  Maine:  A.  D.  1613-1677. 

A.  D.  1656-1661. — The  persecution  of  Qua- 
kers.   See  MA88.\cnusETT8:  A.  I).  1650-1661. 

A.  D.  1657-1662.— The  Halfway  Covenant. 
Seo  Boston:  A.  D.  1657-1669. 

A.  D.  1660-1664.  —  The  protection  of  the 
Kegicides.  See  Connecticut:  A.  D.  1660- 
1664. 

A.  D.  1660-1665.— Under  the  Restored  Mon- 
archy.— The  first  collision  of  Massachusetts 
with  the  crown.  See  Massachusetts:  A.  D. 
1600-1005. 

A.  D.  1662. — The  Union  of  Connecticut  and 
New  Haven  by  Royal  Charter.  See  Connecti- 
cut: A.  D.  1662-1004. 

A.  D.  1663.  —  The  Rhode  Island  charter, 
and  beginning  of  boundary  conflicts  with 
Connecticut,  See  Rhode  Island  :  A.  D.  1600- 
1668. 


A.  D.  167A-1675.— King  Philip's  War:  Its 
causes  and  oeginning.— "The  I'okauokets  had 
always  rejoctecl  the  Christian  faith  and  Cliristian 
manners,  and  their  chief  liad  desired  to  insert  in 
a  treaty,  what  the  Puritans  always  rejectecl,  that 
tlie  English  should  never  attemjit  to  convert  the 
warriors  of  his  tribe  from  the  religion  of  their 
race.  The  aged  Mas-sassoit  —  ho  who  had  wel- 
comed the  pilgrinis  to  the  soil  of  New  England, 
and  had  opened  his  cabin  to  shelter  the  founder 
of  Rhode  Island  —  now  slept  with  his  fathers, 
and  Philip,  his  son,  had  siiceeeded  him  as  head 
of  the  allied  tribes.  Repeated  sales  of  land  liad 
narrowed  their  domains,  and  the  English  had 
artfully  crowded  them  into  the  tongues  of  land, 
as  'most  suitable  and  convenient  for  them,'  ami 
as  more  easily  w:  'clied.  The  i)riiicipal  seats  of 
the  Pokanokets  were  the  peninsulas  which  we 
now  call  Bristol  and  Tiverton.  As  the  English 
villages  drew  nearer  and  nearer  to  them,  their 
hunting-grounds  were  put  under  culture,  their 
natural  parks  were  turned  into  pastures,  their 
best  fields  for  planting  corn  wore  gradually 
alienated,  their  fisheries  wore  impaired  by  more 
skilful  methods,  till  they  found  themselves  de- 

f)rived  of  their  broad  acres,  and,  by  their  own 
egal  contracts,  driven,  ns  it  were,  into  tlie  sea. 
Collisions  and  mutual  distrust  were  the  neces- 
sary consequence.  There  exists  no  evidence  of 
a  deliberate  conspiracy  on  the  part  of  all  the 
tribes.  The  commencement  of  war  was  acci- 
dental ;  many  of  the  Indians  were  In  a  maze,  not 
knowing  what  to  do,  and  disposed  to  stand  for 
the  English;  sure  proof  of  no  ripened  con- 
spiracy. But  they  had  the  same  complaints, 
recollections,  and  fears;  and,  when  they  met, 
they  could  not  but  grieve  together  at  the  alien- 
ation of  the  domains  of  their  fathers.  Tliey 
spurned  the  English  claim  of  jurisdiction  over 
them,  and  weio  indignant  that  Indian  chiefs  or 
\  arriors  should  be  arraigned  before  a  jury. 
And,  when  the  language  of  their  anger  and  sor- 
row was  reported  to  the  men  of  Plymouth  colony 
by  an  Indian  tale-bearer,  fear  professed  to  dis- 
cover in  their  unguarded  words  the  evidence  of 
an  organized  conspiracy.  The  haughty  Philip, 
who  liad  once  before  been  compelled  to  sur- 
render his  'English  arms'  and  pay  an  onerous 
tribute,  was,  in  1674,  summoned  to  .submit  to  an 
examination,  and  could  not  escajio  suspicion. 
The  wrath  of  his  tribe  was  roused,  and  the  in- 
former was  murdered.  The  murderers,  in  their 
turn,  were  identified,  seized,  tried  by  a  jury,  of 
which  one  half  were  Indians,  and,  in  June,  1075, 
on  conviction,  were  hanged.  The  young  men 
of  the  tribe  panted  for  revenge ;  without  delay, 
eight  or  nine  of  the  English  wore  slain  in  or 
about  Swnnsey,  and  the  alarm  of  war  spread 
through  the  colonies.  Thus  was  Philip  hurried 
into  'his  rebellion;'  and  he  is  roporte(l  to  have 
wept  as  he  hoard  that  a  white  maa's  blood  had 
been  shed.  .  .  .  Wliat  chances  had  he  of  suc- 
cess? The  English  were  united ;  the  Indians  had 
no  alliance,  and  half  of  them  joined  the  English, 
or  were  quiet  spectators  of  the  fight:  the  Eng- 
lish had  guns  enough ;  few  of  the  Indians  were 
well  armed,  and  they  could  get  no  new  supplies: 
the  Eiiglisli  had  tow  is  for  their  shelter  and  safe 
retreat;  the  miserable  wigwams  of  the  natives 
were  defcnceloss:  the  Englisli  had  sure  supplies 
of  food ;  the  Indians  might  easily  lose  their  pro- 
carious  stores.  They  rose  without  hope,  and 
they   fought  without  mercy.      For  them  as  a 


2310 


NEW  ENGLAND,  167;-107r). 


King  r;iil/;>« 
War. 


NEW  ENGLAND,  1675. 


niition  tlitri'  wiis  no  to-morrow.  .  .  At  the  lirsl 
aluriii,  VDliintL'crs  fnjiii  .Miis.siu'liU8('ttH  joiiii'd  tliu 
troops  of  Ply  mouth;  on  the  Iwftityiiintli  of 
June,  within  ii  week  from  tlie  bejiinning  of 
host.lities,  tlic  Pokiinokets  were  driven  from 
Moutit  Hope:  and  in  less  timn  a  month  Philip 
was  a  fugitive  among  the  Nipmucks,  the  in- 
terior tribes  of  Miissiichusetts.  The  little  iiriny 
of  the  colonists  then  entered  the  territory  of  the 
Narragansetls.  'ind  from  the  reluetant  tribe  e.\- 
torted  a  treat)  jf  neutrality,  with  a  promise  to 
deliver  up  every  hostile  Indian.  Victory  seemed 
promptly  assured.  But  it  was  only  the  com- 
mencement of  horrors.  Canoncliet,  the  chief 
sachem  of  tlie  Narragansetts,  was  the  son  of 
Mittiitonomoli;  and  could  he  forget  his  father's 
wrongs?  Desolation  extended  along  the  whole 
frontier.  Banislicd  from  his  patrimony  where 
the  pilgrims  found  a  friend,  and  from  his  cabin 
wliic)i  had  sheltered  exiles,  Philip  and  his  war- 
riors spread  through  the  country,  awakening 
tlieir  race  to  a  warfare  of  extermination." — 
G.  Bancroft,  Jliat.  of  the  U.  S.  {author's  taut  rev.), 
pt.  2,  ch.  5  (b.  1). — "At  tins  time,  according  to 
loose  estimates,  there  iniiy  have  been  some  36,000 
Iiidiaiijj  and  60,000  whites  in  New  E.,<;lan(l ; 
10,000  of  the  former  lit  for  war,  and  15,000  of 
the  latter  capable  of  bearing  arms.  ...  At  the 
out«et,  the  Narragansetts,  numbering  2,000  war- 
riors, did  not  actually  second  Philip's  resistance. 
But  Canonchet,  their  sacliem,  might  well  re- 
member the  death  of  his  father  Aliantonomo 
[who,  taken  prisoner  in  a  war  with  the  Mo- 
hegans,  and  surrendered  by  them  to  the  English, 
in  1643,  with  a  reiiuest  for  permission  to  put 
him  to  deatli,  was  deliberately  returned  to  liis 
savage  captors,  on  advice  taken  from  the  min- 
isters at  Boston  —  doomed  to  death  without  his 
knowledge].  .  .  .  No  efforts  at  conciliation  seem 
to  have  been  made  by  cither  party;  for  the 
whites  felt  tluir  superiority  (were  they  not  '  the 
Lord's  chosen  people?');  and  Philip  knew  the 
desperate  nature  of  the  struggle  between  united 
and  well-armed  wliites,  and  divided  uncontrolled 
savages ;  yet  when  the  emergency  came  he  met 
it,  and  never  faltered  or  plead  from  tliat  day 
forth."— C.  W.  Elliott,  The  A'ew  Jinff.  JIUt.,  v. 
1,  ch.  40. 

Also  in  :  B.  Church,  Hist,  of  King  Philip's 
War  (PnncaSoc.  Pub.  1867).— S.  G.  Drake,  Ab- 
original Paces  of  N.  Am.,  bk.  3. 

A.  D.  167s  (July— September). —  King 
I'hilip's  War :  Savage  successes  of  the  Indian 
enemy. — Increasing  rage  and  terror  among 
the  colonists. — The  Nipmucks,  into  whose  coun- 
try Philip  retreated,  "had  already  commenced 
hostilities  by  attacking  Mendon.  Tliey  waylaid 
and  killed  Captain  Hutchinson,  a  son  of  the 
famous  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  and  16  out  of  a  party 
of  20  sent  from  Boston  to  Brookfleld  to  parley 
with  tliem.  Attacking  Brookfleld  itself,  they 
burned  it,  except  one  fo*ilicd  house.  The  in- 
habitants were  saved  by  Major  Willard,  who,  on 
information  of  their  danger,  came  with  a  troop 
of  horse  from  Lancaster,  thirty  miles  through 
the  woods,  to  their  rescue.  A  b(Kiy  of  troops 
presently  arrived  from  tlie  eastwartl,  and  were 
stationed  for  some  time  at  Brookfleld.  The 
colonists  now  found  tlnit  by  driving  Philip  to 
e-ttrcmity  they  had  roused  a  host  of  unexpected 
enemies.  The  River  Indians,  anticipating  an  in- 
tended attack  upon  them,  joined  the  assailants. 
Deerfleld  and  Northfleld,  the  northernmost  towns 


1)11  the  Connecticut  Hiver,  settled  within  a  few 
years  past,  were  attacked  and  several  of  the  in- 
hatiitant-s  killed  and  wounded.  Captain  Heers, 
sent  from  Hadley  to  their  relief  with  a  convoy 
of  provisions,  wii  j  surprised  near  Northfleld  and 
slain,  with  20  of  his  men.  Northfleld  was  aban- 
doned and  l)urned  by  the  Indians.  .  .  .  Driven 
to  the  necessity  of  defensive  warfare,  those  in 
conunand  on  the  river  determined  to  e.stalilish  a 
niaga/.ine  and  garrLson  at  Hadley.  Captain 
Lathrop,  who  had  been  dispatched  from  the 
eastward  to  the  assistance  of  the  river  towns, 
was  sent  with  80  men,  the  flower  of  the  youtli  of 
Essex  county,  to  guard  the  wagons  intended  to 
convey  to  Iladley  3,000  bushels  of  unthrcshed 
wheat,  the  produce  of  the  fertile  Deerfleld 
meadows.  Just  before  arriving  at  Deerfleld, 
near  a  .small  stream  still  known  as  Bloody  Brook, 
under  the  shadow  of  the  abrupt  conical  Sugar 
Loaf,  the  southern  termination  of  the  Deerfleld 
mountain,  Lathrop  fell  into  an  ambush,  and, 
after  a  brave  resistance,  perislied  tliere  with  all 
his  company.  Captain  Jloseley,  stationed  at 
Deerfleld,  marched  to  Ids  assistance,  but  arrived 
too  late  to  help  him.  That  town,  also,  was  aban- 
doned, and  burned  l)y  the  Indians.  Springfleld, 
about  the  same  time,  was  set  on  flre,  but  wa» 
partially  saved  by  the  arrival  of  Major  Treat, 
with  aid  from  Connecticut.  Hatfleld,  now 
the  frontier  town  on  the  north,  was  vigorously 
attacked,  but  the  garrison  succeeded  in  re- 
pelling the  assailants.  Meanwhile,  hostilities 
were  spreading;  the  Indians  on  llie  Merrimac 
began  to  attack  tlie  towns  in  tlieir  vicinity ;  and 
the  whole  of  Massachusetts  was  soon  in  the  ut- 
mo.st  alarm.  Except  in  tlie  immediate  neighbor- 
hood of  Boston,  the  country  still  remained  an  im- 
mense forest,  dotted  by  a  few  openings.  Tlie  fron- 
tier settlements  .  .  .  were  mostly  broken  up,  and 
the  inhabitants,  retiring  towards  Boston,  spread 
everywhere  dread  and  intense  liatred  of  'the 
bloody  heathen.'  Even  the  praying  Indians,  and 
the  small  dependent  and  tributary  tribes,  became 
objects  of  suspicioi^  and  terror.  .  .  .  Not  con- 
tent with  realities  sufliciently  frightful,  super- 
stition, as  usual,  added  liugbears  of  her  own. 
Indian  bows  were  seen  in  the  sky,  and  scalps  in 
the  moon.  The  northern  lights  became  an 
object  of  terror.  Phantom  horsemen  careered 
among  the  clouds,  or  were  heard  to  gallop  in- 
visible through  the  air.  The  howling  of  wolves 
was  turned  into  a  terrible  omen.  The  war  was 
regarded  as  a  special  judgment  in  punishment  of 
prevailing  sins.  .  .  .  About  the  time  of  the  first 
collision  with  Philip,  the  Tarenteens,  or  Eastern 
Indians,  had  attacked  the  settlements  in  Maine 
and  New  Hampshire,  plundering  and  burning- 
the  houses,  and  massacring  such  of  the  inhabi- 
tants as  fell  into  their  hands.  Tliis  sudden  diffu- 
sion of  hostilities  and  vigor  of  attack  from  oppo- 
site quarters,  made  the  colonists  believe  tliat 
Pliilip  had  long  been  plotting  and  had  gradually 
matured  an  extensive  conspiracy,  into  which 
most  of  the  tribes  had  deliberately  enteretl,  for 
tlie  extermination  of  the  whites.  This  belief  in- 
furiated tlie  colonists,  and  suggested  some  very- 
questionable  proceedings.  .  .  .  But  there  is  no 
evidence  of  any  deliberate  concert ;  nor,  in  fact, 
were  the  Indians  united.  Had  they  been  so,  the 
war  would  have  been  far  more  serious.  The 
Connecticut  tribes  proved  faithful,  and  that 
colony  remained  untouched.  Even  the  Narra- 
gansetts, the  most  powerful  confederacy  in  New 


2311 


NEW  ENGLAND,  1675. 


Kino  Philiyt 
War. 


NEW  ENGLAND,  1070-1078. 


Englnnd,  in  spite  ot  so  ninny  formrT  provocn- 
♦I'lns,  liiid  no*  yot  taken  up  nrnis.  Hut  they 
■.vcn.'  !  trongly  suspected  of  intention  to  do  so, 
and  wro  licensed,  notwitlistnnding  llieir  recent 


assurances,  of  giving  aid  and  sliclter  to  tlie  lios- 

tile  tribes."— It. 

1,  cli.  1 


Ilildretl),  Iliit.  of  the  U.  >%,  v. 


Also  i.\:  R.  MarUlmm,  Ifist.  of  Kinp  Philip's 
War,  ch.  7-8.— G.  H.  Hollister,  Hiiit.  of  Conn., 
V.  1,  f/i.  13:— M.  A.  Green,  Sprinfffelil,  1030-1880, 
(•/(.  9. 

A.  D.  1675  (October— December).  -King 
Pliitip's  War  :  The  crushing  of  the  Narragan- 
setts, — "Tlio  attitude  of  tlie  powerful  Niirra- 

fansett  trilio  was  regarded  with  anxiety.  It  was 
nown  tliat,  so  far  from  Itceping  tlicir  compact 
to  surrencier  sucli  enemies  of  the  Engli.nh  as 
sliould  fall  into  their  hands,  they  liad  harliored 
numborsof  Pliilip's  dispersed  retainers  ond  allies. 
While  the  Federal  Commiasioners  were  in  session 
at  Boston  [October],  Canoncliet,  sachem  of  the 
Narrngansetts,  came  thitlicr  witli  other  chiefs, 
and  promised  that  the  hostile  Indians  whom  they 
acknowledged  to  be  then  under  their  protection 
should  be  surrendered  witliin  ten  days.  But 
probably  tlie  course  of  events  on  Connecticut 
liiver  emboldened  them.  At  all  events,  they  did 
not  keep  their  engagement.  The  day  for  the 
surrender  came  and  went,  and  no  Imlians  ap- 
peared. If  that  faithless  tribe,  the  most  power- 
ful in  New  England,  sliould  assume  active  hos- 
tilities, a  terrible  desolation  would  ensue.  The 
Commissioners  moved  promptly.  The  fifth  day 
after  the  broach  of  the  treaty  round  them  reas- 
sembled after  a  short  recess.  They  immediately 
determined  to  raise  an  additional  force  of  1,000 
men  for  service  in  tlie  Narragansett  country. 
They  appointed  OjvernorWinslow.of  Plymouth, 
to  be  commande  -in-chief,  and  desired  the  colony 
of  Connecticut  to  name  liis  lieutenant.  The 
General  was  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  his 
troops  within  six  weeks,  '  a  solemn  day  of  prayer 
and  humiliation'  being  kept  through  all  the  colo- 
nies meanwhile.  .  .  .  Time  was  thus  given  to 
the  Narragansetts  to  make  their  peace  '  by  actual 
performance  ot  their  covenants  made  with  the 
Commissioners;  as  also  making  reparation  for 
all  damages  sustained  by  their  neglect  hitherto, 
together  with  security  for  their  further  tidelity.' 
...  It  is  not  known  whether  Philip  was  among 
the  Narragansetts  at  this  time.  Under  wliatever 
influence  it  was,  whether  from  stupidity  or  from 
confidence,  thevmade  no  furthcrattemptat pacifi- 
cation. .  .  .  The  Massachusetts  troops  marched 
from  Dedham  to  Attleborough  on  the  day  before 
that  which  had  been  appointed  by  tlie  Commis- 
sioners for  them  to  meet  the  Plymouth  levy  ot 
the  northeastern  corner  of  the  Narragansett 
country.  The  following  day  they  reached  See- 
konk.  A  week  earlier,  the  few  English  houses 
at  Quinsiganiond  (Worcester)  had  been  burned 
by  a  party  of  natives;  and  a  few  days  later,  the 
house  of  Jeremiah  Bull,  at  Pettyquamscott, 
which  had  been  designated  as  the  place  of  gen- 
eral rendezvous  for  the  English,  was  fired,  and 
ten  men  and  five  women  and  children,  who  had 
taken  refuge  in  it,  were  put  to  death.  .  .  .  The 
place  wheio  the  Na  rragansetts  were  to  be  sought 
was  in  what  is  now  the  town  of  South  Kingston, 
18  miles  distant,  in  a  northwesterly  direction, 
from  Pettyquarascott,  anc'.  a  little  furtlier  from 
that  Pequot  fort  to  the  aouthwest,  which  had 
been  destroyed  by  the  force  under  Captain  Mason 


forty  years  before.  According  to  information 
afterwards  received  from  a  captive,  the  Indian 
warriors  here  collected  were  no  fewer  than 
8,.')()0.  Thev  were  on  their  guard,  and  had  forti- 
fied their  hold  to  tlie  best  of  their  skill.  It  was 
on  a  solid  piece  of  upland  of  five  or  six  acres, 
wholly  surrounded  by  a  swamp.  On  the  inner 
side  of  this  natural  defence  they  had  driven  rows 
of  paii.sades,  making  a  barrier  nearly  a  rod  in 
tliickiirss;  and  the  only  entrance  to  the  enclosure 
was  <i\er  a  rude  briclge  consisting  of  a  felled 
tree,  four  or  five  feet  from  the  ground,  the 
bridge  being  protected  by  a  block-house.  The 
English  [whose  forces,  after  a  considerable  delay 
of  the  Connecticut  troops,  had  been  nil  a.ssembled 
at  Pettyquamscott  on  Saturday,  December  18], 
breaking  up  their  camp  [on  the  morning  of  tlic 
IDtii]  while  it  was  yet  dark,  arrived  before  the 
place  at  one  o'clock  after  noon.  Having  passed, 
without  shelter,  a  very  cold  night,  they  had  made 
a  march  of  18  miles  through  deep  snow,  scarcely 
halting  to  refresh  themselves  with  food.  In  tills 
condition  they  immediately  advanced  to  the  at- 
tack. The  Massachusetts  troops  were  in  the  vau 
of  the  storming  column;  next  came  tlie  two 
Plymouth  companies'  and  thcii  tlie  force  from 
Connecticut.  Tlie  foremost  of  the  assailants 
were  received  with  a  well-directed  fire,"  and 
seven  of  their  captains  were  killed  or  mortally 
wounded.  "  Nothing  discouraged  by  the  fall  of 
their  leaders,  the  men  pressed  on,  and  a  sharp 
conflict  followed,  which,  with  fluctuating  suc- 
cess, lasted  for  two  or  three  hours.  Once  the 
assailants  were  beaten  out  of  the  fort ;  but  they 
presently  rallied  and  regained  tlieir  grounil. 
There  was  nothing  for  either  party  but  to  con- 
quer or  die,  enclosed  together  as  they  were.  At 
length  victory  declared  for  the  Englisli,  who 
finished  their  work  by  setting  fire  to  the  wig- 
wams within  tlie  fort.  They  lost  70  men  killed 
ard  150  wounded.  Of  the  Connecticut  contin- 
gent alone,  out  of  300  men  40  were  killed  and  as 
many  wounded.  Tlie  number  of  the  enemy  that 
perished  is  uncertain.  .  .  .  What  is  botli  certain 
and  material  is  that  on  tliat  day  the  military 
strengtli  of  the  formidable  Narragansett  tribe 
was  irreparably  broken." — J.  G.  Palfrey,  Com- 
pemUons  Hist,  of  Xew  Eng.,  hk.  3,  eh.  3  (b.  3). 

Also  in  :  8.  G.  Arnold,  Hist,  of  Rhode  Island, 
V.  1,  eh.  10. 

A.  D.  1676-1678.— King  Philip's  War:  The 
end  of  the  conflict. — "  While  the  overthrow  of 
the  Narragansetts  changed  the  face  of  things,  it 
was  far  from  puttii  ^  an  end  to  tlie  war.  It 
showed  that  when  the  white  man  could  find  his 
enemy  he  could  deal  crushing  blows,  but  the 
Indian  was  not  always  so  easy  to  find.  Before 
the  end  of  January  Winslow's  little  army  was 
partially  disbanded  for  wan'  of  food,  and  its 
three  contingents  fell  back  upon  Stonington, 
Boston,  and  Plvmouth.  Early  in  February  the 
Federal  Cominissionefs  called  for  a  new  levy  of 
600  men  to  assemble  at  Brookfield,  for  the  Nip- 
mucks  were  beginning  to  renew  their  incursions, 
and  after  an  interval  of  six  months  the  figure  of 
Philip  again  appears  for  a  moment  upon  the 
scene.  What  he  had  been  doing  or  where  he 
hod  been,  since  the  Brookfield  fight  in  August, 
was  never  known.  Wlien  in  February,  1676,  lie 
reappeared,  it  was  still  in  company  with  his 
allies  the  Nipmucks,  in  their  bloody  assault  upon 
Lancaster.  On  the  10th  of  that  month  at  sun- 
rise the  Indiana  came  swarming  into  the  lovely 


2312 


NEW  ENGLAND,     1070-107S. 


Ouvtrnor-uentrul 
Aiuiro: 


NEW  ENGLAND,  1088. 


villiige.  Dnngrr  liml  alromiy  bron  npprcIiciKlcd, 
tliL'  pastor,  Josi-'pli  IJowlaiidsoii,  the  only  liar- 
vanl  gnwluatc  of  lU.VJ,  IiikI  goiiu  to  Boston  to 
fiolicit  aid,  mid  (.'aptaiii  Wadsworth's  company 
was  slowly  making  its  way  over  tlio  dilllciilt 
roads  from  JIarlborougli,  but  the  Indians  wcro 
licforcliand.  Si'vcnd  liousos  were  at  oncu  sur- 
rounded and  sut  on  lire,  and  men,  women,  and 
children  began  falling  under  tlie  lomaliawk. 
The  minister's  house  was  large  and  strongly 
built,  and  more  tlian  forty  people  found  shelter 
there  luitil  at  length  it  took  lire  and  they  were 
driven  out  by  the  llames.  Only  one  escaped,  a 
<lozen  or  more  were  slain,  ami  tlie  rest,  ehielly 
women  and  children,  taken  captive.  .  .  .  Among 
the  captives  was  .Mary  Uowlandson,  the  minis- 
ter's wife,  who  afterward  wrote  the  story  of  her 
sad  e.\periences.  .  .  .  It  was  a  busy  winter  and 
spring  for  these  Nipmuck.s.  Before  February 
was  over,  their  exploit  at  Lancaster  was  followell 
by  ft  shocking  massacre  at  Jledlield.  They 
wicked  and  destroyed  the  towns  of  Worcester, 
Marlborough,  Mcudon,  and  Groton,  and  even 
burned  some  bouses  in  Weymouth,  witiuu  a 
dozen  miles  of  Boston.  JIurderous  attacks  were 
made  upon  Sudbury,  Chelmsford,  Springtield, 
Hatlield,  Hadley,  Northampton,  Wrentliam, 
Andovcr,  Bridge  water,  Scituate,  and  Middlo- 
borougli.  On  the  18th  of  April  Captain  Wads- 
worth,  with  70  men,  was  drawn  into  an  ambusli 
near  Sudbury,  surrounded  by  50()  Nipnuieks, 
and  killed  with  50  of  his  men;  si.x  unfortunate 
captives  were  burned  alive  over  slow  tires.  But 
Wadsworth's  party  made  the  enemy  pay  dearly 
for  his  victory;  that  afternoon  120  Nipmucks 
bit  the  dust.  In  such  wise,  by  killing  two  or 
three  for  one,  did  the  English  wear  out  and 
annihilate  their  adversaries.  Just  one  month 
from  that  day,  Captain  Turner  surpriseil  and 
slaughtered  300  of  these  warriors  near  tlic  falls 
of  the  Connecticut  river  which  have  since  borne 
his  name,  and  tliis  blow  at  last  broke  the  strength 
of  the  Nipmucks.  Meanwliile  the  Narragansetts 
unci  Wai'ipanoags  had  burned  the  towns  of  War- 
wick and  Providence.  After  the  wholesale  ruin 
of  the  great  swamp  fight,  Canonchet  had  still 
some  60()  or  700  warriors  left,  and  with  these,  on 
the  26th  of  March,  in  tlie  neighbourhood  of  Paw- 
tuxet,  he  surprised  a  company  of  50  Plymouth 
men,  under  Captain  Pierce,  and  slew  them  all, 
but  not  until  he  had  lost  140  of  his  best  warriors. 
Ten  days  later,  Caiitain  Denison,  with  his  Con- 
necticut company,  defeated  and  captured  Canon- 
chet, and  the  proud  son  of  Miaiitonomo  met  the 
same  fate  as  his  father.  He  was  handed  over  to 
the  Mohegans  and  tomaliawked.  .  .  .  The  fall 
of  Canonchet  marked  the  beginning  of  the  end. 
In  four  sharp  fights  in  the  last  week  of  June, 
Major  Talcott  of  Hartford  slew  from  300  to  400 
warriors,  being  nearly  all  that  were  left  of  the 
Narnigansetts;  and  during  the  month  of  July 
Captain  Churcli  patrolletl  the  country  about 
Taunton,  making  prisoners  of  the  Wanipanoags. 
Once  more  King  Philip,  shorn  of  his  prestige, 
comes  upon  tlie  scene.  .  .  .  Defeated  at  Taun- 
ton, the  son  of  Massasoit  was  limited  by  Church 
to  his  ancient  lair  at  Bristol  Neck  and  there," 
betrayed  by  one  of  his  own  followers,  he  was 
surprised  on  the  morning  of  August  13,  and  shot 
as  he  attempted  to  Uy.  "  His  severed  head  was 
sent  to  Plymouth,  where  it  was  mounted  on  a 
pole  and  exposed  aloft  upon  the  village  green, 
while  the    meeting-house    bell   summoned  the 


townspeople  to  a  special  Bprvlcoof  tlianksglving. 
.  .  .  By  midsummer  of  1078  the  Indians  had 
been  everywhere  suppres.sed,  and  ther"  was 
peace  in  the  land.  ...  In  .MaHsacliusells  and 
I'lymouth  .  .  .  the  destruction  of  life  and  prop- 
erty had  been  simply  friglitful.  Of  00  town-*,  13 
had  been  utterly  destroyed,  while  more  than  40 
others  had  been  the  scciie  of  lire  and  slaughter. 
Out  of  this  little  society  nearly  l.tMK)  staunch 
men  .  .  .  had  lost  their  lives,  wliile  of  the  scores 
of  fair  women  and  poor  little  children  that  had 
jxrished  under  the  ruthless  tomahawk,  one  can 
hardly  give  an  accurate  account.  .  .  .  But  .  .  . 
henceforth  the  red  man  figures  no  more  in  the 
history  of  New  Kngland,  except  as  an  ally  of  thq 
French  in  bloody  raids  upon  tlie  frontier." — J. 
Fiske,  T/ie  Jii'1/iiiiHHf/it  of  Aew  Kk;/.,  eh.  5. 

Also  in:  VV.  Hubbard,  Hint,  of  the  Indian 
Warn  ill  X.  Kiig.,  cil.  hy  S.  Q.  Drake,  i\  1. — Mrs. 
Uowlandson,  Aarralire  nf  Oipliriti/. 

A.  D.  1684-1686.— The  overthrow  of  the 
Massachusetts  charter.  See  Ma8s.\ciiusetts: 
A.  1).  1071-1080. 

A.  D.  1685-1687.— The  overthrow  of  the 
Connecticut  charter.  ScoConnkcticut:  A.  D. 
10S.-)-1087. 

A.  D.  1686.  —  The  consolidation  of  the 
"Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England" 
under  a  royal  governor-general. — "It  was 
.  .  .  detcrmineil  in  the  Privy  Council  that  Con- 
necticut, New  Plymouth,  and  Hliode  Island 
should  be  united  with  Massachusetts,  New 
Hampshire,  Maine,  and  the  Narragansett  country, 
and  be  made  '  one  entire  government,  tlie  better 
to  defend  themselves  against  invasion.'  This 
was  good  policy  for  England.  It  was  the  despotic 
idea  of  cgusolidation.  It  was  opposed  to  the  re- 
publican system  of  confederation.  .  .  .  Consoli- 
dation was  indeed  tlie  best  mode  of  establishing 
In  his  colonies  the  direct  government  which 
Charles  had  adopted  in  November,  1084,  and 
wliicli  James  was  now  to  enforce.  .  .  .  For 
more  than  twenty  years  James  had  been  trying 
his  '  'prentice  hand  upon  New  York.  The  time 
had  now  come  when  he  was  to  use  his  master 
hand  on  New  England.  .  .  .  By  the  advice  of 
Sunderland,  James  commissioned  Colonel  Sir 
Edmund  Andros  to  be  captain  general  and  gov- 
ernor-in-cliief  over  his  '  Territory  and  Dominion 
of  New  England  in  America,  wliicli  meant 
JIassachusetts  Bay,  New  Plymouth,  New  Ilauip- 
sliire,  JIaiue,  and  the  Narragansett  country,  or 
the  King's  Province.  Andros's  commission  was 
drawn  in  the  traditional  form,  settled  by  the 
Plantation  Board  for  those  of  otlier  royal  gover- 
nors in  Virginia,  Jamaica,  and  New  Ilampshirc. 
Its  substance,  however,  was  much  more  despotic. 
Andros  was  authorized,  with  the  consent  of  a 
council  appointed  by  tlie  crown,  to  make  laws 
and  levy  taxes,  anil  to  govern  the  territory  of 
New  England  in  obedience  to  its  sovereign's  In- 
structions, and  according  to  the  laws  then  in 
force,  or  afterward  to  be  established.  .  .  .  To 
secure  Andros  in  Ills  government,  two  com- 
panies of  regular  soldiers,  chiefly  Irish  Papists, 
were  raised  in  London  and  placed  under  his 
orders." — J.  li.  Brodhead,  Hist,  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  v.  2,  ch.  9.— See,  also,  Massaciiu- 
BETTs:  A.  I).  1071-1080;  and  Connecticut: 
A.  D.  1685-1087. 

A.  D.  1688.— New  York  and  New  Jersey 
brought  under  the  governor-generalship  of 
Andros.    See  New  Youk:  A.  D.  1088. 


2313 


NEW  ENULAM),  1080. 


War. 


NEW  ENGLAND,  1744. 


A.  D.  1689. —  rh:  bloodiest  revolution,  ar- 
rest of  Andros,  and  proclamation  of  William 
and  Mary.  .See  .Mahhaiiiiwktth;  A.  I).  IIIHO- 
1081). 

A.  D.  1689-165)7.— King  Williams  War  (the 
First  Intercolonial  War).  ScuCa.nada:  A.  I). 
lOSU-lOUO;  Jiiul  l(iUS-l(H»7. 

A.  D.  1590. — The  first  Colonial  Congress. 
Sec  Unitki)  Statics  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  10!t(). 

A.  D.  169a.— The  charter  to  Massachusetts 
as  a  royal  province.— Plymouth  absorbed.  Si'o 
Mahsaciuhktts:  A.  I).  UIH!)-1(11»2. 

A.  D.  1693.— The  Salem  Witchcraft  mad- 
ness. Sec  Mabbachl'ukttk:  A.  1>.  lOUJ;  iiiid 
10!»2-I(lli:(, 

A.  D.  1 696- 1749. — Suppression  of  colonial 
manufactures. — Oppressive  commercial  policy 
of  England.  8eo  United  States  of  Am.  : 
A.  I).  10!(0-174P. 

A.  D.  1702-1710.— Queen  Anne's  War  (the 
Second  Intercolonial  War) :  Border  incur- 
sions by  the  French  and  Indians. — The  final 
conquest  of  Acadia. — "But  11  few  years  ot  peiue 
Bucceecled  the  treaty  of  UyswieU.  First  eiime 
the  contest  in  Europe  over  the  Spanisli  succes- 
sion," and  then  the  recognition  of  "tlie  Pre- 
tender" by  Louis  XIV.  "This  recognition  was, 
of  course,  a  cliallenge  to  England  ami  prepara- 
tions were  made  for  war.  William  III.  dii.d  in 
March,  1702,  and  was  succeeded  by  Anne,  the 
sister  of  his  wife,  and  daughter  of  James  II. 
War  was  declared  by  England  against  France, 
May  15th,  1703.  The  contest  that  followed  is 
known  iu  European  history  as  the  War  of  the 
Spanish  Succession;  in  American  history  it  is 
usually  called  Queen  Anne's  War;  or  the  Second 
Intercolonial  War.  Ou  one  side  w.Te  France, 
Spain,  and  Bavaria;  on  the  other,  England,  Hol- 
land, Savoy,  Austria,  Prussia,  Portugal,  and  Den- 
mark. It  v/aa  iu  this  war  that  the  Duke  of 
Marlborough  won  his  fame.  To  the  people  of 
New  England,  war  between  Fniuce  and  England 
meant  the  hideous  midnight  war-whoop,  the 
tomahawk  and  scalpiug-kuife,  burning  hamlets, 
and  horrible  captivity.  To  provide  against  it,  a 
conference  was  calletl  to  meet  at  Falmouth,  on 
Casco  Bay,  in  June,  17C3,  when  Governor  Dud- 
ley, of  Massachusetts,  met  mony  of  the  chiefs  of 
the  Abenaquis.  The  Indians,  professing  to  have 
no  thought  of  war,  promised  peace  and  friend- 
ship by  their  accustomed  tokens.  .  .  .  But,  as 
usual,  only  a  part  of  the  tribes  hirl  been  brought 
mto  the  alliance,"  and  some  lawh^ss  provocations 
by  a  party'of  English  marauders  soon  drove  the 
Abennquis  again  mto  their  old  French  Alliance. 
"By  August,  500  French  and  Indians  were  as- 
sembled, ready  for  incursions  into  the  New  Eng- 
land scttlem(!nts.  They  divided  into  several 
bands  and  fell  u))ou  a  number  of  places  at  the 
same  time.  Wells,  Saco,  and  Casco  were  again 
among  the  doomed  villages,  but  the  fort  at  Casco 
was  not  taken,  owing  to  the  arrival  of  an  armed 
vessel  under  Captain   Southwiek.      About  159 

fiersons  were  killed  or  captured  in  these  attacks. '' 
n  February,  the  town  of  Deerfleld,  Massachu- 
setts, was  destroyed,  47  of  the  inhabitants  were 
killed  and  112  carried  away  captive.  "On  the 
80th  of  July,  the  town  of  Lancaster  was  assailed, 
and  a  few  people  were  killed,  seven  buildings 
burned,  and  much  property  destroyed.  These 
and  other  depredations  of  war-parties  along  the 
coasts  filled  New  England  with  consternation. 
...  It  was  .  .  .  resolved  to  fit  out  an  expedi- 


tion for  retaliation,  and  as  usual  the  people  of 
Acadia  were  selected  to  expiate  the  sins  of  the 
Indians  and  Canadians.  Colonel  lienjandn 
Church  was  put  in  command  of  550  men,  14 
transports,  and  itO  whale-boats,  convoyed  by 
three  ships  of  war.  Sailing  from  Boston  m  May, 
1704,"  Church  ravaged  the  lesser  French  settle- 
ments on  the  Acadian  coast,  but  ventured  no  at- 
tack on  Port  Hoyal.  "In  1705,  450  men  under 
Subcrcase  —  soldiers,  Canadian  peasants,  adven- 
turers, and  Indians,  well  armed,  and  with  ra- 
tions for  twenty  days,  blankets  and  tents  —  set 
out  to  destroy  the  English  settlements  in  New- 
foundland, marching  on  snow-shoes.  They  took 
Petit  Havre  and  St.  John's,  and  devastated  all 
the  little  settlements  along  tlie  eastern  coast,  and 
the  English  tnule  was  for  the  time  completely 
broken  up.  Subercaso  was  made  Governor  of 
Acadia  in  1700.  The  following  spring  New  Eng- 
land sent  Colonel  March  to  Port  Koyal  witli  two 
regiments,  but  ho  retui'ned  without  as.sault'ng 
the  fort.  Governor  Dudley  forbade  the  troops 
to  land  when  they  came  back  to  Boston,  and 
ordered  them  to  go  again.  Colonel  March  was 
ill,  and  Colonel  VVainwright  took  command;  but 
after  a  pretence  of  besieging  the  fort  for  eleven 
days  ho  retired  with  email  loss,  the  expedition 
having  cost  Massachusetts  42,200.  In  1708  a 
conned  at  Montreal  decided  to  send  a  large  num- 
ber of  Canadians  and  Indians  to  devastate  New 
England.  But  after  a  long  march  through  the 
almost  impassable  niounbun  region  of  northern 
New  Hampshire,  a  murderous  attack  on  Haver- 
hill, in  which  30  or  40  were  killed,  was  the  only 
result.  ...  In  1709  a  plan  was  formed  in  Eng- 
land for  the  capture  of  New  France  by  a  fleet 
and  five  regiments  of  British  soldiers  aided  by 
the  colonists.  But  a  defeat  in  Portugal  called 
away  the  ships  destined  for  America,  and  a  force 
gathered  at  Lake  Clmmplain  under  Colonel 
Nicholson  for  a  land  attjick  was  so  reduced  by 
sickness  —  said  to  have  resulted  from  the  poison- 
ing of  a  spring  by  Indians  —  that  they  burned 
their  ct.noes  and  retreated.  The  next  year, 
Nicholson  was  furnished  with  six  ships  of  war, 
tliirty  transports,  and  one  British  aud  four  New 
England  i^ginients;  for  the  capture  of  Port  Royal. 
Subercase  had  only  200  men  and  an  insufflcient 
supply  of  provisions."  He  surrendered  after  u 
short  bombardment,  "and  on  the  10th  of  Oc- 
tober the  starving  and  ragged  garrison  marched 
out  to  be  sent  to  France.  For  the  last  time  the 
French  flag  was  hauled  down  from  the  fort,  and 
Port  Koyal  was  henceforth  an  English  fortress, 
which  was  re-named  Annapolis  Uoyal,  in  honor 
of  Queen  Anne. " — R.  Johnson,  Hint,  of  the  French 
Win;  ch.  8. — "With  a  change  of  masters  came  a 
change  of  names.  Acadie  was  again  called 
'Nova  Scotia'  —  the  name  bestowed  upon  it  by 
James  I.  in  1021 ;  and  Port  Royal,  '  Annapolis. ' " 
—  R.  Brown,  Hist,  of  tlie  Island  of  Cape  Breton, 
letter  8. 

Also  in:  P.  H.  Smith,  Acadia,  pp.  108-111. — 
See,  also,  Canada  :   A.  D.  1711-1713. 

A.  D.  1722-1725. — Renewed  war  with  the 
northeastern  Indians.  See  Nova  Scotia:  A.  D. 
1713-1730. 

A.  D.  i7j}ii.— King  George's  War  (the  Third 
Intercolonial  War):  Hostilities  in  Nova 
Scotia.— "  The  war  that  had  prevailed  for  sev- 
eral years  between  Britain  and  Spain  [see  Eng- 
land: A.  D.  1739-1741],  inflicted  upon  the  greater 
number  of  the  British  provincen  of  America  no 


2314 


NEW  ENGLAND,  1744. 


War. 


NEW  ENGLAND,  \Ur,. 


fnrtlivr  gliiiro  of  its  cvIIh  timii  tho  biirdvii  of  coii- 
triliutiiig  t<)  the  expt'<litlotis  of  Ailiniriil  Vornoii, 
uml  tlio  wiisto  of  life  by  wliitli  hm  didivHtroiis 
Diiviil  cainpaigiiM  wltu  Bigiiuli/.vd.  Only  Hoiith 
Carolinii  and  Oeorgin  hud  Irtii  cxpoHcd  to  ai^luid 
iittuck  and  danger.  Hut  this  year  [1744],  by  an 
enlargetnent  of  tlie  hostile  reliitioimof  the  parent 
state,  the  scene  of  war  was  ext^/nded  to  the  more 
northern  provinces.  Tlie  French,  though  pro- 
fessing peace  with  liritain,  had  repeatedly  given 
assistance  to  Spain;  while  tlie  liritish  king,  as 
Elector  of  Hanover,  had  espoii.sed  the  (piarrel  of 
the  emperor  of  Germany  with  the  French  nion- 
urch ;  and  after  various  tiiutual  threats  and  deiii- 
on:>tnitions  of  hostility  that  conse(iuently  ensued 
between  Britain  and  France,  war  [llie  War  of 
the  Austrian  Succession]  was  now  formally  de- 
clared by  these  states  against  each  other  fsei' 
Aubtuia:  a.  D.  1718-l7;i8,  and  after].  The 
French  colonists  in  America,  liaving  been  ap- 
prized of  this  event  before  it  was  known  in  New 
England,  were  tempted  to  improve  the  advan- 
titgc  of  tlicir  prior  intelligence  by  an  in.stant  and 
unexpected  commencement  of  hoatililies,  which 
accordingly  broke  forth  without  notice  or  delay 
in  the  quarter  of  Nova  Scotia.  .  .  .  On  tlie  island 
of  Canso,  mljoining  tho  coast  of  Nova  Scotia, 
the  Britisli  had  formed  n  settlement,  whicli  was 
reported  to  by  the  tlahermen  of  New  England, 
and  defended  by  u  small  fortillcation  garrisoned 
by  a  detacliment  of  troops  from  Annapolis.  .  .  . 
Duquesnel,  the  governor  of  Cape  Breton,  on  re- 
ceiving intelligence  of  the  declaration  of  war  be- 
tween the  two  parent  states,  conceived  tlie  hope 
of  destroying  tho  tishing  establishments  of  tlie 
English  by  tho  suddenness  and  vigor  of  an  unex- 
pected attack.  His  tirst  blow,  wliicli  was  aimed 
at  Canso,  proved  successful  (May  13,  1744). 
Duvivier,  whom  ho  despatched  from  his  head- 
quarters ut  Louisburg,  with  a  few  armed  vessels 
and  a  force  of  000  men,  took  unresisted  posses- 
sion of  this  island,  burned  the  fort  and  houses, 
and  miulc  prisoners  of  tho  garrison  and  in- 
habitants. Tills  success  Duquesnel  endeavoured 
to  follow  up  by  the  conquest  of  Placeutia  in 
Newfoundland,  and  of  Annapolis  in  Nova  Scotia; 
but  at  both  these  places  his  forces  were  repulsed. 
In  tho  attack  of  Annapolis,  the  French  were 
joined  by  the  Indians  of  Nova  Scotia ;  but  the 
prudent  forecast  of  Shirley,  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  had  induced  tlic  assembly  of  this 
province,  some  time  before,  to  contribute  a  rein- 
forcement of  200  men  for  the  greater  security  of 
the  garriaou  of  Annapolis;  and  to  the  opportune 
arrival  of  the  succour  thus  afforded  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  place  was  ascribed.  .  .  .  Tho  people 
of  New  England  were  stimulated  to  a  pitch  of 
resentment,  apprehension,  and  martial  enerjjy, 
that  very  shortly  produced  an  effort  of  whica 
neitlicr  their  friends  nor  their  enemies  hiul  sup- 
posed them  to  be  capable,  and  which  excited  the 
admiration  of  both  Europe  and  America.  .  .  . 
War  was  declared  against  the  Indians  of  Nova 
Scotia,  who  had  assisted  in  the  attack  upon  An- 
napolis; all  the  frontier  garrisons  were  rein- 
*or(.id;  new  forts  were  erected;  and  the  mate- 
rials of  defence  were  enlarged  by  a  seasonable 
gift  of  artillery  from  the  king.  Jleauwhile, 
though  tho  French  were  not  prepareil  to  prose- 
cute the  extensive  plan  of  conquest  which  tlieir 
first  operations  announced,  their  privateers 
actively  waged  a  harassing  naval  warfare  that 
greatly  endamaged  the  commerce  of  New  Eng- 


land. The  British  tisheries  on  the  const  of  Nova 
Scotia  were  interrupted;  llu-  llMliermeii  declari'<l 
their  intention  of  returning  no  more  to  their 
wont('<i  stations  on  that  coast:  and  .mo  many  mer- 
chant vessels  were  captured  and  carried  into 
Louisburg  in  llie  course  of  this  summer,  that  it 
was  expected  that  in  the  following  year  no 
hnmi^h  of  maritime  trade  would  he  pursued  by 
the  New  England  merchants,  except  under  the 
protection  of  coiivov." — .).  Grahame,  Hint.  [Vol- 
uiiial]  of  the  U.  S.,  hk.  10,  r/i.  I  (v.  'i). 

Ai.soiN:  1'.  11.  Smith,  Ai-itdin.  ;//(.  rj!i-138. 

A.  D.  1745.  —  King  Georg;e's  War.  —  The 
taking  of  Louisburg. — "  Loui.sburg,  on  which 
the  French  had  spent  much  money  [sj-e  Cai'K 
BiiKTo.N  Island:  A.  I).  17^11-1745],  was  by  far 
the  strongest  fort  north  of  the  Gulf  of  .Mexico, 
liut  tlio  prisoners  of  Canso,  carrieil  thither,  and 
afterward  dismissed  on  jiarole,  ri'ported  the  gar- 
rison to  be  weak  and  the  works  out  of  repair. 
So  long  as  the  French  held  this  fortress,  it  was 
sure  to  be  a  source  of  annoyance  to  New  Eng- 
land, but  to  wait  for  h  'tish  aid  to  capture  It 
would  be  tedious  and  uncertain,  pubHc  attention 
in  Great  Britain  being  much  engrossed  by  a 
threatened  invasion.  Under  these  circumstances, 
Shirley  proposed  to  the  General  Court  of  Massa- 
chusetts the  bold  enterprise  of  a  colonial  expedi- 
tion, of  which  Louisburg  should  be  tlu^  object. 
After  six  days'  deliberation  and  two  additional 
nies.s)igcs  from  the  governor,  this  proposal  was 
adopted  by  a  majority  of  one  vote.  A  circular 
letter,  asking  aid  aiKi  co-operation,  was  .sent  to 
all  the  colonies  as  far  soutli  as  Pennsylvania. 
In  answer  to  this  application,  urged  by  a  special 
messenger  from  Mas.sachu.S(tts,  the  Pennsylvania 
Assembly  .  .  .  voted  £4,000  of  their  currency 
to  i)urchase  provisions.  The  New  .lersey  As- 
sembly .  .  .  furr.i.ilied  .  .  .  £2,000  toward  tho 
Louisburg  expedition,  but  declined  to  rai.se  any 
men.  Tho  New  York  Assembly,  after  a  long  de- 
bate, voted  £3,000  of  their  currency;  hut  this 
seemed  to  Clinton  a  niggardly  grant,  and  he  sent, 
iMJsides,  a  quantity  of  provisions  purchased  by 
private  subscription,  and  ten  eighteen -pounders 
from  the  king's  magazine.  Connecticut  voted  500 
men,  led  by  Uoger  Wolcott,  afterward  governor, 
and  appointed,  by  stipulation  of  tho  Connecticut 
Assembly,  second  in  command  of  the  expedition. 
Uhixle  Island  and  New  Hampshire  each  raised  a 
regiment  of  300  men;  but  tlio  Kh(xle  Islan<l 
troops  did  not  arrive  till  after  Louisburg  was 
taken.  The  chief  burden  of  the  enterprise,  as 
was  to  be  e.x4)ected,  fell  on  Mas-sachiisetts.  In 
seven  weeks  an  army  of  3,250  men  was  enlisted, 
transports  were  prcs-sed,  and  bills  of  credit  were 
profusely  issued  to  pay  the  expense.  Ten  armed 
vessels  were  jirovided  by  JIassachusotts,  and  ono 
by  each  of  the  other  New  England  colonies. 
The  command  in  chief  was  given  to  William 
Pepperell,  a  native  of  Maine,  a  wealthy  merchant, 
who  had  inherited  and  augmented  a  largo  for- 
tune acquired  by  his  father  in  tho  fisheries;  a 
popular,  enterprising,  sagacious  man,  noted  for 
his  universal  good  fortune,  but  unactiuainted 
with  military  affairs,  except  as  a  militia  otiicer. 
.  .  .  Tho  enterprise  .  .  .  assumed  something  of 
the  character  of  an  anti-Catholic  crusade.  One 
of  the  chaplains,  a  disciple  of  Whitfield,  carried 
tt  hatchet,  specially  jirovided  to  hew  down  the 
images  in  tlie  French  ciiurchcs.  Eleven  days 
after  embarking  at  Boston  [April,  1745],  the 
Massachusetts  armament  assembled  at  Cosco,  to 


2315 


NEW  ENGLAND,  1746. 


King  (Iritrar'i 
War. 


NEW  ENGLAND,  1745-174S. 


wftit  there  Iho  nrrlviil  of  the  Cnnnectlciit  nnil 
UIkhIc  IhIiukI  qiKititH,  iukI  tliu  melting  of  tlic  ici; 
l)V  wlilcli  C'lipe  lirvUm  was  cnvlroiuMl.  Tlic  New 
lliiinpHliIrt!  tr<M)|)M  were  iilruiidy  tliL'ru;  tlio.10  friiiu 
('(iiiiit'Cticut  cumi'  II  few  dnys  iifter.  Nollec  Imv- 
iti^  licc'ii  iH'Ut  to  KukIiuuI  and  tliu  Went  Indies  of 
the  Intended  expedition,  Captidn  Warren  pres- 
i'ntly  arrived  wltli  four  slilps  of  war,  and,  ends- 
ln)f  "before  Louislnirg,  capliired  several  veHsel.s 
bound  tidllicr  with  supplioH.  Already,  before 
hlH  arrival,  lliu  New  Kn>;land  eruiscrs  had  pri'- 
vented  the  entry  of  a  French  thlrtVKun  slilp.  As 
HtKin  as  the  leu  permitted,  the  troops  laniled  and 
roninieneed  the  siege,  but  not  with  much  skill, 
for  they  had  no  onglnuers.  .  .  .  Five  unsuccess- 
ful attacks  were  ma<le.  oiio  after  another,  upon 
an  islaiiil  battery  wh.i'h  protected  the  harbor. 
In  that  cold,  fogJCy  climate,  the  troops,  very 
imperfcclly  provided  with  tents,  siilfcred  se 
verely  fnitii  sickness,  and  more  than  a  third  were 
unfit"  for  duty.  Hut  the  Frcudi  garrison  was 
feeble  and  mutinous,  ami  when  the  commander 
found  that  his  supplies  had  been  captured,  he  re- 
lieved the  end)arra8sment  of  the  besiegers  by 
otfering  to  capitulate.  The  capltidatlou  [.June 
17]  Included  OM  regular  sohliers,  and  near  l,iWO 
eltective  Inhabitants  of  the  town,  all  of  whom 
were  to  be  shipped  to  France.  The  island  of  St. 
John's  presently  submitted  on  the  same  terms. 
The  loss  during  the  siege  was  less  than  1.50,  but 
among  those  reluctantly  detained  to  garrison  the 
con((uered  fortress  ten  times  as  nuuiy  perished 
afterwaril  by  sickness.  In  the  expedition  of 
Vernon  and  this  against  Louisburg  perished  a 
large  number  of  the  remaining  Indians  of  New 
EnglamI,  persuaded  to  enlist  as  soldiers  in  the 
colonial  regiments.  Some  dispute  arose  as  to 
the  relative  merits  of  the  land  and  naval  forces, 
which  had  been  joined  during  the  siege  by  nd- 
ditioual  ships  from  England.  Pepperell,  how- 
ever, was  made  a  baronet,  and  both  he  and 
Shirley  were  commissioned  as  colimels  In  the 
British  army.  Warren  was  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  rear  adnund.  The  capture  of  this 
strong  fortress,  elTected  in  the  facc'  of  many  ob- 
stacles, shed,  indeed,  a  moment^iry  luster  over 
one  of  the  most  unsuccessful  wars  in  which 
Britain  was  ever  engaged." — U.  Hildreth,  Hint, 
oftfie  U.  8.,  eh.  25  (».  2).—  "As  far  as  England 
was  concerned,  it  [the  taking  of  LouisburgJ  was 
the  great  event  of  the  war  of  the  Austrian  sue 
cession.  England  ImJ  no  other  success  in  that 
war  to  compare  with  it.  As  things  turned  out, 
it  is  not  too  nuich  to  say  that  this  exploit  of 
New  England  gave  peace  to  Europe." — J.  G. 
Palfrey,  llut.  0/  New  Eng.,  bk.  5,  ch.  9  (e.  5).— 
"Though  it  was  the  most  brilliant  success  the 
English  achieved  during  the  war,  English  his- 
torians scarcely  mention  it." — K.  Johnson,  Hist, 
of  the  French  Wav,  eh.  0. 

Also  in  ;  T.  C.  Ilaliburton,  Iliat.  and  Statisti- 
eal  Ace't  of  Nova  ticotia,  eh.  3  (p.  1). — U.  Brown, 
Ilut.  ofCaite  Breton,  letters  12-14.— S.  A.  Drake, 
The  Taking  of  Louisburg. — U.  Parsons,  Life  of 
Sir  Wm.  Pejiperell,  e/i.  3-5. — F.  Parkmau,  The 
Capture  of  Louisbourg  {Atlantic  Monthly/,  Marc/i 
—May.  1891). 

A.  D.  1745-1748.— King Georg;e's War:  The 
mortifying  end. — Treaty  oi  Atx-la-Chapelle, 
and  restoration  of  Louisburg  to  France, — 
"Elated  by  their  success  [at  Louisburg],  the 
Provincials  now  oflfered  to  undertake  the  con- 
quest of  Canada;  but  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  to 


whom  Governor  Shirley's  plan  had  been  sub- 
ndtted,  disapproved  of  it,  as  exidbiting  'o  the 
colonists  too  plainly  their  own  sirengtii.  .  .  . 
lie  therefore  advlm'd  to  i)lace  the  chief  (Icpcii- 
dcnce  on  the  (leet  and  army  to  be  sent  from  Kng- 
land,  and  to  look  on  the  Americans  as  useful  oidy 
when  joined  with  others.  Finally,  the  Whigs 
determined  to  send  a  powerful  licet  to  Quehcc, 
at  the  same  time  tliat  an  army  should  atiiick 
.Montreal,  liy  the  route  of  Lake  C'hamplain;  anil 
SI)  late  as  April,  1740,  orders  were  issued  to  the 
several  governors  to  levy  troops  without  linuta- 
tion,  which,  when  assembled  on  the  frontiers,  lliu 
king  would  pay.  From  some  unknown  cause, 
th<>  plan  wasabandi>ne<l  as  soon  as  formed.  The 
general  appointed  to  the  chief  command  was  or- 
dereil  not  to  embark,  but  the  instructions  to  en- 
list troops  had  been  transmitted  to  America,  and 
were  acted  on-  with  alacrity.  Massachusells 
raised  3,.')00  men  to  co operate  with  the  licet, 
which,  however,  tluy  were  doomed  nevi'r  to  .see. 
After  being  kept  a  long  time  in  suspense,  tliey 
were  disperse<i,  in  several  places,  to  stn^ngthrn 
garrisons  whicli  were  supposed  *o  be  too  weak 
for  the  defenses  a.Migned  tliem.  Upward  of  i),(M)0 
men,  belonging  to  other  colonies,  were  as.semblcd 
at  Albany,  uniliscipline<l,  without  a  commissariat, 
and  under  no  control.  After  the  season  for  11 'j- 
tive  operations  was  allowed  to  pass  away,  they 
disbanded  theniselves,  some  with  arms  in  their 
hands  denninding  pay  of  their  governors,  and 
others  suing  their  captain.s.  In  addition  to  this 
disgraceful  atTaIr,  the  Provincials  had  the  morti- 
tieation  to  have  a  large  detachment  of  their  men 
cut  off  in  Lower  Morton,  then  known  as  Ml'iai., 
situated  nearly  in  the  centre  of  Nova  Scotia. 
The  Canadian  forces,  which  had  traveled  thither 
to  co-operate  witli  an  innnense  tleet  expected 
from  France,  determining  to  winter  in  that  prov- 
ince, rendered  it  a  subject  of  continued  anxiety 
and  expense  to  Massachusetts.  Governor  Shir- 
ley resolved,  after  again  reinforcing  the  garri.son 
at  Annapolis,  to  drive  them  from  tlie  shores  of 
Minas  Basin,  where  they  were  seated ;  and  in  the 
winter  of  the  year  1740,  a  bcxly  of  troops  wiw 
embarked  at  Boston  for  the  former  place.  After 
the  loss  of  a  transjiort,  and  the  greatest  part  of 
the  soldiers  on  board,  the  troops  arrived,  and  re- 
embarked  for  Grand  Pre  in  the  district  of  Minas, 
in  the  latter  end  of  December.  .  .  .  The  issue 
was,  that  being  cantoned  at  too  great  distances 
from  each  other,  La  (^orne,  a  commander  of  the 
French,  having  intelligence  of  their  situation, 
forced  a  march  from  Scluegnieto,  through  a  most 
tempestuous  snow-storri,  and  surprised  tliem  at 
miclnight.  After  losing  100  of  their  men,  in 
killed,  wounded  and  prisoners,  the  party  were 
obliged  to  capitulate,  not,  however,  on  dishonor- 
able terms,  and  the  French,  in  their  turn,  aban- 
doned their  post.  On  the  8th  of  May,  1749, 
peace  was  proclaimed  at  Boston  [acconling  to 
the  terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Alx-la-Chapelle,  con- 
cluded October  7,  1748],  much  to  the  mortifica- 
tion of  the  Provincials;  Cape  Breton  was  re- 
stored to  France;  and  Louisburg,  which  had 
created  so  much  dread,  and  inflicted  such  injuries 
on  iheir  commerce,  was  handed  over  to  tlieir  in- 
veterate enemies,  to  be  rendered  still  stronger  by 
additional  fortifications.  The  French  also  ob- 
tained the  islands  of  St.  Pierre  and  Michelon,  on 
the  south  coast  of  Newfoundland,  as  stations  for 
their  tislieries  "  '^ngland  reimburst^d  the  colo- 
nies to  the  c:ki  £183,000  for  the  expenses 


2316 


NEW  ENGLAND,  1745-1748. 


NEW  IIAMPSIIIHE. 


of  their  vnin  conqiicHt  of  LoiilsliiirK,  nnil  £135.000 
for  tliclr  losses  in  riilHliii^  troops  iimlcr  the  orders 
thiit  were  revoked, —  1',  ('.  Ilitlibiirtoii,  /^/^' 
mill  MtHriile  of  the  Knglith  in  Aineriai,  bk.  'A, 
di.  1. 

Ai-«o  IN:  J.  Iliinimv,  IIi»t.  of  Aeiuiiit.  ch.  10.— 
H.  a.  Drnkc,  Pui-Unilur  IM.  of  the  h\re  Yiiii-h 
French  ami  Minn  Wui;  rh.  (1-0.  — .1.  0.  I'alfrey, 
lliiit.  of  Xew  Kiiiiliiiiil,  hk.  ."),  ch.  tO  (c,  ,'i).— Sec. 
also,  Atxi,.\(;ii.\PK,i.i,K:  Tm;  t'oNcifiKss. 

A.  D.  1750-1753.— Dissensions  among;  the 
colonies  at  the  opening  of  the  great  French 
War.  See  r.NiTKi)  St.vtks  ok  .Vm.  ;  A.  1».  17.">()- 
17.-)3. 

A.  D.  17^4. —  The  Colonial  Congress  at 
Albany.— Franklin's  Plan  of  Union.  Sec 
UsiTKl)  .Htatks  OK  .\>t,  :  A.  I).  IT.'tl. 

A.  D.  1755-1760.— The  last  Intercolonial, 
or  French  and  Indian  War,  and  English  con- 
quest of  Canada.  See  Canad.v;  \.  I).  'T.'iO- 
n.W,  to  1760;  Nova  Scotia;  A.  I).  1740-17.W, 
17.W;  Ohio  (Vai.i.ky);  A.  D.  1748-1754,  17.54, 
1758;  Capk  Hkkton  Isi,ani>:  A.  D.  1758- 
1760. 

A.  D.  1761.— Harsh  enforcement  of  revenue 
laws.— Tne  Writs  of  Assistance  and  Otis' 
speech.     See  .Mahsachubktts;  A.  I).  1701. 

A.  O.  1763-1764.— Enforcement  of  the  Sugar 
(or  Molasses)  Act.  See  Unitkd  Statks  ok 
Am.  :  A.  1).  17(«-17«4. 

A.  D.  1765-1766.— The  Stamp  Act.— Its  ef- 
fects and  its  repeal. — The  Stamp  Act  Con- 
gress.— The  Declaratory  Act.  See  Unitki) 
Statks  ok  Am.:  A.  I).  1705;  and  17(10. 

A.  D.  1766-1768.— The  Townshend  duties.— 
The  Circular  Letter  of  Massachusetts.  See 
Unitkd  States  of  Am.:  A.  D.  1706-1707;  and 
1707-1768. 

A.  D.  1768-1770. — The  quartering  of  troops 
in  Boston.  —  The  "  Massacre,"  and  the  re- 
moval of  the  troops.  See  Boston:  A.  \).  1708; 
and  1770. 


The  ending  of  Slavery. 

lo;iM-i7Mi;  — 


A.  I). 


1 701)- 


A.  D.  1769-1785 

See   Sl.AVKltV.    .Nkiiiio 
17H."i;  anil  1774. 

A.  D.  1770-1773.— Repeal  of  the  Townshend 
duties  except  on  Tea. —Committees  of  Corre- 
spondence instituted.— The  Tea  Ships  and  the 
Boston  Tea-party.  See  I'.mtkk  .Statks  oi' 
Am.:  \.  I).  1770,  and  1773-177;!;  anil  Uoston: 
A.  1).  177;l, 

A.  D.  1774.-1  he  Boston  Port  Bill,  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Act,  and  the  Quebec  Act.— The 
First  Continental  Congress.  See  L'.nitkd 
Statks  ok  Am.:  A.  I).  17Tl. 

A.  D.  1775.— The  beginning  of  the  War  of 
the  American  Revolution.  -Lexington.— Con- 
cord.— The  country  in  arms  and  Bo  jton  under 
siege.— Ticonderoga.  —  Bunker  Hill. —The 
Second  Continental  Congress.  See  I'MrKi) 
.Statks  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  177r(. 

A.  D.  1775-1783.— The  War  of  the  Revolu- 
tion.—  Independence  achieved.  .See  I'.nitkd 
Statesok  Am.  :  A.  I).  1775  (Al'lilM.  to  178;). 

A.  D.  1787-17^  --Formation  and  adoption 
of  the  Federal  Constitution.  Sec  I'mtkd 
.St.vtks  OK  Am.  ;  A.  I).  1787;  and  1787-1781». 

A.  D.  1808.- -The  Embargo  and  its  effects. 
See  I'mtkh  St.vpks  ok  Am.:  A.  I).  1804-181)0; 
and  mn. 

A.  D.  1813-18M.— Federalist  opposition  to 
he  war  with  England.  See  United  States  op 
Am.:  a.  1).  18ia. 

A.  D.  1814.— The  Hartford  Convention.  See 
Unitkd  Statks  ok  Am.:  A.  I).  1814  iDeckm- 
iiKU)  TiiK  IIautkoud  Cosvkntion. 

A.  D.  1824-1*828.— Change  of  front  on  the 
tariff  question.  See  'I'ahikk  Lkiiihi.ation 
(Unitkd  St.vfks):  A.  I).  1810-1834;  and  1838. 

A.  D.  1831-1832.— The  rise  of  the  Abolition- 
ists.   Sec  Sl.AVEUV.  Nkiiiio:  A.I).  1838-18;13. 

A.  D.  1861-1865.— The  war  for  the  Union. 
See  United  Statesok  Am.  :  A.  I).  1801  (Al'lili.), 
and  after. 


NEW  FOREST.— To  create  a  new  royal 
hunting  ground  in  his  English  dominion,  Wil- 
liam the  Conqueror  ruthlessly  demolished  vil- 
lages, manors,  chapels,  anil  parish  churches 
throughout  thirty  miles  of  country,  along  the 
coast  side  of  Hampshire,  from  the  Avon  on  the 
west  to  Scuthamplon  Water  on  the  east,  and 
called  this  wilderness  of  his  making  The  New 
Forest.  His  son  Wi'liam  Hufus  was  killed  In  it  — 
which  people  thought  to  be  a  judgment.  The 
New  Forest  still  exists  and  embraces  no  less  than 
66,000  acres,  extending  over  a  district  twenty 
miles  by  fifteen  in  area,  of  woodland,  heath,  bog 
and  rough  pasture. — J.  C.  Brown,  Forests  0/ 
Eng.,  pt.  1,  ch.  2,  D. 

NEW  FRANCE.    See  Canada. 

NEW  GRANADA.    See  Colombian  States. 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE:  The  aboriginal  in- 
habitants. Sec  American  Aborigines:  Al- 
GONQUIAN  Family. 

A.  D.  1633-1631.— Gorges'  and  Mason's 
grant  and  the  division  of  it.— First  colonies 

Slanted.— The  naming  of  the  province.  See 
;ew  England:  A.  D.  1621-1631. 
A.  D.  1641-1679.— The  claims  of  Massa- 
chusetts asserted  and  defeated.— According  to 
its  terms,  the  Massachusetts  patent  embraced  a 
territory  extending  northward  three  miles  beyond 
the  head-waters  of  the  Merrimack,  and  covered, 


therefore,  the  greater  part  of  Mason's  New 
Hampshire  grant,  as  well  as  that  of  Gorges  in 
Maine.  In  1041,  when  this  fact  had  been  ascer- 
tained, the  General  Court  of  Ma.s.saehusetts 
"  passed  an  order  (with  the  consent  of  the  settlers 
at  Dover  and  Strawberry-bank,  on  the  I'isca- 
taqiia),  'That  from  thenceforth,  the  said  people 
inhabiting  there  arc  and  shall  be  accepted  and 
reputed  under  the  Government  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts,'etc.  Mason  had  died,  and  confusion 
ensued,  so  th:it  the  settlers  were  mostly  glad  of 
the  transfer.  A  long  controversy  ensued  between 
Mason's  heirs  and  Alassachusetts  as  to  the  right 
of  iurisdiction.  The  history  of  New  Hampshire 
and  Maine  at  tliis  period  was  much  tlie  same. 
In  1660,  at  the  time  of  the  Hestoratioii,  the  heirs 
of  Mason  applied  to  the  Attorney-General  in 
England,  who  decided  that  they  had  a  good  title 
to  New  Hampshire.  The  Commissioners  who 
came  over  in  1004  attempted  to  rc-eslablish  them ; 
but  as  the  settlers  favored  Massachusetts,  she 
resumed  her  government  when  they  left.  Ma- 
son's heirs  renewed  their  claim  in  1675,  and  in 
1679  it  was  solemnly  decided  against  the  claim 
of  the  Massachusetts  Colony,  although  their 
grant  techuicallv  included  all  lands  extending  to 
three  miles  north  of  the  waters  of  the  Merrimack 
river.  John  Cutt  was  the  first  President  in  New 
Hampshire,  and  thenceforward,  to  the  American 
Revolution,  New  Hampshire  was  treated  as  a 


2317 


NEW  IIAMI'SIIIUE. 


NEW  HAVEN. 


Kuyal  )>n)vlncc,  the  QovernorH  uud  liliiiU'iiant- 
OiivtrnorN  iM'ing  iiiipoiiitcil  by  the  Kinx,  iiiul  the 
luwH  inmli'  liy  the  people  being  HUbjecl  to  hln 
revUloii."— ('.  W.  Elliott,  Ttus  AV/r  h'liyUtml 
nut.,  r.  1,  eh.  M. 

AUM)  IN :  (1.  Hunilow,  HUt.  of  S.  llnmpthirr, 
eh.  3-5.— .1.  lielkniij).  Ititt.  nf  .v.  l/umpuhin,  r. 
'  eh.  a-0.— N.  Aduiiw,  AnniiU  <>f  JhirU.'oiilh, 
p/i.  28-04.— 8eo,  alito,  Nkw  Enolamu:  A.  D. 
1040-1044. 

A.  D.  1675. —Outbreak  of  the  Taranteent. 
Bee  Nkw  Kniii.and;  A.  I).  lOT'i. 

A.  D.  1744-1748.— King  George'*  War  and 
the  taking  of  Louisburg.  See  Xh:w  Kniii,.\ni>: 
A.  1).  17»T;  174.'i;  mill  lil.')-174H. 

A.  D.  1749-1774.— Boundary  dispute  with 
New  York.— The  grants  in  Vermont,  and  the 
•truggle  of  the  "Green  Mountain  Boys"  to 
defend  them.     Hee  Vkkmont:  A.  I).  174U-1774. 

A.  O.  1754.— The  Colonial  Congress  at  Al- 
bany, and  Franklin's  Plan  of  Union.  See 
Unitki)  Statkh  ok  Am.  ;  A.  I).  1754. 

A.  D.  1755-1760.- The  French  and  Indian 
War,  and  conquest  of  Canada.  Hee  C.\.nai),\: 
A.  U  1750-175!},  to  1700;  NovA  ScoTiA;  A.  U. 
1740-1755,  1755;  Ohio  (Vau.ky):  A.  1).  1748- 
1754.  1754,  1755;  Cai-k  Hketon  Island:  A.  I). 
1758-1700. 

A.  D.  i76o-:766.— The  question  of  taxation 
by  Parliament.— The  Sugar  Act.— The  Stamp 
Act  and  its  repeal.- The  Declaratory  Act.— 
The  Stamp  Act  Congress.  See  Unitkd 
States  ok  Am.:  A.  I).  1700-1775;  170i»-17lt4; 
1705;  uiul  1700, 

A.  D.  1766-1768.— The  Townshend  duties.— 
The  Circular  Letter  of  Mas'  chusetts.  See 
United  States  OF  Am.  :  A.  1).  i;00-1707:  iind 
1707-1708, 

A.  D.  1768-1770.— The  quartering  of  troops 
in  Boston. — The  "  Massacre  "  and  the  re- 
moval of  the  troops.  SecUosTON:  A.  I).  1708; 
uiid  1770. 

A.  D.  1770-1773. — Repeat  of  the  Townshend 
duties  except  on  Tea. — Committees  of  Cor- 
respondence instituted.- The  Tea  Ships  and 
the  Boston  Tea-party.  See  United  States  ok 
A.M. ;  A.  I).  1770,  aiid  1773-1773;  and  Boston: 
A.  D.  1773. 

A.  D.  1774.— The  Boston  Port  Bill,  the 
Massachusetts  Act,  and  the  Quebec  Act. — 
The  First  Continental  Congress.  See  United 
States  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  1774. 

A.  D.  1775.— The  beginning  of  the  War  of 
the  American  Revolution. — Lexington. — Con- 
cord.—  The  country  in  arms  and  Boston 
beleaguered. —  Ticonderoga.—  Bunker  Hill. — 
The  Second  Continental  Congress.  —  See 
United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  I^   1775. 

A.  D,  1775-1776.— The  ena  f  royal  govern- 
ment.— Adoption  of  a  constitution. — Declara- 
tion of  Independence. — The  New  Hampshire 
Assembly,  calletl  by  Governor  Wentworth,  came 
togotherJuiie  13,  1775,  iu  the  midst  of  the  excite- 
ments produced  by  news  of  Lexington  and  Ticon- 
deroga. Meantime,  a  conventioD  of  the  people 
liad  been  called  and  was  sitting  at  Exeter.  Act- 
ing on  a  demand  from  the  latter,  the  assembly 
proceeded  tirst  to  expel  from  its  body  three 
members  whom  the  governor  had  called  by  the 
king's  writ  from  three  new  townships,  and  who 
were  notorious  royalists.  "One  of  the  expelled 
members,  having  censured  this  proceeding,  was 
assaulted  by  the  populace,  and  Qed  for  shelter  to 


the  governor's  houw.  The  poopio  demanded 
him,  and,  being  refuwcl,  they  point^-d  a  gun  at 
tli(!  governor'*  (l(M)r;  whereupon  the  oueiider 
wuH  Murreiulered  and  larrled  to  Exeter.  Tlio 
governor  retired  to  the  fort,  and  his  liouw  was 
pillaged,  lie  aftiTwards  went  on  board  the 
.Sciirlioroiigh  and  sailed  for  lioslon.  He  had  ad- 
loiirned  the  assembly  to  the  38th  of  Hepteinlier. 
But  they  met  no  more.  In  September,  he  issued 
a  proelamution  from  the  Isles  of  Shoals,  adjourn- 
lug  them  to  April  next.  This  was  the  closing 
act  of  Ills  ailniiidstration.  It  was  the  hist  reced- 
ing step  of  royalty.  It  had  subsisted  in  the 
nrovlnei'  05  years.  The  government  of  .New 
llainpshire  was  henceforth  to  be  a  government 
of  the  |)eople.  .  .  .  The  convention  which  had 
assembled  at  Exeter  was  elected  but  for  six 
months.  Previous  to  their  dissolution  In  Novein 
her,  they  made  provisions,  pursuant  to  the  rcr- 
ommcndations  of  congress,  for  calling  a  new 
convention,  which  should  be  a  more  full  re[ire- 
sentation  of  the  people.  They  B<'nt  copies  of 
these  provisions  to  the  several  towns,  and  dis- 
solved. The  elections  were  forthwith  held.  Tliu 
new  eouvcnllon  promptly  assembled,  and  drew 
up  a  temporary  form  of  Kovernment.  Having 
assumed  the  name  of  '  House  of  Uepresento- 
lives,'  they  adopted  a  constitution  [January, 
1770],  and  proceeded  to  choose  twelve  persons 
to  constitute  a  distinct  and  a  co-ordluato  branch 
of  the  legislature,  by  the  name  of  a  Council." 
The  constitution  provided  for  no  executive. 
'"The  t\TO  houses  assumed  to  themselves  tho 
executive  duty  during  the  session,  and  they  ap- 
pointed a  committee  of  safety  to  sit  in  tho  recess, 
varying  in  number  from  six  to  sixteen,  vested 
with  executive  powers.  Tho  president  of  tho 
council  was  president  of  the  executive  commit- 
tee. ..  .  On  the  nth  of  June,  1770,  a  committee 
was  chosen  by  the  assembly,  and  another  by  the 
council  of  New  Hampshire,  'to  make  a  draught 
of  a  declaration  of  the  independence  of  the  united 
colonies.'  On  the  15th,  the  committees  of  both 
houses  reported  a  '  Dccloratlon  of  Independence,' 
which  was  adopted  unanimously,  and  a  copy 
sent  forthwith  vo  their  delegates  in  congress.'  — 
O.  Barstow,  Jlht.  of  New  JhiiiijMihire,  eh.  0. 

A.  D.  1776.— The  ending  of  Slavery.  See 
Sl.AVEHY,  Neoko:  a.  D.  1700-1785. 

A.  D.  1776-1783.— The  War  of  Indepen- 
dence.—  Peace  with  England.  See  United 
States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D.  1770.  to  1783. 

A.  D.  1783.— Revision  of  the  State  constitu- 


See 


3  lisri 


TED  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1770- 


tion. 
1779. 

A.  D.  1788.— Ratification  of  the  Federal 
constitution.  Sec  United  States  of  A.m.  ; 
A.  D.  1787-1780. 

A.  D.  1814.— The  Hartford  Convention.  Sec 
United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D.  iai4  (Deckm- 
BEU)  The  Hahtkohd  Convention. 

NEW  HAVEN  .  A.  D.  i638.-The  plant- 
ing of  the  Colony  and  the  founding  of  the  City. 
Sec  Connecticut:  A.  D.  1038. 

A.  D.  1639.— The  Fundamental  Agreement. 
See  Connecticut:  A.  D.  1039. 

A.  D.  1640-1655. — The  attempts  at  coloni- 
zation on  the  Delaware.  See  New  Jeusey: 
A.  D.  1640-1655. 

A.  D.  1643. — Proness  and  state  of  the 
colony. — The  New  England  Confederation. 
See  New  Enoland:  A.  D.  1643. 


2318 


NKW  n.VVKN 


NKW  JKIWKY. 


A.  D.  1660-1664.— The    protection    of    the 

Regriciden.  S<i'  (onnkitk  t  r  A.  I>  ItMlo- 
IIKM 

A.  D.  1663-1664.— Annexation  to  Connecti- 
cut.     Hci' ('<iNNK.(Ti<i  t;   .\.  I).  imi'MdlH. 

A.  D.  1666.— Themicrationto  Newaric,  N.J. 
Hw' Nkw  .Ikiihky;  A.  I).  ItHIl  UMI7. 

A.  D.  1779.— Pill«ired  by  Tryon't  maraudera. 
8«'o  Unitki)  Htatkh  ok  Am  :  A.  I).  177H-177U 

WAHIIINdTON  ril'AHIIINO  TIIK  lIi'DHDN. 


NEW  HOPE  CHURCH,  Battle    of.      Scu 

Unitkk  Statkh  OK  Am.  ;  A.I).  1h»MM.*v— Hki-- 

TK.MIIKIC    (IKOIKIIA). 

NEW  JERSEY:  The  aboriginal  inhabi- 
tants. M(>C  AmKIIK  AN  AllnltllllNKH:  I>ki.awaiikn. 

A.  D.  1610-1664 — The  Dutch  in  poiiesBion. 
— The  Patroon  colony  at  Pavonia.  Scu  Nkw 
Yohk:  a.  I).  l«IO-lrtl4:  mill  ItWl-ltlHI. 

A.  D.  i6ao. — Embraced  in  the  patent  of  the 
Council  for  New  England.  Sec  Nkw  Kmi 
land;  a.  I).  ItlJO-ltl'-'M. 

A.  D.  1634.  — Embraced  in  the  Palatine 
grant  of  New  Albion.    Hw  Nkw  Amiion. 

A.  D.  1635. —  Territory  asiigned  to  Lord 
Mulgrave  on  the  dissolution  of  the  Council  for 
NewEngland.    Sci'  Nkw  Kn<ii,.\ni):  A.  I).  UVM>. 

A.  D.  1640-1655.— The  attempted  coloniza- 
tion from  New  Haven,  on  the  Delaware.— The 
London  nifroliiints  who  fonni'il  llic  Icmllntt  colo- 
nistsof  New  Huvi'n,  nnd  who  \m  re  the  wealthiest 
among  the  pioneer  settlei's  of  New  Knglund,  Imil 
gehcmcR  of  commeree  In  their  inintU,  us  well  an 
desires  for  rellglougfrct'doni,  when  they  founded 
their  little  republic  at  Quiniiipiuc.  They  l)egiin 
with  no  delay  to  cgtabliHli  n  trader  with  liarba- 
docs  and  Virginia,  as  well  un  along  their  own 
coasts;  and  they  were  promptly  on  the  watch 
for  advantageous  opehings  at  which  to  plant  a 
strong  trading-post  or  two  among  the  Indians. 
In  the  winter  of  1688-30,  one  George  LamUTton 
of  New  Haven,  while  traRicking  Virginia-wards, 
discovered  the  livelv  fur  tra(le  already  made 
active  on  Delaware  Hoy  by  the  Dutch  and  Swedes 
[see  Delawore:  A.  I).  1638-1040].  and  took  a 
hand  in  it.  His  enterprising  townsmen,  when 
they  heard  his  report,  resolved  to  puf  tliem.selves 
at  once  on  some  kind  of  firm  footing  in  the  coun- 
try where  this  profitable  trade  could  he  reached. 
They  formed  a  "Delaware  CJonipany,"  in  whicli 
the  Governor,  the  minister,  and  all  the  chiefs  of 
the  colony  were  joined,  and  late  In  the  year  1(140 
they  sent  ft  vessel  into  Delaware  Bay,  commanded 
by  Cant.  Turner,  who  was  one  of  their  number. 
Capt.  Turner  "was  instructed  by  the  Delaware 
Company  to  view  and  purchase  lands  at  tlie 
Delaware  Bay,  and  not  to  meihlle  with  aught 
that  rightfully  belonged  to  the  Swedes  or  Dutch. 
.  .  .  But  New  Haven's  captain  paid  little  heed 
to  twundarics.  He  bought  of  tl.c  Indians  nearly 
the  whole  southwestern  coast  of  New  Jcrsej-, 
and  also  a  tract  of  land  at  Passayunk.  on  the 
present  .site  of  Philadelphia,  and  opposite  the 
Dutch  fort  Nas.sau.  .  .  .  On  the  ;10tli  of  August, 
1641,  there  was  a  Town-Meeting  ivt  Xew  Haven, 
which  voted  to  it.self  authority  o^er  the  region 
of  the  Delaware  Bay.  The  acts  of  the  Delaware 
Company  were  approved,  and  '  Those  to  whome 
the  affaires  of  the  towne  is  committed '  were 
ordered  to  '  Dispose  of  all  the  affajres  of  Dela- 
ware Bay.'  The  first  instalment  of  settlers  h.id 
previously  gone  to  the  Bay.   Trumbull  says  thai 


nearly  fifty  famlllen  rrnnivrd  .\s  they  went  by 
New  Amnterdam,  Governor  Kleft  issued  an  un- 
availing  protest,  which  wan  nu't,  howeviT,  by 
fiiir  Words.  The  larger  |M>rtloii  of  the  party  net- 
tled ill  a  plantation  oil  VarkitiH  Klll(KerkenNklll, 
ll'ig  Cri'ek?),  mar  what  Is  now  Salem.  New 
.liTHi-y.  .\  fnrllfieil  trading  Iioum-  was  hiillt  or 
o(rii|)ic>ii  at  I'assiiyiiiik.  This  was  the  era  of 
Sir  Kdmiiiid  I'lowileii's  nliadowy  I'alalliiiile  of 
New  Albion,  and,  If  there  is  any  truth  In  the 
eiirloiiM  '  Description,'  there  would  weni  to  lie 
soiiii'  coniie<llon  between  llils  fort  of  the  New 
Haven  settlers  and  I'lowden's  allcKed  colDny." 
The  Dutch  anil  the  Swedes,  notwithstanding 
their  mutual  lealoiisies,  iiiaile  comiiion  ciiuw 
Mgainst  IlieHc  New  Kiiglaiid  inlruders,  and  siii 
reeded  in  breaking  up  their  s<'lllenieiits.  The 
exact  (M'<'urrences  are  obscurely  known,  but  it  is 
ei'rtaln  that  the  attempled  coloni/.atlon  was  a 
failure,  mid  that,  "  nlowiy,  lliniugh  the  winter 
and  spring  of  1643,  the  major  part  of  (the  hcI- 
llcrs]  ,  .  .  slraggii'd  home  to  New  Haven.  .  .  , 
The  poverty  and  dislri'ss  were  not  coiillned  to 
the  twose  ire  households  who  had  risked  their 
persons  In  the  enterprise.  The  ill  slarn'd  elTort 
liad  impove-'slied  the  highest  personages  In  the 
town,  and  crippled  New  Haven's  best  lliiiincial 
strength."  Yet  the  scheme  of  settlement  on  the 
Delaware  was  not  abandoned.  While  claims 
against  the  Diileli  for  damages  and  for  redress 
of  wrongs  were  vigorously  pressed,  the'  town 
still  l(Hiked  upon  the  purchased  t^'rritory  as  Its 
own,  and  was  resolute  in  the  Intentiim  to  iK-cupy 
it.  In  Uirtl  a  new  expedition  of  fifty  persons  set 
sail  for  the  Delaware,  but  was  stopped  at  Man- 
hattan by  Peter  Stuyvesant,  and  s<'iit  buck, 
vainly  raging  at  the  insolence  of  the  Dutch,  All 
New  England  shared  the  wrath  of  New  Haven, 
but  confederati'd  New  Kiigliiiid  was  not  willing 
to  move  in  the  iimller  unless  New  Haven  would 
pay  the  coiise(iueiit  costs.  New  Haven  seemed 
rather  more  than  half  disposed  to  take  up  arms 
against  New  Netlierland  on  her  own  responsl- 
lillity;  but  lier  small  ([uarrel  was  sfMin  merged 
in  the  greater  war  which  broke  out  between 
Holland  and  Knifland.  When  this  occurred, 
"  concerted  iielion  on  the  part  of  the  New  Eng- 
lanilera  would  have  given  New  Holland  to  the 
Allies,  and  extended  New  Haven's  limits  to  the 
Delaware,  witliout  any  one  to  gainsay  or  resist. 
After  the  Conimi.s.sioners  [of  the  United  Colonies] 
declared  for  war,  Massachusetts  refu.sed  to  obey, 
adopted  the  role  of  a  secessionist,  and  checked 
the  whole  proceeding.  New  Haven,  with  whom 
the  proposed  war  was  almost  a  matter  of  life  and 
death,  was  justified  in  adverting  to  the  conduct 
of  Massachusetts  as  '  A  provoaking  siiin  against 
God,  and  of  a  scamlahius  nature  before  men." 
The  mutinous  schemes  of  Roger  Ludlow  and  of 
some  New  Haven  malcontents  complicated  the 
problem  still  more  both  for  Connecticut  and  New 
llaven.  Finally,  just  as  an  army  of  800  men 
was  ready  [1634]  to  march  upon  New  Amster- 
dam, tidings  came  of  a  Kuropean  peace,  and  New 
Haven's  last  chance  was  gone.  But  the  town 
did  not  lose  hope. "  Plans  for  a  new  colony  wen; 
slowly  matured  through  16.54  and  IC)."),  but  "the 
enterprise  was  completely  thwarted  by  a  scries 
of  untoward  events,"  tlio  most  decisive  of  which 
was  the  conquest  of  New  Sweden  by  Stuyvesmit 
in  Oc^tober,  16.")5.  "  But  the  dream  of  Delaware 
was  not  forgotten." — ('.  H.  Levcrmorc,  The  lie- 
public  of  New  Haven,  ch.  3,  »ect.  5. 


231  >J 


NEW  JKH8EV,  1W(>-10.M. 


iv., 


(Inml. 


NEW  JEUSEV,  167»-IC«8. 


Alio  in:  S.  Iliizanl,  Amiiilii  of  Wnu.,  i>p.  57- 
178. 

A.  D.  1M4-1M7,— The  EiiKlith  occupation 
and  proprietary  Krant  to  Berlcelejr  and  Car- 
teret.—The  naniinif  of  the  province.— The 
Newark  immigration  from  New  Haven.—"  lir- 
fiiri'  III)'  Diikc  cif  York  wait  miiiallv  In  puHHCNNion 
of  IiIh  (iiHJly  ii(:i|uirril  U'rilloiv  |i)l'  New  Nctlicr- 
IiiikU,  or  New  York  —  n<'(i  N'kw  Yoiik:  A.  I). 
KW-tj,  on  till-  -iM  iinil  3ltli  of  .Iiinc,  IIKU,  he  I'X- 
ccutcil  (Ic-tMlii  of  li'iiM-  iind  rclni.w  to  l.oril  .lolin 
Ik'rkclcy,  Huron  of  Siriillon,  and  !<lr  OcorKo 
Carlcn't,  of  tSaitruni  In  Ih'von,  KranlinK  to  llicin, 
tliclr  licIrM  and  aiwixnH,  all  that  |iiirtion  of  Ids 
tract  'Ivliii;  and  lichiK  to  the  ni'Ntwnnl  of 
Iaiuk  iNlanil  anil  ManldtaH  Islanil,  and  honiidi'd 
on  the  I'aKt  part  bv  tlu-  main  avn,  and  part  by 
liiiditon'H  rivLT,  and  hath  upon  the  wi'Mt,  Dela- 
wart'  bay  or  river,  and  fxtcndlnn  nontliwanl  to 
tlic  main  o<x>an  aM  far  UHCapi'  May,  at  llic  nioutli 
of  Di-lawarc  bay ;  and  to  tlic  northward,  uh  furuH 
thu  northvrnnioHt  brunch  of  the  Huid  bay  or  river 
of  Delaware,  which  ix  41^  40'  of  latitude,  and 
crouM'lli  over  thence  in  a  Htrait  line  to  lliidHon'H 
river.  In  41°  J)f  lalllu<le;  whlcli  Halil  tract  of  land 
1h  liereiiftor  to  be  called  by  the  name  or  nameH 
of  New  ("ii'sureo,  or  New  Jersey.'  Tliu  name  of 
'  C'li'Haren '  wag  conferred  upon  thu  tract  in  com- 
ineiiioratlonof  the)(nllnnt(lefeiiceof  thelshuul  of 
Jersey,  m  104U,  by  HIr  Oeorgu  Carteret,  then  Its 
governor,  against  the  I'arliauicntarians;  but  tho 
people  preferred  the  Knglish  name  of  New  Jer- 
sey, and  tho  other  was  con»e(iuently  soon  lost. 
The  grant  of  the  Duke  of  Y'ork  frum  the  crown 
conferred  upon  him,  his  heirs  and  assigns, 
among  other  rights  uupertainlng  then-to,  that 
most  Important  one  ol  government;  the  ])ower 
of  liearing  and  deterndniiig  appeals  being  re- 
served to  the  king;  but,  'relying,'  says  ('hal- 
mers,  'on  the  greatness  of  his  connection,  he 
seems  to  linvo  been  little  solicitous  to  procure 
the  royal  privileges  conferred  on  the  pro|)rietors 
of  Maryland  and  Carolina,'  whose  charters  con- 
fcri-ed  almost  unlimited  autliority.  'And  wliilo 
ns  counts-palatine  they  exercised  every  act  of 
government  in  their  own  names,  because  they 
were  invested  with  the  ample  powers  possessed 
by  llie  pnetors  of  the  Roman  provinces,  lie  ruled 
Ills  territory  in  the  name  of  the  king.'  lu  the 
transfer  to  Herkeley  and  Carteret,  they,  their 
heirs  and  assigns,  were  invented  with  all  the  jiow- 
crs  conferred  upon  the  duke.  .  .  .  Lord  Berke- 
ley and  Sir  George  Carteret,  now  sole  proprietors 
of  New  Jersey,  on  tho  10th  Febrin»ry  1(504, 
signed  ft  constitution,  wldch  they  made  public 
under  tlie  title  of  '  The  Conrcssions  and  ngree- 
nieul  of  the  Lords  Proprietors  of  New  Jersey,  to 
and  with  all  and  every  of  the  adventurers,  and 
all  such  us  shall  settle  and  plant  there.' .  .  .  On 
the  same  day  that  this  instrument  was  signed, 
Philip  Carteret,  a  brother  to  Sir  George,  re- 
ceived a  commission  as  governor  of  New  Jersey. 
.  .  .  Tlie  ship  Pliilip,  liaving  on  board  about  80 
people,  some  of  them  servants,  and  laden  with 
suitable  conmiodities,  sailed  from  England  in 
the  summer,  and  arrived  in  safetj;  at  the  place 
now  known  as  Ellzubcthtown  Point,  or  Eliza- 
beth Port,  in  August  of  the  same  year.  What 
circumstance  led  to  the  governor's  selection  of 
this  spot  for  his  tlrst  settlement,  is  not  now 
known,  but  it  was,  probably,  tho  fact  of  its 
having  been  rccentlv  examined  and  approved  of 
by  others.    Uo  lancled,  and  gave  to  Ms  embryo 


town  the  name  of  Ell/nl>otli,  after  the  lady  of 
Hir  George.  .  .  .  Governor  Curleri't,  «>  wnin  as 
he  iM'canu'  establlHhcd  at  Kll/.abctlitown,  M'ut 
mcsNengem  to  New  Kngland  and  cIn<'wIkti',  to 
publish  the  concessionH  of  the  proprUMors  and  in 
Invite  settlers.  In  coniwiiuencc  of  this  invilution 
and  the  fuvorabh'  icrnis  olTcred.  the  province 
soon  receivc<l  large  additions  to  its  population. " 
—  W.  A.  Whitehead,  Kmt  ,l<iiu//  iiiuler  l/ir  I'lo- 
jifirtiiru  (li)ifrniiifiitii  (.V.  ./.  llinl.  Sj:  ('oIIi.,  r. 
I),  jimii'l  2. — "In  August,  UWf>,  he  (Governor 
Carteret)  sent  letters  to  New  England  offering 
to  settlers  every  civil  and  religious  privilege. 
Mr.  Tri'ut  and  some  of  his  friends  lmme<llately 
visited  New  .Icrsey.  They  bent  Ihclr  steps  to- 
ward the  New  llavcn  properly  on  the  Delaware 
Hay,  and  selected  a  site  for  a  scti lenient  near 
what  is  now  liurllnglon.  Hi  turning  by  way  of 
Kli/.abetli,  Ihev  met  Carter  t,  and  wen;  by  him 
Intluenced  to  (ocate  on  the  Passaic  Ulver.  .  ,  . 
Karlv  in  the  spring  of  lOOTi,  the  remnant  of  the 
old  New  Ilavcii,  the  New  llaveii  of  IflltH,  under 
the  leadership  of  Hobert  Treat  and  Mathew 
Gilbert,  sailed  into  the  Passaic.  ...  In  June, 
ItUlT,  the  entire  force  of  tho  little  colony  was 
gathertMl  together  In  their  new  alxKh',  to  which 
the  name  '  Newark '  was  upplled,  In  honor  of  .Mr. 
Pierson's  English  home.  [.Mr.  Plerson  was  tho 
minister  at  Hranford,  In  tho  New  Haven  colony, 
and  his  liork  migrated  wltii  him  to  Newark 
almost  IxMllly.]  'The  Fundamental  Agreement 
was  revised  and  enlarged,  tho  most  notable  ex- 
pansion being  the  following  article:  'The  planters 
aga'O  to  submit  to  such  magistrates  as  siiall  Ite 
aun';;;"tv  chcsen  by  the  Friends  from  among 
tbemsclves,  and  to  such  Laws  as  wo  had  in  thu 
I'laco  whence  we  came.'  Hlxtyfour  men  wrote 
their  names  under  this  Hill  of  Hlglits,  of  whom 
2!)  were  from  liranford,  and  the  remaining  41 
from  New  Haven,  Jlilford^  and  Guilford.  Most 
of  them  were  probably  heads  of  families,  and,  in 
all  the  company,  but  six  were  obliged  to  make 
their  murks.  ...  It  seems  to  me  that,  after 
1000,  the  New  Haven  of  Davenjmrt  and  Eaton 
must  bo  looked  for  upon  the  banks,  not  of  tho 
Quiunlpiac,  but  of  tho  Passaic.  The  men,  the 
methixis,  tho  laws,  the  olUeors,  that  made  New 
Haven  'fown  what  it  was  in  104U,  disappeared 
from  tho  Connecticut  Colony,  but  came  to  full 
life  again  immediately  in  New  Jersey.  .  .  . 
Newark  was  not  so  much  the  product  as  the 
continuation  of  New  Haven." — C;.  H.  Lever- 
more,  The  Hejui/ilie  of  N.  llaren.  eh.  4,  sed.  0. 

Also  in  :  Dock.  lid.  to  the  Col.  Hint.  y.  J.,  v.  1. 

A.  D.  1673. — The  Dutch  leconquest.  tSee 
Nkw  Youk:  a.  1).  107;). 

A.  D.  1673-1682.— The  sale  to  new  '  Proprie- 
tors, mostly  Quakers,  and  division  of  the 
province  into  East  Jersey  and  West  Jersey.— 
The  free  constitution  of  West  Jersey.— In 
1073  Lord  Borlicley,  one  of  the  original  proprie- 
tors, "sold  hisonc-lialf  interest  in  the  Province 
for  less  than  |.5,000.  John  Fcnwick  and  Edward 
Byllingc,  two  English  Quakers,  wore  tho  piir- 
chnscrs.  A  dispute  arose  between  tho  now  pro- 
prietors about  tlio  division  of  their  property,  and 
William  Penn,  who  afterward  became  the  foun- 
der of  Pennsylvania,  was  clioson  arbitrator  to 
settle  the  dilHculty,  and  succeeded  to  the  satis- 
faction of  all  parties  interested.  Fenwick  sailed 
from  Ix)ndon,  in  1075,  in  the  ship  '  Qrillith,'  witli 
his  family  and  a  small  company  of  Quakers. 
This  was  thu  first  English  vessel  that  came  to 


2320 


NEW  JKIWKY.  l«78-lflHa.       ra.  7>«  y»«»H-       NKW  JERHKY,  l«8»-n88. 


Now  Jcmcy  wllli  liiimlKmiitii.  Tlin  piirty  milli'il 
lip  tlif  Dcliiwiirc  hiiv,  iiiiil.  ciiIitImk  it  cri'i'k, 
liinili'il  oil  llN  ImiikH  tdri't'  iiiIIcn  iuhI  ii  liiilf  fnim 
till'  Dcliiwiiri'.  TliU  iri'i'k.  iiml  tlii'  Hrlllciiii'iit 
rdiiiiili'il  on  It,  Fciiwli'k  iiiiiiu'd  Malciii.  'I'liU  wim 
til)  Unit  EnglUli  Matloinoiil  iMTiiiiiiicntly  i'fIiiIi- 
lUlicil  III  Went  .IiTHcy."— ,1.  I{.  Syplicr  iiml  K.  A. 
ApKiir,  Jlifl.  of  AVi/i  Jertfii,  eh.  1.  — In  July,  Itl7tl, 
till*  priivinc  wiiH  (llvlili'il.  I'lillip  ('iiiti'i'it  tnklnjt 
KiiHt  JtTwy,  nd  llui  itufccMMorH  of  Kcrkclry  tak- 
Inif  W('«t '.ItTHcv.  "  Tlii'iciiiioii,  CiiitiTft,  liy 
will.  (IcvIikmI  lilH  piniitiillon  of  New  .liTBcy  to 
triiHtccM  to  Im<  Hold  for  ct'itiiln  piirpoHCH,  by  lilm 
HtaK'd,  III  tl)Ml-'i.  .  .  .  llf  liud  not  Ik  pciicciililu 
tliiic.  IniliTd,  itnytliinfr  IlkiM'onHtant  pciii'i'  wiih 
till'  lot  of  very  f«w  of  Nt'W  JiTMcy'ii  early  Gov- 
iTiiorH.  Clovcrnor  AnilniM,  of  New  York,  iIIh- 
piitcd  Carli'rc'l'H  aiilliorlly;  nay,  falling  liy 
pi'aci'niilu  iiicaiiH  lo  K"ln  lilx  point,  lir  wiit  » 
parly  of  hoIiIIith  liy  nielli  |I<17M|  who  dra^^tcd 
CartiTi't  from  Ids  IhmI,  carrlfd  liiin  to  Ni'W  \ork, 
and  Ihvro  kept  liliii  climi'  until  a  day  waH  Hct  on 
wlilch  liu  wuH  trk'd  lii'fori^  IiIh  opponent  liliiiHelf 
in  the  New  York  CoiirlH,  and  three  tiiiieH  acijiilt- 
tt'd  by  the  Jury,  who  were  Hcnt  liuek  willi  direi'- 
tlnna  to  convict,  but  (Irmly  each  time  refiiHeil, 
Tlie  authority  of  Carteret  was  conllriiied  by  the 
Diiko  of  York,  nnd  Andros  whh  recalled.  .  .  . 
The  trustees  of  Hir  Oeorgo  Carteret  could  not 
make  sale  of  Kant  Jersey.  After  liielTectual 
attempts  at  privato  sale  they  ofTered  it  at  public 
miction,  and  William  I'eun  and  eleven  iiHsociateH, 
most  if  not  all  (Quakers,  boiiKbt  It  for  i:3,'(00. 
It  wag  too  heavy  a  purchase,  apnarcntly,  for 
tlieir  management,  bach  sold  halt  his  riKlit  to 
another,  and  so  were  constituted  the  twenty-four 
Proprietors.  They  procured  a  deed  of  coiillrina- 
tlon  from  the  Duke  of  York  iMaicli  llth,  lUMJ, 
and  then  the  twenty-four  Lords  Proprietors  by 
Healed  instrument  established  u  council,  j^ave 
them  power  lo  apjioint  overseers,  and  displace  all 
ollicers  necessary  to  manage  tin  ir  property,  to 
take  cnro  of  their  lands,  deed  iliem,  appoint 
dividends,  settle  the  rights  uf  particiiliir  I'm- 
prietors  tn  such  dividends,  grant  warrants  of 
survey,  in  tine,  to  do  everytliing  necessary  for 
the  proi'it^ible  disposition  of'all  the  territory.  .  .  . 
The  new  Proprietors  were  men  of  rank.  Wil- 
liam Peun  is  known  to  all  the  world.  With  him 
were  James,  Earl  of  Perth,  John  Druminond, 
Hobcrt  Uarclay,  famous,  like  Penn,  as  a  tjuaker 
gentleman,  and  a  controversialist  for  Clunker  be- 
lief: David  Harcliiy.  .  .  .  Each  Proprietor  had 
a  twcnly-foiirth  Interest  in  tlio  proper!  v,  inheri- 
table, (fivisibic,  anil  assignable,  as  if  u.  were  a 
farm  instead  of  n  province.  And  by  these  means 
the  estate  lias  come  down  to  those  who  now  own 
the  property.  ...  In  New  Jersey  .  .  .  our  Leg- 
islature '  18  nothing  nt  all  to  do  with  our  waste 
or  iiuappiopriuted  land.  It  all  belongs  to  the 
Proprietors,  to  those,  namely,  who  own  what  arc 
known  as  Proprietary  rights,  or  rights  ol  Pro- 
prietor.ship,  and  is  subject  to  the  disposition  of 
the  Hoard  of  Proprietors.  .  .  .  What  is  left  in 
tlieir  control  is  now  [1884]  of  comparatively 
slight  value." — C.  Parker,  Aridrexn,  JU-Centen- 
nuU  Celebration  of  the  Jlonrd  of  Am.  J'ropnelora 
of  E.  New  Jersey. — The  division  line  between 
East  Jersey  and  West  Jersey,  as  established  by 
the  agreement  between  the  Proprietors,  began  at 
Little  Egg  Harbor  and  extended  northwestward 
to  a  point  on  the  Delaware  river  in  41  degrees  of 
north  latitude.     "After  this  line  had  been  estab- 


lislii'il,  John  Kcnwlck'n  Inlerent  In  West  Jerupy 
was  cniivryed  to  Joliii  Eldrldge  nnd  t'^lmiiiid 
Warner  in  fee,  and  they  were  ndmittcd  into  the 
niimlH'r  of  proprietors.  In  order  to  cHtabliKli  u 
Kovernniint  for  llio  Provincr  of  West  .lersey, 
provlHlonal  aiitlioritv  was  glvni  to  Uiilinrd  Hart- 
shore  and  Itichard  (Siiy,  ri'sldeiits  of  East  ,li'rm'y, 
and  to  ,laiiirs  Waww,  who  was  sent  cHiH'iially 
from  England  to  act  on  Iwlialf  of  the  proprieton. 
These  persons  were  conimlHHiiined  on  the  INtli  of 
August,  IIITK,  by  Hyllinge  and  his  trustees.  In 
conjunction  with  Eldrldge  and  Warner,  and  full 
power  was  given  them  to  coiidiii't  the  alTai.-s  of 
the  governiiient  in  atiordaiire  with  Instructions 
from  the  iiroprictors.  Keiiwlik,  who  had  foiiliil- 
ed  a  s<'tt lenient  at  l^ah'iii,  refused  to  recognl/.ci 
the  transfer  of  his  portion  of  the  Province  to 
KIdriilge  and  Warner,  and  declared  lilnis<'lf  to  lie 
independent  of  this  new  giiveriuiieiit.  It  there- 
fore iH'caiiii'  the  llrst  duty  of  the  coiniiilHsioneni 
to  m'ttle  this  dilllcully.  All  elTorts.  however,  for 
that  purpose  failed.     The  original   plan  of  the 

f;overiinieiit  was  di'vised  by  Willhim  IVim  and 
lis  iininediale  asHocialcs.  It  was  afterward  ap- 
iiroved  by  all  the  proprietors  interested  in  the 
Province,  and  was  llrst  published  on  tlie  ild  of 
.Marcli,  lIlTtI,  as  'The  Concessions  and  Agree- 
nieiils  of  the  proprietors,  freehohh'rs  and  iiiiiab- 
itiints  of  llie  Prnviiicc  of  West  Jersey  In  Ameri- 
ca.' Tills  coiistiliition  declared  that  no  man  or 
number  of  men  on  earth  had  power  or  authority 
to  rule  over  men's  consciences  in  relij^mus  mat- 
ters; and  tliat  no  person. or  iiersons  within  the 
Province  should  be  in  any  wise  culled  In  quus- 
tion  or  piinislied.  In  |)ersoii,  estate  dr  privilege, 
on  account  of  opinidii,  jiidgnient,  faitli  or  wor- 
ship toward  Uod  in  matters  of  religion.  .  .  . 
Tliat  all  the  inliabitants  of  tin-  Province  sliould 
have  the  right  to  attend  court  and  be  present  at 
all  prcK'eeiirngs,  '  to  the  end  that  Justice  may  not 
be  done  in  a  corner,  nor  in  any  covert  mannur,' 
.  .  .  The  executive  aiitliorily  of  the  government 
was  Kslged  in  the  hands  of  commissioners,  to  be 
appointed  at  llrst  by  the  proprietors  or  a  ma- 
jority of  tlieni;  but  niUr  the  further  si'ttlenient 
of  the  Province  they  were  to  be  chosen  by  the 
resident  proprietors  and  inliabitants,  on  the  S'ltli 
of  .March  of  each  year.  The  first  election  for 
cominissioncrs  occurred  in  1  OHO,  .  .  .  One  of  the 
most  remarkable  features  in  this  instrument  Is 
the  fact  that  no  authority  Is  retained  by  the 
liroprictary  bisly.  '  We  put  the  power  in  the 
people,'  w"as  llie  language  of  the  funilanientnl 
law."— J.  P  Svphei"  and  E.  A.  Apgar,  lliat.  of 
2(eit  Jcnui/.  ell.  . 

Also  in:  W.  .^  Whh  iicad,  Kant  Jirnci/  under 
Hie  J'rojiruldri/  ilor'tH,  j  .  (Kt-UK. — Ducii.  lUUtting 
to  the  Col.  Hint,  of  Meir    linui/,  r.  1. 

A.  D.  1674.— Final  r  covery  by  the  English. 
See  Nktiikhi,.vni>s  (Holland):  .V.  I).  l(iT4, 

A.  D.  1688. — Joined  with  New  England  un- 
der the  Governorship  of  Andres.  8ee  Xkw 
Youk:  a.  I).  1(W8. 

A.  D.  1688-1738. —  Extinguishment  of  the 
Pioprietary  political  powers. — Union  of  the 
two  Jerueys  in  one  rojral  province. — "In  New 
Jersey,  had  the  proprietary  power  been  vested 
in  the  jjcoplo  or  restTved  to  one  inon,  it  might 
have  siM'vived,  but  it  was  divided  among  specu- 
lators in  land,  who,  as  a  body,  had  gain,  and  not 
the  public  welfare,  for  their  end.  In  April, 
1688,  'the  proprietors  of  East  New  Jersey  bad 
surrendered  their  pretended  right  of   govern- 


2321 


NEW  JERSEV.  1688-1788. 


fndependencf. 


NEW  JERSEY,  1775. 


mont,'  nnil  tlio  siirrcndor  had  been  nrrrpted. 
In  Oi'tolKT  of  the  siiiiic  your,  the  coviiicil  of  the 
prfjprietiirics  of  West  New  Jersey  voted  to  the 
sceretiiry  peneml  for  the  dominion  of  New  Eiig- 
l«n<l  tlie  oustody  of  'all  records  reliiting  to  gov- 
ernment.' Tims  the  whole  province  fell,  with 
New  York  nnd  New  England,  under  the  govern- 
ment of  Andros.  At  the  revolution,  therefore 
[the  lluglish  Revolution  of  1088-J^9],  the  sover- 
eignty over  New  Jersi^y  lind  reverted  to  the 
crown;  nnd  the  legal  maxim,  soon  promulgated 
by  the  board  of  trade,  that  tlie  dimiains  of  the 
pro|)rietnrie8  miglit  be  bought  and  sold,  but  not 
their  executive  power,  weakeied  their  attempts 
at  the  recovery  of  niithority,  ind  consigned  tli(^ 
colony  to  a  temporary  anarchy.  A  conununiiy 
of  liusbandmcn  may  be  safe  for  a  short  season 
with  little  government.  For  twelve  j'enrs,  the 
province  was  not  in  a  settled  condition.  From 
June,  1689,  to  August,  1693,  East  New  Jersey 
had  apparently  no  superintending  administra- 
tion, iHjing,  in  time  of  war,  destitute  of  military 
officers  as  well  as  of  magistrates  with  royal  or 
proprietary  commissions.  They  were  protected 
by  tiieir  neighbors  from  external  attacks;  and 
there  is  no  reason  to  infer  that  the  several  towns 
failed  to  exercise  regulating  powers  within  their 
respective  limits.  .  .  .  The  proprietaries,  threat- 
ened with  the  ultimate  interference  of  parliament 
in  provinces  'where,'  it  was  said,  'no  regular 
government  had  ever  been  cstablislied,'  resolved 
to  resign  Umr  pretensions.  In  their  negotiations 
with  the  cnwn,  they  wished  to  insist  that  there 
should  be  a  triennial  assembly;  but  King  Wil- 
liam, though  he  had  against  his  inclination  ap- 
proved triennial  parliaments  Tor  England,  would 
never  consent  to  them  in  the  phmtations.  In 
1702,  the  first  year  of  Queen  Anne,  the  surren- 
der took  place  before  tlic  privy  council.  The 
domain,  ceasing  to  be  connected  with  proprie- 
tary powers,  was,  under  tlie  ruled  of  private 
right,  confirmed  to  its  possessor?,  and  the  decis- 
ion lias  never  been  disturbed.  I'he  surrender 
of  'the  pretended'  rights  to  government  being 
completed,  the  two  Jerseys  were  united  in  one 
province ;  and  the  government  was  conferred  on 
Edward  Hyde,  Lord  Cornbury,  who,  like  Queen 
Anne,  was  the  grandchild  of  Clarendon.  Re- 
taining its  separate  legislature,  tlie  province  had 
for  the  next  thirty-six  years  the  same  governors 
as  New  York.  It  never  again  obtained  a  charter : 
the  royal  commission  of  April  1708,  nnd  tlie 
royal  iDstructions  to  Lord  Cornbury,  constituted 
the  form  of  its  administration.  Tu  tlie  governor 
appointed  by  the  crown  belonged  the  powir  of 
legislation,  with  consent  of  the  royal  council  pnd 
the  represcntntives  of  the  people.  .  .  .  The  free- 
men of  the  colony  were  soon  conscious  of  tlio 
diminution  of  their  liberties." — G.  Bancroft,  Jliitt. 
of  the  U.  8.  (author's  hut  rev.),  pt.  3,  ch.  2  (v.  'i). 

Also  in:  J.  O.  Raum,  Hut.  of  New  Jersey, 
ch.  8  (r.  1). 

A.  D.  171 1. — Queen  Anne's  War.  See  Can- 
ada: A.  I).  17n-1713. 

A.  D.  1744-1748.— King  Georg^e's  War.  See 
New  England:  A.  I).  1744;  1745;  nnd  1745- 
1748. 

A.  D.  1760-1766. — The  question  of  taxation 
by  Parliament. — The  Sugar  Act. — The  Stamp 
Act  and  its  repeal. —  The  Declaratory  Act. — 
The  First  Continental  Congress.  See  United 
States  op  Am.:  A.  D.  1760-1776;  1763-1764; 
1765;  and  1766. 


A.  D.  1766-177^.— Opening  events  of  the 
Revolution.  Sec  I  niteii  Statksok  Am.  :  A.  I). 
1766-1767,  to  1774;  and  H.WTo., :  A.  I).  1768,  to 
1773. 

A.  D.  1774-1776. — End  of  royal  g|overnment. 
— Adoption  of  a  State  Constitution. —  In  the 
person  of  AVilliam  Franklin,  unworthy  son  of 
Benjamin  Franklin,  New  Jersey  was  afflicted,  at 
the  outbreak  of  the  Revolutionary  struggle,  with 
an  arbitrary  and  obstinately  royalist  governor. 
Finding  the  assembly  of  the  colony  refractory 
and  'ndependent,  he  refused  to  convene  it  in 
1774,  when  tlie  people  desired  to  send  delegates 
to  the  Continental  Congress.  Thereupon  a  con- 
vention was  lieM  at  New  Brunswick,  and  this 
body  not  only  commissioned  delegates  to  tlie 
general  Congress,  but  appointed  a  "general  com- 
mittee of  correspondence  "  for  the  Province.  The 
committee,  in  Jiay  of  the  following  year,  calh'd 
together,  at  Trenton,  a  second  Provincial  Con- 
vention, which  took  to  itself  the  title  of  the 
"Provincial  Congress  of  New  Jersey,"  and  as- 
sumed the  full  authority  of  all  the  branches  of 
the  government,  providing  for  the  defense  of 
the  Province  and  taking  measures  to  carry  out 
the  plans  of  th3  Continental  Congress.  "Gov- 
ernor Franklin  convened  the  Legislature  on 
the  16tli  of  November,  1775.  No  important 
business  was  transacted,  and  on  the  6th  of  De- 
cember the  Assembly  was  prorogued  by  the 
governor  to  meet  on  the  3d  of  January,  1776, 
but  it  never  reassembled,  nnd  this  was  tlie  end 
of  Provincial  legislation  in  New  Jersey  under  royal 
authority.  .  .  .  Though  the  Provincial  Congress 
of  New  Jersey  liad  to  a  great  extent  assumed  the 
control  of  public  affairs  in  the  Province,  it  had 
not  renounced  the  royal  authority.  .  .  .  On  the 
24th  of  June,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  draft 
a  constitution.  .  .  .  New  Jersey  was,  however,  not 
yet  disposed  to  abandon  all  hopes  of  reconcilia- 
tion with  the  Crown,  and  therefore  provided  in 
the  last  article  of  tliis  constitution  that  the  in- 
strument should  become  void  whenever  the  king 
should  grant  a  full  redress  of  grievances,  and 
agree  to  administer  tlic  government  of  New 
Jersey  in  accordance  witli  the  constitution  of 
England  and  the  rigiits  of  British  subjects.  But, 
on  the  18th  of  July,  177[6]  the  Provincial 
Congress  assumed  tlie  title  of  'Tlie  Convention 
of  the  State  of  New  Jersey,'  declared  tlie  Statfl 
to  be  independent  of  royal  authority,  nnd  directed 
that  all  official  papers,  acts  of  Assembly  and 
other  public  documents  should  be  made  in  the 
name  and  by  the  authority  of  tlie  State."  Before 
this  occurred,  however.  Governor  Franklin  had 
been  placed  under  arrest,  by  order  of  Congress, 
and  sent  to  Connecticut,  where  he  was  released 
on  parole.  lie  sailed  immediately  for  England. 
"When  the  State  government  was  organized 
under  th?  new  constitution,  tlie  Legislature  en- 
acted laws  for  the  urrest  nnd  punishment  of  all 
persons  who  opposed  Its  authority. " — J.  R. 
Sypher  and  E.  A.  Apgar,  Hist,  of  JVew  Jersey, 
ch.  10-11. 

Ai,80  IN :  T.  F.  Gordon,  Hist,  of  New  Jersey, 
ch.  12.  —  See,  also,  United  Sta.es  op  Am.  : 
A.  D.  1776-1770. 

A.  D.  1775.— The  beginning  of  the  War  of 
the  American  Revolution. — Lexington.- -Con- 
cord. —  Siege  of  Boston.  —  Ticonderoga.  — 
Bunker  Hill.— The  Second  Continental  Con- 
gress. See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D. 
1775. 


2322 


NKW  JERSEY,  1776-1778. 


NEW  OKLEANS. 


A.  D.  1776-1778.— The  battle  ground  of 
Washington  campaigns.  .'■'I't'  V.nitkd  Siatks 
OK  A.M. :  A.  D.  177«;  1770-1777;  ami  1778 
(June). 

A.  D.  1777-1778.— Withholding  ratification 
from  the  Articles  c.  Confederation.  Seu 
I'-NiTKi)  .St.vtks  OK  Am.  :  A.  I).  17si-17.'S(!. 

A.  D.  1778-1779  —  British  raids  from  New 
York.  Sec  L'mthi)  Siatksok  .Vm.  :  A.  1).  177H- 
1779. 

A.  D.  1778-1783.— The  war  on  the  Hudson, 
on  the  Delaware,  and  in  the  South.— Surren- 
ucr  of  CornwalHs. — Peace  with  Great  Britain. 
Sec  l'Nrn;i)  .Status  <ii-  Am.  :  A.  I).  177«,  lo  17s:i. 

A.  D.  1787.— Ratification  of  the  Federal 
Constitution.  Sec  I'nitku  St.vtes  ok  Am.  ; 
A.  D.  1787-1789. 


capture    of.     .Sec 
D.  18G3  (Maucii- 


NEW    MADRID,    The 

Unitki)  States  ok  Am.  :  A. 
AiMtii,:  O.VTiiE  JIississii'i'i), 

NEW  MARKET,  OR  GLENDALE,  Bat- 
tle of.  See  U.MTED  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  1803 
(Jr.NE — July:  Viuoinia). 

NEW  MARKET  (Shenandoah  Valley), 
Battle  of.  See  United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  1). 
1804  (May— Ju.NE:   ViiirirM.\;   The  C'AMr.«GN- 

I.VO  IX  the  SlIE.VAXDOAII. 


NEW  MEXICO  :    Aborieinal  Inhabitants. 

See  American  Ahokicines:  Pueblos,  ArAciiE 
Gitoui',  and  Siioshonean  Family. 

A.  D.  1846.— The  American  conquest  and 
occupation  by  Kearney's  expedition. — "  While 
the  heaviest  flgliting  [of  tlie  Me.vicau  War]  was 
going  on  in  Old  Mexico  [sec  Mexico:  A.  I). 
1840-1847],  the  Govcruinciit  [of  the  United  States] 
easily  took  possession  of  New  Mexico  and  Cali- 
fornia, by  means  of  expeditions  organized  on  the 
remote  frontiers.  Ne\v  Jlexico  was  wanted  for 
the  emigration  to  the  Pacirtc.  If  wc  were  to 
have  California  we  must  also  have  the  right  of 
way  to  it.  In  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards,  New 
Jlexico  barred  access  to  the  Pacific  so  completely 
that  the  oldest  travelled  route  was  scarcely 
known  to  Aniericaus  at  all,  and  but  little  used  by 
the  Spaniards  themselves.  If  now  we  consult  a 
map  of  the  United  States  it  is  seen  that  the 
thirty-fourth  parallel  crosses  the  Mississippi  at 
the  111  ith  of  the  Arkansas,  cuts  New  Mexico  in 
the  iiiluv'.le,  and  reaches  tiie  Pacific  near  Los 
Angeles.  It  was  long  the  belief  of  statesmen 
that  the  great  tide  of  emigration  must  set  along 
this  line,  because  it  hiul  the  most  temperate 
climate,  was  shorter,  and  would  be  found  freer 
from  hardship  than  the  route  by  way  of  the 
South  Pass.  This  view  had  set  on  foot  the  ex- 
ploration of  the  Arkansas  and  Red  Kivers.  But 
if  we  except  the  little  that  Pike  and  Long  had 
gathered,  almost  nothing  was  known  about  it; 
Yet  the  prevailing  belief  gave  New  Mexico,  as 
related  to  California,  an  exceptional  importance. 
Tliese  considerations  weighed  for  more  than  ac- 
((uisition  of  tcrritr  ry,  tliough  the  notion  that 
New  Mexico  contained  very  rich  silver-mines  un- 
<loubtedly,liad  ftrce  in  determining  its  conquest. 
.  .  .  AVitl'i  this  I  bject  General  Kearney  marched 
from  Port  LeavcnwcrMi  in  Juno,  1846,  for  Santa 
Fe,  at  the  head  of  a  force  ?f  which  a  battalion  of 
Mormons  formed  part.  After  subduing  New 
3Iexico,  Kearney  wni  ti;  go  on  to  California,  and 
with  the  help  of  naval  forces  already  sent  there, 
foi  *'  ".  purpose,  coutjuer  that  country  also.  .  .  . 
8-4« 


General  Kcarnov  marched  by  the  Upper  Arkan- 
sas, to  Heiit's  t\)rt,  and  from  Hent's  Fort  over 
the  old  trail  through  El  Jloro  and  Las  Vegas, 
San  -Aliguel  and  Old  Pecos,  witliout  meeting  the 
opposition  he  expected,  or  at  any  time  seeing  any 
considerable  body  of  the  enemy.  On  the  IHth  uf 
August,  as  the  sun  was  setting,  the  stars  and 
stripes  were  unfurled  over  the  palace  of  Santa 
Fe,  and  New  Jlcxico  was  (le<'Iared  annexed  to 
the  United  States.  Either  the  home  goveniintnt 
thought  New  Mexico  (luite  safe  from  attack,  or, 
having  decided  to  reserve  all  its  strength  for  tl  ? 
main  contliet.  had  left  this  province  to  its  fate, 
.\fler  organizing  a  civil  government,  and  i'.p- 
poiuting  Charles  Bent  of  Bent's  Fort,  governor, 
General  Kearney  broke  up  his  camp  at  Santa  Fe, 
Sept.  2.').  His  force  was  now  divided,  (^ne  part, 
under  Colonel  Doniphan,  was  ordered  to  join 
General  Wool  in  Chihuahua.  A  second  detach- 
ment was  left  to  garrison  Santa  Fe,  while  Kear- 
ney went  on  to  California  with  the  rest  of  his 
troops.  The  jieople  everywhere  seemed  disposed 
to  submit  quietly,  and  as  mo.st  of  the  pueblos 
soon  proffered  their  allegiance  to  the  United 
Stales  Government,  little  fear  of  an  outbreak 
was  felt.  Before  leavng  the  vallev.  a  courier 
was  luet  bearing  the  news  that  California  also 
had  submitted  to  us  without  striking  a  blow. 
This  information  decided  General  Kearney  to 
sen('  back  most  of  his  remaining  force,  while 
with  a  few  soldiers  only  ho  continued  his  march 
through  what  is  now  Arizona  for  the  Pacitie." — 
S.  A.  Drake,  The  Makinrj  of  the  Gruit   West,  pp. 

ssi-as.! 

Also  in:  II.  O.  Ladd,  Hist,  of  the  Wnr  xcith 
Mcrko,  ch.  9-12.— P.  St.  G.  Cooke,  The  Con- 
quest of  Xcw  Mej'ico  and  Cut. — H.  H.  Bancroft, 
Hist,  of  the  Pacific  States,  v.  13,  ch.  17.— II.  O. 
Ladd,  The  Story  of  New  3Tcxico,  ch.  10. 

A.  D.  1848.— Cession  to  the  United  States. 
See  Mexico:  A.  D.  1848. 

A.  D.  1850. — Territorial  organization.  See 
Utah:  A.  D.  1849-18.50. 

A.  D.  1875-1894.- Prospective  admission  to 
the  Union. — A  bill  to  admit  New  Mexico  to  the 
Union  as  a  state  was  passed  by  both  houses  of 
Congress  in  1873,  but  failed  in  consetiuenee  of 
an  amendment  made  in  the  Senate  too  late  for 
action  upon  it  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
Attempts  to  convert  the  scantily  populated  terri- 
tor3'  into  a  state  were  then  checked  for  several 
years.  At  this  writing  (July  1894)  a  bill  for  or- 
ganizing and  admitting  the  state  of  New  Mexico 
has  again  passed  the  llouse  of  Representatives, 
ami  is  likely  to  have  a  favorable  vote  in  the 
Senate. 


NEW  MODEL,  The. 

104:)  (Januauy— ArniL). 

NEW  NETHERLAND 
A.  I).  1010-1014. 

NEW  ORANGE.     See  New 
167:3. 


See  England  :  A.  D. 

See  New  York: 

Y'ohk:   a.  D; 


NEW  ORLEANS:  A.  D.  1718.— The 
founding  of  the  city.  See  Louisiana:  A.  D. 
1717-1718. 

A.  .0.  1763. — Reserved  from  the  cession  to 
England  in  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  and  trans- 
ferred with  western  Louisiana  to  Spain.  Seu 
Seven  Years  War:  The  Treaties. 

A.  D.  1768-1769.— Revolt  against  the  Span- 
ish   ru'e. — A    short-lived    Republic    and    its 


2323 


NEW  ORLEANS. 


NEW  YOUK,  1010-1614. 


tragic  ending.  See  Louisiana:  A.  \>.  1766- 
1768;  and  1769. 

A.  D.  1785-1803.  —  Fickle  treatment  of 
American  traders.  Bee  Louisiana:  A.  I>.  1785- 
1800;  and  1798-1803. 

A.  D.  1798-1804.— Transferred  to  France 
and  sold  to  the  United  States. — Incorporation 
as  a  city.  See  Louisiana:  A.  I).  1789-1803; 
and  1804-1813. 

A.  O.  181^.— Jackson's  defense  of  the  city 
and  gr^at  victory.  See  United  Stateh  of  Am.  : 
A.  D.  1815  (Januaiiy). 

A.  D.  1862  (April).— Far  ragut's  capture  of 
the  city.  See  United  8t;iteh  of  Am.:  A.  I). 
1803  (Apuil:  On  the  Misshsipi'i). 

A.  D.  1862  (May— December).— The  rule  of 
General  Butler.  See  Unmed  States  of  Am.  : 
A.  D.  1863  (May— DECEMBfiii:  Louisiana). 

A.  D.  1866.— Riot  and  massacre,  Seo  Louis- 
iana :  A.  D.  1865-1867. 


NEW  PLYMOUTH. 

A.  D.  1031,  and  after. 


See  Mabsach  l'setts  ; 


NEW   SCOTLAND. 
A.  D.  1631-1608. 


See   Nova  Scotia: 


NEW  SOUTH  WALES:  A.  D.  1770-1788. 
— The  discovery. — The  naming. — The  nrist 
settlement.     See  Aistkama:  A.  I).  1601-1800. 

A.  D.  1850. — Separation  of  the  Colony  of 
Victoria.     See  Ai:»tiiai.ia:  A.  I).  1839-185.-). 

A.  D.  1859. — Separation  of  the  Moretott 
Bay  District  and  its  erection  i.ito  the  Colony 
cf  Queensland.     See  Atstuama:  A.  D.  1859. 

A.  D.  1890.  —  Characteristics.  —  Compara- 
tive view.     Sec  Austhalia  :  A.  D.  1890. 

NEW  SPAIN  :  The  name  given  at  first  to 
Yucatan,  and  afterwards  to  the  province  won 
by  Cort«s.  See  Amekica:  A.  I).  1517-1518; 
and  Mexico:  A.  D.  1521-1534. 

NEW  STYLE.  See  Calend.ui,  Gkegouian. 

NEW  SWEDEN.  See  Delaware:  A.  D. 
1638-1640. 

NEW  WORLD,  The:  First  use  of  the 
phrase.    See  Ameuica  :  A.  D.  1500-1514. 


NEW  YORK. 


The  aboriginal  inhabitants.    Sec  American 

AllOKIGINES:     lUOqUOIS  CONFEDERACY,    AlGON- 

QUiAN  Family,  Hurons,  &c.,  Horikans;  and 
Manhattan  Island. 

A.  D.  1498. — Probable  discovery  of  the  Bay 
by  Sebastian  Cabot.  See  America:  A.  I). 
1498. 

A.  D.  1524. — The  Bay  visited  by  Verrazano. 
See  America:  A.  D.  1523-1524. 

A.  D.  1606. —  Embraced  in  the  territory 
granted  by  King  James  I.  of  England  to  the 
Plymouth  or  North  Virginia  Coirpany.  See 
Viuoinia:  a.  D.  1606-1607. 

A.  D.  1609. — Discovery  and  exploration  of 
Hudson  River  by  Hendrik  Hudson,  in  the 
service  of  Holland. —  "Early  in  September,  1609, 
the  ship  '  Half -Moon,'  restlessly  skirting  the 
American  coast,  in  tlio  vain  quest  for  a  strait  or 
other  water  route  leading  to  India,  came  to  tlie 
mouth  of  a  great  lonely  river,  flowing  silently 
out  from  the  heart  of  the  unlinown  continent. 
The  'Half- Moon'  was  a  small,  clumsy,  high- 
pooped  yacht,  manned  by  a  score  01  Dutch 
and  English  sea-dogs,  and  commanded  by  an 
English  adventurer  tlien  in  Dutch  nay,  and 
known  to  his  employers  as  Hendrik  Hudson.  .  .  . 
Hudson,  on  comiue  to  the  river  to  wliich  his 
name  was  afterward  given,  did  not  at  first  know 
that  it  was  a  river  at  all ;  he  believed  and  hoped 
that  it  was  some  great  arm  of  the  sea,  that  in 
fact  it  was  tlie  Northwest  Passage  to  India, 
which  he  and  so  many  other  brave  men  died  in 
vainly  trying  to  discover.  ...  Hudson  soon 
found  that  he  was  off  the  mouth  of  a  river,  not  a 
strait ;  and  he  spent  three  weeks  in  exploring  it, 
sailing  up  till  the  shoaling  water  warned  liiin 
that  he  was  at  the  head  of  navigation,  near  the 

E resent  site  of  Albany.  .  .  .  Having  reached  the 
ead  of  navigation  the  '  Half -Moon '  turned  her 
bluff  bows  southward,  and  drifted  down  stream 
with  the  rapid  current  until  she  once  more 
reached  the  bay.  .  .  .  Early  in  October,  Hudson 
set  out  on  his  homeward  voyage  to  Holland, 
where  the  news  of  his  discovery  excited  inucli 
interest  among  the  daring  merchants,  especially 


among  those  whose  minds  were  bent  on  the  fur- 
trade.  Several  of  the  latter  sent  small  ships 
across  to  the  newly  found  bay  and  river,  both  to 
bart«r  with  the  savages  and  to  explore  and  re- 
port further  upon  the  country.  The  most  noted 
of  these  sea-captains  who  followed  Hudson,  was 
Adrian  Block." — T.  Roosevelt,  y-w  York,  ch.  1. 
Also  in:  R  Juet,  Journal''  .fudton's  Voyage 
(A^.  V.  Hist.  8oe.  Coll.,  "■  ■'  -  i,  v.  1). — ote  Amer- 
ica: A.  D.  1609. 

A.  D.  1609- 1615.— Champlain  and  the  French 
in  the  North.  See  Canada:  A.  D.  1608-1611; 
and  1611-1616. 

A.  D.  1610-1614.— Possession  taken  by  the 
Dutch. — Named  New  Netherland. —  "  Tlic  gal- 
lant and  enterprising  people  under  whose  aus- 
pices Hudson  had  achieved  his  brilliant  discovery 
of  the  Hudson  River]  had  just  emerged  from  a 
ong,  bloody,  but  glorious  contest  for  freedom, 
which  tliey  had  waged  with  dogged  determina- 
tion against  Spain  since  1566  [see  Netherlands: 
A.  D.  1563-1566,  and  ofter].  ...  It  was  at  this 
crisis,  when  peace  had  at  length  returned,  after 
an  absence  of  more  than  forty  years,  and  when 
numbers  of  people  must,  by  the  transition,  have- 
found  themselves  deprived  of  their  accustomed 
active  employment  and  Iiabitual  excitement,  that 
the  intelligence  of  Hudson's  discovery  broke  oa 
tlie  public,  affording  to  private  adventure  a  new 
field.  .  .  .  The  commodities  which  abounded 
among  the  natives  of  the  newly  discovered  coun- 
tries were  objects  of  great  demand  in  Europe. 
Tlie  furs  that  the  rigors  of  the  northern  climate- 
rendered  indispensable  to  the  inhabitants  of  Hol- 
land, and  which  they  had  hitherto  obtained 
through  Russian  and  other  traders,  were  to  be 
bad  now  from  the  Indians  in  cxcliange  for  the 
veriest  baubles  and  coarsest  goods.  Stimulated 
by  these  considerations,  ...  a  vessel  was  des- 
patched by  some  Amsterdam  merchants,  freight- 
ed with  a  variet"  oods,  to  the  Manhattans, 
in  the  course  of  .  ji!owing  year  [1610].  The- 
success  of  this  venture  seems  to  have  given  in- 
c.-eased  stimulus  to  the  spirit  of  enterpnse.  New 
discoveries  were  projected ;  licenijes  were  granted 


2324 


NEW  YORK,   1610-1614.         Dutch  Occupation.  NEW  YORK,   1614-1621. 


by  the  Stfttcs-General,  on  Mie  recommendation  of 
the  Admiralty,  to  two  sliips,  tlie  Little  Fo.\  and 
Little  Crnne,  ostensibly  to  look  again  for  a 
northerlv  passage  to  China;  an(l  tlie  cities  of 
Amstcnlam,  Itotter-lam,  lloorn,  and  Enckliuy- 
zeu,  as  well  as  sevtnil  private  merchants  and 
citizens,  applied  for  u:  formation  to  tlie  States  of 
Holland  and  West  Friesland,  relative  to  a  certain 
nc  vly  discovered  I'avigable  river,  and  the  proper 
course  to  be  steered  in  proceeding  thither.  These 
sliips  proceeded,  on  procuring  the  reciuisite  in- 
formation, to  that  quarter  early  in  the  ensuing 
spring;  and  of  so  much  importance  was  the 
country  now  considered,  that  the  traders  erected 
and  garrisoned  one  or  two  small  forts  on  the 
river,  for  the  protection  of  the  fur-trade.  .  .  . 
The  favorable  position  of  the  island  of  Slanlmt- 
ton  for  commerce  was  easily  perceived  by  the 
Europeans  from  the  first,  and  it  soon  became  tlio 
head-c|uarter8  of  the  traders.  Their  establish- 
ment m  that  locality  consisted  now  [16131  of 
four  liouses,  under  the  superintendence  of  Hen- 
drick  Corstiaensen,  who,  by  means  of  his  trading- 
boats,  visited  every  creek,  inlet,  and  bay  in  the 
neighborhood,  where  an  Indian  settlement  was 
to  be  found,  and  thus  secured  for  his  employers 
the  furs  and  other  valuable  produce  of  c  coun- 
try. But  the  growing  prosperity  of  infant 
post  was  now  fated  to  experience  an  un.  \pcctcd 
check.  Capt.  Argal,  of  Virginia,  returning  in 
the  month  of  November  of  this  year  from  a 
seemingly  predatory  visit  to  a  settlement  which 
the  French  had  made  at  Port  Royal,  in  Acadia, 
touched  at  the  island  of  Manhattans,  with  a 
view,  it  is  said,  of  looking  after  a  grant  of  land 
which  he  had  obtained  there  from  the  Virginia 
Company,  and  forced  Corstiaensen  to  submit 
himself  and  his  plantation  to  the  king  of  Eng- 
land, and  to  the  governor  of  Virginia  under  him, 
and  to  ogree  to  pay  tribute  in  token  of  his  de- 
pendence on  the  English  crown.  .  .  .  Active 
steps  were  taken,  early  in  the  next  year,  to  ob- 
tain an  exclusive  right  to  the  trade  of  those  dis- 
tant countries,"  and  in  March,  1614,  the  States 
General  passed  an  ordinance  conferring  on  those 
■who  should  discover  new  lands  the  exclusive 
privilege  of  making  four  voyages  thither  before 
others  could  liave  admission  to  the  traffic.  This 
ordinance  "excited  considerable  animation  and 
activity  among  adventurers.  A  number  of  mer- 
chants belonging  to  Amsterdam  and  Iloorn  fitted 
out  and  dispatched  five  ships :  namely,  the  Little 
Fox,  the  Nightingale,  the  Tiger,  and  the  For- 
tune, the  two  last  under  the  command  of  Adriaen 
Block  and  Hendrick  Corstiaensen,  of  Amsterdam. 
The  fifth  vessel  was  called  the  Fortune  also ;  she 
belonged  to  Iloorn,  and  was  commanded  by 
Captam  Cornells  Jacobsen  Mey.  The  three  last- 
named  and  now  well-known  navigators  proceeded 
immediately  on  an  exploring  expedition  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Qreat  River  of  the  Manhattans, 
but  Block  had  the  misfortune,  soon  after  his  ar- 
rival there,  of  losing  his  vessel,  which  was  acci- 
dentally burnt.  ...  He  forthwith  set  about 
constructing  a  yacht,  3S  feet  keel,  44^  feet  long, 
and  11^  feet  wide,  which,  when  completed,  he 
called  the  '  Restless,'  significimt  of  his  own  un- 
tiring industry.  ...  In  this  craft,  the  first  speci- 
men of  European  naval  architecture  in  these 
waters.  Skipper  Block  proceeded  to  explore  the 
coast  cast  of  Manhattan  Island.  He  sailed  along 
the  East  River,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  '  The 
Hellegat,'  after  a  branch  of  the  river  Scheld,  in 


East  Flanders;  and  leaving  Long  Island,  then 
colled  Metoac,  or  Sewan-hacky,  '  the  land  of 
shells,'  on  the  south,  he  discovered  the  Housaton- 
ick,  or  river  of  the  Red  Mountain. "  Proceeding 
enstwardly,  Block  fo\uid  the  Connecticut  River, 
which  he  named  Fresh  River,  and  ascended  it  to 
an  Indian  village  at  41^  48'.  Passing  out  of  tlie 
Sound,  and  ascertaining  tlie  insular  character  of 
Long  Island,  he  gave  his  own  name  to  one  of  tlie 
two  islands  off  its  eastern  extremity.  After  ex- 
ploring NaiTagansett  Bay,  he  went  on  to  Capo 
Co<l,  and  there  fell  in  with  Hendrick  Corstiuen- 
sen's  ship.  "  While  these  nc.vigators  weit)  thus 
engaged  at  the  east,  Captain  Cornells  Jley  was 
actively  eini)loyed  in  exploring  the  Atlantic 
const  farther  south.  .  .  .  lie  reached  the  great 
Delaware  Bay,  .  .  .  two  capes  of  which  still 
commemorate  his  visit;  one,  the  most  northward, 
being  called  after  him,  Cape  Mey ;  another.  Capo 
Cornells;  while  the  great  south  cape  was  called 
llindlopen,  after  one  of  the  towns  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Friesland.  .  .  .  Intelligence  of  the  dis- 
coveries made  by  Block  and  his  as.sociate8  having 
been  transmitted  to  Hollutul,  was  ri'ceived  there 
early  in  the  autumn  of  this  yea  [1614].  The 
united  company  by  whom  they  had  been  era- 
ployed  lost  no  time  in  taking  the  steps  necessary 
to  secure  to  themselves  the  exclusive  trade  of  tho 
countries  thus  explored,  which  was  guarantied 
to  tliem  by  the  ordinance  of  the  27th  of  March. 
Tliey  sent  deputies  immediately  to  the  Hague, 
who  laid  before  the  States  General  a  report  of 
their  discoveries,  as  required  by  law,  with  a  fig- 
urative map  of  the  newly  explored  countries,, 
which  now,  for  the  first  time,  obtained  the  namo 
of  New  Nethcrland.  A  special  g..int  in  favor 
of  the  interested  parties  was  forthwith  accorded 
...  to  visit  and  trade  with  the  countries  in 
America  lying  between  40°  and  45"  north  lati- 
tude, of  which  they  strangely  claimed  to  be  the 
first  discoverers." — E.  B.  O'Callaghan,  IIM.  of 
New  Netheiiaml,  bk.  1,  cA.  4(b.  1). 

Also  in  :  Docs.  Relating  to  Colonial  Hist,  of 
N.  Y.,  V.  \,pp.  4-13. — B.  Fernow,  New Nctherland 
(Narrative  and  Critical  Hist,  of  Am.,  v.  4,  ch.  8). 
A.  D.  1614-1621. — The  first  trading  monop- 
oly succeeded  by  the  Dutch  West  India  Com- 
fiany. — "It  was  perceived  that,  to  secure  the 
argest  return  from  the  peltry  trade,  a  factor 
should  reside  permanently  on  the  Mauritius 
River  [North,  or  Hudson,  as  it  has  been  succes- 
sively called],  among  the  Maquaas  or  Mohawks, 
and  the  Mahicans,  at  the  head  of  tide- water. 
Hendrick  Christiaensen,  who,  after  his  first  ex- 
periment in  company  with  Adriaen  Block,  ia 
stated  to  have  mode  '  ten  voyages '  to  Manhattan, 
accordingly  constructed  [1614]  a  trading  house 
on  '  Castle  Island,'  at  the  west  side  of  the  river,  a 
little  below  the  present  city  of  Albany.  .  .  .  To- 
compliment  the  family  of  the  stadtholder,  the 
little  post  was  immediately  named  Fort  Nassau. 
...  It  has  been  confidently  aflirmed  that  the- 
year  after  the  erection  of  Fort  Nassau,  at  Castld 
Island,  a  redoubt  was  also  thrown  up  and  forti- 
fied '  on  an  elevated  spot'  near  the  southern  point, 
of  ^lanbattan  Island.  But  the  assertion  cLoesi 
not  appear  to  be  confirmed  by  sufficient  author- 
ity. .  .  .  The  Holland  merchants,  who  had  ob- 
tained from  the  Stotes  General  the  exclusive 
right  of  trading  for  three  years  to  New  Nether- 
land,  though  united  together  in  one  company  to 
secure  the  grpnt  of  their  charter,  were  not  strictly 
a  corporation,   but    rather  '  participants '  in  & 


2325 


NEW  YORK,  1614-1621. 


The  PutioouB. 


NEW  YORK,  1031-1640. 


specific,  limited,  nnd  temporary  monopoly,  whidi 
tlicy  w  TO  to  rnjny  in  common.  .  .  .  On  tlic  s', 
of  January,  1018,  the  exclusive  charter  of  the 
Directors  of  New  >''  therlanci  expired  by  its  own 
Iimilatii)n.  Year  y  year  the  value  of  the  re- 
turns from  the  Nortii  Hiver  had  been  increasing ; 
and  tlie  hope  of  larger  gains  incited  tlic  factors 
of  the  company  to  push  their  explorations  fur- 
ther into  llio  interior.  .  .  .  No  systematic  agri- 
cultural colonization  of  the  c  intry  had  j  et  been 
undertaken.  The  scattered  agents  of  the  Am- 
sterdam Company  still  looUed  merely  to  peaceful 
tratlic,  and  the  cultivation  of  tliose  friendly  rela- 
tions which  had  been  covenanted  with  their  sav- 
age o'Mes  on  the  hanks  of  theTnwasentha  [where 
they  1  negotiated  a  treaty  of  friendship  and 
alliance  with  the  Five  Nations  of  the  Iroquois,  in 
1617],  Upon  the  expiration  of  their  special 
charter,  the  merchants  who  had  formed  the 
United  New  Netherland  Company  applied  to 
tlie  government  at  the  Hague  foi  a  renewal  of 
their  privileges,  the  value  of  whicli  they  found 
was  daily  increasing.  But  the  States  General, 
who  were  now  contemplating  the  grant  of  a  com- 
prehensive charter  for  a  ^\  est  India  Company 
avoided  a  compliance  with  the  petition.'  In 
June,  1631,  "the  long-pending  question  of  a 
grand  commercial  organization  was  finally 
settled;  and  an  ample  charter  gave  the  West 
India  Company  almo.st  unlimited  powers  to  colo- 
nize, govern,  and  defend  New  Netherland. " — J. 
R  Brodhead,  Hist,  of  the  State  of  N.  T.,  v.  1,  ch. 

A.  D.  1615-1664. —  Dutch  relations  with  the 
Iroquois.     See    Amehican    Ahoiuoines:     Iito- 

QUOIS  CONFEDEIIACY,  TlIEIU  CONQUESTS. 

A.  D.  1620.  —  Embraced  in  the  English 
patent  of  the  Council  for  New  England.  See 
New  England:  A.  D.  1620-162.3. 

A.  D.  1621-1646. — Early  operations  of  the 
Dutch  West  India  Company. — The  purchase 
of  Manhattan  Island.— The  Patroons  and 
their  colonies. — "  When  it  became  evident  that 
the  war  [of  the  United  Provinces]  with  Spain 
would  be  renewed,  the  way  was  opened  for  the 
charter  of  a  company,  so  often  asked  and  denied. 
Just  before  the  Expiration  of  the  twelve  years' 
truce,  April,  1631,  the  great  West  India  Com- 
pany was  formed,  and  incorporated  by  the 
States  General.  It  was  clothed  with  extraordi- 
nary powers  and  privileges.  It  could  make 
alliances  and  ♦reaties,  declare  war  and  make 
peace.  Although  its  field  of  operations  was 
limited  to  Africa,  the  West  India  Islands,  and 
the  continent  of  America,  it  could  in  case  of 
war  fight  the  Spaniards  wherever  found  on  land 
or  sea.  And  finally,  it  was  pei'initted  to  colonize 
unoccupied  or  subjugated  countries.  To  it 
especially  were  committed  the  care  and  the 
colonization  of  New  Netheiland.  The  West 
India  Company,  after  completing  its  organiza- 
tion in  1623,  began  Its  work  in  New  Netherland 
by  erecting  a  fort  on  Manhattan  Island  [called 
I'  ort  Amsterdam],  and  another  on  the  Delaware, 
and  by  reconstructing  the  one  at  Albany.  It 
sent  over  to  be  distributed  in  these  places  30 
families,  not  strictly  as  colonists,  to  settle  and 
culti^'ato  the  land,  but  rather  as  servants  of  the 
Company,  in  charge  of  their  factories,  engaged 
in  the  purchase  and  preparation  of  furs  and  pel- 
tries for  shipment.  Some  of  them  returned 
home  at  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  service, 
and  no  other  colonists  were  brought  out  for  sev- 


eral years.  The  Comi..my  found  more  profltnhlc 
employment  for  its  capital  in  fitting  out  fleets  of 
ships  of  war,  which  captured  the  Spanish  treas- 
ure-ships, and  thus  enabled  the  Company  to  pay 
large  dividends  to  its  stockholders.  In  "1620  its 
agents  bouglit  all  Manhattan  Island  of  the  In- 
dian owners  for  sixty  guilders  in  goods  on  which 
an  enormous  profit  was  made;  and  about  the 
same  time  they  purchased  other  tracts  of  land  in 
the  vicinity,  hicliuling  Governor's  and  Staten 
Islands,  on  .similar  terms.  The  Company  was 
now  possessed  of  lands  enough  for  the  accom- 
modation of  a  large  population.  They  were 
fertile,  and  only  needed  farmers  to  develop  tlieir 
richness.  But  these  did  uot  come.  .  .  .  Ac- 
cordingly, in  1620,  the  managers  took  up  a  new 
line  of  action,  'rhey  enacted  a  statute,  ternied 
'Freedoms  and  Exemptions,' which  authorized 
the  establishment  of  colonies  within  their  terri- 
tory by  individuals,  who  were  to  be  known  as 
Patroons,  or  Patrons.  An  individual  might  pur- 
chase of  the  Indian  owners  a  tract  of  land,  on 
which  to  plant  a  colony  of  fifty  souls  within  four 
years  frjm  the  date  of  purcliase.  lie  who  es- 
tablished such  a  colony  might  associate  with 
himself  other  persons  to  assist  him  in  his  work, 
and  share  the  profits,  but  he  should  be  consid- 
ered the  Patroon,  or  chief,  in  whom  were 
centred  all  the  rights  pertaining  to  the  position, 
such  as  the  administration  of  justice,  the  ap- 
pointment of  civil  nnd  military  officers,  the 
settlement  of  clergymen,  and  the  like.  He  was  a 
kind  of  feudal  lord,  owing  allegiance  to  the 
West  India  Company,  and  to  the  States  General, 
hut  inilependent  of  control  within  the  limits  of 
his  own  territory.  The  system  was  a  modified 
relic  of  feudalism.  The  colonists  were  not  serfs, 
but  tenants  for  a  specified  term  of  years,  render- 
ing service  to  the  Patroon  for  a  consideration. 
When  their  term  of  service  expired,  they  were 
free  to  renev;  tlie  contract,  make  a  new  one,  or 
leave  the  colony  altogether.  The  privileges  of  a 
Patroon  at  first  were  restricted  to  the  members 
of  the  companj',  but  in  about  ten  years  were  ex- 
tended to  others.  The  directors  of  the  company 
were  the  first  to  improve  the  opportunity  now 
offered  of  becoming  '  princes  and  potentates  '  in 
the  western  hemisphere.  ...  In  1630,  the  agents 
of  Director  Killian  Van  Rensselaer  bought  a 
large  tract  of  land  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hud- 
son River  below  Albany,  and  in  July  following 
other  tracts  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  including 
the  presiiii  site  of  Albany.  In  July,  1630,  Di- 
rector Michael  Paauw  bought  lauds  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Hudson  opposite  Manhattan  Island, 
and  named  his  tc  ritory  Pavonia.  A  few  months 
later  Staten  Island  was  transferred  to  him,  and 
became  a  part  of  his  domain.  .  .  .  Killian  Van 
Rensselaer  also  formed  a  partnership  with  several 
of  his  brother  directors,  omong  whom  was  the 
historian  De  Laet,  for  the  purpose  of  planting  a 
colony  on  his  lands  on  the  upper  Hudson,  to  be 
known  as  the  colony  of  Rensselaerwyck.  He 
seems  to  have  had  a  clearer  perception  of  what 
was  required  for  such  a  work  than  the  other  Pa- 
troons. The  colony  was  organized  in  accordance 
with  the  charter,  and  on  business  principles. 
Before  the  colonists  left  Holland  they  were  as- 
signed to  specific  places  and  duties.  Civil  and 
military  officers  were  appointed,  superintendents 
and  overseers  of  the  various  departments  were 
selected,  and  all  were  instructed  in  their  >lutie3. 
The  number  of  the  first  colonists  was  respectable. 


2326 


NEW  YORK,  1621-1046. 


Thv  CViIoii//  llirotfH 
uptn. 


NEW  YOUK,   1038-1647. 


They  were  chiefly  iiirmcrs  and  mechiinics,  with 
their  families.  On  their  iirrivul.  .May,  1630, 
fnrms  situated  uii  either  side  tlie  river  were 
allotted  to  them,  utensils  and  stock  distributed, 
houses  built,  and  arrangements  made  for  their 
safety  in  case  the  natives  should  become  hostile. 
Order  was  maintaiued,  and  individual  rights  re- 
spected. They  were  not  loni;  in  settling  ilown, 
each  to  his  allotted  work.  Year  by  year  new 
colonists  arrived,  and  more  lands  were  bought 
for  the  proprietors.  In  10-10,  when  Killian  Van 
Rensselaer,  the  first  Patroon,  died,  over  two  hun- 
dred colonists  had  been  sent  from  Holland,  and 
a  territory  forty-eight  by  twenty-four  miles,  be- 
sides another  "tract  of  02,000  acres,  had  been 
acquired.  The  West  India  Company  had 
changed  its  policy  under  the  direction  of  new 
men,  and  no  longer  favored  tlie  Patroons.  The 
Van  Rensselaers  were  much  annoyed,  and  even 
persecuted,  but  they  held  firndy  to  their  rights 
under  the  charter.  Their  colony  was  prosper- 
ous, and  their  estate  in  time  became  enormous. 
...  Of  all  the  Patroon  colonies  Rcnsselaerwyck 
alone  survival.  It  owed  its  existence  mainly  to 
its  management,  but  largely  to  its  situation,  re- 
mote from  the  seat  of  government,  and  conveni- 
ent for  the  Indian  trade.  "-^0.  W.  Schuyler, 
Colonial  yew  York,  introd.,  sect.  1. 

Aj.80  IN:  I.  Elting,  Dutch  Village  Communi- 
ties on  the  Hudson,  pp.  12-16. — J.  U.  Brodhead, 
Hist,  of  tlie  State  of  N.  T.,  v.  1,  ch.  7.— See,  also, 
Livingston  Manor. 

A.  D.  1629-1631.— Dutch  occupancy  of  the 
Delaware.    See  Delaware:  A.  D.  1620-1031. 

A.  D.  1630. — Introduction  of  public  regis- 
try.    See  Law,  Common:  A.  I).  1030-1041. 

A.  D,  1634. — The  city  named  New  Amster- 
dam.— Soon  after  the  appointment  of  Wouter 
Van  Twiller,  who  became  governor  of  New 
Nctherland  in  1633,  "the  little  town  on  Man- 
hattan Island  received  the  name  of  New  Amster- 
dam .  .  .  and  was  invested  with  the  preroga- 
tive of  'staple  right,'  by  virtue  of  which  all  the 
merchandise  passing  up  and  down  the  river 
was  subject  to  certain  duties.  This  right  gave 
the  post  the  commercial  monopoly  of  the  whole 
province." — Mrs.  Lamb,  Hist,  of  the  City  of 
N.  Y.,v.\,p.  73. 

A.  D.  1634-1635. — Dutch  advance  posts  on 
the  Connecticut.  See  Cosnecticct  :  A.  D. 
1634-1637. 

A.  D.  1635. — Territory  granted  to  Lord 
Lennox  and  Lord  Mulgrave,  on  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Council  for  New  England.  See 
New  England:  A.  D.  1335. 

A.  D.  1638. — Protest  against  the  Swedish 
settlement  on  the  Dela^vare.  See  Delaware  : 
A.  D.  1638-1640. 

A.  D.  1638-164^.— The  colony  thrown  open 
to  free  immigration  ajid  free  trade. — Kieft's 
administration,  and  the  ruinous  Indian  wars, 
— "The  colony  did  not  thrive.  The  patroon 
system  kept  settlers  away,  and  the  paternal  gov- 
ernment of  a  trading  corporation  checked  all 
vigorous  and  independent  growth,  while  Van 
Twiller  [Wouter  Van  Twiller,  appointed  gov- 
ernor in  1633]  went  steadily  from  bad  to  worse. 
He  engaged  in  childish  quarrels  with  every  one, 
from  the  minister  down.  .  .  .  This  utter  mis- 
government  led  at  last  to  Van  Twiller's  removal. 
He  retired  in  possession  of  large  tracts  of  land, 
which  he  had  succeeded  in  acquiring,  and  was 
replaced   [1038]  by  William  Kieft,  a  bankrupt 


merchant  of  bad  reputation.  Kieft  practlcallv 
abolished  the  Council,  and  got  all  power  into  his 
own  hands;  but  he  had  some  sense  of  order.  .  .  . 
Despite  his  improvements,  the  place  remained  a 
mere  trading-post,  and  would  not  develope  into 
a  colony.  The  patroons  were  the  curse  of  the 
scheme,  and  too  powerful  to  bo  overthrown;  so 
they  proposed,  as  a  renieilj'  for  the  existing  evils, 
that  their  powers  and  privileges  should  be 
greatly  enlarged.  The  Company  had  bought 
back  some  of  the  lands;  but  they  were  still  help- 
less, and  the  State  wouUl  do  nothing  for  them. 
In  this  crisis  they  had  a  return  of  good  sense, 
and  solveil  the  problem  by  destroying  their 
stitling  monopoly.  They  threw  the  trade  to 
New  Netherlands  open  to  all  comers,  and  prom- 
ised the  absolute  ownership  of  land  on  the  pay- 
ment of  a  small  quit-rent.  The  gates  were  open 
at  last,  and  the  tide  of  emigration  swept  in.  De 
Vries  who  had  bought  land  on  Stuten  Island, 
came  o\it  with  a  company ;  while  ship  followed 
ship  filled  with  colonists,  and  English  came  from 
Virginia,  and  still  more  from  New  England. 
Jlen  of  property  and  standing  began  to  turn 
their  attention  to  the  New  Netherlands;  fine 
well-stocked  farms  rapidly  covered  Slanhattan, 
and  healthy  progress  had  at  last  begun.  Thus 
strengthened,  the  Company  [1040]  restricted  the 
patroons  to  a  water-front  of  one  mile  and  a  depth 
of  two,  but  loft  them  their  feudal  privileges, 
benefits  which  practically  accrued  to  Van  Rens- 
selaer, whose  colony  at  Bevcrwyck  had  alone, 
among  the  manors,  thriven  and  grown  at  the  ex 
pense  of  the  Company.  Tlie  opening  of  trade 
proved  in  one  respect  a  disaster.  The  cautious 
policy  of  the  Company  was  abandoned,  and 
greedy  traders  who  had  already  begun  the  busi- 
ness, and  were  now  wholly  unrestrained,  has- 
tened to  make  their  fortunes  by  selling  arms  to 
the  Indians  in  return  for  almost  unlimited  quan- 
tities of  furs.  Thus  the  Jlohawks  obtained  guns 
enough  to  threaten  both  the  Dutch  and  all  the 
surrounding  tribes,  and  this  perilous  condition 
was  made  infinitely  worse  by  the  mad  policy  of 
Kieft.  lie  first  tried  to  exact  tribute  from  the 
Indians  near  Manhattan,  then  offered  a  price  for 
the  head  of  any  of  the  Raritans  who  had  de- 
stroyed the  settlement  of  De  Vries ;  and,  when  a 
young  man  was  murdered  by  a  Weckquaesgeek, 
the  Governor  planned  immediate  war."  Public 
opinion  among  the  colonists  conilcmned  the 
measures  of  Kieft,  and  forced  him  to  accept  a 
council  of  twelve  select-men,  chosen  at  a  public 
meeting;  but  "tlie  twelve,"  as  they  were  called, 
failed  to  control  their  governor.  Acting  on  the 
advice  of  two  or  tlirce  among  them,  whose  sup- 
port he  had  secured,  he  ordered  a  cowardly  at- 
tack upon  some  fugitive  Indians  from  the  River 
tribes,  who  had  been  driven  into  the  settlements 
by  the  onslaught  of  the  Jlohawks,  and  whom 
De  Vries  and  others  were  trying  to  protect. 
"The  wretched  fugitives,  surprised  by  their 
supposeil  protectors,  were  butchered  in  the  dead 
of  a  winter's  night  [1043],  without  mercy,  and 
the  bloody  soldiers  returned  in  the  morning  to 
Manhattan,  wlu  re  they  were  warmly  welcomed 
by  Kieft.  This  massa"cre  lighted  up  at  once  the 
flames  of  war  among  all  the  neighboring  tribes 
of  Algonquins.  All  the  outlying  farms  were 
laid  waste,  and  their  owners  murdered,  while 
the  smaller  .settlements  were  destroyed.  Vries- 
endael  alone  was  spared.  A  peace,  patched  up 
by  De  Yries,  gave  a  respite  until  summer,  and 


2327 


NEW  YORK,  10!)8-1047. 


Oitrfrnor  Kifft. 


NEW  YORK,   1647-1604. 


the  wnr  raRfd  more  florecly  timn  before,  llie 
IndinuH  burning  mid  dcstroylni;  in  every  direc- 
tion, while  triide  was  broken  up  und  tlie  crews 
of  the  vessels  sjnughtered. "  Kicft's  life  was 
now  In  danger  from  tlie  rage  of  his  own  people, 
and  eight  men,  appointed  by  public  meeting, 
took  control  of  pul)lic  nfTairs,  as  far  as  it  was 
possible  to  do  so.  Under  the  command  of  Jolin 
Underliill,  the  Connecticut  Indian  flgliter,  who 
had  lately  migrated  to  Manhattan,  the  war  was 
prosecuted  with  gre.it  vigor  and  success  on  Long 
Island  and  against  the  Conneuticut  Indians  who 
had  joined  m  it;  but  little  headway  was  made 
against  the  tribes  on  the  Hudson,  who  harassed 
and  ruined  the  colony.  Thus  matters  went 
badly  for  a  long  period,  until,  in  1047,  tlie  Com- 
pany in  Holland  sent  out  Peter  Stuyvesant  to 
take  the  place  of  Kieft,  "In  the  interval,  the 
Indian  tribes,  weary  at  last  of  war,  came  in  and 
made  peace.  Kieft  continued  his  quarrels;  but 
his  power  was  gone,  and  he  was  hated  as  the 
principal  cause  of  all  the  misfortunes  of  the 
colony.  The  results  of  his  miserable  administra- 
tion were  certainly  disastrous  enough.  Sixteen 
hundred  Indians  had  perished  in  the  war;  but 
all  the  outlying  Dutch  settlements  and  farms  had 
been  destroyed,  and  the  prosperity  of  the  colony 
hod  received  a  check  from  which  it  recovered 
very  slowly.  In  Connecticut,  the  English  had 
left  the  DtUch  merely  a  nominal  hold,  atd  had 
really  destroyed  their  power  iu  the  East  On 
the  South  river  [the  Delaware]  the  Swedes  had 
settled,  and,  disregarding  Kieft  s  blustering  proc- 
lamations, had  founded  strong  and  growing  colo- 
nies. .  .  .  The  Interests  of  Holland  were  at  a 
low  ebb." — n.  C.  Lodge,  Short  Hist,  of  the  Eng. 
Colonics,  ch.  16. — A  more  favorable  view  of  Kieft 
and  his  administration  is  taken  by  Jlr.  Gerard, 
who  says:  "  Few  proconsuls  had  a  more  ardu- 
ous task  in  the  administration  of  the  government 
of  a  province  than  liad  Director  Kieft.  The 
Roman  official  had  legions  at  command  to  sus- 
tain his  power  and  to  repel  attack ;  and  in  case 
of  disaster  the  whole  empire  was  at  hand  for  his 
support.  Kieft,  In  a  far  distant  province,  with 
a  handful  of  soldiers  crowded  in  a  dilapidated 
fort  and  a  few  citizens  turbulent  and  unreliable, 
surrounded  on  all  sides  by  savages  ever  on  the 
alert  for  rapine  and  murder,  receiving  little  sup- 
port from  the  home  government,  and  liaviug  a 
large  territory  to  defend  and  two  civilized  races 
to  contend  with,  passed  the  eight  years  of  las 
administration  amid  turmoil  and  dissension  with- 
in, and  such  hostile  attack  from  witliout  as  to 
keep  the  province  in  continuous  peril.  The  New 
England  colonies  were  always  In  a  state  of  an- 
tagonism and  threatening  war.  .  .  .  The  Swedes 
and  independent  settlers  on  the  South  and 
Schuylkill  rivers  were  constantly  making  en- 
croachments and  threatening  the  Company's 
occupancy  there,  while  pretenders  under  patents 
and  independent  settlers,  knowing  the  weakness 
of  the  government,  kept  it  disturbed  and  agi- 
tated. What  wonder  that  mistakes  were  made, 
that  policy  failed,  that  misfortunes  came,  and 
that  Kieft's  rule  brought  no  prosperity  to  the 
land?  The  radical  trouble  with  his  administra- 
tion was  that  he  was  under  a  divided  rule  —  a 
political  governor  with  allegiance  to  the  States- 
General,  and  a  commercial  Director,  as  tlie  repre- 
sentative of  a  great  company  of  traders.  The 
States-General  was  too  busily  occupied  In  estab- 
lishing its  Independence  and  watching  the  bal- 


ance of  European  power  to  give  supervision  to 
the  itfi'airs  of  a  province  of  small  political  impor- 
tance —  while  tlie  Comjiany,  looking  upon  its 
colony  merely  as  a  medium  of  commercial  gain, 
drew  all  the  profit  It  could  gather  from  It,  (Tisrc- 
garded  its  true  interests,  and  gave  it  only  occa- 
sional and  grudging  support.  .  .  .  Towards  the 
Indians  Kieft's  uealings  were  characterized  by  a 
rigid  regard  for  tlieir  possessory  rights;  no  title 
was  deemed  vested  and  no  right  w-is  absolutely 
claimed  until  satisfaction  was  made  to  the  native 
owner.  Historians  of  the  period  have  been  al- 
most universal  In  their  condemnation  of  him  for 
the  various  contests  and  wur.<  engaged  in  with 
the  Indians,  and  have  put  on  him  all  responsibil- 
ity for  the  revolts.  Hut  this  Is  an  e.\  iiost  facto 
criticism,  which,  with  a  false  judgment,  con- 
demns a  man  for  the  rcniilts  of  his  actions  rather 
than  for  the  actions  themselves.  Indeed,  with- 
out the  energy  dlspliiycd  by  the  Director  towards 
the  aborigines,  the  colony  would  probably  huvo 
been  annihilated.  .  .  .  Imprudence,  rashness, 
arbitrary  action,  want  of  political  sagacity  may 
be  imputed  to  l)irector  Kieft,  but  not  excessive 
inhumanity,  nor  want  of  effort,  nor  unfaithful- 
ness to  his  employers  or  to  his  province.  He  has 
lieen  generally  condemned,  but  without  sutllcient 
consideration" of  the  trials  which  he  experienced, 
tlie  anxiety  to  which  he  was  subject,  and  the 
perplexities  Incident  to  a  government  over  dis- 
contented, Ignorant  and  mutinous  subjects,  and 
to  the  continued  apprehension  of  outside  attack. 
Left  mostly  to  his  own  resources,  and  receiving 
no  sympathy  and  little  aid,  his  motives  the  sub- 
ject of  attack  from  both  tavern  and  pulpit,  and 
twice  the  object  of  attempted  assassination,  his 
rule  as  a  whole,  though  disastrous,  was  not  dis- 
honorable."— J.  W.  Gerard,  The  Ad  mi  nisi  ration 
of  William  Kirft  {Afemorial  History  of  the  City  of 

k  r.v.i,  ch.d). 

Also  in:  Mrs,  Lamb,  ITist.  of  the  City  of  N.  F., 
t'.  1,  ch.  6-8.— E.  B.  O'Callaghan,  Jlist.  of  New 
Netherland.  hk.  2,  eh.  7  and  bk.  3,  ch.  1-0  (p.  1). 

A.  D.  1640-1643.  -Expulsion  of  New  Haven 
colonists  from  the  Delaware.  See  New  Jeh- 
sky:  a.  D,  lC40-165r). 

A.  D.  1647-1664.— Peter  Stuyvesant  and  his 
administration. —  Peter  Stuyvesant,  the  direc- 
tor or  governor  who  succeeded  Kieft,  "took 
possession  of  the  government  on  the  11th  of 
Jliiy,  1C47.  On  his  orrlval  he  was  greeted  with 
a  hearty  and  cordial  reception  by  the  citizens,  to 
which  he  responded  by  reciprocal  professions  of 
interest  and  regard.  lie  had  for  several  years 
been  in  the  Company's  service  as  Director  of 
their  colony  at  Curapoa,  and  was  distinguished 
for  Ills  energy  and  bravery.  Having  lost  a  leg 
in  an  attack  on  the  Portuguese  settlement  at  St. 
Martin's,  he  had  been  obliged  to  return  to  Europe 
for  surgical  aid,  whence,  still  retaining  liis  former 
commission,  he  was  sent  to  the  charge  of  the 
Province  of  New  Netherlands.  Immediately  on 
his  accession  he  organized  a  representative  Coun- 
cil of  nine  members  from  a  list  of  eighteen  pre- 
sented to  him  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  province, 
and  gave  his  assent  to  various  important  pro- 
visions for  the  regulation  of  trade  and  commerce. 
By  a  conciliatory  and  just  treatment  of  the  In- 
dians so  recently  in  revolt  he  speedily  gained 
their  affection  and  goodwill,  and  by  his  judicious 
measures  for  their  mutual  protection  restored 
peace  and  harmony  among  all  classes." — S.  S. 
Randall,  Ilist.  of  the  State  of  N.  Y.,  period  2,  eh. 


2328 


NEW   YOHK.    1047-1004.        flmemor  Sluui>-mnl. 


NKW  YOHK,   IflW. 


(J. — "The  powers  nt  K^vcrnmcnt  — oxti^utivc, 
loKislntivc,  iiiul  judicial  —  wliicli  lie  I.Stiiyvesmit| 
a88iiinc(l,  were  (luitp  oxt(;n»ive,  luiil  often  iiriii- 
tmry.  Directly  or  indirectly,  he  iippoinlcil  mid 
comirdsdioncd  all  public  olllcers,  framed  till  lawx, 
and  decided  all  important  controversies.  .  .  .  lie 
dlrcctetl  cliurclies  to  Iw  \nu\t,  installed  ministers, 
and  even  ordered  tlieiu  when  and  wliero  to 
preach.  Assuming  tiie  sole  control  of  the  public 
lands,  he  extinguished  the  Indian  title  tliereto, 
and  allowed  no  purchase  to  hi!  made  from  tlie  na- 
tives without  his  sancti(m;  and  granted  at  pleas- 
ure, to  Individuals  and  companies,  parcels  of 
land,  subject  to  sucli  conditions  as  he  saw  tit  to 
impose.  In  the  management  of  tliese  compli- 
cated niTairs  the  Director  developed  a  certain  im- 
periousness  of  manner  and  Impatience  of  re- 
straint, due,  perhaps,  as  much  to  his  previous 
military  life  as  to  his  personal  character.  .  .  . 
During  the  whole  of  his  predecessor's  unciuiet 
rule  a  constant  struggle  had  been  going  on  be- 
tween the  personal  prerogative  of  tlie  Executive 
and  the  Inherent  sentiment  of  popular  freedom 
which  prevailed  among  the  commonalty,  leading 
the  latter  constantly  to  seek  for  themselves  the 
franchises  and  freedoms  of  the  Fatlierland,  to 
which,  as  loyal  subjects,  they  deemed  themselves 
entitled  in  New  Netherland.  The  contest  was 
reopened  soon  after  Stuyvesant's  installation, 
and  the  firmness  of  both  Director  and  people.  In 
the  maintenance  of  what  each  jealously  consid- 
ered their  rights,  gave  Indication  of  serious  dis- 
turbance to  the  public  weal."  The  governor,  at 
length,  in  1047,  conceded  "a  popular  represen- 
tation in  the  affairs  of  government.  An  election 
was  therefore  held,  at  which  the  Inhabitants  of 
Amstiirdam,  Bretickelen,  Amersfoort  and  Pa- 
vonla  chose  eighteen  of  '  the  most  notable,  rea- 
sonable, honest,  and  respectable '  among  them, 
from  whom,  acconling  to  the  custom  of  tlie 
Fatherland,  the  Director  and  Council  selected 
'Nine  Men'  as  an  advisory  Council;  and  al- 
thougli  their  powers  and  duties  were  jealously 
limited  and  guarded  by  the  Director's  Proclama- 
tion, yet  the  appointment  of  the  Nino  Jlen  was 
a  considerable  gain  to  the  cause  of  popular 
rights.  .  .  .  The  subsequent  history  of  Stuyves- 
ant's government  Is  a  record  of  quarrels  with 
colonial  patroons,  with  the  English  in  New  Eng- 
land, the  Swedes  on  the  South  River,  and  lust  — 
not  least  —  with  his  own  people.  In  fact,  tlic 
government  was  by  no  means  well  adapted  to 
the  people  or  adequate  to  protect  them.  Tlie 
laws  were  very  imperfect,  and  tlic  Director  and 
Council  either  incompetent  or  indisposed  to 
remedy  the  serious  defects  whieli  existed  in  tlie 
administration  of  civil  and  criminal  justice." — 
H.  R.  Stiles,  Hist,  of  the  City  of  Brooklyn,  r.  1, 
eh.  3. — "Director  Stuyvesant  was  recalled  to 
Europe  soon  after  the  surrender  [to  the  English 
—  see  below],  to  vindicate  his  conduct  .  .  .  and 
.  .  .  found  liimself  the  object  of  serious  charges 
and  most  virulent  attacks.  He  returned  to  this 
country  In  1008,  and  died  on  his  bouwerie  in 
1073.  .  .  .  Througliout  his  chequered  life  lie 
exhibited  a  character  of  high  morality,  and  in 
his  ■  allngs  with  the  Indians  an  energetic  and 
dignitied  deportment,  which  contributed,  no 
doubt,  considerably  to  the  success  of  his  arms 
and  policy.  Alike  creditable  to  his  talents  are 
his  negotiations  with  the  neighboring  English 
colonies.  His  vindications  of  tlio  rights  of  liis 
country,  on  these  occasions,  betoken  a  firmness 


of  manner,  a  sharpness  of  perception,  a  cleamonn 
of  argui-""*  '••'■{  a  soundness  of  judgment,  coin 
biiieil  with  an  extent  of  reading,  wliicli  few  of 
his  contemporaries  <'ouM  eipial,  anil  none  sur 
pass.  ...  It  would  atlord  pleasure  were  we 
justified  in  pronounring  a  like  panegyric  on 
other  |)artH  of  Ids  administration;  but  none  can 
review  |liis  arbitrary  resistance  to  just  po|)iilar 
demandsl  ,  .  ,  and  his  persecution  of  the  Lutli 
erans  and  other  Nonconformists,  without  repro- 
bating Ills  tyranny,  and  regretting  tliut  a  char- 
acter, so  faultless  in  otlier  respects,  should  Ix- 
stained  liy  traits  so  repulsive  us  tliese,  and  that 
the  powers  of  a  mind  so  strong  shoidd  be  exerted 
in  opposing  rather  tliiin  promoting  civil  and  re- 
ligious freedom.  The  hostilitv  tills  part  of  his 
pulilic  conduct  evoked  redounds  mo.st  creditably 
to  the  character  of  the  settlers,  whose  struggles 
for  freer  institutions  cannot  fail  to  win  for  them 
our  sympathy  and  regard." — E.  H.  o Callaglian, 
/list,  of  New  Netlierland,  bk.  0,  eh.  8  (o.  3). 

Also  in:  RemonMrance  of  New  NetherliimU 
(Dora.  Itelative  to  Cot.  Hint,  of  N.  Y.,  v.  1,  pp. 
27r)-;)17);  iiImov.  13.— G.  P.  Fisher,  The  Cohuial 
Era,  eh.  0. — B.  Fernow,  Peter  Stin/reaiuit  (.!/«- 
moriiil  Hint,  of  the  City  of  N.  V..  r.  1,  eh.  7). 

A.  D.  1650. — The  adjustment  of  boundaries 
with  Connecticut. — To  settle  the  long  iiending 
controversy  between  Dutch  and  Englisli  respect- 
ing tlie  territory  claimed  by  each  on  Long  Island 
and  at  the  mouth  of  the  ('onnecticut  River, 
Governor  Stuyvesant  went  in  person  to  Hart- 
ford, September,  1050,  and  opened  negotiations. 
His  hands  were  tied  from  tlie  beginning  by  in- 
structions from  Ills  company  to  press  no  claim 
to  the  extremity  of  a  quarrel,  because  the  Eng- 
lish were  too  strong  in  America  to  be  fought 
with.  Ho  assented,  therefore,  to  the  appofiit- 
ment  of  two  arbitrators  on  each  side,  and  he 
named  Englislimeu  as  his  arbitrators.  "The 
four  agreed  upon  a  settlement  of  the  boundary 
matter,  ignoring  all  other  points  in  dispute  as 
having  occurred  under  the  administration  of 
Kieft.  It  was  agreed  that  the  Dutch  were  to  re- 
tain their  lands,  m  Hartford  [tlie  post  of  'Good 
Hope,'  established  in  10ii3,  and  which  they  had 
continued  to  hold,  in  the  midst  of  the  spreading 
English  settlement];  that  tlie  boundary  lino  be- 
tween the  two  peoples  on  the  mainland  whs  not 
to  come  witliin  ten  miles  of  the  Hudson  River, 
but  was  to  be  left  undecided  for  the  present,  ex- 
cept tlio  first  20  miles  from  the  Sound,  which 
was  to  begin  on  the  west  side  of  Greenwich  Ray, 
between  Stamford  and  Manhattan,  running 
thence  !30  miles  north;  and  that  Long  Island 
should  be  divided  by  a  corresponding  line  across 
it,  '  from  the  westernmost  part  of  Oyster  Bay,' 
to  the  sea.  The  English  thus  got  tlie  greater 
part  of  Long  Island,  a  recognition  of  tlie  right- 
fulness of  their  presence  in  the  CNmnecticut  ter- 
ritory, and  at  least  the  initial  20  miles  of  a 
boundary  line  wliicli  must,  in  tlic  nature  of 
things,  bo  jjrolonged  in  much  the  same  direction, 
and  which  in  fact  lias  pretty  closely  governed 
subsecjuent  boundary  lines  on  that  side  of  Con- 
necticut. If  these  seem  hard  terms  for  the 
Dutch,  and  Indicative  of  treachery  on  the  i)art 
of  their  two  English  agents,  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that,  by  the  terms  of  his  instructions 
from  his  principals,  Stuyvewmt  had  to  take  the 
best  terms  he  could  get.  The  treaty  of  Hart- 
ford was  dated  Soptemlier  19,  1050." — A.  John- 
ston, Connecticut  {Am.  Commonwealths),  eh.  10. 


2329 


NEW  YORK,  leao. 


EnglitK  C»nqutit. 


NEW  YORK,  1064. 


Albo  in;  K.  H.  O'Ciillaghiin,  Hint,  of  y<ir 
yetherhiiil.  hk.  4,  fh.  1-0  (*•.  2).— ('.  W.  Uowcn, 
The  Boumliir//  Hi'piiletof  Conn.,  pt.  1;  cA.  1. — 
Dirmon  of  the.  lioumhiry  in  Aiitrrifo  {Ikiet. 
HelaUm  to  Col.  Hint.  n/.V.   }'.,  r.  1,  ;-/).  541-577). 

A.  D.  1653. —  The  grant  of  municipal  gov- 
ernment to  New  Amsterdam. — "An  intcrcstiii); 
moment  iirrivcd.  A  new  city  appi'iired  in  the 
nnnalx  of  the  world.  Its  liirth  was  announci'd 
on  the  evening  of  Febninry  2,  1053,  at  tlio  feast 
of  Cundlemas.  A  proclamation  of  tlie  governor 
defined  its  exceedingly  limited  powers  and  named 
its  llrstodlccrs.  It  w'as  called  New  Amsterdam. 
There  was  nothing  in  tlie  significant  scene  wliicli 
inspired  enthusiasm.  It  came  lilte  a  favor 
grudgingly  granted.  Its  privileges  were  .ew, 
and  even  tliose  were  suljsequently  hampered  by 
the  most  illiberal  interpretations  which  could  bo 
devised.  Stuyvesant  made  a  speecii  on  the  occa- 
sion, in  wliicli  hutool(  care  to  reveal  Ids  intention 
of  making  all  future  niunicipal  appointments, 
instead  of  submitting  tlie  matter  to  the  votes  of 
the  citizens,  as  was  the  custom  in  the  Father- 
land; and  he  gave  the  olllcers  distinctly  to 
understimd,  from  tlie  first,  that  their  existence 
did  not  in  any  way  diminish  his  authority',  but 
that  ho  sliould  often  preside  at  their  meetings, 
and  at  all  times  counsel  them  in  matters  of  im- 
portance. ...  A  pew  was  set  apart  in  tlie 
church  for  the  City  Fathers;  and  on  Sunday 
mornings  tliese  worthies  left  their  liomcs  and 
families  early  to  meet  in  the  City  Hall,  from 
whicli,  preceded  by  tlie  bell-ringer,  carrying  their 
cushions  of  state,  tliey  marched  in  solemn  pro- 
cession to  tlie  sanctuary  in  the  fort.  On  all  oc- 
casions of  ceremony,  secular  or  religious,  tiiey 
wore  treated  witli  distinguished  attention.  Their 
position  was  eminently  respectable,  but  it  had 
as  yet  no  emoluments.  .  .  .  There  were  two 
burgomasters,  Arent  van  Ilattam  and  JIartin 
Cregier.  .  .  .  There  were  five  schepens, — Pauliis 
Van  dor  Grist,  Maximilian  Van  Qhcel,  AUard 
Anthony,  Peter  Van  Couwenhoven,  and  William 
Beeliman." — Mrs.  M.  J.  Lamb,  Uitt.  of  the  City 
ofN.  Y.,  V.  1,  ch.  10. 

Also  in:  D.  T.  Valentine,  Hi»t.  of  the  Citi/ 
OfN.  r.,  ch.  5. 

A.  D.  1654. — Threat  ned  attack  from  New 
England.    See  NewJkksey:  A.  1).  1040-1055. 

A.  D.  1655. — Subjugation  of  the  Swedes  on 
the  Delaware.  See  Del.^waih  .V.  D.  1040- 
10.50. 

A.  D.  i66d.—  The  English  conquest.— New 
Amsterdam  becomes  New  York. — The  Naviga- 
tion Act  of  Cromwell,  miiintained  by  tlie  English 
after  the  Stuart  Restoration,  was  continually 
evaded,  almost  openly,  in  tlie  British  Amoricau 
colonies;  and  it  was  with  tlie  Dutch  at  New 
Amsterdam  that  tlie  illicit  trade  of  the  New 
Englanders,  the  Virginians  and  tlie  Marylanders 
was  principally  carried  on.  "  In  1003  the  losses 
to  the  revenue  were  so  extensive  tliat  the  farmers 
of  tlie  customs  .  .  .  complained  of  tlic  great 
abuses  which,  they  claimed,  defrauded  tlic  rev- 
enue of  £10,000  a  year.  Tlie  interest  of  the 
kingdom  was  at  stake,  and  the  conquest  of  the 
New  Netlicrland  was  resolved  upon.  .  .  .  The 
next  concern  of  the  Chancellor  [Clarendon]  was 
to  secure  to  tlie  Crown  the  full  benefit  of  tlie 
proposed  conquest.  He  was  as  little  satisfied 
with  tlie  self-rule  of  the  New  England  colonies 
as  witli  the  presence  of  Dutch  sovereignty  on 
American  soil;   and   in   the    conquest   of   the 


foreigner  he  found  tlie  means  to  bring  tlio  Eng- 
lish subject  into  closer  dependence  on  tlii^  King. 
•Tames  Duke  of  York,  Grand  Admiral,  was  tlie 
lieir  to  the  Crown.  ...  A  patent  to  James  as 
presumptivo  heir  to  tlio  crown,  from  tlio  King 
Ills  lirother,  would  merge  in  tlio  crown;  and  a 
central  autliority  strongly  estalilislied  over  the 
territory  covere(l  by  it  miglit  well,  under  favor- 
able circumstances,  be  extended  over  the  colonies 
on  eitlier  side  wliieli  were  governed  under  limi- 
tations and  witli  privileges  directly  secured  by 
charter  from  the  King.  .  .  .  The  first  step  taken 
by  Clarendon  was  tlio  purchase  of  tlio  title  con- 
veyed to  the  Earl  of  Stirling  in  16!J5  by  the 
grantees  of  the  New  England  patent.  This 
covered  tiie  territory  of  Pemaciuiu,  between  the 
Saint  Croi.x  and  the  Kennebec,  in  .Maine, 
and  tiio  island  of  Matowack,  or  Long  Island. 
...  A  title  being  tlius  ac(juired  by  tlio  adroit- 
ness of  Clarendon,  a  patent  was,  on  the  12th  of 
.March,  1604,  Issued  by  Cliarles  II.  to  the  Duko 
of  York,  granting  him  the  JSIaine  territory  of 
Peniaquld,  oil  the  islands  between  Capo  C(k1  and 
the  Narrows,  tlie  Hudson  River,  and  all  the 
lands  from  tlie  west  side  of  tlio  Connecticut 
to  tlie  cast  side  of  Delaware  Bay,  together  with 
the  islands  of  Martha's  Vineyard  and  Nantucket. 
Tlie  inland  boundary  was  '  a  lino  from  tlio  head 
of  Connecticut  River  to  tlio  source  of  Hudson 
River,  thence  to  the  head  of  the  Moliawk  branch 
of  Hudson  River,  and  thence  to  the  east  side  of 
Delaware  Bay.'  Tiie  patent  gave  to  the  Duko 
of  York,  his  heirs,  deputies,  and  assigns,  '  abso- 
lute power  to  govern  within  tills  domain  accord- 
ing to  his  own  rules  and  discretions  consistent 
witii  the  statutes  of  England.'  In  this  patent 
the  charter  granted  by  the  King  to  tlio  ^-ounger 
.lolin  Wlnthrop  in  1602  for  Connecticut,  in  which 
it  was  stipulated  that  commissioners  should  be 
sent  to  New  England  to  settle  tho  boundaries  of 
each  colony,  was  entirely  disreganled.  Tlie 
idea  of  commissioners  for  boundaries  now  de- 
veloped witli  larger  scope,  and  the  King  estob- 
lished  a  royal  commission,  consisting  of  foui 
persons  recommended  by  tlie  Duko  of  York, 
whoso  private  instructions  were  to  reduce  the 
Dutcli  to  submission  and  to  increase  the  pre- 
rogatives of  the  Crown  in  tlie  New  England 
colonies,  wliicli  Clarendon  considered  to  bo  '  al- 
ready wcll-nigii  ripened  to  a  commouwealtli.' 
Three  of  these  commissioners  were  ofllcers  in  the 
royal  army,  —  Colonel  Richard  Nicoiis,  Sir 
Robert  C'arr,  Colonel  George  Cartwriglit.  The 
fourth  was  Samuel  5Iaverick.  ...  To  Colonel 
Nicoiis  tho  Duko  of  York  entrusted  the  cliarge 
of  taking  possession  of  and  governing  tiie  vast 
territory  covered  by  tlie  King  s  patent.  To  one 
more  capable  and  wortliy  the  delicate  trust  could 
not  have  been  confided.  .  .  .  His  title  under  tlio 
new  commission  was  tiiat  of  Deputy-Governor; 
the  tenure  of  his  office,  tlio  Duke's  pleasure. 
.  .  .  Wlien  the  news  of  the  gathering  of  tlie  Beet 
reached  tho  Hague,  and  explanation  was  de- 
manded of  Downing  [the  English  ambassador] 
as  to  the  truth  of  the  reports  that  it  was  intended 
for  the  reduction  of  the  New  Notlierland,  ho 
boldly  insisted  on  tlie  Englisli  right  to  tho  terri- 
tory by  first  possession.  To  a  claim  so  flimsy 
and  impudent  only  one  response  was  possible, — 
a  declaration  of  war.  But  tlie  Dutch  people  at 
large  had  little  interest  in  the  remote  settlement, 
which  was  held  to  be  a  trading-post  ratlicr  than 
a  colony,  and  not  a  profitable  post  at  best.    The 


2330 


OTW  YORK,  1004. 


Dutch  I 
and  i 

■West  Indlti  Company  saw  tho  (kiiffcr  of  tlic  sit- 
imtlDti,  but  Its  appciils  for  assUtmici-  wiiv  dlsif- 
giirded,  ItH  own  rcsourci'S  mid  emilt  wi'ie 
uu(:(|iml  to  the  tituk  of  dt'feiicc.  Mi'iiiiwlillo  tin' 
Englisli  licet,  coinpostMl  of  one  ship  of  ill),  oni'  of 
80,  n  third  of  10,  and  a  transport  of  ID  ^'utis, 
wlththri'u  full  coiiipanlcM  of  the  KInji's  VftcraiiH, 
—  Ill  all  450  iiii'.i,  roinniaiided  liy  Colonels 
Nicolls,  Carr,  aii<l  CartwrlKht, — sidled  from 
Portsmouth  for  Oardliicr's  Hay  <m  the  l.'ith  of 
May.  On  the  2!ld  of  July  Nicolls  and  Cart- 
wright  reached  Boston,  where  they  demanded 
military  aid  from  the  Governor  and  Council  of 
the  Colony.  Calling  upon  Wlnthrop  for  the  as- 
sistance of  Connecticut,  and  ap|)oiDtlnga  rendez- 
vous at  tlio  west  end  of  Long  iHlaiid,  Nicolls  set 
sail  with  his  siiins  ami  anciioivd  in  New  I'trecht 
Bay,  lust  outsi<le  of  Coney  Island,  a  spot  since 
historical  as  the  landing-nlace  of  Lord  Howe's 
troops  in  17T0.  Here  Nicolls  was  joine<I  by 
militia  from  New  Haven  and  Long  Island.  Tho 
city  of  New  Amsterdam  .  .  .  was  defenceless. 
The  Director,  Stuyvesant,  heard  of  tho  approach 
of  tlio  English  at  Fort  Orange  (Albany),  whitlier 
he  had  gone  to  quell  disturbiuiccs  witli  the  In- 
dians. Returning  in  haste,  lie  summoned  his 
council  together.  Tho  folly  of  resistance  was 
apparent  to  all,  and  after  delays,  by  which  tho 
Director-General  sought  to  save  something  of  his 
dignity,  a  commission  for  a  surrender  was  agreed 
upon  between  the  Dutch  autiiorities  and  Colonel 
Nicolls.  The  capitulation  confirmed  the  inhabi- 
tants in  the  possession  of  their  property,  the 
exercise  of  their  religion,  and  tiielr  frceilom  as 
citizens.  The  inunicipul  otllcers  were  continued 
in  their  rule.  On  the  30th  of  August.  1004,  tlie 
articles  were  ratified  .  .  .  and  tiie  city  passed 
under  English  rule.  The  first  act  of  Nicolls  on 
taking  possession  of  the  fort,  in  which  he  was  wel- 
comed by  the  civic  authorities,  was  to  order  tliat 
the  city  of  New  Amsterdam  be  thereafter  known 
as  New  York,  and  tho  fort  as  Fort  James,  in 
honor  of  the  title  and  name  of  his  lord  and 
patron.  At  the  time  of  the  surrender  the  city 
gave  small  promise  of  Us  magnificent  future. 
Its  entire  population,  which  did  not  exceed  LoGO 
souls,  was  housed  within  the  triangle  at  tlie  point 
of  the  island.  .  .  .  Nicolls  now  established  anew 
government  for  the  province.  A  force  was  sent 
up  the  Hudson  under  Captain  Cartwright,  which 
took  possession  of  Fort  Orange,  the  name  of 
whicli  was  changed  to  Albany,  in  honor  of  a  title 
of  the  Duke  of  Y"rk."  — J.  A.  Stevens,  T/te 
English  in  JV.  T.  {Annntive  and  Critical  Hist,  of 
Am.,  V.  3,  ch.  10). 

Also  in:  J.  U.  Brodhead,  Hist,  of  y.  T,  v.  1, 
ch.  20. — Docs,  lielative  to  Col.  Hist,  of  y.  Y.,  v. 
2-3. —  See,  also.  Massachusetts:  A.  D.  1000- 
1005. 

A.  D.  1664. — The  separation  of  New  Jersey, 
by  grant  to  Berkeley  and  Carteret.  Sec  New 
Jkusky:  a.  D.  1004-1007. 

A.  D.  1664. — The  annexation  of  the  Dela- 
ware settlements.    See  Delaware  :  A.  I).  1004. 

A.  D.  1664-1674. — The  province  as  the  Eng- 
lish received  it, — Dutch  institutions,  their  in- 
fluence and  survival. — "  In  tlie  year  1004,  when 
the  government  passed  to  the  English,  New 
Netherland  is  said  by  the  Chevalier  Lambrecht- 
sen  to  have  consisted  of  three  cities  and  thirty 
villages.  Its  population  was  then  about  ten 
thousand  souls,  exclusive  of  the  Indians,  who 
were  important  auxiliaries  for  trade  and  peltries. 


•ij/i(ii(i'iin< 
nftutncr. 


NEW  YORK,  1(M>4-1074. 


The  InhabitanUi  enjoyed  a  fair  nieasiiro  of  freo- 
dom  and  protection.  High  roads  already  ex- 
isted, and  there  were  nuincrou.n  owners  of  nour- 
ishing farms,  or  liouwcrirs.  and  other  real 
property,  while  urban  life  was  well  policed  by 
jiroper  laws.  The  treatment  by  the  Dutch  of 
tliu  many  English  anil  other  alieim  who  already 
dwelt  within  the  Dutch  tiTritory  was  rather  iii 
advance  of  the  age,  while  the"  lurisprudencu 
established  here  liy  tin'  Dutch,  lieing  largely 
borrowed  from  the  high  civilization  of  Rome, 
was  certii  niv  superior  in  rctlneinent  to  tlie  con- 
temporary feudal  and  folk  law  introduced  by 
llie  English  in  1004.  Tlicorctically,  the  admin- 
istration of  justice  conformed  to  a  liigh  stjindanl, 
and  liotli  Dutch  and  aliens  were  protected  by 
adeiiuate  constitutional  guaninties.  We  cannot 
for  an  instant  presume  tliat  the  institutions 
wliieli  half  a  century  had  reareil  were  swept 
into  oblivion  by  a  single  stroke  of  the  English 
coiniuerors  in  iO(l4.  it  would  be  more  rational 
to  suppose  that  the  subsidence  of  tlie  Dutch  In- 
stitutions was  as  gradual  as  the  facts  demonst rate 
it  to  liave  been.  Negro  slavery  was  introduced 
by  the  Dutch,  but  it  existed  here  only  under  its 
least  objectionable  conditions.  A  large  measure 
of  religious  liberty  was  tolerated,  although  llio 
Dutcli  ileformed  Church  was  tho  only  one  pub- 
licly sanctioned.  On  several  occasions  delegates 
of  "the  commonalty  were  brought  into  consulta- 
tion with  the  Director-General  and  Council,  and 
thus,  to  some  extent,  a  principle  of  representa- 
tive government  was  at  least  recognized,  al- 
tliough  it  was  somewhat  at  variance  witli  the 
company's  standard  of  colonial  government,  and 
savored  too  much  of  the  English  idea  and  en- 
croachment to  be  palatable.  It  must  not  be  for- 
gotten that  at  home  the  Dutch  were  a  self-gov- 
erning people  and  accustomed  to  that  most 
important  principle  of  free  government  —  .self- 
assessment  in  ta.vation.  In  common  with  all 
commercial  peoples,  they  possessed  a  sturdy 
independence  of  mind  and  demeanor.  There  is 
no  proof  that  these  excellent  qualities  were 
diminished  by  transplantation  to  tlie  still  freer 
air  of  tlie  new  country.  New  Netherland  was 
not  altogether  fortunate  in  its  type  of  govern- 
ment, experience  demonstrating  tliat  the  selfish 
spirit  of  a  mercantile  monopoly  is  not  tlio  fit  re- 
pository of  goyernniental  powers.  Yet,  on  the 
whole,  it  must  be  conceded  that  the  company's 
govemment  introduced  liere  miicli  that  was  good 
and  accomplished  little  that  was  pernicious.  In 
1004  it  certainly  surrendered  to  the  English  one 
of  tlie  finest  and  most  nourishing  colonies  of 
America,  possessing  a  hardy,  vigorous,  and 
thrifty  people,  well  adapted  to  all  the  principles 
of  civil  and  religious  freedom.  History  shows 
that  this  people  speedily  coalesced  with  all  that 
was  good  ill  the  system  introduced  by  the  Eng- 
lish, and  sturdily  opposed  all  that  was  undesira- 
ble. ...  It  is  certain  .  .  .  tliat  after  the  over- 
throw of  the  Dutch  political  authority  the 
Englisli  proceeded  gradually  to  introduce  into 
New  York,  by  express  command,  their  own  laws 
and  customs.  Yet  it  requires  a  very  much  more 
extended  examination  of  original  sources  than 
lias  ever  been  miule  to  determine  absolutely  just 
how  much  of  the  Englisli  laws  and  institutions 
was  in  force  at  a  particular  epoch  of  colonial  his- 
tory. The  subject  perplexed  the  colonial  courts, 
and  it  is  still  perplexing." — R.  L.  Fowler,  Con- 
stitutional and  Legal  Hist,  of  N.  Y,  in  the  nth 


2331 


NEW  VOUK.  1664-1674. 


iHttch  rfconf/wiit. 


NEW  YORK,   1678. 


Ci-ntiiry  (iftmnrifil  Ifi»ti>ry  of  the  City  of  Xeie 
htrlt,  V.  1,  cA,  ID— "AltlioiiKh  tlii-  Now  Notli- 
orlnnd  bocuniti  ii  [KTiimricnt  Kiif^liHli  colony  un- 
der tlio  Trciily  of  WcstmlnHlpr  in  1074  fsco 
b<>low|,  ItN  popiiliitlon  riMniiincd  liirKcly  Diitrli 
until  iicurly  tliv  inlilillu  of  tliu  next  ci'nttirr. 
Tlio  proHprrily  of  New  York,  Krowing  stosdlly 
with  tliu  progrrsH  of  tmdo  luid  the  (■xportution 
of  ^rnhiH,  iittnicti'd  ('nii^mntH  from  llollnnd  not- 
wltliHtandhiK  tlx-  clmiiKo  of  l\nt;.  Many  fumilk's 
now  living  on  Miiiitiiitliiii  iHliind  are  dcHcondi'd 
from  Diitdiih  n  who  ciinii-  out  iiftcr  the  Engliiih 
ordipiitlon.  riic  old  nnnicB  with  which  wo 
have  l)ocomu  fiimilinr  In  the  early  annnU  of  New 
AmKterdam  continue  in  poKltioim  of  lionoiir  and 

Firomlnence  tlirouKli  the  Knglinh  colonial  records. 
n  107!},  we  (hul  among  the  city  maglHtratcH 
Johannes  van  Hriiggli,  Johanncg  do  I'eyator, 
ilileidliia  Liiyck,  Jacob  Kip,  LatiranH  van  der 
Spiegel,  Willielm  Beeckman,  Oidi^yn  Verplanck, 
Stepijen  van  Coiirtianilt.  In  1077,  Steplinnim 
van  Courtiandt  la  maj-or,  and  Johannes  dc  Peys- 
ter  deptity  mayor.  In  1683,  Cornells  Htcenwyck 
la  mayor;'  in  16Hn,  the  otHce  is  filled  by  Nicholas 
Bayanl;  in  1086,  by  Van  Courtiandt  again. 
Abraham  do  Fey»t<'r  was  mayor  from  1001  to 
lOOn;  and  in  his  time  the  following  Dutchmen 
were  aldermen:  W.  Beeckman,  Johannes  Kip, 
Brandt  Schuyler,  Oarrett  Douw,  Arent  van 
Scoyck,  Gerard  Douw,  Hip  van  Dam,  Jacobus 
van  Clourtiandt,  Samuel  Bayard,  Jacobus  van 
Nostrandt,  Jan  Hendricks  Brcv(«)rt,  Jan  van 
Home,  Petrus  Bayard,  Abraham  Wendell,  John 
Brevoort.  These  names  recur  down  to  1717.  In 
1718,  John  Uoosevelt,  Philip  van  Courtiandt, 
ond  Cornelius  do  Peyster  arc  aldermen.  In  1719, 
Jacobus  van  Courtiandt  is  mayor,  and  among 
the  aldermen  are  Philip  van  Courtiandt,  Ilarma- 
nvis  van  Glider,  Jacobus  Kip,  Frederic  Philipae, 
John  Uoosevelt,  Philip  Schuyler.  In  1745, 
Stephen  Bayanl  is  mayor.  During  the  last  half 
of  the  eighteenth  century  the  Dutch  names  are 
more  and  more  crowded  out  by  the  English. 
.  .  .  By  the  beginning  of  tlic  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, the  Dutch  names  occur  only  occasionally. 
These  Dutchmen  not  only  preserved  their  lead- 
ership in  public  affairs,  but  carried  on  a  large 
proportion  of  the  city's  trade.  New  York  was 
an  English  colony,  but  its  greatness  was  largely 
built  on  Dutch  foundations.  It  is  often  said 
that  the  city  became  flourishing  only  after  the 
English  occupation.  This  is  true,  with  the 
quaii  ation  that  the  Dutch  trader  and  the 
Dutcli  farmer  after  that  event  had  greater  op- 
portunities for  successful  activity.  .  .  .  Dutcli 
continued  to  be  the  language  of  New  Y'ork  until 
the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century,  after  which 
time  English  contended  for  tho  mastery  with 
steady  success.  In  the  outlying  towns  of  Long 
Island  and  New  Jersey  and  along  the  Hudson 
River,  Dutch  was  generally  used  for  a  century 
later.  ...  In  New  York  city  tho  large  English 
immigration,  the  requirements  of  commerce, 
and  the  freq\ient  intermarriages  of  Dutch  and 
English  families  had  given  to  English  tho  pre- 
dominance by  the  year  1750.  .  .  .In  New  York 
city  the  high-stoop  house,  and  the  peculiar  ob- 
servance 01  New  Year's  Day  whicli  continued 
until  1870,  are  two  familiar  relics  of  Holland. 
The  valuable  custom  of  registering  transfers  of 
real  estate  has  been  received  from  the  same 
source."— B.  Tuckernian,  Peter  Sttiyremnt,  ch. 
4. 


A.  D.  1665.— Tho    Duke't    Lawi.— "At   a 

getieral  ini'i'ling  licld  at  lli'mpNt<'ad,  on  I/ong 
Island  [.March  I,  lOO.'il,  attended  by  deputlc.t 
from  all  Ihi-  towns,  Governor  Nichols  presently 
])ubliNhi'<l,  on  his  own  and  (ho  duke's  authority, 
a  iHxly  of  laws  for  tho  government  of  the  new 
province,  alphalietlcaliy  arranged,  collated,  and 
digested,  '  out  of  the  several  laws  now  In  force 
in  Ids  malesty's  American  colonies  and  planta- 
tions,' cxiiiblling  indeed,  numy  traces  of  Con 
iu!cticutand  iMassachusi'tt.H  IcglHlation.  .  .  .  The 
code  [was]  known  us  the  'Duke's  Laws,'  whieli 
Nichols  ImagiiK'd  'could  not  but  l>o  satisfactory 
even  to  the  most  factious  Uepublicans.'  A  con- 
siderable number  of  imndgrants  seem  to  havo 
come  in  on  the  strength  of  it  from  the  neighlMir- 
ing  coUmies  of  Now  England." — R.  Iltulreth, 
IIi»t.  of  the  IT.  S..  eh.  17  (0.  2). 

Also  IN:  The  Duke  of  York'*  IJook  of  L<iif», 
romp,  anil  id.  hi/  S.  (Itori/e,  el  ill. 

A.  D.  1665-1666.— French  invasions  of  the 
Iroquois  country,  under  Courcelles  and  Tracy. 
See  Canada:  A.  1).  1040-1700. 

A.  D.  1673.— The  reconquest  of  the  city  and 
province  by  the  Dutch. — Tlie  seizure  of  New 
Nctherland  by  tho  English  in  1064  was  one  of 
several  acts  of  hostility  which  preceded  an  actual 
declaration  of  war  between  England  and  Holland. 
Tho  war  became  formal,  however,  in  tho  follow- 
ing year,  and  ended  in  1006,  ingloriously'  for 
England  —  see  NKTHEKiiANDs  (Holland):  A.  D. 
lOOil-lOOO  —  although  she  retidncd  her  American 
conquests.  Then  followed  a  period  of  hypo- 
critical alliance  on  the  part  of  Charles  II.  with 
the  Dutch,  which  gave  him  an  opportunity  to 
betray  them  in  1673,  when  he  joined  Louis  XIV. 
of  Prance  In  a  perfidious  attack  upon  tlic  sturdy 
republic  —  see  Nktiieulands  (Holland);  A.  D. 
1673-1074.  During  the  second  year  of  this  last 
mentioned  war,  Cornells  Evertson,  worthy  pon  of 
a  famous  Dutch  admind,  made  an  unexpected 
reconquest  of  the  lost  province.  Evertson  "had 
been  sent  out  from  Zealand  with  fifteen  ships  to 
harass  tho  enemy  in  the  West  Indies,  which  was 
effectually  done.  At  Martinico  he  fell  in  with 
four  ships  dispatched  from  Amsterdam,  under 
the  command  of  Jacob  Binckcs.  Joining  their 
forces,  the  two  commodores  followed  Krynsson's 
track  to  the  Chesapeake,  where  they  took  eight 
and  burned  Ave  Virginia  tobacco  ships,  in  spite 
of  the  gallantry  of  the  frigates  which  were  to 
convoy  them  to  England.  As  they  wore  going 
out  of  the  James  River,  the  Dutch  commodores 
mot  a  sloop  from  New  Y'ork,"  and  received  in- 
formation from  one  of  its  passengers  which  satis- 
tied  them  that  they  might  easily  take  possession 
of  the  town.  "  In  a  few  days  [August  7,  1073] 
the  Dutch  fleet,  whicli,  with  throe  sliips  of  war 
from  Amsterdam,  and  four  from  Zealand,  was 
now  swelled  by  prizes  to  23  vessels,  carrying 
1,000  men,  arrived  off  Sandy  Hook.  The  next 
morning  they  anchored  under  Staten  Island." 
On  the  following  day  the  city,  which  could 
make  no  defense,  and  all  tho  Dutch  inhabitants 
of  which  were  eager  to  welcome  their  country- 
men, was  unconditionally  surrrndered.  "The 
recovery  of  New  Y'ork  by  tlic  Dutch  was  an  ab- 
solute conquest  by  an  open  enemy  In  time  of  war. 
.  .  .  '  Not  the  smallest '  article  of  capitulation,  ex- 
cept military  honors  to  the  garrison,  was  granted 
by  the  victors.  .  .  .  Their  reconquest  annihilated 
British  sovereignty  over  ancient  New  Nether- 
land,  and  extinguished  the  duke's  proprietary 


2332 


NEW  YOHK,   1073 


Knglitk  r*roivry. 


NEW  YORK.  168»-1M1 


goTernmont   In   New    York,    wieli   ilint  of  \\U 

?;miit<'<'*  in  New  Jerw-y.  KverlHeii  iiiil  IUiicUch 
or  llif  time  rcjjri'fM'iileil  the  Diilcli  Ile|)iilillc,  iiii- 
(ler  the  ilornlnloii  of  which  Im  recovtreil  Ariierican 
nrovliKTM  limtun'lv  piiHwd,  bv  rl({lit  of  RuceoKH- 
fill  wiir.  Tlie  ;'ftete  West  Iiidlii  C'oiiiimiiy  wiw 
In  no  way  e  )iineete(l  with  the  triinwicllon.  .  .  . 
The  nnmo  of  'Now  NetlK^rliiml '  was  of  eoiime 
restored  to  tlio  reconquered  teriltory,  which  was 
lield  to  enibraeu  not  only  all  thiit  the  Dutch 
jioHHCsiK'd  nrcording  to  the  Miirtford  agreement 
of  1()5U,  hut  also  the  whole  of  Lon^  Nland  eaxt 
of  Oyster  Hay,  which  originally  hclonjfeil  to  the 

firovlnce  and  which  the  king  had  Kranleil  to  the 
)uko  of  York.  .  .  .  It  wa^,  lirstof  all,  neeesanry 
to  extemporl/.o  ii  provisional  government.  No 
orders  had  been  given  to  Evcrlsen  or  Hinckeit 
about  New  Netherland.  Its  recovery  was  a 
lucky  ttceldent,  wholly  due  to  the  enterprise  of 
the  two  commmlores ;  upon  whom  fell  the  re- 
sponsibility of  governing  their  eon(iuest  until  di- 
rections shouhl  come  from  llie  Hague."  They 
appointed  Captain  Anthony  C'olve  to  be  Gover- 
nor Oeneral  of  the  Province.  "  Colve's  commis- 
sion described  hi^f  government  as  extending  from 
15  miles  south  of  Cupo  Ilenlopen  to  the  east  end 
of  Long  Island  and  Hhelter  Island,  thence  through 
the  nihldle  of  the  Hound  to  Greenwich,  and  so 
northerly,  according  to  the  boundary  made  in 
1660,  including  Delaware  Bay  and  all  the  inter- 
mediate territory,  as  possessed  by  the  Knglish 
under  the  Duke  of  Y'ork.  .  .  .  The  name  of  the 
city  of  New  York  was  .  .  .  changed  t  >  '  New 
Orange,'  in  compliment  to  the  prince stndtholdcr. 
.  .  .  The  metropolis  being  secured,  200  men 
wore  sent  up  the  river,  in  several  ves.sels,  to  re- 
duce Esopus  and  Albany.  No  opposition  was 
shown."  Albany  waH  ordered  to  be  called  Wll- 
lemstadt. — J.  U.  nrodhead,  IlUt.  of  the  State  of 
JY.  r.,  V.  2,  eh.  4-.5. 

Ai.BO  IN :  Mrs.  M.  J.  Lamb,  JIM.  of  the  City 
of  N.  r..v.\,  eh.  14-ir). —/>)(•*.  relating  to  Col. 
hut.  of  K.  Y.,  V.  2.— Memorial  Jlitt.  of  the  City 
of  New  York,  r.  1,  eh.  9. 

A.  D.  1674.— Restored  to  Eneland  by  the 
Treaty  of  Westminster.  See  Netiikui.asdb 
(Holland):  A.  I).  1674. 

A.  D.  1674-1675.— Long  Island  annexed, 
with  attempts  against  half  of  Connecticut. 
See  Connecticut  :  A.  I).  1674-1073. 

A.  D.  1684. — Doubtful  origin  of  English 
claims  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  Iroquois 
country. — "Colonel  Dongan  [governor  of  New 
York]  was  instrumental  In  procuring  a  conven- 
tion of  the  Five  Nations,  at  Albany,  in  1084.  to 
meet  Lord  Howard  of  Eflingliam,  Governor  of 
Virginia,  at  which  he  (Dongan)  was    likewise 

E resent.  This  meeting,  or  council,  was  attended 
y  the  happiest  results.  .  .  .  Colonel  Dongan 
succeeded  in  completely  gaining  the  affections  of 
the  Indians,  who  conceived  for  him  the  warmest 
esteem.  They  even  asked  tliat  the  arms  of  the 
Duke  of  York  might  be  put  upon  their  castles ; 
—  a  request  which  It  need  not  be  said  was  most 
readily  loraplied  with,  since,  should  it  afterwards 
become  necessary,  the  governor  might  find  it 
convenient  to  construe  It  Into  an  act  of  at  least 
partial  submission  to  English  authority,  although 
it  has  been  asserted  that  the  Indians  themselves 
looked  upon  the  ducal  insignia  as  a  sort  of  cliarm, 
that  might  protect  them  against  the  French. " — 
W.  L.  Stone,  Life  and  Times  of  Sir  W.  Johnson, 
V.  1,  ;).  15. 


A.  D.  1684-1687.— French  invasions  of  tht 
Iroquois  country  under  De  La  Barre  and  Dc 

Nonville.    SccCanapa:  A    I)    1  Old  1700. 
A.  D.  1686.— The  Dongan  Charter.— "The 

yciir  I0H6  wa»  diHtingidshi'il  liv  llie  granting  of 

j   the  '  Dongan  ('harl<r'  Id  iIh'  city  of  New  York. 

]    It  was  drafted  by  Mayor   NIchiilas  Kiiyard  and 

I    Hecorder  .lames   Graham,   and   was  one  of   the 

most  liberal  ever  lM'Htowe(l  upon  a  colonial  city. 

Hy  it,  sources  of  immeillalc  iir(  nine  Ix'C'ame  vesled 

In  the  corporation.     .'^ubm'cjiK nt  charters  added 

notliing  to  the  city  property,  savi'  in  the  matter 

of  ferry  righls.  In  Inunedia'te  reference  to  winch 

the   charlers   of  170H   and    17!I0  were  o!)tained. 

.   .   .  The  instrument  was  tlie  basis  of  it  plan  of 

government  for  a  great  city."— Mrs.  M.  .1.  Lamb, 

Ilitt.  of  the  t'iti/of  X   }',,  r.  1,  /).  1117. 

Al.so  liN :  M.  Denjamin,  Thot.  Doiij/an  and  the 
(Irdiitimj  of  the  A'.  }'.  Charter  {Memorial  lliiit.  of 
the  City  of  X.   Y.,  r.  1,  <•/»    11). 

A.  D.  1688.— Joined  with  New  England 
under  the  governorship  of  Andros.— In  .\pril, 
10H8,  Sir  I'^mund  Andros,  who  had  been  made 
Governor-general  of  all  New  England  in  KIHO, 
received  a  new  commission  from  the  King  which 
"constituted  him  Governor  of  all  the  English 
possessions  on  the  mainland  of  America,  except 
I'ennsylvania.  Delaware,  .Maryland,  and  Virginia. 
The  ' Territory  and  Dominion'  of  New  England 
was  now  to  embrace  the  country  between  the 
40th  degree  of  hititude  and  the  Hlver  St.  Croix, 
thus  including  New  York  and  the  .lerseys.  The 
seat  of  government  was  to  Ikj  at  Hosto'n;  and  a 
Deputy-Governor,  to  reside  at  New  York,  was  to 
be  the  immediate  liead  of  the  administration  of 
that  colony  and  of  the  .lerseys.  The  Governor 
was  to  be  assis!<>d  by  a  Council  consisting  of  42 
members,  of  whom  live  were  to  constitute  a 
quorum.  .  .  .  Tlie  Governor  in  f'ouncil  might 
impose  and  collect  taxes  for  tlie  support  of  the 
government,  and  might  pa.ss  law.s,  which  how- 
ever were,  within  three  months  of  their  enact- 
ment, to  bo  sent  over  to  the  Privy  Council  for 
approval  or  repeal.  .  .  .  The  seal  of  New  Y'ork 
was  to  1)0  broken,  and  the  seal  of  New  England 
to  1)0  used  for  the  whole  jurisdiction.  LilKTty 
of  conscience  was  to  be  allowed,  agreeably  to 
the  Declaration  of  Indulgence." — J.  G.  Palfrey, 
Compendious  IHkI.  of  Xeir  Knij.,  bk.  3,  eh.  14  (p.  2), 

Also  in  :  Sirs.  SI.  J.  ijinib,  J/ist.  of  the  City 
ofX.  Y.,  V.  1,  eh.  18.— J.  R.  Hrodhcad,  ed.  Does, 
relatire  to  Col.  Hist,  of  X.  Y.,  v.  3,  pp.  537-554. 

A.  D.  1689-1691. — The  Revolution. — Jacob 
Leisler  and  his  fate. — News  of  the  revolution  in 
England  wliidi  drove  .Tames  II.  from  the  throne, 
giving  it  to  his  daugliter,  Mary,  and  her  hus- 
band, AVilllam  of  Orange,  reached  New  York, 
from  Virginia,  In  February,  1089,  but  was  con- 
cealed OS  long  as  possible  from  the  public  by 
Lieutenant-Governor  Nicholson.  No  disturbance 
of  the  outhority  of  the  latter  occurred  until 
after  the  people  of  Boston  had  risen,  in  April, 
and  seized  the  Governor-General.  Sir  Edmund 
Andros,  stripping  his  authority  from  him  and 
casting  him  into  pri.son.  This  spirited  move- 
ment was  followeci  a  little  later  by  like  action  in 
New  Y'ork.  Two  parties  had  "quickly  taken 
form,  "one  composed  of  the  adherents  of  .Tames, 
the  other  of  the  friends  of  William  and  Mary. 
The  former  embraced  the  uristocnitic  citizens, 
including  NIcliolas  Bayard,  the  commander  of 
the  city  mllitio,  tlie  memliers  of  the  council,  and 
the  municipal  authorities.     The  friends  of  the 


2333 


NEW  yuHK,  lWO-1691. 


UM*ft 
Ktvulullon. 


NEW  YORK,   16«0-1«01. 


new  monan-hii  formed  it  InrRc  mnjorlty  "f  tlic 
citlzi'iiK.  Tlicy  iiiiitntiiiiK'il  Unit  the  ciitlrr  fabric 
of  till-  iiii|)<'rliil  uiivi'rniiK'iit,  liu'liidltiK  llmt  of 
the  (iiloiili'N,  lm<l  Im'i'ii  iivirlhrowii  by  tlif  n'volii- 
tion,  iiiitl  tliiit,  UN  no  iM-rsiih  wum  iiivcHtt'il  with 
niilliorily  In  tin;  iiroviiiic,  It  rovcrtcil  totliu  icKit- 
liimtf  Hounx'  of  nil  mitliorlly  —  the  in'oplc  — 
who  nilKlit  <U'lt'Kiit«  their  powcrn  to  wIioimhocvit 
Uivy  would.  Aiiioiitt  Uiv  principul  HiipportiTM 
of  thU  vU^w  wiut  .liicol)  Lciitlcr,  it  Ocrnntii  by 
blrtli,  ri  iiu'rclniiit,  thu  itoiilor  I'liptniii  of  one  of 
tlie  rtvi-  tmlii-biindH  of  the  city  ('oniniiindcd  by 
Colonel  Itityiird,  nnd  one  oT  tiie  ulileHt  lUid  weitlth- 
ivit  inhnbibintH.  ...  lie  wiig  u  /.ealoiiM  oppo- 
nent of  the  Itomnn  CittholU'D,  uudii  mttnof  great 
energy  and  deternilnatiou.  .  .  .  UumorH  of  ter- 
rible tldngM  contemplated  by  the  adherentH  <if 
Janu'H  Hprend  over  the  town,  and  prodnced  great 
excitement.  The  live  companieH  of  militia  and 
a  crowd  of  citlzeim  gathered  at  the  houNts  of 
LeiMler,  and  Induced  him  to  become  their  leader 
and  guide  in  this  emergency.  Colonel  HayanI 
attempted  tudUpcrau  thum,  but  lie  waHcomiielled 
to  lly  for  IiIh  life.  A  distinct  line  was  now  dntwii 
between  thu  'aristocrats,'  led  by  Bayard,  Van 
Cortlandt,  itoljert  KivingHton,  and  others,  and 
the  'democrats' — the  i.miority  of  the  people  — 
who  regarded  Leisler  aa  their  leader  and  cham- 
pion. At  his  suggestion  a  '  Committee  of  Safety  ' 
was  formed,  conipoHed  of  ten  members  —  Dutch, 
Huguenot,  and  Knglish,  They  constituted  Leis- 
ler 'CapUdn  of  the  Fort,'  and  invested  him  with 
the  powers  of  commander-in-chief  —  really  chief 
■magistritte  —  until  orders  should  como  from  the 
new  monarch.  This  was  the  llrst  really  republican 
ruler  that  ever  attained  to  power  in  America,  lie 
took  possession  of  Fort  Jaiues  and  the  jxibllc 
funds  that  were  in  it,  and,  In  June,  1080,  he  pro- 
claimed, with  the  sound  of  trumpets,  William 
and  Mary  sovereigns  of  Qa'at  liritaln  and  tliu 
colonies.  Then  he  sent  a  letter  to  the  king,  giv- 
ing him  an  account  of  what  ho  had  done. "  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor Nicholson  made  little  attempt 
to  assert  his  authority  in  the  face  of  these  dem- 
onstrations, but  departed  presently  for  England, 
"after  formally  giving  outhority  to  his  council- 
lors to  preserve  the  peace  during  his  absence, 
and  until  their  Muiesties'  pleasure  should  be 
made  known.  .  .  .  Nicholson's  desertion  of  his 
post  gave  Leisler  and  the  Hcpublicana  great  ad- 
vantages. He  ordered  the  several  counties  of 
the  province  to  elect  their  civil  and  military  offl- 
cers.  Some  counties  obeyed,  and  others  did  not. 
The  counter  intluence  of  Nicholson's  councillors 
was  continually  and  persistent  I  felt,  and  Leisler 
and  his  porty  became  greatly  i licensed  against 
them,  especially  against  Bayard,  who  was  the 
chief  instigator  of  the  opposition  to  the  '  usurper,' 
as  he  called  the  liepublican  leader.  So  hot  be- 
came the  indignation  of  Leisler  and  his  friends 
that  Bayard  was  compelled  to  tly  for  his  life  to 
Albany.  The  other  councillors,  alarmed,  soon 
followed  him.  At  Albany  they  acknowledged 
allegiance  to  William  and  Mary.  They  set  up 
an  independent  government,  and  claimed  to  bo 
the  true  ond  only  rulers  of  the  province.  In 
this  position  they  were  sustoined  by  the  civil  au- 
thorities at  Albany."  Leisler's son-in-law,  Jacob 
Milborne,  was  sent  with  a  force  to  take  posses- 
sion of  their  seat  of  government,  but  failed  to 
accomplish  his  mission.  "Soon  after  this  event 
a  letter  arrived  at  New  York  by  a  special  messen- 
ger from  the  British  Privy  Council,  directed  to 


'Francis  NichnlKon,  Er(|.,  or,  in  hid  absoncc,  to 
Hucli  HH,  for  the  time  being,  lake  care  for  pre- 
Kerving  the  peace  and  administering  thu  laws  in 
Ills  >raje»iy'»  province  of  New  \ork.'"  Thi» 
letter  was  (lellveri'd  by  tlio  meMcngor  to  Leisler. 
liayard.  who  liad  come  to  thu  city  in  disgnlHe, 
and  attempted  tosecure  the  niiiMlve,  was  arrested 
and  imprinoned.  "  From  this  time  th(>  opposition 
to  Leisler's  government  assumed  an  organl/.ed 
shape,  anil  was  Hieeiili'Ns  luid  ri'lentless.  I..eislur 
Justly  regarding  huiiHi'lf  as  invested  willi  sii- 
oremu  |)ower  by  the  people  and  the  spirit  of  the 
letter  from  thu  I'rivy  Council,  at  once  assumed 
thetltlu  of  lieutenant-governor;  apoointed  coun- 
cillors; made  a  new  provincial  seal;  established 
courts,  and  called  an  assembly  to  provide  means 
for  carrying  on  war  with  Canada.  .  .  .  Colonel 
Henry  Sloughter  was  appointed  Governor  of 
New  "York,  but  did  not  arrive  until  the  soring  of 
IIIOI.  Hicliiird  Ingoldsby,  a  captain  of  f(M)t,  ar- 
rived early  in  the  year,  with  a  company  of  regu- 
lar BoUliers,  to  taku  possession  of  aiui  hold  the 
government  until  the  arrival  of  the  governor, 
lie  was  urged  by  Leisler's  enemies  to  assume  su- 
preme power  at  once,  as  ho  was  the  highest  royal 
olllcer  in  the  province.  Ho  haughtily  demanued 
of  Leisler  the  surrender  of  the  fort,  wltlioul 
delguing  to  show  the  governor  Ids  credentials. 
Leisler,  of  course,  refused,  and  onlered  tlio 
troops  to  be  quartered  In  thu  city.  Ingtddsbv 
attempted  to  take  the  fort  by  force,  but  falleu. 
For  sMVcral  weeks  the  city  was  fearfully  excited 
by  rival  faetions — '  LeislcrianH '  .ind  'antt-Leis- 
lerians.'  On  the  arrival  of  Governor  Sloughter, 
III  March  (1001),  Leisler  at  once  loyally  tendered 
to  him  the  fort  and  the  province.  Under  the 
Intluence  of  the  enemies  of  Leisler,  the  royal 
governin'  responded  to  this  meritorious  action  "by 
ordering  the  arrest  of  thu  lieutenanlgovernor; 
also  Milborne,  and  six  other  '  inferior  insurgents ' 
....  on  a  clmrgu  of  high  treason."  The  ac- 
cused were  tried,  convicted  and  sentenced  to  be 
hangeil;  but  all  except  Leisler  and  Milborne  re- 
ceived pardon.  These  two  appealed  to  the  king; 
but  the  governor's  councillors  succeeded  in  sup- 
pressing the  appeal.  As  Sloughter  hesit4iteil  to 
sign  the  death-warrant,  they  intoxicoted  him  at  a 
dinner  party  and  obtained  his  signature  to  the 
fatal  document  while  his  judgment  was  over- 
come. Before  the  drunken  governor  recovered  his 
senses  Jacob  Leisler  and  Jacob  Milborne  had  been 
hanged.  "  When  the  governor  became  sober,  he 
was  appalled  at  what  he  had  done.  He  was  so 
keenly  stung  by  remorse  and  attlictedby  delirium 
tremens  that  he  illed  a  few  weeks  afterward. 
Calm  and  impartial  judgment,  enlightened  by 
truth,  now  assigns  to  Jacob  Leisler  the  high  posi- 
tion in  history  of  a  patriot  and  martyr." — B.  J. 
Lossing,  The  Empire  State,  eh.  8. — "  Leisler  lacked 
judgment  and  wisdom  in  administrative  alTairs, 
but  his  aims  were  comprehensive  and  patriotic. 
His  words  are  imbued  with  a  reverent  spirit,  and 
were  evidently  the  utterances  of  an  honest  man. 
It  was  his  lot  to  encounter  an  opposition  led  by 
persons  who  held  olHce  under  King  James.  They 
l)ur8ued  him  with  a  relentless  spirit.  ...  It  is 
the  office  of  history  to  bear  witness  to  Jacob 
Leisler's  integrity  as  a  man,  his  loyolty  as  a  sub- 
ject, and  his  purity  as  a  patriot. " — R  Frothing- 
ham,  The  lUse  of  the  liepublCc,  ch.  8. — "The 
founder  of  the  Democracy  of  New  Y'ork  was 
Jacob  Leisler.  .  .  .  And  Jacob  Leisler  was 
truly  an  honest  man,  who,  though  a  martyr  to 


2334 


NEW  YORK,  l(W0-10ni. 


Z'nu'r's  Ttliil 
tVfrdum  0/  Iht  Itttt. 


NEW  YoKK,   KM. 


thtWOMof  liberty,  niul  mirritliiil  liy  liijuntiii', 
•itttoenor,  imd  pnrty  nitiliKiiliy,  cmikIiI  (d  be 
eonildereti  n*  oik>  In  wlinin  New  Yurk  hIidiiIcI 
take  priilf  —  uIiIkmikIi  tl»'  iiiiiiittDrH  of  iniuiy  nf 
liur  iK'it  ini'ii  ilt'iiciiMirnl  liiiii  uH  It  ri'lii'l  luiil  n 
Inillor."— W.  Puiiliip,  JlUt.  0/ the  A'tw  A'tlhrr- 
hnth,  r.  1,  eh.  Vi. 

A  MM)  IM  V,  V.  IIi)tTtimri,  The  Ailiiuiiiih-iilinii 
of  Jtiecb  lA^itler  (l,i>>riin/  nf  Am.  Hinij.,  */iV«  2, 
I'.  8). — I'ltjitri  vitiiliiiij  In  /.I.  Hue.  I.rinliv'n  Ail- 
ininMriilion  {O't'iiUiiyhmi'ii  D'h-hiih  iil:irii  Hint, 
if  X.  }'. ,  I'.  2).  —  />'«'».  rittitiii;/  t'l  l,iiMlrr'ii  Atl 
miniftnttim,  (\.    )'.  IUhI.  Sic.  CII..  IHIIH), 

A.  D.  1689-1697.  -  Kins  William'!  War: 
The  Schenectady  massacre. —Abortive  ex- 
pedition against  Montreal.— French  plans  of 
conquest.     See  Canada ;  A.  I).  l(lMU-ifu«);  luul 

um-um. 

A.  D.  1690.— The  Arst  Colonial  Cong^ress. 
Hoo  U.MTK.l)  Htatkm  i)K  Am.  :  A.  D.  UlllD. 

A,  D,  169a, — Bradford's  press  set  up.  Sii' 
P«:nshyi.vania;  A.  1).  ltH»',>-l()!H!. 

D,  1696.— Count  Frontenac's  invasion 
of  ie  Iroquois  country,  ricu  Canada:  A.  I). 
lODfl. 

A.  D.  1696-1749.— Suppression  of  colonial 
manufactures.  .Sec  rNiTKD  !Stati-;h  ok  Am.  : 
A.  I).  l«U(i-174«. 

A.  D.  1709-1711.— Queen  Anne's  War:  Un- 


successful projects  against  Montreal.— Cap 
ture  of  Port  Royal.  Hi'c  Nkw  K.n(ii,ani):  A.  I). 
nO'^-lTlU;  iiml  ('anai)a:  A.  0,  1711-17i;J. 

A.  D.  1710. — Colonization  of  P-^atines  on 
the  Hudson. — Settlement  of  Pa.<.iine  Bridge 
and  German  Flats.  .Sec  I'ai.atinks;  A.  I). 
I7()lt-1T1(). 

A.  D.  1730-1734.— Conflicts  of  royal  gover- 
nors with  the  people.— Zenger's  trial.— Vindi- 
cation of  the  freedom  of  the  press. — "  In  .Sep- 
tember 1720,  William  Hiirnel,  the  son  ot  Bishop 
Diirnet  mid  giMlson  of  Williiim  III.,  enteieil 
upon  the  government  of  New  York,  liiinlen<'(l 
by  iuHtruclTons  from  Engliuul  to  keep  iilive  tln' 
nssembly  which  hnil  been  chosen  several  years 
before.  This  he  did,  to  the  great  discontent  of 
the  people,  until  It  liml  lastecrniore  than  eleven 
years.  .  .  .  Uut  he  was  intelligent,  and  free  from 
avarice.  It  was  he  who  took  possession  of 
Oswego,  and  he  'left  no  stone  unturned  to  de- 
feat the  French  designs  at  Niagara.'  Neverthe- 
less, for  all  his  merit,  In  1728,  he  was  transferred 
to  Massachusetts  to  make  way  for  the  groom  of 
the  ch.imbcr  of  Ocorgo  II.  while  he  was  prince 
of  Wales.  At  the  time  when  the  ministry  was 
warned  that  '  the  American  assemblies  aimed  at 
nothing  less  than  being  indepc'ident  of  Great 
Britain  as  fiust  as  they  conhl,'  Newcastle  sent  os 
governor  to  New  York  and  New  Jersey  the  ilidl 
and  ignorant  John  Montgomcrie.  Sluggish,  yet 
humane,  the  pauper  chief  magistrate  hud  no 
object  In  America  but  to  get  money;  and  he 
escaped  contests  with  the  legislatures  by  giving 
way  to  them  in  oil  things.  .  .  .  Ho  died  in  olflce 
in  1731.  His  successor,  in  1732,  was  AVilliam 
Cosby,  a  brother-in-law  of  the  earl  of  llalifa.v, 
and  connected  with  Newcastle.  A  boisterous 
and  irritable  man,  broken  in  his  fortunes,  having 
little  tinderstanding  ond  no  sense  ot  decorum  or 
of  virtue,  he  had  been  sent  over  to  clutch  at 
gain.  Few  men  did  more  to  hasten  colonial 
emancipation.  ...  To  gain  very  great  perciui- 
sltes,  he  followed  the  precedent  of  Andros  in 
Massachusetts  in  the  days  of  the  Stuarts,  and  iu- 


slHti'd  on  new  Hiirvey'ii  of  landn  am)  new  (rfnnts, 
in  lii'ii  iif  till'  olil.  To  the  objection  of  jii'iinff 
against  law,  he  answered:  '  Pn  yoii  think  I  mind 
that?  I  have  a  great  liitcreNl  in  Knglaml.'  The 
I'ourts  of  law  Wire  not  pliable;  and  Cosby  did- 
plated  and  appointed  juilgcs,  without  soliritlng 
the  ('otiMiii  of  the  couneil  or  walling  for  the  ap- 
iirobatlon  of  the  sovereign.  Complairt  eouM  Im* 
iii'ard  oidy  through  thi'  l)res«.  .\  .ewspaper 
was  eHtalilishiil  to  dcfenil  the  pi.'  ',ir  caum.'; 
and,  in  Nnvi'mber  17Mt.  about  a  year  after  its 
est:il)lishment.  its  printrr.  .lolin  I'ller  /.cnu'er,  a 
OiTiiian  by  birlli,  who  bud  bicii  an  ahpniillre  to 
the  famoiiM  priiilir,  Wllliaui  lirudford,  and  after- 
ward his  partner,  was  imprlsonnl,  by  an  order 
of  the  eoiini'il.  on  the  <  harge  01  publishing  false 
ami  seditious  libels.  The  grand  jury  would  llnd 
no  bill  against  him,  and  tli"  atlorneygi'nerul 
tiled  an  information.  The  <'iii,ns('l  of  /enger 
took  exeeptliiiis  to  the  ('oMunisslons  of  the  JudgeH, 
be<nuse  tliiy  ran  iluring  pleasure,  and  liecaimo 
they  ha:l  iH'en  granted  without  the  cunsent  of 
council.  Tile  angry  judge  met  the  objection  by 
disbarring  James  'Alexander  who  olTcred  It, 
though  he  stood  at  the  head  of  his  profisslon  In 
New  York  for  sagacllv,  ixiietralion,  ami  appli- 
cation to  business.  All  the  central  colonies  re- 
garded the  contrnversy  as  their  own.  At  the 
trial  the  iiublishing  was  confessed;  but  tlie  'iged 
and  veneralile  An<lrew  Ilandlton,  who  canii'  from 
Philadelphia  to  plead  for  Zenger,  justill<'d  the 
publication  by  asserting  its  trutli.  '  You  cannot 
l)e  ailmitleil.  Interrupted  the  chief  jusiiei',  'to 
give  the  trulli  of  a  libel  in  evidence.'  'Then,' 
Knid  Hamilton  to  the  jury,  'we  appeal  to  you 
for  witnesses  of  the  i'acts.  Tlie  jury  have  a 
right  to  determine  both  the  law  and  the  fact,  and 
they  ought  to  do  so.'  'The  ((Uestlon  before 
you,'  he  added,  'is  not  the  cause  of  a  poor 
'printer,  nor  of  New  York  alone;  it  is  the  cause 
of  liberty.'.  .  .  Tlie  jury  gave  their  verdict, 
'  Not  guilty.'  Hamilton  received  of  the  common 
couneil  of  New  York  the  franchises  of  the  city 
for  'his  liariied  and  generous  defence  of  the 
rights  of  mankinil  .mil  the  liberlv  of  the  press.'  " 
—a.  Hancroft,  JUkI.  of  the  U.  "*'.  (Author's  liut 
rec),  ])t.  3,  ch.  l."!  (r.  2). 

A1.B0  IN :  J.  Grnhamc,  ///'«<.  of  the  U.  fy.  (Colo- 
nial), hk.  10,  ch.  1  (c.  2).— W.  L.  Stone,  ///*/.  of 
N.  Y.  Cilji,  2<l  jKiiod,  ch.  2.— E.  Lawrence,  IIV'- 
linm  Conhl/ iDid  tlie  Freeilom  of  the  Premt  (Memorial 
Hist,  if  the  City  of  X.  K,  r.  2,  ch.  7). 

A.  D.  1725."— The  first  Newspaper.  See 
Pni.vTi.\(i  A.Ni)  ■vnv,  Pui:ss:  A.  I).  I7il4-I729. 

A.  D.  1V26.— Howthe  Iroquois  placed  them- 
selves under  the  protection  of  England. — 
"Oovernour  Uurnet  .  .  .  a.s.sembled  the  chiefs  of 
the  Inxiuois  at  Albany  [1720J;  \\v  reminded  them 
of  ail  the  bcnctits  they  hml  received  from  Kng- 
lanil,  and  all  the  inlurics  that  had  been  inllicted 
by  France.  He  pointed  out  the  evils  that  would 
How  to  them  from  a  French  fort  at  Niagara,  ou 
their  territory.  The  Indians  declared  their  un- 
willingness to  sulTer  this  intrusion  of  the  French, 
but  said  they  now  had  not  power  to  nrcvent  It. 
They  called" upon  the  Governour  of  New  York 
to  write  to  the  King  of  England  for  help  to  ro- 
gf  'n  their  country  from  the  French  of  Canada. 
Burnet  seized  tills  opportunity  to  gain  a  surren- 
der of  their  country  to  England,  to  be  protected 
for  their  use.  Such  ft  surrender  would  be  used 
by  Europeans  for  their  own  purposes;  but  (iu 
the  sense  they  viewed  and  represented  it),  was 


2335 


NEW  \  OUK,  1720. 


AVfliro  Plot. 


NEW  YORK,  1773-1774. 


altogether  incomprelivnsiblu  by  tliu  Iniliun  chicfH ; 
ami  the  deputies  liud  no  power  from  tlie  IroquoiH 
confederacy  to  niuke  iiny  such  surrender.  .  .  . 
By  tlie  treaty  of  Utrecht  .  .  .  Friiuce  hud  uc- 
knowlcdged  the  Iroquois  and  their  territory  to 
be  mibject  to  Orciit  Hrituln." — W.  Uunlup,  JIM. 
of  Xew  York,  v.  1,  p.  £89. 

A.  D.  1741.— The  pretended  Negro  Plot.— 
Panic  and  merciless  frenzy  of  the  people. — In 
1741,  "  tlie  city  of  New  York  beeiiMie  the  scene 
of  u  cruel  iind  bloody  delusion,  less  notorious, 
but  not  less  Inmentable  thiin  the  Siileni  witch- 
craft. That  city  now  contained  S(  nie  7,000  or 
8,000  inhabi.ants,  of  whom  1,200  or  1,500  were 
slaves.  Nino  Arcs  in  rapid  succession,  most  of 
them,  however,  merely  the  buri:ing  (.f  chimneys, 
pnxlucct'.  a  perfect  insanity  of  terror.  An  in- 
dented servant  woman  purchased  her  liberty 
and  secured  a  reward  of  £100  by  pretending  to 
give  information  of  a  plot  formed  by  a  low 
tttvern-keci)er,  her  master,  and  three  negroes,  to 
burn  the  city  and  munler  the  whites.  This 
story  was  confirmed  and  amplified  by  an  Irish 
prostitute,  convicted  of  a  robbery,  who,  to  recom- 
mend herself  to  :r.ercy,  reluctiuitly  turned  in- 
former. Numerous  arrests  had  been  already 
made  among  the  slaves  and  free  blacks.  Many 
others  followed.  Tlie  eight  lawyers  who  then 
composed  the  bar  of  New  York  all  assisted  by 
turns  on  behalf  of  the  prosecution.  The  prison- 
ers, who  had  no  counsel,  were  tried  and  con- 
victed upon  most  insufficient  evidence.  The 
lawyers  vied  with  each  other  in  heaping  all  sorts 
of  abuse  on  their  heads,  and  Chief -justice  De- 
lancey,  in  passing  sentence,  vied  with  the  law- 
yers. Many  confessed  to  save  their  lives,  and 
then  accused  others.  Thirteen  unhappy  convicts 
were  burned  at  the  stake,  eighteen  were  hanged, 
and  seventy-one  transported.  The  war  and  the 
religious  excitement  then  prevailing  tended  to 
inflame  the  yet  hot  prejudices  against  Catholics. 
A  non-juring  schoolmaster,  accused  of  being  a 
Catholic  priest  in  disguise,  and  of  stimulating 
the  negroes  to  burn  the  city  by  promises  of  abso- 
lution, was  condemned  and  executed." — U.  Hil- 
dreth,  Iliat.  of  the  U.  S.,  ch.  25  (b.  2). 

Also  in:  Mrs.  Lamb,  Ilint.  of  the  City  of 
N.  Y.,  T.  1,  ch.  26.— G.  AV.  Williams,  Uist.  of 
the  Xegro  Race  in  Am.,  v.  1,  ch.  13. 

A.  D.  1744. — Treaty  with  the  Six  Nations 
at  Albany.    See  Vibginia:  A.  D.  1744. 

A.  D.  1744-1748.— King  George's  War.  See 
Nkw  England:  A.  D.  1744;  1745;  and  1745- 
1748. 

A.  D.  1746-1754.— The  founding  of  King's 
College.  See  Educatioi',  Modeiin  :  Ameiuca  : 
A.  IX  1740-1787. 

A.  D.  1749-1774.— The  struMle  for  Vermont. 
— The  disputed  New  Hampshire  Grants,  and 
the  Green  Mountain  Boys  inrho  defended  them. 
See  Vermont:  A.  D.  1740-1774. 

A.  D.  1754^— The  Colonial  Coneress  at  Al- 
bany and  Franklin's  Plan  of  Union.  See 
United  States  ok  Am.  :  A.  D.  1754. 

A.  D.  I75s.--The  French  and  Indian  War: 
Battle  of  Lake  George. — Abortive  expedition 
against  Niagara.— Braddock's  defeat.  See 
Canada:  A.  1).  1755;  and  Ohio  (Vallev): 
A.  D.  1755. 

A.  D.  1756-1757.- The  French  and  Indian 
War:  English  loss  of  Oswego  and  of  Fort 
William  Henry.  See  Canada:  A.  D.  1756- 
1757. 


A.  D.  1758.— The  French  a"d  Indian  War: 
Bloody  cefeat  of  the  English  at  Ticonderoga.— 
Final  capture  of  Louisburg  and  recovery  of 
Fort  Duquesne.  See  Canada:  A.  D.  1758;  and 
Cape  Bukton  Island:  A.  D.  1758-1700. 

A.  D.  17J9.— The  French  and  Indian  War : 
Niagara,  Ticonderoga,  Crown  Point  and  Que- 
bec taken.    Scel'ANADA:   A.  \i.  1759. 

A.  D.  1760. — The  French  and  Indian  War: 
Completed  English  conquest  of  Canada.  See 
Canada:   A.  1).  1700. 

A.  D.  l763-i764.—Pontiac's  War.— Sir  Wil- 
liam lohnson'i.  Treaty  with  the  Indians  at 
Fort  Niagara.    See  Pontiac'b  Wak. 

A.  D.  1763-1766. — The  question  of  taxation 
by  Parliament.— The  Sugar  Act.— The  Stamp 
Act  and  its  repeal.— The  Declaratory  Act.— 
The  Stamp  Act  Congress.  See  United  States 
OF  Am.  :  A.  D.  1700-1775;  1763-1764;  1765;  and 
1766. 

A.  D.  1765.— Patriotic  self-denials.— Non- 
imp.-irtatton  agreements.  S;;e  United  S'iatks 
OK  Am:   a.  I).  1704-1767. 

A.  D.  1765-1768.— The  Indian  treaties  of 
German  Flats  and  Fort  Stanwix.— Adjust- 
ment of  boundaries  with  the  Six  Nations. 
See  United  States  of  Am.  :   A.  D.  1705-1708. 

A.  D.  1766-1773.— Opening  events  of  the 
Revolution.  See  United  States  of  Am,  :  A.  D. 
1706-1767,  to  1772-1773,  and  Boston:  A.  D. 
1708,  to  1773. 

A.  D.  1773-1774.— The  Revolutionary  spirit 
abroad.— The  conflict  of  parties.— The  Vig- 
ilance Committee,  the  Committee  of  Fifty- 
One,  and  the  Committee  of  Sixty.— "In  17*3 
the  tax  on  tea  was  imposed.  On  October  25th 
the  Mohawks  of  New  York,  a  band  of  the  Sons 
of  Liberty,  were  ordered  by  their  old  leaders  to 
be  on  the  watch  for  the  tea  ships;  and  it  was 
merely  the  chances  of  time  and  tide  that  gave 
the  opportunity  of  fame  first  to  the  Mohawks  of 
Boston.  ...  An  'association'  was  no«r  circu- 
lated for  signatui;'?.  engaging  to  boycott,  'not 
deal  with,  or  employ  or  have  any  connection 
with'  any  persons  who  should  aid  in  landing,  or 
"selling,  or  buying  tea,  so  long  as  it  is  subject 
to  a  duty  by  Parliami  nt';  and  December  17th  a 
meeting  of  the  subscribers  was  held  and  a  com- 
mittee of  fifteen  chosen  as  a  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence that  was  soon  known  as  the  Vigi- 
lance Committee.  Letters  also  were  exchanged 
between  the  speakers  of  many  of  the  houses  of 
assembly  in  the  different  provinceo;  and  January 
20,  1774,  the  New  York  Assembly,  which  had 
been  out  of  touch  with  the  people  ever  since  the 
Stamp  Act  was  passed  in  the  year  after  its  elec- 
tion, appointed  their  Speaker,  with  twelve  others, 
a  standing  Committee  of  Correspondence  and 
Enquiry,  a  proof  that  the  interest  of  all  classes 
was  now  excited.  April  15th,  the  '  Nancy '  with 
a  cargo  of  tea  arrived  off  Sandy  Hook,  followed 
shortly  by  the  'London.'  The  Committee  of 
Vigilance  assembled,  and,  as  soon  as  Captain 
Lockyier,  of  the  '  Nancy '  landed  in  spite  of  their 
warning,  escorted  him  to  a  pilot  boat  and  set  him 
on  board  again.  .  .  .  April  23d,  the  '  Nancy  ' 
stood  out  to  sea  without  landing  her  cargo,  and 
with  her  carried  Captain  Chambers  of  the  '  Lon- 
don,' from  which  the  evening  before  eighteen 
chests  of  tea  had  been  emptied  into  the  sea  by 
the  Liberty  Boys.  The  bill  closing  the  port  of 
Boston  was  enacted  March  Slst,  and  a  copy  of 
the  act  reached  New  Y'ork  by  the  ship  Samson 


2336 


NEW  YORK,  17:3-1774. 


iSoiu  0/  Liberlj/. 


NEW  YORK,  1775. 


on  the  12lli.  Two  days  later  tlic  ('nmmittoc  of 
Vigiliince  wrote  to  the  IJostou  Committee  recoin- 
memlinK  vigorous  measures  as  llie  most  effect- 
ual, anil  assuring  them  that  their  course  would 
he  heartily  supported  by  their  brethren  in  New 
York.  So  rapid  had  been  the  march  of  events 
that  not  till  now  did  the  merchants  and  respon- 
sible citizens  of  New  York  take  alarm.  With- 
out their  concurrence  or  even  knowledge  they 
were  being  rapluly  compromised  by  the  luiau- 
thorizcd  action  of  an  irresponsible"  committee, 
composed  of  men  who  for  the  most  jiart  were 
noted  more  for  enthusiasm  than  for  juclgraent, 
and  many  of  whom  had  been  not  unconcerned 
in  petty  riots  and  demonstrations  condemned  by 
the  better  part  of  the  community.  .  .  .  'The 
men  who  at  that  time  called  themselves  the  Com- 
mittee,' wrote  Lieutenant  Governor  Coldeu  the 
next  month,  '  who  dictated  and  acted  in  the  name 
of  the  people,  were  many  of  them  of  the  lower 
ranks,  and  all  the  warmest  zealots  of  those  called 
tlie  Sons  of  Liberty.  The  more  considerable 
merchants  and  citizens  seldom  or  never  appeared 
among  them.  .  .  .  The  principal  inhabitants,  be- 
ing now  afraid  that  these  hot-headed  men  might 
run  the  city  into  dangerous  measures,  appeared 
In  b  considerable  body  at  the  first  meeting  of  the 

Eeople  after  the  Boston  Port  Act  was  published 
ere.'  This  meeting,  convokeii  by  advertise- 
ment, was  held  Jlay  16th,  at  the  house  of  Sam- 
uel Francis,  '  to  consult  on  the  measures  proper 
to  be  pursued.' ...  A  committee  of  tifty,  Jay 
among  them,  instead  of  one  of  twenty-flve,  as  at 
first  suggested,  was  nominated  '  for  the  approba- 
tion of  the  public,'  '  to  correspond  with  ou'  sister 
colonies  on  all  matters  of  moment. '  Three  days 
later  these  nominations  were  confirmed  by  a 
public  meeting  held  at  the  Coffee  House,  but  not 
until  a  fifty-first  member  was  added,  Francis 
Lewis,  as  a  representative  of  the  radical  party 
which  had  been  as  much  as  possible  ignoreil. 
...  At  the  Coffee  House  again,  on  May  33d, 
the  Committ(  e  of  Fifty-one  met  and  organized ; 
they  repudiated  tlie  letter  to  Boston  from  the 
Committee  of  Vigilance  as  unofficial,"  and  pre- 
pared a  response  to  another  communication  just 
received  from  Boston,  by  the  famous  messenger, 
Paul  Itcvere.  In  this  reply  it  was  "urged  that 
'a  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  Colonies  in 
General  is  of  the  utmost  moment, '  to  form  '  some 
unanimous  resolutions  .  .  .  not  only  respecting 
your  [Boston's]  deplorable  circumstances,  but 
for  the  security  of  our  common  rights ; '  and  that 
the  advisability  of  a  non-importation  agreement 
should  be  left  to  the  Congress.  .  .  .  The  impor- 
tance of  this  letter  can  liardly  be  exaggerated, 
for  it  was  the  first  serious  authoritative  sugges- 
tion of  a  General  Congress  to  consider  '  the  com- 
mon rights '  of  the  colonies  in  general.  .  .  .  The 
advice  of  New  York  was  followed  gradually  by 
the  other  colonics,  but  even  bc'aro  a  Continental 
Congress  was  a  certainty,  the  Committee  of 
Fifty-one,  with  singular  confidence,  resolved  that 
delegates  to  it  should  be  chcsei;  and  called  a 
meeting  for  that  purpose  for  July  10th.  .  .  . 
Philip  Livingston,  John  Alsop  James  Duane, 
and  Johu  Jay  were  nominated  as  delegates  to  be 
submitted  to  tlie  public  meeting,  July  19th. 
The  people  met  accordingly  at  the  Coffee  House, 
and  after  a  stormy  debate  elected  the  commit- 
tee's candidates  in  spite  of  a  strong  effort  to  sub- 
stitute for  Jay,  McDougall,  the  hero  of  the 
Liberty  Boys.'     Tliis  election,  however,  was  not 


thought  to  be  an  adecfuate  expression  of  the 
popular  will,  and  polls  were  subseciuently  opened 
in  each  ward,  on  the  28th  of  July.  The  result 
was  a  unanimous  vote  for  Jay  and  his  colleagues. 
"Thus,  fortunately,  at  the  very  inception  of  the 
Involution,  before  the  faintest  clatter  of  arms, 
the  popular  movement  was  placed  in  charge  of 
the  '  Patricians '  as  they  were  called,  rather  than 
of  the  'Tribunes,'  as  respectively  represented  by 
Jay  and  McDougall."— G.  Pellew,  Mm  J<iy.  ch. 
3.— "The  New  York  Committee  of  Fiftv-One, 
having  accomplished  its  object,  appointee!  a  day 
for  the  choice,  by  the  freeholders  of  the  city,  of 
a  'Committee  of  Observation,'  niunbering  sixty, 
to  enforce  in  New  York  the  Non-Importation 
Act  of  tlie  lute  Congress;  and  when  this  new 
committee  was  duly  elected  and  organized,  with 
Isaac  Low  as  chairman,  the  Fifty-One  was  dis- 
solved."—Mrs.  .M.  J.  Lamb,  Hist,  of  the  City  of 
X  Y.,  r.  1,  ;).  768. 

Also  in  :  I.  Q.  Leake,  Life  ami  Times  of  Qeii. 
John  Liiiitb,  ch.  6. — J.  A.  Stevens,  The  Second 
yon-iiiijxtrtation  Agreement  {.Vemorinl  Hist,  of 
the  Citi/ofX.   Y..  r.  3,  ch.  11). 

A.  D.  1774.— The  Boston  Port  Bill,  the 
Massachusetts  Act,  and  the  Quebec  Act. — 
The  First  Continental  Congress,  See  United 
St.ytks  ok  A.m.  ;   A.  1).  1774. 

A.  D.  1775  (April). —  Disadvantages  experi- 
enced b^  the  patriots. —  The  first  provincial 
Convention  held.  —  "The  republicans  of  the 
province  of  New  York,  composing  by  far  the 
greater  portion  of  the  inliabit^ints,  labored  under 
severe  disabilities.  Acting  Governor  t!olden  was 
a  Loyalist,  and  his  council  held  oftlce  by  the 
King  s  will.  The  assembly,  though  chosen  by 
the  people,  continued  in  existence  only  by  the 
King's  orerogative.  They  might  be  dissolved  by 
the  representative  of  tl  e  crown  (the  acting  gov- 
ernor) at  any  moment.  There  was  no  legally 
constituted  body  to  form  a  rallying  point  for  the 
patriots,  as  in  Massachusetts,  where  there  was  an 
elective  council  and  an  annually  elected  assem- 
bly. In  all  the  other  colonics  there  was  somo 
nucleus  of  power  around  which  the  people 
might  assemble  and  claim  to  be  heard  with  re- 
spect. But  in  New  York  they  were  thrown  back 
upon  their  own  resources,  and  nobly  did  they 
preserve  their  integrity  and  maintain  their  cause, 
in  spite  of  every  obstacle.  The  wliole  continent 
was  now  moving  in  the  direction  of  rebellion. 
.  .  .  The  excitement  in  New  York  was  ciiually 
intense.  Toward  the  close  of  the  preceding  De- 
cember, the  Liberty  Boys  were  calleti  to  action 
by  the  seizure  of  arms  and  ammunition,  which 
some  of  them  had  imported,  and  had  consigned 
to  Walter  Franklin,  a  well  known  merchant. 
These  were  seized  by  order  of  the  collector,  be- 
cause, as  ho  alleged,  of  the  want  of  cockets,  or 
custom-house  warrants,  they  having  been  in 
store  several  days  without  them.  Wliile  they 
were  on  their  way  to  the  custom-house,  some  of 
the  Sons  of  Liberty  rallied  and  seized  them,  but 
before  they  could  be  concealed  they  were  retaken 
by  government  ofllcials  and  sent  on  board  a  man- 
of-war  in  the  harbor.  .  .  .  The  republicans 
failed  in  their  efforts,  in  the  New  York  Assembly, 
to  procure  the  appointment  of  delegates  to  the 
second  Continental  Congress,  to  be  convened  at 
Philadelphia  in  May.  Nothing  was  left  for  them 
to  do  but  to  appeal  to  the  people.  The  General 
Committee  of  sixty  members,  many  of  thenl  of 
the  loyal  majority  ia  the  assembly,  yielding  to 


2337 


NEW  YORK,  1775. 


Full  of  the 
lioi/at  Oovernment. 


NEW  YORK,  1775. 


tlie  pressure  of  popular  .sentiment,  cnllcd  a  meet- 
ing of  the  freeholders  anil  freemen  of  the  city  at 
the  E.xchange,  to  take  into  consideration  the 
election  of  uelogates  to  ii  convention  of  repre- 
sentatives from  such  of  the  counties  of  tlie  prov- 
ince as  should  adopt  the  measure,  the  sole  object 
of  such  convention  being  tlie  choice  of  proper 
persons  to  represent  the  colony  in  the  Continental 
Congress.  1  his  movement  was  ojjposed  by  the 
lovalists.  ...  At  first  there  was  confusion. 
Tins  .soon  subsided,  and  the  meeting  proceeded 
with  calmness  and  dignity  to  nonunnte  eleven 
])cr8ons  to  represent  the  city  in  a  provincial  con- 
vention to  be  lield  in  New  York  on  the  201  h 
[April],  who  were  to  be  instructed  to  choose 
delegates  to  the  Continental  Congress.  On  the 
following  day  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  of 
Si.xty  gave  notice  of  the  proposed  convention  on 
the  "20th  to  the  chairmen  of  the  committees  of 
correspondence  in  the  dilTercnt  counties,  advising 
them  to  choose  delegates  to  the  same.  There 
was  a  prompt  response.  .  .  .  The  convention  as- 
sembled at  the  Exchange,  in  New  York,  on  the 
20th,  and  consisted  of  43  members  [representing 
seven  counties  outside  of  New  York  city].  Colo- 
nel Schuyler  was  at  the  head  of  the  delegation 
from  Albany,  and  took  a  leading  part  in  the  con- 
vention. Philip  Livingston  was  chosen  presi- 
dent of  the  convention,  and  Jolm  M'Kesson,  sec- 
retary. This  was  the  15rst  provincial  convention 
in  New  York  —  the  first  positive  expression  of 
the  doctrine  of  jjopidar  sovereignty  in  that  prov- 
ince. They  remained  in  session  three  days,  and 
chose  for  delegates  to  the  Continental  Congress 
Philip  Livingston,  James  Duane,  Jolm  Alsop, 
John  Jay,  Simon  Boerum,  William  Floyd,  Henrv 
Wisner,  Pliilip  Schuyler,  George  Clinton,  Lewis 
Morris,  Francis  Lewis,  and  Robert  R.  Living- 
ston, to  whom  were  given  full  power,  'or  any 
five  of  them,  to  meet  the  delegates  from  other 
colonies,  and  to  concert  and  determine  upon  such 
measures  as  shall  be  judged  most  effectual  for 
the  preservation  and  rel'stablishment  of  Ameri- 
can rights  and  privileges,  and  for  the  restoration 
of  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  her  colo- 
nies.' While  this  convention  was  in  session  in- 
telligence of  the  bloodshed  at  Lexington  was  on 
lis  way,  but  it  liid  not  reach  New  York  until  the 
day  after  the  adjournment." — B.  J.  Lossing,  Life 
and  Times  of  Philip  Schuyler,  v.  1,  ch.  17-18. 

Ai.ao  in:  W.  Dunlap,  Ilitt.  of  New  York,  v.  1, 
ch.  29. 

A.  D.  I77S  (Ajril— May).— The  Beginning 
of  the  War  of  the  American  Revolution. — 
Lexington.  —  Concord.  —  Action  upon  the 
news, — Ethan  Allen  at  Ticonderoga. — Siege 
of  Boston. — Bunker  Hill. — The  Second  Con- 
tinental Congress.  See  United  States  of  Am.  : 
A.  D.  1775. 

A.  D.  1 775  (April— September).— The  Sons 
of  Liberty  take  control  of  the  city. — The  end 
of  royal  government.  —  Flight  of  Governor 
Tryon. — "On  Sunday,  the  24th  of  April,  1775, 
the  news  of  the  battle  of  Lexington  reached  the 
city.  This  was  the  signal  for  open  hostilities. 
Business  was  at  ouce  suspended;  the  Sons  of 
Liberty  assembled  in  large  numbers,  and,  taking 
liossession  of  the  City  Hall,  distributed  the  arms 
that  were  stored  in  it,  together  with  a  quantitv 
which  had  been  deposited  in  the  arsenal  for  safe 
keeping,  ainoi.  -  the  citizens,  a  party  of  whom 
formed  themselv.  into  a  voluntary  corps  under 
the  command  of  Mumuel  Broom:,  and  assumed 


the  temporary  government  of  the  oily.  This 
done,  they  deino'idod  and  obtained  tlie  kiys  of 
the  custom  house,  closed  the  building  and  hiid  an 
em  'Jargo  upon  the  ves-sels  in  port  destined  for  the 
cas  ;ern  colonies.  ...  It  now  became  necessary 
to  organize  some  provisional  government  for  the 
cl.y,  and  for  this  purpose,  on  the  5th  of  Slay,  a 
rieeting  of  the  citizens  was  called  at  the  ColTee- 
iloiise,  at  which  a  (.'ommittee  of  One  Hundred 
was  cliosen  and  invested  with  the  cliargi^  of 
iiuinicipnl  atfairs,  the  people  pledging  themselves 
to  obey  its  orders  until  diU'erent  arrangements 
should  be  made  by  the  Continental  Congress. 
This  committee  was  composed  iu  part  of  men  in- 
clined to  the  royalLst  cause,  yet,  such  was  the 
liojjular  excitement  at  the  time,  that  they  were 
carried  away  by  the  current  and  forced  to  ac- 
quiesce in  the  measures  of  their  more  zealous 
colleagues.  .  .  .  The  committee  at  once  assumed 
the  command  of  the  city,  and,  retaining  the  corps 
of  Broome  as  their  executive  power,  prohibited 
the  sale  of  weajions  to  any  persons  susjiected  of 
being  hostile  to  the  patriotic  party.  .  .  .  The 
moderate  men  of  the  committee  succeeded  in  pre- 
vailing on  their  culleagues  to  present  a  i)lacable 
address  to  Lieutenant-Governor  Colden,  exjilana- 
tory  of  their  appointment,  and  assuring  him  that 
they  should  use  every  effort  to  preserve  the  pub- 
lic peace ;  yet  ominous  precautions  were  taken  to 
put  the  arms  of  the  city  in  a  serviceable  condition, 
and  to  survey  the  neighboring  grounds  with  a 
view  to  erecting  fortifications.  .  .  .  On  the  25th 
of  June,  Washington  entered  New  York  on  his 
way  from  Blount  Vernon  to  Cambridge  to  take 
coiiimand  of  the  army  assembled  there.  The 
Provincial  Congress  received  him  with  a  cautious 
address.  Despite  their  patriotism,  they  still 
clung  to  the  shadow  of  loyalty;  fearing  to  go 
too  f';ir,  they  acted  constantly  under  protest  that 
tl  desired  nothing  more  than  to  secure  to  them- 
s.  .  \  es  the  rights  of  true-born  British  subjects. 
The  next  morning  Washington  quitted  the  city, 
escorted  on  his  way  by  the  provincial  militia. 
Tryon  [Governor  Tryon,  who  had  been  absent  in 
England  since  the  spring  of  1774,  leaving  the 
government  in  the  hands  of  Lieutenant-Governor 
Colden,  and  who  now  returned  to  resume  it]  had 
entered  it  the  night  before,  and  thus  had  been 
brought  almost  face  to  face  with  the  rebel  who 
was  destined  to  work  such  a  transformation  in 
his  majesty's  colonies  of  America.  The  mayor 
and  corporation  received  the  returning  governor 
with  expressions  of  joy,  and  even  tlie  jiatriot 
l)arty  were  glad  of  the  change  which  relieved 
them  from  the  government  of  Colden.  .  .  . 
Jleanwhile,  the  colony  of  New  York  had  been 
ordered  by  the  Continental  Congress  to  con- 
tribute her  quota  of  3,000  men  to  the  general  de- 
fence, and  four  regiments  were  accordiiig'y 
raised.  .  .  .  The  city  now  presented  u  curious 
spectacle,  as  the  seat  of  two  governments,  each 
issuing  its  own  edicts,  and  denouncing  those  of 
the  other  as  illegal  authority.  It  was  :iot  long 
before  the  two  powers  came  into  collision. "  This 
was  brought  about  by  an  order  from  the  Pro- 
vincial Congress,  directing  the  removal  of  guns 
from  the  Battery.  Shots  were  exchange<l  be- 
tween the  party  executing  this  order  and  a  boat 
from  the  ship  of  war  "Asia"  ;  whereupon  the 
"Asia"  cannonaded  the  town,  riddling  houses 
and  wounding  three  citizens.  "Hitherto,  the 
governor  had  remained  firm  at  his  post;  but 
Sudiug'his  position  daily  growing  more  perilous, 


2338 


NEAV  YORK,  1775. 


Slate 
Conititulion. 


NEW  YORK,  1778. 


despite  the  pledges  of  the  corporation  for  his 
personal  safety,  lie  deterniiiii'd  to  iilMindon  the 
city,  nud  tooli  refuge  on  board  the  'Asia.'" — 
Mary  L.  Booth,  Hist,  of  the  City  of  yeio  i'ork, 
eh.  16. 

Also  IN:  I.  Q.  Lcalie,  Life  and  Times  of  Q en. 
John  Lamb,  ch.  7. 

A.  D.  I'jjb  (January— August).— Flight  of 
Governor  Tryon. — New  York  City  occupied 
by  Washington.— Battle  of  Long  Island. — 
Defeat  of  the  American  army.  See  United 
States  OF  Am.  :  A.  I).  17T0(Ai:(H-st). 

A.  D.  1776  (September  — November).— The 
struggle  for  the  city. — Washington's  retreat. 
— The  British  in  possession.  See  United 
States  ok  Am.  ;  A.  D.  1770  (Septemdeh- No- 

-  EMBEU). 

A.  D.  1776-1777.— The  Jersey  Prison-ship 
and  the  Sugar-house  Prisons.  See  United 
States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1770-1777  Puisoneus  and 
kxciianoeb. 

A.  D.  1776-1777.— The  campaigns  in  New 
Jersey  and  Pennsylvania.  See  United  St.\te3 
OP  Am.;  a.  D.  1776-1777.  WASiiiNdTON's  iiE- 
TBEAT;  and  1777  (.lANUAny- Decembeh). 

A.  D.  1777. — Adoption  of  a  Constitution  and 
organization  of  a  State  government. — Reli- 
gious freedom  established. — "After  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence,  the  several  colonies  pro- 
ceeded to  form  State  governments,  by  adopting 
constitutions.  In  that  business  New  York 
moved  early.  On  the  1st  of  August,  1770,  a 
committee  of  the  '  Convention  of  the  Representa- 
tives of  New  York,'  as  the  provisional  govern- 
ment was  called,  sitting  at  White  Plains,  in 
Westchester  County,  were  appointed  to  draw  up 
and  report  a  constitution.  The  committee  con- 
sisted of  the  following  named  gentlemen:  John 
Jay,  John  Sloss  Hobart,  William  Smith,  William 
Duer,  Qouverneur  ^Morris,  Robert  R,  Livingston, 
John  Broome,  John  Morin  Scott,  Abraham  Yates, 
Jr.,  Henry  Wisner,  Sen.,  Samuel  Townseiid, 
Charles  De  Witt  and  Robert  Yates.  John  Jay 
was  the  chairman,  and  to  him  was  assigned  the 
duty  of  drafting  the  Constitution.  The  Conven- 
tion was  made  migratory  by  the  stirring  events 
of  the  war  during  the  ensuing  autumn  and 
winter.  First  they  held  their  sessions  at  Harlem 
Heights;  then  at  White  Plains;  afterward  at 
Fishkill,  in  Dutchess  County,  and  finally  at 
Kingston,  in  Ulster  County,  where  they  con- 
tinued from  February  till  May,  1777.  There 
undisturbed  the  committee  on  the  Constitution 
pursued  their  labors,  and  on  the  12tli  of  Slarch, 
1777,  reported  a  draft  of  that  instrument.  It 
was  under  consideration  in  the  Convention  for 
more  than  a  month  after  that,  and  was  finally 
adopted  on  the  20tli  of  April.  Under  it  a  State 
government  was  established  by  an  ordinance  of 
the  Convention,  passed  in  May,  and  the  first 
session  of  the  Legislature  was  appointed  to  meet 
at  Kingston  in  July."  The  election  of  State 
officers  was  held  in  June.  Jay  and  others  issued 
a  circular  recommending  General  Schuyler  for 
Governor  and  General  George  Clinton  for  Lieu- 
tenant Governor.  But  Schuyler  "declined  the 
honor,  because  he  considered  the  situation  of 
affairs  in  his  Department  too  critical  to  be  neg- 
lected by  dividing  his  duties.  The  elections 
were  held  in  all  the  Counties  exceptii  <  New 
York,  Kings,  Queens,  and  Suffolk,  then  occupied 
by  the  British,  ond  Brigadier  General  George 
Clinton  was  elected  Governor,  which  office  he 


held,  by  successive  elections,  for  eighteen  years. 
?.\"\  afterward  for  three  years.  Pierre"  Van 
Coiirtlandt,  the  President  of  the  Senate,  became 
Lieutenant  Governor.  Robert  R.  Livlngsto:'. 
was  appointed  Chancellor;  John  Jay  Chief  Jus- 
tice; Robert  Yates  and  John  Sloss  Ilobart  judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  Egbert  Benson  attor- 
ney-general. So  it  was  that  the  great  State  of 
New  York  was  organized  and  put  into  operation 
at  a  time  when  it  was  disturbed  by  formidablo 
invasions  on  its  northern,  southern,  and  western 
frontiers." — B.  J.  Lossing,  Life  and  Tiii>e»  of 
Philip  t^hiiylei;  r.  2,  ch.  9. — The  franicrs  of  this 
first  con.stitution  of  the  State  of  Now  York  "  i)ro- 
■';edcd  at  the  outset  to  do  away  with  the  estab- 
lished church,  repealing  ell  such  parts  of  the 
common  law  and  all  such  statutes  of  the  province 
'  as  may  be  construed  to  establish  or  maintain 
any  particular  denomination  of  Christians  or 
their  ministers.'  Then  followed  a  .section  .  .  . 
which,  it  is  believed,  entitles  New  York  to  the 
honor  of  being  the  first  organized  government  of 
the  world  to  a.sscrt  by  constitutional  provision 
the  principle  of  perfect  religious  freedom.  It 
reads  as  follows:  'And  whereas,  we  are rciiuired 
by  the  benevolent  principles  of  rational  liberty, 
not  only  to  expel  civil  tyranny,  but  also  to  guard 
against  that  spiritual  oppression  and  intolerance 
wherewith  the  bigotry  and  ambition  of  weak 
and  wicked  priests  and  princes  have  scourged 
mankind,  this  convention  doth  fdrther,  in.  the 
name  and  by  the  authority  of  the  good  people  of 
this  state,  ordain,  determine,  and  declare  that 
the  free  exercise  and  eujoyment  of  religious  i)ro- 
fession  and  worship,  without  discriiniiiiition  or 
preference,  shall  forever  hereafter  be  allowed 
witldn  this  state  to  all  mankind.'  Thomas  Jef- 
ferson, to  whom  Virginia  is  chiefly  indebteil  for 
her  religious  liberty  [embudied  in  her  Declaration 
of  Rights,  in  1770]  derived  his  religious  as  well 
as  his  political  ideas  from  the  philosophers  of 
France.  But  the  men  who  framed  this  constitu- 
tional provision  for  New  York,  which  has  since 
spread  over  most  of  the  United  States,  and  lies 
at  the  base  of  American  religious  liberty,  were 
not  freethinkers,  although  they  believed  in  free- 
dom of  thought.  Their  Dutch  ancestors  had 
practised  religious  toleration,  they  expanded 
toleration  into  liberty,  and  in  this  form  trans- 
mitted to  posterity  the  heritage  wliich  Holland 
liad  sent  across  the  sea  a  century  and  a  half  be- 
fore. "—D.  Campbell,  The  Puritan  in  Holland, 
Eh;/,  and  Am.,  i:  2,  pp.  251-2.53. 

Also  in;  W.  Jay,  Life  of  John  Jay,  ch.  3  (c.  1). 
— T.  Roo.sevelt,  Gourenieur  Morris,  ch.  3. — B.  F. 
Butler,  Outline  of  Const.  Hist,  of  X.  Y.  <N.  Y. 
Uiat.  S>r.  CoWs,  series  2,  r.  2).— See,  also,  United 
States  -'V  Am.  :  A.  D.  1770-1779. 

A.  D.  1777. — Opposition  to  the  recognition 
of  the  State  independence  of  Vermont.  See 
Veumont;  A.  D.  1777-1778.       » 

A.  D.  1777-1778. — Burgoyne's  invasion  from 
Canada  and  his  surrender. — The  Articles  of 
Confederation.— The  alliance  with  France. 
See  United  St.\te8  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1777  (July — 

UCTOIIER),  to  1778  (FEnUUAUV). 

A.  D.  1778.— Fortifying  West  Point.  See 
AVest  Point. 

A.  D.  1778.  —The  war  on  the  Indian  Bor- 
der.— Activity  of  Tories  and  Savages. — The 
Massacre  at  Cherry  Valley.  See  United 
States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1 778  (June— Novkmbep.) 
and  (July). 


2339 


J 


NEW  YORK,  1778-1779. 


Wenlem  New  York 
Land  purcK(ur$. 


NEW  YORK,  1786-1700. 


A.  D.  1778-1770.— Washington's  ceaseless 
guard  upon  the  Hudson.  Sec  United  States 
OK  Am.  :  A.  D.  1778-1779  Wasiiinoton  quabd- 
iNo  THE  Hudson. 

A.  D.  1779.— Sullivan's  expedition  against 
the  Senecas.  See  United  States  op  Am.  : 
A.  n.  1779  (Auovst— Septemheh). 

A.  D.  1780.— Arnold's  attempted  betrayal  of 
West  Point.  Sec  United  States  of  Am.  : 
A.  I).  1780  (August— SEPTKMtiKii). 

A.  D.  1780-1783.— The  war  in  the  South.— 
The  surrender  of  Comwallis.— Peace  with 
Great  Britain.  See  United  States  of  Am.  : 
A.  I).  1780,  to  1783. 

A.  D.  1781.— Western  territorial  claims  and 
theii'  cession  to  the  United  States.  Sec 
United  States  op  Am.  :  A.  D.  1781-1786. 

A.  D.  1783.— Flight  of  the  Tories,  or  Loyal- 
ists. See  Tories  of  tug  American  Revolu- 
tion. 

A.  D.  1783.— Evacuation  of  New  York  City 
by  the  British.  Sc"  United  States  of  Am.  : 
A.  I).  1783  (NovEMBEii— Decemdf.r). 

A.  D.  1784.— Founding  of  the  Bank  of  New 
York.  See  AIoney  and  Banking:  A.  1).  1780- 
1784. 

A.  D.  1786. — Rejection  of  proposed  amend- 
ments to  the  Articles  of  Confederation.  See 
United  States  op  Am.  :  A.  D.  1783-1787. 

A.  D.  1786-1799. — Land-fee  of  Western 
New  York  ceded  to  Massachusetts. — The 
Phelps  and  Gorham  Purchase. — The  Holland 
Purchase.  —  The  founding  of  Buffalo.  — The 
conflictini;  territorial  cluims  of  New  York  and 
Massachusetts,  caused  by  the  overlapping  grants 
of  the  Englislk  crown,  were  not  all  settled  by  the 
cession  of  western  claims  to  the  United  States 
which  New  York  made  in  1781  and  Massachu- 
setts in  1785  (see  United  States  op  Am.  :  A.  D. 
1781-1786).  "  Although  the  nominal  amount  in 
controversy,  by  these  acts,  was  much  dimin- 
ished, it  still  left  some  19,000  square  miles  of 
territory  in  dispute,  but  this  controversy  was 
flnallv  settled  by  a  convention  of  Commissioners 
appointed  by  the  parties,  held  at  Hartford, 
Conn.,  on  the  16th  day  of  December,  1786.  Ac- 
cording to  the  stipulations  entered  into  by  the 
convention,  Massachusetts  ceded  to  the  state  of 
New  York  all  her  claim  to  the  government,  sov- 
ereignty, and  jurisdiction  of  all  the  territory 
lying  west  of  the  present  east  line  of  the  state  of 
New  York;  and  New  York  ceded  to  Massachu- 
setts the  pre-emption  right  or  fee  of  the  land  sub- 
ject to  the  title  of  the  natives,  of  all  that  part  of 
the  state  of  New  York  lying  west  of  a  line  be- 
ginning at  a  point  in  the  north  line  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, 82  miles  west  of  the  north-east  corner 
of  siii.l  state,  and  running  from  thence  due  north 
througli  Seneca  lake  to  Take  Ontario ;  excepting 
and  reserving  to  the  state  of  New  York  a  strip 
of  land  east  of  and  adjoining  the  eastern  bank  of 
Niagara  river,  one  mile  wide  and  extending  its 
whole  length.  The  land,  the  pre-emption  right 
of  which  was  thus  ceded,  amounted  to  about 
6,000,000  of  acres.  In  April,  1788,  Massachu- 
setts coivnictcd  to  sell  to  Nathaniel  Gorham  of 
Charlestawu,  Middlesex  county,  and  Oliver 
Phelps  )f  Granville,  Hampshire  county,  of  said 
state,  tlieir  pre-emption  right  to  all  the  lands 
in  Western  New  York,  amounting  to  about 
6,000,000  acres,  for  the  sum  of  |1,000,000,  to 
be  paid  in  three  annual  instalments,  for  which  a 
kind  of  scrip  Massachusetts  had  'jsued,  called 


consolidated  securities,  was  to  be  received,  wWch 
was  then  in  market  much  below  par.  In  July, 
1788,  Messrs.  Gorham  and  Phelps  purchased  of 
the  Indians  by  treaty,  at  a  convention  held  at 
Buffalo,  the  Indian  title  to  about  2,600,000  acres 
of  the  eastern  part  of  their  purchase  from  Massa- 
chusetts. This  purchase  of  the  Indians  being 
bounded  west  by  a  line  beginning  at  a  point  in 
the  north  line  01  the  state  of  Peiiiisylvarla,  due 
south  of  the  corner  or  point  of  land  miute  by  the 
confluence  of  the  Kanahasgwaicon  (Cannoseraga) 
creek  with  the  waters  of  Genesee  river;  thence 
north  on  said  meridian  line  to  the  corner  or  point 
at  the  confluence  aforesaid ;  thence  northwardly 
along  the  waters  of  said  Genesee  river  to  a  poiiit 
two  miles  north  of  Kanawageras  (Cannewagus) 
village;  thence  running  due  west  12  miles; 
thence  ninning  northwardly,  si  as  to  be  12  miles 
distant  from  the  westward  bounds  of  said  river, 
to  the  shore  of  lake  Ontario.  On  the  2l8t  day  of 
November,  1788,  the  state  of  Massachusetts  con- 
veyed and  forever  quitclaimed  to  N.  Gorham 
and  O.  Phelps,  their  heirs  and  assigns  forever, 
all  the  right  and  title  of  said  state  to  all  tlmt 
tract  of  country  of  which  Messrs.  Phelps  and 
Gorham  bad  extinguished  the  Indian  title.  This 
tract,  and  this  only,  has  since  been  designated  as 
the  Phelps  and  Gorham  Purchase.  .  .  .  80  rapid' 
were  the  sales  of  the  proprietors  that  before  the 
18th  day  of  November,  1790,  they  had  disposed 
of  about  50  townships  [each  six  miles  square], 
which  were  mostly  sold  by  whole  townships  or 
large  portions  of  townships,  to  sundry  individuals 
and  companies  of  formers  and  others,  formed  for 
that  purpose.  On  the  18tli  day  of  November, 
1790,  they  sold  the  residue  of  their  tract  (reserv- 
ing two  townships  only),  amounting  to  upwards 
of  a  million  and  a  quarter  acres  of  land,  to 
Robert  Morris  of  Philadelphia,  who  soon  sold 
the  some  to  Sir  William  Piiltney,  an  English 
gentleman.  .  .  .  This  property,  or  such  part  of 
it  as  was  unsold  at  the  time  of  the  decease  of  Sir 
William,  together  vith  other  property  which  he 
purchased  in  his  lifetime  in  its  vicinity,  is  now 
[1849]  colled  the  Pultney  Estate.  .  .  .  Messrs. 
Phelps  and  Gorham,  who  had  paid  about  one 
third  of  the  purchase  money  of  the  whole  tract 
purchased  of  Massachusetts,  in  coubcquence  of 
the  rise  of  the  value  of  Massachusetts  consoli- 
dated stock  (in  which  the  payments  for  the  land 
were  to  be  received)  from  20  per  cent,  to  par, 
were  unable  further  to  comply  with  their  en- 
gagements. "  After  long  negotiations  they  wero 
permitted  to  relinquish  to  the  state  of  Massa- 
chusetts all  that  western  section  of  their  pur- 
chase of  which  they  had  not  acquired  the  Indian 
title,  and  this  was  reso'.d  in  March,  1791,  by 
Massachusctis,  to  Samuel  Ogden,  acting  for 
Robert  Morris.  Morris  made  several  sales  from 
the  eastern  portion  of  his  purchase,  to  the  state 
of  Connecticut  (investing  its  school  fund)  and  to 
others,  in  large  blocks  known  subsequently  as 
the  Ogden  Tract,  the  Crogie  Tract,  the  Connecti- 
cut 'Tract,  etc.  The  remainder  or  most  of  it, 
covering  tlie  greater  part  of  western  New  York, 
was  disposed  of  to  certain  gentlemen  in  Holland, 
and  came  to  be  generally  known  as  the  Holland 
Purchase. — O.  Turner,  Pioneer  Hut.  of  the  Hol- 
land Purchase,  pp.  325  and  396-424.—"  Much  has 
been  written  and  more  has  been  said  about  the 
•  Holland  Company. '  When  people  wished  to 
be  especially  precise,  they  called  it  the  '  Holland 
Land  Company. ' .  .  .  Yet  there  never  was  any 


2340 


NEW  YORK,   1786-1709.  The  Erie  Canal. 


NEW  YORK.  1817-1835. 


such  thing  as  the  Holland  Company  or  tlic  Hol- 
land Land  Company.  Certain  merchants  and 
others  of  the  city  of  Amsterdam  placed  funds  in 
the  hands  of  friends  who  were  citizens  of  Amer- 
ica to  purchase  several  tracts  of  laud  in  tlie 
United  States,  which,  being  aliens,  the  Hol- 
landers could  not  1  jid  in  their  own  name  at  tliat 
time.  One  of  these  tracts,  comprising  what  was 
afterwards  known  as  the  Holland  Purchase,  was 
bought  from  Robert  Morris.  ...  In  the  fore- 
part of  1798  the  legislature  of  New  York  author- 
ized those  aliens  to  hold  land  within  the  State, 
and  in  the  latter  part  of  that  year  the  American 
trustees  conveyed  the  Holland  Purchase  to  the 
real  owners."  The  great  territory  covered  by 
the  Purchase  surrounded  several  Indian  "Reser- 
vations"—  large  blocks  of  land,  that  is,  whicli 
the  aboriginal  Seneca  proprietors  reserved  for 
their  own  occupancy  when  they  parted  with 
their  title  to  the  rest,  which  they  did  at  a  council 
held  in  1707.  One  of  these  Reservations  em- 
braced the  site  now  occupied  by  the  city  of  Buf- 
falo. Joseph  EUleott,  the  agent  of  the  Holland 
proprietors,  quickly  discerned  its  prospective 
importance,  and  made  an  arrangement  witli  his 
Indian  neighbors  by  which  he  secured  possession 
of  the  ground  at  tlie  foot  of  Lake  Erie  and  the 
head  of  Niagara  River,  in  exchange  for  another 
piece  of  land  six  miles  away.  Here,  in  1700, 
Ellicott  began  the  founding  of  a  town  which  he 
called  New  Amsterdam,  but  which  subsequently 
took  the  name  of  the  small  stream,  Buffalo 
Creek,  on  which  it  grew  up,  and  which,  by 
deepening  and  enlargement,  became  its  harbor. — 
C.  Johnson,  Centennial  Hist,  of  Erie  Co.,  N.  T., 
eh.  13. 

Also  in  :  O.  Turner,  IIi»t.  of  ths  Pioneer  Settle- 
ment of  Phelps'  and  Qorham'a  Purcliase,  pt.  2.— 
The  same,  Pioneer  Hist,  of  the  Holland  Purchase, 
m.  401-424.— H.  L.  Osgood,  The  Title  of  the 
PMps  ami  Oorham  Purchase  {Ilocficstcr  Hist. 
Soc.  PubliccUions,  v.  1). 

A.  D.  1787^1788.— The  formation  and  adop- 
tion of  the  Federal  Constitution. — The  chief 
battle  ground  of  the  contest.  Sec  United 
States  of  Am.  :  A.  1).  1787;  and  1787-1789. 

A.  D.  1789.  —  Inauguration  of  President 
Washing^ton  in  New  York  City.  See  United 
States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1789-1703. 

A.  D.  1789. — The  beginnings  of  Tammany. 
See  Tammany  Socikty. 

A.  D.  1790. — Renunciation  of  claims  to  Ver- 
mont.   See  Vermont:  A.  D.  1700-1791. 

A.  D.  1799.  —  Gradual  emancipation  of 
Slaves  enacted. —  During  the  session  of  the  leg- 
islature in  April,  1700,  "emancipation  was  at 
last  enacted.  It  was  provided  that  all  children 
born  of  slave  parents  after  the  ensuing  4th  of 
July  should  be  free,  subject  to  apprenticesliip, 
In  tlie  case  of  males  till  the  age  of  28,  in  the  case 
of  females  till  the  a^je  of  25,  and  the  exportation 
of  slaves  was  forbidden.  By  this  process  of 
gradual  emancipation  there  was  avoided  that 
question  uf  compensation  which  had  been  I  -3 
secret  of  the  failure  of  earlier  bills.  At  that 
time  the  uumber  of  slaves  was  only  22,000,  small 
in  proportion  to  the  total  population  of  nearly  a 
million.  So  the  change  was  effected  peacefully 
and  without  excitement. " —  G.  Pellew,  John  Jay, 
p.  828. 

A.  D.  1805.— The  Free  School  Society  in 
New  York  City.  See  Education,  Modkhn: 
Amehica:  a.  I).  1770-1880. 


A.  D.  1807.— Fulton's  first  steamboat  on  the 
Hudson.     See  Steam   Navioatio.n:    The   Bk- 

OINNINCiS. 

A.  p.  1812-1815.— The  war  on  the  Canadian 
frontier.  See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D. 
1812(Septembek— NoVEMHEii);  1813  (Octoueh 
— XovEMBEK);  1813  (Ueiemheu);  1814  (July— 
Seitkmbeu);  1814  (Seitemheu). 

A.  D.  1817-1819.  —  The  Clintonians  and 
Bucktails.— During  the  lirst  term  of  I)e  Witt 
Clinton  as  governor  of  the  State,  the  feud  in  the 
Democratic  Republican  party,  between  his  sup- 
porters and  his  opponents,  wldch  began  in  1813 
when  he  audaciously  sought  to  attain  the  Presi- 
dency, against  Madison,  assumed  a  fixed  and 
definite  form.  "Clinton's  Republican  adversa- 
ries were  dubbed  'Bucktails,'  from  the  orna- 
ments worn  on  ceremonial  occasions  by  the 
Taminany  men,  who  had  long  been  Clinton's 
enemi(.'s.  The  Bucktails  and  their  successors 
were  the  '  regular '  Republicans,  or  the  Demo- 
crats as  they  were  later  called ;  and  they  kept 
their  regularity  until,  long  afterwards,  the 
younger  and  greater  3ucktail  leader  [Martin 
Van  Buren],  when  vjnerable  and  iadeu  with 
honors,  became  the  titular  head  of  the  Barn- 
burner defection.  T'.io  merits  of  tlie  feud  be- 
tween Bucktails  and  Clintonians  it  is  now 
difllcult  to  find.  Erch  accused  the  other  of 
coquetting  with  the  .''"ederalists ;  and  the  accu- 
sation of  one  of  them  vas  nearly  always  true." 
-»-B.  M.  Shepard,  Marti,\  Van  Buren,  p.  56. 

Also  in:  J.  Schouler,  Hist,  of  the  U.  8.,  v.  3, 
p.  237.— J.  D.  Hammond,  Hist,  of  Political  Par- 
ties in  the  State  of  yew  Yorl.,  v.  1,  /;.  450. 

A.  D.  1817-1825.- Construction  of  the  Erie 
Canal. — "History  will  a.=sign  to  Qouverneur 
Morris  the  merit  of  first  suggesting  a  direct  and 
continuous  communication  from  Lake  Erie  to 
the  Hudson.  In  1800,  he  announced  this  idea 
from  the  shore  of  the  Niagara  river  to  a  friend 
in  Europe.  .  .  .  Tlie  praise  awarded  to  Qouver- 
neur .Morris  must  be  qualified  by  the  fact,  that 
tlio  scheme  he  conceived  was  tliatof  a  canal  ii'ith 
a  uniform  declination,  and  without  locks,  from 
Lake  Erie  to  the  Hudson.  Morris  communicated 
his  project  to  Simeon  De  Witt  in  1803,  by  whom 
it  was  made  known  to  James  Geddes  in  1804.  It 
afterward  became  the  subject  of  conversation 
between  Mr.  Geddes  and  Jesse  Ilawley,  and  this 
communication  is  supposed  to  have  given  rise  to 
the  series  of  essays  written  by  5fr.  Ilawley, 
under  the  signature  of  '  Hercules,'  in  the  '  Gene- 
see Messenger,'  continued  from  October,  1807, 
until  March,  1808,  which  first  brought  the  public 
mind  into  familiarity  with  the  subject.  These 
essays,  written  in  a  jail,  were  the  groteful  return, 
by  a  patriot,  to  a  country  which  punished  him 
with  imprisonment  for  being  unable  to  pay 
debts  owed  to  another  citizen,  and  displayed 
deep  research,  with  singular  vigor  and  compre- 
hensiveness of  thought,  and  traced  with  pro- 
phetic accuracy  a  large  portion  of  the  outline  of 
the  Erie  canal.  In  1807,  Albert  Gallatin,  then 
secretary  of  the  treasury,  in  pursuance  of  a  rec- 
ommendation made  by  Thomas  Jefferson,  presi- 
(i?nt  of  the  United  States,  reported  a  plan  for 
appropriating  all  the  surplus  revenues  of  the 
general  government  to  the  construction  of  canals 
and  turnpike  roads;  and  it  embraced  in  one 
grand  and  comprehensive  view,  nearly  without 
exception,  all  the  works  which  have  since  been 
executed  or  attempted  by  the  several  states  in 


2341 


NEW  YORK,  1817-1825. 


Contlitutlonal 
Reviilon. 


NEW  YORK,  1821. 


the  Union.  ...  In  1808,  Joslum  Fornmn,  n  rep- 
resentntlvo  In  the  assembly  from  Onondiiga 
county,  submitted  Ills  mcniornblc  re-solutlon," 
■  referring  to  the  rccommcndntlon  inddo  by  Presi- 
dent Jefferson  to  tl'.e  federal  congress,  and 
directing  that  "  'a  joint  committee  l)e  appointed 
to  take  Into  consiileratlon  the  propriety  of  ex- 
ploring and  causing  an  accurate  survey  to  lie 
made  of  tlie  most  eligible  and  direct  route  for  a 
canal,  to  open  a  communication  between  the 
tide  waters  of  the  Hudson  river  and  LaUe  Eric,  to 
the  end  that  Congress  may  be  enabled  to  appro- 
priate sucli  sums  as  may  be  necessary  to  the  ac- 
complishment of  that  great  national  object.'" 
The  committee  was  appointed,  its  report  was 
favorable,  and  the  survey  was  directed  to  be 
made.  "There  was  then  no  civil  engineer  in 
the  state.  James  Oeddes,  a  land  surveyor,  who 
afterward  became  one  of  our  most  distinguished 
engineers,  by  the  force  of  native  genius  and  ap- 
plication in  mature  years,  levelled  and  surveyed, 
under  instructions  from  tlie  surveyor-general," 
several  routes  to  Lake  Ontario  and  to  Lake  Erie. 
"  Mr.  Geddes'  report  showed  that  a  canal  fro)n 
Lake  Erie  to  the  Hudson  was  practicable,  and 
could  be  made  without  serious  difflculty.  In 
1810,  on  motion  of  Jonas  Piatt,  of  the  senate, 
who  was  distinguished  througliout  a  pure  and 
well-spent  life  by  his  zealous  efforts  to  promote 
this  great  undertaking,  Qouverneur  Slorris,  De 
Witt  Clinton,  Stephen  Van  Rensselaer,  Simeon 
De  Witt,  William  North,  Thomas  Eddy,  and 
Peter  B.  Porter,  were  appointed  commissioners 
'  to  explore  the  whole  route  for  inland  naviga- 
tion from  the  Hudson  river  to  Lake  Ontario  and 
to  Lake  Erie.'  Cadwallader  D.  Coldeu,  a  con- 
temporary historian,  himself  one  of  tlio  earliest 
and  ablest  advocates  of  the  canals,  awards  to 
Thomas  Eddy  the  merit  of  liaving  s\iggested 
this  motion  to  Mr.  Plr.tt,  and  to  both  these  gentle- 
men that  of  engaging  De  Witt  Clinton's  support, 
lie  being  at  that  time  a  member  of  the  senate. 
.  .  .  The  commissioners  in  JIarch,  1811,  sub- 
mitted their  report  written  by  Qouverneur  Mor- 
ris, in  which  they  showed  the  practicability  and 
advantages  of  a  continuous  canal  from  Lake  Erie 
to  the  Hudson,  and  stated  their  estimate  of  the 
cost  at  $5,000,000.  ...  On  tlie  presentation  of 
this  report,  De  Witt  Clinton  introduced  a  bill, 
which  became  a  law  on  the  8th  of  April,  1811, 
under  the  title  of  '  An  act  to  provide  for  the  im- 
provement of  the  internal  navigation  of  this 
state. ' .  .  .  The  act  added  Robert  R.  Livingston 
and  Robert  Pulton  to  the  board  of  commis- 
sioners, and  authorized  them  to  consider  all  mat- 
ters relating  to  such  inland  navigation,  with 
powers  to  make  application  In  behalf  of  the  state 
to  Congress,  or  to  any  state  or  territory,  to  co- 
operate and  aid  in  the  undertaking.  .  .  .  Two  of 
the  commissioners,  Mr.  Jlorris  and  Mr.  Clinton, 
repaired  to  the  federal  capital,  and  submitted 
the  subject  to  the  consideration  of  the  President 
(Mr.  Mladison)  and  of  Congress.  In  1812,  the 
commissioners  reported  that,  although  it  was  un- 
certain wliether  the  national  government  would 
do  anything,  it  certainly  would  do  nothing  which 
■would  afford  immediate  aid  to  the  enterprise. 
.  .  .  The  commissioners  then  submitted  that, 
having  offered  the  canal  to  the  national  govern- 
ment, and  that  offer  having  virtually  been  de- 
clined, the  state  was  now  at  liberty  to  consult  and 
pursue  the  maxims  of  policy,  and  these  seemed 
to  demand  imperatively  that  the  canal  should  be 


made  by  herself,  and  for  her  own  account,  as 
soon  as  the  circumstances  would  permit.  .  .  . 
On  the  10th  of  June,  1812,  a  law  was  enacted, 
reappointing  the  commissioners  and  authorizing 
them  to  borrow  money  and  deposlte  It  in  the 
treasury,  and  to  take  cessions  of  land,  but  pro- 
hibiting any  measures  to  construct  the  canals. 
.  .  .  From  1813  to  1815,  the  country  suffered  the 
calamities  of  war,  and  projects  or  internal  im- 
provement necessarily  gave  place  to  the  patriotic 
efforts  ixMiuircd  to  maintain  the  national  security 
and  honor."  But  after  peace  had  returned,  tliu 
advocates  of  the  enterprise  prevailed  with  con- 
siderable difllculty  over  Its  opponents,  and 
"  ground  was  broken  for  the  construction  of  the 
Ei-le  canal  on  tlie  4th  day  of  July,  1817,  at  Rome, 
with  ceremonies  marking  the  public  estimation  of 
that  great  event.  De  Witt  Clinton,  having  just 
before  been  elected  to  the  chief  magistracy  of  the 
state,  and  being  president  of  the  board  of  canal 
commissioners,  eiiioyed  the  high  satisfaction  of 
attending,  with  his  associates,  on  the  auspicious 
occasion.  ...  On  the  20th  of  October,  1825,  the 
Eric  canal  was  In  a  navigable  condition  through- 
out Its  entire  length,  affording  an  uninterrupted 
passage  from  Lake  Eric  to  tidewater  in  the  Hud- 
son. .  .  .  This  auspicious  consummation  was 
celebrated  by  a  tclegriipliic  discharge  of  cannon, 
commencing  at  Lake  Erie  [at  Buffalo],  and  con- 
tinued along  the  banks  of  the  canal  and  of  the 
Hudson,  announcing  to  the  city  of  New  York 
the  entrance  on  the  bosom  of  the  canal  of  the 
first  barge  rbeariug  Governor  Clinton  and  his  co- 
adjutors] tliat  was  to  arrive  at  the  commercial 
emporium  from  the  American  Jlediterraneans." 
— W.  H.  Seward,  Xotea  on  Kew  York  (Works,  v. 
2J,  ;)/).  88-117. 

Also  in  :  D.  Hosack,  Memoir  ofDe  Witt  Clin- 
ton, pp.  82-119  and  245-504.— J.  Rcnwick,  Life 
of  De  Witt  Clinton,  c/i.  10-19.  — C.  D.  Golden, 
Memoir :  Celebration  of  the  Completion  of  the 
K.  Y.  Canals.— yi.  8.  Hawley,  Origin  of  the  Erie 
Canal. 

A.  D.  1821. — Revision  of  the  Constitution. 
—  "  The  Constitution  did  not  meet  the  expecta- 
tions of  its  framers.  The  cumbrous  machinery 
by  which  it  was  sought  to  Insure  the  control  of 
the  People,  through  the  supremacy  of  tlie  As- 
sembly, had  only  resulted  in  fortifying  i)ower 
practically  beyond  their  reach.  The  Council  of 
Revision  was  objected  to  loecause  It  had  exercised 
the  veto  power  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Con- 
stitution, which  was  in  harmony  with  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  Colony  from  the  earliest  contlict 
with  the  executive  power;  and  because  the 
officers  who  thus  interposed  their  objections  to 
the  will  of  tile  Legislature,  holding  office  for 
good  behavior  (except  the  Governor),  were  be- 
yond the  reach  of  the  People.  It  was  seen  that 
this  power  was  a  dangerous  one,  in  a  Council  so 
constituted;  but  it  was  thought  that  it  could  be 
safely  intrusted  to  the  Governor  alone,  as  he  was 
directly  responsible  to  the  People.  The  Council 
of  Appointment,  altliough  not  vested  witli  any 
judicial  authority,  and  in  fact  disclaiming  it, 
nevertheless  at  an  early  day  summoned  its  ap- 
pointees before  it,  for  the  purpose  of  licaring 
accusations  against  them,  and  proving  their 
truth  or  falsity.  At  a  later  day,  more  summary 
proceedings  were  resorted  to.  The  office  tlius 
became  very  unpopular.  Nearly  every  civil, 
military,  and  judicial  offlcei  of  the  common- 
wealth was  appointed  by  this  Council.     In  1821, 


2342 


NEW  YORK,  1831. 


Aiiti-JJatunry. 


NEW  YORK,  1820-1832. 


8,287  mllitnry  iiml  0,003  civil  omcers  lioUl  their 
commissions  from  it,  and  tliis  vust  system  of 
centriiliEcd  power  was  imturully  very  obno-xious. 
Tlio  Legislature,  in  1820,  passed  '  an  att  recom- 
mending ft  Convention  of  the  People  of  tliis 
State,'  which  came  up  for  action  in  the  Council 
of  Revision,  on  November  20th  of  the  same 
year;  present,  Governor  Clinton,  Chancellor 
Kent,  Chief  Justice  Spencer,  ami  .lusliccs  Yates 
and  Woodworth,  on  which  day  tlio  Council,  by 
the  casting  vote  of  the  Governor,  adopted  two 
objections  to  it;  first,  because  it  did  not  provide 
for  tailing  the  sense  of  tlie  People  on  the  (jues- 
tiou;  ami  second,  because  it  submitted  the  new 
Constitution  to  the  People  in  toto,  instead  of  by 
sections.  Those  objections  were  referred  to  a 
select  committee,  Michael  Ulslioetler,  chairman, 
who  submitted  their  report  January  9,  1H21,  in 
opposition  to  tlie  opinion  of  the  Ciaincil.  winch 
was  niioptcd  by  the  Assembly.  Tlie  bill,  how- 
ever, failed  to  pass,  not  receiving  a  two-third 
vote.  Immediately  tliereupon  a  committee  was 
appointed  to  draft  a  new  bill.  The  committee 
subsequently  introduced  ft  bill  for  submitting  tlie 
question  to  the  people,  which  passed  both  Houses;' 
received  the  sanction  of  tlie  Council  of  Revision 
on  the  13th  of  March,  and  was  subseciuently 
amended,  the  amendments  receiving  the  sanction 
of  the  Council  on  the  third  of  April.  The  poiiu- 
lar  vote  on  holding  the  Convention  was  had  in 
April,  and  resulted  as  follows:  'For  Conven- 
t-m'  109,340.  'For  No  Convention'  34,901. 
The  Convention  assembled  in  Albany,  August 
28,  and  adjourned  November  10,  1821.  The 
Council  of  Revision  was  abolished,  and  its 
powers  transferred  to  the  Governor.  The  Coun- 
cil of  Appointment  was  abolished  without  a  dis- 
senting voice.  The  principal  department  ollicers 
were  directed  to  be  appointed  on  an  open  sep- 
arate nomination  by  the  two  Houses,  and  sub- 
sequent joint  ballot.  Of  the  remaining  ofBcers 
not  made  elective,  the  power  of  appointment 
was  conferred  upon  the  Governor,  by  and  with 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate.  In  1840, 
two  hundred  and  eighty-nine  offices  were  thus 
filled.  The  elective  ffancliise  was  extended. 
The  Constitution  was  adopted  at  an  election  held 
in  February,  1823,  by  the  following  vote: 
Constitution— For,  74,732:  Against,  41,403.  .  .  . 
The  People  took  to  themselves  a  large  portion  of 
the  power  they  had  felt  it  necessary,  in  the  ex- 
ercise of  a  natural  conservatism,  to  intrust  to  the 
Assembly.  They  had  learned  that  an  elective 
Governor  and  an  elective  Senate  are  equally  their 
agents,  and  interests  which  they  thouglit  ought 
to  be  conserved,  they  intrusted  to  them,  sub- 
ject to  their  responsibility  to  the  People.  The 
entire  Senate  were  substituted  in  the  piace  of 
the  members  who  chanced  to  be  the  favorites 
with  a  majority  in  tlie  Assembly,  as  a  Council 
to  the  Governor,  and  thus  the  People  of  all  the 
State  were  given  a  voice  in  appointments.  Tlie 
Supreme  Judicial  Tribunal  remained  the  same. 
The  direct  sovereignty  of  the  People  was  thus 
rendered  far  more  effective,  and  popular  govern- 
ment took  the  place  of  parliamentary  administra- 
tion."— E.  A.  Werner,  Civil  List  and  Const.  Hist. 
ofN.  T.,  \mi,pp.  126-128. 

A.  D.  1823.— The  rise  of  the  Albanjr  Re- 
gency.— "The  adoption  of  the  new  constitution 
in  1823  placed  the  political  power  of  the  State 
in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  the  recognized 
representative  leader  of  the  Democratic  party. 


Governor  Clinton,  as  the  end  of  hlg  term  of 
service  a]ipioached.  became  as  iiowerless  as  he 
was   in   1hi«.   .  .  .  William  L.  Marcy  was  then 
State  Comiilroller,  Samuel  L.  Talcott,  Attorney- 
General;    lienjamiii    Kiiower,    Treasurer;    and 
Edwin  Crosswell,   editor  of    the    'Argus'  ancl 
state  printer.     Tliese  gentlemen,  with  Mr.  Van 
IJureii  as  their  chief,  constituted  tlie  neucleus  of 
j   what  became  the  Albany  Regency.     Af  ler  adding 
Silas  Wright,  A/.ariah  ('.   Plagg,  John  A.  Di.v, 
;  James  Porter,   Thomas  W.  OlcotI,   and  Charles 
j   E.    Dudley  to   their  number,  I   do  not  believe 
I   that  a  stronger  political  combination  evcrexisted 
i  at  any   state  capital.  .  .  .  Their  inlluence  and 
j   power  for  nearly  twenty  years  was  almost  as  po- 
tential in  national  as  in  state  politics." — T.  Weed, 
j   Aulu/jityniji/iy,  c.  1,  c/i.  11. — "Even  to  our  own 
day,  the  Albany  Regency  has  been  a  strong  and 
generally  a  sagacious  inlluence  in  its  party.    John 
A.  l)ix,  iloratio  Seymour,  Dean  Richmond  and 
Samuel  J.  Tilden  long  directed  lis  policy,  and 
from  the  cliief  seat  in  its  councils  the  late  secre- 
tary   of    the    treasury,    Daniel    Manning,   was 
chosen  in  1885." — E.  M.  Shepard,  Martin.  Van 
Buren,  p.  96. 

A.  D.  1826-1832.— Anti-Masonic  excitement. 
— The  abduction  of  Morg^an. — "  'I'he  society  of 
free-masons  included  a  large  number  of  the  fore- 
most citizens  in  all  walks  of  life,  and  the  belief 
existed  that  tlicy  used  their  secret  ties  to  ad- 
vance their  ambitions.  .  .  .  This  belief  was  used 
to  create  prejudice  among  those  who  were  not 
members,  and  it  added  fuel  to  the  lires  of  fac- 
tion. At  this  juncture,  September  11,  1830, 
William  Morgan,  of  Uatavia,  a  freemason,  wlio 
had  announced  his  intention  to  print  a  pamphlet 
exposing  the  secrets  of  masonry,  was  arreste<l 
on  a  cliarge  of  larceny,  made  by  the  master  of  a 
masonic  lodge,  but  found  not  guilty,  and  then 
arrested  for  debt,  and  imprisoned  in  jail  at  Can- 
andaigua.  He  was  taken  secretly  from  that 
jail  and  conveyed  to  Fort  Niagara,  where  he 
was  kept  until  September,  when  he  disappeared. 
The  masons  were  charged  with  his  abduction, 
and  a  body  found  in  tlie  Niagara  River  was  pro- 
duced as  proof  that  he  was  drowned  to  put  h'n 
out  of  the  way.  Thurlow  Weed,  then  an  editor 
in  Rochester,  was  aggressive  in  charging  that 
Morgan  was  murdered  by  the  iii;isons,  and  as 
late  as  1883  he  published  an  afflda  it  reheai-sing 
ft  confession  made  to  him  by  John  Whitney,  that 
the  drowning  was  in  fact  perpetrated  by  himself 
and  four  other  persons  whom  he  named,  after  a. 
conference  in  a  masonic  lodge.  In  1837,  Weed, 
who  was  active  in  identifying  the  drowned 
body,  was  cliarged  with  mutilating  it,  to  make  it 
resemble  Jlorgan,  and  the  imputation  was  often 
repeated ;  and  the  abduction  and  murder  were  in 
turn  laid  at  the  door  of  the  anti-masons.  The 
disappearance  became  tlie  chief^  topic  of  partisan 
discussion.  De  Witt  Clinton  was  one  of  the 
highest  officers  in  the  masonic  order,  and  it  was 
alleged  that  he  commanded  that  Morgan's  book 
should  be  'suppressed  at  all  hazards,'  thus  in- 
stigating the  murder ;  but  the  slander  was  sooa 
exposed.  The  state  was  flooded  with  volumes, 
portraying  masonry  as  a  monstrous  conspiracy,, 
and  the  literature  of  the  period  was  as  harrowing 
as  a  series  of  sensational  novels." — E.  H.  Rob- 
erts, iVew  Tork,  v.  2,  ch.  33. — "A  party  soon 
grew  up  in  Western  New^  York  pledged  to  op- 
pose the  election  of  any  Free  Mason  to  public  of- 
fice.   The  Auti-Masouic  Party  acquired  influence 


2343 


NEW  YORK,  1826-1833. 


Aid  of  Slavery. 


NEW  YORK,  1848. 


In  other  Stntcs,  niid  began  to  clniin  rnnk  ns 
a  niUionnl  politiciil  piirty.  On  most  points  its 
principles  were  tliosc  of  tlie  Nalioiml  |{t'pul)li- 
can«.  But  Clay,  as  well  its  Jacltson,  was  a  Free 
Mason,  ond  ronso(niciilly  to  l)c  op|H)Si'(l  liy  tliis 
party.  ...  In  IMIt'J  it  even  nominated  a  Presl- 
dnntial  ticket  of  its  own,  Ixit,  liaving  no  national 
principle  of  controlliiii:  iniportanee,  It  soon  after 
declined." — A.  Johnston,  y/iX.  of  Am.  IWlirt, 
eft.  12,  Heel.  3,  with  foot-note. 

Also  IN:  T.  Weed,  Autobiography,  ch.  20-30, 
80,  <(H(/40. 

A.  D.  1827.— The  last  of  Slavery  in  the 
state.— "On  llie  28th  of  January,  1817,  the  gov- 
ernor sent  a  inessage  to  the  legislature  reeom- 
mending  the*  entire  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
State  of  New  York,  to  take  plaee  on  the  fourth 
day  of  Jidy,  1827.  By  an  aet  passed  some  years 
before,  a"  persons  born  of  parents  who  were 
slaves  after  July  1700,  were  to  be  free;  males  at 
twenty-eight  and  females  at  twentyiivo  years  of 
age.  The  present  legislature  adopted  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  governor.  This  great  measure 
In  behalf  of  human  rights,  which  was  to  obliter- 
ate forever  the  black  and  foid  stain  of  slavery 
from  the  escutcheon  of  our  own  favored  state,  was 
produced  by  the  energetic  action  of  Cadwallader 
D.  Golden,  Peter  A.  Jay,  William  Jay,  Daniel 
D.  Tompkins  and  other  distinguished  pliilan- 
thropists,  cliieHy  residing  in  the  city  of  New 
York.  The  Society  of  Friends,  who  never 
slumber  when  the  principles  of  benevolence  and 
a  just  regard  to  equal  rights  call  for  their  action, 
were  zealously  engaged  in  this  great  enterprise." 
— J.  D.  Hammond,  Jlist.  of  Ihlitical  Parties  in 
the  Slate  of  N.  V..  v.  1,  eh.  22. 

Also  in:  E.  II.  Roberts,  Hew  York,  v.  2,  ;).  585, 

A.  D.  1835-1837. —  The  Loco-focos.— "  The 
Van  Buren  party  began  to  be  called  the  Loco-focos, 
in  derision  of  the  fancied  extravagance  of  their 
financial  doctrines.  Tlie  Locofoco  or  Equal 
Rights  party  proper  was  originally  a  division  of 
the  Democrats,  strongly  anti-monopolist  in  tlieir 
opinions,  and  especially  hostile  to  banks, —  not 
only  government  banks  but  all  banks, —  which 
enjoyed  the  privileges  then  long  conferred  by 
special  and  exclusive  charters.  In  the  fall  of 
1835  some  of  the  Democratic  candidates  in  New 
York  were  especially  obnoxious  to  the  anti-mon- 
opolists of  the  party.  When  the  meeting  to 
regularly  confirm  the  nominations  made  in  com- 
mittee was  called  at  Tammany  Hall,  the  anti- 
monopo'.ist  Democrats  sought  to  capture  the 
meeting  by  a  rush  up  the  main  stairs.  The 
regulars,  however,  showed  themselves  worthy  of 
their  regularity  by  reaching  the  room  up  the 
back  stairs.  In  a  general  scrimmage  the  gas  was 
put  out.  The  anti-monopolista,  perhaps  used  to 
the  devices  to  prevent  meetings  wliich  miglit  be 
hostile,  were  ready  with  candles  and  loco-foco 
matches.  The  hall  was  quickly  illuminated ;  and 
the  anti-monopolists  claimed  that  they  had  de- 
feated the  nominations.  The  regulars  were  sic- 
cessf ul,  however,  at  the  election ;  and  they  and 
the  Whigs  dubbed  the  anti-monopolists  the  Loco- 
foco men.  .  .  .  The  hatred  which  Van  Buren 
after  his  mes-sage  of  September,  1837,  received 
from  the  banks  commended  him  to  the  Loco- 
focos;  and  in  October,  1837,  Tammany  Hall 
witnessed  their  reconciliation  with  the  regular 
Democrats  upon  a  moderate  declaration  for 
equal  rights."  —  E.  M.  Shepard,  Martin  Van 
Buren,  pp.  293-295. 


A.  D.    1838.— PaaiaKc  of  the  Free   Bank- 
Act.     .See    .MoNKV   AM)   BANKING :    A.    I). 


ins^ 

1838. 


A.  D.  1830-1846.  — The  Anti-rent  disturb- 
ances.    See  LiviNiisroN  Manou. 

A.  D.  1840-1841.— The  McLeod  Case.  See 
(.'anada:  a.  I).  1840-1841. 

A.  D.  1845-1846.— Schism  in  the  Democratic 

6 arty  oyer  Slavery  extension. —  Hunkers  and 
larnburners.     See    United  States  or  Am.  : 
A.  I).  184.5-1846. 

A.  D.  1846.— Constitutional  revision.- Dur- 
ing tlie  twenty-live  years  of  the  existence  of  the 
constitution  of  1821,  "ten  dllTerciit  proposals  for 
amendments  were  submitted  to  the  electors,  who 
decided  against  choosing  presidential  electors  by 
districts,  but  in  favor  of  extending  the  franchise, 
in  favor  of  electing  mayors  by  the  people,  and  in 
1840  for  no  license  except  in  the  city  of  New 
York.  The  commonwealth  grow  not  only  in 
population,  but  in  all  the  elements  of  progress 
and  prosperity  and  power,  and  by  the  census  of 
1845  was  shown  to  contain  2,604,495  inhabi- 
tants. Legislation  had  tended  to  the  substitu- 
tion of  rights  for  privileges  granted  as  favors. 
The  tenure  of  land,  especially  under  the  claims 
of  the  patroons,  had  caused  dittlcultics  for  which 
remedies  were  sought;  and  the  large  expendi- 
tures for  Internal  improvements,  involving  heavv 
indebteilness,  prompted  demands  for  safe-guaraa 
for  the  creditor  and  the  taxpayer.  The  judici- 
ary system  had  confessedly  become  independent, 
and  required  radical  reformation.  When,  there- 
fore, in  1845,  the  electors  were  called  upon  to 
decide  whether  a  convention  should  be  held  to 
amend  the  State  constitution,  213,257  voted  in 
the  aftlrmative,  ogainst  33,860  in  the  negative. 
The  convention  met  June  1,  1848,  but  soon  ad- 
journed until  October  9,  when  it  proceeded  with 
Its  task.  John  Tracy  of  Chenango  presided ;  and 
among  the  members  were  Ira  ifarris  of  Albany, 
George  W.  Patterson  of  Chautauqua,  Michael 
Hotfman  and  Arphaxed  Loomls  of  Herkimer, 
Samuel  J.  Tilden  of  New  York,  Samuel  Nelson  of 
Otsego,  and  others  eminent  at  homo  and  in  State 
affairs.  The  convention  dealt  radically  with  the 
principles  of  government.  The  new  constitution 
gave  to  the  people  the  election  of  many  officers 
before  appointed  at  Albany.  It  provided  for 
the  election  of  members  of  both  houses  of  the 
legislature  by  separate  districts.  Instead  of  the 
cumbrous  court  for  the  correction  of  errors,  it 
established  an  independent  court  of  appeals.  It 
abolished  tlie  court  of  chancery  and  the  circuit 
courts,  and  merged  both  into  the  supreme  court, 
and  defined  the  jurisdiction  of  county  courts. 
All  judges  were  to  be  elected  by  the  people. 
Feudal  tenures  were  abolished,  and  no  leases  on 
agricultural  lands  for  a  longer  period  than  twelve 
years  >  ere  to  be  valid,  if  any  rent  or  service 
were  reserved.  The  financial  articles  established 
sinking  funds  for  both  the  canal  and  general 
fund  debt,  forbade  the  loan  of  the  credit  of  the 
State,  and  limited  rigidly  the  power  of  the  legis- 
lature to  create  debts,  except  to  repel  invasion 
or  suppress  insurrection,  and  decU.rcd  the  school 
and  literature  funds  inviolate.  Provision  was 
made  for  general  laws  for  the  formation  of  cor- 
porations. The  constitution  required  the  sub- 
mission to  the  people  once  every  twenty  years  of 
the  question  whether  a  convention  shall  be  called 
or  not."— E.  H.  Roberts,  Jfea  York,  v.  2,  pp.  567- 
569. 


2344 


NEW  YORK,  1848. 


Dra/t  RM: 


NEW  YORK,  1868, 


A.  D.  1848. —  The  Free  Soil  movement.— 
The  Buffalo  Convention,  ^^vo  Unitku  Htatkh 
OK  Am.  :  A.  I).  IHW. 

A.  D.  1848.  —  Legal  Emancipation  of  Wo- 
men.    Bee  Law,  ('om.mon;  \.  I).  1H3U-1848. 

A.  D.  1848.— Adoption  of  the  Code  of  Civil 
Procedure.   Soc  Law,  Com.mon  ;  A.  1).  184H-1Hh;i. 

A.  D.  1861  (April).— The  speeding  of  the 
Seventh  Regiment  to  the  defense  of  WashinK- 
ton.  See  Unitki>  Statks  ok  A.\t. :  A.  I).  IHfll 
(Apiui.— May:  Mauyi.anu). 

A,  D.  1863-1886.— The  founding  and  growth 
of  Cornell  University.  lSt'<!  Ei)i:cation,  Mod- 
EHN:  Amkiiica:  A.  D.  1862-1880. 

A.  D.  1863.— The  Draft  Riots  in  New  York 
City. — "A  new  levy  of  300,000  men  was  eiiUcil 
for  iti  April,  18(13,  with  the  nlternatlve  of  11 
draft,  If  the  quotaH  were  not  filled  liy  volunteer- 
ing. The  quota  of  the  city  of  New  York  was 
not  filled,  ami  a  draft  was  begun  there  on  Satur- 
day, the  11th  of  .July.  There  had  been  premo- 
nitions of  trouble  when  it  was  attempted  to  take 
the  names  and  addresses  of  those  subject  to  call,- 
and  in  the  tenement-house  districts  some  of  the 
marshals  had  narrowly  cscaj>ed  with  their  lives. 
On  the  morning  when  the  draft  was  to  begin, 
several  of  the  most  widely  read  Democratic  jour- 
nals contained  editorials  that  appeared  to  be  writ- 
ten for  the  very  purpose  of  Inciting  a  riot.  They 
asserted  that  any  draft  at  all  was  unconstitutional 
and  despotic,  and  that  in  this  case  the  quota  de- 
manded from  the  city  vi'as  excessive,  and  de- 
nounced the  war  as  a  'mere  abolition  crusade.' 
It  is  doubtful  if  there  was  any  well-formed  con- 
spiracy, including  any  large  number  of  persons, 
to  get  up  a  riot;  but  tlie  excited  state  of  the 
public  mind,  especially  among  the  laboring 
population,  iutlammatory  handbills  displayed  in 
the  grog-shops,  the  presence  of  the  dangerous 
classes,  whose  best  opportunity  for  plunder  was 
in  time  of  riot,  and  the  ali  I'lce  of  the  militia 
that  had  been  called  away  to  meet  the  invasion 
of  Pennsylvania,  all  favored  an  outbreak.  It 
was  unfortunate  that  the  draft  was  begun  on 
Saturday,  and  the  Sunday  papers  published  long 
lists  of  the  names  that  were  drawn  —  an  instiincc 
of  the  occasional  mischievous  results  of  journal- 
istic enterprise.  .  .  .  When  the  draft  was  re- 
sumed on  Monday,  the  serious  work  began.  One 
provost-marshal's  office  was  at  the  corner  of 
Third  Avenue  and  Forty-Sixth  street.  It  was 
guarded  by  sixty  policemen,  and  the  wheel  was 
set  in  motion  at  ten  o'clock.  The  building  was 
surrounded  by  a  dense,  angry  crowd,  who  were 
freely  cursing  the  draft,  the  police,  the  National 
Government,  and  'the  nigger.'  The  drawing 
had  been  in  progress  but  a  few  minutes  when 
there  was  a  shout  of  'stop  the  cars!'  and  at 
once  the  cars  were  stopped,  the  horses  released, 
the  conductors  and  passengers  driven  out,  and  a 
tumult  created.  Then  »  great  human  wave  was 
set  in  motion,  which  bore  down  everything  be- 
fore it  and  rolled  into  the  marshal's  office,  driv- 
ing out  at  the  back  windows  the  officials  and  the 
policemen,  whow  clubs,  though  plied  rapidly 
and  knocking  down  a  rioter  at  every  blow,  could 
not  dispose  of  them  as  fast  as  they  came  on. 
The  mob  destroved  everything  in  the  office,  and 
then  set  the  building  on  Are.  The  firemen  came 
promptly,  but  were  not  permitted  to  tlr  jw  any 
water  upon  the  flomes.  At  this  moment  Super- 
intendent John  A.  Kennedy,  of  the  police,  ap- 
proaching incautiously  and  unarmed,  was  recog- 


nized and  sot  upon  by  the  crowd,  who  gave  him 
half  a  hunilred  blows  with  club.t  and  Rtcmen,  and 
finally  threw  him  face  downwaril  Into  a  mud 
iMicidle,  with  th(!  Intention  of  drowning  hltn. 
\Vlicn  rescued,  )•  ■•  was  bruised  beyond  recogni- 
tion, and  was  liu-  into  a  wjigon  and  carHciT  to 
I  lie  police  lii'ailc|ii,  ters.  The  command  of  the 
force  now  devolved  upon  (Nimnilssioner  Thomas 
(J.  Acton  and  Inspector  Daniel  Carpenter,  whose 
management  during  three  fearful  days  was 
worthy  of  the  hlgliest  praise.  Another  mar- 
sliid's  office,  where  the  draft  was  in  progress, 
was  at  Broadway  and  Twenty-Ninth  street,  anil 
here  the  mob  burned  the  whole  block  of  stores 
on  IJroadwav  between  Twenty-Eighth  and 
Twenty-Ninth  streets.  ...  In  the  afternoon  a 
small  police  force  '<eld  possession  of  a  gunfac- 
tory  in  Second  Avenue  for  four  hours,  and  was 
then  compelled  to  retire  before  the  persistent  at- 
tack.s  of  the  rioters,  who  hurled  stcmes  through 
the  windows  and  i)eat  in  the  doors.  Toward 
evening  a  riotous  procession  passed  down  Hroad- 
way,    with  drums,    banners,    muskets,    pistols, 

fitcliforks,  clubs,  and  boards  inscribed  '  No 
)raft!'  Inspector  Carpenter,  at  the  head  of 
two  hundred  policemen,  marched  up  to  meet  It. 
Ills  orders  were,  'Take  no  prisoners,  but  strike 
ipiick  and  hard.'  Tlie  mob  was  met  at  tlie 
corner  of  Amity  (or  West  Third)  street.  Tlio 
police  charged  at  onco  in  a  compact  body,  Car- 

{)enter  knocking  down  the  foremost  rioter  with  a 
liow  that  cracked  his  skull,  nnd  in  a  few  mi)- 
mcnts  the  mob  scattered  and  fled,  leaving  Broad- 
way strewn  with  their  wounded  .uid  <lyiug. 
From  this  time,  tlie  police  were  victorious  in 
every  encounter.  During  the  next  two  days 
there  was  almost  constant  rioting,  mobs  appear- 
ing at  various  points,  both  uptown  and  down- 
town. Tlie  r;  jters  set  upon  every  negro  that  ap- 
peared —  whetiier  man,  woman,  or  child  —  and 
succeeded  in  murdering  eleven  of  them.  .  .  . 
This  phase  of  the  outbreak  found  its  worst  cx- 
])ression  in  the  sacking  and  buridng  of  the  Col- 
ored Orphan  Asylum,  at  Fifth  Avenue  and 
Forty-Fourth  street.  'The  two  hundred  helpless 
children  were  with  great  difficulty  taken  away 
by  the  rear  doors  while  the  mob  were  buttering 
at  the  front.  .  .  .  One  of  the  saddest  incidents 
of  the  riot  was  the  murder  of  Colonel  Henry  J. 
O'Brien  of  the  11th  N.  Y.  Volunteers,  whose 
men  had  dispersed  one  mob  with  a  deadly  volley. 
An  hour  or  two  later  the  Colonel  returned  to  the 
spot  alone,  when  he  was  set  upon  and  beaten  and 
mangled  and  tortured  horribly  for  several  hours, 
being  at  last  killed  by  some  frenzied  women. 
.  .  .  Three  days  of  this  vigorous  work  by  the 
police  and  the  soldiers  brought  the  disturbance 
to  an  end.  About  fifty  policemen  had  been  in- 
jured, three  of  whom  died;  and  the  whole  num- 
ber of  lives  destroyed  by  the  rioters  was  eigh- 
teen. The  exact  number  of  riotc's  killed  is  un- 
known, but  it  was  more  than  1,200.  The  mobs 
burned  about  50  buildings,  destroying  altogether 
between  §2,000,000  and  |3,000,000  worth  of 
property.  Governor  Seymour  incurred  odium 
by  a  speech  to  the  rioters,  in  which  he  addressed 
them  as  his  friends,  and  promised  to  have  the 
draft  stopped ;  and  by  his  communications  to  the 
President,  in  which  he  complained  of  the  draft, 
and  asked  to  have  it  suspended  till  the  question 
of  its  constitutionality  could  be  tested  in  the 
courts." — U.  Johnson,  Short  Mist,  of  </«  War  of 
Sece*»ion,  ch.  18. 


2345 


NEW  YORK,  1888. 


Tu<tf)l  Ring. 


NEW  YORK,  1868-1871. 


Amo  l!l:  J.  O.  NIcrilnv  iind  J.  Hny.  Alirnhnm 
Lincoln,  r.  7,  eh.  1.— H.  Orcflcv,  Tlie  Ameiieaii 
Conflict,  r.  2,  eh.  3t.— I).  .M.  lliiriKs.  Tli,  Itni/t 
Jlioli  in  \.   y. 

A.  D.  1863-1871.— The  Tweed  Ring.— Ho 
twiTii  tM«;i  anil  1^^71  llic  citv  nf  New  York,  iiiid, 
to  Ik  jdimidcnibli'  fxtciit,  tlio  Hliite  at  liirKc  ft'H 
unclcr  the  ('luitrcil  and  into  tliv  powiT  of  u  coinlii- 
nntidii  (if  c<irru|it  pnliticiiiiiH  ('(iiniiiunly  known 
a»  the  Tweed  Hlnif.  Its  elilcf  was  one"  William 
Marcy  Tweed,  of  Scotch  parentage,  who  llrst 
nnpeared  In  public  life  as  an  alderinitn  of  the 
city.  111  IH.IO.  Working  himself  uinvard,  In  the 
Democratic  party,  to  which  he  adhered,  he  at- 
tained in  1803  the  powerful  dignity  of  Oraud 
t^nchcm  of  tlie  Taninmny  Society  and  chairman 
or  "  IJogii "  of  the  general  committee  of  Tammany 
Hall.  "  At  this  time,  however,  the  Tammany 
'lUng,'  ns  It  afterwards  wan  calleil,  was  not 
completely  formed,  and  Tammany  Hall,  though 
by  far  the  most  Important  political  organization 
In  tlie  city,  was  not  absohit<i  even  In  the  Demo- 
cratic pnrtv.  It  hud  a  bitter  enemy  In  Mozart 
Hall,  n  pofltlcnl  organization  led  by  Fernando 
Wood,  n  former  mayor  of  the  city.  The  cliiims 
of  Mozart  Hall  were  satiatled  in  this  same  year, 
1863,  by  granting  to  its  leader  the  Democratic 
Domination  to  Congress.  .  .  .  Soon  afterwards 
Tweed  wos  appointed  deputy-commissioner  of 
streets.  The  "  Uiug '  was  now  fast  consolidating. 
The  enormous  patronage  possessed  by  its  mem- 
bers enabled  them  to  control  almost  all  the  nomi- 
nations of  the  Democratic  party  to  jiositions  in 
the  city.  They  provided  their  aidierents  with 
places  in  the  city  government,  and  when  the 
supply  of  places  became  inadequate,  thev  en- 
larged the  city  pay-roll  to  create  new  places. 
By  menus  of  the  political  Inlluence  they  e.xertcd 
over  the  Democratic  party  in  the  State,  they 
packed  the  State  legislature  with  their  followers, 
and  placed  upon  the  bench  judges  on  whom 
they  could  rely.  ...  In  1805  the  King  obtained 
control  of  the  mnyoniltj'.  Its  candidate,  Jolm 
T.  Hoffman,  was  n  mnu  of  much  higher  charac- 
ter than  his  supporters  and  associates.  He  was 
personally  honest,  but  his  ambition  blinded  him 
to  the  acts  of  his  political  friends.  ...  In  1808 
.  .  .  Hoffman  was  nominated  for  governor  and 
was  elected.  His  election  was  secured  by  the 
grossest  and  most  extensive  frauds  ever  perpe- 
trated in  the  city,  e.  g.  illegal  naturalization  of 
foreigners,  false  registration,  repeating  of  votes, 
and  unfair  counting.  The  inayoraltj-,  left  vacant 
bv  the  promotion  of  Hoffman,  was  tilled  by  the 
election  of  Hall  [A.  Oakcy  Hall],  who  took  his 
seat  on  the  1st  day  of  January  18tiO.  As  Samuel 
J.  Tllden  said,  by  tliis  election  '  tlie  Ring  be- 
came completely  organized  and  matured.  It 
controlled  the  common  council  of  the  city  and 
the  legislature  of  the  State,  and  iis  nominee  sat 
in  the  gubernatorial  chair.  Hall  was  mayor; 
Sweeny  [Peter  B.  Sweeny,  '  the  great  schemer  of 
the  Ring ']  was  city  chamberlain  or  treasurer  of 
both  city  and  county;  Tweed  was  practically 
supreme  in  tlie  street  department;  Connolly 
[Richard  B.]  was  city  comptroller,  and  thus  had 
charge  of  the  city  nuances;  tlie  city  judiciary 
was  in  sympathy  with  these  men."  But  great 
as  were  the  power  and  the  opportunities  of  the 
Ring,  it  obtained  still  more  of  both  through  its 
weirpaid  creatures  in  the  State  legislature,  by 
amendments  of  the  city  charter  and  by  acts 
which  gave  Tweed  and  his  partners  free  swing 


in  debt-making  for  the  city.  In  1871,  the  laat 
year  of  the  existence  of  the  Ring,  it  lind  more 
than  iii4H,(HM),(HH)  of  money  at  its  dis|)<isal.  lu 
methods  of  fraud  wire  varied  and  numerous. 
"But  all  the  other  enterprises  of  the  llhij^ 
dwinille  Into  insigiiltlcance  when  <'ompared  with 
tlie  colossal  frauds  that  were  committed  in  the 
building  of  the  new  courtlioiisc  for  the  county. 
AVheu  this  undertaking  was  begun,  it  was  stipu- 
lated that  Its  total  cost  should  not  exceed 
$3.W,tXK);  tint  before  the  Ring  was  broken  up, 
upwards  of  |8,(HK),{MM)  had  lieen  exneiided,  and 
the  work  was  not  comiileted.  .  .  .  Whenever  a 
hill  was  brought  in  by  one  of  the  contractors,  he 
was  directed  to  increase  largely  the  total  of  hig 
chr.rge.  ...  A  warrant  was  then  drawn  for  the 
amount  of  the  liill  as  raised;  the  contractor  was 
paid,  perhaps  the  amount  of  his  original  iiill, 
perlia|)s  a  little  more;  and  the  difference  between 
the  original  and  the  raised  bills  was  divided  lie- 
tween  the  members  of  the  Ring.  It  is  said  that 
about  05  per  cent,  of  the  bills  actually  paid  by 
the  county  represented  fraudulent  addition  of 
this  8<irt.  Tlie  beginning  of  the  end  of  the 
reign  of  tlie  Ring  came  Tn  July,  1871,  wlien 
copies  of  some  of  tlie  fraudulent  accounts,  made 
by  a  clerk  in  the  auditor's  office,  came  into  the 
possession  of  tlie  New  York  Times  and  were 
piibllslied.  "The  result  of  these  exposures  was 
a  meeting  of  citizens  early  in  September.  .  .  . 
It  was  followed  by  the  formation  of  a  sort  of 
j)coceablc  vigilance  committee,  under  the  impos- 
ing title  of  the  'Committee  of  Seventy.'  ThU 
committee,  together  with  Samuel  J.  Tilden  (long 
a  leading  Democratic  politician,  and  afterwards 
candidate  for  tlie  presidency  of  the  United 
States),  went  to  work  ot  once,  and  with  great 
energy,  to  obtain  actual  proof  of  the  frauds  de- 
scribed by  the  'Times.'  It  was  owing  muinlj* 
to  the  tireless  endeavours  of  Mr.  Tild'jn  .  .  . 
that  this  work  was  successful,  and  that  ))rosecu- 
tions  were  brought  against  several  members  of 
the  Ring."  The  Tammany  leaders  attempted  to 
make  a  scapegoat  of  Connolly;  but  the  latter 
came  to  terms  with  Mr.  Tilden,  and  virtually 
turned  over  his  office  to  Mr.  Andrew  H.  Green, 
of  the  Committee  of  Seventy,  appointing  hlin 
deputy-comptroller,  with  full  powers.  "This 
move  was  a  tremendous  step  forward  for  the 
prosecution.  The  possession  of  the  comptroller's 
office  gave  access  to  papers  which  furnislied 
almost  all  the  evidence  afterwards  used  in  the 
crusade  against  the  Ring."  At  the  autumn  elec- 
tion of  1871  there  was  a  splendid  rally  of  the 
better  citizens,  in  the  city  and  throughout  the 
state,  and  the  political  power  of  the  lUng  was 
broken.  "None  of  the  leading  actors  in  the  dis- 
graceful drama  failed  to  pay  in  some  measure 
the  penalty  of  his  deeds.  Tweed,  after  a 
chequered  experience  in  eluding  the  grasp  of 
justice,  died  m  lail.  Connolly  passed  the  re- 
mainder of  his  life  in  exile.  Sweeny  left  the 
country  and  long  remained  abroad.  .  .  .  Hall 
was  trfed  and  obtained  a  favourable  verdict,  but 
he  hos  chosen  to  live  out  of  America.  Of  tlie 
judges  whose  corrupt  decisions  so  greatly  aided 
the  Ring,  Barnard  and  M'Cunn  were  impeached 
and  removed  from  the  bench,  while  Cardozo  re- 
signed his  position  in  time  to  avoid  impeach- 
ment. The  following  figures  will  give  an  ap- 
proximate idea  of  the  amount  the  Ring  cost  the 
city  of  New  York.  In  1860,  before  Tweed  came 
into  power,  the  debt  of  the  city  was  reported  as 


2346 


NEW  YOUK,  1S08-1871. 


Bluk  AVrrf.11^, 


NEW  VOHK,  1809. 


Bmounllnn  i.iily  to  <(20,000,0(K)  while  tlic  tax 
rate  wiiH  iil)()Ul  1.(10  piT  cent,  on  tlii'  iiKsfsHccl 
vnluittltiu  of  the  iircipcrty  In  the  dly  liable  ti' 
taxation.  In  the  nilildle  of  llie  year  1H71,  the 
total  (k'l)t  of  the  elly  and  the  eciuntv  —  which 
were  eolerinlnous,  ami  for  all  luaetlial  ipurpiwes 
the  Hiune  —  iiiiioiinted  to.tsll)l),II.M,;i:l:l.:);i,  and  the 
lax  rate  had  risen  to  over  '.'  per  cent.  l)urlini; 
the  last  two  years  and  a  half  of  the  government 
of  the  King  the  deht  Increased  at  the  rate  of 
liH.OW.OOOa  year."— K.  .1.  Ooodnow,  T/if  Tir,,,l 
Itiiij/  ill  yew  York  City  (eh.  88  of  ISryce'ii  "  Am- 
erictiii  Commonirealt/i,"  r.  2).    • 

Also  in:  8.  J.  Tllden.  T/ie  ^Vcip  York  Citi/ 
'  Iliiiy" :  itn  Oriyiii,  Mnturitji  aitd  Full. — {',  t*. 
Wingatc,  All  ejiiniiilf  in  Miinicijuil  (lor't  (.V.  ,i. 
/;<•('.,  Oct.  1H74,  ./((«.  mill  .full/,  IH?.").  0,7.  INTO). 

A.  D.  1867.— The  Public  Schools  made  en- 
tirely free.  J^ce  Eimiatkin,  .Mudkiin:  Amku- 
K\:  A.  1).  1807. 

A.  D.  1867-1882.— Amendments  of  the  Con- 
stitution.— The  constitution  of  l.'^KI  having  pro- 
vided for  its  own  revision  at  the  end  of  twenty 
years,  if  so  willed  by  the  people,  the  er.UIng  of  a 
constitutional  convention  was  approved  by  pop- 
ular vote  in  180U,  and  the  coMvenliou  of  elected 
delegates  as.scnibled  ,Iuno  4.  in  the  following 
year.  Its  linnl  adjoummenl  was  not  reached 
until  February  28,  1868.  The  constitution  pro- 
posed by  the  convention  was  submitted  to  the 
people  In  18(19,  and  rejected,  with  tho  exrentlon 
of  the  Judiciary  article,  which  reorganized  the 
Court  of  Appeals,  and  provided  for  a  temporary 
Coinniissiou  of  Appeals,  to  determine  the  cases 
pending  in  the  Court,  where  business  in  arrears 
had  accumulated  to  a  serious  extent.  The  re- 
jection of  the  constitution  framed  In  1807  led,  In 
1873,  to  tile  creation  by  the  governor  and  legis- 
lature of  n  Coinml.s.sion  for  the  revision  of  the 
constitution,  which  met  at  Albany,  December  4, 
1873,  and  adjourned  .March  15,  1873.  Several 
amendments  projiosed  by  the  Commission  were 
submitted  to  populer  vote  in  1874  and  1870,  and 
were  adopted.  By  the  more  important  of  these 
amendments,  colored  citizens  were  admitted  to 
the  franchise  without  property  (jualiflcations;  a 
strong,  specltic  enactment  for  the  prevention  and 
punisnment  of  bribery  and  corruption  at  elec- 
tions was  embodied  in  tlie  constitution  itself; 
some  changes  were  made  in  the  provisions  for 
districting  tlie  state,  after  each  census,  and  tho 
pay  of  members  of  the  legislature  was  increased 
to  $1,600  per  annum;  tlio  power  of  the  legisla- 
,ture  to  pass  private  bills  was  limited;  the  term 
of  the  governor  was  extended  from  two  years  to 
three;  the  governor  was  empowered  to  veto 
specitic  items  in  bills  which  appropriate  money, 
approving  the  remainder;  the  governor  was 
allowed  tliirty  days  for  the  consideration  of  bills 
left  in  his  liauds  at  the  adjournment  of  the  legis- 
lature, whicli  bills  become  law  only  upon  liis  ap- 
proval within  that  time;  v.  superintemlent  of 
public  works  was  created  to  take  tho  place  of 
the  Canal  Commissioners  previously  existing, 
and  a  superintendent  of  state  prisons  to  take  the 
place  of  the  three  inspectors  of  state  prisons ;  a 
selection  of  judges  from  the  Ixjnch  of  tho  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  state  to  act  as  Associate 
Judges  of  the  Court  of  Appeals  was  authorized ; 
the  loaning  or  granting  of  the  credit  or  money 
of  the  state,  or  that  of  any  county,  city,  town, 
or  village  to  any  association,  corporation,  or 
private  undertaking  was  forbidden ;  corrupt  con- 


duct In  ollice  was  iledared  to  1h'  felony.  By  nn 
amendment  of  the  eonHtitulion  Hubmltte<l  by 
the  legislature  to  the  peoiile  In  1882,  the  canam 
of  the  state  Were  rnudi'  entirely  free  of  tolls. 

A.  O.  1869.— Black  Friday.— "During  the 
wjir  gold  had  swollen  in  value  to  2H.'5,  when  tho 
promiHc  of  the  nation  to  pay  a  dollar  on  demand 
was  oidv  worth  thirly-llve  cents.  Tlienee  it  ha(l 
gradually  sunk.  .  .  .  All  our  purehaHes  from 
foreign  nations,  idl  cluties  on  tho.se  purchases, 
anil  all  sales  of  domestic  priMluce  to  other  nations 
are  iiayable  In  gold.  'I'lieri'  Is  therefore  a  large 
and  legitimate  IiiihIiu'Ss  In  the  purchase  and  sale 
of  gold,  especially  in  New  York,  the  linaiuial 
centre  of  the  nation.  lint  a  much  larger  busi- 
ness of  a  gambling  nature  had  gradually  grown 
up  around  that  whicli  was  legltlnuite.  .  .  . 
These  gambling  operations  were  based  on  tho 
rise  anil  fall  of  gi>li|,  and  these  In  turn  depemleil 
on  successful  or  unsuccessful  battles,  or  on 
events  In  foreign  nations  that  could  bi;  neither 
foreseen  nor  guarded  against.  The  transactions 
were  therefore  esseiuTally  gambling.  .  .  .  !so 
large  was  the  amount  of  this  speculative  business, 
gathering  up  all  tho  gold-lM'tting  of  the  nation  in 
a  single  room,  that  it  more  than  equalled  tho 
legitimate  purchase  and  sale  of  gold.  There 
were  large  i.nd  wealthy  llrms  who  made  this  their 
chief  business,  and  prominent  among  them  was 
the  tlrin  of  Smith,  Gould,  Martin  &  Co.,  four 
gentlemen  under  one  partnership  name,  all 
wealtliy  and  all  accustouu'd  to  this  business  for 
years.  Their  joint  wealth  and  business  skill 
iiiiade  them  a  power  in  Wall  street.  The  leading 
mind  of  the  tirm,  though  not  the  tirst  nanu'ii, 
was  Mr.  Jay  Gould  I're.sldent  of  the  Erie  Hall- 
way, joint  owner  with  Colonel  James  Kisk  .Ir., 
of  two  lines  of  steamboats,  and  largely  Interested 
in  a  number  of  railroads  and  other  valuable 
properties.  Mr.  Gould  h)oke(l  upon  gold,  rail- 
roads, and  steamboats  as  the  glided  dice  where- 
with to  gamble.  .  .  .  During  the  spring  of  1808 
he  was  a  buyer  of  gold.  There  was  perhaps  II  f- 
teen  millions  of  that  rare  currency  in  New  Y'ork 
outside  the  Sub-Treasury ;  luid  lu!  had  bought 
Imlf  that  amount,  paying  therefor  a  bonus  of  a 
little  more  than  two  millions  of  dollars.  As  fast 
as  he  had  purchased  the  precious  metal  he  Imd 
loaned  It  out  to  those  who  needed  it  for  the  pay- 
ment of  duties,  and  who  hoped  to  repurchase  it 
at  a  lower  rate.  And  so,  though  the  owner  of 
seven  millions,  he  Imd  none  of  it  in  hand;  he 
merely  possessed  the  written  acknowledgment  of 
certain  leading  merchants  and  brokers  that  they 
owed  him  that  amount  of  specie,  which  they 
would  repay  witli  interest  on  demand.  Having 
this  amount  obtainable  at  any  moment,  Mr. 
Gould  had  the  mercantile  community  at  his 
mercy.  But  there  was  some  hundred  millions  of 
gold  in  the  Treasury,  more  or  less,  and  the 
President  of  tlie  United  States  or  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  might  at  any  time  throw  it  on 
the  market.  On  this  jjoint  it  was  very  desirable 
to  ascertain  the  opinion  of  President  Grant ;  more 
desirable  to  have  constant  access  to  his  private 
ear. "  In  various  ways,  argumentative  inlluonces 
were  brouglit  to  bear  on  President  Grant  oud 
the  Secretary  of  tlie  Treasury,  Mr.  Boutwell,  to 
persuade  them  that  it  was  desirable  for  the 
country,  while  the  crops  were  being  moved,  to 
liold  up  tlie  price  of  gold.  One  important 
channel  for  sucli  influences  was  supplied  by  the 
President's  brother-in-law,  a  retired  New  York 


2347 


NKW  Y<1HK,   1H01>, 


HUuk  yritliiy 


NEW  Y()«K,   1880 


nicrchniit,  nniiu'il  ('(>rliin,  who  wiim  ilritwn  Into 
tlic  H|M-('iiln(i(iii  hikI  ^ivi'ti  II  Klinrc  in  OdiiIiI'n 
l^olil  iiiircliiiHrfi.  liy  Ntri'iiiiiiim  cxcrlloiiH,  Oiiulil 
nnd  liU  nHHiirittlcN  puHlicil  up  tlio  prlcu  till  "in 
Muv  It  HtcMiil  III  t44i ;  but  IM  Hoon  iih  lliry  ci'ikfu'il 
to  liiiy.  Ilir  pricr  lii')(iui  ti>  ri'crdi'  until  in  tlii' 
litttcr  piirt  of  .liiiii-  It  iiKtiin  HtiMMl  iit  i:<(l.  Tlir 
otluTN  wiTt!  then  frlKlitini'il  ami  Hold  out.  '  All 
llicHc  other  fi'lioWM  ilcHcrtcd  inc  like  nit«  from  ii 
lliip,' Hiiid  Ooulil.  Hut  for  hliii  to  Hcll  out  IIk'Ii 
would  lnv(dvv  n  hciivy  IcmN,  iinil  lir  prcfcrri'd  ii 
giiin.  lie  tlieri'forc  called  upon  his  friend  and 
imrtner  KlHk  to  enter  the  llnnnelikl  arena.  It  in 
hut  luHtlec  to  Mr.  Klsk  to  Niiy  that  for  Boine  time 
lie  (reclined;  hu  cleurly  Haw  that  the  wholi-  ti'ii- 
dency  of  gold  was  downward.  Hut  when  UouM 
iiiado  the  propoHltioii  more  palatalile  liy  liU^uieHt- 
InK  corruption,  FIsk  iininediiitely  Hwallowed  the 
bait.  .  .  lie  .  .  .  entered  till!  market  and  niir- 
chaHvd  twilvu  mtlliomt.  There  In  an  old  iuia);c 
that  there  la  lioiiornnionKthieveit.  TIiIm appears 
not  to  1)0  true  on  the  Oold  KxclianKP.  All  Mr. 
UouIiI'h  Btatements  to  liisown  partner  were  false, 
except  thoM)  relatiii);  to  Corbln  and  liuttcrtlcld. 
And  Mr.  Corbln  did  his  best.  Hu  not  only  talked 
and  wrote  to  the  I'resident  himself;  not  only 
wrote  for  tl'c  New  York  'Times,'  but  whcii 
General  (irant  visited  him  in  New  York,  he  sent 
Qould  to  set'  him  so  often  that  the  Presiilent,  un- 
aware of  the  flnanr.ini  trap  set  for  him,  rebuked 
the  d<K>r  servant  for  eiving  Mr.  Ooiild  such 
ready  occess.  Hut  it  Is  worthy  of  note  that 
neither  Corbln,  Gould,  nor  FIsk  ever  spoke  to 
the  President  of  their  personal  interest  In  the 
matter.  They  were  only  patriots  urging  a  cer- 
tain course  of  c<mduct  for  the  good  of  the 
country.  These  speculations  iis  to  the  advantage 
to  the  country  of  a  higher  price  of  gold  seem  to 
have  had  some  cITeet  on  the  Presidential  mind  ; 
for  early  in  Sentemlx^r  ho  wrote  to  Mr.  Houtwell, 
then  at  his  Massachusetts  home,  giving  his 
o|dnlon  of  the  thianclal  condition  of  the  country, 
and  suggesting  tluit  it  would  not  be  wise  to 
lower  tile  price  of  gold  by  soles  from  the  Treastirv 
while  the  crops  were  moving  to  the  seaboard. 
Mr.  Houtwell  therefore  telefr.aphcd  to  the  Assis- 
tant Secretary  at  Washington  only  to  i  iW  goUl 
sulUcicnt  to  buy  bonds  for  the  sinking  fund. 
Througli  Mr.  Corbln  or  in  some  other  way  this 
letter  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  conspirators ; 
for  tliey  at  once  began  to  purchase  and  the  price 
began  to  rise.  ...  On  tlie  13th  of  September, 
gold,  swelling  and  falling  lik"  the  tide,  sto<Hl 
at  135^.  Tlie  clique  then  commenced  their 
largest  purchases,  and  within  nine  days  had 
bought  enough  to  hold  sixty-six  millions—  nearly 
every  cent  of  it  fictitious,  and  only  included  in 
promises  to  pay.  On  the  evening  of  Wednesday, 
September  22,  the  price  was  140^;  but  it  had 
taken  the  purchase  of  thirty  or  fortv  millions  to 
put  it  up  that  five  cents.  Could  it  be  forced 
tive  cents  higher,  and  all  sold,  the  profits  would 
be  over  ten  millions  of  dollars  I  It  was  a  stake 
worth  playing  for.  But  the  whole  mercantile 
community  was  opposed  to  them ;  bountiful  har- 
vests were  strong  arguments  against  them ;  and 
more  than  all  else,  there  stood  the  Sub-Treasury 
of  the  United  Stotes,  vith  its  hundred  millions  of 
dollars  in  its  vaults,  ready  at  any  time  to  cast  ita 
plethora  of  wealth  on  their  unfortunate  heads. 
.  .  .  Corbin,  while  assuring  Qould  that  there 
v.as  no  danger  of  any  Government  sale,  and  yet 
himself  greatly  in  trepidation,  addressed  a  letter 


to  Oeiiornl  Ornnt  urging  him  not  to  Interfern 
Willi  till' warfare  then  raging  iM'tween  the  liulU 
and  the  iH'ars,  nor  to  allow  the  Heerelary  of  ilio 
Tri'ttHury  to  do  bo.  .  .  .  The  letter  would  pnih- 
al)ly  have  had  some  elTect,  but  unfortunately  the 
ring  overdid  their  buNliieHS  In  the  wiiy  in  wiiieh 
they  sent  it."  Tlie  letter  was  conveyed  by  a 
private  messenger.  The  inesHcnger,  "  Mr.Ciiapin, 
delivcn'd  his  Iett4'r,  asked  General  Grunt  if  tliero 
was  any  reply,  and  being  told  there  was  none, 
started  for  his  home,  first  telegraphing  to  his 
employer,  '  Letter  delivered  all  right.'  It  wasa 
most  unfortuiiiito  telegraphic  iiiessiige  he  sent 
back.  He  swears  that  Ills  meaning  was  tliat  the 
letter  was  delivered  all  riglit;  and  so  the  despatch 
reads.  Hut  the  gold  gamblers,  blinded  bv  the 
greatness  of  the  stake  at  risk,  interpreted  the 
'all  right'  nf  the  mesBage  as  an  auHWer  to  the 
contents  of  Mr.  Corbln's  letter  —  that  the  Presi- 
dent thought  the  letter  all  right;  and  on  the 
strength  of  tliat  reading  FIsk  rushed  into  tlio 
market  and  mii<ic  numerous  luirchiiHes  of  gold. 
Hut  that  very  letter,  wiiicli  was  intituled  to  lie 
their  governmental  safeguaril,  led  to  their  ruin, 
(.'arricd  by  special  messenger  for  a  day  and  a 
half,  its  urgency  that  the  Administration  bIiouUI 
sell  no  gold,  coupled  with  frcijuent  assertioiis  la 
the  newspapers  tliat  Mr.  Corbin  was  a  great  bull 
in  gold,  excited  Genend  Grant's  suspicious.  He 
feared  that  Corbin  was  not  actuated  by  patriotic 
motives  alone  In  this  secret  corresponilence.  At 
the  President's  suggestion,  therefore,  Mrs.  Grant 
wrote  to  her  sister,  Mrs.  Corbin,  telling  her  that 
rumors  had  reached  them  that  )Ir.  Corbin  was 
(•onnected  witli  speculators  in  New  York,  and 
tliat  she  honed  if  this  was  so  lie  would  at  once 
disengage  himself  from  them ;  that  the  President 
was  much  distressed  at  such  rumors.  On  the 
receipt  of  this  letter,  Mr.  Corbin  was  greatly  ex- 
cited." Corbin  showed  tlie  letter  to  Gould,  and 
got  himself  let  out  of  the  game,  so  tliat  he  might 
be  able  to  say  to  President  Grant  that  he  had  no 
interest  in  gold ;  l)ut  Fisk  was  not  told  of  the 
President's  suspicions.  "On  the  evening  of 
Wednesday,  Septemlx.'r  21,  it  was  determined  to 
close  the  corner  within  two  days."  A  desperate 
attack  on  the  market  began  next  morning.  Gold 
opened  tliat  day  at  391;  '<■  closed  at  44.  The 
next  day  was  "Friday,  8c,,.ember  24,  commonly 
called  Black  Friday,  cither  from  the  black  mark 
it  caused  on  the  characters  of  dealers  in  gold,  or, 
as  is  more  probable,  from  the  ruin  it  brought  to 
both  sides.  Tlie  Gold  Hoom  was  crowded  for 
two  hours  before  the  time  of  business.  .  .  . , 
Fink  was  tliere,  gloating  over  the  prospect  of 
great  gains  from  otliers'  ruin.  His  brokers  were 
there,  noisy  and  betting  on  the  rapid  rise  of  gold 
and  the  success  of  the  corner.  All  alike  were 
greatly  excited,  palpitating  between  hope  and 
icar,  and  not  knowing  what  an  hour  might  bring 
fortli.  .  .  .  Gold  closed  on  Thursday  at  144; 
Speyers  [principal  broker  of  the  conspirators] 
commenced  his  w  ork  on  Friday  by  ofTering  145, 
one  per  cent,  higher  than  the  last  purchase.  Re- 
ceiving no  response,  he  ofTered  to  buy  at  140,  147, 
148,  and  149  respectively,  but  without  takers. 
Then  150  was  offered,  ana  lialf  a  million  was  sold 
him  by  Mr.  James  Brown,  who  had  quietly  or- 
ganized a  band  of  prominent  merchants  who 
were  determined  to  meet  the  gold  gamblers  on 
their  own  ground.  .  .  .  Amid  the  most  tremen- 
dous confusion  the  voices  of  the  excited  brokers 
could  be  heard  slowly  bidding  up  the  value  of 


2348 


NEW  YORK,   1889 


Tammany  mtitmi. 


NEW  YORK,  1899. 


Hiirli 


their  nrtlflrlnl  motnl.  IIIkIht  mid  IiIkIwt  mmi 
till!  tlilv  of  ii|)<'Cillntlon;  fniiM  irill  to  l.tO  tlicrn 
wan  no  DiTrr  whnti'vcr:  iiinlil  ilci'ii  allciiii'  S|>cy' 
en  culU'tl  'lut,  '  Any  piirt  of  the  inllllotiH  for  ItlO.' 
'One  million  tiikcii  nt  lUl).'  wiih  tlic  (|iiii't  w- 
iponiM!  of  Jiuiit'B  llrowii.  Fiirllicr  oITcth  wen- 
mmlu  l)y  tlif  liroUtTN  of  lliti  iliiinc:  nil  tli<'  way 
from  lUO  to  10:U.     Hut  Mr.  llrowii  iinfirri'il  to 

griippU!  (he  I'lirmy  by  tUv  lliroiit,  ii-id  Iki  itold 
pvyvm  flvu  nilllions  morr,  mukiiiK  m'vcti  mil 
lionii  of  gold  sold  llmt  lioiir  for  wlilcli  S 
AKrut'd  to  puy  eleven  millions  In  ciirreney 
flKUreH  iilmoKt  utiieger  one  to  read  of  them  I  Hut 
HpeycrN  eontlniieil  toliuy  till  before  noon  he  liml 
piirclmMed  iiviirly  tilxty  mlllloim.  ...  Ah  the 
priou  rose  cent  by  cent,  men's  hearts  were  moved 
within  them  ns  the  trees  are  shaken  by  the  swell- 
Uia  of  the  wind.  Hitt  when  the  llrst  million  was 
taken  nt  100  n  great  hmd  was  removeil,  and  whin 
thu  Becond  million  was  sold  there  was  such  a 
buret  of  gladneHS,  su<!h  a  roar  of  inultitiidliioiis 
voices  as  that  room,  tnniiiltuoiis  as  it  had  always 
l)cen,  never  heanl  liefon?.  KverylHwIy  iiistanlly 
beuan  to  sell,  desiring  to  get  rid  of  all  thi'lr  golil 
before  it  had  tumbled  too  deep.  And  Juslasthe 
precious  metul  wng  beginning  to  (low  over  thu 
precipice,  tho  news  was  Hashed  Into  tho  room 
that  Qovcrnmcnt  had  telegraphed  to  sell  four 
millions.  Instantly  tho  end  was  reached ;  gold 
full  to  140,  and  then  down,  down,  down,  to  1B3. 
There  were  no  nurchasers  nt  any  price.  .  .  . 
Thu  gold  ring  had  that  day  boughtslxty  millions 
of  gold,  ]inying  or  rather  agreeing  to  pay  there- 
for nlncty-sIx  millions  of  dollars  in  currency!" 
But  Qould,  FIsk  &  Co.,  who  owned  several  venal 
Now  York  judges,  placed  injunctions  and  other 
legal  obstacles  in  tho  way  of  a  settlement  of 
claims  against  themselves.  "Of  course  these 
ludiclous  and  judicial  orders  put  nn  end  to  all 
uusiness  except  that  which  was  favorable  to  FIsk 
and  Qould.  They  continued  to  settle  with  all 
parties  who  owed  thcin  money;  they  were  ju- 
dicially enjoined  from  settling  with  those  to 
whom,  if  their  own  brokers  may  be  believed,  they 
were  Indebted,  and  they  havo  not  yet  settled 
with  them.  ...  As  tho  settlements  between  the 
brokers  employed  by  tho  ring  and  their  victims 
were  nil  made  in  privote,  there  is  uo  means  of 
knowing  the  total  result.  But  it  is  tho  opinion 
of  Mr.  James  B.  Ilodskln,  Chairman  of  the  Ar- 
bitration Committee  of  the  Exchange,  and  there- 
fore better  acquainted  with  its  business  than 
any  one  elsu,  that  the  two  days'  profits  of  the 
cliquo  from  tho  operations  they  ocknowledgcd 
and  settled  for  were  not  less  than  twelve  millions 
of  dollars;  and  that  the  losses  on  those  transac- 
tions which  they  refused  to  acknowledge  wore 
not  Icjs  than  twenty  millions.  The  New  York 
'  Tribune '  a  day  or  two  of terward  put  the  gains 
of  the  cliquo  at  eleven  million  dollars.  Some 
months  after  '  Black  Friday  '  had  passed  away. 
Congress  ordered  an  investigation  into  its  causes. 
.  .  .  For  two  or  three  days  the  whole  business 
of  New  York  stood  still  awaiting  the  result  of 
the  corner.  ...  In  good-will  with  all  the  world, 
with  grand  harvests,  with  full  markets  on  both 
sides  tho  Atlantic,  camo  a  panic  that  allected 
all  business.  Foreign  trade  came  toa  standstill. 
The  East  would  not  send  to  Europe ;  the  West 
could  not  ship  to  New  York.  Young  men  saw 
millions  of  dollars  made  in  a  few  daya.by  dis- 
honesty ;  they  beheld  larger  profits  result  from 
fraud  than  from  long  lives  of  honesty.     Old  men 


saw  their  iM'stlald  plans  friislrnli'd  by  the  opera- 
lions  of  gamblers.  Our  national  credit  was 
alTected  by  it.  F.urope  was  told  that  our  princi- 
pal places  of  buslrieHH  wen-  nests  of  gamlilers, 
and  that  It  was  possllile  for  a  small  rlli|Ue.  allied 
by  our  ImnkliiK  Institutions,  to  get  nimsession  of 
all  the  gold  there  was  In  the  land;  and  that 
when  (ine  tirm  hail  gone  through  business  tnins- 
artliins  to  tlie  anioimt  of  over  one  hundred 
millions  of  dollars,  the  courts  of  the  I'ldted 
.Sl:ites  would  compel  the  completion  of  those 
bargains  which  resulted  in  a  profit,  while  thoso 
that  ended  in  n  loss  were  forliidilen.  For  two  or 
thr<'e  months  the  sale  of  bonds  In  Kurope  was 
alTiTted  by  the  transactions  of  that  day  ;  and  not 
until  the  present  generation  of  husini'ss  im  ii  lias 
passed  away  will  the  evil  Intluence  of  Black  Fri- 
day be  entirely  hist."— W.  R  Hooper,  lUmk  Fri- 
il.uKThe  <l,il,iT,/.  Ikr.,  IMTI). 

A.  D.  i875-i88i.~StAlwr  tt  and  Half- 
breeds.     See  Stm.W.miis. 

A.  D.  i88i.— Adoption  of  the  Code  ofCiim- 
inal  Procedure,  nee  I..vw,  Cum.mon:  A.  I). 
ihin-ihm;(. 

A.  D.  1892.—  Restored  Tammany  govern- 
ment in  the  City.— The  Taiimiaiiy  organi/.atlon 
was  greatly  discredited  anil  crippled  fur  a  timo 
by  the  exposure  and  overthrow  of  Tweed  and  his 
"  ring,"  In  1H71 ;  but  after  a  few  vcars,  under  tho 
chieftainship  of  ,Iohn  Kelly  and  Ulchard  Croker, 
successive  "grand  sachems,"  It  recovcre  I  Its 
control  of  tho  city  government  so  compi  'tely 
that,  In  1H02,  Dr.  Albert  Shaw  was  justlli  d  in 
describing  tho  latter  as  follows:  "There  Is  In 
N(!W  York  no  olHcial  body  that  coriesnonds 
with  the  London  Council.  The  New  York  lloard 
of  Aldermen,  plus  tho  Mayor,  plus  the  Conimls- 
sioners  who  are  the  appointive  heads  of  a  numl>er 
of  the  working  de])artnients  such  as  the  Excise, 
I'ark,  Health  and  I'ollce  (hjiartmcnts,  plus  tho 
District  Attorney,  the  Sherlrf,  the  Coroners,  and 
other  olllclals  pertaining  to  tho  county  of  New 
York  ns  distinct  from  the  city  of  New  York, 
plus  a  few  of  tho  head  Tammany  l)08ses  and  tho 
local  Tammany  bosses  of  the  twenty-four  As- 
sembly Districts  —  nil  these  men  and  n  few  other 
olllcials  and  bos.scs,  taken  together,  would  make 
up  a  body  of  men  of  about  the  same  numerical 
strength  as  the  London  Council;  and  these  aic 
the  men  whc  now  dominate  tho  olllclal  life  of  the 
great  community  of  nearly  eighteen  hundred 
thousand  souls.  In  London  the  137  councillors 
fight  out  every  municipal  questlim  in  perfectly 
open  session  upon  Its  actual  merits  l>eforo  the 
eyes  of  nil  Lomlon,  and  of  tho  whole  British 
empire.  In  New  York,  the  governing  group 
discusses  nothing  openly.  Tho  Board  of  Alder- 
men Is  an  obscure  body  of  twenty-flve  members, 
with  limited  power  except  for  nii.schlef,  its 
members  being  almost  to  a  man  high  Tnminany 
politicians  who  are  either  engaged  directly  in 
the  liquor  business  or  are  in  one  way  or  another 
connected  with  that  interest.  So  far  ns  there  is 
any  meeting  in  whicli  tho  rulers  of  New  York 
dlsc;iss  th?  public  affairs  of  the  community,  such 
meetings  are  held  in  the  Tnmmany  wigwnm  in 
Fourte'-'nth  Street.  But  Tanmiany  is  not  an  or- 
ganizntion  which  really  concerns  itself  with  any 
aspects  of  public  questions,  cither  local  or  gen- 
eral, excopting  tho  '  spoils '  aspect.  It  is  organ- 
ized upon  wiiat  is  a  military  rather  than  a 
political  basis,  and  its  machinery  extends  through 
all  tho  assembly  districts  and  voting  precincts 


2349 


NEW  YORK,  1808. 


NEW  ZEALAND. 


of  New  York,  controlling  enough  votes  to  iiold 
and  wield  the  bidimce  of  power,  and  thus  to 
keen  Tnmnmny  in  the  possession  of  the  otliees. 
Its  iocnl  hold  is  maintained  by  the  dispensing  of 
a  vast  amount  of  patronage.  The  laborers  on 
public  works,  the  members  of  the  j)olice  force 
and  the  (ire  brigades,  the  employees  of  the  Sani- 
tary Department,  of  tlie  E.xcise  Department,  of 
tlie  street  Cleaning  and  Repair  Department,  and 
of  the  Water  and  Dock  and  Park  Departments, 
the  teachers  in  the  public  schools  and  the  nurses 
in  the  (lublic  hospiuds,  all  are  m.'ule  to  feel  that 
their  liveliliood  depezuls  on  tlie  favor  of  the 
Tammany  bosses;  and  they  must  not  only  be 
faitliful  to  Tammany  themselves,  but  all  their 
friends  and  relatives  to  the  remotest  collateral 
degree  must  also  be  kept  subservient  to  the  Tam- 
many domination.  The  following  characteriza- 
tion of  Tammany  leadership  and  method  is  from 
the  New  York  Evening  Post.  .  .  .  'None of  the 
members  occupy  themselves  with  any  legisla- 
tion, except  such  as  creates  salaried  oflices  and 
contracts  in  this  city,  to  be  got  liold  of  either  by 
capture  at  the  polls  or  "deals"  with  tlie  Itepub- 
lican  politicians  here  or  in  Albany.  AVhen  such 
legislation  has  been  successful,  the  only  thing  in 
connection  with  it  wldch  Tammany  leaders  con- 
sider is  how  the  salaries  shall  be  divided  and 
what  "  assessments"  the  places  or  contracts  can 
stand.  If  any  decent  outsider  could  make  his 
way  into  the  inner  conferences  at  which  these 
questions  are  settled,    he  would  hear  not  the 

frave  discussion  of  the  public  interests,  how  to 
eej)  streets  clean,  or  how  to  repave  them,  or 
how  to  light  them  or  police  them,  or  how  to  sup- 
ply the  city  with  water,  but  stories  of  drunken 


or  amorous  adventure,  larded  freely  with  curiouj 
and  original  oaths,  ridicule  of  reformers  and 
"silk-stockinged"  people  generally,  .ibusc  of 
"kickers,"  and  examination  of  the  claims  of 
gamblers,  liquor-dealers,  and  pugilists  to  more 
money  out  of  the  public  treasury.  In  fact,  as 
we  have  had  of  late  frequent  occasion  to  observe, 
the  society  is  simply  an  organization  of  clever 
adventurers,  most  of  tliem  in  some  degree  crim- 
inal, for  the  control  of  lie  ignorant  and  vicious 
vote  of  tlic  city  in  an  aitack  on  tlie  property  of 
the  ta.x-payers.  There  is  not  a  particle  of  poli- 
tics in  the  concern  any  more  than  in  any  com- 
bination of  Western  brigands  to  "hold  up"  a 
railroad  train  and  get  at  the  express  packages. 
Its  sole  object  is  plunder  in  any  form  which  will 
not  attract  the  immediate  notice  of  the  police.'" 
— A.  Shaw,  Municipal  I'roMema  of  New  York  and 
London  (lieiiew  of  Iledctrs,  April  1893). 

A.  D.  1894. — Constitutional  Convention.— 
A  bill  passed  by  the  legislature  of  1803,  calling 
a  convention  to  revise  the  constitution  of  the 
State,  provided  for  the  election  of  128  delegates 
by  Assembly  districts,  and  33  at  large,  but 
added  9  more  whom  the  Governor  should  ap- 
point, 3  to  represent  labor  Interests,  3  woman- 
suffrage  claims,  and  3  the  advocates  of  prohi- 
bition. By  the  legislature  of  1803  this  act  was 
set  aside  and  a  new  enactment  adopted,  making 
the  total  number  of  delegates  to  the  Constitu- 
tional Convention  165,  all  elective,  and  apportion- 
ing five  to  each  senatori.d  district.  The  conven- 
tion assembled  at  Albany,  May  0,  1894.  Its 
labors  are  unflnishen  at  the  time  this  volume 
goes  to  press.  Questions  of  reform  in  municipal 
government  have  claimed  the  greatest  attention. 


NEW  YORK  SOCIETY  LIBRARY.  See 
LiuuAUiEs,  MoDEU.v:  United  States  OP  Am. 

NEW    ZEALAND:     The    aborigines.— 

"The  traditions  of  these  people  [the  Maoris] 
lead  to  the  conclusion  that  they  Urstcamo  to  New 
Zealand  about  COO  years  ago,  from  some  of  the 
islands  between  Samoa  and  Tahiti;  but  some 
ethnologists  put  the  migration  as  far  back  as 
8,000  years.  Their  language  is  a  dialect  of  the 
Polynesian,  most  resembling  that  of  Rarotonga, 
but  their  physical  characters  vary  greatly.  Some 
are  fair,  with  straight  hair,  an'  -itli  the  best 
type  of  Polynesian  features;  0'  .s  are  dusky 
brown,  with  curly  or  almost  .  izzly  hair,  and 
with  the  long  and  broad  arched  nose  of  the 
Papuan ;  wliile  others  have  the  coarse  thick  fea- 
tures of  the  lower  Melanesian  races.  Now  these 
variations  of  type  cannot  be  explained  unless  we 
suppose  the  Maoris  to  have  found  in  the  islands 
an  indigenous  Jlelanesiau  people,  of  whom  they 
exterminated  the  men,  but  took  the  better-look- 
lug  of  the  women  for  wives ;  and  as  their  tradi- 
tions decidedly  state  that  they  did  find  such  a 
race  when  they  first  arrived  at  New  Zealand, 
there  seems  no  reason  whatever  for  rejecting 
these  traditions,  which  accord  with  actual  physi- 
cal facts,  just  as  the  tradition  of  a  migration 
from  'llawaiki,'  a  Polynesian  island,  accords 
with  linguistic  facts." — "Hellwald- Wallace,  Axis- 
trahma  (Stanford's  Compendium,  new  issue,  1893), 
ch.  14,  sect.  9  (».  1). 

Also  in  :  E.  Shortland,  Traditions  and  Super- 
ttitions  of  the  Kew  Zealanders.  —  J.  8.  Polack, 
Manners  and  Customs  of  the  A'eto  Zealanders. — 
Lady  Martin,  Our  Maoris. — W.  D.  Hay,  Brighter 


Britain,   v.   2,  ch.   3-5.  —  See,   also,   Malayan 
Race. 

A.  D.  1642-1856. — Discovery. — Colonization, 
—  Early  dealings  with  Natives.  —  Constitu- 
tional organization. — "The  honour  of  the  ac- 
tual discovery  of  New  Zealand  must  be  accorded 
to  the  Dutch  Navigator,  Tasman,  who  visited  it 
in  1642,  discovering  Van  Dieinan's  Land  during 
the  same  voyage.  As,  however,  he  does  not  ap- 
pear to  have  landed,  the  knowledge  of  the  coun- 
try derived  by  Europeans  from  his  account  of  it 
must  have  been  of  very  limited  extent.  .  .  . 
It  was  our  own  countryman.  Captain  Cook,  to 
whom  we  are  so  largely  indebted  for  what  we 
now  know  of  the  geography  of  the  Pacific,  who 
made  us  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  the  coun- 
try and  the  character  of  its  inhabitants.  The 
aborigines  were  evidently  of  a  much  higher 
type  than  those  of  the  Australian  continent. 
Ihey  are  a  branch  of  the  Polynesian  race,  and 
according  to  their  own  traditions  came  about  600 
years  ago  from  'llawaiki,'  which  ethnologists  in- 
terpret to  mean  either  Hawaii  (the  Sandwich  Is- 
lands), or  Savaii  in  the  Samoa  group.  They  are 
divided  into  some  twenty  clans,  analogous  to 
those  of  the  Scottish  Highlands.  Cook's  first 
visit  was  paid  in  1769,  but  he  touched  at  the  is- 
lands on  several  occasions  during  his  subsequent 
voyages,  and  succeeded  in  making,  before  his 
final  departure,  a  more  or  less  complete  explora- 
tion of  its  coasts.  The  aborigines  were  divided 
into  numerous  tribes,  which  were  engaged  in 
almost  constant  wars  one  with  another.  ...  As 
has  been  the  case  in  so  many  distant  lands, 
the  first  true  pioneers  of  civilization  were  the 
missionaries.    In  1814,  thirty-seven  years  after 


2350 


NEW  ZEALAND. 


NEW  ZEALAND. 


Captain  Cook's  lust  visit  to  Now  Zcalnnd,  n  few 
representatives  of  tlieKnglisli  Cliuroh  Mlssloimrj- 
Society  landed  In  die  North  Island,  less  with  the 
Intention  of  coloalslng  than  with  the  hope  of  con- 
vprting  the  natives  to  Christianity.  The  first 
pmetical  steps  in  the  direction  of  Rcttlemcnt  were 
taken  by  the  New  Zealand  Ijand  Company,  com- 
posed of  a  very  strong  and  inliucntiiil  body  of 
gentlemen  hea(lcd  by  Lord  Durham,  and  having 
much  the  same  ideas  as  those  which  actuated 
the  Sotith  Australian  Colonisation  Society.  The 
proposal  to  found  a  new  Colony  w.is  at  tlrst  bit- 
terly opposed  by  the  Governmeiit  of  the  day,  but 
In  consequence  of  the  cnctgetic  action  of  the 
Company,  who  sent  out  agents  witli  large  funds 
to  purchase  land  of  the  natives,  the  Government 
ultlmatelv  gave  way,  and  despntched  as  Consul 
Captain  llobson,  who  arrived  In  January  1S40. 
One  of  his  first  steps  on  assuming  ollicc  wa»  to 
call  a  meeting  of  the  natives  and  explain  to  lliem 
the  object  of  his  mission,  with  the  view  of  enter- 
ing into  a  treaty  for  placing  the  sovereignty  of 
their  island  In  Her  llajesty  the  Queen.  Ho  was 
not  at  first  successful,  the  natives  fearing  that  if 
they  acceded  to  the  proposal,  their  land  would 
be  taken  from  them;  but  being  reassured  on 
this  point,  the  majority  of  the  chiefs  ultimately 
signed  the  treaty  in  February  of  the  same  year. 
By  the  terms  of  this  treaty,  called  the  Treaty  of 
Waltangl,  the  chiefs,  in  return  for  their  acknowl- 
edgment of  the  supremacy  of  the  Queen  of  Eng- 
land, were  guaranteed  for  themselves  and  tlieir 
people  the  exclusive  possession  of  their  lands  so 
long  as  they  wished  to  retain  them,  and  they,  on 
their  side,  accorded  to  the  Crown  the  e-vcliisive 
right  of  preemption  over  such  lands  as  might, 
from  time  to  time,  come  into  the  market.  It  will 
thus  be  seen  that  the  acquisition  of  land  in  New 
Ze.i.land  by  European  settlers  was  effected  in  a 
manner  entirely  different  from  that  which  ob- 
tained in  other  colonies ;  for,  although  the  right 
of  pre-emption  by  the  Crown  was  subsequently 
waived,  no  land  could  be  obtained  from  natives  un- 
less they  were  perfectly  willing  to  part  with  it.  It 
is  true  that  lands  have  in  some  instances  been  con- 
fiscated as  a  punishment  for  native  insurrections, 
but,  with  this  exception,  all  lands  have  passed 
from  natives  to  Europeans  by  the  ordinary  pro- 
cesses of  bargain  and  sale.  Captain  Hobson's 
next  action  was  to  place  himself  in  communica- 
tion with  the  New  Zealand  Company's  agents, 
and  ascertain  what  they  were  doing  in  the  way 
of  colonisation.  He  found  that  besides  acquir- 
ing various  blocks  of  land  in  the  North  and  South 
Islands,  they  had  formed  a  permanent  settlement 
at  Wellington,  at  which  they  were  organising  a 
system  or  government  incompatible  with  the 
Queen's  authority,  which  he  therefore  promptly 
suppressed.  ...  In  June  of  1840  the  settlement 
was  made  a  colony  by  Charter  under  the  Great 
Seal,  Captain  Hobson  naturally  becoming  the 
first  Governor.  This  eminent  public  servant 
died  at  his  post  in  September  1843,  being  suc- 
ceeded by  Captain  R.  Fitzroy,  who,  however, 
did  not  reach  the  Colony  till  a  year  afterwards. 
In  the  interval  occurred  that  lamentable  inci- 
dent, the  massacre  of  white  settlers  by  the 
natives  at  Wairu,  in  the  South  Island.  Shortly 
after  this  the  Company  made  strenuous  efforts  to 
obtain  a  share  in  the  Executive  Government,  but 
this  was  twice  disallowed  by  the  Home  autiiori- 
ties.  Captain  Fitzroy's  term  of  ofHce  was  in  all 
respects  a  stormy  one,  the  native  chiefs  rising  in 


I  rebellion,  open  and  covert,  against  the  terms  of 
i  the  Waitangl  treaty.  With  onlv  150  soldiers, 
and  destitute  of  any  military  facilities,  this  gov- 
ernor deemed  it  prudent  to  come  to  a  compromise 
with  the  rebels,  fearing  the  effect  upon  the 
minds  of  the  natives  generally  of  the  certain  de- 
feat which  he  must  sustain  in  active  warfare. 
Uerclvini',  however,  rcinforrenients  from  Sidney, 
Captain  Fitzroy  took  the  field,  sustaining  in  his 
first  exi)edition  a  derided  defeat.  T\v:)  other  ex- 
peditions followed  thi  1,  and  at  length  the  success 
of  the  IJritish  arms  was  assured.  Captain  Fitzroy 
suffering  from  the  irony  of  fate,  .since,  having 
been  neglected  in  his  peril,  he  was  recalled  in  the 
moment  of  victory.  Captain  (afterwards  Sir 
George)  Grey  succeeded  to  the  Governorship  In 
November  lH4.'j;  having  the  good  fortune  to  be 
surrounded  by  ministers  of  exceptional  ability, 
and  arriving  In  the  Colonv  at  a  fort, mate  turn  in 
its  affairs,  he  takes  his  place  among  the  suc<ess- 
ful  Governors  of  New  Zealand.  Colonel  Gore 
Browne  —  after  an  Interregnum  of  nearly  two 
years  —  succeeded  to  power,  and  during  his 
viceroyalty  in  18.53,  rcsi)onsil)le  government, 
which,  however,  did  not  provide  for  ministerial 
responsibility,  was  inaugurated.  .  .  .  The  Home 
Government  shortly  afterwards  (May  IH.-iO)  .  .  . 
established  responsible  government  in  its  fullest 
form,  but  unfortunately  without  any  special  pro- 
visions for  the  representation  of  tlie  native  races. 
.  .  .  Up  to  1847  New  Zealand  remained  a  Crown 
Colony,  the  Government  being  administered  by  a 
Governor  appointed  by  the  Crown,  an  Executive 
Council,  and  a  Legisiiitive  Council.  Under  this 
system,  the  Governor  had  very  large  iiowers, 
smce  tlie  only  control  over  him  was  that  exer- 
cised by  the  Home  Government.  The  Exec\itive 
Council  consisted  of  the  Governor  and  three 
official  members,  while  the  Legislative  Council 
was  made  up  of  the  Executive  Council  and  three 
non-ofliclal  members  nominated  by  the  Governor. 
At  that  t'me  Auckland  was  the  seat  of  Govern- 
ment, which  has  since  been  moved  to  Welling- 
ton. In  185'2,  before  the  expiration  of  the  period 
over  which  the  provisional  charter  granted  in 
1847  was  to  extend,  the  Imperial  Parliament 
granted  a  new  constitution  to  New  Zealand  (15 
&  loS'ic.  cap.  72),  and  in  the  followin-  year  it 
came  into  force  and  is  still  [1880J  operative,  The 
Legislature,  under  this  Constitution,  consists  of 
a  Governor,  a  Legislative  Council,  composed  of 
life  members  nominated  by  the  Crown,  and  a 
House  of  Keprcsentatives  elected  by  the  people, 
under  a  franchise  which  practically  amounts  to 
household  suffrage."— y/tv  Mnjmty'a  Colonies 
(Coloniid  nnd  Iml.  Exhibition,  1880),  pp.  245-348. 
Ai.soiN:  G.  W.  \\viai\n-i,  Iliat.  of  ]\^ew  Zealand, 
V.  1. — G.  Tregarrhen,  Stovj)  of  AuMrdhmiii. 

A.  D.  1853-1883. — Land  questions  with  the 
Natives. — The  King  movement. — The  Maori 
War. — "In  the  course  of  years,  as  It  was  evi- 
dent to  the  natives  that  the  Europeans  were  the 
coming  power  in  the  land,  suspicion  and  distrust 
were  excited,  and  at  last  the  tocsin  sounded. 
...  It  was  considered  that  a  heail  was  needed 
to  initiate  a  form  of  Government  among  the 
tribes  to  resist  the  encroachments  daily  made  by 
the  Europeans,  and  which  seemed  to  threaten 
the  national  extinction  of  the  native  race.  The 
first  to  cndeavotu'  to  brinj'  about  a  new  order  of 
things  was  a  native  chief  named  Matene  Te 
Whiwi,  of  Otaki.  In  1853  he  marched  to  Taupo 
and    Rotorua,   accompanied    by  a    number  of 


2351 


NEW  ZEALAND. 


NEWFOUNDLAND. 


followcre,  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  different 
tribes  to  tlie  election  of  a  liing  over  tlie  central 
parts  of  the  island,  which  were  still  exclusively 
Maori  territory,  and  to  organize  a  form  of  gov- 
ernment to  protect  the  interests  of  the  native 
race.  Matenc  .  .  .  met  with  little  success.  .  .  . 
The  agitiition,  however,  did  not  stop,  the  Are 
once  kmdied  rr.p:  My  spread,  ardent  followers  of 
the  new  idea  sprang  up,  and  their  numbers  soon 
increased,  until  tiniilly,  in  1854,  ii  tribal  gather- 
ing was  convened  at  Manawupou.  .  .  .  After 
many  points  had  been  discussed,  a  r(>><olution 
was  come  to  among  the  assembled  tribes  that  no 
more  Innd  sliould  be  sold  to  Europeans.  A 
solemn  league  was  entered  into  by  all  present 
for  the  preservation  of  the  native  territory,  and 
a  tomahawk  was  passed  round  as  a  pledge  that 
all  would  agree  to  put  the  individual  to  death 
who  should  break  it.  In  1854  another  bold  stand 
was  made,  and  Te  Heuheu,  who  exercised  a 
powerful  sway  over  the  tribes  of  the  interior, 
summoned  a  native  council  at  Taupo,  when  the 
King  movement  began  in  earnest.  It  was  there 
decided  that  the  sacred  mountain  of  Tongariro 
should  be  the  centre  of  a  district  in  which  no 
land  was  to  be  sold  to  the  government,  and  that 
the  districts  of  Hatiraki,  Waikato,  Kawhia, 
Mokau,  Taranaki,  Wlmnganui,  Rangitikei,  and 
Titiokura,  shoiild  form  the  outlying  portions  of 
the  boundary;  that  no  roads  should  be  made  by 
tlie  Europeans  within  the  area,  and  that  a  king 
should  be  elected  to  reign  over  the  i\Iaoris.  In 
1857  Kingite  meetings  were  held,  ...  at  whicli 
it  was  agreed  that  Potataii  Te  AVherowhero,  the 
most  powerful  chief  of  Waikato,  should  be 
elected  King,  under  the  title  of  Potatau  the  First, 
and  finally,  in  June,  1858,  his  flag  was  formally 
hoisted  at  Ngaruawahia.  Potatau,  who  was  far 
advanced  in  life  when  raised  to  this  high  office, 
soon  departed  from  the  scene,  and  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Matutaera  Te  Wherowhero,  under  the 
title  of  Potatau  the  Second.  The  events  of  the 
New  Zealand  war  need  not  here  be  recited,  but 
it  may  be  easily  imagined  that  during  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  lighting  the  extensive  area  of 
country  ruled  over  by  the  Maori  monarch  was 
kept  clear  of  Europeans.  But  ii^  1863  and  1864 
General  Cameron,  at  the  head  of  about  20,000 
troops,  composed  of  Imperial  and  Colonial 
forces,  invaded  the  Waikato  district,  and  drove 
the  natives  southward  and  westward,  till  his  ad- 
vanced corps  were  at  Alexandra  and  Cambri<lge. 
Then  followed  the  Waikato  confiscation  of  Maori 
lands  and  the  military  settlements.  The  King 
territory  was  further  broken  into  by  the  confisca- 
tions at  Taranaki  and  the  East  Coast.  .  .  .  Since 
the  termination  of  the  lamentable  war  between 
the  two  races,  the  King  natives  have,  on  all  occa- 
sions, jealously  preserved  their  hostile  spirit  to 
Europeans.  .  .  .  The  New  Zealand  wur  con- 
cluded, or  rather  died  out,  in  1865,  when  the 
confiscated  line  was  dri'.wn,  the  military  settle- 
ments formed,  and  the  King  natives  isolated 
themselves  from  the  Europeans.  For  ten  years 
it  may  be  said  'aat  no  attempt  was  made  to  ne- 
gotiate with  '.iiern.  They  were  rot  iu  a  huuiour 
to  be  dealt  wil'i  About  1874  and  1875,  however, 
it  became  cvldeut  that  something  would  have  to 
be  done.  The  colony  ha<l  tneatly  advanced  in 
population,  and  a  system  of  pisblic  works  had 
been  inaugurated,  which  made  it  intolerable  thut 
large  centres  of  population  should  be  cut  off 
from  each  other  by  vast  spaces  of  country  which 


Europeans  were  not  allowed  even  to  traverse." 
Then  began  a  series  of  negotiations,  which,  up  to 
1883,  had  borne  no  fruit.—.'.  H.  Kerry-Nicholls, 
The  King  Country,  introd 

Also  in:  G.  W.  Rusde  j,  Hut.  of  New  Zee'  .ml. 
— Col.  Sir  J.  E.  Alexbader,  Incidents  of'  the 
Maori  War. 

A.  D.  1887-1893. — Maori  representation. — 
Women  Suffrage. — An  act  passed  in  1887  cre- 
ated four  districts  iu  each  of  which  the  Maoris 
elect  a  member  of  the  House  of  Itepresentatives. 
Every  luiult  Maori  has  a  vote  in  this  election. 
By  an  act  passed  in  1893  the  elective  franchise 
was  extended  to  women. 


NEWAB-WUZEER,  OR  NAWAB-VIZ- 
lER,  of  Oude.     See  Oudk;  also  Naboh. 

NEWARK,  N.  J.:  The  founding  of  the  city 
by  migration  fro*"  New  Haven  (1666-1667). 
See  New  .Ieksey:  A.  D.  1004-1667. 

NEWBERN,  N.  C:  Capture  by  the  national 
forces.  See  United  States  of  A.m.  :  A.  D.  1663 
(Januaiiy— AiMiii,:  NoiiTil  Cauoi.ina). 

NE WBURGH,  Washington's  headquarters 
at. — "At  the  close  of  1780,  the  army  was  can- 
toned at  three  points:  at  Morristown  and  at 
Pompton,  in  New  Jersey,  and  at  Phillipstown, 
in  the  Hudson  Higlilands.  Washington  estab- 
lished his  head-quarters  at  New  Windsor  in 
December,  1780,  where  he  remained  until  June, 
1781,  when  the  French,  who  had  quartered  dur- 
ing the  winter  at  Newport  and  Lebanon,  formed 
a  junction  with  the  Americans  on  the  Hudson. 
In  April,  1783,  he  establishc<l  his  head-quarters 
at  Newburgh,  two  miles  above  the  village  of 
New  Windsor,  where  he  continued  most  of  the 
time  until  November,  1783,  when  the  Continental 
army  was  disbanded." — B.  J.  Lossing,  Field-book 
of  the  Rerolution,  v.\   p.  671. 

NEWBURGH  ADDRESSES,  The.  See 
United  States  op  Am.  :  A.  D.  1782-1788. 

NEWBURN,  Battles  of.  See  England: 
A.  D.  1640. 

NEWBURY,  First  Battles  of.  See  Eng- 
land:  A.   D.   1643  (August— September) 

Second   Battle.     See  England:    A.    D.    1644 
(August— Sei'tembeu). 

NE  .v.'CASTLE-ON-TYNE,  Origin  of.  See 
Pons  .^Elii. 

KEWCOMEN;  and  the  in<rention  of  the 
steam  engine.  See  Steam  Engine:  The  Be- 
ginnings. 

« 

NEWFOUNDLAND:  Aboriginal  inhabi- 
tanl;s.  See  Ameiucan  Aborigines:  Beothuk- 
an  Family. 

A.  D.  1 000.- Supposed  identity  with  the 
Helluland  of  Ncrse  Sagas.  See  Amf.kica:  10- 
llTH  Centuries. 

A.  D.  1498. — Discovery  by  Sebastian  Cabot. 
See  America  :  A.  .0.  1498. 

A.  D.  1500.— Visited  by  Cortereal,  the  Por- 
tuguese explorer.     See  A.mehica:  A.  1).  1500. 

A.  D.  I50i-I578.--The  Portuguese,  Nor- 
man, Breton  and  Basque  fisheries. — "  It  is  a 
very  curious  circumsiance,  that  the  country  in 
which  the  Cabots  started  their  idea  for  a  naviga- 
tion to  the  north-\yest,  and  in  which  they  at  first 
proclaimed  their  discovery  of  the  rich  fishing 
banks  near  their  New-i"ound-Isles,  did  not  at 
once  profit  by  it  bo  much  ,is  their  neighbors,  the 
French  and  the  Portuguese.  .  .  .  During  the 
first  half  of  the  16th  cemury  we  hear  little  of 


2852 


NEWFOUNDLAND. 


Bfiealhao. 


NEWFOUNDLAND. 


dngllsh  fishing  nnd  commercial  expeditions  to 
tlie  great  banlcs;  nltliougli  tliey  lind  a  bmiicli  of 
commerce  and  flslicry  witli  Iceland.  .  .  .  '  It 
was  not  until  the  year  1548  that  the  Knglisk 
government  passed  the  first  act  for  the  encour- 
agement of  ihc  fisheries  on  the  banks  of  New- 
foundland, after  which  they  became  active  com- 
Petitors  in  this  profitable  occupation.'"  In 
'ortugal,  Cortereal's  discovery  had  revealed  "the 
wealth  to  bo  derived  from  the  fish,  particularly 
cod-fish,  which  n  bounded  on  that  coast.  The 
fishermen  of  Portugal  and  of  the  Western 
Islands,  when  this  news  was  spread  among 
them,  made  preparations  for  profiting  by  it,  anil 
soon  extended  their  fishing  excursions  to  the 
other  side  of  the  ocean.  According  to  the  state- 
ment of  a  Portuguese  author,  very  soon  after 
the  discoveries  by  the  Cortereals,  a  Portuguese 
Fishing  Company  was  formed  in  the  harbors  of 
Vianna,  Aveiro  and  Terceira,  for  the  purpose  of 
colonizing  Newfoundland  and  making  est4iblish- 
ments  upon  it.  Nay,  already,  in  1506,  three 
years  after  the  return  of  the  last  searching  ex- 
pedition for  the  Cortereals,  Emaiuiel  gave  order, 
'  that  the  fishermen  of  Portugal,  at  their  return 
from  Newfoundland,  should  pay  a  tenth  part  of 
their  profits  at  his  custom-houses. '  It  is  certain, 
therefore,  that  the  Portuguese  fishermen  must, 
previous  to  that  time,  liave  been  engaged  in  a 
profitable  business.  And  this  is  confirmed  by 
the  circumstance  that  they  originoted  the  name 
of  '  tierra  do  Bacalhas '  [or  Bacalhao]  (the  Stock- 
fish-country) and  gave  currency  to  it;  though 
the  word,  like  the  cod-fishery  itself,  appears  to 
be  of  Germanic  origin.  .  .  .  The  nations  who 
followed  them  in  the  fishing  business  imitated 
their  example,  and  adopted  the  name  'country 
of  the  Bacalhas '  (or,  in  the  Spanish  form,  Bac- 
callaos),  though  sometimes  interchanging  it  with 
names  of  their  own  invention,  as  the  '  New- 
foundland,' 'Terre  neuve,'  etc.  .  .  .  They  [thfa 
Portuguese]  continued  their  expeditions  to  New- 
foundland and  its  neighborhood  for  a  long  time. 
They  were  often  seen  there  by  later  English  and 
other  visitors  during  the  course  of  the  10th  cen- 
tury; for  instance,  according  to  Ilerrera,  in 
1510;  again  by  the  English  in  1537;  and  again 
by  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  in  1583.  .  .  .  Tlie 
Portuguese  engaged  in  this  fishery  as  early  as 
1501,  according  to  goo<l  authorities,  and  perhaps 
under  the  charter  of  Henry  VII.  In  1578,  they 
had  50  ships  employe<l  in  that  trade,  and  Eng- 
land as  many  more,  and  Franca  150.  .  .  .  Tlic 
inhabitants  of  the  little  harbors  of  Normandy 
and  Brittany,  the  great  peninsulas  of  France, 
.  .  .  were  also  among  the  first  who  profited  by 
the  discoveries  of  the  Cabots  ond  Cortereals,  and 
who  followed  in  the  wake  of  the  Portuguese 
fishermen  toward  the  north-west  cod-fish  coun- 
try. .  .  .  The  first  voyages  of  the  Bretons  of 
St.  Malo  and  the  Normans  of  Dieppe  to  New- 
foundland, are  said  to  have  occurred  as  early 
as  1504.  .  .  .  They  probably  visited  places  of 
which  the  Portuguese  l:od  not  taken  possession ; 
and  we  therefore  find  them  at  the  .south  of  New- 
foundland, and  especially  at  the  island  of  Cape 
Breton,  to  which  they  gave  the  name,  still  re- 
tained,—  the  oldest  French  name  on  the  Ameri- 
can north-east  coast.  .  .  .  The  Spaniards,  and 
more  particularly  the  mariners  and  fishermen  of 
Biscay,  have  pretended,  like  those  of  Brittany 
and  Normandy,  that  they  and  their  ancestors, 
from  time  immemorial,  had  sailed  to  Newfound- 


land; and,  (von  before  Columbus,  had  estab- 
lished their  fisheries  there.  Tjut  the  Spanish 
historian  Navarette,  in  more  r.KKlern  times,  does 
not  sustain  this  pretension  of  his  country- 
men. .  .  .  We  may  come  to  the  conclusion  that, 
if  the  fislicrics  of  the  Spimish  Basques  on  the 
Banks  of  Newfoundland  end  in  the  vicinity,  did 
not  begin  with  the  voyage  of  Gomez  [in  15!35|, 
they  receiveil  from  it  a  new  impulse.  .  .  .  From 
this  time,  for  more  tlian  a  cent\iry,  they  [the 
Basques]  appeared  in  these  waters  every  year 
with  a  large  Hcet,  a?id  took  their  place  upon  the 
banks  as  equals  by  the  side  of  the  Bretons,  Nor- 
mans, and  Basqw.'s  of  France,  until  the  middle 
of  the  17th  century,  when  rival  nations  dispos- 
sessed them  of  their  privileges." — J.  Q.  Kohl, 
Jlitt.  of  the  Dincovery  of  Maine  (\f<nne  Hist. 
Soe.  Colls. ,  senes  2,  r.  1),  ch.  6  and  8,  leith  foot- 
note. 

Ai<80  in:  U.  Brown,  Hist,  of  Cape  Breton, 
ch.  1-2. 

A.  D.  1534.— Visited  by  Jacques  Cartier.  See 
America:  A.  I).  15;U-15:i.5. 

A.  D.  1583. — Formal  possession  taken  for 
England  by  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert.  See  Amgk- 
ic.\:  A.  1).  15811. 

A.  D.  1610-1655.— Early  English  attempts 
at  colonization. — The  erants  to  Lord  Balti- 
more and  Sir  David  Kirlce. — "For  27  years 
after  the  failure  of  the  Gilbert  expedition  no 
fresh  attempt  was  made  to  establish  a  colony  in 
the  island.  During  this  interval  fishermen  of 
various  nationalities  continued  to  frequent  its 
shores.  .  .  .  The  French  were  actively  engaged 
in  the  prosecution  of  the  fisheries  in  the  neigh- 
boring seas.  Their  success  in  this  direction 
strengthened  their  desire  to  gain  possession  of 
Newfoundland.  Hence  it  is  that  in  the  history 
of  the  country  France  has  always  been  an  im- 
portant factor.  Having  from  time  to  time  held 
possession  of  various  points  of  the  land,  Eng- 
land's persistent  rival  in  these  latitudes  has  given 
names  to  many  towns,  villages,  creeks,  and  har- 
bors. To  this  day  Newfoundland  has  not  com- 
pletely shaken  off  French  infiuence.  .  .  .  In  1610 
another  attempt  was  made  to  plant  a  colony  of 
Englishmen  in  Newfoundland.  John  Guy,  a 
merchant,  and  afterwards  mayor  of  Bristol,  pub- 
lished in  1609  a  pamphlet  on  the  advantages 
which  would  result  to  England  from  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  colony  in  the  island.  This  publi- 
cation made  such  a  deep  impression  on  the  pub- 
lic mind  that  a  company  was  formed  to  carry 
out  the  enterprise  it  suggested.  The  most  illus- 
trious name  on  the  roll  was  that  of  Lord  Bacon. 
.  .  .  The  important  of  Newfoundland  as  a  site 
for  an  English  colony  did  not  escape  the  wide- 
ranging  eye  of  Bacon.  lie  pronounced  its  fish- 
erics  '  more  valuable  than  all  the  mines  of  Peru,' 
a  judgment  which  time  has  amply  verified.  .  .  . 
To  this  company  James  I.,  by  letters  patent 
dated  April,  1010,  made  a  grant  of  all  the  part 
of  Newfoundland  which  lies  between  Cape 
Bonavista  in  the  north  anj  Cape  St.  Mary.  Mr. 
Guy  was  appointed  governor,  and  with  a  num- 
ber of  colonists  he  landed  at  Mosquito  Harbor, 
on  the  north  side  of  Conception  Bay,  where  he 
proceeded  to  erect  huts.  .  .  .  We  have  no  au- 
thentic account  of  the  progress  of  this  settle- 
ment, begun  under  such  favourable  auspices,  but 
it  provea  unsuccessful  from  some  unexplained 
cause.  Guy  and  a.  number  of  the  settlers  re- 
turned to  England,  the  rest  remuiulug  to  settle 


2353 


NEWFOUNDLAND. 


English  Colonies  and 
iiWnch  Fisheries. 


NEWFOUNDLAND. 


c-lsewhere  In  tlie  New  World.  Five  vcars  nftcr- 
wnrd.s,  in  1015,  Captain  Hicliaril  Wliltliounic, 
mariner,  of  Exmoutli,  Devonshire,  received  ii 
commission  from  the  Admiralty  of  England  to 
pnxieed  to  Newfoundland  for  the  purpose  of  es- 
tablishing order  among  the  flshing  population 
and  remedying  certain  abuses  which  Inid  grown 
up.  ...  It  was  shown  that  there  were  upwards 
of  250  English  vessels,  having  a  tonnage  of  1,500 
tons,  engaged  in  the  llsheries  along  the  coast. 
Fixed  habitations  extended  at  intervals  along  the 
shore  from  St.  John's  to  Cape  Race.  .  .  .  Having 
done  what  he  could  during  the  active  part  of  his 
life  to  promote  its  interests,  on  his  return  to 
England,  in  Ills  advanced  years,  ho  [Whitbourue] 
wrote  an  account  of  the  country,  entitled  '  A 
Discourse  and  Discovery  of  Newfoundland.' 
.  .  .  Ilis  book  made  a  great  impression  at  the 
time.  ...  So  highly  <lid  King  .James  thiuli  of 
the  volume  that  lie  ordered  a  cojiy  to  be  sent  to 
every  parish  in  tlie  kingdom.  The  Archbishops 
of  Canterbury  and  York  issuetl  a  letter  recom- 
mending it,  with  the  view  of  encouraging  emi- 
gration to  Newfoundland.  .  .  .  A  year  after  the 
departure  of  Wliitbournc,  in  1623,  by  far  tlie 
most  skilfully-organized  effort  to  carry  out  the 
settlement  of  Newfoundland  was  mnite,  under 
the  guidance  of  Sir  George  Calvert,  afterwards 
Lord  Baltimore.  .  .  .  When  Secretnry  if  State 
he  obtained  a  patent  conveying  to  him  the  lord- 
ship of  the  whole  southern  peninsula  of  New- 
foundland, together  with  all  the  islands  lying 
within  ten  leagues  of  the  eastern  shores,  as  "well 
as  the  right  of  fishing  in  tlie  surrounding  waters, 
all  English  subjects  having,  as  before,  free  liberty 
of  fishing  Being  a  Roman  Catholic,  Lord  Bal- 
timore had  in  view  to  provide  an  asylum  for  his 
co-religionists  who  were  sufferers  from  the  intol- 
erant spirit  of  the  times.  The  Immense  tract 
thus  granted  to  him  extended  from  Trinity  Bay 
to  Placentia,  and  was  named  by  him  Avalon, 
from  the  ancient  name  of  Glastonbury,  where,  it 
is  believed,  Christianity  was  first  preaclied  in 
Britain.  .  .  .  LordBaltimorecalledhisNewfouud- 
land  province  Avalon  and  his  first  settlement 
Verulam.  The  latter  name,  in  course  of  time,  be- 
came corrupted  into  Ferulani,  and  then  into  the 
modern  Ferryland.  At  this  spot,  on  the  eastern 
coast  of  Newfoundland,  about  40  miles  north  of 
Cape  Race,  Lord  Baltimore  planted  his  colony, 
and  built  a  noble  mansion,  in  which  he  resided 
with  his  family  during  many  years."  But  after 
expending  some  £30,000  upon  the  establishment 
of  his  colony.  Lord  Baltimore  abandoned  it,  on 
account  of  the  poor  quality  of  the  soil  and  its 
exposure  to  the  attacks  of  the  French.  Not  long 
afterwards  he  obtained  his  Maryland  grant  [see 
>LvRYLAND:  A.  D.  1032]  and  resumed  the  enter- 
prise under  more  favorable  conditions.  "Soon 
after  the  departure  of  Lord  Baltimore,  Viscount 
Falkland,  Lord-Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  hoping  to 

Sormanently  increase  the  scanty  population  of 
ewfoundlanil,  sent  out  a  number  of  emigrants 
from  that  country.  At  a  later  date,  these  were 
so  largely  reinforced  by  settlers  from  Ireland 
that  the  Celtic  part  of  the  population  at  this  day 
is  not  far  short  of  equality  in  numbers  with  the 
Saxon  portion.  In  1638,  Sir  David  Kirko,  one 
of  Britain's  bravest  sta-captains,  arrived  in  New- 
foundland and  took  up  his  abode  at  Ferryland, 
where  Lord  Baltimore  had  lived.  Sir  David  was 
armed  with  the  powers  of  a  Count  Palatine  over 
the  island,  having  obtained  from  Charles  I.  a 


This  was  by  way  of  re- 
ward  for  Ids  exploit    in   taking   Quelwc- 


grant  oi  the  whole.' 

"  't  in  taking  Quelwc  —  see 
Canad.\:  a.  D.  1028-103,5.  Kirke  "governed 
wisely  and  us(id  every  effort  to  promote  the  colo- 
nization of  the  country.  His  settlement  pros- 
pered greatly.  The  Civil  War,  however,  broke 
out  in  England,  and,  Kirke  being  a  staunch  loy- 
alist, all  his  possessions  in  Newfotindland  were 
confiscated  by  the  victorious  Commonwealth.  By 
the  aid  of  Claypole.  Cromwell's  son-in-law, 
Kirke  eventually  got  the  sequestration  removed, 
and,  returning  to  Ferryland,  died  there  in  lOiHi, 
at  the  age  of  50.  At  this  time  Newfoundhuul 
contained  a  population  of  350  families,  or  nearly 
2,000  inhabitants,  distributed  in  15  small  settle- 
ments along  the  eastern  coast." — J.  Hattou  and 
M.  Harve)',  Neufoundhiml,  ch.  2.  « 

Also  in:  II.  Kirke,  The  First  English  Con- 
quest of  Canadii,  ch.  3-4.     • 

A.  D.  1660-1688.— The  French  gain  their 
footing. —  "AVith  the  possession  of  Cape  Breton, 
Acadia,  and  the  vast  regions  stretching  from  the 
gulf  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  mighty 
lakes,  Newfoundland  obtained  a  new  value  in 
the  estimation  of  the  government  of  France,  as 
it  formed  one  side  of  the  narrow  entrance  to  its 
tninsatlantic  dependencies:  consequently  the 
pursuit  of  the  flsliery  by  its  seamen  was  encour- 
aged, and  every  opportunity  was  improved  to 
gain  a  footing  in  the  coimtry  itself.  This 
encroaching  tendency  could  not,  however,  bo 
manifested  without  a  protest  on  the  part  of  the 
somewhat  sluggish  English,  both  by  private 
individuals  and  by  t)io  government.  Charles  I. 
.  .  .  imposed  a  tribute  of  five  per  cent,  on  tlie 
produce  taken  by  foreigners  in  tliis  fishery,  to 
which  exaction  the  French,  as  well  as  others, 
were  forced  to  submit.  During  the  distracted 
time  of  the  Commonwealth,  it  does  not  ajjpear 
that  the  struggling  government  at  home  found 
leisure  to  attend  to  these  distant  affairs,  though 
the  tribute  continued  to  be  levied.  The  Restor- 
ation brought  to  England  a  sovereign  who  owed 
much  to  the  monarch  of  France,  to  whom  he 
was  therefore  attached  by  the  ties  of  gratitude, 
and  by  the  desire  to  find  a  counterpoise  to  the 
refractory  disposition  of  which  ho  was, in  con- 
tinual apprehension  among  his  own  subjects.  It 
was  not  until  1075  that  Louis  XIV.  prevailed  on 
Charles  to  give  up  the  duty  of  five  percent., 
and  by  that  time  the  French  had  obtained  a  solid 
footing  on  the  southern  coast  of  Newfoundland, 
so  that,  with  Cape  Breton  in  their  possession, 
they  commanded  both  sides  of  the  Gulf  of  St. 
Lawrence.  Over  a  territory  of  some  200  miles  in 
extent,  belonging  to  the  British  sovereignty, 
they  had  built  up  imperceptibly  an  almost  un- 
disputed dominion.  At  Placentia,  situated  in 
the  bay  of  that  name,  a  strong  fort  was  erected, 
sustained  by  other  forts  standing  at  intervals 
along  the  shore,  and  at  the  same  place  a  royal 
government  was  established.  How  real  was  the 
authority  assumed,  antl  how  completely  was  the 
English  sovereignty  ignored,  needs  no  better 
proof  than  is  furnished  in  an  ordinance  issued  by 
Louis  in  the  year  1681,  concerning  the  marine  of 
France.  In  this  state  paper,  Newfoundland  is 
reckoned  as  situate  in  those  seas  which  are  free 
and  common  to  all  French  subjects,  provided 
that  they  take  a  license  from  the  admiral  for 
every  voyage.  .  .  .  Thus  that  period  which  is 
regarded  as  among  the  most  humiliating  in  the 
annals  of  our  nation, —  when  the  king  was  a  pen- 


2354 


NEWFOUNDLAND. 


NEWPORT. 


sloncr  of  Pmncc,  nnd  Ills  ministprs  rcrci vod  bribes 
from  the  sumo  (lunrtcr,  wiliicssi'il  the  piirtial 
slUling  uiicUt  tbls  alien  (jowerof  the  most  ancletit 
of  tlio  colonial  possessions  of  the  (!rown.  Not 
less  than  half  of  the  Inhabited  coastof  Newfound- 
land was  thns  taken  mider  that  despolie  rule, 
which,  while  swayini;  tlu!  couneils  of  England 
to  the  furtherance  of  lis  ambitions  designs,  was 
labouring  for  the  subjugation  of  the  European 
continent.  The  revolution  of  108S  broke  the 
spell  of  this  encroaching  autocracy. " — V.  Pedley, 
Hist,  iif  Ai'irfoiiiiiltdiiil,  c/i.  3. 

A.  b.  1604-1697.  —  French  success  in  the 
war  with  England. — The  Treaty  of  Ryswick 
and  its  unsatisfactory  terms. — "  On  the  acces- 
sion of  William  111.  to  the  throne  of  England 
hostilities  broke  out  between  the  rival  nations. 
In  William's  declaration  of  war  against  the 
French,  Newfoundla'id  holds  a  prominent  place 
among  the  alleged  causes  which  led  to  the  rup- 
ture of  pacitio  relations.  The  grievance  was 
terselysct  forth  in  the  royal  manifesto:  '  It  was 
not  long  since  the  French  took  license  from  the 
Governor  of  Newfoundland  to  llsli  upon  that 
coast,  nnd  paid  a  tribute  for  such  licenses  as  an 
acknowledgement  of  the  sole  right  of  the  Crown 
of  England  to  that  island ;  but  of  lato  the 
encroachments  of  the  French,  and  Ills  Majesty's 
subjects  trading  and  lishlng  there,  had  been 
more  like  the  invasions  of  an  enemy  than  becom- 
ing friends,  who  enjoyed  the  ailvantagcs  of  that 
trade  only  by  permission.'  Newfoundland  now 
became  the  scene  of  -nllitary  skirmishes,  naval 
battles,  and  sieges  by  land  and  water. "  In  16'Ji 
the  English  made  an  unsuccessful  attack  on 
Placentia.  In  1694,  a  French  lleet,  tmder  the 
Chevalier  Nesmond,  Intended  for  an  attack  \ipon 
Boston  and  New  Ycu'k,  stoi)ped  at  Newfoimd- 
land  on  the  way  and  made  a  descent  on  the 
harbor  and  town  of  St.  .John's.  Nosmond  "  was 
rcpidsed,  and  Instead  of  going  on  to  Boston  be 
returned  to  France.  A  more  detennincd  effort 
at  concjuest  was  made  later  In  the  same  year. 
The  new  expedition  was  under  the  command  of 
Iberville  and  Urouillan,  the  former  being  at  tlie 
hea<l  of  a  Canadian  force.  The  garrison  of  St. 
John's  was  weak  in  numbers,  and.  In  want  of 
military  stores,  could  oidy  make  a  feeble  resis- 
tance; capitulating  on  easy  terms,  the  troops 
were  shipped  to  England.  Tlie  fort  and  town 
were  burned  to  the  ground,  and  the  victors  next 
proceeded  to  destroy  all  the  other  adjacent  Eng- 
lish settlements ;  Carbonear  and  Bonavista  alone 
proved  too  strong  for  them.  The  English  Qov- 
ernment  at  once  commenced  dispositions  for  dis- 
lodging the  invaders;  but  before  anything  was 
attempted  the  treaty  of  liyswlck  was  signed,  In 
1697.  This  treaty  proved  most  unfortunate  for 
Newfoundland.  It  revived  In  the  Island  the 
same  state  of  division  between  France  and  Eng- 
land which  had  existed  at  the  beginning  of  the 
war.  The  enemy  retired  from  St.  .John's  and 
the  other  settlement.s  which  they  had  forcibly 
occupied.  Their  claims  upon  Placentia  and  all 
the  other  positions  on  the  south-west  coast  were, 
however,  confirmed.  The  British  ini.nbitautsof 
Newfoundland  were,  therefore,  once  more  left 
open  to  B'rcnch  attacks,  should  hostilities  be  again 
renewed  between  the  rival  powers." — J.  Ilatton 
and  M.  Harvey,  XcwfouiuUnm},  pt.  1,  cfi.  3. 

At.so  IN:  P.  Parkman,  Count  Fronteimc  and 
New  France  under  f/)uis  XIV.,  ch.  18.  —  W. 
Kingsford,  Hist,  of  Camula,  bk.  4,  ch.  7  (».  2). 


A.  D.  1705.— English  settlements  destroyed 
by  the  French.  See  Ni:w  Kn(1I,.vni):  A.  1). 
1.03-1710. 

A.  D.  1713.— Relinquished  to  Great  Britain 
by  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht. — French  fishing 
rights  reserved.— In  the  I'.'lli  and  Uilh  articles 
of  the  Treaty  signed  at  rtrceht,  April  11,  1713, 
which  terminated  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Suc- 
cession (('ommoidy  known  In  American  history 
as  (lueen  Anne's  AVar)  It  was  stipulated  that 
"  All  Nova  Scotia  or  Acadie,  with  its  ancient 
boundaries,  as  also  the  city  of  Port  lloyal,  now 
called  Annapolis  Uoyal,  .  .  .  the  island  of  New- 
foundland, with  the  adjacent  islands,  .  .  .  the 
town  and  fortress  of  Placentia,  and  whatever 
other  places  in  the  l.sland  are  in  possession  of  tho 
French,  shall  from  this  time  forward  belong  of 
right  wholly  to  Great  Britain.  .  .  .  That  tho 
sul)Jects  of  Franco  should  be  allowed  to  catch 
fish  and  dry  them  on  that  part  of  the  island  of 
Newfoundland  which  stretches  from  Cape  Bona- 
vista to  the  northern  point  of  the  Island,  and 
from  tlience  down  the  western  side  as  far  as 
Point  Biche;  but  that  no  fortifications  or  any 
buildings  should  be  erected  there,  besides  Stages 
made  of  Boardi,  and  Huts  ncce.s.sary  and  usual 
for  drying  fish.  .  .  .  15ut  the  Island  of  Capo 
Briiton,  as  also  all  others,  liotli  in  tho  mouth  of 
the  river  of  St.  i,awrenee  and  in  tho  gulf  of  tho 
same  name,  shall  hereafter  belong  of  Hight  to 
the  King  of  France,  who  shall  have  liberty  to 
fortify  any  place  or  places  there." — B.  Brown, 
Hist,  of  the  Inland  of  Vape  Jlrcton,  letter  9. 

Also  in:  J.  Hatto.i  and  M.  Harvey,  JVew- 
foumlliind,  pt.  1,  ch.  i5-4  ,•  and  pt.  3,  c?i.  7. — See, 
also,  Utukciit:  A.  D.  171'3-1714. 

A.  D,  1744.— Attack  on  Placentia  by  the 
French.     Seo  Ni:w  EN(ii..\.Ni):  \.  1).  1714. 

A.  D.  1748. — The  islands  of  St.  Pierre  and 
Michelon  ceded  to  France.  See  Nkw  Enq- 
i,.\Ni):  A.  I).  174.-)-l74H. 

A.  D.  1763.— Ceded  to  England  by  the 
Treaty  of  Paris,  with  rights  of  fishing  re- 
served to  France.  Seo  Seven  Yeaus  Wak:  The 
TuE.VTiKs;  also  FisiiEUiES,  NouTii  Amebican: 
A.  I).  170;i. 

A.  D.  1778. — French  fishery  rights  on  the 
banks  recognized  in  the  Franco-American 
Treaty.  See  United  States  ov  Am.  :  A.  D. 
1778  (FEniiUAUv). 

A.  D.  1783.— American  fishing  rights  con- 
ceded in  the  Treaty  of  Peace  with  the  United 
States.  See  United  States  or  Am.  :  A.  D. 
178;i  (Sei-temiu;u). 

A.  D.  1818.—  Fisheries  Treaty  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States.  See 
FisiiKitiEH,  Noinii  Amkuic.vn:  .V.I).  1814-1818. 

A.  D.  1854-1866.— Reciprocity  Treaty  with 
the  United  States.  .See  Takikf  Leoisi.ation 
(United  St.vfes  and  Canada):  A.  I).  18.)4-1806. 

A.  D.  1871. — The  Treaty  of  Washington. 
See  .Vlaiiama  Claims:  A.  I).  1871. 

A.  D.  1877. — The  Halifax  Fishery  award. — 
Termination  of  the  Fishery  Articles  of  the 
Treaty  of  Washington. — Renewed  fishery  dis- 
putes. Sec  FisiiEiiiES,  NoiiTii  Ameuican: 
A.  D.  1877-1888. 

♦ 

NEWNHAM  HALL.  Seo  Education, 
Modekn  :  Uekoumi,,    vC.  :  A.  I).  1805-1883. 

NEWPORT,  Eng.,  The  Treaty  at.  Sec 
Enoi.and:  a.  D.  1648  (Sei'temheu — Novem- 
beu),  and  (Novemueu— Dece.mueb). 


2355 


NEWPORT. 


NIAGAHA. 


NEWPORT,  R.  I.:  A.  D.  1524.— Visited 
by  Verrazano.     Hco  Amkuica:  A.  1),  l.')2!l-1524. 

A.  D.  1639.  —  The  first  settlement.  See 
HiloDi:  Island:  A.  1).  lOKH-lOKI. 

A.  D.  1778.— Held  by  the  British.— Failure 
of  French-American  attack.  Sec  L'.n'itkd 
States  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  1778  (.Iui.y — Novemheu). 

NEWSPAPERS.  Si('  I'uintino  a.nd  the 
Puksh:  a.  I).  lOia-lO.iO,  mid  iiflur. 

NEWTON  BUTLER,  Battle  of  (1689). 
Sec  lllKI.ANl);  A.  1).  l(iH8~ltlH!). 

NEWTONIA,  Battles  of.  See  Unitkij 
t<TATKH  OF  A.M. :  A.  1).  1H(12  (,Ii:i.Y — Skptemuku: 
Missouiii— Ahkansas);  ami  1804  (Makcii— ()<- 
toueu  :  Aukanhah — AIrnsoi:ui). 

KEY,  Marshal,  Campaigns  and  execution 
of.  Sco  Geumanv;  a.  I).  180(1  (Octouek),  1800- 
1807,  1807  (FEniiUAUY— .Ii;ne);  Spain:  A.  I). 
1809;  Kussia:  A.  D.  1813;  Gehmany;  A.  D. 
1813;  Fuance:  A.  I).  1815,  iiiul  1815-1830. 

NEZ  PERCES,  The.    Sec  Amekican  Abo- 

UKII.N'ES:    Is'KZ  PeHCES. 

NIAGARA :  The  na"ie  and  its  original 
applications. — "Colden  wrote  it  [the  name] 
'  O-ni-ag-a-ra,'  in  1741,  and  he  must  have  re- 
ceived it  from  the  Mohawks  oi  Oneida.s.  It  was 
the  niimc  of  a  Seucca  village  n*.  the  mouth  of  the 
Niagara  river ;  located  as  eariy  as  1050,  near  the 
site  of  Yovmgstown.  It  was  also  the  place 
where  the  Marquis  de  Nonville  constructed  ft 
fort  ir.  1687,  the  building  of  which  brought  this 
locality  \uuler  the  particular  notice  of  the  Eng- 
lish. The  name  of  this  Indian  village  iu  the 
dialect  of  the  Senccas  was  'Neah'-gil,'  ii>  Tus- 
carora '  O-ne-il'-kars,'  in  Onondaga  '  O-ne-a'.'  git,' 
in  Oneida  '0-ne-nh'-gille,'and  in  Mohawk  '0-ne- 
ilz-gU-ril.'  These  names  are  but  the  same  word 
imuer  dialectical  changes.  It  is  clear  that  Niag- 
ara was  derived  from  some  one  of  them,  and 
thus  came  direct  from  the  Iroquois  language. 
The  signification  of  the  word  is  lost,  unless  It 
is  derived,  as  some  of  the  present  Iroquois  sup- 
pose, from  the  word  which  signifles  'neck,' in 
Seneca  'One-fth..-il,'  in  Onondaga  'O-ue-yiV-il,' 
and  in  Oneida  '  O-ne-nrle. '  The  name  of  this 
Indian  village  was  bestowed  by  the  IrcMjuois 
upon  Youngstown ;  upon  the  river  Niagara,  from 
the  falls  to  the  Lake ;  and  upon  Lake  Ontario. " 
— L.  H.  Morgan,  Leai/iie,  of  the  Iroquois,  bk.  3, 
eh.  3. — "It  [the  name  Niagara]  is  the  oldest  of 
all  the  local  geographical  terms  which  have 
come  down  to  us  from  the  aborigines.  It  was 
not  at  first  thus  written  by  the  English,  for  with 
them  it  passed  through  almost  every  possible 
alphabetical  variation  before  its  present  orthog- 
raphy was  established.  We  find  its  germ  in 
the  '  On-gui-aah-ra '  of  the  Neutral  Nation,  as 
given  by  Father  L'Allemant  in  a  letter  dated  in 
1641,  at  the  mission  station  of  Sainte  JIarie,  on 
Lake  Huron.  .  .  .  The  name  of  the  river  next 
occurs  on  Sanson's  map  of  Canada,  published  in 
Paris  in  1050,  where  it  is  spelled  '  Ongiara.'  Its 
first  appearance  as  Niagara  is  on  Coronclli's  map, 
published  in  Paris  in  1088.  From  that  time  to 
the  present,  the  French  have  been  consistent  in 
tlieir  orthography,  the  numerous  variations  al- 
luded to  occurring  only  among  English  writers. 
The  word  was  probably  derived  from  the  Mo- 
hawks, through  whom  the  French  had  their  first 
intercourse  with  the  Iroquois.  The  Slolmwks 
pronounced  it  Nyah/-ga-rah',  with  the  primary 


accent  on  the  first  syllable,  and  the  secondary  on 
the  last.  .  .  .  The  corresponding  Seneca  name, 
Nyah'-gaali,  was  always  ronfineclby  the  Iro(pioi8 
to  the  section  of  the  river  below  the  Falls,  and 
to  Lake  Ontario.  That  portion  of  the  river 
above  the  Falls  being  8<nnetinics  called  Gai- 
gwiMhgCh, —  one  of  tlieir  names  for  Lake  Erie." 
— ().  H.  Marshall,  The.  yinyarn  Frontier  (lli»- 
toriciil  Writiiii/K,  p.  283). 

A.  D.  1687-1688.—  Fort  constructed  by  De 
Nonville  and  destroyed  a  year  later. —  "We 
arrived  lliere  [at  Niagara)  on  the  morning  of  the 
DOtli  l^of  July.  1087).  We  immediately  set  about 
choosing  a  jilace,  and  collecting  stakes  for  the 
construction  of  the  Fort  wliich  I  had  resolved  to 
buiUl  at  the  extremity  of  a  tongue  of  land,  be- 
tween the  river  Niagara  and  Lake  (Jntario,  on 
the  Iro(iiiois  side.  On  the  31st  of  July  anrl  1st 
of  August  we  continued  this  work,  which  was 
the  more  dWicult  from  there  being  no  wood  on 
the  place  suitable  for  making  palisades,  and 
from  its  being  necessary  to  draw  them  up  the 
height.  We  ])erformed  this  labor  so  diligently 
that  the  fort  was  in  a  state  of  defence  on  the 
last  mentioned  day.  .  .  .  The  2d  day  of  August, 
the  militia  having  performed  their  allotted  task, 
and  the  fort  being  in  a  condition  of  defence  in 
case  of  assault,  they  set  out  at  noon,  in  order  to 
reach  the  end  of  the  lake  on  their  return  to  their 
own  country.  On  the  morning  of  the  8d,  being 
the  next  day,  I  embarked  for  the  i>urpose  of 
joining  the  miiitiu,  leaving  the  regular  troops 
under  tlie  direction  of  M.  de  Vaudreuil  to  finish 
what  was  the  most  essential,  and  to  render  the 
fort  not  only  capable  of  defence,  but  also  of 
being  occupied  by  a  detachment  of  100  soldiers, 
which  are  to  winter  there  under  the  commanil  of 
M.  Troyes. " — Marquis  oo  Nonville,  Jottrna',  of 
L'^jmlitioii  iigiiinst  the  Scneens  (tr.  in  Hist.  Writ- 
ings of  O.  II.  Marshall,  p.  173). — "De  Nonville's 
journal  removes  the  doubt  which  has  been  enter- 
taineil  as  to  the  location  of  this  fortress,  some 
having  supposed  it  to  have  been  fii-st  built  at 
Lewistoii.  ...  It  occupied  the  site  of  the  pres- 
ent fort  on  the  angle  formed  by  the  junction  of 
the  Niagara  wi*h  Lake  Ontario.  .  .  .  De  Nonville 
left  De  Troyes  with  provisions  and  munitions  for 
eight  months.  A  sickness  soon  after  broke  out 
iu  the  garrison,  by  which  they  nearly  nil  per- 
ished, including  their  commander.  .  .  .  They 
were  so  closely  besieged  by  the  Iroquois  that 
they  were  unable  to  supply  themselves  with  fresh 
provisions.  The  fortress  was  soon  after  aban- 
doned and  destroyed  [1088],  much  to  the  regret 
of  De  Nonville." — Foot-notes  to  the  above. 

Also  in:  F.  Parkman,  Count  Frontenae  ami 
New  France  binder  Louis  XIV.,  pp.  155  and  160. 

A.  r  1725-1726. — The  stone  fort  built. — How 
the  tiench  gained  their  footing. — Joncaire's 
wigwam. —  Captain  Joncaire  "had  been  taken 
prisoner  when  quite  young  by  the  Iro(fuois,  and 
adopted  into  one  of  their  tribes.  This  was  the 
making  of  his  fortune.  He  liad  grown  up 
among  them,  acquired  their  language,  adapted 
himself  to  their  habits,  and  was  considered  by 
them  as  one  of  themselves.  On  returning  to 
civilized  life  he  became  a  prime  instrument  in 
the  hands  of  the  Canadian  government,  for  man- 
aging and  cajoling  the  Indians.  .  .  .  When  the 
French  wanted  to  get  a  commanding  site  for  a 
post  on  the  Iroquois  lands,  near  Niagara,  Jon- 
caire was  the  man  to  manage  it.  He  craved  a 
situation  where  he  might  put  up  a  wigwam,  and 


2356 


NIAGARA. 


NIBELUNGEN  LIED. 


dwell  among  his  Iroquois  brethren.  It  wns 
granted,  of  oourw;,  '  for  was  lie  not  ii  Hon  of  tlic 
tribe  —  was  he  not  one  of  tlicniselvcs?'  Hy  <U-- 
prees  his  wigwam  grew  Into  an  important  trad- 
ing post;  ultimately  it  became  Fort  Niagara." — 
W.  Irving,  lyife  of  Wnshimjton,  r.  1,  cli.  5. — "In 
1735  the  Fort  of  Niagara  was  commenced  l)y 
Cliaussegross  de  Lery,  on  the  spot  wl  re  tlie 
wooden  structure  of  dc  Denonvillc  .ormerly 
stood;  it  was  built  of  stone  and  completed  in 
1730."— W.  Klngsford,  IJM.  of  Canada,  v.  'i,  p. 
510. 

A.  D.  1755. — Abortive  expedition  against 
the  fort,  by  che  English.  See  Can.m).\:  A.  1). 
1755  (AiJOL'ST— OoToiinii). 

A.  D.  1756.— The  fort  rebuilt  by  Pouchot. 
See  Canada  :  A.  D.  1750. 

A.  D.  1759.— The  fort  taken  by  the  English. 
Bee  Canada:  A.  I).  H.TO  (.Iri.v— Auohht). 

A.  D.  1763. — The  ambuscade  and  massacre 
at  Devil's  Hole.  ,  See  1)e:vii,'h  lloi.ic. 

A.  D.  1761}. — Sir  William  Johnson's  treaty 
with  the  Inaians. — Cession  of  the  Four  Mile 
Strip  along  both  banks  of  the  river.  Bee  Pon- 
TiAC  8  Wau. 

A.  D.  1783. — Retention  of  the  Fort  by  Great 
Britain  after  peace  with  the  United  States. 
See  United  Statks  ok  Am.  :  A.  I).  17S3-l(i)0. 

A.  D.  1796. — Surrender  of  the  fort  by  Great 
Britain.  See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  I). 
1794-1795. 

A,  D.  1 8 13. — Surprise  and  capture  of  the 
fort  by  the  British.  See  United  States  of 
Am.  :  A.  I).  1813  (Uecembeu). 


NIAGARA,  OR  LUNDY'S  LANE,  Battle 
of.  See  United  States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1814 
(July — Sei'temueh). 

NIAGARA  FRONTIER:  A.  D.  1812-1814. 
— The  War. — Queenstown. —  Buffalo. —  Chip- 
pewa.— Lundy's  Lane. — Fort  Erie.  See  United 
States  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  181'3  (SEi'TEMnKU— No 
VEMBEii);   1813  (December);  1814  (July— Sei-- 

TEMBEK). 

NIAGARA  PEACE  MISSION,  The.  See 
United  St.\tes  of  Am.  :  A.  D.  1864  (.Ii:i.v). 

NIAGARA  RIVER,  Navigated  by  La  Salle 
(1679).     See  Canada:  A.  D.  1009-1087. 

NIBELUNGEN  LIED,  The.-"  Of  the  be- 
quests made  to  us  of  the  [German]  Popular 
Poetry  of  the  time  of  the  Ilohenstauflen,  by  far 
tlie  most  Important,  in  fact  the  most  im- 
portant literary  memorial  of  any  kind,  is  tlie 
epic  of  between  nine  and  ten  tliousand  lines 
known  as  the  Nibelungen  Lied.  Tlie  manu- 
scripts which  have  preserved  for  us  the  poem 
come  from  about  the  year  1200.  For  full  a 
thousand  years  before  that,  however,  many  of 
the  lays  from  which  it  wns  composed  had  been 
in  existence;  some  indeed  proceed  from  a  still 
remoter  antiquity,  sung  by  primitive  minstrels 
when  the  Germans  were  at  their  wildest,  un- 
touched by  Christianity  or  civilization.  These 
lays  had  been  handed  down  orally,  until  at 
length  a  poet  of  genius  elaborated  them  and 
intrusted  them  to  parchment." — J.  K.  Ilosiner, 
8lwH  History  of  Oerman  Literature,  pt.  1,  cli.  1. 
— "In  the  year  1757,  the  Swiss  Professor  Bod- 
mer  printed  an  ancient  poetical  manuscript, 
under  the  title  of  Chriemhilden  Rache  und  die 
Klage  (Chriemhilde's  Revenge,  and  the  Lament); 
which  may  be  considered  as  the  first  of  a  series, 
or  stream  of  publications  and  speculations  still 


rolling  on,  with  increased  current,  to  the  preaont 
day.  .  .  .  Some  fifteen  years  after  Hodnier's 
l)ubllcation,  wliich,  for  the  rest,  is  not  celebrated 
as  an  editorial  feat,  one  C.  H.  >Itlller  unilerlook 
a  Collection  of  German  Poems  from  tlie  Twelfth. 
Thlrtcentli  and  Fourt<*iitli  Centuries;  wlierein. 
among  other  articles,  he  reprinted  B(Mlnier's 
Chriemhilde  and  Klage,  witli  a  liighly  remark- 
able addition  prelixed  to  the  former,  essential 
indeed  to  tlie  right  understanding  of  it;  and  the 
wliolc  now  stood  before  the  world  as  one  Poem, 
tinder  the  name  of  the  Nibelungen  Lied,  or  Lay 
of  the  NibiOungen.  It  has  since  been  aseerlaiiied 
that  the  Klage  is  a  foreign  inferior  appendage; 
at  Ijest  related  only  as  epilogue  to  the  main 
work:  niennwhile  out  of  this  Nibelungen,  such 
as  it  was,  there  soon  proceeded  new  in()uiriesaiid 
kindred  enterpris<is.  For  inueh  as  the  Poem,  in 
the  shape  it  liere  bore,  was  defaced  and  ina.Ted, 
it  failed  not  to  attract  observation:  to  all  open- 
minded  lovers  of  poetry,  especially  where  a 
strong  patriotic  feeling  existed,  the  singular  an- 
tiijue  Nibelungen  was  an  interesting  appeasiiiice. 
•loliannes  JIUller,  in  iiis  famous  Swiss  History, 
spoke  of  it  in  warm  terms:  subsecjuently,  Au- 
gust Wilhelm  Schlegel,  through  the  medium  of 
tlie  Deutsclie  Museum,  succeeded  in  awakening 
something  lilte  a  universal  popular  feeling  on 
tile  sulijeet;  an<i,  as  a  natural  consequence,  a 
whole  host  of  Editors  and  Critics,  of  deep  and 
of  sliallow  endeavour,  wliose  labours  we  yet  see 
in  progress.  Tlie  Nilielungen  has  now  been 
investigated,  translated,  collated,  commented 
upon,  with  more  or  less  result,  to  almost  bound- 
loss  lengths.  .  .  .  Apart  from  its  anticjuarian 
value,  and  not  only  as  by  far  tlu^  finest  monu- 
ment of  old  German  art;  but  iiitrinsically,  and 
as  a  mere  detached  eompo.sition,  this  Nibelungen 
lias  an  excellence  that  cannot  but  surpri.se  us. 
AV'ith  little  preparation,  any  reader  of  poetrj', 
even  in  these  days,  might  find  it  interesting.  It 
is  not  without  a  certain  Unity  of  interest  and 
purport,  an  internal  coherence  and  completeness; 
it  is  a  Wliole,  and  some  spirit  of  Music  informs 
it:  those  are  the  highest  characteristics  of  a  true 
Poem.  Considering  farther  what  intellectual  en- 
vironment we  now  find  it  in,  it  is  doubly  to  be 
jirized  and  wondered  at ;  for  it  dillers  from  ti'osc 
llero-books,  as  molten  or  carved  metal  does  from 
rude  agglomerated  ore;  almost  as  some  Sliak- 
speare  from  his  follow  Dramatist,  whose  Tain- 
burlaines  and  Island  Princesses,  themselves  not 
ilestiluto  of  merit,  first  show  us  clearly  in 
wliat  pure  loftiness  and  loneliness  tlic  Hamlets 
and  Tempests  reign.  Tlie  unknown  Singei  of 
the  Nibelungen,  tliough  no  Shakspeare,  must 
have  had  a  deep  i)oetic  soul;  wherein  things 
discontinuous  and  inanimate  shaped  themselves 
together  into  life,  and  the  Universe  witliits  won- 
drous purport  stood  significantly  imaged;  over- 
arcliing,  as  witli  heavenly  firmaments  and  eternal 
harmonies,  the  little  scene  where  men  strut  and 
fret  their  hour.  His  Poem,  unlike  so  many  old 
und  new  pretenders  to  that  name,  has  a  basis  and 
organic  structure,  a  beginning,  middle  and  end ; 
there  is  one  great  princiiile  and  idea  set  forth  in 
it,  round  wliicli  all  its  multifarious  parts  combine 
in  living  union.  .  .  .  AV'ith  an  instinctive  art,  far 
different  from  acquired  artifice,  tliis  Poet  of  the 
Nibelungen,  working  in  the  same  province  with 
his  contemporaries  of  the  Heldenbueh  [Hero- 
book]  on  the  same  material  of  tradition,  has,  in 
a  wonderful  degree,  possessed  himself  of  what 


2357 


NIBELUNGEN  LIED. 


NIDELUNGEN  LIED. 


theoo  could  only  strive  nftor;  nnd  with  bin  'clear 
fcoling  of  llctitloiis  truth,'  iivoid  an  fiilno  tlio 
crrorH  luid  inoristrouR  perplexities  In  which  they 
vrtinly  strugK'lt'd.  He  Is  of  nnother  species  tliiui 
they:  In  luiigunge,  hi  purity  nnd  depth  of  feel- 
ing, ill  Ihieiiess  of  invention,  stnnds  (luite  apart 
from  tliein.  Tlie  lan^unKe  of  tlie  lleldenliiicli 
.  .  .  was  u  feei)le  lialfarticulatc  cliild'sspeecli, 
tlie  metre  notliint;  belter  than  a  iniserahlu  dog- 
jcerel;  whereas  here  in  tln^  old  Frankish  (Olicr- 
deiitsch)  dialect  of  the  Nlbelungen,  we  have  a 
clear  decisive  utterance,  nnd  in  a  real  system 
of  verso  not  without  essential  regularity,  great 
liveliness,  and  now  and  tlicn  even  harmony  of 
rhythm.  ...  No  less  striking  tJian  the  verso 
nnd  language  is  the  (lunlity  of  the  invention 
manifested  here.  Of  the  fable,  or  narrativo 
material  of  the  Nlbelungen  we  should  say  that 
it  had  high,  almost  the  highest  merit ;  so  daintily 
yet  firmly  is  it  put  together;  with  such  felicitous 
selection  of  the  beautiful,  the  essential,  nnd  no 
less  felicitous  rejection  of  whatever  was  unbeaii- 
tiful  or  even  extraneous.  The  reader  ia  no  longer 
afflicted  with  that  chnotio  brood  of  Firedrake.s, 
Giants,  and  malicious  turbaned  Turks,  so  fatally 
rife  in  the  Ileldenbi'.ch:  all  this  is  swept  away, 
or  only  hovers  in  faint  shadows  afar  olT;  and 
free  Held  is  open  for  legitimate  perennial  inter- 
ests. Yet  neither  is  the  Nibelungcn  without  its 
wonders;  for  it  is  poetry  and  not  prose;  here 
too,  a  supernatural  world  encompasses  the  nat- 
ural, and,  though  at  rare  intervals  and  in  calm 
manner,  reveals  itself  there.  .  .  .  The  whole 
story  of  the  Kibelungen  is  fateful,  mysterious, 
guided  on  by  unseen  influences;  yet  the  actual 
marvels  are  fow,  and  done  in  the  far  distance ; 
those  Dwarfs,  and  Cloaks  of  Darkness,  and 
charmed  Treasure-eaves,  are  heard  of  rather 
than  beheld,  the  tidings  of  them  seem  to  issue 
from  unknown  space.  Vain  were  it  to  Inquire 
wliere  that  Nibelungen-land  sp'-cially  is:  its 
very  name  is  Nebel-land  or  Nitt-l.ind,  the  land 
of  Darkness,  of  Invisibility.  The  '  Nibelungen 
Heroes '  that  muster  in  tliousands  und  tens  of 
thousands,  though  they  march  to  the  Rhine 
or  Danube,  and  we  sec  their  strong  limbs  and 
shining  armour,  we  could  .almost  fancy  to  be 
children  of  the  air." — T.  Carlyle,  The  Nibelungeii 
Lied  (Critical  and  Miscellaneous  Essays,  v.  3). 
— "The  traditions  of  German  heroic  poetry  ex- 
tend over  more  than  300  years,  and  are  drawn 
from  various  German  tribes.  King  Ostrogotlia 
reigned  over  the  Goths  about  the  year  350,  and 
was  the  contemporary  of  the  emperors  Philip 
and  Decius.  Ermanaric  governed  the  Ostro- 
goths about  100  years  later,  and  was  a  very 
warlike  king,  ruling  over  a  large  extent  of  terri- 
tory. The  invasion  of  the  Iluns  drove  him  to 
desimir,  and  he  fell  by  his  own  hand  before  the 
year  374.  Soon  after  the  year  400  the  Burgun- 
diaiis  founded  a  miglity  empire  in  the  most  fer- 
tile part  of  the  Upiier  Rhine,  where  Cicsar  had 
already  fought  wit'  the  Germans,  near  Spiers, 
Worms,  and  Mayc  .  o.  The  Roman  Aetius,  who 
ruled  Gaul  with  the  aid  of  his  Hun  allies,  de- 
feated the  Burgundians  by  means  of  these  bar- 
barians in  a  terrible  battle  about  the  year  437 ; 
20,000  men  fell,  amongst  them  their  king  Gundi- 
carius  (Guntlier).  The  Burgundians  seemed  to 
be  annihilated,  and  soon  after  retreated  to  Savoy. 
About  the  same  time  Attila  was  king  of  the 
Huns  and  Ostrogoths  to  the  terror  of  the  world. 
Uis  name  is  Gothic,  the  arraugements  of  his 


court  werfl  Gothic,  and  he  reckoned  among  his 
knights  Tlieodomer,  the  king  of  the  Ostrogoths. 
The  West  had  just  learnt  all  the  terror  of  this 
'Scourge  of  God,'  when  news  came  of  his  sud- 
den death  (453),  and  in  tlie  following  year  his 
followers  succumbed  to  the  attai:ks  of  the  Oer- 
iiiaiis  (454).  Twenty-two  years  later,  Odoacer 
deposed  the  last  shadow  of  a  Roman  emperor; 
nnd  again,  twelve  years  later,  Tlie(Ml()ri(t  led  the 
Ostrogoths  into  Italy  nnd  Odoacer  fell  by  his 
hand.  About  the  same  pericxl  the  Merovingian 
C'lovis  founded  the  kingdimi  of  the  Franks; 
about  the  year  530  his  sons  destroyed  the  Thu- 
ringian  empire;  and  his  grandson  Tliemlebert 
extended  his  kingdom  so  far,  that,  starting  from 
Hungary,  ho  planned  an  attack  on  the  Byzan- 
tine emperor.  The  Merovingians  also  olfered  a 
successful  resistance  to  tlie  Vikings,  who  wero 
the  terror  of  the  North  Sea,  and  who  appeared 
even  tit  the  mouths  of  the  Rhine.  From  another 
quarter  the  Longobards  In  littlo  more  than  a 
century  reached  Italy,  having  started  from 
Lllncburg,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Brunswick, 
and  their  King  Alboin  took  possession  of  tho 
crown  of  I^:.!^  in  508.  Tliese  wonderful  trans- 
ferences of  power,  and  this  rapid  founding  of 
new  empires,  furnished  the  historical  background 
of  the  German  hero-legends.  Tho  fact  that  tho 
movement  was  originally  against  Rome  was  for- 
gotten ;  the  migration  was  treated  as  a  mere  in- 
cident in  the  internnl  history  of  tlie  German 
nation.  There  is  no  trace  of  chronology.  .  .  . 
Legend  ndhercs  to  tho  fact  of  tho  enmity  be- 
tween Odoacer  and  ThcfMloric,  but  it  really 
confuses  Theodoric  with  his  father  Tlieodomer, 
trant.ilants  him  accordingly  to  Attila's  court, 
nnd  supposes  that  he  was  an  exile  there  in  hiding 
from  the  wrath  of  Odoacer.  Attila  becomes  tho 
,  representativo  of  everything  connected  with  tho 
Huns.  lie  is  regarded  as  Ermanaric's  and 
Gunther's  enemy,  and  as  having  destroyed  tho 
Burgundians.  Tliese  again  arc  confused  with  a 
mythical  race,  the  Nibelungcn,  Siegfried's  ene- 
mies, nnd  thus  arose  the  great  nnd  complicated 
scheme  of  the  Nibelungcn  legend.  .  .  .  "This 
Sliddle  High-Germau  Epic  is  like  an  old  church, 
in  the  building  of  which  many  architects  have 
successively  taken  part.  .  .  .  Karl  Lachmann 
attempted  the  work  of  restoring  the  Nibelungcn- 
licd  and  analysing  its  various  elements,  and  ac- 
complished the  task,  not  indeed  faultlessly,  yet 
on  tho  whole  correctly.  He  has  pointed  out  later 
interpolations,  which  hide  the  original  sequence 
of  the  story,  nnd  has  divided  the  narrative  which 
remains  after  tlie  removal  of  these  accretions  into 
twenty  songs,  some  of  which  are  connected,  while 
others  embody  isolated  incidents  of  the  legend. 
Some  of  them,  but  certainly  only  a  few,  may 
be  by  the  same  author.  .  .  .  We  recognise  in 
most  of  these  songs  such  differences  in  concep- 
tion, treatment,  and  style,  as  point  to  separate 
authorship.  Tlie  whole  may  have  been  finished 
in  about  twenty  years,  from  1190-1210.  Lach- 
mann's  theory  has  indeed  been  contested.  JMany 
students  still  believe  that  the  poem,  as  we  have 
It,  was  the  work  of  one  hand ;  but  on  this  hy- 
pothesis no  one  has  succeeded  in  explaining  the 
strange  contradictions  which  pervade  the  work, 
parts  of  which  show  the  highest  art,  while  the 
rest  is  valueless." — W.  Scherer,  History  of  Ger- 
man Literature,  c/i.  2  and  5  (».  1). 

Also  in:  B,  Taylor,  Studies  in  German  Liter- 
ature, ch.  4. 


2358