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LIFE OF

THK KKIHT HON

I SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD

G.C.B.. n.c.L. (o««.), i,L.n.. ;; ^.^.

BY HTS NEF'UKW

Lt. Col. J. PENNINGTON MACPHERSON. A.D.C.

VOLUME 1.

.h.y m.y 1., f„, ,he ,^ „r ,Hi. D„™i„i„„ of Canart'^^:;:^:^;''' "

ST. JOHN, N.B.

EARLE PUBLISHING HOUSE

1891

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163588

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Jambs Murray & Co.

Printers and Bookbinders

Toronto

(Pj? (Stlotjer

SIR JOHN MACDONALDS

OLDEST ...V.Nr. KK.KM, AN,, RK..AT.VK
TliesK VOLIMES ARK

RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED

fij' the Amlutr.

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PREFACE.

I CAN recollect Sir John A. Macdonald as long as I can recollect
anything. The first incident that I arn able to recall, in connection
with him, is in the year 1843 when I was a little fellow of about four
years of age. One of my mother's sisters had, shortly before, arrived
from Scotland on a visit to my home in Kingston, and, by her sweet
gentleness of manner and tender sympathetic nature, had completely
won m> baby heart. Sir John, who was always a freifuent caller at the
house, he being first cousin to both my parents, became more assiduous
than ever in his visits, and, one day, it was explained to me that my
pretty young aunt and playmate, whom I had learned to love only next
to my mother, was to leave us and go away with "Cousin John," and
would, no longer, be available to tell me fascinating fairy tales or to
soothe my sorrows with her warm caresses.

The news seemed to convey the sense of a terrible impending
calamity, and I gave utterance to my feelings in bitter sobs. These, in
turn, were chased away by bright visions of wonderful thing's to li.tppen
as soon as they returned from the wedding tour and took possession of
their own home to which it was promised 1 should be permitted to go as
often as I liked.

This house was situated on Brock street, was large and commodious
and contained all the comforts and conveniences then known to Cana-
dian civilization. There was also a fine carriage and a pair of horses,
" Mohawk " and " Charlie." Here I spent some of the happiest days of
my life, being allowed the honour of sitting beside the coachman if the
carriage was taken out, or at other times, the almost ecjually enjoyable
privilege of being my uncle's companion in his library. VVe seldom
talked : he was deep in his books, while I had a corner to myself where
were gathered together, for my special delectation, numerous illustrated
books and such captivating tales as " King Arthur and his knights of the
round table," "The Arabian nights entertainment," etc., etc. I have no
doubt but that I was often troublesome, but I cannot recollect ever
receiving from him one unkind word. On the contrary, I was always
made happy by a warm greeting, a pleasant smile, an encouraging word,
or an affectionate pat on the head. Often I used to meet him on the
street, when going to or from school, and then it was his delight to
indulge in the pleasant fiction that he was my debtor to an unknown
amount, and proceed to liquidate this debt to the extent of the half-pence
he might have in his pocket. These sums seemed to me to represent

Tm: LiKK of Sik John A. Ma( DONAi.n

•ii.

fabulous wealth, and I ^rcw to regard him, not only as the richest but as
the most generous man I had ever known.

After a time, Mrs. Macdonald, having become delicate, started with
her husband for the .Southern .States in order to escape the severity of
the Canadian winter. The means of travelling were then of so tedious
and trying a nature that before New Yoik was reached she had become
so ill that it was impossible to proceed. .My mother was sent for and
remained many months nursing her sister with all the love and devotion
of her warm Highland nature, a.id, when she came back, bore in her
arms, a dear little baby boy to v/hom his father's name had been given.
He remained with us for soirc time and became the pet and delight of
the whole house. When his mother returned, a beautiful place on the
borders of the city, the property of Mr. Hales, was taken for her. It is
now owned by Mr. James \Vils(m and is known as Hellevue. Here the
parents and child were re-united, but not for long. When at, perhaps,
the most endearing age, just able to toddle about and to prattle a few
words in his sweet infantile language, my mother came home one day
and, in tearful words, told us of convulsions and approaching death. A
day or two later we were taken to sec and to bid a last sorrowful farewell
to the little white-robed figure, lying so still and quiet in its tiny cot in a
darkened room.

Three years afterwaids a second baljy boy made his appearance,
and from this event, there grew another pleasant fiction which was, that,
from the hour of his arrival, this small atom of humanity was aware of
the recurrence of birthdays, Christmas Day, and other im|)nitant events,
and was graciously pleased to testify his approval of the conduct of his
youthful friends by presents of books, balls, fishing rods and various
other articles dear to the hearts of young boys. About the time that
this wonderful possessor of supernatural powers had grown to such
mature age as to be able to inform the world that his name was " Hugh
John Jin,'' I was sent away to a boarding-school at Cornwall. After this
followed an arts course at Queen's College, law studies in the office of
Macdonald, Macdonel' and Wilkison and starting out for myself in the
world.

Hut the seeds of warm affection and loving admiration had been
sown at that period of life when the heart is most susceptible, and the
impressions became so deeply graven as to be incffacable by any
occurrences of after life. Is it any wonder then, that, in the dark days of
1873-78, when Sir John Macdonald had been so borne down by the wave
of public opinion which followed what was supposed to have been his
wrong-doing in connection with the Pacific Railway that it was thought
that he would never rise again, I should offer my spare time and such
ability as I might possess to hand down to posterity the story of his
life up to that date ?

He accepted my offer and gave me letters to Mr. Shannon, of the

I'KKKACK.

VII.

1
is

y
)f

e
s

Kingston News^ and to the late Dr. Marker, of the Kingston W'hig^ ask-
ing them to allow me the use of their files, and to the late Dr. Toddi
Parliamentary Librarian, requesting him to afford me every facility in the
way of books. It was my intention to submit to him, for revision, every
chapter as it was written, but he came back to power before I had
accomplished much, and then the demands upon his time were so heaw
and urgent that the reading had always to be postponed to a more
convenient season.

Had it not been for that overwhelming sense of duty which impelled
him to throw himself into the late contest with such force, energy and
utter disregard of self that his own life was the penalty, we might have
looked forward to an early retirement from active politics and the
enjoyment of a long evening of life, during which he would have h.id the
leisure necessary to thoroughly revise my work and to add such matter
as would have made it an invaiual)ie history of the country. As it is I
have been thrown on my own resources, and have even been prevented,
by the demands for immediate publication, from obtaining the kindly
criticism of friends to the extent tiiat I would have liked. .Vlthough 1
have been at the task for over twelve years, only a very few, beyond
those above mentioned as having been written to by .Sir John A.
Macdonald, were aware of the fact. These exceptions were his son
Hugh John, his brother-in-law the Rev. Dr. Williamson, and Mr.
George Johnson, Dominion .Statistician, and to these I have only been
able to submit a portion of the whole work. I am awaie of the great
value that would attach to these pages were I able to say that they had
been revised and approved by the late Premier. I also realize that, in
saying that he was cognizant of what I was doing and contemplated
going over the manuscript, there is a possibility that a certain amount of
responsibility for the opinions e.\i)ressed therein may be attached to him.
To avoid all danger of this I shall give fac similies of some letters
received from him which will corroborate my statements both as to his
knowledge of my work and intention to revise it, and his inability to give
the necessary time thereto. To these I will add a third, which contains
his opinion of a book now being pushed by enterprising publishers, and
which is advertised as having been re-written by a gentleman who was
the secretary of the Commercial Union Club. This biography is said by
the Empire to show a marked partiality for the doctrine of commercial
union with the States, and to be prefaced by a tacit endorsement of the
very policy against which Sir John A. Macdonald fought so strongly and
so successfully. As the author has written to that paper and not contra-
dicted that statement it must be accepted as correct, and friends and
opponents alike will agree in condemning so unfair and improper a
procedure.

The opinions I have expressed in these volumes respecting very
remote events are such as I have formed after careful examination of

viii. The Life of Sir John A. M.u donali*.

various histories of the country, memoirs of governors-general, etc.
Those respecting occurrences of more recent date, and prior to Confed-
eration, represent my own conception of Sir John A. Macdonald's career
up to that time. In those days public questions were discussed with a
freedom and vigour, not to say bitterness, which would appear strange in
thesi; days. I have felt, however, that the best view of that period and
of the men who were then prominent actors in our affairs will be given
by following as far as possible the language employed by themselves-
From Confederation to the present date we may be said to be dealing
with contemporary politics, and it becomes difficult to touch upon the
questions without becoming, or being credited with becoming, contro-
versal and partizan. Therefore, while it is necessary to follow Sir John
A. Macdonald down to his latest act, I have endeavoured to do so in as
calm and dispassionate a manner as possible, and have striven to avoid
saying a word that would hurt the feelings of any of those who may not
have agreed with him. Respecting his last great fight I have ventured
to write the story as it appeared to me, to present the various questions
discussed, and to >.'ive some statistics in connection therewith. These
figures have been carefully collated from official sources and may be
accepted as correct, and are given in a strictly impartial and unbiassed
manner.

I have referred to three gentlemen, two re.atives and a friend, as
having seen portions of my work. Of these the Rev. Dr. Williamson,
the venerable vice-president of Queen's College, is good enough to write
to me : •' You may be sure of my warm recommendation (for whatever
that is worth) from what I know of your ability and from what I have
read of your manuscript." Nearly ten years have elapsed since 1
submitted to Mr. Hugh John Macdonald the portions of my work which
were then complete. From his letters returnmg the parts to me I quote
the following kindly extracts : " I read the manuscript, carefully, several
times, and, so far as the introduction is concerned, I don't think you can
improve it in any way, and in other respects I can honestly congratulate
you on the success of your work. Hoping you will bring the biography
to a successful conclusion," etc., etc.

Mr. Johnson, the Dominion .Statistician, being so well known all over
Canada, I will give his letter in full :

Mv Dear Macpherson,—

In re request for a statement respecting your work on Sir John's
" Life,'' I have to say that the manuscript passed through my hands,
previous to its being sent to Sir John ; that I have carefully read it, and
that, so far as I am competent to judge, the work appeared to me well
executed, both as to matter and manner.

Your possession of original and valuable material, and your
opportunities for frequent consultation with our lamented chieftain is to
me /rvwrt y^i«V evidence of your qualifications for the important task of
presenting Sir John's life and labours to the people of Canada, whom he

Preface.

IX.

loved so dearly, for whom he laboured so disinterestedly, and for whom
he laid down his life so cheerfully.

I remain,

Yours truly,
(Signed) GEORGE Johnson.

June 25, 1891.

I can only add that I fully appreciate the importance of the task 1
have undertaken, that I am sensible of the many shortcomings my work
will present to the critical reader, that much has been left out which
others may think should have been put in, and that, altogether, my
eflforts have failed to do justice to the character of the great man who
has passed away. I will, however, throw myself upon the kindness of
readers and ask them to accept these pages as an humble effort to pay a
a tribute of love and respect to the memory of Canada's greatest son.
Death has removed all bitterness of feeling, and he is now universally
acknowledged to have been a sincere patriot, a wise and far-seeing
statesman. No man has ever so won a nation's affection during his life ;
no man has ever been more mourned in his death. His great heart was
full of the kindliest feelings to every one, and he ruled as much by the
love he instilled and the confidence he inspired as by the respect which
his marvellous intellect commanded. Friend and foe alike wept over his
grave and vied with each other in doing honour to his name. Fully
realizing all this and implicitly believing in the purity of his motives and
the wisdom of his policy, I h.ive striven to make these clear without, at
the same time, antagonizing any one. If I have at all succeeded in
doing this to the satisfaction of the people of this country, I shall deem
myself fully lewarded for years of labour and research.

In conclusion, I desire to express my grateful thanks to Mr. James
Shannon, late proprietor of the Kmgston Daily News, and to his son and
successor. Major Lewis Shannon, for so kindly permitting me to have the
old files of the journal at my own honie. When the Parliament liuild-
ings in Montreal were destroyed by fire, all the back numbers of papers
belonging to the library were burned up, so that I could only obtain
those that had accumuluted since that date. It will, therefore, be readily
seen of what great value to me were the files of the Chronicle and Xcws.
In its columns I have found not only the views of that paper on all
public questions, but also those of other leading journals of both sides of
politics, and, at the same time, special information respecting Sir John
A. Macdonald, a mass of material, the importance of which cannot be
over-estimated.

Ottawa, July 16, 1891.

.'-I.- . ^mrr

I
J

•f

CONTENTS.

CHAPTKR I.

Introduction -Deplorable condition of inhabitants in 1750-BlessinRs
derived from change to British rule-(,)uebec erectwi into a new
Government inijGj -Kffects of sudden introduction of new laws and
language-Quebec Act 1774-U. E. Loyalists-Division into Upper
and Uiwer Canada-General Craig's imperious rule— Toronto made
seat of government in i797-\Var of 181 1- 14 -Collisions with
governors-The Canada Trade Act, 182^ -Difficulties with Lord
Dalhousie— Appeal to Imperial Parliament— Death of George IV.—
Expulsion of Wm. Lyon Mackenzie-The ninetv-two resolutions of
1H34— Commission fn.m Home Government— Succession of ()ueen
V ictoria- -Rebellion of 1837-8^-Lord Durham's report -Lord Syden-
ham- Union of the Provinces-Responsible Government— The
Clergy Heseryes-Sir Charles Bagot-Sir Charles Metcalfe -
Robert Baldwin.

PACK

CHAPTER II.

Sir John A. Macdonald's ancestors-Intellectual vigour and strong person-
ality of his mother-His fathers high integrity-His birth in
.Scotland in 1013- I he departure for Canada in 1H20— Settlement
in Kingston— His grandmother's death there in 182 1 -Removal to
Hay 1 -ay— Sir John's school days-His character as a boy-Poetical
fu u'*"- ^"^ studies— Anecdotes of his youthful life -Called to
the bar in 1836— Takes charge of an office in Picton-Commences
practice in Kingston— Defence of Von Shoultz and other sym-
pathisers—Becomes an alderman— First election to the Legislative
Assembly in 1844. ....

CHAPTER HI.

Mr. Macdonald's appointment as Receiver-General in 1847-Testimonv
as to his ability by newspapers of both sides of politics— The Uni-
versity Bil- Dissolution-Review of Government Policy -Mr
Macdonald s appointment as Commissioner of Crown Lands— He
defeats Mr. Mackenzie by 386 tp S4-Meeting of new Parliament
February 25, 1848— The Government beaten on the Address

104

CHAPTER IV,

The Baldwin -Lafontaine Government-The Rebellion Losses Bill-Bitter
Personalities between Mr. Blake. Sir Allan McNab and others-
Exciting scenes in the House- Meeting at Bonsecours Market.
Montreal — Resolutions passed — Mr. Hincks Circular— Mr
Cayleys Reply— Popular Excitement— Burning in Effigy of Bald-
Tttack^d^ ^^°" Mackenzie-Mr. George Brown's residence

12G

Xll.

The Life of Sik John A. Macdonald.

CHAPTER V.

Meetings to promote a federal union of all the B. N. A. Provinces —
Rebellion Losses Bill as viewed in England— Mass Meeting on
Champ de Mars, Montreal — Burning of Parliament Buildings —
The outrages condemned on all sides — Sir Allan McNab's letter —
Meeting at Kingston — Mr. Boulton's resolution — The excitement
extends to the Maritime Provinces — Resolutions at Fredericton. .

CHAPTER VI.

Speeches in British Parliament ^ n Rebellion Losses Bill — Mr. Gladstone
strongly opposes it — Lord Lyndhurst's disapprobation — His defence
of Sir Allan McNab — He points out Mr. Lafontaine's connection
with the rebellion and says the proposition to reward reliels was
monstrous — Lord Brougham's definition of the loyal and disloyal
parties — His resolution — List of less important Bills reserved for
Her Majesty's pleasure, ... .....

142

'55

CHAPTER VII.

Mr. Baldwin's University Bill — Petitions of (Jueen's College against — Mr.
Hinckson Free Trade — Mr. Cayley on Protection — An Intercolonial
Railway advocated — The Seat of Government Question -Mr.
Macdonald's motion in favour of Kingston— Formation of the
British-American'League — Meeting of 145 Delegates at Kingston—
The platform of the Conservative party defined as Protection. Con-
federation and Retrenchment — Address issued by the League —
Speeches by Delegates — Expression of opinion against an elective
Legislative Council

CHAPTER VIII.

(1849-51).

Great depression in Canada — Conservative remedy therefor— Annexation
movement in Montreal — Address signed by 325 influential men in
favour of the movement, issued to Canadians — Article in the London
Times — Meeting of Parliament, May 14, 1850 — Control of Post
Office vested in provincial authorities — Petition from Kingston
against convict labour — Attack by the North Ameritan on the
Administration — The proposed policy — Opinions of the i'.lohe — The
Hudson's Bay Company's territory — Movements in favor of rail-
road communication — Mr. Macdonald's speech at Gananocjue. .

.76

198

CHAPTER LX.

Opening of Parliament, May 20, 1851 — Mr. Cayley's resolution on Pro-
tection— Mr. W. L. Mackenzie's motion to abolish the Court of
Chancery — Resignation of Mr. Baldwin — Mr, Hincks' resolutions
on the Grand Trunk Railway — Reconstruction of Administration-
Dissolution — General Election — Mr. Macdonald's speech in Kings-
ton— Assemblingof new Parliament, August irj, 1852 — Mr. Sanfield
Macdonald elected Speaker — Mr. John A. Macdonald's Speech on
the Address — Provincial Board of Trade meeting at Ouebec —
Protection asked for — Mr. Morin's resolutions to make the Legis-

CONTKNTS.

XIII.

lative Council elective— Mr. Hinck's resolutions on the Clergy
Reserves — Mr. Houlton's Amendments— Mr Macdonald's Speech
—Resignation of Hon John Young on the Trade Policy of the
Government— Adjournment— Negotiations for a line of Ocean
steamers

143

217

'55

CHAPTER X.

Northern Railway Df>lv itures Scandal— Pas age of New Representative
Bill, March, 1853 — ^Mr. Brown's hostility to Mr. Morin's Klective
Councils resolutions — The Globf also opposes the change — The
resolutions are carried — Prorogation June 15, 1853 — Reconstruc
tion of Administration— Attacks on the Government by Mr. George
Brown — Charges against the Administration by the North American
and the Globe— Opening of the Great Western Railway — Specific
charges of corruption against members of the Cabinet . 243

CHAPTER XI

Meeting of Parliament, June, 1854— The Government sustained on the
Address — Defeated on motion of Messrs. Cauchon and Sicotte — Mr.
Macdonald's Speech— Prorogation — Sir Allan McNab's protest
against — He is endorsed by Mr. Brown and W. L. Mackenzie — The
Speaker protests to the Governor — General condemnation by the
Press — Mr. Hincks' address to the electors of Oxford — Ixtrd Elgin's
despatch — Bitter election contests. The Government party beaten
at the polls— Mr. Macdonald defeats Mr. Counter by 162 votes - 255

.76

CHAPTER XH.

1854 — (Continued).

Defeat of Ilincks-Morin Government on the Speakership— Second defeat
on the Bagot Election case — Resignation— Sir Allan McNab forms
a Coalition Administration — Mr. John A. Macdonald appointed
Attorney-General — The Government denounced by the Globe — Mr.
Cayley's Address to the Electors — Mr. Macdonald returned by
Acclamation — Large majorities in favour of the Government —
Passage of the Reciprocity Bill — The Clergy Reserves' Bill carried
by 62 to 39— The Seigniorial Tenure Bill passed — Adjournment
December i8th — Meeting February 23, 1855— Ministerial changes
during Christmas recess — Mr. Cauchon's Bill to make Legislative
Council elective— Mr. Macdonald's Speech— Seal o^ Government
question^Prorogation — Remarks o 1 work of session . . 2''4

CHAPTER XIII.

1855 — (Continued).

Mr. Hincks appointed Governor of Barbadoes — Removal of seat of gov-
ernment to Toronto — Meeting of Parliament, February, 1856 —
Quebec decided upon as permanent .Seat of Government — Changes
in Cabinet — Vote of want of confidence lost by twenty-three votes —
Mr. Macdonald's uefence of the Government — Resignation of Messrs.
Spence, Morrison, etc.— Sir Allan McNab resigns Premiership

xiv. TiiK LiKK OF Sir John A. Macdonald.

Formation of Tache- Macdonald Administration — Sir Allan's state-
ment in the House — Mr. Macdonald's endorsement of the Govern-
ment Policy —Birth of Libeial-Conservative party — Mr. Macdonald's
position considered. 2'j6

CHAPTER XIV.

Reform Convention, January, 1857 — Principal Planks of Platform — Indig-
nation of Lower Canada Reformers — Opening of session of 1857 —
Seat of Government Question — The yueen petitioned to settle the
Question — Sir Edmund Head's Despatch — Prorogation — Sir E. P.
Tache appointed Commissioner of Crown Lands — Resignation of
Seat in Parliament by Sir Allan McNab — Sketch of his Life. . 318

CHAPTER XV.

1857-58.

Resignation of Colonel Tachc — Formation of Macdonald-Cartier Govern-
ment, November, 1857 — Review of work of preceding Ministeries —
Dissolution of Parliament — Kingston nomination — Ottawa selected
as seat of government — Result of elections — Meeting of Parliament,
February, 1858 — Vote on election of Speaker — Amendments to the
Address— Speech of Honourable Attorney-General Macdonald —
Ministry beaten on seat of government question— Sr.stained on want
oi confidence motion — Resignation of Macdonald-Cartier Govern-
ment— Remarlcs on course pursued

327

CHAPTER XVI.

i8s8-(Co«//«/W).

Formation of Brown-Dorion Administraiion, August, 1858 — The Globe on
Ministerial Policy — Mr. Patrick's announcement of names — Mr.
Langevin's want of confidence motion — Mr. Sicotte's Precedents
for Motion— Mr. (ialt's Speech — Mr. Morion on Attorney-General
Drummond's Course — Mr. Malcolm Cameron's attack on Ministry —
The Government defeated — Mr. Brown asks for dissolution and is
refused— Resignation of Hrown-Dorion Administration — Correspon-
dence of Mr. Brown with the Governor-General — Attack of Mr.
McGee on His Excellency — Reply to Mr. Macdonald — Mr. Drum-
mond's previous opinion of Mr. Brown — Mr. Brown's previous
treatment of his other colleagues.

356

CHAPTER XVII

1858-59

Formation of Cartier-Macdonald Administration — Exchange of Offices,
known as " the Double Shuffle " — The Globe's denunf^iations of the
Governor-General— Character of Mr. Brown — Prorogation — Suits
to test the Legality of the Exchange of Offices — Visits of Mr. Cartier
and Colonel Tache to England — Colonel Tach^ receives the honour
of Knighthood— Death of Robert Baldwin— Resignation of Mr.
Sicotte — Opening of Parliament, January 1859 — The seat of govern-
ment question — Mr. Brown left off the Public Accounts Committee
— Refusal of Legislative Council to vote Supplies — Prorogation. . 379

Contents.

XV.

CHAPTER XVIII.

Mr. Macdonald's ball on St. Valentine's day— Session of i860— Mr.
Brown's resolutions — The Government sustained by large majori-
ties— Adjournment — Phrenological estimate of Mr. Macdonald's
character — Visit of the Prince of Wales— He lays foundation stone
of Parliament Buildings— The Orange difficulty — Explanation of the
cause of trouble by Mr. Macdonald at Brantford — Civil war breaks
out in the United States — Session of 1861 — Bitter debates on the
Address — Reduced Government majority— Representation by Popu-
lation Policy — Mr. Macdonald's views — Prorogation and dissolu-
tion—Dinner to Mr. Carling— Kingston election — Mr. Macdonald
opposed by Mr. Mowat— He is re-elected by a majority of 311 —
Festivities 393

CHAPTER XIX.

1861 — {Continued).

Result of the elections — Death of Wm. Lyon Mackenzie— Arrival of Lord
Monck — The Trent difficulty — Session of 1862 — Election of Mr.
Turcotte as Speaker — Ministerial changes— Defeat of Cartier-
Macdonald Government on Militia Bill — Resignation — Macdonald-
Sicolte Administration — Itspolicy— I'rorogation — Significant speech
of Lord Monck on National Defence

426

CHAPTER XX.

i?i()2— (Continued).

Feeling in England c .-er vote on Militia Bill — The London Times article —
Death of Sir Allan McNab — Election of Honourable Alexander
Campbell to Speakership of Legislative Council — Resignation of
Honourable A. A. Dorion— Session of 1863 — Passageof the Separate
School Bil] — Comments of the Globe — Honourable John A. Mac-
donald's -.vant of confidence motion— Defeat of the Macdonald-
Sicotte Government — The Assembly refuse to go on with business
— Dissolution — Reconstruction of Cabinet— Formation of Mac-
donald-Dorion Government — Attack by Honourable D'Arcy McGee
on his late colleagues— Result of the elections 442

CHAPTER XXI.

Summer Session of 1863 — Debate an Speakership — The Honourable John
A. Macdonald compares the Premier to Frankenstein's Monster —
Government sustained by sixty-six tofilty-eight — Warm Attacks on
re-constructed Ministry — Abandonment of Principles of " Double
Majority " and " Representation by Population " — Mr. Sicotte's
charges of bad treatment — Mr. Foley and Mr. McGee explain how
they were dismissed from the Government — Mr. Sicotte's Amend-
ment to the Address — Mr. Sandfield Macdonald's Attack on Mr.
McGee— Mr. McGee's reply — Mr. Sicotte's Appointment as Judge
— Mr. Cockburn's Resolution — Dr. Bown's Speech in favour of
Motion — Government sustained by a majority of two —Close of
Session. ...........

458

V^H

XVI.

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

CHAPTER XXII.

1864.

Defeat of Mr. A. N. Richards, Solicitor-Genera. West — Opening of Parlia-
ment— Resignation of Macdonald-Dorion Government — Formation
of Tache-Macdonald Administration — Ministerial Explanations —
Disinclination of Macdonald to accept Office— Policy of the new
Government — Defeat of Mr, Foley — Factious Spirit of Assembly —
The Ministry sustained by two votes on Want of Confidence Motion
— Defeated by two votes on Motion respecting Montreal loan.

47'

II
\

CHAPTER XXIII.

1864 — iContinueil).

Negotiations wii . Mr. George Brown — Resolutions passed at Opposition
caucus meet ig — A coalition Go ■ernment formed — Memorandum
of proceedings between the Government and Mr. Brown — Speeches
by Mr. Brovn and Mr. Mowat — Prorogation — Appointment of
Messrs. Brown, Mowat and McDougall to places in the Cabinet —
Correspondence with His E.xcellency. ...... 502

CHAPTER XXIV

1864 — (Continued).

Conference of delegates at Charlettown, P.E.I., in September — Con-
ference at Queliec in October — The projected Constitution for
, British Norta America- Despatch from Honourable E. Card well,
Secretary of State for the Colonies 533

AI.D.

ig of Parlia-
-Formation
lanations —
of the new
Assembly —
nee Motion
loan. . <j7i

L I S T f ) K ILL u s T K A T I () N S.

Opposition
morandum
-Speeches
ntment of
Cabinet—

502

ber— Con-
tution for
Cardwell,

533

STEEL ENGRAVING.
SiK John A. Ma( donai.u (1854),

Frontispie,t.

FUL L PA G E IL I. US TRA T/O NS.

TJTV' ""'^'"^^^^^'^ ^'oruKH. (Reproduction fro,n a pa,ntin,), "%\
Kar,.v Rks.dencr ok Sir John's Parents. R„.kau Strekt.

K I NGSTON. ( The attic windows were those of his study \ « j

Lr.-COLONEL Dona..., Macpherson (from a Painting on Ivory'). ' go
M.ss Macik)nal..-Mrs. Williamson, ^

INTER.OR OK FoRT Henrv, NEAR K.NOsmN (shewing Guard-room in

wh,ch Ion Srhu/t: a,ui the Rebels of 183738 were confined), ,.„
Hon. E..WAR.. Blake, M.A.. Q C. P.C.-rioN. C. A. rELLE.-,KR

c.M.(;., Q.c, p.c

The Hon. George Brown, . . ' '^7

Mrs. John A. Macdonald, . ^^^

'• Bellevue," Kincstcn, where Sir John live.', duk.nu „is ear. v ^^'

Married Life

The Hon. Oliver Mowat, ....'*"

HiKiH John Mac donald, ....."' '*^'
The Rev. Dr. Williamson { Vue-Principal of Queen s College, Kinf;l "*'"

ton, brother-in-law of Sir /ohn A. Macdonald.
Kenneth Mac .-herson (Godson of Sir /ohn A. Macdonald, ' three year\
^/^>-"jACK" Mac.kj.nald (Sir /ohn's Grandson at the aL-e of
three. ..... A J

SIR John as a Younc; Man (from a paintin^r ^n ivory) ' ' ' ^^
The Hon. John Carlino, . . . . ^ " ' ^\^

The Hon. Alexander Mackenzie (Prime Minister, November .87'^ ^"^

to October 187S), '

T.iE Hon. J. J. C. Abbott, D.C.L., Q.C, • ^g^

Hon. Sir Charles Tc-pek, Bart , G.C.M.G., C.B., D.C.L. (Cantab) ^ ^
(High Commissioner for Canada in the United A-imrdcm),

Hon. Sir S. L. Tilley, ... i ;. . 499

Hon. S.r John .S. D. Thompson! K.C.M.G.. (i.c/l-.C.'. (Minister ^"^

of lust ice),

S2J

^•frnmsa

LIKK OK KIGIIT llONt)UKAHLK

SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD,

ecu. D.lM.. (0.v„„.), I.I..I).. g.c. I'.C

c: 11 A !• T V

Introduction— Deplorable rtmcliiion of inhahiiants in 1759— HIessinjjs di-rived
from changfto Hrilish rule -fJuclnT cncu-il inloa new (iovrrinnt-m in 1763
— Kffccts of mkUIlm) introduction of new laws anci languanc -(^»ucl)ci: Act
1774 -U. K. Loyalists Division into Upper ami Lower Canada (leneral
Crai^j's imperious rule —Toronto made seal of (iovernmenl in r7t)7- Warof
l8n 14 -(,'ollisions with governors -The (!anada Trade Ait 1S22 — DiHi-
culties with Lord Dalhou '•• -Appeal to Imperial Parliament Death of
(leorjje I\'. — Kxpulsi(/n of \Vm. Lvon Mackenzie —The ninety-two resolu-
tions of i8?4 Commission from Home C<overnment — Succession of (Jucen
Victoria -Rebellion of 1837-8 — L iril Durham's rejiurt Lord Sy<lenham —
Union of ihe Provinces — Responsible fjovernment -The^Jler^^yJitieiAes —
Sir Charles Bagot — Sir Charles Metcalfe— Rol)ert Haldwin.

TO do justice to the life of Sir John A. Macdoiialcl, aiul
full}' to briuj^ out the benefits which this Dominion has
derived from his labours, ami the vast strides it has made dur-
ing the many years he has been at the head of, or occupied a
prominent position, in the Cio\ernment of the country, it is
incumbent to place before the reader a clear view of the
position in which Caiiatla stood prior to his takinj^ a part in
the management of {)ublic affairs. A proper idea of this can-
not be conveyed by a few bald statistics, or by expressing in
general terms, the state of politics at the time he was first
elected to represent the City of Kingston in the legislative
assembly of the old Province of Canada It is necessary to
give something of the previous history of the country and of
the political parties, that, at different times, controlled its
destiny, of the characters of the men who were his contempor-
aries, of the burning questions which agitated the public mind

TiiK LiFK i)K Sir John A. Macdonalu.

and funiishcd tiic battle cries at the polls, ami of the ^reat and
almost overwhelming difficulties which had to be overcome.
To tlo this it is proposed to ^(j back to the time, when, as a
small ami not very hit^hly rcj^farded colony, it passed from the
control of the I'Vench to become a part of the lunpire of (ireat
Britain, and to follow, from that period, the various staj^es by
which it has emerj^ed from a state of dependency on the
mother country to the proud jxxsition which it occupies at the
present time, showing, as we ^jo along, in iiow great a degree
we are indebted for this happy result to the great talents,
unremitting industr}', and broad, statesmanlike views of Sir
John A. Macdonald.

Connnencing, then, at the date of the memorable battle of
the IMains of Abraham, we will glance at the condition of the
inhabitants in 1759.

This all writers agree in representing as most deplorable.
The officials who were at the head of affairs had come to
Canada for the purpose of amassing fortunes. Their salaries
were so small that the whole civil list did not amount to
$20,000. Consequenth', the grossest abuses prevailed and
wholesale peculation was carried on in the most unblushing
manner. The trade of the country was monopolized by a
company whose extortions were sanctioned by the governor,
and a famine appeared imminent, owing to the male inhabi-
tants having been called away from their occupation of tilling
the .soil to take their places in the ranks of the militia.

The* Bishop, Henry dc Pont Hriant, in a pastoral letter to
the clergy of his diocese, described the state of afifairs in strong
and unmistakeable language : '"Eighteen years have now
clap.sed since the Lord called us, though unworthy, to watch
over this extensive diocese. We have frequently seen you
sufifer by famine and di.sease and almost continued war.
Nevertheless this year appears to us, in all respects, the most
afflictive and deplorable, because, in reality, we arc the most
criminal Were there ever such open robberies, so many
heinous acts of unjustice, such shameful rapines heard of?
Who has not seen, in this colony, families devoted publicly,
if I may so say, to crimes of the most odious nature? Who

BM.ssiNds Dr.Kivii) i-KoM Bkitisii Rui.k.

ever behcUl so in;iiiy abominations? In alm«)st all ranks the
contagion is ncarl)- universal."

The advantages which followcil the success of l\\v British
armies are thus i)ourtra)ctl by the Abbe Raynal : "To the
imiMjnetrably mysterious transactions (jf a cruel iiujuisition
succeetled a cool rational and public trial; and a tribunal,
dreadful aiul accustomeil to shetl blootl, was replaced by
humane jutl^^es more disposed to acknowledge innocence than
to .suppose crnninality The conquered people have been still
more deli^htetl by fiiulin^ the libert)' of their persons secured
forever by the famous law of Habeas Corpus. As they had
too l(jn^ been victims of the arbitrary wills of those who
^overnetl them, they have blessed the beneficent hand that
drew them from a state of slavery to put thtni under the pro-
tection of just laws."

Later on, in uS 20, Louis Papineau. who was afterwards to
cause so much misery and bloodshed in Lower Canaila. thus
depicted to his countrymen, in a speech deli\ered on the
occasion of his election f(jr the west ward of the city of
Montreal, the blessings which the}' had tlerived from the
change: "Not many da)s have elapsed since we assembletl
on this spot for the same purpose as that which now calls us
together — the choice of representatives; the opportunity of
that choice being caused by a great, national calainity — the
decease of that beloved .sovereign who has reigned over the
inhabitants of this country since the da\- the}* became liritish
subjects. It is impossible nf)t to express the feeling of grati-
tude for the man} benefits received from him, and those of
.sorrow for his loss, so deepl}' felt in this, as in every other
portion of his extensive dominions. And how could it be
othcrwi.sc, when each year of his long reign has been marked
by new favours bestowed upon the country? To enumerate
these, and to detail the history of this country for so many
years, would occupy more time than can be spared by those
whom I have the honour to address. Suffice it then, at a
glance, to compare our present happy situation with that of
our fathers on the eve of the day when George the Third
became their legitimate monarch. Suffice it to recollect that

tmmami

w <

TiiK Life uf Sir Juiix .\ Macdonald

under the French government (nitemally nnd externall)-,
arbitrary and oppressive;, the interests of this ctjuntry had
been more constantly ne;4lected and mal-admi'nistered tlian
any other part of its dependencies. In its estimation, Canada
seems not to have been considered as a country which, from
fertiht)' of soil, salubrity of climate, and extent of territory,
might iia\e been the peaceful abode of u numerous and hai)py
po])ulatit;n, but as a military [)ost, whose feeble garrison was
ccMidemned to live in a state of perpetual warfare aiul inse-
curity, frefjuently suffering from famine, without trade, or a
trade moiKjpolised b)' privileged companies; public and private
property often pillaged and perstjiial liberty' daily violatetl ,
when, year after year the handful of inhabitants settled in this
Province, were dragged from their homes and families to shed
their blood and carry murder and havoc from the shores of the
great lakes, from the Mississippi and the Ohio, to those of Nova
Scotia, Newfoundland and Hudson Bay Such was the situ-
ation of our forefathers Heboid the change! George the Third,
a sovereign revered f(jr his moral character, attention to his
kingly duties, and love of his subjects, succeeds to Louis XV ,
a prince then deservedly despised for his debauchery, his
inattention to the wants of his people and his lavish profusion
of the public monies upon favourites and mistresses. From
that day the reign of the law succeeded to that of violence.
From that day, the treasures, the navy and the armies of Great
Britain, are mustered to afford us an invincible protection
against external danger. From that day the better part of
her laws became ours; while our religion, property and the
laws by which they arc governed, remain unaltered. Soon
after are granted to us the privileges of its free constitution,
an infallible pledge, when acted upon of our internal pros-
perity. Now religious toleration, trial by jury (that wisest of
safeguards ever devised for the protection of innocence),
security against arbitrary imprisonment by the privileges
attached to the writ of Habeas Corpus, legal and equal
security afforded to alK in their person, honour and property;
the right to obey no other laws than those of our own mak-
ing and choice expressed through our representatives; all these

UKHi'X; Kkki;ti:i> into a \k\v Govkknmknt. 2^

advantages have become our birthright aiul shall, I hope, be
the lasting inheritance of our posterit}'. To secure them let
us only act as British subjects and freemen."

In 1763, by proclamation under the (ireat Seal, Quebec
was erected into a new gosernment, the law and customs of
the colony set aside, and the Kiigli; h laws, incUuling the penal
statutes against Roman Catholics, introduced in their stead.
General Murray was appointed to the governorship, with
instructions to nominate a council of eight members to assist
him in the administration

The effect of this sutlden introduction of a new language
and of new laws was to produce the greatest confusion and
di.sorder The people could only understand what was going
on through the medium of interpreters. All offices of emolu-
ment or importance were ccjnferred on British-born subjects
(many being brought from iMigland), who were alike ignorant
of the customs and language of the inhabitants. This state of
affairs naturally created di.sgust and discontent, antl when Sir
Guy Carleton succeeded Cieneral Murray, he took the earliest
opportunity of returning to l^ngland and getting the French
civil liws revised by the law officers of the Crown, and con-
stituted the chief authority in the courts of Canada in all
questions affecting land the iMiglish law being retained in
commercial transactions.

In 1774 the Quebec Act was {massed This Bill repealed
all the provisions of the ro)al prcx;lamation of 1763, annulled
the acts of the governor and council relative to the civil
government and administration of justice, revoked the com-
missions of judges and other existing officers, and established
new boundaries for the province, which was now declared to
embrace all ancient Canada, Labrador and the counties west
of the Ohio and Mississippi. It also released the Roman
Catholic religion in Canada from penal restrictions, renewed
the dues and tithes of the members of that church to its
regular clergy, and confirmed all classes with the exception
of the religious orders and communities, in the full possession
of their properties. The French laws were declared to be the
rules for the decision of questions relating to property and

The Life ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

civil rights, while the English criminal law was established in
perpetuity. Both the civil and criminal laws were, however,
liable to be altered or modified by the ordinances of the
governor and legislative council.

This council was to bs appointed by the crown and to con-
sist of not more than twenty-three nor less than seventeen
members. Its power was limited to levying local or muni-
cipal taxes, and to making irrangements for the administration
of the internal affairs of the province, the British government
jealously reserving to it.self the right of external ta.xation or
levying duties on articles imported or exported. Every
ordinance passed by this council was to be transmitted, within
six months after enactment, for the approbation of the king,
and, if disallowed, to be null and void, on his pleasure
becoming known in Quebec.

At this time the population was about 100,000.

This law, ba.scd upo;i the presumption that the French
would remain the dominant race in Canada, was ?. great
boon as far as that people were concerned, but oppressive to a
degree to those of British origin, many of whoin had settled in
the country or in the valley of the Ohio, which, by this Act,
was made part of Quebec, and who were thus deprived of the
right of a jury in civil cases, of the Habeas Corpus Aci, and
of constitutional government, and were made subject to French
laws. The mayor, aldermen and city council of the cit}' of
London petitioned the king not to sanction the bill, and, as
soon as it reached Quebec, the English .settlers al.so promptly
petitioned for its repeal, while, in the American colonies, its
passage was greeted by a storm of indignation and contributed,
in no small degree, to fan those feelings of irritation against
the mother country which finally brought about the struggle
that led to their independence.

This war, commenced in 1775 and concluded by tue treaty
of peace of November 1783, caused the first settlement of that
part of the country afterwards known as Upper Canada
During its progress many fatnilies emigrated across the border,
and were followed by large numbers at its close. The country
was then a perfect wilderness and entirely uninhabited, with

United Empire Loyalists.

the exception of a few military posts and some P'rench settle-
ments in the neighbourhood of Detroit, the entire population
being less than 2,000.

To reward these faithful servants, large grants of land were
made, ranging from 200 to 1,200 acres of land each, with 200
acres for each child born, or to be born, upon arriving at the
age of twenty-one years. In 1789 a list of these persons was
directed to be made out and returned "to put a mark of
honour" — as it is expressed in the orders in council — "upon
the families who had adhered to the unity of the empire, and
joined the royal standard in America, before the treaty of
.separation of 17H3, to the end their posterity may be dis-
tinguished from the future .settlers." From t!ie initials of the
words "Unity of the Empire," it was styled the V.K. list, and
those who.se names were entered on it, were distinguished as
U.lv Loyalists.

In 1785, Henry Hamilton was .sent f)ut as governor, and
one of his first acts was to assemble the legislative council
and recommend to their consitlcration the introduction of the
Habeas Corpus Act into the province, which w as accordingl\
done.

In 1786, General Carlcton, who had in the meantime been
raised to the peerage as Lord Dorchester, returned to Canad.i
as governor, and at once directed enquiries to be made into
the state of the laws, connnerce, education, and police. It was
found that English judges followed iMiglish law, Canadian
judges French law, other judges no law at all, but decided
according to what they believed to be the ecjuity of the ca.se.
Commerce was in a languishing condition owing to the active
rivalry of the United States, and education was almost entirel\-
neglected.

This state of things, and the expressed wishes of a portion
of the inhabitants, principally the English-speaking residents
of the cities of Quebec and Montreal, ilecided the home govern-
ment upon conferring upon Canada a Legislature modelled on
the same principle as that of Great Britain. The .scheme,
however, caused great alarm to the F'rench-speaking portion
of the community, who, in December 1778, memorialized the

TiiK I.iFii OF Sir John A. Macijonald.

Crown as follows: "It is our religion, our laws relative to our
property and our personal security, in which we arc most
interested, and these we enjoy in the most ample manner by
the Quebec Hill. We are the more averse to a House of
Assembly from the fatal consequences which will result from
it. Can we, as Roman Catholics, hope to preserve, for any
leni;th of time, the same prerogatives as Protestant subjects in
a House of Representatives, and will there not come a time
when the influence of the latter will overbalance that of our
jxxsterity? In this case should wc and our posterity' enjoy
the same advantages which our present constituticjn secures to
us? Again, have we not reason to dread lest we should soon
see those taxes levied upon the estates, which arc at present
actually levied upon articles of commerce, which the inhabi-
tant pays, indirectly, it is true, but in proportion to what he
consumes? Shall we not fear that we may one day see the
seeds of dissension created by the Assembly of Representa-
tives, and nourishctl by those intestine hatretls, to which the
opposite interests of the ok! and new subjects will materially
give birth."

To meet these objections it was decided to divide the
province into Upper and Lower Canada, the boundary' line
being drawn at the point where the grants from the F'rench
Crown ceased.

In 1791 the bill was passed and continued to be the con-
stitution of the Canadas until the Union of 1841. This Act
repealed .so much of the Quebec Act as related to the appoint-
ment of a council for the affairs of the Province of Quebec,
divided the province into two parts, with a legislative council
and assembly for each, the members of the former to be
aopointed for life, and in Upper Canada to consist of not fewer
than seven, and in Lower Canada, of not fewer than fifteen
persons, the governor to have the right of appointing the
speaker. The members of the latter were to be elected by
owners of freehold property and tenants paying a rental of
;£^io per annum, and to consist of not less than sixteen in
Upper Canada, and fifty in Lower Canada. An allotment
of lands was made in each province for the support and

Division into Uim'Kk and Lowkr Canada.

maintenance of a Protestant clergy, to be as nearly as possible
equivalent to a seventh part of what was granted, or to be
granted. His Majesty was also authorized to empower the
governor in each province to erect parsonages and to endow
them, and to present incumbents, or ministers of the church of
England, subject to all rights granted, or to be granted, to the
bishop of Nova Scotia. Power was given to the provincial
legislatures to vary or repeal the provisions relating to the
clergy reserves and parsonages, provided that no bills on that
behalf were to be assented to by His Majesty, until thirty days
after they had been laid before both houses of the Imperial
parliament. The home government reserved to itself the right
of arranging duties, and of regulating navigation and com-
merce.

The population of the province of Quebec had now
increased to about 1 50,000, and was composed, in a very
large proportion, of French Canadians, n simple, cheerful
people, unaccustomed to taking part in political matters, and
to whom the Quebec Act was admirably suited. The revenue
was only about ;6 5,000, and the expenditure nearly ;{^20,ooo,
and as the difference was paid out of the Imperial chest, they
did not trouble themselves about cjuestions of finance. They
neither understood nor cared for self-government, and were
entirely unconscious of the power the new Act was to give
them. The press wielded but little influence, news travelled
slowly, and the postal arrangements were so primitive, that it
took a month for a letter to go from the city of Quebec to
Halifax or New York, and four months for a reply to be
received to a letter sent to England.

The first parliament of Lower Canada sat for over six
months, during which time it pai^scd Jive bill.s.

It is worthy of remark, that on the 3rd of November,
1809, the steamer Accomodation left Montreal and after
a voyage of thirty-six hours, arrived in Quebec. She was built
by John Molson, and was the second steamer on this con-
tinent.

As an instance of the power exercised by governors in for-
mer days, it may be mentioned that after the fifth parliament

The Lifk of Sir John A. Macdonald.

of Lower Canada, which met on the 9th of Apt i!, 1809, had
been sittinj^ for five weeks, General Craig took umbrage at
their proceedings and went down and dissolved the House on
the l6th of May, using terms of strong censure towards the
members, but complimenting the legislative council. When
the new assembly met on the 29th of January of the following
year, they resolved by a vote of twenty-five to seven, " that
the executive's approving of the conduct of one part of the
legislature, and censuring that of the other, was contrary to
the spirit of the constitution, a breach of their privileges, and
dangerous to the rights and liberties of His Majestj's subjects
in this province." Their action with regard to judges holding
seats in the assembly, also gave offence to the governor, who
came down and again dissolved the House. '' Le Canadieit''
was the only newspaper that oppo.sed these acts, so, on the
17th of March, a party of soldiers, a magistrate and two con-
stables went to the office, seized the press and material, and
conveyed them to the vaults of the city court-house. The
printers and six h'rcnch Canadian gentlemen, were also taken
prisoners and placed in gaol, from which, after a time, they
were released, one by one, without the form of a trial.

At the time of its formation into a separate province,
Upper Canada contained about 20,000 inhabitants. The
first parliament met at Niagara on the 17th September,
1792, and was opened by Governor Simcoe. The asstmbl)-
consisted of but si.xteen members, and the council of still less.
It sat for less than a month, but during that time, passed
eight very important bills, l^y these, were introduced the
English civil law, and trial by jury ; provision was made for
the collection of small debts, the toll to be taken by millers
was regulated, jails and court-houses were provided for in each
district, etc.

It having been decided to surrender Fort Niagara on the
American side of the river, Governor Simcoe, considering that
his capital was too near the borders, decided on removing it, and,
after coasting along the northern shore of Lake Ontario, finally
settled on a site near the old French fort, Toronto, which
accordingly became the seat of government in 1797.

War ok i8i 1-14.

In 181 1, the democracy of the United States forced a war
with Great Britain, the avowed object of which was to possess
themselves of Canada. This course was strongly opposed by
many members of Congress, delegates from several counties in
New York protested at Albany against it, and the day war
was declared the shipping in the harbour at Boston displayed
their flags at half-mast in token of mourning. The whole
population of the country at thi^5 time was barely 300,000, of
which only 80,000 were in Upper Canada, whilst that of the
United States, was upwards of 8,000,000.

The promoters of the invasion anticipated that Canada
would offer but a slight resistance. They relied, not only upon
their own overpowering numbers, but on the willingness of a
large portion of the inhabitants to see their country annexed
to the United States. They soon found that they had reck-
oned without their host in both respects. Very few of the
Canadians were willing to change their allegiance, and, amongst
those who first took up arms in defence of the country, and went
forth to meet the invaders, were tho.se American citizens who
had emigrated from the New England states and New York,
and settled in the country. The whole brunt of the first part
of the fight fell upon the comparatively few regular troops and
the militia, owing to the belief in England that hostilities would
cease as soon as it became known to Congress that the English
Government had repealed the famous orders-in-council, the
ostensible cause of the war, issued in retaliation for the Berlin
and Milan decrees, by which all continental ports were closed
against British manufacturers, and the whole coast of Great
Britain declared to be in a state of blockade.

But, small as were the numbers to oppose them, extensive
the frontier to be defended, and bad the means of communica-
tion between the different parts of the country, the enemy could
make no headway, and, again and again, were driven over the
border, and the campaign of 18 12 resulted in the complete
overthrow of the hopes of those who had planned it. The
inhabitants had proved loyal to the British throne, and had
fought with yuch splendid courage, that, although but a hand-
ful in number, thev had been able to roll back the tide of

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

invasion, and, when winter set in, had the proud satisfaction of
knowing that their country, from end to end, was still their own.

There were many noble men in the United States who had
vehemently opposed the unnatural war. The States of
Massachussctts, Connecticut and Rhode Island had never
approved of it, and had refused to contribute their quota of
militia. The State of Maryland now raised its voice aj^ainst
the unprincipled invasion of an unoffending people, and
declared that these States were right in refusing to contribute
men for such a purpose, and that the war was imcompatible
with Republican principles, while Mr. Quinccy, in Congress,
denounced it in the strongest terms. "We .seized." said he
"the first opportunity to carry the war amongst the harmless
colonists. It was not owing to our Government that the bones
of the Canadians were not mixed with the ashes of their habi-
tations. Since the invasion of the buccaneers there is nothing
in history more disgraceful."

The cause of freedom, justice and humanity was not, how-
ever, allowed to prevail, and the majority of Congress
determined that the Canadians should again experience ever\-
evil that their hands could inflict. Accordingly, in January.
1813, ho.stilitics were resumed, and during the rest of the year
the unequal contest raged with great fury from one end of
the country to the other and with varied results. The peaceful
inhabitants were treated in the most cruel manner, their
houses and barns were burnt, and their cattle and stores car-
ried off. They came to free the Canadian people from what
they termed the tyranny of Great Britain, but found them
loyal, incorruptible and satisfied with their condition. The}-
spoke to them of the rights of humanity, how all men were
free and equal, while thousands of slaves writhed under the
lash in the South. They boasted of their respect for the
rights of property ; yet they plundered the defenceless people,
burned their houses, and visited their happy homes with all
the horrors of invasion. On the cold and bitter night of
December 13th, when the fierce north wind howled and the snow
fell fast and thick, they burned the village of Niagara, turning
the women, children and old men, the sick, the delicate, the

BURNINt; OK NlAClAKA.

a<rcd, out into the driving storm to find food and shelter where
best they mi^ht. But this act of unparalleled barbarity, instead
of intimidating, wrought so fierce a desire for revenge in the
breasts of the Canadians, that the Americans were made to
feel all the horrors of their own act, and sf)on the whole district
from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario was one smoking mass;
desolation and ruin prevailed where once was peace and
happiness; the wails of the Canadian mothers and orphans
were re-echoed from the eastern side of the river; Niagara was
revenged and dire retribution meted out to the enemy.

Another year came to a close and the soil of Canada was
still free, excepting at the extreme west where Amherstburg
was held, a loss more than compensated by the gain of
Niagara ; the large armies which had been raised to overwhelm
the inhabitants had been driven back by sinall detachments,
and the conquest of the country was more remote than ever.

The ne.xt year, 18 14, the disastrous struggle was renewed
and was characterized by even more stubborn fighting than
had taken place in the two previous campaigns; but though
the soil was drenched with the blood of her brave militia and
of the soldiers of Great liritain sent to their assistance, the
close of the year found Canada not only unconquered, but the
inhabitants better able than ever to defend their rights
Happily, on December 24th, ihe treaty of Ghent put an end to
the unnatural strife, and swords, which ought never to have
been drawn, were once more sheathed.

In 1818 the Home Government made a concession to the
Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada, and accepted their
offer to defray the expenses of the civil list. The estimates
amounting to ;{, 76,646 currency, were accordingly sent down
and voted en bloc. It was, however, resolved that in fut're
they should be given under detailed heads, and provided for
by Bill to place them on a more constitutional footing.

The next session the House came into collision with the
Governor, the Duke of Richmond, on this point. In committee
of the whole they fixed the salaries of all public functionaries
from the Governor downwards. A Bill was also introduced

'[\i\: LiiK OF Sir John A. Macdonam).

spccifyiii^f the items of public fxpciulitiirt.', and inakinjf pro-
vision for thcin in detail. This Hill was rejected by the Lej^is-
lative Council, (jii the y^round that the Assembly, by specifyin<,^
salaries in detail, trenclieil on the prerogatives of the Crown.
The (Jiovern(jr proroj^'ued the House in terms of censure, and
drew upon tlie Receiver (ieneral for the amount necessary.

The ne.\t meeting of Parliament in February 1S20, was
disturbed by a similar quarrel on this point, in consequence of
which Mr. Monk, on whom had devolved the administration of
government through the sudden death of the Duke of Rich-
mond, dissolved the House.

In December of the same year, the new Parliament met,
and the struggle was renewed, but resulted in each party main-
taining the position they had assumed, and the .session again
closed without any provision being inade for the civil list.

The JJill known as the Canada Trade Act was passed by
the Imperial Parliament, in 1822, and the project of a union
with the upper province having been published, the As.sembly,
which was composed principally of French Canadians, thor-
oughly alarmed at the prospect of losing their ascendancy,
became more tractable and passed the estimates, which were
brought down in detail and divided into two portions, over
one part of which the Government claimed ab.solutc control.

In the following year, when the estimates were laid before
the House, twenty-five per cent was deducted from all salaries,
inclutling that of the Governor. This was rejected by the
Legislative Council, and again the civil list was unprovided
for.

In the ne.\t session, 1825, the Governor, Lord Dalhousie,
being in England, the Lieutenant-Governor, Sir I^Vancis Burton,
placed the estimates before the House without any distinction
between the two classes. Believing this to be a tacit surrender
of the crown revenues, the entire sum for the civil list was
voted.

Lord Dalhousie, having returned from England, opened
the next meeting of Parliament in 1826, and, as formerly, laid
the estimates before the House in two classes. This produced
great indignation, and the Assembly proceeded to vote the

Dii'HCULTii:s WITH Lord Daluousik.

Supply Hill as in the preceding session, which was accordingly
rejected by the Upper House.

The next session (1S27) was even more stormy. The
hoine government adhered to its determination to retain the
disposal of the imperial revenues in its own hands, and the
Assembly were equally determined to acquire their control.
Thus there caine about a dead-lock between the two Houses.
The Council, which was composed principally of gentlemen of
British origin, did all they could to centralize power in the
executive, and looked upon the Assembly, which consisted
almost entirely of I^'rench Canadians, as the representatives
of a conquered people ever prone to revolution ; while the
latter regarded the Council as the embodiment of British intol-
erance, pride and exclusiveness, and endeavoured to obtain
for themselves, as the representatives of the people, more
authority over the affairs of the province. Under these cir-
cumstances, the Governor decided upon a dissolution.

When the new Parliament met another difficulty arose.
The Assembly, having re-elected Mr. Papincau as Speaker, His
E.xccllency refused to recognise their choice on the ground
that Mr. Papineau had spoken disrespectfully of him, and
would not even receive a remonstrance from the House, for the
reason that, until they had elected their speaker, they were
not properly organized, and, after .some days, dismissed them
to their homes.

This action led to an appeal to the Imperial Parliament,
and a committee of twenty-one members was accordingly
ap{)ointcd to examine into the subjects of the complaints.
The result was that a report was made in favour of the
petition. The committee recommended the abolition of the
seignorial rights, the establishment of new electoral districts,
and the surrender of the whole of the crown revenues to the
assembly, measures being at the same time taken to make the
governor, judges, and executive council independent of an
annual vote of supply.

The latest returns showed the population to be now about
425,000 souls.

TiiK Liii: KK Sir John A. Ma( donald.

During thistiinc, Upper Canada was also inakin;,' progress.
In i8i6thc foundation of the j)rcscntsplc'iulitl library of Parlia-
ment was laid by a vote of ;{,8ooand that of the common school
system by a grant of ;^6oo to pay teachers and purchase
books.

The Imperial Government, whilst using every effort to pro-
mote emigration from the mother countrj-, by means of grants of
land, free passages, provisions until the first crop was harvested,
and agricultural implementsat half-price, endeavoured to check
immigration from the United States, refusing to grant lands
to settlers from that country, or to permit thein to take the
oath of allegiance. This action was not in harmony with the
views of the people of the province, and, accordingly, in i.Si/,
when the assembly went into committee of the whole to cmiuirc
into the state of public affairs, it was laid down as one of the
causes tending to retard the progress of the country, the (others
being : want of postal facilities, the crown and the clergy
reserves, and the non -granting the promised lands to the
militia. Discussion on these points being against the policy
of the Executive, the governor suddenly came down and pro-
rogued the House.

This contemptuous treatment astonished the country and
created great dissatisfaction. The resolutions which had been
passed merely affirmed the fact that the Imperial Parliament
had passed acts to promote emigration. The others, on which
discussion was prevented, went on to show the desirability of
permitting settlers to come in from the United States, and
that the retention of large tracts of land as crown and clergy
reserves, prevented the settlement of the country in continuous
tracts, and formed a source of temptation for future wars, by
offering means by which the troops could be rewarded in case
of successful invasion. They also recommended the sale,
instead of lease, of the clergy reserves, and considered the
amount appropriated as altogether too large. The action of
the governor was denounced by all classes of people, and the
idea of responsible government first presented itself.

When Parliament next met (1818), a vote of enquiry into
the state of the country, which had been carried by the

Al'PKAL TO iMI'KklAI- PaKI.IAMKNT.

Legislative Assembly, was prevented from j^oin^ into effect by
another sudden proroj^ation. This produced intense discontent
and, durinpf the summer, a convention was held at Toronto to
draft an address to the Imperial Parliament. Althou^'h this
aiUlress was never acted upon, yet the agitation had a good
effect, and caused the removal of one ground of complaint,
namely, the non-granting of the promised lands to the militia.
The Government and assembly becoming alarmed at the result
(.f this convention, the former resenting the strong language
used against its members, and the latter regarding it as an
infringement on their rights as the representatives of the
people, an act was passed, for preventing certain meetings
within the province, by a vote of twelve in a house of thirteen.
This, however, was so unpopular, and seemed so directly
opposed to the rights of free speech, that it was found
necessary to repeal it the next session before going to the
country for re-election.

The year 1823 was chiefly remarkable for the project of
the Wclland Canal, which was brought forward by the Hon.
Williain Hamilton Merritt; and for the refusal of the Legisla-
tive Council to pass an Act sent up from the Assembly to
permit Methodist clergymen to perform the marriage cere-
mony. An address was also voted to the home government,
for the purpose of .securing a portion of the clergy reserves for
the Presbyterian Church, on the ground that the Church of
.Scotland was acknowledged as such by the statute book of
Great Britain.

Radicalism in Canada had grown stronger of late years,
and in the new assembly of 1825, we find John Roli)h,
Marshall Spring l^idwcll and others, whose action in later
years brought on civil war in Canada, whilst William Lyon
Mackenzie, the main instigator of the rebellion, had com-
menced the publication of the Colonial Advocate, a sheet
teeming with invective and abuse of the Executive Council.
]'"ormed upon the same principle as the government of Lower
Canada, the same difficulties occurred between the two houses,
and, in this year, the Supply Bill, not coming up to the esti-
mates, was thrown out by the Council along with eighteen

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

other bills. This, of course, caused great dissatisfaction, but
the newspapers of that day were not read as they now are, and
did not exercise the same influence. Mackenzie's paper
poured forth the most violent and bitter articles, some of
which gave such offense that his office was broken into and
the presses and material completely destroyed. Everyone
disapproved of this action, and the Governor dismissed one of
the Clerks of his own office who had taken part in it, and the
rest were dealt with by law. In an action for damages,
Mackenzie recovered a)C'25, but so much sympathy was felt
for th r perpetrators of the act that almost the entire sum was
made up by subscription. During the recess, the Governor
made a tour of the principal parts of the province, and was
everywhere met by the most flattering addresses. Some of
these reflected on the conduct of the Legislative Assembly, for
receiving which, that body, when it met in the month of
December, directly censured his conduct. The claims of the
Church Df England to the exclusive use of the clergy reserves
were now actively put forward and led to much discussion,
the rights of the Presbyterians to a share in them being
warmly urged by William Morris, member for Perth, and
other strong friends of the Kirk of Scotland.

The next and last session of this Parliament opened on
January i6, 1828, and was characterized by conflicts with the
Governor, and an increase of feeling between him and the
Lower House. On the one hand he appointed a clerk to the
Assembly, which they resented as an interference with their
rights; on the other, they summoned Adjutant-General Coffin
and Colonel Givens to give evidence before a Committee of
the House, and he directed them not to obey, on the ground
that the application should have been made to him first as their
military superior. The consequence was, that both were taken
prisoners by the sergeant-at-arms, and, on refusing to give evi-
dence, were committed to gaol, where they remained until the
Legislature was prorogued. The claims of the Church of
England to the clergy reserves were again brought up, and
resulted in increased bitterness towards that body; the news-
papers became more violent than ever, and libel suits were

Death of GE()R(iK IV.

frequent. For one of these attacks on Attorney-General
Robinson, Collins, the editor of the Toronto Freeman, was
sentenced to a year's imprisonment, a fine of ;^50, and to give
security for his future good behaviour.

After the session. Sir Peregrine Maitland took his
departure for the govrernoship of Nova Scotia, and writs were
issued for a new election. In this the radical party were suc-
cessful; amongst others, William Lyon Mackenzie being
returned as representative for the county of York. The new
Parliament elected Marshall Bidwell as Speaker, and presented
an address to the Governor, Sir John Colborne, expressive of
want of confidence in the Executive, complaining of the injuri-
ous policy hitherto pursued by them, and expressing regret
that they should continue to be the advisers of His Excellency.
They also presented an address asking for the release of
Collins from gaol, which was refused in language which
brought a retort from that body, and seemed to foreshadow
trouble between them and the Governor. So great was the
want of harmony between the two Hcjscs that, twenty-one
bills passed in the Assembly were rejected by the Council. At
this time the casual and territorial revenues were sufficient,
with the addition of a permanent grant of ^^^2,500 made several
years previously, to place the Executive beyond the power of
the assembly as regarded an annual vote for the civil list, and,
when the Legislature aga'n assembled on January 30, 1830, the
Governor was able to announce that the revenue at the dis-
posal of the Executive, was not only sufficient to meet the civil
list, but that a considerable balance was at their disposal. To
which the Assembly replied by claiming a right to control the
revenues of the province, and asked for the dismissal of the
Executive. During the session, forty bills, which had been
passed by the Lower House, were rejected by the Upper House.
George the Fourth having died, the Assembly became dis-
solved, and a new election took place. This resulted in a
decided defeat of the radical party.and when the Legislature met
on January 8, 1831, their opponents elected the Speaker by a
vote of twenty-seven to fifteen. The control of the Imperial
dues, amounting to ;^i 1,000 per annum, was now ceded to

^mmmi

The Life of Sir John A. Macdoxald.

the Canadian Parliament, and in return they voted ^6,500 in
perpetuity, to pay the salaries of the lieutenant-<jovernor, the
three judges, the attorney and solicitor-general, and the five
executive councillors.

At the next meeting of the Legislature, in November,
William Lyon Mackenzie was expelled for " gross, scandalous,
and malicious libels," published in the Colonial Advocate, which
were voted a breach of privilege. Having been re-elected he
was again expelled during the next session for another article
published in the same paper. Before the House rose, a
message was received from <^he Governor, declaring that the
home government had decided that the Church of Scotland
was entitled to a share in the clergy reserves. No action,
however, was taken.

During the recess, Mackenzie was re-elected, and selected
as the bearer of a petition to the king, which requested,
among other things, that the Legislative Council should be
made elective, the lieutenant-go. ernor removed, a new legis-
lature called, and the electoral divisions re-arranged.

Parliament met again for the last time, on the 3 ist October,
1833. During this sitting, some very important measures were
passed ; amongst others, one making the judges independent of
the Crown and appointing them for life. The Executive Coun-
cil, being composed principally of men favourable to the claims
of the Church of England to the exclusive use of the clergy
reserves, tried in this year to make provision for its mainten-
ance by establishing fifty-seven rectories, and placing them in
possession of ministers of that Church. This developed a good
deal of feeling against the E.xccutive, and trouble occurred in
Toronto between some members of the radical party and the
military.

In Lower Canada, Lord .Dalhousie was succeeded by Sir
James Kempt, who at once commenced a policy of concili-
ation. The financial difficulties still continued to exist between
the two Houses, but he endeavoured to bring these into greater
harmony with each other by appointing new and more popular
members to the Legislative Council, and by requesting the

Gkneral Lord Avlmek.

judges to retire altogether. This, they declined to do, but
promised to take no part in the deliberations. A committee,
which was appointed by the Assembly to consider the state of
the country, recommended the settlement of the financial
question, the independence of the judges and their removal
from the political arena, the proper accountability of public
officers, the application of the Jesuits' estates to educational
purposes, a reconstruction of the Executive Council, and the
removal of all obstructions to the settlement of the country,
particularly the crown and clergy reserves.

In 1 83 1, Sir James Kempt was succeeded as Governor by
General Lord Aylmer, one of whose first acts was to announce,
in a message to the Assembly, that a bill would be introduced
into the Imperial Parliament securing to the colonial legisla-
tures the control of the crown duties and other revenues
amounting to ;^38,ooo sterling per annum, provided that it guar-
anteed a civil list, during the king's life, of half that amount, the
timber duties and other sourcesof revenue amounting to ;£^ 1 1,000
sterling to remain at the disposal of the Crown. This offer was
declined, and a series of resolutions, detailing the grievances
of the country, were passed. On these petitions were framed
and .sent to the Governor for transmission to England. Despite
this action, the home government acted in the most conciliatory
spirit. A bill was passed, handing over the control of the
Imperial duties, and also of the Jesuits' estates, which the Leg-
islature could now devote to educational purposes if it so
pleased, and the assent of the Crown was given to the removal
of judges from the Legislature and their appointment to their
positions for life. The Assembly were not, however, prepared
to act in a corresponding spirit, and, in passing the Act mak-
ing the judges independent of the Government, declared that
their salaries should be paid out of the timber and other dues
which had not yet been surrendered to them, and refused to
vote the permanent civil list, which had been placed in the
estimates at the low sum of ^5,900.

The Home Government were willing, however, to make still
further concessions for the sake of peace, and, in 1832, granted
slature the right to vote the supply bill by items.

Legi

«pi««mp

cmmmmmima

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

In the next session, the Assembly drew up a petition, pray-
ing that the Legislative Council should be made elective, and,
on voting the Supply Bill, reduced the amount by £7,000. The
Council were now deeply incensed at the action of the
Assembly in endeavouring to change their Constitution, and
in strong language memorialized against it.

When Parliament met in 1834, the Assembly embodied what
they believed to be their grievances in ninety-two resolutions,
which were transmitted to the King and to the Lords and
Commons. No supply bill was voted, and, for want of a quonam,
the Governor was obliged to prorogue the House. These reso-
lutions were referred to a select committee of the Imperial
Parliament, which, after a long and patient sitting, reported
" that the governors of Lower Canada had been unremitting
in their efforts to carry out the suggestions of the select com-
mittee of 1828, and that any want of success on their part was
entirely owing to the quarrels between the two branches of the
Canadian Legislature and other local causes." They evidently
did not feel that anything had been left undone in the past,
and could not recommend that further concessions should be
made in the future.

These occurrences developed a general feeling of insecurity
in Lower Canada, and both English and French began to
form themselves into associations antagonistic to each other.

The next session of P:uiiament was opened on February
21, 1835, when Papineau was again elected Speaker. In open-
ing the House the Governor intimated that, no vote of supply
having been made for two years, the Imperial Government had
directed an advance, amounting to ;£^3 1,000, to be made from
the military chest, to pay the salaries of the judges and other
officers of the Crc'n. This advance was censured by the
Assembly, who also ordered to be expunged from the journals
of the House, the speech of the Governor in proroguing the
last session, in which he found fault with the House for their
proceedings. They also reiterated their right to control all
the revenues of the country, declared that the people required
an elective Legislative Council, and prepared another grievance
petition. No supply bill was voted, only one Act passed, and

Conciliatory Measures.

the House was prorogued on March i8th, for want of a
quorum.

Still, the home government resolved to try conciliatory
measures, and a commission, consisting of the Earl of Gosford,
Sir Charles Grey and Sir George Gipps, was appointed to
proceed to Canada. The Earl of Gosford was also to succeed
Lord Aylmer, as governor. The Colonial Secretary, Lord
Glenelg, also stated his willingness to concede the control of
the entire revenue, if provisions were made for the judges, and
the salaries of the civil officers fixed for ten years. He also
professed his willingness to yield up the proceeds of the sale
of wild lands, and conceded the principle that the Imperial
Parliament had no constitutional right to interfere with the
internal affairs of the province, except in very extreme cases.
At the same time he declared that the king was opposed to
an elective legislative council, but was willing to have its
expediency enquired into.

Lord Gosford summoned parliament for October 27th, and,
in his opening speech, gave up, in effect, every point in dis-
pute. He declared that every information would be afforded
respecting the public accounts, that bills should not be reserved
for imperial sanction, except on the gravest grounds, that
French Canadians would have the path of official preferment
open to them the same as to their British fellow citizens, and
that no partiality should be shown the English language over
the French. The members were also invited to remedy any
abuses that might exist in the law courts, and to arrange the
matter of the clergy reserves. He also announced that the
home government were prepared to surrender the control of all
public revenues arising from any Canadian source, on con-
dition of a moderate provision being made for the civil list
and trusted that a proper supply bill would be voted and the
money, advanced from the military chest, repaid. In fact,
everything was yielded so far as it was possible to do so, and
still retain the connection with the mother country.

These concessions, however, were unavailing. Papineau,
the leader of the French, would be satisfied with nothing less
than total independence, and all his power and influence were,

li ^

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

directed towards carrying out the idea of a French Canadian
Republic, of which he, himself, was to be the President.
Accordingly, the Assembly, instead of meeting the views of
the Imperial Government, entirely ignored the commission;
apf»o' i.ted Mr. Roebuck their agent in England, and, by every
ict, .sljwed their entire antagonism. On February 23, 1836,
the House went into committee of the whole on the public
accounts, voted a supply for six months only, and made no
provision for reimbursing the military chest. Next, they pro-
cc 'i '' ^''' i-ote addresses to the Home Government detailing
ther. g/'ov^ '<:cs. They also insisted upon the abolition of the
Legislr.iv:. >.^\ir.':il, and severely censured the administration
of Lord Aylmc--.

1 i\ n oly r \3 rejected by the Upper House, and

matters wCiO in ■. .i ./, liition than ever. Parliament was
prorogued on March 21st, and the Governor, in his speech,
took occasion to say "It is to me a matter of sincere regret,
that the offers of peace and conciliation, of which I was the
bearer to this country, have not led to the result I had hoped
for. The consequences of their rejection, and of the demands
which have been made to His Majesty, I will not venture to
predict."

On September 22nd, of the same year, the Legislature were
again called together, the Governor stating that it was the wish
of His Majesty to give them an opportunity of reconsidering
the course they had seen fit to pursue, and hoped that a proper
Supply Bill would be voted, and the amount borrowed from,
would be returned to the military chest. He further addressed
them as follows: "The course, I have hitherto pursued has
been approved by my sovereign, and I have never ceased to
remember that the two first objects of my government were,
the removal of abuses and the reconcilement of opposing
parties. By caution, forbearance, and by the exercise of what
I believe to be a liberal policy, I have sought to promote the
welfare of the country and to gain your confidence. If I suc-
ceed in this latter object, I shall rejoice at it, principally
because it will afford me the means or doing the greater good,
and if I fail, I shall always be consoled by the consciousness

]

Le(;islative Council Denounced.

of having laboured earnestly to deserve it." The Assembly-
was not, however, in a mood to meet these advances. They
denounced the Legislative Council in the strongest terms, and
stigmatized the Executive and judicial authorities as "a faction
combined against the liberties of the country and its public
prosperity," and resolved to do no business until such time as
the Legislative Council had been made elective. Accordingly,
after a short sitting of less than a fortnight. Parliament was
prorogued on October 5th.

Having completed their duties, the members of the com-
mission, with the exception of Lord Gosford, who remained
as Governor-General, returned to England and made their
report, the result of which was, that the demands of the
Assembly were rejected; the House of Commons, by a large
majority, declaring that since 1832 no provision had been
made for the civil list, and, after referring to the line of policy
pursued by the Assembly, that it was inadvisable to make the
Legislative Council elective; and, shortly after, authority was
given to the Executive Council to use the public moneys of the
province.

The result of this was to produce intense indignation in
Lower Canada. , Meetings were held, at which the most
violent and seditious resolutions were passed, and Papineau
was escorted, in triumph, by his countrymen from one district
to another. On the other hand loyalist meetings were held by
the English-speaking portion of the inhabitants, in which, part
was taken by many of the better informed French Canadians,
who, having spent their lives in the cities and towns, had a
clearer view of the rights and wrongs of the points in dispute,
and fully realized the benefits which they derived from their
connection with Great Britain, and the impossibility of carry-
ing out the mad schemes of the visionary Papineau.

While events were thus progressing, William the Fourth
died, and Queen Victoria ascended the throne. The Home
Government, being unwilling, at the commencement of a new
reign, to use strong measures whilst there was a possibility of
succeeding by mild ones, directed Lord Gosford to again
summon the Legislature together. They met, accordingly, on

■•-■!s;!'.^^»AVi-;''

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

August 1 8, 1837, but, although the Governor's speech was mild
and conciliatory, the Assembly refused to vote a Supply Bill or
to transact any public business until their demands were com-
plied with, and, consequently, on the 26th Parliament was
prorogued.

Things were now going from bad to worse, the whole
province was tainted with sedition, and the intention of form-
ing the "North-West Republic of Lower Canada" was no
longer corjcealed. But, while the ignorant and misinformed
amongst the peasantry, and he visionary and ambitious
amongst the better educated, wre willing to follow Papineau
to rebellion, they found opposed to their schemes a body
which has ever wielded a vast influence over the desti-
nies of the people. Thoroughly alarmed at the cry for a
republic, the Roman Catholic clergy threw their whole weight
in opposition to the project, and soon, in every town and
parish, an influence was at work, compared with which the
leaders of the rebellion found their own was as nothing. This
had the effect of keeping back the mass of the people who
would gladly have gone with Papineau to the field, and his
active supporters were reduced to a small minority.

Lord Gosford, in writing to the colonial office, thus stated
his view of the situation: "It is evident that the Papineau
faction are not to be satisfied with any concession that does
not place them in a more favourable position to carry into
effect their ulterior objects, namely, the separation of this
country from England, and the establishment of a republican
form of government. The executive requires more power,
and, under my present impressions I am disposed to think
that you will be under the necessity of suspending the Consti-
tution. It is with deep feelings of regret that I state this, but
duty compels me to communicate it to you."

During the autumn the disaffection increased, large mobs
paraded the streets of Montreal singing revolutionary songs,
the tricolour was unfolded at St. Hyacinthe, and the country
people commenced to assemble at Chambly and St. John's.
Collisions between the two parties soon followed and the
whole province was in a state of open rebellion. At. St.

Suspension of the Council.

Denis the insurgents, under VVolfred Nelson, successfully
opposed Colonel Gore's first attempt to dislodge them, but
were subsequently defeated with severe loss, as they were also
at St. Charles, Point Rivier, St. Armand's, and St. Eustache.

As a natural result of this armed resistance to the laws of
the country the Constitution of Lower Canada was suspended
by the Home Government in February, 1838, and a special
Council appointed to govern the province, whose decrees were
to have the same force as Acts of the Legislature. At the
same time the Earl of Durham was appointed to succeed
Lord Gosford. The special Council met for the first time on
April 1 8th, and was composed of an equal number of English
and French Canadians.

/^On May 2^, 1838, Lord Durham arrived in Canada, and,
'two days after, issued a proclamation setting forth his views
and intentions. Being satisfied that, in the then state of
public feeling, it would be impossible to secure the conviction
of those who had been taken prisoners, he proceeded to take
such measures as he thought were best suited to the emer-
gency. A meeting of the special Council was called and an
edict passed banishing the principal offenders, then in prison,
to Bermuda, and forbidding Papineau and others to return to
Canada under pain of death.

His course of action met with the approval of the Home
Government but not of the Imperial Parliament, which annulled
the Act. This led to the resignation of Lord Durham after a
residence in Canada of a little over five months. During this
time he had made a thorough investigation into the state of
the country and drew up an able and exhaustive report of its
affairs. This document formed a guide for, and proved of
great value to his successor, and brought to the inhabitants
many of the benefits which they now enjo}-.

The very day (November 3, 1838), that Lord Durham took
his departure for England, the insurrection broke out again
under the leadership of Dr. Robert Nelson, a brother of Wol-
fred who had, on a previous occasion, issued a declaration of
independence, signing himself president of the provisional
government. Martial law was immediately proclaimed and

Thk Lifk of Sir John A. Macdonald.

the Habeas Corpus Act suspended. The outbreak was
quelled in a week's time, but not before several cngajfenients
had been fought, the most bloody of which was at Odelltown,
where the rebels lost sixty killed besides a large number of
wounded and prisoners. Hut. short as the time was, a large
amount of misery was inflicted. The insurgents burnt down
the houses of many of those who did not sympathi.se with
them, and the loyalists retaliated in the same way as soon as
the opportunity presented it.self

The leniency shown during the previous year had not pro-
duced the desired effect, and now it was determined to try
the effect of harsher measures. Courts martial sat to try those
who had been captured, twelve of whom were .sentenced to
death, and a large number were transported.

While these occurrences were transpiring in Lower Canada,
matters were in an equally unsettled state in the Upper Prov-
ince. Sir Francis Bond Head, who had been appointed
Lieutenant-Governor, arrived at the end of January, 1836, and
soon got into trouble with the Legislature. After several
changes in the Council, and a wordy war with the As.sembh-,
who stopped the supplies, he prorogued the House, with
censure, on April 20th.

The radical party were in power at this time, Mackenzie
and Bidwell being leading spirits in it. By the violent actions
and language of these men, and their scarcely concealed wishes,
the Lieutenant-Governor found himself forced to give his confi-
dence to their opponents. In this step the country was pre-
pared to back him, and, when Parliament was dissolved on
May 28th, and a new election took place, all the principal
leaders of the reform party, including Mackenzie and Bidwell,
were defeated at the polls. The former, soon after, com-
menced the publication of a paper called T/ie Coiistitutioti,
which, by its violent language, inflamed the popular mind and
prepared the way for rebellion. At the same time he kept up
a steady correspondence with Papineau and his party, and
agreed upon the course to be followed. He also went about
from place to place stirring up the people by inflammatory

Unskttlki) Stath ok Uim'kk Canada.

appeals, and cMirollin^and orjjaiiiziti^ bodies of the disaffected,
to arm whom muskets were brouj^jht in from the United
States. Finally, he boldly threw off the mask and issued an
appeal to the people, calling upon them to strike for freedom.

During the month of November, 1H37, it was resolved by
Mackenzie, Rolph and other leaders, to commence the rebel-
lion by an attack on Toronto, and the capture of the person of
the Lieutenant-Governor. Had matters been left entirel)- in the
hands of the former, it is altogether probable that the attack
would have been successful, as all the troops had been with-
drawn by Sir John Colborne, to Kingston, in order to be
better prepared to put down the rebellion which Papineau was
then fermenting in the other province. It happened most
fortunately, however, that Rolph, believing that their i)lans
had been discovered, changed the date of attiick from Decem-
ber 7th to December 4th. The result of this was to entirely dis-
organize the carefully prepared plans. Small detachments
came in at irregular intervals to the appointed rendezvous,
which was Montgomery's tavern, about four miles from
Toronto, and, finding uncertainty and vacillation prevailing,
where all should have been decision, began to break up again
and disperse to their homes. Meanwhile, the Government had
learned of the proposed attack, assistance was pouring in from
all directions, and the danger was over.

A body of militia under the command of Sir Allan Macnab,
marched out to Montgomery's and completely routed the rest
of the rebel force which remained, inflicting a loss of thirty-six
killed and fourteen wounded. The tavern, along with the
residences of some others who had taken part in the insurrec-
tion, was burnt to the ground. Mackenzie and Bidwcll fled
to the United States, which they succeeded in reaching in
safety. The former, undeterred by the issue of his first
attempt at treason, proceeded to carry out his schemes from
that country, and soon found himself at the head of a thousand
desperate men collected from the slums and back streets of
Buffalo, to whom he offered, as a reward, the lands of
the country as soon as they had effected its capture. With
this force he took possession of Navy Island about two miles

TiiK T.iFK OF Sir John A. Macdonald.

above the falls of Niagara. Similar attacks were organized
from Sanduslvy, Detroit, Watertown and other places, the
bait offered to induce men to join the expeditions being in
each case the lands of the province, and, it is said, that so surf
were they of success that maps were made and the farms
played for as stakes. All these attempts ended in signal
failure.

In March, 1838, Sir Francis Head took his departure from
Canada, and was succeeded in the lieutenant-governorship by
Sir George Arthur. During the summer and autumn many
raids were made by .so-called "Patriots" from the United
States, the most important of which was that under the
leadership of Von Shoulty, a Polish adventurer, who succeeded
in bringing a body of men down the St. Lawrence from
Oswego, and landing them at Windmill Point, below Pre.scott.
Here, a desperate stand was made, and four days of severe
fighting took place before the invaders were compelled t(
surrender. Of the two hundred and fifty who had landed,
upwards of fifty were killed and a large number wounded.

The Legislature was called together by the Lieutenant-
Governor, on February 27, 1839, but the Session was remark-
able for little, save an unsuccessful attempt to settle the clergy
reserve question.

About this time Mackenzie was tried at Rochester for
promoting invasions of Canada from United States soil, and
being found guilty, was .sentenced to eighteen months
imprisonment and to pay a fine of ten dollars. Some of his
admirers have claimed, that, in inciting the people of Upper
Canada to rebellion, he was actuated by pure and patriotic,
though mistaken motives, and that he took the rash step
because he believed that every other method of obtaining
redress had been exhausted, but his language during the
course of this trial, with reference to Her Majesty the Queen,
completely dispels this idea and shows that he was utterly
disloyal and a rebel at heart. "I affirm," said he, "that the
girl has forfeited all rights to rule over any part of what she
claims as her dominions. I was born in the reign of her uncle,
and have long been tired of their usurped tyranny." Nor

Arrival of Mr. Poulett Thompson.

docs this languaj;c lose any of its force when it is recollected
that it was not uttered in the heat of passion, or under stronf^
political excitement, but in a foreijjn country and during the
calm procedure of a trial at the bar of justice.

The report of Lord Durham which had now been published,
drew the attention of the public mind to the union of the
provinces as a remedy for existing evil.s. Resolutions in
favour of it were introduced into and carried through the
Assembly, but were rejected by a majority of two in the Upper
Mouse. I ^^ . 1

In the autumnNhere arrived in Canada, as Governor-
General, Mr. Poulett Thompson, better known as Lord Syden-
ham, a man who was destined to effect the union and to
accomplish for Canada a greater amount of good than any of
his predecessors or successors. By his rare talents he had
elevated himself to a high position in the House of Commons,
and, as minister of the crown and president of the board of
trade, had won name anfl fame as a statesman and able finan-
cier. Feeling that his h ilth wa-. breaking down under the
strain to which it was subjected by his duties in the House of
Commons, he was obliged to consider the necessity of choos-
ing a position which would be more compatible with his
physical powers. He had his choice between the chancellor-
ship of the exchequer and the Government of Canada, and a
most fortunate thing it was for this country that he decided
to accept the latter.

The character of Lord .Sydenham is thus described by his
brother and biographer, G. Poulett Scrope. "He possessed
the great qualities of tact and judgment in determining the
course to be pursued ; firmness and decision in the execution
of his resolves, great quickness of perception as to the char-
acter and capacity of those with whom he had to deal, and a
courteous and conciliatory manner that charmed all with
whom he came in contact. Added to these, untiring energy
and application, habits of business, information of the most
extensive kind, and a perfect knowledge of the position of
affairs in Canada, and of the .sentiments of the Home Govern-
ment upon it, acquired during his attendance in cabinet
4

Till-: LiFK OF Sir John A. Macdonald.

.11

councils when these matters were discussed. Lastly, although
perhaps first of all in importance, he had enjoyed an experi-
ence of many years in parliamentary tactics, and the mode of
carrying through public business in a popular assembly, of
incalculable value to the particular object of this mission to
Canada, namely, the establishment of a new representative
system, such as would be likely to work in harmony with the
Home Government and Imperial Parliament. His liberal prin-
ciples and known public character were guarantees also to the
people whom he went to govern, that their welfare would be
the first and principal object of his labours."

At this time the political struggle was very bitter in both
the Provinces. After the peace of 181 5, a large emigration
took place to Canada, many of the arrivals being men of
energy and ability, and possessed of a fair share of means. In
coming to this country they naturally expected to better their
condition and to take a share in the management of public
business. In Lower Canada, finding themselves circumscribed
by the French language and customs, all their sympathies
went with the English-speaking part of the population, who
alone understanding the laws and language of the mother
country, had been placed at the head of affairs and formed
the Executive Council. The French Canadians loo'^ed with
alarm at the numbers of the strangers and banded themselves
more clo.scly together to repel the danger which appeared to
them to threaten. In Upper Canada the very reverse took
place, and the new comers, instead of supporting the Govern-
ment, went to swell the numbers of those opposed to it.

Although, at the beginning, members of the Executive
Council in both provinces had only been appointed during
pleasure, yet, from the scarcity of talent in a new country and
the little interest at first taken in politics by the sparse popu-
lation, too busily engaged in making homes for themselves in
the wilderness to give the necessary attention to such matters,
these offices had gradually come to be regarded as being held
during good behaviour. Many mernVjers of the Executive did
not hold seats in the Assembly and those who did were not
looked upon as the mouthpieces of the Government, and any

The Family Comtact.

number of votes of want of confidence might take place with-
out in the least affecting the position of the office holders. In
Upper Canada these being for the most part descendants of
the U.E. Loyalists retired officers and others who had been
long residents in the country — whose loyalty was beyond
impeachment and whose integrity and ability were undoubted —
looked with scant favour on t^^j^^o"'' ^'•■'■'vnls. whom they
regarded as radicals and some of whose schemes they con-
sidered as scarcely less than treasonable. The latter, finding
themselves shut out from all positions of honour and emolu-
ment, assailed the Government in the most bitter manner,
passed grievance resolutions, and went from step to step until
they finally landed the country in rebellion.

This was scarcely over ; men's passions had not yet cooled,
and the country was still in a state of intense excitement,
when, on October 19, 1839, the new Governor landed at
Quebec, charged with the formidable task of reconciling two
races and inducing them to work together in unity and con-
cord, of breaking down the barriers which divided the two
political parties, of joining together Upper and Lower Canada,
of instituting a new form of government, and of laying broad
and deep the foundations of future peace and happiness.

J;X)r:d Durham, in his very able reS«srt, had recommended
two ^nogs as necessary ; namely, thevSin ion of the provinces
and a<^rnodified system of responsibility on the parts of the
officials, in accordance w'th the practice in the mother country.
These words "responsible government" were viewed in very
different lights by the two partic^X^The one in power, called
by their opponents the "family compact," saw in it a probable
loss of position JxL themselves and were prepared to resist^
whilst the i^R)rmers regarded it as yielding up everything for
which tbcy had contended. There is no doubt that both
parties exaggerated the concessions intended to be made.

The state of the province may be judged from the follow-
ing description sent by Sir George Arthur to the .secretary of
state on the previous September 22nd; "All the wicked heads
on both sides are constantly at work plotting mischief, and
many inconsiderate persons, by the course they are now

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

pursuing at the 'responsible government' meetings, promote
the designs of the most criminal characters. The foundations
of civil order were broken up by the occurrences of the year
1837, and general mistrust and bad feeling open out a way for
the display of the worst passions of the worst men, of which
they seem keenly disposed to avail themselves."

On November 1 1 th, Lord Sydenham convened the
Special Council at Montreal, and called their attention to the
question of union, and experienced little difficulty in inducing
them to pass a series of resolutions on the subject. These
were to the effect, that the re-union of the provinces, under one
legislature, had become of indispensable and urgent necessity,
that a suitable civil list should be provided for, that the public
debt of Upper Canada should be charged on the revenues of
both provinces, and that the details should be settled by the
Imperial Parliament.

Having secured the concurrence of the only legislative
body in Lower Canada, the Governor-General proceeded to
Toronto, where, on the 22nd of the same month, he assumed
the reins of Government. His arrival was anticipated by
both parties with very different feelings. From his previous
political career the reformers regarded his appearance with
hope and confidence, whilst the opposite side were inclined to
view him with distrust. He found that the all absorbing topic
was "responsible government," his opinions on which can best
be given by a quotation from one of his letters to a private
friend.

"I am not a bit afraid of the 'responsible government'
cry. I have already done much to put it down in its inadmis-
sible sense; namely, the demand that the Council shall be
responsible to the Assembly, and that the Governor shall
take their advice and be bound by it. In fact this demand
has been made much more for the people than by them. And,
I have not met with any one who has not at once admitted
the absurdity of claiming to put the Council over the head of
the Governor. I have told the people plainly, that, as I could
not get rid of my responsibility to the Home Government, I
will place no responsibility on the Council; that they are a \/

Responsible Government.

council (o\- the Governor to consult, but no more. And I have
yet met with no 'responsible government' man who was not
satisfied with the doctrine. In fact there is no other theory
which has common sense. Either the Governor is the
Sovereign or the Minister, If the first he may have ministers,
but he cannot be responsible to the Government at home,
and all colonial government becomes impossible. He must,
therefore, be the Minister, in which case he cannot be under
the control of men in the colony."

Parliament had been summoned for December 3rd, and,
previous to its meeting, Lord Sydenham informed those mem-
bers of the Government who had seats in either House of his
own views, and those of the Home Government, on measures
likely to be brought forward, and the course he wished them
to pursue. At the same time he published a dispatch from
Lord John Russell on the subject, in which the following
instructions are given. "I am desirous of calling }our atten-
tion to the tenure on which public offices in the gift of the
crown appear to be held throughout the British colonics. I
find that the Governor himself, and every person serving under
him, are appointed during the royal pleasure ; but with this
important difierence f the Governor's commission is in fact
revoked wh2never the interests of the public service are sup-
posed to loquire such a charge in the administration of local
affairs; but the commissions of all other public offices are very
rarely indeed recalled, except for positive misconduct. I can-
not learn, that, during the present or two last re gns, a
single instance has occurred of a change in the subordinate
colonial offices except in cases of death or resignation,
incapacity or misconduct. This system of converting a tenure
at pleasure into a tenure for life originated, probably, in the
practice, which formerly prevailed, of selecting all the higher
class of colonial functionaries from persons who, at the time of
their appointment, were resident in this countr}-; and,
amongst other motives which afforded such persons a virtual
security for the continued possession of their places, it was not
the least considerable that, except on these terms, they were
unwilling to incur the risk and expense of transferring their

I-

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

residence to remote and often to unhealthy climates. But the
habit which has obtained of late years of preferring — as far as
possible — for places of trust in the colonies, persons residing
there, has taken away the strongest motive which could thus
be alleged in favour of a practice to which there arc man)-
objections of the greatest weight. It is time, therefore, that a
different course should be followed; and the object of my
present communication is to announce to you the rules which
will be hereafter observed on this subject in the Province of
Lower Canada.

"You will understand, and cause it to be made generally
known, that, hereafter, the tenure of colonial offices held dur-
ing Her Majesty's pleasure, will not be regarded as equivalent
to a tenure during good behaviour; but, that not only will
such officers be called upon to retire from the public service as
often as any sufficient motives of public policy may suggest
the expediency of that measure, but that a change in the
person of the Governor will be considered as a sufficient reason
for any alterations which his successor may deem it expedient
to make in the list of public functionaries, subject, of course,
to the future confirmation of the Sovereign.

"These remarks do not extend to judicial offices, nor are
'/' they meant to apply to places which are altogether ministerial,
and which do not devolve upon the holders of them, duties, in
the right discharge of which the character and polic}- of the
Government are directly involved. They are intended to
apply rather to the heads of the departments than to persons
serving as clerks or in similar capacities under them."

The position of affaiis in Upper Canada is thus described
by Loni Sydenham: "The state of things here is far worse
than I had expected : The country is split into factions ani-
, mated with the most deadly hatred to each other. The fin-
Nances are more deranged than we believed even in England.
The deficit of i'75,000 a year, more than equal to the income.
^,A11 public works suspended. Emigration going on fast from
the province. Every man's property only half what it was.
I When I look to the state of the Government and to the
departmental administration of the province, instead of being

Thp: Cler(;y Resekvks.

surprised at the condition in which I find it, I am only aston-
ished it has endured so long."

At the time appointed, Parliament was opened by the
Governor-General, and, in a few days after, he transmitted
them a message on the question of Union. After a long and
e.xciting debate, lasting for nearly a fortnight, resolutions in
favour of the step were carried in both Houses, the main con-
ditions being-i=:=equality of representation,^he granting of a
proper civil list, and the isqual support of the public debt. As
soon as the resolutions were passed. Lord Sydenham lost no
time in transmitting to England a draft of the proposed Union
Bill for action by the Home Government. This was passed in
the Imperial Parliament, with the exception of one clause
relating to the formation of municipal councils, which was left .
for local legislation.

The next matter to which the Governor-General directed
his attention was the settlement of the clergy reserves. This
had been a burning question for the last twenty years. Origi-
nally claimed by the English Church, the Church of Scotland
had successfully asserted its rights to a share, and, following
the example, every other church had put in a claim. Year
after year the bitterest feelings had been evolved out of its
discussion, and session after session, the Government had
endeavoured to effect a settlement. But, although each party
was too weak to carry its own views, yet all were sufficiently
strong to prevent the others from carrying out theirs. Thus
it had remained and rankled until it had come to be recogni/cd
as the one great question which must be settled before peace
and good will could be restored.

On this point Lord Sydenham wrote in the following strong
language : " The clergy reserves have been and are the great
overwhelming grievance, the root of all the troubles of the
province, the cause of the rebellion, the never-failing watch-
word at the hustings, the perpetual source of discord, strife and I
hatred. Not a man of any party but has told me that the
greatest boon that could be conferred on the country would
be that they should be swept into the Atlantic and that
nobody should get them. And when, to this never-failing

fi-

(,- ■

■l^

.^T.w^'

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

source of excitement here, you add the consideration, that,
by the Union, if you left the question unsettled, you would
throw the agitation of it into the Lower Province, where,
amongst all its ills, the greatest of all, religious dissension, is
hitherto unknown, the necessity for a settlement becomes
doubly great."

Accordingly, a Bill for the purpose of disposing of the
question was introduced by the Solicitor-General, Mr, Draper,
and, by its provisions, empowered the Governor to sell the
reserves and convey one half of the proceeds — after paying the
salaries of the existing clergymen of the Church of England,
to whom the faith of the Crown had been pledged — to the
Churches of England and Scotland in proportion to numbers,
and the other half to all the other bodies of Christians recog-
nized by law, in proportion to their private contributions for
the support of their ministers. It was successfully carried
through both Houses, and sent to the mothi r country. There
it was declared to be beyond the powers of the Provincial
Legislature and disallowed. Lord Sydenham had, however,
anticipated that such a result was not improbable, and accord-
ingly, on his recommendation, a similiar Bill was introduced
into and passed by the Imperial Parliament. The question
was, however, still far from being settled and remained a
souice of agitation.

During this session the House of Assembly voted an
address, asking for the views of the home authorities on the
question of "responsible government." Lord Sydenham, in
reply, declined to send down any despatches that had been sent
to him, but said that "he had received Her Majesty's com-
mands to administer the Government of these Provinces in
accordance with the well-understood wishes and interests of
the people, and to pay to their feelings, as expressed through
their representatives, the deference that is justly due them."

He again expressed his feelings on this subject during his
visit to Nova Scotia, as follows: "It is the anxious desire of
the Queen that her British North American subjects should
be happy and prosperous, that tlicy should enjoy that freedom
which is the birthright of Britons, and bless the tie that binds

1 ,

Lord Sydenham on Restonsible Government. 57

•li

/■■■

them to her empire. Her commands to her representative
are, that he should consult their wishes and feelings, that he
should promote their interests by well-considered reforms,
and suit his administration of affairs to the growing impor-
tance and varying circumstances of each colony ; that, whilst
it should be alike his interest and duty to listen respectfully
to the opinions which may be offered to him, and to seek the
advice of those who may be considered to represent the wcll-

/understood wishes of the people, he can devolve the responsi-
bility of his acts on no man without danger to the connection

' of the colony with the empire, and injury to the best interests
of those whose welfare is committed to his care."
^ In the resolutions brought forward by his Council in the
Legislature of the United Provinces, he again, and still more

'explicitly, defines what he considers to be the meaning of
"responsible government." These resolutions were:

"ist. That the head of the Executive Government of the
province being, within the limits of his government, the rep-
resentative of the Sovereign is responsible to the Imperial
authority alone; but that, nevertheless, the management of
our local affairs can only be conducted by him, by and with
the assistance, counsel and information of subordinate officers
in the province.
V "2nd. That in order to preserve between the different
branches of the Provincial Parliament that harmony which is
essential to the peace, welfare and good government of the
province, the chief advisers of the representative of the Sove-
reign, constituting a Provincial Administration under him,
ought to be men possessed of the confidence of the represen-
tatives of the people, thus affording a guarantee that the well-
understood wishes and interests of the people, which our
gracious sovereign has declared shall be the rule of the
Provincial Government, will, on all occasions, be faithfully
represented and advocated.

■*^ "3rd. That the people of this province have, moreover, a
right to expect from such Provincial Administration the
exertion of their best endeavours, that the Imperial authority,
within its constitutional limits, shall be exercised in the

1 fl

'«!

The Liff. of Sir John A. Macdonald.

■N,

manner most consistent with their well-understood wishes and
interests."

It was thought advisable to remove the Attorney-
General, Mr. Hagerman, who had voted in the Assembly
agamst the Union, which was accordingly done; but in con-
sideration of his long and faithful services, he was elevated
to a position on the bench. The vacancy thus created was
filled by the appointment of Mr. Draper, in whose place Mr.
Robert Baldwin was made Solicitor-General.

After the prorogation the Governor returned to Lower
Canada, the position of affairs in which he thus describes :

" I have been back three weeks and have set to work in
earnest in this province. It is a bad prospect, however, and
presents a lamentable contrast to Upper Canada. There,
great excitement existed, but at least the people were quarrel-
ling for realities, for political opinions, and with a view to
ulterior measures. Here, there is no such thing as a political
opinion. No man looks to practical measures for improve-
ment. Talk to any one about education, or public works, or
better laws — let him be English or French — you might as well
talk Greek to him. Not a man cares for a single practical
measure — the only end, one would suppose, of a better form of
Government. They have only one feeling — a hatred of race.
The French hate the English and the English hate the
French, and every question resolves itself into that and into
that alone. There is positively no machinery of Government.
Everything is to be done by the Governor and his secretary.
The wise system hitherto adopted has been to stick two men
into office whenever a vacancy occurred — one Frenchman and
one Britisher. Can you conceive a system better calculated to
countenance the distinction of races ? The only way, under
these circumstances, in which I can hope to do good, is to
wait for the Union, in order to get a Government together, and
that I shall do."
^ On February 10, 1841, the Union of the two provinces
was consummated by proclamation, and the city of Kingston
fixed as the capital. Three days later writs were issued
for a new election, returnable on April 8th. An Executive

Bitter Elkction Contests in Uim'er Canada. 59

Council was also summoned, the members of which were
Mr. R. B. Sullivan, President ; J. H. Dunn, Receiver-General ;
D. Daly, Secretary, Canada East ; S. B. Harrison, Secretary,
Canada West ; C. R. Ogden, Attorney-General, Canada East;
VV. H. Draper, Attorney-General, Canada West ; Robert Bald-
win, Solicitor-General, ('anada West ; C. D. Day, Solictor-
General, Canada East.

This election was very bitterly contested, especially in
Lower Canada, where a committee had for a long time been
in existence for the purpose of securing the election of mem-
bers pledged to oppose the Union. In the address issued to
the people it was urged that " no consideration whatever
should induce us to vote for any candidate who does not dis-
approve of that Act and its iniquitous provisions ; for in voting
for such a candidate we should give our consent to the Act
and approve of those who advised it ; we should proclaim our
own dishonour and dishonour our country in stretching forth
the neck to the yoke which is attempted to be placed on us,
till it be repealed or amended, so that the injustice, which it
authorizes, shall cease. But it will not be sufficient not to
vote for any approver of the Act to reunite the two provinces;
every elector who will suffer such a candidate to be chosen, by
staying away from the place of election, or not voting against
him, will be equally guilty." This document was extensively
circulated amongst the people and read to them at the church
doors when they had assembled after mass. The result was
to inflame their minds against the Union and to bind them
together for the purpose of returning candidates opposed to it.
At some of the polling places serious fights occurred, and
many of the elections were characterized by violence and
intimidation.

On June 13th the Legislature met for the despatch of
business. The House of Assembly elected as Speaker Mr.
Austin Cuvillier, member for Huntingdon, a loyal Erench-
Canadian, who had previously lost his scat in the Assembly of
Lower Canada in consequence of his refusing to follow the lead
of Louis Papineau.

The course which the Hon. Robert Baldwin saw fit to pur-

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

1 1

sue at this time was the cause of much embarrassment to the
Governor-General. When accepting his appointment as Solic-
itor-General in the new Executive Council, he had written to
four of his colleagues protesting against being supposed to feel
any political confidence in them, but subsequently had gone
to his election as a member of the Government, and had been
sworn into office in the month of April in the presence of
these very collegues. His subsequent acts are thus described
in the memoirs of Lord Sydenham :

" Nothing further occurred until within two or three days
of the session, when Mr. Baldwin, still retaining his office and
seat at the Council Board, entered into communication with
such of the French members of Lower Canada and ultra lib-
eral members of the upper part of the province as had reached
Kingston, relative to the course which they intended to pursue
in the coming session. The result of these communications
was a proposal from him to Lord Sydenham, within forty-
eight hours of the opening of Parliament, to change certain
officers of his Government and to substitute for them several
French-Canadian members. This proposal Lord Sydenham
at once rejected, y?nV, on the ground of the time and manner it
had been brought forward, and second, on account of the unqual-
ified opposition of the French-Canadian members to the prin-
ciple of the Union Act. Further correspondence passed, and
eventually, on the day of the opening of the session, Mr. Bald-
win, though still professing his confidence in Lord Sydenham,
resigned his office. He had previously assisted at several
meetings of the Reform party, at which it had been proposed
to bring forward a vote of want of confidence in the Adminis-
tration. . , , There can be no doubt that an attack of
this nature, from such a quarter, and at such a moment,
was calculated very seriously to embarrass Lord Sydenham,
but he was saved by his own firmness and courage, and by the
honest straightforward generosity with which the moderate
Reformers came out in his support. . . . Accordingly,
when Mr. Baldwin separated himself from the Government, he
did so to unite himself, not to the large body of moderate
Reformers who represented the majority of the people of

Mr. Neilson's Amkndmknt.

Upper Canada, but to the four or five ultra members whose
politics bordered very nearly on democracy."

In his speech, at the opening of the Legislature Lord
Sydenham declared, in reference to the case of McLeod, who
was then being tried in the United States for supposed partici-
pation in the burning of the " Corolitie" her Majesty's fixed
determination to protect, with the whole weight of her power
all her Canadian subjects, and proceeded to advert to the
necessity of developing the resources of the country by means
of public works, to complete which and to re-establish the
public credit of the united provinces, the Home Government
was prepared to pledge the credit of the mother country to a
loan of i^ 1, 500 ,000. .yThe speech also pointed out the necessity
for establishing a system of local self-government by means of
municipal councils, and urged the establishment of an efficient
and well organized .system of education.

To the address in reply to this speech, Mr. NeiLson, of
Quebec, moved an amendment condemnatory of the Union,
on the ground that " there are features in the Act now consti-
tuting the Government of Canada, which arc inconsistent with
justice and the common rights of British subjects." This
amendment was lost on a division by a vote of fifty to twenty-
five, the minority consisting of eighteen representatives from
Lower Canada and seven from Upper Canada. Amongst the
latter was Mr. Baldwin, who, throughout the debate had acted
and spoken with the Opposition, notwithstanding that he had
only just ceased to hold office under the Constitution which he
denounced as unjust and oppressive, and that he had resigned
his office, not because he disapproved of the provisions of the
Union measure, but because the administration of it was not
entrusted to his friend.s.

Lord Sydenham entered into the fullest intercourse with
the members of every party, and was unceasing in his exer-
tions to carry through those measures which he considered
necessary for the good of the country. He thus succeeded in
having passed a Bill providing for the Establishment of Muni-
cipal Institutions ; an Act creating a Board of Works ; an Act
for Revising the Customs Laws; an Act for Readjusting the

■

62 TiiK Life of Sir John A. Macdonai.d.

Currency; and an Act I'rovidin^^ for the Education of the
People by the Establishment of Common Schools, He also
completed the purchase of the Welland Canal from the pro-
prietors, and prepared a grand scheme of internal improvement
by means of canals and great lines of roads.

liut this great benefactor of Canada was not destined to
see the fruits of his labour and the prosperity and happiness it
was to bring to the country. Whilst out riding in the neigh-
bourhood of Kingston, on September 4th, his horse fell withhim,
breaking his leg and making a large hole above the knee.
His health, always delicate, had been undermined by severe
and unremitting labour, and serious attacks of gout, and was
quite unable to stand this extra strain. After a fortnight of
terrible suffering he expired on September 19, i84i,at Alwing-
ton Avenue, and was buried in St. George's church, Kingston.

Sir Charles Bagot was appointed to succeed Lord Syden-
ham and arrived at Kingston on January 10, 1842. After
passing the winter and spring in acquainting himself with the
affairs of the country, he resolved on making overtures to the
French-Canadians, and that section of the Reform party led
by Mr. Baldwin. The result was the retirement of Messrs.
Draper, Ogden, Sherwood and other members of the Cabinet,
and the appointment of Messrs. Baldwin, Hincks, Lafontaine,
Aylwin and Morin.

Sir Charles Bagot did not long hold the position of Gover-
nor-General. Towards the close of the year his failing health
induced him to ask for his recall, and he died on May 19,
1843. His succes.sor was Sir Charles Metcalfe, a man, who
by the force of his own talents, had raised himself froui t'
position of a writer in the civil service of the E
Company, to that of acting Governor, a post which occu-
pied for two years. Subsequently he became Governor of
Jamaica, where he remained from 1839 to 1842, and retire*.,
owing to the appearance of a cancer on his face. Being asked
to accept the difficult Governorship of Canada, he, at once,
gave up the happy retired life he was leading with his sister,
at Deer Park, and placed his services at the disposal of the
Administration.

" Kksponsiiilk Gc)\ kknment."

On March 29, 1843, he landed at Kingston and entered
upon his duties. He soon found that the (h'fficulties which he
had to encounter were very j^reat and that he was Mkely to be
at variance with his Council on the interi)retation of the mean-
ing of the words "responsible government." In writing to the
Colonial Office on May 12th, he said "Now, I conceive, is the
first time when the scheme of 'responsible government,' as here
construed, has come forward to be carried fully into effect in
any colony. Lord Durham had no difficulty in writing at
leisure in praise of ' responsible government,' which had no
effect during his administration, and was treated by him as a
general question, without any definition of the details by which
it was to be carried into effect. Lord Sydenham put the idea
into force without suffering himself to be much restrained by
it; and for the greater part of his administration it had no
existence and was only coming into operation when he died.
Sir Charles Bagot yielded to the coercive effect of Lord
Sydenham's arrangements; and thence, 'responsible govern-
ment,' as understood by its extreme advocates, is said to be
Sir Charles Bagot's policy; but though he yielded to the
extent of calling certain parties to his Council, he had not the
least intent of surrendering his power into their hands; and
for the remainder of his time the contest was staved off by his
illness; but that cau.se rendered it more certain for his
successor. Now comes the tug of war, and, supposing absolute
submission to be out of the question, I cannot say that I see
the end of the struggle if the parties alluded to really mean to
maintain it."

Sir Charles Metcalfe appears to have considered, that,
whilst the nominal head of the Government in England might
be a woman, a child, or an imbecile old man, who was ex-
pected, not to do, but to be, it was not in accordance with the
spirit or practice of Colonial Government for the Governor-
General of Canada, who was usually one of the ablest states-
men that England could send out, to occupy a similar position,
or, in any way, be a mere cipher, a seal, existing not doing,
and, that if " responsible gcvernment," as construed by the
party in power, was to be brought into operation, the question

ii ■

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

at once arose "what was to become of the Governor-General?"
The following passages taken from the memoirs of his life
will illustrate the light in which he regarded the position in
which he was placed.

"He was called upon to govern, or to submit to the govern-
ment of Canada by a party ; and the party by which he was
to govern was one with which he had no sympathy. It was
rather a combination of two parties, the principles of neither
of which, Metcalfe could bring himself to approve. He found
that there were three parties in the colony.^t^loyal Conserva-
tive party ;l/a Liberal or Reform party, and an^rench-Canadian
party. Of these, the first was branded by their opponents as
Tories and Orangemen, and the second, by theirs, as Republi-
cans and Rebels. It was only amongst the first of these three
parties that loyalty, as signifying attachment to the mother
country, existed in any force. It was only, therefore, with that
party that Metcalfe, as the representative of the Imperial
Government, could properly sympathise But that party was
the Opposition of the day. The Reformers and the French-
Canadians constituted the majority in the representative
Assembly, and therefore the Executive Council — the 'respon-
sible government' — which Metcalfe formed in the province
was composed of the leading men of these two radical parties.

"He found that there were some able and some honest
men in the Administration; but that there was a great want of
moderation among them ; that they were, for the most part,
men of extreme opinions, and some of thcni of intractable
temper. Where there was strong conscientiousness there was
a vehemence almost bordering on fanaticism ; where there was
most ground for respect, there was also most cause for alarm.
They were principally Iri.shmen, French-Canadians, or men of
American stock. The true British element in the Executive
Council was comparatively small."

The same work describes the characters of the mer, bers of
the Administration as follows: "The President of the Council,
Mr. R. B. Sullivan, an Irishman by birth and a lawyer by
profession, was possessed of great and original talents, and was
regarded as the best writer and speaker in the colon)'. Mr.

RoHEKT Baldwin.

Daly, Secretary of State, also an Irishman, was a man of high
honour and intej^rity, of polished manners and courteous
address, possessed of judgment and prudence, tact and dis-
cretion; in short a man to be trusted . . Mr. Morin, a
French-Canadian, Commissioner of Crown Lands, was a man
with administrative abilities of the highest class, vast powers
of application, and an extreme love of order united to a rare
conscientiousness and a noble self-devotion, which, in olden
times, would have carried him cheerfully to the stake. His
patriotism was of the purest water. He was utterly without
selfishness and guile. Mr. Lafontaine, Attorney-General for
Lower Canada, the leader of the French-Canadian party, was
a just and honourable man. His motives were above all sus-
picion. Warmly attached to his country, earnestly seeking
the happiness of his people, he occupied a high position by the
force rather of his moral than of his intellectual qualities. He
was trusted and respected rather than admired. His early life
and training had, moreover, made him mistrustful and suspi-
picious, and the doubts which were continually floating in his
mind had naturally engendered indecision and infirmity of
purpose.

"The most prominent member of the Cabinet was Robert
Baldwin — the son of a gentleman of Toronto who had formerly
been a member of what was called the 'family compact.' The
elder Baldwin had quarrelled with his party and, with the
characteristic bitterness of a renegade, had brought up his son
in extrcmcst hatred of his old associates, and had instilled into
him the most radical opinions. Robert Baldwin was an apt
pupil; and there was much in the circumstances by which he
was surrounded to rivet him in the extreme opinions which he
had imbibed in his youth. So he grew up to be an enthusiast
— almost a fanatic. He was thoroughly in earnest, thoroughly
conscientious; but he was lo the last degree uncompromising
and intolerant. He seemed to delight in strife. The might
of mildness he laughed to scorn. It was said of him, that he
was not satisfied with a victory unless it was gained by vio-
lence; that concessions were valueless to him unless he
wrenched them w ith a strong hand from his opponent. With
5

The LiFK of Sir John A. Mac donald.

strong convictions and stern self-reliance, he made no allow-
ance for others and sought none for himself There was a
sort of sublime egotism about him — a magnificent self-esteem,
which caused him to look upon himself as a patriot, whilst he
was serving his own ends by the promotion of his ambition or
by the gratification of his vanity or spite. His strong passions
and his uncompromising spirit made him a mischievous party
leader and a dangerous opponent. His influence was very
great. He was not a mean man ; he w as above corruption ;
and there were many who accepted his estimate of himself,
and believed him to be the only pure patriot in the country.
During the illness of Sir Charles Bagot he had usurped the
government. The activity of Sir Charles Metcalfe, who did
everything for himself, was extremely distasteful to him. He
did not understand the character of the man who had been
sent to govern them ; and it would have been strange, if one
so blinded by passion and self-esteem had not soon wrought
himself into a state of furious antagonism to the Governor-
General."

Sir Charles Metcalf resolved to abstain from identifyiiig
himself with any party, and to render equal justice to all. In
writing to the Colonial Office, he said : " The general course
which I purpose to pursue towards the Council is to treat
them with the confidence and cordiality due to the station
which they occupy ; to consult them not only whenever the
law or established usage requires that process, but also w hen-
evcr the importance of the occasion recommends it, and when-
ever I conceive that the public service will be benefited by
their aid and advice. At the same time I must be on my
guard against their encroachments. The jioint on which I
most proximately expect to incur a difference with them is
their claim that the Government shall be administered in sub-
serviency to their party views. They expect that the patron-
age of the Government shall be bestowed cxclusivel)' on mem-
bers of their party and in support of their influence. I ilislike
extremely the notion of governing as a supporter of any par-
ticular party. I wish to make the patronage of the Govern-
ment conducive to the conciliation of all parties, by bringing

Sir Charles Mktcalik's Difficulties.

into the public service the men of the t^jreatest merit and effi-
ciency without any party distinction. My powers of useful-
ness, little as they might be under any circumstances, will be
paralyy.ed by my being forced in any degree to act as the sup-
porter of a party."

On May 12th he wrote to Lord Stanley: "I learn that
my attempts to conciliate all parties are criminal in the e>es
of the Council, or at least of the most formidable member of
it. I am required to give myself up entirely to the Council ;
to submit absolutely to their dictation; to have no judgment
of my own ; to bestow the patronage of the Government exclu-
sively on their partizans ; to proscribe their opponents ; and to
make some public and unequivocal declaration of my adhe-
sion to those conditions — including the complete nullification
of Her Majest)''s Government — a course which, under self-
deception, he dominates Sir Charles Bagot's policy, although
it is very certain that Sir Charles Bagot meant no such thing.
Failing of submission to these stipulations, I am threatened
with the resignation of Mr. Lafontaine for one, and both he
and I are fully aware of the serious consequences likx-ly to fol-
low the execution of that menace, from the blindness with
which the French-Canadian party follow their leader.

" The sole question is this, to describe it without disguise,
whether the Governor shall be solely and completely a tool in
the hands of the Council, or whether he shall have any exer-
cise of his own judgment in the administratioti of the govern-
ment. It is not whether the Governor shall so conduct hisi
government as to meet the wants and wishes of the people,
and obtain their suffrages by promoting their welfare and
happiness, nor whether he shall be resi)onsible for his meat,
surestothe people — through their representatives — butwhether
he shall be at liberty to treat all Her Majesty's subjects with
equal justice, or be a reluctant and [)assive tool in the hands
of a party for the purpose of pro.scribing their (opponents, these
opponents being the portion of the communi«^y most attached
to Rritish connection, and the Governor required to proscribe
them being a liritish Governor. The tendenc)' and object of
the movement is to throw off the government of the mother

i .'A-

[Ml

i<l

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

■ .r

'!<■■

.''-v..

country in internal affairs entirely, but to be maintained and
supported at her expense, and to have all the advantages of
connection as long as it may suit the majority of the people
of Canada to endure it. This is a very intelligent and con-
venient policy for a Canadian aiming at independence, but the
part that the representative of the mother country is required
to perform in it is by no means fascinating." /

During the summer the Governor-Gendral again describes
his difficulties in a letter to Lord Stanley : "My chief annoy-
ance at present proceeds from the discontent of what may
fairly be called the British party in distinction from the others.

ult is the only party in the colony with which I cm sympathise.

^I have no .sympathy with the anti-British rancour of the French
party, or the selfi.sh indifference towards our country of the
Republican party. Yet these arc the parties with which I
have to co-opcratc, and because 1 do not cast them off, the
other party will not see that I cannot, and construe all my acts
as if they were the result of adhesion to anti-British policy.
All the gentlemen of the party with whom I have conversed,
admit the difficulties of my position, and the impossibility,
with any advantage, of breaking w ith the party supported by
the majority, even if I were so disposed. My own desire
would be to rid myself of connections with any parties exclu-
sively, and to adopt whatever measures may be best — with
equal justice to all — with councillors selected from all parties;
but this at present seems impracticable, for party spirit runs
too high to admit of such a union.

" This party spirit leads to party conclusions and renders
it difficult, if not impossib)'", to conciliate all parties. If I
have already failed with the d e in whose loyal feelings I sym-
pathise, it is not likely that I shall be successful with those for
who.se anti-British feelings, whether rancorously hostile or
coldly indifferent, I have an innate antipathy. The only sys-
tem likely to be successful that rulers can adopt in dealing
with such feelings in subjects is, I believe, to treat them as if
such feelings did not exist; and although this may cause the
really loyal to abuse me, I shall never allow myself to be
angered against the latter, for I shall know that they will do so

Resignation ok Ministry,

in ignorance of my feelings towards them, and from not weigh-
ing with due consideration the duties which 1 have to perform."

During the next session of Parliament, which commenced
at the end of September, Lord Metcalfe got into difficulties
with his Cabinet. His biographer complains bitterly of the
manner in which they treated him. " Their official bearing
towards him," says he, *' was insolent and contemptuous. In
the Hou.se of Assembly, on more than one occasion, they
exhibited their practical disregard of hi.s position as the repre-
sentative of the Crown, by showing that they were inclined to
keep him in ignorance of their ministerial proceedings. Their
conduct, as Metcalfe painfully felt, was rather that of antag-
oni.'.Ls than of colleagues."

During the next month the crisis came, and was caused by
the appointment by Lord Metcalfe to a position on his per-
sonal staff of a French-Canadian officer distasteful to Lafon-
taine. The latter, with Baldwin, insisted that the Governor
.should make no appointment without the sanction of his
Ministers. These demands led to two stormy sittings of the
Cabinet on October 24th and 25th, and neither side being
willing to }-ield, all the Ministers, with the exception of Mr.
Dal}', placed their resignations in the hands of the Governor.

This cour.se led to the most serious consequences. The
X French-Canadians to a man followed Lafontaine, and none of
that nationality could be found willing to accept a scat in a
Cabinet of which he was not also a member. * The luiglish-
speaking Reformers and Con.scrvatives were unwilling to form
a coalition, and Lord Metcalfe found himself unable to form
an Administration. Still he resolved not to yield, and com-
mencing with Mr. Draper, Mr. Viger and Mr. Daly, after sev-
eral months of labour, filled up three other scats with Mr.
Morris, Mr. D. B. Papineau, and Mr. Smith. Being aware that
he could not rely upon the support of the House of Assembly,
by the advice of his Council he resolved upon a dissolution.

The elections were very bitterly contested in both Upper
and Lower Canada, but resulted in the Government being sus-
tained, and when Parliament met in November, 1.S44, they
were able to elect their candidate, Sir Allan McNab, as

Tmk Lifk ok Sir John A. MAcnoxAi.it.

Speaker, b)- a inajority of three, and to cany the Address, after
a fierce debate of three days duration, b)- a inajority of six.

During this time the disease, under which Sir Charles
Metcalfe was sufiferinjj, was making terrible headway, and it
was only the strongest sense of duty that kept him at his post.
But, believing that his presence was necessary to the success-
ful carrying out of constitutional Government, he unhesitat-
ingly .sacrificed his own wishes, feelings and personal comfort.
His state is thus described by himself: "I am obliged to
borrow the aid of another hand as my right eye is quite blind
and the other cannot be exerted with impunity. I am obliged
to abstain almost entirely from reading and writing, both of
which operations are performed for me. Having no hope of a
cure, my chief anxiety now regards my remaining eye, which
.sympathises so much with the other, that I am not without
fear of total blindness, which is not a comfortable prospect,
although, if it should come, I shall consider it my duty to
resign my.self to it with cheerfulness. Under these circum-
stances you will readily imagine that I should be very glad if
I could return home, both for the chance of benefit from the
medical skill that is to be found in the metropolis, and inde-
pendently of that, for the sake of retirement and repose, whicli
are requisite for an invalid such as I now am ; but I camiot
reconcile it to my own scn.se of duty to quit m}- post in the
present state of affairs in this country. I have no doubt ofthe
generous readiness of Her Majesty's Government to meet any
application that I might make for permission to return ; but I
have myself no inclinatif)n to abandon the loyal portion of the
community in Canada, who, in the recent crisis, have made a
noble and successful stand in support of Her Majesty's Go\crn-
ment."

The conduct of Sir Charles Metcalfe during this trying
period met with the entire approval of the home authcritic>.
and Sir Robert Peel submitted his name to the Quee:i with a
recommendation that "for the purpose of n^.arking }-our
Majest}''s cordial approbation of the services of a most able
and faithful ofificer of the Crown, of aiding him in the di.^chargc
of a most important public trust, and of giving confidence and

Sir CirAKi.Ks Mktcai.fk madk a Bakon.

1
4

animation to the Canadian friends and supporters of Sir
Charles Metcalfe and of connection with the mother country ,
Sir Charles Metcalfe should receive the honour of an English
Barony." This suggestion Her Majesty at once complied with,
and the close (jf the year brought the news of his elevation to
the peerage to the suffering Governor, accompanied by warm
private letters of congratulation from Lord Stanley and his
many friends.

The announcement of the honour bestowed upon Sir
Charles A tcalfe created a good deal of excitement in the
province, being taken as a full endorsement by the Home
Government of the course which he had pursued. In tlie
Legislative Council an address of cfingratulation was carried
unanimously, and in the Assembly a similar address though
opposed, was carried by a majority of twenty

During the rest of the winter and following summer,
although living in darkened rooms his checK eaten through
and through by the disorder, almost deprived of the power
of masticaticjn, and sutTcring agony from the ravages of the
disease and the application of strong remedies used by Ills
medical attendants, Lord Metcalfe refused to apply for his
recall; and although the Colonial Secretary was aware of the
sufTering he was undergoing, he made no attempt to conceal
the importance, in a public point of view which he attached to
Lord Metcalfe s remaining in Canada, or the extent to which
he considered the difficulties of the province would be aggra-
\atcd by a change in the Executive. 'Above all,"' wnjte Lord
Stanle}' on June i8^ 1845, "you will not fail to impress on
your Council, though such a suggestion uould hardly come
with propriety from me, the extreme risi< which wcnild
attend any disruption of the present Conservative party of
Canada. Their own steadiness and your firmness and discre-
tion have gone far towards consolidating them as a party, and
securing a stable administration of the colony; and it would
be most lamentable if at a time when it is in the enjoyment
of the highest prosperity, and when there is every appearance
of the permanence of that prosperity, when no reasonable
cause for dissatisfaction exists, dissensions on minor points

til :

72 TnK Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

between those who are labouring in common for the general
good should again endanger the loss of these great advantages,
and give an opening for renewed excitement and confusion ;
and probably for the temporary admission to power of men
the most imscrupulous in its exercise, and quite ready to
sacrifice all national, and above all, all British interests, to
their own personal and selfish objects."

As autumn deepened into winter it became apparent to
all that it was impossible for Lord Metcalfe much longer to
fulfill the duties of his office. This fact he was compelled to
recognize and to communicate to the home authorities, who at
once accepted his resignation with every demonstration of
regret, and with a full and hearty recognition of the services
he had rendered to the State. Accordingly he handed over
the Government to Lord Cathcart and set sail for England,
where, after nine months of terrible suffering, he died on Sep-
tember 5, 1846

CHAPTER II.

Sir John A. Macdonald's ancestors — Intellectual vigour and strong personality of
his mother — His father's high integrity —His birth in Scotland in 1815 — The
departure for Canada in 1820 — Settlement in Kingston — His grandmother's
death there in 1821 — Removal to Hay Bay — Sir John's school days — His char-
acter as a boy — Poetical efforts— His law studies — Anecdotes of his youthful
life— Called to the bar in 1836 — T.ikes charge of an office in Picton — Com-
mences practice in Kingston — Defence of Von Shoultz and other sympathisers
— Becomes an alderman — First election to the Legislative Assembly in 1844,

SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD was of gentle blood on both
sides of the house, his father and mother bcinjj able to
trace back their ancestry for several centuries. His father and
grandfather were both in mercantile life, but preceding gener-
ations were proprietors of the soil, and prided themselves upon a
long pedigree which embraced some of the proudest and most
renowned men of the name. His grandfather died in Suther-
landshire in 1822, at the ripe age of eighty-six, and his qual-
ities are thus described by Mr. John Murray, one of the
mourners at his funeral, and who is now residing at the village
of Allenford, Ontario : " He was a man of noble attainments,
a great judge of human nature, one who had always a helping
hand for the poor, and with a marvellous power in making and
keeping friends. His advice was sought for by everyone, far
and near. He had a merry, tender nature, full of humour,
a quick and winning manner, with a bow and a smile for every
one he met He loved his country and his countrymen, and
the people honoured and trusted him in return. He was the
principal merchant in the county town of Sutherlandshire, and
was elected to the mayor's chair for years and years without
opposition ; he was particularly neat in his dress, and in per-
sonal appearance resembled our own beloved chieftain, being
tall, straight and wiry, with the same black curly hair. His
third child, Hugh, was born on December 12, 1781, and
when grown to manhood moved to Glasgow and entered into
mercantile business."

I ^'j

TiiK LiiK OK Sir John A. M.\( donald.

I 1

Sir John's mother was a woman of ^rcat intellectual power
and strong personality. She was of a larj^e frame and p(jssessed
much physical vigour and energy. Her features were of a
masculine, massive type and indicated her character and dis-
position. Her eyes, especially, were large and full of intelligence.
She was one of those women whose very presence indicated
the possession of strong oi)inions and great will-power. At
the same time she was quiet in manner, and had a keen sense
of humour. Her vitality was something wonderful. At the iige
of seventy-two .'■he had a severe stroke of paralssis, but rallied
and lived for thirteen years afterward.s. During this period
she had twelve other strokes, and five times her family were
summoned to what was believed to be her death-bed. All of her
children inherited her remarkable mental qualities, and two of
them, Sir John and the youngest daughter, Louisa, also resem-
bled her in feature. This became more remarkable in the
later years of their lives. The mother being a great invalid
for many years, constant suffering stamped an expression of
pain upon her features. This expression .'s shown in a large
oil portrait painted a year or two before her death. Sometimes
when Sir John was tired or overworked, the same look
would creep over his face and vividly recall to those who knew
her the features of his mother during the latter part of her
life.

She was the daughter of Captain Shaw and Margaret
Grant, third daughter of John Grant, of Ballantomb, who were
married June 20, 1763. Her grandparents were Angus Shaw,
of the Machill, and Jean Macpherson, eldest daughter of
Donald Macpherson, of Cullinline, who were married I'^ebruary
19. 1730- Mrs. Macdonald's mother was twice married, her
first husband being Colonel Shaw, of Dalnavert, by whom she
had several children. One of these, Margaret, married Captain
Clark, of Dalnavert, and another, Anna, married Captain (after-
wards Lieutenant-Colonel) Donald Macpherson, of Brae
Laggan. She came to this country with the Macdonalds and
died the following year.

During the time the Macdonald's were at Glasgow, five
children were born, William, Margaret, John, James and Louisa,

-*»

«■

L'd

■i4J'll«' ■^

SIR JOHN A. MAcnONAlJVS MOTIIKK.

{/\'rf>ni(iiictii»i froiii it /\iiiitinx).

!■ ;

VovAdK TO Canada.

the first four on the opposite side of the Clyde from the cit>-, the
last in a house situated in Duke street, a continuation of George
street. The business of Mr. Macdonald in Glasgow was in con-
nection with the American cotton trade, ami diil not prove suc-
cessful, owing, it is alleged, to the knaver}' of his i)artncr. His
own integrity w as, however, um'mpeached, and he was permitted
by the creditors to retain his librarj', siKer, and househokl effects.
This library was, afterwards, of great use in forming the minds
of the children, and some of it is in existence at the present time.
The sale of the household furniture afforded a sufficient sum
of money to bring the family to Canada, and, accordingly, in
the year 1S20, they sailed therefor, in the ship Earl of Ihtck-
inghamshire. The voyage lasted six weeks, and being made
in a very old ship, was accompanied by more than usual dis-
comforts. When the}' arri\ed at Kingston, they were wel-
comed to the residence of their brother-in-law, Lieutenant-
Colonel Donald Macpherson, a retired officer of the British
army, who, with all the kindness of heart of a true-born High-
lander, did everything in his power to make them comfortable,
placed one of his houses at their disposal, and assisted Mr.
Macdonald in again entering commercial life.

He occupied, in turn, two places of business, one on
Princess street, then known as Store street, and the other on
the corner of King and Clarence streets, opposite to where the
British American hotel now stands. This building is still in
existence. Success, however, did not attend his efforts, and after
a few years' trial he resolved to go to a country place, and
moved up to Hay Bay ; from thence he went to a place called
The Stone Mills, at the foot of Lake of the Mountain, now-
known as Glcnora. This is one of the most beautiful and
romantic spots in Canada. The lake is far above the level of
Lake Ontario, and has no visible feeders. It is said to be on the
same level as Lake Erie, and that its waters rise and fall simul-
taneously with those of that lake. If this be the case, the
theory of connection by underground passages is probably
correct. It abounds in pike, pickerel, bass, perch and other
fish, and here, during his holidays, young Macdonald was wont
to come and practise the gentle art.

TnK LiFK OF Sir John A. Macdonalu.

Business in both places was attended with ill-success, and
in 1836 Mr. Macdonald cind family returned to Kin<,rston
and took up their residence in a house on Rideau street,
owned by Colonel Macphcrson, and which is still in the
family. The attic windows are yet pointed out as those of
Sir John's study. Mr. Macdonald did not again \enture into
business, but was appointed by Mr. F. A. Harper to a position
in the Commercial Bank, which he retained until he died in
1841, at the age of fifty-nine. He is described by all who
knew him as a gentle and most lovable man, antl his death
was deeply regretted.

Before the family removed to Hay Bay, the \oungest
boy, James, lost his life in a very sad way. His father and
mot' er were going out for a walk in the evening, and the
little fellow ran after them asking to be allowed to accompan\-
them. It was thought better not to take him, and he was sent
back to the house under the care of tiie servant-man. The
latter was one of those rough beings who have no s\-mpathy
with the woes of children, and, when the child did not ceasf.
crying, gave him a push or a blow, and he fell on an andiron
with such force that he was fatally injured and died in a few
days.

Little Johnnie was very fond of playing soldier. He was
alvva\-s captain and his sisters formed the companw One day
Louisa would not march properly, but went skippinir about
the room to his great indignation ; so he picked up an old gun,
and, pointing it at her, called-out in wrathful tones, " Louie, if
you don't be quiet, I'll s'loot }"ou ! " She still kept pla)-ing
about and he repeated the threat. His sister, Margaret, got
very frightened and cried out, "Oh! Johnnie, Johnnie, put
that gun down," which he did, most providentially, for it was
afterw ards ascertained to have been loaded.

It may nc.t be inappropriate to here say a few words about
the above-mentioned Lieutenant-Colonel Donakl Macpherson,
of whom, the following sketch is- furnished by his only surviv-
ing child, Mrs. Burnet, of Hamilton:

"In early youth he raised a corps composed almost entirely
of Macphersons, and marched them up to Edinburgh, where

COLONKL Donald Macphekson.

they were i;ladly received and drafted into the 71st High-
landers, he and another, Henry Macpherson, receiving com-
missions. The regiment was then commanded by Lieutenant-
General Simon Frascr. Together, they served through
the American war, he being promoted to the rank of lieu-
tenant at New York, on October 19, 1779- The two
friends were taken prisoners at the battle of Bunker's Hill, but
allowed to go on parole. After a time they ascertained the
position of the British army, and being filled with a desire to
rejoin, went to the officer commanding the American troops
and withdrew their parole. They were then imprisoned, but
soon managed to get free, and after many adventures
and hairbreadth escapes, got into their own lines, antl were
sent on to their regiment, with which they served until
the close of the war. Peace brought about a reduction of the
force, when he retired on half pay, married Anna Shaw of
Dalnavert, and lived at Brae Laggan, Badenoch.

"In 1 79 1, he joined, as a lieutenant, the regiment of
fencibles commanded by the Duke of Gordon, from which he
was transferred, three years later, with the rank of captain, to
the regiment commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Podmore.
In 1798 he raised a company called the Cluny Volunteers,
which he commanded until 1S03, A'hen, as captain, he joined
the 92nd regiment, then commanded by the IV^arquis of
Huntley. In 1805 he received his brevet majorit}' In Janu-
ary, of the following year, he was transferred to th^ 9th Royal
Veteran Battalion, commanded by Lieutenant-General Colin
Mackenzie, and eleven months later was again transferred to
the loth Royal Veteran Battalion, commandetl by Lieutenant-
General Lowther Pennington. With this regiment became out
to Canada in 1807, and was afterwards transferred to the com-
mand of the 4th Rojal Veterans, in place of ("olonel Zouch,
placed on the retired list. He was quartered in Quebec tor
three years, and in iSiowas ordered to Kingston. He. With
his wife and si.x children, went up the River .St. Lawrence in
batteaux rowed by the soldiers, stopping each night where
darkness overtook them and camping out. They were si.x
weeks on the waj'. He was in command at Kingston d.. ing

■hi

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

the war with the United States, and built earthworks and
blockhouses to protect the entrances to the harbour and town,
in the very places where forts have since been erected. The
American vessels were not able to effect an entrance but they
got sufficiently close to make it unpleasant, and I have heard
my mother speak of having to hurry the children into the
cellar to avoid the bullets that pierced the wooden walls of the
pretty white cottage that then did duty as the commandant's
residence. In 1817, the veteran battalions were disbanded,
and my father, after receiving large grants of lands as a
reward for faithful service, retired on full pay. He remained
in Kingston until his death, which took place in 1829, wh?n
he was buried with full military honours, the minute guns from
the city battery being answered by those from the fort. By
a strange coincidence the firing party was composed of his old
regiment, the 71st Highlanders."

When the removal to Hay Bay took place, Sir John, who
was then a small boy, of about ten years of ago, was left behind
to continue his studies at school. He first went to the grammar
school taught by Mr. Cruickshank, to whom he was indebted
for the principal part of his education, he then came under
the care of Mr. Wilson, and finished with Mr. Baxter, his suc-
cessor. Mr. Cruickshank is still living in Scotland p.nd has,
amongst his most cherished mementoes, a collection of Sir
John's early compositions. At school the young lad seemea to
realize the necessity for earnest \\ ork, and was a most indefatig-
able scholar, taking a pride in doing everything well. O'.itside
of his .school A\ ork he devoured all sorts of books and was par-
ticularly fond of poetry. He was also fond of makmg versos, but
none of these have been preserved.

During this time young Macdonald boarded with an old lady
on Rideau street, who, apparentl)', was not sufficiently mindful
of the wants of a growing lad. He u.sed to spend all his spare
hours at the house of his uncle. Colonel Macpherson, and his
cousin, xlelen, would save for him slices of pudding and other
delicacies dear to the heart of a school-boy. She describes
him as, even at th'>t period, so voracious a reader that he would
seize upon any book that interested him, and sit down to peruse

Mis Law Studies.

8 1

it, no matter what wjis ij^oiiig on. Nothinij that occurred,
however, escaped his attention, and he never forijot what
he read. The following reminiscences arc from the same
source :

" There was a cjueer old character who acted as pre-
centor of the kirk, and who, singular as it may appear, was
a sceptic — a freethinker of the worst kind. He took a great
fancy to th i clever lad, and frequently asked him to his
room, which was filled with curiosities of all kinds, and there
engaged him in controversy respecting the Bible. This,
John enjoyed very much. I don't know that it did him much
good, but it taught him to argue, for the old man was very
clever. At this distance of time, I find it impossible to recall
his name. At the age of fifteen, John went into the office of
George McKenzie, where he remained until the death of the
latter. Mr. McKenzie was good enough to also take him to
board. Mrs. McKenzie was a kind-hearted soul, but was much
worried by thf difficulty of getting J'^hn out of bed in the
morning, he was such a sleepy-head So one day, finding
she couldn't rouse him, she darkened his room so that not a
ray of light could enter. After a time he awakened, but found
all darkness. After \ainly tr\'ing to go to sleep again, he got
up, drew the curtains, and looked out of the window, when, to
his astonishment, he saw the men returning from their work.
He was .so ashamed that a similar difficulty never occurred.

" As a youth he was quiet in ir.annor, but full of fun
and mischief, quick at repartee and unable to resist a joke.
One evening, at a large part}-, he forgot an engagement *o
dance a quadrille immediately after supp::r, and appeared to
claim his partner when it was too late. She was very in-
dignant she had lost her dance, and would not forgive. He
tried to appease her in every way, but finding it without avail,
to her horror and dismay flung him.self .it her feet, and with
eyes twinkling with merriment, but in the most heart-broken
tones cried out,' Remember! oh, remember ! the fascinations of
the turkey.' This was too much, and the ridiculousness of the
situation, together with the laughter of the bystanders, brought
.ibout a speedy reconciliation.
6

:j1

TiiK Lii 1-: OF Sir John A. Macdoxai.d.

i i

. i

i t

" J^'rom Kingston he went to J'icton, and took chartrc of
the hiw office of m\' brother, L. V. Macpheisoti, who had been
attacked b\' bronchitis, the treatment of which was then
unknown in Canada. He went to J^Ln^dand in search of heahh,
and, subsequently, to tlic West Indies to pay a visit to his
brother-in-law, Commissary-General Wilson, then stationed in
Jamaica. But the disease had made such pro^^rcss that he
was beyond human aid, and died at sea on his way back.
Durii\4 his absence, John A. took chars^e of his business and
alsu opened a branch office at Napanee. In those da)s there
was a good deal of e.xcitc.-ment resjjecting the rebels, and this
afforded a grand opportunit)- for the formation of a serio-comic
society, which received the droll, and to those who did not
understand r'rench, the bewilderuig >iame of " the Societ\- of
' J'ac/ie Rouge.' " At the liead of it was John A. and a choice
lot such as Tom Ramsay, clever and deepl)' read in heraldry
Donald Stuart, a handsome Highlander, etc. The latter, b)-
right of his royal name, was installed, ' Lord Lion, King at
Arms.' John A. and the others bore Caelic titles, far bej'ond
ni\- power to gi\e, while I, as lad}' patroness, was st\"led, ' The
Lady I lelen o' that ilk,' (whatexer that ma)- be). Ikit although
the knights held a high court of re\elr\-, the\- also formed them-
selves into ainilitarycompaiu', and regalarlydrilled, in case their
services might be required, and I, b}- virtue of iri\- position as
lath' patroness, worked a hannei", on which was the legend,
< Sans peur et sans reprcche,' and presented it with appropriate
cer'.MTionies at the hospitable residence of Allan Macpherson.
Afterwards, when trouble actually came, the latter, U[)on his
authority as magistrate, called out the compan)- to stop some
suspected waggons that were passing through the town on the
way to KingsLon. Resistance being made, they vere taken by
force, and on examination found t(j be loaded uith arms for
the rebels.

"The family ha.l not yet left the Lake of the Mountain
when this sociel\- was formed, and I recollect his coming \\\)
one Christmas time when I was there, and bringing with
hiui some choice spirits to have a holida)', and verilj- the\-
liad it.

y. s

"""mmmimm

i t

Christmas Holidays.

"One day he persuaded his dear old mother to sit in state,
a throne being arranged for her at one end of the room. The
Lady Helen stood at her right hand and all the knights knelt
around her to receive at her royal hands the insignia of their
order. For a sword she wielded a large paper knife, the chain
of office being a cord of many coloured braids. This, with
appropriate ceremonies and prescribed formula of words, was
placed in turn about the necks of the kneeling knights, who
received it with becoming gravity. The old mother entered
heart and soul into the humour of the thing, and after the
laughter which greeted the conclusion of the performance had
died away, rose, with the tears still on her face, saying, 'God
help us for a set of fools!' John A. singing

They were merry in the hall
And their beards waf^ged all,

adding, in his comical way 'only, hang it, we haven't a beard
amongst us.' The knights and ladies are all gone now, and I,
alone, am left to tell the tale of the joyous, happy days at the
old home.

"After his father's death John, himself, had an illness of so
.severe a nature that his life was despaired of, and, when slowly
recovering, was informed that his only chance of living, for
even a moderate period, was to travel as .soon as convalescent,
and give up, for the future, all causes of excitement and
anxiety.

"He accordingly went to England, saw all the points of
interest, and became acquainted with his relatives. After a
time he journeyed to Scotland, and there, amidst the romantic
scenery of the Highlands met his fate in the person of his
cousin, the lovely Isabella Clark, daughter of Captain Clark,
of Dalnavert, whom he married a )'e;ir or two later. She was
not only a beautiful and accomplished w oman but pos.sessed
of the sweetest, gentlest dispositic)!i possible anrl, when she
came to Canada won the hearts of all who knew her. Some
years after her marriage an old man came to see me, saying
that his wife had been her foster-mother and would like very
much to see her 'bairn' if possible, and spoke long and feel-

■f

•r

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

ingly of the love she bore her. Being from the Cluny estate
I thought I would please him by reading from an Inverness
paper an account of the Queen's visit to Scotland, and lunch-
con at Cluny Castle, and of the body-guard of clansmen that
had been sent to accompany her, but he just nodded and said
'she's been well putten up.' But, I cried, 'don't you under-
stand the honour to Cluny'? 'Honour'! said he 'Honour'!
Na! Na! 'She's verra weal in her ain country, but at Cluny!
Na! Na!' He went away very .sorrowful when he found that
I could not speak Gaelic, shaking his head and saying
'Oigh ! Oigh ! that I should live to .see a Macpherson that
could na speak ta Gaelic' I do not remember if his wife saw
her foster-child or not, but I hope she did, for the love of a
Scotch fost -T-mother for the child that she has nursed can
scarce!)' be said to be of a lesser degree than that of its own
mother."

Mr. Macdonald was called to the bar in Hilary term 1836,
and, on the death of Mr. Mackenzie, came into a large and
lucrative practice. He at once took a leading position in his
profession, and two years after was selected to defend those
".sympathisers" in the rebellion in 1837-38, who had come
across from the United States to assist the Canadians in their
suppo.sed fight for freedom. The exact part that he took in
that trial does not seem quite clear. There can be no doubt
as to his having bee^" retained by the friends of the leader,
Von Shoultz, to defend him, and that he also acted for the
paymaster, Daniel George, but a perusal of the papers of the
day shows that the former pleaded guilty, and that Mr. Mac-
donald made most strenuous efforts to have the ignominious
sentence of being hanged changed to the more honourable
one of being shot as a soldier. He was successful only in
having it carried out on a special scaffold erected at Fort
Henry, instead of the common gallows at Kingston where the
others were executed. He drew the will of the unhappy,
misguided man, and lent him every assistance up to the last.
The brilliant defence with which history has credited him must
therefore have been that of the paymaster and his associates.
The trial was by court martial and took place at Fort Henry,

Dkfp:xck ok Von Siioultz.

on November 28, 1838. The f()ll(juiiij.f report is taken from a
contemporary paper :

"On Wednesday last, Daniel George, late o[ Cape Vincent,
New York, paymaster of the pirates, was placed on his trial.
At his request he was allowed counsel and engaged J(jhn
Macdonald, Esq., the court allowing a short delay for that
purpose.

"The Pole, Neils Szoltevski von Shoultz, was also placed
on trial. When required to plead he asked if the statement
which he had made to a magistrate would be received and
sent to t Lieutenant-Governor. On being answered that it
would he j)leaded guilty. The judge-advocate cautioned him
respecting the consequences of such a plea to him, that in the
y^rcsent circumstances of Upper Canada he could hold out no
hope for mercy, and therefore, the prisoner must consider his
situation well, and if he thought proper he might withdraw his
plea and plead not guilty. The prisoner answered that he had
been induced to take command of the mvadcrs under false
impressions, and now that he saw through the whole and dis-
covered the delusion under which he had laboured, he was
aware of the nature of his conduct. It was no use to say any-
thing in defence and he should persist in his plea of guilty."

Formal evidence was then taken. Von Shoultz was
executed on December 8th, near Fort Henry. George was al.so
executed. A friend of Von Shoultz, in a later issue of the
Ki.igston Spectator, gave an interesting account of the life of
this unfortunate young man. "Niles Gustaf Schobtewskii von
.Schoultz was of Swedish descent, a Pole by birth and of noble
extraction. . . . He had accjuired the highest literary
honours of the principal and most celebrated universities of
northern Europe. ... In that sanguinary and decisive
struggle before the walls of Warsaw his father and a brother
fell, martyrs to the sacred cause of libert\'. His mother and
sister fled in the disguise of peasants, but were trikcn and
banished to Russia." Further on we are told by the same
friend that he could "prove inieciuivocally that Von Schoultz's
joining the expedition against Prescf)tt was entirely unpre-
meditated— in fact, the entire result of accident."

•' i

•1

]

I
1

Till-; Lii'K OK Sir John A. Ma( donai.d.

Mr. Gunn, of Walkcrton, who was in Kin<^stoii at the time,
has recently written a very interesting letter to the Empire,
from which we make the followint^ extracts: "The prisoners
taken at the battle of tlie windmill at Prescott, in September,
I (S3 8, were brought up to Kinj^^ston in the okl mail steamer,
Canada, and landed at Scobell's wharf, foot of Brock street,
where Sanderson and Murray carried on the forwardinj,^ busi-
ness, and for whom I was then ai^ent. A stout rope was
fastened around the chest of General von Shoultz, to which
the other prisoners were fastened by the rijj^ht hantl and the
left iiand alternately. In this way the}' were marched to Tete
de I'ont barracks at Fort Henry, pelted b)- the rabble in the
crowd, the jail of the county beiny; too small t(j acc(jmmodate
the number — some 120 or I 30 men. Althouj4h taken b)- the
military in the act of war, in consequence of some peculiarit\-
of the law, these prisoners were retained, not in militar\-
custody, but in the custody of the sheriff. On a certain nit^dit
a number of them made their escape. Colonel Dundas, of the
83rd rej^iment, bcin^ commandant at the garrison, had Mr.
Ashley, the jailer, arrested and afterwards prosecuted in the
Ctmrt of the Queen's Bench f(jr alleged complicity in the
escape. The case excited intense interest. Mr. Ashle)- was
a strong Reformer. The public mind was greatly excited
against the American .sympathizers. John A. Macdonald, then
a very young lawyer who had not hitherto distinguished him-
self in any way, defended Mr. Ashley. I was present during
the whole of the trial, which lasted two days or more. Mr.
Macdonald handled the military authorities with great severity,
for which the)' never forgave him, and this feeling of antago-
nism was kept up, each new coming regiment evidentl}'
receiving the tradition from its predecessor in the garrison, but
John A. cared nothing for that. Although Mr. Macdonald's
friends did not sympathize with him in his onslaught on the
military authorities, yet all were surprised and delighted at
the wonderful tact and the forensic ability he so suddenly
displayed in that trial. The jury, after long deliberation,
acquitted Mr. Ashley. The name and praise of the )oung
lawyer were on every tongue. He had made his mark. This

' ■%

LT.-COLONKL DONALD MACIMI I'KSON.

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23 WIST MAIN STRiCT

WnSTER.N.Y. MSSO

(716) S72-4S03

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{

Elected as Alderman.

was at the Fall Assizes for 1838. His defence of Von
Shoultz, for which he was specially retained by friends of
Von Shoultz, in Syracuse, New York, was subsequent to this."

Mr. Macdonald's popularity was terribly strained by his
defence of these men, whose conduct was looked Ujion with
the utmost abhorrence, but he came unscathed throujjh the
ordeal, and on November 20, 1842, was elected President of
St. Andrew's Society. Whilst he was acting in this capacity
Sir Charles Metcalf arrived in Canada, and Mr. Macdonald
called a meeting of the society on March 22, 1843, for the
purpose of arranging for his reception. The enthusiasm must
have been very great, for we find that the society turned out
in kilts to meet the new Govenor-General.

In February, 1843, he decided to offer himself for muni-
cipal honours, and issued the following address :

" To the Free and Independent Electors of Ward No. 4 in the Town of
Kingston.

" CiENTLEMEN, — Permit me to lay my name before you as a candi-
date for yonr suffrages at the election in your ward — as alderman.

" I can only assure you, that should I be honoured by your choice,
my humble exertions shall not be spared in the performance of the
duties thereby imposed upon me.

" I have the honour to be, gentlemen,

" Vour most obedient servant,

"John A. M.vcdo.sald.''

The election took place on March 29th, when he was
returned by a majority of sixty-ihrcc over his opponent, Captain
Jackson, the ix)ll standing : Macdonald 156, Jackson 93. Mr.
Anglin was at the same time elected as councilman, and the
two were cha* cd triumphantly through the town.

In June of the same year he took a prominent part in the
very elaborate ceremonies with which the corner stone of the
beautiful city hall and market buildings was laid by Sir
Charles Metcalfe, and his name was included amongst those
in.scribed on the brass plate let into the stone. Four years
later (September, 1847), he and Mr. John Counter presented
the city with the magnificent clock, which for nearly forty-five

-/r-f

0 ^

■L

J I

The Life of Sir John A. Macuonald.

■^

years has told the inhabitants of Kingston of the passage of
time.

He did not long occupy the position of alderman, as in the
year following, he was called upon to represent the constituency
in the Legislative Assembly. The following report of the
meeting held to decide upon a candidate is taken from the
' U ^ >> Kingston Netcs of October 3rd, of that year :
" " On T^riday evening last, a large meeting of the electors

of the town took place at Mctcalf's inn for the purpose of
determining what steps should be taken in reference to the
coming election, in order to secure the return of a candidate
to represent the true interests of the town in Parliament.
James Williamson, Esq., was called to the chair, and W. M.
Strange, Esq., requested to act as secretary. The chairman,
in a few words, explained the object of thus calling together a
portion of the electors, when Mr. Macdonald, who was present,
rose, and shortly stated that the meeting he'd been called at
his instance, that the' necessary preliminary steps to an election
contest should at once be adopted. As regarded himself, he
felt gratified with the confidence which had been shown in him
by a large number of the electors of the town, evinced by a
numerously signed requisition addressed to him, requesting
^ that he would allow himself to be put in nomination as a can-
didate for the representation of the town. Some time, how-
ever, had elapsed since that requisition was signed, and it might
be that the confidence of the signers had undergone some
change, or, that they would now prefer to select another can-
didate. To meet such a contingency, and to remove the
slightest cause for a division among the Conservative electors
of the town, he would now leave them free to act in the selection
of a candidate ; and while he was still willing and ready to
serve them, yrt, should their choice fall upon another, he would
most cheerfully resign any claims which he might have,
and to the utmost of his power assist in carrying out any
^-^arrangement which they might think proper to adopt.

*' Mr. Macdonald then retired from the room, when Mr.
John R. Forsyth, Esq., addressed the meeting in a short
but efifective speech, in which he a^>•erted his conviction that

^9-

Resolutions of Confidknc k.

upon none could the choice of the electors fall more capable of
representing the true interests of the town than Mr. Macdonald,
and he would therefore move that it be :

'*' Resolved: That this meeting continues to repose unabated
confidence in John A. Macdonald, Ksq., as a fit and proixir
person to represent the true interests of the town of Kingston
in Parliament, and pledge to him their undivided support.'

"This resolution was seconded by David John Smith,
P3sq., and carried by acclamation. The contrary vote was
called for, but no dissentients apjxjared."

His address was issued two or three days later, and
breathed the same spirit of loyalty and devotion to the mother
country as characterized his latest utterances. It was as follows :

" To the Free and Indef>endent liUctors ff the Town of Kingston.

"Gentlemkn, — The approaching election calls upon me to redeem
the pledge made in March last, in answer to the flattering requisition
addressed to me by 225 electors, inviting me to become a candidate foi
the representation of this town.

"A residence in Kingston since infancy has afforded every oppor-
tunity to me of knowing the wants and claims of our " Loyal Old Town"
— and to you of ascertaining my political opinions and my <|uali(ications
for the office I now solicit at your hands.

" I therefore, need scarcely state my firm belief, that the prosperity
of Canada depends upon its permanent connection with the motiuT
country, and that I shall resist to the utmost, any attempt (from what,
ever quarter it may come), which may tend to weaken that union.

' ' The proposed measures for reducing the enormous expense of the
public departments, for improving the syste .1 of couunon schools, and
for opening and extending the advantages of our Collegiate Institutes,
will receive my cordial support.

"It is alike my duty and my interest to promote the prosperity of
this city and the adjacent country. No exertion will be spared by nw
in forwarding the settlement of our rear townships, by the formation ot
public road, sin assisting and concentrating the trade of this port, and
in such other local measures as will in any way conduce to your
advantage.

*' I am deeply grateful for the confidence you have already reposed
in me, and trusting that I have done nothing to forfeit it,

" I have the honor to be,

" Your obliged and

" Faithful servant,
" KiKGsros, October 5, 1844. "John A, Macdon.\lu."

.:,jd^j!

"J'v^

jlA'

/i^

The Life ov Sir Jimin A. Macdonald.

Judj^itiff from the following extract from the address of
his opponent, Mr. Manahan, the old member, the latter did
not belong to any political party.

" I need not make profession of political principles. I am
long known to you all as a no party man ; always anxious to
promote |)eace and harmony, and the prosperity of this, my
adopted country. With the assurance of an abiding gratitude
for your former generosity and respectfully soliciting your con-
tinued consideration, etc."

The proceedings at the nomination are recorded in the
Kingston News of October loth.

" Mr. Manahan was first nominated. S. Morley, Esq.,
moved the nomination »ind was seconded by Rir. G. H. McLean*
John R. r'orsyth, Esq., then stcpj)ed forward, and in an eloquent
and forcible address rccominended Mr. Macdonald to the
electors. Mr. Williamson in a few remarks seconded the
nomination. The rival candidates then addressed the m:,>eting.
Mr. Manahan defended his past conduct, and promised to do
everjthing for everybody, and Mr. Macdonald stated generall)-
tho.se principles which would guide his parliamentary career,
should he be returned to represent the constituency. Ikyond
catching a few stray .sentences, we were unable to hear dis-
tinctly the speakers. At the close, the returning officer called
for a show of hands, upon which, however, he was unable to
decide."

The result of the election was an overwhelming victory
for Mr. Macdonald, as will be .seen from the following returns
of the state of the poll in each ward, as taken from the A'ejvs
of October 17th :

MacdonuUl. Manahan.

Ward, No. i 51 14

Ward, No. 2 35 y

Ward, No. 3 50 8

Ward, No. 4 140 11

38a 4-i

Macdoiiald's majority 240

The address given above forms one of the most interesting

SIR JOHN A. MACnON ALirs SISTKRS.

MISS MACDONAI.M.

MUS WILLIAMSON.

Li]

Sir Ciiaki.ks Metcalik.

reminiscences of the early life of Sir John A. Macdonald. and
the principles therein enunciated were characteristic of his
whole after career and were firmly adhered to through his long
and varied official life, and it is profitable to reflect that the
great monument of Canadian unity and greatness which he
left behind him, was not the result of chance or circumstance,
but the deliberate result of a policy conceived in youth, cher-
ished loyally through all the remainder of his life, and realized
at last with marvellous success.

The morning after Sir John's death, a sketch of his career
appeared in the Daily Citizen with a iu)tc to the effect that it
had been carefully read over by himself, and contained inter-
lineations in his well-known handwriting. From this we
make the following extract as to this period of his life.

".As an adviser in civil cases, and in the unravelling of compli-
cated land titles, Mr. Macdonald won the esteem and confi-
dence of every large corporation. Was he permitted to enjo)- the
fruits or reap the rich harvest of a lucrative practice? Canada
needed her best men in the legislative halls of the country,
and the joung barrister, with a self-denial that has dis-
tinguished him throughout life, turned a deaf ear to those who
painted in vivid colours the sacrifices he was inaking, the i)ro-
fessional success he was forfeiting, and the an.xious, laborious
responsibilities he was about to assume. Private ea.se, how-
ever, had ne\er been enjoyed, nor yet coveted, by the young
advocate. Possessed of an active, nervous temperament, public
life and its allurements cast an irresistible spell over him — and,
in the summer of 1S44, he was returned by a very large
majority to represent the city of Kingston in the old Canada
Assembly. Froin that hour up to the present time he has,
without intermission, continued to hold the position, although
forced to contest the constituency at least a score of times
since first entering Parliament. At the time Mr. Macdonald
was elected political excitement ran high, a determined agita-
tion had been commenced against Sir Charles (afterwards
Lord) Metcalfe, and some words, as bitter as they were unfair,
had been used respecting his conduct. The language used
condemnatory of the Governor was repudiated by several
7

9«

TnK LiiK OK Sir John A. Mac donald.

leaders of the Reform party. Sir Francis Ilincks, in fact,
found it necessary to enter a protest against it in the follow-
ing words, addressed to Mr. Isaac Buchanan, a prominent
Canadian politician: 'The only feeling that I, or any of my
late colleagues can entertain towards his Kxcellency is one of
gratitude for the uniform courtesy with which we were treated
by him up to the last moment we held office. I must not,
therefore, be held responsible for newspaper paragraphs, of
which, if personal to the Governcjr, I do not hesitate to say
I disapprove.' Party feeling was strong, tempting many to
utilize the misunderstanding for the advancement of their
interests. Mr. Macdonald, however, took higher ground;
although cordially sustaining his Conservative friends, and in
accord with his leader, the Hon. Mr. Draper, afterwards Chief
Justice of the Court of Error and Appeal, he brought with
him into public life a mind liberalized by thee.xperience of his
profession, accepting old traditions in so far as they promised
to advance national interests, but rejecting such as threatened
to prove inimical to the progress of the countr)-, or the full
development and free expression of public opinion. He wisely
determined upon espousing the cause of Sir Charles Metcalfe,
being of opinion that, although responsible government had
properly been granted to Canada, the Governor's advisers were
attempting to carry the principle .so far as to destroy the
legitimate influence of the Crown. His strong common sense
convinced him that the first dut)- of a statesman was to elevate
the tone of discussion, and tcmjier with true liberality the
demands of those who .sought reform. Violence, cither in
word or action, is the weapon of a demagogue, and the man
who. during a grave crisis, when popular clamour points in
another direction, is brave enough to pursue the straight
course, is the man best adapted to ruling a great country aiul
laying deeply and firmly the foundation of a prosperous and
enlightened nation. A sense of justice, and not simply
po\itica.\ ^nesse, prompted Mr. Macdonald to condemn those
who appeared willing to assume responsibility for measures
that might have proven detrimental to the interests of the
country. He was not slow in meeting the defamers of Lord

" RF.SI'ONSIHLK GoVEkNMKNT.

Metcalfe and in laying down the sound constitutional doctrine
that a subordinate government could not expect to dictate to
a public officer, responsible not to that government alone, but
to the Crown, whose representative he was, and whose func-
tions were discharged directly through him. The discontent
in both the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada arising out
of the troubles of 1837-38 was not yet forgotten by any class
of the Canadian public. The union of the two provinces
had, indeed, done much to lessen the acrimony that had
previously existed, but there was still a feeling of jealousy —
begotten of the differences of creed and nationality — that
naught save the wisest polic)- could convert into harmony.
It is true Lord Glenclg, the Colonial Secretary, had written,
defining the jirinciplcs upon which the liritish Government
would feel itself justified in interposing its authority. He said:
"Parliamentary legislation on any subject of exclusively in-
ternal concern to any British colony possessing a representative
Assembly is, as a general rule, unconstitutional. It is a right
of which the exercise is reserved for extreme cases, in which
necessity at once creates and justifies the exception." Still,
notwithstanding these assurances, it became evident that to
avoid frequent collisions between the Crown's representative
and the popular branch of the Legislature the Executive must
be brought directly under the control of the people's repre-
sentatives. Like many British statesmen, Mr. Macdonald
frequently expressed a fear that sufficient time had not elapsed
between the troubles of 1837 and the agitation of 1S44 to
warrant an application of the principle in its fullest .sense; he,
therefore, urged his party to stand by the Crown, and the
Crown's representative, looking forward to the day when
Ministerial responsibility might be safel}- extended, and con-
stitutional government, as in Lngland, matlc the basis of the
Government of Canada. Thus when in 1847 responsible ,
government was finally and full)- established under Lord
Elgin, none hailed the change w ith greater gratification than
Mr. Macdonald, and from that hour Her Majesty's represen-
tative chose his advisers from the part)- able to command a
majority in the Legislative .Assembl)-. -^

loo I III; l.ii i; 1)1 Siu John A. M.\» hoNAi.n.

Oil Jul)- S, 1X45, Ml. Mactlonaltl was tlictid a ilircctor of
tlu- (oiniiRTcial Itank, his associates at tlu" board bcinj,' tlic
I lonoiirabli-s John llatnilton, John Maraula)', aiui Messrs.
John Kirb\-, Joseph Hiiice, James Nickalls, John Macpherson,
houj^'las I'retitice, William Loj^ieaiul K. Satcheson.

On SeptemlKT i^th of this )ear, we fnul him taking an
active interest in a meeting' called b\' the MaN'or of Kinj^'ston,
Thos. W. Robinson, lvs(|., respecting, a railroad to Ix." built from
Kingston to loronto, with connections via Cape N'incent with
another projected line, then called the (ireat Western, but now
known as the New York Central. A deputation from Water-
town, N.\'., was present at the meetin},^ to ascertain the views
of the people of Kin^'ston, and announceil that, if a j^'uarantee
was f^Mven that the people of Canada West were in faxour (»f a
railroad from Toronto to Kinj^rston, the (ape \ inceiit. Water-
town and Rome Railroad would be commeiKici within three
months. Mr. Macdonald elo(|ucntl>' advocated the scheme,
and was appointed a member of a committee which was calletl
"The Committee of the W(<lfe inland. Kin^ijstoii and Toronto
Railroad." Of the larj^e number of intluenfial persons who
actetl with him. not more than one or two are now livin^f. The
other members, who then resided in Kiiij.,fston, were John
Counter. I'". A. Harper, John R. i'"ors\th, lleiir\- Ciilderslceve,
Colin Milk-r, Thomas Askew, A. H. Hawke, John Watkins,
James Hrown, jr., Alexander Campbell, I'. M. Hill, Henry
.Smith, jr., William Wilson, W. Ci. Hinds, Douj^Ias I'rentice,
John Mowat, Joseph Bruce, 'Ihomas Kirkpatrick, Thomas W.
Robinson, and the Honourables John Hamilton and John
Macaula)-.

.'\s succeeding chapters will be devoted to a consideration
of .Sir John's public career, and it would be manifestly imposs-
ible to intermix anecdotes of his private life, a marked example
of his kindness of heart and tenderness for the feelin}^^ of v)thcrs,
will be here ^ivcii. When the author was a student in his
office, in 1858-9, there was attached to it an old j.jentleman of
the name of Mcintosh, who was most rei^ular and punctual in
his attendance, but had nothing to do. He had passed the
allotted period of life, beiiiLj over eii^ht)' \ears of age, was

US
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His STUDV of rAkl-IAMKNTAkV DUTIKS.

>o.5

feeble of limb, and worn out mentally, yet, every day saw him
occupying his seat and gazing about the office with an air of
proprietorship. He apparently had no relatives or connec-
tions, and, with most men, would have been turned adrift when
his usefulness was gone, or, at best, granted a sufficient sum to
meet his modest wants, but he had been Sir John's friend,
and either course would have crushed his proud Scotch heart.
One day the poor old fellow remarked, that he was not of much
use and was ashamed to draw pay, but Sir John replied :
*'Why, Mcintosh, if you left me I would have to close the
office. You have an eye on the students and keep them to
their work and keep everything straight in the office. Oh !
I could not part with you." So he was soothed, and led to
believe that his presence was essential, and thus he lived on
until death called him away, happy in the sense of respon-
sibility, and provided for up to the very last.

During the first two or three years of his parliamentary
life, Mr. Macdonald .seems to have entered upon the study of
his duties with all the earnestness of his character. He
seldom rose to speak, and then only when he had something
of importance to say. Even at this time he had a great
objection to the carefully prepared essays which some members
of the Legislature are prone to deliver, and made it a rule to /^ ,
store his mind with all the facts bearing upon the case under M
discussion, and then express what he had to say, at the time, f*
and in the manner, most likely to prove effective. His
'speeches thus always attracted attention, and before three
years had elapsed he had won such a reputation for ability
and discretion, and had become so popular amongst his fellow
representatives, that no surprise was excited whcii the
announcement was maile that he had been called upon to
occupy a seat in the Cabinet.

fit .

til

• 'Hi

i- ' m

CHATTKR HI

Mr. Macdonald's appoinlmcnl as Receivcr(ieneral in 1S47— Testimony as to his
ability by newspapers of both sides of politics — The University Hill — disso-
lution—Review of Government Policy — Mr. .Macd<)nald'> appointment as
Commissioner of Crown Lands — He defeats Mr. Mackenzie by 386 to 84 —
Meeting (if new Parliament, February 25, 1848 — The (iovernment lieatenor.
the .Address.

THK Gazette of May 22, 1847, announced that Mr. Mac-
donald had been appointed Receiver-General of the
Province of Canada in the place of the Honourable William
Morris resigned. His promotion seems to have given great
satisfaction to the general public, and newspapers of both sides
of politics joined in bearing tcstimon}' to the ability of the new-
Minister. The Hamilton Spectator, which then, as now, was a
Con.servative paper, said: "The feeling in favour of the
Receiver-General is cordial and enthusiastic. All classes and
parties appear to have joined together, and the Honourable
John A. Macdonald will be returned for the city bj' acclama-
tion. We have before spoken of the talent, application to
business, and affability of the member for Kingston, and ha\c
only to congratulate the constituency on th'jir own penetration
and the firm attachment of their representative to Conserva-
tive principles."

The Bytown Gazette thus expressed its views : " Mr. Mac-
donald is a sure Conservative, and being a man whose talent
and integrity have gained him the confidence of his friends
and the respect of his political opponents, his appointment will
add much strength to the Ministry.''

Not less flattering was the opinion expressed by the Picton
6'«;/j a paper bitterly opposed to the Conservative, paity :
" Mr. MacHoiiald commenced the study of the law in this town
under the late L. P. Macphenson. He early gave indications
of .solid abilities, and that self-reliance which have been the
means of his rapid advancement in his profession ; and,
although it is an unusual change of fortune for a poor and
friendless boy of yesterday to be called to-daj- to fill one of the
most responsible offices in the province, )et we know of no ^

104

AlM'OIXTF.I) AS RK( KIVKK-GkNKUAL

loS

one amoii^ the Conservative party in the House who is really
more deserving; of advaiiceineiit or who would be likely to
fill the office more efficientl} ; and, we may add, one who
would in all probabilit)' be more popular with the countr)-.
For, if not materially altered since he be«ran his career, he is
not of that bigoted and intolerant turn of mind which is too
often the characteristic of a Canadian Tory. On the contrary,
with none of the aristocratic fceliiii^s, and but few of the
illiberal views of the part}- with which ho is associated, he will
brintj into the Adininistration (if we arc not jrixvitly mistaken)
a disposition to be <joverned by frank, honourable and inanh'
bearin<^ towards all parties — an aversion to the finesse and
corruption too lon^ prevalent — a soaring above mere party
feelinj^ — in short that he will be quite a different statesman
from some of the present Ministers — men who have all the
' honourable * before their names and none after.

" ( )iir last, our best, our only orator ;
Kveu I can praise thee — Tories do no iiion.'

On June 1st Mr. Macdonald was elected by acclamation,
Mr. Kenneth Mackenzie, who it was said would oppose his
return, appearin;^ at the place of nomination and withdrawing;"
from the contest. This enabled Mr. Macdonald to leave at
once for Montreal, where the Legislature met on the following
day.

In the speech from the throne two important announce-
ments were matle: Jirs/, that Her Majesty's Ministers in (ireat
Britain were prepared to surrender to the Provincial Authori-
ties the control of the Post O^ce Department, as soon as, by
concert between the .several Legislatures, arranocments should
be made for .securing to British North America the advantages
of an efficient and uniform post office system ; and seanid, that
by a statute passed during the last session of the Imperial Par-
liament, the Colonial Legislatures were emj)owereil to repeal
differential duties hitherto imposed in the colonies in favourof
British produce, which power His Kxcellency considered might
be exercised with benefit to the consumer and without injury
to the revenue. Reference was also made to measures for

io6 TiiK LiiK OK Sik John A. Macdonald.

extending warchousinj; facilities to inland ports and other
improvements in the commercial system, the construction (>(
the Quebec and Halifax Railway, Law of Copyright, etc.

During the recess strong efforts had been made by ♦ihc
Ministry to obtain the assistance of gentlemen possessing the
confidence of the majority of the people of Lower Canada.
_With this object His Excellency issued the following "confi-
dential " memorandum :

" The Governor-General is sincerely desirous that in the adminis-
tration of the affairs of the province, the interests and fceHnKS of that
important section of the inhabitants which is of French origin should
meet with the fullest attention and consideration.

" It would be very satisfactory to him, therefore, to have the nicanh^
of including in his Kxecutive Council some of those gentlemen who
enjoy in a high degree their esteem and confidence.

" He has reason to believe that this object might, under existing
circumstances, l)e accomplished with great advantage to the public
and on terms that would be fair both to them and the members of the
present Council.

" The Governor-General has too sincere a respect for the gentle-
men to whom he addresses himself to ask their assent to any pn)j)<i>al
involving a sacrifice of principle. But in inviting them to consider the
practicability of such an arrangement as he has suggesteil, and tu
favour him with their sentiment thereupon, he desires to express his
confident hope that objections founded on personal or party differences
(if such exist) will yield to the dictates of patriotism and jjublic du'iy.

" MoNKLANDs, Ffbruary 23, 1847.

With this memorandum as a basis for negotiations, Mr
Papineau went to Quebec and had interviews with Mr. Caroii
on March 12th and April 5th, after which Mr. Caron went to
Montreal, and the negotiations were there continued with Mr.
Cay ley. The offer made to Mr. Caron and his friends was
that they should have the disposal of three of the seven seats
in the Council, three being reserved, and the seventh to be
filled by His Kxccllency with the advice of the six. In
making this offer it was frankly stat<;d on the part of the
Ministers, that no reservation was made on their part as to the
gentlemen who should compose the French-Canadian section
of the Cabinet ; that they would permit no personal feelings —
no sense of former personal differences — to interfere with the

KFKOkTs TO Conciliate im<kn( ii-Caxadians. 107

carrying out of the proposed arrangement. The three seats
offered were those of Crown Lands, Attorney-General East,
and President of the Council. This liberal offer did not satisfy
the French -Canadian party, who desired to make it a condi-
tion that Mr. Daly should not be a member of the Cabinet,
and also suggested the name of a jxirson to fill the seventh
place. This led to a rupture of the negotiations. When the
correspondence was brought down, on the motion of Mr.
Duggan, it clearly showed that there were, in truth, no material
differences of political opinion between the French-Canadians
and the Upper Canadian Conservatives. No objection was
made to Mr. Draper, Mr. Caylcy, or Mr. Morri.s. The only
stumbling block was Mr. Daly, but it was impossible to sacri-
fice him on the ground upon which his colleagues were called
upon to do so. The effect of this failure was, no doubt, to
estrange the PVench-Canadians from the Conservatives and
cause them to lean towards their opponents in the hopes of
obtaining their own terms in case a change of Ministry should
take place.

On June 22nd Mr. Cayley made his budget speech, in
which he announced it to be the intention of the Govern-
ment to avail themselves of the authorization contained in the
" British Possessions Act," alluded to in the speech, and
remodel the customs duties, substituting Provincial for Impe-
rial differential duties, and thus doing away with the protection
to British products as compared with foreign, and substituting
duties for revenue without any distinction of the quarter from
which the articles imported into this country for consumption
might be drawn, thus enabling the purchaser or consumer to
make his purchases in the cheapest market without reference
to the consideration of where that maket was to be found.
He also said that it was the intention of the Government to
lighten the charges upon seagoing vessels by doing away with
part of the shipping charges, which would be reduced by
^"8,ooo per annum ; to rec'uce the tolls on the canals ; to extend
the warehousing system ; to facilitate the transport and expor-
tation of goods without payment of duty ; and to simplify the
taking of bonds for warehousing.

..^

y ■

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^ ,,7^

I OS

TiiK LiKK OF Sir John A. Macdonai.h.

I ''

r'U

One of the most, if not the most, important liills brouj^ht
forward by the Government was the University Bill, and it
was placed in the charfje of Mr. Macdonald, who introduced

/ it in a speech of much brilliancy on July 9th. Its object was
to settle the long vexed tjuestion of the University of King's
College, and its provisions were very clearly set forward in
the opening remarks of the Receiver-General, of which the
f(;llowing is a brief summary : " At an early date," he said,
/' out of the lands of the province, Government had set apart
' the large amount of 5CX),C)00 acres for common school and
"^clementary instruction, but the intentions of the Government
in this respect were not carried out. The Government aUo
/set apart half of the best of the.sc lands fov the support of a
I university, which obtained its charter under the name of
King's C'ollege. Afterwards the charter was amended for the
purpose of liberalizing it, as the former charter was strongly
lobjected to on the grounds that the College would be alto-
gether too exclusive ; but instead of healing the rancorous
feeling that was then exhibited, it has been made the subject
of religious discussion, and all parties are now loudl}' demand-
ing a settlement of the question. Several attempts had been

t made to settle it, but they had all failed because the .schemes

\ that were proposed did not come home to the people ; the
people had no interest in them. The Government were now
prepared to propose a measure which he hoped would meet
the assent of all parties. The present charter of King's Col-
lege was to be taken away and the or-ginal one restored, and
then the endowment was to extend to the people of Canada
and be the means of educating their children in a respectable
manner, so that they may be able to enter into most of the
occupations, perhaps all the professions of life. Out of the
university endowment it was intended to endow one grammar
school in each district, which would give to the youth of the
province a liberal and sound education. King's College
afforded education to all clas.ses, but most of the .sects were
dissatisfied ; the Roman Catholics were excluded from partici-

; pation in the endowment and they were dis.satisfied ; the
l^ Methodists were dissatisfied as were also the Presbyterians.

Financial Cai.c ulations.

109

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He believed that the only way, amicably, to settle the (|UC.stioii,
was to divide the endowment, and yet, in the division, particu-
lar attention was to be paid to the claims of the Church of Eng-
land, for they have just and equitable claims. It was therefore
proposed that King's College should be an Episcopal institu-
tion like Oxford or Cambridge, for if this were not done they
would be in a worse position than they were before ; some
immaterial alterations were to be made in the original charter,
the endowment is to be invested in a board of five trustees,
one to be named by the Crown, and one by each of the other
colleges, viz.. King's, Queen's, V^ictoria, and Regiopolis. The
present annual value might be calculated at ;{J^io,ooo per
annum, the last return was ;^9,200, and it was constantly
increasing. Out of this a sum of ;^3,ooo per annum, along
with the college buildings and grounds, was to be given to
King's College; to each of the other three colleges the sum of
;{^i,50O was to be paid. This wcnild make up the sum of
^7,500j^nd leave the sum of ;^2,500, which was to be divided
among the different districts of Upper Canada for the support
of one grammar school in each. This, added to the sum of
£*ICX) now paid annually out of the consolidated revenue fund,
would make the sum of ;^225 for each grammar school. In-
justice had been done to the .school endowment which was so
munificently ma'!^^ for their support, and in accordance, there-
fore, with their promise made in 1835, the Government would,
acre for acre, give the best and most available lands of the Crown
in lieu of tho.se which were at present ])osses.sed in the remote-
parts. This, it is calculated, will make the amount for each
about ;^350 per annum, to which is to be added about £ 1 50 U)v
tuition fees, making the sum of ;{J^5CO per annum. This wciuld
allow ;^2iX) to a principal, and two masters at /^i 50 each or
three at ;^ 1 00. The sum of ;^500 would be granted to each
district school that should raise the sum of ;{^250 for the erection
of a grammar school. To be attached to each grammar school
there is to be a Model Agricultural Farm, with a practical farmer
as master, which property is to be invested in a board of trus-
tees.XThe surplus revenue over and above ;^io,ooo is to be
placed at the disposal of the Legislature for the purposes of

■^

no TiiK Like of Sir John A. Macdonalk.

general education, or the endowment of any other colleges
which may arise in Upper Canada. This was the project
which the Government now proposed for the settlement of the . [

question, and he thought it was the only manner in which the I /• (^
question could be settled with a proper regard for justice." ^W ^1 ' /''
The motion was seconded by the Honourable John Hill- Ly f
ard Cameron, Solicitor-General, who, during his lifetime was 'r' A'\
one of the most able and consistent advocates of the rights of /" -^
the Episcopal Church. In the course of his remarks he said,
that " he felt he had the approbation of his conscience in the
step he was taking, although he would rather that the college
should remain as at present, but agitation had shaken it to
its centre, and if it were to be disturbed, this measure was the
most just, and he was willing to accede to it and concede what
was done by the Hill now introduced. He felt that he had
the approbation of the persons immediately interested in the
matter. He felt that he had the approbation of the members
of the Church of England. By the present Bill the religious
education of the young, which should always go hand-in-hand
with the secular, would be attended to. He felt convinced
that all persons who coincided in his views that religion ought
always to be associated with secular education, would agree
with him that this was one step onward towards the attain-
ment of that much to be desired object. He now saw that
the head was not to be taught at the expense of the heart.
\ He would rather scatter the endowment to the four winds of
heaven than train up the youth of this land without religious
I instruction, to teach them to bow down to the goddess of
reason and forget the God of truth. He saw in the measure
now proposed the first step towards education in the right
course."

Although it was unusual to address the Hou.se on the
introduction of a measure, but to pass the first reading /;v
fonna, yet so great was the interest felt in this Bill that many
speakers on both sides took part in the debate. Mr. Baldwin
denounced it in strong terms as an act of spoliation which he
would be glad to put a stop to by retiring forever from politi-
cal life. He was ably replied to by Mr. Ogle R. Gowan, who

OiiLK R. GoWAN's Si'ij;* II.

1 1 1

tlefincd the ^icat principle at stake as to whether the hij^her
and more important branches of education should be ccntral-
i/ed in one great mammoth institution at Toronto — whether
the youth of the whole country should be comiK'lled to slake
their literary thirst out of one <^reat pond at Toronto — or
whether fresh chaimels should be opened antl the waters of
literature and science be i)crmitted, through them, to irrigate
the land and fertilize every district of the province. Whether
the youthful intellect, as it expanded in the pursuit of science,
was to be chastened by the influences of religion, and the head
as it roamed over the fields of literature and philosophy, was to
have the heart purified and the mint! e.xalted by the constant
accompaniment of that great transcendent iK)wer which is
familiarized to man under the name of religion. Colonel
Prince, Attorne\-General Sherwood and Mr. lioulton ex-
jjressed similar sentiments, the former rejoicing that farmers
were to be afforded the means of educating their children at
their own doors.

Owing to the opposition presented to the Hill it was not
found i)ossible to carry it through its various stages before the
adjournment, which took place in another fortnight. Its pro-
visions, however, commended themselves so fully to all classes
of the community that petitions were adojjted by the different
religious bodies for transmission to the House of Assembl)-.
The Methodists based their approval of the l^ill on the ground
"that during that pcritjd of the education of youth, when they
are necessaril)- separated from the parental care and public
worship of their own homes, provision should be made for the
proper care of their moral and religious instruction as well as
secular learning, and that any system of education which
divests the authorities of a college and the course (if instruc
tion of the attributes and character of Christianit)-, must be a
source of unspeakable evil instead of good."

The Roman Catholic clergy of the dioce.se of Kingston
held a meeting and pas.sed an address to their co-religionists
in Upper Canada urging upon them the .support of Mr. Mac-
donald's University Bill, and announcing the following
resolution to have been adopted in convocation :

!;■•

't^

,'"

$
ill

Till-: LiFK oi Sir John A. Ma( donald.

"That naturally discomicctctl as \vc arc b) the lUitics of
our sacred ministry from what are usually termed politics, )ct
conscientiously holdinjj the question of education to be of
vitally religious importajicc to the moral and intellectual well-
being of the people entrusted to our spiritiini charge, we \vTll
henceforth endeavour, in every becoming and constitutional
way, to use our influence with our flocks to prevent any
member being returned to the iVovincial Parliament who will
not previously pledge himself, in explicit terms, and in the
most candid and public manner, touseparliamentar)' exertion
in efficiently proxiding for the suitable education, as aforesaid,
of the Catholics of Upper Canada."

This University \V\\\ was regarded by the Ministry as of
such param«)unt importance that they decided to dissolve the
House and go to the country. It had agitated the province
for a long .scries of )'ears, and assumed an importance which
could not attach to any other (]ucstion. On it, therefore, the
Government decided to stand or fall, leaving it to the people
to say what position they should occupy in the future. Confi-
dent in the justice of their views and in the conservati\e
character of the country, they voluntarily placed their admin-
istration and policy before that tribunal which the Constitution
ha.s created, and appealed to its decision. It was a practical
recognition by a Conservative Ministry of the essential prin-
ciple of responsible government, and was an answer to the
favourite allegation of the Liberal press, that Conservatives
were at heart opposed to a particijxition by the people in the
management of public affairs, and the charge of a regard only
for the honours and emoluments of office, and for the means
by which these would be longest retained.

Parliament having been dissolved, the whole country at
once plunged into the excitement of an election contest. In
Kingston there were two opponents to the return of the
Receiver-General, Mr. Thomas Kirkpatrick and Mr. Kenneth
Mackenzie, the one a Conservative and the other a Reformer.
The latter, of course, was the natural opponent of Mr. Mac-
donald, but the grounds upon which the former appeared in
the field were not made quite clear by his address, the only

MKETINi. V\- Kl.KCTOkS AT KINGSTON.

reason ^ivcn bcin^ that he had been solicited by a number of
the electors of the city to offer himself as a candidate for their
suffrages. However, he withdrew from the contest before
the day of nomination which reduced the contest to a fair
party fight between Mr. Macd(Miald and Mr. Mackenzie.

At a general meeting of the electors of the city of Kingston
held in the long room of the Lambton House, Mr. Macdonald
made a speech reviewing the general policy of the Administra-
tion, and showing clearly the reason for the dissolution of
Parliament, and the grounds upon which he expected to be
returned again as their representative. He .said that he need
hardly tell them that, if his colleagues and him.self had so deter-
mined, they might have continued in office for another twelve
months, the)- might have permitted the existence of the late
Parliament during its full legal term. If Ministers were
justly amenable to the charge made against them by their
opponents, that their only desire was to retain office, this
certainly would have been th^ case; but the Ministry pur-
sued a different course, and, in their determination they were
strengthened b\- the fact that whatever part the c(jnduct of the
Government bore in the pacification of the country — whether
or not it had produced or aided it — certain it was, that never
in the history of the colony was there exhibited a greater
absence of political strife, and the bitterness of feeling which it
engendered. All that his colleagues and himself desired was
a full, free and fair expressicjn of the opinion of the country.
They did not cling to office, they desired not to retain office
by re.sort to any quirk or dodge, or anything of the kind.
They afforded the best possible proof of this in offering the
fairest chance, the greatest facilities in the exercise of opinion.
They threw themselves unreservedly upon the people of the
country. They had been frequently challenged by their
opponents to place themselves at the bar of public opinion and
they determined to accept the challenge. When the Univer-
sity Bill was brought in they were told that so important a
measure should not be decided without a direct appeal to the
I country, and the assertion was accompanied with the taunt
that Ministers dare not submit their scheme to such a test.
8

114 THii LiKK UK SiK JullN A. MaCDuNALD.

I ^v

'k^'J^ -

IS!

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But what their answer ? The dissolution and appeal were the
answer. That question was now fairly before the country.
Ministers claim the support or the opposition of the people of
Upper Canada on that Hill. Kind's College was undoubtedly
a noble institution, an ornauient to the country, and one of the
best schools of learning on the continent. That was generally
admitted. Yet it did not afford those facilities for education
which it was very evident the j^reat body of the people desired.
The necessity of sending youth to Toronto to obtain the
advantages of a university education formed a great barrier to
the utility of the .system.

Mr. Haldwin, during his administration, introduced a Bill
to change the character of the institution. But that Bill did
not propose to remedy what was really the evil. He pro-
posed to establish a great godless universit)-, in which it was
intended to teach men everything but that which it most
concerned them to know, that religious morality which
formed at once the bond of social union in this life, and was
in some measure, a preparation for thathcrcafter. The attempt
hitherto made to create and maintain such institutions had
been very few in number, and they had failed. On this
continent Girard College was the only institution which
formed an exception to the rule that educational establish-
ments are under the guidance of some one religious denomi-
nation. Mr. Baldwin's Bill failed, as did likewise the Bill
introduced by that gentleman's successor, Mr. Draper. He
(Mr. Macdonald) had supported Mr. Draper's Bill through
two session.s, but the di.scussion to which these measures had
given ri.se convinced him that a Bill materially different was
required to satisfy the people of the country, and when he
came into the Government, he applied himself to the maturing
<jf a measure which would, in his opinion, suit their require-
ments. He felt, indeed, that unless the question was so settled,
unless the settlement was such as to command the assent of
the great mass of the people there would be no peace, and he
entered upon the task in that spirit. He felt that, in proposing
a measure, he had some personal advantage in not having
been previously, in any way, mixed up with parties, and as

AlM'KOVAI, OK OTilKk ('ol.I.m.KS.

L^h

'c-
'd.
of
le

ng
as

a Presbyterian, lu* wmuUI not bo considered as having an
undue partialit)' to those in whose hands the University was
)hiced. And w hen he had matured that Hill, which was now
before the people, and i)resented it to jjentleinen in the House
connected with the Church of England, he was pleased to say
it to their credit, that, although of the members of the House
representing Upper Canada upwards of thirty were attached
to the Church of England, although that Hill projioscd to take

y from them an income now amounting to £\\,ooo, and one
y which in five )'ears will amount to ;^i6,ooo, and gave them in
lieu but /j^.ooo, they readily assented, for the sake of peace, to
a settlement upon that basis. He then gonsujted others. The
Rev. Mr. McXab, the Principal of Victojia_Cpllege, who was
then in Montreal, at once gave his approval of the plan,
observing, however, that from their numbers the Methodist
botly were entitled to a somewhat larger portion. He (Mr.
Macdonald) also met the Roman Catholic Hishop of Kingston,
who likewise gave the scheme his approval. He also
wrote to the S}-nod of the Presbyterian Church of Scot-
land, and resolutions in favour of the ministerial plan
were adopted by that body. He had thuso.btiiined an expres-
sion of opinion from thc^four pvistjng Colleges in favour of
his iTnT TTact~iVfinisters not a right then to anticiuate that
the measure would be acceptable to the majority of the people
of Canada? It had been said that other botlies of Christians
than those named were excluded from participating in the
benefit of the measure. He most solemnly declared that no
such exclusion was intended or existed. The Hill distinctly
provided for giving proportionate assistance to other colleges,
as they shall ari.sc and place themselves in a position, by
means of charters, to participate in the endowment. He
extended his remarks on this subject to a greater length than
the particular business of the meeting warranted him in doing,
but as the University Bill was the great question before the
country, he was anxious that they should give it their most
serious consideration, and he was, moreover, anxious that he _^
should not be misunderstood. /V

The distinction, then, between the Hill which he had intro-

f.-

r ,1

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fl
I

■i

(

...-^^Ka

>i^.>

,.,v^y>-

■.V

ii6 Thk Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

duccd for the settlement of the University question, and
I those which preceded it, was, that while the latter designed
! only one great institution at Toronto, inaccessible to the
great body of the people, he (Mr. Macdonald) aimed at
placing the advantages of a university education within
j their reach. , People, he knew, would much prefer having
their sons e.'ucated under their own surveillance than to
send them from all parts of the province to Toronto, and
maintain them there at a great expense. ^ He was desirous also
of having a more regular gradation of education than at present.
It was true that there existed district schools, but with the
miserable pittance allotted to them it was not to be expected
fliat they would be of much positive advantage to the countr)-.
Under the best possible direction they could ill supply the
wants of each district. It was more than any one man could
do to impart effectively such an education as was designed in
the original endowment of grammar schools, and there conse-
quently existed a very wide gap between these schools and
the university. He proposed to lessen this.V The ministerial
measure embraced the establishment in each district of a
gr^mar school, with a fund sufficient to maintain four mas-
'' ters. In such an institution an education could be obtained
equal to that which has fallen to the lot of the greater number
of public men in Canada, and the facilities for such an educa-
tion would, as he had before pointed out, be almost at every
man's door.

Then, it has been justly urged, that with only one uni-
versity as proposed by Mr. Baldwin, the son of the poor
man would be literally excluded from the higher walks and
pursuits of life, for the poor man could not afford to send
his son to Toronto for the purpose of receiving a universit)'
education. How did Ministers meet this objection? Did
they propose to continue this system, as some of these did who
were fond of crying "justice to all classes?" No. There are
now twenty-two districts in Upper Canada, and in a short time
there will be twenty-four, v It is proposed that at the annual
examination in each of these district grammar schools, the
two scholars who shall prove their superior advancement shall

J.Jy^Aff^'-'"

Model I-'akms.

117

be sent to the university of their choice and educated at the
public expense. Thus, for instance, if the youth belonged to
the Church of England, he would prefer King's College and be
sent there; if a Roman Catholic, he would desire to go to
j Regiopolis; if a Presbyterian, to Queen's College; if a Metho-
'dist, to Victoria; and in like manner with reference to other
colleges which may be established. This looked a little more
like "justice to all " than the establishment of one great insti-
tution under circumstances which would amount to a virtual
exclusion of the poorer class of society. And it could not be
justly said that the son of the farmer, or the mechanic, should
be excluded ; that high education should be confined to high
rank, — for some of the brightest names on the pages of the
world's history are those of men who, by the force of getiius,
ro.se from the lowest to fill the highest stations in society.

But Ministers have gone yet further in their endeavour to
bring education within the reach of the mass of the people.
We are all u.sed to look upon the pursuits of agriculture as of
the highest importance; we speak of the farmers as forming
the " b(>ne and sinew " of the country ; yet it is well known
that few are acquainted with agriculture as a science. Of the
importance of its study as sucii, however, there cannot e.xist a
doubt. But how is such a description of knowledge to be
obtained ? How many farmers are there in the country who
could .send their sons to Toronto to study agricultural science
under the direction of a professor ? Perhaps not a dcjzcn.
But the measure now before the country embraced the institu-
tion of a model farm and school in the neighbourhood of every
capital town, under the direction of a scientific man, where a
scientific knowledge of agriculture will be imparted to the
youth who attend it, as well as a good practical education.
Such was the nature of the measure which Ministers submitted
to the consideration of the people of the country, and by their
verdict upon its fitness or unfitness, he repeated, they were
ready to stand or fall."

Mr. Macdonald also reviewed the general policy of the
Government and claimed credit for having placed Upper
Canada on a footing of equality with Lower Canada, and

7.-'

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1 1

< •

Xf'-^

/^'

ii8 TnK Li IF. OK Sir John A. I\Ia( donai.d.

removing the injustice of which the foi-mer justl)' complained
under the Lafontaine-Baldwin Administration.

The addresses of Ministers to their constituents make it
quite clear that the grounds upon which they felt it incum-
bent upon them to dissolve the House and appeal to the
country were, first, the measure which they had decided upon
with reference to King's College; second, the close balance of
party exhibited throughout the whole of the last session, and
t/iird, the absence of any result from the overtures made to
the leaders of the French pt)pulation of Lower Canada.

That these overtures had failed affords one (jf the strongest
proofs of the purity of the motives which influenced the
Government in the course which they took. Parties were .so
evenly balanced in the As.sembly that a majority of more than
four to six votes could never be counted upon. Ministers felt
the desirability, the ab.solute necessity of .settling the Univer-
sity question in a way that by its broad spirit of fair pl?y and
even-handed justice to all parties and classes of the communitj*
would commend itself to the country, and remove forexer a
fertile source of irritability and ill-feeling. They felt that when
they had stepped forward and proved their readiness to carry
out in effect, and not merely in name, the Union of the Pro-
vinces, and unite with tho.se who represented the majority of
the eastern party of Canada for the common welfare of the
whole province, and these advances had been rejected, not on
points of principle, but on personal grounds affecting but one
member of the Cabinet, that these men had already decided
not to unite \»ith the Conservatives, though composing a
majority of Western Canada, but to ally them.selves with the
minority in that section of the province for the purpo.se of
.securing their own terms and obtaining a preponderance in the
Cabinet. These sentiments were disclo.sed and avow^^l in the
-Quebec manifesto issued by leading members of the party,
and the silence of the chief members of the Opposition in
Upper Canada could only lead to the belief that they met with
their approval. Knowing, therefore, that they had lost all hold
upon the Lower Canadians as a bod\-, and that, unless they
could sweep Upper Canada, their days of power were gone,

Appointed Commissionkr ok Ckov.n Lands. 119

„

nothing but the purest of motives could have induced the
Government, voluntarily, to dissolve the House and risk their
chances in a pitched battle. Had they placed personal con-
sideration before the country's weal, they might still have
retained power and increased their majority by agreeing to
accede to the scheme to make provision for the rebellion
claims of Lower Canada from the general revenues — a propo-
sition fraught with injustice to the western section of the
province. The tavern licenses collected in Upper Canada
formed the fund out of which her rebellion losses had been
paid, and the revenue collected from the .same source in Lower
Canada had been placed at the disposal of her local authorities
and was then available exclusively for the advantage of Lower
Canada. A demand, therefore, that the people of Upper
Canada, who had already borne their own share, should also-
bear half the burden of Lower Canada, was so unreasonable
that no one pos.sessed of a sense of fair play or any feeling
beyond the desire to grasp and retain office by any mean.s,
could entertain it for a moment. The Government refused to
.sacrifice principle to ofifice, although there was scarcely a,
chance of their party being returned again to power.

Before the elections came off Mr. Macdonald was appointed
Commissioner of Crown Lands in the place of U. B. Papineau,
resigned, and was succeeded as Receiver-General by the Hon,
Francois P. Bruneau, and at the same time Mr. Turcotte
became Solicitor-General for Lower Canada, a change that
gave great satisfaction in Western Canada. It was also
announced that the commissioners from the several provinces,
appointed by the Governor-General to meet at Montreal upon
the question of a general provincial post office, had adopted a
scheme, and that the Government were prepared to reduce the
high postal charges, then existing, to rates at least as low as
those adopted in the neighbouring States, namely, three pence
per half ounce for distances under 300 miles, and six pence
for all greater distances.

Before leaving the University question it is desirable to
record the opinion of a gentleman who has since, for over
twenty years enjoyed the confidence of successive Govern-

!'y

120 The Life ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

ments, and who having received the advatitagcs of a university
training, and being an earnest supporter of the Church of
England, might fairly be supposed to be capable of forming a
, correct judgment on the question. Mr. Langton — late Deputy
Minister of Finance — in his address to the electors of the
.31 /''county of Peterborough, thus declares himself: "Three dis-
'; p'*(l j tinct propositions are before the country, that of a university
. J endowed by the public, but from which two-thirds of the
'^ I public are practically shut out, is too exclusive to meet with
i^^much support in the present age. The second plan, by which
a large and wealthy university would be maintained at Toronto,
unconnected with any religious dcnominatioi^, appears to me
almost equally objectionable. ^'For. besides the impolicy of
systematically excluding religion from the education of our
youth, such an institution, however ciificient in itself, would, in
the present circumstances of the province* be almost inaccess-
ible to the majority of the population. By far the most equit-
able principle is, in my opinion, that adopted by Mr. Macdon-
ald's Hill — to give to each religious denomination a college
amply endowed, where the higher branches of knowledge may
be taught to those whose professions require, or whose means
afford it, whilst for every district is provided a large and
efficient grammar school and model farm, which will bring an
excellent practical education within the means and home to
the doors of all classes."

Even more strongly did the late John Bower Lewis, also

a strong supporter of the English Church, express himself in

his address to the electors of Bytown : "The first great subject

which now agitates the public mind, and which will engage

tho earliest attention of the Legislature is the University

X~^'" \ [ endowment. I regard the final settlement of this vexed

Oi^ ^y question as essential, to set at rest for ever that spirit of strife

' ^ and agitation so baneful to the best interests of this colony.

■ Viewing the principles of Christianity as the basis of individual

/ happiness and national prosperity, I shall ever offer ray

determined opposition to the ' godless ' scheme of education

y proposed by the opponents of the present Government. On

the other hand I am prepared to support the distribution of

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Kingston Election.

121

the endowment, propounded in the ministerial measure intro-
duced last session, conceived, as I consider it to be, in a
Christian and equitable spirit, and according to the sentiments
of the various religious denominations in Canada, whose views
the if\ssembly represent, and for whose benefit they arc called
upon to legislate. That feature in the Bill by which a hand-
some provision is reserved to accumulate for the benefit of
other denominations, I will endeavour to see carried out
in a spirit of justice and with a view to their numbers and
position."

The election in the city of Kingston came ofif on Decem-
ber 28th and 29th, and resulted in the return of Mr.
Macdonald by an overwhelming majority, the figures standing,
Mr. Macdonald 386, Mr, Mackenzie 84. The victory was all
the more marked from the fact that at the nomination Mr.
Mackenzie was declared to have the show of hands. Great
rivalry existed between the different city wards as to which
should roll up the greatest majority for the Commissioner of
Crown Lands, that honour eventually falling to Sydenham
Ward where the votes polled were 87 and 15.

In the other parts of the country the result was not so
satisfactory. In Lower Canada the Ministry were hopelessly
defeated. The French Canadians went against them in a
body, and out of forty-two constituencies they were able to
secure only seven, all of them represented by English-speaking
members. In Upper Canada they were able to hold their own
but no more. There could be no doubt that when Parliament
met they would be obliged to give place to their adversaries,
and that Mr. Baldwin would again be called upon to form a
Government.

If Louis I. Papineau be accepted as the mouth-piece of the
French Canadians their views and intentions may be gathered
from his address to the electors of Huntingdon. After referring
to the sufferings of those who had taken up arms in 1837 " for
the holy cause of the country," he goes on to say : " How has
the confidence with which you honour me been inspired ? It
can only have been by your observation of my public life
during thirty years — during a struggle almost incessant,

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122

TiiK LiFK OK Sir John A. Macdonalu.

energetic but conscientious, against a bad government ; but
much less guilty then than it has become since. That bad
government is not, in my opinion, that of the Murrays, Haldi-
mands, Craigs, Dalhousies, Colbornes, Thomsons and others,
under which we and our associates have successively suffered ;
it is that of ICngland which has selected, approved, recom-
l)ensed those men for their acts of tyranny and violence
towards the colonies, from which it is natural to conclude that
they have been docile in following their instructions." He
then goes on to show how the Union Act was pa.ssed, the
great injustice it had done Lower Canada, for which province
he claims the right to a majority of representatives in the
House, considers that judges should be elected as well as the
Ui)per Chamber, which he stigmatizes as a disgrace. He
acknowledges no change whatever in his views since the
rebellion. " All that I demanded in the House in 1836 I
demand again in 1847, and believe that it is impossible there
can be contentment as long as the.se just demands shall be
unsatisfied. The repeal of the Union must be demanded,
because it is the wish of the people, declared in their petitions
of 1822 and 1836— because, apart from the injustice of its
provisions, its principle is stupidly vicious in placing under
one Legislature a territory so vast, that it cannot be sufficiently
well known for the representatives to decide advisedly as to
the relative importance of local improvements demanded on
all hands, and the contradictory allegations of the people on a
great variety of measures." He then declares that it is " the
Liberals of Upper Canada with whom tho.se of Lower Canada
must act in concert. The.se persons only (never the Tories)
will be able and desirous of aiding us to put an end to our
common miseries when they shall have become aware of the
deception practised among them. In your county then, as
vcU as in all others throughout the country, it will be proper
to sustain those candidates who are known to you as having
allied themselves to the Ministry, who strove with energy
against Governor Metcalfe, and against his unconstitutional
practice of attempting to govern by other advisers than those
which the country gave him.

Mr. Pai'inkai's Addkkss.

>23

" Nothing can be more honourable to me than this step on
your part ; and I may atld that nothinj^j can be more consoUn^
after the inexhaustible chagrin which we feel at the conflagra-
tion and devastation of so lar^e a portion of the country, at
the bloody executions, the exile, the transportations, the
sufferings, after illegal military sentences, of so j^reat a number
of the dearest and most respected of our fellow citizens, than
this manifestation on your part, which proves that }'ou remain
the same men in politics that you were in i<S34, and that you
believe that I remain the same I was on the day of our forced
separation, unshaken in my attachinent to the reforms which I
then demanded, after thirty years of political study carried on
with all the assiduity of which I am cai)ablc.

" I do not believe that any of those who voted with me,
have ceased to regard that epoch as one of the most honour-
able of their public life, that they have repudiated any of the
doctrines they professed, or that they have renounced any of the
reforms they solicited. They would degrade themselves too
much if they attributed to the influence of any other man — be
he who he may — any of the determinations which they came
to, and which the majority of their countrymen approved.
They have, perhaps, judged it prudent to adjourn the consider-
ation of the required reforms from the fear of alienating from
the good cause some members, and a great number of their
fellow-citizens — heretofore Tories, but since conscientiously
passed unto the Reformist ranks — especially from the fear of
wounding the Liberal representatives of Upper Canada. But
doubtless they cannot have renounced the hope of obtaining
them, nor will they cease to demand the most ample reforms
at the first moment they may deem favourable." He then
went on to say that he despaired of the useful working of
"responsible government," and that he hoped those of his
friends who did not might prove not to be mistaken. "They
believe that the day is not come when they ought to go
back to 1836 and redemand, from this day forth, the reforms
which we then demanded — I think that the day is come "

Strong as this language is, it is impossible not to feel a
certain sympathy with the writer. He was, doubtless, perfectly

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124

TnK LiFK OF Sir John A. Macuonalix

sincere. He believed that those of his race and lan^ua^c
had suffered injustice at the hands of successive English
governors — injustice of a character sufficiently marked to
permit the use of the strongest language, and, after that
failed, even a recourse to the sword. He had taken up arms
in defence of what he believed to be popular rights ; had been
proscribed, and for eight years suffered banishment to a foreign
country, a period during which the subject was ever uppermost
in his mind, and his feelings had become intensified by his
enforced absence. But it is hard to conceive how any of the
English-speaking portion of Upper Canada could sympathise
with his views, or at least with the majority of them. We
know, as a matter of fact, that some of the organs of the Reform
party had already laid it down as part of their political plat-
form that the elective principle should be applied to the Legis-
lative Council and to all officers from the Governor downwards,
but none had gone the length of declaring that the Union Act
should be repealed; that Lower Canada should have a majority
of representatives in the Assembly to express sympathy with
men who regarded the rebellion of 1837-38 as one of the most
honourable epochs of their public life, or to say that the hour
had come for reiterating the demands of 1836. There can,
however, be but little doubt that the leaders of the part)-, by
the silence which they as a rule observed on all the points
advanced by the Lower Canadians, and the manner in which
they were treated when reference was made to them, led the
latter to believe that the two parties were in accord, and that
by coalescing with the Reform party they could obtain con-
cessions they could never hope to get from the Conservatives.

The result of the elections determined the Government
upon calling the House together for the despatch of business
at the earliest possible opportunity. A Gazette extraordinar\-
was therefore issued on Eebruary ist,announcing that the date
to which Parliament s<^ood prorogued, namely March 4, 1848,
was changed to February 25th, when they would meet for
the despatch of public business.

The first business was, of course, the election of Speaker,
when the Hon. A. N. Morin received the unanimous vote of

Dkficat ok tiik Administration.

125

the House; Sir Allan MacXab's name bein^ first submitted and
negatived b)- a vote o'f 54 to 19. In making the motion in
favour of Mr. Morin, Mr. Baldwin stated that he had no desire
to base the question on party views. It was therefore not
taken as a Government defeat.

On the 28th His Excellency proceeded in state to the
Chamber of the Legislative Council and delivered the Speech
from the Throne. The main points were that he had called
Parliament together at the earliest possible moment ; that
during the recess he had made an extensive tour of the prov-
ince and had met with the most gratifying indications of
prosperity and contentment ; that commissioners had assem-
bled at Montreal for the purpose of maturing a plan for placing
the post office in British North America on an imj)rovcd
footing, and he trusted to be able to submit a measure for
effecting this object before the end of the session ; that informa-
tion had been received of a good and practicable line of
railway between Quebec and Halifax. He recommended
the passage of a general Railwa}- Act, and announced that
the constitution of the Universit}- of King's College, a more
equitable assessment in Western Canada, and the improve-
ment of the system of judicature in both sections of the
province would be among the subjects which would engage
attention.

After the election cases were dispo.sed of, the Address in
reply to the Speech from the Throne was moved by Colonel
Prince, seconded by Mr. Christie. Mr. Baldwin, on the part of
the Opposition, met the arguments of the previous speakers,
and, after criticising the acts of the Ministry concluded b\-
moving an amendment to the third paragraph in the Speech,
with the addition of a declaration that the country had no
confidence in the Administration. This motion was .secondec'
by Mr. Lafontainc, and after a sharp debate was carried by
vote of 54 to 20.

nil

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C H A P T K R IV.

The Baldwin- Lafontainc (ii)vcrnmcnl -The Rebellion Losses Bill — Bitter I'erson-
alities between Mr, Blake, Sir Allan McNah and others — ICxcitiiig Scenes in
the House— Meeting at Bonsecours Market, Montreal —Resolutions passed —
Mr. Ilinck's Circular — Mr. Cayley's Reply— Popular Kxcitement— Burning in
liflligy of Baldwin, Blake and Lyon Mackenzie — Mr. (Jeo. Brown's resirlence
attacked.

THE next day, Saturday, March 4th, the Ministry resigned
and His Kxccllcncy .sent for Messrs. lialdwin and
Lafontainc. These gentlemen succeeded ii; forming an Ad-
ministration as follows :

President of the Council, J.Leslie; Provincial Secretary,
J. H. Price ; Attorney-General West, R. Baldwin ; Attorney-
General Kast, L. H. Lafontaine ; Solicitor-General West, E. H.
Hlake ; Solicitor-General East, F. C. Alwin ; Commissioner of
Crown Lands, M. Cameron ; Receiver-General, L. M. Vigcr ;
Inspector-General, Francis Hincks ; Commi.ssioner of Public
Works, Dr. Tache ; Speaker Legislative Council, R. E. Caron.

As a matter of course the new Ministry were not ready to
bring down any subjects for legislation, and, after a short period
during which a Supply liill and some private acts were passed,
the Hou.se was prorogued on March 23rd.

On January 20, 1849, the Legislature met again for the
despatch of business. The Speech from the Throne announced
the Queen's intention to pardon all those still liable to
penal consequences for their acts in 1837-38 ; that the Imperial
Parliament had passed an Act repealing the clau.se in the
Union Act ; that on the meeting of the Imperial Parliament
steps would be taken to confer on the provincial authorities
the entire control and management of the Post Office Depart-
ment— and signified that Bills would be introduced to increase
-the Representation ; to amend the School Act in Lower
Canada ; to amend the Judicature System ; to amend the
District Councils Act and the Constitution of the Univer-
sity of King's College ; to reorganize the Provincial Debt
and create a Sinking Fund ; and a Bill to make further

126

Kkijki.i.ion I.ossks Hii.i..

12:

provision for Common Schools bj- the appropriation of Crown
Lands,

This session was made memorable by the introduction of
the Lower Canadian Rebellion Losses Bill, a Hill which excited
the English-speaking inhabitants to the very verge of frenzy,
and culminated in acts, the violence of which must ever be a
source of regret. The refusal of the Conservative Government
in 1847, to accede to the proposition that these losses should be
paid out of the Consolidated I^'und was, without doubt, one of
the great reasons for the French-Canadians declining to share
the responsibilities of govenunent with them, and this was
dwelt on with much force by Ministers in their addresses to
their constituents in December of that }ear. The c(jurse taken
by the French-Canadians in voting in a solid body in favour
of the Reformers, and the action of the new Ministry in intro-
ducing this measure at the very earliest opportunity, would
lead to the belief that there was an understanding between the
two parties on the question. However, be that as it may, the
moment the Bill was introduced a feeling of the most violent
antagonism was dexcloped in Upper Canada, and public meet-
ings in opposition to it were held in every part of the country.
The first of these was called by the mayor of Kingston, in
response to a large and influential requisition, and was com-
posed of ail classes and shades of politics. The speech of Mr.
John R. Forsyth, one of the most intelligent and moderate
men, will give an idea of the manner in which the proposition
was received. He said that "the pro[)osition contained in Mr.
Lafontaine's resolutions had taken him, and he believed hail
taken the country, by surprise. He for one was prepared to
bury in oblivion the unfortunate occurrences of 1H37 ; he had
trusted that no questions connected with these occurrences
would arise to make them matters of public discussion. The /
losses sustained by loyalists in Upper Canada, in consecjucnce.
of those events, had been paid from a local fund, and there
.seemed reasonable ground for the hope that, in .so far as the
people of Upper Canada were concerned, there the matter
would have been permitted to drop. But now it is seriously
proposed to take from the public treasury a large sum to

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111

128 TnK LiKK OK Sir John A. Macdonald.

•'

reimburse to some of the chief actors m the Lower Canada
rebellion the losses which they had sustainetl in c(jnsequence
of their own acts 1 Why the people of Upper t'anada should
be thus called upon to pay one-half the sum of X i^o.ocxD pro-
]josed to be applied to such a purpose seemed to him unac-
c(juntablc. Hail he merely heard that it was the intention of
Ministers to do such a thin^, he could not have credited the
information, but when he had before him a series of resolutions
with the name of Mr. Lafontainc attached to them, proposing
to apply the funds of the united province in this w a\-, it was
impossible to doubt. And really no language could be too
strong to characterize the outrage which Ministers were
attempting to perpetrate. He, however, entertained the hope
that their inic|uitous proposition would not be carried out. He
could not believe that Her Majesty's representative in this
colon v would dare to sanction it — he could not believe that
the nobleman at the head of the Government would allow him-
.self to be used for the purpose of inflicting so gross an injus-
tice upon this section of the country. At least it was the duty
of the people of Upper Canada immediately and strongly to
remonstrate against it. In reference to this question he was
satisfied there were no parties in the meeting which he was
addressing. He was sure as all were equallj' interested, so
were all united in opposition to this most iniquitous grant.
In the House of Assembly party lines were more strongly
marked and party interests more powerful. These Ministers
might command their majority in tricking Upper Canada out
of ;{J^90,C)OO to be applied to the reward of Lower Canadian
rebellion, but if the people of this section of the Province were
but true to themselves — if on this occasion the)' exhibited a
becoming and determined spirit, they would defeat the con-
templated wrong."

Various other speakers took part in the meeting, all
c.xj)ressing the same sentiments, and a series of resolutions
were passed as follows : Resolved — That this meeting learns
with astonishment that it is proposed by the present Ministry
to appropriate ^' 1 80,000 of the provincial funds to the
indemnification of the Lower Canadian rebels of 1837-38.

Rksoi.utions Passki).

129

III

IS
IS

Resolved — That most of the persons whom it is now proposed
to iiulcmiiify having Ik'cm actively and openly en^'a^'ed in the
rebellidii, and their losses having been occasioned by their <tui^
acts whilst in arms against Her Majesty's (lovernmeiit, it
would be an outraj^e to the loyal iniiabitants of the pro\ince
to grant them, any indemnity, and this meeting protests
against any application of the funds of the province to sucii a
purpose. Resolved — That the loj'al inhabitants of Lower
Canada who sustained losses during the rebellion ought to be
indemnified, but that Lower C"ana<la having contributed noth-
ing towards the rebellion losses of L'|)per Canada, it would be
an act of gross injustice to all the inhabitants of this part of
the province to compel them to pay any portion of the Lower
Canadian rebellion losses. Resolved —Ihiii the secretarv' be
recpiestcd to transmit the above resolutions to the member for
the city, and rec[uest him strenuously to oppose an\- such
misaj)propriation of the funds »)f the province.

The claims which had been j)resented for li(|uidation were
of a character which might well excite lively feelings of hostil-
ity amongst tho.se who had remained loj'al t(j the Crown.
Amongst others may be inentioned the claim of Dr. W'olfred
Nelson for the sum of ^,'23,000 foi loss occasioned b>- the
destruction of a large distillery which he had fortified, and
from which he and his fellow rebels had fired upf)n Her
Majesty's troops; that of Joseph Dumouchel, St. Martinie —
conviction recorded — for X 1,878 13.S. gd., including ^525 for
compensation for seven years imprisonment and exile ; that «)f
Louis Pinsoneauts, St. Remi — conviction recorded — for ;{^2,275
lo.s. 9d., including /.855 15s. for imjjrisonment and exile, etc.
It is not suppo.sed that, at least the Upper Canadian portion
of the Ministry, ever seriously contemi)lated granting comi)en-
sation on account of exile, but it was regardetl as certain that
the balances of the claims would be alUnved.

All the newspapers were filled with the most violent
denunciations of the proposed Act. It was characterized as
an " attempted robbery of our country," " an infamous pro-
posal," " treason rewarded," " the climax of insolence," etc. In
9

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130 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

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fact language seemed unequal to the expression of the horror
with which it was regarded.

After the lapse of these many years we can look back
upon the occurrences of those days with feelings unbiassed by
the remembrance of active participation in the keen and bitter
contest, and from our present proud position of perfect freedom
can sympathi/x to a large extent with the men who struggled
to obtain what they believed to be the rights of the people,
and, knowing that much of what they then demanded has
since been granted, and now occupies important positions
in our political constitution, we can look upon their acts with
more lenient eyes; but still the great fact remains that they
did take up arms against their Sovereign and spilt the blood
of loyal citizens ; that they committed acts of violence towards
those who opposed them, and that many of those who had
been caught rcdhanded had suffered the extreme penalty of
the law, and while willing to make every allowance for the
hotheaded misguided men who took part in that rebellion, we
are still opposed to th*:; principle of the Rebellion Losses Bill
of 1849, and now, as strongly as then, condemn the measure
and the principles which actuated those who introduced and
carried it through.

When the resolutions were introduced into the House by
Mr. Lafontainc, they were met with a perfect storm of oppo-
sition. The feelings of members were so intense that the
strongest personal language was exchanged. Mr. Baldwin
applied the word " rebels " to the gentlemen sitting on the
Opposition benches, which was characterized by Sir Allan
McNab as a falsehood, and the language of Mr. Solicitor-
General Blake was so strongly personal that it led to a hostile
message being sent to him by Mr. Macdonald, for which the
latter was taken into the custody of the Scrgeant-at-Arms.

Mr. Sherwood desired to have a delay of ten days in order
to be able to obtain the opinions of his constituents — a propo-
sition which was opposed by the Government — and said that
he was not sure that he would not vote for the payment of
these claims from the Consolidated Fund if the honourable
gentlemen on the Ministerial benches would assure him that

Mk. Hincks Defence.

131

it was only to pay the claims of loyalists. But he know-
nothing more abhorrent in history than to call upon those who
had lost their dearest friends in the defence of the country to
remunerate those who had caused the murder and bloodshed.
All he asked was that the funds of the province should not be
applied to the payment of the rebels.

Mr. Hincks said that, although this was not the proper
time for discussing the question, yet, as the honourable
member for Toronto had gone so largely into it, he would say
a few words on the subject. The honourable gentleman was
indignant that any person who was not, in his phraseology, a
loyalist, should be paid. He would ask in reply if they were
going to establish a star chamber to try who was loyal and
who was not. The honourable gentleman had shown great
indignation against those individuals who had taken up arms
in 1837-38, but, he would ask, who was responsible for these
disturbances but the honourable gentleman opposite and the
party they supported. This was the express declaration of
two noble lords from England, one of whom hpd said that the
people were perfectly justified in taking up arms to oppose
the unconstitutional government then carried on. The less
honourable gentlemen said about it the better, for there was
little to be gained by an allusion to it.

Colonel Gugy said that he wished to offer reasons for the
postponement of the consideration of these resolutions. The
facts were that a rebellion had broken out in both sections of
the province which had cost the British Government between
;{^2,ooo,ooo and ^3,000,000 — lives had been lost and families
reduced from affluence to indigence, and the honourable
member for Oxford had justified the parties who had commit-
ted these evils, considering that they had been moved by good
and valid reasons, and justified rebellion, because the Govern-
ment had been carried on unconstitutionall)- by the honourable
members for Toronto and Hamilton. He congratulated the
House that they had a man high in the confidence of the
Governor-General and occupying a lerding position in the
Ministry, actually justifying rebellion. We wanted railroads
and many other improvements, but what assistance could be

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132 Thp: Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

given to the projects now in contemplation, if the funds of the
country were pledged to reward those who had resorted
to rebellion; who flourished, while loyalists were beggared
and disgraced. As to the resolution, he would ask the mem-
bers of the Administration one question, and if they could

^answer it satisfactorily, he would promise them his support.

/ Did they mean to limit this compensation to loyal men ? He
paused for a reply. No answer ; then he could form his own
conclusions. If it was meant to indemnify those who had
suffered in the cause of loyalty, he would vote for it, if not, it
could never come to good. He understood that a gentleman
who had been the very head and front of the offending (he
alluded to the honourable member for Richelieu) had made a
claim for .some ;^20,ooo or more. This gentleman had defeated
the Queen's forces, had made widows and orphans of the
wives and children of the humble but loyal soldiers of the
Queen, and he would put the qu .stion if they intended to pay
him, or the widows and orphans he had made? He had not
opposed the Amnesty Act, but the pre-ent question filled him
with horror. Yet the measure might be passed — a majority
might do much — and it had been said that those who were
loyalists might one day be dangling in the air as an offering
to the manes of the rebels who had suffered in the time of
trouble. It would be unjust to tax Upper Canada for the
rebellion of Lower Canada. Let the locality pa}- the expenses.
The rebellion of 1837-38 had been a long time pondered over,
and formed part of a long concerted plan to .sever the country
from England. It was an act of atrocity to pay these men.
It was a matter involving the Royal honour.

Dr. Nelson rose to reply and defended the course he had
pursued. He regretted much that had occurred, but he was
forced into the position he took ; and had he acted otherwise
he would have acted in a manner unworthy of a British subject.
He had been charged with not obeying warrants, but no
warrant had been issued against him ; had there been any he
would have given himself up, but the first warrant he heard of
was a cannon ball through his house. He denied that the
rebellion had been in contemplation before it broke out.

Sir Allan McNab's Speech.

133

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isc

;ct.

the

)Ut,

and objected to any delay in the consideration of the reso-
lutions.

Sir Allan McXab reminded the honourable member for
Richelieu that on the occasion to which he had referred, tlie
honourable member did barricade his door, and that the people
who went against him were commanded by the Queen's
representatives to put him down. He thought there was much
good about the honourable member, but on that occasion he
was a rank rebel.

Dr. Nelson — " Not against my God."

Sir Allan—" No ; but against the honourable member's
country ; against his oath of allegiance. Since that time he
(Sir Allan) had seen parties go to great lengths ; but never
till that day had he been called a rebel, as he had been by the
Honourable Inspector-General, who had accused him and his
friends of getting up the rebellion. He threw that back in
the face of the Ministers. He cared not whether he heard it
outside or inside of that building ; wherever it was, it was
something he could not distinguish from a falsehood. Were
those rebels who had responded to the call made by Her
Majesty's representative ? He knew that loyalists acted
under great disadvantages. He knew that four years ago
the Queen had thanked those persons who had perilled them-
selves in most difficult times ; but he had since seen the best
place in Montreal given to a person who was engaged in the
rebellion, and that, while there was an applicant who had
given his own services and three steamers of which he was then
the proprietor. If loyal men had suffered in Lower Canada
he was ready to lend his assistance to pay them. So he was
if property had been improperly destroyed, as fit St. Kustachc,
where it was said the Church was demolished in consequence
of its having been taken possession of by the rebels, but he
would never consent to reward tho.se in putting down whom
he had spent time and money, and had lost his best friends.
He could not express how much he despised that Government
which had called on him to put down an unnatural rebellion,
and then said : ' Yes, you did put them down, but they are
now up again in a majority, and you must pay them for their

f -ft

1 5'!

134 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

-/-

^<a,V"i--*

trouble.* The honourable member for Kent said that the
people of Upper Canada did not understand the measure, and
yet he did not wish to give them time to understand it ; that
was why the measure was to be hurried through. Did the
honourable members of the Ministry believe themselves so
wise that they could hear nothing that would assist their
decision ? Was it not right that the people should have an
opportunity of expressing their opinion ? Were measures of
this kind forced through the House in England ? No ! but
they had a majority and they would force it on, and in two
days it would become law. In all the revolutions of history
no example of such an occurrence as this motion could be
found. There was no precedent for it, and, what struck him
as remarkable was that the Governor did not stand by the
loyal men as the Ministers stood by the rebels. Instead of
that, loyal men were cast adrift ; they were told that they
were in the minority, and ought to be in the majority. When
he was told that he was a rebel, he felt that if he were, he was
so in common with every man of the brave and loyal legion
who went with him to Toronto, But those men had received
the thanks of the Upper Canadian Legislature ; of every
Colonial Legislature, and of the Queen ; in short, they had
received that of which every body of loyal men might feel
proud, and yet they were now told they uere rebels."

Mr. Hincks denied that he had called Sir Allan a rebel.
Sir Allan McNab supp> . ed the honourable gentleman felt
that in his position he ought not to have made that charge.
However he had certainly said that he (Sir Allan) had brought
about the rebellion, and had justified the rebellion. That was
the language used to the people of Upper Canada who had so
nobly discharged their duty at a time when the honourable
member for Oxford was not present. He could not help feel-
ing more surprised at the conduct of the honourable Attorney
General West, (Mr. Baldwin) who, in the Parliament of Upper
Canada, uniformly resisted every attempt to remunerate the
< brave loyalists of that section of the country, who perilled their
>r lives in the defence of their Sovereign, and yet, on this
^ occasion, backed by his Lower Canadian friends, seized with

C^y^f^ ^fvV.-*V ^ >V>>Av ^>^.

,^v * ^^^ ly c^

Mr. Price's Comments.

135

r '

such avidity on the opportunity of repaying the losses of
Lower Canadian rebels. If that honourable member would be
suflficiently condescending he would like him to point out a
precedent for this most extraordinary motion, in which he had
sufficient influence to induce many Upper Canadian members
to concur. There have been rebellions in England — there
have been rebellions in Ireland — there was a rebellion in the
British North American Colonies (now the United States), and
if any people were ever justified in rebelling he would say it
was the people of those colonies, and yet he would defy any
man to show a single precedent, in any one of these cases, to —
authorize the Government to come down at the present day
to demand that a set of rebels should be indemnified for thci
losses. He had said that the people of the British North
American colonies were justified in rebelling, but could it be
asserted that the Canadians had any good cause for rebelling?
Aye, the honourable, the Inspector-General, had stigmatized
him and the honourable member for Toronto as being the
authors of that rebellion, and had justified the Upper Canada
rebels, because, indeed, the Government of the day had not
given away, at the first onset, to the doctrines broached by
Lyon Mackenzie.

Mr. Price commented on the speech of Sir Allan and said
that, although blame was attached to those who were engaged
in the rebellion, a much greater degree of blame rested with
the promoters of it. He said that the responsibility of the
rebellion rested upon the oligarchy who, at that time, ruled
Upper Canada in a most unjust and tyrannical manner.

Mr. Solicitor-General Blake, in a speech of very great
bitterness, in which he stigmatised the Conservative party as
rebels, which Sir Allan McNab characterized as a falsehood,
an epithet which was greeted with cheers from the gallery, and
the Speaker called the House to order, declaring the language
y jed to be most unparliamentary. As Mr. Blake refused to
TVithdraw the expression, Sir Allan McNab r-peatcd that it
was a falsehood, which was greeted with tremendous cheers
from the gallery. Several members called upon the Speaker
to clear the galleries ; others called out " No ! No ! " and a

^jj

;i •:

if:

til

■'h

! I !

I I

I :

1 3G TnK LiiK OK Sir John A. Macdonald.

fight ensued amoni^st the audience. The cry to clear the
galleries was disregarded by the combatants, and the Speaker,
after having endeavoured to obtain order, threatened to leave
the chair. The ladies in the gallery were brought by some
honourable members through the body of the House and
jjlaced behind the Speaker's chair. After sonic time order
wa. rc^w-v d and the House cleared of spectators.

The next day Mr. Blake resumed his speech in a st}'lc
similar to that which had characterized his utterances the
previous day. He compared Sir Allan McNab to Sir John
I'^alstaf". i*vi . ii<imati/.ed the Opposition as both rebels and
coward: , larik.ir their leaders with Jeffries, Alva, and some of
the vilest c'ain . ,.3 history afforded.

Mr Caj'ley rcp!-e<' ^■) the t aints and denunciations of Mr
Blake and > vid that •'.' making historical comparisons, he
had forgotten tL< .ikci- ':.i.. . '" :■! a certain notorious character,
where the comparison would have been peculiarly applicable,
viz., to one Titus Oates.

While these events were occurring in Parliament, a ver\
large meeting of the inhabitants of Montreal was held at the
Bonsecours Market, the Hon. George Moffat in the chair, at
which the following resolutions were carried unanimousl)- :

Resolved — "That this meeting had hitherto cherished an
ardent expectation that the occurrences which charactcrizetl
the years 1837-38 were to have been buried in oblivion, and
they therefore regard with unqualified pain and regret, the
course of the present Provincial Administration in reviving, by
the measure now before Parliament, feelings of animosity and
excitement which, it was hoped, had ceased with those
deplorable events.

Resolved — " That the Provincial Administration having
submitted to Parliament a scheme for compensating the losses
incurred by the misguided men who rose in arms against their
Sovereign during those occurrences, this meeting considers
that scheme as unjust and dishonest in principle as it is
demoralizing and dangerous in its consequences.

Resolved — " That this meeting protests against the
pecuniary compensation proposed to be conferred on the

I I 1

9 't

|! !

■

Indignation Mkktinc. Bonsixours Markf.t. 139

traitors and brigands who, under the standard of revolt in
1837-38, were guilty of pillage, arson and murder ; a measure
which tends to consecrate the principle, not only of publicly
rewarding crim:; and treason, but of repressing and discourag-
ing allegiance to our Sovereign and attachment to our country.

Rejolved — " That this meeting considers it a paramount
duty to employ all constitutional means to oppose the adop-
tion of a measure pregnant with such dangerous consequences,
and that His Excellency the Governor-General be respectfully
requested to dissolve the Parliament, so as to enable the
country to express its opinion on the question^*

At the same time the opposite view of the question was
being vigorously pressed by the supporters of the Ministry, and
the Mineive, which was regarded as Mr. Lafontaine's organy'
thus gives its views : w < ,. ■'

" We do not hesitate to take up this question of the indem-
nity as viewed by our adversaries, and to say that it is just,
honourable, and we may add, constitutional, that every inhabi-
tant of Lower Canada, without exception, should be indemnified
for his losses in the rebellion out of the consolidated fund of
the province. First, observe that those who were called loyal,
par excellence, have been already indemnified by the authority
of the Special Council. The rest of the inhabitants have the
same right. * * Without tarnishing the laurels of Dr.
Nelson at St. Denis, and the brave Dr. Chcvrier at St.
Eustache; without speakinginjuriously of the gallant men who
sold their lives in defence of their homes a'^ainst hordes of
robbers {iitie baud de brigand^) we may sa)-, that, in consequence
of Mr. Papineau's want of foresight, the troubles of 1837 can
only be regarded as partial disturbances. But in whatever
light these unfortunate events be regarded, have they not been
pronounced upon to-day? Upon whom has the blame of
these events been thrown ? Upon us or upon the Tory
party ; upon those loyalists who protest so loudly to-daj-,
and who are the real authors of their troubles ? Have they
not acknowledged the enormity of the grievances which
weighed upon us then ? Lords Durham and Sydenham,
have they not declared that our position was intolerable, that
we were excusable — justifiable even — in acting as we did ? " ,

■f."

/A'

■■■■!

I
M

I40

THK I.iiK oi' Siu John A. Macdonai.d.

1 i

The exact jjoints at issue between the t\v(} parties are
clearly defined in a circular written by Mr. Hincks to the
Reformers of Upper Canada, and replied to by one issued by
Mr. Caylcy. In the former it was contended that all parties
who suffered loss by the rebellion in Lower Canada, stood on
a footing of equality as regards their title to compensation,
those alone excepted who had been convicted by a sentence
of a court of law ; that the cost of compensation should be
charged on the consolidated fund of the province, and that
the former Conservative Administration had advocated the
payment of the rebellion losses without reference to the part
which the sufferers took in the struggle. To which Mr. Caylcy
replied, "That the Conservative party contend that the
claims of all who took part in the rebellion should be excluded
and that the expense should be borne by Lower Canada alone
— that whether a former Administration did or did not
advocate the payment of the rebellion losses without reference
to the part taken in the struggle (a charge which has always
been distinctly and unequivocally denied), was a matter of
very secondary importance to the people of the country.

" The position taken by the opponents of the measure now
introduced by the Government is, that to reimburse any other
but loyal or innocent parties would be but a premium on
treason, to adopt any other mode of payment than the one
pursued in Upper Canada, would be unjust to that section of
the province.

*' It is contended by Mr. Hincks that Upper Canada has
no pecuniary interest in the question, inasmuch as the claims
of the loyal amount to the full sum which it is proposed to
appropriate to the claimants generally. The force of this
reasoning is not very apparent. If the claims are admitted to
be just, they are just to their fullest extent, and should be paid
whenever the country is in a position to do so, and the argu-
ment will scarcely be entertained in a deliberative body that
innocent and loyal men must be content with a moiety of their
claims because it has been found expedient to reimburse the
authors of all the misery which has been brought upon the
country.

" Another reason, urged by Mr. Hincks in his circular, for

IXCRKASINC. 1<',\( ITKMKNT.

'v}'

not disturbing the classification proposed to be adopted by
the Government is the insignificant amount of disloyal claims
which would, after all, be admitted. No details have been
given to establish this fact, but some estimate may be found of
the latitude given to the term * insignificant,' when the amount
of two claims, alone, returned by the commissioners, and not
excluded by the proposed classification, exceeds ;^28,ooo, and
yet these two claimants have admitted their participation in
the opposition offered to the troops of the Sovereign, and
were, in fact, active leaders among the insurgents."

Every day saw the excitement increasing over the [)ro-
posed Act. Meetings were held all over the upper province
and the strongest resolutions were passed in condemnation of
"the measure. The papers fanned the excitement by their
'ecTTftjlTals; and comments on the speeches of leading members,
and the minority of the Legislative Council placed on the
journals of the House a most energetic protest. The popular
mind became more and more inflamed until at last the excite-
ment became so great that it was unable to find vent by the
ordinary channel of speech, and the people began to show
their resentment in a more marked manner. In Toronto
Messrs. Baldwin, Blake and Mackenzie were burned in effigy.
These were carried through several streets elevated upon long
poles, passing the residence of Mr. Baldwin to that of Mr.
Blake and then back to Mr. Baldwin's, and then they were
burned amidst hootings and execrations. The mob then, to
the number of some thousands, proceeded to the house of Mr.
Mcintosh where Mr. Lyon McKenzie was staying. His effigy
was here burned, and the house assailed with stones and all
manner of missiles, completely riddling the windows. The gas
lights in the vicinity were put out and the police resisted.
The house of Mr. John Montgomery, which was nearly oppo-
site, was attacked and the windows much damaged. Mr. H.
Price, son of the Honourable J. H. Price, was severely beaten,
and having been conveyed to the residence of Dr. Rolph, that
gentleman's house was assailed by a portion of the mob and
the windows slightly damaged. The residence of Mr. George
i rown was also attacked and suffered injury.

■ \\

l'^

\tr':.

i i!

n:'l?

»:<;

i-^'^-
^^l^

C H A 1' T K R V.

Meetings to promote a fedcnil union of all the H. N. A. Provinces — Rebellion
Losses Hill as viewed in Kngland — Mass meeting on Champ de Mars,
Montreal — Burning of Parliament Buildings — The outrages condemned on

X all sides — Sir Allan McNah's letter — Meeting at Kingston — Mr. Boulton's
■^^ resolution — The excitement extends to the Maritime Provinces — Resolutions
at Fredericton.

^■1

IZ)

fW^'

J-t- ':

IN other parts of the province the people, though not less
earnest, were less violent, and, instead of assailing the
objects of their wrath, met together to devise means of escape
-f from the position in which they found themselves. Some
/tr*^** were led by the sense of an injurious French-Canadian domin-
,'v«-V "^ ation to seek an alliance with the people of a kindred race
inhabitating a neighbouring country, but these were few in
/number. The vast majority of the loyalists of the country
looked to a re-union of the British-American provinces, with
central and local governments, as offering all the advantages
which could be realized by a connection with the adjoining
republic, and, at the same time, preserve and maintain those
monarchical institutions under which they had hitherto lived,
and which they justly regarded as affording, at once, liberty to
,the subject and stability to society. ~

The people of the Dalhousie district were the first to move
in favour of a federal union, and a meeting, having that object
in view was held at Woods* Inn, Township of Nepean, on
Tuesday, March 20, 1849. Simon Fraser, Esq., sheriff of the
district, was called to the chair, and amongst those who took
l^art in the meeting were the Honourablcs Thomas McKay
and Hamnett Pinhey, and Messrs. Edward Mallock, Andrew
and John Graham, R. Hervey, J. McCracken, H. V. Noel, R.
Stethcm, J. McKinnon, J. McNider, N. G. Robinson, Frederick
Hcarman, Clement Bradley, etc. A petition embodying the
views of the meeting was drawn up, and a committee appointed
to present it to the Governor-General. This document referred
to the views of Lord Durham as contained in his report, gave
a short account of the causes which had led to the present

142

'liiK London " Moknino Ciikonk i.k."

143

diflficulty, asked his Lordship to submit the petition, at the
earliest possible moment, to the Ri^dit Honourable the
Secretary of State, and to recommend to the Imperial Legis-
lature then sitting, a general union of all the provinces, " and
thereby prevent the struggle of races predicted by the Earl of
Durham, which your petitioners firmly believe to be otherwise
inevitable."

liy this time the question began to be understood in
England and to excite a large amount of interest amongst all
classes of sf)cicty, and the papers received from that country
plainly showed how it was there regarded. The following
extract is from the Londfjii Morning Chronicle:

" We have relations with Canada not only formal but real ;
not only arc her laws admini.stcred in the name of our
Sovereign, but we are maintaining an army of 6,000 men to
defend her against foreign war and domestic disaffection ; and,
while this is the case, we deliberately say that it is impossible
for us to accjuiescc in a measi ic by which the sanction and
approval of the Canadian Gove .iinent arc given (in the shape
of pecuniary rewards) to rebellion against the Queen's
authority, and resistance to the Queen's troops.

" It is conceded, we find, by the provincial Ministers, that
persons ^ convicted^ of rebellion (and those only) are to be
excepted from compensatioti ; and this may appear to persons
who are not acquainted with the case, an important, as it is
a plausible concession. But the fact is, that of the persons
who were notoriously and avowedly in arms as rebels, a ver)*
small proportion were ever * convicted.' It must be so in all
rebellions — and it was especially .so in that of Canada, where
the jury system is worked in such a manner as, generally
speaking, to make conviction impossible, and trial a farce.
Almost all the leaders escaped to the United States, whence
they have ju.st returned under the benefit of an amnesty ; and
it is from this class of people that many of the largest claim-
ants for indemnity have now been selected. Take, for
example, the case of Wolfred Nelson ; he, it seems, is to get
;{^23,ooo — a sum twice as large as he was ever worth in his
life. This man fortified and defended his house against the

r,
1 ^

■1.;!.

, . Ill

ig^

[

I 1 :

144 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

troops under Colonel Gore, who, after being once beaten off
finally took and destroyed it. Nelson was captured and
would have been tried and, of course, capitally punished, if he
had not been included in the number of those whom Lord
Durham, by his celebrated ordinances, liberated under the
condition of banishment to Bermuda. When the ordinances
were disallowed Nelson returned home, having escaped
punishment by a purely fortuitous and unprecedented accident.
But not being a 'convicted^ criminal, he is to be compensated
for the damage done to his house during the siege, and for all
sorts of things besides. This is a sample of the kind of men
who are to receive public money with the sanction of Her
Majesty's Government, and under the eyes of the very officers
with whom they were in collision."

Equally plain were the remarks of the London Morning
Post: " Nothing can well be more anomalous than the condi-
tion of the British monarchy in Canada at this present moment.
A tyrannical democracy oppresses and insults the loyalists of
the province, and Her Majesty's representative does not even
effect to have any other rule for his government than what
seems to be the will of the majority. The men who risked
their property and their lives some years ago, to maintain the
authority of the Queen's Government are now calLd upon to
pay for the losses and injuries which they inflicted upon the
rebels, in order to punish them for their disloyalty and to
uphold the Government. The influence of Her Majesty's
representative has not been used agaitist this monstrous
proposition, further than to exclude from the right of
claiming compensation those who were actually prosecuted
and convicted for having taken an active part in the rebel-
lion. Those who were actually prosecuted and convicted
for having taken part in the rebellion. They who were
/ ' ostentatious and notorious rebels but a few years ago, are now
the influential legislators of Canada and the hoJders of office
under the Crown. To this state of things the Queen's Govern-
ment, with apparent willingness, submits. The reward of
those who were faithful, in vno worst of times, to their Sov-
ereign and to the principles of the British Monarchy, is that

1! li

1
1

The Bill Passed.

■fc

they are legislated against, insulted and forced to pay for
what they did in defence of the government, and in oppo-
sition to a rebellion which they suppressed. The plea urged
in justification of what is still called the Queen's Government
in Canada is, that the system has been adopted of allowing
public opinion to govern, and that whatever is done is in
accordance with the will of the majority. In other words,
while there is still nominally monarchical institutions in
Canada, the de facto government power is that of a democracy
of which the Queen's representative is the executive officer.
We contend that this is most disgraceful and unjust. There
is an obvious distinction between carrying on the Queen's
government in a popular spirit, and with careful attention to
the public judgment, and carrying it on in degrading subor-
dination to the absolute will of democrats, who but a few
years ago were avowed rebels. Supposing it were true in the
abstract that the will of the majority ought to be the absolute
rule of the Government — a monstrous theory which reason
and experience alike repudiate — still it would be unjust that
a monarch who had encouraged principles of an opposite
character, and induced men to peril all that was dear to them
in opposition to democratic machinations, should desert these
men, and with dishonourable cowardice truckle to those who
had been called rebels. There should be some consistenc)* in
a monarch's course. A monarch should not in one year call
upon gallant men to suppress a rebellion, and in another allow
the participators in that reoellion which had been suppressed,
to lord it over those who had incurred their enmity bj- sup-
porting the Sovereign's rights. Such conduct must tend to
break the hearts of loyal men and to destroy all affection for
the monarchy in the hearts of their children."

Hut public opinion as expressed in the papers of Canada
and of England; as expressed in the House and out of the
House, in meetings in every town and village, and emphasized
by .trongly worded petitions, and even, in some instances, by
violent popular outbreaks, had no deterrent effect; the Hill ,
was passed through its various stages, and on April 25, \'
\ 849, received the assent of the Governor-General.
10

ftViX^^ ■'<*

<fi.y

*?|*

/^«v.

1 if J ■

■ m

■ w

iif.

tin

146 The Lifk of Sir John A Macdonald.

( It is impossible to express the outburst of indignation with

-' which this final act was received. The newspapers vied with

each other in the fiercest denunciations of the conduct of the

Governor-General, and the whole country was convulsed with

the violence of the passions aroused.

In Montreal the excitement was tremendous, and a mass
meeting of the whole British population was held at eight
o'clock of the same evening, on the Champ de Mars. Resolu-
tions were proposed and carried, the principal one being to
adopt a petition to the Queen to recall Lord Elgin and to
disallow the Rebellion Losses Bill. At the conclusion of the
proceedings three hearty cheers were given for the Queen and
the meeting was dissolved. Immediately after, a cry was raised
to adjourn to the House of Assembly, and the whole body pro-
ceeded in that direction amidst the most vociferous cheering.
On arrival a terrific yell was raised and a shower of
stones poured in through the windows. Shortly after the cry
of "fire" was heard and the flames were seen breaking out
of the west end of the buildings. In fifteen minutes the whole
of the wing occupied by the Assembly was a mass of flames,
from which it spread to that part occupied by the Council,
and soon they were both involved in the same destruction.
Two splendid libraries, filled with rare and almost irreplace-
able documents and literary works of the most valuable kind,
were completely destroyed. By the strenuous exertions of a
few brave men who risked their lives in the blazing building,
the pictures of Her Majesty the Queen were saved, a circum-
stance that afforded the greatest satisfaction to the spectators.
The Ministry were severely blamed for not taking proper
precautions to prevent any acts of violence, when there were
such evident symptoms of riot from the time the Governor-
General left the House after having given his assent to the
Bill. At the meeting of Parliament the following morning, in
the hall over the Bonsecours Market, Sir Allan McNab cen-
sured the Government for their negligence, and stated that
the symptoms of riot were evident, and that, even after it had
<'. 1^ commenced, there was plenty of time to have called out the
-^ troops and prevented the outrage. Many other members

t-^.

'7^

^ .. .;r^v< (M^

The Outrage Condemned.

147

lad
the
ers

spoke to the same effect, to which the Ministry replied that
they had no idea of any disturbance until the attack was
actually made.

This deplorable affair was very much regretted by all
thoughtful men of the country, without regard to politics, and
everyone joined in denouncing the act and the perpetrators
of it. The supporters of the Government endeavoured to
blame the Conservatives, and accused leading members of
that party with having, not only encouraged the mob, but
also taken an active part in causing the destruction of the
building. This charge was indignantly denied at the time,
and a month later. Sir Allan McNab wrote the following
letter, immediately before his departure for Ei\gland as bearer
of petitions to the Queen for the disallowance of the Rebellion
Losses Bill and for the recall of Lord Elgin :

" Everything is quiet here just now, and the rioters them-
selves are, I think, beginning to regret their violence and its
consequence. These outrages have given the greatest pain
to myself and the other members of the Conservative party
here, as indeed they must do to every person of proper feeling.
" I am pleased to see that the people of Upper Canada, of
all parties, join in condemning these proceedings ; at the same
time I cannot " ut feel the greatest contempt for the Ministry
who originated all these civil commotions by their infamous
Bill, and yet had neither the wisdom nor courage to take the
necessary steps to repress them. They are mainly trying to
make political capital for themselves out of these riots, but
they will signally fail. The country never will forget that, in
one single session, they have rewarded rebellion and insulted
loyalty — they have tried to .set an inquisitorial and oppres-
sive tax on our properties and on our accounts — they have
passed a Tariff Bill destroying our native industries and home
manufactures — they have destroyed, or attempted to destroy,
our market for coarse grains — ruined our disti'' ^ries, our
foundries, and our tanneries — they have abolished our mun-
icipal councils, just as they were beginning to work well —
and they have established at Toronto a godless college, where
neither Church of England, Roman Catholic, Wesleyan

nj^t'

AW-

".P

J I

■/■'.,...»^

».^

I '

148 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

Methodist or Presbyterian can be educated according to the
tenets of their respective churches. At the next f-lection
they will gain their reward."

At Kingston the City Hall was densely packed with one
of the largest and most respectable meetings of the inhabi-
tants. His Worship the Mayor took the chair, and the
following resolutions were passed :

Moved by Mr. John R. Forsyth, seconded by Major
Logie :

" That this meeting has heard with dismay and sorrow
that, in despite of the remonstrances of the loyal inhabitants
of Canada, His Excellency the Governor-General has given
the Royal assent to the Bill remunerating rebels for losses
caused by their own treason."

Moved by Mr. John Counter, seconded by Mr. M. W.
Strange :

"That the Governor-General, by assenting to this measure,
has betrayed his trust as the representative of our Sovereign,
has set at nought the expressed wishes of the loyal inhabi-
tants of this province, and has offered an insult to their
feelings unparalleled in history."

" Moved by Mr. John Breakenridge, seconded by Mr.
Joseph Bruce :

" That, having no hope of redress or consideration from
Her Majesty's present representative Lord Elgin, it becomes
our duty to our country and ourselves, to present to Her
Majesty, without delay, our respectful but earnest petition,
imploring her to disallow a measure which justifies treason and
rewards rebellion."

Moved by Mr. Alexander Campbell, seconded by Alder-
man Bredin :

" That, with extreme regret and pain, we feel ourselves
constrained to declare our conviction that His Excellency
Lord Elgin, can no longer administer the Government of
Canada, with honour to the Empire or safety to the province ;
and that his recall is, in our opinion, necessary in order to
restore quiet to this country."

Moved by Mr. John Shaw, seconded by Mr. J. J. Burrows :

Mk. Boulton's Resolutions.

149

" That wc deepl}' regret the uncontrollable burst of popular
indignation at Montreal consequent on the Royal sanction of
the Rebellion Losses Bill, and deplore the destruction of
public property there — a destruction which the exercise of
proper precautions on the part of the Government would have
averted."

Moved by Mr. Thomas Deykes, seconded by Alderman
McCunniffe :

" That wc pledge ourselves to use every exertion, should
exertion be required, to maintain the cause of peace and good
order ; and to seek redress of our grievances by legal and
constitutional means alone."

After these resolutions were passed, calls were made for
tho Hon. John A. Macdonald, who was present but had not
taken any part in the proceeding.s. On rising to speak he was
greeted with most vociferous cheering. He remarked that he
had forborne from taking a part in the business, simply because
he wished, as their representative, to hear the free expression
of their opinion upon the state of the country, rather than to
prescribe any particular course to them. He felt gratified to
.see so numerous an auditory a.s.sembled on such an occasion,
and he need hardly say that with the resolutions adopted and
with the sentiments of the Speakers he most heartily concurred.
He then reviewed at some length the policy of the Govern-
ment. At the conclusion of his speech three hearty cheers
were given for the Queen and the meeting separated.

Similar meetings were held all over the province, and
petitions were drawn up and signed praying for the disallow-
ance of the Act and the recall of Lord Elgin.

V\'hen Parliament assem.blcd on Saturday, April 28th, the
following resolutions were moved by Mr. Boulton, member for
Norfolk :

" We, Her Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects the
Commoners of Canada in Parliament assembled, have wit-
nessed with feelings of deep sorrow and indignation the
proceedings of a mob of riotous and di.sorderly inhabitants of
this city, who, in a time of profound peace and. tranquility
have committed several wanton and disgraceful outrages, as

i.i-

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150 The Like ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

well upon persons as property, the most prominent of which
is the destruction of the building occupied by the two Houses
of Parliament. At such a moment of excitement, we feel it
to be due to ourselves and our constituents to assure your
excellency of the devoted loyalty and attachment of the
people of Canada to the person and government of our
beloved Sovereign, and of the earnest desire to preserve the
connection with the parent state.

" We further beg leave to express to your E.xcellency our
deep sense of the justice and impartiality which has uniformly
characterized the constitutional government of your Excel-
lency, while assisted by the counsel of your former, as well as
your present advisers, without reference to the policy of
either.

" While we sincerely hope that the tranquility of the city
is now substantially restored, we feel it our duty to assure
your Excellency of our cordial support of any measure which
your Excellency may find it necessary to take for the preser-
vation of the public peace, and we pledge ourselves to make
good any expense that your Excellency may have found it
necessary, or may yet find it necessary, to incur for the
accomplishment of that object."

The.se resolutions produced a strong debate in which
leading members on both sides took part, the Opposition
denouncing the manner in which they had been introduced,
without notice, which Sir Allan McNab characterized as
' quite in character with the trickery course pursued by the
Government throughout,' and strongly censured the Ministry
for arming, with pistols and cutlas.ses, 600 French-Canadians
under the pretence of forming a police force. " The best men
in the kingdom," said the gallant knight, are always ready and
have on occasions been foremost in enrolling their names as
special constables, but I never heard of 600 men being taken
from one party, armed with pistols and cutlasses, and let
loose to keep the peace. I think even the present Government
have seen the error of their ways in this particular, for no
sooner were these men seen parading the streets than the
opposite party a.ssembled at least five times their number, and

Mr. Galt's Amknd.mknts.

>5»

insisted upon the body guard bcinj^ dismissed, wliich I am
glad to hear has been done."

Mr. Sherwood followed Sir Allan, speaking strongly
against the course the Ministry had taken, and the anomalous
position in which they had placed the Governor-General. After
which Mr. Gait moved the following amendment : —

" That this House has viewed with the most profound
regret the disturbances of the public peace in the city of
Montreal during the last three days, and which has resulted in
the destruction of the Parliament Buildings with the archives
and library, the destruction of much private property, and
injury to the persons of Her Majcst)-'s subjects.

" That this House considers it their first duty to tender to
the Government their assurance that nothing shall be wanting
on their part to restore public tranquility, and that they are
ready to make provision for any measures judged necessary
to protect the lives and property of Her Majesty's subjects.

"That while this H<juse is of the opinion that the restor-
ation of peace is the first object to be achieved, they consider
that they would be wanting in their duty to the country if they
did not express their opinion that to the advice of the present
P^xecutive Government in recommending His Excellencx' to
assent to the Rebellion Losses Bill, and to the manner in which
that assent was given, is to be attributed the disturbances
which have resulted so disastrously for the honour and
prosperity of the province ; and that this House, fully recog-
nising the constitutional principle, that the Administration are
to be held responsible for all acts of the Government, desire to
express to His Excellency their sincere regret that his advisers
should have taken that course which has caused insults to be
offered to the representative of Her Most Gracious Majesty in
this province, as well as to this House, which are calculated to
diminish the respect of the people for the constitution under
which they live."

The amendment was, of course, voted down, but it served
to place on record the views of the Opposition regarding the
late events.

But the excitement was not confined to the Province of

' i \

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152 Tin: LiiK ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

Canada. It extended to the other provinces, and the people
of Fredcricton, the capital of New Brunswick, held a meeting
on May 1 2th, and solemnly entered their protest against the
principle involved in the Rebellion Losses Bill in the following
resolutions :

" Whereas the persons who compose this meeting have
lately heard of the serious differences which at present exist in
Canada, as also of the causes which appear to have led to
them, and deeming it at this crisis most desirable that the
Imperial Government and their fellow subjects in the different
colonies and elsewhere, be early apprised of the feelings and
sentiments entertained in the Province of New Brunswick on
this subject, it is therefore

Resolved — " That this meeting sincerely regrets the excited
and dangerous state of the public mind in the Province of
Canada, and deplores the irreparable loss of the public
property which has recently happened in that colony.

Resolved — " That while this meeting condemns in unquali-
fied terms the indignities lately offered to the representative
of the Sovereign, the serious infractions of the public peace,
and the reckless destruction of public and private property ;
}-et the members of this meeting would consider themselves
unworthy of the name of freemen and of Britons should they
overlook the unexampled and unbearable causes which have
provoked these evils.

Resolved — " That the sacrifice contemplated, by an Indem-
nity Bill, of the monies of the loyal people of Canada to
remunerate rebels for property lost by them while in open war
against the government of the country, and as a reward for the
destruction of lives and property of their fellow subjects,
together with the Governor-General's unqualified assent to and
recommendation of an Act so unusual and extraordinar)-, in
disregard of the Royal instructions and of numerous petitions,
appear to this meeting the principle causes which led to the
recent outrages in Montreal.

Resolved — " That the rewarding of individuals for destroy-
ing the property, and for the bloodshed and murder of their
fellow subjects, and requiring the loyal part of the inhabitants

Lord Klchn's Dki-knce.

•53

to contribute to such a purpose, are, in the opinion of this
meeting, acts without a parallel in the history of civilized
nations, and destructive of every feeling of loyalty towards
the authority which would sanction them.

Resolved — " That the assenting to an Act of the unusual
and extraordinary nature referred to, without a suspending
clause, was, in the opinion of this meeting, a clear breach of
the Colonial Constitution, and for which there is no apparent
justification or excuse.

Resolved — " That this meeting declares its unabated
loyalty to the Queen, and its strong desire for the preservation
of Ikitish laws and institutions in these colonies."

Resolved — " That an humble address be prepared and
forwarded to Her Majesty the Queen, together with a copy of
these resolutions, praying that .she will, in the exercise of Her
Royal prerogative, withold her sanction to the aforesaid
Canadian Indemnity Bill, and that a committee of three
persons be appointed to prepare the .said address."

A few days after giving his assent to the Hill, Lord Elgin ' ^-
-sent a despatch to Earl Grey defending his conduct. In this
document he gives the following reasons for refusing to reserve
the Bill for Her Majesty's consideration :

" The other course suggested by the petitioners, viz., that
of reserving the Bill, was undoubtedly more safe and practic-
able. Perhaps, if I had consulted in this matter only my own
ease, I might have been tempted to follow it. But I felt that,
after what had occurred with respect to indemnity in Upper
Canada, I could hardly fail to cause just umbrage to Parlia-
ment if I declined to sanction the Bill which it had passed for
the benefit of sufferers in Lower Canada. I analyzed with care
the votes of the Assembly, and I found that on the passing of
the Bill, 47 voted for and i8 against the measure; that of 31
members from Upper Canada who voted on the occasion, 17
supported and 14 opposed it; and that of 10 members from
Lower Canada of British descent, 6 supported and 4 oppo.sed
it. These facts seemed altogether inconsistent with the allega-
tion that the question was one in which the two races were
arrayed against each other throughout the province generally.

''I

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^It

154

Tin; LiFK OF Sir John A. Macuonald.

-•'■)

I considered, therefore, that by reserving the Bill I should
only cast on Her Majesty and Her Majesty's advisers respon-
sibility which ought in the first instance to rest on my own
shoulders, and that I should awaken in the minds of the
people at large, even of those who were indifferent or hostile
to the Bill, doubts as to the sincerity with which it was
intended that constitutional government should be carried out
in Canada."

The concluding sentence of the despatch appears to indi-
cate that the writer is not altogether free from doubt as to the
wisdom of the course pursued :

" At any rate, however, this is a point which can be deter-
mined only by the Government of the Queen. If I have erred,
my error is not irreparable. Should your lordship be of
opinion that there is in the character of this measure sonic-
specialty which ought to have removed it from the category of
local questions on which the local Parliament is entitled to
pronounce, I shall at once bow to your decision, confident that
you will still give me credit for having, under circumstances of
no ordinary difficulty, acted with a sincere desire to perform
my duty to Her Majesty and to promote the best interests of
the colony."

The rest of the despatch is taken up with a defence of his
]\Iinisters, and in order to do this he a.ssumcs three things : '

First, That the Lafontainc-Baldwin Government were but
carrying out the policy of their predecessors.

Second, That they did not intend, and never at any time
did intend, to compensate for losses individuals who had
been actually engaged in the revolutionary movement of
1837-38, and

Third, That the Rebellion Losses Bill for Lower Canada
was precisely similar to that passed in favour of claimants in
the upper province.

%•'

Ida
in

CHAPTER VI.

Speeches in British Parliament on Rebellion Losses Bill— Mr. Gladstone stronjjly
opposes it — Lord Lyndhurst's disapprobation— His defence of Sir Allan
McNab— He points out Mr. Lafontaine's connection with the rebellion— And
says the proposition to reward rebels was monstrous — Lord Brougham's
definition of the loyal and disloyal parties — His resolution — List of less
important Bills reserved for Her Majesty's pleasure.

THE case in due course came before the British Parlia-
ment, and able and exhaustive arguments were delivered
by the best men in both the House of Commons and the
House of Lords. Three specially able speakers, Mr. Glad-
stone, Lord Lyndhurst and Lord Brougham went e.xhaustivcK'
into the subject, and their utterances clearl}- showed how full)-
they endorsed the line of policy followed by the Conscrvtitivc
party in Canada.

Mr. Gladstone said " that the question to which he was
about to call the attention of the House, although apparentlx'
a contracted one, in reality involved the first principles and
duties of government, and touched the very foundations of
social order. It was his intention to abstain from passing
any opinion on the conduct of Lord Elgin, not on account (jf
the warm regard he felt for the noble lord and the admiration
which he entertained for his distinguished talents — for on such
an occasion he would not permit personal feelings to divert
him from the strict line of public duty — but because the
impression upon his mind was that an undue and e.xcessi\c
share of responsibility had been cast iijion Lord P^lgin.
Now the questions it was necessary for them to ask them-
selves, and answer, with regard to this Act of the Canadian
Parliament, as he viewed the matter, were these three : The
Act was entitled ' An Act to provide for the indemnification
of parties in Lower Canada whose property was destroyed
during the rebellion of 1837-38.' Did that Act — he would not
say it was passed for the purpose — but did it embrace within its
purpose indemnification to those who bore arms against the

155

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156 TiiK Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

{'!

■ " of

Queen's forces in the rebellion of 1X37- 3'H ? That was the first
question. The second question, presuming that such wjis the
case, was whether the subject involved was a local or an
Imperial question ? And the third, if such purpose were
contemplated by the Act, and the question was an Imperial
question, was whether the proposed indemnification was con-
sistent, or \ itally at variance with the honour and duty of the
Crown. He should pass over the second and third questions
for the present, because he thought there could not be a
.serious doubt on the hypothesis laid down at first, that if the
indemnification of rebels was intended, that the issue thereby
raised was one of Imperial interest, or that if it were jiroposed
for their sanction, that sanction was inconsistent with the
honour of the Crown. He therefore went on to the question
— was it intended to embrace by this Act the indemnification
of rebels, and he used ordinary language in its ordinary sen.se?
He had rarely seen a greater use of what appeared to him
sophistical arguments than in the discussion upon the Bill,
and different constructions were given to the term ' rebel,' as
though some profound metaphysical question were before the
Hou.se, and not the question whether a man meeting the
Queen's forces with arms in his hands was a rebel or not. He
used the words in their ordinary sense. He knew they could
not take any infallible precautions by any Act they could
pass against the actual perversion or distortion of that Act
from the purpose for which it was alone intended, but the
question now was whether the Act in question was intended
for rebels or not — let them say aye or no upon that question,
and in determining that question he must look to the \c'
itself, and, if he found it doubtful, then, extrancously,
evidence. There was nothing in the title to detern the
purpose of the Act. The other Acts which were passed .it an
earlier period were to indemnify certain /oya/ inhabitants of
Canada ; there was nothing of that kind here.

"The Act began with reciting an Address of the Legislative
Assembly to Lord Metcalfe, on February 28, 1845, praying
His Excellency to adopt measures to indemnify persons in
Lower Canada for their just losses sustained in the rebellion

MK. GLADSTONK's Si'KlXII.

'57

.lie
an
of

of '^37-38' As to the extraordinary phrase 'just losses,' if he
were to invoke the aid of the critics and grammarians of the
House, he thought he should be told that these worils meant
losses justly sustained by the i)arties, and therefore those
which they deserved. ( ' Hear ' and lauj^hter). lk>t that, he
concluded, was not the intention with which the indemnifica-
tion was proposed by Lord Metcalfe ; and he took it to mean
just claims arising in respect of losses sustained ; anil in that
sense he should treat those words. Then the preamble of
the Act went on to say, that a commission was appointed
under that Address to enquire ; but that the powers of the
commission were insufficient to make a complete cncjuiry,
and that it was necessary to redeem the pledge given by the
adoption of that Address ; that further measures should be
taken both for levying money and conducting those eiuiuiries
to a definite issue. The words were that it was ' necessary
and just that the particulars of such losses as had not been
paid and satisfied should form the subject of more minute
enquiry under legislative authority ; ' and now he came to the
subject of compensation, which he thought did ni)t apply to
all just claims arising out of loss, but only to certain claims :
the words were, ' that the same so far only as they may have
arisen from the total, partial, unjust, unnecessary or wanton
destruction of the dwellings, buildings, property and effects of
the said inhabitants, and from the seizure, taking or carrying
away of their property and effects should be paid and satis-
fied.' Suppose the words 'just losses ' ran through the whole
Act, and that it was to make further enquiry into them that
the commission was appointed, and that it was to satisfy those
that debentures were issued ; he should have regarded that
Act with no suspicion or dislike : he believed there was a case j
for an Act of the kind. He was told that in Lower Canada
churches — one, if not more, were destroyed, and

'■>

some

unnecessarily destroyed, during the rebellion, having been
occupied by the rebels as fortresses against the Queen's troops,
He should have said that nothing was more just than, being
the property of the community it large, that these churches
should be restored at the public expense. He believed that

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158

Thk Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

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some churches which were dcLitroyed in Ireland during the
rebellion were so restored.

" But this Act did not contemplate the payment of all those
just losses or claims, hut it would only allow them to be
satisfied so far as they arose out of ari 'unjust, unnecessary
or wanton destruction of prop*, -ty,' and those words, so far
from giving him a favourable opinion of the Bill, had con-
tributed in a considerable degree to raise suspicions in his
mind ; because, if the indemnification of loyal subjects were
what they contcr^p.ated, it was not necessary for a loyal
subject to say that the destruction of his property was
unnecessary in order to give him a just claim, and therefore
when he found that only the unnecessary destruction of
property was to be satisfied, it induced him to believe that in
the strange language being adopted, there lay more than met
the eye, and that if it were an impartial measure for the
indemnification of loyal subjects, there was no necessity for
that qualification, that the looses must have been unjust,
unnecessary or wanton. But the commissioners appointed
had no discretion under this Act. All they had to do was to
ascertain the loss intended by the Legislature. But now he
came to a proviso, introduced into the resolutions before the
Bill came under the notice of the Legislative Assembly, and
to that proviso he wished to call the special attention of the
llou.se, because it appeared to have a most important bearing
on the construction of the other part of the Bill. It was in
these words :

" ' Provided that none of the persons who may have been
convicted of high treason, alleged to have been committed in
that part of the province, formerly the province of Lower
Canada, since the ist day of November, 1837, or who, having
been charged with high treason or other offences of a treason-
able nature, and having been committed to the custody of the
sheriff of the gaol at Montreal, or having surrendered them-
selves to the will and pleasure of Her Majesty, and were
thereupon transported to Her Majesty's islands of Bermuda,
shall be entitled to any indemnity for losses sustained during
or after the said rebellion, or in consequence thereof.'

Mr. Gladstone's Speech.

159

" That vva.s obviou.sly to exclude from compensation all
who were convicted of treason, or who, havinjj been charged
with it, had submitted and been transported to Bermuda, and
about one hundred persons would in, practice be .so excluded.
But there was a singular point connected with that provi.so
and the convictions to which it referred. Those convictions, he
believed without exception, were not convictions in courts of
law, properly .so called, but in courts martial. ' Convicted ' in
an Act of Parliament meant ' lawfully convicted,' and if a
person was unlawfully convicted — if there was any defect in
his conviction, not only in substantial justice, but in form and
language, that was not a conviction, and if not, then the
proviso made no exception. And how stood the matter?
By what authority were those courts martial erected ? What
authority was there in the empire, besides Parliament, that
could erect legal courts martial? If that were so, he would
ask whether the authority of Parliament was given before
or afterwards to the courts martial in question? He had
.searched the statute book, and though different laws were
passed with regard to the temporary, and then to the permanent
government of Canada, he found no sanction, no ratification,
given to those courts martial. He dared say that cjuestion
was before the noble lord when he was Colonial Secretary,
and he would be able to correct him (Mr. Gladstone) if
he was wrong. But if that were .so, — and parties having a
claim to compensation depending upon it would be sure to
raise the question — it would apply to 96 out of the 104
persons who were transported to Bermuda ; namely to tho.se
convicted by courts martial as contra-distinguished from those
who submitted. He believed that the illegality of tho.se con-
victions was the doctrine of the party predominant in the
Legislature of Canada. It had been professed b)' them on
many occasions, and he found that that opinion was expressed,
on the presentation of a petition in 1839 by Mr. Lafontaine,
the present Attorney-General of Canada, and who virtuall)-
exercised the functions of the leader of the Government.

" The House, within a few days, had laid before it a list of
claims made in 1846. Unfortunately the description of those

i.\\

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i6o Thk Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

claims was not very succinct, but there were 400 of them,
under two descriptions, for guns taken away and not restored.
Those were claims of parties for guns lost in actions with Her
Majesty's troops. Mr. Hincks, a leading member of the
Assembly, had called upon him (Mr. Gladstone) that morning,
and, on being asked by him whether he thought those parties
would be compensated, his answer was that he should think
not, but he apprehended that Mr. Hincks' opinion was of no
more value than his own as to the construction of the Act.
But he would place his arguments upon a broader basis, and
the question he wished to raise was, whether those persons
who took part by overt acts in the rebellion, were upon that
ground, to be disqualified from receiving compensation .-* But
the Act being ambiguous, he must refer to extraneous
evidence. He might quote the conflicting statements he had
seen on this vital question, but he looked to the declarations
of the leading men in Canada. The Speaker of the Legis-
lative Assembly, and who was one of the advisers of the
Governor-General, said the only intention of the Government
was to pay the just losses of innocent individuals but not of
rebels. That might be true in words, but was it .so in
meaning.'' It was obvious that they were not to rest upon
any line marked out by tribunals, and the character of the
Act appeared in the declaration of those who were responsible
for its introduction, and who ought best to have understood
its meaning. There was another declaration by Mr. Jones, a
member of the Legislative Council, who, he understood, had
the character of being independent of party considerations.
That honourable gentleman .said he had had an interview w ith
the Prime Minister, being anxious to get through this web of
.sophistry, and having, as he said, a favourable opinion of the
intentions of the Government, he named to the Prime Minister
three or four persons whom he knew to have been engaged in
overt acts of treason and rebellion, and to have taken up arms
to subvert the Government, and he asked him whether those
individuals would be entitled to indemnity under this Bill, and
that honourable member of the Government, who was too
honest and honourable a man to attempt to deceive him.

Mr. Gladstone's Speech.

i6i

Icr

answered him, candidly and frankly, they could make no
exception, and that those persons could not be excluded from
the indemnity and compensation for their loss, if they had
sustained any.

"Lord Elgin himself did not escape from the fog of ambig-
uity. That noble lord said it was his firm conviction that the
majority who passed the Bill did not mean to countenance
rebellion or compensation to persons guilty of high treason,
but to make provision for claims arising out of wanton and
unnecessary destruction of property. Taking the first part of
that declaration, he should have supposed that persons who
had borne arms against the Queen's troops would be disquali-
fied, but from the latter part he thought it depended upon
whether the destruction was wanton and unnecessary, and not
upon the character of the person, that the claim would be
determined. But he (Mr. Gladstone) held that a man in arms
against the Queen's forces was absolutely disqualified by his
own act, and they had nothing to do with the enquiry whether
his property was necessarily destroyed. From the despatch
of Lord Elgin of May 5th, it was clearly the intention of
the Parliament and the Government to extend the indemnity
beyond the limit of the loyal inhabitants of Canada. But
was that so or not ? Lord Elgin said that the losses of the
loyal inhabitants had been reported on and ascertained, and
that he thought the Government of 1846 intended to extend
the indemnity farther, but he (Mr. Gladstone) wanted to know
how that could be and not include those who had taken part
in the rebellion ?

" One of the amendments which were proposed referred to
persons in any way implicated in the rebellion. He was afraid
that under those words a man's politics might 'gc enquired
into, and he thought the House of Assembly, therefore, was
justified in rejecting it, but Mr. Wilson, a member of the
Assembly, brought forward an amendment, which, laying aside
all sophistry and ambiguity, brought the question plainly to
issue, for it was that ' no person who aided, assisted or abetted
the said rebellion could be entitled to any indemnity.' As he
understood those words they referred to overt acts alone, and

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1 62 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

n '1

excluded all reference to political conduct. But, unfortunately,
they were rejected, though when they heard of the over-
whelming majority with which this Bill was carried, it was
right he should mention that the amendment was lost only by
a vote of 44 to 29 in the present House of Assembly.
But he was brought to the conclusion that although the
construction of the Act might, to some extent, be ambiguous,
it was too probable that when it came to be put in practice it
would be construed and acted upon in the sense he had
given to it.

"If it were intended to give compensation to rebels in
respect of losses sustained in and through the rebellion, that
was a case which, so long as free institutions exist, he hoped
the House would never refuse to acknowledge was entitled to
the attention and interference of the Imperial Parliament. But
it was said that so long a period of time had elapsed since the
rebellion that it was difficult nov/ to tell who were rebels, or
what the precise circumstances of each case were. He would
admit that it belonged to the Legislative Assembly to
determine who were rebels, but if it were alleged that the
difficulty of ascertaining who were rebels was so great that it
was better not to enquire into it, and that it was necessary to
receive all the claims in a lump, without attempting to
distinguish between each case, that would be to palm a
delusion upon the House, or else it must be the argument of
men who were themselves under a delusion. But an enquiry
into overt acts of rebellion was not so difficult as an enquiry
whether a particular destruction of property was a necessary
destruction of property.

" In the year 1839 certain '\cts were passed in Canada for
the purpose of compensating .he loyal inhabitants who had
suffered losses during the rebellion, and it was not found that
these Acts had led to minute and vexatious enquiries. In
Ireland where Acts were passed for the purpose of giving
compensation to loyal subjects who suffered losses during the
rebellion, none of these objections or difficulties were felt in
carrying out these Acts. Commissioners were appointed, with
power to put parties upon their oaths, and to require the

Mr. Gladstone's Speech.

163

for

lad

Ihat

ling
Ithe

Hth

the

sheriff to empanel juries, when it was necessary to try evidence
of facts. That might be adopted in Canada, or parties might
be required to mai<e affidavit that they had not borne arms in
the rebellion, or taken part in the rebellion. But it was not
necessary for that House to point out the precise means by
which what was necessary should be done. He took his
stind upon the principle that any person coming forward as a
claimant for the public money was subject to the onus of
proving that he was qualified to receive it.

" But there were gentlemen in Canada who said that
the parties who would claim under this Act were not rebels,
and that every one was innocent who had not been proved to
be guilty and convicted in a court of law. That appeared to
him to be a strained application of the legal doctrine, and it
was abundantly answered by the universal practice in paying
public money to throw the onus of the right to receive it upon
the claimant. Others said it was as if there had been no
rebellion in Canada, because of the Act of Amnesty, which had
placed every man in the eye of the law as if there had never
been a rebellion. But what did the Act of Amnesty mean ?
It did not erase but cover the past. It was granted to prevent
men from being called in question for any share which they
might have taken in the rebellion. But the Act of Indemnity
did not throw the veil of oblivion over the rebellion ; it revived
it, and invested those who had taken part in it with a legisla-
tive title with respect to that rebellion, making them claimants
upon the public funds. Whatever effect the Act of Amnesty
had could only be in covering and hiding the past. It could
do nothing in the way of qualifying and modifying the act of
rebellion, or of mending the position of rebels for any losses
which they might have suffered during the rebellion.

" There was a difficulty in dealing with this question
without appearing to identify with one of the political
parties in Canada, but he should deprecate such a course on
the part of any honourable member of that House, because
he thought nothing more hostile to the true development of
liberty in the colonics than that the House of Commons
should identify themselves with political parties there, who

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164 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

would in that case, be perpetually appealing to them to decide
upon their disputes. Desiring therefore to avoid identifying
himself with any colonial party in this discussion, he would
not deny, on the other hand, that he sympathized with those
who maintained that those who took a part in the rebellion
ought not to be compensated for losses sustained in it. But
upon this question of the real state of opinion, let the House
look to the Canadian Legislature and see what had been the
division of opinion there upon this Bill. He had shewn that
there was not that overwhelming majority against Mr.
Wilson's amendment, upon which the point had been brought
to an issue whether the indemnity should be extended or not
to those who had taken part in the rebellion. The members
were, as he had already said, 44 against the amendment and
29 in favor of it, and of excluding all actual rebels from
receiving compensation. A great deal had been said of the
people of Upper Canada, and Lord Elgin had claimed a
majority of the representatives of Upper Canada in favour of
the Bill. But looking to the division upon Mr. Wilson's
motion, it was not true that a majority of the members from
Upper Canada voted for the principle of the Bill on that
amendment. The number of members from Upper Canada
who voted upon that occasion was 36, of whom 14 were in
favour of the Bill, and 22 in favour of the amendment. There
was therefore a large majority of the members from Upper
Canada in favour of that amendment in a House of Assembly
which was undoubtedly favourable to the Administration that
was now conducting the affairs of Canada. Among the
twenty-eight members who supported Mr. Wilson's amend-
ment, six or seven gentlemen were steady supporters of
the Crown on every other occasion.

" He would now come to the question : What was really
the sense of the colony as it was expressed by petitions and
addresses? He had read forty pages of petitions and
addresses, all of them being addressed to Lord Elgin and
favourable to his policy, and many of the 15,000 persons
whose signatures were attached to them being generally
favourable to the policy of his Ministers. But it was a most

Mr. Gladstone's Speech.

165

remarkable fact that, of all these petitions and addresses pre-
sented to Lord Elfjfin, he was not sure that more than one or
two expressed in terms their approval of his Bill. From this
circumstance he drew this inference that, although many of
those who signed these petitions were favourable to the Bill,
yet they regarded it as a bad question on which to test public
opinion, and had consequently invited people to fall back
upon an expression of general political opinion, and had felt
that they could not venture without the risk of losing these
addresses, to embody in them an approval of the Bill. It
was also anouier most remarkable fact that these addresses
were, in hardly any case, agreed to at public meetings, called
in the usual regular manner, and presided over by the proper
authorities. Whenever there was a strong and determined
public sentiment, one way in which it found expression was at
public meetings, and when the popular sentiment was feeble,
then generally it was expressed in petitions which wandered
about from house to house upon the merits of their signatures,
and could not pretend to represent the popular feeling in the
country.

" If this were true as a general principle, then he could not
take the opinion of Upper Canada to be in favour of this
measure, when there was scarcely a single public meeting
recorded in the forty-three pages to which he had referred.
He only saw four addresses that professed to have been
adopted at public meetings, and of these, the address from
the Bathurst district was the only address agreed to at a
public meeting regularly called upon the requisition of the
sheriff. He exceedingly regretted that Lord Elgin had not
done quite even handed justice to the petitions upon the
other side. These forty pages of addresses, tasking the
patience of mortal man to read them, had been presented to
Parliament. But where were the addresses on the other
side ? Was it that they were few and insignificant, and were
agreed upon at hole and corner meetings ? If not, why were
there not forty pages of them? This was not fair and im-
partial justice. Was it the intention of the Government to
give Parliament an idea on one side alone ? Was the Govern-

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TuE Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

ment to be regarded as an advocate in this matter, and as
not wishing to give Parliament a full and free exposition of the
correct state of the case? Lord Elgin merely said that
'a considerable number of petitions had been sent up against
the Bill.' But the petition from Kingston was the only one
printed, and as far as the official information before Parlia-
ment was concerned, all the arguments, the eloquence and
the numbers opposed to the Bill had been lost.

" He had been informed that, both in numbers and
authority, the petitions against the Bill were far greater and
more weighty than those in favour of it. He had been assured
that the opponents of the Bill, in almost every case, had
called public meetings, convened by the mayor or the sheriff,
in the usual manner, and that, in every case, they had carried
the petition against the Bill by a large majority, and in many
cases unanimously. He therefore demurred to the assertion
that the public opinion of Canada was in favour of this
measure. He would admit that the majority of the population
of Lower Canada was in favour of the Bill, but he was
assured that in Upper Canada the public sentiment in
general was opposed to that measure.

" It was said that in Upper Canada compensation had
been granted by Acts specially indemnifying rebels and
traitors, and those who had been convicted in courts of justice.
If that were so he should say that it would be invidious to
procure for Lower Canada a rule less favourable than that
passed for the upper province. But he would venture to say
that these Acts passed in Upper Canada did not compensate
rebels, and that no rebels were compensated under these Acts.
He hoped that the noble lord would be able to give the House
an assurance that, under the Act, no persons would receive
compensation who had really been rebels — not merely those
who had been convicted rebels, but that were known to have
been concerned in that rebellion — proved to have been so
upon something like reasonable evidence, on affidavit or other
similar proof. It would be perfectly easy in practice to
suggest other evidence — reasonable evidence — that men
claiming compensation had not taken any part in the

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Lord Lvndhukst's Speech.

167

rebellion. If the noble lord could not ^ivc that assurance — if
the effect of the Act would be that those who were in arms
in 1837 and 1838 were to receive compensation as though
they had been true subjects and loyal men. chen milder
measures than absolutely disallowing the Bill might be
resorted too: for example, the Crown might be advised to
delay its final ratification of the Act — it might be suspended
until an opportunity was given to the Canadian Legislature
to amend it, and to provide in another Bill that compensation
should not be awarded to any persons who had borne arms in
the recent rebellion."

Five days later Lord Lyndhurst addressed the House of
Lords on the same subject, and his coming down, at his
advanced age, to warn Ministers against assenting to the
principle of this Bill, forcibly recalls the scene when the
venerable Earl of Chatham rose, for the last time in the House
of Lords, to denounce the Ministerial policy of the day with
reference to another British colony, and in the spirit of
prophecy to point out the consequences of a persistence in the
course which Ministers had resolved to adopt. After remark-
ing that he had not been in the habit, for many years, of
addressing their lordships, Lord Lyndhurst went on to say
" that bearing in mind the relation in which he had been
placed to the Crown and to their lordships, when he had held
office at different times, he felt himself imperatively called
upon by a sense of his duty to their lordships and
of his duty to the Crown to express his opinion on
the subject : he felt himself called upon to express his
entire disapprobation of the measure to which the noble
and learned lord had called the attention of their lordships.
The ground on which he objected to it was that it rewarded
the rebels ; that the honest, loyal, enterprising and active
people of Canada, who had expended so much of their
strength and treasure and blood, even — on the trying occasion
of the rebellion — were to be taxed for the purpose of giving
compensation to those persons, whom, by their exertions, they
had succeeded in defeating. The noble earl had argued that
the rebellion was over, that an amnesty had been passed, and

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Tmk Lifk of Sir John A. Macdonald.

that they were in that case to treat persons who had been
engaged \n the rebellion as subjects who might be employed
in the service of the Crown. He (Lord Lyndhurst) made no
objection to that amnesty. He approved of it ; he thought it
a wise measure. But he knew no case where parties had not
only received an amnesty, but had been rewarded and
indemnified for the very losses they had sustained by their
own rebellious acts. If the noble lord could tell their lord-
ships of any instance in which rebels who had sustained losses
in consequence of their own rebellious acts had been rewarded
and indemnified by those losses, that would be a precedent
applicable to the present case. Having made these two or
three preliminary observations, he must say a word or two in
defence of an honourable individual whose name had been
often mentioned. No doubt the noble and learned lord, by a
casual slip, spoke of Sir Allan McNab as having done effectual
service in Lower Canada. That was corrected immediate!)-
after, and the noble earl was then led to sneer at the conduct
of Sir Allan McNab (' No ! No ! ' from Earl Grey), who had
so highly distinguished himself by the gallantry he had
displayed, and the exertions he had made. Sir Allan McNab
had received the distinct thanks of the Governor-General of
Canada, Lord Seaton, for the activity of his exertions, and the
vigour he displayed on these occasions. He afterwards
received the thanks of the Crown, and had that title conferred
upon him which, though not a high one, was valuable as a
testimony of the high sense entertained by the Crown of his
services.

" With respect to the party who held power in Canada
many of them had been deeply implicated in the rebellion. It
had been said the revolutionists were now the Government of
the country. There was one member of that Government who
gave his sanction to this measure brought in for the purpose,
or at least with the intent, of compensating and rewarding
individuals who had been his companions in a criminal
enterprise. It was of Mr. Lafontaine he spoke. If the noble
earl was led to believe that Mr. Lafontaine did not participate
in that enterprise, he was wholly misinformed. The statement

Lord Lyndiiurst's Speech,

169

was perfectly incorrect. There were persons who were
acquainted with the circumstances, and knew every part of the
transaction. The rebellion occurred in 1837 ; it broke out
again in 1838. Mr. Lafontaine was engaged in the rebellion
of 1837. He was then in Canada. He came to this country.
The E.xecutive Government issued a warrant against him, but
no person took the trouble to enquire into the facts. He
heard of the warrant and immediately left the country. He
never returned to Canada until after the rebellion was
suppressed.

" The noble earl said that it was difficult to ascertain who
were engaged in the rebellion — that they might know who
had been convicted or sent to Bermuda; but how should they
know who had been concerned in the rebellion — how could
they prove it? By documents in the possession of the
Government. Sir John Colborne said, he had taken 8<X)
prisoners with arms in their hands, and that they were
committed to prison, but afterwards discharged, as it was
impossible to try such numbers. How many claimants did
their lordships think there were for compensation among the
persons so designated as taken with arms in their hands?
352. These persons taken in arms against the Crown whilst
endeavouring to establish the independence of the colony,
were, by an Act framed by their rebel leader, to receive
compensation for the losses they had sustained. Was any-
thing so preposterous, so monstrous, ever before heard of.

"It had been argued that compensation was to be given
only for unjust, unnecessary and wanton destruction of pro-
perty ; but the Act went further and provided that compensa-
tion should be given for losses arising from the seizing, taking
and carrying away of goods. Why, that included the case of
the 800 men taken with arms in their hands, and under this
clause, they would be entitled to compensation for the arms
taken from them whilst in rebellion against the Crown. In
another clause it was proposed that persons should be com-
pensated in respect of any loss of property occasioned by
violence on the part of persons in Her Majesty's service.
How, he wished to know, could a rebellion be suppressed but

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The Like of Sir John A. Macdonald.

by violence ? A^'ain, compensation was to be ^iven for claims
arising in respect of the occupation of houses or buildings by
Her Majesty's naval or military forces, so that if it had been
found necessary to take possession of the houses of rebels,
they were to receive compensation for it. There was another
class of persons entitled to compensation under the Act,
whom there could be no difficulty in identifying. One
hundred and four persons were outlawed for treason. They
fled for it, and their names were placed on record. Where
would have been the difficulty of excepting them from the
beneficial operation of the Act? Were their lordships pre-
pared to sanction such a measure as this .-' Unless Canada
was to be deemed an independent state, their lordships were
bound to interfere to prevent the adoption of a measure which
was dangerous to the Empire and inconsistent with the
respect due to the British Crown.

" It had been said, and he had read it in print, that it was
not the intention of the promoters of the Act that rebels
should be included in its beneficial operation, and it was
added, that Mr. Baldwin, the Attorney-General, had made a
declaration to that effect. The intention of an Act could only
be found in its legal construction. If it were intended that no
rebels should participate in the benefit of the Act, why was it
not so declared in the Act itself? (Cheers). Not intended
that rebels should participate in its benefit! It was passed
principally with that view. (Cheers renewed). Mr. Lafon-
taine was pressed over and over again to state precisely what
was intended, but no satisfactory answer could be obtained
from him. What could be more conclusive as to the intention
of the supporters of the Act, than the reception given to Mr.
Wilson's amendment ? If it were intended that rebels should
not be compensated, why was not that expressly declared by
the adoption of the amendment, or, if there existed any
objection to the particular form of the amendment, why was
not its substance introduced into the measure in another
shape ?

" The noble earl had referred to a former Act brought in
by the Conservative party, and said that both the Acts must

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receive the same construction. It was necessary to look how
the Acts were to be applied, for, thouj^h drawn up in precisely
the same words, it was possible that they mi^ht be dianictri-
cally opposed to each other in operation. In Upper Canada
the population was loyal, almost to a man. When the Act
was framed for that province, it was not conceived possible
that any rebel would claim compensation under it. Loss was
notoriously confined to the loyal. What necessity then for
making any exceptions in the Acts?

'The noble earl, and a gentleman in another place for
whom he felt j^reat resjjcct, hatl referred to a circumstance for
the puri)()sc of showin<f what the intentions of the Conservative
party were with regard to a measure which they were expected
to have introduced. Lord Metcalfe appointed a commission
to enquire into losses sustained by the loyal inhabitants of
Lower Canada ; but, when Lord Cathcart succeeded Lord
Metcalfe, the instructions given to the commissioners were of
a different description. The comniissioiiers were de^iired to
classify claimants under the heads of ' !o)-al ' and ' disloyal,' or
persons who had been engaged in the rebellion. What was
the object of that commission? It was a commission to
enquire with a view to legislation after all the facts had been
ascertained. Did it follow that, because the Conservative
party found that rebels had preferred claims for compensation,
they therefore would have legislated in that sense? (Hear,
hear). That would be an inference. But what more? In
another part of the Session of 1H47, when the Opposition was
strong, the Conservative Government was pressed on the
subject of a Bill similar to that which had been proposed in
Upper Canada. The answer was, that the Government would
not bring in a Bill then, because the state of the Colonial
chest did not warrant such a proceeding, and that, at no time,
and under no circumstances, would that Government ever
introduce a Bill which would be inconsistent with the limited
provisions of Lord Metcalfe's commission. (Cheers).

"What were their lordships to do? Two alternatives were
before them. On the one hand they might pass the Bill and
keep up the agitation prevailing in Upper Canada, letting the

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172 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

consequences rest upon the Government — consequences so
alarming that it was impossible to contemplate them without
the most serious feelingr^ of dread. Their lordships might
pursue that course, or, on the other hand, they might take the
not unusual course of suspending the Royal assent to an
objectionable Bill, in order that another Bill, free from
objection, might be sent up. The latter course had been
pursued in this very case. It was originally proposed that
compensatic^n should be given out of the Imperial funds, and
the Bill containing that provision was rejected, with an
intimation that no objection would be taken to compensation
out of the Colonial chest. Why not act in a similar manner
in the present instance ? The noble earl had said that such a
course would lead to irritation. Why should it have that
effect ? The Attorney-General said that it was never intended
to compensate rebels ; the Governor-General intimated the
same thing. How easy, then would it be for Ministers to say
to the Canadian Assembly : * We are advised by our officers
that, by the construction of this Bill, rebels may, and, in some
instances, must be compensated ; in that respect it docs not
carry out your design, therefore bring in a Bill in accordance
with your intention, and it shall be passed.' (Cheers). How
could such a course of action give rise to irritation, when it
would merely be the adoption of the suggestion offered by the
promoters of the measure ?

" I am sorry," continued the noble lord, " that, departing
from my ordinary practice, I have had occasion to address
your lordships, and, perhaps it is the last time I shall ever do
so ; but, having held h"gh office under the Crown, and being
still its sworn servant, I feel strongly that this Bill compensat-
ing rebels is a mischievous measure and insulting to the
Government of this empire, and that I should have failed to
discharge an imperative duty imposed on me, had I not offered
to it my determined opposition." (Much cheering).

Lord Brougham, in the course of a very powerful speech,
went back to the date at which Canada had been wrested
from the French, and traced it:

istory

period,

giving a graphic description of the various causes which had

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Lord Brougham's Spkech.

^71>

finally culminated in the rebellion He then went on to say:
" There was much property destroyed by the rebels. Some
was destroyed by the militia and by the King's troops in
crushing the rebellion. And for some time nothing was done
with regard to this loss of property, or in order to give that
compensation, which all justice required, to those loyal men
whose property had so severely suffered in consequence of
their loyalty, and in discharge of their duties as loyal subjects.
But, afterwards, a Bill was passed, by which it was intended
that, as some damage had occurred in Upper as well as in
Lower Canada, some compensation should be given in Upper
Canada. But this had been the subject of the most false
statements — for I cannot call them mistakes — imaginable. It
is perfectly clear from the language of the Government, and
the manner in which the Act was carried into execution, that
it was never intended to grant compensation in the manner
that has been alleged. }^ut sometime afterwards an important
event happened. At the time to which I allude, when the
first Bill had passed, the British party, whom, for distinction,
I shall call also the loyal party, was in power. And I call
them the loyal party, not invidiously, but Mstorically, for
reasons wnich will presently appear as I go on. The British
party were in the councils of the Governor, and, moreO\ : r, all
measures were passed by a Canadian Parliament — at the time
British in substance and in loyalty — and these n tsures
included the one to which I have just .shortly referred — the
Upper Canada Bill (hear, hear, from the Duk-j of Wellington).
This 'Ticasure was followed by another event. Whether
judiciously or not, it is not for me to say — I speak with great
distrust of my own judgment upon such a subject, or on any
matter of party tactics — but unhappily, as the result proved,
the loyal British ministers of the Croum in Canada adopted
a course of policy to which I have always a great dislike with
all my love of conciliation and hatred of and aversion to
violence."

Lord Brougham here explains the Conservative negotia-
tions with the French-Canadians, and continues :

'The result was that a Ministry was chosen from tnJ

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174 The Life ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

party which I will not call the disloyal party, but which was
not the loyal party. The Prime Minister of the new Govern-
ment was Mons. A. H. Lafontaine, for whom and M.
Mondelet, I presented a petition in this House, in which they
complained of having been driven out of the country. He
fled h» .vever before it broke out. To use a Scotch expression,
' he wasn't out in the '38.' But he was obliged to go away to
save himself, and he was most undoubtedly implicated in the
rebellion. I have Sir John Colborne's account of it, with
which I shall not trouble your lordships, in which he is
charged with being one of the movers. It was quite a mis-
take, however, to suppose that an}- reward was offered for his
apprehension. For two or three other Ministers rewards were
offered, but not for Mr. Lafontaine. He was, however, most
forward and ostentatious in his disaffection. He wrote a
letter before he was in office to Monsieur Girouard, dated
February 18, 1839 (after the rebellion), in which he said,
' There is nothing new except that they are speaking of
coercion. Viger and Papineau will give you i^20,ooo to arm
the blue bonnets of the north (that was a cant phrase for the
disaffected Canadian population.) Let us stir them, (jthervvise
the subject will never awaken from its lethargic sleep.' This
is the exciting language of the Minister of the Crown after
the rebellion had been suppressed, and before he could venture
to go back to Canada. Now when 1 find that letter, in which
a Prime Minister shows he has been using most y jditious
language and endeavouring to keep the seeds of disaffection
alive, and to fan the cinders of rebellion into flame again, I
think I have enough to justify me in calling the party to
which he belongs disloyal. I don't call the Ministry disloyal
— they may be perfectly loyal, but after what has passed, I
have no right to call them lo\-al."

After a very elaborate argument, Lord Brougham wound
up by moving the following resolution :

" That by an Act passed in the Parliament; of Canada,
entitled ' An Act to provide for the indemnification of parties
in Lower Canada whose property was destroyed during che
rebellion of the yc.irs 1837-38,' no .security is offered against

Lord Brougham's Resolutions.

175

compensation, being given to persons engaged in the said rebel-
lion, that it is just and necessary, either by recommending a
further and amending Bill to the Legislature of Canada, or by
such other means as may be effectual, to provide security
against any compensation for losses sustained in the said
rebellion being given to persons engaged in or having aided
or abetted the Sr me."

The Bill, however, was supported by the English Govern-
ment, and was not disallowed.

Although seventy-nine petitions, all of which were adopted
at open meetings of the people, were presented to Lord Elgin
asking him to reserve the Rebellion Losses Bill for the signifi-
cation of Her Majesty's pleasure, he refused to do it. At the
same time he reserved six others, none of which were to be
compared in importance with this Bill. They were as follows:

An Act to raise an income of one hundred thousand
pounds out of the public lands of Canada for common school
education.

An Act to repeal a certain Act therein mentioned and to
make better provision for the naturalization of aliens.

An Act to secure titles to real estate to certain persons
naturalized under the Statute of Lower Canada, first William /;vA <^
IV., Cap. 53.

An Act to incorporate the Toronto and Lake Huron
Railroad Company.

An Act to incorporate the Queenston Suspension Bridge
Company.

An Act to amend the Act relating to Saving ; Banks.

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CHAPTER VII.

Mr. Baldwin's University Eili — Petitions of Queen's College against — Mr. Hincks
on Free Trade — NIr. Cayley on Protection — An Intercolonial Railway
advocated — The Seat of Government Question — Mr. Macdonald's motion in
favour of Kingston — For.Tiation of the British-American League — Meeting of
145 Delegates at Kingston — The platform of the Conservative party defined
as Protection, Confederation and Retrenchment —Address issued by the
League — Speeches by Delegates — Expression of opinion against an elective
Legislative Council.

DURING this session Mr. Baldwin passed his University-
Bill, by which King's Colle<fe was deprived of its re-
ligious character, and many other important changes effected.
He also proposed to confine the conferring of degrees to this
University, allowing the other colleges merely to retain the
right of conferring degrees of divinity. It met, however, with
the strongest opposition, and petivlons were forwarded from
the various religious bodie. against it. Of these, the one from
Queen's College so fully covers the ground, and embraces, in
so large a degree, all the objecuons entertained against the
Bill, that we give it in full. It will be found all the more
interesting that, of late years, similar ideas have been
advanced by some who have been trained in the same political
school. It is dated April 18, 1849, and is as follows :

To the Honourable the Legislative Ai^sembly of the Province' of Canada^ in
Provincial Parliament Assembled.

The petition of the Board of Trustees of the Universitj* of Queen's
College, Kingston, humbly sheweth.

That your petitioners as the trustees of one of the chartered
universities of the province, have carefully perused the University Bill
lately introduced into Parliauient, and, after the most mature consider-
ation, find theinse ves compelled to petition your honoi';'E.ble House
that the same be not passed into law in its present form.

1. The proposed Bill, by excluding from the Universitv all religious
teaching and observances, and requiring not even the religious test of
the amended charter, from its .professors, alienates the public endow-
ment from the purposes for which it was set apart, and dissolves the
connexion which ought always to subsist between religion and edi'ca
tion. When the original appropriation of Crown Lands was made in
1798, it was made by His Most Graciou ' Majesty George the Third,

176

Petition of Queen's College.

177

III

for the express purpose of proiiiotiii},' the instruction of youth : " First
by the estabHshuient of free {^rannnar schools in those districts in
which they were called for, and in due process of time, by establishing
other seminaries of a larger and more comprehensive nature, for the
pnjmotion of relij^ious and moral learuinj;;, and the study of the arts
and sciences." And the original charter of the institution, recited in
the amended charter, expressly states the obj(!ct of the establishment
of the University to be " the education of youth in the principles of the
Christian religion, and their instruction in the various branches of
science and literature." Vour petitioners, therefore, while they
acknowledge the constitutional right of your honourable House to
amend the original charter sf) as to promote the objects for which the
endowment was made, respectfully submit that that endowment cannot
be diverted from the great ends for which it was evidently and
expressly appropriated.

II. It appears also, from the original terms already quoted, in
which His Majesty George the Tliird assented to the proposal for the
public endowment, for educational purposes of a higher kind, that he
did so with the view of the endowment, not of one, but of several
"seminaries of a larger and more comprehensive nature," after the
grammar schools had been erected and put into operation. And
although yours petitioners were at one time in favour of the plan of
concentration, the increasing population and other circumstances in
the state of the country, and a more mature consideration of the whole
subject, have led to a change of this opinion, and they have very great
doubts whether the plan of concentrating all the means of miiversity
education in one particular locality, be the best adapted for promoting
the interests of education or inducing the attendance of students. In
other countries, as, for example. Great Britain and the States of New
England, it has been invariably found, that these have been best pro-
uKjtcd by universities being placed in different localities, and it may be
justly expected that several properly endowed colleges placed in
various paits of the province, will call forth the attendance of double
or treble the number of students, that one solitary university would do.
Your petitioners cannot regard it as just or desirable that the inhabi-
tants of every other section ol' the country should be subjected to tlie
great inconvenience and expense of sending their sons to Toronto,
Miany hundred miles from the tender care and watchful authority of
their pa. .;nts, as well as without any provision for their religious super-
intendence or instruction.

It seems also to your petitioners, a serious objection to concen-
trating the means of university education in one particular locality,
that no generous rivalry is provided for between kindred institutions.
Although some may think that a rich endowment ensures efficiency,
your petitioners are of opinion that such is not the case, that a richly

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178 The LiiK ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

endowed body, monopolizing tiie education of a country is verj' seldom,
if ever, efficient ^or the purposes in view ; that such a body, without
rivalry, wholly independent of public opinion or confidence for its
support, is apt to become inactive and indifferent, and careless about
adopting improvements, and that nothing is more conducive to excel-
lence than the rivalry of different institutions, each inciting the other to
new exertions, and striving, by efficiency and zeal, to merit the
confidence of the country.

It appears, moreover, to your petitioners, that the same objection
applies to the plan of concentrating all the means of a higher grammar
school instruction at Toronto, which they believe to be alike contrai'y
to the original object of the appropriation of the school lands for the
erection and endowment of superior grannnar schools in different parts
of the province, and unjust to the educational interests of other
sections of the country.

With respect to other chartered institutions surrendering their
rights of conferring degrees in the arts and faculties, except divinity,
which the measure contemplates, your petitioners can never, for the
reasons above stated, or in any circumstances whatsoever, consent to
surrender the university powers and privileges conferred on Queen's
College by Her Majesty's Koyal Lettei's Patent, powers and privileges
which are enjoyed by very few institutions in the British dominions.

May it therefore please your honourable House, for the reasons
above stated, not to pass into law the University Bill, lately introduced,
but to adopt such measures as shall seem in }()ur wisdom best fitted to
settle on a right and e([uitable basis, the long agitated question regard-
ing the public university endowment, and such as shall be most
advantageous I0 the educational interests of the country.

And your ,etitioners will t^ 'jr pray, etc.,

(Signed) F. A. H/vRPER, Chairman.

When the Inspector-General, Mr. Hincks, made his Budget
Speech, he argued strongly against the impolicy of protection
and in favour of free tratic, and the views expressed by him
then, and by Mr. Caylcy on the other side, were identical with
those urged by the Reform and Conservative parties when the
National I'oHcy was introduced by Sir Leonard Tiiley in
1879. Mr. Hincks thus defined his views: " Political economy
suppo.sed mankind to be engaged in pursuit of wealth — that
wealth consisted in the possession of articles which were agree-
able or necessary to man ; those articles were produced by
labour, and the true p >licy was to allow men to labour and to
exchange their productions for the productions of the labour

Mr. Hincks' on Free Trade.

179

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of other persons, as free from any restrictions as possible,
and when a Legislature was obliged to impose any duties, they
should be imposed so as to prevent as little as possible the
interchange of productions. He wholly dissented from the
principle that any manufacture should be protected in any
countr)-. What did the protectionists want? That they
should prevent the introduction of foreign manufactured
goods into the country, so as to compel the people to manu-
facture things which they would not otherwise do, because
they were better employed at other things. This was an
unsound principle, and one which would deprive the country
of its revenue and reduce it to bankruptcy. Then, in a
political point of view : First, he would refer them to the
despatches of Lord Grey, and he (Mr. Hincks), would ask
what interest Great Britain would have in keeping up any
connection with this country, if they were going to deprive her
of the power of trading with them, and to keep her manufac-
tures out, instead of carrying on an exchange beneficial to both
countries ; if they excluded her manufactures, what interest
could she have in keeping up any connection and protecting
them as she did at present ? None ! He could not look upon
it as anything else than a declaration of independence, and it
would be better if those parties boldly came out and declared
it to be such, and then he would understand them. The next
point which he would endeavour to establish was, that the
protective policy was impracticable. They knew from exper-
ience that if they put any high duty upon any article — such a
duty as wcnild operate as a protection — that it was impossible
to collect it, and with such an extensive frontier, it was impos-
sible to prc\ent smuggling, even with every precaution they
could adopt.

" What was there to prevent the people of this country
from manufacturing broadcloths? liecause labour was too
high ; and wh\' ? liecause the people could engage them-
selves more pnjfitably at other things, and nothing could shew
the prosperity of the country better than when it enabled
them to get the advantage of the experience of the mechanics
in Manchester in the manufacture of cloths, while they were

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TiiH Lii'E OK Sir Juhn A. Macdonald.

engaged at something more profitable. But it has been said
that, if they did not get manufactures estabhshed they would
go back. He asked them to look at the statistics and census,
and see the large amount of land cultivate^ now, compared
with what was ten years ago. No one could tell him that a
country in which wild land was turned into corn fields at such
/ a rate as it had been, was not prosperous. And let them look
at the number of manufactures which had sprung up and that
without any protection, and which flourished without it. Why
would they not allow the people to think for them.selves ?
They must know which was the most profitable occupa-
tion for them.selves. Two or three men took it into their
heads to start glass manufactures in the country, and then
they asked us to protect them, because they said they could not
compete with other people ; that Canada was a sacrifice
market and that they were ruined by foreigners sending their
goods to be sacrificed here. He hoped such was the case, for
he did not see how people sending out their goods here to
sacrifice them could ruin this country, on the contrary he
thought it would benefit it."

To this Mr. Cayley replied that " his honourable friend had
enumerated one or two branches of trade, but had omitted
others which had been materially encouraged by the removal of
the duties from the raw material, for example, from dye stuff,
wool and teasles employed in woollen factories ; from pig iron,
bar, rod and hoop iron, in the manufacture of nails, scythes>
axes, machinery and castings. He (Mr. Cayley) had always
advocated the principle of imposing duties for revenue, and
was prepared to give his humble support to the honourable the
Inspector-General to carry out that principle ; but, as long as
the foreign markets were closed by high duties to Canadian
products and manufactures, he would advocate moderate
protection to the Canadian agriculturists and manufacturers.
The Honourable the Inspector-General had pronounced
protection to be unsound, unpolitical and impracticable. He
(Mr. Cayley) was prepared to acquiesce in that doctrine,
whenever a free interchange of products and manufactures
should be establi-shed with their American neighbours and

Mk. Caylev on Pkotf.ction.

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foreign markets ; but he did not understand that principle of
free trade which adv(jcatcd the throwing open of Canadian
markets to foreign products while foreign markets continued
closed to Canadian products. The scheme of the honourable
the Inspector-General he considered to be most defective and
objectionable, as showing a total disregard to the manufactur-
ing and agricultural interests of the province. The proposed
Bill made a most .sweeping reduction of duty on cattle,
removed it entirely from wheat and Indian corn, reduced it
ruinousl)' to the distiller, on whiskey, the manufacture of which
absorbed a \ ' > y large quantity of the coarse grains of the
country, and threw it almost entirely off of leather and leather
manufactures ; in short going back to, or rather below the
scale oi' 1S44, which woukl most ruinously affect the farmer
and others connected with that branch of trade. On the other
hand, the duty was increased on .salt, on tin, lead, pig iron, bar
and rod iron, hoop and sheet iron, boiler plate, 'm fact every
description of iron which entered into the manufacture of nails,
scythes, axes, tools, boilers, castings, engines, and machinery
of all kinds. Not to deal in general terms, he would take the
article of leather and leather manufactures. Since the
adoption of the tariff of 1845, tanneries had sprung up in every
direction, and the home manufacture of boots and shoes had
increased to a very great extent. The new tariff would have
the effect of seriously depressing both these branches of trade
The return laid before the House by the Board of Statistics
showed that upwards of ninety new tanneries had been
established in Upper Canada within the last four or five years,
an indication of the impulse which had been given to that
branch of manufacture by the tariff of 1845. He had been
informed, within the last few days, that the owner of a large
tannery in Terrebonne, one of the largest in Lower Canada^
was prepared to abandon the business as hopeless, if the nev.-
tariff, reducing the duty on leather, went into operation. That
establishment required i," 18, 000 to carry it on, gave daily
employment to from twenty-four to thirty hands, and turned
out on an axeragc 24,000 sides of leather per annum, and
required a yearly supply of 7,000 cords of bark, an article

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182 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

which was otherwise of very little value, but which afforded,
in strippinf^- and carting, a good deal of einpl(>>'ment to the
poorer populaticjn. Nf)vv what was the reason that the tanner
apprehended such injurious conseciucnces from the reduction
of duty? Was it that he could not manufacture as cheaply?
Or that labour was higher, and that lie could not compete
with the American producer? No! for, if reference were
made to the average prices of leather and leather manufactures
for the last four }'ears, that is to sa)', f<jr the four j'cars of pro-
tection, it would be found that the average was lower than that
f' for the four antecedent years, with less protective duties. The
; true explanation was that, in taking off the duty, the <'."anadian
\ market would be thrown open to the American manufacturer,
while, without some reciprocal arrangement, the American
market would continue closed to the Canadian manufacturer,
and the market of the latter, consequently, would be liable at
any time to be flooded by the surplus stock from the
neighbouring states, and the result of such liability was, not to
keep down prices permanently, but to destro)- the manu-
facturer by exposing him to a competition against which he
could not struggle ; for, while his only market was thus
forestalled by the American producer, it was not the real
market of that producer, but operated as a safety valve for him,
through which he could dispose of his surplus stock at first cost
or at a sacrifice, to maintain prices in his own home market.
Had the scheme of reciprocity of the honourable the President
of the Council been carried out, the whole appearance of the
question would have been changed ; but, as it was, so long as
the American market remained closed to Canadian products
the Canadian market could not be thrown open, without
producing most injurious effects on our own manufacturers
who, by degrees, would be compelled to give way to the
importer, and the result in the long run would be that the
market here would be controlled by New^ York prices, but
ranging at a higher figure to cover commission charges, etc.
As a general rule, unless perfect reciprocity was established
with the United States, he was prepared to advocate protection
to agriculture and home manufactures, by following the

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Mk. Stfaknson on Pkotkction.

example set them In- their neighbours across the lines in
keepinj; up the liuties on all articles that entered into cc)mi)eti-
tion with their own products."

Mr. .Stevenson, who followed on the same side, expressed
similar views. He said that " he entirely dissented from the
proposition that a protective tariff was unsound in theory and
contrar)' to true political economy. It was only necessary to
open our c\es and we saw proof to the contrar)- in the prac-
tical operation of every civilized i^overnment. There was no
nation that ever existed that had a better knowled^^e of
dollars and cents, or that knew better how to turn the
cents into dollars, than the people of the United States. Vet
they, from the commencement of their national existence, had
acted on this principle. In ail the chan^^es of jiart)', whether
whig, democrat or locofoco, the)' had been true to the prin-
ciple of protection for domestic manufactures ; by follow-
ing which thc)' had increased in wealth beyond any other
nation. Hut he need not confme himself to one nation.
Every nation in ICurope acted upon thc same principle,
England, indeed hatl taken a step towards free trade ; with
her capital and skill in manufactures she might well invite
free trade. But though she offered the boon and had removed
all restrictions on the importation of corn, has any other
nation advanced a step to meet her ? No ! there was not a
nation in Europe that had remitted one iota of duties on
British manufactures, but, on the contrary, in some instances,
as in lielgium, increased them.

" But if we place a high protective duty on all the articles
wc could conveniently manufacture, we should )'et import as
large an amount of goods from Great Britain, perhaps, as we
did now. rie admitted our imports from the United States
might be less. We should require to import that class of
goods which the skill of the English manufacturer could
produce better than any other, but wc should make for our-
selves our own tools and implements antl many bulky articles
peculiar to this country, and which are now imported from thc
United States. He would show hereafter that our increase in
manufactures would not lessen our imports, but, on the con-

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trary, would increase them, because it would increase our
power to pay for them.

" He considered that the proj^ositinn that j>rotcction was
impracticable was a singular assertion, and what were the
ar^,'umcnt^ used to support it ? They were these: that wc
have such an extensive frontier wc could not prevent sinu^^-
ling. Was our frontier longer than that of the United States?
Was it easier to carry j^oods one mile south than one mile
north? Had not the United States hatl a hij;her protective
tariff for many years? Had it proved itnpractictibk ior them
to j)r()tect their manufactures? They were alive to their
interests, he hoped we would awaken to our own. The
Honourable the Inspector-(ieneral had told us that his tariff
was not for protection but for revenue. It was so. It
fostered no cla.ss ; it benefited no part of Canada ; but, on
the contrary, so far as lej^islative enactment would jjo, its
direct tendency was to injure our trade and manufactures,
and lessen the products of the country.

"The Honourable the Inspector-General a.sserted that the
prot>. -tion of our manufactures would diminish our imports.
This was contrary to the most simple rule of trade. So far
from domestic manufactures havinjj a tendency to diminish
imports it was the contrary. They increa.sed the products of a
country anil thereby enabled the inhabitants to import more
because they could pay for more. Tltc amount of our imports
was re<^ulated by our ability to pay. If the produce of
Canada was double what it was, our imports would double.
Was it not the fact that I'-n^land, the j^reatest manufacturinj;
nation, imports more in proportion than an)- other? Was it
not also a fact that the United States, notwithstanding the
extent and perfection of her manufactures, now imported as
much for every head as Canada did ? Notwithstanding^ her
protective tariff, her imports increased as fast as her popula-
tion. The difference was this — the country that had no
manufactures imported the necessaries of life, the country that
had manufactures imported the luxuries of life. It had been
the rule of all civilized jiovernmcnts in levying duties, or
laying on taxes of any kind, to study the interests of the

Intercolonial Raiiavav I'koii.< t.

1 8:

people, but these resolutions proposed a plan that was dircctl>-
at variance with our interest, their tendency was to discourage
what they should foster, and embarrass thai portion of our
trade which it should be the aim of legislatit)n to support and
increase."

At this time the project of an intercolonial railway occu-
pied a large share of public attention in the different pro-
vinces. His Excellency the Governor-General, in a despatch
to Karl Grey, .strongl)' insisted on the advantaj^es which the
mother country, tis well as the colonies, would derive from the
execution of such a work, the various legislatures expressctl
their desire to .see it com|)leled and passed resolutions
embodying their views and mentioning the aid they were
prepared to give to the undertaking. It does not, however,
appear to have been contemplated to build the road out of the
funds of the provinces, but rather that the Imperial Govern-
ment should construct it and receive from the provinces such
aid as they were able to give This is evident from the reso-
lutions introduced in the Canadian Parliament by Mr. Hincks
which were to the effect that if the Home Government should
undertake the building of the railway between Halifax and
Quebec, Canada should undertake to pay yearly a sum not
exceeding ;{J^20,ooo sterling, to make good the deficiency, if
any, in the income of the railway necessary to meet the
interest of the sum cxf)ended upon it, and should place jit the
disposal of the Imperial Government all ungranted lands
within the province lying on the line of railway, to the extent
of ten miles on each side, and also all the lanti required for
the line of railway and for proper stations and termini. Sim-
ilar resolutions were passed in the Legislatures of Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick. The latter province was appa-
rently not a'' ancing and the building of railways was looked
upon as a means of bringing back some of the prosjxirity
which had formerly existed. At a very large meeting of the
inhabitants of the city of St. John, it was resolved " that the
construction of railroads within the province will be the most
effectual means of checking the ruinous emigration of its
inhabitants, and of raising its commerce, manufactures and

1 86 Thk Life of Sir John A. Macdonald

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agriculture from the state of depression into which they are
now sunk, and that it was the imperative duty of the Legisla-
ture to aid in any public works from which such desirable
results could be obtained."

In consequence of the riots which had taken place in
Montreal after the passing of the Rebellion Losses Bill, it was
felt necessary to remove the seat of GcncrniTicnt to some
other p'acc, and accordingly a series of resolutions to that
effect was moved by Mr. Sherwood. These, after reciting tae
cause which led to Montreal being .selected as the seat of
Government and the circumstances under which the Parlia-
ment liuildings were burned down, recomincniled to the
(jovernor-Gencral "that, after the present .session, His I'Lxcel-
Icncy will be pleased to convene the Parliament alternately at
Toronto and (Juebcc, during jxjriods not exceeding four years
at each place, the first sitting under this arrangement to be
held at such of the two places mentioned as His l^xccilency
in his discretion may deem most advisable for the general
good."

A lengthy debate ensued, during the course of which .Mr.
Macdonald moved the following amendment :

" That an humble address be presented to His ICxcellcncy
the Governor-General, representing U) His Kxcellcncy

" That, at the time of the Union, the seat of the Provincial
Government was, after due consideration, fixed at Kingston,
and the first Parliament of United Canaila held at that place.

" That the Government purchased a large and valuable
tract of land in Kingston, for the purpose of erecting thereon
the public buildings required for the accommodation of the
Government and Legislature, and that this tract still remains
public property and available for such purpo.ses.

" That the inhabitants of Kingston e.\pendcd large sums
of mcjney in providing for the increase <>( population conse-
quent upon its being made the capital of the province, in the
expectation and on the assurance of its remaining permanently
the metropoli.s.

" That the subsetjuent removal of the seat of Government to
Montreal was deeply injurious to the prosfX-Tity of Kingston,

The Seat of Government Question.

187

and ruinous to very many of its inhabitants who had embarked
their capital in providing accommodation for the influx of
|x>pulation.

"That, in the opinion of this House, Kingston, from its
central situation at the foot of the jjreat chain of lakes, and at
the head of the river St. Lawrence, from its accessibility at all
seasons of the year and from the strength of its position and
fortifications, is jxiculiarly well adapted for the scat of the
Government of this province.

"That these considerations, as well as the recollection of
the uninterrupted peace kept, and respect for the law shown by
the jx.'oplc of Kingston, while it remained the capital of the
province induce this House to recommend His Kxcellency to
appoint Kingston again as the scat of Government and the
place for convening the Provincial Legislature, should he, in
the exercise of the Royal Prerogative, be pleased to remo\ e it
from its present location. "

This amendment was lost by a vote of 51 to 10 as was also
another amendment by Mr. L)'on rcciucsting His l^xcellciic\-
to remove the seat of Government to Hytown, and the f)riginal
motion was carried by 34 to 29.

The action of the Government in passing the Rebellion
Losses Hill, their policy of non-protection to the manufacturing,
commercial and agricultural interests and other acts, induct-d a
feeling of uneasiness and insecurity in the countr)-, which
finally found expression in the formation of the British-
American League in Montreal. The first officers elected were :

President — Honourable George Mofifatt.

Vice-Presidents — Harrison Stephens, T. Wilson, I'. G.
Johnson, D. Gorrie.

Executive Committee — J. G. .Sims, John Orr, .Archibald
Macfarlane, John Jones, John Ivsdailc, J. (i. Mackenzie, James
Matthewson, William Spier, John Smith, Ivsciuires.

Secretaries — W. G. Mack and J. H. Isaacson.

Treasurer — H. E. Montgomerie.

Their address was issued, not to any particular political
party or nationality, but to "the inhabitants of Canada." It
commenced by saying that those who issued the address had

\, V

lil The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

Yj>X

considered the time as fittiri}^ "to ascertain public opinion
upon many important subjects intimately connected with the
social, commercial, and political welfare of the inhabitants of
this province.

That commercial distress and j^eneral depression in every
department of industry exist throughout the province to an
extent unparalleled in the history of the colony is admitted by
all men of unbiassed judgment and adequate opportunities of
observation ; by commercial men of the greatest experience,
and political economists of every shade of opinion, who, while
they all bear concurrent testimony to the truth of this state-
ment (as a fact all alike must feel the mournful weight), differ,
nevertheless, to some extent, from eac i other as to the
immediate causes from which this result has flowed, and the
prospective measures most likely to afford relief.

"It is neither necessary nor proper at this time to pro-
nounce an opinion upon causes with respect to which man)'
intelligent and experienced minds are in conflict with each
other, nor upon remedies requiring more general concurrence
and authority than of necessity belong to the limited sphere of
duty now allotted to us. The discussion of these subjects will
properly belong to the people of Canada. The duty of the
association which now addresses you is of a preliminary nature
merely. It is for us to point out the exigency of the time ;
for you to consider the causes from which that exigency has
arisen, and to suggest the remedies best calculated to obtain
relief To anticipate public opinion upon matters of such
deep and general interest, would be presumptuous and
unw^arrantable ; to invite it we hold it to be no less our duty
than right."

/ " Besides the commercial and industrial depression now
weighing upon our community, evils of a social and political
character exist among us to an extent unknown in any other
portion of the British dominions.

"Without descending to enumerate subjects which are
confined to the narrow arena of party strife, it is sufficiently
evident that our political system requires modification and
improvement.

I '

AuDkESS TO Till-: I'Kui'i.E OF Canaim.

189

y
d

*' The diversity ol national origin, in itself so potent an
impediment to projjrcss; its bearing; and influence upon the
{general interests of the colony by the mere expedient of
junction, apart from principle; the system of representation;
the tenure of lands in the Lower I'rovince; the comi)osition
of the Legislative Council and many other topics of far too
great importance to be approached without cjiution or touched
without dispassionate enquiry by the people at large, all
pointing to the necessity of concentrating and asserting public
opinion upon such matters.

"The means which we would respectfully suggest of sub-
jecting the grievances of the people to regular discussion and
ultimate redress, are simple, natural and obvious. They are
the means by which, in other countries all that is great,
enduring and admirable has been obtained ; before which evils
the most deep rooted, and abuses the most powerful, have
invariably yielded, and without whose agency it is perhaps
not too much to assert that no public object of dignity or
importance can, in the present day, be reached.

" These means, so vast in attainment, so powerful in
agency, and yet so simple in contrivance, arc expressible in a
single word, and that word is — organization."

The address then went on to urge the formation of
societies and the election of delegates to attend a convention
to be held at such time and place as might be determined on.

The scheme proposed by the British-American League
was warmly received in the country, societies were everxwhere
formed, and on July 25, 1849, the convention met in the city
of Kingston, when 145 delegates answered to their names.
While all of these were men of the highest respectability and
character, many of them were men who then and since were
in the enjoyment of the fullest confidence of the country.
Many of them have occupied the positions of Ministers of the
Crown, others have been promoted to the bench, while others
as senators and members of the House of Commons have
spent many years in the .service of their country. Amongst
others there were present Honourabies George Moffatt, John
A. Macdonald, George Crawford and Messrs. J. Macdonald, Asa

190 Thk Lifk ok Sir John A. Macdonalo.

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A. Hurnh.im, J. C. Hoswcll, K. H. Throop, George Monro, T.
S. Uixon, John Lan^ton, Rolland Macdonald, G. W. Bowes,
A.J. McDoncll, W. Gamble, Hu^^h Scobie, J. G. Vansittart,
John O. Hatt, John R. I^'orsyth, John Henry Pope, Charles
Brooks, Robert R. Smiley, Alexander McLean, Ogle R.
Gowan, Edmund Murnej-, Henry Corby, Charles L. Herch-
mer, Robert Read. G. C. Hogert, Henry Jones Ruttan, 1*. M.
Vankoughnet, D. B. Stevenson and Donald Bethune.

The chair was occupied by the Honourable George
Moffatt.

The following were elect.ed as officers :

President — Honourable George Moffatt, Montreal.

Vice-Presidents — Honourable W. Allan, Toronto; John
Young, Esquire, Hamilton ; John R. Forsyth, Estjuire, Kings-
ton; Thomas Wilson, Ivsquire, Quebec; John Prince, Esquire,
Sandwich ; Honourable W. Morris, Montreal.

Corresponding Secretary — VV. Gordon Mack, Esquire, Mon-
treal.

Recording Secretary — J. H. Isaacson, Esquire, Montreal.

Treasurer — H. E. Montgomerie, Ivsquire, Montreal.

Executive Committee — Ogle R. Gowan, Esquire, Brockville;
J. VV. Gamble, 1 squire, Vaughan ; J. McGillis, E.squire, Glen-
garry; Daniel Gorric, Esquire, Montreal: D. G. Sloane,
E.squire, Melbourne; (ieorge Duggan, Esquire, Toronto; J.
G. Vansittart, Esquire, Woodstock ; John Langton, Ivsc|uire,
Peterborough; William Stewart, ICsquire, Bytown; R. Harvey,
E.scjuire, Maitland.

The resolutions which were passed were of the most
important character and have ever since remained as the
platform of the Conservative party. Some of these referred
to the state of the country, the acts of the then Government,
and of the (iovernor-General, and to other questions which
have long since disappeared from the political arena, but the
main ones have remained unto this da)-, and are, at the
present time, even more thoroughly- endorsed than they were
then. They were three in number as follows : Protection to
Home Industry;' Economy and Retrenchment; and the Con-
federation of all the Provinces; and after the resolutions were

■I

Resolutions Passed.

191

rt,
cs
R.
h-
A.

'J;

passed, they were crjstallizcd into an address to the inhabi-
tants of Canada, of which the following is an extract :

"The true elements of your country's wealth, the certain
indices of her prosperity, can only be developed by the
adoption of measures which will fill her cities with the busy
hum of industry, make her streams the outlets of that wealth
which will be poured forth from the loom and the foundry, the
teeming harvests of her soil, and the produce of her primeval
forests.

" For the attainment of these results it is essential that a
tariff, carefully and considerately adopted, should be so pro-
portioned anil levied as to afford just and adetjuate protection
to every industrial class — the agriculturist, the manufacturer,
the mechanic — so as to build up the prosperity of the farmer
and the arti/.an side by side with the growing wealth of the
manufacturer, so as to create a home market for home indus-
try and enrich together consumer and producer. The present
tariff is simi)ly inadcc|uate to protluce results so manifestly
essential to the interests of our countrj-. The present Govern-
ment is pledged to free trade principles.

"Three subjects among those which have engaged our
deliberations stand prominently forth, demanding your earl-
iest attention.

"By the first of these — a union fjf all the Hriti.sh-American
provinces — it has been proposed in this convention to la}- the
foundations for making this country a great nation upon a
solid and enduring basis.

" Impressed with the weight of such a proposal, but uncer-
tain as to the sentiments of the sister colonies, this convention
has proposetl a conference with those i)rovinces by a delega-
tion of some of its members ; meanwhile it recommends this
great question to your mature deliberation.

" The .second great movement in which we invite your
co-operation is that for retrenchment and economy in the
public expenditure.

" The third is that still more great and vital movement we
are prepared to make in favour of protection to home industry.

" Inscribe these glorious rallying cries upon your banners,

' ''Wi

1; ' ' «|n

192 TiiK Like ok Sir John A. Macdonaij).

glorious because they will elevate your country from failure
to success, from ruin to prosjK'rity. They will unite with )uu
all honest men, all men of reason and true patriotism. Keep
them before you in )our assemblies, procure for them the
assent and advocacy of jour neighbours. Support no man at
the hustings who will not pledj^e himself to wise and salutary
retrenchment, who will not agree to raise his voice in favour
of protection. So shall you elevate this )-(iur country into a
great nation of free men, fostered by and in amity atul con-
nection with (ireat Hritain, preserving her time-hallowed
institutions, adopting her old trade principles, under which she
has flourished for centuries and her pe(jpl'j have grown the
richest on the face of the globe, those great trade principles
which in the neighbouring union have also been ad(ipted, and
have established that mighty and prosperous nation.

The arguments advanced by the various speakers were
clear, forcible and convincing, and can be recalled with both
plCfXsure and profit as embodying the views of the last genera-
tion up<jn a subject which has since risen to such importance.

Mr. Gowen who moved the resolution in favour of protec-
tion to home manufactures said that "this was one of the mtjst
important subjects which could engage the attention of the
meeting, for the proposition he was about to submit aimed at
the removal of those commercial embarrassinents under which
the country is labouring, and therefore was one deserving the
consideration of every man having the welfare of his country
at heart, no matter to what political party he may belong. He
(Mr. (iowen) had not entered the convention for the purpose
of building up any party : he had desired rather that .some
principles of future action, in reference to the substantial
interests of the conntry, should be agreed upon, in which all
cou'd unite, and he believed protection to home industr\- to be
of this description. The people of this country had often
looked to a neighbouring one, .separated from this but b)' an
imaginary line, and, while labouring under severe depressifin
in all their industrial interests, had seen their neighbours in
the enjoyment of manufacturing and commercial pros[)erity,
and they had been led from the contrast to ask the reason of

Mk. (ioNVKN's Si'i;i;i II.

193

this difference of cotulition. CanacUi possessed ;is fertile a
soil, as industrious and untcrprisinj^ a people as the I'nited
States ; the ilisparity therefore could n<>t be traced to the
absence of these elements. He believed it was attributable to
this fact that, while the returns for enterprise antl labour in this
country were sent to a distant market to procure various
descriptions of manufactured articles, the Americans kept a
j,'reat portion of theirs at home. The Canatlians had had
sufficient exiKirience to convince them that a foreign market
was not to be trusted, and that they should now look at home,
and, by encouraj^inj; the growth of domestic manufactures,
raise up a bcxiy of non-producers who would create a market
in the country for the proiluctions of its soil. With such a
home market those enj^a^ed in the trade would not have to
complain as they now do, for uncertainty would \^\\c way to
a steadiness in trade to which the)' hail hitherto bv-en stranj^^ers.
If they looked to the neighbouring States what ilid they find?
All knew the immense aj^ricultural resources of the ^reat west
aiui the flooil of produce which, pourinj^ down by the ^reat
lakes, sought eastern and foreign markets b)' the Krie Canal.
Hut, he would like to ask, would there have been a " great
west ' unless there had been a 'great east?' It was to the
rapidh- increasing manufactures of the -cast that the progress
of the west was fairly attributable. It was to the interchange
of the produce of the loom and the anvil with the produce of
the soil that they owed their common prosperity. It could
not be said that this country was destitute of those natural
ailvantages which had assisted so materially in the i)rospcrity
of the one adjoining. Canada posses.sed them to an e.vtent
([uite as great, if not greater. Nature had dntie everything
for her. It was only that its inhabitants had failed to
perform their duty to themselves, that the country is not more
prosjx'rous than it is. The Americans had wisely protected
their enterprise and their industry against foreign competition.
To insure the same success Canada must produce the same
policy. It is because she has not done so heretofore that
many of her people have found themselves comixilled to
change their position, and seek in the neighbouring States a

194 TiiK LiFK OF Sik John A. Macdonald.

• 4^

field and a remunerative price for their labour, and that pros-
jx'rity f)f which they saw no pros{>cct here, under the existing
condition of thin^js. He desired to see, in this country, a
measure ado|)ted for the puriM)se of assistinj^ and encouraging;
manufactures. He desired to see the raw material for manu-
factures, and those articles which entered largely and neces-
sarily into the consumption of the labourin},^ classes, such, for
instance, as tea, su^jar, etc., adinitted cither free or at a merely
nominal duty, but he desired that f»)rei^n manufactures, which
^ v^\ by their import would come into injurious coinpctition with
U the industry of our own country, should be so taxed as to
V afford to the domestic manufacturer an adcHiuale protection."
' Mr. Gamble confes.sed that " he looked upon all other
questions as but of secondary importance. Me felt that the
c]uestion involved was of vital importance to the country.
Many of its peoi)le had already left it in the hope of bettering
their condition among a neighbouring people, and it was not
too jnuch to assume that, unless Canada adopted a policy
which would make her keep up with the United States in
progress, she would be compelled to a union uith those States.
Such a result was inevitable. It was our duty, by the adoption
of a wi.sc policy now, to avoid an alternative which could oiil\
be contemplated, by every loyal man, as a last resort. Jiut we
had already, in his opinion, been forced into this position — we
must consider the interests of this province and legislate for
those interests irrespective of those of any other country.
Great Ikitain, in virtually abandoning her colonial .system,
had placed us commercially upon the .same footing as a
foreign people, and our action must alone have reference to
that fact. He could not say that he regretted that such was
now the case. He had always considered the commercial
interests of the parent state as at variance with the interests
of its colonics. The laws regulating trade were framed for
the advantage of the people of Great Britain, but, while they
embraced protection to colonial interests, it was but natural
that in return the colonies should submit to tho.se restrictions
which the people of the parent state deemed essential to the
maintenance of their commercial position — that there should

aaaaH!;r.^i»uaj^MJ

Mk. Gamijlk's SriiKcii.

'95

be reciprocity between them. And it was c(|ually natural
that the British (ioverninent should seek to render that trade
as beneficial .is possible to its own interests. Th.it was a wise
policy. The people of the United States in like manner
protected their own interests, but without reference to those of
any other country. They h.id early adopted a protective
system, and untler that system had rapidly attained to a hi^h
tlej^ree of prosperity. Our situation is very similar to that of
our neighbours, and a jjolicy which had proved beneficial to
them could hardly fail to be attendeil by a like result in
Canada. We must adopt the same policy, and in like manner
seek to raise our own country from depression to a state in
which enterprise and industry will meet their ileserved reward.
He confessed that in his youth he had been instructed, and
believed in, those commercial doctrines so ably laiil down by
Adam Smith, and which seemed to him at all times to consti-
tute a very beautiful theory of trade. lUit he hail ne\er seen
that theory carried out in practice. There was no reciprucit)'
of trade such as that contemplated by the author of ' The
Wealth of Nations.' Every country was forced to look
to Its own interests, and Canada must now do the same.
She must look to her own advantage irrespective of any other
country. We had hitherto erred in separating the pnxluccr
and the consumer. Hereafter wc must endeavour to unite
them. They should take a place side by side and mutually
assist each other.

" It had been said that the people of Canada were not as
enterprising as those of the neighbouring Union. Under
equal circumstances this assertion was not true. Hut appear-
ances were at present against us, and why ? Simply because
on one side of an imaginary line industry was encouraged and
enterprise met with its due reward under a national protective
system, while on this there was nothing to stimulate the one
or the other. For the same reason the great body of
emigrants from the British Isles prefer the United States,
where a better reward for labour and a larger return for capital
invited them. He desired to sec a system adt)pted here
which would put an end to this disparity, which would draw

196 Tin: Like of Sir John A. M.\( ijonald.

out the latent energies of the people and develop the resources
of a country unsurpassed in natural advantages by any one
on this continent.

" The United States, previous to the war of 181 2, had been
depeiulent, as we are now, upon Great Britain for manufac-
tured articles, but that war necessitated thcin to look more at
home and to establish an actual independence by substituting
the products of home for foreign industry. He believed that
the .Americans owed the greater part of their surprising pros-
perity to that war, for the simple reason that it forced them
to become a manufacturing as well as an agricultural people.
Certainly their progress previous to i<Si2 bore no comparison
to that which marked the subseciucnt period. .\iul in the
changes which have marked their go\ermneiit froin that
period to the present, he hesitated not to sa}' that it would be
found that their advance was in proportion to their adherence
to the i)rinciples of a pn^tective sj-stem. A short deviation
from it brought on the bankruptc)- and commercial disasters
(jf 1S37. That .system, if adopted here, would be found to
benefit all classes. The farmer could afford U) pa)- a little
more for his cloth if he had at his own door a ready market
for wool, and for many other articles of farm produce which
will not bear transportation, in like manner the manufac-
turer could afford to pay rc.nunerative prices for grain when
he had at iiome a market for the pnjdiire of his looms. The
labourers employed by both would aild largel)' to the mass of
consumers and contribute materially to the extension of the
market. There would be an adequate reward for labour, and
a suitable return for invested capital, and the countr)- would
become prosperous, seeing nothing in the neighbouring Union
worthy of desire."
lr(} In order to test the feeling of the convention upon the
subject of an elective Legislative Council, a motion was made
to that effect, but it met with a decided negative, the vote
standing 89 to ly against the prcjposition.

CHAPTER VII I.

1849-51.

(Ircat (kprcssion in Canada — Conservative remedy therefor — Annexation movc-
nu-iit in Montreal — Address si^;ned \>y 3J5 inlluentini men in favour of the
niovcnu-nt issued to Canadians— Article in the London 7'hnes — Meeting; of
i'r.rhanRiit May 14, 1S50 —Control of I'osl Dfficc vested in |)rovin(ial
authoritie^— i'etition from Kinjjston ajjainst convict labour — Attack liy the
.Xorth .tineridm im the Administration —The iiroi)osed policy — Opinions of
the Glo/>e -The Hudson Hay Ciim])any's territory — Movements in favor of
railroad communication — Mi. Macdonald's speech at (lanantKiue.

AT this time Canada was in a state of depression almost
impossible to describe; from want of local manufactures ki-
the country was being drained of its cash; the magm'ficent
water power allowed to remain unused ; agriculture was tleclip-
ing for want of a home market and the means of conveying
the surplus products of the land cheaply and easily from the
place of its production to foreign inarkets; all enterprise was
crippled anil the country becoming more and more impov-
erished, whilst the neighbouring republic was being built up
b\- the sale to us of its manufactures and the removal of the
best and the most enterprising of our young men to its
territories. The remedy for this state of affairs from a Con-
servative point of view was laid down in the resolutions of the
Hritish- American League, and while this runious state of
affairs was fully realized and dwelt upon by all of the
speakers, no doubt appears to have been entertained by them
as to the future of the country if rigid economy were prac-
tised, all the provinces joined in one confederation and
manufactures built up by a judicious system of protection.
In Montreal, however, a much more gloomy view was enter-
tained of the situation, and the opim'on appeared to prevail
that the country had sunk so low that it was impossible for it
ever to recover so Ujiig as it remained a dependency of the
Hritish Empire, and the only hope of saving it lay in joining
our fortunes to those of the United States, Accordingl\-. an
address in favour of such a .scheme was signed b)' 325 of

197

198

The Like of Sir John A. Macdonald.

the most influential men of the city and issued to the people
of Canada in the month of October. And it is significant
of the universal hopelessness pervading all parties and classes
of the community that we find, amongst the signers lead-
men of both parties and representing every shade of political
opinion. Among these may be mentioned John and David
Torrance, Luther Hamilton Helton, William Workman, D. L.
Macpherson, J. G. Mackenzie, R. McKay, H. Holmes, M.P.P.,
J. B. Anderson, J. Molson, J. Redpath, etc. The address was
undoubtedly an able one, unexceptional in tone, and powerful
in argument ; a calm, dignified document, presented, apparently,
in a spirit of sincerity and truth, and which, while breathing a
spirit of hopelessness respecting the present and future of the
country, expressed sentiments of kindness and respect to the
mother country and of regret at the apparent necessity of
severing the ties which had so long bound us together. The
following extracts will give an idea of its contents :

" The number and magnitude of the evils that afflict our
country, and the universal and increasing depression of its
material interests, call upon all persons animated by a sincere
desire for its welfare, to combine for the purposes of enquiry
and preparation, with a view to the adoption of such remedies
as a mature and dispassionate investigation may suggest.

" Belonging to all parties, origins and creeds, but yet
agreed upon the advantage of co-operation for the perform-
ance of a common duty to ourselves and our country growing
out of a commercial union, we have consented, in view of a
brighter and happier future, to merge in oblivion all past
differences, of whatever character, or attributable to whatever
source. In appealing to our fellow colonists to unite with us
in this our most needful duty, we solemnly conjure them, as
they desire a successful issue and the welfare of their country,
to enter upon the task in the same fraternal spirit.

"The reversal of the ancient policy of Great Britain
whereby she withdrew from the colonies their wonted protec-
tion in her markets, has produced the most disastrous effects
upon Canada. In surveying the actual condition of the
country, what but ruin and decay meets the eye ? Our pro-

Annexation Address.

'99

ne
o-

vincial and civic corporations embarrassed; our banking and
other securities greatly depreciated; our mercantile and agri-
cultural interests alike unprosperous ; real estate scarcely sale-
able upon any terms; our unrivalled rivers, lakes and canals
almost unused, whilst commerce abandons our shores; the
circulating capital amassed under a more favourable system is
dissipated, with none from any quarter to replace it ! Thus,
without available capital, unable to affect a loan with foreign
states or with the mother country, although offering security
greatly superior to that which readily obtains mtMiey b(»lh
from the United States and Great liritain, when other than
colonists arc the applicants. Crippled, therefore, and checked
in the full career of private and public enterprise, this posses-
sion of the British Crown — our country — stands before the
world in humiliating contrast with its immediate neighbours,
exhibiting every symptom of a nation fast sinking to deca)-.

"With superabundant water power and cheap labour, especi-
ally in Lower Canada, we have yet no domestic manufactures,
nor can the most sanguine, unless under altereil circumstances,
anticipate the home growth, or advent from foreign parts of
either capital or enterprise to embark in this great source of
national wealth. Our institutions, unhappily, ha\c not that
impress of permanence which can alone impart security and
inspire confidence, and the Canadian market is too limited to
tempt the foreign capitalist.

"Whilst the adjoining States are covered with a net work
of thriving railways, Canada possesses but three lines, which,
together, scarcely exceed fifty miles in length, and the stock
in two of which is held at a c ^preciation of from fifty to eighty
per cent., a fata! symptom of the torpor overspreading the
land.

" Our present form of provincial government is cumbrous
and so expensi\e as to be ill-suited to the circumstances of
the country, and the necessary reference it demands to a
distant Government, imperfectly accjuainted with Canatlian
affairs, and somewhat indifferent to our interests, is anf)malous
and irksome. Yet in the event of a rupture between two of
the most powerful nations of the world, Canada W(;uld beccjine

I- ?l

' I'
iiii

■ m
i\

200 TiiK Life ok Sir John A. MAfDONALD.

l:r-^

ii^'

the battlefield and tlie sufferer, however little her interests
mi^ht be involved in the cause of quarrel or the issue of the
contest.

" The bitter animosities of political parties and factions in
Canada often leading to violence, and, upon one occasion, to
civil war, seem ncjt to have abated with time, nor is there at
the present moment any prospect of diminuticjn or accommcj-
dation. The aspect of parties become daily more threatening;
towards each other, and, under our existing institutions and
relations, little hcjpe is discernible of a peaceful and prosperous
administration of our affairs, but difficulties will, to all appear-
ance, culminate, until government becomes impracticable. In
this view of our position, any course that may promise to
efface existing party distinctions and place entirely new
issues before the people, must be fraught with undeniable
advantages.

" Among the statesmen of the mother countr)-, among the
sagacious observers of the neighbcjuring republic, in Canada,
and in all British N(jrth America, amongst all classes, there is
a strong pervading conviction that a political revolution in
this country is at hand. Such forebodings cannot readil>' be
dispelled, and they have, moreover, a tendency to realize the
events to which they point. In the meanwhile serious injury
results to Canada from the effect of this anticipation upon the
more desirable class of settlers, who naturally prefer a countr\-
under fixed and permanent forms of government to one in a
state of transition."

Having thus adverted to some of the causes of the state of
the country, the address proceeds to consider " how far the
.prop(xsed remedies possess sound and rational inducements to
justify their adoption."

vf " It reasons that the revival of protection in the markets of
the United Kingdom would be but a partial remed}-, that the
protection of home manufactures, although it might encourage
the growth of a manufacturing interest in Canada, yet it
would not work any result that could be admitted as a
remedy for the numerous evils of which we complain — that
a federal union of the British American provinces would not

Annkxation Addkkss.

20 1

. /'-^

be a remedy, as it would not increase the trade in timber or
the demand for ajfricultural products — that Canada could not
exist as a federal republic — that reciprocal free trade with the
f United States as respects the products of the farm, the forest,
and the mine, would yield but an instalment of the advan-
taj(es which might otherwise be secured. The free interchange
of such products would not introduce manufactures to our
country. It would not give us the North American continent
for our market. It would neither so amend our institutions as
to confer stability nor ensure confidence in their permanence,
nf»r would it allay the violence of parties, (jr in the slightest
tlegrce remedy many of our prominent evils."

The address then gives the views of the signers on the
questif)n of "annexation " in the following language:

" Of all the remedies which have been suggested for the
acknf)wlcdged and insufferable ills with which our country is
affli:.ted there remains but one to be considered. It pro-
pounds a sweeping and important change in our political and
social condition, involving considerations which demand our
most serious examination. This remedy ccjnsists in a friendl)' t^
and peaceful .separation from British c(jnnection and a union
upon equitable terms with the great North American Confed-
eracy of Sovereign States.

" We would premise that towards Great Britain we ^
entertain none other than sentiments of kindness and respect. ' ,- ,
Without her con.sent we consider separation as neither practi- '
cable nor desirable. But the colonial p(jlic)- of the parent
state, the avowals of her leading statesmen, the public
sentiments of the empire present unmistakcable and signifi-
cant indications of the appreciation of colonial connection.
That it is the resolve of England to invest us with the
attributes and compel us to assume the burdens of independ-
ence is no longer problematical. The threatened withdrawal
of her troops from other colonies, the continuance of her
military protection to ourselves only on the condition that we
shall defray the attendant expenditure, betoken intentions
towards our country against which it is weakness in us not to
provide. An overruling conviction then, of its necessity, and

11^

1; \i]f

rill

hi. ,.i

'« »

202 The Life ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

i high sense of the duty we owe to our country, a duty we can
neither disregard nor postpone, impel us to entertain the idea
^f separation, and whatever negotiations may eventuate with
Great Britain, a grateful liberality on the part of Canada
should mark every proceeding.

" The proposed union would render Canada a field for

American capital, into which it would enter as freely for the

prosecution of public works or private enterprise as into any

of the present states. It would equalize the value of real

estate upon both sides of the boundary, thereby probably

doubling at once the entire present value of property in

Canada, whilst, by stability to our institutions, and introducing

prosperity, it would raise our public, corporate and private

credit. It would increase our commerce both with the United

States and foreign countries, and would not nccessaril)'

diminish to any great extent our intercourse with Great

Britain, which our products would, for the most part, enter on

, the .same terms. It would render our rivers and canals the

\ highway for the immigration to and exports from the west,

/ to the incalculable benefit of our country. It would also

1 introduce manufactures; and to Lower Canada especially,

/ where water privileges and labour are abundant and cheap, it

; would attract manufacturing capital, enhancing the value of

property and agricultural produce, and giving remunerative

employment to what is at present a non-producing population.

' Nor would the United States merely furnish the capital for

i our manufactures. They would aho supply for them the

, most extensive market in the world without the intervention

I of a custom house officer. Railways would forthwith be

"^ constructed by American capital as feeders for all the great

lines now approaching our frontiers, and railway enterprise in

general would doubtless be as active and prosperous as

amongst our neighbours. The value of our agricultural

produce would be raised at once to a par with that of the

United States, whilst agricultural implements and many of

the necessaries of life, such as tea, coffee and sugar, would be

, greatly reduced in price.

" The value of our timber would also be greatly enhanced

Annexation Address.

203

by free access to the American market, where it bears a hi^h
price, but is subject to an onerous duty. At the same time
there is every reason to believe that shipbuilders, as well at
Quebec as on the great lakes, would find an unlimited market
in all the parts of the American continent.

" The simple and economical state government in which
direct responsibility to the people is a distinguished feature,
would be substituted for a system at once cumbrous and
expensive.

"In the place of war and the alarms of war with a neigh-
bour, there would be peace and amity between this country
and the United States. Disagreements between the United
States and her chief, if not only rival among nations, would not
make the soil of Canada the sanguinary arena for their
disputes, as under our existing relations must necessarily be
the case. That such is the unenviable condition of our state
of dependence upon Great Britain is known to the whole
world, and how far it may conduce to keep prudent capitalists
from making investments in the country, or wealthy settlers
from selecting a foredoomed battle-field for the home of them-
selves and their children, it needs no reasoning on our part to
elucidate.

" But other advantages than those having a bearing on our
material interests may be foretold. It would change the
ground of political contest between races and parties, allay
and obliterate those irritations and conflicts of rancour and
recrimination which have hitherto disfigured our social fabric.
Changing a subordinate for an independent condition, we would
take our station among the nations of the earth. We have
now no voice in the affairs of the empire, nor do we share in
its honours or emoluments. England is our parent state, with
whom we have no equality, but towards whom we stand in
the simple relation of obedience. But, as citizens of the
United States the public service of the nation would be open
to us — a field for high and honourable distinction on which
we and our posterity might enter on terms of perfect
equality."

The address then croes on to show the benefit that the

■ if

1 n

204 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

If ' '

\ r

V ')

proposed change would be to both Great Britain and the
United States, and concludes with a reference to the varied
feelings and emotions experienced by the signers in advocat-
ing the step, and an appeal to bury in oblivion all past
dissensions, and to co-operate earnestly and cordially without
distinction of origin, party or creed, in such lawful, prudent
and judicious means as might be found necessary to carry out
the aim and object of the address.

This desire for annexation does not appear to have spread
to any great extent beyond the city of Montreal, but it is
interesting to observe the feelings with which the address was
received in England as well as the policy which it was
indicated would have probably been pursued had it been
necessaiy for the mother country to give the question any
grave consideration.

The London Times of October 31st, thus expressed its
views :

"The news from Canada is deeply interesting rather than
painfully alarming. Those who exult in every development
of colonial difficulties, and every fresh cause of vexation in the
Colonial Office will be delighted by the record of a movement
which to less hostile minds must supply matter for grave
reflection and philosophical investigation.

" The movement to which we refer is one that tends to the
dissolution rather than to the disruption of the British Colonial
Empire in British North America. It is neither inspired by
vindictivcness nor fraught with violence. It is earnest in its
tone, but its earnestness partakes of the character of deliber-
ativeness ; it reasons, even though it may reason wrongly, and
proceed from incorrect premises to erroneous deductions. It
is on this account that the Montreal address is entitled to a
patient and — we were almost saying — a respectful attention at
our hands. It breathes no hostility against the Crown and
people ; on the contrary it emphatically records the cordial
and kindly feeling of the Canadian people to both ; it makes
no vehement protestations of affection for a democratic form
of government, but simply rests its preference of republican
institutions upon local and peculiar conditions ; it advises

t ■ i

■11

The "Timks" on Annexation.

205

separation from England as it suggests annexation to the
United Stages, from the motive by which communities, not
less than individuals, are impelled — motives of self-advance-
ment.

" There was a time when so singular a document as this
would have exposed the authors to the penalties of high
treason, and the colony in which it was broached to the
calamities of civil war ; when every Englishman would have
boiled with indignation at the presumption which complained
of English domination, and the temerity which proposed to
carry the presumption of language into action. But those
days have passed away. We have been taught wisdom by
experience ; and the most valuable as well as the most costly
of our lessons has been taught by the barren issue of a precipi-
tate conflict with a province, which, from remonstrance
proceeded to rebellion, and crowned rebellion with independ-
ence. We should iKJt go to war for the sterile honour of
maintaining a reluctant colony in galling subjection ; we
should not purchase an unw illing obedience by an outlay of
treasure or of blood. If, indeed, with colonial dependence or
independence there were indissolubly bound up metropolitan
prosperity and decay ; if it were tolerably clear that the
preser\'ation of metropolitan greatness depended upon it, and
that that the latter would wane with the extinction of the
former — then such suggestions as the Montreal address
contains would find no place in the discussions, no sympathy
in the feelings of the people of England. They would one
and all identify their interest and prosperity with that which
their forefathers were content to regard for and by itself, viz.
the supremacy of English power. But tho difference between
them and their forefathers is, that they will count and ponder
on that more vulgar balance of profit and loss which was
forgotten by the generation which hailed the commencement
and lamented the conclusion of the great American war. Is
the retention of Canada profitable, will its loss be hurtful to
England ? is the question which Englishmen of the present
day will put to themselves, as the converse of this question is
that which Canadians are already discussing on their side."

ill

' :'!

2o6 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

a-*

"'If :

On the question of the policy to be pursued by England
in the event of annexation taking place, the same paper says in
its issue of November 2nd :

'• But if, under the pressure of temporary adversity, or from
an undue estimate of the benefits of republican institutions
the Canadian people deliberately propose to exchange the
freest polity that any colony ever enjoyed for the ambiguous
honour of forming a small part of an unwieldy confederation,
then 1 ;t them understand that the conduct of the people of
England will be directed by motives of prudence and interest
alone. If they think they can do without Canada, then, and
then only, will they give up Canada. But, in surrendering
Canada, they will take care not to surrender one jot of sea or
land, the possession of which really and effectively concerns
the maritime and commercial importance of Great Britain.
They will not cede Nova Scotia ; they will not cede Cape
Breton ; they will not cede that seaboard and those harbours
which must ever command the mouth of the St. Lawrence,
and protect the trade of the Atlantic. In parting from
England, Canada will lose the name of a dependent province,
to be brought more nearly within view of the force which
might have perpetuated her dependence. In losing her hold of
Canada, England will take care to lose only the respon-
sibilities and expense of her retention. But we apprehend
that the destined fortunes of Canada, and the disposition of
her people, make all such anticipations as these wholly
superfluous."
^ 'In the beginning of November the British American
^ League met in Toronto, when, in addition to resolutions in
I favour of retrenchment, protection to home manufactures, and
a confederation of the provinces, and against an elective
Legislative Council and annexation to the United States, a
report was presented by the "committee of conference on
union of British American Provinces." This report showed
that circulars had been sent to prominent persons in the
Maritime Provinces, giving the printed proceedings of the last
convention, and that a meeting had been held between the
representatives of the British American League and of the

wtr.. .*■ ^A-JAJ-^j^ -^.g^^J

f?3?«5S?=!?s^?!5s?53?

TiiK HkiTisii A.MKKUAN Lka(;ue.

207

Colonial Association of New Brunswick, at which, after a close
and thouijhtful discussion, it was unanimously aj^reed :

" That the commercial evils now oppressing the British
American Provinces arc to be traced principally to the
abandonment by Great Ikitain of her former colonial policy,
thus depriviii}^ them of the preferenc e previously enjoyeil in
the British market, without securing any equivalent advantages
in any other narket.

" That these colonics cannot remain in their present position
without the prospect of immediate ruin, and that it is the duty
of the Imperial Government either — first, to restore to the
colonies a prcfexcnce in the British markets over foreign
countries — or second, to have opened to them the markets of
foreign countries, and more especially the United States, upon
terms of reciprocity — one or the other of which is consitlcred
indispensable to the continuance of our present political
connection with Great Britain.

" That a union of the British American Provinces, on
mutually advantageous and fi. illy arranged terms, with the
concession from the mother country of enlarged powers of
self-government (including the unrestricted privilege of
making laws to regulate and protect their commercial and
industrial interests, and to reduce the expenditure of the
civil government to an adequate scale), appears essential to
the prosperity of the Provinces."

On May 14, 1850, Parliament reassembled at Toronto,
when it was announced, in the Speech from the Throne, that
the entire control of the internal post-office in British North
America had been vested in the provincial authorities.
During the session Mr. Boulton of Norfolk moved a resolution
with regard to elective Legislative Councils, and placed on
record his entire disapproval of the proposal, and considered
that it was the small end of the wedge which in time would
subvert all our institutions, and effect a complete separation
from the mother country. " He considered that it would be far
better if hon. members turned their attention to practical objects
instead of constitution tinkering ; so far as lay in his power
he was determined to resist the introduction of republicanism."

' i i

208

TiiK Liu: ok Sir Juhn A. Macdunalu.

A statement published at this time shewed the condition
of the Canadian banks on h'ebruary 28th. I'Vom this the
followinji facts are gathered :

The total circulation was /• i<>59.y7<j

Balance due other banks 7^^.797

Deposits 557.<'5''>

do. at interest ^H),^j2

Total liabilities ;^i»yi5>J<J4

The assets consisted of —

Coin ;fjJ4.7ii>

Landed and other property . . - i Ji'",*?

Government securities i28,(>o5

Notes of other banks 7f>.<J76

Balances due from otiier banks iS5,f>Ji

Notes, etc., discounted j, j 1 7,05 1

Total assets ^f 4, 176,47s

During the session Mr. Macdonakl presented a petitioi^
from the inhabitants of the city of Kingston against the manu-
facture of certain articles in the provincial penitentiary, and
strongly indorsed the prayer of the petition. He said that " the
penitentiary had been a source of great expense to the pro-
vince, and it was certainly time that efforts should be made to
lessen that expense by making the labour of the convicts
remunerative; but it should not be done at the expense of the
city of Kingston, where the mechanics were unable to compete
with the low rate of convict labor and were leaving the city in
hundreds. It was indeed impossible that they could compete
with labour at 20 cents per day, which was the contract price,
when they had to pay rent and taxes, while the convicts were
provided for by the Government. The evil also extended
over the country. In the town of Belleville, as the member
for Hastings could tell them, it had been most seriousl}- felt.
The evil might be remedied by the manufacture being carried
on in the penitentiary of those articles only which we
imported and did not make ourselves ; this would not inter-
fere with cur own mechanics. There might, even if this were
not done, be some alleviation of the evils complained of, by

tJ^^JjU^Um^^?'^-::.-- -^-:.d

Attack hv "North American" on Ministry, joy

letting' the labour in larj^c (juaiititics, aiul by scllin^^ the
articles by wholesale, s(j that they would be sent all over the
country and not sokl all in one i)lacc."

In the month of October of this year the Nonh Atnericau,
which had hitherto supported the Govcrnnient, and was
regarded as the mouth-piece of the extreme Clear Grit winj^ of
the party, made a most violent attack upon the Ailmiiiistration,
and esj)ecially upon the Honourable Robert Haldwin, and
severely handled the Globe newspaper for supporting them.
The article commenced with the following strong lanj^ua^'e :

" There must surely be * something rotten in the state of
Denmark.' The leaders of a great party who were chosen by
that party to represent its views and to carry out its principles
in administering the Government of the country, but who,
' yielding to the force of circumstances,' forgot their political
antecedents, forgot their professions, forgot their c(;nstituents
whose wishes they had pledged themselves to execute, and
adopting the principles and practices of their predecessors,
set themselves to work to discourage and weaken their own
party, and to promote its opponents, who by low intrigue
and the most paltry evasions opposed the progress of the
very measures they were chosen to carry out, are certainly
fortunate, SINCJULARLV fortunate, that amid the universal
contempt they have so deservedly earned they can point to
one newspaper which boldly asserts they arc uai ' traitors.'
Kvery other charge is either expressly or tacitly admitted.
That ' faint praise,' which, coming from a professed friend, is
more damning than the open attacks of an opponent, poisons
every paragraph.

" The Globe is much offended with the clear, manly and
truthful remarks of the Brantford Herald. This journal gave
cjuite as much support to the Ministry, during the last session,
as any paper pretending to express the views of Reformers
could possibly give and retain the confidence of its readers.
Like many others who had not the opportunity of peeping
behind the curtain and witnessing the acts of the Ministry
stripped of disguise, the Herald believed that Mr. Baldwin
and his colleagues were really desirous of acting in accordance

•I"

m
m

i i

' s s

■f>:;i

i<:>.

j/^

2IO The Life of Sir John A. Macdoxald.

with the ' well understood wishes of the people.* Thouj^h
unwilling to be convinced of the contrary, the proofs have so
accumulated that it would seem their effect can no longer be
resisted. Several other Reform journals that were actuated
by similar feelings have arrived at the same terminus. The
old sterling Reformers of the country, those who had fought
the Reform battle fifteen or twenty years before the G/ode or
the far fa'ned 'flourishing concern* had been heard of, saw Mr.
Baldwin and his colleagues elevated to power through their
hard earned victories. They expected, as they had a right to
expect, that these gentlemen would use the powers thus given
them to carry the measures which the party had long de-
manded, which the said Baldwin & Co. had always promi.scd
previous to ' coming election days,' and which it was the
object of all the aforesaid battles to obtain. But the conduct
of the Reform Ministry soon aroused their fears" — here follow
a list of cases in which the Administration had failed in their
duty — ' these and similar acts had driven into opposition
hundreds and staggered thousands of the old Reformers
before the meeting of Parliament at its last session. Those
who still supported the Ministry were oppressed by many and
strong doubts, and yet they hoped for the best. They said,
' let us see what they will do this session, give them another
chance.* We expected nothing but opposition to every Liberal
measure, for we had seen the cloven foot long before. But
many who, like ourselves, had helped to place Mr. Baldwin in
power, and had reposed unlimited confidence in his political
integrity, hoped that he would make amends for past mis-
take.;, and put himself right with his supporters during the
coming session."

The article then proceeds to show that he had supported
doctrines " such as had never been heard publicly from Mr.
Baldwin before. But as soon as he had subverted his enemies
and secured the reins of government he turns upon his
supporters, and advocates the very doctrines which his Tory
opponents had alwaj's professed, and with which they had
\ battled him. We have confined our attention to the single
question of treachery to the party. It is the highest crime

The Clkar Grit Creed.

211

which a politician can commit — it is the unpardonable sin in
politics, and he who commits it must go over to the enemy, or
sink into obscurity. That Mr. Baldwin is justly chargeable
with the crime is as clear as noonday. To receive his doom
he has only to present himself before the proper tribunal."

Immediately after the North American published the
creed of the "Clear Grits" — a document which called forth a
diversity of opinion from the other Reform papers — the Globe
in one sweeping clause pronounced the whole of the pro-
positions to be of a republican tendency. The Pilot (Mr.
Hincks' paper) saw nothing republican in them and was
inclined to advocate them all, while the Patriot was willing to
endorse a few of them to the fullest extent of their meaning,
but expressed indifference to the others. The proposed
measures were :

I. Elective institutions from the highest office of the
Government to the lowest, as follows : First, the election of
Governor. Second, an elective Legislative Council. Third
Election of all local officers by the county and town councils.

II. No property qualification for the representatives of
the people. This is not required in judges, nor even in a
govert'.or. Let men choose whom they jjleasc.

III. Extension of the electoral franchise to all house-
holders and housekeepers. ,

IV. Vote by ballot.

V. Fixed parliaments.

VL No expenditure of public money without the consent
of Parliament.
■'- VII. Retrenchment through all the departments of state.

VIII. Law reform. First, The Court of Chancery to be
abolished and equity jurisdiction given to the courts of law,
as is done in fifteen states of the American Union, where it
has been found for fifty years to give entire satisfaction.
Second, Simplification of law proceedings. Third, Every man
to be allowed to employ whom he pleases to plead his case.

IX. No pensions to be attached to any office. Let
pensions be given in individual cases, when and as Parliament
may think proper.

.0^^

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itii

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212 TnK Like of Sir John A. Macdonald.

* r

r. f- \

y V

X. Placing our commerce and intercourse with other
nations entirely in our own power, leaving in the power of
England nothing but the question of peace and war, and
that under certain restrictions."

Of these propositions the majority have never occupied
public attention to any extent ; voting by ballot has become
the law of the land, retrenchment in the departments is
claimed as the policy of both parties, and all expenditures of
public money are keenly scrutinized by Parliament. Of the
rest the question of elective institutions is the only one
which can be considered as in any way before the public, and
as it has its supporters in the ranks of the Reform party and
is sometimes introduced into public discussions, we cannot do
better than quote the able and vigorous article in which the
Globe expressed its opinions on the subject at this time : —

" At present the Governor-General is the constitutional
administrator of public affairs, according to the wishes of
the people, as expressed by majorities of two large public
bodies. We can bring public opinion to bear on his actions
readily and certainly ; but by the new system we would make
for ourselves a master who would rule us as he chose during
his term of office. The President of the United States is a
, despot, during his official term, in comparison with the Queen
of England — his power is enormous, and as a political
partizan he uses it unblushingly for party purposes. The idea
of exchanging a British Viceroy, working a representative
constitution, for a Republican President — and that under the
\i\c?t o{ progression ^.nd extending popular power — is simply
absurd. For our own parts we have no notion of losing the
substance in running after the shadow. We deem the con-
nection with Great Britain of the very highest advantage to
Canada, and we would oppose any change which would
seriously affect its permanence. But were the conn' tion cut
to-morrow, we could fancy no greater difficulty than to devise
a plan for providing a chief magistrate as likely to secure able
high-minded incumbents, with as little power to do harm and
under such wise restraints as at present. We have now all the
advantages ofa hereditary monarchy without its disadvantages."

'IHE "GLOBE" ON THE CREED.

"The second point was that of an elective Upper House ;
and we admit at once that were it possible to work the
constitution with two elective branches, we would prefer it to
the existing system. But we cannot see how this can be done
Shall the members of both Houses be elected for the same
terms, and for the same electoral districts? If so, there is no
use for two Houses, for men of the same stamp will sit and
rule in both. Shall the term of office for the Upper House be
longer than that of the Lower, and the districts different ? If
so, from the ever varying tide of popular feeling in Upper
Canada, the majority of the two Houses will almost invariably
be of opposing politics. When such an event happened,
legislation would be at a stand, and ministerial rcsponsibilit)'
would be at an end, forntj Ministry could have a majority in a
Tory House, and in a Radical House at the .same moment |
The fact is, that an elective Governor-General, and an elective
second branch arc quite impracticable under the British
constitutional system of ministerial responsibility ; the question
becomes simply a choice between the Briti.sh form and that of
American republicanism. There seems to be no half-way
hou.sc. If we break through the principle of ministerial
responsibility, we destroy the mainspring of the British system,
and must have a written constitution defining the utmost limit
permitted to the .several arms of the Government ; we must
have a supreme law court as the final arbiter of all questions,
and not Parliament ; the responsibility of one Ministry must
be replaced by the responsibility of one man ; the heads of
departments must no longer have seats in the Legislature, but
be the chief clerks of the President, and be selected and
removed at his sole will and pleasure. The proposal demands '
an entire revolution in our constitutional .system of govern-
ment, and one, in our opinion, very much for the worse."

At this time the North-West was a terra incognita, and the
information regarding its soil, climate, and capabilities of the
most limited description ; and an article which appeared in
tile Globe respecting it was hailed by the other newspapers of
the day as " interesting from the comparatively novel character
of the subject." This article clearl)' foreshadowed the change

■ A

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1; ^:

■|

' .

'■' yii*'

El .'

^Il

■

■ ,

■: 1

I' f ': ■■

214 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

which has since taken place, and contains much information
that subsequent examination has proved correct. The follow-
ing extracts will give the line of thought of the writer:

" It is a remarkable circumstance that so little attention
has been paid in Canada to the immense tract of country
lying to the north of our boundary line, and known as the
Hudson's Bay Company's Territory. There can be no question
that the injurious and demoralizing sway of that company
over a region of four millions of square miles, will, ere long, be
brought to an end, and that the destinies of this immense
country will be united with our own. It is unpardonable that
civilization should be excluded from half a continent, or at
best but a doubtful right of ownership, i^<: the benefit of 232
shareholders.

" Our present purpose is not, however, v ith the validity of
the Hudson Bay Company's claini to the country north of the
Canadian line — but to call attention to the value of that
region, and the vast commercial importance to the country
and especially to this section, which must, ere long, attach to
it. The too general impression entertained is, that the terri-
tory in question is a frozen wilderness, incapable of cultivation
and utterly unfit for colonization. This impression was un-
doubtedly set afloat, and has been maintained for its own very
evident purposes. So long as that opinion could be kept up,
their charter was not likely to be disturbed. But light has
been breaking in on the subject in spite of their efforts to
keep it out. In a recent work by Mr. James Edward Fitz-
gerald, it is stated that ' there is not a more favourable
situation on the face of the earth for the employment of
agricultural industry than the locality of the Red River.' He
states that there are 500,000 square miles of soil, a great part
of which is favourable for settlement and agriculture, and all
so well supplied with game as to give great facility for colon-
ization. Here is a field for Canadian enterprise. The distance
between Fort William and Red River settlement is about 500
miles, and there is said to be water communication by river
and lake all the way. But westward, beyond the Red Ri\er
settlement, there is said to be a magnificent country, through

cr
cr
rh

KAILkOAl) MKETINC.S.

215

which the Saskatchewan River extends, and is navigable for
boats and canoes through a course of 1,400 miles.

" Much has been said of the extreme cold of the country,
as indicated by the thermometer. It is well known, however,
that it is not the degree but the diaracter of the cold which
renders it obnoxious to men, and the climate of this country
is cjuite as agreeable, if not more so, than the best part of
Canada. The height of the latitude gives no clue whatever
to the degree of cold or to the nature of the climate.

" Let any one look at the map, and if he can fancy the
tenth part that is affirmed of the wide region of country
stretching westward to the Rocky Mountains, he may form
some idea of the profitable commerce which will soon pass
through Lake Superior. Independent of the hope that the
high road to the Pacific may yet take this direction, there is a
field for enterprise presented sufficient to satiate the warmest
iinagination."

The article then proceeds to shew the necessity of a
railroad from Toronto to Lake Huron, and for the construc-
tion of a canal between Lakes Huron and Superior.

Public attention seems now to have been fairly directed to
the necessity for railway communication throughout Canada.
The Toronto and Lake Huron, the Bytown and Prescott,
the Prescott and Toronto, and the Montreal and Prescott
Raihvajs were amongst those most strongly advocated, and
a most sensible article which appeared in the Globe under the
caption, " Will Railways Pay?" is worthy of reproduction.

" One general expression is heard in favour of embarking
thoroughly in these works, and we do not doubt that some-
thing effectual will be done. But while all agree as to the
advantage of having trunk lines run through the i)ro\ince,
many persons fear that the municipal bodies who are lending
their credit to build the roads will suffer pecuniarily by doing
so. We think there is groundless alarm on this score. Even
were the corporations taking stock in any of the schemes now
before the public, to suffer, and the community to be taxed in
consequence, it is very clear that there is no kind of taxation
the public would bear with .so much fortitude. There is not

':■:

■IS

^-11

in i

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216 TnK Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

a farmer, or a mechanic, or business man of any kind, who
will not be directly or indirectly benefited by the general
introduction of railways into Canada, and if railways are ever
hereafter the cause of taxation, they will undoubtedly have
well enabled the community to meet the tax."

At one of these railroad meetings, held at Gananoque,in the
beginning of the new year — 185 1 — Mr. Macdonald took a pro-
minent part, and moved the first resolution which was as follows:

" That the opinion of this meeting is, that the construction
of railroads tends very much to promote the prosperity and
happiness of the country, and in order to afford the inhabi-
tants of this township facilities equal to those enjoyed by
other parts of Canada and the United States, it is essential
that the railroad about to be constructed from Montreal to
Prescott should be extended westward to Kingston, and, if
possible, to Toronto and Hamilton."

In the cour-e of his speech Mr. Macdonald showed that
the farmers would be largely benefited by the construction of
a railroad leading to the seaboard. Few of them could thrash
out their grain before the close of navigation ; and, whenever
the last vessel left Quebec, the price of grain fell. The reason
was obvious : — Buyers had to run the risk of fluctuations in
the markets of Europe before they could send their purchases
there. With a railroad leading to the ocean, grain would
command a fair price all through the winter, and besides,
fanners could, in a very short time, and at trifling expense,
convey their beef, pork, butter, poultry, etc., to the best
markets on this continent.

Another speaker — Mr. Wm. Brough — illustrated the losses
which the Canadians had suffered in the past from the want
of railwaj' facilities, by a reference to the winter of 1846-47.
During this season an immense loss had been occasioned by
the inability of farmers to .send their suri)lus products to Great
Britain. Our cargoes of bread stuff did not reach England
until the month of July following, when prices had receded
fifty per cent ; thus, as much had been lost to the province
in one year as would have made a railway from Lake Huron
to the ocean.

CHAPTER IX

Opening of Parliament, May 20, 1851— Mr. Cayley's resolution on Protection — Mr.
\V. L. Mackenzie's motion to abolish the Court of Chancery — Resignation
of Mr. Baldwin — Mr. I lincks' resolutions on the tjrand Trunk Railway-
Reconstruction of Administration^Dissolution— General Election — .Sir.
^^ Macdonald's speech in Kingston — Assembling of new I'arliament, August
X " 19, 1852— Mr. Santield Macdonald elected Speaker— Mr. John A. Mac-

donald's Speech on the Adilress — Provincial Board of Trade meeting at
(Quebec— Protection asked for— Mr. Morn's resolutions to make the
Legislative Council elective — Mr. Hinck's resolutions on the Clergy
Rererves — Mr, Boulton's Amendments- -Mr. Macdonald's Speech — Resig-
nation of Hon. John Voung on the Trade Policy of the Cjovernment —
Adjournment — Negotiations for a line of Ocean Steamers.

DURING the next scs.sioii of Parliament, which opened
on May 20th, many subjects of great importance were
discussed. Mr. Cayley moved the adoption of an Address
to Her Majesty, .setting forth the injuries resulting from
the adoption of the free trade policy, and praying fur a
restoration of that protection to Canadian j)roducts which
was formerly enjoyed by the Hritish colonies. Mr. Sherwood
supported the motion, and advocated, as a remedy for
existing difficulties, a Federal Union of the Hritish North
American Provinces, and thought the other provinces
should be invited to send representatives to meet His
E.xcellency, the Governor-General, and to discuss the basis on
which such a federation could be based and carried on. Mr.
Hincks said that he had no confidence in the results likely to
follow the adoption of the Address, and considered a postpone-
ment of the matter desirable. He was unable to discover
what commercial advantages would be conferred on Canada
by the federation proposed by Mr. Sherwood. The motion
was accordingly lost.

On June 26th Mr. Mackenzie brought forward the follow-
ing motion : "That a special committee of seven members be
appointed by the Hou.se with instructions to report by Hill or
otherwise for the abolition of the court of chancery, and for
conferring equity powers in certain cases upon the courts of
common law." This motion was strenuously opposed by the

217

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218 The Life ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

Hon. Robert Baldwin, who considered that, as the Court had
been recently remodelled and was now working in a ver)-
improved manner, it ought to be thoroughly tried, unless the
House wished to stultify itself. In this he was warmly sup-
ported by the Hon. John Hillyard Cameron, who considered
that, as the court had only been in working order for two
years, it ought not to be abolished without further trial.
Some reforms had been effected and others were in contem-
plation. He was willing to vote for a commission of enquir\-,
but would not vote for abolition. The motion was lost, the
vote standing 30 to 34, but, inasmuch as it had been sup-
ported by a large majority of the Upper Canadian members,
Mr. Baldwin considered it his duty to tender his resignation.
He considered that, as he was the author of the Bill of 1849,
under which the Court had been remodelled, and could not
obtain from his friends in Upper Canada a trial of the
measure for two years, it was an evidence that he was no longer
fit to occupy oi* attempt to perform the duties of the position
he then held. His resignation created a profound sensation,
and, on the conclusion of his speech, Sir Allan McNab and
other prominent members of the House took occasion to
express their high esteem and respect, and eulogised his con-
duct as a member and leader of the House.

Mr. Merritt, in a speech of much ability, brought before
the Assembly a series of resolutions on the subject of a legis-
lative union of the provinces, and strongly advocated, as well,
that the St. Lawrence should be thrown open to the vessels of
all nations, the public works should be completed, and a line
of steamers established between Canada and England. These
resolutions Mr. Hincks strenuously opposed. He could see
no object to be gained by a legislative union, and a federal
legislature would have little to do, while a line of steamers
between Quebec and Liverpool would have no chance of
paying expenses.

Mr. Hincks moved the House into committee on the subject
of the Grand Trunk Railway. He gave statistics by which
he calculated the road could be built from Halifax to Sarnia
for ;^4,ooo,ooo, Canada paying one-third of the cost from

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Mep:ting of Reformp:rs.

219

Quebec to Halifax, and shewed the advantages which would
arise from its beinj^ constructed as a government work. He
considered that a more injudicious step could not be taken
than to allow it to go into the hands of private companies,
and instanced the inconvenience which had arisen from the
circumstance that the Great Western was in the hands of
private parties. After a lengthy discussion the resolutions
were carried by a vote of 29 to 19.

About this time a meeting of some of the prominent
members of the Reform party was held for the purpose of
reconciling their differences and agreeing on principles and
measures on which they could find common ground. AmtMig
these were Messrs. Spcnce, J. S. Macdonald, Rolph, Win.
McDougall, Christie, and others. The conclusions arrived at
do not seem to have met with more than a partial approval
by the organs of the party as, although the Examiner and
North American endorsed the movement, the Mirror
described it as "an effort to get rid of the cognomen 'Clear
Grits ' and usurp the title of ' Reformers,' without any corres-
ponding modification of sentiment," and the Globe concludes a
very bitter article in these words : " The discord in the
Reform party is not because Mr. Hincks was in or Dr. Rolph
was out — it is because certain vital principles and measures
are advocated by the great mass of the Reformers, and the
representatives of these Reformers have been voting and
speaking in direct hostility to their constituents on these
great questions. The masses are indignant, and, to allay this
indignation, the friends from the country stepped in. Now,
what have they done? Have they brought Hincks & Co. to
their knees ? Do they confess their sins? Arc they repent-
ant? Do they pray mercy and promise amentls for the
future? In short, what pledges have they made as to their
future course ? None. We say advisedly, none. The thin^■
is a delusion. If a good story could be told, it would have
been told ten days ago. The arrangement is merely one of
cake and pudding — principles are nowhere."

The session closed on August 30th.

On October 2(Sth a new Ministry was formed, as follows:

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220 Tllli LiFK OF Siu Joiix A. MACDONALI).

Hon. M. Cameron, I'rcsidcnt of the Council ; Hon. F.
Hincks, In.spcct(jr-Cjcncral ; Hon. A. N. Morin, Provincial
Secretary ; Hon. John Youn^, Chief Commissioner of Public
Works ; Hon. Dr. Rolph, Commissioner of Crown Lands ;
Hon. J as. Morris, Postmaster-General ; Hon. E. P. Tache,
Receiver-General ; Hon. L. T. Drummond, Attorney-General
East ; Hon. VV. H. Richards, Attorney-General West ; Hon.
R. E. Caron, Speaker of the Legislative Council ; Hon. John
Ross, Solicitor-General West ; P. I. O. Chauveau, Solicitor-
General East. These two latter were gazetted November 1 2th.

The Hon. M. Cameron was not in Quebec at the time, and
having expected the position of Postmaster-General, refused to
accept the position which had been assigned him.

On November 8th Parliament was dissolved and writs
were issued for a new election, returnable December 24th.

Mr. Macdonald and Mr. Counter were nominated for the
City of Kingston, but the latter refused to be a candidate, and,
although a poll was demanded on his behalf, not only
declined the contest, but entered his vote for Mr. Macdonald.
On the hustings Mr. Macdonald ably discussed the questions
of the day, and, after dealing with local matters, passed on to
those of more general interest, stating his views upon the
Rectory, Clergy Reserves and School questions. Upon the
first he urged the reasonableness of the proposition to submit
the question of the legality of the Rectory Patents to the
decision of a competent court ; the Clergy Reserves he con-
sidered should be held sacred to religious purposes ; he
desired to .see no inequality in the condition of the .several
denominations of Christians, but he was for establishing
equality by raising up to the enjo\'ment of the .same privi-
leges those who were now in an inferior position, not by
levelling down. He then adverted to the subject of Protection
and urged the necessity of legislative encouragement to the
mechanical and agricultural interests of the country. The
present Government was a free trade one, and their free trade
principles were ruining the countrj-, which needed protection
more than anything el-^e.

In other parts of the province the elections were contested

1^4

KiN(;sT()N Km:( HON.

with the uunost vigour. Forty-three of the members t)f the
last House of Assembly were displaced by an equal number
of new men, a very larf^^c majority of whom entered the
chamber for the first time. Prominent among those defeated
on the Ministerial side were Messrs. Baldwin and Price, while
the Conservatives lost Mr. Cayley, who was defeated in Huron
by Mr. Malcolm Cameron.

In June, 1852, a despatch was received from Sir John
Pakington declining to recommend the Imperial Parliament to
guarantee the interest of the sum necessary for the construc-
tion of the Halifax and Quebec Railway if constructed
through the valley of St. John, upon the ground that there
must be some distinct Imperial interest, for the sake of which
alone Parliament could be called upon to pledge the national
revenue ; that among the peculiar advantages in this point of
view which it was thought the Major Robinson route wt)uld
realize, were the opening up of a new tract of maritime
country, easily accessible with the railroad, but almost
unapproachable without it, to emigration from (}reat Britain,
and the effecting a safe and continuous route through the
provinces, which, both by its distance from the American
frontier, and its proximity to the sea, might be peculiarl)-
available for military purposes.

It having been found impracticable to raise funds for
constructing " a main trunk line of railway throughout the
whole length of the province," by means of a loan guaranteed
by the mother country, or by advance to the province under
the authority of the Imperial Parliament, or with funds raised
partly on the credit of the Consolidated Fund and i)artly b\-
subscriptions made by the municijjal councils, a proclamaticjii
was issued on August 7th, calling into existence the private
companies formed and incorporated for the construction (jf
the several sections of the Quebec and Hamilton line as
provided for in their acts of incorporation.

Parliament met on August 19th, and, on motion of Mr.
Hincks, seconded by Mr. Morin, the Honourable John Sand-
field Macdonald was elected Speaker by a vote of 55 to 23.

The debate on the Address lasted for eleven days, during

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222

TnK Lii-K OF Sir John A. Macdonald.

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which time upwards of forty speeches were delivered. Mr. J.
A. Macdonald spoke on the last day and made a most .severe
and telling exposition of the political morality of the Cabinet.
The followinj^ is an outline (jf his speech :

On rising to address the House, he remarked that " the
delay which had taken place in cominj^ to a decision upon the
Address in reply to the Speech from the Throne, was owing,
not to any obstructions thrown in the way by the Opposition,
but to the total absence of those explanations on the part of
Ministers, which, it was felt, the House was entitled to have
before voting the Address. If these explanations had been
frankly anil freely given by the Inspcctor-Cieneral on the first
day of the session, the delay would not have occurred, but
this was not done, and it was not until after the excoriating
speech of the honourable member for Kent (George Brown),
that the House had been favoured even with a partial explan-
ation of the late Ministerial changes. The Speech from the
Throne which had been delivered at the opening of the
present .session was, by the circumstances of tlie case, rendered
one of more than ordinary interest. Viewed in the constitu-
tional light, it was supposed to be or should be, a declaration
on the part of the new Ministry of the course which they had
marked out to pursue in the administration of the Govern-
ment, and it should have been sufficiently explicit to have
conveyed that information to the House, while, if anj-thing
was wanting, additional explanations should have been given
freely. But neither from the Speech from the Throne nor
from the speeches of honourable gentlemen opposite could
anything be gathered to indicate the principles upon which
the Administration had been formed. Sir Allan McNab, at
an early period of the debate, asked for this information, but
all that he had been able to obtain was a general and vague
declaration that the Cabinet was formed on the principles of
' progressive reform.' What kind of progression — whether
forward or backward — the Hou.se had not been told, and
probably would not. But the House should have been
informed not only of the principles upon which the new
Administration had been constructed, but also why it was that

Sl'KKCII ON TIIK ADDKI.SS.

22i

the last Administration had boon dissolvcil. The IIt)usc; had
been told that Mr. HaUlwin had retired on the chancery
question; that Mr. Lafontaine shortly after ainiounced his
intention to retire at the close of Parliament; and that, subse-
quentl}-, the remaining members of the Government resigned,
and the honourable the Inspector-iieneral was charged with
the construction of a new Cabinet, but no cause for this
breaking up of one Cabinet and constructing another had
been assigned. It was at the .same time a matter for grave
consideration, a question closely connected with the constitu-
tional responsibility of Ministens to the Assembly, how far
they were justifieil in retiring at the close of Parliament, and
then declining to meet the pc()i)le of the country. At all
events it looked very much as if they had been afraid to meet
the people. Now of all these thin[js not one word of explana-
tion had been offered by the gentlemen opposite, and for this
the Inspector-General was chiefly accountable. (Hear, hear,
from Mr. Hincks). Yes, the honourable gentleman was chiefly
accountable. lie had been a member of the last and was
chiefly instrumental in fc^ming the present Ministry, but he
had not told the House why the change had been effected.
The House would well remember the repeated declarations
made up to the termination of last sessi(;n th.it there existed
perfect unanimity in the late Cabinet; it would recollect that
no one mort vehemently than the Insj)ector-General asserted
this unanimity, or treated with greater severity the rumours to
the contrary which were current throughout the province, yet
this unanimous Ministry did not think proper, perhaps did not
dare to go to the country; it had dissolved, shrinking from its
responsibility, and wh}- ? If the late Government had for-
feited the confidence of the country, who more resp')tisible for
this than the Inspector-General. (Hear, hear). That honour-
able gentleman had, however, found it necessary, for the
purpose of maintaining his place in the Administration, to
seek aid from without and to strengthen his position. And by
what means had he strengthened it ? By abandoning what
was conservative in principle in the late Administration (loud
cheers), and forming an alliance with the Clear Grit or

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224 TiiK Like of Sir John A. Macdonald.

Democrat party. And to what had the honourable gentleman
submitted in doing this? What humiliation had he undergone
that he might be spared the fate of some of his late col-
leagues? All must remember the strong differences which had
existed between the Inspector-General, and the now President
of the Agricultural Bureau, for instance, the language which
had been made use of in the House by the one in relation
to the other, and by the other retorted in and out of doors
(Hear, hear) ; yet, after having denounced Mr. Cameron in the
strongest possible manner, the Inspector-General had joined
him, and now they sit on the same Ministerial benches, and
around the same Council board. It was unquestionably wise
for him to do so, whatever might be said of the consistency or
morality of the thing, and it was sagacious in the honourable
gentleman to push aside his convictions and throw himself
into the arms of the Commissioner of Crown Lands (Dr.
Rolph), if the object had been, as he believed it to be, the
retention of his political power. But to do this he had to
sacrifice these convictions, and to abandon his colleagues with
whom he had acted, as often reiterateti, with so much harmon)'.
There was no occasion for him to go into the particulars of
this change of position ; an extract from a speech by Mr.
Spence of Dundas, one of the gentlemen engaged in the union
negotiations, made at a certain dinner given to the Commis-
sioner of Crown Lands, would serve to illustrate the matter.
In that speech Mr. Spence had said ' he believed in his heart
that Hincks was sound upon these (Reserve and Rectory)
questions (laughter), and now that the drag had been
removed, will meet the expectations of the Reformers of the
Province.' What was the drag? Why, Mr. Baldwin and Mr.
Lafontaine, the former colleagues of the Inspector-General.
(Hear, hear). Having got these gentlemen out of the way it
was promised for him that the Inspector-General would go
right upon the religious questions. Now, in his opinion,
though these gentlemen were victims of the proverbial
ingratitude of democracy, the Inspector-General might look
back, and doubtless, would look back upon his alliance with
such men, as one in which he was highly honoured, and as the

Speech on the Address.

225

best period of his political life. It would be well for him if
the prospect arising out of his present position was equally
satisfactory. It was true that the honourable gentleman had
gained his point ; the elections are over ; in these he secured
the aid of the Commissioner of Crown Lands and the President
of the Council; and now that he is back in his old place, the
Speech from the Throne affords a pretty clear indication that,
although he yielded in the first instance to his new colleagues,
he is now dragging them after him; that, though during the
electoral contest, he apparently abandoned the principles
which he had professed and acted upon as a member of the
late Administration, he has now gone back, dragging the
Commissioner of Crown Lands and the Agricultural Minister
through the mire. (Cheers j. It had been well remarked by
the honourable member for Kent that the character of its
public men was the property of the country, and should not be
trifled with or lowered by the conduct of men called to occupy
situations of high public trust. But what was exhibited in the
formation of the present Administration. Look at the unholy
alliance between the Honourable, the Inspector-General and
the member for Huron (Mr. Cameron), Can the language
used on the floor of the House by the Inspector-General, in
reference to the resignation of the honourable member for
Huron, and the statements made by that gentleman as to the
cause of resignation, be forgotten. Can it be forgotten that
the Inspector-General then said he could defend himself
'against the highway robber and assassin,' but not against ' a
treacherous friend.' (Hear, hear). Politics, like adversity,
sometimes make strange bed -fellows, but nothing more strange
in the history of political combinations could be p(jinted out
than the present association of the Inspector-General and
President of the Council. (Cheers). How is it that they
have been brought together ? He had been struck with the
manner in which the President of the Council had received the
castigation administered by the member for Kent. The
honourable member for Kent had proved, by the strongest
evidence, a series of gross inconsistencies on the part of that
gentleman, and yet when he rises to reply he passes over the
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Tup: Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

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main points of that attack, and blandly assures his antagonist
that for the handsome manner in which he had alluded to the
services rendered by Lord Elgin to this country, he freely
forgave him for the attacks upon himself personally. (Laugh-
ter). Well that was an exhibition of Christian forbearance — a
kissing of the rod which had been vigorously applied to his
own back, which was certainly a very rare occurrence. (Laugh-
ter). But whatever may have brought together gentlemen
who were at enmity and not very guarded in their expressions
of personal hostility, and placed them around the Council
Board, the manner in which it had been done was deserving
of the .strongest condemnation. It might be true that a
Bureau of Agriculture was wanted in this country, but no one
will pretend to say that such a want was discovered until it
was found necessary to give the member for Huron a seat in
the Cabinet. It is notorious, everybody in the country knows,
that the office was made for the man (hear, hear), and not
because it was one which had been demanded or was required
by the country. The honourable gentleman had been
appointed to the Presidency of the Council — to an office which
he had publicly declared to be u.seless — and when he threw
back his commission in the face of his colleagues, the
Inspector-General had to adopt an expedient. He found that
he could not carry the elections without the aid of the present
Commissioner of Crown Lands, and the latter would not join
the Ministry without being accompanied by the member for
Huron, and then this department of Agriculture was created.
It was a makeshift, a shuffle, and it had been so designated
by at least one of the Liberal papers high in the confidence of
the party. Well, an Agricultural Bureau might be necessary ;
but if so, by what kind of a person should the office be filled ?
The honourable member for Wentworth (Mr. Christie) might
make a very good Agricultural Minister, and that gentleman
was one of the negotiators of the party union, but what were
tho antecedents of the honourable member for Huron, which
entitled him to be called to such an office, nobody knew. The
honourable gentleman could perhaps tell how many saw logs
there were on an acre of ground, but very little more, and he

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Speech on the Address.

227

(Mr. Macdonald) was really surprised that he should have
accepted such an appointment. The creation and offer of that
office to the member for Huron could only be accounted for in
this way. The Inspector-General dared not go to the country
without Dr. Rolph, and Dr. Rolph would not join him without
his aide-de-camp, and so an office was created for the latter,
and the Inspector-General consented to receive again the man
whose name he had used in the same breath in which he
spoke of highway robbers and assassins, and whom he accused
of the baseness of treachery. (Cheers). Mr. Macdonald then
commented upon the Clear Grit principles, as declared in the
platforms, and contended that it was for the infusion of these
into the Ministry that Messrs. Cameron and Rolph had been
brought in. The honourable gentleman for Norfolk might not
have made an agreement in writing, but it was understood he
went into the Ministry as the representative of Grit principles.
They had heard from the seconder of the Address that it
would be degrading for the House to pass a Bill for the
secularization of the Clergy Reserves. Was that not receding
from the demands of the Grits ? Would that satisfy the
Grits of Upper Canada? He saw by the Examiner that
nothing less than a Bill would satisfy the people ; and the
Attorney-General must have been a little thunderstruck at
seeing in the Brockville Recorder a report of a Reform
Convention in the County of Leeds, demanding, by a solemn
resolution, the introduction of a Bill to secularise the Clerg)-
Reserves, and he (Mr. Macdonald) would not be surprised
if there were a demand made upon the Ministry before the
session was over for the introduction of such a Bill. He
condemned the re-agitation of the Clergy Reserve question in
the country by certain members of the late and present
Administrations. He said that question was at rest, and that
the present settlement had been regarded as a final one by
Lord Sydenham, by Mr. Baldwin, and by all parties. Else
how was it that from 1840 to 1849 hardly a word was said
upon the subject, although two elections had taken place. So
was this felt by all parties to be the case, that when

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the Church of England petitioned that her portion of the

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228 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

reserves might be placed under her own control, the members
of the Liberal Administration opposed it, and declared that
the man who would re-open that question would be an enemy
to his country. (Cheers). Why the change? In 1849 the
Clergy Reserve agitation was got up as a counter-irritant — as
a movement to counteract the effect in Upper Canada of the
Rebellion Losses Bill — the one agitation was to be played off"
against the other and now what is the consequence of the
manoeuvre ? That question so raised is the great stumbling
block in the way of the Administration, and there seems little
doubt that, as the one who was hoisted by his own petard, the
Ministers will on this question be shivered to pieces — a just
recompense for their share in raising it. (Cheers). There had
been a great deal of truckling, equivocation and fear exhibited
by Ministers on this question of the reserves which would not
bear examination, and in nothing was this more displayed
than in the Ministerial apology for that paragraph in the
Speech from the Throne which related to it. They had heard
the Inspector-General negative, in effect, the declaration
which had been made by the party in 1842, that while the
Governor-General was the representative of the Sovereign, \ct
in local matters he Mas bound to act on the advice of his
Ministers. No regret at the refusal of the Imperial Parliament
to repeal the Act of 1840 was expressed in the Speech. They
were afraid to express it an ' sought to throw the responsi-
bility of such a course upon the House. After referring to
other topics, Mr. Macdonald closed by remarking that there
jwas no principle in common among the members of the
I Administration except the desire to hold the reins of power,
^! and that this could not but be productive of pernicious effects
to the country."

On September 1st a convention of delegates from the
several Boards of Trade in the provinces was held at Quebec,
at which the late Sir Hugh Allan was chairman, and many of
the leading merchants of Montreal, Quebec, Kingston aiul
Toronto were present. A series of resolutions — eighteen in
number — were passed embod)'ing the views of the convention
on changes to be effected in the tariff" and in the commercial

Quebec Board of Trade Meeting.

229

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arrangements of the country. Many of these recommend-
ations have since been adopted and now form part of the \ "^ J(
fiscal poh'cy of the Conservative party, while others found j I ^v .' kv
favour with both parties. A large number, however, were - ..»' \ ^}* 1
intended to remedy supposed grievances which have either
ceased to exist or are no longer so regarded. Among the
more important were the following :

" That in the imposition of duties, such an arrangement of
them be made as will incidentally protect the manufacturing
interests of the province.

"That, as an encouragement to the building of vessels
throughout the provinces a drawback of an amount per ton
equal to the duties paid on the articles used in the construc-
tion thereof be granted the owner of each new vessel on
taking out the certificate of registry from the custom house."

The convention also recommended the encouragement of
trade by the St. Lawrence by a reduction of duties on goods
coming that way, that the shipping interests should mutually
enjoy the internal coasting trade, that the usury laws should
be repealed or at least modified; that a bankruptcy law should
be passed ; and wound up by recommending " that, if such a
course were practicable, it would be advisable, as an act of
retaliatory justice, to mark the views of the province at the
refusal of reciprocity on the part of the United States by
placing a higher scale of duties on the manufactures of that
country imported into Canada than on those of any other
country."

Mr. Morin introduced into the Assembly a series of resolu-
tions declaring the expediency of altering the constitution of
the Legislative Council so as to make that body elective
instead of being appointed by the Crown. The first resolution
declared " That under the circumstances in which the pro-
vince of Canada is placed, in a social, political and economical
point of view, the introduction of the ek'^'tivc principle into
the constitution of the Legislative Council would not only
impart greater weight to that important branch of the Legis-
lature than it can have under existing arrangements, however
judiciousl)' the selection of its members may be made, but

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230 Thk Lifk of Sir John A. Macdonald.

would also insure greater efficiency in carrying out that
system of government which obtains in the mother country
and has been happily introduced into this province." The
other resolutions detailed the qualifications, mode of election
and functions of the elected Council, recommended that it
should : - liable to dissolution and re-election in the same
manner as the Assembly, and that it should be optional for
the Governor-General to dissolve both or either of the Houses
of Parliament ; that the Council should elect its own Speaker,
and that therr^ should be no property e|ualification for either
Housr '.'loducing the resolutions, Mr. Morin announced

that the r."^' ' ■ leat did not intend to press the question
immediaiciv, aiid desired to elicit public discussions. /

Mr. G )rf;c Br- ' r. ''^^-roduced a Bill to fix the time for the
meeting: oi i'a* "'mf ,cl sr.pported it in a speech of some

length. Mr. Morin anc . ' Hincks opposed it, the latter
stating that there was no necessity to press such a measure,
that if the House would simply pass an Address to His Excel-
lency stating at what time they desired Parliament to meet,
that address would be attended to. Mr. Brown finally with-
drew his Bill at the request of Mr. Hincks and on receiving
an assurance that the Government would have no objection to
call Parliament at a fixed time.

On September 13th Mr. Hincks moved the following set
of resolutions on the Clergy Reserves question :

" I. Resolved, — That an humble Address be presented to
Her Most Gracious Majesty to assure Her Majesty that this
House deeply regrets to learn from the despatch from the
Right Honourable Sir John Pakington, Her Majesty's prin-
cipal Secretary of State for the Colonies, that Her Majesty's
Imperial Ministers are not prepared to introduce a Bill to
repeal the Imperial Act 3 and 4 Victoria, Cap. 78, intituled
' An Act to provide for the sale of Clergy Reserves in the
province of Canada and for the distribution of the proceeds
thereof.'

" 2. Resolved, — That whatever differences of opinion may
exist among the people of Canada as to the best mode of
disposing oi the revenues derived from the lands known as

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Mr. Hincks' Resolutions.

231

the Clergy Reserves, the great mass of the people will ever
maintain the principle recognized by the Right Honourable
the Earl Grey, then Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of
.State for the Colonies, in his despatch of January 27, 185 1,
to the Earl of Elgin and Kincardine, that the question
whether the existing arrangement ' is to be maintained or
altered is one so exclusively affecting the people of Canada,
that its decision ought not to be withdmwn from the Provin-
cial Legislature, to which it properly belongs to regulate all
matters concerning the domestic interests of the province.'

" 3. Resolved, — That while the people of Canada arc
devotedly attached to Her Majesty's person and government,
and most anxious to maintain inviolate the connection which
binds them to the great Empire over which she rules, yet this
Hou.se is bound by a high sense of duty to inform Her
Majesty that the refusal of the Imperial Parliament to comply
with the just demands of the representatives of the Canadian
j)eople on a matter exclusively atTecting their own interests,
will be viewed as a violation of their constitutional rights and
cause dissatisfaction among Her Majesty's Canadian subjects.

"4. Resolved, — That this House is well aware that at-
tempts have been made to induce Her Majesty's Imperial
Ministers to believe that the present representatives of the
people of Canada entertain opinions on the subject of the
repeal of the Clergy Reserves Act different from those
expressed by the late Parliament.

" 5. Resolved, — That this House confidently hopes that
when Her Majesty's Imperial Ministers shall be convinced
that the opinions of the people of Canada, and of their repre-
sentatives, on this subject are unaltered and unalterable, they
will con.scnt to give effect to the promise made by their
predecessors, and this House is confirmed in this hope by the
suggestion in the despatch of the Right Honourable Sir John
Pakington, that Her Majesty's Ministers are prepared to
recommend amendments to the Imperial Clergy Reserves Act
with a view to satisfy the wishes of the Canadian people.

"6. Resolved, — That this Hou.se can scarcely doubt that the
principle of amending the present Act being admitted, Her

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232 The Life ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

Majesty's Ministers will yield to the strong feeling which per-
vades the Canadian people, that any new legislative enactment
regarding the Clergy Reserves should be framed by their own
representatives, instead of the Imperial Parliament, which,
being necessarily unacquainted with the state of opinion in
Canada, cannot be expected to concur in a measure that will
give permanent satisfaction to its inhabitants.

" 7. Resolved^ — That this House desires to assure Her
Majesty, that in thus giving expression to the public opinion
of the country, it is actuated by the strongest feelings of
loyalty to Her Majesty, and by a sincere desire to prevent
those lamentable consequences which must be the result of a
collision between the Imperial and Provincial Parliaments on
a question on which very strong feelings are known to prevail
among the people of this province."

Mr. W. Boulton moved a series of resolutions in amend-
ment to the effect:

" Firsts That the Governor-General in his despatch to Earl
Grey of July 17, 1850, accompanying the Address of the
Provincial Legislature on the subject of the Clergy Reserves,
declared that he deeply regretted the renewal of agitation on
the subject.

" Second, That since the expression of the above language
by the present Governor-General, he has not enunciated any
opinion that it is desirable to revive the agitation, which has
heretofore produced discord, strife and hatred.

" Third, That it is right to infer that His Excellency's
views are unchanged.

" Fourth, That the House has therefore the right to assume
a difference of opinion between His Excellency and his
advisers.

" Fifth, That under responsible government the responsi-
bility of the Executive Council cannot be dissevered from that
of the Sovereign's representative.

" Sixth, That the Cabinet are responsible to Parliament for
the acts of the head of the Government, and that, being
incumbents of office by their own consent, they must be
bound to support those acts.

Mr. Hincks' Rksolutions.

233

" Seventh, That before discussing the resolutions on the
subject of the Clergy Reserves, the House should not only be
made aware by the Government of their own views, as an
Administration, as to the final disposition of these Reserves
but also be informed whether the Cabinet have the counten-
ance of the head of the Government, or whether the
Gover lor-General's expressed opinion remains unchanged."

These resolutions were lost on divisions, Mr. Macdonald in
each case voting with the minority.

Mr. Geo. Brown also moved a .series of resolutions in
amendment, which were in effect :

" First, That the House deeply regrets that the Government
has refrained from the expression of an opinion, as a
Government, upon their future appropriation, the real issue of
the question.

"Second, That the final settlement most consonant with the
feelings of the people would be the diversion of the Clergy
Reserves from all ecclesiastical purposes, and their appropri-
ation to the support of secular education.

" Third, That a select committee be appointed to report a
Bill providing for the sale of Reserve lands and appropriation
of the funds to the maintenance of common schools, also to
report the draft of an Address to Her Majesty expressing the
deep regret of the House at the contents of the despatch of
Sir John Pakington, and reminding Her Majesty that the
question is one so exclusively affecting the people of Canada*
that its decision ought not to be withdrawn from the Pro-
vincial Legislature ; that the settlement provided for in the
BJ^ll aforesaid is the only one that will ever be held final, and
that consequences, lamentably affecting the i)rosperity of the
colon}', may be apprehended if the people are overruled by
Imperial power, and urging that the said Bill may receive
Imperial sanction.

" Fourth, That more land was .set apart than was directed
by the Constitution Act, and requiring that the Committee be
further instructed to report a measure providing for the
recovery from the Reserve Fund of the money received in
payment for lands .so wrongfully set apart, and for the appro-

i! r

234 TiiK LiFK OF SiK John A. Macuonald,

priatif)n of such money to the maintenance of common
schools."

Mr. Brown spoke for nearly three liours in support of his
amendments, and contended that if Ministers did not state at
once what they prop(ised to do with the Reserves, it was only
because they wanted to keep the door open for future
political changes.

— Mr. Macdonald made an exceedingly argumentative and
effective speech, and was greeted with hearty cheers and
marks of applause as point after point was made against the
Ministry. After a pointed allusion to Dr. Rolph's laboured
effort he went on to say that "the unmistakable object of the
Ministry in taking up this question at all, and in dealing with
it as they were now doing, was to keep the country in hot
water. He said that although it had been drawn out of the
members of the Government who were in that House, bit b}-
bit, that they would secularise the Reserves, \-et the)- dared
not frame their resolutions in such a way as to pledge their
supporters, who might vote for them, to do the same thing ;
for they knew they would be beaten in that House ; they
knew that the pandering to the Clear Grits of Upper Canatla
on this question would not be supported by Lower Canada ;
and they therefore played the disingenuous part of saying, as
a Government, that they would do one thing whilst their
supporters would do another. He then ad\erted to the Act
of 3rd and 4th Victoria, and said that if that Act was void and
a nullity as Dr. Rolph had characterised it, then what was the
use of these insolent, violent and rcvolutionar)- resolutions?
If the Imperial Parliament had no constitutional right or
power to legislate upon the question, then must they have left
the question precisely as they found it — namely, in the hands
of the Canadian Parliament, and the lands were still ours : and
if Dr. Rolph spoke the opinions of the Government, or if there
was any truth or force in his argument, his own speech was
but a mere waste of words, and the time of this House
needlessly and fruitlessly taken up ; for they should proceed to
dispose of the Clergy Reserves, here and at once, instead of
debating for days on these worse than useless resolutions.

Speech o\ the Clercjv Reserves.

235

Hut, he continued, this doctrine is all a miserable fallac)', and
is a painful proof of how little the gentlemen op}K)site, who
are carrying on the Government, either know of each others
opinions, or of the question at issue. The land, originall)-, as
they all well knew, belonged to the Crown, and was entrusted
to the Governor-General of this Province for a particular
purpose ; and there was al.so a power of control over these
lands granted to the people of Canada for an especial reason ;
and that power enabled them to reinvest the land back in
Kngland. And he would say — and would do so without fear
{jf contradiction — that any grantee had the power to surrender
what was granted to him ; that the Canadian people had, b\-
virtue of the same Act which gave them control over these
lands, the power to re-transfer to ICnglaiid for the purposes
expressed in the Canadian Act of 1839. And the introducer
of the Act in I'.ngland — founded on the Canadian Act — which
Mr. Rolph characterised as unconstitutional, was Lord John
Russell, and the seconder Sir Robert Peel ; and he wf)uld like
to ask the honourable gentleman and the (iovernment, if thc\'
v/ere disposed to bring upon themselves the withering con-
tempt of the intelligence of all England b\- saying that the
conduct of these statesmen, acting under the advice of the
first constitutional lawyers in the world, was a breach of our
constitutional rights ; was a piece of oppression and wanton
injustice. The fallacy and folly of these things were too
transparent for intelligent criticism to dwell on them.

"As to the question of vested rights, Mr. Macdonald
contended, that the various religious denominations who had
acquiesced in the settlement of 1840, and who were expressly
mentioned in the Act 3rd and 4th Victoria, had as good a right
to that proportion of the Reserves set ai)art for their express
benefit as any member in that House had in his own private
property. The cry of unconstitutionality he looked upon as a
low political stratagem unworthy of honest men to put forth,
and unworthy of an intelligent people to countenance. From
1840 to 1849 not a word was heard of it ; but then, at'ter the
suicidal course of the Upper Canada Liberals upon the
Rebellion Losses Bill, they were forced to get up an agitation,

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TiiK LiiK 01' Sir John A. Macdonald.

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to occasion for^ctfulncss of, or to direct attention from their
conduct ; and hence the resuscitation of the Clergy Reserves'
a^Mtation ; hence the affectation of strong feeling on this subject,
ami the empty professions of sincerity, when none could or
ou^lit to exist. For if this aj^itation was sincere or honest
why did Mr. Baldwin say, that any man who attempted to
renew it would be an enemy to his country? And why did
Mr. Cameron entreat, before he had lost all re[)utation for
consistency and credibility, that it mi^ht never be brought up
a^^ain to destroy the peace and harmony of Canada? He
(Mr. Macdonald) characterised the whole proceedings as a
solemn and discreditable mockery, and as a matter which
should be repudiated by every honourable and independent
member of the Hou.se. And can, he said, there be anything
more wanton and disreputable to the Government of this
country than rising up now, and threatening England with
hostility on this matter ? The President of Her Majesty's
l^lxccutivc Council here, has said that we should, if Englanf
did not ccmiply with our wi.shes, get into collision with her ;
and no one who heard his expressions and saw the manner and
the spirit in which they were uttered, but must have seen that
he meant that we should actually fight against our mother
ccnmtry. He (Mr. Macdonald) characterized such expressions
as alike in.solent and impotent ; as the unworthy emanation of
base and contemptible hypocri.sy. He al.so regretted to sec
that the Solicitor-General East (Mr. Chauveau) had expressed
himself as strongly in favour of secularizing the Reserves this
year, as he had expres.sed himself against it last year. Hf
could not help being reminded, in witnessing the conduct of
the honourable gentleman, of the celebrated lines in Hudibras :

" ' What makes all doctrines pure and clear, —
About six hundred pounds a year ;
And what has proved true before.
Prove false again — si.x hundred more.

' z' "With regard to Church and State, Mr. Macdonald denied
^^ that the History of England bore out the violent views of the
., - voluntaries in this country. Neither was the Church of
England in the position, nor did she ever seek to be in the

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j)ositioii ill Caiiada, that her enemies in the House ami mit ot
it sought to make out. She does not ask for more than her
fair equivalent, acc()rdin<if to her numbers, of the Reserves, and
she seeks but to do with them as may best advance her
interests as a Church, and promote the Christian reliijion.
And when the Methodists and Roman Cathoh'cs, and (Jther
denominations, got their proportions — proportions that she
agreed to grant to them, and, unlike others, kept to that
agreement — out of these Reserves, the balance that would
accrue to her would, after all, form but a very inconsiderable
jjortion of the whole ; a portitju that justice anil fairness could
never deny her, considering that she had given up all, expect-
ing that she would have been allowed to enjoy this, at least, in
peace."

In conclusion, Mr. Macdonald said "that he had heard with
deep regret the declaration of the Provincial Secretary, Mr.
Morin, that he was in favour of secularizing the Reser\ es ;
because he had great confidence in him, and great was his
corresponding regret and dis.i Mpointrnent at seeing him join
with the spoliators of Upper "anada. Nor couUI he a\<)id
coming to the conclusion, after the declaration (jf the Ministry,
that every French member wh(j voted for these resolutions,
pledged himself, indirectly at all events, to vote for the
secularization scheme, for, although he knew they were not in
favour of this, yet the Ministry intended to establish this
vioralehy their vote : they intended to use it as a false xerdict
in England. The Ministry too, pretended to their I'rcnch
supporters in that House that they only wanted the privilege
again of legislating on the Reserves ; but it was the wolf
getting the lamb into his power, under the pretence that he
would not eat him. The whole end and aim of the resoUilions
was palpably to secularize the Reserves, and ever\^ i-'rench
member who voted for them lent his influence and his support
to a party who were seeking to destroy all ecclesiastical
institutions, who would never rest until they had torn down
every church endowment in British America. He — (Mr.
Macdonald) — had this party levelled their designs against the
Lower Canadian institutions, would have stood by those

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238 The Life of Sir JoiIxN A. Macdonald.

institutions — believing them to be supported by the Constitu-
tion and the laws of the land — to the last. He expected the
same treatment at the hands of the Lower Canadians, and he
sincerely trusted he would not be disappointed. They had it
in their power to put a stop to the turmoil and the agitation,
and hypocrisy upon this question ; and they should do it, as
well to protect the constitutional rights of others as to prevent
the same violent hands being laid upon their own property-^
and institutions in turn." ,- '

After four days of acrimonious debate the House of
Assembly came to a final vote, and Mr. Hincks' resolutions
were carried by a large majority, but not, however, in their
original shape, as Mr. Hincks, at the last moment, decided to
strike out the word "collision." He declared that he believed
it to be the proper word, but considered that no Minister
would be justified in retaining it in the face of such an
expression of opinion as had taken place, and he shewed by
his allusion to the words " impotent and insolent," so
stingingly applied by Mr. Macdonald to the resolutions,
that they had gone pretty well home. He altered the resolu-
tion before placing it in the Speaker's hands, but to this Mr.
Macdonald took exception and insisted that such an alteration
was out of order. Mr. Hincks insisted that it wis not, and
one or two other members of the Ministry tried to uphold
their colleague's view of the case ; but all was unavailing, as
Mr. Speaker ruled that Mr. Macdonald was right. There was
nothing left but a motion to strike out the word, which was
done by Mr. Egan, who moved that "difference of opinion''
be inserted in its place. The motion was put and carried,
Mr. Hincks and the Ministry voting with their opponents for
the mutilation of their own resolutions, a necessary but very
annoying course to be obliged to take.

On September 20th the Hon. John Young rose in his
place in the House and stated that he had resigned his
position as Commissioner of Public Works, on account of
being unable to agree with the future commercial policy of
the country as laid down by the Inspector-General. He
understood that policy to be to pursue a retaliatory course

Resignation of Mr. Young.

239

towards the United States by charging a higher toll on
American than on Canadian exports through the canals, and
by charging a higher duty on certain articles when imported
otherwise than through the Gulf of St. Lawrence. He had
entered the Cabinet as a friend jif Free Trade, his views being
thoroughly understood, and he was not prepared to abandon
those views for a policy which he believed in the end would
be the most injurious.

The news of the resignation of Mr. Young was received
with a good deal of satisfaction by the Conservative press, it
being taken as an evidence of the intention of the Govern-
ment to adopt the principles of Protection, and to inaugurate
a commercial .system which would foster the rising industries
of the province, encourage the further employment of our own
channels of communication, enlarge our home market, and
thus render the country more independent of outside
influences ; and this feeling was intensified by Mr. Hincks
emphatic declaration, when referring to the resignation and
its cause, that he believed the policy to be a truly Canadian
one, one that would place us in a position to successfully
negotiate for reciprocity with the United States, and on the
success of which he was prepared to pledge his reputation.

Subsequently, when the House went into Committee of the
Whole on a .series of commercial lesolutions, Mr. Hincks
stated that the probable changes in the policy of the Govern-
ment had been explained earlier than would have been the
case, but for the resignation of the honourable member for
Montreal. At that time it had been determined to adopt a
retaliatory policy towards the United States. Since then, an
attempt had been made by the American Government to
negotiate in a spirit different to that which it had before
manifested. Under the circumstances the Gcjvernment did
not propose to adhere to the policy previously announced, but
at the same time had not changed their views as to what
would be necessary if the American Government should
decline to come to terms.

The vacant position was offered to Mr. George Etienne
Cartier, but declined, on the ground that if the Legislative

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240 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

Council were made elective, he would require a property
qualification of ;^2,ooo in real estate from each member, and
this was a condition to which the Government would not
accede. Two days later the appointment of Mr. Chabot,
member for Bellechasse, was announced.

The Montreal Pi/of, a paper which was supposed to be the
mouthpiece of the Inspector-General, thus expressed itself
with regard to the proposed alterations in the tariff:

" Of by no means secondary importance is the question of
fixing such a tariff of duties on our imports as shall encourage
the trade of the Gulf and River St. Lawrence. Here also we
trust that the Government will be able in a great measure to
meet the views of the mercantile community as expressed at
the recent convention. The advantages to this country of a
direct intercourse with the foreign countries whose productions
we consume, in preference to drawing our supplies through
the United States, are so obvious that it is unnecessary to
enlarge upon them further than to point out that it would be
the means of inducing those foreign nations to draw in like
manner their supplies from us. An import trade invariably
leads to an export trade. Why is it that the United States
almost monopolizes the supply to the foreign West India
Islands, of provisions, flour, lumber, etc., whilst Canada,
possessing the same articles in equal abundance and able to
supply them on fully as favourable terms, enjoys no portion
of the trade ? It is because Canada has not appeared as a
buyer of the sugar, coffee and other products of these foreign
colonies, but has been satisfied to draw her supplies through
the United States. We have assisted to build up the navy
and extend the trade of the United States at the e.\[)C!ise of
our own shipping, our fishermen, our agriculturists and our
manufacturers. This policy must be changed, we must
develop new branches of trade, open new channels for our
commerce and spread the sails of our merchant ships to evei\'
breeze.

" Had the United States offered a free market for our
agricultural productions, we might have doubted the exped-
iency of any legislative action to foster any particular trade

'■' i

The Montreal " Pilot " on the Tariff.

241

in opposition to that which naturally springs up at our own
doors. But that country, persisting in a diametrically opposite
line, and shutting out, by virtually prohibitive duties, our pro-
duce from the consumption of her people, it would be utter
madness to place her on an equal footing with nations
disposed to a liberal and a free intercourse with us.

" From all we can gather we are led to the belief that our
Government coincides in the views expressed by the Board of
Trade convention on this head, and we entertain a hope that
they will establish such a tariff as will furnish reasonable
encouragement to direct importation of foreign goods, via the
St. Lawrence, over importations through the United States.

" Were a reduction of the specific duties, to the extent
recommended by the convention, made on certain articles — if
imported by the St. Lawrence — that enter largely into general
consumption, such as tea, sugar, molasses and salt, the same
description of goods, when imported by inland navigation,
being subjected, as at present, to an ad valorem duty of 12^
per cent, a great alleviation of the public burthens would be
effected, and at the same time a large accession to our direct
trade through the river would ensue."

At an early date Mr. Young embodied his free trade ideas
in a series of rc-olutions which, seconded by Mr. George Brown,
he gave notic<_ he would move in the House. These declared
the condition of all classes of industry to be highly satisfac-
tory, which was attributable to the commercial policy pursued
for the preceding few years, and deprecated any change ;
declared the true policy of Canada to be the simplif)-ing of
the machinery of government ; reduction of public expendi-
ture; the removal of all restrictions on trade not necessary for
revenue purposes, and the use of the great natural capacities
of the country as shall best advance the interests of Canada
without regard to the policy of other nations; that it was
highly necessary to place the internal water communication
of the province in the best possible condition witn the least
possible delay; that it was inexpedient to place higher duties
on foreign vessels passing through the canals than on Can-
adian vessels, or to impose heavier duties on foreign mer-

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242

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

« .1'

chandise imported inland than when imported by the St.
Lawrence; that raw material required for manufacturing
purposes should be admitted duty free ; and that it was desir-
able that the full control of the St. Lawrence and other
internal waters should be transferred from the Imperial to
the Provincial Legislature.

On November loth the Governor-General assented to a
number of Bills, and the House adjourned to February 4, 1853.

About this time a contract was entered into between the
Canadian Government and Messrs. McKean, McLarty & Co.,
Liverpool, for the establishment of a line of steamships
between Quebec and Liverpool. The agreement required
fortnightly trips in summer and monthly trips to Portland,
Maine, in winter, the ships to be not less than 1,200 tons
burden, and to be propelled at the rate of nine knots per hour,
the Canadian Government to pay ;^ 19,000 sterling, and the
city of Portland and the railways ;^5,ooo .sterling per annum.

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C H A P T P: R X.

Northern Railway Debentures Scandal — Passage of new Representative Bill,
March 1853 — Mr. Brown's hostility to Mr. Morin's Elective Councils resolu-
tions— The Glo/)ea\^o opposes the change — The resolutions are carried— Pro-
rogation June 15, 1853 — Reconstruction of Administration-^AUacksontJie
(■kiuprnmpnt l^y M^-, ( JpoTge _Rrown — Charges against the Administration by
the North Amen'tan and the Globe — Opening of the (Ireat Western Railway
— Specific charges of corruption against members of the Cabinet.

IN the beginning of the year 1853 great excitement pre-
vailed with regard to a transaction in Toronto debentures
which had taken place, towards the end of 1852, the facts of
which had only then come to light. These were as follows :
In November, 1850, the city corporation agreed to give the
Northern Railway the sum of ;^25,ooo as a gift upon certain
specified conditions. In August of the following year the
city further agreed to lend the company ;^35,ooo in deben-
tures for twenty years — receiving a first mortgage on the road
for the amount. Sc\'cral months later it was found desirable
to secure the Government guarantee for the road and the city
mortgage stood in the way. It was accordingly proposed by
the company to surrender the ^25,000 gift, and ^^35,000 loan,
provided the city would purchase stock from the contractors
to the amount of £1-^0,000 — the said stock having been paid
by the company to the contractors for work done. This was
agreed to, and on August 23, 1852, the corporation authorized,
the negotiation of a loan of ;^ 100,000, one-half to pay for the
railway stock, and the other ii.ilf to consolidate certain deben-
tures falling due.

On September 22nd a Bill to enable the corporation to
make the loan was introduced into the Provincial Parliament.
On September 28th, the cashier of the Bank of Upper Canada
intimaved, by letter to the City Council, that he was author-
ized by parties in England to say that, if the Bill then before
Parliament passed, they would take the whole loan at par.
On October 4th the Bill passed the second reading and
through committee ; on October 6th it passed its third

343

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244

The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

reading ; and on October 7th it passed all three readings in
the Upper House, and received the Royal assent. On
October nth the city corporation accepted Mr. Ridout's offer
apparently without enquiring as to whether better terms could
be obtained. The ;^50,ooo of bonds were handed over to the
Bank of Upper Canada — the Bank handed over ;^40,ooo in
cash to the contractors : — the Bank drew on Masterman's for
;£^ 100,000, paid over ^^50,000 to the parties who bought the
debentures from the contractors, returned the debentures to
the city chamberlain, and placed the balance of ^50,000 to
the credit of the city. Somebody, apparently, therefore made
^10,000 out of the transaction, and great anxiety existed to
ascertain who that somebody was. The rapidity, energy and
precision which characterized the whole proceeding shewed
the hand of a master spirit, and the apparent desire for con-
cealment indicated that the transaction was something more
than an ordinary business one. The names of some n.-^n
occupying high official positions were afterwards connected
with the matter.

The Representation Bill, which was passed on March
22nd, gave great dissatisfaction to the Conservatives of Upper
Canada, who claimed that the effect of the Bill would
be that the counties having Conservative tendencies would
return a much smaller number of members in proportion to
their population than those of an opposite political colour. In
Lower Canada the distribution was considered to have been
more fairly made. The following is the list of constituencies
with their population and supposed political complexion :

Liberal. Conservative.

Toronto

Peel

Lennox and Addington

Huron and Bruce

Norfolk 21,285

Grenville 20,707

Wellaiid

Hastings, S.R

Frontenac

15,397

15,397
24,816

23,120
22,035

20,041
xg,8i2
19,150

List of Constituencies.

245

Liberal,

Haldimand 16,788

Halton

Lincoln 18,278

Oxford N.R 18,083

Glengary 17.596

Carleton ...

Kent 17.469

York

Elgin, E.K

Prince Edward ....

Lanark, S.R

Durham, N.R

Essex i6;8i7

Middlesex, E.R ....

Oxford, S. R ....

York, N.R 16,712

Waterloo, N.R 16,052

York, E.R 16,000

Ontario, S.R 15.675

Simcoe, S. R ....

Northumberland, E. R 15,828

Wentvvorth, E.R

Northumberland, W.R 15.400

Perth 15,545

Peterboro' ....

Wellington, S. R. i4»54i

Brant, W.R 14,176

Hamilton ....

Dundas ....

Durham, S.R ....

Grey ....

Wentworth, W.R 12,934

Ontario, N. R 12,696

Hastings. ....

Wellington 12,255

Victoria 11,657

Kingston ....

Brant, E.R 1 1,250

Simcoe, N.R ....

Lambton ....

Leeds, N.R

Lanark, N.R 10,48 1

Waterloo, S.R 10,486

Prescott 10,487

Conservative,
18,312

17.582

17,206
17,181
19,000
16,956
16,767

16,207
16,330

16,

15,575

15,237

14,116
13,811
13,965
13.217

12,165

11,582

10,947
10,815
10,778

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246 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

Liberal. Conservative.

Leeds, S. R 9-7^2

Renfrew 9.445 • ■• •

Russell 8,925 ....

Brockville 8,554

Storinont . 8,290 ....

Elgin S,2j7

Bytown 7.760 ....

London ... ... 7.035 ....

Niagara 5,596

Cornwall 6,355

Total 34 = 452,J7 1 30 = 523,993

or about one representative to 13,300 Liberals, and one to
17,400 Conservatives.

The Bill for the re-construction of the Legislative Council,
and to make it elective came up for discussion and met with a
strong resistance. Mr. George Brown was particularly hostile
to the change, and moved a series of resolutions in amend-
ment, as follows : " That the system of government which
exists in the mother country and has been introduced into
this Province, rests mainly for its safety and efficiency on the
facility with which the Ministry of the day can be made
amenable to public opinion for their conduct, and removed
from office upon an Address to the Crown from the representa-
tives of the people.

" That the House of Assembly under the existing constitu-
tional system of Canada, is the admitted exponent of public
opinion, and is in a position to exerci.se a prompt and effective
check over the administration of public affairs.

" That a second Legislative Chamber elected by popular
vote would speak, equally with the House of Assemb'\-, the
wishes of the people, and would be equally entitled to express
th^m to the Crown.

" That the rapid changes, experience had shown continually
to take place in public sentiment, the difference in the
electoral divisions for which the members of the two Chambers
respectively would sit, and the different terms for which they
would be elected, leave no reason to doubt that the political

Mr. Mokin's Resolutions.

247

opposition to majority of the Lower House would be indirect
views of those of the Upper House.

" That when such variance of opinion occurred in the
political views of the majorities of both Chambers a vote of
want of confidence from one House would be met with a
vote of confidence from the other House, and the Executive
would be left practically uncontrolled.

" That when such variance in the opinion of the two
branches occurred, the responsibility of the Ministry of the
day for the right conduct of all public affairs, legislative and
executive, so absolutely essen jal under the British constitution,
would cease ; that two elective chambers are utterly incompat-
ible with responsible government on the British system, and
that the great power entrusted, under that system, to the
Ministry of the day, could not be safely continued under the
relaxed restraint which the two elective Houses would entail.
" That no urgent necessity calls for a change in the
constitution of the Legislative Council. That no practical
evil exists which such a change would remedy; and that there
is no practical end now sought to be obtained and found
unattainable which such a change would render attainable."

Mr. Morin's resolutions were a good deal changed from
the time they were first presented, and, as amended, read as
follows :

" I. That under the circumstances in which the Province
of Canada is placed, in a social, political and economical ])t)int
of view, the introduction of the elective principle into the
constitution of the Legislative Council would not only impart
greater weight to that important branch of the Legislature
than it can have under existing arrangements, however judici-
ously the selection of its members may be made, but would
also ensure greater efficiency m carrying out that system of
government which obtains m the mother country and has
been happily introduced into this province.

" 2. That the object in view might best be attained by
dividing each of the sections of the province into thirty terri-
torial divisions, containing each, as nearly as possible, an eciual
amount of population, and by allowing the persons qualified

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The Life ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

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to vote at the elections of members of the Legislative
Assembly in each division, subject to the arrangements here-
after mentioned as to present members, to elect one person
qualified in the manner hereinafter mentioned, to sit in the
Legislative Council, which should be composed, after the
arrangements as to present members have had their effect, of
sixty persons so selected, one-third of whom shall be required
to retire in rotation every two years, so that, except as to
members elected after a dissolution, or to fill any occasional
vacancies to replace elected members, the members shall be
elected for the term of six years, and members retiring by
rotation, whose term of service shall expire during a session
of Parliament, may continue to serve until the end of that
session.

"3. That twenty new members of the said Legislative
Council ought to be first elected ; that subject to a dissolution,
as hereinafter mentioned, the present members of the Legisla-
tive Council ought to continue members thereof, and to retire
in rotation in numbers as equal as possible, at the end of two
and four years respectively, at the end of which respective
periods twenty new members of the said Council ought to be
elected, whatever be the numbers of the members then
retiring, for which purpose two lists of the present members,
one for each section of the province, according to their place
of residence at the time they were summoned to the said
Council shall be prepared, and lots drawn under the direction
of the Speaker of the Legislative Council, to determine the
time at which they shall retire by rotation as aforesaid, and
to provide for elections in the first instance, and upon the
retirement of these present members in the manner provided,
the Speaker shall also draw lots separately for each section of
the province to determine for \v;liich division members are to be
first elected until all divisions are represented, the said Speaker
to apportion also by lot, on the re-assembling of the Legisla-
tive Council after a dissolution, for each said section of the
province, respectively, the order in which members shall retire;
members elected to fill occasional vacancies to be elected for
the divisions for which the former members were serving, and

Mr. Morin's Resolutions.

!49

for the term only for which they would have been entitled to
serve.

"4. That the persons qualified to be elected members of
the Legislative Council should be all subjects of Her Majesty
by birth or naturalization, of the full age of thirty years, and
residing in the province, who shall have been at any time
jjrcvious to such election, members of either of the Legis-
lative Councils of Upper or Lower Canada, or of the
Legislative Council of this province, or members of either of
the Legislative Assemblies of Upper or Lower Canada, or of
the Legislative Assembly of this province ; and also all
subjects of Her Majesty as aforesaid, qualified, as above, as to
age and residence, who may be possessed, for their own use
and benefit, of real property, situated in this province, of the
value of two thousand pounds currency, over and above all
debts due and chargeable upon the same ; no person who may
be disqualified by law to be elected member of the Legislative
Assembly being eligible to the said Legislative Council.

" 5. That, for the better working of constitutional govern-
ment, the Crown ought to have power to dissolve both Houses
of Parliament, or either of them, but that, as respects the
Legislative Council, such power ought not to be exercised,
except in the event of the rejection by the said Legislative
Council in two successive .sessions, and at least six month's
interval, of a measure which shall have passed the Legislative
Assembly, in the second session, by the vote of an absolute
majority of the members of the said Legislative Assembly ;
the Parliament convened after a dissolution of either House,
or of both, being reckoned as a new Parliament.

"6. That members of the Legislative Council ought to
have power to vacate their seats, either in vacation, or during
the sitting of Parliament ; but that no member of either
House, while being so, ought to be a candidate for election to
the other House.

" 7. That, under the proposed change in the constitution of
the Legislative Council, it is inexpedient that any jjccuniary
qualification should be retained for being eligible to the
Legislative Assembly.

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250 TiiK LiKK OK Sir John A. Macdonali).

" S. That the Legislative Council, so constructed, ought to
possess the exclusive jK)\ver of adjudicating upon all impeach-
ments preferred by the Legislative Assembly against high
public functionaries ; and that, in all other respects, the
peculiar powers and privileges now possessed and exercised
by each of the two Houses of Parliament should be main-
tained inviolate, in so far as they may not be repugnant to the
foregoing resolutions."

The members of the Legislative Council also passed a firm
and respectful protest against the prc)j)osc(i alteration in the
C(jnstitution of that body, denying the allegations that the
members seldom attended in full numbers, and that their
views were not sufficiently in harmony with popular senti-
ments and wishes.

The Globe newspaper very ably di.scusscd the question,
taking strong ground against the proposed change, and as the
scheme is one which has been brought up time and agaiti since
then, it will be found interesting to rei)roduce an extract from
one of its leading articles, the arguments of which are as fresh
and cogent to-day as they were then :

" Is it not evident that a select House of sixty members,
elected for six years from large constituencies, will be the
most influential and honourable chamber, and will not give wax-
to the other? Look at the Senate of the United States. The
decision of the House of Representatives is hardly regarded
at all. It originates .some measures, it is true, but that is its
chief merit ; it passes loose and hasty bills, which are rejected
and amended by the score in the Senate ; it is considered
that almost nothing has been gained by the passage of a P
through the Lower House, the Senate is the ''"le i*l-
through which everything must be sifted. There .'Cgn.
the most acute minds, the most profound thinkc. of tin
State. So it will be with our Council, should we be unfortu-
nate enough to see this Bill passed. Our best men would
enter it, because their election would occur only once in six
years, because the body would be more select, because the
title would be higher, and with the best men would go the
influence, which no Government could withstand. The \ery

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TnK "Gloije's" Views.

size of the constituencies would compel the person best known
;ind m(jst respected to enter the Ujjper House. Let a
Government with a majority in the Lower House attempt to
keep office with the Upper I louse against it, and the conse-
ciuences would soon be evident. Why should a member of
the Council feel obliged to give way to the Chamber beneath ?
Ls he not elected by the people? Does he not owe them dut\-
as well as those who sit below, and why shoultl he not dri\e
out, if he can, inefficient or corrupt Ministers? At present the
members of the Legislative Council feel like the members of
the House of Lords at home. They arc aware that they are
only a check on the popular House, and that they dare not
draw the rein too tight, or the beast will bolt and throw his
rider. This is perfectly well understood in England. A
incasure passed by the Commons has only to be brought up
often enough to the Lords to be passed in the end. Hut it
would not be so with Mr. Mori ns' new Chamber. They would
not be a check upon the people ; they would be part of the
people, and would have as much right in the choice of the
Cabinet, or the rejection of its measures, as the Assembl)-."

A very long debate took place on the resolutions, but the)*
were all carried, and a committee appointed to draw up an
Address to the Queen, founded upon them.

Parliament was prorogued on June 15, 1S53.

On June 25th the Honourable VVm. Huell Richards was
gazetted a judge of the Court of Common Pleas in the place
of the Honourable Robert Haldwin Sullivan deceased, and
was succeeded as Attorney-General by the Honourable John
Ross, who in turn was succeeded in the Solicitor-Generalship
by the Honourable Joseph Curran Morrison, and on August
17th the Honourable James Morris was appointed .Speaker to
the Legislative Council in the place of the Honourable Rene
Edouard Caron appointed a Puisne Judge of the Superior
Court of Lower Canada. The Honourable Malcolm Cameron
was appointed Postmaster-General in the place of Mr. Morris,
and the Honourable John Rolph was appointed President of
the Council in the place of Mr. Cameron, and a fortnight later
the Honourable A. R. Morin hecame Commissioner of Crown

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252 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

Lands, in place of Mr. Rolph ; the Honourable Pierre J. O.
Chauvcau became Provincial Secretary in place of Mr. Morin,
and Mr. Dunbar Ross was appointed Solicitor-General for
Lower Canada.

The Ministry appear to have lost Lheir hold upon public
confidence. George Brown at ''.eked them most mercilessly
on all public occasions, charging them with having broken
their pledges upon every measure and having utterly aban-
doned their principles. Other charges of corruption were also
raised against then.. The North American, erstwhile a thick
and thin apologist for Minii^ters, charged the Honourable
Francis Hincks and Honourable James Morris with breach of
trust, or, to use the plain language of that paper, with " down-
right public robbery" in having advertised for sale a piece of
public property near Point Levi, and not only bought it them-
selves— in connection with Honourable Samuel Mills and Mr.
Matthie of Brockville — but paid a private party, who appeared
at the sale as a purchaser, the sum of ;^2CO to stop bidding,
and then used their influence to induce the Grand Trunk
Board to terminate the railroad near the property, by which
its value would be increased to ^12,000 or ^15,000.

The Hamilton Spectator, referring to the rumoured inten-
tion of Ministers to dissolve Parliament and go to the country
with the secularization of the Clergy Reserves for a cry, said :
"The Ministry dare not face the country again, and a dissolu-
tion must therefore speedily take place. The recent dis-
closures, in which the corruption of the Government and
complicity of its leading members in certain jobbing transac-
tions arc clearly proven, render it utterl)- impossible for them
to retain the confidence of any portion of the people." The
Globe also attacked the Ministry in a pungent article, saying
that " the dodge contemplated of going to the country and
playing off next Parliament with reference to the Clergy
Reserves excited unqualified condemnation." T'le Quebec
Ga::ette, lately the English organ of the Ministry at the seat of
Government, cut adrift and said that " the entire operations of
the Hincks-Rolph Cabinet have been characterized by such
faithless subserviency, and accompanied b\- so many inbred

TnK "Leader" on Mr. Brown.

■:>5

dissatisfactions that their term of office is about to close in a
manner discrebitable to themselves and in disappointment to
their western supporters."

The organs of the Government replied vigorously to the
attacks made ; the Leader, the Government organ at Toronto,
said : " The world has seen many cases of political profligacy,
but none of them have worn a worse complexion than that
which is to be found in the person and career of Mr. Brown,
the member for Kent, One half of his political career has
been a contradiction of the other half, and the whole has
been an audacious lie. Consistency, principle and honour he
tramples in the mire, glorifying in his own abasement, in
proving to-day how politically debased he was yesterday. At
one time he deals in systematic laudation of the Govcin-
ment; at another he vends wholesale vituperation at them;
and both for precisely the same thing. During his dinner
tour* on which he recently entered and is still engaged, he has
altogether outdone himself in those arts of detraction and
slander of which he was before .so accomplished a professor."
On November ist the great Western Railroad was opened
from Hamilton to the Niagara River.

In December Mr. Hincks wrote a long letter to the j^i/ot,
giving as his reasons for refusing to proceed with the Clergy
Reserves question that " one House of Parliament had been
pronounced by a majority of two-thirds in both branches, not
to be a true and faithful representative of public opinion,
while the other house has been declared by the representatives
of the people to be destitute of that weight and influence
which the public interests require that it should command.'
This view is also expressed by Dr. Rolph, in a letter to Mr.
McDougall, who said that the Governor-Cicneral would ne\cr
consent to any proposition for legislation upon all the great
interests of the country by a Parliament so defective ; that the
Ministry could bring into the House no measure without the
Governor-General's consent, and that, if they had advised in

A number of demonstrations had been got up in Mr. Brown's h'^noiir at
various places, at all of which he unsparingly denounced the Ministry for their
duplicity.

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254 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

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favour of this particular measure, and such advice had been
declined, they could not have retracted but must have resigned.

Numerous charges of corruption were being made at this
time against members of the Ministry. Mr. Hincks was charged
with having entered into an improper arrangement with Mr.
Bowes, Mayor of Toronto, in connection with the purchase
and sale of debentures of the city issued to the contractors of
the Northern Railway, and of having been allotted without
payment ^50,000 of Grand Trunk shares as a recom-
pense for services rendered to some English house. The
Honourable Malcolm Cameron was charged with having pro-
cured the sale to Alexander Cameron, for himself, of 15,000
acres of the Clergy Lands of Essex for the nominal price of
seven shillings and nine pence per acre, or less than a third of
the value.

The Great Western Railway was opened from the Niagara
River to Windsor on January 17, 1854, and the event was
celebrated by a special through excursion, dinners, balls,
torchlight processions, etc., at Hamilton, Detroit, and other
places.

li^'l!

CH APTKR X I.

Meeting of Parliament, June, 1854 — The (iovernmeni sustained on the Address-
Defeated on motion of Messrs. Cauchon and Sicotte — Mr. Macdonald's. N
Speech — Prorogation — Sir Allan McNab's protest against — He is endorsetL "^
by Mr. Brown and W. L. Mackenzie — The Speaker protests to the
Clovernor — (leneral condemnation by the Press — Mr. Hincks' address to the
electors of Oxford — Lord Elgin's despatch— Hitter election contests. The '
Government party beaten at the polls — Mr. Macdonald defeats Mr. Countery
by 162 votes. , •

ON June 13th Parliament was opened by His Excellency
the Governor-General, who announced, in his Speech
from the Throne, that he had proceeded to Washington during
the recess — by the Queen's comtnand — to endeavour to effect a
settlement of various important questions bearing ujxjn the
interests of the H. N. A. provinces, and that he had been
enabled to conclude a treaty which he was firml}' convinced
would prove highly advantageous to both countries.

Mr. Sherwood moved an amendment to the Address
relative to the meeting of Parliament. He, with Sir. A
McNab and Messrs. J. A. Macdonald, Gamble and Langton,
charged the Government with a breach of faith in not calling
Parliament together in P^ebruary. Sir Allan referred to the
Ministerial changes which had taken place, and asked f(jr the
usual explanations. Mr. Hincks stated that, in consequence ',>f
the retirement of one of the members of the AdiTiinistration,
some changes in the departments having been effected, the
office of Commissioner of Crown LanJs was offered to Mr.
Sicotte, who was willing to accept but, c^n learning that some
changes in the policy of the Government had taken place,
tendered his resignation, and other arrangements had been
made. Mr. Sicotte's objection to being a Minister was under-
stood to be that the Seignorial Teimre question, which occupieil
the .same position in Lower Canada as that of the Clerg\-
Reserves in Upper Canada and, a measure for the abolition ol
which had been pledged to be passed iluring tlio then existing
Parliament, was not intended to be proceeded with, but, w iti'

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256 The Life of Sik John A. Macdonald.

the Clergy Reserves question, was to be left over to be dealt
with by another Parliament.

The division on Mr. Sherwood's motion resulted in the
Government being sustained ; the vote standing 40 to 29.

Sir Allan McXab moved for an Address to His Excel-
lency the Governor-General, praying that he would cause to
be laid before the House the names of the persons appointed
to be Government directors in the Grand Trunk Railway
Company, together with a return of the number of shares in
the said company held by each of the directors, with the
amount paid ; also a return of the situations or offices held by
the directors, and also a copy of instructions given to the
directors for their guidance in protecting provincial interests.

Sir Allan McNab al.so moved for the appointment of a
committee to enquire into and report on the sale of certain
property belonging to the Crown, at or near Point Levi.

On June 20th the Government was defeated on the follow-
ing motion made by Messrs. Cauchon and Sicotte : " That this
House see, and with regret, that Your Excellency's Govern-
ment do not intend to submit to the Legislature, during the
present session, a Bill for the immediate settlement of the
Seignorial Tenure question or one for the immediate settle-
ment of the Clergy Reserves." The vote stood 29 for the
Government and 42 against. Two days later the Governor
came down and prorogued the House with a view to an
immediate dissolution. When the House met on that after-
noon great excitement prevailed. Sir Allan McXab asked if
it was the intention of His Excellency, as reported, to pro-
rogue the House, in order afterwards to dissolve it, and
without altering the Fr nchise Bill so as to make it come into
operation. Mr. Hincks .eplied that it was. Sir Allan then
said : " 1 have then to say for myself and my friends near me,
that we are quite ready to give our assistance to pass that
Bill in order to make it available at the next session. We are
also ready to pass the supplies, or to do anything to enable
the Government to be carried on in the best manner. It is
not necessary for me to remark on this proposition to dissoUe
the House without affording the country the means of under-

Trotests against Prorogation.

-'57

standing the reasons. We can only say that we are ready to
return a respectful reply to the Speech, and, if the good sense
of the House has inserted in the reply, sentiments not in
accordance with those of the gentlemen opposite, the latter
ought not to have shrunk from the responsibility of presenting
it, and thus have avoided advising His Excellency to do what
I take to be a breach of the Constitution. They have thus
prevented the House from giving its views to the Governor-
General," Mr. Mackenzie followed, endorsing Sir Allan's
remarks, and declaring that the Bill w-as just and necessary, and
should be passed without delay. He asked " If the Inspector-
General, who had once so earnestly opposed His Excellency,
was now to deprive thousands of their political rights ? Were
their i opresentatives to be thus driven from their seats, like
soldiers by drill sergeants in a garrison town ? They had
come to see the public accounts. Where were they? The
treaty — what has become of it? To lower the tariff — why is
it not done ? Was all information to be shut out from them,
though their table was furnished with a list of reports which
ought to be presented ? As an old Reformer he cried shame
on the Government." The excitement that ensued was tre-
mendous. • Mr. Macdonald made a most vigorous attack
upon the Ministry, but the uproar was so terrible that he
could only be heard by speaking at the top of his voice. Mr.
Brown tried to speak, but could not make himself heard. He
was understood to say "why do not the Ministry pass their
necessary measures before they dissolve to escape inquiry into
their corruption." During this time the messenger from the
Council had been admitted, and, while Mr. Brown was stand-
ing and attempting to speak, the House arose and went to the
Legislative Council Chamber. On entering, the Speaker of
the Assembly read the following :

May it please your Excellency :

It has been the immemorial custom of the Speaker of the Com-
mons House of ParHament to communicate to the Throne the general
result of the deliberations of the Assembly upon the principal subjects
which employed the attention of Parliament during the period of their
labours. It is not now part of my duty to thus address your Excel-
17

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The Life oe Sir John A. Macdonald.

loiK-y, inaamnch as tlierc has been no Act passed, or judf,Mnent obtainetl
since your Excellency's announcement of the cause lor sununoning
Parliament by your gracious Speech from the Throne.

The passage of an Act through its seseral stages, according to law,
is the custom of Parliament solemnly declared. According to a
decision of the Legislative Assembly of i84i,this is held to be necessary
in order to constitute a session of Parliament. This we have been
unable to accomplish, owing to the command which Vour E.xcellency
has laid upon us to meet yon this day for the purpose of prorogation,
and at the same time I feel called upon to assure Your Excellency, on
the part of Her Majesty's faithful Commons, that it is not from any
want of respect to yourself or to the august personage whom you
represent in these provinces, that no answer has been returned by the
Legislative Assembly to your gracious Speech from the Throne.

After the Speaker had done reading, Lord Elgin read the
.speech proroguing Parliament.

Mr. Macdonald's speech on Mr. Cauchon's amendment is
thus described by the Quebec correspondent of the Daily
News: "The House was sinking into absolute dulness, when
the, at one time called, 'old man eloquent,' (Dr. Rolph) sat
down and the member for Kingston arose ; who, having quietl)-
disposcd of several of the positions of the honourable member
for Norfolk, commenced an attack upon the Ministry for their
conduct during the last three or four years, such as was,
perhaps, never before encountered b)' any Ministr)' in this
country since the instituti(Mi of responsible goxcrnment. If it
was unexampled for its severity it was because the misconduct
which he had occasioned to review was unexampled in its
extent, and in its threatened consequences to the country and
the character of the Government and Legislature. The
stillness of the House during the deli\er)- of this speech was
only interrupted by the cheers which greeted each successive
charge. Hincks looked terribly pale as he sat with downcast
eyes.

The Montreal Ga::ette recommended the speech to the
attentive perusal of its readers, and said that " a more bold,
manly, and at the same time, dignified speech, has not been
heard for man\' a da)- in the Canadian Parliament." The
concluding part of Mr. ALacdonald's speech is rei^orted as
follows: "Gentlemen on his side of the House hatl al\va\-s

•m

SKVKRK SI'KKCII AdAINST TIIK GOVERNMKNT

'59

held that the present Haiiiainent was competent, and he was
much surprised t(j hear the Honourable Inspector-General
come down that.'da\- and tell the Mouse that the Gov^ernment
would not permit an\- LeLjislation that session, but such as they
chose to think was convenient. What! had it come to that?
Were they a free Parliament, or were they not? Had they
to be told by the Minister in that House that they must just
do that which he would allow them to do and no more?
And after that to be sent away to their homes ? Mi<^ht not
the honourablr* <rcntlemcn <^o a step further with equal con-
sistency and say, 'Take away that bauble' (pointing to the
mace). ^^Loud cries of hear, hear). Sir ! the honourable
gentlemen surpassed even himself in audacity when he ventured
to give that command. He exceeded in daring his former
boldest flights when he dared to tell the free Parliament of
Canada, and the free people of Canada, that they should not
proceed with or have any other legislation than such as he
thought proper to let them have. It was one of the most
audacious propositions ever made in a free Parliament, and one
which must offend alike the common sense and spirit of the
people (hear, hear). You shall pass two bills — only two bills
— because I want thein passed, says the Inspector-General, but
you must not pass any other bills, because I cannot permit you
to do so. \\'h\' ! if such language was to be heard from the
Ministerial benches, better have the Speaker descend from his
place, the mace removed, and even the semblance of a Parlia-
ment put out of the way, and turn over the government of the
country to the unchecked direction of the honourable gentle-
man opposite (hear, hear). The majority of the honourable
member was dwindling and becoming beautifully less, and it
might be very convenient for him to have a short session which
would pass just such bills as he wanted (hear, hear). He (Mr.
Macdonald), believed that the announcement of the honourable
Inspector-General was an unconstitutional one, and that ihey
might search in vain in the annals of British legislation f(jr
such an announcement from the mouth of a Minister. I'lvery
member of that House had an interest in insisting that the
pledges antl promises of the Government should be kept, and

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260 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonalu.

that the public mind should not be debauched by the moral
wrongs of the Government. They had an interest that the
public mind should not be contaminated. It was immoral that
the Government should occupy their places upon the strength
of violated pledges, and the grossest corruption, while they
enriched thcm.sclves by speculating on public property. Did
they not promise the people of Upper Canada that they would
secularize the Clergy Reserves this Parliament ? Did they
not in their eloquent speeches (for they were eloquent on the
subject) in Upper Canada, last summer, in their numerous
after dinner speeches, let the people understand that the
secularization would be inade this season ? Did they not, to
prove the sincerity of their professions as to a desire for the
earliest possible settlement of the Reserves question, drive Mr.
Baldwin from power as a man not fast enough for them, and
were they not now, in fact, following slowly in his rear ? And
do they not, on this fact alone, stand before the people as false
to their honour, false to their pledges, false to the House, and
false to the country? (Loud cries of hear, hear). Do they
not stand before the country, at the same time, charged with
the grossest corruption ? Was it not a fact that, from one
end of the Province to the other, corruption was rampant?
Have these charges been properly denied ? (hear, hear).
Have they been inquired into ? Oh ! wc are told we shall not
proceed with legislation, because, perhaps, an efficient enquiry
would be instituted into these charges ; but he hoped the
House would assert for itself the right to bring these gentle-
men to an immediate account (hear, hear).

"The honourable member for Norfolk read from news-
papers, but what did the Reform press of Upper Canada say ?
He did not mean the Ministerial press — bought like sheep —
and that wrote as they were paid to do. He found that forty-
four Reform papers in Upper Canada, not under the Min-
isterial influence, denounced their conduct. Referring to the
corruptions of the Government, he said he had noticed that
the Honourable Postmaster-General had been particular to
deny a portion of his reported speech at Perth in reference to
the Clergy Reserves, but another portion of that same speech,

'*i.-.-.

PuMLic Opinion on the " Coup d'Ktat."

261

chartjing the Honourable Inspector-General with corruption
for purchasin<^ pubh'c property, was not denied. He, of course,
then inferred that the report was correct, and asked how it
was that the honourable gentlemen still sat together in the
same Cabinet after such a charge ? He was surprised at their
doing so, and the country might well be too. What kept
them together? They could not respect each other; they
could not love each other after such a declaration ; and if they
kept together, it was that they feared each other; the tie that
kcj)t them tf)gcthcr was common plunder. It was dreadful to
think of such a state of things and there must be an end to it.
WMlliam Pitt was a Minister of the Crown for many years, and
was very often assailed with slander, but it was his custom, he
said, to treat it with indifference and without reply, but on
one occasion he was accused by a London newspaper with
speculation in public projjcrty and he felt it his duty to brmg
the slanderer to justice. That was the course that William I'itt
took when such a charge was made against him, but here we
saw that one Minister sat with another, after a charge of cor-
ruption. There were no William Pitt's in this country. No, sir;
they are Robert Walpoles. Robert Walpole was an able man
in his way, and so are a few gentlemen opposite, but he was
expelled from the House of Commons for corruption. He
(Mr. Macdonald) would support the amendment. He trusted
the House would have sufficient independence to investigate
the corruptions of the Ministry. He trusted that the House
would not allow them to play fast and loose and make
promises only to break them, in order that they may the
better carry out their corrupt schemes. If the House should
fail to make such an enquiry, it would be wanting in common
honesty."

The coup d'etat resorted to b>' Lord Elgin and his Ministry
was regarded on all sides as a glaringly outrageous act and a
violation of the Constitution which would be resented by the
people of Canada from one extremity to the other. Admit-
ting, that as a rule. Lord Elgin was bound to follow the advice
of his Council, he was not bound to follow it when it was in
direct violation of the Constitution of the country and, more

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262 Thk Lii'K OK Sir John A. Macdonam).

especially, at a time when eiujuiries were beiiij;" made into
various alle^^ed acts of corruption in which Ministers were
concerned. He stifled eiK]uiry by dissolvinij Parliament before
they could even answer his Speech fn^m the Throne or impeach
his atlvisers, which it was openl)' said, was intended. I le
departed from the position of dignified neutrality, which the
Queen's representative ouii^ht to maintain, and stepped in
between the House and the Ministr)*, and prcventetl the latter
from receiving that treatment which they were belie\ed t<j
deserve. It was a melanchol)' and humiliating spectacle to see
the representatives of the people earnestl)' bej^yini,^ for an
opportunity to proceed with urgent legislati(jn preparatory to a
new election, only to be sternl}' refused. And wh)- ? Because
they would not vote an Address such as the Government wished.
This was exactly the ground taken by the Earl of Dalhousic
when he sent the Lower Canada Parliament about its business
because it would not elect a Speaker to please him. Here was
a session called, at which various charges of corruption and
malversation were to be investigated; at which the Adminis-
tration were to develop their polic}' on the all important
question of the Clergy Reserves; at which the necessary legis-
lation to give effect to the Reciprocity Treaty should be
adopted ; at which a reduction of duties was to have been
made prior to the fall trade ; and at which, abo\e all, some
necessary details to give effect to the Act extending the
franchise were to be legislated upon prior to a new election.
But the opportunity of doing any of these most necessary
things was utterly refused, although the Opposition were
willing to go into them, altogether irrespective of part}' consid-
erations. It is no wonder that this summary prorogation of
the House created intense excitement all over the country
and that the Ministry and Lord Elgin were alike condemned,
in the strongest possible language, by the press of both sides
of politics and by all fair-minded and independent men. In
Quebec a caucus of Reformers was held, at which Messrs.
George Brown, Christie, Ferguson, and a number of other
leading men were present. The prospects of the party were
thoroughly discussed, the utter faithlessness of the Adminis-

Rkfokm ('.\r( is.

263

tnition full)' adinitteti, aiul a tlnn ilctcrniiiuitioii arn'\ccl
at to o];)i)()Sc the Ministry, at ail hazards, at tlic p(»lls, and
to .secure, if possible, the return of men in whom confidence
Cf)uld be placed. It was untlerstood that the Ministry did not
intend brin^ini:^ on the elections before September, but when
the result of this meetin;^ became known to them, it was
re.«olvcd to issue the writs without one moment's dela)'. I'ar-
liament was dissolved, and the writs for a new election issued
returnable on Aujjjust loth.

The papers continued to e.xpres.s the strongest views of the
situatioti. The Montreal Herald, in an intensely vi^onnis
article lieaded "The Cromwellian Dissolution," called ui)on
the people to resent "a direct act of a.tjfLjression on its own
sovereignty, such as has not been witnessed since Louis X\'I
locked out the representatives of the French nation and drove
them to hold their mectinijs in a racket court."' Le jfonrnal
lie Qnebee, in an equally trenchant article headed " Brutal
Dis.solution," expressed the views of the l^Vench part}' it
represented.

On June 26th Mr. Hincks issued his atldress to the electors
of Oxford, in which he stated his ca.se as follows: " Durini;
the recess of Parliament ihe Administration, after mature
tlcliberation, arrixed at the conclusion that it would be hij^hly
inexpedient, in view of a final settlement f)f the great questions
then pending, to legislate on them in a Parliament which had
declared by the new Representation Act that it did not
sufficiently represent the public opinion of the country. It
would be out of place in an address of this nature to enter
into a discussion as to the soundness of the Ministerial policy;
but it is proper that I should state, that, in accordance w ith
(Hir views of public duty, we propo.sed during the present
session to bring the new PVanchi.sc Act into earlier operation,
to .sanction the Reciprocity Treaty, and to reduce the duties
on certain leading articles of consumption which the pros-
perous condition of the revenue enabled us to do. W'e should
likewise have introduced Bills for the secularization of the
Clergy Reserves, and for the .settlement of the Seignorial
Question. We should then have recommended a dissolution

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264 Till-: Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

of Parliament, so as to have had the elections after harvest,
and iiavc proceeded at once to legislate on the questions
referred to. Our intentions were, however, frustrated by a
combination of parties, holding no views in common, but pre-
pared, as we s(()n found, to make common cause in embar-
rassing the Government. An amendment to the Address in
answer to the Speech from the Throne, condemning the
Government for not pressing immediate legislation on the
Seignorial and Clergy Reserves questions having been carrietl
by a majority of 42 to 29, the heavy responsibility devolvcil
on the Administration of either resigning office or of recom-
mending a dissolution of Parliament.

"Under ordinary circumstances the former course would
doubtless have been adopted, but, as the question at issue was
clearly one which could only properly be decided b)- the
people themselves, a dissolution was recommended ; and it
will be your duty, in common with your brother electf^rs
throughout the province, to decide by your votes at the
hustings, whether or not the present Administration is deserv-
ing of confidence."

Lord h-lgin, in his despatch to the Duke of Newcastle,

attempts to explain his act in summarily proroguing the

House, and to defend his Ministers, As this despatch is an

important one and gives the reasons which Her Majest\''s

representative held were sufficiently weighty to justify his

course in turning his Parliament out of doors against their

will, and in the face of strong protestations, it is here given in

full:

Government Hovse, Qvebec, jfime 22, 1854.

Mv Lord Duke,

I have the honour to enclose herewith the copy of a speech which
I delivered from the Throne this day in proroguing the Parliament ot
this Province, and I hog, at the same time, to solicit your Grace's
attention while I state, as succinctly as I can, the grounds on which I
formed the resolution which has given occasion for the delivery of this
speech.

2. It may probably be in your Grace's recollection that during the
course of the last session of the Provincial Parliament, two Acts were
passed which had for their object to effect very material changes in the
constitution of the popular branch of the Provincial Legislature. The

•ll.Ji_-t*

LoKi) Ki,(;iN's Dksi'atcii.

265

former of these Acts raised the niiinher of Parliamentary representatives
from eighty-four to one hundred-and-thirty : this addition to the House
i>f Assembly being so eftected as to equalize, to a i^rcater extent than is
now the case, population and representation. Hy the terms of the
Constitutional Act, an Act of this nature coidd not become law unless
it received in each branch of the Lefjislature on the second and third
readings, the support of at least two thirds of the members. In the
passage of this Act through the Provincial Parliament these conditions
were complied with, and having received a notification of this fact by
Address, in the mode prescril)ed by the Constitutional Act, I assented to
it in Her Majesty's name on June 14, 1855.

3. The second of these Acts to which I have reference was entitleil
'* An Act to extend the IClective Fraiicliise, and better to define the
(pialification of voters in certain electoral divisions by providing a
system for the registration of voters," and the intentions of the Act, as
stated in the title, were duly carried out in its provisions.

4. While these proceedings were taking place in the Provincial
Parliament the Imperial Parliament passed an Act repealing the
Imperial Statute which had regulated, since the year 1840, the distribu-
tion of the Fund, conmionly known as the Clergy Reserve Fund of
Canada, and leaving the future application of this fimd, as a matter of
local concern, to the determination of the hx-al legisl.iture. This
important Statute, having been duly assented to by Her Majesty,
reached me shortly before tiie prorogation of the Provincial Parlia-
ment.

5. The course which the Provincial fiovernment ought t<J take at
this conjuncture, whether in reference t(» the measure of constitutional
change which had been enacted by the Local Parliament, orj to the
.Act respecting the Clergy Reserves, which the Imperial Legislature had
passed, became necessaril}-, at an early period of the recess, the subject
of deliberation in the Provincial Cabinet. Some members of this body
were strongly pledged to the secularization of the Reserves, and it was
Ijclieved that a proposal to carry out a measure of this description
would be supported by a majority in the existing Assembly. After full
consideration and discussion, however, my Executive Council arrived
unanimously at the conclusion, that apart altogether from the merits of
secularization, it would not be consistent with tlusir duty to undertake
to legislate upon this subject in the Parliament as then constituted.
The Clergy Reserves question was one in which it was notorious, that
the public mind — in Upper Canatla more especially — was much divided,
and the Imperial Statute on the subject had been repealed for the
express purpose of facilitating a settlement which should be final and in
accordance with the deliberate views and convictions of the people of
the Pnnince. To attempt, therefore, to settle such a question in a
Parliament which had been already declared by its own vote to be an

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TiiK LiFK OF Sir John A. Ma( doxali).

imperfect representation of tlio ])eople, and 1)\ tlie exercise of wli.it
inif,'lit l)e (ieenied tlie infUicnce of tlie (io\ cvnnient, \v;is a coursL: of
])rocee(linf,' obviously ojien to serious ol)jection. In ttiese views of tlie
Execnti\ (; Council I entirely concurrc^d.

6. An immediate dissolution of Parliament was apparentiv the
readiest mode of esca[)e from the jierple.xities t(j which I have referred.
]^nt here af,'ain difliculty iirescnted itself. In order to ^'ive time for the
completion of the system of rej^istration which formed part of tlu;
measure, Jann.iry i, I1S55, had been fixed as the jieriod at v. hich the
Act for extendin.t( the franchise should come into operation. To
t;ive effect at an earlier time, further lef,'islation was re(|uire<l. It was
therefore finally resolved by the Government that the then existins;
Parliament should Ix; allowed to meet a,i;ain for the i)urpo>e of
lej^islatin.i; upon this and other necessaiy mailers. |ireparator\- to dissd-
lution, after wiiicli the opinion of tiie Lef,'isiature, as constituted imder
th'^ extended Representation and Franchise Acts mii^hi be taken on
th ;.e important (juestions, the settlement of which was anxiously
desired by the people of the Province.

7. In accordance with this determination, in my Speecli from tlie
Throne, which I transmitted to ^'our (jrace by the last mail, with m\-
despatch No. 2 of the if,th inst., I reconuuendetl the l)a^silli,' of a law for
brini^in;^' into early ope.'-ation the Act of the |)recedin;,' session which
had extended the elective francliise, in order that a constitutional
expression of o])inion mif^ht be (jbtained as speedily as possii)le, under
the system of representation recently established, on tiie various
important (piestions on which le};islation was recpiired, and I in\ ited
lej,Mslation in the then existiuf^ Parliament on two other subjects only:
the on(! of these; subjects beiu}; the Keciproeity 'I'reaty, to },'i\e effect to
which it was desirable that an Act of Proxincial I'aiiiament sliouJd jx:
passed without delay ; and the other theTarifl, in which the jirosperous
condition of the revenue justified certain reductions.

S. The first amendment to the Address was inoved by the H(.n.
Mr. Sherwood, a leadiig member of the Conservative jnirty, who
objected to the late; period at vhicli the Parliament had been con\ened.
The explanations on this head, however, were deemed sufficient bv the
majority of the Assembly, and this amendment was accordinj,'ly
rejected by 40 votes to 29. Mr, Cauchon, a I'rench-Canadian mem-
ber, then moved that, at the end of the fourth ]iara,i,'raph of the; Address
in answer to the Speech delivered at the opening of the session, the
followinij woi'ds should be inserted: — "That this Hdusc sees uith
reL,'ret that His l'^xceileiu;y's Governnunt do not intend to submit to
the Legislature during the present session a Hill for the immediate
settlement of the Seignorial question;" to wiiich amendment Mr,
Harman, an Upper Canadian member of the Lii)eral ]>arty, mo\cd as
an amendment, to leave out all the words after " House " and add the

Lnui) I'j.ciiN's DKsrA'rcii.

26r

following instcail thereof: '• ri',i,'ret that His I'xccllcMicy lias not been
aih isfd to recoiiunciKl (luriii.i; tin; prosciit scsskjii a measure i'nr tlic
seciilamation of tlio Cleif^y Rt'scrves, and also a measure for tliu
abolition of the Scij^norial Tenure." The Ministerial and Conservative
parties concurred in oi)|)osin!,' this motion, which was accordin,L;ly
defeated by 54 votes to iG. Mr. Sicotte, another French-l^uiadian
incinber, tlien nio\ed that the words "or one for the immediate settle-
ment of the Clerj;y Reserves," shoidd be added to the end of Mr.
Cauchon's amendment, and this motion was carried by 4^ votes
af^ainst 29; tin; Conservative members availin.i; themselves of the
and)ij;uity of tlu; w(;rd " settlement " to j\)in the ])arty who u ere censur-
inj; the Administration for not havinf^ introduced durinj; the then
session, a Bill for secnlari/inji; the Clerj,'/ Reserves.

9. It will be obvious to your <",race from the above statement <>(
facts, that a most embarrassing situation was created 1)\- this \dte. It
pledged the then subsisting I'arliament to settle the ciuestion of the
Clergy Reserves, and it was carried by a combination of parties hold-
ing opposite views with respect to the terms on which the settlement
sliould be effected. It was my decided opinion that no measure on
this subject, short of a measure of entire secularization could possibly
have been carried through the House of Assembly with the prospect,
more especially, (jf an immediate; dissolution hanging over the heads of
its members. Against a measure of secularization, carried under such
circumstances, the friends of religious endowments would, I conceived,
have had good cause to complain. Hut if, on the other hand, out of
the heterigenous elements of which the majority \ s composed, I had
been able to form a Conservative Administration, and, with the aid of
that Admiiiistration, a measure for perpetuating the endowment, I felt
confident that in place of settling this vexed cpiestion, I should, by so
doing, only ha\e gi\en the signal ior renewed and more vi( t agita-
tion. The advocates of secularizat'on would ne\(r have admitted the
permanency of a settlement affected by a I'arliament so ])eculiarly
circumstanced, and the Ministeriii party might reasonably have been
(wp-ciedto assert in opposition the views on this subject for which
they had incurred the sairifice of otfice. Moreover, the position of the'
House of Assembly itself, in refereuct; to the poin' which had iieen
raised, was an anomalous one. On the issue wiietlier oi" nut it was
seemly that a certain el.i,--s of (picstions should be dealt with before the
dissohitiou, which woidd bring iirto operation a more perfect system )f
popular representation, that body miglit be; ,^aid to be a jia, y to the
suit. Its verdict, therefore;, in the j)articuiar case, could hardly 1 e
held to carry with it the authority which, under ordinary circuui-

stances, would attach to the decision
Legislature. It is further to be observ

of the popular braiK h ("f the
ed that the L. gislative Council

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268

TiiK Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

Throne, which I transmitted in my despatch No. 5 of the 15th instant,
had virtually expressed their approval of the policy adopted by the
Administration.

10. Under these circumstance ,, when the members of the Execu-
tive Council informed me that they were prepared to ask the judgment
of tl'i country on the policy of the postponement of the Clergy
Reserves, and Seignorial Tenure questions which they had adopted with
my full approval and sanction, I did not think that I should be justi-
fied in refusing to act on the advice tendered by them, and to dissolve
Parliament for this purpose, and having obtained from the law officers
of the Crown a joint opinion in favour of the legality of the course
recommended to me, I sunnnoned the House of Assembly to the
Council Chamber in the usual manner and delivered the Speech of
which the copy is herewith enclosed.

I ha\e, etc.,

(Signed) Elgin & Kincardine.
Tub Dukk of Newcastle, etc.

Having stated minutely the results of the Representation
Bill, in the second paragraph of his despatch, the Governor
took good care to give no information regarding the result of
the Franchise Bill, to which he alludes in the subsequent
paragraph, giving merely its title. Now, of the two Bills,
that of the franchise was the more important, and its going
into operation seems, above all things, to have been regarded
as indispensable before any further legislation could take
place. The Governor ought to have informed the Imperial
Government that the Franchise Bill was the pri' .:ipal reason
put forward by the Provincial Government to justify the
policy of dela}'.

The statement in the fifth paragraph that "the course
which the Provincial Government ought to take at this con-
juncture, whether in reference to the measure of constitutional
chanue which had been enacted bv the local Parliament, or to
the Act respecting the Clergy Reserves which the Imperial
Legislature had jjasscd, became necessarily, at an early period
of the recess, the subject of deliberation:: in the Provincial
^Ji^^ Cabinet," is, to sa\' the least, misleading and calculated to
convey the 'm[)rcssion that these subjects had not previously
rcceivetl consideration. In the month of August, 1852, at the

Commp:nts on the Govkknok's Di-:srA'RH. 269

opening of Parliament, the Speech from the Throne and the
declarations of Ministers during the debate on the Address,
announced to Parliament that its concurrence would be asked
in measures for the augmentation of the representation, the
extension of the franchise, and in the settlement of the Clergy
Reserves and Seignorial Tenure questions. Now, in asking
the concurrence of Parliament in passing measures on these
various questior s, its power to legislate was clearly recognized.
The Parliament then had power, according to the views
expressed by the Governor in his Speech, and by his
Ministers, to pass, simultaneously, laws to settle all the above-
mentioned questions during the session of 1852-53. It is then
quite clear, that at that period, the Governor and his advisers
either saw no inexpediency or incompetency on the part of
Parliament, as then constituted, to settle the Seignorial Tenure
and Clergy Reserves questions, or, if they saw that incompe-
tency and inexpediency, and yet invited Parliament to go on
and legislate, thex laid themselves open to the charge of
incompetency or of fraud. Not only did the Governor and
his Ministers declare in August, 1852, that they saw nothing \
to prevent legislation on the.se points, but the latter promised, (
in July, 1853, to legislate on these qr>estions, and declared in '
their public speeches that any Government which would
hesitate to .settle the question of the Reserves would justly '
merit the scorn of the people. But in spite of all thos9'
declarations and all tho.se promises, thi. Governor and his
Ministers did not hesitate, in August, 1853, to adopt a policy
utterly oppo.sed to that which they had just .said was the only
proper and popular course.

His Excellency did not think proper to mention tlie date
of the discussion which took place in Council in regard to a
change of policy, — he acted prudently in concealing that date,
for if he had said to the Duke of Newcastle : *' We decided in
August, 1853, to adopt the policy of delay," — would n(;t the
English Minister have replied — " Why then was not the
Legislature convoked in the autumn of 1853, in order that
the country might be without a competent Parliament for as
short a time as possible, and that its most important affairs

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270 Thk T.ifk ok Sir John A. Macdonai.d.

initjjht not be retarded?" Lord ICl^in has failed U) ad\aiice a
single reason which would justify his course.

Again, His Ivxccllcncy alleges that those who condemned
his Ministers were not all actuated b\' the same motives.
Tliis was a new constitutional principle, and opposed to that
which had hitherto been accepted, viz., that the will of the
niajority should decide. According to this principle, majorities
should count, not by nuinbers, but by unity of opinions. If
forty-two condemn twenty-nine to quit pc^wer, the twenty-nine
reply, " We will not quit it, because the motives which animate
all of you are not the same ; you arc only a temporary union
of minorities, whilst we twenty-nine arc all animated by the
same motives, and we prefer to count majorities, not by
numbens, but by motives." It was deplorable to .sec a
Governor and his Cabinet reduced to the use of such untenable
arguments.

In the last paragraph the Governor admits that he entei-
tained doubts as to the legalit^■ of the course which he was
asked to pursue, and that to clear up these doubts he
considered it necessar)- to ask the opinion of the two law
officers of the Crown, but he did not think it necessary to
state that these two officers were of the number of the beaten,
and that they were also of the number of thcjse who hatl
coun.selled the policy condemned, and moreover that they
were of the number of those who were going to lo.se their
portfolios by the very fact of that condemnation.

A fair and imj)artial consideration of the despatch can
only result in the opinion that Lord Elgin signall)' failed to
justify the course pursued by him, tliat, instead of maintainii.
an attitude of dignified neutrality between the contending
political pa.-ties, he sided with the Ministry and by a most
imwise and unconstitutioiud act kept them ir power after the
House of Assembly had declared its desire for a change, and
that his despatch to the Imperial (io\ernment, by concealing
some facts and mistating others, and giving undue promin-
ence to minor ones, is rather the laboured effort of a partisan
than the impartial utterance of the rejDrcsentativc of Her
Majesty. It was so regarded at the time, and, although many

COURSKS Ol'KX TO Mr. IIincks.

iS"'

)-L'ars li;i\e since elapsed, the cooler judi^.nent of lo-tla\' can
(;nl}' reL;ai'd it in the same iinfaxourable liL^ht.

Mr. IIincks. when beaten on the Address, had a choice of
two courses, either of w iiich he niiL;ht, with i^reat propriety,
have followed. Me should either have immediately tendered
his resignation and thnnvn u[)oii the Oj^position the onerous
task of formir.i;' an Administration, or he should have ^one on
and perfected the measures for which the Legislature was
cfjiivencd and ^\hich the Opposition professed their willin^t^-
ness to pass. .Mr. IIincks did neither. Apparentl)' \-ieldinij
to temper, he directed the immediate proroi^ation of Parlia-
ment, preparat(jry to its dissolution. In vain members of the
( )])i)osition — many of them i^entlemen who, up to that hour,
had given unwavering support to the Government — implored
Ministers to proceed with the measures referred to in the
(iovertKjr's opening speech. In vain Ministers were reminded
that the new I-'ranchise .Vet — which extended the franchise t(j
100,000 electors — would not come irito operation until after
Ianuar\- 1st following, if an Act to give it an earlier effect was
not passed. Mr. Jlincks was inexorable and would listen to
nothing. No bills were passed, no supplies granted, no
answer to the Governor's speech returned. The proceedings
in the Assembly were suddenly arrested b)- the appearance
of the usher of the black rod at the bar ; Parliament was pro-
rogued amidst the greatest confusion and excitement, and, to
cap the climax, the Speaker protested against the prorogation
on the ground, that, as no Act had been consummated b\'
Parliament, therefore no session had been held.

Both sides were insulted and angered by the high-handed
proceeding. All the old charges of corrui)tion and jobbery
were revived and the Liberal i)arty was called upon to purge
itself of leaders who had proved themsehes corrupt and
unw<-> I hy (jf confidence. The attacks and accusations which
had been made by the C'onser\ative press were now re-echoed
by a large and influential section of the Reform press, and the
leader of tile (jovernment was held up to public execration as
a man who had been convicted of jobbery and corrui)tion — ot
making his official position subservient to the furtherance ot

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272 The Like of Sir John A. Macdonald.

his private interests, with speculatinjf in public lands and
stocks upon information derived in his capacity of first
Minister of the Crown. Other Ministers were charged with
similar offences, offences subversive of public morality and
destructive to that confidence which should always exist
between rulers and the ruled. They were also accused of
shamefully violating pledges solemnly given and reiterated,
that promised reforms were delayed and gross abuses winked
at and Reformers were urged to hurl these men from office,
and rather to sit in a minority in the House than to endure
or tolerate for a single day an Administration which had
proved itself so unworthy of their confidence and support.

This was the state of the public mind \\hcn the elections
came off, and the contest was carried on with more than
ordinary bitterness; the most strenuous efforts being made on
all sides to defeat the Ministry.

The result was even greater than anticipated. The Minis-
try were completely routed, and although the majority of
members returned were Reformers, there was no cause to
doubt that the Administration would be found to be in a
minority when the House met. The returns in Uj)per Canada
were largely against the Ministry, while in Lower Canada they
had «i slight preponderance. The result in L'pper Canada
was tl more gratify i-ig when it was considered how much
the Government had exerted itself to .iecure the return of its
nominees. The Postmaster-General, Honour.ible Mr. Cam-
eron, was rejected in two constituencies, and the Provincial
Secretary, Honourable Mr. Morin, was also defeated, while
the two men the Ministry were most anxious to oust from
their constituencies, Mr. George Brown and Mr. Cauchon,
were returned by overwhelming majorities. The victory w as
of the most decisive character, and the friends of good govern-
ment had great cause for rejoicing.

The nomination of candidates for the representation of ':he
city of Kingston took place on July 17th, when the Honour-
able John A Macdonald was proposed by Mr. Thomas
Kirkpatrick, and seconded by Mr. James Morton, and Mr.
John Counter was proposed by Mr. William Wilson, seconded

The Kingston Election,

273

by Mr. Alexander Mair. The show of hands beinjjj in favour
of Mr. Counter, a poll was demanded for Mr. Macdonald and
the 26th and 27th fixed for the polling. It was supposed that
Mr. Counter's long connection with municipal affairs and
personal popularity would make him a strong candidate, but
when the poll closed it was found that he was beaten by 162
votes.

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CHAPTER XII.

Defeat of Hincks-Morin Government on the Speakership — Second defeat on the
Bagiit Election case —Resignation — Sir Allan McNab forms a Coalition
Administration— Mr. John A. Macdonald appointed Attorney-General —
The Government denounced by the GM'e — Mr. Cayley's Address to the
IClectors— Mr. Macdonald returned by Acclamation — Large majorities in
, favour of the (jovernment — Passage of the Reciprocity Bill — The Clergy
Reserves' Hill carried by 62 to 39 — The Seignorial Tenure Hill passed —
/ Adjournment December 18th — Meeting February 23, 1855 — Ministerial
changes during Christmas recess — Mr. Cauchon's Bill to make Legislative
Council elective— Mr. Macdonald's .Speech— Seat of Government (|uestion —
Prorogation — Remarks on work of session.

ON September 5th the new Parliament met. The Ministry
at once met with a reverse, their nominee for the
Speakership, Mr. Cartier, being defeated by a vote of 62 nays
to 59 yeas. The Speech from the Throne covered several
subjects of magnitude and importance with which it was
proposed to deal, amongst the.se being the alteration of the
Constitution of the Legislative Council so as to make it
elective, the .settlement of the Clergy Reserves and Seignorial
Tenure questions, the assimilation of the Municipal Institu-
tions of Lower Canada to those of Upper Canada, the revision
of the Tariff, and the Reciprocity Treaty.

The Ministry did not conceive that the defeat on the
Speakership necessitated their resignation, and Mr. Hincks
was very much criticised in consequence. Two days later Mr.
J. B. Dorion moved, as a matter of privilege, that the poll
books of the returning officer for the County of Bagot should
be brought up by the Clerk of the Crown in Chancer)-. The
point in this ca.se was that Mr. T. Brodeur had been named
returning officer, and in that capacity had returned himself as
duly elected. The question raised was whether a returning
officer could return himself, and again, whether, if he could, a
returning officer was eligible to a seat in the House. The
case was very fully debated, but the Government desired its
further consideration to be postponed until the next day, and
Mr. Drummond made a motion to that effect. The motion

274

■'■'''■^.^jS^-JV.r

I'\)RMATION UF McNAH-MOKIN GoVKKNMENT. 275

WHS, however, lost by a vote of 61 to 46. The next day the
Ministry rcsif^mcd, and Sir Allan McNab was sent for to form
a Ministry. In announcing the causes which led to the
resignation of the Ministry, Mr. Hincks briefly sketched the
occurrences of the last two years, and, in referring to the
charges made against liiniself, said he courted the fullest
cnquir)' — a statement that was received with cheers. Mr.
Cauchon and others crossed the I louse at the conclusion of his
Speech and shook hands with him.

On the iith Mr. Morin stated in the House that a new
Cabinet had been formed, the Lower Canaila members of the
late Mini-i. retaining their places, while those from Upper
Canada liad been replaced as follows : Inspector-General,
Honourable Mr. Cayley ; Speaker of Legislative Council,
Honourable John Ross; President of Executive Ctnuicil,
Sir Allan McNab ; Attorney-General, Monourable John A.
Macdonald ; Solicitor-General, Honourable H. Smith ; Post-
master-General, Honourable J. Spence^

He went on to say that none of the measures of the late
Ministry were to be abandoned. The new Ministry from
Canada West were to concur in the adjustment of the Reserves
in the popular sense ; in doing so, they being willing to follow
the patriotic example of Sir Robert Peel. In the same way
they would support the abolition of the Seignorial Tenure, the
Elective Legislative Council, etc. Mr. Hincks rose and stated
that, although he had not been able to accept Sir Allan
McNab's offer of a seat in the new Cabinet, he had promised
his support if an arrangement could be made to carry out the
measures of the late Government.

The combination was very displeasing to the extreme
Reformers and Rouges, and a number of them (3(S) met the
day after the announcement, and denounced it as " an utter
abandonment of principle b}' the parties to it, and, if successful,
would bring discredit on our constitutional system, and tend
seriously to the demoralization of public men, and that it is of
the highest importance to the cause of good govertnnent, that
the representatives of the people who iiave compromised
themselves by leading such a movement, and are about to

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276 TnH Lii'K OF Sir John A. Macdonald.

I)rcsciit themselves for re-election, should be iiidi^niantl}'
rejected at the polls."

The (J/o/'e strongly denounced the coalition as a combin-
tion of ultramontane Romanists from Lower Canada, with
four Tories (jf the deepest dye from Upper Canada — Messrs.
McXab, Mactlonald, Cayley and Smith — with Messrs. Ross
and Si)ence added, the former representing the corruption of
the late Government. The Leader, the L'pper Canadian organ
of the late Government, and a large number of other Reform
papers, either expressed their approval, or declared their
intention of giving the new Government a fair trial. The
Pilot, the organ of Mr. Hincks in Montreal, defended Sir
Allan McNab and his friends, and quoted many precedents,
amongst others the precetlent of the late Duke of Wellington
in connection with Catholic emancipation, which he for a long
time opposed, but of which he afterwards became the advocate,
and the more recent struggle for free trade and cheap bread,
when Sir Robert Teel, who for a long time had resisted the
arguments of Mr. Cobden and Mr. Villiers, and insisted upon
maintaining the principle of protection to the British farmer,
but afterwards, being convinced, at once surrendered to the
demands of the people, and abandoned a party of whose
opinions he had long been the exponent, and of whom he was
the political head. The article closed with these words : " The
demand made by the country is that the measures which have
been agitated shall be passed, and any senseless cry which
may be rai.sed for men and not measures will be taken at its
true value. A small knot of impracticable men cannot be
permitted to play the dog in the manger, and, because they are
not strong enough to administer the Government themselves,
prevent the pe(^ple from getting the measures they want."

Mr. Cayley was the first Minister to issue his Address to
the electors. As his remarks cover the whole ground, the
following extracts are made from it. First he announces, with
reference to the Clergy Reserves : " Whatever doubts I may
have entertained on the subject, I am now free to admit have
been effectually removed, and that the wishes of the people
have been most unequivocally expressed in the returns made at

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Mk. Cavlkv's Addukss.

the last elections. Out of a house of 130 inciiibcrs — this i)oint
haxinj^ been raised at nearly all the elections, and made a test
c|uestion at many — not thirty have been returned who adhere
to the settlement of l84i,or adv(jcate the appropriation of the
Rcsei*vcs to ecclesiastical purposes. Ilavint,^ declared myself,
then, an advocate for prompt legislation, and being now
satisfied of the course that legislation must take, I am prepared
to assist in ^ivin^ effect to the wishes of the people, under the
terms of the Imi)erial Act, authorisin<; Canada to legislate on
the Royal grant. I am also preparetl to advocate lej,nslation
upon the Reciprocity Jiill, the reconstruction of the Legislative
Council, and the settlement of the Seigncjrial Tenure, due
regard being had to the interest of all parties concerned.

" As the Government which has just been formed has been
designated a ' Coalition Government,' I beg a moment's
intlulgence while I offer a few remarks on this subject. From
the time that the Imperial authority recognised Responsible
Government in Canada, and in proportion as it has relaxed
the leading strings which influenced our movements and
controlled our legislation, the distinctive features which cjrigin-
ally marked and separated the Con.servatives from the Liberals
have gradually been wearing away. While each had at heart
the interests of tlieir common countr)- — while each was
seeking her material advancement and both were ali\e to the
benefit that would accrue from self government, the one has
bided the fitting time when the parent country should volun-
tarily accord the right, of which the other has, not without
importunity, endeavoured to hasten the acquisition.

" In proportion, however, as Great Britain has encouraged
independent legislation in Canada, and conseciuently the
tlistance which once divided these two parties has lessened
until the distinction has been reduced to a name, two other
l)artics have been springing up in the Province, known in
Upper Canada as * Clear Grits,' in Lower Canada, as Rouge or
Red Republicans, which promise to revi\e in all their freshness
those differences which have so long interfered to prevent a
joint and harmonious working for the common good. The
extreme opinions of the Grits — their impatience of the so-called

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27« The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

interference of the Crown, and that excessive predilection for
elective rule which would subject even the judiciary to its
control, have paved the way for that alliance which has just
taken place with the socialistic doctrines and republican
tendencies which characterize the Rouge party in Lower
Canada. This combination, daring, active and ambitious —
has brought about, as a necessary counterpoise, a union of
parties who have hitherto acted independently of and fre-
quently in opposition to each other, namely : — the Conserva-
tives, the moderate Reformers of Upper Canada, and the
French, whose alliance the Conservatives sought, but failed to
obtain, in 1H47."

" Have I asserted too roundly that the combination
between the Clear Grits and the Rouges rendered other com-
binations necessary ? I think not. Any individual or party,
hnding their aid to defeat an existing Government, b)- that
very act assume the responsibility of supporting or supplying
.some other Administration in their stead, \^'erc the Conser\ a-
tives then prepared tf) supjxirt the Clear Grits and Rouges, as
.successors of the late Ministers? or, if the choice rested
between these new aspirants to oflFicc and the then Atlminis-
tration would they have been found in opj)osition to the
latter? In my opinion, certainl)- not. No alternative then
was left to them but to invite an alliance with parties favour-
able to progress, yet opposed t<j extreme views, and .satisfied
to keep within constitutional bounds in administering the
affairs of the country.

The divisions which took pl.ice on the Address in repij-
to the Speech from the Throne, shewed large majorities in
favour of the Government, the paragraph about the Elective
Council being passed by 94 to 6; that relating to the Clergy
Reserves by 70 to 33; and that respecting the Seignorial
Tenure by 58 to 28.

On September 22nd. the Reciprocity Bill was pas.sed
through all its stages and next da)* received the sanction of
the Governor-General.

When Mr. Spcnce was meeting the electors of North
W'entworth he stated that Sir Allan McNab, having been

Sir Allan McNah's Course Endorsed.

charged with the duty of forming .1 Cabinet, ascertained that
out of thirty-two Conservatives, twenty-eight were prepared
to go for the secularization of the Clergy Reserves. He
&2n went to Mr. Morin and got his acquiescence; Mr.
Morin stating that he had no other object in public life than
getting those measures passed. Mr. Morin brought over forty-
six votes to Sir Allan's twenty-eight Mr, Hincks was then
sent for and gave in his adhesion on the condition of his
measures becoming the ground work of Sir Allan's policy.

Public opinion fully endorsed the course taken by Sir
Allan McNab as being wise and statesmanlike, and one which
was absolutely necessary under the circumstances. When the
late Ministry was defeated it was quite evident that no one
party could carry on the Government and that a coalition of
.some kind must be formed. Mr. Hincks, unable to see his
way out of the surrounding difficulties, appears to have been
an.xious to divest himself of the leadership of those who had
adhered to him, and to transfer the post of honour to Mp
J()hn Wilson, whom he is said to have advised to be called
upon to form a Ministry. But Lord Kigin wisely and properly
sent for Sir AUatLMcKaJi as the leader of the most numerous
party of the Opposition. Had Sir Allan refused office, there
remained no other alternative to His Excellency but to send
for Mr. Brown, or some other of the extreme faction, and the
whole odium of throwing the Government into the hands of
such parties would devolve upon Sir Allan. But there was
no necessity for Sir Allan declining the responsibility or any
inconsistency in the course he followed. The only material
question which .separatetl the Conservatives from the moderate
Reformers was the question of the Clergy Reserves, and it had
been agreed upon by the Conservative members at Quebec,
immediately after the late dissolution of Parliament, that
this should be considered an open question by the party, and
that their subsequent action with regard to it should be deter-
[ mined by the elections then coming on. The result was a
decisive one in favour of secularization, and to this decision
the Conservatives yielded. Not only was the course fully
justified by many precedents in P2ngland, but was consistent

28o The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald,

with common sense. To hold obstinately to a line of policy
when success was improbable if not impossible, and thereby
to lose an influence in the Legislature, would have been an
act of political suicide and would have indicated incapacity in
those who pursued such a course. The situation wjis full of
difficulties and Sir Allan might well ponder and ask for time
for consideration. The Conservative party was of itself too
weak to conduct affairs. Something had to be done then, if
he and his friends were to accept office; some coalition had to
be ftirmed. The question was with whom should it be ? It
had to be either with those parties that assi.;ted the Conserva-
tives to defeat the Ministry, or with some of the Ministry
itself With the former, for many reasons, such a thing was
almost out of the question. The greatest affinity that could
possibly be made to exist between the many discordant
elements that would necessarily compose such a coalition,
would be far too weak to hold them together. No other
alternative remained for the Conservatives but to coalesce
with those with whom but a few days before they were in
open antagonism. So, with the concurrence and approval of
all concerned, the coalition was formed,

A careful analysis of the divisions in the House upon the
paragraphs of the Address clearly showed that the opposition
which followed was limited almost entirely to the Rouges and
Clear Grits, and that these united parties might be set down
at about thirty, giving the Government a compact majority of
between two-thirds and three-fourths of the House.

Mr. Macdonald was returned for Kingston by acclamation
on September 28th. At the nomination he entered fully into
the circumstances connected with the dissolution of the late
Cabinet^' and vindicated his own course in accepting office,

- .showing the political necessity for adopting the course which
he and his friends had taken, when the resignation of Mr.
Hincks threw upon them the responsibility of definite action.

(' "The course had only been adopted after a careful investigation
of the position of conflicting parties in the country, anxious
consideration of what was due from them to their party and
the interests of the Province, and an all but unanimous

Sir Allan M( Nah's Addkkss.

281

affirma'.ivc decision by his political frictids, on the cjucstions
submitted to them. ^ While, as a general rule, coalitions were
not liked by the people, yet, sometimes they became, under
the pressure of circumstances, necessary, and he had no doubt
that the one of which he formed a part would, like that which
then existed in the mother country, be enabled to overcome
the difficulties of their position, and, by fairness of dealing,
perfect impartiality, and frankness of intercourse, be able to
work together with mutual .satisfaction, and to the satisfaction
of the majority of the people of the Province."

On October iith judgment was rendered in the case of
Patterson et al vs. Howes, by the Court of Chancery. Kaeh
member of the Court — Chancellor Hlake and Vice-Chancellors
Ksten and Spragge — delivered his judgment at length, and
unanimously found in favour of the plaintiff, and orderetl the
defendant to refund to the treasury of the city of Toronto his
profits on the transaction with interest, and to pay the costs of
the suit.

In his address to the electors of Hamilton Sir Allan Mc-
Nab thus refers to the coalition Government : *' My political
opponents charge me with deserting my principles, because I
have .succeeded in uniting, as Liberal-Conservatives, the leading
moderate men of both .sections of the provinces, and thus form-
ing what I trust will prove a strong Government for the country.

" One gentleman of the Opposition has denounced this
union as ' a most immoral combination.' This is simply a
mi.stake on the part of tho.se who may think fit to oppo.se my
proceedings. I have been guided throughout in the steps I
have taken by the voice of public opinion. I have onl)-
followed where it has led me, and I do not think I am callctl
upon to make any answer to this charge, because in forming the
junction in question I can .see no just ground of accusation.
That I shall have the honour of acting with gentlemen with
whom I have honestly differed in opinion is most certain, but if
men of honour can agree to act in concert, on measures of poli-
tical interest for the general good, I .see no reason, and I think

you will see none, for calling such a junction an
combination. ' "

immoral

282 Tmk Lifk ok Sir Jt)iiN A. Macdonau).

On October I2th, Mr. Sandficid Macdonald made a motion
ccnsurinjj the Government for allowing discussion to take
place on the measure relating to the Constitution of the
Legislative Council before expressing its intentions and policy
on the Clergy Reserves and Seignorial Tenure questions,
which was ^negatived by a vote of 57 to 27. It, however,
brought up the whole subject of the change of Ministry, the
obligation of the new, to accept, without change, the measures
of the old Government, and the propriety of Mr. Hincks
consenting to supporting the coalition. In the course of the
''ebate Mr. Hincks stated that he never for one moment
understood that the new Ministry were tied down to all the
details of the measures of the late Ministry. What he under-
stood was that they were to carry out the principles of those
measures. He then referred to the taunts frequently thrown
out as to the position of parties in the House and m the
Government. The Conservatives were taunted with having
gone over to the Reformers, and the Reformers were taunted
with having allied themselves with the Conservatives. The
coalition originated in one of those necessities which are liable
to occur, and which, at times, do occur in all countries. He
then read an extract from the explanations of Lord Aberdeen
on the formation of the present Imperial Administration
remarking that the elements of that Administration were far
more discordant than those of the Cabinet lately formed here.
At the time of the formation of the Govcrnmnnt he (Mr.
Hincks) was taunted with taking a position of which the
Honourable Mr. lialdwin would disapprove. He had had an
opportunity of ascertaining that honourable gentleman's
opinion on the subject, and he would read an extract from a
letter from him. It would be recollected that the writer was
entirely disinterested, was out of public life, and not in a
position to seek or receive favours from anyone. The extract

was as fodows :

Spadina, September 22, 1854.
Mv Dear Sir,

It is not easy for persons to satisfy themselves fully as to what they
would themselves have done under a given combination of circum-
stances in which they have not been placed, and certainly in no

ROIJKRT HaLDWIN on COALITIONS.

28^

department of human affairs is this more true than in politics. The
materials with which one has to deal are so various, the prejudices to
encounter often so violent, and not unfrequently unjust in proportion to
their violence, that the public man who boldly affirms in a spirit of
condemnation that had he been in the position of another he would
have done one thing and not done another, iiuist be cither deficient in
experience or in judgment, or reckless of assertion. If, therefore, by
its being " on all sides said that I never would consent to a coalition,"
it is meant in that way to draw a contrast between us to your prejudice,
all I can say is, that those who undertake thus to speak for me, under-
take to do so far more positively than I could presume to do njyself.
For, however disinclined myself to adventure upon such combinat'ons,
they are unquestionably, in my opinion, under certain circumstanv :3,
not only justifiable but expedient, and very necessary. The Govern-
ment of the country must be carried on. It ought to be carried on with
vigour. If that can be done in no other way than by mutual conces-
sions and a coalition of parties, they become necessary. And those
who, under such circumstances, assume the arduous duty of becoming
parties to them, so far from deserving the opprobrium that is too
frequently, and often too successfully heaped upon them, should have,
in my opinion, the strongest sympathy and suppoii. You have
expressed yourself "most anxious for my opinion," I feel, therefore,
that I should fail in doing by you what, under similar circumstances, I
should expect from you, were I to omit applying the foregoing remarks
to the particular transaction which has given occasion to them ; with
respect to which then I add, without reserve, that in my opinion, you
appear to have acted in this matter with Judgment and discretion, and
in the interest at once of your party and your country.
Believe me to be, niy dear sir.

Yours truly,
(Signed) Robert Baldwin.

In introducing the Clergy Reserves Bill on October 17th,
Mr. Macdonald thus explained its provisions : " The proceeds
of the Clergy Reserve lands it was proposed to divide
into two funds, the one belonging to the Clergy Reserves fund
of Upper Canada, and the other to that of Lower Canada ;
and these funds were to be invested for certain purposes. The
first thing to be observed was the condition under which per-
mission had been given by the Imperial Parliament to the
Provincial Parliament to legislate on this subject The
Im{)erial Act provided that the ^^stipends or allowances
hitherto made to the clergy of different religious denomina-

TiiK I.iKK OF SiK John A. Macdonald.

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tions shouId\ be continued during the lives of the then
incumbentsijSrhe fund then was churj^eable with the expenses
of management and with these stipends or allowances so pro-
tected by the Imperial Act. Th^t being provided for, it was
further provided that, annually, x)n December 31st of each
year, after a full provision had been made for the satisfaction
of these stipends, the fund should be divided according to the
last census, or one taken for the purpose, yearly, among the
^y^ different municipalities, so that the principal of the money and
not merely the interest should be divided, as fast as generated,

^among the different municipalities. In that respect the

present Bill differed from that proposed to be introduced by

the late Administration, which was merely to divide the

surplus interest after meeting the claims of the incumbents.

'It was thought that the sooner the whole fund was gone the

I better, and therefore it was provided that, after protecting the

'"] interests of the incumbents in the way he had mentioned, the

/ whole surplus proceeds should be divided according to the

y population returns of the year.

..^-^ "The second clause of the Bill provided for the protecti(»n
of the incumbents. Th^^re was a difficulty as to the incumbents
in one or two instancei. where a grant had been made, xuA to
the -incumbents, but to tjic religious body. The V\'esle>an
body, for example, stood in that category, receiving an annual
grant which was appropriated in such manner as the confer-
ence thought proper. It was the same also with the Roman
Catholic body in Upper Canada. It was provided, therefore,
in the Bill, that in those casds where sums had been payable
jgn blo€,^csc sums should be continued Jbr^a^ertain number of
_j^ars. The faith of the Government was plcclged toUiose
religious bodies, as well as to the individual incumbents in
the other cases, and it was for the House to say with what
number of years the blank should be filled up. '

' :^ " The third clause provided for the case of a commutation.
It was thought advisable, as these allowances or stipends might
run on for a long period of years, that the Government should
have the power of commuting the allowances on well under-
stood principles of life assurance. But, unless the incumbents

Si'EKCII ON Tin; C'LICRGV Rkskrvks Hii.l. 2«5

in
lilt

themselves consented, as this was a vested ri^ht secured to
them by the Ini|)erial Act, they must continue to receive their
aiunial allowances durinj^ the term of their lives. In order to
save the present (lovernment, or any future Government, from
any possible imputations, it was provided that this clause
should not {^o into {general effect except with the united con-
sent of all the incumbents. The resitlue, it was next provided,
should be dividetl amonj^ the different municipalities to be
appropriated to whatever purpose they arc permitted to devote
their funds, under the Municipal Act. There was also a vciy
proper proviso in the Hill, that, in case any municipality should
be in debt to the Government, the Receiver-General mijjht, of
course, retain any money that came into his hands for them,
to reimburse the Government for the debt, and hand over the
balance, if any, to the municipality. This was nearly the
whole of the Act, and he thought the House would sec that
the measure was one which in principle, and he hoped in
detail, would meet the views of the House.
< " As to the appropriation of the money, after indemnifying
the incumbents for their sii|)ends, some were in favour of its
going lor educatioji, others were in favour of its going to the
Consolidated revenue, while a third plan was that of the Hill
td distribute it amongst the municipalities. The great objec-
~^^tion to absorbing it in the consolidated revenue fund was that
the Reserves of L'pper Canada were much more valuable than
those belonging to Lower Canada, and, if Lower Canada was
to get an equal share of the whole, a good deal of dissatisfaction
might be created in the other sections of the province. The
plan of appropriating it to education had very many advocates
in the country, but the great objection to that was that it would
be only closing up one sore to open up another. The measure
was one of peace, and it would very much fail in securing this
object, were a new sore to be opened up in closing the old
ongjlr The moment it became known that this money w(juld
be divided for the purposes of education, that moment there
would be a struggle between sectarian and non-sectarian
schools. So lively was the feeling of interest on this point,
that already he had received some strong representations on

I I

286 Tni: LiKK of Sir John A. Macdonald.

the subject. High authorities in the Catholic Church had

said that, if the fund went to school purposes, the Catholics

would not tjct their share. The other extreme, the strong;

anti-sectarian school party, were equally opposed to this

plan^It seemed to him that the system proposed by the

^irescnt Government got rid of the two objections he hatl

mentioned, at the same time that this money j^oing to the

, -Ihunicipalities would render them the more able to raise

r necessary funds or to increase the funds required for

cducatioit,i»\vhile it removed it from being the occasion of

any struggle between the opjx)nents and sup|)orters of

the sectarian school system.

J Some were apprehensive that the money would be
wasted by being given to municipalities, but when they
considered the rapidly increasing population in Cppcr
Canada, and that, for some time, the allowances to the
incumbents would continue to be ver>- considerable, there
need not be much apprehension on that head. It would be
an acceptable aid to the municipalities of Upper Canada, but
at the same time it would not be a large eiKJUgh sum to
occasion much fighting about. He believed also that the
municipalities in Canada generally had applied their funds
most faithfully to the improvement of their several localities,
and that they might be safely trusted with the expenditure
of so small a sum as this would amount to. What the exact
amount would be he could not sa)-, but, before the second
reading of the Bill, full information on that head would be
given to the House.

He had thought it necessary to say this much, but
he did not invite discussion upon the Bill at that time.
It would be placed in the hands of the members without
delay. The Administration were extremely anxious to
carry out the principles of the Bill, the details being such
as, after full consideration, they had thought proper to submit
to the attention of the House. It was a question in which all
were interested, and the Government invited all, without
distinction of party or creed, to lend their assistance in
making this a complete Bill and they would find the Govern-

Mk. Gamble's Amendment.

287

^>'

tK''

.J*

i>"

fncnt most happy to receive suggestions. And even those
gentlemen who felt themselves obliged in conscience to
oppose the Bill on principle would, he hoped, when they came
to details, aid the Government in making the Hill a final one.
(There was one question which they had not thought projxir
to embrace in the Bill, but to which they might probably call^-v^
the attention of the House during the session. There was a
large quantity of unsold Clergy Reserves lands, and it was a
question whether these should be put into the market at once
and sold and the very name of Clergy Reserves lands cease
for ever, or whether the Government should purchase them
from the Clergy Reserves fund and make them Crown Lands,
or whether some other mode might not be adopted. In the
meantime he would ask any gentleman who might have any
suggestions to make, to think well upon this point. VVitli
these remarks he begged to move the first reading of the Bill.J

On the second reading a long and acrimonious discussion
took place, but the motion was passed by a vote of 93 to 15,
an amendment moved by Mr. Gamble to the effect that to
secularize the Reserves would be a violation of public faith,
and of rights acquired by the Churches of England and Scot-
land and other denominations, and that, therefore, the Bill
ought to be rejected, finding only twelve supporters. When
the House went into Committee of the Whole upon the Hill,
a large number of amendments were moved by Messrs. Hrown,
Foley, Dorion, Cameron, ~Bowes, Gait and others, all of which
were lost by large majorities, ^r. Macdonald, however,
moved that certain changes be made, having for their object / ^

the continuation for twenty years of the allowances which had j ''/y V*
previously been made to the Roman Catholic Church in ,^.v^f »,
Upper Canada, and to the Wcslcyan Methodist Church for \,/^^
Canadian missions, and, in the cases of commutation, to
prevent any denomination from investing the monies so
received in real estate or property of any kind whatsoever,
under penalty of forfeiture of the same to Her Majesty.

On November 23rd the Bill was read a third time and
passed, the vote standing 62 to 39 The announcement of the
division was received with clapping of hands and loud cheer-

.i/^^
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1,"

ill

288 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

-*AiV

-T*r^

jiif;. On December loth the Hill passed the Lejjislative
Council without amendment. Thus was the bone of conten-
tion at lenjjth removed, and the af^itation which had existed
for so many years on this fruitful source of dissension and
angry feuds, silenced for ever, ^^k^

The Seignorial Tenure Bill was also introduced and
passed by the Government during this session. This tenure
had its origin in the interest which the French Government
took in promoting emigration to its North American posses-
sions, and which rendered it expedient to devise every possible
means of fostering colonization. Unlike the inhabitants of
European countries at the present day, the people of France,
at the beginning of the last century, had to be presented with
every sort of inducement to leave their homes for a new
country. Personal influence and solicitation with a view to
forward emigration had to be recognized by the Government
as an essential part of any scheme which would compass, even
partly, the desired object. And, in order, first of all, to make
it the interest of the more intelligent and wealthy of the
population to join in the colonization enterprise, it became
necessary for the Government to present them with such
tangible inducements as would secure that result. ( The system
of making over to the just mentioned class unconditional
grants of the public domain it seems to have been considered,
could only partly meet the exigencies of the case. It was
thought that the relations between those who were to be leaders
of the enterprise and the industrious, but less intelligent classes,
whom it was necessary also to interest in the scheme, would
be less intimate or binding unless formally recognized by a
public statute. And with a view of securing these various
objects, viz., the co-operation of the more intelligent and
\»calthy in the colonization movement, and of permanently
binding the interests of the two classes of colonists together,
the tenure system of Lower Canada was instituted.

The rights of the seignior embraced an^annual rent called
cefis er rentes. Originally this sum is supposed to have been
limited by the arrets of the King of France to one penny an
acre. It is not indeed disputed, on any reliable authority,

The SKUiNiORiAi. Tknurk.

2«9

led

een

r«ty,

that a sum not exceeding one penny an acre was all that
could Icjfally be claimed from the ccnsitairc, for those who
have most narrowly examined the statutes defining; the ri^jhts
of the seignior have been able to show conclusively that there
had existed a fixed rate which it was lawful for the seignior
to exact, and therefore, that the augmentation which had
from time to time taken place in that rate was clearly unauth-
orized by any positive law. This augmentation had, in many
instances, increased to ten times the original rate anil there
were great facilities for unjust and oppressive exacticms.
f^ In addition to the ill-defined privilege of drawing an
annual rent from the ccnsitaire, the seignior claimed a fine on
all lands which were sold. This fine was called lods et rentes,
and amounted to the enormous sum of one twelfth part of tlie
purchase money. If a farmer .sold a property for $i,20O, of
this $i<X) went into the pocket of the seignior. If he were
industrious and went on improving his farm until it became
worth $4,000, .some $330 was claimed by his superior. This,
it will at once be .seen, was a much more oppressive part of
the system than the annual rent.

The seignior al.so claimed the rights of retrait, tiiat is, if
the censitaire made a bargain for the disposal of his property,
he could only make such a bargain in the absence of any
desire on the part of his .seignior to purchase, otherwise the
agreement was null and void. The seignior might claim the
property after it had been sold, by paying the price given by
the original purchaser.
uf / To the seignior also belonged the exclusive right of erect-
ing mills, the whole of the running streams being considered
his property, so that to hi^ own seigniors mill the censitaire
must take his grist, whether he liked it or not. The seignic»r
had likewise a claim tc whatever quantity of wood he might
require from the censitairc's lands, and he was also held to be
the owner of all the stone within the bounds of the seigniory,
and to enjoy the exclusive right of working mines.

The measure brought before the Legislature by Mr.
Drummond was probably as thorough a reform as was }x>s-
sible. It provided for the entire abolition of the most odious

«*4

2(JQ

TiiK LiiK OK Sir John A. Macdonald.

i'{ 1

aiul oppressive of the exactions made by the seigniors, the
/ot/s et ventes ami the twelfth part of the purchase money
received by the ceiisitaire for his property was no longer to
ffo into the pock(?ts of the seijjnior, commissioners bein}^
appointed to determine the sums to be paid as indemnifi-
cation.

When the House met on December i8th, it was resolved,
on motion of the Honourable Mr. Morin, that when tlu;
lloust! .idjourned that day it should .stand adjourned until
I'ebruary 2 ^rd.

During the recess a chanj^a* took place in the Ministry,
three of the Lower Catuula representatives, Messrs. Morin,
(habot and Chauveau retirint; and beinjf replaced by Messrs.
(i. I'",, ('artier, Joseph (auchon and Francois Ixinieux, Mr.
M(»rin beini; appointed a puisne judijc of the Superior Court
of Lower ( anada.

When tlu> House a^ain met, .Sir Allan McNab cvjilained
the Ministerial changes in the following words: " A short time
previous to the decease of the late Jud^^e Panet, Mr. Morin
had intimated to his colleaj^^ues that it would be iinpossible
for him to continue much lonj^jer in the Govermnent in conse-
quence of the state of his hiNilth, and, under no considt'ration
would he remain loiijj^er than the present session. Immedi-
ately after the dealli of the learned Jud^^e i'anet, the vacant
seat oii the bench was offered to the Honourable Mr. Hlack,
v.'ho declineil it, and as a reconstruction of the Ministry would
under any circumstances become necessary at the chjse of the
session, it was thoui^ht due to Mr. Morin to offer him the
judgeship, which he accepteil. His retirement, in the opinion
of the keceiver-deneral and other members from Lower
("anada, invoked the dissolution of that section of the Admin
istration and the members thereof placed their resignations
in my hands, with authority to make such use of them as I
mij^jht think proper in the reconstruction of the Lower Canatia
portion of the Cabinet. I therefore felt it my duty to consult
Colonel Tachc, the .senior member of the Lower Canada
section of the Ministry, and found that that gentleman wanted
to continue in office. By his advice Mr. Attorney-Gcner?'

Him- to maki: Fj;(;jsr-ATiVK Council Klkctivk. 291

DruinmoncI was i-i'(| nested to retain his office, aiul I communi-
cated with Messrs. Cauchoii, Lcmieux aiul Cartier, whose
names I was shortly after enabled to submit to IlislCxcel-
Icncy the Govcrnor-(jeneral for the offices respectively held
by them."

Mr. Ilolton asked if the House were to have any explana-
tion of the principles on which the chauj^es were made.

Sir Allan replied that he was not aware there was any
princi|)le in the matter.

The discussion was rctiewed at a later sitting; of the House

iMtl it was said that Mr. ("hauveau and the others had not
been fairly treated. Mr. Chauveau, however, rose in his place
and corr(iborated, in every particular, the e.xplanations j^iven
b\' the IVemier.

On March i6th, Mr. C'auchun introduced a Hill altering the '^'^v*'^/ ^
constitution of the Let^islativi! Council, of which the following /j>^
were the principal features : The Legislative Council was for
the future to consist of forty-eijj[ht mctnbers ; the duration f)f
the office of councillor would be oi^ht \'cars, but one-fourth
would go out every two }ears. In order, however, to scatter
the representation throu<,diout the countr)-, the counties would
be fi^rouped in groups of four, till the .system was completed,
'ihe elected members would draw lots which should go out,
but after that, of course, each would be electeil for eight years.

The (|ualifications rc(|uire(l were thirty Ncars of age, residence,
and Hritish subjects. 'I'he electors were to be the same as
those for mendjers of the other House, excej)ting the differ-
ences of divisions ; the power of dissolution was not to rest
with the Government, and the Speaker was to be ap|Kjinted
by the Crown ; the inunbt-r of" members was to be ecpially
divided between Upper and Lower ('anada. the property
cjualifications being placed at $4,000.

The discussion on the Hill was a long and siiarp one, the
details being severely criticised, and strong jjersonalities
indulged in by Mr. Mackenzie, Mr. Hrown and others. Mr.
Macdonald, in replying to these, said "that he had a great
respect for liberty of discussion — for freedom of s])eech ; but,
in Parliament, liberties of speech were indulged in which could

The Lifk of Sir John A. Macdonald.

■\\['

hardly be said to add to its dignity. A celebrated character
going to the scaffold declaimed against the crimes committed
in the name of liberty, and it did seem to him that, with the
exception of the honourable member for Haldimand (W. L.
Mackenzie), of all the members of the House, the honourable
member for Lambton (Geo. Brown) most abused his honour-
able colleagues in the name of liberty. Frequently strong
language was used in England, in Parliament and out of it,
but we did not hear of such personal attacks as were here so
prominent. Not only were personal attacks much too com-
mon, but it was a painfully common practice to virulently
attack every measure as it was brought up. Where there was
just cause, attack was undoubtedly proper, but to attack every
measure, without regard to its merits, was only as absurd as it
was improper. Every measure should be judged upon its
merits ; but here it was the practice to enquire who introduced
this measure or that measure, to attribute motives to its
author and to vote for or against it as the author is a political
associate or" the reverse. Those who really loved their
country would discuss measures on their merits alone and
without the slightest allusion to parties introducing them.
"This was not the occasion to attack personally, nor one on
which honourable members should allow themselves to be
drawn away by the insinuations of those who, while professing
to be the friends of elective institutions, were the opponents of
this Bill. If the honourable gentlemen were anxious to carry
out their own views ; if they were really .so disposed why did
they not come to the help of the Administration ? The Bill
was framed exclusively with the view to prevent any detraction
from Imperial authority or Imperial responsibility. The
object of it was to preserve the system of responsible govern-
ment, of which the people were strongly in favour, b>' the
election of part of the members of the Legislative Council. It
was a gradual instead of a violent introduction of the elective
system. After the most careful divisions of the province into
electoral districts, it was found that forty-eight members were
better than sixty. Honourable gentlemen had called the Bill
an experiment, and it certainly was so. Of the whole of the

Spekch on Legislative Council Bill

293

Upper House, according to the Bill, one fourth were to go out
in two years, and one half in four years.

" It was to be borne in mind that, if a second Chamber
was wanted at all, it was not merely to record the measures
of thp Legislative Assembly. If they were to have anything
in the way of a .second House they must have one with a
mind of Its own. The Legislative Assembly and the Legis- , .
lative Council were a check upon each other. It was for y /-'*'■
the purpose of having a check — a check certainly not to
be used every clay — that the Bill had been framed, and
that the people were in favour of a second Chamber.
The object of dividing the elective periods was to prevent
a race for popularity between the members of the Lower
House and the members of the Upi)er House. Gentle-
men elected for the Upper House would not be elected for
local reasons, but for their general knowledge, standing,
wealth and influence.

"Objection had been made that the Bill took away
the power of dissolution. There were good and sub-
stantial reasons for not introducing the power of dissolu-
tion. Supposing, with a (lovernor who was full)' resolved
upon suffering responsible government to be carried
out, who, almf)st to an\' extent, was acted upon by his
Ministers, a disagreement should hap[)en between the Houses,
dissolution would be arbitrarily resorted to b)- the advice of
the leaders of the Lower House, and so the Upper House
would be made a mere echo of the Lower House, a mere
record Chamber. Again, suppose ue had a Governor like
Lord Sydenham or Lord Metcalfe — although the latter was
right in the stand he made — and he got control either by
blandishments or by assumption, away would go the power of
the Hou.se. Such a Governor could play off one Hou.se against
the other. It was to prevent the Upper Hou.se from being a
mere register of the Lower House that this dissolution was
dispen.sed with."

When the House divided on the Bill the vote stood, yeas, ^
80; nays, 4. It was, however, not concurred in by the Legis-
lative Council.

I <^t

.'■Jl

:k!

.,1!

''11

■It

1 1

t >

294 TnK Like of Sir John A. Macdonald.

The selection of the place for the permanent location of
the seat of Government was now a question of primary
importance to the whole population of Canada, and one which
required to be soon decided. The perambulating system
_which was adopted originally as a mere matter of expediency,
^' had been found to be injurious to the interests of the country,
inconvenient to the people at large and to the ofificial emplojees,
and subversive of the dignity of the country and the stability
of its institutions. The press was busily ngaged in advocating
the claims of different towns and cities for the honour, but it
was felt that the selection ought not to be made to gratify the
ambition of any single communit)-, but with a view to
satisfy the wishes of the whole population. What these wishes
were could not be agreed upon, each rcj)rescntative consider-
ing that his own locality represented popular opinion more
than any other, and so, when the question was brought up in
Parliament there was found to be the widest divergence of
opinion, and consequently there was no approach made to a
settlement of the question.

The House was prorogued on May 30th, after a session of
more than usual length, but which had becti productive of a
great deal of useful and important legislation. No session
ever held since the union of the provinces had been so
Important in its results, for, independent of the settlement of
the great questions which had agitated the country for years,
a greater amount of business than usual had been brought
before Parliament. The once all-absorbing questions of the
Clergy Reserves, the extension of the Franchi.se, the Feudal
Tenure decision, and others were disposed of Provision was
also made for an improved organization of the militia, more
efficient auditing of the public accounts, the free transmission
of newspapers, the remodelling ot the municipal system of
Lower Canada, the establishment of commercial reciprocity
between the United States and Canada, etc., and the country
had every reason to congratulate itself on the results attained.
Regret was, however, felt that the Legislative Council had not
concurred in the Bill passed by the As.sembly to make that
branch of the Legislature elective.

Thk Work of thk Session.

295

A Government formed at the bef^innin^ of the ses.>?i(Mi —
a coalition Government, presenting points open to attack from
both sides cf the poh'tical camp, and supposed to have so few
elements of adhesion as to render its existence for any length
of time impossible — had managed to carry tlirough more
measures of practical importance than any (;f its predecessors
and generally by overwhelming maj(jrities. The fact was, a
coalition had become a political necessity, as will ever be the
case in a country with representative institutions, where three
parties grow up into such standing that the two "outs" ma)'
at any time defeat the " ins." So soon as the Rouge and
Clear Grit eleinents in Parliament found it possible, by com-
bination, to wield an independent influence upon the legisla-
tion of the country, .so .soon did it become necessary for the
old Liberal or Reform party to coalesce with them, or w ith
the Con.servatives, in order to maintain its existence. Mr.
Hincks tried a coalition with the former and broke down.
His friends and successors in the leadership of that party then
coalesced with the Conservatixes, and the experiment proxed
successful. It could not, however, be .said to have been full}-
and finally tested and established until after a general
election. The fusion of representatives in the House of
Assembly might not be approved by th(jse who were repre-
sented, but there were grounds for believing that it would be
so. One very strong ground for this belief was to be found in
the fact that the Government majorities were in no wi.se
diminished after the rece.s.s. It had often been urged b\-
those who had waged fierce war upon the coalition during the
early part of the session that, after the members had gone to
their homes, and faced their constituents and learned their
views on the subject, many of the supporters of the Ministr\-
would no longer dare to afford them support. That predic-
tion, however, signally failed of its fulfilment, and the
Government seemed really stronger, and the Opposition
weaker in the latter part 01 the session than in the former.

i :;

; f

( HAi'TKk XIII.

iii$S—(Coiittiiiie<i\.

Mr. I [incks appointed (lovernor of Harhadoes — Removal of Seat of (Jovernment to
Toronto — .Meeting of Parliament, February, 1856— Quel)ec decided up(m a.s
permanent Seat ot (Government — Changes in Cabinet — \ote of want of confi-
ilence lost by 23 votes — Mr. Macdonald's defence of the Government-
Resignation of Messrs. Spence, Morrison, etc. — Sir Allan McNab resigns
Premiership — l*drniatii)n of Tache-Macdonald Administration — Sir Allan's
statement in the House — Mr. Macdonald's endorsement of the Govern-
ment Policy — Hirth of Liberal-Conservative party— Mr. Macdonald's jKisilion
considered.

IN the autumn of the year, Mr. H incks, on the recominend-
dation of Sir Wilham Mole.sworth, was appointed to the
position of Governor of liarbadoes.

In the month of October the seat of government was
removed to Toronto, and there the next meeting of Parha-
inent was convened on h'ebruary 15, 1856.

The first division that took place was on the Address, and
shewed a majority for the Ministry of 26, the vote standing

^^3 to 3/"-

The question of a permanent seat of government was now
taken up and discussed, with the intention of arriving at a
satisfactorx' conclusion, livery one felt that the time had
come when the archives of the country ought to find a resting
l^lacc, and the departments ought no longer to be moved about.
(^11 April i6th the matter was brought up on Mr. Gait's
motion, and was discussed with great vigour. Toronto,
Quebec, Montreal, Ottawa, Kingston and Hamilton were
proposed in turn, and final!}- Quebec was decided upon, the
main motion by Mr. Attorney-General Drummond being
amended to read : " That, in the opinion of this House, the
city of Quebec is the most eligible place for the future capital
of Canada, and it is recommended that after 1859 Parliament
be permanently convened in that city, and that suitable
buildings be forthwith commenced for the accommodation of
the Legislature and Government."

This decision caused great indignation in Upper Canada,

2y6

Resignation ok Hun. John Ross.

297

as the main business in connection with the Departments was
in the west, and it was felt that a ^reat mistake had been
made in voting that the seat of government should be moved
to so distant a place. It was questioned whether, when the
subject of appropriation for the erection of the necessary
buildings was brought before the House, a majority could be
secured on a second trial.

Two days later the Honourable John Ross resigned, and
the Honourable Colonel Tache was appointed Speaker of
the Legislative Council. Mr. Joseph C. Morrison was also
sworn in as a member of the E.xccutive Council.

The reasons given by Mr. Ross for resigning were that on
the previous Tuesday (April 15th), Mr. Niles and Mr. Conger,
two of the members of the Hou.se of AssembU-, had called
upon Mr. Macdonald, Mr. Spence and himself, and informed
them that they had been sent as a deputation from the
Reform supporters of the Administration, in that branch of
the Legislature, to state that they had held a meeting, and
had unanimously agreed to convey to the gentlemen above
named, the expression of the dissatisfaction they felt with the
condition of things in the Government, and of their desire no
longer to be considered as pledged supporters of it ; and that
tlic\-. therefore, felt at liberty to avail themselves of any oppor-
tunity to defeat the Government, with a view to its reconstruc-
tion. Mr. Macdcnald had replied that this C(;mmunication
ought to have been made to Sir Allan McNab or, in his then
state of health, to Colonel Tache, and immediately informed
the members of the Executive Council of all that had taken
place. Some of those who were present at this meeting went
to Mr. Ross and expressed a wish that he should not resign,
bul he replied that unless the intimation conveyed by Mr.
Niles and Mr. Conger was withdrawn in as formal a manner as
it had been made, he felt that he could not, in fairness, continue
to remain a member of a Government with which his friends,
upon the faith of whose support he had been invited to take
office, had expressed their dissatisfaction, and which they had
intimated their intention to defeat. He then called upon Mr.
Macdonald and Mr. Spence, and told them that it was his

!'^

1 1.1

\ I

w
^i

;

■ ♦,1

■(

i: I

VIL.

29S

TnK LiFK OF Sir John A. Macdonald.

intention, under the circumstances, to tender his resignation.
This resolution he carrietl into effect in a letter addressed to
Colonel Tache, in consequence of the illness of Sir Allan
McNab, in which he further urged that the coalition was
virtually at an end, that the support which Sir Allan McNab
had brought to the Government had been withdrawn, and that
Reform supporters of the Government could not, in his
opinion, be long induced to support the Administration, while
some of the supporters of Sir Allan were apparently endea-
vouring to make strength for themselves at the expense of
Reformers. He separated from his colleagues with regret and
assured them of his unabated regard.

On May 15th Mr. Papin moved a vote of want of confi-
dence in the Ministry, with respect to the expenditure on
public buildings at Quebec. To this Mr. Holton moved an
amendment " that the course of the Administration with
regard to the .seat of government and other questions has dis-
appointed the just expectations of the great majority of the
people of this province."

After a discussion which lasted for five nights and one
whole day the vote was taken, and resulted in the motion being
lost by a majority of twenty-three, the figures standing 47 for
and 70 against. The majority was, however, made up
entirely from Lower Canada, the vote from Upper Canada
shewing that there the Ministry were in a minority of six.
Mr. Macdonald made a powerful and brilliant iipeech in
defence of the Ministry, of which the following .synopsis is
given in the British Colonist :

" Before the question on the main motion is put he desired
to .say a few words. The Government, he contended, had
received from different parts of the House an opinion favour-
able to its continuance, and, after the able speech of his
honourable friend the Postmaster-General — a speech which
would long be remembered in that House and in the country
— he would be willing to leave the case of the Administration
as it was, especially when there was added to that, the clear and
able statement of his honourable friend, the Inspector-General
who had so well defined the position of the Adminstration.

Si'EEci! ON Want of Confii)KX( k Motion. 299

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He felt deeply grateful for this. It was one of the few things
which went to cheer and encourage the public man in this
country when he found that his efforts had been kind!)'
looked upon b}' those who were acquainted with what he had
done. The only attack that had been niatle upon them in
reaUty was this— that they had fulfilled their mission too well.
There was not one question which they did not lay before the
House, and the Hou.se knew whether they had not earnestl}'
tried to carry out their pledges. They had not been able to
please all parties. Some who had withheld their confidence
from the beginning, were not inclined to look with favour on
their enileavours, but he knew that they had the good-will
and good-feeling of a large majorit)' in that Hou.<e, anil of the
people of Canada, and how could it be otherwise ? The}-
were told that a C(jalition Government never could long exist,
because it had no principle, no ability, and no vigour, but
their whole course gave a denial to that. Had Canada ever
had a Government which had so fully encountered what the)-
had to perforin ? They were told that they were wanting
in vigour, but was it not a fact that this Government took
up the cpiestion of the Clerg)- Reserves, which had been stxled
a stalking honse for political agitators, and did they not run
the horse to death ? Whatever might happen, that question
would never again .set one man d^cxinst another — would never
cause religious disputes. It is settled forever, although it had
been surrounded with difficulties which Ministry after Min-
istry had failed to surmount, and under which thev had sunk.
Did not Mr. Baldwin say, in 1S41, that the man would be
an enemy to his country who attempted to reopen this
question ; and did not Mr. Price say the same thing? Thc\
had undertaken it and they were charged with a dereliction
of duty in doing so ; but they had settled it forever, and could
say that by no Legislature could it again be made a question
of strife. Then they were found fault with on account of
the commutation — they were accused of having endowed
certain favoured churche.s. Well ! suppose they had — was
it not a question of compromise ? Had not the churches of
England and Scotland believed, rightly or wrongly, that they

300 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

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had a vested ri^ht to this property ? Would they not have felt
that they were suffering under a grievous wrong if they were
utterly deprived of that ? The Ministry had, at all events,
done this, they had settled the question finally, and those bodies,
which some members thought had been too favourably dealt
with, had had the sting removed from their minds and
recognized that they had been justly dealt with. In this
matter tiiey had the voice of public opinion and of the press
in their favour; and he had had the pleasure of carrying
a measure by which cvcy man could see his share of the fund
laid out by his own door. He thought that with regard to
this he could say they were not wanting in vigour, in thus
encountering this great question, and in giving peace and
prosperity in the place of discord and embarrassment. Long
after this Administration was gone, it would be remembered
as having, at a time of peculiar difficulty, had the courage
to take up and .settle this question forever.

"Was the Lower Canada .section of the Ministry wanting
in vigour when they undertook that hydra-headed monster,
the Seigniorial Tenure, which agitated Lower Canada as much
as the Clergy Reserve question had agitated Upper Canada?
The Attorney-General East had acted in this matter as a
true patriot. He took up this question with which even
the mighty intellect of his predeces.sor, Sir Louis Lafontaine,
hesitated to grapple. He listened to every one who could
give him information, and .sought for every possible means
by which the question could be settled — this question which
had been the great bar to the prosperity of the country.

" Then they had been attacked for their Militia Bill, but,
so far from this being an unpopular measure, it had gained
for them the good feeling of the youth and manhood of
the country, and the thanks of their Sovereign, which had
just been communicated to them by the Speaker. They
had also carried a measure by which Lower Canada was
on the same footing as Upper Canada, with regard to raising
her own municipal taxation for local purposes, and another
for the decentralization of her Courts of Justice.

" They had been accused of not being sincere with regard

Defence ok his Ministers.

.101

to the Legislative Council Hill, but hail they not success-
fully carried that measure throuj,'h both Houses."

After reviewing at some length the charges made aj^ainst
the administrative capacity of the various members of the
Government, and warmly defending the Commissioner of
Crown Lands and the Commissioner of Public Works from
the attacks made upon them with regard to the management
of their departments, Mr. Macilonald went on to say "that
a number of gentlemen who had spoken on the motion,
while admittinji^ that the pledj^es assumed by the Govermnenl
at the time of its formation were fully carried out, hail
charged the Ministry with having failed to introduce further
measures of such great public importance as to enlist the
favour of the country. He must admit that the Goveriunent
had not produced any such startling measures as might have
been deemed needful to astonish the Legislature and ensure
the admiration of the countr)-, but they had, he thought,
passed many useful measures. The legislation adopted by
the coalition Ministry on the Clergy Resei es .settlement had
been rendered as complete as possible ; the Hill al.so for the
consolidation of the laws, in which he had borne a humble
part was admitted to be a practical and useful measure. He
need scarcely refer to the measures adopted for the promotion
of education. That part of the subject referring to educational
advancement in Lower Canada was a monument to the vigour
and energy of the Lower Canadian section of the Administra-
tion, especially as regarded the appropriation of the revenue
derivable from the Jesuits' estates. The property thus appro-
priated to so beneficial a purpo.se had long been the source of
disquiet and agitation, and, by applj'ing its revenue to jjromotc
superior education, the Government had merited the praise of
one section and the gratitude of the other, and by the mode
of assigning the moneys appro[)riated in this cause the
Ministry had removed out of their own hands all means of
patronage, by placing it in the disposal of a responsible officer
of the Educational Department. The country had no more
reason to think it at all probable that the head of the Educa-
tional Department in Lower Canada was likely to misconduct

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302 TiiK Life ok Sir John A. Macdonalu.

the duties Jippcrtciinin^f to his hi^^h situation than that
any similar defection could ever be alleged aj^ainst the
gentleman wlio occupies the like situation in Upper Canada,
and it was universally atlinitted that the honesty, ability and
/.eal of Dr. Rycrson were alike indisputable and beyond
praise. He had thus fully answered tiie charge of want of
vigour made against himself and his colleaj^ues.

" The hon. member for North York had ta.xetl the Govern-
ment with corruption. It was an unfounded accusation.
Their hands were clean, and he defied any one to shew a
single act of corruption. The (iovermnent so far from havinj;
lost the confidence of some of their former sup[)t)rters, becau.se
of want of energy and determination, had lost it throuj^h too
firm an attitude.

" With respect to the Grand Trunk Railway Company, the
l*"iiiancc Minister had made proper provisions to meet the
exigencies of the ])osition and to provide for the security of
the country's credit. They had endeavoured to reconcile all
interests and at the same time to retrieve the enterprise,
consistently with the various demands of the province. Hut
the honourable member for Montreal had complainctl that the
Government were not ready with any policy to be propo.scd
to the Lcj^islature on the subject of these railway enterprises.
Now this was only because they have all along been in com-
munication with the managinj^ parties interested therein, with
a view to finally arranging .some wise and prudent policy.
Negotiations were then going on designed to effect this wished
lor result. These being yet incomplete, it was manifestly
precipitate and altogether unfair towards the Administration
to make subject of complaint the ab.sence of a system upon
which they had not yet had time to deliberate in a manner
consistent with the magnitude of the interests involved, and
the importance of determining a .safe policy. The Inspector-
General was aiding by every means in his power, and he
hoped to be able to come down to the House with a perfect
scheme for assisting this great national undertaking, which
would be satisfactory to the House and the country,

" Honourable gentlemen had made a great parade of their

An UNjUbT Attack.

303

motidii of want of confidence Jit the moinent when the Ciov-
eiinnent broiij^hl forward a deniaiul for an appropriatitui in
accordance with the ortlers of the House. They desireil to
e.vcitc an Upper Canadian feeling, in the hope of catching' a
strong vote here and a strong vote tlierc. The (iovernnKiit
had no reason to coinphiin of hf)noural)le ^fentlemen who have
alwa\s been in opposition, making,' it a {ground of attack a^Minst
the Adininistr.ition that they left the seat of (ioverninent an
open cpicstion, but the member for Northuinl)erland and
others, who have since deserted the Athninistration, had no
rij^ht to make that a {j;round of complaint when they su[)ported
the Government after it had been resolved to have it an open
(|uestion. It was wron^, it was unjust, it was insincere in
these memlx-M's Hut althouj^h the Government d<^)es not
complain of the Opposition for attackinjr the Administrati<»n,
on the ground that they left the seat of Government an open
(|uestion. the\' have full reason to coin])lain of those ^cntk-
men who voteil in favour of Quebec, and who now attack the
Government for asking an appropriation to carr\- out their
own expressed wishes.

" Honourable <^entlcmen had been in the habit of w indiiiLi
U)) their speeches by saying that the Government were incap-
able of ' inauguratiu}^ wide measures.' Now he would like to
know the meaninj^ of this term. The position of the countrx
cuts it off from treaties, wars, etc., and the Government i^
necessarily confined to the development of internal resources,
and the furthering the cause of educati(jn. liut what wide-
views had the Opposition developed ? They have, to be sure,
presented a bunkum motion on representation by population,
and on the dissolution of the Union, and these are the sum
and substance of the ' wide measures ' of the Opposition.
They conceal their thunder until they come out in full reful-
gence when they occupy the treasur)' benches. The member
for Shcrbrooke and the chairman of the Committee i>{
Accounts certainly have wide views in one respect. They
propose swallowing up all the canals in the province with a
boa constrictor power, and certainly in this respect the Gov-
ernment have not such wide and extended views. Long after

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304 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

the Government had ceased to exist, the country would do
justice to it and to its honest, hearty endeavours to carry out
fully, fairly and honestly, the great duty committed to it."

Although the Government were sustained by a majority of
twenty-three, the result of the vote was that Messrs. Spence
and Morrison considered it their duty to tender their resigna-
tion, on the ground that the vote disclosed the fact that thc>-
had lost the o'd and assistance of a number of their supporters
in Upper Canada who had, up to that time, given them their
confidence, and upon the promise of whose support they had
entered the Government when the coalition was formed.
These resignations were followed by those of Mr. Cayley, Mr.
Macdonald, Mr. Smith, and others. These latter did not agree
with the double majority question raised by the former, but
felt that, the support of the Reform section being withdrawn,
it was impossible for the Administration to go on, and equally
impossible to form a purely Conservative Government. Sir
Allan McXab did not agree with the members of his Cabinet,
but thought they ought to continue in office, ignoring the
defection in Upper Canada, and depending upon Lower
Canada for a working majority. The result was that the
Governor-General accepted the offer of Sir Allan's portfolio,
and called upon Colonel Tache to form an Administration.
At the urgent request of the Conservative members of the
House, Mr. Macdonald agreed to assist him in the task, and it
having been ascertained that, with him as leader of the House,
confidence would be restored, other members of the late
Government accepted positions in the new Cabinet, and a
strong Government was soon formed. The story was thus
told by Sir Allan McNab in the House of Assembly :

" Mr. Speaker, it becomes my duty to offer to this House
and to the country the reasons which have induced the
members of the late Go^vernment to retire from the situations
which they severally held. Immediately after the vote was
taken on the motion of want of confidence, the Government
perceived that they were in a minority of six, so far as regards
the Upper Canadian representatives ; they felt it their duty
immediately to assemble, and take into consideration what

Sir Allan McNah's Explanations.

305

was considered by some of them, a grave and important
question. The Postmaster-General stated that, as he came
into the Government as one of two representing the Reform
section of the coah'tion Government, and having been deserted
on that vote by a large number of those gentlemen who had
given him to understand, when he entered the Government,
that he had their confidence and would receive their support,
he considered it his duty to resign the office he held. He felt
he could no longer maintain that degree of confidence which
was necessary to him to discharge his public duty, and to
remain a member of the Government. The Honourable Mr.
Morrison, who came into the Government at a late period,
said that he joined the Administration to replace the late
Speaker of the Legislative Council who had retired, and who
was one of the gentlemen that represented the Reform party ;
he also felt that he must follow the example that was set by
his senior, the Postmaster-General. Attorney-General Mac-
donald expressed his conviction, that having been left in a
minority of six in Upper Canada, the Government of the
country could pot be carried on with that degree of vigour
necessary, considering the great questions before the country,
and he felt it necessary to follow the course of the other
gentlemen before him, and tendered his resignation. The
Inspector-General also tendered his resignation, but as it was
placed in my hands in writing and has been returned to me
by the Governor-General after he had read it, I think I cannot
do better than communicate the contents of that letter to the
House :

Hevekkly Strekt, May ziST.
Dear Sir,

The division of last night exhibited a vote adverse to the Adminis-
tration, as far as Upper Canada is concerned. I am against the
principle of donble or sectional majorities, but I apprehend that the
vote of last evening will be repeated by further defections, tending to
impair the usefulness of the Upper Canada section of the Cabinet, and
to deprive the Government, as a whole, of that vigour which is essential
to the efficient conduct of public affairs. Had an absolute majority
been obtained against the Government, I would have been prepared to
join in a request to His Excellency to be permitted to appeal to the
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306 Tin; Li I 1: (»i Sir John A. Macdonai.d.

;i)iiiitr\ . As it is, I coiiciir in tlu; propriety of tlic course taken by our
Upper t'aiuKJa eolleat;iies, ami place my resi.v'iiation in your hands, to
.•iial)le His ICxcelleucy to re-construct his Cal)inet.

I remain

^durs t'aithrully,
(Si.i,'nccl) W. Cavli:v.

" Now tliat letter requires no remark at my hand. My
Lower (Canadian colleagues disagreed with my Upper
Canadian colleagues so far as regards the principle that an
adverse vote of a majority of one section of the province
should involve the resignation of gentlemen rejiresenting that
section of the province. I also differed. It was my misfortune
to differ with them. I said, as I say now, that we have but
one Parliament to govern this great countr)-, and by our
Constitution, and by our Union i\ct, it is by a majority of the
votes of this House that we carry our money votes or our Bills.
I do not admit that a Government, with a majority of twenty-
three, is bound to resign because three gentlemen may think
proper to walk oxer from this side of the House to that, and
make a sectional minority of six. I consider that we owe to
our constituents and to the representative of Her Most
Gracious Majest\-, who placed us in the high position that we
held latel}-, to remain there so long as we have a working
majority ; and I think that twenty-three is a good working
majority, and I think that we had no right to anticipate
defeat. I am not the man to meet trouble halfway. When I
took the place of a Minister of the Crown I felt that I would
discharge my dut\', and that I should remain there until I was
turned out by a vote of this House. The Governor-General
asked me if I was prepared to fill up the vacancies : I said,
' No ! not with the present House.' I could not do it with the
present House. .M)' Lower Canada colleagues were averse
to a dissolution. I cannot say that my Upper Canada
colleagues were in favour of it. They can speak for them-
selves. But I would sa>- this, that I could not tender my
resignation, and identify myself with the reasons given by my
late colleagues for resignation. But I did say that ' if in the
re-construction of the Govermncnt the position that I held in

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111- IIONOIKABLI-: CM'OKC'.K HKOWN.

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IvXI'LANATIONS OF RliSKJXATION.

301;

the Government you may find it necessary to use, Your
Excellency will exercise your own discretion.' Taking it for
granted that His Excellency would exercise his own discretion
I placed my department in his hands, and the only reason I
held it was, that there were not sufficient reasons to retire from
the Government. I have nothing further to say, but to
express my deep sense of the personal kindness, that, during
the period of my services, I have ever received at the hands oi
His Excellency.''

Mr. Macdonald followed, indorsing what Sir Allan McNab
had said, and giving further particulars of the resignation of
the old, and the formation of the new Ministry. He said :

*' My honourable and learned friend from Hamilton, in the
statement he has made of the causes which led to the resigna-
tion of the members of the late Government and their
acceptance by the Governor-General is perfectly correct, so
f;u- as I can state. The Postmaster-General felt that in coming
into a coalition government he came in, bringing certain
support with him. Certain gentlemen belonging to the
Reform Party offered their support to him and to the late
Speaker of the Legislative Council, who, with him, had the
confidence of the Reform Party. On the vote that took place
the other night on the motion of my honourable friend from
Montreal, the Government, although they have a working
majority of twenty-three, were left in a minority of six in
Upper Canada. The position in which the Postmaster-
General found himself was such as to grcatl}- prejudice his
usefulness, as he could no longer bring to the Government
that support which was one of the conditions on which
he joined it. He did not, as I understood it, assume the con-
stitutionality of a double majority in the abstract. He did
not put his resignation on that ground at all. The Hon. Mr.
Morrison retired for the reasons stated by the Postmaster-
General. Now these two gentlemen had made up their minds
to retire in a certain event. I may say that the Postmaster-
General had informed me beforehand that he would, in case of
being left in an Upper Canadian minority on the vote, resign.
On that honourable gentleman informing me of his intention

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310 The Ln-K ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

it became my duty to consider what course I siiould adopt.
I did not, and I do not, think that the double majority system
should be adopted as a rule. I feel, as the f^allant member
for Hamilton stated, that, .so lonj^ as \vc are one Province and
one Parliament, the fact of a measure bcinj^ carried by a
working majority is sufficient evidence that the Government
of the day is empowered to conduct the affairs of the country ;
but I could not help feeling that the vote was a sufficient
indication that the measures of the Government would be
met with the opposition of those gentlemen who had, by their
.solemn vote, withdrawn their confidence from the (iovcrnment.
1 felt also that without the aid of these gentlciiicn, represent-
ing the Reform party in Upper Canada, no Government, as
parties are now constituted in Canada, coukl successfully go
on, and that the withdrawal of the Postmaster-General and
Mr. Morrison would break up the Government. If those
gentlemen retired they would, of course, take witli them the
whole Reform party of the House. It would, therefore, be
useless to attempt to go on if those gentlemen ictired. I felt
this al.so, and I expressed myself to the effect that, though the
double majority system was, in the abstract, intlcfensible, yet
no Government could long continue governing one section
with the assistance of the votes of the other ; tliat a continu-
ation of that system w^ould destrox' any Government. And I
also stated that it was one of the strongest arguments used by
the Opposition that, in the present Goxernment, Ui)per Cana-
dian interests had been sacrificed to Lower Canadian interests,
and that, in fact. Lower Canada was the governing power in
the Administration. If the Government continued to go on
in that position, those arguments would be of double force,
and we would'Tse unable to meet them. I therefore agreed
with these two gentlemen on the propriety of resigning, and
the Inspector-General followed in the manner stated by the
' vte premier. Under these circumstances the Government
was at an end, and His Excellency, in the exercise of the
Royal prerogative and acting on his high responsibility, sent
for the Speaker of the Legislative Council to form a
Government. That gentleman accepted the task, and

Taciie-Macdonali) Government.

ill

asked mc to join him in forming a (lovcrnmcnt. I
also accepted the task. I saw my friends who were in
the late Government. I saw the Posimaster-General, Mr.
Morrison, and the Solicitor-General West, who had also
handed in their resignations with others.and they all accepted,
on condition of being able to get sufficient support. After
well considering the support we could get and what support
could be looked for, I suggested the name of Mr.
Vankoughnet, a gentleman who is well known in Toronto and
who, wherever he is known, is respected and esteemed. I
thought that, if we secured the aid of Mr. Vankoughnet in
this House, the Government would receive the aid of a
gentleman of great ability and unstained honour, of great
acquirements in every way, who is well thought of by the
Conservative party, of which, like myself, he is a member, and
who, as a private individual, never engaged in political strife,
and is not obnoxious to any party. Under these circum-
stances Mr. Vankoughnet was asked to join the Government
and, after some consideration, he consented to do so. I
regret that the late Attorney-General East is indisposed, and
not now in his place, and, with the consent of the House,
I think it would be fair to that gentleman that he should be
allowed to make his own explanations when he will be in his
place in a day or two. He is suffering from a temporary
attack of illness. The Government is now formed, and it is
for the House to say whether they will accord it that confi-
dence which will be necessary to conduct the affairs of the
country."

In reply to Mr. Sandfield Macdonald as to the polic>- of
the Government, Mr. Macdonald said :

" The honourable gentleman has called for an explanation
of the policy of the Government. It is well known that
during the course of the present session, there was a joint
meeting of the Reform members who usually supported the
Administration and of the Conservative members who also
usually supported it, and that they met for the purpose of
considering whether all the great questions, which formerly
kept them separate, have not been finally settled, whether

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312 TnK Lii'K oi' Sir John A. Macdonalp.

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they could not act as one compact moderate jjarty, free from
reactionary principles on one side, and from the principles
of republicanism on the other. At the meeting they did
come to a complete understanding that they should be one
party, whether considered as progressive Conservatives <jr
as Conservative-Liberals. (Laughter). Honourable gentle-
man may laugh but I believe there is in moderate Conser-
vatism— the Conservatism of the present day — as much
liberality as there is in the sentiments of the honourable
gentlemen who laugh. The arrangement, or fusion, was
complete, and the gentleman who came in, Mr. Vankoughnet,
having been fully prepared as a Liberal-Conservative, to
agree to this fusion of the moderate men of all parties, and
seeing that he could act cordiallv with the Reform members
of this House, who usually support the Government as well
as with the Conservatives, had no hesitation in joining the
Government on that ground. We are attempting, and I
hope succcssfull}', to form a. moderate Government — a Gov-
ernment supported by moderate Conservatives and moderate
Liberals, free from the extremes of both sides. If we have
the confidence of this House we sliall attenii)t to carry on
the principle measures which the last Government com-
menced, with the exception of the Police Bill. That will not
be pressed."

The Honourable Mr. Spcnce also, in replj- to Mr. Sand-
field Macdonald, explained his position as follows :

" I had hoped that the explanations of the honourable
and gallant member for Hamilton, who has just retired from
the Government, and the explanations of the honourable
and learned Attorney-General West, who has just assumed
the management of the Government business of this House,
would have been quite sufficient without any further explana-
tions on my part. But the member for Glengarry has thought
proper to call me out and I have not the slightest indis-
position to meet his call in reference to my past conduct
as a member of the late Administration or in reference to
my conduct in joining the present one. It is true that
when I joined the late Administration, it was in connection

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Mr. Si'knce's Kxplanations.

313

with the amount of support supposed to be held and to
be given by the leader of the former Administration, now
Governor of Barbadocs. It was in brinj^injjj to the gallant
knight the support of what were called the Hincksite Reform-
ers, that I and the late Speaker of the Upper Mouse, were
accorded seats in the Government. At that time the Gov-
ernment dccitlcdly partook of a coalition character and
although I have, m\self, had reason to say frecjuentl}-, as
I now say agair that that Government was not strictly of a
coalition character, because the members were agreed in
their poHc\- and because the Government carried out its
policy, still the name by which it was conveniently known
at that time. I repeat then that in that Government I
was one of the representatives of a certain section of the
Ministerial supporters in this House, known as the Hincksite
Reformers. And the statement is perfectly correct that,
when I found myself deprived of the aid and assistance
of those gentlemen who had generally given the Govern-
ment their support until last Tuesday, when an Upper
Canada adverse vote was taken, I felt it to be my imperative
duty to make known to the gallant knight, the member
for Hamilton, the leader of the Administration, my impres-
sion that I could no longer be serviceable in the Government
as I was dcpri\ed of the support which I had had from
those gentleinen who had given a vote expressive of their
want of confidence ; and that I could not feel it to be my
<luty to continue longer a member of the Government. I
need not go over all the ground that has been alrcad\'
occupied in reference to those charges. I shall onl\- allude
to that part which relates to myself and my acceptance of
my present office.

" The term ' coalition ' is now a misnomer. I con-
sider that the Coalition Government has passed away and
1 look upon the present Government as a united Govern-
ment, composed of progressive men, whose policy will be
found to meet with the acceptance of the masses of the
people of Canada. No man can be ignorant of the fact
that the landmarks of party have been swept away. There

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314 The Life ok Sik John A. Macdonald.

is no man who has had a knowledge of passinj^ events
but must have seen, that, within the last two and a half
years, those lines which formerly marked the bounds of
party have been swept away and obliterated. What cjues-
tion is there now which is, properly speaking, a Reform
(lucstion ? And why should the introduction of members
professing Liberal principles into the Government, be
prevented because their forefathers quarclled about certain
cjuestions ? Party questions may arise, but surely those
(juestions which were agitated twenty years ago, exist no more.
For my part I have accepted the invitation of the honourable
member for Kingston, the leader of this House, who was
charged by the leader of the Government with the formation
of the Upper Canada section of the Ministr}', in the most
perfect confidence that his opinions, his views, and his general
policy, will be in accordance with the wishes of the Reformers
of Upper Canada. I know of no Reformer who will say he is
not satisfied with those who are prepared to apply a remcdj-
to existing abuses. I do not belong to that class, who, for tiic
sake of party and for the sake of office, are determined to
perpetuate those questions. I have felt it to be my dut)- to
accept the invitation given me by the Attorney-General West,
and I think the good common .sense of the people of Canada
will support a Government which is determined to resist the
aggression of principles represented by the opinions of
honourable gentlemen on the other side. I am of opinion,
and those who have joined with me in forming a Government
are of opinion, that the disunion principles which prevail on
the opposite side of the House can have no acceptance with
the people of this country. We shall oppose those principles
and knowing no great questions agitating the people of
Canada, knowing nothing that we have to do but to manage
the public departments with wisdom and economy, I have not
the slightest doubt that the action of the Government will
meet the just and reasonable expectations of the people of
Canada."

Although Mr. Macdonald had for some time past, owing to
the continued ill-health of Sir Allan McNab, been the leader

U.^

A MOMKNTOUS SKSSION.

of the Government in the Lej^islativc .\ssembly, he now
became, for the first time, the actual head of the Administra-
tion, and, by the agreement of the moderate men, on both sides,
to come together and work in harmony for the good of the
country, the Liberal-Conservative Party sprang into existence.
Since that date he has, uninterruptedly, held the foremost
place in its ranks, and while preserving all that is good in our
Constitution and in our laws, has shown such a liberal,
progressive policy, that he has won the confidence of the
whole country, and the Liberal -Conservatives have with the
exception of two periods — one of two, and one of five years —
uninterruptedly held possession of the treasury benches. This
session must therefore be regarded as one of the most
momentous in the history of the country and of the part)-.
The position of leader was not of his seeking, it may be said
to have been forced upon him. When Sir Allan McNab was
so ill as to be unable to attend to his duties in the House,
rumours were started that he was going to retire. In conse-
quence of these rumours a meeting of the supporters of the
Government was held, and a deputation was appointed to wait
on Mr. Macdonald and to convey to him that, in case of the
rumours proving true, and a re-construction of the Adminis-
tration taking place, they desired that he should take a
prominent position. Mr. Macd(jnald replied that there was no
foundation for those rumours, and that, while he was exceed-
ingly flattered by the compliment paid him, so long as Sir
Allan would lead he would follow. Another joint meeting of
Conservatives and Reformers was held, at which a proposition
was made that a communication should be made to Sir Allan
that, in their opinion, he should retire. So soon as Mr. Mac-
donald heard of this he took innnediatc steps to counteract
it, and, by his strenuous exertions, the letter was not sent, and
when the next meeting was held, in deference to his wishes, it
was adjourned si/ie die. Then the Reformers supporting the
Government held the meeting previously referred to, and
informed their representatives that they felt at liberty to
withdraw their confidence and defeat the Government if
possible. Immediately after came the retirement of Mr. Ross,

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316 TiiK LiiK OF Sir John A. Macdonalu.

li; .1

by which the Government was sacll)- shaken. Still Mr.
Macdonald fought the ship, and, b)- every argument and by
every influence in his power, endeavoured to induce the
supporters of the Government to sustain the Administration,
and to vote confidence in it. He succeeded in obtaining a
majority of twenty-three, but, as we have seen, Mr. Spence
and Mr. Morrison considered that, as Upper Canada had
shown a minority on the vote, and in view of the notice
received from the Reformers who had hitherto supported the
Government, they were unable to remain in the Cabinet. The
Government, therefore, could no longer go on. Sir Allan
McXab was asked to fill the places of the resigning Ministers,
but replied that he could not, and would be unable to carry on
the business of the House. The Lower Canadian portion
would not agree to a dissolution as they were already giving
the Government a strong support, and the Upi)cr Canadians
doubted if any good would result from it. There was, there-
fore, only two courses to pursue, either to hand over the reins
of (iovernment to the Opposition, or, to re-construct the
Cabinet. The supporters of the Government decided upon
the latter. Of late years a complete harmony of action and
feeling had grown up between the moderate Conservatives
and Reformers. All were anxious to form one great part)-,
a middle common sense party, that would work together for
the good of the country. Great satisfaction was therefore felt
when Colonel Tache was sent for to form a new Ministry, and
it was learned that Mr. Macdonald had yielded to the pressure
of his friends and had agreed to assist him in the task.

It was not to be expected that the change was to go
unchallenged and, accordingly, a vote of want of confidence
in the new Ministry was at once proposed. After a storm)'
debate, which lasted several days, a vote was taken which
resulted in the Government being sustained.

During the rest of the session the Ministry were made
the subject of many attacks, one of the greatest being
on the seat of Government question. The House had delib-
erately decided that Quebec should be the future capital
and that the Ministry should provide the necessary funds

Attacks on thk (ioviiKNMKNT.

i^7

for build.n^rs. The sum of /."scooo w.-is accordin^rly placed
in the estimates and when the item was reached the m<;st
strenuous opposition was exhibited, many of those who had
voted for Quebec, now opposin^r the money grant. The
motion was, however, carried, but when the Supjily \\\\\ was
sent to the Lcgishitive Council that body refused to concur
and the Bill was sent back. The House of Assembly were!
therefore, obliged to strike out the item and the Hill was
then passed by the Council. The next day— July ist— the
House was prorogued.

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C H A V T !•: R X I \'.

Reform Ci)nvention, January, 1857 — I'rincipal I'lank-. of I'lailorm— Indignation of
Lower Canada Reformers — Opening of session of 1857 — Seat of Ciovern-
ment <^)uesiion — The (^)ueen petitioned to settle th-e (Question — Sir Edmund
Head's Despatch — Prorogation — Sir E. I*. Tache appointed Comniisssoner
of Crown Lands-Kesignation of Seat in Parliament by Sir Allan McNab —
Sketch of his Life,

IX the beginning of January, 1857, a Convention of tlie
Clear Grit section of the Reform Party of Canada West
was held in Toronto, lA which their platform was laid down.
The principal planks were : /'V; .s7 / The wiping out of the
dividing line between Upper and Lower Canada, representa-
tion in Parliament to be based on population without an}-
territorial distinction. Second : The assimilation of the local
institutions of Upper and Lower Canada. Third: That
Parliament should not legislate in matters of religion or
appropriate the public money to sectarian uses. Fourth:
That the national schools should be under one uniform system
of superintendence and instruction, free from sectarianism and
available to all classes and creeds on equal terms. Fifth:
That the national prosperity would be best promoted by
the adoption of a free trade policy ; the national debt should
be liquidated, and the customs duties reduced and ultimately
abolished.

This manifesto did not meet with the approval of the
Opposition in Lower Canada, the Montreal Herald declaring
"That the whole thing was a slight and an insult, that
the Lower Canada section had no sympathy with the plat-
form movement and would not follow ; that, like previous
platforms, it would probably end in smoke, and that it was
not an evidence of real work, but only the tidgetting of
politicians, unable to wait for the meeting of Parliament
to give vent to their superfluous energies. Its effect must
necessarily be to strengthen the Ministry." Nor was it any
more pleasing to the moderate Reformers of Upper Canada,
whose views were thus sharpl}- expressed by the Niagara
Mail: "What is the matter? Do the performers of this

Dissatisfaction at Clear Grit Platidrm. 319

lit

list

lis

burlesque intend to make a solemn renunciation of their
jjoliticai errors, and, like Falstaff, [)uri;e and live cleanly
for the future? or have they onl>- put their principles in
pickle for a time — and played moderation, in order to win
over the public, who, they have found out, will not swallow
their full len<^th programme? Twelve months ago the parties
signing the above profession of faith were rampant for
little less than a civil revolution. Elective Governor, elective
magistrates, sheriffs, and other executive officers, a written
Constitution, fixed parliamentary terms, universal suffrage,
vote by ballot and dissolution of the Union were only a
part of their demands, and now we have them coming out
with a new programme, which leaves out all that has ever
distinguished the Clear Grits from sensible people and
adopted a platforin of such general and moderate pretensions,
that the Toronto Colonist sajs they have stolen the two
main principles of the Tory party and made them their own !
We must either conclude that the Clear Grits acknowledge
they have been totally xvrong in their politics hitherto ;
or else they arc playing a game to get support under false
pretences. Either way the natural conclusion is, that while
wc may carry out as far as we can, .some of the articles
of their borrowed platform, the\- are not themselves safe
and trusty men to be allowed to step into office with
the likely chance of their hauling down their present
moderation flag, and hoisting the 'death's head and cross
bones," as soon as the}' feel strong enough to try the real issue
between them.selvcs and the other Reformers of the l'ro\ince.

On February 26th, Parliament assemblctl at Toronto, the
Address in rei)ly to the Speech from the Throne being moveii
by Mr. Benjamin, .seconded b\- Mr. Simard.

On March 6th Mr. Macdonald gave notice of his intention
to introduce a resolution asking an a[)propriation of /. 225.OCX1
for the erection of Parliament buiUiings, and for an Address to
Her Majesty praying her to fix upon .some site as a permanent
place for the meeting of the Legislature.

Mr. Thibaudcau moved an amendment, .seconded by Mr.
Simard, to the effect that it was inexpedient to discuss the

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320 TiiK Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

question of the permanency of the seat of Government during
the present session, as that question was decided last session.
This was negatived by a majority of twent)--one, the Assembly
evidently concurring in the view expressed by Honourable Mr.
Cartier, that the vote of last .session could not be regarded as
an expression of the opinion of the Legislature, as many
members, who voted for the proposition, refused to vote the
appropriation for public buildings in that cit)', declaring that
they had not been serious in voting to fix the seat of Govern-
ment at Quebec ; that it was utterly impossible to get a
sufficient majority in the Lower House to select any place
permanently, and, even if that were [)robable, it would be
impossible to obtain the consent of the other House. At the
.same time it was admitted on all hands that the present
.system could not be maintained, and that it was injurious to
the country.

After Mr. Thibaudeau's motion had been disposed of Mr.
Dorin moved another amendment declaring that the reference
of this question to the Home Government was at \ariancc
with the principal of .self-government. He was in favour of
the .selection of Montreal, and feared that if the main motion
was carried, the question would be decided in favour of Upper
Canada. Mr. George Brown was opposed to cither Quebec or
Toronto, and preferred Kingston, but feared that the Queen
might decide in favour of Montreal, which would be unaccept-
able to Upper Canada, and would cause an agitation from one
end of that Province to the other.

The di.scussion lasted man)- days, and was taken part in
by all the leading men of both sides. The long debate was
finally brought to a close at 2 a. m. of Saturda)-, March 2i^t
by the adoption of all the resolutions, the last vote, on Mr.
Mas.son's motion in favour of Quebec, showing a majorit\- of
one hundred against it. Three days later the concurrence of
the As.sembly, by the respectable majority of sixteen, effectually
established the wi.sdom of the movement. In the Legislative
Council the motion was carried by a vote of 26 to 6. In
order to afford the Home Government every opportunit\-
of knowing the various views expressed, Mr. Macdonald

The Seat op Government Question.

321

promised to send to England copies of the resolutions and
proceedings on the subject of the present and preceding
sessions, and on March 27th a circular was issued from
the Governor-General's office to the mayors of the various
cities interested, inviting them to lay before Her Majesty
a full and fair statement of the claims of their city, and
to set forth the reasons why it should be selected as the
future capital of Canada ; the answers to be sent to the
Colonial-Secretary not later than July ist.

In England the course of the Government met with
approval, the Times declaring that " the Queen was called
upon to discharge one of the most interesting and poetical
duties of her station, the importance of which it was impossible
to estimate, that before long it was probable that all liritish
America would be under one Government, and, at the present
rate of increase and improvement, b}' the end of another
century, the population would be as numerous, as wealthy, and
as advanced in all the arts of life as the mother countr)'." The
article went on, " It is then, the metropolis of an empire, such
as ours, that has to be selected. The occasion sends one back
to the earliest origins, and to the grandest epochs of histor)' —
to the tower of Belus, and the walls of Echatari, to Virgil's
picture of infant Carthage, and Livys legend of }'oung Rome ;
to Alexander laying out, with a line, the city which still bears
his name and justifies his sagacity ; to Constantine founding,
unwittingly, the scat of an anti-Christian empire, and Peter
the Great driving piles into the mud of the Neva. The origin
of cities, indeed, is generally wrapt in obscurity, and it is by the
merest accident that they have become what they are. Even
in our own time we have seen the seed of cities sown broad-
cast over new continents, some to wither or languish, some to
.shoot up into colossal proportions. In the memory of old
men there was not an Englishman on the Australian continent,
and within the life-time of school-boys there was no such place
as [Melbourne, now a magnificent city. In the heart of the
American continent the oldest inhabitant — a man abcnit fifty
— finds himself surrounded by a vast cit)% and at the centre of
an immense commerce. But probably there ne\er was an
ai

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32:

Thh Like or Sir John A. Macdonald.

occasion when deliberate choice had to be made between
several claimants, with all the results in view, and with the
full knowledge that posterity would canvass the decision.
Why should Rome, or Paris, or Madrid, or London be the
capitals of great empires ? Had we now to choose our
metropolis, how would Lancashire fight for the Mersey ; how
loudly would Edinburgh proclaim the grandeur of Modern
Athens, and Ireland her Atlantic site, her mild climate, her
picturesque shores, and her vast harbours ! In almost every
other instance the question is settled for us, and as each man
pursues the path of his own advancement or ease, he unconsci-
ously contributes to solve the grandest political and geographi-
cal problems. But this large responsibility, this creation of
history to come, which we are thus usually spared, is, in the
present instance, thrown upon the Queen and her Ministers.
They have to find or found a metropolis for British America."

During the session many important measures were passed,
amongst them being the Independence of Parliament Bill, the
Civil Service Improvement Bill, the Ocean Steamers' Subsidy
liill, the Lunatic Asylum Tax Repeal Bill, the Railway
Accidents' Prevention Bill, the Lower Canada Judicature Bill,
the St. Lawrence Light-house Bill, and the Decimal Currency
Bill.

In forwarding the addresses from the Legislative Council
and Assembly, Lord Elgin conveyed his views in the following
letter :

Government House, Toronto, March 28, 1857.
To THE Right Honourable H. Labouchere, et:j. :

Sir, — I forward, with the present despatch, two Addresses to Her
Most Gracious Majesty, of an unusual character. They are respec-
tively from the Legislative Council and the Legislative Assembly, and
the prayer of both is the same.

The Address from the Legislative Assembly is founded on resolu-
tions passed in Committee of the Whole House, which resolutions
contain the additional assurance that the House resolves to appro-
priate a sum not exceeding ;{"225,ooo for providing the necessary
buildings and accommodation for the Government and Legislature at
such place as Her Majesty may see fit to select.

You are aware, sir, of the difficulty which in this colony has long
surrounded the question of the seat of Government. After its removal

jt'-^H — ^.

■int,r

Her

jpec-

and

30I11-
ions
pro-
sary
e at

long
.-al

Sir Edmund Head's Despatch.

323

from Kingston to Montreal in 1S43, certain circumstances caused the
Legislature to adopt the migratory system, by which Parliament was
to sit alternately four years at Toronto and four years at yuebec.

The inconvenience of this arrangement has been strongly felt. It
is attended by great expense, and by a periodical suspension of
public business in every oiifice. At the same time, it is impossible to
deny that it has done good; prejudices have been softened and mis-
conceptions removed by it.

In the last session, however, the Legislative Assembly asserted the
necessity of a fixed seat of Government by a resolution of their own,
and a vote was carried in favour of Quebec. When the question of
providing money for the erection of the public buildings at Quebec
came up, a clause appropriating ;^50,ooo for that purpose was struck
out of the supplies by the Legislative Council, and the whole Supply
Bill had to be introduced again in the Lower House. Practically,
therefore, the main question at the connnencement of this session
remained yet undecided. My own conviction was and is that the
time has arrived when this matter ought to be definitely settled. To
keep it open is to maintain in full flow a constant source of local
bitterness and sectional animosity, which, by a little management can
always be turned against the Government of the day. Nor is this the
worst consequence of its unsettled condition. If the province of
Canada is to remain one, it is essential that its seat of Government
should be fixed and recognized by all.

There can be no doubt that Her Majesty's prerogative enables her
to summon Parliament wherever she may please, but Her Majesty,
with a desire to meet the wishes of the people of Canada has, in
practice, generally left the matter to be determined by those most
immediately interested therein. It now appears to a majority of both
branches of the Legislature that the (jiu stion is one not likely to be
arranged satisfactorily by themselves. They do not, I conceive, by
their present Addresses, in any way renounce or disclaim their own
capacity for self government, nor do they, by referring this question to
the Queen, intend to establish a principle in any way inconsistent with
the free and unimpaired action of Parliamentary responsibility in the
colony. The matter itself is one of exceptionable character. Noth-
ing but this consideration, and a strong conviction that its speedy
settlement is of the utmost impoitanco, would induce me to recom-
mend that, so soon as money necessary for erecting the public buildings
at the spot where Her Majesty may select shall have been placed at
her disposal the prayer of these Addresses should be complied with.
Under any circumstances, I apprehend that the Legislature and public
iiffices will, in iSy), have to be removed again to Quebec, according to
the present arrangement. What is asked of the Queen is to select a
site at which in the meantime, fit and suitable buildings may be erected

ill!

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324 The LiiE oi' Sir John A. Macdonald.

for the establishment of tlie permanent legislative capital of Canada.
In order to lay fully before the Oiieen the claims of the several places
which may be said to consider themselves entitled to selection as the
seat of Government, I have caused a circular (of which a copy is
annexed to this despatch) to be addressed by my secretary to the
Mayor of each of these cities. I have asked each corporation to set
fortli • .■ reasons in favour of their own city, and to forward such rea-
. ons u. .he Secretary of State before July ist. In doing this I have,
perhaps, presumed too much on the probability of Her Majesty com-
plying with the request of the Legislative Council and Assembly. If
so, I must entreat forgiveness, !)ut I have thought it important that no
time should be lost. The question of course must be decided after
call' '. M' r»rate consideration of the interests of the whole pro-

vince, nn^ 01 ''osc of any particular city or place.

It .>• 'Li'l f • >aently be improper to convey to the Qneen's advisers
in England an) D^-^inion or adv':e in this matter, as on the part of the
Executi ? r,cuncii ■ •;. • The whole reference is, as I have observed,
01 an except)' i( '!. ^r and if it were to be finally decided on the

advice of pcsons, j'i>' o >iu are responsible to the Parliament of

Canada, the great object of removing it beyond the cross-action of
local politics and sectional jealousies, would be altogether frustrated.

I annex to this despatch copies of the votes and proceedings of the
Legislative Assembly relative to this matter, in this and the preceding
session. This despatch has been shewn to the members of my Council
and concurred in by them. With this observation I again submit my
recommendation that Her Majesty may be advised to comply with the
prayer of the Addresses now transmitted.

I have, etc.,

(Signed)
To this the following rcplj- was received :

Edmund Head.

Downing Street, Apyil 17, 1857.

Sir, — I have to acknowledge your despatch, No. 49, of the 28th
ultimo, forwarding Addresses from the Legislative Council and Assem-
bly of Canada, praying that Her Majesty will be graciously pleased to
exercise the royal prerogative by the selection of some place for the
permanent scat of government in Canada. I understand the object of
these Addresses to be the selection of some fitting place at which,
under all ordinary circumstances, the Legislature of the province
should henceforward be called together, and where the necessary
public buildings may be provided for that purpose, as well as for the
general administration of the affairs of Canada. I have to inform you,
that Her Majesty, on the advice of her Ministers, and fully weighing

Mr. Laijoucherk's Rkplv.

325

the importance of the reference thus iiuuie to Her Majesty by the
Lcf^islative Council and Assembly of Canada, has been graciously
pleased to comply with the prayer of these memorials.

I shall await the further information which your despatch promises,
and in particular the replies which may be received to the circulars
which yon have addressed to the mayors of the several cities, before
taking any further steps to initiate the necessary examination into the
relative advantages of the places indicated, for the information of Her
Majesty. I have, etc.,

(Signed) H. Lahouciii;kk.

Parliamcr.t was prorogued June loth. Six days later an
extra of the Canada Gazette announced that the Honourable
Ktienne Paschal Tache had been appointed Commissi(Mier of
Crown Lands. The apponitment was well received, Mr.
Tache being a gentleman possessed of more than ordinary
talents, cultivated and strengthened by active professicjnal
and official experience. He had previously occupied several
important posts under different Administrations the duties
of which he had discharged with marked ability and unques-
tionable integrity. Another important event was the resig-
niition by Sir Allan McXab of his seat in Parliament, he
being obliged to yield to the infirmities against which he
had so long manfully battled. He issued his parting Address
to the electors of the City of Hamilton on October 24th,
giving as his reasons, that thir st.-itc of his health was such
that he was unable longer to discharge his duties in Parlia-
ment with justice to his constituents or satisfaction to himself,
and therefore he felt that the time had arrived for him to
retire from a position that it had been the pride of his life
to enjoy. He was a gallant old man, and as leader of the
Conservative Party, had enjoyed the esteem and resiject (jf
his followers, all of whom joined in best wishes for his
happiness and comfort in his retirement.

Sir Allan McXab was born at Niagara in 1798. While
still a school-boy he shouldered a musket and took part
in the defence of Toronto, when it was attacked by the
Americans. After the retreat to Kingston he was rated
as a midshipman on board Sir James Yeo's ship and accom-
panied the expedition to Sacketts Harbour, Genesee and

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326 Tfie Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

other places. FiiidiiiLj promotion ratlier slow he left the
navy and joined the lOOth regiment, under Colonel Murray^
and was with them when they rcoccupied the Niagara
I'Vonticr. For his conduct at the storming and taking of
Fort Niagara he was rewarded with an ensigncy in the
49th regiment. He was at lilack Rock and Buffalo when
they were stormed in retaliation for the destruction of Niagara
a few months previous. He was with his regiment at the
attack of I'lattsburg and had the honour of commanding
the advanced guard at the Saranc Britlgc. At the reduction
of the army in 1S17 he was placed on half pay and com-
menced the study of the law, and during this time was
employed as copying clerk and clerk of the journals in
the Legislative Asscmbl)-. He was called to the bar in
1825 and commenced the practice of his profession in
Hamilton, where he was very successful. He was first elected
to Parliament in 1S29. When the Legislature of Upper Can-
ada was extinguished by the Union Act, Sir Allan was
Siieakcr. He was subsequently elected Speaker of the
United Legislature. During the troubles of 1837-38 Sir x-\llan
showed great zeal and efficienc\-, and the speedy termination
of the troubles in Upper Canaila is credited to him. His
services were duly ap[)reciated, not only in iiis native countr)'
but by the Iinpcrial Government. He received the thanks of
Her ]\L'ijesty, of Lord Seaton, of the two Parliaments of Can-
ada (he being Speaker of the Lower I Ljuse) and also received
the thanks of the Legislatures of the sister jjrovinces. He
became Priine Minister in 1S54, and during his administra-
tion the Clergy Reserves question was set at rest, the Reci-
procity Act was passed, the Seigniorial Tenure difficulties
were adjusted, and the Militia Act put in operation. He
was a member of the Legislature for nine successive Parlia-
ments, and was said to have never been absent from his
place for a week, except during his last two sessions when
illness confined him to his house. This illness was the
cause of his retirement, and his constituents, while regretting
to lose him as their representative, felt that he had taken
the only course which a sense of duty to them as well as
to himself, seemed to point out.

CHAI'TKR XV.

(«S57-SS)

Resignation of Colonel Tache — Formation of Macdonald-Cartier Government,
Novemhcr 1857 — Review of work of preceding Ministeries — Dissolution of
I'arliament — Kingston nomination — Ottawa selected as seat of government —
Result of elections — Meeting of Parliament, February 1858— Vote on election
of Speaker — Amendments to the Address — Speech of Honourable Attorney-
(leneral Macdonald— Ministry beaten on seat of government question — Sus-
tained on want of confidence motion — Resignation of Macdonald-Cartier
Government — Remarks on course pursued.

OX Xovcmbcr 20, 1857, it was announced that the
Honourable Lt. -Colonel K, P. Tache had tendered his
rcsit^nation, and that the Honourable J. A. Macdonald had
been charged by His l^xcellencx', the Governor-General, with
the task of reconstructiiii^ the Cabinet. A few days later the
composition of the new Government was announced as
follows :

Attorney-General for Upper Canada antl Premier, Honour-
able John A. Macilonald ; Inspector-General, Honourable
W'm. Ca\'ley ; Postmaster-General, Honourable Robt. Spcncc ;
Attorney-General for Lower Canada, Honourable Geori^e E.
Cartier ; Receiver-General, Honourable J. C. Morrison ; Presi-
dent of Council and Minister of Agriculture, Honourable P.
M. Vankoui^hnct ; Commissioner of Crown Lands, Honour-
able Louis \\ Sicotte ; Speaker Legislative Council, Honour-
able X. V. Bel lean ; Chief Commissioner Public Works,
Honourable Chas. Alleyn ; Provincial Secretary, Honour-
able T. J. J. LoraiiL^rer.

In the Upper Canada section, as will be seen, there was no
change. Mr. Cartier, the Lower Canada leacler, retained the
appointment held under Col. Tache. To Mr. Sicotte was
assigned the Commissionershii) of Crown Lands. Mr. Alleyn
succeeded Mr. Lemieu.x at the Board of Works. Mr.
Loranger a.ssumed the Provincial Secretaryship, and Mr.
Belleau followed the late Premier as Speaker of the Upper
Chamber.

The new arrangement was hailed as satisfactory. The

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32<s The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

Upper Canada members had already justified their claims to
the confidence of the party sustaining them, while the Lower
Canada gentlemen who, for the first time, occupied seats in the
Cabinet, were equally fortunate in having public sentiment in
their favour. In Quebec the appointment of Messrs. Belleau
and Allcyn gave especial satisfaction.

With the dissolution of the Tachc-Macdonald Cabinet
came a now era in the history of provincial politics, ami,
before going farther, it is well to repeat and cmphasi/.e the
work done during the last three years under the successive
prcmierships of Sir Allan McNab and Colonel Tache, the
importance of which can be well appreciated at this day, when
the party and personal feelings that then existed have passed
away, and the merits of the measures arc judged of by the
light of actual experience. The most important of these
measures were :

The secularization of the Clergy Reserves ; the abolish-
ment of the Seigniorial Tenure ; the placing of the municipal
institutions of Lower Canada upon a good footing ; the organ-
isation of an efficient militia force ; the establishment of an
efficient line of ocean steamers ; the reorganization of the tug
service ; the improvement of lake and river navigation by the
erection of light houses ; the establishment of Reciprocity
between Canada and the United States ; the decentralization
of the judiciary system in Lower Canada ; the securing of the
more thorough independence of members of Parliament from
executive control ; the improvement of the civil service ; the
introduction of the system of county attorneys ; the simpli-
fication of common and criminal law procedure.

Of these, it may of course, be said, that the Clergy
Reserves and Seigniorial Tenures measures were the policy
of both parties, and so they were, but with this difference.
The Baldwin-Lafontaine Government had held power for
three years, and, although professedly in favour of the settle-
ment of both questions, could not accomplish the task. The
Hincks-Rolph Cabinet, with whom these questions had been
the main political stalking horse, held power for three years
more, and contented themselves with talking about the

Review of Work ok Foumer Ministkriks. 329

subject. It was reserved for the McNab-Macdonakl Cabinet
to set both (lucstioiis at rest, and to settle them in such
a way that, while no injustice was done to the parties wh(j
held a certain description of vested rights in contioction
with them, the rii^hts of the people were strictly ^uardetl.
That despite the at^itation it excited at the time of its
passage, no one could be found, within the briefest period
thereafter, hardy enough to condemn Mr. M.acdonald's Hill
for the settlement of the Clergy Reserves, is a noble tribute
to the excellency of that measure. With respect to judicial
decentralization, too, others had talked, but Attorney-General
Cartier had worked, and worked effectually, while the judicial
reforms effected by Attorney-General Macdonald, in Upper
Canada, were most valuable, including the revision of the
Statutes and the amendments of the procedure in the Upper
Canada Courts. Added to these wc have Mr. Macdfjuald's
Prison Reform Bill and Attorney-General Carticr's excellent
Juvenile Offenders Act. A great advance was also made
in opening up the public domain to settlement and the
reform of the Crown Lands. To Mr. Caylcy was due the
effective system of auditing the public accounts, as well
as the completion of the Grand Trunk Railway from Mon-
treal to Toronto. Without such assistance as was given them,
there is good reason to believe that the works must have
been suspended. After such a brilliant and useful career
the leaders of the Government felt that they had a good
claim to a continuance of public approval and support for
the newly organized Cabinet, and that, whatever outcry
their enemies might raise against them, the great body of
the people would look at this record of important antl most
useful measures of genuine reform and the substantial pro-
gress thus assured, and would not fail to accord confidence,
and manifest gratitude, to men who had so amply deserved
both.

With these feelings the new Premier asked for a dissolu-
tion of Parliament to afford him an opportunity of going
to the country and receiving endorsements at the hands
of the electors. His request was granted and on November

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TiiK LiTK OK Sir John A. Ma( donald.

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2<Sth the Govcrnor-Gcticral issued his proclamation ordering
a new election, the writs returnable on Jaiuiar)' 13th following;.

The nomination at Kin^'ston took place on December
loth, when Mr. Macdonald was proposed by Mr. John R.
I'orsyth and seconded by Mr. Thomas Kirkpatrick. Mr.
John Shaw was nominated U) oppose him. The show of
hiinds bein^ in favour of the latter a poll was demanded
for Mr. Macdonald. The support promised to Mr. Shaw
was, however, of so small a nature, that the day before
the vote was taken he published a card withdrawing from
the contest. It was necessary, however, Ui open the polls
and record the votes, which was done, the result beiiiLj
Macdonald 1,1X9; Shaw 9.

(On December 2Sth Mr. Macdonald suffered the loss
of his wife, who died after a lon<^ and painful illness).

About the end of January, 1858, informaticjn came from
I'-tit^land, to the effect that Her iMajesty had selected Ottawa
as the permanent seat of government. The news was vari-
ousK' received, the inhabitants of that part of Central Canada
adjoiniuLj the proposed metropolis, maintainint^ that the
Ouccn had displaj'cd foresight and wisdom in the selection,
whilst the advocates of other places abated ncjt a whit their
contentions. I^'or the most part the decision was a source of
surprise and did not give satisfaction. It seemed to be
generally considered that Quebec was too far east and
Toronto too far west, and that the contest lay between Kings-
ton and Montreal. In all probability the reference to Her
IMajesty would never have been made had the result been
anticipated. Lapse of time has, however, vindicated Her
^Majesty's action, and were the question to arise at this day,
and be left to the decision of the Parliament of the country, it
is altogether probable that the same selection would be made.

The election resulted in the Ministry being sustained by a
large majority, but three of its Upper Canada members were
beaten at the polls. These were the Honourable Robert
Spence, Postmaster-General ; the Honourable J. C. Morrison
Receiver-General ; and the Honourable Wm. Cayley, Inspec-
tor-General.

ifc

MRS. JOHN A. MACDONALD.

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Result of Elections.

333

Early in February the Honourable John Ross and Sidney
Smith, Esq., were sworn in as Receiver-General and Post-
master-General respectively.

Parliament met on I'ebruary 25th, when the streni^th of
the two parties was tested on the election of Speaker. Mr.
Henry Smith was proposed by Attorney-General Macdonald
seconded by Attorney-General Cartier, and elected in a House
of 121 members by a vote 79 to 42, bein^ a majority for the
Government of thirty-seven. Taken by provinces the vote
stood :

For Speaker, Upper Canada 27

Lower Canada 5.:

— 79
Against Speaker, Upper Canada ^i

Lower Canada 9

— 4-2

Total 37

Shewing that the Government commanded almost the solid
vote of Lower Canada, but were in a minority in Upper
Canada.

On February 20th Mr. Cayley was nominated to represent
the county of Renfrew. Six candidates presented themselves
in opposition, but all retired except Mr. Smith. The show of
hands was in favour of the Inspector-General, and, a poll
having been demanded, he was elected by a majority of 449.

On the Address in reply to the Speech from the Throne, a
number of resolutions in amendment were moved by the
Opposition. These amendments were in tlie hands of Mr.
Dorion, seconded by Mr. Christie ; of Mr. Brown, seconded
by Mr. Wallbridge ; of Mr. Sanfield Mactlonald, seconded b)-
Mr. Hogan ; of Mr. Mowat, seconded by Mr. Notman ; of
Mr. Foley, seconded by Dr. Connor ; and covered almost
every point in the Speech. The debate was characterized b)-
strong language and personal charges, and did not terminate
until the whole subject had been thoroughly threshed out and
every possible argument presented. After a contest of many
days, on March 12th Mr. Macdonald rose to rei)lv'. His
speech was a masterly effort, full of fire and vigour. He

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334 The Life ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

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distinctly, honestly and satisfactorily answered and refuted
the many charges made against himself and his colleagues,
both in the old as well as in the new Government. Cooly
and deliberately he met the aspersions of his enemies, and
one by one proved their falsity. He openly, candidl}- and
feelingly confessed the severity of the blow struck at his
Government by the hopeless defeat of his Postmaster-General
and Receiver-General ; and in language unassailable in its
truthfulness, and cutting in its sarcasm, he exposed the ignoble
weapons employed to damage the popularity of the two
gentlemen alluded to. It was an eloquent defence of the
Government and is as interesting to-day as when delivered.
The following report of it is therefore given :

" Honourable Attorney-General Macdonald said the speech
of the honourable member for Oxford (Dr. Connor) reminded
him of a passage in the work of a celebrated writer. That
writer stated that, as the French had obtained the command
of the world by their army, and the English had obtained the
command of the sea by their navy, nothing was left for the
Germans but the air, and they had taken possession of it. He
thought his friend must be a German. Commencing his
speech in a mist he had ended in a fog. (Hear, and laughter),

Dr. Connor — " I play the German flute."

Honourable Attorney-General Macdonald — "That, per-
haps, accounts for the extremely wild extravagance with
which you have favoured the House. (Laughter;. The
honourable gentleman said he could not speak too highly (jf
the speech of the Honourable Commissioner of Crown Lands,
but, at the same time, added that it did not give him an)-
satisfaction. It would appear, however, from the remarks of
the honourable gentleman that he had found it cjuite a hopeless
task to reply to that very able and eloquent speech. (HearJ.
It might be owing to his (the Attorney-General's) want of
perception, but he could not see that the honourable gentle-
man had been any more successful in answering the other
arguments which had been adduced on that, the Government
side of the House, on the various subjects which had been
discussed during this very long debate. No one had a higher

Speech on the Address

.7 .■) ?

respect or atlmiratioii for the talents of the honourable gentle-
man than himself, and he had no doubt, when his honourable
friend had a fair opportunity of displaying his talents — when
he came to apply the powers of his great mind to the
measures indicated in the Speech — no one would more con-
vincingly show the injustice of the law relating to imprison-
ment for debt than he, and that, so far from its being the
wretched, miserable and paltry little matter which he had
described, it was one of the most important, as regarded
practical legislation, that, at this moment, could engage their
attention, involving, as it did, the rights and liberty of the
subject, (applause). The subject, indeed, was worthy of the
attention of any Legislature. (Hear, hear).

" The hon. gentleman had repeated what had been said
before, that the Opposition were not responsible for the waste of
time in regard to the Address. Well, all he (the Attornc)--
General), could say was, that he differed with him in opinion
altogether. His reply could be given in one or tw(j sentences.
All the amendments offered to a Speech from the Throne could
only have one object — an expression of want of confidence in
the Ministry. Would not the object of the Opposition, then,
have been attained if they had moved siinply one resolution ?
He conceived would. The ainendment of the honourable
member for Cornwall, or the honourable member for Toronto,
would have answered all purposes, and they would have saved
much of the time which had been expended since the debate
came up. A variety of subjects had been brought up to no
purpose, for it had been done in the absence of documents and
statements which were necessary to an intelligent discussion.
The subjects would all have to come up again ; hence the
delay which had taken place had been futile, and the whole
responsibility fell upon honourable gentlemen opposite.

"While disputing the position taken by the Opposition in
this respect, he must take occasion, at the same lime, to
deny, explicitly, another of the positions taken by them —
that there was an intention on the part of himself, or his
colleagues, to offer an insult to the House by withlK)lding
explanations. The honourable gentlemen who made use of

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2^6 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

this lanj^uat^c must surely have employed it as a figure of
speech. He could not have used it seriously, for 'ic knew
perfectly well that the facts did not really warrant it. The
explanations had only been withheld, when they were
first asked for, because it was conceived that it would be
inconvenient to interject them, as it were, into the debate.
When they were afterwards demanded, all the amend-
ments had been fully discussed — all the arguments of the
Opposition had been refuted — and the honourable member
for Toronto saw that it was necessary to start some new issue.
I le tried to force on explanations, hoping by this means to
pick something out of them for the purpose of covering their
defeat, but the explanations which the Ministry had to offer
wefQ comprised within a few sentences. The only explan-
ation which they had to give was, that a new Ministry had
been formed, and the verdict of the country asked upon it.
The policy had been developed in the speech from the Throne
and although it had been derided by the honourable member
for Oxford, it had received the approval of the whole country.
(Hear, hear). Opposition papers in both sections of the pro-
vince had been loud in its praise, and the reason was obvious.
The Government had addressed themselves to the practical
difficulties in which the country was placed, and had assumed
the responsibility of bringing them before the House. The
explanation which he had offer was simply as follows: During
the course of last year the late head of the Government — his
respected and revered colleague. Colonel Tachc — had an
anxious desire to be relieved from his official duties. He had
served his sovereign and his country in so many capacities
and for so many years : he had filled so many offices with
credit to himself and advantage to his country, that he
thought he had a right to retire and seek that rest in the
bosom of his family which he felt he required. His colleagues
were all opposed to his retirement ; they were, each and all,
anxious to retain his services ; they knew his value as a col-
league ; they knew he was a man of sound head and \varni
heart. (Applause). At their reiterated request, with that
spirit of self-sacrifice which always distinguished him, he was

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Rktikkmknt of Colonel Tache.

117

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induced to remain with them much longer than he would
otherwise have done. At last, when they had got through
the session, triumphantly he might say, when they had laid
the result of their administration and legislation before the
country, the honourable gentleman felt that he could fairly
claim at ther hands, as a matter of justice to himself, to be
allowed to indulge his expressed wish for retirement. And
they felt, much as they regretted to lose him, that it would
only be acting selfishly to offer any further obstacle to the
realization of that wish. So when the Governor-General
returned to this country, after a short absence in Kngland,
the Commissioner of Crown Lands placed his resignation in
His Excellency's hands. Just before, however, he should
have said, the honourable member for Stanstead (Honour-
able Mr. Terrill) having, from family affliction and family
affairs, been prevented from applying himself to the duties of
his office, felt it his duty to hurry to Toronto, immediately
on the return of the Governor-General and to tender his
resignation.

" Upon the resignation of Col. Tache, the keystone of the
arch was gone, the Government of course was dissolved, and it
remained for the representative of the Sovereign to call
another to his aid. His Excellency was pleased to charge
him (the Attorney-General) with the responsible duty of form-
ing a Ministry. He was fortunate enough to obtain the
assistance of the Honourable Attorne\-(ieneral East (Mr.
Cartier). Without his aid he would never have been able to
form an Administration which would ha\e been satisfactory to
the country. That honourable gentleman assumed the
responsibility of forming the Lo\> , Canadian section of the
Ministry. They believed that the policy of the previous
Government was satisfactory to the countrv* ; and, as they con-
ceived no other policy could be successfully carried out, the\'
came to the resolution to carry on any Government they
might form, on that policy and no other. Under these cir-
cumstances there was no necessity for making any change as
regarded his colleagues from Upper Canada, if they were
willing to act. They all agreed to resume office with himself.

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Till:: Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

With respect tf) the Lower Canadian section of the Ministry,
two offices had been rendered vacant by the retirement of
Colonel Tache. As the House was aware, he had held, con-
jointl)-, the offices of Commissioner of Crown Lands and
Speaker of the Upper House. The resi<^nation of the
I'rovincial Secretary rendered a third office vacant. Thus his
honourable friend had the honour to reconstruct that section of
the Cabinet. In doing so he thought proper to ask the aid
the Honourable Commissioner of Crown Lands, (Mr. L. V.
Sicotte), and he thought the House would agree with him
that he had acted wisely in doing so. The Government was
formed and every person joining it had done so with a
desire to carry out the principles of the late Government
and to throw aside all personal considerations.

"The honourable member for Toronto (Mr. Brown), had
asked for an explanation of the reasons for the dissolution.
The reason was obvious, and must have struck the mind of
every honourable gentleman, , He thought it did not lie
in the mouth of the honourable gentleman to object to a
dissolution. For it must be remembered that the honour-
able gentleman agitated the country the year before to cause
a dissolution ; that he got up addresses to the Governor-
General declaring that the Ministry had forfeited the confi-
dence of the people, and demanding an appeal to the country.
It did not rest with the honourable gentleman, therefore, to
say that they were wrong in dissolving. The Ministry had
established a position before the people and the House. They
had had a succession of triumphs, and the Opposition had had
a succession of defeats. No better time could have been
chosen for a dissolution. A change of Ministry had taken
place and there was no agitation going on. Of course there
was excitement enough afterwards, got up for the nonce by the
honourable member for Toronto. (Laughter.) These, shortly,
were the explanations which he had to give respecting the
formation of the present Government."

Having at much length defended the action of the
Government on the Clergy Reserve question, the Seigniorial
Tenure question, and the Legislative Council question, Mr.

Macdonakl ])rocccdcd to defend his policy in the formation of
his (jovcrnmcnt.

He said "that, after the chssolution of ParUament, the Gov-
ernment, of whicli he was then the unworthy IVincipal, met
a heavy blow and deep discoura<j[emcnt in the defeat of
three of its members. Me could not understand that defeat,
for he felt that it was a ijjreat blow t(j the Government.
Hut, as had been remarked by the honourable member for
Toronto, the responsibility of resigning ofhce is as great as
that of accepting it. And he (the Attorney-General) feeling
that the course they had then adopted was one which could
be well defended on the floor of the House, took what was,
he believed, a constitutional course. He felt the discourage-
ment and loss of j)restige in the country which the defeat
of his three colleagues occasioned. But he also felt that
he would have been wanting in duty to his supporters, to
his colleagues and to the country — and in all those requisites
which his position demanded, and even in pluck — had he
succumbed to causes so sudden and unexpected (cheers)
and over which he had no control. These causes were,
at most, solely comprised in that Protestant howl raised by
the honourable member for Toronto, but which, now that
it has served his purpose, he was very anxious to repudiate.
; Hear). When he (the Attorney-General) returned to To-
ronto, he came up with all the embarrassment consequent
on these defeats. But that embarrassment was, he was proud
to say, much lessened by the generous conduct of his defeated
Upper Canada colleagues. One and all they said ' You are
free ; you must not allow any consideration for us to affect
your plans ; form )-our Government with all possible despatch
on those principles on which we agreed to .ser\e under you.'
Cheers). By this generous conduct he was relieved of much
embarrassment, though the very generosity and self-sacrifice
of the act made him still more unwilling to part with those
gentlemen. (Hear). He was sorry, therefore, that any hon-
ourable gentleman should have thrown out the taunt that
he (the Attorney-General) had thrown overboard his old
political colleagues and shown partiality by retaining the

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340 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

Inspector-General. He did not expect that assertion would
have been hazarded by any honourable gentleman, least of
all by one just entering public life, like the honourable
member for South Oxford (Dr. Connor). (Hear). The cause
which dictated his (the Attorney-General's) policy in 'the
matter was, he thought, sufficiently obvious. You could find
a Receiver-General, or a Postmaster-General ; but it was by
no means so easy to find a Finance Minister. (Hear). Feel-
ing this to be the case, the two retiring members of the
Government requested him to retain his honourable colleague,
the Finance Minister. (Hear). He had no hesitation in
saying that he had used every honest and honourable exer-
tion to find seats for his late colleagues ; and, when Renfrew
offered unexpectedly, he sent for those gentlemen, and said,
* Here is a seat for one of you. Who shall it be?' Honour-
able Mr. Spence and Honourable Mr. Morrison resigned all
pretensions to it and said, ' Give it to the Honourable
Inspector-General.' (Applause). In this manner was it that
he had been treated by his late colleagues ; and their disin-
terestedness was conspicuous all through their term of office.
(Hear, hear). And he was glad to say that no five men
could have been bound together with more complete unani-
mity of feeling and confidence in each other than were the
five members of the Upper Canadian section of the Govern-
ment. (Applause). The honourable, the senior member for
Toronto (Mr. George Brown), said truly, the other day, that
office was not a bed of roses (hear) ; nor, he would add,
a mi^t of wealth, cither, (hear, hear). One of the truest
gratifications of office was that it occasionally — as in the
instance to which he was at present referring — created friend-
ships of the most lasting nature. With those honourable
gentlemen who had been his colleagues and whose services
had, he trusted, been lost only for a time, he had contracted
a 'riendship which would, he hoped, last as long as life itself
(Hear, hear).

" He would here allude to a statement which had been
made to injure the fair fame of some members of the Govern-
ment. An attempt had been made to injure the Government

by making charges with respect to the manner in which his
honourable colleague, the Inspector General, had obtained
his seat ; and to those charges he would next address himself.
An accusation of bribery had been made against that honour-
able gentleman in the paper conducted by the senior mem-
ber for Toronto (Mr. George Brown) ; and, though he (the
Attorney-General) had refuted that statement, and caused
it to be distinctly denied, still, the very next day, the Globe
came out with a statement that a large sum of money had
been paid to Mr. McDougall to resign his seat for Renfrew.
Now he (the Attorney-General) would most emphatically
state that Mr. McDougall neither asked nor received one
farthing for so doing." (Cheers).

Mr. Brown—" Nor Mr. Supple ? "

Honourable Attorney-General Macdonald — " Nor Mr.
Supple either. (Hear, hear). The committees of the.se gentle-
men neither asked nor received one farthing. (Hear, hear).
Nor was their election expenses paid or even asked for.
(Hear). If ever there was a disinterested offer of a seat
made it was Mr. Macdougall's. And when he (the Attorney-
General) added that the present honourable member for Ren-
frew had had no conversation with Mr. McDougall respect-
ing it ; and that Mr. McDougall voluntarily came to Toronto
and tendered the seat, he thought he had sufficiently refuted
those accusations. (Applau.se). Mr. McDougall having
offered the .seat for Renfrew, he (the Attorney-General)
accepted it and asked if it were open to any of the defeated
members of the Cabinet, Mr. McDougall at once said ' Yes,'
but he thought the Inspector-General was in more urgent
need of a seat than either of the other honourable gentlemen.
He (the Attorney-General) then wrote down to Mr. Supple
asking whether, in the event of Mr. McDougall retiring, he
would support the honourable, the Inspector-General, and Mr.
Supple readily con.sented to do so. Honourable Mr. Caylcy
then went down to secure his scat, in which he was well
seconded by Mr. McDougall, Mr. Supple and all the friends
of the Government. Such charges as those advanced in this
case should not have been made unless they were supported

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342 Thk Lifk ok Sir John A. Macdonai.d.

by distinct evidence. Where was that evidence ? Me declared
most solemnly that not one sinjjlc farthin<^ had been either
promised or ^iven to secure the return of his honourable col-
league. (Hear, hear). In his elaborate speech the other
evening, it had been stated by the hoiKjurable member for
Toronto, that this cry had only been raised in three constitu-
encies and by Ministerial candidates. Hut that honourable
member was subsequently forced to admit that there had been
a ' no popery' cry raised all through the countrj-, and that he
would raise it again. (Hear, hear, from Mr. Hrown). It hatl
also been asserted by that honourable member that the
question of representation by population had been the main
one in Western Canada. But he (the Attorney-General)
would maintain that such was not the case. (Hear). West
of Cobourg there was some little feeling in favour of the
principle, but east of Kingston the people were, as a bodw
opposed to it. And, although this question was presented to
the western portion of Upper Canada and was popular in
some constituencies — from local causes — from some of the
counties being very large or from paramount influence, the
question of defeat or elect on in Upper Canada was deter-
mined by the 'no popery' cry. (Hear, hear). The cry on
which the honourable member for Toronto himself was
elected, was not representation by population but it was a
cry against the Pope, nunneries and ecclesiastical corporations.
(Hear, hear. No, no). The question of representation by
population had no more to do with it than it had with affairs
in Kamschatka." (Hear and laughter).

Mr. Brown — " What I said was, that the great questions
deciding the elections of Upper Canada, and of Toronto also,
were first, representation by population, next the school ques-
tion and other sectarian questions."

Honourable Attorney-General Macdonald — " To show the
incorrectness of the honourable member's statement, it is but
necessary to mention that it so happened that both Mr.
Robinson and Mr. Boulton who also ran for the city, were as
much in favour of representation by population as that hon-
ourable gentleman was himself. How then could that have

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343

been the question tlecidinj^ the election ? The real question
was sufficiently patent from one of the [)lacards put out by
that honourable member. It contained lan<;ua^c which should
make that honourable member blush, and sentiments almost
diabolical. (Hear). He would read it. This placard was
headed ' To the Orani^cmen of Toronto,' and went on to
state that the hirelinj^ city orj^ans of the priest-ridden Minis-
try, driven to desperation by the noble stand taken by
Protestants, had raked up everything bad a<;ainst Mr. Hrown.
The placard continued — ' What did Mr. Hrown ilo when in
Quebec, .surrounded by men thirsting to bathe their hands in
his blood. Regardless of his personal safety and the army of
priests crowding the galleries of the House of Assembly, he
nobly denounced the murderers.' "

Mr. Brown — " I do not think the honourable member has a
right to come down to that House and assert that I had
written and published such a placard, when I had not the
slightest idea that it was either written or published, and, in
fact, never saw it."

Honourable Attorney-General Macdonald — " W^ell, at all
events, the placard was posted all round Toronto and the
honourable member had assented to it. And was there not
evidence of the ' no popery ' cry in that placard ? Perhaps
Captain Moodic or John Holland had prepared it. But did
the honourable member mean to say that it was just ? Did
he mean to assert that the galleries had been crammed with
priests and that he was surrounded by men thirsting to bathe
their hands in his blood ? (Hear, hear and laughter). It had
been said by the member for North VVcntworth (Mr, Notman)
that the ' no popery' cry had not been raised in his constitu-
ency. Now he (the Attorney-General) would say that if there
was one place in Canada where e\cn the trees were eloquent
with that cry, it was North VVcntworth. (Hear). During the
honourable member's canvas did he ever make a speech with-
out enquiring, at the very outset, why it was that all the
Roman Catholics voted against him?"

Mr. Brown—" Of course."

Honourable Attorney-General Macdonald — " And yet he

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344 'i'"' lAVE OK Sir John A. Macdonald.

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says he never heard the ' no popery' cry. (Lauj^hterj The
honourable member for Victoria (Mr. J. Cameron) ccjuld al.so
testify that this cry had been raised by the honourable mem-
ber for Toronto (Mr. lirown). (Hear). At first the G7ode was
favourable to his (Mr. Cameron's) return on independent prin-
ciples, but when three or four other persons came out, and the
honourable member for Toronto saw a chance of running a
candidate of his own, he chani^ed his tactics, ^ot up the ' no
popery' cry, and said the present representative was the
nominee of the priests. (Hear, hear). A relative of the mem-
ber for Victoria (Mr. Hector Cameron) meeting Mr. Jirown,
told him that he had just returned from Victoria, and that the
statements respecting the present member were unfounded,
yet day after day these charges were repeated."

Mr. Brown — "It was that a bargain had been made between
the priests and Mr. Cameron, and that he suited them on the
school question, but afterwards the statement was understood
to be incorrect." (Laughter).

Honourable Attorney-General Macdonald — " The honour-
able member ought not to ha\e published it in his newspaper
without, at all events, first ascertaining whether it were true or
not. But not only was this done, but it was {)lacardcd all over
the county, ' Vote against Cameron the nominee of the
Catholic clergy.' (Laughter). N(mv the truth was that the
Catholics, as a body, voted against Mr. Cameron."

Mr. Cameron — "All the Roman Catholics voted against me,
with the exception of two or three who were my personal
friends." (Hear).

Mr. Brown — " I believe that there has been an 'ntii
mistake. The member for Victoria would admit
that they were all under the impression that the .gam
alluded to had been made." (Laughter).

Honourable Attorne}'-Gencral Macdonald— "This show
how the members of the Ministry were defeated. (Hear).
These were the attempts made to injure the Administration
and its supporters. A squib containing all kinds of nonsense
against Orangemen, having been published in the Catholic
Citizen, placards of it were at once sent up to North Went-

TnK Victoria Election.

345

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worth and stuck in every tree there, appeahii^' to the Protes-
tants to say whether they 'could conscientiously vote for
Spence the miserable tool of the popish priesthood.' (Hear).
In like manner was this cry raised in every county of Upper
Canada. (Hear). It was raised a^^ainst the member for
North Hastings (.Mr. Henjamin) and Mr. O. R. (jowan, both
of whom had been ^'rand masters of the Oran^^e society and
and of whose Protestantism there could not be a doubt.
(Hear). \'ct the honourable member for Toronto had the
hardihood to assert that it had only been raised in three con-
stituencies where Conservatives had been returned. (Hear).
The cry had been <;ot up in the counties of every member
west of Kin^st(jn."' (Hear).

Mr. William Lyon Mackenzie — "Not in mine (lau^fhtcr).
I stated that I was opposed to this Oranj^e system, because I
believed it a means of discord, and would not agree to any f)ne
denomination receiving privileges over the other."

Honourable Attoniey-Cieneral Macdoiiakl— " That ac-
counts for the honourable member not having got a majority
of \otes for the whole count)'. (Laughter). And if the
honourable member had displayed a more obsequious spirit
than he usually does, towards his lionourable colleague from
Toronto, he might have been quite certain of having the
religious cry in his county also, (Laughter). Lvery tree in
Haldimand would have been placarded. (Renewed laughter).
The House had heard the lionourable member for Lambton,
(Honourable Malcolm Cameron) state that he had been called
anti-Christ. (Hear). He (the Attcjrncy-General; wondered if
the honourable member for Toronto ever heard of such a
newspaper as the Howmanville Statesvian, or such a writer for
that paper as the Rev. Mr. Climie. (Laughter). That person
was reported to be the bosom friend of the honourable
member for Toronto. And here is the style of writing —
almost blasphemous — adopted by that person : ' Those
electors who fear God, and desire to put the present Govern-
ment out, and get those in who are right-hearted men, will
vote for Henry Munro, Esq.' (Loud laughter). And ne.xt
follow the prayers of the reverend right-hand man of the

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Thk lAhE OF Sir John A. Macdonald.

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honourable member for Toronto : ' VVc trust that every man
will, on his bended knees, seek the divine aid to elect Mr.
Munroe. (Loud laughter). Let no man wait for a leader to
call for him ; every man must feel that he is an officer, that
the work is his own, under God ; and let every woman pray,
and rouse up any husband or on (renewed laughter), who may
be luke-warm, and the victory is certain.' (Laughter). Well !
the prayers of the righteous are said to avail much. The boon
was granted, and the gentleman thus interceded for represents
the county. Agc.'.i, this ' no Popery ' cry had been raised i.n
the Postmaster-General's county, when the honourable member
for Toronto brought out a gentleman of Catholic connection.
Me would quote another article from a local newspaper which
contained th-, se words: 'Let every man and every woman
work, and look to Heaven for help ' (great laughter) ; but, for
some reason or other, the principles of the Opposition were not
so successful. But, to further show the inconsistency of the
honourable gentleman opposite, di-^ he not advocate the
return of Catholics as against Protestants in more than one
instance? (Hear). He had almost forgotten to mention that
one honourable gentleman who had disclaimed all connection
with the ' no Popery ' cry had, at least, profited by it, for he
could not fail to see on every tree and stump throughout
South Ontario, ' vote for the Queen and Mowat, and not for
the Pope and Morrison.' (Renewed laughter). After all this
it must be admitted that the elections in Upper Canada had,
to a very great extent, been influenced by the ' no Popery '
howl. (Hear, hear;.

" Alter the very lucid manner in which the Honourable
Commissioner of Crown Lands had expressed himself on the
subject of representation by population, he (the Attorney-
General) need say nothing more on that subject than to allude
to the censure cast by gentlemen opposite on his honourable
friend, the member for V^ictoria, for putting on thi. paper a
motion concerning that subject. That question was not taken
up by gentlemen of the Opposition in the manner that it ought
to be, and considered calmly and quietly. Why was it moved
in amendment to the Address ? It was said that this course

Representation hy Population.

347

was adopted, because the honourable members were afraid
that it would have been burked if broutjht up during the
session. But he could not think this the correct reas n, for
were it so, an amendment relating to the school question
would also have been moved, since that was another of the
subjects which, it was said, had convulsed the country (Hear).
He would ask why the honourable member for South Ontario
(Mr. Oliver Mowat) had not moved an amendment concerning
Separate Schools ? Why had he not done this instead of
manifesting his fears that we should lose control of the lands
all the way between this and the North Pole? (Hear, and
laughter). No ! the question had been used, and was reserved
again to be used for party purposes — to be made a sort of
political engin^' for the benefit of the leader of the Opposition.
It was almost the only question left for that gentleman to
agitate. His stock in trade had been much diminished of late
years. The settlement of the Clergy Reserves had almost
ruined him. He did not like that settlement, although every
municipality in Canada had, in reality, been grateful for that
settlement ! He (the Attorney-General) repeated, that party
expediency had been the only reason why some questions had
been brought up as amendments, and others had not been
brought up. It had been sought artfully to introduce divi-
sion into the ranks of the Ministerialists, atul by moving
the amendment concerning the ad valorem duty, it had
been thought possible to even place one of the Ministry
(Solicitor-General Rose), in a false position before his constitu-
ents. (Hear). He was glad, therefore, that his honourable
friend, the member for Victoria, had sought to rescue the ques-
tion of representation from the hands of those who matle a
base use of it, and had put a notice on the paper concerning it,
so that it should receive a fair and calm discussion upon its
merits. It had not been so treated by the leader of the
Opposition, as would be found on tlie division, when not a
single Lower Canadian vote would be given for it. (Hear).
There had been no desire so to treat it, for, at the ne.x' elec-
tion, if the 'no popery' horse would not ride, perhaps
' representation by population ' would be prominently trotted

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The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

out. He would ask whether British statesmen, when they
wished to do away with the slave trade, had treated that
question in the same way as the honourable gentlemen
opposite now treated the representation question ? Did they
bring it up as an amendment to the Speech from the Throne ?
No ! they kept it out of the political arena ; they laid infor-
mation before the people ; they worked with statesmen of all
parties, gaining what they could from each successive Admin-
istration, until the public mind became imbued with correct
ideas concerning it, and it was carried as a national, by no
means as a party question. (Cheers). Again, the attempt to
'Alter the criminal law of England, a law so severe that it was
said to be written in blood, was not made by a mere political
party. Those who wanted a reform in the law got what they
could from a Conservative Government, then again, a little
more from a Whig Government, until they had accomplished
their ends. (Hear). So Canadians should do who wished to
amend the representation of the people in Parliament, and, if
the advocates of representation by population were strong
enough to bring it up in the House fairly, there could be no
cause for fear that the previous question would be moved, for,
if they could carry this point, they could defeat the moving of
the previous question. (Hear.)

" One honourable gentleman had charged the Government
with all kinds of corruption. Now, he could not find that any
one charged the members of the Government with personal
corruption, with using their offices improperly for the sake of
' feathering their own nests.' Then what was meant by cor-
ruption ? One member had made allusion to an attempt to
bribe the county of Peterborough with a grant of ^25,000 for
railway purposes. Now the facts were that the township of
Wolfrcd, Lanark county, had previously applied for deben-
tures, under the Municipal Loan Fund Act, to the amount of
;^2 5,000, had received but not issued them. A transfer of
these debentures had lately been effected from the township
of Wolfred to the town — not the county— of Peterborough.
The Government had nothing to do with this but to sanction
the transfer, which they were not unwilling to do, as it was

Separate Schools.

349

from a heavily burdened municipality to one which had not
a farthing of debt. The Government had no right to refuse
the sanction which they gave. (Hear, hear). He appealed to
the honourable member for Victoria to say if that were not
the case."

Mr. John Cameron confirmed the statement.

Honourable Attorney-General Macdonald — "Another of
the charges brought against the Government deserved com-
ment. It had been alleged that they had attempted to destroy
the Common School system by the Separate School clause.
But he would call attention to the fact that the present
Government were not responsible for the establishment of Sep-
arate Schools. The clause permitting their establishment had
been enacted long before the present or previous Government
came into office. (Hear). The honourable member for Tor-
onto was himself responsible for that clause. It was introduced
by the Baldwin Administration, of which the honourable
member had been a strong supporter."

Mr. Brown — "The honourable gentleman ought to state
that he (Mr. B.) was strongly opposed to it; wrote and lobbied
against it, and went into opposition immediately after its
enactment."

Honourable Attorney-General Macdonald — "Butthehoii'
ourable gentleman should remember that he had distinctly
stated in the Globe that he assumed the fullest responsibility
for all the acts of that Government. (Hear, hear). When the
present Government came into office they found the Separate
School system initiated ; and found it favoured by the Roman
Catholics and a sccticMi of the Churcn of England ; and, so
far from tending to destroy the Common School system, this
clause, on the contrary, widened and strengthened its basis.
This was clearl)- testified to by the able and efficient Superin-
tendent of Education in Upper Canada. Perhaps the honour-
able gentlemen who said that public moneys were expended
for the support of Roman Catholicism were not aware that
not a single farthing was, in fact, expended for that purpose.
We have a variety of educational institutions where, amcMigst
those of other creeds, Roinan Catholics receive instruction ;

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all of which enjoy the support of the Government ; but no
money is given to support Roman Catholicism, as such."

"It had been asserted that the Government used their
patronage unfairly. Now he had no hesitation in saying that,
when two men applied for an office in the gift of the Govern-
ment, one of whom was a political friend, and the other a
political foe, if their qualifications were equal, he always pre-
ferred the friend to the foe, and he always meant to do so.
(Hear, hear.) But that could not be called corruption. Why,
had not the Gpvcrnment; of which he was a member, intro-
duced and passed the Civil Service Bill, which deprived them
of much of their power of patronage by compelling every one
to undergo an examination before being admitted into the
Government ^»ervice, allowed no one to be dismissed unless
for dereliction of duty, and permitted none to be unduly
advanced, whatever his political opinions might be.

" He would ask the House to look back at the legislation of
the last Government. They found the country and the House
convulsed by quarrels concerning the Clergy Reserves and the
Seigniorial Tenure. They had settled these quarrels. They
found the Grand Trunk Railway, for which they were not
responsible, lying unfinished and helpless, stopped at Toronto,
and valueless. They had to assufme the responsibility of
carrying on the work to its completion. Had they been con-
tent to sit idle and draw their salaries, they might have gained
easy popularity by denouncing the Grand Trunk as a ' gigan-
tic swindle.' But, instead of this, they had risen superior to
the emergency, and seeing that the province was committed
to the work, had shouldered the responsibility, and had now
the satisfaction of seeing the road approaching completion.
(Hear). Now if the most , ?judiced person, seeing that the
road had increased the value of every acre of land from $5 to
/'5, were asked whether he would rather have the ;f 3,2<So,ooo
the work had cost the province, or the road, he would answer,
the latter. In short they had settled the Clergy Reserves,
amended the tenure of land in Lower Canada, established a
line of ocean steamers, finished the Grand Trunk, decentral-
ized the courts of law, and introduced the municipal system

DEKKAT ok TIIH CiOVKRNMKNT.

351

into Lower Canada, and had legislated altogether in the right
way since September, 1854. (Cheers). That was a subject
of pride, of just pride, to the members of the Government, and
when the time should come when honourable members oppo-
site should displace them and force them to retire into more
private life, it would continue to afford them a subject of
pleasurable reflection. On quiet, sober second thought, he felt
convinced that the people of Canada, looking at the acts of
the Administrations of which he had been a member, would
agree that these Administrations had given their best energies
and abilities to advance the social, the moral and the material
interests of the country. And he would say one thing more,
that if gentlemen opposite were to occupy the treasury benches
to-morr-,w, they would find ver}- little of the legislation of
1854, '55, '56, or '57 that could be profitably amended." (Long
continued cheers).

All the amendments were voted down, the address was
passed and the House proceeded to business. During the
next five months many assaults were made upon the Ministry,
the moving spirit being Mr. George Brown, member for
Toronto. All met with signal defeat until July 28th, when
the Government were beaten on the seat of Government
question by fourteen votes and tendereti their resignations U)
the Governor-General, which were accepted. The Ministry
had triumphantly carried their measures of public policy
through the House, in the face of an (Opposition, almost, if
not wholly, unparalleled in the histor\' of British legislation
and now they fell by a combination of local jealousies, which,
individually opposed to the selection of any other place that
the particular one the\- advocated, were collectively ready to
prevent the selection of an\- other localit}', and now threw
their whole weight against the Government, because the}'
endeavoured to carry out, in good faith, the award made
by Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen, under a special
reference from the very Legislature that now refused to accept
her decision. The first motion on the questicjn was made
by Mr. Thibadeau and expressed regret that Her Majesty
had selected Ottawa as the future capital, that cit)' being

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352 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

unacceptable to a large majority of the Canadian people.
The motion was, however, ruled out of order ; upon which
Mr. Dunkin moved an address to the Queen, asking Her
Majesty to reconsider the decision formerly made and to
name Montreal in lieu of Ottawa. Mr. Brown moved in
amendment "That an humble address be presented to His
Excellency praying that no action be taken towards the
erection of public buildings in Ottawa for the permanent
accommodation of the Executive Government and Legislature
or for the removal of the public departments to that cit\'. "
Mr. Piche then moved in amendment to the amendment,
" That it is the opinion of this House that the City of Ottawa
ought not to be the permanent seat of Government for the
Province." At the termination of a long debate the vote
was taken on this last motion with the following result — yeas
64 ; nays 50.

Upon the decision being announced, Mr. Brown, feeling
flushed with victory, rashly claimed the result as an express
declaration on the part of the House of its dissatisfaction
with the whole policy of the Government and imprudently
invited the House to back him up in this assertion, by moving
a direct vote of want of confidence. He declared that, if
Ministers were willing to accept the test, he would move the
adjournment of the House, with the understanding that all
who voted in the affirmative were to be considered as record-
ing their opinions against the Government and those who
voted in favour of non-adjournment as expressing their con-
fidence in the administration. Honourable John A. Mac-
donald at once arose and, on the part of himself and his
colleagues, accepted the challenge thrown down. He declared
his willingness to make his retention of office dependent on
the vote about to be given. If a hostile majority appeared,
he would consider the administration of the affairs of the
country taken out of his hands. The vote was recorded
amidst much excitement and resulted in Mr. Brown's resolu-
lution being rejected by 61 yeas to 50 nays. It was thus
clearly demonstrated that the general policy of the Gov-
ernment was in harmony with the views of the House,

Resignation op^ the Government.

353

and that many former supporters had voted against them
on the seat of government question without meaning to
express dissatisfaction with the Administration. This Mr.
Brown failed to rcaUze and, in endeavouring to crush what
he believed to be, his thoroughly beaten opponents, drew
upon himself a sharp and unmistakeable rebuff.

The next morning Mr. Macdonald rose in his place in the
House and announced that " in consequence of the carrying of
Mr. riche's resolution on the previous night, the Government
had deemed i' their duty to tender their resignations to His
Excellency; the resignations had been acce[)tcd and the
members of the Administration only held office until their
successors were appointed. The Government consiiicrcd that,
with respect to the seat of government, the law of the land
was, that Her Majesty having exercised her prerogative at the
request of the Provincial Legislature, the Government had but
one course to take, namely, to carry out the law as it stood.
No Government in a similar position could avoid taking a like
course. The vote of the House, on the motion of the honour-
able member for Berthicr, was that the law should not be
carried out. It was, moreover, a bare statement that the
prerogative of Her Majesty had been unwisely exercised, and
that, in short, she had chosen the wrong place. The motion
did not even ask her to reconsider her choice, it did not so
much as assign a reason why that choice was erroneous ; it
simply said, in a maimer which was an act of discourtesy and
rudeness towards Her Majesty, that Her Majesty was wrong.
Besides this, there was another consideration. The House
had declared that Her Majesty's decision should not be
carried out, so that their future course should be guided by
that vote. The law had declared that Ottawa was to be the
seat of Government and the House had declared differently.
The Ministry must, therefore, either commit a breach of the
law, or go against the unmistakeable majority of the House.
Many honourable members, who usually supported the
Government, acted differently last night, took a view strongly
in opposition to Her Majesty's selection, although no other
place more fit to be the seat of Government had in any way

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354 TnK Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

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been pointed out. They (the Mini.str\-) had therefore no
other course left but to resij^n. With these explanations he
moved that the House adjourn until three o'clock on the
following day."

There can be no doubt but that Mr. Macdonald and the
members of his Government did the proper thing in so
decidedly expressing their feelings at the gross disrespect
shown to the Queen, and it is quite clear that they might have
retained the reins of power had they chosen so to do. Upon
sound constituti()nal principles they were not called upon to
give them up. The last vote taken in the House, previous to
the resignation, was one of confidence. It was carried by a
majority of eleven, which, in a full House would, probably,
have been twentw There was nothing to prevent them from
holding office and conducting the affairs of the country until
the end of the session. They had a fair working majority.
But they felt that they could, not, with honour, overlook the
vote that had been given. They felt, as every loyal man must
have felt, that a most discourteous act had been committed
towards the Sovereign. They felt, as Mr. Drummond
expressed it, that a gross insult had been offered to the
Queen. And by whom ? By the Clear Grit opposition, with
Mr. Brown at their head, who availed themselves of the votes
of a few French-Canadian members to offer an indignity to
Her Majesty and the Imperial authorities, and thus secure a
a vote adverse to the Administration. The whole question,
in a nutshell, was this : The two Houses of Parliament finding
it impossible to secure a majority in favour of any one city,
presented addresses to the Throne, humbly requesting Her
Majesty to exercise the royal prerogative in fi.xing the locality
for the seat of government. These addresses were carried by
large majorities. They were submitted to the Sovereign.
She graciously accepted the task, and after mature delibera-
tion, counselled by her Imperial advisers, without any inter-
vention on the part of her Colonial Ministers, selected the city
of Ottawa. More than that, an appropriation of ;^225,cxx)
was made by the House for the erection of parliament build-
ings at the place that might be fixed upon, before Her

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Revif.w of the Course Pursued.

355

Majesty's decision was known. This settlement was regarded
by Parliament as final, and under those circumstances, no
Ministry could help maintaining and carrying out the decision
which had been come to. Now, what was the motion of Mr.
Pichc which was carried by the vote of the House ? It was,
that in the opinion of the House, Ottawa should not be the
seat of government. It was saying, in effect, " we commis-
sioned your Majesty by a solemn and deliberative vote of this
House to fix the seat of Government by the exercise of the
prerogative, and you have chosen the wrong place ; you have
arbitrated for us in a matter which we voluntarily submitted
to you, binding ourselves, in honour and duty, to abide by
your decision, and we affirm by a vote of this House that you
should not have selected Ottawa and we will not abide by
your decision." It would hardly be possible to hurl a niOic
deliberate and barefaced insult at the Queen and her Imperial
Ministry than this. There was no request that Her Majesty
would be graciously pleased to reconsider her verdict, but
simply and plainly an uncourteous vote of censure upon the
Sovereign and her advisers. And for what ? For doing
what Parliament had solemnl)- asked her to perform. Under
the circumstances the course pursued by the Government was
the dignified and proper one. They need not have resigned,
but by doing so they emphasized, in an unmistakeable manner,
their sense of the rude and discourteous, not to say disloyal,
vote passed by the House. By their action they retained
their own self respect and secured the respect of all loyal and
well thinking men.

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C H A I' T K R XVI.

1^1%— (Continued).

Formation of Brown-Dorion Administration, August, 1858 — The GM>f on Minis-
terial I'olicy — Mr. Patrick's announcement of names — Mr. Langevin's want
of confidence motion — Mr. Sicotte's Precedents for Motion — Mr. Gait's
Speech — Mr. Morin on Attorney-General Drummond's Course — Mr.
Malcolm Cameron's attack on Ministry — The Government defeated — Mr.
Brown a.sks for Dissolution and is refused — Resignation of Brown-Dorion
Administration — Correspondence of Mr. Brown with the Governor-tieneral
— Attack of Mr. McGee on His Excellency — Reply of Mr. MacdtinaUl —
Mr. Drummond's previous opinion of Mr. Brown — Mr. Brown's previous
treatment of his other Colleagues,

AFTER the resignation of the Ministry Mr. George Brown
was .sent for, to advise His Excellency as to the forma-
tion of a new Government, and succeeded in forming an
Administration constituted as follows :

Inspector-General, Mr. George Brown ; Attorney-General
West, Mr. J. S. Macdonald ; Speaker Legislative Council,
Mr. James Morris; Provincial Secretary, Mr. Oliver Mowat ;
Postmaster-General, Mr. Foley ; Attoriicy-Gcneral East, Mr.
Drummond ; Receiver-General, Mr. Lemicux ; Bureau Agri-
culture, Mr. Thibaudeau ; Crown Lands, Mr. A. A. Dorion ;
Public Works, Mr. L. H. Holton ; Solicitor-General West,
Dr. Connor ; Solicitor-General East, Mr. Laberge.

This Government, brought into existence in such an
unpleasant and undesirable manner, had scarcely commenced
to live before it died, strangled by the votes of both Houses, in
harmony with, and in obedience to the unmistakcable voice of
an indignant country. The utterances of the Globe, the
property of, and published by, the Premier, were accepted as
official notifications of the policy and intentions of the Govern-
ment. In the issues of July 31st, and August 2nd, we find
these words : " All that the incoming Ministry will ask from
the representatives of the people, whether from Upper or
Lower Canada, is a fair examination of their policy, and a
calm and considerate verdict upon it We are convinced that
they will receive this from the present House ; that it will
not be necessary again to appeal to the people in order to

356

TiiK "Glohk's" Ministkrial Announckment. 357

obtain a hearing;." (July 3l.st). "The Cabinet will be submit-
ted to Parliament this afternoon, complete ; and we arc
confident that the men of whom it will be found to be
composed will command a dej^ree of favour rarely accorded to
new political combinations. The aim of those who assume
the administration of public affairs will be to brin^ together, in
harmonious action, the various elements of popular strength,
and to justify public confidence by the enunciation of a policy
calculated to meet and to settle the delicate and important
questions which now enter largely into the politics of the
Province. . . . The ill-disguised spleen with which the
prospect of a comprehensive policy is contemplated, etc.,
indicates more forcibly than words the mortification of some,
at least, of those who affect to be actuated b}' a special
devotion to the decision of the Queen. . . . The aim of
the new Government will not be liable to the accusation
of evasiveness. Its purposes will not admit of doubt or
misconception. They may not please everybody, but, at any
rate, we are sure they will be broad and intelligible, and, being
so, will furnish ample opi)ortunities for free and open
encounter. A policy shall be offered for the consideration of
the Legislature and the country, and we speak the sentiments
of our party, rather than of any individual, when we say, that
by that policy the new Government will stand or fall. . . .
We believe, indeed, that in Parliament, constituted as it is,
any attempt to fritter away the public time, or to peril the
peaceful relations of the two sections of the Province for the
sake of narrow personal ambition, will be promptly and
decisively frowned down." (August 2nd).

After such a parade of good motives, of an intention to
enunciate a policy for the consideration of the Legislature
that would justify public confidence, about which there would
be no evasiveness, which would not admit of doubt or mis-
conception, and by which the Government would stand or
fall, it was confidently anticipated that the announcement
of the names of the new Cabinet to the Hou.se would be
accompanied by an explicit statement of policy. It was,
therefore, with surprise and inditrnation that Mr. Patrick was

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35^ TiiK Life oi' Sik John A. Macdonai.d.

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listened to when, on the afternoon of August 2ncl, he ^^ave
the names of the new Ministers and informed the Mouse
that he was instructed to say that the Government would
announce their policy as soon as they occupied their seats
again, and in the meantime it was their wish that the
necessary business of the country should be closed and Parlia-
ment prorogued at the earliest possible day. The Govern-
ment had had no time, as yet, to consider the public measures
before the House which it might be necessary to pass, but
he h(jped the following day to be in a position to make
known their views. This was all he was authorized to state
officially. Personally, he could say that he had no doubt
that the announcement would be most grateful to the country
at large (ironical cheers) as it was to their friends and sup-
porters in the House.

Mr. Ikireau, seconded by Mr. Piche, moved " that a writ
be issued for the election of one member for Montreal in
the room of A. A. Dorion, Esq., who has accepted the position
of the Commissioner of Crown Lands."

Mr. Langevin, seconded by Mr. Robinson, moved in
amendment that the resolution be amended by adding thereto
the following words : — " That this House, while ordering said
writ, must, at the .same time, declare that the Administration,
the formation of which has created the vacancy, does not
possess the confidence of this House and the country." (Loud
cheers). He said he had refrained from proposing the motion
until now — expecting .some explanation from the honourable
members who represented here the Administration just formed.
If they had informed the House of their policy — if they had
declared their principles, he might, perhaps, have done other-
wise, but here were to be elections without issues, and mem-
bers of one Administration succeeding those of another with-
out making any explanation of any kind. In this case the
House would be neglecting what was due to itself and the
country, if it did not express its opinion on the merits of
the new Government. Here was a crisis of an important
nature. It was especially important as it would show to the
country what was the morality of our public men (hear) and

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Mk. Langevin's Motion.

359

let the j)C(jplc know whether representatives came to I'arha-
meiit to carry out the views of their electors, to fultil tlieir
promises, to vote accordinj^ to principle, or to obtaii\ seats
on the treasury benches and for that alone. (Hear, hear).
For the members of this House should rei)resent the people
— else why the perpetual outcry which had been recent!)'
heard from the Opposition benches — Opposition no longer.
Upper Canada should know whether the members of the
new Administration were deserting' those principles which
they had said were of vital importance to her. Lower Can-
ada should know whether any (<f her .sons had turned traitors
to her interests. (Cheers). Hut no declaration of principle
was made, nothing was .said beyond the fact that Mr. So-and-
So had received such an office — that Mr. So-and-.So had
undertaken to receive such a salary. He said, therefore, that
there was room for disquietude, as to the safety of the
country, when such men, in such a manner, work their
respective positions. Was Mr. Hrown reatly to give up
' representation by population,' or were his coadjutors ready
to accept it ? Had Mr. Mowat and his fellow Ministers
from Upper Canada who were adv(icates of the Common
School system become converts to the Separate School ideas
of their confreres} Why was not the House told? Why-
were non-members of the Government, to use the expression
of a late illustrious Minister — ' silent as the tomb ' — about
Separate Schools, not telling the House whether Upper or
Lower Canada had bowed the head submissively as regarded
them ? Had Mr. Brown — who, but a day or two since, voted
against the double majority system — cxpressetl himself as
willing to support it ? Or had IVL Thibautleau — who thought
the principle so important that he must vote in accordance
with it, though the country fall — determined to relinquish
it for a paltry portfolio and the title of honourable? He
was obliged to ask these questions, to make such suppositions,
but he ought not to have been left to do so. (Hear, hear).
He had but this to observe that, if the Lower Canadians had
given up their principles — which he did not believe — he
could not understand it, and Lower Canada would not

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TnM LiKK OK Sir John A. Macdonald.

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understand it. A<^ain — for there were numberless considera-
tions— was the country to be favoured with the protec-
tion to home maiuifacturcs which the new Premier had
voted ac^ainst ? Were our w ater powers and our natural
resources to be developed or ncjt ? Was that excellent
J'ishcry iiill which had been successfully carrictl through the
House, in the face of Mr, Jh-own's oppositi(Mi, in the face of his
declaration that it was taxini; Upper Canada for Lower
Canadian objects, to remain a dead let'cer — to be strangled
just after birth ? They could only jutlge the new Ministers
by their past. They had carried destruction with their
])rogress. And this, neither U|)per oi Lower Canada should
sanction, for the Cpper Canadians were still the same people
til. it the}- were under Mr. Baldwin, they had only been decci\'ed
for a time by Mr. Jirown, who had deludetl them with the idea
that 'representation by population/ which he, liimself, was
l)erhai)S, tiie first to give up, was absolutely the one thing
needed for their welfare ; who had voted to destroy the ver\'
union whose destinies, by an unexpected turn of affairs, he
now endeavoured to shape. What was now his watchword?
])ela\-. Representation by population to be staved off until
1861, a step he had blamed the honourable member for
Lambton for counselling. And with nothing else but this
plea — delay — he seeks, and his coadjutors seek, re-election at
the hands of the peoi)le. They seek the approbation of their
constituents for what? For accejjting place on the Ministerial
benches? ] 'e regretted to have to say these words against
an .Administration, some of whose members were old and
\alued ])rivate friends of his, but his countr}- demanded his
voice, and he desisted not." (Cheers).

I lonourable Mr. Cauchon thought that the course proposed
b\- the amendmei-it >vas altogether an i.misual one. In the
constitutional history of JMigland he saw n(» case such as this,
of an honcmrablc member rising to nio\ e a xole of want of con-
fulence immediatel)' on the formation of an Administration,
and cited a case in which Sir Rcjbert Peel opposed tliscussion
uiuler similar circumstances.

Honourable Mr. .Sicotte replied In- rcnn'nding Mr. Cuichon

Mr. SrcoTTK's Views.

361

that one of the most inipf)rtatit ))rincl])lcs of constitutional
law was, that the Administration of the countn- should possess
the confidence of the House. lie would refer to the cele-
brated precedent of 1 832 in the case of the Reform IV\\\.
(Hear). When, on that occasion, the Administration of l£arl
Grey resigned, the first step of the House was to move an
Address to llis Majestj' e.\'])ressivc of dc-cp rci^ret at the
chant^e protluccd by the retirement of the Ministers, in whom
the House continued to possess unabated confidence. That
Address was [^resented to the KinL,^ on Maj' lolh, and
remained unanswered until May l.Sth, when answer was
returned that the late Administration had been recalled
to the councils of the country. (Hear, hear). In j)rccedents
of the House of ("ommons honourable members would also
find that one of those thini^s in which it was most sensiti\'e
was, that the House should, at all times, be able to e.vpress an
opinion on the advisers of the Crown. (Hc-ar). .And wh\' ?
I^ecause if that rij^ht were not exercised, the part\' in power
could liave the House dissolved at any time, and thus prevent
the of)inion of the House from bcinLj- expressed.

Mr. (jait said "that if the molio'i was unusual, it should be
borne ir. mind that the circumstances whi',.. ^^'ive rise to it
were unusual. (Hear). He believed there never was a case
in which lionourablc ^entl(Mnen accepting office were ncjt pre-
pared to state their polic}'. Yet, in this instance, s "h was
the course proposed to be taken b\' the Administration. Had
the}' been prepared to .«t.ite their policy, they would have
been fairl\- entitled to ask th.c- Hou.se to wait. (Hear), liut
when they merely tell tlic House, in a few curt words, that
members must \\ait until tlr- .Administr.itioii were in their
seats before any intimation of their policy woukl be ^n'ver., he
would say that it wa^ a most unusual course, and one which
justified the House in forming', an opinion on these j^ren'lemeti
fn in their antecedents. ^Ch'.-ers). Now that no si .tement
had been volunteered by the Atlministratioii, he was bound to
believe that they w()uld adhere to their principles ; and when
he looked at the construction of tlie new Adr.inistration. he
felt bound to sa\- that he could not see how the\- could rec jn-

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362

The Lifk of Sir John A. MAcnoNAi.n.

:ilc their differences. On the seat of government question he
could not see how the Premier, who had strongly advocated
alternate Parliaments, could associate with the Attorney-Gen-
eral East (Mr. DrummonQ),vvho had strongly declared himself
in favour of a permanent seat of government and was pledged
>o carry out Her Majesty's decision. (Hear, hear). Again,
how could the Premier associate with the honourable member
for Montreal (Mr. Dorion), who was, equally with the Attor-
ney-General East, committed in favour of a permanent seat of
government. (Hear). And, in relation to this question, he
would say that, when one Administration was displaced on it,
the House was entitled to have some cxi)lan;iti()n on that
point from honourable gentlemen taking the places (>f those
who had resigned. (Hear, hear.) In regard to the question
of ' representation by population,' it was perfectly well under-
stood to be one on which the Ministry differed. On the
question of the ' double majorit),' the gentlemen of the
Administration had differed widely on the floor of the House.
(Hear). Having followed so many different ways in these and
other imjKjrtant public questions, it was strange to see honour-
able members in the Administration bearing their present
relation to each other."

Mr. Moriii, who spoke principally in l'"rcncb, alluded to
points on which he had differei! with the late Government, and
said "that though he had thus disagreed with them they had,
at least, fallen noblv. It would ha\ been nrong for the
Government to ha\e consented not to carry out the Queen's
decision ; anti he knew that the late Ministers did not 1 egret
there position. They had not been defeated but a difficulty
had been removed. (Hear). Th.ey would soon be supjiorted
b}' a large majority, us the)' always had been when in power,
on all important measures. He felt surprised lliat the new
Ministers should have been .selected from a minority — shoukl
have accepted office while knowing they could not commantl
the confidence of the H(juse — should impose themselves upon
the country. He was astonished that a few Rouge.s — crawling
at the feet of the Upper Canada leader — should dare present
themselves to the countr)-. It was an immorality, a frightful

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Mr. Dru.mmond Dknounckd.

363

itnmorality, an insult to the common sense, at least of Lower
Canada. (Hear) When he heard the honourable member
for Lincoln say this motion was premature, all these reflections
had crowded through his mind, and he wondered, again and
again, at the impudence of men who intruded themselves into
the seats of Ministers, having the title of ' honourable,' but no
measures, no jiolicy, to justify it. (Hear). We had an
Attorncy-Geneial East who had said, ' Did you ever think I
would disgrace myself so much as to accept Mr. George
Brown for my leader?' now doing so, saving, 'Oh! Mr.
Brown has abandoned his principles.' This was one rea.son
why he (Mr. Morin) would not support thcni. (Hear). The
new Administration would be thoroughly beaten in the House
and His I'2.\cellency, if he allowed them to go to the country,
would soon be relieved of such advisers."

Mr. Morin then said in Knglish : " On I'Vitla)- morning I
met Mr. Drummond and said to him, ' How do you dc; Mr.
Attorney-General I'^ast?' 'Do you think sir,' he replied,
'that I would, under uny circumstances, consent to accept
office under Mr. Bro.vn ? ' Last niglu, when I was entering
the Ro-isin House, I was stopjied by Mr. Drummond, who
said to me : ' I have been twice to your rooms to .see }'ou.
You know the ncw.s.' 'That the Administration is formed?'
I demanded. ' You know the names,' he continued. I men-
tioned the names of the Lower Canada section with tiie ex-
ception of that of the Att(jrney-General I'.ast. On his remark-
ing on the omission, I answered thai I did not like to menti(<n
the remaining name. ' Why ? ' he asked. ' Because,' I said, ' it
would be to offer an insult to himself.' I repeated what I had
heard. I did tell him ; adding that I vlid not Ixlieve a word
of it, as he had told me and many otiicrs th.it he would nevi r
join Brown. 'Things are different now,' he said, 'Mr. Br.)un
is our man; he has abandoned all his ])rinciples,' ( )ii this
confession, I said, ' It is a shameful alliance ; your coiu'iict is
shameful in the highest degree, and I will, to-mormu, make
your statement known op. the floor of the House.' I then left
him, refusing to listen to aiu'thing more he might have
to say."

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364 The Likk of Sir John A. Macdonald.

Mr. Piche said the Government could explain their
position if they were in the House, and it was unmanly to
attack them when absent.

Mr. Morin — " Since you know the policy, expound it, and
perhaps the Mouse will vote confidence in it."

Mr. Piche would not run the risk of mis-stating it, but
absent men ought not to be attacked in political any more
than in private life. He spoke at length in defence of the
Ministry.

Honourable Malcolm Cameron said "that the honourable
gentleman who had just sat down, had spoken long and
eloquently of the glory of Canada, of the members of the
present Government, of his own con;:c;cnce and man}- other
absent things, but he had never sfjokcn to the question. His
chief object v.as to denounce the honourable member for
Terrebonne for retailing a private conversation. The purport
of that conversation was that the Attorney-General East said,
yesterday morning, that he never could have supposed that
the honourable member for Toronto could desert his pnu-
ciples as he proposed to do in the present coalition. We can
imagine the astonishment of the member for Terrebonne
when, yesterday morning, Mr. Drummond called upon him
to ascertain if he could rely upon his support for the
new Administration. ' How is this,' said Mr. Morin,
'yesterday you thought it a disgrace to b(i supposed capable
of such an act, to-day you are Mr. Brown's Attornc}--
General ?' ' Oh !' said he, ' I never dreamt that Mr.
Brown would swallow all his platform and give everything
up to Lower Canada.' Mr. Morin replied, 'If he ha 1
would despise him the more and think it a still greater
disgrace to join him.' This was not a private conversa-
tion, but a regular business conversation o- vast importance,
and which will awakcn the people of Upper Canada. He
(Mr. Cameron) was iistonished to see in the present Adminis-
tration men who, up to even last week, had inveighed so
strongly against the policy of the senior member for Toronto.
Amongst these men, the honourable member for Port Neuf
(Mr. Thibaudcau) had been one of the most persistent in

and

Mr. M. Cameron Suim'ORTs Mr. Morrin.

3^'5

denouncing Mr. Brown's policy. (Ileai, hear). Vet those
were the very men who now took office under him, and were
prepared to tender him their support. (Hear, hear). He
(Mr. Cameron) was much pleased with the remarks made by
the honourable member for Sherbrooke (Mr. Gait), and felt
fully convinced that if ever there was a clear case, in which
they had before them Parliamentary precedents, it was the
present one. They had the case of the Reform Hill in 1832,
they had the precedent of the House of Commons, and the
authority of Macaulay, Duncombc and others, and the
example of some of the most illustrious names in Great
Britain, for the course they now proposed to adopt. (Cheers).
That course was, he maintained, the only one which ought to
be taken, under the present circumstances. (Hear, hear). Not
even an outline of the policy of the Administration had been
vouchsafed — not one iota as to their course in dealing with the
great questions to which some of its members had so tied them-
selves. (Hear). What was to become of ' representation by
population ?' On July 17th, last, Mr. Brown expressly stated
in his i)lace in Parliament that it was the duty of the then
Government to give a distinct and explicit statement of their
policy respecting the seat of Government. (Hear, hear). Xow
that that honourable member had f(M-mcd an Administration,
he has no policy whatever to state on the subject. The
House was merely told that honourable members wishetl
the business completed, and that the Administration intended
to have a :iew election. In the other Hou.se, indeed, they h;ul
been told that some time during next session the Government
intended to tell him what their policy might be. (Hear, hear,
and laughter). Now, he would ask, was it to be supposed
that hont)urabIe gentlemen, whose votes had been recorded on
all the great questions of the day, could, at once, and com-
pletely ign.ire their former policy ? Were they to see these
twelve gentlemen, holding diver.se views, all read\' in a single
night to administer the affairs of the country ? (Hear). Into
what alembic had they been pressed ? (Laughter). Where are
those who never would yield ' representation by population ?
(Loud laughter). Where are those who must have the 'double

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366 TiiK Like of Sir John A. Macdonald.

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majority?' (Renewed laughter). The course of the Govern-
ment had been such as to require the strongest condemnation,
and he was satisfied that the amendment would be carried by
a large majority."

The debate was continued by Mr. Benjamin, Mr. Cauchon,
Mr. Powell, Mr. Dubord, Mr. Robinson, Mr. Patrick, Mr.
Merritt, Mr. McMicken, and many others, but the longer it
lasted the more e\ident it became that the absence of any
defined policy on the jiart of the Government, and the
apparent abnegation of principle by its members had .sealed
its fate, and, that the House was prepared to record in no
uncertain manner their condemnation of the course pursuctl.
When the vote on Mr. Langevin's amendment was taken,
seventy-one members voted for it, while only thirty-one could
be found to endorse the Government.

Mr. Brown's ne.xt step was to endeavour to induce His
Excellency to dissolve the House and permit the Government
to appeal to the country. His I'lxcellency firmly resisted this
demand, and, on August 4th, after an official existence of
only three da\'s, Mr. Brown handed in the resignations of
himself and colleagues.

When the House met on the afternoon of that day, Mr.
Wallbridge gave information of the demand for a dissolution,
the refusal of His Excellency, and the resignation of the
Ministr , and, with tlv permission of the ("icnernor-General,
read the correspondence between him and Mr. lirown. P>om
that part which took place before the adverse vote, it would
appear that, from the very first, Mr. l^rown demanded a
dissolution. To this demand, verbally given in the first
instance and before the Cabinet was formed, His Excellency
rejilied, on July 31st. " J'he Governor-General gives no
pledge or promise, express or implied, nith reference to
dissolving Parliament. When advice is tendered to His
I'Lxcellency on this subject, he will make up his mind, accord-
ing to the cir uunstances then existing, and the reasons then
laid t.cfore him." On Monday mornitig, August 2nd, at 10.30,
Mr. Brown waited on His Excellency and submitted for his
approval the nam^s of the propo.sed Government. At noon

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S( HKMiN(; TO Proclrk a Dissolution.

1(^7

the saine day, the members of the Govern metit took the oatli
of allegiance. On Monday night adverse votes were given
against the Administration in both Mouses, On Tuesday,
August 3rd, Mr. Brown waited on Mis I'Lxccllcncy and
informed him that the Cabinet advised a prorogation of
Parliament, with a view to a dissolution. The Governor-
General requested the grounds of this advice to be put in
writing. In compliance with Mis Excellency's desire the
following memorandum was sent to him :

Memorandum for the consideration of His Excellency the Governor-
General.

When His Excellency's present advisers accepted office, they did
not conceal fioni themselves the probability that they would be unable
to cany on the Government with the present House of Assembly.
That House, they believe, does not possess the confidence of the
country, and the public dissatisfaction has been j^reatly increased by
tlie numerous and j^daring acts of corruption and fraud by which many
seats were obtained at the last {general election, and for which acts the
House, though earnestly petitioned so to do, has failed to afford a
remedy.

For some years past strong sectional feelings have arisen in the
country, which, especially during the present session, have seriously
impeded the carrying on of the administrative and legislative functions
of the Government. The late Administration made no attempt to
meet these difHculties or to suggest a remedy ior them, and thereby
the evil has been greatly exaggerated. His Excellency's present
advisers have entered the Government with the fixed determination to
propose constituti(.)nal measures for tlie establishment of that harmony
between Upper and Lower Canada, which is esser.iial to the prosperity
of the province. They respectfully submit that they have a right to
claim all the support which His Excellency can constitutionally extend
to them in the proscction of tiiis all important object.

The nnprecedented and unparliamentary course ])ursued by the
House of Assembly which, inunediately after having, by their vote,
compelled the lat(^ Ministi'y to retire, proceeded to pass a vote of want
of confidence in the present Adimnistration, without notice, and before
their policy had be(Mi announcetl, affords the most ct)nviiicing proof
that the affairs of tlu' country cannot be efficiently conducted under
the control of the House as now constituted.

At two p.m., August 4th, the following memorandum was
received from the Governor-General :

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368

TiiK Lii'K OK Sir John A. Macdonam).

'iii

Mcmoyanditiit.

His Excellency the (iovcrndr-ricneral has received the ,( Ivice of
the Executive Council to the effect that a dissolution of Parliament
should take place.

His I-^xcellency is, no doubt, bound to deal fairly with all political
parties, but he has also a duty to perforin to the (Jueen and the people
of Canada, paramount to that which he owes to any one party, or to
all parties whatsoever.

The (juestion for His Excellency to decide is not, " What is advan-
taj^eous or fair for a particular party ? " but what, upon the whole, is
the most advantageous and fair to the people of the jjrovince.

The resignation of the late Government was tendered in conse-
quence of a vote of the House, which did not assert, directly, any want
of confidence in them.

The vote of Monday night was a direct vote of want of confidence
on the part of both Houses. It was carried in the Assembly by a
majority of forty, in a House of one hundred and two out of one
hundred and thirty members; consequently, by a majority of the whole
House, even if every seat had been full at the time of the vote.

In addition to this a similar vote was carried in tiie Upper House
by sixteen against eight, and an Address founded on the same was
adopted.

It is clear that, under such circumstances, a dissolution, to be of
any avail, nuist be iuuuediate. His Excellency the (iovernor-General
cannot do any act other than that of dissolving Parliament, by the
advice of a Ministry who possess the confidence of neither branch of
the Legislature.

It is not tlicn the duty of His Excellency to dissolve Parliament.

It is not the duty of the Governor-General to decide whether the
action of the two House on Monday night was or was not in accord-
ance with the uF'ud courtesy of Parliament towards an incoming
Administration. The two Houses are the judges of the propriety of
tlu'ir own proceedings. His ICxcellency has to do with the conclusions
at wliirh they arrive, provided only that the forms observed are such
as to give legal and constitutional force to their votes.

There are many points which require careful consideration with
reference to a dissolution at the present time. Amongst these are the
following :

I. It has been alleged that the present House may be assumed
not to represent the people. If such were the case there was no
sufficient reason why, on being in a minority in that House, the late
Government should have given place to the present. His Excellency
cannot constitutionally adopt this view.

II. An election took place only last winter. This fact is not con-
clusive against a second election now, but the cost and inconvenience

His E\ci:i,LENi:v'.s Rki'Lv

360

(if such a proceeding are so great tliat tliey ought not to be incurred
a second time without very strong grounds.

III. The business before Parhainent is not yet finished. It is per-
liaps true that very little which is absolutely essential for the country,
remains to be done. A portion, however, of the estimates and two
Hills, at least, of great importance are still before the Legislative
Assembly, irrespective of private business.

In addition to this the resolutions respecting the Hudson's Hay
Territory have not been considered, and no answer on that subject can
be given to the Hritish Government.

IV. The time of year and the state of affairs would make a general
election at this moment peculiarly inconvenient and burthensomt-,
inasmuch as tlir harvest is now going on in a large portion of the coun-
try and the |>r sure of the late money crisis had not passed away.

V. The following considerations are strongly pressed by His Excel-
lency's present advisers as reasons why he should authorize an appeal
to the people, and thereby retain their services in the Council.

First, The corruption and bribery alleged to have been practised
at the last election, and the taint which, on that account, is said to
attach to the present Legislative Assembly.

Second. The existence of a bitter sectional feeling be^.veen Upper
and Lower Canada, and the ultimate danger to the Union, as at present
constituted, which is likely to arise from such feeling.

If the first of these points be assumed as true, it umst be asked
what assurance can his Excellency have that a new electi(m, under
]irecisely the same laws, held within six or eight months of the last,
will differ in its character from that which then took place ?

If the facts are as they are stated to be, they might be argued as a
reason why a general election should be avoided as long as possible ; at
any rate until the laws are made more stringent, and the precautions
against such evils shall have been increased by the wisdom of Parlia-
ment. Until this is done the speedy recurrence of the opportunity of
practising such abuses would be likely to aggravate their character and
ct)nfirm the habit of resorting to them.

The second C(3rsideration, as to the feeling between Upper and
Lower Canada, and the ultimate danger of such feelings to the Union,
is one of a very grave kind. It would furnish to His Excellency the
strongest possible motive for a dissolution of Parliament — and for the
retention of the present Government at all hazards, if two points were
only conclusively established — that is to say : if it could be shown that
the measures likely to be adopted by Mr. Brown and his colleagues
were a specific, and tiie only specific, for these evils, aud that the mem-
bers of the present Council were the only men in the country likely to
calm the passions, and allay the jealousies so imhappily existing. It
may be that both these propositions arc true, but, unless they are

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370 Tm; LiiK OF Sir Jt)HN A. Macdonald.

establislidd U> His Excellency's complete satisfaction, the mere exist-
ence of the mischief is not in itself decisive as to the propriety of resort-
int; to a general election at the jjresent nionient. The certainty, or, at
any rate, the great prol)al)ility, of the cmu'c by the conrse proposed, and
by that alone, wonld retiuire to be also proved. Withont this, a great
present evil wonld be voluntarily incurred for the chance of a remote
good.

VI. It would seem to be the duty of His Excellency to exhaust
every possible alternative before subjecting the Province, for a second
time in the same year, to the cost, the inconvenience, and the demoral-
ization of sui'h a i)roceeding.

The (}overnor-( ieucral is by no means satisfied that every alter-
native has been thus exhausted, or that it would be impossible for him
t(j secure a Ministrj- who would close the business of this session, and
carry on the administration of the Government during the recess with
the confidence of a majority of the Legislative Assemby,

After full and mature deliberation on the arguments submitted to
him by word of mouth and in writing, and with every respect for the
opinion of the Council, His Excellency declines to dissolve Parliament
at the present time.

(Signed,) Edmund Hkad.

Government House,

TOKONTO, C. VV., August 4, itS'56'.

Immediately on the receipt of this document, Mr. Brown
proceeded to Government House and placed in the hands of
His ICxcellency the resignation of himself and colleagues in
the following note :

Mr. Brown has the honour to inform His Excellency the Governor-
General, that, in consequence of His Excellency's memorandum of this
afternoon, declining the advice of the Council to prorogue Parliament
with a view to a dissolution, he has now, on behalf of himself and his
colleagues, to tender their resignations.
Executive Council Chamber,

Toronto, A ugust 4, 18jS.

As soon as these papers had been read, Mr. D'Arcy McGec
ro.sc in his place and made a mtxst bitter attack upon the
Governor-General and the Macdonald-Cartier Ministry, which
was replied to, in language equally strong, by Mr. Macdonald,
who, vehemently and indignantly, repudiated the statements
and insinuations made by Mr. McGce. The excitement was
at fever heat ; both political parties were thoroughly aroused ;

innHinin.itory .irticlcs in the iicwspapcis h;ul iiicrciscd the
feeling ; and the l.inj^uage of accusation and denunciation
were as strong as the laws of debate would permit.

Mr. McGce said — " That the country had only seen the
beginning of the crisis, not the end. If he could jutlge of
public opinion by what he had seen in Montreal antl along
the line of the Grand Trunk Railway, he could say that
people who now bore a great name and stood high in the
estimation of the world would soon be made to feel whether
there was such a thing as public opinion in Canada. (Cheers).
The House had .something to learn, and it might as well
be learned while speaking on a c]uestion of adjournment as
any other ; a new lesson on constitutional government hail
to be explained, for how was it to be gathered from any
previous event that the E.xecutive, in any case, would not
take a certain course when reccMiimended to do so by his
constitutional advisers? The whole thing was a plot. Me
was a judge of style and could perceive the law}'er-like
cunning running through the whole of the very correspond-
ence just submitted. Mow else was it that some people
had of late be so confident ? How was it that they knew
beforehand that His l^lxcellency would not take the course
recommended by the advisers whom he hatl sworn in but
a few hours previously ? If it were true that this was a
preconcerted arrangement, as he judged it was, from what
the party opposite had, perhaps inadvertently, let fall, and
as he had been told, the gentleman, to whom he alluded,
would deserve to have his arms reversed and the sword he
had been permitted to wear broken before his face. (Order,
order). He was in order and he might remind the House,
that the Commons House of Parliament had ever been in
the habit of speaking plainly whenever they thought them-
selves cheated out of their rights by back stairs influences
or a cabal. (Order). The country would say the same, and
more especially the constituencies which had just been
temporarily disfranchised by a trick — a trick, he repeated —
and its success could have been measured by a cabinetometer,
had their been such an instrument in existence or, as it was

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372 TiiK LiKK OK Sir John A. Macdonald.

I ;

not, by a face ^au^c, for the faces of the Macdonald-Cartier
men were bright on Thursday morring, bright on Friday,
and only fell temporarily \vh<'n it was announced that Mr.
Brown had succeeded in forming a Cabinet (Laughter).
And, as to the vote on Monday, it was unworthy of the
House to condemn men unheard. He wanted to know if
there were twelve men on earth who could, in twelve hours,
develop a policy to suit Canada as it now was ? He thought
not and to demand it was an outrage ujxjn justice. So that
the unfair, ungenerous and unchivalrous vote of the other
night would surely recoil upon every one of the seventy-one
who gave it."

Mr. John A. Macdonald said " he only rose to exonerate
an illustrious personage from a charge ccjolly and foully made
against him. The charge was, that the representative of Her
Majesty, he himself, and all the members of the late Govern-
ment, were dishonourable conspirators. It was false as hell.
(Sensation), lie pledged his word of honour that, when he
came to the House at three o'clock, he was as ignorant as
an)- honourable member, of what His K.xcellcncy would
determine. The junior member for Montreal who maile the
a.ssertion — '

Mr. McGee — " I made no assertion that jours was the
legal hand who wrote the despatch."

Mr. MactlonaU' — " I cast the injurious insinuation, which
the honourable gentleman has made, back in his teeth."

Mr. McCiee — " I tlid ncjt say whether you had been con-
cerned or not ; there are plenty of legal men in Toronto
besides you." (Oh ! Oh ! )

Mr. Macdonald — "The honourable member is carrying
out in this country the disloyalty he has displayed at home.
He h«id plotted there to deprive Her Majesty of a crown ; he
made a da.stardly attempt here to deprive her representative
of his character. (Cheers). Hut, as he had failed there, so
he would fail here, too. (Hear, hear). He had, that evening,
displayed his virulent spirit in attacking a man who could
not come into that House to defend himself, and who had
the right to expect from the House, at least, common

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ris&jfc.

His Di;kkn( I. «>i tiik rfOViuNOK-CiKNKk.M. ^j}

courtesy. (Cheers). With this he would leave the honour-
able gentleman, who inif^ht affect an iniliflferencc he could
not feel. The finj^'er of .scorn was pointed at him by every
one in the House; it wf>uUI al.so be |)ointed at him, m<»st
unecjuivocally, in the country, and it would be acknowletl^jed
that, if he was honourable b\- courtes\- he was honourable
by courtesy alone." (Hear, hear . Mr. MacdDtiald then pro-
ceeded to say " that when his (lovernment was defeated it was
on the motion of the honourable member f()r Herthier, of which
no notice had been j,M\en. After that the Government had at
once resolved to retire. He and Mr. Cartier ha<l gone to His
I'.xcellency and, in a few minutes, the whole thing was done,
the necessary explanations given and they returned t(» the
House. He had afterwards seen His K.xielleiicy who lold
him he had sent for Mr. Hrown. but that was all that passed."
Mr. McCiee— "Whom did you recommend to be sent for?"
Mr. Macdonal<l — " We recommended no one. (Hear, hear).
His Kxcellency said, as ue left, i shall send at once for Mr.
Ikown.' In caucus afterwards, when lie (Mr. Macdonald)
met his friends, he told them he could not tell whether or
not there would Ix" a dissolution, but he could not see upon
what |)retext it could be asked for. (Hear, hear). Hut, while
he said he couid not tell, it must be known that the whip of
threatened dissolution had been heltl out. It was said In* Mr.
Hrowii's frieiuls that, unless they were supported b)' the
House, they would dissolve it. In the iUobc of yesterday we
find these wortis : 'It is not our province, of course, to know
the precise relations that may have been established betv.een
His l'"xcellency and his present advisers on these points, but,
sure we are that no premier would accept ofllke save with a
ilistinct understaiulmg. impiiicl or expressed, that he shall
have all re(|ui»^''tc opportunities for carrying on the (iovern-
me!it.' This was, therefore, a falsehood, for the man who
wrote, or was responsible for it, knew that he had a letter from
His Kxcellency tliscountenancing a dissolutic^n. What Mr.
Hrown th<mght must have been, ' let me just get into office
and I'll bully hiin until he allows :ne to dissolve.' This wa.s
his favourite policy. He coerced his followers by the black

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374

Tmk Life of Sir John A. Macuonald.

letters of the Glolye ; he buMied the Lower Canadians by call-
ing them moutons. If Mr. Hrown had had a spark of honour
in him he would have refused office on the conditions men-
tioned, if he could not carry them out. He should not have
accepted office under false pretences. Moreover, he should
not have given up his principles as he had. He had taunted
the members for Victoria and Lambton with trying to keep
the measure on ' representation by population ' back this
session, and yet he had, apparently, consented to shelve it
altogether until New Hrunswick and Nova Scotia and Prince
Kdward's Island could agree to it, (Hear, hear), for, meanwhile,
a bait had been held out, and he had gulped it down whole,
moutons and all. (Laughter). He had before .said he would
do this. He had said he could arrange the difficulty with the
member for Kamouraska (Mr. Chapais) in half an hour.
People had not believed him ; they would understand him
better now. (Hear). Then, on the Separate School question,
he had before intimated that he would let the Separate Schools
remain as they arc. That statement he had retracted, but
now he must have again consented, or else Mr. Urummond,
Mr. J. S. Macdonald and Mr. Dorion were all false to the
principles of their lives. (Hear, hear). It was all very well
to say there was no such agreement, but he felt sure that these
gentlemen had taken very good care to have written pledges,
or they would have committed an act of political suicide, if
not of political treason. The House had been blamed for
doing what was constitutional, in voting want of confidence in
the Government. He would only say that their policy would
not have been enunciated otherwise until next January. Here
was a Government without a policy, a Government composed
of heterogeneous materials, coming down to ask to be allowed
to hold office, uncjuestioncd, during five months at least. Such
a request \\a, never made before. It was met, as it deserved
to be met, and the House refused to give them time to agree
to a policy — if they could. (Hear, hear). They did not wish
even to allude to a policy, because they wished to submit
different policies to their constituents. If they had formed
no policy it was shameful to take office. If they had formed a

f ■WW^'THWHait'M

Mk. Drummonp's Oi'INIon of Mr. Hrown. ^75

policy it was dishonest not to enunciate it. (Hear, hear). Mr.
Brown last night said that he maintained not only every
principle, but every measure he had advocated."

Mr. Patrick—" That's it."

Mr. Macdonald — " Amonjj them, then, is the immediate
repeal of the nineteenth clause of the Common School Act,
and this he must have got Mr. Dorion, Mr. Thibaudcau, Mr.
J. S. Macdonald and others to help in. (Hear, hear). He
knew they would say differcntl)-, because they would not sell
themselves to further Mr. Hrown's ambition. (Hear). The
combination was an unhallowed one and the country would
stamp it, as the House had stamped it, with infamy. One word
about dissolution. The only ground upon which the House
can be dissolved is, that it does not represent the pef)ple. If
this House represented the people — as it does, having come
but freshly from the country — to dissolve it would be U) insult
the people ; is would be an act of oppression. The I louse,
they .said, was corrupt, and yet they would have been happy
to have governed by it — if it would be submissive — for thre^
or four years. They never dreamt it was corrupt until it con-
demned their conduct and their want of policy. (Hear, hear)-
Suppose there had been a dissolution, what was the country
to have given judgment upon ? Every one would have been
asked, ' Do you support the Government ?' The reply would
have been, ' I don't know, for they haven't announced any
policy.' ' Well then, do you mean to oppose them?' ' I can't
tell, for I don't know what they will propose.' (Hear, hear)
The members of the Government had accepted office ; the\-
had to go to their constituents; they were in a minority in
the House ; they saw the stakes were large — they were
desperate political gamblers — thereff)re they said let the
whole go too. (Cheers). Hut the House did represent the
people — it was constantly appealed to by the honourable
members, when in Opposition, as representing public opinion
— and the logical conclusion, therefore, was, tiiat power was all
that the members of the fallen Administration wanted."
(Loud cheers).

Mr. Macdonald's denunciation of Mr. lirown and his

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376

TnK LiiK 01 Sik John A. M.\( hoNAM).

Ministry was, no doubt, couched in stronj; latijifUt'igc, atid Mr.
Morin's previous exp(wuie of Mr. iJruinmoud uas no less
scathing; but, in order to realize that neither were beyond the
mark, it is but necessary to read the speech of Mr. Drunirtiond
as taken from the G/ode reports, made only three weeks before
he and Mr. Hrown became members of the same Ministry. It
is as follows :

" The Government of ihe tla\- could not be carried on if it
was not supported by a majorit\' from both sections. If we
called in the honourable member for Toronto (Mr. Hrown), he
(Mr. Drummond), would ask whether he could organize a
Government which would be supported by a majority from
both .sections? And yet what did he find in the way of it?
The accumulated falsehoods of ten years ; a power in the
House, and out of the House, er Jeavouring to misreprosei\t
the people of Lower ("anada to the people of Upper Canada,
etuleavouring to lead the people of Upper Canada to believe
that the people of Lower Canada hail no sympath\- with them
but that they are a people composed of pagans — heathen-like
papists ; that they arc the disciples of anti-Christianit\-. with
whom the people of Upper Canada may hold no communica-
tion. Yes! it was the repeated faKsehoods (jf years which
stood in the way of forming a strong Government."

On the other hand, few men had met with more abuse at
the hands of Mr. Hrown than Mr. Drummond. He had repre-
sented hiin as a slavish tool of ecclesiastical authority ; as
covered with the slime of corruption, and, altogether, a poli-
tician .so infamous, that contact with him was pollution. Many
other members of his Government had previously suffered at
Mr. Brown's hands. Three )ears before he had placed Mr.
Morris on trial on grave charges of official malversation.
There were two specific counts in the indictment ; one arising
out of alleged malversation in the erection of a post-office at
Hamilton ; the other, and more serious charge, that Mr.
Morris, in connection with others, cau.sed to be sold a valuable
public property at Point Levis, without due notice, in order
that he might himself become one of the purchasers, and thus
fill his own pocket by a roguish artifice by which the public

Mr. Brown's Formkr Ahusk oi Ministi rs. y^jy

suffered serious loss. After hearing; the evidence, Mr. Brown
declared the charges to be true. After hearing Mr. Morris'
exculpatory evidence Mr. Brown declared him guilty. Nor
was this declaration hastily made in a moment of anger. It
was no idle word let slip in a careless or heated conversation.
It was not even a newspaper statement, dclilxrrate as such
statements ought to be, but sometimes are not. No ! Sixteen
days after Mr. Morris had made his <lcfencc before the
committee of the House, Mr. Brown, in his judicial character
of committeeman, dealing with the characters an 1 honour of
l)ublic men, moved to resolve that Mr. Morris had been guilt)-
of grave official malversation, and had brought scandal and
disgrace on the jjublic service ! And who secontlcd and voted
for the resolution? Mr. Dorioii, tlv Lower Canada heail of
the three days' Government. Anil Mr. Brown had never
retracted this charge or expressed any change of opinion ; but,
when called upon to form a new Administration, he selects as
his Receiver-General this very man, whom, in a judicial
capacity, he had previously denounced as guilty of gro.ss
official malversation and for whose condemnation he had
moved.

Only the day before the resignation of the Macdotiald-
Cartier Administration, Mr. Foley had, in llu- House, given
his opinion of Mr. Brown as "a mere agent of the (ireat
Western Railway Company." It was general!)' believed that
they entertained a mutual dislike, and neither had taken the
trouble to Cdiiceal his opinion of the other, yet Mr. Pole)'
became Mr. Brown's Postmaster-General.

When Dr. Connor first appeared as a candidate for South
Oxford, Mr. Brown described him as *an aristocratic upstart,
totall)- unworth)' of the confidence of any constituency;' yet
he was good enough to be Mr. Brown's Solicitor-General.

In the session of 1857 Mr. Brown charged Mr. Holton with
having i!^ 100,000 at stake in the passing of the Grand Trunk
Bill, and with having opposed the Graiul Trunk until his
opposition was bought off Mr. Holton replietl, " fhe honour-
able gentleman has already ventured to read me out of the
Liberal party, and he has now repeated that operation. 1 was

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378 TiiK LiKK r)F Sir John A. Macponald.

!i Reformer before that honourable gentleman saw the country
and before the G/ode had an existence, and I presume I shall
continue to be a Reformer long after that sheet has ceased to
vex the Liberal party with its bigotry."

The honourable gentlemen who had thus described each
other but a few months before, now eagerly jumped into the
same boat when office and its emoluments appeared to be within
their reach. That men who had been so spoken of by Mr.
Brown, and who had entertained .sentiments of such hostility to
him, should be found accepting office under him, might well
excite the strong suspicions and warm indignation of the
whole Hou.se, and call down upon the Ministry the crushing
defeat that followed the announcement of its formation.

BJPnjRSznrTr^r-TTTT-TrTr-rrTrfrTw

C H A 1» T K R XVII.

Formation of Carticr*Mac(lonal(l Administration — Kxchange of Office;* known »
" the Double Shudle' — The Globe's (k-nunciati(jns of tite (iovcrnor-(«cneral
— Character of Mr. Brown — I'rorDjjation — Suits to test the legality of the
Exchange of UMices — Visits of Mr. ("artier and Colonel Tache to England
— Colonel Tache leceives the honour of Knighthmxl —Death of Kol>cr(
Baldwin— Resignation of .Mr. Sicoltc— Opening of Parliament, January
1859 — The Seal of (jov^rnment (Question — .Mr. Brown left oflf the I'ublic
Accounts Committee — Refusal of Legislative Council to vote .Supplies —
Prorogation.

AFTKR the receipt of the resi^nati<^n of the Hrown-Dorion
Administration, Hi.s K.xccllency's next .step was to send
for Mr. A, T. Gait, and invite him to form a Government He
having declined, His I'lxcellency then .sent for Mr. G. E.
Cartier, who accepted the task. Mr. Cartier, after .some
persuasion, .succeeded in inducing Mr. Macdonald to join him,
although the latter was desirous of retiring into private life.
It is very certain that Mr. Macdonald was really anxious not
to take office at this time, and we find that a great deal of
pressure hatl to be brought to bear to induce him to alter his
determination. A ineeting of his friends was held in the gen-
eral committee room of the House of Assembly, on Thurs-
day, August 5th, at which the following members were present:
The Honourables Malcolm Cameron, Sidney .Smith, William
Caylcy, John Ross, P. M. Vankoughnet, Colonel IMayfair, and
Messrs. John Cameron, G. H. L. I^'cllowcs, John Carling,
William Simpson, Francis H. Hurton, W. I*. Powell, John M.
Robin.son, David Roblin, Isaac Buchanan, (ieoige Henjamin.
George Sherwood, John McLeod, George Macbeth, Henjamin
Lett, T. M. Daly. R. W. Scott, Marcus Talbot, Ogle R. Gowan,
Gilbert McMicken, and Angus Morrison.

Colonel Play fair having been called to the chair, and
Angus Morrison requested to act as .Secretar)-, the following
resolution was unanimously adopted :

Moved by Isaac Buchanan, and secf)nde(l by George
Benjamin :

"That this meeting is of opinion that for the best interests

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380

TnK Life of Sir John A. MAcnoNALD.

of the constitutional party it is cjuitc essential that the
Honourable John A. Macclonald should resujne oflfice, and
become leader of the Upper Canada section of the supporters
of the Government."

Moved by John Cameron, seconded by David Roblin :

"That the Secretary be requested to enclose to the Hon-
ourable John A. Macdonald a certified copy of the proceedings
of this meeting."

It is evident that Sir John placed a great deal of value
upon this action of his friends, for the resolution was framed
and hung on the walls of his Kingston home and is still to be
.seen.

He yielded to this strongly cxpre.s.sed wish of his suj)-
porters, and joined Mr. Cartier in his efforts to form a new
Government. They were cjuitc successful in this, and the new
Ailministration, composed as follows, was sworn into oflfice on
August r)th :

Honourable- (icorge Kticnnc Cartier, Inspector-General ;
Honourable John A. Macdonakl, I'ostMiastcr-CJcncral ; Hon-
ourable IMiilip M. V'ankoughnet, Coininissicjiier of Crown
Lands; Honourable Louis Victor Sicotte, Commissioner of
Public Works; Honourable Narcisse V. lielleau. Speaker
Legislative Council ; Honourable Charles Alleyn, Provincial
Secretary ; Honourable Sidney Smith, I'rcsitlent of the Coun-
cil ; Honourable John Rose, Receiver-General ; Alexander 'L
(lalt, l^s(i , Member of Council ; (ieorge Sherwood, Lsq.,
Member of Council.

On the following day, by the resignation of some of the
members of the Ministry a reconstruction took place with the
following results :

Honourable (ieorge K. Cartier, Attorney-General Last;
Honourable John A. Macilonald, Attorne)- General West ;
Honourable John Ross, President of the Council ; Honourable
Sydney Smith, Postmaster-General; Honourable A. T, Gait,
Inspector-General ; Honourable John Ro.se, Solicitor-General
East ; Honourable George Sherwood, Receiver-General ; Hon-
ourable P. M. Vankoughnet, Commissioner of Crown Lands ;
Honourable Narcisse F. Helleau, Speaker Legislative Coun-

^VmMMMKss:

tl^nmmmfrm

MiNISTKklAI, I''X( IIAM.F, uK OlIKKS.

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cil ; Honourable Louis V. Sicottc, Moanl of W Orks ; H»>uoui-
ablc Charles Allcyu, Provincial Secretary.

Except that the late Inspector-Cieneral, Mr. (aylcy, was
succeeded by Mr. Gall, and that Mr. Loran^cr retired, and
Mr. Sherwooil came in, the (iovennnent was coinposeil of the
same members as those which formed the .Macdonaltl-Cartier
Government.

The reason why the.sc changes were mat.e was to j;et over
a technical diflficulty in the statute (jf 1S57, relating.; to the imle-
pcndence of Parliament. Hy the peculiar wordinj^ of this .Act
it was provided that an)- member holding office in the K.xecu*
tive Government and resiLjnin^ such office mif^ht take an\'
other office in the (iovennnent within a month after such
resignation, without vacatinj^^ his seat. The statute only pro-
provided f(tr the taking of an\- other office ; it maile no
provision for an e.\-Minister returning to the office he had
previously held. It must, however, have been intended to cover
all cases of Ministers returning to office within thirty da\s
after resignation. To arj^uc anything; else is to ar^ue an
absurdit)'. If a Postmaster-General were to resign, and in
three weeks after were to c(jme in as j-'inance .Minister, there
would surely be more (grounds for his returning to his constit-
uents for endorsation, than if he were, within the .same space
of time, to re-occupy the position he had i)reviously vacated,
and, on the propriety of accepting which, his constituents had
already pa.sscd favourable judj^ment by re-electing' him. .Such
however, was the wordiii}^ of the .Act, and, to avoid an\
technical difficulty as to the rij^ht of the members of the
Government to return t(j the offices they hatl previously held.
it was thought desirable tiiat each member, in takin;^ office,
should first take a portfolio different from what he had for-
merly held, and should then be nominated to his old position.
This view was concurred in by His K.xcellency, and accord-
iiif^ly a double Gazette was issued.

The whole difficulty aro.se from the word " other." If the
statute had .simply .said " any of the said offices," there wouki
have been no necessity for what was called the " doubU
shuffle," but by taking offices other than those held by them

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TiiK Like of Sir J«hin A. Macdonald.

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before, it is ijuitc clear that the Govermmnt fully observed, at
all events, the letter of the law. As to the spirit of the law,
those who tiesired to vilify the Adiniiiisiration and to turn
attention from their own defeat, said that the object of this
clause of the statute was only to permit of exchanj^es of
offices amongst Ministers. Hut this ar}.',unient is negatived
by the terms of the- statute itself, which allows thirty days to
intervene. To what i-ml should there be such a delay as
thirty days, if the only object of the law was to allow the
readjustUK-nt of the offices of members of the Administration?
It could surely have never been intended to encouraj^e the
leavini^ t)f offices unfilled for so lon^ a space of time. It is
clear, therefore, to every one unblinded b)- prejudice, that the
introtluction of this word "other" is sim|)ly an error of com-
position, and that it was never the intention of the Legislature
that the new office should absolutel)' be a different one to the
one resijjned.

Mr. Cartier explained the circumstances attcndinj.j the
formation of the new Administration to the House when it
met f)n August /th, and proceeiled to expouml the policy of
the (iovernment. He felt sure that when it was made known
it would be supported by the House and country, and, in
order that there should be no doubt thereon, he woukl rctid
what he had to say :

" The policy of the present Government is the same as
was announced in the Speech from the Throne, in regard to
all the subjects therein referred to. The operation (jf the new
tariff will be closely watched, and it will be readjusted from
time to time with a view to maintain the public revenue and
uphold the provincial credit, and, incidentally, to encourage
native industry and domestic manufacturers. In such re-ad-
justment the policy of basin^;^ the tariff upon the ad valorem
principle will be kept steadily in view.

" The Government feel them.selvcs bound to carry out the
law of the land respectinj^ the seat of Go\ernment, but in the
face of the recent vote on that subject, they do not consider
themselves warranted in incurring any expenditure until

I'OLUV «)h rilK (iOVKkNMKNT.

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Parliament has had an t)|)|)()rtunily of consiilerin^; the whole
t]Ucstion in all its IxMrin^s.

" The cx|)c(licncy of a federal union of the British North
American provinces will be anxiously considered, and com-
munications with the Home (lovernment anti the Lower
Provinces entered into, forthwith, on this subject. The
lesult of these communications will be submitted to Parlia-
ment at its next session.

"The Government will, during the recess, examine into
the organization and working of the public departments, and
will carry out such administrative reforms as will conduce to
economy and efficiency."

This change of offices was dubbed the " double shuffle " by
the Globe, and by that name it has ever since continued to be
known. Mr. C'auchoii made a violent attack upon the
Ministers in connection with it, and was followed by Mr.
Wallbridge, who, to test the feeling of the House, made the
following motion :

" That it be resolved that the Honourable Sidney Smith
having, since he was elected to this House, accepted two
offices of trust and emolument, to wit, those of President of
the Council and I'ostmaster-Cieneral, has thereby vacated his
.seat in this House as representative of the north riding of
Northumberland."

Mr. Wallbridge in support of his motion argued that the
clause " provided always that, whenever any one holding any
of the offices of Keceivcr-General, etc., and at the same time
being a member of the Legislative Assembly, or an elected
member of the Legislative (\)uncil, shall resign his office, and
within one inonth of his resignation, accept any other of
these offices, he shall not thereby vacate his seat in the said
Assembly or Council," was not intended to have force after
another Ministry had been sworn in, as the lirown-Dorion
Ministr)' had been, in the meanwhile. He quoted various
legal authorities in favour of the construction he thought
should be put upon the statute in question. He was replied
to by Mr. Cartier and a lengthy debate ensued. Mr. Wall-
bridge's motion was, of course, tantamount to a direct vote of

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384

Thk Lifk of Sir John A. Macdonald.

want of confidence in the new Administration and the
division was looked forward to with considerable anxiety.
The result was the complete vindication of the course pursued
by the Administration, the motion finding only 14 supporters
as against 32 against it, in a thin house of forty-six. Most of
the members, in view of the near approach of prorogation, had
returned to their homes.

The Brown-Dorion Government having failed to secure
the support of either House of Parliament or to induce the
Governor-General to dissolve the House of Assembly after
the strong vote of want of confidence had been passed, the
Globe, the organ of the party, wreaked its vengeance upon the
two Houses by denouncing them in the strongest language,
as utterly corrupt and unfit for the duties of their positions,
and upon the Governor-General by the most extreme accusa-
tions of partizanship and duplicity. The paper of August 5th
has the following :

"The circumstance was communicated to the House by
Mr. Wallbridge, amidst the manifest excitement of crowded
galleries. Writs were issued for several of the seats — includ-
ing all the Upper Canadian scats — rendered vacant by the
acceptance of office, so that the gentlemen whom Sir Edmund
Head entrapped must encounter the labour and expenditure
of an election for a reason that no longer exists. The corres-
pondence between the Governor-General and Mr. Brown in
connection with the formation of the Government was read to
the Hou.se, together with the memoranda setting forth
.statements, pro and con pertaining to the negotiations. These
documents are inserted m another column and merit a careful
perusal, indicating, as they do, the low cunning and insincerity
which have distingui-shcl the Governor-General throughout
the brief but important proceedings."

" The Government were not allowed to prorogue, the\'
were not allowed to dissolve, they were seduced into taking
office by Sir Edmund Head and then very coolly turned out
with the loss of their seats." In another sentence the Gov-
ernor's conduct is described as " duplicity and undue exercise
of the prerogative."

The "Globe's" Attack on Gov.-Genekal. 385

A few days later the same paper says, " not only has Sir
Edmund Head evinced a discreditable disregard of the
temper and action befitting a statesman, he has displayed a
contempt for the decency common to gentlemen."

Mr. Brown was a very able man ; he was a man of strong
convictions and fearless in asserting them ; his energy was
untiring; his paper was a power in the land, its dictum
was accepted by many of his followers, as gospel truth ; its
circulation was immense ; but, with all these advantages, he
never attained complete success. Mis mind was more con-
troversial than judicial, more capable of destroying the fabric
of an opponent than of constructing one of his own ; more
fitted, as leader of the Opposition, to expose the short-
comings of an opponent, than as a Minister of the Crown,
to earn the approval of the House and the country by the
excellence of his measures. He never admitted the possi-
bility of his being wrong and his adversaries being right ;
and, when his efforts were not crowned with success he was
relentless in ascribing evil motives, in charging methods of
corruption, underhand influence, and even falsehcjod and deceit,
to those who had the misfortune not to agree with him.
In the present case, although his party had been hopelessly
beaten at the polls, his Government hopelessly beaten in the
Legislative Assembly and the Legislative Council, and even
the Governor-General, who must ever be accepted as the
impartial arbiter in all disputes betw ccn political parties, had
declared against him, he would not accept the thrice rendered
verdict of people, Parliament, and Viceroy, but denounced
them all, in the press and on the platform in the strongest
language that tongue and pen could command.

The following week, August i6th, Parliament was pro-
rogued, after a long and stormy session of near!)- si.x months.
The Government had passed a number of useful bills which
bore testimony to their zeal and ability ; amongst these were
.Acts abolishing imprisonment for debt, the prevention of
preferential assignments in Upper Canada and the assimila-
tion of the laws in the two provinces, the amendment of
the jury laws and the municipal law of Upper Canada, and

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386

The LiiK of Sir John A. MAtDOXAi.n.

to diminish the cost and faciUtatc the administration of
criminal justice in Lower Canada ; the registration of voters ;
the protection and encouragement of the fisheries ; the revis-
ion of the customs tariff" and the abolition of the usury laws.
These measures were of vital imj^ortancc to the country
and were hailed as special boons, but more especially the
Tariff and Usury Hills, both of which iiad been loudly called
for. The importance of the Municipal Hill, one of the ablest
measures ever passed by Parliament, cannot be overruled.
It has proved of immense benefit to Upper Canada. The
resolutions in favour of the proposed Intercolonial Railway
were welcomed as the initiatory step in one of the most
important railway movements of the age ; while the Hudson's
Bay resolutions clearly indicated the intention of the Govern-
ment to persist in the claim of the countr)' to the North-
West Territories. Altogether the legislation of the session
must be regardetl as of the most beneficial nature.

The Ojjposition, not being satisfied with the verdict of
Parliament on the course pursued by Ministers in coming
back to office without goin.g to their constituents for re-elec-
tion, decided to test the question before the courts, and
accordingly suits were brought in the name of Mr. Allan
Macdonald against the Honourable Siilney Smith, Post-
master-General, and the Honourable Philip V'ankoughnet,
Commissioner of Crown Lands, for alleged illegal holding of
their scats. The case of the latter was different from that
of the former in that he did not enter into an intermediate
office but was called directly to the office of Commissioner
of Crown Lands. The cases were argued in term, Mr. Adam
Wil.son, Q.C., and Mr. C. S. Patterson, appearing for the
plaintiff and Honourable J. Hillyard Cameron, O.C., and Mr.
H. Ecrles, Q.C., for the defence. After hearing the cases
exhaustively argued, the Judges took the matter into delib-
eration, and after a month's consideration, both courts,
Queen's Bench and Common Pleas, rendered unanimous
decisions that, in the change of office, during the late Min-
isterial crisis, the Ministry acted in strict accordance with the
letter of the law. The failure of the case was important

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*• DouHLK Shuffle" Uimikld hv Courts.

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from a political point of view. Had the i)laintiff obtained a
verdict the Ministry would not only have been broken up, but
those of them ajjainst whom the suits were broujjht would
have been branded with the dishonour of having resorted
to an illegal "shuffle," and descended to the perpetration
of a fraud. As it was, the ju(l<;ments of the courts havitif^
established the lc<:jality of the position of the Ministers, and
the cause of the plaintiff beiiiLj the cause of the Opposition,
the blow recoiled with considerable force upcjii the party by
whom it was directed.

During the recess the IVime Minister, Mr. Carticr, accom-
panied by his colleagues, Messrs. (ialt and Koss, went to
JMigland, chargctl with a political mission to the Imperial
(iovcrnment. They were there received with marked con-
sideration. Mr. (artier was presented to the Ouecn, and, by
special invitation, spent three da\s as her guest at W'iiulsor
C'astle. He took advantage of the occasion to say how
|)leased Her Loyal subjects would be if Her Majesty would
deign to honour them with a visit on the occasion of the
inauguration of the Victoria Hridge. I ler Majesty replied
that state reasons would probably prevent her from having
that pleasure, but probably one of the Princes, her children,
would assist at the ceremony. This promise was redeemed
the following year by the visit of H.R.II., the I'rince of
Wales.

While Mr. Cartier was in Kngland, another I'Vench Can-
ailian of great distinction also visited the mother country,
and was, in turn, presented to Her Majesty who, by reason
of the services which he had rendered to the crown, conferretl
upon him the dignity of Knighthood under the title of .Sir
l^ticnne Paschal Tache. This recompense was certainly well
earnctl. Colonel Tache had made his entr)' into public life
al)out forty-five years previous!)'. He vaiiantl\- defended his
country against the American invasion of 1K12-1 5. .Since
that period up to 1856, when he retired from the office of
Prime Minister, he filled, with distinction, many other offices
both civil and military, to the entire satisfaction of men of
all origins and shades of party.

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The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

As the year drew to a close there passed a\va>' in the
person of the Honourable Robert Baldwin, one of Canada's
most patriotic and high-minded sons ; a man eminently
qualified by character, social position and attainments, for the
most honourable positions in the land. The son of a rich man,
and himself an eminent barrister, he entered political life, not
for profit, but with a more honest ambition. An earnest and
careful student of English '\istory, an enthusiastic admirer
of the British Constitution, he sought to bestow on Canadians
all the privileges and all the liberties which British subjects
enjoy in the mother country. His motives were pure and
honourable, but his methods were not conciliatory or calcu-
lated to win over those extreme loyalist-:, who had sacrificed
their all for the royal cause in the revolted colonies which
became the United States, and who saw, in Baldwin's
principles, the danger of the overthrow of the monarchy which
they loved so well. He thus became the opponent of those
men who held, that making a colonial Government responsible
to a colonial Parliament was virtually to sever the connection
with the mother country. He was tiius thro\ ii amongst men
whose ideas of reforming and liberalizing the goverimient
were of the most radical kind, and man\- of whom, it cannot be
denied, were really desirous of the adoption of republican
forms.' The extreme views of these men and the fears of the
loyalists bred the bitter controversy which ended in the
rebellion of 1837-38. Mr. Baldwin was, of course, com-
promised by the treason of his associates, but he was not a
traitor himself Called to power after the union of the
provinces, he proceeded with the work he had undertaken, and
got into a bitter controversy with Lord Metcalfe. Although
posing as the champion of popular rights, he refused to be
guided by public sentiment when not in harmony with his
own views. A strong man, he forced his measures through
even when followers became hostile. The result was inevit-
able. The highest order of intellect, the purest motives, the
most honourable intentions, will not save a man whose master-
ful spirit and impatience of advice or restraint, embitters
his enemies and estranges his friends. At the next general

Dkath of Robert Baldwin.

389

election his party forsook him ; he was beaten by Mr.
Hartman, and, heart-broken at the abandonment, and dis-
appointed at the dissipation of all his political hopes and
schemes, he retired into private life, from the seclusion
of which he was never afterwards tempted. He was, indeed,
induced to accept a nomination to the Upper House, a
short time before his death, upon the condition that the
election should be without opposition. Opposition was, how-
ever, raised in the person of Mr. Romaine, and he forth-
with retired from the field. His death was caused by a .severe
cold which ended in inflammation of the lun<js, and he was
called away when still at an age when his powers should have
been at their fullest development. There were many acts of
his public life which cannot be approved even now, when the
heat of party passion has jjassed away, but we can calmly
look back and credit the proud, .sensitive, masterful man with
wisdc.n and high-mindcdncss in his general conduct, and
rejoice to know that, before death claimed him, much of the
bitterness towards him had died away, and that he enjoyed
the esteem of those who had been among his most bitter
assailants, and the kindly feeling of all who, like him.self, were
lovers of the British Constitution, and of liritish connections,
and preferred high-minded statesmanship to mere dcmagogu-
ism. His name has pa.s.sed into a party word, and many,
who never saw his person, and but imperfectly understand his
policy, arc proud to stj'le thcm.selves " Baldwin Reformers," as
signifying a purity of motive, and a wisdom of policy not to
be found under any other name or section of the party.

During the Christmas holidays it became known that Mr.
Sicotte had tendered his resignation of a seat in the Cabinet,
as he dis.sented from the policy of the Premier and his
colleagues on the .scat of government question. They had
resolved to abide by the decision of the Queen. Mr. Sicotte
considered this a wrong policy, and thought that Canada
should be left to take her own course. On all other matters he
agreed with thein thoroughly, and parted with them on the
most friendly terms.

On January 29, 1859, Parliament was called together for

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390 TnK LiKK OF SiK John A. M.udonalf).

the despatch of business. On acct)unt of the declaration b\-
the new Government that, after the vote of Parhament on the
scat of government question they would not consider them-
selves justified in incurring any expenditure until Parliament
had a further opportunity of passinj^ upon the question, jjreat
effort was made by the Opposition to make capital against
the Government, and even their own friends thought that
there was an indication of a desire to temporise, if not to
shelve the (juestion indefinitely. However the first paragraph
of the (jovcriior-General's speech speedily dissipated all such
ideas, and stpiarely threw down the gauntlet at the feet of the
Opposition. It read as follows :

" It is my duty, on the present occasion, to call your
attention to the question of the .seat of government of
Canada. The Legislature of Canada having resolved that a
fixed seat of <4()vernmeiit should be .selected, solicited our
gracious Queen, by an .Address of either House, to e.xercise
her prerogative in making such selection. An Act, more-
over, was passed adopting, beforehand, the decision of Her
Majesty and appropriating the necessary funds. This Act of
the Canadian Parliament and the decision of the Queen are
binding on the Executive Government of the province. It
v.'ill be their duty to carry out the understanding which existed
at the time when the reference was made; by which the
Government will be transferred to Quebec for a fi.xed period,
until the necessary arrangements shall have been completed.
The correspondence with Her Majescy's G<nernment will be
laid before you, and I cannot doubt that you will recognize a
selection made by Her Majesty, at your own request, and that
you will acknowledge her gracious compliance with the
Addresses which you yourself caused to be presented to her."

Mr. Sicotte lost no time in putting the House in possession
of the facts connected with his resignation, and read a written
statement which had been previously agreed to by his col-
leagues. The main point was, as has been previously men-
tioned, that, in his opinion, ufter the vote of last session on the
Piche motion, the Government could not, consistently with the
principle of government by majorities, adhere to the Queen's

MK. SICOTTK's .\Mi:N'r)\IKNT.

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award. His collcajjjucs took an entirely different view, and he,
being unable to agree with them, felt it his duty to resign. He
said he had no further or other difificulty with any mcmlicr of
the Government.

Mr Sicottc followed up his explanation bj- leading an
attack upon the Administration on this (piestion of the .seat of
government in the following amendment to the Address :

" That all the words after 'that' in the second paragraph
be struck out, and the following substituted : 'That the funda-
mental principle of the representative .system, and one of the
most important advantages resulting from it, is the right of the
majority to have their views and opinions prevail in the
administration of the aftairs of the countr\' ; and it is the duty
of this House to repel any attempt which might emlanger a
principle which for centuries has preser\cil the franchise and
liberties of Knglanil. That, in declaring (mi July 2.Sth, last:
"That in the opinion of this House the city of Ottawa ought
not to be the permanent scat of government of this province. '
this House, without inteiuling any want of respect to the
Sovereign, expressed its views and ojjinions on the subject of
the seat of government in the ordinar)- and constitutional
exerci.se of its privileges.' "

Other motions on the subject were made, and a debate

ensued which lasted until February iith, when a xote
was reached — yeas 59 ; nays 47 — in favour of accept-
ing the Queen's decision. This gave the Government a
majority of twelve, but it only represented their strength on
this particular question. On points of general policy their
following was really much stronger, as was iiulicated a
week later when Mr. Foley's motion to aikl .Mr. Brown's
name to the Public Accounts Committee, made in amend-
ment to Mr. Cartier's motion, that the House concur in
the nomination of committees, was accepted by the latter
as one of want of confidence. The reason advanced
by the Government for excluding Mr. Bnnvn was, that
when on the committee during the previous year, his
object had apparently been, not to accomplish any benefit to
the country, but to injure the credit and ruin the character of

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392 TiiK Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

the late Inspector- General (Mr. Caylcy). His successor — Mr.
Gait — declared that no Inspector-General, with a proper
appreciation of the respect due to him.self, and with the exam-
ple of the treatment bestowed by Mr. Brown on his predeces-
sor, would consent to place himself in a position where he
would be subject to the repetition of such an outrage, and
rather than endure it he would resign oflfice. The House by a
vote of 60 to 43 declared that the Government was right, and
thus administered a sad blow to the mighty pretensions of the
leader of the Opposition.

Another remarkable incident of the session was the refu.sal
of the Legislative Council, by a vote of 23 to 20, to pass the
Supply Bill. The course taken by the Government in decid-
ing upon removing to Quebec until the neces.sary buildings
could be erected at Ottawa, did not meet the approval of the
Upper House, and, when the Honourable Mr. Vankoughnet
inoved the .second reading of the Hill, it was moved in amend-
ment b)' the Honourable Mr. Dc Blaquiere, seconded by the
Honourable Mr. Allan :

' That the Legislative Council feels itself called upon to
declare and resolve in defence of its undoubted and unques-
tionable rights as a co-ordinate and co-equal branch of the
Legislature, and as the only means of preserving its independ-
ence, that it will not take the question of supply into consider-
eration, until satisfied that the E.xecutive Government will not
incur any e.xiien.se whatever for the removal of the seat of
government to Quebec, without first submitting the estimate
for the same for consideration of the Legislative Council."

At the next meeting of the House, the matter was again
brought up, and the decision reversed by a vote of 24 to 20.
Messrs. Campbell, Hamilton and Morris, who had previously
voted against the Bill, were ab.sent, and Messrs. Prince,
Renaud, De Beaujeu and Armstrong, who were absent on the
first occasion, were present on the second, and voted for the
Bill.

On May 4th, after the transaction of much useful business,
Parliament was prorogued by His Excellency, the Governor-
(ieneral.

C H A 1' T h: R X V I I I.

Mr. Macdonald's ball on St. Valentine's day — Session of i860 — Mr. Brown's reso-
lutions— The Government sustained l)y lar^e majorities — Adjournment -
J'hrenological estimate of Mr. Macdonald's character— Visit of the I'rince <»f
Wales — He lays foundation stone of Parliament Huildings— The Orange diffi-
culty— Explanation of the cause of trouble by Mr. Macdonald at Brantfortl
—Civil war breaks out in the United Stales — Session of 1861— Bitter delates
on the Address— Reduced Oovernment majority — Representation by Popula-
tion Policy — Mr. Macdonald's views — Prorogation and dissolution — Dinner
to Mr. Carling — Kingston election — Mr. .Macdonald opposed by Mr. Mowat
— He is re-elected by a majority of 311 — Festivities.

ON Valentine's day, February 14, i860, Mr. Macdonald
entertained all his friends at a ball, the nia<;nificence
of which is .said to have never been surpassed in the city
of Quebec. It was given in the Music Hall, then claimed
to be the most beautiful room in British America, but on this
occasion, its usual attractions were supplcincnted by ta.steful
decorations and designs especially prepared for the occasi(jn.
The room was brilliantly lighted, to insure which a hand.some
chandelier had been especially procured and suspended from
the centre of the ceilinjf. Around the upper walls, above the
<;allery, had been hunj^ (Graceful festoons of crimson drapery,
looped at inter\als by pendants of roses and e\er^reens.
Below the galleries, facing each other, were two alcoves, in
one of which dwelt a life-sized Cupid, who, as the god of love
and valentines, smiled approval of the manner of celebrating
the day. In the opposite alcove was placed a copy of Canova's
celebrated statue of the " Dancing Girl." Near the entrance
were the three Graces bearing a chaplet of beautiful flowers.
The stage, carpeted and ballustraded with chains of choice
flowers, was draped and overhung with materials in rose
colour and white, with a view to present the appearance of a
tent. In the front was a large bust of Her Majestv, and near
by a fountain of eau de Cologne. In the vicinity were placed
sofas and lounges, amongst which were interspersed statuettes
aud small evergreen trees. The orchestra was adorned with
flags, the Royal Arms, Prince of Wales plume and other
devices.

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Till-: LiKK <»K Sik John A. Ma( donai.d.

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During the evening Mr. MacdonakI, intent upon pleasing
his guests in every possible manner, caused an immense
amount of fun and enjoyment, by distributing, with the aid of
the Stewarts who acted for him, some hundreds of valentines
for the particular benefit of the ladies.

When supper came there was another surprise in the form
of a large />(i/i' from which, when opened, there flew out four
and twenty birds, in imitation of those spoken of in history.

There were about eight hundred guests present, and the
ball was kept up until an early hour the next morning.

A fortnight later Parliament was opened, and, after the
Speech of the Governor-General had been delivered, a despatch
from the Duke of Newcastle was read announcing that the
Prince of Wales would come to Canada to formally open the
Victoria Bridge, and visit various parts of the country.

The .session was remarkable, principal!)-, for an exciting
.scene between Messrs. Brown, Foley and Connor, of the
Opposition, the two latter accusing the former of " vexing,
worrying and finally overthrowing the Reform Party ; " and
for the signal defeat by a vote of 67 to 26 of Mr. Brown'.s
resolution for a repeal of the Union between Upper and Lower
Canada. The resolution read as follows :

" That the existing Legislative Union of L'pper and Lower
Canada has failed to realize the anticipations of its promoters ;
has resulted in a heavy debt, burdcn.some taxation, great
political abu.ses and universal di.s.satisfaction ; and it is the
matured conviction of this Assembly, from the antagonisms
developed through difference of origin, local interests and
other causes, that the union, in its present form, can no longer
be continued with advantage to the people."

Parliament was prorogued on April 19th.
It would appear as if Mr. Macdonald had been submitting
his head to a phrenological examination, for we find in a
number of the American Phrenological Journal an estimate
of his character and mental qualifications which will be inter-
esting to believers in the science :

" This gentleman has a remarkably sharp and acti\ e
organization. The mental temperament predominate.s, which

I'llKKNOI.OCU'AL EXAMINATION.

39S

^ivcs him quickness, clearness and intensity of mind. He
has also a full decree of the motive temperament which, j^ives
a wiry touffhness and strength of orj^anizatioJi, elasticity <»f
action, and a j^ood decree of cmlurance, which sustains him
in the mental labours induced by his highly wrought nervous
temperament.

"There is a {^rcat prominence of the lower iM)rtion of the
forehead, indicatinj^ lar^e perceptive orj^ans which <;ivc a
(]uick, ready and clear pcrce|)ti(jn of facts, thing's, business,
and whatever comes within the ran^c of j)ractical life and
effort. This is essentially an intellij^cnt forehead. He has
a j;ood memory of events, of colours, of imideiits and of
words. He is strongly endowed with order which renders
him methodical and systematic in whatever he does. His
languaj^e, which is indicated by the fullness and prominence
of the e)-e, indicates uncommon power of speech, abilit\- to
talk with ease, clearness and copiousness, and also to remem-
ber cverylhiiijr he reads. His locality WDuld enable him
to remember the place on a pai^e where a fact was recorded.
His large eventualitj' renders him capable of retaining the
history ami the incidents which form a part of his experiences
or of that which he gathers from reading.

"The upper part of his forehead is not as large. He is
not so much a philosopher as he is a practical man. He has
to do with facts and their bearing on common life. He is
fond of wit and amusement, must be excellent in conversa-
tion, and at home in the social circle. He has respect for
whatever is venerable. The organs which gi\e tirmness,
pride, ambition and energy are also strongl)- developed, but
are not distinctly seen.

" Such persons need an abundance of sleep, tem[)eratc
habits, much e.xercise in the open air, and rcla.xation of mind
and cultivation of bodily vigour, otherwise they break down
early, because they overdo and exhaust their \ italit\' prema-
turely."

Every one who knew the old chieftain will recognize the
truth of the character here given.

In the month of July the Prince of Wales arrived in

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Tme Likk of Sik John A. Macdonald.

Canada, and after visiting the principal cities of the Maritime
Provinces, sailed up the River St. Lawrence to the town of
(iaspc, where he was met by the Governor-General and the
Cabinet Ministers. From thence he proceeded to Quebec,
Montreal, Ottawa and the principal western cities, bein^
everywhere [greeted with boundless enthusiasm and treated
in a manner befittinjr his royal rank. We do not purpose
following him to all these places, or recounting the various
iliimers, balls and other entertainments ^iven for his enjoy-
ment, but it is fittinj^ to give a description of the ceremony of
la>ing the foundation stone of the Parliament Huildinj^s at
Ottawa, which took place on September 1st.

A ^reat and handsome ^othic arch had been built at the
entrance to the grounds, and inside, at the sjK)t where the
ceremony was to take place, there was a canopy, immediately
in front of which and over the stone was a gigantic crown.
Outside this was an open space to which the press and a few
privileged individuals were admitted. Surrounding it were
tier upon tier of se.its, filled with thousands of ladies and
gentlemen. On each side of the road leading to this amphi-
theatre were platforms for children and for those who could
not be accommodated within it, while bands of music,
companies of militia, hosts of lumbermen in .scarlet shirts,
societies in regalia, etc., occupied their assigned positions.

The day was fine, antl punctual to the hour — 1 1 a.m. — His
Ro)al Highness arrived, followed by the Governor-General,
the Duke of Newcastle, Lord St, Germains, General Bruce,
General Williams, Lord Mulgrave, Sir Allan McNab,
Colonel Tache, etc. On the lower side of the stone were Mr.
Kccfer, Assistant Commi.ssioner of Public Works, Messrs.
Stent & Laver, Fuller & Jones, architects, Messrs. Haycock &
McGreevy, contractors, etc.

The ceremony was commenced by the Rev. Dr. Adamson,
Chaplain to the Legislative Council, reading the following
prayer : " Protect us, O Lord, in all our doings, with Thy
most gracious favour, and furnish us with Thy continual help,
that in all our works begun, continued and ended in Thee,
we may glorify Thy holy name, and finally, by Thy mercy,

Tmi I'KIN* i; OK Walks at Ottawa.

397

obtain everlasting life, through Jesus Christ our Lord.'
Amen. " Our Father which art. " etc.

Then the Prince and chief members of his suite advanceil
to the stone. It was of beautiful Canadiati marble, brought
from I'ortajje du l*'(jrt, and on it was the simple inscription —
"This corner stone of the builditig intetukil to receive the
Legislature of Canada, was laid by Albert ICdward, IVince i>t
Wales, on the 1st day of September, i860."

It was susj)ended from the centre of the great crown
previously mentioned, by a pulley running in a gilded block.
Under it was a similiar cube of the white Nej)ean limestone
with which it was intentled that the building should be faced,
with a cavity therein in which was placed a glass bottle
containing a parchment roll inscribed with the same words
as the stone, the names of all the members t)f the Legislative
Council and Asscmhl\-, the members of the (io\ernment. the
architects, contractors, etc.

The Clerk of Works, Mr. Morris, superintended the
spreading of the mortar. His Royal Highness giving the
finishing touch with a silver trowel, on the back of which was
engraved a view of the future building and on the front a
suitable historical inscription. Then the stone was slowly
lowered. The Prince gave it three taps with the mallet, and
the Rev. Dr. Adamson read this prayer: "This corner stoiu-
we lay in the name of the Father, and of the .Son, and of the
Holy Ghost, and may God Almighty grant that what is thus
begun in His name may be happily carried on to its complete
terminatif)n without injury or accident, and that, when com-
pleted, it may be used for the good (jf the province, the glory
of our Queen, the happiness of our Prince, and the good
government of the people." Amen.

Mr. Morris then applied the plumb, which was in the
shape of a harp. Mr. Keefer tested the work with a level,
supported by the lion and unicorn, after which. His Royal
Highness, having been informed that the work was well
performed, pronounced the stone laid, a fact which the
Governor-General proclaimed aloud to the surrounding people.
Three cheers were then given for the Queen, the Prince of

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398

Thk Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

Wales and the Governor-General, the band played the
National Anthem and the artillery fired a ro\a! salute.

After the architects and contractors had been presented
to His Royal Highness, the party moved to the rear and
strolled along the banks of the cliff viewing the beautiful
scenery. A lunch was then given in one of the sheds, at
which the usual loyal toasts were proposed. Afterwards came
a levee, a '"'de to the Chaudiere Falls, a run down the slides
on a crib of timber, boat races, etc.

It was very unfcjrtunate and much to be regretted that, as
the Prince proceeded westward, complications arose which
caused great bitterness of feeling, and marred the success of
his visit to the country. The Orange body, which represents
a much larger proportion of the population in the west than in
the east, had made extensive preparations to do honour to
His Royal Highness by erecting arches on tlie streets of the
cities where he was to visit, and by taking their assigned
places in the processions which were to be organized. This
was being done with the full knowledge and consent of their
fellow-citzens, but was most displeasing to the Duke of New-
castle, who refused to allow the Prince to land at Kingston or
at Belleville, and had a most unpleasant cpiarrcl with the
mayor of Toronto. Mr. Macdonald did his best to dissuade
the Duke from taking this course, but without avail. What
occurred between them is thus described at length b\' Mr.
Macdonald in a speech delivered b)- him at a banquet tendered
by his friends and admirers in the county of Brant, in the
following autumn :

" This has been a great jear for Canada. The chairman
has alluded in graceful terms to the auspicious visit to Canada
of the son of our j^resent Sovereign — our future Sovereign.
He has spoken of Her Majesty as she deserves ; she is not
merely a Queen appointed by law, but she reigns in the hearts
and affections of all her subject.s. We are proud that we live
in the times of such a Queen ; and our happiness is increased by
,1 knowledge of the fact that our children will, in all human pro-
bability, live under a King who, from his visit to this countr>-,
has satisfied us that he has all the virtues of his royal mother.

the

HK KXIM.AINS TIIK OuANJiK DiPFUULTN

399

(Cheers). Why, he carried tlie hearts of Canada by storm.
The people were loyal before his visit, but their hearts swelled
within them when they saw the son of their Sovereign — s(j
kind, so considerate, and always willin<^ and anxious to please
everybody. If loyal before, they are twenty times more so, if
possible, now. (Loud cheers). And it is particularly gratify-
ing to me that the day selected by the gentlemen of the
county of Brant for this dinner should be the birthday of our
future Sovereign, and son of our beloved Queen. This is not
a mere temporary gratification, but one of lasting remem-
brance. As for His Royal Highness, the Prince of Walts, his
visit to Canada formed a most important epoch in his life ; as
long as he lived he would remember it as his first act of
royalty. Hcfore he came here he had been labouring to form
him.self for the government of the country, but he had been
undergoing a course of training only, until he came to this
country; and here first he had assumed the position and taken
stand as Sovereign of Canada. (Applause). He did not
come, as we are proud to know, simply as the heir to the
Crown of the British Empire ; but with the added dignity of
the direct representative of Her Majesty, who, unable to come
herself arid gratify the wishes of the Canadian people, appoint-
ed him to be for the time her locum tctiens, giving him for the
time all her powers, all her position, as far as granting honour to
this country was concerned ; and we have the gratification of
knowing that not only our future Sf)vercigii, but the direct
representative of Her Majest)', has visited this huge, great and
magnificent colony of ours. Besides the great honiiur conferred,
tlie people of Canada must feel that the visit will be of great
and permanent advantage. It has called the attention of the
world to the position and prospects of Canada ; and it will
have a lasting effect upon all our great national interests. Ihe
country will be sought after ; its great resources and \^■ealth
thought of in a manner never known before ; and if much of
the riches of the mother country pours into Canada — if we
find, as I believe we shall find, that our character, our resources
and our position are much better understood in Europe than

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400 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

formerly — it will all be owing to the visit of the Prince of
Wales to this country. (Applause).

" It is quite true that in this world we have no perfect hap-
piness ; and we have an instance of it in this case. We know
that the visit of His Royal Highness was, in some respects,
accompanied by mistakes and heart-burnings, for which, how-
ever, the Prince was not responsible, from which he was per-
fectly free. If there has been any feeling of discomfort or
annoyance, we all know that His Royal Highness was not the
cause of it ; if any interest of any character has been insulted
or neglected, he was not responsible for it. On the contrary,
we hold the Prince as dear to us as ever, and felt more proud
of him the day he left Canada to visit the United States than
the day he first put his foot on our soil. (Loud cheers). Hut
there has been, I grieve to say, an unpleasantness to which the
chairman has alluded ; there has been a source of discontent
and heart-burning ; there has been a feeling in Canada that a
large and respectable Association of men has bee:: neglected
and their position ignored, that a wanton insult has been
offered to them, that their dignity has been wounded.
(Cheers). That feeling the chairman has given expression to
in no equivocal language, and that feeling is entertained b\'
the great majority of the people of Upper Canada.
(Applause).

" When it was announced that His Royal Highness was to
come to Canada in place of Her Majesty, we all received the
announcement with the greatest pride and satisfaction, and
did not anticipate that any of the difficulties that sub.sequently
occurred would have taken place. We hoped that the whole of
His Royal Highness's course through Canada would be one
unbroken triumph ; and I fear that if that prospect was
destroyed, it was because the Prince's progress was advised
and directed by an individual high in position, hign in power,
and occupying a high post in the Imperial Government, but
who unfortunately was not acquainted with Canada, who did
not know our people and their social and religious relations.
and who judged of things in this country by the position and
bearing of things in the country in which he lived.

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and

Her Majkstv's Constitutional Course. 401

" It follows, as a matter of course, that when Her Majesty
sent her son to represent her, she took the same course with
respect to him that she would have taken with respect to
herself. Had she come to this country herself she would have
been accompanied by some member or members of her
Ministry, to whom she would have looked for advice ; and bv
whom her progress would have been directed. As you well
know, when Her Majesty visits her Scottish residence at
Balmoral, she is always accompanied by one or more Minis-
ters, and the same is the case when she goes to Ireland. It
was only the other day that she returned from Prussia,
whither she had been accompanied by Lord John Russell,
Minister for Foreign Affairs, in order that he might be at hand
to give her advice should circumstances arise requiring it. In
carrying out this political practice and usage, when she sent
her son here to represent herself, she sent with him, as she
would have brought with herself, one of the members of her
Cabinet — that member who was most particularly connected
with the colonics. His Grace, the Duke of Newcastle — to give
him advice as to how he should proceed during his royal
progress in Canada. Any one acquainted with British consti-
tutional practice will see that she was only literally carr\-ing
out a recognized principle. No one has so strictly observed
constitutional usage as the Queen. She has never made a
mistake in this respect. In this case she certainly did what
she has always done — acted in accordance with the Constitu-
tion of the country. (Applause).

" I know that it has been attempted to make the Provinci.u
Administration responsible for the progress of the Prince of
Wales ; for the advice given to him ; and for tlie course
adopted by him in this country. Hut you will sec from what
I have stated, that His Royal Highness could not be advised
by the Provincial Adm'mistration and by the Imperjal
Administration at the same time. The Duke of Newcastle
came here in behalf of the Imperial Ministry ; was endowed
with all the powers and responsibilities ; and such being the
case, there could not possibly exist two separate bodies to
advise, who might not have agreed, and certainly would not

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402 Tin-: LiFK of Sir John A. Macdonald.

have aj^rccd as to tlic course the Prince finally took. (Loud
cheers). It should be borne in mind that the members of the
Canadian Ministry have taken precisely the same oath as that
the Duke of Newcastle took with respect to the laws and
the liberty of the subject. The Provincial Government, as a
Government, arc bound to give advice to the Governor-General.
Tliat is their duty — nothing more and nothing less. In any
case affecting the interests of Canada thev are bound to give
advice to His Excellency the Governor-General, or to the
Administrator of the Government ; and they cannot, without
a dereliction of duty, shrink from it ; but they cannot, without
an assumptioii of undue power, exceed it. (Cheers). This
being the case, I show the whole argument against us to be
fallacious. We were bound to give advice to the person who
administered the affairs of this country ; but the Prince of
Wales no more administered the affairs of this country than
the most humble man in it. He came out here as the repre-
sentative of Her Majesty, but did not exercise the functions of
a (iovernor-General. The Provincial Government had no
power, therefore, to advise him. We were bound to advise the
Governor-General ; we could not go beyond onr duty and
advise one who was not tlic Governor-General. (Applause^.

" You know we are in a state of colonial dependence ;
and long may the connection between this and the mother
country exist. But the people of this country have rights
to sustain ; they have their own position to uphold. It is
w ithin the recollection of every man among us that it is only
lately we became possessed of the right we now enjoy. It
is only within a few years that, after a long agitation and
stubborn contest, we were accorded the privilege of governing
our own affairs as we think proper. But while vvc enjoy
our own rights, we must take care not to trench upon those
of others • and it would have been a great mistake to force
advice upon the Prince of Wales when he was to be guided
by Imperial considerations and by the ofificer of Her Majesty
sent with him for the purpose. It is only by respecting
imperial rights that we can claim and enjoy our own and
be able to say that we possess all the same rights in this

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ting
and
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J'm; Ground Takkn hv thk Opposition. 403

country as the nicnibcrs of the Imperial (lovernnient in Great
Ikitain. That is the view taken by the Provincial Govern-
ment of which I am a member.

" You may remember in reading the debates of last season
— not very profitable or interesting matter, (a laugh) that
the subject of the Prince's visit was discussed ; and there
was a very natural anxiety that his Royal Highness should
be received in a manner worthy of his position and of the
country. At that time — I call the particular attenticMi of
those who hear me to this point, for it is made a ground
for party attack upon the Government that they neglected
their dut}- in not giving their advice with regard to the
Prince's progress— at that time, the whole of the Opposition
party in Parliament took the ground that the Piovincial
Government were not and ought not to be responsible for
the progress of the Prince of Wales. fCheers). It was an
afterthought to hold them responsible, induced by the natural
desire to fasten a charge of dereliction of duty upon the
Ministry, and thus lead to a forfeiture of the confidence of
the people. Why, if you remember the speeches that were
made in the House at the time, you must recollect one made
by Mr. McGec. You must remember the language that
honourable gentleman used with regard to the visit, and to
the impropriety of the Governor-General and the Ministry
interfering in the matter at all. And lest it should be said
that this was merely an individual opinion, I will refer to
the motion of Mr. Brown, who, in the absence of Honourable
J. S. Macdoiiakl, moved the appointment of a committee,
chosen from both sides of the House, to consider the most
fitting manner of receiving the Prince of Wales. The fact is,
the Opposition felt the Prince of Wales would rou.se to enthus-
iasm the feeling of every man in this country, and feared
John A. Macdonald and Cartier would take advantage of
that feeling to destroy the influence of the Opposition and
build up themselves. (Applause). They then argued that
it was not the duty of the Government, but of the Legislature,
to receive the Prince ; and that it would only make it a matter
of party political triumph if the Government interfered at all

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404

TiiK LiKK uF Sir John A. Mac im^nald.

" Now, supposing the Government had, for the sake of
avoiding responsibihty, consented to the appointment of a
committee, what would have been the position of the com-
mittee ? They would have held no position in the state, being
a mere voluntary body without Administrative powers. Sup-
posing these difficulties had arisen, as they probably would,
would the committee have advised the Duke of Newcastle?
Were they constitutional and responsible advisers ? And what
would the Duke of Newcastle have said to them had they
offered their advice ? — ' Pray, who are you ? ' (Laughter).

"When Mr. J. S. Macdonald's motion was before the
House, I said, ' the Prince, during his visit, would not be
directed by the Government or the Legislature, but would
be accompanied by his own advisers, and would consult Her
Majesty's Representative here, the Governor-General, and of
course the Governor-General could not receive advice from
gentlemen who had no confidence in his Government. The
Ministry could not admit the unconstitutional principle that
this money should be voted and expended, except on their
responsibility.' I said that the Government were responsible
for the expenditure of the money, but as to where the Prince
would go, how long he would stay in the country, and as to
his line of progress, he was to be governed entirely by the
advisers who would come with him, and if those advisers had
not come, Her Majesty would have been guilty of that which
.she had never before been guilty of, a violation of constitu-
tional u.sage.

" We made suggestions as to what was to be done, but
merely suggestions, as we had no authority to advise. There
our duty ended ; and when His Royal Highness came he was
accompanied by the Duke of Newcastle, his con.stitutional
adviser. Now I must say I think it unfortunate that the
Prince was advised by the Duke of Newcastle. He was a
man of undoubted integrity and honour, and of high rank and
position, but liable to look at things from an Imperial point.
He was, like myself, a member of an Administration, depend-
ing upon Parliament for support, and had to consider what
effect the progress of the Prince would have upon the mother

Explanations.

405

country aiul the Palmcrstoti Administration. (Applause)
He did look upon things from an Imperial point of view ; and
from his course upon the Orange question, I am quite certain
that the Duke of Newcastle thought more of the condition and
prospects of the Palmerston Government than of the Province.
Why, we know that at the very time the Duke of Newcastle
was saying that he would not recognize the Orange institu-
tion, a Hill was bcin'j passed through the Imperial Parliament,
with the sanction of the Government, declaring it criminal
to wear the badges or colours of the Orange Order. That
fact, no doubt, was pressing upon His Grace, and we can
easily understand what his feelings were when asked if it
would be convenient for His Royal Highness to receive an
address from the inembers of the Order in this country. He
felt that by giving his consent, he would be practically
oppo.sed to the legislation of the Imperial Parliament, in
which he and his Govcrnmont had a very small majority —
and that majority he was liable at any moment to lose.

" Whatever effect that might have upon his mind, he
evidently never thought of the effect of his course upon
Canada. I must say that His Grace acted in a most inanl)-
and straightforward manner, a.ssuming the rcspoiisibilit)-
where he alone was responsible. I believe the letter he wrote
to the Mayor of Kingston was most injudicious and dicta-
torial. I am satisfied that, had he made the rccjuest, in the
name of the Prince, that the Orangemen would not appear in
badges and regalia, from one end of the country to the other
they would have abandoned them ; and I am convinced that
had His Grace pursued this course, there would have been no
difficult)-. (Cheers), It is one thing to lead a man by kintl-
ness and courtes}', and another to shake a halter and sa\',
'come along.' (Laughter and applau.sc). But while his course
was dictatorial and injudicious, while he sacrificed the good
feeling of the people of Canada, I must say thai His Grace
manfully took all the responsibility upon himself, and I will
explain how.

" The Prince had reached Ottawa when the news arrived
that there was likely to be difficulty at Kingston. Of course.

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406

'liiK LiiK oi- SIR John A. Macdonai,!).

I was exceedingly anxious that evcr}thin<,r should pass onlt
well at that place ; and, therefore, while His Royal Highness
went up the Upper Ottawa, I left for Prescott, for the purpose
of meeting a deputation sent specially down to come to some
arrangement with the Duke of Newcastle. I accoinpanicd
them back and introduced them to His Grace, witii whom they
had a long, earnest and animated conversation on the matter.
We pressed in stronger and more emphatic language than His
Grace was probably accustomed to hear, what we tiiought it
was his duty to do, and what might be the consequence if he
persisted in his threatened course. In doing so, I tlid not act
as a member of the (lovernmcnt, but as a representative of
Kingston, whose interests I had at heart.

" I am not going to enter into a discussion as to the
propriety or impropriety of the conduct of the Orange A.sso-
ciation. One thing is quite clear, that they had a legal right
to as.semble in the streets; that like any other lojal subjects
— and God knows there were none more Itn-al — they hail the
right of presenting their humble dut)' to the son of their
Sovereign. Whether they chose to do so in the peculiar garb
of the Order or not, depended upon thenisehes, there being-
no law to prevent their appearance in such regalia. It may
not have been in good taste to do so, but the wa)- to avoid it
was not by writing that letter, but to ask them to refrain for
the sake of the Prince. When they were told that they must
act in such a manner as was agreeable to His (irace, antl if
they did not, the place where they assembled would not be
honoured by a visit from the Prince, they natural])- felt
deejily wounded and annoyed. All this was pressed strongly
upon the Duke of Newcastle. He admitted the truth of it.
He said he was quite aware of the difference of the law in
luigland and in Canada, he was quite aware that the Ma}'or
had no right to prevent the Orangemen appearing in proces-
sion, and if he did attempt to use force to prevent them, he
would be committing a breach of the law for which he would
be held answerable, but His Grace said — and I am exceed-
ingly grieved that he persisted in the course — ' as the Prince
of Wales may visit Ireland next year, I cannot and will not

Explanations.

407

advise him to take a course here that he cannot take there.'
\un this determination and the results of it the Duke of New-
castle alone is responsible.

" In spcakinj^ of this conversation, I speak with confidence
as to the meaning of his statement.s, because there were four
jfentlemen of character and standing present who are tiuitc
ready to vouch for the truth of them. We pressed upon I lis
Grace also these considerations. The Orange Association were
not forcint^ th-ir way unduly into the presence of the Princi-,
but the committee of reception had notifietl them and tjiven
them a place in the procession, and the different Iodides in the
country had gone to great trouble and considerable expense
in making preparations. The Mayor stated also that when
the Duke of Newcastle's letter was received, announcing that
the I'rince would not land if Orangemen took part in the
procession, he informed the cominittee, who, although the\-
had assigned the lodges a place in the jjrocession, came to the
conclusion that there should be no procession of an\' kind, ami
asked whether under these circumstances the I'rince might
not land and sec the people, and )-et not be held to give up
the position taken, or to recognize officiall)- the Orange in-
stitution? The Duke, in reply, stated that as long as there
was an Orange arch or banner or badge in the streets he could
not allow His Royal Highness to land. He was fixed in this
determination, and the deputacion, after exhausting cver\-
argument in vain, finally left, and as I had no official duty to
perform, I resolved to cast in my lot with ni\' own people at
Kingston. I therefore returned there with the deputation and
stayed there. I felt it would be ver)^ bad taste to enter into
the festivities at other places, nor did I see His Royal High-
ness again until the moment he was leaving the countrw
when I went to pay him my respectful duties and bid him
farewell. (Applause).

" I have said before and no^v repeat, that the course taken
by the Duke of Newcastle was highly injudicious. Had the
Prince landed in Kingston under the circumstances stated b\-
the Mayor, what would have been the conseciuences ? He
would have pleased the Orange institution, because, although

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40S TiiK Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

not recognized officially, their rij^hts would have been vindi-
cated, and on the other hand, the Roman Catholics would
ha\e been pleased, because they would have succeeded so far
that the Duke of Newcastle would not have carried out the
recoj^nition of the Order. The people of Kingston would
have been pleased, because the Prince had honoured them
with a visit and accepted of their hospitalities. Hut, as it was^
everybody was displeased. The people of Kinjfston were
annoyed because their city was avoided, and the Duke of
Newcastle had left behind him a ranklincj wound which would
require all the temper and moderation of the public mind to
.socjthe, where we expected, and if he had acted judiciously
there would have been, ^^ratification and pride. All that was
lost by the injudicious and dictatorial conduct of the Duke of
Newcastle, and upon him alone rests the responsibility. As
far as the Government is concerned, we feel we have carrietl
out the constitution literally; as far as I personally am
concerned, I stood by the rights of the people and vindicated
thcin as strongly as I could. I entreat the pardon of
i^cntlcmen present for dwelling upon this matter, but it is
of great importance that I should put the views of myself
and my colleagues in the Administration fairly before them,
and through thein, before the country." (Cheers).

On April 12th there began amongst our neighbours that
terrible civil war which, before it was crushed out, was destined
to cost the loss of tens of thousands of lives, the destruction of
an inestimable amount of property, and the expenditure of
thousands of millions of dollars. It is not necessary here to
discuss the questions which caused the war. Suffice it to say
that, for many months previous, the Northern and Southern
States had been drifting into a state of intense hostility to
each other, which culminated in a determination on the part
of the latter to form themselves into a separate confederation.
On December 12th of the previous year — 1860 — South Caro-
lina had passed the following ordinance of .secession :

" We, the people of South Carolina, in convention assem-
bled, do declare and ordain that the ordinance adopted by us
in the convention of May 23. 1789, whereby the constitution of

Civil War in tiik Unitkd Statks.

409

the United States was ratified, and all Acts and parts of Acts
of the General Assembly of the State ratifying amendments
to the said constitution are hereby repealed, and the union
now subsisting between South Carolina and other States under
the name of the United States of America is hereby
tlissolved."

This was followed by the seizure of the revenue cutter Aiken
and of the U. S. arsenal. On December 26th Major Anderson
moved from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumptcr, and so took com-
mand of Charleston harbour. Forts Pulaski and Jackson and
the United States arsenal at Savannah, with lH)rt Mason and
the arsenal at Fayettsville, N.C., were then seized. On January
6, 186 1, the Florida Convention adopted secession resolutions.
On the 9th Mississippi followed suit, while at Charleston the
steamer Marion was seized, and the Star of tlic West fired
into. On the 19th Georgia seceded, being followed by Louis-
iana on the 26th, and Texas on February 1st. Eight days
later the Montgomery Convention proclaimed the " Confeder-
ate States of America," and elected Jefferson Davis President
of the provisional government. On the iSth he was inaugur-
ated Chief Magistrate of the Southern Republic, and delivered
his message. From this document we will only cpiote the
paragraph referring to States rights :

"The right solemnly proclaimed at the birth of the States,
which has been often affirmed and confirmed in the Hills of
Rights of the States subsequently admitted into the Union of
17S9, recogtnzes in the people the power to resume the
authority delegated for the purposes of government. Thus,
the sovereign States here represented proceeded to form the
Confederacy, and it is by the abuse of language that this act
is denominated revolution. They formed a new alliance, but
within each State its Government has retained the rights of
person and property, which have not been disturbed."

The seceding .States seized upon all arsenals, Government
money and property, etc., that they could get possession of,
and every preparation was made for the conflict which both
sides felt was inevitable. War was not, however, actually com-
menced until Apfil 1 2th, when the ball was opened by Fort

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Tiir, I, III". (>!• Sir Ioiin A. M.\( ix .\.\i.i..

Moultrie, and seven batteries on \arioiis islaiuls opening tire
on l'"ort Suinpter, occupied by Major Amlersoii and a body of
(J. S. troops. Tlie fort was soon rendereil untenable and the
next day capitulated. I'resident Lincoln then issueil his
prochunation calling out 75,000 militia, and the fratricid.d
stru^r^dc, thus inau^airated, never ceased until the South lay
prostrate at the feet of the victorious N(»rth.

The House assembled on March 1 6th, and an acrimonious
debate on the Aildress was one (jf the principal features of the
first days of the meetin^f. As has been previously nientioneil.
during the visit of the I'rince of Wales in the previous autumn,
tie Duke of Newcastle had refused to allow him to land at
Kingston and lielleville on account of the Orange societx"
bein^ present in rej^alia, anil an unpleasantness had taken place
in Toronto in connection with an arch constructed by the same
btuly on the street throui^h which the Prince hail to ])ass. Mr.
Fi r^nison took advantage of this circumstance lo offer an
amendment to the Aildress "rei^rettinLj that, owin^,^ to the
unwise counsel tei: leretl to His Royal I li^hness, the feelin^N
of a lari^c class of Her Majest)''s subjects had been insulted,
their ri^dits ij^nored, and much political and religious excite-
ment engendered, dcirimeiital alike to the j)eace of the ci run-
try, and that full aiii^ unreserved equality of the rights and
privileges which all classes of the [leople should constitu-
tionally enjoy."

.\ strong effort was made to place the responsibility upon
the shoulders of the (lovernment, and a long debate took place
oil the motion. Mr. Macdonald exi)lained that, so far as the
visit of the Prince was concerned, it was the same as if the
Queen had come to the country, and the same steps had been
taken by the Imperial Government in sending responsible
Ministers of the Crown with His Royal Highness. \o matter
where the Queen went she was always accompanied by a
responsible Minister. Therefore the Prince had been accom-
panied by the Duke of Newcastle. It was said that the Prince
ought to ha\e been guided by the advice of the Governor, but
he (Mr. Macdonald) did not see how it could be done. The
Ministry was blameless because it was bound to tender advice

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DKHATK on TIIK Al)I)K»-SS

only to the Governor-General. The Duke on all occasions
assumed the responsibility of directinj^ the Prince's move-
ments. When the Orange difficulty arose, he (Mr. Macdonald)
was one of a deputation from Kingston to endeavour to induce
the Duke of Newcastle to change his determination, and was
.sorry that they had not succeeded in their object. The
Orangemen he believed, had a right to appear in regalia, and
he told the Duke so at the interview which had taken place.

The views expres.sed by Mr. Macilonakl and others
.seemed to be satisfactory to the House, for Mr. I^'erguson's
resolution was lost by a vote of 85 to 14.

The debate went on in rather a rambling fashion, all
.sorts of subjects being dragged in for discussion. Mr. Thibau-
bcau said that the adoption of representation by population
would lead to bloodshed, and Lower Canada would go for
dissolution of the Union sooner than concede it. Mr. Sand-
field Macdonald denounced the ([uestion as having originated
with the Tories. He also made a bitter attack on his own
party. He .said he had been read out of the Reform part)-
by men of yesterday who had been pitchforked into the House
by accident ; but he hoped to hold his place long after they
had retired into that privacy, from which they ought ne\cr
to have emerged. The Opi)osition unilerstood him to mean
Mr. Brown, with whom he had had a \er>' sharp correspond-
ence, during the recess, on the policy of the Brown-Uorion
Government. He denied this, but would not say to whom
he referred. He moved an amendment condemning the
Upper Canada portion of the (jovernment, and argued, in
support of it, that the rule had been that Ministers of the
day should bring to their support majorities from both
.sections. He said that the Draper Administration had, from
1843 to 1847, governed Lower Canada, with an Upper Can-
adian majority and now the Carticr-Mactionakl (jovernment
ruled Upper Canada by a Lower Canada majority. I le
warned Lower Canadians that they would yet suffer for this
injustice. Mr. Dorion al.so moved an amendment, which he
explained differed from that of Mr. Sandfield Macdonald, in
that the lattcrs amendment condemned the Upper Canada

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414 Till-: Like ok Sir Joux A. Ma( donald.

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section of the Administration while his condemned the whole
Administration for its sectional government of Upper Canada.
The debates on the various amendments lasted for a week.
When a vote was reached it was found that the Ministry
commanded a majority of from fourteen to nineteen.

The great debate of the session was upon a motion made
by Mr. Ferguson for leave to introduce a Bill to amend the
representation on the basis of population, viz : each constitu-
ency having between 15,000 to 30,000 inhabitants to have
one member ; between 30,000 and 60,000 two members ;
between 60,000 and ioo,coo three members ; over 100,000
four members, and no more. Mr. Cauchon at once moved
the six month's hoist. The debate opened on April 5th and
lasted until the 26th — during which time fifty-seven speeches
were made. Mr. Carticr spoke for four hours. He reviewed
the position with much ability, and denied that Upper Canada
had any right to complain of her representation, owing to
the small excess of her population. He pointed out that,
at the time of the Union, Lower Canada had 250,000 majority
and he did not consider that 250,000 Upper Canadians were
any better than the same number of Lower Canadians.

Mr. Macdonald spoke in opposition to the motion and
said that the Conservative party had always been opposed
to the principle. He thought the Union compact should
be maintained. He, himself, was opposed to the principle
because it would lead to universal suffrage ; it declared that
every man, woman and child should be represented. He was
in favour of the English principle, in which property was
represented and, for increasing the boroughs, giving members
to Belleville, Cobourg, Port Hope, St. Catherines and Brant-
ford. He wished the count)- members to represent the agri-
cultural interest, and those from the towns the manufacturing
interest. The scheme before the House would lead to the
election of candidates by conventions, which brought out, not
the best, but the most available men. He next assailed the
Opposition for inconsistency, and charged them with produc-
ing a plan in convention and repudiating it iu the House,
and went on to say :

Oi'i'osK.n TO Kki'uksentat[()\ I!V Population. 415

" His honourable friend from Cornwall had charged the
Conservative part}-, the other day, with having commenced
the agitation of the subject. That was not the case. The
question was never mooted until it was brf)Ught up by the
Baldwin Administration in 1849. I'rom 1840 to 1849, the
country accepted the Constitution. It had been adopted by
the representatives of the people of Upper Canada and by
the governing power in Lower Canada. There was a great
deal of doubt and hesitation in the mind of Upper Canaila
at the time, and almost universal dislike to it on the part of
Lower Canada, but both set themselves honestly to work
it out to the best advantage. And so the}' went on until
1849, when a measure to increase the number of representa-
tives in the House was introduced b}- the Haldwin-Lafontaine
Government.

" Under the feeling at present existing between Upper
and Lower Canada, it was impossible that they could carry-
out the principle of representation b}' population. It must,
therefore, be left to work its own way, on its own merits. If it
had real merits ; if it had vitality ; if it was a correct principle ;
if it was just alike to the people of Upper and Lower Canada,
whatever might be the temporary feeling or prejudice against
it, it would be found that in the long run truth was strong and
must prevail. As was the case in the other great question, it
might take a long time to make a proper impression, but if it
had truth on its side, it certainly must and would become,
sooner or later, the law of the land. If honourable gentlemen
opposite would but reflect for a single moment they would .see
that, by the course they were taking, making this a tjuestion
of party, they were causing it to be a matter impossible to
be carried out, and declaring, to a certain extent, that the}-,
themselves, and those connected with them, must forever
remain in hopeless opposition. Surel}- there were questions
enough besides this for them to quarrel about, and make the
subjects of party strife ; surely they might put this one
question aside, like the Slave- Trade question in lingland, and
not regard it as a question affecting one party more than
another. They might leave this question to fight its own way.

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4i6 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

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They could take up other issues or. which to quarrel and
divide ; and if they would only adopt this course they would
prevent the unwholesome, the unholy agitation now going on ;
they would avoid all the injury which would otherwise result
to the national interests of the countrj- ; they would avoid all
the agitation on this subject as a matter of party consideration
at the polls. By setting it aside from party politics, they
would preserve peace, prosperity and quiet to the land ; but by
making it a matter of part)' strife, they agitated the country
from end to end, and frustrated every possibility of its becom-
ing the law. (Hear).

"Dissolution of the Union had been spoken of. Rut he
really hoped that this had been held out as an empty
threat. He believed that the best interests of the Province
were dependent on the continuance of the Union, and that
our national prosperity and future greatness were involved
in its being preserved intact. But before enlarging on this
point, he desired to say a word on another subject. It was
most unreasonable to expect the majority to yield to the
minority. He believed that the majorit)' of the people of
Central Canada would be found to act with the Lower
Canadians on this point. (Loud cheers from the Ottawa
members). If even, unfortunately, a dissolution of the Union
were to take place, the people of Central Canada could not be
expected to remain v ila Upper Canada. Supposing a disso-
lution to take place to-morrow, Upper Canada could not for a
moment insist that the line should be run as in 1791. If the
people of Central Canada desired to be connected with Lower
Canada, Upper Canada must yield. The whole of the
interests of the country, from Kingston to the old Province
line, the whole rountry lying between the St. Lawrence and
the Ottawa, and the whole valley of the Ottawa, were
inseparably connected with Lower Canada. Central Canada
neither bought nor .sold in the west. Montreal and Quebec
were her markets, and, indeed, every element of her prosperity
was bound up with the prosperity of Lower Canada. They
could not expect for a moment that with all the advantages
of trade and commerce in the east. Central Canada would

The Success of the Union.

417

ot be
disso-

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ould

consent to be joined to Upper Canada, and allow herself to be
cut off" from the sea, and be separated from the sources of her
prosperity, that, in short, she would look north and south and
west, and everywhere but in the quarter from which her only
help would come. (Hear, hear). Draw a line between the
two Provinces, and Upper Canada would be obliged to
surrender this large and growing portion of her country, and
it would also be found that the agitation for representation
by population was worse than useless, for Central Canada
would have given a preponderance of population to Lower
Canada. Such must be the result of this cry of dissolution.
(Hear, hear). But he believed that that cry was a mere empty
threat. He would not bring himself to believe that those by
whom it \\'as used were sincere. God and Nature had joined
us together. Stretched the full length along the northern shore
of the great lakes, and commanding the mighty St. Lawrence,
we possessed the same common interests — interests which
were only now beginning to be developed. Rapidly and
steadily Lower Canada was becoming one of the most import-
ant manufacturing countries in the world. Upper Canada
was increasing in an equal ratio in agricultural prosperity.
Such was the rapid increase of this western world — such was
the productive power of the west, that no Luropean market
would be found for its immense cereal productions, and
Copper Canada must, therefore, look for a wholesome inter-
change of commodities with the eastern province, Upper
Canada being the producer, and Lower Canada the consumer,
Upper Canada would send to Lower Canada the products of
her soil, and Lower Canada return the fruits of her manu-
facturing industry, and thus, year by j'car, the Union would
become a greater and still greater necessity. Would they
consent to forego all these benefits, to scatter all these
advantages because of their determination to impose repre-
sentation by population upon Lower Canada? Who could
lay his hand on any serious evils that had occurred under the
Union? For his part he was surprised at its marvellous
success. When they considered that at the time of the Union
the country was torn by domestic dissensions, and Upper

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418 The LiiK of Sir John A. Macdonald.

Canada overwhelmed with debt, and that now, because of the
Union, the country possessed the best credit in the world, after
the mother country, would they consent to a severance of that
Union because Upper Canada had a majoritj' of a tenth or
thr' shouts over Lower Canada ?

'■ ,ve were now approaching to a population of 3,000,000
of people — wc were approaching to the population of the
United States at the time they declared their independ-
ence ; we were standing at the very threshold of nations,
ai.-- •'•-" admitted we should occupy no unimportant posi-
tion a^no". > the nations of the world. Long might we
remai' ■j-i.\.rctcd with Great Britain. He hoped for ages,
forever, that Cr^cody. mij^ht remain united with the mother
cou it. , . But vvere fast ceasing to be a depend-

enc)', and assuiv.. ^^^ v. position of an ally of Great Britain.
England would be the centre, surrounded and sustained
by an alliance, not only with Canada, but Australia, and
all her other possessions, and there would thus be formed
an immen.se confederation of free men, the greatest confed-
eracy of civilized and intelligent men that ever had an
existence on the face of the globe. (Cheers). He hoped to
live to see that day, and it would surely come if our statesmen
would only be patriotic enough to lay aside all desire to do
that which tended to rend the existing union and allow us
to continue to progress as we had progressed since 1840. He
believed his honourable friend from North Waterloo was one
of those who entertained feelings of patriotism and love of
country, and that, though a strong party man, he could, when
occasion demanded, lay aside all party feeling for the good of
the province. He asked the honourable gentleman to carry
out that principle on this question. Let him and all others
return home to the sphere of their influence and usefulness;
let them u.se every legitimate means for the purpose of carry-
ing out their views on the other subjects on which they had
set their minds, but do not, in the name of our common
country, do not make this a matter of party agitation and
party strife. Let each go home and imbue his neighbours as
far as he could with his particular views on other matters, but

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Dissolution of 1'arliamknt.

4«y

let them all set aside party feeling in a matter of such vital
consequence as this, and work toj^ethcr for the common j^ood
on the principle of union and not on the principle of one
section fi<:jhting and striving a<;ainst and seeking to annihilate
the other." (Loud cheers).

A personal rencontre nearly took place between Mr.
Macdonald and Mr. Mowat, owin<f to a misunderstanding as
to the manner in which the latter applied the word " false " to
some statements made by the former. A sharp passage of
arms also occurred between Messrs. Carticr and Sicotte, the
former saying that the latter had spoken "solemn nonsense," to
which Mr. Sicotte replied that the Premier was under the
influence of wine and that he wouldn't allow himself to be
bullied. Mr. Cartier next fell upon Mr. McGee and made
some very personal allusions. He said that, when Mr. McGee
looked at himself in a mirror he saw a baboon, and that he
was glad he was not within reach of the atmosphere .set in
motion by his perspiring body. To which Mr. McGee replied
that he thought Mr. Carticr might be put to .some use, just
as the Bohemian reformer who. when he died, bequeathed his
skin and bones to construct a drum and to make a noise. A
hostile meeting in Vermont also took place between the
Honourables Messrs. Morin and Desaulles, but was .settled
without bloodshed.

All the prominent men in the House took part in the
debate and the discussion was brought to a close by the
carrying of Mr. Cauchon's motion for the si.\ months' hoist b)-
a vote of 6/ to 49.

Another keen debate took place on May 3rd, on a motion
made by Mr. Dorion to condemn the (iovcrnment for advanc-
ing moneys to the Grand Trunk without the consent of
Parliament, and it was said that great efforts were required to
keep the supporters of the Ministrj- in line. As it was, two
of them voted for the motion, and it was onlj- defeated by 58
to 48. Parliament was formally prorogued on May 1 8th.

Dissolution was looked upon as almost certain, and before
a fortnight had elap.sed it was known to have been decided
upon. Preparations for the new election were actively com-

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420 TiiH Lii r, OK Sir John A. Maidunald.

mcnccd without delay all over the province. Mr. Macdonald
returned to Kini^ston and threw himself, heart and soul, into
the contest. His address to the electors referred to every
important tjucstion and filled two and a cjuarter columns of
the papers, and in connection therewith, he issued a large
pami)hlet which contained copies of the tlocuments and
extracts referred to. This was an octavo brochure of 153
paj^es antl treated of Mr. Macdonald's ])ersonal position ; the
charj^cs at^ainst the Governinent; the measures passed by the
Government; the composition and polic\' (jf the Brown-
Dorion Government; Mr. Macdonald's views on representa-
tion b\' population, etc. It was decitled by the liberal party
to ofYer to his candidature the stroni^est j)ossiblc opposition,
and accordinc^ly a numerously siLjned recpiisition was pre-
sented to the Honourable Oliver Mowat, who was res^arded
as the best man that could be brouj^ht forward. lie accepted
and came down from Toronto on the mornin;^ of July loth,
beinLj met at the station b\- a lanre number of his friends and
admirers, accompanied b\' the Orange brass band, and
escorted b\' them to the city hall. Here Mayor Gildersleevc
took the chair and formally introduced Mr. Mowat, who made
an interesting speech, and the cami)aign was formally opened.
The following night Mr. Macdonald's first meeting was held,
and was of a very turbulent character. His speech was inter-
rupted in all sorts of ways, and, when the meeting was
declared closed, a i/u-/r't' of the wildest kind took place. A
fight was made for the platform, and men, with sticks and
brawny arms, surged to and fro ii: a violent struggle on the
confined cd'^c of the stand from which many were hurled
ruthlessly down. The }-ells of the onlookers and the shouts
of the actors were perfectly frantic. After a time the platform
was cleared, when the wrecks of chairs and ruins of tables,
lamps and candlesticks bore witness to the desperation of the
conflict. The principles advocated by Mr. Macdonald were
University reform; protection to home manufactures; the
encouragement of trade by the St. Lawrence; confederation
of the provinces; law reform, and a bankruptcy act.

Mr. Mowat held his meeting at the same time in the park.

rm; iion. oi.i\ i:u mowai.

l'Kl:.MIKU IM- UNlAKkl.

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Ol'I'OSKI) IN KlN{JSTON IIV MK. MoWAT.

4^3

where he delivered a speech, the maj(jr [lart of which was
given to the discussion of the representation by population
movement, in favour of which he held very pronounccil
opinions.

The Government, at this time, lost the services of the Com-
missioner of Public Works, the Honourable John Rose, who
sent in his resignation on personal grounds, and was succeeded
by Mr. Cauchon, the editor of Le yournal dc Quebec.

Amidst the excitement of a keenly contested election, Mr.
Macdonald found time to visit other constituencies, and lend his
voice and influence to assist his party. Amongst other places
he went to London to attend a large dinner given in honour of
his friend, Mr. John Carling, on June 13th. Here he met with
a most flattering reception, and, amidst the heartiest possible-
cheering, rose to reply to the toast of his health, which hatl
been proposed in a most complimentary manner by the chair-
man, Mr. Adams, Mr. Carling had been a life-long supporter
of Sir John Macdonald, always consistent and unswerving in
his loyalty to his chief, and it is therefore api>ropriate that
we should give a short extract from this speech to show the
warm feeling entertained towards him more than thirty years
ago.

Mr. Macdonald said : " Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, —
Although I have felt extremely gratified by the two receptions
given to me in this city, I have never felt such pleasure as I
do now, when a most enthusiastic ' welcome home' is given to
my personal and political friend, Mr. Carling, by his own con-
stituents, in my presence. (Cheers). It is quite true that he
has been charged with being a thick and thin supporter of the
.Administration, but he has never been a servile follower of the
Government. He has never been an unreasoning follower of
mine, but an investigating one. He has fairly considered the
course of the Administration and given them a generous sup-
port. It would not have been like him, true Englishman as he
is, if he had not thus fairly judged us. If he has warmly and
continuously sustained us it has been a great relief and conso-
lation to us, for we feel that when a man, with such honesty
and clearness of intellect, went with us for four years, we can-

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424 TiiK Li IK OK Sir John A. Macdonald.

not have been far uroiij;. VV'c cannot have been so far ^one
in the paths of corruption as some of our opponents state.
(Renewed cheers). He had no personal interests to serve ; he
had no personal aim but to keep his own name untarnishc
so that when he returned to ycni for your vertlict on his con-
duct, he mi<^ht still have a ri^jht to the title of 'honest John
Carling.' " (Great cheerinj^).

Mr. Macdonald concluded his speech with remarks on our
relationship to the United States, which indicate that the views
he then entertained were identical with those he retained to
his dying hour, and his language breathes the same loyalty to
the mother country, and hostility to absorption into the
neighbouring States, as characterized his last manifesto against
Unrestricted Reciprocity.

"Now is the time for c\ery lover of the Constitution tc
be on the alert. On the other side (jf the line we see a grer^
nation, of the same blood as ourselves, engaged in a civil w;
in destructive, savage strife. One of the chief rea.sons for
that strife was the defective form of Government they possess,
and we must resolve, if necessary, even to shed our blood to
uphold here the British institutions we have received from
the mother country. We know that the happiness of our
children and the progress of Canada depend altogether on
our maintaining our Constitutif)n, under which we enjoy the
mt)st thorough libcrt\-, but a liberty consistent with law and
the rights of propert\-. We arc still a portion of the Empire ;
we are under the same Sovereign ; we are her favourite colony
— for no otiicr land c\cr received .so great a mark of favour
as we — and wc li\c as nearl\' as possible under the shadow
of the British Constitution and protection of the British flag.
Long may the connection last. Our watch\v(M-ds should be
' Union with ICngland under Her Majest}-,' and ' the Union
of the Provinces.' Now that we hear people talking of ' look-
ing to Washington,' it is time to throw away petty jealousies
and say ' we will not follow you.' Let these people not only
look to Washington but let them go thither. The loyal
population will stay here, happier that the others are away
and, if they try to return with an army at their backs, why,

LUNCM AT Ha/KI, DKI.I,.

425

in the name of tlic niilitiaincn of Canada, let them coinc."
( Loud applause).

The noininati(jns at Kingston took place on Saturday,
June 22nd. The numbers of people present, the parapher-
nalia, the excitement, and the general interest were never
equalled on any previous occasion. Mr. Samuel Muckleston
proposed the Honourable John A. Macdoiiald, who was
seconded by Dr. Lavell. Ma\'or Gildersleeve proposed the
Honourable O. Mowat, who was seconded by Mr. William
Robinson. Each candidate spoke for about an hour and a
half, after which the show of hands was taken, which was
declared to be in favour of Mr. Macdonald. The polling
took place on Jul)' 1st and 2nd and resulteil in a marked
victory for Mr. Macdonald, the vote stamlin^, Macdonakl
785 ; Mowat 474. The official declaration was made, three
days later, by the returning officer, in front of the court ln)usc.
Mr. Macdonald was followed from his committee rooms by
a larj,re body of his support, rs in carria<^es. After the pro-
ceedings had concluded, a beautifully decorated triumphal
carriage drawn by six horses was driven up. In this Mr.
Macdonald took his .scat with about a dozen of his more
prominent supporters and was driven through the principal
streets, followed by over one hundred carriages. The pro-
cession then moved to the residence of his aged inotluM-,
near Portsmouth, where a bountiful collation was spread
on tables beneath the pleasant shade of the trees. After
partaking of the good things provided, and giving hcart\-
cheers for Mr. Macdonald, his mother and the Queen, the
procession re-formed and returned to the city.

i «

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(HA I' ri': K X I X

I' i

I itj

|S()I ( Contnniid ).

Kfsult of ihc elections— Dealli of Wm. Lyon M;icki n/it:- Arrival of Lord iMonck

- The Trent difficulty- Session of 1862 — Licction of Mr. Turcotte as Speaker

Ministerial chanjjes — Defeat of Cartier-Macdonnid (iovernnient on Militia

Hill — Kesifjnation — Macdonald-Sicotte Administration — Its policy — I'roro-

(Ration— Si^jnilicant si)cech of Lord Monck on National Defence.

TIIIC elections were keenly conte.sted ;ill along the line,
and the losses and gains on both sides were numerous.
The Ministry lost the I'ostmaster-Cieneral and the Solicitor-
(ieneral I'^ast, and a score of other adherents, whilst the
Opposition mourned the loss of (ieorge Brown aiul A. .\.
Dorion their parliamentary leaders from both sections, and
many others, l<>oin the number c)f new men who were not
coinmitted, either by pledges or antecedents, to the policy of
one siile or the other, it was impossible to accurately sum up
the result, but it was apparent, from the fact that the Montreal
Gazette only claimed a majority of six for the (joveniment
that the election had been a close one. Solicitor-(iencral Morin
was subsecpiently elected for the county of Laval, and Post-
master-General Smith for the TrfMit division.

On the evening of Wednesday, August 2<Sth, there passed
away one whose name recalls many passages in our political his-
tory. William Ljon Mackenzie was born at Dundee, I''orfar-
shire, Scotland. </.! March 12, 1795. Resembling his mother \ cry
closely ill appearance, as well as in his mental cliaracteristics,
there can be no doubt that from her he took the impress of his
character. She was of the .same urdent disposition as him.self,
and the energy that he expended upon politics was, in her
case, devoted to religion. He came to Canada in 1.S30, and
four years later embarked on the stormy .sea of ])olitic.s. On
May 18th he issued the first number of the Colonial Advocate.
\ bitter personal tpiarrel, carried on by means of the press,
between Mr. Mackenzie and some prominent members of the
ofificial party, led, in 1826, to the violent destruction of the
Advocate office. As the act was done in the face of the day,

426

Dkatii ()!• William Lyon Ma( kkn/if.

4^;

the perpetrators were known Jind clainai^cs were recovered
from them. In 1S28 he was elected to the Legislature. I'^or
languaj^e which the majority of tiie Assembly considered
libellous, he was five times ex[)elled from Parliament and five
times re-elected. In 1832 he proceeded to ICnj^land, bearing a
petition of grievances to the Imperial Government, antl
remained there for a period of eighteen months. From first
to last he was elected fourteen or fifteen times to the Legis-
lature and only defeated once. He was the first mayor of
Toronto in 1S36.

Of the insurrection, in which he took so prominent a part,
he said, in his later years, that he had been led into it at the
urgent entreaties of his Lower-C'anatlian friends, and he left
behind him documents in which he fraiikK' confessed the error
of the part he had played, and expressed regret for the course
he had taken. Vov this lie Iiad suffered severely, not only
being exiled from his countr)-, but imjjrisoned for a year at
Rochester, for breach of the neutrality laws. After being
pardoned he returned to Canada and opjMJsed Mr. Brown in
llaldimand. lie won the election, and held his seat until
I.S58, when he resigned. In I'arliament he attached himself
to no party, and, though he was generally in ()i)p(jsilion, he
refused to attend Opposition caucusses. During his long
public career he did many things which he afterwartls
admitted to be wrong, and for which he ex|)ressed the deepest
regret, but "t se<Jins to bt conceded that he was no trading
px)litician or office seeker, and that everything I'.e did was from
an honest, if mistaken, idea th.it it was for the gootl of
the country.

The tenacity with which Mr. Mackenzie chmg to existence
was something wonderful. For months his decay had been
visible to Ins friends, but he would not admit it. During the
last week of his life, when the doctors pronounced his ncovery
impossible, he insisted upon his power to struggle into health
again. Oftentimes his s[)eech was uin'ntelligiblc, the Ciaelic of
his childhood recurring more freciuently to his tongue than
English, lie was pasionately fond of children, and in almost
his last hours of consciousness he was pla)'ing with his

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428 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

' t

little grand-daughter. His wife was devotedly attached to
him, and in his darkest fortunes was always at his side, even
amidst the chill snows of Navy Island, and in the drearier
gloom of Rochester prison. His children — of whom he left
seven — also showed the most ardent affection for him.

On October 23rd, Lord IMonck and family arrived in Que-
bec by the steamship North Briton. He was received by Sir
Edmund Head and suite, with a guard of honour from the
17th Regiment. The following day he was sworn into
office, and Sir Edmund Head left for England. The latter
came to Canada in 1854, and therefore served longer than the
usual term of governors in this countr\-. He does not appear
to have achieved popularity. He came with the reputation of
a man of learning, and some experience in colonial govern-
ment, but he was too direct and blunt to win friends, and
seldom seemed po.jsessed of the tact to avoid difficulties.
When the Prince of Wales came to Canada the conduct of the
Governor-General met with a great deal of censure. From
the remarks of the press it seems to have been the general
opinion that he did not treat the Government or Parliament
with sufficient courtesy, and he was even accused of being rude
to men who were entitled to consideration at his hands. On
the other hand, it was admitted that he was a painstaking and
constitutional Governor, and that he honestly sought to
promote the interests of the country, and it should not be
forgotten that his health was not good, a circumstance which
probably influenced his conduct.

In the month of November an act was committed which
miirht have resulted in war between the United States and
Great Britain, and to which may be attributed the creation of
the fine militia force which now exists in Canada. The
Honourable J. M. Mason of Virginia, and the Honourable
John Slidell of Louisiana, were appointed commissioners to
England on behalf of the Southern Confederacy. Accom-
panied by their secretaries and some members of their
families they left Charleston about midnight on October nth,
in the steamer Theodora, and ran through the blockading
squadron, and out to sea. The vessel arrixed safely at

^^i«L

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HUGH JOHN MACDONALU.

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Mr?

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t I

TiiK " Tkknt " Akfaik.

4^1

Havana, when the passengers took ship for England on the
British mail steamer Trent. What afterwards took place is
thus described in Earl Russell's official letter to Lord Lyons,
British Minister at Washington :

" The Trent left Havana on November /th with Her
Majesty's mails, for England. Shortly after noon, on the 8th,
a steamer having the appearance of a man-of-war, but not
showing colours, was observed ahead. On nearing her at
I p.m., she fired a round shot from her pivot gun across the
Trent and showed American colours. When the Trent was
approaching her slowly the American vessel discharged a
shell across the bows of the Trent exploding half a cable's
length ahead of her. The Trent then stopped, and an officer
with a large armed guard of marines boarded her. The
officer demanded a list of the passengers, and compliance with
this demand being refused, the officer said he had orders to
arrest Messrs. Mason and Slidell, and McFarland and Eustis,
and that he had sure information of their being passengers in
the Trent.

" While some parley was going on upon this matter, Mr.
Slidell stepped forward and told the American officer that the
four persons he had named were standing before him. The
commander of the Trent and Commander Williams protested
against the act of taking by force out of the Trent these four
passengers, then under the protection of the British flag. But
the San Jacinto was, at that time, only two hundred yards
from the Trent, her ships' company at quarters, her ports
open, and tompions out. Resistance was, therefore, out of the
question, and the four gentlcm'" before named were forcibly
taken out of the ship. A furthei demand was made that the
commander of the Trent should proceed on board the San
Jacinto, but he said he would not go unless forcibly compelled
likewi.se, and this demand was not insisted on.

" It thus appears that certain individuals have been
forcibly taken from on board a British vessel, the ship of a
neutral power, while such vessel was pursuing a lawful and
innocent voyage — an act of violence which was an affront to
the British flag and a violation of the international law."

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432

The Life ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

.;'r f'-i\

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Pill

,> i_

Lord Russell then states the conclusions arrived at by the
Imperial Government :

Her Majesty's Government having in mind the friendly relations
which have long subsisted between Great Britain and the United
States are willing to believe that the U.S. naval officer who committed
this aggression was not acting in compliance with any authority from
his Government, or that if he conceived himself to be so authorized,
he greatly misunderstood the instructions which he had received.
The Government of the United States must be fully aware that the
British Government could not allow such an affront to its national
honour to pass without full reparation ; and Her Majesty's Govern-
ment are unwilling to believe that it could be the deliberate intention
of the Government of the United States unnecessarily to force into the
discussion between the two Governments, a question of so grave a
character, and with regard to which the whole British nation would
be sure to entertain such an unanimity of feeling. Her Majesty's
Government, therefore, trusts that when the matter shall have been
brought under the consideration of the Government of the United
States, that Government will, of its own accord, offer to the British
Government such redress as alone could satisfy the British nation,
namely, the liberation of the four gentlemen and their dehvery to your
Lordship, in order that they may again be placed under British
protection, and a suitable apology for the aggression whicli has been
committed. Shoukl these terms not be offered by Mr. Seward, you
will propose them to him. You are at liberty to read this despatch
to the Secretary of State, and if lie shall desire it, you will give him
a copy of it. I am, etc.,

Russell.

The contents of this despatch were at once communicated
to Mr. Seward, who replied, admitting the correctness of the
position taken, and intimating that the four prisoners, then
held in military custody at Fort Warren, would be cheerfully
liberated and returned to the protection of the British flag.
They were accordingly at once given up and placed on board
the British sloop of war, Rinaldo^ which got under weigh
and proceeded to England.

The settlement of the affair did not, however, remove
the feeling of distrust and anxiety which had arisen and it
was felt that military preparations were a paramount neces-
sity. Honourable John A. Macdonald was gazetted Minister
of Militia, and organization and drilling went on without

The "Trent" Akfaik.

433

the

flag.

abatement. Corps of militia were formed in every locality
and all arrangements made to protect the country should
further complications take place. Every mail steamer, as
well as regular and chartered transports, brought troops from
the mother land, and, before long, garrisons were placed in
Quebec, Montreal, Kingston, Toronto, Hamilton, London,
Guelph, St. John's, Chambly, Isle aux Xuoix, Niagara, Port
Dalhousie, Port Colbourne, Dunnville and St. Catherines.
Happily their services were not required, peaceful counsels
prevailed and Canada was spared the terrible calamity of
being the battle ground of the two contending forces.

The new Parliament met on March 20, 1862, when Sir
Allan McNab was elected Speaker of the Upper House, and
Mr. Turcotte, Speaker of the Lower House. The latter was
the Government candidate and was opposed by Mr. Sicotte.
The division list showed a majority of thirteen for the
Ministry.

Two other vacancies were created in the Government by
the appointment of Mr. Vankoughnet to the position of
Chancellor of Upper Canada in the room and stead of Hon-
ourable W. H. Blake resigned, and of Mr. J. C. Morrison to be
a judge of the Court of Common Pleas. Their places and
that of Mr. Rose were filled by the appointment of Honour-
able James Patton to be Solicitor-General, Mr. John Beverly
Robinson to be President of the Council, and Mr. John
Carling to be Receiver-General. The latter was returned for
London by acclamation, Mr. Robinson beat Mr. Bowes in
Toronto by 527, but Mr. Patton was beaten by Mr.
McMurrich in Saugeen division by a large majority.

During the recess a commission, consisting of several
members of the Ministry and prominent officers, had been
appointed to prepare a plan for the better organization of the
Department of Adjutant-General of Militia, and the best
means of re-organizing the militia of the province.

Their report, published early in April, recommended an
active force of fifty thousand men, field batteries to be com-
posed of eighty-five men, troops of cavalry of fifty-three men,
and battalions of infantry of eight hundred and four men.

434 i'li' I'"'"!' f^i" ^n^ John A. Macdonald.

■■if

f ;

The usual period of training to be twenty-eight days, never
less than fourteen days, with fourteen additional for recruits.
Drill grounds and buildings to be provided in each regimental
division, the buildings to be within a stone or brick wall,
capable of defence against sudden attack.

On May 2nd Mr. Macdonald introduced a Bill founded on
this report. After a full exposition of the objects of the mea-
sure, he said that if fifty thousand men were raised and drilled
for twenty-eight days, the expense, including clothing, would
approach $ 1, 000,000, and it might possibly exceed that sum.
The cost of the armouries would vary according to place. In
country districts they would not be expensive, and he estim-
ated sixty armouries would cost $3,000 a piece, or with drill
grounds, etc., the cost would be $4,000 a piece. He provided
for both volunteer and regular militia. There was no estimate
for the cost of arms, for it was the intention of the Adminis-
tration to ask the British Government to supply them. On
the 20th the Bill came up for its second reading, when it was
thrown out by a majority of 7 — (61 to 54). An analysis of the
division list shows that 32 Upper Canadians voted for the Bill
and 24 against it, and that 21 Lower Canadians voted for the
Bill and 2)7 against it. The objections entertained by a
number of the Lower Canada members who generally sup-
ported the Ministry, had been for some time understood. The
result seems to have been anticipated in the city, for the
galleries were crowded with spectators. There was great
excitement in the House when the vote was taken, but it was
received in silence. Mr. Cartier then moved the adjournment

In consequence of this adverse vote the Carticr-Macdonald
Ministry resigned office. There was no other honourable
course open to them, for the measure had been made most
thoroughly a Government one. It might almost be said to
i^ve had an Imperial character, for it may be presumed, from
the formation of the commission appointed to consider the
question of re-organization, that the suggestions of the British
Government, made through Colonel Lyons, formed part of
the recommendations found in the report. No amendments
were offered, no alterations suggested, the vote was simply a

Macdonald-Sicotte Administration.

435

m |i

brusque refusal to listen to such proposals for sticnj^theninjj^
the militia as His Excellency's Ministers had made.

The resignation was accepted and Mr. Sandfield Macdon-
ald called upon to form an Administration, which he
succeeded in doing in connection with Mr. L. V. Sicotte, and
on the afternoon of the 24th the new Government was sworn
in as follows :

Attorney-General West, Mr. J. S. Macdonald ; Attorney-
General East, Mr. L. V. Sicotte; Receiver-General, Mr. James
Morris; Provincial Secretary, Mr. A. A. Dorion; Postmaster-
General, Mr. Foley; Commissioner of Crown Lands, Mr
William McDougall; Minister of Finance, Mr, W. P. How-
land; Commissioner of Public Works, Mr. Tessier; President
of the Council, Mr. T. D. McGee; Minister of Agriculture,
Mr. Evanturel ; Solicitor-General West, Mr. Adam Wilson ;
Solicitor-General Itast, Mr. J. J. C. Abbott.

On the following Monday, 26th, Mr. Wallbridge rose in
his place in the House and read the following as the policy of
the new Government.

First. Recognizing the federal character of the Act of
Union, and the danger at present of attempting to change the
basis of that Union, the Government will seek to remedy the
evils now encountered in the Government of Canada by
committing to the members composing the Administration
for each section respectively, the control of all matters of a
local or sectional character, the Administration as a whole
being charged with all such matters as are necessarily
common to both sections of the province.

Second. It will be admitted, as a rule, that local legislation
should not be forced on either section of the province against
the wishes of a majority of its representatives.

Third. The Government will submit a measure for the
more equitable adjustment of parliamentary representation in
each section of the province respectively.

Fourth. An amendment of the militia law will be proposed
so as to secure a proper enrollment of the available force of
the province under efficient officers ; the distribution of the
arms furnished by the Imperial authorities through officers of

I I iiK

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436

The Lifk of Sir John A. Macdonald.

battalions ; and the encouragement of the volunteer move-
ment.

/''i/i/i. The tariff will be readjusted so as to meet, as far as
possible, the demands upon the revenue ; but the readjust-
ment will be made with a due regard to the manufacturing
interests of the country.

Sixth. A Bill will be introduced to settle, in a more equit-
able manner, the relation of debtor and creditor, and to afford
relief to insolvent debtors in an economical manner, such Bill
being made to apply to the whole province.

Seventh. A system of retrenchment, including every
branch of public service, will be adopted with a view to reduce
the annual expenditure of the country within its income.

Eighth. Her Majesty's decision with reference to the seat
of government will be maintained. A thorough investigation
into all matters connected with the public buildings at Ottawa
will immediately be made so soon as the investigation can be
completed, and contracts ascertained to be such as to permit
work to be proceeded with under them. No time will be lost
in endeavouring to place the matter in a condition to make
satisfactory progress.

Mr. Loranger then explained the policy in French, and
stated that it was the intention of the Government to ask the
House to pass certain public Bills, including a portion of the
Tariff Bill of the late Finance Minister, and then prorogue
Parliament to meet in January next. He proposed asking the
House to hold two sessions each day until prorogation.

A debate ensued, in course of which the leaders of the late
Administration stated that they did not intend offering any
opposition at that time.

Parliament only sat for another fortnight, and was pro-
rogued on June 9th, after making some amendments to
the militia law.

On July 3rd Lord Monck was entertained at a public din-
ner at Montreal, and availed himself of the opportunity to
give the following sensible advice on the question of national
defences :

" Gentlemen, it would be madness in us if we did not recog-

■■^■1

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%¥:;,

THE REV. DR. WILLIAMSON,
Vice-Principal Queen's ColUge, Kingston, brother-in-law of Sir John A. Macdonald.

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t

LnKI) MoNCK's Sl'KlXll.

4yj

nizc the ^ravc fact of the existence of a numerous army in that
country to the south of us which, up to this moment, has been
the abode of peaceful inchistry. Do not suppose that I am an
alarmist, and that I entertain any expectation that we shall be
immediately attacked. I entertain no such idea. Hut I shall
now read you some words that express my sentiments full)-, and
better than I can do m\self. Thev come, I may inform \-ou,
from one who has lon^ held the front rank amon^^ iCnj^flish
statesmen. Here they are, — ' Hut if you want to be on terms
of perfect friendship with a j^reat nei^hbourin^^ i)owcr — a
power of great military and great naval resources — if \'ou
want to preserve your independence, and, at the sann,' time,
your friendship with that power, you can only accomplish
that object by being perfectly prepared to defend \-ourself
from attack. It is not necessary that you should anticipate
attack. It is not at all a part of your p(jlic)' that )<)U should
say, ' I will only prepare myself for defence when I see an
attack coming.' It ought to be the constant position of a
country that wants to maintain friendly relations with its
neighbours, and to hold that position in the world which its
importance and dignity recjuire, not to be prei)ared for
aggression, but to be constantly in a state of sufficient
defence.' These are the words of the oldest, the most
sagacious, the most popular of Hritish statesmen— a man
under whom I served my apprenticeship in politics — the
ablest statesman in iMigland I may call him. I mean the
present noble Prime Minister.

" I may remark that, in case of aggression on any part of the
Hritish dominions, the whole resources of the empire will be
put forth to defend the part attacked, no matter from what
part the attack may come or in what possession of the exten-
sive dominions of Great Hritain the assault may be delivered.
But, when I say, ' whole resources of the empire,' you must
remember that the colonies form part, and that, in my mind,
colonial resources are for the purposes of defence, imperial
resources. I will not attempt now to lay down the amount of
protection that could be co itributed from what I will not call
Imperial, but the Home a' id Colonial resources, in case of war.

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440 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

In the first place 1 have no authority to speak about the
matter, and in the next place I believe that all experience
will lead colonies to the conclusion that no such subject will
be dealt with in a niggard form. Jiut although I am not
empowered to tell you Jwhav England will do, I can give you
a fair statement of what she cannot do. She cannot, alone,
supply men to defend Canada ; the strong armies which must
be arrayed against the enemy must come from the people
of Canada themselves. I am perfectly satisfied from the
spirit I have witnessed among the people, and the exertions
which, with their limited means, thcj' ha\c matle to put them-
selves in a position of defence, that they will not be found
wanting should the day of danger unhappily arise.

" What I wish to impress upon Canadians is this, not
that they should rai^c a standing army, or engage in any
large expenditure, but that they should take such measures
as will enable them, in a sudden emergenc}-, to put forth
their strength to meet any attack. I speak in the presence
of a great mercantile community and I only ask j^ou to take
the common precautions of every merchant, in the case of
venture, to ensure against risk or loss, l^ut, gentlemen, the
insurance which I ask you to effect has this advantage over
the ordinarily commercial business transaction, that, not only
will you suffer less should it take place, but, in all probability,
the moral effect prochiced by the insurance will prevent the
risk ever taking place."

Lord Mor.ck's speech was looked upon as a very signifi-
cant utterance, intended, at once, to convey to our neighbours
the intimation that Great Britain would defend Canada at
all costs and to express to Canadians the opinion of the
Home Government that we must show ourselves prepared
to assist in the defence, to the utmost of our abilit)'. There
had just arrived, the speech of ti.c Duke of N-'wcastle on
the rejection of the Carticr-^Licdonald Militia Bill, in which
he stated that he would use all his influence to obtain an
effective militia law for Canada, and it was, therefore, pre-
sumed that His Excellency was acting under the inspirations
of the Colonial Off ce, and had been instructed to urge upon

Lord Monck's Speech.

441

the people of this country the necessity for such measures
as would ensure that a defensive front might be at all times
opposed to the cupidity of an enemy. His words attracted
wide attention, not only in Canada but in the United States.
In the latter country they were accepted as a fair warning
of what might be expected should they venture upon a policy
of aggression, whilst, in Canada, the assurance of Britain's
readiness to defend us from attack inspired a feeling of con-
fidence and security.

ill

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♦

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1 1!

CHAPTER XX.

1862 — (Conti)iiu'(i).

Feeling in England over vole on Militia Bill — The London Times article — Death
of Sir Allan McNah — Election of Honourable Alexander Campbell to Speak-
ership of Legislative Council — Resignation of Honourable A. A. Dorion —
Session of 1863 — Passage of the Separate School Bill — Comments of the
Gloiie — Honourable John A. MacdonaW's want of confidence motion — Defeat
of the Macdonald-Sicotle Government — The Assembly refuse to go on with
business — Dissolution — Reconstruciion of Cabinet — Formation of Macdonald-
Dorion (lovernment — Attack by Honourable D'Arcy McGee on his late
colleagues — Result of the elections,

THE rejection of the Militia Bill caused the greatest dis-
appointmment in England. Canadians had behaved so
well during the Trent afYair that they had won the respect and
esteem of their friends across the water, now all this was
changed and they were charged with disinclination to defend
themselves the moment their pockets were to be toucl'ed.
The London Times spoke very plainly, and it would be well
if people of this country allowed its words to sink djcply
into their hearts and memories, for they are as true and as
pertinent to-day as they were in 1862, and will continue to
be until the time arrives when we are able to stand forth as
a separate and independent nation, able to defend ourselves
against all attacks, the ally and equal of Great Britain in
every respect. We reproduce the greater part of the article :

" It is difficult to read without emotion of some kind
the announcement that, at the present time and under exist-
ing circumstances, the Canadian Parliament has refused a
second reading to the Bill fof establishing an efficient
militia for the defence of the province. Let us make all
possible deductions and allowances before we give way to
that emotion — be it regret, surprise, or indignation. The
Militia Bill, which was rejected, proposed to raise a force of
50,000 men and a reserve of 50,000 more. Such a measure
could not be carried out without a very heavy expense, and
at a great amount of private loss and inconvenience. The
Ministry has resigned and the question is in the hands of

the people of Canada. Time is given for reconsideration.

442

TiiK "Times" on the Militia Bill

443

We trust it will be well used, and, In order as far as possible
to attain that result, we will endeavour to put the question
before Canada from the point of view in which it is likely
to strike the mother country.

" In the first place the Parliament of Canada has shown
itself signally wanting in those instincts of liberty which urge
a free people to fly to arms on the least surmise of danger
from foreign enemies. It is to us inconceivable that 3,000,000
of civilized people can watch the explosions of the great
American volcano, without realizing to themselves the fact
that the fiery flood, which is desolating so large and so fair a
portion of the earth's surface, may come even to them, and,
were it not for what we have seen, we should have thought it
equally impossible to them to perceive this danger without
taking every measure in their power to anticipate and prevent
its approach. The only solution that can be offered for so
strange a fact is that Canada has learnt to trust to others for
the performance of services for which weaker and less wealthy
populations are wont to rely exclusively on themselves. We
have intersected Canada with canals intended for her military
defence, and paid for out of the Imperial treasury. We have
always garrisoned her fortresses, and paid for repairs and
alterations ; as if these fortresses had been everything to us
and nothing to the people in whose country they are situated.
It is, perhaps, not very wonderful that persons educated under
such a system should come to consider themselves relieved
from the sterner duties of life, and be content to lean on
remote and uncertain defenders, instead of on their own
efforts.

" There seems a disposition in Canada to treat the question
whether the colony should arm in its own defence or not, as
one in which the colony itself has only a very secondary' and
indirect interest. The question is assumed to be, not whether
the colony can defend itself, but whether the dut)' of defend-
ing her efficiently shall be undertaken by anvonc. This is nut
a question, as some would make it appear, of loyalty to the
British connection. It has, in fact, but little to do with the
matter. If Canada had wholly cmanci]iated herself from the

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444 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

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British Empire, she would not, by that means, have emanci-
pated herself from the imperious duty of self-defence. If
Canada remains ever so firmly attached to England, the duty
of self-reliance will still cling to her. It is time to speak out
and to despise the illusions which have misled men's minds in
other and quieter times. People have thought — nay we trace
something of this feeling in the very able speech of Mr. Rose,
upon which we lately commented — that, if separated from
England, Canada would have no further concern with questions
of war or peace, such as she has at present, and that the only
chance of her being involved in hostilities is her present
connection with Great Britain. We are disposed to hold the
exact contrary of this, and to think it far more likely that
Great Britain should be involved in war on account of Canada
than that Canada should be involved in war on account of Great
Britain. Let Canada look carefully to her own circumstances ;
let her statesmen study the tone of the American press, and
the strange and momentous position of affairs on the American
continent. How long will the present civil war afford
employment to 700,000 armed men ? Or, if the war itself,
should not abate, how long will the American Government
be able to bear the vast strain on their finances which the
payment of such an army implies ? And when the time has
at last arrived when, either from the termination of civil strife,
or the failure of money and credit, the United States are no
longer able to support their vast army, what is to prevent that
army from marching towards the northern frontier, and
satiating its revenge ; its love of plunder and conquest, in the
rich and unwasted provi res, of Canada?

" Let not the Canadi^-is deceive themselves by supposing
that these things only threaten them because they are a
dependency of the British Crown, and that the moment the
link is broken the danger of invasion is destroyed with it.
The danger will be exactly in proportion to the prospect of
success, and Canada will be just so much more likely to be
invaded as an independent province as she would be more
likely to be conquered. Let not the Canadians, on the other
hand, believe that they have in their present connection with

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TlIK "TiMKS" ON THK MlI.ITIA l^ILI,.

447

Great Britain a sufficient protection a<^ain.st invasions without
taking any trouble to defend themselves. Such an opinion is
founded on a mistake both of our power and our will. It is
not in our power to send forth from this little island a military
force sufficient to defend the frontier of Canada against the
numerous armies which have learnt arms and discipline in the
great school of the present civil war. Our resources are
unequal to so large a concentration of force on a single point,
our empire is too vast, our population too small, our antag-
onist too pov rful. But, if we had the power, it is quite
certain that we should not have the will. Opinion in England
is perfectly decided that in the connection between the mother
country and the colony the advantage is infinitely more on
the side of the child than of the parent. We no longer
monopolize the trade of the colonies ; we no longer job their
patronage. We cannot hope froin them any assistance for
defending our own shores, while we are bound to assist in
protecting theirs. We cannot even obtain from this very
colony of Canada reasonably fair treatment for our manufac-
tures, which are taxed twenty-five per cent, on their value, to
increase a revenue which the colonies will not ajiply to our, or
even their own, defence. There is little reciprocit)' in such a
relation. Should the colony wish to put an end to it, wc
should never draw the sword to defend it, and if Canada will
not fight to protect its independence fn^n foreign invasion
neither will England.

" The question is not one of Canada dissolving or main-
taining its connection with Great Britain. That it may
dissolve almost at pleasure. The question is of destroying or
maintaining its own liberty and independence, of being a self-
governed commonwealth, or perhaps, as is talked of for the
south, a subjugated territory of the United States. The
question is much simpler than the Canatlians seem to think.
If they are to be defended at all, they must make uj) their
minds to bear the greater part of the burden of their own
defence. This will be the case if they separate from us, this
will be the case if they remain by us. It is said that the
French-Canadians are led by national jealous)- to oppose the

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448 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

Militia Bill, but the French-Canadians must feel that the
choice is not between England and independence, but
between England and the United States. Let not the
Canadians suppose that we are pleading our cause rather than
their own. To us the exposure of Canada to foreign invasion
is a secondary matter, to Canada herself it is life and death.
Let her arm by all means, but let her arm, not for our sake,
but for her own."

Other papers had articles written in the same strain, and
their utterances coupled with the speeches in the Imperial
Parliament, left no doubt that every one was disappointed at
the defeat of the Militia Bill, and that this feeling was
increased by the meagre provisions of the new Government
in the Act it had passed.

On August 8th Sir Allan McNab passed away after a
brief illness. He had been laid up at his residence, Dundurn,
near Hamilton, with an attack of gastric fever, but a fatal
termination was not expected. His sudden demise caused
a feeling of general regret. He was distinguished for his
abilities as a soldier, a lawyer and a politician. He possessed
courage, activity and self-reliance, qualities which gave him
extraordinary force of character. He had a handsome person,
a pleasing address, a tact which never failed him in any posi-
tion or under any circumstances. In his home he displayed
a liberal hospitality which secured him many friends. Sir
Allan was twice married, and left behind him three daughters,
married respectively to Assistant-Commissary General Daven-
port, Viscount Bury and Mr. Daly, son of Sir Dominick Daly.
Long an active leader in the affairs of the province aud asso-
ciated with all the great events for the last half century, his
death was deeply felt by thousands who took part in the
same events and witnessed the same scenes.

The session of 1863 opened on February 12th, when the
Honourable Alexander Campbell was unanimously elected to
the Speakership of the Legislative Council made vacant by
the death of Sir Allan McNab.

During the recess Mr. A. A. Dorion had retired from the
Ministry, the reasons whereof were now demanded by Mr.

Till-: Ski'aratk Sriiooi, Him..

449

Carticr and explained by Mr. Sicottc to be because he
believed that the state of the finances would not permit the
building of the InterctjJonial Railway and he had declined to
return to office because the nej^otiations were not completed.

The debate on the Address as usual took up the first
fortnight of the session, during which several amendments
were offered, the most important of uhich was that on the
representation question by Mr. M. C Cameron. The division
showed that the Lower Canadians were op[)oscd to a chan<;e,
and that their view was shared by those from Central Canada,
but that W'estcrn Canada was stron<j;ly in favour of it. It was
netjativcd by a lar^e vote.

Mr. George lirown, at this time, was returned for South O.x-
ford where he was opposed by the nominee of the Reform con-
vention, Mr. Hodwell, but won the election b\- a majority of 275,

The Separate School Hill of Mr. R. W. Scott passed its
third rcadinj^ on March 13th, a larye number of the Upper
Canada supporters of the Government votinij^ against it to the
threat anno)'ance of the Prime Minister. Commcntin;^ upon
this the Gloht\ which had bitterl}' opposed the measure, said :
"The Sectarian School Hill of the member for Ottawa has been
pas.sed throu<;h a third reading, but we are happy to say that
an Upper Canada majority of nine was recorded agaiii-^t it.
Happy are we to say, also, that only ftjur members of the late
Opposition voted for the Hill — In^ley, McUougall, Patrick and
Wilson. The rest — Mr. Sandfield Mactlonald excepted — are
all Conservatives. Mr. John .V. Macdonald said he was
avenged for the oblocjuy cast upon him for his Separate
School l^ill of 1S54, but his appetite for \engeance must
be very easily ap[)eased if he is satisfied with a poor triumph
over h'olcy, McOougall, Wilson and Patrick. We can tell
him that the Reform jjarty still remains intact on dn's
question, in spite of the recreancy (jf a {iiw indivitluals, and
that the passage of Mr. Scott's Hill will tell against him and
his followers as well as against the members of the Govern-
ment. He may rejoice that he has a few more partners in his
reckless sacrifice of Upper Canadian interests and princii)lcs —
that is all he has gained.

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TiiH LiFK OK Sir Ioiin A. Macdonai.i*.

" When Mr. John A. MactlonaUl said that the sui)[)C)rtcr.s
of the Government should ha\ e u arned the Premier w hen he
took office that they would vote a<;ainst this Hill, the Premier
cried ' Hear, hear,' and it is said that he is very wrathful with
his western supporters and threatens to resign. The indiijna-
tion of the two Macdonalds that Reform members did not
warn the Ministry that they would vote as they have always
voted on Mr. Scott's Bill is worthy of remark. What grounds
h id these members to suppose that they would be asked to
vote differently, that they should volunteer the statement that
they would preserve their consistency ? What right had the
Premier to expect that the Reformers of the west would sell
themselves to the hierarchy in order to keep him in power?
All honour is due to the champions of unsectarian education
who have withstood so nobly the threats as well as the bland-
ishments of men in office. They will have their reward in
the gratitude of the people of Upper Canada, after the men
who have betrayed a great and good cause have sunk beneath
the contempt of their fellow citizens."

On May ist, when Mr. Sicotte, in the absence of the
Finance Minister, moved the House again into Committee of
Supply, Mr. Macdonald rose and moved in amendment :

" That the Speaker do not now leave the chair, but that it
be resolved that the Administration, as at present constituted,
is not deserving of the confidence of this House."

He remarked " that this was the best course to pursue
as it was the fairest to the gentlemen opposite, and the
least calculated to obstruct the business of the country. He
felt that the present Ministry would scorn to hold office if
it were shown that they did not possess the confidence of
the House. If it transpired that the Government had a
working majority, the Opposition would be willing to acknow-
ledge the fact, and continue, as heretofore, to assist in the
transaction of the business of the House, without offering
a factious opposition. He read from a speech delivered by
the late Robert Peel, in moving a similar resolution in the
House of Commons, in which he said that a direct vote of
want of confidence was the only honest course for the Opposi-

His Motion ok Want oi loni-tdknci:.

45'

tion to take ; .iiicl acklctl lliat it was a much less caiuliti
course to obstruct le^islatitni by opposing some particular
measure of the Government. He (Mr. Macdoiiald; also
thouj^ht that this was true of the course he was about to
take in moving this resolution. The motion was made in
a political sense altogether. He had the hii^hest respect,
personally and socially, for certain members of the (j(jvern-
mcnt, which, he hoped, would continue. (Ilear, liear). He
went on to speak of the rejection of the Militia Hill, the
year previous, and of the impression created in lCn<jland by
that vote. When he and some of his colleagues were in
England he endeavoured to remove that false impression by
declaring that the vote was not the result of our objecticni
to provide proper means of defence ; but because the Opposi-
tion had not confidence in the Ministry. This was what he
stated to those with whom he had intercourse in the mother
country. (Mr. Brown, 'Hear, hear"). He felt it a duty
he owed to the country to say so in oriler that the people
of England might not believe that the people of this country
were indifferent to the qurstion of defence.

Mr. Macdonald then proceeded to speak of the measures
which had been brought down by the Government. " The
Insolvency Hill, he considered ill jjreparcd, im|)crfect and
had undergone such changes in committee that it was no
longer a Government Hill. The Militia liill (night t(j be
called a bill to deprive the country of all means of defence ;
it was utterly inadequate for the purpose of providing proper
defence. He charged the Government with indifference U)
the question until forced to take it up by the Governor-
General, and quoted from the ccirrcspondcnce, which had
taken place between Lord Monck and the Premier, to sus-
tain the assertion. After an exhaustive review of the whole
case he concluded by saying that he thought the House
would agree with him, that the Ministry had been weighed
in the balance and found wanting, and was no longer deserv-
ing of the confidence of the House or the country. (Loud
cheers).

Mr. Sandfield Macdonald replied, agreeing upon the pro

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452 TiiK I -I IK 01 Siu John A. Macdonai.I).

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pric-ty of testing- the feeling of tlu- I louse, ancl sayitij; that
the (jovcniinciil would staiul or fall b)- its policy and not
hokl office if it ilid not possess the confidence of the Assend)I\\
A fierce debate followed, which lasted for a week, and in
which all the leadin^^ men participated. At the end of that
time a vote was taken and resulted in the Ministr)- bein^f
defeated in a very full House by 64 to 59. The Tremier
at once moved an adjournment until the fi)llowing Monday
which was agreed to.

At the next meetinfj of the Assembl)- Mr. Saiidfield
Mactlonald announced that the Govcrmnent had tlccided
that the country should be a|)pealed to, and that it was
their intention to proceed w ith the business that had arrived
at a certain sta^^c of ad\'ancement in order, that, as soon as
possible, the proceedings should be brou^dit to a close.

This ])roposition was objected to b\' the Opposition, and
Mr. C'artier moved the adjournment of the House. After a
warm discussion, in which Messrs. J. S. Macdonald, Hrown,
Dorion and Drummond ojjjiosed the motion, and Messrs. J.
H. Cameron, John A. Macdonald, Rose, C'artier, and Dunkin
supported it, a vote was taken and the motion was carried.

The effect of the course of the Opposition in declining to
proceed with business while the Ministry held office, in defiance
of the vote of non-confidence, was that the I'remier asked the
Governor-General for prorogation with a \iew to immediate
dissolution, which was granted and carried out on the followir'^"
day, the proclamation dissolving;- Parliament following the
.sec(jnd day after.

Mr. Sandfield Macdonald thout^ht that he could strengthen
himself by reconstructing his Cabinet. A new Government
wa.s accordingly sworn in on May 16th, as follows :

Honourable J. Sandfiekl Macdonald, xAttorney-Gcneral
West ; Honourable VVm. McDougall, Commissioner of Crown
Lands ; Honourable Oliver Mowat, Postmaster-General ;
Honourable Lewis VVallbridge, Solicitor-General West ; Hon-
ourable William P. Howland, Receiver-General ; Honour-
able A. J. Fcrguson-Blair, Provincial Secretary ; Honourable
L. H. Holton, Finance Minister ; Honourable A. A. Dorion,

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i<r.( ONSTKrc TION OF (..'AI1INI.T.

45 1

the

Attorncy-Cicncral l-'.asl ; I loinmrahlr Lcttcliti dc St. Just,
Miiiistcrof Agriculture; Honourable M. Thibauileau, Presicktit
of the Council.

It was rumoured at the time that, while some of the old
members had refused to hold office under the circumstances,
others had been ousted from the Cabinet a^Minst their wishes.
Mr. McCiee confirmed these statements in his speech at the
nomination for Montreal. He denounced the new Ministi}- as
havin^r no j)f)licy, or, if it had one, wantin«j the coura^'e to
declare it. He spoke bitterly of the renunciation of principle
by the Premier, and declined to follow such a man any lon-^er :
if he followed any man it would be one with steady principles
and courage, and not a piece of dough which was mouldetl
into one shape to-day, and into another shape to-morrow. I le
thus explained the Ministerial changes :

" After the defeat of the Ministry on .May 7th, according
to constitutional usage they had the right to appeal from the
verdict of the Assembly to that of the people b\' ailvising a
dissolution. On the following day they exercised this right,
and the Governor-(ieneial at once granted a dissolution, liut
the intrigues and reconstruction of the Ministry which follow ed
defeated the object in \iew, and it was here that the pro-
rogativc was violated, the Crown abused, and the people
cheated out of their right to pronounce on the policy and acts
of the Administration. One Government gave the advice to
dissolve, and another for the elections: the dissolution intended
for the Ciovcrnment which had been defeated was taken
possession of b)' one which had not been rejected by the
Assembly, which had never been bcfcjre it, and which could
not have advised a diss(;lution. We advised a dissolution,
which was gi\en to us, the same Ministry that I'arliament h.'.d
condemned, t(j the only one which could have the right to ask
it, and after the dissolution, but before the writs were issued,
an intruding Government, unknown to Parliament and the
people, interferes and, by a private arrangement, possesses
itself of our position, expels us from office, kicks down the
platform on which we stood, itself having no policy on which
to appeal to the country.

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454 TnK I.iFK OF Sir John A. Macdonai,!).

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"The intri<^ucrs in Quebec li.ul been a u liole week coii-
coctinL,^ tlie new pl.in by wliich Messrs. Jlohon and Doriou
were added to the (jovernment, but allh()U.L;li these two
Lj^entlemen and (jthers met every tla\' in a room lUider my (n\n,
maturintj their plans, I did not see or lu^ar froUi them from the
"th, when the Ministr)- was defeated, until the 14th, when I
l('ft (Juebec for Montreal, nor was I then told of the nature of
the arrauLremcnt. Althoujjh in the oath of office taken b\-
Ministers the\' are sworn to advise and coiiunuiu'cate to each
other those thinL,^s which concern them, none of m\- former
colleaLjiies, now in the new Ministr\-, nad informed me of what
was j^oin;^ on. Tlie wliole Lower Canadian section of the
;jo\ernment sent in their resis^nations alter learning c)f these
intri<^ues, the account of which, as L;iven in the joiUMials, was
substantial 1}' correct.

"It was ainusing to hear the friends of Messrs. Ilolton and
Dorion accusini^" me of having,*- deserted them. I have not
intri^i^aicd at^^ainst them, Ijut they have intriL;ued a<^ainst me
and deserted mc, and tliey will yet regret it. I ha\e defied
them, and am prepared to L;i\e that defiance effect. Mr-
Dorion has not acted as a friend to me, althous^h I ha\e
worked harder to secure his re-election in Montreal than I
have ever wcM'ked for m\self Ministers and their friends have
forced me to the battle, and I will show them what fii;ht I
can do. John Sandfield Maedonald will be Premier so lont^ as
Mr. (jeori(c l^rown chooses, and no U)nL;er ; there is no love
lost between thein. i'ersonall}-, the Prenu'er has no followers,
and but a few months a^o the two were eiiLjaped in a
.scandalous controversy in the newspapers on the polic\' of the
Brown-Dorion (io\ernment, in\-ol\ini;" a ([ueslion of veracitx'."'

The utterances of others confiinied .Mr. Mc(iee's statemiMit,
and, althouLjh Mr. Sandfield Maedonald ma\- have ^ot
valuable men in the place of liis oUl Ministers, he tlid so at the
expense of the supjjort and i^ood-will of those of the latter
who had not been offereil ])ortfolios in the reconstructed
Cabinet.

Ihe Ciovcrnment first broUL;ht on the elections in th()se con-
stituencies where the}' thoui;ht themsebes safest, and amongst

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III.

SIR JOHN AS A vol NO MAN

(/•'mm ,1 f>tiintiiii^ nit /••/■,).

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437

:jtlici' pl.icc's, those for the cil)- of Montrciil, where two ineiii-
bers of the ;\(hiiiiiistrHtioii, I lonourables L. II. IIoUon^
Finance Mim'ster, aiul A. A. Dorion, Attorney-Cieneral West,
together with Mr. Youn<^r, had offered themselves as candi-
dates, and "\ere opposed by I lonourables John Rose, (1. Iv
Cartier, and T. 1). Mc(iee. The pollini^ took place on Jun;-
8th and 9th, in<l all three Ministerial candidates were defeated,
the majorities for their oppcjnents bein^, ("artier 676, Mc(jee
750, Rose 88.

Thv, nomination of cantlidates for the cit)' of Kingston took
place on June 12th, when Mr. OverttMi ( jildersleexe was
proposed as the Reform candidate to contest the rcliu'ii of the
Honourable John A. Mactlonald. lie was a po|)ular and
influential man, well known in the constituency, and altogether
as ilan^erous an anta;^rfniist as could ha\e been selected. Hoih
candidates realized the importance of the stru^|;le, and left no
stone unturned to insure success. The ;;rounds upon whic h
Mr. Macdonald relied may be i^atlieretl from the plac.;rds
is.sued in liis name which were headed :

M.\( DONALD

and liritish Connection.

Macdonald

and Protection to Home Industry.
Macdonald

and University Reform.
Macdonald

and no tolls nn the canals.

The pollin^rtook jjlace on June 19th and 20th, and it was a
sinjj^ular coincidence that Mr. Macdonald secured e.xactlx- the
.same number of votes as in his pri\ious electif^n, while .Mr.
Gildersleeve (obtained only one less than Mr. Mowat rcceixc-d
on that occasion.

The result of tiie contest was, that the (iovermnenl secured
a majority in L'pper Canada, and the Opposition secured a
majority in Lou tr Canada, and eai h side claimed that the
first vote would show that the\- had been sustained In' the
countr\'.

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CH A PTI<: R XXI.

Summer Session of 1863 — Debate on Speakership — Tlie I lonourablc John A.
Macdonald compares the 1 .emier to l*'rankeiislcin's Monster— Oovernnient
:iiislaine(i l)y 66 to 5.S -Warm Attacks on re-constructed Ministry —
Aljandonmeiil of Principles of "Double Majority" and " Kepresentation
b) Population"' -Mr. Sicotte's charj^es of ]5ad Treatment — Mr. Foley and
Mr. Alctiee explain h(JW they were dismissed from the Ciovernment - Mr.
Sicotte's Amendment to the Address — Mr. Sandlield Macdonald's Attack
on Mr. Mc(;ee-Mi'. Mc( lee's reply Mr. Sicotte's Apjiointnienl as
Judj;e —.Mr. (.'ockburn's Kes')lution — Dr. Jiown's Speech in favour of
Motion — tioverninent sustained by a majority of 2 — Close of Session.

THI'' new Parliament \va.s called together on Au-^^ust 13th.
Mr. Tcs.sicr wa.s elected Speaker of the Upi)er Moiiso
\vilh(jul a divi.sion. In the Legislative Assembly Mr. Saiid-
ficld Macdonald propo.sed the Honourable Lewis Wallbriugc
as Speaker, the mot.'on bein^ .seconded by Mr. Dorion. A
warm debate ensued in which the late Ministers took part.
Mr. P'oley declared that although he would support the
motion, it was not to be accepted as expressinj^ confidence in
the tioverninent. Mr. Sicotte denounced the Administration,
and said that as the gentlemen on tho treasur)' benches did
not possess his confidence, he was not going to stultify himself
by vcjting for one of their number as Speaker. Mr. McGee
believed that the Ministry were usurpers of an official
character, and that when the time arrived he would vote want
of confidence in tliem.

Mr. John A. Macdonald took strong ground against
the appointment of Mr. VVallbridge — then .Solicitor-General
West — remarking that this was the first instance in nu 'crn
iMiglish history, since the time (»f Charles II., that a member
of the Government was proposed as Speaker. It showed an
utter ignorance of constitutional usage on the i)art of the
Ministry. 1 le created a great deal of amu.sement by compar-
ing Mr. S.'uullield Macilonald to J^'rankenstein, who gave
existence to a monster that pursued him to his death. George
Hrciwn was the intellectual monster created by the Premier,
and he would kill him yet. The movement was intensified
when Mr. S.uidfield Macdonald rose to repl)-, and being, it is
presumed, unacciuainted with Mrs. Shelle\'s well-known novel,

4.S.S

^i.^k^ ,

FraNKKNSTKIN'S MoNSTKk.

459

/ant

iiicr,
ificd
it is
>vcl,

aiul c(Jti found iiit,^ the name with some other (jf similar sound,
proceeded to state with tlie i^ravcst face imai^inable, that he,
himself, remembered havint^ once seen a hcjrse up(jn which
I'rankenstein used to ride !

The Premier, an<;ered by the laughter, proceeded to make
a violent attack upon Mr. Turcotte, charginc;" him with all
kinds of corruption, and commented in strong language u|)on
the sj^eeches delivered by the Opposition, lie refused to
answer Mr. Dunkin's (juestion as to whether Mr. Wallbriilge
was still Solicitor-General or not, upon the ground that until
the election of a Speaker the House was not properly
constituted.

After some hours of debate Mr. Wallbridge was elected by
a vote of 66 to 5<S.

When the motion for the adoption of the Address was
made, Mr. Cartier demanded explanations of the recent
changes in the Admininistration. Mr, Sandfield Macdonald
conceded this right, and read the motion of want of confidence
of last session, which, he said, indicated that the personnel of
the Government was not such as to command the confidence
of the House. On the day after the passing of that vote he
had intimated to Mr. Sicotte that a change must take place in
the personnel of the Lower Canada section, as he (Mr. Mac-
donald) had been supported by a majority from Upper Canada,
and suggested that Messrs. Dorion and llolton should be
invited to join the Administration. He assented, and b}-
agreement the four had met together. It was then seen that
no inducement he could cjffer would be sufficient to bring
these gentlemen in. This created embarrassment, for it was
iini)ossiblc, without some change, for them to go to the country.
On the foUowir.g Tucsda)- the resignations of Mr. Sicotte and
his colleagues were placed in his hands, and he then gave the
member for Hochelaga (Mr. Dorion) a charge t<j form the
Lower Canadian section of the Miin'stry.

In reply to a question from Mr. John A. Macdonald as
to whether there had been any change of polic}-, Mr. Sandfield
Mactlonald said that it was agreed that thi; (]uestions of the
Double Majority and Kej)resentat!on by l'o[)ulati(jn should

;•

:i ilil

! 1 i ' i

4f)0

TiiK LiKK oi" Sir John A. Macdonai.d.

not be rcjrardcd in the same li^dit as by the MacclDtiald-
Sicottc Administration ; that the loiiner should not be
insisted upon, and the latter shcnild be left an t)i)en f|uestion.

Mr. Sicotte followed, and aft( r corroborating^ part of the
Premier's statement.;, said that the latter told him that he had
replac:ed Mr. I"'oley b}' M; Mow at, and insisted that Mr.
Me(iee should cease to b member of the Cabinet. He

(Mr. Sicotte) then told Mr. Mc(iee of the Premier's decision,
and that he ac(|uicsccd in it, for rcastjns whicli he^avc. After
a conversatit)n with his Lower ( anada colleagues he informei'
Mr. Sandheld Macdonald that they had put their house in
order and were ready to proceed with the electicjtis. The
IVcmier showed a p^reat deal of dissatisfaction and >ai<l ;
" That won't do. I must have Dorion in. 1 must have tlic
Government made more acceptable U) Upper C anada, and
there is (jnly on(> way by which Messrs. Dorion and 1 lolton can
be i^revailed upon to come in, namely, that Mr. Dorion >hall
be the Lower Canadian leader" (Opp(isition derisive cheersj
I'"urthermore he said this was insisted upon by his Lppcr
Canadian supporters. He (Mr. .Sicotte) then undcrstcjod the
cau.se for all the mystery, and this was a sufficient ^^njund for
him to act upon at the Couii'il meeting on .Monday. At that
mect'n^ he remonstrated with iho I'remier and said that his
course towards him had not Ixen correct; that, as leader of
the Lower Canadian .section of the Government, he was the
Premier's ecjual, and that the I. liter's pretensions that himself
and his Lower Canadian colkaj^ntes were .so many pieces of
metal in his jiocket, which he could stamp with a nominal
value at his pleasure, were not the conditions to which he
(Mr. Sicotte) and his colleagues could submit themselves.
(Hear, hear). The Premier replied: "Then \ou know what
\-ou have to do?" Mr. ICvanturel remarked: "Oh, yes, wc
know very well, Init ^ivc us time to write our resignations. '
(Laughter). They had not attended tin; H(ju.se on that d.iy.
but had prepared their letter of resignation.

Mr. Sicott'" went on to speak of the visit paid him on U'ed-
nesday by Mr. Dorion, who said that he had been charged
with forming the Lower Canadian secticjn of the (Government

'*V>».

I'.XI'I-ANATION ()!• I'iX-MlNISTKKS.

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and that if he ( Mr. Sicollc) were williiij; to join, he iiiij^ht
select any of the offices at the (ns|)osal of that section. lie
had stfjpijed Mr. Dorion by saying- that liis course was unfair,
and that he had more reason to coini)hiin of him than of
tlie I'reniier. Ihis was the first intimation he liad received
that liis resi<4nation was accepted, and he rcprovetl the mem-
ber for llochi'la^a for taking' his place, and then offerini;
him an inferior seat in the ("abinet. He told him tliat he
never liad l)elont;ed to the Rou^e party and would not accept
office with it. Tiicsc were the facts, and he was sure Ills
collcat^ues from Lower Caiuula would bear him out in what
he said.

.Mr. I''(jle\' then explained the manner in which he had
left the ("abinet. He said he had no connection with any
of the intrigues referred to. After the defeat of the Govern-
ment he had attended the Council meetings. The onl\-
([uestion discussed was that of dissolution, lie had no idea
that there was any intention of dismissing him. On the
contrary the Premier appeared to treat him as his honourc*!
collea;j;ue, as he had always professed to r(.;^ai"d him. I'he
ne.xt nij^ht a member f>f I'arliamcnt, and a friend of his, sum-
moned him antl told him for the first time, that he had been
dismissed to make room fijr Mr. Mowat. lie could not
believe it possible, after attendin!^ two Cabinet meetings and
^M\ini( his advice with regard to a dis.solution, and ha\ ini;
a private conversation with the Premier respjctini^ the t^eneial
elections, lie heard the same thing fn>m other quarters, but
the next morniiiL;, as he received the usual notice to attend
the Coimcil meeting, he ccjucluded there was no truth in it.
At Council he demanded an explanation but did not get
.uiy. .\s the rumours grew into positive staten.ients he .sought
the Premier and stated what he had heard.

Mr. Macdonald then toltl him, in a \er)' cavalier manner,
that the 'cports were all true, and that he had to leave the
Cabinet. i'here was, thcrelbre, nothing for him but to send
in his resignation, which he did in these words: "I hereby
tender \'ou my resignatujn as Postmaster-(ieneral in your
.Xdmim'stration, regretting that your coiuluct has been such

1 !

1, !

■ \

■ f j

. 1' :

463

Tin; Liii; oi' Sii< John A. Macdonai-d.

as to prevent our ])artin^f on terms of imitiial friciulship ami
rfS|)L'it." 'I'hcsc were the facts connected with his rcsij^na-
lion, and after hearinj^r them he felt satisfied that no man,
on either side of the I I(juse, [jossessed of proper feelinj^s,
could sanction the conduct of the Attorney-Cieneral West
towards his collea<j[ues and himself TOpposition cheers).

Mr. Mc(iee next ^^ave explanations, lie said that at
the first meeting; after the adverse vote, the only (|uestif)n
discussed was that of dissoluti(;n. Mr. Sicottc endeavoured
to ^et some explanation from the Premier. The latter rejjlied
that he was not bound to answer ,iny ciuestions, and finall)',
throw in^ down a piece of paper he was tvvirlinjf in his hand,
said that Mr. Sicottc and his Lower Canadian lonfrcns mij^dit
settle it as they pleased, lie (Mr. Mc(jce) did not know
whether it was customary for Premier's to lose their heads
durint^ a crisis, but certainly that was the effect in this case.
All that had been done mi^ht have been done in such a way
as not to be offensive to that sense of honour, without which
a [)olitician was a mere carcass. During the da}' Mr. Sicottc
brought him a message from the Premier, announcing his
dismissal. It had been put on iiersonal grounds, but he had
reason to believe that if he had been a little more useful
and subservient the i)ersonal excuse would not have [)roved
insuperable.

Mr. McGcc went on to say that Mr. Dorion and Mr.
Holton had trcrted him with gross violation of party truth
and fidelity. He spoke of the representation of the Irish
clement and of the correspondence he had with the (jovcrn-
ment resjjccting his re-entering office. After the tlefeat of
Mr. Drummond it was intimated to him, through Mr. Holton,
that if he was a good boy he might come in for something.
(Laughter). He considered the conduct of the Premier as
scandalous. No man with ordinary self respect, who had
been juggled as he had been, could possibly think of going
through the humiliation of .serving again under a chief who
had shown himself so insensible to all that delicate scru-
pulousness of conduct which should exist between man and
man. Therefore he declined office.

t i

^y^

Mr. Si( (ti'i i;"s Wani' or Ci )Miiii;\( i; MdiioN. .|()

W'Ik'ii the [Idusc R'.'uhcd the tucHlh para^rapli ol ihc
Address, which was as follows :

"That iiiidcr liicsc circiiinstanccs 1 1 is 1''.>;cc:11(;ik:\- ma)"
confidently rely upon our readiness to sanction the outla\-
wliichlias thus been incurred, as well as to ])ro\ ide for the
necessary expenses of the (ioverninent for the coniin;^' jcar."
Mr, Sicotte moved, secf)nded by Mr. I'oley, that tlie folUnving
be ackled at the end thereof:

" Jkit that we re|4ret to be compelled to represent to His
Excellency tii*t the essential chan^^e of Administration after
the vote < 't , he ("ominous and after a dissolution had been
j^frantetl by the ("rown, on the advice of the Mirnstr)- as it was
tiien constituted, invohini^, as that did, the withdrawal of
two-thirds of the members of the (iovernment, and the forma-
tion of an entirely new Ministry for Lower Canada, has
j)rcvented the ])eo])le from exercising, in the maimc/ intended
by the Constitution, the important ri^dit of Liivini;" their final
decision between their representatives and the responsible
advisers of the Crown, and lias deprived the people of that
just control over both, which is essential to tiie workinj^ of a
free (iovernment. That this House feel it their dut\' to repre-
sent to His I'.xcellency that, in their opinion, the Administra-
tion was orj^ani/.ed in a manner contrary to the si)iiitofthe
("onstituticni and U> usages which ha\e so lon^ and so benefi-
cially prevailed in Canada, subversicju of the harmtJiiy which
must exist between the two sections of the province, and
that the course of the advisers of His Ivxcellency was
highly prejudicial to the ccjnduct of public affairs and to
the welfare of the people."

Mr. Sandfieiti Macdonald, in speakin<r on the mention,
made a violent and personal attack on Mr. McGee, tauntini(
him with never remaining '"'ik^ i'l "'i*-' countrx-, and never
doing good to any one, and asked what he had e\erd()m',
except lecture about the country, that gave him a right to
come to Canada and lecture the inhabitants as to what they
should do. He had only been a few jears in the country and
was still a stranger to its people. He had been obliged to
leave one or two countries bef(;rc, aud perhaj)s would find it

!|i

' ;

i!fl 1.
'id

"T~

_ _ ;,■ t

hi I

464

Tin; I.ii r. oi' Sir |(»iin A. M \( i>i •nai.h.

coiivciiiciil to IcMVc ('aiiada Ix'toic Idiil;. Was it lur him, wlio
niij^lil leave tlit- (Diiiiti)' aii\' da)' without Ix'iii^ luisscd, to
hiturc those wlio, like liimscll', f Mr. Mac(h)iiakl), wcrt: nati\c
( aiia(haiis, u ho had an iiitcrcvst in the soil and had worked
for tlic ad\aiu:ement and proi^Mcss of the province ? lie (Mr.
Mi(iet.-j was Init an eniij^rant, a peiuiiless achenturcr, and had
no rii^lit to (h'ctatc to any one. Tlie I'rcniicr, who seemed to
ha\c- worked liim.self into an nn^oveniahle passion, continued
for some time in this st\Ie, taunting' his opponent with liis
e.xpatrialion, Ins want (jf success in Hie, his ahenship and e\'en
liis po\-ert)-.

Mr. Mc(iee displaj'cd much self-control and dignity, and
re])lied in calm but brilliant terms, lie said "that the Premier
had sh(jw n what a lamentable fiL^ure could be cut by a ver)-
small man when he accidentall\- _i;i)t into a hi^h position. lIi"
asked it' a British subject conn'n_L( to ( anada was not the ecpial
of an\- man in the pro\ince, and iMititled to the same rights as
Mr. .Sandlk'ld Macdonald, who rt^prc-sented himself to be the
descc'ident oi pt'ople who had come, perhaps a hundred )'ears
at^o. To set up a claim to an extreme ri,L;ht in the soil was
antaijjonistic to emiL;ration. H)' what riL(ht did the Premier
dare speak of him or (Uhers who came from the British Isles
as aliens ami foreigners ? Was not a British subject entitled
here to the same rii;hts as in (ornuall, Donegal or Caithness?
lie (Mr. Mc(iee) was an emij^rant of to-da)-, the Premier an
emi!.;rant of \'esterda\-, and when he reviled him (Mr. McGee)
as an alien, he .s])at on the praxes of his own ancestors, h'rom
his (Mr. Sandfield Macdonald s; point of view it was derogat-
ory to the chanicter of a statesman or a ])ublic man to lecture.
Well, no doubt Mr (iladstone, who contlescended to lecture
occasionall)', would be (|uite a minnow beside the le\iathan of
(Oniwall if he hap])ened to be swimimn;^ in the same waters.
Marl knssell, Lord BroUL;ham and even the veteran Lord
Palmerston dii! not think it 1 eneath their di<4nity to lecture
before scientific associations, lie (Mr. Mc(iec; felt that he
beloiiL^ed to the pcu|)le, and, if he hail Intel liL^^ence or knou-
ledtj[e on any subject, it was a pleasure to imi)art it to them,
and he never felt happier than when contributing to make

11!

'VV.

Il^i

\ \

TlIK GuVKKN.VKNT SUSTAIN KD.

465

them iiKjrc tolerant, iiKjre iiitelli^feiit, niore inclined to ilwcll
in peace and more capable of advancin^^ in material
prosperity."

The debate on Mr. Sicotte's amcn(hTient lasted for six
days before a vote was reached, wiiich resulted in the
Ministry bein^ sustaineti by a vote of 63 to 60.

/\ week later, September 5th, to the surprise of every ouc,
Mr. Sicotte was api)ointetl judj^^e of the Superi(jr C"<jurt ol
Lower Canada. The Ministry thus j^ot a sturdy antaj^^onist
out of the way and the ()[)[)ositi(jn l(jst one (jf its prominent
members. The ap[)ointment created a profound sensati(»n
and b(jth the Gcjvernment and Mr. Sicotte came in for
very stnjnt,' criticism. The facts, as revealed, showed
that after the adjournment of the House (Jii the pre-
ceding night, September 4th, Mr Sicotte had received the
offer from the Premier, he had accepted it the next m(jrn-
ing, anti before three o'cKjck on tiie same afternoon the
appointment had been carrietl \nU) effect, lie had not con-
sulted any (if his friends or parliamentary followers. His late
political associates strongly denounced his action as corrupt,
ant! were not particular in the language they applied to one who
had so recently and so forcibly depicted the ungentlemanly
treatment he had received at the hands of the leader of the
Government. It was not denied that Mr. Sicotte would make
an excellent judge. He enjoyed a reputation fi^r learning and
uprightness, but it was felt that his jiarliamcntary career had
terminated in an unfortunate manner, the notoriety of which
would cling to him for years.

The matter was not allowed to rest here ; it was bnnight
before the Assembly by Mr. Cockburn, who moved that it be
resolved :

" That the House feel it their duty at once to express their
deep regret that His Excellency should have been advised to
make the judicial appointment, by which a vacancy has
recently been created in the representation of the county of
St. Hyacinthe, under circumstances calculated to prejudice, if
not destroy, the independence of the House and to corrupt at
its source our system of parliamentary government."

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23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580

(716) «7a-4S03

466 TnK Liu-: ui- Sir John A. i\lA< donai.d.

The rcin.'irks of the mover were able and to the point, and
delivered with a calmness and moderation appropriate to the
gravity of the subject under consideration. Those who fol-
lowed him did not place the same restraint upon themselves,
and stronjj lan'jua^e and reprehensible j)ersonalitics were
dra^j;ed into the tiebatc. Mr. Isaac Huchanan compared the
Government to " a nest of political ma^j^ots, thriving on cor-
ruption— a mere conspiracy of men banded together, not by a
community of principle, but b)- a common want of principle,"
and the Ministerialists were equally reckless in the expressions
used by them. Inasmuch as the occasion marked the sever-
ance of the connection of Dr. Hown, member for Kast Hrant,
with the party in power, and as he was a man whose name had
never been sullied by the breath of slander, whose social and
pecuniary position rendered him thorouj^hly independent, and
whose ability and moral character were beyond question, we
will select his speech as }^ivin^ the fairest viow of the way in
which the matter ])rcsented itself to men of honour untram-
elled by the ties of jjarty.

; Ic said " he did not stand in the position of an out and
out party man, and therefore could not avail himself of the
shelter affortletl by the broad win^s of party on one side of the
House or the other ; he stfKul, as it were, alone, and must
assume the responsibility of his own acts, and would stand or
fall by them. It has been laid down, time and a^ain, that the
principle, upon which patrona^a- is bestowed by a part)'
government is to tjivc it to those in whom the existing;
Government have confidence anil who have confidence in
them ; a mutual confiilence existing between the gjver and
receiver. It is not t^iven to opponents of the Ministry, to
those who think and act in antaj^onism to them, because in
such a case there is no control no confidence. This seems
sound doctrine when applietl to political offices, but there is a
hij^hcr consideration, somethinij above party, above self-
interest — the fjood of the countrj- ; and it is when the general
good is made subservient to intlividual or party interest that
faction may be said to rear its head. He would say, then,
that a Government, having the honour and good of the

Mr. Brown on Sicotte Appointment.

46Q

•■

country at heart, in making appointmcnt.s that arc non-politi-
cal— the judiciary, for example — may look without their party
alliances for fit and proper person.s to fill them, but in .such
instances they should be guided, not by the urgent necessities
of .self or party interests, but act wholly for the honour and
good of their country.

" In arguing against this motion it has been urged by
friends of the Admini.stration that intent or motive had
nothing to do with the case, but he would remind honourable
gentlemen that it was sometimes only the intent of an act
that stood between the liberty of the accu.sed and the scaffold.
The fact was that the Government was in such a state of
weakness that it appeared doubtful whether they were going
to e.xist at all or not, and Ministers were driven to re.sort to
desperate expedients in order to preserve to them.selves a
retention of power. Weak governments, it was known, were
prone to desperate acts.

" The honourable gentleman, the recipient of office in the
ca.se under discu.ssion, had moved an amendment to the
Address, affirming that the Administration had been formed
in an unconstitutional manner, and by his speeches, his vote,
and his after conduct, even to his last sitting in the House, he
maintained the .same hostile position. If the honourable
gentleman believed what he had said, then every act of theirs,
in his opinion, was an unconstitutional act, and his acceptance
of office under such a condition of things, must, so far as his
own belief was concerned, have been unconstitutional, and
could only be likened to that of a person receiving g()(K.ls from
another which, in his judgment, were not honestly come by.

The act condemned in this motion was one that had
sought to change the legitimate voice of this House ; it was
all the same whether a friend was brought into, or an opponent
.sent out of the Hou.se, if it had the effect of changing the
legitimate excrci.se of opinion ; the object was party benefit
and not the honour or benefit of the country. The Govern-
ment was a weak one, the very worst kind a country could
have, and its tendency was to become more and more corrupt:
it was unable to act rightly or carry such measures as they

■il

♦70

The Like of Sir John A. Macdonald

considered right, utul in the interests of the country. The>'
held out a premium for the pressure of unscrupulous men. He
felt that, in the case under discussion, patronage had been
utilized to remove a gentleman opjxjsed to the Administration
and that, under the advice of Ministers, the prerogative had
Ijeen exercised with a view to alter the legitimate expression
of the opinions of the House, and therefore the motion of the
honourable member for West Northumberland was one ho was
justified in voti«ig for."

After two days discu.s.sion the resolution was disposed of,
September iSth, and lo.st by a majority of two, the vote
standing 6i for and 63 against. .Amongst those who voted
with the Government were Mr. Foley an 1 Mr. O'Halloraii,
the former declaring th.it he could not vote against his old
colleague, and the latter stating t >at he did not consider it
would be proper for him to record a vote against the judge
who, for the future, would preside over the district in which he
practised. It was evident, hcnvevcr, that the life of the
Administration was a very precarious one, and might terminate
at any moment. Other discussions and divisions took place,
but the Government managed to hold on to their positions
until the end of the .session, which tci-minated on October 15th.

CII AI'TK K X \ I I.

(lS^)4)-

Dffcai nf Mr. A. N. Kichar<l>, Suliritort icni-ral Wtsi < )|ioninK n( rarliamcnt
Rfsi^nnliiin i)f Macclc)nal(l-l)orii>i) (iovornnicnl I'lirinniiun <>f Tachii-
Macdonald Adininistrntion -Ministerial l-Aplanations — nisinclinnliim of
MariionaM li> arci-pl OHico - I'ulicy of the new (io'.orniiicni Defrat of
Mr. Foley —I'artioUH Spirit of Assomlily — The Ministry sustained l>y two
votes on Want o( ("(jnlidencc Motion — Dcfcatetl by two votes on Motion
res|ivctin|; Montreal I^)an.

TOWARDS the clo.sc of the year, the ( 'fice of Sohcitor-
Getieral West, which hail been allowed to remain
vacant, wa.s filled by the appointment of Mr. Albert N.
Richarils, niemlnr for the South Ridinj.j of Leeds, who had
been returneii at the last election by a majority of 135, anil
was consiilered able to hold the constitiienc\' a^ain>t all
comers. This, however, i)r()veil to be a filse impression, for,
when the election came ofTin Jamiar)', 1S64, he was lx;aten by
a majority of .sevent)"-five, Mr. I""ord Jones beinj; returneii in
his .stcail. The narrow majority of two or three by which the
Government worketl throu},Oi the last .session, was, therefore,
practically destroyed, and speculation w.is rife as to what
the)' woultl ill).

Parliament met on February lyth, anil an animated debate
ensued on the Aililress, but no amendment was moved. On
March 14th Mr. Georj^e Brown moved a resolution to refer the
question of representation b) popuilation to a select com-
mittee, in a ".peech which appeared so inconsistvnt with his
previous strong utterances on the subject, that Mr. Macdonald
kept the House in roars of laughter, by readini; extracts from*
former .sj)ceches and the files of the Globe. His course made
matters more embarrassing.^ for the Ciovcrnment, ami Mr.
Sandficld Macilonald having; faileil to form an alliance with
leading members of the OpiXDsition, ilecided to yielil up the
reins of Government. In announcinj^ this fact to the House
he reviewed, at length, the circumstances under which he came
into power, and the difficulties under which he had since
laboured, concluding; his speech with these words :

471

472 Till-: LiFK OF Sir John A. Macdonali).

" Wc h.ivc felt all .ilon^ that this prt-'-'^t province required
tnat the Government should be carried on with more vijjour ;
not as regards the fxirsons composing it, but as regards the
numerical strength of their supi)ortcrs in the House. The
gentlemen on the other side have abstained from putting to
the test whether we had a majority or not. I have not, nor
do I now admit, that at this moment they could carry a
majority of the House against us ; but wc have come to the
conclusion that it would not be just to the jieoplc at large, to
the Hf)usc, or to ourselves, that we should longer maintain a
position in which we find we cannot promote that usefulness
which the country expects of us with so small a m.ijorit)- to
sustain us, and that the time has come when we ourselves
should make a fair acknowledgement of the difficulties in
which we are situated, and place our resignations, as we have
unanimously done to-day, in the hands of His Kxcellencj'.

' li(.th the Macdonald-Sicotte and the Macdonald-Dorion
Governments have been sup|X)rted with as much cordiality
and devotion by their party as ever existed between a party
and a Government. To my friends and supporters behind me
I owe much m* re than I have words to express. The)' have
never shown tne least desire to swerve from a course of
consistent attachment, and to them, my colleagues and myself
owe the deejx^st gratitude.

" i cannot conceal that I myself, in the position I occupied,
and fighting the battle with many difficulties surrounding me
from the commencement, must have created bitter political
enmity, and ])crhaps enmity of a personal nature also. I must
le,'i\c the course of conduct I have pursued, and that of my
colleagues, who have entertained the same opinions as mjself,
to be judged by the country. It is quite clear that the feeling
engendered against myself i)crsonally, and the necessity f(»r a
strong Government that will be enabled to deal with the
important questicms of this great province, pointed to mjself,
at all events, retiring from the position I held, and, on com-
municating with my colleagues, they unanimously joined in
placing their resignations in the hands of His Excellenc\' the
Governor-General. I have to repeat that in the course of the

TACnE-MAri>ONALI) GOVKRNMKNT.

473

time I have h.id the honour to hold this resjKMisible {Xisition I
may have said some thiiijjs I rcjjret, but I am not the only i)cr
sf»n who has hail occasion to ask the forbearance of the House
If I have ever saiti anything with the ai)|)earance of malice, I diil
not intend it in the sense in which it may have been under
stood. I owe no ^rudj^e against anyone on the other side. I
desire, so far as I am concerned, to ^ive and take, and shall be
as reatly to forjjct as to forj;ive injuries. I move that the
House do now adjourn."

After the resijrnation of the Macdonald-Dorion Admini-
stration had been accepted Mr. Blair was called upon to
form a new Government, ami beinj; unable to do .so, Sir
E. P. Tachc was requested by the Governor-General to
undertake the task. His efforts proved successful and, on
the opening of the House, March 30th, Mr. Cauchon, after
some preliminary business had been transacted, announced
that the following were the personnel of the new Administra-
tion : —

Upper Canada. — Commissioner of Crown Lands, Honour-
able A. Campbell ; Attorney-General West, Honourable J. A.
Macdonald ; Solicitor-General West, Honourable James
Cockburn ; Postmaster-General, Honourable M. H. I'oley ;
Provincial Secretary, Honourable John Simjxson ; President
of the Council, Honourable Isaac Buchanan.

Lower Can.ula — Receiver-General and Minister of Militia,
Sir E. P. Tache ; Attorney-General Last, Honourable (i. L.
Cartier ; Minister of Finance, Honourable A. T. (iait ; Minis-
ter of Agriculture and Iinmigratif)n, Honourable Thos. \).
McGee ; Solicitor-General Hast, Honourable H. L. Langevin ;
Commissioner of Public Works. Honourable J. Chapai.s.

He then read the following, as the enunciation of the
policy of the ne\v (jovernment : —

"The defence of the country will engage the constant
and best attention of the Government, and such steps will
be taken as will place the Militia Force in a position to render
prompt and effective serviro when required, without increas-
ing the existing expense.

" Every effort will be made to maintain and extend the

474

rm; l.ii r, or Sik John A. Macdonai.i*.

■ I

Kcciprocily Treat)- with the I'liitcil States, and the botulin^f
system, uiuler which ^{(khIs now i)ass freely thn)iij;h bt»tli
countries ; measures not only important in themselves, but
calculated to foster those frienilly relations which it is so
desirable to cultivate.

" A conference will i)e sou^jht with the sister provuices,
with the view of effecting a more intimate commercial union
with them.

" Measures for the development of the North- West Terri-
tory, and the improvement of our communication with the
seaboaril, will be submitted for the early consideration of
Parliament ; and such readjustments of ihe Canal 'I'olls will
be made as may be necessary to prevent the divcrsi<jn of
the western trade from our own waters,

" ihe i)leil^e ^iven by Parliament, this session, in answer
to the Speech from the Throne, on the subject of the remo\al
f)f the Scat of Govcrmnent to Ottawa, will be faithfulK-
carrieil out.

*' Departmental Reform will be steadily pursued, and the
entire Public T'-xpenditure will be administereil with the
strictest economx'.

" Measures will be submittal this session for ecpializin^
the Revenue and ICxpemliture.

"'The cjuestion of the Representation of the people in
Parliament, will remain an open (|uestion.

"The settlement of the available lands in Upper and
Lower Canaila will be earnestly and systematically promoted.

•'The cncouraj^ement of the j^reat Agricultural interest
will be rei^ardcd as of paramount importance.

"The general policy of the Administration will be governed
by those great constitutional principles which have so long
guided the ct)uncils of the mother country, and under which
the happiness and contentment of the people of Canada will
be best secured."

In the Legislative Council Sir E. P. Tache gave full
explanations of the negotiations between himself and mem-
bers of the Macdonald-Dorion Government, having for their
object the retention of pcnver by Mr. Sandfield Macdonald

KXI'F.ANATIONS llV SiK 1'.. 1*. T\riii;,

475

1^'

.-J

1-
ir

and sfimc friciuls, by means of a coalition with an c(|ual
number of Conscrvati\ OS led by himself; of how these ne^^otia-
tions failetl, ant! of how he then, at the re(|iiest of the (iov-
ernor-General, assmned the responsibility of forminj^ a Lib-
eral-Conservative (iovernment. His statement was n(»t alto-
gether endorsed b)- Mr. Sandtielil Matd«)nald, and we will,
therefore, ^ive the speeches of both. The latter spoke in
the Le}^islative .Asse.nbly, the former in the Legislative
Council.

Hon«)urabIe Sir K. I*. Tache said — "It is my duty to
explain to the House how it hap|x.'n.s that I occupy the seat
upon which I find m\self at present. On Thursda)-, the 17th
inst., the Premier, the Honourable J. S. Macdonald, c.imc
to me in the Lej^islative Council and asked me to repair
to his office, having; important business to connnunicate to me.
1 proceeiled thither, and, after the usual formalities, he
addressed me in substance as follows : ' 1 desire to consult
you to see if there are no means of forming;, with your assist-
ance, a stronger (jovermncnt than now exists. M\- (iovern-
mcnt has not been beaten ; it is, iiuleed, weak, but it still
commands a majorit).' Mr. .Macdonald then told me tint
I could ha\e a certain number of portfolios to dispose of;
that, if necessar)-, he would even give up his title of Premier ;
that he then spoke with the concurrence of the Honourable
Mr. Dorion, who would be disposed, as 1 understood him,
either to witlulraw altotjether, or to tlrop his cpialit)- as chief
or leader of the Lower Canaila section, wore that deemetl
absolutely intlispcnsable. 1 replied to these overtures that,
at the outset, he (Mr. Macdonald) shoukl understaiiil that
I did not feel at all tlisposed to re-enter intt) active public
life ; and that, conse(iuentl\', it was useless to enter into
further details. Hefore leaving; Mr. Mactlonald, 1 premised
him to connnunicate his offers to my friemls ; and, the same
evcmiig, I went to his h(nise, whore he again told me 1 could
inform " " * ' '

(Mr. Macdonald) wouUl not bo an obstacle in the wa\- of an
arrangement ; ami, I understood further, that Mr. Macdonald
would have no objection to act in concert with Mr. Cartier.

47^) TnK Ln r, ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

•i, I

, I

lit

; It

"The next day, Friday, the i8th, I went down to Mont-
maj,Miy ; and, on the ensuinj; Monday, the 2 1st, I rcceivcil a
tclcj^ram from the Honourable Mr. Fcrjjusson Hlair, informing
me that the Ministry had rcsi^nicd ; and that he (Mr. Hlair)
was ready to put himself in commuiu'cation with me, and that
he desired to know if I could come up to Quebf.c. 1 answered
that I would ^o up on the morrow, by the cars, and at four
o'clock a.m, on Tuesday a sjxicial train arrived at Mont-
inaj^ny. Having repaired without loss of time to Quebec,
I met the Honourable Mr. Blair in one of the rooms of the
Legislative Council, about half-past nine o'clock in the morn-
ing. Mr. Blair havin^j at first made {general proix)sals, I told
him that, as regarded himself personally, I had only senti-
ments of esteem and consideration, and that I discovered
with pleasure in him the fine qualities I had admired in his
honoured father, my old friod. Mr. Hlair then entered into
details and having expressed the desire to retain in the
Cabinet Messrs. Dorion and Ilolton, as more likely to inspire
confidence in Upper Canada, I replied that I was certain the
majority of the members of the Lower Canada Opposition
would never consent to support a man like Mr. Dorion, who
had just submitted to the Legislature bills tending, if not to
destroy, at least to mutilate some of the institutions of the
country, and without prospect of passing them other than
reliance upon an Upper Canada majority, and that, moreover,
the Lower Canada .section was strong enough to provide for
itself (se constitiier ellc mcme). After .some observations from
Mr. Blair as to the possibility of inducing Messrs. Cartier and
Dorion mutually to retire or to act in concert, we separated
without coming to any conclusion.

" Next day, Wednesday, the 23rd, His Excellency having
sent me a letter by his aide-de-camp asking me to go
and .see him, he entered at once upon the subject of recon-
structing his Cabinet, dwelling particularly upon the necessity
of an understanding between the parties. His Excellency
then suggested the retention in the Cabinet of Messrs. Hol-
ton and Dorion, and as I was about to answer, His Excel-
lency prayed me to speak freelj' and without any restraint,

EXI'LANATIONS HY Sik K. V. TA( HK.

477

and also to offer hiin, without hesitation, such su^j^estions
as would appear to me reasonable. nereui)on, I exjiresseil
to His Kxcellency my ^jreat rcpuj^nance to enter anew, at
my aye, into the active |)ublic life which I had left for nearly
seven years, and that I really could not take upon myself so
responsible a burden as His Kxcellency seemetl desirous to
honour me with, unless after the trial and failure of all other
means of arrangement I then submitted to His Kxcellency
that the bills (firojgts de hi) which the Honourable Mr. Dorion
had introduced in the Legislature, when he was sujiportetl by
only one-third of the representation from Lower Canada,
rendered him absolutely impossible to the majoritj- of that
section. His Kxcellency then observed that it would never-
theless be desirable to retain Honourable Mr. Holton in the
Executive Council to give him an opjxirtunity of putting his
financial schemes in operation. His Excellency, having left
me at liberty to express myself freely, I told him it was
my opinion that a strong Government could be formed by the
union of the Liberal Conservatives of Upper and Lower
Canada with an admixture of the moderate Liberals of Upper
Canada, and that as Mr. Cartier had the largest number of
adherents in the Opposition I thought it extremely probable
he could succeed in forming such a Government. His Kxcel-
lency then said to me that he had no objection whatever to
Mr. Cartier, and that if he had sent for Mr. HIair in preference
to Mr. Cartier, it was because the Administration, of which
Mr. Blair formed part, had not been formally defeated, and,
that though weak, nothing appeared exteriorly of a nature to
prove to him that that Administration was positively in a
minority. After having promised His Kxcellency that I
would not leave Quebec, I respectfully withdrew.

" The same day, towards four o'clock in the afternoon, hav-
ing met a number of my political friends, at the head of whom
was Mr. Cartier, I yielded to their solicitations and consented
to form an Administration if His Excellency the Governor-
General should so order it. His Excellency having returned
to his residence — it was then five o'clock p.m. — Mr. Cartier
and I proceeded thither, and Mr. Cartier having stated to

tii

47.S Till. 1, 1 11; OF SiK John A. Ma( iminai.d.

His l'',\ccllciic\- ;i> liis (>|)ii)i()ii tliat tlu- hiSt tiling he
coiild ivcomniciid liim to do would In- to ;mthoii/.c inc
to lonn a iicu Administration — to wliicli lie adili-d I
had consented I lis l^xcellenc)' at once i'.\i)iessed his
consent, and tlie desire that I slionld set about tlie work
without dela\'. I laving recei\ed from I lis l'",\cellcnc\' tlie
necessar)' auihorit)', I imniediatily w(!nt to th(Header of tlic
C"onservati\-e part)- of Upper Canada, I lonourahle J. A. Mac-
donald, to assure in\'self of his assistance, and to enj^aj^e him
to construct, himself, the Upper Canada section of the
Cabinet. Mr. Macdonald liein;^ of opinion, with me, that it
was important to obtain, b}' means of jusl and even j;enc-n»us
offers, the support of moderate men of the I'pper Canada
Uibeial part)', thought it his (hit)- to tlech'ne a seat in tlie
Cabinet, and innnediately caused Honourable iMr. Campbell,
of Kin<.;ston, to be sent for, to confide to his hands the task
which, under the circumstances, he tiiout^ht he would be most
likely to succeed in.

" Mr. Campbell, havin>4" arrived, concurred entirely in the
views of Mr. J. A. Macdonald anil m)self, as to the |)ro-
priet)- of callini^ upon a sufficient number of the Libc-ral
part)' of L'pper Canada to establish, if possible, an etiuili-
brium between the respective parties in that siction of the
province, and, ha\'inL.j accepted the olfcr of K-atler of that
section of the (iovernment, immediatel)' ])lacc(i himself in
communication with some of the principal members of that
section. As to the result, I will Iia\ e Mr. Campbell to
speak for himself through the following re[)ort which he made
to me : "In pursuance of the su_t4,i4estion made by Mr. Camp-
bell, on bein^" recpiested b)- Sir I'.tienne Tache to assist him in
the formation of the Upper Canadian .section of his Cabinet,
Mr. Campljell, on Satiirda)', the 261!) instant, .scni^ht for an
interview with Mr. l''ert,nison Hlair. At this interview, after
discussing' the relative strent^th o{ parties in the Hou.se of
Assembly, and the extreme im])ortance to tlie country of
constructing.^ a (iovernment stron_<.( enough to deal vi^M)rously
with those (piestions which wi-re pressint^ and likely to press
for attention, Mr. Canii)bell explained that he had s ni^ht the

*V<«.

lil

HON. AI.KX.WDI.K MMKIAZII.

Prhiif Miiiistrr, .Xiniitilifr iS-^ I" Ih lnh>) / ^J■ s'.

I' I

i-ii i'

: t

I*:XI'L.\ NATIONS RY Slli i:. V. T.\( UK

48 (

intcivicw with a view of ascertaining^ uhctlicr the aid of Mr.
Blair and of some of his friends could not be obtained in the
construction of the Upper Canadian secti«)n of the (iovern
inent, and pntposed to place three seats in the Cabinet at Mr.
Mlair's (iis|iOsal to that end. Mr. Hlair said that he must not
be rej^ardeil as autiiori/,etl to speak for any one but himself,
or to express an)' views but his own, and that he must reserve
to himself the full rii^ht to consult with his friends; but
he believed that the\' would not dei)art from the terms which
he considered due to the interests of his part)', and which he
had himself, some da\s before, discussed with .Sir i'.tieime
Tache, and woultl have formal!)' |)roposed to him, had not
that ^^entleman met him with a tleclaration of his personal
unwillinj^ness tf) assume the tcjils of office; these terms, Mr.
Hlair said, in\c)l\etl conditions affecting the whole province.
Mr. Camj)bell bein},^ only authorized to speak as to the Up|)er
Canadian .section of the Cabinet, saiil that he would be ^dad
to learn what they were, ami woukl report them to .Sir
ICtieime 'lache. Mr. Hlair replied that the)- involved the
following points, namel)' : That Mr. Hlair shoukl have at his
disposal si.x .seats iti tiie Cabinet, four for Upper and two for
Lower Canada, and Sir Etienne Tache the same number,
reversing the order. That Mr. Hlair (as the Premier of the
(iovcrnmcnt under the proposed arran^fement) should lead in
the Lejfislativc Council, and one of his frienils in tlu: House
of Assembly. And, finally, that objections on ^n'ounds exclu-
sively of a j)ublic and political kind e.xisteil on the part of
some of his friends to Messrs. (artier, (ialt anil Cauchoii ; that
he had felt it necessary to sti})ulate aj^ainst an)- of their names
bein^ included in the proposed arrangement. lo these
names, and for the same reasons oid)-, Mr. Hlair felt it neces-
.sary now to add that of Mr. Turcotte. Mr. Campbell eniiuired
if it had been proposed to concede to .Sir h'tienne Tache
a rij:[ht to exclude a similar number of gentlemen ininncal
to Sir Ktiemie Tache or his friends, and Mr. Hlair replied
in the negative, addinj^ by wa)' of explanation that \\\>
party occupied a position which he thou^dit cntitletl them
to make such a stipulation without yielding its equivalent.

482 TiiK Life op^ Sir John A. Macdonald.

\i-

" i

Mr. Ccunpbcll pressed upon iMr. Hl.iir the unfairness of his
proposal, and also that Sir I'.tiennc Tachc, beint^ now entrusted
witli the duty which had, when it was made, been in the hands
of Mr. Blair, the <,fround was ni.uch chan^^ed — and exprcssinj^
his conviction that these terms could iKjt but be rejected by
Sir I'Uiennc Tache, su^j^ested that Mr. Hlair should further
consider them with his friends, with a view to their modifica-
tion, and ^ivc Mr. Campbe" a second interview before Mr.
Campbell should wait upon Sir I'^tieinie Tache. Mr. lilair
assented to this ; and, upon the occasion of the second
interview, said that, as far as he was personally concerned, he
would be disposed to waive his claims to the I'remier.ship in
favour of Sir l^tienne Tache (who would, conse(juently,
also become leader in the Upper House). Mr. lilair adtled
that he thought any atlvances should more properly come
from Sir K. V. Tache as the person entrusted by His E.xcel-
lency with the formati(jn of a Cabinet, but that in other
respects he adhered to the terms ori<^inally proposed by him."
The honourable and gallant knij^ht then went on to say, — " In
consecjuence of the last conversation of Mr. C.unpbell with Mr.
Blair, I met the latter on Monday, the 2<Sth inst., early, in the
Lci^islative Council, when he at once said that he was no
lon^^er in a position to treat with me — that at a caucus of the
friends of the Government the Honourable J. S. Macdonald
had been chosen leader of the Upper Canada section."

Honourable Mr. lilair said he did not think he had stated
that Mr. J. S. Macdonald had been appointed leader, since he
had all aloni^ been the leader of thfit part)' ; but that his
friends had passed a resolution a[)provin<^ of the manner in
which he had discharijcd the duties of that post.

Honourable Sir K. l\ Tache. — " Wen, I certainly did
understand the honourable member to say that Mr. J. S.
Macdonald had been appointed leader, and that, in conse-
quence, he (Mr. Blair) was no longer in a condition to treat
with me.

Honourable Mr. Blair said the inference was perhaps
natural enough ; but he still maintained he had not stated
that Mr. Macdonald had been elected leader at the caucus.

Explanations ijy Sir K. \\ Taciii:.

4«3

IIoiiourablL- Sir VI. l\ T.ichc, coiitinuin^f his narrative, said :
" Surprised at the exorbitant pretensions of Mr. Hhiir, ami not
holding myself obliged to acknowlcdj^e the choice of Mr. J. .S.
Macdonald by his party, without, however, abandtJiiinij the
hope c)f obtaining the co-oi)eration of the moderate Liberals
of Upper Canada, I addressed myself, the same tlay about
noon, to the Ilontnirablc Mr. McDouijall. The first thiiiL; Mr.
McDoui^^all wished to know was the political basis of tiie new
Government, and havinj^ eutered into .some details, the
honourable gentleman made no objection of a nature U) lead
to the conclusion that we coukl not act in concert in a
combinati(jn such as I was attempting; to form. It became
necessary, in the next place, to ctjine to the conditions, and
Mr. McIJouj^all havint; asked four seats in the Cabinet for the
Upper Canada section, and two in that (jf Lower Canada — the
precise proposition of Mr. lilair — excepting always the exclu-
sion or ostracism of the 'gentlemen named in the Honourable
Mr. Campbell's report, I told him that the demand was
altoLjether inadmissable, whereupon wc separated. I then saw
Messrs. J. ;\. Macilonald ami A. Campbell, ami resolved to
form a Cabinet comprised of the Liberal-Conservative element
of Upper and Lower Canada, su|)ported by such of the
Liberals of Upper Canada as mi^ht be disposed to act in
concert with us, and having accomplished the task, I now bc^
to {T[ive to the House the names of the members of the new
Administration." (The hcniourable and [gallant kiiiL;ht then
read the names of the members of the new (lovernment with
the several offices heltl by them, as also their political pro-
gramme— all which have alreatly ajjpeared).

The honourable fjentleman then went on to say : " This
political prof^ramme was adopted by a Cabinet ccjmposed ol
homoj^eneous elements. It only contains, of course, an index
to the subjects which will be matured at a later day, ami
submitted to Parliament. To ask for more would be simply
an absurdity, a moral and phjsical impossibility, the Govcrn-
mcut bcin^ hardly twenty-four hours old.

"Honourable Mr. HIair said if this House had not
adjourned at the time it did, it would have fallen to his lot, ere

t
I

I,'

484

TiiK Liii: oi Sir John A. Macijonalu.

I It;

now, to annouiict- tlic I'csi^ni.itioii of tlu- late ("lovcnimcnt.
The M.'ialoiiJild- Doiioii .Adiniiiistratioii liail, cluriiij^ this
session, found itself able to maintain its pc^sition in I'arlia-
mcnt, and conduct the ordinary business of the country. Wc
had no reason to suppose we wcc any weaker than tlurin^ the
previous session. On the contrary, we inij^ht have assumed
we were not so weak, from the fact that no attempts had been
matie this session to carry a xote adverse to the (jo\ernment.
Such mi{^ht have been matlc had there appeared any proba-
bility of success: So far as this Rfjes, we had a ri^ht to
assume we could have carried throu^di the session, kept our
places, and resisted, successfull)', any Note of want of confi-
dence, liut we did feel we ilid not possess that amount of
streni^th which, in f)ur opini!)n, would ha\e justified us in
brin<;intj tlown measures w hich ccnild only have been j)assed
with but a small majority, and, as there appeared no means of
obtaining stren^fth, except from the party in opposition, it was
determined we should resii^ni. I mention this to show we
did not consider ourselves in the position of a defeated party ;
and, as a rca.son w hy I thou^'ht wc were justified in proposing
terms durin<j the negotiations precetlin<,r the formation of the
new Cabinet, which, under other circumstances, would have
appeared too favourable to ourselves. It was also a sufficient
reason why His I<l.xcellency should have felt justified in send-
intr, in the first instance, for members of the late Cabinet,
instead of members of the Opposition. His K.xcellency did
him the honour to send for him, and he lost no time in
telegraphing to Sir E. P. Tache to the effect he had men-
tioned. He must bear witness, in the stnjnj^est terms, to
the very great courtesy and kindness with which that honour-
able and gallant knight met him, and to the kind expressions
u.sed towards him personally. Hut he expressed from the
first, a very great unwillingness to resume the toils of office,
and emerge from that retirement which he found more
congenial to him than active political life. He (Mr Blair)
concluded, from what had passed, that he was not likely to be
able to persuade Sir K. P. Tache to join him in the

Kxi'LANATioNs HV Mk. I*'i:i<(;usson HI-AIK. 4«5

in-
to
ir-
ns
he
:c,
)rc
ir)
be
Ihc

construction of a Cabinet, and the conversation ceased then
to be of a formal or official character.

" Having failed to obtain his assistance, he (Mr. RIair)
appealed to Mr. Dorion to see whether he would undertake
the task of endeavouring to procure some further support
from parties in Lower Canada, to enable the Government to
go on with its measures in a manner which it appeared to us
ought only to be gone on with. That honourable gentleman,
after .some time, informed him that he had tried to do
so and had been unsuccessful. He (Mr. H.) then waited
upon His Excellency, and, having failed in the task committed
to him, requested permission to withdraw from the position,
which was kimlly allowed. The honourable gentleman went
on to speak of his interview with Mr. Campbell, who, he said,
was mistaken in his report of the affair. What passed
between them was of a formal character — he (Mr. lilair,)
only speaking on his own authority. He merely expressed
his opinion on political affairs, and had his conversation with
Mr. Campbell appeared likely to lead to any result, he
conceived it would then have bicn his duty to call upon
Mr. J. S. MacdonakI, as his (Mr. Hlair's) political chief, and
impress upon him the propriety of calling a meeting of his
colleagues in order that the subjects mooted might be dis-
cu.ssed more fully, so that erroneous views might be corrected
and a proper course pursued. In regard to tiic conversation
with Mr. ("ami)bcll, they both appcarcil to view it in atliffcrcnt
light. His own opinion was, and still is, although he might Ix:
mistaken, that the Macdonald-Dorion were still the stronger
party in the House, and that out of do(jrs, they were rela-
tively still stronger ; but he must also say that .Mr. Campbell
remarked that he differed from him in that opinion ; that he
considered his party was the stronger, and that, naturally, his
(Mr. Blair's) prf)position, coming from the party he believed
to be the weaker, must appear unreasonable ; whereas, if he
(Mr, Blair) conscientiously believed, as he did believe, that he
was speaking for the stronger party, the proposition was quite
reasonable. From these and other circumstances, it was ap-
parent Mr. Campbell and he were looking at the subject

it;

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486 TnK Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

from different points of view. Mr. IMair concliulcd hy expres-
sing his sincere thanks for the kind, courteous ami friendly
treatment which he had met with in this House, from every
party, whilst he had had the honour of conducting the affairs
of the Government."

Honourable Mr. Letcllier de St. Just said "Sir I*'. P. Tache
had endeavoured to create the impression that the late
Government had evinced a spirit adverse to conciliation ; but.
he thought, without sufficient grounds. He considered there
was no ground for saying his (Mr. Letcllier de St. Just's)
friends had shown a disposition to ostracise any one. On the
contrary, the Government had endeavoured to make differ-
ences disappear, which, without good-will on both sides, could
not be done. After Mr. Blair had relinquished the task of
forming an Administration, Mr. Cartier was sent for, and he
(the speaker; believed that it was in consequence of the diffi-
culties that honourable gentleman had experienced that Sir
E. P. Tache at last consented to undertake the work. Sub-
sequently it was attempted to bring in Liberal members from
Upper Canada, but without avail, and one of the charges
now was that Mr. lilair was too exacting. Mr. Letcllier de
St. Just went on to attack Mr. Cartier as being the chief
obstacle in the way of accommodation, and to state that
Mr. Campbell's offer was not up to the reasonable expec-
tations of the Li lerals of Lower Canada. He thought there
was .something A a disposition to ostracise the latter. He
had some misgivings as to the political programme sub-
mitted to the House. The question of defence was not a new
idea — the late Government having devoted attention to it.
Perhaps the honourable Premier, who had always advocated a
coercive system, intended to make changes in that direction."

Honourable Sir E. P. Tache — " Your Militia system was
a coercive one, and the objections to it were in the details,
or machinery for carrying out the principle."

Honourable Mr. Letcllier De St. Just said " that a promise
was made as to the Reciprocity Treaty ; but this was a
malter which could only be settled by the Governments of
Great Britain and the United States. VV^as the Intercolonial

Explanations hv Mr. I.ktki.likk dk St. Just. 487

•as

Ills,

lise

lial

Railway policy of 1862 to be rcvivcti ? The honourable
gentleman here read the variou.s items of the programme,
saying that it so much resembled that of the late Government
that he could not see why so much fault had been found
with the Speech from the Throne, and argued that informa-
tion respecting the policy of the Government in the different
subjects mentioned should be given to the country. He
asked the honourable Premier which of Honourable Mr.
Dorion's measures was it that he believed to be calculated to
destroy or mutilate the institutions of Lower Canada — the
Judicature Hill, or that intended to compel public officers
holding in deposit the moneys of clients to deposit them in
the bank instead of keeping them, as at present, in their
own custody. He would also like to know if the Government
intended to re-open the matter of the postal subsidy."

Honourable Sir E. P. Tache said, " that with regard to
the statement that the late Government had a majority in
the Lower House, he thought that if they had believed that,
they would not have resigned. The Opposition had placed
no obstacles iti their way and had proposed no vote of want
of confidence. They knew the Government was feeble and
must soon die, and they, therefore, determined to let it expire
in- peace, which it did. As to the majority, it was a matter
of opinion, which would be tested on the re-election of the
new Ministers. Honourable Mr. Blair had intimated that
he ought not to have been jiut in communication with Hon-
ourable Mr. Campbell, as Mr. J. S. Macdonald was the head
of the party but he (Sir E. P. Tache) thought that since
the latter had resigned he was no more, spite of the caucus,
than any other member of the party and that the proper
person to negotiate with was him whcjm His Excellenc)- hail
sent for. Honourable Mr. Letellicr de St. Just had said the
Lower Canada minority had not intended to ostracise their
opponents, but he (Sir E. P. Tache) thought that Mr. Di)ri()n's
measure, which could have only been passed by an Upper
Canada majority, showed there was, at least, a desire to ignore
the Lower Canada majority. In reference to Honourable Mr.
Letellier's remark that he had refused at first to re-enter

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488

The I. IKK OF SiK John A. Ma( donald.

active political life and consented afterwards, he would say
there mi^ht be some incongruity in the matter, but what a
person mij^ht be iiulisposed to do for political atlversaries he
mij^ht well be excused for doin^ to serve his friends. (Hear,
hear). That same honourable {gentleman also said that if
the English element of Lower Canada were put aside the
two divisions of the Franco-Canadians would be about equal ;
but it was imp<jssible to make such distinctions. Knglishmen
had the same right as French-Canadians, ami, taking the
whole Conservative party in Lower Canada together, it hail
at least 40 to 25 — a large majority. As to the questions
respecting the commercial policy of the Government, etc.,
it was likely he (Sir E. A. Tache) would not be able to
reply as fully as the honourable gentleman wanted, at present.
On Ministers resuming their scats, no doubt these questions
would be fully answered. When the late Government was
formed it was not so pressed to give details of its policy,
as Honourable J. A. Macdon aid's speech on the occasion
showed. All he asked was that the same fair-play should
be extended to the present Administration. The Honourable
Mr. Letellier had spoken of the Militia and of coercion, but
he ought to know, as a notary, that such coercion always
existed, and that every man from eighteen to sixty was
bound to serve in ca.se of need. This was law, and the
.same law as was embodied in the Hill of the late Government,
to the details or machinery of which only he objected. Now
that he was Minister of Militia, he would tr\' to remedy the
defects of that measure, and bring in a Mill U)C that purpo.se.''
Sir E. P. Tache, in observing upon the Honourable Mr.
Letellicr's desire for full informaticjn upon the policy of the
Government only twenty-four hours formed, remarked that
the Po.stmaster-General's Report was fourteen days late, the
Report of the Minister of Agriculture not having been as
yet submitted.

Honourable Mr. Letellier had only asked answers on
special points, which could be given yea or nay.

Honourable Sir E. P. Tache .said the honourable gentle-
man wanted to know all about the commercial policy of the

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TlIK HON. J. J. C. AHIJOTT. DC I... IJ.C.

( ,

Explanations of Mk. J. S. Macdonald. 491

Government, but the late Minister of Finance had l)eeii in
office ten months w ithout having; yet made known his com-
mercial policy. How, then, couUl it be expec.'ed that in .1
few hours the present Government could j^'ive theirs ?

Honourable Mr. Moore thought it was irref^ular to po
into such a discussion at this stage, and not according to
Hritish practice.

Honourable Mr, Lctellicr dc St. Just thought the course
pursued was altogether regular and proper.

Honourable Sir E. P. Tache then moved, seconded by
Honourable Mr. Blair, that the House adjourn till Tuesday,
May 3rd next. — Carried. The House then adjourned.

Mr. Sandfield Macdonald's reply nn the following day
is thus reported :

" Honourable J. S. Macdonald rose to make some explan-
ations with reference to the statement made b)- the leader of
the Lower Canada section of the new Administration (Sir E.
v. Tache) in the Upper House, which was intended as a
history of the negotiations preceding the formation of a new
Cabinet. The honourable gentleman was understood by the
reporters to say, at the outset, that the interview he (Wr. J. S^
Macdonald; had had with the honourable and gallant knight,
previous to the retirement of the late Government, was an
informal one. He thought that it would have been but
justice to himself had Sir. E. V Tache, before giving his
version of what took place at the interview, conferred with him
(Mr. Macdonald), in order to compare their respective views
and recollections of the circumstances. In waiting upon the
honourable and gallant knight, he told us that having retired
from active public life it was useless to address him with
a view to assisting in the formation of the Lower Canada
section of a new Cabinet. He (?.Ir. J. .S. Macdonald) then
stated that the negotiations should be considered at an end,
and also observed to Sir E. P. Tache that they, as old friends,
might be permitted to talk informally, and that this interview
should be considered as a mere interchange of views on politi-
cal subjects. A conversation commenced then, and was
continued for a length of time. He claimed that the Macdon-

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492 TiiK LiFK OF SiK John A. Macdonald.

akl-Dorion Government had still a majority in the House, but
that, bcinj; in a minority in Lower Canada, they were anxious
to make an arrantjcment with the honourable members from
this 'section so as to form a Government that would meet the
views of the majority from both Upper and Lower Canada,
with a view to sound legislation on constitutional principles.
Sir v.. V. Tache replied he was anxious, personally, to see such
an arrangement made, but he thought there was a great deal
of difficulty in the way. He told the latter that there was no
difficulty, .'uid proceeded to state that in the formation of a
coalition Cabinet, the Liberal party, having, as yet, the
majority of the whole House, were entitled to the Premiership,
that the leadership of the Lower Canada section of the Cabinet
might be given to a member likely to command a majority
from that section, and not personally obnoxious to the Uppcr
Canada Liberals. Ho (Mr. J. S. Macdonald) was astonished to
hear Sir E. P. Tache state, in the Upper House that he had
expressed, during the interview, no unwillingness to act with
Honourable Mr. Cartier in a new coalition Cabinet. Now, he
(Mr. Macdonald) stated, on that occasion, that he was himself,
probably an obstacle to the formation of a strong Government
and had intended to retire to allow of a more satisfactory
organization— that he would be willing to retire in favour of
some one less obnoxious to members from Lower Canada.
He had stated that on no terms would he consent to the
I'remiershii) being taken from his party, though willing to
leave the Lower Canada leadership to some one capable
of undertaking it with success. He proposed a new Cabinet
on the following basis — that four members from the Lower
Canada Opposition and two friends of the Macdonald-Dorion
Government from the same .section, should have .seats, and
that the Ujjper Canada .section should comprise two members
of the Opposition and four friends of the Ministry. The name
of the honourable member for East Montreal was mentioned
by Sir E. P. Tache, when he (Mr. Macdonald) stated to him
that the honourable gentleman would create great difficulties ;
that he could not join any Government which would include
Mr. Cartier and the most prominent members of the Opposi-

I'.XI'LANATIONS Ol' Mu. J. S. M.\C lH)N Al.l).

493

tioii, against whom lit- ( Mr. Maciloiiiildj li;ul hccii arrayed foe
years ; tliat he would prefer retiring to a private seat to
joitiiiij^ those for whose |)olitieal conduct lie would have
to ap()lo<^ise to the countr)'. The honourable and gallant
kin'f^ht insisted that Honourable Mr. Dorion must retire from
the Cabinet, aiul that as re;4ards Mr. Cartier, matters should be
left open. He (Mr. Mactlonald) told Sir I*:. 1'. Tache he
would be <;lad if an arrani^ement between them could be
arrived at, when he was understootl to state lie would consult
with his friends in tlie meantime, and, probably before
leaving town, let him know the result. About si.\ o'clock the
same evening. Sir K. W I'ache called upon him (Mr. Mac-
tlonald) at his house, stated he hat! seen his friends, ami was
satisfied that no arrani^enient such as he had proposed with
respect to the formation of a new coalition Cabinet could be
carried out. He had related these circumstances to the
House, to show that Sir Iv V. Tache had laboured under
a total misapprehension in regard to what had taken place at
the inter\iew, in statin<^ he (Mr. Macdonald) was not unwil-
ling to enter into political relations with Honourable Mr.
Cartier. The party from Upper Canada, with which lu-
was comiectetl, could not, for a moment, consider such a
thin^, and this was what the honourable and ijallant knight
had been ^ivcn to understand."

The new Ministers who were members of the LcL^islative
Assembly went to their constituents for approval of their
conduct in accepting" office, and were all returned e.vcept the
Honourable M. H. iM)le\', I'ostmaster-Cieneral, who was
defeated in North Waterloo b}' Mr. Howman. On Ma)' ^rd
they were introduced and took their .seats, and on the next
day, in response to a demand from the Honourable A. .A.
Dorion, the Honourable John A. Mactlonald made t!ie follow -
in|^ explanations of the formation of the Ministry :

He said "that the honourable member for Hochelaga,
yesterday, called ui^on him for e.xplanatit)n.s respectln<; the
formation and policy of the new Government. Now, e.\[)lana-
tions relative to the formation of the Atlministration were
already before the Hou.se. He would not now recapitulate

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494 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

what every member had ah-eady heard respecting the
negotiations prehminary to the construction of the present
Cabinet. The late Ministry, at the opening of Parhament,
promised a great many measures affecting materially the
general welfare of Canada, and involving many of the great
interests of the country. Although the Opposition of that
day felt they could have no great confidence in the power of
that Administration to carry out the promises laid before
Parliament, we thought it was right to give them every
opportunity to do so, and the House would remember the
then Opposition did not pass one hostile vote against them,
but, on the contrary, afforded them every opportunity of
carrying out their policy. Notwithstanding that a long discus-
sion arose on the answer to the Address, there was no motion
in amendment made, no side-issue raised, and nothing in any
way clone to impede or obstruct the Government in regard to
the various measures promised the country. And this course
was followed by the Opposition during the month or six weeks
that the late Government held the reins of office, not a single
vote, hostile to the Ministry or otherwise, being brought on b\-
any member of the late Opposition. And therefore, when the
honourable member for Cornwall informed this Mouse that
the Government had seen fit to place their resignations in the
hands of His Excellency the Governor-General, it was
observed that this was their own act and v/as not forced on
them by any act of the Opposition. The House would
remember the statement made calmly and deliberately by the
honourable member for Cornwall on that occasion, and the
declaration that, for want of numerical .uipport, the Govern-
ment could no longer continue, and that they felt it their duty to
resign. Whether the Government acted rightly or wrongly in
so doing was not now the question. He (Mr. j. A. Macdon-
ald) thought that the moment any Administration considered
they were not strong enough to properly conduct the affairs
of the country, they acted wisely and constitutionally in
giving up power. At the same time it might be questioned
whether the Government of the day were not bound to submit
to the Legislature the measures they pledged themselves to

EXl'LANATIO.N OF T'OKMATION OF GOVFRNMKNT. 495

introduce, so that the House and country mii^ht judije as to
whether their promises were to be carried out or not. And it
was also a question whether the ex- Finance Minister was not
bound to brinij dcjwii his budget so long promised and
expected. The Government, however, very properly retired,
thinking they could no longer remain in office with credit to
themselves or advantage to the country. We all remembered
the events which followed. An honourable gentleman, a
member of the Upper House and of the retiring Administra-
tion, was charged with the formation of a new Government on
a broad basis. He failed; after which the present honourable
Premier was sent for, to form a new Adminisfation. He, after
some hesitation, consented, and subsequently applied to him
(Mr. J. A. Macdonald) for aid in the accomplishment of his
task. He (Mr. Macdonald) suggested that the present hon-
ourable Connnissioner of Crown Lands (Honourable Mr.
Campbell) should be sent for, who, when summcjiied by
telegraph, came here and set to work to form the Upi)er
Canada section of a new Administration, The result was that
this honourable gentleman failed, as Honourable F. IMair had,
when Sir E. P. Tache had only two courses before him, either
to state he was unable to form an Administration on a broad
basis, or to endeavour to form one with members out of the
party with which he had so long acted. It was quite cL'ar to
him, and would be to every constitutional statesman., that it
was the duty of an Opposition, when so called u[K)n, not to
shirk the responsibility of office. If one party resigned office,
their opponents were bound by constitutional practice to
assume the responsibility of office, having previously assumed
the responsibility of opposing the retiring Administrati(Mi. Sir
E. P. Tache, acting according to this constitutional practice,
formed an Administration of those with whom he usually
acted. He again communicated with himself (Mr. Mac-
donald) when he consented to act with him in the formation
of a Cabinet, and the result was the creation of the present
Ministry. These were all the explanations which he had to
offer, and all, he thought, that could properly be called for by
honourable gentlemen opposite. A Government was formed

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496

TiiK Lii F, OK SiK John A. Macdonald.

of those opposed to the late ,\dinini.stration, which had [roue
to the coLiiitr)', and we all knew the result."

It will been seen h'oni the speeches of Sir. K. V. Tachc and
the Honourable John A. Macdonald, that the latter did not
desire to a^^ain accept office, and it may be recollected that
when Mr. Cartier was called upon to form an Administration,
Mr, Macdonald was very much disinclined to join him in the
task, and that it was only after a meetint^ of the Conservative
Party had been held and resolutions passed representing that
his friends considered that it was necessary that he should put
his own feelings to one side and again lead the Upper Canada
section of the Government, that he con.-.ented to do so. His
opponents stated that he was not sincere in his refusals, but
desired office and only wanted to be urged lo accept ; but those
who were most intimate with him, and best understood the
kindne::s of his heart and the sensitiveness of his nature knew
that the policy of slander and calumny which seemed to
commend it>:elf to the jJ'ipers and politicians of the day, was
\ery distressing to him, and that only a high courage, com-
bined with a keen sense of dut\', induced him tc face the
pitiless storm to which public men were subjected. Turning
back to the public dinner given him by his constituents at
Kingston, November, i860, we find him thus expressing his
feelings on this point.

" I have been, as probably all of you are aware, honoured
with demonstrations similar to this within the past (c\v weeks,
and have been deeply gratified by the confidence which has
been shown in all parts of Upper Canada, which 1 have been
able to visit, in myself and the Government of which I am a
member ; and I have likewise been honoured with invitations
to numerous other places, which, however, the exigencies of
public business will oblige me to forego. But those demonstra-
tions, put them altogether — enthusiastic and cordial and
generous as they were — did not and do not inspire those
feelings within me which are caused on returning to my old
home and my old friends, by such a welcome as this. (Loud
applause). Sir, when I have looked back upon my public life,
1 have often felt bitterly and keenly what a foolish man I was

l\^

His Reluctance to Accei't Okfick

497

to enter into it at all. (Cries of ' No, no '). You have all
seen how I have been attacked, maligned and calumniated ;
but I must say this, that I have not been singular in that.
In this country, it is unfortunately true, that all men who
enter the public .service act foolishly in doing .so. If a man
desires peace and domestic happiness he will find neither in
performing the thankless task of a public officer, for the
moment he assumes the duties of office he becomes exposed to
the assaults, personal as well as political, of his opponents, and
to the attacks of every puny mi.serablc libeller in the land.
(Applau.se). It has been so in my case ; but when I .see
around me the old friends who now come forward to do me
this honour, I feel that I am amply, liberally compensated,
(Cheers). I forget all the calumny with which I have been
as.sailed, all the abu.se which malignant opponents have
showered upon me, when I receive this overflowing bumper,
this kind, this cordial and enthusiastic reception from my old
and tried friends. It is here, although \-i.ars ago I gave up
my residence amongst >'ou, where all nty hopes arc centered,
where my infancy was passed ; here my boyish days were
spent ; here in manhood I laboured in honest industr}- ; here
my fellow-subjects honoured me by electing me their repre-
sentative in Parliament ; and now when I come back after
seventeen years of public life and receive from them this
overwhelming demonstration, I accept it as a crowning proof
that all that has been said of me behind ni)' back has not
affected their minds or weakened their confidence in me.
(Loud cheers). I take it as evidence on their part that they do
not believe that the lad who grew up amongst them, who ac(]ui-
red and practised his profession — his trade — amcjiigst them,
who, as a man, was so well known to them all, has .so entirely
changed his nature and become so degraded as to be unworthy
longer of their support. (Cheers). Sir, when I said the life of
a political man in America was hard, I did so for the purpose
of drawing a distinction between the position of public men in
this country and Great Britain. There, although great and
able men of different political parties fight and fight strongly
against each other, yet, at the same time, they mutually
32

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498

TiiK Lii'K OF Sir John A. Macdonald.

, i

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respect each other. There 110 personal attack is made — no
disgraceful recriminations indulged in. Why, the Earl of
Derby, though diametrically opposed to Lord I'almerston on
many questions, wcjuld feel his own honour and the honour of
England insulted by any personal affront to the leader of the
Government. It is the pride and glory of Great Britain that,
however much parties may disagree nix)n principles, they
sustain each other's dignity. They know that the country
which has a degraded class of politicians, must also have a
degraded population. (Cheers). But in this country how
different do we find it.

" I r.gret to say, from my own personal experience, that it
is a thankless office, that of a Minister of the Crown. In
iMigland, a man devoting himself to the public service, is sure
of receiving — aye, from his opponents — a generous consider-
ation, a generous appreciation ; but in this country, indeed
over the whole of the continent, we find that much of the
intellect, much of the worth, is driven into private life ; for the
mcjment a man presumes to take a particular course of action,
the moment he has the courage and manliness to connect
himself with a particular part)-, and that party becomes the
predominant party, that moment the Opposition set upon him,
malign his public and private character, traduce his family
and connections, and impart to each and every action the
basest and meanest of motives. (Cheers).

" I know that in a long course of political life I have made
man)- mistakes — that the Go\crnment of w hich I ain a member
has, of course, made errors and been guilty of omission as well
as of commission ; but feeling as I do, I can say honestly and
in the face of you all, that the desire of the Government is
good, their motives good ; that we have done what we could
in an humble way for the purpose of promoting the social,
educational and moral interests of this country ; and if we
have made mistakes in working out our designs, the people,
knowing us not to be criminal, can endorse us, believing that
if the Government has erred it was an error of the head, and
not of the heart or of the intention." (Cheers).

On May 13th, when Mr. Gait mo\ed the House into

^-^

I.' ^

Defeat of the Government.

501

committee of supply, Mr. Doiion moved in amciulnicnt " Th;it
the Speaker do not now leave the chair, but that it be resolved
that this House re-rets that, thou<rh it is deemed necessary to
maintain the public credit, and to impose new ta.xes in order
to meet the public expenditure, His Excellency the Gover-
nor-General has been advised to sanction measures for the
purpose of reducing the canal tolls without obtaining any
corresponding advantage." After a debate of three days the
vote was taken and resulted in the Government being sup-
ported by a majority of two.

A month later— June I4th~the Ministry were defeated by
the same number of votes, on a motion respecting an advance
of $100,000 to take up the debentures representing the loan of
the city of Montreal to the St. Lawrence and Atlantic
Railway Company. The whole purpose and intent of the
resolution, which was moved by Mr. Dorion, was to strike the
Government through the Minister of Finance (Mr. Gait) by
charging him with having improperly advanced money with-
out the authority of Parliament. The transaction had taken
place five years previously, and had no earthly relation to the
Tache-Macdonald Government. The Ministry were therefore
beaten— not upon any motion objective to their policy
not for any act of commission or omission of their own but
upon a personal issue in regard to an act of a single member
of a Ministry which had ceased to exist two ) cars previously

^lii

CHAI'TKR XXIII.

iS64—( Co»/inue(/)

Negotiations with Mr. tieorjjc Hrown— Resolutions p.isse.l ai Opposition caucus
meeting — A coalition Government formed — .Memornndum of i)roceedings
between the CJovurnment and .Mr. Urown — .Speeches i)y .Mr. Urown and
Mr. Mowat - i'rorogation — Appointment of Alessrs. Hrown, Mowat and
McDougall to places in the Cabmet — Corresjiondence with His Excellency.

WHEN the Hou.sc met a^ain the next day, Mr. Mac-
donald announced that, in consequence of the adverse
vote, the Government had considered it their duty to com-
municate with His Excellency, the Governor-General, and ask
for an adjournment. The .same counse was pursued on the
day following. On the third day, June 17th, Mr. Macdonald
made the following statement.

" I have the consent of His Excellency, the Governor-
General, to state to the House the nature of the communi-
cation which, as I have already stated, I made after the vote
of Tuesday night. In consequence of the hostile vote of that
night — which the Government considered to be, in fact, one of
want of confidence — they thought it their duty to proffer their
advice to His E.vcellency that they considered it as such.
And, considering the state of parties in this House, the equality
in numbers of those who support and those who are opposed
to the Governinent, and the great improbability of our being
able to form, out of the present House, a Government that
would command a majority, they thought it their duty to
advi.se that there should be an appeal to the people ; and that,
after the necessary business was gone through with, there
should be a dissolution. His Excellency gave his assent, this
morning, to this, stating that he has accepted the advice ; and
has authorized us to dissolve — has given us the carie blanche in
that respect. The Government has had, from the time of that
vote, till this moment, before them the consideration of the
very grave questions that divide parties in this country,
and the expediency, if possible, of avoiding the extreme

measure of proceeding to a dissolution. (Hear, hear). And,

502

Negotiations with Mk. Hkown.

503

with that view, for the purpose of seeinj^ whether there is
any means of solvinjf the difficuhies which have arisen in
the country, especially those between Upper and I<o\ver
Canada, we considered it our duty to confer with leading
members of the Opposition, to-day, to see if we could not
agree on some plan by which a Government eould be formed,
possessing a majority from both sections of the Province. We
were not in a position to do so before to-day. We have
had that conference with honourable gentlemen on the
opposite side, and have made such progress that I see the
way to a solution of the difficulties without the necessity of a
dissolution of Parliament. (Hear, hear, and cheers). This, of
course, is a very grave step. The considerations are very
grave in themselves, and require careful deliberation ; and the
House will therefore not be surprised that I should ask them
to adjourn till Monday, in order that there may be a full
conference between leading parties on both sides. I may say
that the honourable gentleman with whom I conferred is the
honourable member for South O.xford. (Hear, hear, and pro-
longed cheering). I shall, therefore, move that this House do
now adjourn, and that it stand adjourned until Monday."
(Hear, hear).

The announcement took almost everybody by surprise and
caused unprecedented excitement amongst the members.
There was a very full attendance in the House, and the
galleries were densely crowded. When Mr. Macdonald rose
to speak, there was breathless anxiety to catch every word,
and when, at the conclusion, he said that it was with Mr.
Brown he had had a consultation, there were exclamations of
mingled surprise and approval. Astonishment was the pre-
dominating feeling amongst the great majority. " What does
it mean ? " was the question in nearly every one's mouth. The
scene was one long to be remembered; the laughing, cheering,
groaning, the pleasure or dissatisfaction of the different mem-
bers making a curious and striking exhibition for an hour or
more. The excitement reached its height when Mr. Dufresne,
of Montcalm, who had long been on unfriendly terms with
Mr. Brown, crossed the floor of the House and offered his

.|i

hit

f 1

j:;i:

! fl.

504

Till, LiiK ()!• Siu John A. MacouXai.d.

hand to him. Tlio latter clasped and shook it warinl)-, his
face radiant with smiles, while the members from both sides
(juickiy gathered round the pair, cheering, lau<.Jhin^^ shouting,
and vvonderin^r. Then the Hc^use adjourned, and stranjjers
entering the Chamber mingled with the members and, divid-
itiff into {groups, all discussed with animation the singular
aspect of affairs.

The G/oh' of the followinfj day convcyetl the announce-
ment to ii.s readers in the followinj^ editorial : —

" The -.iwiounccment made this mornin.Lj in our Quebec
'jclegraphic despatches will excite no small sur[)risc throut^h-
out Upper Canada. Few j)ersons, we fancy, were prepared for
the intellij^encc, that the present Ministry would venture on
the bold step of applying to Mr. Hrown to aid them in rescu-
ing the ship of stat-: from its perilous position, or that he
could be induced to respond to the ap[)Hcation. It appears,
however, that not only has such an ai)plication been made
and promptly responded to, but that the announcement of
the fact to the Mouse of Assembly was received with a burst
of enthusiastic applause from both sides of the House, such
as has rarely been witnessed in a legislative body. The
explanation of this wondrous change, we need hardly sa)',
is to be found in the extreme embarrassment of the political
situation at Quebec. A dead-lock had been all but reached
in working the governmental machinery. But two short
years have pas.sed since the Cartier-Macdonald Ministry broke
down, and the Macdonald-Sicotte Ministry reigned in its
stead. One year later, the Macdonald-Sicotte Government
made way for the Macdonald-Dorion Government. Two
months ago the Macdonald-Dorion Administration fell in its
turn, and the Tache-Macdonald Administration was estab-
lished in its room ; and this week the Tache-Macdonald has
been compelled to succumb to a direct vote of a majority
of the whole House. Four Administrations condemned in
the short space of two years — and what hope was tliere of
any satisfactory change in this state of things ? Little or
none. A large majority of the Upper Canadians stood
ranged in hostile array against a large majority of the Lower

"Gi.oHF.'s" Announchmknt ok Nkcotiations. 505

Canadians ; one party bitterly protesting against the injustice
of the existing constitutional sj-stem, and the other conteml-
in^ as firnil)- to retain its advantaj^es ; and each new appeal
to the people onl)' ilee[)enin^f the lines of demarcation and
intensifying the hostile feelings between the sections. The
vote of Tucsda)- ni<^ht brouj,dit before the mind of every
intellif^cnt man in Parliament the full jx^ril of the position.
No one coukl see his way out of the dilemma by the ordinary
])arliamenfary resorts. True, Ministers couUI appeal a^ain
to the country to decide between the opposing; parties, but
that appeal would be the third {general election in three short
years, and little or no hope could be entertaineil that its result
would be greatly different from the results of the two elections
that preceded it. Ministers themselves were impressed with
this stronjjjly, and though empowered b\' the Governor-Gen-
eral to dissolve Parliament the\' felt more than repugnance
to such a resort. And if Ministers were actuated by such a
feeling, their supporters, almost to a man, were vehement in
their protests against at'.other appeal to the electors, and in
their urgent entreaties that every means should be exhausted
of carrying on the Government with the present House of
Assembly ere resorting to the final alternative. Ikit what
way was there out of the dilemma other than a general
election ? One other way there certainly was clear, direct,
undeniable. But who would have the courage boldly to
pursue it — who would have the courage manfully to meet
the crisis of the hour, and lay the axe at the root of the whole
sectional evil ? For ten years past Mr. Brown and a large
section of the Upper Canada Opposition have not ceased to
declare that, until the question of Parliamentary representa-
tion was dealt with fairly and finall\-, there could never be
peace or prosperity in Canada, and that for their part they
were prepared to stand b)' any Administration that would
honestly deal with it. The crisis of this week presented an
opportunity for these gentlemen to urge their views cffectixely
and unselfishly such as they never enjoyed before, and well
they profited by the occasion. The discussion e.xcited by
Mr. Brown's late Constitutional Committee, and the unanimity

s«m

■I >

■I

506 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

with which the report was finally adopted, no doubt had also
their effect in preparing the way for what has happened.
The apparent dead-lock which matters had reached did the
rest. The Government resolved to take Mr. Brown and his
friends at their word. They sent Mr. John A. Macdonald
and Mr. Gait to Mr. Brown with the assurance that they were
prepared to deal firmly and promptly with the sectional diffi-
culties between Upper and Lower Canada, and to invite his co-
operation in the attempt finally to remove them. Mr. Brown
replied at once iliat he was on the point of leaving Parlia-
mentary life, and that he could not personally take office, but
he was ready to aid them heartily and sincerely, and to seek
the co-operation of his political friends in an earnest effort for
the final settlement of the sectional troubles of the Province.
Discussions as to the best practicable basis of settlement
were forthwith opened, and at the latest accounts last night
nothing had occurred to forbid the hope that a solution of the
problem will be found. The task undertaken is one of no
ordinary difficulty. Nationality, local interest, and personal
prejudices all stand in the gap; but we believe the task has
been undertaken on both sides with perfect sincerity and an
anxious desire to succeed, and we doubt not that every man
in Canada will earnestly pray that the effort may be crowned
with complete success. We cannot doubt that Mr. Brown, in
rt.sponding to the appeal of his old political opponents, felt, in
all its gravity, the danger of misconception which he ran. He
could not forget the past. He could not forget what has
passed in by-gone days, between himself and the very gentle
man who approached him. He could not forgot how often
and how strongly he had denounced Ministerial coalitions as
utterly demoralizing. He must have known how rigorously
he would be judged, and how relentlessly assailed. He must
have felt that momentous indeed must be the object, clear
and undeniable must be the call of duty, that would justify
him in appearing, even for a time, as the political ally of Mr.
Macdonald or Mr. Cartier. But assuredly, if the immense
importance of the object to be attained could justify such a
step, Mr. Brown amply has it for the position he now occupies,

Mr. Brown's Coukse Endorsed.

507

and we are persuaded that he has not acted erroneously in
casting himself fearlessly on the good sense and generosity of
the Canadian people rightly to interpret the course he has
thought it his duty to pursue."

In order to obtain the views of the members of the Oppo-
sition upon the course taken by Mr. Brown, a meeting was
called on the morning of June 21st, at the Kent House, which
was attended by every member of the party but two.

After Mr. Robert Bell had been called to the chair, Mr.
Brown gave a statement of the negotiations which he had for
some days carried on with the Government.

It was then moved by Mr. Hope F. Mackenzie, seconded
by Mr. McGiverin: "That we approve of the course which has
been pursued by Mr. Brown in the negotiations with the
Government, and that we approve of the project of a Federal
Union of the Canadas, with provision for its extension to the
Maritime Provinces and the North- Western Territory, as one
basis on which the constitutional difficulties now existing
could be settled." — Carried.

Yeas — Messrs. Ault, Bell (Lanark), Bowman, Brown,
Burwell, Cowan, Dickson, Dunsford, Howland, McFarlanc,
Mclntyrc, Mackenzie (Lambton), Mackenzie (Oxford), Mc-
Conkey, McDougall, McGiverin, McKcllar, Mowat, Munro^
Notman, Parker, Ross (Prince Edward), Rankin, Rymal,
Scoble, Smith (Durham), Smith (Torontoj, Stirton, Th(Mnp-
son, Wallbridge, (Speaker), Wallbridge (North Hastings),
Wells, Whit", Amos Wright— 34.

The following members declined to vote either yea or nay,
namely : — Messrs. Biggar, Macdonald (Glengarry), Macdonald
(Cornwall), Macdonald (Toronto), and Scatcherd — 5.

It was moved by the Honourable J. S. Macdonald, that
the proposition for ac least three members of the Opposition
entering the Government be accepted.

Mr. Mackenzie, of Lambton, moved in amendment, that
the proposition for three members of the Opposition entering
the Cabinet be rejected, and that the proposition for the
settlement of sectional difficulties receive an outside support.

Mr. Mowat suggested that a division be taken, on the

.'1

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^■1

508 Thk Life of Siu John A. Macdonald.

understanding that those votinjj " yea " were in favour of
the first proposition, and those voting " nay " were in favour
of the second proposition. This was agreed to, and the yeas
and nays were then taken ■ s follows : —

Yeas— Messrs. Ault, Hell, (North Lanark), Dunsford,
Howland, Macdonald, (Glengar)-;, Macdonald, (Cornwall),
McF'arlane, McConkcy, McDougall, McGiverin, Mclntyre,
Munro, Notman, Parker, Rankin, Ross, (Prince Edward),
Rymal, Smith, (Toronto), Smith, (Durham), Stirton, Thomp-
son, VVallbridge, (Speaker), Wallbridgc, (North Hastings),
Wells, White, and Wright. — 26.

Nays. — Messrs. Bowman, Brown, Burwell, Cowan, Dick-
son, Mackenzie, (Lambton), Mackenzie, (South Oxford),
McKellar, Mowat, Scatcherd and Scoble. — 11.

Mr. Macdonald, of Toronto, declined to vote.

Moved by the Honourable J. S. Macdonald, " that it is
all important that Mr. Bro.vn should be one of the party to
enter the Cabinet." — Carried unanimously, with the exception
of Messrs. Scatcherd, Brown and Burwell.

Moved by Mr. White, and carried unanimously, "that
Mr. Brown be requested to continue the negotiations with
the Government."

At two o'clock a caucus of the Ministerial members was
held, and a unanimous feeling expressed in favour of sustain-
ing the Ministr}- in the course they had taken.

The House adjourned from day to day, upon the under-
standing that certain Cabinet arrangements were in progress
but not sufficiently complete for announcement, until the
22nd, when the Honourable Job.n A. Macdonald laid before
the Assembly a detailed statement, in writing, of the entire
negotiation, and of the basis upon which the compromise was
founded. His explanation was as follows : —

Before the orders of the day are called, I desire, on
behalf of myself and colleagues, to lay before the House a
full and accurate statement of the negotiations which, the
House is well aware, have been going on ever since the defeat
of the Government, on the motion of the honourable member
for Hochelaga, on Tuesday week last. For the nurpose of

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avoiding anything like a mistake, or misunderstanding arising,
a minute of the proceedings every day was carefully compared
and considered, which I am now prepared to read. This
statement, in itself, contains the whole substance of all the
communications that took place between the Government
and the honourable member for South Oxford. The negotia-
tions have been principally conducted by that honourable
gentleman himself on the one side, and the honourable Fin-
ance Minister and myself on the other, with the assistance of
several members of the Government, principally the Premier
and the Honourable Attorney-General East. A printed copy
of this memorandum will be placed in the hands of every
member of this House, as soon as it is ready. (Hear, hear).
It is in the folldwing terms : —

" Immediately after the defeat of the Government on
Tuesday night, (the 14th) and on the following morning, Mr.
Brown spoke to several supporters of the Administration
strongly urging that the present crisis should be utilized in
settling for ever the constitutional difificulties between Upper
and Lower Canada, and assuring them that he was preparetl
to co-operate with the existing or any other Administration
that would deal with this question promptly and firmly, with
a view to its final settlement.

" Messrs. Morris and Pope asked, and obtained leave, to
communicate these conversations to Mr. John A. Macdonald
and Mr. Gait.

" On Thursday, at three p.m., just before the Speaker took
the chair, Mr. John A. Macdonald said to Mr. Brown, while-
standing in the centre of the Assembly Room, that he had
been informed of what he, (Mr. Brown), had stated, and he
wished to know if Mr. Brown had any objections to meet
Mr. Gait and discuss the matter ? He replied, certainly not.

" Mr. Morris accordingly arranged an interview with Mr
Brown, and on Friday, June 17th, about one p.m., Messrs.
Macdonald and Gait called on Mr. Brown at the St. Louis
Hotel. Mr. Brown stated that nothing but the extreme
urgency of the present crisis, and the hope of settling the
sectional troubles of the province for ever, could, in his

t ' r'

■ ; 1 E

512 Thk Likk of Sir John A. Macdonald.

opinion, justify their meeting together with a view to common
political action. Messrs. Macdonald and Gait were equally
impressed with this, and stated that on that footing, alone,
the present meeting had been invited.

" Mr. Brown asked in what position these gentlemen came
vO lim, whether as deputed by the Administration or simply
as leading members of the Ministerial party.

" They replied they were charged by their colleagues
formally to invite his aid in strengthening the Administration,
w'tV i view tc the settlement of the sectional difficulties of
L. ppei' snd Lower Canada. Mr. Brown then stated that,
on gi' " .i.s purely personal, it was quite impossible that
he could i>c a nuMiiber yf any Administration at present ; and
thu', 'v.^n hi' ' '■'■'; been otherwise, he would have conceived
it liighl) .jb)(' : ; . . ' : I'^at parties who had been so long and
so strongly opposed to each other as he and .some members of
the Administration had been, should enter the same Cabinet.
He thought the public mind would be shocked by such an
arrangement ; but he felt very strongly that the present crisis
presented an opportunity of dealing with this question that
miyht never occur again. Both political parties had tried in
turn to govern the country, but without success ; and repeated
elections only arrayed sectional majorities against each other
more strongly than before. Another general election at this,
moment presented little hope of a much altered result; and he
believed that both parties were far better prepared than they
had ever been before to look the true cause of all the difficulty
firmly in the face, and endeavour to .settle the representation
question on an equitable and permanent basis, Mr. Brown
added that if the Administration were prepared to do this, and
would pledge themselves clearly and publicly to bring in a
measure next session that would be acceptable to Upper
Canada, the basis to be now .settled and announced in Par-
liament, he would heartily co-operate with them to try to
induce his friends (in which he hoped to be successful) to
sustain them until they had an opportunity' of presenting
their measure next session.

"Mr. Macdonald replied that he considered it would

Memorandum of tiik Xkcotiations,

3' j

ll.S

ind
a

oer

ar-
to
to

ing

be essential that Mr. Brown himself shoiiUl bccmne a member
of the Cabinet, with a view to give guarantees to the Opposition
and to the country for the earnestness of the Government.

" Mr. Brown rejoined that other members of the Oppo-
sition could equally with himself give that guarantee to their
party and the country by entering the Government in the
event of a satisfactory basis being arrived at. He felt that
his position had been such for many years as to place a
greater bar in the way of his entering the Government than in
that of any other member of the Opposition.

"Mr. Macdonald then said that he thought it would be
necessary that Mr Brown himself should, in any case, be
identified with the negotiations that would necessarily have to
take place, and that, if he did not himself enter the Cabinet, he
might undertake a mission to the Lower Provinces, or to
England, or both, in order to identify himself with the action
of the Canadian Government in carrying out the measures
agreed upon.

" It was then suggested by Mr. Brown, and agreed to, that
all questions of a personal character, and the necessary
guarantees, should be waived for the present, and the discus-
sion conducted with the view of ascertaining if a satisfac-
tory solution of the sectional difficulty could be agreed upon,

" Mr. Brown asked what the Government proposed as a
remedy for the injustice complained of by L'pper Canada, and,
as a settlement of the sectional trouble. Mr. Macdonald and
Mr. Gait replied that their remedy was a Federal Union of all
the British North- American Provinces ; local matters being
committed to local bodies, and matters common to all to a
General Legislature, constituted on the well-understood
principles of Federal Government.

" Mr. Brown rejoined that this would not be acceptable to
the people of Upper Canada as a remedy for existing evils.

" That he believed that federation of all the provinces ought
to come, and would come about ere long, but it had not yet
been thoroughly considered by the people ; and even were this
otherwise, there were so many parties to be consulted, that its
adoption was uncertain and remote.
33

I!1

^.r

I; ■

^^il

■,' ■- ■

I J

f f ^

514 The Like ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

" Mr. Brown was then asked what his remedy was, when
he stated that the measure acceptable to Upper Canada would
be Parliamentary Reform, based on population, without
regard to a separating line between Upper and Lower
Canada.

" To this both Mr. Macdonald and Mr. Gait stated that it
was impossible for them to accede, or for any Government to
carry such a measure, and that, unless a basis could be found
on the federation principle suggested by the Report of Mr.
Brown's Committee, it did not appear to them likely that
anything could be settled.

" After much discussion on both sides, it was found that a
compromise might probably be had in the adoption either
of the Federal principle for all the British North American
Provinces, as the larger question, or for Canada alone, with
provisions for the admission of the Maritime Provinces and
the North-Western territory, when they should express the
desire. Mr. Brown contended that the Canadian Federation
should be constituted first, in order that such securities might
be taken, in regard to the position of Upper Canada, as would
satisfy that section of the country, that in the negotiations
with the Lower Provinces, the interests of Upper Canada
would, in no case, be overlooked.

" Further conversation ensued, but as the hour for the
meeting of the House had nearly arrived, an understanding
was come to that the state of the negotiations was such as to
warrant hope of an ultimate understanding ; and it was agreed
that that fact should he communicated to Parliament, and an
adjournment until Monday asked for.

" On Friday evening Mr. Gait saw Mr. Brown and
arranged for an interview next morning, at which Sir Etienne
Tache and Mr. Cartier should be present

"On Saturday, at ten a.m., other engagements requiring
a change in the hour appointed, Mr. Macdonald and Mr, Gait
called on Mr. Brown, and after further discussion, a second
appointment was made for one p.m., when the gentlemen
named, with Mr. Cartier, met in the Provincial Secretary's
room, Sir Etienne Tache being out of town.

Memorandum ok tiik Nkgotiatioxs.

5'5

" The consideration of the steps most advisable for the
final settlement c)f the sectional difficulties was then entered
upon fully, and a general accord seemed to exist that, as the
views of Upper Canada could not be met under our present
system the remedy must be sought in the adoption of the
I'^'dera! princij)Ie.

" Mr. Broun then requested to have the views of the
Administration, as expressed to him, reduced to writing, for
the purpose of being submitted confidentially to his friends.
The following memorandum was then proposed, and, having
to be submitted to the Cabinet and the Governor-General, Mr.
Brown enquired whether any objection existed to his seeing
His Excellency, whereupon he was informed that no objection
whatever existed.

" Mr. Brown accordingly waited on the Governor-General,
and on his return the memorandum approved by Council and
by the Governor-General, was handed to him and another
interview appointed for six p.m., Mr. Brown stating that he
did not feel at liberty either to accept or reject the proposal
without consulting with his friends.

xys

Memorandum — Coii/ideittial,

The Government are prepared to state that immediately after the
prorogation, they will address themselves, in the most earnest manner,
to the negotiation for a confederation of all the British North American
Provinces.

That failing a successful issue to such negotiations, they are
prepared to pledge themselves to legislation during the next session of
Parliament for the purpose of remedying existing difiiculties by intro-
ducing the federal principle for Canada alone, coupled with such
provisions as will permit the Maritime Provinces and the North-
western Territory to be hereinafter incorporated into the Canadian
system.

That for the purpose of carrying on the negotiations and settling
the details of the promised legislation, a Royal Commission shall be
issued, composed of three members <>f the Government and three
members of the Opposition, of whom Mr. Brown shall be one, and the
Government pledge themselves to give all the influence of the admin-
istration to secure to the said Commission the means of advancing the
great object in view.

That, subject to the House permitting the Government to carry

5i6 The Lifk ok Sir John A. Macdonald,

I' :

^ i

throuKh the public business, no dissolution of Parliament sliall take
place, but the Administration will af,'ain meet the ])rc'scnt House.

Shortly after six p.m. the parties met at the same place,
when Mr. Brown stated that, without coinmutiicatiiifjf the
contents of the confidential paper entrusted to him, he had
.seen a sufficient number of his friends to warrant him in
expressing the belief that the bulk of his friends would, as a
compromi.se, accept a measure for the Federative Union of
Canada, with provision for the future admission of the Mari-
time Colonies and the North-West Territory. To this it was
replied that the Administration could not consent to waive
the larger question, but after considerable discu.ssion an
amendment to the original proposal was agreed to in the
following terms, subject to the approval on Monday of the
Cabinet, and of His Excellency :

" The Government arc prepared to pledge them.selves to
bring in a measure, next session, for the purpose of removing
existing difficulties by introducing the Federal principle into
Canada, coupled with such provision as will permit the Mari-
time provinces and the North-West Territory to be incorpo-
rated into the same system of Government.

"And the Government will .seek, by sending representa-
tives to the Lower Provinces, and to England, to secure the
assent of those interests which are beyond the control of our
own Legislation to such a measure as may enable all Briti-sh
North America to be united under a general Legislature
based upon the Federal principle."

"Mr. Brown then stated that having arrived at a basis which
he believed would be generally acceptable to the great mass
of his political friend.s, he had to add that, as the proposition
was so general in its terms, and the advantage of the measure
depended so entirely on the details that might finally be
adopted, it was the very general feeling of his friends that
security must be given for the fairness of those details and
the good faith with which the whole movement should be
prosecuted by the introduction into the Cabinet of a fair
representation of his political friends. Mr. Brown stated that
he had not put this question directly to his friends, but that

Ml'.MOkANDrM OK Tiir. Nkcotiations.

5«7

Ihich

I ass
ition
Isure
be
I that

and
be

fair
[that

that

he pcrccivctl very clearly that this was the strong opinion of
a lar^c majority of them, and that his own personal opinion
on this point (to which he still adhered) was participated in
by only a small number. Messrs. Macdonald, Cartier and
Gait replied that they had, of course, understood, in proposinij
that Mr. Brown should enter the Government, that he would
not come alone, but that the number of scats at his disposal
had not been considered by their collca<jues. Mr. Brown was
requested to state his views on this point, and he replied that
the Opposition were half of the Mouse, and ought to have an
equal influence in the Government. Messrs. Macdonald,
Cartier and Gait said this was impossible, but they would
see their colleagues and state their views on Monday.

"On Monday, at 10.30 a.m., Messrs. Macdonald, Cartier and
Gait called (;n Mr. Brown at the St. Louis Hotel, and stated
that Sir E. P. Tache had returned to town. Mr. lirown
accompanied them to the Provincial Secretary's room, when
Mr. Brown, having been asked to explain how he propo.sed to
arrange equal representation in the Cabinet, replied that he
desired to be understood as meaning four members for Upper
Canada and two for Lower Canada, to be chosen by the
Opposition.

" In reply, Messrs. Cartier and Gait stated that, as far as
related to the constitution of the Cabinet for Lower Canada,
they believed it already afforded ample guarantees for their
sincerity, and that a change in its personnel would be more
likely to produce embarrassment than assistance, as the
majority of the people of Lower Canada, both French-Canad-
ians and English, had implicit confidence in their leaders,
which it would not be desirable to .shake in any way. That
in approaching the important question of settling the .sectional
difficulties, it appeared to them cs.sential that the party led by
Sir E. P. Tache should have ample assurance that their inter-
ests would be protected, which, it was feared, would not be
strengthened by the introduction into the Cabinet of the Lower
Canada Opposition.

" Mr. Macdonald stated, as regards Upper Canada, that in
his opinion the reduction to two of the number of the gentle-

5i8 TuK T.iKK OK Siu John A. Macdonai.d.

.i I:

men ill the C'.ibiiict who now represented Upper Canada
would involve tiic withdrawal of the confidence of those who
now support them in the House of Assembly, but that he
would be prepared for the admission into the Cabinet of three
gentlemen of the Opposition, on its being ascertained t'
they would bring with them a support equal to that n
enjoyed by the Government from Upper Canada.

"Mr. Brown asked in what manner it was proposed the
six Upper Canada ministers should be selected; was each
party to have carte-blanche in suggesting to the head of the
Government the names to be chosen ? To which Mr. Mac-
donald replied that, as a matter of course, he would expect
Mr. Brown to be himself a member of the Administration, as
affording the best, if not the only guarantee, for the adhesion
of his friends.

"That Mr. Macdonald, on Mr. Brown giving his consent,
would confer with him as to the selection of Upper Canada
colleagues from both sides, who should be the most accept'
to their respective friends, and most likely to work harn?
ously for the great object, which, alone, could justify the
arrangement proposed.

" Mr. Brown then enquired what Mr. Macdonald proposed
in regard to the Upper Canada leadership. Mr. Macdonald
said that as far as he was concerned, he could not with pro-
priety, or without diminishing his usefulness, alter his position,
but that he was, as he had been for some time, anxious to
retire from the Government, and would be quite ready to
facilitate arrangement by doing so. Of course he could not
retire from the Government without Sir Etienne Tache's
consent.

" Mr. Brown then stated that without discussing the pro-
priety or reasonableness of the proposition, he would consult
his friends and give an early reply.

" Tuesday. — The respective parties being occupied during
the forenoon in consulting their friends, a meeting was held
at two p.m., at which were present Sir E. P. Tache, Mr.
Macdonald, Mr. Cartier, Mr. Gait and Mr. Brown.

" Mr. Brown stated that his friends had held a meeting

Mkmokandum ok Tin-; Ni:(;()TIATI()Ns.

bro-
[sult

ring
leld

I Mr.

ting

and approved of the course he had pursued, and the basis
arrived at, and authorized him to continue the negotiation.

" Mr. Macdonald and Mr. Cartier also said that they had
received satisfactory assurances from their friends.

" Mr. Brown then stated that it was now for him to con-
sider what course he should pursue, entertaining as he still did
the strongest repugnance to accepting office.

" A further meeting was appointed for half-past eight p.m.,
at which the details of the arrangements, in case Mr. Brown
and his friends accepted office, were discussed at much length.

" Mr. Brown contended strongly that the Government
should concede a larger representation in the Cabinet than
three members. To which it was replied that the Administra-
tion believed it was quite impossible to satisfy their own
friends with a different arrangement.

" Mr. Brown then asked w icther he could be sworn in as
an Executive Councillor, without department or salary — in
addition to the three departmental offices to be filled by his
friends.

" Mr. Macdonald r >lied that the principle of equality
would in this case be destroyed, and he was satisfied it could
not be done.

" Mr. Brown asked whether it was a sitie qua uou, that he
should himself enter the Cabinet. To which it was replied
that to secure a successful issue to the attempt to settle the
sectional difficulties, it was considered that Mr. Brown's
acceptance of office was indispensable.'

A meeting was then appointed for the following day.

" On Wednesday, a little after one, the same parties met —
when Mr. Brf)wn stated as his final decision, that he would
consent to the reconstruction of the Cabinet as proposed, but
inasmuch as he did not wish to assume the responsibility of
the Government business before the House, he preferred
leaving till after the prorogation the consideration of the
acceptance of office by himself and the two gentlemen who
might be ultimately selected to enter the .Administration with
him.

"Sir E. P. Tache and Mr. Macdonald thereon stated that

i !

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i n

520 The Lifk of Sir John A. Macdonald.

after the prorogation, they would be prepared to place three
scats in the Cabinet at the disjxjsal of Mr. Jkown."

After some discussion had taken place on his memoran-
dum, Honourable Mr. Brown, apparently almost overcome by
his feelings, rose to address the House. He said: "did he
conceal from the House what he felt on this occasion — that he
felt in all its force the position he now occupied — he would
only be practising deception. He was well aware of the
position he had occupied in this country for many years ; that
he had stood opposed to honourable g(,ntlemen opposite for
ten or twelve years, in the most hostile manner. He was wtill
aware, in dealing with the question of a solution of our difficul-
ties, and with the question of men of opposite political opinions
going into the same Government, that he had used language
and spoken in terms respecting honourable gentlemen in the
Government, which had the agreement just read been signed
under such conditions as had been usually attached to political
alliances, could not have enabled him to stand here and justify
his position before the country. He would deceive the House
if he attempted to conceal, for a single moment, that he was
fully aware of the painful position he occupied before the
country as being that of one who would probably be spoken of
as doing what he did from personal motives — for self-aggrand-
izement. (No, no). He was free to confess diat, had the
circumst.^nces under which the countr}- was placed, been one
whit less important than they are, he should no*; have
approached honourable gentlemen opposite to negotiate with
respect to the present difficulties. He thought the House
would see that if ever there was an occasion in the affairs of
any country which would justify such a coalition as the
present, that crisis had arrived in the position of Canada.
(Hear, hear, and cheers). It was well known he had believed,
for some time, that in consequence of the sectional differences
existing in this Province, it was absolutely impossible the
Government of this country could be carried on with peace
and usefulness, and that there was but one way of obtaining
good legislation in this country, and that was by taking such a
step as had been proposed to him by honourable gentlemen

,>4

Mk. Brown's Kxplanations to tup: House. 5_'i

opposite, and whirh lie had consented to do. lie had loni;
stated that he was prepared, as far as he was concerned, to
join any man, no matter to what party he belonged, with the
object of affecting a settlement of those great questions that
had so long di\ided the country. We had had for years great
difficulties arising from the existence of two different systems
of religion, two distinct languages, and from sectional causes ;
and the consequence was that it was almost impossible we
could come together without increasing those difficulties.
Well, the difficulties continued, increasing in gravity till at
present, Upper Canada had a majority over Lower Canada
of 400,000 souls who were unrepresented in this Legislature,
while the upper province paid an enormous portion — much
the larger portion — of the taxes without being adequately-
represented in the Legislature. He had always maintained —
while he claimed representation by population for Upper
Canada — that the feelings of Lower Canada must be con-
sulted ; that he was prepared to go into such arrangements as
would settle this question and do justice to both .sections of
the province. The day of such an opportunity had at last
arrived; and, had he not listened to the approaches of honour-
able gentlemen opposite, he would have shown him.self one of
the falsest hypocrites that ever entered public life. (Hear,
hear). He would not say that it was not without great pain
he had to listen to the advances of honourable gentlemen
opposite. He had been for years connected with a body of
gentlemen from Lover Canada whom he had learned to
esteem, who had stood to him through great difficulties, and
who.se kindness he would never forget. (Hear, hear), liut
party alliances were one thing and the interests of his countr}-
another. For his honourable friends, the members for Hoche-
laga and Chateauguay, he had no terms to express the personal
attachment that existed between them and him. Nothing
but a feeling of the urgent necessity of the case, and the man-
ful way in which this question was taken up by the honourable
member for Montreal East and his colleagues, would have
induced him (Mr. Brown) to do that which the honourable
members for Chateauguay and Hochelaga could feel was in

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522 TiiK Like of Sir John A. Macuonai.d.

the slightest degree contrary to the position in which he had
stood toward them. He thought those honourable gentlemen
would feel and acknowledge he had this justification for his
course, namely, that for a long period he had urgently
besought them to take up this question in the way in which it
was now proposed to deal with it. He (Mr. Brown) had hoped
to the last moment that his honourable friends would have
joined him in the present movement ; that they would have
accompanied him to the Committee to confer upon the settle-
ment of our difficulties ; but when he found that they would
not act with him — that they would not sustain the report read
to the House — and when he considered that the honourable
gentlemen opposite had suggested a conference to deal with
the subject, he could not refuse to meet them and do all in
his power to bring about a solution of our difficulties. His
honourable friends on this side would do him the justice to
say that, before he had made any approach to the honourable
gentlemen opposite, after he had received the invitation, that
he took the earliest opportunity of ascertaining whether his
old friends, even at that moment, would not give him their
assistance in this matter. (Hear, hear*). And when the first
liiscussion between honourable gentlemen opposite and him-
self had taken place, he asked his friends from Lower Canada
to co-operate with him in the course he contemplated. He
hoped that the course he had felt it his duty to pursue would
not entail a weakening of those bonds of personal friendship
hitherto existing between his honourable friends and himself
He hoped the day would yet come when they would look
upon this step as the best that could have been adopted.
(Hear, hear). There was not a man in this House who had
not admitted a great crisis had arisen ; that we had election
after election, and had been able to get no solution of the
difficulties before the country- ; and if he asked his friends
from Lower Canada to give the Government a generous
assistance in this matter, he did not ask them to pledge
themselves to anything, but merely to allow the Government
time to produce its measures when they could judge whether
they coultl support them or not. (Hear, hear). Could hon-

■ I

cut
her
on-

MON. SIR JOHN S. p. THOMPSON. K.C.M.U.

MIMSTKR OK JISTKK.

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Mr. Brown's Ivxplanations to tiik Housk.

ourablc gentlemen think it was any pleasure or i^ain to him
to sit in the Cabinet (jf honourable gentlemen opposite, and
oppose his old friends? Nothing but the strongest sense
of duty would ever have placed him in such a position. He
had struggled to avoid entering the Government. He was
willing to help them, and would have remained outside the
Cabinet and given them all that honest, loyal and hearty
aid that any man could give.

" He would say to his honourable friends from Lower
Canada — ' Let us all try to rise superior to the pettiness
of mere party politics, and take up this question as it
should be considered ; wait till a measure is brought down,
and if we are to be condemned, let us be so ; but, at any
rate, give us an opportunity of showing we are honest
and will do our duty to our country.' (Hear, hear, and
cheers). To his friends from Lower Canada, who were
afraid of the character of this measure — or who might think
that Upper Canada might obtain the advantage in this settle-
ment, he would say that whatever was done would be done
with openness and fair play — everything should be free as
air ; and he was sure that in .saying this he spoke the .senti-
ments of every gentleman who was a party to the negotia-
tions. (Hear, hear). There was no desire but to extract
our country from the unfortunate position it had been placed
in. (Cheers). Were he to say he did not feel very painfull)'
the position in which he stood with his old friends throughout
the country, he would not speak the truth. During the
vicissitudes of his public life, and while he was contending
with the many difficulties that had beset him, if there was
one thing more than ai her which he had relied on for
encouragement, it was the belief that he possessed the
sympathies of the honest yeomen of Upper Canada, of whom
he felt proud ; and who, he was convinced, were always
prepared to come forward, give him the right hand of friend-
ship, and express their thanks for his humble services to the
country. And if there was anything that inspired him with
a painful feeling, in reference to his present line of conduct,
it was the apprehension that this class might misinterpret

' 1 !

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■ ! ^ .

526

Thk Likk ok Sir John A. Macdonald.

his motives, lie did think that he slioukl rcc(i\e the sym-
pathies of the honourable irentleinen on his side of the I louse,
in his present position. He had no fears as to the result,
however, or as to the feeling of the country, when the measure
contemplated was properly understood — or with reference to
the sincerity of the parties to the ne<^otiati()ii ; for, in the
long period of twenty years which he had been in ])ublic life,
he had never found that the sound common sense of the
])eopIe of Upper Canada had been mistaken in discovering
where there were truth and sincerity in dealing with men
and measures. (Hear, hear).

" He wished it clearly understood that the alliance between
the honourable gentlemen opposite and himself, and between
their followers, was not a common political alliance for
political purposes ; that it had been brought about by the
crisis that had arisen in public affairs, and upon this and
the fair, frank and manly manner in which the honour-
able member for Montreal Kast had met our difficulties,
he (Mr. Brown) put his justification for the present alliance
and con.sent to enter the Cabinet. (Cheers). And if
honourable gentlemen asked how he could enter the Cabinet
with only two other members of the Opposition to whom
nine members of the Government would be opposed, he
would answer he cared not whether any of his friends
accompanied him into the Cabinet except for the assist-
ance and ability they would bring to the aid of the
Government, for he was so perfectly satisfied with the
honesty and sincerity with which the honourable gentle-
men opposite had approached this question — so convinced
they would carry out their pledges, that he would have been
content to enter the Cabinet alone, without the additional
truar^tntee contained in the admission of two of his friends.
(Cheers). It was nothing for himself (Mr. Brown), the Finance
Minister, or the Attorney-General We- c to agree to this com-
promise designed for the good of the country, but it was
a wreat thing for the honourable Attorney-General East to
have taken up this question in the bold, manly and straight-
forward style he had done, feeling a great evil was upon

Mr. Brown's Exi'Lanations to tiik IIousk. 527

111
il

s.
c

the country which he dcsirctl to remedy. (Cheers). Ami he
(Mr. Brown; felt that he was b(juiid to give that hunourahle
gentleman, who had adopted his present course, even at the
risk of his political position, every assistance and protection in
his power. (Cheers).

" He apprehended that the Government would proceed
to the iinmediate consideration of the scheme of federation ;
that it would send delegates to the intercolonial convention
at Charlottctown, and also to England in order to effect
a federation as soon as possible. They had arrived at no
conclusion as to whether this federative proposition should
be an open question or Government measure. (Hear, hear).
As far as he was concerned he had gone into the Cabinet for
the settlement of that question, and thereby he would stand or
fall. (Cheers). If ever there was an important question
before the country, this was it ; and he must congratulate the
House that we had men from both sides united, and prepared
to sacrifice even party ties and personal friendships in this
matter for the good of the country. He was quite sure that if
members would look at the sectional difficulty carefully, and
the sectional question involved in this movement, they would
say that if the Government came down next sessifjn with
a solution of the present sectional difficulty acceptable to the
House and country, they would be entitled to as much cretlit
as the United States would have earned had they been able to
settle their sectional dispute peaceably before the commence-
ment of this war. If he had no other success to boast of
during his political career than that which had attended him
in bringing about the formation of a Government — with a
strength which no other Government had possessed for many
years — a Government formed for the purpose of settling the
sectional difficulties between Upper and Lower Canada — he
felt that he had something to be proud of, and that he
had accomplished some good for the country. Me wanted no
greater honour for his children — no more noble heir-loom to
transmit to his descendants than the record of the part he had
taken in this great work. (Loud cheers).

Honourable Mr. Mowat said he felt convinced from what

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528

The LiI'K of Sir John A. Mac donai.d.

had been said by the honourable nieniber for South Oxford
(Mr. Brownj that honourable gentlemen opposite were sincere
in their desire to grapple with the constitutional difficulty ;
and he had great hopes that the new Cabinet would succeed
in bringing about a settlement which would be satisfactory to
Upper Canada and satisfactory to Lower Canada ; and which
would be equally just to both. (Hear, hear). Parties were
valuable indeed for the working of our constitutional purposes;
but we should take care that they be not perverted to
purposes of evil ; and that they be not allowed to stand in the
way of good. He confessed to something akin to a hatred of
coalitions, and he held that it was necessary for public men to
avoid even the .semblance of doing wrong ; but in thus avoid-
ing that which had even the appearance of being bad, we
should take care not to do wrong. And, as a coalition under
ordinary circumstances was anything but desirable, so in
extraordinary and exceptional cases it became necessary and
desirable. This was not a simple question. It was a grave, a
serious, a complicated question. The struggle for a remed\' of
our sectional difficulties had lasted for ten years, and had, as
yet, been unsuccessful.

" The honourable gentlemen proceeded to argue from these
premi.ses that the present coalition was necessary ; and that
we should congratulate ourselves on being so near the attain-
ment of a great object.

The steps taken to form a coalition government were
regarded by the country, generally, as wise and patriotic.
Hitherto, nothing but parly contention had prevailed, and it
had become utterly impossible to further any great interest, as
neither party could maintain the ascendency. Nothing had
previously occurred in the history of the Province more
important or better calculated to do good than the alliance
which had just been entered into, and it was felt that the
parties to it would address themselves to the subject of a Con-
federation of all the British North American Provinces with
zeal and energy, and do all in their power to bring to a satis-
factory conclusion the great scheme they had taken in
hand.

Mk. Brown and His Friends.

5^9

lore
Mice

the
!on-

•ith

Uis-

The session lasted but a few days lon<^er, and was pro-
rogued on June 30th, immediately after which the under-
standing arrived at between the Government and Mr. Brown
respecting a change in the /^rj^////^/ of the Cabinet was carried
out. Mr. Brown was appointed President of the Council ;
Mr. William McDougall, Provincial Secretary ; and Mr.
Oliver Mowat, Postmaster-General ; succeeding respectively
to Messrs. Isaac Buchanan, Simp.son and Foley.

It is satisfactory to know that the union of parties was not
only acceptable to the Governor-General, but was suggested
by him in his official reply to the communication from the
Premier announcing the defeat of the Government. By his
permission the correspondence between them was laid upon
the table in the Legislative Council on the last day of the
session, and published in the newspapers on July 6th. It was
as follows:

The undersigned has the honour to state for the information of
Your Excellencjs that, in the House of Assembly, last night, when the
Finance Minister moved the House into Committee of Supply, the
Honourable Mr. Dorion moved the following resolution :

" That Mr. Speaker do not now leave the chair, but that it be
resolved that an humble Address be presented to His Excellency the
Governor-General, representing that in June, 1859, an advance of
$100,000 was made from the public chest without the authority of
Parliament, for the redemption of bonds of a like amount for the city
of Montreal, v/hich bonds were redeemable by the Grand Trunk
Railway Company ; that by the terms of the Orders in Council of
June I, 1859, the Receiver-General was authorized to redeem the said
bonds on account of the city of Montreal, and to hold the same until
the amount so advanced ($100,000) with interest at six per cent., be
repaid to the Government by the city of Montreal, subject to the
C(jndition that the said city do immediately levy the necessary rate to
meet their indebtedness under the Municipal Loan Fund Act, and that
the amount so advanced be repaid within three months,' — that the
said city of Montreal having fulfilled the condition of paying iis indebt-
edness under the Municipal Loan Fund Act, the bonds in question
were delivered by the Receiver-General to the city treasurer on
September 13, 1859, whereby all claim against the city of Montreal
for the said advance was relinquished; that under the instructions
of the Minister of Finance, conveyed in a letter dated London,
December 28, 1859, addressed to Mr. Keiffenstein, of the Receiver-
General's department, the amount of the said advance was transferred

t 1

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530 The Lifk of Sir John A. Macdunald.

to the debt of the financial af;ents of the province in London, who
deny that they ever consented to become liable therefor ; that in view
of the facts above recited, the House would be failing in its duty if it
did not express its disapprobation of an unauthorized advance of a
large amount of public money, and of the subseipient departure from
the conditions of the Order in Council under wliich the advance was
made."

This resolution was carried by a vote of 60 to 5cS, and therefore the
House adjourned.

The undersigned has consulted his colleagues and submitted the
state of the case to them, and they have come unanimously to the
conclusion, that, although the motion is in its terms a censure uptjn an
Administration not now existing, for an official act which occurred five
years ago, yet, under the circumstances in which the vote was carried,
it must be regarded as a vote of want of confidence, and as indicating
the withdrawal of the support of the House from Your Excellency's
advisers.

The undersigned begs to call the attention of Your Excellency to
the circumstances under which the present Administration acceptt'd
the responsibility of office, and to point out that they have successfully
obtained the support of Parliament to all their measures, which
measures, they have also every reason to believe, are satisfactory to
the country.

The undersigned, therefore, with the concurrence of his colleagues,
begs to tender the advice to your Excellency that tliey should be
empowered to appeal from the vote given b)- a Parliament not elected
when they were Your Excellency's advisers, to the people themselves,
in whose decision they have every confidence.

(Signed) E. P. Tache.

June 15, 1864.

MeiiiorandiiDi,

The Governor-General has attentively considered the memo-
randum submitted to him on Wednesday by Sir E. Tache, containing
the views of himself and his colleagues on the resolution which
passed the Legislative Assembly on Tuesday night, and their advice
that they should be empowered to appeal from the vote of the House
to the people.

Before proceeding to give any answer to the request contained in
this memorandum, the Governor-General is desnous to call the
attention of the members of the Executive Council to the position in
which political parties in the province are now and have been for a
considerable time placed.

Correspondence with His Kxcellency. 531

in
the

in
r a

The House of Assembly returned at the {general election in the
year i(S6t, by successive votes, declared its want of cont'ulcnce in
Ministers representing respectively the two parties into whicli it was
divided.

In May, 1863, a dissolution, the constitutional consequences of
such a state of facts, resulted in the return of a House in whicii the
Government, under the leadersliip of Mr. J. S. Macdonald and M.
Dorion, found itself so weak that its members, after the experience of
the whole of the autumn session of 1863, and a portion of the session
of 1864, resigned their places in the month of March last, without
having ever incurred actual defeat.

During this period no question involving any great principle, or
calculated to prevent politicians on public grounds from acting in
concert, had been raised in Parliament. Under these circumstances,
the Governor-General, on the resignation of Mr. Sandfiekl Macdonald's
Government, conceived that the time had arrived when an appeal
might with propriety be made to tlie patriotism of gentlemen on both
sides of the House, to throw aside personal differences, and to unite in
the formation of a Government, strong enough to advance the general
interests of the country.

The Governor-General deeply regrets that this attempt to form a
Government, representing politicians kept asunder by no difference of
opinion on public questions, should have then failed.

The present Government was at that time formed on a distinctive
party basis, and the course of events, since it came into power, has
only given further proof of the evenly balanced condition of p(ili-
tical parties in the House, and of the absence of public grounds for
antagonism between them.

The further continuance of such a state of things is very preju-
dicial to the best interests of the Province, and it is very doubtful
whether a general election would materially alter tlie relative position
of parties.

The Governor-General does not consider it would be right for him
to enter into any examination of the character of the resolution come
to by the House on Tuesday night, he may, however, without impro-
priety, express his regret that it appears to have produced an
impression on the minds of those affected by it, likely to render a
junction of parties more difficult.

The Governor-General still adheres to the opinion that such an
amalgamation of parties is the course calculated to confer the largest
amount of benefit on the province, and earnestly hopes that means
may be found for effecting such an arrangement without doing violence
to the self-respect of any gentleman connected with Canadian politics.

The Governor-General desires to commend the views expressed
in this memorandum to the serious consideration of the members of

'it.

I (,Jf

533

TiiK LiFK or Sir John A. Macdonai-D.

th(! lixecutive Council, and would Uv. ^;lad U> hv. furnislu-d with the
opinion of Sir I"-. V. Taclio and his collea^Mi's upon them ; and while
giving them the assurance tiiat he is prepared to act on their advice,
trusts that some means may he devised for ohviating the necessity of
an appeal to the country under present circumstances.

Mcmoyandum.

The undersigned has the honour to convey to Your I'xcellcncy the
thanks of his colleagues and himself for the confidence shown in them
by Your Excellency's acceptance of their advice.

The Executive Council fully concur with Your Excellency as to the
expediency of avoiding, if possible, an appeal to the country under the
circumstances referred to in Your Excellencv's meiiicrandum, and
they desire the undersigned to assure you that they v ill not cease in
their efforts to effect the formation of an Administration (without
having recourse to dissolution) which will obtain the confidence of
Parliament and of the country.

(Signed) E. P. Tachi;.

June 17, 1864.

C H A r r K R XXI V

■

1864— (C(j«//« «<•(/).

Conference of delPKaies at Charloilctown, 1', K. I., in Sej)(cml)er — Conference at
(^Ufl)ec in ()ctol>er — The projected Constitution for Hritish North America
— Despatch from IlonouraMe K. Cardwell, Secretary of State for the
Colonies.

ARRANGEMENTS for holding a conference at Charlotte-
town, Prince Edward Island, on September ist, had been
made some months previous by means of resolutions passed In*
the Lcfjislatures of the three Maritime Provinces. The business
assigned to the conference was that of discussing the propriety
of a union of these provinces under one Govennnent, and one
legislature, provision being made for the attendance of dele-
gates from the provinces concerned, who were intended to
represent all the political parties into which the people were
divided. After the coalition of Conservatives and Reformers
of Canada, pledged to carr)' out the idea of a confederation
of all the British North American Provinces, it was considered
proper that an invitation should be extended to them to be
present at the conference, and official assurance was given
that all parties wcjuld be gratified to meet the Canadian repre-
sentatives and discuss with them the larger question.

The conference took place on the date arranged for, and
although it was held with closed doors, it soon became known
that a basis of agreement was likely to be arrived at, but in
consequence of the new aspect of affairs and the reluctance of
Prince Edward Island to come into the Union, the meeting
adjourned without report. Meetings were afterwards held at
Quebec and all points carefully and exhausti\-cly discussed.
After an agreement had been arrived at, the delegates visited
the other principal cities and were everywhere received and
entertained with the utmost enthusiasm. During the after-
dinner speeches such explanations were given as were not
considered incompatible with the secrecy supposed to be
observed until the c ocument had been presented to the

533

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H I

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534 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

Executive Councils of the various provinces. What informa-
tion was obtained in this way v/as not considered :;atisfactory,
and the desire of the public to ascertain the conductions
arrived at by the delegates was so stron<^ that it became
necessary to satisfy it, ad accordingly the projected Constitu-
sion for British America was semi-officially promulgated on
November 1 2th. As everything connected with the birth of
our Dominion must continue to be of interest to the people of
this country, ,ve will give the whole document :

" I. A Federal Union with the Crown of Great Britain at
its head, would most conduce to the protection of existing
interests and to give a future impetus to the prosperity of
British North America, provided this Union could be estab-
lished on principles that would be equitable to the various
provinces.

" 2. The best system for the federation of the provinces of
British North Americ? the best adapted under the circum-
stances to the protection of the aricd interests of the different
provinces and the most likely to produce efficacy, harmony
and permanence in the operation of the Union would be a
General Government and Parliament which should have the
control of matters common to the whole country, with local
legislatures and governments for each of the Canadas, Nova
Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island. These
local legislatures and governments to have respectively the
control of local affairs. Provision should be made for admis-
sion into the Union, upon equitable basis, of the province of
Newfoundland, the North-West Territory, Vancouver's Island
and British Columbia.

" 3. The Federal Government and Parliament ought to be
formed, as nearly as the circumstances will permit, on the
model of the British Constitution; the convention wishing
thereby to express 'ts desire to perpetuate the ties which
unite us to the mother country and to serve more effec-
tualh'' the interests of the population of the various prov-
inces.

"4. The Executive power shall reside in the Sovereign of
Great Britain and be administered by the Sovereign or her

■

Confederation Arranged at Quebec.

535

representative according to the principles of the British
Constitution.

" 5. The Sovereign, or her representative, shall be Com-
mander-in-chief of the militia by sea and land.

" 6. There shall be for all the federated provinces a
General Parliament composed of a Legislative Council and a
House of Commons.

" 7. To form the Legislative Council, the provinces shall be
divided into three parts: the first shall comprise Upper
Canada, the second Lower Canada, the third Nova Scotia,
New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island. These three
parts shall be equally represented in the Legislative Council.
Thus, Upper Canada will have twenty-four rep-esentatives,
Lower Canada twenty-four and the three maritime provinces
twenty-four; of which ten shall be for Nova Scotia, ten for
New Brunswick and four Prince PZdward Island.

" 8. Newfoundland in entering the Union shall have the
right to four legislative councillors.

" 9. The conditions of admission into the Union of the
North-Wcst Territory, British Columbia and Vancouver's
Island shall be determined by the Federal Parliament and
approved by Her Majesty. As far as regards the admission,
and the conditions of admission of Vancouver's Island, the
consent of the local legislature will be necessary.

" 10. The legislative councillors shall be appointed for life
by the Crown under the great seal of the General Government
and they shall lose their seats by a continued absence of two
consecutive years.

"II. The legislative councillors must be British subjects
by birth or naturalization, be thirty years of age, possess and
continue to possess, real estate to the value of $4,000 clear
of all mortgage, etc.; but in regard to Newfoundland, the
property may be either real or personal.

" 12. The Legislative Council shall decide all questions
relative to the eligibility, or ineligibility, of its members.

" 13. The first legislative councillors shall L2 selected from
the existing Legislative Councils of the various provinces,
with the exception of Prince Edward Island. If there caimot

ii i

^^ !

, ■ ( "

IL...

536 The Like of Sir John A. Macdonalu

be found amon<^ these councillors a sufficient number willing
to serve, the complement will necessarily be selected else-
where.

" The councillors shall be appointed b}- the Crown on
the recommendation of the General Government and the
presentation of the local governments respectively. In the
nominations regard .shall be had to the legislative councillors
who represent the Opposition in each province, in order that
all political parties may be, as much as possible, proportion-
ably represented in the Federal Legislative Council.

" 14. The President of the Federal Legislative Council,
until it shall be otherwise decided by the General Parliament,
shall be chosen from among the legislative councillors by
the Crown, who may, by its own will, continue him in office
or deprive him thereof He shall vote only when there is
a tie.

" 15. Each of the twenty-four Legislative Conncillors who
represent Lower Canada in the Legislative Council of the
Federal Legislature shall be appointed to represent one of the
twenty-four electorial divisions named in Schedule A, in
Chapter i, of the consolidated statutes of Lower Canada ; and
this councillor shall either reside or possess the property he
qualifies upon in the division of which the representation shall
be assigned to him.

" 16. The representation in the I'ederal House of Commons
shall have population for its basis, and the numbers shall bj
determined by the census officially taken every ten years, and
the number of representatives shall, at first, be 194, distributed
as follows : Upper Canada shall have eighty-two, Lower
Canada sixty-five. Nova Scotia nineteen, New Brunswick
fifteen, Newfoundland eight. Prince Edward Island five.

" 17. There shall be no change in the representation of the
various provinces before the census of 1871.

" 18. Immediately after the census of 1871 and each decen-
nial censuss, the representation of each of the provinces
in the House of Commons shall be modelled on the basis of
population.

" 19. Lower Canada shall never have more or less than

Confederation Arranged at Quebec.

337

]

sixty-five representatives, and the other provinces shall receive
according to the census, the proportion of representation to
which they are entitled, taking as a basis of calculation, the
number of the Lower Canada representatives.

"20. No reduction shall be made in the number of repre-
sentatives elected for any one province, at least till the number
of Its population has decreased five per cent, or more in
comparison with the total population of the confederated
provinces.

"21. In computing the number of representatives at each
decennial period the fractions shall only be taken into con-
sideration when they exceed half the number ^\■hich has the
right to a representative; and then, each of these fractions
shall have the rirrht to a representative.

"22. The legislatures of the various provinces shall
respectively divide them into counties and define the limits
thereof

''21. The Federal Parliament may, when it shall think
proper, increase the number of its members, but it shall
preserve the proportions then existing.

" 24. The local legislatures may, from time to time
diange the electoral districts for the representation in the'
J^ederal House of Commons, and distribute, in such a
manner as they shall think proper, the representatives to which
they shall respectively have the right in the Federal House of
Commons.

"25. Until it shall be otherwise decided by the Federal
I arhament, all the laws which shall be in force at the date of
the proclamation of the Union ; the laws relative to the
eligibility or ineligibilitx- of persons who sit and vote in the
Legislative Assemblies of the provinces, as ^^■c\\ as to the
qualification or incapacity of voters; to the oath required of
voters ; to returning officers, or to their powers and duties • to
elections, and the time which the>- shall last ; to contested
clecticns and proceedings incident there'., ; to the vacation of
Parliamentary seats ; to the issuing and execution of writs i,i
the case of vacancies occasioned by other causes than the
dissolution of Parliament ; all the laws which appiv to the

! I

HI I

538 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonald.

election of representatives to the Federal House of Commons
according to the province for which these representatives are
elected.

" 26. The duration of Parliament shall be five years, unless
it shall be previously dissolved by the Governor-General.

" 27. More than twelve months shall never elapse between
the end of one Federal session and the commencement of
another.

" 28. The general Parliament shall have power to make
laws for the peace, the well-being, and the good government
of the confederated provinces ; always without infringing on
the sovereignty of Great Britain.

" 29. The following subjects shall be specially placed under
its control :

" The public debt and public property ;

" Trade and Commerce ;

" Customs duties on importations and exportations ; except
on the exportation of square timber, staves, masts, spars, oak
planks, sawed wood, coal and other minerals ;

" Excise duties ;

** The raising of revenue by every other mode of taxation ;

** The borrowing of money on the public credit ;

" The postal service ;

" Companies owing steamships or other vessels, railroads,
the canals, and other works which connect two, or more,
provinces together or which extend beyond the limits of
one of them ;

" The steamships navigating between the Confederated
Provinces and othe" countries, telegraphic communications
and the incorporation jf telegraph companies ;

" Every other work which, though situate in a single
province, shall be specially declared by the Act authorizing
it to be of general interest ;

" The census ;

" The militia, military and naval defence ;

" Sea marks, buoys, and light-houses, navigation, and
whatever has relation to shipping ;

" Quarantine ;

III,

Confederation Arranged at Quebec.

539

" The fisheries of the sea-coast and of the interior ;

" The water passages between a province and a foreign
country, or between two provinces ;

" Currency and coinage ;

'• Banks of issue and paper money ;

" Savings banks ;

" Weights and measures ;

" Bills of exchange and promissory notes ;

" Interest ;

" Legal tenders ;

" Bankruptcy and insolvency ;

" Patents of inventions and discovery ;

" Cop)Tight ;

" The Indians, and the lands reserved for the Indians ;

" The naturalization of aliens ;

" Marriage and divorce ;

" The criminal law (except the constitutional of the Courts
of Criminal Jurisdiction), comprising the procedure in criminal
matters ;

" The power to render uniform all laws relative to prop-
erty and civil rights in Upper Canada, Nova Scotia, New
Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, as well as the procedure
of all the Courts in these Provinces. But no Statute passed
for this object by the Federal Parliament shall ha\c force
or authority in any of the provinces before having the sanction
of the Local Legislature ;

" The establishment of a general court of appeal for the
Federated Provinces ;

" Emigration ;

" Agriculture, and generally all matters of a general char-
acter not specially and exclusively reserved to the control
of the local legislatures and governments,

" 30. The General Government and Parliament shall have
all the powers which shall be necessary to it as a portion of
the British empire, to fulfil towards foreign countries the
obligations arising from treaties which exist or may exist
between Great Britain and these countries.

"31. The Federal Parliament mav, when it .«hall think

540 The Like ov Sir John A. Macdonald.

proper, create new judicial tribunals, and the General Govern-
ment appoint in consequence new jud>;es and new officers, if
it shall become necessary or advantageous to the public.

" 32. All the courts, the judges and the officers of the
various provinces shall aid the General Government and
render obedience to it in the exercise of its rights and its
powers ; for these objects there shall be courts, judges and
officers of the General Government.

" 33. The General Government shall appoint and pay the
judges of the superior courts in the various provinces, and of
the county courts of Upper Canada ; the I'ederal Parliament
shall fix their salaries.

" 34. Until the laws of Upper Canada, New Brunswick,
Nova Scotia, Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island
become consolidated, the judges, who shall be appointed by
the General Govcrnmetit, ;ihall be selected from their respective
bars.

" 35. The judges of the Court of Admiralty, who at present
receive salaries, shall be paid by the General Government.

" 36. The judges of the Superior Courts shall hold their
offices during good conduct, and they shall be dismissed only
upon an address of the two houses of the Federal Parliament.

" We now come to the local legislatures and governments.

" T,^. Each prcnince shall have an officer called Lieutenant-
Governor, who shall be appointed during pleasure by the
Governor- General in Council under the Great Seal of the
federated provinces ; but this pleasure shall only be exercised
after five years, unless for cause, and this cause must be com-
municated in writing to the Lieutenant-Governor immediately
after dismissal ; and also by message to the two Houses of the
Ferleral Parliament in the first week of the first session which
follows.

" 3b. The Lieutenant-Governors of the provinces shall be
paid by the General Government.

" 39. The Convention in thus fixing the salaries of the
Lieutenant-Governors, has not pretended to prejudice the
claim of Prince Edward Island on the Imperial Government
to the salary now paid to its Lieutenant-Governor.

CONFEDKRATION ArRAXCJEI) AT OUKBKC.

541

"40. The governments and the parliaments of the various
provinces shall be constituted in the manner in which their
present legislatures shall respectively judge proper to establish
them.

"41- The local legislatures shall have the power to amend
or change from time to time their constitutions.

" 42. The local legislatures shall have power to make laws
on the following subjects :

" Direct taxes, and the imposition of duties on the expor-
tation of luare timber, staves, masts, spars, oak plank, sawn
wood, coals and other minerals ;

" Loans on the credit of the province ;

"The establishment and tenure of loc;.l employments, and
the payment of local officers ;
" Agriculture ;
" Emigration ;

"Education, except the rights and privileges which the

Protestant and Catholic minorities possess "in respect to

Separate Schools in the two Canadas at the time of the Union ;

" The sale and management of the public lands, except

those which belong to the General Government ;

" The fisheries on the sea-coast and of the interior ;
'^ The establishment, support and management of peniten-
tiaries and disciplinary prisons ;

" The establishment, support and management of hospitals,
asylums, lazarettoes and all charitable institutions ;
" Municipal institutions ;
" Tavern, stalls, criers and other licenses ;
" Local public works ;

"The incorporation of private or local companies ;
" Property and civil rights, except those under control of
the Federal Legislature ;

" Punishments, fines, penalties ami imprisonment, for
contravention of laws which are within their legislative
competence ;

"The administration of justice, comprising the constitution,
support and organization of courts of criminal and civil juris-
diction, as well as of procedure in civil matters ;

542 The Life of Sir John A. Macdonai.i*.

" And generally all matters of a private or local nature.

"43. The power of pardoning criminals, of suspending of
or commuting or remitting, in whole or in part, their sentences,
\ hich power belonging of right to the Crown, shall reside in
the persons of Lieutenant-Governors in Council ; but these
shall obey instructions which may be addressed to them from
time to time in this respect by the General Government, as
well as to the laws of the General Parliament.

" We now proceed to give the various provisions which
have for their object to explain the respective attributes of
the Federal Government and Parliament, and the local legis-
latures and governments, and which have reference to other
objects of which we have not yet spoken.

"44. In respect to what regards the questions submitted
concurrently to the control of the Federal Parliament and
the local legislatures, the laws of the Federal Parliament shall
have force over those of the local legislatures. The laws of
the latter shall be null whenever they come in conflict with
those of the General Parliament.

"45. The English and French languages may be simul-
taneously employed in the deliberations of the Federal Parlia-
ment as well as in the Legislature of Lower Canada, the
federal courts and the courts of Lower Canada.

" 46. No taxes shall be put upon the lands or properties
which belong to the federal or local governments.

" 47. All bills having for their object to appropriate any
portion of the public revenues, to create new taxes or new
imposts, must, according to the case, originate in the Federal
House of Commons or the Local Legislative Assemblies.

"48. Every vote, resolution, address or bill of the Federal
Cornmons or the Local Legislative Assemblies which has for
"^fs^^bject the appropriation of any part whatever of the
revenue, or to create taxes or imposts must, according to the
case, be preceded by a message from the Governor-General or
the Lieutenant-Governor, and this message must be laid
before the Chamber during the session in which such vote,
resolution, address or bill shall be passed.

" 49. Every bill of the General Legislature will be reserved

COx\ FEDERATION ARRANGED AT OUKHEC.

543

in the ordinary manner for the sanction of Her Majesty,
and the bills of the local legislatures shall also, in the same'
manner, be reserved for the consideration of the Governor-
General.

" 50. The bills of the General Legislature shall be subject
to the veto of Her Majesty for two years after their passage,
and those of the local legislatures to the veto of the Governor-
General for twelve months after their adoption.

" 51- Ottawa shall be the seat of the Federal Government ;
but the royal prerogative is maintained with regard to the
fixing of the seat of the General Government.

" 52. Toronto is chosen as the seat of the government of
Upper Canada ; and Quebec for that of the government of
Lower Canada. There is no change with regard to the
places of the seats of the local governments of the other
provinces.

" We have now arrived at a very important part of the
project ; it relates to the re-partition of the active and passive
of the divers provinces at the time of the Union.

" 53- All cash, the balances in the hands of the bankers,
and all other values in cash of the various provinces at the
time of the Union shall belong to the General Government.

" 54- The following public works and properties of the
various provinces shall belong to the General Government :—

" The canals ;

" The public harbors ;

" The lighthouses or quays ;

" The'steamboats, the dredges and other public vessels ;

" River and lake improvcmenLs ;

" Railroad and railroad stocks ;

" The mortgages and other provincial debt due by railroac
companies ;

" The military roads ;

" The custom-houses, post-offices and other public edifices
except those which shall be reserved by the General Govern-
ment for the local legislatures and governments ;

"The ordinance property transferred to the provinces
by the Imperial Government ;

544

Till-: Life of Sir John A. iMacdonali).

" The arsenals, the drill sheds, clothint,^, military accoutre-
ments, munitions of war, etc.;

" And the lands reserved for public purpcwes.

" 55. All lands, mines, minerals and royal prerogatives
which belong to Her Majesty in the I'rovinces of Upper
Canada, Lower Canada, New Brunswick, Xova Scotia, and
Prince Edward Lsland, for the usage of these provinces shall
belong respectively to the local governments in which they
are situated. They shall remain, however, subject to trust
deeds and to other liens which may exist relatively in respect
to these lands.

" 56. All sums of money due by the purchasers or loca-
taires of these lands, mines and minerals at the time oC the
Union shall belong to the local governments.

" 57. The various governments shall remain respectively
in possession of all other public properties situated there ;
but the Confederation shall have the right to take the lands
which it may require for fortifications or the defence of the
country.

" 58. The General Government shall appropriate all the
debts and the obligations of the provinces.

" 59. The debt of Canada, which shall not be specially attri-
buted to Upper and Lower Canada respectively will not, at
the time of the Union, exceed $62,500,000 ; the debt of Nova
Scotia, $8,000,000 ; and that of New I^runswick, $7,000,000.

" 60. But, in case Nova Scotia and New Brunswick do
not contract obligations exceeding those to which these
Provinces are actually subjected, and that these obligations
shall be respectively less than $7,000,000 and $8,oof),ooo at
the time of the Union, they shall have the right to receive
at five per cent, the difference which exists between the
real figures of their obligations and those of $7,000,000 and
$8,coo,ooo respectively, Newfoundland and Prince Edward
Island are to be similarly dealt with.

" The preceding has not for its object to restrain the
powers which the governments of these provinces through
their legislatures possess, but solely to limit the maximum
of obligations which they may bring against the General

CONKEDKRATION ArKAM;i:I) AI Or l.llKi .

545

-■•

Gm'crninctit. Hut the respect ivi; le-jislatiircs, after five years
from this date, will not have the power t) contract obli^^ations
of which we are about to speak.

"6i. As Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island have
not contracted debts ecpial to those of the other provinces,
they will^ have the right to receive an advance from the
deneral Government in semi-annual payments, or interest at
five per cent., on the difference which may exist between the
amount of their respective debts, at the time of the Union, and
the average amount of the debt per head of the populations of
Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick at the same date.

"62. In consequence of the tnmsmission of the power of
taxation to the General Legislature the provinces will respect-
ively have the right to an annual subsidy of eighty cents per
head of the population, computed on the census of 1861. The
population of Newfoundland is estimated for this object at
1 30,000 .souls. The provinces will not be able in future to
claim a larger amount from the General Ciovernment, and this
amount will be paid to them semi-annually in advance.

" 63. As the position of New Brunswick is such that this
Province will be obliged immediately to make considerable
payments out of its local revenue, it will receive annuall\-
during ten ycais an additional sum of $63,000. But as long
as its obligations remam below $7,000,000 there will be
deducted from this sum of $63,000 an amount e(}ual to the
interest of five per cent, on the difference between the real
sum of its provincial debt and $7,000,000.

"64. Newfoundland will, in consideration of giving up its
rights in its mines, minerals, and crown land.s, which arc tun
yet either sold or occupied, receive $150,000 a year in semi-
annual payments, but this province reserves the right to open,
construct and control roads and bridges, situated on its lands,
which will, however, be under subjection to laws which the
General Parliament will think it necessary to adopt in recrard
to them.

"65. The General Government will assume all the engage-
ments which will be made, before the Union, with the Imperial
Government for the defence of the provinces.
.35

54^> TiiK LiiK <)i' Sik John A. .M.m donai.!).

"66. The General (lovcniineiit shall cause to be coinjjlcted
without (lcla>', the liitercohtnial Railroad fmin Kiviere-du •
Loup t(j Truro, in Nova Scotia, causing it to pass through
New HruMswick.

"67, The Convention re-^ards as (jf the hi^t^hest importance
to the Confederated I'rovinces the communications with the
North-West Territory, and for the development of the com-
merce of the great west with the ocean ; and it engages to
reali/.e these projects as soon as the state of the finances shall
permit.

"6(S. The sanction of the imperial Parliament and of the
Local Parliaments to the union of the I'rovinces, on the prin-
ciples adopted by the Convention, is to be sought.

"69. The deliberations of the Convention shall be signed
by the delegates, and submitted by each local delegation to its
(iovernment ; and the President of the Convention is author-
ized to submit a c 'py of it to the Governor-General, to
be transmitted to the Secretary of State for the Colonies."

These resolutions were transmitted to England, and in
reply the following despatch was addresseil by the J'iight
Honourable K. C'ardwell, M.P., Secretary of State for the
Colonics, to His Excellency, the Governor-General :

Downing Stkket, December 3, 1864.

My Lord— Her Majesty's Governiiieiit have received with the
most cordial satisfaction Your Lord.ship's despatch of the 7th ultimo,
trausmittiufi; for thoir consideration the resolutions adopted by the
representatives of the several provinces of British North America,
whicli were assembled at Quebec.

With the sanction of tlie Crown, and upon the invitation of the
Governor-General, men of every province, cliosen by tlie respective
Lieutenant-Governors without distinction of party, assembled to
consider questions of tlie utmost interest to every subject of tlie Queen,
of whatever race or faith, resident in those provinces, and have arrived
at a conclusion destined to exercise a most important influence upon
the future welfare of the whole community.

Animated by the warmest sentiments of loyalty and devotion to
their sovereign — earnestly desirous to secure for their posterity
throughout all future time the advantages which they enjoy as subjects
of the British Crown — steadfastly attached to the institutions which
they live, they have conducted their deliberations with patient

DiCSPATCIl FKOM lIvlV. E. CaUDWI.I.L.

54;

sagacity, .iiid liavi- arrived at uiianiinoiis ciiiicliisiniis on (|iicsti()iis
iiiv()lviii<; many difliciiltios, and calriiiatttd, uikIit less lavoiirablc aus-
pices, to have given rise to many ditiercnces of opinion.

Such an event is in the hij^diest degree honourable to tiiost- who
have taken part in these dehberations. It nmst inspire confidence in
the men by wliose judgment and temper this result lias been attainiid,
and will ever remain on record as an evidence of tiie sahitary intluence
exercised by the institutions under whicli these cpiahties liave been so
signally developed.

Her Majesty's Government have given to your despatch, and to
the resolutions of tile conference, tlieir most deliberate consideration.
They have regarded them as a whole, and as having been designed li\
those who have framed them, to establish as complete and perfect a
union of tin; whole into one (lovcrmiKuit, as the circumstanctjs of the
case, and a due consideration of existing interests, would admit. I'hey
accept them, therefore, as being, in the deliberate judgment i>f tlmse
best cpialified to dc-ide upon tiie sui)ject, the best framework of ,1
measure to be passed by the Imperial Parliament for attaining that
most desirable result.

The point of principal importance to the practical well-working of
the scheme, is the accurate determination of the limits between the
authority of the central and that of the local legislatures, in tlieir
relation to each other. It has nut been possible to exclude from the
resolutions some provisions which appear to hv less consistent than
might, perhaps, have been desired with the siniplirity and uiiitv 'if the
system. Hut, upon the whole, it appears to Her Majests's (iovernmeiit
that precautions have been taken, which ;tre obviously intended to
secure to the central government the means of effective action
throughout the several provinces, and to guard against those evils
which must inevitably arise if any doubt were permitted to exist as to
the respective limits to central and local authority.

They are glad to observe that although large powers of legislation
are intended to be vested in local bodies, yet the iMinciplc; of central
control has been steadily kejit in view. The imi)ortance of this
principle cannot be over-rated. Its iiiaii'tenance is essential to the
practical efficiency of the system, ami to its harmonious operatiiju botli
in the general athiiinistration and in the governments of tlu; several
provinces. A very iinj)ortant part of this subject is the (ixpense which
may attend the working of the central and the luc:i\ goveri:imMits.
Her Majesty's Government can not but express the earnest hope tli.it
the arrangements which may be adopted in this respect, may not be
of such nature as to increase, at least in any considerable degree, the
whole expenditure, or to make any material addition to the taxation,
and thereby retard the internal industry, or tend to impose new
burdens on the commerce of the countrv.

eE!pyv.'-.'"t''i«ijiw'»?'.,. iiiwH'Uimmvwmitnf' > > *•' w j«4w ma

54«

TiiK Ijii-; oi' Sir John .\. Macdhn \i

i n

Her M.'ijcstv's ( i()v<;niiii(;iit ;iio jiiixioiis Id Idsc no time in coii-
vcyiiig to yon their f;<'n('r;il apijrov.'il of procdcdiiiL;:. of the conference.
'I'liei'e arc, howevei', (wo i)ro\isions ol ;^rcal import. uice \\liii li seem to
rcfpiire revision. 'I'lu: lirst of tlicse is the i;io\ision contained in tlie
44th resolution with respect to t\\v. (;xeici,se of tiu; prerogativt; ol
pardon. It a|)i)ears to Her Majesty's (iovernmcnt tiiat tliis duty
JM'Ion};:. to tJH' representati\e of tlie So\crei,L;ii, and i.uuld not, witii
propriety, be dc^volved upon tiie iaeutenant-(io\ c. nor-,, who will, under
tJK! |)resent sciienie, Ix; ap|)ointed not directly by liie ( rowu, but by
the central ^'overmnent of tlie united provinces.

idle second point \vhi(di Her Majesty's (Government desire should
be reconsidenMJ is the constitution of the le,L,dslati\'e council. They
appreciate tin; considerations wiiich havi; inlluenced tlie couiereiUH; in
det(!rniinin^' the mode in which this i)od\-, so import. mt to the consti-
tution of the li';;islatnre, should be lomposed. liiil it apjx'irs to them
to reipiire further (Consideration whether, if tlie niemi)ers be a|)polnted
for life and their nund)ers Ix; iixed, tluMc will in; any sullicient nutans
of restorinj^ ha.inouy between the !e,i;islati\(; coun:il and the popular
asscunbly, if it sli.ill ever unfortiniately happen that a tiecided dilfer-
ence of opinion shall arise betwetm them.

These two poiut.s, relatin.L; to th<' |)rero^ative ol the Crown and to
the constitution of the upper chambei', have appealed to retpiire
distinct and sc^jarate notices. Unestions of minor conseipieiice, and
iiiatt(!rs of detailed arranf,'eineiit, may ))roperly Ix; reserved for a fiitun;
time, when the provisions of the bill intended to be submitted to tlu;
Imperial Parliament shall come under consid('ration. Her Majesty's
(i(jv(!rnnieii( aiiticip ites no serious difliciilty in this part of tlioca.se,
since the resolutions will f,a;nerally be found siifiicieiitly explicit to
guide those who will be entrusted vith the prei)aratioii of the bill. It
appears ♦<) them, therefore, that yon should now take inunediate
measnres, in concert with the Lieutenant-(iov(;riiois of the several
lirovinces, for submittiiif to the respective lej^islatures this project oi
the conference ; and if, as I Iiop(\ yon are able to report that thest;
le;.;islatures s.inctioi. and atlopt the scheme. Her Majesty's Government
will render yon all the assistance in tluvr pcnver foi' carryiiif^ it *nto
effect.

It will probably !>(■ found to be the most convenient conr.se that,
in conccsrt with Lieiitenant-dovernors, yon should select a de|iiitation
of the ])ersons bi^st (|ualili(.Hl, to |)roceed to this country, that they may
be present duritif^ the preparation of the bill, and give to Her Majesty's
(jovernmcnt the benefit <jf their counsel upon any cpiestions which
may :irisc during tin" passage of the measure thr(iiigli the two Houses
of Fariiainent. I have, etc.,

(Signed) IC. C \iu)wi;ll.

<^i()Vi:i<NOI< VlSCOlNI MoNCK.

"llIK SlOKN OK CoNKKDKKAiiox.

54';

Many clever and exhaustive articles <,ii this subject
appeared in tlie leadin^^ neuspaijers of the day, and many able
addresses were dehvered by tlie delej^atcs at tlie c^nfe, c , ce „n
their return to their vari.nis homes; but (/all these there were
iK^ne so powerful or convincintr as the speech made by tin-
Honourable John A. Macdonald in brin-in- the n)atter
before the House of Assembly, and we will therefore allow our
readers to hear the story of Confederation from the lips of
him who was the movin-- spirit in that assemblai;e of eminent
and talented men, to whom the country is indebted for brin--
ini( about the Union which chan-ed lus from a number T.f
weak and isolated pnn'inces, havin- little in c.nnnon save our
lan<,rua^'e and origin, and separated from each other by |,.n-
distances, absence of railroad communication and hostil^
tariffs, into a young nation bound together by the strongest
political and commenial ties, which a (juarter of a cent'in)'
have so welded together that to-day we are as united as if
Confedcrati<;n had been in existence f(.r centuries.

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Full text of "Life of the Right Hon. Sir John A. Macdonald [microform] : G.C. B., D.C.L. (Oxon.), LL.D., Q.C., P.C."

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