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THE

WSCOVEEY OF AMERICA

BY THE NORTHMEN,

WITH

NOTICES OP THE EARLY SETTLEMENTS OF THE IRISH
IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE.

NORTH LUDLOW BEAMISH,

FBI.LOW OP THB ROYAL SOCrETY, AND MEMBER OP THE ROYAL DANISH SOCIETY Ot'
NORTHERN ANTIQUARIES,

AUTHOR OP THE "HISTORY OP THE GERMAN LKGION,"BTO.

" Der ar flagga p& mast och den visar it Norr !" — Tbgner,

LONDON :

T. AND W. BOONE, NEW BOND STREET.

1841.

t fos

^ f} /i

68452

CIIARLRS CHRISTIAN IIAFN,

KNIOIIT OP THE KOYAL DANIHII OKDKK OV I)ANNKU«00, Ol' TI, U
ROYAL SWEDISH OKDER OV TUB NOllTH 8TAH,

COUNSELlOn OP STATK TO IMS MA.,l:8IV Till; KINO OP np.NMAIlK,

PUOFESSOIl OF NORTH liRN LITKRATUIM2,

I-ELtOW OP THE HOVAL ANTIQUAKIAN SOCIETY OP LONDON,

AND

SBCHETARY TO THE ROYAT, SOCIETY OP NOKTHEHN

€f)t folloluing; l^aQti

ANTIQUARIES

ARE

MOST RESPECTFUTLY INSCRIBED

THE AUTHOR,

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P
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P R E F A C: K.

Amonost the various, valuable, and important publica-
tions of the Royal Danish Society of Northern Antiquaries,
that which has created the greatest general interest in the
literary world is the able and elaborate work of Professor
Hafn, which rnnie out at Copenhagen in the year 1837,
under the title of Antiquitates AMEuiCANiT:, she
ScripUns Sejttentrionates rerum Anti-Coltimbianarutn in
America.

This interesting publication, the fruit of great literary
labour, and extensive research, clearly shews that the
eastern coast of North America was discovered and colo-
nized by the Northmen more than jioe-huTtdred years before
the reputed discovery of Columbus.

These facts rest upon the authority of antient Icelandic
manuscripts preserved in the Royal and University Li-
braries of Copenhagen, and which have" now been, for the
first time, translated and made public. Fac-similes of the
most important of these documents are given in Professor
liafn's work, together with maps and delineations of antient
monuments illustrative of the subject ; a Danish and Latin
translation follows the Icelandic text, and the whole is ac-
companied by introductory observations, philological and
historical remarks, as well as archaeological and geographical
disquisitions of high interest and value.

The design of the writer of the following pages is to put
before the public in a cheap and compendious form, those
parts of Professor Rafn's work, which he considered were
likely to prove most interesting to British readers, the
greater part of whom, from the expense and language of
the original publication, must necessarily be debarred from

PREFACE.

ii:

its perusal. The translations of the Sagas and other Ice-
landic manuscripts, which embrace the whole detail of the dis-
coveries and settlements in America, are made substantially
from the Danish version, of the correctness of which, coming
fro.n the pen of the learned Editor, there could be no doubt ;
but in some cases, where the style of this version appeared to
the translator to depart too much from the quaint and simple
phraseology of the original, the Icelandic text has been
specially referred to, and an effort has been made through-
out, to give to the English narrative, the homely and un-
pretending character of the Icelandic Saga. In all cases
where it was thought possible that doubts might arise, or
where it was considered necessary to impress some par-
ticular fact or statement upon the mind of the reader, the
original Icelandic word or expression is given ; and free
use has been made of the copious and lucid notes and com-
mentaries of the learned Editor, to explain or illustrate
the various etymological, historical, and geographii.il points
which call for observation : as an appropriate introduction
to the whole, is prefixed a sketch of the rise, eminence, and
extinction of Icelandic historical literature, founded upon
the able Danish Essay of Dr. Erasmus M' -iir. Bishop of
Zealand.

The eminent historian Dr. Robertson appears to have
been totally unacquainted with the early voyages of the
Northmen to the western hemisphere, and hence it is pre-
sumed, that the present summary of their discoveries may
be received as an acceptable introduction to his celebrated
History of America.

The incidental allusions to the voyages and settlements of
the Irish, which are contained in the Minor Narratives,
are more likely to excite than satisfy enquiry ; mr 'h still
remains to be unravelled on this interesting subject, and
it is to be regretted that no competent hands have yet been
applied to this neglected portion of Irish history. It has

PREFACE.

been too much the practice to decry as fabulous, all state-
ments claiming for the earlier inhabitants of Ireland, a
comparatively high degree of advancement and civilization-
and notwithstanding the many valuable publications con-
nected with the history and antiquities of that country, which
have from time to time, come forth, and the more recent
candid, learned, and eloquent production of Mr. Moore,*
there are not wanting, (even among her sons) those who,
with the anti-Irish feeling of the bigotted Cambrensis,
would sink Ireland in the scale o^' national distinction, and
deny her claims to that early eminence in religion, learning,
and the arts, which unquestionable records so fully testify.

And yet a very little unprejudiced enquiry would be
sufficient to satisfy the candid mind, that Erin had good
claims to be called the "School of the West," and her

sons : —

Inclyta gens hominum, Milite, Pace, Fide.''t

Thus much, at least, will the following pages clearly shew :
that sixty- five years previous to the discovery of Iceland by
the Northmen in the ninth century, iiish emigrants had
visited and inhabited that island; — that about the year
725, Irish ecclesiastics had sought seclusion upon the Faroe
islands; — that in the tenth century, voyages between Ice-
land and Ireland were of ordinary occurrence ; and that
in the eleventh century, a country west from Ireland, and
south of that part of the American continent, which was
discovered by the adventurous Northmen in the preceding
age, was known to them under the name of White Man's
Land or Great Ireland.

Cork, April, 1841.

• History of Ireland, by Thomas Moore, " a work "u which," says Hallum,
" the claims of his country are stated favourably, and with much Ica^nin^
uud industry, but not with extravagant partiality." See Introduc. to 1 iter,
of Europe in the Middle Ages, by Henry Hallaui, F.R.A.S. Vol. I. p. 7, nolo.

f Donutus, Bii«liop of Fie!<oli. See p. 222.

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION.

RISE, EMINENCE, AND EXTINCTION OF ICELANDIC
HISTORICAL LITERATURE.

PAGE

Eminent position of Icelandic literature— Iceland the seat of religion
and learning in tVie dark ages of Europe — Recollection of events
preserved by the Slcalds and Sagamen — Investigation of the causes
of this mental advancement -Emigration from Norway to Iceland
in tlic ninth century— Manner of fixing the locality of the settlers —
Setstolilmr — Arbitrary appropriation of land— A Republic is formed
—Held together by moral laws— Origin of the situation of Chief-
Norwegian customs followed by th-^ settlers— Hcrredsthing— Althing
—Income of the chief— Hofgode — Powerful individuals rival the
chief— General tranquillity— Holmgang— Few Icelanders engage in
sea roving — Peaceful pursuits lead to recollections and stories of
the past— Sagas— Songs of the Skalds— Tliey pass orally through
many generation?— The memory aided by Runes— Anecdotes of
Egil Slialagrimsson— Of Olaf the Saint — The two Eddas- The
soldiers' whetstone— Historical knowledge of the Skalds — Landnu-
mtibok— The Skalds ro'-cmble the Troubadours— Of goodly lineage
and the confidants of Kings— Their historical songs considered true
— Tlie Heiuiskriugia — Drapus and single strophes — Enigmatical and
antithetical stylo— Cause of these records being preserved in Iceland
—Heroic age terminates earlier in Denmark and Sweden than in
Norway and Iceland . .

SECOND PERIOD.

Cause of tlie Icelanders becoming historians — Feuds and lawless pro-
ceedings— The time of feud a time of re-union — Skalds thus stimu-
lated to composition— Satirical songs — They become the subject
of legal enactment by tlie King of Denmark— Climate, and mode
of living favourable to the taste fur poetry— Domestic meetings-
Public amusements— The Altliiug— Hestething— Illustration from

CONTENTS.

VA«iE

Tegner's Frithlof — Anecdote of Holle BoUeson — Accuracy of per-
sonal description in tliu Sagns— Copiousness of Iceiundie language
in expressing shades of character— Helge Hardbeinscn identities some
chiefs whom he had never seen — Simplicity of the Saga — Delight of
the people in hearing them — Oral tradition ends with the fabulous
— Intercourse with Norway and Ireland — Arrival of a mer-
chant described — Piratical expeditions are replaced by trading voy-
ages—Large building timber imporied for the construction of the
Drinking Hall — Illustration from Frlthiof — Adventurous youth
sometim^^s engage in sea-roving — Northern maxim relative to home
— Tlie Icelandic Skalds ob'ain reprtation abroad — Exceed all their
competitors of the North — Extraordinary instance of memory-
Anecdote of the Sagaman Thorstein — Brief account of the eminent
Archaeologist Arnas Magnussen — Feast of Yule — Northern origin of
Picts — Icelanders despise trading voyages in the nth century —
They visit Rome — But always return to Iceland — Saying of King
ITakon on this peculiarity — Curiosity of Icelanders on the arrival of
a sliip— First duty of a stranger — Anecdote of Bishop Magnus

THIRD PERIOD.

How traditions become committed to writing — Snorri Sturleson — Ari
Frode — Sasmund Frode— Historical writing the fruit of Christianity
— Period of this important event — Not propagated, as in Norway,
by force — First Bishop consecrated in 1056 — Oligarchy checks the
growth of hierarchy — Bells, books, and breviaries — First school
established — Previous state of society caused a greater taste for lite-
rature in Iceland than in the rest of the North — People apply them-
selves to literature- -Chiefs so learned that they often become priests
— Literature at first limited to religious subjects — Latin acquired,
and thus knowledge extended — Icelanders begin to compile annals
— Chronological difficulties — Genealogies the only guide — Ari Frode
llic first historian — his Islandingabok — Construction of a Saga —
Tiie greater number anonymous— Saomund Frode — The Landnama-
bok — Lives of the Olafs —Records of the achievements of Harald
llaarfager— Royal Sagas — No claim to authorship set up by the
Saga writers— Mythic Sagas — Erik Oddson the f?rst compiler of a
book — Carl Johnson— -Styrmer — Comparative literary eminence of
Iceland in the 12th century — Advancement in the next century —
Snorri Sturleson — Kis manner of writing history — Sturlc Thordson
— Jarls Snga — Orkiieyinua Saga — Decline of learning in the 16lh
century — Industry of copyidts — The Krlstni Saga — The Flato-
bogen . . , xxviii

CONTENTS.

LAST PliRIOD.

PAUE

Change in the social condition of Iceland — Its effects on historical
literature — Rise of an oligarchy — Field of narrative reduced — All
power divided amongst the sons of Sturle — Their feuds — Tlie Sturlun-
gatiden — Honourable feeling replaced by treachery, and the power
of numbers — No distinguished individual appears — Character of the
Sturlungcra — Hakon Ilakonson avails himself of the intestine discord,
and secures the allegiance of the inhabitants — The fate of Iceland
compared to that of Ireland — No theme left for the muse or historian
— Sagas cease to be written — Romances introduced by Hakon — Tiieir
injurious tendency — Tlie island sinks into insignificance — Observa-
tion of TorfiEus upon llakon's policy — Icelandic voyages cease in
the 16th century — Tlie old language, corrupted in Scandinavia, is
preserved pure in Iceland — Icelandic genealogists — ^The Reformation
operates against Saga writing — The attention of Danish and Swedish
literati drawn to Icelandic literature — Arngrim Johnson and Bishop
Brynjulf Svensson collect MSS. for the kings of Denmark, and Rug-
man for the King of Sweden — Prohibition by Christian V. of Den-
mark in 1G85— Remaining MSS. collected by Arnas Magnussen in
1702-1712, and lodged in the libraries of Copenhagen . xxxvii

SAGA OF ERIK THE RED.

Description of the MSS. — Tlie object of the writer — Discovery and
colonization of Greenland in 982—985 — Erik the Red removes from
Norway to Iceland in consequence of murder — Period of first settle-
ment by Ingolf, and previous visits of Gardar and Naddod — Botli
preceded by Irish monks — Erik's sons — He is outlawed, and resolves
to seek the land seen by Gunnbjiirn in a former voyage — Discovers
Greenland — Origin of the name — Erik colonizes tlie newly-dis-
covered country — Names of the first settlers and their residences —
An incidental statement in the Saga fixes with accuracy, the period
of the colonization . . .47

BJARNI HERJULFSON DISCOVERS AMERICA.

Genealogy of Bjarni Herjulfson — His pursuits and reputation — Hyrnn
of a Christian from the Hebrides — Family of Erik the Red— Bjarni
finding his father had accompanied Erik to Greenland, resolves to
follow him thither — He sails for several days without seeing land,
— at last sees a country covered with wood — He leaves this and
sailing for two 'lays, discovers aiiotlier land, which was flat— The
sailors want to land, but he continues at sea, and finds a thinl

CONTENTS.

■i

PAGE

laiiil— This proves to be un island, and uninviting— At length they
reach Greenland, and njarni repairs to his father's— Observations
on the preceding— Calculations founded on the knowledge of a day's
sail, and the courses steered— Result shews the land discovered by
Hjarni to be the coast of North America— Date determined by pre-
ceding narrative— Comparison with the discovery of Columbus . 60

VOYAGE OF LEIF ERIKSON IN 994.

Bjarni Ilerjulfson visits Erik Jarl— Tells of his voyage to America-
Is reproached for not examining the country — Leif Erikson resolves
to explore the land, and buys Bjarni's ship — Wishes his father Erik
to lead the party — Erik consents, but is deterred by a fall from his
horse— Leif sets sail with thirty-five men — A German named Tyrker
accompanies him — They find the land first which Bjarni had found
last — Description of the country — They call it Ilelluland — This
shewn to be Newfounhland— They put to sea and find another
land— The features described— Leif gives it the name of Markland—
Shewn to be NovA Scotia — Again they put lo sea and come to an
island, — which appears to have been Nantucket — They cross the
mouth of Buzzard's Bay, and sail up the Pocasset River to Mount
Hope Bay — They resolve to remain here for the winter — Produc-
tions of the country — Mildness of the climate— Length of the day —
Determination of the latitude of the place — Explanation of the Ice-
landic terms upon which this observation is founded — agree-
ment of the description of modern travellers with the locality thus
dete;mine(' . • • .69

ADVENTURE OF LEIF THE LUCKY.

The German is missing — A party selected to seek him — He is met in a
state of great excitement from the discovery of vines — Incredulity of
Leif— The settlers gather grapes and fell trees to load their ship —
Leif names the country Vinlanu — Passage in Adam of Bremen
corroborative of this discovery — Tlie settlers sail for Greenland in
the spring— Leif saves some people from a rock, and is hence called
the Lucky — Erik the Red dies

EXPEDITION OF THORVALD ERIKSON IN 1002.

Thorvald takes his brother Leif's ship to Greenland— They spend a
pleasant winter — They explore the laud and find no habitations —
Thorvald goes to the eastward— The ship is driven on a ness and
the keel broken— The place hence called Keclness— Thorvald finds
part of the country very beautiful— Canoes seen on the beach— Tlicy

CONTENTS.

I'Afii;

liiui nine men and kill eight of tlieni—DwullingH tiuen tnoiiluu I'rilli
— A ilrowsineiia coini-H upun tiirni — Tlioy are uttackfd by tliu
Skru'lini^tt, iinil Tliorvnld h killtMl — lie is Imiiedat Kro»9am'«H,Hnj)-
poHcd to bo I'oiNT Aldkiiton— lliii foUowLTs return to (iruunlund 70

VOYAGE OF T110U8TE1N ElllKSON, 1()0.>.

Tborsfoin ninriii-s tJudrid the daiigbter of Tliorbjiirn— Sails to brlnjj;
back tlio body of Tliorvald — Driven about tlu' wholu summer, and
returns to Oreenland — Invited to the lioiise of Thorstein the black —
Cluiractcrof (hidrid — Pestilential diaeaBO attaeks th(! crew— O rim -
liild dies— Thorstein Eriksou is attacked — His last conversation with
(iudrid — ll()3i)itality and friendly oilices of Thorstein the black —
(iudrid repairs to Leif in Itrattahlid — These superstitious incidents
corroborative of the authenticity of the Saga— Testimony of Sir
Walti Scott . . .74

EXTRACT FROM THE HEIMSKRINGLA.

Corroborative of the preceding narrative

. 71)

EXTRACT FROM THE HISTORY OF OLAE TRYQGVASON.

Corroborative of the same . . , .80

SAGA OF THORFINN KARLSEFNE.

The hero of this Saga a distinguished individual — His high descent —
Description of the MSS, from which the narrative is taken — The
nature of its contents — Value of the discrepancies and niisnomera —
Their existence accounted for — Torfseus imagined this Saga to be
lost — Genealogy of Kurlsefne — He Hts out a ship for Greenland in
1000 — Bjurni Grimolfson and Thorhall Gandason tit out another —
They pass the winter with I.eif at Hrattahlid — Leif becomes dejected
towards Yule — Karlsefne informed of the cause, relieves him by sup-
plies from his ship— Splendour of the festival — Karlsefne obtains
G ml rid in marriage

THORFIXiV KARLSEFNE'S EXPEDITION TO AND SETTLEMENT
IN VINLAND, A.D. 1007.

Karlsefne and Snorri Thorbraiulson make ready their ship for a voyage
to Greenland — Bjarni and Thorhall prepare also their vessel — Thor-
hall the hunter accompanies them — His appearance and qualifications
— The whole number of men amounts to IGO— They visit llelluland,
Alarklaud. and Keelness, and give the name of Furdustrands to the
shores of Uarnstable — Two Scotch people sent on .liore — Their

CONTKNTS.

I'AIIU

I'lolliirin (IcBcrlbiil — Tlioy hi'lii^f buck ^rape« tiiid wild miiizc —
Struunifjonl itml Straiitiioy, or Hij/./.akd'h Hay niul MAiiTiiA'rt
ViNKYAiiu — I'n'purntiojis for rciimiiiinf? the winter— The ilsliing
•It'diiios and tlicy iin; in want of prnviHions — Tliorliull found lying on
a rock— I)af?r and Dwgr — A wlialo is found antl prepared for food —
IllneHsin consequence of partaking of it— Tliorliall ascribes tbc ar-
rival of the wliale to his versos in praise of the god TI»or — Tliey cast
the remainder into the sea in consot|uence — Tlie weatlier improves,
and provisions are again olttained — Snorri Karlsefneson born

KXPLORATIONS OF KARLSKFNK AND THOUIIALL.

Tborliall goes northward with nine men, and Ivarlsefne takes the rest
round the coast to the southward— 'I'horliall is driven by westerly Rales
to Ireland— ^arlsefne sails up to Mount IIovk Bay — He finds
wild maize, and qinintitios of fish- The Ilclgir Fisknr, or Ilolibut —
Number of wild boasts — They remain liero a fortnight — Visit of the
Skroclings — Their identity with the Esquimaux — Mildness of the
winter— Second visit of the Skrnjlings — They begin to barter — Their
passion for red cloth, and meal porridge — Frightened away by a bull
— Hostile return of the Skrajlings — An engagement takes place —
Consterni'.tion produced amongst the settlers by a peculiar missile of
their assailants — Rallied by Freydis — Her courage and reproaches
— The Northmen retire to Hicir dwellings — Tlie Skrajlings find an
axe, and throw it away on finding that it will not cut stone — Karl-
sefne deems it expedient to abandon the country — They sail north-
wards, supposed towards Cbippinoxot point— Doubtful passage in
the MS.— A Uniped — Another version of the death of Thorvald
Erikson— Blue hills of Norfolk — The third winter is passed at
Straumfjord — Dissension caused by the women — They leave Vinland
in spring — Find five Skruellngs in Markland— Take two of them and
teach them their language — Description of their dwellings and chiefs
— White Man's Land or Gukat Iueland— Bjarni Grimolfson is
driven into the Irish ocean— The vessel attacked by the teredo navalis
— Part of the crew saved in a boat — Magnanimity of Bjarni Grimolf-
son . . .

Descendants of Karlsefne and Gudrid

101
105

VOYAGE OF FREVDIS, HELGI, AND FINNBOGI,
A.D. 1011.

This narrative contained in the Saga of Erik tlie Red— Freydis the
daughter of Erik, induces the brothers Ilelgi and Finnbogi to un-
dertake a voyage to Vinland with her— Leif agrees to lend her his

CONTENTS.

I'AOK

houBCB there — Tlilrty men agreod on for each ship— Freydis breaks
the agreement and takes flvc more — The brothers arrive flrst, and
take up thoir eiTccts to Leifs houses — Freydis ol)ject8 and they erect
a separate building — Winter begins and amusements ore set on foot
— Clicckcd by discord, ending in a cessation of intercourse — Freydis
adopts a stratagem to arouse her husband's anger against the bro-
thers— Tliey are fallen upon sleeping and killed — Barbarity of
Freydis — She threatens to murder any who disclose her misdeeds,
and returns to Greenland in the spring . . • 100

FURTHER PARTICULARS RESPECTING KARLSEFNE AND

QUDRID.

Discovery of the crimes of Freydis — Kurlsefne sails with a rich cargo
to Norway — Both he and his wife are held in great honour there-
He prepares to return to Iceland — The Husasnotrutr^ — Half a mark
of gold given for it by a German — supposed to be the bird's-eye
maple, found in Massachusetts — Karlsefne buys the GlaumbiB
estate in Iceland — A numerous and distinguished race spring from
him and Gudrid — His death — Snorri, their son, builds a church—
Gudrid becomes a nun — Posterity of Snorri Karlsefneson — Bishop
Thorlak Runolfson, a descendant of Ka**' ^fne,and the probable com-
piler of these voyages . .110

GEOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.

Fragment of Vellum Codex, No. 102, describing the situation of Hellu-
land, Marklaud, and Vlnland — Remarkable fragment called Gripla,
from the celebrated collection of Bjom Johnson . .113

PART II.

MONUMENTS AND INSCRIPTIONS.

The Dighton Writing Rock — Runic stone at Kingiktorsoak, shewing
discoveries in the Arctic regions — Astronomical knowledge of the
Northmen in the 11th century — Mistake of supposing them to be
pirates — Proof of their civilization and attainments — Arguments
founded on their extended intercourse — The state of Ireland in the
8th century favourable to their improvement — The Icelandic North-
men differ from those of Scandinavia — Kakortok church — Rimic
stones at Igaliko and Igikeit — Icelandic Annals — Communication
with Markland to the middle of the 14th century— Fate of the
Greenland settlements — Re-discovery in the 18th century — Hans
Egede — Present condition of Greenland ....

117

CONTENTS.

PART III.
MINOR NARRATIVES.

PAGE

Locality of Thule — The Irish Papas — Irish called Wcstmen by the
Icelanders— Their residence in Iceland in 70o and in Faroe in 725 —
Extract from Dicuil — Ari Marson's voyage to Great Ireland — Rafn
the Limerick merchant — Intercourse of the Northmen with Ireland
— Geographical Fragment— Voyage of Bjiirn Asbrandson to Great
Ireland — His ij.evious history — Observations of Bishop Miiller on
the Eyrbyggja Saga — Voyage of Gudlcif Gudlaugson to Great Ire-
land—Arguments in proof of an early Irish settlement on the East
coast of America — Affinity between the Celtic and American Indian
languages — Nautical means and knowledge of the Irish— The Cur-
rach — Phoenician and Celtibcrian intercourse — Druidism — The Og-
ham character — Value of the arguments founded on the absence of
Irish MSS — Evidence which these enquiries offer in support of the
Mosaic records— Conclusion . . . . .173

APPENDIX.

Complete Dial of the Antient Northmen

Genealogical Tables

234
240

MAPS AND PLATES.

113

Plate I. Map of Vinland

Plate II. General Chart

Plate III. The Assonet, or Dighton Writing Rock

to face the Title

to face Part III.

to face Part II.

1 I

" Der iir flagga pa mast och den vlsar i\t Norr,
Och i Norr iir den illskado jord ;
Jag vill folja de liimmclska vindariias gfing,
Jag vill styra tillbaka mot Nord."

FniTiiiop's Saga ai>. Tecnbr.

INTRODUCTION.

SKETCH OF THE RISF, EMINENCE, AND EXTINCTION
OF ICELANDIC HISTORICAL LITEIIATUIIE.

" Tlicre's tl -^ flag oi the mast, nnd it points to tlio North,

And tlic North holds tlic land tlmt I love;
I will steer back to northward, the heavenly course

Of the winds, guidint;' sure from above!"

Teonbk— sec ante.

TiiK national literature of Iceland holds a distinct and
eminent position in the literature of Europe. In that
remote and cheerless isle, separated by a wide and stormy
ocean, from the more genial climates of southern lands, reli-
gion and learning took up their tranquil abode, before the
south of Europe had yet emerged from the mental darkness,
which followed the fall of the Roman Empire. There the
unerring memories of the Skalds and Sagamen were the
depositories of past events, which, handed down, from age
to age, in one unbroken line of historical t radition, were
committed to writing on the introduction of Christianity,
and now come before us with an internal evidence of their
truth, which places them amongst the highest order of his-
torical records.

To investigate the origin of this remarkable advance-
ment in mental culture, and trace the progressive steps by
which Icelandic literature attained an eminence, which
even now imparts a lust -e to that barren land, is an object
of interesting and instructive inquiry, and will, it is pre-
sumed, form an acceptable introduction to the perusal of
the ancient Icelandic manuscripts, which constitute the text
of the present volume.

INTUOHUCTION.

Tho nutlior lias, lln'ivf(>n», availr«l liiins(>li' of nn nhU'
t'ssay by Hislidp Miilirr on this iiilorcsfiii}^' siihuHt,* to put
lu'loro Ills roa<l'.'i's, in a coiuist* lorm, \hc Ifadinj^ rharac-
tcM-istics of that |u'ciiliar stato of socii»ty, which ^onoratod
tht'so ovidtMict'rt of |H'aecful and civilized pursuits, and ^avo
birth to pnxhictions, which, like their own Aurora, stood
forth the Northmen's meteor in the shades of night!

Aiuon^ no other peoph* of Kurope can the conception
and birth of historical literature be more clearly trace<l,
than amongst the people of Iceland, lien' it can be shewn
how memory took root, and gave birth to narrative ; how
narrative multiplied and increased until it was committed
to writing ; how the written relation became (>vontnally
sifted and arranged in chronological order, until at length,
in the withering course of time, the breath which had given
life aud character to the whole, fled hence, and only the
dead letter remained behind.

Hut why was it Icelanders, in particular, who kindled
*ho torch of history in the North ? How came its light to
spread so far from this remote and unimportant islaud ?
What cause led Icelanders more than any other people, to
a minute observation of both the present and the past ?
How came they to clothe these recollections in connected
narratives, and eventually to commit them to writing? —
are questions which first naturally present themselves, and
the true solution of which, can alone lead to a correct
estimate of the value of Icelandic annals.

It is well known that, when towwds the end of the ninth
century, Iceland had been discovered by the roving
northern Vikings, the imperious sway of Harald Haarfager,

• Om den islandskc Ilistorio-skrifnings Oprindelse, Flor og Undergnng,
of Dr. Peter Erasmus Miillcr, Biskop over Sicellands Stift, published in tlio
Nordisk Tidskrift for Oldkyndiglicd, 1 B. 1 H. Kjcibenhavn, 1832. For
the authorities on which this Essay is founded, the reader is referred to the
publication itself, of wliich the present sketch, in all its historical features,
may be considered an epitome.

and

INTnoniTTIOV.

iii

lod mnny Norwo^ians to sook Hiiffty ami iinlciMMulciiro in
that distant islainl. Hut it.s n-nioto position rrndcrt'd tho
voya^o t! hUvr both dillicnlt and dan^'orous; not on(< nnlon^st
hun<lruds of fii^itivos, — Hcarct'ly thi' chiol's thinnsolvos, who
possessed largo ships, — con!*! provide the nect'ssury outfit
for a voyage, which often histed for half i\w year; and tho {,
colonization of the new cotuitry was nocessarily slow and
progressive, and confined, at first, to tho high-minded and
more wealthy chieftains of the western coast. Hut tho
intelligence was soon abroad that bravo and daring men
had established themselves in a new country, where the
cattle could provide for themselves in winter, where
tho waters were full of fish, and tho land abounding in
wood ; and many therefore determined upon removing to
this favoured region. The tide of emigration from Norway
progressively increased, and soon became so great, that
liarald, fearing that his kingdom would, eventually, bo left
desolate, prohibited it altogether, and laid a tax upon
every voyager to Iceland.

Tho chiefs took their families, servants, slaves, and
cattle ; and many kinsmen and relatives, who were accus-
tomed to follow the fortunes of the chief, accompanied
him also on this new venture. The particular locality of
their future residence, was detennined by tlio wind and
weather, united with an implicit faith in the superintending
guidance of the tutelary idol, under whose invocation the
seat-posts * were cast into the sea, and wherever thes(^
happened to be washed ashore, was the dwelling raised.

* Ondvcgissulur, or Sctstokkar. These were tull carved wooden jjillurs,
attached to the scat of the chief, and ornamented at the top with tlic figures
of his tutelary deities, generally Thor or Odin ; the superstitious preference
given to that particular part of the coast, upon which they happened to be
cast, was so great, that Ingolf, the first Norwegian settler in Iceland, after
a residence of three years at Ingulfshbfdi, where he first landed, removed to
the unfavourable situation of the present capital, Reykjavik, on finding that
his Setstokka hud drifted to that point. Anti((. Amcr. p. 9, note ii. ; Islanils

B 2

I « i

INTRODUCTION.

In the course of sixty years, the whole island had become
tiuis colonized. Meantime the first settlers had acquired
no means of circumscribing the movements of the last, who
with the same independent spirit as their predecessors,
took posses^sion of that particular tract of country, which
appeared to them most eligible ; and the extent of the land,
the diiKculties of the voyage, and the limited number of the
population, admitted, for some time, the continuance of
this arbitrary appropriation. x\micable restrictions were
the only checks that could be at first opposed to such un-
constrained and uncertain movements, and these were all
either of Norwegian origin, or brought dii'ectly from Nor-
way. For many of the settlers were related by ties of
blood; the greater number had made common cause
against Harald ; in their native land, they had been accus-
tomed to meet together at the Court (Thing), in the
temple, at the great feast of Yule, at the periodical offerings
to their idols — and thus, naturally, and with one accord,
they were led to establish a form of self-government some-
what similar to that uni'^r which they had lived in Norway.
TJK absence of any despotic ruler gave, however, the new
community a great advantage over the parent state, and
hence arose a constitution more free than the model upon
which it had been formed.

This little republic was held together solely by moral

Oixlagelsc og Bebyggclse af N. M. Pctorson, Nord. Tidsk. for Oldkyn. B. 1.
p. 258-9. Tcgncr thus describes the Setstokka in the banqiictting hull of

Frithiof:

h(')g siitcspc'lamc bS'ida

Stodo fiir imdau dcraf, tvii Gudar skurna af almtrild ;
Odeii med herrskareblick, och Frcj med solen pa hattch."

Frithiofs Saga III. p. 18.

the high seat pillars both

Stood there, two Gods of fairest elm-wood carved
Gdiii with lordly mein, and brilliant Frey,
Around whose head the radiant sunshine pinys.

,,.*^

INTRODUCTION.

laws. Somo of the richer cmigraiits had slaves, which
after putting to cultivate some particular lands, they libe-
rated : all others were free ; the sturdy yeoman was the
unrestricted lord of his own soil ; if he came into collision
with his neighbour, and thought himself more powerful,
he slew him without scruple, but thereupon immediately
endeavoured either through the intercession of the chief of
the district, or some other influential person, to screen
himse'i from reproach, or effect a reconciliation with the
friends of the deceased, by the payment of a fine.

The situation of chief generally arose from the relative
position of the ship's-company in the mother country,
which led to one particular individual among the crew,
taking possession of the ne^v district in his own name; but
it oftener depended ui)jn property or personal bravery.
Was he a gallant warrior, or could afford to keep more
servants and slaves than his neighbours, his assistance
became of importance in settling disputes : and the same
cause produced a reciprocal feeling in support of the chief,
on the part of those whom he assisted .

Befox'e a certain number of statutes had been collected
and formally established, the people followed the eld cus-
toms of their native land, the parties themselves naming
their judges from amongst the neighbouring yeomen ; but
although there was no want of legal forms, to which they
could appeal, or chicanery, by which justice could be
evaded, the result more often depended upon the relative
strength and influence of the party, than upon the merits of
the case. At the district courts (Herredsthinget), the in-
fluence of the Chief was considerable, but not altogether
paramount ; many of the more wealthy yeomen could offer
him effective resistance : his influence at the superior court
(Althinget), depended upon his personal reputation, the
power of his friends, and the number of his followers.

The income of the Chief was principally derived from

INTRODUCTION.

the tract of land, of which he had taken possession on his
arrival ; he was also, in most cases, the Hofgode, or priest
of the temple ; and for the duties of this office, in which
providing the altar with offerings was included, he received
a small contribution (hoftoUr) from every farm in the
neighbourhood. To this was afterwards added compen-
sation for journeys to the Althing, and he also received
fees from those whose causes he conducted, as well as a
small payment from the ships which landed their cargoes
on his ground. But all these various sources, did not
furnish him with any considerable income, and his land
remained his principal means of support. ITie office was
hereditary, as in Norway, but it could also be sold or re-
signed, and sometimes was lost by being appropriated to the
payment of a judicial fine.

Notwithstanding this elevated position of the Chief, it
not unfrequently happened that a powerful individual in
the province, acquired a higher reputation, and obtained
more clients than his superior. Thus after Olaf Paa had
returned from his celebrated expedition to Ireland, married
the daughter of the powerful Egil Skalagrim, and became
possessed of his father-in-law's property, many people
flocked around him, and he became a great chief, without
being actually a Godordsman, or pontiff*.

So long as the colonization continued, the extent of the
island secured internal peace ; the Landnamsmen, as the
first settlers were called, had few disputes amongst tb- m-
selvcs, for every one was taketi up with his own affairs
and although it might sometimes happen, that a quarrelsome
individual by single combat (Holmgang*) or the threat of
personal encounter, would drive another from his farm,
di sputes and contests were of rare occurrence. Another

* From holm, a small islaiul. So called in consequence of these duels ge-
nerally taking place upon one of tlie small neigliboming islands, from whence
the combatants could not so easily escape.

INTRODUCTION.

local circumstance of no inconsiderabl*' importance as con-
nected with the tranquillity of the country, was the diminu-
tive character of the forests in Iceland. These consisted of
dwarf trees, ill suited to ship building, -nd therefore only
small vessels could be built upon the island; whoever
wished io trade to Norway, entered into partnership with
some Norwegian merchant, or bought a vessel which had
been already Irought out from the parent state. Such
vessels could not, however, be used for piratical expeditions,
and those who wished to tugage in such adventures, were
obliged to join some kindred spirits in Norway who pos-
sessed what was called a long ship (Langskip). These dif-
ficulties of outfit, connected with the want of sufficient
hands for warlike purposes, and the long distance from the
coasts, where they were accustomed to carry on their
piratical proceedings, was doubtless the cause of so few of
the new settlers being concerned in sea-roving, while, in all
other matters, they followed the customs of their ancestors.

Thus did this remote and compai'atively barren island,
give freedom and peace to many of Norway's bravest sons,
far from their native land. Instead of participating in the
dangers of the perilous voyage, or aiding in the obstinate
encounter, or sharing in the lawless spoil, when plunder
conferred upon the Sea-king both a fortune and a name,
they now sat down peacefully in their tranquil homes, or
directed the agricultural labours of their servants and de-
pendants. And now did faithful memory carry them back
in imagination to the old and warlike time, whose features
appeared the more brilliant when contrasted with the tran-
(juillity of their present pursuits ; personal deeds led to the
remembrance of those of the father, for it was often in
avenging his death, that their prowess had been first called
forth, or from his kinsmea or associates that they had re-
ceived the first assistance. The colonists were, besides,
men of high family ; the Scandinavians were accustomed
to set great weight upon this circumstance ; the fewer were

\111

rNTHODlICTION.

tlu» outward distinctions tluit cluiriictcrizod tlio individual,
tlio more important was that prerogative considered which
promised magnanimity and valour. The stranger was
therefore minutely (piestioned about his family, and even
the peasant girl despised the suitor whose lineage was un-
known. In the mother country the remembrance of the
old families lived amongst the people of the district ; they
had travelled together to the national assembly; the pa-
ternal barrow, and the ai.tient hall bore testimony to their
noble birth, — but of this, nothing save the relation could
accompany them to Iceland, and therefore, was the new
settler so careful in detailing to his sons and posterity, the
history and achievenunits of their kinsmen in Norway.
'I'he son equally tenacious of ancestral fame, failed not to
propagate the sat ic minute details amongst his immediate
descendants, and thus was insensibly formed, among the
Icelanders, connected oral narratives of the families, for-
tunes, and actions of their ancestors.

These Sagas or traditions, did not generally go further
back than the time of the father and grandfather ; but the
recollections preserved in the songs of the Skalds, were of
much older date, and a number of historical songs can be
pointed out, which the Icelanders must have brought with
them to the new country. Others were historical in a more
limited sense, being thrown into rhyme for the occasion, to
flatter the vanity of some powerful chief, by a poetical
representation of his genealogy; but the more numerous
were those in which all the achievements of a hero were
specifically enumerated.

These compositions bore little evidence of Brage's*

* nrage, the fourth son of Odin and Fiiggn, was the Apollo of the Northern
Mythology; he chuuntcd the exploits of the Gods and heroes to the tones
of a golden harp, and was represented by the figure of an old man, with u
snow-white beard. Runes were said to be upon his tongue, he was rather
given to strong drinks, and not very celebrated for courage. — See Manual
of Scandinavian Mythology, by Grcnville I'igott, p. UO.

INTKODl'CTION.

for-

favour. Under the jinj^le of ni(l(5 rhymes and alliforatlon,
a pictorial expression was given to sword-cuts and slaughter,
which brought to remembrance the order in which the
several achievements had succeeded each other. The poet-
ical form is more visible in the earlier songs, such as :
Ilornklove's Ode on Harald Haarfager, |)articularly his de-
scription of the battle of Hafurcfjord* than in the later,
such as Ottar Svartes Ode on the combats of Olaf the
Saint ; and those compositions have still more poetical
wort)., in which, like Eyvind Skialdespilders Ode in praise
of the fallen king Ilakon Adelsteen, the writers express
the feeling which the events call forth.

It may be readily supposed that heroic verses, sung by
the Skalds themselves in the courts of heroes, were com-
mitted to memory, and that at a time when this was the
only means of recording their achievements, such verses
would pass orally through many generations. The memory
was also sometimes aided by carving the verses in Runic
letters I upon a staff. The dying Ilalmund is introduced
in Gretter's Saga, saying to his daughter: — " Thou shalt
now listen whilst I relate my deedr, and sing thereof a song,
which thou shalt afterwards cut upon a staff." In Egils
Saga, also, Thorgerd, addressing her father I'^gil Skalagrim-
sen, whose grief for the loss of his son Biidvar, had made
him resolve on putting an end to his existence, says : — " I
wish, father, that we might live long enough for you to sing
a funeral song upon Bodvar, and for me to cut it upon a
staff."

* The famous iiavul engagement in the Bay of Ilafursfjord, now called
Stavangcrfjord, (A. D. 875,) made Ilarald Haarfager master of the entire
kingdom of Norway.

t The word llune is said to be derived from ryn a furrow or channel j the
invention is attributed to Odin and his Aser or Godsj the alphabet conaists
of sixteen letters, wliieh lilie the Hiberno-Celtic, claims l»ha;nician origin.
See Leitfaden fur Nordischcn Alterthumskunde, herausgegeben von der
Koniglichen Gescllschaft fUr Nordische Alterthumskunde. Coiicnhagcu
1837, p. 75, et scq. Moore's History of Ireland, Vol. I. p. 54.

X INTRODUCTION.

Sometimes verses were iiiinicdiatcly committed to me-
mory by a number of persons. When King Oluf the Saint
drew up his anny for the battle of Stikklestad (10»30), he
directed the Skalds to stand within the circle (Skioldborg),
which the bravest men had formed around the king. *' Ye
shall," said he, *' stand here, and see what passes, and thus
will ye not require to depend on the Sagas of others for
what ye afterwards relate and sing." The Skalds now
consulted with each other, and said that it would be fitting
to indite some memorial of that which was about to hapi)en,
upon which each improvised a strophe, and the historian*
adds: "these verses the people immediately learned."
In the same manner, nmch older songs were held in re-
membrance, and there is still extant in that part of Snorros
Edda,f called Kenningar, a fragment of Brage the Skalds
ode on Ragnor Lodbrok, by means of which he, in the
7th century, moderated the anger of Bjorn Jernside, against
himself. In the same poem are fragments of an old ode on
the fall of llolf Krake, which St. Olaf directed the Skald,
Thonnod Kolbran, to sing, when the battle of Stikklestad
was to conunence. The whole army, says the Saga, was

* Siiorro Stuilcson, in the Ilcimskriugla or History of tlic Norwegian
Kings.

t Tlicre arc two worlis wliich bear the title of Edda ; the one called tho El-
der Edda in verse, and the other the Younger Edda in prose. Tho first may
be considered a symbolical \.'ork on the Scandinavian Mythology, tho latter
a kind of commentary on the former. The Elder or Poetic Edda was com-
piled by the eminent Icelander Sa;mund, snrnamed Erode, or the Learned ;
the Younger or Prose Edda by Snorro Sturlcson. The latter is composed of
three parts, namely : 1st. Mythological Fables; 2nd. The Kenningar, being
a collection of epithets and metaphors employed by the Skalds, and illus-
trated by fragments from their compositions, and from the Elder Edda ;
3rd. The Scalda, or Poet's Book, containing three treatises; the first being
a treatise on the Icelandic characters and alphabets; the second on
grammatical, rhetorical, and poetical figures ; and the third on prosody.
See Pigott's Manual of Scaudinuvian Mythology, Introduction, p. xlii.

Ct 8C(I.

INTRODUCTION.

was

pleased at hearing this old song, which they called the
Soldier's Whetstone, and the king thanked the bard, and
gave him a gold ring that weighed half a mark.

But it was more particularly, the Skalds themselves who
preserved the older songs in rem em- ance. By hearing
these, their own poetical character had been formed, their
memories sharpened ; and a knowledge of the past was
necessary for the acquisition of those mythic and historical
allusions, which were considered indispensable to jwetical
expression. An instance of their historical knowledge is
thus mentioned in the Landnamabok :* when King Ilarald
Haardraade lay with his army in Holland, two large bar-
rows were observed on the edge of the strand, but no one
knew who was interred there ; however, on the return of the
army to Norway, Kare the black, a kinsman of the famous
Skald Theodolf af Hvine, was enabled to state that the
graves contained the bodies of Snial and Iliald, the two
warlike sons of the old Norwegian King Vatnar. This
historical knowledge of the Skalds led to their being held
in high respect thoughout Scandinavia, and we find them
allotted the first place at the courts of Kings. Plarald
Haarfager is stated to have had more respect for the Skalds,
than for all the rest of his courtiers, and, more than a cen-
tury later, they appear to have been held in equal estima-

* Tho Landnamabok or Book of the first Norwegian settlers in Iceland, is
the most complete national record that has, perhaps, ever been compiled.
It contains the names of about 3UUU persons, and 14U0 places, and forms a
minute genealogical register of tlie colonists, their properties, kinsmen, and
descendants, together witli short notices of their achievements. The com-
pilation was the work of several authors, beginning witli Are, surnamcd
hinns Frode, or the learned, (b. 1007, d. 1148) continued by Kolsteg,
Stynner, and Thordsen, and ending with Uauk Erlendson, for many years
Lagman, or Governor of Iceland, who died A.D. 1334. The Landnamabok
is considered the first authority in all matters connected with the early
history of the island, and will be often found (juotcd in the present
volume.

xii

INTRODUCTION.

i
- 1

tion by the Swedish King, Olaf .Skiiidlionuing, who is
stated to have taken great dehght in their freedom of
speech.

The northern pagan Skalds must not however be looked
upon as the Grecian Aonides, whose only province was to
sing ; they bear a nearer resemblance to the Proven<^'al
Knights, were were also Troubadours. The Scandinavian
bards were besides of goodly lineage, for only the higher,
and more independent conditions of life could call forth
Brage's favour ; they were also well versed in warlike ex-
ercises; the song was the accompaniment to the combat,
and we have nearly as many records of their heroic deeds
as of their poetical eflFusions. They were, also, at times, the
favourites or confidants of kings, like Theodolf af Ilvine,
who was the bosom friend of Harald Haarfager, and Flein,
to whom the Danish King, Eisteen, gave his daughter in
marriage.

Thus were the Skalds well furnished with knowledge
of both the present and the past, and, therefore, has the
sagacious Snorro Sturleson truly said, in the I'leface to his
work :* — " The principal foundation is taken from the songs
that were sung before the chiefs, or their children, and we
hold all that to be true, which is there stated, of their deeds
and combats. It was, no doubt, the practice of the Skalds
to praise those the most, in whose presence they stood, but
no one, even so circumstanced, would venture to tell of
action?, which both he, and all those who heard him.

• The Heimskringla, or historyo the Kings of Norway, being a complete
history of Scandinavia for 300 years. "To this worli,'' says an eloquent
and learned writer, " we are indebted for our cliief knowledge of those
Norman chiefs, whose names made the Kings of Europe tremble in their
palaces, and whose descendants now sit on the mightiest of their thrones."
Historical and descriptive account of Iceland, Greenland, and the Faroe
islands (Ed. Cab. Lib. XXVIII. p. 148), a little work, which, with its
companion, " Scandinavia," by Drs. Crichton and Wheaton, forms an
admirable compendium of northern history.

INTnODUCTION.

xiii

'"J
in

know to bo false, for that would bo an affront, instead of a
compliment."

Besides heroic songs, or Drapas, single Strophes were
often improvised, not only by Skalds, but by many other
individuals, of both sexes, in a critical moment ; and these,
by being committed to memory, preserved the remendjrancc
of the occasion which called them forth. Like the Orien-
talists, the Northmen loved to shew their wit by an enig-
matical and antithetical mode of speaking, and from thence,
the ear having been once accustomed to the simple mea-
sure, the transition was easy to the formation of a strophe,
by means of alliteration or rhyme.

The means of preserving the recollections of past events,
which have been here pointed out, were, for the most part,
common both to those who remained in Norway, and those
who emigrated to the new country ; but in the parent state,
the stream of present events, carried away and obscured
the recollections of the past. The changes which came
upon the whole nation from Harald Haarfager's time, were
naturally looked upon by the Norwegians, as more impor-
tant than the events in which only individual persons or
families had been previously concerned. The Icelanders,
on the other hand, viewed the one as affecting their home,
while the other appeared to be the transactions of a foreign
country, and thus the recollections which up to the time of
the aigration had been preserved in the several detached
districts of Norway, were transferred to, and became united
in Iceland, as the one settler enumerated to the other, the
valorous deeds and achievements of his forefathers.

Besides, it was amongst the families of high birth, that
these antient traditions were best preserved. Such families
maintained an unbroken succession in Iceland, whereas in
Norway they became extinct, first, in consequence of the
many events under the immediate successors ot Harald
Haarfager, and next, from the furious zeal of Olaf ri the

■a.

XIV

IVTllODUCTION.

propftgation of Christianity, which bi'Dught niin to the more
tenacious adherents of the old faith, and these were just the
individuals, amon^fst whom the ancient Sagas were best pre-
served. Not less destructive to the old families was the
unfortunate expedition to England and Ireland, under Ha-
rald Ilaardraade and Magnus IJarfod, in the 11th cen-
tury,* as also the long civil wars in the 12th century, which
ended with the fall of the Optimists.

The other parts of Scandinavia also produced okalds,
and several, both Danish and Swedish, are mentioned in
the antient Sagas ; but these countries were of much
greater extent, and ruled by much more powerful monarchs,
than Norway, previous to the 9th century ; and thus did
the heroic age terminate, and the songs of the Skalds be-
come silent at an earlier period there than in the neigh-
bouring kingdom.

• ** According to our annals," says Moore, " it was not till A.D. 1 102,
tlint this prince commenced his operations by a hostile descent upon
Dublin ;" a paciPc arrangement was then entered into, but having been
violated, as allegcii, by the Irish monarch Murkertacli, Magnus invaded
the country in the following year, with a fleet of fifteen ships ; when being
inveigled into an ambuscade by the natives, he was attacked by them in
great numbers, his retreat to his ships cut off, and himself killed in the
action. — Hist. Ireland, Vol. II. p. 165.

SECOND PERIOD.

We have thus seen how the desire to tell of old times
arose and was i)ropagated amongst the inhabitants of the
new colony. Hut the remembrance and relation of indivi-
dual exploits, and the transmission of these records from one
generation to the other, would, perhaps, have never led to the
Icelanders becoming historians, had not such habits been
united with a strong feeling for poetry, a desire for fame,
and that peculiar state of society, which had been formed
amongst them.

The island had been colonized in peace; each enter-
prising navigator, as he touched its shore, took possession
of a tract of land, without impediment, and became the
independent proprietor of his small estate ; but now these
settlements approached each other ; interests began to clash ;
individual demeanour to become developed. — The social
bonds had been too loosely att-iched, to keep within due
limits the wild self will of so many impetuous Northmen.
True, their ancient Norwegian customs had been sponta-
neously resumed on their arrival, and fifty years later (A. D.
928), the laws of Ulfliot had given a form and consistency
to the moral code ; but these checks had little weight
when individual power or interest were enabled to oppose
them. Personal strength was necessary for personal safety ;
and the many narratives which have been preserved, de-
tailing the untimely fate of the most respectable families,
in the course of the first two centuries, exhibit a long list of
feuds, and deeds of violence, unche jked by the laws, or the
judicial authority of the land.

XVI

INTIloni'f'TION.

Those civil broils wore not, liowcvor, in gonoral, of a very
sanguinary character, and often consisted of indivichml en-
counters, where courage and })resence of mind were equally
exhibited on both sides, and the contest was obstinate : in a
more general fray, the his was looked upon as considerable,
if ten men fell.

The time of feud was also a time of re-union : the object
of the individual was spread abroad ; discussion was created,
sympathy was awakened ; the relative merits of the con-
tending parties became the theme of conversation, and the
Skaids were stimulated to the com})osition of new speci-
mens of their inspiring art. On particular occasions they
improvised. Hate as well as love formed the theme of
these effusions, and the same means were employed to give
a graceful form to satire, in which style of composition
these antient poets were remarkably successful : in fact, so
cutting were these sallies, and of so much weight among a
people peculiarly under the influence of public opinion,
that they often became the causes of bloodshed, and were
looked upon as a ground of complaint before the Courts.*
For the most part, however, the songs were of an historical
character ; sometimes the Skald sang of his own exploits,
sometimes of those of his friends, who, upon such occasions,
were accustomed to present him with costly gifts : After
the Norwegian Skald Eyvind Skialdespilder had sung a
Drapa, or ode in praise of the Icelanders, every peasant in
the island contributed three pieces of silver, which were

* " As an instance of the effect produced by these satirical songs, it is
related that Harold Blaatand, King of Denniarl<, was so incensed at some
severe lines, wliicli the Icelanders had made upon him, for seizing one of
tlieir ships, that he sent a fleet to ravage the island, wliich occurrence led
them to make a law, subjecting any one to capital punishment, who should
indulge in satire against the Sovereigns of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark !"
— Mallet's Northern Antiquities, up. Iceland, Greenland, &c. — Ed. Cab.
Lib. XXVIII. p. 153.

INTHOnUCTION,

XV n

applied to tho purchase of a clasp or ornament for a mantel,
that weighed 50 marks, and this they sent to tho bard, as
an acknowledgement of his poetic powers.

The climate and mode of living contributed to keep alive
this taste for poetry, which tho Icelanders had inherited
from their Norwegian ancestors. Agriculture was almost
entirely confined to the care of pasture and meadow land ;
fishing could only be carried on at certain seasons, and the
feeding of cattle required little attention. Their hostile
proceedings were, also, soon concluded ; but was a reprisal
apprehended, it became necessary for tho chief to retain
his followers at the farm, until a reconciliation was brought
about, and these assembling in tho common room, during
the long winter evenings, contributed to increase tho social
union, and reciprocal communication of past events.
Public amusements, also, brought the people frequently
together : besides the great feasts, which lasted from eight
to fourteen days, sports and games, such as bowis ui
wrestling, were carried on in the several districts for many
weeks in succession ; and still more attractive was the
Heste-thing, where horses were excited against each other,
to the great amusement of both old and young. To these
reunions must be added those caused by attendance at the
different courts, and particularly at the Althing* or general
Assizes, where all the first men of the island met annually,
with great pomp and parade. It was looked upon as a
disgrace to be absent from this meeting, which was held in
the open air on the banks of tho Thingvalla Vatn, the
largest lake in Iceland, a natural hill or mount forming the
court.

* Ting or Thing signifies in tlic old Scandinavian tongue, to speak, and
hence a popular assembly, or court of justice. Tho national assembly of
Norway still retains the name of Stor-thing, or great meeting, and is divided
into two chambers called the Lag-thing, and Odela- thing.

XVlll

INTRODUCTION.

" t'iist by the burrow

Round whose f^rcen siilco, shield touchhiR slilehl,
And sword in band, tlie gallant Northmen stood
Rings in each other circling, till they reached
Up to the summit."*

To figure here with a display and retinue that drew upon
him the eyes of all beholders, was the great ambition of the
Chief, whose power and influence depended much upon
the number of friends and foil )wers he could produce on
such occasions. These were again determined by the
degree of support and assistance, which they could calculate
on obtaining from him, in the hour of need ; and hence the
anxiety on the part of the Icelandic yeoman, to be fully
acquainted with the character and circumstances of his
chief, to which cause may be more immediately attributed,
the interest which he took in all new Sajias or narratives of
remarkable individuals.

In the Laxdffila Saga,f it is related that, after a brave
Icelander, named Bolle Bolleson, had gallantly defeated an
assailant, by whom he had been attacked, iii the course of
a journey through the island, his exploit became the sub-
ject of a new Saga, which quickly spread over the district,
and added considerably to his reputation. In Gisle Sur-
sens Saga, a stranger is introduced, saying to his neigh-
bours at the court — " Shew me the men of great deeds,
those from whom the Sagas proceed."

The greater number of the remaining Sagas, bear what

* uppii ilttehogen,

Och kring dess grijna sidor, skiild vld bkiild,

Och sviird i handen, stodo Nordcns niiin,

Den ena riiigen itiniin fir den andra.

Upp cmot toppcn !''— Frithiof'a Sagii, VIII. p. ,V),

t The annals of a particular family, as the Eyrbiggia Saga is of a particular
district in Iceland. Tlie former has been translated into Latin by Mr. Repp,
and Sir Walter Scott has given a brief account of the other.

INTRODUCTION.

XIX

may be called a political stamp ; they contain a detail of
the most important disputes bc-Lween individual families,
or districts, painted in tho most minute manner, and fol-
lowed by a general description of the most important per-
sonages in the narrative. How iT^uch weight was attached
to these personal descriptions is shewn by the nature of the
Icelandic language, which is richer than any other Euro-
pean tongue in words, that express those various qualities
and shades of character which are of the most importance in
society. The exterior of the chief person in the Saga
is also painted with equal accuracy, especially his fea-
tures, in which the richness of the language is also ob-
servable; and even the particulars of the dress are not
omitted. This was of importance in a country where it was
not always easy to determine, whether tho stranger who
made his appearance was friend or foe, and a remarkable
instance is mentioned in the Laxdaila Saga of a chief named
Helge Hardbeinsen identifying some stranger knights, whom
he had never seen, solely from the accurate desci-iption of
their personal appearance, which was brought to him by the
messenger, who communicated the intelligence of their
approach.

The same characteristics are imprinted on the Sagas.
The peculiarities of the narrator never appear ; it is as if
one only heard the simple echo of an old tradition ; no in-
troductory remarks are made, but the history begins at
once abruptly with: — "There was a man called so and so,
son of so and so," &c. : no judgment is pronounced upon the
transaction, but it is merely added that this deed increased
the hero's reputation, or that was considered bad. In
most Sagas the dialogistic form prevails, particularly in
those of more antient date, for this form was natural to the
people, who insensibly threw their narratives into dialogue,
and thus they acquired a more poetical colouring ; for not oi ily
were the conversations related which had actually taken

c 2

INTRODUCTION.

place, but also, those which, from the nature of the subject,
it might have been concluded had been held ; aiid the ge-
neral mode of expression being simple, and nearly uniform,
and the character being best developed in this definite form,
those imaginary conversations were, for the most part, not
inconsistent with truth.

The talent for narrating was naturally generated by the
desire of hearing these narratives. Those Skalds who
remembered the old Sagas, and whose imagination was
lively, were best enabled to adopt the dramatic form, and
now, independent of their local or political interest, the nar-
ratives became interesting on their own account. Scarce
a century after the colonization of the country, we find that
the people took great pleasure in this amusement. "Is no
one come," asks Thorvard, at a meeting of the people
mentioned in Viga Glums Saga, " who can amuse us with
a new story ?" They answered him : " There is always
sport and amusement when thou art present." Ho replied :
" I can think of nothing better than Glum's songs," upon
which he sung one of those which he had learned. In the
Sturlunga Saga, a certain priest, named Ingemund, is
mentioned as a man rich in knowledge, who told good
stories, afforded nmch amusement, and indited good songs,
for which he obtained payment abroad. Such a narrator
was called a Sagaman.

Thus did oral tradition, beginning with the mythic, pro-
ceed thence to the historical, and end witii the fabulous. We
have now come to the period when books were written and
collected in the island ; but in order to trace the cause of
that peculiar fondness for their own history, which led the
Icelanders, not only to become the historians of Iceland,
but of the whole North, it is necessary to go back to the
earlier condition of the couni,ry and the people.

It may at first sight appeav that Uie local portion of this
remote island would be alone sufficient to prevent the in-

INTRODUCTION.

XXI

in-

habitants from taking any interest in the affairs of other
countries ; but the communication witli Norway continued ;
the migration from thence lasted for ma* ly generations, even
after the island was colonized, and many merchant ships
passed annually between Iceland and the parent state.*
They brought with them meal, building timber, leather, fine
cloth, and tapestry, taking in exchange silver, skins, coarse
cloth (Vadmel), and other kinds of woollens, as well as
dried fish.

As soon as it was known that a merchant had brought a
cargo to the Icelandic coast, the chief of the temple, and in
later times, the governor of the province, rode down imme-
diately to the ship, and asked for news ; he then fixed the
price at which the various goods were to be sold to the
people of the district, chose what he wanted for himself,
and invited the captain of the vessel to stop at his house for
the winter. The visitor was now looked upon as one of the
family, he entered into their amusements, and disputes,
entertained them at Yule with his stories, and presented
his host, at parting, with a piece of English tapestry, or
some other costly gift, in return for the hospitality which he
had received. Piratical expeditions had at this time, given
place to trading voyages, and the merchant, or ship's captain
was often a person of good family ; sometimes attached to
the Norwegian Court, and hence well acquainted with all
that was passing there. How much this intercourse tended
to the increase of historical material is shewn by an old MS.

* Although no mention is made by Bishop Miillcr of any communicution
between Iceland and Ireland at tliis period, it seems yet highly probable that
such intercourse did cxi?t, as also between Iceland aid the British isles.
Mr. Moore, notwithstandini^ an evident dispositiou to depreciate the value
of Icelandic authorities, admits as a *^ known fact," founded on these very
documents, the early settlement of the Iri!>h in Iceland, " to which island,"
he says, " inaccessible us it miglit seem to liavc been to the rude navigation
of those days, it is certain that a number of Irish missionaries of the seventh
and eighth centuries contrived to find their way." — History of Ireland, Vol.
H. p. 3.

XXll

INTUODUCTION.

\' !

f. I

of St. Olafs Saga, wherein is stated that: — "In the time of
Harald Haarfager, there was much sailing from Norway to
Iceland ; every summer was news communicated between
the two countries, and this was afterwards remembered, and
became the subject of narratives."

The Icelanders not only received intelligence from Nor-
way, but brought it away themselves. They were led to un-
dertake these voyages as well from the desire to see their
relations, and claim inheritances, as for the purpose of pro-
curing more valuable building timber than the merchant
could bring them. The '^•hief considered that his reputation
depended much upon the number of persons he could enter-
tain, and for this purpose a spacious hall was required.
This formed a separate building, in the midst of which the
cheerful wood fire bla/ed upwards to an aperture in the
roof, unchecked by ceilings or partition walls: —

The (Irinliing hall, ii separate house, was built
Of lieart of fir ; not twice three huudrcd men
C'oulil HU that liall, when gather'd there at Yule.

The cliecrfiil faggot on the straw strewn floor
Unceasing blazed, gladdening its stony hearth,
While downwards through the dense smoke shot the stars,
Those heavenly friends, upon the guests below.*

The adventurous stripling, on the other hand, sailed to
Norway for the purpose of there engaging in a sea-roving
expedition, or seeking advancement amongst his influential
kinsmen ; and thus many earned renown at the courts of
the Norwegian kings, or entered into mercantile pursuits in

* '■ Uryckesalen, ett hus tor sig sjelf, var timrad af kiirufur
Ei femhundradc miin (till tio tolftcpii hundrat)

Fyllde den rymliga sal, niir de samlats att dricka om Julen."

»■»**•♦

" Alidt iii'i golfvet (mcd halm var dct striult) brann li'tgan hcstiindigt,
(iladt pii sin muradc hiill ; och igcnom det hiftiga rokf i'lng
iJlickadc stjernorna in, de himmclska viinncr, i salen."

Fritiiiofs Saga, III. p. 18, I'J.

■i

INTRODUCTION.

XXlll

order to obUvin wealth, or experience and consideration.
For the old Northern maxim of " a fool is the home-bred
child,"* also held good in Iceland, and therefore do we
find Bolle BoUesen saying to his father-in-law Snorro Gode,
who wished to dissuade him from going abroad : " Little
do I think he knows, who knows no more than Iceland."
Trading was often undertaken by young men solely as the
means of acquiring knowledge, which being accomplished,
the pursuit was given up.

After the lapse of a few centuries, this passion for travel-
ling was increased by a new cause, which had more imme-
diate influence upon the collection of historical materials.
The Skalds passed over to England, the Orkneys, and the
Norwegian courts, seeking rewards and reputation. They
neither required the aid of friends or money for such ex-
peditions, but boldly entering the drinking hall of the
kings, craved permission to sing a drapa in praise of the
monarch, which was always granted, and the bard received
handsome presents, such as weapons, clothes, gold rings,
together with an honourable reception at the court, in re-
turn for his exertions.

The Icelandic Skalds, favoured by the independent posi-
tion of their country, and a superior knowledge of the
Scandinavian mythology, acquired a marked pre-eminence
over their competitors in other parts of the North. The
praises of a stranger bard, from a free country, were more
flattering to a king or chieftain than the more servile adu-
lation of his own laureate ; and it was but reasonable, as
well as politic, to reward him well who had come from so
great a distance, and who, travelling from land to land,
could sound the king's praise, and tell of the royal bounty.
I'he odes thus sung, were all of an historical character ; and
it was, therefore, necessary for the Skald to be well ac-
(piainted with the deeds of the monarch and his ancestors.
* " Ilciinskr cr hcimalit barn."

/^.^!

:|l

' ■«

XXIV

INTRODUCTION.

i^l

It was also required of him that he should be able to repeat
the national ballads ; and the extraordinary power of the
Skalds in this particular, is shewn in the saga of the blind
Skald Stuf, who, one evening, sung sixty songs before
Harald Haardraade, and could repeat four times as many
longer poems !

13ut if a knowledge of history was of importance to the
Skald, it was absolutely indispensable to the Sagaman. A
remarkable anecdote of one of these narrators, is contained in
the Saga of Thorstein Frode, preserved in the Arne-Mag-
najan collection of Icelandic MSS. :* a certain Sagaman,
called Thorstein, repaired to King Harald, to Norway. The
king asked him " whether he knew anything that would
amuse." He replied, that he knew a few sagas. "I will re-
ceive thee," said the king, " and thou shult entertain whoever
requires it of thee." Thorstein became favoured by the
courtiers, and obtained clothes from them : the king also gave
him a good sword.

• Arniis Magmigsen, a Icnriicd Icelander and ardent patriot, devoted his
time, talents, and fortune to the national literature of his country. Filling
the situation of Professor of Northern Antiquaries at the University of
Copenhagen, in the beginning of the 18th century, he amassed the largest
collection of books and manuscripts that has, perhaps, ever been brought
together by one individual. Amongst those arc the rarest and most ancient
vellum MSS. in the old northern tongue, relating to the history, laws, man-
ners, and customs of the ancient Scandinavians. The great fire of Copen-
hagen, in 1728, robbed the devoted antiquary of many of these often dearly-
purchiised treasures ; but he recommenced his labours witli undiminished zeal,
and although then in his Oiith year, was enabled to leave to his country, at
his death (A.D. 1730), nearly 2000 Icelandic MSS., together with a fund of
10,000 rix dollars for their publication. Little progress was made towards
carrying the testator's wishes into cft'ect until a commission, called the
Arne-Magnrean commission, was instituted l)y the King of Denmark, in
1772, soon after which the publication commenced, and all the most impor-
tant MSS. have been given to the public by this society. The collection is
called the Arnc-Magna^an collection, and is preserved in the University
Library of Copenhagen.} See liiographiske Eftcrrctningor oni Arnc-Mng-
nussen, af E. C. Werhiuf ap. Nord. Tid. f. Oldk. 1 li. 1 II. Kjbbcnhavn,
1835.

INTRODUCTION.

XXV

Towards Yule* he became sorrowful ; the king guessed
the cause, namely, that his Sagas were at an end, and that he
had nothing for Yule. He answered, that so it was ; he had
one remaining, and that he durst not tell, for it was about the
king's journeys. The king said that he should begin with
that the first day of Yule, and he (the king) would take care
that it should last to the end of the festival. The thirteenth
day, Thorstein's Saga came to an end, and now he looked
anxiously for the judgment of the king, who said, smiling:
" It is not the worse told because thou hast a talent there-
for, but where didst thou get it ?" Thorstein answered :
" It is my custom to repair every summer to the Althing
in our land, and there I learn the sagas which Haldor
Snorreson relates." The king said: " then it is no wonder
thou knowest them so well," and upon this, gave him a good
ship load ; and now Thorstein passed often between Norway
and Iceland.

1 o comprehend how such a narrative could have lasted
thirteen days, we must presume that the dialogistic form
was freely used, and that the story was interrupted and
decorated with verses and poetical allusions to a consider-
able extent. The anecdote also shews that while Sagamen

* Yule was apagan festival, celebrated in honour of Thor, at the begin-
ning of February, when the Northmen's year commenced, and they offered
sacrifices for peace and fruitful seasons to this deity, who presided over the
air, launched the thunder, and guarded mankind from giants and genii : it
lasted 14 days. Etymologists differ as to tlie derivation of the name, but
tlio most probable seems to be the supposition that it was so called from
Joiner, one of the many names for Odin, the father of Thor. After the in-
troduction of Cliristianity, the anniversary of Yule was transferred to Christ-
mas, which is still culled by that name throughout Scandinavia. The word
YuIc is also used in many parts of Scotland to denote the same festive
period, shewing thejearly connection of the Caledonians with their more
northern neighbours, and tending to confirm the conjecture of Tacitus, as
well as the accounts of ancient English chroniclers, that the Picts were of
northern descent, or ns Moore expressively says, " from the same hive of
northern adventurers, who were then pouring forth their predatory swarms
over Europe."— Hist. Ireland, vol. i. p. 00.

:'%%

\X\ I

INTItOOIMilON.

wiMV o\' IntiM- origin than Skalds, llu»y also htotxl in lowri-
I'slunation : llir Skahl was jMirolli'il aiuim^st llic court it'rs;
tlu> Sn^auian was only looked upon as an anuisiii^ visitor.

In llu' llth ivnluiy, tlu' li'i'lai\»lois coast'd to i'n<j;ajj;o in
piratical oxpoditions ; tlio clnol's, whoso powor and riches
had increased, looked with eonlenjpt on trailing voyages;
but on the «)lher hand, it was often a result of their feuds,
that «>ne of the parties was obliired t(» leave the country for
a few years. So)netinies also they eni^aged in a voluntary
pilyriniaire to Honn*. Such a; expeilition went lirst to
Denmark, where it was always well received hy the Danish
kings, and more particularly in the I;Uh centin-y, we (ind
the Icelandic chiefs drawing forth expressions of respect, and
esteeuA at the court of N'ahlemar II.

All these travellers were sure to rctiu'n home after a few
years, and establish themselves in Iceland, nor could the
most llattering reception at foreign courts abate their iidie-
rent love of country. Thus King llarald (u»ruisen could not
prevail upon (uutuar of lllitlareude to remain at his court,
although he held out the temptations of a wife and fortune;
and henc says llakon to Finboge Haunne, "That is just
the way with you Icelanders ! the nunnent you are valued
and favoureil by princes, you want to get away." When
the travelled man came home, he was received with the
greatest attention : he was instantly sought out at the Al-
thing, ami now he nuist make a public statement of his
travels and adventures. The curiosity of Icelanders is
proverbial, and seems to be in proportion to their distance
from the continent. If a ship arrived, the people instantly
ran down to the shore to ask for new s, unless the chief of the
district (Herredsforstanderen) had ruled that he should be
the first. Thorstein Ingemundson, a hospitable man, who
lived in the 10th century, looked upon it as the duty of
every stranger to visit him first : and he was once highly
exasperated with some strangers, who neglected this cour-

■1

iNiiionurTioN.

XXV

|,(«sy. Wlu'ii Kiiiiliin, nu'iilioncd in llir liiHlory ol' Olfif
'IVyf^'j^vcson, Inwl icIiinu'M fnnn Norway, mid vvuh ^niovinj,'
over Ww inCidrlily of liis lM'li(»tluul, liis rather was iiiohI. dis-
ircsscd at llic \m>\)Ui l.liiis loHiiif,' \\\v iHinofil. ol" Iiih sloruis;
and wlu'ii \w was aiY(frwar<lH niarnc*!, and u spUMnlid wcd-
dinj^' look plan' on tlio island, nothing' aiinised tlic! ^Mu^sfs
nioro than Iho l)ridef,'ro()ni'H narralivos of Iiis sdrviccfs undor
Iho ^'reat Kin},' Ohd" 'IVy^'^'veson. Ilowovcr (Uisirous tJu;
n»-w coTncr nii^dit ho lo ii^arn what had happonod (hiring'
his absiMU'c from home, ho was always first ol)li};ed to tell
his connlrymen the news from ahroad. A remarkalde iilua-
tration of this is f^'iven in the life of Jiishop Magnus, who
returned from t^axony by Norway (A.D. 1 1:J5), just as the
people were assendded at the Althinj,', and were loudly
contending,' upon a nuitter, res|)ectin{^ which no unanimity
c(mld he obtained. A nu!sseng<!r suddenly ap )ears among
the crowd, and states that tlu^ Bishop is ridin.,' up. Upon
this they all become so pleased that they inst uilly leave the
court, and the Bishop is obliged to parade on a height near
the church, and tell all the peoplt^ what hud hapi)ened in
Norway whilst he was abroad !

Such a narrative, told by a person of veracity, went from
mouth to nu)uth, under tlio name of the first narrator,
which was looked upon as a security for the truth of the

Satra.

Til 111 J) PERIOD.

f I

It has thus been shown how tho niiiterials for history had
boon c()llo(;to{l in Ici'land, and how those niatorials wore
moulded Into tho form of narrative by oral tradition : it
now ronialns to be scon how tho traditions bocanic
tho subjocts of written doeunients, and historical literature
assumed a definite and permanent fonn.

Snorro Sturleson says in the preface to the Iloim-
skringla, that Are Vrode (b. 10G7, d. 1148) was tho first
who committed to writing, in tho northern tongue, his-
torical narrations botii of the present and tho past. Soon
afterwards Svvmund Frode wrote of the Norwegian kings.
Both those authors finished their works at a kite period
of life, and after the year ll'JO : licnce it has been in-
ferred tiiat no liistory was written in Iceland before the
time of Are Frode, and consequently that such historical
writing was the fruit of a taste for literature generated by
the introduction of Christianity.

This important event occurred in the year 1000. New
ideas and new writings were now, doubtless, introduced,
but a considerable time must have elapsed before these
civilizing effects became general. Christianity was not
propagated in Iceland by force, but was the result of the
example of the mother country, the adhesion of individual
chiefs to the new religion, and the indifference of many to
the old. No violent persecution was awakened against
the followers of the old idolatry, nor was the influence of
the new religion upon morals and customs very visible at
first. Sixteen years had elapsed from the introduction
of Christianity, before an injunction from Olaf the Saint,
forbad the Icelanders to expose their children, and eat

INTUODIK.'TION.

XXIX

horsc-flosli. Tl 10 first, IJlsltop (IhI**!!") was cojisccratcil in
105(5, but tlu5 itilliUMioi! of tlu; prui.stly character (1(>[umi(K!(J,
liku that of the Ilof^odo in former times, on his personal
(jiialitics, and the power of his kinsmen. Tlio oli^'archy
chocked the growth and influenco of the hierarcliy, J^vcn
in the bo'^innin^ of the lOth century, interdicts wcm'o little
attended to, and wo find tho Archbishop of Trondhjem
so late as A.D. 121.*), oblij^ed to shew great indulgence to
the chiefs, who had cruelly maltreated Hishop Judmund
Aresen. With Christian worship came also frankincense,
clerical robes, bells and books. Previous to this, the Ice-
landers were only acquainted with Runes, Runic stones,
and Staves, and such small articles, upon which single
words or sentences were inscribed. Individuals may,
doubtless, have mot with books, u[)on or near the island,
just as Irish books were found there by tho first settlors,*
but so long as Roman letters and tho language in which
they wore written wore unknown, such books could only
have been looked upon as foreign novelties. Now tho
priests brought Latin breviaries, and the now alphabet
could not bo found very difficult after the use of Runes.
Fifty years after the introduction of Christianity, Bishop
Isleif established the first school, which was soon followed
by many others. Tho previous state of society had
awakened a greater taste for reading and knowledge in
Iceland, than in tho rest of tho North, and the trancjuil
habits of the people being favourable to tho cultivation of
letters, it was not long before many of them applied them-
selves ardently to literature. Tho Kristni Saga relates
that towards the end of the 11th century, there were many
chiefs so learned that they might have been priests, and
many were actually appointed to the sacred office. In
the beginning of the 12th century, Ovid's Epistles and
Amoves were read in the schools, and in the course of the
* See Minor Narratives, Part III.

XXX

INTHODITfTION.

<■ i

samo century, wo find mention niiule of many who pos-
sessed coUoctions of books.

For some time reading and literature were closely con-
nected with the now religion. A knowledge of Latin
letters was acquired in order to ;iing the I'salter, to which,
without well understanding it, some magical influence was
ascribed,* and the young priest applied himself to Latin,
in ordf?r that he might becomingly celebrate the Mass.
For records of daily life, the Icelander needed not the
foreign character; his Runes afforded him a readier
medium, and their use was continued for a long period.
On the other hand an acquaintance with the Latin
language became of the greatest importance to his whole
being ; for thus an inexhaustible source of knowledge hatl
been opened to him, and the travelling Icelander could
now, in foreign schools, become dowed with all the
learning of the age, and by means atin books, transfer

this learning to his own country. Of these, the historical
were the most congenial to his taste and habits, and the
annalistic form was best suitod to retain the fruits of his
reading : hence came Icelanders to copy, and afterwards
to compile annals embracing long periods of time, and hence
to treat Northern history in the same simple manner.

But peculiar difficulties presented themselves to the
correct arrangement of these records. Much as had been
related in Iceland of the events of the past, their chrono-
logical order was not preserved, and the only guide to this
indispensable element of history, were the long genealogical
details of the individuals whose actions wore recorded. To
ascribe these different events to particular years, and
arrange them in chronological order, required nmch time,
trouble and investigation, yet under all these difficulties a

• How many modern riuistians ropeut the Psulmodic asponsos with
kindred ignorance unU superijtitioii !

INTIlODL'CrioN.

XXXl

book was coinplotod, which must excite the surprise and
admiration of all the modern literati.

'I'liis hook was written by Are Frode, under the title of
Book of the Icelanders (Islendingabok) and contained a
dry and condensed, but at the same time, well arranged
and comprehensive view of the most important events in
the history of the country. It has often been regretted that a
larger work by the same author has been lost. The former, with
good reason, was highly prized, for it laid the foundation of
all nor^l em history, determining many important epochs,
and shewing their connexion and succession with minor
events. Bu* Snorro's expression about Are Frode has been
misunderstood, when he is made to say that Are was the
first Icelander, who wrote anything historical. Snorro says
that Are was the first Icelander, who was a histor'utn, but by
this he could not mean to say that no one had ever put a
Saga upon paper before Are Frode ; for this, after Icelanders
had been educated in schools, could not be well maintained.

The preceding shows that a number of narratives, thrown
into an agreeable fonn, were current throughout Iceland,
and that these, favoured by a free constitution, were in-
creased by all the remarkable events that took place either
in the island, or the neighbouring kingdoms. The transition
to written documents was now easy and natural : he who
was accustomed to read and write, and who, perhaps, relied
less upon his memory than others, was readily led to take
down in writing that which he was desirous to retain, and
thus he constructed a Saga. But the writer of such a Saga
would never think of appending his name to it, and thereby
seeking the honours of authorship, for he merely wrote
down what he had heard others say, and exactly as he had
heard it. Hence are the greater number of Icelandic
Sagas anonymous ; the date must be determined by the
contents, and it is very possible that many of these narra-
tives, such as Vigastyrs and Heidarviga Saga were written

, 1

4' «

xKxn

INTRODUCTION.

1 I

earlier than the Scheda of Are Frode . The other principal
Icelandic historian was Are's uicnd, Sitmund, also sur-
named Frode, or the learned, whose work on the Norwegian
kings, from Harald Haarfager to Magnus the Good, is now
lost: it is quoted less frequently than that of Are, the
most important events having, probably, been already deter-
mined by him.

The peculiar nature of the settlement, and the circuni-
stances under which it had been formed, directed the
attention of the Icelandic historians of the 12th century,
more particularly to details connected with the colonization
of the island ; the order in which families had become es-
tablished, their genealogy, territory, how they were allied,
&c. ; and the fruit of these enquiries was the celebrated
Landnamabok. Next to these local matters, came the
reigns of the two Olafs, of whose achievements many nai'-
ratives were in circulation, and whose zeal in the propaga-
tion of Christianity caused them to be surrounded with a
sacred halo. The life of Olaf Tryggveson was written in
Latin by two monks, named Gunlaug and Odd, who gave
as authorities the oral relations of men from the middle of
the same century, at the end of which they wrote ;* their
labour consisted in little more than translating into Latin,
and accompanying with a few remarks, that which had been
communicated to them by others, for both these notices of
Olafs life shew that neither of the authors related anything
on his own personal knowledge About the same period a
diffuse compilation was made, recording the achievements
of St. Olaf during his life, and his miracles after his death ;
this was afterwards employed by Snorro, and his contempo-
rary Styrmer, but the nature of both these works renders it
j)robable that many j)arts had been already written in de-
tached narratives before the whole was collected.

These lives of the (.)lafs are, in all probability, the earliest

* The I'Jlh coiiturv.

INTROUUCTION.

XXXIU

regularly arranged written records of a narrative which had
been orally related, and they form a connecting link be-
tween historical writing and tradition. I'he achievements
of Harald Haarfager, also, which arc mentioned in so many
narratives of the Icelandic colonists, as having been sung by
so many Skalds, whose songs were remembered, and which,
besides, contained events of such great general importance
to the Icelanders, — were no doubt committed to writing in
the course of the 12th century.

From such lives of individual kings, the Sagas of the
Kings of Norway could easily be compiled, for just as the
isolated deeds of an Icelander were put together to form the
histoiy of his life, and thereto were added the achievements
of his forefathers and children, so by uniting the lives of
Harald Haarfager and the two Olafs, a Saga of Norwegian
Kings was already forrr.ed. But he who collected or trans-
cribed such a history in the I'itli century, never thought of
writing a book, still less of being looked upon as an author ;
he wrote either because he wished to note down certain
events, for his own satisfaction, or in order to have a good
collection of entertaining narratives to relate to his friends.
The first attempts were naturally imperfect and unequal,
for *he materials were casually collected, and the most dis-
propo tionate brevity and prolixity is to be observed amongst
them ; but these became better after a time, and only the
most deserving were eventually transcribed.

Next to the Olafs, Harald llaardraade was the Norwe-
gian King who furnished the richest materials to the histo-
rian, and already during his life time, and with his cogni-
zance, a romantic complimentary Saga, of his residence at
Constantinople, founded upon Haldor Snorroson's prolix
narrative, was in circulation. There was another class of
Saga which must have led the admirers of the bardic art to
collect them into a united form ; namely, the celebrated
mythic Sagas of the Volsunger and Giukunger, whose deeds

\XX1V

iN'nu)i>r('Ti()N.

^1 . i

U I

r«)rMU'(l tho tluMiic ol" the oldt'st soul's ol' flio SKjilds, and
iVom wluMuv so iiiiinv ]>(U'ti('al images aiv lakoii. No Icc-
landm- who t'ithor vtMituroil to iiulito a stro|)lu> hiinsidl', or
mado anv pivtiMisions to pootic tasto, could bo ignorant ol"
tluvso. Tho \'olsunga Saga is supposed to have been
written either at the end of the [•Jth or bogluniug of the
}:M\\ eeutury.

Tliat the leelaiulers who tims, in tlie I'Jth eeutury, coui-
inltted to paper for their own infonuation, the aehievenuMits
of foreign iiingei, were not uuniiudful of the transactions of
their own island, nuvy be easily believed ; nor did they fail
to note down carefully the concerns of their own families
and the valorous deeds of their kinsuuMi aiul forefathers.
Hut of these narratives, there was scarcely one that could
be properly called a book, that is to say, a work published
for the information of others ; they coidd only be looked
upon as records for personal use, or cchos of the living
narrative and assistants to its propagation.

The first real writers of history that Iceland produced —
those, namely, who collected historical materials, which they
individually worked out with the view of coinnmnicatiug the
knowledge of remarkable events to their fellow men, v.ero
those who wrote the history of their own times. The first
of these was Erik Oddson, who, according to Snorro, wrote
from the testimony of eye-witnesses, and from what he
himself had learuetl from Harald Gille and his sous in the
middle of the 12th century. This book is used by Snorro, and
still more literally by the author of the MS. Morkinskinna.
Next to him comes Carl Johnson, who was Abbot of Thin-
gore Monastery in 11(51), and wrote the first part of the
history of King Sverre, under the personal inspection of the
monarch himself: the succeeding part was finished by
Styrmer, in the first half of the 13th century. These
authors followed exactly the historical stylo which had been
formed bv oral relation. The circumstance of King Sverro^

FNTIIODIK riON.

XXXV

wlic cart^rully cmployiMl every iiieaiis of IciKliiijf publu;
opinion ill liis Jiivoiir, liiivin^r souf^lit to iiifliioiK.'e t,li(? Alilxit,
while writin^f liis history, proves tliiit already at that. tiiiK!
a fe(^Iiii<^ for Uterature had been awakened.

Thus in the I'Jth century, when the nif^ht of i^^norancu^
and l)arharisni still huiif^ over the rest of Kuropt;, narratives
which had previously been transmitted by oral tradition,
were taken down with the pen, and the writin*]^ of books
was coimnenccil in Iceland. The following century was
the golden aLije of Icelandic historical litiu'ature, for in that
age lived Snorro Sturh^son.* Ilis mode of writing history
was to collect the Sagas that had been written before his
time, to strike out whatever displeased him, make abstracts
of what he considered too dilluse, and enliven the recital
by tlu! introduction of a few stro[)hes from the old Skalds.
He states nothing for which he has not good authority ;
ho rejects whatever was too trifling to be consistent with
the dignity of history, as well as the greater part of those
legends which several of the copyists have inserted in his
work : but, on the other hand, he does not pass by a single;

• Son of the wualtliy and powerful Chief Sturle I'hordson, and Lnginnii
or governor of leclund in 1213. '* His countrymen," says an olccincnt
writer, " love to compare him with the most celebrated of the Roman
orators, to whom both in cluiracter and fortune be bore a striking re-
Bcmblancc. Uoth were called to oiie highest offices in their native land by
the voice of their admiring countrymen — both amidst tlie cares and dis-
tractions of political life, soothed their labours by literature, and won iti<
brightest honors from their less busy contemporaries, — both lived at a time
when tlie bulwarks of freedom were crumbling into fragments around them,
— and both, taking an active share in tlic unnatural conflict, fell victims to
the success of their enemies. Like Cicero, too, Snorro was distinguished
for his powerful, fervid eloquence, and by his rank, wealth and talenf:s, was
entitled to the highest place in the state. But his character was sta'.ncd by
avarice and ambition, and he is accused of having often failed to perform
boldly what lie had prudently contrived." Iceland, (ireenland, &c. Ed.
Cab. Lib. x.\viii. pp. 135-G.

I ■.

XXXVl

INTRODUCTION.

V'l "i!

; p!

1 1

f''

illustrative feature, and has faithfully preserved the lively
character of the antient Saga.

Between 1264 and 1271, being some years after Sverres
Saga had been completed, Sturle Thordson wrote the
history of Hakon Hakonson, at the instigation of Magnus
Lagebaeter, and according to the materials which he had
collected at the Norwegian court. His work is therefore
to be looked upon as an independent performance, and
both as regards its comprehensiveness and historical
arrangement, must be classed amongst the best of the Ice-
landic historical works.

The Sagas which embrace that period of time, extending
from the death of Sverre to the birth of Hakon Hakonson,
are probably written later than Hakon Hakonson's Saga,
for as they just fill up the space between these two great
historical works, the want of this link would not clearly
appear, until the latter had been completed. The fragment
which remains of Magnus Lagebaiter's Saga, shews that it
was intended to continue the series of Royal Narratives,
but these could scarcely have been of much interest, as no
MSS. are extant.

A Jarls Saga was also compiled in the 13th century,
being a collection of antient Narratives relating to the
Jarls of the Orkneys, wnich were united and continued
under the name of the Orkneyinga Saga. The civil dis-
turbances in Iceland at this period, were described by
Sturle Thordson, and beside this many were employed in
writing Annals.

In the 16th century, although the decline of learning
had commenced, much literary activity was still visible in
Iceland ; but the independent compilation or composition
of history had ceased, and only a few Bishops Sagas were
still written. On the other hand co})ying was carried on
with great industry, older Sagas were transcribed, the

■H

INTKODUCTION.

XXXVll

Landnamabook completed, and the Kristnisaga, or de-
scription of the introduction of Christianity into the
country, was extracted from the older writings : the copious
IN'SS. called Flatobogcn,* still shews with what industry
in lividual ecclesiastics collected and transcribed the older
historical Sagas, towards the end of this century.

■'II

LAST PERIOD.

We have now seen how Icelandic historical literature,
after having blossomed and borne good fruit, began at last
to wither and decay; artd the cause of its origin and bloom,
leads us also to the cause of its decline and extinction.
The old state of society had called forth individual ac-
tion and heroic deeds, and awakened a feeling for their
representation ; but now the power of the petty chief over
his Thingmen had become diminished, and the equilibrium
had been removed from amongst the chieftains themselves.
Already in the beginning of the 11th century had Gudmund
the Powerful one hundred servants at his farm, and he was
accustomed to travel through his district like a petty king,
with a retinue of thirty men, to judge the disputes of his
Thingmen. He did not, however, venture to combat the
general dissatisfaction, caused by the increased expense to
the individuals where he lodged, which this practice occa-

* The book of Flat island (Codex Flateyensis) so called from having
been found in a monastery on the island of Flatii (Flat island) situated
north of the Breida Fjord in Iceland. It is a vellum MS. containing
copies of a number of Sagas, executed between 1387 and 1395, and is pre-
served in the Royal Library of Copenhagen.

XXXVlll

INIRonrCTION.

sioned, aiul cvontually contented himself with six attcnd-
iints. As long as public opinion had so much weight, the
voice of the Saga was also influential, but when powerful
families intermarried, their influence invariably increased, as
well as the number of their followers and constituents. In the
beginning of the I'ith century Haflide Marsor. had a dispute
with Thorgill Oddeson, and rode to the Thing with I'iOO
men, while 700 accompanied his antagonist. No individual
yeoman could oj)p()se such an arnuunent, either with his
own force or that of his kinsmen, and the field of domestic
narrative was therefore reduced from the multii)licity
of characters and events which the time of the colonists
brought forth, to the more serious feuds of a few powerful
chiefs.

From the middle of the l*2th century, all power and
inllueuco was divided between the three warlike sons of
Sturle — the historian Snorro, Thojjd, and Sighvat. Ava-
rice, ambition, and revenge generated implacable hatred
between these, and brought on the destruction of their race;
and the history of the independent age of Iceland may be
said to end with the feuds of this family, which lasted one
hundred years, and gave to that period the name of " the
time of the Sturlungers" (Sturlungatiden). Although the
history of this period has been written in a good style, with
the greatest accuracy, and rare impartiality by an eye-
witness rnd participator in the events — Sturle Thordson ;
notwithstanding the much more important occurrences
which are here narrated, as compared with the former
periods, and which, it might therefore be supposed, would
awaken greater interest, — the Sturlunga Saga does not
present that attraction to the reader, which is aftbrded by
the narratives of less important periods.

Mere luunerical force, and not the personal strength or
ability of the individual now determined the result. The
question was no longer about defending a cause at the

^!i

INTHODUCTION.

XXXIX

Court, but asscTubliu^ an unny ; the old thirst for rovongo
hud not vanished, hut honourable lecling had given place to
treachery, and the j)ower of nuuibers. No distinguished
individual ajjpearcd whose deeds could awaken sympathy.
Snorro Sturleson was talented and eloquent, but at the
same time, ambitious, avaricious, and not very celebrated
for his personal prowess ; his nephew, Sturle Sighvatson,
was full of energy, but imperious, violent, and faithless ;
Kolbcin the younger, and (iissur, authors of Snorro's
nuirder, were only clever partisans; Thord Kakal, who
revenged the fall of the Sturlungors, awakened more sym-
pathy, but he did not possess energy enough either to
overcome his enemies, or sincerity enough to be recon-
ciled to them, and hastened the submission of the island to
Norway.*

The submission of the Icelanders to the sway of the
Norwegian Kings was a natural consequence of these do-
mestic dissensions ; there was no end to the wars of the
chiefs; not a single house, as formerly, was burned down,
but whole provinces were laid waste. The chiefs them-
selves, also, looked to Norway for assistance as well as to
their bishops, who were dependant on the see of Thrond-
hjem; llakon Hakonson well knew how to avail himself
of this internal weakness, and hastening on a crisis, which
was the necessary consequence of the natural course of
events, secured the allegiance of the island in 1261.

Thus did all the noble sentiments, generated by equal
laws, an independent position, high descent, and intellectual
endowment, sink beneath the angry and narrow-minded
conflicts of private interest and personal animosity. Party
feeling, — that curse of a nation, — fell upon the land ; the
Norwegian monarch, availing himself of the weakness
which ever accompanies disunion, accomplished the sub-

• For ii sihort account of Siiorio's death, and tlie fends of tlie SturUmsrcrs,
SCO lochmd, Greenland, \o. — Hd. Cab. Lib. xxviii, ji. 134, ct scq.

'' '.-^i

,(,ViI

IN ntoix (HON.

'H'i'li(u\ ol'lln' i>linul, ami a>< in n iiutic soiilluMn imd girrnrr
i-'li', lli«> ii)l(<sliii«> (liss(Misi«)iis of liiM" own rxfili'il sons,
allixt'il till' l)a(l!;»' »»!" viissalaijt* »n»(>ii L-i'Iand !

^Mlal tliouu' {'o\\\{\ now aninialo llic lyi'u' niusi", or f^iv«'
intt'ii'st and distinction {o tlu> annals of tin* historian ? 'I'lio
Ihnni' ot'tliscord lis;litrd by tlu« rliii>l"s, and I'annrtl into <l»«-
structivo t'sti'iision by the Nonvi\ij;ian Kin^, bad <'arri<<d
uith it, thi' last spark tti' iVi'i'doni IVout llu» i'\liaiist»'d land,
antl with lVi«v'doni IKmI tlio spirit wliicb bad Invatbi'd lil"*'
into till' soiiys oltlu' Skalds, and ^ivi'n I'orco and cbaracli'r
tt! 'Ill' ri'ronis of the Saj^a !

AliiT a short linio tho Sa^as coasi'd to bo proibici'd, lor
nothing; Di-rurrod that was worthy ol bi'ins; conMnitli'd lo
yyritioii : tho ilry annalist alom* ronid (ill his nolo book yvilb
tho snooossions of Lai^nion or ohii'l" niapstratos, tbo yvi'il-
tiiiiiis ol' tho rhiols, law snits, and solitary doods oi" \iolonco,
tlio ronuiant oi' tho old lioontionsuoss; or nioro dostruotiyo
still, with dotails of tho rayayos of tho poslilonlial ilisoasos,
whioli now sproad tloatli and ilosolation lhroii{;bout tho
land.

Hut oyon n\oro injurious to tho bislorioal liloraturo of
looland than thoso dopi>pnlaling olVoots yyas tho tasto for
ronianoo yvhioh aroso about this poriod, iiu(i woakonod tho
foolini; for puro history. Wo hayo alroady soon that in tho
li'th oontury. fabulous or pootioal ornamont yyas givon to
historioal narratiyo, in ordor to inoroaso tho gratifioation of
tho hoaror; and by such ombollishod adyonturos Sturlo
'I'hordson obtainod so much favour yvith JMa<j;nus Lago-
bator : but so long as real acts of horoisin yvoro porforniod,
and roiordod, and tho Sagas yvore connected yvith tho songs
of tho Skalds, and tho genealogy of families, such narratives
justly attained the preference ; it y»as otheryvise, lioyvever,
yvhen the public interest in domestic events had subsided,
or rather yviien the altered condition of society produced
iiotiiiug to call it forth, and the romances of chivalry, yverc

INTKOOIICTION.

xli

o|H>riiMl likt) a iirw w<>rl<'l, hcloro iJio luliriirin^ eyes oi' tJtf
lr(>laii<l(>i-s. Tills was |>ui'ti<'iilai'ly a|>|»ar(>iil, in ili(! nti^ti of
llalutii llakntiHoii, l>y vvliostt oiiltitH Hcvtirul of tlu; iiioHt.
|K)|Milai' lorci^ii I'oiiiaiiccs wrrv. (.raii>ilalf(l into l(;<*lan(lir.
To l,li(>s(Mnay lio additd lli(t (Millions Vilkina Sa^^a, a ronianct;
ol DidrikoC Ht^rn and liis clianipions, wlii(-li was, prohahly,
wrillon liy I'm>| mdrrs in n<;r^'<>n, in tint i4Ui ccnUiry, iVoni
i\w imrralivos of llanHcaiic nirrdiuntH.

'I'lio passion for iioaiinf^ and ntadin^ foreign roinancoH
injin-(Ml liistori(!al liforaturo in two ways: first, by (!(»rrn|)f,-
iiif^' tlu^ pnn! tasto for triK? history; and sticrondly, by loading
many to tixa^f^M-rato, and <lr(k ont farts with iniaf^inativo
fiMiturrs borrowed from th(!s«^ fabh^s. I'liblic intiin^st in th«;
history of tho noi^hboiirin^ countriivs also ccascui to ))<>
lon;f(M' cnU'rlainisd ; sonu5 (;onsid(!rablo jiroportios fell to liuj
Norw»';;ian crown ; the riches of the ehicifs pass<!<l away, and
the island sinik fast into an abject and nniinportant condi-
tion. .lonrni<vi to foreif^Mi courts, and (!onse(jneritly tho
knowl(ul^f(; of fon^i^n events Ixfcanu! inoro ran; ; tlio coni-
plinientary v«u'S(fs of tin? subj(u;t poet to his monarcli were
naturally les • valued than those sunf( by the travidlin^ bard
in honour of a strangtfr kin^ ; they were no lon^csr liberally
rewarded, and soon both Skald and Sagarrian ceased to sin^
and to narrate. With f^'ood reason, therefon;, does 'J'orfaMis
observe! that Ilakon Ilakonson, by subjecting Iceland,
left a larger kingdom to his successors, but at tho same
time, diminished their glory by depriving them of the men
who could have immortalized their name.

In tho 14th and 15th centuries the voyages of the Ice-
hinders altogether ceased. Tlio stranger who landed on
their coast, unlike tho old skipper of wide experience and
goodly lineage and connexion, was now the paltry trader or
ordinary seaman from whom little could be learned j and if
an Icelander went abroad, he found himself a stranger in
Scandinavia. In the course of the 13th century, the old

xlii

INTIIODUCTION.

V t

Intigungo, by niixtiiro with the Gonnan, iiiul a careless
tnanncr of speaking, had become quite altered in Denmark,
and the same change appeared in the following centiu'y in
Norway, these two languages becoming nearly similar; so
that the old Danslic Tiini/c, together with the Saga, was no
longer heard in Scandinavia, while in remote Iceland, the
ancient songs of the Skalds, and stories of the Sagamen,
secured its preservation there.

Thus separated from the rest of the world, as well by
language as locality, the Icelanders could only gratify their
taste for reading in the books of their own country. The
value of oral tradition, and therewith its j)ower had gra-
dually diminished and died away as books and reading be-
came more general ; but the old supply of true and poetical
narratives became corrupted by legends of foreign and
native saints, adventures with ghosta and spirits, and tradi-
tions from foreign romances, which were written in the 15th,
ICth, and 17th centuries. Meantime the feeling for the
old Saga was still kept alive by historical songs (llimar) and
the labours of the genealogist; the latter has been a
favourite pursuit with Icelanders in all ages, and by these
means have the principal families been enabled to trace
their descent from the 10th and 11th centuries, with far
greater accuracy than the most ancient nobility of the rest
of Europe. The Rimar had much resemblance to the
Champion songs (Kaempe viser), traces of which are to be
found in the Sturlunga Saga, and which were composed in
great numbers in the following century. Of the seventy-
eight Icelandic poets that are enumerated by Einarm, as
having flourished from the Reformation to the end of the
18th century, the greater number have composed such
rhymes, and in many of these the old traditions are in-
cluded.

In the 10th century still fewer Sagas were written than
in the 15th, not so much because people began to get

INTRODUCTION.

xliii

acquaintod with printed works, which took place slowly,
but because the Refonnatiou at lirst operated afjainst the
readiii<? of Sa^'as : they were said to contain Popery.

It was, therefore, fortunate for history that irom the 1 7th
century the attention of the literati, both in Sweden ami
Denmark, was turned to the importance of Icelandic ma-
nuscripts. Amgrim Johnson, author of Crymogoca, assisted
by King Christian IV. of Denmark (1()4;)), collected seve-
ral of them, and Bishop Urynjulf Svendson sent some of
the most important Icelandic codices to Frederic III.
(IG70), who was a zealous promoter of all intellectual ad-
vancement. The Icelander liugman who, taken prisoner
in the wars of Charles X. of Sweden, had awakened the
attention of the Swedish literati to the literary treasures of
his own country, was sent to the island in 1661 to purchase
manuscripts for the Antiquarian Museum of Stockholm,
and many were afterwards sent thither on the same errand ;
but Christian V. of Denmark, whose dominion, including
Norway, extended to Iceland, issued a prohibition in 1685
against any manuscripts being disposed of to strangers, nor
was it until the eminent antiquary Professor Amas Mag-
nussen was placed at the head of a royal commission in
Iceland, which carried on its labours with unwearied assi-
duity from 1702 to 171'2, that the remaining manuscripts
were collected and lodged in the libraries of Copenhagen.

I . *

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

BY THE NORTHMEN.

IbasA of (Bvik the Uttf*

The first important document that appears in
Professor Rafn's collection, is the Saga or narrative
of Erik the Red, the first settler in Greenland.
This manuscript forms part of the celebrated Flato-
bogen, or Codex Flateyensis,* and the language,
construction, and style of the narrative, together
with other unerring indications, prove it to have
been written in the 12th century. A facsimile of
this, as well as of the other principal manuscripts,
is appended to the Antiquitates AMERicANiE.

Altliough the main object of the writer of this
narrative appears to have been to enumerate the
deeds and adventures of Erik and his sons, short
accounts are also given of the discoveries of suc-
ceeding voyagers, the most distinguished of whom
was Thorfinn Karlsefne; but as a more detailed
narrative of the discoveries of this remarkable per-
sonage, is contained in the manuscript entitled the
Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefne, which is also
translated, the following selections are principally
confined to the voyages of Erik and his immediate
followers.

• See Introduction, page xxxvii.

SsHQH of ertit t\u Uttf,

DISCOVERY AND COLONIZATION OF GREENLAND.

A. D. 985.

Thorvald hight a man, a son of Osvald, a son
of Ulf-Oxnc-Thorersson. Thorvald and his son
Erik tlie Red removed from Jjeder* to Iceland, in
consequence of murder. At that time was Iceland
colonized wide around.t They lived at Drange on
Hornstrand; there died Thorvald. Erik then
married Thorhild, the daughter of Jaerunda and
Thorbjorg Knarrarbringa, who afterwards married
Thorbjom of Haukadal.

Then went Erik northwards, and lived at Erik-
stad near Vatshorn. The son of Erik and Thor-
hild hight Leif. But after Eyulf Soers and Rafti
the duellistst murder, was Erik banished from
Haukadal, and he removed westwards to Breidaf-
jord, and lived at Oexney at Erikstad. He lent

* S. W. coast of Norway.

t Iceland was colonized by Ingolf, a Norwegian, in 874. The discovery
of the island has been erroneously given to Nadodd in 862, but Finn Mag-
nusen and Rafu have shewn that it had been previously visited by Gardar,
a Dane of Swedish descent about the year 860, and was first called Gardars-
holm (Gardar's island), nor can the arrival of Nadodd, who called it Snee-
land (Snowland) be fixed at an earlier period than 864. See Gronland's His-
toriske Mindesmterker, Vol. I. p. 92-97. But both the Norwegian and
Swedo-Danc must give place to the Irish monks, who, it will be shewn,
visited and resided in Iceland aixty-five years before the discovery of Gar-
dar. 3cc Minor Narratives, Part III. of this volume.

X Uohngang Rafn. Sec Introduction, p. vi.

'i.

t • '

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

\ if.

( "I

ThorgGst his seat-posts,* and could not get them
back again ; he then demanded them ; upon this
arose disputes and frays between him and Thorgest,
as is told in Eriks saga.f Styr Thorgrimson, Eyulf
of Svinoe, and the sons of Brand of Alptafjord, and
Thorbjorn Vifilson assisted Erik in this matter,
but the sons of Thorgeller and Tliorgeir of Hitardal
stood by the Thorgestlingers. Erik was declared
outlawed by the Thorsnesthing,1: and he then made
ready hift ship in Erik's creek, and when he was
ready, Styr and the others followed him out past
the islands. Erik told them that he intended to go
in search of the land, which Ulf Krages son
Gunnbjorn saw, when he was driven out to the
westward in the sea, the time when he found the
rocks of Gunnbjorn.§ He said he would come
back to his friends if he found the land. Erik
sailed out from Snaefellsjokul || ; he found land, and
came in from the sea to the place which he called
Midjokulj it is now hight Blaserkr. He then
went southwards to see whether it was there habit-
able land. The first winter he was at Eriksey,
nearly in the middle of the eastern settlement^ j
the spring after repaired he to Eriksfjord, and
took up there his abode. He removed in summer

• Setstokka. See Introdtic. p. iii. note.

t Supposed to be a lost Icelandic MS.

t Court. See lutroduc. p. xvii. note.

§ Gunnhjamasker, stated by Bjorn Johnson to have been about midway
between Iceland and Greenland, but now concealed, or rendered inaccessible
by the descent of Arctic ice, Antiq. Am. p. xi. note a.

II Jiikul is used to describe a mountain of snow oi- ice (glacier) from Juki,
a fragment of ice. f Eystribygd.

1 U

HY THE NORTHMEN.

to the wdstjrn settlement, and gave to many places
names. He was the second winter at Holm in
Ilraftisgnipa, but the third summer went he to
Iceland, and came with his ship into Breidafjord.
He called the land which he had found Greenland,
because, quoth he, " people will be attracted thither,
if the land has a good name." Erik was in Iceland
for the winter, but the summer after, went he to
colonize the land ; he dwelt at Brattahlid in Eriks-
fjord. Informed people say that the same summer
Erik the Red went to colonize Greenland, thirty-
five ships sailed from Breidafjord and Borgafjord,
but only fourteen arrived ; some were driven back,
and others were lost. This was fifteen winters
before Christianity was established by law in Ice-
land. The following men who went out with Erik,
took land in Greenland : Herjulf took Herjulfs^ord
(he lived at Herjulfsness) Ketil KetilsQord, Rafn
Rafnsfjord, Soelve Soelvedal, Helge Thorbrandsson
Alptefjord, Thorbjornglora Siglefjord, Einar Ei-
narsQord, Hafgrira HafgrimsQord and Vatnahverf,
Arnlaug ArnlaugsQord, but some went to the
western settlement.

f •'

The above statement of these occurrences having taken
place " fifteen winters before Christianity was established
by law in Iceland'' enables us to fix with certainty, the
exact period of time when the final settlement was made
by Erik and his followers in Greenland, namely, A. D. 985 :
Christianity having been established in Iceland in the
year 1000.

1 ; ;

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

BJAllNI SEEKS OUT GREENLAND.

A.D. 980.

. '' 3. Herjulf was the son of Bard Hcrjulfson ; he
was kinsman to the colonist* Ing-olf. To Herjulf
gave Ingolf land between Voo and Rcykjaness.t
Herjulf lived first at Drepstock ; Thorgerd hight
his wife, and Bjarni was their son, a very hopeful
man. He conceived, when yet young, a desire to
travel abroad, and soon earned for himself both
riches and respect, and he was every second winter
abroad, every other at home with his father. Soon
possessed Bjarni his own ship, and the last winter
he was in Norway, Herjulf prepared for a voyage
to Greenland with Erik. In the ship with Herjulf
was a Christian from the Hebrides,^ who made a
hymn respecting the whirlpool,§ in which was the
following verse : —

O thou who triest holy men !

Now guide me on ray way,
Lord of the earth's wide vault, extend

Thy gracious hand to me !

Herjulf lived at Herjulfsness ; he was a very re-
spectable man. Erik the Red lived at Brattahlid ;
he was the most looked up to, and every one regulated
themselves bv him. These were Erik*s children :
Leif, Thorvald and Thorstein, but Freydis hight
his daughter ; she was married to a man who

* Landnamsman, see Introduc. p. vl.
t S. W. point of Iceland.
I Sudreyskr madr kristinn.

«i Ilafgerdingar, described by an antient Icelandic writer as a dangerous
pass in the Greenland ' eean. — Antiq. Amer. p. 18, note a.

BY THE NORTHMEN.

r)i

Thorvard hight ; they lived in Garde, where is
now the Bishop's seat ; she was very haughty, but
Thorvard was narrow-minded ; she was married to
him chiefly on account of his money. Heathen
were the people in Greenland at this time. Bjarni
came to Eyrar with his ship the summer of the
same year in which his father had sailed away in
spring. These tidings appeared serious to Bjarni ,
and he was unwilling to unload his ship. Then 1 is
seamen asked him what he would do ; he ansv ered
that he intended to continue his custom, and pass
the winter with his father : " and I will,'* said he,
" bear for Greenland if ye will give me your com-
pany." All said that they would follow his counsel.
Then said Bjarni : " Imprudent will appear our
voyage since none of us has been in the Greenland
ocean.'' However, they put to sea so soon as they
were ready, and sailed for three days,* until the
land was out of sight under the water ; but then
the fair wind fell, and there arose north winds and
fogs, and they knew not where they were, and thus
it continued for many days. After that saw they
the sun again, and could discover the sky ; they
now made sail, and sailed for that day, before they
saw land, and counselled with each other about
what land that could be, and Bjarni said that he
thought it could not be Greenland. They asked
whether he wished to sail to this land or not.
"My advice is," said he, "to saii close to the
land ;" and so they did, and soon saw that the

* Thija daga.

Ill

3,..

I. <

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

■ ;. r;ij,.

land was without mountains, and covered with
wood, and had small heights. Then left they the
land on their larboard* side, and let the stern turn
from the land. Afterwards they sailed two d.ayst
before they saw another land. They asked if
lijarni thougljt that this was Greenland, but he
said that he as little believed this to bo Greeidand
as the other : *' because in Greenland are said to
be very high ice hills." They soon approached the
land, and saw that it was a flat land covered with
wood. Then the fair wind fell, and the sailors
said that it seemed to them most advisable to land
there ; but Bjarni was unwilling to do so. They
pretended that they were in want of both wood and
water. " Ye have no want of either of the two,*'
said Bjarni ; for this, however, he met with some
reproaches from the sailors. He bade them make
sail, and so was done ; they turned the prow from
the land, and, sailing out into the open sea for three
days,'! with a south-west wind, saw then the third
land; and this land was high, and covered with
mountains and ice-hills. Then asked thev whether
Bjarni would land there, but he said that he would
not : " for to me this land appears little inviting.*'
Therefore did they not lower the sails, but held on
along this land, and saw that it was an island ;
again turned they the stern from the land, and
sailed out into the sea with the same fair wind ;
but the breeze freshened, and Bjarni then told them
to shorten sail, and not sail faster than their ship

• Bakbordu. t Tvb dscgr. t Thrju doegr.

|i |l

5»

BY THE NORTHMEN.

and ship's gear could hold out. They sailed now
lour day ,* when they saw the fourth land. Then
asked they Bjarni whether he thought that this
was Greenland or not. Bjarni answered : " This
is the most like Greenland, according to what 1
have been told about it, and here will we steer for
land." So did they, and landed in the evening
under a ness ; and there was a boat by the ness,
and just here lived Bjarni's father, and from him
has the ness taken its name, and is since called
Herjulfsness.; Bjarni now repaired to his father's,
and gave up seafaring, and was with his father so
long as Herjulf lived, and afterwards he dwelt there
after his father.

Such is the simple* detail of the first voyage of the North-
men to the western hemisphere, and Professor llafn shews
that there are sufficient data in the antient Icelandic geo-
graphical works, to determine the position of the various
coasts and headlands thus discovered by Bjarni Herjulfson.
A day's sail was estimated by the Northmen at from twenty-
seven to thirty geographical miles, and the knowledge
of this fact, together with that of the direction of the wind,
the course steered, the appearance of the shores, and other
details contained in the narrative itself, together with the
more minute description of the same lands given by suc-
ceeding voyagers, — leave no doubt that the countries thus
discovered by Bjarni Herjulfson, were Connecticut, Long
Island, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Nova Scotia,
and Newfoundland, and the date of the expedition is
determined by the passage in the preliminary narrative
which fixes the period of HerjulPs settlement atHerjulfsness
in Iceland. (See p. 49.)

* Fjopiir dfr(iv.

■:i

L:V''.

•M
.-:«;

rr ,

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

It may, perhaps, be urged in disparagetnent of these
discoveries that they were (iv.c'uhmUil, — that IJjarni Iler-
jult'son set out in search of Greenland, and fell in with the
eastern coast of North America ; i)Ut so it was, also, with
Columbus. — The sanguine and sInHFuI Genoese navigator
set sail in quest of Asia,* and discovered the West Indies;
even when in his \ast voyage, he did reach the eastern

• " lie set it down as a fundamental principle that the earth was a ter-
inqueoiis globe, which might be travelled round from east to west, and that
1T1CU stood foot to foot when on opposite points. The circumference from
east to «est, tit the equator, he divided according to Ptolemy, into 24 hours
of 15 degrees each, making ;)G0 degrees. Of these he imagined, comparing
tlio globe of i'tolcmy with the earlier map of Marinus of Tyre, that 1-3 hours
liiid been known to the antients, extending from the Canary or Fortunate
Islands, to the city of Thinte in Asia, the western and eastern extremities
(if the known world. The Portuguese had advanced the eastern discovery
(1110 hour more by the discovery of the Azorc and Cape do Verde Islands:
sMll about eight hours, or one third of the circumference of the earth, re-
mained to be explored. This space he imagined to bu occupied in a great
measure by the eastern regions o^Asia, which might extend so far as to
ainnoaeb the western shores of Europe and Africa. A navigator, therefore,
liy pursuing a direct course from oast to west, must arrive at the extremity
of Asia, or discover any intervening land. The great obstacle to be sinpre-
licnded was from the tract of ocetin that might intervene ; but this could -lOt
he very wide, if the opinion of Alfraganus the Arabian were admitted, who
by diminishing the size of the degrees, gave to the earth a smaller circum-
ference than was assigned to it by other cosmographcrs ; a theory to which
Columbus seems, generally, to have given much faith. He was fortified,
also, by the opinion of Aristotle, Seneca, Pliny, and Strabo, who considered
tlie ocean but of moderate breadth, so as that one might pass from Cadiz
westward to the Indies in a few days.'"— Life and Voyages of Christopher
Columbus by Washington Irving, Fam. Lib. No. XI. p. 14, 15.

" Tlio great argument which induced him to \vi enterprise was the one
iirst cited; namely, that the most eastern part of Asia known to the an-
tients could not be separated from the Azores by more than i>, third of the
circumference of the globe ; thaf. the intervening space must, in n great
measure, be filled up by the unknown residue of Asia ; and that, as the
rirciimference of the world was less than was generally supposed, the Asiatic
sluircs could easily be attained by a moderate voyage to the west.'" —
lb. p. 18. "

•i.

BV^ THF, NORTHMEN.

shore of Centol America, he still believed it to be Asia,
and continued juider tliat impression to the day of l;is
death.* Besides, how different were the circumstances
under which the two voyages were made ? The North-
men, without compass or quadrant, without any of the ad-
vantages of science, geographical knowledge, personal ej:-
perience, or previous discoveries, — without the support of
either kings or governments, — which Columbus, hov»fevcr
discouraged at the outset, eventually obtained, — but guided
by the stars, and upheld by their own private resources, and
a spirit of adventure which no dangers coidd deter— cross
the broad northern ocean, and explore these distant lands !
Columbus, on the other hand, went forth with all the advan-
tages of that grand career of modern discovery which had
been commenced in the preceding century , and which, under
Prince Henry of Portugal, had been pushed forward to an
eminent position in the period immediately preceding his
first voyage.f

■Mi

* ** With all the visionary fervour of his imagination, its fondest dreams
fell short of reality. He died in ignorance of the real grandeur of his dis>
covery. Until his last breath, he entertained the idea that he had merely
opened a new way to the old resorts of opulent commerce, and had disco-
vered some of the wild regions of the East. He supposed Ilispaniola to be
the anticnt Ophir, which had been visited by the ships of King Solomon,
and that Cuba and Terra Firma were but remote parts of Asia." — Irving's
Columbus, Fam. Lib. No. XI. p. 353.

" He imagined that the vast stream of fresh water which poured into the
gulph of Paria, issued from the fountain of the tree of life, in the midst of
the Garden of Eden."— lb. p. 210.

" He fancied that he had actually arrived at the Aurea Chersonesus, from
whence, according to Josephus, the gold had been procured for the building
of the Temple of Jerusalem." — lb. p. 291 .

t " Prince Henry called in the aid of science to dispel these errors. He
established a Naval College and observatory at Sagres, and invited thither
the most eminent professors of the nautical faculties. The effects of this
establishment were soon apparent. A vast improvement took place in maps
and charts ; the compass was brought into more general use ; the Portu-
guese marine became signalised for its hardy cnterprL^es ; Cape liojador

• "''^

if;

ijI.

.515

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

If I .

Tho compass hail been discovered and brought into
general use ; maps and charts had been constructed ; as-
tronomical and gcograi)hical science had become more
diffused, and tho discoveries of tho African coast from Capo
IJlanco to Capo de Verde, together with the Cape do
Verde and Azore Islands, had produced a general excite-
ment amongst all who were in any way connected with a
maritime life, and filled their minds with brilliant images
of fairer islands and more wealthy shores amidst the bound-
less waters of the Atlantic* It should also be recollected
that Columbus, ever ready to gather information from
veteran mariners, had heard of land seen far to the west of
Ireland and of the island of Madeira; had been assured
that, four hundred and fifty leagues east of Cape St. Vin-
cent, carved wood, not cut with iron instruments, had
been found in the sea, and that a similar fragment, toge-
ther with reeds of an immense size, had drifted to Porto
Santo from the west : added to this, was the fact of huge
pine trees, of unknown species, having been wafted by
westerly winds to the Azores, and human bodies of won-
drous form and feature cast upon the island of Flores.f

was doubled ; the region of the tropics penetrated and divested of Its fan-
cied terrors ; the greatest part of the African coast from Cape Blanco to Cape
de Verde, explored, and the Cape de Verde and Azore islands discovered." —
Irving's Columbus, p. 0.

• " It was a period of general excitement with all who were connected
with maritime life, or wlio resided in the vicinity of the ocean. The recent
discoveries had inflamed their imaginations, and had filled them with ideas
of other islands of greater wealth and beauty, yet to be discovered in tho
boundless wastes of the Atlantic." — lb. p. 12.

t " Columbus was attentive to every gleam of information bearing upon his
tVieory, that might be derived from veteran mariners, and the inhabitants of
the lately discovered islands, who were placed, in a manner, on the frontier
posts of geographical knowledge. One Antonio Leone, an inhabitant of
Madeira, told him, that in sailing westwards one hundrtd leagues, he had
.xecn three islands at a distance. A mariner of Port St. Mary, also asserted,
(hat in the course of a voya4,'c to Ireland, he had seen laud to the west,

»Y TFlli P )riTlIMEN.

Nor should it be forgotten that Columbus visited Iceland
in 1477,* when, having had access to the archives of the

wlilch tlio »lii|»'8 company took for some extreme purt of Tartary. Oiiu
Martin Viccnti, a pilot in the service of tlio King of Portugal, assured Co-
lumbus that, after sailing 450 leagues to the west of Capo St. Vincent, he
liad taken from the water a pieco of carved wood, evidently not laboured
with an iron instrument. As the wind had drifted it from the west, it might
have come from some unknown land in that direction. Pedro Correo,
brother>in-law of Columbus, also informed him, that ho had seen a similar
]>iecc of wood, on the island of Porto Santo, which had drifted from the
-amu quarter, and he had heard from the King of Portugal, that reeds of an
immfinsc size, had floated to those islands from the west, which Columbus
supposed to be the kind of reeds of enormous magnitude described by
Ptolemy us growing in India. Trunks of huge pine trees, of a kind that
did not grow upon any of the islands, had been wafted to the Azores by
westerly winds. The inhabitants also informed him that the bodies of two
dead men had been cast upon the island of Flores, whose features had caused
great wonder and speculation, being diflbrent from those of any known race
of 1)co|p1c." — Irving's Columbus, p. 17.

• " While the design of attenii)ting the discovery in the west was ma-
turing in the mind of Columbus, he made u voyage to the northern seas, to
the island of Thulc, to which the English navigators, particularly those of
Bristol, were accustomed to resort on account of its fishery. He even ad-
vanced, he says, one hundred leagues beyond, penetrated the polar circle,
and convinced himself of the fallacy of the popular belief, that the frozen
zone was uninhabitable. TIic island thus mentioned by him as Thule is
generally supjiosed to have been Iceland." — lb. p. 20.

According to Mr. Irving's larger work, this visit took place in February,
1477, when Columbus appears to have observed with surprise that the
sea was not frozen. A striking confirmation of this circumstance is
mentioned by Finn Magnusen as having been found appended to an
authentic ])ubiic document, which came out ut EyuQord in the north part
of the island, early in the month of March of the siimc year, and which
states that " no snow was then seen upon the ground.'' (pu var snjolaus jiird)
The same learned Icelander directs attention to the following remarkable
coincidence : — In 'he year 1477, Magnus Eiolfson was Bishop of Skalholt
in Iceland ; since 1470, ho had been Abbot of the Monastery of Ilelgafell,
the place where the oldest documents relating to Qreenland,Vlnland, and the
various parts of America discovered by the Northmen, had been written, and
where they were, doubtless, carefully preserved, as it was from this very dis-
trict that the mo^^tdistinguishid voyugerb hud gone fortli. Tiicse documents
must have been well known to Bishoj) Magnus, ns weru their s;oncral ron-

*^l

DISCOVERY OF AMKRKA

■>' !•:•

island, and ample opportunity of conversing witii the
learned there, through the medium of the Latin language,
ho might easily have obtained a complete knowledge of the
discoveries of the Northmen : sufficient at least, to confirm
his belief in the existence of a western continent. How
much the discoveries of the distinguished Genoese navigator
were exceeded by those of the Northmen, will appear from
the following narratives.

. V

tents throughout the island, and it is therefore in the hi^^hcHt 0 cc im-
probable tliat Columbus, whose mind had been filled wltli the aict of
exploring a western continent since the year 1474, should have omitted to
sceli for and receive information respecting these early voyages. lie ar-
rived at Ilvalfjord, or Ilvalfjardarcyri, on the south coast of Iceland, at a
time when that harbour was most frequented, and it is well known that
Bishop Magnus visited the neighbouring churches in the spring or summer.
Sec Xord. Tidsk. f. Oldkynd. B. 2. p. 12U. Om de Engclskcs Handel og
Fa3rd paa Island i det 15 de Aarhundrede, isror med Hensyn til Columbus's
formeentligc Ileise dertil i Aaret 1477, og bans Beretninger dcsangaaendc,
ved Finn Magnusen.

No mention has been made hero of the supposed voyages of the Zcni in
the 14th century, which a modern historian lias enumerated amongi>t the
causes of encouragement to the views and projects of Columbus (Hist, of
Maritime and Inland Discovery, Vol. I. p. 221 -2'i5), for although these voy-
ages are said to have been made in the 14th century, no account of them was
published until 1558, more than fifty years after the death of Columbus !
and the whole story has been clearly shewn by an acute Danish writer, to
have been a compilation from faulty geographical works and vague reports,
mixed up with the most palpable inconsistencies, anachronisms, and fable.
See Bemujrkninger over dc Vcnetianernc Zeni tilskrcvne Reiser i Norden,
af C. C. Zahrtmann. Capitain-lieutenant, ap. Nord. Tid. f. Oldkynd.
B. 2. p. 1.

* V

UY Tllli NORTHMKN.

VOYAGE OF LEIF ERIKSON,

AND FIRST aE'ITLEMENT IN MASSACHUSETTS.

A.D. 004.

IIKItr: TiEOINNETII THE NAltUATIVE OP THE OREENLANDER8.

The next thing now to be related is, that Bjarni
Herjulfson went out from Grcenlanil, and visited
Erik Jarl,* and the Jarl received him well. Bjarni
told about his voyages, that he had seen unknown
lands, and people thought that he had shown no
curiositv, when he had nothini? to relate about
these countries, and this became somewhat a matter
of reproach to him. Bjarni became one of the Jarl's
courtiers, and came back to Greenland the summer
alter. /There was now much talk about voyages of
discovery. Lcif, the son of Erik the Red, of Brat-
tahlid, went to Bjarni Herjulfson, and bought the
ship of him, and engaged men for it, so that there
were thirty-five men in all. Leif asked his father
Erik to be the leader on the voyage, but Erik
excused himself, saying that he was now pretty well
stricken in years, and could not now, as formerly,
hold out all the hardships of the sea. Leif said
that still he was the one of the family whom good
fortune would soonest attend j and Erik gave in to
Leif's request, and rode from home no soon as they
were ready ; and it was but a short way to the ship.
The horse stumbled th&t Erik rode, and lie fell off,

* Erik, Jarl (Earl) of Norway. Tliis is supposed by Kafn to have happened
ill the year 1)04, — Antiq. Amcr. p. xxix.

^■r<

'tv

.l' .

.■ -:

■■;.r

(io

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

l». ]■•

I'l

■1

and bruised his foot. Then said Erik, *♦ It is
not ordained that I should discover more countries
than that which we now inhabit, and we should
make no further attempt in company." Erik went
home to Brattahlid, but Leif repaired to the ship,
and his comrades with him, thirty-five men. There
was a southern* on the voyage, who Tyrker hight.
Now prepared they their ship, and sailed out into
the sea when they were ready, and then found that
land first which Cjarni had found last. There sailed
they to the land, and cast anchor, and put off boats,
and went ashore, and saw there no grass. Great
icebergst were over all up the country, but like a
plain of flat stonest was all from the sea to the
mountains, and it appeared to them that this land
had no good qualities. Then said Leif, *' We have
not done like Bjarni about this land, that we have
not been upon it ; now will I give the land a name,
and call it Helluland."§ Then went they on

* Sudrmadr, supposed to mean a German, as the terms Sudrmcnn and
Thydverskirmcnn arc used promiscuously to distinguish the natives of
Germany, hy oUl nortlicm writers. Antiq. Amer. p. 28, note a.

i Jijkhir miklir. t Sem cin holla.

^ From IlcUa, a flat stone. The coast of Newfoundland is thus dc-
scrihed hy the German writer Anspach : Die I nscl Newfoundland offenhart sich
in seltsamer Wunderharkeit, als ob die Natur sich in regcllosem Snhaffen in
der Darstellung Erstaunen weekender Dcnkmiihler ihror machtergiitzt hiitte
— Was von dem Innern der Insel bekamit ist, besteht aus felsigtem diirrem
I3oden,steilenIliigeln,mit verkruppeltem IJoltzc bcdeckt, cinigenengensan-
digen Tiiiilern, und wcit ausgedehnten Haide Ebcnen,odcr kalden, viehr oiler
minder verbreitcten Fdsevtiikhen wo hem Uaum, incht eiumalein (jestriiuch
gedeiht, und die man duller Barron (Iiarrens) iiennt.'' Geschichte und
ncsehreihuiig von Newfoundland und der Kiistc Labrador von C. A. Anspaeh.
up. Antiq. Amcr. pp. I'Jl-'J.

IIY TIIK NORTHMEN.

board, and after that sailed out to sea, and found
another Innd ; tliey sailed again to the land, and
cast anchor, then put off boats and went on shore.
This land was flat, and covered with wood, find
white sands* were far around where they went, and
the shore was low.t Then said Leif, " This land
sliJill be named after its qualities, and called Mark-
LANiVJ (woodland.)" They then immediately re-
turned to the ship. Now sailed they thence into
the open sea, with a north-east wind, and were

r ^

" This vast tract of land is extremely barren, and altogetlicr incapable of
cultivation. The surface is everywhere uneven, arid covered with large
stones, some of which arc of iimuzing dimensions. Tlicre is no such thing
as level land." Particulars of Labrador. — Phil. Transac. Vol. LXIV.
p. 374-r>, ap. Antiq. Amer. pi». 419-20.

" The most lofty perpendicular precipices rise to an amazing height upon
the north side, and the southoin shore only appears less striking in its
attitude from tlie summit of the opposite rocks." — '' The summit of this
majestic headland (Cape IJrogle) was now (14tli June) covered with snow.''
Voyage of His Majesty's ship Rosamond to Newfoundland and the southern
coast of Labrador, by Lieut. Edward Chappcll, R.N., Lond. 1818, pp. 41'o0,
ap. Antiq. Amer. p* 422.

• Sandar hvitir.

t Osaibratt.

t " The land about the Harbour of Halifax, and a little to the southward
of it, is, in appearance, rugged and rocky, and has on it, in several places,
scrubby withered wood. Although it seems bold, yet it is not high."
Columbian Navigator, Vol.1. P. i. p. 17. " The land is low 'm general,
and not visible twenty miles off, except from the quarter-deck of a seventy-
four. A|^togon Hills have a long level appearance. Between Cape le
Have and Port Med way, the coast to the seaward being level and low, and
the shores toith white rocks, and low barren points ; from thenre to Shel-
burne and Port Roseway are woods. Near Port Haldimand arc several
barren places, and thence to Cape Sable, which makes the S. W. point into
Barrington Bay, is a low woody island, at the S. E. extremity of a range of
sandy cliffs, which are very remarkable at a considcrablo distance in the
offing."— New North American Pilot, Lond. 1816, P. ii. p. 1-0, ap. Antiq.
Amer. p. 423.

!•'!

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

It r

V ■ 5

two days* at sea before they saw land, and they
sailed thither and came to an island which lay to
the eastw'ara ol' the land,! and went up there,
and looked round them in good weather, and
observed that there was dew upon the grass; and it
so happened that they touched the dew with their
hands, and raised the fingers to the i uth, and
they thought that they had never before tasted any
thing so sweet.

This island appears to have been Nantucket, where
honey dew is known to abound,]: and Helluland and Mark-
land are clearly shewn by Professor Rafn, on the authority
of modern voyagers and hydrographers, the Ciiief of whom
are quoted in the precoding notes — to be Newfoundland
and Nova Scotia. The narrative continues : —

After that tliey went to the ship, ard sailed into
a sound, which lay between the island and a ncss
(promontory), which ran out to the eastward of the
land ; and then steered westwards past the ness.
It was very shallow^ at ebb tide, and their ship
stood up, so that it was far to see from the ship to
the water.

The statement of shoal water in this sound corresponds
exactly with the description of the passage between Nan-

• 2 diEgr.

t Literally " northward of the land," (nordr af landinu,) but the Editor
shows that the Northmen placed this point of the compass nearly in the
position of our east." — Antiq. Anier. p. 428.

t See communication from Dr. Webb, Secretary to the Rhode Island
Historical Society. Antiq. Amcr. p. 443.

$ Grunnsijcfui mikit.

»i

BY THE NORTHMEN.

tucket and Capo Cod, or the peninsula of Barnstable, as
given in the Columbian Navigator.*

But so much did they desire to land, tliat they
did not give themselves time to wait until the water
again rose under their ship, but ran at once on
shore, at a nlacc where a river flows out of a lake :
but so soon as the waters rose up under the ship,
then took they boats, and rowed to the ship, and
floated it up to the river, and thence into the lake,
and there cast anchor, and brought up from the
ship their skin cots,t and made there booths. J

From these details, it is evident that Leif and his com-
panions shaped their course through Nantucket Bay, be-
yond the south-western extremity of the peninsula of Cape
Con ; thence across the mouth of Buzzard's Bay to Sea-
CONNET Passage, and thus up the Pocasset River, to
Mount Hope Bay, which they seem to have taken for a
lake.

After this took they counsel, and formed the
resolution of remaining there for the winter, and

• " The eastern entrance is impeded by numerous riffs and other shoals,
as are lilicwise the central and western parts, and the whole presents an
aspect of drowned lands, which, there can be little doubt, were, at some
period, anterior to history^ connected with the main." — p. 72. See Antiq.
Amer.p. 425.

1 TKidf'ot, from hiid, skin, and fat, a case or covering, being strictly
speaking, a skin bag or pouch, in which the antients were accustomed to
keep their clothes and other articles on a journey : the same was used for a
bed on ship-board, as appears in the Laxdocla Saga, p. 1 10, where Thnrid
says " bun gekk at Mdfati pvi, crGcirmundr svaf i" — " she went to the couch,
where Geirmund slept." It thus answers to the uter of the Romans and
ffrpw/iaro^£(T/ir/j of the Greeks. Antiq. Am. p. 31.

X Bkdir. f. pi, of hkd, from bUa, to remain or inhabit, hence, probably,
the Eng. booth

\^%

• ).

\'A

DISCOVERY or AMERICA

built thoro largo houses.* There was no want of
salmon cither in the river or in the lake, and
larger salmon than they had before seen.t TIk;
nature of the country was, as they thought, so good,
that cattle would not rec^uire house fecding;j: in
winter, for there came no frost in winter, and little
did the grass wither thei'e. Day and night were
more equal than in Greenland or Iceland, for on
the shortest day, was the sun above the horizon
from half-past seven in the forenoon till half-past

four in the afternoon. §

• II lis inikil.

t " The salmon (Salmo Salar) is met with a little farthrv to the eastward
of us, and was formerly found in our waters." — Dr. Webb, Sec. Ithodo
Island Hist. Soc. ap. Antiij. Am. p. 3G7.

i Fodr.

§ " Sol hafdi dar eyktarstad ok dagmalastad urn skamdcgi." TIio mis-
conception of this passage by Torfa^us, who was followed by Wormskiold,
Malta Bran, and others led to an error as to the locality of Vinla.nd which
is ably exposed by Professor Rafn in a long and lucid note in explanation of
the Icelandic terms. Antiq. Amer. p. 435. note b. The subject lias been
further elucidated in an interesting article " On the Antient Scandinavians'
division of the time of the day," by Finn Magnusen, published in the
Memoirs of the Society of Northern Antiquaries, by which it appears that : —

The antient Scandinavians divided the heavens or the horizon into 8
grand divisions, and the times of the day according to the sun's apparent
motion through these divisions, the passage through each of which they
supposed to occupy a period of three hours. The day was therefore divided
into portions of time corresponding with these 8 divisions, each of Avhich
was called an eyJtt, signifying an eighth part. This eykt was again divided,
like each of the grand divisions of the heavens, into two smaller and equal
portions, called stu7ul or rnal. In order to determine these divisions of
time, the inhabitants of each place carefully observed the diurnal course of
the sun, and noted the terrestrii:! objects over which it seemed to stand.
Such a natural or artificial object was called in Iceland dagsmark (day-
mark). They were also led to fix these daymarks by a division of the
horizon according to the princin :;1 winds, as well as by the wants of their
domestic economy ; the shepherd s rising uuii., for instance, was called

BY THR NORTH MRN.

0.'J

This would give very nearly the latitude of Mount
Hope Bay, which locality is previously pointed out by the
details relating to the soil and climate, and fully corres-
ponds with the descriptions of modern travellers : " Les
paturages," says Warden, "sont beaux en general, etplus
particulicrement au pays de Narraganset. Le pays de
South- Kingston, prcs de la cote de la mer et de la bale de
Narraganset, est trcs fertile, et d'un bon rapport. Ce sol
est forme d'un terreau profond et d'une petite partie de sable
et de gravier ; et la temperature est si douce quo la vegeta-
tion souffrc rarement dv froid ou de la sccheresse." Of
Rhode Island he says; — "Onrappelle le jyaradis de
VAmcrique^d^xco quelle emporte sur les autres lieux par

Hirdis rismal, which corresponds with half past 4 o'clock, A. M. and this
was the beginning of the natural day (dsegr) of 24 hours. Reckoning from
the hirdis risinul, the eighth sUnid or eighth half eylit terminated exactly
at half-past 4 o'clock in tiie afternoon, and therefore this particular period
was called kot' i%ux^)v eykt. This eykt, strictly speaking, commenced at
3 o'clock p. M. and ended at half-past 4 p. m. when it was said to be in
eyldamtodr, or the termination of the eykt. The precise moment that the
sun appeared in this place, indicated the termination of the artificial day
(dagr) and half the natural day (dffigr), and was therefore held especially
deserving of notice : the hours of labour, also, are supposed to have ended
at this time. Six o'clock a. m. was called Midr morgan ; half-past 7 A. m.
Dagmal ; 9 A. lu. Dagverdarmal, &c. AVinter was considered to commence
in Iceland about the 1 7th October, and Bishop Thorlacius, the calculator of
the Astronomical Calendar, fixes sunrise in the South of Iceland on the 17th
October, at half-past 7 A. m. At this hour, according to the Saga, it rose
in Vinland on the shortest day, and set at half-past 4 p. m. which data fix
the latitude of the place at 11" 43' 10", being nearly that of Mount Hope
Bay. — See Antiq. Amer. pp. 435 — 8, Memoires de la Sociut6 Royale des
Antiquaircs du Nord 1636-1837, p. 1G5, and Dial of the antient Northmen
in Appendix. Professor Rafn makes the latitude from the above data
41" 24' 10" [Antiq. Amer. p. 430], but If, as is to be presumed, the obser-
vation was made, when the sun had completely risen, and his lower edge
appeared to touch the horizon, it could not be less than 41" 43' 10" ; how-
ever, the difference is nnimportant, as regards the locality, for nothing more
than an approximation to the correct latitude of the place, could be ex-
pected from the rude method of calculating time, which was then practised
by the Northmen.

I HI >•''.'■

Cf)

DISrOVERY OF ATM ERIC A

I' i'

If' '=|il i-

sa situation son sol ot son climat."* The German historian
Kbeling offers equally favourable testimony,-)- and Hitch-
cock's scientific Report of the State of Massachusetts fully
accords with these.

But when they had done with the house building,
Leif said to his comrades : — " Now will I divide our
men into two parts, and have the land explored,
and the half of the men shall remain at home at
the house, while the other half explore the land ;
but however, not go further than that they can
come home in the evening, and they should not
separate." Now they did so for a time, and Leif
changed ahout, so that the one day he went with
them, and the other remained at home in the
house. Leif was a great and strong man, grave
and well favoured, therewith sensible and moderate
in all things.

LEIF THE LUCKY FOUND FOLK UPON A ROCK IN THE SEA.

2. It happened one evening that a man of the
party was missing, and this was Tyrker the German,

* Description ties Etats Unis de rAintriquc Scptentrionalc, Paris, 1820,
T. 1, pp. 490—503, ap. Antiq. Amcr. pp. 439—40.

t " An tier Sec ist dcr Winter meistcn theils mild, und nur von kurzcr

Daucr, dahcr uuch dcr Sclmcc nic laiige liegcn bleibt Man hjilt das

liiesige klima fiir das gesuntlcstc in ganz Nordamerika, weswegen vielc
krilnklichc I'crsonen aus den siidliclien Staatcn im Sommer nach den liiesigen
Inseln kommen, um sieli zu crliolcn. — Das Land liat einen Ueberfluss von
nahrliaftcn Grasarton und Futtcrkrauteru, nnd sondcrlich Bind in deni
cliomaligen Gcbiete von Narragansct die vortrcflfliclisten Triften." — Erd-
bescreibung und Gescliicbte von America, B. iJ, p. 4-12. A long und hlgbly
interesting reply to enquiries instituted by Professor Rafn on this subject,
from Dr. Webb, Secretary to the Hhodc Island Historical Society, contains
similar evidence of the fertility of the soil and salubrity of the climate.
See Antici. Ainer. p. 308.

15V rrn: northmkn.

This took Lcif much to heart, for Tyrkcr hsul hecii
long with his father an<l him, and loved Leif much
in his childhood. Leif now took his people se-
verely to task, and prepared to seek for Tyrker,
and took twelve men with him. But when they had
gotten A short way from the house, then came
Tyrkcr towards them, and was joyfully received.
Leif soon saw that his foster-father was not in his
right senses. Tyrkcr had a high forehead, and
unsteady eyes, was freckled in the face, small and
mean in stature, but excellent in all kinds of arti-
fice. Then said Leif to him : " Why wert thou so
late my fosterer, and separated from the party?"
He now spoke first, for a long time, in German, and
rolled his eyes about to different sides, and twisted
his mouth, but they did not understand what he
said. After a time he spoke Norsk.* " I have not
been much further off, but still have I something
new to tell of; I found vines and grapes." " But
is that true, my fosterer ?" quoth Leif. " Surely is
it true," replied he, " for I was bred up in a land
where there is no want of either vines or grapes."
They slept now for the night, but in the morning,
Leif said to his sailors : '* We will now set about
two things, in that the one day we gather grapes,
and the other day cut vines and fell trees, so
from thence will be a loading for my ship," and
that was the counsel taken, and it is said their

* Norroenu, i, e. the northern tongue (Dijnsk tunga) being the language
then common to Denmark, Norway, Sweaen, Iceland, Greealantl, and part
of Britain. Antiq. Amcr. \i. 35.

F 2

cii^

1:^1

' '•'^1

%■

DISCOVRRY OF AMERICA

l,j ■ I

if': .

h''4
1" :\

long- boat was filled with grapes. Now was a cargo
cut down for the ship, and when the spring came,
they got ready, and sailed away, and Leif gave the
land a name after its qualities, and called it

ViNLAND.

It appears by a communication from Dr. Webb, Secre-
tary to the Rhode Island Historical Society, which is given
in that part of Professor Rafn's work, entitled Monnmcntim
vetustum in Massachusetts, that wild grape vines of several
varieties, as well as maize or Indian corn, and other escu-
lents, were found gi'owing in that district, in great profu-
sion, when it was first visited by the Europeans. Hence
the name of Vinland (Vineland), given to the country by
Leif, a name mentioned by Adam of Bremen,* Torfajus
and Wormius, as well as by Pinkerton and Malte Brun, as
designating a country frequently visited by the Northmen.
Hence also the modern name of Martha's Vineyard given
to the neigliboui'ing island ; and in the adjoining province
of Connecticut, Warden states that " La viffne smivarje
grimpe de tous cotes sur les arbres."f The narrative con-
tinues : —

They sailed now into the open sea, and had a fair
wind until they saw Greenland, and the mountains
below the j()klers. Then a man put in his word and
said to Leif: " Why do you steer so close to the
wind ?" Leif answered : '• I attend to my steering,

* " Fraiterpa uiiuin adliuc rcyiioiiem recitavit (Svuiiin Ulfsson king of
Denmark) u miiltis in eo reportam occano, quae dicitur Win land, eo (luod
ibl Kites sfjonte nascnntur vinum optimum ferentcs; nam et fruges ibi non
semiiiatas hahundare, non fabulosa opinione, scd certa comperimus rehitiono
Oanorum." Adam Brem. T^scriptio de situ Daniae et reliquarum, quie
trans Uaniam sunt, regionum. ap. Antiq. Amer. p. 338.

t II. p. 15. I. p. 456. ap. Antiq. Amer. p. 441.

IIY THE NOIITIIMKN.

and something more, and can ye not sec any
thing ?'* They answered that they could not observe
anything extraordinary. •' I know not," said Leif,
" whether I sec a ship or a rock." Now looked
they, and said it was a rock. But he saw so much
sharper than they, that he perceived there were
men upon the rock. " Now let us," said Leif,
" hold our wind, so that we come up to them, if
they should want our assistance ; and the necessity
demands that we should help them ; and if they
should not be kindly disposetl, the power is in our
hands, and not in their's." Now sailed they under
the rock, and lowered their sails, and cast anchor,
and put out another little boat, which they had with
them. Then asked Tyrkcr who their leader was ?
He called himself Thorer, and said he was a North-
man ; "but what is th?/ name?" said he. Leif
told his name. "Art thou a son of Erik the Red,
of Brattahlid ?" quoth he. Leif answered that so
it was. "Now will I," said Leif, "take ye all on
board my ship, and as much of the goods as the
ship can hold." They accepted this oifcr, and
sailed thereupon to Eriksfjord with the cargo, and
thence to Brattahlid, where they unloaded the ship.
After that, Leif invited Thorer and his wife Gudrid,
and three other men to stop with him, and got
berths for the other seamen, as well Thorer 's as
his own, elsewhere. Leif took fifteen men from the
rock : he wa«, after that, called Leif the Lucky.
Leif had now earned both richex and respect. I'he
same winter came a hcavv sickness amon<( Thorer's

'■■%

i\\

I'M

I <

DISCOVKUY OF AMERICA

people, and carried off' as well Tliorer himself as
many of his men. This winter died also Erik the
lied. Now was there much talk ahout Leifs voy
age to Vinland, and Thorvald, his brother, thought
that the land had been much too little explored.
Then said Leif to Thorvald : '• Thou can'st go with
my ship, brother! if thou wilt, to Vinland, but 1
wish first that the ship should go and fetch the
timber, which Thorcr had upon the rock ;" and so
was done.

THORVALD REPAIRS TO VINLAND.

A.D. J 002.

3. Now Thorvald made ready for this voyage
with '30 men, and took counsel thereon with Leif
his brother. Then made they their ship ready,
and put to sea, and nothing is told of their voyage
until they came to Leif s booths in Vinland. There
they laid up their ship, and spent a pleasant
winter,'* and caught fish for tlieir support. But in
the spring, said Thorvald, that they should make
ready the ship, and that some of the men should
take the ship's long boat round the western part of
the land, and explore there during the summer.
To them appeared the land fair and woody, and
but a short distance between the wood and the sea,
and white sands ; there were many islands, and
much shallow water. They found neither dwellings

* A, n. 1002—1003.

HY THE NORTHMEN.

of men or boasts, except upon an island, to the
westward, where they found a corn-shed of wood,*
but many works of men they found not ; and they
then went back and came to Leifs booths in the
autumn. But the next summer,t went Thorvald
eastward with the ship, and round the land to the
northward. Here came a heavy storm upon them
when off a ness, so that they were driven on shore,
and the keel broke off from the ship, and they re-
mained here a long time, and repaired their ship.
Then said Thorvald to his companions : " Now will
I that we fix up the keel here upon the ness, and
call it Keelness (Kjalarness),1: and so did they.
After that they sailed away round the eastern shores
of the land, and into the mouths of the friths,
which lay nearest thereto, and to a point of land
which stretched out, and was covered all over with
wood. There they came to, with the ship, and
shoved out a plank§ to the land, and Thorvald
went up the country, with all his companions. He
then said : " Here is beautiful, and here would I
like to raise my dwelling." Then went they to the
ship, and saw upon the sands within the promon-
tory, three elevations, || and went thither, and saw
there three skin boats (canoes),^ and three men
under each. Then divided they their people, and
caught them all, except one, who got away with his

^■'

* Kornhjiilm iif tr6, from horn, corn, and hjalmr, a coverins, hence hclmet-
shcd, which signilication also obtains in the Danish language. Antiq. Amcr.
p, 41, note a. t A.U. 1004.

t See Map of Vinl'.UKl, Plate I. $ Bryggjum.

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DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

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boat. They killed the other eight, and then went
bs,ck to the cape, and looked round them, and saw
some heights inside of the frith, and supposed that
these were dwellings. After that, so great a drow-
siness came upon them, that they could not keep
awake, and they all fell asleep. Then came a shout
over them, so that they all awoke. Thus said the
shout : *' Wake thou I Thorvald ! and all thy
companions, if thou wilt preserve life, and return
thou to thy ship, with all thy men, and leave the
land without delay." Then rushed out from the
interior of the frith, an innumerable crowd of skin
boats, and made towards them. Thorvald said
then: "We will put out the battle-skreen,* and
defend ourselves as well as we can, but fight little
against them." So did they, and the Skraelingst
shot at them for a time, but afterwards ran away,
each as fast as he could. Then asked Thorvald his
men if they had gotten any wounds j they answered
that no one was wounded. " I have gotten a wound
under the arm,'* said he, " for an arrow fled be-
tween the edge of the ship and the shield, in under
my arm, and here is the arrow, and it will prove a
mortal wound to me. Now counsel I ye, that ye

Jir.

I-

* Vigfleka, from vitj battle, andfleki or flaU flai, and broad, hence a shield
made of largo planks of wood.

t Skreelingar. Various definitions have been given of this term, some
authors attributing it to the low stature of the Eaquiniaux, who are also
called SmcElingar (diminutive men) by Icelandic authors, and others de-
ducing it from skrtBla to make dry, in allusion to their withered appearance.
The word akrte/ya to cry out, has also been given as tlie etymology of the
term, from their hnbit of shouting. Antiq. Amer. p. 45. note a.

• ''as

BY THE NORTHMEN.

get ready instantly to depart, but ye shall bear me
to that cape, where I thought it best to dwell ; it
may be that a true word fell from my mouth, that I
should dwell there for a time ; there shall ye bury
me, and Get up crosses at my head and feet, and
call the place Krossaness* for ever in all time to
come.'* Greenland was then Christianized, but
Erik the Red died before Chiictianity was intro-
duced. Now Thorvald died, but they did all things
according to his directions, and then went away,
and returned to their companions, and told to each
other the tidings which they knew, and dwelt there
for the winter, and gathered grapes and vines to
load the ship. But in the springt they made
ready to sail to Greenland, and came with their
ship in liJriksQord, and could now tell great tidings
to Leif. /

* This appears to have been Cape or Point Alderton, which is thus
described by Hitchcock : — " Supposing the traveller to start, as before, from
Boston, the long and narrow neck of land connecting the settlement of Hull
with the meNnland, must not be past unvisited. To say nothing of the rocks,
which, at the head of this beach, constitute almost the entire surface,
rivalling our Cape Ann in this respect, and which, on the shore, present a
remarkable and elegant variety of colours, the beach itself, not less than four
or five miles in extent, is much more interesting than that lending to Nahunt.
The light house, and the Brewstc, ""d other islands in view, as one ad-
vanced towards Hull, arc picturesque objects ; and then the pleasant and
sunny situation of the little village of Hull, furnishes a convenient resting
place for the traveller." Laurie and Whittle's sailing directions also make
mention of " a remarkable grove of trees" at this point, as does the Duke of
Saxe Weimar in his American travels. Autiq. Amer. p. 431.

t A. D. 1005.

U-^.

M I

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

I' '1.
ti , it

V ■ 11:

UNSUCCESSFUL VOYAGE OF THORSTEIN ERIKSON.

A. D. 1005.
THORSTEIN ERIKSON DIES IN THE WESTERN SETTLEMENT.

4. Meantime it had happened in Greenland, that
Thorstein in EriksQord married Gudrid, Thorb-
jorn's daughter, who had been formerly marriejj to
Thore ■ the Eastman,* as is before related.! f Now
Thorstein Erikson conceived a desire to go to Vin-
land after the body of Thorvald his brother, and he
made ready the same ship, and chose great and
strong men for the crew, and had with him 25 men,
and Gudrid his wife. They sailed away so soon as
they were ready, and came out of sight of the land.
They drove about in the sea the whole summer,
and knew not where they were ; and when the first
week of wintert was past, then landed they in Ly-
sefjord in Greenland, in the western settlement.^
Thorstein sought shelter for them and procured
lodging for all his crew ; but he himself and his
wife were without lodging, and they, therefore, re-
mained some two nights in the slnp. Then was
Christianity yet new in Greenland. Now it came to

* Austmadr. Such were the Norwegians often called by the Icelanders,
Norway lying to the east of their island. Antiq. Amer. p. 47, note a.

t Namely, in the lost Saga before mentioned called " Erik's Saga," see
p. 48.

X Whilst tlie Julian calendar, introduced after Christianity, was \\\ use
amongst titc Icelanders, they considered winter to commence about the
17th October. Finn Magnusen ap. Mem. dcs Antiq. du Nord. 183G-1887,
p. 179.

»• h

■^'.

BY THE NORTHMEN.

pass one day that some people repaired, early in the
morning, to their tent, and the leader of the party
asked who was in the tent. Thorstein answered :
" Here are two persons, but who asks the ques-
tion ?'' " Thorstein is my name," said the other,
and I am called Thorstein the black, but my busi-
ness here is to bid ye both, thou and thy wife, to
come and stop at my house." Thorstein said that
he would talk the matter over with his wife, but
she told him to decide, and he accepted the bidding.
" Then will I come after ye in the morning with
horses, for I want nothing to entertain ye both ;
but it is very wearisome at my house, for we are
there but two, I and my wife, and I am very
morose ; I have also a different religion from yours,
and yet hold I that for the better which yo have."
Now came he after them in the morning with
horses, and they went to lodge with Thorstein the
black, who shewed them every hospitality. Gudrid
was a grave and dignified woman, and therewith
sensible, and knew well how to carry herself among
strangers. Early that winter came sickness amongst
Thorstein Erikson*s men, and there died many of
his people. Thorstein had coffins made for the
bodies of those who died, and caused them to be
taken out to the ship, and there laid; "for I will,"
said he, " have all the bodies taken to Eriksfjord in
the summer." Now it was not long before the
sickness came also into Thorstein's house, and his
wife, who bight Grimhild took the sickness first ;
she was very large, and strong as a man, but still

PC-.?

1 ;a '

-y J .

:ii

DISCOVEIIY OF AMERICA

did the sickness mabi,cr her. And soon after that,
the disease attacked Thorstein Erikson, and they
both lay ill at the same time, and Grimhild, the
wife of Thorstein the black, died. But when she
was dead, then went Thorstein out of the room,
after a plank to lay the body upon. Then said
Gudrid : " Stay not long away, my Thorstein I'*
he answered that so it should be. Then said
Thorstein Erikson: " Strangely now is our house-
mother* going on, for she pushes herself up on
her elbows, and stretches her feet out of bed, and
feels for her shoes." At that moment came in the
husband Thorstein, and Grimhild then lay down,
and every beam in the room creaked. Now Thor-
stein made a coffin for Grimhild's body, and took
it out, and buried it ; but although he was a large
and powerful man, it took all his strength to bring
it out of the place. Now the sickness attacked
Thorstein Erikson and he died, which his wife
Gudrid took much to heart. They were then all in
the room ; Gudrid had taken her seat upon a chair
beyond the bench, upon which Thorstein, her hus-
band, had lain ; then Thorstein the host took Gudrid
from the chair upon his knees, and sat down with her
upon another bench, just opposite Thorstcin'j? body.
He comforted her in many ways, and cheered her
up, and promised to go with her to Eriksfjord, with
her husband's body, and those of his companions ;
" and I will also," added he, "bring many servants
to comfort and amuse thee.*' She thanked him.

* Husfreyju

KY Tlir. NORTHMEN.

Then Thorstein Erikson sat himself up on the
bench, and said : " When is Gudrid ?" Three
times said he that, but she answered not. Then
said she to Thorstein the host : " Shall I answer
his questions or not ?'* He counselled her not to
answer. After this, went Thorstein the host across
the floor, and sat himself on a chair, but Gudrid
sat upon his knees, and he said : •' What wilt thou
Namesake ?" After a little he answered : '* I wish
much to tell Gudrid her fortune, in order that she
may be the better reconciled to my death, for I
have now come to a good resting place ; but this
can I tell thee, Gudrid ! that thou wilt be married
to an Icelander, and ye shall live long together;
and have a numerous posterity, powerful, distin-
guished, and excellent, sweet and well favoured ;
ye shall remove from Greenland to Norway, and
from thence to Iceland ; there shall ye live long,
and thou shalt outlive him. Then wilt thou go
abroad, and travel to Rome, and come back again
to Iceland, to thy house j and then will a church
be built, and thou wilt reside there, and become a
nun, and there wilt thou die." And when he had
said these words, Thorstein fell back, and his
corpse was set in order, and taken to the ship.
Now Thorstein the host kept well all the promises
which he had made to Gudrid ; in spring* he sold
his farm, and his cattle, and betook himself to the
ship, with Gudrid, and all that he possessed ; he
made ready the ship, and procured men therefor,

• A. D. 1006.

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DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

and then sailed to Eriksfjord. The bodies were
nov/ buried by the Church. Gudrid repaired
to Leif in Brattahlid, but Thorstcin the black made
himself a dwelling at Eriksfjord, and dwelt there
so long as he lived, and was looked upon as a very
able wan.

Iff

'1 , ■

i(- '■'

This prophetic announcement of Thorstcin Erikson is
highly characteristic of the superstition of the times, and
although pertaining to the marvellous, is not the less cor-
roborative of the authenticity of the narrative. " Such
incidents," says Sir Walter Scott, "make an invariable
part of the history of a rude age, and the chronicles which
do not aftbrd these marks of human credulity, may be
grievously suspected as being deficient in authenticity."*

r'ii f -If

'l„!

• Abstract of Eyrbyggla Saga, MisccU. Prose works, Vo!. v. p. 3G5, This
interesting abstract first appeared in " Illustrations of Northern Antiqui-
ties," 4to. Edinb. 1814, a work of high value and great promise, but which
the want of public support compelled the distinguished compilers and anti-
quaries Jamieson and Weber, to discontinue.

■'}t'

BY THE NORTHMEN.

.'0..

From iiib IIeimskringla, oh History op the Norwegian Kings,
According to the 2n(I Vellum Codex of the ARN/E-MAONi«AN
Collection, No. 46, Folio.

VINLAND THE GOOD IS DISCOVERED.

The same winter* was Leif, the son of Erik the
Red, with Kin^ Olaf, in good repute, and embraced
Christianity. But the summer that Gissur went
to Iceland, King Olaf sent Leif to Greenland, in
order to make known Christianity there ; he sailed
the same summer to Greenland. He found, in the
sea, some people on a wreck, and helped them ; the
same time discovered he Vinland the Good, and
came in harvest to Greenland. He had with him
a priest, and other clerks, and went to dwell at
Brattahlid with Erik, his father. Men called him
afterwards Leif the Lucky ; but Erik his father
said, that these two things went one against the
other, inasmuch as Leif had saved the crew of the
ship, but brought evil menf to Greenland, namely
the priests.

* A. D. 009—1000, Antiq. Amer. p. 191, note b.
t Skoemanniun.

"5i

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DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

FnoM TUB IIisTORTt OP Olav Tryogvason, CiiAi'. 231 , 2nd Vki.lum
Codex op AuNiu-MAdNyEAN Collection, No. 01, fi4, fi3. Folio.

( J

LEIF CHRISTIANIZES GREENLAND.

The same spring* sent King Olaf, as is before
related, Gissur and Hjelte to Iceland. Then sent
the king also Leif Erikson to Greenland, to make
known Christianity there. The king gave him a
priest, and some other holy men, to baptize the
people there, and teach them the true faith. Leif
sailed that summer to Greenland ; he took up in the
sea, the men of a ship, which was entirely lost, anvi lay
a complete broken wreck ; and on this same voyage
discovered he Vinland the Good, and came in the
end of the summer to Greenland ; and went to live
at Brattahlid with Erik his ftither. People called
him afterwards Leif the Lucky, but Erik his father
said that these two things went against each other,
since Leif had assisted the crew of the ship, and
saved them from death, and that he had brought
injurious men (so called he the priests) to Green-
land; but still, after the counsel and instigation
of Leif, was Erik baptized, and all the people in
Greenland.

• A. D. 1000, Antiq. Amer. 193, note 0.

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ftAQA of Cftotflinn KArl0(fiir*

Si !

Next in importance; and interest to the Saga of
Krik the Rod, is that of Tiiorfinn, with the sig-
nificant surname of Karlskfne, i. e. destined to
hecome a great man. This distinguished individual
was a wealthy and powerful Icelandic merchant,
descended from an illustrious line of Danish, Swe-
dish, Norwegian, Irish, and Scottish ancestors,
some of whom were kings, or of royal hlood. The
narrative of his exploits is taken from two antient
Icelandic MSS. not previously known to the literati,
and one of which, there is every reason to helieve,
is a genuine autograph of the celebrated Hauk
Erlendson, who was Lagman or Chief Governor of
Iceland in ISf^.'J, and one of the compilers of the
Landnamabok : he was also a descendant of Karl-
sefne in the ninth generation. This very remarkable
Saga forms part of the Arnaj-Magnaean collection,
and besides short notices of the discoveries of the
earlier voyagers, which are more fully described in
the Saga of Erik the Red, gives detailed accounts
of voyages to, and discoveries in America, carried on
by Karlsefne and his companions for a period of
three years, commencing in IOO7. Some discre-
pancies and misnomers appear in those parts of
the narrative, which treat of the personages and

UY THE NORTHMEN.

events recovdod in tho prcccdinir Sa^si, but thov
arc only siicli as to procludo all suspicion of con-
federacy or fraud on the part of the writers, as all
the viaiu facts are substantially the same in both ;
and the circumstance of the Saga of Erik having
been written in Greenland, while that of Karlsefne
was written in Iceland, is sufficient to account for
those variations. The same circumstance, also,
renders the former the best authority in all matters
of detail connected with Greenland, while the other
must bo considered more correct respecting o<3cur-
rences relating to Iceland. These diflTerences are
pointed out in the notes, and where any minor
points of interesting detail connected with the
voyage of Karlsefne appear in the Saga of Erik the
Red, while they arc absent in Karlsefnc's Saga,
they have been supplied from that of Erik, the in-
terpolation being pointed out.

TorfsDus imagined that the Saga of Thorfinn
Karlsefne was lost, and the only knowledge he had
of its contents, was derived from some corrupt ex-
tracts contained in the collection of materials for
the history of antient Greenland, left by the Ice-
landic yeoman Bjorn Johnson of Skardso.

G 'J

1 1' ,^

DISCOVEIIY OF AMERICA

Jbaga of ^B^itorfinn itarljetrfnr*

I- !■■ .

GENEALOGY OF THORFINN KARLSEFNE, HIS VOYAGE TO

GREENLAND, AND MARRIAGE WITH GUDRID, THE WIDOW

OF THORSTEIN ERIKSON.

CoroERNiNO THoun r ' Hofda.

Thord hight a man who lived at H(3fda in
Hofda strand ; he married Fridgerda, daughter of
Thorer Hyma and Fridgerda daughter of Kjarval,
king of the Irish.* Thord was the son of Bjarni
Byrdusmjor, son of Thorvald Ryg, son of Asleik,
son of Bjarni Jarnsid, son of Ragnar Lodbrok.
They had a son called Snorri ; he married Thor-
hild Rjupa, daughter of Thord Gellar ; their son
was Thord Hesthofdi. Thorfinnn Karlsefne
hight Thord's son ; Thorfinn's mother hight
Thorum. Thorfinn ^ook to trading voyages, and
was thouoht an abl' seaman and merchant. One
summer Karlsefne fitted out his ship, and purposed
a voyage to Greenland. Snorri Thorb'^andson, of
Alptefjord, went with him, and there were forty men
in the ship. There was a man hight Bjarni Gri-
molfson, of Breidafjord; another hight Thorhall
Gamlason, an EastQordish man ; they fitted out
their ship the same summer for Greenland : there
were also forty men in the ship. Karlsefne and

* Ira konuni>'.

RY THE NORTHMEN.

cS.'J

the others put to sea with these two ships, so soon
as they were ready. Nothing is told about how
long they were at sea, but it is to be related that
both these ships came to EriksQord in the autumn.*
Erikt rode to the ship together with several of the
inhabitants, and they began to deal in a friendly
manner. Both the ship's captainsj begged Erik
(Leif) to take as much of the goods as he wished ;
but Erik (Leif) on his side, shewed them hospi-
tality, and bade the crews of these two ships home,
for the winter, to his own house at Brattahlid.
This the merchants accepted, and thanked him.
Then were their goods removed to Brattahlid ;
there was no want of large out-houses to keep the
goods in, neither plenty of every thing that was
required, wherefore they were well satisfied in the
winter. But towards Yule Erik (Leif) began to be
silent, and was less cheerful than he used to be.
One time tu i.ed Karlsefne towards Erik (Leif)
and said : " Hast thou any sorrow, Erik, my friend?
people think to see that thou art less cheerful than
thou wert wont to be ; tliou hast entertained us
with the greatest splendour, and we are bound
to return it to thee with such services as we

il.*r

'J;

• A. D.IOOO,

t Thi» is evidently a misnomer tliroughout tlie Saga, uurl sliould be
Leif, wlio was now in possession of tlie paternal estate, I'is fatlier Rrik
having died, as stated in the former narrative, tlie winter aftt, LeiPs return
from Viuland( 1001), and couc.^uently, five years previous to the events
recorded here. The Saga of Erik tlie Red, il must be recollected, appears t«i
have been written in Greenland, and that nt' Thortinn Karisel'ne, in
Iceland, wliicli will account lor this and other discrepancies between tlie
two narratn cs. i Styrimcnn.

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

can command ; say now, what troubles thee ?"
Krik (Leif) answered : " Ye are friendly and thank-
ful, and I have no fear as concerns our intercourse,
that ye will feel the want of attention ; but, on the
other hand, I fear that when ye come elsewhere it
will be said that ye liave never passed a worse Yule
than that, which now approaches, when Erik the
Red entertained ye at Brattahlid, in Greenland."
"It shall not be so, Yeoman I"* said Karlsefne ;
' * we have in our ship, both malt and corn ; take as
much as thou desirest thereof, and make ready a
feast as grand as thou wilt!" This Erik (Leif)
accepted, and now preparation was made for the
feast of Yule, and this feast was so grand that peo-
ple thought they had hardly ever seen the like pomp
in a poor land. And after Yule, Karlsefne dis-
closed to Erik (Leif) that he wished to marry
Gudrid, for it seemed to him, as if he must have
the power in this matter. Erik answered favour-
ably, and said that slie must follow her fate, and
that he had heard nothing but good of him ;
and it ended so that Thorfinn married Thuridf
(Gudrid), and then was the feast extended ; and
their marriage was celebrated ; and this happened
at Brattahlid, in the winter.

• Bondi.

t The daughter of Tliorbjorii is sometimes culled 'J'hiirid and sometimes
Gudrid, ill tliis narrative; uiid the Editor tliiiilcs it probable that she was
called by the Ibriner name during childhood, but that, afterwards, for reli-
gious reasons, the pagan name (derived from the God Thor) was laid
aside, and tliut of Gudrid adopted in its place. Autiq. Anier. p, lUO,
note a.

BY THE NORTHMEN.

EXPEDITION TO AND SETTLEMENT IN VINLAND,
BY THORFINN KARLSEFNE.

A.D. 1007.
BEGINNING OF THE VINLAND VOYAGE.

7. In Brattahlid began people to talk nu.ch
about, that Vinland the Good should be explored,
and it was said that a voyage thither would be par-
ticularly profitable by reason of the fertility of the
land ; and it went so far that Karlsefne and Snorri
made ready their ship to explore the land in the
spring. With them went also the before-named
men hight Bjarni and Thorhall, with their ship.
There was a man hight Thorvard ; he married
Freydis, a natural daughter of Erik the Red ; he
went also with them, and Thorvald the son of Erik,*
and Thorhall who was called the hunter ;t he had
long been with Erik, and served him as huntsman
in summer, and steward in winter ; he was a large
man, and strong, black and like a giant, silent and
foul-mouthed in his speech, and always egged ont
Erik to the worst ; he was a bad Christian ; he was
well acquainted with uninhabited parts, he was in
the ship with Thorvard and Thorvald. They had
the ship which Thorbjorn had brought out [from

* Here is again evidently some confusiuu of names, as Tlioivuld Eriksoii's
death lias been picviously related in the Saga of Erik tlie Ued,«H4dKaai-
Mftie.wtts iiow uMt»MaA~ tttiiia^idow. Qwtoid : it seems probable ttiat some
otlicr Tliorvald accuinpauicd Karlsefne on this voyage. Sec Autiq. Amcr.
I'ruifatio, p. xiv. 1 Vcidimadr. i Eggjadi.

-■''■-

) ■

, 'I

1 <•■

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

Iceland]. They had in all 160 men,* when they
sailed to the western settlement, and from thence to
Bjanney. Then sailed they two daysf to the
south ; then saw they land, and put off boats,
and explored the land, and found there great
flat R tones, ;|: many of which were 12 ells broad:
foxes were there. They gave the land a name,
and called it Helluland.§ Then sailed they two
days, II and turned from the south to the south-
east, and found a land covered with wood, and
many wild beasts upon it ; an island lay there out
from the land to the south-east ; there killed they
a bear, and called the place afterwards Bear
island,^ but the land Markland. Thence sailed
they far to the southward along the land, and came

* Literally *' 40 men and a hundred" [40 manna oh hundrad] but the
great or long hundred must bo understood, consisting of 12 decades, or 120.
Antiq. Amer. p. 137, note b. Thus Teyner, describing the drinking hall of
Frithiof: —

" Ei femhundrade mtin [til tio tolfter pa hundrat]

Fyllde den rymliga sal, ndr dc samlats att dricka om Julen."

FrithiofsSagalll.p. 18.

Not five hundred men (though ten twelves you count to the hundred;,
Could fill that wide hall, when they gathered to banquet at Yule.

t 2 Da?gr. t Hellur storar, see ante, p. 60, note §.

§ The whole of the northern coast of America, west of Greenland, was
called by the antient Icelandic geographers Hellulnud it Mikla, or Great
Heliuland ; and the island of Newfoundland simply Hcliuland, or Litla
Hclluland. See Plate II. and Antiq. Amer. p. 419. || 2 Doegr.

% Djannoy, from Bjorn a bear, gen. bjarnar, and cy island ; hence
Bjarney contracted from rjarnarey ; but the common pronunciation of the
latter is Bjadney or Bjanney. Antiq. Amer. p. 138, note c. This would
appear to have been Cape Sable Island on the 8. coast of Nova Scotia, but
the same name was also given by the Northmen to the present island of
Disco. See supra, and Antiq. Amer. pp. 413 — 424.

i 11

' t

BY THE NORTHMEN.

to a ness ; the land lay upon the right ; there
were long and sandy strands. They rowed to land,
and found there upon the ness, the keol of a ship,
and called the place Kjalarness,* and the strands
they called Furdustrands,f for it was long to sail
by them. Then became the land indented with
coves J'! they ran the ship into a cove. King Olaf
Tryggvason had given Leif two Scotch people, a
man hight Haki, and a woman hight Hekja ; they
were swifter than beasts. These people were in the
ship with Karlsefne ; but when they had sailed
past Furdustrands, then set they the Scots on shore,
and bad them run to the southward of the land,
and explore its qualities, and come back again
within three days.§ They h&d a sort of clothing
which they called kjafal,|| which was so made that

» Se ante, Saga of Erik the Red, p. 71.

t Furdustrandir, from furda, gen. furdu, wonderful, and strand, pi.
strandir, beach. This name scenia to have been given to the eastern rihore!>
of the peninsula of Barnstable or Cape Cod, including Nauset, C'.iatham,
and Mouomey beach, and to have had its origin cither in the remarkably
white sands mentioned by Hitchcock, or in a natural phenomenon, thus de-
scribed by the same author : — " In crossing the sands of the Cape, I noticed
a singular mirage or dece])tiiin. In Orlcins, for instance, we seemed to be
ascending at an angle of three or four degrees ; nor was I convinced that
such was not the case, until turning about, I perceived that a similar ascent
appeared in the readjust passed over.'' — Anticj. Am. p. 427.

\ Vugskorid. § 3 Doigr.

II A remarkable similitude is pointed out by the Editor between this term
and the Anglo-Saxon word ceaval, by which the Greek Ko^ivotj, (a basket,)
is rendered in the (Gospel of St. Matthew, c. xiv. v. 20, and St. Mark, c. vi.
V. 45,) Anglo-Saxon version of the Bible. From the different inflections of
the word given by Professor Rafn, namely, cavl, caul, couuel, — in con-
junction with the description in the text, it seems also probable that the
English word coiol is derived from the same source. Antiq. Anier. p. 140,
note a.

k;-;'

,; J

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

I !

V "^

■f-J

a hat was on the top, and it was open at the sides,
and no arms to it ; fastened together between the
legs, with buttons and clasps, but in other places it
was open. They staid away tlie appointed time,
but when they came back, the one had in the hand
a bunch of grapes,* and the other, a new sowen ear
of wheat :t these went on board the ship, and after
that sailed they farther. They sailed into a frith -,
there lay an island before it, round which there
were strong currents, therefore called they it Stream
island.;]: There were so many eider ducks§ on the
island, that one could scarcely walk in consequence
of the eggs. They called the place Stream-frith. ||
They took their cargo froni the ship, and prepared
to remain there. They had with them all sorts of
cattle. The country there was very beautiful.
They undertook nothing but to explore the land.

* Viiiberja kiiiignl

t Ilvcitiax nysi'iid. This wan, no doubt, the inuizc or Indian corn, —
tlic '* friigcs non seminatas" of Adam of liremcn, — which, as well as beans,
pumpkin?, and squashes, were found growing in the State of Massachusetts,
wli.u first visited by the whites. Sec Report of Rhode Isl. Hist. Soc.
Antiq. Anier. p. 308.

t Straumey.

^ " Eine ausserordentliche mcngc von wilden Giinscn und Entcn, untcr
welchen der Eider vogel auf den unbewohnten Inseln hiiufig ist." Ebeling.
Geschich. v. Amer. vi. p. 210.

II Straumfjord and Straumey, from atraw/ir a current, ey island, aaA fjord
frith, the former appears to have been Buzzard's Bay, and the island that of
Martha's Vineyard, then probably united to Nantucket. The strong currents
clearly denote tlie great " Gulph stream," which, rushing from the Gulph
of Mexico, with impetuous force, passes between Cuba and the southern
point of East Florida, where, turning northward, it shapes its course between
the eastern continent and the Bahama isles, until changed again to the
eatitwurd by the shoals of Nantucket, it is finally lost among the extended
barrens of Newfoundland.

IJY THE NORTHMEN.

They were there for the winter without having pro-
vided food beforehand. In the summer the fishing
declined, and they were badly off for provisions •,
then disappeared Thorhall the huntsman. They
had previously made prayers to God for food, but
it did not come so (juick as they thought their
necessities required. They searched after Thorhall
for three days,* and found him on the top of a
rock ; there he lay, and looked up in the sky, and
gaped both with nose and mouth, and murmured
something ; they asked him why he had gone
there ; he said it was no business of theirs ; they
bade him come hoine with them, and he did so.
Soon after, came there a whale, and they went
thither, and cut it up, and no one knew what sort
of whale it was ; and when the cook dressed it,
then ate they, and all became ill in consequence.t

* 3 Da;gr. Tlicrc eccuih to be considerable unibiguif y about the Icelandic
words d;ijr and dwgr, which are arbitrarily used to express eitlier the
natural day of 24 hours, or the artiiicial day of 12 hours. Throughout this
iind tliu preceding narrative, dwgr is considered by tlie Editor to mean the
artiiicial day, and dagr the natural day, hence 2 dcegr is rendered "u
day and night" [Dan. "en Dag og en Nat'' — Lat. "noctem dicmque"]
and 3 ilccgr, " three half natural days" (30 hours) [Dun. " trc halve
Dbgn.'' Lat. "tria nychthcmeriuir ."] But in a subsequent narrative: —
(De Ario Mario Tilii, Antiq. Anier. p. 211,) we And VI dcegr renJered, in
the Danish version " G Diign," and, in the Latin, " sex dierum," thus ap-
plying the word dagr to the natural day of 24 hours. Finn Magnusen,
also, expressly states that the artificial day was called dagr, and the natural
day dagr. See Mem. de la Soc. Roy. des Antiq. du Nord. 1836-1837,
p. lt)5.

t This whale was probably a species of the Balsena physalis of Linnaeus,
which was not edible, and being rarely seen in the Greenland and Iceland
seas, was unknown to the Northmen. A kind of whale called Ualsona mys-
ticetus is mentioned by Ebeling, us having been formerly found on the
coasts of Rhode -oland and Massachusetts, re-visiting the more southern

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

Ei '0

J ,1

Then said Thorhall : *' The red bearded* was more
helpful than your Christ ; this havo I got now for
my verses that I sung of Thor, my protector j sel-
dom has he deserted me.'* But when they came to
know this, they cast the whole whale into the sea,
and resigned their case to God. Then the weather
improved, and it was possible to row out fishing,
and they were not then in want of provisions, for
wild beasts were caught on the land, and fish in
the sea, and eggs collected on the island.

; 1

In the account of these transactions, given in the Saga
of Erik the Red, it is stated that a son was born to Gudrid
during this autumn (1007); which statement is corrobo-
rated in a subsequent part of the present narrative. The
child was called Snorri, and from this first of European

latitudes in winter, and returning nortliwards in the spring ; in after timen,
however, they disappeared altogether from the coasts ; and in the present
day the number of whales in northern latitudes has much -iiminished. Off
the mouth of the Pettaquamscut River, in Narraganset Bay, is a rock
called Whale Rock. See Plate I- and Antiq. Amer. p. 444.

* Thor the eldest son of Odin and Frigga, the strongest of the Aser, and
next to Odin in rank.

" Therj sits on golden throne
Aloft the god of war,
Savj Odin, yields to none
'Mongst gods great Aser, Thor."

Oehlenschliiger — Pigott's Translation.

The introduction of Christianity being but recent in Iceland, many of the
Northmen still believed in Thor, or embracing the new religion with a
wavering faith, applied to the Aser gods in cases of difficulty. " The re-
mains of the worship of Tlior lingered longer in the North than those of any
of the other Scandinavian deities. In Nial's Saga, a female Skald says to a
Christian — ' Do yuu not know that Thor has challenged your Christ to
single combat, and that he dares not fight him ?' " Pigott's Scandinavian
Mythology, p. 101.

BY THE NORTHMEN.

blood born in America, the celebrated sculptor Thorvald-
son, as well as many other eminent Scandinavians, is
lineally descended.*

OF KARLSEFNE AND THORHALL.
8. So is said, that Thorhall would go to the north-
ward along Furdustrands, to explore Vinland, but
Karlsefne would go southwards along the coast.
Thorhall got ready, out under the island, and there
were no more together than nine men ; but hW the
others went with Karlsefne. Now when Thorhall
bore water to his ship, and drank, then sung he
this song : —

People told me when I came
Hither, all would be so fine ;
The good Vinland, known to fame,
Rich in fruits, and choicest wine ;
Now the water pall they send ;
To the fountain I must bend,
Nor from out this land divine
Have I quaffed op'j drop of wine.

And when they were ready, and hoisted sail, then
chaunted Thorhall : —

Let our trusty band
Haste to Fatherland ;
Let our vessel brave,
Plough the angry wave.
While those few who love
Vinland, here may rove,
Or, with idle toil,
Fetid whales may boil,
Here on Furdustrand
Far from Fatherland.t

* See Genealogical Tables in Appendix.

t In the original all these verses bear the stamp of the 10th and 11th
centuries. Antiq. Amer. p. 144, note a.

- « I

'S I

UISCOVKUY OF AMEUICA

After that, sailed they northwards ])ast Furdu-
strands, and Kjalarness, and would cruize to the
westward ; then came against them a strong west
wind, and they were driven away to Ireland, and
were there beaten, and made slaves, according to
what the merchants have said.

9. Now is to be told about Karlsefne, that he
went to the southward along the coast, and Snorri
and Bjarni, with their people. They sailed a long
time, and until they came to a river, which ran out
from the lund, and through a lake, out into the sea.
It was verv shallow, and one could not enter the
river without high water. Karlsefne sailed, with
his people, into the mouth, and they called the
place Hop.* They found there upon the land,
self-sown fields of wheat,t there where the ground
was low, but vines there where it rose somewhat.
Every stream there was fuP of fish. They made
holes there where the land commenced, and the
waters rose highest ; and when the tide fell, there

* I Hopi, from the Icelandic word hopa to recede, and may signify here,
citlier the recess formed by the confluence of a river and the sea, or the
mouth of the river, or merely tlie inlet of the sea into which tlie river falls.
This description corresponds exactly with the situation of the present Mount
Hope Bay, through which the Taunton river flows, being connected with
the sea by the Pocasset river and Seaconnet Passage (see Plate !.)• Hence
the name of Hop given by the Northmen to tliis settlement, which, it is
probable, was situated upon a beautiful elevation that rises above the bay,
and which was afterwards called by the Indians Mont'Haup (pron. Hope).
It appears also from a communication made to Professor Rafn by the Secre-
tary of the Rhode Island Historical Society, that a tradition was current
amongst tlie oldest Indians, of a wooden house swimming upon the river
Assoonct ( Pocasset), and containing men of onother country, who fought
the Indians with great success. Autiq. Amer. p. 374.

t Sjolfsarta hveitiakrnr. Sec p. 90, note t.

i!t'

"I*

BY THE NORTHMEN.

were sacred fish* in the holes. Tliero were a great
number of all kinds of wild beasts in the woods.
They remained there a half month, and amused
themselves, and did not perceive any thing [new] :
they had their cattle with them. And one morn-
ing early, when they looked round, saw they a
great many canoes, and poles were swung upon
them, and it sounded like the wind in a straw-
stack, and the swinging was with the sun. Then
said Karlsefnc : '* What may this denote?" Snorri
Thorbrandson answered him : " It may be that this
is a sign of peace, so let us take a white shield, and
hold it towards them ;" and so did they. Upon
this the others rowed towards them, and looked
with wonder upon those that they met, and went up
upon the land. These people were black, and ill
favoured, and had coarse hair on the head ; they
had large eyes and broad cheeks.f They remained

I .-.;■

■-.-.J •

■ .**
■.J.

* Helgir flskar. This is supposed to liavc been tlie species of flounder or
fiai Hah called by the English, HoIibut(PIeuroncctes hippoglossus Linn. Hip-
poglossus vulgaris Cuv.) and which is still called in Iceland "holy fish,"
(heilagfiski) a name given, according to Pliny, in consequence of the pre-
sence of these flsh being considered to denote safe water. Speaking of the
danger to be apprehended from the dog-fish, he adds : " Certissima est se-
curitas vidisse pianos pitees, quia nunquam sunt, ubi malefictB bestioe : qua
de causa urinantes saerot appellant cos." — Hist. Nat. Lib. ix. The Report
of the Rhode Island Historical Society states that « The flat flsh, and most
of the Pleuronectes, including the Ilolibut, frequent our waters ;'* and War-
den says : — " II y a une grande abondance de poissons de presquc toutes les
especes. On en voitjusqu' & quatre-vingts differcntes hu march^de New-
port. La morue, leflitau, I'esturgeon, I'alose, et d'autres poissons fourmil-
lent autour des iles Nantucket." I. pp. 608. 201. Ebeling also says: —
" Alle Fliisse sind sehr fischreich." See Antiq. Amer. pp. 148, 367, 445.

t This description of tlic Skrcelings corresponds exactly with the appear-
ance of the present Esquimaux.

( ■.■

DISCOVERY OF AMKRICA

In <

there for a time, and gazed upon those that they
met, and rowed, afterwards, away to the southward,
round the ness.

10. Karlsefno and his people had made their
dwellings above the lake, and some of the houses
were near the water, others more distant. Now
were they there for the winter ; there came no
snow, and all their cattle fed themselves on the
grass.* But when springt approached, saw they
one morning early, that a number of canoes rowed
from the south round the ness j so many, as if the
sea was sowen with coal ; poles were also swung on
each boat. Karlsefhe and his people then raised
up the shield, and when they came together, they
began to barter; and these people would rather
have red cloth [than any thing else] ; for this they
had to offer skins and real furs. They would, also,
purchase swords and spears, but this Karlseftie and
Snorri forbad. For an entire fur skin the Skrae-
lings took a piece of red cloth, a span long, and

t- •

i .

* " Most winters a scanty subsistence might be procured by cattle ; but
this is not depended on. Farmers generally house their cattle in winter ;
but wV 'ther this was formerly the case or not, we cannot say : we do not
consir f i< it absolutely necessary ; although a prudent husbandman will do
it. Some individuals in that vicinity, do not shelter their sheep, and say
they thrive well and become robust. On the island of Nantucket, east of
Martha's Vineyard, one of the most bleak, sterile, and to the agriculturist,
forbidding spots we have, the sheep ure not, and have not been, since its
first settlement, housed or protected in any manner whatever. Severe win-
ters, of course, hundreds die of cold and hunger. In the Narraganset
country, situated west of the Bay, sheep are sometimes kept in the open
air through the winter season." — Rep. of Rhode Island Hist. Society,
Antiq. Amer. p. 308. Compare ante, p. 64,

t A.D. 1009.

■ n

»Y THK NOIITIIMKN. })7

bound it round their heads. Thus went on their
traffic for a time ; then the cloth be<ran to f<»ll
short among Karlsefnc and his people, and the^
cut it asunder into small pieces, which were not
wider than the breadth of a finger, and still the
Skrajlings gave just as much for that as before, and
more.

The Saga of Erik the Red, in giving an acooutit of this
transaction, adds that Karlscfno, on the cloth being ex-
pended, hit upon the expedient of making the women take
out milk porridge to the Skrailings, wlio, as soon as they
saw this new article of commerce, would buy the porridge
and nothing else. " Thus," says the Saga, " the traffic of the
Skra;lings was wound up by their bearing away their pur-
chases in their stomachs, but Karlsefne and his companions
retained their goods and skins."*

11. It happened that a bull, which Karlsefne
had, ran out from the wood and roared aloud ;
this frightened the Skrajlings, and they rushed to
their canoes, and rowed away to the southward,
round the coast : after that they were not seen for
three entire weeks. But at the end of that time, a
great number of Skraelings' ships were seen coming
from the south like a rushing torrent ; all the poles
were turned from the sun, and they all howled very-
loud. Then took Karlsefne's people a red shield,
and held it towards them. The Skrselings jumped
out of their ships, and after this, went they against
each other, and fought. There was a sharp shower
of weapons, for the Skraelings had slings. t Karl-

Antiq. Amer. pp. .'59-CO.

t Valslongiir.

I::

lis I;. ■;•

• M (,-:

' ,' ^]l

DISCOVERY or AMERICA

sefne's people saw that they raised up on a pole, an
enormous large ball, something like a sheep's
pauncl% and of a blue colour; this swung they
from the pole over Karlsefne's men, upon the
ground, and it made a frightful crash as it fell
down.* This caused great alarm to Karlsefne and
all his people, so that they thought of nothing but
running away, and they fell back along the river,
for it appeared to them that the Skrajlings pressed
upon them from all sides ; and they did not stop
until they came to some rocks, where they made a
stout resistance. Freydis came out and saw that
Karlsefne's people fell back, and she cried out:
" Why do ye run, stout men as yo are, before these
miserable wretches, whom I thought ye would
knock down like cattle ? and if I had weapons,
methinks I could fight better than any of ye."
They gave no heed to her words. Freydis " "uld
go with them, but she was slower, because she was
pregnant ; however she followed after them into
the wood. The Skra3lings pursued her ; she found
a dead man before her ; it was Thorbrand Snorra-
son, and there stood a flat stone stuck in his head ;
the sword lay naked by his side ; this took she up,
and prepared to defend herself. Then came the
Skraelings towards her ; she drew out her breasts

• The nature of this missile does not exactly appear, but it probably had
some affinity with the harpoon used by the Esquimaux i>i fishing, and to
^rhlch is attached a bladder, as well for the purpose of directing the weapon,
as of marking its position after having been thrown. In the present in-
stance, stoues would appear to have been added to this contrivance.
Antiq. Amer. p. 152, note b.

I\-

15V Tin: NORTHMEN.

from under lier clothes, and dashed them against
the naked sword ; hy this the Skrajlings l)ccamo
frightened, and ran off to their ships, and rowed
away. Karlsefns and his people then came up,
and praised her courage. Two men fell on Karl-
sefne's side, but a number of the Skrajlings. Karl-
sefne's band was overmatched, and they now drew
home to their dwellings, and bound their wounds ;
and they thought over what crowd that could have
been, which had pressed upon them from the land
side, and it now appeared to them that it could
scarcely have been real people from the ships, but
that these must have been optical illusions.* The
Skrajlings found also a dead man, and an axe lay
by him ; one of them took up the axe, and cut
wood with it, and now one after another did the
same, and thought it was an excellent thing, and
bit well ; after that one took it, and cut at a stone,
so that the axe broke, and then thought they it,
was of no use, because it would not cut stone, and
they threw it away.

12. Karlsefnc and his people now thought they
saw, that although the land had many good qua-
lities, still would they be always exposed there to
the fear of hostilities from the earlier inhabitants.
They proposed, therefore, to depart, and return to
their own country. They sailed northwards along
the coast, and found five Skrailings clothed in skins,
sleeping near the sea. They had with them vessels
containing animal marrow mixed with blood.

* Sjonhverflngar,
H f2

ii'*^"'

■I-

'^ th

1:^ y

ii i':

: ; :■ -ii

8? ^^■

100

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

Karlsefne's people thought they understood that
these men had been banished from the land : tliey
killed them. After that came they to a ness,* and
many wild beasts were there, and the ness was
covered all over with dung, from the beasts .vhich
had lain there during the night. f Now came they
back to Straumfjord,;]: and there was abundance of
every thing that they wanted to have. It is some
mens sa?/j that Bjnrni and Giidrid remained be-
hindy and 100 men with them^ and did not go further ;
but that K arise fne and Sr^orri went southwards^
and 40 men ivith themf and were not longer in
Hope than barely two months, and, the same sum-
mer, came back.^ Karlsefne went then with one
sliip to seek after Thorhall the hunter, but the rest
remained behind, and they sailed northwards past
Kjalarncss, and thence westwards, and the land
was upon their larboard || hand ; there were wild
woods over all, as far as they could see, and scarcely

* Perhaps Cliipijinoxct Point. This would appear to allude to a short
expedition made up Narraganset Bay, after their departure from Hope. See
Plate I.

t " Numerous animals formerly inhabited these parts, particularly the
De/T (Cervus Virginianus), Fox, both red and gray (Canis Vulpes, fulvus et
Virsinianiis), Wolf (Canis Lupus occidentalis), Woodchuck (Arctomys
monax) . . . the Weasel (Mustela), Skunk (Mephitis Amerie.) Wolverine
(Gulo Inscus), and the Black Bear (Ursns Amerie). A great variety of
other animals were common here before the woods were cleared, and the
State very generally settled." — Rep. Rhode Ts^ Hist. Soc. Antiq. Amer.
p. 3fi4. I A.D. 1009.

^ This passage is evidently the statement of an imperfect tradition, to
which the writer of the Saga gave no credit ; and although only ihvolving
a question of time, it must be rejected as inconsistent with the previous
details : its insertion, however, is strongly characteristic of the candour and
honesty of the writer, who is obviously desirous of stating all that he has
heard upon the subject. || Hakborda.

HY THK NOUTIIMFV.

101

any open places. And when thtv had long sailed,
a river fell out of tlie land from east to west ; they
put in to the mouth of the river, and lay by its
southern bank.

.hv.

W ::.,1

DEATH OF THORVALD ERIKSON.

•h

lie

las

13. It happened one morning that Karlsefne and
his people saw, opposite an open place in the wood,
a speck which glistened in their sight, and they
shouted out towards it, and it was a uniped,* which
thereupon hurried down to the bank of the river,
where they lay. Thorvald Erikson stood at the
helm, and the uniped shot an arrow into his bowels.
Thorvald drew out the arrow, and said : '* It has
killed nie ! — to a fruitful land have we come, but
hardly shall we enjoy any benefit from it." Thor-
vald soon after died of this wound.t Upon this
the uniped ran away to the northward ; Karlsefne
and his people went after him, and saw him now

* Eilifoetlngr, from ein, one, and fotrfoot. This term appears to have
been given by antient writers to some of the Indian tribes, in consequence
of the peculiarity of their dress, which Wormskiold describes as a triangular
cloth, hanging down so low, both before and beliind, that the feet were
concealed. In an old miscellaneous work, called Riinbegla, published at
Copenhagen iu 1780, a people of tiiis denomination, inhabiting Blaland in
Ethiopia, arc thus described: — " Einfoctingar hafa svti mikinn fot vid jord,
at their skyggja str mcd honum vid solarhita i svefni," i. e. says Professor
Rafn : — " Unipedes plantam pedis tam nmplam habent, ut ipsis dormien-
tibns sit umbraculi." Antiq. Amer. p. 158, note a.

t This is either an incorrect version of the death of Thorvald Erikson,
which is given in the Saga of Erik the Red, pp. 72-73, or an account of »he
fate of some other Thorvald, who accompanied the expedition.

;ii;

r-v";'l

I,.-,.:-

1()'2

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

r r

and then, and the last time they saw him, he ran
out into a bay. Then turned thev back, and a man
chaunted these verses : —

It T

I 5 . ■"

The people chased
A Uniped

Down to the beach,
Hut lo ! he ran
Straight o'er the sea —
Hear thou, Thortinn !

They drew off then, and to the northward, and
thought they saw the country of the Unipeds ; they
would not then expose their people any longer.
They looked upon the mountain range that was at
Hope ; and that which they now found, as all one,*
and it also appeared to be equal length from
Straumtjord to both places. The third winter!
were they in Straumtjord. They now became much
divided by party feeling, and the women were the
cause of it, for those who were unmarried would
injure those that were married, and hence arose
great disturbance. There was born the first au-
tumn,! Snorri, iCarlsefne's son, and he was three
years old when they went away. When they
sailed from V inland they had a south wind, and
came then to Markland, and found there five
Skraslings, and one was bearded ; two were fe-
males, and two boys ; they took the boys, but the
others escaped, and the Skra^lings sank down

* Probably the Blue Hills in iVorfolk county, which stretch from
Milton southwards towards the Taunton river. See Plate I.
t A. n. lOOO-lOlO. i A. U. 1007, see ante p. 92.

BY THE NORTHMEN.

103

'■.'^i

in the ground.* These two boys took they
with them ; they taught them the language, and
they were baptized. They called their mother
Vathelldi, and their father Uvsege. They said
that two kings ruled over the SkrsBlings, and that
one of them was hight Avalldania, but the other
Valldidida. They said that no houses wore there ;
people lay in caves or in holes. They said there
was a land on the other side, just opposite their
country, where people lived who wore white clothes,
and carried poles before them, and to these were
fastened flags,, and they shouted loud ; and people
think that this was White-man's-Land, or Great

iRELAND.t

1 i. Bjarni Grimolfson was driven with his ship,
into the Irish ocean, and they came into a worm-
sea,:j: and straightway began the ship to sink under
them. They had a boat which was smeared with
seal oil, for the sea- worms do not attack that ; they
went into the boat, and then saw that it could not
hold them all ; then said Bjarni : " Since the boat
cannot give room to more than the half of our men.

i ■■•;■*

I ,.. :

* Probably retired into caves where they dwelt. Sec infra.

t llvitratnannaland eda Irland ed mykla. See Minor Narratives, Part

iTi.

X Madksjo. Probably waters infested with the teredo navalis, from
which the ships of Columbus received such injury in a more southern lati-
tude. "The seamen were disheartened by the constant opposition of the
winds and currents, and by the condition of the ships, which were pierced
on all parts, by the teredo or worm.'' Irving's Columbus, p. 287. '• Con-
tiiming along the coast eastward, he was obliged to abandon one of the
caravels in the harbour of Puerto Bello, being so pierced by the teredo,
that it was impossible to keep her afloat." lb. p. 303. The teredo luivalis
and its destructive eft'ects may still be seen on the south coast of Ireland.

\0'h

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

I :

it is my counsel that lots should he drawn, for those
to go in the hoat, for it shall not be according to
rank." This thought they all so high-minded an
offer, that no one would speak against it ; they
then did so that lots were drawn, and it fell upon
Bjarni to go in the boat, and the half of the men
with him, for the boat had not room for more.
But when they had gotten into the boat, then said
an Icelandic man, who was in the ship, and had
come with Bjarni from Iceland : " Dost thou in-
tend, Bjarni, to separate from me here?" Bjarni
answered : "So it turns out." Then said the
other : " Very different was thy promise to my
father, when I went with thee from Iceland, than
thus to abandon me, for thou said'st that we should
both share the same fate." Bjarni replied: " It
shall not be thus ; go thou down into the boat, and
I will go up into the ship, since I see that thou
art so desirous to live." Then went Bjarni up
into the ship, but this man down into the boat,
and after that continued they their voyage, until
they came to Dublin in Ireland,* and told there
these things ; but it is most people's belief that
Bjarni and his companions were lost iii the wormr
sea, for nothing was heard of them since that
time. J

* At this period tlic Nortlimen were still numerous in the sea-port towns
of I.'elancI, Sitric the Dane being King of Dublin. See Moore, Vol. II.
p. 106.

' ■ I-

IJY THE NORTHMliN.

105

POSTERITY OF KARLSEFNE AND THURID HIS WIFE.

15. The next summer* went Karlsefnc to Ice-
land, and Gudrid with him, and he went home to
Reynisness. His mother thought that he had
made a bad match, and therefore was Gudrid not
at home the first winter. But when she observed
that Gudrid was a distinguished woman, went she
home, and they agreed very well together. The
daughter of Snorri Karlsefnesson was Hallfrid,
mother to Bishop Thorlak Runolfson. They had
a son who Thorbjorn bight, his daughter hight
Thorunn, mother to Bishop Bjorn. Thorgeir hight
the son of Snorri Karlsefnesson, father to Yngvild,
mother of Bishop Brand the first. A daughter of
Snorri Karlsefnesson was also Steinum, who mar-
ried Einar, son of Grundarketil, son of Thorvald
Krok, the son of Thorer, of Espihol ; their son was
Thorstein Ranglatr ; he was father to Gudrun, who
married Jorund of Keldum ; their daughter was
Halla, mother to Flose, father of Valgerde, mother
of Herr Erlend Sterka, father of Herr Hauk the
Lagman.t Another daughter of Flose was Thordis,
mother of Fru Ingigerd the rich ; her daughter was
Fru Hallbcra, Abbess of Stad at Reinisness. Manv
other great men in Iceland are descended from
Karlsefnc and Thurid, who are not here mentioned.
God be with us ! Amen I

• A.D. 1011. In another narrative of Karlsefnc, which follows the
.present in the Autiquitatea Americance, as well as in the short account of
these same occurrences contained in ^he Saga of Erik the Red, it is stated
that Karlsefnc passed the winter of 1010 at EriksQord iu Greenland.
Compare Antiq. Amer. pp. G4-183.

t Hauk £rIend3on,the last contributor to the Landuumabok. Sec pp. xi-82.

■

t .■■7.

t : ...

_i \

■^

lOf)

njSCOVEUY OF AMERICA

VOYAGE OF FREYDIS, HELGI, AND
FINNBOGI.

A.D. ion.

FREYDIS CAUSES THE BROTHERS TO BE KILLED.*

6. Now began people again to talk about expedi-
tions to Vinland, for voyages thereto appeared both
profitable and honourable. The same summer that
Karlsefne came from Vinland, t came also a ship
from Norway to Greenland ; this ship steered two
brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi, and they remained
for the winter in Greenland. These brothers were
Icelanders by descent, and from Austfjord. It is
now to be told that Freydis, Erik's daughter, went
from her home at Garde to the brothers Helgi and
Finnbogi, and bade them that they should sail to
Vinland with their vessels, and go halves with her
in all the profits which might be there made. To
this they agreed. Then went she to Leif her bro-
ther, and begged him to give her the houses, which
he had caused to be built in Vinland ; but he an-
swered the same as before, that he would lend the
houses, but not give them. So was it settled be-
tween the brothers and Freydis, that each should

* This nurrative is contained In the Saga of Erik tlie Red (Antiq. Amer.
p. 65, seq.) but has been transferred to this place, as well to make the
chronological order of the various voyages more perspicuous, as on account
of the further particulars relating to Karlsefne and Qudrid, with which it
concludes. t A. D. 1010. See ante, p. 61,

IJV THE NOKTHMEN.

107

have thirty fighting men in the ship, besides
women. But Froydis broke this agreement, and
had five men more, and hid them ; so that the
brothers knew not of it before they came to Vin-
land. Now sailed they into the sea, and had before
arranged that they should keep together, if it could
so be, and there was little difference, but still came
the brothers somewhat before, and had taken up
their effects to Leifs houses. But when Freydis
came to land, then cleared they out their ships, and
bore up their goods to the house. Then said
Freydis: "Why bring ye in your things here?*'
"Because we believed," said they, "that the
whole agreement should stand good between us.'*
" To me lent Lcif the houses," quoth she, *' and
not to you." Then said Helgi : "In malice are we
brothers easily excelled by thee.'' Now took they
out their goods, and made a separate building, and
set that building further from the strand, on the
edge of a lake, and put all around in good order :
but Freydis had trees cut down for her ship's
loading. Now began winter, and the brothers pro-
posed to set up sports, and have some an-usement.
So was done for a time, until evil reports an^ discord
sprung up amongst them, and there was an end of
the sports, and nobody came from the one house to
the other, and so it went on for a long time during
the winter. It happened one morning early that
Freydis got up from her bed, and dressed herself,
but took no shoes or stockings ; and the weather
was such that much dew had fallen. She took her

-VI;

■. .■1

> V

108

niSCOVERY OF AMEIIICA

husband's cloak, and put it on, and then went to
the brothers* house, and to the door ; but a man
had gone out a little before, and left the door half
opcR. She opened the door, and stood a little time
in the opening, and was silent ; but Finnbogi lay
inside the house, and was awake ; he said : " What
wilt thou here, Frcydis ?" She said: "I wish
that thou wouldest get up, and go out with me,
for I will speak with thee.'* He did so; they
went to a tree, that lay near the dwellings, and sat
down there. " How art thou satisfied here ?" said
she ; he answered : " Well think I of the land's
fruitfulness, but ill do I think of the discord that
has sprung up betwixt us, for it appears to me that
no cause has been given." '• Thou sayest as it is,"
said she, " and so think I ; but my business here
with thee, is that I wish to change ships with
thy brother, for ye have a larger ship than I, and it
is my wish to go from hence." " That must I
agree to," said he, *' if such is thy wish." Now
with that they separated ; she went home, and
Finnbogi to his bed. She got into the bed with
cold feet, and thereby woke Thorvard, and he asked
why she was so cold and wet. She answered, with
much vehemence : ** I was gone,'* said she, *' to the
brothers, to make a bargain with their about their
ship, for I wished to buy the large ship ; but they
took it so ill, that they beat me, and used me
shamefully j but thou I miserable man ! wilt surely,
neither avenge my disgrace or thine own, and it is
easy to see that I am no longer in Greenland, and

nV THE NOnTIIMEN.

109

I will separate from thee if thou avengest not this."
And now could he no longer withstand her re-
proaches, and bade his men to get up, with all
speed, and take their arms ; and so did they, and
went straightway to the brothers' house, and went
in, and fell upon them sleeping, and then took and
bound them, and thus led out one after the other ;
but Freydis had "^ich of them killed, as he came
out. Now were all the men there killed, and only
women remained, and them would no one kill.
Then said Freydis: " Give me an axel" So was
done ; upon which she killed the five women that
were there, and did not stop until they were all
dead. Now they went back to their house after
this evil work, and Freydis did not appear other-
wise than as if she had done well, and spoke thus to
her people : " If it be permitted us to come again
to Greenland," said she, " I will take the life of
that man who tells of this business ; now should we
say this, that tliey remained behind when we went
away." Now early in the spring made they ready
the ship that had belonged to the brothers, and
loaded it with all the best things they could get, and
the ship could carry. After that they put to sea,
and had a quick voyage, and came to Eriksfjord
with the ship early in the summer. Now Karlsefiie
was there, and had his ship quite ready for sea, and
waited for a fair wind ; and it is generally said,
that no richer ship has ever gone from Greenland
than that which he steered.

DISCOVER Y OF AMEIUCA

t ;■.

OF FREYDIS.

7. Freydis repaired now to her dwelling, which,
in the meantime, had stood uninjured ; she gave
great gifts to all her companions, that they should
conceal her misdeeds, and sat down now in her
house. All were not, however, so mindful of their
promises to conceal their crimes and wickedness
but that it came out at last. Now iinally it reached
the ears of Leif, her brother, and he thought very
ill of the business. Then took Leif three men of
Freydis's band, and tortured them to confess the
whole occurrence, and all their statements agreed.
" I like not,"' said Leif, " to do that to Freydis, my
sister, which she has deserved, but this will I pre-
dict, that thy posterity will never thrive." Now
the consequence was, that no one, from that time
forth, thought otherwise than ill of them. Now
must we begin from the time when Karlsefne got
ready his ship, and put to sea : he had a prosperous
voyage, and came safe and sound to Norway, and
remained there for the winter, and sold his goods,
and both he and his wife were held in great honor
by the most respectable men in Norway. But the
spring after, fitted he out his ship for Iceland ;
and when he was all ready, and his ship lay at the
bridge, waiting for a fair wind, then came there a
southern to him, who was from Bremen in Saxony,
and wanted to buy from Karlsefne his house broom.*

• Husasnotni. Some doubts have arisen as to the meaning of this word,
which Finn Magnusen thinks, is liere intended to express a vane or wcather-

Ki iU\

:: I ■ X

I»Y TFIE NOflTHMKV.

Ill

*' I will not sell it," said lu?. •* I will give thee a
half mark gold for it,'* said the German. Karl-
sefne thought this was a good offer, and they closed
the hargain. The southern went off with the house
broom, but Karlsefne knew not what wood it was ;
but that was mausur,* brought from Vinland.
Now Karlsefne put to sea, and came with his ship
to Skagafjord, on the northern coast, and there was
the ship laid up for the winter. But in spring
bought he Glaumba>land, and fixed his dwelling
there, and lived there, and was a highly respected
man, and from him and Gudrid his wife has sprung
a numerous and distinguished race. And when
Karlsefne was dead, took Gudrid the management
of the house with her son Snorri, who was born in
Vinland. But when Snorri was married, then
went Gudrid abroad, and travelled southwards, and
came back again to the house of Snorri her son,
and then had he caused a church to be built at
Glaumba?. After this, became Gudrid a nun and

cock, such appendages having been formerly ornamented by tlie Nortlimcn,
at great cost, and placed on the top of the house. Tlic price given (about
£16. sterling) is also more accordant with this interpretation. Torfa3iis
calls it " coronis domu?," which secns to imply some ornamental appen-
dage of tlic kind : the Editor iius followed the Lexicon of Bjbrn Haldorson.
See Antiq. Amer. p. 441, note c. and Lexicon Islandico-Latino-Daniciim
Biornonis Haldorsonii ex manuscriptis Lcgati Arna Magnceani cura,
R. K. Raskii editum. IlafnioJ, 1814, 4to.

* This is supposed to have been one of those beautiful varieties of the red
maple (acer rubrura) or sugar maple (acersaccharinum) called " bird's eye,"
or " curled maple," and which, according to Dr. Webb, " is found in Massa-
chusetts, and thought by many to rival the finest mahogany." Antiq.
Amer. p. 307. The old German name for maple of maashotderbaum, as
well as the Swedish masur speckled wood, and masurerad, applied to old
and knotty or marble-Iike wood, tends also to confirm this supposition.

•■•'I.

'■1

112

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

\-j :l

i
i

recluse, and remained so whilst she lived. Snorri
had a son who Thorgeir hight ; he was father to
Ingveld, mother of E'shop Brand. The daughter
of Snorri Karlsefnesson hight Hallfrid ; she was
mothor to Runolf, father to Bishop Thorlak.*
Bjorn hight a son of Karlsefne and Gudrid ; 1 e
was father to Thorunn, mother of Bishop Bjarn.
A numerous race are descended from Karlsefne,
and distinguished men; and Karlsefne has accu-
rately related to all men the occurrences on all
these voyages, of which somewhat is now recited
here.

* "To the learned Pishop Thorlak Runolfson," says Professor Rafn," we
are principally indebted for the oldest ecclesiastical code of Iceland, pub-
lished in the year 1123 ; and it is also probable that the accounts of these
voyages were originally compiled by him." Antiq. Amer. Abstract of Hist.
Evid. p. xxxiv.

GEOGRAPHICAL NOTICES,

■t'. ■

ANTIKNT ICELANDIC MSS.

B -Fragment of Vellum Codex, No. 192, rivo. Anti.i. An.fr. p. '290.
Suppoxtd to have been written about the md of the \Uh Century.

Next to Denmark is the lesser Sweden, then is
Oeland, then Gottland, then Helsingeland, then
Vermeland, and the two Kvendlands, which lie to
the north of Bjarraeland. From Bjarmeland
stretches uninhabited land towards the north, until
Greenland begins. South of Greenland is Hellu-
land ; next lies Markland ; thence it is not far to
Vinland the Good, which some think goes out from
Africa;* and if it be so, the sea must run in be-
tween Vinland and Markland. It is related that
Thorfinn Karlsefne cut wood here to ornament his
house,t and went afterwards to seek out Vinland
the Good, and came there, where they thought the
land was, but did not eflPect the knowledge of it,
and gained none of the riches of the land. Leif
the Lucky first discovered Vinland, and then he
met some merchants in distress, at sea, and, by

• Hence may be seen bow far smithwards the Northmen oonsidcre.l the
newly discovered land to extend.

t Husasnotrutre. See ante p. 11 1 , and note. The word hisasnotru, .ays
Professor Rafn, may be rendered scopis, tritonibr.s, or ventilogiis. Ant.q,
Amer. p. 291 , note d.

i %-

W:-'^

^:-4

I'l»

■ '1^

! ' !■

;•'

114

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

God's mercy, saved their lives ; and he introduced
Christianity into Greenland, and it spread itself
there, so tliat a Bishop's seat was established in the
place called Gardar. England and Scotland are
an island, and yet each is a kingdom for itself.
Irland is a great island. Iceland is also a great
island north of Irland. These countries are all in
that part of the world, which is called Europe.

C. GUI PL A.*

Codex, No. 115, 6vo. Antiq. Amer. p. 293.

Bavaria is bounded by Saxony ; Saxony is bounded
by Hoi stein, then comes Denmark ; the sea flows
through the eastern countries. Sweden lies to the
east of Denmark, Norway to the north ; Finmark
north of Norway ; thence stretches the land out to
the north-east and east, until you come to Bjarme-
land ; this land is tributary to Gardarige. From
Bjarmeland lie uninhabited places all northward to
that land which is called Greenland, [which, how-
ever, the Greenlanders do not confirm, but believe to
have observed that it is otherwise, both from drift
timber, which it is known, is cut down by men, and

* This remarkable geographical fragment is contained in the celebrated
Greenlandic collection of Bjorn Johnson, and was evidently written before
the time of Jolumbus. The name is supposed to be derived from the word
gripa, to snatch, the collection being of h miscelliineous character. Antiij.
Amer. pp. 280-1.

:i "»

UY THE NOUTflMKN'.

115

also from Reindeer, which have marks upon the ears,
or bands upon the horns, likewise from sheep, which
stray thither, of which there now are remains in
Norway, for one head hangs in Throndhjem,
another in Bergen, and many '■uore besides are to be
found]* But there are bays, and the land stretches
out toward the south-west ; there arc Jokels and
Fjords ; there lie islands out before the Jokels ;
one of the Jokels cannot be explored ; to the other
is half a month's sail, to the third a week's sail ;
this is nearest to the settlement hight Hvidscrk ;
thence stretches the land toward the north ; but he
who wishes not to miss the settlement, steers to the
south-west. Gardar hight the Bishop's seat at the
bottom of Eriksfjord ; there is a church dedicated
to the holy Nicholas; XII churches are upon
Greenland in the eastern settlement, I III in the
western.

Now is to be told what lies opposite Greenland,
out from the bay, which was before named : Fur-
dustrandir hight a land ; there are so strong frosts
that it is not habitable, so far as one knows ; south
from (li, nee is Helluland, which is called Skraelings-
land ; from thence it is not far to Vinland the
Good, which some think goes out from Africa ;
between Vinland and Greenland is Ginnungagap,t
which flows from the sea called Mare oceanum, and
surrounds the whole earth [Hcbc verbotenus Gripld],

■ -t-'.

I ■

' ''v>

r.;r

• The whole of this passage is considered by Professor Rafn to l)e aii
interpolation by njbrn Johnson, or some other commentator. Antia>
Amer. p. 294, note a. + Davis's Straits. See Plate III.

I 2

( ■■■

i ■

i
■ll

''''I

if
ll

"' l":

■•! ' '

'''■'■

'i'f

V 'di

CORltOBORATIVE OF THE

DISCOVERIES OK THE NORTHMEN.

PART II.

MONUMENTS & INSCRIPTIONS,

I ■ ' .

'•*.

\4'

\ \ LJ

INSCRIPTION UPON THE AS80NET OR
Jccortiin^ a> tkeJiramn^ /node wide/' ike s^o&wtmdfnce- ofe^^iM

Vi.m.fo/^rr^w.' >;:

PON THE AS80NET OR OIGHTON ROCK.

S<? si^0'in(tndence- afe^^Mode Ziland^ Mstopiad. -Sotzefy. A. J). JS30.

thJuvArfO-h/smiik-, ZztX/>,

i • \r

111

ftfr

|i'

I' '

I i

If i?'. 4;

If I ' . ;

;<1 'f

ifl^

• ■

y !

Accordi

PART II.

.^ ■ .

MONUMENTS AND INSCRIPTIONS.

THE DIGHTON WRITING ROCK.

Some remarkable monuments and inscriptions
have been found on the eastern shores of North
America, which bear testimony to the voyages and
settlements recorded in the preceding narratives,
and complete the mass of evidence that has been so
ably brought forward by Professor Rafn, upon this
interesting subject. The Rhode Island Historical
Society have applied themselves to the examination
of these remains, with a degree of zeal and ability
worthy of the occasion, and details of high interest
and valuehave been made known to the corresponding
Danish members, through the medium of the dis-
tinguished American secretary, Dr. Webb. From
these communications it appears that, in the west-
ern part of the county of Bristol in the State of
Massachusetts, may still be seen numerous and
extensive mounds, similar to the tumuli that are so
often met with in Scandinavia, Tartary, and Russia;
" also the remains of fortifications that must have
required for their construction, a degree of in-
dustry, labour, and skill, us well as an advance-

it":^:

''i-

'J. ■ ►.'/

l^^U

DIKCOVKIIY OK AMERICA

•«-

meiit in the arts, that iievor (;li{irju;tei'iyx'(l uny of
the Indian tribes. Various articles of pottery are
found in them, with the mevhod of manufacturinjr
which they were entirely unacquainted. But above
all, many rocks, inscribed with unknown cha-
racters, apparently of very antient ori<;in. have
been discovered scattered through different parts of
the country : rocks, the constituent parts of which
are such as to render it almost impossible to en-
grave on them such writings without the aid of
iron, or other hard metallic instrument. The
Indians were ii^norant of the existence of these
rocks ; and the manner of working with iron they
learned from the Europeans, after the settlement of
the country by the English."

Of such remains, the most important that has
yet been discovered is the Assonet rock, or " Digh-
ton writing rock," which is thus described in the
Report of a Committee that was appointed by the
Rhode Island Historical Societv, to examine and
report upon this remarkable stone, and who visited
it in the month of February, 1830 : —

" It is situated six and a half miles south of
Taunton, on the east side of Taunton river, a few
feet from the shore, and on the west side of Assonet
neck, in the town of Berkely, county of Bristol, and
Commonwealth of Massachusetts ; although, pro-
bably from the fact of its being generally visited
from the other side of the river, which is in
Uighton, it has always been known by the name of
the ' Dighton Writing Rock.' It faces north-west.

»V Tin: NOHTH.MliN.

1^21

towards the hvd of the river, unci is covored by tlie
water two or three feet at tlio hi«»hest, and is left ten
or twelve feet from it at the lowest tides : it is also
completely immersed twice in twenty-four hours.
The rock does not occur in situ, but shews indubit-
able evidence of having occuj)ie(l the spot where it
now rests, since the period of that great and exten-
sive disruption, which was followed by thi- trans-
portation of immense boulders to, and a deposit of
them in places at a vast distance from their orig:' nal
beds. It is a mass of well characterized fine
grained greywachc. Its true colour, as exhibited
by a fresh fracture, is a blueish grey. There is no
rock in the immediate neighbourhood that would at
all answer as a substitute for the purpose for which
the one bearing the inscription was selected, as they
arc aggregates of the large conglomerr.te variety.
Its face, measured at the base, is eleven feet and a
half ; and in height, it is a little rising five feet.
The upper surface forms, with the horizon, an in-
clined plane of about sixty degrees. The whole of
the face is covered, to within a few inches of the
ground, with unknown hieroglyphics. There ap-
pears little or no method in the arrangement of
them. The lines are from half an inch to an inch
in width ; and in depth sometimes one-third of an
inch, though generally very superficial. They were,
inferring from the rounded elevations, and inter-
vening depressions, picked in upon the rock, and
not chiselled or smoothly cut out. The marks of
human jower, and manual labour are indelibly

.;H

11^ -•

]Q'2

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

stamped upon it. No ono who examines atten-
tively the workmanship, will believe it to have been
(lone bv the Iniaans. Moreover, it is a well at-
tested fact, that no whore, throughout our wide
spread domain, is there a single instance of their
recording, or having recorded, their deeds or history
on stone."*

This remarkable monument had long been an
object of interest to American aniiquaries, and
several drawings and examinations were made of
the rock and inscription, at various periods, be-
ginning in the year 1680, but without any satis-
factory result ; and it remained for Professors Finn
Magnusen and Rafn to shew that the whole was a
Runic inscription^ containing various cryptographs,
and rude combinations of figures illustrative of the
settlements of the Northmen, among which devices,
may be yet traced the name of Thorfinn, and the
figures CXXXI. being the number of Karlsefne's
associates (151),t which after the departure of
Thorhall, accompanied him to Hope.;]:

If'

• Rep. Rhode Isl. Hist. Soc. Antiq. Amer. pp. 350-358.

t Twelve Decades being reckoned to tlie hundred, hence, called by tlie
Icelanders and Scandinavians st(>rt hundrad (great hundred). Antiq.
Amer. p. 385. ante, p. 88, note ♦.

X See ante, p. 93. Professor Rafn has gone into an elaborate disser-
tation upon this inscription, proving by unanswerable arguments its Scan-
dinavian origin. (Antiq. Ainer. p. 378, seq.) In this lie is fully borne out
by the eminent Runologist Finn Magnusen, who shews that the whole of
the apparently unmeaning hieroglyphics are illustrative of the Icelandic
settlement in Hope : — The well known Runic Iftter I> (Th) on the left hand,
at once stamps its Scandinavian or Icelandic origin ; the combined letters
which foil >w the numerals may be decyphered N. M. the initials of norronir
menn (Northmen); tlte I'.evices above this, represent the shields (p. 95),

UY THE NORTH MKN.

1^23

A perspectii'e representation of this remarkable
rock, together with fac-siniiles of the several draw-
ings that have been made of the inscription, ending
with the most recent and accurate, made by the
Committee of the Rhode Island Historical Society
in 1830, are appended to the Antiquitates Ameri-
canae ;* and the analogy between these and inscrip-
tions, which have been found both in Sweden and
Iceland, is shewn by contiguous representations of
the Scandinavian remains. The same plate con-
tains also, the delineation of a curious fragment of
metallic tessera^ found near Dublin, upon which is
inscribed a monogram similar to that seen upon the
Assonet Rock, as well as the Runic letter >[i (H),
shewing the Scandinavian origin of the fragment,
which may be ascribed to the 9th or 10th cen-
tury.

The Rhode Island Historical Society have also
forwarded to Professor Rafn desci-iptions and de-
lineations of several other remains which bear a
striking analogy to that at Dighton ; among these

under which lies a helmet reversed, indicative of peace. The figure below
the name may be intended for a bullock, or some domestic animal, illus-
trative of their daily pursuits, — the outline of a ship is blended with these ; —
the figures ofGudrid and her child Snorrl appear on the right; Kurlsefne,
protected by a shield from the attacks of the Skroelings, upon the left, while
the bows, and missiles of their assailants, more particularly the large ball
mentioned in page 08, are clearly discernible. Altogetlicr the analogy
which this inscription presents to those upon well known Runic monuments —
the facility with which the various devices may be made to apply to the
incidents and circumstances connected with the Icelandic settlement, and
the distinct Roman or Latin letters which form the numerals— leave no
reasonable doubt as to its being the work of the Northmen.
♦ Ste Plate 111.

.11

•hv-

* , i

;' k , ■■

^ ;"1

1 1

124

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

the Portsmouth and Tiverton Rocks form interesting
subjects for examination and comparison.*

I - ^

I ? •"'

It''

RUNIC STONE AT KINGIKTORSOAK.

But traces of the adventurous spirit, and early
voyages of the Northmen are to be found in much
higher, and far less inviting latitudes, shewing the
progress of their course through regions, which
even in the present age of high scientific advance-
ment, and maritime enterprise, have tested, and
not unfrequently baffled the skill and hardihood of
our most distinguished navigators.

In the year 1824, a remarkable Runic stone was
found upon the island of Kingiktorsoak, lying in
72° 55' north latitude and 56" 5' west longitude.

The following is a representation of this remark-

* Since tlie publication of the Antiquitates Americante, a still further
addition to American monuments has been discovered in the neigh-
bourhood of Bahia, as appears from a communication made to the Royal
Society of Northern Antiquaries by Dr. Lund, one of its members, residing
at Lagoa Santu in Brazil : — It appears, on the authority of a Journal pub-
lished by a Society lately established at Rio Janeiro, under the name of
Instituto Historico BrnzUiero, that the remains of an antient city, built of
hewn stone, have been recently discovered in the neighbourhood of Bahia,
and that Professor Schiick, one of the members of the Institution, guided
by Professor Rafn's work, lias deduced from the inscriptions, the Scandi-
navian origin of these remains. Among the ruins is stated to be a
huge column, bearing a remarkable figure, wliich stretches out the right
hand, and points w ith tlie fore-finger towards the north pole. Dr. Lund
hud not seen the monument at the period of his communication, but in-
tended to undertake a journey to the place, and make a minute examina-
tion of the ruins and inscriptions, the result of which may be expected to
appear in a future number of the iiroceedings of the Northern Antiquaries.
Abstract of the proceedings of the Quarterly Meeting of the R. 8. N. A.
30th April, 1840, in Berlingske politiske og Avertissemcnts Tidendc, Kjri-
benhavn, May 4, 1840.

E la

BY THF NORTHMEN.

12.5

able monument which was transported to Copen-
hagen, and found on examination, to present a
complete inscription in Runic characters : —

which in modern Icelandic orthography would run
thus : —

ELLIGR • SIGVA i,S : SON : R • OK : BJANNE : TORTARSON :
OK-.ENRIdI • ODSSON:LAUKARDAK :IiV : FYRIRGAKNDAG
HLOtU • YARD ATE • OKRYDU:MCXXXV.

or
Erling Sighvatsson and Biarni Thordarsson, and
Eindrid Oddsson, on the seventh day,* before the
day of Victory,! erected these stones, and explored.
MCXXXV

Some doubts have been expressed by Runic scho-
lars as to the signification of the characters represent-
ing the date, but the peculiar formation of the Runes,
and other unerring indications shew that the inscrip-
tion cannot be later than the 12th century. J

It appears from various Icelandic documents
given in Professor Rafn's work, that the Northmen

* Saturday, Dies Saturni.

+ A festival kept by the Northmen previous to the 12th century: it fell
on the 2.'>th of April. Antii). Amcr. pp. 352-1.
I Antiq. Amer. p. 364.

.-■*',

■11

.',:-r -I.

:|'i

12(i

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

had two principal stations in the Arctic regions,
the one called Greipar, lying immediately south
of the island of Disco in Davis' Straits, and the
other called Kroksfjardarheidi, situated on the
north-side of Lancaster's sound.* Their general
name for these regions was Nordrsetur, to which
vessels were dispatched from Greenland for the
purpose of carrying on the operations of hunting
and fishing. But voyages of discovery were also
made in this direction ; and a clear account of
such an expedition, undertaken in the year 1266,
follows the narratives which have been given in the
preceding pages. It is contained in a letter ad-
dressed by a clergyman named Halldor, to a brother
ecclesiastic named Arnold, f who, after having lived
in Greenland, had become chaplain to king Magnus
Lagabseter in Norway ; and the voyage appears to
have been made under the auspices of some clergy-
men of the Bishopric of Gardar in Greenland.
The object of the expedition is stated to have been,
to explore regions lying more to the northward than
those which they had been hitherto accustomed to
frequent,consequently further north than Lancaster's
sound. They sailed from Kroksfjardarheidi, but
meeting with southerly winds, and thick weather,
were obliged to let the vessel run before the wind ;
on the fogs clearing off, they descried several
islands, and saw many seals, whales, and bears.
They penetrated into the innermost part of the

• See Plate II.

t Antiq. Amer. p. 209, seq. and Abstract of Hist. Evid. p. xxxviii. gcq.

BY THE NORTHMEN.

1^27

gulph, and saw icebergs lying to the southward, as
far as the eye could reach ; they observed traces of
the Skrselings having inhabited tlteso regions in
former times, but were unable to knd, in conse-
quence of the bears. They, therefore, went about,
and sailed bnck for three days,* when they again
found traces of the Esquimaux, upon some islands
lying to the southward of a mountain, which they
call Snsefell. After this, on St. James's Day (2.5th
July), they proceeded southwards, a long day's
rowing (einn mikin dagrodr). It froze during the
night, but the sun was above the horizon both
night and day ; and '* it was not higher when on
the meridian than that, when a man lay across a
six oared boat, towards the gunwale, the shade of
that side of the boat which was nearest the sun,
fell on his face ; but at midnight was it as high as
at home in the settlement, when it is in the north-
west."! The expedition afterwards returned to
Gardar.

These observations are of course very loose and
uncertain ; the relative depth of the man's position
with regard to the gunwale of the boat, would be
necessary in order to be able to make anything of
the first observation, and the result of the other can
only be deduced by presuming the day of the
summer solstice to be implied. This, however, is

• ni. doegr.

t " Ok var eigi hajiri, .i>a er hun var i siidri, ef madr lagdist um ^veruii
scxaering iit at bordinu, |)U bar skuggann i andlit honum af ^vi bordiiiu, cr
titer var solinni ; en um midiia'tti var hun 8Vi\ ha sein heima i bygd, da er
hun er i utnordri."— Antiq. Amer. pp. 272, 273.

P':

I.;:.-*

I '.-,.■■

.' '1.

128

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

^\l

11'

not an unreasonable supposition, more particularly
when we find so many other circumstances corroho-
rative of the locality which is tlience determined,
and Professor Rafii, proceeding upon this assumj)-
tion, draws out the following result: —

•* In the 13th century, (m the 25th July, the

Sun's declination was . , 17" 54' North
Inclination of the Ecliptic . 23 ' 32'

If we now assume that the colony, and particu-
larly the episcopal seat of Gardar, was situated on
the north side of Igaliko frith, where the ruins of a
large church, and of many other buildings, indicate
the site of a principal settlement of the antient colony,
consequently in 60" 55' n. lat. then at the summer
solstice, the height of the sun there, when in the
N. W. was 3° 40', which is equivalent to the mid-
night altitude of the sun on St. James's day (25th
July) in the parallel of 75" 46'."* Now the parallel
of 7«5" 46' north latitude, would fall to the north-
ward of Wellington Channel, the highest latitude
reached by Parry in his most favourable expedition
in search of a North-west passage ; and the de-
scription of the land seen, and objects met with on
the voyage, corresponds well with the characteristics
of these regions, as given by the distinguished Eng-
lish navigator. The Northmen sail from Kroksf-
jardarheidi, a name implying a frith bounded by
barren highlands (heidi,) and known to be on the
north side of Lancaster's sound ; this frith must have

* Aritiq. Amer. p. xxxix.

'■■■■• f

'm^t

,, "'IB

BY THE NORTHMEN.

129

been of considerable extent, as three days sailiny
are specifically mentioned in that part of the nar-
rative describing their return ; — they descry several
islands, and meet with many seals, whales, and
bears ; — they see ice-bergs lying to the southward,
as far as the eye can reach ; — they observe traces
of the Esquimaux (Skraelings) in various directions ;
the sun was above the horizon both night and day,
and although in the month of July, it froze dur-
ing the night. There is little doubt, therefore,
that these early explorers of the arctic regions, start-
ing from Lancaster's sound, were driven through
Barrow's straits, and Wellington Channel, into
the Polar sea, from whence they saw the North
Georgian Islands, and where they naturally fell in
with a multitude of seals, whales, and bears.*
It is a startling conclusion, and somewhat mor-

* "We had the first distinct view of both sides of tlie sound (Lancaster's
sound), that on tlie south side consisting of high aud peaked mountains,
completely snow-clad, except on the lower parts, while the northern coast
has generally a smoother outline . . . the high bold land on the north side
of this magnificent inlet (Lancaster's sound) . . . the magnificent view of the
lofty fiyam Martin mountains . . . the land had opened out on the opposite
shore to the northward and westward of Cape Warrender (entrance of
Barrow's straits) consisting of high mountains, and in some parts of table
land ... a great number of whales were seen in the course of this day's run . . .
several black whales, and multitudes of white ones, were seen in the course
of the day, also several narwhals, and seals, and one bear : there was an
ice-berg in sight, (P. Regent's inlet) . . . part of the vertebroe of a whale was
found at some distance from tlie beach, but this had probably been carried
there by bears, the tracks of whom were visible on the moist soil. (Lat. 72
45' 13", Long. 89" 41' 22") . . . there was just light enough at midnight to
enable us to write and read in the cabin." (Hobhouse inlet, Barrow's straits,
Aug. 1819). Journals of Voyages for the discovery of a North-west passage
by Sir William Edward Parry, from the years 1810 to 1825. pp. 24, 31, 33,
.33, 39, 48, first Voyage, and p. 21, third Voyage, 4to. Ed.

1^1

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w .'

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130

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

tifying to national pride, to find that these simple
navigators of the 13th century, in their humhle
barks, rivalled the most distinguished arctic ex-
plorers of the present day,* but however unwilling
we may be to admit the evidence of a progress in
maritime discovery, which tends to dim the lustre
of our own enterprising age, the simple documents
in support of these early voyages carry a degree of
conviction to the mind which disarms scepticism, and
compels us to admit their credibility.

It is a great mistake, however, to s appose that
the Northmen of this period were altogether ignorant
of astronomical science, and still greater, as some
writers have done, to confound them with the Vi-
kings or Pirates of a more barbarous age. The dis-
coverers of America were Merchants, their ships
were called trading ships [Kaupskip] ; sea-roving had
been almost altogether discontinued by the North-
men before the voyages of Bjarni Hcrjulfson and the
descendants of Erik ;')' and all the expeditions which

• " Captain Parry, by the most vigilant exertions indeed, succeeded, during
the brief interval of an open season, to advance from Baffin's Bay, by Lan-
caster's Sound, above 400 miles westward, through floating masses of ice, on
the parallel of 75 degrees; but this distance is probably not the third part
of the whole space between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. All the sub-
sequent attempts of that able navigator to penetrate any further in the same
direction proved unsuccessful ; and his last laborious effort to reach the
Pole, by dragging boats over an expanse of rough and broken ice, com-
pletely failed. The utmost exertions of the crews scarcely enabled him to
proceed, in 1827, three degrees northward from Spitzbergen, and attain the
latitude of 82*>. 45', not far beyond the usual resort of the Greenland
whalers." Polar Seas and Regions by Sir John Leslie, Professor Jameson,
and Hugh Murray, Esq. F.R.S.E. Ed. Cab. Lib. Vol. I. 4th ed. pp. 62, 53.

t Leif Erikson, it will also be remembered, was brought up and instructed
by the southern German Tyrker, and Thorfinn Karlsefne was not only de-

BY THE NOnniMEN.

131

arc related in these Sagas were undertaken either
for the purposes of discovering new countries, or
making settlements in, or trading with, countries
that had been already discovered. In the antient
Icelandic work called Ilimbegla, which has been
before quoted, many rules are given for the mea-
surement of time, the study of astronomy, geomcLj,
&c. and although these are probably translations or
compilations from foreign works, they correspond
with what the Icelandic clergy taught their people,
after the introduction of Christianity. Among these
are found scientific rules for finding the course of
the sun, moon, and stars, also the division of time
thereon depending ; information respecting the as-
tronomical quadrant, and its proper use ; dififerent
methods for ascertaining the spherical figure of the
earth ; the longitude and latitude of places, and of
calculating their distances from each other; the
sun's declination ; the earth's magnitude and cir-
cumference, the times when the ocean could best be
navigated, &c.*

Early in the eleventh century (1018 — 1026) the
rich chieftain Raudulf, of Oesterdal, in Norway,
taught his son Sigurd the science of computing the
course of the sun and moon, and other visible celes-
tial bodies, and particularly to know the stars which

scended from princely lineage, but had derived knowledge and experience by
trading voyages to various countries in Europe, Ireland amongst the rest,
where science and learning flourished long before the Northmen set foot
upon her shores, but where they then held the chief sea ports. Sec Moore,
Vol. I. p. 279.; II. p. 76.

* Finn Magnusen ap. Mem. de la Soc. des Antiq. du Nord, 183G-1837,
pp. 181-182.

K 2

i ■;

■ol

132

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

••■ ,i

H'i

mark the lapse of time, that he might be able to
ascertain the time both by day and by night, when
neither the sun or moon were visible. Even in
heathen times we have similar accounts of Icelandic
chieftains and their sons, nay even of simple pea-
sants, who paid sedulous attention to the motions of
the heavenly bodies, in order from thence to ascer-
tain the true lapse of time ; also of their belief in
astrolog)^ which was intimately connected with old
Scandinavian mythology. Olaus Magnus said that
in his time (about 1520) it was generally acknow-
ledged in Sweden, that the common people in antient
times had more knowledge of the stars than they
possessed in his days.*

Some idea may be formed of the character and
acquirements of the Scandinavian merchants in
the 11th and 12th centuries from the Speculum
Regale, a work written in the latter period. Here
the merchant is exhorted to make himself acquainted
with the laws of all countries, especially those re-
garding commerce and navigation, as well as with
foreign languages, particularly the Italian and
Latin, which were then in more general use. He
was also enjoined to obtain a complete knowledge
of the places and motions of the heavenly bodies,
the times of the day, the division of the horizon
according to the cardinal and minor points, the
movement of the sea, the climates, the seasons best
adapted for navigation, the equipping and rigging

* Finn Magnusen ap. Mem. de la Soc. des Antiq. da Nord, 1836-1837.
pp. 181-182.

I'*

BY THE NORTHMEN.

\ir3

of vessels, arithmetical calculation, etc. Moreover,
to distinguish himself hy a becoming and decorous
way of living, both as to moral conduct, manners,
and attire, etc. : and thus it may be safely inferred
that the better educated of the northern merchants
in the 10th and 11th centuries were not so inferior
to their southern neighbours, as may be generally
supposed.*

The extended voyages and commercial inter-
course of the Northmen must have also contributed
to the amelioration of their habits and character.
From the 8th to the 11th centuries they carried on
a more active com^^ierce, and a more extensive ma-
ritime communication with foreign countries than
any other nation in Europe. Such intercourse
appears quite incompatible with that extreme degree
of ignorance and barbarity in which so many writers
would clothe all their actions and enterprises.
England, Ireland, Italy, Sicily, France, Spain —
were visited by these daring adventurers ; true, in
the character, and with the spirit, for the most part,
of reckless invaders, but that they should have con-
tinued to return from such enterprises without ex-
hibiting some modification of that ferocity, which
might be expected to yield to the salutary influence
of association with more civilized countries, seems
scarcely credible. Their long continued intercourse
of more than 200 years, with Ireland alone, a coun-
try which in the 8th century enjoyed a European

Finn Magnuscn, ap. Mem. dcs Antiq. du Nord, p. 183.

11?)'

h •"

131.

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

reputation for intellectual eminence,* cannot but
liavc had a beneficial influence upon their character
and habits, and we should receive with caution all

* "In tlio 8th century, indeed, the high reputation of the Irish for
scholarsiiip had become cstablislicd tliroughout Europe." Moore, Vol. I.
p. 289. " Ah DruiUism fell into disrepute, Christian seminaries multiplied
I . . . Soon after the first foundation, wc read of a most noble city and
seminary founded at Cionard near the Boyne. In tlic days of St. Finanus,
A. C. [tOO, we find it to contain no less than 3000 scholars, among whom
were some of the first eminence for piety and Icarniiiji,-. Colgan calls it a
repository of nil knowledge . . . About the same time, tlic academy of Ross,
called Ross-Ailitliri, in the county of Cork, was formed by St. Fachunus,
as Ware notes, and Ilanmer, in his Chronicle, tolls us, that here St. Urandan
taught tiic liberal nrts .... The schools of Clonfert, Bangor, Rathene,
Cushel, Sic, were not less remarkable . . . Was a man of letters missing on
the continent or in Britain, it became a proverb : Amandatus est, ad dU-
eiplinam in Ilibernia t" O'llalloran, Vol. I. p. 1C7, scq. " It is evident,"
says Ware, "from antient writnrs of undeniable credit, that there were
formerly in Ireland several eminent schools, or as wo now call them. Uni-
versities, to which the Irish and Britons, and at Icngtii the Gauls and
Saxons flocked, us to marts of good literature; of whicli see Bcde, Alcuin,
Erik of Auxerre and the life of Sulgenus. Among these schools, as that of
Armagh was the most antient, so it was the most eminent .... the names
of some of the readers and proelectors thereof, even in the times of the
Danish tyranny in Ireland, are still extant." Antiq. of Ireland by Sir
James Ware, translated by Harris, Vol. II. pp. 240, 241. But Lismore
appears to have borne the palm among the Irish seminaries, as may be
collected fi'om the lines of Bonaventura Moronus, who tlius describes the
crowd of foreign scholars that flocked tlicre from all parts of Europe : —

Undique conveniunt proccres, quos dulce tiahcbat

Discendi studium, major num cognita virtus

An laudata forct. Cclcres vastissima Rhcni

Tam vada Teutonici, jam dcserucre Sicambri :

Mittit ab extremo gelidos aquilonc Boiemos.

Albis et Arvcrni ccRunt, Batavique frcqucntes,

Et quicunque colunt alta sub rupc Gebenas

Non omnes prospectat Arar, Rhodaniquo flucnta

Helvctios : multos desidcrat ultima 'i'hulc.

Certatiin lii properant, divcrso tramite ad urbeni

Lismonam, jiiven'is primos ubi transigit annos.

Life of St. Catlialdus, B. I.

1»Y Tin: NOUTIIMEN.

[35

statements upon a subject to which national or
religious feeling is likely to have given an exag-
gerated colouring. Our knowledge of the excesses
of the northern invaders is chiefly derived from the
evidence of monkish chroniclers, whose Christian
faith and feelings were no less outraged by the
deeds than the infidelity of the Pagan ravagers,
and who writing in many cases long after the
events, would naturally aid defective evidence with
a fervid zeal and fertile imagination. The parti-
cular periods, also, and tribes to which this brutal
ferocity of the Northmen is referred, should be
more clearly distinguished. The peaceful Norwe-
gian settlers in Iceland, for instance, in the 9th
century were very different from those fierce in-
vaders, who, in the same age, shook the kingdoms
of Edmund and of Alfred to their centre, and com-
mitted barbarities which have called forth the just
animadversions of the distinguished historian of the
Anglo-Saxons.* Flying from the despotic rule of
Harald Haarfager, the Norwegian emigrants sought
peace and freedom in a remote and sterile island,
where the labours of the field, and the trading
intercourse necessary to their isolated position, were
relieved by the relaxation of innocent domestic re-

* Sharon Turner, Hist. Anglo-Saxons, Vol. I. B. iv. And yet if we are
to judge by the barbarous sentence of death inflictel by Ella upon Rugnar
Lodbrok, and the Huecesslve assassinations of the Northumbrian kings, the
Anglo-Saxon chieftains of the 0th century would appear to have only dif-
fered from their northern assailants in exhibiting less open vioknc-c and
personal daring. Sec Ibid. pp. 473, 507. Albcrich describes the incur-
sions of the Northmen as " modo voliemcntior, modo tolcrubilior." Albcric.
Chron. A. D. 837, p. 174.

.3:

,. -(

136

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

m< : , if; !,

it'

4.1' r

unions, and intellectual pursuits ; and although
some ardent spirit, greedy of fame or plunder, or
stimulated by the more honourable ambition of ac-
quiring knowledge and experience by intercourse
with foreign lands, might occasionally join the
fierce band of the reckless viking, the voyages of the
Icelandic Northmen were almost exclusively con-
fined to trade, or discovery, or the formation of
peaceful settlements on those shores, which their
own enterprise, perseverance, and skill had opened
to their connection.

It may, perhaps, be urged in disparagement of
the early voyagers in the Polar Seas, that the sea-
sons were then more favourable to arctic discoveries,
than they have been in later ages, and that there-
fore the difficulties encountered by modem navi-
gators, were unknown to their predecessors ; but the
popular belief of a milder and more genial climate
having formerly prevailed in Europe, is not sup-
ported by any satisfactory evidence : indeed the opi-
nions of scientific enquirers would lead to a directly
opposite conclusion,* and there is, at least, ev^ry

* '' It is very difficult to ascertaiu tho precise condition of tlie weather in
distant ages. Tlie tliermometer was nut invented till 1590, hy the cele-
brated Sanctorio; nor was that valuable instrument reduced to a correct
standard before tlie year 1724, by the skill of Fahrenlieit. We have hence
no observations of temperature which go fu.ther buck than a century.
Prior to this period, we must glean our information from the loose and
scanty notices which are scattered through tlie old chronicles relative to
the state of the harvest, the quality of the vi.itage, or the endurance of
frost and snow in the winter. Great allowance, however, should be made
for the spirit, of cxuggeration and the tone of the marvellous which infect
all these rude historical monuments. On ghmcing over the incidental
notices of the state of the weather, it is obvious that no material change has

k'*

\ii)

BY THE NORTHMEN.

137

reason to believe that the periodical changes, which
so often call forth complaints, and retrospective com-
parisons from the aged and infirm, respecting the
altered condition of the seasons in the present day,
were not less frequent or severe in those favoured
periods on which their praises are bestowed.

The supposed settlement on the eastern coast of
Greenland, (Eystribygd) now nearly inaccessible,
has tended to give currency to the popular notion of a
less rigorous climate prevailing in those regions, at
the period of the Icelandic emigration to that coast,
but the able and arduous investigation of Captain
Graah has dispelled that illusion, and there is now
little doubt, that the so called eastern settlement
extended little further than the south-eastern point
of the Greenland coast, the chief and almost only
habitations being seated upon the western shore.*

'■; J

r\i\

taken place for the last thousand years in the climate of Europe ; but we
may coiyecture that it has gradually acquired rather a milder character ;
at least, instances of excessive severity appear on the whole to be of rarer
occurrence .... If the climate had undergone any real change in the more
temperate parts of Europe, a corresponding alteration, with very distinct
features', must inevitably have taken place in the Arctic regions. But a
dispassionate enquiry discovers no circumstances, which at all clearly point
at such a conclusion." Sir John Leslie, Profess. Nat. Phil. Univer. Edinb.
ap. " Polar Seas and Regions." Ed. Cab. Lib. Vol. I. pp. 55-67.

* Captain Graah of the Danish Navy was commissioned by his govern-
ment to explore the east coast of Greenland In 1828, and determine the
long mooted question of the locality of the Eystribygd, but after a most
perilous and difficult expedition he reached the latitude of 65o 18' n. without
flnding " the most trifling ruin, or trace of former civilization." After
bringing forward a mass of evidence in proof of the conclusion to which he
had arrived from the result of this journey, he thus sums up his able in-
vestigation : —

" Naur mar overveier alle disse Grunde, og tillige betsenker, at de Oamles
Coursfot'skrifter ere apocryphiskc, at dc, for dct Meste ere optegnede efter

'■■'I

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in"

II!

It' .}
IJ'j ;

1'}^

138

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

Of their remains Captain Graah has given highly
interesting and minute descriptions, enabling us

mundtlig ForttBlIing, at de forst cru samledc og komme for Lyset 100 Aar
efterat Seiladsen paa Gronland var ophort, at de ere samlede af Walchen-
dorff, der havde en forudfattet mening om Bygderens Beliggenket [en
mening der forresten hos ham var saare naturlig, saasom lian ikke kiendte
Beliggenheden af Cap Farvel, eller maaskee dromte om, at Gronland
havde nogen Vestkyst] at de forskieilige Afskrifter af disse Coursforskrifter
lyde forskielligt efter de forskieilige Afskriveres Fortolknings maade og
individuellc Meninger, at derimod GniPLAog Bjorn Jonsens Chorographie
baere umiskiendeligt Prseg of Oilgthed j saa mener jeg enhver upartisk
maae antage, at Oesterbygdcn ikke kan have ligget paa GriJnlands oeatlige
kyst."

" When we reflect upon all these points, and at the same time, consider
that the sailing directions [Coursforskrifter] of the antients are apocryphal,
that they for the most part, are taken down from oral relation, — that they
were first collected and brought to light 100 years after the communication
with Greenland had ceased, — that they have been put together by Walchen-
dorff, who had a preconceived opinion about the situation of the Colony (an
opinion which, moreover, was very natural for him, as he did not know the
position of Cape Farewell, nor, perhaps, had ever dreamed of Greenland
having any west coast at all) — that th^various copyists of these sailing
directions "cry according to the mode o" interpretation of tlic different
copyists, and their individual opinions, — that on the other hand, the Cho-
rography of Grlpla and Bjorn Jonson bear the unequivocal stamp of
genuineness, — I am of opinion that every impartial person will conclude
that the Eastern settlement could not have been situated on the east coast
of Greenland."

Undersogelse Reise til Oestkysten af Gronland efter kongolig Befalning
udfdrt i Aarene 1828-31, af \V. A. Graah, Capitain-Lieutenant i Soe-
Etaten. Kiobenhavn, 1832, pp. 187, 183.

Notwithstanding the clear and conclusive publication of Captain Graah,
some doubts have still been expressed upon this mysterious subject [Ed.
Cab. Lib. xxviii, p. 252] which appear to be founded chiefly upon Graah's
description of the appearance of the natives whom he met, and whose
features he found to differ from those of their countrymen on the western
coast, and to present a greater resemblance to Europeans. But an insur-
mountable objection to the existence of a colony on the east const of Green-
land is presented by the impracticable nature of the country intervening
between this coast and the west, and the impossibility of a mutual intercourse
being maintained between two settlements separated by a chain of lofty
mountains covered with perpetual snow, and obstructed by precipices and

BY THE NORTHMEN.

139

from these and more recent examinations of several
localities on the west coast of Greenland, to trace
the vestiges of the old colonies from the most south-
em tjord at Cape Farewell, up to the neighbourhood
of Holsteinborg.

KAKORTOK CHURCH.

The remains in the vicinity of Juliana Hope (Ju-
lianeshaab), supposed by Graah to be the original
Eastern settlement, exceed in number and import-
ance all others in Greenland. In this district are
the remarkable ruins of Kakortck church, which
furnish evidence of a degree of civilization, that
could scarcely have been expected to exist at the
distant period of its construction. This ruin is
situated upon an arm of Igalikko :Qord, about
twelve English miles from Juliana Hope, and stands
upon a piece of table land near the water, bounded
on the other side by perpendicular rocks, beyond
which snow-clad mountains rise 3 to 4000 feet
above the level of the sea. It presents the remnant
of a simple but tasteful style of architecture ; the
walls are formed of large and partly hewn stones,
which were doubtless taken from the neighbouring
rock, both being of similar quality, and each stone
has been placed carefully at the side of and above

■ ravines. See Graah, p. 12. The Editors of " Polar Seas and Regions,"
have erroneously placed the principal localities of the Eystribygd [Eriks-
fjord, Oarda, and rierjulfsness,] all N. e. of Cape Farewell, whereas their
position as determined by Graah and Rafn is on the s. w. coast. Compare
Plate II. and " Cliart of Polar Seas." Ed. Cab Lib. Vol. I.

■ .f->

!•(•

,>,5

I'fli.'i

140

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

the other ; no traces of any connecting medium arc
visible on the external wall, but small pieces of a
hard white material, apparently mortar, are seen,
here and there, among the stones on the inside.
The principal part of the church, which looks
towards the south, and upon the water, has four
rectangular window openings, and two door-ways,
the eastern of which is nearly one foot and a half
lower than the other, and probably served to admit
the officials of the church, while the western was
used by the congregation. In the northern front,
only one window-opening is perceptible, the wall in
which the corresponding apertures were placed,
having fallen down. The principal entrance appears
to have been at the western end, over which is a
large window; and upon the same level at the
eastern end is another very skilfully arched. Some
small rectangular niches appear in the interior
walls, which probably served or were intended to
hold tablets, with biblical texts, or images of saints,
carved in wood or bone.*

This remarkable building, which altogether ex-
hibits as much skill as taste in the construction, is
fifty-one feet in length by twenty-five feet in breadth ;
the northern and southern walls are over four feet
thick, and the height varies from seven to thirteen
feet, the thickness of the end walls is nearly five feet ;
the height of the eastern wall, which in the year
1777 was twenty-two feet, is now only eighteen feet
three inches, the western, nearly sixteen feet. The

^ Graah, ap. Nord. Tidsk. for Oldkynd. B. 1, p. 151. scq.

BY THE NORTHMEN.

141

principal entrance is three feet and a half wide, six
feet and a half high ; above the latter lies a large
stone twelve feet long, twenty-five inches broad, and
seven to eight inches high. The small niches are
twenty-three inches long, seventeen inches deep,
and fourteen inches high ; the vaulted window, on
the outside, three feet nine inches high, and two
feet one inch and a half broad : inside five feet four
inches high, four feet four inches broad ; the cor-
responding one in the western wall, — outside three
feet one inch and a half high, and one foot three
inches broad; and the four in the principal front,
together with the one in the north wall, — outside
two feet eleven inches high, and one foot four inches
wide ; inside four feet four inches high, and four
feet two inches wides : round the whole building,
at the distance of fifty or sixty feet, are traces of a
stone fence or boundary, which, however, is now
altogether in ruins.*

It is remarkable that no vestige of any artificial
floor or flagging was found by Captain Graah on
his examination of this i*uin, nor did a long and
careful examination of the ground within the walls
lead to the discovery of any objects of interest :
earth and stones of every shape and form lay inter-
mingled without order, wherever the excavation
was carried on, and neither monumental stones or
inscriptions were brought to light. It has hence
been concluded that Kakortok church was never
finished. Some of the stones, such as that over the
principal entrance, seem to have been expressly

* Graah, ap. Nord. Tiflsk. for Olclkyiid, B. I. p. 153.

^■if

I :•■■■>,

I ,'■ '.-:'

"•.i-\\

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

intended to receive inscriptions ; but the circum-
stance of the church never having been completed
would account for their present condition. On the
whole, these ruins, compared with the other remains
in the same district, shew that Kakortok church was
one of the last, if not the very last building erected
in Greenland by the Icelandic colonists.*

1-1 i'

RUNIC STONE AT IGALIKKO.

A Greenlander named Christian, who lives in
Igalikko, about nine Danish miles from the colony
of Juliana Hope, and had adopted European habits,
went to look for some stones to repair his house,
amongst a heap of ruins, which lay closely piled to-
gether, and covered with turf and stones, at the end
of the remains of a building, which was supposed to
have been a church, and there met with a stone
which was marked with traces of writing. Shortly
after this he visited the Danish colony at Juliana
Hope, and mentioned the circumstance to the Di-
rector, Mr. Mathiesen, who immediately concluded
that it was a Runic stone. With true antiquarian
zeal he instantly took measures to ascertain the
fact, and having prevailed upon the discoverer to
convey the stone by water to the colony, he trans-
mitted it to Copenhagen by an opportunity which
fortunately happened to present itself at the moment,
prudently retaining a copy of the inscription. In
the spring of 1830 this remarkable memorial
reached Copenhagen, and was submitted to the

* Graah, p. 165.

■'hi

BY THE NORTHMEN.

143

examination of the leading Runologists, who found
the following characters admitting of a clear Ice-
landic interpretation : —

MR:

which, in Roman letters, would be ; —

VIGDis M.D. HVILIR HEIR-.GLEDE GUD SAL HENNAR.

The name of Vigdis occurs frequently in old
Icelandic narratives, and is still used in Iceland ;
the initials M. D. are intended to shew whose
daughter this particular Vigdis was, M. being the
initial of the father. Now among the various Ice-
landic names beginning with M. those of Mur,
Markus, and Magnus are the most common ; the
initials mean therefore Mars dotter, Markus dotter,
or Magnus dotter, and the inscription may be
read : —

" Vigdis Mdrs dotter hvilir her : Gledii Gud sal hennar." or —
" Vigdis Mars dauglitcr rests here : May God gladden her soul. "

This remarkable monument, affording such
striking evidence of Christian worship and religious
faith, may be ascribed to the 11th or 12th century;
the stone is thin and flat, and of the red sandstone

5.1

i^J,

I'l!! '

.11

I'M:

144

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

formation ; the part below the inscription has been
broken off, leaving a length of two feet fifteen inches
by fourteen inches, with a thickness of two inches ;
from the top of the stone to the beginning of the in-
scription, it measures two feet, and the lower extre-
mity was probably the same length.*

RUNIC STONE AT IKIGEIT.f

About two English miles north of Friederichsthal,
on the other side of the neighbouring fjord, Lat.
60" N. where a number of antient ruins are still
visible, the Rev. Mr. de Fries, Principal of the Mis-
sion of the United Brethren, who had established a
settlement on the coast in 1733, found, in the year
1831, a monumental stone, over the entrance of a
Greenlander's house, where it had long lain. He had
it immediately conveyed to the Colony of Juliana
Hope, from whence Mr. Mathiesen, the chief of the
Danish settlement there, secured its removal to Co-
penhagen. This stone is flat, and of an oblong form,
being three feet and a half in length, by two feet at
the top, and one foot and a half at the bottom, where
it has been broken off. The thickness is five
inches at the upper and two inches at the lower
end ; it is of hard granite, but the upper surface
appears to have been defaced by long exposure
to rain and sleet. Above is a circular figure, and

* Noi'disk Tidskriftfor Oldkyndiglied, B. 1. p. 221. Antiq. Amer. p.
344.

t Supposed by Graah to be the antient Herjulfaness. Undersbgelse
Reise, ^ . 189.

BY THE NORTHMEN.

145

immediately ^clow, a long cross bounded by an
oval. Under the horizontal arm of the cross, and
parallel with the perpendicular limb, is an Icelandic
inscription in the old northern Latin letters,
which were in use at the beginning of the middle
ages. This inscription is contained in two lines,
one being on each side of the perpendicular, or
lower arm, and the letters are exactly similar to
those that are met with in Northern inscriptions of
the 12th centurv, beinjj as follows : —

HER : HVILIR : IIRO/
KOLGRIMS: S.

Above the oval boundary are traces of another,
probably older inscription, the greater part of
which is defaced, or broken off; on that which
remains the word IDUS is visible. It is probable,
therefore, thai here the day of the month was
given, according to the Roman calendar, which
was in general use amongst the northern clergy, in
the middle ages. After the letter O in the prin-
cipal inscription, appears an oblique line, which
could scarcely have belonged to any other letter
than an A. and the inscription may therefore be
read : — *' Her Hvilir Hroaldr (or Hroar) Kol-
grimsson" — " Here rests Hi'oar Kolgrimsson."
The name of Hroaldr or Hroar, as well as that of
Kolgrimr is genuine old northern, and both are
often met with in the narratives of earlier times,
although now, almost entirely gone out of use : the
name of Kolgrimr appears to have been continued

!:■'::.':'
1 / '

,■!'!

• ■ M

146

DISCOVBKY OF AMERICA

¥">

ii!'

■I

amongst the Greenlanders of Norwegio- Icelandic
descent down to the later years of the colony.*

These are but a few of the numerous evidences
of the antient Icelandic colony which are still
visible. Captain Graah enumerates no less than
six or seven places where the traces of churches
have been found on the western coast of Green-
land,! and the labours of the Antiquarian Society
of Copenhagen are every year bringing to light
some new and interesting d -tail connected with the
history of the early settlors.!

The final fate of this colony is, however, still in-
volved in mystery. After having existed a flourish-
ing settlement for more than 400 years, during the
whole of which period a communication appears to
have been kept up with the several branches in
the western hemisphere, — it vanishes altogether
from the page of history ; nor was it until the
pious, ardent, and indefatigable Hans Egede, after
years of patient and ineffectual endeavour, at length
succeeded in obtaining permission from the Danish
government to form a settlement on the coast, that
Greenland, in the beginning of the 18th century,
again became known to Europe.

The scanty notices of its history from the end of
the period embraced by the Sagas, up to the time
of Egede's pious mission shall now be briefly related ;

* Nordisk Tidskr. f. Oldkyndig. B. 1. p. 221 , seq. Antiq. Amer. p. 340-1 .
t Undersogelse Reise, p. 187. See also Pingel ap. Nord. Tldsk. f. Old-
kynd. p. 313, seq.
i SeeGronland's Historiske Mindesmserker, passim.

nV TH15 NOKTHMKN.

147

but as tho oarlior accounts aro derived from untieiit
Icelandic manuscripts, a simple reference to which
might not, perhaps, be satisfactory to the general
reader, it becomes necessary to follow Professor
Rafn,* and shew the nature of the documents on
which these annalistic records are founded : —

1. Annalcs Islandorimi Reg'd, being Annals of
Icelandic History from the time of Julius Cajsar to
the birth of Christ, and thence by another writer
to the year 1328, where they terminate. From a
passage in the title, which states that the record
contains occurrences from the time of Ctesar down
to the 5th year of the Emperor Frederic I. it is
inferred that the writer of the first part lived in
the year 115G, after which the annals were copied
and brought down by another hand to 1307, to
which period the copy may be referred : the re-
mainder was then continued by a third compiler
to 1328. (R.)

2. Annalcs Vetustissirni. From the bi»th of
Christ to the year 1313, witten in the 14th cen-
tury. (V.)

3. Annoles Skalholtini. (Skalholts annal hinn
forni) Antient Annals of the Bishopric of Skalholt
in Iceland, written in the middle of the 14th cen-
tury. These are supposed to have commenced
with the birth of Christ, but the part previous to the
year 140 is wanting, and they terminate with 1350.

4. Uogmanns Annall. Annals of the Lagmen or
Governors of Iceland. The first part is lost ;

* Exccrptaex Annalibus Islanaoriim Antiq. Amcr. p. 2r)'>.

\f'- !

1J..I

(^m

V .1

1^ :;■''':'

148

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

the remainder extendi^ from 272 to 1392, the
interval from 400 to 050 being also deficient.
These annals accord with the MS. called by Bishop
Brynjulf Svcinson, who lived in the middle of the
17th century, " Skalholfs annai hyna nyut' or
*' Revised Annals of Skalholt," which extend from
A. D. 70 to 1430. These two series were united by
Arnas Magnussen to form the codex, No. 427, 4to.
so that the Lagmen's Annals, as far as they extend,
may be considered the foundation of the series : to
these also properly belongs the paper codex. No. 417,
which extends from a. m. 39 IG to a. d. 1427- (L.)

5. Annates Reseniini, so called in honour of the
eminent Resenius, Councillor of State, and Pro-
fessor of Icelandic Literature, by whom they were
preserved. They embrace the period extending
from 228 to 1295, and appear to have been auto-
graphs written at the termination of the period.
(Res.)

6. Annales Flateyensis, so called from having
been found in the Codex F'lateyensis. They were
written by the ecclesiastic Magnus Thorhallson,
and include a period of time extending from the
creation of the world to the year 1395. (F.)

7. Annales HolenseSf obtained by Torfaeus from
the episcopal seat of Holum in Iceland. In 1689
he gave them to Arnas Magnussen, in whose col-
lection they are now to be found. No. 412, in 4to. :
they extend from 636 to 1394. (H.)

8. Annales Groenlandicij compiled by Bjorn
Johnson of Skardsoe, and inserted at the end of his

BY Tin; NOIITMMKN.

Annals of Greenland (Greenland's anniill) under the
title of: Stuttllfjir atjrips annular um Grmiland
i vlssu (htali, or " Short Annals of Greenland for
certain years."

From these various contemporary documents,
which will he distinguished hy the final letters or
syllahles appended above, the following chronolo-
gical details have been obtained : —
1121. Erik, Bishop of Greenland, went to seek
o'-** Vinland. R.F.
Bishop Erik sought out Vinland. Res.
Bishop Erik Upse sought Vinland. L.
Bishop Erik Upse went from Greenland to

seek out Vinland. cxscr. 417.
Erik, Bishop of Greenland, sought Vin-
land. H.
Erik, Bishop of Greenland, went to seek
Vinland. G.
1285. A land is discovered west from Iceland. V.F.
New land is found - - - .f H.
Adalbrand and Thorvald, the sons of Ilelge,

found the new land. R.
Adalbrand and Thorvald, Helge's sons, found

new land west from Iceland. G.
The feather islandsj are discovered. S.L.
1288. Rolf is sent by King Erik to seek out the
new land, and called on people from Ice-
land to go with him. C.

* " For at leita." Erik is mentioned in Rimbcgla, p. 320, as the first
Bishop of Grecnlaiul, nlso in the Landnami'ibck, Lib. I. c. 13, as " Groenlan-
dinga biskup." Antiq. Ainer. p. 2ri8.

t " Fannst nyja Imid," the rest is wanting in the M.S.

\ Di'meyjar, probably Penguin and Bacaloa islands, N.Ii;. coast of Anieiicn.

I,' IV

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■■ ■■■^ it _

1.5()

DISCOVIiUY OF AMERICA

rj8<). Kiiiir Erik sends Rolf to Iceland to seek out
the new land. F.

19JJ0. Rolf travelled through Iceland, and called
out men for a voyage to the new land.* F.

1295. Landa-Rolf died.t F.

1317. There came XIII. sea-ships to Iceland.
The Eindrida was lost to the westward
on Langaness ; the men and the greater
part of the goods were saved. The Bes-
salang went to pieces off Sida ; of her
crew were drowned Halldor Magri and
Guthorm Stall, and in all XIX men ;
there was also much damage done to the
cargo. There were besides VI ships
driven back. There came also a ship
from Greenland smaller in size than the
small Icelandic craft ; it came into the
outer Streamfjord ; it had lost an an-
chor ; therein were XVII men, who had
been to Markland, but on their return,
were driven in here. In all were here for
the winter XVI 11 sea-ships, besides the
two that were lost in the summer. S.

* The notices of " Nyja land,'' and " Diinejjar,'' would seem to refer to
il ro-discovcry of some pnrts of the eastern coast of America, which had
been previously visited by earlier voyagers. The original Icelandic ap-
pellation of Nyja land, or Nyja fundu land, would have naturally led to
the modern English name of Newfoundland, given by Cabot, to whose
knowledge the discovery would have come through the medium of the com-
mercial intercourse between England and Iceland in the ISth century.

tThe Lagmans Annals make mention of continued storms and pestilential
disease, followed by famine, in 1287, (Antiq. Amer. p. 261), which may iic-
count for tlip imperfect records of this period. From tiio cognomen of La iicld
or Explorer, aiiplied to Holf, (.11 tiiis; octusion, tlie expi'dition would appear
to iiave taken place.

i^:,;:,'.

BY THE NORTHMEN.

151

There came a ship from Greenland, which
had sailed to Markland, and therein eigh-
teen men. F.

Thus far the contemporary Annals of Iceland.
We are next informed that during the episcopate of
Bishop Alf, who lived in the year 1349, or accord-
ing to others, 1379, the Western settlement of
Greenland was attacked by the Skrselings or Esqui-
maux, when eighteen Greenlanders of Icelandic
descent were killed, and two boys carried off pri-
soners. On this being made known in the Eastern
settlement, Ivar Bere, or Bardson, who appears to
have been bailiff or superintendent at the Bishop's
residence, was dispatched to the assistance of the
neighbouring colony, but found it deserted, and
meeting with nothing but cattle, he had these
conveyed to the ship, and returned : with this event
closes the history of the Vestribygd.*

But of the Eastern settlement we have tidings
down to the middle of the 15th century : trade was
carried on between it and Denmark until towards
the end of the 14th century, although the colony was
not annually visited, as appears from the circum-
stance that when in 1388, Bishop Hendrick went
to Greenland, he received orders to have the royal
dues lodged in a specified place, as no ship had
gone to the country that year. The last Bishop,
according to TorfsBus, was Andreas, or Endride
Andreasson, who was appointed to the office in
1406, but whether he ever reached the countrv was

* Graah, p. 4, scq.

(■■•^

I;**; ...ft'.

id'i

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

■ '

\:\

V'i

B* 1/

unknown until Professor Finn Magnusen, a few
years since, discovered that three ye?rs subsequent
to that period, nameh in 1409, he filled the OxHce at
the episcopal seat of Gardar, and there prepared, or
was a party to the contract of a marriage, from which
the -learned Runologist himself, as well as many
other disting dished Icelanders owe their descent.
After this period all communication between Green-
land and the rest of the Danish territory, and con-
sequently between Greenland and America, appears
to have ceased, for Queen Margaret and King Erik
forbade their subjects to trade to the country.
The war which then raged in the north of Europe
also prevented vessels from visiting the coast, and
thus no knowledge of the colony could be ob-
tained.* Meantime some further light has been
thrown upon the fate of the settlers by the discovery
in the Papal archives, of a brief from Nicholas V.
to the Bishops of vSkalholt and Holum, li^ritten in
the vear 1448, which runs as follows : —

*' With reference to my beloved children, who
are natives of and dwell in the great island of
Greenland, which is said to lie on the extremest
boundaries of the ocean, northwards of the king-
dom of Norway, and in the district of Throndjem,
have their pitiful complaints greatly moved my ear,
and awakened our sympathy, seeing that the inha-
bitants, for almost six hundred years, have held
the Christian faith, which, by the teaching of
their first instructor, King Olaf, was established

' < iraiiii, p. .J.

BY THE NOUTHMEN.

153

amongst them, firm and immoveable under the
Roman See, and the Apostolic forms ; and seeing
that, in after years, from the constant and ardent
zeal of the inhabitants of the said island, many
sacred buildings, and a handsome cathedral, have
be*^n erected in this island, in which the ervice
ot God was diligently performed, until heathen
foreigners from the neighbouring coast, thirty years
since, came with a fleet against them, and fell with
fury upon all the people who dwelt there, and
laid waste the land itself and the holy buildings
with tire and sword, without leaving upon the island
Greenland, other than the few people who are said
to lie far off, and which they, by reason of high
mountains, could not reach, and took off the much
to be commiserated inhabitants of both sexes, par-
ticularly those whom they looked upon as convenient
and strong enough for the constant burden of
slavery, and took home with them those against
whom they could best direct their barbarity. But
now since the same complaint further saith that
many, in the course of time, have come back from
said captivity, and after having, here and there,
rebuilt the devastated places, now wish to have the
worship of their God again established, and set
upon the former footing j and since they, in con-
sequence of the before named pressing calamity,
wantino- the necessary means themselves, have
hitherto not had the power to support their priest-
hood and superiors, therefore, during all that
period of thirty years, hav(^ been in want of the

.\^

. 'iV

1 1 ' "

154

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

consolations of the Bishops and the services of the
Priests, except when some one through desire of
the service of God, has been willing to undertake
tedious and toilsome journeys to the people whom
the fury of the barbarians has spared, — Seeing that
we have a complete knowledge of all these things,
so do we now charge and direct ye brethren, who,
we are informed, are the nearest Bishops to the
said island, that ye, after previously conferring with
the chief Bishop of the Diocese, if the distance of
the place allows of it, to nominate and send them a
fit and proper man as Bishop."*

Captain Graah conjectures that the fleet thus
alluded to in the Papal brief, came from England,
which country having, about that time, suifered a
great decrease in her population by the pestilential
disease known by the name of the " black death,"
sought to repair the injury by seizing the inhabit-
ants of those northern lands that were preserved
from this plague. Many complaints, he says, were
made upon this subject by Margaret of Denmark and
her successors, until, in 1433, a treaty was made
between England and Denmark, containing the
conditions that "whatever people have been car-
ried from Iceland, Finmark, Helgoland, and other
places. His Majesty of England shall provide that
wherever they are found in his dominions, they
shall go back, and shall receive payment for their
services, and so order that thev come free to their

Extract from Vatican Aichivcs in Paul Egcdcs Eftorrctningcr, p. t>7,

scq.

13Y THE NOUTHMEN.

155

homes again ; and it shall be made known over all
England within a year and a day after the date of
these letters, of the said captives release."* This
opinion is strengthened by the circumstance of Pope
Eugenius IV. having in this same year (1433)
nominated one Bartholomaius to the Bishopric of
Greenland.f

But the fate as well of thos;e who escaped the fury
of the hostile invaders, as of those who afterwards
returned from captivity, is still involved in mystery.
Probably they were attacked and exterminated by
the Esquimaux like their countrymen of the Western
settlement, or being so reduced in numbers bv the
above mentioned aggressions, and unprovided with
the Ministers of their religion, became heathens, and
amalgamated with the natives : or they might have

* Undei'sogclse, Reise, p. 7. Capt. Graah gives no authority for tin's ex-
tract ; and I have been unable to find any reference to the alleged treaty,
either in the Statutes, Chronicles, or State Papers for the reign of Henry
VI., to which period the extract refers: Grafton's Chronicle, however, as
well as the Statutes, so far favour the statement as to record a destructive
plague in and in the neighbourhood of London, in the y»ar 1405, and a repa-
rative treaty with Denmark in 142i}j which contain the following passages : — ■

" 1405 — 7. Tliis summer the plague of pestilence reigned so sore in the
Citie of London, and in the eountrie round about the Citie, that the King
durst not repayre thither." Graft. Chron. ''It is ordeyned that none
of his liege jieople nor subirctes of his realme of England, by audacitie of
thoyr fo!y, presume to enter the roiilmes, landes, domynyont:, striytes, terri-
tories, jurisdictions, and places of the sayd King of Denmarke, against the
ordynons, prohybycyon, and interdictyon of the same his uncle above re-
nionibeied, and in contemj)! of the same, upon paine of forfayture of all
thcyr movable goodes and imprysonment of theyr person at the Kynge's
will." Stat. 8th Henry VI. (1429.)

t \ at. Arcli. ap. P. Egede, p. 86. According to Crantz, the suilrugau
Hishop of Uoeskilde subscribed himself Hishop of Greenland in 153:3 See
Hist, of Greenland, Vol. I. p. 253.

■I
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156

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

voluntarily left the country, on finding that all trade
with it was discontinued, for being dependent upon
foreign ships for their supplies, they were necessa-
rily reduced to great privations on this intercourse
being arrested. The following, however, is the
story current in the country itself: —

•* Many winters after the old Northmen had been
cleared from the land and destroyed by the Green-
landers, there still lived some on the northern arm
of Igalikofjord, among whom was a large old man,
of more than ordinarv strength, whose name was
Igaliko, after whom the fjord was named by the
Greenlanders. He was as chief over all the other
Northmen at the Qord, and had sons, one of whom
was yet in his childhood. The Greenlanders had
many times sought to destroy him and his family,
but had always rciturned in disgrace from the at-
tempt, and some of them on such occasions had
fallen. But having determined to extirpate the
Northmen from their land, as they called it, they
planned new means of effecting their design, which
were attended with success : — During the summer,
the wind generally blows up the fjords, consequently
into Igaliko fjord, and on this wind was their chief
dependance. Several of the Greenlanders got into
one of the boats usually worked by women in that
country, and covering themselves in white skins,
lay down in the bottom of the boat, so that none of
them were visible. Thev took with them arms,
lances and harpoons, dry moss, and other convenient
materials for ignition, and thus provided, allowed

■J :f -

BY TUK NORTHMEN.

157

the boat to be driven by the wind up the fjord.
These white boats and men, were looked upon by
the Northmen as blocks of ice, and excited no alarm.
Towards midnight the Greenlanders leaving the
boat, crept to the dwellings of the Northmen, and
fired the houses while the inmates slept, then stand-
ing at the outside ready to moet the unfortunate
settlers, as they attempted to escape, killed them on
the spot. All fell, except the aged warrior Igaliko
and his younger son, for he seeing that his comrades
were slain, took up his ci\ild, and fled to the moun-
tains. The Greenlanders followed ; but old as the
chieftain was, and rendered still less able to cope
with his pursuers by the burden of his child, he
succeeded in eluding their grasp, and efifected his
escape. What afterwards became of him is un-
known, as neither he nor his son was ever seen or
heard of more."*

Years passed without Greenland being thought
of by the Danish government, which became too
much occupied with domestic dissensions and de-
structive wars, to regard the interests of so distant
and unprofitable a settlement; at length in the
reign of Christian II. (1523) Erik Walchendorff,
Archbishop of Throndhjem, probably excited by the
recent discoveries in the Western hemisphere, con-
ceived the project of revisiting the neglected colony,
and having collected all the old accounts and tradi-
tions relating to the land, constructed a chart for

M-

* Arctander, ns quoted by Graah in Nordisk. Tidskr. for Oldkyndig,
B. l.p. 165.

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158

DISCOVERY OK AMERICA

the guidan^-c of mariners, and proposed to the (lo-
vernment a rediscovery of the (Greenland coast, and
a resumption of the trade; he even offered to de-
fray the cost of the expedition from his private
means, on being secured the profits of the trade for
a period of ten years. But the offer was rejected,
and Walchendorff incurring the enmity of the power-
ful Sigbret, fell into disgrace, and died at Rome.

Upon Walchendorff's compilations are principally
founded the opinions of those who have not only
placed the Eastern but Western settlement on tlu^
east coast of Greenland ; an opinion general in his
time ; and very natural, for Davis' Straits had no*
then been discovered, and the configuration of the
coast was unknown : at least no more known than
that it was the nearest land west of Iceland, and
that Erik the Red had steered westwards when he
discovered the country.*

Christian III. (1559) removed the prohibition
established by Queen Margaret against trading to
Greenland, and sent out ships to explore the coun-
try, but without success ; several attempts were
made in the succeeding reigns down to that of Fre-
derick III. (I67O) with similar results : ice ren-
dered the east coast altogether inaccessible, and the
ferocity of the inhabitants on the western side,
where some of tlie explorers landed, and adopted
the most unlikely means to conciliate a suspicious
and barbarous people, precluded all possibility of
friendly intercourse on that boundary, and now

* Graah, p. 8.

IW TUli NOUTHMKN.

ir>[)

again, for a series of years, Greenland was like the
region of romance.

Then stood forth Hans Egcde, Pastor of Vaag,
in the northern district of Norway, and with him
commences a new era in the annals of Greenland.
This remarkable man was at once the rc-discoverer
of the land, and the Apostle of Christianity to its
inhabitants. The dream of a deserted Christian
colony on those distant shores, cut oiF by a stormy
ocean, and an icy barrier, from all communication
with their fellow countrymen in the parent state,
and relapsed, perhaps, into Paganism from the want
of teachers and ministers of religion, passed in vivid
colouring before his mind, not long after he had
taken possession of his benefice in 1708 ; and soon
completely engrossed his thoughts, and engaged all
his sympathies. In I7IO, he drew up a memorial
to the Danish Government on the subject, and ad-
dressed letters to the Bishops of Trondhjem and
Bergen, soliciting their support in aid of his propo-
sition, that steps should be taken to inquire into
and relieve the spiritual and temporal wants of the
supposed neglected colony. The Bishops promised
fair, but put forward, in a strong light, the various
dangers and difficulties with which such an expedi-
tion must necessarily be attended : meantime the
novel proposition became public and met with the
greatest outcry and derision. Egede's more inti-
mate friends, and relatives in particular, raised the
strongest objections to the plan, and instigated his
wife and family to turn him from his purpose ; this

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DISCOVERY OF AMEniCA

gave rise to much domestic pain, and the tears and
remonstrances of a beloved partner, acting upon
an affectionate heart, shook his resolution to such
an extent that he made a powerful effort to sacrifice
his philanthropic project to her peace of mind.
But the 37th verse of the tenth chapter of St.
Matthew,* he says, roused him to a sense of duty;
his mental agitation was renewed, and he became a
stranger to repose either by day or by night. Mean-
time a change had come over the feelings of his
wife, and she suddenly expressed her readiness to
accede to his wishes. Now all difficulties appeared
to vanish ; he looked forward with sanguine confi-
dence to the success of his benevolent plan, and
joyfully renewed his petitions and solicitations to
the Bishops and superior authorities. But, now he
was put off on the plea of deferring the matter to
more peaceable times, and again the whole scheme
was characterized as wild and visionary. This led
him in 1715, to draw up a vindication of his con-
duct, which was quite unanswerable, but still every
effort was made to turn him from his purpose : the
rigour of the climate, — the dangers of the voyage
and abode in a barbarous countrv, — the madness of
giving up a certainty for an uncertainty, — every
argument, in short, that could by ingenuity be
brought to bear upon the imprudence of the ex-
pedition was carefully put before him ; nor were
there wanting those who (inconsistent as it might

* " He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of
me,'' &c.

i*.

«Y THE NORTHMEN.

IGI

be) cast imputations of vain and worldly motives
upon his proposed self-expatriation in so disin-
terested a cause.

Wearied by vain promises and calumnious reports,
Egede at length resolved upon pleading his own
cause in person before the King (Frederick IV.) ;
and throwing up his benefice in I7I8, he tore him-
self from a congregation by whom he was adored,
and repaired to Bergen. Here he was looked upon
as a fanatic, but heedless of the ridicule that was
sought to be thrown upon his benevolent design,
he proceeded to Copenhagen, presented his memo-
rial to the College of Missions, and received the
gratifying intelligence that the King would take the
subject into his gracious consideration.

The result was that, in November, 1719, a Royal
Ordinance was addressed to the magistrates of
Bergen, directing them to enquire into and report
upon the practicability ana advantages of forming
a settlement on the coast of Greenland ; but no
encouragement was derived from this enquiry, and
Egede again beheld himself the object of scorn and
mockery : at length by individual application he
succeeded in persuading some merchants to enter
into a subscription in aid of the proposed expedi-
tion ; and one commercial gentleman of Hamburg
undertook to furnish a large proportion of the re-
quired capital ; but this individual soon after with-
drew from his engagement, and Egede, baffled and
disappointed in the completion of those plans which
appeared to be on the eve of execution, had also to

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DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

bear the weight of the increased slander and evil
rumours, which his failure called forth. Thus
passed another year; but this ardent minister of
religion was not disheartened: he continued his
petitions and solicitations as well to the Govern-
ment as to private individuals, and at length suc-
ceeded in prevailing upon a certain number of the
Bergen merchants to come forward with a subscrip-
tion of about 40/. each : to this he added the whole
of his owii little property, about 60/. more, making
altogether the sum of 10,000 dollars, or 2,000/.
sterling, a capital ill proportioned to the extent of
the undertaking ; nevertheless a ship was bought ;
two more were also freighted for the voyage, the
one for the whale fishery, and the other to bring
back tidings of the expedition, and in the ensuing
spring Egede had the unspeakable gratification of
seeing his perseverance rewarded by the announce-
ment that the King of Denmark approved of the
undertaking, and appointed him chief of the colony,
and missionary to Greenland, with a salary of 60/.
a year, besides 40/. for his equipment.*

Thus after ten years of protracted, discouraging
endeavour, did this admirable minister of a philan-
thropic faith, unawed by the terrors of a frozen zone
and a barbarous people, — of physical privations, and
an isolated unfriended position, far from the social
comforts of a tranquil home, — go forth to spread the
blessings of the Gospel in a heathen land I

* Otnstmndelig og iidforlig Relation ani>aande Den Gronlandske Misnious
Bcgyndchc og Fortsicttelse, &c. of Hans Egedc, Kiiibenhavn, 1738.

••vf

nV THE NORTHMEN.

163

Kgede embarked at Bergen on the ^nd of May,
1721, taking with him his wife and four children,
the eldest of whom was only twelve years of age, and
after a long and perilous voyage of eight weeks,
reached an island at the entrance of Baal's river, in
lat. G4" on the western coast of Greenland, and
called the place Good Hope. The settlers were at
first well received, but their preparations for re-
maining were viewed by the natives with distrust
and alarm, and various means were employed to
deter them from the formation of a colony: the
Angekkoks or wizards, in particular, seeing their
influence endangered by the pi opagation of an ex-
alted doctrine, which prostratod the pretensions of
human power, used various spells and incantations
to expel the colonists, and prevent the progress of
their religious labours ; but the prudent, mild, and
conciliating measures and demeanour of Egede en-
abled him, after a time, to overcome these preju-
dices, set on foot a commercial intercourse, and
eventually to make considerable progress in the
good work which he had so zealously undertaken.
The physical fatigues and privations, however, to
which the settlers were obliged to submit, were of a
most harassing and trying character; their chief
dependence for food was upon ships from home, and
the non-arrival or delay of these vessels often placed
them on the verge of famine, and naturally created
a mutinous and discontented spirit among those of
his associates who were less prepared to withstand
these trials than the pious Miss'.onary and his

M 2

1()4

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

^i'lk

i • V

family. " For almost one entire year,'' writes Paul
Egcdc, "rye meal porridge was ou/ only food."
"This year (I726) wo were again in great want,
owing to the non-arrival of the ships ; our food was
generally the flesh of the seal, which gives no
nourishment, so that our men could not row for an
hour without the oar.^ falling from their hands."*
On all these occasions his exemplary parent exhi-
bited a model of Christian faith and fortitude, and
regardless of his own necessities, was alone distressed
by the sufterings of those around him. " In this
need," writes the son, "my dear father, who cared
for us all, undertook a difficult journey to the south
bay, about fifty miles (200 English miles) north of
the colony, to see if he could there meet with some
Dutch vessels, from which he mi'TL; be able to pro-
cure supplies, and disencumber hi.iiself of nine of
the men. After an absence of fourteen days, he re-
turned, having found twelve ships in the bay. They
took the men, but could give little help to the
twenty-one who remained. Eight men were now
obliged to live on the allowance of one. Groats for
seal soup were weighed out in a pair of silver scales.

'J^hese great privations of ours sunk deep in

my fa,iher's heart. As concerned himself, he had,
like St. Paul, learned to be equally satisfied as well
with plenty as with want j but his wife and children
lay nearest to his heart, and the murmurs and impa-
tience of the people made this still more bitter ."t

* Efterrrtiiiiigcr om Gronland af P.uil Egcde, Kiiibenliavii, 1788. p. 31.
t Ibid. p. ;)2.

1 'f^

BY THE NORTHMEN.

10^

re-

in the midst of the trying privations here detailed,
a ship providentially arrived from Copenhag(;n,
*• and now all the bread that was intended for the
year's consumption, was devoured at breakfast."*
On the accession of Christian VI. of Denmark in
1730, that monarch decided upon giving up the
Cireenland trade and mission ; and in the following
year, sent out two ships, with orders to bring back
all the settlers except the Minister and his family,
and any of the sailors whom he might be able to
persuade to stay with him : it was also distinctly
made known that no prospect could be held out of
any further aid from Denmark.

But although thus threatened with abandonment
by both his country and his King, the faithful Egcdc
would not desert his Christian converts, and con-
trary to the advice and earnest expostulations of all
his friends, he resolved to continue with his family,
in the land of his labours, and only begged as many
men as were necessary for his absolute wants, toge-
ther with provisions for one year. With great
difficulty he prevailed upon eight men to share his
fate J and putting his trust in that Providence
which had safely brought him through so many
trials, he addressed a feeling and energetic letter to
the King, setting forth the vain efforts of all the
exertions he had made, if the colony were now
{abandoned, and appealing to all the nobler feelings
of a monarch and a fellow man.

For one year the settlers waited in anxious un-

* Efterretninger om Griinland af Paul Egede, Kiobcnhavn, 1788, p 33, scq.

^CBBBHRlin

IGG

nrscovEUY or America

certainty, but Christian VI. of Denmark, was a
wise, a patriotic and an enlightened prince, loved by
his subjects, and respected by his contemporaries,
and the powerful appeal of the Christian minister
met with a favourable reception at the foot of the
throne. The termination of the anxious period
brought with it the joyful announcement of the
king's intention to perpetuate the mission, and to
allocate 2000 dollars annually to its support.*

For fifteen long years did this exemplary man
continue to labour in the execution of a duty which
he had conscientiously imposed upon himself, and
when, at the end of this period, his mental suffer-
ings, and shattered health, increased by a domestic
calamity, which deprived him of a consolation and
support that had cheered his drooping spirits under
the severest trials,! obliged him to resign the

* Efterrctninger, &c. p. 43.

t Ttiis severe affliction is thus mentioned in the simple and expressive lan-
guage of his published Journal : — 2Ist December, 1724. " It pleased the all-
wise and good God, in addition to all my other misfortunes and difficulties in
Greenland, to afflict me by taking my dearest wife. Were it not "or the
consoling hope of a joyful re-union in God's heavenly kingdom, I could
scarcely be reconciled to ^^^lic loss of so pious and virtuous a partner. I will
not say how faithful and dear she was to me, or how good and k. nd a mother
to her children, but only how willing and affectionate she was to stibmit to
my wish when I had formed the resolution in God, to leave friends and
fatherland, and betake myself to Greenland, to teach Christianity to the
ignorant inhabitants. For, although kinsfolk and friends pressed her hard,
and industriously represented to her, that for her own, and my sake, and
that of our little children, she ought to oppose and prevent me from en-
gaging in such a rash and foolish undertaking, yet out of love to God and
me, she rather let herself be persuaded to approve of my design, and like a
true Sarah, went with her Abraham from her kinsfolk and her father's
house, to a strange, nay, to a barbarous and heathen laud. How patiently
and peaceably she, since that time, lias withstood with me, all the labour

ilii

BY THE NORTHMEN.

IC7

charge of the mission into the hands of his son, it
smote his heart to leave his cherished converts ; and
the little that he had accomplished, and the neces-
sity for his departure, embittered his thoughts, and
weighed upon his mind up to the moment of his last
farewell.*

Virtuous Egede I If patience and perseverance
in a holy cause ; — if an ardent and untiring zeal
in the propagation of truth ; — ^if an exalted piety j

,,1.

and oppobition which the good God has suffered to oppress us, is known to
many; yea, often comforted and cheered my m<nd, when it was faint and
desponding from so many difficulties." — Omsttendeligogudforlig Re1&tion,&c.
* " 1736, July 29, Sunday. I preached my farewell sermon from Esa.
40, V. 4, thereto moved by the bad result of my in God well meant projects,
which have made me so completely cast down, and hopeless of a better
success under the nature of the present existing circumstances ; yet hoping,
at my safe return, to be able to contribute more to forward the design, than
if I had remained in Greenland. That this, and nothing else, was my aim
is known to the Almighty God, and not to seek any ease, or reward for
past trouble and labour, which cannot help me ; for as I have not come to
Greenland for temporal gain or advantage, so d" I not return for temporal
gain, but for God'b honour alone ; and the f, jghtenment of these poor
ignorant people, has and shall be my only object, nay, the innermost wish
of my heart until my death. I must confess that the poor Greenlanders
were not well pleased at my going away, wherefore also, it went as near,
and nearer to my heart to leave them ;, but as I saw that my remaining
could little help them, after I was so rauch weakened both in mcrtal and
bodily power, that I could hold out no longer, I thought it my duty, at the
moment I was about to leave, to provide, as far as lay in my povcar, for
their eternal welfare, and make all necessary arrangements thereto ; giving
them over, for the rest, to God's unceasing mercy and grace, and therewith
wish that he will awaken righteous means for their salvation, enlighten their
darkness, and drive from their minds the clouds of ignorance, and by the
power of his grace, finally endow them with knowledge, and a desire for
truth. Amen." Ibid. p. 404. On his return to Copenhagen, Egede was
placed at the head of the Committee for directing the affairs of the Green-
land Mission, and employed the remainder of his days in teaching the
Greenland language to young missionaries intended for that colony : he
died in the island of Falster, A.0. 1728.

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— if an utter heedlessness of worldly honours,
and worldly wealth may aught avail man in that
mysterious kingdom which is hidden from his view,
— then surely, Egede, wilt thou have thy reward I

The present condition of the Danish settlements
on the West coast of Greenland offers every pros-
pect of civilization heing rapidly extended over that
circtic region ; there are thirteen colonies, fifteen
small mercantile estahlishments, and ten Missionary
Societies, four .>f which (New Hermhut, Lichten-
fels, Lichtenau, and Friederichsthal) belong to the
Moravian Brethren. The number of Europeans,
is 150, that of the whole population 6000, and
five or six ships trade annually to the coast.*

• Graah's Peise, p. 12, note.

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PART III.

ii(

\»o

MINOR NARRATIVES,

CONTAINING

NOTICES OF THE SETTLEMENTS OF THE IRISH IN ICELAND

AND TUB

WESTERN HEMISPHERE.

ai, .;

1»ART III.

MINOR NARRATIVES.

The following selections are made from that
division of the Antiquitates Americanae, entitled
" Breviores Relationes," being extracts, and short
narratives taken from various Icelandic manuscripts
row extant in the Royal and University Libraries
of Copenhagen. They will be found to contain
some interesting particulars of the traces of Irish
settlers found in Iceland previous to the occupation
of that island by the Norwegians in the 9th cen-
tury, as well as authentic accounts of voyages per-
formed by the Northmen in the years 999, and
1029 to that part of the Western hemisphere known
to them under the name of White Man's Land,
or Great Ireland [Huitramannalandederlrland
it Mikla].

!!•'■

I ■■■ . i:

'II

MINOR NARRATIVES.

A. FROM THE HISTORY OF KING OLAF
TRYGGVASON.

ACCORDINO TO 1MB SECOND VELLUM CODEX, No. 61. Fol.

Supposed to have been copud at the end of i as Uth or beginning ofth£ \&th
Century. Antiq. Amer. p. 202.

Thus says the holy priest Bede, in the chronicles
which he wrote concerning the regions of the
earth :* that the island which is called Thule in
the hooks, lies so far in the north part of the
world, that there came no day in the winter, when
the night is longest, and no night in summer, when
the day is longest. Therefore think learned men
that it is Iceland which is called Thule,t for there
are many places in that land, where the sun sets
not at night, when the day is longest, and in the

* De natura rerum et ratione temporum, Cap. 31, Colon. 1637. Fol.

t The locality of Thule is still a vexata questio witli Antiquaries, the
south coast of Norway, and north and north-west coast of Scotland having
been each assigned for its position, as well as Iceland. Bede speaks of
Thule according to the relation of Pytheas of Marseilles, Solinus, and Pliny,
but makes it only six days' sail from Britain, which ill accords with the
then state of navigation and nautical knowledge. Saxo would seem to refer
Thule to the district of Tellemark on the south coast of Norway ; for in enu-
merating the warriors at the battle of Braavalle, he speaks of those from
Thyle, which name is still to be found in that district : again, the particu-
lars given of Thule by the Irish monk Dicuil, who wrote in the year 825,
identify it with Iceland, and it seems probable that diflTerent parts of the
North received the name, which, in tlie Icelandic language, signifies, end-
extreme boundary (till) according as discovery was extended. Thule has
also been derived from the Irish word thuat, which signifies North. See
O'Brien's Irish-English Dictionary in voce Tuat. Island's Opdagelse, &c. af
N. M. Petersen, N. T. O. B. I.

ti I

174

MINOR NARRATIVES.

J' '.'■

same manner, where the sun cannot be seen by (hiy,
when the night is longest. But the holy priest
Bode died DCCXXXV years after the birth of
our Lord Jesus Christ, more than a hundred and
twenty years before Iceland was inhabited by the
Northmen. But before Iceland was colonized from
Norway, men had been there whom the Northmen
called Papas.* They were Christians ; for after
them were found Irish books, bells, and croziers,t
and many other things, from whence it could be
seen that they were Christian men, and had come
from the west over the sea :t English books§ also
shew that, in that time, there was intercourse be-
tween the two countries.

* Papa. The clerical order were called Papas by some Latin writers.
See Dii Fresnes Glossary ad script, mediaa et inflmffi Latiiiitatis, and thus
the Xorthmcn may have adopted the word from southern nations, " timi-
dus pra>gustes pocida Papas," Juv. Sat. iv. Du Fresnes shews also that tha
term was applied to Pocdagogus.

t Bffikr ir8kar,bjollur ok baglar.

t Til vcstan um haf. Ireland lying to the west of Norway, from whence
the Icelanders had emigrated, was generally spoken of by them with refer-
ence to their fatherland, and for the same reason they called the Irish
" westmen." According to a learned enquirer into the origin of the Irish,
the literal meaning of the word Ireland is Westland, the Celtic syllable iar
or er meaning the tcest. This, however, is disputed by O'Brien, who main-
tains that the original interpretation ot icr is ''after," or "behind," and
considers Eirin to be compounded of i and erin, the genitive of ere, iron,
signifying the island of iron or mines, for which Ireland had formerly been
famed, and hence ranked by antient writers among the Cassiterides. See
Wood's Inquiry, concerning the primitive inhabitants of Ireland, p. 1. ;
O'Brien's Irish Diet, in voce Eirin.

§ The strongest testimony on this point is given by Dicuil, in a work en-
titled De mensura orbis terrte, wherein he shews that Iceland had been
visited by Irish ecclesiastics in 795, and the Farce islands in 725. See infra,
and Antiq. Amer. p. 204, note a.

MINOR NARRATIVES.

\'75

B. FROM THE SCHEDiE OF ARI ERODE,

No. 54, Fol.

At that time was Iceland covered with woods,
between the mountains and the shore. Then were
here Christian people, whom the Northmen called
Papas, but they went afterwards away, because
they would not be here amongst heathens , and left
after them Irish books, and bells, and croziers,
from which could be seen that they were Irish-
men.* But then began people to travel much here
out from Norway, until King Harold forbade it,
because it appeared to him that the land had begun
to be thinned of i^mabitants.

• Menn irscir.

t *'!

'J '

176

MINOR NARRATIVES.

ti '--I

C. FROM THE PROLOGUE TO THE LANDNAMABOK,

No. 53, Fol.

1!'

But before Iceland was colonized by the North-
men, the men were there whom the Northmen
called Papas; they were Christians, and people
think that they came from the west over the sea,
for there was found after them Irish books, and
bells, and croziers, and many more things from
which it could be seen that they were Westmen ;
such were found eastwards in Papey, and Papyli :
it is also mentioned in English books that in that
time, was intercourse between the countries.

The particulars given of Thule by the Irish monk Dicuil,
who wrote in the year 825, offer a remarkable confirmation
of the Icelandic manuscripts respecting the residence of the
Irish ecclesiastics in that region, which, in his work, is
evidently identified with Iceland. He speaks of Thule as
an uninhabited island, which, however, in his Hfetime,
about the year 795, had been visited by some monks, loith
whom he himself had spoken, and who had once dwelt
upon the island from the first of February to the first of
August. They denied the exaggerated statements that had
been made by antient writers respecting the perpetual ice,
continued day from the vernal to the autumnal equinox,
and corresponding interval of night, but stated that a day's
journey further northward, the sea was really frozen, and

MINOR NAUKATlVi:S.

177

that with respect to the length of the days and nights, at,
and a few days before and after the summer solstice, the
sun sank so little below the horizon during the night, that
one could pursue their ordinary occuj^ations as well as by
day light. The author further describes several islands
lying in the north part of the British ocean, and which,
with a fair wind, might be reached from the north of
Britain in two days and a night; and states that here
nearly a hundred years before, namely a. d. 725, hermits
from Ireland had taken up their abode, but, disturbed by the
roving Northmen, had since departed, leaving the place
uninhabited.* These islands are further described as having

* For the satisfaction of those readers whose national feelings may per-
haps lead them to take more than ordinary interest in tids well authenticated
record of tlie early migration of the Irish to these remote islands, in the
Northern sea, the original passage from Dicuil has been transcribed : —

*' Trigesimus nunc anmii est a quo jmntiaverunt mihi clerici, qui a kl.
(kalendis) febrvarli usque kl. (kalendis) aiigusti in ilia insula (Thule> mnn-
serant quod, non solum in costivo solstitii, sed in diebus circa illud, in ves-
pertina liora, occidens sol abscondit se quasi trans purvulum tumulum : ita
ut, nihil tcnebrarum in minimo spatio ipso fiat ; sed quicquid homo operari
voluerit, vel pediculosus de camisia abstraiiere tanquam in prasscntia soils
potest: et, si in altitudine montium ejus fuissent, forsitau nunquam sol
absconderetur ab illis. In medio iliius minimi temporis, medium noctis fit
in medio orbis terrae; et idcirco mentientes falluntur qui eircum earn con-
cretum fere mare scripserunt, et qui a vernal. sEqninoctio usque ad autumnale
eontinum diem sine nocte, atque ab autumnali, versa vice, usque ad vernale
teqiiMioctium assiduam qnidcm nuctem, dum illi navigantes in natuvali
tempore magni frigoris earn intrabant, ac manentes in ipsa dies noctesque
semper, praster solstitii tempus, alternatim liabebant : sed navigatione unius
diei ex ilia ad boreaui congelatum mare invenerunt."

" Sunt alisE insulse mulla; in septentrionali Brittaniie oceano, quaj a sep-
tentrionalibus Brittannioe insulis duorum dierum ac noctiuni recte navig;\-
tione, plenis veils, assiduo feliciter vento adire queunt. Aliquis prbt. (pres-
byter) religiosus mihi retulit quod, in duobus aestivis diebus et una inter-
cedente nocte, navigans in duoram navicula transtrorum in unam illarum
introivit. lUse insulse sunt aliie parvuloe, fere cunctie simul angustis dis
antes fretis, in qmhas in centum ferme annis, heremitm ex nostra: Si-.otiae
navigantes luihitaverunt. Sed, sicnt a principio mundi desertae semper

U ^M

178 MINOR NARRATIVES.

upon them a great number of sheep, which circumstance
leads to the conclusion that they were the Farce islands,
the name of which is known to be derived from the original
Icelandic term Fareyjar or sheep islands.

fuerunt, ita nunc, causa latronum Normannorum, vacuas anachoritis, plente
innumerabilibus ovibus, ac divcrsis genciibus multis niinis inarinarum
avium. Nanquam eos insulas in libris auctorum memoratas invenimus."—
Dicuili Liber de mensura orbis Ternfl ex duobus codd. MSS. Dibliothecaj
Imperialis, nunc primum in lucem editus a Car. Atlien. Walckenaer. Pa-
risiis M.DCCCVII.

. 11

r i!

\ \ %

MINOH NARRATIVES.

179

AlU MARSON'S SOJOURN IN GREAT IRELAND,

A. D. 082.

From the Lundnamaboh, No. 107, Fol collated with accounts of the same
transactions in Huuksbolt, No. 1 05, Fol. Melab6k, No. 100 and 1 1 -2, Fol.
and other MSS. in the Arnc-Munnman collection.

Ulf the squinter, son of Hogna the white, took
all Reykjanes, hetvveen Thorkafjonl and Hafrafell ;
he married Bji')'g, dauj^hter to Eyvind the Eastman,
sister to Helge the lean ; their son was Atli tlie
red, who married Thorbjorg, sister to Steiriolf
the humble ; their son was Mar of Holum, who
married Thorkatla, daughter of Hergil Ne-
prass; their son was Ari ;* he was driven by a
tempest to White Man's Land, which some call
Great Ireland ;t it lies to the west in the sea,
near to Vinland the Good, and VI days' sailing
west from Ireland.! From thence could Ari not

* Ari Marson is mentioned in tlie Kriatni Saga, C. 1, p. 0, amongst the
principal cliiefs in Iceland in the year 981, at which time Bishop Fridrick
and Thorvald Kodran^on came there to promulgate Christianity. He, and
his kinsmen are highly lauded in several Icelandic historical works [Silgu-
I>oedtir Islandiga, Holum, 1756, 4, p. 105.— Fosthrsudra Sasa, C. l,p. C]
His father Mar, and mother Katla figure in an antient poem, which is still
preserved among the common traditions of the Icelanders, under the name
of Kbthidraumr or Katla's dream, and may be seen in the Arnoe-Magnrean
collection, No. 154, 8vo. Antiq. Amer. p. 210, note a.

t "Til Hvitramannulands, tat kalla sumir Irland ed mikla." Antiq.
Amer. p. 211.

X " VI dsBgra sigling vestr frii Irlandi." Professor Rafn is of opinion
that the figures VI, have arisen through mistake or carelessness of the
transcriber of the original manuscript which is now lost, and were erroneously
inserted instead of XX, XI, or perhaps XV, which would better correspond
with the distance ; this mistake might have easily arisen from a blot op
defect in that part of the original MSS. Antiq. Amer. p 447.

N 2

-'j, ■.;■>(*'.

it .'•-■

, -1".

180

MINOU XARItATlVKS.

^ot away, and was thcro baptized. This story first
told llat'n the Limerick merchant,* who liad long

■■'i

* niymrcksfuvi, n surimmo rviiJently Kiven here to Rafii, in coiiscqiienoc
of liij trading; to F.iinorick, witli wliich us well us tlie otlier principal Iri'*!!
sea-ports, the Nortlnncii, culled by tlie Irisili, Dnni's, were iiccu9toine<l to
liold frequent communication from tlic end of the 8th century. Dublin,
Wnterf()rd,ttnd Limerick are called in the Icelandic, or old northern tongue,
D.iflin, Vondrafjiirdr, and Hllmrck, wliicli has probably led Cambrensis and
others to attribute the foundation of these cities to the Northmen, Ame-
lanus, Sitaracus, and Ivarns, or Anlaf, Sitric, and Ivar, in tlie year 804,
when they made a hostile expedition to the country, and settled in these
three towns respectively ; but O'llalloran shews that Dublin, Watcrford,
and Limerick were cities of note lon-j Ijefore that period, and that the tr.idc
of Dublin, in particular, was so great at the close of the 'ind century, that
a bloody war broke out between the Monarch Con, and the King of Munster,
to determine to wimm the duti(s ui)on exports and imports should belong.
lliAt. Ireland, Vol. Ill p. 17(^. Aloore, however, tjives Sitric tiic credit of
founding Waterlbrd. [II. p. 37.] iilthou^li its original Frisli nam(! of Port
Lairge, would seem to imply a place of some commercial importance before
the adoption of its northern title, from wliie'i the name of Watcrford is evi-
dently derivfcii. [Vsedrafjord, tlie fordable iHth.] Limerick, O'lJulioran tells
us, was so noted for its commerce from the earliest times, tliat it i3 never
mentioncfl by antient Iri-h writers witliout the epithet Long, a ship, and we
find Ceallaehan Cuisil, IsAws, of Munster, calling it Luimneach naLuin^ias, or
Limerick of the ships. (Hist. Ir. I. ji. 159, and III. p. 178.) According to Arcli-
bisliop Usher, the first invasion of tlie Danes or Northmen, t'lok place about the
year 7i)7, when the Annals of Ulster notice a descent on the isle of Ilechrin or
Raghlin, north of the county Antrim, ami their incursions continued, with little
intermission, until their final defeat by niicn Boirumlie or Doru, in tlie cele-
brated battle of Clontarff, April 23, 1014. The intervals of peace were
naturally applied to commercial intercourse betwt.n the two nations, and
the Northmen became established not only at the princijjal sea-ports, but
in the interior of the country. Hence wc find Iiinh names of persJons in
Iceland, and names of places, formed of Northern elements in Ireland ; the
Icelandic Niel or Njall is evidently the Irish Neil; Kjallaeh, Ceallach;
Kjaran, Kieran ; Bjurni, Barny, &c. Names of places are of a mixed
origin : to the Irijh Laighean, Munhain, Ulladli, the Northmen added
their .s/(/rfr (place), whicli afterwards become ster, and thus arose Leinster,
Munster, Ulster, &c. See De ^Idste, toge fra Nordcn til Irland of N. M.
Petersen, up. Annaler for Nordisk Oldlcyiidighed, 18:!6, p. 2-3. Tlie
(jreneral name of Danes could hardly have arisen from the invaders being

MINOR NAUUATIVKS.

181

rst

Uvr

lived at Limerick in Ireland.* Thus said [also]
Tliorkell (icllersoii, ( that Icelanders had stated,
who had heard Thorfinn Jarl of the Orkney st re-
late, that Ari was recognised in White Man's Land,
and could not get away from chence, but was there
much respected. Ari married Thorgerd daughter
to Alf of Dolum, whose scms were Thorgils, Gud-

considered Danish, as tliey were a mixed nice of Dunes, Norwegian*
Swedes, Saxons, Frisians, and other Gothic trihcs from thoCinibric peninsula
and shores of tlio Baltic, and were distini^tiished by tlie Irisli accord-
ing to tiie colour of their liair or complexion, as I'ionne Gidl, the white
8tranj;ers, and Dubh Gail, the black stran'^'crs (hence proliably Finpal and
Donegal) ; tiie term Dane, whicli was sometimes ai)plied, is, therefore, more
lilicly to have been expressive of the character than the country of the in-
vaders, and to be derived from the Irish words i>ana, bold, impetuous, and
Fear, man : hence JJun-ou, the impetuous river, us the Danube is called in
antient Celtic. See O'llulloran, V. III. p. 149, Lnd O'Brien's Irish Diet, in
voce Dana.

* The pedigree of Rafn the Limerick merchant or Oddson, is given hi the
Landntimabuk, II, 21, p. 98, from which it appears that he was descended
from Duke Rolf of Norway, and on the maternal side, from Steinof the
humble, being thus connected as well with Ari Murson as Leif Erikson
[See Genealog. Tab. No. 1, App.] and lived about the middle or beginning
of the 11 til century. In the Stiirlunga Saga, I. c. 3, he is named amongst
the ancestors of Skard-Snorri, from whom the most distinguished Icelanders
trace their descent, and it is probable was the same indivirlual known some-
times by the name of Rafn the Red [Rafn hinn raudi], who accompanied
Sigurd, king of the Orkneys to Ireland in 1014, and was present at the
battle of Clontarff, Ap. 23, of the same year. Antiq. Am. p. 211. note a.

t Thorkell Gellerson was great-grandson of Ari Marson, and uncle to Ari
Frodc, the writer of this narrative. He resided at Helgafell in Iceland,
and was well known as a wealthy, honouri ble, and brave yeoman, who, de-
sirous of knowledge, had travelled much in his youth. He related many
things to his kinsman Ari Frode, who appears to have had the fullest con-
fidence in his statements, and often gives his express words, together with
his name, as a security for the truth of the narrative. Antiq. Amer. p. 212,
note a.

t Thorfinn Sigurdsnn, b. 1008, d. 1064, was connected with the immediate
ancestors of Ari Marson. See Genealog. Tab. No. 1, Appendix.

IliBT

18(i

MINOR NARKATIVES.

loif and Illugi : this is the family of Reykjaness.
Jorund hight a son of Ulf the squinter ; he married
Thorbjorg Knarrarbringa ; their daughter was
Thjodhild, who married Erik the Red ; their son
[was] Leif the Lucky of Greenland. Jorund
hight the son of Atli the Red ; he married Thordis,
daughter of Thorgeir Suda ; their daughter was
Otkatla, who married Thorgill Kollson, Jorund
was also father to Snorri.

It : I

if;

•I'i
•i-

'I ^^

I; >r

MINOR NARIIATIVKS.

183

•:i

.- n

GEOGRAPHICAL FRAGMENT,
CORROBORATIVE OF THE PRECEDING.

D. I'uoM THE Manuscript Codex, 770, c. 8vo.

Now arc there, as is said, south from Greenland,
which is inhahitcd, deserts, uninhabited places, and
ice-bergs,* then the Skra^lings, then Markland,
then Vinland the Good ; next, and somewhat be-
hind,t lies Albania, which is White Man's Land ',%
thither was sailing, formerly, from Ireland ; there
Irishmen§ and Icelanders recognised Ari the son ot
Mar and Katla of Reykjaness, of whom' nothing
had been heard for a long time, and who had been
made a Chief there by the inhabitants.

* Probably Labrador, or Great Hclluland (Helluland it Mikla), .ee p.

88, note §.

t Nokkut til bakka.
X Hvitramannaland.
^ Yrskir.

^1-

184

MINOR NAKKATIVKS.

VOYAGE OF BJORN ASBRANDSON

TO THK

I \ ']

1)^ 'k ^

It" *■■ '

i' '

■:i

WESTiSllN HiiMISiniEUE, AND PltOUABLE SETTLEMENT IN

GREAT IRELAND.
A.D. 90U.

The following remarkable narrative is taken
from the Eyrbyggja Saga, or early annals of that
district of Iceland lying around the promontory of
Snaefells on the western coast. It is clearly shewn
by Bishop Mliller* to have been written not later
than the beginning of the ItJth certury, and has been
already brough*^ before the favourable notice of the
British public by Sir Walter Scott.t With this
Saga the following MSS. have been carefully col-
lated : —

1 — 2. Liber Chartaceus, No. 448, 449, 4to. being
a copy of the best vellum codex in the Resenianian
Library.

3. Copy of parchment codex in the Guelpher-

* Sagabibliothek, I. p. 11)7.

t Abstract of Eyrbyggja Sagii. Miscell. Piose Works, Vol. V. 8vo. Edin.
and Lond. 1834, and Illustrations of Nortlicrn Antiquities, 4to. Edinb. 1814.
Tlie learned Thorkelin, Regius Professor of Antiquity, and keeper of the
Archives in the University of Copenhagen, publlslied an edition of this
history in 1787, executed at the cxpence of Suhm, the munificent patron of
Northern literature. See Eyrbyggja Saga, quam niandante et impenses fa-
clente Perlll. P. F. Suhm, versione lectionum varietate ac indice rcrum
auxit Grimr Johnson Thorkelin, Piof. Philos. Extraord. Ilafnite, 1787.

MINO.l NAUKATIVES.

185

bytean Library, carefully executed by Arne Mag-
nussen himself.

4. Vellum fragment, No. 309, 4to. written in
the 14th century.

5. Two vellum fragments noted S and 4, under
No. 4156, 4to. V ritten about the beginning of the
15th centurv.

Besides sixteen paper MSS. viz.: — No. 158,
126, 125, 123, 124, 129, 130, 131, Fol.; 441, 442,
443, 444, 445, 446, 447, 4to. and 112, 8vo.

186

MINOR NARRATIVES.

:i ■■

VOYAGE OF BJORN ASBliANDSON

TO TUB

WESTERN HEMISPHERE & SETTLEMENT IN GREAT IRELAND.

A.D. 999.

15. BoRK the fat and Thordis Surs daughter
had a daughter that Thurid liight, and she was
married to Thorbjorn the fat, who lived at Froda ;
he was son of Orm the lean, who had taken and
cultivated the farm of Froda. Thurid, daughter of
Asbrand of Kamb in Breidavik had he formerly
married ; she was sister to Bjorn Breidvikinga-
happa, who is hereafter mentioned in the Saga,
and to Arnbji3rn the strong : her sons by Thorb-
jurn were Ketill the Champion, Gunnlaug and
Hallstein

22. Now shall something- be told about Snorri
Godi,* that he took up the process about the mur-
der of Thorbjorn his brother-in-law. He also took
his sister home to Helgafell, because there was a
report, that Bjorn, son of Asbrand from Kamb,
began to come there to inveigle her

* Godi, Priest of the temple and prefect of the province, from God
tlie Deity, being Bupposed to hold the office by divine appointment, see In-
troduc. p.vi. Snorri Godi occupies a conspicuous place in Icelandic history
from the end of the 10th to the beginning of the 11th century; his real name
was Thorgrim Thorgrimson, but being rather unmanageable when a child,
he obtained the cognomen of Snerrir, from the Icelandic word Snerrinn
pugnacious, which afterwards became Snorri. Muller. Sag. Bib. V. I.
He was born in 904, and died in 1031, and hence it follows that the events
recorded in this and the following narrative, where he is mentioned as an
active participator, must have occurred previous to the year 1030. Various
orthography has been followed by English writers with regard to the name,
some calling it Snorro and others Snorre, but the final i seems to accord
more with the Icelandic root. Sec Gtnealog. Tab. No. IV. App.

S».

MINOR NARRATIVES.

187

29. Thorodd, h'jht a man from Medallfellstrand:
an honourable man ; he was a great merchant, and
owned a trading ship. Thorodd had made a trad-
ing voyage westwards to Ireland,* to Dublin. At
that time had Jarl Sigurd Lbdversson of the Ork-
neys,-)" sway to the Hebrides, and all the way west-
ward to Man : he imposed a tribute on the inha-
bitants of Man, and when they hdd made peace, the
Jarl left men behind him to collect the tribute ; it
was mostly paid in smelted silver ; but the Jarl
sailed away northwards to the Orkneys. But when
they who had waited for the tribute, were ready for
sailing, they put to sea with a south-west wind ;
but when they had sailed for a time the wind
changed to the south-east and east, and there arose
a great storm, and drove them northwards under
Ireland, and the ship broke there asunder upon an
uninhabited island. And when they had gotten
there, came, by chance, the Icelander Thorodd, on
a voyage from Dublin. The Jarl's men called out to
the merchantment to help them. Thorodd put out a
boat, and went into it himself, and when it came up,
the Jarl's men begged Thorodd to help them, and

* Kaupferd vestr til Iilands. Here we see the nature of the voyage dis-
tinctly stated, and Ireland spoken of as lying westwards from Iceland,
which evidently arose from its position with regard to Norway, the father-
land of the settlers ; hence also, Vestmannaeyjar (Westman's Islands) on
the south coast of Iceland, where some Irish captives took refuge after the
murder of their northern task-master. Sea Petersen in Annal. for Nord.
Oldk. 283G, Comp. p. 174, note.

t Tho Orkneys are called in northern language Orkneyjar, from Orka, a
kind 0/ seal, which is described in Speculum Regale, p. 17G-177. Sigurd
fell in battle in Ireland, 1013. Antiq. Amer. p. 218, note h.

t Kaupnienn, Conip. p. 160.

. ''3-.

Jrfl-

i
..ifj.

f; . I

,1 ' n
■ H

ill if

■"-"*'.

i ■ ■ ;

,..,*;.'* ,

188

MINOR NARRATIVES.

to take them home to Sigurd

offered him monev
Jarl in the Orkneys ; but Thorodd thought he
could not do that, because he was bound for Iceland ;
but they pressed him hard, for they thought it
concerned their goods and freedom, that they
should not be left in Ireland or the Hebrides,
where they before had waged war, and it ended so
that he sold them the ship's boat, and took therefore
a great part of the tribute ; they steered then with
the boat to the Orkneys ; but Thorodd sailed
without the boat to Iceland, and came to the south
of the land ; then steered he westwards, and sailed
into Breidafjord, and landed, with all on board, at
Dogurdarness, and went in autumn to winter with
Snorri Godi at Helgafell ; he was since then called
Thorodd the tribute-buyer. This happened a little
after the murder of Thorbjorn the fat. The same
winter was at Helgafell Thurid the sister of Snorri
Godi, whom Thorbjorn the fat had married.
Thorodd asked Snorri Godi to give him Thurid his
sister in marriage ; and because he was rich, and
Snorri knew him from a good side, and saw that
she required some one to manage her affairs, — with
all this together resolved Snorri Godi to give him
the woman, and their marriage was held there in
the winter at Helgafell. But in the following
spring Thorodd betook himself to Froda, and be-
came a good and upright yeoman.* But so soon as
Thurid came to Froda, began Bjorn Asbrandson to
visit there, and there was spread a general report

* Bondi.

MINOR NARIIATIVES.

189

that he and Thurid had unlawful intercourse ; then
began Thorodd to complain about his visits, but
lid not object to them seriously. At that time
dwelled Thorer Vidlegg at Arnarhvol, and his sons
Orn and Val were grown up, and very promising
men ; they reproached Thorodd for submitting to
such disgrace as Bjorn put upon him, and oiFered
Thorodd tl oir assistance, if he would forbid the
visits of Bjorn. It happened one time that Bjorn
came to Froda, and he sat talking with Thurid.
Thorodd used always to sit within when Bjorn was
there, but now was he no where to be seen. Then
said Thurid: " Take care of thy walks, Bjorn, for
1 suspect that Thorodd thinks to put an end to thy
visits here, and it looks to me as if thev had fjone
out to fall upon thee by the way, and he thinks they
will not be met by equal force." " That can well
be," said Bjorn, and chaunted this stave : —

O ! Goddess of the arm- ring gold*
Let this bright day the longest hold
On euvth, for now I linger here
In my love's arms, but soon must fear
These joys will vanish, and her breath
Be raised to mourn my early death.

T'hereafter took Bjorn his arms, and went away,
intending to go home ; but when he had gotten up
the Digramula, sprang five men upon him ; this
was Thorodd and two of his servants, and the sons
of Thorer Vidlegg. They seized Bjorn, but he
defended himself well and manfully ; Thorer 's sons

* Jord, the earth, one of the many wives of Odin and mother of Thor.
"The son of earth
Is now arrived —
Why dost thou rage so, Thor!"

iEgirs Feast, Rhl. F<:dd. Pigott's translat. p. 2::4.

■■Mi

i: I!.,

1})0

MINOU NARUATIVES.

I> '

pressed in hardest upon him, and wounded him, hut
he was the death of both of them. After that
Thorodd went away with his men, and was a little
wounded, but they not. Bjbrn went his way until
he came home, and went into the room ; the woman
of the house* told a maid servant to attend him ;
and when she came into the room with a light, then
saw she that IJjiirn A"as very bloody ; she went then
in, and told his father Asbrand that l}jorn was
come home bloody ; Asbrand went into the room,
and asked why Bjbrn was bloody; " or have you,
perhaps, fallen in with Thorodd ?" Bjbrn answered
that so it was. Asbrand then asked how the busi-
ness had ended. Bjbrn chaunted : —

Eatiicr far it is to fondle,
In tlio arms of female fair,
(Vidlegg's sons I both have slain)
Tlian with valiant men to wrestle,
Or tamely purchased tributet bear.

Then bound Asbrand his wounds, and he became
quite restored. Thorodd begged Snorri Godi to
manage the matter about Thorer's sons' murder,
and Snorri had it brought before the court of Thors-
ness ; but the sons of Thorlak of Eyra assisted
Breidvikinga in this affair, and the upshot was, that
Asbrand went security for his son Bjbrn, and under-
took to pay a fine for the murder. But Bjbrn was
banished for three years, and went away the same
summer. During the same summer
Froda was delivered of a male child,

Thurid of
which re-

• Husfreyja — Dan. ll&nsfru—Swed. Husfru — Gcr, — Ilaiisfrau — literally
tJie woman or lady of the house, and meaning, in this case, Bjorn's mother.

t In allusion to Thorodd's transaction with the crew of Sigurd. See ante
\i, 188, from which he obtained the surname of" Tribute-buyer."

. -.1

MINOR NARRATIVE*.

101

ceivcd the name of Kjartan ; he grew up at Froda,
and was soon large and promising.

Now when Bjorn had crossed the sea [to Nor-
way], he bent his way southwards to Denmark, and
therefrom south to Jomsborg.* Then was Palna-
toki chief of the .Toms vikings. Bjorn joined their
band, and was named Champion.f He was in
Jomsborg when Styrbjorn the strong took the castle.
Bjorn was also with them in Sweden, when the
Joms vikings aided Styrbjorn ; he was also in the
battle of Fyrisvall, where Styrbjiirn fell,t and escaped
in the wood with other Jomsvikings. And so long
as Palnatoki lived,§ was Bjorn with him, and was

* Jomsborg (or Join's castle), called also Julin, was built by the Danish
King Harold filaatand, on one of the mouths of the Oder, on the coast of
Pomeranla. It was afterwards governed by Palnatoki, a powerful chief of
Fionia (Fynen), to whom Burislaus, King of the Wends, fearing his power,
gave the neighbouring territory, on condition that he would defend the mo-
narch's kingdom from foreign aggression. Palnatoki accepted the condi-
tions, and became chief of a community of pirates called Jomsvikbujr , who
were distinguished, even in those days of brutal valour, for extraordinary
personal bravery, and i-ontempt of death. He established the strictest laws,
and exacted the most rigid tests from those who sought to enter the society :
the rank of Kappl or champion given to Bjorn Asbraiidson, was, therefore,
the strongest evidence of his eminent qualities as a warrior. Antiq. Amer.
p. 227, note a. — Jomsvikinga Saga ; and for the particular locality of Joms-
borg, which is supposed to be the present WoUin, see De Danskes Toge, til
Venden of N. M. Petersen ap. Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed, Kjbben-
havn, 1837. p. 235—238. t Kappi.

t Styrbjorn was the son of Olaf who reigned in Sweden jointly with Erik
the Victorious, but in consequence of aspiring to the throne and the murder
of a courtier named Aki, fell into disgrace, and retired, with sixty ships
given him by Erik, to Jomsborg, of which he became governor. Afterwards
he made an expedition to Sweden in conjunction with Ilarald Gormson, and
fell in battle against the King his uncle, in the plain of Fyrisvold near Upsala.
A.D. 984. See Antiq. Amer. p. 227,note,— Fornmanna Sogur, Vol. V, — l>attr
Styrbjarnar Svia kappa in Cod. Flat., and Jomsvikinga Saga, Miiller,Vol. 3.

§ Palnatoki died A.D. 993.

192

MINOR NARRATIVES.

■t

looked upon as a distinguished man, and very bravo
in all times of trial.

40 The same summer* came the brothers

Bjorn and Arnbjorn out to Iceland, to llaunhaf-
narsos. Bjorn was afterwards called the Champion
of iireidavik.| Arnbjorn had brought much money
out with him, and imraediatelv, the same summer
that he came, bought land at Bakke in Raunhofn.
Arnbjorn made no display, and spoke little on most
occasions, but was, however, in all respects, a very
able man. Bjorn, his brother, was, on the other
hand, very pompous, when he came to the country,
and lived in great style, for he had accustomed him-
self to the court usages of foreign chiefs ; he was
much handsomer than Arnbjorn, and in no parti-
cular less able, but was much more skilled in martial
exercises, of which he had given proofs in foreign
lands. In the summer, just after they had arrived,
a great meeting of the people was held north of the
heath, under Haugabrct, near the mouth of the
Froda ; and thither rode all the merchants, in co-
loured garments \\ and when they had come to the

* About the year 990. Antiq. Amer. p. 'iiS. note (..

t Urei(l\ikingakaj)pi.

t " A similar fancy for party-coloured tlrossps," says Moore. " cxistrd
amon;; the Celts of Gaul, and Diodorus describes the people as wearing
garments flowered with all varieties of colours — p^pw/ttnffi iravrooanoit;
Cnji'OKTiitvovr;. Lib. 5. The bracca3 or breeches was so called from being
plaitled, the word brae !«ignifyiiig in Celtic anything speckled or party-co-
loured." According to O'Brien the Hiberno-Celtic word is breac. In the
reiifn of the Irish monarch Acliy, a law was enacted regulating the number
of colours by which the garments of the different classes of society were to
be distinguished, and from these party-coloured dresses worn by the anticnt
Scots or Irisli, is derived the present national costume [still called hrekan,']
of their descendants in North Britain. Hist. Ir. I. pp. 109, 110, — O'Brien,
Ir. Die. in voce breac, Lluyd. Arch. Brit.

iJ:

MIKOU NAHRATIVF.S.

193

meeting, was there many people assembled. There
was Thurid, the lady* of Freda, and Bjorn went up,
and spoke to her, and no one objected to this, for it
was thought likely that their discourse would last
long, since they, for such a length of time, had not
seen each other. There arose that day a fight, and
one of the men from the northern mountains received
a deadly wound, and was carried down under a bush
on the bank of the river ; much blood flowed from
the wound, so that there was a pool of blood in the
bush. There was the boy Kjartan, son of Thurid
of Froda ; he had a small axe in his hand j he ran
to the bush, and dipped the axe in the blood. When
the men from the southern mountains rode south-
wards from the meeting, Thord Blig asked Bjorn
how the discourse had turned out betwixt him and
Thurid of Froda. Bjorn said that he was well con-
tented therewith. Then asked Thord, whether he
had that day seen the lad Kjartan, her and Thorodd's
united son. '* Him saw I," said Bjorn. "What do
you thirk of him?" quoth Thord, again. Then
chauntev Bjorn this stave :

" A stripling lo !
With fearful eyes
And woman's image,
Downwards ran
To the wolfs lair ;—
The people say
The youth knows not
His Viking father."

. J

* Hiisfreyja.
O

n
R'^'*

* '■'!
li

w «

, .

194

MINOR NARRATIVES.

Thord said: "What will Thorodd say when he
hears of your boy ?" Then sung Bjorn :

'• Then will the noble lady,
When pressing to her breast
The imago of his fatlicr
In her fair arms to rest,
Admit Thorodd's conjecture,
For me she ever loved.
And ever shall I bear her
Affection deep and proved."

Thord said : *' It will be better for ye, not to have
much to do with each other, and that thou turn thv
thoughts from Thurid." "That is surely a good
counsel," replied Bjbm, " but far is that from my
intention, although it makes some difference when I
have to do with such a man as Snorri her brother."
"Thou wilt be sorry for thy doings," said Thord,
and therewith ended the talk between them. Bjorn
went home now to Kamb, and took upon himself
the management of the place, for his father was then
dead. In the winter he began his trips over the
heath, to visit Thurid ; and although Thorodd did
not like it, he yet saw that it was not easy to find a
remedy, and he thought over with himself, how
dearly it had cost him, when he sought to stop their
interrourse ; but he saw that Bjorn was now much
stronger than before. Thorodd bribed, in the
winter, Thorgrim Galdrakin to raise a tempest
against Bjorn, when he was crossing the heath.
Now it came to pass one day, that Bjorn came to
Froda, and in the evening, when he was going home,
was there thick weather, and some rain ; and he set

M(N01l NARRATIVI'S,

19.^

off very lato ; but when he had gotten u^i on the
heath, the weather became cold, and it snowed ; and
so dark that he saw not the way before him. After
that arose a drift of snow, with so much sleet, that
he could scarcely keep his legs ; his clothes were
now frozen, for he was before wet through, and he
strayed about, so that he knew not where to turn ;
hit, at night, upon the edge of a cave, went in, and
was there for the night, and had a cold lodging ;
then sung Bjorn : —

'' Fair one ! who dost brinp
Vestments to tlic weary,*
Little know'st thou where-
Hid in cavern dreary,
I now shelter seek ;
He that once on ocean
Boldly steered a bark,
Now lies without motion
In a cavern dark.''

And again he chaunted :

" The swan's cold regiont I have iirossed
All eastwards with a goodly freight.
For woman's love, by tempest tost
And seeking danger in the fight :
Rut now no woman's couch I tiead,
A rncky cavern is my bed."

Bjorn remained three days in the cave, before the
weather moderated ; but on the fourth day came he
home from the heath to Kamb. He was much ex-

* To the women of the Northern family was more particularly entrusted
the duties of hospitality, among which was included that of bringing dry
garments to the traveller who had suffered from the tempestuousness of the
weather. Antiq. Amer. p. 236, note a.

\ Soana-fold, the region of swans, i.e. water, poet, the sea. Antiq.
Amer. p. 237, note a.

y I

.» i '1

•J 1

!.^| i

lIlL'

190

^IFNOll NARUATIVr-S.

Imustcd. Tho servants asked liim where he had
been during the tempest — Bjiirn sang :

" Well my deeds aro known
Under Styrlyiirn's biiiincr,
Steel-clad Erik slew
(Gallant men in battle ;
Now on mountain wild,
Met by magic sliower,
Ontlet could not find
From tho Wltcbrs powor."*

Bjijrn was now at home for tlie winter. In
spring his brother Arnbjorn fixed Jiis residence at
Bakka in Ilaunhofn, but IJjorn lived at Kamb, and
kept a splendid house

47. The same summer bade Thorodd the tribute-
buyer his brother-in-law Snorri Godi to a feast at
homo at Froda, and Snorri betook himself thither
with twenty men. And while Snorri was at the
feast, disclosed Thorodd to him, how he felt him-
self both disgraced and injured by the visits which
Bjorn Asbrandson made to Thurid his wife, but
sister to Snorri Godi : Thorodd said that Snorri
should remedy this bad business. Snorri was there
a few days, and Thorodd gave him costly presents

* These poetical effusions of Bjiirn may, perhaps, appear somewhat impro-
bable to British readers, but, as has been shewn in the Introduction, the
Northmen of this period, exhibited great readiness In a species of rude ver-
sification, the melody of which was chiefly formed on alliteration. " As late
as the time of Chaucer," says Sir Walter Scott, " it was considered as the
mark of a Northern man to ' affect the letter,' " And his parson thus apo-
logizes for not reciting a piece of poetry :^

" But trusteth wel I am a Sothenie man,
I cannot geste rotn, rum, raf, by my letter,
And God wot, rime hold 1 but little better.*'

Abstract of Eyrbyggja Saga.
" Cette singuli^re manierc do s'exprimer etoit pourtantassez commune,
et peut marquer seule combien ces peuplcs faisoient de cas de la Poesio.'" —
Mallet. Introduc. a I'hist. de Daimcmarr, p. 247.

MINOR NAIlllATIVKS.

197

vvlicn ho wont away. Siiorri (iotli rode from thcnco
over the hoath, and gave out tliat he was going to
the ship in the hay of Uaunhafn. This was in
summer, at the time of haymaking. ]Jut when they
came south on Kamb's heath, then said Snorri :
•' Now will wo ride from the heath down to Kamh,
and I will tell you," said he, " that I will visit Bjorn,
and take his life, if opportunity offers, but not attack
him in the house, for the buildings are strong here,
and IJjorn is strong and hardy, and wo have but
little force ; and it is well known, that men who
have come, even so, with great force, have, with
little success, attacked such valiant men, inside in
the house, as was the case with Geir Godi, and
Gissur the white, when they attacked Gunnar of
Lidarend, in his house, with eighty men, but he was
there alone, and nevertheless were some wounded,
and others killed ; and they had staid the attack,
had not Geir Godi, with his heedfulness, observed
that he was short of arms.* But forasmuch as,"
continued he, *' Bjorn is now out, which may be ex-
pected, as it is good drying weather, so appoint I
thee, my kinsman Mar, to fetch Bjorn the first
wound J but consider well, that he is no man to trifle
with, and that, wherever he is, you may expect a
hard blow from a savage wolf, if he, at the onset,
receives not such a wound as will cause his death.*'
And now when they rode down from the moor to
the farm,t saw they that Bjorn was out in the

* Confer. Njalu, c. 77, 78. Landiiain. p, u, c.o.
t Damun, Ban, (Jaard.

I'l

t¥

' '!

;

1<)S

.MIN'>!! V.AHUATJViiS.

liomestead,* working at a sledge, t and there was
nobody with him, and no weapons had he except a
little axe, and a large knife, of a span's length from
the haft, which he used for boring 'he holes in the
sledge. Bjorn saw that Snorri Godi with his fol-
lowers rodo down from the moor, into the field, and
knew them immediately. Snorri Godi was in a
blue cloak, and rode in front. Bjorn made an im-
mediate resolve, and took the knife, and went
straight towards them ; when they came together, he
seized with the one hand, the arm of Snorri's cloak,
and with the other, held he the knife in such a
manner as was most easy for him to stab Snorri
through the breast, if he should think fit to do so.
Bjijrn greeted them, as they met, and Snorri greeted
him again ; but Mar dropped his hands, for it struck
him that Bjorn could soon hurt Snorri, if any injury
was done to him. Upon this Bjorn went with them
(m their way, and asked what news they had, but
held himself in the same position which he had
taken at the first. Then took up Bjorn the dis-
course in this manner : " It stands truly so, friend
Snorri, that I conceal not 1 have acted towards you,
in such wise, that you may well accuse me, and I
have been told, that you have a hostile intention to-
wards me. Now it seems to me best,'* continued he,
" that if you have any business with me, other than
passing by here to the high road, you should let me

m-w

•Tnnvelli. Dan. hjemme marken.

t Small wooden i.nsliod slcdgos arc used in Scandinavia for drawing in luiy
to the liaggart in .lie summer season.

MINOR NARRATIVES.

199

know it ; but be that not the case, then would I that
you grant me peace, and I will then turn back, for
I go not in leading strings." Snorri answered:
♦' Such a lucky grip took thou of me at our meet-
ing, that thou must have peace this time, how-
ever it may have been determined before ; but
this I beg of thee, that from henceforth, thou cease
to inveigle Thurid, for it will not end well between
us, if thou, in this respect, continue as thou hast
begun." Bjorn replied : " That only will I pro-
mise thee, which I can perform, but I see not, how
I can hold to this, so long as Thurid and I are in
the same district.'* " Thou art not so much bound
to this place," answered Snorri, "but that thou
couldest easily give up thy residence here." Bjorn
replied : " True is that which thou sayest, and
thus shall it be, since you have yourself come to me,
and as our meeting has thus turned out will I pro-
mise thee, that Thorodd and thou shalt have no
more trouble about my visits to Thuridd for the
next year." After this, they separated-, Snorri
Godi rode to the ship, and then home to Helgafell.
The day following rode Bjorn southwards to Raun-
hbfn to go to sea, and he got immediately, in the
summer, a place in a ship, and they were very soon
ready. They put to sea with a north-east wind,
which wind lasted long during the summer ; but of
this ship was nothing heard sinco this long time.

200

i\l/N()ll NAURATIVKS.

The following narrative will shew that Bjorn was driven to
that part of the eastern coast of North America, where White
Man's Land, or Great Ireland was supposed by the North-
men to be situated, and where, thirty years afterwards, ( 10"29,)
Gudleif Gudlaugson, driven in the same direction by easterly
winds, recognised his countryman in a Chief, to whose position
and influence both he and his companions were indebted
for a safe return to their native land. This narrative is
contained in the same Saga from whence the preceding
has been derived ; but before introducing the second pe-
riod in the history of Bjorn Asbrandson to the notice of the
reader, a short sketch from the able pen of Bishop Miiller,
of the general characteristics of the Eyrhyggja Saga, its
high position among Icelandic MSS. its well authenticated
details, and its consequent claims to credibility as regards
all the leading incidents which it records, will serve to
place the two narratives in their proper light, and render
the whole more worthy of consideration in a historical
point of view :

" This Saga contains a number of occurrences and names
of persons that are also mentioned in other places. Tho-
rolf Mostrarskeg's death is fixed by the annals in 918; of
him and his son Thorstein iiuich is to be found iu ^e
Landnumabok, p. 92, seq. ; Thorgrim Thorstelnson's death
is related at length in Gisle Surson's Saga ; the I^andnama
mentions the most of Snorri's actions ; the Annals record
his birth in 964, and his death in 1031 .... Besides, many
of the persons named here are also mentioned in the Krist-
nisaga, and many are to be found in the Niala and Lax-
dajla Sagas."

"The author cites the testimony of Ari Frode, p. 16;
he remarks himself that Snorri appears in many other
Sagas, and expressly mentions p. 334, Laxdacla Saga,
and Ileidarviga Saga. In p. 336, certain circumstances
are stated to have thus happened " according to what most

' ^%

MINOR NARRATIVES.

201

people said;" in p. 174, we read "one sees still the mark
of the new barrow, which Arnkel raised over his father,
and where he made a fence across, so that no animal should
come there." In p. 195, it is stated : " at that time it was
the merchants' custom that they had no cook on board
ship, but that all the ship's company should take it in turn
to cook the victuals : there should also stand a covered can
with drink by the sail." These expressions prove that the
writer of this Saga lived some time after the events which
he here relates ; that already a part of the Saga was current,
and that from these statements, and other individual oral
relations, he put his work together."

" Again : verses are often introduced, as well by the
acting persons as other Skalds who sung of the events.
These must, therefore, on the whole, be considered credible,
and contain many, not unimportant characteristics of the
times. Traces of later decoration appear in the descrip-
tion of the hardihood of those who were wounded at the
battle of Alptefjord, p. 44, and of Thorgunna's witchcraft,
p. 50, seq. but it is only natural that somewhat more of
superstition should appear in this than in many other Sagas,
and the circumstance proves nothing against its antiquity.
The greater number of these embellishments are no more
than what we commonly find, where such superstitious
faith is entertained, and the additions are accordant with
the credulity of the times. The Eyrbyggja Saga is ex-
pressly quoted in the Landnamabok, p. 84. Besides, we
can determine the date of this with greater accuracy than
that of most other Sagas : it must have been vv^ritten before
1264, when Iceland became subject to Norway, because it
is stated, p. 11: "All should pay tribute to the temple,
and be liable for the journeys of the Chief, just as in the
present time, the Thingmen for their Chief:" hence it
follows, that the aristocratic form of society, which ceased
when the island became subject to Norway, nmst have ex-

t ■ ;

'm'^

1 1 ';

HI-'

20^

MINOR NARRATIVES.

isted at the period in question.* The Saga must also have
been written whilst Thord Sturleson and his mother yet
lived, for it says, p. 338 : " when the church which Snorri
Godi had built was removed, his bones were taken up, and
brought down to the place where the church now stands ;
there were present Gudny Bodvar's daughter, Thord and
Sighvat Sturleson's mother : and Thord Sturleson says, that
they were the bones of a middle sized man, and not large.
There were also taken up the bones of Bork the fat,
Snorri Godi's uncle : they were very large ; also was taken
up the wife of Thordis, Thorbjorn Surs' daughter, Snorri
Godi's mother. Gudny says that they were small women's
bones, and as black as if they were singed." This proves
that the writer of the Saga was present with Thord Sturleson,
and his mother. Gudny died in the year 1220 odd, and
the Saga must therefore have been written in the be-
ginning of the 1 3th century."

MUllers Sagabibliothek, 1 B. p. 195, seq.

* See Introduction, pp. v. vi.

VOYAGE OF GUDLEIF GUDLAUGSON

GREAT IRELAND.

A.D. 1029.

Eyrbyggja Saga, Cap. 64. Vellum Fragment, No. 4466, in 4to.

Collated toith the before mentioned MSS.

64. Gudleif hight a man ; he was son of Gud-
laug the rich, of Straumfjord, and brother of Thor-
finn, from whom the Sturlungers are descended.
Gudleif was a great merchant,* he had a merchant
ship, but Thorolf Eyrar Loptson had another, that
time they fought against Gyrd, son of Sigvald Jarl;
then lost Gyrd his eye. It happened in the last
years of the reign of King Olaf the Saint, that Gud-
leif undertook a trading voyage to Dublin ;t but
when he sailed from the west, intended ho to sail to
Iceland ; he sailed then from the west of Ireland,!
and met with north-east winds, and was driven far
to the west, and south-west, in the sea, where no
land was to be seen. But it was already far gone
in the summer, and they made many prayers that
they might escape from the sea ; and it came to pass
chat they saw land. It was a great land, but they
knew not what land it was. Then took they the
resolve to sail to the land, for they were weary of

* Farmadr mikill.

t Some of tlie MSS. add "vestr," shewing that Ireland was spoken of as
lying westwards from Iceland.

t Probably Limerick, which was much frequented by the Nortlimea.

''iU

4„ ,'/

1 '.', '.

1 ■■

\ ^ ■

20i'

MINOR NARRATIVES.

contending longer with the violence of the sea.
They found there a good harhour; and when they had
been a short time on shore, came people to them :
they knew none of the people, hut it rather appeared
to them that they spoke Irish* Soon came to them
so great a number that it made up many hundreds.
These men fell upon them and seized them all,
and bound them, and drove them up the country.
There were they brought before an assembly, to be
judged. They understood so much that some were
for killing them, but others would have them distri-
buted amongst the inhabitants, and made slaves.
And while this was going on, saw they, where rode
a great body of men, and a large banner was borne
in the midst. Then thought they that there must
be a chief in the troop ; but when it came near,
saw they that under the banner rode a large and
dignified man, who was much in years, and whose
hair was white. All present bowed down before
the man, and received him as well as they could.
Now observed they that all opinions and resolutions
concerning their business, were submitted to his
de'jision. Then ordered this man Gudleif and his
companions to be brought before him, and when
they had come before this man, spoke he to them in

• " En helzt totti f>eim, sem Peir inselti irsku." This is a very remark-
able passage, and affords the strongest grounds for believing that the coun-
try to which they were driven, had been previously colonized from Ireland.
The Northmen, from their intercourse with the Irish ports, might be sup-
posed to have had just sufficient knowledge of the language to detect its
sounds (here probably corrupted), and understand the general meaning of
the words. See infra.

MINOR NARRATIVES.

205

the Nortliern tongue,* and asked them from what
country they came. They answered him, that the
most of them were Icelanders. The man asked
which of them were Icelanders ? Gudleif said that
he was an Icelander. He then saluted the old man,
and he received it well, and asked from what part
of Iceland ho came. Gudleif said that he was from
that distriett which hight Borgafjord. Then en-
(juired he from what part of Borgafjord ho came,
and Gudleif answered just as it was. Then asked
this man ahout almost every one of the principal
men in Borgafjord and Breidafjord ; and when they
talked thereon, enquired he minutely about every
thing, first of Snorri Godi, and his sister Thurid of
Froda, and most about Kjartan her son. The
people of the country now called out, on the other
side, that some decision should be made about the
seamen. After this went the great man away from
them, and named twelve of his men with himself,
and they sat a long time talking. Then went they
to the meeting of the people, and the old man said
to Gudleif: " I and the people of the country have
talked together about your business, and the people
have left the matter to me ; but I will now give ye
leave to depart whence ye will ; but although ye
may think that the summer is almost gone, yet
will I counsel ye to remove from hence, for here are
the people not to be trusted, and bad to deal with,
and they think besides that the laws have been
broken to their injury." Gudleif answered : *' What

* Norranu, see ante, p. 07, note. + Ilarmtl.

1 'i'

'20()

MINOR NARRATIVF.S.

iiir

V ■■■

'■•:l\'

I (;■■

shall we say, if fate permits us to return to our own
country, who has given us this freedom ?" He an-
swered : '• That can I not tell you, for I like not
that my relations and foster-hrothers should make
such a journey hereto, as ye would have made, if
ye had not had the benefit of my help ; but now is my
age so advanced, that I may expect every hour old age
to overpower me ; and even if I could live yet for a
time, there are here more powerful men than me,
who little peace would give to foreigners that might
come here, although they be not just here in the
neighbourhood where ye landed." Then caused he
their ship to be made ready for sea, and was there
with them, until a fair wind sprung up, which was
favourable to take them from the land. But before
they separated took this man a gold ring from his
hand, and gave it into the hands of Gudleif, and
therewith a good sword ; then said he to Gudleif :
" If the fates permit you to come to your own
country, then shall you take this sword to the
yeoman, Kjartan of Froda, but the ring to Thurid
his mother." Gudleif replied : *' What shall I say,
about it, as to who sends them these valuables ?"
He answered : " Say that he sends them who was a
better friend of the lady of Froda, than of her bro-
ther, Godi of HelgafeU ; but if any man therefore
thinks that he knows who has owned these articles,
then say these my words, that I forbid any one to
come to me, for it is the most dangerous expedition,
unless it happens as fortunately with others at the
landing place, as with you ; but here is the land

1/ *!

MfNOR NAUnATlVKS.

G07

great, and bad as to harbours, and in all parts may
strangers expect hostility, when it does not turn out
as has been with you." After this, Gudleif and his
people put to sea, and they landed in Ireland late
in harvest, and were in Dublin for the winter.
But in the summer after, sailed they to Iceland, and
Gudleif delivered over there these valuables ; and
people held it for certain, that this man was Bjorn,
THE Champion of Breidavik, and no other account
to be relied on is there in confirmation of this,
except that which is now given here.

The reader will no doubt come to the same concl ision
drawn by the Icelanders respecting the identity of thj aged
chief, to whose generosity and friendly feeling Gudleif and
his companions were so much indebted, and unhesitatingly
pronounce him to have been none other than Bjoiin As-

BKANDSON, THE CHAMPION OF BllEIDAVIK, who, it will be

remembered, had set sail about thirty years before, with a
north-east wind, and had not since been heard of.* The
remarkable accordance of all the personal details, to which
the writer evidently attaches the principal importance,
with the historical events, which are only incidentally al-
luded to, enable is to determine dates and intervals of
time with a degree of accuracy that places the truth of the
narrative beyond all question, and gives a high degree of
interest to these two voyages. The mention of Sigurd Jarl
of the Orkneys, Palnatoki, Styrbjbrn the nephew of Erik
of Sweden, the battle of Fyrisvold, Snorri Godi, " the latter
purt of the reign of king Olaf the saint," gives a chrono-
logical character to the narratives, and enables us to fix

* See ante, p. 19!).

it,:

jiiir

'? ft

Li ;;, til

n v.'

I;l :•

|w ■!' .1

^208

MINOTl N.MUIATIVI.S.

with confidonco, nearly the exact period of tlie principal
events. Hence it upncars that Gudleif Cndlaugson, sailing
from the west of Ireland in the year 1020, with a n. e.
wind, is driven far to the south and south-west, where no
land was to be seen, and that after being exposed for
many days to the violence of the winds and waves, he at
length finds shelter upon a coast, where Bjlirn Asbrandson,
who had '('''t Iceland with n. e. winds thirty years before,
had become established as chief of the inhabitants of the
coinitry. He finds him, as might naturally have been ex-
pected, " stricken in years," and " his hair was white," for
Bjorn had left Iceland for Jomsborg in the prime of life,
had, after taking })art in the achievements of the Jomsvi-
kings up to the death of Palnatoki in 993, returned to and
resided in Iceland until 999, and now thirty winters had
passed over his head since his ultimate departure from his
native land. The locality of the newly discovered country
is next to be determined : Now if a line be drawn running
N. E. and s. w. the course of Bjorn Asbrandson, from the
western coast of Iceland, and another in the same direction
(the course of Gudleif Gudlaugson) from the west coast of
Ireland, they would intersect each other on the southern
shores of the United States, somewhere about Carolina or
Georgia. This position accords well with the description
of the locality of their country, given by the Skraelings to
Thorfinn Karlsefne, and which the Northmen believed to
be White Man's Land or G^ieat Ireland,* as also with
the geographical notices of the same land which have been
already adduced ;f and when to these evidences be added
the statements of Gudleif and his companions respecting
the language of the natives, " which appeared to them to he
Irish,'*X there is every reason to conclude that this was
the Hvitramannaland, Albania, or Irland ed mikla of the
Northmen.

* See ante, p. 103. t Ante, p. 183. X Ante, p. 204.

MINOII N.ARUATIVKS.

^iOD

The notices of the country contained in tliese two nar-
ratives are, doubtless, scanty, and merely incidental, the
object of the narrators being evidently to trace the romantic
and adventurous career of the Champion of I3reidav':l:, and
the perilous voyage of his countrymen, but this very cir-
cumstance is an argument in favour of the honesty of the
statement as regards the supposed Irish settlement; and
the simple and unpretending character of both narratives,
supported, as they are, by historical references, confirmatory
of the principal events, gives to these incidental allusions a
degree of importance to which they would not otherwise be
entitled.

Professor Rafn is of opinion that the White Man's Land,
or Great Ireland of the Northmen was the country situated
to the south of Chesapeake Bay, including North and
South Carolina, Georgia, and East Florida.* It is well
known that the Esquimaux Indians formerly inhabited
countries much further south than they do at present, and
a very remarkable tradition is stated to be still preserved
amongst the Shawanese Indians, who emigrated 87 years
ago, from West Florida to Ohio, that Florida was once
inhabited bi/ white men, who used iron instruments. -f A
German writer also mentions an old tradition of the an-
cestors of the Shawanese having come from beyond the
sea.\

Various circumstances shew that Great Ireland was a
country, of the existence of which the Icelandic historians
had no doubt ; it is spoken of in the Saga of Thorfinn
Karlsefne as a country well known by name to the North-
men ; in the account of Ari Marson's voyage, and the geo-

• Antiq. Amer. p. 448. See Map, Plate 11. It might also have ex-
tended towards the Isthmus of America. See infra, p. '213, seq.

t Account of the present state of the Indian tribes inhabiting Ohio, in
ArchEologia Americana, I. p. 273-27G. ap. Ilafii.

\ Assals Nachrichtcn iiber die frnhcrcn Einwohncr von Nord America
und ihrc Dcnkmiiler, p. 87. ap. Rafn. in Antiq. Amrr. p. 448, note a.

';ilO

MINOR narhativks.

^'raphical frnpptnent, its position is pointocl out : — " west from
Ireland, near Vinland the good" — " next and sotnowhut
behind Vinland,"* and the following extract, taken from
the collection of JJjiirn Johnson, will shew that a Chart
had actually been made of this distant land : —

" Sir Erlenil Thordson had obtained from abroad the
geographical chart of that Albania, or land of the White
men, which is situated opposite Vinland the good, of which
mention has been before made in this little book, and
which the merchants formerly called III hernia Ma.tou or
Great Ireland, and lies, as has been said, to the west of
Ireland proper. This chart had held accurately all those
tracts of land, and the boundaries of Markland, Einfoeting-
jaland, and little Ilelluland, together wi Greenland, to
the west of it, where apparently begins ...^ good Terra
Florida."f This Sir:j: Erlcnd was priest of the parish of
Staden in Steingrimsfjord, on the west coast of Iceland, in
the year I568,§ but no further information has been obtained
respecting the chart, which probably contained the outlines
of all the countries known to the Northmen soon after their
discovery of the American continent.

From what cause could the name of Great Ireland
have arisen, but from the fact of the country having been
colonized by the Irish ? Coming from their own green
island to a vast continent possessing many of the fertile
qualities of their native soil, the appellation would have

* Sec ante, p. 183.

t Sim Erlentlr heitinn Imrdarson, liafdi yfirkomizt utanlamis landatiiblu
um I>ii Albania cdr Uvitramunnaland, scm liggr gagnvart Vinlandi biiiii
guda, ok udr cr umrcedt i ttessutn bseklingi, ok kauprociin fordiim ncfiia
Hyhernia Major cdi' Irlanil hid Mikla, ok liggr, scm adr grcinlr, vcstr fra
almcmiiligu Irlandi. Sii tabla liafdi haldit frodb'ga um Jessa alia landak-
lasa ok roetur, Marklands, Einfoetingja, ok litla HcIIulands sampt ok Groen-
land8 vestr I>angat, seiii scrdeilis til tok sii g<jda Terra Florida." Antiq.
Amer. p. 448, note b.

X Sir was formerly the English title for a priest, see Spenser.

$ Antiq. Amer. p. 449, note b.

MIVOH NAUMATIVI'S.

'2l\

been natural and appropriate ; and costume, colour, or pe-
culiar habits, might have readily given rise to the country
being denominated White Man's Land by the neighbouring
Esquimaux.* Nor does this conclusion involve any im-
probability : we have seen that the Irish visited and in-
habited Iceland towards the close of the 8th century, to
have accom;)lished which they must have traversed a stormy
ocean to the extent of about 800 miles ; that a hundred years
before the time of Dicuil, namely in the year 725, they
had been founa upon the Faroe islands ; that in the 10th
century, voyages between Iceland and Ireland were of or-
dinary occurrence ; and that in the beginning of the 11th
century, White Mian's Land or Great Ireland is men-
tioned, — not as a newly discovered country, — but as a
land long known by name to the Northmen. Neither the
Icelandic historians or navigators were, in the least degree,
interested in originating or giving currency to any fable re-
specting an Irish settlement on the southern shores of North
America, for they set up no claim to the discovery of that
part of the Western continent, their intercourse being
limited to the coasts north of Chesapeake Bay. The dis-
covery of Vinland and Great Ireland appear to have been
totally independent of each other : the latter is only inci-
^ dentally alluded to by the Northern navigators ; with the
name they were familiar, but of the peculiar locality of the
country they were ignorant, nor was it until after the return
of Karlsefne from Vinland in 1011, and the information
which he obtained from the Skreelings or Esquimaux who
were captured during the voyage, that the Northmen be-
came convinced that White Man's Land or Great Ireland
was a part of the same vast continent, of which Helluland,
Markland, and Vinland formed portions.

The traces of Irish origin which have been observed among
some of the Indian tribes of North and Central America tend
also to strengthen the presumption that these countries had

*See infra, p. 215.

fc^':i

y ]r :-

2 1^2

MINOR NARRATIVES.

been colonized from Ireland at some remote period of time.*
llask, the eminent Danish philologist, leans to this opinion,
which he founds upon the early voyages of the Irish to Ice-
land and the similitude between the Hiberno-Celtic, and
American Indian dialects. " It is well known," he says,
" that Iceland was discoyereJ and partially inhabited by
the Irish before its discovery and occupation by the Scan-
dinavians; and when we find that the Icelanders, de-
scended from the Scandinavians, discovered North America,
it will appear less improbable that the Irish,who, at that pe-
riod, were more advanced in learning and civilization, should
have undertaken similar expeditions with success :"f the
name of Irland it Mikla he also considers to be a suf-
ficient indication of the Irish having emigrated thither
from their own country.

It seems to be generally admitted by historians and anti-
quaries that the main stream of colonization has flowed
from east to west, the Celts preceding the Teutonic and
Sarmatian races, by a long interval of time. Herodotus,
four centuries before the Christiaw era, places the Celts
beyond the pillars of Hercules, and upon the borders of the
most westerly region in Europe,;]; and Caesar in the first
century finds them in Gaul and Britain ; that their succes-
sors, the Goths, should have driven them to seek for regions
still further westward is therefore in full accordance with
the course of their former migrations, and the same noma-
dic principle which brought them from Asia to the British
isles, might have wafted them in later ages to the western
world.

The illustrious Leibnitz seems to have contemplated the

* In Indigenis Americtc Septemtrionalis reperiri qiiDBilam Hlbemicaj ori-
ginis vestigcia, plures ducti et expert! viii obscrvaverunt. Rafn in Antiq.
Amer. p. 449.

t Siinlede Afhundlinger, B. 1, p. 105.

I 01 Si KtXro'i thi t^o* 'MfaKXtjUov (TTii\(b)V onovptovai Si Kvvti(jiot(ri, n'i
tit-j^arot 1r^)bQ dvcifiiwv otVeofffi rwv tv rii EiipwTry KaToiKt]fiiv(ov.

Euterp. xxxiii. Mclpom. xlix.

'»*»'

MINOR NARRATIVES.

QV3

possibility of such a remote Celtic settlement when he
wrote: — " And if there be an]/ island beyond Ireland, where
the Celtic language is in use, by the help thereof v/e should
be guided, as by a thread, to the knowledge of still more
antient things."*

The remarkable- narrative of Lionel Wafer who resided
for several months amongst the inhabitants of Uie Isthmus of
America, contains some remarkable passages bearing upon
this subject, and which, as the author had no preconceived
opinions on the affinity of languages, or favourite theory to
uphold, are deserving of notice : speaking of their lan-
guage, he says : —

" My knowledge of the Highland language made me the
more capable of learning the Darien Indians' language,
when I was among them, for there is some affinity ; not in
the signification of the words of each language, but in the
pronunciation, which I could easily imitate, both being
spoken pretty much in the throat, with frequent aspirates,
and much the same sharp or circumflex tang or cant."f
This writer, however, had evidently not paid much atten-
tion to the affinities of the two languages which he compares
and finds only to resemble in pronunciation, for many of
the words which he afterwards adduces as examples of the
Indian language, bear a marked similitude to those of the
Celtic, as may readily be seen by the following com-
parison : —

* " £t si ultra Hiberniam esset aliqua insula Celtici sermonis, ejus
filo in multo adhuc antiquiora duceremur." Leibnitzius, Collect. Etymol.
Vol. I. p. 163.

f A New Voyage and Description of the Isthmus of America, giving an
account of the author's abode there, the Indian inhabitants, their manners,
customs, language, &c. by Lionel Wafer, London, 1C99, p. 18G. This
author is one of Dr. Robertson's authorities, and described by that eminent
historian as " a traveller possessing more curiosity and intelligence than we
should have expected to find in an associate of Buccaneers." Plist. Anicr.
Vol. V. of Works, p. 294 : Wafer appears to have been surgeon in a privateer.

11 . :,

1 : ■

' 'i'

1 ;.

i'
>

^ :■

^14

MINOR NARRATIVES.

Ajwerican-Indian.

TrtMfaA— Father

Celtic.

Namah — Mother.
Pootiah — Vv'oman
Neenah — Girl
iVlee"— the Moon

^ecAaA (pron. Eetsha) — Ugly

PaeecAaA— Foh ! Ugly ! .

Eeehah Malooquah, an expresBion

of great dislike
Cotchah, sleep
Caupah (pron. Capa), hammock

Eetah, got .
Doolah, water
Copah, drink
Mamaumah, fine

Taduys (Welsh), Tad (Corn.) Tat
(Armoric) Dad or Daddy (vulg.
Irish)

Naing (Irish).

Bean (Ir.) jBwn (Armor.)

Neean (antieat 8cotch).

Neul, a star— light — neultaib njme, the
stars of heaven (Ir.).

Etseact — Death (Ir. ) — the ugliest of all
things.

Pah, prefixed to a word in Welsh aug-
ments its signification.

Malluighe or malluigte, cursed, ac-
cursed (Irish).

Codalta and Codaltac, sleepy (Ir.).

Cuba, a cloak, Caban, tent, cottage (Ir.)
Gaban, ib. (Welsh).

Ed, to take, handle (Irish).

Tuile, a flood (Ir.).

Ce6bae, drunkenness (Ir.)

Ma, ma, ha, would be nearly the sound
of the repetition of the word ba
which signifies good in Irish : the m
and b are also often used indiscrimi-
nately. See O'Brien — Remarks on
letter M.

Emoi, to name (Welsh), Ilenu, a
name (Armor.).

Wafer further says : " Their way of reckoning from score
to score is no more than what our old English way was,
but their saying, instead of thirty-one, thirty-two, &c. one
score and eleven, one score and twelve, &c. is much like
the Highlanders of Scotland and Ireland, reckoning eleven
and twenty, twelve and twenty, &c. ; so for fifty-three, the
Highlanders say thirteen and two score, as the Darien
Indians would two score and thirteen, only changing the
place. In my youth I was well acquainted with the High-
land or primitive Irish language, both as it is spoken in
the north of Ireland,

Eenah. to call

partic

upon

MINOR NARRATIVES.

'215

Boyne, and about the town of Virgini upon Lough
Rammer in the Barony of Castle Raghen, in the County
of Cavan ; and also in the Highlands of Scotland, where I

have been up and down in several places I learned

a great deal of the Darien language in a month's conversa-
tion with them."*

Wafer's description of the dress of this tribe of American
Indians, presents also a remarkable coincidence with the short
notices of the inhabitants of White Man's Land, as given
to Karlsefne by the Esquimaux : —

" They have a sort of long cotton garment of their own,
some lohite, others of a rusty black, shaped like our carters'
frocks, hanging down to their heels, with a fringe of the same
of cotton, about a span long, and short, wide, open sleeves,
reaching but to the middle of the arms. These garments
they put on over their heads. . . . When they are thus as-
sembled, they will sometimes walk about the place, or plan-
tation, where they are, with these their robes on ; and I once
saw Lacenta (a chief) thus walking about, with two or three
hundred of these attending him, as if he was mustering them :
and I took notice that those in the black gowns walked before
him, a7id the white after him, each having their lances of the
same colour with their rohes\. . . . They were all in their
finest robes, which are lovj white (/owns, reaching to their
ancles, with fringes at the bottom, and in their hands they
had half pikes."+

• Wafer's New Voyage and Description of the Isthmus of America, &c.
pp. 183, 184, 186.

t Confer. Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefne, p. 103.

t Wafer's Voyages, &c. pp. 37, 14'2. This author also makes mention of
white people in the Isthmus of America, similar to the Albinos o( Africa,
which are not, however, he says, a distinot race, but are occasionally the
progeny of copper-coloured parents (p. 137). Humboldt also mentions the
circumstance of fair children being born of dark coloured American Indians,
(Hd. Cab. Lib. x. p. 120,) shewing how little dependance is to be placed on
skin or complexion as indications of race.

216

MINOR NAIIUATIVES.

■i.

M''

■ )

.(/'If' ;i
1^ ff..'

i; '

The affinity between the American-Indian and Celtic
languages, and consequent probability of an European set-
tlement having been formed upon the shores of New Spain
before the arrival of the Spaniards, appears to have been en-
tertained by many writers of eminence in the 17th century.*
In the remarkable work entitled the " Turkish Spy," we
find the author positively affirming the similarity of the two
languages, and stating the tradition of an early European
settlement :

*' This prince (Charles II.) has several nations under his
dominions, and 'tis thought he scarce knows the just extent
of his territories in America. There is a region in that con-
tinent inhabited by a people whom they call Tuscorards and
Doegs. T/teir language is the same as is spoken by the
British or Welsh. . . Those Tuscorards and Doegs of Ame-
rica are thought to descend from them. . . Itis certain, that
when the Spaniards first conquered Mexico, they were sur-
prised to hear the inhabitants discourse of a strange people,
that formei-ly came thither in corraughs,\ who taught them
the knowledge of God, and of immortality, instructed them
also in virtue and morality, and prescribed holy rites and ce-
remonies of religion. 'Tis remarkable also, what an Indian
King said to a Spaniard, viz. : That in foregoing ages, a
strange people arrived there by sea, to whom his ancestors
gave hospitable entertainment ; in regard they found them
men of wit and courage, endued also with many other excel-
lencies : but he could give no account of their original or
name. . . . The British language is so prevalent here, that
the very towns, bridges, beasts, birds, rivers, hills, &c. are

• See Baumgarten, Allgcmcine Geschichte der Liinder und Volckcr von
Americu, P.i. c. i. p. 27. Pere Charleroi ap. Mallet. Introduc. al'histolrc do
Dannemarc, pp. 188, 189.

t This is a goud commciitury upon the sUiteinent of Canibrcnsis, who ilc-
scribes the curraghs as so little sea-worthy, that the tail of a salmon would
upset them !— See Topog. Ilibern.

MINOll NARRATIVES.

217

calitid by British or Welsh names."* "Who can tell," truly
adds '^^he author, " the various transmigrations of mortals on
earth, or trace out the true originals of any people "?

The improbability of the Irish having, at any very remote
period of time, been in possession of vessels of sufficient power
and capacity to enable them to accomplish a voyage across
the Atlantic, may, perhaps, be urged as an objection to this
supposed early migration to the American coast ; but, with-
out resting upon their antient Spanish or Carthaginian
connexion, a very little enquiry will shew, that, at least in
the first centuries of the Christian era, they were amply
provided with the means of accomplishing a voyage to the
New World, which, from the western coast of Ireland, little
exceeds 1 600 miles.f

O'Halloran states, on the authority of the Psalter of Ca-
shel, said to be the oldest Irish MS., that Moghcorb, King
of Leath Mogha, or Munster, prepared a large fleet in the
year 296, and invaded Denmark ; and that in the following
century, (A. D. 367), Criomthan, who in the Psalter of Ca-
shel is styled Monarch of Ireland and Albany, and leader of
the Franks and Saxons, prepared a formidable fleet, and
raised a large body of troops, which were transported to
Scotland, for the purpose of acting in conjunction with the
Picts and Saxons, against the Roman wall, and devastating

* " Letters writ by aTurkish Spy, who lived five and forty years undisco-
vered in Paris, giving an impartial account to the Divan at Constantinople,
of the most remarkable transactions of Europe, &c. from the year 1673 to
the year 108'2; written originally in Arabic, 10th edition, London, 1734." —
Vol. 8, p. 159, seq. The real author of this work, which caused a great
sensation at the time, as well from the highly interesting character of its
contents, as from ths profound secrecy in which the name of the writer was
long involved, was John Paul Marana, a native of Italy. See D'lsraeli's
Curios. Lit.

t " Newfoundland is the nearest part of America to Europe ; the distance
from St. Joliri's, in Newfoundland, to Port Valentia, on the west coast of Ire-
land, being 1G5G miles." Hist, of Brit. Colonics, by Montgomery Martin,
Vol. III. p. 455, note.

ft'i

m ■

■hf

218

MINOR NARRATIVES,

the provinces of Britain.* In .'396, an expedition, upon a
most extensive and formidable scale, was undertaken by the
celebrated Niall of the Nine Hostages, one of the most dis-
tinguished princes of the Milesian race : " Observing," says
Moore, " that the Romans, after breaking up the line of en-
campment along the coast opposite to Ireland, had retired to
the eastern shore, and the northern wall, Niall perceived
that an apt opportunity was thus offered for a descent upon
the now unprotected territory. Instantly summoning, there-
fore, all the forces of the island, and embarking them on
board such ships as he could collect, he ranged, with his nu-
merous navy, along the whole coast of Lancashire," &c.+ It
was to this expedition that the poet Claudian, lauding the
achievement of his patron Stilicho, alluded, in the memora-
ble lines : —

Me quoque vicinis pereuntem gentibus, inquit,
Miinivit Stilico. Totam cum Scotus leniem
Movit et infesto spumavit reinige Thetys.

By him defended, when the neighbouring hosts
Of warlike nations spread along our coasts ;
When Scots t came thundering from the Irish shores,
And the wide ocean foamed from hostile oars.

De Laudab. Stil. Lib. 2.

•Vol. II. pp. 281,293.

t Hist. Ireland, Vol. I. p. 150.

i The Irish are supposed to have obtained the name of Scots or Scoti from
the Scotic or Scythic origin of the Spanish settlers under the sons of Milesius,
whose invasion Moore places " about a century or two '' before the Christian
era; other more enthusiastic national historians take us back to 800 years
before that period ; and O'Halloran fixes the landing on the 17th of May,
A. M. 2736, or 12G4 years before the birth of Christ. (Vol. II.p. 97.) The
name Scoti, he derives from Scota, the wife of Niulus, High Priest of Phce-
nius, the inventor of letters, and ancestor of Milesius, in proof of hich is
given the following quotation from an Irish poem of the 9th century, enti-
tled, Canam bunadhas na Nagaoidheal, or " Let us rehearse the origin of
Ihe Irish": —

" Phueni o Pliacnius adbearta ; bvigli s^un dochta
Oaoidheal a Guoidlieal glasghurta : Scuit 6 Scota." Or: —

MINOR NARRATIVES.

219

This same Niall extended his enterprise to the coast of
Britanny, and ravaged the maritime districts of the north-
west of Gaul, during which expedition was captured the great
Christian apostle, St. Patrick.

" It is clear the Irish are called Phenians from Phcenius, Gathelians from
Gathelus (son of Niulus and Scota), and Scots from Scota." Vol. II. p. 66.

Mr. Wood puts aside all this high genealogy, and derives the word from
the Gothic Skut, applied to the Belgic colony in Ireland ; and thence after-
wards transferred generally to the Irish at large (Enquiry, p. 81) ; while
Camden, on the other hand, says, ** Sure it is that they came out of Spain
into Ireland, and part of them, departjng thence, came and added a third
nation unto the Britains and Picts in Brituine. . . . Neither can it be a mar-
vaile, that a number of them withdrew themselves into Ireland, out of the
north part of Spaine, which, as Strabo writes, is most barainc, and wherein
men live most miserably." (Britanniti, p. 06.) Moore shews, by a train of
reasoning which cannot well be overthrown, that whatever Belgic, Northern,
or Gaulish colonies may have been established in later years, tlie primitive
inhabitants of the country were most probably derived from Celtic Spain,
whose position, and early intercourse, by means of Phoenician and Car-
thaginian settlers on her western coast, naturally led to a colonization
which could so easily have been effected. The historical traditions of both
countries favour this assumption, and the fact of the Irish calling all
foreigners Gall, or Gaill, seems to be conclusive against their Gaulish or Bri-
tisli extraction." Scoti sumus, non Galli,"is their expression, says Ware;
who, in the face of this, advocates the British extraction of the earlier inha-
bitants! Let the Belgic, Gallic, Scythic, or Danaic settlements be placed when
and where they may, the great majority of the people of Ireland present, in
their features, habits and language, all the living characteristics of an essen-
tially Celtic population, — characteristics which time has not changed or con-
quest obliterated, — which more than 200 years constant intercourse with the
Northmen could not efface, — which GOO years connection with England has
not altered, and which even in the present day, are as distinctly visible as
her fertile vallies and verdant hills. That the term Scoti was the distinc-
tive appellation of the Irish, from an early period, down to the beginning
of the eleventh century, and was afterwards, through colonization from
Ireland, transferred to North Britain, is evident, from the application of the
name in the works of antient writers ; and the distinction between the Cale-
donian and Hibernian Scots, as well as the descent ofthe modern Scots from
the Irish, is clearly pointed out in the following lines of an old Latin poem,
called Palal-Albion, published in the reign of James I., and quoted by Sir
Jauicb Ware in his Antiquities of Ireland : —

. s

; ■
i

R^i

220

MINOR NARRATIVES.

Tiiat such expeditions could have been carried on by
means of the little fragile currachs, to which mode of trans-
port some writers would limit the sea expeditions of the
Irish at this period, seems scarcely credible and while
allowing full force to the fearless and enterprising spirit of
the gallant Scoti, and the " contempto pelagi," alluded to by
Eric of Auxerre, we must allow them some more rational
means for conveying a body of troops across the British and
Gallic channels than these frail barks.*

Not that the currachs were insufficient for individual
enterprise of a more peaceful character, and it seems
probable that the monks of the 8th century launched
themselves on the northern ocean in these simple hide-
covered skiffs, and thus eifected a passage to their island
retreats ; for we find St. Corniac committing himself to
the sea in a similar bark, and on one occasion he is said

At quoniam Arctoo Scotico Rex noster ab orbc

Ncc minus occiduis, pcrhibcnt, Scotua ortus Hibemis,

Qui Britonum parent eccptris.

Or, according to Harris's translation : —

But since our King from northern Scotia came,
Not less the Scots, if wc may credit fame,
Alilce submiss to Britain's throne, derive
Tlieir lineage from Hibernians western hive.

, .Iwte

The Abbe Macgeoghan (p. 144) fixes the first emigration to Scotland in
the third century, when they formed a settlement in Argyleshire, part of
which was known by the name of lerna, and the Hebrides were called JErin.
" Foreigners," says Wood, " denominated the Highlands Hibemia, and their
inhabitants Hiberni, as late as the eleventh century, and the Lowlanders
called them Irish ;" but after the destruction of the Picts, in the ninth cen-
tury, the name Scotia was transferred to North Britain. — See Enquiry con-
cerning the Prim. Inhab. of Ireland, p. 162.

* The currachs were probably used on such expeditions just as the
" scaphas longarum navium " were by Cassar, for landing the troops. See
De Bell. Gull. B. iv. c. 26.

[|%sj

MINOR NARRATIVF.S.

221

to have been out of sight of land for fourteen days and
nights.*

IJut the remarkable passage in Tacitus, which has been
80 often cited by Iri>I. historians in proof of the early
maritime importance of their country, would lead to the
conclusion that at a period, anterior to that now under
consideration, the Irish were possessed of ships, or vessels of
no mean size or description. " Ireland," the Roman historian
says, "situated midway between Britain and Spain, and con-
venient also to the Gallic sea, connected a most powerful
portion of the empire by considerable mutual advantages,
the soil and climate, and the dispositions and habits of the
people do not differ much from those of Britain : the
apj)roaches and harbours are better known, by reason of
commerce and the merchants "j- " From this it appears,"

* '• Nam cum ejus navis a terris per quntuordecem a3stei tcmporis dies
totidcmque noctes, plenis vclis austro flante vento, ad scptcntrionalis
plagam coeli dirccto excurrere cursu." Adamnan. De S. Columb, as quoted
by Moore, V. I. p. 191, Sir James Ware pives an extract from an MS.
copy of tlie life of St. Brendan, in wliicii tiiu Corrmjh is described to be u very
light barque ribbed and fenced with timbers, and covered with raw cow
hides, the joining of the skins being daubed with butter. Into such a vessel,
the writer adds, " they put materials for making two other boats, of otlier
skins, and provisions for forty days, and butter to dress or prepare tlie
skins for the covering of the boat, and other utensils necessary for human
life. They also fixed a tree in the midst of the banjue, and a sail, and other
things belonging to the steering of a boat." [Antiq. Ir. II. p. 178-9.] Here
long voyages seem to have been contemplated, and the same writer states
on the authority of a passage in Mai'ianus Scotus, an eminent Irisli anna-
list of the 11th century, that " three Scots (Irishmen) named Duflan, Mac-
beth, and Magulmumenus, coveting to lead a life of pilgrimage for tlie
Lord's sake, taking with them provisions sufficient for a week, fled privately
out of Ireland, and entering into a boat, made of two hides and a half, in a
miraculous manner, without sails or tackling, in seven days landed in Corn-
wall, and from thence made their way to king Alfred.'' Ware, V. II. p. 179.
t " Hibcrnia medio inter Britannium atque Ilispaniam sita, et Gallico
quoque mari opportuna, vaientissimam imnerii partem magnis invicem

usibus niiscuerit Solum coelumque, et ingenia cultusque hominum

baud multum a Britannia differunt, melius aditus portusque per com-
mercia et negotiatorcs coijniti." Vit. Agric. c. 24.

2^22

MINOR NARRATIVES.

\f' ■:

31 1

.J'

%f ■■ ?''■'

J| ?^ .|

,'. ?f>ij. J'

■'

-.*; ^ a^

:■'* . ■■

' ■

If ^

u ■■

says Mooro, "that though scarce heard of till within a
short period by the Romans, and almost as strange to the
Greeks, this sequestered island was yet in possession of
channels of intercourse distinct from either ; and that whilst
the Britons, shut out from the continent by their Roman
masters, saw themselves deprived of all that profitable
intercourse which they had long maintained with the
Veneti and other people of Gaul, Ireland still continued
to cultivate her old relations with Spain, and saw her barks
venturing on their accustomed course, between the Celtic
Cape, and the Sacred Promontory,* as they had done for
centuries bt fore."

That Ireland must have been included amongst the Cassite-
rides which are known to have been viflted by the Phoeni-
cians, before the Gallic invasion of Britain, seems to be
admitted by all unprejudiced writers upon this subject,f and

* Cape St. Vincent and Carnsore Point. The distance from Corunna to
Cape Clear direct, is about GOO miles, but the greater part of the voyape
might be performed within sight of land, by taking a circuitous course.

t " We may therefore admit, without much chance oi' error, that the
Cassiterides visited by the Phoenicians, were the British islands, though
the Romans understood by the name the islands of Seilly, with perhaps,
part of the coast of Cornwall." Sharon Turner, Hist. Anglo-Saxons,
vol. i. p. 55. Pliny says : " Plumbum ex Cassiteride insula primus appor-
tavit Midacritus." [Hist. Nat. vii. p. 67.] and lead, it is well known, can
be reckoned amongst the mineral productions of Ireland : hence Donatiis,
writing in the fifth century, thus enumerates the characteristics of the
country : —

Finibus occiduis, describitur optima tellus

Nomine et antiquis, Scotia scripta libris.

Insula dives opum Gemmarmn, vestis, et Auri :

Commoda corporibus Acre, Solip, Solo.

Melle fluit pulchris, et lacteis Scotia campis

Vostibus, atque armis, frugibus, arte, viris.

Ursorum rabies nulla est ibi ; sseva leonunt

Semina, nee unquam Scotica terra tulit.

Nulla venena nocent, nee serpens serplt 'n herbft,

Nee conquesta canit, garrula rana lacu ;

In qua Scotorum gentes, habitare merentar :

Inclyta gens hominum, Militc, Pace, Fide !

MINOR NAURATIVKS.

'Z'23

that the mystery, in which these wily traders sought to con-
ceal their commercial monopoly, has led to the obscurity in
which the records of their voyages is involved. That the
nautical knowledge and equipments of the Celtic popu-
lation of Spain and Ireland must have received considerable
advancement from this connection, is a natural consequence.
Inhabiting the maritime regions of the Spanish peninsula,
they were necessarily brought into immediate contact with
the Carthaginian merchants, who had formed settlements
on the same coast, and from whom they probably obtained
not only their knowledge of navigation, but of those religious
rites and ceremonies which were afterwards developed in
the form of Druidism.

That the latter was not of British origin seems obvious.
Caesar's description of its observances is only reconcileable
with his account of Britain, on the assumi)tion that the
chief seat of the Druids was in Ireland, for while he de-
scribes the Gauls as deriving their knowledge of Druidism
from the British,* he represents the latter as inferior in
civilization to the Gauls. Even in the time of Tacitus

Wliicli is tliiis spiritedly translatcrt by O'llalloian :—
Far westward lies an isle of antiont fame,
l?y nature blessed, and Scotia is lier name,
Enroll'd in books : exliaustless is her store,
Of veiny silver, and of golden ore.
Her fruitful soil for ever teems with wealth,
With gems her waters, and her air with healtli ;
Iler verdant fields with milk and honey flow,
Her woolly fleeces vie with virgin snow.
Her waving furrows float with bearded corn ;
And arms and arts her envied sons adorn !
No savage bear, with lawless fury roves,
Nor fiercer lion through her peaceful groves ;
No poison there infects, no scaly snake
Creeps through the grass, nor frog annoys the lake ;
An island worthy of its pious race.
In war triumphant, and unmutch'd in peace !

* Comment. B. vi.c. xii.

^ir

224

MINOR NAnRATIVRS.

the Britons are represented as ferocifP,* a state of bar-
barism obviously incompatible with the creation of a high
wrought mysterious superstition, implying considerable in-
tellectual advancement and scientific knowledge : a super-
stition, be it remembered, which is known to have existed
amongst the Phoenicians and Carthaginians.

The Roman knowledge of the British isles was extremely
limited and imperfect ; before the time of Tacitus they
were ignorant of the insular position of Britain, f and the
acquaintance of Agricola with Ireland was principally
derived from the doubtful information of a faithless Irish
chief, who sought the Roman camp to betray his country.^
Ireland also, according to Ptolemy, was formerly called
Little Britain, therefore when Caesar speaks of the Gauls
repairing to Britain in order to become instructed in the
mysteries of Druidism,§ the term may have been intended
as a general expression for the British isles. ||

ii;

■ r.

i" f

* " Plus tamcn feroclte Britanni jjroDfcrunt." Vit. Agric. c. II.

i " Ilanc Oram novissimi miiris tunc primuiu Roniana clusaiscircumvcctn,
insulam esse Britanniam adfirn.avit." Vit. Agric. c. 10.

t '* Agricola expulsum seditione domestica unum ox rcgulis gentis ox-
cppcrat, lie specie amicitioa in occasioncin retinebat. Ssape ex eo audivi,''
&c. ib. c. 24.

^ Comment. B. vi. c. xii.

II It should be recollected also that Ctesur merely mentions the origin of
th.? Druids as traditionary ; *' Disciplinam existimatur reperta esse in
Britannia," &«. Ibid. Sharon Turner would appear to lean to the opinion
of Druidism having originated with the Phoenicians or Carthaginians:
" If this system," he observes, " was the creature of a more civilized
people, none of the colonizers of Britain are so likely to have been its
parents as the Phoenicians or Carthaginians; the fact so explicitly asserted
by Ca'sar, that the Druidical system began in Britain, and was thence
introduced into Gaul, increases our tendency to refer it to those nations.
The state of Britain was inferior in civilization to that of Gnul, and there-
fore it seems more reasonable to refer the intellectual parts of Druidism to
the foreign visitors who are knoton to have cultivated such subjects, than
to su, pose them to have originated from the rude unassisted natives,"
Hist. Anglo-Saxons, v. i. p. 7G.

MINOU NARHATIVI S.

'llie Druids C'wsar tells us, are concerned in divine mat-
tors, superintend public and private sacrifices, interpret
religious rites, determine controversies, inheritance, boun-
daries of land, rewards and punishments ... " They are
said to learn by heart a great number of verses, for which
reason some continue in the discipline twenty years." —
" Thei/ use written characters." — " Much besides they dis-
course, and deliver to youth, upon the stars, and their
motion, on the magnitude of the world and the earth, on
the nature of things, on the influence and power of the
immortal Gods."*

This particular class, combining the double office of
judge and priest, although common in the time of Coesar
to the British isles, would naturally be found most enlight-
ened in that part of the three kingdoms, whose direct com-
munication with Spain, from a remote period, brought it
into more immediate contact with the Phoenician navi-
gators ; and the appellations of " Sacred Isle," and " Sa-
cred Promontory," in the works of Ptolemyf and Avienus,:^
lead us involuntarily to the conclusion, that, hundreds of
years before the Roman invasion of Britain, Ireland was
the depository of those Phoenician superstitions, which after-
wards became adopted throughout the British Isles under
the form of Druidisra.

* Comment. B. vi. c. xiii.

T Hieron vel Sacrum Piomoii. (Carnsore Point) See Ptol. Geog.
i Ast hinc iluobus in sacrum, sic hisulain
Dixere prisci, solibus cureus rati est -.
II BBC inter unilas roultum cespiteni jacit,
Eamque Iat6 gens Hibernoriim colit.

Orce MaritiintE.
This alludes to a period so far back as the moat flourishing epoch of
Carthage, when Himilno, following the crfiirse of the Phoenician voyagers
along the coast of Spain, extended his explorations to the Scilly isles, and is
placed by some writers at 1000 years before the Christian era. " Of all
these known and acknowledged features of the antient Celtic worship, of
that superstition which spread wherever the first races of men dispersed

'2'2i^

MfNOU NAUUATIVES.

't ■

■'■.. ;■ J

I '^1

The root of the word Druid is to be found with litth;
variation in the Hiborno-Celtic huiguage of the present
<Uiy, Druoj signifying a Druid, magician or wise man, and
Oy//ow/wr//<orDraoide-achta, magic or the Druidical form
of worshi}) ;* the golden ornaments in the shape of a half
moon, which have been frequently found in the Irish bogs,
are supposed to have been connected with these supersti-
tions, of which lunar worshij) formed a part,f and add to
the numerous testimonies in proof of its great antiquity.

themsclvos, there roinaiii, to tliis day, undoubted traces and testinionio'*,
not only in the ti'iiditions and records of Ireland, but iu those spcakinj;-
monuments of antiquity which aie still scattered over her hills and
pliiins " Moore, I. p. 10. I cannot, however, concur in the opinion of those
antiquaries who coufiider that any induction relative to the Druidical
form of worship, can be drawn from the so called Leachts, Cromleachs, or
Pillar Stones, which are to be met with in so many parts of Ireland.
Similar monuments have been found in Scandinavia and Germany, wiicro it
is not pretended that Druidisrn obtained, and I have had ojjportunities of
personally examining several rude stone structures both in Sweden and
Norway, which bear a marked resemblance; to those found in Ireland and
jmrts of Uritain. Tlie Opfer Stein of Germany and Ofi'er Sten of Scan-
diiuivia is the Cromlech of ilie British isles, and the litiufa Stcn the upright
or pillar stone, the former answering tlie double purpose of altar and
grave, and the latter being commemorative or monumentfil. Such remains
aie to be found in all piirts of Europe and Asia, and are probably coeval
with the first races of m^-ukind. Tin- first act of Noah after leaving the
ark, was " to build an nUar and offer burnt offerings to the Lord." (Gen
viii, 20.), and Jacob sets up a pitln->\ and a heap of stones in testimony of
the covenant between him and Laban. Gen. xxxi. 44, seq.

* See O'Brien in voce JJrdoj. i'he original Irish word for Bruid, according
to Toland, is Drni, having the nominative plural Dniidhe, which became
afterwards corrupted into Draoithe. Sec Toland's Hist, of Druidisrn, p. 65,
The following comparison of Scripture passages will shew the application of
the term iu Hiberno-Celtic : — " Anois Draoithe na Hegiptc, dor innedur-
sanfosaran modhgceaduale wirt>i(//'o<(;/it'«c/(^<t///t." Kxod. vii. 11. [See two
first books of Pentateuch from original Irisli MSS. by T. Connellan, Lond.
1820.]— " And the Wirt[7i«Vws of Egypt, they also did in like manner willi
their enchantments." — English version. " Feuch Tangadar Draoithe o naird
shoir go Hierusalera." Matt ii. 1. — [Irish Bible by William Bhedel, Lab.
1827.]— " Behold there came wise inen from the East to JeruBalem," —
English version. t Moore, p. 22.

,■> I-

MINOR NARRATIVES.

007

But the high state of perfection, if it may be so called,
in which the Druidical form of worship existed in Ireland,
and tlie superior acquirements of her Pagan priesthood to
those of the l?ritish, is best evinced by the vestiges of the
Ogham or occult character in which their mysteries were
recorded, and which presents a mai'ked resemblance to the
secret mode of writing, known to have been used for similar
purposes by the hierarchies of the East.*

The following is the Ogham alphabet, as given by Sir
James Ware in the second volume of his Antiquities of
Ireland: — f

M^^'^^imfiiiim^

nriiiiiiniiii

cu o. u.

en. oi

lll-||l1IIIMIIII)CQ-ci. r - ^

* Moore, p. 53. — "The word Ogmbis," says Tolland, "is pure Celtic."
.... the word O/jum, Ogam, or Oymn, is one of the most authentic wonU

of the Irish languaire From signifying the 8pc?v?/ qfj/'ri^j/;^, it came

to signify secret writing. . . . There are several MS. treatises extant, d,^-
scribing and teacliing the various methods." [Hist, of Druids, pp. 83, 84.]
Sir James Ware says — " I have, in my custody, an antientparclimeiu Ixink
filled with such characters." [Vol. II. p. H).] It is doubtless to this secret
writing that Tacitus refers, when he says of the Germans : " l-iteraruni
secreta viripariter ac fcmiiia; ignorant," [De. Mor. Ger. c. 10.] thus agree-
ing with Caesar's statement that they had neither Druids nor sacrifices : —
" Nam aequo Druidcs habent qui rebus divinis pruesint, noque sacrifieiis
student.''~De Bell. Gall. Lib. VI. c. x.\i.

t Several inscriptions upon stone, written in this occult character,— than
which nothing more simple and primitive can be well imagined, — have been
discovered in the Province of Munster, by the Rev. Matthew Horgan,
R. C. Rector of Blarney, in the County of Cork, assisted by the r.ealou«
Irish antiquaries Abraham Abell and John Windele of that city. Great
incredulity was for some time expressed on the subject of the Oghini in-

Q 2

228

MINOR NARRATIVES.

"I,

n 1.1

It may therefore be presumed without much stretch of
credulity that the same communication with the Pha>nician
settlers on the coast of Spain which transmitted these
eastern superstitions to the Irish shore, may have also
brought with it some knowledge of navigation, and the
construction of ships ; and therefore, that we are not driven
to the hide-covered Currach for a means of transporting
the Celtic settlers to the American coast.

Or if the theory of those be adopted, who would bring
the first colonists of Ireland from Htlgic, or Celtic Gaul,
the description of that people by Caesar will furnish equal
evidence of maritime knowledge at a period sufficiently
early to transport an expedition to America in the first
centuries of the Christian era. The Veneti, inhabiting
that district of Armoric Gaul, now known by the name
of Vannes, are stated to have had vessels of considerable
bulk and {)ower, and admirably adapted as well for coasting
voyages, as a stormy sea. The hull was of oak, the beams
a foot in breadth, and fastened with iron, the bottom flat,
the sails of leather, and what to nautical men may, perhaps,
appear somewhat wonderful in those early days, the an-
chors were secured by means of chain cables.*

scriptiniis, many persons maintuinini; that they were natural furrows in the
stone, however the question inis heen coniplettly set at rest by the testi-
mony of two unquestionahle witnesses, Dr. Brown and the Rev. Mr. Younaf,
in tlie 8th Vol. of the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy. See
Moore's Hist. Ireland, Vol. 1. p. .51), note, where Dr. Brown, at first a sceptic
on the sulyect, is shewn to liave acknowledged his error.

• " Numque Ipsorum naves ad huiic inodum factSB, arrnatceque erant :
Ciirinoe alicpianto pluniores qinim nostrarum navium, quo facilius vada, ac
det'cssum a;stus exoipere possent : prorte udinodum ercctaj, atqun item
puppes ad niaunituiliiiein Huetnuni, teuipi'stiitumqiie acconimodativ : naves
totiB factaj ex rohore, iid quamvis vim et contumeliam perfercndam :
transtra ppdiilihiis in hititudinern trabibns coiidxa elavis ferreis digiti
poUicis crassitudine : anc/iora:, pro i\miU\ia ferreis catenis revincto) : pellcs
pro velis, alutaeque tenuitur confeetui, sive propler lini inopiain, atque ejus
usus inscientiam, sive, eo quod est inuiris verisiniile, qund tantas tempe.statcs
oceani, tantosque impetus ventoram suslintri, «c tanta onera navium regi

MINOR NAPtRATIVES.

2^9

Looking therefore, either to the Phccniciaii, Carthagineian,
Iberian, Belgic, Gallic, or Scythic intercourse of an early
period, — to the more continuous Scandinavian occupation of
later years,— or to the primitive mode of transport of the
simple skifF, it is evident that ample nautical means were
not wanting in Ireland to transfer any part of her pv)pulation
i "(Vi^i' to the <¥«iiturn shores of America long before the period
when (iiJEAT Ireland became known to the INorthmen.

The absence of any notice of such a migration in Irish
Ainials,— if such be the case, — is no argument against the
probability of its existence. The most brilliant period of
Irish History remains unsupported by Irish manuscripts.
Of that enlightened age when pupils from all parts of Eu-
rope sought learning from Irish seminaries and Irish eccle-
siastics, when Columbkill dispensed the light of Christianity
to the Picts, Columbanus to the French, Gallus to the
Swiss, and the brothers Ultan and Foilan to the Belgians,
— when Virgilius, the Apostle of Carinthia, astounded the
German bishops with his superior knowledge of cosmo-
graphy and science* — not one authentic tcritten record
now remains.!

Invasion from without, and internal dissension from
within, have swept away all written testimonies of a time,
when the intellectual and religious eminence of Ireland

vplis, non satia commode arbitrubuiitiir."— CiBsar fie Bell. Gull. Lib. III.
c. xiii. The Irish technical expression of, " an cnbia do clicanjj(al dfalne
an ancoire," — " to bend the cable to the anchor's ring," — is also presump-
tive evidence of a respectable description of craft.

* Virgilius or Fenrgal {Fear, vir) was accused of heresy before Pope Boni-
face, in the 8th century, for maintaining the spheiicity of the earth, and the
existence of Antijiodes, contrary to the opinion of the times, wliich gave
the globe a plane surface, and united the heavens to the earth beyond
India. See AVore's Writers of Ireland, B. T. p 50.

t This point is ably handled by Mr. Moore, who shews that the argu-
ments against antient Irish history, founded upon the non-oxistenee of any
authentic M8S, prior to the JJth century (Psalter of Cashd,) a, plies with
mucli greater force to the comparatively modern jicriods alicve mentio'.ied,
the records of which are never questioned. lli»t. Ir. Vol I. p. 308.

<«.,

'230

MINOR NAIUIATIVES.

■i ■

III

tittrjtcted the attention and adinirution of neighbouring
nations, and obtained for her the just distinctions of '* Sacred
Island" and " School of the West" : it cannot therefore, be a
matter of surprise that the records of earlier history should
have been lost amid the ravages of such general devastation.*
IJut further examination of Icelandic Annals may pos-
sibly throw more light upon this interesting question, and
tend to unravel the mystery in which the original in-
habitants of America are involved. Lord Kingsborough's
splendid publicationf in 1829 first brought to the notice of
the British public the striking similitude between Mexican
and Egyptian monuments; the ruins of Palcnque, Guate-
mala and Yucatan, the former rivalling the pyramids of
Egypt or the ruins of Palmyra,| were only known to a few

* O'Halloran charges the English Government with a wholesale destruc-
tion of Irish MSS. previous to the reign of James I. : —

" VViiat the false piety and mistaken zeal of the early Christians left un-
tinished, the Danes continued, and the Saxon and Norman mvaders com-
pleted ... In Ireland, until the accession of James I, it was a part of state
policy to destroy or carry off all the manuscripts that could be discovereil.
" What the president Carew," says the author of the Anulect (p. 555) " did
in one province (Munster), Henry Sidney and his predecessors did all over
the kingdom, being charged to collect all the manuscripts they could, that
tliey might effectually destroy every vestige of antiquity and letters
throughout the kingdom ! The learned Archdeacon Lynch, with many
others, give too many melancholy instances of the kind." Hist. Ireland,
V. I, p. 94. " Many of these precious remains," says Moore, " were, as the
author of Cambrensis Eversus tells us, actually torn up by boys for covers of
books, and by tailors for measures. It was till the time of James I., says
Mr. Webb, an object of government to discover and destroy every literary
remain of the Irish, in order the more fully to eradicate from their minda
every trace of their antient independence." Moore's Hist, of Ireland, V. I.
p. 309, note.

t " Mexican Antiquities," a work upon which this lamented nobleman
expended (atleast) £00,000. and the best years of his life, but the circulation
ofwliich, from the snic.'i I number of copies printed, and the inaccessible price
(£150.) to the uiiijoriiy of the reading' public, was iipoossarily very limited.

{ The following sli)rt sketch of these remains, abridged I'rom tlie costly
voliuue of M. Uaradere de St. Priest, appearetl in the N. American Keview
for last October, and may, perhap.-*, be acceptable to the antiquarian
reader : —

MINOR NARRATIVES.

231

hunters until the end of the 18th century, and modern
travellers are still engaged in bringing the hidden wonders
of this and other regions of the vast American continent
to the knowledge of the literary world.*

" Upon an eminence, towards the middle of the site of the city, riMOs a
mass of buildings of a jiyromidal form, with a base presenting a pnrallolo-
giiiiii, consisting of three different structures, receding in succession, and
rising upon each other. This base has a circuit of 1080 feet and an eleva-
tion ofOO feet It is built of stone, laid in a mortar of lime and sand. In
flic middle of the front, which faces the east, there is a large stone s.'air-
i-ase, which conducts to the principal entrance of the temple. This edihc^-
;s -240 feet long by 140 feet wide, and 3(3 feet high, which, added to the
lieight of tlie base, gives a total elevation of 96 feet. The walls are 4 feet
thick, and constructed of stones of large dimensions. The doorways are
uneqinil in their size j nothing indicates that they were ever closed, and the
siime observation applies to all the other buildings. The windows are of
various forms, and generally very small. The arches are 20 feet high, and
form a iruncated angle at the top, terminated by large stones, placed trans-
versely. The roofs are of flag stones, well joined and very thick. The
whole edifiiuc is covered, externally and internally, with a stucco containing
oxyde of iron ; it is crowned by a large frieze, set in two double cornices,
of a s(|Uiire form. Between the doors, and upon all the pillars, forming a
corridor around the edifice, are encrusted 80 bas reliefs in stucco, repre-
sentintr personages 7 feet high ; and hieroglyphics, whose careful execution
aimounces that tlie plastic art had made great progress among the btuldcrs
of these works. Their exterior view offers a magnificence to which the
interior corresponds ; immense halls, ornamented with bas reliefs in granite,
in which the figures are 12 feet high, sculptured hieroglyphics, courts, sub-
terraneous passages, ornamentcl also with sculpture, a round tower, with
four stages, whose staircase is supported by a vault, — such is a sketch of
the principal characteristics, wlii^h this temple offers. . . Other structures of
the same character are found upon the same plateau : the whole number of
ruins hitlierto discovered, is eighteen .... The fiat roofs of the palace were
overgrown with enormous trees ; Mr. Wddeck cut down one which measured
I) feet 3 inclies in diameter. By counting tlie concenUic layers, which
botanists suppose murk the annual growth of trees, he found they were
1009, and hence deduces the length of the period that has elapsed since
the edifice was abandoned to the domain of the forest."

* Dr. Lund has lately communicated to the Society of Northern Anti-
quaries, the remarkable discovery made by hirn in the interior of Brazil, of
human bones in connection with th/se of extinct races of animals. Both
were in a complete fossil state; the formation of the human skull is stated to
be extraordinary, the forehead forming a considerable angle with the face.

232

MINOR NARRATIVES.

n*!-;

The argument founded upon the absence of Irish records
might as reasonably be applied to these later publications of
the north ; and why, may it as well be asked, was the discovery
of America by the Northmen in the 10th century, not satis-
factorily established until the nineteenth ? - The name of
V'inland was, doubtless, known to Torfaeus; and Worm-
skiold, Malte Brun and others, following the erroneous
calculation which he had made of its locality, f?xed it in
a latitude with which the physical features of the country
did not correspond :* hence the whole statement in the
Sagas was long looked upon as fictitious ; but the more
accurate recent investigations of Danish archaeologists have
set the question at rest, and the discovery of America
BY THE Northmen has assumed its proper position in the
history of the tenth century.

The existence of a Celtic or Irish settlement upon the
southeastern shores of North America, does not preclude
the co-existence of other races upon the western and
northern shores. A colony from western Ireland may have
been planted on the east, while tribes from eastern Asia
had settled on the west ; and both have driven before them
the less civilized, or more feeble Scythic wanderers, who
may have entered at the north : all emanating, — but by
distinct and separate channels, — from the one great centre,
which peopled the >vide spread sphere, and thus multiplying,
in every region and every clime, the living evidences of
those sacred records which offer peace and immortality to
man.

■4 ^

!8i

Mi^

and thus differing from tho skulls of all known races of men, but at the same
time presenting a siniil>iiide to the human figures on Mexican monuments :
a hemispherical stont', with a smooth surface, which had apparently been
usod for rubbing, was found in connection with these bones. Berlingske
Tidetidu, Kiobetihavn, Feb. 1-2, 1841.

* TorfiiMis, in coiiscvjiu'iicc "fan crronedus intoi-pretation of the |)assage,
|ip ()4, (ir>, ill tlie Sagii ol' Erik tlie Red, relating to the length of the day,
whii:ii lie tot k to be eight hours instead of nine, fixed the latitude of Vin-
iuud at 41)", being that of Newfoundland.

APPENDIX.

: ')' I'

IS ■■■;*

wp.

O <3>

COMPLETE DIAL

THE ANCIENT NORTHMEN,

ACCOKDINQ TO THE

PROJECTION AND EXPOSITION

:.A\

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■44

\ '^■

"■ ;. '

i '

PROFESSOR FINN MAGNUSEN,

VlCli PKliSlDENT OK THE IKtYAL SOCIKTY OF NORTHERN ANTK^U AU I ES.

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^236

APPENDIX.

I M

EXPLANATION OF THE TEUMS.

1*1'

I f •■,■7

\ . Halga signifies halvgaaen, half gone, and is used hero with
reference to the position of tlie sun : but is otherwise employed
with reference to the time and hour.

2. See 18 Here the morning is understood to commence.

3. Midmorning, also called rism&l, or rising time, now ob-
solete.

4. Still used by the peasantry of Iceland to signify the par-
ticular time of the day, See Olafsen, I. p. 40 ; Troil, p. 90 ;
Henderson, I. 187.*

5. Forenoon meal time.

6. In most parts of Iceland the peasantry still place this day-
mark in the same position. See Olafsen, Troil, and Henderson,
as above.

7. Highest day. This very anticnt term is still used by the
peasantry of the West of Iceland instead of hudegi, which is
now, incorrectly, considered to refer to 12 o'clock. Sec Biiirn
Haldorson s Atli, p. 47.

8. Now called midmunda. Undarn occurs in old northern
MSS. both to signify afternoon, as also a meal or convivial party
held at that time : See Rafn's Krakumal or Lodbrokarkvida,
pp. 2, 29, 96-97. The Moeso-Gothic word undaurn is used in a
similar sense, as also the Alemannic (old High German) untorn,
and Anglo-Saxon undern : also in the old English of Chaucer,
although the word was occasionally used in Anglo-Saxon for a
particular part of the forenoon. See infra 9, and 24 .

!||

iff
Iff

• " About 8 o'clock," he never mentions half hours. Confer nntc, p. C4,
65, and note. Stadr sigiiiiies bounds or limits, hence " dugmalastud,'' the
beginning of dugmal, and " eyktarstad " the e»d of ej kt. S^ee il>i(l. and
Dial.

APPENDIX.

237

ob-

9. This stuutl formed the latter half of the Eikt undarn, (Non
I'llr Eykt)or 3 o'clock p. M,, and it is remarkable that the Anglo-
Saxons called this time heah undern (See 8). On the other hand,
the Roman Catholic clergy in England, called it non, from the
Mass Nona of the horee canouicee, which took place at the same
time of the day, whence the old Saxon non, old high German
niion, and Scandinavian non. See 25.

10 This word signifies the Rykt's place, termination, or close.
See ante pp. C)A, 65 and note. It was also called aptan or
aptansmdl, as the evening was here considered to commence.
See infra 20, 27.

11. The middle of the evening, now called in Iceland midaptan.
See infra 27.

12. Still similarly placed in most parts of Iceland. See Olafsen,
Troil, and Henderson, as above.

13. Evening meal time.

14. Bed time.

15. Midnight,

l(>. This word corresponds to the Mceso Gothic uthvo, the
Alemannic uohta, ouht^ ocht, uht, uchtenstond, the Belgic and
Frisiac ^icht, and the Anglo-Saxon uht, uhtentid. See Rafn'a
Kriikumal or Lodbrokarkvida, pp. 12, 124, and infra 32, 33.

17. The middle of the otta, called also kana-otta, or the cock
otta, or kana-yalan, cock crowing. See infra 33.

18. Sunrise-time, still called aahitsmaal, ox summer refresh-
ment time, in Iceland and the Farce islands.

19. Midmorning, called in modern Danish, midmorgen. Swed.
midmoryon.

20. The fore-breakfast, corresponding to the Frisian vordard.
This stund is still called in particular districts of Norway /ro-
kostbeel, (see infra 21.) corresponding expressions to the antient
dagmal are also found in the dialects of the peasantry of Den-
mark and Sweden in the present day.

2 1 . Called also dayuur. The antient dagurdr, dagverdr has
undergone great alterations in the later dialects, particularly in
Norway ; otherwise in Swedish it is still dagvard, in Danish

ir:H^

'2SS

Al'lT.NDlX.

"■nlv

^^^

ifarre, i/ni'er, dnri'r, doner, nn<l in Frisiiic ihituji'i'il, ddiinnl,
(Innet'd, ilard, &c. Soc siipm .").

22. To this there are several oorrespoiidiiifj; terms in old Nor-
thern langungea, see Huprn 6, 7, Jviul int'ni 2.'i. In rertnin dis-
t ricts of Norway, this portion of time was also called hulfynrtPt
HI midduff, or half gone to noon.

2.'}. Otherwise hoiaaug, corresponding to tin- old Northern
term. See 22.

24. Called also ondol, ondohnxtal. Traces of the antient int-
durn (ondarn) particularly as applied to noon or afternoon-meal-
time, midday sleep, &c are to he found in the peasant dialects
of Sweden, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, and Great
Uritain.

25. See supra 9. This corresponds with the liritish shep-
herd's hiyh noon as applied to '^ o'clock i'. m. See Brand's
I'op. Antiq. by Sir II. Ellis, I. p. 4r»7-4GO. The Bavarian non,
and Westphalian nonet &<-'• »•"? still in nse ; on the other hand,
the English noon, and the Dutch noeu now signify 12 o'clock.
We have otherwise good grounds for believing that down to the
year 1700, the peasantry of Denmark called this stund ogt. See
infra 20. It would appear that several expressions amongst the
Germans having reference to holy evcS; and which are still in
nse amongst the peasantry, are related to the term eyht or niht
of the Scandinavians, such as aeckt in Suabia, uckt in Dit-
niarsh, &c.

20. Also ogterdags beel, ogteheel. These and several other
words, vhich are of great importance in fixing the time of the
day by which the latitude of Vinland has been determined ( See
ante pp. 04, 05, note), are to be found collected from the dialects
of the Danish and Norwegian peasantry in the large Danish
Dictionary, 4 Vol. sec. 3, p. 17, let. 0.

27. The Anglo-Saxons called this time of the day ofer-non, as
the Norwegians, for similar etymological reasons, call it etterokt.
To these are several corresponding terms in Denmark and
Sweden.

28. Amoij2;st the Scandinavians the later part of the evening

Arri'Nuix.

^2.'3«)

was considered to conuncjicc hero, niid was callt'd AreA/, kvohl,
A S, rnjhl: tliis term is «till used in tlii' modem diaUets.

2). See supra 13.

;{0. Denotes the taking off, expiration, or end of the day.

;n. Literally the liighcst night. In some British authors wc
find the expression *' noon ol' the night."

.")2. IStill nsed in the modern Danish and Swedish dialects.

33. Sec supra 17.

N.n.— An obliging communication from Professor Rafn, when
this sheet was in the press, has led to a slight Jihange in the
projection of the Dial, as given by Professor Finn Magnuscn,
and whicli, although involving no point of importance, has been
adojjted for the sake of simplifying the illustration. Confer.
Finn IVIagnusen '* on the Antient Scandinavians' division of the
times of the Day." Mem. de la Soc. des Antiq. du Nord.
Copenh. 1S3S.

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VII.— DESCENDANTS OF ARI MAR80N,
Brought dotim to the Present Inline.

A HI Marson — V — Thorgerd Alfs daughter

Tliorgils

I
Ari

I
Einar

of Reykholum

r J

Hallbera-v-Thorgeir Hallasoii

Ingibjorg^Sturla Thordarson
H t 11^3
8teinunn>/-J6n Brandsoii
I of Reykholum
Ingimund

I
Ari

I
Gudmund

5 « 2R

Ari

Gudmund
riki

Andres v-Thorbjdrg Olaf's daughter

Gudmund — ., — Jard Prud, Thorleif 's daughtc?

of Felli I — I of Reykholum

Thorlelf of>^Ingibjorg, Jon's daughter
Skogi 1 1636 I of Skalmarnesmula

Jon of GufHdal->^8igrid, Gudmund's daughter

Offidalis, 15fi4 |

I '

Thoriief of-y-Hallbjorg Bjom's daughter
Skalmarnes-

mula

Einar-s^Gudrun, Thorlak's daughter

Thorolf-;-Thorkatla, Finn's daughter
t 1649 I ofFlatey

Ingibjorg^z-Nicholas Gudmundson
tl7b6 I Priest 1 1708

G^drun-^.^Sigurd Sigurdson, Governor
f 1731 of Bardastrand

Ragnhild, 1725 — y — Olaf Gunlaugson
M768 I ofSvefneyjum

Eggart Olafson
Poet, Phyxcn. Sf Antiquary
b. 1726. d. 1768.

Magnus Olafson

Last Lagrnan of Iceland
b. 1730. d. 1800.

— Ragnheidir
Finn's daughter
cf. Tab. IX.

Finn Maoni'^sson,
Vice-President, R.S. N./ .
6.1781.

Jon Olafsort

John Olafson

of Hypnoness,

Philologist and

Antiquary,
b. 1731, (^. 1811.

VIII.— DESCENDANTS OF THORFINN KARLSEFNE AND GUDHID,

To the Present Tinui.

1007
TlIOnPINNKARLrtEFNE -^ GUDRID, TtlOKlJARNAH'd DADOHTEIl

Snorri Thorfiiinsson -s^liigveld, UlfliefUu's daughter

Sfcinuiin —

-Einar Ketillsson

Thorstcin Ranglatr

Kotill —

tins

-Alfheid, Thorloif's (lauj^hter

Thovlak — ■ — Giidlanii, Kyjulf's daughter
Priest tl240

Kctill-

-Halldora, Thorvald's daughter,

Priest atul I Sister of Count GiKSur,Jirst Vieeroy nf
Laijnum t 1'273 Iceland

Valgerd — s,, — Narfl Snorrason
I of Kolbeinst'mlum

[ 1 ■ t 1284

Thorliik — , — Helga, Nicholas' daughter
Lagmun, 1290 t 1303 |

Kctill of Kolbcin8ti')dum,
Viceroy, 1214 +1342

I
Vigfiis <if KolV>cinst6diini,
1390

Erlend -

Narfl of Kolboinstodum

of Kulbeinst'iklum

Erlend-

Govemor of liangardul

-Hallbora, Sijlmunrtar's daugh' -r
Gudrid, Thorvard's daughter

Vigfiis, ^, G'ldrun, Pal's daughter

X«<7)..an,1513-l.J19

t 1523

Gudrid-

-Sieinund Erikson

Gudrun — ■,, — Ami Gislason
Sivniund's of Lidarend
daughter

See Tab. J\.

J nil

Giidlaug

I
Gisli, Governor

I
Giulmund t lfl05

I
Salviir

Markiis s/ Oudriin

I Sister of celebr. TorfauH

Gudrid — -/ — Hans Willumsen Londeman,

I Dane, Govr. Amen

Edward Londeman of Rosenkrone,
Assesior, Chief Court, Denm. §• Norway, b. 1C30. d. 1749.

._ J

rhristian of Hoff — ^r — Maria Miirgareta Londeman,

i. 1714. d. 1762.

Hans Edward Ilenrv of IlofT,
h. 1738. d. 1779.

I
Christian Ilcnry of lloflT-Riiscnkronp,

Baron of Rosendal, in Norway, b. 1768.

Marcus Gerhard,

Count of Rosenkrone,

Diinish AvibaMudor

in Saxony, §c.

6.1738. </.'l8il.

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INDEX.

Althing, xviii.
Alderton Point, 73.
Albunia, 183, 210.
America, isthmus of, 'ilA.
Aiit;lo-8axoi)s, 133.

ASBRANDSON BjbllN, 184.

Barrow's Straits, 129.
Betle the Venerable, 173.
Booths, Leif 8, 63.
Brage, viii,

Breidavik, see Asbrandsun.
Bremen, Adam of, 68.
Buzzard's Bay, 03.

Cabot, ISO-
Canoes, 71.
CsBsar, 212, 223.
Cassiterides, 222.
Celtic, 214.
Columbus, 54.
Connecticut, 53.
Cowl, 89.
Currachs, 220.

D.
Danes, 180.
Dagr and Dsegr, 91.
Dlcuil, 176.
DiGHTON Rock, 120.
Drinking Hall, xxiii.
Druids, 223.
Duneyjar, 149.

E.
Edda, X.

Egede, Hans, 159.— Paul, 164.
England, 154.

Erik the Red, Saga of, 47.
Erikson, Ieif, 59.— Thorvald,

70. — TH0R8TB1K, 74.

Eystribygd, 137, 156.

Flatobogen, xxxvii. 45.
Frbydiu, 99, 106.

Furdustiands, 89.
Fyrisvold, 191.

Gardar, 48, 126.
Qarments, coloured, 192.
Gellerson Thorkell, 181.
GoDi, Snorri, 186.
Graah, 138, 146, 152.
Greipar, 126.
Greenland, 49, 146.
Grimolfson, Bjakni, 89, 103.
gudlauoson, gudleif, 203.
GuDRiD, 74, 86, 105, 111.
Gunnbjarnaskar, 48.

ir.

Heimskringla, viii. 79.
Helluland, 60, 88, 113, llii.
Hehjulfson, Bjarni, 50.
Herredsthing, iii.
Hestething, xvii.
Hoftollr, M.
Holmgan, vi.
Holibut, I J.
H«pe, 63, 65, 94.
Hus8snotrutr6, 110,113.

Igaliko, 142.

Igikeit, 144.

Ireland, Great, 103, 179, 204,
209,211.

Ireland, intercourse of, with Ice-
land, 131, 133. — Primitive inha-
bitants of, 219.— Mines of, 174,
222.— Reputation of, in the 8th
century, 134.

Irish, 174, 176 Ships of, 217.

Jomsvikings, 191.

Karlsefne, Thorfinn, Saga of,

82.— Posterity of, 105.
Kakortok, 139."
Kingiktorsoak, 124
Kjalarness, 74, 94.
KroBsaness, 73.
KroksfjardBrheidi, 126.

11-

■|

INDEX

132,

Landntimabok, xi.

Lancaster's Sound, 129.

Landa Kulf, 150.

Long Island, 53.

Mf gnusson, Arnas, xxiv. xliii.

Magnuscn, Finn, 47, 05, 122,

152.
Maple, bird's eye, 110.
Marsok, Ari,179, 183.
Markland, G1, 8H, 113, 188,
Merchants, Icelandic, 130.
Miiller, Bishop, ii. 184, 200.

N.
Nadodd, 48.
Nantucket, 62.
Newfoundland. '3,60, 150.
Nordrasetur.
Nova Scotia, 53, 61.

Ogham alphabet, 227.
Olaf, king of Norway, 78, 79.

Palnatoki, 191.

Parry, Sir W. E. 129, 130.

Fapas, Irish, 174, 175, 176.

Pocasset River, 63.

Point Alderton, 73.

Polar Seas, 136.

Pope Nicholas V. 152.

Porridge, 97.

RafNjTheLimbhick merchant,
180.

Rhode Island, 53. — Historical So-
ciety, 120.

Rimbegla, 101,131.

Hune, ix.

Runic inscription, 125, 143.

Runolfson, Bishop Thorlak, 105, 112.

Sagas, viii. x. xix.

Stitirical songs, xvi.

.Scott, Sir Walter, 78, 184, 196.

Scoti, Irish, 218.

Sliips, IriBh, 217.

Sigurdson, Jarl, 181.

Skra)ling8, 72, 96.

Skalds, X. xii.

Snohri Karlsbfneson, 92, 105.

Speculum Regale, 132.

Stikklestad, x.

Sturleson, Snorri, xxxv.

Sturlungers, xxxix.

Tacitus, testimony of, 221.
Thor,92, 189.
Thohstbin Erikson, 74.
Thurstein the black, 76.
Thorbrandson, Snorri, 84.
Thorvaldson, Bertel, 93.
Thorvard, 87.
Thurid of Froda, 186.
Turner, Sharon, 135, 224.
Tyrker, 67.

Uniped, 101.

Vestribygd, 151.

Vines, 69, 90.

Vinland, 68, 113, 116, 188.

Walchendorf, 157.
Wellington Channel, 129.
Westmen, 174, 187.
White Man's Land, 103, 179, 208,
216.

Yule, feast of, xxv. 86.

yiffii

ii-

THE END.

O. NORMAN, TRINTBH, MAIDEN LANE, COVBNT OARDBN.

196.

02, 105.

,84.

58.

,179,208,

BN.

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