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JFtancta ^atfetnan'g Wioxka. 


Vol. IV. 

■t. I 


Nfto fLtfjiarg lEUition. 

Pioneers of France in the Hew World j ^ol. 

The Jesuits in North America , ^ , 

la SaUe and the Discovery of the Great West . . i vol. 

The Old Regime in Canada 

Count Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV. i vol. 

A Half Century of Conflict j u 

Montcalm and Wolfe . . 

2 vols. 

The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian War after 

the Conauest of Canada 2 vols 

The Oregon Trail . . . 

I vol. 



.,ht .-., K .'..v,V «.••,:./; i- 

f . II 

It' laimm^ In (.l.ii.^! I. ••!'■•!.•. r.-, in tlic \'orsaill.-> i.,.!l,- 

'1 Hi (>l 1. !:r;'.;iMI IN ( ANAI.A, / 

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S .■•'Ar,.,- 





Part Fourth. 



, L ^ 


63 YoNOE Street. 



I sys 


Entered according to Act of CongrcRs, iu the year 1874, by 

Francis I'aukman, 
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 

Copyrvfht, 1S9S, 
By Franci8 I'akkman. 

Cop\frvfht, 7.9.97, 
By Little, Brown, and Company. 

John Wilson and Son, Camukidoe, U. S. A. 

f 1 




My Dkar Dr. Eluh : 

WlK-n. in my youth, I proposed to write a aeries of books 
on the Fn.n.h in America, you eneoura,e.l the attempt, and 
your helpful kindness has followed it from that dav to this 
I ray accept the dedication of this volume in token of the 
grateful regard of 

Very faithfully yours, 






When tliis book was written, I was unable to 
gam access to certain indispensable papers relat- 
ing to tlie rival claimants to Acadia, — La Tour 
and D'Aunay, — and therefore deferred all at- 
tempts to treat that subject. The papers having 
at length come to hand, the missing chapters are 
supplied in the present edition, which also con- 
tarns some additional matter of less prominence 
The title of " The Old Re^gime in Canada " is 
derived from the third and principal of the three 
sections into which the book is divided. 

June 16, 1393. 



" The physiognomy of a government," says 
De Tocqueville, " can best be judged in its colo- 
nies, for there its charivCteristic traits usually 
appear larger and more distinct. When I wish 
to judge of the spirit and the faults of the ad- 
ministration of Louis XIV., I must go to Can- 
ada. Its deformity is there seen as through a 

The monarchical administration of France, at 
the height of its power and at the moment of 
its supreme triumph, stretched an arm across the 
Atlantic and grasped the North American conti- 
nent. This volume attempts to show by what 
methods it strove to make good its hold, why it 
achieved a certain kind of success, and why it 
failed at last. The political system which has 
fallen, and the antagonistic system which has 
prevailed, seem, at first sight, to offer nothing 
but contrasts ; yet out of the tomb of Canadian 
absolutism come voices not without suggestion 



even to us. Extremes meet, and Autocracy and 
Democracy often touch hands, at least in their 

The means of knowing the Canada of the past 
are ample. The pen was always busy in this 
outpost of the old monarchy. The king and the 
minister demanded to know everything ; and 
officials of high and low degree, soldiers and 
civilians, friends and foes, poured letters, de- 
spatches, and memorials, on both sides of every 
question, into the lap of government. These 
masses of paper have in the main survived the 
perils of revolutions and the incendiary torch of 
the Commune. Add to them the voluminous 
records of the Superior Council of Quebec, and 
numerous other documents preserved in the civil 
and ecclesiastical depositories of Canada. 

The governments of New York and of Canada 
have caused a large part of the papers in the 
French archives relating to their early history to 
be copied and brought to America, and valuable 
contributions of material from the same quarter 
have been made by the State of Massachusetts 
and by private Canadian investigators. Never- 
theless, a great deal has still remained in France 
uncopied and unexplored. In ohe course of sev- 
eral visits to that country, I have availed myself 



racy and 
in their 

the pfcst 
J in this 

and the 
^g; and 
iers and 
3ers, de- 
>f every 
v^ed the 
:orch of 
ec, and 
le civil 


in the 

ory to 






" sev- 


of tliese .siipi)leiuentary papers, as well as of 
tliose which had before been copied, sparing 
neither time nor pains to explore every part of 
the field. With the help of a system of classi- 
fied notes, I have collated the evidence of the 
various writers, and set down without reserve 
all the results of the examination, whether fav- 
orable or unfavorable. Some of them are of a 
I character which I regret, since they cannot be 

agreeable to persons for whoDi I have a very 
I cordial regard. The conclusions drawn from 

'[ the facts may be matter of opinion, but it will 

be remembered that the facts themselves can Ije 
overthroAvn only by overthrowing the evidence 
on which they rest, or bringing forward counter- 
evidence of equal or greater strength ; and 
neither task will be found an easy one.^ 

I have received most valuable aid in my inqui- 
ries from the great knowledge and experience of 
M. Pierre Margry, Chief of the Archives of the 
Marine and Colonies at Paris. I beg also 
warmly to acknowledge the kind ofhces of 
Abbe Henri Raymond Casgrain and Grand 

1 Those wlio wish to see the subject from a point of view oppo- 
site to mine cannot do better than consult the work of the .Jesuit 
Charlevoix, with the excellent annotation of Mr. Shea. (History 
anil (General Description of New France, by the lie v. 1'. F. X. de 
Charlevoix, S.J., transhitcd with notes by John Gilniary iShea. 
vols. New York : 180G-1872. ) 




Vicar Cazeau, of Quebec ; together with those of 
James Le Moinc, Esq., M. Eugene Tach<3, Hon. 
P. J. 0. Chauveau, and other eminent Canadians, 
and Henry Harrisse, Esq. 

The few extracts from original documents 
which are printed in the Appendix may serve as 
samples of the material out of which the work 
has been constructed. In some instances their 
testimony might be multiplied twenty-fold. 
When the place of deposit of the documents 
cited in the margin is not otherwise indicated, 
they will, in nearly all cases, be found in the 
Archives of the Marine and Colonies. 

In the present book we examine the political 
and social machine ; in the next volume of the 
series we shall see this machine in action. 

Boston, July 1, 1874. 


L those of 
he, Hon. 

serve as 
he work 
es their 
in tlie 

of tJie 








The Acadian Quarrel. — Biencourt. — Claude and Charles de la 
Tour. —Sir William Alexander. — Claude de llazilly.— 
Charles de Menou d'Aunay Charnis.\y. — Cape Sable. — Port 
Royal. — The Heretics of Boston and Plymouth. — Madame 
de la Tour. — War and Litigation. — La Tour worsted : he 
asks help from the Boston Puritans 3 



la toue and the puritans. 

La Tour at Boston: he meets Winthrop. — Boston in 1643. — 
Training Day. — An Alarm. — La Tour's Bargain. — Doubts 
and Disputes. — The Allies sail. — La Tour and Eudicott. — 
D'Aunay's Overture to the Puritans. — Marie's Misaiou . . 21 



D'Aunay's Envoys : their Reception at Boston. — Winthrop 
and his " Papist " Guest... — Reconciliation. — Treaty. — Be- 
havior of La Tour. — Royal Favors to D'Aunay : his 
Hopes; his Death; his Character. — Conduct of the Court 




towanlH him. — Intrijifiics of La Toiir. — Madame D'Aunay. 
— La Tour marries iier. — Cliililri-ii of D'Aiiiiu)'. — Dosceml- 
aiitd of La Tuur 41 

SECTION si:coNn. 





The Iroquoirt War. — Katiicr I'oitcct: his Adveufiircs. — Jesuit 
JJoUhiess. — Le Moyne's Mission. — Cliaumonot iiiul Daliloii. 

— Irocjuois Ferocity. — 'J'he Moliawk Ki(lua|)j)ers. — C^ritioal 
I'ositioii. — The Colony of Onondaga. — Speech of Cliau- 
monot. — Omens of Destruction. — Device of tlie Jesuits. — 
The Medicine Feast. — The Escape 54 



Dauversicre. — Mance and Bourgeoys. — Miracle. — A Pious De- 
faulter. — Jesuit .'ind Sulpitian. — Montreal in 1659. — Tlie 
Hospital Nuna. — The Nuns and tiie Iroquois. — More Mira- 
cles, — The Murdered I'riests. — lirigeac aud Closse. — Sol- 
diers of the Holy Family 96 


1660, 1661. 


Suffering and Terror. — Francois Ilertel. — The Captive Wolf. 

— The Threatened Invasion. — Daulac des Ormeaux. — Tiie 
Adventurers at tlie Long Saut. — The Attack. — A Desperate 
Defence. — A Final Assault. — The Fort taken 118 






Domestic Strife. — Jesuit and Sulpitiaii. — Abhc QuoyUi.s. — 
Fraui/f'is do Laval. — The Zealots of Caeii. — Giillicaii and 
Ulti'iimontane. — The Uival Cluimiints, — Storm at Qiieboc. 
Laval Triumphant 140 


I65'J, UiOO. 


Franvois de Laval: hi.s Position and Cliaracter. — Arrival of 
Argonson. — Tiie Quarrel 





Reception of Argonson : his Difficulties ; liis Recall. — Duliois 
d'Avaugour. — The Brandy Quarrel. — Distress of Laval. 
— Portents. — The Earthquake 173 




Pe'ronne Dumesnil. — The Old Council. — Alleged Murder.— 
The New Council. — Bourdon and Villoray. — Strojig Meas- 
ures. — Escape of Dumesnil, — Views of Colbert 189 




The Bishop's Choice. — A Military Zealot. — Hopeful Begin- 
nings. — Signs of Storm. — The Quarrel. — Distress of Mezy : 
he refuses to yield ; his Defeat and Deatii 204 



; 1 

I i 



laval and tiik hbminary. 


Laval'H Visit to Court. — Tiio Seminary. — Zoal of tho 

his Eulogiuts. — Church uiid Stato. — Attitude uf Laval . .219 




Fontaiucbleau. — Loui.s XIV. — Collicrt. — Tlic Company of tho 
VVi)8t. — Evil Omens. — Action of tlio King. — Tracy, Cour- 
cello, and Talon. — Tho Kcgiment of Carignaii-Salicres. — 
Tracy at Quebec. — Miracles. — A Holy War 229 

1666, 1667. 


Courcelle's March: his Failure and lleturn. — Courcolle and 
the Jesuits. — Mohawk Treachery. — Tracy's Expedition. — 
Burning of the Mohawk Towns. — 1< rench and English. — 
Dollier de Cassc.i at St. Anne. — Peace. — The Jesuits and 
the Iroquois 246 




Talon. — Restriction and Monopoly. — Views of Colbert. — Po- 
litical Galvanism. — A Father of tlie People 268 



xvii : 

'al . . 219 

of tho 
es. — 



I. — 







Sliipmont of KiniKriints. — Soldier ScttltTH. — Importation of 
Wives — Wcilluck — SuniinjUT Mcaliodrt. — Tho MotlicrHof 
Cuiiiiila. — llnimtifs on Marriago. — Celiliacy PuuinlHid. — 
HouiitieH on riiildron. — Uesiilts 276 



.Military Frontier. — Tho Canadian Sottlor. — Seignior and Vas- 
j^jil. — Examiilo of T.ilon. — I'lan of Sctthiniont. — Aspect of 
Canada. — (iuoiiee. — The River Settlements. — Montreal. — 
The rionciors 292 




Transplantation of Feudalism. — rrecautions. — Faith and Hom- 
age. — The Seignior. — The C(uisitaire. — Royal Intervention. 
— The Gentilhommc. — Canadian Nohlesse 304 



Nature of tho Government. — The Governor. — The Council. — 
Courts and Judges. — The Intendant : his Grievances. — 
Strong Government. — Sedition and Blasphemy. — Royal 
Bounty. — Defects and Abuses 326 



Trade in Fetters. — The Huguenot Merchants. — Royal Pat- 
ronage. — The Fisheries. — Cries for Help. — Agriculture. 




— MaiuifacturcH. — Arts of Oriiuniotit. — Fiunuco. — Card 
Moimy. — l{i'|iii(liiili()ii. — IiiiiHists. — 'i'lio liuiivur Trade. — 
Tlio Fiiir lit Moiitroiil. — ('(Uitriihaiid Truilf. — A Fiitul Syn- 
toiii. — Tntiihlt'iiiitl Clmii^^o. — Tlio CuurourH do IJoirt. — Tlio 
Fi>rest. — Letter of t'arlieil 352 




Tlio Jesuits and the Irotjuois. — Mission Vilhi^^es. — Midiili- 
niackinae. — Fiillitr Carheil. — TtMuperantc. — ISraudy ivnd 
the Indians. — Stronj; Measures. — Disputes. — liicen.^e and 
Prohibition. — Views of tlie Kin^. — Trade and tiie Jesuits 




Church and State. — Tlio Ilishop and tlio King. — The King 
and the Cures. Tho New Bialiop. — The Canadian Cure. — 
Keelcsiastieal Hulo. — Saint-V;\lli(!r and Denonville. — Cleri- 
cal Rigor. — Jesuit and Sulpitian. — Couroelle and Chutclain. 
— The Rt'( (diets. — Heresy and Witchcraft. — Canadian 
Nuns. — .Tcanne Le Rer. — Educatiou. — The Seminary. — 
Saint Joachim. — Miracles of Saint Anno. — Cauadian Schools 




Social Influence of the Troops. — A Petty Tyrant. — Brawls. — 
Violence and Outlawry. — State of the Population. — Views of 
Denonville. — Brandy. — Beggary. — The Past and the Pres- 
ent. — Inns. — State of Quchec. — Fires. — The Country Par- 
i.shes. — Slavery. — Views of La Hontan, — of I foc(juart ; of 
Bougainville; of Knlin : < if Charlevoix 434 



•0. — Card 
Trade. — 
Fatal S^H- 






Formation of Canadian Character. — The Rival Coloniet. — Kng- 
laud and France. — New Kngland. — Characteristics of Haco. 
— Military Qualities. — The Clmnh. — The English Conquest 461 

- Miohili- 
tudy and 
I' and 
i Jesuits 380 

6 King 
:;ur('. _ 


ary. — 
ichoola 396 



A. La Tour and D'Aunay 469 

B. The Ilerniitago of Caen 476 

C. Laval and Argensou 481 

D. I'cTonne Dumesuil 484 

E. Laval and Mcsy 488 

F. Marriage and Population 493 

G. Chateau St. Louis 496 

II. Trade and Industry 500 

I. Letter of Father Carlieil 506 

J. The Government and the Clergy 512 

K. Canadian Cures. Education. Discipline 520 

INDEX 527 

vis, — 

3W8 of 

t; of 



/ I 

: I) 

! I 



i 1 








fotvurds t/)f close 

or THE 


L:.„r... ■^».— .,1 — ^ 

, / 


II j! 







'^^iJ^T'v'' Q^^««^'--BiENCouRT.- Claude and Charles 
Di, LA IouR,_SiK William Alexander. — Claude de Ra- 
ziLLv - Charles de Menou d'Aunay Charnisay. - Cape 
ftAULE.-PoR'r Royal. -The Heretics of Boston and Ply- 
mouth. -Madame DE LA Tour. -War and Litigation. -La 
louR worsted: he asks Help from the Boston Puritans. 

With the opening of the seventeenth century 
began that contest for the ownership of North 
America which was to remain undecided for a century 
and a half. England claimed the continent through 
the discovery by the Cabots in 1497 and 1498, and 
France claimed it through the voyage of Verrazzano 
m 1524. Each resented the claim of the other; and 
each snatched such fragments of the prize as she 
could reach, and kept them if she could. In 1604, 
Henry IV. of France gave to De Monts all AmericI 
from the 40th to the 46th degree of north latitude, 



'\ I 



including the sites of Philadelphia on the one hand 
and Montreal on the other ; ^ while, eight years after, 
Louis XIII. gave to Madame de Guercheville and 
the Jesuits the whole continent from Florida to the 
St. Lawrence, — that is, the whole of the future 
British colonies. Again, in 1621, James I. of Eng- 
land made over a part of this generous domain to a 
subject of his own. Sir William Alexander, — to 
whom he gave, under the name of Nova Scotia, the 
peninsula which is now so called, together with a 
vast adjacent wilderness, to be held forever as a fief 
of the Scottish Crown. ^ Sir William, not yet satis- 
fied, soon got an additional grant of the " River and 
Gulf of Canada," along with a belt of land three 
hundred miles wide, reaching across the continent. ^ 
Thus the King of France gave to Frenchmen the 
sites of Boston, New York, and Washington, and 
the King of England gave to a Scotchman the sites 
of Quebec and Montreal. But while the seeds of 
international war were thus sown broadcast over the 
continent, an obscure corner of the vast regions in 
dispute became the scene of an intestine strife like 
the bloody conflicts of tyro feudal chiefs in the depths 
of the Middle Ages. 

After the lawless inroads of Argall, the French, 
with young Biencourt at their head, still kept a 

1 See "Pioneers of France in the New World," 247. 

2 Charter of New Scotland in favour of Sir William Alexander. 

8 Charter of the Country and Lordship of Canada in America, 2 Feb., 
1628-29, in Publications of the Prince Society, 1873, 



feeble hold on Acadia. After the death of liis father, 
Pouti'incourt, Biencourt took his name, by which 
thenceforth he is usually known. In his distress ho 
lived much like an Indian, roaming the woods with 
a few followers, and subsisting on fish, game, roots, 
and lichens. He seems, however, to have found 
means to build a small fort among the rocks and fogs 
of Cape Sable. He named it Fort Lom^ron, and 
here he appears to have maintained himself for a 
time by fishing and the fur-trade. 

Many years before, a French boy of fourteen 
years, Charles Saint-Etienne de la Tour, was brought 
to Acadia by his father, Claude de la Tour, where 
he became attached to the service of Biencourt 
(Poutrincourt), and, as he himself says, served as 
his ensign and lieutenant. He says, further, thau 
Biencourt on his death left him all his property in 
Acadia. It was thus, it seems, that La Tour became 
owner of Fort Lom^ron and its dependencies at Cape 
Sable, whereupon he begged the King to give him 
help against his enemies, especially the English, 
who, as he thought, meant to seize the country; and 
he begged also for a commission to command in 
Acadia for his Majesty.^ 

In fact. Sir William Alexander soon tried to dis- 
possess him and seize his fort. Charles de la Tour's 
father had been captured at sea by the privateer 
"Kirke," and carried to England. Here, being a 
widower, he married a lady of honor of the Queen, 

1 La Tour au Roy, 25 Juli/, 1627. 





•'■■'hinMiatii mfMi 





aiul, being a Protestiint, renounced his French 

Alv>xander made him a baronet of Nova Scotia, a 
new title which King James had authorized Sir 
William to confer on jjcrsons of consideration aiding 
him in his work of colonizing Acadia. Alexander 
now fitted out two ships, with which he sent the 
elder La Tour to Cape Sable. On arriving, the 
father, says the story, made the most brilliant offers 
to his son if he would give up Fort Lomdron to the 
English, — to which young La Tour is reported to 
liave answered in a burst of patriotism, that he would 
take no favors except from his sovereign, the King 
of France. On this, the English are said to have 
attacked the fort, and to have been beaten off. As 
the elder La Tour could not keep his promise to 
deliver the place to the English, they would have no 
more to do with liim, on which his dutiful son offered 
him an asylum under condition that he should never 
enter the fort. A house was built for him outside 
the ramparts; and here the trader, Nicolas Denys, 
found him in 1635. It is Denys who tells the above 
story, ^ which he probably got from the younger La 
Tour, — and which, as he tells it, is inconsistent 
with the known character of its pretended hero, who 
was no model of loyalty to his king, being a chameleon 
whose principles took the color of his interests. 
Denys says, further, that the elder La Tour had 
been invested with the Order of the Garter, and that 

^ Denys, Description geocjraphique et historique. 




the same dignity was offered to his son; which is 
absurd. Tlie truth is, that Sir William Alexander, 
thinking that the two La Tours might be useful to 
him, made them both baronets of Nova SLr)tia.^ 

Young La Tour, while begging Louis XIIL for a 
connnission to command in Acadia, got from Sir 
William Alexander not only the title of baronet, but 
also a large grant of land at and near Cape Sable, to 
be held as a fief of the Scottish Crown. ^ Again, he 
got from the French King a grant of land on the river 
St. John, and, to make assurance doubly sure, got 
leave from Sir William Alexander to occupy it.^ 
This he soon did, and built a fort near the mouth of 
the river, not far from the present city of St. John. 

Meanwhile the French had made a lodgment on 
the rock of Quebec, and not many years after, all 
North America from Florida to the Arctic circle, 
and from Newfoundland to the springs of the St. 
Lawrence, was given by King Louis to the Company 
of New France, with Richelieu at its head.* Sir 
William Alexander, jealous of this powerful rivalry, 
caused a private expedition to be fitted out under the 
brothers Kirke. It succeeded, and the French settle- 

1 Grant from Sir Wilh'am Alexander to Sir Claude de St. Etienne 
(de la Tour), 30 Nov., 1629. Ibid, to Charles de St. Etienne, Esq., 
Seiipieur de St. Denniscourt and Bait/ncnx, 12 ^fal/, 1030. (Hazard, 
State Papers, i. 294, 298.) The names of both father and son appear 
on the list of baronets of Nova Scotia. 

- Patent from Sir William Alexander to Claude and Charles de la 
Tour, 30 .4/)/-//, 1030. 

^ Williamson, Ilistori/ of Maine, i. 240. 

* See "Pioneers of France," 440. 


I « 

I .Vi 

'•f 1 

i , ' 

'I !' 




nionts in Acadia and Canada were transferred hy 
conquest to England. England soon gave tlieni 
back by tlio treaty of St. (Jerniain;' and Claude de 
Razilly, a Knight of Malta, was charged to take i)()s- 
session of them in the name of King Louis. ^ Full 
powera were given him over the restored domains, 
together with grants of Acadian lands for himself.''^ 

Razilly reached Port Royal in August, 1(382, with 
three hundred men, and the Scotch colony planted 
there by Alexander gave up the place in obedience to 
an order from the King of England. Unfortunately 
for Charles de la Tour, Razilly brought with him an 
officer destined to become La Tour's worst enemy. 
This was Charles de Menou d'Aunay Charnisay, a 
gentleman of birth and character, who acted as his 
commander's man of trust, and who, in Razilly's 
name, presently took possession of such other feeble 
English and Scotch settlements as had been l)egun 
by Alexander or the people of New England along 
the coasts of Nova Scotia and Maine. This placed 
the French Crown and the Company of New France 
in sole possession for a time of the region then called 

When Acadia was restored to France, La Tour's 

1 Traite de St. Germain en Lai/e, 29 Mars, 1632, Article 3. For 
reasons of the restitution, see " Pioneers of France," 464. 

2 Convention avec le Sieur de Razilli/ pour alter regcvoir la Restitution 
du Port Roi/al, etc., 27 Mars, 1632. Commission du Sieur de Razilly, 
10 May, 1632. 

8 Concession de la riviere et baye Saincte Croix a M. de Razilly, 29 
May, 1632. 










KiiLjlisli tltli^ to Iiis liiiuls jit Capo Siil)!^ bornino 
uorthlt'SH. lie hastened to Paris to fortify liis posi- 
tion; and, sn[)pr('ssin^' liis ilallyini^s with Kn^dand 
and Sir William Alexander, iu^ snccccdcd not oidy in 
gettin)^^ an oxtonsivo ^rant of lands ut ('ape; Saltle, 
Init also tlu! title of lieutenant-geiural for tlu^ KinLf in 
Fort l^onidron and its dependencies,* and eonnnander 
at Cape Sable for the C!oni[)any of Mew France. 

Hazilly, who re[)resente(l the Kin<^ in Acadia, ilied 
in lOlJ'), and left his unthority to I>'Annay Charnisay, 
his relative and second in connnand. D'Annay made 
his headquarters at Port Royal; and nobody dis- 
puted his authority except 1-ra irour, who pretended 
to be independent of him in virtue of liis connnission 
from the Crown and his grant from the Company, 
ilence rose dissensions that grew at last into war. 

The two rivals differed widely in position and 
qualities. Charles de Menem, Seigneur d'Avuiay 
Charnisay, came of an old and distinguished family 
of Touraine,*'^ and he prided himself above all things 
on his character of (jcntilhoiiime fran^ais. Charles 

: ^ 


^ Revocatiim de In (^oDnnlsslon dn Sieiir Charles de Saint-Ktienne, 
Sieur de la Tmir, 2>\ Fer., ](!41. 

^ The modiTii represi'iitative of this family, Conite Jiilos de 
Monou, is the autlior of a remarkable manuscript book, written 
from family jiapers and ofHcial doeunients, and t-ntitled L'Aeadle 
eolonlsce par Cliarles de Menon d'Aunaij C/ianiisai/. I have followed 
Comte de Menou's spelling of the name. It is often written 
D'Aulnay, and by New England writers D'Aulney. The manu- 
script just mentioned is in my possession. Comte de Menou is also 
the author of a printed work called Preuves de I'llistoire de la 
Maison de Menou. 







Saint-f^tienne de la Tour was of less conspicuous 
lineage.^ In fact, his father, Claude de la Tour, is 
said by his enemies to have been at one time so 
reduced in circumstances tliat he carried on the trade 
of a mason in Hue St. Germain at Paris. The son, 
however, is called gcntilliommc d^une naissance dis- 
tingucc, both in papers of the court and in a legal 
document drawn up in the interest of his children. 
As he came to Acadia when a boy he could have had 
little education, and both he and D'Aunay carried 
on trade, — which in France would have derogated 
from their claims as gentlemen, though in America 
the fur-trade was not held inconsistent with noblesse. 

Of La Tour's little kingdom at Cape Sable, with 
its rocks, fogs, and breakers, its seal-haunted islets 
and iron-bound shores guarded by Fort Lomdron, 
we have but dim and uncertain glimpses. After the 
death of Biencourt, La Tour is said to have roamed 
the woods with eighteen or twenty men, "living a 
vagabond life with no exercise of religion."'^ He 
himself admits that he was forced to live like the 
Indians, as did Biencourt before him.^ Better times 
had come, and he was now commander of Fort 

1 The true surname of La Tout's family, which belonged to tlie 
neighborhood of Evreux, in Normandy, was Turgis. Tlio designa- 
tion of La Tour was probably derived from the name of some 
family estate, after a custom common in France under the old 
regime. The Turgis's arm? were " d'or au chevron de sable, accom- 
pagne' de trois palmes de mcme." 

2 Menou, L'Acadie colonisee par Charles de Menou d'Auiay 

3 La Tour au Roji, 26 Juillet, 1627. 



to the 



the old 




Lomdron, — or, as he called it, Fort La Tour, — with 
a few Frenchmen and abundance of Micmac Indians. 
His next neighbor was the adventurer Nicolas Denys, 
who with a view to the timber trade had settled 
himself with twelve men on a small river a few 
leagues distant. Here Razilly had once made him a 
visit, and was entertained under a tent of boughs 
with a sylvan feast of wild pigeons, brant, teal, 
woodcock, snipe, and larks, cheered by profuse white 
wine and claret, and followed by a dessert of wild 

On the other side of the Acadian peninsula 
D'Aunay reigned at Port Royal like a feudal lord, 
which in fact he was. Denys, who did not like him, 
says that he wanted only to rule, and treated his 
settlers like slaves ; but this, even if true at the time, 
did not always remain so. D'Aunay went to France 
in 1641, and brought out, at his own charge, twenty 
families to people his seigniory. ^ He had already 
brought out a wife, having espoused Jeanne Molin 
(or Motin), daughter of the Seigneur de Courcelles. 
What with old settlers and new, about forty families 
were gathered at Port Royal and on the river 
Annapolis, and over these D'Aunay ruled Jike a 
feudal Robinson Crusoe.^ He gave each colonist a 
farm charged with a perpetual rent of one sou an 
arpent, or French acre. The houses of the settlers 

^ Denys, Description geographique et historique. 

2 llameau, Une Colonie feodale en Ameriquc, i. 93 (cd. 1889). 

3 Ibid., i. 96, 97. 










were log cabins, and the manor-house of their lord 
was a larger building of the same kind. The most 
pressing need was of defence, and D'Aunay lost no 
time in repairing and reconstructing the old fort on 
the point between Allen's River and the Annapolis. 
He helped his tenants at their work; and his con- 
fessor describes him as returning to his rough manor- 
house on a wet day, drenched with rain and 
bespattered with mud, but in perfect good humor, 
after helping some of the inhabitants ' o mark out a 
field. The confessor declares that during the eleven 
months of his acquaintance with him he never heard 
him speak ill of anybody whatever, a statement which 
must probably be taken with allowance. Yet this 
proud scion of a noble stock seems to have given 
himself with good grace to the rough labors of the 
frontiersman; while Father Ignace, the Capuchin 
friar, praises him for the merit, transcendent in 
clerical eyes, of constant attendance at mass and fre- 
quent confession. 1 

With his neighbors, the Micmac Indians, he was 
on the best of terms. He supplied their needs, and 
they brought him the furs that enabled him in some 
measure to bear the heavy charges of an establish- 
ment that could not for many years be self-support- 
ing. In a single year the Indians are said to have 
brought three thousand moose-skins to Port Royal, 
besides beaver and other valuable furs. Yet, from 
a commercial point of view, D'Aunay did not 

^ Lettre du Pere Ignace de Paris, Capucin, 6 Aoust, 1653. 

? Mi 













prosper. He had sold or mortgaged his estates in 
France, borrowed large sums, huilt ships, bought 
cannon, levied soldiers, and brought over immigrants. 
He is reported to have had three hundred fighting 
men at his principal station, and sixty cannon 
mounted on his ships and forts; for besides Port 
Royal he had two or three smaller establishments.^ 

Port Royal was a scene for an artist, with its fort ; 
its soldiers in breastplate and morion, armed with 
pike, halberd, or matchlock ; its manor-house of logs, 
and its seminary of like construction; its twelve 
Capuchin friars, with cowled heads, sandalled feet, 
and the cord of Saint Francis; the birch canoes of 
Micmac and Abenaki Indians lying along the strand, 
and their feathered and painted owners lounging 
about the place or dozing around their wigwam fires. 
It was medisevalism married to primeval savagery. 
The friars were supported by a fund supplied by 
Richelieu, and their chief business was to convert the 
Indians into vassals of France, the Church, and the 
Chevalier d'Aunay. Hard by was a wooden chapel, 
■'^'^here the seignior knelt in dutiful observance of 
every rite, and where, under a stone chiselled with 
his ancient scutcheon, one of his children lay buried. 
In the fort he had not forgotten to provide a dungeon 
for his enemies. 

1 Certificat a Vecjard de M. d'Aunai/ Charnisaj/, signe Michel 
Boudrot, Lieutenant General en I'Acadie, ct aittres, anci'ns habitans an 
pays, 5 Oct., 1087. Lettre du Roi/ de gouverneur et lieutenant general es 
castes de I'Acadie pour Charles de Menou, Sieur d'Aulnay Charnisay, 
Fevrier, 1047. 




/ ! 



i I 

1.1 ''W 


I ' 


I I I 




The worst of these was Charles de la Tour. 
Before the time of liazilly and his successor 
D'Aunay, La Tour had felt himself the chief man in 
Acadia ; but now he w^as confronted by a rival higher 
in rank, superior in resources and court influence, 
proud, ambitious, and masterful.^ He was bitterly 
jealous of D'Aunay; and, to strengthen himself 
against so formidable a neighbor, he got from the 
Company of New France the grant of a tract of land 
at the mouth of the river St. John, where he built a 
fort and called it after his own name, though it was 
better known as Fort St. Jean.'-^ Thither he removed 
from his old post at Cape Sable, and Fort St. Jean 
now became his chief station. It confronted its rival. 
Port Royal, across the intervening Bay of Fundy. 

Now began a bitter feud between the two chiefs, 
each claiming lands occupied by the other. The 
Court interposed to settle the dispute, but in its 
ignorance of Acadian geography its definitions were 
so obscure that the question was more embroiled than 



1 Besides succeeding to the authority of Raziliy, D'Aunay had 
bought of his heirs their land claims in Acadia. Arrets du Conseil, 
9 ^fars, 1642. 

* Concession de la Compagnie de la Nouvelle France a Charles de 
Saint-Etienne, Sieur de la Tour, Lieutenant General de I'Acadie, du 
Fort de la Tour, dans la Riviere de St. Jean, du 15 Jan., 1636, in 
Meinoires des Commissaires, v. 113 (ed. 1756, 12mo). 

8 fjouis XIII a d'Aunay, 10 Fee, 1638. This seems to be the 
occasion of Charlevoix's inexact assertion that Acadia was divided 
into three governments, under D'Aunay, La Tour, and Nicolas 
Denys, respectively. The title of Denys, such as it was, had no 
existence till 1654. 







While the domestic feud of the rivals was gather- 
ing to a head, foreign heretics had fastened their 
clutches on various parts of the Atlantic coast which 
France and the Church claimed as their own. English 
heretics had made lodgment in Virginia, and Dutch 
heretics at the mouth of the Hudson; while other 
secUiries of the most malignant type had kennelled 
among the sands and pine-trees of Plymouth; and 
others still, slightly different, but equally venomous, 
had ensconced themselves on or near the small penin- 
sula of Shawmut, at the head of La Grande Baye, or 
the Bay of Massachusetts. As it was not easy to 
dislodge them, the French dissembled for the present, 
yielded to the logic of events, and bided their time. 
But the interlopers soon began to swarm northward 
and invade the soil of Acadia, sacred to God and the 
King. Small parties from Plymouth built trading- 
houses at Machias and at what is now Castine, on 
the Penobscot. As they were competitors in trade, 
no less than foes of God and King Louis, and as 
they were too few to resist, both La Tour and 
D'Aunay resolved to expel them; and in 1633 La 
Tour attacked the Plymouth trading-house at Machias, 
killed two of the five men he found there, carried off 
the other three, and seized all the goods. ^ Two 
years later D'Aunay attacked the Plymouth trading- 
station at Penobscot, the Pentegoet of the French, 
and took it in the name of King Louis. That he 
might not appear in the part of a pirate, he set a 

^ Hubbard, History of New England, 163. 

'> ' 

' n 


i 1 




I I 



I > 




price on the goods of the traders, and then, having 
seized them, gave in return his promise to pay at 
some convenient time if the owners would come to 
him for the money. 

He had called on La Tour to help him in this raid 
against Penobscot ; but La Tour, unwilling to recog- 
nize his right to command, had refused, and had 
hoped that D'Aunay, becoming disgusted with his 
Acadian venture, which promised neither honor nor 
profit, would give it up, go back to France, and stay 
there. About the year 1638 D'Aunay did in fact go 
to France, but not to stay ; for in due time he reap- 
peared, bringing with him his bride, Jeanne Motin, 
who had had the courage to share his fortunes, and 
whom he now installed at Port Royal, — a sure sign, 
as his rival thought, that he meant to make his home 
there. Disappointed and angry. La Tour now lost 
patience, went to Port Royal, and tried to stir 
D'Aunay's soldiers to mutiny; then set on his Indian 
friends to attack a boat in which was one of 
D'Aunay's soldiers and a Capuchin friar, — the 
soldier being killed, though the friar escaped.^ This 
was the beginning of a quarrel waged partly at Port 
Royal and St. Jean, and partly before the admiralty 
court of Guienne and the royal council, partly with 
bullets and cannon-shot, and partly with edicts, 
decrees, and iiroch verhaux. As D'Aunay had taken 
a wife, so toe would La Tour; and he charged his 
agent Desjardins to bring him one from France. 

1 Menou, L'Acndie colonisee par Charles de Menou d'Aunay. 

. 1 



aay at 
me to 

is raid 
id had 
Lth his 
lor nor 
,d stay 
fact go 
e reap- 
BS, and 
•e sign, 
s home 
|)w lost 
;o stir 
3ne of 
— the 
it Port 
y with 
ed his 

In a//. 




The agent acquitted himself of his delicate mission, 
and sliipped to Acadia one Marie Jacquelin, — 
daughter of a barber of Mans, if we may believe the 
questionable evidence of his rival. Be this as it 
may, Marie Jacquelin proved a prodigy of mettle and 
energy, espoused her husband's cause with passionate 
vehemence, and backed his quarrel like the intrepid 
Amazon she was. She joined La Tour at Fort St. 
Jean, and proved the most strenuous of allies. 

About this time, D'Aunay heard that the English 
of Plymouth meant to try to recover Penobscot from 
his hands. On this he sent nine soldiers thither, 
with provisions and munitions. La Tour seized them 
on the way, carried them to Fort St. Jean, and, 
according to his enemies, treated them like slaves. 

D'Aunay heard nothing of this till four months 
after, when, being told of it by Indians, he sailed in 
person to Penobscot with two small vessels, reinforced 
the place, and was on his way back to Port Royal 
when La Tour met him with two armed pinnaces. A 
fight took place, and one of D'Aunay's vessels was 
dismasted. He fought so well, however, that Cap- 
tain Jamin, his enemy's chief officer, was killed; 
and the rest, including La Tour, his new wife, and 
his agent Desjardins, were forced to surrender, and 
were carried prisoners to Port Royal. 

At the request of the Capuchin friars D'Aunay set 
them all at liberty, after compelling La Tour to sign 
a promise to keep the peace in future.^ Both parties 

^ Menou, L'Acadh colonis£e par Charles de Menou d'Aunay. 



i ,1 

i 11 







now laid their cases before the French courts, and, 
whether from the justice of his cause or from superior 
influence, D'Aunay prevailed. La Tour's commis- 
sion was revoked, and he was ordered to report him- 
self in France to receive the King's commands. 
Trusting to his remoteness from the seat of power, 
and knowing that the King was often ill served and 
worse informed, he did not ol)ey, but remained in 
Acadia exercising his authority as before. D'Aunay's 
father, from his house in Rue St. Germain, watched 
over his son's interests, and took care that La Tour's 
conduct should not be unknown at court. A decree 
was thereupon issued directing D'Aunay to seize his 
rival's forts in the name of the King, and place them 
in charge of trusty persons. The order was precise ; 
but D'Aunay had not at the time force enough to 
execute it, and the frugal King sent him only six 
soldiers. Hence he could only show the royal order 
to La Tour, and offer him a passage to France in one 
of his vessels if he had the discretion to obey. La 
Tour refused, on which D'Aunay returned to France 
to report his rival's contumacy. At about the same 
time La Tour's French agent sent him a vessel with 
succors. The Ki'ig ordered it to be seized ; but the 
order came too late, for the vessel had already sailed 
from Rochelle bound to Fort St. Jean. 

When D'Aunay reported the audacious conduct of 
his enemy, the royal council ordered that the offender 
should be brought prisoner to France ; ^ and D'Aunay, 

1 Arret du Conseil, 21 Fev., 1642. 

if ' m 




as the King's lieutcnant-generiil in Acadia, was again 
required to execute the decree.^ La Tour was now 
in the position of a reljel, and all legality was on the 
side of his enemy, who represented royalty itself. 

D'Aunay sailed at once for Acadia, and in August, 
1042, anchored at the mouth of the St. John, 
Ijefore La Tour's fort, and sent three gentlemen in a 
boat to read to its owner he decree of the council 
and the order of the King. La Towr snatched the 
papers, crushed them between his hands, abused the 
envoys roundly, put them and their four sailors into 
prison, and kept them there above a year.^ 

His position was now desperate, for he had placed 
himself in open revolt. Alarmed for the conse- 
quences, he turned for help to the heretics of Boston. 
True Catholics detested them as foes of God and 
man ; but La Tour was neither true Catholic nor true 
Protestant, and would join hands with anybody who 
could serve his turn. Twice before he had made 
advances to the Boston malignants, and sent to them 
first one Rochet, and then one Lestang, with pro- 
posals of trade and alliance. The envoys were 
treated with courtesy, but could get no promise of 
active aid.^ 

La Tour's agent, Desjardins, had sent him from 
Rochelle a shij), called the "St. Clement," manned 

1 Mcnou, L'Acadie colonisee. 

* Menou, L'Acadie colonisee. Moreau, Hisioire de I'Acadie, 169, 

" Hubbard, History of New England, chap. liv. Winthrop, ii. 
42, 88. 


I. !' 



\ \ 






1' 1^ 




by a hiiiKlrcd and forty Huguenots, ladon with stores 
and munitions, and coniniandod by Captain Mouron. 
In due time T^a Tour at his Fort St. .lean heard that 
the "St. Clement" hiy off the mouth of tlie river, 
uua])le to get in because D'Aunay bh)ckaded the 
entrance with two armed ships and a piiuiace. On 
this he resolved to appeal in person to the heretics. 
He ran the blockade in a small boat luider cover of 
night, and, accompanied by his wife, boarded the 
"St. Clement" and sailed for Boston.* 

• Menou, L'Acadie colunisee. 



1 the 
v^er of 
d the 



La Touk at Boston: his Meetino with Winthrop. — Boston 
IN 104;}. — TitAiNiNG Day. — An Ai.aum. — La Toi'k's Barcjain. 


Enpicott. — D'Aunay's Overture to the Puritans. — Marie's 

On the twelfth of June, 1643, the people of the 
infant town of Boston saw with some misgiving a 
French ship entering their harbor. It chanced that 
the wife of Captain Edward Gibbons, with her 
children, was on her way in a boat to a farm belong- 
ing to her husband on an island in the harbor. One 
of La Tour's party, who had before made a visit to 
Boston, and had been the guest of Gibbons, recog- 
nized his former hostess ; and he, with La Tour and 
a few sailors, cast off from the ship and went to 
speak to her in a boat that was towed at the stem of 
the "St. Clement." Mrs. Gibbons, seeing herself 
chased l)y a crew of outlandish foreigners, took refuge 
on the island where Fort Winthrop was afterwards 
built, which was then known as the "Governor's 
Garden," as it had an orchard, a vineyard, and 


t > 




. I 



I ; 






"many otliur corivouioiices." * Tlio ishuuls in the 
harbor, most of which wero at that tinio well wooded, 
seem to have been favorite places of cultivation, as 
sheep and cattle were there safe from those pests of 
the mainhmd, the wolves. La Tour, no doubt to the 
dismay of Mrs. (libl)ons and her children, landed 
after them, and was presently met by the governor 
himself, who, with his wife, two sons, and a daughter- 
in-law, had apparently rowed over to their garden for 
the unwonted recreation of an afternoon's outing.''' 
IjV Tour made himself known to the governor, and, 
after mutual civilities, told him that a ship bringing 
supplies from Franco had been stopped by his enemy, 
D'Aunjiy, and that he had come to ask for help to 
raise the blockade and bring her to his fort. 
Winthrop replied that, before answering, ho must 
consult the magistrates. As Mrs. Gibbons and her 
children were anxious to get home, the governo*. 
sent them to town in his own boat, promising to 
follow with his party in that of La Tour, who had 
placed it at his disposal. Meanwhile, the people of 
Boston had hoard of what was taking place, and were 
in some anxiety, since, in a truly British distrust of 
all Frenchmen, they feared lest their governor might 
be kidnapped and held for ransom. Some of them 
accordingly took arms, and came in three boats to 
the rescue. In fact, remarks Winthrop, "if La Tour 
had been ill-minded towards us, he had such an 

1 Wood, New Enijland's Prospect, part i., chap. x. 

2 Winthrop, ii. 127. 

3h an 





op[»<trtunity as we hope iieitlier ho nor any otluT shall 
evtT havo the like a^ain."' The castle, or foit, 
wliicli was on another ishmd hard by, was defenceless, 
its feehle garrison having lx3er lately withdrawn, and 
its cannon might easily have been turned on the town. 

Boston, now in its thirteenth year, was a straggling 
village, with houses principally of boards or logs, 
gathenid about a plain wooden meeting-house which 
formed the heart or vital organ of the place. The 
rough peninsula on which the infant settlement stood 
was almost void of trees, and was crowned by a hill 
split into three summits, — whence the name of 
Tremont, or Trimount, still retained by a street of 
the present city. Beyond tlie narrow neck of the 
peninsula were several smaller villages with outlying 
farms; but the mainland was for the most part a 
l)rimeval forest, possessed by its original owners, — 
wolves, bears, and rattlesnakes. These last unde- 
sirable neighbors made their favorite haunt on a high 
rocky hill, calUd Rattlesnake Hill, not far inland, 
where, down to the present generation, thoy were 
often seen, and where good specimens may occasion- 
ally be found to this day.^ 

Far worse than wolves or rattlesnakes were the 
Pequot Indians, — a warlike race who had boasted 

1 Winthrop, ii. 127. 

■■* Blue Hill in Milton. " Up into the country is a high hill which 
is called rattlesnake hill, where there is great store of these 
poysonous creatures." (Wood, Neu England's Prospect.) "They 
[the wolves] be the greatest inconveniency tlie country hath." 





'^Ui J 





that they would wipe the whites from the face of the 
earth, but who, by hard marching and fighting, had 
lately been brought to reason. 

Worse than wolves, rattlesnakes, and Indians 
together were the theological quarrels that threatened 
to kill the colony in its infancy. Children are taught 
that the Puritans came to New England in search of 
religious liberty. The liberty they sought was for 
themselves alone. It was the liberty to worship in 
their own way, and to prevent all others from doing 
the like. They imagined that they held a monopoly 
of religious truth, and "-ere bound in conscience to 
defend it against all comers. Their mission wai to 
build up a western Canaan, ruled by the law of God ; 
to keep it pure from error, and, if need were, purge 
it of heresy by persecution, — to which ends tli'^y set 
up one of the most detestable theocracies on record. 
Church and State were joined in one. Church- 
members alone had the right to vote. There was 
no choice but to remain politically a cipher, or 
embrace, or pretend to embrace, the extremest 
dogmas of CaWin. Never was such a premium 
offered to cant and hypocrisy ; yet in the early days 
hypocrisy was rare, so intense and pervading was 
the faith of the founders of New England. 

It was in the churches themselves, the appointed 
sentinels and defenders of orthodoxy, that heresy 
lifted its head and threatened the State with disrup- 
tion. Where minds different in complexion and 
character were continaally busied with subtle ques- 




tions of theology, unity of opinion could not be long 
maintained; and innovation found a champion in one 
Mrs. Hutchinson, a woman of great controversial 
ability and inexhaustible fluency of tongue. Persons 
of a mystical turn of mind, or a natural inclination 
to contrariety, were drawn to her preachings; and 
the church of Boston, with three or four exceptions, 
went over to her in a body. " Sanctification," " justi- 
fication," "revelations," the "covenant of grace," 
and the "covenant of works," mixed in furious battle 
wich all the subtleties, sophistries, and venom of theo- 
logical war; while the ghastly spectre of Antinomian- 
ism hovered over the fray, carrying terror to the souls 
of the faithful. The embers of the strife still burned 
hot when La Tour appeared to bring another firebrand. 
As a "papist" or "idolater," though a mild one, 
he was sorely prejudiced in Puritan eyes, while his 
plundering of the Plymouth trading-house some 
years before, and killing two of its five tenants, did 
not tend to produce impressions in his favor; but it 
being explained that all five were drunk, and had 
begun the fray by firing on the French, the ire 
against him cooled a little. Landing with Winthrop, 
he was received under the hospitable roof of Captain 
Gibbons, whose wife had recovered from her fright 
at his approach. He went to church on Sunday, and 
the gravity of his demeanor gave great satisfaction, 
— a solemn carriage being of itself a virtue in Puritan 
eyes. Hence he was well treated, and his men were 
permitted to come ashore daily in small numbers. 



\] '] 

! !■ I 


I ! 








The stated training-day of the Boston militia fell 
in the next week, and La Tour asked leave to exer- 
cise his soldiers with the rest. This was granted ; 
and, escorted by the Boston trained band, about 
forty of them marched to the muster-field, which 
was probably the Common, — a large tract of pasture- 
land in which was a marshy pool, the former home 
of a colony of frogs, perhaps not quite exterminated 
by the sticks and stones of Puritan boys. This pool, 
cleaned, paved, and curbed with granite, preserves to 
this day the memory of its ancient inhabitants, and 
is still the Frog Pond, though bereft of frogs. 

The Boston trained band, in steel caps and buff 
coats, went through its exercise; and the visitors, 
we are told, expressed high approval. When the 
drill was finished, the Boston officers invited La 
Tour's officers to dine, while his rank and file were 
entertained in like manner by the Puritan soldiers. 
There were more exercises in the afternoon, and this 
time it was the turn of the French, who, says 
Winthrop, " were very expert in all their postures 
and motions." A certain "judicious minister," in 
dread of popish conspiracies, was troubled in spirit 
at this martial display, and prophesied that "store of 
blood would be spilled in Boston," — a prediction 
that was not fulfilled, although an incident took 
place which startled some of the spectators. The 
Frenclimen suddenly made a sham charge, sword in 
hand, which the women took for a real one. The 
alarm was soon over; and as this demonstration 





tore of 




3rd in 






ended the performance, La Tour asked leave of the 
governor to withdraw his men to their ship. The 
leave being granted, they fired a salute and marched 
to the wharf where their boat lay, escorted, as before, 
by the Boston trained band. During tho whole of 
La Tour's visit he and Winthrop went amicably to 
church together every Sunday, — the governor being- 
attended, on these and all other occasions while the 
strangers were in town, by a guard of honor of 
musketeers and halberd men. La Tour and his chief 
officers had their lodging and meals in the houses of 
the principal townsmen, and all seemed harmony and 
good- will. 

La Tour, meanwhile, had laid his request before 
the magistrates, and produced among other papers 
the commission to Mouron, captain of his ship, dated 
in the last April, and signed and sealed by the Vice- 
Admiral of France, authorizing Mouron to bring 
supplies to La Tour, whom the paper styled Lieuten- 
ant-General for the King in Acadia; La Tour also 
showed a letter, genuine or forged, from the agent of 
the Company of New France, addressed to him as 
lieutenant-general, and warning him to beware of 
D'Aunay: from all which the Boston magistrates 
inferred that their petitioner was on good terms with 
the French government,^ notwithstanding a letter 

1 Count Jules dt' Menou, in his remarkable manuscript book now 
before me, expresses his belief that the commission of the Vice- 
Admiral was genuine, but that the letter of the agent of the Com- 
pany was a fabrication 








't III 


<■ i 



\ !': 






sent them by D'Aunay the year before, assuring 
them that La Tour was a proclaimed rebel, which in 
fact he was. Throughout this affair one is perplexed 
by the French official papers, whose entanglements 
and contradictions in regard to the Acadian rivals are 
past unravelling. 

La Tour asked only for such he'ip as would enable 
him to bring his own ship to his own fort; and, as 
his papers seemed to prove that he was a recognized 
officer of his King, Winthrop and the magistrates 
thought that they might permit him to hire such 
ships and men as were disposed co join him. 

La Tour had tried to pass hiiviself as a Protestant; 
but his professions were distrusted, notwithstanding 
the patience with which he had listened to the long- 
winded sermons of the Reverend John Cotton. As 
to his wife, however, there appears to have been but 
one opinion. She was ai)proved as a sound Protestant 
" of excellent virtues ; " and her denunciations of 
D'Aunay no doubt fortified the prejudice which was 
already strong against him for his seizure of the 
Plymouth trading-house at Penobscot, and for his 
aggressive and masterful character, which made him 
an inconvenient neighbor. 

With the permission of the governor and the 
approval of most of the magistrates. La Tour now 
made a bargain with his host, Captain Gibbons, and 
a merchant named Thomas Hawkins. They agreed 
to furnish him with four vessels; to arm each of 
these with from four to fourteen small cannon, and 






man tliem with a certain number of sailors, La Tour 
himself completing the crews with Englishmen hired 
at his own charge. Hawkins was to command the 
whole. The four vessels were to escort La Tour and 
his ship, the "St. Clement," to the mouth of the St. 
John, in spite of D'Aunay and all other opponents. 
The agreement ran for two months; and La Tour 
was to pay £250 sterling a month for the use of the 
four ships, and mortgage to Gibbons and Hawkins 
his fort and all his Acadian property as security. 
Winthrop would give no commissions to Hawkins or 
any others engaged in the expedition, and they were 
all forbidden to tight except in self-defence ; but the 
agreement contained the significant clause that all 
plunder was to be equally divided according to rule 
in such enterprises. Hence it seems clear that the 
contractors had an eye to booty ; yet no means were 
used to hold them to their good behavior. 

Now rose a brisk dispute, and the conduct of 
Wintlirop was sharply criticised. Letters poured in 
upon him concerning "great dangers," "sin upon the 
conscience," and the like. He hiPiSelf was clearly in 
doubt as to the course he was taking, and he soon 
called another meeting of magistrates, in which tlie 
inevitable clergy were invited to join; and they all 
fell to discussing the matter anew. As every man of 
them had studied the Bible daily from childliood up, 
texts were the chief weapons of the debate. Doubts 
were advanced as to whether Christians could law- 
fully help idolaters, and Jehoshaphat, Ahab, and 









Josias were brought forward as cases in point. Then 
Solomon was cited to the effect that "he that med- 
dleth with the strife that belongs not to him takes a 
dog by the ear; " to which it was answered that the 
quarrel did belong to us, seeing that Providence now 
offered us the means to weaken our enemy, D'Aunay, 
without much expense or trouble to ourselves. 
Besides, we ought to help a neighbor in distress, 
seeing that Joshua helped the Gibeonites, and 
Jehoshaphat helped Jehoram against Moab with the 
approval of Elisha. The opposing party argued that 
"by aiding papists we advance and strengthen 
popery;" to which it was replied that the opposite 
effect might follow, since the grateful papist, touched 
by our charity, might be won to the true faith and 
turned from his idols. 

Then the debate continued on the more worldly 
grounds of expediency and statecraft, and at last 
Winthrop's action was approved by the majority. 
Still, there were many doubters, and the governor 
was severely blamed. John Endicott wrote to him 
that La Tour was not to be trusted, and that he 
and D'Aunay had better be left to fight it out 
between them, since if we help the former to put 
down his enemy he will be a bad neighbor to us. 

Presently came a joint letter from several chief 
men of the colony, — Saltonstall, Bradstreet, Nathaniel 
Ward, John Norton, and others, — saying in sub- 
stance: We fear international law has been ill 
observed; the merits of the case are not clear; we 






are not called upon in charity to help La Tour (see 
2 Chronicles xix. 2, and Proverbs xxvi. 17); this 
quarrel is for England and France, and not for us ; if 
D'Aunay is not completely put down, we shall have 
endless trouble; and "he that loses his life in an 
unnecessary quarrel dies the devil's martyr." 

This letter, known as the " Ipswich letter," touched 
Winthrop to the quick. He thought that it trenched 
on his official dignity, and the asperity of his answer 
betrays his sensitiveness. He calls the remonstrance 
"ar act of an exorbitant nature," and says that it 
"blows a trumpet to division and dissension." "If 
my neighbor is in trouble," he goes on to say, "I 
must help him." He maintains that "there is great 
difference between giving permission to hire to guard 
or transport, and giving commission to fight," and he 
adds the usual Bible text, " The fear of man bringeth 
a snare; but whoso putteth his trust in the Lord 
shall be safe."^ 

In spite of Winthrop's reply, the Ipswich letter 
had great effect; and he and the Boston magistrates 
were much blamed, especially in the country towns. 
The governor was too candid not to admit that he 
had been in fault, though he limits his self-accusation 
to three points : first, that he had given La Tour aa 
answer too hastily ; next, that he had not sufficiently 




' \ 


1 Winthrop's Answer to the Tpsivich Letter about La Tour (no date), 
in Hutchinson Papers, 122. Bradstreet writes to him en the 21st of 
June," Our ayding of Latour was very grievous to many hereabouts, 
the design being feared to be unwarrantable by dyvers." 

\ i 

) V 


\ 1 

' ) 

. I! 












consulted the elders or Viiinisters; and lastly, that he 
had not opened the discussion with prayer. 

The upsliot was that La Tour and his allies sailed 
on the fourteenth of July. D'Aunay's three vessels 
fled before them to Port Royal. La Tour tried to per- 
suade .iis Puritan friends to join him in an attack ; 
but Hawkins, the English commander, would give 
no order to that effect, on which about thirty of 
the Boston men volunteered for the adventure. 
D Aunay's followers had ensconced themselves in a 
fortified mill, whence the}' were driven with some 
loss. After burning the mill and robbing a pin- 
nace loaded with furs, the Puritans returned home, 
having broken their orders and compromised their 

In the next summer. La Tour, expecting a serious 
attack from D'Aunay, — who had lately been to 
France, and was said to be on his way back with 
large reinforcements, — turned again to Massachusetts 
for help. The governor this time was .Fohn Endicott, 
of Salem. To Salem the suppliant repaired ; and as 
Endicott spoke French, the conference was easy. 
The rugged bigot had before expressed his disap- 
proval of "having anything to do with these idola- 
trous French;" but, according to Hubbard, he was 
so moved with compassion at the woful tale of his 
visitor that he Ctilled a meedng of magistrates and 
ministers to consider if anything could be done for 
him. The magistrates had by this time learned 
caution, and the meeting \vould do nothing but write 





that he 

;s sailed 
! vessels 
1 to per- 

aiJLacK ) 
Id give 
lirty of 
ves in a 
;h some 

a pin- 
:l home, 
id their 

I, serious 

been to 

ok with 



and as 




le was 

of his 

:es and 

one for 


t write 




a letter to D'Aunay, demanding satisfaction for his 
seizure of Penobscot and other aggressions, and 
declaring that the men who escorted La Tour to his 
fort in the last summer had no commission from 
Massachusetts, yet that if they had wronged him he 
should have justice, though if he seized any New 
England trading vessels the}- would hold him an- 
swerable. In short, La Tour's petition was not 

D'Aunay, when in France, had pursued his litiga- 
tion against his rival, and the royal council had 
ordered that the contumacious La Tour sho-. id be 
seized, his goods confiscated, and he himself brought 
home a prisoner; which decree D'Aunay was empow- 
ered to execute, if he could. He had returned to 
Acadia the accredited agent of the royal will. It 
was reported at Boston that a Biscayan pirate had 
sunk his ship on the way ; but the wish was father to 
the thought, and the report proved false. D'Aunay 
arrived safely, and was justly incensed at the support 
given by the Puritans in the last year to his enemy. 
But he too had strong reasons for wishing to be on 
good terms with his heretic neighbors. King Louis, 
moreover, had charged him not to offend them, since, 
when they helped La Tour, they had done so in the 
belief that he was commissioned as lieutenant-general 
for the King, and therefore they should be held 

Hence D'Aunay made overtures of peace and 
friendship to the Boston Puritans. Early in October, 



f \ 





* ' 1 







i II 




! ; ! 





1044, tliey wore visited by ono Monsieur Miiiie, 
"supposed," says tlie chrouiclc, "to bo a friar, but 
lial)ited like a gentleman." lie was pr()bal)ly one of 
the Capucliins wlio foinied an important part of 
D'Aunay's establisliment at Port Ko3'al. The gov- 
ernor and magistrates received liim with due consid- 
eration; and ahmg witli credentials from D'Aunay 
ho showed them papers under the great seal of 
Fraii'^e, wlierci?! the decree of the royal council was 
set forth in full. La Tour condenmed as a rebel and 
traitor, and orders given to arrest both him and his 
wife. Henceforth there was no room to doubt which 
of the rival chiefs had the King and the law on liis 
side. The envoy, while complaining of the aid 
given to La Tour, offered terms of peace to the gov- 
ernor and magistrates, — who replied to his com- 
plaints with their usual subterfuge, that they had 
given no commission to those who had aided La 
Tour, declaring at the same time that they could 
make no treaty Avithout the concurrence of the com- 
missioners of the United Colonies. They then desired 
Marie to set down his proposals in writing ; on which 
he went to the house of one Mr. Fowle, where he 
lodged, and drew U]} in French his plan for a treaty, 
adding the proposal that the Bostonians should join 
D'Aunay against La Tour. Then he came back to 
the place of meeting and discussed the subject for 
half a day, — sometimes in Latin with the magis- 
trates, and sometimes in French with the governor, 
that old soldier being probably ill versed in the classic 

( ■ 







Ill vain thoy all urged that D'Aunay 
should c'omo to terms with La Tour. Marie replied, 
that if La Tour would give liiniself up his life would 
])e spared, but tliat if he were caught he would lose 
his head as a traitor; adding that his wife was worse 
than he, being the mainspring of his rel)ellion. 
Endicott and the magistrates refused active alliance; 
but the talk ended in a provisional treaty of peace, 
duly drawn up in Latin, Marie keeping one copy and 
the governor the other. The agreement needed rati- 
fication by the connnissioners of the United Colonies 
on one part, and by D'Aunay on the other. What 
is most curious in the affair is the attitude of Massa- 
chusetts, which from first to last figures as an inde- 
pendent State, with no reference to the King under 
whose charter it was building up its theocratic 
republic, and consulting none but the infant confed- 
eracy of the New England colonies, of which it was 
itself the head. As the commissioners of the confed- 
eracy were not then in session, Endicott and the 
magistrates took the matter provisionally into their 
own hands. 

Marie had made good despatch, for he reached 
I^oston on a Friday and left it on the next Tuesday, 
having finished his business in about three days, or 
rather two, as one of the three was "the Sabbath." 
He expressed surprise and gratification at the atten- 
tion and courtesy with which he had been treated. 
His hosts supplied him with horses, and some of 
them accompanied him to Salem, where he had left 



ill 1 







II ■; 


l' ■ 




his vcsHcl, anil whence ho sailed for Port Uoyal, well 

Just before ho came to Boston, that town had 
received a visit from Madanio do la Tour, who, soon 
aft(!r her husband's successful negotiation with 
Winthrop in the past year, liad sailed for Franco in 
the shii) " St. Clement." Sho had hibored strenuously 
in La Tour's cause; but the influence of D'Aunay's 
partisans was far too stronj^, and, biung charged with 
complicity in her liusband's misconduct, sho was 
forbidden to leave Franco on pain of death. She sot 
the royal command at naught, escaped to England, 
took passage in a ship bound for America, and after 
long delay landed at Boston. The English ship- 
master had bargained to carry her to her husband at 
Fort St. Jean ; but ho broke his bond, and was sen- 
tenced by the Massachusetts courts to pay her £2,000 
as damages. She was permitted to hire three armed 
vessels then lying in the harl)or, to convey her to 
Fort St. Jean, whore she arrived safely and rejoined 
La Tour. 

Meanwhile, D'Aunay was hovering off the coast, 
armed with the final and conclusive decree of the 
royal council, which placed both husband and wife 
under the ban, and enjoined him to execute its sen- 
tence. But a resort to force was costly and of doubt- 
ful result, and D'Aunay resolved again to try the 
effect of persuasion. Approaching the mouth of the 
St. John, ho sent to the fort two boats, commanded 
by his lieutenant, who carried letters from his chief, 







promising to La Tour's men partloii for their past 
conduct and payment of all wajj^es due them if tiiey 
would return to tiieir duty. An adherent of D'Aunay 
declares that they received these advances with 
insults and curses. It was a little before this time 
that Madame do la Tour ariived from IJoston. The 
same writer says that she fell into a transport of fury, 
"Ixjhaved like one possessed with a devil," and 
heaped contempt on the Catholic faith in the presence 
of her hushand, who ai)i)roved everything she did; 
and he further lilirms that she so berated and reviled 
the K(5collet friars in the fort that they refused to 
stay, and set out for Port Royal in the depth of 
winter, taking with them eight soldiers of the fort 
who were too good Catholics to remain in such a nest 
of heresy and rebellion. They were permitted to go, 
and were provided with an old pinnace and two 
barrels of Indian corn, with which, unfortunately for 
La Tour, they safely reached their destination. 

On her arrival from Boston, Madame fh^ la Tour 
had given her husband a piece of politic advice. Her 
enemies say that she had some time before renounced 
her faith to gain the favor of the Puritans ; but there 
is reason to believe that she had been a Huguenot 
from the first. She now advised La Tour to go to 
Boston, declare himself a Protestant, ask for a min- 
ister to preach to his men, and promise that if the 
Bostonians would help him to master D'Aunay and 
conquer Acadia, he would share the conquest with 
them. La Tour admired the sagacious counsels of 









4- ! 
li' ' 1 






his wife, and sailed for Boston to put them in prac- 
tice just before the friars and the eiglit deserters 
sailed for Port Royal, thus leaving their departure 

At Port Royrl both friars and deserters found a 
warm welcome. D'Aunay paid the eight soldiers 
their long arrears of wages, and lodged the friars in 
the seminary with his Capuchins. Then he ques- 
tioned them, and was well rewarded. They told him 
that La Tour had gone to Boston, leaving his wife 
with only forty-five men to defend the fort. Here 
was a golden opportunity. D'Aunay called his 
officers to council. All were of one laind. He mus- 
tered every man about Port Royal and embarked 
tliem in the armed ship of three hundred tons that 
had brought him from France; he then crossed the 
Bay of Fundy with all his force, anchored in a small 
harbor a league from Fort St. Jean, and sent the 
R^collet Pere Andrd to try to seduce more of La 
Tour's men, — an attempt which proved a failure. 
D'Aunay lay two months at his anchorage, during 
which time an<jtlier ship and ii pinnace joined him 
from Port Royal. Then he resolved to make an 
attack. Meanwhile, La Tour had persuaded a 
Boston merchant to send one Grafton to Fort St. 
Jean in a small vessel loaded with provisions, and 
bringing also a letter to Madame de la Tour contain- 
ing a promise from her lusband that he would join 
her in a month. When the Boston vessel appeared 
at the mouth of the St. John, D'Aunay seized it, 





placed Grafton and the few men with him on an 
island, and finally supplied them with a leaky sail- 
boat to make their way home as they best could. 

D'Aunay now landed two cannon to batter Fort 
St. Jean on the land side ; and on the seventeentli of 
April, having brought his largest ship within pistol- 
shot of the water rampart, he sunnnoned the garrison 
to surrender.^ Tliey answered with a volley of can- 
non-shot, then hung out a red flag, and, according 
to D'Aunay's reporter, shouted "a thousand insults 
and blasphemies "! 2 Towards evening a breach was 
made in the wall, and D'Aunay ordered a general 
assault. Animated by their intrepid mistress, the 
defenders fought with desperation, and killed or 
wounded maiiy of the assailants, not without severe 
loss on their own side. Numbers prevailed at last; 




e an 
id a 





1 The site of Fort St. Jean, or Fort La Tour, has been matter of 
question. At Carleton, opposite the i)resent city of St. John, are 
the remains of an eartlien fort, by some supposed to be tliat of La 
Tour, but which is no doubt of later date, as the place was occupied 
by a succession of forts down to the Seven Years' War. On the 
otlier hand, it has been assumed that Fort La Tour was at Jemsec, 
which is about seventy miles up the river. Now, in the second 
mortgage deed of Fort La Tour to Major Gibbons, May 10, 1045, 
the fort is described as " sitae pres de rembouchure de la riviere de St. 
Jean." Moreover, there is a cataract just above the mouth of the 
river, which, though submerged at high tide, cannot be passed by 
heavy ships at any time ; and as D'Aunay brought his largest ship 
of war to within pistol-shot of the fort, it must have been below the 
cataract. Mr. W. F. Ganong, after careful examination, is con- 
vinced that Fort La Tour was at Torthuid Point, on the east side of 
the St. John, at its mouth. See his paper on tlie subject in Transac- 
tions of the Iioi/(d Societi/ of Canada, 1891. 

2 Proces Verbal d' And re Certain, in Ai)pi'ndi.\ A. 


.» I 

/ h 


■\ U 


> III 

I ' 'l 

.' i 



ii >■■■ 


,.; Ill 




all resistance was overcome; the survivors of the 
garrison were made prisoners, and the fort was pil- 
laged. Madame de la Tour, her maid, and another 
woman, who were all of their sex in the place, were 
among the captives, also Madame de la Tour's son, 
a mere child. D'Aunay pardoned some of his pris- 
oners, but hanged the greater part, "to serve as an 
example to posterity," says his reporter. Nicolas 
Denys declares that he compelled Madame de la 
Tour to witness the execution with a halter about her 
neck ; but the more trustworthy accounts say nothing 
of this alleged outrage. On the next day, the eigh- 
teenth of April, the bodies of the dead were decently 
buried, an inventory was made of the contents of the 
fort, and D'Aunay set his men to repair it for his 
own use. These labors occupied three weeks or more, 
during a part of which Madame de la Tour was left 
at liberty, till, being detected in an attemj)t to corre- 
spond with her husband by means of an Indian, she 
was put into confinement; on which, according to 
D'Aunay's reporter, "she fell ill with spite and 
rage," and died within three weeks, — after, as he 
tells us, renouncing her heresy in the chapel of the 




t n 

: to 
IS he 


D'Aunat's Envoys to the Puritans : tiieik Reception at 
Boston. — Wintuuop ani> his "Tai'ist" Guests. — Recon- 
ciliation. — Treaty. — Behavior ok La Tolr. — Royal 
Favors to D'Aunay: his Hopes; his Death; his Character. 
— Conduct of the Court towards hi:.i. — Intrigues of La 
Tour. —Madame D'Aunay. — La Toir marries her. — Chil- 
dren OF D'Aunay. — Descendants of La Tour. 

Having triumphed over his rival, D'Aunay was 
left free to settle his accounts with the Massachusetts 
Puritans, who had offended him anew by sending 
provisions to Fort St. Jean, having always insi>ited 
that they were free to trade with either party. 
They, on their side, were no less indignant with 
him for his seizure of Grafton's vessel and harsh 
treatment of him and his men. 

After some preliminary negotiation and some rather 
sharp correspondence, D'Aunay, in September, 1646, 
sent a pinnace to Boston, bearing his former eiivoy, 
Marie, accompanied by his own secretary and by one 
Monsieur Louis. 

It was Sunday, tlie Puritan Sabbath, when the 
three envoys arrived ; and the pious inhabitants were 

\ i 

; i: 

1 i- 

.• i 





I ' 




prei)ariiig for the afternoon sermon. Marie and his 
two colleagues were met at the wliarf by two militia 
officers, and CDnducted through the silent and dreary 
streets to the house of Captain, now Major, Gibbons, 
who seems to have taken upon himself in an 
especial manner the office of entertaining strangers 
of consequence. 

All was done with much civility, but no ceremony ; 
for the Lord's Day must be kept inviolate. Winthrop, 
who had again been chosen governor, now sent an 
officer, with a guard of musketeers, to invite the 
envoys to his own house. Here he regaled them 
with wine and sweetmeats, and then informed them 
of "our manner that all men either come to our 
publick meetings, or keep themselves quiet in their 
houses."^ He tiien laid before them such books in 
Latin and French as he had, and told them that they 
were free to walk in his garden. Though the diver- 
sion offered was no doubt of the dullest, — since the 
literary resources of the colony then included little 
besides arid theology, and the walk in the garden 
promised but moderate delights among the bitter 
pot-herbs provided against days of fasting, — the 
victims resigned themselves with good grace, and, as 
the governor tells us, "gave no offence." Sunset 
came at last, and set the captives free. 

On Monday both sides fell to business. The 
envoys showed their credentials ; but, as the commis- 
sioners of the United Colonies were not yet in 

1 Winthrop, ii. 273, 275. 



iiul his 

in an 


emony ; 


sent an 

dte the 

d them 

id them 

to our 

in their 

)Ooks in 

lat they 


nce the 

Id little 




,nd, as 


^et in 




session, nothing conclusive could be done till Tues- 
day. Then, all being assembled, each party made 
its complaints of the conduct of the other, and a 
long discussion followed. Meals were provided for 
the three visitors at the "ordinary," or inn, where 
the magistrates dined during the sessions of the 
General Court. The governor, as their host, always 
sat with them at the board, and strained his Latin to 
do honor to his guests. They, on their part, that 
courtesies should be evenly divided, went every 
morning at eight o'clock to the governor's house, 
whence he accompanied them to the place of meet- 
ing; and at night he, or some of the connnissioners 
ill his stead, attended them to their lodging at the 
house of Major Gibbons. 

Serious questions were raised on both sides; but 
as both wanted i)eace, explanations were mutually 
made and accepted. The chief difficulty lay in the 
undeniable fact, that, in escorting La Tour to his 
fort in 1G43, the Massachusetts volunteers had 
chased D'Aunay to Port Royal, killed some of his 
men, burned his mill, and robbed his pinnace, for 
which wrongs the envoys demanded heavy damages, 
ft was true that the governor and magistrates had 
forbidden acts of aggression on the part of the volun- 
teers ; but on the other liand they had had reason to 
believe that their prohibition would be disregarded, 
and had taken no measures to enforce it. The 
envoys clearly had good ground of complaint; and 
here, says Wiiithrop, "they did stick two days." At 






> i 


I t 




last they yielded so far as to declare that what 
D'Auiiay wanted wah not so much compensation in 
money as satisfaction to his honor by an acknowledg- 
ment of their fault on the part of the Massachusetts 
authorities ; and they further declared that he would 
accept a moderate present in token of such acknowl- 
edgment. The difficulty now was to find such a 
present. The representatives of Massachusetts pres- 
ently bethought themselves of a "very fair new 
sedan " which the Viceroy of Mexico had sent to his 
sister, and which had been captured in the West 
Indies by one Captain Cromwell, a corsair, who 
gave it to "our governor." Winthrop, to whom it 
was entirely useless, gladly parted with it in such a 
cause; and the sedan, being graciously accepted, 
ended the discussion. ^ The treaty was signed in 
duplicate by tlie commissioners of the United Colonies 
and the envoys of D'Aunay, and peace was at last 

The conference had been conducted with much 
courtesy on both sides. One small cloud appeared, 
but soon passed away. The French envoys displayed 
the Jleur-de-lys at the masthead of their pinnace as 
she lay in the harbor. The townsmen were incensed ; 
and Monsieur Marie was told that to fly foreign 
colors in Boston harbor was not according to custom. 
He insisted for a time, but at length ordered the 
offending flag to be lowered. 

On the twenty-eighth of September the envoys bade 

1 Winthrop, ii. 274. 





farewell to Winthrop, who had accompanied them to 
their pinnace with a guard of honor. Five cannon 
saluted them from Boston, five from "the Castle," 
and three from Charlestown. A supply of mutton 
and a keg of sherry were sent on board their ves- 
sel; and then, after firing an answering salute from 
their swivels, they stood down the bay till their sails 
disappeared among the islands. 

La Tour had now no more to hope from his late 
supportei's. He had lost his fort, and, what was 
worse, he had lost his indomitable wife. Throughout 
the winter that followed his disaster he had been 
entertained by Samuel Maverick, at his house on 
Noddle's Island. In the spring he begged hard for 
further help; and, as he begged in vain, he sailed 
for Newfoundland to make the same petition to Sir 
David Kirke, who then governed that island. Kirke 
refused, but lent him a pinnace and sent him back to 
Boston. Here some merchants had the good nature 
or folly to intrust him with goods for the Indian 
trade, to the amount of four hundred pounds. Thus 
equipped, he sailed for Acadia in Kirke 's pinnace, 
manned with his own followers and five New England 
men. On reaching Cape Sable, he conspired with 
the master of the pinnace and his own men to seize 
the vessel and set the New England sailors ashore, 
— which was done. La Tour, it is said, shooting one 
of them in the face with a pistol. It was winter, 
and the outcasts roamed along the shore for a fort- 
night, half frozen and half starved, till they were 


f !' 


Tin: vfcroK vanquisiikd. 


met by Miciiiac; fiKliiUis, wlio fjfiivdi them Food and a 

boat, — in wliicli, by rare good fortune, tliey r* lelied 

Boston, wliere their story conviiK^ed the most atu- 

ated that they had ]iar])ored a knave. "Wh(r'l)y," 

solemnly observes the pious ])ut nnich m.) dlied 

Winthrop, who had l^een La Tour's best frie a, "it 

appeared (as the Scrii)ture saith) oiii.t there is nc 

on! dencG in an imfaitiiful or carnal man.''^ 

W^hen the capture of Fort St Tean was known at 

i u ir^ the young King was well pleased, and promised 

to sua-.l D'Aunay the gift of a ship; ^ but ho forgot 

to keep his word, and requited his faithfid subject 

with the less costly reward of praises and lienors. 

After a preamble reciting his merits, and especially 

his "care, courage, and valor" in "taking, by our 

express order, and reducing again under our autiiority 

the fo t on the St. John which La Tour had rebel- 

liously occupied with the aid of foreign sectaries," 

the King confu'ms D'Aunay's authority in Acadia, 

and extends it on paper from the St. Lawrence to 

Virginia, — empowering him to keep for himself such 

parts of this broad domain as he might want, and 

grant out the rest to others, who \verc to hold of him 

as vassals. He could build forts and cities, at his 

own expense ; command by land ar. d sea ; make war 

or peace within the limits of his grant; appoint 

officers of government, justice, and police; and, in 

short, exercise sovereign power, with t^j simple 

1 Wir.tlirop, ii. 200. 

2 f.v /in,/ (1 M. (I'Aunn;/ Cluiniisui/, 28 Sept., 1045. 








reservation of Iioniage to tlie King, and a tenth part 
of ;)11 go^d, silver, and copper to tlie royal treasury. 
A full monopoly of the fur-trade throughout hij 
dominion was conferred on liim ; and any infringe- 
ment of io v^as to be punished by confiscation o*" sliips 
and goods, and thirty thousand livres of damages. 
On his part he was enjoined to ""establish the name, 
power, and authority of tlie King; subject the nations 
to his rule, and teach them the knowledge of the 
true God and the light of tlu '^Mtristian faith." ^ 
Acadia, in short, was made an j.ei itary fief; and 
D'Aunay and his heirs becanr ! 'idc; cf a domain as 
large as a European kingdom. 

D'Aunay had spent his substance in the task of 
civilizing a wilderness.''^ Tlu i'mg had not helped 
him ; and though he belonged to a caste which held 
commerce in contempt, he must be a fur-trader or a 
bankrupt. La Tour's Fort St. Jean was a better 
trading-stavion than Port Koyal, and it had wofully 
abridged D'Aunay's profits. Hence an ignoble com- 
petition in beaver-skins had greatly embittered their 
quarrel. All this was over; Fort St. Jean, the best 
trading-stand in Acadia, was now in its conqueror's 
hands ; and his monopoly was no longer a mere name, 
but a reality. 

^ Lettre dn Roy de Gouverneur ct. LieuteiKtiit General es costes de 
I'Acodle pour Charles de Afenoii d'Aitliiaj/ Chaniistti/, Fevrier, 1047. 
Lettre de la Reipie ret/ente an memc, 13 Avril, 1(547. 

2 His heirs estimated his oiithiys for tlie coh)ny at 800,000 livres. 
Meiiidire des Jilles dn feu Seit/iicnr d'Aidtiaji Cliarnisai/, l(i8*^«. Placet 
de Joseph de Meiion d'Aunafi (Jhaniisa//, Jils aim dii /'en Charles de 
Menon d'Aunai/ Charnisaij, 1058. 



H " Ail 

ill' ■ 





Everytliliij;' promised a thriving trade and a growing 
colony, wlien the scono was suddenly changed. On 
the twenty-fourth of May, 1050, a dark and stormy 
day, D'Aunay and liis valet were in a birch canoe in 
the ])asin of Port Royal, not far from the mouth of 
the Annapolis. Perhaps neither master nor man was 
skilled in the management of the treacherous craft 
that bore them. The canoe overset. D'Aunay and 
the valet clung to it and got astride of it, one at 
each (;nd. Tiicre they sat, sunk to the shoulders, 
the canoe though under water having buoyancy 
enough to keep them fi-om siidcing farther. So they 
rer,iained an hour and a half; and at the end of that 
time D'Aunay was dead, not from drowning but 
from cold, for the water still retained the chill of 
winter. The valet remained alive; and in this con- 
dition they were found by Indians and brought to 
the north shore of the Annapolis, whither Father 
Ignace, the Superior of the Capucliins, went to find 
the body of his patron, brought it to the fort, and 
buried it in the chapel, in presence of his wife and 
all the soldiers and inhabitants.^ 

The Father Superior highly praises the dead chief, 
and is astonished tliat the earth does not gape and 
devour the slanderers who say that he died in desper- 
ation, as one abandoned of God. He admits that in 
former times cavillers might have found wherewith 
to accuse him, but declares that before his death he 
had amended all his faults. This is the testimony 

1 f^rttre du lie.v. P. Tijnace, Capncin, G Aonst, 1053. 




of a Capuchin, whoso fiutornity he had always 
favored. The KdcoUets, on the oUuir hand, whose 
patron was La Tour, coniphiined that D'Aunay had 
ill-used them, and demanded redress.^ He seems to 
have been a favoral)le example of his class; loyal to 
his faith and his King, tempering pride with cour- 
tesy, "ud generally true to his cherished ideal of the 
gentilhomme Frangais. In his qualities, as in his 
birth, he was far above his rival ; and his death was 
the ruin of the only French colony in Acadia that 
deserved the name. 

At the news of his enemy's fate a new hope pos- 
sessed La Tour. He still had agents in France 
interested to serve him; while the father of D'Aunay, 
who acted as his attorney, was feeble with age, and 
his children were too young to defend their interests. 

There is an extraordinary document bearing date 
February, 1G51, or lefnS than a year after D'Aunay's 
death. It is a complete reversal of the decree of 
1647 in his hivor. J^a Tour suddenly appears as the 
favorite of royalty, and all the graces before lavished 
on his enemy are now heaped upon him. The lately 
proscribed "rebel and traitor" is confirmed as gover- 
nor and lieutenant-general in New France. His 
services to God and the King are rehearsed "as ol 
our certain knowledge," and he is praised with the 
same emphasis used towards D'Aunay in the decree 

1 Papers to this effect are among the many pieces cited in the 
Arret du Conseil d'Etat a Vetjard du Sei(/ncm de la Tour, 6 Mars, 

I I 

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1 1 








of HUT, suul alinoHt in tho sanio words. Tho \)iii)VT 
goes on to say that he, La Tour, would havo "on- 
vortod tho Indians and conc^uerod Acadia for il>u 
King if D'Aunay had not pruvonted him.* 

Unless this document is a faln'ioation in tlio inter- 
est of La Tour, as there is some reason to believe, it 
suggests strange reflections on colonial administra- 
tion during the minority of Louis XIV. Genuine or 
not. La Tour profited by it, and aftin- a visit to 
Franco, which proved a successful and fruitful one, 
ho returned to Acadia with revived hopes. Tho 
widow of D'Aunay had eight children, all minors; 
and their grandfather, the octogenarian Rend do 
Menou, had been appointed their guardian. Ho 
sent an incompetent and faithless person to Port 
Royal to fulfil the wardship of which he was no 
longer capable. 

Tho unfortunate widow and her children needed 
better help. D'Aunay had employed as his agent 
one Le Borgne, a merchant of Uochelle, who now 
succeeded in getting the old man under his influence, 
and induced him to sign an acknowledgment, said 
to I30 false, that D'Aunay's heirs owed him 200,000 

^ Conjirmation da Gouverneur et Lieutenant General pour le Roij dc 
la Nuuvdh, France, d la Costa de I'Acadie, an Sr. Charles de St. 
Etieniia, Chevalier da la Tour, 27 Fer., 11)51. A copy of tliis stranejo 
paper is before me. Comte de Menou, and after him, his follower 
Morean, doiiht the genuineness of the document, wliicli, however, is 
alluded to without suspicion in the lepal paper entitled Memoira in 
re Charles de St. Etienne, Sei(/neur de la Tour (fils) at ses J'reres et 
sceurs, 1700. This Afenioire is in the interest of the lieirs of La Tour, 
and is to he judged accordingly. 






, is 






livivs.^ Le Rorf^no next camo to Port Royul to push 
his schomcs ; and here he inv()i{:];lo(l or f:ljjjlituue(l tlie 
widow into signinsf a paper to the effect that she and 
her chihh'en owed him 205,28(5 Hvres. It was fortu- 
nate for his unscrupulous plans that he had to do 
with the soft and tractahle Madame d'Aunay, and 
not with the high-spirited and intelligent Amazon 
Madame La Tour. Le IJorgne now seized on Port 
Royal tas security for the alleged dehts; while La 
Tour on his return from his visit to France induced 
the perplexed and helpless widow to restore to him 
Fort St. Jean, conquered hy lier late husband. 
Madame d'Aunay, beset with insidi(ms enemies, saw 
herself and her chihben in danger of total ruin. She 
applied to the Due de Vendume, grand-master, chief, 
and superintendent of navigation, and offered to 
share all her Acadian claims with him if he nould 
help her in her distress ; but, from the first, Vendome 
looked more to his own interests than to hers. La 
Tour was not satisfied with her concessions to him, 
and perplexing questions rose „ ■ ween them touching 
land claims and the fur-trade. To end these troubles 
she took a desperate step, and on the twenty-fourth 
of February, 1653, married her tormentor, the foe of 
her late husband, who had now been dead not quite 
three years. '"^ Her chief thought seems to have been 
for her children, whose rights are guarded, though 

1 Memoire in re Charlca de St. Kilantio (fils do 'si Tnui), etc. 

2 Ramcau, i. 120. Mcnou and Moreau think tliiit this marr'age 
took place two or three years later. 




•A ' 


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^ ;! 




to little pui'pose, in the marriage contract. She and 
La Tour took up their abode at Fort St. Jean. Of 
the children of her first marriage four were boys and 
four were girls. They were ruined at last by the 
harpies lengued to plunder them, and sought refuge 
in France, where the })oys were all killed in the wars 
of Louis XIV., and at least three of the girls became 

Now follow complicated disputes, ^v^ithout dignity 
or interest, and turning chieily on the fur-trade. 
Le Borgne and his son, in virtue of their claims on 
the estate of D'Aunay, which were sustained by the 
French courts, got a lion's share of Acadia; a part 
fell also to La Tour and his children by his new wife, 
while Nicolas Denys kept a feel)le hold on the shore 
of the Oulf of St. Lawrence as far north as Cape 

War again broke out between France and England, 
and in 1G54 Major Robert Sedgwick of Charlestown, 
Massachusetts, who had served in the civil war as a 
major-general of Cromwell, led a small New England 
force to Acadia under a commission from the Pro- 
tector, capturpd Fort St. Jean, Port Royal, and all 
the ^ther Fre^f- h stations, and conquered the colony 
for England. It was restored to France by the 
treaty of Rreda, and captured again in 1G90 by Sir 
William Phips. The treaty of Ryswick again restored 
it to France, till, in 1710, it was finally seized for 
England by General Nicholson. 

1 Meiion, L' Accidie colonifee. 





When, after Sedgwick's expedition, the Englisli 
were in possession of Acadia, La Tour, not for tlie 
first time, tried to fortify his chiiins by a British title, 
and, jointly with Thomas Temple and ^vVilliam 
Crown, obtained a grant of the colony from Cromwell, 
— though he soon after sold his share to his 
copartner. Temple. Pie seems to have died in IGGG.^ 
Descendants of his were living in Acadia in 1830, 
and some may probably still be found there. As for 
D'Aunay, no trace of his blood is left in the land 
where he gave wealth and life for France and the 

1 KaiiKjiiu, i. 122. 


h ;■> 

' \ 

1 1 





The luoQrois Wau. — Father I'oncet : uis Adventiues. — 
Jesiit IJ(»ij)Ni:ss. — Le Movne's Mission. — Chaijmonot and 
Daislon. — luoQiois Feuocity. — The Mohawk KiuNArrKus. 


OF Chaimonot. — Omens or Destkiction. — Device of the 
Jesuits. — The Medicine Feast. — The Escape. 

In tlie suinnior of 1053 all Canada turned to fast- 
ing and penance, processions, vows, and su[)[)lica- 
tions. The saints and the Virgin were beset with 
unceasing prayer. The wretched little colony was 
like some puny garrison, starving and .dck, com- 
passed with inveterate foes, supplies cut off, and 
succor hopeless. 

At Montreal — the advance guard of the settle- 
nients, a sort of Castle Dangerous, held hy ahout 
lifty I'reiiclimeii, and said hy a pious writer of the 
day to exist only hy a continuous miracle — some two 





IiunJred Iroquois fell upon twenty-six Frenchmen. 
The C'hristians were outmatched, eight to one ; but, 
says the chronicle, the Queen of Heaven was on their 
side, and the Son of Mary refuses nothing to his 
holy mother. 1 Through her intercession, the Iroquois 
shot so wildly that at their first fire every bullet 
missed its mark, and they met with a bloody defeat. 
The palisaded settlement of Three Rivers, though in 
a position less exposed than that of Montreal, was 
in no less jeopardy. A noted war-chief of the 
Mohawk Iroquois had been captured liere the year 
before, and put to death ; and his tribe swarmed out, 
like a nest of angry hornets, to revenge him. Not 
content with defeating and killing the commandant, 
Du Plessis Bochart, they encamped during the winter 
in the neighboring forest, watching for an oppor- 
tunity to surprise the place. Hunger drove them 
off, but they returned in the spring, infesting every 
field and pathway; till at length soine six hundred 
of their warriors landed in secret and lay hidden in 
the depths of the woods, silently biding their time. 
Having failed, however, in an artifice designed to 
lure the French out of their defences, bhey showed 
themselves on all sides, plundering, burning, and 
destroying, up to the palisades of the fort.^ 

Oi the three settlements which, with their feeble 

1 Li' MiTciur, Relation, lOGo, 3. 

'^ So l)ent wiTi' tlicy on takiiij^: tlii.' place, that they brought thuir 
families, in ordir to iiiako a |)i'rmaucnt acttlciuent. Murk- de 
riiu'ariiatioii, Ltttrt da St [it., 1053. 


f i 




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\ > 


dependei ciep, then comprised the whole of Canada, 
Quehec was least exposed to Indian attacks, being 
partially covered ])y Montreal and Three Rivers. 
Nevertheless, there was no safety this year, even 
under the cannon of Fort St. Louis. At Cap Rouge, 
a few miles a])ove, the Jesuit Poncet saw a poor 
woman who had a patch of corn beside her cabin, 
but could find nobody to harvest it. The father 
went to seek aid ; met one Mathurin Franchetot, 
whom he persuaded to undertake the charitable task, 
and Avas returning with him, when they both fell 
into an amlniscade of Iroquois, who seized them and 
dragged them off. Thirty-two men embarked in 
canoes at Quebec to follow the retreating savages and 
rescue the prisoners. Pushing rapidly up the St. 
Lawrence, they approached Three Rivers, found it 
beset by the Mohawks, and bravely threw them- 
selves into it, to the great joy of its defenders and 
discouragement of the assailants. 

Meanwhile, the intercession of the Virgin wrought 
new marvels at Montreal, and a briglit ray of hope 
beamed forth from the darkness and the storm to cheer 
the hearts of her votaries. It was on the twenty -sixth 
of June that sixty of the Onondaga Iroquois appeared 
in sight of the fort, shouting from a distance that 
they came on an errand of peace, and asking safe- 
conduct for some of their number. Cuns, scalping- 
knives, tomahawks, were all Laid aside; and, with a 
confidence truly astonishing, a deputation of chiefs, 
naked and defenceless, came into the midst of those 




whoni they had l)etraye{l so often. Tlic Froncli had 
a mind to seize tlieni, and pay tlieni in kind for past 
treachery; bnt they refrained, seeing in tliis won- 
drous change of heart the manifest liand of Heaven. 
Nevertheless, it can be exphiined witliout a miracle. 
The Iroquois, or at least the western nations of their 
league, had just become involved in war with their 
neighbors the Eries,^ and "one war at a time" was 
the sage maxim of their policy. 

All was smiles and blandishment in the fort at 
Montreal; presents were exchanged, and the deputies 
departed, bearing home golden reports of the French. 
An Oneida dei)utation soon followed ; but the enraged 
Mohawks still infested Montreal and beleaguered 
Three llivers, till one of their principal chiefs and 
four of their best warriors were captured by a party 
of Christian Hurons. Then, seeing themselves 
abandoned by the other nations of the league and 
left to wage the war alone, they too made overtures 
of peace. 

A grand council was held at (Jue])ec. Speeches 
v/ere made, and wampum-ln ' exchanged. T^ib 
Iroquois left some of their cl men as pledges of 
sincerity, and two young sohli s offered themselves 
as reciprocal pledges on tlu [)art of tlie Fjcncli. 
The war was over; at leas (*anada liad found ;t 
moment to aike breath for tlie next struggle. The 

1 Sc'i' " Jesuits in North AiiuTica," '>\.i. Tlic rnxftiois, it will he 
renicmhori'd, consisted of five "nations, or trihes, — the Molia\vl<s, 
Oneidas, Onondaijas, CayuLjas, and Sriiceas. For an account oi' 
tlicni, see the work just cited, Intnxhiction. 

W . 






i.iif 1 





■■''' . 
1 1 Vl 

■ i 

:' ■ 

fur-trade was restored again, with promise of plenty ; 
for tlie beaver, profiting by the quarrels of their 
human foes, had of late greatly multiplied. It was 
a change from death to life ; for Canada lived on the 
beaver, and robbed of this, her only sustenance, had 
been dying slowly since the strife began. ^ 

" Yesterday, " writes Father Le Mercier, "all was 
dejection and gloom ; to-day, all is smiles and gayety. 
On Wednesday, massacre, burning, and pillage; on 
Thursday, gifts and visits, as among friends. If the 
Iroquois have their hidden designs, so too has God. 

" On the day of the Visitation of tlie Holy Virgin, 
the chief, Aontarisati,^ so regretted by the Iroquois, 
w^as taken prisoner by our Indians, instructed by our 
fathers, and baptized; and on the same day, being 
put to death, he ascended to heaven. I doubt not 
that he thanked the Virgin for his misfortune and 
the blessing that followed, and that he prayed to 
God for his countrymen. 

"The people of Montreal made a solemn vow to 
celebrate publicly the f(''le of this mother of all bless- 
ings ; whereupon the Iroquois came to ask for peace. 

"It was on the day of the Assumption ot this 
Queen of angels and of men that the Hurons took at 


1 According to Le Mcrcior, boavcr to the vfilue of from 200,000 
to ;}00,000 livres was yearly brought down to the coh)iiy before the 
destruction of tlie Hurons (KilD-oO). Three years later, not one 
beaver-skin was brought to Montreal during a twelvemonth, and 
Three Hivers and (.^'i^'hec had barely enough to pay for keeping the 
fortitieations in repair. 

* The chief whose death had so enraged the Mohawks. 




Montreal that other famous Iroquois chief, whose 
capture caused the Molunv^ks to seek our alliance. 

"On the clay wlieu the Churcii lionors the Nativity 
of the Holy Virgin, the Iroquois graV.ted Father 
Poncet his lite; and he, or rather the Holy Virgin 
and tlie holy angels, lahored so well in the work vi 
peace, that on Saint Michaers Day it was resolved in 
a council of the eldei"s that the father should he con- 
ducted to Qui'hec, and a lasting treaty made with 
the French."! 

I la})py as was this consummation. Father Poncet's 
path to it had heen a thorny one. He has left us his 
own rueful story, written in ohedience to the com- 
mand of his superior. He and his companion in 
misery had been hurri U 'hrough the forests, from 
Cap Rouge on the St. Lawrence to the Indian towns 
on the Mohawk. He tells us how he slept among 
dank weeds, dropping with the cold dew; how fright- 
ful colics assailed him as he waded wj»ist-deep through 
a mountain stream ; how one of ht>. feet was blistered 
and one of his legv benumbed ; how an Indian snr^-ched 
away his reliquaiy and lost the precious contents. 
"I had," he says, "a picture of Saint Ignatius with 
our Lord bearing the cross, and another of Our Lady 
of Pity surrounded by the hve wounds of her Son. 
They woiv' uiy joy and my consolation; but I Iiid 
them in a bush, lest the Indians should laugh at 
them." He k^^-pt, however, a little image of the 
crown of lhi»rns, in which he found great comfort^ 

1 iielution, 1G53, 18. 





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1 111 


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as well as in communion with his patron saints, Saint 
Kai)haol, Saint Martini, and Saint Joseph. On one 
occasion he asked these celestial friends for sonie- 
tliing to soothe his thirst, and for a howl of hroth to 
revive his strength. Scarcely luid he framed the 
petition when an Indian gave him some wild plums; 
and in the evening, as he lay fainting on the ground, 
another brought him the coveted broth. Winiry and 
forlorn, he reacluM^ 'it last the lower Mohawk town, 
where, after I'^ing stri[)p(!d, and with his companion 
forced to run the ganth't, iie v. as placed on a scaffold 
of ])ark, surrounded by a crowd of grinning and 
mocking savages. As t began to rain, they took 
hii-i into one of their lo 1 .jes, ;.nd amused themselves 
by making him dauco, sinr;, and perform various 
fantastic tricks for Uuiir amusement. He seems to 
have done his best to please them; "but," adds the 
chronicler, " I will say in passing, that as he did not 
succeed to their liking in these buffooneries (sinfjeries)^ 
they would liave put him to death if a young Huron 
prisoner had not offered himself to sing, dance, and 
make wry faces in place of the father, who had never 
learned the trade." 

Having sufficiently amused themselves, they left 
him for a time in peace; when an old one-eyed Indian 
ap])r(^ac]ied, took his hands, examined them, selected 
tie left forefinger, and calling a child four or five 
years old, gave him a knife, and told him to cut it 
off, which the imp proceeded to do, his victim mean- 
while singing the Vexilla Regis. After this prelimi- 





nary, tliey would have burned liim, like Franchetot, 
liis unfortunate eonipanion, liad not a squaw happily 
adopted him in place, as he says, of a deceased 
brother. He Avas installed at once in the lodge of 
his new relatives, where, bereft of every rag of 
Christian clothing, and attired in leggins, moccasins, 
and a greasy shirt, the astonished father saw himself 
transformed into an Iroquois. Hut his deliverance 
was at hand. A special agreement providing for it 
had formed a part of the treaty concluded at Quebec; 
and he now learned that he was to be restored to his 
countrymen. After a march of almost intolerable 
hardship, he saw himself once more among Christians, 
— Heaven, as he modestly thiidcs, having found him 
unworthy of martyrdom. 

"At last," he writes, "we reached Montreal on 
the twenty-first of October, the nine weeks of my cap- 
tivity being accomplished, in honor of Saint Michael 
and all the holy angels. On the sixth of November 
the Iroquois who conducted me made their presents to 
confirm the peace; and thus, on a Sunday evening, 
eighty-and-one days after my capture, — that is to 
say, nine times nine days, — this great business of 
the peace was happily concluded, the holy angels 
showing l)y this number nine, whicli is specially 
dedicated to them, the part they l)ore in this holy 
work."' This incessant supernr^turalism is the key 
to the early history of New France. 

1 Poncot in Relation, 10)53, 17. On Poncet's captivity see also 
Morale Pratique des Jcsnitis, vol. xxxiv. (4to) chap. xii. 








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TIM-: .IKSni'S AT ()\()Nl)A(}A. 


Peaco was mado; l)ut would pcacci (jinhiie? Tlicro 
was little clianco of it, and tiiis for soveral reasons. 
First, the native fickleness of the Iroquois, who, 
astute and politic to ii surprising degree, were in 
certain respects, like all savages, mere grown-up 
children. Next, their total want of control ov(>r 
their fiei'ce and capricious young warriors, any one 
of whom could break the peace with impunity when- 
over he spw lit; and, above all, the strong probability 
that the Iro(piois had made peace in order, under 
cover of it, to butcher or kidnap the unhappy rem- 
nant of the Hurons who were living, under French 
protection, on the island of Orleans, immediately 
below Quebec. I huxe already told the story of the 
destruction of this peoj^le and of the Jesuit nussions 
established among them.^ The concjuerors were 
eager to complete their bloody triumph by seizing 
upon the refugees of Oi'leans, killing the elders, and 
strengthening their own tribes by the adoption of the 
women, children, and youths. The Mohawks and 
the Onondagas were competitors for the prize. Each 
coveted the Huron colony, and each was jealous lest 
his rival should pounce upon it first. 

When the Mohawks brought home Poncet, they 
covertly gave wampum-belts to the Huron chiefs, 
and invited them to remove to their villages. It was 
the wolf's invitation to the lamb. The Hurons, 
aghast with terror, went secretly to the Jesuits, and 
told them that demons had whispered in their ears an 
^ See " Jesuits in North America."] 

JKSriT noi.DNKss. 


invitation to destrvKUion. So h('I[)less wcro l)otli tlio 
Ilurons and their French siii)[)orti'rH, that tlicy saw 
no recourse but dissiniuhition. The lliirons promised 
to go, and only sought excuses to gain time. 

Tlie Onondivgas had a deeper phan. Their towns 
wore already full of Huron captives, former converts 
of the Jesuits, cherishing their memory and con- 
stantly rep(Miting their praises. Hence their tyrants 
conceived the idea that by planting at Onondaga a 
colony of Frenchmen under the direction of theses 
])eloved fathers, tlu; Ilurons of Orleans, disarmed of 
suspicion, might readily bo led to join them. Other 
motives, as we shall see, tended to the same end, and 
the Onondaga deputies begged, or rather demand(ul, 
that a colony of Frenchmen should be sent among them. 

Here was a dilemma. Was not this, like the 
Mohawk invitation to the Hurons, an invitation to 
butchery? On ■'Jie other hand, to refuse would 
probably kindle the war afresh. The Jesuits had 
long nursed a project bold to temerity. Their great 
Huron mission was ruined; but might not another bo 
built up among the authors of this ruin, and the 
Iroquois themselves, tamed by the power of the 
Faith, bo annexed to the kingdoms of Heaven and 
of France ? Thus would peace be restored to Canada, 
a barrier of fire opposed to the Dutch and English 
heretics, and the power of the Jesuits vastly increased. 
Yet the time was hardly ripe for such an attempt. 
Before uiiusting a lieiid into the tiger's jaws, it 
would be well to try the effect of thrusting in a 



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hand. They resolved to compromiso with the 
danger, and before risking a colony at Onondaga to 
send thither an envoy who could soothe the Indians, 
confirm them in pacific designs, and pave the way 
for more decisive steps. The choice fell on Father 
Simon Le Moyne. 

The errand was mainly a political one; and this, 
sagacious and able priest, versed in Indian langjm^es 
and customs, was well suited to do it.^^-^On the 
second day of the month of July^tiie festival of 
the Visitation of the Most HoJy^Virgin, ever favor- 
able to our enterprises, Fatlier Simon Le Moyne set 
out from Quebec for the country of the Onondaga 
Iroquois." In these words does Father Le Mercier 
chronicle tlic departure of his brother Jesuit. Scarcely 
wap he gone when a band of Mohawks, under a 
redoubtable half-breed known as the Flemish Bastard, 
arrived at Quebec; and when they heard that the 
envoy was to go to the Onondagas without visiting 
their tribe, they took the imagined slight in high 
dudgeon, displaying such jealousy and ire that a 
letter was sent after Le Moyne, directing him to pro- 
ceed to the Mohawk towns before his return. But 
he was already beyond reach, and the angry Mohawks 
were left to digest their wrath. 

At Montreal, Le Moyne took a canoe, a young 
Frenchman, and two or three Indians, and began the 
tumultuous journey of the Upper St. Lawrence. 
Nature, or habit, had taught him to love the wilder- 
ness life. He and his companions had struggled all 





day against the surges of La Chine, and were biv- 
ouacked at evening by the Lake of St. Louis, when 
a clp^ of mosquitoes fell upon them, followed by a 
/^iower of warm rain. The father, stretched under 
a tree, seems clearly to have enjoyed himself. " It 
is a pleasure," he writes, "the sweetest and most 
innocent imaginable, to have no other shelter than 
trees planted by Nature since the creation of the 
world." Sometimes, during their journey, this 
primitive tent proved insufficient, and they would 
build a bark hut or find a partial shelter under their 
inverted canoe. Now they glided smoothly over the 
sunny bosom of the calm and smiling river, and now 
strained every nerve to fight their slow way against 
the rapids, dragging their canoe upward in the 
shallow water by the shore, as one leads an unwilling 
horse by the bridle, or shouldering it and bearing it 
through the forest to the smoother current above. 
Game abounded; and they saw great herds of elk 
quietly defiling between the water and the woods, 
with little heed of men, who in that perilous region 
found employment enough in hunting one another. 

At the entrance of Lake Ontario they met a party 
of Iroquois fishermen, who proved friendly, and 
guided them on their way. Ascending the Onondaga, 
they neared their destination ; and now all misgivings 
as to their reception at the Iroquois capital were dis- 
pelled. The inhabitants came to meet them, bring- 
ing roasting eara of the young maize and bread made 
of its pulp, than which they knew no luxury more 

liti' .1 / 


r: I 






i ; 


1 1 

exquisite. Their faces beamed welcome. Le Moyne 
was astonished. "I never," he says, "saw the like 
among Indians before." They were flattered by his 
visit, and, for the moment, were glad to see him. 
Tliey hoped for great advantages from the residence 
of Frenchmen among them ; and having the Erie war 
on their hands, they wished for peace with Canada. 
"One would call me brother," writes Le Moyne; 
"another, uncle; another, cousin. I never had so 
many relations." 

He was overjoyed to find that many of the Huron 
converts, who had long been captives at Onondaga, 
had not forgotten the teachings of their Jesuit 
instructors. Such influence as they had with their 
conquerors was sure to be exerted in behalf of the 
French. Deputies of the Senecas, Cayugas, and 
Oneidas at length arrived, and on the tenth of August 
the criers passed through the town, summoning all 
to hear the words of Onontio. The naked dignita- 
ries, sitting, squatting, or lying at full length, 
thronged the smoky hall of council. The father 
knelt and prayed in a loud voice, invoking the aid of 
Heaven, cursing the demons who are spirits of dis- 
cord, and calling on the tutelar angels of the country 
to open the ears of his listeners. Then he opened 
his packet of presents and began his speech. " I was 
full two hours," he says, "in making it, speaking in 
the tone of a chief, and walking to and fro, after 
their fashion, like an actor on a theatre." Not only 
did he imitate the prolonged iiccents of the Iroquois 




! ■{> S 





orators, but he adopted and improved their figures of 
speech, and addressed them in turn by their respective 
tribes, bands, and families, calling their men of note 
by name, as if he had been born among them. They 
were delighted ; and their ejaculations of approval — 
hoh-hoh-hoh — came thick and fast at every pause of 
his harangue. Especially were they pleased with the 
eighth, ninth, tenth, and eleventh jiresents, whereby 
the reverend speaker gave to the four upper nations 
of the league four hatchets to strike their new ene- 
mies, the Eries; while by another present he meta- 
phorically daul)ed their faces with the war-paint. 
However it may have suited the character of a Chris- 
tian priest to hound on these savage hordes to a war 
of extermination which they had themselves pro- 
voked, it is certain that, as a politician, Le Moyne 
did wisely ; since in the war with the Eries lay the 
best hope of peace for the French. 

The reply of the Indian orator was friendly to 
overflowing. He prayed his French brethren to 
choose a spot on the lake of Onondaga, where they 
might dwell in the country of the Iroquois, as they 
dwelt already in their hearts. Le Moyne promised, 
and made two presents to confirm the pledge. Then, 
his mission fulfilled, he set out on his return, 
attended by a troop of Indians. As he approached 
the lake, his escort showed him a large spring of 
water, possessed, as they told him, by a bad spirit. 
Le Moyne tasted it, then boiled a little of it, and 
produced a quantity of excellent salt. He had dis- 

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1 1 











covered the famous salt-springs of Onondaga. Fish- 
ing and hunting, the part}'^ pursued their way till, at 
noon of the seventh of September, Le Moyne reached 

When he reached Quebec, his tidings cheered for 
a while the anxious hearts of its tenants ; but an un- 
wonted incident soon told them how hollow was tlie 
ground beneath their feet. Le Moyne, accompanied 
by two Onondagas and several Huronsand Algonquins, 
was returning to Montreal, when he and his com- 
panions were set upon by a war-party of Mohawks. 
The Hurons and Algonquins were killed. One of 
the Onondagas shared their fate, and the other, with 
Le Moyne himself, was seized and bound fast. The 
captive Onondaga, however, wr-s so loud in his 
threats and denunciations that the Mohawks released 
both him and the Jesuit. ^ Here was a foreshadow- 
ing of civil war, — Mohawk against Onondaga, 
Iroquois against Iroquois. The quarrel was patched 
up, but fresh provocations were imminent. 

The Mohawks took no part in the Erie war, and 
hence their hands were free to fight the French and 
the tribes allied with them. Reckless of their 
promises, they began a series of butcheries, — fell 
upon the French at Isle aux Oies, killed a lay brother 
of the Jesuits at Sillery, and attacked Montreal. 
Here, being roughly handled, they came for a time 

1 Journal du Pere Le Afoinr, lielation, 1654, ohtaps. vi. vii. 
'^ Compare Relation, 1G54, 33, ami Leftre de Marie de 1' Incarnation, 
18 Or/., 1054. 


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to their senses, and offered terms, promising to spare 
the French, but declaring that they would still Wcigo 
war against the Hurons and Algonquins. These 
were allies whom the French were pledged to protect; 
but so helpless was the colony that the insolent and 
humiliating proffer was accepted, and another pe.ace 
ensued, as hollow as the last. The indefatigable Le 
Moyne was sent to the Mohawk towns to confirm it, 
"so far," says the chronicle, "as it is possible to con- 
firm a peace made by infidels backed by heretics. " ^ 
The Mohawks received him with great rejoicing ; yet 
his life was not safe for a moment. A warrior, 
feigning madness, raved through the town with 
uplifted hatchet, howling for his blood; but the 
saints watched over him and balked the machinations 
of hell. He came off alive and returned to Montreal, 
spent with famine and fatigue. 

Meanwhile a deputation of eighteen Onondaga 
chiefs arrived at Quebec. There was a grand council. 
The Onondagas demanded a colony of Frenchmen to 
dwell among them. Lauson, the governor, dared 
neither to consent nor to refuse. A middle course 
was chosen ; and two Jesuits, Chaumonot and Dablon, 
were sent, like Le Moyne, partly to gain time, partly 
to reconnoitre, and partly to confirm the Onondagas 
in such good intentions as they might entertain. 
Chaumonot was a veteran of the Huron mission, who, 
miraculously as he himself supposed, had acquired a 


I i 



^ Copie de Deux Lett res envoijees de In Nouvelle France au Phre 
Procureur des iMissions de la Cumjtagnie de Jesus. 






r, I 

groat fliunicy in the Huron tongue, which is closely 
allied to that of the Iroquois. Dablon, a new-comer, 
spoke, as yet, no Indian. 

Their voyage up the St. Lawrence was enlivened 
by an extraordinary bear-hunt, and by the antics of 
one of their Indian attendants, who, having dreamed 
that he had swallowed a frog, loused the whole 
camp by the gynmastics with which he tried to rid 
himself of the intruder. On approaching Onondaga, 
they were met by a chief who sang a song of wel- 
come, a part of which he seasoned with touches 
of humor, — apostrophizing the fish in the river 
Onondaga, naming each sort, great or small, and 
calling on them in turn to come into the nets of the 
Frenchmen and sacrifice life cheerfully for their 
behoof. Hereupon there was much laughter among 
the Indian auditoi-s. An unwonted cleanliness 
reigned in the town ; the streets had been cleared of 
refuse, and the arched roofs of the long houses of 
bark were covered with red-skinned children staring 
at the entry of the "black robes." 

Crowds followed behind, and all was jubilation. 
The dignitaries of the tribe met them on the way, 
and greeted them with a speech of welcome. A feast 
of bear's meat awaited them ; but, unhappily, it was 
Friday, and the fathers were forced to abstain. 

" On Monday, the fifteenth of November, at nine in 
the morning, after having secretly sent to Paradise 
a dying infant by the waters of baptism, all th.e 
elders and the people having assembled, we opened 




the council by public pmyer." Thus writes Father 
Diibloii. Mis colleague, Chaumonot, a Frenchman 
bred in Italy, now rose, with a long belt of wampum 
in his hand, and proceeded to make so eifective a 
display of his rhetorical gifts that the Indians were 
lost in admiration, and their oratoi*s put to the blush 
by his improvements on their own metaphors. "If 
ho had spoken all day," said the delighted auditors, 
"wo should not have had enough of it." "The 
Dutch," added others, "have neither brains nor 
tongues ; they never tell us about paradise and hell ; 
on the contrary, they lead us into bad ways." 

On the next day the chiefs returned their answer. 
The council opened with a song or chant, which was 
divided into six parts, and which, according to 
Dablon, was exceedingly well sung. The burden 
of the fifth part was as follows : — 

"Farewell war! farewell tomahawk! We have 
been fools till now; henceforth we will be brothers, 
— yes, we will be brothers." 

Then came four presents, the third of which 
enraptured the fathers. It was a belt of seven thou- 
sand beads of wampum. "But this," says Dablon, 
"was as nothing to the words that accompanied it." 
"It is the gift of the faith," said the orator. "It is 
to tell you that we are believers ; it is to beg you not 
to tire of instructing us. Have patience, seeing that 
we are so dull in learning prayer; push it into our 
heads and our hearts." Then he led Chaumonot 
into the midst of the assembly, clasped him in his 




f i 



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1 . 





arms, tied the IkjU aljout his waist, aiid protcsU'd, 
witli a siispi(!ioiis leduiulaiioy of words, that as ho 
chispod the father, so wouhl lie clasp the faith. 

What had wrought this siuUk'H ehanjjft! of heart? 
The eagerness of the Oiioiuhij^as that tiie Frcieh 
should settle among them had, no doubt, a large 
share in it. For tiie rest, the two »Iesuits saw abund- 
ant signs of the fierce, uncertain nature of those 
with whom they were dealing. Erie [)risoners were 
brought in and tortured before their i\yes, — one of 
them being a young stoic of about ten yeara, who 
endured his fate without a single outcry. Huron 
women and children, taken in war ami adopted by 
their captors, were killed on the slightest provoca- 
tion, and sometimes from mere caprice. For several 
days the whole town was in an uproar with the cra/y 
follies of the "dream feast," ' and one of the Fathers 
nearly lost his life in this Indian 15edlam. 

One point was clear: the French nnist make a 
settlement at Onondaga, and that speedily, or, 
despite their professions of brotherhood, the 
Onondagas would make war. Their attitude became 
menacing ; from urgency they passed to threats ; and 
the two priests felt that the critical posture of affairs 
must at once be reported at Quebec. But here a 
difficulty arose. It was the beaver-hunting season; 
and, eager as were the Indians for a French colony, 
not one of them would offer to conduct the Jesuits 
to Quebec in order to fetch one. It was not until 
1 See " Jesuits in North America," 164. 

, I 






nine nuiH8t>8 liad Ih^cii Haid to Saint Jolin tliu Haptint, 
tliiit >i number of Indians coiisitntcd to fort'^o tlu;ir 
hunting', antl escort Fatiior l)al)lon homo.* Clinnmonot 
remained at Onondaj^a, to watch liis danj^erous hosl»s 
and soothe their rising jeah)usie8. 

It was the secoml of March when l)al)h»n hej^Mn his 
journey, llis constitution must liave been of iron, 
or lie would luive succund)ed to tlie ai)[)allin^ liard- 
sliips of the way. It was neither winter nor si)iiii^'. 
The hikes and streams were not yet oi)en, but the 
half-thawed ice gave way beneath the foot. One of 
the Indians fell through and was drowned. Swamp 
and forest were clogged with soihlen snow, and 
ceaseless rains drenched them as they toiled on, 
knee-deep in slush. Happily, the St. Lawrence was 
open. They found an old wooden canoe by the 
shore, embarked, and reached Montreal after a jour- 
ney of four weeks. 

Dablon descended to Quebec. There was long 
and anxious counsel in the cluunbers of Fort St. 
Louis. The Jesuits had information that if the 
demands of the Onondagas were rejected, they would 
join the Mohawks to destroy Canada. But why 
were they so eager for a colony of Frenchmen ? Did 
they want them as hostages, that they might attack 
the Hurons and Algonquins witliout risk oi FVench 
interference; or would they massacre them, and then, 
like tigera mad with the taste of blood, turn ujion 

1 Dc Qucn,7iLWfj//o»,l(!5(>, 35. Cliaumonot, in his Autol)io}frai)Iiy, 
ascribes the miracle to the intercession of the deceased Brebeuf. 

:»i I 

1^' i^ 





the hulpU'ss scttlciiieiitH of tlio St. Ijjuvreiicu ? An 
lihyss yawned on either hiiiul. Liiusoii, the ^oveinor, 
was in an aj^ony of indecision; but at length ho 
declared for tlie lesser and remoter peril, and f;avo 
his voice for the colony. The Jesuits were of the 
same mind, though it was thoy, and not lie, who 
must bear the brunt of danger. " The ])lo()d of the 
martyrs is the seed of the ('hurch, " said one of them; 
"and if we die by the iires of the Iroquois, wo shall 
have won eternal life by snatching souls from the 
fires of hell." 

Preparation was l)egun at once. The expense fell 
on the Jesuits, and the outfit is said to have cost 
them seven thousand livres, — a heavy sum for 
Canada at that day. A pious gentleman, Zacluiry 
Du Pnys, major of tlio fort of Quebec, joined the 
expedition with ten soldiers ; and between thirty and 
forty other Frenchmen also enrolled themselves, 
impelled by devotion or destitution. Four Jesuits, 

— Le Mercier, the superior, with Dablon, Mdnard, 
and Frdmin, — besides two lay brothers of the order, 
formed, as it were, the pivot of the enterprise. The 
governor made them the grant of a hundred square 
leagues of land in the heart of the Iroquois country, 

— a preposterous act, which, had the Iroc^uois known 
it, would have rekindled the war; but Lauson had a 
mania for land-grants, and was himself the proprietor 
of vast domains which ho could have occupied only 
at the cost of his scalp. 

Embarked in two large boats and followed by 





twelve eaiioes (illetl with Iliiroiis, Onondagiis, uiul a 
few Seneeas lately arrived, they set out on the seven- 
teenth of May "to attack the demons," as Le Mereier 
writes, "in their very stronghold." With shouts, 
teal's, and Ixiiiedietions, priests, soldiers, and inhabit- 
ants waved farewell from the strand. They passed 
the haro steejjs of Cai)e Diamond and the mission- 
house nestled beneath the heights of Sillery, and 
vanished from the anxious eyes that watched the 
last gleam of their receding oars.* 

Meanwhile three hundred Mohawk warrioi-s had 
taken the war-path, bent on killing or kidnai)ping 
the llurons of Orleans. When they heard of the 
departure of the colonists for Onondaga, their rago 
was unbounded ; for not oidy were they full of jeal- 
ousy towards their Ont)ndaga confederates, but they 
had hitherto derived great profit from the control 
which their local position gave them over the trallic 
between this tribe and the Dutch of the Hudson, — 
upon whom the Onondagas, in common with all the 
upper Iroquois, had been depe'' lent for their guns, 
hatchets, scalping-knives, uca^'s, blankets, and 
brandy. These supplies would ^ nv be furnished hy 
the French, and the Mohawk speculators saw their 
occupation gone. Nevertheless, they had just made 
peace with the French, and for the moment were not 
quite in the mood to break it. To wreak their spite, 
they took a middle course, — crouched in ambush 

1 Marie do I'lncarnation, Lettres, 1050. Le Mereier, Relation, 
1067, chap. iv. Chaulnier, Nouveau Monde, ii. 205, 322, 319. 

< • 

I ) 

5 V 







among the bushes at Point St. Croix, ten or twelve 
U;agiies above Quebec, allowed the boats bearing the 
French to pass unmolested, and fired a volley at the 
canoes in the rear, filled with Onondagas, Senecas, 
and Hurons. Then they fell upon them with a yell, 
and, after wounding a lay brother of the Jesuits 
who was among them, bound and flogged such of 
the Indians as they could seize. The astonished 
Onondagas protested and threatened ; whereupon the 
Mohawks feigned great surprise, declared that they 
had mistaken them for Hurons, called them brothers, 
and suffered the whole party to escape without 
further injury. ^ 

The three hundred marauders now paddled their 
large canoes of elm-bark stealthily down the current, 
passed Quebec undiscovered in the dark night of the 
nineteenth of May, landed in early morning on the 
island of Orleans, and ambushed tliemselves to sur- 
prise the Hurons as they came to labor in their corn- 
fields. They were tolerably successful, — killed six, 
and captured more than eighty, the rest taking refuge 
in their fort, where the Mohawks dared not attack 

At noon, the French on the rock of Quebec saw 
forty canoes approaching from the island of Orleans, 
and defiling, with insolent parade, in front of tlie 
town, all crowded with the Mohawks and their pris- 
oners, among whom were a great number of Huron 

1 Compare Marie do I'lncarnation, Lettre 14 Aout, 1G56, Le Jeune, 
Relation, 1667, 9. 




girls. Their captors, as they passed, forced them 
to sing and dance. The Hurons were the allies, or 
rather the wards, of the French, who were in every- 
way pledged to protect them. Yet the cannon of 
Fort St. Louis were silent, and the crowd stood gap- 
ing in bewilderment and fright. Had an attack been 
made, nothing but a complete success and the capture 
of many prisonei's to serve as hostages could have 
prevented the enraged Mohawks from taking their 
revenge on the Onondaga colonists. The emergency 
demanded a prompt and clear-sighted soldier. The 
governor, Lauson, was a gray- haired civilian, who, 
however enterprising as a speculator in wild lands, 
was in no way matched to the desperate crisis of the 
hour. Some of the Mohawks landed above and 
below the town, and plundered the houses from 
which the scared inhabitants had fled. Not a soldier 
stirred and not a gun was fired. The French, 'mllied 
by a horde of naked savages, became an object of 
contempt to their own allies. 

The Mohawks carried their prisoners home, burned 
six of them, and adopted or rather enslaved the 

Meanwhile the Onondaga colonists pursued their 
perilous way. At Montreal they exchanged their 
heavy boats for canoes, and resumed their journey 
with a flotilla of twenty of these sylvan vessels. A 
few days after, the Indians of the party had the satis- 
faction of pillaging a small band of Mohawk hunters, 

^ See authorities just cited, and Perrot, Miiiirs <it's Sauvages, 106.^ 

iM :\ 

h J- i; 








I n 

in vicarious reprisal for their own wrongs. On the 
twenty-sixth of June, as they neared Lake Ontario, 
they heard a loud and lamentable voice from the edge 
of the forest; whereupon, having beaten their drum 
to show that they were Frenchmen, they beheld a 
spectral figure, lean and covered with scars, which 
proved to be a p'ous Huron, — one Joachim Ondakout, 
captured by the Moliawks in their descent on the 
island of Orleans,, five or six weeks before. They 
had carried him to their village and begun to torture 
him ; after which they tied him fast and lay down to 
sleep, thinking to resume their pleasure on the mor- 
row. His cuts and burns being only on the surface, 
he had the good fortune to free himself from his 
bonds, and, naked as he was, to escape to the woods. 
He held his course northwestward, through regions 
even now a wilderness, gathered vA'ild strawberries to 
sustain life, and in fifteen days reached the St. 
Lawrence, nearly dead with exhaustion. The French- 
men gave him food and a canoe, and the living 
skeleton paddled with a light heart for Quebec. 

The colonists themselves soon began to suffer from 
hunger. Their fishing failed on Lake Ontario, and 
they were forced to content themselves with cran- 
berries of the last year, gathered in the meadows. 
Of their Indians, all but five deserted them. The 
Father Superior fell ill, and when they reached the 
mouth of the Oswego many of the starving French- 
men had completely lost heart. Weary and faint, 
they dragged their canoes up the rapids, wheii sud- 




denly they were cheered by the sight of a stranger 
canoe swiftly descending the current. The Onondagas, 
aware of their approach, had sent it to meet them, 
hiden with Indian corn and fresh salmon. Two more 
canoes followed, freighted like the first; and now all 
was abundance till they reached their journey's end, 
the Lake of Onondaga. It lay before them in the July 
sun, a glittering mirror, framed in forest verdure. 

They knew that Chaumonot with a crowd of 
Indians was awaiting them at a spot on the margin 
of the water, which he and Dablon h"d chosen as 
the site of their settlement. Landing on the strand, 
they fired, to give notice of their approach, five small 
cannon which they had brought in their canoes. 
Waves, woods, and hills resounded with the thunder 
of their miniature artillery. Then re-embarking, 
they advanced in order, four canoes abreast, towards 
the destined spot. In front floated their banner of 
white silk, embroidered in large letters with the 
name of Jesus. Here were Du Puys and his soldiers, 
with the picturesque uniforms and quaint weapons of 
their time ; Le Mercier and his Jesuits in robes of 
black; hunters and bush-rangers; Indians painted 
and feathered for a festal day. As they neared the 
place where a spring bubbling from the hillside is 
still known as the "Jesuits' Well," they saw the 
edge of the forest dark with the muster of savages 
whose yells of welcome answered the salvo of their 
guns. Happily for them, a flood of summer rain 
saved them from the harangues of the Onondaga 








orators, unci forced white men and red alike to seek 
such shelter as they could find. Their hosts, with 
hospitable intent, would fain have sung and danced 
all night; but the Frenchmen pleaded fatigue, and 
the courteous savages, squatting around their tents, 
chanted in monotonous tones to lull them to sleep. 
In the morning they woke refreshed, sang Te Deum^ 
reared an altar, and, with a solemn mass, took pos- 
session of the country in the name of Jesus. ^ 

Three things, which they saw or heard of in their 
new home, excited their astonishment. The first 
was the vast flight of wild pigeons which in spring 
darkened the air around the Lake of Onondaga; the 
second was the salt springs of Salina; the third was 
the rattlesnakes, which Le Mercier describes with 
excellent precision, — adding that, as he learns from 
the Indians, their tails are good for toothache and 
their flesh for fever. These reptiles, for reasons 
l)est known to themselves, haunted the neighborhood 
of the salt-springs, but did not intrude their presence 
into the abode of the French. 

On the seventeenth of July, Le Mercier and Chau- 
monot, escorted by a file of soldiers, set out for Onon- 
daga, scarcely five leagues distant. They followed 
the Indian trail, under the ieuf}'^ arches of the woods, 
by hill and hollow, still swamp and gurgling brook, 
till through the opening foliage they saw the Iroquois 
capital, compassed with cornfields and girt with its 
rugged palisade. As the Jesuits, like black spectres, 

1 Le Mercier, Relation, 1667, 14. 






issued from the shadows of tlie forest, followed by 
the plumed soldiers with shouldered arquebuses, the 
red-skinned population swarmed out like bees, and 
they defiled to the town through gazing and admiring 
throngs. All conspired to welcome them. Feast 
followed feast throughout the afternoon, till, what 
with harangues and songs, l)ear's meat, beaver-tails, 
and venison, beans, corn, and grease, they were 
wellnigh killed with kindness. " If, after this, they 
murder us," writes Le Mercier, "it will be from 
fickleness, not premeditated treachery." But the 
Jesuits, it seems, had not sounded the depths of 
Iroquois dissimulation. ^ 

There was one exception to the real or pretended 
joy. Some Mohawks were in the town, and their 
orator was insolent and sarcastic; but the ready 
tongue of Chaumonot turned the laugh against him 
and put him to shame. 

Here burned the council-fire of the Iroquois, and 
at this very time the deputies of the five tribes were 
assembling. The session opened on the twenty-fourth. 
In the great council-house, on the earthen floor and the 
broad platforms, beneath the smoke-begrimed concave 
of the bark roof, stood, sat, or squatted the wisdom 
and valor of the confederacy, — Mohawks, Oneidas, 

1 The Jesuits were afterwards told by Hurons, captive among 
the Mohawks and the Onondagas, that, from the first, it was 
intended to massacre the French as soon as their presence had 
attracted the remnant of the Hurons of Orleans into the power of 
the Onondapas. LeMre. du P. Raguenean an R. P. Provincial, 31 
Aout, 1058. 



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Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas; sachems, coun- 
sellors, orators, warriora fresh from Erie victories; 
tall, stalwart figures, limbed like Grecian statues. 

The pressing business of the council over, it was 
Chaumonot's turn to speak. But, first, all the 
Frenchmen, kneeling in a row, with clasped hands, 
sang the Veni Creator, amid the silent admiration 
of the auditors. Then Chaumonot rose, with an 
immense wampum-belt in his hand, and said: 

"It is not trade that brings us here. Do you 
think that your beaver-skins can pay us for all our 
toils and dangers? Keep them, if you like; or, if 
any fall into our hands, we shall use them only for 
your service. We seek not the things that perish. 
It is for the Faith that we have left our homes to 
live in your hovels of bark, and eat food which the 
beasts of our country would scarcely touch. We are 
the messengers whom God has sent to tell you that 
his Son became a man for the love of you ; that this 
man, the Son of God, is the prince and master of 
men ; that he has prepared in heaven eternal joys for 
those who obey liim, and kindled the fires of hell for 
those who will not receive his word. If you reject 
it, whoever you are, — Onondaga, Seneca, Mohawk, 
Cayuga, or Oneida, — know that Jesus Christ, who 
inspires my heart and my voice, will plunge you one 
day into hell. Avert this ruin; be not the authors 
of your own destruction ; accept the truth ; listen to 
the voice of the Omnipotent." 

Such, in brief, was the pith of the father's exhorta- 





tion. As he spoko Indian like a native, and as his 
voice and gestures answered to his words, we may 
believe what Le Mercier tells us, that his hearers 
listened with mingled wonder, admiration, and terror. 
The work was well begun. The Jesuits struck while 
the iron was hot ; built a small chapel for the mass, 
installed themselves in the town, and preached and 
catechised from morning till night. 

The Frenchmen at the lake were not idle. The 
chosen site of their settlement was the crown of a 
hill commanding a broad view of waters and forests. 
The axemen fell to their work, and a ghastly wound 
soon gaped in the green bosom of the woodland. 
Here, among the stumps and prostrate trees of the 
unsightly clearing, the blacksmith built his forge, 
saw and hammer plied their trade; palisades were 
shaped and beams squared, in spite of heat, mosqui- 
toes, and fever. At one time twenty men were ill, 
and lay gasping under a wretched shed of bark ; but 
they all recovered, and the work went on, till at 
length a capacious house, large enough to hold the 
whole colony, rose above the ruin of the forest. A 
palisade was set around it, and the Mission of Saint 
Mary of Gannentaa ^ was begun. 

France and the Faith were intrenched on the Lake 
of Onondaga. How long would they remain there? 
The future alone could tell. The mission, it must 

1 Gannentaa or Ganuntanh is still the Iroquois name for Lake 
Onondaga. According to Morgan, it means " Material for Council- 

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not be forgotten, had a double scope, — half ecclesi- 
astical, half political. The Jesuits had essayed a 
fearful task, — to convert the Iroquois to God and to 
the King, thwart the Dutch heretics of the Hudson, 
save souls from hell, avert ruin from Canada, and 
thus raise their order to a place of honor and influ- 
ence both hard-earned and well-earned. The mis- 
sion at Lake Onondaga was but a base of operations. 
Long ])efore they were lodged and fortified here, 
Chaumonot and Mdnard set out for the Cayugas, 
whence the former proceeded to the Senecas, the 
most numerous and powerful of the five confederate 
nations ; and in the following spring another mission 
was begun among the Oneidas. Their reception was 
not unfriendly ; but such was the reticence and dis- 
simulation of these inscrutable savages, that it was 
impossible to foretell results. The women proved, 
as might be expected, far more impressible than the 
men; and in them the fathers placed great hope, 
since in this, the most savage people of the continent, 
women held a degree of political influence never per- 
haps equalled in any civilized nation.^ 

1 Women, among tlie Iroquois, had a council of their own, 
which, according to Lafitau, who Isnew this people well, had the 
initiative in discussion, subjects presented by them being settled in 
the council of chiefs and elders. In this latter council the women 
had an orator, often of their own sex, to represent them. The 
matrons had a leading voice in determining the succession of 
chiefs. There were also female chiefs, one of whom, with her 
attendants, came to Quebec with an embassy in 1055 (Marie de 
rincarnation). In the torture of prisoners, great deference was 




But while infanta were baptized and squaws con- 
verted, the crosses of the mission were many and 
great. The devil bestirred himself with more than 
his ordinary activity; "for," as one of the fathers 
writes, "when in sundry nations of the earth men 
are rising up in strife against us [the Jesuits], then 
how much more the demons, on whom wo continually 
wage war!" It wtis these infernal sprites, as the 
priests believe*.!, who engendered suspicions and 
calunniies in the dark and superstitious minds of the 
Iroquois, and prompted them in dreams to destroy 
the apostles of tlie Faith. Whether the foe was of 
earth or hell, the Jesuits were like those who tread 
the lava-crust that palpitates with the throes of the 
coming eruption, while the molten death beneath 
their feet glares white-hot through a thousand 
crevices. Yet, with a sublime enthusiasm and a 
glorious constancy, they toiled and they hoped, 
though the skies around were black with portent. 

In the year in which the colony at Onondaga was 
begun, the Mohawks murdered the Jesuit Garreau 
on liis way up the Ottawa. In the following spring, 
a hundred Mohawk warrioi-s came to Quebec to carry 

paid to the jutlpinent of the women, who, says Champhiin, were 
thought more skilful ami subtle than the men. 

The learned Lafltau, whose book appeared in 1724, dwells at 
lenj^th on the resemblance of the Iroquois to the ancient Lycians, 
amonj? whom, according to Grecian writers, women were in the 
ascendant. " Gynecocracy, or the rule of women," continues 
Lafltau, "which was tlie foundation of the Lycian govti iimeiit. 
was probably connnon in early times to nearly all tlu- barliarous 
people of Greece." Mwurs des Sauvufjes, i. 400 (ed. in 4to). 




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inoro of the Hurons into slavery, — though tlie 
lemiuint of that unhappy people, since the catastrophe 
of the last year, had sought safety in a palisaded 
cainp within the limits of the French town, and 
innnediately under tlie ramparts of Fort St. Louis. 
Here, one might think, tliey would have been safe; 
but Charny, son and successor of Lauson, seems to 
have been even more imbecile than his father, and 
listened meekly to the threats of the insolent 
strangers wlio told him that unless he abandoned 
the llurons to their mercy, both they and the French 
should feel the weight of Mohawk tomahawks. 
They demanded, further, that the French should 
give them boats to carry their prisoners; but, as 
there were none at hand, this last humiliation was 
spared. The Mohawks were forced to make canoes, 
in which they carried off as many as possible of their 

When the Onondagas learned this last exploit of 
their rivals, their jealousy knew no bounds, and a 
ti'oop of them descended to Quebec to claim their 
share in the human plunder. Deserted by the 
French, the despairing Hurons abandoned themselves 
to their fate; and about fitty of those whom the 
Mohawks had left obeyed the behest of their tyrants, 
and embarked for Onondaga. They reached Montreal 
in July, and thence proceeded towards their destina- 
tion in company with the Onondaga warriors. The 
Jesuit Uiigueneau, bound also for Onondtf^a, joined 
them. Five leagues above Montreal, the warriors 




left him behind; but lie foiiiul an old canoe on the 
bank, in which, after abandoning most of his bag- 
gage, he contrived to follow with two or three 
Frenchmen who were with him. There was a rumor 
that a hundred Mohawk warriors were lying in 
wait among the Thousand Islands to plunder the 
Onondagas of their Huron prisoners. It proved a 
false report. A speedier catastrophe awaited these 

Towards evening on the third of August, after the 
party had landed to encamp, an Onondaga chief 
made advances to a Christian Huron girl, as he had 
already done at every enc mpment since leaving 
Montreal. Being repulsed for the fourth time, he 
split her head with his tomahawk. It was the 
beginning of a massacre. The Onondagas rose upon 
their prisoners, killed seven men, all Christians, 
before the eyes of the horrified Jesuit, and plundered 
the rest of all they had. When Ragueneau pro- 
tested, they told him with insolent mockery that 
they were acting by direction of the governor and 
the superior of the Jesuits. The priest himself was 
secretly warned that he was to be killed during the 
night; and he was surprised in the morning to find 
himself alive. ^ On reaching Onondaga, some of the 
Christian captives were burned, including several 
women and their infant children. ^ 

The confederacy was a hornet's nest, buzzing with 

^ Leltre de liufjueneau au li. P. Provincial, 9 Aout, 1067 (ReL, 1057). 
2 Ibid., 21 Aoit, 1068 {ReL, 1068). 

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pri'piiriitioii, and fiist pouring out its vvmthful HwarniH. 
Tli(5 iiidoniitubln Le Moyiu; had goiio again to tlio 
Mohawks, whcnco lu; wroUi tliat two hundred of 
them luul taken the war-path against the Algoncpiins 
of Canada; and, a little later, that all were gone hut 
women, children, and old men. A great war-party 
of twelve hundred Iroquois from all the live cantons 
was to advance into Canada in the direction of the 
Ottawa. The settlements on the St. Lawrence were 
infested with prowling warriors, who killed the 
Indian allies of the French, and plundered the 
French themselves, whom they treated with an insuf- 
ferable insolence; for they felt themstdves masters 
of the situation, and knew that the Onondaga colony 
was in their power. Near Montreal they killed 
three Frenchmen. "They approach like foxes," 
writes a Jesuit, "attack like lions, and disappear 
like birds." Charny, fortunately, had resigned the 
government in despair in order to turn piiest, and 
the brave soldier d' had taken his place. lie 
caused twelve of the Iroquois to be seized and held 
as hostages. This seemed to increase their fury. 
An embassy came to Quel)ec and demanded the 
release of the hostages, but were met with a sharp 
reproof and a flat refusal. 

At the mission on Lake Onondaga the crisis was 
drawing near. The unbridled young warriors, whose 
capricious lawlessness often set at naught the moni- 
tions of their crafty elders, killed wantonly at 
various times thirteen Christian Ilurons, captives at 




Onoiidugii. Oiiiiiu)iis n'lxtrts rciicliod tho ciins of tlu' 
colonists. They lu'iird of u Hcciot council at wliicli 
their (It'iith WHS di'ciiu'd. Apiiii, tlicv heard that 
they were to Imj surprised and eajitured, that tlio 
InxjUois in force were tlien to descend upon (^ana(hi, 
hiy waste tiio outlying' settUiinents, and torture tiieni, 
tlio colonists, in si^dit of their countrynuui, ])y which 
they hoped to extort what terms they i)leased. At 
length a dying Onondaga, recently convtTted and 
])aptized, conlirnied the rumors, and revealed tho 
whole plot. 

It was to take elTect before tho sjjring opened; l»ut 
the hostages in the hands of d'Aillehoust omharrassed 
tlio cons[)irat(jrs and caused delay. Messengers w(;ro 
sent in luisto to call in the priests from tho detached 
missions; and all tho colonists, fifty-three in nund)er, 
wero soon gathered at their fortified house on the 
lake. Their situation was frightful. Kate hung 
over them hy a hair, and escape seiniied hojieless. 
Of Du Puys's ten soldiers, nine wished to desert; 
but the attempt would have hcan fatal. A throng 
of Onondaga warriors were day and night on the 
watch, bivouacked around the house. Some of them 
had built their liuts of Imrk before the gate, and 
here, with calm, impassive faces, they lounged and 
smoked their pipes; or, wrapi)ed in their blankets, 
strolled about the yards and outh()US(!S, attentive to 
all that passed. Their behavior was very friendly. 
The Jesuits, themselves adepts in dissinuilation, 
were amazed at the depth of their duplicity; for tho 


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conviction had been forced upon them that some of 
the chiefs had nursed their treachery from the first. 
In this extremity Du Puys and the Jesuits showed 
an admirable coolness, and among them devised a 
plan of escape, critical and full of doubt, but not 
devoid of hope. 

First, they must provide means of transportation ; 
next, they must contrive to use them undiscovered. 
They had eight canoes, all of which combined would 
not hold half their company. Over the mission-house 
was a large loft or garret, and here the carpenters 
were secretly set at work to construct two large and 
light flat-boats, each capable of carrying fifteen men. 
The task was soon finished. The most difficult part 
of their plan remained. 

There was a beastly superstition prevalent among 
the Hurons, the Iroquois, and other tribes. It con- 
sisted of a "medicine" or mystic feast, in which it 
was essential that the guests should devour every- 
thing set before them, liowever inordinate in quantity, 
unless absolved from duty by the person in whose 
behalf the solemnity was ordained, — he, on his part, 
taking no share in the banquet. So grave was the 
obligation, and so strenuously did the guests fulfil it, 
that even their ostrich digestion was sometimes 
ruined past redemption by the excess of this benevo- 
lent gluttony. These festins a manger tout had been 
fre(pient]y derounced as diabolical by the Jesuits, 
during their mission among the Hurons; but now, 
with a pliancy of conscience as excusable in this case 




as in any otlicr, they resolved to set aside their 
scruples, although, judged from their point of view, 
they were exceedingly well founded. 

Among the French was a young man who had 
been adopted by an Iroquois chief, and who spoke 
tlie language fluently. He now told his Indian 
father that it had been revealed to him in a dream 
that he would soon die unless the spirits were 
appeased by one of these magic feasts. Dreams were 
the oracles of the Iroquois, and woe to those who 
slighted them. A day was named for the sacred 
festivity. The fathers killed their hogs to meet the 
occasion, and, that nothing might be wanting, they 
ransacked their stores for all that might give piquancy 
to the entertainment. It took place in the evening of 
the twentieth of March, apparently in a large enclosure 
outside the palisade surrounding the mission-house. 
Here, while blazing fires or glaring pine -knots shed 
their glow on the wild assemblage. Frenchmen and 
Iroquois joined in the dance, or vied with each other 
in games of agility and skill. The politic fathers 
offered prizes to the winners, and the Indians entered 
with zest into the sport, the better, perhaps, to hide 
their treachery and hoodwink their intended victims; 
for they little suspected that a subtlety, deeper this 
time than their own, was at work to countermine 
them. Here too were the French musicians, and 
drum, trumpet, and cymbal lent their clangor to the 
din of shouts and laughter. Thus the evening wore 
on, till at length the serious labors of the feast began. 

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The kettles were brought in, and their steaming 
contents ladled into the wooden howls wliich each 
provident guest had brought with him. Seated 
gravely in a ring, they fell to their work. It was a 
point of high conscience not to flinch from duty on 
these solenui occasions ; and though they might burn 
the young man to-morrow, they would gorge them- 
selves like vultures in his behoof to-day. 

Meantime, while the musicians strained their lungs 
and their arms to drown all other sounds, a band of 
anxious Frenchmen, in the darkness of the cloudy 
night, with cautious tread and bated breath, carried 
the boats from the rear of the mission-house down to 
the border of the lake. It was near eleven o'clock. 
The miserable guests were choking with repletion. 
They prayed the young Frenchman to dispense them 
from further surfeit. " Will you suffer me to die ? " 
he asked, in piteous tones. They bent to their task 
again; but Nature soon reached her utmost limit, 
and they sat helpless as a conventicle of gorged 
turkey- buzzards, without the power possessed by 
those unseemly birds to rid themselves of the burden. 
"That will do," said the young man; "you have 
eaten enough : my life is saved. Now you can sleep 
till we come in the morning to waken you for 
prayers. "1 And one of his companions played soft 
airs on a violin to lull them to repose. Soon all were 
asleep, or in a lethargy akin to sleep. The few 
remaining Frenchmen now silently withdrew and 

^ Lettre de Marie de I' Incarnation a son Jils, 4 Oct., 1058. 

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cautiously descended to the sliore, where their com- 
rades, already embarked, lay on their oars anxiously 
awaiting them. Snow was falling fast as they pushed 
out upon the murky waters. The ice of the winter 
had broken up, but recent frosts had glazed the sur- 
face with a thin crust. The two boats led the way, 
and the canoes followed in their wake, while men in 
the bows of the foremost boat broke the ice with 
clubs as they advanced. They reached the outlet 
and rowed swiftly down the dark current of the 
Oswego. When day broke. Lake Onondaga was far 
behind, and around them was the leafless, lifeless 

When the Indians woke in the morning, dull and 
stupefied from their nightmare slumbers, they were 
astonished at the silence that reigned in the mission- 
house. They looked through the palisade. Nothing 
was stirring but a bevy of hens clucking and scratch- 
ing in the snow, and one or two dogs imprisoned in 
the liouse and barking to be set free. The Indians 
waited for some time, then climbed the palisade, 
bui'st in the doors, and found the house empty. 
Their amazement was unbounded. How, without 
canoes, could the French have escaped by water? 
And how else could they escape ? The snow which 
had fallen during the night completely hid their 
footsteps. A superstitious awe seized the Iroquois. 
They thought that the "black-robes" and their flock 
had flown off through the air. 

Meanwhile the fugitives pushed their flight with 

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the energy of terror, passed in safety the rapids of the 
Oswego, crossed Lake Ontario, and descended the 
St. Lawrence with the loss of three men drowned 
in the rapids. On the third of April they reached 
Montreal, and on the twenty-third arrived at Quebec. 
They had saved their lives ; but the mission of Onon- 
daga was a miserable failure.^ 

1 On the Onondaga mission, the authorities are Marie de 
I'lncarnation, Lettres Historiques, and Relations des J€suites, 1657 
and 1658, where the story is told at length, accompanied with 
several interesting letters and journals. Chaumonot, in his Aulo- 
biographie, speaks only of the Seneca mission, and refers to the 
Relations for the rest. DoUier de Casson, in his Histoire du Mon- 
treal, mentions the arrival of the fugitives at that place, the sight 
of which, he adds complacently, cured them of their fright. The 
Journal des Sup^rieurs des Jesuites chronicles with its usual brevity 
the ruin of the mission and the return of the party to Quebec. 

The contemporary Jesuits, in their account, say nothing of the 
superstitious character of the feast. It is Marie de I'lncarnation 
who lets out the secret. The later Jesuit Charlevoix, much to his 
credit, repeats the story without reserve. 

Since the above chapter was written, the remarkable narratives 
of Pierre Esprit Radisson have been rescued from the obscurity 
where they have lain for more than two centuries. Radisson, a 
native of St. Malo, was a member of the colony at Onondaga ; but 
having passed into the service of England, he wrote in a language 
which, for want of a fitter name, may be called English. He does 
not say that the feast was of the kind known as /est in a manger tout, 
though he asserts that one of the priests pretended to have broken 
his arm, and that the Indians believed that the " feasting was to be 
done for the safe recovery of the father's health." Like the other 
writers, he says that the feasters gorged themselves like wolves and 
became completely helpless, " making strange kinds of faces tliat 
turned their eyes up and downe," till, when almost bursting, they 
were forced to cry Skenon, which according to Radisson means 
" enough." Radisson adds that it was proposed that the French, 
" being three and fifty in number, while the Iroquois were 
but 100 beasts not able to budge," should fall upon the impotent 



savages and kill them all, but that the Jesuits would not consent. 
His account of the embarkation and escape of the colonists agrees 
with that of the other writers. See Second Voyage made in the 
Upper Countrij of the Iroquoits, in Publications of the Prince Societij, 

The Sulpitian AUet, in the Morale Pratique des Jesuites, says 
that tlie French placed effigies of soldiers in the fort to deceive the 

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Thk HosriTAi. Ni:ns. — The Ni'ns and the Iroquois. — More 
MiRACLKS. — TiiK Murdered Priests. — Brigeac and Closse. 
— Soldiers of the Holy Family. 

On the second of July, 1659, the ship "St. Andrd " 
hiy in the har])or of Rochelle, crowded with passengers 
for Canada. She had served two years as a hospital 
for marines, and was infected with a contagious 
fever. Including the crew, some two hundred persons 
were on board, more than half of whom were bound 
for Montreal. Most of these were sturdy laborers, 
artisans, peasants, and soldiers, together with a troop 
of young women, their present or future partners ; a 
portion of the company set down on the old record 
as " sixty virtuous men and thirty-two pious girls." 
There were two priests also, Vignal and La Maitre, 
both destined to a speedy death at the hands of the 
Iroquois. But the most conspicuous among these 
passengers for Montreal were two groups of women 
in the habit of nuns, under the direction of Marguerite 




Bourgeoys and Jeanne Mance. Marguerite Bonrgeoys, 
whose kind, womanly face bespoke her fitness for the 
task, was foundress of the school for female children 
at Montreal; her companion, a tall, austere figure, 
v;orn with suffering and care, was directress of the 
hospital. Both had returned to France for aid, and 
were now on their way back, each with three recruits, 
— three being the mystic number, as a type of the 
Holy Family, to whose worship they were especially 

Amid the bustle of departure, the shouts of sailors, 
the rattling of cordage, the flapping of sails, the 
tears and the embracings, an elderly man, with heavy 
plebeian features, sallow with disease, and in a sober, 
half-clerical dress, approached Mademoiselle Mance 
and her three nuns, and, turning his eyes to heaven, 
spread his hands over them in benediction. It was 
Le Royer de la Dauversi^re, founder of the sister- 
hood of St. Joseph, to which the three nuns belonged. 
"Now, O Lord," he exclaimed, with the look of one 
whose mission on earth is fulfilled, " permit thou thy 
servant to depart in peace ! " 

Sister Maillet, who had charge of the meagre 
treasury of the community, thought that something 
more than a blessing was due from him, and asked 
where she should apply for payment of the interest 
of the twenty thousand livres which Mademoiselle 
Mance had placed in his hands for investment. 
Dauversifere changed countenance, and replied with 
a troubled voice: "My daughter, God will provide 

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for you. Place your trust in Him." ^ He was bank- 
rupt, and had used the money of the sisterhood to 
pay a debt of ]ns own, leaving the nuns penniless. 

I have related in another place ^ how an association 
of devotees, inspired, as they supposed, from heaven, 
had undertaken to found a religious colony at 
Montreal in honor of the Holy Family. The essen- 
tials of the proposed establishment were to be a semi- 
nary of priests dedicated to the Virgin, a hospital to 
Saint Joseph, and a school to the Infant Jesus ; while 
a settlement was to be formed around them simply 
for their defence and maintenance. This pious pur- 
pose had in part been accomplished. It was seven- 
teen years since Mademoiselle Mance had begun 
her labors in honor of Saint Joseph. Marguerite 
Bourgeoys had entered upon hers more recently; yet 
even then the attempt was premature, for she found 
no white children to teach. In time, however, this 
want was supplied, and she opened her school in a 
stable, which answered to the stable of Bethlehem, 
lodging with her pupils in the loft, and instructing 
them in Roman Catholic Christianity, with such 
rudiments of mundane knowledge as she and her 
advisers thought fit to impart. 

Mademoiselle Mance found no Ipck of hospital 
work, for blood and blows were rife at Montreal, 
where the woods were full of Iroquois, and not a 

1 Faillon, Vie de M'lle Mance, i. 172. This volume is illuotrated 
with a portrait of Dauversicre. 
^ The Jesuits in Nortli America. 





moment was without its peril. Though years began 
to tell upon her, she toiled patiently at her dreary 
task, till, in the winter of 1057, she fell on the ice 
of the St. Lawrence, broke her right arm, and dis- 
located the wrist. Bouchard, the surgeon of Montreal, 
set the broken bones, but did not discover the dis- 
location. The arm in consequence became totally 
useless, and her health wasted away under incessant 
and violent pain. Maisonneuve, the civil and mili- 
tary chief of the settlement, advised her to go to 
France for assistance in the work to which slie was 
no longer equal; and Marguerite liourgeoys, whoso 
pupils, white and red, had greatly multiplied, resolved 
to go with her for a similar object. They set out 
in September, 1658, landed at Rochelle, and went 
thence to Paris. Here they repaired to the seminary 
of St. Sulpice; for the priests of this community 
were joined with them in the work at Montreal, of 
which they were afterwards to become the feudal 

Now ensued a wonderful event, if we may trust 
the evidence of sundry devout persons. Olier, the 
founder of St. Sulpice, had lately died, and the two 
pilgrims would fain pay their homage to his heart, 
which the priests of his community kept as a pi-ecious 
relic, enclosed in a leaden box. The box was 
brought, when the thought inspired Mademoiselle 
Mance to try its miraculous efficacy and invoke the 
intercession of the departed founder. She did so, 
touching her disabled arm gently with the leaden 




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casket. Instantly n grateful warmth pervaded the 
shrivelled limb, and from that liour its use was 
restored. It is true that the Jesuits ventured to 
doubt the Sulpi^^ian miracle, and even to ridicule it; 
but the Sulpitian^ will show to this day the attesta- 
tion of Mademoiselle Mance herself, written with the 
fingers once paralyzed and powerless.^ Neverthe- 
less, the cure was not so thorough as to permit her 
again to take charge of her patients. 

Her next care was to visit Madame de Bullion, a 
devout lady of great wealth, who wjis usually desig- 
nated at Montreal as "the unknown benefactress," 
because, though her charities were the mainstjiy of 
the feeble colony, arid though the source from which 
they proceeded was well known, she affected, in the 
interest of humility, the greatest secrecy, and 
required those who profited by her gifts to pretend 
ignorance whence they came. Overflowing with zeal 
for the pious enterprise, she received her visitor with 
enthusiasm, lent an open ear to her recital, responded 
graciously to her appeal for aid, and paid over to her 
the sum, munificent at that day, of twenty-two 
thousand francs. Thus far successful, Mademoiselle 
Mance repaired to the town of La Fltjche to visit Le 
Royer de la Dauversifere. 

It was this wretched fanatic who, through visions 
and revelations, had first conceived the plan of a 

^ For an account of this miracle, written in perfect good faith 
and supported by various attestations, see Faillon, Vie de M'lle 
Mance, chap. iv. 





hospital in honor of Saint Joseph at Montreal.* IIo 
had found in Madenioiscllo M.ince a zealous and 
ellicient pioneer; but the execution of his selieiiio 
required a conununity of hospital nuns, and then^t'oro 
he had labored for the last eighteen years to foiin 
one at La Fleche, meaning to despatch its niend)er8 
in duo time to Canada. The time at length was 
come. Three of the nuns were chosen, — Sistei-s 
Brdsoles, Macd, and Maillet, — and sent under the 
escort of certain pious gentlemen to Rochelle. Their 
exit from La Fleche was not without its difhculties. 
Dauvei-siere was in ill odor, not only from the multi- 
plicity of his debts, but because, in his character of 
agent of the association of Montreal, ho had at 
various times sent thither those whom his biographer 
describes as "the most virtuous girls to bo found at 
La Flc^che," intoxicating them with religious excite- 
ment, and shipping them for the New World against 
the will of their parents. It was noised through the 
town that he had kidnapped and sold them ; and now 
the report spread abroad that he was about to crown 
his iniquity by luring away three young nuns. A 
mob gathered at the convent gate, and the escort 
were forced to draw their swords to open a way for 
the tcirified sisters. 

Of the twenty-two thousand francs which she had 
received. Mademoiselle Mance kept two thousand for 
innnediate needs, and confided the rest to the hands 
of Dauversiere, who, hard pressed by his creditors, 

1 See " The Jesuits in North America." 

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used it to piiy Olio of liis (lt!))ts; and then, to IiIh 
horror, t'ouiid liiiiisi'll' uiuihli! to replace it. Racked 
l>y tlie ^out and tormented by remorse, lie betook 
bimself to his bed in a stat<! of body and mind tndy 
pitiable. One of the miracles, so frequent in the 
early annals of Montreal, was vouchsafed in answer 
to his prayer, and he was enabled to journey to 
Uoehelle and bid farewell to his nuns. It was but a 
brief respite; he returned home to become the prey 
of a host of maladies, and to die at last a lingering 
and painful death. 

While Mademoiselle Mancc was gaining recruits in 
La Fleclie, Marguerite Hourgeoys was no less success- 
ful in her native town of Troyes ; and she rejoined 
her companions at Ilochelle, accompanied by Sisters 
Chatel, Crolo, and Raisin, her destined assistants in 
the school at Montreal. Meanwhile, the Sulpitians 
and others interested in the pious enterprise, had 
spared no effort to gather luen to strengthen the 
colony, and young women to serve as their wives; 
and all were now mustered at Rochelle, waiting for 
embarkation. Their waitik^ svas a long one. Laval, 
bishop at Quebec, was allied to the Jesuits, and 
looked on the colonists of Montreal with more than 
coldness. Sulpitian writers say that his agents used 
every effort to discourage thorn, and that certain 
persons at Rochelle told the master of the ship in 
which the emigrants were to sail that they were not 
to be trusted to pay their passage-money. Hereupon 
ensued a delay of more than two months before 





moji'is could W) foiuul to quiot the scruples of tho 
prudent connniindcr. At length the anchor was 
weighed, and the dreary voyage l)egun. 

Tho woe-hegone company, crowck^d in the fdthy 
and infected sliip, were tossed for two months more 
on the relentless sea, buffeted by repeated storms and 
wasted by a contagious fever, which attacked nearly 
all of them and reduced Mademoisello Manco to 
extremity. Eight or ten died and were dropped 
overboard, after a prayer from the two priests. At 
length land hove in sight; the i)iny odors of the 
forest regaled their languid senses as they sailed up 
the broad estuary of tho St. Lawrence and anchored 
under the rock of Quebec. 

High aloft, on the brink of the cliff, they saw the 
fleur-de-lis waving above the fort of St. Louis, and, 
beyond, the cross on the tower of the cathedral traced 
against the sky, the houses of the merchants on the 
strand below, and boats and canoes drawn up along 
the bank. The bishop and the Jesuits greeted them 
as co-workers in a holy cause, with an unction not 
wholly sincere. Though a unit against heresy, the 
pious founders of New France were far from unity 
among themselves. To the thinking of the Jesuits, 
Montreal was a government within a government, a 
wheel within a wheel. This rival Sulpitian settle- 
ment was in their eyes an element of disorganization 
adverse to the disciplined harmony of the Canadian 
Church, which they would fain have seen, with its 
focus at Quebec, radiating light unrefracted to the 




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uttermost parts of the colony. That is to say, they 
wished to control it unchecked, through their ally 
the bishop. 

The emigrants, then, were received with a studious 
courtesy, which veiled but thinly a stiff and persist- 
ent opposition. The bishop and tlie Jesuits were 
especially anxious to prevent the La Fleche nuns 
from establishing themselves at Montreal, where they 
would form a separate community under Sulpitian in- 
fluence ; and in place of the newly arrived sisters they 
wished to substitute nuns from the Hotel Dieu of Que- 
bec, who would he under their own control. That 
which most strikes the non-Catholic reader throughout 
this affair is the constant reticence and dissimulation 
practised, not only between Jesuits and Montrealists, 
but among the Montrealists themselves. Their self- 
devotion, great as it was, was fairly matched by their 
disingenuousness. ^ 

All difficulties being overcome, the Montrealists 
embarked in boats and ascended the St. Lawrence, 
leaving Quebec infected with the contagion they had 
brought. The journey now made in a single night 
cost them fifteen days of hardship and danger. At 
length they reached their new home. The little 
settlement lay before them, still gasping betwixt life 
and death, in a puny, precarious infancy. Some 

1 See, for example, chapter iv. of Faillon's Life of Mademoiselle 
Mance. The evidence is unanswerabk>, the writer being the par- 
tisan and admirer of most of tliose whose piPitse trompcrie, to use the 
expression of DoUier de Casson, he describes in apparent uncon- 
sciousness that anybody will see reason to ca\ il at it. 

I J 

f:! t 




forty small, compact houses were ranged parallel to 
the river, chiefly along the line of what is now St. 
Paul's Street. On the left there was a fort, and on 
a rising ground at the right a massive windmill of 
stone, enclosed with a wall or palisade pierced for 
musketry, and answering the purpose of a redoubt 
or block-house.^ Fields studded with cliarre^ and 
blackened stumps, between which crops were grow- 
ing, stretched away to the edges of the bordering 
forest; and the green, shaggy back of the mountain 
towered over all. 

There were at this time a hundred and sixty men 
at Montreal, about fifty of whom had families, or at 
least wives. They greeted the new-comers with a 
welcome which, this time, was as sincere as it was 
warm, and bestirred themselves with alacrity to pro- 
vide them with shelter for the winter. As for the 
three nuns from La F16che, a chamber was hastily 
made for them over two low rooms which had served 
as Mademoiselle Mance's hospital. This chamber 
was twenty-five feet square, with four cells for the 
nuns, and a closet for stores and clothing, which for 
the present was empty, as they had landed in such 
destitution that they were forced to sell all their 
scanty equipment to gain the bare necessaries of 
existence. Little could be hoped from the colonists, 
who were scarcely less destitute than they. Such 
was their poverty, — thanks to Dauversiere's breach 

1 Le.ttre du Vicomte d'Argeuson, Gouverneur du Canada, 4 Avut, 
1G59, MS. 

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of trust, — that when tlieir clothes were worn out, 
they were unahle to replace them, and were forced 
to patch thcni with such material as came to liand. 
Maisonneuve the governor, and the pious Madame 
d'Ailleboust, being once on a visit to the hospital, 
amused themselves with trying to guess of what stuif 
the habits of the nuns had originally been made, and 
were unable to agree on the point in question.^ 

Their ch.imber, which they occupied for many 
years, being hastily built of ill seasoned planks, let 
in the piercing cold of the Canadian winter tliroUj^h 
coui\tles« cnicks and chinks; and the driving snow 
sifted through in such quantities that they were 
sometimes obliged, the morning after a storm, to 
remove it with shovels. Their food would freeze on 
the table before them, and their coarse brown bread 
had to be thawed on the hearth before they could cut 
it. These women had been nurtured in ease, if not 
in luxury. One of them, Judith de Brdsoles, had in 
her youth, by advice of her confessor, run away from 
parents who were devoted to her, and immured her- 
self in a convent, leaving them in agonies of doubt 
as to her fate. She now acted as superior of the 
little community. One of her nuns records of her 
that she had a fervent devotion for the Infant Jesus ; 
and that, along with many more spiritual graces, he 
inspired her with so transcendent a skill in cookery, 
that " witli a small piece of lean pork and a few herbs 

1 Autinles des Ilospitalieres de ViUemarie, par la S(tur JSlorin, — a 
contenii)orary rocord, from which Faillon gives h)ng extracts. 




she could make soup of a marvellous relish." ^ Sister 
Macd was charged with the care of the pigs and hens, 
to whose wants she attended in person, though she 
too had been delicately bred. In course of time, the 
sisterhood was increased by additions from without, 
— though more than twenty girls who entered the 
hospital as novices recoiled from the hardship, and 
took husbands in the colony. Among a few who 
took the vows. Sister Jumeau should not pass 
unnoticed. Such was icr humility that, though of 
a good family and unf.,ble to divest herself of the 
marks of good breeding, she pretended to be the 
daughter of a poor peasant, and persisted in repeating 
the pious falsehood till the merchant Le Ber told her 
flatly that he did not believe her. 

The sisters had great need of a man to do the 
heavy work of the house and garden, but found no 
means of hiring one, when an incident, in which they 
saw a special providence, excellently supplied the 
want. There was a poor colonist named Jouaneaux, 
to whom a piece of land had been given at some dis- 
tance from the settlement. Had he built a cabin 
ujion it, his scalp would soon have paid the forfeit; 
but, being bold and hardy, he devised a plan by 
which he might hope to sleep in safety without 
abandoning the farm which was his only possession. 
Among the stumps of his clearing there was one hol- 

1 "C'^tait par son recours h. I'Enfant Jesus qu'elle trouvait tous 
ces secrets et d'autres suinbhibles," writes in our own day the 
excellent annalist, Faillon. 





I" I 1 


low with age. Under this lie dug a sort of cave, the 
entrance of which was a small hole carefully hidden by 
brushwood. The hollow stump was easily converted 
into a chimney ; and by creeping into liis burrow at 
night, or when he saw signs of danger, he escaped 
for some time the notice of the Iroquois. But though 
he could dispense with a house, he needed a barn for 
his hay and corn; and while he was Indlding one, he 
fell from the ridge of the roof and was seriously hurt. 
He was carried to the Hotel Dieu, where the nuns 
showed him every attention, until, after a long con- 
finement, he at last recovered. Being of a grateful 
nature and enthusiastically devout, he was so touched 
by the kindness of his benefactors, and so moved by 
the spectacle of their piety, that lie conceived the 
wish of devoting his life to their service. To this 
end a contract was drawn up, by which he pledged 
himself to work for them as long as strength 
remained; and they, on their part, agreed to main- 
tain him in sickness or old age. 

This stout-hearted retainer proved invaluable; 
though had a guard of soldiers been added, it would 
have been no more than the case demanded. Montreal 
was not palisaded, and at first the hospital was as 
much exposed as the rest. The Iroquois would 
skulk at night among the houses, like wolves in a 
camp of sleeping travellers on the prairies; though 
the human foe was, of the two, incomparably tlie 
bolder, fiercer, and more bloodthirsty. More than 
once one of these prowling savages was known to 




have crouched all night in a rank growth of wild 
mustard in the garden of the nuns, vainly hoping 
that one of them would come out within reach of his 
tomahawk. During summer, a month rarely passed 
without a fight, sometimes within sight of their 
windows. A burst of yells from the ambushed 
marksmen, followed by a clatter of musketr}', would 
announce the opening of the fray, and promise the 
nuns an addition to their list of patients. On these 
occasions they bore themselves according to their 
several natures. Sister Morin, who had joined their 
number three years after their arrival, relates that 
Sister Brdsoles and she used to run to the belfry 
and ring the tocsin to call the inhabitants together. 
"From our high station," she writes, "we could 
sometimes see the combat, which terrified us extremely, 
so that we came down again as soon as we could, 
trembling with fright, and thinking that our last 
hour was come. When the tocsin sounded, my 
Sister Maillet would become faint with excess of 
fear; and my Sister Macd, as long as the alarm con- 
tinued, would remain speechless, in a state pitiable to 
see. They would both get into a corner of the rood- 
loft, before the Holy Sacrament, so as to be prepared 
for death, or else go into their cells. As soon as T 
heard that the Iroquois were gone, T went to tell 
them, which comforted them and seemed to restore 
them to life. My Sister Br^soles was stronger and 
more courageous; her terror, which she could not 
help, did not prevent her from attending the sick 



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and receiving the dead and wounded who were 
brought in." 

The priests of St. Sulpice, who had assumed the 
entire spiritual charge of the settlement, and who 
were soon to assume its entire temporal charge also, 
had for some years no other lodging than a room fit 
the hospital, adjoining those of the patients. Tliey 
caused the building to be fortified with palisades, 
and the houses of some of the chief inhabitiints were 
placed near it, for mutual defence. They also built 
two fortified houses, called Ste. Marie and St. 
Gabriel, at the two extremities of the settlement, and 
lodged in them a considerable number of armed men, 
whom they employed in clearing and cultivating the 
surrounding lands, the property of their community. 
All other outlying houses were also pierced with 
loopholes, and fortified as well as the slender means 
of their owners would permit. The laborers always 
carried their guns to the field, and often had need to 
use them. A few incidents will show the state of 
Montreal and the character of its tenants. 

In the autumn of 1657 there was a truce with the 
Iroquois, under cover of which three or four of them 
came to the settlement. Nicolas God^ and Jean 
Saint-Pfere were on the roof of their house, laying 
thatch, when one of the visitors aimed his arquebuse 
at Saint-Pere, and brought him to the ground like a 
wild turkey from a tree. Now ensued a prodigy; 
for the assassins, having cut off his head and carried 
it home to their village, were amazed to hear it speak 




to them in good Iroquois, scold them for their per- 
fidy, and threaten them with the vengeance of 
Heaven; and they continued to hear its voice of 
admonition even after scalping it and throwing away 
the skull. ^ This story-, circulated at Montreal on the 
alleged authority of the Indians themselves, found be- 
lievers among the most intelligent men of the colony. 

Another miracle, which occurred several years 
later, deserves to be recorded. Le Maitre, one of 
the two priests who had sailed from France with 
Mademoiselle Mance and her nuns, being one day at 
the fortified house of St. Gabriel, went out with the 
laborers in order to watch while they were at their 
work. In view of a possible enemy, he had girded 
himcelf with an earthly sword ; but seeing no sign of 
danger, he presently took out his breviary, and, while 
reciting his office with eyes bent on the page, walked 
into an ambuscade of Iroquois, who rose before him 
with a yell. 

He shouted to the laborers, and, drawing his 
sword, faced the whole savage crew, in order, prob- 
ably, to give the men time to snatch their guns. 
Afraid to approach, the Iroquois fired and killed 
him; then rushed upon the working party, who 
escaped into the house, after losing several of their 
number. The victors cut off the head of the heroic 
priest, and tied it in a white handkerchief which 
they took from a pocket of his cassock. It is said 
that on reaching their villages they were astonished 

* DoUier du Casson, Ilistuire du Montreal, 1057-1658. 

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to find the handkerchief witliout the slightest stain 
of l)loo(l, but stamped indoli])ly with the features of 
its hate owner, so pLainly marked tliat none wlio had 
known him coukl fail to recognize them.^ This not 
very original miracle, though it found eager credence 
at Montreal, was received coolly, like other INIontreal 
miracles, at Quebec ; and Sulpitian writers complain 
that the bishop, in a long letter which he wrote to 
the Pope, made no mention of it whatever. 

Le Mattre, on the voyage to Canada, had been 
accompanied by another priest, Guillaume de Vignal, 
who met a fate more deplorable than that of his com- 
panion, though unattended by any recorded miracle. 
Le Maitre had been killed in August. In the 
October following, Vignal went with thirteen men, 
in a flat-boat and several canoes, to Isle a la Pierre, 
nearly opposite Montreal, to get stone for the semi- 
nary wliich the priests had recently begun to build. 
With him was a pious and valiant gentleman named 
Claude do Brigeac, who, though l)ut thirty years of 
age, had come as a soldier to Montreal, in the hope 
of dying in defence of the true Church, and thus 
reaping the reward of a martyr. Vignal and three 
or four men had scarcely lau'led when they were set 
upon by a large band of Iroquois who lay among the 
bushes waiting to receive them. The rest of the 

1 Tliis story is told by Sister Morin, Marpnerite TJourfjooys, and 
Dollicr do Casson, on tlio autliority of one Lavigne, then a prisoner 
anions the Iroquois, wlio declared that he had seen the handker- 
chief in the hands of the returnin}; warriors. 




party, who were still in their boats, with a cowardice 
rare at Montreal, thought only of saving themselves. 
Claude de Brigeac alone leaped ashore and ran to aid 
his comrades. Vignal was soon mortally wounded. 
Brigeac shot the chief dead with his arquebuse, and 
then, pistol in hand, held the whole troop for an 
instant at bay; but his arm was shattered by a gun- 
shot, and he was seized, along v th Vignal, Kend 
Cuill6rier, and Jacques Dufresne. Crossing to the 
main sliore, immediately opposite Montreal, the 
Iroquois made, after their custom, a small fort of 
logs and branches, in which they ensconced them- 
selves, and then began to dress the wounds of their 
prisoners. Seeing that Vignal was unable to make 
the journey to their villages, they killed him, divided 
his flesh, and roasted it for food. 

Brigeac and liis fellows in misfortune spent a wo- 
ful night in this den of wolves; and in the morning 
their captors, having breakfasted on the remains of 
Vignal, took up their homeward march, dragging the 
Frenchmen with them. On reaching Oneida, Brigeac 
was tortured to death with the customary atrocities. 
Cuill^rier, who was present, declared that they could 
wring from him no cry of pain, but that throughout 
he ceased not to pray for their conversion. The 
witness himself expected the same fate, but an old 
squaw happily adopted him, and thus saved his life. 
He eventually escaped to Albany, and returned to 
Canada by the circuitous but comparatively safe 

route of New York and Boston. 




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114 THE nOLV AVARS OK MONTREAL. [10r.7-ni. 

Tn the followinj^ wintor, Montreal suffered an 
irrei)arable loss in the death of the brave Major 
Closse, a man whoso intrepid coohiess was never 
known to fail in the direst emergency. Going to the 
aid of a party of laborers attacked by the Iroc^uois, 
he was met by a crowd of savages, eager to kill or 
capture him. His servant ran off. He snapped a 
pistol at the foremost assailant, but it missed fire. 
His remaining pistol served him no better, and he 
was instantly shot down. " He died," writes Dollier 
de Casson, "like a Inave soldier of Christ and the 
King." Some of his friends once remonstrating with 
him on the temerity with which he exposed his life, 
he replied: "Messieurs, I came hero only to die in 
the service of God; and if I thought I could not die 
here, I would leave this country to fight the Turks, 
that I might not be deprived of such a glory." ^ 

The fortified house of Ste. Marie, belonging to the 
priests of St. Sulpice, was the scene of several hot 
and bloody fights. Here, too, occurred the follow- 
ing nocturnal adventure. A man named Lavigne, 
who had lately returned from captivity among the 
Iroquois, chancing to rise at night and look out of 
the window, saw by the bright moonlight a number 
of naked warriors stealthily gliding round a corner 
and crouching near the door, in order to kill the first 
Frenchman wno should go out in the morning. He 
silently woke his comrades ; and, having the rest of 
the night for consultation, they arranged their plan 

1 Dollier de Casson, Ilistoire ilu ATontrtal, IGOl, 1G02. 




SO well that some of them, siillyiiig from the rear of 
the house, camo cautiously round upon the Iroquois, 
placed them between two fires, and captured them all. 

The summer of IGOl was marked by a series of 
calamities scarcely paralleled even in the annals of 
tliis disastrous epoch. Early in February, thirteen 
colonists were surprised and captured ; next came a 
fight between a large band of laborers and two hun- 
dred and sixty Iroquois ; in the following month, ten 
more Frenchmen were killed or taken; and thence- 
forth, till winter closed, the settlement had scarcely 
a breathing space. "These hobgoblins," writes the 
author of the Eelation of this year, "sometimes 
appeared at the edge of the woods, assailing us with 
abuse; sometimes they glided stealthily into the 
midst of the fields, to surprise the men at work; 
sometimes they approached the houses, harassing us 
without ceasing, and, like importunate harpies or 
birds of prey, swooping down on us whenever they 
could take us unawares."^ 

Speaking of the disasters of this year, the soldier- 
priest, DoUier de Casson, writes : " God, who afflicts 
the body only for the good of the soul, made a mar- 
vellous use of these calamities and terrors to hold the 
people firm in their duty towards Heaven. Vice 
was then almost unknown here, and in the midst of 
war religion flourished on all sides in a manner very 
different from what we now see in time of peace. "^ 

1 Le Jeune, Relation, 1661, p. 3 (od. 1868). 

2 Ilistoire du Montreal, 1000, 1001. 

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Tlio war was, in fact, a war of rulif^noii. The 
small lodoiibtH of logs, scattered about the skirts of 
the settleiiHMit to servo as points of defence in case 
of attacik, bore the names of saints, to whose care 
they were connnended. Tliere was one [Haced under 
a lii,i,dier protection, and called the "Ue(hnd)t of the 
Infant Jesus." Chomedey de Maisonneuve, the 
pious and valiant governor of Montreal, to whom its 
successful defence is largely due, resolved, in view 
of the incr(!asing fury and persistency of the Iroquois 
attacks, to form among the inhabitants a military 
fraternity, to he called "Soldiers of the Holy Family 
of Jesus, Mary, and Joseph ; " and to this end he 
issued a proclamation, of which the following is the 
characteristic beginning: — 

" We, Paul do Chomedey, governor of the island 
of Montreal and lands theroon dependent, on infor- 
mation given us fi-om divers quarters that the Iroquois 
have formed the design of seizing upon this settle- 
ment by surprise or force, have thought it our duty, 
seeing that this island is the property of the Holy 
Virgin,^ to invite and exhort those zealous for her 
service to unite together by squads, each of seven 
persons ; and after choosing a corporal by a plurality 
of voices, to re])ort themselves to us for enrolment in 
our garrison, and, in this capacity, to obey our 
orders, to the end that the country may bo saved." 

1 Tins is no figure of speech. Tlie Associates of Montreal, after 
receiving' a grant of the island from Jean de Lauson, placed it under 
the i)r()teetion of the Virgin, and formally declared her to be tho 
proprietor of it from that day forth forever. 







TwtMiiy s([iiii(ls, iiuml)iMiii^ in all oni' ImiKJicd and 
forty men, whoso nanio.s, appended to the proclama- 
tion, may still ho Hoen on the ancient records of 
Montreal, answered the appeal and enrolled them- 
selves in the holy cause. 

The whole piettlement was in a state of religious 
exaltation. As the Inxpiois weie rej^arded as actual 
myrmid(»ns of Satan in his malign warfare against 
Mary and her divine Son, those who died in lighting 
them were held to merit the reward of martyrs, 
assured of a seat in paradise. 

And now it remains to record one of the most 
heroic feats of arms evtjr achieved on this continent. 
That it may be rated as it merits, it will be well to 
glance for i moment at the condition of ('anada, 
under the portentous cloud of war which constantly 
overshadowed it.^ 

^ In all that relates to Montreal, I cannot l)e sutHciently jjrate- 
ful to the Al)l)c Kaillon, the indefatigahle, patii'nt, (lonscientiouH 
chronicler of its early history ; an ardent ami prejutliced Sulpitian, 
a i>rie8t who three centuries ago would have passed for credulous, 
and, withal, a kind-hearted and estiniahle man. His numerous 
books on his favorite theme, witli the vast aiul heterogeneous mass 
of facts which they embody, are invaluable, provided their ])arti8aii 
character be well kept in mind. His recent deatli leaves his princi- 
pal work unfinished. His Ifisfoire <le la Colonic Frttix^niscoi Canada 
— it might more fitly be called Flistoire du Montreal — is unhappily 
little more than half complete. 




\ I 1 







1660, 166t. 


\Vi>i,F. — The Threatened Invasion. — Daulac pes Ormeaux. 
— The Adventurers at the Long Saut. - The Attack. — A 
Desperate Defence. — A Final Assa'ilt. — Tue Fort taken. 

Canada had writhed for twenty years, with little 
respite, under the scourge of Iroquois war. During 
a great part of this dark period the entire French 
population was less than three thousand. What, 
theJi, saved them from destruction? In the first 
place, the settlements were grouped around three for- 
tified posts, — Quebec, Three Rivers, and Montreal, 
— which in time of danger gave asylum to the fugi- 
tive inhabitants. Agjiin, their assailants were con- 
tinually distracted by otlier wars, and never, except 
at a few spasmodic intervals, were fully in earnest 
to destroy the French colony. Canada was indis- 
[)ensable to them. '''lie four ui)per nations of the 
league soon became dependent on her for supplies; 
and all the nations alike appear, at a very early 
period, to have conceived the policy on which they 



afterwards distinctly acted, of balancing the rival 
settlements of the Hudson and the St. Lawrence, the 
one against the other. They would torture, but not 
kill. It was but rarely that, in fits of fury, they 
struck their hatchets at the brain; and thus the 
bleeding and gasping colony lingered on in torment. 

The seneschal of New France, son of the governor 
Lauson, was surprised and killed on the island of 
Orleans, along with seven companions. About the 
same time, the same fate befell the son of Godefroy, 
one of the chief inhabitants of Quebec. Outside the 
fortifications there was no safety for a moment. A 
universal terror .seized the people. A comet appeared 
above Quebec, and they saw in it a herald of destruc- 
tion. Their excited imaginations turned natural 
phenomena into portents and prodigies. A blazing 
canoe sailed across the sky; confused cries and 
lamentations were heard in the air; and a voice of 
thunder sounded from mid-heaven. ^ The Jesuits 
despaired for their scattered and persecuted flocks. 
"Everywhere," writes their superior, "we see infants 
to be saved for heaven, sick and dying to be baptized, 
adults to be instructed; but everywhere we see the 
Iroquois. TLey haunt us like persecuting goblins. 
They kill our new-made Christians in our arms. If 
they meet us on the river, they kill us. If they 
find us in the huts of our Indians, they burn us and 
them together. "2 And he appeals urgently for troops 

* Marie du I'liicar .ation, Lettre, Scpteinbre, 1001. 
" Relation, 1000 (anonymous), 3. 

1 .. 


to destroy them, as a lioly work inspired by God, 
and needful for his service. 

Crnada was still a mission, and the influence of 
the Church was paramount and pervading. At 
Quebec, as at Montreal, the war with the Iroquois 
was regarded as a war with the hosts of Satan. Of 
the settlers' cabins scattered along the shores above 
and below Quebec, many were provided with small 
iron cannon, made probably by blacksmiths in the 
colony ; but they liad also other protectors. In each 
was an image of the Virgin or some patron saint; 
and every morning the pious settler knelt before the 
shrine to beg the protectioji of a celestial hand in his 
perilous labors of the forest or the farm. 

When, in the summer of 1058, the young Vicomte 
d'Argenson came to assume the thankless task of 
governing the colony, the Iroquois war was at its 
height. On tlie day after his arrival, he was wash- 
ing his hands before seating himself at dinner in the 
hall of the Chateau St. Louis, when cries of alarm 
were lieard, and he was told that the Iroquois were 
close at hand. In fact, tliey were so near that their 
war-whoops and the screams of their victims could 
plainly be lieard. Argenson left his guests, and, 
with such a following as he could muster at the 
moment, hastened to the rescue; but the assailants 
wera too nimble for him. The forests, which grew 
at that time around Quebec, favored them both in 
attack and in retreat. After a year or two of experi- 
ence, he wrote urgently to the court for troops. He 


1661.] FUANgOIS IIEUTKL. 121 

adds that, what v/ich the demands of tlie harvest and 
the unmilitary cbaracter of many of the settlers, the 
colony could not furnish more than a hundred men 
for offensive operations. A vigorous, aggressive 
war, he insists, is absolutely necessary, and this 
not only to save the colony, hut to save the only true 
faith; "for," to borrow his own words, "it is this 
colony alone which has the honor to be in the com- 
munion of the Holy Church. Everywhere else 
reigns the doctrine of England or Holland, to which 
I can give no other name, because there are as numy 
creeds as there are subjects who embrace them. They 
do not care in the least whether the Iroquois and the 
other savages of this country have or have not a knowl- 
edge of the true God, or else they are so malicious as 
to inject the venom of their errors into souls incapable 
of distinguishing the truth of the gospel from the 
falsehoods of heresy ; and hence it is plain that religion 
has its sole support in the French colony, and that, if 
this colony is in danger, religion is equally in danger." * 
Among the most interesting memorials of the time 
are two letters written by Frant^ois Ilertel, a youth 
of eighteen, captured at Three Rivers, and carried to 
the Mohawk towns in the summer of IBOl. lie 
belonged to one of the best families of Canada, and 
was the favorite child of his mother, to whom the 
second of the two letters is addressed. The first is 
to the Jesuit Le Moyne, who had gone to Oiu.ndaga, 

1 Piipirrs ff'Aiycuson; Memuin; sur le sitjet th la (jucrrc des 
Iroquois, 1059 (lUOO ?)• -^^^^ 

■ \ ' .\m 



in July of that year, to effect the release of French 
prisoners in accordance with the terms of a truce.* 
Both letters were written on birch-bark : — 

My Reverend Father, — The very day when you left 
Three Rivers I was captured, at about three in the after- 
noon, by four Iroquois of the Mohawk tribe. I would 
not have been taken alive, if, to my sorrow, I had not 
feared that I was not in a lit state to die. K you came 
here, my Father, I could have the happiness of confessing 
to you ; and I do not think they would do you any harm ; 
and I think that I could return home with you. I pray 
you to pity my poor mother, who is in great trouble. You 
know, my Father, how fond she is ot me. I have heard 
from a Frenchman, who was taken at Three Rivers on the 
Ist of August, that she is well, and comforts herself with 
the hope that I shall see you. There are three of 
us Frenchmen alive here. I commend myself to your 
good prayers, and particularly to the Holy Sacrifice of the 
Mass. I pray you, my Father, to say a mass for me. I 
pray you give my dutiful love to my poor mother, and 
console her, if it pleases you. 

My Father, I beg your blessing on the hand that writes 
to you, which has one of the fingers burned in the bowl 
of an Indian pipe, to satisfy the Majesty of God which 
I have offended. The thumb of the other hand is cut off ; 
but do not toll my m.other of it. 

My Father, 1 pray you to honor me with a word from 
your hand in reply, and tell me if you shall come here 
before winter. 

Your most humble and most obedient servant, 

Fran(,;ois Hertel. 
^ Journal des Jesuites, 300. 




The following is the letter to his mother, sent 
probably, with the other, to the charge of Le 
Moyne : — 

My most dear and honored Mother, — I know very 
well that my capture must have distressed you very much. 
I ask you to forgive my disobedience. It is my sins that 
have placed me where I am. I owe my life to your 
prayers, and those of M. de Saint-Quentin, and of my 
sisters. I hope to see you again before winter. I pray 
you to tell the good brethren of Notre Dame to pray to 
God and the Holy Virgin for me, my dear mother, and 
for you and all my sisters. 

Your poor 


This, no doubt, was the name by which she had 
called him familiarly when a child. And who was 
this "Fanchon," this devout and tender son of a fond 
mother? New England can answer to her cost. 
When, twenty-nine years later, a band of French and 
Indians issued from the forest and fell upon the fort 
and settlement of Salmon Falls, it was Franyois 
Hertel who led the attack; and when l,he retiring 
victors were hard pressed by an overwhelming force, 
it was he who, sword in hand, held the pursuers in 
check at the bridge of Wooster River, and covered 
the retreat of his men. He was ennobled for his 
services, and died at the age of eighty, the founder 
of one of the most distinguished families of Canada.* 

* His letters of nobility, dated 171G, will be found in Daniel's 
Histoire des Grandes Families Franfaises du Canada, 404. 



\ i I . ,'4 w 



1' I 


I ' 

i ■■ 

.1 «. 




124 THE lIKROIvS OF THE LON(i 8AUT. [1600. 

To tlio New Engliiiid of old he was the jibhoried chief 
of Popish malignauts and murdciiiig savages. The 
New England of to-day will be more just to the brave 
defender of his country and his faith. 

In May, 16G0, a party of French Algonquins 
captured a Wolf, or Mohegan, Indian, naturalized 
among the Iroquois, brought him to Quebec, and 
burned him there with their usual atrocity of torture. 
A modern Catholic writer says that the Jesuits could 
not save him; but this is not so. Their influen.ce 
over the consciences of the colonists was at that time 
unbounded, and their direct political power was very 
great. A protest on their part, and that of the newly 
arrived bishop, who was in their interest, could not 
have failed of effect. The truth was, they did not 
care to prevent the torture of prisoners of war, — 
not solely out of that spirit of compliance with the 
savage humor of Indian allies which stains so often 
the pages of French American history, but also, and 
perhaps chiefly, from motives purely religious. 
Torture, in their eyes, seems to have been a blessing 
in disguise. They thought it good for the soul, and 
in case of obduracy the surest way of salvation. 
"We have very rarely indeed," writes one of them, 
"seen the burning of an Iroquois without feeling 
sure that he was on the path to paradise; and we 
never knew one of them to be surely on the path to 
paradise without seeing him pass through this fiery 
punishment. " ^ So they let the Wolf burn ; but 

^ litlatiun, 1000, 31. 

ill i ' 





first, having instructed him after their fashion, they 
baptized him, and his savage soul flew to heaven out 
of the fire. "Is it not," pursues the same writer, "a 
marvel to see a wolf changed at one stroke into a 
lamb, and enter into the fold of Christ, which he 
came to ravacje ? " 

Before he died, he requited their spiritual cares 
with a startlimx secret. He told them that eight 
hundred Iroquois warriors were encamped below 
Montreal ; that four hundred more, who had wintered 
on the Ottawa, were on the point of joining them; 
and that the united force would swoop upon Quebec, 
kill the governor, la/ waste the town, and then 
attack Three Rivers and Montreal.^ This time, at 
least, the Iroquois were in deadly earnest. Quebec 
was wild with terror. The Ursulines and the nuns 
of the Hotel Dicu took refuge in the strong and ex- 
tensive building which the Jesuits had just finished, 
opposite the Parish Church. Its walls and palisades 
made it easy of defence ; and in its yards and court 
were lodged the terrified Hurons, as well as the 
fugitive iidiabitants of the neighboring settlements. 
Otners found asylum in the fort, and others in the 
convent of the Ursulines, which, in place of nuns, 
was occupied by twenty-four soldiers, who fortified 
it with redoubts, and barricaded the doors and 
windows. Similar measures of defence were taken 
at the Hotel Dieu, and the streets of the Lower 
Town were strongly barricaded. Everybody wns in 
1 Marie de I'lncarnation, Lfllrc, 25 Juin, 1060. 




■ r 

1 ' w 














i '*i 



.U: A 







arms, and tlio Qui vive of the sentries and patrols 
resounded all night. ^ 

Several days passed, and no Iroquois appeared. 
The refugees took heart, and began to return to their 
deserted farms and dwellings. Among the rest was 
a family consisting of an old woman, her daughter, 
her son-in-law, and four small children, living nea'- 
St. Anne, some twenty miles below Quebec. On 
reaching home, the old woTnan and the man went to 
their w rk In the fields, while the mother and chil- 
dren remained in the house. Here they were 
pounced upon and captured by eight renegade 
^lurons, Iroquois by adoption, who placed them in 
their large canoe, and paddled up the river with their 
prizo. It was Sa^;arday, a day dedicated to the 
Virgin; and the cf^^)tive mother prayed to her for 
aid, "feeling," writes a Jesuit, "a full conviction 
that, in passing before Quebec on a Saturday, she 
would be delivered by the power of this Queen of 
Heaven." In fact, as the marauders and their cap- 
tives glided in the darkness of night by Point Levi, 
under the shadow of the shore, they were greeted 
with a volley of musketry from the bushes, and a 
band of French and Algonquins dashed into the 
water to seize them. Five of the eight were taken, 
and the rest shot or drowned. The governor had 
heard of the descent at St. Anne, and despatched a 

1 On this alarm at Quebec compare Marie do I'lncarnation, 25 
/u!>i, 1600; Relation, 1600, 6; Jucheroau, Histoire ile VHotel-Dieu de 
Quebec, 125, and Journal ties Jesuites, 282. 







party to lio in anihtusli for the authors of it. Tlie 
Jesuits, it is needless to say, saw a miracle in the 
result. The Virgin had answered the prayer ol her 
votary, —"though it is true," ohscrves the father 
who records the marvel, "that, in the volley, slu^ 
received a mortal wound." The same shot struck 
the infant in her arms. The prisoners were taken to 
Quebec, where four of them were tortured with even 
more ferocity than had been shown in the case of the 
unfortunate Wolf.^ J3eing questioned, they con- 
firmed his story, and expressed great surprise that 
the Iroquois had not come, adding that they must 
have stop[)ed to attack Montreal or Three Rivers. 
Again aJl was terror, and again days passed and no 
enemy appeared. Had the dying converts, so chari- 
tably despatched to heaven through fire, sought an 
unhallowed consolation in scaring the abettors of 
their torture with a lie? Not at all. Bating a slight 
exaggeration, they had told the truth. Where, 
then, were the Iroquois? As one small point of 

1 The torturers w^re Christian Algonqnins, converts of the 
Jesuits. Chaumonot, who was jjresent to give spiritual aid to the 
sufferers, describes the scene with horrible minuteness. " I could 
not," he says, " deliver them f'.nn their torments." Perhaps not : 
but it is certain that the Jesuits as a body, with or without the 
bishop, could have prevented the atrocity, hsd they seen fit. They 
sometimes taught their converts to pray for their enemies. It 
would have been well had they taught them not to torture them. 
I can recall but one instance in which they did so. The prayers 
for enemies were always for a spiritual, not a temporal good. The 
fathers held the body in slight account, and cared little what 
happened to it. 




\ I I 

W I I 



tbi : 



stcol disanns tlio liglitinn<jf of its tciTois, so did the 
luu'oism of a few intrepid youths divert this storm of 
^Vllr, and save Cana<hi from a possihlo ruin. 

In tlio preceding April, ])efore the desifi^ns of the 
Iroquois were known, a younj^ olhcer named Daulac, 
eonniiiindant of tiie garrison of Ahmtreal, asked leave 
of Maisoinieuve, the governor, to lead a party of 
volunteers against tlie enemy. 1 1 is plan was bold to 
desjieration. IL was known that Iroquois warriors in 
great numbers had wintered among the forests of the 
Ottawa. Daulac proposed to waylay them on their 
descent of the river, and fight them without regard 
to disjiai'ity of force. The settlers of Montreal had 
hitlun'to acted solely on the defensive, for their num- 
bers had been too small for aggressive war. Of late 
their strength had been somewhat increased, and 
Maisoinieuve, judging that a display of enterprise 
and bohbiess might act as a check on the audacity of 
the enemy, at length gave his consent. 

Adam Daulac, or DoUard, Sieurdes Ormeaux, was 
a young man of good family, who had come to the col- 
ony three years before, at the jige of twenty-two. He 
had held some military command in France, though in 
what rank does not appear. It was said that he had 
been involved in some affair which made him anxious 
to wipe out the memory of the past by a noteworthy 
exploit; and he had been busy for some time among 
the young men of Montreal, inviting them to join 
him in the enterprise he meditated. Sixteen of them 
caught his spirit, struck hands with him, and pledged 






their word. Tliey boniul themselves by oiith to 
accept no quarter ; and, having gained Maisonneuve's 
consent, tliey made their wills, confessed, and 
received the sacraments. As they knelt for tlie last 
time before the altar in the chapel of the ILotel Dieu, 
that sturdy little population of pious Indian-fighters 
gazed on them with enthusiasm, not unmixed with 
an envy which had in it nothing ignoble. Some of 
the chief men of Montreal, with the brave Charles 
Le Moyne at their head, begged tliem to wait till the 
spring sowing was over, that they might join them ; 
but Daulac refused. He was jealous of the glory 
and the danger, and he wished to command, which 
he could not have done had Le Moyne been present. 

The spirit of the enterprise was purely medireval. 
The entluisiasm of honor, the enthusiasm of adven- 
ture, aiid the enthusiasm of faith were its motive 
forces. Daulac; was a knight of the early crusades 
among the forests and savages of the New World. 
Yet the incidents of this exotic heroism are definite 
and clear as a tale of yesterday. The names, ages, 
and occupations of the seventeen young men may 
still be read on the ancient register of the parish of 
Montreal; and the notarial acts of that year, pre- 
served in the records of the city, contain n:inute 
accounts of such property as each of them possessed. 
The three eldest were of twenty-eight, thirty, and 
thirty-one years respectively. The age of the rest 
varied from twenty-one to twenty-seven. They were 
of various callings, — soldiers, armorers, locksmiths. 



I V 

"^ I 



( , f 

V\0 THE IIKROKS OF rilK L()N(J SAHT. [1000. 

liino-bunu!i's, < r settlers without tnules. Tho 
groator iiumlKjr liiul come to tlie colony as part of tho 
reinforcement l)n)Ught by Maisonneuve in l(»r>3. 

After a solenui farewell, they eniharkeil in several 
canoes well supplied with arms and anununition. 
They were very indifferent canoe-men ; and it is said 
that they lost a week in vain attempts to pass tho 
swift current of St. Anne, at the head of the island 
of Montreal. At length they were more successful, 
and entering tho mouth of the Ottawa, crossed tho 
Lake of Two Mountjiins, and slowly advanced against 
the current. 

Meanwhile, forty warriors of that remnant of tho 
Hurons who, in spite of Iroquois persecutions, still 
lingered at Quebec, had set out on a war-party, led 
by the brave and wily Etienno Annahotaha, their 
most noted chief. They stcjpped by tho way at 
Three Rivers, where they found a band of Christian 
Algonquins under a chief named Mituvemeg. 
Annahotaha challenged him to a trial of courage, 
and it was agreed that they should meet at Montreal, 
where they were likely to find a speedy opportunity 
of putting their mettle to the test. Thither, accord- 
ingly, they repaired, the Algoncpiin with three 
followers, and the Huron with thirty-nine. 

It was not long l)efore they learned the departure 
of Daulac and his companions. "For," observes the 
honest Dollier de Casson, " the principal fault of our 
Frenchmen is to talk too much." The wish seized 
them to share the adventure, and to that end the 


: I 





Fliiron chief asked tlie pfoveriior for ji U'ttor to 
Diiuliic, to servo us cre(U,'ntiiils. iMiiisonneuve hesi- 
tiitiul. Ilis faith in Huron viilor was not ^rrat, and 
he feared tlie pi'o})()sed alliance. Nevertluiless, ho at 
h^igtli yiehled so far as to «,nve Annaliotaha a letter, 
in wliich Uauhic was told to accept or reject the 
[)roiTered reinforcement as he slionld see lit. The 
Iluronsand Algoiu^uins now embarked, and pathlled 
in [aii-suit of the seventeen Frenchmen. 

They meanwhile had passed with dinicnlty tlio 
swift current at CariUor, and about thti lirst of May 
reached the foot of the more formidable rapid called 
the Long Saut, whore a tumult of waters, foaming 
among ledges and bowlders, barred the onward way. 
It was needless to go farther. The Iroquois were 
sure to pass the Saut, and coidd l)e fought here as 
well as elsewhere. Just below the rapid, where the 
forests sloped gently to the shore, among the bushes 
and stumps of the rough clearing mule in construct- 
ing it, stood a palisade fort, the work of an 
Algonquin war-party in the past autumn. It was a 
mere enclosure of trunks of small trees planted in a 
circle, and was already ruinous. Such as it was, the 
Frenchmen took possession of it. Their first care, 
one would think, should have been to repair and 
strengthen it; but this they seem not to have done, 
— possibly, in the exaltation of their minds, they 
scorned such precaution. They made their fires, 
and slung their kettles on the neighl)oring shore; 
and here they were soon joined by the Ilurons and 


.11 ■') 





1 •; 

1 : 1 

1 ! " 

-1 i 


4 I 

Algonquins. Daulac, it seems, made no objection 
to their company, and they all bivouacked together. 
Morning and noon and night they prayed in three 
differei"^ tongues; and when at sunset the long reach 
of forests on the farther shore basked peacefully in 
tl)3 level rays, the rapids joined their hoarse music to 
the notes of their evening hymn. 

In a day or two their scouts came in with tidings 
that two Iroquois canoes were coming down the Saut. 
Daulac had time to set his men in ambush among 
the bushes at a point where he thought the strangers 
likely to land. He judged aright. The canoes, 
bearing five Iroquois, approached, and were met by 
a volley fired with such precipitation that one or 
more of them escaped the shot, fled into the forest, 
and told their mischance to their main body, two 
hundred in number, on the river above. A fleet of 
canoes suddenly appeared, bounding down the rapids, 
filled with warriors eager for revenge. The allies 
had barely time to escape to their fort, leaving their 
kettles still slung over ilie fires. The Iroquois made 
a hasty and desultory attack, and were quickly 
repulsed. They next opened a parley, hoping, no 
doubt, to gain some advantage by surprise. Failing 
in this, they set themselves, after their custom on 
such occasions, to building a rude fort of their own 
in the neighboring forest. 

This gave the French a breathing-time, and they 
used it for strengthening their defences. Fieing 
provided with tools, they planted a row of stakes 






witliin their palisade, to form a double fence, and 
filled the intervening space with earth and stones to 
the height of a man, leaving some twenty loop-holes, 
at each of lyhich three marksmen were stationed. 
Their work was still unfinished when the Iroquois 
were upon them again. They had broken to pieces 
the birch canoes of the French and their allies, and, 
kindling the bark, rushed up to pile it blazing against 
the palisade ; but so brisk and steady a fire met them 
that they recoiled, and at last gave way. They 
came on again, and again were driven back, leaving 
many of their number on the ground, — among them 
the principal chief of the Senecas. Some of the 
French dashed out, and, covered by the fire of their 
comr.ides, hacked off his head, and stuck it on the 
palisade, while the Iroquois howled in a frenzy of 
helpless rage. They tried another attack, and were 
beaten off a third time. 

This dashed their spirits, and they sent a canoe to 
call to their aid five hundred of their warriors who 
were mustered near the mouth of the Richelieu. 
These were the allies whom, but for this untoward 
check, they were on their way to join for a combined 
attack on Quebec, Three Rivers, and Montreal. It 
was maddening to see their grand project thwarted 
by a few French and Indians ensconced in a paltry 
redoubt, scarcely better than a cattle-pen; but they 
were forced to digest the affront as best they might. 

Meanwhile, crouched beliind trees and logs, they 
beset the fort, harassing its defenders day and night 









witli a spattering fire and a constant menace of 
attack. Tims five days jxissed. Hunger, thii-st, and 
want of sleep wrouglit fatally on the streigtli of the 
French and their allies, who, pent up together in 
their narrow prison, fought and prayed by turns. 
Deprived as they were of water, they could not 
swallow the crushed Indian corn, or "hominy," 
which was their only food. Some of them, under 
cover of a brisk fire, ran down to the river and filled 
such small vessels as they had; but this pittance 
only tantalized their thirst. They dug a hole in the 
fort, and were rewarded at last by a little muddy 
water oozing through the clay. 

Among the assailants were a number of Hurons, 
adopted by the Iroquois and fighting on their side. 
These renegades now shouted to their countrymen in 
the fort, telling them that a fresh army was close at 
hand ; that they would soon be attacked by seven or 
eight hundred warriors; and that their only hope 
was in joining the Iroquois, who would receive them 
as friends. Annahotaha's followers, half dead with 
thirst and famine, listened to their seducers, took the 
bait, and, one, two, or three at a time, climbed the 
palisade and ran over to the enemy, amid the hoot- 
ings and execrations of those whom they deserted. 
Their chief stood firm; and when he saw his nephew. 
La Mouche, join the other fugitives, he fired his 
pistol at him in a rage. The four Algonquins, who 
had no mercy to hope for, stood fast, with the cour- 
age of despair. 





On the fifth day an uproar of uneartlily yells from 
seven hundred savage throats, mingled with a clatter- 
ing salute of musketry, told the Frenchmen that the 
expected reinforcement had come; and soon, in the 
forest and on the clearing, a crowd of warriors 
mustered for the attack. Knowing from the Huron 
deserters the weakness of their enemy, they had no 
doubt of an easy victory. They advanced cautiously, 
as was usual with the Iroquois before their blood was 
up, screeching, leaping from side to side, and firing 
as they came on ; but the French were at their posts, 
and every loophole darted its tongue of fire. Besides 
muskets, they had heavy musketoons of large calibre, 
which, scattering scraps of lead and iron among the 
i/hrong of savages, often maimed several of them at 
one discharge. The Iroquois, astonished at the per- 
sistent vigor of the defence, fell back discomfited. 
The fire of the French, who were themselves com- 
pletely under cover, had told upon them with deadly 
effect. Three days more wore away in a series of 
futile attacks, made with little concert or vigor; and 
during all this time Daulac and his men, reeling with 
exhaustion, fought and prayed as before, sure of a 
martyr's reward. 

The uncertain, vacillating temper common to all 
Indians now began to declare itself. Some of the 
Iroquois were for going home. Others revolted at 
the thought, and declared that it would be an eternal 
disgrace to lose so many men at the hands of so 
paltry an enemy, and yet fail to take revenge. It 


i -1 I .• ! 

! -Ill 










> '* 




i i 

» I 



was resolved to make a gciieral assault, and volun- 
teers were called for to lead the attack. After the 
custom on such occasions, bundles of small sticks 
were thrown upon the grounil, and those picked 
them up who dared, thus accepting the ga^e of 
battle, and enrolling themselves in the forlorn hope. 
No precaution was neglected. Large and heavy 
shields four or five feet high were made by lashing 
together three split logs with the aid of cross-bars. 
Covering themselves with these mantelets, the chosen 
band advanced, followed by the motley throng of 
warriors. In spite of a brisk fire, they reached the 
palisade, and, crouching below the range of shot, 
hewed furiously with their hatchets to cut their way 
through. The rest followed close, and swarmed like 
angry hornets around the little fort, hacking and 
tearing to get in. 

Daulac had crammed a large nmsketoon with 
powder, and plugged up the muzzle. Lighting the 
fuse inserted in it, he tried to throw it over the 
barrier, to burst like a grenade among the crowd of 
savages without; but it struck the ragged top of one 
of the palisades, fell back among the Frenchmen and 
exploded, killing and wounding several of them, and 
nearly blinding others. In the confusion that fol- 
lowed, the Iroquois got possession of the loopholes, 
and, thrusting in their guns, fired on those within. 
In a moment more they had torn a breach in the 
palisade; but, nerved with the energy of despera- 
tion, Daulac and his followers sprang to defend it. 




Another breach was made, and tlien another. Dan lac 
was struck dead, but the survivors kept up the light. 
With a swo]-d or a hatchet in one hand and a knife 
in the other, they threw themselves against the 
throng of enemies, striking and stabbing with the 
fury of madmen; till the Iroquois, despairing of 
taking them alive, fired volley after volley and shot 
them down. All was over, and a burst of triumph- 
ant yells proclaimed the dear-bought victory. 

Searching the pile of corpses, the victors found 
four Frenchmen still breathing. Three had scarcely 
a spark of life, and, as no time was to be lost, they 
burned them on the spot. The fourth, less fortunate, 
seemed likely to survive, and they reserved him for 
future torments. As for the Huron deserters, their 
cowardice profited them little. The Iroquois, regard- 
less of their promises, fell upon them, burned seme 
at once, and carried the rest to their villages for a 
similar fate. Five of the number had the good 
fortune to escape; and it was from them, aided by 
admissions made long afterwards by the Iroquois 
themselves, that the French of Canada derived all 
their knowledge of this glorious disaster.^ 

1 When the fugitive Hurons reached Montreal, they were un- 
willing to confess their desertion of the French, and declared that 
they and some others of their people, to the number of fourteen, 
had stood by them to the last. This was the story told by one of 
them to the Jesuit Chaumonot, and by him communicated in a 
letter to his friends at Quebec. Tiie substance of this letter is 
given by Marie de I'lncarnation, in her letter to lier son of June 25, 
1600. The Jesuit IMntion of this year gives another long account 
of the affair, also derived from the Huron deserters, who this time 

V: , 





1 1 


i r 


'J'o the colony it proved a salvation. The Iroquois 
had had fighting enough. If seventeen Frenchmen, 
four Algonquins, and one Huron, behind a picket 
fence, could hold seven hundred v/arriors at bay so 
long, what might they expect from many such, light- 

I ( 


only pretended that ten of their number remained with tlie French. 
They afterwards admitted that all had deserted but Annahotaha, 
as appears from tlie account drawn up by Dollier de Casson, in his 
Ilistoire du Montreal. Another contemporary, Belmont, who heard 
the story from an Iroquois, makes the same statement. All tliese 
writers, though two of them were not friendly to Montreal, agree 
that Daulac and his followers saved Canada from a disastrous 
invasion. The governor, Argenson, in a letter written on the fourth 
of July following, and in his Memoire sur le sujel de la (juerre des 
Iroquois, expresses the same conviction. Before me is an extract, 
copied from the Petit Rtyistre de la Cure de Montreal, giving the 
names and ages of Daulac's men. 

Radisson, the famous voi/acjear, says that, on his way down the 
Ottawa from Lake Superior, he passed the Long Saut eight days 
after the destruction of Daulac and his party ; and he gives an 
account of the fight that answers on the whole to those of the 
other writers. He adds, however, that the Hurons remained out- 
side the fort, which was too sniall to hold them, and that only the 
seventeen Frenchmen and four Algonquins — or twenty-one in all 
— were under cover. He also says that the reinforcement which 
joined the two hundred Iroquois who began the attack consisted of 
" tive hundred and fifty Iroquoits of the lower nation [Mohawks] 
and fifty Orijonot" (Oneidas?), — r.iaklng with the original assail- 
ants eight hundred in all. {Publications of the Prince Societi/, 1885, 
2'S').) Radisson, whose narratives were not written till some years 
after the events that they record, forgets the date of the fight at the 
Long Saut, which would appear from him to have happened three 
years after it really took place. 

Abbe Fuillon took extreme pains to collect the evidence touch- 
ing Daulac's heroism, and, though Radisson's writings were 
unknown to him, his narrative should be consulted by those in- 
terested in the subject. See his anonymous Ilistoire de la Colonic 
Fraui^aise au Canada, ii. chap. xv. 




iiig behind walls of stone? For that year they 
thought no more of capturing Quebec and Montreal, 
but went home dejected and amazed, to howl over 
their losses, and nurse their dashed courage for a day 
of vengeance. 

'4 m 






'i i 

1 1 






FuANrois i)K Laval. — Tiiu Zealots ok Caen. — Gallican 
AND Ultramontane. — The Rival Claimants. — Stokm at 
Quebec. — Laval TitiuMniANT. 

'' I 


! i 

'1 4 

Canada, gasping under the Iroquois tomahawk, 
might, one woukl suppose, have thought her cup of 
tribulation "^uU, and, sated with inevitable woe, 
have sought consolation from the wrath without in a 
holy calm within. Not so, however; for while the 
heathen raged at the door, discord rioted at the 
hearthstone. Her domestic quarrels were wonderful 
in number, diversity, and bitterness. There was 
the standing quarrel of Montreal and Quebec, the 
quarrels of priests with one another, of priests with 
the governor, and of the governor with the intendant, 
besides ceaseless wranglings of rival traders and rival 

Some of these disputes were local and of no spi ial 
significance; while others are very interesting, 
because, on a remote and obscure theatre, they repre- 





sent, r,.)iTietinies in striking forms, the contending 
passions and principles of a most important epoch of 
hist >ry. To 'oegin witli one which even to this day 
lias left a root of bitterness behind it. 

The association of pions enthnsiasts who had 
founded r.i(mtK3aP was reduced in 1057 to a renin.rnt 
of five or six persons, whose ebbing zeal and over- 
taxed purses were no longer equal to the devout but 
arduous enterprise. They begged the priests of the 
Seminary of St. Sulpice to take it off their hands. 
The priests consented; and, thougl .'"^ conveyance 
of the island of Montreal to these Hl. n( proprietors 
did not take effect till some yearr i >er, four of the 
Sulpitian fathers — Queylus, Suaa"< Galinde, and 
Allet — came out to the colony a 'd took it in charge. 
Thus far Canada had had n i)ishop, and the 
Sulpitians now aspired to give it one from their own 
brotherhood. T^iany years before, when the Rdcollets 
had a foothold in the colony, they too, or at least 
some of them, had cherished the hope of giving 
Canada a bishop of their own. As for the Jesuits, 
who for nearly thirty years had of themselves consti- 
tuted the Canadian church, they had been content 
thus far to dispense with a bishop; for having no 
rivals in the field, they had felt no need of episcopal 

The Sulpitians put forward Queylus as their candi- 
date f«)r the new bishopric. The assembly of French 

1 See "Jesuits in Nortli Anicricn," cliap. xxii. 



^li^^ . 










i ' 



I • 1 







clergy approved, and Cardinal Mazarin himself 
seemed to sanction, the nonihiation. The Jesuits 
saw that their time of action was come. It was they 
who had borne the heat and burden of the day, thf) 
toils, privations, and martyrdoms, while as yet the 
Sulpitians had done nothing and endured nothing. 
If any body of ecclesiastics was to have the nomina- 
tion of a bishop, it clearly belonged to them, the 
Jesuits. Their might, too, matched their right. 
They were strong at court; Mazarin withdrew his 
assent, and the Jesuits were invited to name a bishop 
to their liking. 

Meanwhile the Sulpitians, despairing of the 
bishopric, had sought their solace elsewhere. Ships 
bound for Canada had usually sailed from ports 
within the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Rouen, 
and the depjirting missionaries had received their 
ecclesiastical powers from him, till he had learned to 
regard Canada as an outlying section of his diocese. 
Not unwilling to assert his claims, he now made 
Queylus his vicar-general for all Canada, thus cloth- 
ing him with episcopal powers, and placing him over 
the heads of the Jesuits. Queylus, in effect though 
not in name a bishop, left his companion Souart in 
the spiritual charge of Montreal, came down to 
Qaebec, announced his new dignity, and assumed the 
curacy )f the parish. The Jesuits received him at 
first with their usual urbanity, an exercise of self- 
control rendered more easy by their knowledge that 


Aniil-: QIEVLUS. 


one more potent tli.iii Queylus would soon arrive to 
siii)i)liiiit him.' 

The vicar of the Archl)ishop of Rouen was a man 
of many virtues, devoted to good works, as lie 
understood them; rich, for the Sulpitiuns were under 
no vow of poverty; generous in almsgiving, busy, 
indefatiga))le, overflowing with zeal, vivacious in 
temperament and excitable in temper, impatient of 
opposition, and, as it seems, incapable, like his 
destined, rival, of seeing any way of doing good but 
his own. Though the Jesuits were outwardly cour- 
teous, their partisans would not listen to the new 
curd's sermons, or listened only to find fault; and 
germs of discord grew vigorously in the parish of 
Quel)ec. Prudence was not among the virtues of 
Queylus. He launched two sermons against the 
Jesuits, in which he likened himself to Christ and 
them to the Pharisees. "Who," he supposed them 
to say, " is this Jesus, so beloved of the people, who 
comes to cast discredit on us, wlio for thirty or forty 
years have governed church and state here, with 
none to dispute us?"^ He denounced such of his 

^ A detailed account of the experiences of Queylus at Quebec, 
immediately after his arrival, as related by himself, will be found 
in a memoir by the Sulpitian AUet, in Morale Pratique des ,/esuites, 
xxxiv. chap. xii. In chapter ten of the same volume the writer 
says tliat he visited Queylus at Mont St. Valerien, after his return 
from Canada. " II me jirit Si, part ; nous nous promomunes assez 
longtemps dans le jardin et il m'ouvrit son coeur sur la conduite 
des Jesuites dans le Canada et partout ailleurs. Messieurs de St. 
Sulpice savent bien ce qu'il mVn a pu dire, et je suis assurd qu'ils 
ne diront pas que je I'ai du prendre ])our des monsonges." 

^ Journal ites Jesuites, Ortubre, 1057. 



i \- 


t .'■ 


Tin-: Disi'UTKi) lusiioriiic. 


:• '; 

liC'iiTiH iis oanio to i»i('k Haws in his discourse, and 
told tlionj it would bo iHitlcr for their souls if they 
lay in bed at home, sick of a "i^ood quartan fever.'" 
His ire was greatly kindled by a hotter of the Jesuit 
IMjart, wbieli fell into his hands ihrou<(h a female 
adherent, the pious Madame d'Ailleboust, and in 
which that father declai'ed that he, (^ueylus, was 
wa^inf( war on him and his brethren more savagely 
than the Iro(|Uois.i "llev.'.i.s u.'. era/y at siL;ht of a 



Jesuit, wriies an adverse inoij^raplier, as a mi 




doj^ at sight of water.'"'* He cooled, however, on 
being shown certain pa|)crs which proved that his 
position was neither so strong nor so secure as he had 
supposed; and the governor, Argenson, at length 
persuaded him to retire to Montreal. '^ 

The queen-mother, Anne of Austria, always in- 
clined to the Jesuits, had invited Father Le Jeune, 
who was then in France, to make choice of a bishop 
for Canada. It was not an easy task. No Jesuit 
was eligible, for the sage policy of Loyola had 
excluded mend)ers of the order from the bishopric. 
The signs of the times portended trouble for tho 
Canadian church, and there was need of a bishop 
who would assert her claims and fight her battles. 
Such a man could not be made an instrument of the 
Jesuits; therefore there was double need that ho 
should be one with them in sympathy and purpose. 

r *« 

1 Journal des Jesuitcs, Ortobrr, 1057. 

^ Vigor, Notice Ifistnn'fjur sur I'Abb^de Quei/Ius, 

" Pajiirrs il'An/Punon, 






They inade a sagacious clioice. Lo Jeuno pioscntod 
to till' (iiu'en-iuotlier the name of Fianvois Xavier de 
Laval-Moiitiuoreney, Ahhe dv Mouiigiiy. 

Laval, for hy this name lie was tlieneeforth known, 
l)(^h»ng('(l to one of the pnnuh'st families of Europe, 
and, ehurehman as he was, there is much in his 
career to remind us that in his veins ran the hlood 
of the stern Constahle of France, Anno de Mont- 
morency. Nevertheless, his thoughUs froui 'jhildhood 
had tnrned towards the Clnu'ch, or, as his biographers 
will have it, all his aspirations were heavenward. 
He received the tonsure at the age of nine. The 
Jesuit Hagot eon^nned and moulded his youthful 
predilections; and at a later period he was one of a 
hand of young zealots formed inider the auspices of 
lierni^res de lionvigni, i-oyal treasurer at Caen, who, 
though a layniiin, was reputed almost a saint. It 
was Rerni^ics who had borne the chief part in the 
pious fraud of the pretended marriage through which 
Madame de la Pel trie escaped from her father's roof 
to become foundress of the TJrsulines of Quebec.^ 
He had since renounced the world and dwelt at 
Caen in a house attached to an Ursun-.-^ convent, 
and known as the "Hermitage." Here he lived like 
a monk, in the midst of a community of young 
priests and devotees, who looked to him as their 
spiritnal director, and whom he trained ii the 
luuxims anc practices of the most extravagant, or, as 

1 See "Jesuits in North America," ehax). xiv. 




i .' » 


■ 'I 



I I 

liis admirers say, the most sublime ultramontane 
piety. 1 

The conflict between the Jesuits and the Jansenists 
was then at its height. The Junsenist doctrines of 
election and salvation by grace, which sapped the 
power of the priesthood and impugned the authority 
of the Pope himself in his capacity of holder of the 
keys of heaven, Avere to the Jesuits an abomination ; 
while the rigid morals of the Jansenists stood in 
stern contrast to the pliancy of Jesuit casuistry. 
Bernieres and his disciples were zealous, not to say 
fanatical, partisans of the Jesuits. There is a long 
account of the "Hermitage" and its inmates from 
the pen of the famous Jansenist Nicole, — an oppo- 
nent, it is true, but one whose qualities of mind and 
character give weight to his testimony. ^ 

"In this famous Hermitage," says Nicole, "the 
late Sieur de Rerni^res brought up a nund)er of 
young men, to whom he taught a sort of sublime 
and transcendental devotion called passive ^;?vt?/£:r, 
because in it the mind does not act at all, but merely 
receives the divine operation; and this devotion is 
the source of all those visions and revelations in 
which the Hermitage is so prolific." In short, he 
and his disciples ■'vere mystics of the most exalted 
type. Nicole pursues : " After having thus subtilized 

1 La Tour in his Vie de Laval gives his maxims at length. 

^ M^moire pour faire connoistre Vcsprit ct la roiuhu'tn de la Com- 
pagnic ('tdhlie en la rille de. ('(ten, apjullee I' I/erniihif/e (Bibliolhoque 
Natioiiale. Imprimes. I'artlo IJosorvui'). WrilU'U in 1(1(10. 











their minds, and almost snhlimed them into vapor, 
ho rendered tliem capable of detecting Jansenists 
under any disguise, insomuch that some of liis fol- 
lowers said that they knew them by the scent, as 
dogs know their game; but the aforesaid Sieur ^le 
Bernieres denied that they had so subtile a sense of 
smell, and said that the mark by which he detected 
Jansenists was their disapproval of his teachings or 
their opposition to the Jesuits." 

The zealous band at the Hermitage was. aided iu 
its efforts to extirpate error by a sort of external 
association in the city of Caen, consisting of mer- 
chants, priests, officers, petty nobles, and others, all 
inspired and guided by Bernieres. They met every 
week at the Hermitage, or at the houses of one 
another. Similar associations existed in other cities 
of France, besides a fraternity in the Hue St. 
Dominique at Paris, which was formed by the Jesuit 
Bagot, and seems to have been the parent, in a cer- 
tain sense, of the others. They all acted together 
when any important object was in view. 

Bernieres and his disciples felt that God had 
chosen them not only to watch over doctrine and 
discipline in convents and in families, Imt also to 
supply the prevalent deficiency of zeal in bishops and 
other dignitaries of the Church. They kept, too, a 
constant eye on the humbler clergy, and whenever a 
new preacher appeared in Caen, two of their number 
were deputed to hear his sermon and report u[>on it. 
\i he chanced to let fall a word concerning the grace 

ii ,> 





of God, they denounced him for Jansenistic heresy. 
Such connnotioii was once raised in Caen by charges 
of sedition and Jansenism, l)rouglit l)y the Hermitage 
against priests and hiymen hitherto without attaint, 
that the liishop of Bayeux thought it necessary to 
interpose ; but even he was forced to pause, daunted 
by the insinuations of Berniferes that he was in secret 
S3'mpathy with the olmoxious doctrines. 

Thus the Hermitage and its affiliated societies con- 
stitutcd tlicmselves a sort of incpiisition in the interest 
of the Jesuits; "for what," asks Nicole, "might not 
be expected from persons of weak minds and atra- 
bilious dispositions, dried up by constant fasts, 
vigils, and other austerities, besides meditations of 
three or four houi's a day, and told continually that 
the Church is in imminent danger of ruin through 
the machinations of the Jansenists, who are repre- 
sented to them as persons who wish to break up the 
foundations of the Christian faith and subvert the 
mystery of the rncarnation ; who believe neither in 
transubstantiation, the invocation of saints, nor 
indulgences; who wish to Mbolish the sacrifice of the 
Mass and the sacrament of Penitence, oppose the 
worship of the Holy Virgin, deny free-will and sub- 
stitute predestination in its place, and, in fiiie, con- 
spire to overthrow the authority of the Supreme 

Among other anecdotes, Nicole tells the following: 
One of the young zealots of the Hermitage took it 
into his head that nil Caen was full of Jansenists, 


.k it 




iiiitl that tlie curds of the phice were in leat^ue with 
tliem. He inocuhited four others with this notion, 
and they resolved to warn the people of their danger. 
They accordingly made the tour of the streets, with 
out hats or collars, and with coats unhuttoned, 
though it was a cold wintei' day, stopping every 
moment to proclaim in a loud voice that all tlie cur(!^s, 
excepting two, whom they named, were ahettors of 
the Jansenists. A mob was soon followinrf at tlieir 

heels, and there was great excitement. Tlie magis- 
trates chanced to be in session, and hearing of the 
disturbance, they sent constables to arrest the authors 
of it. lieing brought to the bar of justice and cpies- 
tioned by the judge, they answered that they were 
doing the v/ork of God, and were ready to die in the 
cause; that Caen was full of Jansenists, and that the 
curds had declared in their favor, inasmuch as they 
denied any knowledge of their existence. Four of 
the five were locked up for a few days, tried, and 
sentenced to a fine of a hundred livres, with a 
promise of further punishment should they again 
disturb the peace. ^ 

The lifth, being pronounced out of his vvits by the 
physicians, was sent home to his mother, at i ^dllage 
near Argentan, where two or three of his fellow 
zealots presently joined him. Among them, they 
persuaded his mother, '.vho had hitherto been devoted 

^ Nicole is not the only authority for tliis story. Tt is also told 
by a very dilTerent writer. See Xatice llistoriijuf <h'. I'Alilnii/i; ilt; ^Stc. 
Claire d'Anjentan, 124. 



l'» T 

•' r 




I , i M, 






to household cares, to exchange them for a life of 
mystical devoton. "These three or four persons," 
says Nicole, "aia-acted others as imbecile as them- 
selves." Among these recruits were a number of 
women, and several priests. After various acts of 
fanaticism, "two or three days before last Pentecost," 
proceeds the narrator, "they all set out, men and 
women, for Argentan. The priests had drawn the 
skirts of their cassocks over their heads, and tied 
them about their necks with twisted straw. Some of 
the women had their heads bare, and their h.?ir 
streaming loose over their shoulders. They picked 
up filth on the road, and rubbed their faces with it; 
and the most zealous ate it, saying that it was neces- 
sary to mortify the taste. Some held stones in their 
hands, wldch they knocked together to draw the 
attention of the passers-by. They had a leader, 
whom they were bound to obey; and when this 
leader saw any mud-hole particularly deep and dirty, 
he connnanded some of the party to roll themselves 
in it, which they did forthwith. ^ 

"After this fashion, they entered the town of 
Argentan, and marched, two by two, through all the 
streets, crying with a loiul voice that the Faith was 
perishing, and that whoever wished to save it must 
quit tlie country and go \vith them to Canada, 

^ Tlu'st' i)r()t'i.'L'(liiigs were ])rol)!il)ly inteiuk'd to produce the 
ri'sult wliich was the constant o))jcct of tlic mystics of the ller- 
uiita^ic ; namely, tlic " annihilation of self," with a view to a 
perfect union witli Ciod. To heconie despised of men was an im- 
portant ir not an essential steit in this mystical suicide. 



!l i 




() ii 





whither they were soon to repair. It is said that 
they still hold this purpose, and that their leaders 
declare it revealed to them that they will find a vessel 
ready at the first port to which Providence directs 
them. The reason why they choose Canada for an 
asylum is, that Monsieur de Montigny (Laval), 
Bishop of Petrsea, who lived at the Hermitage a long 
time, where ho was instructed in mystical theology 
by Monsieur de Bernieres, exercises episcopal func- 
tions iiiere; and that the Jesuits, who are their 
oracles, reign in that country." 

This adventure, like the other, ended in a collision 
with the police. "The priests," adds Nicole, "were 
arrested, and are now waiting trial; and the rest 
were treated as mad, and sent back with shame and 
confusion to the places whence they had come." 

Though these pranks took place after Laval had 
left the Hermitage, they serve to characterize the 
school in which he was formed; or, more justly 
speaking, to show its most extravagant side. That 
others did not share the views of the celebrated 
Jansenist, may be gathered from the following pas- 
sage of the funeral oration pronounced over the body 
of Laval half a century later: — 

"The humble abbd was next trai ^ )rted into the 
terrestrial paradise of Monsieur de ' ' emigres. It is 
thus that I call, as it is fitting to call it, that famous 
Hermitage of Caen, Avhere the ser, ^Adc author of the 
' Christian Interior ' [Beruitires] transformed into 
angels all those who had the happiness to be the 


V < 


'• i 


! . i '^ 

. . V >i 

\ > 

' ;i* fi 


u I 

' ii' 


THE DISPUTED JilSIIOriUC. [1057-62. 

compunions of his solitude and of his spiritual exer- 
cises. It was there that, during four years, the 
fervent abbd draid? the living and abounding waters 
of grace which iiave since flowed so benignly over 
this land of Canada. In this celestial abode his ordi- 
nary occupations were prayer, mortification, instruc- 
tion of the poor, and spiritual readings or conferences ; 
his recreations were to labor in the h(^spitals, wait 
upon the sick and poor, make their beds, di'css their 
wounds, and aid them in their most repulsive 
needs." ^ 

In truth, Laval's zeal was boundless, and the 
exploits of self-humiliation recorded of him were 
unspeakably revolting.^ Berni(^res himself regarded 
him as a light by which to guide his own steps in 
ways of lioliness. lie made journeys on foot about 
the country, disguised, penniless, begging from door 
to door, and courting scorn and opprobrium, "in 
order,'' says his biographer, "that he might suffer 
for tlie love of (Jod.'" Yet, though living at this 
time in a state of habitual religious exaltation, he 
was by nature no mere dreamer; and in whatever 
heights his spirit might wander, his feet were always 
planted on the solid earth. His flaming zeal liad for 
its servants a hard, practiced nature, perfectly fitted 
lor the battle of life, a narrow intellect, a stiff and 

1 Ehrjefunhhre de ^^(^ssl'rc Fr(in(}ois Xnvicr de Lacal-^^ol1tnl()l•c.nrt|, 
pur ^f(•ss^rfi de la Coloinln'en', Virulrc (leneral. 

2 See La Tour, Vir de Ijinil, liv. i. Soiiio of tluin wiTt' closely 
akin to tlial of the fiiiiutics iiifiitioiieil above, ulio ate " iiuiuoiuliees 
d'aniiiiuux " to mortify tlie taste. 





persistent will, and, as his enemies thought, the love 
of domination native to his hlood. 

Two great parties divided the Catholics of France, 
— the Galilean or national party, and tlie nltramontano 
or papal party. Tlie tii-st, resting on the Scriptural 
injunction to give tribute to Cjesar, held that to the 
King, the Lord's anointed, belonged the temporal, 
and to the Church the spiritual [xiwer. It held also 
that the laws and customs of the (-hurcli of Fi'ance 
could not be broken at tlie bidding of tlie Po[)e.^ 
The ultramontane party, on tlie other hand, main- 
tained that the Poi)e, Christ's vicegerent on earth, 
was siipreme over earthly rulers, and should of right 
hold jurisdiction over the clergy of all ('hristendom, 
with powers of appointment and removal. Henco 
they claimed for him the righ^ of nominating bishops 
in France. This had ancieiil-y been exercised by 
assemblies of tlie French clergy, but in the reign of 
Francis 1. the King and the Pope had cond)ined to 
wrest it from them by the Concordat of Bologna. 
Under this com[)act, which was still \n force, the 
Pope appointed Fivnck Itnshops on the riomination of 
the King, — a plan win (-h displease*! riie Galileans, 
and did not satisfy the iiltranu)ntan('s. 

The Jesuits, then as now, were the most forcible 
exponents of ultrauHmtane principles. The Church 
to rule the worM; tiie Poi)e to rule the Church; the 
Jesuits to rule the Pope, — such was and is the 

^ Stv the faimnis Qii>it"i Artir/cs i)f l(iS2, in wliich the liberties 
of tho liallican Chiuvh An; assertetl. 



I ii 



:< ..' 


I' I • 




simple prograiniiio of lliu Oidor of Jesus; and to it 
they have lield fast, except on a few rare occasions 
of misunderstanding with the Vicegerent of Christ.^ 
In the ([uestion of papal supremacy, as in most 
things else, Laval was of one mind with them. 

Those versed in such histories will not be surprised 
to learn that when he received the royal nomination, 
humility would not permit him to accept it; nor that, 
being urged, lie at length bowed in resignation, still 
protesting his uiiworthi. jss. Nevertheless, the royal 
nomination did nou take effect. The ultraniontaiies 
outHanked both ine King and the Galileans, and by 
adroit straterfy lu ide the new prelate completely a 
creature of die papacy. Instead of api)ointiiig him 
Bishop of (Quebec in accordance with the royal 
initiative, the Pope made him his vicar apostolic for 
Canada, — thus evading the King's nomination, and 
anirming that Canada, a country of infidel savages, 
was excluded from the concordat, and under his (the 
Pope's) jurisdiction pure and simple. The Gallicans 
were enraged. The Archbishop of Kouen vainly 
opposed, and the parliaments of Kouen and of Paris 
vainly protested. The papal party prevailed. The 
King, or rather Mazarin, gave his consent, subject 
to certain conditions, the chief of which was an oath 
of allegiance; and Laval, grand vicar apostolic, 
decorated with the title of Bishop of Petnea, sailed 

^ For oxarnpU', not loiin at'ti r this time, the Jesuits, luiviiijj a 
dispute with luauceut XL, tinew themselves into the party of 




?l I 





for his wilderness diocese in the spring of lt)59.' 
He was but thirty-six yeurs of age, but even when a 
boy he could scarcely have seemed young. 

Queylus, for a time, seemed to accept the situation, 
and tacitly admit the claim of Laval as his ecclesias- 
tical superior; but, stimulated by a letter from the 
Arciibishop of Kouen, lie soon threw himself into an 
attitude of opposition,'-^ in which the popularity which 
his generosity to the poor had won for him gave liim 
an advantage very annoying to his adversary. 'J'he 
(piarrel, it will be seen, was three-sided, — Galilean 
against ultramontane, Sulpitian against Jesuit, 
Montreal against Que])ec. To Montreal the recal- 
citrant abb<5, after a brief visit to Quebec, had again 
retired; but even here, girt with his Sulpitian 
brethren and compassed with partisans, the arm 
of the vicar apostolic wiis long enough to reach 

By temperament and conviction Laval hated a 
divided authority, and the veiy shadow of a schism 
was an al)omination in his sight. The young King, 
who, though abundantly jealous of his royal power, 
was forced to conciliate the papal party, had sent 
instructions to Argenson, the governor, to support 
Laval, and prevent divisions in the Canadian 

1 Compare La Tour, Vie de Laval, with the long statement in 
Failh)n, Colonic Franfaisc, ii. 315-835. Faillon gives various docu- 
ments in full, including the royal letter of nomination and those 
in which the King gives a reluctant consent to the ajipointnient of 
the vicar apostolic. 

^ Journal des Jcsuiles, Seplembre, 1(557. 



i I 




I!. Ii 




Clmicli.' Tlicso iiistnictioiis sorvud as tlio pretext 
of ii procedure Hiillieieiitly suiuiiiary. A sjpiiid of 
soldiers, coniinaiided, it is said, by the governor liim- 
self, went ii}) t(» Moiitrcud, brouglit the iiidigiiiiul 
^^iieylus to Quebec, and siiii)ped liini tlieuee for 
France.^ liy th(\se means, writes Fatlier Laleuiant, 
order reigned for a season in tlie Cliurch. 

It was but foi' a season, (^uiiybis was not a man 
to bide liis defeat in traiuiuillil}, nor were bis brother 
Sulpitians disjjosed to silent ae<[uiescenee. Laval, 
on bis part, was not a man of lialf measures. He 
liad an agent in France, and partisans strong iit 
court. Fearing, to borrow the words of a Catholic 
writer, that the return of (^ut'ylus to C'anada woidd 
prove "injurious to the gh)ry of (iod," be bestirred 
himself to prevent it. The young King, then at 
Aix, on his famous journey to the frontiers of S})ain 
to many the Infanta, was induced to write to 
Queylus, ordering him to remain in France.^ 
Queylus, however, repaired to Rome; Init even 
against this movement provision had been made: 
accusations of Jansenism had gone l)efore him, and 
he met a cold welcome. Nevertheless, as he had 
powerful friends near the Pope, he succeeded in 
removing these adverse impressions, and even in 
obtaining certain bulls relating to the establishment 

* Lettre du Rot a d'Arijenson, 14 Mai, 1059. 

~ Bc'linont, Ilistoire du Canada, a.d. K^r)!). Momoir by Ahbe 
d'AlIi't, in Monde, Pratii/ur, dcs Jifsuilcs, xxxiv. 725. 
•' Lettre du Roi d Quei/lus, 27 Feu., lUOO. 


1 1,1 

I m 





of tlic purisli of Montreal, and favorable to tl 



(led witli til 

he set at 



hnl[)itians. I'rovidtMi wiiii ilicse, he 
the King's letter, embarked nnder an assnnied 
name, and sailed to (Quebec, where he made his 
ap[)earance on tlu; third of Angnst, 10(11,* to the 
extreme wrath of Laval. 

A ferment ensned. Laval's partisans charged the 
Sul[)itians with Jansenism and o])])osition to Ihe will 
of the Pope. A preaehei- more zealons than the rest 
denonneed them as priests of Antichrist; and as to 
the bnlls in their favor, it was iilllirnied that (^neyliis 
had obtained them by frand from the Holy Father. 
Laval at once issued a mandate forbidding him to 
proceed to Montreal till ships shonld arrive with 
instrncti(ms fi-om the King.^ At the same time he 
demanded of the governor that he shonld interpose 
the civil power to prevent Qneylns from leaving 
Quebec.^ As Arg(Mison, who wished to act as peace- 
maker between the belligerent fathers, did not at 
once take the sharp measures required of him, Laval 
renewed his demand on the next day, — •calling on 
him, in the name of God and the King, to compel 
Queylus to yield the obedience due to him, the vicar 
apostolic.'* At the same time he sent another to the 
offending abbd, threatening to suspend him from 
priestly functions if he persisted in his reljellion.'' 

^ Jourmil den Jesuitcs, Aoiit, KiHl, 

2 Leftre de Laval a Quci/Iits. 4 AoiV, 100 


fjcttrp. de Lartd a d'Arnenson, Ibid. 

* rind., ^■> A out, 1001. 

Lettrr dc Land a Qiiri/his, Ihid, 







€ <?v ^< 






11:25 i 1.4 

1^ 1^ 








WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 

(716) 872-4503 

qy .v^. 





<^ \ #^\ 




•"'-.•^ <e 






I I 

I 1? 

The incorrigible Queylus, who seems to have lived 
for some months in a simmer of continual indigna- 
tion, set at nought the vicar apostolic as he had set 
at nought the King, took a boat that very night, and 
set out for Montreal under cover of darkness. Great 
was the ire of Laval when he heard the news in the 
morning. He despatched a letter after him, declar- 
ing him suspended ipso facto^ if he did not instantly 
return and make his submission.^ This letter, like 
the rest, failed of the desired effect; but the gover- 
nor, who had received a second mandate from the 
King to support Laval and prevent a schism, ^ now 
reluctantly interposed the secular arm, and Queylus 
was again compelled to return to France.® 

His expulsion was a Sulpitian defeat. Laval, 
always zealous for unity and centralization, had 
some time before taken steps to repress what he 
regarded as a tendency to independence at Montreal. 
In the preceding year he had written to the Pope: 
"There are some secular priests [Sulpitians] at 
Montreal, whom the Abbd de Queylus brought out 
with him in 1657, and I have named for the fuactions 
of cur^ the one among them whom I thought the 
least disobedient." The bulls which Queylus had 
obtained from Rome related to this very curacy, and 
greatly disturbed the mind of the vicar apostolic. 
He accordingly wrote again to the Pope: "I pray 

* Lettre de Laval a Queylus, 6 AotXt, 1601. 

" Lettre du Roi a d'Argenson, 13 Mai, 1660. « 

• For the governor's attitude in this affair, consult the Papiers 
d'Argenson, containing his despatches. 





your Holiness to let me know your will concerning 
the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Rouen. M. 
I'Aubd de Queylus, who has come out this year as 
vicar of this archbishop, has tried to deceive us by 
surreptitious letters, and has obeyed neither our 
prayers nor our repeated commands to desist. But 
he has received orders from the King to return imme- 
diately to France, to render an account of his diso- 
bedience ; and he has been compelled by the governor 
to conform to the will of his Majesty. What I now 
fear is that on his return to France, by using every 
kind of means, employing new artifices, and falsely 
representing our affairs, he may obtain from the 
Court of Rome powers which may disturb the peace 
of our Church; for the priests whom he brought 
with him from France, and who live at Montreal, 
are animated with the same spirit of disol)edience 
and division; and I fear, with good reason, that all 
belonging to the Seminary of St. Sulpice, who may 
come hereafter to join them, will be of the same dis- 
position. If what is said is true, that by means of 
fraudulent letters the right of patronage of the pre- 
tended parish of Montreal has been granted to the 
superior of this seminary, and the right of appoint- 
ment to the Archbishop of Rouen, then is altar 
reared against altar in our Church of Canada; for 
the clergy of Montreal will always stand in opposition 
to me, the vicar apostolic, and to my successors."* 

J Lettre de Laval au Pape, 22 Oct., \(VS\. Printed by Faillon. 
from till' original in the archives of the Propaganda. 

Jl L 


1 I 

I 'i 







These dismal forebodings were never realized. 
The Holy See annulled the obnoxious bulls; the 
Archbishop of Rouen renounced his claims, and 
Queylus found his position untenable. Seven years 
later, when Laval was on a visit to France, a recon- 
ciliation was brought about between them. The 
former vicar of the Archbishop of Rouen made his 
submission to the vicar of the Pope, and returned to 
Canada as a missionary. Laval's triumph was com- 
plete, to the joy of the Jesuits, — silent, if not idle, 
spectators of the tedious and complex quarrel. 

I; \ 



1659, 1660. 

FRANgois DE Laval: ins Position and Character.- 
OF Akgenson. — The Quarrel. 

■ Arrivai, 

We are touching delicatt ground. To many excel- 
lent Catholics of our oWi day Laval is an object of 
veneration. The Catholic university of Quebec 
glories in bearing his name, and certain modem 
ecclesiastical writers rarely mention him in terms 
less reverent than "the virtuous prelate," or "the 
holy prelate." Nor are some of his contemporaries 
less emphatic in eulogy. Mother Juchereau de 
Saint-Denis, Superior of the Hotel Dieu, wrote 
immediately after his death: "He began in his 
tenderest years the study of perfection, and we have 
reason to think that he reached it, since every virtue 
which Saint Paul demands in a bishop was seen and 
admired in him ; " and on his first arrival in Canada, 
Mother Marie de I'lncamation, Superior of the 
Uraulines, wrote to her son that the choice of such a 
prelate was not of man, but of God. "I will not," 

she adds, " say that he is a saint ; but I may say with 




> n 




truth that ho lives like a saint and an apostle." 
And she describes his austerity of life; how he luid 
but two servants, a gardener — wliom he lent on 
occasion to his needy neighbors — and a valet; how 
he lived in a small hired house, saying that he would 
not have one of his own if he could build it for only 
five sous ; and how, in his table, furniture, and bed, 
he showed the spirit of poverty, even, as she thinks, 
to excess. His servant, a lay brother named Houssart, 
testified, after his death, that he slept on a hard 
bed, and would not suffer it to be changed even 
when it became full of fleas; and, what is more to 
the purpose, that he gave fifteen hundred or two 
thousand francs to the poor every year.^ Houssart 
also gives the following specimen of his austerities : 
" I have seen him keep cooked meat five, six, seven, 
or eight days in the heat of summer; and when it 
was all mouldy and wormy he washed it in warm 
water and ate it, and told me that it was very good." 
The old servant was so impressed by these and other 
proofs of his master's sanctity, that "I determined," 
he says, "to keep everything I could that had 
belonged to his holy person, and after his death to 
soak bits of linen in his blood when his body was 
opened^ and take a few bones and cartilages from his 
breast, cut off his hair, and keep his clothes, and 
such things, to serve as most precious relics." 

^ Lettre du Frire Iloussnrt, nncien scrviteur de Af'ij'r de Laval a 
M. Tremhlaij, 1 Sept., 1708. Tliis letter is printed, though with one 
or two important omissions, in the AbeMle, vol. i. (Quebec, 1848.) 





^mI a 

These pious cares were not in vain, for the relics 
proved greatly in demand. 

Several portraits of Laval are e-tant. A drooping 
nose of portentous size; a well-formed forehead; a 
brow strongly arched; a bright, clear eye; scanty 
hair, half hidden by a black skullcap; thin lips, com- 
pressed and rigid, Ijetraying a spirit not easy to move 
or convince ; features of that indescribable cast which 
marks the priestly type, — such is Laval, as he looks 
grimly down on us from the dingy canvas of two 
centuries ago. 

He is one of those concerning whom Protestants 
and Catholics, at least ultramontane Catholics, will 
never agree in judgment. The task of eulogizing 
him may safely be left to those of his own way of 
thinking. It is for us to regard him from the stiind- 
point of secular history. And, first, let us credit 
him with sincerity. He believed firmly that the 
princes and rulers of this world ought to be subject 
to guidance and control at the hands of the Pope, 
the vicar of Christ on earth. But he himself was 
the Pope's vicar, and, so far as the bounds of Canada 
extended, the Holy Father had clothed him with his 
own authority. The glory of God demanded that 
this authority should suffer no abatement; and he, 
Laval, would be guilty before Heaven if he did not 
uphold the supremacy of the Church over the powers 
both of earth and of hell. 

Of the faults which he owed to nature, the prin- 
cipal seems to have been an arbitrary and domineer- 

J ".I- 

' ^ 





ing temper. Ife was one of those who by nature 
lean always to the side of authority; and in the 
English llevolution ho would inevitably have stood 
for the Stuarts ; or, in the American Revolution, for 
the Crown. But being above all things a Catholic 
and a priest, he was drawn by a constitutional neces- 
sity to the ultramontane party, or the party of cen- 
tralization. He fought lustily, in his way, against 
the natural man; and humility was the virtue to the 
culture of which he gave his chief attention; but 
soil and climate were not favorable. His life was 
one long assertion of the authority of the Church, 
and this authority was lodged in himself. In his 
stubborn fight for ecclesiastical ascendency, he was 
aided by the impulses of a nature that loved to 
rule, and could not endure to yield. His principles 
and his instinct of domination were acting in perfect 
unison, and his conscience was the handmaid of his 
fault. Austerities and mortifications, playing at 
beggar, sleeping in beds full of fleas, or performing 
prodigies of gratuitous dirtiness in hospitals, how- 
ever fatal to self-respect, could avail little against 
influences working so powerfully and so insidiously 
to stimulate the most subtle of human vices. The 
history of the Roman Church is full of Lavals. 

The Jesuits, adepts in human nature, had made a 
sagacious choice when they put forward this con- 
scientious, zealous, dogged, and pugnacious priest 
to fight their battles. Nor were they ill pleased 
that, for the present, he was not Bishop of Canada, 





I?' 1 

but only vicar apostolic; for sncli l)cing tho case, 
they could have him recalled if on trial they did not 
like him, while an unaccei)tal)le hishop would be an 
evil paiSt remedy. 

Canada was entering a state of transition. Hitherto 
ecclesiastical inlluence had been all in all. I'he 
Jesuits, by far the most educated and able body of 
men in the colony, had controlled it, not alone in 
things spiritual, but virtually in things temporal 
also; and the governor may be said to have l)een 
little else than a chief of police, under the direction 
of the missionaries. The early governors were 
themselves deeply imbued with the missionary spirit. 
Champlain was earnest above all things for convert- 
ing the Indians; Montmagny was half-monk, for he 
was a Knight of Malta ; d'Ailleboust was so insanely 
pious that he lived with his wife like monk and nun. 
A chanjxe was at hand. From a mission and a trad- 
ing station, Canada was soon to become, in the true 
sense, a colony; and civil government had begun to 
assert itself on the banks of the St. Lawrence. The 
epoch of the martyrs and apostles was passing away, 
and the man of the sword and the man of the gown 
— the soldier and the legist — were threatening to 
supplant the paternal sway of priests ; or, as Laval 
might have said, the hosts of this world were 
beleaguering the sanctuary, and he was called of 
Heaven to defend it. His true antagonist, though 
three thousand miles away, was the great minister 
Colbert, as purely a statesman as the vicar apostolic 


' ■' ti 

. I 

-'.. 1 

,ff r 





': i 1. 1 


•< i.> 

ii ' I' 

wiis purely a priest. Laval, no doubt, could see 
behind the statesman's back another advei-sary, — the 

Argenson was governor when the crozier and the 
sword l)egan to clash, which is merely another way 
of saying that he was governor when Laval arrived. 
He seems to have l)een a man of education, modera- 
tion, and sense, and he was also an earnest Catholic ; 
but if Laval had his duties to God, so had Argenson 
his duties to the King, of whose authority he was 
the representative and guardian. If the first col- 
lisions seem trivial, they were no less the symptoms 
of a grave antagonism. Argenson could have pur- 
chased peace only by becoming an agent of the 

The vicar apostolic, or, as he was usually styled, 
the bishop, being, it may be rememl)ered, titular 
Bishop of Petraea in Arabia, presently fell into a 
quarrel with the governor touching the relative posi- 
tion of their seats in church, — a point which, by the 
way, was a subject of contention for many yeara, 
and under several successive governors. This time 
the case was referred to the ex-governor, d' AjUeboust, 
and a temporary settlement took place. ^ A few 
weeks after, on the fete of Saint Francis Xavier, 
when the Jesuits were accustomed to ask the digni- 
taries of the colony to dine in their refectory after 
mass, a fresh difficulty arose, — Should the governor 
or the bishop have the higher seat at table? The 

1 Lalemant, in Journal des Jesuites, Septembre, 1660. 

'' 4 





question defied solution; so the fatliers invited 
neither of theni.^ 

Again, on Christmas, at the midnight mass, tlie 
deacon offered incense to the bishop, and then, in 
obedience to an order from him, sent a subordinate 
to offer it to the governor, instead of offering it him- 
self. Laval further insisted that the priests of the 
choir should receive incense before the governor 
received it. Argenson resisted, and a bitter quarrel 
ensued. 2 

The late governor, d'Ailleboust, had been church- 
warden ex ojficio ; ^ and in this pious community the 
office was esteemed as an addition to his honors. 
Argenson had thus far held the same position; but 
Laval declared that he should hold it no longer. 
Argenson, to whom the bishop had not spoken on 
the subject, came soon after to a meeting of the 
wardens, and, being challenged, denied Laval's right 
to dismiss him. A dispute ensued, in which the 
bishop, according to his Jesuit friends, used language 
not very respectful to the representative of royalty.* 

On occasion of the "solemn catechism," the bishop 
insisted that the children should salute him before 
saluting the governor. Argenson, hearing of this, 
declined to come. A compromise was contrived. 
It was agreed that when the rival dignitaries entered, 

1 Lalemant, in Journal des J^suites, Decembre, 1659. 

2 Ibid. ; Lettre d' Argenson a MM. de la Compagnie de St. Sulpice. 
" Livre des Deliberations de la Fabriquc de Quebec. 

* Journal des Jesuites, Novembre, 1660. 



' ■• I 





tho children Hhould 1k) biiHied in 8onio nuinufd exor- 
ciso wliicli Hhould prevent their salutinjjf either. 
Nevortheless, two boys, '*entieed und set on by their 
parents," saluted the governor lii-st, to the great 
indignation of Laval. They were whipped on the 
next day for breach of orders.^ 

Next there was a ahart) quarrel about a sentence 
pronounced by Laval against a heretic, to which tho 
governor, good Catholic as he was, took exception. ^ 
Palm Sunday came, and there could Ihj no procession 
and no distribution of branches, because the gov- 
ernor and the bishop could not agree on points of 

On the day of the Fete Dieu, however, there was 
a grand procession, which stopped from time to time 
at temporary altare, or reiw^^oirs^ placed at intervals 
along its coui'se. One of these was in the fort, 
where the soldiei*s were diawn up, waiting the 
arrival of the procession. Laval demanded that they 
should take off their hats. Argenson assented, and 
the soldiers stood uncovered. Laval now insisted 
that they should kneel. The governor replied that 
it was their duty as soldiers to stand ; whereupon the 
bishop refused to stop at the altar, and ordered the 
procession to move on.* 

The above incidents are set down in the private 
journal of the superior of the Jesuits, which was not 

1 Journal des J^suites, Fevrier, 1661. 

a Ibid. 

8 Ibid., Avril, 1661. « Ibid., Juin, 1661. 





Fueiuit for the public cyo. 'VUv liisliop, it will Ik3 
Heeii, was, hy tho showing of his fiii'iuls, in most 
cases the aggressor. The disputes in qiu'stioii, 
though of a nature to provoke a smile on irreverent 
lit)8, were hy no means so puerile as they appear. 
It is (litlicult in a modern democratic society to con- 
ceive the suUstiUitial importance of the signs and 
symbols of dignity and authority at a time and among 
a people where they wtu*e juljusted with the most 
scrupulous precision, and accepted l)y all classes an 
exponents of relative degrees in the social and 
political scale. Whether the bishop or the governor 
should sit in the higher Heat at table thus became a 
political question, for it defined to the popular under- 
standing the position of Church and State in their 
relations to government. 

Hence it is not surprising to find a memorial, 
drawn up apparently by Argenson, and addressed to 
the council of State, asking for instructions when 
and how a governor — lieutenant-general for the 
King — ought to receive incense, holy water, .iv' 
consecrated bread ; whether the said bread should >>o 
offered him with sound of drum and fife; whafc 
should be tlie position of his seat at church; and 
what place he should hold in various religious cere- 
monies; whether in feasts, assemblies, ceremonies, 
.and councils of a pur eh/ civil char acta', he or the 
bishop was to hold the first place; and, finally, if 
the bishop could excommunicate the inhabitants or 
others for acts of a civil and political character, 






I, i'l 

' li: 


!l 1,1 



i| 111 




when tlie said acts were pronounced lawful by the 

The reply to the memorial denies to the bishop the 
power of excommunication in civil matters, assigns 
to him the second place in meetings and ceremonies 
of a civil character, and is very reticent as to the 

Argenson had a brother, a counsellor of State, and 
a fast friend of the Jesuits. Laval was in corre- 
spondence with him, and, apparently sure of sym- 
pathy, wrote to him touching his relations with the 
governor. "Your brother," he begins, "received me 
on my arrival with extraordinary kindness ; " but he 
proceeds to say, that, perceiving with sorrow that he 
entertained a groundless distrust of those good ser- 
vants of God, the Jesuit fathers, he, the bishop, 
thought it his duty to give him in private a candid 
warning which ought to have done good, but which, 
to Iiis surprise, the governor had taken amiss, and 
had conceived, in consequence, a prejudice against 
his monitor.^ 

Argenson, on his part, writes to the same brother, 
at about the same time. " The Bishop of Petrsea is 
so stiff in opinion, and so often transported by his 
zeal beyond the rights of his position, that he makes 
no difficulty in encroaching on the functions of 
others; and this with so much heat that he will 

1 Advis et Resolutions demandes sitr la Nouvelle France. 

2 Lettre de Laval a M. d'Aiyenson, frere du Gouverneur, 20 Oct.^ 

v.! . 

♦ > 

yi H 


ia is 









listen to nobody. A few days ago he carried off a 
servant girl of one of the inhabitants here, and 
placed her by his own authority in the Ursuline 
convent, on the sole pretext that he wanted to have 
her instructed, — thus depriving her master of her 
services, though he had been at great expense in 
bringing her from France. This inhabitant is M. 
Denis, who, not knowing who had carried her off, 
came to me with a petition to get her out of the 
convent. I kept the petition three days without 
answering it, to prevent the affair from being noised 
abroad. The Reverend Father Lalemant, with whom 
I communicated on the subject, and who greatly 
blamed the Bishop of Petrsea, did all in his power to 
have the girl given up quietly, but without the least 
success, so that I was forced to answer the petition, 
and permit M. Denis to take his servant wherever he 
should find her; and if I had not used mean^ to 
bring about an accommodation, and if M. Denis, on 
the refusal which was made him to give her up, had 
brought the matter into court, I should have been 
compelled to take measures which would have caused 
great scandal, — and all from the self-will of the 
Bishop of Petrsea, who says that a bishop can do 
what he likes, and threatens nothing but excom- 
munication." ^ • 

In another letter he speaks in the same strain of 
this redundancy of zeal on the part of the bishop, 

1 " — Qui diet (]uun Evesque peult cc (ju'il I'eiilt et ne menace que 
dexcommunication." — Lettre d'Argenson a son Frere, 1069. 


1 1 1 






I-I, ; I 

which often, he says, takes the shape of obstinacy 
and encroachment on the rights of others. "It is 
greatly to be wished," he observes, "that the Bishop 
of Petrsea would give his confidence to the Reverend 
Father Lalemant instead of Father Ragueneau ; " * 
and he praises Lalemant as i, person of excellent 
sense. "It would be well," he adds, "if the rest of 
their community were of the same mind ; for in that 
case they would not mix themselves up with various 
matters in the way they do, and would leave the 
government to those to whom God has given it in 
charge." 2 

One of Laval's modern admirers, the worthy Abb^ 
Ferland, after confessing that his zeal may now and 
then have savored of excess, adds in his defence that 
a vigorous hand was needed to compel the infant 
colony to enter "the good path," — meaning, of 
course, the straitest path of Roman Catholic ortho- 
doxy. We may hereafter see more of this stringent 
system of colonial education, its success, and the 
results that followed. 

1 Lettre d'Argenson a son Frere, 21 Oct., 1659. 
a Ibid., 7 Jul)/, 1660. 

> / '; I 

\' ' 




Reception op Aroenson: his Difficulties; hib Recall. — 
Dubois d'Avaugour. — The Brandy Quarrel. — Distress of 
Laval. — Portents. — The Earthquake. 

When Argenson arrived to assume the govern- 
ment, a curious greeting had awaited him. The 
Jesuits asked him to dine; vespers followed the 
repast; and then they conducted him into a hall, 
where the boys of the:'^ school — disguised, one as 
the Genius of New France, one as the Genius of the 
Forest, and others as Indians of various friendly 
tribes — made him speeches by turn, in prose and 
verse. First, Pierre du Quet, who played the 
Genius of New France, presented his Indian retinue 
to the governor, in a complimentary harangue. Then 
four other boys, personating French colonists, made 
him four flattering addresses, in French verse. 
Charles Denis, dressed as a Huron, followed, bewail- 
ing the ruin of his people, and appealing to Argenson 
for aid. Jean Francois Bourdon, in the character of 
an Algonquin, next advanced on the platform, 










boasted his courage, and declared that he was ashamed 
to crjT- like the Huron. The Genius of the Forest 
now appeared, Avith a retinue of wild Indians from 
the interior, who, being unable to speak French, 
addressed the governor in their native tongues, which 
the Genius proceeded to interpret. Two other boys, 
in the character of prisoners just escaped from the 
Iroquois, then came forward, imploring aid in piteous 
accents; and, in conclusion, the whole troop of 
Indians, from far and near, laid their bows and 
arrows at the feet of Argenson, and hailed him as 
their chief. ^ 

Besides these mock Indians, a crowd of genuine 
savages had gathered at Quebec to greet the new 
"Onontio." On the next day — at his own cost, as 
he writes to a friend — he gave them a feast, consist- 
ing of " seven large kettles full of Indian corn, peas, 
prunes, sturgeons, eels, and fat, which they devoured, 
having first sung me a song, after their fashion." ^ 

These festivities over, he entered on the serious 
business of his government, and soon learned that his 
path was a thorny one. He could find, he says, but 
a hundred men to resist the twenty-four hundred 
warriors of the Iroquois ; ^ and he begs the proprietary 

* La Reception de Monseigneur le Vicomte d' Argenson par toutes les 
nations du pais de Canada a son entree an gouvernement de la Nuuvelle 
France ; a Quebecq au College de la Compagnie de Jesus, le 28 de 
Juillet de I'ann^e 1058. The speeches, in French and Indian, are 
here given verbatim, with the names of all the boys who took part 
in the ceremony. 

2 Papiers d' Argenson. Kebec, 5 Sept., 1668. 

8 Mhnoire siir le snhject (sic) de la Guerre des Iroquois, 1659. 



company which he represented to send him a hundred 
more, who could serve as soldiers or laborers, accord- 
ing to the occasion. 

The company turned a deaf ear to his appeals. 
They had lost money in Canada, and were grievously 
out of humor with it. In their view, the first duty 
of a governor was to collect their debts, which, for 
more reasons than one, was no easy task. While 
they did nothing to aid the colony in its distress, 
they beset Argenson with demands for the thousand 
pounds of beaver-skins, which the inhabitants had 
agreed to send them every year in return for the 
privilege of the fur-trade, — a privilege which the 
Iroquois war made for the present worthless. The 
perplexed governor vents his feelings in sarcasm. 
"They [the company] take no pains to learn the 
truth ; and when they hear of settlers carried off and 
burned by the Iroquois, they will think it a punish- 
ment for not settling old debts, and paying over the 
beaver-skins."^ "I wish," he adds, "they would 
send somebody to look after their affairs here. I 
would gladly give him the same lodging and 
entertainment as my own." 

Another matter gave him great annoyance. This 
was the virtual independence of Montreal ; and here, 
if nowhere else, he and the bishop were of the same 
mind. On one occasion he made a visit to the place 
in question, where he expected to be received as gov- 
ernor-general ; but the local governor, Maisonneuve, 

1 Papiers d' Argenson, 21 Oct., 1669. 

\l- / 

I ■! 



',1 i 








f.M 1 





declined, or at least postponed, to take his orders 
and give him the keys of tlie fort. Argenson accord- 
ingly speaks of Montreal as " a place which makes so 
much noise, but which is of such small account."^ 
He adds that, besides wanting to be independent, the 
Montrealists want to monopolize the fur-trade, which 
would cause civil war; and that the King ought to 
interpose to correct their obstinacy. 

In another letter he complains of d'Ailleboust, who 
had preceded him in the government, though himself 
a Montrealist. Argenson says that, on going out to 
fight the Iroquois, he left d'Ailleboust at Quebec, to 
act as his lieutenant; that, instead of doing so, he 
had assumed to govern in his own right; that he had 
taken possession of his absent superior's furniture, 
drawn his pay, and in other respects behaved as if he 
never expected to see him again. " When I returned," 
continues the governor, "I made him director in 
the council, without pay, as there was none to 
give him. It was this, I think, that made him 
remove to Montreal; for which I do not care, pro- 
vided the glory of our Master suffer no prejudice 
thereby. "2 

These extracts may, perhaps, give an unjust 
impression of Argenson, who, from the general tenor 
of his letters, appears to have been a temperate and 
reasonable person. His patience and his nervous 

1 Papiers d' Argenson, 4 Aoiit, 1659. 

2 Ibid. Double de la lettre escripte par le Vaisseau du Gaigneur, 
parti le 6 Septembre (1668). 





system seem, however, to have been taxed to the 
utmost. His pay could not support him. "The 
costs of living here are horrible," he writes. "I 
have only two thousand crowns a year for all my 
expenses, and I have already been forced to run into 
debt to the company to an equal amount." * Part of 
liis scanty income was derived from a fishery of eels, 
on which sundry persons had encroached, to his great 
detriment.^ "I see no reason," he adds, "for staying 
here any longer. When I came to this country, I 
hoped to enjoy a little repose, but I am doubly 
deprived of it, — on one hand by enemies without, 
and incessant petty disputes within; and, on the 
other, by the difficulty I find in subsisting. The 
profits of the fur-trade have been so reduced that all 
the inhabitiints are in the greatest poverty. They 
are all insolvent, and cannot pay the merchants their 

His disgust at length reached a crisis. "I am 
resolved to stay here no longer, but to go home next 
year. My horror of dissension, and the manifest 
certainty of becoming involved in disputes with 
certain persons with whom I am unwilling to quarrel, 
oblige me to anticipate these troubles, and seek some 
way of living in peace. These excessive fatigues 
are far too much for my strength. I am writing to 
Monsieur the President, and to the gentlemen of the 
Company of New France, to choose some other man 

1 Papiers d'Argenson. Lettre a M. de Morangi, 5 Sept., 1668. 

2 Deliberations de la Compagnie de la Nouvelle France. 


■ > ,> 




1 >; 


1 . »; 1 






I • 

for this government." ^ And again, " If you take any 
interest in this country, see that the person chosen to 
command here has, besides the true piety necessary 
to a Christian in every condition of life, great firm- 
ness of character and strong bodily health. I assure 
you that without these qualities he cannot succeed. 
Besides, it is absolutely necessary that he should be 
a man of property and of some rank, so that he will 
not be despised for humble birth, or suspected of 
coming here to make his fortune; for in that case he 
can do no good whatever,"^ 

His constant friction with the head of the Church 
distressed the pious governor, and made his recall 
doubly a relief. According to a contemporary writer, 
Laval was the means of delivering him from the 
burden of government, having written to the Presi- 
dent Lamoignon to urge his removal. ^ Be this as it 
may, it is certain that the bishop was not sorry to be 
rid of him. 

The Baron Dubois d'Avaugour arrived to take his 
place. He was an old soldier of forty years' service,* 
blunt, imperative, and sometimes obstinate to per- 
verseness, but full of energy, and of a probity which 
even his enemies confessed. " He served a long time 
in Germany while you were there," writes the minis- 

^ Papiers d'Argenson. Lettre a son Frire, 1659. 

3 Ibid. Lettre (d sow Frere?), 4 Nov., 1000. The originals of 
Argenson's letters were destroyed in the burning of the library of 
the Louvre by the Commune. 

^ Lachenaye, M^moire sur le Canada. 

* Avaugour, Memoire, 4 Aotit, 1G63. 








|y ot" 

ter Colbert to the M.arquis do Tracy, " .ind you must 
have known his talents, as well as his bizarre and 
somewhat impracticable temper." On landing, he 
would have no reception, being, as Father Lalemant 
observes, "an enemy of all ceremony." He went, 
however, to see the Jesuits, and "took a morsel of 
food in our refectory."^ Laval was prepared to 
receive him with all solemnit;^ at the Church; but 
the governor would not go. He soon set out on a 
tour of observation as far as Montreal, whence he 
returned delighted with the country, and immediately 
wrote to Colbert in high praise of it, observing that 
the St. Lawrence was the most beautiful river he had 
ever seen,^ 

It was clear from the first that, while he had a 
prepossession against the bishop, he wished to be on 
good terms with the Jesuits. He began by placing 
some of them on the council; but they and Laval 
were too closely united ; and if Avaugour thought to 
separate them, he signally failed. A few months 
only had elapsed when we find it noted in Father 
Lalemant's private journal that the governor had 
dissolved the council and appointed a new one, and 
that other "changes and troubles" had befallen. 
The inevitable quarrel had broken out ; it was a com- 
plex one, but the chief occasion of dispute was fortu- 
nate for the ecclesiastics, since it placed them, to a 
certain degree, morally in the right. 

1 Lalemant, Journal des Jesuites, Septembre, 1061. 
^ Lettre d' Avaugour au Mtnistre, 1601. 

\ ; 

u ' 






i ■' 

Tlio question at issue was not new. It liatl agi- 
tated the colony for years, and had been the spring 
of some of Argenson's many troul)les. Nor did it 
cease with Avaugour, for we shall trace its course 
hereafter, tunmltuous jis a tornado. It was simply 
the temperance (question, — not as regards the 
colonists, though here, too, there was great room for 
reform, but as regards the Indians. 

Their inordinate passion for brandy had long been 
the source of excessive disorders. They drank 
expressly to get drunk, and when drunk they were 
like wild beasts. Crime and violence of all sorts 
ensued ; the priests saw their teachings despised and 
their flocks ruined. On the other hand, the sale of 
brandy was a chief source of profit, direct or indirect, 
to all those interested in the fur-trade, including the 
principal pereons of the colony. In Argenson's time, 
Laval launched an excommunication against those 
engaged in the abhorred traffic; for nothing less 
than total prohibition would content the clerical 
party, and besides the spiritual penalty, they demanded 
the punishment of death against the contumacious 
offender. Death, in fact, was decreed. Such was 
the posture of affairs when Avaugour arrived ; and, 
willing as he was to conciliate the Jesuits, he per- 
mitted the decree to take effect, although, it seems, 
with great repugnance. A few weeks after his 
arrival, two men were shot and one whipped, for 
selling brandy to Indians. ^ An extreme though 

1 Journal des Jisuiles, Octobre, 1661. 

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I m 



18»U-62.] TIIK BRANDY QUAllKKI.. 181 

[)artisilly 8Up[)i'esHe(l exciteinont sljook tlio entire 
sottlemeiit; for most of tlio coloiiistH were, in one 
degree or another, implicated in tlie offence thus 
punished. An exphwion soon foUowed; and the 
occasion of it was tlie humanity or good-nature of 
the Jesuit Lalemant. 

A woman liad been condemned to imprisonment 
for the same cause, and Lalemant, moved by compas- 
sion, came to the governor to intercede for her. 
Avaugour could no longer contain himself, and 
answered the reverend petitioner witl\ characteristic 
bluntness. "You and your brethren were f'le liist 
to cry out against the trade, and now you want to 
save the traders from punishment. I will no longer 
be the spor*: of your contradictions. Since it is not 
a crime for this woman, it shall not be a crime for 
anybody."* And in this posture he stood fast, with 
an inflexible stubbornness. 

Henceforth there was full license to liquor-dealers. 
A violent reaction ensued against the past restriction, 
and brandy flowed freely among French and Indians 
alike. The ungodly drank to spite the priests and re- 
venge themselves for the " constraint of consciences, " 
of which they loudly complained. The utmost con- 
fusion followed, and the principles on which the pious 
colony was built seemed upheaved from the founda- 
tion. Laval was distracted with grief and anger. 
He outpoured himself from the pulpit in threats of 
divine wrath, and launched fresh excommunications 

1 La Tour, Vie de Laval, liv. v. 

? i 

i H 


V :' 













•igairiHt tlic offuiulers ; but sucli \vi\h the popular fury 
that he was forcotl to yield and revoke them.* 

Disorder grew from bad to worse. "Men gave 
no heed to bishop, preacher, or confessor," writes 
Father Charlevoix. " The French have despised the 
remonstrances of our prelate, Ixicause tlujy are sup- 
ported by the civil power," says the superior of the 
Ursulines. " He is almost dead with grief, and 
pines away before our eyes." 

Laval could bear it no longer, but sailed for 
France, to lay his complaints Ixifore the court, and 
urge the removal of Avaiigour. lie had, besides, 
t\v other important objects, as will appear hereafter. 
His absence brought no improvement. Summer and 
autumn passed, and the connnotion did not abate. 
Winter was drawing to a close, when, at length, 
outraged Heaven interposed an awful warning to the 
guilty colony. 

Scarcely had the bishop left his flock when the 
skies grew portentous with signs of the chastisement 
to come. "We belield," gravely writes Father 
Lalemant, "blazing serpents which flew through the 
air, borne on wings of fire. We beheld above Quebec 
a great globe of flame, which lighted up the night, 
and threw out sparks on all sides. This same meteor 
appeared above Montreal, where it seemed to issue 

1 Journal dcs Jesiiites, F^vn'er, 1062. The sentence of excom- 
munication is printed in the Appendix to tJic Esiim'sse de la Vic dc 
ImcoI. It heurs (hite February 2'4. It was on this very day that 
he was forced to revoke it. 






from tlio 1)080111 of tlio moon, with a iioisu uh loud uh 
ciiiinon or thunder; and uftcr suiling three leagues 
tlirough tlio air, it disappeared l)cliind the mountain 
whereof tiiis island Injars the name."* 

Still greater marvels followed. First, a Christian 
AlgoiKluin squaw, described as "innocent, simple, 
and sincere," Ixjing seated erect in bed, wide awake, 
by the side of her hus))and, in the night between the 
fourth and fifth of February, distinctly heard u 
voice saying, "Strange things will happen to-day; 
the earth will quake ! " In great alarm she whispered 
the prodigy to her husband, who told her that she 
lied. This silenced her for a time; but when, the 
next morning, she went into the forest with her 
hatchet to cut a fagot of wood, the same dread 
voice resounded through the solitude, and sent her 
back in terror to her hut.^ 

These things were as nothing compared with the 
marvel that befell a nun of the hospital, Mother 
Catherine de Saint-Augustin, who died five years 
later, in the odor of sanctity. On the night of the 
fourth of February, 1063, she beheld in the spirit 
four furious demons at the four corners of Quebec, 
shaking it with a violence which plainly showed their 
purpose of reducing it to ruins; "and this they 
would have done," says the story, "if a personage of 
admirable beauty and ravishing majesty [Christ], 
whom she sa\. in the midst of them, and who from 

^ Laleniant, Relation, 1003, 2. 
2 Ibid., 10o4 6. 

I • 

I I 





If .,i 

» I 


V I'l 

time to time gave rein to their f luy, had not restrained 
them wlien they were on the point of accomplishing 
their wicked design. '' She also heard the conversa- 
tion of these demons, to the effect that people were 
now well frightened, and many would he converted; 
but this would not last long, and they, the demons, 
would have them in time. "Let us keep on shak- 
ing," they cried, encouraging one another, "and do 
our best to upset everything." ^ 

Now, to pass from visions to facts : " At half -past 
five o'clock on the morning of the fifth," writes 
Father Lalemant, " a great roaring sound was heard 
at the same time through the whole extent of 
Canada. This sound, which produced an effect as 
if the houses were on fire, brought everybody out of 
doors; but instead of seeing smoke and flame, they 
were amazed to behold the walls shaking, and all the 
stones moving as if they would drop from their 
places. The houses seemed to bend first to one side 
and then to the other. Bells sounded of themselves ; 
beams, joists, and planks cracked ; the ground heaved, 
making the pickets of the palisades dance in a way 
that would have seemed incredible had we not seen 
it in divers places. 

" Everybody was in the streets ; animals ran wildly 
about; children cried; mer and women, seized with 

^ Ragueneau, Vie de Catherine de St. Augustin, liv. iv. cliap. i. 
The same story is told by Juchereau, Lalemant, and Marie de 
rincarnation, to whom Charlevoix erroneously ascribes the vision, 
as does also the Abbe La Tour. 

1 I 


I, .. t 





). 1. 


fright, knew not where to tiike refuge, expecting 
every moment to be buried under the ruins of the 
liouses, or swallowed up in some abyss opening under 
their feet. Sonle, Oii their knees in the snow, cried 
for mercy, and others passed the night in prayer; for 
the earthquake continued without ceasing, with a 
motion much like that of a ship at sea, insomuch that 
sundry persons felt the same qualms of stomach 
which they would feel on the water. In the forests 
the commotion was far greater. The trees struck 
one against the other as if there were a battle between 
them ; and you would have said that not only their 
branches, but even their trunks, started out of their 
places and leaped on one another with such noise and 
confusion that the Indians said that the whole forest 
was drunk.' 

Mary of the Incarnation gives a similar account, 
as does also Frances Juchereau de Saint-Ignace ; and 
these contemporary records are sustained to some 
extent by the evidence of geology. ^ A remarkable 
effect was pmuuced on the St. Lawrence, which was 
so charged with mud and clay that for many weeks 
the water was unfit to drink. Considerable hills and 
large tracts of forest slid from their jilaces, some into 

^ Professor Storry Hunt, wliosc iiitimato knowlcd^t' of Canadian 
{jeology is well known, tells nie tiiat tlie shores of the St. Lawri'nce 
are to <a great extent fornieil of beds of gravel and clay resting on 
inclined strata of rock, so that earth-slides would be the necessary 
result of any convulsion like that of l(J(i;>. lie adds that the evi- 
dence that such slides liave taken ])lace on a great scale is very 
distinct at various points along the river, especially at Les Eboule- 
mens, on the north shore. 


i !\ 





W ■ ' 

, ! I 

the river, and some into adjacent valleys. A number 
of men in a boat near Tadoussac stared aghast at a 
large hill covered with trees, which sank into the 
water before their eyes; streams were turned from 
their courses ; water-falls were levelled ; springs were 
dried up in some places, while in others new springs 
appeared. Nevertheless, the accounts that have 
come down to us seem a little exaggerated, and some- 
times ludicrously so; as when, for example. Mother 
Mary of the Incarnation tells us of a man who ran 
all night to escape from a fissure in the earth which 
opened behind him and chased him as he fled. 

It is perhaps needless to say that "spectres and 
phantoms of fire, bearing torches in their hands," 
took part in the convulsion. " The fiery figure of a 
man vomiting flames " also appeared in the air, with 
many other apparitions too numerous to mention. It 
is recorded that three young men were on their way 
through the forest to sell brandy to the Indians, 
when one of them, a little in advance of the rest, was 
met by a hideous spectre which nearly killed him 
with fright. He had scarcely strength enough to 
rejoin his companions, who, seeing his terror, began 
to laugh at him. One of them, however, presently 
came to his senses, and said: "This is no laughing 
matter; we are going to sell liquor to the Indians 
against the prohibitions of the Church, and perhaps 
God means to punish our disobedience." On this 
they all turned back. That night they had scarcely 
lain down to sleep when the earthquake I'oused 




them, and they ran out of their hut just in time to 
escape being swallowed up along with it.^ 

With every allowance, it is clear that the convul- 
sion must have been a severe one, and it is remark- 
able that in all Canada not a life was lost. The 
writers of the day see in this a proof that God meant 
to reclaim the guilty and not destroy them. At 
Quebec there was for the time an intense revival of 
religion. The end of the world was thought to be 
at hand, and everybody made ready for the last judg- 
ment. Repentant throngs beset confessionals and 
altars; enemies were reconciled; fasts, prayers, and 
penances filled the whole season of Lent. Yet, as 
we shall see, the Devil could still find wherewith to 
console himself. 

It was midsummer before the shocks wholly ceased 
and the earth resumed her wonted calm. An extreme 
drought was followed by floods of rain, and then 
Nature began her sure work of reparation. It was 
about this time that the thorn which had plagued the 
Church was at length plucked out. Avaugour was 
summoned home. He took his recall with magna- 
nimity, and on his way wrote at Gasp6 a memorial to 
Colbert, in which he commends New France to the 
attention of the King. "The St. Lawrence," he 
says, "is the entrance to what may be made the 

1 Marie de I'lncarnation, Lettrc du 20 Aout, 1663. It appears 
from Morton, Josselyn, and other writers, that the eartliquake 
extended to New P^ngland and New Netherlands, producing similar 
effects on the imagination of the people. 


. :i 

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! . •' 





•r 'I 


y ' 


greatest state in the world; " and, in his purely mili- 
tary way, he recounts the means of realizing this 
grand possibility. Three thousand soldiers should 
be sent to the colony, to be discharged and turned 
into settlers after three years of service. During 
these three years they may make Quebec an impreg- 
nable fortress, subdue the Iroquois, build a strong 
fort on the river where the Dutch have a miserable 
wooden redoubt, called Fort Orange (Albany), and 
finally open a way by that river to the sea. Thus 
the heretics will be driven out, and the King will be 
master of America, at a total cost of about four hun- 
dred thousand francs yearly for ten years. He closes 
his memorial by a short allusion to the charges 
against him, and to his forty years of faithful service ; 
and concludes, speaking of the authors of his recall, 
Laval and the Jesuits: "By reason of the respect I 
owe their cloth, I will rest content, Monseigneur, 
with assuring you that I have not only served the 
King with fidelity, but also, by the grace of God, 
with very good success, considering tlie means at my 
disposal."^ He had, in truth, borne himself as a 
brave and experienced soldier; and he soon after 
died a soldier's death, while defending the fortress 
of Zrin, in Croatia, against the Turks.^ 

1 Avaugour, Memoire, Gasp^,^ AoUt, 1663. 

2 Lfttre <le. Colbert an Marquis de IVaci/, 1664. Memoire du Roy, 
pour seroir d'instructlon au Sieur Talon. 


' ■ 


^ It n 




The New Council. — Bouuuon and Villekay. — Strong Meas- 
ures. — Escape op Dumesnil. — Views of Colbert. 

Though the proposals of Avaugour's memorial 
were not adopted, it seems to have produced a strong 
impression at court. For this impression the minds 
of the King and his minister had alrep.dy been pre- 
pared. Two years before, the inhabitants of Canada 
had sent one of their number, Pierre Boucher, to 
represent their many grievances and ask for aid.^ 
Boucher had had an audience of the young King, 
who listened with interest to his statements; and 
when in the following year he returned to Quebec, 
he was accompanied by an oflScer named Dumont, 
who had under his command a hundred soldiers for 
the colony, and was commissioned to report its con- 

^ To promote the objects of his mission, Boucher wrote a little 
book, Jlistoire Veritable et Naturcllt' des Mwurs et Productions du 
Pays de la NouveUe France. He dedicates it to Colbert. 


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,f ihi 


dition and resources.* The movement seemed to 
betoken that the government was wakening at last 
from its long inaction. 

Meanwhile the Company of New France, feudal 
lord of Canada, had also shown signs of returning 
life. Its whole history had been one of mishap, 
followed by discouragement and apathy; and it is 
difficult to say whether its ownership of Canada had 
been more hurtful to itself or to the colony. At the 
eleventh hour it sent out an agent invested with 
powers of controller-general, intendant, and supreme 
judge, to inquire into the state of its affairs. This 
agent, P^ronne Dumesnil, arrived early in the 
autumn of 1660, and set himself with great vigor to 
his work. He was an advocate of the Parliament of 
Paris, an active, aggressive, and tenacious person, of 
a temper well fitted to rip up an old abuse or probe 
a delinquency to the bottom. His proceedings 
quickly raised a storm at Quebec. 

It may be remembered that, many years before, 
the company had ceded its monopoly of the fur- trade 
to the inhabitants of the colony, in consideration of 
that annual payment in beaver-skins which had been 
so tardily and so rarely made. The direction of the 
trade had at that time been placed in the hands of a 
council composed of the governor, the superior of 
the Jesuits, and several other members. Various 
changes had since taken place, and the trade was 

^ A long journal of Duniont is printed anonymously in the 
Relation of 1G03. 




now controlled by another council, established with- 
out the consent of the company,^ and composed of 
the principal persons in the colony. The members 
of this council, with certain prominent merchants in 
league with them, engrossed all the trade, so that 
the inhabitants at large profited nothing by the right 
which the company had ceded ; ^ and as the council- 
lors controlled not only the trade, but all the financial 
affairs of Canada, while the remoteness of their scene 
of operations made it difficult to supervise them, 
they were able, with little risk, to pursue their own 
profit, to the detriment both of the company and the 
colony. They and their allies formed a petty trading 
oligarchy, as pernicious to the prosperity of Canada 
as the Iroquois war itself. 

The company, always anxious for its beaver-skins, 
made several attempts to control the proceedings of 
the councillors and call them to account, but with 
little success, till the vigorous Dumesnil undertook 
the task; when, to their wrath and consternation, 
they and their friends found themselves attacked by 
wholesale accusations of fraud and embezzlement. 
That these charges were exaggerated there can be 
little doubt ; that they were unfounded is incredible, 
in view of the effect they produced. 

The councillors refused to acknowledge Dumesnil's 

1 Registres du Conseil du Roy ; Reponse a la requeste presenile au 

2 Arret du Conseil d'Etat, 7 Mars, 1657. Also Papiers d'Argen- 
son, and E.vtrait des Registres du Conseil d'Etat, 15 Mars, 1G56. 

\ rivi 





sr ? 

I •■ 

! li 

n ! 




I ': 





11 fii 


^ 1 1 

powers as controller, intendant, and judge, and 
declared his j)roceedings null. He retorted by char- 
ging them with usurpation. The excitement in- 
creased, and Dumesnil's life was threatened. 

He had two sons in the colony. One of them, 
Pdronne de Maz6, was secretary to Avaugour, then 
on his way up the St. Lawrence to assume the 
government. The other, Pdronne des Touches, was 
with his father at Quebec. Towards the end of 
August this young man was attacked in the street in 
broad daylight, and received a kick which proved 
fatal. He was carried to his father's house, where 
he died on the twenty-ninth. Dumesnil charges 
four persons, all of whom were among those into 
whose affairs he had been prying, with having taken 
part in the outrage; but it is very uncertain who 
was the innnediate cause of Des Touches's death. 
Dumesnil, himself the supreme judicial officer of the 
colony, made complaint to the judge in ordinary of 
the company; but he says that justice was refused, 
the complaint suppressed by authority, his allegations 
torn in pieces, and the whole affair hushed.^ 

At the time of the murder, Dumesnil was confined 

1 Dumesnil, }femnire. Under date August 31 the Journal des 
Jesiiites makes this brief and jjuarded mention of the affair : " Le 
fils de Mons. du Mesnil . . . fut enterrd le niesme iour, tue d'vn 
coup de pie par N." Who is meant by N. it is difficult to say. 
The refjister of the parish cliurch records the burial as follows : — 

"L'an IGOl. liC 30 Aoust a este enterre au Cemetiero de Quebec 
Michel peronne dit Sr. des Touches fils de Mr. du Mesnil decede' 
le Jour precedent a sa Maison." 



\ i 




il des 



lo say. 

rs : — 



to his house by illness. An attempt was made to 
rouse the mob against him, by reports that he had 
come to the colony for the purpose of laying taxes; 
but he sent for some of the excited inhabitants, and 
succeeded in convincing them that he was their 
champion rather than their enemy. Some Indians 
in the neighborhood were also instigated to kill him, 
and he was forced to conciliate them by presents. 

He soon renewed his attacks, and in his quality of 
intendant called on the councillors and their allies to 
render their accounts, and settle the long arrears of 
debt due to the company. They set his demands at 
naught. The war continued month after month. 
It is more than lik 'y that when in the spring of 
1662 Avaugour di Ived and reconstructed the 
council, his action had reference to these disputes; 
and it is clear that when in the following August 
Laval sailed for France, one of his objects was to 
restore the tranquillity which Dumesnil's proceed- 
ings had disturbed. There was great need; for, 
what with these proceedings and the quarrel about 
brandy, Quebec was a little hell of discord, the earth- 
quake not having as yet frightened it into propriety. 

The bishop's success at court was triumphant. 
Not only did he procure the removal of Avaugour, 
but he was invited to choose a new governor to 
replace him.^ This was not all; for he su(;ceeded 
in effecting a complete change in the governnent of 
the colony. The Company of New France was called 

1 La Tour, Vie de Laval, liv. v. 











'r f'!' 

I iF 1,1 

upon to resign its claims ; • and by a royal edict of 
April, 1603, all power, legislative, judicial, and 
executive, was vested in a ccuncil composed of the 
governor whom Laval had chosen, of Laval himself, 
and of five councillors, an attorney-general, and a 
secretary, to be chosen by Laval and the governor 
jointly.^ Bearing with them blank commissions to 
be filled with the names of the new functionaries, 
Laval and his governor sailed for Quebec, where they 
landed on the fifteenth of September. With them 
came one Gaudais-Dupont, a royal commissioner 
instructed to inquire into the state of the colony. 

No sooner had they arrived than Laval and Mdzy, 
the new governor, proceeded to construct the new 
council. Mdzy knew nobody in the colony, and was, 
at this time, completely under Laval's influence. 
The nominations, therefore, were virtually made by 
the bishop alone, in whose hands, and not in those of 
the governor, the blank commissions had been 
placed.^ Thus for the moment he had complete con- 
trol of the government; that is to say, the Church 
was mistress of the civil power. 

1 See the deliberations and acts to this end in Edits et Ordott' 
nances concernant te Canada, i, 30-32. 

3 J^dit de Creation du Conseil Superieur de Quebec. 

' Commission actroyee au Sieur Gaudais. Metnoire pour servir 
d' Instruction au Sieur Gaudais. A sequel to these instructions, marked 
" secret," shows that, notwithstanding Laval's extraordinary success 
in attaining his objects, he and the Jesuits were somewhat dis- 
trusted. Gaudais is directed to make, with great discretion and 
caution, careful inquiry into tlie bishop's conduct, and with equal 
secrecy to ascertain why tiie Jesuits had asked for Avaugour's 




Laval formed his council as follows : Jean Bourdon 
for attorney -general ; Ilouer de Villeray, Juchereau 
de la Ferte, Kuette d'Auteuil, Le Gardeur de Tilly, 
andMatthieu D'Amours for Councellors; and Peuvret 
de Mesnu for secretary. The royal commissioner, 
Gaudais, also took a prominent place at the board. ^ 
This functionary was on the point of marrying his 
niece to a son of Robert Giffard, who had a strong 
interest in suppressing Dumesnil's accusations.'-^ 
Dumesnil had laid his statements before the commis- 
sioner, who quickly rejected them, and took part 
with the accused. 

Of those appointed to the new council, their enemy 
Dumesnil says that they were " incapable persons ; " 
and their associate Gaudais, in defending them 
against worse charges, declares that they were 
"unlettered, of little experience, and nearly all 
unable to deal with affairs of importance." This 
was, perhaps, unavoidable; for except among the 
ecclesiastics, education was then scarcely known in 
Canada. But if Laval may be excused for putting 


1 Aa substitute for the intendant, an officer who had been ap- 
pointed but who had not arriv ad. 

^ 3 Dumesnil here makes one of the few mistakes I have been able 
to detect in his long memorials. He says that the name of the 
niece of Gaudais was Marie Nau, It was, in fact, Michelle-Therese 
Natl, who married Joseph, son of Robert Giffard, on the 22d of 
October, 1663. Dumesnil had forgotten the bride's first name. 
The elder Giffard was surety for Repentigny, whom Dumesnil 
charged with liabilities to the company, amounting to 644,700 
livres. Giffard was also father-in-law of Juchereau de la Fertfe, 
one of the accused. 


i 1 

i :, 







I I 

incompetent men in office, notliing ciui excuse him 
for makinjif men cluirj^ed witli gross public offences 
the prosecutors luul judges in their own cause; and 
his course in doing so gives color to the assertion of 
Dumesnil that he made up the council expressly to 
shield the accused and smother the accusation.* 

The two pei-sons under the heaviest charges 
received the two most important appointments, — 
Bourdon, attorney-general; and Villeray, keeper of 
the seals. La Fert(5 was also one of the accused.* 
Of Villeray, the governor Argenson had written in 
1659: "Some of his qualities are good enough, but 
confidence cannot be placed in him on account of his 
instability."^ In the same year he had been ordered 
to France, " to purge himself of sundry crimes where- 

' i I 



1 Dumesnil goes further than this, for he plainly intimates that 
the removing from power of the company, to whom the accused 
were responsihle, and the placing in power of a council formed of 
the accused themselves, was a device contrived from the first by 
Laval and the Jesuits to get their friends out of trouble. 

2 Bourdon is charged with not having account ' 'or an immense 
quantity of beaver-skins which had passed '.hrough his hands 
during twelve years or more, and which are valued at more than 
300,000 livres. Other charges are made against him in connection 
with large sums borrowed in Lauson's time on account of the 
colony. In a memorial addressed to the King in council, Dumesnil 
says that in 1002 Bourdon, according to his own accounts, had in 
his hands 37,516 livres belonging to the company, which he still 

Villeray's liabilities arose out of the unsettled accounts of his 
father-in-law, Charles Sevestre, and are set down at more than 
600,000 livres. La Ferte's are of a smaller amount. Others of the 
council were indirectly involved in the charges. 

8 Lettre d' Argenson, 20 Nov., 1069. 






If the 


id in 


bf his 


If the 




with he stands charged."^ Ho was not yet free of 
suspicion, having returned to Canada under an order 
to make up and render his accounts, wliich ho had 
not yet done. Dumesnil says that ho first came to 
the cohiny in 1C51, as valet of the governor Lauson, 
who had taken him from the jail at Rochelle, where 
he was imprisoned for a debt of seventy-one francs, 
"as appears by the record of the jail of date July 
eleventh in that year." From this modest beginning 
he became in time the richest man in Canada.* He 
was strong in orthodoxy, and an ardent supporter of 
the bishop and the Jesuits. He is alternately praised 
and blamed, according to the partisan leanings of the 

Bourdon, though of humble origin, was, perhaps, 
the most intelligent man in the council. He was 
chiefly known as an engineer, but he had also been a 
baker, a painter, a syndic of the inhabitants, chief 
gunner at the fort, and collector of customs for the 
company. Whether guilty of embezzlement or not, 
he was a zealous devotee, and would probably have 
died for his creed. Like Villeray, he was one of 
Laval's stanchest supporters, while the rest of the 
council were also sound in doctrine and sure in 

In virtue of their new dignity, the accused now 
claimed exemption from accountability ; but this was 
not all. The abandonment of Canada by the com- 

1 Edit du Roy, 13 Mai, 1659. 

2 Lettre de Colbert a Frontenac, 17 Mai, 1674. 


I i 



1 1 

1 1 

. St 


\ i 

' 'i 
ill i'l 





i! 8l' 

pany, in leaving Dumesnil without support, and 
depriving him of official character, had made his 
charges far less dangerous. Nevertheless, it was 
thought best to suppress them altogether, and the 
first act of the new government was to this end. 

On the twentieth of September, the second day- 
after the establishment of the council. Bourdon, in 
his character of attorney-general, rose and demanded 
that the papers of Jean Pdronne Dumesnil should be 
seized and sequestered. The council consented ; and, 
to complete the scandal, Villeray was commissioned 
to make the seizure in the presence of Bourdon. To 
color the proceeding, it was alleged that Dumesnil 
had obtained certain papers unlawfully from the 
greffc^ or record office. "As he was thought," says 
Gaudais, " to be a violent man," Bourdon and Villeray 
took with them ten soldiers, well armed, together 
with a locksmith and the secretary of the council. 
Thus prepared for every contingency, they set out 
on their errand, and appeared suddenly at Dumesnil's 
house between seven and eight o'clock in the even- 
ing. " The aforesaid Sieur Dumesnil," further says 
Gaudais, " did not refute the opinion entertained of 
his violence; for he made a great noise, shouted 
rohhers ! and tried to rouse the neighborhood, out- 
rageously abusing the aforesaid Sieur de Villeray 
and the attorney-general, in great contempt of the 
authority of the council, which he even refused to 

They tried to silence him by threats, but without 






effect; upon which tliey seized him and held him 
fast in a chair, — "me," writes the wrathful Dumesnil, 
"who had lately been their judge." The soldiers 
stood over him and stopped his mouth, while the 
others broke open and ransacked his cabinet, drawers, 
and chest, from which they took all his papers, 
refusing to give him an inventory, or to permit 
any v/itness to enter the house. Some of these 
papers were private; among the rest were, he says, 
the charges and specifications, nearly finished, for the 
trial of Bourdon and Vilieray, together with the 
proofs of their "peculations, extortions, and malver- 
sations." The papers were enclosed under seal, and 
deposited in a neighboring house, whence they were 
afterwards removed to the council-chamber, and 
Dumesnil never saw them again. It may well be 
believed that tMs, the inaugural act of the new 
council, was not allowed to appear on its records.^ 

On the twenty-first, Vilieray made a formal report 
of the seizure to his colleagues ; upon which, " by rea- 
son of the insults, violences, and irreverences therein 
set forth against the aforesaid Sieur de Vilieray, com- 
missioner, as also against the authority of the 
council," it was ordered that the offending Dumesnil 
should be put under arrest; but Gaudais, as he 
declares, prevented the order from being carried into 

1 The above is drawn from the two memorials of Gaudais and of 
Dumesnil. They do not contradict each other as to the essential 


I ! 1, 

m} .. 

\ \ 






Dumesnil, who says that during the scene at his 
house he had expected to be murdered like his son, 
now, though unsupported and alone, returned to the 
attack, demanded his papers, and was so loud in 
threats of complaint to the King that the council 
were seriously alarmed. They again decreed his 
irrest and imprisonment, but resolved to keep the 
decree secret till the morning of the day when the 
last of the returning ships was to sail for France. 
In this ship Dumesnil had taken his passage, and 
they proposed to arrest him unexpectedly on the 
point of embarkation, that he might have no time to 
prepare and despatch a memorial to the court. Thus 
a full year must elapse before his complaints could 
reach the minister, and .^even or eight months more 
before a reply could be returned to Canada. During 
this long delay the affair would have time to cool. 
Dumesnil received a secret warning of this plan, and 
accordingly went on board another vessel, which was 
to sail ir^xUiediately. The council caused the six 
cannon of the battery in the Lower Town to be 
pointed at her, and threatened to sink her if she left 
the harbor ; but she disregarded them, and proceeded 
on her way. 

On reaching France, Dumesnil contrived to draw 
the attention of the minister Colbert to his accusa- 
tions, and to the treatment they had brought upon 
him. On this Colbert demanded of Gaudais, who 
had aloo returned in one of the autumn ships, why 
he had not reported these matters to him. Gaudais 









made a lame attempt to explain his silence, gave his 
statement of the seizure of the papers, answered in 
Tague terms some of Dumesnil's charges against the 
Canadian financiers, and said that he had nothing to 
do with the rest. In the following spring Colbert 
wrote as follows to his relative Terron, intendant of 
marine : — 

" I do not know what report M. Gaudf Js has made 
to you, but family interests and the connections 
which he has at Quebec should cause him to be a 
little distrusted. On his arrival in that country, 
having constituted himself chief of the council, he 
despoiled an agent of the Company of Canada of all 
his papers, in a manner very violent and extraordi- 
nary ; and this proceeding leaves no doubt whatever 
that these papers contained matters the knowledge of 
which it was wished absolutely to suppress. I think 
it will be very proper that you should be informed of 
the statements made by this agent, in order that, 
through him, an exact knowledge may be acquired of 
everything that has taken place in the management 
of affairs."^ 

Whether Terron pursued the inquiry does not 
appear. Meanwhile new quarrels had arisen at 

1 Lettre de Colbert a Ten-on Rochette, 8 Fei\, 1664. " II a epolie 
un agent de la Compagnie de Canada de tous ses papiers d'une 
maniere fort violente et extraordinaire, et ce precede ne laisse point 
h douter que dans ces papiers 11 n'y eUt des choses dont on a voulu 
absolument supprimer la conaaissance." Colbert seems to have 
ret jived an exaggerated impression of the part borne by Gaudais 
in the seizure of the papers. 

I . 

\ ) 


1 ■' 



, 1 i I 







Quebec, and the questions of the past were obscured 
in the dust of fresh commotions. Nothing is more 
noticeable in the whole history of Canada, after it 
came under the direct control of the Crown, than the 
helpless manner in which this absolute government 
was forced to overlook and ignore the disobedience 
and rascality of its functionaries in this distant 
transatlantic dependency. 

As regards Dumesnil's charges, the truth seems to 
be, that the financial manager of the colony, being 
ignorant and unpractised, had kept imperfect and 
confused accounts, which they themselves could not 
always unravel; and that some, if not all of them, 
had made illicit profits under cover of this confusion. 
Tliat their stealings approached the enormous sum 
at which Dumesnil places them is not to be believed. 
But, even on the grossly improbable assumption of 
their entire innocence, there can be no apology for 
the means, subversive of all justice, by which Laval 
enabled his partisans and supporters to extricate 
themselves from embarrassment. 

Note. — Dumesnil's principal memorial, preserved in the ar- 
chives of the Marine and Colonies, is entitled Memoire concernant les 
Affaires du Canada, qui montre etfait voir que sous pretexte de la 
Gloire de Dieu, d' Instruction des Sauvages, de servir le Roy et defaire 
la nouvelle Colonie, il a et€ pris et diverti trois millions de livres ou 
environ. It forms in the copy before me thirty-eight pages of 
manuscript, and bears no address, but seems meant for Colbert, or 
the council of state. There is a second memorial, which is little 
else than an abridgment of the first. A third, bearing the address 
Au Roy et a nos Seigneurs du Conseil (d'Etat), and signed Peronne 
Dumesnil, is a petition for the payment of 10,132 livres due to him 

.• f 



by the company for his services in Canada, " ou il a perdu son fils 
assassinc par les comptables du dit pays, qui n'ont voulu rendre 
coinpte au dit suppliant, Intendant, et ont pille sa niaison, ses 
meubles et papiers le 20 du mois de Septembre dernier, dont il y 
a acte." 

Gaudais, in compliance with the demands of Colbert, gives his 
statement in a long memorial, Le Sieur Gaudais Dupont d Monsei- 
gneur de Colbert, 1064. 

Dumesnil, in his principal memorial, gives a list of the alleged 
defaulters, with the special charges against each, and the amounts 
for which he reckons them liable. The accusations cover a period 
of ten or twelve years, and sometimes more. Some of them are 
curiously suggestive of more recent " rings." Thus Jean Gloria 
makes a charge of thirty-one hundred livres (francs) for fireworks 
to celebrate the King's marriage, when the actual cost is said to 
have been about forty livres. Others are alleged to have embezzled 
the funds of the company, under cover of pretended payments to 
imaginary creditors ; and Argenson himself is said to have eked 
out his miserable salary by drawing on the company for the pay of 
soldiers who did not exist. 

The records of the Council preserve a guarded silence about 
this affair. I find, however, under date 20 Sept., 1663, " Pouvoir k 
M. de Villeray de faire recherche dans la maison d'un nomme du 
Mesnil des papiers appartenants au Conseil concernant Sa Ma- 
jeste ; " and under date 18 March, 1604, " Ordre pour I'ouverture du 
coffre contenant les papiers de Dumesnil," and also an " Ordre 
pour mettre I'lnventaire des biens du Sr. Dumesnil entre les mains 
du Sr. Fillion." 

hi IV 


( i 


;l '^ 




.tf '• 


The Bishop's Choice. — A Military Zealot. — Hopeful Begin- 
nings. — Signs op Storm. — The Quarrel. — Distress op Miizv : 
HE Refuses to Yield ; his Defeat and Death. 

We have seen that Laval, when at court, had 
been invited to choose a governor to his liking. He 
soon made his selection. There was a pious officer, 
Saffray de M<5zy, major of the town and citadel of 
Caen, whom he had well known during his long 
stay with Berniferes at the Hermitage. M^zy was the 
principal member of the company of devotees formed 
at Caen under the influence of Berni^res and his 
disciples. In his youth he had been headstrong and 
dissolute. Worse still, he had been, it is said, a 
Huguenot; but both in life and doctrine his conver- 
sion had been complete, and the fervid mysticism of 
Bernieres acting on his vehement nature had trans- 
formed him into a red-hot zealot. I'owards the 
hermits and their chief he showed a docility in 
strange contrast with his past history, and followed 

( . 




their inspirations with an ardor which sometimes 
overleaped its mark. 

Thus a Jacobin monk, a doctor of divinity, once 
came to preach at the church of St. Paul at Caen; 
on which, according to their custom, the brotherhood 
of the Hermitage sent two persons to make report 
concerning his orthodoxy. M6zy and another mili- 
tary zealot, "who," says the narrator, "hardly 
know how to read, and assuredly do not know their 
catechism," were deputed to hear his first sermon; 
wherein this Jacobin, having spoken of the necessity 
of the grace of Jesus Christ in order to the doing of 
good deeds, two wiseacres thought that he 
was preaching Jansenism; and thereupon, after the 
sermon, the Sieur de Mdzy went to the proctor of 
the ecclesiastical court and denounced him."i 

His zeal, though but moderately tempered with 
knowledge, sometimes proved more useful than on 
this occasion. The Jacobin convent at Caen was 
divided against itself. Some of the monks had 
embraced the doctrines taught by Berni^res, while 
the rest held dogmas which he declared to be 
contrary to those of the Jesuits, and therefore 
heterodox. A prior was to be elected, and with the 
help of Bernieres his partisans gained the victory, 
choosing one Father Louis, through whom the 
Hermitage gained a complete control in the convent. 
But the adverse party presently resisted, and com- 

1 Nicole, Memoire pour faire connoistre I'esprit et la conduite de la 
Compagnie appellee V Hermitage. 




i ^ 



1 ' 

' •' i* 


■ ■' :'fi 








I I 


I ! . Ji 


plained to the provincial of their order, who came to 
Caen to close the dispute by deposing Father Louis. 
Hearing of his approach, Bernieres asked aid from 
his military disciple, and De M&iy sent him a squad 
of soldiers, who guarded the convent doors and barred 
out the provincial.^ 

Among the merits of M^zy, his humility and 
charity were especially admired; and the people of 
Caen had more than once seen the town major stag- 
gering across tlie street with a beggar mounted on 
his back, whom he was bearing dry-shod through the 
mud in the exercise of those virtues. ^ In this he 
imitated his master Bernieres, of whom similar acts 
are recorded.^ However dramatic in manifestation, 
his devotion was not only sincere but intense. Laval 
imagined that he knew him well. Above all others, 
Mdzy was the man of his choice ; and so eagerly did 
he plead for him that the King himself paid certain 
debts which the pious major had contracted, and 
thus left him free to sail for Canada. 

His deportment on the voyage was edifying, and 
the first days of his accession were passed in harmony. 
He permitted Laval to form the new council, and 
supplied the soldiers for the seizure of Dumesnil's 
papers. A question arose concerning Montreal, a 
subject on which the governors and the bishop rarely 

^ Nicole, Memoir e pour f aire connoistre V esprit et la conduite de la 
Compagnie appellee V Hermit'^ge. 

" Juchereau, Histoire de I'lIStel-Dien, 149. 

8 See the laudatory notice of Bernieres de Louvigny in the 

Nouvelle Diographie Universelle. 


m i ii!i 




differed in opinion. The present instance was no 
exception to the rule. M^jzy removed Maisonneuve, 
the local governor, and immediately replaced him, — 
the effect being, that whereas he had before derived 
his authority from the seigniors of the island, he now 
derived it from the governor-general. It was a 
movement in the interest of centralized power, and 
as such was cordially approved by Laval. 

The first indication to the bishop and the Jesuits 
that the new governor was not likely to prove in 
their hands as clay in the hands of the potter, is said 
to have been given on occasion of an interview with 
an embassy of Iroquois chiefs, to whom M^zy, aware 
of their duplicity, spoke with a decision and haughti- 
ness that awed the savages and astonished the eccle- 
siastics. He seems to have been one of those natures 
that run with an engrossing vehemence along any 
channel into which they may have been turned. At 
the Hermitage he was all devotee; but climate and 
conditions had changed, and he or his symptoms 
changed with them. He found himself raised sud- 
denly to a post of command, or one which was meant 
to be such. The town major of Caen was set to rule 
over a region far larger than France. The royal 
authority was trusted to his keeping, and his honor 
and duty forbade him to break thp crvst. But when 
he found that those who had procured for him his 
new dignities had done so that he might be an instru- 
ment of their will, his ancient pride started again 
into life, and his headstrong temper broke out like a 

h ( ,j 

I A k.'l * 






- *;' 

long-smothered fire. Laval stood aghast at the 
transformation. His lamb had turned wolf. 

What esjiecially stirred the governor's dudgeon 
was the ccmduct of Bourdon, Villeray, and Auteuil, 
those faithful allies whom Laval had placed on the 
council, and who, as Mdzy soon found, were wholly in 
the bishop's interest. On the thirteenth of February 
he sent his friend Angoville, major of the fort, to 
Laval, with a written declaration to the effect that 
he had ordered them to alxsent themselves from the 
council, because, having been appointed "on the 
persuasion of the aforesaid Bishop of Petraea, who 
knew them to be wholly his creatures, they wish to 
make themselves masters in the aforesaid council, 
and have acted in divers ways against the interests 
of the King and the public for the promotion of 
personal and private ends, and have formed and 
fomented cabals, contrary to their duty and their 
oath of fidelity to his aforesaid Majesty."^ He 
further declares that advantage had been taken of 
the facility of his disposition and his ignorance of the 
country to surprise him into assenting to their nomi- 
nation ; and he asks the bishop to acquiesce in their 
expulsion, and join him in calling an assembly of the 
people to choose others in t^eir place. Laval refused ; 
on which Mdzy caused his declaration to be placarded 
about Quebec and proclaimed by sound of drum. 

:M, I 

^ Ordre de M. de Mezi/ de, /aire sommation a I'Eveque de Petree, 13 
Fev., 1664. Notification du dit Ordre, mime date, (Registre du 
Conseil Superieur.) 

i 'V' 




The proposal of si public election, coiitniry as it 
was to the spirit of the government, opposed to the 
edict establisliing the council, and utterly odious to 
the young autocrat who ruled over France, gave 
Laval a great advantage. "I reply," he wrote, "to 
the request whicli Monsieur the (Governor makes me 
to consent to the interdiction of the persons named 
in his declaration, and proceed to the choice of other 
councilloi's or officers by an assembly of the people, 
that neither my conscience nor my honor, nor the 
respect and obedience which I owe to the will and 
commands of the King, nor my fidelity and aifection 
to his service, will by rny means permit me to 
do so."i 

Mdzy was dealing with an adversary armed with 
redoubtable weapons. It was intimated to him that 
the sacraments would be refused, and the churches 
closed against him. This threw him into an agony 
of doubt and perturbation ; for the emotional religion 
which had Ijecome a part of his nature, though 
overborne by gusts of passionate irritation, was still 
full of life within him. Tossing between the old 
feeling and the new, he took a course which reveals 
the trouble and confusion of his mind. He threw 
himself for counsel and comfort on the Jesuits, 
though he knew them to be one with laval against 
him, and though, under cover of denouncing sin in 
general, they had lashed him sharply in their 
sermons. There is something pathetic in the appeal 

1 R€ponse de I'EvSque de Petree, 16 Fev., 1664. , 




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lU { 


; if 


he makes to them. P^or the glory of God and the 
service of the King, he had come, lie ways, on LavaFs 
solicitation, to seek salvation in Canada; and being 
under obligation to the bishop, who had recommended 
him to the King, he felt bound to show proofs of his 
gratitude on every occasion. Yet neither gratitude 
to a benefactor nor the respect duo to his character 
and person should be permitted to interfere with 
duty to the King, "since neither conscience nor 
honor permit us to neglect the requirements of our 
office and betray the interests of his Majesty, after 
receiving orders from his lips, and making oath of 
fidelity between his hands." He proceeds to say 
that, having discovered practices of which he felt 
obliged to prevent the continuance, he had made a 
declaration expelling the offenders from office; that 
the bishop and all the ecclesiastics had taken this 
declaration as an offence; tliat, regardless of the 
King's service, they had denounced him as a calum- 
niator, an unjust judge, without gratitude, and per- 
verted in conscience ; and that one of the chief among 
them had come to warn him that the sacraments 
would be refused and the churches closed against 
him. "This," writes the unhappy governor, "has 
agitated our soul with scruples; and we have none 
from whom to seek light save those who are our 
declared opponents, pronouncing judgment on us 
without knowledge of cause. Yet as our salvation 
and the duty we owe the King are the things most 
important to us on earth, and as we hold them to be 




insopiinil)lo tho ono from the otlier; aiul as notliiiig 
iu so certuiu as doatli, aiul notliini; so uncurtain as 
tho hour thereof; and as tluire is no time to inform 
liis Majesty of what is passing and to receive his 
connnands; and as our soul, tlnuigh ccmscious of 
innocence, is always in fear, — we feel obliged, despite 
their opposition, to have recoui-se to the reverend 
father casuists of the House of Jesus, to tell us in 
conscience what we can do for the fuUilmont of our 
duty at once to God and to the King."^ 

The Jesuits gave him little comfort. Lalemant, 
their superior, replied by advising him to follow the 
directions of his confessor, a Jesuit, so far as the 
question concerned spiritual matters, adding that in 
temporal matters he had no advice to give.^ The 
distinction was illusory. The quarrel turned wholly 
on teni'^^ral matters, but it was a quarrel with a 
bishop. To separate in such a case the spiritual 
obligation from the temporal was beyond the skill of 
Mdzy, nor would the confessor have helped him. 

Perplexed and troubled as he was, he would not 
reinstiite Bourdon and the two councillors. The 
people began to clamor at the interruption of justice, 
for which they blamed Laval, whom a recent impo- 
sition of tithes had made unpopular. M6zy there- 
upon issued a proclamation, in which, after mentioning 
his opponents as the most subtle and artful persons 

^ Mezj/ aux PP. Jesuites, Fait au Chdteau de Quebec ce dernier 
jour de Fevrier, 10G4. 

2 Lettre du P. II. Lalemant d Mr. le Gouverneur. 

( 'y 







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in Canada, he declares tliat, in consequence of peti- 
tions sent him from Quebec and the neighboring 
settlements, he had called the people to the council- 
chamber, and by their advice had appointed the 
Sieur de Chartier as attorney-general in place of 

Bourdon replied by a violent appeal from the gov- 
ernor to the remaining members of the council ;2 
on which Mdzy declared him excluded from all public 
functions whatever, till the King's pleasure should 
be known. ^ Thus Church and State still frowned 
on each other, and new disputes soon arose to wicv n 
the breach between them. On the first establish- 
ment of tne council, an order had been passed for the 
election of a mayor and L vo aldermen (echevins) for 
Quebec, which it was proposed to erect into a city, 
though it had only seventy houses and less than a 
thousand inhal)iLants. Repentigny was chosen mayor, 
and Madry and Charron aldermen; but the choice 
was not agreeable to the bishop, and tlie three func- 
tionaries declined to act, influence having probably 
been brousrht to bear on them to that end. The 
council now resolved that a mayor was needless, and 
the people were permitted to choose a syndic in his 
stead. These municipal elections were always so 
controlled by the authorities thai the element of 
liberty which they seemed to represent was little but 

1 Declaration dii Sieur de Mezi/, 10 Mars, 1664. 

2 Bourdon au Conscil, 13 Mars, 1004. 

3 Ordre du Gouverneur, 13 Mars, 1004. 




a mockery. On the present occasion, after an unac- 
countable delay of ten months, twenty-two peraons 
cast their votes in presence of the council, and the 
choice fell on Charron. The real question was 
whether the new syndic should belong to the gov- 
ernor or to the bishop. Charron leaned to the 
governor's party. The ecclesiastics insisted that the 
people were dissatisfied, and a new election was 
ordered, but the voters did not come. The governor 
now sent messages to such of the inhabitants as lie 
knew to be in his interest, who gathered in the 
couucil-chamber, voted under his eye, and again 
chose a syndic agreeable to him. Laval's party 
protested in vain.^ 

The councillors held ojffice for a year, and the year 
had now expired. The governor and the bishop, it 
will be remembered, had t. joint power of appoint- 
ment; but agreement between them was impossible. 
Laval was for replacing his partisans. Bourdon, 
Villeray, Auteuil, and La Fertd. M^zy refused; 
and on the eighteenth of September he reconstructed 
the council by his sole authority, retaining of the 
old councillors only Amours and Tilly, and replacing 
the rest by Denis, La Tesserie, and Pdronne de Mazd, 
the surviving son of Dumesnil. Again Laval pro- 
tested ; but Mezy proclaimed his choice b}^ sound of 
drum, and caused placards to be posted, full, accord- 
ing to Father Lalemant, of abuse agaiii'it the bishop. 
On this he was excluded from confession and absolu- 

* Registre du Conseil Superieur. 

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tion. He complained loudly; "but our reply was," 
says the father, " Jiat God knew everything." ^ 

This unanswerable but somewhat irrelevant re- 
sponse failed to satisfy him, and it was possibly on 
this occasion that an incident occurred which is 
recounted by the bishop's eulogist, La Tour. He 
says that M(3zy, Math some unknown design, appeared 
before the church at the head of a band of soldiers, 
while Laval was saying mass. The service over, 
the bishop presented himself at the door, on which, 
to the governor's confusion, all the soldiers respect- 
fully saluted him.^ The story may have some foun- 
dation, but it is not supported by contemporary 

On the Sunday after M^zy's coup d^etat^ the pulpits 
resounded with denunciations. The people listened, 
doubtless, with becoming respect; but their sympa- 
thies were with the governor; and he, on his part, 
had made appeals to them at more than one crisis of 
the quarrel. He now fell into another indiscretion. 
He banished Bourdon and Villeray, and ordered 
them home to France. 

They carried with them the instruments of their 
revenge, — the accusations of Laval and the Jesuits 
against the author of their woes. Of these accusa- 
tions one alone would have sufficed. Mdzy had 
appealed to the people. It is true that he did so 

' Journal des Jesnites, Octobre, 10(54. 

'^ La Tour, Vie de I.aval, liv, vii. It is charitable to ascribe this 
writer's many errors to carelessness. 




M^ZY'S defi:at. 


from no love of popular liberty, but simply to make 
head against an opponent; yet the act alone was 
enough, and he received a peremptory recall. Again 
Laval had triumphed. He had made one governor 
and unmade two, if not three. The modest Levite, 
as one of his biographers calls him in his earlier days, 
had become the foremost power in Canada. 

Laval had a threefold strength at court, — his high 
birth, his reputed sanctity, and the support of the 
Jesuits. This was not all, for the permanency of 
his position in the colony gave him another advan- 
tage. The governors were named for three years, and 
could be recalled at any time ; but the vicar apostolic 
owed his appointment to the Pope, and the Pope 
alone could revoke it. Thus he was beyond reach 
of the royal authority, and the court was in a certain 
sense obliged to conciliate him. As for Mdzy, a man 
of no rank or influence, he could expect no mercy. 
Yet, though irritable and violent, he seems to have 
tried conscientiously to reconcile conflicting duties, 
or what he regarded as such. The governors and 
intendants, his successors, received, during many 
years, secret instructions from the court to watch 
Laval, and cautiously prevent him from assuming 
powers which did not belong to him. Il '>s likely 
that similar instructions had been given to Mdzy,^ 

1 The royal commissioner, Gaudais, who came to Canada with 
Mezy, had, as before mentioned, orders to inquire with great secrecy 
into the conduct of Laval. The intendiint, Talon, who followed 
immediately aftei, had similar instructions. 

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and that the attempt to fulfil them had aided to 
embroil him with one who was probably the last man 
on earth with whom he would willingly have 

An inquiry was ordered into his conduct; but a 
voice more potent than the voice of the King had 
called him to another tribunal. A disease, the result 
perhaps of mental agitation, seized upon him and 
soon brought him to extremity. As he lay gasping 
between life and death, fear and horror took posses- 
sion of his soul. Hell yawned before his fevered 
vision, peopled with phantoms which long and lonely 
meditations, after the discipline of Loyola, made real 
and palpable to bis thought. He smelt the fumes of 
infernal brimstone, and heard the bowlings of the 
damned. He saw the frown of the angry Judge, and 
the fiery swords of avenging angels, hurling wretches 
like himself, writhing in anguish and despair, into 
the gulf of unutterable woe. He listened to the 
ghostly counsellors who besieged his bed, bowed his 
head in penitence, made his peace with the Church, 
asked pardon of Laval, confessed to him, and received 
absolution at his hands; and his late adversaries, 
now benign and bland, soothed him with promises of 
pardon, and hopes of eternal bliss. 

Before he died, he wrote to the Marquis de Tracy, 
newly appointed viceroy, a letter which indicates that 
even in his penitence he could not feel himself wholly 
in the wrong. ^ He also left a will in which the 

1 Lettre de Mezy au Marquis de Tracy, 26 Avril, 1666. 




pathetic and the quaint are curiously mingled. 
After praying his patron, Saint Augustine, with 
Saint John, Saint Peter, and all the other saints, to 
intercede for the pardon of his sins, he directs that 
his body shall be buried in the cemetery of the poor 
at the hospital, as being unworthy of more honored 
sepulture. He then makes various legacies of piety 
and charity. Other bequests follow, — one of which 
is to his friend Major Angoville, to whom he leaves 
two hundred francs, his coat of English cloth, his 
camlet mantle, a pair of new shoes, eight shirts with 
sleeve-buttons, his sword and belt, and a new blanket 
for the major's servant. Felix Aubert is to have 
fifty francs, with a gray jacket, a small coat of gray 
serge, "which," says the testator, "has been worn for 
a while," and a pair of long white stockings. And 
in a codicil he further leaves to Angoville his best 
black coat, in order that he may wear mourning for 

His earthly troubles closed on the night of the 
sixth of May. He went to his rest among the 
paupers ; and the priests, serenely triumphant, sang 
requiems over his grave. 

Note. — Mezy sent home charges against the bishop and the 
Jesuits which seem to have existed in Ciiarlevoix's time, but for 
which, as well as for those made by Laval, 1 have sought in vain. 

The substance of these mutual accusations is given thus by the 
minister Colbert, in a memorial addressed to the Marquis de Tracy, 
in 1665: " Les Jesuites I'accusent d'avarice et de violences; et lui 

1 Testament dti Sieur de, Mezy. This will, as well as the letter, is 
engrossed in the registers of the council. 

; I. 


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qu'ils voulaient entrcpreiidre sur I'autoritc qui lui a ete commise 
par le Hoy, en sorte que n'ayant quo de leurs creatures dans le 
Conseil Souvcrain, tuutcs les resolutions s'y prenaient selon leurs 

The papers cited are drawn partly from the lietjistres du Conseil 
Superieur, still preserved at Quebec, and partly from the Archives 
of the Marine and Colonies. Laval's admirer, the Abbe' La Tour, 
in his eajferness to justify the bishop, says that the quarrel arose 
from a dispute about precedence between Mezy and the intendant, 
and from the ill-humor of tiie governor because the intendant 
shared the protits of his office. The truth is, that there was no 
intendant in Canada during the term of Mezy's government. One 
Robert iiad been ap{)ointed to the office, but he never came to the 
colony. The commissioner Gaudais, during the two or three months 
of his stay at Quebec, took the intendant's place at the council- 
board ; but harmony between Laval and Mezy was unbroken till 
after his departure. Other writers say that the dispute arose from 
the old question about brandy. Towards the end of the quarrel 
there was some disorder from this source, but even then the brandy 
question was subordinate to other subjects of strife. 

It ': 

t i 





Laval's Visit to Court. — Thr Seminary. — Zkal of the Bishop : 
HIS Eulogists. — Church and State. — Attituie of Laval. 

That memorable journey of Laval to court, which 
caused the dissolution of the Company of New 
France, the establishment of the Su^jreme Council, 
the recall of Avaugour, and the appointment of 
Mdzy, had yet other objects and other results. 
Laval, vicar apostolic and titular Bishop of Petraja, 
wished to become in title, as in fact, Bishop of 
Quebec. Thus he would gain an increase of dignity 
and authority, necessp.ry, as he thought, in his con- 
flicts witVi the civil power; "for," he wrote to the 
cardinals of the Propaganda, "I have learned from 
long experience how little security my character of 
vicar apostolic gives me against tliose charged with 
political affairs: I mean the officers of the Crown, 
perpetual rivals and contemners of the authority of 
the Church."! 

1 For a long extract from this letter, copied from the original in 
the archives of the Tropaganda at Rome, see Faillon, Coionie 
Fran^ais, iii. 432. 


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This reason was for tlio Pope and the cardinals. 
It may well be believed that he held a different 
language to the King. To him he urged that the 
bislioprio was needed to enforce order, suppress sin, 
and crush heresy. Both Louis XIV. and the Queen 
Mother favored his wishes ; ^ but di flic ul ties arose, 
and interminable disputes ensued on the question 
whether the proposed bishopric should depend imme- 
diately on the Pope ur on the Archbisliop of Rouen. 
It was a l•evi^'al of the old quarrel of Galilean and 
ultranniitane. Laval, weary of hope deferred, at 
length declaiod that ho would leave the colony if he 
could not be its bishop in title; and in 1674, after 
eleven years of d- lay, tlie King yielded to the Pope's 
demands, and the vicar apostolic became first Bishop 
of Quebec. 

If Laval nad to wait for his mitre, he found no 
delay and no dilHculty in attaining another object no 
less dear to him. He wished to provide priests for 
Canada, drawn from the Canadian population, fed 
with sound and wholesome doctrine, reared under his 
eye, and moulded by his hand. To this end he 
proposed to establish a seminary at Quebec. The 
plan found favor with the pious King, and a decree 
signed by his hand sanctioi^ed and confirmed it. 
The new seminary :v^as to bs a corporation of priests 
under a superior chosen by the bishop ; and, besides 

1 Anne d'Autrt'che a Lnval,2<l Avril, 1602; Louts XTV. an Pope, 
28. Tan. 1664; Louis XIV. au Due dc Crequy, Ambassadaur d Rome, 
28 June, 1664. 





its functions of instruction, it was vested witli dis- 
tinct and extraordinary powers. Laval, an organizer 
and a disciplinarian by nature and training, would 
fain subject the priests of his diocese to a control as 
complete as that of monks in a convent. In France, 
the curd or parish priest was, with rai-e exceptions, a 
fixture in his parish, whence lie coidd be removed 
only for grave reasons, and through prescribed forms 
of procedure. Hence he was to a certain degree 
independent of the bishop. Laval, on the contrary, 
demanded that the Canadian cure should be remov- 
able at his will, and thus placed in the position of a 
missionary, to come and go at the order of his 
superior. In fact, the Canadian parishes were for a 
long time so widely scattered, so feeble in popula- 
tion, and so miserably poor, that, besides the disciplin- 
ary advantages of this plan, its adoption was at first 
almost a matter of necessity. It added greatly to 
the pov/er of the Church; and, as the colony 
increased, the King and the minister conceived an 
increasing distrust of it. Instructions for the " fixa- 
tion " of the curds were repeatedly sent to the colony, 
and the bishop, while professing to obey, repeatedly 
evaded them. Various fluctuations and changes 
took place; but Laval had built on strong founda- 
tions, and at this day the system of removable curds 
prevails in most of the Canadian parishes. ^ 


' A W 


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^4 . 

1 On the establishment of the seminary. Mandement de VEveque 
de Petr€e,pour rKtahlissement du S^minnire de Quebec; Approbation 
du Roy {^dits et Ordonnances^ i. 33, 35) ; La Tour, Vie de Laval, liv. 




I .,» 




Tims he formed his clergy into a family with him- 
self at its head. His semimiry, the mother who had 
reared them, was further charged to maintain them, 
nurse them in sickness, and support them in old age. 
Under her maternal roof the tired priest found repose 
among his brethren ; and thither every year he repaired 
from the charge of h.'j flock in the wihlerness, to 
freshen his devotion and ani:. -^te his zeal by a season 
of meditation and prayer. 

The difficult task remained to provide the neces- 
sary funds. Laval imposed a tithe of one-thirteenth 
on all products of the soil, or, as afterwards settled, 
on grains alone. This tithe was paid to the seminary, 
and by the seminary to the priests. The people, 
unused to such a burden, clamored and resisted; 
and Mdzy, in his disputes with the bishop, had taken 
advantage of their discontent. It became necessary 
to reduce the tithe to a twenty-sixth, which, as there 
was little or no money among the inhabitants, was 
paid in kind. Nevertheless, the scattered and 
impoverished settlers grudged even this contribution 
to the support of a priest whom many of them rarely 
saw; and the collection of it became a matter of the 
greatest difficulty and uncertainty. How the King 
came to the rescue, we shall hereafter see. 

Besides the great seminary where young men were 
trained for the priesthood, there was the lesser semi- 

vi. ; Esqutsse de la Vie de Laval, Appendix. Various papers bear- 
ing on the subject are printed in the Canadian Abeille, from origi- 
Dala in the archives of the seminary. 




nary where boys were educiited in the hope tiiiit they 
would one day take orders. This sehool begun in 
1068, with eight French and six Indian pui)ils, in tlio 
old house of Madame Couillard; but so far as the 
Indians were concerned it was a failure. Sooner or 
later they all ran wild in the woods, carrying with 
them as fruits of their studies a sufficiency of prayers, 
offices, and chants learned by rote, along ^\•ith a 
feeble smattering of Latin and rhetoric, which they 
soon dropped by the way. There was also a sort of 
farm-school attached to the seminary, for the training 
of a humbler class of pupils. It was established at 
the parish of St. Joachim, below Quebec, where the 
children of artisans and peasants were taught farming 
and various mechanical arts, and thoroughly grounded 
in the doctrine and discipline of the Church.^ The 
Great and Lesser Seminaiy still subsist, and form one 
of the most important RoniaT^ Catholic institutions 
on this continent. To them has recently been added 
the Laval University, resting on the same foundation, 
and supported by the same funds. 

Whence were these funds derived? Laval, in 
order to imitate the po'jerty of the apostles, had 
divested himself of his property before he came to 
Canada; otherwise there is little doubt that in the 
fulness of his zeal he would have devoted it to his 

* Annales du Petit S^mt'naire de Quebec, see Aheille, vol. i. ; Notice 
Ilistorique sur le Petit Seininaire de Quebec, Ibid., vol. ii. ; Notice 
llistoriijue sur la Paroisne de St. Joachim, Ibid., vol. i. The Abeille 
is a jcurnal published by the seminary. 

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fiivorito object. Hut if ho luul no property lie luid 
iufliieuco, and liis family had both inflneni-o and 
wealth, lie aoqnired vast «jfrants of land in the best 
parts of Canada. Some of these he sold or exehangc^d ; 
others he retained till the year 1080, when lie ^ave 
them, with nf'arly all (ilso that he then possessed, to 
his seminary at Qnebec. The lands with which ho 
thus endowed it inchided the seigniories of the 
Petite Nation, the Island of Jcsns, and Beanprd. 
The last is of great extent, and at the present day of 
immense valne. Beginning a few miles below Qneliee, 
it borders the St. Lawrence for a distance of sixteen 
leagues, and is six leagues in depth, measured from 
the river. From these sources the seminary still 
draws an almndant revenue, though its seigniorial 
rights were commuted on the recent extinction of the 
feudal tenure in Canada. 

Well did Laval deserve that his name should live 
in that of the university which a century and a half 
after his death owed its existence to his bounty. 
This father of the Canadian Church, who has left so 
deep an impress on one of the communities which 
form the vast population of North America, belonged 
to a type of character to which an even justice is 
rarely done. With the exception of the Canadian 
Garneau, a liberal Catholic, those who have treated 
of him have seen him through a medium intensely 
Romanist, coloring, hiding, and exaggerating by 
turns both his actions and the traits of his character. 
Tried by the Romanist standard, his merits were 




great; thougli tho oxtraordiiiary iiiflnenco which he 
exorcised in the affairs of tho c()h)iiy were, as already 
observed, by no means duo to his spiritual graces 
alone. To a saint sprung from tho haute nohlesse^ 
Earth and Heaven wore alike propitious. When 
tho vicar-general (^olombiere pronounced his funeral 
eulogy in tho sounding periods of Bossuet, ho did 
not fail to exhibit him on tho ancestral pedestal 
whore his virtues would shine with redoubled lustre. 
" The exploits of tho heroes of the House of Mont- 
morency," exclaims the reverend orator, "form one 
of tho fairest chapters in the annals of Old France ; 
tho heroic acts of charity, humility, and faith 
achieved by a Montmorency form one of the fairest 
in tho annals of New France. The combats, victories, 
and conquests of the Montmorency in Europe would 
fill whole volumes ; and so, too, would the triumphs 
won by a Montmorency in America over sin, passion, 
and the Devil." Then he crowns the high-born 
prelate with a halo of fourfold saintship: "It was 
with good reason that Providence permitted him to 
bo called Francis, for the virtues of all the saints of 
that name were combined in him, — the zeal of Saint 
Francis Xavier, the charity of Saint Francis of Sales, 
the poverty of Saint Francis of Assisi, the self- 
mortification of Saint Francis Borgia; but poverty 
was the mistress of his heart, and he loved her with 
incontrollable transports." 

The stories which Colombi^re proceeds to tell of 

Laval's asceticism are confirmed by other evidence, 



I ;'/ 

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h li, 



*• -■•* .— 





and are, no doubt, true. Nor is there any reasonable 
doul)t that, had the bishop stood in the place of 
I5re])euf or Charles I.alemant, he would have suffered 
torture and death like them. But it was his lot to 
strive, not against infidel savages, but against country- 
men and Catholics, who had no disposition to burn 
him, and would rather have done him reverence than 

To comprehend his actions and notives, it is neces- 
sary to knovv^ his ideas in regard to the relations of 
Church and State. Tliey were those of the extreme 
ultramontanes, which a recent Jesuit preacher has 
expressed with tolerable distinctness. In a sermon 
uttered in the Church of Notre Dame, at Montreal, 
on the first of November, 1872, he thus announced 
them: "The supremacy and infallibility of the Pope; 
the independence and liberty of the Church; the 
suhord illation and submission of the Slate to the 
Church ; in case of conflict between them, ^he 
Church to decide, the State to submit: for whoever 
follows and defends these principles, life and a bless- 
ing; for whoever rejects and combats them, death 
and a curse. "^ 

These were the principles which Laval and the 

"'■ Tliis sermon was preached by Father Braun, S. J., on occasion 
of the " Gohlen Wedding," or fiftieth anniversary of Bisliop 
Bourget of Montreal. A large body of the Canadian ch^rgy were 
present, some of whom thouglit his expressions too emphatic. A 
transhition by another Jesuit is publishi'd in the " Montreal 
Weekly Herald" of Nov. 2, 1872 j and the above extract is copied 



Jesuits strove to make good. Christ was to rule in 
Canada through his deputy the hishop, and God's 
hiw was to tiiunipli over the hiws of man. As in 
the halcyon days of Champlain and IVIontmagny, the 
governor was to be the right hand of the Church, to 
wield the earthly sword at her bidding; and the 
council was to be the agent of her high behests. 

France was drifting toward the triumph of the 
jparti devot, the sinister reign of petticoat and cas- 
sock, the era of Maintenon and Tellier, and the fatal 
atrocities of the dragonnades. Yet the advancing 
tide of priestly domination did not flow smoothly. 
The unparalleled prestige which surrounded the 
throne of the young King, joined to his quarrels with 
the Pope and divisions in the Church itself, dis- 
turbed, though they could not check, its progress. 
In Canada it was otherwise. The colony had been 
ruled by priests from the beginning, and it only 
remained to continue in her future the law of her 
past. She was the fold of Christ; the wolf of civil 
government was among the flock, and Laval and the 
Jesuits, watchful shepherds, were doing their best to 
chain and muzzle him. 

According to Argenson, Laval had said, " A bishop 
can do what he likes; " and his action answered rea- 
sonably well to his words. He thought himself aljove 
human law. In vindicating the assumed rights of 
the Church, he invaded the rights of others, and 
used means from which a healthy conscience would 
have shrunk. All his thoughts and sympathies had 





run from clnldliood in ecclesiastical channels, and he 
cared for nothing outside the Church. Prayer, medi- 
tation, and asceticism had leavened and moulded 
him. During four years he had been steeped in the 
mysticism of the Hermitage, which had for its aim 
the annihilation of self, and througli self-annihilation 
the absorption into God.^ He had passed from a life 
of visions to a life of action. Earnest to fanaticism, 
he saw but one great object, — the glory of God on 
earth. He was penetrated by the poisonous casuistrj' 
of the Jesuits, based on the assumption that all 
means are permitted when the end is the service of 
God; and as Laval, in his own opinion, was always 
doing the service of God, while his opponents were 
always doing that of the Devil, he enjoyed, in the 
uye of means, a latitude of which we have seen him 
avail himself. 

* See the maxims of Bernieres published by La Tour. 

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THE West. — Evil Omens. — Action of the King. — Tuacy, 


iiRES. — Tracy at Quebec. — Miracles. — A Holy War. 

Leave Canada behind; cross the sea, and stand, 
on an evening in June, by the edge of the forest of 
Fontainebleau. Beyond the broad gardens, above 
the long ranges of moonlit trees, rise the walls and 
pinnacles of the vast chateau, — a shrine of history, 
the gorgeous monument of lines of vanished kings, 
haunted with memories of Capet, Valois, and 

There was little thought of the past at Fontainebleau 
in June, 1661. The present was too dazzling and 
too intoxicating; the future, too radiant with hope 
and promise. It was the morning of a new reign; 


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the sun of Louis XIV. was rising in sj)lenclor, and 
the rank and beauty of France were gathered to pay 
it homage. A youthful court, a youthful king; a 
pomp and magnificence such as Europe had never 
seen ; a delirium of ambition, pleasure, and love, — 
all this wrought in many a young heart an enchant- 
ment destined to be cruelly broken. Even old cour- 
tiers felt the fascination of the scene, and tell us of 
the music at evening by the borders of the lake ; of 
the gay groups that strolled under the shadowing 
trees, floated in gilded barges on the still water, or 
moved slowly in open carriages ai'ound its borders. 
Here was Anne of Austria, the King's mother, and 
Marie Th<3rese, his tender and jealous queen ; his 
brother, the Duke of Orleans, with his bride of six- 
teen, Plenriette of England; and his favorite, that 
vicious butterfly of the court, the Count de Guiche. 
Here, too, were the humbled chiefs of the civil war, 
Beaufort and Condd, obsequious before their triumph- 
ant master. Louis XIV., the centre of all eyes, in 
the flush of health and vigor, and the pride of new- 
fledged royalty, stood, as he still stands on the 
canvas of Philippe de Champagne, attired in a 
splendor which would have been effeminate but for 
the stately port of the youth who wore it.^ 

Fortune had been strangely bountiful to Louis 

1 On the visit of the court at Fontainebleau in the summer of 
1661, see Memoires de Madame de Mottevillc, Memoires de Afadame de 
La Fayette, Memoires de l'AI)b€ de Choisi/, and Walckenaer's Me- 
moires sur Madame de Sevignif. 




XIV. The nations of Europe, exhausted by wars 
and dissensions, looked upon him with respect and 
fear. Among weak and weary neighbors, he alone 
was strong. The death of Mazarin had released him 
from tutelage ; feudalism in the person of Cond^ was 
abject before him ; he had reduced his parliaments to 
submission ; and in the arrest of the ambitious prodi- 
gal Fouquet, he was preparing a crushing blow to 
the financial corruption which had devoured France. 

Nature had formed him to act uie part of King. 
Even his critics and enemies praise the grace and 
majesty of his presence, and he impressed his cour- 
tiers with an admiration which seems to have been to 
an astoiiishing degree genuine. He carried airs of 
royalty even into his pleasures; and while his 
example corrupted all France, he proceeded to the 
apartments of Montespan or Fontanges with the 
majestic gravity of Olympian Jove. He was a 
devout observer of the forms of religion ; and as the 
buoyancy of youth passed away, his zeal was stimu- 
lated by a profound fear of the Devil. Mazarin had 
reared him in ignorance ; but his faculties were excel- 
lent in their way, and in a private station would 
have made him an efficient man of business. The 
vivacity of his passions and his inordinate love of 
pleasure were joined to a persistent will and a rare 
power of labor. The vigorous mediocrity of his 
understanding delighted in grappling with details. 
His astonished courtiers saw him take on himself the 
burden of administration, and work at it without 

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relenting for more than half a century. Great as 
was his energy, his pride was far greater. As king 
by divine right, he felt himself raised immeasurably 
above the highest of his subjects; but while vindi- 
cating with unparalleled haughtiness his claims to 
supreme authority, he was, at the outset, filled with 
a sense of the duties of his high place, and fired by 
an ambition to make his reign beneficent to France 
as well as glorious to himself. 

Above all rulers of modern times, Louis XIV. was 
the embodiment of the monarchical idea. The 
famous words ascribed to him, "I am the State," 
were probably never uttered; but they perfectly 
express his spirit. "It is God's will," he wrote in 
1666, "that whoever is born a subject should not 
reason, but obey;"^ and those around him were of 
his mind. "The State is in the King," said Bossuet, 
the great mouthpiece of monarchy ; " the will of the 
people is merged in his will. O Kings! put forth 
your power boldly, for it is divine and salutary to 
humankind. "2 

For a few brief years, this King's reign was indeed 
salutary to France. His judgment of men, when 
not obscured by his pride and his passion for flattery, 
was good ; and he had at his service the generals and 
statesmen formed in the freer and bolder epoch that 
had ended with his accession. Among them was 
Jean Baptiste Colbert, formerly the intendant of 

1 (Euvres de Louis XIV., ii. 283. 

3 Bossuet, Politique tiree de Vt^criture sainte, 670 (1843). 




Mazarin's household, — a man whose energies 
matched his talents, and who had preserved his 
rectitude in the midst of corruption. It was a hard 
task that Colbert imposed on liis proud and violent 
nature to serve the imperious King, morbidly jealous 
of his authority, and resolved to accept no initiative 
but his own. He must counsel while seeming to 
receive counsel, and lead while seeming to follow. 
The new minister bent himself to the task, and the 
nation reaped the profit. A vast system of reform 
was set in action amid the outcries of nobles, finan- 
ciers, churchmen, and all who profited by abuses. 
The methods of this reform were trenchant and some- 
times violent, and its principles were not always in 
accord with those of modern economic science; but 
the good that resulted was incalculable. The 
burdens of the laboring classes were lightened, the 
public revenues increased, and the wholesale plunder 
of the public money was arrested with a strong hand. 
Laws were reformed and codified; feudal tyranny, 
which still subsisted in many quarters, was repressed; 
agriculture and productive industry of all kinds were 
encouraged, roads and canals opened, trade was 
stimulated, a commercial marine created, and a 
powerful navy formed as if by magic. ^ 

It is in his commercial, industrial, and colonial 
policy that the profound defects of the great minis- 

\ t 



^ On Colbert, see Clement, Hlstoire de Colbert ; Clc'ment, Lettres 
et Memoires de Colbert; Cheruel, Administration monarchique en 
France, ii. chap. vi. ; Henri Martin, Ilistoire de France, xiii., etc. 



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ter's sybtem are most apparent. It was a system of 
authority, monopoly, and exclusion, in which the 
j^overnraent, and not the individual, acted always 
the foremost part. Upriglit, incorruptible, ardent for 
the public good, inflexible, arrogant, and domineer- 
ing, he sought *"o driv» l^'^-ance into paths of prosper- 
ity, am^ jual'^. tAo.iio 1;, the CiCrgy oi an imperial 
will. He uin* Aith reason, that the want of 
enterprise and capital ah'-ng the merchants would 
prevent the broad and immediate results at which he 
aimed; and to secure these results he established a 
series of great trading corporations, in which the 
principles of privilege and exclusion were pushed to 
their utmost limits. Prominent among them was 
the Company of the West. The King signed the 
edict creating it on the twenty-fourth of May, 1G04. 
Any person in the kingdom or out of it might become 
a partner by subscribing, within a certain time, not 
less than three thousand francs. France was a mere 
patch on the map, compared to the vast domains of 
the new association. Western Africa from Cape 
Verd to the Cape of Good Hope, South America 
between the Amazon and the Orinoco, Cayenne, the 
Antilles, and all New France, from Hudson's Bay to 
Virginia and Florida, were bestowed on it forever, to 
be held of the Crown on the simple condition of 
faith and homage. As, according to the edict, the 
glory of God was the chief object in view, the com- 
pany was required to supply its possessions with a 
sufficient number of priests, and diligently to exclude 





all tcaclicrs of falsc^ doi^trine. It was enipovvurc*] to 
build forts iim(1 war-ships, cast cannon, wage war, 
make p« ice, establish court ., appoint judges, and 
otherwise to act as sovert ign within its own domains. 
A monopoly >^ trade wjis granted it for forty years. ^ 
Sugar ironi the Antilles and furs fj-om Canada were 
the chief source of expected profit; and AlVica was 
to supply the slaves to raise tlie sugar. Scarcely was 
the grand machine set in motion, when its directorr 
betrayed a narrowness and blindness of policy which 
boded the enterprise no good. Canada was a c]»\.' 
sufferer. Once more, bound hand and foot, she ..ts 
handed over to a selfish league of merchant^, — 
monopoly in trade, monopoly in religion, mon* 1/ 
in government. Nobody but the company had a 
right to bring her the necessaries of life ; and no1)ody 
but the company had a right to exercise the traffic 
which alone could give her the means of paying for 
these necessaries. Moreover, the supplies which it 
brought were insufficient, and the prices which it 
demanded were exorbitant. It was throttling its 
wretched victim. The Canadian merchants remon- 
strated.''' It was clear that if the colony was to live, 
the system must be changed; and a change was 
accordingly ordered. The company gave up its 
monopoly of the fur- trade, but reserved the right to 
levy a duty of one-fourth of the beaver-skins, and 
one-tenth of the moose-skins; and it also reserved 

^ Edit d'Etahlissement de la Compagnie des hides Occidentales. 
2 Lettre du Conseil Souverain a Colbert, 1008, 





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tlio entire trade of TjuIoussuc, — tluit is to say, the 
trade of all the tribes between the lower St. 
Lawrence and Hudson's Bay. It retained, besides, 
the exclusive right of transporting furs in its own 
ships, — thus controlling the commerce of Canada, 
and discouraging, or rather extinguishing, the enter- 
prise of Canadian merchants. On its part, it was 
required to pay governors, judges, and all the colonial 
oflicials out of the duties which it levied.^ 

Yet ne King had the prosperity of Canada at 
heart; and he proceeded to show his interest in her 
after a manner hardly convdstent with his late action 
in handing her over to a mercenary guardian. In 
fact, he acted as if she had still remained under his 
paternal care. He had just conferred the right of 
naming a governor and intendant upon the new 
company ; but he now assumed it himself, the com- 
pany, with a just sense of its own unfitness, readily 
consenting to this suspension of one of its most 
important privileges. Daniel de R6my, Sieur de 
Courcelle, was appointed governor, and Jean Baptiste 
Talon intendant.2 The nature of this duplicate 

1 Arret dn Conseil du Rni/ qui nccordn a In Comparjnie h quart des 
castors, le dixieme des nri'(jnaux ft la trnite de Tndoussac : Instruvtion 
de Monseigiieur de Tract/ et a Messieurs le Gouverneur et V Intendant. 

This company prospered as little as the rest of Colbert's trad- 
ing companies. Within ten years it lost .3,523,000 livres, besides 
blighting the colonies placed under its control. (Recherches sur les 
Finances, cited by Clement, JJistnire de Colbert.) 

2 Commission de Lieutenant General en Canada, etc., pour M. de 
Courcelle, 23 Mars, 1665; Commission d'Intendant de la Justice, 
Police, et Finances en Canada, etc., pour M. Talon, 23 Mars, 1665. 




government will appear liereafter. Rut Iniforo 
appointing rnlers for (Canada, the King had appointed 
a representtitive of the Crown for all his American 
domains. The Mar(jehal d'Estrades had for some 
time hehl the title of viceroy for America; and as he 
could not fulfil the duties of that oflice, heing at the 
time ambassador in Holla. .1, the Man^uis de Tracy 
was sent in his place, with the title of lieutenant- 

Canada at this time was an object of very consid- 
erable attention at court, and especially in what 
was known as the parti devot. The Relations of the 
Jesuits, appealing equally to the spirit of religion 
and the spirit of romantic adventure, had for more 
than a quarter of a century been tlie favorite reading 
of the devout, and the visit of Laval at court had 
greatly stimuluted the interest they had kindled. 
The letters of Argenson, and especially of Avaugour, 
had shown the vast political possibilities of the young 
colony, and opened a vista of future glories alike 
for Church and for King. 

So, when Tracy set sail he found no lack of fol- 
lowers. A throng of young nobles embarked with 
him, eager to explore the marvels and mysteries of 
the western world. The King gave him two hun- 
dred soldiers of the regiment of Carignan-Salieres, 
and promised that a thousand more should follow. 
After spending more than a year in the West Indies, 

1 Commission de Lieutenant General de VAmeriqne Meridionale et 
Septentrionale pour M. Prouville de Tracy, 19 Nov., 1G63. 


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whoi'o, as MotluiT iVIiiiy of the Iiiciiniiitlon expresaos 
it, ''ho iMJilormcd iiuirvelH and iiidiicud uveryljody to 
obi!di(3iict!," ho iit leiigtli Huilud up tliu St. Lavv- 
reiico, and on the thirtiotli of .Iiuio, lOOf), anchored in 
the basin of (Quebec. The Inoad, white Htanchii'd, 
lihizoned with the arms of France, [troclaiined the 
representative of royalty; and Point Levi and Capo 
Diamond and the distant C-ape Tourmente roared 
l)ack the sound of tiie saluting cannon. All Quebec 
was on the ram[)arts or at the landing-place, and all 
eyes were strained at the two vessels as they slowly 
emptied their crowded decks into the boats along- 
side. The boats at length drew near, and the 
lieutenant-general and his suite landed on the quay 
with a poinp siicli as Quebec had never seen before. 

Tracy was a veteran of sixty-two, portly and tall, 
"one of the largest men I ever saw," writes Mother 
Mary ; but he was sallow with disease, for fever had 
seized him, and it had fared ill with him on the long 
voyage. The Chevalier de Chaumont walked at his 
side, and young nobles surrounded him, gorgeous in 
lace and ribbons and majestic in leonine wigs. 
Twenty-four guards in the King's livery led the way, 
followed by four pages and six valets;^ and thus, 
while the Frenchmen shouted and the Indians stared, 
the august procession threaded the streets of the 
Lower Town, and climbed the steep pathway that 
scaled the cliffs above. Breathing hard, they reached 

^ Jucliereaii says that this was hia constant attendance when he 
went abroad. 

F !i 





the top, piisMcd oil tlm left tlu? (lila|)i(l:iU'<l vviills t>f 
the fort and tliu shed of iuiiiL;l('(l wood uml niaNoiiiy 
which tlion ])oro tlio rminu of the Custlo of Si. Louis; 
passed on tlio right tiio oUl houso of Couilhird and 
the site of Laval's now suniinary, and soon reaitiied 
the Hcjuaro l)Ot\vixt the Jesuit college and the cathe- 
dral. The bells were ringing in a frenzy of wel- 
come. Laval in pontilicals, surrounded by priests and 
Jesuits, stood waiting to receive the deputy of the 
King; and as he greeted Tracy and offered him the 
holy water, he looked with anxious curiosity to see 
what manner of man he was. The signs were auspi- 
cious. The deportment of the lieutenant-general left 
nothing to desire. A pric-dicu had been placed for 
him. He declined it. They offered him a cushion, 
but he would not have it; and, fevered as he was, 
he knelt on the bare pavement with a devotion that 
edified every beholdei'. Te Deum was sung, and a 
day of rejoicing followed. 

There was good cause. Canada, it was plain, was 
not to be wholly abandoned to a trading compan^ . 
Louis XIV. waf resolved that a new France should 
be added to the old. Soldiers, settlers, horses, sheep, 
cattle, young women for wives, were all sent out in 
abundance by his paternal benignity. Before the 
season was o\ -, about two thousand persons had 
landed at Quebec at the royal charge. " At length, " 
writes Mother Juciiereau, ' our joy was completed by 
the arrival of two vessels with Monsieur de Courcelle, 
our governor; Monsieur Talon, our intendant, and 

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tlio last companies of the regiment of Carignan." 
More state and splendor, more young nobles, more 
guards and valets : for Courcelle, too, says the same 
chronicler, "had a super!) train; and Monsieur 
Talon, who naturally loves glory, forgot nothings, 
which could do honor to the King." Thus a sun- 
beam from the court fell for a moment on the rock of 
Quebec. Yet all was not sunshine ; for the voyage 
had l)een a tedious one, and disease had broken out 
in the ships. That which bore Talon had been a 
hundred and seventeen days at sea,^ and others were 
liardly more fortunate. The hospital was crowded 
with the sick; so, too, were the Church and the 
neighboring houses ; and the nuns were so spent with 
their labors that seven of them were brought to the 
pt it of death. The priests were busied in convert- 
ing die Huguenots, a number of whom were detected 
among the soldiers and emigrants. One of them 
proved refractory, declaring with oaths that he would 
never renounce his faith. Falling dangerously ill, 
he was carried to the hospital, where Mother 
Catherine de Saint- Augustin bethought her of a plan 
of conversion. She giound to powder a small piece 
of a bone of Father BrJbeuf, the ^esuit martyr, and 
secretly mixed the 3acred dust with the patient's 
gruel; whereupon, says Mother Jucheveau, "this 
intractable man f-^rthwith became gentle as an angel, 
begged to be instructed, embraced the faith, and 

^ Tnli.T! an Ministre, 4 Ort., 1665. 




abjured his errors puljlicly with an admirable 
fervor. "1 

Two or three years before, the Church of Quebec 
had received a'* a gift from the Pope the bodies or 
bones of two saints, — Saint Flavian and Saint 
Fdlicitd. They were enclosed in four large coffers 
or reliquaries, and a grand procession was now 
ordered in their honor. Tracy, Courcelle, Talon, 
and the agent of the company bore the canopy of the 
Host. Then came the four coffers on four decorated 
litters, carried by the principal ecclesiastics. Laval 
followed in pontificals. Forty-seven priests, and a 
long file of officers, nobles, soldiers, and inhabitants, 
followed the precious relics amid the sound of music 
and the roar of cannon.^ 

" It is a ravishing thing, " says Mother Mary, " to 
see how marvellously exact is Monsieur de Tracy 
at all these holy ceremonies, where he is always the 
first to come, for he would not lose a single moment 
of them. He has been seen in church for six hours 
together, without once going out." But while the 
lieutenant-general thus edified the colony, he 
betrayed no lack of qualities equally needful in his 
position. In Canada, 'is in the West Indies, he 
showed both victor and conduct. First of all, he had 
been ordered to subdue or destroy the Iroquois ; and 
the regiment of Carignan-Salicres was the weapon 

1 Le Morcier tells the same story in the Rphit;„n of 1005. 
'^ Compare Marie de rinearnation, Lcttre 10 Oct., 1000, with La 
Tour, Vie de Laval, chap. x. 


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placed in his hands for this end. Four companios 
of tills corps had arrived early in the season; four 
more came with Tracy, more yet with Sali^res, 
their colonel, — and now the number was complete. 
As with slouched hat and plume, bandoleer, and 
shouldered firelock, these bronzed veterans of the 
Turkish wars marched at the tap of drum through 
the narrow street, or mounted the rugged way that 
led up to the fort, the inhabitants gazed with a sense 
of profound relief. Tame Indians from the neigh- 
boring missions, wild Indians from the woods, stared 
in silent wonder at their new defenders. Their 
numbers, their discipline, their uniform, and their 
martial bearing filled the savage beholders with 

Carignan-Salieres was the first regiment of regular 
troops ever sent to America by the French govern- 
ment. It was raised in Savoy by the Prince of 
Carignan in 1644, but was soon employed in the 
service of France; where, in 1652, it took a con- 
spicuous part, on the side of the King, in the battle 
with Condd and the Fronde at the Porte St. Antoine. 
After the peace of the Pyrenees, the Prince of 
Carignan, unable to support the regiment, gave it to 
the King, and it was, for the first time, incorporated 
into the French armies. In 1664 it distinguished 
itself, as part of the allied force of France, in the 
Austrian war against the Turks. In the next year 
it was ordered to America, along with the fragment 
of a regiment formed of Germans, the whole being 




placed under the command of Colonel de Salieres. 
Hence its double name.^ 

Fifteen heretics were discovered in its ranks, and 
quickly converted.^ Then the new crusade was 
preached, — the crusade against tlie Iroquois, enemies 
of God and tools of the Devil. The soldiers and 
the people were filled with a zeal half warlike and 
half religious. "They are made to understand," 
writes Mother Mary, " that this is a holy war, all for 
the glory of God and the salvation of souls. The 
fathers are doing wonders in inspiring them with 
true sentiments of piety and devotion. Fully five 
hundred soldiers have taken the scapulary of the 
Holy Virgin. It is we [the Ursulines], who make 
them; it is a real pleasure to do such work;" and 
she proceeds to relate a "beau miracle," by which 
God made known his satisfaction at the fervor of 
his military servants. 

1 For a long notice of the regiment of Carignan-Saliferea 
(Lorraine), see Susane, Ancienne fnfanterie Frangaisc, v. 236. The 
portion of it which returned to France from Canada formed a 
nucleus for tlie reconstruction of the regiment, wliich, under the 
name of the regiment of Lorraine, did not cease to exist as a sepa- 
rate organization till 1794. When it came to Canada it consisted, 
says Susane, of about a thousand men, besides about two hundred 
of the other regiment incorporated with it. »;ompare Meinoire du 
Roi/ pour servir d' instruction au Sieur Talon, which corresponds very 
nearly Avith Susane's statement. 

2 Besides thei:.e, there was lierthier, a captain. " Voilk," writes 
Talon to the King, " le lOme converti ; ainsi votre Ma jeste mois- 
sonne dejb, k pleines mains de la gloire pour 13ieu, et pour elle bien 
de la renommee dans toute I'etendue de la Chretiente." (Lett7-e du 
7 Oct., 1065.) 


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The secular motives for the war were in themselves 
strong enough; for the growth of the colony abso- 
lutely demanded the cessation of Iroquois raids, and 
the French had begun to learn the lesson that in the 
case of hostile Indians no good can come of attempts 
to conciliate, unless respect is first imposed ])y a 
sufficient castigation. It is true that the writers of 
the time paint Iroquois hostilities in their worst 
colors. In the innumerable letters which Mother 
Mary of the Incarnation sent home every autumn, 
by the returning ships, she spared no means to gain 
the sympathy and aid of the devout; and, with 
similar motives, the Jesuits in their printed Relations 
took care to extenuate nothing of the miseries which 
the pious colony endured. Avaugour too, in urg- 
ing the sending out of a strong force to fortify and 
hold the country, had advised that, in order to furnish 
a pretext and disarm the jealousy of the English and 
Dutch, exaggerated accounts should be given of 
danger from the side of the savage confederates. 
Yet, with every allowance, these dangers and suffer- 
ings were sufficiently great. 

The three upper nations of the Iroquois were com- 
paratively pacific; but the two lower nations, the 
Mohawks and Oneidas, were persistently hostile; 
making inroads into the colony by way of Lake 
Champlain and the Richelieu, murdering and scalp- 
ing, and then vanishing like ghosts. Tracy's first 
step war to send a strong detachment to the Richelieu 
to build a picket fort below tlie rapids of Chambly, 

,, the 
-)stilc ; 


|s.; alp- 






which take their name from that of the officer in 
command. An officer named Sorel soon afterwards 
built a second fort on the site of the abandoned 
palisade work built by Montmagny, at the mouth of 
the river, where the town of ;Sorel now stands ; and 
Saliores, colonel of the regiment, added a third fort, 
two or three leagues above Chambly.^ These forts 
could not wholly bar tie passage against the nimble 
and wily warriors who might pass them in the night, 
shouldering their ca)ioes through the woods. A 
blow, direct and hard, was needed, and Tracy 
prepared to strike it. 

Late in the season an embassy from the tliree 
upper nations — the Onondagas, Cayugas, and 
Senecas — arrived at Quebec, led by Garaconti(3, a 
famous chief whom the Jesuits had won over, and 
who proved ever after a stanch friend of the French. 
They brought back the brave Charles Le Moyne of 
Montreal, whom they had captured some three 
months before, and now restored as a peace-offering, 
taking credit to themselves that "not even one of his 
nails had been torn out, nor any part of his bod} 
burnt. "2 Garacontiu made a peace speech, which, as 
rendered by the Jesuits, was an admirable specimen of 
L'oquois eloquence; but while joining hands with him 
and his companions, the French still urged on tl ir 
preparations to chastise the contumacious Mohawks. 

1 See the map in the Rdalion of 1005. The accompany uig text 
of the Rdation is incorrect. 

2 Explanation of the eleven Presents of the Iroquois Ambassadors, 
N. Y. Colonial Does., ix. 37. 

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1C6C, 1667. 


CotiiiC'KLiJo's March: his FAinniE and Rktitrn. — Courcelle 

LISH. — DoLLiER i)E Casson AX St. Anne. — Peacb. — The 
Jesuits aj-d the Iitoguois. 

The govej'iior, Courcelle, says Father Le Mercier, 
"breathe'l nothing but war," and was bent on imme- 
diate action. He was for the present sul)ordinate to 
Tracy, wh( , liowever, forbore to cool his ardor, and 
allowed him to proceed. Tlie result was an enter- 
prise bold to rashness. Courcelle, with about five 
hundred men, ])repared to march in the depth of a 
Canadian winter to the Mohawk towns, — a distance 
estimated at three hundred leagues. Those who 
knew tlie country va'uly urged the risks and diffi- 
culties of the attempt. The adventurous governor 
held fast to his purpose, and only waited till the St. 
Lawrence should be well frozen. Early in January, 
it was a solid floor; and on the ninth the march 
l)trgan. Ollicers and men stopped at Sillery, and 
knelt in the little mission chapel before the shrine of 




Saint Michael, to ask the protection and aid of the 
warlike archangel; then they resumed their coarse, 
and, with their snow-shoes tied at their backs, 
walked with difficulty and toil over the bare and 
slippery ice. A keen wind swept the river, and the 
fierce cold gnawed them to the bone. Ears, noses, 
lingwis, hands, and knees were frozen; some fell 
in torpor, jind were dragged on by their comrades 
to the shivering bivouac. When, after a march of 
ninety miles, they reached Three Rivers, a consid- 
erable number were disabled, and had to be left 
behind; but others joined them from the garrison, 
and they set out agam. Ascending the Richelieu, 
and passing the new forts at Sorel and Chambly, 
they readied at the end of the month the tliird fort, 
called Ste. Thdrese. On the thirtieth they u^'. it, 
and continued their march up the frozen streani. 
About two hunared of them were Canadians, and 
of these seventy were old Indian-fighters from 
Montreal, versed in wood-craft, seasoned to the 
climate, and trained among dangers and alarms. 
Courcelle quickly learned their value, aaad his " Blue 
Goats," as he called them, were always placed in the 
van.^ Here, wrapped in their coarse blue capotes, 
with blankets and provisions strapped at their backs, 
they strode along on snow-shoes^ which recent storms 
had made indispensable. The regulars followed as 
they could. They were not yet the tough and 
experienced woodsmen that they and their descend- 

* DoUier de Casson^ llistoirK du Mottt'^ti^ \. d. IGGS, 1666. 


; i. 



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tiif: MOHAWKS chastised. 


ants afterwards l)ecainc; and their snow-slioeH embar- 
rassed tlu'iii, burdened as they were with the heavy 
hmds wliich all carried alike, from Conrcelle to the 
lowest private. 

Lake Champlain lay glaring in the winter sun, a 
sheet of spotless snow; and the wavy ridges of the 
Adirondacks bordered the dazzling landscape with 
the cold gray of their denudcul forests. The long 
procession of weary men crept slowly (m under the 
lee of the shore; and when night came tney bivouacked 
by squads among the trees, dug away the snow with 
their snow-shoes, piled it in a bank around them, 
built their fire in the middle, Jind crouched about it 
on beds of spruce or hemlock, ^ — while^ as they lay 
close packed for mutual warmth, the winter sky 
arched them like a vault of burnished steel, sparkling 
with the cold diamond lustre of its myriads of stars. 
This arctic serenity of the elements was varied at 
times by heavy snow-storms, and before they reached 
their iournf^y's end the earth and the ice were buried 
to the unusual depth of four feet. From Lake 
Champlain they passed to Lake George ^ and the 
frigid glories of its snow-wrapi)ed mountains, thence 
crossed to the Hudson, and groped their way through 
the woods in search of the Mohawk towns. They 

^ One of the men, tolling the story of their siifTeriiisis to Daniel 
Gookin, of Massaehuset s, indicated this as tlioir mode of encam])- 
ing. See Muss. Hist. Coll. first series, i. 161. 

^ Carte des (jrands lacs, Ontario ef ttulrcs . . . ct tics ixii/s trarcrsez 
par MM. de Tract/ et Courcelle pour aller atta(}icer les aynies [Mohnviks], 





soon went jistray; for thirty Alf,^oii([iiiiis, wlioni tliey 
had taken as j:jui(l(3s, had fonnd the niuans of a f^n-and 
dehanch at Fort Ste. Thdrose, dr\ink thunisolvcs into 
helplessness, and lin^-in'ed hehind. Thus Courcelle 
and his men mistook the path, and, marching by way 
of Sarato[,'a Lake and Lonij;- Lake,^ found themselves, 
on Saturday the twentieth of February, close to the 
little Dutch handet of Corlaer, or Schenectady. 
Here the chief man in authority told them that most 
of the Mohawks and Oneidas had gone to Avar with 
another tribe. They liowever caught a f''sv strag- 
glers, and had a smart skirmish with a party of 
warriors, losing an ollicer and several men. Half 
frozen and half starved, they encamped in the neigh- 
boring woods, where, on Sunday, three envoys 
appeared from All)any, to demand why they had 
invaded the territories of his Roj-al Highness the 
Duke of York. It was now that they learned for the 
first time that the New Netherlands had passed into 
English hands, a change which boded no good to 
Canada. The envoys seemed to take their explana- 
tions in good part, made them a present of wine and 
provisions, and allowed them to buy further supplies 
from the Dutch of Schenectady. They even invited 
them to enter the village, but Courcelle declined, — 
partly because the place could not hold them all, and 
partly because he feared that his men, once seated in 
a chimney-corner, couhl never be induced to leave it. 
Their position was cheerless enough ; for the vast 

1 Carte . . . des pays traversez par MM. de Tracij et Courcelle, etc. 


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beds of snow {iroiuul iliein were soaking slowly under 
ii sidlen ruin, and there was danger that the lakes 
might thaw and cut oil' their retreat. " Ye Mohaukes," 
says the old English report of the atYair, "were all 
gone to their Castles with resolution to light it out 
against the freneh, who, being refresht and supplyed 
w"* the aforesaid provisions, made a shew of marching 
towards the Mohaukes Castles, but with faces about, 
and great sylence and dilligenco, return'd towards 
Cannada." "Surely," observes the narrator, "so 
bould and hardy an attempt hath not hapned in any 
age."^ The end hardly answered to the beginning. 
The retreat, which began on Sunday night, was 
rather precipitate. The Mohawks hovered about 
their rear, and took a few prisoners ; but famine and 
cold proved more deadly foes, and sixty men perished 
before they reached the shelter of Fort Ste. Tlidrese. 
On the eighth of March, Courcelle came to the 
neighboring fort of St. Louis or Cluunbly. Here ho 
found the Jesuit Albanel acting as chaplain; and, 
being in great ill humor, he charged him with caus- 
ing the failure of the expedition by detaining the 
Algonquin guides. This singular notion took such 
possession of him, that, when a few days after he 
met the Jesuit Fr(3min at Three Rivers, he embraced 
him ironically, saying, at the same time, "My father, 
I am the unluckiest gentleman in the world; and 

1 ^l Relallim <>fthe Govern'', of Cannada, his March wUhiS'M Vo/.un- 
teirs into if Terrifori/es of His lioi/all IJi^hnesse the Duke of Yorke in 
America. Sue Doc. Hist. N. Y. i. 71. 


' h 


ie in 




you, iind the rest of you, jiiu tlie; cause of it." • Tlic 
pious Tracy and tlie piudcut Talou tried to disarm 
his suspic'ons, and with sucii success that ho gave up 
nil intention he had entertained of discarding Iiis 
Jesuit confessor, and forgot or forgave the iinjigiucd 

Unfortunate as this expedition was, it produced 
a strong effect on tlse Iroquois hy convincing them 
that tlicir forest homes were no safe asyhnn from 
Frencli attacks. In May, the Senecas sent an end)assy 
of peace; and the other nations, inchiding the 
Mohawks, soon foHowed. Tracy, on his part, sent 
the Jesuit Beclud'er to learn on the spot the real 
temper of the savages, and ascertain whether peace 
could safely be made with them. The Jesuit was 
scarcely gone when news came that a party of ollicers 
hunting near the outlet of Lake Champlain had been 
set upon by the Mohawks, and that seven of them 
had been captured or killed. Among the captured 
was Leroles, a cousin of Tracy; and among the 
killed was a young gentleman named Chasy, his 

On this the Jesuit envoy was recalled; twenty- 
four Iroquois deputies were seized and imprisoned; 
and Sorel, captain in the regiment of Carignan, was 
sent with three hundred men to chastise the per- 
fidious Mohawks. If, as it seems, he was exi)ected 
to attack their fortified towns or ""castles," as the 
English call them, his force was too small. This 

1 Journal des Jesuitcs, Mars, l(j()G. 



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(716) 873-4503 








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time, however, there was no figliting. At two days 
from his journey's end, Sorel met the famous chief 
called the Flemish Hastard, bringing back Leroles 
and his fellow-cai)tives, and charged, as he alleged, 
to offer full satisfaction for the murder of Chasy. 
Sorel believed him, retraced his course, and with 
the Bastard in his train returned to Quel)ec. 

Quebec was full of Iroquois deputies, all bent on 
peace or pretending to be so. On the last day of 
August there was a grand council in the garden of 
the Jesuits. Some days later, Tracy invited the 
Flemish 15astard and a Mohawk chief named Agariata 
to his table, when allusion was made to the murder 
of Chasy. On this the Mohawk, stretching out his 
arm, exclaimed in a braggart tone, "This is the hand 
that split the head of that young man." The indig- 
nation of the company may be imagined. Tracy told 
his insolent guest that he should never kill anybody 
else ; and he was led out and hanged in presence of 
the Bastard.^ There was no more talk of peace. 
Tracy prepared to march in person against the 
Mohawks with all the force of Canada. 

On the day of the Exaltation of the Cross, "for 
whose glory," says the chronicler, "this expedition 

1 Tliis story rests rhiofly on the authority of Nicholas IVrrot, 
il/«M/*.s lies S(innti/>'s, 113. La I'otlu'rli' also tolls it, with the ad- 
dition of the chief's name. Colden follows him. The Jounial des 
./esnitfs mentions that the chief who led the murderers of Cliasy 
arrived at Quebec on the sixth of September. Marie de I'lncarna- 
tion mentions the hanging of an Iroquois at Quebec, late in the 
autumn, for violating the peace. 




(/ (Irs 




is undertaken," Tracy and Courcelle left Quebec 
witli tliirteen hundred men. They crossed Lake 
Champlain, and launched their boats again on the 
waters of St. Sacrament, now Lake George. It was 
the first of the warlike pageants that have made that 
fair scene historic. October had begun, and the 
romantic wilds breathed the buoyant life of the most 
inspiring of American seasons, when the blue-jay 
scre.ams from the woods, the wild duck splashes 
along the lake, and the echoes of distant mountains 
prolong the quavering cry of the loon ; when weather- 
stained rocks are plumed with the fiery crimson of 
the sumach, the claret hues of young oaks, the aml)er 
and scarlet of the maple, and the solder purple of the 
ash ; or when gleams of sunlight, shot aslant through 
the rents of cool autumnal clouds, chase fitfully along 
the glowing sides of painted mountains. Amid this 
gorgeous euthanasia of the dying season, the three 
hundred boats and canoes trailed in long procession 
up the lake, threaded the labyrinth of the Narrows, 
— that sylvan fairy-land of tufted islets and quiet 
waters, — and landed at length where Fort William 
Henry was afterwards built.* 

About a hundred miles of forests, swamps, rivers, 
and mountains still lay between them and the 
Mohawk towns. There seems to have been an 
Indian path, for this was the ordinary route of the 
Mohawk and Oneida war-parties; but the path was 
narrow, broken, full of gullies and pitfalls, crossed 

^ Carte . . . dcs pays traversez par MM. de Tracif et Conrvelle, etc. 

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by streams, and in one place interrupted by a lake 
which they passed on rafts. A hundred and ten 
"Blue Coats," of Montreal, led the way, under 
Charles Le Moyne; Repentigny commanded the 
levies from Quebec. In all there were six hundred 
Canadians, six hundred regulars, and a hundred 
Indians from the missions, who ranged the woods 
in front, flank, and rear, like hounds on the scent. 
Red or white, Canadians or regulars, all were full of 
zeal. "It seems to them," writes Mother Mary, 
" that they are going to lay siege to Paradise, and 
win it and enter in, because they are fighting for 
religion and the faith."* Their ardor was rudely 
tried. Officers as well as men carried loads at their 
backs, whence ensued a large blister on the shoulders 
of the Chevalier de Chaumont, in no way used to such 
burdens. Tracy, old, heavy, and infirm, was inop- 
portunely seized with the gout. A Swiss soldier 
tried to carry him on his shoulders across a rapid 
stream ; but midway his strength failed, and he was 
barely able to deposit his ponderous load on a rock. 
A Huron came to his aid, and bore Tracy safely to 
the farther bank. Courcelle was attacked with 
cramps, and had to be carried for a time like his 
commander. Provisions gave out, and men and 
officers grew faint with hunger. The Montreal 
soldiers had for chaplain a sturdy priest, Dollier de 
Casson, as large as Tracy and far stronger; for the 
incredible story is told of him that when in good 
* Marie de I'lncarnation, Lettre du 10 Oct., 1600. 





11 « " 

condition he could hold two men seated on his 
extended hands. ^ Now, however, he was equal to 
no such exploit, being not only deprived of food, l)ut 
also of sleep, by the necessity of listening at night to 
the confessions of his pious flock ; and his shoes, too, 
had failed him, nothing remaining but the upper 
leather, which gave him little comfort among the 
sharp stones. He bore up manfully, being by nature 
brave and light-hearted; and when a servant of the 
Jesuits fell into the water, he threw off his cassock 
and leaped after him. His strength gave out, and 
the man was drowned; but a grateful Jesuit led 
him aside, and requited his efforts with a morsel of 
bread.2 A wood of chestnut-tret.;" full of nuts at 
length stayed the hunger of the famished troops. 

It was Saint Theresa's day when they approached 
the lower Mohawk town. A storm of wind and rain 
set in; but, anxious to surprise the enemy, they 
pushed on all night amid the moan and roar of the 
forest, — over slippery logs, tangled roots, and oozy 
mosses, under dripping boughs and through saturated 
bushes. This time there was no want of good 
guides; and when in the morning they issued from 
the forest, they saw, amid its cornfields, the palisades 
of the Indian stronghold. They had two small pieces 
of cannon brought from the lake by relays of men, 
but they did not stop to use them. Their twenty 

^ Grandet, Notice manuscrite sur Dollier de Casson, extract given 
by J. Vigor in appendix to Ilistoh'e dn Montreal (Montreal, 1808). 
'-* Dollier de Casson, Ilisloire dii Montrad, a. d. 1005, 1000. 

! I 






drums heat the cluirge, and tliey advanced to seize 
the phice hy coup-dc-main. Luckily for them, a 
panic liad seized the Indians: not that they were 
t;iken by suij)rise, for tliey liad discovered the 
api)roaching Frencli, and, two days before, had sent 
away their women and cliihlren in preparation for a 
desperate fis^ht; hut the din of the drums, which 
they took for so many devils in the French service, 
and the ai'ined men advancing from the rocks and 
thickets in files that seemed interminable, so wrought 
on the scared imagination of the warriors that they 
fled in terror to their next town, a short distance 
above. Tracy lost no time, but hastened in pursuit. 
A few Mohawks were seen on the hills, yelling and 
firing too far for effect, llepentigny, at the risk of his 
scalp, climbed a neighboring height, and looked down 
on the little army, which seemed so numerous as it 
passed beneath, "that," writes the superior of the Ur- 
sulines, "he told me that he thought the good angels 
must have joined with it: whereat he stood amazed." 
The second town or fort was taken as easily as 
the first; so, too, were the third and the fourth. 
The Indians yelled, and fled without killing a man ; 
and still the troops pursued, following the broad 
trail which led from town to town along the valley 
of the Mohawk. It was late in the afternoon when 
the fourth town was entered, ^ and Tracy thought 

1 Mario de rincarnatlon says that there were four towns in all. 
T follow the Arte ih prise de possession, made on the spot. Five are 
hero mentioned. 

I man ; 



I when 


in all. 
rive are 




that his work was done; but an Algonquin squaw 
who had followed her husband to the war, and w)io 
had once been a prisoner among the Mohawks, told 
liim that there was still another above. The sun 
was near its setting, and the men were tired with 
their pitiless marching; but again the order was 
given to .advance. The eager squaw showed the 
way, holding a pistol in one hand and leading 
Courcelle with the other; and they soon came in 
sight of Andaraqu^, the largest and strongest of the 
Mohawk forts. The drums beat with fury, and the 
troops prepared to attack; but there were none to 
oppose them. The scouts sent forward reported that 
the warriors had fled. The last of the savage strong- 
holds was in the hands of the French. 

"God has done for us," says Mother Mary, "what 
he did in ancient days for his chosen people, — strik- 
ing terror into our enemies, insomuch that we were 
victors without a blow. Certain it is that there is 
hiiracle in all this ; for if the Iroquois had stood fast, 
they would have given us a great deal of trouble 
and caused our army great loss, seeing how they 
were fortified and armed, and how haughty and bold 
they are." 

The French were astonished as they looked about 

them. These Iroquois forts were very different 

from those that Jogues had seen here twenty years 

liefore, or from that which in earlier times set 

Champlain and his Hurons at defiance. The Mohawks 

had had counsel and aid from their Dutch friends, 


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m I ] 

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and adapted their savage deftniccs to the rules of 
European art. Andaraqud was a quadrangle formed 
of a triple palisade, twenty feet high, and flanked by 
four bastions. Large vessels of bark filled with 
water were placed on the platforms of the palisade 
for defence against fire. The dwellings which these 
fortifications enclosed Avere in many cases built of 
wood, though the form and arrangement of the 
primitive bark-lodge of the Iroquois seems to have 
been preserved. Some of the wooden houses were a 
hundred and twenty feet long, with fires for eight 
or nine families. Here, and in subterranean caches^ 
was stored a prodigious quantity of Indian-corn and 
other provisions; and all the dwellings were sup- 


plied with carpenters' tools, domestic utensils, and 
many other appliances of comfort. 

The only living things in Andaraqud, when the 
French entered, were two old women, a small boy, 
and a decrepit old man, who, being frightened by 
the noise of the drums, had hidden himself under 
a canoe. From them the victors learned that the 
Mohawks, retreating from the other towns, had 
gathered here, resolved to fight to the last; but at 
sight of the troops their courage failed, and the 
chief was first to run, crying out, "Let us save 
ourselves, brothers I the whole world is coming 
against us I " 

A cross was planted, and at its side the royal 
arms. The troops were drawn up in battle array, 
when Jean Baptiste du Bois, an officer deputed by 

n the 


3d by- 



id by 




Tmcy, advancing sword in hand to the front, pro- 
claimed in a lon«l voice that he took possession in 
the name of the King of all the conntiy of the 
Mohawks ; and the troops shouted three times, Vive 
le lioi.^ 

That night a mighty bonfire illumined the Mohawk 
forests; and the scared savages from their hiding- 
places among the rocks saw their palisades, their 
dwellings, their stores of food, [ind all their posses- 
sions turned to cinders and ashes. The two old 
squaws captured in the town threw themselves in 
despair into the flames of their blazing homes. 
When morning came, there was nothing left of 
Andaraqu<3 but smouldering eml)ers, rolling their 
pale smoke against the painted background of the 
October woods. Te Deum was sung and mass said ; 
and then the victors began their backward march, 
— burning, as they went, all the remaining forts, 
with all their hoarded stores of corn, except such as 
they needed for themselves. If they had failed to 
destroy their enemies in battle, they hoped that 
winter and famine would cio the work of shot and 

While there was distress among the Mohawks, 
there was trouble among their English neighbors, 
who claimed as their own the country which Tracy 
had invaded. The English authorities were the 
more disquieted, because they feared that the lately 
conquered Dutch might join hands with the French 

1 Acte de prise de possession, 17 Oct., 1606. 

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against tluMii. Wlien Nicolls, governor of New 
York, hoard of Tracy's advance, he wrote to the 
govornois of the New Enghmd colonies, begging 
tlieni to join liini .against the Frencli invaders, and 
urging tliat if Tracy's force were destroyed or 
captured, tlie conquest of Canada would be an easy 
task. Tlicre was war at the time between the two 
Crowns; and the British court had already enter- 
tained this project of conquest, and sent orders to 
its colonies to that effect. But the New England 
governors — ill prepared for war, and fearing that 
their Indian neighbors, who were enemies of the 
Mohawks, might take part with the French — hesi- 
tated to act, and the affair ended in a correspondence, 
civil if not sincere, between Nicolls and Tracy.* 
The treaty of Brdda, in the following year, secured 
peace for a time l)etween the rival colonies. 

The return of Tracy was less fortunate than his 
advance. The rivers, swollen by autumn rains, 
were diflficult to pass; and in crossing Lake Cham- 
plain two canoes were overset in a storm, and eight 
men were drowned. From St. Anne, a new fort 
built early in the summer on Isle La Motte, near the 
northern end of the lake, he sent news of his success 
to Quebec, where there was great rejoicing and a 
solemn thanksgiving. Signs and prodigies had not 
been wanting to attest the interest of the upper and 
nether powers in the crusade against the myrmidons 

^ See the correspondence in N. Y. Col. Docs., iii. 118-150. Com- 
pare Uutchinson Collection, 407, and Mass. Hist. Coll., xviii. 102. 



ar the 
and a 
id not 
er and 


1666.] THE CUllfi OF ST. ANNE. 261 

of hell. At one of the forts on the Richelieu, " the 
soldiei-s," says Mother Mary, "were near dying of 
fright. They saw a great fiery cavern in the sky, 
and from this cavern came [)laiiitive voices mixed 
with frightful howlings. iVrhaps it was the demons, 
enraged l)ecause we had depopulated a cf>untry 
where they had heeu masters so l(mg, and had said 
mass and sung the pmises of God in a place where 
there had never before been anything but foulness 
and abomination." 

Tracy had at firet meant to abandon Fort St. 
Anne; but he changed his mind after returning to 
Quebec. Meanwhile the season had grown so late 
that there was no time to send proper supplies to the 
garrison. Winter closed, and the place was not 
only ill-provisioned, but was left without a priest. 
Tracy wrote to the superior of the Sulpitians at 
Montreal to send one without delay; but the request 
was more easily made than fulfilled, for he forgot to 
order an escort, and the way was long and dangerous. 
The stout-hearted DoUier de Casson was told, how- 
ever, to hold himself refidy to go at the first oppor- 
tunity. His recent campaigning had left him in no 
condition for braving fresh hardships, for he was 
nearly disabled by a swelling on one of his knees. 
By way of cure he resolved to try a severe bleeding, 
and the Sangrado of Montreal did his work so 
thoroughly that his patient fainted under his hands. 
As he returned to consciousness, he became aware 
that two soldiei-s had entered the room. They told 

I » 











) ' 





liiiii tliJit they were g<»iii^ in the morning to Chsunbly, 
wiiieh wiiH on tiie way to St. Anne; and they invited 
him to go witli them. "Wait till tlio day aftt^r 
to-moirow," n'[»li('d tlio priest, "and I will try." 
The delay was ol)tained; an<l on the day fixed tho 
party set out by tho forest path to C'luunbly, a dis- 
tance of about four leagues. When tlujy reached it, 
Dollier de (^asson was nearly spent; but he concealed 
his plight from tho commanding ollicer, and begged 
an escort to St. Anue, some twenty leagues farther. 
As the officer would not give him one, ho threatened 
to go alone, on which ten men and an ensign wore 
at last ordered to conduct him. Thus attended, lio 
resumed his journey after a day's rest. One of the 
soldiei's fell through the ice, and none of his com- 
rades dared help him. DoUior de Casson, making 
tho sign of the cross, went to his aid, and, more 
successful than on tho former occasion, caught him 
and pulled him out. The snow was deep; and the 
priest, having arrived in the preceding summer, had 
never before worn snow-shoes, while a sack of cloth- 
ing, and his portable chapel which he carried at his 
back, joined to the pain of his knee and the effects 
of his late bleeding, made the march a purgatory. 

He was sorely needed at Fort St. Anne. There 
was pestilence in the garrison. Two men had just 
died without absolution, w^hile more were at the 
point of death, and praying for a priest. Thus it 
happened that when the sentinel descried far off, 
on the ice of Lake Champlain, a squad of soldiers 

t the 
lus it 


TlIK ('UKfi or ST. ANNK. 


i4>[U'()aL'liiii^, iiiid among t!icni a black canuock, every 
ollicer uiitl man not sick or on duty came out with 
one accord to meet tlie new-comer. They over- 
whehucd liim with welcome and with thanks. One 
took liis sack, another his portable chapel, and they 
led him in triumph to the fort. Fii-st he made a 
HJujrt prayer, then went his rounds among the sick, 
and then came to refresh himself with the ofHcers. 
Here was La Motto de la Luci^re, the conmiandant; 
I^a DuranUiye, a name destined to be famous in 
Canadian annals; and a numlx3r of young subcilterns. 
The scene was no strange one to Dollier de Casson, 
for he had l)een an officer of cavalry in his time, and 
fought under Turenne;^ a good soldier, without 
doubt, at the mess table or in the field, and none the 
worse a priest that he had once followed the wars, 
lie was of a lively humor, given to jests and mirth ; 
as pleasant a father as ever said Benedicite. The 
soldier and the gentleman still lived under the cas- 
sock of the priest. He was greatly respected and 
lx3loved; and his influence as a peacF ii.ier, whiith 
he often had occasion to exercise, is said t( have been 
remarkable. When the time demandju it, he could 
use arguments more cogent than those of moral 
suasion. Once, in a camp of Algonquins, when, as 
he was kneeling in prayer, an insolent savage came 
to interrupt him, the father, without rising, knocked 
the intruder flat by a blow of his fist; and the other 

1 Grandet, Notice manuscrite sur Dollier de Casson, extracts from 
copy in possession of the late Jacques Viger. 



Kr \ 






If. i. 












Indians, far from being displeased, were filled with 
admiration at the exploit.^ 

His cheery temper now stood him in good stead ; 
for there was dreaiy work before him, and he was 
not the man to flinch from it. The garrison of St. 
Anne had nothing to live on but salt pork and half- 
spoiled flour. Their hogshead of vinegar had sprung 
a leak, and the contents had all oozed out. They 
had rejoiced in the supposed possession of a reason- 
able stock of brandy ; but they soon discovered that 
the sailors, on the voyage from France, had emptied 
the casks and filled them again with salt-water. The 
scurvy broke out with fury. In a short time, forty 
out of the sixty men became victims of the loathsome 
malady. Day or night, Dollier de Casson and 
Forestier, the equally devoted young surgeon, had 
no rest. The surgeon's strength failed, and the 
priest was himself slightly attacked with the disease. 
Eleven men died ; and others languished for want of 
help, for their comrades shrank from entering the 
infected dens where they lay. In their extremity 
some of them devised an ingenious expedient. 
Though they had nothing to bequeath, they made 
wills in which they left imaginary sums of money to 
those who had befriended them; and thenceforth 
they found no lack of nursing. 

In the intervals of his labors, Dollier de Casson 
would run to and fro for warmth and exercise on a 

1 Grandet, Notice manuscrife sur Dollier de Casson, cited by Fail- 
Ion, Colonic Franfaise, iii. 396, 396. 





certain track of beaten snow, l)etween two of the 
bastions, reciting his breviary as he went, so that 
those who saw him mi.jht have thought him out of 
his wits. One day La Motte called out to him as he 
was thus engaged, "Eh, Monsieur le curd, if the 
Iroquois should come, you must defend that bastion. 
My men are all deserting me, and going over to you 
and the doctor." To which the father replied, "Get 
me some litters with wheels, and I will bring them 
out to man my bastion. They are brave enough 
now; no fear of their running away." V/ith banter 
like this, they sought to beguile their miseries ; and 
thus the winter wore on at Fort St. Anne.^ 

Early in spring they saw a troop of Iroquois 
approaching, and prepared as well as they could to 
make fight; but the strangers proved to be ambassa- 
dors of peace. The destruction of the Mohawk 
towns had produced a deep effect, not on that nation 
alone, but also on the other four meml)ei*s of the 
league. They w^ere disposed to confirm the promises 
of peace which they had already made; and Tracy 
had spurred their good intentions by sending them 
a message that unless they quickly presented them- 
selves at Quebec, he would hang all the chiefs whom 
he had kept prisonere after discovering their treach- 


{ <i 

' ^ fit! 





■ i\ 



\ I 

I i 

t 4 



i A,rw 

1 The above curious incidents are told by DoUier de Casson, in his 
Tlistoire dii Montreal, preserved in manuscript in tlie Mazarin Jvibrary 
at Paris. He gives no hint that the person in question was himself, 
but speaks of him as un ecrlesinstlqiie. His identity is, however, 
made certain by internal evidence, by a passage in the Notice of 
Grandet, and by other contemporary allusions. 



\ - 






t '. ' 


1 -' 

: -: ■ 

\i \m 





El a 

1 ■' 

ery in the preceding summer. The threat had its 
effect : deputies of the Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, 
and Senecas presently arrived in a temper of befitting 
humility. The Mohawks were at fii'st afraid to 
come; but in April they sent the Flemish Bastard 
witli overtures of pea^e, and in July a large deputa- 
tion of their chiefs appeared at Quebec. They and 
the rest left some of their families as hostages, and 
promised that if any of their people should kill a 
Frenchman, they would give them up to be hanged.^ 
They begged, too, for blacksmiths, surgeons, and 
Jesuits to live among them. The presence of the 
Jesuits in their towns was in many ways an advan- 
tage to them; while to the colony it W£i8 of the 
greatest importance. Not only was conversion to 
the Church justly regarded as the best means of 
attaching the Indians to the French and alienating 
them from the English ; but the Jesuits living in the 
midst of them could influence even those whom they 
could not convert, soothe rising jealousies, counter- 
act English intrigues, and keep the rulers of the 
colony informed of all that was passing in the 
Iroquois towns. Thus, half Christian missionaries, 
half political agents, the Jesuits prepared to resume 
the hazardous mission of the Iroquois. Fr^min and 
Pierron were ordered to the Mohawks, Bruyas to 
the Oneidas, and three others were named for the 

1 Lettre du Pere Jean Pierron, de la Compagnie de Jesus, escripte 
de la Motte [Fort Ste. Anne] sur le lac Champlain, le 12me d'aoust, 

■' !■! ;1 





remaining three nations of the league. The troops 
had made the peace ; the Jesuits were the rivets to 
hold it fast, — and peace endured without absolute 
rupture for nearly twenty years. Of all the French 
expeditions against the Iroquois, that of Tracy was 
the most productive of good. 

Note. — On Tracy's expedition ajrainst the Mohawks compare 
Faillon, Histoire de la Colonie Franfaise au Canada, iii. 

f \\ 


• M 



^ I 


' • ' ' 



1 .- . 


im I II 



Talon. — Restriction and Monopoly. — Views of Colbert. — 
Political Galvanism.— A Father of the People. 

Tracy's work was done, and he left Canada with 
the glittering noblesse in his train. Courcelle and 
Talon remained to rule alone; and now the great 
experiment was begun. Paternal royalty would try 
its hand at building up a colony, and Talon was its 
chosen agent. His appearance did him no justice. 
The regular contour of his oval face, about which 
fell to his shoulders a cataract of curls, natural or 
supposititious; the smooth lines of his well-formed 
features, brows delicately arched, and a mouth more 
suggestive of feminine sensibility than of masculine 
force, — would certainly have misled the disciple of 
Lavater.i Yet there was no want of manhood in 
him. He was most happily chosen for the task 
placed in his hands, and from first to last approved 
himself a vigorous executive officer. He was a true 

1 His portrait is at the Hotel Dieu of Quebec. An engraving 
from it will be found in the third volume of Shea's Charlevoix. 

) li 




disciple of Colbert, formed in his school and animated 
by liis spirit. 

Being on the spot, he was better able than his 
master to judge the working of the new order of 
things. With regard to the company, he writes that 
it will profit by impoverishing the colony; that its 
monopolies dishearten the people and paralyze enter- 
prise; that it is thwarting the intentions of the 
King, who wishes trade to be encouraged; and that 
if its exclusive privileges are maintained, Canada in 
ten years will be less populous than now.^ But 
Colbert clung to his plan, though he wrote in ^oply 
that to satisfy the colonists he had persuaded the 
company to forego the monopolies for a year.^ As 
this proved insufficient, the company was at length 
forced to give up permanently its right of exclusive 
trade, still exacting its share of beaver and moose 
skins. This was its chief source of profit; it 
begrudged every sou deducted from it for charges of 
government, and the King was constantly obliged to 
do at his own cost that which the company should 
have done. In one point it showed a ceaseless activ- 
ity ; and this was the levying of duties, in which it 
was never known to fail. 

Trade, even after its exercise was permitted, wns 
continually vexed by the hand of authority. One of 
Tracy's first measures had been to issue a decree 
reducing the price of wheat one half. The council 

» Talon a Colbert, 4 Oct., 1665. 
2 Colbert it Talon, 6 Avril, 1666. 

:v ♦ 




i i 

, 1 


■ 'i . 


■ « 







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I I 


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took up the work of regulation, and fixed the price 
of all im^jorted goods in three several tariffs, — one 
for Quebec, one for Three Rivers, and one for 
Montreal.^ It may well be believed that there was 
in Canada little capital and little enterprise. Indus- 
trially and commercially, the colony was almost 
dead. Talon set himself to galvanize it ; and if one 
man could have supplied the intelligence and energy 
of a whole community, the results would have been 

He had received elaborate instructions, and they 
indicate an ardent wish for the prosperity of Canada. 
Colbert had written to him that the true means to 
strengthen the colony was to " cause justice to reign, 
establish a good police, protect the inhabitants, dis- 
cipline them against enemies, and procure for them 
peace, repose, and plenty. "^ "And as," the minister 
further says, "the King regards his Canadian sub- 
jects, from the highest to the lowest, almost as his 
own children, and wishes them to enjoy equally with 
the people of France the mildness and happiness of 
his reign, the Sieur Talon will study to solace them 
in all things, and encourage them to trade and 
industry. And, seeing that nothing can better pro- 
mote this end than entering into the details of their 
households and of all their little affairs, it will not be 
amiss that he visit all their settlements one after the 
other in order to learn their true condition, provide 

1 Tiiriff of Prices, in N. Y. Colonial Docs. ix. 36. 

2 Colbert a Talon, 6 Avril, 1006. 




as much as possible for their wiuits, mid, performing 
the duty of a good head of a family, put them in the 
way of mfiking some profit." The intendant was 
also told to encourage fathei-s to inspire their children 
with piety, together with " profound love and respect 
for the royal person of his Majesty. " ^ 

Talon entered on his work with admirable zeal. 
Sometimes he used authority, sometimes pei-suasion, 
sometimes promises of reward. Sometimes, again, he 
tried the force of example. Thus he built a ship to 
show the people how to do it, and rouse them to 
imitation.^ Three or four years later, the experi- 
ment was repeated. This time it was at the cost of 
the King, who applied the sum of forty thousand 
livres ^ to the double purpose of promoting the art of 
ship-building, and saving the colonists from vagrant 
habits by giving them employment. Talon wrote 
that three hundred and fifty men had been supplied 
that summer with work at the charge of government.* 

He despatched two engineers to search for coal, 
lead, iron, copper, and other minerals. Important 
discoveries of iron were made ; but three generations 
were destined to pass before the mines were success- 
fully worked.*^ The copper of Lake Superior raised 

1 Instruction ati Sieur Talon, 27 Mars, 1666. 

2 Talon a Colbert, Odobre, 1067 ; Colbert a Talon, 20 /Vy., 1668. 
8 D^peche de Colbert, 11 F(fv., 1071. 

♦ Talon a Colbert, 2 Nov., 1071. 

•• Charlevoix speaks of these mines as having been "orgotten for 
seventy years, and rediscovered in his time. After passing through 
various hands, they were finally worked on the King's account. 

. ' 4 



1 it» 


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« 11: 

• 1 ,11 

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the intendant's liopes for a time, but lie was soon 
forced to the conclusion it was too remote to he 
of prfictical value. He labored vigorously to develop 
arts and manufactures; made a bairel of tar, and 
sent it to the King as a specimen; caused some of 
the colonists to make cloth of the wool of the sheep 
which the King had sent out; encouraged others to 
establish a tanneiy, and also a factory of hats and of 
shoes. The Sieur FoUin was induced by the grant 
of a monopoly to l)egin the making of soap and 
potash. 1 The i)eople were ordered to grow hemii,^ 
and urged to gather the nettles of the country as 
material for cordage; and the Ursulines were sup- 
plied with flax and wool, in order that they might 
teach girls to weave and spin. 

Talon was especially anxious to establish trade 
between Canada and the West Indies ; and, to make 
a beginning, he freighted the vessel he had built with 
salted cod, salmon, eels, pease, fish-oil, staves, and 
planks, and sent her thither to exchange her cargo for 
sugar, which she was in turn to exchange in France 
for goods suited for the Canadian market.^ Another 
favorite object with him was the fishery of seals and 
white porpoises for the sake of their oil; and some 
of the chief merchants were urged to undertake it, 
as well as the establishment of stationary cod-fisheries 
along the Lower St. Lawrence. But, with every 

1 Ke'ijistre du Conseil Souvt, ain. 

2 Marie de I'lncarnation, C/ioix des Leifres de, 371. 
8 Le Mercier, Jicl. 1007, 3 ; iJe'jieches de Talun. 



o be 


le of 


iY» to 

ikI of 


) and 


try as 

3 sup- 

L trade 
3 make 
ilt witli 
es, and 
go for 
^^ ranee 
als and 
id some 
take it, 
h every 




encouragement, many years passed before this valu- 
able industry was placed on a tirm basis. 

Talon saw with concern the huge consumption of 
wine and brandy among the settlei-s, costing them, as 
he wrote to Coll)ert, a hundred thousand livres a year; 
and to keep tliis money in the colony, he declared 
his intention of building a brewery. The minister 
approved the plan, not only on economic grounds, 
but because " the vice of drunkenness would thereafter 
cause no more scandal by reason of the cold nature 
of beer, the vapors whereof rarely deprive men of tlie 
use of judgment."^ The brewery was accordingly 
built, to the great satisfaction of the poorer colonists. 

Nor did the active intendant fail to acquit himself 
of the duty of domiciliary visits, enjoined upon him 
by the royal instructions, — a point on which he was 
of one mind with his superiors, for he writes that 
"those cliarged in this country with his Majesty's 
affairs are under a strict obligation to enter into the 
detail of families." ^ Accordingly, we learn from 
Mother Juchereau that "he studied with the affec- 
tion of a father how to succor the poor and cause the 
colony to grow; entered into the minutest particu- 
lars; visited the houses of the inhabitants, and 
caused them to visit him; learned what crops each 
one was raising ; taught those who had wheat to sell 
it at a profit, helped those who had none, and 
encouraged everybody." And Dollier de Casson 

1 Colbert a Talon, 20 F^v., 1668. 

2 M€moire de 1667. 



» :'ir^i 

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■1^ !'1J 

3 ■ 

!l .1 ^ 










roiMosonts him as visiting in turn ovory lumso at 
Montreal, and giving aid from tlie King to siicli as 
needed it.* Horses, cattle, sheep, and other domestic 
animals were sent out at the ro^-al charge in consider- 
able numl)ers, and distributed gratuitously, with an 
order that none of the young should be killed till the 
countiy was sufficiently stocked. Large quantities 
of goods were also sent from the same high quarter. 
Some of these were distributed as gifts, and the rest 
bartered for corn to supply the troops. As the 
intendant perceived that the farmers lost much time 
in coming from their distant clearings to buy neces- 
saries at Quebec, he caused his agents to furnish 
them with the King's goods at their own houses, — 
to the great annoyance of the merchants of Quebec, 
who complained that their accustomed trade was thus 
forestalled. 2 

These were not the only cares which occupied the 
mind of Talon. He tried to open a road across the 
country to Acadia, — an almost impossible task, in 
which he and his successors completely failed. 
Under his auspices, Albanel penetrated to Hudson's 
Bay, and Saint-Lusson took possession in the King's 
name of the country of the Upper Lakes. It was 
Talon, in short, who prepared the way for the 
remarkable series of explorations described in another 
work. 3 Again and again he urged upon Colbert and 

1 Ilistoire du Montreal, A. D. 1666, 1667. 

2 Talon a Colbert, 10 Nov., 1670. 

'^ La Salle, and the Discovery of the Great West. 


! at 
I as 
i an 




1 rest 


es, — 
8 thus 



,sk, in 
t was 
lor the 
Brt and 





the King a measure from which, luul it tiiken effect, mo- 
mentous consequences nuist have sprung. This was 
the purchase or seizure of New York, — involving the 
isolation of New England, the suhjection of the Iroquois, 
and the undisputed control of half the continent. 

Great as were his opportunities of ahusing his 
trust, it does not appear that ho took advantage of 
them. He held lands and houses in Canada,^ owned 
the brewery which he had established, and embarked 
in various enterprises of productive industry; but, 
so far as I can discover, he is nowhere accused of 
making illicit gains, and there is eason to Ixjlieve 
that he acquitted himself of his charge with ontire 
fidelity. 2 His health failed in 1G68, and for this and 
other causes he asked for his recall. Colbert granted 
it with strong expressions of regret; and when, two 
years later, he resumed the intendancy, the colony 
seems to have welcomed his return. 

^ In 1682, the Intendant Mcules, in a despatch to the minister, 
makes a statement of Talon's property in Quebec. The cliief items 
are the brewery and a house of some value on the descent of 
Mountain Street. He owned, also, the valuable seigniory, after- 
wards barony, Des Islets, in the immediate neighborhood. 

^ Some imputations against him, not of much weight, are, how- 
ever, made in a memorial of Aubert de la Chesnaye, a merchant of 




■ fi 







WivKH. — Wki>mk;k. — SrMMAKV Mktiiodh. — The Motiieuh op 
Canada. — Uoiintiks on Mauuiaoe. — CELinAcv ruNiHiiKi). — 
Bounties on Chii.uren. — Results. 

The peopling of Canada was duo in the main to 
the King. Before the aoeession of Louis XIV. the 
entire population — priests, nuns, traders, and settlers 
— did not exceed twenty-five hundred ; ^ but scarcely 
had he reached his majority when the shipment of 
men to the colony was systematically begun. Even 
in Argenson's time, loads of emigrants sent out by 
the Crown were landed every year at Quebec. The 
Sulpitians of Montreal also brought over colonists to 
people their seigniorial estate ; the same was true on a 
small scale of one or two other proprietors, and once 
at least the company sent a considerable number: yet 
the government was the chief agent of emigration. 
Colbert did the work, and the King paid for it. 

In 1661, Laval wrote to the cardinals of the Propa- 
ganda that during the past two years the King had 
spent two hundred thousand livres on the colony; 

^ Le Clerc, J^tablissement de la Foi/, ii. 4. 






tliJit siiico tOr)0 he liad Hciit out tlirco hundred iiu^n a 
yuui ; and that ho ha<l proniisod to Hend an i'(|ual 
iiuiuIk!!' every suiiuner (huiug ton years.' Theso 
men were sent hy Hcjuads in nu'reliant-shi[)s, eaeh 
one of which was recpiired to carry a certain nuMil)er. 
In many instances, emigrants were hound on tiieir 
arrival to enter into tiie service of eohuiists already 
eatiihUsiied. In tliis case tlie emi)h)yor paid them 
wages, and after a term of three years they became 
settlei"S themselves. 2 

The destined emigrants were collected hy agents 
in the provinces, conducted to Dieppe or Ilochelle, 
and thence end)arkcd. At first men were sent from 
Rochelle itself, and its neighljorhood ; hut Laval 
remonstrated, declaring that he wanted none from 
that ancient stronghold of heresy.^ The people of 
Uochelle, indeed, found no favor in Canada. Another 
writer describes them as "persons of little conscience, 
and almost no religion," — adding that the Normans, 
Percherons, Picards, and peasants of the neighbor- 
hood of Paris are docile, industrious, and far more 
pious. "It is important," ho concludes, "in begin- 
ning a new colony, to sow good seed."* It was, 
accordingly, from the northwestern provinces that 
most of the emigrants were drawn. '^ They seem in 

1 Lettre </e IauhU etivoif^e a Home, 21 Oct., 1001 (extract in Faillun 
from Arcliivos of tlie l'r<)j)ajian(l!i). 

^ Marie de 1' Incarnation, 18 Aout, 1064. These ewfay^s were 
soniotinu'S also broupht over by private persons. 

'^ Colbert a Laval, 18 Afars, 1064. 

* \Umo!re fie 1004 (anonymous). 

' See a paper by Garneau in Le National of Quebec, 28 Oct.. 



' i 


s l\l \ 

1 1 ' 





■ \ 





?hM ' 

M '1 


the iiiaiii to have been a decent peasantry, though 
writers wlio from their position should have been 
well informed have denounced them in unmeasured 
terms. ^ Some of them could read and write, and 
some brought with them a little money. 

Talon was constantly lyegging for more men, till 
Louis XIV. at length took alarm. Colbert replied 
to the over-zealous intendant that the King did not 
think it expedient to depopulate France in order to 
people Canada ; that he wanted men for his armies ; 
and that the colony must rely chiefly on increase 
from within. Still the shipments did not cease ; and, 
even while tempering the ardor of his agent, the 

1856, embody in{? the results of research among the papers of the 
early notaries of Quebec. The chief emigration was from Paris, 
Normandy, I'oitou, Pays d'Aunis, Brittany, and Picardy. Nearly 
all those from Paris were sent by the King from liouses of cliarity. 

1 " Une foule d'aventuriers, ramasses au hazard en France, 
presque tous de la lie du peuple, la plupart obercs de dettes ou 
charges de crimes," etc. (La Tour, Vie de Laval, liv. iv.) " Le vice 
a obligd la plupart de chercher ce pays comme un asile pour se 
mettre h, convert de leurs crimes." (Meules, Uifpeche de 1082.) 
Meules was intendant in that year. Marie de ITncarnation, after 
speaking of the emigrants as of a very mixed character, says that 
it would have been far better to send a few who were good 
Christians, rather than so many who give so muuh trouble. Lettre 
du — Ortobre, lOfiO. 

Le Clerc, on the other hand, is emphatic in praise, calling the 
early colonists " trt;s honiiutes gens, ayaiit de la probite, de la 
droiture, et de la n ligion. . . . L'on a examine et choisi les habi- 
tants, et renvoyd en France les personnes vicieuses." If, he adds, 
any such were left, " ils elTavaient glorieusement par leur penitence 
les taches de leur premiere condition." Charnjvoix is almost as 
strong in praise as La Tour in censure. Both of them wrote in the 
next century. We shall have means hereafter of judging between 
these conflicting statements. 



, and 

1, till 
id not 
der to 
rmies ; 
; and, 
it, the 

8 of the 
m Taris, 

lettes ou 
" Le vice 
pour 8e 
le 1082.) 
ion, after 
says that 
2re good 

ling the 

te, de la 

88 habi- 

he adds, 


ilmost as 

ote in the 





King gave another proof how much he had the growth 
of Canada at heart. ^ 

The regiment of Carignan-Salieres had been ordered 
home, with the exception of four companies kept in 
garrison, 2 and a considerable number discharged in 
order to become settlers. Of those who returned, 
six companies were a year or two later sent back, 
discharged in their turn, and converted into colonists. 
Neither men nor officers were positively constrained 
to remain in Canada; but the officers were told that 
if they wished to please his Majesty this was the way 
to do so ; and both they and the men were stimulated 
by promises and rewards. Fifteen hundred livres 
were given to La Motte, because he had married in 
the country and meant to remain there. Six thou- 
sand livres were assigned to other officers because 
they had followed, or were about to follow, La 
Motte's example; and twelve thousand were set 
apart to be distributed to the soldiers under similar 
conditions.^ Each soldier who consented to remain 
and settle was promised a grant of land and a hun- 
dred livres in money; or, if he preferred it, fifty 
livres with provisions for a year. This military 
colonization had a strong and lasting influence on 
the character of the Canadian people. 

1 The King had sent out more emigrants than he had promised, 
to judge from the census reports during the years 16G6, 1607, and 
IWJy. The total population for those years is 3418, 4312, and 5870, 
respectively. A small part of this growth may be set down to 
emigration not under government auspices, and a large part to 
natural increase, — whicli was enormous at this time, from cause'- 
which will soon appear. 

2 Colbert a Talon, 20 F^v., 1068. » Ibid. 









But if the colony was to grow from within, the new 
settlers must have wives. For some years past the 
Sulpitians had sent out young women for the supply 
of Montreal; and the King, on a larger scale, contin- 
ued the benevolent work. Girls for the colony were 
taken from the hospitals of Paris and of Lyons, 
which were not so much hospitals for the sick as 
houses of refuge for the poor. Mother Mary writes 
in 16G5 that a hundred had come that summer, and 
were nearly all provided with husbands, and that two 
hundred more were to come next year. The case 
was urgent, for the demand was great. Complaints, 
however, were soon heard that women from cities 
made indifferent partners ; and peasant girls, healthy, 
strong, and accustomed to field-work, were demanded 
in their place. Peasant girls were therefore sent; but 
this was not all. Officers as well as men wanted wives ; 
and Talon asked for a consignment of young ladies. 
His request was promptly answered. In 1667, he 
writes : " They send us eighty-four girls from Dieppe 
and twenty-five from Rochelle ,- among them are fifteen 
or twenty of pretty good birth ; several of them are 
really demoiselles, and tolerably well brought up." 
They complained of neglect and hardship during the 
voyage. " I shall do what I can to soothe their discon- 
tent," adds the intendant; "for if they write to their 
correspondents at home how ill they have been treated, 
it would be an obstacle to your plan of sending us 
next year a number of select young ladies." ^ 

J " Des demoiscUus bien choisies." — Talon a Colbert, 27 Oct., 1667. 



Three years later we find him asking for three or 
four more in behalf of certain bachelor officers. 'The 
response surpassed his utmost wishes ; and he wrote 
again : " It is not expedient to send more demoiselles. 
I have had this year fifteen of them, instead of the 
four I asked for." ^ 

As regards peasant girls, the supply rarely equalled 
the demand. Count Frontenac, Courcelle's succes- 
sor, complained of the scarcity: "If a hundred and 
fifty girls and as many servants," he says, "had been 
sent out this year, they would all have found hus- 
bands and masters within a month." ^ 

The character of these candidates for matrimony 
has not escaped the pen of slander. The caustic La 
Hontan, writing fifteen or twenty years after, draws 
the following sketch of the mothers of Canada: 
"After the regiment of Carignan was disbanded, 
ships were sent out freighted with girls of indifi'er- 
ent virtue, under the direction of a few pious 
old duennas, who divided them into three classes. 
These vestals were, so to speak, piled one on the 
other in three different halls, where the bridegrooms 

i Talon a Colbert, 2 Nov., 1071.' 

2 Frontenac a Colbert, 2 Nov., 1072. This year only eleven girls 
had been sent. The scarcity was due to tlie indiscretion of Talon, 
who had written to the minister, that, as many of the old settlers 
had dauixhters Just becominji; marriageable, it would be well, in 
order that they might find husbands, to semi no more girls from 
France at present. 

The next year, 1073, the King writes, that, tliough he is involved 
in a great war, which needs all his resources, he has nevertheless 
sent sixty more girls. 

k iV- 




chose their brides as a butcher chooses his sheep out 
of the midst of the flock. There was wherewith to 
content the most fantastical in these three harems; 
for here were to be seen the tall and the short, the 
blond and the brown, the plump and the lean ; every- 
body, in short, found a shoe to fit him. At the end 
of a fortnight not one was left. I am told that the 
plumpest were taken first, because it was thought 
that, being less active, they were more likely to keep 
at home, and that they could resist the winter cold 
better. Those who wanted a wife applied to the 
directresses, to whom they were obliged to make 
known their possessions and means of livelihood 
before taking from one of the three classes the girl 
whom they found most to their liking. The mar- 
riage was concluded forthwith, with the help of a 
priest and a notary; and the next day the governor- 
general caused the couple to be presented with an 
ox, a cow, a pair of swine, a pair of fowls, two 
barrels of salted meat, and eleven crowns in money. " ^ 
As regards the character of the girls, there can be 
no doubt that this amusing sketch is, in the main, 
maliciously untrue. Since the colony began, it had 
been the practice to send back to France women of 
the class alluded to by La Hontan, as soon as they 
became notorious.^ Those who were not taken from 

^ La Hontan, Nouveaux Voija(/es, i. 11 (1709). In some of the 
other editions the same account is given in different words, equally 
lively and scandalous. 

■^ This is the statement of Boucher, a good authority. A case of 
the sort in 1G58 is mentioned in the correspondence of Argenson. 



institutions of cluirity usually belonged to the faniilies 
of peasants overburdened with childien, and glad to 
find the chance of establishing theni.^ How some of 
them were obtained appears from a letter of Colbert 
to Uarlay, Archbishop of liouen. ""As in the 
parishes about Rouen," he writes, ''titty or sixty 
girls might be found who would be very glad iu go 
to Canada to be married, I beg you to employ your 
credit and authority with the curds of thirty or forty 
of these parishes, to try to find in each of them one 
or two girls disposed to go voluntarily for the sake 
of a settlement in life."^ 
Mistakes nevertheless occurred. "Along with 

Boucher says further, that an assurance of good character was 
required from the relations or friends of t}ie girl who wished to em- 
bark. This refers to a period anterior to 1()()8, when Boucher wrote 
his book. Colbert evidently cared for no qualification except tiie 
capacity of maternity. 

1 Temoiynage de la Mere du Pltssis de Sainte-IIelene (extract in 

2 Colbert a I'Archeveqtie de liouen, 27 Fev., 1670. 

That they were not always destitute may be gathered from a 
passage in one of Talon's letters : " Entre les fllles qu'on fait passer 
ici il y en a qui ont de Idgitimes et considerables pretentions aux 
successions de leurs parents, meme entre celles qui sont tirees de 
I'Hopital General." The General Hospital of Paris had recently 
been established (1656) as a house of refuge for the " Bohemians," 
or vagrants of Paris. Tlie royal edict creating it says that " les 
pauvres mendiants et invalides des deux sexes y seraient enfermes 
pour estre employe's aux manufactures et aultres travaux selon leur 
pouvoir." They were gathered by force in the streets by a body of 
special police, called "Archers de I'llopital." They resisted at 
first, and serious riots ensued. In 1062, the General Hospital of 
Paris contained 6262 paupers. See Clement, Ifistoire de Colbert, 118. 
Mother de Sainte-Helene says that the girls sent from this asylum 
had been there from childhood in charge of nuns. 


k ) 

I 1 




\ ' il 

' ^ ' . 


J 1 

. il, 

^' ' ■"• ;. i 





the honest people," complains Mother Mary, "comes 
a great deal of canaille of both sexes, who cause a 
great deal of scandal."^ After some of the young 
women had been married at Quebec, it was lound 
that they had husbands at home. The priests became 
cautious in tying the matrimonial knot, and Colbert 
thereupon ordered that each girl should provide her- 
self with a certificate from the curd or magistrate of 
her parish to the effect that she was free to marry. 
Nor was the practical intendant unmindful of other 
precautions to smooth the jiath to the desired goal. 
"The girls destined for this country," he writes, 
"besides being strong and healthy, ought to be 
entirely free from any natural blemish or anything 
personally repulsive. "^ 

Thus qualified canonically and physically, the 
annual consignment of young women was shipped to 
Quebec, in charge of a matron employed and paid by 
the King. Her task was not an easy one, for the 
troop under her care was apt to consist of what 
Mother Mary in a moment of unwonted levity calls 
mixed goods. "^ On one occasion the office was 


1 " Beaucoiip de canaille de I'un ct Taiitro sexc qui causent beau- 
coup de scandak'." — Lettre dii — Octubre, lOGO. 

2 Talon a Colbert, 10 Nor., 1070. 

8 " Une marchandiso mclco." — Lettre du — l(i()8. In that year, 
1068, the King spent 40,000 livres in the shipment of men and girls. 
In KiOO, a hundred and lit" ty girls were sent ; in 1070, a hundred and 
sixty -five; and Talon asks for a liundred and fifty or two hundred 
more to supply the soldiers wlio had got ready their liouses and 
clearings, and were now prepared to marry. The total number of 
girls sent from 1006 to 1073, inclusive, was about a thousand. 



t beau- 



undertaken hy the pious widow of Jean Bourdon. 
Her flock of a hinidred and fifty girls, says Mother 
Mary, " gave her no little trouble on the voyage ; for 
they are of all sorts, and some of them are very rude 
and hard to manage." Madame Bourdon was not 
daunted. She not only saw her charge distributed 
and married, but she continued to receive and care 
for the subsequent sliip-loads as they arrived summer 
after summer. She was indeed chief among the 
pious duennas of whom La Hontan irreverently 
speaks. Marguerite Bourgeoys did tlie same good 
offices for the young women sent to Montreal. Here 
the "King's girls," as tliey were called, were all 
lodged together in a house to which the suitora 
repaired to make their selection. " I was obliged to 
live there myself," writes the excellent nun, "because 
families were to be formed ; " ^ that is to say, because 
it was she who superintended these extemporized 
unions. Meanwhile she taught the girls their cate- 
chism, and, more fortunate than Madame Bourdon, 
inspired them with a confidence and affection which 
they retained long after. 

At Quebec, where the matrimonial market was on 
a larger scale, a more ample bazaar was needed. 
That the girls were assorted into three classes, each 
penned up for selection in a separate hall, is a state- 
ment probable enough in itself, but resting on no 
better authority than that of La Hontan. Be this as 
it may, they were submitted together to the inspec- 

1 Extract in Faillon, Colonie Fran^aise, iii. 214. 



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i 3 

( ; 


^ f :^» 


L^ '1 




tion of the suitor; and the awkward young peasant 
or the rugged soldier of Carignan was required to 
choose a bride without delay from among the anxious 
candidates. They, on their part, were permitted to 
reject any applicant who displeased them; and the 
first question, we are told, which most of them asked 
was whether the suitor had a house and a farm. 

Great as was the call for wives, it was thought 
prudent to stimulate it. The new settler was at 
once enticed and driven into wedlock. Bounties 
were offered on early marriages. Twenty livres were 
given to each youth who married before the age of 
twenty, and to each girl who married before the age 
of sixteen.^ This, which was called the "King's 
gift," was exclusive of the dowry given by him to 
every girl brought over by his orders. The dowry 
varied greatly in form and value ; but, according to 
Mother Mary, it was sometimes a house with pro- 
visions for eight months. More often it was fifty 
livres in household supplies, besides a barrel or two 
of salted meat. The royal solicitude extended also 
to the children of colonists already established. " I 
pray you," writes Colbert to Talon, "to commend it 
to the consideration of the whole people, that their 
prosperity, their subsistence, and all that is dear to 
them depend on a general resolution, never to be 
departed from, to marry youths at eighteen or nine- 
teen years and girls at fourteen or fifteen; since 
abundance can never come to them except through 

1 Arret du Conseil d'etat du Roy (see £dits et Ordonnances, i. 67). 




the jilmndance of men."* Tliis counsel wfia followed 
by api)ropi'iate action. Any father of a family who, 
without showing good cause, neglected to many his 
children when they had reached the ages of twenty 
and sixteen was fined ;2 and each father thu a delin- 
quent was required to present himself every six 
months to the local authorities to declare what 
reason, if any, he had for such delay. ^ Orders were 
issued, a little before the arrival of the yearly ships 
from France, that all single men should marry within 
a fortnight after the landing of the prospective 
brides. No mercy was shown to the obdurate 
bachelor. Talon issued an order forbidding unmar- 
ried men to hunt, fish, trade with the Indians, or go 
into the woods under any pretence whatsoever.* In 

1 Colbert a Talon, 20 F«fy., 1008. 

2 Arrets du Cotiseil d'lStat, 1009 (cited by Faillon) ; Arrit du 
Conseil d'Etat, 1070 (see J^dits et Ordonnances, i, 07) ; Ordonnance du 
Roy, 6 Avril, 1009. See Clement, Instructions, etc, de Colbert, iii. 2rae 
Partie, 067. 

8 liegistre du Conseil Souverain, 

* Talon au Ministre, 10 Oct., 1070. Colbert highly approves this 
order. Faillon found a case of its onforcemeKt among tlie ancient 
records of Montreal. In December, 1()70, Francois Le Noir, an 
inhabitant of La Chine, was summoned before the judge, because, 
though a single man, he had traded with Indians at his own house. 
He confessed the fact, but protested that he would marry within 
three weeks after the arrival of the vessels from France, or, failing 
to do so, that he would give a hundred and fifty livres to the church 
of Montreal, and an equal sum to the hospital. On this condition 
he was allowed to trade, but was still foi bidden to go into the 
wooa.'. The next year he kept his word, and married Marie Magde- 
leine Ci.s,rbonnier, late of Paris. 

The prohibition to go into the woods was probably intended to 
prevent the bachelor from finding a temporary Indian substitute 
for a French wife. 

1 ' 




\ I 





1.1 rn 

short, tlicy wcro iiiiulo as inisoriible as possible. 
Colbert ^oes further, lie writes to the intendiint, 
"Those wlio may see^n to have absolutely renounced 
marriage should be made to bear additional burdens, 
and be excluded from all honors; it would 1x3 well 
even to add some marks of infamy."^ The success 
of these measures was (•()m[)lete. " No sooner, " says 
Mother Mary, "have the vessels arrived than the 
young men go to get wives; and, by reason of the 
great number, tln^y are married by thirties at a time." 
Thrf)Ughout the lengtii and bieadth of Canada, Hy- 
men, if not Cupid, was whipped into a frenzy of activ- 
ity. Dollier de Casson tells ns of a widow who was 
married afresh before her late husband was buried. ^ 

Nor was the fatherly care of the King confined to 
the humbler classes of his colonists. He wished to 
form a Canadian noblesse, to which end early mar- 
riages were thought needful among officers and otliers 
of the better sort. The progress of such marriages 
was carefully watched and reported by the intendant. 
We have seen tlie reward bestowed upon La Motte 
for taking to himself a wife, and the money set apart 
for the brother officers who imitated him. In his 
despatch of October, 1667, the iiitendant announces 
that two captains are already married to two damsels 
of the country; that a lieutenant has espoused a 
daughter of the governor of Three Rivers ; and that 

1 " II serait a propos de leur augraentcr les charges, de les priver 
de tous honneurs, meme d'y ajouter quelque marque d'infamie." 
L'ttre du 20 Fe'v., 1G08. 

2 Histoire du Montreal, a. d. 1071, 1672. 





I the 
f the 
, Hy- 
() was 
lied to 
[led to 
/ mar- 



In his 

sed a 

d that 

U priver 



"four ensigns are in treaty with their mistresses, and 
are ah'eady half engaged." ^ The paternal care of gov- 
erinnent, one would think, could scarcely go further. 
It did, however, go further. Bounties were offered 
on children. The King, in council, passed a decree 
" that in future all inhalntants of the said coiuitry of 
Canada who shall have living children to the number 
of ten, Inmi in lawful wedlock, not being priests, 
monks, or nuns, shall each l)e paid out of the moneys 
sent by his Majesty to the said country a pension of 
three hundred livres a year, and those who shall have 
twelve children, a pension of four hundred livres; 
and that, to this effect, they shall be required to 
declare the number of their children every year in 
tlie months of June or July to the intendant of 
justice, police, and finance, established in the said 
country, who, having verified the same, shall order 
the payment of said pensions, one-half in cash, and 
the other half at the end of each year. "^ This was 

1 " Quatre enseignes sont en pourparler aveo lenrs mattresses et 
soiitdejahdemi engages." (Deperhe du 27 Oct .,U\(M.) The lieutenant 
was llene tiaultier de Varennos, who on the 20th September, 1007, 
married Marie Bochart, daughter of the governor of Three Rivers, 
a(/e(l twelve ifears. One of the cliildren of tliis marriage was Varennes 
de la Verendrye, whose son discovered the llocky Mountains. 

2 Edits et Ordonnances, i. 07. It was thought at this time that the 
Indians, mingled with the French, might become a valuable part of 
tlie population. The reproductive qualities of Indian women, there- 
fore, became an object of Talon's attention, and he reports that they 
impair their fertility by niirsing their children longer than is 
necessary ; " but," he adds, " this obstacle to the speedy building up 
of the colony can be overcome by a police regulation." Memoire 
sur r^tut Present du Canada, 1007. 


j\, i.l 



1 J, n II 



1' ii: ' 


mariiia(;k and I'oiuh.ation. |inflr)-7j. 


ai)i)lioal)le to all. Coll)ert had lieforc olTtutul a 
reward, iiitoiided spooially for the l)etter cIhsh, of 
twelve hundred livres to those who had fifteen 
children, and eight hundred to those? who had ten. 

These wise encouraj^enients, as the worthy Faillon 
calls them, were crowned with the desired result. A 
despatch of Talon in 1(570 informs the minister that 
most of tlu; young women sent out last sununer are 
pregnant already; and in 1071 he announces that 
from six hundred to seven hundred children have 
been born in the colony dui'ing the year, — a pro- 
digious number in view of the small population. 
The climate was supposed to Ik; particularly favorable 
to the health of women, which is somewhat surpris- 
ing in view of recent American experience. "The 
first reflection I have to make," says Dollier de 
Casson, "is on the advantage that women have in 
this place [Montreal] over men ; for though the cold 
is very wholesome to both sexes, it is incomparably 
more so to the female, who is almost immortal here." 
Her fecundity matched her longevity, and was the 
admiration of Talon and his successors, accustomed 
as they were to the scanty families of France. 

Why with this great natural increase joined to an im- 
migration which, though greatly diminishing, did not 
entirely cease, was there not a corresponding increase 
in the population of the colony? Why, more than 
half a century after the King took Canada in charge, 
did the census show a total of less than twenty-five 
thousand souls ? The reasons will appear hereafter. 




red ft 


(I ton. 


,lt. A 

or that 

iiior are 

08 that 

;n have 

- a pvo- 




. " The 

:)lUer de 
have in 
the cold 


al here." 
wfis the 


to an im- 
r, did not 
liore than 
In charge, 



It is a peculiarity of Canadian iiniuij^ration, at tlii.s 
its luoHt lU)urisiiin^ epoch, that it was mainly an 
immigration of single men and single women. Tlio 
cius(!S in which entire families came over were com- 
paratively few.' The new settler was found hy the 
King, sent over hy the King, and supplied hy the 
King witli a wife, a farm, and sometimes with a 
h(»use. W(!ll did I^ouis XIV. earn the title of 
Father of New Krance. lint the royal zeal was s[(as- 
modic. The King was diverted to other cares; and 
soon after the outhreak of the Dutch war in 1072 
the regular despatch of emigrants to Canada well- 
nigh ceased, — though the practice of dishanding 
soldiers in the colony, giving them lands, and turn- 
ing them into settlei's, was continued in some degree, 
even to the last. 

1 The principal emigration of families seems to have been in 
KKJf), wlien, at the urgency of Talon, then in France, a consi(ierable 
number were sent ovi. In the earlier period the emigration of 
families was, relatively, much greater. Thus, in l(i;]4, the physician 
GilTanl brought over seven to people his seigniory of Heauport. 
Before 1(50;}, wiien the King took the colony in hand, the emigrants 
were for the most part apprenticeil laborers. 

The zeal with which the King entered into the work of stocking 
his colony is shown by numberless passages in his letters, and 
those of \m minister. " The end and the rule of all your conduct," 
says Colbert to the intcndant Bouteroue, " should be the increase 
of the colony ; and on this point you should never be satisfied, but 
labor without ceasing to find every imaginable expedient for pre- 
serving the inhabitants, attracting new ones, and multiplying them 
by marriage." — Instruction pour M. bouteroue, 10G8. 

f I 



. 4 


•!|' 1 




Military Frontier. — Tiik Canadian Settler. — Seignior and 
Vassal. — Exami'le of Talon. — Tlan of Settlement. — As- 
pect OF Canada. — Quehec. — The River Settlements. — 
Montreal. — The Tioneers. 


i^ ". 

i; i 

We have seen the settler landed and married ; let 
us follow hitn to his new home. At the end of 
Talon's administration, the head of the colony — 
that is to say, the island of Montreal and the borders 
of the Kichelieu — was the seat of a peculiar coloni- 
zation, the chief object of which was to protect the 
rest of Canada against Iroquois incursions. The 
lands along the Richelieu, from its mouth to a point 
above Chambly, were divided in large seigniorial 
grants among several officei-s of the regiment of 
Carignan, who in their turn granted out the land to 
the soldiers, reserving a sufficient portion as their 
own. The officer thus became a kind of feudal chief, 
and the whole settlement a permanent military can- 
tonment admirably suited to the object in view. 
The disbanded soldier was practically a soldier still, 
but he was also a farmer and a landholder. 





Talon had recommended this plan as being in ac- 
cordance with the example of the Romans. "The 
practice of that politic and martial people," he wrote, 
" may, in my opinion, be wisely adopted in a country 
a thousand leagues distant from its monarch. And 
as the peace and harmony of peoples depend above 
all things on their fidelity to their sovereign, our first 
kings, better statesmen than is commonly supposed, 
introduced into newly conquered countries men of 
war, of approved trust, in order at once to hold the 
inhabitants to their duty within, and repel the enemy 
from without. "1 

The troops were accordingly discharged, and settled 
not alone on the Richelieu, but also along the St. 
Lawrence, between Lake St. Peter and Montreal, as 
well as at some other points. The Sulpitians, feudal 
owne^'S of Montreal, adopted a similar policy, and 
surrounded their island with a border of fiefs large 
and small, granted partly to officers and partly to 
humbler settlers, bold, hardy, and practised in bush- 
fighting. Thus a line of sentinels was posted around 
their entire shore, ready to give the alarm whenever 
an enemy appeared. About Quebec the settlements, 
covered as they were by those above, were for the 
most part of a more pacific character. 

To return to the Richelieu. Tlie towns and vil- 
lages which have since grown upon its banks and 
along the adjacent shores of the St. Lawrence owe 
their names to these officers of Carignan, ancient 

1 Projets de Reglemens, 1667 (see Edits et Ordonnances, ii. 29). 

) > 








1 1 : 

^ i i 

' [I' ' 1 

' 1 ' ^ f 


. -L 


thp: new home. 


lords of tlie soil, — Sorel, Chambly, Saint Ours, 
ContrecoBur, Varcnnes, Vercheres. Yet let it not 
be supposed that villages sprang up at once. The 
military seignior, valiant and poor as Walter the 
Penniless, was in no condition to work such magic. 
ills personal possessions usually consisted of little 
but his sword and the money which the King had 
paid him for marrying a wife. A domain varying 
from half a league to six leagues in front on the 
river, and from half a league to two leagues in depth, 
liad been freely given him. When he had distributed 
a part of it in allotments to the soldiers, a variety of 
tasks awaited him, — to clear and cultivate his land; 
to build his seigniorial mansion, often a log hut; to 
build a fort ; to build a c' apel ; and to build a mill. 
To do all this rt once was impossible. Chambly, the 
chief proprietor on the Richelieu, was better able 
than the othei-s to meet the exigency. He built 
himself a good house, where, with cattle and sheep 
furnished by the King, he lived in reasonable com- 
iort.i The King's fort, close at hand, spared him 
and his tenants the necessity of building one for 
tliemselves, and furnished, no doubt, a mill, a chapel, 
and a chaplain. His brother officers, Sorel excepted, 
were less fortunate. They and their tenants were 
forced to provide defence as well as shelter. Their 
houses were all built together, and surrounded by a 
palisade, so as to form a little fortified village. The 

^ Frontenac au Ministre, 2 Nov., 1G72. Marie de I'Incaruation 
speaks of these officers on the llichelieu as tres honnetes i/eus. 






ever-active benevolence of the King had aided them 
in the task, for the soldiers were still maintained by 
him while clearing the lands and building the houses 
destined to be their own ; nor was it till this work 
was done that the provident government despatched 
them to Quebec with orders to bring back wives. 
The settler, thus lodged and wedded, was required 
on his part to aid in clearing lands for those who 
should come after him.^ 

It was chiefly in the more exposed parts of the 
colony that the houses were gathered together in 
palisaded villages, thus forcing the settler to walk or 
paddle some distance to his farm. He naturally 
preferred to build when he could on the front of his 
farm itself, near the river, which supplied the place 
of a road. As the grants of land were very narrow, 
his house was not far from that of his next neighbor; 
and thus a line of dwellings was ranged along the 
shore, forming what in local language was called a 
cdte^ — a use of the word peculiar to Canada, where 
it still prevails. 

The impoverished seignior rarely built a chapel. 
Most of the early Canadian churches were built with 

^ " Sa Majeste semble pretcndre faire la depense entiere pour 
former le commencement des habitations par I'abattis du bois, la 
culture et scmence de deux arpens de terre, I'avance do quelques 
farines aux families venantes," etc. (Projets de Re(jlemens, 1007.) 
Tliis applied to civil and military settlers alike. The establioiied 
settler was allowed four years to clear two arpents of land for 
a new-comer. TI.e soldiers were maintained by the King during 
a year, while preparing their farms and houses. Talon asks that 
two years more be given them. Talon aiiliui/, 10 Nov., 1070. 










funds furnished by the seminaries of Quebec or of 
Montreal, aided by contributions of material and labor 
from the parishioners. ^ Meanwhile mass was said in 
some house of the neighborhood by a missionary 
priest, paddling his canoe from village to village, or 
from cote to cote. 

The mill was an object of the last importance. It 
was built of stone and pierced with loopholes, to 
serve as a blockhouse in case of attack. The great 
mill at Montreal was one of the chief defences of the 
place. It was at once the duty and the right of the 
seignior to supply his tenants, or rather vassals, with 
this es&ential requisite; and they on their part were 
required to grind their grain at his mill, leaving the 
fourteenth part in payment. But for many years 
there was not a seigniory in Canada where this frac- 
tion would pay the wages of a miller; and, except 
the ecclesiastical corporations, there were few seign- 
iors who could pay the cost of building. The fii-st 
settlei-s were usually forced to grind for themselves 
after the tedious fashion of the Indians. 

Talon, in his capacity of counsellor, friend, and 
father to all Canada, arranged the new settlements 
near Quebec in the manner which he judged best, 
and which he meant to serve as an example to the 
rest of the colony. It was his aim to concentrate 
population around this point, so that, should an 
enemy appear, the sound of a cannon-shot from the 
Chateau St. Louis might summon a numerous body 

1 La Tour, Vie de Laval, chap, x, 




of defenders to this the coiiiinon point of rendezvous.^ 
He bought a tract of land near Quebec, laid it out, 
and settled it as a model seigniory, hoping, as he 
eays, to kindle a spirit of emulation among the new- 
made seigniors to whom he had granted lands from 
the King. He also laid out at the royal cost three 
villages in the immediate neighborhood, planning 
them with great care, and peopling them partly with 
families newly arrived, partly with soldiers, and 
partly with old settlei-s, in order that the new-comers 
might take lessons from the experience of tliese 
veterans. That each village might be complete in 
itself, he furnished it as well as he could with the 
needful carpenter, mason, blacksmith, Jind shoe- 
maker. Tliese inland villages, called respectively 
Bourg Royal, Bourg la Heine, and Bourg Talon, did 
not prove very thrifty.'^ Wherever the settlers were 
allowed to choose for themselves, they ranged their 
dwellings along the watercourses. With the excep- 
tion of Talon's villages, one could have seen nearly 
every house in Canada, by paddling a canoe up the 
St. Lawrence and the Richelieu. The settlements 
formed long thin lines on the edges of the rivers, — a 
convenient arrangement, but one very unfavorable 
to defence, to ecclesiastical control, and to strong 
government. The King soon discovered this; and 
repeated orders were sent to concentrate the inliab- 

1 Projets de Reijlemens, 1607. 

2 In 1072 the King, as a mark of honor, attached these villages 
to Talon's seigniory. Sec Documents on Seigniorial Tenure. 





' ' ';l 





. i 1 1 



'I ^ 

I! . i-.: 









11 ! 

II: ;'^ 






I I ! 

i ! 




itiints and form Canada into villages, instead of cotes. 
To do so would have involved a general revocation 
of giants and abandonment of houses and clearings, 
— a measure too arbitrary and too wasteful, even for 
Louis XIV., and one extremely difficult to enforce. 
Canada persisted in attenuating herself, and the royal 
will was foiled. 

As you ascended the St. Lawrence, the first har- 
boring place of civilization was Tadoussac, at the 
mouth of the Saguenay, where the company had its 
trading station, where its agents ruled supreme, and 
where, in early summer, all was alive with canoes 
and wigwams, and troops of Montagnais savages, 
bringing their furs to market. Leave Tadoussac 
behind, and, embarked in a sail-boat or a canoe, 
follow the northern coast. Far on the left, twenty 
miles away, the southern shore lies pale and dim, and 
mountain ranges wave their faint outline along the 
sky. You pass the beetling rocks of Mai Bay, a 
solitude but for the bark hut of some wandering 
Indian beneath the cliff, the Eboulements with their 
wild romantic gorge and foaming waterfalls, and the 
Bay of St. Paul with its broad valley and its woody 
mountains, rich with hidden stores of iron. Vast 
piles of savage verdure border the mighty stream, till 
at length the mountain of Cape Tourmente upheaves 
its huge bulk from the bosom of the water, shadowed 
by lowering clouds, and dark with forests. Just 
beyond, begin the settlements of Laval's vast seign- 
iory of Beaupr^;, which had not been forgotten in the 




distribution of emigrants, and which, in 1667, con- 
tained more inhabitants than Quebec itself.^ The 
ribbon of rich meadow land that borders that beauti- 
ful shore was yellow with wheat in harvest time; 
and on the woody slopes behind, the frequent clear- 
ings and the solid little dwellings of logs continued 
for a long distance to relieve the sameness of the 
forest. After passing the cataract of Montmorenci, 
there was another settlement, much smaller, at 
Beauport, the seigniory of the ex-physician Giffard, 
one of the earliest proprietors in Canada. The neigh- 
boring shores of the Island of Orleans were also 
edged with houses and clearings. The promontory 
of Quebec now towered full in sight, crowned with 
church, fort, chateau, convents, and seminary. 
There was little else on the rock. Priests, nuns, 
government officials, and soldiers were the denizens 
of the Upper Town ; while commerce and the trades 
were cabined along the strand beneath. ^ From the 
gallery of the chateau, you might toss a pebble far 
down on their shingled roofs. In the midst of them 
was the magazine of the company, with its two round 
towers and two projecting wings. It was here that 

1 The census of 1667 gives to Quebec only 448 souls ; Cote de 
Beaupre', 056 ; Beauport, 123 ; Island of Orleans, 629 ; other settle- 
ments included under the government of Quebec, 1,011 ; Cute de 
Lauzon (south shore), 113; Trois Rivieres and its dependencies, (KiO; 
Montreal, 760. Both Beaupre and Isle d'Orleans belonged at this 
time to the bishop. 

'^ According to Juchereau, there were seventy houses at Quebec 
about the time of Tracy's arrival. 


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all the lx;aver-skins of the colony were collected, 
assorted, and shipped for France. The so-called 
Chateau St. Louis was an indifferent wooden struc- 
ture planted on a site truly superb, — above the 
Lower Town, above the river, above the ships, gaz- 
ing abroad on a majestic panorama of waters, forests, 
and mountains. 1 Behind it was the area of the fort, 
of which it formed one side. The governor lived in 
the chuteau, and soldiers were on guard night and 
day in the fort. At some little distance was the 
convent of the Ursulines, ugly but substantial,^ 
where Mother Mary of the Incarnation ruled her 
pupils and her nuns ; and a little farther on, towards 
the right, was the Hotel Dieu. Between them were 
the massive buildings of the Jesuits, then as now 
facing the principal square. At one side was their 
church, newly finished; and opposite, a'lioss the 
square, stood and still stands the great church of 
Notre Dame. Behind the church was Laval's semi- 
nary, with the extensive enclosures belonging to it. 
The sencchaussSe or court-house, the tavern of one 
Jacques Boisdon on the square near the church, and 
a few houses along the line of what is now St. Louis 
Street comprised nearly all the civ^il part of the Upper 
Town. The ecclesiastical buildings were of stone, 
and the church of Notre Dame and the Jesuit 

1 In 1(500, an exact inventory was taken of the contents of the 
fort and chateau, — a beggarly account of rubbish. Tlie chateau 
was tlien a long low building roofed with sliingles. 

2 There is an engraving of it in Abbe Casgrain's interesting Vie 
de Marie de I'Incarnation. It was burned in 1G86. 



College were marvels of size and solidity in view of 
the poverty and weakness of the colony.^ 

Proceeding upward along the north shore of the 
St. Lawrence, one found a cluster of houses at Cap 
Rouge, and, farther on, the frequent rude begin- 
nings of a seigniory. The settlements thickened on 
approaching Three Rivers, a fur-trad* g hamlet 
enclosed with a square palisade. Above this place, 
a line of incipient seigniories bordered the river, 
most of them granted to ofBcers, — Laubia, a captain ; 
Labadie, a sergeant; Moras, an ensign; Berthier, a 
captain ; Raudin, an ensign ; La Valterie, a lieuten- 
ant. ^ Under their auspices, settlers, military and 
civilian, were ranging themselves along the shore, 
and ugly gaps in the forest thickly set with stumps 
bore witness to their toils. These settlements rapidly 
extended, till in a few years a chain of houses 
and clearings reached with little interruption from 
Quebec to IVIontreal. Such was the fruit of Tracy's 
chastisement of the Mohawks, and the influx of 
immigrants that followed. 

As you approached Montreal, the fortified mill 


■I , I 

I !■ 

* i] 


ting Vie 

1 The first stone of Notre Dame de Quebec was laid in Sep- 
tember, 1647, and the first mass was said in it on the 24th of 
December, 1050. The side walls still remain as part of the present 
structure. The Jesuit College wav^ also begun in 1047. The walls 
and roof were finished in 1049. The church connected with it, 
since destroyed, was be^jiin in 1000. ?,ee Journal dcs J(Ssuites. 

2 See Documents on the Seigniorial Tenure ; Abstracts of Titles. 
Most of these grants, like those on the Richelieu, were made by 
Talon in 1072; but the land had, in many cases, been occupied and 
cleared in anticipation of the title. 

' I if.: 


. b 




I, i 

Iniilt by the Sulpitians at Point aux Trembles towered 
al)ove the woods; and soon after the newly built 
chapel of the Infant Jesus. More settlements fol- 
lowed, till at length the great fortified mill of 
Montreal rose in sight; then the long row of com- 
pact wooden houses, the Hotel Dieu, and the rough 
masonry of the Seminary of St. Sulpice. Beyond the 
town, the clearings continued at intervals till you 
reached Lake St. Louis, where young Cavelier de la 
Salle liad laid out his seigniory of La Chine, and 
abandoned it to begin his hard career of western 
exploration. Above the island of Montreal, the 
wilderness was broken only by a solitary trading 
station on the neighboring Isle Perot. 

NoviT cross Lake St. Louis, shoot the rapids of La 
Chine, and follow the southern shore downward. 
Here the seigniories of Longueuil, Boucherville, 
Varennes, Vercheres, and Contrecoeur were already 
begun. From the fort of Sorel one could visit the 
military seigniories along the Richelieu or descend 
towards Quebec, passing on the way those of 
Lussaudiere, Becancour, Lotbiniere, and others still 
in a shapeless infancy. Even far below Quebec, at 
St. Anne de la Pocatidre, River Quelle, and other 
points, cabins and clearings greeted the eye of the 
passing canoeman. 

For a year or two the settler's initiation was a 
rough one ; but when he had a few acres under til- 
lage he could support himself and his family on the 
produce, aided by hunting, if he knew how to use 

ft V 




a gun, and by the bountiful profusion of eels wliicli 
the St. Lawrence never failed to yield in their season, 
and which, smoked or salted, supplied his larder for 
months. In winter he hewed timber, sawed planks, 
or split shingles for the market of Quebec, obtaining 
in return such necessaries as he required. With 
thrift and hard work he was sure of comfort at last; 
but the former habits of the military settlers and of 
many of the others were not favorable to a routine 
of dogged industry. The sameness and solitude of 
their new life often became insufferable ; nor, married 
as they had been, was the domestic hearth likely to 
supply much consolation. Yet, thrifty or not, they 
multiplied apace. "A poor man," says Mother 
Mary, " will have oight children and more, who run 
about in winter with bare heads and bare feet, and a 
little jacket on their backs, live on nothing but bread 
and eels, and on that grow fat and stout." With 
such treatment the weaker sort died, but the strong 
survived; and out of this rugged nursing sprang 
the hardy Canadian race of bush-rangers and bush- 



i^ il 


i II 

1 ■ 

I: I > 

1,1 ■' 'I i'l 







vENTioN. — The Gentiliiomme. — Canadian Nuuleshe. 

Canadian society was beginning to form itself, and 
at its base was the feudal tenure. European feu- 
dalism was the indigenous and natural growth of 
political and social conditions whicli preceded it. 
Canadian feudalism was an offshof<t of the feudalism 
of France, modified by the lapse of centuries, and 
further modified by the royal will. 

In France, as in the rest of Europe, the system 
had lost its vitality. The warrior-nobles who placed 
Hugh Capet on the throne, and began the feudal 
monarchy, formed an aristocratic republic; and the 
King was one of their number, whom they chose to 
be their chief. Rut through the struggles and vicis- 
situdes of many succeeding reigns royalty had waxed 
and oligarch)^ had waned. The fact had changed, 
and the theory had changed with it. The King, 
once powerless among a liost of turbulent nobles. 

1003-170:}.] TKirMIMI OF llOVAI/rV. 


was now a kin.^" indciMl. Once a cliicr, l)Ocanse his 
(Mjuals had made him ho, he was now tho anointed of 
the Lord. 'I'liis triunijdi of royalty had enlniinated 
in I^ouis XIV. Tlu; stormy ('iu'rn;i('.s and hohl indi- 
vidnalism of the oM feudal nol)les had ceased to 
exist. They who had held his prech'cessoi-s in awe 
had heeonie his ohsecjuions servants. He no longer 
feared his nobles: lie j)ri/,e(l them as j^orgeons decora- 
ticms of his court and satellites of his royal pei-son. 

It was Kiehelieu who first [)lanted feudalism in 
(lanada.* The King would pieserve it there, because 
with its teeth (b'awn he was fond of it; and liecause, 
as the feudal tenure i)revailed in Old France, it wfis 
natural that it should prevail also in the New. But 
he continued as IlieliL'lieu had begun, and moulded it 
to the form that pleased him. Nothing was left 
which could threaten his absolute and undivided 
.aithority over the colony. In France, a multitude 
of privileges and prescriptions still clung, despite its 
fall, about the ancient ruling class. Few of these 
were allowed to cross the Atlantic, while the old 
lingering abuses, which had made the system odious, 
were at the same time lopped away. Thus retrenched, 
Canadian feudalism was made to serve a double 
end, — to produce a faint and harmless reflection of 
French aristocracy, and simply and practically to 
supply agencies for distributing land among the 

1 By the charter of the Company of the HundreJ Associates, 




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r . 


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ll' ;i:l 



I'd I ;! 

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The nature of the precautions which it was held to 
require appear in the plan of administration which 
Talon and Tracy laid before the minister. They 
urge that, in view of the distance from France, 
special care ought to be taken to prevent changes 
and revolutions, aristocratic or otherwise, in the 
colony, whereby in time sovereign jurisdictions might 
grow up, as formerly occurred in various parts of 
France.^ And in respect to grants already made an 
inquiry was ordered, to ascertain "if seigniors in 
distributing lands to their vassals have exacted any 
conditions injurious to the rights of tli( Crown and 
the subjection due solely to the King." In the same 
view the seignior was denied any voice whatever in 
the direction of government; and it is scarcely neces- 
sary to say that ciie essential feature of feudalism in 
the day of its vitality, the requirement of military 
service by the lord from the vassal, was utterly 
unknown in Canada. The royal governor called out 
the militia whenever he saw fit, and set over it what 
officers he pleased. 

The seignior was usually the immediate vassal of 
the Crown, from which he had received his land 
gratuitously. In a few cases he made grants to other 
seigniors inferior in the feudal scale, and they, his 
vassals, granted in turn ':o their vassals, — the habi- 
tants, or cultivators of the soil.^ Sometimes the 

1 Projet de Reiflcment fait par MM. de Tracij et Talon pour la jus- 
tice'et la distribution des terres du Canada, Jan. 24, 1(507. 

2 Most of the seigniories of Canada were simple fiefs; but tliere 
were some exceptions. In 1071, tlie King, as a mark of lionor to 




habifant held directly of the Crown, in which case 
there was no step between the highest and lowest 
degrees of the feudal scale. The seignior held by 
the tenure of faith and homage, the habitant by the 
inferior tenure en censive. Faith and homage were 
rendered to the Crown or other feudal superior when- 
ever the seigniory changed hands, or, in the case of 
seigniories held by corporations, after long stated 
intervals. The following is an example, drawn from 
the early days of the colony, oi the performance of 
this ceremony by tlie owner of a fief to the seignior 
who had granted it to him. It is that of Jean 
Guion, vassal of Giffard, seignior of Beauport. 

The act recounts how, in presence of a notary, 
Guion presented himself at the principal door of the 
manor-house of Beauport; how, having knocked, 
one Boull^, farmer of Giffard, opened the door, and 
in reply to Guion's question if the seignior was at 
liome, replied that he was not, but that he, Boull^, 
was empowered to receive acknowledgments of faith 
and homage from the va;-'sals in his name. "After 
the which reply," proceeds the act, "the said Guion, 
being at the principal door, placed himself on his 

Talon, erected his seigniory De8 Islets into a barony ; and it was 
soon afterwards made an earldom, comte. In 1(570, the seigniory of 
St. Laurent, on the island of Orleans, once the property of Laval, 
and then belonging to;ois Berthelot, councillor of the King, 
was erected into an earldom. In 1081, the seigniory of I'ortneuf, 
belonging to Kene Robineau, chevalier, was made a barony. In 
1700, three seigniories on the south si'^e of the St. Lawrence were 
united into tlie barony of Longueuil. (See Papers on the Feudal 
Tenure in Canada, Abstract of Titles.) 

/■ * , ' 


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knees on the ground, with head bare, and without 
sword or spui*s, and said tliree times these words: 
' Monsieur ds Beauport, Monsieur de Beauport, 
Monsieur de Beauport! I bring you the faith and 
homage which I am bound to bring you on account 
of my fief Du Buisson, which I hold as a man of 
faith of your seigniory of Beauport, declaring that I 
offer to pay my seigniorial and feudal dues in their 
season, and demanding of you to accept me in faith 
and homage as aforesaid.' "^ 

The following instance is the more common one of a 
seignior holding directly of the Crown. It is widely 
separated from the first in point of time, having oc- 
curred a year after the army of Wolfe entered Quebec. 

Philippe Noel had lately died, and Jean Noel, his 
son, inherited his seigniory of Tilly and Bonsecours. 
To make the title good, faith and homage must })e 
renewed. Jean Noel was under the bitter necessity 
of rendering this duty to General Murray, governor 
for the King of Great Britain. Tlie form is the 
same as in the case of Guion, more than a century 
before. Noiil repairs to the Government House at 
Quebec, and knocks at the door. A servant opens 
it. Noel asks if the governor is tliere. The servant 
replies that he is. Murray, informed of the visi- 
tor's rbject, comes to the door, and Noel then and 
there, "without sword or spurs, with bare head, 

1 Ferland, Nofes sur les Reijistres de Notre Dame de Qiic'her, 05, 
This was ajief en rot lire, as distinguished from (ijief noble, to which 
judicial powers and otlier privileges were attached. 





Jean Gtiioii before Boulle. 

Druwii by ()r><,n Lowell. 

Thk Old Rkhimi- ix Cax.ada. 508. 

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and one knee on tlie ground," repents the jieknowl- 
edgnient of faith and homage for his seigniory, lie 
was comi)elled, however, to add a detested innova- 
tion, — the oath of fidelity to liis Britannic Majesty, 
coupled with a pledge to keep his vassals in obedi- 
ence to the new sovereign. ^ 

The seignior was a pr,;piietor liolding that relation 
to the feudal superior whicli, in its i)ristine character, 
has been truly described as servile in form, pi-oud 
and bold in spirit. iJiit in Canada this bold spirit 
was very far from being strengthened by the changers 
which the policy of the Crown had introduced into 
the system. The reservation of mines and minerals, 
oaks for the royal navy, roadways, and a site (if 
needed) for royal forts and magazines, had in it 
nothing extraordhiary. The great difference between 
the position of the Canadian seignior and that of the 
vassal proprietor of the Middle Ages lay in the extent 
and nature of the control which the Crown and its 
officers held over him. A decree of the King, an 
edict of the council, or an ordinance of the intendant, 
might at any moment change old conditions, impf)se 
new ones, interfere between the lord of the manor 
and his grantees, and modify or annul his bargains, 
past or present. He was never sure whether or not 
the government would let him alone; and against its 
most arbitrary intervention he had no remedy. 

One condition was imposed on him which may be 

' See tlie tict in Ohsrrrtifions de Sir L. If. Lafontainc, Bart., sur 
la Tenure Seigneur iale, 217, note. 

II ' i 














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ii ■; 





siiid to form tlio distiiictivo foiituro of Caiiiidiiui 
fi'iidalisin, — that of clojirinir his luiid within u 
liiiiiti'd time on pain of forfeiting it. Th« ol)jo(!t 
was tliu excellent one of preventing tlio lands of tlie 
colony from lying waste. As the seignior was often 
the pcMiniless owner of a domaui three or fonr leagues 
wide and [Uwportionahly deep, he could not clear it 
all himself, and wiu, therefore under the necessity of 
l)laeing the greater part in the^ hands of those who 
could. Hut he was forhidden to sell any part of it 
wiiich he had not cleared. lie nuist grant it without 
price, on condition of a small perpetual rent; and 
this brings us to the cultivator of the soil, the ccn- 
siiaire, the broad base of the feudal i)yramid.^ 

The tenure en ccnsive^ by which the cimsitaire held 
of the seignior, consisted in the obligation to make 



^ Tht' {i;roater part of tlio grants made by the old Company of 
New France were resumed by the Crown for neglect to occupy and 
inijjrove the land, which was granted out anew under the adminis- 
tration of Talon. The most remarkable of these forfeited grants 
is tiiat of the vast domain of La Citiore, large enough for a 
kingdom. Lauson, afterwards governor, had obtained it from the 
company, but had failed to improve it. Two or three sub-grants 
which he had made from it were held valid ; the rest M'as reunited 
to the royal domain. On repeated occasions at later dates, negli- 
gent seigniors were threatened with the loss of half or the whole 
of their land, and various cases are recorded in which the threat 
took etfect. In 1741, an ordinance of the governor and intendant 
reunited to the royal domain seventeen seigniories at one stroke; 
but the former owners were told tiiat if within a year they cleared 
and settled a reasonable part of the forfeited estates, the titles 
should he restored to tiiein. (I^ilils el Ordonnaures, ii. b')f).) In the 
case of the hahitatit or (•cnsihiin , forfeitures for neglect to improve 
the laud and live on it ure very numerous. 

1 *i 




ivnnual paynieiits in money, produce, or ])()tli. In 
Canuda tlieso payments, known as cens ct rciUc^ were 
strangely diverse in amount and kind; but in all 
the early period of the colony they were almost 
ludicrously small. A common charge at Montreal 
was half a sou and half a pint of wheat for each 
ar[)ent. The rate usually fluctuated in the early 
times lietween half a sou and two sous; so that a 
farm of a iivuidrcd and sixty arpents would pay from 
four to sixteen francs, of which a part would be in 
money and the rest in live capons, wheat, eggs, or 
all three together, in pursuance of contracts as amus- 
ing in their precision as they are bewildering in their 
variety. Live capons, estimated at twenty sous 
each, though sometimes not worth ten, form a con- 
spicuous feature in these agreements ; so that on pay- 
day the seignior's barnyard presenced an animated 
scene. Later in the l^istory of the colony grants 
were at somewhat higher rates. Payment was com- 
monly made on St. Martin's day, when there was a 
general muster of tenants at the seigniorial mansion, 
with a prodigious consumption of tobacco and a cor- 
responding retail of neighborhood gossip, joined, to 
the outcries of the captive fowls bundled together 
for delivery, with legs tied, but throats at full 

A more considerable but a very uncertnin source 
of income to the seignior were the lods et vc7itcs^ or 
nuitation fines. The land of the censitaire passed 
freely to his heirs; but if he sold it, a twelfth part 

t II 






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CANADIAN FKi:i)AIJSM. [l(m:j-170:i. 

y. , ■! 

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of tlio purclmso-inonoy must 1)0 [)ai(l to tlio soipfnior. 
The st'ij^nioi', on liis [)iirt, was (Miually liahlc to pay 
a mutation lino to his feudal superior if lio sohl liis 
si'ijL^niory ; and for him tiit3 amount was hirsror, — 
being a quint., or a liflh of th(! prieo rectsived, of 
which, hovvev(!r, tlie greater part was dechicted for 
immediate payment. This heavy charge, constitut- 
ing as it did a tax on all improvements, was a prin- 
cipal cause of the abolition of the feu(hd tenure 
in 1854. 

The obligation of clearing his land and living on 
it was laid on seignior and ccuHitairc ii\'\\iQ\ but the 
latter was under a variety of other obligations to the 
former, partly imposed by custom and partly estab- 
lished by agreement when the grant was made. To 
grind his grain at the seignior's mill, bake his bread 
in the seignior's oven, work for him one or more 
days in the year, and give him one fish in every 
eleven, for the ]irivilcge of fishing in the I'ivcr before 
his farm, — these were the most anno3ing t)f the 
conditions to which the cetisitairc was liable. Few 
of them were enforced with much regularity. That 
of baking in the seignior's oven was rarely carried 
into effect, though occasionally used for purposes of 
extortion. It is here that the royal government 
appears in its true character, so far as concerns its 
relations with Canada, — that of a well-meaning 
despotism. It continnally intervened between censi- 
tairc and seignior, on the principle that "as his 
Majesty gives the land for nothing, he can make 

*il ,',: 


100.'l-17f]n.] IloVAf. INTKIIVKNTION. 


wliJit coiiditioiiH ho i)k!uses, unci cliiuige tlium wlicii 
he i)leuHL's." ^ 

Theso iiitorvontions w('re usually rjivorablu to tho 
ccnsitiiire. On ono occusiou nw iiitcndant rcportt'd 
to the minister, that in his opinion all rents ouj^lit to 
1)0 reduced to one sou and one live eiipon lor every 
arpont of front, equal in most cases to forty superfi- 
cial arpents.- Everythin^% \w remarks, ought to Ik; 
hrought down to the level ot" the Hrst grants '"nuide 
in days of innocence," — a happy period which he 
does not attempt to dedne. The minister re[)lies 
that the divei'sity of the rent is, in fact, vexatious, 
and tiiat for his part he is disposed to aholish it 
altogether.'* Neither he nor the intendant gives tho 
slightest hint of any compensation to the seignior. 

Though these radical measui'cs were not (executed, 
many changes were decreed from time to time in tho 
relations })etween seignior and ccnsitairc^ — sometimes 
us a simple act of sovereign power, and sometimes 
on tho ground that the grants had })een made with 
conditions not recognized hy the Coutiinia dc Ptirin. 
This was the code of law assigned to Canada; but 
most of the contrficts between seignior and ccnsitaire 
had Ijoen agreed upon in good faith by men who 
knew as much of the Coutume dc Paris as of tho 
Capitularies of Charlemagne, and their conditions 



• - 




■^ 1 

^ TIlis doctrine is laid down in a letter of tho Marquis de Beau- 
liarnois, governor, to the minister, 17o4. 

2 Lettre de liditdol, peri', rni x)fi'ni.'ifrc, 10 Nov., 1707. 
' Lettre de Ponchartrain a llaudut, perc, 13 Juin, 1708. 





had remained in force unchallenged for generations. 
These interventions of government sometimes contra- 
dicted one another, and often proved a dead letter. 
They are more or less active through the whole 
period of tlie French rule. 

The seignior had judicial powers, which, however, 
were carefully curhed and controlled. His jurisdic- 
tion, when exercised at all, extended in most cases 
only to trivial causes. He very rarely had a prison, 
and seems never to have abused it. The dignity of 
a seigniorial gallows with hiyh justice or jurisdiction 
over heinous offences was granted only in three or 
four instances. 1 

Four arpents in front by forty in depth were the 
ordinary dimensions of a grant en censive. These 
ribbons of land, nearly a mile and a half long, with 
one end on the river and the other on the uplands 
behind, usually combined the advantages of meadows 
for cultivation, and forests for timber and firewood. 
So long as the cc7isitaire brought in on Saint Martin's 
day his yearly capons and his yearly handful of 
copper, his title against the seignior was perfect. 
There are farms in Canada which have passed from 
father to son for two hundred years. The condition 
of the cultivator was incomparably better than that 
of the French peasant, crushed by taxes, and oppressed 
by feudal burdens far heavier than those of Canada. 

1 Baronies and comics wltc enipowcrcMl to set up {jjallows and 
I I'.lories, to wliicli the arms of llie owner were allixed. 8ee, for 
example, tlie ediet ereating tlie Durony des Ibiets. 



,t cases 
rnity of 
,liree or 

VGYG the 
ig, with 
lidful of 
led from 
lan that 

lUows iind 
Sec, tor 

166;}-! 763.] 



In fact, the Canadian settler scorned tlie name of 
peasant, and then, as now, was always called tlie 
habitant. The government held him in wardsliip, 
watched over him, interfered with him, but did not 
oppress him or allow others to oppress him. Canada 
was not governed to the profit of a class; and if the 
Kiuf; wislied to create a Canadian nuhlcssc, he took 
care that it should not bear hard on tlie countiy.^ 

Under a genuine feudalism, the ownership of land 
conferred nobility; but all this was changed. The 
King and not the soil was now the i)arent of honor, 
b' ranee swarmed with landless nobles, while ruturicr 
land-holders grew daily more numerous. In Canada 
half the seigniories were in ruturicr or plebeian 
hands, and in course of time some of them came 
into possession of persons on very humble tiegrees of 
the social scale. A seigniory could be bought and 
sold, and a trader or a thrifty habitant might, and 
often did, become the buyer.^ If the Canadian noble 

^ On tlie seigniorial tenure, I have examined tlie entire mass of 
papers printed at the time when the question of its abolition was 
under discussion. A great deal of legal research and learning 
tlien devoted to the subject. The argument of Mr. Dunkiii in 
behalf of tlie seigniors, and the observations of Judge Lafontaine 
are especially instructive, as is also the collected corresjiondence 
of the governors and intendants with the central government on 
matters relating to the seigniorial system. 

2 In 1712, the engineer Catalogue made a very long and elaborate 
report on the condition of Canada, with a full account of all the 
seigniorial estates. Of ninety-one seigniories, fiefs, and baronies, 
described by him, ten belonged to merchants, twelve to husl)and- 
men, and two to masters of small river craft. The rest bclongi'd 
to religious corporations, members of tiie council, judgis, ollieials 
of the Crown, willows, ami discharged ollicers or their sons. 


^ ' 

, \ 


CANADIAN FEUDALISM. [li;6;3-170.'}. 


tl - '. 

» ,1 


was always a seignior, it is far from being true that 
the Canadian seignior was always a noble. 

In France, it will be remembered, nobility did not 
in itself im2)ly a title. Besides its titled leaders, 
it had its rank and file, numerous enough to form a 
considerable army. Under tlie later Bourbons, the 
penniless young nobles were, in fact, enrolled into 
regiments, — turbulent, difficult to control, obeying 
officers of high rank, but scorning all others, and 
consi)icuous by a liery and impetucms valor which on 
more than one occasion turned the tide of victory. 
The i/cntilkovimc, or untitled noble, had a distinctive 
character of his own, — gallant, punctilious, vain ; 
skilled in social and sometimes in literary and artistic 
accomplishments, but usually ignorant of most things 
except the handling of his rapier. Yet there were 
striking exceptions; and to say of him, as has been 
said, that "he knew nothing l)ut how to get himself 
killed," is hardly just to a body which has produced 
some of the best Avriters and thinkers of France. 
Sometimes the origin of his nobility was lost in the 
mists of time ; sometimes he owed it to a patent from 
the King. In either case, the line of demarcation 
between him and the classes below him was perfectly 
distinct; and in this lies an essential difference 
between the French noUcsse and the English gentry, 
a class not separated from others by a definite barrier. 
The French noblesse^ unlike the English gentry, 
constituted a caste. 

The gentilhommc had no vocation for emigrating. 

ue tliat 

[\i'\. not 
> form a 
ins, tlie 
led into 
31-8, and 
'^liicb on 
s, vain; 
I artistic 
3t things 
are were 
las been 
, himself 
t in the 
nt from 


1603-176:].] CANADIAN NOHLESSE. 



lie liked the army and he liked the conrt. If 
conld not be of it, it was something to live in its 
shadow. The life of a backwoods settler had no 
charm for him. He was not used to labor; and he 
conld not trade, at least in retail, without becoming 
liable to forfeit his nobility. When Talon came to 
Canada, there were but four noble families in the 
colony. 1 Young nobles in abundance came out with 
Tracy; but they went home with him. Where, 
then, should be found the material of a Canadian 
noblesse ? First, in the regiment of Cariguan, of 
which most of the ollicers were f/cntilshomnies ; 
secondly, in the issue of patents of nobility to a few 
of the more promintnit colonists. Tracy asked for 
four sucli patents ; Talon asked for five more ; '^ and 
such requests were repeated at intervals by succeed- 
ing governors and intendants, in behalf of those 
who had gained their favor by merit or otherwise. 
Money smoothed the patli to advancement, so far 
had nohhsse already fallen from its old estate. Thus 
Jacques Le Ber, the merchant, who had long kept a 
shop at Montreal, got himself made a "gentleman" 
for six thousand livres.^ 

All Canada soon became infatuated with noUessc ; 

* Talon, }rifmolrr. sur VEtaf present dit Canada, 1007. The fanii- 
lit'S of Itepentigny, Tilly, Potlicrie, and Ailleboust appear to be 

2 Tracy's request was in behalf of Bourdon, Boucher, Auteuil, 
and Juchereau. Talon's was in behalf of Godefroy, Le Moyne, 
Denis, Amiot, and Couillard. 

''' Faillon, Vie <le Madcmoisi-llc Lc tier, 325. 

I iiltl 










i i 1 

!• '•- fel 

r;].' 'i 


t ■ 







' ,i V 

i i-^ 

and country and town, merchant and seignior, vied 
with each other for the quality of gentiniommc. If 
they could not get it, they often pretended to have 
it, and aped its ways with the zeal of Monsieur 
Jourdain himself. "Everybody here," writes the 
intendant Meules, "calls himself Esquire^ and ends 
with thi'^king himself a gentleman." Successive 
intendants repeat this complaint. The case was 
worst with roturiers who had acquired seigniories. 
Thus Noel Langlois was a good carpenter till he 
became owner of a seigniory, on which he grew lazy 
and affected to play the gentleman. The real 
geiitilsliommes^ as well as the spurious, had their 
full share of ofhcial stricture. The governor Denon- 
ville speaks of them thus: "Several of them have 
come out this year with their wives, who are very 
much cast down ; but they play the fine lady, never- 
theless. I had much Tather see good peasants; it 
would be a pleasure to me to give aid to such, 
knowing, as I should, that within two years their 
families would have the means of living at ease ; for 
it is certain that a peasant who can and will work is 
well off in this country, while our nobles with noth- 
ing to do can never be anything but beggars. Still 
they ought not to be driven off or abandoned. The' 
question is how to maintain them." ^ ' 

The intendant Duchesneau writes to the same 
effect: "Many of our gentilshommcs^ olhcers, and 
other owners of seigniories, lead what in France is 

* Lettre de Deivmville (in Min'istrc, 10 Nov., I(t8(». 

il*' 1 


', vied 

ne. If 

o have 


es the 

id ends 


se was 

till he 

■ew lazy 

he real 

id their 

sm have 

are very 

/, never- 

sants; it 

o such, 

,rs their 

ase; for 

work is 

th noth- 

:s. Still 


[\e same 
jrs, and 
Trance is 




called the life of a country gentleman, and spend 
most of their time in hunting and fishing. As their 
requirements in food and clothing are greater than 
those of the simple habitants, and as they do not 
devote themselves to improving their land, they mix 
themselves up in trade, run in debt on all hands, 
incite their young habitants to range the woods, and 
send their own children there to trade for furs in the 
Indian villages and in the depths of the forest, in 
spite of the prohibition of 'ils Majesty. Yet, with 
all this, they are in miserable poverty. "^ 

Their condition, indeed, was often deplorable. 
"It is pitiful," says the intendant Champigny, "to 
see their children, of which they have great numbers, 
passing all summer with nothing on them but a shirt, 
and their wives and daughterK working in the 
fields." 2 In another letter he asks aid from the King 
for Repentigny with his thirteen children, and for 
Tilly with his fifteen. "We must give them some 
corn at once," he says, "or they will starve."^ 
These were two of the original four noble families 
of Canada. The family of Ailleboust, another of the 
four, is described as equally destitute. " Pride and 
sloth," says the same intendant, "are the great faults 
of the people of Canada, and especially of the nobles 
and those who pretend to be such. I pray you grant 

1 Lettre de Duchesneau au Miniatre, 10 Nov., 1679. 

2 Lettre de Champifjni/ au Ministre, 20 Aoul, 1087. 
8 Ibid., 6 Nov., 1087. 



4' ■■' 






no more letters of nobility, unless you want to 
multiply beggars." ^ 

The governor Denonville is still more emphatic: 
"Above all things, Monseigneur, permit me to say 
that the nobles of this new country are everything 
that is most beggarly, and that to increase their 
number is to increase the number of do-nothings. 
A new country requires hard workers, who will 
handle the axe and mattock. The sons of our coun- 
ciHoi's are no more industrious than the nobles; and 
their only resource is to take to the woods, trade a 
little with the Indians, and, for the most part, fall 
into the disorders of which I have had the honor to 
inform you. f shall use all possible means to induce 
them to engage in regular commerce; but as our 
nobles and councillors are all very poor and weighed 
down with debt, they could not get credit for a 
single crown piece. "^ "Two days ago," he writes in 
another letter, "Monsieur de vSaint-Ours, a gentle- 
man of Dauphiny, came to me to ask leave to go back 
to France in search of bread. He says that he will 
put liis ten children into the charge of any who will 
give them a living, and that he himself will go into 
the army again. His wife and lie are in despair; 
and yet they do what they can. I have seen two 
of his girls reaping grain and holding the plough. 
Other families are in the same condition. They 


1 Memoire instructif sur le Canada, joint a la lettre de M, de Cham- 
pifjni/ dii 10 ^^ai, 1091. 

2 Lettre de Denonville au Ministre, \?i Nov., 1085. 


ant to 

pliatic : 

to say 
3e their 
ho will 
ir coun- 
ies; and 

trade a 
»art, fall 
honor to 
;o induce 
t as our 

lit for a 
writes in 
go hack 
,t he will 

who will 

[1 go into 
despair ; 

5een two 
. They 

. de Cham- 



come to me with tears in their eyes. All our married 
officers are heggars ; and I entreat you to send them 
aid. There is need that the King should provide 
support for their children, or else they will he 
tempted to go over to the English."^ Again he 
writes that the sons of the councillor D'Amours have 
heen arrested as coureurs de hois, or outlaws in liio 
hush ; and that if the minister does not do something 
to help them, there is danger that all the sons of the 
noblesse, real or pretended, will turn handits, since 
they have no other means of living. 

Tlie King, dispenser of charity for all Canada, 
came promptly to the rescue. He granted an alms 
of a hundred crowns to each family, coupled with a 
warning to the I'ccipients of his hounty that "their 
misery proceeds from their amhition to live as 
persons of quality and without lahor." ^ At the same 
time, the minister announced that no more letters of 
nohility would he granted in Canada; adding, "to 
relieve the country of some of the children of those 
who are really nohle, I send you [the governor] six 
commissions of Gardes de la Marine, and recommend 
you to take care not to give them to anj who are not 
actually gentilshommcs.''^ The Garde de la Marine 
answered to the midshipman of the English or 
American service. As the six commissions could 

1 Lettre de DenonviUe an Minisfre, 10 Nov., 1680. (Condensed in 
the translation.) 

2 A))stract of Dcnonville's Letters, and of the Minister's Answers, 
in N. Y. Colonial Docs., ix. 317, 318. 





J ■.' 




I U 


\ ' Kl 



( , 


biiiig little relief to the crowd of needy youths, it 
was further ordained that sous of nobles or persons 
living as such sliould be enrolled into companies at 
eight sous a day for those who should best conduct 
themselves, and six sous a day for the others. 
Nobles in Canada were also permitted to trade, oven 
at re ill, "I' ''lovt derogiiting from their rank.^ 

Tli('3' ii' 1 already assumed this right, without 
waiiin^ !i,i ihe royal license; but thus far it liad 
profited them l.iMe. The gcntilhominc was not a 
good shopkeeper, nor, as a rule, was the shopkeeper's 
vocation very lucrative in Canada. The domestic 
trade of the colony was small; and all trade was 
exposed to such vicissitudes from the intervention of 
intendants, ministers, and councils, that at one time 
it was almost k nished. At best, it was carried on 
under conditions auspicious to a favored few and 
witliering to the rest. Even when most willing to 
work, the position of the gentilhomme was a painful 
one. Unless he could gain a post under the Crown, 
which was rarely the case, he was as complete a 
political cipher as the meanest habitant. His rents 
were practically nothing, and he had no capital to 
improve his seigniorial estate. By a peasant's work 
he could gain a peasant's living, and this was all. 
The prospect was not inspiring. His long initia- 
tion of misery was the natural result of his position 
and surroundings; and it is no matter of wonder 
that he threw himself into the only field of action 

^ Lettre de Meules au Ministre, 1085. 

! ; 


.ths, it 
iiies at 
e, e\en 

it had 
i not a 
ade was 
nition of 
:)nc time 
Liried on 
few and 
illing to 
mplete a 
:is rents 
lapital to 
t's work 
was all. 
ig- initia- 
,f action 

in(;:j-1703.] CANADIAN NOBLESSE. 


which in time of peace was open to him. It was 
trade, but tr."lc seasoned by adventure and enno])k'd 
by dan'jer, defiant of edict and ordinance, outlawed, 
conducted in arms ri.iong forests and sr.vages; in 
siiort, iv, was the V/estcn fur-trade. The tyro was 
likely *- ) fail in it at first, but time and experience 
formed him to the work. On the Great Lakes, in 
tlu! wastes of the Northwest, on the Mississippi and 
the plains beyond, we find tlie roving (jodilhonunc, 
chief of a gang of bush-rangers, often his o' . / hi- 
tants^ — sometimes proscriljed by the gov '^nn t, 
sometimes leagued in contral)and traffic \\i'\\ its 
liighest officials; a hardy vidette of civil*; ation, 
tracing unknown streams, piercing unkno n forests, 
trading, fighting, negotiating, and builcixug forts. 
Again we find him on the shores of Acadia or Maine, 
surrounded by Indian retainers, a menace and a 
terror to the neighboring English colonist. Saint- 
Castin, Du Lhut, La Darantaye, La Salle, La Mothe- 
Cadillac, Iberville, Bienville, La Vdrendrye, are 
names that stand conspicuous on the page of half- 
savage romance that refreshes the hard and practicil 
annals of American colonization. But a more sub- 
stantial debt is due to their memory. It was they, 
and such as they, who discovered the Ohio, explored 
the Mississippi to its mouth, discovered the Rocky 
Mountains, and founded Detroit, St. Louis, and New 

Even in his earliest day, the gentilliomme was not 
always in the evil plight where we have found him. 


1;' 1 






>. • \\ 

%. . \ 


{- . 


I \\ 

^ '■*•£■ 




h' I 



I'liere were a few exceptions to the general niiseiy, 
and the chief among them is tliat of the Le Moynes 
of Montreal. Charles i^e Moyne, son of an inn- 
keoi)er of Dieppe and fonnder of a family the most 
trnly eminent in Canada, was a man of sterling 
qualities who had been long enough in the colony to 
learn how to live there. ^ Others learned the same 
lesson at a later day, adapted themselves to soil and 
situation, took root, grew, and became more Canadian 
than French. As population increased, their seign- 
iories began to yield appreciable returns, and their 
reserved domains became worth cultivating. A 
future dawned upon them; they saw in hope their 
names, their seigniorial estates, their manor-houses, 
their tenantry, passing to their children and their 
children's children. The beggared nol)le of the early 
time became a sturdy country gentleman, — poor, 
but not wretched; ignorant of books, except possibly 
a few scraps of rusty Latin picked up in a Jesuit 
school; hardy as the hardiest woodsman, yet never 
forgetting his quality of gcntilhomme ; scrupulously 
wearing its badge, the sword, and copying as well as 
he could the fashions of the court, which glowed on 
his vision across the sea in all the effulgence of 

1 Berthclot, proprietor of the comte of St. Laurent, and Ilobineau, 
of the barony of Tortnciif , may also bo mentioned as exceptionally 
prosperous. Of the younger Charles Le Moyne, afterwards Raron 
de Longueuil, F'rontenae the governor says, " son fort et sa maison 
nous donnent une idee des chateaux do France fortifiez." Ilis fort 
was of stone and flanked with four towers. It was nearly opposite 
Montreal, on the south shore. 

10G;}-170:J.] CANADIAN NOIU.KSSE. 325 

Vei-saillcs, and beamed witli reflected ray from the 
(Chateau of Quel)cn. lie was at home among his 
tenants, at home among the Indians, and never more 
at home than when, a gnn in liis hand and a crucifix 
on his breast, he took the war-patli with a crew of 
painted savages and Frenchmen ahnost as wihl, and 
pounced like a lynx from the forest on some lonely 
farm or outlying hamlet of New England. How 
New England hated him, let her records tell. The 
reddest blood-streaks on her old annals mark the 
track of the Canadian (jcntilhommc. 



I i 




\ '■*•■) 






Natiihk op tub {Jovkunmknt. — TiiK GovKKNOR. — TiiK Council. 


Bounty. — Dei'eots and Auuhus. 

The government of Canada was formed in ita chief 
features after the government of a French province. 
Throughout France tlie past and tlie present stood 
side by side. 'J'he kingdom had a double adminis- 
tration ; or, rather, the shadow of the old administra- 
tion and the substance of the new. The government 
of provinces had long been held by the high nobles, 
often kindred to the Crown; and hence, in former 
times, great perils liad arisen, amounting during the 
civil wais to the danger of dismemberment. The 
high nobles were still governors of provinces; but 
here, as elsewhere, they had ceased to be dangerous. 
Titles, honors, and ceremonial they had in abundance ; 
but they were deprived of real power. Close beside 
them was the royal intendant, an obscure figure, lost 
amid the vainglories of the feudal sunset, but in the 
name of the King holding the reins of government, — 

II. 'U 



a clieck and u spy on liis gorgeous col!«'aguc. llo 
Wiis tliti King's agent; of modest birth, springing 
from the legal class; owing his present to the King, 
and dependent on him for his future ; learned in the 
law and trained to administration. It was by such 
instruments that the powerful cqntralization of the 
monarchy enforced itself throughout the kingdom, 
and, penetrating beneath the crust of old pres'^uip- 
tions, supplanted without seeming to supplant them. 
The courtier noble looked down in the pride of rank 
on the busy man in black at his side ; but this man 
in black, witli the troop of ollicials at his beck, con- 
trolled finance, the royal courts, public works, and 
all the administrative business of the province. 

The governor-general and the intendant of Canada 
answered to those of a French province. The gov- 
ernor, excepting in the earliest period of the colony, 
was a military noble, — in most cases bearing a title 
and sometimes of high rank. The intendant, as in 
France, was usually drawn from the yens dc robe, or 
legal class. ^ The mutual relations of the two officers 
were modified by the circumstances about thei The 
governor was superior in rank to the intendant; he 
commanded the troops, conducted relations with 
foreign colonies and Indian tribes, and took pre- 
ccden''e on all occasions of ceremony. Unlike <i 

1 The ^'()vernor was. Jtyknl in his commission, Gonvcrncur et Lie.u- 
tfttiiHt-deiit-''- il en Canada, Acadie, Isle de Tv.rrcneuve, et uutrcs }Hti/s 
dc la France Septentrionale ; and the intendant, Intendant de la Justice, 
Police, et Finances en Canada, Acadie, Terreneuvc,et autres pai/s d". ia 
France Septentrionale. 


■'• . ) 

1 J 




I '■ ' 

ii^^ \ 


s i 

provincial governor in France, lie had great and 
substantial power. The King and the minister, his 
sole masters, were a thousand leagues distant, and 
he controlled the whole military force. If lie a])used 
his position, there was no remedy bnt in appeal to 
the court, which alone could hold him in check. 
There were local governors at Montreal and Tlirce 
Rivers; but their power was carefully curbed, and 
they were forbidden to fine or imprison any person 
without authority from Quebec. ^ 

The intendant was \ irtuidly a spy on the governor- 
general, of whose proceedings and of everything 
else that took place he was required to make report. 
Every year he wrote to the minister of state one, two, 
three, or four letters, often forty or fifty pages long, 
filled with the secrets of the colony, political and 
personal, great and small, set forth with a minuteness 
often interesting, often instructive, and often exces- 
sively tedious. 2 The governor, too, wrote letters of 
pitiless length ; and each of the colleagues was jealous 
of the letters of the other. In truth, their relations 
to each other were so critical, and perfect harmony 
so rare, that they might almost be described as 
natural enemies. The court, it is certain, did not 


1 Th(' Sulpitian seigniors of Montreal claimed the right of 
appointing their own local governor. This was denied by the 
court, and the excellent Sulpitian governor, Maisonneuve, was re- 
moved by l;c Tracy, to die in patient obscurity at Paris. Some 
concessions were afterwards made in favor of the Sulpitian claims. 

'^ 1 have carefully read about two thousand pages of these 



t and 
jr, liis 
t, and 
)cal to 
[1, and 

e, two, 
s long, 
cal and 
I exces- 
tters of 
bed as 
id not 

right of 
|1 by the 
L, was re- 
Is, Some 
I of these 




desire their perfect accord; nor, on the other hand, 
did it wish them to quarrel : it aimed to keep them on 
such terms that, without deranging tlie machinery of 
administration, each should be a check on the other. ^ 
The governor, the intendant, and the supreme 
council or court were absolute masters of Canada 
under the pleasure of tlie King. Legislative, judi- 
cial, and executive power, all centred in them. We 
liave seen already the very unpromising beginnings 
of the supreme council. It had consisted at iirst of 
the governor, the bishop, and live councillors chosen 
by them. The intendant was soon added, to form the 
ruling triumvirate ; but the appointment of the coun- 
cillors, the occasion of so many quarrels, was after- 
wards exercised by the King himself.^ Even the name 
of the council underwent a change in the interest of 
liis autocracy, and he conunanded that it sliould no 
longer be called the Supreme^ but only the Superior 
Council. The same change had just been imposed on 
all the high tribunals of France.^ Under the shadow 
of the fleur-de-lis^ the King alone was to be supreme. 

1 The governor and intendant made frequent appeals to the court 
to settle questions arising between them. Several of these appeals 
are preserved. The King wrote replies on the margin of the paper, 
but they were usually t )o curt and general to satisfy either party. 

2 Declaration du Roi du 10 Jnin, 170;>. Apj)ointments were made 
by the King many years earlier. As they were always made on the 
recommendation of the cjovernor and intendant, the practical effect 
of the change was merely to exclude the bishop from a share in 
tliem. The West India Company made the nominations during the 
ten years of its ascendancy. 

* Clierucl, Administration Monarchiqm en France, ii. 100. 




1 1 

,1.1 ! 



i I 

I Ph 

' , n. 






330 THE IIULEKS OF CANADA. [1603-1763. 

Ill 1075 the number of councillors was increased to 
seven, and in 1703 it was again increased to twelve; 
l)Mt the character of the council or court remained 
the same. It issued decrees for the civil, commer- 
cial, and financial government of the colony, and 
gave judgment in civil and criminal causes according 
to the royal ordinances and the Coutume de Paris. It 
exercised also the function of registration borrov/ed 
from the parliament of Paris. That body, it will be 
remembered, had no analogy whatever with the 
English parliament. Its ordinary functions were 
not legislative, but judicial ; and it was composed of 
judges hereditary under certain conditions. Never- 
theless, it had long acted as a check on the royal 
power through its right of registration. No royal 
edict had the force of law till entered upon its books, 
and this custom had so deep a root in the monarchical 
constitution of France, that even Louis XIV., in the 
flush of his power, did not attempt to abolish it. 
lie did better; he ordered his decrees to be regis- 
tered, and the hundjled parliament submissively 
obeyed. In like manner all edicts, ordinances, or 
declarations relating to Canada were entered on tlie 
registers of the superior council at Quebec. The 
Older of registration was commonly affixed to the 
edict or other mandate, and nobody dreamed of dis- 
obeying it.^ 

1 Many frt'iK-ral cMlicts rclatiii}^ to tlie whole kinfjjdoni are also 
ro^nstcrt'd on tlio books of tin.' council ; but the practice iii tiiis 
respect was by no nieiULs unil'orm. 




The council or court had its attorney-general, wlio 
heard complaints, and brouglit them before the 
tribunal if he thought necessary; its secretary, who 
kept its regip',ers, and its huissiers or attendant 
otlicers. It sat once a week; and, thongli it was the 
highest court of appeal, it exercised at first original 
jurisdiction in very trivial cases. ^ It was empowered 
to establish subordinate courts or judges throughout 
the colony. Besides these, there was a judge 
appointed by the King for each of the three districts 
into which Canada was divided, — those of Qu('])ec, 
Three Rivers, and Montreal. To each of the three 
royal judges were joined a clerk and an attorney- 
general, under the supervision and control of the 
attorney-general of the superior court, to wliich 
tribunal appeal lay from all the subordinate jurisdic- 
tions. The jurisdiction of the seigniors within their 
own limits has already been mentioned. Tliey were 
entitled by the terms of their grants to tlie exercise 
of "high, middle, and low justice;" but most of 
them were practically restricted t(.- the last of the 
three, — that is, to petty disputes between the habi- 
tants, involving not more than sixty sous, or offence,-, 
for which the fine did not exceed ten sous.^ Tims 
limited, their judgm-^nts were often useful in saving 


'• '«• . ]■ 

^ Spe the Registrcs du Conseil Sujxfrieur, proservt'il at Quebec. 
Ik'twcou 1003 and 1073 are a multitude of judgments on matters 
groat and siuaU, — from murder, rape, and infanticide, down to 
potty nuisances, misbehavior of servants, and disputes about the 
price of a sow. 

* Doutre et Lareau, llistoire du Droit Cauadim, 135. 




THE lU LEllS OF CANADA. [16G3-1763. 

« ' 

,' I 


time, trouble, and i loiicy to the disputants. The 
corporate seigniors of Montreal long continued to 
hold a feudal court in form, with attorney-general, 
clerk, and huissicr ; but very few other seigniors were 
in a condition to imitate them. Added to all these 
tribunals was the bishop's court at Quel)ec, to try 
causes held to be within the province of the Church. 

The oJlice of judge in Canada was no sinecure. The 
people were of a litigious disposition, — partly from 
their Norman blood; partly, perhaps, from the idleness 
of the long and tedious winter, which gave full leis- 
ure for gossip and quaiTel; and partly from the very 
imperfect manner in which titles had been drawn and 
the boundaries of grants marked out, whence ensued 
disputes without end between neighbor and neighbor. 

"I will not say," writes the satirical La Hontan, 
" that Justice is more chaste and disinterested here 
than in France ; but, at least, if she is sold, she is sold 
cheaper. We do not pass through the clutches of ad- 
vocates, the talons of attorneys, and the claws of clerks. 
These vermin do not infest Canad.i yet. Everybody 
pleads his own cause. Our Themis is prompt, and 
she does not bristle with fees, costs, and charges. The 
judges have only four hundred francs a year, — a great 
temptation to look for law in the bottom of the suitor's 
purse. Four hundred francs ! Not enough to buy a 
cap and gown; so these gentry never wear them." ^ 

Thus far La Hontan. Now let us hear the King 

1 La Hontan, i. 21 (ed. 1705). In some editions, the a])ove is ex- 
pressed in different language. 



, it 

i i:J 




love IS ex- 

liimself . " The greatest disorder which has hitherto 
existed in Canada," writes Louis XIV. to the 
intendant Meulcs, "has come from the small degree 
of liberty which the officers of justice have had in 
the discharge of their duties, by reason of the 
violence to which thej have been subjected, and the 
part they have been obliged to take in the continual 
quarrels l)etween the governor and the intendant; 
insomuch that justice having been administered by 
calml and animosity, the inliabitants have hitherto 
been far from the tranquillity and repose which can- 
not }je found in a place where everybody is compelled 
to take side with one party or another." ^ 

Nevertheless, on ordinary local questions between 
the habitants^ justice seems to have been administered 
on the whole fairly; and judges of all grades often 
interposed in their personal capacity to bring parties 
to an agreement without a trial. From head to foot, 
the government kept its attitude of paternity. 

Beyond and above all the regular tribunals, beyond 
and above the council itself, was the independent 
jurisdiction lodged in the person of the Kim "s man, 
the intendant. His commission empower* him, if 
he saw fit, to call any cause whatever before himself 
for judgment; and he judged exclusivel} he cases 
which concerned the King, and those in-volving the 
relations of seignior and vassal. ^ He ap^^iointed sub- 

^ Tnstrucfion dn Roi/ pour le Sirur de Mrulrft, 1082. 
^ See the commission;- of various intcndaiits, in Eaits et Ordon- 
nanres, iii. 

; I 




> J 

!) :! 


^1 ; 

H i!l 


!■■ M 

334 THE IIULKKS OF CANADA. [1G63-I7a;i. 

ordinatti judges, from wlioin there was appeal to 
him ; but from liis decisions, as well as from those of 
tlie superior council, there was no appeal but to the 
King in his council of state. 

On any Monday morning one would have found 
the superior council in session in the antechamber of 
the governor's apartment, at the Chateau St. Louis. 
Tlie members sat at a round table. At the head was 
the governor, with the bishop on his right, and tiie 
intcndant on his left. The councillors sat in the 
order of their appointment, and the attorney-general 
also liad liis place at the board. As La ilontan 
says, they were not in judicial robes, but in tlieir 
ordinary dress, and all but the bishop wore swords.^ 
The want of the cap and gown greatly disturbed the 
intendant Meules; and he begs the minister to con- 
sider how important it is that the councillors, in 
order to inspire respect, should appear in public in 
long black ro})es, wliicli on occasions of ceremony 
they should cxcliange for robes of red. He thinks 
that the principal persons of the colony would thus 
be induced to train up their children to so enviable a 
dig ity; "and," he concludes, "as none of the coun- 
cillors can afford to buy red robes, I hope that the 
Kinof will vouchsafe to send out nine such. As for 
the black robes, they can furnish those themselves." ^ 
The King did not respond, and the nine robes never 

1 Conij)art.' La Potliorio, 1.200; and La Tour, Vie de Aawj/, liv. vii. 

2 Meules iin Min/shr, L'K Sriit., 1085. 





Tlie official dignity of the council was sometimes 
exposed to trials against which even red gowns 
might have proved an insufficient protection. Tlie 
same intendant urges that the tribunal ought to be 
provided immediately with a house of its own. "Tt 
is not decent," he says, "that it should sit in the 
governor's antechamber any longer. His guards and 
valets make such a noise that we cannot liear one 
another speak. 1 have continually to tell them to 
keep quiet, which causes them to make a thousand 
jokes at the couucilloi-s as they pass in and out.'*^ 
As the governor and the council were often on ill 
terms, the official head of the colony could not 
always be trusted to keep his attendants on their 
D'ood behavior. The minister listened ^'> the emu- 


])laint of Meules, and adopted his suggt ' .>n that the 
government should buy the old brewery of Takwi, — 
a large structure of mingled timber and niiasonry 
on the banks of the St. Charles. It was at an easv 
distance from the chateau; passing the Hotel Ditoi 
and descending the rock, one reaicliied it by a walk, of 
a few minutes. It was accordingly repaired, paartly 
rebuilt, and fitted up to serve tlie double jjurpose 
of a lodging for the intendant and a eourt-ho\ise. 
Henceforth the transformed biHJwery was known as 
the Palace of the Intenda>>t, or the Palace of Justice; 
and here tlK> council and inferior courts long con- 
tinued to hold their sessions. 
Some of these inferior courts appear to have needed 

1 Meults au Mlni^tre, 12 Nuv., 1(184. 




tin: iu'lkrs of Canada. [10(53-170.1 

i \ > 

! J 


a lodgiiif^ ([uite as nmcli as the council. The watch- 
ful Mcules iiit'oniis the minister that the royal judge 
for the district of Quebec \\as accustomed in winter, 
with a view to saving fuel, to hear causes and pro- 
nounce judgment l)y his own fireside, in tlie midst of 
his children, whose gambols disturbed the even 
distril>ution of justice.^ 

The superior council was not a very harmonious 
body. As its three chiefs - the man of the sword, 
the man of the church, and the man of the law — 
were often at variance, the councillors attached them- 
selves to one party or the other, and hot disputes 
sometimes ensued. The intendant, though but third 
in rank, presided at the sessions, took votes, pro- 
nounced judgment, signed papers, and called special 
meetings. Tins matter of the presidency was for 
some time a source of contention between him and 
the governor, till the question was set at rest by a 
decree of the King. 

The intendants in their reports to the minister do 
not paint the council in flattering colors. One of 
them complains that the councillors, being busy with 
their farms, neglect their official duties. Another 
says that they are all more or less in trade. A third 
calls them uneducated persons of slight account, 
allied to the chief families and chief merchants in 
Canada, in whose interest they make laws; and he 
adds, that, as a year and a half or even two years 
usually elapse before the answer to a complaint is 

* Meules nu Afini.'itic, 12 jXoik, 1084. 

i ( 


1 judgo 
m\ pro- 
luiilst ol" 
le even 

i sword, 
e law — 
ed tliem- 
but third 
)tes, pro- 
id special 
r was for 
liim and 
rest by a 

inistcr do 
One of 
msy with 
A third 
'hants in 
; and he 
Avo years 
Inplaint is 




received from Franco, they take advantage of this 
long interval to the injury of the King's service.^ 
These and other similar chiirgos betray the con- 
tinual friction between tlie several branches of the 

Tlie councillors wore rarely changed, and they 
usually held ol'lice for life. In a few cases the King 
granted to the son of a councillor yet living the riglit 
of succeeding his father when the cliarge shouhl 
lu'come vacant.2 It was a i)ost of honor and not of 
profit, at least of direct profit. Tlie salaries were 
very small, aiul coui)hMl with, a prohibition to receive 

Judging solely by the terms of his commission, the 
iiitendant was the ruling power in the colony. He 
controlled all expenditure of public money, and not 
only presided at the council, but was clothed in his 
own person with independent legislative as well as 
judicial power. lie was authorized to issue ordi- 
nances having the force of law whenever he thought 
necessary, and, in the words of his commission, "to 
order everything as he shall see just and proper."^ 
lie was directed to be present at councils of war, 
though war was the sjiecial province of his colleague, 

1 MpMlea nu Minlsfre, 12 Nov., 1084. 

2 A son of Amours was iiiimod in his father's lifotinie to sncooed 
him, as was also a son of the attornoy-gonoral Autonil. Tiiere are 
several other cases. A son of Tilly, to whom tiie right of succced- 
iiiff his father had been granted, asks leave to sell it to the merchant 
La Cliosnaye. 

■' Commissions of Bouteroue, Dnchesneau, Menles, etc. 





! ! 










and to protect soldiers and all others from ol'liciiil 
extortion and .almse; that is, to protect thoni from 
the governor. Yet there were practical dinicuUics 
in the way of his apparent ])0wer. The King, his 
master, was faraway; but ollicial jealousy was busy 
around him, and his patience was sometimes put to 
the proof. Thus the royal judge of Quebec had 
fallen into irregularities. "1 can do nothing with 
him," writes the intendant; "he keeps on good 
terms with the governor and council, and sets me at 
naught." The governor had, as he thought, treated 
him amiss. "You have told me," he writes to the 
minister, "to bear everything from him and report to 
you,*" and he proceeds to recount his grievances. 
Again, "the attorney-general is bold to insolence, 
and needs to be repressed. The King's interposition 
is necessary." He modestly adds that the intendant 
is the only man in Canada whom his Majesty can 
trust, and that he ought to have more power. ^ 

These were far from being his only troubles. The; 
enormous powers with which his commission clothed 
him were sometimes retrenched by contradictory 
instructions from the King;^ for this government, 
not of laws but of arbitrary will, is marked by fre- 
quent inconsistencies. When he quarrelled with the 
governor, and the governor chanced to have strong 

1 Mettles an Ministre, 12 Nov., 1084. 

2 Thus, Meiiles is flatly forbidtk'ii to compel litiffiints to brinp; 
causes before him (Instruction pour le Steur de Mcitles, 1()H2) ; and tliis 
prohibition is nearly of tlie same date with the conuiiission iu 
which the power to do so is expressly given him. 



u fr<Hu 
incr, his 
as busy 
H put to 
bee bad 

linr with 

on good 
its nic at 
L, treated 
es to the 
report to 
ijcsty can 
les. The 
n clothed 

d by fvo- 
1 witb the 
ve strong 

lints to britiR 
k-i) ; and this 
bmmission in 




friends at court, his jjosition became truly i»itial)le. 
lie was berated as an ini[)erious master berates an 
offending servant. "Your hist letter is full of notli- 
ing but complaints." "You have exceeded your 
authority." "Study to know yourself, aud to under- 
stand clearly the difference there is between a gov- 
ernor and an intendant." "Since vou failed to 
noniprehend the difference between you and tlu^ 
oflicer who represents the King's ))erson, you are in 
(lunger of being often condennied, or rather of being 
recalled; for bis Majesty cannot endure so many 
petty complaints, founded on nothing but a certain 
quasi equality between tiie governor and you, which 
you assume, but which does not exist." "Meddle 
with nothing l)eyond your functions." "Take good 
care to tell me nothing but the truth." "You ask 
too many favors for your adherents." "You must 
not spend more than you have authority to spend, or 
i* will be taken out of your pay." In short, there 
are several letters from the minister Colbert to his 
colonial man-of-all-work, which, from beginning to 
end, are one continued scold. ^ 

The luckless intendant was liable to be held to 
account for the action of natural laws. " If the 
population does not increase in proportion to the 
pains I take," writes the King to Duchesneau, ''you 
are to lay the blame on yourself for not having exe- 

^ Tho above examples are all taken from the letters of Colbert 
to the intendant Duchesneau. It is an extreme ease, but other in- 
tfudants are occasionally treated with scarcely more ceremony. 

•■ 'i 


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121 125 


■ 2.2 

^ 13.6 WS^ 



IL25 iu 








WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 

(716) S72-4S03 







cuted my principal order [to promote marriages], and 
for having failed in the principal object for which I 
sent you to Canada."^ 

A great number of ordinances of intendants are 
preserved. They were usually read to the i)eople at 
the doors of churches after mass, or sometimes l)y 
the cur^ from his pulpit. They relate to a great 
variety of subjects, — regulation of inns and markets, 
poaching, preservation of game, sale of brandy, rent 
of pews, stray hogs, mad dogs, tithes, matrimonial 
quarrels, fast driving, wards and guardians, weights 
and measures, nuisances, value of coinage, trespass 
on lands, building churches, observance of Sunday, 
preservation of timber, seignior and vassal, settle- 
ment of boundaries, and many other matters. If a 
cur<5 with some of his parishioners reported that bis 
church or his house needed repair or rebuilding, the 
intendant issued an ordinance requiring all the 
inhabitants of the parish, "both those who have; 
consented and those who liave not consented," to 
contribute materials and labor, on pain of fine or 
other penalty.^ The militia captain of the cote was 
to direct the work and see that each parishioner did 
his due part, which was determined by the extent of 
his farm, so, too, if the grand voyer^ an officer 
charged with the superintendence of highways, 
reported that a new road was wanted or that an old 

1 Ar Roi a Duchesneau, 11 Juin, 1080. 

- Sec, among many examples, tlie ordinance of 24tli December, 
1716. Edits ft Ordonnanri's, ii. 443, 


th December, 




one needed mending, an ordinance of tlie intendant 
set the whole neighbor! lood at work upon it, directed, 
as in the other case, by the captain of militia. If 
children were left fatherless, the intendant ordered 
the cur^ of the parish to assemble their relations or 
friends for the choice of a guardian. If a ccnsitairc 
(lid not clear his land and live on it, the intendant 
took it from him and gave it back to the seignior.^ 

Chinmey-sweeping having been neglected at 
Quebec, the intendant commands all householders 
[)roraptly to do their duty in this respect, and at the 
Slime time fixes the pay of the sweep at six sous a 
chinniey. Another order forbids quarrelling in 
cl lurch. Another assigns pews in due order of pre- 
cedence to the seignior, the captain of militia, and 
the wardens. The intendant Kaudot, who seems to 
have been inspired even more than the othei-s with 
the spirit of paternal intervention, issued a mandate 
to the effect, that, whereas the people of Montreal 
raise toe many horses, which prevents them from 
raising cattle and sheep, " Ijeing therein ignorant of 
their true interest. . . . Now, therefore, we com- 
mand that each inhabitant of the cotes of this govern- 
ment shall hereafter own no more than two hoi-ses, or 
mares, and one foal, — the same to take effect after 
the sowing-season of the ensuing year, 1710, giving 
them time to rid themselves of their horses in excess 
of said number, after which they will be required to 

' ('oin])iiro the miinerDUs ordinances printed in the sicond and 
tliird volumes of Edits ct Ordonnaiircs. 

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I- .' 


THE RULERS OF CANADA. [1663-1763. 

li' ^ 

i I 

kill any of such excess that may remain in their 
possession."* Many other ordinances, if not equally 
preposterous, are equally stringent; such, for 
example, as that of the intendant Bigot, in which, 
with a view of promoting agriculture, and protecting 
the morals of the farmers by saving them from the 
temptations of cities, he proclaims to them: "We 
prohibit and forbid you to remove to this town 
[Quebec] under any pretext whatever, without our 
permission in writing, on pain of being expelled and 
sent back to your farms, your furniture and goods 
confiscated, and a fine of fifty livres laid on you for 
the benefit of the hospitals. And, furthermore, we 
forbid all inhabitants of the city to let houses or 
rooms to persons coming from the country, on pain 
of a fine of a hundred livres, also applicable to the 
hospitals. "2 At about the same time a royal edict, 
designed to prevent the undue subdivision of farms, 
forbade the country people, except such as were 
authorized to live in villages, to build a house or 
barn on any piece of land less than one and a half 
arpents wide and thirty arpents long ; ^ while a sub- 
sequent ordinance of the intendant commands the 
immediate demolition of certain houses built in con- 
travention of the edict.* 

The spirit of absolutism is everywhere apparent. 
"It is of very great consequence," writes the intend- 
ant Meules, "that the people should not be left at 

1 />f/(7s et Ordonnances, ii. 273. 
3 [hiil., i. 585. 

a Thid., ii. 399. 
* Ibid., ii. 400. 





liberty to speak their minds."* Hence public meet- 
ings were jealously restricted. Even those held by 
parishioners under the eye of the cur^ to estimate 
the cost of a new church seem to have required a 
special license from the intendant. During a number 
of years a meeting of the principal inhabitants of 
Quebec was called in spring and autumn by the 
council to discuss the price and quality of bread, the 
supply of firewood, and other similar matters. The 
council commissioned two of its members to preside 
at these meetings, and on hearing their report took 
what action it thought best. Thus, after the meet- 
ing held in February, 1686, it issued a decree, in 
which, after a long and formal preamble, it solemnly 
ordained " that besides white-bread and light brown- 
bread, all bakers shall hereafter make dark brown- 
bread whenever the same shall be required."* Such 
assemblies, so controlled, could scarcely, one would 
think, wound the tenderest susceptibilities of author- 
ity ; yet there was evident distrust of them, and after 
a few years this modest shred of self-government is 
seen no more. The syndic, too, that functionary 
whom the people of the towns were at first allowed 
to choose, under the eye of the authorities, was con- 
jured out of existence by a word from the King. 
Seignior, censitaire, and citizen were prostrate alike 


\' M 

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' ! 

1. I 


I r 

1 " II ne laisse pas d'etre de trhs grande consequence de ne pas 
laieser la liberie au pcuplo de dire son sentiment." — Meules au 
Ministre, 1685. 

' Edits et Ordonnances, ii. 112. 


'• m 



THE RULERS OF CANADA. [1663-1763. 

in flat subjection to tlie royal will. They were not 
free even to go home to France. No inhabitant of 
Canada, man or woman, could do so without leave; 
and several intentlants express their belief that with- 
out this precaution there would soon be a falling off 
in the population. 

In 1071 the council issued a curious decree. One 
Paul Dupuy liad been heard to say that there is noth- 
ing like righting one's self, and that when the 
English cut off the head of Charles I. they did a 
good thing, with other discoui-se to the like effect. 
The council declared him guilty of speaking ill of 
royalty in the person of the King of England, and 
uttering words tending to sedition. He was con- 
dennied to be dragged from prison by the public exe- 
cutioner, and led in his shirt, with a rope about his 
neck and a torch in his hand, to the gate of the 
Chateau St. Louis, there to beg pardon of the King; 
thence to the pillory of the Lower Town to be 
branded with a Jleur-dc-lis on the cheek, and set in 
the stocks for half an hour; then to be led back to 
prison, and put in irons " till the information against 
him shall be completed." ^ 

If irreverence to royalty was thus rigorously chas- 
tised, irreverence to God was threatened with still 
sharper penalties. Louis XIV., ever haunted with 
the fear of the Devil, sought protection against him 
by his famous edict against swearing, duly registered 
on the books of the council at Quebec. " It is our 

1 Jugements et Delihiiralions du Conseil Sup^rieur. 




will and pleasure," says this pious niandato, "that all 
persons convicted of profane swearing or blaspheming 
the name of God, the most Holy Virgin his mother, 
or the saints, be condennied for the first offence to a 
pecuniary fine according to their possessions and the 
greatness and enormity of the oath and blasjjhemy; 
and if those thus punished repeat the said oaths, then 
for the second, third, and fourth time they shall be 
condemned to a double, triple, and quadruple fine ; 
and for the fifth time, they shall be set in the pillory 
on Sunday or other festival days, there to remain 
from eight in the morning till one in the afternoon, 
exposed to all sorts of opprobrium and abuse, and be 
condemned besides to a heavy fine; and for the sixth 
time, they shall be led to the pillory, and there have 
the upper lip cut with a hot iron ; and for the seventh 
time, they shall be led to the pillory and have the 
lower lip cut; and if, by reason of obstinacy and 
inveterate bad habit, they continue after all these 
punishments to utter the said oaths and blasphemies, 
it is our will and command that tliey have tlie tongue 
completely cut out, so that thereafter they cannot 
utter them again." ^ All those who should hear 
anybody swear were further required to report the 
fact to the nearest judge within twenty-four hours, 
on pain of fine. 

This is far from being the only instance in which 
the temporal power lends aid to the spiritual. 

1 hdh du Ro}i rontre Ics Jureurs et lilasphcmatcurs, du SOwc Jiiillef, 
1000. St'O Ldits el Ordonnaiues, i. 0^. 

; i 



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. ' ll ;1 

I. . ! 



THE KULEUS OF CANADA. [1603-1703. 

Among other cases, the following is worth mention- 
ing: Louis Gaboury, an inhabitant of the island of 
Orleans, charged with eating meat in Lent without 
asking leave of the priest, was condemned by the 
local judge to Ix) tied three houi-s to a stake in 
public, and then led to the door of the chapel, there 
on his knees, with head bare and hands clasped, to 
ask pardon of God and the King. The culprit 
appealed to the council, which revoked the sentence 
and imposed only a fine.^ 

The due subordination of households had its share 
of attention. Servants who deserted their masters 
were to be set in the pillory for the first offence, and 
whipped and branded for the second; while any 
person harboring them was to pay a fine of twenty 
francs. '^ On the other hand, nobody was allowed to 
employ a servant without a license.^ 

In case of heinous charges, torture of the accused 
was permitted under the French law; and it was 
sometimes practised in Canada. Condemned mur- 
derers and felons were occasionally tortured before 
being strangled; and the dead body, enclosed in a 
kind of iron cage, was left hanging for months at the 
top of Cape Diamond, a terror to children and a 
warning to evil-doei^s. Yet, on the whole, Canadian 
justice, tried by the standard of the time, was neither 
vindictive nor ciniel. 

1 Doutre et Lareau, Histoire du Droit Canadien, 163. 

2 Reijlement de Police, 1(170. 

8 hdits et Ordimnunces, ii. 53. 




In rea-liiipf the voliuiiinous corrurtpondeiice of gov- 
urnoi'S and intendants, thu niinistur and thu King, 
nothing is more apparent than the interest with 
which, in the early part of his reign, Lonis XIV. 
regarded his colony. One of the fanlts of his rnlc is 
the excess of his benevolence; for not only did lie 
give money to support parish priests, build chnichcs, 
and aid the seminary, the Ursulines, the missions, 
and the hospitals ; but he established a fund destined, 
among other objects, to relieve indigent persons, sub- 
sidized nearly every branch of trade and industry, 
and in other instances did for the colonists what 
they would far better have learned to do for 

Meanwhile, the officers of government were far 
from suffering from an excess of royal l)eneficence. 
La Hontan says that the local governor of Three 
Rivers would die of hunger if, besides his pay, he 
did not gain something by trade with the Indians; 
and that Perrot, local governor of Montreal, with one 
thousand crowr.^ of salary, traded to such purpose 
that in a few years he made fifty thousand crowns. 
This trade, it may be observed, was in violation of 
the royal edicts. The pay of the governor-general 
varied from time to time. When La Potherie wrote, 
it was twelve thousand francs a year, besides three 
thousand which he received in his capacity of local 
governor of Quebec.^ This would hardly tempt a 

1 In 1674, the governor-general received 20,718 francs, out of 
which he was to pay 8,718 to his guard of twenty men and officers. 




I I 


.■' I ■ . ' 

1 1 








Freni'liniJiii of mnk to oxpatrijitu liimsulf; and yot 
Hoiue at least of tlie govenioivs caiiio out to tliu colony 
for tho exi)i'css purpose) of ineii(Uiig thuir fortunes. 
Indued, the lii«;lier nobility could scarcely, in time of 
peace, have other motives for g<)in<( tiiere; the court 
and the army were their element, and to Ik) else- 
where was banishment. We shall see hereafter by 
what nutans they sought compensation for their exile 
in Canadian forests. 

Loud complaints sometimes found their way to 
Versailles. A memorial achlressed to the regent d'lko 
of Orleans, inunediately after the Khig's death, 
declares that the ministers of state, who have been 
the real managei's of the colony, have made their 
creatures and relations governoi-s and intendants, and 
set them free from all responsibility. High colonial 
officers, pursues the writer, come home rich, while 
the colony languishes almost to perishing.^ As for 
lesser offices, they were multiplied to satisfy needy 
retainei"S, till lean and starving Canada was covered 

{Ordonntmnn' ilu Roi/, 1(575.) Yi't in 1(577, in tlu- l^tdt tie la Depense 
tjue le lloij vent it orilunne cslre J'uite, otc, tijc total pay of tlie j^ovcr- 
nor-jjonoral is set down at 3,(M)0 francs, and so also in KiHl, 1(IS2, 
and 1087. The local {.governor of Montreal was to have 1,H(»0 
franes, and the governor of Three Itivers 1,200. It is clear, how- 
ever, that this Etat de defense is not complete, as there is no pro- 
vision for the intendant. The first councillor received 500 francs, 
and the rest 300 francs each, equal in Canadian money to 400. An 
ordinance of 1(57(5 gives the intendant 12,000 francs. It is tolerably 
ilear that the provision of .'5,000 francs for the governor-general was 
meant only to . pply to his capacity of local governor of Quebec. 
^ Memoirc addrcsse au Reyent, 1715. 



with official leeches, sucking, in famislied despera- 
tion, at her bloodless veins. 

The whole system of administration centred in the 
King, who, to borrow the formula of his edicts, "in 
th(! fulness of our i)owcr and our certain knowledge," 
was sui)i)osed to direct the whole machine, frf)n) its 
iiighest functions to its pettiest intervention in j)rivat(^ 
affairs. That this theory, like all extreme theoiies 
of government, was an illusion, is no fault of Louis 
XIV. Hard-working monarch as he was, he spared 
no pains to guide his distant colony in the paths of 
prosperity. The prolix letters of governors and 
intendants were carefully studied; and many of the 
replies, signed by the royal hand, enter into details 
of surprising minuteness. That the King himself 
wrote these lettei'S is incredible; but in the early part 
of his reign he certainly directed and controlled 
them. At a later time, when more absorbing inter- 
ests engrossed him, ho could no longer study in 
pei'son the long-winded despatches of his Canadian 
officers. They were usually addressed to the minister 
of state, who caused abstracts to be made from them 
for the King's use, and perhaps for his own.^ The 
minister, or the minister's secretary, could suppress 
or color as he or those who influenced him saw fit. 

In the latter half of his too long reign, when cares, 
calamities, and humiliations were thickening around 
the King, another influence was added to make the 

1 Many of these alistracts are still preserved in the Archives of 
the Marino ami Colonies. 



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I •! I 

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THE RULERS OF CANADA. [1663-1703. 

I ' 

tlieoretical supromacy of Iuh royal will more than ever 
a mockery. That prince of annalists, Saint-Simon, 
lias painted Louis XIV. ruling his realm from tin? 
l)edchaml)er of Madame do Maintenon, — seated with 
liis minister at a small table l)eside the fire, the King 
in an arm-chair, the minister on a stool, with his hag 
of papers on a second stool near him. In another 
arm-chair, at another table on the other side of the 
fire, sat the sedate favorite, busy to all api)earanco 
with a l)ook or a piece of tapestry, but listening to 
everything that passed. "She rarely spoke," says 
Saint-Simon, "except when the King asked her 
opinion, which he often did ; and then she answered 
with great deliberation and gravity. She never, or 
very rarely, showed a partiality for any measure, still 
less for any person; but she had an understanding 
with the minister, who never dared do otherwise 
than she wished. Whenever any favor or appoint- 
ment was in question, the business was settled 
between them beforehand. She would send to the 
minister that she wanted to speak to him, and he did 
not dare bring the matter on the carpet till he had 
received her orders." Saint-Simon next recounts the 
subtle methods by which Maintenon and the minister, 
her tool, beguiled the King to do their will, while 
never doubting that he was doing his own. "He 
thought," concludes the annalist, "that it was he 
alone who disposed of all appointments; while in 
reality he disposed of very few indeed, except on the 
rare occasions when he had taken a fancy to some- 


I. i 

1003-1703.] CANADA NKGLKCTED. 


Ijody, or when flomebofly whom he wanted to favor 
had spoken to him in l)chalf of Homel)ody else." ^ 

Add to all this the rarity of communication witli 
the distant colony. Tlio shij^ from France arrived 
at Quel)ec in July, August, or Septeniljcr, and 
returned in Noveml)er. The machine of Canadian 
government, wound up once a year, was expected to 
run unaided at least a twelvemonth. Indeed, it was 
often left to itself for two yeai-s, such was sometimes 
the tardiness of the overhurdened govennuent in 
answering the despatches of its cohmial agents, ft 
is no miitter of suri>rise that a writer well veraed in 
its affairs calls Canada the "country of abuses."* 

1 Mffinoires du Due de 5«iwN.S'/mor., xiii. 38, 30 (Chcruol, 1857), 
Saint-Simon, notwitlistanding tlie independence of hia clmrueter and 
Ilia violent prejudices, lield a lii(;h ])08iti()n at court ; and his acute 
and careful observation, joined to his familiar acquaintance witii 
ministers and other functionaries, Imtli in and out of offlce, ^ives a 
rare value to his matchless portraitures, and makes him indispen- 
sable to the annalist of his ti:ur. 

a £ tat present du Canada, 1758. 


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'11: f 




Trade in Fetters. — The Huguenot Merchants. — Royal Pat- 
ronage. — The Fisheries. — Cries for Heli'. — Agriculture. 

— Aianufactures. — Arts op Ornament. — Finance. — Card 
Money. — Repudiation. — Imposts. — The Beaver Trade. — 
The Fair at Montreal. — Contraband Trade. — A Fatal 
System. — Trouble and Change. — The Coureurs de Bois, 

— The Forest. — Letter of Carheil. 

We have seen the head of the colony, its gniding 
intellect and will: it remains to ohserve its organs 
of nutrition. Whatever they might have been under 
a different treatment, they were perverted and 
enfeebled by the regimen to which they were 

The spirit of restriction and monopoly had ruled 
from the beginning. The old governor Lauson, 
seignior for a while of a great part of the colony, 
held that Montreal had no right to trade directly with 
France, but must draw all her supplies from Quebec ; ^ 
and this preposterous claim was revived in the time 
of M^zy. The successive companies to whose hands 
the colony was consigned had a baneful effect on 

I Faillon, Cnlonif Fra)ig(tise, ii. 244. 




individual enterprise. In 1674 the charter of the 
West India Company was revoked, and trade was 
declared open to all subjects of the King; yet com- 
merce was still condemned to wear the ball and 
chain. New restrictions were imposed, meant for 
good, but resulting in evil. Merchants not resident 
in the colony were forbidden all trade, direct or 
indirect, with the Indians.^ They were also for- 
bidden to sell any goods at retail ex«?ept in August, 
September, and October ;2 to trade anywhere in 
Canada above Quebec, and to sell c'othing or domestic 
articles ready made. This last restriction was 
designed to develop colonial industry. No person, 
resident or not, could trade with the English colonies, 
or go thither without a special passport, and rigid 
examination by the military authorities.^ Foreign 
trade of any kind was stiffly prohibited. In 1719, 
after a new company had engrossed the beaver-trade, 
its agents were empowered to enter all houses in 
Canada, whether ecclesiastical or secular, and search 
them for foreign goods, which when found were 
publicly burned.* In the next year the royal council 
ordered that vessels engaged in foreign trade should 
be captured by force of arms, like pirates, and con- 
fiscated along with their cargoes ;'"' while anybody 
having an article of foreign manufacture in his pos- 
session was subjected to a heavy fine.^ 



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1 R^fflement de Police, 1676. Art. xl. 

2 ^dlts et Ordonnances, ii. 100. 

* Ibid., i. 402. 6 /i,v/,^ i. 425. 


8 Thld., i. 480. 
6 Ibid., i. 605. 

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Attempts were mnde to fix the exact amount of 
profit which merchants from France shoukl be allowed 
to make in the colony; one of the first acts of the 
superior council was to order them to bring their 
invoices immediately before that body, which there- 
upon affix( d prices to each article. The merchant 
who sold and the purchaser who bought above this 
tariff were alike condemned to heavy penalties ; and 
so, too, was the merchant who chose to keep his 
goods rather than sell them at the price ordained. ^ 
Resident merchants, on the other hand, were favored 
to the utmost: they could sell at what price they 
saw fit; and, according to La Ilontan, they made 
great profit by the sale of laces, ribbons, watches, 
jewels, and similar superfluities to the poor but 
extravagant colonists. 

A considerable number of the non-resident mer- 
chants were Huguenots, for most of the importations 
were from the old Huguenot city of Rochelle. No 
favor was shown them; they were held under rigid 
restraint, and forbidden to exercise their religion, or 
to remain in the colony during winter without 
special license.''^ This sometimes bore very hard upon 
them. The governor, Denonville, an ardent Catholic, 
states the case of one Bernon, who had done great 
service to the colony, and whom La Hontan mentions 
as the principal French merchant in the Canadian 
trade. "It is a pity," says Denonville, "that he 

1 £!(h'ts et. Ordoiiiianccs, ii. 17, 19. 

2 Reylement de Police, 1070. Art. xxxvii. 




cannot be converted. As he is a Huguenot, the 
bishop wants me to order him home this autumn, — 
which I have done, though he carries on a large busi- 
ness, and a great deal of money remains due to him 

For a long time the ships from France went home 
empty, except a favored few which carried fui*s, or 
occasionally a load of dried pease or of timber. Pay- 
ment was made in money when there was any in 
Canada, or in bills of exchange. The colony, draw- 
ing everything from France and returning little 
besides beaver-skins, remained under a load of debt. 
French merchants were discouraged, and shipments 
from France languished. As for the trade with the 
West Indies, which Talon had tried by precept and 
example to build up, the intendant reports in 1680 
that it had nearly ceased ; tliough six years later it 
grew again to the modest proportions of three vessels 
loaded with wheat. ^ 

The besetting evil of trade and industry in Canada 
was the habit they contracted, and were encouraged 
to contract, of depending on the direct aid of govern- 
ment. Not a new enterprise was set on foot with- 
out a petition to the King to lend a helping hand. 
Sometimes the petition was sent through the gov- 
ernor, sometimes through the intendant; and it was 
rarely refused. Denonville writes that the merchants 



H 1 W 


1 Denonville au Mintstre, 1085. 

2 [bid., 1680. The year before, about 18,000 minots of grain were 
sent hither. In 1736 tlie shipnients reached 80,000 minots. 




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of Quebec, by a combined effort, had sent a vessel 
of sixty tons to France with colonial produce; and 
he asks that the royal commissaries at Rochefort be 
instructed to buy the whole cargo, in order to 
encourage so deserving an enterprise. One Hazeur 
set up a saw-mill at Mai Bay. Finding a large 
stock of planks and timber on his hands, he begs the 
King to send two vessels to carry them to France; 
and the King accordingly did so. A similar request 
was made in behalf of another saw-mill at St. Paul's 
Bay. Denonville announces that one Iliverin wishes 
to embark in the whale and cod fishery, and that 
thougli strong in zeal he is weak in resources. The 
minister replies that he is to be encouraged, and that 
his Majesty will favorably consider his enterprise.^ 
Various gifts were soon after made him. He now 
took to himself a partner, the Sieur Chalons ; where- 
upon the governor writes to ask the minister's pro- 
tection for them. " The Basques," he says, " formerly 
carried on this fishery, but some monopoly or other 
put a stop to it." The remedy he proposes is homcBo- 
pathic. He asks another monopoly for the two 
partners. Louis Joliet, the discoverer of the Missis- 

1 The interest felt by the King in these matters is sliown in a 
letter signed by his liand in wliich he enters with considerable detail 
into the plans of Riverin. (Le lioij a Denonville et Champif/ni/, 1 
Mai, 1G89.) He afterwards ordered boats, harpooners, and corda<j;o 
to be sent him, for whicli he was to pay at his convenience. Four 
years later he complains tliat, though Riverin !iad been often 
helped, his fisheries were of slight account. " Let liim take care," 
pursues the King, "that he does not use his enterprises as a pretext 
to obtain favors." Me'moire du Jioi/ a Fronhnac et Cliumpiyni/, 1093. 


a vessel 

ice; and 

liefort be 

order to 

3 Hazeur 

r a large 
begs the 

> France; 

r request 

^t. Paul's 

dn wishes 
and that 

ces. The 

, and that 

He now 

is; wliere- 

ster's pro- 
" formerly 

,y or other 
is liomoBO- 
the two 
:he Missis- 
is shown in a 
lerable detail 
\Clininin;ii)!h ^ 
and cordago 
jiencc. Four 
been often 
In take care," 
Ls as a preti'xt 
\inpiyny, 1»393. 




sippi, made a fishing-station on the island of Anticosti ; 
and he l)egs help from tlie King, on the ground that 
his fishery will furnish a good and useful employment 
to young men. The Sieur Vitry wished to begin a 
fishery of white porpoises, and he begs the King to 
give him two thousand pounds of cod-line and two 
thousand pounds of one and two inch rope. His 
request was granted, on which he asked for five 
hundred livres. The monev was given liim ; and the 
next year he asked to have the gift renewed.^ 

The King was very anxious to develop the fislieries 
of the colony. "His Majesty," writes the minister, 
" wishes you to induce the inhabitants to unite with 
the merchants for this object, and to incite them by 
all sorts of means to overcome their natural laziness, 
since there is no other way of saving them from the 
misery in which they now are."^ "I wish," says the 
zealous Denonville, "that fisheries could be well 
established to give employment to our young men, 
and prevent them from running wild in the woods;" 
and he adds mournfully, "they [the fisheries] are 

1 All the above examples are drawn from the correspondence of 
the jjovernor and intendant witli tlie minister, between 1080 and 
lO!)!), tofirethor with a memorial of Hazeur and another of lliverin, 
addressed to tlie minister. 

Vitry's porpoise-fishinjj appears to have ended in failure. In 
1707 the intendant T^audot granted the porpoise- fishery of the 
seigniory of Rivifero Ouelle to six of the huhitnnts. This fishery is 
carried on here successfully at the present day. A very interesting 
account of it was published in the Oiii'nion Puhliijm, 1873, by my 
friend Abbe' Casgrain, whose family residence is the seigniorial 
mansion of Riviere Ouelle. 

'^ Mimoire pour Denonville et Champiynij, 8 Mars, 1G88. 





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TRADE AND INDUSTRY. [1663-1703. 

enriching lioston at our expense." "They are our 
true mines," urges the intendunt Meules; "but the 
English of Boston have got possession of those of 
Acadia, which belong to us, and we ought to prevent 
it." It was not prevented; and the Canadian 
fisheries, like other branches of Canadian industry, 
remained in a state of almost hopeless languor. ^ 

The government applied various stimulants. One 
of these, proposed by the intendant Duchesneau, is 
characteristic. He advises the formation of a com- 
pany which should have the exclusive right of export- 
ing fish ; but which on its part should be required to 
take, at a fixed price, all that the inhabitants should 
bring them. This notable plan did not find favor 
with the King. 2 It was practised, however, in the 
case of beaver-skins, and also in that of wood-ashes. 
The farmers of the revenue were required to take 
this last commodity at a fixed price, on their own 
risk, and in any quantity offered. They remonstrated, 
saying that it was unsalable, — adding, that, if the 
inhabitants would but take the trouble to turn it into 

1 The Canadian fisheries must not be confounded with the 
French fisheries of Newfoundland, which were prosperous, but were 
carried on wholly from French ports. 

In a memorial addressed by the partners Chalons and Riverin to 
the minister Seignelay, they say : " Baston [Boston] ct toute sii 
colonic nous donne un exemple qui fait honte h, nostre nation, 
puisqu'elle s'augmente tous les jours par cette pesche (de la morue) 
qu'elle fait la plus grande partie sur nos costes pendant que les 
Francois ne s'oecupent a rien." Meulcs urges that the King should 
undertake the fishing business himself, since his subjects caunot or 
will not. 

" jSlinistre a Duchesneau, 16 Mai, 1078. 




potiisli, it might be possible to find a market for it. 
The King released them entirely, coupling his order 
to that effect with a eulogy of free-trade.^ 

In all departments of industry the appeals for help 
are endless. Governoi's and intendants are so many 
sturdy beggars for the languishing colony. "Send 
us money to build storehouses, to which the habitants 
can bring their produce and receive goods from the 
government in exchange." "Send us a teacher to 
make sailors of our young men : it is a pity the colony 
should remain in such a state for want of instruction 
for youth. "2 "We want a surgeon: there is none in 
Canada who can set a bone." ^ " Send us some tilers, 
brick-makers, and potters."* "Send us iron-workers 
to work our mines." ^ "It is to be wished that his 
Majesty would send us all sorts of artisans, especially 
potters and glass-workers."^ "Our Canadians need 
aid and instruction in their fisheries; they need 
pilots. "7 

In 1688 the intendant reported that Canada was 
entirely without either pilots or sailors ; and as late 
as 1712 the engineer Catalogue informed the govern- 
ment, that, though the St. Lawrence was dangerous, 
a pilot was rarely to be had. " There ought to be 

1 Le Roy a Duchesncau, 11 Jiiin, 1080. 

2 Memoire a Mo»sri(;ncur le Marquis de Seignelay, presente par 
les Sieurs Chalons et Riverin, 1080. 

^ Champiyny an Ministre, 1088. 
* Ibid. 

^ Denonoille au Ministre, 1080. 
•* Memoire de Catalogne, 1712. 
' JJenonville au Ministre. 1080. 




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TUADH AND INDl'STKY. [10():5-170:{. 


trade witli tlio West Indies jiud olliei' plaees, " urges 
sinotlier writer. "lCveryl)()dy says it is best, but 
nobody will iiiidertjike it. Our niercbants are too 
poor, or else are engrossed by the fur-trade."^ 

The languor of eoninieree made agrieulture languish. 
"It is of no use now," writes Aleules, in 1(5S2, ''to 
raise any crops except what each family wants for 
itself." In vain the government sent out seeds for 
distribution; in vain intendants lectured the farmers, 
and lavished well-meant advi(!e. 'IMllage remained 
careless and slovenly. "If," says the all-okserving 
Catalogue, "the soil were not better cultivated in 
Europe than here, three-fourths of the people would 
starve." He complains that the festivals of the 
Church are so numerous that not ninety working- 
days are left during the whole working season. The 
people, he says, ought to be com[)elled to build 
granaries to store their crops, instead of selling them 
in autunui for almost nothing, and every hahitant 
shoidd be re(piired to keep two or three sheep. The 
intendant Champigny calls for seed of hemp and flax, 
and promises to visit the farms, and show the people 
the lands best suited for their culture. He thiidis 
that favors should be granted to those who raise 
hemp and flax as well as to those who marry. 
Denonville is of opinion that each habitant should be 
compelled to raise a little hemp every year, and that 
the King should then buy it of him at a high price. ^ 

1 Me'inoirc de Chalons et Riverin pr(^scnt€ au Marquis de Seignelaij, 

2 Denonville an Ministre, 13 Nov., 1085. 

MAiNUFAcri :m:s. 



It will 1h3 well, ho Nsiys, to niakt! iiso of Kovcrlty, 
wliili! sit the Hjune tiino iioldin^^ out ii lioju! of j^uiii; 
iiiid he Ik^^s that weavers Im; sent out to teach the 
women and j^irls, who siu-nd the winter in idleness, 
how to weave and spin. Weaving and spinniiij^, 
however, as well as the culture of hemp and llax, 
were neglected till 1705, when the loss of a ship 
laden with go Is for the colony gave the sj)ur to 
home industry; and Madame de Uepentigny set the 
example of making a kind of coarse l)lanket of Jiettle 
and linden hark.^ 

The jealousy of colonial mannfactur(\s shown hy 
England jijjpears but rarely in the relations of France 
with Canada. According to its light, the Frencii 
government usually did its hest to stinndate (/anadian 
industry, with what i'esult« we have just seen. 'J'here 
was afttsrwards simie improvement. In 1714 the 
intendant lidgon reported that coarse fabrics of wool 
and linen were made; that the sisters of the congre- 
gation wove cloth for their own habits as good as the 
same stufl's in France; that black cloth was made for 
l)riests, and blue cloth for the pupils of the colleges. 
The inhabitants, he says, have been taught these arts 
by necessity. They were naturally adroit at handi- 
work of all kinds; and during the last half-century 
of the French rule, when the poi^ulation had settled 
into comparative stability, many of the mechanic arts 
were practised with success, notwithstanding the 
assertion of the Abb^ La Tour that everything but 

^ Beauharnois et Raudot au Ministrc, 1705. 

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TllADK AND INDUSTRY. [I0(i;j-1703. 

biviid smd iiieat hud Htill to 1k3 biDiight from Fnince. 
This cliiingi! may be said to date I'lom tho i)t'acc of 
UtnuOit, or a few years before it. At tliat time one 
Duplessis had a new vessel on the stoeks. CataU)gne, 
who sbites the faet, ealls it the beginning of sliip- 
bnikling in Canada, — evidently ignorant that Talon 
had made a fruitless beginning more than forty years 

Of the arts of ornament not much could have l)een 
expected; but, strangely enough, they were hi some- 
what better condition than the useful arts. The 
luuis of the liutel-Dieu made artificial flowers for 
altars and shrines, under the direction of Motlier 
Juchereau;^ and the boys of the seminary were 
taught to make carvings in wood for the decoration 
of churches.'* Pierre, son of the merchant Le Ber, 
had a turn for painting, and made religious pictures, 
described as very indift'erent.^ His sister Jeanne, an 
enthusiastic devotee, made embroideries for vest- 
ments and altars, and her work was much admired. 

The colonial finances were not prosperous. In the 
absence of coin, beaver-skins long served as currency. 
In 1069 the council declared wheat a legal tender, at 
four francs the minot or three French bushels ; * and, 
live years later, all creditoi's were ordered to receiver 
moose-skins in payment at the market rate.*^ Coin 
would not remain in the colony: if the company or 

» Jiiclieri'iiu, Hist, de I'lfotcl-DHii, 244. 
8 Faillon, Vie de Mile. Le Bar, 331. 
" Jbid., ii. 55. 

2 Aheilte, ii. 13. 

* Edits et Ord., ii. 47. 




tho King sent any tliitlu.'!-, il wunt Iwiok in tlio return- 
ing ships. The govormucnt devised a remedy. A 
coinage was ordered for Canada one-fourtli less in 
value than that of France. Thus the Canadian livre 
or franc was worth, in reality, 11 f teen sous instead of 
twenty.^ This shallow expedient produced only a 
nominal rise of prices, and coin fled the colony as 
before. Trade was carried on for a time by uumms 
of negotiable notes, payable in fui-s, goods, or farm 
produce. In 1085 the intendant ?.leules issued a 
card currency. He had no juoney to pay the soldiera, 
"and not knowhig," he ^'dorms the minister, "to 
what saint to make my vows, the idea occurred to me 
of putting in circulation notes made of cards, each 
cut into four pieces; and I have issued an ordinance 
commanding the inhabitants to receive them in 
payment."^ The cards were connnon playing-cards, 
and each piece was stamped with n Jicur-de-lis and a 
crown, and signed by the governor, the intendant, 
and the clerk of the treasury at Quebec. ^ The 
example of Meules found ready imitation. Governora 
and intendants made card-money whenever they saw 
fit; and, being worthless everywhere but in Canada, 
it showed no disposition to escape the colony. It 
was declared convertible not into coin, but into bills 
of exchange; and this conversion could only take 
place at brief specified periods. " The currency used 

1 This device was of very early date. Sec Boucher, Ilist. Veri- 
table, cliap. xiv. 

2 Meules au Ministre, 24 Sept., 1<)85. 
' M^moire address^ au Reijcnt, 1715. 



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8()4 TUADIi AND INDUSTIIY. [l(;o;J-170;i. 

ill Ciuuula, " says ii writer in tlio last yeai-s of tlio 
French rulo, "luis no vuliui as a rt^Mcscntativi) of 
inonoy. It is tho si^ii of a sij^n." ' It was card 
representing I)a[)er, and this [)a[)er was very often 
(lislionored. In 1714 tlie amount of eard rul)hisii 
laid risen to two million livres. (lonlidence was lost, 
and trade was half dead. The minister I'onehartiain 
came to the rescue, and promised to redeem it at hall' 
its nominal value. The holders preferred to lose 
half rather than the whole, and acceptiid the terms. 
A few of the cards were redeemed at the rate namcMJ; 
then the j^overnment broke faith, and payment ceased. 
"This alHictin*^ news," says a Avriter of the time, 
"was brought out by the vessel which sailed from 
France last July." 

Ill 1717 the government made another proposal, 
and the cards were converted into bills of exehanire. 
At the same time a new issue was made, which it 
was declared should 1k5 the last.^ This issue was 
promptly redeemed; but twelve years later another 
followed it. In the interval, a certain quantity of 
coin circulated in the colony; but it underwent 
fluctuations through the intervention of government, 
and within eight yeai-s at least four edicts were issued 
affecting its value. ^ Then came more promises to 
pay, till, in the last bitter yeai's of its existence, the 
colony floundered in drifts of worthless paper. 

One characteristic grievance was added to the 

1 ConnifUfrnflou.t sur I'J'jtat du Canadtt, 1758. 

2 l^dtts et Ordonnances, i. 370. » Ibid., 400, 432, 430, 484. 




couiitlcHs woes of Caniuliiin comincrco. Tlio pf(WL»ni- 
iiiont was so jeiilous of pojnilar im'otings of all kinds, 
that for a lonj^ tiino it forhadu meicliaiits to iiu!ot 
to^ittlicr for (liscussiiig their affaii-s; and it was not 
till 1717 that the estahlishnuMit of a hovrin% or 
oxdiango, was permitted at Quelnic and iMoiitreal.^ 

In respeet of taxation, Canada, as coni[)ared with 
France, luid no reason to complain. If the Kinj^ 
permitted governors and intendants to make card- 
money, ho permitted nobody to impose taxes bnt 
liimself. The Canadians paid no direct civil tax, 
exce[)t in a few instances where temporary and local 
assessments werc^ ordered for special objects. It was 
the fur-trade on which the chief burden fell. One- 
fourth of the l)eaver-skins, and one-tenth of the 
moose-hides lx3longed to the King; and wine, brandy, 
and tobacco contributed a duty of ten per cent. 
During a long courao of yeai-s these were the oidy 
imposts. The King also retained the exclusive right 
of the fur-trade at Tadoussac. A vast tract of wilder- 
ness extending from St. Paul's Bay to a point eighty 
leagues down the St. Lawrence, and stretching indefi- 
nitely northward towards Hudson's Bay, formed a 
Roi-t of royal preserve, whence every settler was 
rigidly excluded. The farmers of the revenue had 
their trading-houses at Tadoussac, whither the 
northern tribes, until war, pestilence, and brandy 
consumed them, brought every summer a large 
quantity of furs. 

1 Doutre et Lareaii, ///s/. da Droit CiiiiuIhii, 254. 



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TRADE AND INDUSTRY. [166;}-1703. 




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When, in 1674, the West India Company, to 
whom these imposts had been granted, was extin- 
gnislied, the King resumed possession of them. Tlie 
various duties, along with the trade of Tadoussac, 
were now farmed out to one Oudictte and liis asso- 
ciates, who paid the Crown three hundred [ind fifty 
thousand livres for their privilege.^ 

We come now to a trade far more important than 
all the others together, one which absorbed the enter- 
prise of the colony, drained the life-sap from other 
branches of commerce, and, even more than a vicious 
system of government, kept them in a state of chronic 
debility, — the hardy, adventurous, lawless, fascinat- 
ing fur-trade. In the eighteenth century, Canada 
exported a moderate quantity of timber, wheat, the 
herb called ginseng, and si few other commodities; 
but from first to Jjst she lived chiefly on beaver- 
skins. The government tried without ceasing to 
control and regulate this traffic; but it never suc- 
ceeded. It aimed, above all things, to bring the 
trade home to the colonists; to prevent them from 

1 The annual return to the King from the ferme du Canada was, 
fo >• some years, 119,000 francs (livres). Out of this were paid from 
35,000 to 40,000 francs a year for " ordinary charges." The gover- 
nor, intendant, and all troops, except the small garrisons of Quebec, 
Montreal, and Three Rivers, were paid from other sources. There 
was a time when tlie balance must liave been in the King's favor ; 
but profit soon ciianged to loss, owing partly to wars, partly to tlie 
confusion into whidi the beavor-trade soon fell. " His Majesty," 
writes the minister to the governor in 1098, " may soon grow tired 
of a colony whicli, far from yielding him any profit, costs him 
immense sums every year." 




going to the Indians, and induce the Indians to come 
to them. To tliis end a great annual fair was estab- 
lished by order of the King at Montreal. Thither 
every summer a host of savages came down from the 
lalvcs in their bark canoes. A place was assigned 
them at a little distance from the town. They 
landed, drew up their canoes in a line on the bank, 
took out their packs of Ijeaver-skins, set ;ip thoir 
wigwams, slung their kettles, and encamped for the 
night. On the next day there was a grand council 
on the common, between St. Paul Street and the 
river. Speeches of compliment were made amid a 
solemn smoking of pipes. The governor-general was 
usually present, seated in an arm-chair, while the 
visitor formed a ring about him, ranged in the order 
of their tribes. On the next day the trade began in 
the same place. Merchants of high and low degree 
brought up their goods from Quebec, and every 
inhabitant of Montreal, of any substance, sought a 
share in the profit. Their booths were set along the 
palisades of the town, and each had an interpreter, 
to whom he usually promised a certain portion of his 
gains. The scene abounded in those contrasts — not 
always edifying, but always picturesque — which 
mark the whole course of French-Canadian history. 
Here was a throng of Indians armed with bows and 
arrows, war-clubs, or the cheap guns of the trade, 
— some of them being completely naked, except for 
the feathei's on their heads and the paint on their 
faces; French bush-rangers tricked out with s",vage 


'•> •*; 

Ji t 



' ,1 


I }\ 

1/ I 

•1 II ' H 


•< m • 


TRADE AND INDUSTllY. [1C63-1763. 



:! i 


I I; 

finery; merchants and hahitants in their coarse and 
plain attire, and the grave priests of St. Sulpice roljed 
in black. Order and sobriety were their watchwords ; 
but the wild gathering was beyond their control. 
The prohibition to sell brandy could rarely be 
enforced ; and the fair ended at times in a pandemo- 
nium of drunken frenzy. The rapacity of trade, 
and the license of savages and courcurs de bois^ had 
completely transformed the pious settlement. 

A similar fair was established at Three Rivers, 
for the Algonquin tribes north of that place. These 
yearly markets did not fully answer the desired 
object. There was a constant tendency among the 
inhabitants of Canada to form settlements above 
Montreal, in order to intercept the Indians on their 
way down, drench them with brandy, and get their 
furs from them at low rates in advance of the fair. 
Such settlements were forbidden, but not prevented. 
The audacious "squatter" defied edict and ordinance 
and the fury of drunken savages, and boldly planted 
himself in the path of the descending trade. Nor is 
this a matter of surprise; for he was usually the 
secret agent of some high colonial officer, — an 
intendant, the local governor, or the governor- 
general, who often used his power to enforce the 
law against others, and to violate it himself. 

This was not all; for the more youtliful and 
vigorous part of the male population soon began to 
escajie into the woods, and trade with the Indians 
far beyond the limits of the remotest settlements. 



larse and 
Lce Yo\ye(\ 
cliwords ; 

arely l)e 
of trade, 

hois^ luid 


e Rivers, 
e. These 
e desired 
imong the 
nts above 
m on their 
I get their 
,f the fair, 
dly planted 
lie. Nor is 
[isually the 
ficer, — an 
enforce the 

lithfnl and 
In began to 
Ihe Indians 




Here, too, many of them were in leagne with the 
authorities, who denounced the almse while secretly 
favoring the portion of it in which they themselves 
were interested. The home government, unable to 
prevent the evil, tried to regulate it. Tjicenses were 
issued for the f ores t- trade. ^ Their number was 
limited to twenty-five, and the privileges which they 
conferred varied at different periods. In La Tlontan's 
time, each license authorized the departure of two 
canoes loaded with goods. One canoe only was after- 
wards allowed, bearing three men with about four 
hundred pounds of freight. The licenses were some- 
times sold for the profit of government; but many 
were given to widows of officers and other needy 
persons, to the hospitals, or to favorites and retainers 
of the governor. Those who could not themselves 
use them sold them to merchants or voyagcurs^ at a 
price varying from a thousand to eighteen hundred 
francs. They were valid for a year and a half; and 
each canoeman had a share in the profits, which, if 
no accident happened, were very large. The license 
system was several times suppressed and renewed 
again; but, like the fair at Montreal, it failed com- 
pletely to answer its purpose, and restrain the young 
men of Canada from a general exodus into the 
wilderness. 2 
The most characteristic features of the Canadian 

^ Ordres du Roy an snjet. dc In Traite du Canada, 1681. 
- Before me is one of these licenses, si^neil by tlie povernor 
Denonvllle. A condition of carrying no brandy is appended to it. 








t; .> 

r '] 



I ■ 






fur-trade still remain to be seen. Oudiette and liis 
associates were not only charged with collecting the 
revenue, but were also vested with an exclusive riglit 
of transporting all the beaver-skins of the colony 
to France. On their part they were compelled to 
receive all beaver-skins brought to their magazines, 
and, after deducting the fourth belonging to the 
King, to pay for the rest at a fixed price. This price 
was graduated to the different qualities of the fur; 
but the average cost to the collectors was a little 
more than three francs a pound. The inhabitants 
could barter their furs with merchants ; but the mer- 
chants must bring them all to the magazines of 
Oudiette, who paid in receipts convertible into bills 
of exchange. He soon found himself burdened with 
such a mass of beaver-skins that the market was 
completely glutted. The French hatters refused to 
take them all ; and for the part which they consented 
to take they paid chiefly in hats, which Oudiette was 
not allowed to sell in France, but only in the French 
West Indies, where few people wanted them. An 
unlucky fashion of small hats diminished the con- 
sumption of fur and increased his embarrassments, 
as did also a practice common among the hatters of 
mixing rabbit fur with the beaver. In his extremity 
he bethought him of setting up a hat factory for him- 
self, under the name of a certain licensed hatter, 
thinking thereby to alarm his customers into buying- 
his stock. 1 The other hatters rose in wrath, and 

^ M€moire touchant le Commerce du Canada, 1087. 



petitioned the minister. The new factory was 
suppressed, and Oudiette soon became bankrupt. 
Another company of farmers of the revenue took his 
place with simihir results. The action of the law of 
supply and demand was completely arrested by the 
peremptory edict which, with a view to the prosper- 
ity of the colony and the profit of the King, required 
the company to take every beaver-skin offered. 

All Canada, thinking itself sure of its price, rushed 
into the beaver-trade, and the accumulation of unsal- 
able furs became more and more suffocating. The 
farmers of the revenue could not meet their engage- 
ments. Their bills of exchange were unpaid, and 
Canada was filled with distress and consternation. 
In 1700 a change of system was ordered. The 
monopoly of exporting beaver was placed in the 
hands of a company formed of the chief inhabitants of 
Canada. Some of them hesitated to take the risk; 
hut the government was not to be trifled with, aiid 
the minister, Ponchartrain, wrote in terms so per- 
emptory, and so menacing to the recusants, that, in 
the words of a writer of the time, he "shut every- 
body's mouth." About a hundred and fifty mer- 
chants accordingly subscril^ed to the stock of the new 
company, and immediately petitioned the King for 
a ship and a loan of seven hundred thousand francs. 
They were required to take off the hands of the 
farmers of the revenue an accumulation of more than 
six hundred thousand pounds of beaver, for which, 
however, they were to pay but half its usual price. 





J ■■! 





372 TRADE AND INDITSTRY. [1G03-1703. 

The market of France absolutely refused it, and the 
directors of tlie new company saw no better course 
than to burn thi'ee-fourths of the troublesome and 
perisliable connnodity; nor was this Sae first resort to 
this strange expedient. One cannot repress a feel- 
ing of indignation at the fate of the interesting and 
unfortunate animals uselessly sacrificed to a false 
economic system. In order to rid themselves of 
what remained, the directors begged the Khig to 
issue a decree, requiring all hatters to put at least 
three ounces of genuine beaver-fur into each hat. 

All was in vain. The affairs of the company fc^ll 
into a confusion which was aggravated ])y the bad 
faith of some of its chief members. In 1707 it was 
succeeded by another company, to whose magazines 
every habitant or merchant was ordered to bring 
every beaver-skin in his possession within forty-eight 
hours; nnd the company, like its predecessors, was 
required to receive it, and pay for it in written 
promises. Again the market was overwhelmed with 
a surfeit of beaver. Again the bills of exchanov 


were unpaid, and all was confusion and distress. 
Among the memorials and petitions to which this 
state of things gave birtii, there is one conspicuous 
by the presence of good sense and the absence f>i 
self-interest. The writer projioses that there should 
be no more numopoly, but that everyl)ody should he 
free to buy beaver-skins and send them to France, 
subject only to a moderate duty of entry. Tlie pro- 
posal was not accepted. In 1721 the monopoly of 

lGG;i-176;j.] TIIK COIJIIEUUS 1)K 1{()1S. 

exporting bciivtir-skiiis was given to the new West 
India Company; but this time it was providetl tliat 
the government should direct from time to time, 
according to tlie capacities of the market, tlie quan- 
tity of furs which the company should be forced to 



Out of the beaver-trade rose a huge evil, baneful 
to the growth and the morals of Canada. All that 
was most active and vigorous in the colony took to 
tlie woods, and escaped from tlie control of intend- 
ants, councils, and priests, to the savjige freedom of 
the wilderness. Not only were the p(jssible prolits 
great; biit, in the pursuit of tliem, there was a fasci- 
nating element of adventure and danger. The bush- 
rangers, or cuurcurs dc huis, were to the King an 
object of horror. They defeated his plans for the 
increase of the population, and shocked his native 
instinct of discipline and order. Edict after edict 
was directed against them; and more than once the 
colony presented the extraordinary spectacle of the 
greater part of its young men turned into forest out- 

1 On the fur-trade the ilocuments consulted are very numerous. 
Till' foUowing are tlie most important : Me'inoire siir ce (jui concerne 
h' Commerce dn Castor et ses (lejieiuldiices, 1715 ; Memoire concernant 
If Commerce de Traite cntre les Fnin^ois et les /S(titra(/es, 1001 ; Me- 
moire sur le Canada addresse' (III Re(jcM,Vl\b; Memoire sar les Affaires 
de Canada dans letir Estat present, 1000 ; Me'moire des Negotiants de 
la Rochelle qid font Commerce en Canada sur la Proposition de ne phis 
rcceroir les Castors et d'enjjayer les Habitants a la Culture des Terres 
(t I'esche de la Molae, KiOO ; Memoire da Sr. Itiverin sur la Traite et 
III Fi ruie dn Castor, 1090; Memoire louchant le Commerce du Canada, 
1(J87, etc. 




,ii . 

\ ' . 1 



i V 


' .1 

'- } ■ 

1 i 




[1663-1 7(i;{. 

laws. IJut severity was dangerous. The offenders 
iiiiglit be driven over to tlie English, or converted 
into a lawless banditti, — renegades of civilization 
and the faith. Therefore, clemency alternated -with 
rigor, and declarations of anniesty with edicts of pro- 
scription. Neither threats nor blandishments were 
of much avail. We hear of seigniories abandoned; 
farms turning again into forests ; wives and children 
left in destitution. The exodus of the coureurs ile 
hois would take, at times, the character of an organ- 
ized movement. The famous Du Lhut is said to 
have made a general combination of the young men 
of Canada to follow him into the woods. Their plan 
was to be absent four years, in order that the edicts 
against them might have time to relent. The intend- 
ant Duchesneau reported that eight hundred men 
out of a population of less than ten thousand souls 
had vanished from sight in the immensity of a bound- 
less wilderness. Whereupon the King ordered tluit 
any pei-son going into the woods without a license 
should be whipped and branded for the first offence, 
and sent for life to the galleys for the second. ^ The 
order was more easily given than enforced. " I must 
not conceal from you, Monseigneur, " again writes 
Duchesneau, "that the disobedience of the coureurs 
dc hois has reached such a point that eveiybody 
boldly contravenes the King's interdictions; that 
there is no longer any concealment; and that parties 

i^Af' Roi/ ii Fnnilcnac, iiO A rril, l()8l. On anotlior occasion, it was 
orJcivd that any pci'son llius ull'cniling sliouid suffer death. 

IGU:] -176:3.] THE COUKEUKS 1)E BOIS. 


iiro collected with astonishiiij.^ insolence to go and 
trade in the Indian country. I have done all in my 
power to prevent thia evil, which may cause the ruin 
of the colony. I have enacted ordinances against the 
courcurs de hois ; against the merchants who furnish 
tliem with goods ; against the gentlemen and others 
who harbor them; and even against those who have 
any knowledge of them, and will not inform the 
local judges. All has been in vain; inasmuch as 
some of the most considerable families are interested 
with them, and the governor lets them go on and 
even shares their profits."^ "You are aware, Mon- 
seigneur," writes Denonville, some years later, "that 
the coureurs dc hois are a great evil, but you are not 
aware how great this evil is. It deprives the country 
of its effective men ; makes them indocile, debauched, 
and incapable of discipline, and turns them into pre- 
tended nobles, — wearing the sword and decked out 
with lace, botli they and their relations, who all 
affect to be gentlemen and ladies. As for cultivat- 
ing the soil, they will not hear of it. This, along 
with the scattered condition of the settlements, 
causes their children to be as unruly as Indians, 
being brought up in the same manner. Not that 
there are not some very good people here, but they 
are in a minority. "^ In another despatch he enlarges 
on their vagabond and lawless ways, their indiffer- 



1 '1^ 

/ i ii 


■ ,1 « 

t ' • 


1 .V. Y. Colonial Docs., ix. 131. 

- Dcnoiivillo, Mdimire siir I'Estat des Affaires dc la Nouvelle 

I wi si 




I r 

ence to iniimage, and the nuscliicf cuiusctl by their 
example; describes how, on their return from the 
woods, thev swagger like lords, spend all their gains 
in dress anu drunken revelry, and des[)ise the [)eas- 
ants, whose daughters they will not deign to marry, 
tliough they are peasants themselves. 

It was a curious scene when a party of coitrcnrs 
dc hois returned from their rovings. Montreal was 
their harboring place, and they conducted themselves 
much like the crew of a man-of-war 2)aid off after a 
long voyage. As long as their beaver-skins lasted, 
they set no bounds to their riot. Every house in llio 
place, we are told, was turned into a drinking-shop. 
The new-comers were bedizened with a strange mix- 
ture of French and Indian linery; while some of 
them, with instincts more thoroughly savage, stalked 
about the streets as naked as a Pottawattamie or a 
Sioux. The clamor of tongues was prodigious, and 
gambling and drinking Idled the day and the night. 
When at last they were sober again, they sought 
absolution for their sins ; nor could the priests ven- 
ture to bear too hard on their unruly penitents, lust 
they should break wholly with the Church and dis- 
pense thenceforth with her sacraments. 

Under such leaders as Du Lhut, the couriurs dc 
hois built forts of palisades at various points through- 
out the West and Northwest. They had a post of this 
sort at Detroit some time before its permanent settle- 
ment, as well as others on Lake Superior and in the 
valley of the IMississippi. They occupied them as 

1003-1703.] TlIK COI'KKIUS UK |{()|S. 


long a8 it suitod tluur purpoHes, and then iilKUKloiicd 
tluun to llio next coiiut. Miciiiliinuckinjic was, 
however, their chief resort; and thence tlicy wonhl 
set out, two (»r three; to<^etlier, to roam for hundreds 
of miles thnmirli the endli'ss mesli-woik of intei- 
h)cking hdvcs and rivers wliicli seams the northern 

No ^vonder that a year or two of l)ush-ranj;iiig 
spoiled them for civilization. 'I'iiough not a very 
valuable member of society, and though a thorn in 
the side of princes and rulers, the nmrcur dc boiH had 
his uses, at least from an artistic poijit of view; and 
his strange figure, sometimes brutally savage, but 
oftener marked with the lin(!S of a dare-devil cour- 
age, and a reckless, thoughtless gayety, will tdwa^s 
be joined to the memories of that grand world of 
woods which the nineteenth century is fast civilizing 
out of existence. At least, he is pictures(j[ue, and 
with his red-skin companion serves to animate forest 
scenery. Perhaps he could sometimes feel, without 
knowing that he felt them, the charms of the savage 
nature that had adopted him. Rude as he was, her 
voice may not always have been meaningless for one 
who knew her haunts so well, — dee}) recesses where., 
veiled in foliage, some wild shy rivulet steals with 
timid music through breathless caves of verdure; 
gulfs where feathered crags rise like castle walls, 
where the noonday sun pierces with keen rays 
athwart the torrent, and the mossed arms of fallen 
pines cast wavering shadows on the illumined foam; 

ill \ 



:( ' I 


it/ 1 1 
'I I ' 


( j 

1 1 


TRADE AM) INDUSTUY. [106;j-170a. 

f' ! 

pools of li(|ui(I crystsd turned uinemld in tliu rullucted 
grueii of iniponiliii^ woods; rocks on whose riigj^cnl 
front tlic ^It'iini of sunlit wiitors dunces in quivering 
lij^lit; smcicnt trees hurled headlong hy the storm, to 
dam the nij^ing stream with their forlorn and savage 
ruin; or the stern dt!pths of immemorial forests, dun 
and silent as a cavern, colunuied with innumtjrable 
trunks, each like an Atlas upholding its world of 
leaves, and sweating perpetual moisture down its 
dark and channelled rind, — some strong in youth, 
some grisly with decrepit age, nightmares of strange 
distortion, gnarled and knotted with wens and goitres; 
roots intertwined beneath like serpents petrified in 
an agony of contorted strife; green and glistening 
mosses carpeting the rough ground, mantling the 
rocks, turning puli)y stumps to mounds of verdure, 
and swathing fallen trunks as, bent in the impotence 
of rottenness, they lie outstretched over knoll and 
hollow, like mcmldering reptiles of the primeval 
world, while around, and on and through them, 
springs the young j^* wwth that battens on their decay, 
— the forest devouring its own dead ; or, to turn from 
its funereal shade to the light and life of the open 
woodland, the sheen of sparkling lakes, and moun- 
tains basking in the glory of the summer noon, 
flecked by the shadows of passing clouds that sail 
on snowy wings across the transparent azure. ^ 

(I !i. 

1 An adverse French critic gives as Iiis opinion that the sketch 
of tile prinieval wilderness on the preceding I>i»Kc is drawn from 
fancy, and not from observation. It is, however, copied iu every 

1083- 1703. J L KIT Kit OK CAKIIKIK. 


Yot it would 1)0 Ciilsi^ coloriii^r to paint the half- 
savujifo conrcur dc hoin as a romantics lovtT of Naluru. 
111! liked till! woods lu'caiiso they eiiiaticipated him 
from restraint. Ho liked the lomi^Mng ease of the 
eamp-lire, and the license of Indian villa^'es. His 
life has a dark and ugly side, which is nowhere 
drawn more strongly than in a letter written l»y the 
Jesuit Carheil to the intendant Champigny. It was 
at a time when some of the outlying forest posts, 
originally either missions or transient stations of 
courcurs dc hois^ had received regular garrisons. 
Carheil writes from Michilimackinac, and describes 
the state of things around him like one whom long 
familiarity with them had stripped of every illusion.^ 

But here, for the present, we pause; for the father 
touches on other matters than the cuurcurs dc huis^ 
and we reserve him and his letter for the next 

particular, without exception, from a virgin forest in a deep moist 
valley by the upper .waters of the little river I'eiiiigewasset in 
northern New llainpsiiire, where I spent a summer afternoon a few 
(lays before the passage was written. 
1 See the letter in Appendix I. 

< ^; 


' h 

\ I 





i : a 


The JiisuiTS and thk Ikoquois. — Mission Vii.lagks. — Miciiim- 

MAC KINAC. — FaTIIKK CAUIIlill-. — TliMl'liKANCli;. — lilSANDY ANIt 

THE Indians. — SruoNti Measiikks. — J)isi'i;tes. — License and 
PiumiHiTioN. — Views OF the King. — Tkade and the Jesuits. 

For 41 year or two pitor Dc Tracy had chastised 
the Mohawks, and hunioled the otlier Iroquois iia- 
tions, all was rose-color on the side of that dreaded 
confederacy. The Jesuits, tlefiant as usual of hard- 
ship and death, liad begun their ruined missions 
anew. Bruyas took the Mission of the Martyrs 
among the Mohawks; Milet, that of Saint Francis 
Xavier, among the Oneidas; Lamberville, that of 
Saint John the Baptist among the Onondiigas: 
Carheil, that of Saint Joseph amorig the Cayugas; 
and Raft'eix and Julien Garnier shared between them 
the three mi^ssions of the Senecas. The Iroquois, 
after their punishment, were in a frame of mind so 
hopeful that the fathers imagined for a moment tliat 
they were all on the point of accepting the faitli. 
This was a consummation earnestly to be wished, not 


only from a religious, but also from a political, point 
of view. Tlie complete conversion of the Iroquois 
meant their estrangement from the heretic English 
and Dutch, and their firm alliance with the French. 
It meant safety for Canada, and it insured for her 
the fur- trade of the interior freed from English 
rivalry. Hence the importance of these missions, 
and hence their double character. While the Jesuit 
toiled to convert his savage hosts, he watched them 
at the same time with the eye of a shrewd political 
agent; reported at Quebec the result of his observa- 
tions, and by every means in his power sought to 
alienate them from England, and attach them to 

Their simple conversion, by placing them wholly 
under his influence, would have outweighed in 
political value all other agencies combined; bat the 
flattering hopes of the earlier years soon vanished. 
Some petty successes against other tribes so elated 
the Iroquois that they ceased to care for French 
alliance ra French priests. Then a few petty reverses 
would dash their spirits, and dispose them again to 
listen to Jesuit counsels. Every success of a war- 
party was a loss to the faith, and every revei"se was 
a gain. Meanwhile a more repulsive or a more criti- 
cal existence than that of a Jesuit father in an 
Iroquois town is scarcely conceivable. The torture 
of prisoners turned into a horrible festivity for the 
whole tribe ; foul and crazy orgies in which, as the 
})riest thought, the powers of darkness took a special 




I (15 





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. I 



■ 41 i ' 



r ■! 

382 MISSIONS. — BRANDY QUP:STION. [1663-1702. 

deliglit; drunken riots, the work of Dutch brandy, 
when he was forced to seek refuge from death in his 
chapel, — a sanctuary which superstitious fear with- 
held the Indians from violating, — these, and a thou- 
sand disgusts and miseries, filled the record of his 
days; and he bore them all in patience. Not only 
were the early Canadian Jesuits men of an intense 
religious zeal, but they were also men who lived not 
for themselves but for their Order. Their faults 
were many and great, but the grandeur of their self- 
devotion towers conspicuous over all. 

At Caughnawaga, near Montreal, may still be seen 
the remnants of a mission of converted Iroquois, 
whom the Jesuits induced to leave the temptations 
of their native to vvns and settle here, under the wing 
ui the Church. They b;*^rved as a bulwark against 
the English, and sometimes did good service in time 
of war. At Sillery, near Quebec, a band of Abenakis, 
escaping from the neighborhood of the English 
towards the close of Philip's War, formed another 
mission of similar character. The Sulpitians had a 
third at the foot of the mountain of Montreal, where 
two massive stone-towers of the fortified Indian town 
are standing to this day. All these converted 
savages, as well as those of Lorette and other missions 
far and near, were used as allies in war, and launched 
in scalping-parties against the border settlements of 
New England. 

Not only the Sulpitians, but also the seminary 
priests of Quebec, the lidcollets, and even the 





Capuchins, had missions moro or less important, and 
more or less permanent. But the Jesuits stood 
always in the van of religious and political propa- 
gandism ; and all the forest tribes felt their influence, 
from Acadia and Maine to the plains beyond the 
Mississippi. Next in importance to their Iroquois 
missions were those among the Algonquins of the 
northern lakes. Here was the grand domain of the 
beaver-trade; and the chief woes of the missionary 
sprang not from the Indians, but from his own 
countrymen. Beaver-skins had produced an effect 
akin to that of gold in our own day, and the deep- 
est recesses of the wilderness were invaded by eager 
seekers after gain. 

The focus of the evil was at Father Marquette's 
old mission of Michilimackinac. First, year after 
year came a riotous invasion of coureurs de buis^ and 
then a garrison followed to crown the mischief. 
Discipline was very weak at these advanced posts, 
and, to eke out their pay, the soldiers were allowed 
to trade, — brandy, whether permitted or interdicted, 
being the ch'^^f article of barter. Father ^fetienne Car- 
lieil was driven almost to despair ; and he wrote to the 
intendant, his fast friend and former pupil, the long 
letter already mentioned. "Our missions," he says, 
" are reduced to such extremity that we can no longer 
maintain them against the infinity of disorder, brutal- 
ity, violence, injustice, impiety, impurity, insolence, 
scorn, and insult, which the deplorable and infiimous 
traffic in brandy has spread universally among the 

1. I 




'it! I* 




I I 


Indians of these parts. ... In the despair in which 
we are phinged, nothing remains for us but to abandon 
them to the brandy-sellers as a domain of drunken- 
ness and debauchery." He complains bitterly of the 
officers in command of the fort, who, he says, far 
from repressing disorders, encourage them by their 
examjjle, and are even worse than their subordinates, 
"insomuch that all our Indian villages are so many 
tavei'ns for drunkenness and Sodoms for iniquity, 
which we shall be forced to leave to the just wrath 
and vengeance of God." He insists that the garri- 
sons are entirely useless, as they have only four occu- 
pations, — first, to keep open liquor-shops for crowds 
of drunken Indians ; secondly, to roam from place to 
place, carrying goods and brandy under the orders of 
the commandant, who shares their profits; thirdly, 
to gamble day and night; fourthly, to "turn the fort 
into a place which T am ashamed to call by its right 
name ; " and he describes, with a curious amplitude 
of debiil, the swarms of Indian girls who are hired to 
make it their resort. "Such, Monseigneur, are the 
only employments of the soldiers maintained here so 
many years. If this can be called doing the King 
service, I admit that such service is done for him 
here now, and lias always been done for him here ; 
but I never saw any other done in my life." He 
further declares that the commandants oppose and 
malign the missionaries, while of the presents which 
the King sends up the country for distribution to 
the Indians, they, the Indians, get nothing but a 





little tobacco, and the officer keeps the rest for him- 
self, i 

From the misconduct of officers and soldiers, the 
father passes to that of the coureurs de hois and 
licensed traders ; and here lie is equally severe. He 
dilates on the evils which result from permitting the 
colonists to go to the Indians instead of requiring 
the Indians to come to the settlements. " It serves 
only to rob the country of all its young men, weaken 
families, deprive wives of their husbands, sisters of 
their brothers, and parents of their children ; expose 
the voyagers to a hundred dangei-s of body and soul ; 
involve them in a multitude of expenses, some neces- 
sary, some useless, and some criminal; accustom 
them to do no work, and at last disgust them with it 
forever; make them live in constant idleness, unfit 
them completely for any trade, and render them use- 
less to themselves, their families, and the public. 
But it is less as regards the body than as regards the 
soul that this traffic of the French among the savages 
is infinitely hurtful. It carries them far away from 
churches, separates them from priests and nuns, and 
severs them from all instruction, all exercise of 

1 Of the officers in command at Michilimackinac while Carheil 
was there, he partially excepts La Durantaye from his strictures, 
but bears very hard on La Mothe-Cadillac, who hated the Jesuits 
and was hated by them in turn. La Mothe, on his part, writes that 
" the missionaries wish to be masters wherever they are, and cannot 
tolerate anybody above themselves." (iV. Y. Colonial Docs., ix. 587.) 
For much more emphatic expressions of his views concerning them, 
see two letters from him, translated in Sheldon's Early History of 




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religion, and all spiritual aid. It sends them into 
places wild and almost inaccessible, through a thou- 
sand perils by land and water, to carry on by base, 
abject, and shameful means a trade which would 
much better be carried on at Montreal." 

But in the complete transfer of the trade to 
Montreal, Father Carheil sees insuperable difficulties; 
and he proceeds to suggest, as the last and best 
resort, that garrisons and officers should be with- 
drawn, and licenses abolished, that discreet and 
virtuous persons should be chosen to take charge of 
all the trade of the upper country ; that these persons 
should be in perfect sympathy and correspondence 
with the Jesuits ; and that the trade should be car- 
ried on at the missions of the Jesuits and in their 

This letter brings us again face to face with the 
brandy question, of which we have seen something 
already in the quarrel between Avaugour and tlio 
bishop. In the summer of 16-48 there was held at 
the mission of Sillery a temperance meeting, — tlie 
first in all probability on this continent. The drum 
beat after mass, and the Indians gathered at the 
summons. Then an Algonquin chief, a zealous con- 
vert of the Jesuits, proclaimed to the crowd a late 
edict of the governor imposing penalties for drunken- 
ness, and, in his own name and that of the other 

1 Lettre dn Pere Etienne Carheil de la Compagnie de J^sus a I'fn- 
tendant Champujny, Afichilitnackinac, 30 Aout, 1702 {Archives Na- 
tiona/es), Appendix I. 

h ■ 


tliem into 
r\\ a tliou- 
1 by base, 
icli would 

B trade to 
t and best 
Ld be witli- 
iscreet and 
e charge of 
aese persons 
ouldbe car- 
and in their 

ice with the 
n something 
lour and tlio 
was held at 
|eting, — the 
The drum 
,ered at the 
zealous con- 
irowd a late 
:or drunken- 
|of the other 

de .Usus a I'Tn- 
{Archives Na- 



chiefs, exhorted them to abstinence, declining that 
all drunkards should be handed over to the French 
for punishment. Father Jerome Lalemant looked on 
delighted. "It was," he says, "the finest public 
act of jurisdiction exercised among the Indians since 
I have been in this country. From the beginning of 
the world they have all thought themselves as great 
lords, the one as the other, and never before sub- 
mitted to their chiefs any further than they chose to 

There was great need of reform; for a demon of 
drunkenness seemed to possess these unhappy tribes. 
Nevertheless, with all their rage for bnindy, they 
sometimes showed in regard to it a self-control quite 
admirable in its way. When at a fair, a council, or 
a friendly visit, their entertainers regaled them with 
rations of the coveted liquor, so prudently measured 
out that they could not be the woi*se for it, they 
would unite their several portions in a common 
stock, which they would then divide among a few of 
their number, — thus enabling them to attain that 
complete intoxication which, in their view, was the 
true end of all drinking. The objects of this singular 
benevolence were expected to requite it in kind on 
some future occasion. 

A drunken Indian, with weapons within reach, was 
very dangerous, and all prudent persons kept out of 
his way. This greatly pleased him ; for, seeing every- 
body run before him, he fancied himself a great chief, 

^ Lalemant, Relation, 1048, p. 43. 

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388 MISSIONS. — BRANDY QrivSTION. [inG:5-170"J. 

.111(1 liowled 5111(1 swung his tomahawk witli red()u1)]i'(l 
fury. If, as often luipp(3n(Ml, he maimed or murdered 
some wretch not nimhle enough to escape, his countiy- 
men ahsolved liim from all guilt, and blamed only 
the brandy. Hence, if an Indian wished to take a 
safe revenge on some personal enemy, he would 
pretend to be drunk; and not only murders but othci* 
Cximes were often committed by false claimants to 
the bacchanalian privilege. 

In the eyes of the missionaries, brandy was a fiend 
with all crimes and miseries in his train; and, in 
fact, nothing earthly could better deserve the epithet 
infernal than an Indian town in the height of ii 
drunken debauch. The orgies never ceased till the 
bottom of the barrel was reached. Then came 
repentance, despair, wailing, and bitter invective 
acjainst the white men, the cause of all the woe. In 
the name of the public good, of humanity, and above 
all of religion, the bishop and the Jesuits denounced 
the fatal traffic. 

Their case was a strong one ; but so was the case 
of their opponents. There was real and imminent 
danger that the thirsty savages, if refused brandy by 
the French, would seek it from the Dutch and 
English of New York. It was the most potent lure 
and the most killing bait. Wherever it was found, 
thither the Indians and their beaver-skins were sure 
to go, and the interests of the fur-trade, vital to the 
colony, were bound up with it. Nor was this all, 
for the merchants and the civil powers insisted that 




relif^ion and the saving of souls wero bound up with 
it no less; since, to repel the Indians from the 
Catholic French, and attract them to the heretic 
English, was to turn them from ways of grace to 
ways of perdition.^ The argument, no doubt, was 
dashed largely with hypocrisy in those who used it; 
but it was one which the priests were greatly per- 
plexed to answer. 

In former days, when Canada was not yet trans- 
formed from a mission to a colony, the Jesuits entered 
with a high hand on the work of reform. It fared 
hard with the culprit caught in the act of selling 
brandy to Indians. They led him, after the sermon, 
to the door of the church; where, kneeling on the 
pavement, partially stript and bearing in his hand 
the penitential torch, he underwent a vigorous flagel- 
lation, laid on by Father Le Mercier himself, after 
the fashion formerly practised in the case of refractory 
school-boys. 2 Bishop Laval not only discharged 
against the offenders volleys of wholesale excommu- 
nication, but he made of the offence a "reserved 
case ; " that is, a case in which the power of granting 
al)S()lution was reserved to himself alone. This pro- 
duced great commotion, and a violent conflict between 
religious scruples and a passion for gain. The 
bishop and the Jesi;its stood inflexible; while their 

1 " Ce fotiiiK^rce est absolument necessaire pour attirer Ics 
sauvages dans Ics colonies fran^oises, ct par ce moyen leur donner 
les premieres teintures de la toy." — M^moire de Colbert, joint a sa 
lettre a Duchesneau du 24 ^^ai, 1078. 

2 M€inoire de Dumesnil, 1671. 




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31)0 MISSIONS. —BRANDY QUKSTION. [1663-1702. 

oppoueiiUs jiddud bitterness to tlie (|UsiiTel by cliiirgiiif^ 
tlieni witli permitting certain fsivored persons to sell 
brandy, nni)unished, and even covertly selling it 

Ai)peal was made to the King, who — with his 
Jesuit confessor, guardian of his conscience on. one 
side, and Coll)ert, guardian of his worldly interests 
on the other — stood in some perplexity. The case 
was referred to the fathers of the Sorbonne; and 
they, after solemn discussion, pronounced the selling 
of brandy to Indians a mortal sin.'^ It was next 
referred to an assembly of the chief merchants and 
inhabitants of Canada, held under the eye of the 
governor, intendant, and council, in the Chateau St. 

^ Lettre de Charles Aubert de la Chesnai/e, 24 Oct., 101)3. After 
speaking of the excessive rigor of tlie bishop, he adds : " L'on dit, 
et il est vrai, que dans ces temps si fucheux, sous pretexte de 
pauvrete' dans les families, certaines gens avoient permission d'en 
traiter, je crois toujours avec la reserve de ne pas enivrer." Du- 
mesnil, Mt^moire de 1071, says that Laval excommunicated all hrandy- 
sellers, " a I'exception, neanmoins, de quelques particuliers qu'il 
voulait favoriser." lie says further that the bishop and tlie 
Jesuit Kagueneau had a clerk whom they employed at 600 francs 
a year to trade with the Indians, paying them in liquors for their 
furs ; and that for a time the ecclesiastics had this trade to them- 
selves, their severities having deterred most others from venturing 
into it. La Salle, Me'iiwire de 1678, declares that, " lis [les Ji^sui/rs] 
refusent I'absolution a ceux qui ne veulent pas promettre de n'en 
plus ven''re, et s'ils meurent en cet etat, lis les privent de la 
sepulture ecclesiastique : au contrairc, ils se permettent a cux 
mesmes sans aucune difficulte ce mesme traflc, quoyque toute sorte 
de traflc soit interdite b, tous les ecclesiastiques par les ordonnancos 
du Hoy et par une bulle expresse du Pape." I give these asser- 
tions as I find tliem, and for what they are worth. 

* Ddibe'ration de la Sorbonne sur la Traite des Boissons, 8 Mars, 





liOuLs. Each was directed to state his views in 
writing. The great majority were for unrestricted 
trade in brandy ; a few were for a limited antl guarded 
trade; and two or three declared for prohibition.* 
Decrees of prohibition were passed from time to time, 
but they were unavailing. They were revoked, 
renewed, and revoked again. They were, in fact, 
woi-so than useless ; for their chief effect was to turn 
traders and coureurs de hois into troops of audacioiic 
contrabandists. Attempts were made to liiiiit the 
brandy-trade to the settlements, and exclude it from 
the forest country, where its regulation was impossible ; 
but these attempts, like the others, were of little avail. 
It is vorthy of notice that when brandy was forbid- 
den everywhere else, it was permitted in the trade of 
Tadoussac, carried on for the profit of government.''* 

In spite of the Sorbonne, in spite of P^re La 
C liaise, and of the Archbishop of Paris, whom he 
also consulted, the King was never at heart a pro- 
hibitionist.^ His Canadian revenue was drawn from 
the fur-trade; and the singular argument of the 
partisans of brandy, that its attractions were needed 

1 Proces-verbal dc I' Assemble tenue au Chateau de St. Louis de 
Quebec, le 20 Oct., 1070, et Jours suivants, 

" Lettrc de Charles Aubert de la Chesnaije, 24 Oct., 1003. In the 
course of the quarrel, a severe law passed by the General Court of 
Massachusetts against the sale of liquors to Indians was several 
times urged atj an example to bo imitated. A copy of it was sent 
to tlie minister, and is still preserved in the Archives of the Marine 
and Colonies. 

•^ See, among other evidence, Mtfinoire sur la Traite des Boissons, 





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392 MISSIONS.— lillANDY QUESTION. [100:J-17()1>. 

to keep the IndiiiuH from contact witli, served 
adminihly to salvo his conscience. IJigot as lie was, 
he distrusted tlio Bishop of Quelicc, tjje great 
cliainpion of the anti-liquor movement. His own 
letters, as well as those of his minister, prove that 
he saw, or thought that he saw, motives for the 
crusade very different from those inscrihed on its 
banners, lie wrote to Saint- Vallier, J^aval's suc- 
cessor in the bishopric, that the brandy-trade was 
very useful to the kingdom of France; that it should 
be regu' ited, but not prevented ; that the consciences 
of his subjects must not be disturbed by denuncia- 
tions of it as a sin; and that "it is well that you [the 
bishop] should take care that the zeal of the eccle- 
siastics is not excited by personal interests and 
passions."^ Perhaps he alludes to the spirit of 
encroachment and domination which he and his 
minister in secret instructions to their officers often 
impute to the bishop and the clergy; or perhaps he 
may have in mind other accusations which had 
reached him from time to time during many years, 
and of which the following from the pen of the most 
noted of Canadian governors will serve as an example. 
Count Frontenac declares that the Jesuits greatly 
exaggerate the disorders caused by brandy, and that 
they easily convince persons "who do not know the 
interested motives which have led them to harp con- 
tinually on this string for more than forty years. . . . 
They have long wished to have the fur-trade entirely 

1 Le Roy a Saint- Vallier, 7 Avril, IGOl. 

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i(jo;j-i70'j.] tuadf: of tiik jkm its. 


to thi'inselvcs, iuul to 1\00[) out <»f si^'lit tlui Ivndvi 
wliicli tln'y havo ulways ciuricd on in tlu; woods, iind 
wliii'li tlicy are carrying on tlicro now."* 

TuAiiK OK TiiK Ji;srir«. — As I have observed ii» a former 
volumo, the chiirfje ai^iiiiist the tlesiiils of trudiiij; in l»eav(!r- 
skins (lilies frotn the he^iiiniii;^ of the colony. In tlie private 
journal of Father Jerome Laleniant, their superior, occurs tho 
following curious passafre, under date of November, KJio: 
Pour la (raite des castors. Le 15 de Nov. lo bruit estant (jn'on 
s'en alloit icy publier la defense qui auoit estd publiee aux 
Trois Iliuieres que pas vn n'eut h trailer aut.'C les .sanuaj^es, lo 
P. Vimont demanda h Mons. des Chastelels commis p;eueral 
si nous serions de pire condition soubseux quo soubs Messieurs 
de la Compagnio. I^a conclusion fut que non et tjiie rcla iroil 
jiotir tious a I'ordiuaire, viais (jue uous Ic. Jlsniuns douceincut^' 
{Joitrual drs Ji'suilta.) Two years after, on tho recpiest of 
Lalemant, the f,^overnor Montmagny. and his destined successor 
Ailleboust, giui^ the tiesuits a certilicate to the effect that ''lea 
pc'n-es de la compagnie de Jesus sont innocents de la caloinnie 
qui leur a I'td impulee, et ce qu'llsen out fni/ a Ue pour le hien 
de la communaute et pour un ban Kujet." This leaves it to be 
inferred that they actually traded, though with good inten- 
tions. In lOGl, in reply to similar " calumnies," the Jesuits 
made by proxy a declaration before the council, stating, " quo 
les dits llevdrends I'J'res Ji'-suites n'ont fait jamais aucune 
profession de vendre et n'ont jamais rien vendu, mais seulrment 
ijue les mai'chandisrs qu'ils donncnt aux particuliers ne sont que 
pour avoir Icurs ne'cessilcs." This is an admission in a thin 
disguise. The word necesstle's is of very elastic interpretation. 
In a memoir of Talon, 1G07, he mentions, " la traite de pelle- 
teries qu'on assure qu'ils [les Jesnites] font aux Outaouacks et 
au Cap de la Madeleine; ce que je ne sais pas de science 

That which Talon did not know with certainty is made 
reasonably clear for us by a line in the private journal of 

1 Frontenac au Ministre, 29 Oct., 1076. 


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394 MISSIONS. — BRANDY QUESTION. [1663-1702. 


I I 


Fatlier Le Mercier, who writes under date of 17 August, KKif), 
" Le Frcmiu reinonte supdrieur au Cap de la Magdoleine, 
ou le temporel est en boa estat. Comme il est delivre de tout 
30171 d\iiicune traite, il doit s'appliquer k Tinstructiou taut des 
Montagnets que des Algonquins." Father Charles Albanel 
was charged, under Fremin, with the affairs of the mission, 
including doubtless the temporal interests, to the prosperity 
of which Father Le Mercier alludes, and the cares of trade 
fi'om which Father Frdmin was delivered. Cavelier de la 
Salle declared in 1678, "Le p6re Arbanelle \_Alhanel'\ jesuite 
a traitd au Cap [de la Madeleine'] pour 700 pistoles de peaux 
d'origna,ux et de castors ; luy raesme me I'a dit en 1667. II 
vend le pain, le vin, le bled, le lard, et il tient magazin au Cap 
aussi bien que le frbre Joseph k Qudbec. Ce frbre gagne 500 
pour 100 sur tons les peuples. lis [le' Jesuites] ont bati leur col- 
lege en partie de leur traite et en part^e de I'emprunt." La Salle 
further says that Fremin, being reported to have made enormous 
profits, " ce pbre rdpondit au gouverneur {qui lui en avail fait des 
plaintes) par un billet que luy a conservd, que c'estoit une 
calomn' , que ce grand gain prdtendu ; puisque tout ce qui ^e 
passoit par ses mains ne pouvoit produire par an que quatre 
mille de revenant bon, tous frais faits, sans comprendre les 
gages des domostiques." La Salle gives also many other 
particulars, especially relating to Michilimackinac, where, as 
he says, the Jesuits had a large stock of beaver-skins. Accord- 
ing to Pdronne Dumesnil, Memoire de 1671, the Jesuits had at 
that time more than 20,000 francs a year, — partly from trade 
and partly from charitable contributions of their friends ia 

The King repeatedly forbade the Jesuits and other ecclesi- 
astics in Canada to carry on trade. On one occasion he 
threatened strong measures should they continue to disobey 
liim. (Le Rot a Frontenac, 28 Avril, 1677.) In the same year 
the minister wrote to the intendant Duchesneau : " Vous ne 
sauriez apporter trop de precautions pour abolir entiferement 
la coustume que les Ecclesiastiques seculiers et reguliers avaieiit 
pris de traitter ou de faire traitter leurs valets," 18 Avril, 1677. 

The Jesuits entered also intc other branches of trade and 

1663-1702.] TRADE OF THE JESUITS. 


industry with a vigor and address which the inhabitants of 
Canada might have emulated with advantage. They were 
successful fishers of eels. In 1646 their eel-pots at Sillery are 
said to have yielded, no less than forty thousand eels, some of 
which they sold at the modest price of thirty sous a hundred. 
(Ferland, Notes sur les Begistres de N. D. de Quebec, 82.) The 
members of the Order were exempted from payment of duties, 
and i.' 1674 they were specially empowered to construct mills, 
including sugar-mills, and keep slaves, apprentices, and hired 
servants. Droit Canadien, 180. 

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Church and State. — The Bishop and the King. — The King 
AND THE Cures. — The New Bisiior. — The Canadian Cuke. — 
Ecclesiastical Rule, — Saint-Vallieu and Denonville. — 
Clerical Rigor. — Jesuit and Sulpitian. — Courcelle and 
Chatelain. — The Uecollets. — IIeresv and Witchcraft. — 
Canadian Nuns. — Jeanne Le Ber. — Education. — The Sem- 
inary. — Saint Joachim. — Miracles of Saint Anne. — Cana- 
dian Schools. 

When Laval and the Jesuits procured the recall of 
Mdzy, they achieved a seeming triumph; yet it wn.s 
but a defeat in disguise. While ordering home the 
obnoxious governor, tiie King and Colbert made a 
practical assertion of their power too strong to be 
resisted. A vice-regal officer, a governor, an intend- 
ant, and a regiment of soldiers were silent but con- 
vincing proofs that the mission days of Canada were 
over, and the dream of a theocracy dispelled forever. 
The ecclesiastics read the signs of the times, and for 
a while seemed to accept the situation. 

The King on his part, in vindicating the civil 
power, had shown a studious regard to the sensibili- 
ties of the bishop and his allies. The lieutenant- 



general Tracy, a zealous devotee, and the intendant 
Talon, who at least professed to he one, were not 
men to offend the clerical party needlessly. In the 
choice of Courcelle, the governor, a little less caution 
had been shown. His chief business was to fight the 
Iroquois, for which he was well fitted; but he 
presently showed signs of a willingness to fight the 
Jesuits also. The colonists liked him for his lively 
and impulsive speech; but the priests were of a 
different mind, and so, too, was his colleague Talon, 
— a prudent person, who studied the amenities of 
life, and knew how to pursue his ends with temper 
and moderation. On the subject of the clergy he 
and the governor substantially agreed, but the ebulli- 
tions of the one and the smooth discretion of the 
other were mutually repugnant to both. Talon 
complained of his colleague's impetuosity; and 
Colbert directed him to use his best efforts to keep 
Courcelle within bounds, and prevent him from 
publicly finding fault with the bishop and the 
Jesuits.^ Next we find the minister writing to 
Courcelle himself to soothe his ruffled temper, and 
enjoining him to act discreetly, "because," said 
Colbert, " as the colony grows, the King's authority 
will grow with it, and the authority of the priests 
will be brought back in time within lawful bounds. "^ 
Meanwhile, Talon had been ordered to observe 
carefully the conduct of the bishop and the Jesuits, 

1 Colbert a Talon, 20 Ft'r., 1008. 
a Colbert a C -elle, 19 Mai, 16G9. 




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"wlio,"says the minister, "have hitlierto nominated 
governors for the King, and used every means to 
procure the recall of those chosen without their 
participation ; ^ filled offices with their adherents, and 
tolerated no secular priests except those of one mind 
with them. "2 Talon, therefore, under the veil of a 
reverent courtesy, sharply watched them. They 
paid courtesy with courtesy, sind the intendant wrote 
home to his master that he saw nothing amiss in 
them. He quickly changed his mind. "I should 
have had less trouble and more praise," he writes in 
the next year, "if I had ^jeen willing to leave the 
power of the Church where I found it."^ "it is 
easy," he says again, "to incur the ill-will of the 
Jesuits if one does not accept all their opinions and 
abandon one's self to their direction even in temporal 
matters ; for their encroachments extend to affairs of 
police, which concern only the civil magistrate, " — 
and he recommends that one or two of them be sent 
home as disturbers of the peace.* They, on their 
part, changed attitude towards both him and the 
governor. One of them. Father Bardy, less discreet 
than the rest, is said to have preached a sermon 
against them at Quebec, in which he likened them 
to a pair of toadstools springing up in a night, — 
adding that a good remedy would soon be found, and 

1 Instruction au Sieur Talon. 

2 Af(fmoire pour M. de Tracy. 

8 Talon an Ministre, 13 Nov., 1666. 
* Talon, Me'moire de 1667. 



that Courcelle would have to run home like other 
governors before him.^ 

Tracy escaped clerical attacks. He was extremely 
careful not to provoke them ; and one of his first acts 
was to restore to tht council the bishop's adherents 
whom M^zy had expelled. ^ And if, on the one hand, 
he was too pious to quarrel with the bishop, so, on 
the other, the bishop was too prudent to invite col- 
lision with a man of his rank and influence. 

After all, the dispute between the civil and eccle- 
siastical powers was not fundamental. Each had 
need of the other; both rested on authority, and 
they differed only as to the boundary lines of their 
respective shares in it. Yet the dispute of bounda- 
ries was a serious one, and it remained a source of 
bitterness for many years. The King, though rigidly 
Catholic, was not yet sunk in the slough of bigotry 
into which Maintenon and the Jesuits succeeded at 
last in plunging him. He had conceived a distrust 
of Laval, and his jealousy of his royal authority 
disposed him to listen to the anti-clerical counsels of 
his minister. How needful they both thought it to 
prune the exuberant growth of clerical power, and 
how cautiously they set themselves to do so, their 
letters attest again and again. "The bishop," writes 
Colbert, "assumes a domination far beyond that of 

^ La Salle, Me'moire de 1678. This sermon was preached on the 
12th of March, 1607. 

'■* A curious account of liis relations with Laval is given in a 
letter of La Motlie-Cadillac, 28 September, 1694. 



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PRIESTS AND PIOOPLE. [10(15-1700. 

other bisliops tlirongliout the Christian world, and 
particiUaily in thu kingdom of France." ^ "It is tlie 
will of his Majesty that you contine him and the 
Jesuits within just bounds, and let none of theui 
overstep these bounds in any mjinner whatsoever. 
Consider this as a matter of the greatest importance, 
and one to wliich you cannot give too much atten- 
tion." ^ "P)ut," the prudent minister elsewhere 
writes, "it is of the greatest consequence that the 
bishop and the Jesuits do not perceive that the 
intendant blames their conduct."^ 

It was to the same intendant that Colbert wrote, 
"it is necessary to diminish as much as possible the 
excessive number of priests, monks, and nuns in 
Canada." Yet in the very next year, and on the 
advice of Talon, he himself sent four more to the 
colony. His motive was plain. He meant that tliey 
should serve as a counterpoise to the Jesuits.* They 
were mendicant friars, belonging to the branch of the 
Franciscans known as the Rccollets; and they were 
supposed to be free from the ambition for the aggran- 
dizement of their Order which was imputed, and 
with reason, to the Jesuits. Whether the Rccollets 
were free from it or not, no danger was to be feared 
from them; for Laval and the Jesuits were sure to 
oppose them, and they would need the support of the 

1 Colbert, a Duchesnean, 1 Afdi, 1077. 

2 TbicL, 28 Avril, 1(577. 

8 Instruction pour M, Bouterouc, 1G68. 

* Memoire succinct des principaux points des intentions du Roy sur h 
paijs de Canada, 18 Mai, 1009. 





government too much to set themselves in opposition 
to it. "The more Rt5collets we have," says Talon, 
"the better will the too lirmly rooted authority of 
the others be balanced.'"^ 

While Louis XTV. tried to confine the priests to 
their ecclesiastical functions, he was at the same 
time, whetlier from religion, policy, or both com- 
bined, very liberal to tlie Canadian Church, of 
which, indeed, he was the main-stay. In the yearly 
estimate of " ordinary charges " of the colony, the 
Church holds the most prominent place; and the 
appropriations for religious purposes often exceed all 
the rest together. TIil^s, in 1667, out of a total of 
36,360 francs, 28,000 are assigned to Church uses.^ 
The amount fluctuated, but was always relatively 
large. The Canadian curds were paid in great part 
by the King, who for many years gave oiglit thousand 
francs annually towards their support. Such was 
tiie poverty of the country that, tiiough in 1685 there 
were only twenty-five cur^s,^ each costing about five 
liundred francs a year, the tithes utterly failed to 
meet the expense. As late as 1700, the intendant 
declared that Canada without the King's hel^) could 

1 Talon an Mlnhtre, 10 Oct., 1070. 

2 Of this, 0,000 francs wore ^\vcn to the Jesuits, 0,000 to the 
Ursulines, 9,000 to the cathoilral, 4,000 to the seminary, and 3,000 
to the IIotel-Dieu. {^tal de depeme, etc., 1077.) The rest went to 
pay civil officers and garrisons. In 1082 tlie amount for Churcli 
uses was only 12,000 francs. In 1087 it was 18,500. In 1089 it rose 
to .'54,000, including Acadia. 

8 Increased soon after to tliirty-six by Saint- Vallier, Laval's 




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! !l 

I : I 


' .1 


PRIESTS AND PEOPLE. [1005-1700. 

not maintain more than eight or nine curds. Louis 
XIV. winced under these steady demands, and 
reminded the bisliop that more than four thousand 
curds in France lived on less than two hundred francs 
a year.i "lou say," he wrote to the intendant, 
" that it is impossible for a Canadian curd to live on 
five hundred francs. Then you must do the impos- 
sible to accomplish my intentions, which are always 
that die curds should li^e on the tithes alone. "^ Yet 
the head of the Church still liegged for money, and 
the King still paid it. " We are in the midst of a 
costly war, " wrote the minister to the bishop, "yet 
in consequence of your urgency the gifts to ecclesi- 
astics will be continued as before."^ And they did 
continue. ]\'ore than half a century later, the King 
was still making them, and during tlie last years of 
the colony he gave twenty thousand francs annually 
to support Canadian curds.* 

The maintenance of curds was but a part of his 
bounty. He endowed the bishopric with tli' revenues 
of two French abbeys, to which he afterwards add(;d 
a third. The vast tracts of land which Laval liad 
acquired were freed from feudal burdens, and emi- 
grants were sent to them by the government in such 
numbers tliat, in 1667, the bishop's seigniory of 
BeaTipr{» and Orleans contained more than a fourth 

^ MtSmoire a Uuchesneau, 15 Mai, 1078 ; Le Roy It Duchcsntnu, 11 
Juin, 1080. 

"^ Le Roy a Duchesneau, 30 Avril, 1081. 
" Le Ministre a riSvcque, 8 Mai, \kM. 
* BoLijjainville, M^moire, \15il. 

V. ■ i- 



of the entire population of Canada.^ He had emerged 
fi'oni liis condition of apostolic poverty to iind hhn- 
self the richest land-owner in the colony. 

If by favors like tliese the King expected to lead 
the ecclesiastics into compliance with his wishes, he 
was doomed to disappointment. The system of 
movable curds, by which the bishop like a military 
chief could compel each iiieml)er of his clerical army 
to come and go at his bidding, was from the first 
repugnant to Louis XIV. On the other hand, the 
Ijishop clung to it with his usual tenacity. Colbert 
denounced it as contrary to the laws of the kingdom.'^ 
" His Majesty has reason to believe," he writes, "that 
the chief source of the difficulty which the ])ishop 
makes on this point is his wish to preserve a greater 
authority over the curds. "^ The inflexible prelate, 
whose heart was bound up in the system he had 
established, opposed evasion and delay to each 
expression of the royal will ; and even a royal edict 
failed to produce the desired effect. In the height 
of the dispute, Laval went to court, and, on the 
ground of failing Health, asked for a successor in the 
bishopric. The King readily granted his prayer, 
'['he successor was appc'.nted; but when Laval pre- 


'"^i 'i'.! 


t I 

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^ Entire population, 4,312 ; Beaupre and Orleans, 1185. {Recense- 
ment de 1007.) Laval, it will bo reniembortMl, aftorwartls <iave his 
lands to the seminary of Quebec. He previou.^ly exchanged the 
Island of Orleans with the Sieur Berthelot for the Island of Jesus. 
Herthelot gave him a large sum of money in addition. 

■•^ Le Ministre a Duchcsneau, 15 Mai, 1078. 

** Instruction a Al. de Meules, 1082. 

"I HI 






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pared to cmbai'k again for Caiuida. ho was ijiven to 
understand that he was to remain in France. In vain 
lie promised to make no trouble;^ and it Vvas not till 
after an absence of four years that he was permittt'd 
to return, no longer as its chief, to his beloved 
Canadian Church.'^ 

i.Ieanwhile Saint- Vallier, the new Inshop, had 
I'aised a ...w tempest. He attacked that organization 
of the seminary of Quebec by which J^aval had 
endeavored to unite the secular priests of Canada 
into an attached and obedient family, with the 
bishop as its head and the seminary as its home, — a 
plan of which the system of movable cures was an 
essential part. The Canadian priests, devoted to 
Laval, met the innovations of Saint- Vallier with an 
opposition which seemed only to confirm his puri)oso. 
Laval, old and worn with toil and asceticism, was 
driven almost to despair. The seminary of Quehec 
was the cherished work of his life, and, to his think- 
ing, the citadel of the Canadian Church ; and now he 
beheld it battered and l)reached l)efore his eyes. His 
successor, in fact, was trjang to place the Church of 
Canada on the footing of the Church of France. Tlie 
conflict lasted for years, with the rancor that marks 
the quarrels of non-combatants of both sexes. " He " 

1 Laval an Pere la Chaisp, 1087. This forms part of a curious 
correspontlence printed in the Fo//rr ('uniullpn for 18GG, from oriui- 
nals in the Archevecho of Quehec. 

- From a me'molre of 18 Feb., l(i8o {Arclilves^ dp. Versa IUps), it is 
plain that the court, in giving a successor to Laval, thouglit that 
it had ended the vexed question of movable cure's. 

M ■< 


THE ^'i-:\y r.isiioi*. 


[Saint- Valli(!r], Hays one of his opjKMiciits, "lias made 
iiiiusclf coiitc'iuptihle to almost o vol y body, and i)ar- 
ticularly odious to the priests born in Canada; for 
there is between them and liim a nuitual antipatliy 
dilHenlt to overcome." ' Me is (lescril)od by the same 
writer as a person '^ without reflection and judtifment, 
extreme in all things, secret and artful, passionate 
when opi)osed, and a llatterer when he wishes to gain 
his point." This amiable critic adds that Saint- Vallier 
believes a. bishop to l)e insj[)ired, in virtue of his 
office, with a wisdom tiiat needs Jio human aid; and 
that whatever thought comes to him in prayer is a 
divine inspiration to be carried into effect at all costs 
and in spite of all opposition. 

The new bishop, notwithstanding the tempest he 
had raised, did not fully acconi[)lish that estahlish- 
nient of the curds in their respective parishes which 
the King and the minister so much desired. The 
Canadian curd was more a missionary than a parisli 
priest; and Nature as well as Bishop Laval tlnew 
difficulties in the way of settling him quietly over 
his charge. 

On the Lower St. Lawrence, where it widens to an 
estuary, six leagues across, a ship from France, the 
last of the season, holds her way for Quebec, laden 
with stores and clothing, household utensils, goods 
for Indian trade, the newest court fashions, wine, 
brandy, tobacco, and the King's orders from Ver- 

1 Tlie above is from an aiionymous paper, writti'n apparently ni 
1G95, and entitled Mv'inoirv jiour Ic Canada. 

1 - r 
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I ii , >( 















) ( 


H.iillcs. Swelling' her putched uiid dingy sjiils, sin; 
glides tlirougli the wildneas and tiiu Holitudo wlicrc 
tliure is iiotliiiig l)iit her to reiuiiid you of the gicut 
troubled world behind and the little troubled world 
before. On the fur verge of the oceiin-liko rivtjr, 
clouds and mountains mingle in dim eonfusion; fivsh 
gusts from the north dash waves against the ledges, 
sweep through the (piivoring spires of stitT and 
stunted fir-trees, and rutlle the feathers of the crow, 
perched on the dead b(mgh after his feast of mussels 
among the sea-weed. You are not so solitary as you 
think. A small birch-canoe rounds the point of 
rocks, and it bears two men, — one in an old black 
cassock, and the other in a buckskin coat, — both 
woiking hard at the paddle to keep their slender 
CHift off the shingle and the breakers. The man in 
the cassock is Father Morel, aged forty-eight, — the 
oldest country cur^ in Canada, most of liis brethren 
being in the vigor of youth, as they had need to 1x3. 
His parochial charge embraces u string of incipient 
parishes extending along the south shore from liivi^re 
du Loup to Riviere du Sud, a distance reckoned at 
twenty-seven leagues, and his parishioners numbe" 
in all three hundred and twenty-eight souls. He has 
administered spiritual consolation to the one inhabi- 
tant of Kamouraska ; visited the eight families of La 
Bouteillerie and the five families of La Combe; and 
now he is on his way to the seigniory of St. Denis 
with its two bouses and eleven souls. ^ 

1 Those particulars are from the Plan g^n€ral iIc I'cstot present des 
missions du Canada, fait en I'anne'e 1683. It is a list and description 

l(i(;5-17()0.] TlIK CANADIAN CUKE. 


The father hinds where a shattered eel-pot liigh 
and dry on tlie i)el)])les l)etrays the neig]d)orhood of 
man. I lis servant sliouUlei-s his portable chapel, and 
follows him through the belt of iirs and the Udler 
woods lu'yond, till the sunlight of a desolate clear- 
ing shines upon them. Charred trunks and lim])8 
encund)er the ground; dead trees, branchless, bark- 
less, pierced by the woodpeckers, in part black with 
fire, in part bleached ])y sun and frost, towei* ghastly 
and weird above the labyri ith of forest ruins, through 
which the priest and his follower wind their way, the 
cat-bird mewing, and the blue-jay screaming as they 
pass. Now the golden-rod and the aster, liarbingei-s 
of autumn, fringe with yellow and purple the edge 
of the older clearing, where wheat and maize, the 
settler's meagre harvest, are growing among the 

Wild-looking women, with sunburnt faces and 
neglected hair, run from their work to meet the cure; 
a man or two follow with soberer steps and less 
exuberant zeal; while half-savage children, the 
coureurs de hois of the future, bareheaded, barefooted, 
and half-clad, come to wonder and stare. To set up 
his altar in a room of the rugged log-cabin; say 
mass, hear confessions, impose penance, grant abso- 
lution; repeat the office of the dead over a grave 
made weeks before ; baptize, perhaps, the last infant ; 

of the parishes with the names and ages of the cures, and other 
details. (See Ahellle, i.) This paper was drawn up by order of 







■.V, .. '■ 




PRIESTS AND PEOPLE. [1665-1700. 



marry, possibly, some pair who may or may not have 
waited for his coming; catechise as well as time and 
circumstance v/ould alloAV the shy but turbulent 
brood of some former wedlock, — such was the work 
of the parish priest in the remoter districts. It was 
seldom that his charge was quite so scattered and so 
far extended as that of Father Morel ; but there were 
fifteen or twenty others whose labors were like in 
kind, and in some cases no less arduous , All summer 
they paddled their canoes from settlement to settle- 
ment; and in winter they toiled on snow-shoes over 
the drifts, wliile the servant carried the portable 
chapel on his back, or dragged it on a sledge. Once, 
at least, in the year the cure paid liis visit to Quebec, 
where- under the maternal roof of the seminary, he 
made his retreat of meditation and prayer, and then 
returned to his work. He rarely had a house of his 
own, but boarded in that of the seignior or one of 
the habitants. Many parishes or aggregations of 
parishes had no other church than a room fitted up 
for the purpose in the house of some pious settler. 
In the larger settlements there were cliurches and 
chapels of wood, thatched with straw, often ruinous, 
poor to the last degree, without ornaments, and 
sometimes without the sacred vessels necessary for 
the service.^ In 1683 there were but seven stone 
churches in all the colony. The population was so 
thin and scattered that many of the settlers lieard 

^ Saint- Vallier, Estat present de rE<jUse et de la Colonic Fran^aise, 
22 (ed. 1856). 



16(55-1700.] THE CANADIAN CUKE. 


mass only three or four times a year, and some of 
them not so often. The sick frequently died with- 
out ahsolution, and infants without baptism. 

The splendid self-devotion of the early Jesuit 
missions has its record; so, too, have the unseemly 
bickerings of bishops and governors. But the [latient 
toils of tlie missionary cure rest in the obscurity 
where the best of human virtues are buried from age 
to age. What we find set down concerning him is, 
that Louis XIV. was unable to see why he should 
not live on two hundred francs a year as well as a 
village curd by the banks of the Garoiuie. The King 
did not know thai his cassock and all his clothing 
cost him twice as much and lasted half as long; that 
he must have a canoe and a man to paddle it; and 
that when on his annual visit the seminary paid liim 
five or six hundred francs, partly in clothes, partly 
in stores, and partly in money, the end of the year 
found him as poor as before except only in his 

The Canadian priests held the manners of the 
colony under a rule as rigid as that of the Puritan 
churches of Islew England, — but with the difference 
that in Canada a large part of the population was 
restive under their control, while some of the civil 
authorities, often with the governor at their head, 
supported the opposition. This was due partly to 
an excess of clerical severity, and partly to the con- 
tinued friction between the secular and ecclesiastical 
powers. It sometimes happened, however, that a 

1 ;■ 





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ii f? 

•It..' t ' I 


1 i 

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! Ml; 

! I,! I ' 

new governor arrived, who was so pious that the 
clerical party felt that they could rely on him. Of 
these rare instances the princijjal is that of De- 
nonville, who, with a wife as pious as himself, and 
a young daughter, landed at Quebec in 1685. On 
this. Bishop Saint- Vallier, anxious to turn his good 
dispositions to the best account, addressed to him a 
series of suggestions or rather directions for the 
guidance of his conduct, with a view to the spiritual 
profit of those over whom he was appointed to rule. 
The document was put on file, and the following are 
some of the points in it. It is divided into five 
different heads, — "Touching feasts," "touching 
balls and dances," "touching comedies and other 
declamations," "touching dress," "touching irrever- 
ence in church." The governor and madame his 
wife are desired to accept no invitations to suppers, 
— that is to say, late dinners, — as tending to noc- 
turnal hours and dangerous pastimes; and they are 
further enjoined to express dissatisfaction, and refuse 
to come again, should any entertainment offered 
them be too sumptuous. "Although," continues tlie 
bishop under the second head of liis address, "balls 
and dances are not sinful in their nature, neverthe- 
less they are so dangerous by reason of the circum- 
stances that attend them and the evil results tluit 
almost inevitably follow, that, in the opinion of Saint 
Francis of Sales, it should be said of them as physi- 
cians say of mushrooms, that at best they are good 
for nothing;" and, after enlarging on their perils, he 



declares it to \>e of great importance to the glory of 
God and the sanctification of the colony, that the 
governor and his wife neither give such entertain- 
ments nor countenance them by their presence. 
"Nevertheless," adds the mentor, "since the youth 
and vivacity of mademoiselle their daughter requires 
some diversion, it is permitted to relent somewhat, 
and indulge her in a little moderate and proper dan- 
cing, provided that it be solely with persons of her 
own sex, and in the presence of madame her mother; 
but by no means in the presence of men or youths, 
since it is this mingling of sexes which causes the 
disorders that spring from balls and dances." Private 
theatricals in any form are next interdicted to the 
j\mng lady. The bishop then passes to the subject 
of her dress, and exposes the abuses against which 
she is to be guarded. "The luxury of dress," he 
says, "appears in the rich and dazzling fabrics 
wherein the women and girls of Canada attire them- 
selves, and which are far beyond their condition and 
their means , in the excess of ornaments which they 
put on ; in the extraordinary head-dresses which they 
affect, their heads being uncovered and full of 
strange trinkets; and in the immodest curls so 
expressly forbidden in the epistles of Saint Peter 
and Saint Paul, as well as by all the fathers and 
doctors of the Church, and which God has often 
severely punished, — as may be seen by the example 
of the unhappy Pretextata, a lady of high quality, 
who, as we learn from Saint Jerome, who knew her, 

\ I . ■ 

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& :;■ 






luid her hands withered, and died suddenly five 
months after, and was precipitated into hell, as God 
had threatened her by an angel; because, by order 
of her huslmnd, she had curled the hair of her niece, 
and attired her after a worldly fashion." ^ 

Whether the Marcjuis and Marchioness Denonville 
profited by so apt and terrible a warning, or whether 
their patience and good-nature survived the episcopal 
onslaught, does not appear on record. The subject 
of feminine apparel received great attention, both 
from Saint- Vallier and his predecessor, each of whom 
issued a number of pastoral mandates concerning it. 
Their severest denunciations were aimed at low- 
necked dresses, which they regarded as favorite 
devices of the energy for the snaring of souls; and 
they also used strong language against certain knots 
of ribbons called fontuiKjcs^ with which the belles of 
Quebec adorned their heads. Laval launches strv^nu- 
ous invectives against "the luxury and vanity of 
women and girls, who, forgetting the promises of 
their baptism, decorate themselves with the pomp of 

^ "Tdmoin entr'autres rexemple de la malheureusc Pretcxtatc, 
dame de grande condition, laquelle au rapport dc S. Jerome, doiit 
elle etoit eonnue, eut les mains desseehe'es et cinq mois aprcs 
mourut subitement et fut prccipitee en enfer, ainsi que Dieu IVn 
avoit nienacce par un Ange jjour avoir par le comniandement do 
son niari frise' et habille mondainement sa niece." {DIvpts points 
a rppresenter a Mr. le Gouverneur et a Madame la Gonvrniantc, sliinc' 
Jean, ercsqne de Quebec. Ref/istre de I'Eveche' de Quebec.) The 
bishop on another occasion hohls up the sad fate of Pretextata 
as a warning to Canadian mothers ; but in tlie i)resent case lie 
slightly changes the incidents to make the story more applicable 
to the governor and his wife. 


Idenly five 
lell, as God 
3, by order 
f her niece, 

or whethei- 
le episcopal 
riie subject 
ntion, both 
ch of wlioiii 
iicerning it. 
ed at h)\v- 
as favorite 
souls; and 
jrtain knots 
:he belles of 
3hes strc^nu- 
l vanity of 
promises of 
he pomp of 

ISC I're'toxtati', 
Jcrorno, donl 

iq mois aprcs 
que Dieu \\n\ 

mandemcnt do 
(Dirwrs pm'iila 

nvernanti', .lifjne 
Quebec.) The 
of Pretextatii 

roscnt cast' ho 

ore api)licable 




Satan, whom they have so solemnly renounced ; and, 
in their wish to please the eyes of men, make them- 
selves the instruments and the captives of the fiend." ^ 

In the journal of the superior of the Jesuits we 
find, under date of February 4, 1GG7, a record of the 
first ball in Canada, along with the pious wish, "God 
grant that nothing further come of it." Neverthe- 
less more balls were not long in following; and, 
worse yet, sundry comedies were enacted under no 
less distinguished paoionage than that of Frontenac, 
tlie governor. Laval denounced them vigorously, 
tlie Jesuit Dabion attacked them in a violent sermon ; 
and such excitement followed that the affair was 
brought before the royal council, which declined to 
interfere.^ This flurry, however, was nothing to the 
storm raised ten or twelve years later by other 
dramatic aggressions, an account of which will 
appear in the sequel of this volume. 

The morals of families were watched with unre- 
lentincr vicrilance. Frontenac writes in a mood 
unusually temperate, " They [the priests] are full of 
virtue and piety, and if their zeal were less vehement 
and more moderjite, they would perhaps succeed 
better in their efforts for the conversion of souls ; but 

1 Mandement confre In luxe et la vanity dps femmes et des JiUes, 1G82. 
{Rfiqislre.s dc I'Evechede Qiiehec.) A still more vigorous denuncia- 
tion is contained in Ordonnance contre Ics vices de luxe et d'impuretif, 
KiOO. Tliis was followed in the next year by a stringent list of 
rules called Reijlemcnt pour la condui'te dos fideles de ce diocese. 

^ Arrets du 24 ct 2S jnin par Irsijiicls crttc affaire (des comedcs) est 
renvoij^e a Sa Majesty, 1G81. (?) Rp(/istrk du Conseil Somn'rain. 




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PRIESTS AND PEOPLE. [1663-1700. 

they often use means sv) extraordinary, and in Fran{3o 
so unusual, that they repel most people instejid of 
persuading them. I sometimes tell them my views 
frankly and as gently as I can, as I know the mur- 
murs that their conduct excites, and often receive; 
complaints of the constraint under which they place; 
consciences. This is above all the case with the 
ecclesiastics at Montreal, where there is a cure^ from 
Franche Comt^ who wants to establish a sort of in- 
quisition worse than that of Spain, and all out of an 
excess of zeal."^ 

It was this curd, no doubt, of whom La Hontan 
complains. That unsanctified young officer was 
quartered at Montreal, in the house of one of the 
inhabitants. "During a part of the winter I wuvS 
hunting with the Algonquins ; the rest of it I spent 
here very disagreeably. One can neither go on a 
pleasure party, nor play a game of cards, nor visit 
the ladies, without the curd knowing it and preach- 
ing about it publicly from his pulpit. The priests 
excommunicate masqueraders, and even go in search 
of them to pull off their masks and overwhelm them 
with abuse. They watch more closely over the 
women and girls than their husbands and fathers. 
They prohibit and burn all books but books of devo- 
tion. I cannot think of this tyranny without cursing 
the indiscreet zeal of the curd of this town. He 
came to the house where I lived, and, finding some 
books on my table, presently pounced on the romance 

1 Frontenac au Ministre, 20 Oct., 1091. 

1663-1700.] LA MOTHE AND Till: PRIESTS. 


of Petroiiina, which T valued more than my life 
hecause it was not mutilated. lie tore out almost 
all the leaves, so that if my host had not restrained 
me when I came in and saw the miserable wreck, T 
should have run after this rampant shepherd and torn 
out every hair of his beard." ^ 

La Mothe-Cadillac, the founder of Detroit, seems 
to have had equal difficulty in keeping liis temper. 
" Neither men of honor nor men of parts are endured 
in Canada ; nobody can live here but simjjletons and 
slaves of the ecclesiastical domination. The count 
[Frontenac] would not have so many troublesome 
affairs on his hands if he had not abolislied a Jei'icho 
in the shape of a house built by messieurs of the 
seminary of Montreal, to shut up, as they said, girls 
who caused scandal ; if he had allowed them to take 
officers and soldiers to go into houses at midnight 
and carry off women from their husbands and whip 
them till the blood flowed because they had been at 
a ball or worn a mask ; if he had said nothing against 
the curds who went the rounds with the soldiers, and 
compelled women and girls to shut themselves up in 
their houses at nine o'clock of saimmer evenings; if 
he had forbidden the wearing of lace, and made no 
objection to the refusal of the communion to women 
of quality because they wore a fontange ; if he had 
not opposed excommunications flung about without 
sense or reason, — if I say, the count had been of this 

^ La Ilontan, i. GO (ed. 1709). Other editions contain the same 
story in dilTerent words. 


I I 


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f i ,1 


way of thinking, lie would have stood as a nonpareil, 
and have been put very soon on the list of ats, 
for saint-making is cheap in this country."^ 

While the SiUpitians were thus rigorous at MorU-eal, 
the bishop and his Jesuit allies were scarcely i -is so 
at '),nebec. There was little good--' iT between tiieni 
ciM^ the S'ilpitiarj;% and some of the sharpest charges 
i! rainst the followers of Loyola are brought by thoir 
hr^t^er priests at Montreal. The Sulpitian Allet 
writes , " The Jesuits hold such domination over the 
people of this country that tliey go into the houses 
and see everything that passes there. They then tell 
what they have learned to each other sit theii meet- 
ings, and on this information they govern their 
policy. The Jesuit, Father llagueneau, use \ to go 
ever_) day down to the Lower Town, where the 
merchants live, to find out all that was going on in 
their families; and he often made people get up from 
table to confess to him." Allet goes on to say that 
Father Chatelain also went continually to the Lower 
Town with the same object, and that some of the 
inhabitants complained of him tr> Courcelle, the gov- 
ernor. One day Courcelle saw the Jesuit, who was 
old and somewhat infirm, slo\/ly walking by the 
chateau, cane in hand, on his usual errand, — on 
which he sent a sergeant after hir,i to request that he 
would not go so often to the Lower "^own, as the 
people were annoyed by the frequency of his visits. 
The father replied in wrath, "Go and tell Monsieur 

1 La ATuthe-Ciul iliac a , 28 Sept., 1094. 


I '<■'■ 

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de Courcelle that I have been there ever since he was 
l^ovcT-noi, and that I shall go there after he has ceased 
to be governor;" and he kept on his way as before. 
Courcelle reported his answer to the superior, Le 
Mercier, a'iu demanded to have him sent home {;s ,\ 
punishment; but the superior effected a compromise. 
On the following Thursday, after mass in the cathe- 
dral, he invited Courcelle into the sacristy, where 
Father ChS,telain was awaiting them; and here, at 
Le Mercier's order, the old priest ber /^d pardon of 
the offended governor on his knees. ^ 

The Jesuits derived great power u xa mo confes- 
sional; and, if their accusers aiv. \'^ ha Ixjlieved, 
they employed unusual means to make it effective. 
Cavelier de la Salle says : " They \ i confess nobody 
till he tells his name, and no servant till he tells the 
name of his master. When a crime is confessed, 
they insist on knowing the name of the accomplice, 
as well as all rhe circumstances, with the greatest 
particularity. Father Ch^telain especially never fails 
to do this. They enter as it were by force into the 
secrets of families, and thus make themselves for- 
midable ; for what cannot be done by a clever man 
devoted to his work, who knows all the secrets of 
every family ; above all, when he permits himself to 
tell them when it is for his interest to do so ? " ^ 

^ M€moire d'Allet. The author was at one time secretary to 
Abb(? Quelus. The paper is printed in the Morale pratique cles 
J^suites. The above is one of many curious statements which it 

a La Salle, M€moire, 1678. 



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The associiitioii of woiucii mid L;ir]s known us tlio 
roii^M'(^g;itioii of tiic Holy Fiimily, wliicli wus formed 
under Jesuit auspices, and wliicli met every 'I'iiursdny 
with fdosed doors in tiie eatliedral, is said to liave 
l)een very useful to the fathers in their soeial investi- 
f^alions.^ The imMuhers are aflirmed to have heeii 
under a vow to tell one another every good or evil 
deed tliey knew of every person of tlieir acquaintance; 
so that this pious gossip became a copious source of 
information to those in a position to draw u])on it. 
In Talon's time the Congregation of the Holy Family 
caused such commotion in Quebec tliat he asked the 
Council to appoint a c(mimission to inquire into its 
proc(»edings. lie was touching dangerous ground. 
The affair was presently hushed, and the application 
cancelled on the register of the council.'* 

The Jesuits had long exercised solely the function 
of confessors in the colony, and a number of curious 
anecdotes are on record showing the reluctance with 
which they admitted the secular priests, and above 
all the R(5collets, to share in it. The Ildcollots, of 
whom a considerable number had arrived from time 
to time, were on excellent terms with the civil 
powers, and were popular with the colonists; hut 
with the bishop and the Jesuits they were not in 


I ! 

1 See " La Salle, and the Discovery of the Great West," 111. 

" Re})resenhiti())i faltc an runseil au sujet de rertaincs ttssciiihlc'cs tie 
feinine" ju Jillcs sous Ic nom dc la Sdinte Famille, l(i()7. {Riijistrc tlu 
Conseil Souverain.) The paper is cancelled by lines drawn over it; 
and the following minute, duly attested, is appended to it: " Kayo 
du consentenient de M. Talon." 




favor, and one or two sliarp collisions took placo. 
Tlu! bishop was naturally annoyed wIumi, wliilo he 
was trying to persuade the King tiiat a cun^ needed 
at least six hundred francs a year, these mendicant 
friars came forward with an offer to serve the parishes 
for nothing; nor was lie, it is likely, better pleased 
when, liavinf" asked the hospital nuns eight hundred 
francs annually for two masses a day in their chapel, 
the IWcoUets underbid him, and offcied to say the 
masses for three hundred.^ A'bey, on their j)art, 
complain bitterly of the bishop, who, they say, would 
gladly have ordered them out of the colony, but, being 
unable to do this, tried to shut them up in their con- 
vent, and prevent them fiom orticiating as priests 
among the people. "We have {\s little liberty," says 
the RdcoUet writer, "as if we were in a country of 
heretics." Me adds that the iidiabitants ask earnestly 
for the ministrations of the friars, but that the bishop 
rei)lies with invectives and caUinmies against the 
Order; and tliat when the Il(3Collets absolve a peni- 
tent, he often annuls the absolution.^ 

In one respect this Canadian Church militant 
achieved a complete success. Heresy was scoured 

1 "Mon (lit sieur I'ovcsque leur fait payer (mix hospi'talieres 800 /. 
par an pour deux messes qu'il leur fait dire par ses Seniinaristes 
que les llecollets leurs vuisins leur offrent pour 300 /." — La Barre 
an Ministre, 1082. 

■'' M^inoire instruct if cuntenant laronduite des PP. RevoUets de Paris 
en leurs missions de Canada, 1084. This paper, of whicli only a 
fragment is preserved, was written in eonneetion witli a dispute of 
tlie Re'coUets with the bishop who opposed their attempt to establish 
a church in (Quebec. 


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i'rip:sts and i'Kople. 


out of tlie colony. Wlicn Maintenon uiul hor^'liostly 
I)roini)tei*H overcaino tlio better imturo of the Kiniif, 
and wrouglit on liLs bij^otry and his vanity to huiiuli 
him into the dragonnades; when violence and lust 
bore the crucifix into thousands of Huguenot homes, 
and the land reeked with nameless infamies; when 
churches rang with Te Deums, and the heart of 
France withered in anguish, — when, in short, this 
hideous triumph of the faith was won, the royal tool 
of priestly ferocity sent orders that heresy should ho 
treated in Canada as it had been treated in France.' 
Tlie orders were needless. The pious Denonville 
replies, "Praised be God! there is not a heretic 
here." He adds that a few abjured last year, and 
that he should be very glad if the King would make 
them a present. The Jesuits, he further says, go 
every day on board the ships in the harbor to look 
after the new converts from France.^ Now and then 
at a later day a real or suspected Jansenist found his 
way to Canada, and sometimes an esprit fort, like La 
Hontan, came over with the troops ; but on the whole 
a community more free from positive heterodoxy per- 
haps never existed on earth. This exemption cost 
no bloodshed. What it did cost we may better judge 

If Canada escaped the dragonnades, so also she 

* MtfiHoire du Roy a Denonville, 31 Mai, 1080. The King hero 
orders the imprisonment of heretics who refuse to abjure, or tlie 
quartering of soldiers on them. What this meant, the history of 
the dragonnades will show. 

* Denonville au Miniatre, 10 Nov., 1086. 




escaped another infliction from which a ncighl)oring 
colony Huffered deplorably. ]\vr peace waK never 
much troubled by witchcH. They were held to exist, 
it is true ; but they wrought no jjanic. Mother Mary 
of the Incarnation reports on one occasion the dis- 
covery of a magician in the person of a converted 
Huguenot miller, who, l)eing refused in marriage by 
a girl of Quebec, bewitched her, and filled the house 
where she lived with demons, which the bishop tried 
in vain to exorcise. The miller was thrown into 
prison, and the girl sent to the Hotel-Dieu, where 
not a demon dared enter. The infernal crew took 
their revenge by creating a severe influenza among 
the citizens.* 

If there are no Canadian names on the calendar of 
saints, it is not because in byways and obscure places 
Canada had not virtues worthy of canonization. 
Not alone her male martyrs and female devotees, 
whose merits have found a chronicle and a recog- 
nition; not the fantastic devotion of Madame 
d'Ailleboust, who, lest she should not suffer enough, 
took to herself a vicious and refractt • servant girl, 
ap, an exercise of patience; and not certainly the 
mediaeval pietism of Jeanne Le Ber, the venerated 
recluse of Montreal, — there are others quite as 
worthy of honor, whose names have died from 
memory. Tt is difficult to conceive a self-abnegation 
more complete than that of the hospital nuns of 
Quebec and Montreal. In the alu^ost tot-^vl absence 

1 Marie de I'lncarnation, Lettre de — Septei'^bra, 1601. 

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PRIESTS AND PEOPLE. [1602-1711. 

of trained and skilled physicians, the burden of tlic 
sick and wounded fell uj^n them. Of the two 
communities, that of Montreal was the more wretch- 
edly destitvite, while that of Quebec was exposed, 
perhaps, to greater dangers. Nearly every ship from 
France brought some form of infection, and all infec- 
tion found its way to the Hotel-Dieu of Quebec. 
The nuns died, but they never complained. Removed 
from the arena of ecclesiastical strife, too busy for 
the morbidness of the cloister, too much absorbed in 
practical benevolence to become the prey of illusioiis, 
they and their sister community were models of that 
benign and tender charity of which the Roman 
Catholic Church is so rich in examples. Nor should 
the Ursulines and the nuns of the Congregation be 
forgotten among those who, in another field of labor, 
have toiled patiently according to their light. 

Mademoiselle Jeaniie Le Ber belonged to none 
of these sisterhoods. She was tlie favorite daughter 
of the chief merchant of Montreal, — the same wlio, 
with the help of his money, got himself ennobled. 
She seems to have been a girl of a fine and sensitive 
natiire; arrlciit, affectionate, and extremely suscep- 
tible to religioi-iS impressions. Religion at last gained 
absolute sway over her. Nothing could appease her 
longings or content the demands of her excited con- 
science but an entire consecration of herself to 
Heaven. Constituted as she was, the resolution 
must have cost her an agony of mental conflict. 
Her story is a strange, and, as many will think, a 




very siid one. Slie renounced her suitors, and wished 
to renounce her inheritance ; but her spiritual directors, 
too far-sighted to permit such a sacrifice, persuaded 
lier to hold fast to her claims, and content herself 
with what they called "poverty of heart." Her 
mother died, and her father, left with a family of 
young children, greatly needed her help; but she 
refused to leave her chamber where she had immured 
herself. Here she remained ten years, seein^^ nobody 
hut her confessor and the girl who brought her food. 
Ojice only she emerged, and this was when her 
brother lay dead in the adjacent room, killed in a 
light with the English. She suddenly appeared 
before her astonished sisters, stood for a moment in 
silent prayer by the body, and then vanished without 
uttering a word. "Such," says her modern biogra- 
pher, "was the sublimity of her virtue and the 
cjrandeur of her soul." Not content with this 
domestic seclusion, she caused a cell to be made 
behind the altar in the newly built church of the 
Congregation, and here we will permit ourselves 
to cast a stolen glance at her through the narrow 
opening through which food was passed in to her. 
Her bed, a pile of straw which she never moved, lest 
it should become too soft, was so placed that her 
head could touch the partition which alone separated 
it from the Host on the altar. Here she lay wrapped 
in a garment of coarse gray serge, worn, tattered, 
and unwashed. An old blanket, a stool, a spinning- 
wheel, a belt and shii't of haircloth, a scourge, and a 

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pair of shoes made by herself cf the husks of Indian- 
corn, appear to have formed the sum of her furniture 
and her wardrobe. Her employments were spinning 
and working embroidery for churches. She remained 
in this voluntary prison about twenty years ; and the 
nun who brought her food testifies that she never 
omitted a mortification or a prayer, though commonly 
in a state of profound depression, and what her 
biographer calls "complete spiritual aridity." When 
her mother died, she had refused to see her; and, 
long after, no prayer of her dying father could draw 
her from her cell. "In the person of this modest 
virgin," writes her reverend eulogist, "we see, with 
astonishment, the love of God triumphant over 
earthly affection for parents, and a complete victory 
of faith over reason and of grace over nature." 

In 1711, Canada was threatened with an attack by 
the English; and Mademoiselle Le Ber gave the 
nuns of the Congregation an image of the Virgin on 
which she had written a prayer to protect their 
granary from the invadei-s. Other persons, anxious 
for a similar protection, sent her images to write upon ; 
but she declined the request. One of the disappointed 
applicants then stole the inscribed i: v„ge from the 
granary of the Congregation, intending to place it on 
his own when the danger drew near. The English, 
however, did not come, their fleet having suffered a 
ruinous shipwreck ascribed to the prayers of Jeanne 
Le Ber. "It was," writes the Sulpitian Belmont, 
"the greatest miracle that ever happened since the 



if Indian- 

; and the 
she never 
what her 
" When 
her; and, 
ould draw 
is modest 

see, with 
lant over 
te victory 

attack by 

gave the 

Virgin on 
tect their 
s, anxious 

rite upon ; 

from tiie 

i)lace it on 

suffered a 

of Jeanne 
since the 




dajs of Moses." Nor was this the only miracle of 
which she was the occasion. She herself declared 
that once when she had broken her spinning-wheel, 
an ang A came and mended it for her. Angels also 
assisted in her embroidery, "no doubt," says Mother 
Juchereau, "taking great pleasure in the society of 
this angelic creature." In the church where she had 
secluded herself, an image of the Virgin continued 
after her death to heal the lame and cure the sick.^ 

Though Jeanne rarely permitted herself to speak, 
yet some oracular utterance of the sainted recluse 
would now and then escape to the outer world. 
One of these was to the effect that teaching poor 
girls to read, unless they wanted to be nuns, was 
robbing them of their time. Nor was she far wrong, 
for in Canada there was very little to read except 
formulas of devotion and lives of saints. The 
dangerous innovation of a prin^^'iig-press had not 
invaded the colony, ^ and the first Canadian news- 
paper dates from the British conquest. 

All education was controlled by priests or nuns. 
The ablest teachers in Canada were the Jesuits. 
Their college of Quebec was three years ola/r than 
Harvard. We hear at an early date of public dis- 
putations by the pupils, after the pattern of those 

^ Faillon, U Heroine chre'tt'enne du Canada, ou Vie de Mile. Le Ber. 
This ia a most elaborate and eulopistic life of the recluse. A 
sliorter account of her will be found in Juchereau, Uotcl-Dieu. She 
(lied in 1714, at the age of fifty-two. 

2 A printing-press was afterwards brought to Canada, but was 
6oon iient back again. 

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tournaments of barren logic wliicli preceded the reign 
of inductive reason in Europe, and of which the 
archetype is to be found in the scholastic duels of the 
Sorbonne. The boys were sometimes i)ermitted to 
act certain approved dramatic pieces of a religious 
character, like the Sage Visionncirc. On one occa- 
sion they were allowed to play the Cid of Corneille, 
which, though remarkable as a literary work, con- 
tained nothing threatening to orthodoxy. They wei'o 
taught a little Latin, a little rhetoric, and a little 
logic; I»ut against all that might rouse the faculties 
to independent action, the Canadian schools pru- 
dently closed their doors. There was then no rival 
l)opulation, of a diffcj'cnt origin and a different faith, 
to compel competition in the race of intelligence 
and knowledge. The Church stood sole mistress of 
the field. Under the old regime the real object of 
education in C'anada was a religious and, in far less 
degree, a political one. The true purpose of the 
schools was: first, to make priests; and, secondly, to 
make obedient servants of the Church and the King. 
All the rest was extraneous and of slight account. 
In regard to this matter, the King and the bishop 
were of one mind. "As I have been informed," 
Louis XIV. writes to Laval, " of your continued care 
to hold the people in their duty towards God and 
towards me by the good education you give or cause 
to be given to the young, I write this letter to 
express my satisfaction with conduct so salutar}', 
and to exhort you to persevere in it."^ 

1 Le Roi/ it Laval, Avn'l, 10(37 (extract in Faillon). 



The bishop did not fail to persevere. The school 
for boys r.ttiiched to his seminary became the most 
important educational institution in Canada. It 
was regulated by thirty-four rules, " in honor of the 
thirty-four years which Jesus lived on earth." Tlie 
qualities commended to the boys as those which they 
should labor diligently to acquire were "humility, 
obedience, purity, meekness, modesty, simplicit}', 
chastity, charity, and an ardent love of Jesus and 
his Holy Mother."^ Here is a goodly roll of Chris- 
tian virtues. What is chiefly noticeable in it is, that 
truth is allowed no place. That manly but unaccom- 
modating virtue was not, it seems, thought important 
in forming the mind of youth. Humility and obedi- 
ence lead the list; for in unquestioning submission 
to the spiritual director lay the guaranty of all other 

We have seen already, that, besides this seminary 
for boys, Laval established another for educating 
the humbler colonists. It was a sort of farm-school ; 
though besides farming, various mechanical trades 
were also taught in it. It was wcV dapted to the 
wants of a great majority of Cana( ns, whose ten- 
dencies were anything but booki ii; but here, as 
elsewhere, the real object was religious. It enabled 
the Church to extend her infl- f^nce over classes 
which the ordinary schools could u>t reach. Resides 
manual training, the pupils were taught to read and 

^ Aueien reyleiacnt du Petit Se'iiwiaire dc (Quebec, see Abtille, viii. 
no. 32. 


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write; and for a time a certain number of them 
rrceived some instruction in Latin. When, in 1686, 
Saint- Vallier visited the school, he found in all 
thirty-one boys under the charge of two priests; 
but tlie number was afterwards greatly reduced, aiiO. 
tlie place served, as it still serves, cliiefly as a retreat 
during vacations for the priests and pupils of the 
seminary of Quebec. A spot better suited for sucli a 
purpose cannot be conceived. 

From the vast meadows of the parish of St. 
Joachim, which here border the St. Lawrence, there 
rises like an island a low flat hill, hedged round with 
forests like the tonsured head of a monk. It was 
here that Laval planted his school. Across the 
meadows, a mile or more distant, towers the moun- 
tain promontory of Cape Tourmente. You may climb 
its woody steeps, and from the cop, waist-deep 
in blueberry-bushes, survey, from Kamouraska to 
Quebec, the grand Canadian world outstretched 
below; or mount the neighboring heights of St. 
Anne, where, athwart the gaunt arms of ancient 
pines, the river lies shimmering in summer haze, the 
cottages of the habitants are strung like beads of a 
rosary along the meadows of Beauprd, the shores of 
Orleans bask in warm light, and far on the horizon 
the rock of Quebec rests like a faint gray cloud ; or 
traverse the forest till the roar of the torrent guides 
you to the rocky solitude where it holds its savage 
revels. High on the cliffs above, young birch-trees 
stand smiling in the morning sun ; while in the abyss 


of them 
, in 1686, 
id in all 
3 priests ; 
uced, jukI 
3 a retreat 
lils of the 
for such a 

sh of St. 
nee, there 
oumi witli 
c. It was 
cross the 
bhe moiin- 
may climb 
uraska to 
ts of St. 
of ancient 

haze, the 
beads of a 

shores of 
le horizon 

cloud; or 
ent guides 
it£! savage 


the abyss 




beneath the snowy waters plunge from depth to 
depth, and, halfway down, tlie slender harebell 
hangs from its mossy nook, quivering in the steady 
thunder of the cat^iract. Game on the river; trout 
in lakes, brooks, and pools ; wild fruits and flowers 
on meadows and mountains, — a thousand resources 
of honest and wholesome recreation here wait the 
student emancipated from books, but not parted for a 
moment from the pious influence which hangs about 
the old walls embosomed in the woods of St. Joachim. 
Around on plains and hills stand the dwellings of a 
peaceful peasantry, as different from the restless 
population of the neighboring States as the denizens 
of some Norman or Breton village. 

Above all, do not fail to mr}r:e your pilgrimage to 
the shrine of St. Anne. "V. » may see her chapel 
four or five miles away, nestled uikIct the heights of 
the Petit Cap. Here, wlien Ailleboiist was governor, 
he began with his own hands the pious work, and a 
hahitnnt of Beaupr^, Louis Guimont, sorely afflicted 
with rheumatism, caiwup grinning witti pain to lay 
three stones in the foundation, in h«»or probably of 
Saint Anne, Saint Joachim, and their daughter the 
Virgin. Instantly he was cured. It was but the 
beginning of a long coui*se of miracU\s continued 
more than two centuries, and continuing still. Their 
fame spread far and wide. The devotion to Saint 
Anne became a distinguishing feature of Canadian 
Catholicity, till at the present day at least thirteen 
parishes bear her name. But of all her shrines, none 

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can match the fame of St. Anne du Petit Cii}). 
Crowds Hocked thither on the week of her festival, 
and marvellons cures were wrought unceasingly, us 
tlie sticks and crutches hanging on the walls and 
cokimns still attest. Sometimes the whole shore 
was covered with the wigwams of Indian converts 
who had paddled their birch canoes from the farthest 
wilds of Canada. The more fervent among them 
would crawl on their knees from the shore to the 
altar. And, in our own day, every sunnner u far 
greater concourse of pilgrims — not in paint and 
feathers, but in cloth and millinery, and not in 
canoes, Imt in steamboats — bring their offerings 
and their vows to the "Bonne Sainte Anne."^ 

To return to Laval's industrial school. Judging 
from repeated complaints of governors and intendants 
of the dearth of skilled workmen, the priests in 
charge of it were more successful in making good 
Catholics than in making good masons, carpentere, 
blacksmiths, and weavers; and the number of pupils, 
even if well trained, was at no time sufficient to meet 
the wants of the colony, ^ for, though the Canadians 

1 For an interesting account of the shrine at the Petit Cap, see 
Casgrain, f^e Pe'k^rimiye de la Bonne Sainte Anne, a little manual of 
devotion printed at Quebec. I chanced to visit the old chapel in 
1871, during a meeting of the parish to consider the question of re- 
constructing it, as it was in a ruinous state. Passing tliat way again 
two years later, I found the old chapel still standing, and a new one, 
niucli larger, half finished. 

2 Most of tlieni were moreover retained, after leaving the school, 
by tlie seminary, as servants, farmers, or vassals. (La Tour, Vie de 
Laval, liv. vi.) 


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showed an iiptitudo for mecliaiiical trades, they prc- 
ferretl ahove all things the savage liberty of the 

The education of girls was in the hands of the 
Ursulines and the nuns of tlie Congregation, of whom 
the former, besides careful instruction in religious 
duties, taught their pupils "all that a girl ought to 
know."^ This meant exceedingly little besides the 
manual arts suited to their sex ; and, in the case of 
the nuns of the Congregation, who taught girls of 
the poorer class, it meant still less. It was en nuns 
as well as on priests that the charge fell, not only of 
spiritual and mental, but also of industrial, training. 
Thus we lind the King giving to a sisterhood of 
Montreal a thousand francs to buy wool, and a thou- 
sand more for teaching girls to knit.'^ The King also 
maintained a teacher of navigation and surveying at 
Quebec on the modest salary of four hundred francs. 

During the eighteenth century, some improvement 
is perceptible in the mental state of the population. 
As it became more numerous and more stable, it 
also became less ignorant; and the Canadian habitant^ 
towards the end of the French rule, was probably 
better taught, so far as concerned religion, than the 
mass of French peasants. Yet secular instruction 
was still extremely meagre, even in the nohhsse. 

^ " A lire, "k ecrire, les priferes, les moeurs cliretionnes, et tout ce 
qu'une fiUe doit savoir." — Marie de I'liicarnation, Lettre du Aviit, 

■■2 Denonville an Alinistre, 13 Nov., 1086. 




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"In spite of this defective education," says tlio 
famous navigator, liougainvillt!, who knew the colony 
well in its last yeai-s, "the Canadians are naturally 
intcilligent. They do not know how to write, hut 
they speak with ease, and with an accent as good as 
the Parisian."^ lie means, of course, the hotter 
class. "Even the children of officers and gentle- 
men," says another writer, "scarcely know how to 
read and write; they are ignorant of tlie first ele- 
ments of geography and history. "^ And evidence 
like this might be extended. 

When France was heaving with the throes that 
prepared the Revolution; when new hopes, new 
dreams, new thoughts — good and evil, false and true 
— tossed the troubled watera of French society, — 
Canada caught something of its social corruption, 
but not the faintest impulsion of its roused mental 
life. The torrent surged on its way; while, in the 
deep nook beside it, the sticks and dry leaves floated 
their usual round, and the unruffled pool slept in the 
placidity of intellectual torpor. ^ 

1 Bougainville, M^moire de 1757 (see Margry, Relations in€dites), 

2 M(fmo{re de 1736; DtHail de toute la Colonie (published by the 
Hist. Soc. of Quebec). 

8 Several Frenchmen of a certain intellectual eminence made 
their abode in Canada from time to time. The chief amongj them 
are the Jesuit Lafltau, author of Mceurs des Sauvages Amertcainn ; 
the Jesuit Charlevoix, traveller and historian ; the physician S).irra- 
zin ; and the Marquis de la Galisonnibre, the most enlightened of 
the French governors of Canada. Sarrazin, a naturalist as well as 
a pliysician, has left his name to the botanical genus Sarracenia, of 
which the curious American species, S. purpurea, the "pitcher- 

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l)liint," was (li'scribod by liim. His position in the colony wns sin- 
jfular and cluiractiTistii'. lie jjot little or no pay from liis patients; 
and tiioiiirli at one time the only ^:ennin(■ j)hysi('ian in Canada 
((.'■tllii'ns rt firtiiiliiinKiis an Miiiislir,',\ \iir., 1702), he was dependent 
on the Kin^' for snpport. In KiUUwe find him tiiankin^,' his Maji'Sty 
for .'{(M) francs a year, and askin<,' at the saiui- time for more, as he 
liiis nothing; (dse to livi- on. (('nl/ii'ius it ('/i(niiiii'/)n/ mi Ministrr, 20 
Ort., KIIM), ) Two years later tlie ffovernor writes, that, as he serves 
almost everybody without fees, he oiif^ht to have an(»ther ."IdO francs. 
(Iliid., 5 <ht., 1701.) The additional ;500 francs was given him ; but, 
finding' it insiifneieiit, he wanted to leave the colony. " He is too 
usL'ful," writes tlie jfovernor a^jain ; "we cannot let him no." Ilia 
yearly pittance of (iOO francs, Kniudi money, wns at one time rein- 
forced by his salary as member of the Superior Council. He died 
at Quebec in 1734. 

' I 



t ,■■ 





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1.0 ^1^ I 




m ,.„ „,„2_o 

14 1 1.6 













WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 

(716) 872-4503 

1 w-^X 


''^ "^ 






Social Influence of the Troops. — A Petty Tyrant. — Brawls. 
— Violence and Outlawry. — State of the Population. — 
Views of Denonville. — Brandy. — Beggary. — The Past 
AND THE Present. — Inns. — State of Quebec. — Fires. — The 
Country Parishes. — Slavery. — Views of La Hontan, — ok 
Hocquart; of Bougainville; of Kalm; of Charlevoix. 

The mission period of Canada, or the period 
anterior to the year 1663, when the King took the 
colony in charge, has a character of its own. The 
whole population did not exceed that of a large 
French village. Its extreme poverty, the constant 
danger that surrounded it, and, above all, the con- 
tagious zeal of the missionaries, saved it from many 
vices, and inspired it with an extraordinary religiou.s 
fervor. Without doubt an ideal picture has been 
drawn of this early epoch. Trade as well as propa- 
gandism was the business of the colony, and the 
colonists were far from being all in a state of grace ; 
yet it is certain that zeal was higher, devotion more 
constant, and popular morals more pure, than at any 
later period of the French rule. 





The intervention of the King wrought a change. 
The annual shipments of emigrants made by him 
were, in the most favorable view, of a very mixed 
character, and the portion which Mother Mary calls 
canaille was but too conspicuous. Along with them 
came a regiment of soldiers fresh from the license of 
camps and the excitements of Turkish wars, accus- 
tomed to obey their officers and to obey nothing else, 
and more ready to wear the scapulary of the Virgin 
in campaigns against the Mohawks than to square 
their lives by the rules of Christian ethics. "Our 
good King," writes Sister Morin, of Montreal, "has 
sent troops to defend us from the Iroquois, and the 
soldiers and officers have ruined the Lord's vineyard, 
and planted wickedness and sin and crime in our soil 
of Canada."^ Few, indeed, among the officers fol- 
lowed the example of one of their number, — Paul 
Dupuy, who, in his settlement of Isle aux Oies, 
below Quebec, lived, it is said, like a saint, and on 
Sundays and f§te days exhorted his servants and 
habitants with such unction that their eyes filled with 
tears. ^ Nor, let us hope, were there many imitators 
of Major La Fredifere, who, with a company of the 
regiment, was sent to garrison Montreal, where he 
ruled with absolute sway over settlers and soldiers 
alike. His countenance naturally repulsive was 
made more so by the loss of an eye ; yet he was irre- 
pressible in gallantry, and women and girls fled in 

* Annales de I'HStel-Dieu St. Joseph, cited by Faillon. 
^ Juchereau, Hdtel-Dieu de Quebec, 611. 



11 ; 










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terror from the military Polyphemus. The men, ton, 
feared and hated him, not without reason. Oiu; 
morning a settler named Demers was hoeing liis field, 
when he saw a sportsman gun in hand stridincr 
through his half-grown wheat. "Steady llicic, 
steady!" he shouted in a tone of remonstrance; In it 
the sportsman gave no heed. "Why do you spoil a 
poor man's wheat?" cried the outraged cultivatoi'. 
"If I knew who you were, I would go and com- 
plain of you." "Whom would you complain to?" 
demanded the sportsman, who then proceeded to 
walk back into the middle of the wheat, and called 
out to Demers, "You are a rascal, and I'll thrasli 
you." "Look at home for rascals," retorted Demers, 
" and keep your thrashing for your dogs. " The sports- 
man came towards him in a rage to execute his threat. 
Demers picked up his gun, which, after the custom 
of the time, he had brought to the field with him, 
and, advancing to meet his adversary, recognized La 
Frediere, the commandant. On this he ran off. La 
Frediere sent soldiers to arrest him, threw him into 
prison, put him in irons, and the next day mounted 
him on the wooden horse, with a weight of sixty 
pounds tied to each foot. He repeated the torture 
a day or two after, and then let his victim go, saying^, 
"If I could have caught you when I was in your 
wheat, I would have beaten you well." 

The commandant next turned his quarters into a 
dram-shop for Indians, to whom he sold brandy in 
large quantities, but so diluted that his customers, 




finding themselves partially defrauded of their right 
of intoxication, complained grievousl>-. About this 
time the intendant Talon made one of his domiciliary 
visits to Montreal, and when, in his character of 
father of the people, he in(iuired if they had any 
C(tmplaints to make, every tongue was loud in accusa- 
ti(m against La Frediere. Talon caused full deposi- 
tions to 1)0 made out from the statements of Demers 
and other witnesses. Copies were deposited in the 
liands of the notary, and it is from these that the 
ahove story is drawn. The tyrant was removed, and 
ordered home to France.^ 

Many other officers embarked in the profitable 
trade of selling brandy to Indians, and several garri- 
son posts became centres of disorder. Others of 
tlie regiment became notorious brawlers. A lieu- 
tenant of the garrison of Montreal named Carion, 
and an ensign named Morel, had for some reason 
conceived a violent grudge against another ensign 
named Lormeau. On Pentecost day, just after 
vespers, Lormeau was walking by the river with his 
wife. They had passed the common and the semi- 
nary wall, and were in front of the house of the 
younger Charles he Moyne, when they saw Carion 
coming towards them. He stopped before Lormeau, 
looked him full in the face, and exclaimed, " Coward! " 
"Coward yourself," returned Lormeau; "takeyour- 

^ Information contre La Frediere. (See Faillon, Colonic Fran^aise, 
iii. 88(5.) Tlic dialofiue, as heri' given from tlu' depositions, is 
translated as closely as possible. 


'\ • :tf 


) 1 






self off!" Carion drew his sword, and Lormeau 
followed his example. They exchanged a few passes, 
then closed, and fell to the ground grappled together. 
Lormeau's wig fell off; and Carion, getting the 
uppermost, hammered his bare head with the hilt of 
his sword. Lormeau's wife, in a frenzy of terror, 
screamed murder. One of the neighbors, Monsieur 
Beletre, was at table with Charles Le Moyne and a 
Rochelle merchant named Baston. He ran out with 
his two guests, and they tried to separate the com- 
batants, who still lay on the ground foaming like a 
pair of enraged bull-dogs. All their efforts were 
useless. "Very well," said Le Moyne in disgust, 
"if you won't let go, then kill each other if you 
like." A former military servant of Carion now ran 
up, and began to brandish his sword in behalf of his 
late master. Carion 's comrade. Morel, also arrived, 
and, regardless of the angry protest of Le Moyne, 
stabbed repeatedly at Lormeau as he lay. Lormeau 
had received two or three wounds in the hand and 
arm with which he parried the thrusts, and was 
besides severely mauled by the sword-hilt of Carion, 
when two Sulpitian priests, drawn by the noise, 
appeared on the scene. One was Fremont, the cur^ ; 
the other was Dollier de Casson. That herculean 
father, whose past soldier life had made him at home 
in a fray, and who cared nothing for drawn swords, 
set himself at once to restore peace, — upon which, 
whether from the strength of his arm, or the mere 
effect of his presence, the two champions released 


I hi 



their gripe on each other's throats, rose, sheathed 
their weapons, and left the field. ^ 

Montreal, a frontier town at the head of the colony, 
was the natural resort of desperadoes, offering, as we 
have seen, a singular contrast between the rigor of 
its clerical seigniors and the riotous license of the 
lawless crew which infested it. Dollier de Casson 
tells the story of an outlaw who broke prison ten or 
twelve times, and whom no walls, locks, or fetters 
could hold. "A few months ago," he says, "he was 
caught again, and put into the keeping of six or 
seven men, each with a good gun. They stacked 
their arms to play a game of cards, which their 
prisoner saw fit to interrupt to play a game of his 
own. He made a jump at the guns, took them under 
his arm like so many feathers, aimed at these fellows 
with one of them, swearing that he would kill the 
first who came near him, and so, falling back step 
by step, at last bade them good-by, and carried off 
all their guns. Since then he has not been caught, 
and is roaming the woods. Very likely he will 
become chief of our banditti, and make great trouble 
in the country when it pleases him to come back 
from the Dutch settlements, whither they say he is 
gone along with another rascal, and a French woman 
so depraved that she is said to have given or sold 
two of her children to the Indians."^ 

1 Requite de Lormeau a M. d'Aillehout. Depositions de MM. de 
l.ongtteuil [Le Moi/ne] de Baston, de Bcletre, et autres. Cited by 
Faillon, Colonie Frangaise, iii. 303. 

2 Dollier de Casson, Histoire de Montreal, 1671-72. 

".1 , 





ii'i f 

|i *;i 

r' I 

When the governor, La liarre, visited Montreal, 
he found tliere some two Imndred reprobates gam- 
bling, drinking, and stealing. If hard pressed by 
justice, they had only to cross the river and plarc 
themselves beyond the seigniorial jurisdiction. Tiie 
military settlements of the Uiehelieu were in a condi- 
tion somewhat similar, and La Barre complains of a 
prevailing spirit of disobedience and lawlessness.' 
The most orderly and thrifty part of Canada a[)})ears 
to have been at this time the cote of Beaupri^, belong- 
ing to the seminary of Quebec. Here the settlers 
had religious instruction from their cur(3S, and indus- 
trial instruction also if they wanted it. Domestic 
spinning and weaving were practised at Beaupre 
sooner than in any other part of the colony. 

When it is remembered that a population which in 
La Barre's time did not exceed ten thousand, and 
which forty years later did not much exceed twice 
that number, was scattered along both sides of a 
great river for three hundred miles or more ; that a 
large part of this population was in isolated groups 
of two, three, five, ten, or twenty houses at the edge 
of a savage \vilderness ; that between them there was 
little communication except l)y canoes; that the 
settlers were disbanded soldiers, or others whose 
lives had been equally adverse to habits of reflection 
or self-control; that they rarely saw a priest, and 
that a government omnipotent in name had not arms 
long enough to reach them, — we may listen without 

1 La Barre au Ministre, 4 Nov., 1083. 







surprise to the lamentations of order-loving officials 
over the unruly condition of a great })art of the colony. 
One accuses the seigniors, who, he says, being often 
of low extraction, cannot keej) their vassals in order. ^ 
Another dwells sorrowfully on the "terrible disper- 
sion" of the settlements where the inhabitants ''live 
in a savage independence." Hut it is l)etter that 
each should speak for himself, and among the rest 
let us hear the pious Denonville. 

"This, Monseigneur," he says, "seems to me the 
place for rendering you an account of the disorders 
which prevail not only in the woods, but also in the 
settlements. They arise from the idleness of young 
persons, and the great liberty which fathers, mothers, 
and guardians have for a long time given them, or 
allowed them to assume, of going into the forest 
under pretence of hunting or trading. This has 
come to such a pass, that, from the moment a boy 
can carry a gun, the father cannot restrain him and 
dares not offend him. You can judge the mischief 
that follows. These disorders are always greatest in 
the families of those who are yentilshonimes, or who 
through laziness or vanity pass themselves off as 
such. Having no resource but hunting, they must 
spend their lives in the woods, where they have no 
curds to trouble them, and no fathers or guardians to 
constrain them. I think, Monseigneur, that martial 
law would suit their case better than any judicial 
sentence. Monsieur de la Barre suppressed a certain 

^ Catalognc, M^inoire addresseati Ministre, 1712. 


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iii : 

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order of kni^htliood which had sprung up here, Imt 
he did not aholisli the usages belonging to it. It was 
thought a fine thing and a good joke to go alK)ut 
naked and tricked out like Indians, not only on 
carnival days, but on all other days of feiisting and 
debauchery. These practices tend to encourage the 
disposition of our young men to live like savages, 
frequent their company, and be forever unruly and 
lawless like them. I cannot tell you, Monseigneur, 
how attractive this Indian life is to all our youth. It 
consists in doing nothing, caring for nothing, follow- 
ing every inclination, and getting out of the way of 
all correction." 

Ho goes on to say that the mission villages gov- 
erned by the Jesuits and Sulpitians are models of 
good order, and that drunkards are never seen there 
except when they come from the neighboring French 
settlements ; but that the other Indians, who roam at 
large al)out the colony, do prodigious mischief, because 
the children of the seignioi-s not only copy their way 
of life, but also run off with their women into the 
woods. ^ "Nothing," he continues, "can be finer or 
better conceived than the regulations framed for tlie 
government of this country; but nothing, I assure 
you, is so ill oKserved as regards both the fur-trade 



^ Raudot, wlio was intendant early in the eighteenth century, is 
a little less gloomy in his coloring, but says that Canadian children 
were without discipline or education, had no respect for parents or 
cure's, and owned no superiors. This, he thinks, is owing to " la 
/ ">lle tendresse dis parents qui les empeche de les corriger et de Icur 
former le caractere qu'ils ont dur et fe'roce." 

[) liere, Imt 

it. It WHS 

3 go about 
li only on 
Biisting and 
30urago tliu 
ce savages, 
unruly and 
youth. It 
ing, foUow- 
the way of 

Uages gov- 

models of 

seen there 

ing French 

v^ho roam at 

ief, because 

y their way 

en into the 

be finer or 

med for the 

I assure 

le fur-trade 

nth century, is 

adian cliiltlren 

for parents or 

owing to " la 

"iger et ile leur 





and the general discipline of the colony. One great 
evil is the infinite number of drinking-shops, wliich 
makes it almost impossible to remedy tlie dis^irders 
resulting from theiu. All the rtiscals and idlers of 
the country are attracted into this business of tavern- 
keeping. They never dream of tilling the soil ; but, 
on the contrary, they deter the other inliabitiints 
from it, and end with ruining them. I know seign- 
iories where there are but twenty houses, and more 
than half of them dram-shops. At Three Rivers 
there are twenty-five houses, and liquor may Ik3 had 
at eighteen or twenty of them. Villemarie [Montreal] 
and Quebec are on the same footing." 

The governor next dwells on the necessity of find- 
ing occupation for children and youths, — a matter 
which he regards as of the last importance. " It is 
sad to see the ignorance of the population at a dis- 
tance from the abodes of the curds, who are put to 
the greatest trouble to remedy the evil by travelling 
from place to place through the parishes in their 

La Barre, Champigny, and Duchesneau write in a 
similar strain. Bishop Saint- Vallier, in an epistolary 
journal which he printed of a tour through the colony 
made on his first arrival, gives a favorable account of 
the disposition of the people, especially as regards 
religion. He afterwards changed his views. An 
abstract made from his lettera for the use of the 
King states that he "represents, like M. Denonville, 

* Denonville an Ministre 13 Nov., 1686. 

* I 








that tho ('iiiijuliaii youth arc for tlio inortt part wiioUy 
tU'iiioializiMl." ' 

''Tho bishop was very sorry," says a fsorrcspoiidcut 
of tlie minister at (Quebec, "to liavo so imifh exii^r. 
gerated in the letter he printed at Paris the iiionility 
of tlie pcoi»le here.'"'' lie preaehed a scnnou on tho 
sins of the inhal)itants and issued a pastoral mandate, 
in which he says, "Before we knew our Hock we 
tliou^ht that tliO Kn^lisli and the inxpiois were tlie 
oidy wolves we liad to fear; Init (Jod liavini^ opened 
our eyes to tlie disorders of this dioeese, and miide us 
feel more tiiaii ever the weij^Iit of our (diart,'e, we are 
forced to confess that our most dangerous foes an; 
druid^enness, luxury, inqmrity, and slander.""^ 

Drunkenness was at this time tho most destructive 
vice in the colony. One writer declares tliaL most 
of the Canadians drink so nuich brandy in the morn- 
ing that they are unlit for work all day.'* Another 
says that a canoe-man when he is tired will lift a keg 
of brandy to his lips and drink the raw liquor from 
the bung-hole, after which, having spoiled his apj)c- 
tite, he goes to bed sni)perless; and that, what with 
drink and hardship, he is an old man at forty. 
Nevertheless the race did not deterioi-ate. The prt;- 
valence of early marriages, and the birth of lunner- 
ous offspring before the vigor of the father had been 

1 N. Y. Colonial Documents, ix. 278. 2 //„y_^ jx. 388. 

' Ordonnance contre les vires de Vivrognerie, luxe, et impuretd, 31 Oct., 

•* .V. Y. Colonial Documents, ix. 398. 


ir- NVIiolly 

Mcli cxa^'- 
ion ftn lli(» 

• lldck wu 
< were tlio 
11}^ opened 
(I iuikIc lis 

IS foes ar(! 


tllllL IIKISI 

the inoru- 

lift a ]\V>^ 
quor IVoiii 

l)is a])j)C- 
^vhat with 

at !'( trty. 

The i)r(!- 
of nunicr- 

• had been 

'., ix. 388. 
)uret(f,Zl Oct., 




wjusted, insuivil the Htrenj^th and hardihood whicli 
characterized (lie Canadians. As DenonviUe deseiiln's 
them, so tliey h)n^ leniaiued. "Tlie Canadians are 
tall, well-made, and well set on their legs [hkn 
'jdant'-H sur leurs jamhis]^ rolmst, vijjforous. and aeens- 
tomed in time of need to live on little. i'hey havo 
iiitellij^enee and vivacity, Init an; w.'iyward, light- 
minded, and in(;lined to debanchery." 

As the [)opnlation increased, as the rag(^ for Inish- 
ranging lu-gan to abate, and, above all, as the cures 
nndtiplied, a change took place for the l)etter. More 
chnrches were bnilt, the charge of each priest was 
rednced within reasonable bounds, and a greater 
})ro])ortion of the inhabitants remained on their farms. 
They were l)etter watched, controlled, and taught by 
the Church. The ecclesiastical power, wherever it 
had a hold, was exercised, as we have seen, with an 
imdue rigor, yet it was the chief guardian of good 
morals ; and the colony grew more orderly and more 
temperate as the Church gathered more and more of 
its wild and wanderin'' flock fairly within its fold. 
In this, however, its 0*1 cess was but relative. It is 
true that in 1715 a wel^-' iformed writer says that the 
people were "perfectly instructed in religion; " * but 
at that time the statement was only partially true. 

During the seventeenth century, and some time 
after its close, Canada swarmed with beggars, — a 
singular feature in a new country where a good farm 
could be had for the asking. In countries intensely 

1 Afi^moire adJresst^au Regent. 

< i 





il i 

44() MORALS AND MANNKKS. [1070-1700. 

Roman (Catholic begging is not regarded as an 
unmixed evil, being anpposed to promote two cardinal 
virtues, — cliarity in the giver, and humility in tiie 
receiver. The Canadian ollicials nevertheless tried 
to restrain it. Vagabonds of both sexes were ordered 
to leave C^uelRic, and nobody wiis allowed to hv^i; 
without a certilii'at(} of poverty from the curd or tlie 
local judg(^* These orders were not always observed. 
Hishop Saint- Vallier writes that he is overwhelmed 
by begga^j^ and the intendant echoes his complaint. 
Almshouses were established at Montreal, Thn^e 
Rivers, and (^uebt^c ; ^ and when Saint- Vallier founded 
the General Hospital, its chief purpose was to serve, 
not as a hospital in the ordinary sense of the word, 
but as a house of refuge, after the plan of the General 
Hospital of Paris.* Appeal, as usual, was made to 
the King. Denonville asks his aid for two destitute 
families, and says that many others need it. Louis 
XIV. did not fail to respond, and from time to time 
he sent considerable sums for the relief of the Cana- 
dian poor.^ 

Denonville sajrs, "The principal reason of the 

1 R^glement de Police, 1670, 

2 iV. 5'. Colonial Documents, ix. 279. 

* ililits et Ordonnances, ii. 119. 

* On the General Hospital of Quebec, see Juchereau, 365. In 
1(592, the minister writes to Frontenac and Chanipigny that they 
sliouKI consider well wliether this house of refuge will not " aug- 
menter la faineantise parnii les habitans," by giving them a sure 
support in poverty. 

6 As late as 1701 six thousand livres were granted. Callibres au 
Mmistre, 4 Nov., 1701. 





poverty of this country is tlui ullenosa and bad con- 
duct of most of the {Kjople. The greater part of the 
women, including all the demoiselles, are very lazy."* 
Meules proposes as a remedy that the King sliould 
estiiblish a general workshop in the colony, and pay 
the workmen himself during the firat five or six 
years. '-^ "The pei-sons here," he says, "who have 
wished to make a figure are nearly all so overwhelmed 
with debt that they may be considered as in th(; last 
necessity."^ He adds that many of the people; go 
half-naked even in wiiiter. "The merchants of this 
country," says the inteiidant Duchesneau, "are all 
plunged in poverty, except five or six at the most; it 
is the same with the artisans, except a small numl)er, 
because the vanity of the women and the debauchery 
of the men consume all their gains. As for such of 
the laboring class as apply themselves steadily to 
cultivating the soil, they not only live . jry well, but 
are incomparably better off than the better sort of 
peasants in France."* 

All the writers lament the extravagfint habits of 
the people; and even La Hon tan joins hands witli 
the priests in wishing that the supply of ribbons, laces, 
brocades, jewelry, and the like might be cut off by 
act of law. Mother Juchereau tells us, that, when 
the English invasion was impending, the belles of 


' ri ' 


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* Denonville et Champigny au Ministre, Nov., 1687. 
2 Meules au Ministre, 12 Nov., 1682. 

■ Meules, M^moire touchant le Canada et I'Acadie, 1684. 

♦ Duchesneau au Ministre, 10 Noi\, 1679. 


! \ 

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Canada \vere scared for a while into modesty in order 
to gain the favor of Heaven ; but, as may be imagined, 
the effect was short, and Father La Tour dechires 
that in his time all the fashions except rouge came 
over regularly in the annual ships. 

The manners of the mission period, on the otlier 
hand, were extremely simple. The old governor, 
Lanzon, lived on pease and bacon like a laborer, and 
kept no man-servant. He was regarded, it is true, 
as a miser, and held in slight account.* Magdeleine 
Bochart, sister of the governor of Three Rivers, 
brought her husband two hundred francs in money, 
four sheets, two table-cloths, six napkins of linen 
and hemp, a mattress, a blanket, two dishes, six 
spoons and six tin plates, a pot and a kettle, a table 
and two benches, a kneading-trough, a chest with 
lock and key, a cow, and a pair of hogs.^ But the 
Bocharts were a family of distinction, and the bride's 
dowry answered to her station. By another marriage 
contract, at about the same time, the parents of tlie 
bride, being of humble degree, bind themselves to 
present the bridegroom with a barrel of bacon, deliver- 
able on the arrival of the ships from France.^ 

Some curious traits of this early day appear in tlie 
license of Jean Boisdon as innkeeper. He is required 
to establish himself on the great square of Quebec, 
close to the church, so that the parishioners may con- 

1 Memoire d'Auhert de la Chesnaj/e, 1670. 

2 Contrat de maringe, cited by Ferland, Noten, 73. 

8 Contrat de mariage, cited by Benjamin Suite in Revue Canadi- 
enne, ix. 111. 




gc came 

le other 
•rer, and 
is true, 

I money, 
of linen 
ihes, six 
!, a table 
est with 
But the 
e bride's 
ts of the 
selves to 


ar in the 



may con- 



we Canadi- 

veniently warm and refresh themselves between the 
services; but he is forbidden to entertain anybody 
during high mass, sermon, catechism, or vespers.^ 
Matters soon changed; Jean Boisdon lost his 
monopoly, and inns sprang up on all hands. They 
did not want for patrons, and we find some of their 
proprietors mentioned as among the few thriving men 
in Canada. Talon tried to regulate them, jind, among 
other rules, ordained that no innkeeper should furnish 
food or drink to any hired laborer whatever, or to 
any person residing in the place where his inn was 
situated. An innkeeper of Montreal was fined for 
allowing the syndic of the town to dine under his 

One gets glimpses of the pristine state of Quebec 
through the early police regulations. Each inhabi- 
tant was required to make a gutter along the middle 
of the street before his house, and also to remove 
refuse and throw it into the river. All dogs, without 
exception, were ordered home at nine o'clock. On 
Tuesdays and Fridays there was a market in the 
public square, whither the neighboring hahitants, 
male and female, brought their produce for sale, as 
they still continue to do. Smoking in the street was 
forbidden, as a precaution against fire ; householders 
were required to provide themselves with ladders, 
and when the fire alarm was rung all able-bodied 

^ Acte officieUe, 1648, cited by Ferland, Cours d'Histoire du Canada, 

i. ;i()5. 

- Fnillon, Colonie Francaise, iii. 406. 


1 1 

n i 


\< i 



persons were obliged to run to the scene of danger 
with buckets or kettles full of water. ^ This did not 
prevent the Lower Town from burning to the ground 
in 1082. It was soon rebuilt, but a repetition of tlie 
catastrophe seemed very likely. "This i)lace,"says 
Denonville, " is in a fearful state as regards fire ; for 
the houses are crowded together out of all reason, 
and so surrounded with piles of cord-wood that it is 
pitiful to see. "2 Add to this the stores of hay for 
the cows kept by many of the inhabitants for the 
benefit of their swarming progeny. The houses were 
at this time low, compact buildings, with gables of 
masonry, as required by law ; but many had wooden 
fronts, and all had roofs covered with cedar shingles. 
The anxious governor begs, that, as the town has not 
a sou of revenue, his Majesty will be pleased to make 
it the gift of two hundred crowns' worth of leather 
fire-buckets.^ Six or seven years after, certain citi- 
zens were authorized by the council to import from 
France, at their own cost, "a pump after the Dutch 
fashion, for throwing water on houses in case of 
fire. "4 

How a fire was managed at Quebec appears from a 
letter of the engineer, Vasseur, describing the burn- 
ing of Laval's seminary in 1701. Vasseur was then 
at Quebec, directing the new fortifications. On a 
Monday in November, all the pupils of the seminary 

1 Reylement tie Police, 1072. Ibid., 1670. 
^ Denonville au Ministre, 20 Aout, 1686. 

8 Ibid. 

* Reylement de 1691, extract in Ferland. 





: danger 
did not 
3 ground 
in of the 
ce," says 
fire; for 

I reason, 
that it is 
f hay for 
3 for tlie 
uses were 
gables of 

II wooden 
• shingles, 
m has not 
d to make 
of leather 
;rtain citi- 
[port from 

;he Dutch 
11 case of 

irs from a 
the burn- 
was then 
IS. On a 

and most of the priests went, according to their 
weekly custom, to recreate themselves at a house and 
garden at St. Michel, a short distance from town. 
The few priests who remained went after dinner to 
say vespers at the church. Only one. Father Petit, 
was left in the seminary, and he presently repaired to 
the great hall to rekindle the fire in the stove and 
warm the place against the return of his brethren. 
His success surpassed his wishes. A firebrand snapped 
out in his absence and set the pine floor in a blaze. 
Father Boucher, cut6 of Point Levi, chanced to come 
in, and was half choked by the smoke. He cried 
fire ! the servants ran for water; but the flames soon 
mastered them; they screamed the alarm, and the 
bells began to ring. Vasseur was dining with the 
intendant at his palace by the St. Charles, when he 
heard a frightened voice crying out, " Monsieur, you 
are wanted! you are wanted!" He sprang from 
table, saw the smoke rolling in volumes from the top 
of the rock, ran up the steep ascent, reached the 
seminary, and found an excited crowd making a 
prodigious outcry. He shouted for carpenters. Four 
men came to him, and he set them at work with such 
tools as they had to tear away planks and beams, and 
prevent the fire from spreading to the adjacent parts 
of the building; but when he went to find others to 
help them, they ran off. He sent new men in their 
place, and these too ran off the moment his back was 
turned. A cry was raised that the building was to 
be blown up, on which the crowd scattered for their 


\ I 






lives. Vasseur now gave up the seminary for lost, 
and thought only of cutting off the fire from the rear 
of the church, which was not far distant. In this he 
succeeded, by tearing down an intervening wing or 
gallery. The walls of the burning building were of 
massive stone, and by seven o'clock the fire had si)ont 
itself. We hear nothing of the Dutch pump, nor 
does it appear that the soldiers of the garrison made 
any effort to keep order. Under cover of the con- 
fusion, property was stolen from the seminary to the 
amount of about two thousand livres, — which is 
remarkable, considering the religious character of the 
building, and the supposed piety of the peojjle. 
" There were more than three hundred persons at the 
fire," says Vasseur; "but thirty picked men would 
have been worth more than the whole of them."^ 

August, September, and October were the busy 
months at Quebec. Then the ships from France 
discharged their lading, the shops and warehouses of 
the Lower Town were filled with goods, and the 
habitants came to town to make their purchases. 
When the frosts began, the vessels sailed away, tlie 
harbor was deserted, the streets were silent again, 
and like ants or squirrels the people set at work to 
lay in their winter stores. Fathei-s of families packed 
their cellars with beets, carrots, potatoes, and cab- 
bages ; and, at the end of autumn, with meat, f o\;ls, 
game, fish, and eels, all frozen to stony hardness. 

1 Vasseur au Ministre, 24 Nov., 1701. 
him, he urges the need of fire-buckets. 

Like Denonville before 

lonville before 



Most of the shops clc^sed, and the long season of 
leisure and amusement began. New Year's day 
brought visits and mutual gifts. Thence till Lent 
dinner-parties were frequent, sometimes familiar and 
sometimes ceremonious. The governor's little court at 
the chateau was a standing example to all the aspir- 
ing spirits of Quebec, and forms and orders of pre- 
cedence were in some houses punctiliously observed. 
There were dinners to the military and civic digni- 
taries and their wi>'es, and others, quite distinct, to 
prominent citizens. The wives and daughters of the 
burghei-s of Quebec are said to have been superior in 
manners to women of the corresponding class in 
France. "They have wit," says La Potherie, "deli- 
cacy, good voices, and a great fondness for dancing. 
They are discreet, and not much given to flirting; 
but when they undertake to catch a lover, it is not 
easy for him to escape the bands of Hymen." ^ 

So much for the town. In the country parishes, 
there was the same autumnal stowing away of frozen 
vegetables, meat, fish, and eels, and unfortunately 
the same surfeit of leisure through five months of the 
year. During the seventeenth century, many of the 
people were so poor that women were forced to keep 
at home from sheer want of winter clothing. Noth- 
ing, however, could prevent their running from house 
to house to exchange gossip with the neighbors, 
who all knew one another, and, having nothing else 
to do, discussed each other's affairs with an industry 

1 La Potherie, i. 279. 














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which often bred bitter quarrels. At a later period 
a more general introduction of family weaving and 
spinning served at once to fui-nish clothing and to 
promote domestic peace. 

The most impoitant persons in a parish were the 
cur<3, the seignior, and the militia captain, 'i'lic 
seignior had his bench of honor in tlie chnreli. 
Immediately behind it was the bench of the militiu 
captain, whose duty it was to drill the able-bodied 
men of the neighborhood, direct roadmaking and 
other public works, and serve as deputy to tlie 
intendant, whose ordinances he was required to 
enforce. Next in honor came the local judge, if 
any there was, and the church-wardens. 

The existence of slavery in Canada dates from the 
end of the seventeenth century. In 1688 the attorney- 
general made a visit to Paris, and urged upon the 
King the expediency of importing negroes from the 
West Indies as a remedy for the scarcity and dearness 
of labor. The King consented, but advised caution, 
on the ground that the rigor of the climate would 
make the venture a critical one.^ A number of 
slaves were brought into the colony; but the system 
never flourished, the climate and other circumvstances 
being hostile to it. Many of the colonists, especially 
at Detroit and other outlying posts, owned slaves of 
a remote Indian tribe, the Pawnees. The fact is 

* Instruct ion au Sr. de Frontenac, 1689. On Canadian slavery, sec 
a long paper, L'Esclavage en Canada, published by the Historical 
Society of Montreal. 


«r p(.»riocl, 
Eiving and 
ng and to 

were the 
Eiin. Tlie 
} clmrc'li. 
he militia 
iking and 
by to the 
quired to 

judge, if 

> from tlie 

) attorney- 

upon the 

from tlie 

1 dearness 

I caution, 

ate would 

umber of 

he system 



slaves of 

le fact is 

slavery, see 
e Historical 


CANADIAN 1,1 Fi:. 



remarkable, since it would l)o dilTicult to find another 
of the wild trilx;s of the conthient capable of subjec- 
tion to domestic servitude. The Pawnee slaves were 
captives taken in war and sold at low prices to the 
Canadians. Their market value was much impaired 
by their propensity to run off. 

It is curious to observe the views of the Canadians 
taken a different times by different writers. La 
1 lontan says : " They are vigorous, enterprising, and 
indefatigable, and need nothing but education. They 
are presumptuous and full of self-conceit, regard 
themselves as above all the nations of the earth, and, 
unfortunately, have not the veneration for their 
parents that they ought to have. The women are 
generally pretty ; few of them are brunettes ; many of 
them are discreet, and a good number are lazy. They 
are fond to the last degree of dress and show, and 
each tries to outdo the rest in the art of catching a 

Fifty years later, the intendant Hocquart writes: 
"The Canadians are fond of distinctions and atten- 
tions, plume themselves on their courage, and are 
extremely sensitive to slights or the smallest correc- 
tions. They are self-interested, vindictive, prone to 
drunkenness, use a great deal of brandy, and pass for 
not being at all truthful. This portrait is true of 
many of them, particularly the country people : those 
of the towns are less vicious. They are all attached 
to religion, and criminals aie rare. They are vola- 

1 La Ilontau, ii. 81 (ed. 1709). 


\ 1' 

il ; I 

J! ! 


1 ;. 


I . i 


I i 





e < 

tilo, JUid think too well of tllt!nls«.'lv^^s, wliit-li pnivciits 
their wucceeding us they inij^rJit in fiirniing and trade. 
They have not the rude and rustic air of our Frcikh 
peasants. If they are put on tlieir honor and jroy. 
erned with justice, tliey are tractable enougli; but 
their natural disposition is indocile."^ 

The navigator Bougainville, in tlu' last years of 
the French rule, descrilxis the Canadian Jiahitant as 
essentially superior to the French jjeasant, and adds, 
"He is loud, boastful, mendacious, obliging, civil, 
and honest; indefatigable in hunting, travelling, and 
bush-ranging, but lazy in tilling the soil. "2 

Tlie Swedish botanist, Kalni, an excellent observer, 
was in Canada a few years before Bougainville, and 
sketches from life the following traits of Canadian 
manners. The language is that of the old English 
translation: "The men here [at Montreal] aio 
extremely civil, and take their hats off to every 
person indifferently whom they meet in the streets. 
The women in general are handsome ; they are well 
bred and virtuous, with an innocent and beconiiiK' 
freedom. They dress out very fine on Sundays, and 
though on the other days they do not take much 
pains with the other parts of their dress, yet they arc; 
very fond of adorning their heads, the hair of whicli 
is alvrays curled and powdered and ornamented witli 
glittering bodkins and aigrettes. They are not averse 
to taking part in all the business of housekeeping; 

1 Memoir e de 1736. 

2 M€moire de 1757, printed in Margry, Relations Ine'dites. 







and I liJivo witli ploasuro seen tlie <lau^flitei"S of the 
Itetk!!- sort of ihm)!);", juuI of tlio governor [of 
Moiitreiil] himself, not too finely divssetl, and going 
into kitchens iind celhiis to look tiiat everything Ih) 
done us it ought. What I have mentioned above of 
their dressing their heads too assiduously is the case 
with all the ladies throughout ('anada. Their hair 
is always curled, even Avheu they are at home in a 
dirty jacket and short coarse; petticoat that does not 
reach to the middle of tiieir legs. On those days 
when they pay or receive visits, they dress so gayly 
that one is almost in.cUced to think their i)arents 
possess the greatest honors in the state. They are 
no less attentive to have the newest fashions, and 
they laugh at one another when they are not dressed 
to one another's fancy. One of the first questions 
they propose to a stranger is, whether he is married; 
the next, how he likes the ladies of the country, and 
whether he thinks them handsomer than those of his 
own country; and the third, whether he will take 
one home with him. The behavior of the ladies 
seemed to me somewhat too free at Quebec, and of a 
more becoming modesty at Montreal. Those of 
Quebec are not very industrious. The young ladies, 
especially those of a higher rank, get up at seven and 
dress till nine, drinking their coffee at the same time. 
When they are dressed, they place themselves near a 
window that opens into the street, take up some 
needlework and sew a stitch now and then, but turn 
their eyes into the street most of the time. When a 

m w 





El >fl 


yoiiiij^' fellow comoH in, \vii"tii('r they inv. ii('(jU;iiiiU'(l 
with him or not, tlicy iiimu'dijitcly lay usuU' their 
work, sit down l)y him, and hei^in to chat, lan,i,di, 
joke, and invent ifouUc-cnlciulrcH ; and this is reckoned 
Ikuii},^ very witty. In this manner they frecjnently 
pass the whole day, leaving their mothers to do the 
bnsiness of the house. They arc likewise; cheerful 
and content, and nohody can say that they want 
either wit or charms. Their fault is that they tliiidc 
too well of themselves. However, the daughters of 
people of all ranks without exception f^o to market 
and carry home what they have hought. The ^irls 
at Montreal are very nuich displeased that those at 
Quehcc get husbands sooncu' than they. The reason 
of this is that many young gentlemen who come over 
from France, with tlu; shi[)s are captivated by the 
ladies at Quebec and many them; but as these 
gentlemen seldom go up to Montreal, the girls there 
are not often so happy as those of the former })lace." • 
Long before Kalm's visit, the Jesuit Ch'.irlevoix, a 
traveller and a man of the world, wrote thus of 
Quebec in a letter to the Duchesse do Lesdigui(ires : 
" There is a select little society here which wants 
nothing to make it a.greeal)lc. In the salons of the 
wives of the governor aiid of the intendant, one finds 
circles as brilliant as in other countries." These 
circles were formed partly of the principal inhal)i- 
tants, but chiefly of military officers and government 

1 Kiilm, Travels into North J //ifr/rr?, translated into Englisli by 
John lieinold Forster (London, 1771), 50, 282, etc. 


[(U' tlu'ir 
, liiii'^li, 
^) do lli(! 

R'3 Wlllll 

loy ill ink 
^1 1 Lens of 
,() niiirkct 
The ^irls 
D tliosi' at 
he I'Oiisoii 
jome over 
id by Uk! 
as UiL'so 
iris tlKM'c 
place. ' 
rlevoix, a 
tlius of 
li<;ui6ros : 
ch wants 
ons of the 
one finds 
' Th(!sc 
al inluii)i- 

English 1)y 




olVieials, with tlioir families. Charlevoix eontimies: 
*' Kveryl)ody does his part to make the time pass 
[)leasaMtly, with Raines and i)arties of plcasnre, — 
drives and canoe excui-sions in Hnnniier, slei,L,diinp 
and skating in winter. There is a great deal of 
hnntinp,' and shootin^-, for many ('anadian f^'cntlemen 
are almost destitnte of any otiier means of livint,' at 
their ease. The ntnvs of the day amonnts to very 
little indeed, as the eonntry fnrnishes scarcely any, 
while that from Knropc comes all at once. Science; 
and the line arts have their turn, and conversation 
does not fail. The Canadians breathe from their 
birth an air of liberty, which makes them very pleas- 
ant in the intercoiii-se of life, and our lanjjfua|j(,» is 
nowhere more purely spoken. One finds here no rich 
persons whatever, and this is a great pity; for the 
('anadians like to get the credit of their money, and 
scarcely anybody amuses himself with hoarding it. 
They say it is very different with our neighbors the 
English; and one who knew the two colonies oidy 
by the way of living, acting, and speaking of the 
colonists would not hesitate to judge ours the more 
Ihmrishing. In New England and the other 15ritish 
colonies there reigns an opulence by which the })eoi)le 
seem not to know how to profit; while in New 
France poverty is hidden under an air of ease which 
apj)eai'S entirely natural. The English cokmist keeps 
as nmcli and spends as little as possible; the French 
colonist enjoys what he has got, and often makes a 
display of what he has not got. The one labors for 




his hell's; the other leaves them to get on as tliey 
can, like himself. I could push the compaiisou 
further, but I must close here; the King's ship is 
about to sail, and the merchant vessels are getting 
ready to follow. In three days, perhaps, not one 
will be left in the harbor."^ 

And now we, too, will leave Canada. Winter 
draws near, and the first patch of snow lies gleaming 
on the distant mountain of Cape Tourmente. The 
sun has set in chill autumnal beauty, and the sharp 
spires of fir-trees on the heights of Sillery stand stiff 
and black against the pure cold amber of the fading 
west. The ship sails in the morning ; and before the 
old towers of Rochelle rise in sight there will be time 
to smoke many a pipe, and ponder what we have seen 
on the banks of the St. Lawrence. 

^ Charlevoix, Journal Ilistorique, 80 (ed. 1744), 


I 1 



on as tlipy 
g's ship is 
are getting 
IS, not one 

1. Winter 
;s gleaming 
ente. The 
I the sharp 
stand stiff 
the fading 
[ before the 
vill be time 
e have seen 






Formation of Canadian Character. — The Rival Colonies. — 
England and France. — New England. — Characteristics 
OF Race. — Military Qualities. — The Church. — The 
English Conquest. 

Not institutions alone, but geographical position, 
climate, and many other conditions unite to form the 
educational influences that, acting through succes- 
sive generations, shape the character of nations and 

It is easy to see the nature of the education, past 
and present, which wrought on the Canadians and 
made them what they were. An ignorant popula- 
tion, sprung from a brave and active race, but trained 
to subjection and dependence through centuries of 
feudal and monarchical despotism, was planted in 
the wilderness by the hand of authority, and told to 
grow and flourish. Artificial stimulants were applied, 
but freedom was -svithheld. Perpetual intervention 
of government, — regulations, restrictions, encourage- 
ments sometimes more mischievous than restrictions, 
a constant uncertainty what the authorities would do 

.. V 


i ; 



1' ' 



I'i ; 



-' 1 


k t 






t 'A 



next, the fate of each man resting less with hiinsolf 
than with another, volition enfeebled, self-reliance 
paralyzed, — the condition, in short, of a child held 
always nnder the rule of a father, in the main well- 
meaning and kind, sometimes generous, sometimes 

neglectful, often capricious, and rarely very wise, 

sucli were the influences under which Canada grew 
up. If she had prospered, it would have been sheer 
miracle. A man, to be a man, must feel that he 
holds his fate, in some good measure, in his own 

But this was not all. Against absolute authority 
there was a counter influence, rudely and wildly 
antagonistic. Canada was at the very portal of the 
great interior wilderness. The St. Lawrence and 
the Lakes were the highway to that domain of savage 
freedom; and thither the disfranchised, half-star^ed 
seignior, and the discouraged habitant who could lind 
no market for his produce naturally enough betook 
themselves. Their lesson of savagery was well 
learned, and for many a year a boundless license and 
a stiff-handed authority battled for the control of 
Canada. Nor, to the last, were Church and State 
fairly masters of the field. The French rule was 
drawing towards its close when the intendant com- 
plained that though twenty-eight companies of regular 
troops were quartered in the colony, there were not 
soldiers enough to keep the people in order. ^ One 
cannot but remember that in a neighboring colony, 

1 Me'inoire de 173(5 (printed by the Historical Society of Quebec). 


li himself 
hild hold 
lain weil- 
J wise, — 
ada grow 
»eeii sheer 
I that lie 
I his own 

id wildly 
Dal of the 
•ence and 

of savage 

ould find 
jh betook 
was well 
cense and 
ontrol of 
ind State 

rule was 

ant coin- 
of regular 

were not 

ir.^ One 
g colony, 

of Quebec). 



far more populous, perfect order prevailed, with no 
other guardians than a few constables chosen by the 
people themselves. 

Whence arose this difference, and other differences 
equally striking, between the rival colonies? It is 
easy to ascribe them to a difference of political and 
religious institutions; but the explanation does not 
cover the ground. The institutions of New England 
were utterly inapplicable to the population of New 
BVance, and the attempt to apply them would have 
wrought nothing but mischief. There are no political 
panaceas, except in the imagination of political 
quacks. To each degree and each variety of ^^ublic 
development there are corresponding institutions, 
best answering the public needs; and what is meat 
to one is poison to another. Freedom is for those 
who are fit for it ; the rest will lose it, or turn it to 
corruption. Church and State ^vere right in exercis- 
ing authority over a people which had not learned 
the first rudiments of self-government. Their fault 
was not that they exercised authority, but that they 
exercised too much of it, and, instead of weaning the 
child to go alone, kept him in perpetual leading- 
strings, making him, if possible, more and more 
dependent, and less and less fit for freedom. 

In the building up of colonies, England succeeded 
and France failed. The cause lies chiefly in the vast 
advantage drawn by England from the historical 
training of her people in habits of reflection, forecast, 
industry, and self-reliance, — a training which enabled 



\ 1 

I I i 

(. ! 





II : :'f 

them to adopt and maintain an invigorating system 
of self-rule, totally inapplicable to their rivals. 

The New England colonists were far less fugitives 
from oppression than voluntary exiles seeking the 
realization of an idea. They were neither peasants 
nor soldiei'S, but a substantial Puritan yeomainy, led 
by Puritan gentlemen and divines in thorough sym- 
pathy with them. They were neither sent out by tlie 
King, governed by him, nor helped by him. They 
grew up in utter neglect, and continued neglect was 
the only boon they asked. Till their increasing 
strength roused the jealousy of the Crown, they 
were virtually independent, — a republic, but by no 
means a democracy. They chose their governor and 
all their rulers from among themselves, made their 
own government and paid for it, supported their own 
clergy, defended themselves, and educated them- 
selves. Under the hard and repellent surface of 
New England society lay the true foundations of 
a stable freedom, — conscience, reflection, faith, 
patience, and public spirit. The cement of common 
interests, hopes, and duties compacted the whole 
people like a rock of conglomerate ; while the people 
of New France remained in a state of political segre- 
gation, like a basket of pebbles held together by the 
enclosure that surrounds them. 

It may be that the difference of historical ante- 
cedents would alone explain the difference of charac- 
ter between the rival colonies; but there are deeper 
cnuses, the influence of which went far to determine 

:: ii w 



ig system 

iking the 
' peasants 
laiiry, UmI 
ngh syni- 
)ut Ly the 
m. Tliey 
?glect was 
)\vn, they 
but hy no 
'^ernor and 
nade their 

their own 
ted theni- 
uirface of 
lations of 
DU, faith, 
)f connnon 
bhe whole 
the people 
tical segre- 
her hy the 

rical ante- 

of charac- 

are deeper 




the antecedents themselves. The Germanic race, 
and especially the Anglo-Saxon branch of it, is pecu- 
liarly masculine, and, therefore, peculiarly fitted 
for self-government. It sulmiits its action habitually 
to the guidance of reason, and has the judicial faculty 
of seeing both sides of a question. The French Celt 
is cast in a different mould. He sees the end dis- 
tinctly, and reasons about it with an admirable clear- 
ness ; but his own impulses and passions continually 
turn him away from it. Opposition excites him ; he 
is impatient of delay, is impelled always to extremes, 
and does not readily sacrifice a present inclination to 
an ultimate good. He delights in abstractions a. 1 
generalizations, cuts loose from unpleasing facts, 
and roams throusfh an ocean of desires and theories. 

While New England prospered and Canada did not 
prosper, the Fi'cnch system had at least one great 
advantage. It favored military efficiency. The 
Canadian population sprang in great part from 
soldiers, and was to the last systematically reinforced 
by disbanded soldiers. Its chief occupation was a 
continual training for forest war; it had little or 
nothing to lose, and little to do but fight and range 
the woods. This was not all. The Canadian gov- 
ernment was essentially military. At its head was a 
soldier nobleman, often an old and able commander; 
and those beneath him caught his spirit and emulated 
his example. In spite of its political nothingness, in 
spite of poverty and hardship, and in spite even of 
trade, the upper stratum of Canadian society was 

1 1 »i- 


I (' 







' '.? 



animated hy the pride and fire of that gallant nohkssc 
which held war as its only worthy calling, and prized 
honor more than life. As for the habitant^ the forest, 
lake, and river were his urue school; and here, at 
least, he was an apt scholar. A skilful woodsman, 
a hold and adroit canoe-man, a willing lighter in time 
of need, often serving without pay, and receiving 
from government only his provisions and his canoe, 
he was more than ready at any time for any hardy 
enterprise; and in Llie forest warfare of skirmish and 
surprise there were few to match him. An nhsolute 
government used him at will, and experienced leaders 
guided his rugged valor to the hest account. 

The New England man was precisely the same 
material with that of which Cromwell formed his 
invincihle "Ironsides;" hut he had very little forest 
experience. His geographical position cut him off 
completely from the great wilderness of the interior. 
The sea was his field of action. Without the aid of 
government, and in spite of its restrictions, he huilt 
up a prosperous commerce, and enriched himself l)y 
distant fisheries, neglected hy the rivals before whose 
doore they lay. He knew every ocean from Green- 
land to Cape Horn, and the whales of the north and 
of the south had no more dangerous foe. But ho 
was too busy to fight without good cause ; and when 
he turned his hand to soldiering, it was only to meet 
some pressing need of the hour. The New England 
troops in the early wars were bands of raw fishermen 
and farmers, led by civilians, decorated with military 





L nohlcsse 
id prized 
;ie forest, 
here, at 
;r in time 
lis canoe, 
my hardy 
•niish and 
1 n.hsohite 
3d leaders 

the same 
)rmed his 
ttle forest 
t him off 
the aid of 
he huilt 
limself hy 
ore whose 
im Green- 
north and 
. But h(> 
and when 
ly to meet 
V Ens^land 
h military 




titles, and subject to the slow and uncertain action of 
legislative bodies. The oliicers had not learned to 
command, nor the men to obey. The remarkable 
exploit of the capture of Louisburg, the strongest 
fortress in America, was the result of mere audacity 
and hardihood, backed by the rarest good luck. 

One great fact stands out conspicuous in Canadian 
history, — the Church of Rome. More even than the 
royal power, she shaped the character and the desti- 
nies of the colony. She was its nurse and almost 
its mother ; and, wayward and headstrong as it was, 
it never broke the ties of faith that held it to her. It 
was these ties which, in the absence of political fran- 
chises, formed under the old regime the only vital 
coherence in the population. The royal government 
was transient; the Church was permanent. The 
English conquest shattered the whole apparatus of 
civil administration at a blow, but it left her 
untouched. Governor's, intendants, councils, and 
commandants, all were gone; the principal seigniors 
fled the colony ; and a people who had never learned 
to control themselves or help themselves were sud- 
denly left to their own devices. Confusion, if not 
anarchy, wonhl have followed but for the parish 
priests, who, in a character of double paternity, half 
spiritual and half temporal, became more than ever 
the guardians of order throughout Canada. 

Tliis English conquest was the grand crisis of 
Canadian liistory. It was the beginning of a new 
life. With England came Protestantism, and the 

f , A 

. \ 








Caiiiuliiin Cliurcli grew purer and better in the 
presence of an adverse faith. Material growth ; an 
increased mental activity; an education, real thougli 
fenced and guarded; a warm and genuine patriotism, 

— all date from the peace of 1705). England imposed 
by the sword on reluctant Canada tlie boon of rational 
and ordered liberty. Through centuries (u striving 
she had advanced from stage to stage of prijgress, 
deliberate and calm, — never breaking with her past, 
but making each fresh gain the l)ase of a new succciss, 

— enlarging popular liberties while bating nothing of 
that height and force of individual development 
which is the brain and heart of civilization; and now, 
through a hard-earned victory, she taught the con- 
quered colony to share the blessings she had won. 
A happier calamity never befell a people than the 
conquest of Canada by the British arms. 


■ ■ l: 

I' <1 



er in tlio 
rowth; ail 
ill tliougli 
(1 imposed 
oT rational 
»f striving 
f progress, 
I lier i)asl, 
!W success, 
nothing of 
; and now, 
it the con- 
liad won. 
e than the 







Collection de M. Margry. 

L'an mil six cent quarante quatre le vint cinq jour 
d'octobre deux mois apres la signification faits de I'arrest 
du conseil en date du 5 luai de la mesme annee au Sieur 
de la Tour et a tons ceux qui estoient avec luy dans le 
fort de la Riviere St. Jean par la Montjoie le 15 8'"'' 1G44 
M'' Charles de Menou clievalier Seigneur d'Aunay Charni- 
say, gouverneur et Lieutenant general pour le Roy dans 
toute I'Etendue descostes d'Acadie pais de la Nouvelle 
France, veu le refus du d. de la Tour et I'ohstination dans 
laquelle estoient ses gens, equipa de rechef deux de ses 
chaloupes pour tenter par les voies de douceur de ramener 
ces esprits rebelles a I'oheissance qu'ils doivent u sa Majoste 
pour lequel etfet mon dit Sieur deputa mi lieutenant de son 
vaisseau pour une d'icelles et son sergent pour 
I'autre auec commandenient de sa part d'aller k la riviere 











St. Jean fairo tout eH'ort puiir adroitcraent remonter qucl- 
qu'uus (le CCS esprits rcbclles, Ics cmbouclicr et lour doiiner 
hittros pour lour camarados sigtu's do niou dit Siour avcc 
assurance d'ubolition de leurs crimes et i)ayeinents de Icurs 
gages s'ils se rangeoient ;i leur devoir de veritables suji-ts 
leur devant montrer coninie les arrets du cunseil obligeoiunt 
mon dit Sieur u pareils traituinens. Ce qu'ayant fidellciiiont 
execute ils nc receurent pour toute reponse qu'injuriis et 
imprecations do ces malheuroux et liuit jours aprus la 
femme du dit Sieur do la Tour arrivant a la rivicro dc 
St. Jean conduite par un vaisseau anglois obligoa son 
mary d'aller j\ Jioston vers les Anglois se declarer de leur 
religion, commo ello venoit de fairo et leur demander 
un ministre pour son habitation et par Ik obliger tout le 
corps des Anglois a les maintenir dans leurs biens avec otfre 
qu'ils partagcroient toutc la coste d'Acadie apres qu'ils s'en 
seroient rendus maistres: Et le 28 de Janvier 1645 la dite 
dame parla si insolemment aux reverends })ores Kecollocts 
qui pour lors estoient dans son habitation quo faisant la 
Demoniaque et mepris scandaleux de la religion Catholique, 
apostoli(|ue et Romaine son mary present, qui adheroit h 
toutes ses actions, ils furent contraints de sortir et cherclier 
moyen dc se retircr quoyque dans ces contrees I'Hiver soit 
tres rigourcux, ce que le dit Sieur do la Tour et sa fennno 
lour octroierent avec derision et injures leur donnant pour 
cet effet uno vioille pinasse qui couloid quasy has d'cau avec 
deux barifjues de bled d'Inde pour toutes vitailles, ce qui 
sera justitie par une attestation de coux mesmes qui estoient 
dans h service du S"" de la Tour et ga femme et une lettro 
d'un des susdits peres Kecollocts superieur dans le d. lieu 
et huit ou neuf des gens du d. S"" de la Tour counoissant le 
deplorable estat de cctte habitation (id la fdrmelle rebellion 
du S' de la Tour sa femme et du reste de leurs camarades 
centre le devoir qu'ils doivent a dieu et au Koy se retirerent 



I «( 



lontcr quel- 

kuir doimcr 

Siour jivt'c 

nts do Iciirs 

iblos suji'ts, 



u'injur(!.s vl 

rs apnvs la 

I rivicro dc 

ol)lig(!a soil 

arer de lour 

r demauder 

iger tout le 

IS avec otfre 

IS qu'ils s'en 

1645 la dite 

s Recollects 

e faisaiit la 


adheroit h 

et clierclicr 

I'Hiver soit 

et sa feniiue 

innant pnnr 

s d'cau avec 

illes, ce qui 

qui estoient 

}t une lettre 

IS lo d. lieu 

imioissant le 

ille reheliinn 

rs cainarad(!s 

se retii'ereut 

Bom1)labl(Mn('Mt et accotnitagiicrent les dits reverends pt-rea 
Recollects, l(>s(|uids avee bcaucou]) de perils se vinrent reiidrc 
daus le I'ort Uoyal demfMiro ordinaire du Sr. d'Aunay, 
locjuel a])ros avoir este iinbu de tout co (|ue dt^ssus les rectnit 
tons huniainenient onvoiant les deux religieux Recollects 
dans la luaisou des Reverends peros Capucins niissionairos 
(pii lea receurent avoc tant d'alTection et lea firent tant do 
cliaritc et saints olHces (pi'ils en demeurent tons confus aussy 
bien que les liuid i)ersonncs qui les accorapagnoient voyant 
lo favorable accueil que leur tit men dit Sieur qui no so con- 
tonta pas do les logtsr et nourrir coinme les siens propres mais 
les paya leurs gages que le dit La Tour de tant d'ann^os qn'ils 
I'avoiont servy leur avoid refuse. Co qui est prouv^ par une 
reconnoissanco de cos niesmos personnos pour les sommes qui 
leur ont est(^ mises entro les mains, signee de lours mains. 
Co regalement ayant est(^ diMuid commo dessus est dit, Men 
dit sieur s'informant plus particulierement do I'estat an quel 
estoient cos miserables esprits, Tobstination du reste de ceux 
qui estoiont domeuroz avec lo dit la Tour, et qu'il estoit 
party pour aller vers les Anglois dans Boston pour tascher 
do ronvoyer conime ja cy dessus est dit le traitto de paix fait 
avec les dits Anglois et le sieur Marie confident de Mon 
d. Sieur D'Aunay et engager par mesmo moyen quelque 
marchand pour amener quelquos vitailles dans la riviere de 
Saint Jean dans la ({uelle il n'avoit laisse quo quarante cinq 
personnos, ce que mon dit sieur considerant fit assemblees de 
tous les officiers (pii pour lors estoient aupres de sa personne, 
oil il fut conclud do prendre cette occasion aux cboveux. Et 
quoyque no le pent (juasy permettre et qu'il falloit risquer 
pour une affaire de telle consequence, ce qui obligea mon dit 
sieur de monter lo plus grand do cos na vires du port de troia 
cents tonneaux, equipe en guerre, pour se mettre en garde a 
TcMitreo do la Riviere St. Jean afin do surprendre le dit La 
Tour avec une partie de son monde, qui pensoit d la favour 


I ( 










E : M 

!■ i 

(Ic 1(1 ri^Miour do I'l liver fiiire son voyngo sans rju'il en fust 
juiciuio nouvclk", ct; (|uc inon ilit sicur ayant oxeciiti' ct prin 

rail.' Ji I'll'- licuc (111 fort dc la Rivi('ro St. .1 

can assist*' d'un 

reli«i(uix C.ipuciii missionnairo ot do.s doux susdits Hecol- 
lects, onvoya do, rcclief vers la dito fcnini<' La Tour et tons 
cuux ([xn pour lors estoiont avec v.\h\ In Ili'vc'rond I'(Nrn 
Andrt' RecoUoct par uno de scs chaluuj)us, 1(^ (pitd so pro- 
mettoit d'attiror pcutcstrc! qn(d(piuns h rcsipisciMico, Iciir 
faisant CDuuoitn; U\ bon accucil (pio luy ot hnva canmradt's 
avoicsnt receu de nion dit Sieur, co qui no roussit nun plus 
quo los autros fois du passu. Deux niois s'ecoiilrrcnt dans 
somblable atttsnto, aprus quoy nion dit Sicur prid rcsolutiuu 
do battro lo fur pendant ([u'il estoit cliaud, voyant un dc scs 
naviros aussy c(piii)n on gu(;rro qui I'ostoit vonu trouvor du 
I'ort Koyul scion (ju'll I'avoit ainsy ordonno accouq)agno 
d'uno pinasse aussi chargec, dc niondc et aprcs avoir rcallie 
do toutes sea Habitations les personnos capablcs de porter 
mousquots, il fit dcscendro une l)onne partic dn scs liommos 
k torro ed niettre deux ])iL'COS do canon avoo ordrc dc les 
mcttro promptemcnt en batterie le i)lus proclio du fort do la 
iiiviero do St. Joan qu'ils pourroient avoc assurance qu'aus- 
sytost qu'ils avoient oli'cctun son conimandeniont ils aj)pro- 
cberoient co navire a la })ort('e du pistolct, afin quo sans 
donner j'ur aux assieges do se roconnoistre on pust fairo un 
tonnern- et par luor et par torro, donner a mosnio temps 
qu'il y auroit breche faite, pendant rexecution de cos ordres 
un petit navire Anglois so presenta ])our ontrer dans la dit(! 
riviere charge de vitailles et munitions de guerre, dans 
leqiiel il y avoit un dcs domestiques du d. La Tour qui 
estoit charge de Lettrcs de son maistre pour la ditto dame 
sa femme qui I'assuroit dans un mois ou deux venir la 
trouver en nicilleur estat et posture qu'il pourroit. Le dit 
domestique avoit outre plus uno lottrc du gouverneur de la 
grande baye des anglois addressantc j\ la dito dame par 





'il en fust 
it<' et pris 
ssistt" d'uii 
it.H Hl'coI- 
>ir et tons 

'■Mil IV'fd 
U'l !S(! j )!.,,. 

'■MCI!, liMir 


• M(tll jiliiH 

•"'I'cnt (liins 


t un (In ses 

trouver du 


Voir real lie 
* <lc porter 
cs linnimos 
'■'Ire (1(> jf's 
u fort do 1ft 
Mce qu'iuis- 
ir il.s aj)j)ro- 
fi que aans 
1st faire un 
snio tenii)s 
! ces ordros 
ans la diti; 
lerre, dans 
Tour qui 
ditte dame 
c venir la 
t. Le dit 
iieur de la 
dame par 


Iftqiiello il Toxliortoit a faire son prntit des instructions 
(pi'eilo uvuit recuen pendant sa residence. Le dit naviro 
fut i>ri8 et iirreHtt' par mon dit Sieur et reqiiipai,'(! renvoyd 
au lieu d'oii il e.stoit parly, avec uiu! chaloupc; que nion dit 
sieur leur donna pour c(!t ellet, lecpiel estant uno fois do 
retour fit rapport a Messieurw les inagistratw du ^'ouverneiueiit 
lies Anglois ([uo leur nuvire avoid este pris en nej^'otiant avec 
les francoi.s et (pio lo truitu do puix quils avoit-nt fait avec lo 
Sieur Marie nestoit gardi' avei; mil autre« i>laintes dont ils 
vouloient couvrir le sujet de leur voyage, ce (pii oljligca eea 
Messi(!ur.s dn deputer un exprt's vi!rs mon dit Sieur pour luy 
demander raison ilu l)ien pris par luy aur \m de leurs niiir- 
chands contre les articles de paix (|Uo le Sieur Marii^, conll- 
dent, leur avoit laisso signer do sa part — A quoy mon dit 
Sieur leur tit response ot declara u leur depute lu fourbe do 
le ir dit marchand, lo ([uel par un desir do lucre abusuit do 
lour commission ot au lieu d'aller negotiant dans les Jlahita- 
tions des veritaLlos Franrois, II alloit rompant par luy 
mesmes co traite do paix passe entro ses magistrats et le 
Sieur Marie, confident, portant ainsi fraudulcusement des 
iiuuiitions do vivres et do guerre pour maintenir des re- 
bellos dans lour desobeissanco et contro lo devoir qu'ils 
doivont h leur i)rinco naturel. Toutes les quelliis raisons 
[)ayerent entierement et lo deputi'^ et Messieurs les Magis- 
trats de la (Jrando liaie le susdit depute estant party et mon 
dit Sieur D'Aunay ayant recue nouvello que la batterie 
estoit oil estat ot sos gens qui estoiont a terre disposes 
h faire co quil leur ordonneroit, so resolut de liaster lo 
pas et avant quo lo d. Sieur Do la Tour en oust le 
vent faire tout son ellbrt, co (^ui luy arriv:i si Heurouse- 
ment qu'apres avoir encore mie fois somme ci-s malbeureux, 
lesquels lui envoierent pour res])onse une vollee de canon j\ 
ballo, aborant lo pavilion rouge sur leurs bastions avec mil 
injures et blaspbemos et avoir fait battre le dit fort do lu 









Kivierc de St Jean tant par terre que par son grand navire 
qu'il avoit eniinene h porteo de pistolet d'iceluy ce qui rasa 
une partie do Icur parapets il s'en rendit maistre par un 
assaut general qu'il tit donner sur le soir de la mesme 
Journee lo Lenderaain Pasques ce qui fut accompagne d'une 
si grando benediction de Dieu, (jue quoyque la perto des 
Homines quo nion dit siour a fait soit grando elle eut este 
encore plus sanglante. Une partie des assiegez furcnt tuez 
dans la chaleur du combat et I'autre fait prisonniers entre 
autres la femme du dit La Tour, son fils et sa fille de 
Cliambre et une autre femme qui est tout cequ'il y avoit 
dans le dit fort do sexe fominin toutes lesquclles ne recuront 
aucun tort ny a leur Honneur ny h lours personnes. Uno 
partie des prisonniers recut grace de mon dit Siour et le reste 
des plus seditieux fut pendu et etrangle pour servi" do 
memoire et d'exemple, a la posterite d'une si obstinee re- 
bellion ce qui est prouve par I'attestation qu'en ont rendue 
et signee luie bonne partie de ceux qui out rocue la vie et 
paroillo gratification. Le Lendemain 18 Avril 1645 mon 
dit siour fit inhumer tons les morts tant de part que d'autre 
avec la distinction pour tant roquise en telle rencontre du 
party faisant prior Dieu et faire un service soleninol h tons 
ceux que deux reverends peros Capucins missionnaires qui 
avoient este presens a tout jugement estre deu, ce qui est 
prouve aussi bien que tout co quo dessus par uno attestation 
authentique des mesmes susd. reverends p^res Capucins 
missionnaires apres quoy mon dit Siour fit travailler pour 
combler los travaux de dehors faits par les assiogeans ot re- 
parer ceux de la place mottre ordre aux deff'auts d'icelle par 
luy reconnus et faire invontairo de tout ce qui so trouva de 
resto dans iccllo apres lo pillage fait par les compagnons que 
mon dit siour leur avoit donne et faire ensuite renvituailler 
le dit lieu do toutos chosos ntcossaires pour la conservation 
d'iceluy et enfin poser une porsonne capable et lidele pour 



le service du lloi ce quo dura I'espace de trois seiuuincs ou 
un mois pciulant lo (juel la feinmc du dit La Tour qui estoit 
dans le Commonccmeut en LilKute fut rcsserree par une 
Lettre qu'on trouva qu'ello ccrivoit k son mary et pratique 
qu'elle faisoit de lui faire tenir par le nioyou des Sauvages 
afiu de la pouvoir par la premiere occasion envoycr en 
France a nos Seigneurs du Conscil en bonne sauve garde, 
ce (pii I'alarma de telle sorto que de dcpit et de rage elle 
toniba malade et nonobstant tons les bons traitemens ot 
Charitcs que L'on exer^a en son endroit mourut le 15 .luin 
apres avoir abjure publiquement dans le chapelle du mesrne 
fort L'Heresie qu'elle avoit professde parmy les Anglois 
ala grandc Baye. Ce qui est justifie par I'attostation 
desja cy dessus alleguee des deux reverends peres Capucins 

Le present proems verbal a esto fait par nous, Andre 
Certain prevost et garde du Seel Royal de La Coste 
d'Acadie pays de la Nouvelle franco a la requeste de 
Monsieur d'Aunay Cbarnisay Gouverneur et Lieutenant 
general pour le Hoy en toute I'Etendue de la Coste d'Acadie 
pays de la Nouvelle France le 10" jour de may 1645 et 
rendu et dfes le mesme jour et an que dessus pour lui servir 
et valoir aussi que de raison. Le tout en presence de 
lesmoins et principaux cbefs des Francois qui sont dans 
la dite coste signe Longvilliers Poincy, Bernard Marot, 
Dubreuil Vismes, Javille, Jean Laurent, Henry Dans- 
martin, Barthelemy Aubert, Leclerc et Certain prevost et 
Garde du Sceau Royal. 




¥ \ 




[The following extracts are printed, letter for letter, from copicB of 
the original documents.] 




Memoire pour faire connoistre l'esprit et la 


de Caen, appel^e l'Hermitage. 

(Extrait.) ^ BibliotJieque NaUonale. 

C'est en ce fameux Hermitage que le dit feu Sieur do 
Bernieres a esleve plusieurs jeunes gens auxquels il en- 
seignoit une espece d'oraison sublime et transcendante que 
Ton appelle I'oraison purement passive, parceque l'esprit 
n'y agit point, mais reQoit seulement la divine operation ; 
c'est cette espece d'oraison qui est la source de tant de 
visions et de revelation:', dont THermitage est si fecond ; ct 
apres qu'il leur avoit subtilize et presque fait evaporer 
l'esprit par cette oraison rafinee, il les rendoit capables do 
reconnoistre les Jansenistes les plus cacliez; en sorte quo 
quelques uns de ces disciples ont dit qu'ils le connoissoieiit 
au flairer, comme les cbiens font leur gibier, pour ensuilc 
leur faire la chasse, neantmoins le dit Sieur de Bernieres 
disoit qu'il n'avoit pas I'odorat si subtil, mais que la 
marqiie a laquelle il connoissoit les Jansenistes estoit quand 

1 This memoire forms 110 pages in the copy in my possession. 


■om copies of 



on improuvoit sa conduite ou que I'on estoit oppose aux 
Jesuites. . . . Au commencement les personnes de cette 
compagnie ne se mesloient que de I'assistance des pauvres, 
mais depuis que le feu Sieur de Berni^res qui estoit un 
simple lai'que, qui n'avoit point d'estude, s'en estant rendu 
le maistre, il persuada a ceux qui on sont qu'elle n'estoit 
pas seulement establie pour prendre soin des pauvres, mais 
de toutes les autres bonnes oeuvres, publiques ou parti- 
culieres, qui regardent la Piete et la Religion et que Dieu 
les avoit suscitez, principalement pour suppleer a'lX defauts 
et negligences des Prelats, des Ptisteurs, des Magistrats, des 
Juges et autres Superieurs Ecclesiastiques et Politiques qui 
faute de s'appliquer assez aux devoirs de leurs charges, ob- 
mettent dans les occasions beaucoup de bien qu'ils pour- 
roient procurer, et negligent de re sister a beaucoup de maux, 
d'abus et d'erreurs qu'ils pourroient empScber ; et que pour 
remedier a ces manquements, il estoit expedient que Dieu 
suscitat plusieurs gens de bien de toutes sortes de conditions 
qui s'unissent ensemble pour travailler a I'avancement du 
bien qui se peut faire en chaque profession, et pour extirper 
les erreurs, les abus et les vices qui s'y glissent sou vent, par 
la negligence ou connivence mesme de ceux qui sont le plus 
obligez par leur ministere d'y donner ordre. 

Et c'est dans cette pensee que ces messieurs croyent avoir 
dro'*: a se mesler de toutes clioses, de s'inger^r de toiites les 
actions un pen eclantes qui regardent la Keligion, de 
s'ingerer en censeurs publics, pour corriger et controller 
tout ce qui leur deplaist, d'entrer et de penetrer dans les 
secrets des maisons et des families particulie'-js, comme 
aussi dans la conduite des conununautez Keligieuses pour y 
gouverner toutes clioses a leur gre ; et bien que ces messieurs 
soient fort ignorans, bien qu'ils n'ayent aucune experience 
des affaires et qu'ils passent dans In jugement de tons ceux 
qui les connoissent pour personnes qui n'ont qu'an Zele 











P i 


• \ 


: ■• I 


inipotneux et violent, sans luuiieres et sans discretion, neant- 
moins ils presument avoir assez de capacite pour reformer la 
vie, les moeurs, les sentiniens et la doctrine de tons les 
autres. Et ce qu'il y a de plus fascheux et de plus dar^'e- 
reux en cela, c'est que si on ne defere aveuglenient a tous 
leurs sentiincns, si on iniprouve leur conduite et si Ton oj)- 
pose la nioindro resistance a leurs entreprises, quoyqu'in- 
justes et violentes, ils unissent toutes leur forces pour les 
faire rdussir et pour cet effet ils reclament les secours de tous 
ceux qui leur sont unis, a Paris, a Kouen et ailleurs, pour 
decrier, pour dilFaraor et pour perdre ceux qui leur resistent 
et qui veulent s'opposer au cours de leurs violences et de 
leurs injustice, de sorte qu'on pent assurer avec verite que 
cette compagnie a degenere en une cabale et en une faction 
dangereuse et pernicieuse, tant a I'Eglise qu'a la Patric, 
estant certant que depuis ]")eu d'annees ils ont excite beau- 
coup de troubles et de divisions dans touto la ville de Caen, 
et notamment dans le clerge et mesme en plusieurs autres 
lieux de la Basse Normandie ainsi qu'il paroistra par les 
articles suivants de ce menioire. 

II est arrive quelques fois qu'ayant eu de faux avis que 
des maris nialtroitoient leurs femmes ou que des femmes 
n'estoient pas fideles a leurs maris ou que des fiUes ne se 
gouvernoient pas bien, ils se sont ingerez sur le rapport qui 
en estoit fait en leur assemblee de cbercher les moyens de 
remedier h ces maux, et ils en ont choisi de si impertinents 
et de si indiscrets que cela a este capable de causer bien du 
desordre et de la division dans les families et dans toute la 
ville ; car souvent voulant empescher une legere faute, on en 
fait naistre de grands scandales, lorsque I'on agit par eni- 
portement plustost que par prudence. 

Ce n'est pas seulement dans les families particulieres qu'ils 
s'introduisent pour en furetcr les secrets, pour en connoitre 
les defauts et pour en usurper la direction et le gouverne- 




tion, neant- 
reformer la 
de tons les 
plus darge- 
iient a tons 
b si I'on o})- 
cs pour los 
ours de tous 
lleurs, pour 
!ur resi stent 
[ences et de 
! verite que 
une faction 
L la Patrie, 
ixcit^ beau- 
le de Caen, 
ieurs autres 
itra par les 

IX avis que 
ies femmes 
fiUes ne se 
rapport qui 
moyens de 
iser bien du 
ins toute la 
faute, on en 
git par em- 

ilieres qu'ils 
m connoitre 
e gouverne- 



raent, mais encore dans les maisons Keligieuses, dont \os 
unes se sont soumises ji leur domination, com me les 
lines do Caen, les moynes de I'Abbayo d'Ardenne de I'ordro 
de Premontre, proche de cette ville et depuis pen les filles de 
Sainte-Marie ; et les autres leur ayant tesmoigne quelque 
resistance, ils out employe toute leur industrie pour en 
venir h bout; et oil I'artifice a manque, ils y out adjoute les 
violences et les menaces. . . . 

Mais il ne faut point cliercher de marques plus visibles do 
la perseverance, pour mieux dire du progres de ces faux 
ermites dans Ieurs emportemens que ce qu'ont fait cet hiver 
passe cinq jeuiies hommes nourris en I'Hermitage et eleves 
sous la direction et discipline du feu Sieur de Beruicres. 
On leur avoit si bien imprime dans I'esprit que tout estoit 
rempli de Jansenistes dans la ville de Caen, et que les curez 
en estoient les fauteurs et protecteurs, qu'un d'entre eux 
s'imagina que Dieu I'inspiroit fortement advertir le peuple 
de Caen que les curez estoient des fauteurs d'Heretiques et 
par consequent des excoinuniez; et ayant persuade a ses 
compagnons d'annoncer publiquement a toute la ville ce 
crime pretendu des Curez d'une maniere qui touchast le 
peuple et qui fut capable de I'exciter contre ces Pasteurs, 
ils resolurent de faire cette publication le mercivdi qua- 
trieme du mois de Febvrier dernier, et jugerent que pour 
se disposer k executer dignement ce que Dieu leur avoit in- 
spire, il falloit faire ensemble une communion extraordinaire, 
immediatement avant que de I'entreprendre. lis assisterent 
done pour cet efFet et dans la paroisse de Saint-Ouen a la 
messe d'un prestre qu'on dit estre de leur cabale, et conmu- 
nierent tons cinq de sa main ; et apres leur communion, le 
plus zele mit bas son pourpoint et le laissa avec son cbapeau 
dans I'Eglise; et accompagne des quatre autres qui le sui- 
voient sans chapeaux, sans colets et le pourpoint deboutonne, 
non-obstant la rigueur extreme du froid ; ils marcberent en 

I \i': 

i» ' 


\ I 




i. (!ii 

I, '' 

C(!i, equipage par touto la villo, aiinongant h haute voix quo 
les curez de Ca(3n a I'exception do doux qu'ils nommoieut 
etoient fauteurs de Jansenistes et excommuniez, parce qu'ils 
avoient sigue uu actedevaut I'ofFicialdo Caen,ou ils attestent 
qu'ils lie connoi.sseut point de Jansenistes dans la dite villo 
et repetoient cet advertissement de dix ])as en dix pas, ce 
qui enieut toute la ville et attira a leur suite une grande 
multitude de populace qui se persuadant que cos gens es- 
toient envoyes de D'nm pour leur douner cet advertissement, 
temoignoient desja de Temotion contre les curez. Mais les 
magistrats qui estoient alors au siege en ayant este advertis, 
ils envoyerent lours liuissiers pour les arrester et les emme- 
ner, et ayant este interrogez par le juge sur le sujet d'une 
action si extraordinaire, ils respondirent liardiment qu'ils 
I'avoient entre])rise pour le service de Dieu et qu'ils estoient 
prests de souffrir la mort pour soustenir la verite de ce qu'ils 
annonQoient, qu'ils avoient connoissance certaine qu'il y avoit 
grand nombrc de Jansenistes en la ville de Caen, et que les 
curez s'en estoient declarez les fauteurs, par la declaration 
qu'ils avoient donnee qu'ils n'en connoissoient point ; ensuitte 
de quoy quatre d'entre eux furent renvoyez en prison et le 
cinquierae fut mis entre les mains de ses parents bur une 
attestation que donn^rent les medecins qu'il estoit hypo- 
condriaque et peu de jours apres le lieutenant criminel ayant 
instruit le procez, les quatre prisonniers furent condamnez a 
cent livres d'amende ; il leur fut deffendu et h tous autres de 
s'assembler ni d'exciter aucun scandale, il fut ordonne qu'ils 
seroient mis entre les mains de leur parents pour s'en 
charger et en faire bonne et seure garde, avec defFense de 
les laisser entrer dans la ville et aux fauxbourgs, sur peines 
au cas appartenantes. . . . 

Car de quelles entreprises ne sont pas capables des per- 
sonnes d'esprit faible et d'humeur atrabilaire que d'ailleurs 
on a dessechees par des jeunes, des veilles et d'autres 

e voix quo 
pfii'ce qii'ils 
Is attestent 
a elite villo 
dix pas, CO 

une gvaiide 
les gens es- 
Mais les 
te advcrtis, 
t les emrae- 

sujet d'une 
meat qu'ils 
I'ils estoient 

de ce qu'ils 
qu'il yavoit 
1, et que les 

nt; ensuitte 

prison et le 
nts sur une 
estoit hypo- 
iminel ayant 
jondaranez ;\ 
)us autres de 
donne qu'ils 
s pour s'en 

defFense de 
3, sur peines 

)les des per- 

ue d'ailleurs 

et d'autres 



austeritez continuelles et par des meditations de trois o\i 
quatrc heures par jour, lorsque I'ou ne les entretient presque 
d'autre chose, si non que leur Religion et TEglise sont en 
un tres grand danger de se perdre, par la faction et la con- 
spiration des Jansenistes lesquels on leur represente dans les 
livres, dans les sermons et dans les conferences, comme des 
gens qui veulent renverser les fondements de la Religion et 
de la Pietu Chrestienne, qui veulent detruire le mystere de 
rincarnation, qui ne croyent point a la Transubstantation 
ni I'Invocation des Saints, ni les Indulgences, qui veulent 
abolir le sacrifice de la messe et le sacrement de la Peni- 
tence, qui combattent la devotion et la culte de la Sainte- 
Vierge, qui nient le franc arbitre et qui substituent en sa 
])lace le destin et la fatalite des Turcs, et enfin qui ma- 
chinent la ruine de I'autliorite des Souverains Pontifes. Qu'y 
a-t-il de plus aise que d'animer les esprits imbeciles d'eux 
mesmes et prevenus de ces fausses imaginations contre des 
Evesques, des Docteurs, des Curez, et contre d'autres per- 
sonnes tres vertueuses et tres catholiques, lorsqu'on leur fait 
croire que toutes ces personnes conspirent a establir une 
heresie abominable ! 



Lettre de l'Evesque de Petbee a M. d'Argenson, 
Frere du Gouvebneur. 

{Extrait.) Papiers d'Argenson. 

Jai reqeu dans mon entree dans le pays de Monsieur votre 
fi('re toutes les marques d'une bienveillance extraordinaire ; 
iay fait mon possible pour la recongnoistre et luy ay rendu 


; I 
» 1 '^i 



i .1': 





) ' 





tous les respects que je dois Ji line personne de sa vertu et 
dc son merite joint a la qualito qu'il jjorto ; comme son plus 
veritable amy et fidolle sorvitour iay cru estre oljligt; do luy 
donner un ad vis ini[)ortant pour le Lien de I'Eglise et qui 
luy devoit estre utile s'il I'eust pris dans la mesnie disposi- 
tion que ie suis asseure que vous I'auries receu; cestoit soul 
u seul a coeur ouvert avec niar(juus assez evidentes que co 
quo ie luy disois estoit vray veu qu'il estoit fonde sur dos 
sentimens que i'avois veu moy mesme paroistre en divorsos 
assomblees publiques; cependant il ne fist que trop cong- 
noistre qu'il ne trouvoit auqunnement bon que ie luy dou- 
naisses cet advertissenient et me voullut faire embrasser lo 
party de ceux qui avaient tout subject de se plaindre de son 
precede envers eux, mais que je ne pretendois auqunne- 
ment justifier n'en ayant auquune plainte de leur part pour 
luy faire et d'ailleurs estans asses desinterosses ; vous pouvoz 
bien iugor quels sont ceux dont ie veux parler sans vous les 
nommer puisque vous mesme qui avez une affection sincere 
et bien reglee pour ces dignes ouvriers evaiigeliques ni'avez 
avoue que vous aviez doulleur de le voir partir dans les 
sentiments on il estoit a leur esgard sans beaucoup de fonde- 
ment du moins suffisamment recongneu pour lors; ce que ie 
luy dis avoir sceu de vous pour ne rien omettre de ce c^ue jo 
me persuadois qui estoit capable de lui faire avouer une verite 
qui nestoit que trop apparente, ce qui devoit un pen lo 
calmer son esprit sembla I'aigrir et se fascha de ce que vous 
m'aviez faiot cette ouverture, ie ne scais depuis ce qu'il a 
pense de moy, mais il sem])le que je luy sois suspect et qu'il 
aye cru que i'embrasse la cause de ces oons servi tours de 
Dieu a son preiudice, mais ie puis bien asseurer qu'ils ii'oiit 
pour luy que des sentimens de respect et que la plus foito 
passion que iaye est de le voir dans une parfaite union et 
intelligence avec eux. 

Quebec, ce 20 Octobre 1669. 



sa vertu et 
me son plus 
)li^'H lie liiy 
glise ct qui 
sme dispusi- 
cestuit seul 
elites que co 
lult' sur (Ics 
! en iliverKo.s 
D trop cong- 
3 ie luy dou- 
enibrasser It; 
lindre de son 
ais auquune- 
lur part pour 
vous pouvcz 
sans vous les 
iction sincere 
liques ni'avez 
,rtir dans les 
)up de fende- 
rs; ce que io 
de ce ([ue je 
ler une verity 
it un pen lo 
e ce que vous 
lis ce qu'il a 
spect et qu'il 
serviteurs de 
r qu'ils u'ont 
la plus forte 
faite union et 



Lettre de M. d'Argenson, 16G0. 

(Extrait.) Papiers d'Argenson. 

Monsieur de Petree a une telle adherence k ses sentiments 
et un zele qui le porte souvent hors du droict de sa charge 
qu'il ne faict aucune difficulte d'empieter sur le pouvoir des 
iiultres et avec tant de chaleur qu'il n'ecoute personne. II 
enleva ces jours derniers une *^^le servento d'un habitant 
d'icy, et la mit de son autorite .ans les Hursulines sur le 
seul prdtexte qu'il vouloit la faire instruire, et par hi il priva 
cet habitant du service qu'il pretendoit de sa servente qui 
luy avoit faict beaucoup de depense a amener de France. 
Cet habitant est Mr Denis lequel ne cognoissant pas qui 
I'avoit soubstret me presenta requcste pour I'avoir. Je garde 
[sic] la requeste sans la repondre trois jours pour empescher 
I'eclat de cette affaire. Le K. P. Lalement avec lequel j'en 
communique et lequel blasma fort le procede de M' de 
Petrde s'employa de tout son pouvoir pour la faire rendre 
sans bruit et n'y gaigna rien, si bien que je fus oblige de 
repondre la requeste et de permettre a cet habitant de 
reprendre sa servente ou il la trouveroit, et si je n'eusse 
insinue soubs main d'accommoder cette affaire et que I'habi- 
tant a qui on refusa de la rendre I'eut poursuivi en justice 
j'eusse este oblige de la luy rendre et de pousser tout avec 
beaucoup de scandal et cela (a cause de) la volonte de 
Mr de Petree qui diet qu'un evesque peult se qu'il vault, et 
ne menace que dexcomrmmication. 

Lettre de M. d'Argenson. 
(Eiictraits.) Papiers d'Argenson. 

KeBEC le 7 JUILLET, 1660. 

Mr de Petr^ a faist naistre cette contestation et ie puis 
dire auec verite que son zele en plusieurs rencontres approche 












^' ,■ 













fort (I'une gramlo atache ;\ son sentiment et iVenipietement 
sui' la cliargo ties anltres comme vous le verroz par iin 
billet icy joint. . . . De toutes ccs contestations que i'ay 
eu auec Ml; de Tetr^o i'ay tousjours faist lo R. 1*. Laluniand 
meiliateur; c'est une personne d'un si grand merite et d'un 
sens si aclieve ({ue io ponse qn'on ne poult rien y udjoutcr; 
il seroit bien a souhaitcr que touts ceux de sa maison 
suivissent ses sentiments; ils ne se mesleroient pas de 
censurer plusieurs eboses comme ils font et laisseroient lo 
gouvernement des affaires a ceux que Dieu a ordonn^ pour 




Lb Sieur Gaudais du Pont X Monseigneur 
DE Colbert. 1664. 

(^Extrait.) ^^rchives de la Blarine. 

QuELQUE 7 ou 8 jours apres I'etablissement du Conseil 
Souverain, en consequence des lettres patentes de Sa 
majeste, le Procureur General du dit Conseil jugeant qn'il 
etait de sa cbarge de reprendre les (jjapiers) de cette plainto 
pour ne pas laisser un tel attentat impuni, fit sa requeto 
verbale au dit Conseil tendante k ce qu'il lui fut donne 
commission pour informer contre le dit Sieur Du Mesnil ; et 
que si le dit Sieur Du Mesnil, avait avis de la dite commis- 
sion qu'il ne manquerait pas de detourner ces dits papiors 
demandant qu'il lui fut permis de saisir et de sequestrer ici 
et apposer le sceau au coffre ou armoire en laquelle se 
trouveraient les dits papiers, et pour ce faire qu'il pint au 
dit Conseil nommer tel Commissaire qu'il jugerait a propos. 



^'< ! 


Le dit Consoil ent^rinant la requOto du dit Procureur 
General, nomina le Siour do Villcray, pour, nn la presenco 
du dit I'rocureur General ct assistance do son GrelUor vaquor 
a la dito information, &c. 

Et d'autant que lo dit Sieur Du Mosnil tHait estimd 
liomme violent et qu'il pourrait faire quolquo boutade, pour 
donner main forte a la justice, Mr. lu Gouvorneiu fut prie 
par les dits Conseillers do faire escorter le dit Sieur Com- 
missaire par queh^uo nombre do soldats. 

Le dit Sieur do Villeray assiste, comme dit est pour 
I'execution do sa commission, sq transporta au logis du dit 
Sieur Du Mesnil, laissant d quartier I'escorte de soldats 
pour s'en servir en cas de besoin. 

Le dit Sieur Du Mesnil ne trompa pas I'opinion que ron 
avait eue do sa violence, fit grand Ijruit, cria aux volours, 
voulant emouvoir son voisinage, outrageant d'injures le<; 
dits Sieurs de Villeray et Procureur General au grand 
mepris de I'autorite du Conseil, refusant memo de le 
reconnaitre. Ce qui n'empecha pas le dit Sieur de Villeray 
d'executer sa commission de saisir les papiers du dit Sieur 
Du Mesnil, qui en donna la clef, y fit apposer le sceau et 
icelui sequestrer es mains d'un voisin du dit Sieur Du 
Mesnil et de son consentement. 

Le lendemain le dit Sieur de Villeray rapporta son 
proems verbal au dit conseil, atteste du dit Procureur 
General, et signe du Grefiier du dit Conseil et sur les in- 
jures, violences et irreverences y contenues tant contre le 
dit Sieur Commissaire que I'autorite du Conseil, fit decerner 
un decret de prise de corps contre le dit Sieur Du Mesnil, 
dont j'empecliai I'execution. 


! ,i 




II -I 





! 'ii' 


i>u Canada. 
{Ext rait.) Archives de la Marine. 

10 Ski'tkmure, 1G71. 

Los (lits Sicnrs do M(\sy, Gouvernour, dn IN'trf^o, Evfuvuo, 
ct Dupoiit Giiudais, arrives au dit Quebec lo 10" jour do 
Septembre IGGI^, furent le lendemaiii saluds et visites par lo 
dit Du Mesnil ])recedont juge, loquel par devoir et civilitij 
lour dit par forme d'avis que par des arrSts du cousoil (hi Koj, 
qu'il lour rcprc'senta en datedu 27 Mars 1047 et 13 Mai 1059 
tous les commis et recevoura des dits dcuiors publics otaicnt 
oxclus de toutes charges pul)liquos, jusqu'ii ce qu'ils eussciit 
rendu et assuro leurs comptcs, et le noninie Villeray chasae 
du conseil do la traite pour y avoir eiitrd par voies et 
moyens illicites; et ordonnu qu'il viendrait en Franco pour 
le purger de ses crimes; ce qu'il n'a pas fait, et pour noiii- 
mer les autres commis, roceveurs, auxquels il aurait com- 
menc6 a fair3 le proces pendant qu'il etait juge. 

"Nonobstant lesquels dires, actes et arrOts reprdsentf^s, les 
dits Sieurs de Mesy, Eveque de Petr^e, et Dupont Gaiidais, 
n'ont d^laiss^ de prendre et admettro avec eux au dit 
Conseil Souverain les dits comptables; lesquels par co 
moyen so prdtendent k convert et exempts de rendro les 
dits comptes. Le dit dtablissement de conseil fait et 
arr^t^ par les dits Commissaires le 18 du mois de Septembre, 
deux jours apr^s lour arrivee; et pour Procurour General 
prennent un norame Jean Bourdon, boulanger et cannonier 
au fort et aussi comptable de 8 ^ 900,000 livres, comme \\ 
sera montre et qu'il a pret^ son nom. 

Le 20 du mois de Septembre, deux jours apr^s I'^tablisse- 
ment du dit conseil, les dits Villeray soi-disant conseiller et 
commissaire et Bourdon, Procurour G^n^ral accompagnes do 
deux sorgents, d'un serrurier et de dix soldats du fort, bien 




URE, 1071. 

(>" jour do 

siU's par lo 

«t civilitij 

oil (hi Hoi, 

3 Mai ICno 

ilics ('taicnt 

I'ils eussciit 

oray cliassn 

ir voies et 

raiico pijur 

pour noiu- 

lurait coiii- 

^sentf^s, les 
tit Gaudais, 
ux au (lit 
3ls par CO 
rendre Ics 
eil fait et 
.ir G^rKiial 
i cannonier 
>, comme il 


onseiller ot 

npagnes do 

fort, bien 

arriu's vont on la nmison du dit Du Mrsni!, Intoiidant <!t 
Oontmlcur (it'iK'nil, et pen auparavant lour juj.;o souv(n'aiu, 
8ur Ics 7 a 8 hourcs du soir pour pillor sa iimison ; c(^ ipi'ila 
liront; uyunt fait rompro la porto do sou cabinet, hos 
annoir(^8 ot un cotlVct; pris ot oini)orto co qu'ils out trmivd 
dedans ot notannnont tous sos papiers dans loH([iiel.s lUaiunt 
lours proc(!s pr(}S(iuo faits, et los prouves do lours p(!culats, 
concussions ot malversations, sans ancun invcntairo ni fornu) 
(l(! justice, ('tant lo dit Du Mcsnil, lors des ditos violences, 
tcnu ct arrOtc'^ sur un siopo et rudeinent traito jiar les soldats 
jusques i\ rompecber d'appeler du secours ot des t('tnoins 
j)(wr voir co (jui so passail en sa maison ot commo il ctait 
lie et arret(\ 

CcLto action violonte ainsi faite ct lo dit Du Mcsnil so 
voyant dt-livn; du nuissacro do sa pcrsonne dont il etait 
nionac(>, ct d'Ctro assassinti coninio son fils s'cn va trouvor lo 
dit Miour Dupont (Jaudais i)renant (pialitc^ d'lntendant pour 
lui on fairo plainto, (pi'il no voulut entendre, disant quo 
c'etait de son ordonnanco et du dit Consoil quo la dito action 
et prise de papiers avait etd faite; a quoi lo dit Du Mesnil 
rcpartit qu'il s'en plaindrait au Koi, et lui on (bnnanderait 
ju.stic(i, CO qui obligea le dit Dupont Gaudais do dire au dit 
Du AFcsnil qu'il donnat sa requ('!te; co qui fut fait, ot sur 
lafpiello fut par Ic dit Consoil ordonni3 le 22 du dit mois de 
Soptembre, deux jours apres cette violence quo le dit 
Dupont Gaudais serait commissaire pour verifier les faits 
d'icelle requete ; co que poursuivant le dit Du Mesnil, 11 
eut ordro verbal du dit Sr. Gaudais de mettre au Greffe ses 
causes et moycns de recusation, de nullite de prise a partio 
et de demandes; ce quo le dit Du Mesnil fit commo appcrt 
par I'acte signe du Greffier du dit Consoil du 28 du dit mois 
do Septembre sur lesquelles recusations, prises a partio et 
demandes, lo dit Consoil n'a rion voulu ordonner, comme 
appert par autre acte du dit GretUor du 21 Octoljro ensuivant. 


I . 

I . 



1 1 

1 , ' 





jour ordomie pour i'unibarquemcnt et depart des vaisseaux 
du dit Quebec pour rotourner en Franco. 

Mais au lieu de statuer ct ordoimer .sur les faits, movens 
et conclusions du dit Du Mesnil, le dit Couseil sans plainte 
sans partie et sans information a dresse eniprisouncnient du 
dit Du Mesnil et cache le decret sans le mettro au Grellb 
dans I'intention do le faire paraitre et executor du uitMiie 
temps que le dit Du Mesnil se voudrait embarquor puur 
revenir en France, afin qu'il n'eut pas lo temps do donner 
avis des violences qu'on lui faisait: de quoi averti il 
s'embarqua quelques jours auparavant les autres et fut reru 
par le Capitaine Gardeur dans sou navire, nonobstant les 
defenses qui lui en avaient ete faites par le dit nouveau 
Conseil et que six pie'^es de canon de la plate forme d'oii 
bas fussent pointees contre son navire pour le f.vire obeir 
a leurs ordonnances. 

Tons ces massacres, assassins et pillages n'ont ete faits au 
dit Du Mesnil, Intendant, par les dits comptables, ordonna- 
teurs et preneurs de bien public et leurs parents ot allies que 
]>our tacher a couvrir et s'exempter de compter, payer et 
rendr© ce qu'ils ont pille, savoir. . . . 




Obdre de M? de Mesy de faire sommation a 
l'Eveque de Petree. 

(^Extrait.) Reglstre du Conseil Superieur. 

13 Fkvrier, 1664. 
Le Sieur d'Angoville, Major de la Garnison entretenue 
par le E,oi dans le Fort de Sf Louis a Quebec pays de la 
Nouvelle France, est commande par nous Sieur de Mesy, 

!(" • 



fiiits, moyens 
sans plaiute, 
ounoiueiit du 
Lro au Grullb 
tor du iiieme 
bai:quer puur 
[)s do doniicr 
loi avevti il 
s et fut re(;u 
onobstant les 
dit iiouveau 
forme d'eii 
f.are oljcir 

t ete faits au 

les, ordonna- 

ot allies que 

ter, payer et 



r'RIER, 1664. 
i entretenue 
pays de la 
r de M^sy, 




Lieutenant General et Gouverneur pour Sa Majcsto dans 
toute I'etendue du dit pays, aller dire et avertir Monsieur 
TEvequo de Petree etaut presentemcnt dans la chambre qui 
servait ci-devant aux Asseuiblees du Conseil au dit pays, 
que les Sieu'-s noiuines pour Conseillers et le Sieur Bourdon 
pour Procureur du iloi au dit conseil a la persuasion du dit 
vSieur de Petree qui les conuaissait entierenient ses crea- 
tures s'etant voulu rendre les maitres declares et portes en 
diverses manieres dans le dit Conseil contro les Inturcts du 
Boi et du public pour ai)puyer et autoriser les interets 
d'autrui en particulier, il leur a ete coniniande par uotre 
ordrc pour la ci/uservation des interets du lioi en ce pays, 
de s'absenter du dit Conseil jusqu'a ce que a notre diligence 
par le retour des pr-Muiers vaisseaux qui viendront. Sa 
Majeste ait ete infoi-niee de leur contluite, et qu'ils se soient 
justifies des cabales qu'ils ont forniees, fomentees et entrete- 
nues contre leur devoir et le sermont de fidelite qu'ils 
etaient obliges de garder a Sa dite Majeste. 

Priant le dit Sieur Eveque acquiescer a la dite interdic- 
tion pour lo bien du service du lioi, et vouloir proceder par 
I'avis d'une Assenibleo publique a nouvello nomination 
des Conseillers en la place des dits Sieurs Interdits pour 
pouvoir rendre la justice aux peuples et habitants de co 
pays, Declarant que nous Sieur de Mesy ne pouvons en 
nommer aucun de notre part en la fayon en laquelle nous 
avons ete surpris par notre facilite lors de la premiere 
nomination manque d'une })arfaite connaissance, et que s'il 
est fait quelque chose au prejudice de cet avertissemont par 
aucun des dits Conseillers interdits, ils seront traites comme 
desobeissants, fomenteurs de rebellions et contraires au 
repcs public. 












Registre du Conseil Superieur. 

16 Fev. 1664. 

Laissant a part les paroles offensives et accusations injuri- 
euses qui me regardent dans ralticlie mise au son du tambour 
le treizieme de ce mois de Fevrier, au poteau public, dotit 
jc pretends me justiHer devant Sa Majeste je reponds u la 
pri^re que Monsieur le Gouverneur m'y fait d'agreer I'in- 
tcrdiction des personnes qui y sont comprises, et de vouloir 
proceder a la nomination d'autres Conseillers ou Officiers 
et ce par I'avis d'une assemblee publique, que ni ma con- 
science ni mon honneur, ni le respect et obeissance que jo 
dois aux volontes et commandements du Roi, ni la fid^lite 
et I'afFection que je dois a son service ne me le permettent 
aucunement jusques a ce que dans un jugement legitime 
les desnommes dans la susdite afficlie soient convaincus des 
crimes dont on les y accuse. 

A Quebec ce seizierae Fevrier mil-six-cent-soixante- 
quatre . 

(Signe) Fbancois, Eveque d^; Quebec. 

Euregistre a la requete de Mgr. I'Eveque de Petree ce 
16 Fevrier 16C4 par moi Secretaire au Conseil Souverain 

(Sign^) Peuvret, Secret'* 

avec paraphe. 

; v 

•.' 1 

Lettre de M^sy aux J^suites. 

(Extrait.) Collection de VAhhe Ferland. 

Comme ainsi soit que la gloire de Dieu, le service du 
Koi et le service du public nous aient engages de venir en 
ce pays pour y rencontrer notre salut par la soUicitation de 

Fev. 1664. 
iona injuri- 
du tambour 
»ublic, doiit 
ponds a. la 
agreer Tiu- 

de vouloir 
)U Officiers 
ni ma con- 
mce que jo 

la fid^lite 
it legitime 
vaiucua des 


»: Quebec. 

Petree ce 

ST, Secret" 


service du 
e venir en 
citation de 



M. I'Eveque do Petree qui nous a fait agrdcr au Roi pour 
avoir riioiineur d'etre son Lieutenant Gen'^ral et Gou- 
verneur de toute la Nouvelle France, representer sa personne 
dans le Conseil Souverain qu'il a ^tabli dans ce dit pays 
pour exercer la justice, police et finance, ce qui nous tient 
lieu d'obligation vers men dit Sieur I'Eveque pour lui 
douner des marques de reconnaissance en toute? vencontres. 
A quoi nous sommes aussi obliges par son inerite particulier 
et par le respect qui est d^ a son caractere, mais qui ne 
doit entrer en nulle consideration pour le I'egard du service 
et de la fidelite que nous sommes oblige de rendre a S. 1ST. ; 
n'etant pas ni de notre conscience ni de notre honneur 
d'avoir accept^ la commission dont il nous a honore, pour 
n'en pas faire le deub de notre charge et de trahir les 
interets de Sa dite Majesty ; lui en ayant fait le serment 
de fidelite entre ses mains et d'en avoir requ le commande- 
ment par sa bouche. Pourquoi ayant rencontre plusieurs 
pratiques que nous avons cru en conscience par devoir etro 
oblige d'en empecher la suite, nous aurions fait publier 
notre declaration du 13® jour de Fevrier dernier, et ne 
I'ayant pu faire faire sans y interesser le S"" Eveque, notre 
dite declaration nous fait passer dans son esprit et de tons 
Messieurs les Ecclesiastiques qui considerent ce point d'une 
pretendue offense sans avoir egard aucunement aux interets 
du Roy pour un calomniateur, mauvais juge, un ingrat et 
conscience erronnee et plusieurs autres termes injurieux 
qui se publient journellement centre I'autorite du Roy, en 
faisant un point de reprobation de la dite pretendue offense, 
un des principaux nous etant venu avertir que I'on nous 
pourrait faire fermer la porte des Eglises et nous empecher 
de recevoir les S" Sacrements, si nous ne reparions la dite 
pretendue offense, ce qui nous donne un scrupule en Fame ; 
et de plus ne pouvant nous adresser pour nous en eclaircir 
qu'a des personnes qui se declarent nos parties et qui jugent 


1 1 



il i ' 







du fait sans en savoir la cause; mais n'y ayant riou de si 
important au monde que le salut et la fidelity que nous 
devons garder pour les intergts du Roi que nous tenons in- 
separables Tun de I'autre, et reconnaissant qu'il n'y a rien 
de si certain que la mort et rien de si inconnu que I'houro, 
et que le temps est long pour informer Sa Majeste de ce 
qui se passe, pour en recevoir ses ordres, et qu'en attendant, 
une ame est toujours dans la crainte quoiqu'elle se connaisse 
dans I'innocence, nous sommes oblige avoir neanmoins 
recours aux Eeverends Peres Casuistes de la maison de 
Jesus pour nous dire en leur conscience ce que nous pouvons 
pour la decharge de la notre et pour garder la fidelite que nous 
devons avoir pour loTservice du Roi, les priant qu'ils aient 
agreable signer ce qu'ils jugeront au bas de cet ecrit, atin 
de nous servir de garantie vers sa Majeste. 

Fait au Chateau de Quebec, ce dernier jour de Fevrier, 









Lettre de Colbert a Talon. 

(Extrait.) Archives de la Marine. 

Paris, 20 Fevrier, 1668. 
Sa Majeste a fait line gratification de 1500 livres a M"" de 
Lamotte, 1" Capitaine au Regiment de Carignan-Salieres, 
tant en consideration du service qu'il rend en Canada, de la 
construction des forts et de ses expeditions qui ont ete 
faites contre les Iroquois, que du raariage qu'il a contracts 
dans le pays, et de la resolution qu'il a prise de s'y habituer. 
Elle a ordonne de plus la somme de GOOO livres pour etre 
distribuees aux officiers des raemes troupes, ou qui s'y sont 
dej^ maries ou qui s'y marieront afin do leur donner des 
moyens de s'etablir et de mieux s'affemir dans la pensee ou 
ils sont de ne pas revenir en France. Elle fait un autre 
fond de 12,000 livres pour etre distribue aux soldats qui 
resteront aux pays et qui s'y marieront, autres que ceux des 
quatre compagnies qu'elle y laisse, ces derniers etant entre- 
tenus par le paiement de leur solde. . . . 1200 livres pour 
celui des meilleurs habitants qui a 15 enfants, et 800 livres 
pour I'autre qui en a dix. Elle a aussi gratifit^ M. I'Evequo 
de Petree d'une sorame de GOOO livres pour continuer a 

■' t 


I m 





r i 
-I / ' 

' r I 





• I 



I W 

I'a.sHister pour soutenir sa (lignite, fournir aux besoins do 
sou Eglise et cle son seminaire, et enfin 40,000 livres pour 
§tre employees a la leveo de 150 honimes et de 50 filles 
depuis 10 jusqu'a 30 ans (;t non au dola; outre 235 que la 
Compagniu y fait passer cette annue, et qui devaient y Gtre 
passei.'ri I'annee deri.\iere; 12 Cavales, 2 etalons, 2 gros fines 
de Mirbolais et 50 brcbis; a quoi Ton travaille dans les 
provinces du royaume, et I'on n'oublie rien pour I'cnnbarque- 
nient partant de la lloclielle vers la fin du mois procbain. 

. . . Je vous prie do bien faire considerer a tout le 
pays que lour bien, lour subsistance, et tout ce qui pent les 
regarder de plus pres depend d'une resolution publique a 
laquelle il ne soit jamais contrevenu de marier les gardens 
d 18 ou 19 ans, et les filles a 14 ou 15 ans ; que les opposi- 
tions de n'avoir pas suffisamment pour vivre doivent etro 
rejetees, parceque dans ces pays et le Canada preniierement 
ou tout le monde travaille, il se produit pour tous la sub- 
sistance et que I'abondance ne pent jamais lour vcnir 
que par I'abondance des boinmes. ... II serait bon 
de rendre les cbarges et servitudes doubles a I'egard des 
garqons qui ne se marieraient point a cet age . . . et a 
regard do coux qui sombleraient avoir absolumont renonce 
au maria^e, il serait a propos de leur augmenter les cbarges, 
de les priver de tous honneurs, meme d'y ajouter quelque 
marque d'infaniie. 

. . . Bien que le Royaume de France soit autant 
peuple qu'aucun pays du monde, il est certain qu'il serait 
difficile d'entretenir de grandes armees et de faire passer en 
memo temps de grandes Colonies dans les pays eloignes. . . . 
II faut done se reduire k tirer seulement cbaque annee 
avec precaution un nombre d'babitants de I'un et de I'autre 
sexe, pour les envoyer au Canada, et fonder principalement 
I'augmentation de la colonie sur Taugmentation des raariages, 
a niesuro que le nombre des colons augmentera. 

F i'; H 

besoins do 

livres pour 

le 50 filles 

235 que la 

ient y Gtro 

J gros anes 

le dans les 



a tout lo 

[ui peut les 

publique a 

les gar(;ons 

les opposi- 

loivent etro 


tous la sub- 

leur vcnir 

serait bon 

regard des 

• • • 6u t\i 

nt renonce 
es cbarges, 
er quelque 

oit autant 
qu'il serait 

passer en 
gues. . . . 
ciue aniiee 

ilc 1 'autre 
s mariages, 


Lkttre de Talon a Colbkrt. 


(Exti'ait.) Archives de la Marine. 

10 Novembre, 1(570. 

. . . De toutes les filles venues cette annee au iKMuln-e 
de 165, il n'cn reste pas 30 a niarier. Apres que les soldats 
venus cotte aunee auront travailld a faire une babitatioii, il 
se portoront au mariage ; pour quoi il serait bon qu'il plut a 
Sa Majeste d'envoyer encore 150 a 200 filles. 

... II serait bon de recommander que les fdles des- 
tinees a ce pays ne soient nullement disgraciees de la nature, 
qu'elles n'aient rien de rebuttant a I'exterieur; qu'elles 
soient saines et fortes pom le travail de campagne, ou du- 
moins qu'elles a.ent quelqu'industrie pour les ouvrages de 

. . . Trois ou qiiatre filles de naissance et distingnees 
par la qualite serviraient peut-etre utilement a lier ])ar le 
mariage des ofiiciers qui ne tiennent au pays que par les 
appointements et I'emolument de leurs terres, et qui par la 
disproportion des conditions ne s'engagent pas davantage. 
Si le Roi fait passer d'autres filles ou femvnes veuves de 
I'Ancienne a la Nouvelle-France, il est bon de les faire 
accompagner d'un certificat de leur Cure ou du juge du lieu 
qui fasse connaitre qu'elles sont libres et en etat d'etre 
mariees, sans quoi les Ecclesiastiques d'ici font difficulte de 
leur conferer ce sacrament; a la verite ce n'cst pas sans 
raison, 2 ou 3 doubles mariages s'etant recoinius ici ; on 
pourrait prendre la meme precaution pour les liomnes 


' i 




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! 'i.L.'l i 

fry '' sffij 

Lettre dk Talon a Colbert, 
{Extrait.) Archives de la Marine. 

2 Novcmbre, 1071. 
Le norahro dcs on f ants nds cetto anuee est de (5 ;\ 
. . J'estime qu'il n'est plus necessaire de faire passer 
des demoiselles, en ayant regu cette annee qninze ainsi 
qiialifiees an lieu de quatre que je deniandais pour faire des 
alliances avec les otliciers ou les principaux habitants 
d'ici. . . . 



TwTS structure, destined to be famous in Canadian history, 
was originally built by Samuel de Champlain. The cellar 
still remains, under the wooden platform of the present 
Durham Terrace. Behind the chateau was the area of the 
fort, now an open square. In the most famous epoch cf its 
history, the time of Frontenac, the chateau was old and 
dilapidated, and the fort Avas in a :jad condition. " The 
walls are all down, " writes Frontenac in 1681. ; " there are 
neither gates nor guard-house ; the whole place is open." 
On this the new intendant, jMeules, was ordered to report 
what repairs were needed. IMeanwhile La Barre had come 
to replace Frontenac, whose complaints he repeats. He says 
that the waP is in ruin for a distance of a hundred and 
eighty toiscs. " The workmen ask 6,000 francs to repair it. 
I could get it done in France for 2,000. The cost frightens 
me. I have done nothing." (La Barre an llbrlsfre, 
1682.) Meules, however, received orders to do what was 


■A I 

I i'. t- ■■ 


ibrc, 1G71. 
est de () ;\ 
fiiire pa.s.ser 
uinze ainsi 
-ir fairc des 

ian history, 
The cellar 
'he present 
area of the 
epoch cf its 
'•as old and 
on. " The 
" there are 

is open." 
d to report 

had come 
s. He says 
undred and 
to repair it. 
3t frightens 

Mi77 istre, 

what was 




necessary ; and, two years later, ho reports that he has re- 
built the wall, repaired the fort, and erected a building, 
intended at first for the council, within the area. This 
building stood near the entrance of the present St. Louis 
Street, and was enclosed by an extension of the fort 

Denonville m^xt appears on the scene, with his usual dis- 
position to faidt-linding. The so-called chateau, he says 
(IGcS;")), is built of wood, " and is dry as a match. There is 
a place where with a bundle of straw it could be sot on Hre 
at any time; . . . some of the gates will not close; there 
is no watch-tower, and no place to shoot from." (^JJenonvlUe 
an Mi /list re, 20 Aotcf, 1G85.) 

When Frontenac resumed the government, he was iuch 
disturbed at the condition of the chateau, and begged for 
slate to cover the roof, as the rain was coming in everywhere. 
At the same time the intendant, Champigny, reports it to be 
rotten and ruinous. This was in the year made famous by 
the English attack and the dramatic scene in the hall of the 
old building, when Frontenac defied the envoy of Admiral 
riiipps, whose fleet lay in the river below. In the next 
summer, lG9i, Frontenac again asks for slate to cover the 
roof, and for 15,000 or 20,000 francs to repair his mansion. 
In the next year the King promises to send him 12,000 
francs, in instalments. Frontenac acknowledges the favor; 
and says he will erect a new building, and try in the 
mean time not to be buried under the old one, as he expects 
to be every time the wind blows hard. (^Frontenac an 
Ministi'e, 15 Sept., 1692.) A misunderstanding with the 
intendant, who had control of the money, interrupted the 
work. Frontenac writes the next year that he had been 
obliged to send for carpenters, during the night, to prop \ip 
the chateau, lest he should be crushed under the ruins. 
The wall of the fort was however strengthened, and partly 


It »'i 

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'H : 


, ( 




il 1 












I I 

robuilt to the height of sixteen feet, at a cost of 13,629 
francs. It was a time of war, and a fresh attack was ex- 
pected from the English. {Frontenac et Champignii ou 
Ministre, 4iVoy., 1C93.) In the yeur 1854, the workmen 
employed in demolishing a part of this wall, adjoining tlio 
garden of the cliateau, found a copper plate bearing an in- 
scription in Latin as follows : " In the year of Redemption 
1003, under the reign of the most august, most invincil)]e, 
and most Christian King of France, Louis the Great, four- 
''^enth of that name, the most excellent Louis de Buade, 
Count of Frontenac, governor for the second time of all 
New France, seeing that the rebellious inhabitants of New 
England, who three years ago were repulsed, routed, and 
completely vanquished by him when they besieged this town 
of Quebec, are throatening to renew the siege this very year, 
has caused to be built, at the expense of the king, thiH cit- 
adel, with the fortifications adjoining thereto, for the defence 
of the country, for the security of the people, and for con- 
founding yet again that nation perfidious alike towards its 
God and its lawful king. And he [Frontenac] has placed 
here this first stone." 

A year later, the rebuilding of the chateau was begun in 
earnest. Frontenac says that nothing but a miracle has 
saved him from being buried under its ruins; that he has 
pullod everything down, and begun again from the founda- 
tion, but that the money has given out. (Frontenac an 
Ministre^ 4 Nov.^ 1694.) Accordingly, he and the intend- 
ant sold six licenses for the fur trade ; but at a rate unusually 
low, for they brought only 4,400 francs. The King, hear- 
ing of this, sent 6,000 more. Frontenac is profuse in 
thanks ; and at the same time begs for another 6, 000 francs, 
" to complete a work which is the ornament and beauty of 
the city" (1696). The minister sent 8,000 more, whicli 
was soon gone; and Frontenac drew on the royal treasurer 




r "i' 

of 13,629 

ck wiis ex- 
nipif/ni/ au 
e workmen 
joining tlio 
ring an in- 

Grreat, four- 

(Ic Bnmle, 
time of all 
its of New 
•outeJ, and 
id tliis town 
3 very year, 
ig, this cit- 

tlie defence 
nd for con- 
towards its 

has placed 

s begun in 
niracle has 
hat lie has 
/he founda- 
mtniac an 
the intend- 
e unusually 
iing, hear- 
profuse in 
000 francs, 
beauty of 
ore, whicli 
il treasurer 

for 5,047 in addition. The intcndant complains of his 
extravagance, and says that he will have nothing but per- 
fection ; and that, besides the chateau, ho has insisted on 
building two guard-houses, with Mansard roofs, at the two 
sides of the gate. " I must do as he says, " adds the intend- 
ant, "or there will be a quarrel." (Champif/ni/ au Mi- 
nistre^ 13 Oc^., 1C97. ) In a letter written two days after, 
Frontenac speaks with great complacency of his chateau, 
and asks for another G,000 francs to finish it. As the case 
was urgent, he sold six more licenses, at 1,000 francs each; 
but he died too soon to see the completion of his favorite 
work (1698). The new chateau was not finished before 
1700, and even then it had no cistern. In a pen-sketch of 
Quebec on a manuscript map of 1699, preserved in the 
Depot des Cartes de la Marine, the new chateau is dis- 
tinctly represented. In front is a gallery or balcony, rest- 
ing on a wall and buttresses at the edge of the cliff. Above 
the gallery is a range of high windows along the face of the 
building, and over these a range of small windows and a 
Mansard roof. In the middle is a porch opening on the 
gallery ; and on the lef o extends a battery, on the ground 
now otcr pied by a garden along the brink of the cliiF. A 
water-color sketch of the chateau taken in 1804, from the 
land-side, by William Morrison, Jr., is in my possession. The 
building appears to have been completely remodelled in the 
interval. It is two stories in height; the Mansard roof is 
gone, and a row of attic windows surmounts the second 
story. In 1809 it was again remoc'elled, at a cost of ten 
thousand pounds sterling. A third story was added; and 
the building, resting on the buttresses which still remain 
under the balustrade of Durham Terrace, had an imposing 
efifect when seen from the river. It was destroyed by fire 
in 1834. 


' r 

■ M; 






" ■( 

(Ext rait.) Archives de la Marine. 


A Qikhec le 13 Novemhre, 1085. 

. . . J'ai reniarqud, MonHeigiieiir quo Ics femnie.s ot 
fillcis, y soiit assoz paresseuses par lo manquo de menus 
ouvrages k se donncr, il y a \\\\ pou trop do luxe dana la 
pauvrote geuoralo des denioiscllos ou soi disautcH; Ics luuiiua 
ouvragos de caputs et de chemises de traite les occupout uii 
})eu, pendant I'hiver, et leur funt gagner quelque chose, mais 
cola ne dure pas, I'ondroit de pauvvete do co pays, est le 
man(pie do toilles et de serges ou draps, cependant e'est ici 
le pays du monde le plus propre k fairo des chanvres, et du 
fil, et i)ar consequent de la toille, si on s'en voulait donner 
la peine. Mr. Talon s'y est donne du soin pour cela, aussi 
y a-t-il une cote qui est cello do Hoaupre, ou on en fait, mais 
ce n'est que chez quelques halntans. J'ai fort exoite la 
dessus tons les pcuples d'y travailler, ])our y reussir, il faut 
y apporter de la severite et de I'utilite si il y a moyen, ce 
dernier avoc le temps et I'industrie arrivera, et le premier de 
ma part ne manquera pas, je n'ai pu avoir d'autre raison, 
pourquoi on no faisait point de chanvres, si co n'est que 
I'on n'avuit pas assez de temps, a cause que les saisons de 
labourer, semer et recueillir sunt trop courtes, car en ce pays 
le bled ne se seme qu'en Avril et May. Si le Roy voulait 
acheter les chanvres un pen plus clier jusques a ce que Ton 
fut en train, cela pourait les animer, aveo un ordre a chacun 
d'en fournir une certaine quantite on pourra les faire agir, 
si outre cela on avait quelques ouvriers tisserands k dis- 
tribuer par paroisses, et qui ne fussent k la charge du peuple 


II KE, ifi8r». 

femnuis ot 

de menus 

ix(5 dans la 

Ics niunua 

ccupont lui 

cliose, miiis 

lays, est le 

nt c'est ici 

vres, et dii 

lait donner 

cela, aussi 

1 fait, inais 


exorte la 

3sir, il faut 

mnyen, ce 

premier de 

tre raison, 

3 n'cst qne 

saisons de 

en ce pays 

loy vouliiit 

:e que I'ou 

e a chacun 

faire agir, 

nds h. (lis- 

! du peuple 



quo j)()ur leurs uouriturcs, ce serait uu nioycii pour fairo 
apprcndi'o uux enfants. Les Cure's nous rcudniiciit conipto 
ilu nonihre de eeux (pii approndraient ;i pri'^Kircr la chanvro 
et tillasse, et i\ faire dc; la toillo ; avant ([Ue d'cn venir Id il 
faudrait niontrer a tiler aux lilies et aux feninies, car il y 
on a tres pen, ([ui sachent tenir le fuseau, c'est en cela ([Uu 
les filles du la conyrt'gation de Montr»!al feront merveilles. 
II nous est venu de la i)art de Mr. Arnuul deux baricpies 
de grainc de chanvro quo jo forai distribuor et dont j(! nio 
ferai rondre cnnipte. 

Jo croyais, Monsoigneur, uno ordonnance necessairo on- 
core a faire pour en^'ager cluu[ue habitant a avoir deux ou 
trois brebis, n'y en ayant i)as sullisanient dans le pays. 

... II n'est pas possible (j^u'on no puisso faire uno 
verrerio en ce pays, la plus grande atlaire sont les ouvriers 
qui enclierissent tout car Ton donno ordinairenient et 
communement a chaque ouvricr par jour quarente sols 
nouris, cinquanto sols et \\\\ ('cu, et tons cos maraux n'oii 
sont pas plus riches car ils niettcnt tout A, boire. 

(Signe) Le M*^^'" ue Denonville. 


SUB l'etablissement du commerce en Canada, 


{Ejctralt.) Archives de la Marine. 

(Joint a la letthe pu Sieur de Riverin, du 7 Fevrier, 1680.) 

. . . En elfet si cetto colonio n'a pas avance depuis lo 
temps do son etablisscment, c'est quo les habitants qui la 
composent ou par leur nogligoncc ou par leur peu d'experience 
dans les affaires, ou enfin par leur inipuissance no se sont 
pas mis en estat de se scrvir des avantages qu'elle renferme 

4 ><ii 



4 i 

> 4 


I! ;i 



en ello-mesino, ot clcs moyciis qu'ello leur fournit pour un 
comnuTco soIiJo ot considerable. 

Car il no faut pas regarder la traitte des pelleteries k 
laquello scale on s'est attache jusqu'a present et qui finira 
avec lo temps par la destruction des bestos, comme un 
moyen projjro ;i son avancenient, au contraire rexperienco a 
fait connoistre qi;.'jllo rend les habitans faincans et vaga- 
bonds, qu'ello les dotourne de la culture des terres, de la 
pescho, de la navigation et des autres entreprises. 





{Ejctrait}) Archives de la Marine. 

7 NOVEMBRE, 1712. 

Ohservations sur V etahlissement . — Que par rapport a 
la grando etenduo qu'on a donnee a, I'etablissement, il n'y a 
pas lo quart des ouvriers qu'il faudroit pour bien etendre et 
cultiver les terres. 

Que les laboureurs ne se donnent pas assez de soin pour 
cultiver les terres, etant certain que la semence d'un niiuot 
de ble, some sur de la terro cultiveo comme en Franco, 
[)roduira plus que deux autres comme on seme en Canada. 

Que comme les saisons sont trop courtes et sou vert tr^s 
mnuvaises, il serait ii souhaiter que I'Eglise permit les 
travaux indispensables, que les fetes d'ete obligent de 
cbomer, etant tres vrai que dcpuis le mois de Mai que les 
semences commeiicent juscpies a la fin de Septembre, il n'y 

1 This iiKfinoire is 70 pages in length. 


lit pour un 

lelleteries k 
t qui finira 
comiue un 
ixpericnco a 
lis et vaga- 
erros, de la 


DES Gou- 


«BRE, 1712. 

r rapport -k 
nt, il n'y a 
1 ^tendre et 

soin pour 
d'un luiuot 
en France, 

Duvcrt tr^s 

permit Ics 
)bligent de 
lai que les 
nbre, il n'y 



a pas 00 j(»urnt3cs do travail, par rapport aux fotes et au 
mauvais tcnips. C'est pourtaut dans cettc espaco (pio roulo 
la soliditt^. do cet (^jtablissonient. Tl faudrait assujeiir les 
liabitans nogligens ;i travaillcr ;i la culture des tcrres, on les 
privant dos voyages qui los dispensent do travaillor, et cela 
parco ({u'un voyage do deux ou trois mois leur produit 30 ou 
40 escus en perdant la saison du travail ii la terre, qui les 
fait domeurer en friclio. 

Los obligor de seiner quantitd de chanvre et lin qui 
viont en co pays plus gros qu'en Europe. lis s'en re- 
lachont parceque, disent-ils, il y a trop do peine et de soins 
tl le niettre en (Buvre. II est vrai qu'il y a i)eu de gens 
qui s'ontendont et qui le font payer bien chor. 

Assujotir les liabitans (Y nourrir et a dlever des betes a 
cornos, au lieu du grand nombre do cbovaux qui ruinent le 
Pacago et qui ontrainont les babitans a des grosses ddpensos, 
tant que pour lours Equipages qui sont fort cliors quo par la 
grande (piantite de fouragos et do grains (ju'll faut pendant 
7 ou 8 mois de Tannee, etant tres vrai que I'entretien d'un 
clieval coute autant que deux bceufs. 

Obligor los Seigneurs pour faciliter retablisseraent de 
lours Scignourios de donner sulHsainniont des terres pour 
commencor i\ un prix modiquo et a construire des moulins 
et les coinniodites publiques ; ])lusiours consommont le tiers 
de lour temps a aller faires leur farines a 15 ou 20 lieues, 
et que les Seigneurs, des que les Seigneuries sont etablics, 
concedent des terres sans que les tenanciers soient obliges 
de payer des rentes qu'apr^s G ans que les terres soient en 

Ordonner au grand voyer de donner son application a 
faire etablir les cbemins et pouts necessaires au public, 
qui est une necessite fort essenticlle. 

Obligor les babitans ou ceux qui sont en ^tat, de faire 
des greniers pourque cliacun ffit en etat de conserver du 



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ill I 

! ■ 
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grain pour deux annecs; cela fait une fois, I'abondance so 
trouvera toujours au Canada au lieu quo la plupart, fautc 
do cette conimodite, en nianqucnt tres souvent, etant obligd 
de le vendro a vil prix. 

Chatier severement tons coux qui sont convaincus do 
fraude, niauvaise foi et impusturo, qui est un mal qui com- 
mence a etre bien eu racine ct qui indubitablonient le 
privera do tout coniinerce, los inarchands des lies ot do 
Plaisance s'en etant deja plaints. 

Que commo il n'y Ji pas de notaires dans tons los lieux, 
que les conventions ot los marches faits en presence de deux 
temoins vaudront pendant vni temps iixe. 

II serait a souhaitor que S. M. voulut etablir dans chaque 
ville des conseils a jugor sans frais sur le fait du commorco 
et des affaires qui n'entront pas dans la coutunie. Ces sortos 
de procedures aussi bien que les autres, no prennout aucuno 
fin que lorsque les parties n'ont plus d'argent pour plaider, 
qui est la mine des families. 

Engager un certain nombre de gens du pays a etudier lo 
pilotage, memo les officiers des troupes, particulierement du 
fleuve St. Laurent qui est tres dangereux, la plupart du 
temps ne se trouvant pas lui seul pilote en Canada, ot 
cependant on commence a donner dans la construction; lo 
capitaine du Port et M. Duplessis ayant mis un vaissoau 
de 3 a 400 tonneaux sur les cliantiers. 

Congedier de temps en temps des soldats en lour i)ermet- 
tant de se raarier, apres qu'ils auront un etablissement. 

II s'est etabli une coutume dans ce pays autorisee par 
le magistrat, qui memo ne me parait pas naturelle, de 
laisser des bestiaux a I'abandon qui la plupart gutent les 
grains et les prairies, n'y ayant prcsque point de torres 
closes qui causent des contestes et de la mesintelligence 
entre les voisins ; pour obvier a cela il faudrait qu'il y out 
des gardiens pour cliaque nature d'aniniaux pour les mencr 




3ndance so 
part, fautc 
tant oblige 

-•aincus do 
1 qui coni- 
jlemeut le 
lies et de 

les lieux, 
ce de deux 

ms cliaque 


Ces sortes 

'ut aucuiie 

ir plaider, 

etudier le 
remeiit du 
lupart du 
anada, et 
uctiou; le 
1 vaisseau 

:c permet- 

jrisee par 
urelle, de 
^jatent les 
de terres 
I'il y eut 
les mener 

dans les communes, car tel qui n'a pas un pouce do terre, 
en vole ses animaux paitre sur les terr ^ de ses voisins, 
en disant (pic I'abandon est donne ; si S. M. voulait couper 
la racino a une pepiniere de proces et de mesintelligenco 
entre les Seigneurs et habitans, 11 serait a souhaiter qu'elle 
voulut donner une ordonnance tendante a ce que les Sei- 
gneuries et autres concessions demeureraient dans les limites 
(ju'elles se trouvent a present, sans avoir egard aux titres 
portes dans les contrats, pour la quantite et les rumbs de 
vent qui y sont annoncevS, etant a remarcjuer que les anciens 
Seigneurs et habitans se sont etablis de bonne foi, que les 
terres ont ete limitocs par des arpenteurs peu intelligens, 
et aujourd'luii ([ue la chicane est en vogue, chacun veut 
suivre les termes de son contrat qui tendent la plupart 
a rimpossible. Mr. llaudot a donne une ordonnance a ce 
sujet pour I'ile de Montreal seulement. 

Comme la plupart des rues de Quebec et de Montreal sont 
souvent impraticables, tant par les rochers que par les bour- 
biers, s'il plaisait a S. M. d'ordonner que les deniers qui 
proviennent des amendes et certaines confiscations seraient 
employes a les mettre en etat. 

Que la subordination du vassal a son Seigneur n'est point 
objet a . Cette erreur vient qu'il a ete accorde 

des Seigneuries a des roturiers qui non pas su maintenir 
le droit que la raison leur donne a I'egard do leur co-sujets, 
meme les olhciers de milice qui leur sont dependants, n'ont 
la plupart aucun egard pour leur superiorite et veulent dans 
les occasions passer pour independants. 

II serait Ji souhaiter que S. M. voulut envoyer dans ce 
pays toute sorte d'artisans, particulierement des ouvriers en 
cordages et filages, des potiers et \\n verrier, et ils trou- 
veraient a s'occuper. Si S. M. voulait faire envoyer en 
marchandises une partie des appointemens de Messrs. les 
oliiciers, cela leur adoucirait la durete qu'eux seals trouvent 






i 1' 




' , ■ 


,| < 




■ S'l 

1 i 



dans le pays, par la grande cherte des marchandises causae 
par le mauvais retour de la monnaie de cartes qui fait 
acheter 3 et 4 pour 100. 

Veu: Vaudreuil. 

Veu:13egon. Catalogne. 



Lettre du Pere Etienne de Carheil, de la Com 
pagnie de Jesus, a l'Intendant de Champigny. 

{Extrait.y Archives Nationales, 

A MiCHILIMAKINA, LE 30 d'AoUST, 1702. 

. . . Nos Missions sont reduites a une telle extremite, 
que nous ne pouvons plus les soutenir centre une multitude 
infinie de desordres, de brutalitez, de violences, d'injustices, 
d'impietez, d'impudicitez, d'insolences, de mepris, d'insultes 
que i'infame et funeste traitte d'eau-de-vie y cause univer- 
sellcment dans toutes les nations d'icy haut, oil Ton vient 
la faire, allant de villages en villages et courant les lacs 
avec une quantite prodigieuse de barils, sans garder aucune 
mesure. Si Sa Majeste avoit veu une seule fois ce qui se 
passe et icy et a Montreal, dans tons les temps qu'on y fait 
cette malheureuso traitte, je suis sur qu'elle ne balanceroit 
pas un moment, des la premiere vue, a la deffendre pour 
jamais sous les plus rigoureuses peines. 

Dans le desespoir ou nous sommes, il ne nous reste point 
d'autre party a prendre que celui de quitter nos Missions et 
de les abandonner aux traittants d'eau-de-vie, pour y etablir 

1 This letter is 45 pages long. 



ses causae 
i qui fait 



lUST, 1702. 

I multitude 
, d'iusultes 
ISO univer- 

I'on vient 
:it les lacs 

er aucune 
s ce qui se 
u'ou y fait 
Qiidre poui" 

reste point 
Vlissions et 
ir y etablir 






lo domaine de leur traitte, de rivrognerio et do I'impurete. 
Cost ce quo nous allons proposer a nos supt'riours on 
Canada et en France, y etant coutraints par I'etat d'inutilite 
et d'impuissance do faire aucun fruit oil I'on nous a reduits 
par la permission de cotte deplorable traitte, pornussion que 
ron n'a obtonuo de Sa Majoste quo sous un pretexte aparont 
de raisons que I'on scait etre fausses, permission (pi'elle 
n'accorderoit point, si ceux auxquols olio se raporte de la 
vcrite la lui fosoicnt connoistio comme ils la connoissent 
oux-momes et tout le Canada avec eux, permission enlin 
qui est le plus grand mal et le priiicipo de tons les maiix qui 
arrivent presentement au pays, et surtout des naufragos 
dont on n'ontOiidoit point encore parlor ici et que nous 
appronons arriver niaintenant presque touttos les annees ou 
dans la \enue ou dans le retour de nos vaisseaux en France, 
par une juste punition de Diou qui fait perir par I'eau ce 
que I'on avoit mal acquis par reau-do-vie, ou qui entend 
empeclier le transport pour prevenir lo mauvais usage qu'on 
en feroit. Si cette permission n'est revoquee par luio def- 
fenso contrairo, nous n'aurons plus que faire do domeurer 
dans aucune de nos Missions d'icy liaut, pour y perdre lo 
reste de notre vie, et touttes nos peines dans une pure 
inutilite sous I'empire d'une continuoUe ivrognerio et d'une 
impurcte universello qu'on ne permet pas moins aux trait- 
tours d'oaii-do-vio que la traitte memo dont olio est I'accom- 
pagneraent et la suite. Si Sa Majoste vout sa\iver nos 
missions et soutenir I'etablissoment do la Religion, commo 
nous ne doutons point qu'ello le veuillo, nous la suplions 
tres-humblement do croire, co qui est tres veritable, qu'il 
n'y a point d'autre moyen de le pouvoir faire que d'abolir 
les deux infamcs commerces qui les out reduites a la neces- 
site prochaine de perir et qui ne tardoront pas k achever de 
les perdre, s'ils no sont au plus tost abolis par ses ordros et 
mis hors d'etat d'etre retablis. Le premier est lo commerce 


: t 

a I 



I 'i 






de I'cau-de-vie ; lo sccoiul est Ic cominorcc dcs fcmmes sau- 
vagcs avec los Irangois, qui sent tons deux aussy publics 
Tun que I'autre, san« que nous puissions y remodier, pour 
n'estro pas appuyez des commandaus qui, Lien loin de les 
vouloir cmpecher par les remontrances que nous leur faisons, 
les exercent eux-memes avec i)lus do liberte que leurs 
inferieurs, et les autorisent tellemeut pai- leur exeniple qu'en 
le regardant on s'en fait une permission gendrale et uno 
assurance d'impunito qui les rend connnuns a tout cc qui 
vient icy de Francois en traitte, de sorte que tons les villages 
de nos Sauvages ne sont plus que des cabarets pour I'ivro- 
gnerie et des Sodomes pour Timpureto, d'oii il faut (pie 
nous nous retirions, les abandonnant a la juste colere de 
Dieu et a ses vengeances. 

Vous voyez par Iji que, de quelque maniere qu'on etablisse 
le commerce Francjois avec les Sauvages, si Ton veut nous 
rotenir parmi eux, nous y conservor et nous y soutenir en 
qualite de missionnaires dans le libre exercice de nos 
fonctions avec esperance d'y faire du fruit, il faut nous 
delivrer des commandaus et de leur garnisons qui, bion loin 
d'estre necessaires, sont au contraire si pernicieuses que 
nous pouvons dire avec verite qu'elles sont le plus grand 
mal de nos missions, ne servant qu'a nuire ii la traitte 
ordinaire des voyageurs et a I'avancement do la Foy. 
Depuis qu'elles sont venues icy haut, nous n'y avons plus 
veu que corruption universelle qu'elles out repandues par 
leur vie scandaleuse dans tons les esprits de ces nations qui 
en sont presentement infectees. Tout le service pretendu 
qu'on veut faire croire au Roy qu'elles rendent se reduit a 
quatre principales occupations dont nous vous prions instam- 
ment de vouloir bien informer le Roy. 

La premiere est de tenir un cabaret public d'eau-de-vie 
oil ils la traittent continuellement aux Sauvages qui ne 
cessent point de s'enyvrer, quelques opositions que nous y 

mnies saii- 

S'Sy i)u])lics 

nlier, jionr 

loin do Ics 

nir faisons, 

quo lours 

tuple qu'en 

alo ot uno 

out ce qui 

les villages 

>our I'ivro- 

faut quo 

colere de 

111 etablisse 
veut nous 
outcnir on 
3 de nos 
faut nous 
, bion loin 
eusos que 
)lus grand 
la traittc 
la Foy. 
iVons plus 
iiduos par 
ations qui 
I reduit a 
IS instani- 

3 qui ne 
e nous y 





puissions faire. C'est en vain quo nous leur parlous pour 
los arreter ; nous n'y gagnons ri(;n (|Uo d'etre accusez de nous 
oposer nous-raemes au Service du lioy en voulant erapGcher 
uno traitte qui leur est perinise. 

La seconde occupation des soldats est d'estre envoyoz d'un 
poste ;i I'autro par lef Commandans, pour y porter lours inar- 
chandises et leur eau-de-vie, a[)res s'Otre acccMuniodes enseni- 
ble, sans que lee; uns et les autros ayent d'autre soiti que 
celuy de s'entr'aydor mutuellemont dans leur commerce, et 
afin que cola s'exncute jilus iaciloment des deux costez 
comme ils le souliaitent, ils faut quo los commandans se 
ferment les yeux pour user de connivence ot ne voir aucun 
des desordres do leur soldats, quolquos visibles, publics et 
scandaleux qu'ils soient, et il faut reciproquomont quo les 
soldats, outre qu'ils traittent lours propres marcbandises, se 
fassent encore les traittours do coUes de lours Commandans 
qui souvent memo les oliligent d'en acbeter d'eux pour leur 
permettrc d'aller on ils vculent. 

Leur troisieme occupation est de faire de leur fort un lieu 
que j'ay honte d'apelor [)ar son nom, ou les femuies ozit 
apris que lours corps pouvoient tenir lieu de marcbandises et 
qu'ollcjs seroiont mioux roQues que le castor, de sorte que 
c'est presentement le commerce le plus ordinaire, le plus 
continued ot le plus en vogue. Quelquos efforts que puissent 
faire tons les missionnaires pour decrier et pour I'abolir, au 
lion (le diminuer, il augmente et se multiplie tons les jours 
de plus en plus; tons les soldats tiennent table ouverte a 
touttes les femnies de leur connaissance dans leur maisou ; 
depuis lo matin jusqu'au soir, elles y passent les journees 
enti^res, les unes apres los autres, assises a leur feu et 
souvent sur lour lit dans des entretiens ot des actions propre 
de leur commerce qui ne s'acheve ordinairement que la nuit, 
la foule etant trop grande pendant la journee pour qu'ils 
puissent I'acliever, quoyque souvent aussy ils s'entrelaissent 


i i 

I I 






1,1. V, 



lino maison vide Je mondo pour u'en pas differer Taclieve- 
meiit jusqu'a la nuit. 

La quatrieme occupation des soldats est cr' '^i du jcu qui a 
lieu dans los terns oil les traitteurs se rassei 'lent; il y va 
quelquefois ii uu tcl point qae n'etans pus contens d'y passer 
Ic jour, ils y passent encore la nuit ontie''( , et il n'arrivo 
iiienie que trop souvent dans Tar'^eur de ]' |;iication qu'ils 
ne se «ouviennent pas, ou j'ils e'en souvionnent, qu'"'s 
liier-risent ('o garder les postes. Mais ce qui augmcnte en 
cela lour desordre, c'est qii'un attachement si opiniatre au 
jeu n'est presque jamais sans line ivvognerie commune a 
tons les joueurs, et que I'ivrognerio est presque toujours 
suivie de querelles qui s'excitent entre eux lesquelles venant 
a paroitre publiquement aux yeux des Sauvages, causent 
parmi eux trois grands scandales: le preucier de les voir 
ivres, le second de les voir s'entrebatre avec fureur les uns 
contre les autres jusqu'ri prendre des fusils en main pour 
s'entretuer, le troisieme de voir que les Missionnaires n'y 
peuvent apporter aucun remede. 

Voila, Monseigneur, les quatre seules ocupations des garni- 
sons que Ton a tenues ici pendant taut d'annees. Si ces 
sortes d'ocupations peuvent s'apeler le service du lioy, 
j'avoue qu'elles luy out actuellement et toujours rendu 
quolqu'un de ces quatre services, mais je n'en ai point veu 
d'autres quo ces quatre-la; et par consequent, si on ne jugo 
pas que ce soit la des services necessaires au E-oy, il n'y a 
point eu jusqu'a present tie necessite de les tenir icy, et 
apres leur rapel, il n'y en ai.ra point de les y retablir. 

Cependant comme cette necessite pretendue des Gavnisons 
est I'unique pretexte que Ton prend pour y envoyer des 
Commandans, nous vous prions, Monseigneur, d'etre bien 
persuade de la faussete de ce pretex^'^, afin que, sous ces 
specieuses aparences du service du Koy, on ne &3 fasse pas 
une obligation d'en envoyer, puisque les Commandans ne 



If I 


L jeu qui a 
t; il y va 
d'y passer 
i] n'arrive 
Aon qii'ils 
mi, qu'"'s 
^mcnte en 
inifitre au 
jmniune ii 
3 toujours 
lies veiiant 
IS, causent 
lo les voir 
ir les uus 
main pour 
naires n'y 

3 des garni- 
s. Si ces 
du Koy, 
iirs rendu 
point veu 
m ne jnge 
ly, il n'y a 
lir icy, et 

voyer des 
'etre bien 
sous ces 
fasse pas 
andans ne 

vionnent icy quo pour y faire la traitto de concert avec Icurs 
^ soldats sans ae mottro on peine de tout lo reste. lis n'">nt 

do liaison avec les Missionnaires que par les endroits oil i 
les croient utiles pour lour temporel, et hors de 1^ ils \q''c 
I sont coi t-raires d^s qu'ils veulont s'opposer au desordro < , \ 

ne s'acccrdant ny avec lo service de Dieu ny avec lo service 
du Roy, ne laisso pas d'etre avantagoux s\ leur ^onimerco, 
au quel il n'cst rien qu'ils ne sacriliont. Cost li\ I'unicpui 
cause qui a mis le der^glemont dans nos MivSsions, ot qui les 
a tellement desoleos par I'ascondant que les Comniandans 
ont pris sur les Missionnaires en s'attirant toute I'autoritd 
soit a I'egard des Francois, soit a I'egard des Sauvages, quo 
nous n'avons pas d'autre pouvi. ii '■' colui d'y travailler 
inutilement sous leur doniinat'^n n s'est e^loveo jusqu'a 
nous pour nous faire des crij^e civik et des accusations 
pretendues juridiques des pro^yi-e- f< actions do notre (jtat ot 
de notre devoir, comrae I'p tovijours fait Monsieur do la 
Motte qui ne voulait pas m i^ae nous nous servissions 

du mot de desordro et qui intente en effet procez au poro 
Pinet pour s'en etre servi. 

... Vous voyez, Monseigneur, que je me suis beau- 
coup ^tandii sur les articles des Commandans et des garni- 
sons pour vous faire comprendre que c'est la qii'est venu 
? tout le malheur de nos Missions. Ce sont les Commandans, 

ce sont les garnisons, qui, se joignant avec les traittours 
} d'eau-de-vie les ont entieroment desolees par I'ivrognerio et 

par una impudicite presque universell' quo I'on y a etablie 
par line continuelle impunite de I'une et de I'autre, que les 
puissances civiles ne tolerent pas seulement, mais qu'elles 
permettent, puisque les pouvant empecber, elles ne les 
empScbent pas, Je ne crains done point de vous declarer 
que si I'on remet icy baut dans nos missions des Comman- 
dans traitteurs et des garnisons de soldats traitteurs, nous 
ne doutons point que nous ne soy on s contraints de les 



\ i 

! • 


11. ! 



(luittcr, n'y pouvaut Hon fairo pour lo salut des amoa. 
(Tt'st a voua (rinfonncr Sa Majosto de rcxtr(5mitd oii r(»n 
nous ri'tluit ct do lay demandor pour nous notro dt'divrancf 
afin (jud nous puissions travaillor a I't'tablisscniont dc la 
It('li<,Mon sans cos ompechenions qui Tout urrf'te jusquVi 




'I'l' ' !i: 



M^MOiRE DE Talon suit l'Etat tu^sent du 
Canada, IGGZ. 

(Extrait.) Ai'rhlres de la Marine. 

. . . L'EccLi^sTA.STiQUE est compose d'un Evcsquo, 
ayant le tiltro de Petree, In partibus infideliuni, et se ser- 
vant du caractere et de I'autorite do Vicaire Apostolique. 

II a souljs [.so/^s-] luy neuf Trestres, et i)lusieui\s clercs 
qui vivent en conimunaute quand ils sont pros de lui dans 
son S(Mninaire, et separonient ;\ la cain])agne quand ils y 
sont envoyez par voyo de mission pour desscrvir Ics cures 
qui ne sont pas encore fondees. II y a pareillement los 
Peres de la Compagnie de Jesus, au nombre de trente-cinq, 
la pluspart desquels sont emjdoyez aux Missions etrangeres: 
ouvrage digno de leur zele et de leur piete s'il est exempt 
du meslange de I'interest dont on les dit susceptibles, par la 
traitte des pelleteries qu'on assure qn'ils font aux 8ta<Saks 
[^Oataoualcs'], et au Cap de la Magdelaine; ce que je ne 
SQay pas de science certaine. 

La vie de ces Ecclesiastiques, jiar tout ce qui paroist au 
dehors, est fort reglee, et pout servir do bon exem])le et 





,i a- 

des ftnics. 
itd oil Tou 
ticnt tic la 

to jUK(|ll'j'l 


■fT I)U 

et so sor- 
eurs clercs 
c lui dans 
uand ils y 
ir los euros 
loment les 
etrangt'u'es : 
st exempt 
bles, par la 
ux 8ta8aks 
! que je no 

paroist au 
exem])le et 

d'uii Ixtii iiiodMo aux st'culiors qui la ixniveiit imiter; inais 
column ceux qui composent cetto Colonio uo sont pas tous 
d'esj^alo force, ny do vertu i)areill(', ou u'out pas toua lea 
mosmes dispositions au bien,(iuelques-uns tonibeut aysemeut 
dans leur disgrHCo j)our no pas so confurmer ji lour nuiniiu'o 
do vivre, no j)as suivro tons leurs sentimens, et no s'abau- 
donner pas h leur conduite qu'ils estendent justpies sur lo 
t(!inporel, empietant niesmo sur la police exterieure (pii 
rogardo le soul magistrat. 

On a lieu do soiq)conner quo la pratique dans Ir.tpiello ils 
sont, qui n'est pas bien conforrae k cello dos Ecclesiasticiuea 
de I'Aneienne France, a pour but de partagor I'autorite 
teniporello qui, jusques au temps de i'arrivee des troupes du 
Koy en Canada, rosidoit principaloment en leur personnes. 

A CO nial qui va jusques hgebenner [^(jener'] et contraindro 
les consciences, et par \h desgouter les colons les plus at- 
taclioz au pays, on pout donner pour remade I'ordre do 
balancer avec adresso et moderation cette autorit(^ par cello 
qui reside az [^daiis les'] personnes envoyees par Sa Majesty 
pour lo Gouvernement: ce qui a desja et6 pratique; de 
permettre do renvoyer un ou deux Ecclesiastiquos de ceux 
qui reconnoissent moiiis cette autorite temporelle, et qui 
troublent le plus par leur conduite le repos de la Colonie, 
et introduire quati'e Ecclesiastiquos entre les sdculiers ou 
les reguliors, los faisanl bien autorisor pour I'administration 
des Saci'omens, sans qu'ils puissent estro inquidtez: autre- 
ment ils deviendroient inutiles au pays, parce que s'ils ne se 
conformoient pas a la pratique de ceux qui y sont aujourd'huy 
M. I'Evesque leur deffendroit d'administrer les Sacremens. 

Pour estro mioux informe de cette conduite des consciences, 
on pout entendre Monsieur Dubois, Auniosnier au regiment 
de Carignan, qui a ouy plusieurs Confessions en secret, et a 
la desrobee, et Monsieur de Bretonvilliers sur ce qu'il a 
appris par les Ecclesiastiquos do son Seminaire establi d 
Mont-Real. 33 






Ill u 

< i 

If /(i 

Lkttuk i)U Minmstur a Mk. Talon, 20 I'r.vKunt, 


(JExfrait.) At'chlvcs dc la Mar hie. 

. . . Tl faut ([iin riipplicatioii d'lm (rouveriKnir vi d'un 
Iiitouilunt aiilo a adoucir lo nial, et non h I'dlL't ([\m lo Gou- 
vtsnieur lie so porto h aucuiic cxtri'mitu, contro Ics Sieiirs 
KvC'(iuu ot los P. 1'. Jcsuitcs, qiuuid biou 11101110 ils auraieiit 
almsu (III pouvoir ([im lour hal)it ct lo rospoct qu'oii a natu- 
rolloiiK.'ut pour la rclif^nou Icuv donno. Eu so contontant par 
des conferoncos particuliiiros do rcsscirror co pouvoir, autniit 
que 86 pourra, dans los bornes d'uno U'gitiino autorito ot 
osperaiit quo, quaiid le pays sera plus poupk^, qui ost la 
seulo ot unique chose quo doit coiivior lo dit Sr. Gou- 
verneur ot Intondant a y doniior lours soins quaiid h, present, 
rautoi'itd Koyalo qui sera la plus rooonnuo doa pouplos 
prevaudra sur I'autro ot la contiondra dans do justos liniites. 

. . . Je no m'exi)liquo point avoc vous sur ce sujot, 
parcequG jo sais qu'a part ses bonnes qualitus 11 [vT/. de 
CourceUe] a use d'einportemont dont il est boii (pi'il so cor- 
rigo. Insinuoz lui aussi honnetoinont les sentiinonts qu'il 
doit avoir ot co que je vions de vous dire au sujot du Sieur 
do Kessan, ot qu'il no doit jamais blanier la cunduito do 
I'Evequo de Petree ni dcs Jesuitos en public, etant assoz 
d'on user avoc oux avoc grande circonspection, so contontant 
seulomont lorsqu'ils ontroprendront trop de lour faire con- 
naitre et d'en envoyor des meraoires, afin que je confere 
avec lours Superieurs de cos ontroprises ot en cas qu'ils en 
fassent qu'on puisse les iiiterdire. 

f ii :« 




ur «'t d'un 
uu Ic (tOU- 

Ics Sic'urs 
ils am'iiit'iit 
'nil a iiatii- 
tciitant par 
^)ir, aiitant 
aiitoritt'^ I't 

([ui est la 
L Sr. (Jou- 

k pn'scnt, 
es poupli's 
tes liinitos. 
.V ce snjt't, 

il [lU. de 
[u'il se cnr- 
neiiis qu'il 
t d\i Siijur 
uiuluito do 
etant asscz 

faire con- 

je confero 
s qu'ils en 


Instruction pour M. de Boutfroitk, 1G68. 

(^Extrait.) Amhives de la Marivj. 

Tl fnut cmpesclior antant qu'il ae pourra la trop grando 
quautit*^ dos pre.stnis, ndigiiMW, ot roligiousos . . . s'eutro- 
nicttro (luohpiofois ot dans Ics occasions pour los porter ii 
adoucir cotto trop grando sisvoritd, cstaut tr'js-iinportaut quo 
losdits ovos(pio ot tlrsuitos no s'aporf^oivent jamais qu'il 
vouillo blasnior lour conduito. 

(Signd) Colbert. 

For the instructions on this suhjoct, more precise and em- 
phatic than the above, given by the King to Talon in 1605, 
see N. Y. Colonial Docs., ix. '2\. 

Lettre de Colbert a Ducitesneau, 15 Avrtl, 1G76. 

{Extrait.) Archives de la Marine. 

Eviter les contestations . . . sans toutefois prejudicier 
aux precautions qui sont h, prendre et aux mesures k gardor 
pour erapesclier (jue la puissance occlesiastiquo n'entreprenne 
rien sur la teraporelle, h quoy les ecclesiastic^ues .sent assez 

Lettre du Ministre a Duchesneau, le 28 Avril, 


{Extrait.) Archives de. la M'^rine. 

. . . Je vous dirai prcmierement que Sa Majestd est bien 
peisuadde de la piete de tons les Ecclesiastiques et de leurs 
bonnes intentions pour le succe/ du sujot de h.urs missions, 


) ■ 

: \\ 


i n 

' h 



mais Sa Majeste veut que vous preniez garde qu'ils n'entre- 
prennent rien tant sur son authorite lloyalle que sur la 
justice et police du pays et que vous les resscrriez precise- 
merit dans Ics bornes de I'authorite que les Ecclesiastiques 
ont dans le Royaume, sans souffrir qu'ils les passent en 
quelque sorte et maniere que ce soit, et cette maxime gene- 
ralle vous doit servir pour toutes les dilficultez de cette 
nature qui pourront survenir; mais pour parvcnir a ce point 
il seroit necessaire que vous-mosme vous travailliassiez a 
vous rendre hahil sur ccs matieres en lisant les autheurs qui 
en ont traitte, observer tout ce qui se passe et h, envoyer 
tous les ans des memoires sur les difficultez que vous aurez 
et auxquelles vous n'aurez pas pu remedier; considerez cette 
matiere comme tres importante et a laquelle vous ne S9auriez 
donner trop d' application. 

Lettre du Ministre a Duchesneau, le premier 

May, 1677. 

(Extrait.) Archives de la Marine. 

. . . Je suis encore oblige de vous dire que Ton voit claire- 
ment qu'encore que le dit Sieur Evesque soit un honmie 
de bien et qu'il fasse fort bien son devoir, il ne iaisse pas 
d'affecter une domination qui passe de beaucoup au dela 
des bornes que les Evesques ont dans tout le monde 
chrcstien et particulierement dans le Royaume et ainsy 
vou? '"'■svez vous appliquer a bien connoistre et k sqavoir 
le plus parfaitement que vous pourrez I'estendue du pouvoir 
des Evesques et les remedes que I'authorite Royalle a 
apporte pour en empescher Tabus et leur trop grande 
domination, afin que vous puissiez de concert avec Monsieur 
le Comte de Frontenac dans les occasions importantes y 
apporter les mesmes remedes, en quoy vous devez toujours 

I'ils n'entre- 
! que sur la 
riez pr(5cise- 
5 passent en 
laxime gene- 
;ez de cette 
ir a ce point 
railliassiez a 
autheurs qui 
et h envoyer 
J vous aurez 
isiderez cette 
IS ne s^auriez 


n voit claire- 
t un honime 
tie laisse pas 
:oup au dela 
it Ic monde 
me et ainsy 
et k sQavoir 
te du pouvoir 
e Royalle a 
trop grande 
srec Monsieur 
nportantes y 
jvez toujours 




agir avec beaucoup de moderation et de retenue. . . . Comma 
je vois que Monsieur I'Evesque de Quebec, ainsi que je 
viens de vous dire affecte une authorite un peu trop inde- 
pendante de I'authorit^ Koyalle et que par cette raison 
il seroit peut-estre bon qu'il n'eust pas de seance dans le 
conseil, vous devez bien examiner toutes les o:;casions et 
tons les moyens que I'on pourrait pratiquer, pour luy donner 
a luy-mesme I'envie de n'y plus venir; mais vous devez 
en cela vous conduire avec beaucoup de retenue, et bien 
prendre garde que qui ce soit no descouvre ce que je vous 
escris sur ce point. 


CiiAMPiGNY, Annee 1692. 

(Extrait.) Archives de la Marine. 

. . . Sa Majeste veut aussy qu'ils \_Frontenac et Cham- 
pigny^ assistent do leur authorite les Jesuites et les Kecolets 
et tons autres Ecclcsiastiques sans neantmoins souffrir qu'ils 
portent I'autorite ecclesiastique plus loin qu'elle ne doit 
s'estendre. EUe ne vout pas qu'ils se dispensent de faire 
doucement et avec touto la discretion possible des remon- 
strances au dit Sieur Evesque dans les occasions ou ils 
reconnoistront que les Ecch'siastiques agissent par un zelo 
immodere ou par d'autres passions, afin de 1' engager a y 
remedicr et a faire tout ce qui depend avec lui pour pro- 
curer le repos des consciences. Les dits Sieurs de Fron- 
'.enac et de Champigny doivent so tenir en cela dans les 
voyes de la seulo excitation et informer sa Majeste de tout 
ce qui se passera a cet ^gard. 










t ' 






I ■ 

I ' 




i!. M 

Lettre de Monsieur de la Mothe Cadillac. 
{Extralt.) Archives de La Marine. 

28 Septemhre, 1604. 

... La cliosn no so passa pas ainsi qu'il I'a raconte dans 
cot article et le suivant; ceux qui savent I'histoire de cc 
temps la en parlent aiitremont et voicy le fait: Monsieur 
de Laval fit diverses tentatives i\ peu pres comme cellos 
qu'on void aujourd'huy dont le but a toujours ete de pre- 
valoir sur I'autorite du gouvernement; Monsieur de Tracy 
pour lors Vice-roy de ce pays, voyait tranquillemont le desir 
de cette elevation, et comme c'estoit un liomme devot, 
il no jugea pas a propos de pre tor le colet a cette coliorte 
Ecclesiastique, dont la puissance etoit rodoutable. Mon- 
sieur Talon dans cette conjoncturo lit paroitre une plus 
forte resolution et risqua pour I'interest du lioy de perdre 
son credit et sa fortune; il vid qu'il falloit etoufTei cot 
orage dans son berceau et enfin par ses reniontrances et par 
ses soins, il fit donncr un arret favorable et tol qu'il se 
I'etoit propose. Monsieur de Laval voyant alors qu'on 
I'avoit rengaine et qu'on I'avoit coupe a denii-vent, il creut 
suivant la politique de I'Egliso qu'il falloit attendre un 
tomps plus favorable; ayant done mis armes bas, on taclia 
de rajuster les affaires par I'entremise menie de Monsieur de 
Tracy qui obtint de Monsieur Talon au jour de sa recon- 
ciliation que I'arret en question seroit raye et batonne, non 
pas pour le desaprouver ou pour Vavoir trouvc contraire 
h toute bonne justice, comme le veut persuader le procureur 
general; mais afin quo Monsieur do Laval ne fut pas repro- 
cliable de ses ecarts et de ses injustes pretentions; ce fut 
une foiblesse a Monsieur Talon de s'etre laisse vaincre par 
de telles soumissions. 

... II faut etre ici pour voir les menees qui se font tons 





URE, 1604. 

Lcoiite dans 
oirc de cc 

ime celles 
te de pre- 

de Tracy 
Mit Ic desir 
me devot, 
jte coliorte 
jle. IVIon- 

iine plus 
de pcrdre 
touffoi cot 
ces et par 
il qu'il SB 
lors qu'on 
t, il creut 
tendre un 
, on taclia 
onsieur de 

sa rccon- 
onne, non 
' contraire 
pas ropro- 
is; ce fut 
lincre par 

les jours pour rouvcrser Ic plan et les projets d'un Gou- 
verneur. II faut unc teto aussi fcrme et aussi plombde quo 
cello de Monsieur Ic Conite i)our se soutenir coutres les 
anibusches que partout on lui dresse ; s'il veut la paix cela 
sutlit pour qu'on s'y oppose et qu'on crie que tout est perdu ; 
s'il veut faire la guerre, on lui expose la ruine do la coUonic. 
II u'auroit pas taut d'alFaires sur les bras, s'il n'avoit pas 
aboli un Iliericlio qui etait une maison que Messieurs du 
Suininiiiro de ^Montreal avcnent fait bii.tir pour renfermer, 
disoient-ils, les filles do mauvaise vie. S'il avoit voulu lour 
pcrinettre do prendre des soldats et leur donner dcs olficiers 
? pour allcr dans les maisons arracber des femnics a miuuit et 

p; coucbees avec lours maris, pour avoir etc au bal ou en 

masque et les faire fesser jusques au sang dans ce Hiericbo; 
s'il u'avait rien dit encore contro des Cures qui faisoiont la 
. rondo avec dos soldats ot qui (>l)ligcoient en este les filles et 

les femmos a se renfermer a neuf beures cbcz olios, s'il avoit 
voulu dcirendro de porter de la dentello, s'il n'avoit rien dit 
sur ce qu'ou rofusoit la communion a des femmos de qualite 
pour avoir une fontango, s'il no a'opposoit point encore aux 
excomnuniications qu'on jotte a tort et a travers, aux scan- 
dales qui s'on suivent, s'il n(^ faisoit les olbciors (|Uo par la 
voye dos communautes, s'il vouloit deffondre lo vin ot I'eau 
de vie aux sauvages, s'il no disoit mot sur le sujet dos cures 
fixes et droits de patronage, si Monsieur le Comte estoit do 
ces avis-la, co soroit assuremcnt un hommo sans pareil ot il 
sevoit biontot sur la listo dos plus grands saints, car on les 
canonise dans co pais a bon marche. 


i font tous 





h I 






Lettre du Marquis de Denonville au Ministre. 
{Extrait.) Archives de la Marine. 

A QiEHKC 15 NovE.MimE, 1085, 

. . . Vous me permettrez, Monseigneur, do vous 
demandcr la grace de faire quelques reflections sur les 
rnoyens d'occuper la jeunesse du pays, dans son bas age, 
et dans ITige le plus avance, que je vous rende conipte de 
mes pensees la dessus, puisque c'est une des choses la plus 
essentielle de la colonic. 

Pour y parvenir, Monseigneur, le premier moyen i\ mon 
gre, est de multiplier le nonibre des Cures, et de les rendre 
plus fixes et residentaires, Mr. notre Eveque en est si con- 
vaincu par la connaissance qu'il a prise de son diocese dans 
ses visites, et dans le voyage que nous avons fait ensemble, 
(pi'il n'a point de plus grand erapr(;ssement que de pouvoir 
contribuer a cet ctablissement qui serait un moyen sur, pour 
faire des ecoles, auxquelles les cures s'occuperaient et ainsi 
accoutumeraient les enfans de bonne heure a s'assugetir et k 
s'occuper: j\Iais, jNIonseigneur, pour faire cot etablissement 
utilement, il fo,udrait multiplier le nombre des cures jusques 
au nombre de cinquante et un. Le inemoire que je vous 
en envoye, vous fera assez bien voir, que si on les etend 
davantage et qu'il faille que les cures passent et repassent 
la riviere, comme ils font a present pour faire leurs f(jnc- 
tions, ils employent avec L"en du travail tout le temps qu'ils 
pourraient donner a instruire la jeunesse, si leurs cures 
etaient moins etendues. Outre cela, Monseigneur, a I'entree 







WliRK, 1085. 

tic vous 

ms sur les 

>u bus ago, 

conipte de 

)ses la jilus 

oyen h mon 
les roiulre 
est si con- 
iocese dans 
: ensemble, 
de pouvoir 
n sur, pour 
snt et aiusi 
sugetir et ;i 
res jusques 
lie je vous 
L les etend 
: ropassent 
leurs fonc- 
3mps qu'ils 
eurs cures 
, al'entree 

et li la sortie de I'hiver, il y u pres de deux mois (|ue I'un 
ne saurait passer la riviere, (jui eu bieu des eudroits a uuc 
lieue de largeur, et beaucoup plus en d'autres. Si bien que 
dans ces temps il faut que les malades demeureiit cans aucuu 
secours spirituel. 

C'est une pitie, jNIonseigneur, que de voir I'ignorance 
dans laquelle les peuples eloignes du sejourdes Cures vivent 
en ce pays, et les peines que les missionnaires et Cures se 
donnent pour y remedier en parcourant lours cures, sur lu 
pied qu'elles sont selon le memoire (|ue je vt)us en envc^ye. 
Vous y verrez, Monseigneur, le cliemin qu'il leur faut faire 
pour visiter leurs paroisses dans les rigueurs de I'hiver. 

I'uisque j'ai entame I'affaire des Cures vous me per- 
mettrez d'acliever de vous dire (pie pour la subsistauce d'uu 
cure selou les counaissauces que j'ai i)U prendre du pays, 
depuis que j'y suis, selon le prix des denrees, on ne saurait 
donner moins a un cure i^our sa subsistauce que (piatre 
cents livres, monoye de France, attendu qu'il ne faut pas 
compter sur aucun rovenant bon du dedans de I'Eglise. 
II est bien vrai qu'il y a quelques cures qui sont miciix 
peuplees dont les disnios sont asscz raisonaljles pour poii- 
voir suliir a lour entreticn, mais il y en a tres pen sur . j 
pied la. 

J'ai trouve ici dans le Seminaire de I'Kveche, le com- 
mencement de deux ('tablissements qui seraient admirable.^ 
pour la Colonic, si on los pouvn'' augment-^r, ce sont, Mon- 
seigneur, deux maisons on V retire des enfans pour les 
instruire, dans I'une on y nv eeux auquels on trouve do 
la disposition pour les lettres. auxquelles on s'attaclio de les 
former pour I'Eglise, qui dai la suite peuvent rendre plus 
de service que les pre tres F mgais etants plus faits que les 
autres aux fatigues et aux .anieres du pays. 

Dans 1 'autre maison on y met ceux qui ne sont propres que 
prur etre artisans, et h. ceux la on apprends des metiers. 



i a 



Je croirais que ce scrait la uii moyen admirable pour coiu- 
luencer uu eUiljlisseuieut de manufactures, qui soiit absulu- 
meiit necessaii'os pour Ic secours do ce paya. 

Mr. notre Eveque est cliaruie do ces etaljlissementH, et 
voudrait bien etro en etut de les soutenir et augmenter. 
Mais comnic tout cela ne so pent faire sans depense taut 
pour I'augmentation du noiubre des Cures que punr cette 
especo de manufacture, et qu'il conviendrait d'en I'lire de 
grandes, pour y ruussir, jc nc vois qu'un moyen assure pour 
cela, qui serait que le lloy voulut bien donner une grosse 
abbaye a Mr, notre Eveque sans Tattaclicr a rEvOche, 
connne il n'a I'esprit et le ca3ur occupes (pie des soins de 
faire du bien aux pauvres et augmenter la foi et le salut des 
ames, il est certain que Sa Majestd, aurait le jjlaisir de 
voir employer le revenu de ce benelice en l)onnos et saintes 
Oiuvres, qui fcraient niervcillc pour le bien de la colonic son 
soutien et a(jn augmentation. 

J'ai trouve a Villemarie en I'isle do Montreal, lui eta- 
blissoment do sceurs de la congregation, sous la conduite 
de la soour j^ourgeois, qui fait de grands bieus a touto la 
colonic, ellcs furent l)rulees Tan passe on clles perdirent 
tout; il seroit fort necessaire qvi'elles se retablissent, clles 
n'ont pas le preirner sol, j'y ai trouve un autre etablisseraent 
do lilies de la providence qui travaillont ensemble, clles 
pourront commoncer quelque manfacturc do ce cote la, 
si vous avez la bonte do continucr la gratificailon do mil 
livros pour les laines, et mil livros pour apjircndro a tricotor. 
II y a enore nn troisiemo etablissemont pour faire des 
maitres d'ecolos. 

II faiit revenir s'il vous plait, Monsoigneur, a voir ce qui 
se pout faire pour dissipliner les grands gardens, ot pour 
donnor de I'occupation aux enfans des gentilsbommes et 
autres soi-disans et vivans commo tels. 

Avant tout, Monseigncur, vous me permettrez de vous 









)ur coni- 
't ubsulu- 

iciits, ot 
list! taut 
•'ir cutto 
I'liro do 
lire pour 
.0 gr(jsse 
soins de 
stilut dcB 
laisir de 
t .siiiiitos 
Ionic sou 

in I ('ta- 

touto la 
lilt, dies 
Ic, olios 

Cote la, 
do mil 

"aire dos 

dire quo la noblesse de cc pays nouveau, est tout w- qu'il 
y a de plus gueux ot que d'en auginonter le nonibro est 
augmonter le nombre des faineants. \Jn pays neuf dcniando 
des gens laborieux et industrieux, ot ({ui niettont la main 
a la hacbe et ;'; la i)ioclie. Les enfans do nos conseillers 
no sont pas plus laborieux, ot n'ont de rossuuTce que les 
bois, oil ils font (|Uolquo traite, ot la pluparL font tous 
les desoixlres dont j'ai eu I'lionnour d(! vous cntrotcnur, 
je ne m'oublicrai on rien do co qu'il y aurait a fairo pour 
les engager a entror dans lo commerco, mais comino nos 
nobles et conseillers sont tous fort pauvros et accables de 
debtes, ils ne sauraient tix)uver de credit pour un ecu. 

Le seul moyen qui me ])arait le plus assure pour disci- 
pliner cettc jeunesse sorait quo lo Koy voulut bien entre- 
tenir en ce pays, quelques compagnies, dont on donnorait 
le commandemont h gens d'authorite ot de bonnes mauirs 
et appliques, commo a Mr. le Chevalier de Cailliero, a Mr. 
de Varenes, Gouverncur des trois Rivieres, ou an Sr. 
Prevot, Major de Q\u ;k - avec ties Lieutenants du pays 
que I'on clioisirait, iesquols lo tkvraient point avoir peine 
d'obeir, a ceux auxquels natureliomont ils doivont obeir. 

•ir ce qui 

et pour 

mmos et 

de vous 





f: U 

•■ - i 



I ; 

1 ' 


INI) E X. 

Abenaki Indians, the, at Port 
Royal, 13, 382. 

Absuliilisin, in Canada, 342, 401- 

Acadia, f|uarrol 1)(!tween England 
and France ovfr, .'1 ; tlio French 
keep a feoldo hold on, 5 ; 
Charles de la Tour applies for 
a commission to command in, .5 ; 
Freucii .settlements transferred 
by conquest to England, 8 ; 
restored to France by tlie treaty 
of St. (Jermain, 8 ; France and 
the Company of New Franco in 
solo possession of, 8; D'Aunay 
succeeds Kazilly in command in, 
9 ; inexact assertion of Charle- 
voix concerning division of, 14; 
invaded by the I'lymonth trad- 
ers, 15; .50; l^e liorgne gets a 
lion's 8li.?.ie of, 52 ; conquered 
for England by Major Robert 
Sedgwick, 52 ; restored to 
France by the treaty of IJreda, 
52; recaptured l)y Sir William 
Phips, 52 ; again restored to 
France by the treaty of Kys- 
wick, .52 ; finally seized for 
England by General Nicholson, 
52 ; Talou tries to open a road 
to, 274, 323, 383. 

Adirondacks, the, 248. 

Africa, 234, 235. 

Agariata, Cliief, 252. 

Ailleboust, the family of, 319. 

Aillel oust, 1)', succeod.s Ciiarny as 
governor of (Quebec, 88; liis 
tU'ali:'gs with the IriMpinis, 88 ; 
insanely pious, 1<)5, KHi, 1<)7; 
Argenson complains of, 176, 
3<);i, 429. 

Ailleboust, Madame d', IOC, 144; 
fantastic devotion of, 421. 

Aix, 15G. 

Albanel, Father Charles, the Jesuit, 
at the Fort of St. Louis, 250 ; 
penetrates to Hudson's Hay, 274 ; 

Albany, 113, 188,249. 

Alexander, Sir William, grant 
made by James I. to, 4 ; attacks 
Ciiarles de la 'Pour at Fort Lo- 
mi'ron, 5 ; makes Claude de la 
Tour a baronet of Nova Scotia, 
6 ; sends Claude de la Tour to 
Cai)o Sable, G ; makes the La 
Tours baronets of Nova Scotia, 
7 ; grants Charles de la Tour 
land near Cape Sable, 7 ; jeal- 
ous of the Comjjany of New 
France, 7; fits out a private 
expedition under the brothers 
Kirko, 7 ; succeeds in transfer- 
ring by conquest the French 
settlements in Acadia and Can- 
ada to England, 7 ; gives up 
Port Royal to Razilly, s ; 9. 

Algon(|uins, French, 124. 


I ' 








1^1^ 12.5 

S "^ Ilia 

:^ lis lllllio 








c*^' .>. 











(716) 872-4503 
















Algoii(|uiii Indians, the, fiS, 88, 
126, l.'U. 

Alf^oiKiuiii inis.-ioiis, the, 'AH'.i. 

AUiiii's llivcr, 12. 

Allct, Fatlier, the Sulpitiaii, Or), 
141, 15(1 ; oil the Jesuit?' at Que-, 4 If). 

Alrii.dioiises, estahlished in Can- 
ada, 44(5. 

Atua/MU Kivcr, tlie, 234. 

Anieriran lievnlulion, tiio, 164. 

AnKJur.**, D', Matthicn, the coun- 
cillor, 19.'), 21. 'J, .'$21. 

Amours, I)' (.><on), 'Ml. 

Andara((ue, lari^oHt and stronf;o.>*t 
of the .Mohawk fort.-;, 2.'')7 ; taken 
by the French, 257 ; descrij)tion 
of, '2')S. 

AudrR, Tere, tries to .seduce La 
Tour'.s men, US ; 472. 

Angoville, Major d', 208, 217, 

Aunahotaha, Ktienne, 130; offers 
to reinforce Daulac, l.'H ; at the 
Long Sant, 1.31-1.1.3 ; deserts 
Daulac, 134, 138. 

Annapolis River, the, 11, 12, 48. 

Anue of Austria, 144, 220, 2.30. 

Anne, St., shrine of, 42'.> ; Ca- 
nadian devotion to, 429. 

Anticosti, tlie island of, 357. 

Antilles, the, 234, 235. 

Antinoniianisni, the ghastly spec- 
tre of, 25. 

Aontari.sati, the Iroquois Chief, 

Arabia, 166. 

Argall, lawless inroads of, 4. 

Argen-son, Vicomte d', lO.'j; be- 
comes governor of the colony, 
120 ; his efforts to save the col- 
ony, 121 ; on the desertion of 
Daulac by the Ilurons, 138; 144, 
155, l.")7, 158; characteristics of, 
16('); Laval quarrels with, 166, 

167 ; his memorial tothe council 
of .state, 16'.( ; liis reception by the 
flesuits, 173 ; dillicullies of, 174 ; 
the Conipatiy of New rraiicc 
refuses aid to, 175; annoyed by 
the virtual independence (jf 
Montreal, 175 ; complains of 
Ailhdioust, 176; his troubles, 
177 ; resigns his ])osition in 
di.sgust, 177; Laval urgi's the 
removal of, 178 ; his opinion of 
Villeray, l!t6; 203. 

Argenson, D' (lirother of the gov- 
ernor), 170, 178; corres])oiid- 
ence between Laval aud, 481- 

Argentan, town of, 150. 

Arncml, M., .501. 

Arts (jf ornament, the, in Canada, 

As.sociates of Montreal, the, see 
Montreal, the Assoriation of. 

Aubert, Barthelemy, 475. 

Aubert, Felix, 217. 

Austrian War, the, 242. 

Auteuil, Ituette d', appointed coun- 
cillor at Quebec, l'.t5 ; removed 
from the council by Mezy, 208 ; 

Auteuil, I)' (.son), 337. 

Avaugour, Baron Dubois d', takes 
Argen.son's place, 178; de- 
scrij)tion of, 178; liis reception, 
179; wished to be on good 
terms with the Jesuits, 179 ; 
the brandy quarrel, ISO; Laval 
urges the removal of, 1 82 ; 
summoned home, 187 ; his 
memorial to Colbert, 187 ; death 
of, 188 ; 193. 

Bacot, the Jesuit, 145, 147. 
Balls, in Canada, 413. 
Bardy, Father, 398. 
Baronies, 314. 




in Canada. 

Hasquis. t!io, njfi. 

Hastuii, tlie incrcliant, 438, 43!>. 

Havt'ux, llio Bishdj) of, 14S. 

Roan fort, t>3(). 

JJeanliarnois, Marquis de, 313, 3G1, 

TJoau]iort, ^^()nsie^^ do, 308. 
Bcani)()rt, settlenicnt of, consns of, 

299, 307. 

Roanpri', Laval's sei<;niiin' of, 
224, 2!»S, 2'.»'.t; census of, 402; 
population of, 403, 428, 429, 
440, ')()(). 

Hcavor-skins. servo as cnrrcncv, 
3G2; off.'cl, iirnducod hy, 3S3. 

I'cavor trade, tlio, Canada depend- 
ent upon, .')S ; lart^eness of, r)8 ; 
Oudietto ffrant(!d niono])oly in, 

300, 371 ; a surfeit in, 372; tlio 
West Indian Coinpanv given a 
niMiioiJoly in, 373. 

Hec;incoMr. tlie seif^niory of, 302. 

Recliefer, the .Jesuit, 2r)l. 

lit'ifon, tlie iniendanl, 361, .")06. 

Beietre, M., 438, 439. 

Kehnont, the Sulpitian, on the 
de.sertion of Daulac hy the Ilu- 
ron.s, 138; on the strutjule for 
thohishoprieof Canada, l")tj; 424. 

IJernieros, Sicur de, see L(iiiri>/iil, 
liprni'cres de. 


IJertiielot, Franeois. 307, 321, 403. 

Herthier, Ca].tain, 243, 301. 

IJiencourt, keeps a feei)le jiold on 
Acadia, 4, 5 ; takes the name of 
rontrincourt, .') ; at Fort I.oini'- 
ron, 5 ; La Tour l)econies at- 
tached to the service of, .') : 
beciueath.s lii.s pro])erty to La 
Tour, T). 

Hienville, 323. 

Higot, the iutendant, 342. 

"lilue Coats" of Montreal, the, 
247, 254. 


lilue Hill in IMilton, the, 23. 
l5o( liart, l)u I'lessis, defeated and 
killed in" the Mohawk Iroquois, 

Bochart, Magdeleine, 448. 

15(1' hart, .Marie, 289. 

Moisdon, Jacciue.-^. 300. 

Uoisdon, Jean, 448. 

I{olon;na, the Concordat of, 153; 
Canada excluded from, ir)4. 

Honchard, the surgeon of Mont- 
real, 99. 

Bonsecours, the seigniory of, .308. 

Bossuet, 232. 

Boston, site of, 4 ; La 'i'onr sails 
for, 20; La 'i'our arrives in, 21 ; 
description of, 23 ; undesiralile 
neighhors of, 23; antiigonisni.s 
of the I'eqnot Indians, 23; dan- 
gers of the theological (piarreLs 
to, 24 ; training-day in, 20 ; 
(lovernor Winthrop allows La 
Tour to hire allies in, 28; 
Mailanie La Tour in, 30; 
IV.Aunay .sends envoy.s to, 41 ; 
3r)8, 470. 

Boucher, Father Pierre, cun- of 
Boint Levi, 189, 282, 363, 4r)l. 

Boucliervillc!, the seigniory of, 302. 

i?oiulrot, Michel, Lieutcnant-Ceu- 
oral in Acadia, 13. 

Bougainville, the famous naviga- 
tor, 402, 432; his view of the 
Canadians, 450. 

Bi.ulle, 307. 

Bourho)', 229. 

Bonrhons, the, 316. 

Bourdon, Jean, appointed attor- 
ney-general at (^uel)cc, 195, 19Ci; 
early life of, 197; removed from 
the council ly Mezy, 208; 213 ; 
lianished to France, 214 ; 486, 

Bourdon, Madame Jean, 285. 

Bourdon, Jean Francois, 173. 





'I ! 

Bonrfjfpoys, Margiipritc, returns to 
('.iiiaila, !>(> ; Ikt labors at Mont- 
real, 98 ; roturns to France, 99 ; 
gains recrnitH in Troves, 102; 
on tl\e miracles at Montreal, 
112; 2^5. 

Bonrsifet, T?ishop of Montreal, 
fiftieth anniversary of, 226. 

Ilourg la Keinc, village of, 297. 

Bonrg lioyal, village of, 297. 

Bourg Talon, village of, 297. 

Bourse, the, established at (iuel)ec, 

Bouteroue, the intenilant, 291,337, 
400 ; Colbert's instructions re- 
garding the government and the 
clergy in Canada, Sir). 

Bradstreet, signs the " Ipswich 
Letter," 30; Governor Win- 
throp's reply to, 31 ; letter to 
Governor Winthrop, 31. 

Brandy, love of the Indians for, 
180, 387; quarrel between 
Laval and Avaugonr concern- 
ing, 180, a fiend with all crimes 
and miseries in his train, 388 ; 
its s.iIp necessary to the interests 
of the fur-trade, 388 ; penalties 
for selling, 389 ; question of its 
sale submitted to the fatliers of 
the Sorbonne. 390; the King's 
views concerning, 391. 

Brandy (luarrel, the, 180, 386- 

Braun, Father, 226. 

Brcbeuf, Jean de, tlic Jesuit, 73, 
226, 240. 

Breda, the treaty of, restores Aca- 
dia to France, H2, 260. 

Brcsoles, Sister Judith de, 101 ; 
early life of, 106; made Supe- 
rior at Montreal, 106, 109. 

Breton villiers, M. de, .')13. 

r.rigoac, Claude de, 112 ; tortured 
to death by the Iroquois, 113. 

British colonies, the, 4. 

Hritish conijuest, tiie, 425. 

Hrittany, 278. 

Bruyas, the Jcsnit, ordered to the 
Onoidas. 266; takes the Mis- 
sion of the Martyrs, 380. 

Bullion, M.adame de, visited liv 
Mile. Mance, 100; designutod 
as " the unknown l)," 

Cabots, the, discovery of North 
America by, 3. 

Caen, 14.5 ; the zealots at, 147, 148, 
149; 204; tlio Jacobin convent 
at, 20.5 ; 207, 479, 480. 

Cffisar, 153. 

Cailliere, Chevalier de, 523. 

Calliores, 433, 446. 

Calvin, John, the extreme dogmas 
of, 24. 

Canada, charter of the countrv 
and lordship of, 4 ; Frencii 
settlements transferred i)y con- 
quest to England, 8; restored 
to France by the treaty oi St. 
Germain, 8; turned to fasting 
and penance, 54 ; the lieavor 
her only sustenance, 58 ; tlie 
Iroijuois wish for peace with, 
66 ; writhes under the .scourge 
of the Iroquois War, 118; still 
a mission, 120; domestic (|uar- 
rels in, 140; struggle for tbo 
bishopric of, 141-160; oxtluded 
from the Concordat of 15ologiia, 
154; entering into a state of 
i:ran.sition, 165; tlie cliief siif 
ferer from tlie mono])oly of the 
Company of the West, 235; 
Louis XIV. has at heart the 
prosperity of, 230 ; an object of 
very considerable attention .at 
court, 237 ; not to be wholly 
abandoned to a trading com])any. 




lercd to tlip 
Ds tho Mis- 

visitod t,v 



y of North 

at, 147, I4H, 
Ijin cojivi'iit 

, 523. 

Jino (lop;ma.s 

he couiitrv 
4 ; PVencli 
rctl liy con- 

8 ; restored 
;reaty of St. 
il to faslin^ 

the heaver 
e, 58; the 
peace with. 
:he seoiiri;;e 
r, 118; still 
tie.stic (jiiar- 
c:le for the 
) : excluded 
;if JJ(do^^iia, 

a state of 
i ciiief siif 
i])o]y of the 
lieart the 
,n ol)ject of 
ttention at 

he wliolly 


239 ; little capital and little eiiter- in, 270 ; Talon sets him.solf 
to galvanize, 270; concern of 
Colhert for the jirosperity of, 
270; Talon's attemjit to estah- 
lish trade between the West 
Indies and, 272 ; the peojding 
of, 276; emigration to, 277; 
young women sent to, 280 ; 
premium placed on marriage, 
282 ; celibacy puuisiied, 287 ; 
bounties offered for children, 
289 ; satisfactory results, 2'JO ; 
the settler of, 295 ; persists in 
attenuating herself, 298; tho 
river settlements, 301 ; feudalism 
of, 304 ; Richelieu first plants 
feudalism in, 305 ; not governed 
to the profit of a class, 315 ; its 
condition in 1712, 315 ; l)ecoines 
infatuated with noblesse, 317; 
the King the dispenser of charity 
for all, 321 ; its government, 
326 ; tlie intendant, 326 ; the 
Governor-General, 327 ; the coun- 
cil, 329; the King alone su- 
preme in, 329 ; inferior courts, 
331 ; the judge, 332 ; the spirit of 
absolutism everywhere apparent 
in, 342, 461-468 ; justice in, 
344-346 ; abuses, 347 ; neg- 
lected, 351 ; its organs of nu- 
trition, 352 ; its trade in fetter.s, 
353 ; appeals for iielp, 359 ; man- 
ufactures of, 361 ; ship-building 
in, 362 ; condition of ornamen- 
tal arts in, 362 ; finances of, 362 ; 
a coinage ordered for, 363 ; a 
card currency issued, 363 ; im- 
portance of the fur-trade to, 
366 ; the forest-traiie, 368 ; filled 
with distress and consternation, 
371 ; the mureurs de bois, 373 ; 
the ball in, 413 ; clerical 
severity in, 413 ; heresy scoured 

out of, 419; never troubled by 
witches, 421 ; tlirealened with 
an attack by the English, 424 ; 
miracles in, 425 ; education in, 
425 ; catches some of the French 
corruption, 432 ; extreme j)ov- 
erty of, 434 ; infiuence of tho 
troops on, 435 ; lawlessness in, 
435-441 ; drunkenness the most 
destructive vice in, 444 ; swarms 
with beggars, 445 ; slavery in, 
454 ; form.ation of character in, 
461 ; the very ])ortal of the great 
interior wilderness, 462 ; com- 
pared witii New Kngland, 46J- 
467 ; the Church of Kome 
stands out conspicuous in the 
hi.story of, 467 ; the Knglish 
Con([uest a happy calamity to, 
468 ; memorial of Dumesnil 
concerning tho affairs of, 286- 
288 ; marriage and population 
in, 493-496 ; trade and industry 
in, 500-506 ; tlie government and 
the clergy in, 512-519. 

" Canada, tlie River and Gulf of," 

Canadian Church, the, 103; its 
influence paramount and pervad- 
ing, 120; 159; Laval the father 
of, 224 ; liberality of tho King 
to, 401 ; grows purer in tho 
presence of Protestantism, 468. 

Canadian fisheries, the, see Fish- 

Canadian government, the, 326- 
346 ; essentially military, 465. 

Canadian nablesse, 3 15. 

Canadian settler, the, 295. 

Canadians, the, strength of, 445 ; 
views of different writers on, 

Capet, Hugh, 229, 304. 

Cap Rouge, 56, 59, 301. 

Capuchin Friars, the, at Port 





Royal, l.T ; Hupported by Tlioho- 
liou, l.'l; tlio missions of, .'JH.'J. 

Capuciiis, the, 471, 472, 474, 475. 

Card ciirrciicy, in Canada, .■Jd.T ; 
loses its value, .'104 ; converted 
into l)ills of exciian^c, .'}()4. 

Cariieil, Father Ktienne, his letter 
to Chainpi^niy, 371), noG-f) TJ ; 
takes tlie mission of Saint 
,Iose))li, 380; in desjtair over 
the Jesuit missions, 383 ; ids 
severe condemnation of ihc 
cuurcnrn di' hois, 38,') ; ins suj^- 
gesliona concerning tlie govern- 
ment i>f Canaila, 3S(j. 

Carignan, tiie I'rince of, 242. 

Carignaii-Salieres, tiie regiment 
of, 237, 241), 241 ; history of, 
242 ; ordered hack to France, 
279, 2'.)2, 293, 317, 493, 513. 

Carillon, 131. 

Carion, Lieutenant, attacks on 
Lormeun, 437, 438. 

Carleton, sup])osed site of Fort La 
Tour at, 39. 

Casgrain, Abh6, 300, 357 ; on the 
shrine at the I'etit Cap, 430. 

Casson, Dollier de, 94, 104 ; on the 
miracles at Montreal, 111, 112; 
on the death of Major Closse, 
114; on the year of disaster at 
Montreal, 115 ; on the principal 
fault of Frenchmen, 130; on 
the deserti<m of Danlac hy the 
llurons, 138; on Cuurcelle's 
"Blue Coats," 247; great 
strength of, 254 ; sent to St. 
Anne, 2(jl ; description of, 2()3 ; 
at lH)rt St. Anne, 2G4 ; on the 
policy of Talon, 273 ; ou the 
frenzy f(»r marriage in Canada, 
288 ; on the advantages of the 
Canadian climate fen* women, 
290; at Montreal, 438 ; ou the 
outlaw of Montreal, 439. 

Ca.stine, 15. 

"Castle," the, 45. 

Catalogue, the (Migineer, 359, 3G0, 
3tJ2,441 ; his memorial, 502-5()fi. 

Catholics, the, of France, divided 
hy two great parties, 153 ; Laval 
an ol)ject of veneration to, k;,'}. 

Caugiinawaga, Je.-^uit mission at, 

Cayenne, 234. 

Cayuga Indians, the, 57, fiG ; at 
( inondaga, 82; the Jesuits 
aninng. S4 ; send an emliassy to 
Quebec, 245 ; sue for peace, 2GG ; 
Cariieil ;iniong, 3S0. 

Celibacy, punishment of, 287. 

Ceusltaire, the, 310, 341, 343, 

Certain, Andn*, his otlicial report 
on La Tour and D'Aunay, 4G9- 

Chalons, Sicur, 35G ; memorial pre- 
sented by, on the establishment 
of commerce in Canada, 3.")8, 
.501, .502. 

Clianddy, the chief proprietor on 
the Hichelieu, 294. 

Chanildy, Fort of, 250, 2G2. 

Chambly, L'apids of. 244, 245, 247. 

Chamhly, town of, 292, 294. 

Champagne, rhili]i])e de, 230. 

Clianipigny, t!ie intendant. on the 
Canadian noMlity, 319, 320 ; 357, 
359, 3G0; hftier from Fatlier 
Carheil to, 379, .506-512; 38G, 
433, 44.3, 44C), 447; on Ciiateau 
St. Louis, 497-499 ; his memorial 
to the King, 517. 

Champlain, Lake, 244, 248, 25.i, 
2G0, 2G2. 

Chamjilain, Samuel de, on the 
political intiuence of women 
among the Indians, 85 ; his 
earnestness in converting the 
Indians, 1G5; builds 
St. Louis, 49G. 




Charbonnier, Marie Magcicloiiio. 

Charlemagne, the Capitularies of, 

Cliarles I., 344. 

Charlcstown, 4.., 52. 

Charlevoix, Father, inexact asser- 
tion coneerning division of 
Acadia, 14 ; on the Medicine 
J'east, '.(4 ; on the brandy (luarrel, 
182 ; on the eartlKjuake at Qne- 
bec, 184 ; on the cojiper mines 
of Lake Su|)erior, 271 ; on the 
early colonists of Canada, 277 ; 
in Canada, 432 ; his letter to the 
Dnchesse de Lesdiguieros, 4r)8. 

Charnisay, Charles de Menou 
d'Aiinay, in Hazilly's ci)m|iany, 
8; succeeds Hazilly in com- 
mand in Acadia, 'J ; dissen- 
sions with La Tour, it ; his posi- 
tion and ((ualitics compared with 
La Tour, 9 ; his reign at Port 
Koyal, 1 1 ; returns to France, 
11 ; marries Jeanne Molin, 
11 ; his life at Port Hoyal, 
11-13; on good terms with the 
Indians, 12; reduced iinaticial 
condition of, 13 ; bitter en- 
mity for La Tour, 14; his 
feud with La Tour, 14, 1.5; 
attacks the Plymouth trading 
station at Penobscot, 15; La 
Tour plots against, 16 ; battle 
with La Tour, 17; takes La 
Tour ])risoner, 17; releasees 
La Tour, 17 ; ordered to seize 
La Tour's forts, 18; returns 
to France, 18; endeavors to 
seize La Tour, I'J, 20; La 
Tour asks Governor Winthrop 
for aid against, 22, 27, 28 ; 
La Tour hires allies against, 
2S, 30 ; flees from La Tour and 
his allies, 32 ; letter from the 

AL'i.ssacluiselts magistrates to, 
33; ordered by the King to 
keep peace with the Puritans, 
33 ; makes overtures of friend- 
ship to the Puritans, 33 ; 
joined by the Pt'collet friars, 
38 ; attacks and captures Fort 
St. Jean, 3'.» ; captures Ma- 
dame La Tour, 4(); his treat- 
ment of his prisoners, 40; 
.sends envoys to the Puritans, 
41 ; their reception in Moston, 
41 ; makes a treaty with 
D'Aunay, 43, 44; royal favors 
to, 46 ; his hopes, 47 ; his 
death, 48 ; tribute to his charac- 
ter, 48, 49 ; his children, .')2 ; no 
trace of his blood left in the 
land, 53 ; official report of Andre 
Certain on LaTour and, 469-475. 

Charnisay, IVLadame Ciiurles do 
Menou d'Aunay, see Mnlin, 

Charnisay, Joseph de Menou 
d'Aunay, 47. 

Charny, son and successor of 
Lauson, 86 ; weakness of hi.i 
character, 86 ; resigns the 
government and becomes a 
priest, 88. 

Charron, chosen alderman of Que- 
iiec, 212. 

Chartier, Sieur de, appointed at- 
torney-general by Me'zy, 212. 

Chasy, nephew of Tracy, 251 ; 
murder of, 252. 

Chatelain, Father, at Qneliec, 
416 ; his epi.sode with Courcelle, 
416, 417. 

Chfitel. Sister, 102. 

Chaulmer, on the French colony 
among the ( >nondagas, 75. 

Chanmonot, sent among the Onon- 

dagas, 69; arrival at Onon- 

I »laga, 70 ; harangues the ludi- 




ans, 71, P2 ; at Onomliipja. 
7!>, 80 ; sets out for tlie ( 'ayii/^uH, 
84 ; on iIk; Seiiera nii.s,sioii, 
94; on tlic Jesuits' belief in tor- 
ture, 127 ; on the desertion of 
Daulac liy the Ilurons, l.'i7. 

Channiont, Chevalier de, 238, 254. 

C'lieruel, on Colbert, 233 ; 32'.), 301. 

Cliildreu, liounties offered on, 281)., Abbe de, 2.30. 

Chomedey, Paul de, sec Maisnu- 
ueuve, Vlmmedeji de. 

Clement, on Colbert, 233, 2.3f, ; 
on the paupers of Paris. 283 ; on 
the premium on marriage in 
Canada, 287. 

Closse, Major, killed l)y the Iro- 
quois, 1 14. 

Colbert, .Fean Baptisto, the true 
antagonist of Laval, H').") ; his 
opinion of Avaug<nir, 179; 
Avaujjour's memorial to, 187; 
197 ; l)umesnil reports his griev- 
ances to, 200; on the mutual 
accusations of Laval, Me'zy, and 
the Jesuits, 217; the intcndant 
of Mazarin's hou.soliold, 232 ; 
reforms of, 233 ; defects in his 
policy, 2.33 ; Talon a true dis- 
ciple of, 208 ; his concern for 
the prosperity of Canada, 270; 
reluctantly recalls Talon, 27.5 ; 
peoples "Canaila, 276, 283 ; 
places a premium on marriage 
in Canada, 286 ; offers a bounty 
on children in Canada, 290; sat- 
isfactory results, 290 ; his letters 
to Duchesneau, 339 ; report on 
the brandy (piestion to, 389, 390 ; 
orders Courcelle to be kept 
within bounds, 397; his letter 
to Courcelle, 397 ; on the rela- 
tions of Laval and the King, 
399 ; pl.'ins against the Jesuits, 
400; letter from Dn Pont con- 

cerning Dumesnil to, 484; his 
correspondence with Talon re- 
garding marriage ami ]»opula- 
tion, 493-496; letter from 
Denonville concerning trade 
and industry in Canada, 500, 
501 ; his letter to Talon on 
tlie government and the clergy 
iu Canada, 514; his instruc- 
tions to Houteroue regarding 
the government and the <lergy 
in Canada, 515; his letters to 
Dnchesneau, 515, 516; l(;tter 
from Denonville on Canadian 
cures, education, and discipline 
in Canada, 520, 523. 

Colden, 252. 

Coloml)icre, the vicar-general, pro- 
nounces the funeral eulogy of 
Laval, 225. 

Comet, the, ajjjjears above Quebec, 

Commerce, in Canada, 358, .501. 

Commune, the, 178. 

Company of New France, the, 
North America given by Louis 
Xin. to, 7; liiciielieu at the 
head of, 7 ; Sir William Alexan- 
der jealous of, 7 ; in sole 
sion of Acadia, 8 ; Charles dc la 
Tour made commander at Ca])e 
Sable for, 9 ; grants land to La 
Tour on the St. John, 14; 27; 
refuses aid to Argenson, 175; 
Argenson rejilaced by Avaugour, 
178; shows signs of returning 
life, 190; called upon to resign 
its claims, 193 ; grants made by, 

Com])any of the Hundred Associ- 
ates, the, 305. 

Com))any of the West, tlie, 234 ; 
monojioly of trader granted to, 
235 ; fails to prosper, 236. 
Comtes, 314. 










^ •4H4 ; hi.H 
Talon re- 
"1 popula- 
ter fn.iii 
"ff trado 
tiada, 500, 
Talon on 
thn clerpfv 
llio clorgv 
let tors to 

iieral, pro- 
eiilogy of 

'c Quebec, 
158, 501. 

»c-e, the, 
!>>' I-onis 
eu at the 
n Aloxan- 
)]o i»osses- 
rles de la 
f at Cape 
and to I.a 
1, 14; 27; 
son, 175; 
to rcsif^n 
made by, 

I Associ- 

tho, 234 ; 
lilted to, 





CoiKh". 2.10, 231, 242. 

(.'onj^rr;;ation of the Holy Family, 
the, s"8, 422, 424, 431. 

CoiitrecoMU, town c^f, 2'.)4, 302. 

Cojiper mines of Lake Superior, 
the, 271. 

CorhuT (Sfheticotady), Dutch 
hanilet of, 249. 

Crjte, a, 295,341. 

(Nittoii, llev. John, 28. 

Cniiillard, 23'.>. 

Couillard, Madame, 223. 

Council of Canada, the, powers of, 

Courcelle, Sieur de, see lic'im/, 
Ihiiikl de. 

Courcelles, Seipjneur, do, 11. 

t'oitn iirs lie bois, 321, !HtS ; an ob- 
ject of horror to the King, 373 ; 
etlicts directed against, 373 ; their 
return to Moiitroal, 370 ; l)uild 
palisades, 376 ; spoiled for civili- 
zation, 377 ; had their, 377 ; 
tlieir riotous invasions of .Michili- 
iiiackinac, 383 ; Father Carheil's 
s»!vere condemnation of, 385. 

Coiitnmc (Ic Paris, the, 313, 330. 

Creijuy, Due de, ambjvssador of 
France at Rome, 220. 

Croatia, 188. 

Crolo, Sister, 102. 

Cromwell, Captain, 44. 

Cromwell, Oliver, 52, 202. 

Crown, William, ol)tains a grant 
of Acadia from Cromwell, 53. 

Cuille'rier, Kene, 113. 

Cure's, Canadian, 520. 

Dahi.on, the Jesuit, sent among 
the Onondagas, 69; arrival at 
Ououdaga, 70 ; harangues the 
Indians, 70 ; his journey home, 
73 ; at Quebec, 73 ; joins the col- 
ony among the Onondagas, 74 ; 
denounces balls in Canada, 413. 

D'Amours, .see Amours, I)'. 

Daniel, 123. 

Dansniartin, Henry, 475. 

Daulac, Adam, early life of, 128 ; 
liis expedition thi' Iro- 
quoi.s, 129; Chief Aniiahotaha 
offers to reinforce, l.'U); his en- 
counter with the Iroiiuois at the 
Long Saut, 131-139; deserted 
by Annaliotaha, 134 ; death of, 
137 ; .saveil Canada from a dis- 
astrous invasion, 138. 

D'Aulnay, D'Aulney,«ee D'Aunay. 

D'Aun.ay, see Charnisai/, Cfiarlen 
dc Minou d'Aunaif. 

Dauphiny, 320. 

Dauversiero, see La JJauversiere, 
Lti lioi/cr de. 

Demer.s, 436. 

De Monts, grant made by Honry 
IV. to, 3. 

Deni.s, Charles, 173, 213. 

Denis, M., 171, 483. 

Denonville, Mudemoiselle, 410. 

Denonville, Marchioness, 410. 

Denonville, Marquis, the governor, 
on the Canadian nobility, 318, 
320, .321 , 3.54, 355, .357, 360, 369 ; 
on the cotireurs de bois, 375 ; his 
arrival in Canada, 410 ; the di- 
rections of Bishop Saint-Vallier 
to, 410, 420; on the education 
of girls in Canada, 431 ; on the 
lawlessness in Canada, 441-443 ; 
on the strength of the Canadi- 
ans, 445 ; asks aid from the 
King for the Canadian poor, 
446, 450 ; on Chateau St. Louis, 
497 ; his letter to Colbert con- 
cerning trade and industry in 
Can.ada, 500, 501 ; his letter to 
Colbert on cur»'s, edu- 
cation, and discipline in Canada, 

Deuys, Nicolas, the trader, 6 ; at 




it?- '. 

Fnrt. T.oiiK'r'tJi, 11; liis titlf in 
Acjulia, 14; (Ui tlio raptiin! of 
Kort St. Joiiii In- D'Aiiiiiiv, 40 ; 

kf'CpS il fcthlc lluld nil lli.S pos- 

Do (.^noii, si!(! (^mii, /)r. 

Dcs Islftrt, •27'), ;}()7, .-(U. 

Dosjfinliiis, Lii 'I'oiir's ;ii,'ciit, HI; 
taken prisoner liy D'Annay, 17; 
releascil liy D'Ajuiay, 17; semis 
a siiip to La Tour, li). 

])es 'J'oiiehi'.x, I'l ronne, l',>2; iiis 
nmnlor, H»2. 

Detroit, 32.'{ ; pc^st of t lie nmri'iirs <le. 
/;«/jj at, .'J7t); La Mutiie ' 'iiilillae 
tho foninler of, 4 IT); slavery at, 

Diamond, Capo, 75, a.'is, .'J4G. 

Dieppe, 277. 

Dollnrd,sec Ikiuluc, Adam. 

Dollior, see Cassun, iJuHitr de. 

Doiitro, .'}.•} 1, .'{KJ, n()5. 

Drtiaiii Feast, the, 72. 

Dreams, tlic oracles of the Iro- 
quois, '.)1. 

Drunkenness, the most de.struc- 
tive vice in the colony, 444. 

Du Bois, Jean Haptiste, 258. 

Dubois, M., 513. 

Du Buisson, 308. 

Duchesnean, the intendant, on the 
Cauadian nobility, 318, 319, 337 ; 
letters from Colbert to, 33'.t, 400 ; 
letters from the King to, 33'J, 
394 ; attempts to ajiply a stimu- 
lus to Canadian trade, 358; ap- 
peals for help, 359 ; on the cnu- 
reurs de hois, 374 ; his rei)ort on 
the brandy question, 389 ; 402, 
403, 443 ; on the ))overty of 
Canada, 447 ; letters from Col- 
bert to, 515, 516. 

Dufresne, Jacques, 113. 

Du Lhut, 323, 374 ; the leader of 
V'Q co'ireurs de hois, 370. 

' Dnniesnil, .fpan I'lToiino, I'M); 
his power not recoj^nized, 191 ; 
Ills life thiealened, 192, 193; 
his statements rrjected by llir^ 
council, 195; hi:; papers sei/.rd 
by the i(i;ihril, 19'< ; desij;iis i.t 
the council ajiainst. I!t9 ; hi> 
escape, 21)0 ; returns to France, 
200; report > bis niievances to 
CnllH'i't, 200; iiHinoriiils of, 
202 ; .'!H9 : (III t lie brandy (|uarrcl, 
39(» ; on the irinlc i,\' the .lesiiils, 
394 ; letter of Dii I'onI to Cnl- 
bert conceriiiiij;, 4H4, 485; his 
memorial conceiniii^ affairs in 
C^anada, 480-488. 

Dumoiii, I s9 : journal of, 190. 

Dunkiii. Mr., 315. 

Diqilessis, 302, 5(»4. 

Du I'ont, (iaudais, letter to Col- 
bert concerning; Dumesnil from, 
484 ; 480, 487. 

Dupiiy, Paul, 344, 435. 

Du I'uys, Major Zachary, 74 ; at 
Onondaga, 79, 89; admirable 
coolness of, 90. 

Du <>!uef, Pierre, 173. 

Durham Terrace, 490. 499. 

Dutch, the, 03, 71, 75, 84, 381, 

Dutch War, the, outbreak of, 291. 

Emu i.K.MKNs, tho, 185, 298. 

Kduiation, in Canada, 520. 

Endicott, (iovernor .lohn, warns 
(ioveriior W'inthrop against La 
Tour, 30; La Tour asks aid 
from, 32 ; refuses to grant La 
Tour's ])etition, 33; D'Aunay 
proposes terms of jieace to, 34, 

England, chiims the North Ameri- 
can continent, 3; Sir William 
Alexander transfers the French 
settlements in Acadia and Can- 




Mint', |;i(); 

■Mi/.<'ll, I'.M ; 

I '.'2. I <).•»; 

i'll liV tlif 

prrs sci/...(| 
"Icsif^iis I, I 

• " Kniiicf, 
fvanccs to 

H'l'illls of, 

liv (unirrcl, 
ln! Jesuits, 
'llf III ("ul- 
, 4sr); liis 
; itITairs in 

ol', I'.tO. 

tor to f'ol- 
csiiil from, 

ar.v, 74 ; at 


">, S4, 381, 

iak of, 291. 


lin, warns 
against La 
• asks aid 
grant La 
aco to, .■34, 

rtli AtiiPri- 
r William 
lie l-'ri'ncli 
I and (-,'an- 

nila liy cnni|iiost to, 8 ; n-storfd 
\<\ treaty of St. (irrmaiii, s . 
war breaks out hetwet-ii Kramr 
and, r)2 ; 121 ; jialoiisy of Co 
lonial mamifai tint'-* sliowii Ity, 
.')til ; siKTcedod in the Imildiiitr 
ii|i of colonics, 4(').'l, 

lOnj^lisli, tlic, attack l''ort Lome 
roil. ♦» ; .•{81, .'^8 ; llircaliii to 
attack ("anada. 424. 

Lni^lislt colonist, tlic, coni|iare(l 
with the Krcmh colonist, 4.">9. 

I'ji.ulisli eoni|iiest, the, th.' i;rand 
crisis of Catiailian history, 4ti7. 

KiiLijlisli gentry, the, .'UCi. 

I''.nglisli revolution, the, 1()4. 

Krie Indians, the, at war with the 
Iroi|iH)is, .")7 ; thi' hest hope of 
peaee for the French lay in the 
Iro<|iiois' with, 117. 

Kstrades, the .MareVhal d', viceroy 
for .\ merica, 2.37. 

Kvreu.x, in Normandy, 10. 

Faii.i.on, Al)i)»', on Dauversiero 
and tli(3 Sisterhood of St. 
Jose])li, 98 ; on the iniraeuhjiis 
cure of .Mile. Mance, 1()0; on 
the reticence and dissimulation 
])ractised hy the .lesuits and 
the .Montrealists, 104 ; on the 
privatious of the nuns at .Mont- 
real. lOr. ; tril.ute to, 117; on 
the heroism of Danlac, 1.'58 ; on 
the struggle for the bishopric of 
Canada, 15."); on r^aval's letter 
to the l'()])e, 1,')9; on Laval's 
desire for the title of Rishop of 
Quebee, 219 ; on Dollier de Cas- 
son at St. Anne, 204 ; on 'Tracy's 
expedition against the Iro(|iiois, 
267 ; on the peo])ling of Can- 
ada, 277, 28.') ; on the premium 
pla<'ed on marriage in Canada, 
287, 29(1; on t!ie riv.iit of .Mont- 

reiil to trade with France, ;j,''i2 ; 
oil the ornameiit.'tl arts in 
Canada, .'lt')2 ; <>n .SI lie. Le iter, 
42.'); on edncaiion in Canada, 
42t> : on the inliueiicc of the 
tr<iii|i> oil Canada, 4 1.'); on tiie 
brawls at Montreal, 4:(9 ; on 
the laws controlling innkeepers, 

Felicite', Saint, 241. 

Ferland, .Milie', his .-idmiratioti of 
L;i\al, 172 ; '108 ; on the Irmle 
<<{ the Jesuits, :19.'); 4»8, 44!t, 
4.")0 ; on the letter from Me/.y to 
the .lesuits, 490. 

" Festins ii manger tout," 90, itt. 

Fete Dieii, the, lt;8. 

Feudalism, in Furope, .'{04 ; in 
Canada, .'{(i4 ; in France, .'104; 
first jdanted in Canada i)y 

Klidieliell, .'{0."). 

Fillioii, .Sioiir, 20.'1. 

Finances of Canada, the, not pros- 
perous, .'{t')2. 

Fisheries of Canada, the, .'{.^)7, 

Flavian, Saint, 241. 

Flemish Mastard, the, f)4, 2,')2, 

Florida, 4, 7, 2.'!4. 

I'oilin, .Sieur, 272. 

Foiitainebleau, tl e forest of, 229. 

Fontanges, 2.'{1. 

Foresticr, at Fort St. Anne, 264. 

Forest-trade, the. .308. 

Foi'.^ter, -lolm IteiiioM, 4.')8. 

FoU(|uet, the arrest of, 2.'{1. 

Fowle, Mr., .34. 

Fiance, elaims the North Ameri- 
»an continent, .'? ; the Fniiich 
•settlements in Acadia and Can- 
ada restored by the treaty of 
St. (iermain to, 8 ; in sole 
])ossession of .\cndia. S; war 
Im aks out lietween England 




ii-+ ■« 

mnl. .^'i ; driffiii^? tmvfinl tlic 
triiiMiiili of tin- piiiti ili'rol, TJi' ; 
I'l'inliilisiii loscH itrt vitality in, 
3U4 ; past ami pn'^^cii' Htaiid 
niilo hy »i'l«! tlirniiiilnnit, .'{^tl ; 
failiMl in tlio biilMin^ up of 
foloniert, 46.'J. 

Kranco, tlio Clinrch of, If).!. 

FranclH" Conitr, 414. 

Frani'liotot, Malliurin, captured 
by tli(» Iro(|Uois, 5(1; hurnod liy 
tlio Iroipioirt, tU. 

Franris, Saint, 1.1. 

Francis Uorf^ia, Saint, '2*25. 

Francis 1., of Frauce, 15;i, 15r), 

I r)f>. 

Francis of Assisi, Saint, 2'2.'). 

Francis of Sales, Saint, '22:^, 410. 

Franciscans, tlio, 400. 

F'rcniin, Father, joins tho colony 
aiuon^ the ( )nondaga.s, 74; at 
Throe Kivers, '2r)0 ; ordered 
to tho Mohawks, 2fi6 ; 394. 

F'reniont, the cure, 4.18. 

Frencdi, the, keep a feoldo hoM 
on Acadia, 4 ; make a h)dg- 
ment on the rock of (Quebec, 
7 ; peace concluded with the 
Indi.'ins at (iuel)cc, 61 ; their 
host ho])e of peace lay in the 
Irocpiois' war with the Fries, 
67 ; Mohawk attacks on, fiS : 
the Mohawks make insolent de- 
mands of, 86 ; abandon the 
llurons to their fate, 86; the 
jirincipal fault of, 130. 

French Celt, the, 465. 

French colonist, tho, eom])ared 
with tho Eiip;lish colonist, 4.')'.). 

French fisheries of Newfoundland, 
the, 3r)8. 

French noldcsse, the, 316. 

FVondo, 24-2. 

Frontenac, Count, 197, 281 ; on 
the life of Chamblv on the 

Kichclicu, 204 ; on tho younj^er 
CharlcH I>»! Moyne, ."124; ro- 
jtorts on tho cnttn iirs dc Iidih to, 
374; on the bramiy (piarnl, 
392, :\'X\ ; his j)atrona;.'o of 
bails in Canaila, 4l.'i ; on the 
clerical severity in Canada, 
41.1, 414; 446; on Cliiiteau 
St. Louis, 496, 497-4H9; his 
memorial to the Kin;;, .■)17. 

Fundy, Hay of, |4, 38. 

Furtrade, the, not held incon.sis- 
tent with iiohli use , 10; disputes 
concerning, ^)'2 ; a^ain restoreij 
to C'anada after tho IrtxjuoiH 
War, .58 ; rendered worlhlesH 
by tho InMpiois War, 17.'); tho 
JMontrcalists want to monopolize, 
176; at Tadous.sac, 365; tho 
importance of, 366. 

(lAimunv, Loiis, 346. 

(ialinee, Father, 141. 

(iallican Church, tho, 1.53. 

(iallic.'in (National) Party, tlie, 
153; tenets of, 1.53; o'ltHanked 
i)y the ritramontanes, ir)4; its 
stru^^gle against tho Lltramon- 
tanos, 155. 

(Janneutaa, meaning of the word, 

(Janong, W. V., on the sujipo.sed 
site of Fort La Tour, 39. 

Ganuntaah, meaning of the word, 

Garacontie', tho famous chief, 245. 

flardr de la A/tirinc, the, 321. 

Garneau, the Canadian, 224; on 
tho emigration to Canada, 277. 

(Jarnier, .Fulien, at the Seneca mis- 
sions, 380. 

Garonne River, the, 409. 

(iarreau, the -fcsuit, murdered by 
tho Mohawks, 85. 

Gaspe, 187. 


■■'£t -M 

I ; 





'^'■ii ; nt. 

'"'/'« to, 


iii;.'o (,f 

• III tlif 

«'''J; his 


GauflaisDiipniit, 104. 10.'), los, loo, 
iioo, 201, •j(i;j, 'ji:., *jis. I 

Ooiicnil C'uiiit of .\lii.Hsafliii»i'tt(*, | 
tli«', 4.'1 ; (*«'v«rf liiw !i;;!iiii>l llii' 
sale of li(|iii>r tu tiie ludiaii.^ 
pnHS«>(l by, .'JOl. 

(ioiicral 'iDspital lit" I'liris, tlic, 4tfi, 

liuiioral Ilnspilal of <,>ii(l)«'C, (lie, 
fouiiticil hy Saiiit-N'iliicr, 440. 

(iviililliiiintnr, thf, .'U(i. 

(iciitry, Kiij^li.xli, .'{H). 

(,Jt.'orj;<!, Lake, 248, ^.V!. 

(icriiiaiiif race, the, 4(i.'). 

(lihlioiiM, ('apt. I'Mw.inl, 21, 2.'); 
joins l,a 'lour against D'Aimay, 
28, 20, .'12 , rctiiniH to Hostoii, 
.12; ontcrtaiiis D'Aun.ay's en- 
voys, 42, 4;i. 

(Jil)lion.s, Mrs. Kdwanl, 21, 22, 2'). 

(Jiffanl, the physioiau, 2ai, 200, 

Giffanl, Hohort, 105. 

(iloria, Jean, 2().'l. 

GoiU-', Nicolas, 1 1(». 

Cioflofroy (son), ilcatli of, 110. 

(lootl Hope, CapP of, 2.'14. 

Gookin, Daniel, 248. 

Government House, tiie, at Quo- 
hee, .'108. 

Governor-General of Canada, the, 
powers of, .'127 ; his relations 
with the intendant, .'J28. 

"Governor's CJanlen," the, 21. 

Grafton, sent to Fort St. Jean 
provisions, 38 ; captured i)y 
D'Aunay, 38,41. 

Grande Baye, La, 15. 

Grandet, 255, 2l'.3, 2(i4, 265. 

Grand roi/cr, the, in Canada, 340. 

Great Britain, tlie King of, 308. 

Great Lakes, the, 323, 4C2. 

Great Seminary, the, at Quohec, 
220; foundfd hy Laval, 220; 
Laval's arrangement for tlie 
support of, 223. 

(iroenland, iM. 

(■Mfnlievilic, .Madame de, grant 

made hy Louis .\lll. to, 4. 
(tiiiilif, llif CoUMt lie, 230. 
(luii-nne, tJH; udniirally court of, 

I »;, 

(iuimonr, Louis, 420. 
(iiiioM, .lean, ."to". 
Gyneeocrucy, among the Indiana, 

llAnir.vNT, tiie, 315, 333, 3».0, 431, 

liariay, Anhhishop of Huuen, 

Harvard College, 425. 
Hawkins, 'i"lioma.«, joins La 'I'our 

against D'Aunay, 28, 20, 32; 

nturns to Bo.ston, 32. 
lla/.ard, 7. 

lia/.enr, 35r) ; memorial of, 357. 
Ilenriette of Knghmd, 230. 
Henry IV., of France, grant made 

to De Monts !iy,3. 
"Hermitage," tlie, 145; account 

of, Ufi ; tlie zealots at, 147; 

204, 205, 207, 228, 47r.-481. 
Hertel, Francois, his letter lo Lo 

Moyne, 121, 122; captured hy 

the Mohawks, 122; his letter to 

his motiier, 12.»; adventures of, 

123; death of, 123; letters of 

nohility of, 123, estimates of, 

Hocquart, tiic intendant, his view 

of the Canadians, 455. 
Holland. 121, 237. 
Holy Family, the, attempt to found 

a religious colouy at Montreal 

in honor of, 08. 
Holy See, tlie, UiO. 
Holy Wars of Montreal, the, 96- 

Horn, Cape, 466. 
H»Jtel Dieu of Montreal, the, 302. 





lintel Dieu of Qnohcc, the, 104, 
125; 'I'iihjii's portrait at, 268, 
300; the uuus of, 362 : 401,421, 

lloussart, 162. 

Ilul)l)anl, If), 19,32. 

lliulson'.s Hay, 234, 236,365. 

Hudson Kivcr, the, Diitcli lioretics 
at thuiiioutli of, 15 ; settlements 
of, 119 ; 248. 

Ilii^'iicnots, the, 204, 240, 354, 420, 

Ifuissicr, the, in Canada, 331. 

Hundred Associates, tiie, 305. 

Hunt, I'rof. Slerry, on the evi- 
dences of llie earthquake at 
C2nel)ec, 185. 

Huron Colony, the, coveted by the 
Iro(iuois, tiie Mohawks, and the 
Oiiondagas, 62. 

Huron Indians, the, destruction of, 
58; Iro([Uois ]»lans to destroy, 
62; turn to the Jesuits for aid, 
62 ; attack of tiie Moliawks on, 
76 ; abandoned to their fate by 
the French, 86 ; joined by Fatlier 
Hagueueau, 86; slaughtered liy 
the Onondagas, 87 ; take refuge 
in Quebec, 125; at the Long 
Saut, 134; desert Daulac, 134, 
137, 138. 

Huron mission, the, 63. 

Hutchinson, Mrs., preaching of, 

ImuiviLi.E, Le Moyne d', 323. 

Ignace, Father, tlie Superior of the 
C'a])ucins, at Fort Hoyal, 12; 
triliute to D'Aunay, 48. 

Incarnation, Marie de 1', on the 
Moliawk Iroijuois attack on Du 
Plessis Bocliart, 55 ; on tiie cap- 
ture of Fatlier Le Moyne by the 
Mohawks, 68 ; on the French 
colony among the (Jnondagas, 

75 ; on the Mohawks' attack on 
the llurons, 76 ; on the jMillti- 
cal inliiu'iice of women among 
the Iro(juois, 84 ; on tiie Medi- 
cine Feast, 92; on the Onon- 
daga nii,s.-<ion, 94 ; on the ap- 
pearance of tlie comet above 
(Quebec, 119; on the threatened 
attack of the lro(iuois, 12."); (ju 
tiie desertion of Daulac by I ho 
Huron.s, 137; her eiilngy on 
Laval, 161 ; on the earllKjuako 
at Quebec, 184, 18,5, 186, 1«7; 
on the appointment of tlie Mar- 
([uis de Tracy as lieutenant- 
gciieral of America, 2.'^S, 211 ; 
on the Holy War in Canada, 
243 ; her letters home, 244 ; 
252 ; on Tracy's exjicdition 
against the JNIohawks, 254, 256; 
on Tracy's success, 257 ; 261 ; 
on Talon's zeal for the success 
of the colony, 272 ; on the peo- 
pling of Canada, 277 ; on tiie 
emigration to Canada, 278, 280; 
on tiie " King's gift," 286 ; on 
the ])reiniuni on marriage in 
Canada, 287; her estimate of 
the officers on the Uiclielieii, 
294 ; at the I'r.'uline Convent 
in Quebec, 300 ; on the Canadian 
settler, 303 ; on witches in 
Canada, 421 ; on the education 
of girls in Canada, 431 ; on the 
influence of the troo))s on Can- 
ada, 435. 
Indians, the, grand council held at 
(Quebec, 57 ; conclude treaty 
with the French, 61 ; celebra- 
tion of the Dream Feast, 72 ; 
political influence of women 
among, 84 ; their fur-trade 
Avith the French, 367 ; forest- 
trade with, 368 ; severe law 
passed by the General Court of 




Massachusetts against the sale 
of liquor to, 'M\. 

luiliau wonicu, the, reproductive 
qualities of, 289. 

Infant Jesus, the chapel of the, at 
Montreal, 302. 

Innocent XI„ Pope, 15.1, 154, 156, 
158, 159, 220. 

Intenilant of Canada, the powers 
of, .326 ; his relations Avith the 
Governor-General, 328; the rul- 
ing power in tlie (-(dony, 337. 

" Ipswioli Letter," tlie, 30 ; Gov- 
ernor Winthrop's reply to, 31 ; 
great effect of, 31. 

" Ironsides," Cromwell's invinci- 
ble, 466. 

Irocjuois Indians, the, at ack die 
French at Montreal, 55 , cap- 
ture Father Poncet, 56 ; at war 
with tlie Erics, 57 ; malce peace 
with the French, 57 ; the five 
"nations" of, 57 ; grant I'fe to 
Father I'oncet, 59 ; native fickle- 
ness of, 62 ; i)lans to destroy tlie 
Ilurons, 62 ; their friendly re- 
ception to Father Le Moyne, 
66 ; desire peace with Canada, 
66 ; the capital of, 81 ; dissimu- 
lation of, 81 ; political influence 
of women among, 84 ; dealing.^ 
of Aillel)0ust with, 88 ; dreams 
the oracles of, 91 ; their attacks 
on Montreal, 109-116; the 
French make a truce with, 110; 
kill Le Maitre and Vignal, 111, 
112 ; their threatened attack on 
the French, 125; ca])tured l»y 
the French, 127; Daulac's ex- 
pedition against, 129; their 
encounter with Daukic at the 
Long Saut, 131-139; 244; sue 
for peace, 265 ; the hopes of the 
Jesuits for, 380. 

Iroquois missions, the, 383. 

Inxpiois War, the, 54-57 ; Canada 
writhes under the scourge of, 
118; at its iieiglit, 120; renders 
the fur-trade worthless, 175. 

Isle Ji la Pierre, 1 1 2. 

Isle aux ( )ieH, 68, 435. 

Isle La Motte, 260. 

Jacoiun convent, the, 205. 

Jacobin nio.iks, the, 205. 

Jac()U(din, Marie, marries Charles 
de la Tour, 17; proves a valu- 
able ally to La Tour, 17 ; 
taken prison(ir i)y D'Aunay, 17; 
released by D'Aunay, 17; sails 
for Boston, 20; in Boston, 28 ; 
returns to France, 36 ; forbidden 
to !"ave France, 36 ; escapes to 
England ainl sails to America, 
36 ; arrives in Boston, 36 ; re- 
joins La Tour, 37 ; captured by 
D'Aunay, 40; her death, 40; 

James I. of England, grant made 
to Sir William Alexander by, 4. 

Janiin, Captain, 17. 

Jansenism, 148, 157, 20.'). 

Jansenists, the, their struggle with 
the Jesuits, 146; 420, 4-76, 479, 

Javille, 475. 

.lemsec, sujiposed site of Fort La 
Tour at, 39. 

Jerome, Saint, 411. 

.lesuit College, the, at Quebec, 301 . 

Jesuit missions, tlie, 380 ; imiiort- 
ance of, 381 ; extremities of, 
383 ; the .sidendid self-tlevotinn 
of, 409. 

Jesuits, the, grant made by Louis 
XIII. to, 4; the Ilurons ap])ly 
for aid to, 62; invited by the 
Diiondagas to plant a colony 
among them, 63 ; send Father 
Le Moyne among the Onon- 



(lapfas, 64 ; at Ononilaga, 70, 
80 ; decide to estal>lisli a colony 
amoii^ the Ouoiidagas, 74 ; 
Governor Laiison makes a grant 
of land to, 74 ; fearful task 
essayed by, 84 ; among the 
Cayugas, the Senecas, and the 
Uneidas, 84 ; frightful position 
of, 89 ; adiniralde coolness of, 
90; the Medicine Feast, 91; 
■ica])e from the Indijins, 93 ; 
arrival at Quel)cc, 94 ; jealousy 
for the Sulpitians at Montreal, 
10.'5 j reticence and dissimulation 
practiseil by, 104; in despair, 
119 ; torture considered a bless- 
ing in disguise by, 124; their 
struggle to obtain the bishojiric 
of Canada, 142-145 ; animosity 
of Father Queylus to, 143, 144; 
conflict with the Jansenists, 
146; the most forcible expo- 
nents of ultramontane princi- 
ples, 153 ; theii struggle against 
the Sulpitians, 155; triumph 
over the Sulpitians, 1 60 ; adepts 
in human nature, 164; their 
sagacity in choosing Laval to 
be Bishop of Canada, 164; 
Avaugonr desires to be on good 
terms with, 179; Mezy appeals '. 
to, 209 ; accusations j 
Mc'zy, 214; Mozy's charges 
against, 217; their ideas in re- 
gard to the relations of the 
Church and State, 226 ; victory 
over the Iroquois, 265-267 ; be- 
gin their ruined missions anew, j 
380; their hopes of converting 
the Iroquois, 380 ; always in tlie 
van of religious and political 
propagandism, 383 ; LaMothe's 
hatred for, 385 ; denounce the 
brandy traffic, 388 ; enter on the 
work of reform, 389 ; trade of, 

393-395 ; forbidden by the King 
to carry on trade, 394 ; the re- 
call of Mezy a defeat in dis- 
guise for, 396 ; Courcelle's op- 
position to, 397 ; Talou ordered 
to watch, 397 ; C(dl)ert jdaiis 
against, 400; rigorous at Que- 
bec, 416; derive great power 
from the confessional, 417; 
form the Congregation of the 
Holy Family, 418; reluctant to 
share their power with the 
Recollets, 418; the al)lest 
teachers in Canada, 425 ; letter 
from Mozv to, 490-492 ; 517. 

" Jesuits' Well," the, 79. 

Jesus, the Company of, 69, 512. 

Jesus, the Island of, 224, 403. 

Jesus, the Order of, see Order of 

Joachim, Saint, 429. 

Jogues, Father Isaac, 257. 

Joliet, Louis, 356. 

Joseph, Brother, 394. 

Joseph, Saint, tiie labors of Mile. 
Mance in honor of, 98 ; hos- 
pital at Montreal in honor of, 

Josselyn, on the earthquake at 
Quel)ec, 187. 

Jouaneaux, at Montreal, 107 , de- 
votes himself to the service of 
the Sisters, 107. 

Jucliereau, see Saint-Ignace, Fran- 
ces Juchereau de. 

Judge, the, in Canada, 332. 

Jumeau, Sister, at Montreal, 107. 

Kalm, the Swedish botanist, 456; 
his view of the Canadians, 456. 
Kamouraska, 406, 428. 
" King's gift," the, 28G. 
" King's girls," the, 285. 
" Kirke," tlie, 5. 
Kirke, the brothers, Sir William 




Alexander fits out a private ox 
peclitiou under, 7 ; success of 
the expedition, 7. 
Kirke, Sir David, gives assistance 
to La Tour, 45. 

Labadie, Sergeant, 801. 

La Barre, Governor, 419, 440,441, 
443, 496. 

La IJouteillerie, 406. 

La Cliaise, Pere, 391 ; his corre- 
spondence with Laval, 404. 

Lachenaye, 17H. 

La Chesnaye, Charles Aubert de, 
memorial of, 275 ; on the brandy 
quarrel, 390, 391 ; 448. 

La Chine, 65, 287, 302. 

La Chine Kapids, the, 302. 

La Citiere, va-st domain of, 310. 

La Combe, 406. 

La Dauversiere, Le Royor de, 
founder of the sisterhood of St. 
Joseph, 97 ; appropriates for 
himself tlie money of tlie sister- 
hood, 98, 102; portrait of, 98 ; 
visited by Mile. Mance, 100; a 
wretched fanatic, 100; agent of 
the As.sociation of Montreal, 
101 ; death of, 102. 

Ladies, the, in Canada, 457. 

La Durantaye, 263, 323 ; at Mich- 
ilimackinac, 385. 

La Fayette, Madame de, 230. 

La Ferte, Juchereau de, appointed 
councillor at Quebec, 195, 196 ; 

Lafitau, on the political influence 
of women among the Iroquois, 
84 ; on the resemblance between 
the Iroquois and the ancient 
Lycians, 85 ; 4G2. 

La Fleche, town of, 100, 101, 102. 

La Fltiche Nuns, the, 102; in 
Canada, 1 04 ; extreme poverty 
of, 105. 

Lafontaine, Judge, 315. 

Lafoutaine, Sir L. II., 309. 

La Frt'dicre, Major, .'^ont to garri- 
son Montreal, 435 ; his tyranny, 
436 ; accusations, 437 ; 
ordered home to France, 437. 

La Galisonniere, Marquis de, 432. 

La Ilontan, 281, 282, 285, 332, 334, 
347, 354, 369 ; complains of tiio 
clerical severity in Canada, 414, 
415 ; 420, 447*; hia view of the 
Canadians, 455. 

Lalemant, diaries, 226. 

Lalemant, Father Jerome, 166, 
167, 171, 172, 179, 181, 182, 183, 
184, 211, 213, 387 ; on the trade 
o' the Jesuits, 393 ; 483, 484. 

La Lucicre, La Motte de, 263, 265, 
279, 288, 493. 

Laml)erville, among the Onon- 
dagas, 380. 

Lamoignon, President of the Com- 
pany of New France, 178. 

La Mothe-Cadillac, 323 ; at Mich- 
ilimackinac, 385 ; his hatred 
for the Jesuits, 385; on the re- 
lations of liaval and the King, 
399 ; the founder of Detroit, 
415 ; on the clerical severity in 
Canada, 415, 416, 518, 519. ' 

La Motte, see fji Luclere, La 
Motte de. 

La Mouche, Chief, 1.34. 

Langlois, Noel, 318. 

La Peltrie, Madame de, 145. 

La Potherie, 252, 334, 347 ; on the 
women of Quebec, 453. 

Lareau, 331, 346, 365. 

La Salle, 274, 302, 323 ; on the 
brandy quarrel, 390; on the 
trade of the Jesuits, 394 ; on 
Father Bardy's sermon against 
the governor, 399 ; on the power 
derived l)y the .Jesuits from the 
confessional, 417. 




La Tesscrie, .appointed councillor 
at <,)uf'l)cc. 21;). 

La Tour, AUx', I4G, 152, 155, 181, 
184, 19.'i, 214, 218, 221,228, 241, 
278, 29<;, ,ri4, .301, 4.10, 448, 

La Tour, Cliarlcs Saint- Kticniic 
(Ic, hrouf^lit to Acadia, 5 ; lio- 
conios altaciiud to \\u\ service of 
IJicncourl, 5; lliuucuiirt l)e- 
(|U(';itlis Ids pro|)crty to, 5 ; Iic- 
conics owner ot" I-'ort Lonieron 
and ils dependencies, 5 ; apjjeals 
to tlie I'.in;^ for a conunission to 
command in Acadia, 5; attacked 
by Sir VViliiani Alexander, 5; 
made a l>aronet of Nova Scotia, 
7 ; receives <i;rants of ];ind near 
('.•i])e Sable and on the St. John 
Hiver, 7 ; binlds a fort on the 
St. .John Hiver, 7; ids Knolisli 
titles to lands .it Caju' Sable 
become worthless, 9; returns to 
J'aris, y ; extensive grants of 
lands made to, '.( ; made lieuteii- 
aiit-s>;eneral in Fort Lonie'ron 
and commander at Ca])e Sable, 
9; dis.sensions witli D'Auiiny. 
9; his ])osit,i()n .and qu.alities 
compared witii D'Aun.ay, 9; his 
little kinii'dom .at Cape Salde, 
10; tlie true surnaiue of his 
fanuly, 10; bitter enmity for 
D'Aunay, 14; receives a land 
gr.ant on the St. .Fobn, 14; re- 
moves from C.a})e Salile to Fort 
St. ,Tean, 14 ; his feud with 
D'Aun.ay, 14, 15; attacks the 
I'lymoutli tradingdiouse at M.a- 
chias, 15; refuses to aid 
D'Aun.ay against Penobscot, 
Ifi; plots against D'Auuiiy, 10; 
marries Mario .lacipndin, 17; 
she proves a valnai)]e ally to, 17 ; 
ca])tures some of D'Aunay's sol- 
diers, 17; battle with D'Aunay, 

17; taken jirisonerby D'Aun.ay, 
17; released by D'Aunay, 17; 
ids co!nnns.>ion revoked, 18 ; 
refuses to (diey the King's com- 
inanil, 18 ; in ojieii revolt, 19 ; 
sails for IJosLon, 20; arrives 
in Moston, 21; asks (iovcrnor 
Winthrop for .aid against 
D'.\nnay,22; among the I'uri- 
tans, 25 ; attends training-day 
in Hoston, 2r> ; allowed bv 
(Jovernor Winthrop to Inre 
allies against D'.\unay, 28; 
.sails with his allies from lioston, 
.32; D'Aunay tiees before, .'i2 ; 
.asks aid from (Iovcrnor Kndi- 
cott,.'?2 ; his petition not granted, 
.'3.T ; rejoined by his wife, >'{7 ; 
D'.\un.ay captnres Fort St. 
.lean, .'59 ; his wife caj)tured, 
and her death, 40; entert.ained 
l)y Samuel M.averick, 45 ; re- 
ceives assistance from Sir D.avid 
Kirke, 45; treachery of, 45; 
death of D'Aunay, 48"; smldenly 
a|)pears as the favorite of roy- 
.alty, 49; his fruitful visit to 
France, 50; return to Acadia, 
50: juarries Madame d'Auuiiy, 
51; bis share of Acadia, 52; 
obtains a grant of Acadia from 
t'romwell, 5.'} ; sells his share to 
Temple, 5,*i ; his de.ath, 5.'? ; bis 
descendants, 5.3 ; official rejiort 
of Andre Certaiu on D'Aunay 
.and, 469-475. 

La Tour, M.adame C'harle.s de, see 
,/(irtjii(/in, Marie. 

La Tour, Claude de, 5 ; cajjtured 
by the jirivateer "Kirke," 5; 
his nuirriage, 5 ; renounces his 
Fremdi allegiaiu-e, 6 ; ni.ade a 
baronet of Nova Scotia, 6 ; sent 
to Cape Sable, 6 ; early history 
of, 10. 





La Tonr, Fort, supposed sito of, 
39 ; SCO calso Lome'ruit, t'urt. 

Lauliia, Captain, 301. 

Laurent, Jean, 475. 

Lau.«on, Governor, Jean de, re- 
ceives the Onondaga deputation, 
69 ; favors tiie establislunent of 
tlie Onondaj^a colony, 74 ; nialies 
a ffrant of land to the .fosuit.s, 
74; not matched to the desper- 
ate crisis of the hour, 77; lU), 
IOC), 310, 352,448. 

Lauson, son of the governor, the 
seneschal of New France, 119; 
deatli of, 119, 

Lauzon, Cote de, census of, 299. 

Laval-iMontmoHMK'y, F ra n cols 
Xavicr de, hishop at l^uebec, 
102; allied to the Jesuits, 102; 
looks on the colonists of IMont- 
real with mure than coldness, 
102; maxims of, 141 ; appointed 
Bishop of Canada, 145 ; sketdi 
of, 145 ; eulogy on, 151 ; bound- 
less zeal of, 152; of one mind 
witli the Jesuits, 154; sails for 
Canada, 154; Q^^ylus puts him- 
self in opposition to, 155; his 
dislike of divided authority, 155 ; 
not a man of iialf measures, 
156; Queylus in conflict with, 
158 ; his letter to the Pope, 159 ; 
reconciliation witii <,Jueylus, 
160; his triumph complete, 160; 
an object of veneration to Cath- 
olics, 161 ; eulogies on, 161 ; his 
austerity of life, 162; sanctity 
of, 162 ; portraits of, 163 ; char- 
acteristics of, 163; Colbert the 
true antagonist of, 165 ; (juarrels 
with Argenson, 166, 167, 168, 
170, 171 ; Kcrland's admiration 
for, 172; urges the removal of 
Argenson, 178; the brandy 
quarrel, 181 ; sails for France, 

182; urges the removal of 
Avaugour, 182 ; his triumph, 
193; constructs a new council, 
194; his selection of Mczy as 
governor, 206; signs (»f storm, 
207 ; Mc'zy in opposition to, 
209, 213; accusations against 
Mczy, 214; Mc'zy recalled,' 21,') ; 
his tlirecfold strengtii at court, 
215; the death of Mezy, 216; 
Mezy's charges against, 217; 
his desire to obtain the title ui 
Rishoj) of Quebec, 219 ; obtain.^ 
his desires, 220 ; to 
eslalilish a seminary at Quebec, 
220 ; his idea of the parish priest, 
221 ; his arrangement for the 
sujjport of the seminary, 222; 
acciuires vast grants of land in 
Canada, 224 ; the father of the 
Canadian (^hurch, 224 ; tribute 
to, 224 ; his funeral eulogy, 225 ; 
stories of hi.s asceticism, 225 ; 
his ideas in regard to the rela- 
tion of Cliurcii and State, 226 ; 
cared for nothing outside the 
Church, 228 ; receivrs the Mar- 
(jnis de Tracy, 239 ; on the 
IH'opling of Canada, 277; his 
.seigniory of lieaupre, 2!(S ; his 
opposition to the brandy traffic, 
389; the King distrusts, 392; 
his relations with tlie King, 
399; returns to France, 403; 
asks to have a successor a\y- 
pointed, 403 ; forbidden to return 
to Canada, 404 ; his correspond- 
ence with I'ere La Chaise, 404 ; 
his invectives against the luxury 
and vanity of women, 412; de- 
nounces balls in Canada, 413; 
encourages education in Canada, 
426 ; his industrial school, 430 ; 
letters between D'Argenson 
(brotiicr of the goveruorj and, 





■fl ■t'^t; 4Sri ; ordor rorrivod 
from Mcy.y, 4S8 : liis roph, 4'.tO ; 
517, '>\i<, r)20. 

LuvalV Soiniiiary, at Qncboc, 4.'i0; 
the liiirniiii^ of, 4M. 

La \'all('rio, I-icutoiiaut, '501. 

r.avnl rniversity, of (^uehec, 161, 

Laval (T, 208. 

I/a Vi't-endrye, Varcnncs de, 2S0, 

Lavi;;iio, 112 ; nocturnal adventuro 
of, 114. 

Lc I !(•!•, tlic merchant, 107. 

Lf !!('r, Jacques, .317. 

Lp Her, .Irauno, 302 ; tho vpnor- 
atcd of Montreal, 421 ; 
skftcli of, 422-425. 

Le Hor, Piorre, 302. 

Lc Hoi-Mjiio, unscrupulous plans 
a;;'aiust ISLndanie d'Aunay, .')0, 
51 ; gets a lion's sliarc of Aca- 
dia, 52. 

Leclcrc, 475. 

Le ('lore, 270 ; on the early colo- 
nists uf Canada, 278. 

Lf .i'l'nno, Fatlior, on the Mo- 
hawks' attack on tho Ilurons, 
7t; ; on the Iro([uois attacks on 
Montreal, 115; asked hy Anno 
of Austria to select a hisliop for 
Canada, 144 ; sagacious clioice 
of, 145. 

Le Maitre, tho priest, 96; killed 
liy i!;o Iro(|nois, 111. 

Lc ]\Ie;'cicr, Father, on the French 
victory over tlio Iroquois at 
Montreal, 55 ; on the close of 
tlie Tr()([uois War, 58 ; on the 
sale of l)cavei'-skinr in Canada, 
58; on the departure of Fatlier 
Lc Moyne to the Onondagas, 
64; joins the colony among the 
Onondagas, 74 ; fall.s ill, 78 ; at 
Ononihiga, 79, 80; on Chaumo- 

not's poM-er among the Indians, 
s.'l ; 241 ; on Courcelio's desire 
for war, 246 ; on Talon's at- 
t<'m))t loestaldish trade hotwoon 
Canada ami tiie West Indies, 
272; Ids jiiuiishment of tli(> 
l)randy tratlic, ■!S9 ; ])ri\;ite 
journal of, .'il);! ; 417. 

Le Moyne, Charles, 129. 245; at 
tlie lioad of the " IJluo Coats" 
of .Montreal, 254 ; a man v)f 
slcrling ([ualitics, .'124. 

Le Moyne, Charles (tlio younger), 
.•i24; his fort, .'124; 4.'J7, 4S8. 

Lc Moyne, Father Simon, sent 
among tho Onondagas, 04; his 
journey, 64 ; rece])tion hy tiic 
Inxjuuis, 05; liis Imranguc, O'i, 
07 ; di.scovers tho famous .salt- 
s]irings of Onondaga, 68; re- 
turns to (iueboc, 08; captnred 
hy tlie Moliawks, hut released, 
08; among the Moliawks, 01); 
returns to ^lontreal, O't ; goes 
again among the Mohawks, 88 ; 
letter from Ilertel to, 122. 

Lo Noir, Francois, 287. 

Lendes, cousin of Tracy, 251. 

Lcsdiguicre.s, Ducliesse de, letter 
from Charlevoix to, 458. 

Ijosser ISemiuary, tiie, at Quehec, 

Lestang, 19. 

Levi, Point, 126, 238, 451. 

Levite, 215. 

Lomi?ron, Fort, Pienconrt at, 5 : 
Charles de la Tour becomes tho 
owner of, 5; attacked by Sir 
William Alexander, 5, ; 
Charles de la Tour nnulo lion- 
tenant-gencralin,9; his life at, 1 1. 

Long Lake, 249. 

Long Saut P.-qiids, the, l.'^l ; en- 
counter (d' Danlac with the Iro- 
quois at, 131-139. 

[i ( 'i 

I ■ 




Longuouil.thc seigniory of, ,102,307. 

Lougueuil, Haron do, ^eo Ac 
Mot/Hf, Charles (t/ic i/omij/tr). 

Lorette, tlie mission of, .■)82. 

Lorniean, Knsign, Curion's attack 
on, 437, 438. 

Lorraine, the regiment of, 243. 

L'jtbinit're, tlio seigniory of, 302. 

Lonis, Katlier, 205, 200. 

Louis, M., goes to Boston as 
D'Aunay's envoy, 41 ; completes 
treaty with tiie Puritans, 44 ; 
returns to D'Aunay, 45. 

Louis Xlll., of Franco, grant 
made to Madame de Gucrclie- 
ville and the Jesuits hy, 4 ; La 
Tour hegs a commission to 
command in Acadia from, 5, 
7 ; gives North America to the 
Company of New France, 7 ; 
revokes La 'I'our's commission, 
18; orders D'Aunay to keep 
peace with the Puritans, 33. 

Louis XIV'., of Franco, pleased 
with D'Aunay's capture of l-'ort 
St. Jean, 46 ; grants royal favors 
to D'Aunay, 46 ; reverses the 
decree against La Tour, 49 ; re. 
flections on the colonial adminis- 
tration of, 50 ; favors Laval's 
wishes for the bishopric of Que- 
bec, 220 ; his sun rising in 
splendor, 230; fortune strangely 
bountiful to, 230; formed by 
nature to act the part of a king^ 
231 ; the embodiment of the 
monarchical idea, 232 ; has the 
prosperity of Canada at heart, 
236 ; resolved that a new France 
should be added to the old, 239 ; 
peoples Canada, 276 ; alarmed 
by Talon's demands for more 
men, 278 ; offers a bounty on 
children, 289 ; the Father of 
New France, 291 ; his zeal 

spasmodic, 291 ; the triuni]ih 
of royalty culminates in, 3t)5; 
preserves feudalism in Canada, 
305; the dispenser of charity 
for all Canada, 321 ; alono 
supri'ino in Canada, 329 ; on 
justice in Canada, 333 ; letter 
to Duchosneau, 339; ever 
haunted witli the fear of tiio 
Devil, 344 ; his edict against 
swearing, 344 ; the excess of 
his benevolence, 347 ; death of, 
348; Saint-Simon's portrait of, 
350 ; intluonce of Madame de 
Maintenon on, 350 ; retains ex- 
clu.sive right of the fur-trade 
at Tadoussac, 365 ; the cuureurs 
de hols an object of horrt.*' to, 
373 ; a])peal made in the bra:i 'y 
({uarrel to, 390; never at heart 
a proiiibitionist, 391 ; distrusts 
Laval, 392 ; liis attitude on the 
brandy (juarrel, 392 ; forbids the 
Jesuits from carrying on trade, 
394 ; his relatioris with Laval, 
399 ; his lilierality to the Cana- 
dian Church, 401 ; on education 
in Canada, 426 ; contributes to 
the relief of the Canadian poor, 
446 ; his instructions to Talon 
regarding tlio government and 
the clergy in Canada, 515. 

Louisbmg, the; capture of, 407. 

Louvigni, Hernieres de, royal 
treasurer at Caen, 145, 151 ; 
sketch of, 14.5-147; 204, 206; 
laudatory notice of, 206 ; the 
maxims of, 228 , 470, 477, 479. 

Louvre, tlie, library of, 178. 

Loyola, Ignatius de, sage policy 
of, 144 ; followers of, 416. 

Lus.saudiore, the seigniory of, 302. 

Lycians, tlie, ancient resemblance 
of the Iro([Uois to, 85. 

Lyons, 280. 


i i| 



Mace, Sister, 101 ; at Montreal, 
107, 101). 

Macliias, riynioutli trading-houses 
at, 15; attacited by La Tour, 

Madeleine, Cape, 393. 

Madry, cliosen alderman of Qne- 
l)ec,, 212. 

Magdtdaine, Cape, 512. 

Maiilet, Sister, 97, 101, 109. 

Maine, State of, 8, 323, 383. 

Maintenon, MadaincMle, 227, 350; 
iiiHnonce on lionis XIV., 350, 

Maisonnouve, Choinedey de, gov- 
ernor of Montreal, lOti; forms 
a military fraternity at Mont- 
real, 1 IC) ; proclaTnation of; 1 1(» ; 
128, 130, 131, 175; romovod liy 
Mezy, 207 ; removed l)y Tracy, 
328 ; his deatli in obscurity, 

Mai Bay, 298, 356. 

Malta, Kniglits of, 165. 

Mance, Jeanne, returns to Canada, 
97; lier labors in honor of St. 
tloseph, 98 ; lier hospital work 
at Montreal, 98 ; loses the use 
of her arm, 99 ; returns to 
France, 99 ; her miraculous cure, 
99 ; her visit to Mme. de Bul- 
lion, 100; lier visit to I);iu- 
vensiore, 100; gains recruits in 
La Flcche, 102; attacl<ed by 
fever, 103; returns to Montreal, 
103 ; description of her hospital, 

Mans, 17. 

Manufactures, at Canada, 361. 

Margry, 432, 456; on La Tour 
and D'Aunay, 469-475. 

Marie, M., visits the Puritans, 34 ; 
his reception by the magistrates, 
34 ; Ids terms of peace from 
D'Aunay, 34 ; his return to 

Port Tloyal, 35; returns to 
Boston as D'Aunay's envoy, 41, 
44 ; completes treaty with tlie 
Turitans, 44 ; returns to D'Au- 
nay, 45, 

Marie, Sieur, 471, 473. 

Marie Tlu'ri'se, 230. 

Marine and Colonies, the Archives 
of the, .349, 391. 

Marot, Hernard, 475. 

Mar(|uctte, Father, his old niis- 
si<jn at Michilimackinac, 383. 

Marriage in Canada, bounty on, 

.Martin, Henri, on Colbert, 233. 

Martyrs, the mission of the, 380; 
Hrnyas at, 380. 

Ma.s.sachu.sctts, Bay of, 15. 

Massachusetts, State of, ligures as 
an independent state, 35. 

Massachusetts magistrates, the, 
grant aid to La Tour 
D'Aunay, 28; letter to D'Au- 
nay, 33 ; refuse to grant La 
Tour's second petition, 33 ; re- 
ception of M. Marie, 34 ; his 
terms of peace from D'Aunay, 

Maverick, Samuel, La Tour en- 
tertained by, 45. 

Mazarin, Cardinal, 142, 154 : death 
of, 231. 

Mazarin library at Paris, the, 265 

Maze, Peronne de, secretary to 
Avaugour, 192; apjjointed coun- 
cillor at (Quebec, 213. 

Medicine Feast, the, 90-92. 

Menard, joins the colony among 
the Onondagas, 74 ; sets out for 
the Cayugas, 84. 

Meiiou, Conite .Tulos de, 9, 10, 16, 
17, 19, 20. 27, 50, 51. 

Menou, Rene de (father of D'Au- 
nay), 18, .50. 

Mesnu, I'euvret de, appointed 



Hcoretary of tho council .it Quo- 
hoc, litri. 

Mculos, tlio iiitoudant, 275, 278, 
318, 322, 3.3.3, .334, .33"), .33r), 337, 
338, .342, 343, 3.')8, 300; issues 
a card currency, 3G3 ; 403, 447, 

Mexico, the viceroy of, 44. 

Mc'/.y, Saffray de, .appointed gov- 
ernor of Qnohec, 1!)4; youth 
of, 204; a niilitury zealot, 20.5 ; 
merits of, 2(H» ; roinoves M.aison- 
neuvo, 207 ; si<;;n.s of storm, 
207 , cmoves Hourdon, Viiler.ay, 
and Autouil from the council, 
208; liis appo.'vl to tlio .Jesuits, 
209 ; appoints Chartier attorncy- 
jj;eneral, 21 'J ; hiuiislies Bourdon 
and Villeray to Fr.anco, 214; 
accusations of and the 
.Jesuits against, 214; receives 
a porcmi)tory recall, 21.') ; his 
defeat, 21.'j ; iiis death, 216 ; ids 
letter to Manjuis do 'I'mcy, 216 ; 
his will, 216; his chart!;es 
against Laval and the Jesuits, 
217; on tlie right of Montreal 
to tr.i(le with France, 302 ; his 
recall a in disguise for 
tho -Jesuits, 396 ; 486 ; his order 
to Laval, 488 ; Laval's rejily, 
490; his letter to the Jesuits, 

Micliael, Saint, 247. 

Miciiilimackiuac, the chief resort 
of tlie courcws i!e hois, 377, 379 ; 
Fatiior Manpiette's old mission 
.It, 383 ; ,il)uses .at, 383-38.5 ; 
difficulties in transferring trade 
to Montreal from, 386 ; Jesuit 
l)eaver-skins at, 383. 

Micmac Indians, tlie, .at Cape S;i- 
ble, 11 ; .It I'ort Koyal, 12; 
give assi.stance to lia Tour's 
outcasts, 46. 

Milot, among tho Onoida.s, 380. 
Milton, llic IMuc Hill in, 23. 
.Missinns, the Jesuit. 380. 
Missi.-sippi liiver, the, 323, 3.*)6, 

Missi.ssippi V^alley,tiie, po.stsof tlio 

roiireitrs dr. bois in, .376. 
Mituvemeg, Cluef, 130. 

Mohawk IroipKiis Indians, tho, !'),') ; 
defeat and kill Du I'lossis lio- 
chart, .^.^ ; '1 hrce Hiv((rs l)eset 
l>y, 56 ; make overtures of pt^aco, 
57; 59; covet tho Huron 
colony, 62 ; jjrctended indigna- 
tion with the .Jesuits, 64 ; caj)- 
turo Fatlier Lo Moyno, 68 ; at- 
tacks on tlie French, 68 ; take 
no ])art in tho Krie War, 68 ; 
att.ack on Montreal, 68; Fatlier 
Lo Moyno among, 69 ; their op- 
position to tho French colony 
among tho Onondagas, 75 ; .at- 
tack on the Ilurons, 76 ; at 
Onond.aga, 81 ; murder the 
.Jesuit (, 85 ; make inso- 
lent demands of the French, 86; 
Father Lo Mf)yno again goes 
.among, 88 ; capture llertel, 122 ; 
138; 244; the French plan to, 245 ; Courcelle's m.arcii 
ag.iinst, 246 ; his failure, 249 ; 
sue for peace, 251 ; their treach- 
ery, 251 ; Sorel .sent, 
251 ; Tr.acy sets out against, 253 ; 
the Frendi victorious against, 
257 ; sue for peace, 266 ; Frc-min 
and I'ierron ordered to, 266 ; 
Bruyas among, 380. 

Mohawk town, tlie lower, 60. 

Mohawk towns, the, 248 ; Tracy 
•attacks, 255 ; captured by the 
French, 257. 

Moliegan Indi.ans, the, 124. 

Molin (Motin), .Te.anne, marries 
D'Aunay, 11, 16; deatli of her 






liiisl»aiiil, 4H; in iiood of liolp, 
r>(» ; (i|i|)r<ss('il hy Ia) M(irt;in', 
r)(», f)! ; :i|)|ili(\s ti) tin' Due lUs 
V't'inlumc, T)!; inarrii'H La T(jur, 
T)! ; lior cliildrcMi, 52. 

M<iiit:i;;iiiiis Iiidiaiis, the, 298. 

Moiitespiin, Miidanio dc, 2'il. 

Moiiti^iiy, ;\1»I)C do, 8c;o Laval- 
Mont more ncjjf Fraiii;uis Xaviir 

M(iiitmaf,'iiy, Govornor, 16.'), .19.1. 

MoiitniDn'rii'i, (lio cjitaract of, 299. 

Moiitiiioroiicy, A 11110 do, Cunstal)lo 
of Kranro, 14.'). 

Moiitroal, .site of, 4; attacked by 
the lro(|iioi.s, ,'i4 ; tlio OiiondaMja 
Indians iit, .'iC) ; attackod by the 
Moliavvk.s, G8; lioly wars of, 
9()-ll7; s('lio(d for foinalo cbil- 
drcii at, 97 ; attempt to found a 
rclii^ioiis colony in honor of the 
Holy Family at, 98 ; blood and 
blow.s rife at, 98 ; a government 
within a p;overiimcnt, 103; pop- 
ulation of, 10.5; attacks of the 
Iroijuois on, 109; character of 
its tenants, 110; miracles at, 
110-112; a year of disaster at, 
11.5 ; Maisonneuvc forms a mili- 
tary fraternity at, llti ; 1 18 ; in 
daiif^er from the Iroquois, 12.'), 
13.'}, 139; Father Souart left 
in spiritual charge of, 142 ; its 
struggle against Quebec, 1.5."); 
the virtual inde])eiidence of, 
175; t.'iriff of prices at, 270; 
young women shipped to, 285 ; 
the great mill at, 296 ; local 
government at, .'528; tlio corpo- 
rate seigniors of, 3.S2 ; her right 
to trade with France, 352 ; a 
bourse establislied at, 3()5 ; great 
annual fair establislied at, 3()7 ; 
the harboring-i)lace of the 
coureuiti (/e hois, 376 ; diihcul- 

ties in transferring traile from 
Michiliniackinac to, 386 ; tlio 
Snl|iitians rigorous at, 4Iti; lh(< 
sisterhood at, 431 ; the natural 
re.sort of des])oradoeH, 439 ; 
almshouse c.stal dished at, 446 ; 

Montreal, the A.ssociatiou of, 101, 

Montreal, Lsland of, 130; passes 
into the jio.s.session of the Suljii- 
tiau priests, 141 ; the head of 
the colony, 292. 

MontroalistH, the, reticonco and 
dissimulation practised by, 104; 
ascend the St. Lawrence, 104; 
re.'ich their new home, 104; 
want to mouopolizo the fur- 
trade, 176. 

Monts, De, see De Monts. 

Morangi, M. do, 177. 

Moras, Ensign, 301. 

Moreau, 19, .50, 51. 

Morel, P:usign, 437, 438. 

Morel, Father, 406 ; the charge of, 

Morin, Sister, 106; in Montreal, 
109; on the miracles at Rfont- 
rcal, 112; on the influence of 
the troojis on Canada, 435. 

Morgan, 83. 

Morrison, William, Jr., 499. 

Morton, on the earthquake at 
Quebec, 187. 

MotteviDe, .Madame de, 230. 

Mouron, Captain, 20, 27. 

Murray, General, 308. 

National (Gallican ) party, the, 

1.53; tenets of, 1.53. 
Nau, Michcllc-The'rcse, 195. 
New England, 187 ; the Turitaii 

cburclu's of, 409 ; the colonists 

of, 464 , compared with Canada, 


I ;» ■! 




Nt!wfi»iiiiilliiiii|, 7,4.'); Lho Frotirli 

Hsln'i-ies nf. ,'tr)H. 
Nl'W riaiicc, Lii Tour licroniort 

j;iivci'ii<ir in, ■!'.» ; iacc-s.siiiit sii- 

pcriinliinilirtiii tlic koy to tlio 

curly liistciry "f, til ; j)i)litk'ul 

sef>'rc';;!itiori in, V>1. 
Now Frjuico, till) Ci)inji!iMy nf, neii 

(.^oiii/Kiiii/ 'f/'.Vi "' Fr<ini'v, lltr. 
Now ll;uiiiis!iirf, St;itt' of, .'}7'.>. 
Nl'W NethcrliiniU, ^87 ; piusscs 

into Kn;;'iisii IiiukIs, •JVJ. 
New OrloiiMs, city of, ;j-J.'J. 
New Scotlivrni, cliurtcr of, 4. 
NrWH|i!ii)cr, llio tlrst < ';iuaili;in,42r). ' 
Niw York, site of, 4 ; ll.'J; Tiilon 

iir/^cs till; piirciiiiso or sciziiri' 

of, 274, 275. I 

Nicliolson, (Jcnoral, tiinlly soi/.es 

Acadia for Kn^laml, ,:l. | 

Micoif, tlio JaiisiMiist, on tiiczoal-j 

ots at tho " lIorinita,<;e," 146- I 

l.'ii ; 20."), 20t;. I 

Micolls, governor of New York, 

Nohletise, Canatlian, 315; French, 


Noddle's Island, 45. 

Ndcl, -loan, 'MS. 

Nuiil, I'iiilippc, 308. 

Normandy, 278. 

Nnrnians, the, 277. 

North Anioric.'i, contest for owner- 
ship of, :i ; ti;i\('n liy lion'is 
Xlil. to the t'unii)any of New 
France, 7. 

Norton, -lohn, signs the " Ipswich 
lietter." 30; (Jovernor Win- 
tiiroi)'s reply to, 31. 

Notre Dame, the hrethren of, 123. 

Notre Dunio, the Church of, at 
Montreal, 22r). 

Notre Danio, the Church of, at 
Quehec, 300, .301 

Nova Scotia, 4, 8. 

Nuns, the, at Montreal, 105; |iri- 
vations of, loti; a<lditions |4>, 
107 ; Jouaneau.\ ih'votes himself 
to tile .service of, los. 

NiiiLt, the, at (iuehec, 421, 422. 

Ohio RlVKif, the, 323. 

<Jlier, Jean iJaciiues, founder of 

St. Sulpice, '.»;»; death of, '.»'.t. 

Oiiuakout, .Joaciiim, adveuturcs 
of, 78. 

Oneida Indians, the, 57, Jiti ; at 
Onomlaga, 81 ; the .JesuHs 
among. 84; 244; send ih'puiies 
to 'Tracy, 2t')() ; I5rn\as ordered 
to, 2f)(); Milet among, .{SO. 

0;Miii.!aga, the fanions .silt springs 
of, C8; tiie Jesuits at, 54-95; 
Le Moyne at, 121 

Onondaga colonists, the, journey 
of, set out from t^uehec, 74 ; 
77 71); evil designs of the In- 
dians upon, 81); the Medicine 
Feast, 'Jl ; their escape, \>3 ; 
their arrival in r2uei)ec, 94. 

Onondaga lro(|Uois ludian.s, at 
Montreal, 5(5; covet the Huron 
colony, 02; invite tlu; Fn.'nch 
to plant a colony among them, 
63 ; Fatiicr Le Moyne sent 
among, 64 ; demand a French 
colony to he estai>lished among 
them, 69 ; Chanmonot and 
Dalilon sent among, 70, 71; 
their punishment of prisoners, 
72 ; celebration of the Dream 
Feast, 72 ; the Jesuits decide to 
establish a colony among, 74 ; 
at ( )nondaga, 82 ; jealousy for 
th(^ Mohawks, 86 ; slaughter 
their Huron prisoners, 87 ; dia- 
liolical jilots tlii' Jesuit.s, 
89 ; .send an einl)a.s,sy to (^ueiiec, 
245 ; sue for i)eace, 2t')6 ; Lam- 
Lerville among, 380. 




Oiir.n.lM^r.a, tlio LfikP of, fi7, 79, 80 ; 

Fniiift' ami ttiu Faith iiitrciu'liLMl 

111, h;j. 
()iii»iiila;;!i, tlin Mission i>f, sec 

SiiinI Marif of (iannmtuii, tin 

Mi .sidlt of. 

(>iiiiiiui.;;ii liivcr, tlio, OS, 70. 

"Oiiontiit," 174. 

()iitiU'ii», I, like, t).'"), 78. 

(►raiifif, Flirt (.\lliaiiy), 18H. 

Order of .Jcsii.s, tiic, 1.VI. 

Oi'iiioco Uivtir, tlic, 'I'M. 

Orlciuis, till' DukiM.f, 2;t(). 348. 

Orleans, tliu Island of, »)2, 7() ; eon- 
SUH of, 2'.»'.» ; .■(07, .•J4(i, 40;{, 4:,!8. 

Orl(!ans, the sei^^niory of, 4()'2 ; 
)io|inlation of, 40.'}. 

Orinoan.x, Siuiir des, seo iJanhic, 

Oswego ]{iver, the, 78, 1)3, 94. 

Ottawa Kivor, tlio, liiS, 128, 130. 

Oudiettc, f^ranted nionopoh' in the 
Tadous.sac trade, 36(1; estah- 
lishes a liat factory, 370; be- 
comes bankrui)t, 371. 

Quelle llivor, the, 302, 357. 

Pai.ack of Jijstick, the, 335. 
l'ali;.ce of the Intondant, the, 335. 
Papal (Ultraniontiiiie) I'arty, the, 

153 ; tenets of, ITiS. 
Paris, 9, 99, 278. 
Paris, the Archbishop of, 391. 
Paris, the General Hospital of, 

I'aris, the Parliament of, 154, 190. 
Parishes, the country, 4.53. 
Pawnee Indians, tiie, 454, 
Pays d'Aunis, 278. 
Pemigewa.sset Kiver, the, 379. 
Penobscot, the I'entegoet of the 

French, 15; Plymouth trading 

station at, 15; attacked by 

D'Aunay, 15; 17. 
Penobscot lliver, the, 15. 

I'entegoet of the French, the, 15. 
l'ei|iiot Indians, the, antagonistn 

to tile whites, 24. 
I'erclicrons, th(^ 277. 
Perot, Islo, 302. 

I'errol, (lovernor of Montreal, 347. 
I'ern.l, Nicoliis, 77, 252. 
I'etit Cap, the, heigiits of, 429 ; 

siirinc at, 4.')0. 
I'l til, lallier, 451. 
Petite Nation, the, seigniory of, 

I'clra'a, Hishop of, see /jinil- 

Miiiitinorntry, Frttn(;ois Xariir 


I'eiivret, Laval's secretary, 490. 

Philadelphia, site of, 4. 

I'hilip's War, 382. 

riiipps, Admiral, 497. 

I'liips, Sir William, capturcH 
Acadia for Fngland, 52. 

I'icards, the, 277. 

I'icardy, 2, 8. 

Pierroii, F'ather Jean, ordered to 
the Mohawks, 2ri('). 

I'ijurt, the .lesuit, 144. 

I'lyniouth, 15. 

I'lymouth tr.ading-houses, at 
Machias, 15; attacked by 
La Tour, 15; at Penobscot, 15; 
attacked by D'Aunay, 15. 

Poiiicy, Longvilliers, 475. 

I'oint aux Trembles, 302. 

Poiton, 278. 

I'oiieet, Father, captured by the 
Inniuois, 50; his life spared by 
the Irociuois, 59 ; his adventures 
among the Iroquois, 59-61. 

Ponchartrain, 313, 304, 371., 357. 

Porte St. Antuiuc, the, 242. 

Portland I'oint, supposed site of 
F'ort La Tour at, 39. 

Portneuf, the .seigniory of, 307. 

Port Hoyal, Kazilly reaches, 8 ; 


P'Aiiii.iy liiiikcn liiHlK'ii<l<|H!»rti'rK 
at, II; |)'Aiiiiiiy's rt'i>,'ii at, II, 
doHcri|.ii<'iM)f. I.'l; .TJ,.'H'., .17, W, 
48; capturtiil hy Miij. Kohvrt 
Sodj^wick, fd' ; 471, 47'.'. 

I'uttawHtiiiiiiio liiilisiii.s, tlic, 37ti. 

I'ljutriiK'oiirt, T). 

I'rotextata, 411. 

I'rc'vDt, Major of QiU'tioc, .'>23. 

rri<'StM, llio Canadian, 40!». 

J'rini in^-pi'OHH, tliu tirHt, in (laiiada. 

Propaganda, at Konic, tlic, '2\'.i. 

I'roti'stantisni in Canada, 4(>7. 

I'uritans, tlio, tlircatcn to destroy 
tilt' infant colony liy tlicir tiico- 
loRical quarrcln, '24 ; tiieir ideas 
of religioiiH loloration, tiX ; 
troubloH of, '25; Louis XIII.'h 
dcsiro to keep peace witii, 33 ; 
D'Aunay makes overtures of 
friendsliip to, 33; M. Mnr'w 
visitH, 34; JJ'Aunay sends 
envovB to, 42. 

Pyrenees, the, peace of, 242. 

Ql ATRE AUTICLKS of 1G82, tllO, 

Quebec, site of, 4; least exposed 
to Indian attacks, 50 ; frrand 
council of tiie Indians at, 57 ; 
fur-trad(; at, 58 ; peace con- 
cluded with tiic Indian.'* at, (H ; 
the ('anadiai. Church focussed 
at, 103; 118; a comet appears 
above, 119; in danj^er, 125. I.'t3, 
139 ; its .struj:jglo against 
Montreal, 155; j)ortpnts of com- 
ing evil, 182 ; the earthquake at, 
185-187 ; a little hell of dis- 
cord, 193; the new government, 
194 ; plan to make a city of, 212 ; 
political trouliles at, 213 ; T-aval 
proposes to establish a seminary 
at, 220 ; tariff of prices at, 270 ; 

young wonnMi shipped to, 284 ; 
Hetll<'nirnt,s aliout, 29.1; Talnn 
aims to concentrate the pojin 
lation around, 290; census of, 
299; the su|ierior council at, 
3.30; chimney-sweeping neg- 
lected at, 341 ; a lidursr eslal>- 
lished at, 30.'> ; the .lesuils 
rigontus at, 410; the Congre- 
gation of tiie Holy I-'amily in, 
41S; almshouse established at, 
4-I0; early police regulations of, 
449 ; the I,(»wer Town liurned to 
the ground, 4.50; busy months 
at, 452; tlic women of, 4.53; 502. 

Quel)ec, the Ciialeau of, 325. 

tiuebec, the Church of, 241. 

Quebei-, the College of, 425. 

Quebec, the ('ouncil of, crciited 
Ity, 191 ; refuses to ac- 
knowlclgc the powers of 
Dumcsnil, 191 ; the memhors 
of, 195; seize the papers of 
Duinesnil, 198; Me'zy in op- 
jMisition to, 208 ; changes matle 
liy Me'zy in, 213. 

(Quebec, the Kock of, the French 
made a lodgment on, 7; 103.428. 

(^uen, I)e, on the Jesuits at Onon- 
daga, 73. 

(^ueylus, Abbe de, 141 ; the 
Sulpitian candidate for the 
bishopric of Canada, 141 ; made 
vicar-general for all Canada, 
142; description of, 143; his 
ex])erienccs in (Quebec, 143; his 
animosity to the Jesuits, 143, 
144 ; opposes Laval, 155 ; shipjied 
to Franco, 15(i ; ordered to Home, 
150; receives a cold welcome, 
l")t); disolieys the King's orders 
ami nturns to Canad;i, 157; in 
contiict with Laval, 157 ; again 
com])elled to return to I" ranee, 
158; his e.\i)ulsion a defeat 





:■ ■ 




' i ., 


i| IJ 

iii ' 








,1 ! 1; 

for the Sulpitiaiis, 158; bulls 
ol)tii;nc(l from Home l)y, 158; 
liiuls liiH ])usitioii unteiial)Ie, KiO; 
rcconciliiitioii witli Laviil, 160; 
n^turns to Canada as a mission- 
ary, 160; 417. 

Kadisson, Pierre Esprit, remark- 
ahlo narratives of, 94 ; ac- 
ciiunt of Daiilac's lij^lit witli 
the Iroquois, 138. 

Kafi'cix, at the Seueca missions, 

Kafi;ueneau, Fatlier, on tlie dis- 
simulation of the Iro(iU()is, 81 ; 
joins tlie Huron fugitives, 86; 
172; (m tlie earth(|uak(! at (^iie- 
hec, 184; his trade with the 
Indians, .390 ; at Quebec, 416. 

Itaisin, Sister, 102. 

Itamcau, 11, 51, 53. 

Rattlesnake Hill, 23. 

Kaudin, Ensign, 301. 

Raudot, the intendant, 313, 341, 
357, 361, 442, 505. 

Razilly, Claude do, takes posses- 
si(m of the French settlements 
in Acadia and Canada for 
J'rancc, 8 ; reaches I'ort Royal, 
8 ; grants of Acadian lands made 
to, 8 ; death of, 9 ; succeeded by 
B'Aunay, 9 ; 1 1 . 

Recollet Friars, the, in Fort St. 
Jean, 37; join D'Aunay, 38; 
complain that D'Aunay ill-used 
them, 49 ; cherished hope of, 
141 ; missions of, 382 ; sent to 
Canada by Colbert, 400 ; Talon 
f.avors, 401 ; the Jesuits reluctant 
to share tlieir power with, 418 ; 
in dispute with the bishop, 
419; 470, 472, 472, 517. 

" Redoulit of the Infant Jesus," 
the, 116. 

Rc'my, Dain'el do, Sieur de Ci>ur- 

collo, 236 ; appointed govLrnor 
of Canada, 236; his arrival at 
Quebec, 239 ; breathed nothing 
but war, 246 ; his marc!) against 
the Moliawks, 246 ; his " Blue 
Coats," 247 ; failure of his ex- 
pedition, 249 ; his second ex])edi- 
tion against the Mohawks, 253 ; 
characteristics of, 397 ; 'I'alon 
complains to Colbert of, 397; 
Co]l)ort*s letter to, 397 ; his (j])- 
])Osition to the Jesuits, 397 ; 
liis episode with Father Chatc- 
lain, 416; 514. 

lvej)entigny, 195; chosen mayor 
of (Quebec, 212; joins Tracy the Mohawks, 254, 256 ; 
asks aid from the King, 319. 

Repentigny, Madame de, 361. 

Richelieu, Cardinal, at the head 
of the Company of New France, 
7 ; su])ports the Capuchin friars, 
13 ; first plants feudalism iu 
Canatla, 305. 

Richelieu River, the, 133, 244, 247, 
261, 292, 293, 294, 297, 301. 

Rivcrin, 356 ; memorial on the 
establislinient of commerce in 
Canada presented by, 357, 501, 

Riviere du Loup, 406. 

Riviere du Suil, 406. 

Rol)ert, ajipointed intendant of 
Canada, 218. 

Robineau, Rene, 307, 324. 

Rochefort, 356. 

Rochelle, Huguenot city of, 18, 96, 
99, 101, 102, 277, 354, 460. 

Rochet, 19. 

Rocky Mountains, the, discovery 
of, '289, 323. 

Roman Catlinlic Clinn-h, tlie, 
422 ; stanils out conspicuous in 
the history of Canada, 467. 




Romans, the, 29.3. 

Home, IM, 158. 

Rome, the Court of, 15'J. 

Hosiers, Cape, 5^. 

Rouen, 283. 

Rouen, the Archljishop of, 142, 

154, 155, 159, too, 220, 2S;j. 
Rouen, the I'arlianient of, 154. 
Royalty, tlie triumph of, 305. 
Ryswiciv, tiie treaty of, restores 

Acadia to Franco, 52. 

Saulk, Cape, 5, 6, 7 ; Charles do 

la Tour made commander at, 

9 ; La 'J'our's little kingdom 

at, 10; La Tour removes to 

Fort St. Jean from, 14 ; La Tour 

returns to, 45. 
Saguenay l^iver, the, 298. 
" St. Andre," the ship, 96 ; the 

company on board, 96. 
St. Anne, Fort, 260, 261 ; Dollier 

sent to, 262 ; the garrison at, 

St. Anne, heiglits of, 428. 
St. Anne, .settlement of, 126. 
St. Anue de la Pocatiere, 302. 
St. Anne du Petit Cap, 430. 
St. Anne River, the, 130. 
Saint-Augustin, Mother Catherine 

de, 183, 240. 
Saint-Castiu, 323. 
St. Charles River, the, 335, 451. 
"St. Clement," the, 19, 20; in 

Bo.ston Harbor, 2 1 ; sails for 

France, 36. 
St. Croix Bay, 8. 
St. Croix, Point, 76. 
St. Croix River, the, 8. 
St. Denis, the seigniory of, 406. 
Saint-Denis, Motlier Jucliercau de, 

Superior of tiie Ilotel-Diou, 161 ; 

her eulogy on Laval, 161. 
St. Etienne, Charles de, son of 

La Tour, 51. 

Saint Francis .\avi(>r, tiui mission 
of, 380; Milet at, 3S0. 

St. (jaliriel, the fortilieil of, 
110, 111. 

St. (Jermain, tlie treaty of, restores 
tlie French settlements in 
Acadia and Canada to France, 

Saint-Ignacc, Frances Jucherean 
de, 12(); on tlie eartlKiuakc at 
Quel)ec, 184, 185; on tlie merits 
of .Mtzy, 206 ; on the Manpiis 
de Tracy, 238 ; on tlu! arrival of 
the Mor([uis de Tracy at (Que- 
bec, 239 ; on Talon's zeal for 
the success of tlie cctlony, 273; 
on the populatitjn of (.Quebec, 
299; on the condition of the 
ornamental arts in Canada, 362 ; 
on the miracles in Canada, 425 ; 
on I'aul Dupuy, 435 ; on ex- 
travagance in Canada, 447. 

St. .Jean, Fort, La Tour removes 
from Cape Sable to, 14; loca- 
tion of, 14; 16, 17, 18, 20, 36 ; 
attacked and caj)tur(Hl by 
D'Aunay, 39; site of, 39; 41, 
46 ; its value as a trading sta- 
tion, 47 ; La Tour regains pos- 
session of, 51, 52 ; captured hy 
Maj. Robert Sedgwick, 52. 

St. Joachim, the parish of, semi- 
nary at, 223 ; 428, 429. 

St. John, city of, 7, 39. 

St. John River, tlie, (Charles do la 
Tour receives grants (»f land on, 
7, 14 ; Charles do la Tour builds 
a fort on, 7 ; 29, 36, 38, 469, 
470, 471, 472, 4"4. 

Saint John the Ha])tist, the mis- 
sion of, 380; Lamberville at, 

Saint .Joseph, tlie mi.ssion of, 380; 
Carhcil at, 3S0. 

St. .Joseph, tho Sisterliood of, 



i * 

I -M. 

foiuuled hy Dauversioro, 97 ; 

left poiuiiless, 08. 
St. Laiirout, the Heigniory of, 307, 

St. Lawrence, the Gulf of, 52. 
St. Lawrence Kivcr, the, 4, 7, 46, 

.OG, r)y, 04, 73, 78, 88, iM, 103, 104, 

ll'J, 165, 179, 185, 187, 224,236, 

238,246, 272, 293, 297,298, 301, 

303, 359, 365, 405, 428, 460, 

St. Louis, tlie castle of, 239, 
St. Louis, Clii'iteau, 120, 296, 300, 

334, 344, 390 ; liistory of, 496- 

St. Louis, city of, 323. 
St, Louis, Fort, at (Quebec, 488. 
St Louis, Fort of, 56, 73, 77, 86, 

103, 2.50. 
St. Louis, the Lake of, 65, 302. 
Saiut-Lusson, talcos possession of 

tlie country of tiie Upper liake.*!, 

St. RLalo, 94. 

St. Martin's Day, 311,314. 
Saint Mary of Gannentaa, the 

mission of, the beginnings of, 

83; crisis drawing near at, 88; 

a miserable failure, 94. 
St. Michel, 451. 
Saint-Ouen, the parish of, 479. 
Saint-* )urs, Monsieur de, 320, 
Saint Ours, town of, 294. 
St. Paul, the Hay of, 298, 356, 

Saint-Pore, Jean, 110. 
St. Peter, Lake, 293. 
Saint-Quentin, M. de, 123. 
Saint-Simon, Due de, his portrait 

of I.ouis XIV., 350, 351. 
St. Sacrament, J^ake (Lake 

George), 253. 
St. Sulpice, tlie Seminary of, 99 ; 

founded by Olier, 99 ; 141, 159, 

302, 401 ; attacked by Saint- 

Vallien, 404 ; the citadel of the 

Canadian Church, 404. 
St. N'alcrien, .Mont, 143. 
Saint-Vallier, IJisliop of Quebec, 

succeeds Laval, 392 ; letter 

frcMU tiie King to, 392; 401; 

attacks the Seminary of (^ne- 

l)ec, 404 ; estimates of, 405 ; 408 ; 

his directions to Denonville, 

410; his invectives against (he 

vanity of women, 41 1 ; 428, 443 ; 

overwhelmed with beggars, 446 ; 

founds the General Ilospital of 

(Quebec, 440. 
Ste. Claire d'Argentan, the abbey 

of, 149, 150. 
Sainte-IIelene, Mother du Plessis 

de, 283. 
Ste. Marie, the fortified house of, 

110; the scene of hot and 

bloody fights, 114. 
Ste. Thcrese, Fort, 247, 249, 250. 
Salem, La Tour in, 32 ; M. Marie 

in, 35. 
Salieres, Colonel de, 242, 243, 245. 
Salina, the salt springs of, 80. 
Salmon Falls, fort and settlement 

of, 123. 
Saltonstall, signs the " Ipswich 

Letter," 30 ; Governor Win- 

thr<)])'s rejdy to, 31. 
Sangrado of Montreal, the, 261. 
Saratoga Lake, 249. 
Sarrazin, Michel, the physician, 

432; sketch of, 433. 
Savoy, 242. 
Schenectady, 249. 
Schools, in (Canada, 426. 
Sedgwick, Major Pobert, conquers 

Acadia for Fngland, 52. 
Seignelay, the minister, memorial 

on the estal)lishment of com- 
merce in Canada, presented by 

Chalons and Riverin to, 358, 

359, 501, 502. 

1/ S ', 



ilol of tlie 

f Quebec, 
2 ; letler 
192; 401 ; 
of Quc- 
40r) ; 408 ; 
aiiist the 
428, 443 ; 
;iirs, 44(; ; 
ospital of 

;he nl)l)cy 

u riessis 

lioutse of, 
hot ami 

249, 250. 
M. Marie 

243, 245. 
f, 80. 

" Ipswich 
or Win- 
lie, 261. 


of com- 
eiitecl by 

to, 358, 

Seignior, the, in Canada, 306,331, 

Seigniorial tenure, in Canada, 297, 

Seigniories, in Canada, 297, 306. 

Seneca Indian.s, the, 57, 6i), 75; 
at Onondaga, 82 ; tlie Jesuits 
among, 84; 133; send an em- 
bassy to Quebec, 245 ; sue for 
peace, 251, 266. 

Seneca missions, the, 94, 380 ; 
liaffeix and Garnier at, 380. 

Seven Years' War, tlie, 39. 

Sevestre, Charles, 196. 

Scvigne, Madame de, 230. 

Shawinut, the peninsula of, 15. 

Shea, J. G., 268. 

Sheldon, 385. 

Ship-building in Canada, 362. 

Sillery, 68, 75, 246; Jesuit eel- 
pots at, 395 ; the heights of, 460. 

Sillery, tlio mission of, 382, 386. 

Sioux Indians, the, 376. 

Slavery in Canada, 454. 

" Soldiers of the Holy Family of 
Jesus, Mary, and Jo,se|)h," 116. 

Sorboune, the, the Fatlicrs of, 
390 ; the scholastic dutds of, 426. 

Sorel, 245 ; sent against the Mo- 
hawks, 251 ; 294. 

Sorol, Fort of, 302. 

Sorel, town of, 245 ; new forts at, 
247 , 294. 

Souart, Father, 141 ; left in spir- 
itual charge of Montreal, 142. 

South America, 234. 

Spain, 414. 

Stuarts, the, 164. 

Sulpitians, the 100; efforts to 
strengtiien the colony at Mont- 
real, 102; of the 
Jesuits for, 103; assume entire 
spiritual charge of Montreal, 
110; the Island of iMontreal 
passes into the possession of, 

141 ; their plans to obtain the 
bishopric of Canada, 141; de- 
spair of ()l)taining the liishopric, 

142 ; their .struggle against the 
Jesuits, 155; tiio expulsion of 
(^nevhis a defeat fur, 158 ; their 
|)lan of land-grants, 293 ; claim 
tlio riglit to name their own 
local governor, 328 ; missions of, 
382; rigorous at Montreal, 416. 

Suite, neiijamin, 448. 

Superior, Lake, 138 ; the copper 

of, 271 ; jjosts of the conrcurs de 

hois on, 376. 
Susane, on the regiment of Ca- 

rignaii-Salieres, 243. 
Swearing, Louis XIV". 's famous 

e(Mct against, 344. 
Syndic, tlie, in Canada, 34.',. 

Tadoitssac, 186, 236, 298; fur- 
trade at, 365. 

Talon, Jean Haptiste, 188, 215; 
appointed intendant of Canada, 
236 ; his arrival at Quebec, 239 ; 
the ciiosen agent of paternal 
royalty, 268 ; Iiis personal ap- 
pearance, 268 ; his portrait, 268 ; 
a true disciple of Colbert, 268, 
269 ; sets liimself to galvanize 
Canada, 270 ; Coll)ert's instruc- 
tions to, 270 ; his zeal for the 
colony, 271-2"5; his policy, 273, 
274 ; urges the purchase or 
.seizure of New York, 275; bis 
fidelity to bis, 275 ; failing 
health, 275 ; asks for his recall, 
275 ; resumes the inteudancy, 
275 ; his property, 275 ; his 
efforts to ])eople Canada, 278, 
280, 281 ; places a premium on 
marriage, 287 ; satisfactory re- 
sults, 290; his plan of dividing 
the lands into seigniorial grants, 
293 ; on the Canadian settler, 




295 ; aims to concentrnte tlio ' 
popnliition .arouiul (^lU'liec, 296 ; 
his iiiixlcl seigniory, 297; liis 
villagos, 297 ; grants of land 
niado by, 301 ; his plan of ad- 
iniiiistration, '506 ; asks for ]ia- 
tonts of nohility, 317 ; the ohl 
lirewory of, 335; his attempt 
to estaitlish trade willi the ^\'est 
Indies, 355 ; 393,397 ; f.Mmiplains 
of Coiurellc, 397 ; ordered to 
watch tlio .Jcsnits, 397 ; favors 
tiie l{(^'ollets, 401 ; orders La 
I''redit're home to France, 437 ; 
tries to control the inns, 449 ; 
his corres])ondenco with Col- 
bert regarding marriage and 
])opnlation in Canada, 493-49() ; 
500; his memorial of the ])ros- 
ent condition of Canathi, 512; 
his letter from Colbert on the 
government and the clergy in 
("anada, 514 ; instrnctions re- 
ceived from the King regarding 
the governmont and the clergy 
in Canada, 515 ; 518. 

Tellier, 227. 

Temple, Thomas, obtains a grant 
of Acadia from Cromwell, 53. 

Terron, 201. 

Theresa, Saint, the day of, 255. 

Thonsand Islands, the, 87. 

Three liivers, settlement of, 55, 
56 ; beset by the Mohawks, 56 ; 
fur-trade at, 58; 118, 121, 122, 
125, 127, 130, 133, 247, 250; 
tariff of prices at, 270 ; 288, 289, 
301 ; local governor at, 328 ; 
347 ; annual fair established at, 
368; 393, 443; almshouse es- 
tablished at, 446 ; 502. 

Tilly, the seigniory of, 308. 

Tilly, Le Gardeur de, appointed 
councillor at Queliec, 195, 213 ; 
asks aid from the King, 319. 

Tilly (son), 337. 

Torture, considered by the Jesuits 
to be a blessing in di.sgniso, 124. 

Tourmontc.Cape, 238,298, 428,460. 

Tracy, Marquis Prouvillo de, 179, 
188, 216, 236 ; appointed lieu- 
tenant-general of America, 237 ; 
description of, 238 ; his arrival 
at Qnel)ec, 238; received by 
Laval, 239; .sets out against 
the Mohawks, 253; success of 
his ('X]K'dition, 257; troulde 
witli the Kuglish, 260 ; liis re- 
turn to (Quebec, 260; the Iro- 
(juois sue for peace, 265 ; his ex- 
pedition against the Iro(iuois 
tiie most ])roductive of good, 
267 ; leaves Canada, 268 ; hi« 
tariff of ]irices, 270; the fruit 
of his cliasti.sement of the Mo- 
hawks, 301 ; his plan of admin- 
istration, 306 ; asks for patents 
of nobility, 317 ; removes Mai- 
sonncuve, 328 ; 397 ; escapes 
clerical attacks, 399; 518. 

Trade in Canada, restrictions upon, 

Tremblay, M., 162. 

'J'rem<int, 23. 

Trimount, 23. 

Troyes, toAvn of, 102. 

Turenne, 263. 

Turgis, the true surname of La 
Tour's family, 1 ; the arms of, 1 0. 

Turkish Wars, the, 435. 

Turks, the, 188, 242. 

Two Mountains, the Lake of, 130. 

Ultra jfONTANE (Papal) Party, 
the, 1.53; tenets of, 1.53; out- 
flank tlie King and the Galli- 
cans, 1 54 ; its struggle against 
the (iallicaiis, 155. 

United Colonies, tlie, commission- 
ers of, 34, 35, 42, 44. 

; 'i '« 




Upper Lakes, the, Saint-Lusson 

takes possession of the country 

of, 274. 
Ursuline Convent at Quebec, the, 

171, 300; engraving of, 300; 

burned, 300. 
Ursnlines, the, of Caen, 479. 
Ursulines, tlie, of Quebec, 125, 

145, 243, 272,300,347,401,422, 

Utrecht, the Peace of, 362. 

Vai.ois, 229. 

Varennes, town of, 294, 302. 

Varonnes, Tlene Gaultier tie, 289, 

Vasseur, describes the burning of 

Laval's seminary, 450. 
Vaudrenil, 50(3. 
Vendome, Due de, Madame 

d'Aunay applies for help to, 51. 
Verchores, town of, 294, 302. 
Verd, Cape, 234. 
Verrazzano, voyage of, 3. 
Versailles, 325, 348, 405. 
Viger, J., 144, 255. 
Vignal, Guillaume de, the priest, 

96; killed by the Iroquois, 112, 

Villemarie, see Montreal. 
Villeray, Rouer de, appointed 

councillor at Quebec, 195 ; 

Argenson's opinion of, 196 ; 

becomes the ricliest man in 

Canada, 197 ; 203 ; removed 

from the council l»y Mezy, 208 ; 

213 ; banished to France, 214 ; 

485, 486. 
Vimont, Father, 393. 
Virginia, English heretics in, 15; 

46, 234. 
Visnies, Dubreuil, 475. 
Vitry, Sieur, 357. 

Walckenaer, 230. 

Ward, Natlianiel, signs the " Ips- 

wich Letter," 30 ; Governor 
Winthrop's reply to, 31. 

Washington, site of, 4. 

West, the Company of the, 234. 

West India Comjjany, tlie, 329, 
its charter revoked, 353 ; ex- 
tinguisiied, 366; revived, 373; 
given a monopoly of exporting 
beaver-skius, 373. 

West Indies, the, 44, 237, 241 ; 
Talon's efforts t(j establish trade 
between Canada and, 272, 355, 
360; 370; slaves imported into 
Canada from, 454. 

William Henry, Fort, 253. 

Williamson, 7. 

Wintlir(jp, Fort, 21. 

Wintlirop, Governor, 19; La 
Tour asks aid against D'Aunay 
from, 22 ; entertains La Tour, 
23-27 ; allows La T(-" to 
hire allies, 28, 29 ; .,...xrply 
criticised for giving assistance 
to La Tour, 29 ; his action 
approved by the majority, 30 ; 
tlie " Ipswich Letter," 30 ; his 
reply to, 31 ; letter from Brad- 
street to, 31 ; entertains 
D'Aunay's envoys, 42 ; ar- 
ranges a treaty witli D'Aunay, 
43, 44 ; deceived in La Tour, 46. 

Witches, Canada never troubled 
by, 421. 

Wolf Indians, the, 124. 

Wolfe, 308. 

Women, political influence among 
the Irofiuois of, 84. 

Wood, 22, 23. 

Wooster River, 123. 

Xavier, Saint Francis, fete of, 
166; 22.5. 

York, tlie Duke of, 249. 

Zkin, the fortress of, 188.